The Sun. — London, England, 1830-03-11 00:00:00

)4- li of i".f the OA Ith the ell, • ac- 'iF' • on- in also to his Ver, nts, fur- man n by Eton. mo ,wful ways ning cy o f )ffen d ; Was noble so he son-. tons- been (Lord at the Noble maser' deuce _ _ legra none to last in the House would t of a mitten. again 1 then ig car ey had tit un- in no 7agedy, on ex- ow the It wal t their d upon ler the lity) of us fact in our rot, the , st staid n•, and inuanco ipletion c forts D, is a nmands ny force uncon- tal who n, • front •espond t,g with It ever •eepond ickaow- to. Bat Instead, ted to a d advice 'nen and cited to with gay etary of 'ho is the when not re i nrasion r before. tain the ? Why ieeretary ty then, ht Hon. n charge it up to tpon the of justly such in hi enter ent were leen had I foroavil i of hi " All his acts had been in conformity, and "Y hig paper blockades, and his gratuitous recognition of the title of Regent, Le had done all in his power ' to favou r the cause of tyranny, That celebrated negocia tor, • who,at Chatillon, 'could not prevail upon himself to pronounce the very name of the French Emperor, with wh om h e was ac t ua lly ne go t iating, and whom it was an object to conciliate, went out of his way to recognize a nsurper with whom he had actualy broken off all connection on account of his treason. And what was the pitiful apo logy of the two Right Hon. Gent. for this wretched course of policy? Fear of war ! With whom ? With the magnani 'noose mouse in all her panoply. But even had this been the alternative, which he denied, he would ask the military members of the Government, and who knew the country, Whether either of them would have hesitated to march from one end of the country to the other, at the head of the two brigade s o f E ng li s h troops th e n at Lisbon ? But it neither was, is, nor ever was, the question in this 'at The only thing at first required (and this he would b eg to impress uaon those who measure all na tional honour by a scale of pounds, shillings, and P e aee) was to retain our troops till the Emperor of T , '""ail'a pleasure should be known—a term of three months, and at an outlay of a very few thousand pounds, and all that was since wanted, was a bond fide interfer ence on the cause of freedom, to as great an extent as we had hitherto interfered against her. He called on the House of Commons, to bear in mind its ancient cha racter u the shield and advocate of foreign liberty, and to attend more than it had of late done to the na tional honour, compromised, as it had lately been, by onr foreign policy. He desired Gentlemen to hear in mind that the same men were now in office who had connived at or approved the Austrian seizure of l‘laPles, and the French invasion of Spain. The Se cretary of State had justified the former outrage, on the ground that a nation was justified in suppressing a conti guous; nuisance. He viewed the free institutions of Italy Its a sort of steam-engine or gas-work, which its virtuous neighbour was justified in suppressing, lest the pestilential tftlu vil should infect its pure atmosphere. But if this " (I ' t-fa llen nation had no feeling or strength to justify for eign sympathies, he trusted the Ministers would them "rives want the courage to affix on their own name's and on that of their country, the indelible disgrace of any farther recognition of the tyrant. Sir F. BURDETT, after complimenting the Noble Lord (Palmerston) upon the eloquent and argumentative manne r in which he had introduced this motion, to the House, proceeded to say that he felt that this was a enbject in which the character of this country was at stake, and for that reason he wished, as an Englishman deeply concerned for the national honour of his country, to declare his opinions upon the question. The national character of this country, he knew from experience, ova sat present at a very low estimate amongst the people on the continent of Europe, and that was entirely attributable to the foreign policy which had been latterly pursued by our government. The motion of the Noble Lord, if acceded t ' ° ' was calculated in some degree to raise our character a mongst f ore i gn Ra ti ons , an d to prove in the face of amo ngst that the llonse of Commons at least was not in different to the Rational honour. All the most important Portions of the documents bearing upon this question were still withheld by Government, and it was absolutely ne cessary that documents called for by the Noble Lord should be laid before the House, before it could possibly pro nounce its 'opinion as to the transactions to which those documents had reference. It was absolutely necessary, he would repeat, that all those papers should be laid before the House. The Right Hon. Gentleman, who had at tempted to answer the able speech of the Noble Lord, had offered a most flimsy pretence for refusing to give those documents, and the information which the Noble Lord required. The Right Honourable Gentleman said that that would be interfering with pending negotiations. Why, a mere reference to the dates of those papers svould show that there was not one of them, or at most, not above one of them, the production of which mild possibly interfere with any pending negocia tions.—(Hear, hear.) In the result of that negotiation the character of this country was deeply involved : it was plain that Ministers were not very cisary as to the mainte , mene t of that character ; indeed, it was impossible to con fide in them in that respect, after what hail already oc curred, and limier such circumstances; he conceived that that that House should insist upon the production of every species of information with regard to the manner in which those negociatione had been conducted. It used to be the characteristic policy of England throughout Europe to aid th e cause of liberty and independence—to cherish the feelings of patriotism and love of freedom—to restrain th e strong—to assist the weak—to resist the encroach ments of despotism —and to afford a refuge to the destitute and oppressed. But the present character of her system of foreign policy was quite the reverse.—(Hear, bean). — H e did not know but the time would soon come when many persons would speak of that calumniated personage, Don Miguel. lie was far from knowing how long it might be before such language might be used in reference to Don Miguel by his best friend, Lord Aberdeen—(A laugh, and cries of " Hem-, hear")—who had so lately and so justly depicted him to the people of Europe, a , cruel," " base," " cowardly," " false," and "treacherous." He (Sir F. Burdett) did not know how long that Noble Lord would continue to say that Don Miguel deserved the application of such terms, and he was not sure but that person might well say— " -- nom si ego slignus hac contumelia Sum mazume, at to indignus qui fames tamen." (Cheers.)—He was of opinion that the whole of these trans actions should be fully detailed to the House and the country. Don Miguel was first confirmed by England in the possession of power in Portugal; and then, when there, he acted a part so different from that which we bad sanctioned, and to which ke hal bound himself, when here, to perform—and for the performance of which this country was in some measure a guarantee--that his conduct was a disgrace and insult to the Crown of this country.—(Hear.)—lle (Sir Burdett) was convinced that, but for the death of Mr. Canning,part. 11eaDoin, Miguel would never h ave pl aye d suc h a hear.)—He would have known, if Mr. binning wer e li v i ng, that lie could not enact such a p ar t h impunity, and he would not have had the countenance or supposed good understanding of the English Govern ment to support him in his doings in Portugal.