The Sun. — London, England, 1831-10-21 00:00:00

rigid, like the preceding ones, amid a forest of hands held up in favour of it. Mr. DowiLEDAV moved-the thanks of the meeting to the Chairman, which was carried by acclamation. The multitude then gave three hearty cheers for the King and Earl Grey, a groan for the Opposition, and dis persed in the most peaceable and orderly manner. There were several flags hung from houses in different . streets of Newc,stle in honour of the meeting, but one was suspended for a part of the forenoon from a window in the Side, which attracted so much attention at to im pede the passage. It was white, was " dedicated to the 199," had a strong black border, was hung with black crape at the corners, and surmounted with a pike heal. It represented the figure of De ath holding a spear in his right hand from which hung tri-coloured ribbons, in his left hand he displayed the three bleeding heads of the Duke of Wellington, the Duke of Cumberland, and Lord Eldon, and with his foot appeared to trample on the mitre. Below this figure were the words : " They are all gone aside, they are become filthy: there is none that dollt good, no not one." 'We need scarcely add that the flag was highly disproved of both by the members of the Political Union and the inhabitants generally. When the crowd looking at it obstructed the passage in the street, it was taken down by order of the Mayor. BIRMINGHAM MEETING YESTERDAY (THURSDAY). BY EXPRESS. Yesterday a west numerous and highly-respectable meeting was held at Dee's Hotel, Temple-row, in conse quence of a requisition, signed by some hundreds of the inhabitants of the town of Birmingham, having been for warded to the High Bailiff, requesting him to convene an early meeting of the inhabitants of the town and neigh bourhood, for the purpose of taking into consideration the propriety of addressing his Majesty to express their deep regret and bitter disappointment at the rejection of the Reform Bill in the Upper House of Parliament, and to de clare their unabated confidence in his Majesty's enlight ened patriotism, and in the zeal, wisdom, and firmness of his confidential advisers, and to express their earnest hope that all constitutional measures would be employed for the speedy accomplishment of an object essential to the peace and welfare of the country. Long before the hour appointed for taking the chair, (eleven o'clock) the large room in this capacious hotel, was crowded to suffocation, all present feeling the most in tense anxiety either to hear or take part in the proceed ings. Among the gentlemen present, we noticed Henry Smith, E.g., the Low Bailiff, the Rev. Mr. Kentish, Mr. Wills, Mr. Ilstl!ey, Mr. Hill, Mr. Turner, Mr. Rice Harris, the Rev. J. Corrie, the Rev. H. Macdonnell, Mr. Parke, Mr. Win. Redfern, Mr. Scholefield, Mr. Blyth, and several other gentlemen of eminence and distinction connected with the town. The Huai BAILIFF on taking the chair, felt him self exceedingly flattered with the honour that had been conferred upon him, and he trusted, that iu filling the arduous duties connected with it, he should be sup ported by that good feeling and impartiality which was sip requisite on all occasions.--(Cheers.) He had called time present meeting in consequence of a more than usually numerous requisition to him for that purpose by his fel low-townsmen, and the pleasure he felt in doing so it would be much more easy for the meeting to imagine than for himself to describe. Although he could feel with all present the great excitement and bitter disappointment which now stalked through the country, in consequence of the Bid not having passed the Lords, yet he hoped the persons attending the present meeting would set an ex ample to the rest of the country by carrying on the dis cussions of to-day with good temper, savoured with lan guage suitable for so important an occasion ; he trusted that every facility would be given, and every attention paid, to every gentleman who might think proper to ad dress tie meeting.—(Cheers.) H. SMITH, Esq. (the Low Bailiff) then rose for the purpose of proposing the first resolution, and had scarcely ttered two words, when Mr. B. HADLEY requested the indulgence of the meet ing in permitting him to make a few observations before the general business commenced. He trusted the worthy Low Bailiff would pardon his intrusion ; but he felt he had a public, duty to perform, and could not therefore he influenced by private feelings.—(Cheers.) ,It would be in the recollection of the gentlemen present, that at the last meeting held in this place, at which the present worthy High Bailiff presided— The HIGH BAILIFF suggested the propriety of enter ing into this explanation at the conclusion of the meeting. Mr. HADLEY thought it better that lie should make the few observations he had to offer to the meeting before any public business took place. Mr. TURNER expressed his dissent to such an irregular mode of proceeding. Mr. HADLEY had a public duty to perform, and would therefore respectfully insist on a right to proceed. No man felt more delighted than he did at the conduct of the High Bailiff calling the present meeting ; the object of which he most heartily concided with, as there appeared in all present no disposition but to serve the public cause.—(Cheers.) It would be in the recollection of the meeting that, on the 30th of last September, he bad the honour of submitting the following resolution ; " Proposed by Mr. B. Hadley, and seconded by the Rev. T. M. M'Donnell, that having expressed our confidence in his Majesty's Ministers we deem it right earnestly to request that under no circumstances contingent upon the fate of the Bill, they will be induced to resign their places, believing their continuance in office essential to the tranquillity of the country, and that this resolution be communicated to Lord Grey by the High Bailiff." Now he (Mr. H.) after having made every en quiry could not ascertain that any answer had been sent to that resolution ; he would not go so far as to say the resolution bad nut been presented ; lie was persuaded the _High Bailiff had too high a sense of his duty not to pre sent such a resolution, passed in so unanimous a mariner. He merely called now on the High Bailiff to state to the meeting whether any, anti what, answer had been received from Earl Grey. He would not have brought the present subject forward had he not known the punctuality of the present Ministers in answering all communications. The answer to the addresses that had been voted to them at the meeting at Newhall-hill, had arrived in Birmingham by the second post after they weee voted. Three weeks had now, however, elapsed since the resolution be now re ferred to bad been unanimously agreed to, The HIGH BAILIFF felt great pleasure at the Hon. Gen tleman's bringing the subject forward, as it had been hie in tention before the close of the preeent meeting to have com municated the answer of Lord Grey to that resolution. In. deed the communication of that answer would not have been delayed to the present period had it not been (which; wits well known), in consequence of a great domestic calamity he had laboured under in the illness of the only consolation he had in the world, in consequence of which lie was under the necessity of leaving Birmingham at p. moment's notice. Before his departure however he had communi cated to some of his friends that be had received a letter from Earl Grey, but he thought the proper time to state the contents of that letter would be at the conclusion of the meeting.—(Cheers.) Mr. HADLEY was perfectly satisfied with the explana tion that had been given. He could assure the High Bailiff that when he brought forward the subject, he was not aware of any private calamity under which he la boured, but with submission to him, he thought the an swer ought to be read now.