The Sun. — London, England, 1831-12-07 00:00:00

Ae (Lord Grey) thought he could see many reasons, affecting the interests not only of that Sovereign, but of Europe generally, which should induce the King of the Netherlands to assent to the proposed ar rangement. Whatever suspicion the Noble Earl might entertain of the disposition of his Majesty's Government on the subject, there were no members of the conference more anxious to make the old ally of this country indepen dent, and to secure to him a safe frontier, and all the vantages which could be attached to his position, than the Ministers of his Majesty. With respect to the navigation of the canals—on which the Noble Earl had communi cated to their Lordships so much new infinination—he trusted that the King of the Netherlands would have strength enamel), to maintain the leatrencial arrangement ; for beneficial be maintained it was. All, however, that he at present wished was, that the Noble Earl would stes• pend his judement. or at least suspend the dec!_aration of an opinien formed upon insufficient erounda. The article of the treaty to which the Noble Earl alluded, could be justly considered only in comparison with other articles. There was one particul.arexpression used by the Noble Eat I, on which he wished to make a few remarks. if he Noble Earl said th it his Majesty's Government had " rednce'it" the King of Holland to consent to the abandonment of his provinces. Did they reduce him ? The provinces in question were separated front Holland before the present Alinistera came into power. It bad been distinctly acknowledged by a Noble Duke (whose absence, and the cause of where! absence, he regretted) that such was the cases sad that he considered the re-union of those provinces oerth Holland as an impossibility. What then becattle the duty of his Majesty's Government ? To teseet the best arrangement which, under the circumstances of the case. it was practi cab!. for them to make. That could he effected only by the Five Powers taking the affair into their own hande. Their object was to establish the independence of Belgiattn, and to give to the kingdom of the Netherlands all the power and security compatible with that independence. 'That was all be would say on this subject, waiting the opportunity which the Noble Lord promised him of en tering more fully into it, and assuring the Noble Earl that lie should never he found unprepared or unwil!in,q to de fend the conduct of his Majesty's Government respecting it. The Noble E ,r 1 had then proceeded to speak of Por tugal ; admitting, however, that the proper time had not arrived for arraigning his Majesty's Government for not having acknowledged the sovereignty of Don Miguel. This was a singular charge from the Noble Earl.—(Hear, hear.) How long had the Noble Earl felt convinced that the recognition ought to tike place? In the lot speech from the Throne, during the Administration of which the Noble Earl was a Member, his Majesty announced his in tention of acknowledging Don Miguel on a certain condition —a condition which he (Lord Grey) thought an unwise one. But that condition had never been fulfilled. On the con trary, the evils to which that condition referred bad been greatly aggravated ; and not that alone, hut his Majesty's subjects had been exposed to insults and injuries never before attempted. The Noble Earl said that for these., insults and injuries redress had been obtained. But from their occurrence to the present moment it had never been deemed expedient to leave the Tagus unoccupied by a British squadron. When those occurrences came to be detailed, it would be found that the words of censure used by the Noble Earl on a former occasion were not sufficiently strong for their reprobation. Let not the Noble Earl suppose that the injuries in question were capable of being justified as proceeding from the temporary excitement of persons over whom the Government of Por tugal had no controul. When the subject came under discussion, he (Lord Grey) would show not only that they were of the most aggravated description, but that they were perpetrated under the eye of the Government; and therefore that the Government must be responsible for thetn.—(Hear, hear.) On that subject lie would say no more, hut wait for the proper period. A Noble Duke had said that there must he an inquiry into the conduct of his Majesty's Government with reference to the riots at Bristol and the proceedings at Birmingham. He (Lord Grey) should be always ready to meet such an inquiry ; and lie thought he should he able to show that neither diligence nor precaution had been omitted by his Ma- ksty's Ministers in doing everything in their power for the preservation of public tranquillity. But it seemed that, according to the Noble Duke, their Lordships were in• rimidated, and that it was necessary that the unions ghould be put down. Nothing could be more clear and explicit than the manner in which the intentions of Government to deal with all illegal combinations according to law had been announced. But the Noble Duke was not to be told that such Associations were not now in existence for the fist time, and that they were not to be put down so easily. Similar Associations, and some of a much more formidable nature, existed towards the end i.f the American War and at the beginning of the French Revolution. At those periods, the Executive Government felt that they could not suppress them by their own authority ; and the Legis lature felt that they could not suppress them by new enact ments, without infringing those popular rights and pris vileges which he (Lord Grey) hoped would never be in vaded.—(Hear, hear.) Nor was the existence of those Unions chargeable on his Majesty's present Government. Most of them, and especially the Birmingham Union (emphatically the most formidable), were begun and matured before they came into power. If, there foie, they were reprehensible for not having put them down, what charge ought to be brought against tl ~,e who allowed them to spring up ? He would now aoply a single observation to a Noble and Learned Lord, for whom he entertained the greatest respect, and who had alluded to a publication entitled " The Black List." He was sure that he need not tell the Noble and Learned Lord, that he perfectly agreed with him in considering that publication a most atrocious libel But it was not always expedient to prosecute a libel. There were many circum stances to be considered besides the atrocity of the libel itself They must consider the probability of obtaining a verdict ; for an acquittal was productive of more harm than good. As to the publication in ques , ion, it was so full of the most groundless and false assertions, that lie could not believe it would have the slightest injurious effect on the public mind. The Noble Earl concluded by repeating the satisfaction which he felt at the prospect that the e.ildress would be carr'ed unanimously. The Duke of BUCKINGHAM o! served that in the lest Gazette a Commission had been appointed to proceed and try offences at Bristol. He wished to know whether it was to he extended to Nottingham ? The noise of Noble Lords leaving the House prevented us front distinctly hearing the answer, but we understood Earl GREY to reply in the negative. The imeion for the address was then put, and agreed to atcminc contradicente, and a Committee was appointed to prepare the same. The several Grand Committees were then named, and the usual Orders at the commencement of a Session agreed to,—Adjourned at a Quarter past Eight. ROUSE OF COMMONS, DEC. 6. The Members began to arrive about One o'clock. At about a Quarter to Two the SPEAKER entered the House and prayers were read, at which time there were upwards of a hundred Members present. The only Minister on the Treasury Bench was Lord Amtoar, who we are happy to state looked remarkably well. At Twenty-five minutes after Two o'clock the SPEAKER took his seat ;at that moment _ _ Sir Thomas Tyrwbitt, the Usher of the Black Rod. entered the House, and said, " Gentlemen of the House of Commons, his Majesty commands the immediate .at tcrelance of this House in the House of Peers." The SPEAKER, accompanied by almost every Member present, immediately proceeded to the Bar of the House of Lords, and upon their return the House adjourned during pleasure. At Four o'clock the SPEAK ER again took his seat, but it was Half-past Four o'clock before the House pro ceeded to business. At the latter hour there was a con siderable attendance of Members. The SPEAKER said, before the House proceeded to the Clandestine Outlawry and other Bills, there were several notices of motions to be given. Colonel TORRENS gave notice that on Monday he would move for leave to bring in two Bills for the gradual reduction of taxes on agricultural produce, and on all taxi's affecting the labouring classe=, and to substitute in Heir thereof a modified property tax. Mr. J. CAMPBELL said it was his intention to-moo. tow to move for leave to bring in the General Registriy, Bill, and also a Bill relative to Fines on Recoveries. 