—(Hear.) 7-To what extent or amount that countenance went, and how far it was tnaintained by the correspondence of Lord Ileresford, it Wag not possible to say, unless the House had ti e whole of the documents before it. If a different line of Policy, if th e pol i cy of Mr. Canning had been pursued, in reference to Portugal, it would have prevented all those difficultie s in which we now found ourselves placed. He should say nothing as to the propriety of what had been done at Vienna, nor should he say whether it devolved upon an English Ambassador to return from Brazil with a Constitution in his pocket for Portugal; bat he was sure that M r. C anning, seeing the necessity of some once,inter te thought i t w i se and prudent to give our support to 1 establishment of the Constitution in that country, in order to secure the good will of the party there attached to the Con s ti tut i on of England. Mr. Canning, at the fairly thought, that if the Constitution were este- Od with the aid of England, the gratitude of that party at tached etvv to it for our exertions would render the connexion tneo e u e: the two countries still more intimate and advan tageous. 13wells countenance then afforded to the Consti their nduced them to come forward and risk now by es and fortunes in support of the Constitution ; and th e the Policy which we since adopted, we delivered de"l up to . I, massacred_ by Don Miguel, or punished and vise rn _ - any way that his malice and cruelty could de in t h . (ileac, hear. )—We abandoned them to be sacrificed qasen. ow „ . . what hoar " country, or to be driven out of it ; and *Pecks of refuge we afforded them here ?—(Hear, htielaer.),\-But upon that point he should not dwell now, as itight Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Grant) was P sal m i t bring all the transactions relating to Terceira before :House. Ile would only say, that one mind ap -Ist to to Pervade all these transactions.—( Hear, hear.)— in a tile i .se t t W ra a n s enant a d s tiB k o e tn d hi?h w e l i s rvic y , suspect the conduct of England , rrp an ec i t b i l tL in Who fresh, ices fast by, a butcher with an ax l ;, (Clleere c )„,:i ll "Peet 'twas h e th a t ma d e th e s l aug ht er ?" let m s k now `tothre were not grounds f o r su s pici o n, why not (Loud cries tief,y thing re l a ti ng to these transactions ? word. e ( Sir F. Peace," " peace," was now the H not so fallen in F. Burd e tt) truste d t h at t hi s country was war. The Minister who e.ondition an d i n energy as t o b e a f ra id o f thirst not would declare that this country honour an d ch to ar stet war; did not show any respect for the ern s <m of th e country w hi c h were h ere s o deeply conc silence all argument and if t h e mere wor d " war " were to Burdett) would s uPon the subj ec t, th en lie (Sir F. done he ay that i n th a t case t h e nat i on was nn (Flears ".)—Thou g h greatly distressed at pre ateunrto, ptleris_c_ousnetry, when compared with other countries in its 1, 0 ,4 4 7 _stied always sufficient resources to maintain maintain its7torYnothis but if ne ' et„. War undoubtedly should be a last resource, country was as capable as ever to 7 s -if an I: i r ii :nd put forth its powers.—(Cheers.) for the defenactetl'oifm uotronons a n d sa„, that should get up in the House of go to. war s it c s o h un on t7 ur w a a n s d n c o l t th i r n ac a te s r ta , state to brought to the he (Sir P. Burdett) block.wo(uld say that some heads should be memory h e respected's-sr-Tear, hear.) A great man, whose could he a greater and admired, and than whom no inn Foxes-had said e s n 7e m bZ t to W ar --he meant the late Mr. the cues in which war might be disputable, were those which included a war for aggran dizement, which was dishonest ; a war of ambition, which was indefensible ; and a war of interest, which was dis graceful ; but he added, that whenever our honour was concerned, we should he always ready to stand forward in its defence, and that unl, ss we did so, we would bend longer flit to hold, and we could not hold, our station in the eyes of the world.—(Cheers.) —Was a dread of war to induce us to recognize that despot Don Miguel— " Monstrum nulla yirtute redemptum." Was it come to this, that the least resistance being exhi- bited on his part, we should submit at once, and all be cause, as the Right lion. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Cal craft) bad asserted, that we were unable to go to war , ? ( Hear, hear.)—That was the surest way to involve us in war ; and if we were not prepared at all times for war,we could have nothing but a disgraceful, miserable, and un profitable peace.—(Cheers )—He could not believe that we were unable to go to war, after whit had been said by the Noble Duke at the head of the Government in another place. Indeed the present Administration seemed to be composed of Ministers, who, like the fabled monster with two months, spoke one way in one place, and ano ther was' in another place.—(A laugh.)—Peace was now the word.' England, it appeared, no longer dared to raise her standard of glory aloft before the world, and to bear her streamers against the driving thunder-storm, and all the winds of heaven; no, she must now yield to every wind. that blows, and even to the blast of Don Miguel ; and must she be content to put her honour in her pocket be cause the Minister of War declares that she could not go to war?—(Cheers.) —Mr. Canning was not the man who would have adopted such policy, or have brought this country to such a pass. If we are not able to go to war, why, in the name of common sense, should we retain our present immense military establishments ?—Why not at once " Doff the lion's hide And hang a calfskin on those recreant limbs ?" (Cheers. )—lf the heart was gone—and in truth the held seemed not able to direct the heart or hands to any noble enterprise—if that were the case, the sooner we got rid of our enormous establishinentS the better. The Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Calcraft) had argued the question as one of pounds, shillings, and p ence. If that were the proper view of it, what did we want with missionaries? and u•hy keep up an army of soldiers and diplomatiogs ? (ficar.)—lf we were only to mind our own shop, and not have any thing to do with the affairs of our neighbours, we should st least get a chance of saving our money. He was sure that the people of this country would sup port Ministers in any wise course of measures for the sup port of the national honour. The Noble Lord had made out a complete case for the production of these papers, and he (Sir F. Bardett) did not see how they could be refused. Mr. CALCRAFT explained. He never meant to say, according to the extravagant misrepresentation of the mem ber fur Westminster, that this country was not able to go to war.—(Hear, hear.)—He never conceived a doubt on that point, where there were good grounds and just cause for our going to war, but he contended, and would stil l contend, that no such grounds existed here. Mr. PEEL could not but regret that it had been deemed advisable by the Noble Lord, no doubt for good reasons, though he (Mr. Peel) could not divine their nature, to submit a motion of this important description to the House, upon a day usually devoted to relaxation, and upon which there was a distinct arrangement and underst.nding among men of all parties that no public business what ever of any consequence should ever he brought forward. --(Loud and general cheers.)—His (Mr. Peel's) time had been so mock and so incessantly occupied, in consequence of the lateness of the debates during the last two days in this House, that he really conceived be had some claim upon the Noble Lord's forbearance, and that he had some right to expect that such a motion as this would not have been brought forward upo❑ this day, which was a sort of parliamentary dies non. —(Loud cries of" Hear, hear.") He (Mr. Peel) had been detained in the House, by public bu siness, till four o'clock this morning.—(Hear, hear.)—He was afterwards obliged to devote a considerable portion of the day to the transaction of public business connected with the office in which he presided, and which could not be postponed ; and he felt, therefore, that he entered under great disadvantages upon the discussion of this question.