—(Cries of " Yes, yes.") The HIGH BAILIFF then observed, that the letter be had received from Earl Grey, stated that he felt greatly obliged for the high opinion entertained of his Majesty Mi nisters, by the resolution be had the honour to communicate. Mr. Hadley and the Rev. H. Macdonnell both joined in stating that the explanation was highly satisfactory. HENRY SILITH, Esq. (Low Bailiff), then proceeded to address the meeting. He thought a little more courtesy ought to have been shewn 1):m, and that lie ought pot to have been subjected to the interruption he had reeeieeel. He could faithfully say, that he never found himself placed under such overwhelming feelings As he did at the present moment, at what be might call his own success in the taking plaoe of the present meeting, an object that he had so much at heart. lie hoped that every person in that room possessed sufficient purpose of character firmly to do his duty whenever he might be called 0n..--(Cheers.) The country was now placed in elicit a situation that it b ecame eve ry man to do all lie co uld to preserve it; he called, therefore, upon all good me n, upon all true Englishmen, and particularly upon those whose sand of life was fast ebbing away, by their firmness of purpose, by their own decision, and by every m e ans in their po wer, to leave the beat inheritance a father could leave to his children, namely, the essence of liberty, the possession of liberty uncontroulled, and untra mme ll e d by sty timing, sav e righteous jus tice and constit u ti ona l law. (Cheers.) He thanked God, .that be was allowed to live at the present interesting period, when the people knowing their rights and feeling the n, have co me forward with one voice in the demand of the restoration of them. —(Cheere.) Since the last public meeting had been held in this town, it had been dou bted by noble perso.ns tvliether the people of Birmiogbarn were able to exern*' those privileges which they possessed.—(Cheers.) Application had been then made to the House of Lords to grant that As a boon which was now demanded as a right. Ministers had come forward with a measure which satisfied all the wishes of the people. Those wishes had been for some time delayed in conse quence of the conduct of tke House of Lords ; but it was the duty of Englishmen not to despair—the word despair was not not known to an Englishman : and he would tell the Duke of Wellington to his face, if he was here, that the name of Grey, and his Majesty's present Mi nisters, would live long after he and Waterloo had been consigned to the silent tomb.—(Loud cheers.) He would now speak a little of the stigma that had been cast upon the men of Birmingham. It had been s rid that the House of Lords ought not to be influ enced in the passing of the great measure, in consequence of the suggestions of such inert as the inhabitants of Bin mingliem—that they were without learning, ignorant, and had no talent to display. To Noble Lords using such ar guments he would say, go to the seats of learning—to Cambridge and Oxford—and see whether they would not tell them that the highest honours which those Universities had to bestow hal been borne away by Birmingham men. Who could deny such a proposition to him 'as long as there was in existence the name of Kennedy—(Cheers) —a name with which science and learning delighted:to bold converse.—(Cheers.) 'rho men of Birmingham had also been accused of a want of philosophy—let those who made such an accusation, come to the manufactories aro] workshops of the town, where they would find philosophy reduced to practice—(Cheers)—and where they would learn a much more efficient lesson than they could by possibility attain from all antiquated notions of philo sophy.—(Cheers.) He could not help expressing the indignation he felt at the rights of the people being set at nought by the whole weight of the Right Reverend Bench.—(Tremendons hisses.) He wished, instead of taking upon theMselves the characters of Legislators, they would throw aside their robes and Parliamentary para phernalia, and visit their flocks—the houses of the me chanic and the cottage of the labourer, and there see the vast mass of moral and religious degradation that was spreading through the land in consequence of bribery and corruption—(Cheers)—and after having done that, he would ask them whether they felt satisfied, whether their consciences did not tell against them in shutting their lips to that precept which was more on their lips than in their hearts—" Lord deliver us frosts temptation."—(Loud and continued cheering.) The people of Birmingham, and the other large towns and places to be enfranchised, had sufficient on which to found their claims for representa tion, if representation was due to any thing save rotten ness and corruption.—(Loud cheers.) He thought the present meeting would agree with him that they had only one duty to perform, namely, that of rallying round the King and his Ministers, assuring them that they would still preserve their confidence if they stood to their posts, and that they would not desert them—as long as that patriotic Nobleman who was at the head of affairs guided the helm and conducted the vessel of the State, so long would they man the ship—that they would swim or sink together.—(Tremendous cheering.) He would entreat the men of Birmingham to attend to his last words ; he trusted they would take them as the words of one who had every hope and interest identified with their own,— be true to your God, be true to your King, be true to your country, and be true to yourselves ; then will future ages " Look to the pages of history to seek your name 'Midst fallen states and buried greatness—a land That was the mightiest in her own command ; That is the loveliest—and must ever be The master-work of nature's heavenly hand, Wherein were cast the heroic and the free, The beautiful and brave—the lords of earth and sea." —(Tremendous cheering.) The worthy Low Bailiff con cluded by moving the first resolution, for which see Ad vertisement. Mr. TURNER seconded the resolution. He regretted exceedingly the course which had been pursued by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal with respect to the all-im portant subject of Reform.—(Cheers.) The Lords Spi ritual hat] opposed this great measure. Good Gtrd ! what right had they to do so ? They ought to have been diffe reetly employed.—(Cheers.) If they would go to their dioceses, anti visit the cotta g es of the poor, they would be doing an act worthy of themselves. Their avocations ought to have led them to higher destinies than the affairs of the world.—(Cheers.) But the example they had now set would act ae a motel epidemic that would go through every diocese, and would convert the pulpit into a political arena.—(Loud cheers.)—He trusted that the people at the present trying moment would preserve tranquillity and order, and, by that means, set a good example to the people of Lancashire. They were all in the ship together, with a King for a Captain, who was an honour and an ornament to his country. England, therefore, at the present moment, expected every man to do his duty.—(Cheers.) On the resolution being put to the meeting by the HIGH BAILIFF, Mr. RUSSELL. rose.—He did so not with any factious intentions; but, considering the critical state in which the country at present stood, he felt himself bound to say a few words before the resolution was carried.—(Here the speaker was interrupted by cries of—" Adjourn, adjourn— there's not room enough for us.")