The Sun. — London, England, 1830-02-19 00:00:00

~~~~d ~~ IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS -(LAST NIGHT.) The LORD CHANCELLOR. entered the House at Ten nnutes past Five o'clock. Lord TORRINGTON presente I a petition from Ton ' bridge, praying their Lordships to tike into their con sideration the distressed state of the country, and praying 10 ' a repeal of the Malt and Beer Duties. His Lordship stated that there was great and incredible distress even is that part of Kent which was called the garden of Kent. The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition from • 3 hiffnal, Sussex, praying the House to take into its consideration the distressed state of the country. The Duke of DEVONSHIRE presented a petition from Chorley, in the West Riding of Yorkshire. praying fur the repeal of the monopoly of the East India Com pany, and also relief from taxation. Lord DARNLEY presented a petition from Clare, King's County, Ireland, praying that their Lordships would tak e into their consideration the Pour Law s of Ireland. The Marquis of CLEVELAND moved ror an account of lead imported and exported from the 1 t of January, 1 825, to the Ist of January, 1830. The Duke of WELLINGTON rose, in consequence of 'Rune observations which fell from the Noble Lord opposite, the other evening, with reference to a paper which he had read to the House at the beginninz of the Session. Re believed that every purpose that Noble Lord had in v iew would be answered by the motion I e intended to make, which was that there be laid before the House an account of the quantity in pounds weight of Standard gold received in his Majesty'a Mint ; the like Motion with reference to silver ; also, an account of the Lank Notes in circulation from 1828 to 1829. Lord STANHOPE considered that everyiurposc would he answered by th tt, except showing to the House the quantity of country notes in circulation. • The Duke of WELLINGTON observed that the Noble Lord had merely enquired from him front whence he had collected the information which he bad put forth on th e first night,of the Session. Ile had produced that document for the satisfaction of the Noble Lord, and he had no doubt that that document would produce on the minds of others the same impression as it bad on his Own Lord GODERICH thought that the motion of the Noble Duke would furnish an answer to every enquiry upon the subject. The quantity of gold in circulation must Always be difficult to ascertain. It was very true that a great deal was exported, and it was equally as true that a great deal was imported. During 1824 and 1825 the "change was against this country, and a greit quan tity of coin was drawn out of the Bank of England for tile purpose of its removal to France. At the end of 1826 the exchange altered, and the sovereigns were im ported back to this country to the amount of a million anda half or t wo m illi ons , i n th e ver y sa me casks, having never been opened, as they were exported in from this ountry. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE did not attach great importance to the Return moved by the Noble Duke. He tPlnebended that circulation would be found to be one thing and currency another. Before the French Revolu tion a most accurate examination was made by one of the most accurate Ministers of Finance, Necker, who found that the currency of France at that time was greater than it was in Engl trill. Atter some further observations, the Return moved by the Duke of Wellington was ordered to be printed. Mr. Cole from the Arches Court, at Canterbury, pre tente I papers in Shakerley's Divorce Bill, which upon the motion of the Earl of SHAFTFSBURY was read a first time. Mr. Danvers, from the East India House, presented an "mint of pay and pensions granted by the East India Company. Mr. Holmes, from the Commissioners of the Port of u P a Arndel, presented the Fourth Report, pursuant to Act of rliament. GREECE. Lord HOLLAND wished to ask the Noble Lord opposite a question, which, to: fore the general pacification of Greece was settled, must be of great importance to the individuals concerned —to the Noble Lords themselves—to the Houses of Parliament and the public at large. He addressed the Noble Lords in the plural, b2eause he did not clearly know from whence the instructions had originally proceeded, or who had issued the orders which his Majesty's Admiral had to enforce in the Mediterranean—he meant those orders under which his Majesty's Admirals were authorised and directed to visit all Turkish vessels, and take out of them all Greek slaves not prisoners of war, such as women and children, and liberate them. What he wished to ask was, whether these instructions applied to the Island of Candia, as well as the Morea and Negropont? He wished also to ask what would be the effect of those orders, if the pacification of Greece were settled, and Candia were left in the hands of the Twit.; ? He wished to inquire whether the Admiral was authorised to intercept vessels having white slaves on board proceeding from Candia after the pa cification of Greece : and whether the Ministers had re voked the orders already given t 3 the Admiral in the Mediterranean on this subject. Earl BATHURST was the person who gave the or ders alluded to by the Noble Baron. As far as he recol lected the instructions given to the Admiral on that occa sion were founded on the assertion then believed to berme, that Ibrahim Pacha had pub:ished a Proclamation in Greece, expressing his determination to take away every Greek from the Morea, and send him to Egypt as a slave, and to supply the place of the Greeks by transporting Asiatic* into the Morea. In consequence of this informa tion instructions were sent out to the Admiral