— ( Hear, hear.)---He laboured under this great disadvantage, that while his Noble Friend had an opportunity to select his points of attack, without considering it necessary to communicate previously to Government the points which should be made the object of his attack, he (Mr. Peel) was called upon, on the part of his Majesty's Government, to enter upon an explanation of transactions spread over a wide extent of surface, which embraced a considerable period of time, and which did not particularly relate to. the peculiar department over which he (Mr. Peel) pre sided. Notwithstanding these disadvantages, however, he trusted he should be able to give a satisfactory answer to the charges and insinuations of his Noble Friend. And here he could not avoid declaring, that in the whole course of Lis public life he had never found his private feelings clash se much with those public considerations from which he could not, consistently with his views of the public interest, depart, on this occasion. If he could refer to all the papers connected with those transactions, they would furnish a most triumphant answer to his Noble Friend—they would afford a full explanation of the whole case, and they would show why his Noble Friend had selected sonic of those transactions for animadversion, and why he had prudently abstained from referring to others. He (Mr. Peel) was confident that even without those documents, he should be able to give a satisfactory vindi cation of the conduct of his Majesty's Government, and of the course which, as a Minister of the Crown, he thought it most proper to pursue in reference to the interests of that country with the administration of the affairs of which he was charged. The Hon. Baronet, the Member for West minster, had made a speech that could easily be made, for he not only spoke for himself but against himself.—(A laugh. )—lt was easy to make charges against his Majesty's Ministers, and then call upon them to answer them, when the expressions to which they had reference were never used on this side of the House.—(Hear, hear.)—His Right Hon. Friend, the Paymaster of the Forces, had sufficiently answered for himself on that head. It was never asserted on this side of the House, that this country would be unable to sustain a war, whenever a war would be necessary and just.--(Hear, hear.)—He conceived that of all the just causes of war, the vindication of the honour of a cou'utry was that which was most just. He concurred most cordially with Mr. Fox, that the best vindication which a country could plead for embarking in war was, that it was necessary to the vindication of the national honour ; but making a concession of all these points to the Hon. Baronet, he still thought that it was matter fur legitimate inquiry, whether, when we were in vited to enter into a war, there was any engagement ex pressed or implied made by the country, any formal or moral obligation, any consideration of interest which re- „ - - quired it to involve itself in that war, or to hold that me nacing language, which, if it were disregarded, left us no alternative but the commencement of war.—(Near.)—Ho did not expect that either his Noble Friend or the lion. Baronet would conceive him to be arguing the question unfairly, if, after making these admissions, he proceeded to contend that it was our interest not to involve ourselves in war, except for some great and paramount consideration. He thought that his Noble Friend would not consider him as stating his argument unfairly, when he assumed it to be this ;—that his Noble Friend was of opinion, first, that there were certain engagements in existence which com pelled this estuary to pursue a different course from that which it actually had pursued. His Noble Friend did not state himself to be an advocite for war—his Noble Friend had better tact—and therefore he would merely say on that subject, that if war were necessary, let us have war ; but if it were not necessary, let us not conjure up such a phantom to deter men from following the dictates of reason. His Noble Friend, he repeated, claimed not that we should go to war—he claimed that we should do something different from that, though he did not state what that something different should be : he said that we should have assumed a different tone in the language which we addressed to the Government of Portugal, and that we should. have enforced certain rights which we possessed by treaty, and which we had failed to enforce. His Noble Friend had likewise said, for he had taken down his words— ', We basely slunk from the engagements into which we entered, and we have legal claims on Don Miguel which we have failed to enforce.” Now, if be was not much mistaken, he should be able to show that if we had basely slunk from our engagements, his Majesty's present advisers were not the only persons who ought to bear the disgrace of such misconduct,—that if we had failed to enforce our legal claims on Don Miguel, the Noble Lord and his friends were equally implicated in such failure; for the period when the execution of such engagements, if such engage ments there were, could have been most effectually com pelled was when his Noble Friend himself held office under the Crown—(Great cheering)—and at that time he had never beard from his Noble Friend any of those re monstrances which he had made so vehemently that night. ._.(lmmense cheering.)—He would admit to his Noble Friend, that even supposing that there were no express en gagements, there might be moral obligations on the (-win try which ought to have the same flirce. He would i❑ the course of his speech consider that question fully, and would inquire whether there were any engagements ex pressed or implied requiring our interference with the government of Portugal, or whether there were any moral obligatio❑ ramming the force of a formal contract. He must here stop to vindicate the memory of his late Bight Hon. Friend, Mr. Canning, front tlw bnputations which had been thrown on it that night, if the assertions of th llon. Bart. opposite were well founded. He must con tend that the whole of Mr. Canning's language in that House, and the whole of his written co mmunications wil l foreign Ministers, which were on record, contradicted the assertion that there was any thing either in the mode in which the Portuguese charter was granted, or in the mode in which it was conveyed to Lisbon, imposing any obli gation upon England to maintain it in full and undi minished integrity.—(Hear, hear.)—lf our troops were, as it was contended, sent to Portugal to interfere with the internal institutions of that country— Mr. E DAVENPORT (we believe) —Nobody said that. Mr. PEEL understood the Noble Lord and the Hon. Baronet to have both said, that the circumstances under which the Charter had been c&rried to Portugal ex- cited expectations there which we were hound to realize. If that were so, how was it to be reconciled with the lan guage of Mr. Canning? Mr. Canning had not disap prioved of Sir Charles Stuart's conduct in bringing the Charter from the Brazils to Portugal ; as to the granting of that charter, England could p ot be responsible for it, and he would therefore leave it out of consideration ; but because Mr. Canning had not disapproved of Sir Charles Stuart's conduct, his Noble Friend argued, that expect t_ were raised in Portugal which we were bound in h wour to fulfil, Now that was not the view taken by Mr Canning of the consequences which were likely to arise from the Charter's haring been conveyed to Lisbon by a Portuguese agent, who happened to he a British subject. The directions which Mr. Canning sent to Sir C. Stuart were, that he having left the Charter at Lisbon with the parties who were eonunissioned to receive it, should return itnmcdiately home to prevent any such im pression from being made either upon the Portuguese peo ph, or upon other nations. That was evident frem the language of