1 Polr. HUNT gave notice that he would, on Thursday, move for returns of all the yeomanry corps in England and Wales, together with the names of the officers, and the expence attending those corps. Mr. PERCEVAL gave notice. that on Tuesday he would move an address to the Crown, praying his Ma jesty to appoint a day of general fast throughout the king dom, in consequence of the severe visitation which no* threatened the country. Lord DUNCANNON said that on Friday he woulp wove for leave to bring in two Bills, one regarding the offices of Surveyor to the Commissioners of Woods and Forests, and the other regarding the repairs of Buckint ham Palace. _ THE REFORM BILL. Lard JOHN RUSSELL gave notice that on Monday he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the representation of England and Wales.—(Hear, hear.) The Marquis of CHANDOS intimated his intention of moving. during tie progress of that 13i1, that the chose he moved last Session, regarding the 501. tenants at will, be again introduced. _ Mr• CHOKER asked if his Majesty's Ministers had re ceived any additional inrortnation to that which they laid before the Howe last Session? Lord JOHN RUSSELL wa4 understood to say that all the information which had been received would be laid before the House. THE KING'S SPEECH. The SPEAKER begged to inform the House that he had been to the bar of the House of Lords, and heard his Majesty's most gracious speech, a copy of which, in order to prevent mistakes, he heti procured, and with permis sion of the House he would read it.—(The Right Hon. Gentlotatan then read the speech, for which see the Lords' Report ) Lord CAVENDISH rose and addreSeed the House to the following effect:—Mr. ripeaker, I now rise to propose an address in antisater to his Majesty's most gracious speech, which h&s ca'ilerl us tosether at this time. And I will ventSt're to remark in the outset, that never has Parlia tnent been opened by a speech containing topics so inte restine, so important, and demanding sech,serious delibera tion and reflection. Before I pro'Sted to discuss the matters contained in it, I cannot terrain from expressing my entire approbation el' the course which his M •jesty's Ministers haoe IS'arsued in assembling us thus early together. Notwithstanding the inconvenience which doubtless must result from re-assembling Parliament after so short an in terval, I think the state of the country is such as not only completely to justify the Government, but loudly to demand from them this course which they have thought proper to adopt. Such was the anxiety in the public mind produced by the circumstances on which the last Parliament was dissolved, that the state of the country required the immediate settlement of a ques tion towards which the eyes of all Europe were di rected,—(Hear, hear.) The first, and I think the most important topic which I shall review, is one to which his Majesty most expressly arid energetically calls our attention. I rejoice that on a subject of Re form the words of his Majesty's speech are so expli cit, and I rejoice that his Majesty's Government have det , rmined without delay to introduce a measure upon this subject, inasmuch as I feel convinced, that so far from any circumstances having intervened within the last six weeks to alter the opinion I bad formed on it, or to lessen the nee , s•i , y which I believed then to exist, for its adjust ment, circumstances have, on the contrary, satis fied me that its speedy enactment has become now absolutely necessary. This is not the time to enter into the discussion of the principles of that measure shish will soon command so much of our attention ; but I will only say that I entertain the most complete confidence that the measure when introduced will be found to be such as the emergencies of the time require, and perfectly satisfactory to the country at large. There are other points in the speech so intimately connected with this subject, that it would be impossible to refer to them without viewing them in their bearing on this great and important question. In reference to the origin of the disgraceful occurrences at Bristol, I think it clear that they were undoubtedly to be attributed, in the first place, to a manifestation of political opinion, but which was readily taken advantage of for the purpose of indiscriminate plunder. As a commission has lately issued to investi r ate the circumstances of this painful affair, I avid not at tempt to cast any reproach en any parties connected with the occurrences ; hut I think the very plain fact, that a small hand of rioters were enabled to continue their work of devastation for a considerable space of time, is quite sufficient to induce us to comply with the recommendation in his Maj-sty's speech, as to the best means of improv ing the municipal police of the kingdom, for the more effectual protection of the public peace against the recurrence of similar commotion`. Whatever differences of opinion may exist on the subject of Political Unions, there can be no doubt that they die. play, on the part of the people, the most intense anxiety on the subject of Reform. That patt of his Majesty's speech which refers to the subject of Political Unions completely accords with my own views. His Majestystates that it is his firm determination to suppress all corn 'dna tions, under whatever pretext, which in their form and character are incompatible with all regular Government, and are equally opposed to the spirit and previsions of the law, and in this point I see no reason to doubt that he will be cordially supported by all his subjects. The Birmingham Union in particular so far from persevering in any thing that was illegal, have d'sclaitned such an object with the utmost promptitude, their object being not to infringe on the law. But setting aside all illegal unions, which on all hands would be deprecated, I am well aware that a difference of opinion may still exist on the subject. I do not hesitate to say, that if those bodies assumed a permanent association, they should be viewed as distinctly inimi cal to good Government.