—ln conseqence of this, agreeable to previous arrangements the meeting adjourned to Mr. Beardsworth's repository, where the picture that presented itself was truly grand and imposing. Almost every nook in this tremendous building was instantly filled with people, and we should suppose that not less than 9,000 or 10,000 persons must have been present. Order having been obtained by the Chairman, Mr. Russell was called upon to proceed. The meeting must recollect that it was to the vote of the Bishops, and to the Bishops alone, that the rejection of the Reform Bill was owing, End he therefore thought the present meeting would not do its duty, if it did not adopt a resolution expressing the opi nion of the meeting on the conduct pursued by the Bishops in the Ilouse of Lords. If such a resolution was not intro duced, it would be said that the main point in the question had been completely lost sight of. Their enemies would then have an advantage over them, and would consider that the present meeting had not sense enough to perceive the real question at issue.—(Loud cries of " Dowa with the Bishops, we have bad enough of them.") Ile (Mr. Russell) was prepared to prove by argument, that the Bishops had no right to sit in the House of Lords. If they had a right to sit in the House of Lords, why should the inferior clergy be excluded from the House of Commons ? That the vote of the Bishops on the present important question was a proof that they were much more lively to their own interest. He should, therefore, con clude by proposing as a resolution for the adoption if the meeting, that the union of Church and State was inimical to the best interests of the nation, and equally inconsistent with the practices of piety; that the conduct of the Bishops towards the people in voting against the Reform Bill was highly improl* , and that, therefore, this meeting hopes fur the future welfare of the people the future exercise of le gislative power by the Bishops would entirely cease. 11. SMITH, Esq. objected to the adoption of such a re solution. A person from the crowd called out —" Well, if we can't bring forward such resolution, we can express our abhorrence of their conduct."—(Cries of " Yes, yes.") Mr. SALT observed, that it was a question with him whether tire present resolution should he elite' tamped. It was not to the Bishops alone--(Cries of " Yes, yea, it was")—that the fate of the Reform Bill was attributed. The House of Lords had shown them selves aliens to the Bill. The people had been called the mob and the rabble--(Groans and hisses)—and it had been said " confine them to the drudgery of their work, don't let them attend public meetings, for if you do, at that ruotneot society is altogether at an end." What society, he would vele, .vas at an end ? Why, the society of con uption.—(Clieers. ) The Rill that had been thrown cut was the olive branch of peace to the people. Tke Howie of Berds had taken upon themselves to tear that olive branch 4wr.y, but thanks be to God the people had a pledge that a Bill, gitatele. and more efficient in its prin ciples would become part and parcel of the law of the land. 21inisters had told the House of Londe filet if they did not 11,166 the Bill that was then before them, they si . suld have a worse—(Losed cheers) —and Ministers, be had no doubt, would redeem their pledge, On the suggestion of the High Bailiff, Mr. Russell withdrew the resolution. Mr. Goers: resumed. There was a clencher to the pledge of Ministers by elle onenimous voice of the people, and those persons who weoe efraid of the introduction of a new Bill, could not know DlMisters. He felt bound to say there was not a man in Birmingham but who perfectly knew, and who felt assured that the pledges they had given would be lolly made good. The worthy gentleman concluded by cordially supporting the original resolution, which seas carried utianituoolle's The L.ev. J. CORRIE, in rising to prupose the second resolution, said that he was overwhelmed with feelings of disappointment et the rejection of the Re form Bill, He shared fully in the feelings of alarms which at present assisted in the nation in consequence M the rejection of the great measure, and he shared fully iu the strongest expressions of indignation at the contume lious meaner in which the Bill had been thrown out.-- (Loud cheers.) It was his wish to speak with all pos. sable respect of the Members of the House of Lords, be cause he firmly believed that there were many good and excellent characters within its walls, who, in private life, were ornaments to themselves, and all by whom they were surrounded, bet be felt it hie dirty to make a few observations on them as public characters. The House of Lords was formed in spite of the will of the people, and all the liberties of the people had been wrested . from the House of Lords by the union of the King, his Ministers, and the people. The House of Lords, in point of numbers, was but a mere atom, but a mere drop in the ocean, compared with the population of the kingdom.— (Loud cheers.) It might, however, be said, if they were not great in numbers, they were great in property. No doubt could be entertained of their great wealth, but what was their wealth in comparison with the pro perty of the people of England ?—(Hear, and cheers.) It was mere dust.—(Loud cheers.) The House of Lords form but a very inconsiderable part of this great nation. The House of Lords bad rejected the Reform Bill without considering the consequence.--(Cheers.) They were de termined to retain nomination borouelis, by which they hell in their hands the power of selling die pockets and purses of the people to the best bidders. The present Reform Bill would give the people a power of choosing their own representa tives. It would give the people the power of being taxed by themselves ; and it was universally known and acknow ledged, even by the House of Commons itself, that the people had no more to do in the making of the taxes than the man in the moon.—(Cheers.) By the present system of election the people of England were put up to sale every five or seven years, and the only remedy which could be applied to so great a disease the House of Lords had refused to allow. He was sorry to see the names of the most en lightened men of the country in the House of Lords voting against theßeform Bill,but it was some consolation for him also to know that they bad been able to urge no arguments in favour of the vote they gave, and the only fault which could be found by them against the present Administration was that they were not adepts in the art of plundering the people.—(Tremendous cheering.) What would be the effects if ultimately this great measure were not to pass ? He was afraid every shop and manufactory would be closed, and the circulation of money between the capi tal and the country would be interrupted. The whole nation would be paralysed. There would not be a fire lighted or a loom in motion. But he would not anticipate such a state of things.—(Hear, hear.) He deprecated all attempt at tumult. If tumults arose, who, he would ask, would be the sufferers. It would be answered, why the rich to he sure. We will burn the Bishops' palaces and the Nobles' castles. Ah, my friends, such an argument is deceitful. These great men have other places to go to, but once close your manu factories, what has the artizan to live on ? It is ruin to him if there is the smallest violation of the law.—(Tremendous cheering.) He trusted and implored that no tumult would take place. If there did, as sure as there was a Providence above, the persons raising that tumult would be the immediate victims of it.—(Cheers.) In a short time another Bill would be introduced equally as efficacious as the one which had been thrown out, and although it might be a lesson easy to teach but difficult to put in prac tice, lie would say in the words of a great writer, patience, patience, patience.