Mr. Canning's despatch to Sir W. A'Court. On the 22(1 of July, 1826, he wrote thus to Sir W. A'Court:—" It is the anxious wish of Isis Majesty's Go- vernMent that nothing may be done by Sir Charles Stuart, whether under the commission of the Emperor Don Pedro, or at the solicitation of the Portuguese authorities, which can be liable, either in Portugal, or throughout Europe, to he misconstrued a■ an antilmitative interference in the internal concerns of Portugal. Should any thing of that sort unluckily hive occurred, his Majesty's Government relies confidently on your Excellency for doing away the impression which it would be calculated to create, by a discreet use of the explanations and declarations, contained in my despatches to your Excellency, and in those of which I have transmitted copies for your information." Again, on the same day, Mr. Canning wrote thus to Sir C. Stuart :—" It is the desire and - determination of his Ala- jesty's Government to avoid, as far as possible, the appear ance of any direct interference of British agency in the establishment of the new order of things in Portugal." He d d not suppose that any gentleman would contend, that b?cause Mr. Canning enjoined Sir C. Stuart to avoid the appeatance of British interference, he intended to autho rise him to carry on that interference in a secret manner ; by no means. Mr. Canning intended to deny the exist ence of any desire on the part of the British Government to interfere in the establishment of the new order of things in Portugal. Mr. Canning expressly said, that he founded his approbation of the Charter on tie implied assent of tee people of Portugal to it; and in a despatch, dated the 17th of July, 1826, and addressed to Sir W. A'Court, h e says—" It appears to us, upon the whole, that the best chance of a safe and tranquil issue to the present extraor dinary crisis in Portugal will be to be found in an accept ance (as immediate as may be suitable with the importance of the measure) of the Charter of I)on Pedro, coupled as it is with his abdication of the throne. Any ether course must, as it appears to us, be full of danger." But what did Mr. Canning say afterwards ?—" But if, never theless, another course shall be pursued, we shall not be the lets anxious for its peaceable and happy issue, than if it were one which we had ourselves advised." He thought that be had now satisfactorily sliewn that Mr. Canning had never admitted that he was responsible for the esta blishment of the Charter in Portugal; and that the bring ing it to Lisbon by Sir C. Stuart, who, though a British subject, was a Portugese agent, was no claim upon Eng land to support that Constitution against the wishes of thel majority of the Portuguese nation.—(Hear, hear, hear.)— • Ths next point which he had to notice in the speech of his Noble Friend, referred to the protocol of Vienna. His Noble Friend, and after him the Hon. Baronet, had both argued that because the signature of a British Minister was attached to the protocol, we had contracted an engagement to see that the engagements into which Don Miguel had entered were faithfully observed.— As the House had been told that this motion had been made not so much with a view of obtaining any new documents, as with a view of casting a censure upon his Majesty's Government, he hoped that the House would, although it was an unprecedented night for debate —(Hear, hear)—listen to him with patience while he en tered at some length on the defence of Government.— (Hear, hear.)—The circumstances under which we be c ime parties to the protocol of Vienna were very fully ex plained in a despatch sent by Prince Metternich to Prince Eaterhazy, the Austrian Ambassador to this country, and by him communicated to this Government. Hon. Mesn• hers would find it at page 29 of these papers. He could assure the House that no instructions 1001 been given to Lord Cowley, the British Ambassador at Vienna, to be present at the conference between Don Miguel and Prince Esterhazy. The intention of Don Pedro to constitut e Don Miguel his Lieutenant in Portugal was known at Vienna, and was communicated by Prince Metternich to Don Miguel. In consequence of the excitation which then unfortunately prevailed on the minds of the people o Portugal, it was thought necessary that Don Miguel should go forthwith from Vienna to that country. Prince Met ternich proposed to him to go thither by way of Paris and London. To this plan Don Miguel expressed great reluc tance ; and this was the manner in which Prince Metter nich explained the matters on which he invited the British Ambassador to a conference.—See p. 32. " Seeing our selves thus arrested in oar progress by the unexpected re sistance we had met with from this young Prince, I de termined at once, confidentially, and in the fullest detail, to make the British Ambassador (whom I had previously informed of the object and end of my conferences with the Portuguese Plenipotentiaries) acquainted with all that had passed between them and me, and between his Ma jesty and the Infant. I afterwards invited Sir Henry Wellesley to meet those gentlemen and me, to take together into consideration the means which we could yet adopt, in order to overcome the resistance of the Infant, and, in the event of our not succeeding, to concert such measures, as, with the consent of his Government, from which we were quite determined not to sepa rate ourselves in this affair, it might be necessary to adopt, without delay, in order not to prolong such a dangerous state of things in Portugal." Such were the circumstances, he repeated, under which Lord Cowley had become a party to that protocol. But Lord Cowley never engaged to see that Don Miguel should perform the engagements into which he had entered towards his brother and towards his countrymen. He was no guarantee for the execution of those engagements.—(llear, hear.)—He was nothing more than a witness to their having been made—(Hear, hear)—and thus he thought that there was an end to the assertion that Lord Cowley, and through him the British Government, was a party to the arrange ments which Don Miguel formally made with his brother and with his people.—(Hear, bear.)—His Noble Friend had likewise stated, that there was a protocol in London signed by Don Miguel previous to his departure for Lisbon, and that such protocol must have been fixed on before Don Miguel's arrival here, as it was alluded to in a despatch written about the same time from Lisbon, by Sir F. Lamb. He did not feel himself at liberty to state to the House the contents of that protocol ; for in arguing on official documents, of which he had determined to refuse the production, he did not think it right to describe their contents. Whenever these transactions should he brought to a final issue, that protocol should be published, and then his Noble Friend would see that th:•re was no engagement, either express or implied, compelling us to prevent Don Miguel from acting as he had done.