—(Hear.) But I will not view them abstractedly, but in connexion with the circum stances to which they owe their origin. And when we recol lect that they do arise from the unsettled state of the most vital question ever agitated in this country, and that the 4lhjnt they profess to have in view has been sanctioned by a large portion of the Legislature, I think the course which I conclude from the speech, Ministers in tend to pursue, is the only one that could be followed with safety. His Majesty states that he can never sanc tion any interference with the legitimate rights of his people in discassing and making known their griev ances and difficulties, and whatever may be the opinion of those who oppose Reform on this subject, I think that of all Reformers must be,that the only interference that can successfully be directed towards them, is to render them useless, by redressing the grievances in which they originate. The speech does not pretend to disguise the fact that very considerable distress exists. It is a task far beyond me to enter into all the causes that hare given rise to this distress. But in the state of the country, in the anxiety which prevails from internal as well as political causes, much dis tress undoubtedly was to be perceived. The Noble Lord then referred to that part of his Majesty's speech which alludes to the cholera. He had no doubt that very considerable distress would be produced by the quarantine which foreign countries now appeared pretty generally to expect from u s. This would form an important consideration in en deavouring to form an estimate of that disease, as to its more immediate effects. The mortality it has occasioned is certainly less formidable than might have been anticipated. But what we have to expect ap peared very uncertain even in the opinion of those professionally acquainted with it. But whatever might be expected in that way, it would be unpardonable in them to shut their eyes to the fact that other consequences must flow from it which must be most in jurious to the country at large. In referring to Ireland, the speech contained an important passage. His Majesty recommends us "to take into consideration the question of tithes, and to enquire whether it may not be possible to effect improvements in the laws respecting this subject, which, he hoped, might afford the necessary protection to the Established Church, and at the same time remove the present causes of complaint." It was the duty of all to make every exertion for the maintenance of public peace and due observance of the law. The miseries that had in Ireland flowed from discord on this subject, would satisfy any reasonable mind that the present system could not long continue, and whenever the plan referred to in the speech was brought forward he should feel it his duty to give it his most warm and cordial support.— He had now referred to the principal topics of the speech relating to domestic affairs ; arid as respected foreign relations it was certainly satisfactory that his Majesty regarding the state of Europe generally, was inspired with a hope from the friendly assurances received from Foreign Powers, and the union subsisting between him and his allies, that peace would not he inter rupted. The subject which was calculated to create any uneasiness was the refusal on the part of Holland to agree to the treaty acceded to by the King of the Bel gians. He could not, however, but entertain a hope that, the unanimous decision of the Five Powers which bad been unbiassed by private interests, would lead him, the King of Holland, without much further delay, to give his assent. He could not turn without regret to that part of the speech which referred to Portugal.— No expectation seemed to be held out as to the immediate settlement of affairs in that country. But affairs in that country were so complicated, that it would be preposterous for him to offer any considerations as to the best manner in which they might be settled. He could not conclude without referring to a most important part of the speech, in which he declared that he had been ena bled to conclude with his Majesty the King of the French a treaty, the object of which was the suppres sion of slavery, and he felt assured that what ever differences might ex i s t on the other parts of the speech, that w ou ld b e h a il e d w ith universal approbation. The success which had attended Ministers in their attempt to stop this infamous traffic entitled them to the gratitude and confidence of the House and nation at large.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord then moved an ad di ess, which, as usual, was an echo of the speech. Sir FRANCIS VINCENT rose to second the ad dress, but in doing so felt that lie had great reason to ask for the indulgence of the House. The em barrassment, however, which he would most naturally feel, was much diminished by the manly and straight , forward speech which had this day been delivered from the throne.—(Loud chem.) A speech which he felt cenvinced would diffuse much general satisfaction among the people, as it showed his Majesty's earnest desire to uphold their interests, and to continue his confidence in those Ministers on whose perseverance, ability, and integrity, that House had last session expressed their entire approbation.—(Cheers.) The country would hear with pleasure that his Ma jesty, by the assistance of those Ministers, had evinced a determination to grapple with every diffi culty. It was just such a speech which a free people ought to hear from their Sovereign and such as the Sovereign of such a people would be ex pected to deliver.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The first topic in the speech to which he would allude was that of Belot in, and he hoped that whatever opinions Honourable Members might entertain upon that subj ec t, there was no one who did not concur in that part of his speech which wished for its speedy settlement. --(Hear. ) All were agreed that great embarrassment, and great want of confidence, prevailed amongst all classes of men, and he thought he should not be saying too much when he attributed those evils chiefly to the suspense in which the public mind had been kept respecting that great measure ; when, however, that question should be again brought under their consideration, he hoped that all parties, laying aside their prejudices, would combine to effect a speedy settlement ; be would there fore content himself with merely observing, that since the last session of Parliament the country had exhi bited no symptoms of re-action.—(Cheers.) At the only county election which had taken place since that period a Reform candidate had been returned by a large majority, and at all the county meetings which had taken place, ex cept Edinburgh, the people were unanimous for Reform. He deduced from those circumstances that there had been no re-action, particularly when it appeared that no Anti-Reformers had in any one instance thought it advisable to convene any meeting to discuss the question.—(Cheers and laughter.) He might go fur ther and deduce it from the fact, that no Anti- Reformer had ever attended any of the meetings. Since they had last met together, be regretted that an additional cause of uneasiness had arisen, that of the introduction of one of the greatest of human scourges ; but although the cholera morbus had made its appearance in one of our sea-ports, still it was not of that malignant nature which hod characterised its appearance in other countries. Its insidiousness and suddenness had impressed a salutary terror on the country ; but from the measures that had been taken to prevent its spreading, he hoped it would not be of long duration. In adverting to another part of the speech, the Hon. Baronet st ited he was gratified to learn that the general peace was pre served ; when lie saw the convulsion which had agitated other nitions, he thought credit was due to our Government for keeping up the dignity of this country without re sorting to hostile measures. That the individual at the head of the present Government in Portugal should put off the proper demands made by this Government could be a matter of no surprise, but what ever steps the Government should think proper to adopt, they would be adopted with moderation and spirit, so that whatever might he the consequence, Don Miguel would only have to blame his own obstinacy and perverseness. The Hun. Baronet then took a cursory view of the agi tated state of Don Miguel's Government, and of the exe cutions and imprisonment of such vast numbers of per sons in that country. He was happy to state that Belgium had acceded to the wishes of the Five Powers, and he thought there could be no doubt that when the King of Holland saw that the ereater part of Europe desired a settlement of the question, he would comply with their wishes. The next topic to which he would allude was, the arrangement made by France for abolishing the slave trade, and it was to our Government the honour was due, for obtaining those concessions which,during the last fifteen years, other Governments had been unable to obtain. Grist en dit was also due to that Government with which the arrangements had been made. The Hon. Baronet next alluded to the events that had oc curred at Bristol. In that town such atrocities Lad been committed by a mere handful of per sons as must convince the public mind that there was some radical defect in the municipal police, and he felt satisfaction from his Majesty's speech that it was in contemplation to introduce some measures to remedy that defect. He must, however, strongly protest against its being said that those evils had been brought about by the friends of Reform. In all large and populous towns there were always to be found some restless, dissatisfied persons, ready to commit mischief, and he admired the promptitude with which the Government had determined on the appointment of Spe cial Commissions.