—(Tremendous cheering, accompanied with cries of " We have had too touch pa tience already.") The Rev. Gentleman concluded by moving the second resolution. Mr. J. WALKER seconded the resolution, in the spirit of which he heartily and cordially concurred. As long as the King, his Ministers, the Commons and the people were firmly united, there could be no doubt of the full accom plishment of that great object which all present had at heart.—(Cheers.) Mr. lIAINES then rose. He felt great pleasure in taking a part of the proceedings of the day, and before he proceeded to the few observations which lie intended to make, be would say a few words with respect to himself. It was known to most of the present meeting, that he had before deemed it his duty to come forward on other other occasions fur doing which he had been stigmatized by even such characters as Lords Eldon and Wharncliffe. But when what he stated was the truth, instead of being stigmatised, it required praise. He was as yet young in life, and it that life should be extended to any lengthened period, it should be devoted to the best interests of his country.—(Great cheering.) Since he had last addressed a meeting of the inhabitants of Birmingham, the boon of Reform had been rejected bye poisoned shaft in the quiver of the boroughmongers. But the country did not despair. They were supported by the conviction that another, and as equally an efficient Bill, would be brought in by Ministers, whom the people were determined to support to the utter most, and it might as well be tried to stem the torrent of the ocean with a straw as to stem public opinion— (Cheers)--or, if the meeting wished a spice of the ridi culous, as well might you attempt, as the people of Essex had done, to keep out the cholera morbus by the erection of hurdles.--(Lomense laughter.) What would much lighten the burthens of the people was the removal of Palace Peers. If there were no Peers of the Palace there would be few wretched beings in the parish.—(Cheers.) The meeting would probably scarcely believe him when he stated there were pensioners to the number of 9,200 who received from the pockets of the people no less a sum than 1,296,0001. What was the consequence of this taxation for placemen ? Why, that the poor unfortunate mechanic, crushed almost into the earth with the burthens that hung on him, was obliged to seek in foreign lands that comfort which his own denied him.—(Loud cheers.) He was ashamed of seeking a grave in the land which gave him birth. But to return to the Bill. It had been defeated, by whom ? Why, by the Peers, and by the pious votes of the rnisrepresentatives of a God of mercy.—(Great cheering.) The Bishops, tender souls, would not grant Reform to the Whigs, because Dr. Johnson had somewhere said that the Devil was the first Whig. The fact was, that the Devil, when an Angel, was a Whig, hot when he was sent to Hell lie became a high Tory.—(Loud cheers.) It was true that among the Peers there were the descendants of those men who laid the first stone, and completed die first fabric of the Constitution. It was the descendants of those men who now wished to whitewash the Constitu tion, but they could not do it because the borough inongel s spit their black venom on its walls. —(Clieer s.) Most of the Peers who had opposed the Reform Bill were Peers but of short sanding—placernen and pensioners..._. (Cheers.) He would now approach the Right Rev. Fathers in God. His (Mr. H.'s) creed was known perhaps to all present. It might be thought that in what be was going to say lie indulged an angry feeling upon tile subject. He declared he bad no personal feeling against the Right Reverend Prelates, but he was anxious to separate that which was God's from that which was Caesar's.—(Loud cheers.) To tear religion, which should be the beautiful spotise of Christ, front being the filthy concubine of the ho roughmongers.—(Cheers. ) The present Bishops were paid no less a sum than five hundred and twenty eight thou sand six hundred and ninety-eight pounds a year. This suns had been paid to these Right Reverend Prelates for that sentence of excommunication which they had pro nounced against the people from entering the temple of liberty and freedom.—(Chetrs)—but the time was now fast approaching when they should no longer have a voice in the Legislature of the country, when they should leave behind them their croziers as the banners of freedom, and their germ studded mitres as the cap of liberty. —(Cheers.) There was no hesitation in the conduct of Ministers ; if the people would wait patiently, and press forward their opinions with determination and vigour, all that they wished for they would soon have,—(Cheers.) But if they rose, and put themselves in the front of the battle, they must remember that in disturbances of this descrip tion the weakest went first to the wall.—(Cheers.) The poor man's blood would be fast shed, and the shedding of that blood would only increase the rapacity of those who shed it. You have now friends strong upon your harps) the inspiring tune which urges a nation forward to the attainment of her unquestionable rights. God and justice ale your leaders, and be assured they will direct you as to the course you ought to pursue; but let this, my friends, ever be your motto, " A House of Freedom, or a Grave of Glory."—(Tremendous cheering.) Mr. Haines concluded a most eloquent speech, which we regret that time will not allow us to give in detail by cordially agreeing with the re solution, which was carried unanimously. Mr. Sciroenrseno, in moving the third resolution, could not allow that opportunity to pass without making afew ob servations. Ile regretted that Ministers had not had firm ness enough to prevent the present state of things. They must have known that they would have been beaten, and the present unfortunate crisis would never have taken place if Peers had liven created, which would have been the means of making a great number of back-sliders back out.—(Loud and continued cheering.) Pitt, the great destroyer of the liberties of the country, had made a hundred Peers in five years. George the Fourth had made sixty-one Peers, and he could not see why the pre sent Ministry should not have made a sufficient number of Peers to have decided this important question at once.—(Loud cheers.) With respect to the Bishop?, a great many of them had gut their niitres from their political pamphlets. Thera w 55 the Right Revere nd Bishop of Ely ; there was Dr. C o ppl e ston, Dr, Phill potts, and, though last, not least, the present Archbishop of Canterbury, who had actually out Heroded-Herod -- (Lend laughter)—for he had said no King could do wrong. There were also two brothers of the name of Sunnier, and a great many more of the Right Rev. Bench who owed their rise to—he would not say what.—(Lou d laughter.) But he would ask the meeting, did they ever find the Bishops doing their duty in the way they ought to do as theaposAlte sf Christ,—(Louil cries of " No ) 00. ) It was in vain to ask if the 'Bishops came where there was distress. ; they had strutted about in their lawn sleeves and their silk aprons, and had dabbled in politics, legislating, as they said, for the people, while in fact they were neglecting the first duties in religion ; and he as sured, that though their sentiments may triumph for a season, the day is fast approaching when they will be ut terly defeated. Mr. S. concluded his speech by an appeal to the meeting to stand firmly by their King, for if they did they might be sure he would be true to them. Mr. W. WILLs seconded the resolution with all the powers of his understanding and the best feelings of his heart. He did so because it recognised the great prin ciples of the Constitution, which he had always supported, and ever would support. The resolution was then put to the meeting by the High Bailiff, and carried unanimously. Mr. JOSEPH PAICKES moved the fourth resolution, of confidence in the King, and recommending the exercise of his prerogative for a new creation of Peers. He rose under feelings of deeper responsibility and apprehension than on any other public occasion. He would not be a party to delusion; he would not longer conceal his real fears that the country and the Reform Bill laboured under almost insurmountable difficulties. What was now our awful situation? The King, the Ministry, the House of Commons, the declared voice of the people had sent up to the House of Lords the English Reform Bill, and the Peers had rejected it. If ever the pressure of national opinion could operate on a Legislature, it was on that re cent occasion. But what have we witnessed?