—(Hear, hear.) — Much stress had been laid, in the course of the debate, on the appearance of the British troops in Portugal when Don Miguel first landed at Lisbon, and afterwards when he commenced his violation of the right of his brother, or at any rate of his brother's daughter. He be lieved this to be the most importaut part of his Noble Friend's speech, and he knew that it was that which had created the greatest impression on the House. Ilis Noble Friend had stated that the appearance of our troops in Portugal was a direct interference in its in ternal affairs. " It mattered not whether it was intentional or not," he said, " but a direct interference it certainly was." It was true that the British troops were at Lisbon when Don Miguel arrived. It was true that instructions were given to our commanders to avoid interfering in the internal dissensions of Portugal, with this proviso, that in case of necessity, they were to grant protection to the members of the royal family. Said the Hon. Gent. op posite, " Nothing could have been more easy than for us to have retained possession of the forts on the Tagus," and on that point he agreed with the Hon. Gent. that if we were right to go to war with Portugal to support the Con stitution, or to controul Don Miguel, the time for going to war, or for using those menaces, which, if disregarded, left no alternative but war, was when Lisbon was oectipied by our force,. C,,n1:1 there be any question upon that point ? The periml during which we had 4,000 or 5,000 efficient troops in I),,rttigal, was the period when it would have been most eNpedient for us to interfere; but when we omitted th,t opportunity, and directed our troops to , vithdraw entirely from Portugal, we abandoned all right of interference for the future. It was only right that he should state to the House that the British Minister had withheld the order for the withdrawal of the troops, contrary to his just! uctions, but in conformity with what lie considered the interests of his country. The British Government, in the instructions which they had given him, had maintained the position lair! down by Mr. Canning,—that the troops were not sent to take any put in the internal dissensions of Porttwal ; and thus they were allowed to stay at Lisbon when Don Miguel arrived, and also when he assumed the royal signature and uiurped the throne of his brother. The British Minister from good motives disregarded his instructions, acting therein with such perfect propriety as to 'receive for it the approbation of the Government at Dome.—(Hear, hear.) His reason for disregarding them was his desire to ascertain whether there was any engage ment binding us to correct the extraordinary conduct of Don Miguel, or whether the interest of the country re . quired that a menacing tone, or even war, should bv adopted towards him and his intrdsive Government. All this took place, he omi s rlit to observe, after several appear• ances of an intention, on the part of Don Miguel, to aa- sume the royal authority, and to place himself upon the throne. The decree for convening the Cortes at last came out, hiving the royal signature, instead of the signa ture of the King's Lieutenant attached to it. The ques • tion, whether it should interfere or not, then came regu- laey before the British Government, and yet, though such wa s the question brought before it, the oiler that every . . . . . British soldier in Portugal should be withdrawn was re peated, and if he was not inktaken, the letter which con- twined that order bole the signature of William Huskisson. —(lmmense cheering.) Thus, if the King's Government had basely slunk from the performance of its engagements, it was at the very time that it could have interfered with the greatest effect ; and if it were base to slink from the performance of such engagements, the King's present advisers were not the only persons obnoxious to that im putation.—(Great cheering.) There was another cir- cummtance, to which it way paii.ful even to allude, but to which he undoubtedly must allude, becalmc it formed one of the combination of circumstances which led Noble Friend to suppose that we were under engage ment to make Don Miguel perform his con•ract to wards his brother and his people, and that was the oath which Don Miguel bad taken bef9re the Emperor of Austria, the King of England, and the British Go vernment, to stand faithfully by the Constitution.—(Hear, hear.)—He admitted that such a promise was given in the most solemn, and that it had been violated in the most shameful manner. God forbid that he should sad• one word in vindication of Don Miguel's conduct on that head. —( Hear, hear.)—Hewas well aware of the alliance which his Noble Friend was sure to form with the sympathies of all who heard him, when he had to deal with the engage ments of a person upon whose character such reflections could be cast, and east with justice. He was also well aware that his Noble Friend had arailed himself largely of that natural sympathy which he was certain to excite when he pleaded iii behalf of that young person whom we admitted to he the legitimate Queen of Portugal. He (Mr. Peel) was bound, as a Minister, to consult the great interests committed to his charge, and to decide on the merits of the question, not by listening to appeals to his feelings, but by pursuing the dictates of reason and ex pediency. It was true, then, Out Don Miguel had dis regarded the oath which he had sworn to his brother. What were the circumstances under which that oath was disregarded,—how far the violation of it was in compliance with the prevailing feeling of Portugal,—were points into which he declined to inquire, for he was not prepared to vindicate them.—(Cheers.)—He had, however, heard it whispered that the same circumstances had happened be fore in the same family, and they might therefore entitle him to have sonic allowance made, though he (Mr. Peel) admitted that they could not palliate his oblivion of the most sacred engagements. Honourable Members could not have forgotten that the Brazils had been separated from Portugal some years ago in nearly the same manner as Portugal had recently been separated from the Brazils. He was afraid that it somehow or ether had happened that Don Pedro had contacted towards his father engagements similar to those which Don Miguel had contracted towards Don Pedro. He was afraid that it likewise had happened that Don Pedro, relying on the support of the people, had violated his engagements towards his father as decidedly as Don Miguel had since violated them towards Don Pedro. He (Mr. Peel) had some reason to believe that when Don Pedro was administering the Government of the Brazils in the name of his father, he took the follow ing oath.—( Here Mr. Peel read a long extract from a let ter of Don Pedro to his father, Don John, King of Por tugal, in which he protested to his Majesty that he never would be a perjurer. That if the people of the Brazils were toad enough to think of electing him Emperor, the election should not be• until he and all the Portuguese in the Brazils were cut to pieces, and that he swore all this faithfully to his Majesty, writing in his own blood, to give it greater efficacy, his oath to he faithful to the King, the Portuguese nation, and the Constitution.) — (Loud cries of " Hear.")—Circumstances arose shortly afterwards, which proved the value which Don Pedro set upon this oath. The prevailing feeling of the Brazils was so strong in favour of erecting the Brazils into an inde pendent state, and of separating them from Portugal, that Don Pedro felt that he had no alternative but to yield to that feeling and to declare himself Emperor, if he wished to preserve any amicable relations with Portu gal.--(Hear, hear.)—lt was true that the cases of Don Pedro and Don Miguel were not analogous; for in the case of Don Pedro there was not even the shadow of an obligation made with England ; still there was enough of resemblance between them to show that they ought not altogether to disregard the way in which these engage ments had been violated by another member of the Royal Family of Bragsnza.—(Hear.)