—(Cheers and laughter.) In re ' ferenee to another part of his Majesty's speech, he expressed his satisfaction that his Majesty's Government had determined to repress those associations, the exist ence of which was not known to the law, but while he could not refrain from giving his tribute of praise to the Government fir issuing the proclamation, yet he begged to express his admiration at the ala crity with which the Birmingham Political Union had rescinded their motion for organization, which was done, he believed, even before the proclamation was issued.—( Hear, hear, and loud laughter.) As an humble individual, he expressed his gratitude to the Government for that proclamation, and in conclusion he begged most cordially to second the address. The SPEAKER then put the address, which was an echo of the speech, when Sir R. PEEL, Mr. GOULBURN, and Mr. CROKER rose together to address the House, but the former gave way, and Mr. CROKER proceeded to address the House. It was with great reluctance that he did so, as he had much rather that that duty had fallen to a gentleman better capable than himself. He, however, rose for the purpose of protesting against some of the principles laid down by the Hon. Gentleman who had just spoken. It was necessary for the Members on his side the House to enter their protest against some of these principles, otherwise it might be considered thee agreed with the address if they did not move an amendment. The Hon. gentleman who had spoken last had said that the speech which he had just seconded was a speech moan's and straight-forward, and such as became the King of a free people. He (Mr. C.) must, however, be allowed to say that if manly and straight-forward meant any thing, it meant stating in a straight-forward way the future inten tions of 'Ministers. But lie would defy any Hon. Member to say that a distinct view of any policy was given in that speech, and he would take on himself to say that a less manly or straight-forward speech had never been delivered.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) Upon the great question of Reform, of which it said. so much; did the speech give the slightest intimation to the public of what Ministers meant to do? Nor did it give the slightest intimation whether the measure to be intro duced was the same as that of the last session. It did nut give the slightest intimation whether the inflamed ex pectations of the people were to he kept up by the cry of " The Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill," nor did it state whether the admitted anomalies of the Bill of last year were to be met by some moderate concession on the part of Ministers. Ile did not blame Ministers for the general way in which the speech had been framed, but he must object to the principles drawn from it by the Hon. Member who had just sat down. Would to God, I.e could see a satisfactory conclusion of that mighty tempest which his Majesty's Ministers had raised.—(Tre mendous cheering on the Opposition side of the House.) In the speech, they had used the words " speedy and satisfactory." With speed they might go on, but they might believe him when lie said, the satisfaction would lag far behind.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He would tell them that the measures they were about to introduce if they in any degree resembled the measure of last year, would he very wide of giving satisfaction, for he would take upon himself to say they would be the beginning of trouble. The only persons satisfied with them would be Ministers and their immediate retainers.—(Cheers.) The agriculturists and the great body of the people stood aloof from Ministers, and were hostile to them and their measures. There had not been one sing'e public meeting that had not been accompanied by some pro position on the part of time speakers at it, that it was but the beginning of a longer and wider mea sure. Time Government had been told in distinct terms that it was considered . only as a stepping-stone. At one of the greatest of these public meetings it bad been distinctly stated that the Reform proposed by his Majesty's Ministers was not what the people wanted, but that it was the first step to it. and the people were told that if they resisted the Bill then brought forward by Ministers, they would delay their future success. The Hon. Baronet asks why no Tories went to these public meetings to exhibit their hostility ? Does he recollect what occurred at Bristol ? I do not ac cuse the people of England of participating in the spirit which led to the riots there ; but will the Hon. Baronet tell me, when the constitution of society in this country is i n such a state, that I Judge, with all precaution, and under time sanction of his Majesty's Government, cannot enter a large city_(Cheers)—and when he is cen sured for the obstinacy and temerity with which he pro ceeded, shall we blame the Tories for not attending meetings where they could not have a hope of being heard ? Had the Tories shown themselves at such meetings, would they not have been accused of volunteering inflammation on the public mind, and would not the blame have been instantly shifted from the shoulders of the malefactors to those of the injured party ?—(Much cheering from the Opposition benches.) When he will procure for us all we want—a clear stage and a fair hearine—l, for one, am ready to meet the Hon. Gentleman and his friends in any of those ordeals, and to give reasons for the faith that is in me.— (Hear.) But, with one breath, he tells us that a handful of men were able to destroy almost the second city of the em pire, and in the next, he challenges us to attend public meetings of Reformers, and asserts, because we do not attend, that we are ashamed of the state of public feeling which is so much against us. The next topic of this manly and sr raight-forward speech is the pr evalence of Poli tical Unions ; and here I am bound to admit that there are expressions, especially towards the latter end, which have my entire and cordial:approbation.—(Cheers.) I agree with Ministers that there can be —or, at least, ought to be—but one Government in the country. There ought not to be one Government in Downing-street, another in the Strand, a third in Birmingham, a fourth at Manchester, and a fifth at Bristol.—(Hear, hear.) The painful experience of the last few months has shown us, that such a state of things must end in the ruin of any country that submits to it— it must end in the ruin of any imbecile popularity-hunting Cabinet.—(Cheers and laughter.) Although I entirely approve of the meeting of Parliament on this day; al though the state of the world, and of England in particu lar, considering that state positively, relatively, officially, and commercially, and above all, politically, requires that the King should be aided by the wisdom of the Great Council of the nation, yet 1 believe that we are not in debted for it to the sagacity, to the firmness, or even to the terrors of the Ministers —( Hear, hear.) No, no ; their master told them that they must meet in the first week in December.—(Much cheering.) They told them that before the cholera made its appearance—before the Political Unions had attempt organization—before Bristol had been burnt— before the whole frame of society was in a state, if not et' dissolution, of precariousness—it was the order of the great Leader of the Leader of the Cabinet that Parliament was to meet. I really do not know whether the phrase was not that it should meet in the first week in December.