in the Me terranean, to apply to Ibrahim Pacha, to know if such a Proclamation had been issued ; and if he intended to carry such a Proclamation into execution, to give him to un derstabei that measures would be taken to prevent its being executed. An application was accordingly made to Ibrahim Pacha, and his assn er was, that he would give no answer ; that what he did was by order of the Sultan ; and that to get information application must be made to him. It was afterwards ascertained that no such Procla mation had been issued. At the same time instructions were given, that should it be seriously believed that the principle was to be acted on, the vessels were to be searched, and Greek slaves were to he prevented from being sent to Egypt, and Asiatics were not to be allowed to be sent to the Morels. Viscount GODERICH, from his recollection of the transaction, concurred entirely with his Noble Friend. Lord HOLLAND did not mean his question to apply to what had been done. His question was entirely pro spective. He wished to know whether those coders ap plied to Candia as well as the Morea and Negropont, and wheth er t h ey would apply to Candia, after the pacification nf Gr eece ; and if they applied to Candle, whether the Turks would be prevented from removing the inhabitants of that island ? With respect to the orders, as originally given, be knew that the Admiral and the Government had as differed in op i n i on. He took the fact for granted—it wa matter of public report. The Admiral had not put the same interpretation on the orders as the Government, or he had not drawn that inference from them which te tn ,: t G overnment w i s h e d hi m. H e h a d not carried em i nto execution, and he suppos e d that th e Govern ment had now issued less ambiguous orders. He had not ! Ir ceal to th e orders—he did not pretend to any secret infor mation, —but he did happen to have the orders which V h ad been sent to the French Admiral. If the orders sent the B rit i s h Admiral were similar to those sent to the tench Admiral, both of them were called on to interfere an d Prevent the traffic in white slaves in the Mediter ranean. The orders he had seen were to the effect— '" That t h e Admiral should lose no time in informing Ibrahim Pacha that he had positive orders not to allow a t r ; a h eeral of s uc h outrages ; and that if he found captives of t descriptio n on b oard t h e vessels he visited, he should liZer Itl earures to set th em i mme di ate l y an d ent i re l y at n.l t r." That was t h e sp i r i t o f the order, and it was not ! 4 Y the spirit, but almost the letter of the instructions ,:cenhi. by his M a j esty ' s Government to his Majesty ' s Ad- b - He wi s h e d to k now w h ether such orders were to e enforced. all h . e D u k e of WELLINGTON recollected the orders thileudh to, and b e li eve d they only re f erre d to capt i ves i n ioteslora. He did not b e li e v e th a t th e y app li e d to Can the T ' any other part of Greece than tbe Morea. Since d u rkish troops had been removed from thence, he con e u euz.aese,, letupsse orders. The circumstances under which he Lizaired to act did not exist. ord H OLLAND understood that these orders did not a thei Can dia, and that after the pacification of Greece b y - : u uhl not ]neutral Our interference was not dictated should r n iglu a as ~ but by our humanity. If it trans () r y e to be the policy of the Ottoman Porte to England,P "h e inhabitants of Candia to Egypt or Turkey, Pewees her example, had shown the right of the beet, /s olve of Europe to interfere. If that were so, and the " should avail themselves of their right, what would av as T t e of the pacification of that part of the world ? once? not, the re f ore, better to have that point settled at Th e 11., mi n . of WELLINGTON—It was not in conso se wan th h a d .ask __, e orders of that House, that the Noble Lord th e , " Stidt questions without any previous notice, called [ 'Pon the answers to by' Pothesiem •Government to give P as " ofgnertes as to what might be the conduct of the and , (th e D uke nroPe. All that he could say was, that he Noble Lord should f Wellington) was quite ready, whenever the make any motion on the subject, to .4 lately RI, near county rith any corres murder, Is) hare ed With of th e Drtotg. ht me %vas it forty neigh ! " the of .eve !llion of r'f4S; or tno on his any cf r found d, from kited his e unfair (t) Me d heed ion who •ed this Id corn omplied prepay rich had be Rev. td." An y before filar that r, while found abort, 111,. alld agninst ilinti 0 it was etration a young ided by I Style' er at the dlorring it a coil" induce time re• he crime :o shoot ground e would it which the a subse . it took p about 'ollowed ISC RYA .v alter ramour, fl which 60 Be' trumat n dead, be field, further person I.s were hed the verdict ho were o abide has de tending ;Iression ression I a ner• original Aarkatior l pros:lnce Part pro• TON WO ,me he inlA he het he four' >uddenli the eto• of Of the he girl .oly, hal ler, 10 4 y. S b° siderable ing int° countrp She her at -0 all her with the to youuS ‘r dress ; obeerv order eoiered !fore her le devil,' ter har ry thing ittle cal' it object, evcpte► inno fernal, e which alto to e are se ttle bed variety instruet we 'hale ise'beeit lanhocol. laid out e of the ,dly wad Lnowing Ingrain v:t, the Tedford' the Ps' Illimnter de 'BS'' d eon 0( ace, to of Ho!' niece of D. .i ns :, the laughter writy. )1' Mar'' It, Ho,' , Robert !le, KG, i'' ' She • . . . ze-- . /:-e_ot<---2 • - I ‘ ‘ -- 67 .-‘ l---4 ' d - Ml4l/ / .0 . 7 .. ..N114% .... e ., ..: '-` / 1026 , i 4 7 ......: ' ‘'• ~'") vr ill ......f.: , ... , ( .: , *orivoril iz? -1.t.„„- 1 ~ ~.., itwii,. „„ , ). r _._ __--, 6 , 4 . 