—a ma jority of forty-one against the rights and claims of the people; and not only so, hut the House will prorogue without the Anti-Reformers deigning to communicate to us what small measure of Reform they, in their generosity, fear, or wisdom, would vouchsafe us.—(Hear, hear.) When also he read over the speeches of the Anti• Reform Lords, he noted a vulgar, ignorant, bitter malignant feeling towards the people, which he now plainly avowed, led him to the melancholy and foreboding opinion that the House, as now constituted, would never give a satisfactory amendment of the representation. The Lords were politically blind, deaf, and dumb. They were blind to the wants, the interests, the rights, the new crea tions of society. They were deaf to the repeated echoes of public opinion ; they were dumb, for only thirteen Lords did, or perhaps could, state their opinions and reasons for voting. He classed the Noble oppouents of Re form into two classes—the honest and the dishonest op ponents of the measure. Many men he knew there were who were sincere in their opposition. Lord Harrovrby, Lord Wharncliffe, and Lord Dudley might be so. Ignorance and prejudice of birth and education would account for much infatuation and folly. He would not take up their time by illustration on this point ; hut he could not avoid coin tnenting on a passage in the speech of Lord Dudley, That Noble Earl had attempted to ridicule the " philoso phers of Birmingham and Sheffield." He (Mr. Parkes) would not revile the private or public character of any man. Much as he condemned Lord Dudley's opinions and speeches, he admitted that he was an accomplished Nobleman, and a munificent patron of the fine arts of Bir mingham. But Lord Dudley was ignorant of our intelli gence—of our philosophy—of our commercial progress. Would he taunt us with the honours of Watt, of Dr. Roe buck, of Dr. Priestley—would he taunt us with the bless ings of the mechanic ingenuity and industry of this great town, as displayed in our immense and ingenious manu factures? Does Lord Dudley know that we have 4,20 persons in Birmitighatti,—yes, of the middle ranks, — equally enlightened on political science as his House of Peers ? The Noble Earl was ignorant, philosophically ignorant, that more persons were now born in a day, in consequence of our " philosophy," than were horn in a year at the last settlement of the Constitution ? Did Lord Dudley wish to enjoy a monopoly of political philosophy and power, as his ancestors once enjoyed a monopoly of the manufacture of iron ? He (Mr. Parkes,) would mention a singular fact as a commentary on Lord Dudley's sarcasm and futile satire. Every one knew that one of the great grievances of our country was once the monopolies of trade and science granted to Noblemen and powerful Commoners. The growing intelligence of the nation in the reign of James I. overcame that restric tive system, as they would doubtless ultimately break open the borough monopoly. The monopolists reasoned lustily how much good they did to our ancestors by their sinister and vile monopolies. A celebrated statute of James I. put an end to this shameful system ; but among the excep tions of the Act was one to Edward Dudley, for the ma nufacture of iron in Staffordshire. That monopoly, how ever, soon perished. Competition and free trade had now quintupled the population and opulence of the country. But had the people only gained by it ? No. Lord Dudley now derived in his immense and accumulating income, drawn from our " philosophy," a corresponding advantage, as also that Nobleman would enjoy when they should have destroyed the infamous traffic and monopoly of the borouglimongers. He would now only reply to Lord Dudley, that locked up in Park -street, with antique statues and biblioinaniac books, with Ari stotle on Government, and Plato's Alcibiades, he knew not his own country, or the people who dwelt in it. Hr (Mr. Parkes) would give a singular proof, that the mind of Lord Dudley was not obtuse if ha had the oppor tunity. He (Mr. Parkes) had the honour, some six years since, to be united, with a few gentlemen, by a humble commoner, to meet the Noble Baron. His friend, Mr. Corrie, the President of the Birmingham Philosophical Institution, was one of the guests. So astonished and delighted was Lord Dudley with their society, that, on leaving, he paidan elegant compliment to the host, in a classical quotation, in English " would that ours were such as yours." He would now only men tion two facts, further to illustrate the ignorance of noblemen. As a native of Warwick, and living there till eighteen years of age, except when at school and at col'ege, he never saw one member of the Earl of War wick's family in the town, though their castle overhung the borough, excepting Lord Warwick's brother, Sir Charles Greville. Ile had asked the burgesses of Stam ford, " Do the Marquis of Exeter's family ever appear in Stamford ?"—from which they live only half-a-mile dis tant—the answer was, " Rarely, and then with the tight laced stiffness and silence of Austrian Potentates." Can such men know UR ? If they did, they would respect us ; and the old proverb says, " Where you are respected you are feared." But he must come more gravely to the state of the House of Lords, and its probable decision. What was the fact ? That the House of Lords had thrown out the Bill ; that this successful exploit, thus fur safety accom plished, would embolden them to repeat their desperate ress lotion. He would call their attention to the numbers oldie division. The House of Lords consisted of 421 Peers, and 199 voted against the second reading of the Bill ; 158 voted in favour ; 6-1 , Peers did not vote at all ; of the latter number 20 might be absentee's, insane, and minors. Therefore, there were 40 certainly disaffected to the Bill, who did not vote. Now it was notorious that of the minority, many Peers voted for the second reading inimical to the principles of the Bill, and who would have opposed its de tails in Committee. Thus in fact, only about one-fourth of the Peerage was sincerely in our favour. Deny this gloomy fact who may, deceive the people in hiding it who might, he (Mr. Parkes) would not be a party to the delusion. How was such a critical situation to be overcome ? Would in trigue, corruption, tear, conviction—would any other causes or motives operate, in the short interregnum of the proroga tion, to reduce this formidable majority of their opponents. would they not be emboldened ley their impunity ? Would they not again combine and intrigue when Parlia ment again assembled ? Would not the Bill be again thrown out, or more probably be smothered or torn in pieces, and rendered useless in Committee ? He again repeated, that he would not delude the people. There were but two modes of carrying this measure—by consti tutional means, or by means not strictly constitutional ; in other words he told them it could only be carried by more Peers or fewer. —(Loud cheers.) He did not deny the right of the Peers to legislate on this measure. They u nquestionably possessed the right;—the expediency of their possession, and exercise of it was another matter. Ile knew the history and mystery of the Constitution b e had studied it, and that of other countries. An_ ciently the Lords and Commons sate i n one assembly utt.uiun that of on our history, together, exercising their po w e r s a s l eg isl ators eqally and concurr ently. The partnership from incomp at ibili ty of temper nl'remote periodt their separation, the Lords carried with them the exclu tstoprery. wiats wasdisso , l s v ,u er r l t , hy at of particular sive right of determining their own privileges. The Commons also with equal jealousy took with them exclu sive controul over their privileges. On the gr eat prin ciple of representation and taxation, the Commons alone originated supplies, and vote away the public money. Nay, all rights of election were exclusively determined by tile Commons. True it was, that the Scotch and Irish Union, and Bills affectine the proportion of Commons' time sent up re presentation, were of old time to th e L ords for but numerous • • a pproval or rejection ; historical facts proved that the jurisdiction of the Lords on the rights of the Commons, though consonant with the latter, was in consistent with the spirit of the Constitution,„...