— (Much cheering.) The pleasure I have derived from some of the con,titutional expressions in the speech, I must say, is exceedingly diminished when we have time substantial proof that the Ministry is itself subservient to the identical associations and influence which they are so naturally anxious, but so powerless to put down.— (Ceeers.) I hope it will not he necessary to resort to any extraordinary measures. I hope that timely suggestions upon the subject were directed to other places as well as to Birmingham—(lleal., hear)—and that the ex stnple will be followed. The Noble Lord (Cavendish) has ap peared to-night, I believe, for the first time, as a debater among us. I hope he will in future have frequent oppor tunities of thus illustrating the great risme that he bars, but I cannot concur with him in the comment he has read on one part of time Royal speech. He tells us that the mode Ministers intend to adopt of putting down Unions is by the redress of grievances. If grievances exist, let them be redressed, but first let them be shown. Carry the law into effect, arid do not grant to force what you would resist to reason. —(Much cheering.) lam filled with alarm when I think what may thus become of the firmness and consistency of Ministers, and this commentary comes with peculiar effect in connexion with the next topic in the speech—tithes iu Ireland. Ministers tell us that there has been a s)sternatic resistance to the payment of tithes in Ireland. This is the first time I have heard of it. I know, indeed, that there were local objections, and that two persons of a better rank were convicted of a conspiracy for exciting the deluded peasantry. They were convicted but the punishment was remitted, and if the resistance were local this lenient course might be likely to assuage the evil. If, on the other hand, it was a general and for midable. combination to resist the payment of tithes, or, is other words, to shake the foundation of property, I should have thought a different course advisable. I sup terse that the Noble Lord would apply to tithes the same argument that he applies to Unions—" Put an end (says he) to Unions by conceding all their claims." In the same way he might say, " Put an end to the disputes regarding tithes, by abolishing them."—(Hear.) Destroy here dietary rights, and equalise property, and the two great points required by the Reformers will he gained at once. It is complained that the payment of tithes is resisted, and what is the remedy ? Not enforce the law, because it is just and neces sary, but change it because it is unpalatable. But in Reform as well as in tithes, it is a question of principle that is involved—no modification will be sufficient, and you never will be alile to satisfy the claimants without an entire destruction of the system. If there be hidden in the Speech any such design—l do not suspect it, above all from the Right Hon. Secretary for Ireland, whose sentiments do him so much honour, and afford him so much hope to Ireland—but if such a purpose do lurk under the fair-seeming words, to destroy tithes and to shake the tenure of all property, I shall be most vehemently and determinately opposed to it, not merely for the sake of the Church, but because I consider it like an assault upon the weakest part of a citadel, in order that the be siegers may incontinently become masters of the whole. Nut only the property of the Church is aimed at but all property that has belonged to the Church—not merely tithes, but Woburn Abbey.—(Cheers.) I allude to it only as an illustration ; for if the Noble possessor had sat on this side of the House, I should have mentioned Wo burn Abbey. I say with Mr. Burke, that not only the tithes of the parish, but the Abbey of Woburn itself, must be sacrificed, and with it the property of all the gentry in England. This principle is openly avowed in some of the Unions. They say that all property arising from honest industry ought to be respected. So that property which has not been so derived has no chance of surviving, Against that principle I enter nay protest; but the Noble Lord who opened the debate, on the other band, tells us not to resist, but to tranquillize by conces sion. Ile told us that the state of the Church in Ireland was exceedingly had, and that it was proved by the fact that the clerey could not get their rights without going to law--:that atilt system roust he bad which required the aid of the . strong arm of the law. Is the Noble Lord aware that such is the case with al fiscal regulations ? should like to know who ever voluntarily paid any thing ? —(Hear, hear, and laughter.) Could the Noble Lord get his rents paid without the intitnidation of distress, and perhaps distress itself? If so, I should be glad to know in what happy part of the kingdom he resides. Nothing is paid but either by force or dread of the law. He expressed a hope that the ministers of religion would be the last to object to new regulations—in other words, that they would conciliate by giving up their property. We are to sitisfy Reformers by giving up the Constitution, and they by giving up their property. Will that object then be ac complished? No, not quite. It is a thirst that increases by drinking—" Increase of appetite sloth grow by what it feeds on." Tire more you give, the more you will be required to give. Once yield, and you can never yield enough. I will tell the Noble Loid, from experience somewhat longer than his own, that whatever concession is made should be distinguished as much as possible from submission to terror.—(Cheers.) So far from thinking with him that it ouglmt to be done because it is demanded, I say that it ought not to be done if to do it he to yield to intimidation. Upon the next topic I can speak with more satisfaction—l mean the convention with France. On a former occasion, I said that the only remedy for the slave trade was the concession of the 'right of search ; but it must not be granted by one nation only. If it stands alone it will he insufficient. The flag of France will not be used, but that of some other nation which has not con sented to the arrangement, and the trade in human flesh alive will be kept up, although as odious and as detestable as the trade in human flesh dead by the horrible murders which have recently disgraced our metropolis. I have made those observations rather for the purpose of guarding myself from being suspected in concurring in what fell from the Noble Lord and the Hon. Gentleman opposite, than with a view to raise any opposition to the speech of his Majesty ; nor should I be as illing to do anything which might appear to be wanting in lespect to the highest person in the realm, unless I were called upon to do so in respect for my own honour.—(Hear.) Mr. STANLEY—AI the Right Hon. Gentleman does not intend to propose an amendment to the address which has been moved by tire Noble Lord near me, in reply to l t a h i s o u ll g l i ajty' s t Majesty's do not most a g ree gracious lvith speech from t e v e l r i y e t p h a r r o t no thatel speech is not perfectly frank and explicit—anti although I think it would be impossible for the Right Hon. Gentle man to move any amendment to the eddress, in which, either in this House, or in the other House of Parliament, a majority would be induced to concur—l shall not follow him through all his observations, but shall confine myself to his remarks upon the passage of his Majesty's speech, in which allusion is made to that part of time United King dom with the Government of which lam connected. To those remarks I may the rather be expected to reply, inas much as the Right Hon. Gentlernan has alluded to nay private opinions.---[Mr.CROKER hem e made sorneexplanation across the table, which was not heard in the gallery.]—l trust, Sir, that the Hon. Gentleman does net suppose that my public conduct is at variance with my private opinions.— (Hear.) When the Right lion. Gentleman does me the honour to allude, in the terms in which he has alluded, to my opinions respecting the church of Ireland, I will assure him, Sir, that I have no opinions on that subject which I could be unwilling publicly to avow. The •-• s Cy Hon. Gentleman and the House way rest; assured that, respecting that passage of his Majesty's speech, there is not one member of his Majesty's Government between whom and myself there is the slightest difference of opinion.