—There was another mo ment of his Noble Friend, which might appear to possess some importance—" You repudiate," said his Noble Friend, " all interference now, though I have shown that all your former course has been a course of interference. I claim your adherence, not to your exception, but to your rule. You have interfered often before in the affairs of Portugal, all I ask of you is to interfere again now. Now this, he begged leave to say, was a fallacious argument. He ad mitted that England had often interfered with the affairs of Portugal. The relations of England to Portugal were so peculiar, that it was impossible for England not to in terfere in them. We had guaranteed in repeated treaties the independence of Portugal ; and that guarantee gave us a right to interfere in the management of her affairs. His Noble Friend had said, " You interfered at Vienna about the separation of the Brazils from Portugal, and also about the appointment of Don 'Miguel t be Lieutenant of that kingdom why do you not interfere for the restoration of the charter ?" He (Mr. Peel) could tell his Noble Friend shortly why. We interfered in the case of the Brazils, because under on: mediation a negociation had been entered into for separating the Brazils from Portugal, and for placing the two crowns on different heads. When Don Pedro, by the death of his father, united the two crowns on his own head, we were compelled by the treaty, signed under our mediation, to interfere in order to compel hint to make his election of the crown which he would prefer to wear. The treaty of 1825 rendeted it necessary for us to call on Don Pedro to fulfil his obligations under it, and to sepa rate Portugal and the Brazils for ever. Such interference as this might possibly be found by his Noble Friend in nu merous caees; but where could his Noble Ft iend find any interference on our part with the internal regulations of the Government of Portugal?--(Hear, hear.)—We had been related to Portugal for upwards of four centuries, and in that time many changes had occurred in the form of government of both countries. There were treaties formed with Portugal in the reign of Charles 1., and also in the time of the Common-wealth, and by those treaties we were bound to nothing more than to maintain her independence against all assailants. When the Cortes met in 1822, and claimed our interference in their behalf, what was the an swer given to their application by Mr. Canning? It was this—" We have undertaken to guarantee, and are ready at all hazards to guarantee, the independence ttf . Portugal from foreign powers, but we have nothing to do with, and we decline to interfere in, its internal regulations.— (Hear.)—He therefore said that there was no moral obli gation, having the force of a formal obligation, arising from our past interference in the affairs of Portugal, which called upon us to interfere at present for the restoration of the charter.—(Hear, hear.)—But then came another question,—did any considerations of interest compel us to interfere otherwise than we hitherto had interfered? He really did not understand the course which his Noble Friend 'visited the Government to pursue. We had taken eve ry other alternative but war, or the menace of war. We had withdrawn our Minister front Portugal some time a go, and he was withdrawn still. The English Govern ment had, as was generally known, become the gurantee for the payment of a loan made in this country to Don Miguel. The money was sent off to Lisbon, but as soon as Don Miguel refused to take the oath of fidelity to his brother and to the Charter, the British Minister sent back the first instalment of the loan, which had al ' ready arrived in the port of Lisbon. On the affairs of Ter ceira he did not intend to speak, for it appeared that they were to form the subject of another motioi. Tie knew not to what acts, save those which he had mentioned, Eng land could have resorted, short of war, or the application of such menaces as, if disregarded, would render war natural consequence. Now, • was it for the interest of Eurland, he would re k, to go to war for the purpose of compelling Don Miguel to perform his engagements, or of enforcing on a relue ant people a constitution for which they hail no predilection ?—(llear.)—Under what circum stances, he would ask, was that constitution granted? The House had been told that it was the duty of England to range herself on the side of free constitution., and against despotic governments ; and that she ought, upon that principle, to throw her sword into the balance of parties which were now dividing Portugal. In plain English, the argument of the Hon. 13'tronet, - .lnd of his N.thrt. Friend, when stripped of its dazzling rhetoric, was nothing more than this —" We ought to go to war fur the Portuguese constitution."--(Hear.)—Now, whatever the feelings of the people of England might be at present regarding the praprit•ty of such a war, he would venture to predict that two months would not elapse from its commencemekt, before the supplies fur prosecuting it would be withheld. Was, then, that constitution granted with such deliberation and consideration of eiretunNtances as ought to precede the grant of a form of government? It wa? trt6.i that that constitution emanated from a legitimate source. But under what circumstances? Don Pedro r2ceived intelligence of the heath of Don John on the 26th of April. On the 30th of April he had a❑ interview with S Charles Stuart, when mention was first made of the Portuguese eonstitu- don. Sir C. Stuart, in his despatch to the 13ritilla Go— vernment on the subject, said, he produced the pro- ject of a Clnstitution for Portugal, to the compilation of which he had devoted the greater part"---of what would the House suppose? Of his life? No ; Sir Charles Stuart added, '' of a week."—(Hear.)—This was the manner in which Dou Pedro had framed a constitution by which a country 2,000 or 3,000 miles from the Brazils was to be governed. Before this country resolved to go to war, in support of this constitution, it would at least be material to ascertain how far the affections of the people of Portugal were enlisted in its I,vour. On the Ist of li rch, 1828, Sir Frederick Lamb wrote, in a despatch to the British Government—" Don Miguel is constantly assailed with entreaties to mike himself King." In the course of the same month Sir F. Lamb stated in another despatch•—" No party here of any consequence attaches the least value to the charter."—•(Hear.)—These facts being perfectly undeniable, he implored the House to reflect upon the consequences of forcing upon a reluctant people a con stitution, however good in itself. It ►hould not be for- gotten that an effort had been m ide in Portugal to oppose the assumption of power by Don Miguel. The army aided that attempt,—all the disciplined force of the country was in its favour, and yet the attempt signally failed. The failure of this attempt to dispossess Don Miguel of his usurped authority, warranted the assumption that we should meet with no cordial support from the people of Portugal, if we entered upon a war in support of the constitution. It was said that Brazil hail proposed to us to enter into a treaty, the object of which was to dispossess Don Miguel of his power and re-establish the constitution ; but it was quite evident that this would be merely a nominal treaty on the part of Br..zil, and that the whole burden of the war, if it were undertaken, would WI upon us. Besides, there were good reasons for supposing that even if the Govern ment of Brazil were inclined to defray its share of the undertaking, the people of that country would not con sent to such a sacrifice in favour of Portuguese interests exclusively. On the ground that there was nothing which called upon this country in vindication of its honour to go to war, or to pursue any other course than that which had been pursued—on the ground that the interests of the country, apart from the considerations of honour, were opposed to war, he would resist the !notion, the object of which was, to express an opinion in favour of another line of policy. Ile wished on his own account personally, and as connected with the Administration, that the papers moved for could be produced ; hut in the present state of our relations with Portugal, he was bound to state his opi nion, that it would not be for the interest of England—it would not he for the interest of Portugal—it would not be for the interest of that party with whom the sympathies of his Noble Friend were so justly and so honourab'y engaged. On these grounds he was bound to state, on his responsi bility as a Minister of the Crown, that it would not be wise to produce the documents at the present moment. The Noble Lord had stated that the papers already pro duced on the subject were garbled extracts. Ile denied that most distinctly. —(Hear, hear.)