(Loud cheers.) He trusted that he had not overstated this argument. It should apprize the Lords of the delicacy of their legislative situation. But who would now suspect them of delicacy ? He re peated that he conscientiously believed that they would do the like again, unless their numbers were increased. If new Peers were not made he solemnly Warned the House of Lords that it was " the last time of asking." He solemnly warned the Government that if it had not the energy to make the change in the representation re quired by the people, that the people would make it for themselves.—(Loud cheers.) Ile warned the Peers that its proportion to the fortitude and forbearance of the people would be the deluge of their fury, and retributive justice, when they did break from the moorings of their pa tience. If any Anti-Reforin Administration attacked the Press, the liberties and the lives of the people, revolution would and ought to come, and God forbid that he should be the last to join it.—(Loud cheering.) But he would not anticipate such evils. History, common sense, and events justified the Government in an alteration of the let ter or spirit of the Constitution if its parts did not work well. The Anti-Reformers in the Lords all eulogised a political Constitution made by accident, and libelled those made by design. Could the Ministry have a better justification? Was not our whole history a record of political change— of constant adaptation of political institutions to new wants and to time? if the House of Lords would not give us our rights—if they would unjustly, insanely prevent a Reform of the representation, must it not be dealt with in some way or other? Patience would not last fur ever. Some proposed that the King issued his writs, as of old, to the new boroughs, and suppressed the customary writs to the decayed, rotten, and nominatian boroughs. Some proposed that after passing the Reform Bill in the Commons, it should be declared law without the consent or consideration of the Peers. But all these were palpable breaches of the letter and spirit of the Constitution. The last Act of Union settled the rela tive proportions of the representatives of the three king doms. The House of Lords was unquestionably a party to that act, and had a right to exercise its voice—its nul lification. But the resolution he held in his hand re minded him that there was a prerogative that might and, if necessary, ought to be exercised—the prerogative of making Peen , . This was doubtless a most deeply respon sible power in the British Monarch ; but it was a prero gative for use, not for ornament. He could chew by the whole history of Parli nnents, that the Peers had been a constantly fluctuating body, in numbers and in character. Every King had exercised this prerogative more or less. From the period of the Conquest, Peers had been created by our Kings, as the numbers of a House of Commons had also perpetually varied. He was of opinion that anciently most Barons were sum moned to Parliament as the possessors of so much laud, or Knights' fees. Those, of course, varied in number, as towns in like manner decayed and rose in wealth and popu lation. In latter times reward to valour, to learning, to newly-acquired property, to Prime Ministers and States men, had conferred the great privileges of hereditary legis lation. But how often, in modern reigns, had corruption, subserviency, and toryism, been the titles to the Peerage? He would give a short note of the creation of Peers since the Reformation. James I. created 45—Charles 11. 38—James the Second, B—William, 21—Anne, 24. From the death of James 1., in 1628, to the Revolution. in 1688, upwards of 170 Peerages had been granted by the Crown ; and from that time to the accession of George IV., 570 Peerages were conferred, including advances and special remainders. Thus, in a period of two cen turies, between the years 1621 and 1821, the number of 748 Peerages were created, being an average of upwards of 93 English Peerages by each of the eight Monarchs who filled the Throne in that period. But it might be said that these Peers were not made by any Sovereign on one occasion for one object. But were they not made for objects, often with equally specific views? Were they not often made for base and unconstitutional objects ? Was our patriotic King to be restricted from snaking Peers for a good, a righteous object--to restore the rights of his people, to save us from revolution, from chaos, from anarchy? Surely it required no reasoning to establish the right. And did not the occasion justify the exercise? In the reign of Queen Anne, in 1610, twelve Peers were made for one day's division. Precedent does not always justify its means or end ; but if lawful in a bad cause, it was surely justifiable in a good one. The question of the prerogative of creating new Peers, underwent a memo rable and remarkable discussion, on the Bill ft); limiting the Peerage, unsuccessfully proposed in 1719. The possibility of every circumstance of our present situa tion was then supposed. It was truly represented as the brighte-t jewel in the Royal diadem of prerogatives. Without that we should not be safe under an aristocracy. Prerogative was a power in the Sovereign not expressed or defined by the laws, but to be exerted in the preserva tion of the Constitution for the public good. The power could not be denied ; the misapplication of it only could be a had precedent. If this pre rogative did not exist, the House of Lords would not only become stagnant but extinct. The great business of the nation had notoriously long been carried on by men created first in their own persons. If this prerogative did not exist, we should ever be exposed under a monarchy to evil with no possible remedy. In an old publication op posing this Bill he found an apposite sentence—" The Prince is the grand Pilot of the State, and must steer the national vessel so as not to endanger its sinking, either by the too great weight of Lords on the one side, or of the Commons on the other. For if the one be too powerful, the consequence will be an Aristocracy ; if the other, a Democracy, and both equally destructive of Mo narchy." Now at this state we were arrived, and without dictation he trusted our beloved Monarch would, if neces sary, create Lords, and save us from ultimate convulsion. Mr. Parkes then said that the resolution was not drawn up dictatorial ; that it was worded leavine it to the King and his Ministry to exercise it as they might deem it right, and best qualified as they were to judge of the emergency. Mr. Parkes then exposed the Bishops' votes as those of cunning men, who had promised both sides and played booty ; and he then detailed the expulsion of the Bishops in the time of Charles 1., when for a similar vote they were declared mad and guilty of suicide, and turned out of the House of Lords. After a high enlogium on the honesty of the Ministers, and on the necessity of popularising- the House of Lords to obtain the ends of the Reform Bill, he closed a speech of forty tx.inutes loudly cheered. The Rev. H. M‘DoNsfEeL seconded the resolution. It had been related of Hercules, that the severest con flict he ever entered into was with a giant, who the moment be threw hint to the ground gained more strength, and whom it was necessary to hold up with one hand and slay with the other.