—(Hear.) In the Right Hon. Gentleman's ob•ervations on the speech of the Hon. Gentleman behind me, who seconded the address, I cannot think that he his fairly expressed himself when he did not mark the distinc tionbetwen the demands of an illegal combination, or the cl imours of a molt, and the opinions of the people fully and fairly expressed. He says that my Hon. Friend re commends concessions to be made to unjust and groundless clamours, which would only be renewed and aggravated by every fresh concession. But if I understood myHon. Friend, what he said was that the Government should put down all illegal unions by the laws, but that there were unions and as sociations whose views and conduct were not illegal, which kept within the spirit of the Constitution and the inten tions of the laws, and which made none but just demands. —(Hear.) Such Unions are only to be put down by the removal of the grievances which have given rise to them. --(Hear.) The Government, Sir, will concede to no clamours that are unjust, and they will use the powers of the law to put down any Association that may be incon sistent with the spirit of the Constitution ; and if the powers which the laws at present give them be insufficient for that purpose, they will call for further powers. But I do not think that, by resistance to the just and equitable claims, you can extinguish the voice of the people.-- (Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman indeed says, that the moment the people pass the line of just and rea sonable demand, that moment we should refuse to concede anything ; we should steel ourselves against all applications, but should tell the people tbat none of their demands should be conceded to, because some of them were unjust ; we should make no concession, lest it should be supposed that we had conceded everything in fear. What, Sr, shall I answer to such an argument ? What shall I soy more than this—take care that you concede in time.— (Hear, hear.) Seasonable concession is the only means by which you can either put down just or prevent unjust demands. The Right Hon. Gentleman tells us, that the resistance to the payment of tithes is the commencement of an attack on property of all kinds, and that his Majesty's Ministers are yielding to that attack. But how dues be find that in the speech ? The speech, after stating the fact that such a resistance is made, proceeds to recommend to this and to the other House of Parliament to take into the earliest consideration the state of the law on this and the other questions before referred to, in order to ascertain whether it is not possible to snake some legis lative enactment, by which the removal of the griev ances complained of may be rendered consistent with the preservation of our institutions. Was it not the duty of his Majesty's Government, in the first instants, to suppress illegal combinations, and in the next, to look for the means of removing real grievances ?—(Hear. ) Will any man tell me that the system of tithes, even in this country, much more in Ireland, is not fraught with mischief ? Will he tell me that it is the most amicable arrangement that could be made between the minister and his parishioners ? Will he tell me that it does not give rise to dissension, nay, to bitter animosity? And are not those feelings of animosity necessarily stronger amongst a population where the ma jority of the people dissent from the Church for the main tenance of which the tithes are collected ?—(Hear.) It was with a view to remove or to alleviate those grievances a Right Hon. Gentleman proposed a modification of the law relating to tithe-composition ; and I verily believe, that if the operation of that Act had been more widely extended, it would in a great degree have removed the grievances. But this is a question, respecting which we must look at no distant period—whether it be done next year or the year after—with a view to remove the evils with which the present system is attended, and to place the clergy of the Established Church in a better condition. Was it not stated in a petition front the clergy of the Dio cese of Leighlin, presented iu the last Session, that the existing laws were inadequate to enable the clergy to re cover their tithes, the payment of which, in many parts of that diocese, was successfully resisted for three or four successive years ? The existing laws being found insuffi cient, the security with which the payment of tithes can be evaded, without violating the laws, has given stren ?; th to the combination. Under these circumstances, there fore, it is the intention of his Majesty's Ministers, in compliance with the gracious speech which has been to-day addressed to us from the throne, to move for the appointment of a Select Committee, to which all the facts of which the Government is in possession connected with this subject should be referred ; and Ministers are at the same time prepared to lay before that Committee, imme diately after its appointment, the measures they propose to adopt.—(Hear, bear.) I trust, then, the House will see that, with those views, it would he most inconvenient to take up the time of the House by going further into the d tails of this question—(Hear)—which is one of the most important that could he brought before the conside ration of Parliament. But of this the House may rest assured, that in the plans which his Majesty's Ministers propose to bring before Parliament for the removal of po litical grievances, they will do nothing by which the Con stitution might be endangered—(Hear, hear, hear)—and in any measures they in. iy have in view in reference to the Church, their object will certainly not be to weaken • its property. I grant that if the property of the Church was once endangered, the danger would soon be extended to the taxes of the State, and next, to the rent of the landlords. I can assure the House and the Right Ilon. Gentleman, that in the measures which I may frel it my duty to submit to the House, I will have in view to give additional security to the rights of the Protestant Clergy, and to remove the evils that are complained of as arising out of the present system. As it is not the intention of the Right Hon. Gentleman who last addressed the House, or, I believe, of any other Member to propose an amend ment to the address, I will not trespass further on the time of the House, having replied to the observations or the Hon. Gentleman upon topics connected with that de partment of the Government to which I have the honour to belong. Mr. CROKER explainet% - Sir C. WETHERELL said that there was one pas , age in his Majesty's speech which referred to a subject on which be felt a great anxiety to express himseif ; and he had no doubt that the House on all sides would honour him with its attention.—(Hear, hear.) His anxiety arose from several considerations : first, from a consideration of the duty which he owed to the public ; secondly, (rein a consideration of the duty which he owed to the laws ; and, lastly, from a consideration of the duty which he owed to himself. He alluded to that part of the King's speech in which reference was made to the late calamitous occurrences at Bristol.—(Hear.) The speech, he said, after alluding to those events, goes on to say, " The autho rity of the laws must be vindicated by the punishment of offences which have produced so extensive a destruction of property and so extensive a less of life. I think it right to direct your attention to the best means of improving the municipal police of the kingdom, in the more effectual protection of the public peace, against the recurrence of similar commotions." For reasons which were perfectly ohvious, the speech omitted to go into the history of those disastrous occurrences. Indeed, as the inquiries into the circumstances out of which they arose were at that mo ment in progress, until they should have been concluded it would have been highly improper to go into a detail o f facts the true nature and extent of which has not yet been clearly ascertained. But in reference to himself, he (Sir C. Wetherell) felt bound, on considerations, as he had said, of his duty to the public, to the laws, and to himself, to make a few remarks upon that part of the speech.