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Lord HOLLAND wished to know whether many per sons had not been released under the orders of Admiral Cochington : and whether among those relieved there were net many Candiotes? Lord ELLENBOROUGH.—It was impossible for him to say whether there were Candiotes or not among the number ; but it should be observed that there was a great difference between pi isoners of war only and a whole po pulation ; rep arts on this head varied considerably ; but he could tell the Noble Lord for his consolation, that when those who were alleged to be Greek slaves were offered the choice of going with their masters to Egypt or remaining with their relations in Greece, almost all of them chose the former alternative.—(Hear.) Viscou❑t GODERlClE—Therefore there was no blame to any one who did not prevent their being bent these. PORTUGAL. Viscount MELBOURNE moved that that part of his Majesty's Speech which referred to Portugal -should be read. The Clerk of the House read it to the following effect : " His Majesty laments that he is unable to announce to you the prospect of a reconciliation between the Princes of the House of Braganza. " His Majesty has not yet deemed it expedient to re establish his Majesty's diplomatic relations with the king dom of Portugal ; but the embarrassments arising from the continued interruption of those relations increase his Majesty's desire to effect the termination of so serious an evil." Viscount MELBOURNE—Yeur Lordships having heard that portion of the Speech; perceiving from it s hat little hopes his Majesty entertained of bringing those negociations to a close on the sth of February, 1829, and that he even appeared still less sanguine at the dose of the last Session of Parliament—knowing the great incon venience which arises to this country from the discontinu ance of our connexion with Portugal—and my Noble Friend, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, having stated on the first night of the Session that he looked upon the question of the recognition of that country as one of time, and as such it was not his intention to give any ioforination on the subject until the recognition should take place; I have felt it to be my duty (seeing that it is a question which compromises the good faith and honour of this country) to try and induce your Lordships to consent to call for such information as shall throw the fullest light upon the whole case, and shall enable you fully to judge, whether tiro interests of the country have had that attention shown to them which they so eminently require ; and whether every thing has been done to maintain that honour and fidelity which ought to be held most sacred.—( Hear, hear.)—The short statement of the case is this :—The Emperor of Brazil, wishing to separate that country from Portugal, chose to accompany that separation wilt the establishment of a Constitution in the latter. For this purpose he took the advice of Sir C. Stuart, now Lord Stuart de Rothesay, who was then at the port of Brazil as Ambassador from this country ; and of that Constitution Sir C. Stuart was the bearer to Europe. The adoption of this Constitution was recommended—cautiously and with certain limitations recommended—by Mr. Canning, who at that time filled the office now held by my Noble Friend (the Earl of Aberdeen), and a direct interference of Sir C. Stuart took place at Lisbon for the purpose of inducing the ac ceptance of the Constitution. Under these circumstances, it was accepted, and it became the Constitution of Portu gal, which Don Miguel again and again pledged himself to support in the presence of our Ambassador.—(Hear, hear.)—The result of the whole has been, that the Constitution has been entirely overturned, and Don Miguel has usurped the Throne in the teeth of all his promises, and in direct violation of all his en gagements.—(Hear, hear, hear.)—Nor is this all ; these acts have be en ma d e worse b y d r i v i ng large bodies of theinhabita n t s from their homes—depriving them of their property, ex p os i ng t h em to t h e h ardships of pestilential climates, ending with the death or some other personal sacrifice of all those who had given their support to a Con stitution recommended, sanctioned, and carried thither by Great Britain. This, my Lords, is the short state of the case ; and I now ask your Lordships whether we have not a right to ask the Ministry for a full urplanation of the cir cumstances that have led to this conclusion ; and whether we ought not to make a rigorous and entire inquiry into all the facts connected with it. men have suffered in this way for their adherence to that Con stitution which was so brought by Sir C. Stuart, which was so received by the Government of this country, which was so adopted in Lisbon by the actual interference of his Majesty's Representative, and which was supported by the continuance of a British army in that country long after the expiration if the occasion for which it had first been sent there.—(Hear, hear.)—lt is admitted in the Speech that this state of things has given rise to embarrassments which have become serious ; but these are nothing to the embarrassments which arise out of our peculiar relations in this instance. Do your Lordships think that we can ever again stand in the same situation with Portugal that we have hitherto done.—(Hear, hear.)