—(Loud and continued cheering.) Such was the case of the people of of England, who were strong enough to overcome and sweep their enemies away front the face of the earth. One of the Lay Lords had said he had a tight to do as he liked with his own. If that were the ease, surely the people of England had a right to do as they pleased with their own, and the House of Lords had no right to inter fere with them. The birch-rod which had been shaken in the face of the Peers had given them a specimen of what species of discipline they might expect hereafter. Of all speeches, in his opinion, which had been made in the House of Lords, none contained such tioWn-right nonsense as did Lord Harrowby's. The subject of Lord liar rowby'a speech was not Bullem versus Boatem, but it was Bullem versus Bullem. Lord Dudley had been pleased to make contemptuous obsTrvs.tions at what he was pleased to call the philosophers of Birmingham. Ile thought the time was not far distant when that Noble Earl would begin to see that the people of Birmingham had philosophy enough not to be beaten down by Lord Dudley, or taxed without re presentation, which was tyranny. He trusted that the ~)f t Wellingtonthey did,intt admit power people oaspgule again.—(Loud England ( auuee i would estliou n f D,,u e N v k e ee r b Never.") eurf. e f.) olish as to they would be enemies to themselves, their country, and v their God.—(Cheer s .) N ever h a d an y p eo pl e b een so humbugged on th e f ace o f t h e ear th as t h e peop l e o f Englandute d the had Government. t t v l a l the Bishopstruethathadt i,ey always hdi done so. But what sort of Government had this country been living under ? A Government of plunder, of war, and rapine, for whose political purposes Peers had been made as common as blackberries. When such a Government was in existence the Bishops always sup ported them—(Hisses)—but the moment that the country had an honest King and honest Ministers, that moment did the Right Rev. Bench of Bishops, whose creed was to preach peace, set themselves in opposition to that honest King and his Ministers, and the wishes of the people.— (Loud cheering accompanied with hisses.) These men kad never done any good for the people, and the people were now going hand and heart to wrest their rights out of the hands of an unrighteous aristo cracy—an upstart aristocracy from whom the ranks of cor ruption have been raised ; men who seine years ago had hands hands as black and as bard as your own.--(Loud cheer ing.) He trusted the present meeting would give Mini sters the credit of a determination to serve the people. He hoped they would have patience a little longer, when they might be assured of having all they wanted. It de pended upon themselves whether the blood of Englishmen should still flow in their veins, or whether numberless widows and orphans should lament their untimely end. (The Rev. Gentleman concluded amidst great cheering by seconding the resolution.) Mr. HADLEY then came forward for the purpose of proposing a resolution declaratory of the opinion of the meeting of the improper conduct of the Bishops in voting against the Reform Bill. He considered that if Reform was wanted any where, it was in that Right Rev. Bench. lie should therefore propose as a resolution, that the Bishop; having forfeited the confi, and having separated themselves fr, people, ought shortly to be deprived legislative functions._(Tremendou Mr. RUSSELL was proceeding to when it was intimated that the H. propose one of a much stronger ch; :act Mr. HADLEY, after reading th withdrew his own. H. SMITH, Esq. then moved the That in the opinion of this meeting tion of nearly the whole Corporation c constitutional rights of the people—of , the Bill :Aid those who absented themsel tachment to corrupt and corrupting institute regard of the first principle: of that Holy It claim to be pre-eminently the Ministers,--- them of the national respectand confidence be the means of depriving them of their - -(Tremendous cheering.) Mr. HADLEY, in seconding the it gave him great pleasure and see around him so many of his respect jog the ranks of Reformers, and co: momentous crisis to aid the great Reform. It had been said that Re shionable, but he would fain be!' more permanent feeling actuated the that nothing less than a measure as as that which Ministers had subm. would satisfy them. It could not be doubted, t : aspect of the present times was m o st alarming, t' a h ipl were living in troubled wat e r, and were approac:'oo crisis when every man who had any regard for his c° ot peace and happiness, must put his shoulder to the o,e, in good earnest, or the glorious cause in which the2; o ,4 all ernbaiked would be irrevocably lost, He OS° lodged that he had great confidence in his Majesty' tern, and that he would be the last man to take M i r e that would embarrass them, or weaken the confideocool. the country in their wisdom and firmness, yet , 11 1, )' 1 / not help remarking, that there appeared to be A ".fllit, decision in their councils, a halting somewhere , as d', were " infirm of purpose," was it intended ti . al li lo a" should be given them to prep a r e a measure whi ch f ottli 411 they meet the approbation of the Lord s ? That precious , 1 00 'en:, of 199, which, in defiance of the wi s hes of twentY° J . l d tl, 4 46 fth e of their countrymsn, had rejected the Bill ! ' t i tos, think this was an age of m i rac l es , nor did he exPe c ,,: c ," them converted from the er ro r o f th e i r ways. P;i s lo I ktb - :ak not conceive that any measure that would meet the ir - Ad' would satisfy the just expectations of the country' w hici a het eß ih while he would abstain from adopting any measu re . re tbe, luethat would embarrass the Government, he would caul; f ir people to watch their proceedings with the tituw%tseo t , fi 4 Cot th `, lance, and strenuously oppose any measure less esl e° l -1 111 0 pl Th w e l s e t h : iicg e hed ffi t e ht i e he n ec t mo t us h en a ltv u reys t . l s i et a t inH t to ed dd which iids p oo so : td Ministers tbolapml aece o ti n hn e a tt a b " ce d c:6 :6 o 3 vl e ri nc : eh tite ee n ne t i , shei l l i e, u ,fe t ,ra: t r l loai le aun } ,nd t ied m eth i o g hef h yilu t tli faulter and prove itifirn i ; t" dg lei 1144 '1 4 ' able life of Lord Grey might be sacrificed in the s d tr y as tt li f, ke 'g , t, th i ns e tuas p nt e d o b p eb l people, therefore, ettphbaeerreedpfoetoroep,:ne peoples he meet ufe f that could befall them. Would the friends of P e he ° a i then saw and through good report, come weal, come ' vel o ;s° . e t m . to gentlemen remember, that a nation's redempti u i n t stake they were playing far, and that either tt )3 Let' ttiol chains of the bitterest slavery awaited the country' e tt l 11 '° opposition then, against which the people Ill i g h t ot h61 :1: j N 4 l'lt'akgopayee' contend, deter them from pursuing their duty ge rh", selves and their country. The enemy was n° 16° 6 0 , al t den, but had avowed himself, and was in the Of to tlO,' arrayed in hostility against them. An e neal , oio tc: 4 more nor less than a venal, a corrupt, and an in' j 0 ' T 0 44, garchy, whose giant strides of power had cor ruP , t o e oe tll tek Nhj e ,' source of legitimate Government, and rendered v. Par c h :d ; a barren wilderness the fairest country in the ' v°r 1 4:1 -41i 4 said, and he said it fearlessly, that resistance to S u- re ad' Pei 1 - 7 became virtue instead of treason, and patriot ism she 1,14,:11 rebellion. He was as much a friend to peace a; did ''rehab , of Wellington was, an d f e lt as muc h horror a' 0 0 N e r ' 1 eunteinp!ating the consequences of a civil war Lii;e.'