-- (Hear, hear.) He had been charged by the Press in part of Great Britain and Ireland with being directly the author of all the disasters that had befallen Bristol. But if the smallest part of those calamities was attributable to him, he would be content to refire in shame from that Hon. House, and to bide his diminished head in the ob scurity to which public indignation and contempt might justly drive him.—(Loud cheers.) But yet that charge had been reiterated from time to time by all the Press of London, and especially by those writers who avowed that they had communications with the Government—who as serted from time to time that intelligence was communi cated to them by members of the Government, and who had, at all events, given information to the public wtich they could get only from the Governinent.—(Hcars hear.) Now, it was not to be inferred that he found fault with Government for so communicating with the Press. To do so had been the habit of every preceding Administra tion, and no one could blame the present Ministers for communicating in the usual way with the Times, or the Courier, or with any other newspaper. But in all those Journals the charge had been made against him that he went down to Bristol, in the exercise of his functions as a Judge under his Majesty's Commission, contrary to the remonstrances of the Government and of the Magistrates of that town—that his doing so was the effect of indis cretion, obstinacy, foolhardiness, and a wish to stimulate the people to acts of violence ; in short , that his conduct was influenced by every unworthy motive, which the re monstrances which were made to h im could not restrain. Pilasien,lYan that th a t s t atement was i n everyd scand a l ous . — (H ear, h ear , sa hear.) If he were to go over and continent upon every Now, e would parth of it false, y base, species of calumny with which he had been assaile,d, it would be necessary for him to occupy the House—he would not say four-and-twenty hours, but four-and-twenty days.—(A laugh.) But when newspapers, which were in communication with the Governmant, made those at- tacks upon him and represented hint as the autho. calamities at Bristol, he was compelled to assert, 0 members of the Press were become tyrannical, slanderous—(Hear)—for many of those who assertions respecting him, knew well that they wet —(Hear, hear.) How stood the case? A gt connected with the office of Recorder of Bristol, him in the ordinary discharge of his duty, sum , vious to the period fixed for the gaol delivery in and he informed him that he did not think it safe Recorder to enter Bristol in the usual manner to hisduty on the occasion then approaching, without tection of a stronger force than the civil authoritin their disposal. He need not inform the House entry of the Recorder into Bristol is made in manner as the entry of the Judges of Assize places. In consequence of the information whic thus received, he consulted with the Magistracy, found them to be of opinion that the constabe' which they could obtain would not be sufficient vent riot ; and it was accordingly decided that a tion should wait upon the Noble Lord (the the Home Department) to represent to him the for a military force. It might he asked why di , (Sir C. Wetherell) attend with that depurati reason was this, that if the Noble Lord and the should have occasion to enter into any discussion to him, he might furnish them by his absence a opportunity to do so.—(Hear.) Those gentlemu then informed by the Noble Viscount, that mi sistance should he furnished to the and a request was made that he shoo. with the deputation at another interview. In afterwards, he believed, he did so. Here, then, instance in which it was communicated to the ment, that military assistance was necessary for tection of the Judge in the exercise of his duty. that occasion a single word passed which should sidered confidential, no man would he more than he to mention it. But, in fact, there thing. Word was then sent down to the asic Bristol, that every thing should go en as usua. Gentlemen opposite were aware of the truth of 1 ment, and he was sure that it would he confirrneu Members of his Majesty's Government.—(Hear, Now, if they saw that military assistance was _ preserve peace at the entry of the Judge, and was a sufficient reason for the suspension of gaol delivery, surely they would have stated the. the first interview with the deputation, or at he (Sir C. Wetherell) was present. For his part, nothing more than send down word, as had been upon, that every thing should go on as 11E lie trusted that the House was satisfied that he a full and fiat contradiction to the gross calum. had been kept up in the London Newspapers for fortnight, and from thence was poured through thi of the Press into every part of the country, and veyed back again through the veins, having the usual alterations in its course.—(Laughter. whatever glory the slander might appear in the the morning, additional brightness was shed The Sun in the afternoon—(A laugh)—and the at length took it off to Paris—(Laughter)—negl , thing by the way that could make it more est' . !minions, anh offensive.—( Hear.) Well, the Fr. assured the public that his (Sir C. Wetherell was greatly condemned indeed by the coteries the word.---( A laugh)—but lie did not know wita meant the coteries of La rue des Tuilleries, or La rue de la Pail.--(A laugh.) He only knew conduct of the humble individual then before t was most unsparingly assailed on all sides. He tell the House that the Press of Ireland kept that of England, and attalred him with no mence and injustice. All this might seem mot man ought to endure without repelling it, nor have borne with it, butt that he should have worthy of his station as a Judge—( Hear) -1 have degraded himself as a gentleman—( Hear), have forgotten his dignity as a Member of th , Parliament—if he had surrendered his right of the Reform Bill, and of stating to that House, country, fully and fearlessly, the grounds of h' tiun.—(Cheers.) He would net consent to of those rights, by entering iuto a controvi newspapers for the purpose of refuting the sl numberless assailants. Indeed, to do so it been necessary to write letters to every editor in informing him that lie had been altogether mishit to his (Sir Charles Wetherell's) conduct.—(A That course he would not consent to take, hope that the time would come when, in that should have an opportunity of explaining himsei showing to the nation that which every candid nected with the Government must acknowledt been the true nature of the occurrences. Agaii been said that a deputation from the Magi Bristol waited upon him, in London, to disci from going down, and that, subsequently, an putation met him at Bath for the same purpoll!' that was not the truth. He had already rip!** nature of the communication which he had had deputation to London, and the gentlemen who him in Bath did so for the purpose of commu, him the very judicious arrangement which had for the purpose of protecting the precession. termined, and, as he thought, very properly, than litary, which the Government had placed at tlo of the Magistrates, should not be displayed par streets, as forming part of the procession, but should he kept under cover ; and, in fact, if for the Political Union, it would not have beet known in the city that there was any apprehea litary assistance being likely to be required thought right to avoid the excitement which have occasioned, But he would not go in. which had, very properly, as he thought, been from in the speech. It was not true that he from Bristol as had been said—(A laugh)—until bed had been taken off the bedstead, and put i dow to make a barricaile...(Laughter.) Thu tainly did think that the presence of the Jud longer necessary.—(Hear, hear.) The gaol du terminated, and at six o'clock in the evening of day he left the town, so that every thing whit on the Sunday and Monday took place without ledge. He thought that he had now said en , cuipate himself in the eyes of the House.