—l know not whe ther the course we adopted in the first instance relative to the Constitution be right or wrong ; but this I know, that what we then did ought not to have been broken through. To what party in Portugal are we hereafter to look? Is it to the party of Don Miguel whom you have offended in the most active degree, or to the other party, whose con fidence you have abused, and whom you have left to suffer every evil and hardship? It is evident to me that by this conduct we have thrown Portugal into the arms of some Foreign Power, and this observation has been already made in the House-1 forget whether by the Noble Duke (Duke of 'Wellington) ; at all events we have thrown that country away, and broken the connection which has so long existed between the two kingdoms. Our commer cial relations certainly may continue, but those more inti mate relations—that mutual friendship, are dissolved for ever.—(Hear, hear.)—But, if this question affects the interests of the country, still more gravely does it affect its honour; and on this subject I must confess that I feel more than usually sensitive ; for, in looking back to his tory, I do not think that it appears that fidelity, or good faith to foreign kingdoms, has been the distinguishing virtue of this country—nor that it is that portion of our annals to which we can look back with the greatest satis faction. On this head the whole course of our history presents a series of abandonments ; witness the abandonment of the French Protestants by Charles I. —the abandonment of Holland by Ovules ll. the abandonment of the great alliance of Europe by the Treaty of Utrecht—the abandonment of the Emperor, when Alsace and Lorraine were wrested from him— and the abandonment of Prussia in the peace of 1763. All these were circumstances which should make us anxious to preserve our good faith now, without the pos sibility of contravention. • 1 know that it may be said, that what I am saying leads to an adoption of that meddling of policy which my Noble Friend (Earl of Aberdeen) has al ways condemned. But he must he well aware that such a course cannot he strictly adopted with respect to a coun try that has relations, connections, arid colonies, in all parts of the globe. England is the first commercial and manu facturing country in the world; and my Noble Friend does not need to be told that non-interference is a policy which, under these circumstances, we are unable to pursue. For myself, I am the last man to make any observations on the part which has been taken in public affairs by so humble an individual as myself; nor should I do so now, but that it is necessary for the purpose of strengthening my present argument. We well know, that since the conclusion of th e grea t war w i t h F ra nce, a disposition has appeared among many nations of Europe to get rid of the abuses under which they had heretofore laboured, and to obtain a share in the administration of their own affairs. This disposition sufficiently showed itself in the revolutions of Spain, Portugal, and Naples, all of which were crushed by the interference of foreign Powers. At that time there were individuals who Mt strongly for the situation of those countries ; and who by speeches, meetings, and subscriptions—and even by the levying of troops and ships, did their best towards assisting the exertions that were making. Of this con duct I always disapproved, for I looked upon it as coin promising the hon our o f t hi s country , b es id es g i v i ng no tions (which would not be fulfilled) to other nations that LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 19, 1830 they would be assisted by England under similar circum stances. On thi► account I separated myself from those whose integrity I highly honoured, and whose sentiments I strongly appreciated, because I thought that such con• duct was dangerous. How, then, was Ito feel, when I found that the Government itself was acting in this very way.—(Hear, hear.) You must net talk to me Of technical. ties, and subtleties, and distinctions, for we well know that men act on general impressions alone; and I hold dint sufficient has been done by the Government of this country, to in ike men of other kingdoms believe that they would support a Constitution. At all events, I think that we are so far compromised, as to impose upon your Lordships the duty of demanding from Go vernment an explanation of the whole course that has been taken—of the whole line that has been pur sued—and of the whole measures that have been adopt ed. It is true, that papers on this subject have al ready been laid on the table of this House, in conse quince of the same having been laid on the Table of the other House of Parliament, pursuant to the motion of an Hon. and Learned Friend of mine there. That motion was both specific and general, on an understanding with the Minister that every paper not relating to pending en gagements, and not compromising existing interests, should •be included. How far that engagement has been fulfilled I shall leave to your Lordships' consideration ; but I do think that a More partial or a more unsatisfactory ex position of a series of events was never presented to Parlia meot.—(Hcar, hear.)—The first part of these papers re lates to the bringing over of the Constitution by Sir C. Stuart—the second to the Protocols of Vienna—the third to the return of Don Miguel to Portugal ; and then came two letters between the Marquis of Barbacena and the Noble Lord, relitive to the assistance to be afforded to the Queen; to which was added the correspondence between the Noble Duke and the Marquis. With respect to the first portion—the bringing over of the Constitution, it appears to me that a great deal must have been emitted, and that still more remains to be explained ; it is p irticu larly observable that the second letter of Mr. Canning is very different from the first in tone, and the same remark may be applied to the first two letters of Sir W. A'Court ; but, as at least they do estahlish the main fact—that the Constitution was recommended by- the British Government —it is evident that we have in