The Sun. — London, England, 1833-05-31 00:00:00

bound to answer what'was said by the Hon..BatTnet who had just eat down. ' In doing so, he intended - to fellow, that course which ine 'flattered himself he hid folloaved on, a former occasion. namely—avoid all acrimonious ! epees-. 'inns, and refrain firm dropping one word that might be offensive to any individual or any body of persons. He hoped be should he able' to follow in that line, notwith standing the speech of the • Hon. Baronet, which came with peculiarly bid grace from him, since he hadintro duced into the body of it every species' of topic liable to *excite angry feelings, though the Hon. Baronet had prefaced that speech by declaring hia intention of refraining from all such topics. The Hon. Baronet had alluded to - reform, and what was expected from it—to the address of Lord Mulgrave to the Legislative Assembly-ato the answer from that Aiseantoty to his Lordship —to the angry answers from Jimaiea to the questions of Govern. ment, and bad, besides those allusions, held out a threat that Government would be obliged to recede from their resolutiqns by foreign interference. The Hon. Baronet afterwards delivered a charge against those who, on the busting., had promised that when they got into that House they would do all they could to effect the total ' abolition of slavery. He was surprised that such a charge should be made by the Hon. Gentleman, as it implied, for the first time, his wish to do away with slavery. The Hon. Gentleman talked of the present plan as being no abolition of slavery; be talked of abolishing slavery, but it was abolishing it in the abstract, and he (Mr. Stanley) feared, if the matter were left to the Hnn Baronet and his friends, there was a strong probability that slavery would long remain in the abstract.--(Hear, hear ) I', in the comments he had made on a former ' • occasion, he had let slip any allusions to any body or sect, he assured the Committee they were forced from him, and only made to show the necessity there was of that House interfering in matters of internal colonial re gulation. He adhered to what be had before said on the subject of interference, when he - mentioned that he knew no limit to the interference of Parliament in the inter nal regulations of the colonies, save the limit that Par liament itself imposed --(Hear.) The Hon. Baronet had contended that Parliament could not interfere with the chartered colonies. Now he was absolutely asto nished that such an assertion should have been made by the Hon. Baronet, when he granted the interference in one case—namely, in the ab litien of the slave trade. But then the Hon. Gentleman might say, that was a case that did not refer to one isle or isles ; that it was a general— an imperial—questing; that it generally affected govern ment, trade, and n rvigation ; and that all were interested in the abolition of the slave trade. Well, he thought that the present question was a general one; and he. was jus• tified in thinking so, if the numerous petitions that were pouring in from both aides had any meaning in them. Those petitions came froth a multitude of persons ; and when the Hon. Baronet characterised the question as being a local one, he (Mr. Stanley) durst not hazard himself to say all - that he thought of such a very strange assertion. He considered that opinion upon the subject was general, and that it ought not to be resisted by Government, when it was so unequivocally expressed upon such a question as the present. He would not dwell any longer on the policy or impolicy of the species of interference alluded to, fur he would now go on to answer some of the charges made by the Hen. Barenet. It seem-d that, in the Hon. Baronet's opinion, he (Mr. Stanley) had not avoided what I e meant to avoid—making sweeping assertions, and that he had failed ro point out how each individual isle had fallen short of the orders of the Legislature. However, he admitted, and had already stated, that the Colonial Legislature wished to meet the wishes of - the Government on that point, and that it had removed some of the impediments in the way of mar riage.—(Hear.) Yet he was also obliged to state, that it certainly was not the general disposition of colonial proprietors to infuse into the minds of the slave a prop. r idea of the solemnity of the marriage vow ; that they did not seem inclined to discourage licentiousness amongst slaves, which not only struck at the root of all morality, but tended to lessen the slave population. He said this, but, at the same time, he was ready to admit that some improvements had been made in the way of marriage. • Fallowing up how slightly the marriage ties were attended to, he had only to mention the fact of the separation of families by the selling of slaves. If the present method of selling slaves were allowed, what sanctity could the slave see in the marriage ties, when he had continually before his ey. a the fear of brine' separated from his wae, in order that some civil compact should be fulfilled ? So long as the slave could' be sold for the debts contracted by the owner, so long would all improvements with respect to marriage he of little avail. The Hon. Baronet had after wards attacked his proposition with respect to punish ment. Whenever he stated anything incorrectly—when ever be was mistaken, he was the first to confess his error, and was most willing to be set right. H- allowed that he was mistaken in what he had lately said about the law of Jamaica, for he found that he had confounded it wi h the law of Dominica. The proceeds of the slave, when sold in consequence of too severe 7 unisbment, did not go to the master. However, what he bad said of punishment and of the twenty-nine lathes was supported by the evidence of an old planter before the 1 Committee of Inquiry. By the law of Jamaica, wanton punishment on the pare of the owner was liable to be punished by that law. But what was the use of that I Jae if its enactments were devoid of the executory principle? In fact, it was little better than so much waste pop'r. The Hon. Baronet could not show that there were inde pendent protectors of slaves. The very nature of their appointment prevented them from acting with impar tiality. But, then, the slave could complain to a magis trate. Let the slave be been before a 'magistrate ; be must bring testimony to prove over-punishment ; if the magistrate was satisfied with the evidence, he could punish the owner; but if not satisfied, he could order the complaining slave to be flagged.—( Hear, hear.) As on a former occasion he had touched on the law of evidence, and had shown that in some islands it was corn pletely frittered away, and that in many it went against this principle of obtaining for the slave justice in a Court of law, he should make but a few additional remarks upon that same point. He was sorry to trouble the Com mittee again with the details, but he felt obliged to give a few. According to the law of St. Kitt's, no slave could be a witness in any cause, either civil or criminal, in which the owe er, his attorney, or his overseer was con cerned. In N-via the slave was excluded from giving evidence pretty nearly in the same way. In Bermuda the slave was excluded in all cases where the owner, or any of the owner's family were directly or indirectly concerned. jaeairles, he was disqualifi e d t o g i ve ev id ence against his waster, and yet his evidence in favour was good.