—He trusted that the l louse would not be imposed upon by whatever they might _ . have heard with respect to the predilections of his Majesty's Government for arbitrary power and despotic institutions, and of its indifference to free institutions, and to the fate of those who had been engaged in maintaining them—he hoped, he repeated, that the House would not allow itself t) be led away by vague accusations, that Government was insensible to the painful situation of those persons who had involved themselves it. difficulties from their adherence to the free institutions of Portugal. He could state with truth tlsat Alinieters were at the present moment labouring earnestly and solicitously for the protectiou of their inte rests, and he could assure the Ilouse that one of his main grounds for withholding his assent from the motion before them, was his deliberate conviction that the unreserved communication of documents would not promote the in terests of those unfortunate persons.—(Hear.)—An at tempt had been made to raise a prejudice against Govern ment by asserting that Ministers hail insisted that Don Pedro should give his daughter in marriage to Don Mi guel. He could only meet that positive assertion by as positive a denial.—(Hear, hear.)—The British Govern ment had never attempted to press the marriage upon Don Pedro since he declared his insuperable and very natural repugnance to the union. —(Hear.)—lndeed, all commu nications with Don Pedro on that subject had been made rather with the view of ascertaining his sentiments than any other object. After the explanation he had off-red, he was sure the House would bear him out in the assertion that the British Government had done nothing to disgrace the honour of England.—(Hear.)—The Government pro fessed no friendship fur arbitrary power,—it expressed no approbation of the conduct which Don Miguel had pur sued. He claimed permission to share in the sympathy felt for those individuals who were suffering on account of their attachment to free institutions, and their adherence to the cause of Don Pedro, whom they considered their legitimate monarch ; but he trusted it was possible to re concile that feeling with judgment. He thought it was the true policy of England to maintain peace as long as it could be maintained consistently with honour, and not for one hour longer than it could be so maintained. In the present instance he was of opinion that the maintenance of peace was perfectly consistent with the hono ,r and inter, s a of England ; and let the judgment of the House be what it might, he, for one, never would be a party to a vote, which would have the effect of contravening the policy which the Government had hitherto pursued, and of which he believed the Heuse would, at no remote period, have cause to repent.—(Cheers.) Mr. HUSKISSON next addressed the House. Some of his observations at the commencement were inaudib'e. When we could hear him he was expressing an opinion that our foreign policy had altered for the worse since the death of Mr. Canning. The policy of Mr. Canning was equally opposed to the two extreme parties,—those who wished every thing to retrograde to the position in which it stood prior to the French revolution, and those who de sired to revive the spirit of that revolution. The Right Hon. Gent. then contended, that from the moment the British troops were sent to Portugal the country was di vided into two parties, one called the English and Consti tutional party, and the other the Spanish and despotic party. From that moment, too, England was, in the minds of the people of Portugal, identified with the sup port of the Constitution. His Right Hon. Friend argued with perlect security on many points of this case ; and why, because he had refused to grant the papers which they had deemed it necessary to call for. His Right Hon. Friend had stated that Sir Henry Wellesley had no autho rity from this Government to interfere. He (Mr. Hus kisson), though he stood there as one who had been in the service of the Crown, did not mean to refer to any communication which he might have had in the course of hie official duties, and which his Right Hon. Friend might wish to conceal from the House ; but he knew from an other source—from a source which had been made public— from information given to the Portuguese people, and which information had found its way here—that his Right Hon. Friend had not narrated the exact facts of the case. --(Hear, hear.)—He could assert, without fear af contradiction, that Sir Beery Wellesley was apprized that the great object of this country eves to effect peace and reconciliation between the Princes of the house t e, t Portugal the ; President ail of the surprised of Braganza, and to maintain inviolate the constitu tion of Por was at the time in his Majesty's councils , should have said that this Government endeavoured to bring about a compromise ; for he was perfectly convin ced from all the teas Board o that Trade,his Righte rho i i i o on. Frini information which he had received on the subject, that so far as England was concerned her object was the main tenance ofthbeegPgeodrmtoguireesceitiCl Constitution. When : F r li t e i t i r ose it l e i v ,} a io made s asserted that Sir H. Wellesl ey acted as a mute on this occasion,he this statement to the other parties who were em ployed in the business. Cure he eves, that it was nut probable that Sir H. 'Wellesley or Prince Metternich, both s ef_whona were favourable to the Portuguese Cuustitutioo, would, at the instance of Don Miguel's fri nd-, consent fn compromise it. He found besides that the protocol of the "23d of October began in these words—" The last protocol having been agreed to and signed, the Ambassador of Eng land immediately afterwards stated that he had a most int portant communication to snake to the Congress." Note, what was that communication ? Why, that individuals then congregated in Spain, and most improperly supported by other persons in Paris, were about to interpose for the purpose of overturning the Portuguese Government, and . . t!,at therefore it wouldle necessary to call on Don Miguel let firmly in support of tLe Constitution. In this point of view, therefore, be contended that this country did, to a peat extent, lead the liberal party in Portugal . . k) suppose that, in connecting thernselve4 With the Cnsti tution, than mi;ht he as,ur 11 of the support of England— that they might rest satisfied that Englund would uphold their interests under any adverse eircummt ances that might Lrise.—(Hear, he3r.)---Afterwards Don Miguel wrote a letter to his brother, the Etnrror of Brazil, in which he T-led l zed hirwelfto govern according to the constitution he also wrote a letter of the same purport to his sigter ; and I.e also gave similar assuraneer to the people of I)..rtuznl, Lnd to the King of England. Now, it wa's quite evi(Cnt, that the letter addressed to the King of England was written in conformity with what the King of England had aire:dy settled and agreed to, with respect to the consti tution of Portugal. All Europe was led to place confi de ice in Don Miguel, in consequence of the intervention of England, and the communication which he had Lad with that power. He would not add to these circumstances a:I the personal honours which Don Miguel received in conse— quence of the apparent firmness of his conduct, and which farther proved the feelings of this country with reference to the Portuguese constitution. The protocol of the 12th of Jantrtry clearly showed that there Was a negociation going on with Don Miguel, in which England and Austria were evidently parties, their object being the support of the Portuguese constitution, Miguel then proceeded ['rom this country, with a British squadron, and at ._ . . . . tended by the British Ambassador. He arrived at Lisbon ; and mix or seven days afterwards—at a time when he (Mr. Huskisson) could not doubt but that ho had, in conjunction with his mother