part been the cause of the calamities produced, and 1, therefore, cannot but wish that we were clear of all foreign States for these purposes, more particularly as they may bias indivi duals in the discharge of their duty in those States. or at least throw them open to suspicion. Let ethers, my Lords, if they wish it, undertake such connections ; but those who are in the service of Great Britain—let them be content with the honours which the King and Parliament can bestow upon them, and which they always have bestowed with a liberality which with some has received a worse denomination. It all this is to end in the recognition of Portugal, and a Minister is to be sent there, I hope at least it will not be one loaded with orders and insignias, or one likely to be embarrassed in his con duct by friendship and relations with any foreign power ; but that he will go there simply as the representative of the King of Great Britain, and as such discharge the duties • of his office. The next portion of the Papers consist of the Protocols of Vienna, with which Don Miguel is mixed : With respect to that person, it is not my wish to use any strong or vehement language; there is enough in his conduct on the face of the papers, and from the proceedings of 18.24, to make it necessary for me to indulge in any thing like contumely or invective : but there may be circumstances attaching to the case of an unprotected female, and with the way in which they have been looked at not illustrative of the coolness of a Statesman, but of the callousness of a man lost to the gentle claims that such a cause should have upon him ; nor do I think that it is wor thy of the Minister of a great nation, or of a generous and kind-hearted Sovereign, to have any part in such trans - actions, even though they should have originated with those who are the national guardians of that female. Your Lord ships are aware of the engagements which Dun Miguel en tered into at Vienna, though perhaps it may be said that our Ambassador did not appear officially in the business; but at all events, there is one circumstance which I want to have explained. The letter from the Emperor of Brazil to his Majesty, " implores his aid, not only to enable the Regency to enter quickly on their functions, but also to insure that the Constitution may become the Constitution of the country.' To insure ! I can assure your Lordships that I do not see how we are to escape from the force of such an engagement; and yet after all the promises of Don Miguel —after all the hopes he held out of supporting the Constitution, and of granting an amnesty, no sooner did he arrive in Portugal than he began a course of conduct which should on the instant have told the Ministers that he did not intend to keep one tittle of It's promises. Could any one for a moment have doubted then that it was his in tention to overthrow the Constitution? And if so, why sub mit to such accumulation of insults ? Why not have with.. drawn the Ambassador sooner? Why have waited quietly till the Usurper was crowned ? No, the right course was to have taken a decided step at once, instead of encourag ing him by half-rebukes to go on.—(Hear, hear.)_ With respect to the proceedings which took place at Ter ceira, I should like to have the correspondence connected with it, and all that relates to the transportation of the Portuguese to and front this country. I say this because the whole of the circumstances connected with that event are looked at by me with much regret ; for even if what was done by this country was in strict accordance with the law of nations, never was there any thing so alien to every generous feeling, so unlike and so unconnected from every kind or hospitable treatment. The highest offices in this country are open to every class of society, an d therefore it behoved those who were the responsible ad visers of the Crown to give the Government as much of a civil and as little of a military character as possible —as little of that rough and peremptory cast which belongs to the mind of a mere soldier—characteristics which have never been tolerated, much less perpetrated, in this country. The acts of which I complain are contrary to the laws of nations. In defence of them I know it will be cont en d e d that we are not to make our ports the arsenals of other countries, or of the members of any other com munity who may be engaged in a civil war; but here was a case of seizure upon the high seas, as contrary t o the laws of nations as any act can possibly be ; and the false papers of the ships, of which much will probably be said, affected the question extremely little. I think, then, I have said enough to satisfy your Lordships that this is a case which entitles the House to call for the most ample and complete information which could possibly be pro cured; far it is a case in which the conduct of his Ma jesty's Government has brought upon this country the most unmitigated disgrace, unrelieved by one honourable circumstance or one generous feeling. His Lordship con cluded by moving for copies of all correspondence between the Government of this country and our Ambassador in Portugal, from the year 1826 to the period his return— copies of all communicatiens to or from Sir Frederick Lamb, from the Ist of March, 1828, together with all communications respecting the Queen of Portugal, and generally all communisations respecting the affairs of Por tugal during the last four years. The Earl of ABERDEEN.