—(Hear ) Therefore it might happen that two slaves should be placed insuch relations to one another, that the evidence of one eepuld be considered good, and that of the other of no use, He would now come to the slave law of Jamaica upon which the Hon. Gentleman had laid so much stress. How stood the law of Jamaica? The Hon. Baronet stated that a slave's evidence was good against the life of a black man, but that it was not good when the property of a white man was concerned, and that in civil causes his evidence was not good either against the black or white man. So that what be formerly aid was true, that the slave's evidence was good against the life of the black man, but not good when property was in question. Moreover, the evid.nce was good for nothing unless it was supported by the evidence of a second person. He would not go inen further minute details, but would come to the last point alluded to by the Hon. Baronet, as it bore on the case of atrocious punishment. In such a case it was true, as the Honourable Baronet had stated, that the slave was fm felted, and that the pri , e did not ge to the owner. But there was great difficulty on the lank: of the slave to prove atrocious punisnment; and, after all, though he should prove it, be would not Ina relieved from his sufferings. It would be only changing one master for another. He mentioned all this about Jamaica, because the Henourab e Baronet ape pealed to that island as a model of colonial legislation. Now he would leave it to the House ehether, alter alt they had heara, they could think that the unassist•d rife, is of the colonial legislature would had to the abolition of slavery. The West India body had expressed themselves ch sirous of having the matter fuly investigated, and he must say, that Government left to them the choice of having the Pornmit• ees of last year continued. They could not com pere; fur, besides leaving them that choice, they were also told that 'Government, on its own respensib lity, would come forward with a measure on colonial slavery, and that if they h a d any o bj ect i on , t h ey m i g h t move f or a s renewal of the inquiry in either of the Houses of Par- Ii i au!sint. With respe c t t o arrang i ng t h e matter b y nego tiation, t was utterly impossible. No negotiation could to te place between two parties, when one would of ar no imptaveolent or modification, and was only authorized to object and to reject. When lie first came into the office Jag had the honour to fid, he felt it his duty to converse w i t h t b e gentlemen who formed the West India deputa tion, arid be told them that the Government thought it their duty to come to proceedings and a r rangements in concurrence with the deputation, tha t would lead t o t h e extinction of slavery. The deputat ion were told that ultimate extinction must form t he basis of any plan pro posed by the Government. The deputation confessed they had no power. But four of the deputation subsequ!ntly made a proposition—not an authorized one—but asap i indi vidual proposition . He should not have alluded to t had it not got abroad in the shape of a published document. The propositivo was this...tbat a gram of )4 millions sterling should be made to the Government, and that, in consideration of 'this grant, the colonial proprietors should enjoy all their existing rights over the slaves for the period of 41 years—:(Laughter and- cheers)—the 41 years to expire when the 14 millions were to. he paid out of the wages of thellaves, and with : an interest of 4 per cent. He thought hiliself bound, in justice to the Government ; to vindicate them from a charge which had been brought against them, that they had been inattentive to the objec tions brought by the West India body against the plan proposed by him (Mr. Stanley) in the House on a former ev ning. Now he would beg to state what those objec tions were, and be thought it would appear that the charge of their haYing been inattentive was 'unfounded. The first was, that they were legislating in this country, at a distance from—and in the absence of—the• friends of the colonies; secondly, that without a temporary adstric tion to the soil, it would be impossible for the colonial proprietor to cultivate the soil ; and-thirdly, that the mode of cultivation, by creating an artificial dearness, would be imposing a tax upon provisions and necessaries, which would he found equally oppressive to the negro an I the free colonist. Those were the three main ohjections brought; and although the Government had been denied diseu-sion upon their merits, they had given them consideration. And every one of them was provided for in the measure proposed by them. He thought it right to vindicate the Government, because, so far was the charge from being true, that they were most anxious to meet the wishes of the West India body, and, as far as possible, they had thought it their duty to accede to their suggestions. He would not enter into the comparison drawn between the state of the slaves in the West Indies and that of the factory children in this country, because he did not think the cases parallel, and he thought the subject of the factory children had been very unnecessarily brought into the discussion. There was one point, however, which both parties agreed in condemning. The West India body complained that they should have to pay interest on the money to he advanced to them, while those persons who advocated the immediate and unconditional emancipation of the slave, thought it hard that the negro should have to pay (or his ultimate freedom. He (Mr. Stanley) had stated that there were only three ways in which the money to he advanced could he tepaid, either out of the revenue. out of the labour of the slave, or out of the resources of the colonies. TO the last of these he (Mr. Stanley) had stated that it was impossible to agree. They had, there fore, proposed that t6e wages to he earned by the negro, (haring one-fourth of his time, should be set aside, in order to repay the advances made by the Government, and to grant a remuneration to the proprietor for the loss which he would sustain by emancip ation, and they had proposed that the proprietor should pay interest for the money advanced to him: T. ere was one other resource, which was, to throw the fifteen millions to be advanced on the resources of the country. lie admitted that there was a well founded objection to obliging the planters to pey interest on this money, while they found all the necessaries which' the slave requires ; and, on the other hand, it appeared but reasonable that the slave should have the fee use of his spare time. It was impossible not to feel the force of those objections; anti if both parties would concur, the Government had no objection that, instead of the payment of inter at, a ewe': additional duty should be laid on colonial produce, and they were ready to recommend that plan to Parliament. The planter would then not have to pay any interest. They were likewise willing that the negro show(' lay aside no part of the money which he might earn during his spare time. But they proposed, that if the negro should, by the produce of his labour, save any money, he si•ould then have it in his power to shorten the period during which he was to continue in the service of his master, when he was able to compensate his master for the remainder of his time which was to run, and to prove himself of initials trious and moral habits. In these and other parts of their plan the Government were ready to propose such meta& cat ons as did not affect any material alteration in the principles of their plan.