!!; • , e in the recollection of the meeting, that the P nl i e f L„'he ' li, arguing for the policy of passing the Catholic v ra,l„, i ; said, that he conceded the point, because it woo. ° he pr civil commotion that was ready to break out anoc, n d ia Ja g , : millions of his fellow-subjects in Ireland. Whatr;eves Kati Grace feel so much horror in contemplating the e t 7 l neut ()fa civil war among seven millions of hiscoalulnb2t P it hs does lie feel none when twenty millions in seeing their just rights and libertie' are ' mPled.°s it'-: Cr l)uke of We ... „ ll '`'i t o " v e , despicable faction ? The high-reach in g d in the colu',, 'Mae, ton had achieved one glorious civic dee lavers' his life, by removing the badge of religious s portion of his suffering countrymen, an d stopslie 4,lllaes br ea d, w h en a c ivic crown of immortal durance top' l,7z his reach? 0 bow short-sighted are same of the greci° of the earth : how fatal to their own fame ai l de country's weal. tht ho g The resolution was unanitnowly carried w it4 etc rounds of buzzas, and three groans for the Bishops' 11 5 h et ( ;;'f. W. REDFERN, Esq., in a most luminous an d r 6 1P ril k.ll speech, which we regret time and space preve nt stit o‘ : giving, proposed the presentation of the followieg 11 )1 11 , •It 414 to his M ajesty A jr, 51 ,1 • TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT 31- - tlit l 4 THE HUMBLE AND LOYAL ADDRESS 01,s0' HABITANTS OF BIRMINGHAM, IN TOW:,OI7i tif the i la ING ASSEMBLED, ON THURSDAY, Tl - 1 - t it% to , ( 01 OCTOBER, 1831. sot li co SHEWETII,—That your Majesty's loyal subjects sl e , w he ti lugs of disappointment and alarm the rejection of th, Bill,by the Lords Spiritual ant Temporal in ParliaineeLiTy. !P il l" 4 Itc, who, in this exercise of legislative functions, hel d old h• trust for the people, have endangered all the valuable A h of the State. , c l 3, • Ilk That relying upon the public acts, pledges, and '' 4 '- do ace l nt your Majesty's Ministers, ire repose the firmest NIP', tlO4 t h ,." 1 1 integrity of your Majesty's Government, and tra'," e pt.,',, , o t measures may speedily be adopted as will allay the Pre4or e , of the public mind, and avert the dangers which l" best interests of these Realms. 11 That the late Reform Bill, having been based "r io lli o t, great principles in respect of disfranchisement, eofra.l,ut and the right of voting, we humbly represent to r rot itg, that no modification which shall impair or collp i tlYrof operation of these important principles, as recognisc‘„,pleitea„, will satisfy the just claims and expectations of the N it store the true and efficient siiirit of the British Con 4,, lih to That placing entire confidence in your Maies.l . - o V)` j ilk bit • I firmness, and patriotism, we, your Majesty's dutionir 47 satisfied that the high prerogatives, with which Y,',,0,,,, c‘ 0 tei invested by the Constitution, will be exercised, s'Thro'or require, in such a manner as shall most effectuallY i to pri ~ 11, success of a measure so essential to the peace and o llf he, ti your Majesty's loyal and devoted people. c," Mr. GEORGE BLYTnE seconded the resulu. t o ? itß a was carried unanimously) in a neat arid apPrO r ;ii On the motion of Mr. RICE HARRIS, Sea n is be t l HAWKER SlDith, it was resolved that the ad' ir e . sented to his Majesty by Earl Grey. al ) A. KENRICK, Esq. (seconded by Mr. EP W ,iph moved that the address be transmitted by the oa ths to Earl Grey, requesting his Lordship to pre ss to the King. deJ bi rt i On the motion of Mr. W. BARLOW, secon. JAMES TURNER, the resalutions of the ineettnecrosy tiered to be advertised in the 7'in:es , 310rni7,9 Morning Herald, The Sun, Globe, and Co".orif' don Newspapers, and also in all the Birmingu papers. Thanks were then voted to the High Bailif f partial conduct in the chair, and the ineen'tje s shortly before five o'clock, the immense toti ll :" iug their way home peaceably. ;or' Ap ott the i natn 0 . 1 0 , 1) . jett --- 6 1 ',,,, Ins MAJESTY yesterday paid t he f or, Duchess lIELENE the distinguished complitootoolVi(H to with % ,, V O s u o i f ta t i l l e e R .: ( lHe ) nl y iten,( ; iii t tglir l ,thjetbal e r equipages p servants n t o t s t i l n i e t C h e l i s r re o : l :, I f i t, l f i ', " l.: convey her highness and suite to the fiol e : e s ' ' for the purpose of witnessini , the ceremony` ci i l : e 6r ,, l'' diamonds.r) utciesosfwPaagrill Parliament splendidly the sum p t uous Highness entertainment the :ri, K etads l : N pi : ar,een i snd n e n p b,ts e : r i s rtn o e n b te . aihr eri : relov : e e t i josi i 0 : 1 ; 1 ii ' . : ii at the Palace. i . 5 1. i ir We are happy to learn that their . )lA ; ° ili r , a sn r e e nL e t x .o_ p: l • D t l it i l .vß a 4 t tßu t o i, e uG ir oa : e a Al v l a e; l r i . " .. al . ace about the are -11' ; to remain here some time. Active.preparsti°l' tdlir French Paper. )—There to receive their MAJESTIES and the it n Y' i- ell lf i ~, Va ti 4 i s out 0 t Je . 0 4 ,, , daily labour lasts for twenty how g f I t'verj ' ri who pi e , id • • . es in the House of Lords and 'll-3,l(V;r Justice, who attends at the Council, who gi ves A ei each (lay to barristers belonging to both k n g„til d who still finds tittle to write artie'es on politico •-:, t, prudence in the Edinburgh Review, beside ° l j,: ° ;'' works, which are distributed gratis throtitiOt: ci°l,' dam, and who is the Director of at least tell : ::c l. :' for the diffusion of know ledge amongst the worl'l7,lol.° We need hardly add, that the p erson herein no other than Lord BROUGHA M The Richmond Theatre (under I " :s n A :j l .' ° ; .' eminently successful. LEE'S benefit nettt,d.o" )__There lives in England Err:ant:li: 1 ; 1 0 ot:d:ot, KEAN pl-syed the next night to nearly 601. I ‘' r ,. ,; e l ' sister, 3lrs. FAWCETT, has collected tour`l Il e ' :v ," Morld; op r i . her friends from Drur•lane theatre, fr Miss l,E S. PHILLIPS, Mrs. C. JoNF, siis... CltAsSq°oll'',' MPLETON and BEDFORD, . I - 1 ' •et in s'l- OS : ORD, a . ena- A fo, 1 Duenna. In addition - to this musical treat, ," Mrs. llticHEs, and I-.. , .1 es, perfAin in the far'''. ire it, 4i, otl' idenee of the se 0141 from the cau nt,,„/ ed of their politics!' p Anis, ( is cheering.) ,„ 1 0 ie ri the second the re o " at gt. [igli Bailiff intend,'' , tin ; and (,)T iaracter. e do r le 'hal I‘, he intended rese' r ,lai at s tor t . It in following reso luti o rr i , ove aY ,ng the systeinat:al pd Fra nce ! n • of Lords Spirit d -e : )f those who voteccl; r 'k elt e?Ily tilt :mselves—their r . c ,lO 41 1z.lobl a stitutions, and PolT e l i t. l . s cmae w oly Religion of Whi e d 'bly b e aY rs,—have justly u to r oli ati o „ 'ner, tenee; and will ul ti o d „"Of ti icir Legislative MP' 'nal th e A tY 11:: ce and , e resolution, '1 li l ory i n infinite satisfactintg i t tf seb,tif: eetable townsmen 0 1. 1 1 , ',coud Par oming forward s o y L r ' ,l' in l 4 ocap, 0 4 a11 41.3' e fil aweoforrkmoftvPaesrblieacomeloo Could the y, lieve that a JeeP er 0 4 le firti t_i tl e a le present meetint3 tti a , : . , a l I extensive and 0 0 ; 4 perf"_ol Sp mitted to the c , '° ° 1 , s ratit: tt 11 4,0 an and t be doubted, t" 01 ~ q'Por tni ost alarming, tbalot,ol i Ph e , . d Pei an , t -- id were apprn'"" d o' ine„-4-eoi • --1 for his en s ",he tb e - , frok