—(• If he had not done so, lie might appeal to the might invoke the spirit—might challenge the any man in any part of that House, and he him with respect, would he stand up in i and tell him (Sir Charles Wetherell) wha' in the same circumstances, he would havf —(Heer, hear, hear.) No, he knew he so answered in that House. He knew that no could go within a hundred leagues of telling him putations, what sneers, what insults, what ten sistent with the respect due to a gentleman an , bee of the House of Commons, would not poured upon him by the many-mouthed, venomous Press of England.—(Hear, and Would it not be said that he had basely and false , to attend to his duty through a feigned api. tumults which no one else had ever dreamt o) it not have tern said that he was a false An.. that he invented the tale of projected riot!, with the cowardice which is the constant falsehood, he shrank from encountering the d, his own invention alone had created ?—(Chee, newspapers to which lie alluded had not even yet their calumnies, and had not ceased to throw tations, base, false, and unjust, respecting the t which they stigmatised him as the author, and for which his name haul been omitted in the C i , t Y 'lighse-Itn appointed to try the rioters. B u t he had novr l '. ti House sufficiently i v in possession of the facts as fel l ~ spi r "'ed tbt warded him, to enable his political opponents, As 4 'uhs his political friends, to place him on that footingrolc to Peeeh stn should make a man's station in that House honn° 63 til an himself and useful to the country. If he b B d, ;N ed to th e 8 , bath sides of the House—as he trusted he had pertlen t, a them—it gave him but little concern:in what In; Fa oj'e and g conduct might he viewed by his assailants out ° jed ke t neat 0 , ment. The Hon. Gentleman opposite, who eee o d ° l4 ( itt,eth4led, ins address, made some allusions to those matters, I ' o i t , „Meeting Charles Wetherell) wished to make one soda' ie.`"e p urn , observations in reply. That gentleman assert out, 4g th e C r the trausactions at Bristol had not grow° d I *la ; but tine Reform question, or, in other ty °r at s esr l i tal„ ch , recen the delinquents were not Reformers, but t jof fo tr tikei l u to the city arid outcasts, who were ever ready CO off ttu V an „ in riot, and to seize opportunities of pillage: es" ed ag e : extremely difficult to show what part of the nrot ,c ha s tt "--he Iv( actuated the rioters was love of Reform, and w ss'e lfs ' ute tint ho p ot th tae originated in other feelings. In one thing, agreed with the Hon. Gentletu in, that no resP te: to king tizens of Bristol took part in the tumults . or 1 kdo ('ers, at would neither affirm nor deny that Reform ` e git r t ed,and the causes. He had a paper before him, to :, so l;c i tla e i, would call the attention of the House, not the' but if lated to 13ristol, hut as to the proceedings of the iel it ( .:I?etati o Unions throughout the kingdom. In that doct ° ' de fied s tl 7 4 °ion, Bristol Political Uni on a s s u m ed the power of i t ht:? ill- a the Magistrates and the Recorder of that city. O a ( origi by expressing the surpri se of the Union that the lie ev ti tiii _g e e . n, h e trates should have called in the troobs to protec! ,1 ), la and ofto say, that SlrCt.tif the Wetherell Magistratesint into the felt themselves t a h n e d m t s h el e y 'n e, ' l ; o 01c " 141 Y and Co :se a r u t t , h t o h r a ° t f i t ' t t i fil kt t e l l e .i ' l4) , e ,u at peacethere it d d e t. l a ei o l n 1 1 1 :0 1,p 1 N ' 1, lical, base, ' 3 is f the citizens. rho made " It tee, and then hey were A g entl- 1 ! Then they istol, call 's of the Mag rl s , o i m n e t t h ii: certainly, what w t l o ' m a t c y 1 .ipti is 0 1 odr i ra o rilti u ntit t yoi uetr. t ionw h ?i e : 11 1 1 0 0 10 saw n formingo it safe fo of it, for, of c iner to per e (Laughter.) House that ' : . e inte:tst and de in Ebb . entrusted w Lssize at 0 t !') There v s a tr w a h cy ic , h a h n e ll ,ahulatory ; 'Mended Sir flicient to e e of Record I that ade eating riot, ; e Secrete l eY asked was r $ he ar.) But a the nee' I tion should 1 why did no t h nion) t o e the depu tt . „ tti e nts f iaF ra irit n ig c , e h t i ph s e e eo — ipi IT , once an A t to ti i ete pi h r e . :a in gis t ir e e at m e : .ussion rel t i t ; limited to tl entlemen Put d own th hat rainfall i t , t , h l en every cr e Magistr "outed to the should 3. p a ; But they c Le, I, ' ,cir t , s, raeotitilulhsiniahoustweifgulu.menioaelru, should , n. G nya l (t iba v del o o.tes: s f j s v ,,,i If . e' t . 1 prt be 4 - ' g a d . n° etc. , i d oyao t °auhrbtleedtLoosedfhaehe con nconcludernot i ct i ' :i t oo i g h i u e : cry for the 1a , 444 loodshed c authorite t , fires of the r ath of his' , a - c'n the morr, )nfirrned hi :need, were -(Hear, b - t han was ti a ra o s f n t e h c e e sa g , I:43zeorrai‘.bed. prompt( l ~ and that Was about tc I that, rat that s% d it C. Wethe his part, b e i t : l eot—a co lead been a , 1 5 4 6 t 0 follow. ugh the ar t/I y, and n'a'' 44, 4 11101 )1d be aghter.) ta j, °I any in in the iit ► 4,,r of the I t i ihed upon ' l ,4 4 ta d ` ° tiller was and the Cr 0 '&11, erastatinr , •tia g i t . r) ell d'' -neglec A ap, et rre sit astringent it e g r Or of the e French r Slt t ;: ° ° ,l .—(A „ ra w.) colt hit t ,, • _lre once 1 rtes—that h ilt ea - " , a Dew lw Wiletile, IN, ' 4 hieh, i n t .ies, or tb‘ r It r ) ., n ear.) NI r knew th t ka . : t °os mob, store the P, Il l r , Q-4, he (Sil . He nee ti jot to send kept pace y s i g ° Promptitu Li no less , i lite t litt , pf pro m more tr i 'O, ' the c A ;, nor woo' a Passed°!l What gr fear)--ile ai ftl,( g litt - el u n 4 g d th se e n c t ,, of the a k i i ai re tary of ght of of ~' t ,,Y_,thi;t spe L .1 of his eP 4; ' Wa , . it to surrend er , j u t e as e in wh, . r a lr i eo a a : h n u o i m rvsa t d )s r eiv— i ear i s e i w d ,: in Y ri da o b i n b f : E u e o %er ''' id i ar e o d ' o ° ; l4: , ' : tll : 4l ' ts t i ttl i 'etd o h v: et i olt) :l4 l ; co.ll :: °i tt d e"l itt nh n th an ' u h o e c em v e t Y p i e ses' ilad t s tsr ar b s ii i t.—(A la I take, but b e 4 ' l' hear.) that Ho°'° li t 'xit ending t himself, $ ret ruld not 1 lowledge 0 4 tr t :'' ) He ti Aga i n , it tali° tart error error i t 5 c - a dissuad e l a , eY• For tly, anotherfret,e, Union. purpove. itl i a :sy to ar l y exp i a ior i, tle t d rother...._ lad had Wi t who waite(lei "e of the .minunicatirl,44tercf?t half.y a i d ir i °l it i d n , Y h 3h i a , : o l eh t aa tin td ic t gh to b bli h a u s h e te ett ig r : s i b :ab.i 1 . ° ,. let4 , ,',,fi911(74 site: ' 1 , : 1,5, 41t e (l it ii l t, With e Ll it ) h . e to Oa l ° ern strfi r it n i. ht i l i wl I tasitetarauldi Matesnpti he yed parediaei i l ekli on a remit , but tha t , t t ''l at i . o . " - (Che , et, if it werit'h4Polld-tt:,° Oil •e been ger t if ,!.t a ''' Wit a rebension 'I ti ' l , ai l i e e° unt quired. Itj the 1: to ha. rhich that '', 'e i. ° rder it • . a a s .'eto gi °n h d go in.o to t,. tde _ a t, been abs JoriN ', and t ).. lle uTn d hte i i s nl aP sliscil id e,i f i lit; : : ,, ,teh li a touni i t t ght t i t ofi t v. l e v . put in the e o n, i lot t ,l 44 d to „f he Judge o : ~I ttto)rti e.s i yit e t r ri po r : gaol Jelive r he 4 th, r la co ing of the ../ 1 11 4 1 . - 1 'Vecial ,„ r P 41 4 , and —(Hen t tie' it t ilt r il e .;.oiet;pthtliei:nehliacblitoeiiira 1404:iitlitte.tiac:::tvateysetmtvir.aa td he mei „ . 11 /' 1,, t1 a v hi have P 1 teei the to should a ° , q p ea Pal fort hat no O ft of weed c' i n till • 0 13$ 4 a. out . ~‘ ng bon I f il l att e 1 lilt terrnii i ,,y , iiit nothing st lan and a 'ti t 4 41 of a nt g s not baste 4 .:. o x . ~,, uis 31 E.d, many-flii k t l l L d i t °ltld et and a ;,,11 01 , : 1 , 611 affai "' ,niadmaftpaplosrfeel?b):olltio,i, ki,,,,to:itltell4elliittxtt:pherae,olivh,etoiruboaliii Anti-Reoc,7ibi : t 'tlii, g else :ant coniP i t, ~ ipi aL a.. t t h h e ro d w ang oe e u r t.t" , even yet 5 ilOc ' l 441''lliiar7Perit i l g ( t rC h ioh e t: i ll9 l :.::i4 : : .:115.4:1t1141:4:e-:wfturethii; w, and the . fi l , I PPtk r "e Pul a the Coa t ,,t t e li _ t tli t() tun oi,.