—(Hear, hear.) They proposed, in order to meet those views, that an additional duty should he charg. d upon sugar. He knew that such a proposition was not without difficulty : • and it would be his own wish rattier to diminish than in crease the duty; but he believed that an increase would not affect the consumption. Far looking to the period when the duty on sugar was reduced from 275. to 245., he found that no increase in consumption had taken place, and he was, therefore, entitled to assume, that for a small additional duty no deduction would now take place, and the revenue might be so increased as to compensate for the sum advanced to the colonists. But supposing that the price of auger did rise, still the colonists had not to complain, as the increase would fall not on them. but on the people of this country, who were the consumers, and by whom he had no doubt it would be cheelfuliy borne, in order to secure an object in which they felt so warm an interest.—(Hear, hear.) He was not aware that in the proposals which lie had made he had any fur ther modification., to offer. And in those modifications the same principle was f !lowed out on which his plan was all along founded—namely, that all hereafter to lie born should enjoy freedom, and that the present gene ration should be at once admitted to a large share of the rights of free subjects, and ultimately be altogether free ; and that a sum should be advanced to the proprietors of slaves by way of compensation, anal that means he taken to improve the moral anal religious state of the negro. He hoped that the Colonial Legislatures would now cordially co operate with the Government in endeavouring to improve the moral and religious state of the slaves. It was vain to expect any effectual measure of this nature to emanate from the Culonial gisl attires, and the Government had, therefore, felt bound to legislate independently of them. There were details tat the plan. however, which would necessarily require to lie filled up by the local legislatures. And he hoped that when the Colonial Legislatures became sensible that it was now beyond all hope to prevent the freedom of the negr,,es, they would consult their own interest and the welfare of the empire by joining in enacting such local regulations as are applicable to the new state of things, and fill up ihe great outline of a plan which was to abolish slavery at once and for ever.—(Cheers.) Colonel HAY was of opinion that there was something in the character of the slaves which would prevent them from ever doing any labour without some degree of con straint, especially in the sugar colonies. He was now of opinion, as he had stated to his constituents, that the im mediate emancipation of slavery would lead to the ruin of the negroes themselves, and the plan proposed by the Government did not remove that impression. He denied that the plan could work, because the holder of a small number of slaves could have no remuneration for his loss. In Barhado-s, where there were 5,000 proprietors, and 80,000 slates, there were only 1,500 of the proprie tors who had land. The rest had merely one, two, or three slaves, anal he would ask how they could be remu nerated ? He strongly denied that planters had ever manifested the least opposition to the moral or physical improvement of the black population. Public schools bad been long established throughout the colonies—and he would more particulatly advert to Barbadoes, as having more immediate knowledge of that colony—where co loured children and white children hail received the be nefits of education equally and indiscriminately. During on , of the late tremendous hurricanes on that island, all the schools, amongst other houses, had been destroyed ; hut such was the anxiety on all parts to have n, ruption in the education of the children generally, that before any other house whatever was rebuilt, all the schools were in full operation before the at rival of Lord Mulgrave, by means of the very liberal subscriptions which were entered into—Sir James Lyon, the former Governer, himself subscribing the sum of 500/. towards the expense. Mr. MAXWELL STEWART must really express his extreme surprise anti regret .t the tone of speech and line ~f argument with which the Right Hun. Secretary for the Celonies had ushered in this most fearful proposition. The effect of the proposed measure would be most dime, mous to all parties, and he theretore felt it to tie his abso lute duty, as a representative of the people in general, and as connected with these colonial interests, personalty to stand fiirward as one of the protectors of the much ca lumniated and unfortunate planters, who were in every instance decidedly opposed to this measure, but whose opinions seemed to be held at nought. The Right Hon Gentleman had retied greatly upon some opinion expressed by 'Mr. Canning. hut this opinion was, delivered beeare Mr. Canning had had the experience of office. But what was thesentiment delivered lay Mr. Canning in 1824, when he had become a M Hister of the crown ? Why, he said that the toasters weir the only persons who ought to he the meoiuni for legislating; and Mr. Huskissen had held the same opinion ; for he declared, that to admit ofany other agency would infallibly ttud to the ruin of the colonies. There had been no doubtexpressed by any party as to the propriety of negro emancipation ; all that was denied was, that abo lition should be produced by safe, salutary, anal honest means.—(Hear, hear.) It had been asserted by the Right Hon. Secretary, that the colonists had to a man utterly roused to recognise the resolutions passed in 1824 by Lard Bathurst ; but if the Right Hon. Secretary had taken the trouble ta h a e co: .. s u u l l d t the fin i papers tis prede cessors,caanidu:nietsvpautc,theerslyofathivsarianeetwvi.tehpefarcattsi.on liine wfoortawhatiditheavt every far t p rz e i:!u n s t ing in th t e h i e r wends, the colonists had displayed the utmo s t readiness to adopt every` suet' suggestion, and had in wally instinct.* auucipatad the prupoitions, 'lle island o f I: ) ,, trui4 bad been partially pointed out as a place where cruelty to slaves was even more notorious than at any other 'Wand ;. but be (Mr. Maxwell Stewart) was prepared, on the beet • authority, to declare his solemn opinion that the moral and physical condition of the negro population of this island was such as to.render it one of the best and Anost promising ,of our colonies. He denied the imputation cast upon the planters with reference to the alleged aeparation. of families, and quoted the da claration of the Deputy Marshal of the island of Demerara, to the effect, that it bad never been. the custom there to separate families, although. in sect ral instances members of a family had ob jected to being sold to the same planter with each other. And this calumny was, that the planters had not provided for the religious instruction of the slaves. He denied this • imputation. In the, island of Demerara—to particularise 5 --the Court of Policy, many years ago, had anticipated the Home Government, by making an Act which most carefully and _plosely provided for maintaining morality and religion among the population ; and so far from the people there having become demoralised, it was a matter admitting of no doubt, that the moral and physical con dition of the slaves had materially improved within the last forty years. He would just inform the House to what extent means were provided in this island for insuring re ligious instruction, and he was sure that this statement would satisfy the House on this point. Of the established church there were seven rectors and ,one curate ; there were two Roman Catholic priests; twelve catechists ; fi ve ministers of the Scotch Church; and two of the Church of Holland. The Hon. Member also gave the number of ' schoolmasters and others, but with such rapidity, that it was impossible we could follow him. For the support of the church there, and for the dissemination of education, however, we gathered that the cost yearly was 135,400 guilders, or 10,000/. ; and that since 1821, a very large extra amount had been destined for the same objects ; all which expenses were borne solely by the inhabitants, by a rate levied by the Court of Policy. He was perfectly astonished to hear what the Secretary had said about slave evidence.