—If the intention of the Noble Viscount is to follow up his present motion by an impeachment of his Majesty's Ministers, I em perfectly ready to acknowledge that a necessity might exist for the production of all those papers ; but, f , ar the purposes of mere information and explanation, I never remember such a mass of documents demanded. It must be apparent to the House that this motion is made without the slightest reference to the public service, or to the practice of Parlia ment. The Noble Lord moves, amongst a variety of other papers, for all the despatches addressed to Sir Frederick Lamb subsequent to the Ist of March, 1828—that is, during the whole of his mission; for he only arrived in Portugal in the latter end of February. Again, he calls for the whole of the communications of his Majesty's Go.- vernment held with the Portuguese Ambassador subse quent to IB26—nothing less than the whole transactions of this Government with Portugal during that period. Surely such a quantity of official documents could never be required for the ordinary purposes of informa tion. I would beg of the House to observe the situa tion in which this country at present stands with reference to Portugal, and I would request your Lord ships also to observe that our relations with Portugal have not been altered since papers were before laid upon the table of this House, on this very subject of Portuguese affairs, affording the fullest information that could be rea sonably required, up to that time when Ministers advised the renewal of that intercourse which had been before sus pended. That information, I have every reason to believe, was perfectly satisfactory to the House ; for be it observed, that the papers then given were not relations made accord. ing to the discretion of the Minister, but were complete copies, supplied according to the heads of a motion made in the House of Commons. As, then, it is well known that no alteration has taken place in the relations in which the two countries stand towards each other, I would subunit that there now exista no necessity for further or more ex tended supply of papers. Before, however, I refer to those documents more particularly, I wish to say a few words upon a subject on which I am particularly desirous of not being misrepresented. I am ready to say that Don Miguel is false, treacherous, and perjured, ar d there is no possi bility of denying that he is cruel ; and, as cruelty is in general the offspring of cowardice that he is cowardly may also he admitted ; but I am by no means prepared to assent to all that has been sail respecting hint. I am persuaded that there is in the invectives poured out against that personage much of exaggeration—so much so, that the general truth of the greater part of them I very much question—they are such as the mind must revolt from believing. I would add to this obser vation, that we ought not to inquire too minutely into the personal character of Princes, especially of the foreign Princes, towards whom we desire to stand in amicable re lations. It is of little importance to us whether Don Mi guel be a Nero or a Titus. Our business is not with the personal character of those who reign, hut with the public interest of both countries. I mean the public interest of both well understo els Now, my Lords, hating,_ made these few preliminary observations, I shall pass to one other—it is, that the Portuguese are the best judges as to who is or ought to be their reigning Prince. I rather. imagine, then, that it will not be denied that a vast ma jority of the Portuguese nation decided that Dan Miguel was entitled to the throne of their kingdom—that he was no usurper, but the legitimate heir to their Throne; and I think your Lordships will agree with me that from that decision there is no valid appeal. I shall now call your Lordships' attention to the history of this affair—Don Pedro sent home a Constitution, with directions that it be sworn to by the three Estates, and then promulgated. The party in power could not comply with that direction —they were afraid to assemble their three Estates, and they were not assembled, and the Constitution was not adopted and made known in the manner appointed. Whether the Courts are or are not the legal tribunal by which the right to the Portuguese throne is to be determined, I will not take upon myself to determine. But Don Miguel did assemble the Cortes in manner and form, according to ancient usages ; and so as sembled, that body decided that he was the right ful he:r, and invested him with the powers of Sove reignty accordingly. To them he submitted his claim, and by them that claim was accepted. It was a matter of the most perfect notoriety, that that Cortes was one of the most numerous and respectable assemblages of the State of Portugal ever convened ; and, after their decision, and the acquiescence in that decision by the nation at large, it is, I conceive, not to be questioned by this or any other coon- ' try. I now come to the conduct ()Mon Miguel at Vienna, and for that conduct there is no justification or excuse—it is perfectly indefensible. He then entered into engage ments with his brother, with the Emperor of Austria, and with his Majesty, of which, in his subsequent conduct, he committed the grossest violation. That violation led to the present situation of affairs between this country and Portugal. The Noble Lord says, why did you not recal your Ambassadors ? Does the Noble Viscount seriously think that such a course on our part would have been pru dent ? Must not every man, on the contrary, at all ac quainted with the circumstance, and having the slightest knowledge of the laws of nations, be fully satisfied that the course pursued by our Ambassadors in Portugal was the most just and the most expedient ? Ile began by offering the strongest remonstrance against the proceeding in ques tion ; finding that that remonstrance was not attended by any beneficial effects, lie suspended the intercourse with the Court of Don Miguel ; and his third step was to leave the country altogether. Now what more we could do short of an absolute declaration of war, I confess I am quite at a loss to discover. If the Noble Viscount, or any Noble Lord, says we ought to have gone further, I say he must mean that we should base had recourse to actual hostility—he must mean that we should have used force for the purpose of carrying our own particular notions respecting the Government of a foreign State into practical operation.