and other persons, planned the overthrow of the constitution, as if to show how little binding he considered the most solemn obliga tions—as if to show how easily ).s could play sad trifle with those who placed confidence in him—he thought fit, gratuitously and unnecessarily, to take - the oath by which he pledged himself to maintain and support the constitution. His conduct very soon showed that it was impossible to place any, much less implicit reliance, on his honour or his engagements. Remonstrance after remon strance followed, but Ministers would not produce those remonstrances—they were refused to those who called for them. Now, he must say, that in order to form a proper judgment on the CAW, the House ought to be put in pos s,!ssion of those remonstrances. They ought to be apprised of the instructions scut to Sir• Frederick Lamb on that occasion. If that were done, they would be enabled to see with what spirit, feeling, and view, the British Go vernment acted with reference to Don Miguel. Let thn instructions on which these remonstrances were founded be produced, and he would prove to the House, that el e t then the maintenance of the Portuguese Constitutiois was tie great object of the British Government. When his Right Hon. Friend endeavoured to implicate him and his Hon. Friend in some of the proceedings which were complained of, he would say to his Right Hon. Friend, " Give us the paperv,"—(Hear, hear.)—" give us the papers, and thee we can defend ourselves." Ile admitted that the despatch which occasioned the troops to be sent back did bear his name. It was signed before Govern ment was informed that Don Miguel had assumed the title and authority of king. Now, he really thought that his Right Hon. Friend had not had time to have looked at the documents which had already been produced on this subject ; became, if be had, he would have found that the information ri lative to Don Miguel's conduct had alien lutely arrired in England after he wall out of office. He admitted that the order for. the embarkation of the troops was signed by himself, after Don Miguel had given cause of uneasiness; but them circumstances of un easiness led the Government to make serious re monstrances ; and he again wished that those remon strances were placed on the table of the Houses and it would be then seen in what point of view the conduct of Don Miguel was contemplated. The re.ult of the dee patch received on the 22d Julie was, that Sir Frederick `..amb suspended his functions at Lisbon until further orders, and that the other Powers all followed the ex ample of England. On the 13th of July his Majesty's Ministers received a very laconic letter from Sir F. Lamb, in which he said—" I enclose the proclamation of Don Miguel, in which he claims to be recognised as King." Thus, it appeared, that on the 13th of July his Majesty's Ministers received the notification sof his having usurped the throne of Portugal, long after he (Mr. Huskisson) had any thing to do with the Government. On the 13th of July Ministers received this information, and he would remind the House, that only three days after the receipt of that despatch, when one would suppose that the Go. , verninent would be filled with indignation at the imposi tion which had been practised towards his Majesty—when one would imagine that the deceit of Don Miguel would meet with their strongest reprobation—only three days after the arrival of that infortnation,the Secretary of State for the Foreign Department declared—his regretat the usurpa tion? or his sorrow for the fate of the persons whose lives and properties were sacrificed by the usurper ? No such thing; he declared that the friends of Don Miguel spoke the sentiments of the Portuguese people. Thus did it go forth to the world, that the moral influence of Great Britain h id expired ; thus did it appear that oar friendship and as sistance were mere shadows. Well might the Portuguese say, when an English Minister again proffered them as sistance, noseitur d sociis—heaven defend us from such friends. He looked with astonishment at the character of Don Miguel. It was Ruining that so young a matt could have accomplished so much wickedness in so short a time ; for at the early age of 26, this man—this Don Miguel —had perpetrated every crime, and displayed every vice,which historical truth or historical fiction hail attributed to the most sanguinary monsters that ever waded through the blood of innocent people in pursuit of their ambitious objects.—(Hear.)—lt was to he hoped that he would finish a life of infamy by a death of violence. But could they talk of this individual abstractedly, and without refe rence to the engagements into which he had catered ? Could they forget the pledge which he had given to the King of England? Could they overlook the indignity with which his subsequent conduct visited the Monarch of this country? To use a military metaphor, a gallant body of British troops, including a portion of his Ma jesty's household forces, had been sent out as a covering party, to facilitate the assaults and attacks which Don Miguel was about to make en that Constitution which he had sworn to maintain--they were sent out to look on his brutal violence, and to view, unmoved, the judicial murders which he was committing. Was it for the honour of this country that there should be now some 50,000 or 40,000 Portuguese wandering all over Ecrope? He could assure his Right Hon. Friend, whatever he Might think, that the impression throughout the world was, that the constitutional party in Portugal had suf fered deeply for their strict adhesion to this country. Ilia Right Hon. Friend had argued that Ministers were jus tified in the course which they had adopted, and that they would have acted improperly if they had, under the exist ing circumstances, interfered. Why, the history of Por tugal, for the last 30 years, was nothing but the history of English interference; awl it ocelot cot be otherwise, in consequence of the engagement.' whisk hound this country to that limited and feeble State. Alli must know the reason of the engagements which bound us to defend Portugal from any aggression, come from what quarter it might. sow, it was evident, where there was any engagement so binding and yet so inconvenient to this country, that there must be some leading and para e mount interest which called for it. That leading and paramount interest was to prevent Portugal from failing into the hands of any of those greet powers which adjoined that State, and which this *wintry was accustomed to view with jealousy. Besides, the situation of Portugal was such as would enable this country the more easily to repel any design which the Spaniards might meditate with respect to Gibraltar. Portugal ought, therefore, to claim as a h a a n e n r d t a right a paramount interest in our councils. What had been the history of our connection with Portugal for the o ot,, p h,. o lee, r n t n s iaur a st g t, y a d i e n af s ne t dn dGnrhaeveayrt at ß o r r o i t eu a lr i s n eo . representation p w sph i l t i u h u tat o i hero u n did Portugal make to this country ? She said, that either unjust and improper requisition of Spain. This that she must comply with country then entered on the defence of Portugal, with a most unbounded profusion of men, of money, of military, of naval, and of every other description of succour. Did we not train up in that country a well-appointed force ? Did we not give strength to her Government, and inspire her whole population with a spirit warmly devoted to the preservation of her rights? All this was done, and in what situation stands that country now ? All that we did has been overturned, and general corruption, folly, feebleness, and immorality prevailed. Portugal was now in a state of absolute inability to make any defence against foreign aggression. She was 'as inefficient to defend herself in 1827, as she was whets she called for our assistance in 1790. Wow ha onktqfkil tislA rt Vas th©' , .1