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. M. S.) had previou-ly considered that it was the A B C of colonial in formation to know that the evidence of slaves was ad missible in alt the colonies ; yet here c ame forward the Right Hon. Secretary, and denied a fact which was eata blished from time immemorial. The Right Hon. Member bete gave several instances where convictions bad been obtained solely on slave evidence—some of them capital. a he Right Hon. Secretary had also male several most in corr cc and injurious statement+ about the alleged decrease of n grates wherever there was an increased cultivation of su 4 ars. It would he proved by official documents that such was not the case. Tne Hon. Gentleman then west over a long series of fi 4 ures in support of his position. The Hon. Mi tuber also showed, by a reference, as we understood, to a table of mortality, in 10,000 people in tie county of Rutland, that the advantage in that number was 243 in favour of the Creole population of D-merara. The average range of mortality he stated at 1 in 37, while it was 1 to 60 it, England anti Wales, 1 in 30 in Pat is, 1 in 25 in Rome, 1 in 24 in Amsterdam ; showing that the average mortality in Demerara was less than the ave. rage mortality in the principal cities and countries of Europe. Yet Demerara had been described as that place wt-ere the planters were more reckless of human life and most oeatitute of human feeling. This observation, which applied strictly only to Demerara, might be extended to all the other colonies. He did not object to die first resolution; it was the lineal descen !ant of the re solutions 1 1823. The plan, however, neither con sulted the wellare of the slice nor the interest of the proprietors. If the House could. accomplish with safety the transition from slavery to frse laitout, it woul I confer the greatest possible boon on the West Indian propriet. rs. The negroes would receive no immediate benefit from the plan. The apprentice, at the end of twelve years, ould sal leave him a dead weight on tt e planters; and there was a patty in England which would allow the planters to have no quiet while a stave remained alivi. He would I , e at the end of his appri nticeship, a burden ain the property, and the proprietor would be even then the victim of tn e outcry against slavery. It was expected that the slave would have motives for toil in the artificial excit men's of civilization ; but those who calculated thus knew nothing of the slaves. He could not comprehend the motives of which civiliz-r1 man admitted the force and admired the operation. The planters would not have one benefit from the scheme, exc-tot the loan, which amounted to n thing. It had ben calculated on wrnng data. He knew th at the Board of Trade hid returned 1,500.000/. as the income of the colonies, hut that included only the absentee incom-. The whole income ought to be includedthe whole ex ports to all other parts of the world, as wed as to Great Britain; ant that would eive a very diff-rent result. He knew it was unpopular to say that the planter- had a right of property in their sl :vea ; but he asked what species of pr..pertl could be cen.iiiered cafe in the count, y. if their property in slaves, which had been secured by Acts of Parliament since the days of Eiz.beth, was nut to be con sidered legal and good property ? He could assure the House, if that propery were not safe, it would be time I for them to look at home. The Hon. Member referred to an opinion of Lord Stowell's, delivered in 1827, to show that emancipation, to he just, must be at the expense of both parties; while the people of England seemed to think it ought to be ct•eap to tnem, and wholly at the expense of the colonists. He admitted that this species of property was repugnant—was revolting; lie was willing to put an end to it : he even implored the House to wipe out that stain, but to do it in a way that became a people of bigh honour and high character. The crime was national—let the explanation be national. He asked to be delivered from slavery, but let it not be done at the destruction of property. If that was not an awful subject, he knew of none on this side the grave. He thought the words of Burke in 1775 were applicable now. Burke said-- •' Staves as these unfortunare black people are, and dull as all men are from slavery, must they not a little sot peet the offer of freedom from that very nation which has sold them to their present master.? From that nation, one of whose causes of quarrel with those masters. is their refusal to deal any more in that inhu man traffic? Au offer of freedom from England would come rather oddly, shipped to them in an African vessel, which is refused an entry into the ports of Virginia or Carolina, with a cargo► of three hundred Angola negroes. It would be curious to see the Guinea Captain attempting at the same instant to publish his pro clamation of liberty, and to advertise his sale of slaves." He repeated, that it was an awful subject, and he called on them to look at St. Domingo, and take warning. In 1791, that was a flourishing industrious island ; now it was one wide scene of licentiousness, idleness, and poverty. In 1791 the crops were valued at six millions sterling ; in 1825, when the population had increased by 400,000, the value of the crops was not more than 420,0001. At the same time, the interest of money was 75 p-r cent., and the best land in the island might be had a t two and a half years' purchase. He again conjured them to take warning by the example of St. D. , mingo. All that devastation had been brought about, though all the talents of Toussaint L'Ouverture, of which even Bonapirte was jealous, and all the energy of Christophe, aided by the talents of liberal men, had been directed to est iblish order. The Hon. Member next referred, we believe, to Vene zuela, where, he said, there were only five or six sugar plantations, and they were all worked by slave labour. He contended that this showed that the statements of the Right Hun. Gentleman were not correct. He asserted that all the planters, and all the agents of the colunies, and all the perstlis connected tit ith the colonies, who were now gathered in London, looking eagerly for the settle ment of this question, were willing to.lend their assistance to abolish slavery with safety to themselves. Mr. F. BUXTON admitted the sincerity, and the great power and good humour, with which his Hon. Friend had so ably advocated the cause of the West Indians. The Hon. Member had chiefly replied to the speech of the Right Hun. Gentleman, the Secretary of State, and he was sorry to say, that with the latter part of that speech he did not agree. But he must call on the House to look at facia which were uncontradict-d, and defied contradiction. He could not but advert with gratification to the speeches both of the Right Hun. Gentleman and the Noble Lord (Howick); for in them be found complete justification of all the opinions lie bad ever entertained , and of ti , e course he had pursued. He had been assailed by all kinds of vituperative epi bets, and should he be again assailed by them, h e would point to the speeches of the Noble Lord and the Right Hun. Gen. Vermin as his justification. The Right Hon. G.