—(Hear.)—lf the Noble Viscount will take the trouble to look over the papers, he will see the answer returned to the Marquis Barbacena when he applied for succour ; and I sin per suaded that no Noble Lord who looks at it will hesitate to acknowledge that it was the only answer which, consider ing our duty as a neutral State, it was in our power to give. The Marquis, in urging the claims of those whom lie re presented, suggested, that though existing treaties might not authorise us in giving the aid which he required, yet that we ought to enter into such new treaties as might be necessary for that purpose. Fortunately, his Majesty's Government haul not thought proper to accede to that pro position. If they had, war would have been the inevitable consequence, and the whole burden of that war would have devolved upon this country ; and not only should we have had to bear the whole expense, but we should have been compelled to wage the war singly—we to wage it singly, who were interested only incidentally ! For the execution of engagements which Don Miguel entered into at Vienna, we gave no guarantee—fortunately 14 ourselves, we did not give any such guarantee; we should, had we made it, have been involved in a war, but I have much satisfaction in reflecting that the Protocol contains no such stipulation, nothing approaching to it. I learn from the public news papers-1 profess, on this point, to have no other sources of information—that the Brazilian Government not only avoided all cause of hostility with Portugal on this matter, but manifested considerable uneasiness under any imputa tions of the sort. How exceedingly uncalled for, then, would our interferences have been, had we done that which the dominions of Don Pedro himself had refrained from doing. I learn from the newspapers, that in April, 1829., one of the Deputies in the Brazilian Chamber reproached the Government with interfering in the affairs of Portugal —for Brazil is as much at peace with Portugal as wa are. The Brazilian Minister, on hearing this accusation, asks on what ground the Illustrious Deputy accused the Govern ment of that interference, and calls upon him to prove from documents the truth of his assertions. Far from wishing to interfere with the domestic arrangsments of Portugal, the Brazilian Government did all in their power, and with all the promptitude which the case permitted, to reprobate the acts done by their Ministers inn Europe, whenever such acts bore the character of interference ; but owing to the distance from Europe, it became impossible for their communications on the subject to have reached their Ambassador in London ; for example, time enough to avert the evil which they so much deprecated. Now the House would see, that had we been guilty of the imprudence of interfering in this matter, we should have plunged ourselves into difficulties, and found our selves alone in them ; but the course we pursued was not to sanction any act of aggression, and we now are enabled to reap the fruits of our prudence. The Noble Viscount i prof esses to g i ve a statement o f f acts—as h e ex presses t, a simple statement of facts—l say nothing can be more opposed to the facts than the statement which he gives; for if there be one thing more certain than another it is this, that Mr. Canning did all in his power to dis countenance any interference on the part of this country with the domestic concerns of Portugal. I know I shall be told that Sir Charles Stuart was the bearer of the Con stitution from the Emperor of Brazil to Portugal, but be it remembered that he was only the carrier of it—nothing more; and immediately upon its being made known that he was the bearer of it, Mr. Cunning wrote cirs cular letters to every Court in Europe that Sir Charles Stuart brought that document upon his own indivi dual responsibility, and not at all in consequence of any authority from the British Government. And again, when the British army was sent into Portugal, nothing could be more explicit than the declaration that they w e r e sent so l e l y for t h e purpose o f res i st i ng foreign aggression, and not at all to force upon the people o f Portugal any peculiar form of Government. It was said that we ought to have supported the Constitution sent home by Don Pedro, as a British Constitution. It mi ht be a very liberally intended Constitution, but it could scarcely be considered a British, seeing that it was concocted within the brain of Don Pedro probably within the short space of one week—and, therefore, however well intended, must be imperfect in its execution; yet I admit that these Portuguese who supported it might have been led to do so from the partiality which this country might naturally be supposed to entertain for it, and from an opinion that they were acting in conformity with the wish, at least, of the British Government. Inasmuch as they had been affected by those considerations, and s uffered in consequence, although I feel roost unwilling to interfere in the internal affairs of Portugal, or of any other nation, yt t, in my opinion, it ought to lie with the utmost possible reluctance that any persons should think of renewing our relations with Portugal, unless those unhappy persons were placed on a footing of perfect security.