-ntleman was a convert ; but he had had RO COOlmoniCation with any individual connect d with him. His H in. Friend hid dwelt much on tr e state of the population of the %Vest Indies ; he would not answer that part of his Hon. Friend's statement, because he knew it was impossible to carry a long array of figures in the head, and he hail dready forgotten those of his Hon. Friend. When he had been about to make such a statement, , he had sui.mirted it a week before making it to the Hou-e, to his Hun. Friend. and his H.m. Friend ,liouid ha%e answered th,m it he could It was certainly ffrat irying to him to find that his Hon. Friend had now endeavoured to show from the state of the population, as he had done last year, what was the condition of the slaves, tho igh he did not think that the observations of his Rot. Friend had ihval.dated his argument.. He had listened woh gr.-at attention to the Arguin,nts of the gentlei+•eo ,vl, hail sp. ken on this question, and it Wag most satis- iacLor) ; indeed it might be considered as a very tavottittb:e omen, that none bad avowedly opposed the emakeipation of the negro.—(Hear.) The knowledge of the people of England on the subject of slavery, and the effects produced by it, bad increased of late years, and the evidence of the necessity for negro emancipation had largely accumulated. For instance, the fact which had been frequently adverted to, and which had been repeated on that evening, that, in the proportion that the cultivation of the sugar cane was increased, the numbers of the negro population diminished. It had been said that, at St. Domingo, the quantity of su gar bad materially diminished ; but had the quantity of human life diminished?—(Hear.) He could prove to their satisfaction that the contrary was the case ; and that the comforts and improvement of the people had been ma terially promoted. The Right Hon. Gentleman below him had referred to a past speech of his, to show that he, at one time, was a friend to gradual emancipation. He wished the Right Hon. Gentleman had gone on to the resolution which he moved in 1632, in which he would find a declaration that slavery was contrary to the princi ples of the British constitution, and of the Christian re ligion. The Right Hon. Gentleman appeared to suppose that he did not in those days go to the full extent tf his present principles. But since then new information had been obtained. They did not then know, as they did now, that all attempts at gradual emancipation, are wild and visionary. —(Hear.) They acted on the promise of Mr. Canning, that certain ameliorations in the condition of the slaves should take place, be assuring them that he had the authority of Governtnent, and also of the West India hotly in this country, for making that promise. One of these ameliorations was the instant abolition of the chats tisement of females. Had the barbarous and diseusting practice of flogging women, however, ceased then ? Cer tainly not. In the House of Assembly in Jamaica, a short time back, one Member had the courage to move its abo lition ; he found a seconder ; but on a division, he had only one person to vote for his motion.—(Hear, hear.) They were not, in fact, in 1823, aware of many of those important circumstances which have since come to light. They were not aware of the fact of the depopulation conse quent on the cultivation of sugar—they were not acquaint ed with the lashing of women. In those days there was not the same opposition to the moral and religious education of the negroes. In those days there were nu Church Colonial Union.—(Hear.) In those days there were no instances of negroes being tried, convicted, and punished for no other offence than that of worshipping God after the dic tates of their own consciences. There were no instances of Magistrates, to far from attempting to suppress 'iota, assisting in pulling down chapels with their own hands. —( Hear, hear.) There were then no instances of Mis sionaries being hunted for their lives, or of their disap pointed hunters wreaking their vengeance by tarring and feathering innocent childhoed.— (Hear, bear.) These things wet e not then known and understood, or the peo ple of England would doubtless have raised their voice as ',wily and energetically as they bad now done. He had frequently been called headstrong and insolent, but now the charge against him seemed to be that he had not gone far enough ; if, however, he had neglected the interests of the negro, he would endeavour to make him reparation on the present occasion, and, therefore, when they came in Committee to that part of the plan which called on tne ne;ro to work three fourths of his time without reward, it being, at the seine time, admitted that the negroes re quited the instigation of the strongest inducements to I itiour, he, should, on the principles and facts of the Right Hon. Gentleman, give that part of the plan his utmost oaposition.—(Hear, hear.) It bad been denied by some that Hogging was still practised ; but though he did not wish to dwell on insoances of atrocity and cruelty, he might refer to the case tat Henry Williams, a negro who dis ieguished himself during the insurrection by his preservation of his master's property, which he afterwards deliv red up to him in full cultivation. Mr. Betty's over seer, who had no o her fault to find with him, said, that it he went to chapel, he should be sent to Rodney Hall workhousee—a dreadful punishment. Henry William., went to ch 'eel ; he was accordingly sent to R,Oltiey Hall prison, and flagged. A female slave dared to sigh. Mr. Betty immediately cried, ‘• Hand our that lady !" and she was laid down, and fl .gged.—(flear, hear.) Williams oeis punished so severely, that his bark was a mass of .corruption. This was all admitted evidence, not mere statenont. Complaint was made to Sir Ceorge Murray, a most amiable and estimable man, Sir George, with proper indignation, immediately called on Mr. Betty to account fur his conduct, but he refused to answer the in terrogar.iri s. He did not deny having the female I iid on the ground and flogged ; but contended that he had a right so to do, and that he did not exceed the legal punish ment of thirty-nine lashes. If, contended thi- man, the Hon. Secretary thought it contrary to law, he was ready to submit the ease to a jury of twelve honest plenters, o would convince him t' at he had nut exceeded the undoubted right of a West Indian overseer.— (Hear.) And when the case was brought home, it was found that this doctrine was correct in law, and he (Mr. Buxton) held in his hand an extract from Lord Goderich's esaatch, in which he said, there is so illegality in the poiceeding of Mr. Betty; the only complaint that can lie made against him is, that he has exercised legal powers in an illegal manner. He would bring into the House a witness, whose testimony could not be impeached, one of the five deputies from those islands, and the only one who refused to negotiate with Government—he meant Mr. Burnley. Wh.t was the picture he gave of slavery in a pamphlet which he published? He spoke of it as a system of great enormity, infamous and disgraceful—that the plesent unnatural state of society in the West Indies was without parallel in the history of the world—that it was harsh in its features, revolting to every freeborn mind, and required the aid of many evils to prep ant sup port it. He also said the subject was one which was surrounded by unconquerable difficulties, and that the evils of slavery could not be remedied by any thing short of its total abolition ; and he did not fail to observe, that in every language whip and slavery were found in juxtaposition that they were parts of the same syste and would stand or fall together.—(Hear, hear.) The description of the Right Honourable Gentleman was fl ittering when compared with that of this unex ceptionable evidence. He could not help saying tliis--- 'bat from all the facts which had come to his knowledge, and from the communicati •ns which he received, both public and private, his mind was deeply impressed with a conviction that a servile war would be the inevitable consequence, if emancipation were to be deferred. He did not wish to enter into this painful subj-ct. He gave the Right Hon. Gentleman, however, full credit for his propo sitions, which, together with his speech, would go a great way to diminish the probability of that disastrous event. The negroes had common sense, and, therefore, he had no doubt they would see the strong interest which they had in peace and tranquillity under present circumstances. He, however, most sincerely hoped that nothing would induce his Majesty's lginis'ers to postpone the question beyond the pres nt session. No wisd.im, no foresight could avert the doom of slavery ; but wisdom and foresight might influ ence the mode of its termination. It might fall by violence, or it might expire in peace It might ter minate as it did in St. Domingo, amidst the horrors of a servile war, or it might be concluded with peace, safety, and benefit to all parties. The negro character was determination, and their determination was not to work. He would ref; r only to one in stance ; he did not refer to it as a case of atrocity, but simply in illustration of this statement. After the late insurrection, a negro was tried, but there not being sufficient evidence, he was acquitted. He was told to re turn to his work ; he refused, and declared that lie would never work again unless for wages. Loaded muskets were pointed at his breast, and he was ordered to return home to work or prepare for death ; I.e reiterated his detertnina- th,n—to die rather than work without remuneration. H e was shot. When the negroes could furnish heroes and martyrs as this man certainly was to his determination, what was to he expected ?—(Hear, hear.) There was one other topic to which he migot be expected to advert, namely—the p,obahle conduct of the negro when etuanci paled. He should take an opportunity of entering upon that more fully on another occasion. He had no doubt that he should be able to prove, that if they would give the negto wages, he would work for wages ; and if this had not been already established, it was the fault of those who would not give wages, and not owing to any Musa on the part of the negroes. He did not claim for the negroes that they should be exempt from labour ; all he claimed for them was the rights of human beings. He did not wish to enter in o abstract arguments ; but as an Hon. Gentleman had concluded his speech by a quota tion from Shakspeare, he would conclud e his by referring to a higher auttiority—Alr. Justi.•e Blackstone—who said '• that life and liberty may be said to be absolute rights, which belong to persons in a state of nature, which every b-Mg born in the tvoi Id has a right to enjoy, and which no human legislation ha• a right to abrdge or destroy, unless the party commit some criminal act which shall amount to a forfeiture of his right."—(Hear.) Ibis , therefore, he ap pli e d to negroes—and whether they would work or not, whether they prefer to live in a simple, or, us we might call it, savage state, they had still that unalienable light which Mrs Justice Blackstone referred to—they were still m en, and as men unconvicted of crime, they had a just claim to be free. He sought for them the pure, primitive, eternal rights of min. If on a future occasion it should turn out that they stould nut work, still he would say, they were not less entitled to that liberty giv.n to them by the laws of naiute, and which, m'y the laws of Eng•and, had been taken away from them to substitute the abominable cruelties of our own.--(Cbeers.) It duly remained for him to state the course he should adopt in relation to the plan of the Right Hon. Gentle. man. Though he opposed parts of it, yet he thought some of the propositions made that night were great amendments, and would prove very satisfactory to the friends of emancipation. If the opposition were success ful, it was probable they would lose the benefits of this measure altogether; and so sure as that was the case, so then would life and property be insecure in the colonies, as had already been stated in a report signed by Mr. Burge and other West India agents. The Hon. Gentle: man concluded by declaring that he saw no alternative in the rejection of this measure but the precipitation of emancipation by bloodshed and violence. He wist,ed one verbal alteration in the part which spoke of the pro prietors of slaves. He would not recognise even in words a property in rnan.—(Hear.) Though he should be sorry to vote against an amendment embracing his own prin ciples, yet be was bound to consult, in the first place, the welfare of the negro, and a regard for his interest com pelled him to support the proposition of the Right Hon. Gentleman —( Cheers.) Mr. Waal) and Mr. GLADSTONE rose together. The call for Mr. Gladstone was loud and long continued ; but Mr. WARD proceeded—he supported the plan pro posed by his Majesty's Ministers, and illustrated the pro. bability of its success, by a reference to Spanish America. In Guatemala, especially, the colonial produce was very considerable, and yet there were no slaves; -•• The whole was the result of free labour. Before the revolution, the planters, finding the expense of importing slaves great, had encouraged marriages between the slaves already in their possessioo, and the nativ e women ; an d had,• in most instances, consulted their come rt and advantage. Ths consequ"nce was, that when the revolution broke out, the negroes adhered as free labourers to their masters. A hundred and fifty free labourers in Guatemala produced twice the quantity of sugar that was produced by 150 slaves in Cuba. But there was another great advantage-- the abolition in Spanish America of all those hateful dis tinctions between man and man by which North America was polluted. However inferior Spanish America might be in other respects, in that she was transcendent. The sound of the whip would never again be there heard. Adverting to Cuba, the Hon. Gentleman observed, that out of a population of 750,000, only 260,000 were slaves. Whereas, in the population of our colonies, only one nut of twelve or one out of fifteen was free. To what did Cuba owe the ;Avant iges wide] it possessed? To the Spanish Colonial Code. That code secured every slave on his entrance into bondage fair special rights. The first was the right of changing masters; the second the right of marriage; the third the right of acquiring and holding property; the fourth tha right of employ ing that property in the redemption either of their wives, their children, or themselves. A Spanish Alcade or district magistrate was the sole judge of the disputes between the slaves and their employers. If a general convulsion were to take place to-morrow in the West In dies, he b lieved that Cuba, in cons• quence of the conduct pursued by the planters, would escape the ruin. Although the proposition of the Right Hon. Secretary of State dt -1 tyed the entire freedom, it delayed it only that freedom might he more valuable and secure. It had been said Cie system of corporeal punishment ought to be abolished ; rot it was scarce y possible that the power of inflicting it should be abused when placed in the hands of magistrates sent out from this coun ry. The example of St. Domingo had been referred to ; hut in St Domingo, even under Christophe, the whole black population had been under a strict and seveaie code of laws. With respect to compen sation, he undoubtedly thought the planters were entitled to it. He did not think the House had a right to maintain any great abstract principle without a reference to the in terests which might be sacrificed by it. He was not, therefore, one of those who thought that emancipation might take place at once, or be celebrated on his Majesty's next birthday. He could not blind himself to the wide spread misery and devastation which such a proposition was calculated to produce. He thought, therefore, the compensation might even have gone further with advantage. He approved of the manner in which the slaves were to work out the I 'an in the shape of wages.—(S ainebody appeared to tell the Hon. G ntleman that that part of the plan was relinquished.) He was sorry to hear that that part of the plait way relinquished, for he highly approved of it. As to cony, rting the loan into a gilt, that_seemed to him to he highly ex,edient ; convinced as he was the West India Proprietors would be unable to pay the money. He was fir from being an advocate of the system pursued in the West Indies; tot lei it be recollected that the sys tem dirt no , rest on the West India Proprietors, It revel on the B, itish Parliament —(Loud cr es of " Question" and "Adjourn.") Mr. GODSON moved that the Chairman should report progress, d a.lc leave to sit again. . Lord ALTIFIORP aequi.-seed in the adjournment of the discussion. His statement of the intentions of his Ma.. jeaty's Government respecting the Bank Coarter stood tor to morrow (this day) ; hut lie would take the chance of there being time afterwards for the prosecution of the pre sent d bate. Th. 11 , iuse wao then resum,d, and the Chairman ob tained leave to sit again this day. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and at half-past twelve o'clock this morning the House adjourned. HOUSE f;F LORDS, MAY 30 The Lei-d. Oil Gas Company Bill was ri-ari a third time. The Earl of MALMESBURY presented a petition for the abolition of the m.lt duty. Li it d DUNDAS presented a petition against the assessed taxes. Lord CLONCURRY presented petitions for the repeal of the punishment o► death.• in our criminal code. Tle Duke of RICHMOND brought up the report of the Savings Rmks Annuities Bill, without amendment. Lord SUFFIELD present•d petitions for the abolition of slivery from Owes in Ireland. The Duke of WELLINGTON presented a petition from Bristol against the Alinisterial plan for the abolition of slavery. Also a petition from the slave owners and inhabitants of the island of Dominica, praying for protec tion The whole of the inhabitants stated that they were willing to sell their estates in the island of Domi nica, so that his Illaji.isty's Government might try such experimen.s in it as they should think fit, without injut ing the property of others. Lord SUFFIELD bad no doubt that a man who bad bought a stolen borse would be glad to get the money back again.—(A Lord BERESFORD said, that the Noble B iron must first prove that the horse was stolen. The Duke of WELLINGTON begged to refer the Noble Lord to the repeated acts and resolutions of Parliament upon the subject, and he would see that slaves were acknowledged to be property. No English man could be deprived of his property except by the law of the land, and no Englishman could be deprived of his property, even by Act of Parliament, without proper compensation. Lord SUFFIELD was quite delighted with what had fallen from the Noble Duke. He bad stated that no man could be deprived of his property but by Act of Parlia ment, hut tee (Lod S.) would say that no man could be deprived of his natural right, liberty, even by an Act tit Par liament; and that he should be prepared to prove when the proposed measure was belle their Lordships' House.— ( Hear.) He pledged himself to prove the impossibility of man having a property in man. The Noble Lord then pre sented two petitions against slavery. Earl GREY laid up ,, n the table a copy of the treaty or convention entered into between the King of the French, the Kine of the Netherlands, and his Majesty. The Noble Earl then presented ten petitions against slavery. Lord WHARNCLIFFE presented a petition from York against the Local Jurisdiction Bill. - The Earl of RODEN presented petitions from several parishes in Cork agiinst the Church Reform (Ireland) Bill. He considered that the measure was nothing but direct spoliation, and would contravene the Coronation oath. The BISHOP of BRISTOL presented a petition from Cok, lamenting the diminution in the number of the Irish Bishops, and deprecating the Bill altogether. It was one of the most alarming and dangerous measures he (the Biwa Rev. Prelate) in the course of his long life had ever heard of.—(Hear, hear.) He could not conceive bow it codd be thought necessary to reduce the number of the Bishops in Ireland, when there were no Archdeacons and Chapters to a-sist them, and how it could b, imagined the business could be got through. The Earl of ST. VINCENT presented a petition, praying for the abolition of ,davery without compensation. On the motion of Lord MELBOURNE. the House 'vent into Committee upon the Police Offices (London) C ati nation Bill. Lord NIELBOURNF said, that among the alterations the Bill proposed, that constables should have the power of apprehending persons in e , : ffee-h , uses and beer-s'o 9 suspected of intending to commit felony and other offence., the present Art allowing them t o b e apprehended ost rw suspicion of comtn.tti felony. Lord WYNFORD suggested vadions amendments, some of which were agreed ,o. The LORD CHANCELLOR moved the second rear ing of tie Real Prop, rty v' for) Debts Biil The principl 8 411(1 prtivi.i,m4 of thiN Bill having been fully plaine.i by him on a former occa,iini, the Learned Lord said that he would only then inform the Hens, that its object was the remedying a great anomaly is the law of debtor and creditor, and so far putting an opprobrium in our English jurisprudence! fact, went to make the dishonest debtor do what the honest man would and ought ' compulsion—namely, give up all his real creditors. As the law stood, real propel after the decease of the debtor ; and it too easy matter for him or any other p : cite cases, and, if they liked, names, In could not recover a single farthing of thi had purchased a large real property for a died before judgment had been given age' to make the propertywhich he hadthus p?' through a fraudulent outlay of his creditor to his debts; and thus the fraudulent enabled to transmit an entailed propert: creditors being able to procure the remotest. true plots and schemes of this kind were possibility existed under the present law, f their having been successfully resorted to, rt dial measure like the present imperative. through inadvertence or ignorance of the should die before he bad made the necessarY paying his creditors out of tLe real property haps, as in the former instances, by their ow' creditors had no redress whatever, and thr the next heir free from all obligations. in themselves showed the necessity of the t. He had only to add that it differed from that by its provisions being extended to cult and other land tenures, as well as freehold former Bill, it might be remembered, was hold tenures. In consequence of this provisions of the Bill, he would not press to Ireland as well as England till he bad Plunket. Lord WYNFORD would, when the Bill mittee, move an amendment that real propel after demise, he liable unless in cases wbi written acknowledgment of debt on the I ceased. No claims were more easily got Ili alleved debts of persons deceased, so that fraud was necessary. The LORD CHANCELLOR would g' ment his best consideration, but feared it to knee breaches of trust against just pun. an agent or guardian made away with the minor nr infant, if the amendment were could tho minor or infant recov,r ? Toe B 11 was then read a second time, committed—d.y not named. After a conversation, in which the Lm Lord Lyndhurst, and the Duke of Welling it was agreed that the Limitation of Actions heritance Bill should be read a second time cussion, with the understanding that their ' provisions should be fully explained before committee. —Adjou: ned. ‘'4, 44 ea' an etiLT • 1 deuce. A,T ihi on it,g,ropeehratrditoyptorrbwojoa. 714:70 ut o. • 11: , t: fp t unfortua r practi ' ,•. ~ in wbiea t.,t,kr of the for a debtor L n rs posed ! creditors roperty 10, notest redre ., # th e 711 . oi I were or* law, and' ,, I to, ren , .". ive. The* of the eessary P a t0m , 014 operty ob - eir 0190 , d the p " si; is. 'llO , his was t hr l s : ei odte p h wz r e rit s e . , e acrted Tess its DP"' had 00 6 ' he Bill cuss. D. 7.0 property .:4•ce " go t htweuhl:praer:' 04 : 11. ; that SO ° . mid give t l4 ' k sole i t would', t , • f t punistuae! tjent 5 the prellei. were ado? I • t ,:nd t of JA gri le, and crow 1,04 4 41, ••° 1 e Lord v'oti It , ell . a fs I r ‘ I" tligtO fictions /3i ° tp d time ‘4 , I ' r their pr ine, 11 4 : 1 before g° .) 1 41,11 , il t th e ...lee • t t lf f_ LGIVr 6 1 0 4 ' SI If t h „g II ro OF TP- .( _ ; OF TO O ETIOLS 4 P1 , 0 1 o ANtig/Al6l gA in 1833• : t eal t ec ktiZ re Inited • /It of the F • lake of stinns ty iv I .. Pk kb F NoveillOPY Wa iehtle ries. via. •'7 , 4 , Kingilor4 4Ntvi, enryJobo 441 44 Ireland, e 4 • Privy A - 7 % xi derof h er , ,tt 361)41 • 1 11 l et •.0 L IM the SIP — , tvp oi ee Duke ue ~ 5 'vir e Extr , •b. Lid 111.45141( , r E a riypee e , L eg ion , it d 6 t n r L der of the ,• ff • "tni j • • t •• ea, 11 poverty, h po n and "EN] 'lest ' l ouni the — i•atik, 1.0 I the 10 6 0 i 1 Ireland/ r nbard,o iv b on d good* ,f the Net ; rich r tor,4_ ,, ad to t h eir ~„i , Ni ; to b , *.‘ tPris ng o f the in his Ow" k ',n d $ • both nlfic ; mope, id in 1 101 54 . , i n g of t' : ✓, h inodiviPrse*,ll t , o 7; RI d ,1 1 Band e a , e blisl ly, big ! sle ;{ A hostitir . .„ • ,‘ 4 1 7 ;f the 4k; 6 64 se retir.d )? the :, : esr.itb e eis fi ssea: n niiiib i no g jec i y i e vottfge e' rs: c ▪ o l:: ; ,,. n / betwee , •••••.4 nd witb° , q ,,4 t Of kt. ERR neeol4° ‘44411,k' to 010 , re trea, f If hie Or e t. eof yer 911 Hurts t •••. theret?'- 1 0 4 tt ",1 th e . tit Y , lin" Of AP in too :i t :: 1, ipotenti.6oo .o°4 N 4,4„ m l b° re g to ', " ft :Yl:sll:tb.,Aeli; 44,:libr:it:21 ' EYl'v kt, HOLLAND AND BELGI CONVENTION BETWEEN HIS MAJESTY AND THE KING or ON THE ONE PART, AND THE KING OF LANDS ON THE OTHER. PART; TOGETH I EXPLANATORY ARTICLE THEREUNTO A$ Sped at London, May 21, 1835. TRANSLATION. Their Majesties the King of the United Great Britain and Ireland, the King of do the King of the Netherlands, Grand Duke m being desirous of re-establishing the relations as they existed before the month of Novel have for that purpose resolved to conclstie! and have named as their plenipotentiaries. His Majesty the. King o the United Kit* Britain and Ireland, the Right Hoot. Henry.n Palmerston, Baron Temple, a Peer of Irelat of his Britannic M .jesty's moat Hon. Knight Grand Cross of the most Hon. Ord' a M e mber of Parliament, and his Principal Foreign Aff irs. HI Majesty the King of the French, the Maurice de Talleyranil Perigord, Prinee Do' rand, a Per of France, Amba ssador Eat!" Minister Pleniptitentiary from his said Mi Britannic ; Grand Cross of the Legit Kniallt of the Order, of the . bidden : Flt : eces of the Order of St. Stephen of Hungai St. Andrew, of .the Order .of the Black And his Majesty the King of.the Nettiet Solomon Dedel, Commander of the Order of the Netherlands. Who, after having exchanged their full potvie"i he in good and due form, have agreed upon am the following articles : AATICLIC - • Imm-diately after the exchange of the ri the present convention, their M Jetties the U.ited K ngdodi of Great Britain 4nd Irel King of the French, will take off the embaro• have placed upon the ships, vessels, and good' to the subjects of his Majesty the King of th: and all the vessels detain d, together with ti shall be immediately released and restored to tive owners. In like marmot., his Majesty the King of Irnds will revoke the measures taken in hi respect to the English and French flags, ARTICIE 11. At the tune period, the s islatherland troot royal navy and army, at present det.ined in return to the states of his Majesty the King 0 lands with their arms, baggage, carriages, effects belonging either to the corps or toll ARTICLE 111. So long as the relations between Holland shall not be settled by a definitive treaty, hi' Majesty engages not to recommence boa' Belgium, and to leave the navigation of the tirely free. ARTICLX IV. Immediately after the exchange of the rt the present convention, the navigation of the, be opened to commerce; and until a defial went be made in this respect, it shall be 8 01 provisions of the convention signed at 11Ior March, 1831, for the navigation of the Rh!, those provi s ion s may b e a p p li ca bl e to th e said The communical ions between the fortress' and the frontier of North Brabant, and bet fortress and Germany, shall be free and diment. ARTICLE V. The high contracting parties engage to selves, without delay, about the definitive to fix the relations between the states of hi' King of the Netherlands, Grand Duke of and Belgium. They will invite the Courts Prussia, and Russia, to become parties there?' ARTICLZ VI. Ilya.' The present conven ti, n shall be ratified, a fications shall b e exc h ange d at L on d on in "-- sooner if pussible. In witness whereof the respective Plenipol signed the same , an d h ave a ffi xe d t h ere to s their arms. Done at London, th e 21 s t d a y o f May, io our Lord 1833. (L. S.) PALM (L. S.) TA.I•Lf f. ( L. S.) EXPLANATORY ARTICLE. It is agreed between the high coutracti44 P of of: ;he stipulation relative to the complete cessati°"lsble fides, contained in artic'e 3of the conventioa sod IIJ comprehends the Grand Duchy of Luxembu L rP e j bfj part of Limbur g w hi c h is provisionally 0 0 1,,, t 0 0 :: 0 0 r B lgian tr o ops. I t i s moreover un d er stood t h "" e ire ( 4/ A 1 conclusion of the d e fi n i t iv e t rea ty, of wbi e "/ tb i V inane in the said article 3of the conventioo glO, the navigation of the S c h e ldt s h a ll t,.ke place footing as before the Ist Nov., 1832. 1e 0 1 / The present explanat o ry ar ti c l e shall have 103i.,106: and validity as if it w e r e in serte d word for svo, tier vention of this day. It s h a ll he ratified, a nu twi g , tions shall be e x c h ange d a t th e s ame time • be: said convention. oto r s In witness wher e of th e re spective Plenipote arch Signed the same, and h ave affixed thereto the arms. e Lord, 1833. Done at London, the 21st ;day of Ma AL y, AIP ;I I 4 ,07' cits.l" (L. S.) Pt, (L.S.) TALLP (L.S.) DEI)O,, On the 29th inst., in Milton -stre e t, Grosv"cr.oo , of Captain Henry Bowden , S cot s F usileer G uards, 1; BIRT, I 1.4 kkil Pl 4 cii s 7lt, d_ ft ---- MARRIED. e I V 1 I -.... `" On the 3.th inst. , at Trinit y Chu rch , MarylebooLpt rison, Esq., First Guards, to Amelia, youngest do"' late Thomas Welch, Esq O e : On the zsth in ta t Shenst one Church , Major At k.s A O the Royal Scots Grey s, t o E l iza Maria, eldebt &lire' . 4 `:) 01 A te Henry Case, Esq. , of Shenstone Moss, Staffor u , 1 /,' DIED. .Do fle .y 1. 11 t7,: * ' i i, 'nook-house, VP"J' •Al N 444 ' Del 4 ti '-'4,itte Esq., aged 68. - U Nai I . RINTIFID AND PUBLISHED BY MU It D 0 Y 0 SUN OFFIcg, 112, STRAND, LON Oa'