—(hear.)-- There is one other topic to which I should . now desire to advert, which is, that we have nothing to do with the per sonal character of the reigning Monarch of the State with which we may be in amicable intercourse. The periods of our closest intimacy with Portugal were not during the reigns of its most amiable Monarchs ; and, no doubt, when the proper time comes for the recognition of the Power es tablished in Portugal by this country, our relations with her will be placed upon as cordial a footing as ever. I shall now proceed to consider the affair of Terceira, and I (lo think, that if it be fairly and impartially considered, it will be felt that the course we took was that which was dictated by a sense of duty, and founded upon jest views of the subject. In a few words I shall endeavour to give a simple narrative of the occurrences as they took place. After the expedition to Portugal by some natives of that country, on which occasion they retired without striking a blow, and went into Spain, where they certainly were re ceived, but where they were informed that they must quit the country within a month, which was impossible ; we, on their behalf, .intreated the Spanish Government to extend the period, and give them further facilities in obtaining an asylum ; many of them came to this country : three thou sand of theni arrived in Plymouth. The Brazilian Mini ster applied for a convoy for those troops to the Azores : to that we answered, that we had no knowledge of any Portu guese troops in England, that the natives of Portugal, in this country, were here as individuals, not as an army, and that we could not afford them any convoy whatever, either in a military capacity or otherwise. Upon that we found it neces sary to direct their removal, in appointed numbers, from Plymouth to several towns in the interior. We could not send a convoy to the Azores ; we had no right to pro tect them upon the high seas ; our right to protect them from Don Miguel was confinedwithin the limits of England. The affair at Terceira followed upon these events, but there could not in any part of these transactions be the slightest doubt that the course of policy adopted by the English Government was that which prudence and honour dictated. Vattel, speaking of die duties of neutral States, says that members of a community concerned in a civil war proceeding to a foreign country, may be allowed an asylum ; but the State receiving them is at liberty to require that they continue their march as soon as they may get beyond the frontier of the country which they have entered. It was in vain that they would talk of the conduct of those Portuguese being such as would entitle them to the protection of neutrals, after their false pipers and false clearances. To these we could not shut our eyes. They went to Terceira ; and we were told that they were nothing more than the subjects of the Queen of Portugal, seeking an asylum in her dominions ; when the fact was. that out of the 600, 300 were Danes and Germans. On looking at the steps taken by the Brazilian agents and these troops, it is not surprising if the lan guage of his Noble Fro nil at the head of the Treasury was stronger than suited the taste of the Noble Lords on the other side. But whatever might be thought of that language, I say that the conduct of these parties was such as not only to justify us in our interference, but to render that interference necessary. How were these troops main tained and paid ? Your Lordships, are, perhaps, not aware that they were maintained and paid by English money— by the money which had been sent to England to pay the Dividends on the Portuguese Loan due to English credi tors. This money was intercepted by the Brazilian agents, and for what purpose ? For a purpose which the Bra zilian Government not only disapproved but affected at least to reprobate—that is an interference by the Brazilian Government io the affairs of Portugal.— For this conduct the Brazilian Minister blamed their agents in this country, but such, however, was the conduct of the Brazilian agents in this country, and most extraordinary conduct it was under the circumstances. I, too, may perhaps be allowed to advert to a passage which appeared in the newspapers, purporting to be an account of a debate in the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies. One of the Deputies inquired what had been done with the money which had been sent to England to pay the dividends on the Portuguese loan? The answer of one of the Ministers was, that the usurpation in Por tugal did not put an end to the obligations of the nation to pay the public creditors, and that as there was no autho rised Portuguese agent then in London to distribute the money, orders had been given to deposit in the Bank of England for security. But the Government of this country had certainly given no such order, and they were not aware any such order had been given by any authority ; and the money, instead of being deposited in the Bank for the pay ment of the dividends, was diverted to another purpose. The whole transaction on the part of the Brazilian agents, is a remarkable instance of bad faith to their own Government, and a avant of faith, and even of decency, to ours. Was it to be endured that these troops should remain embodied at one place, and depart from our ports in a manner con trary to the express injunctions of his Majesty? That surely is a proposition which cannot be maintained. The principle on which the British Government had acted, with respect to Portuguese affairs at the present crisis, was that of the strictest neutrality; and as long as the present relations between this country and Portugal shall continue on that principle, the Ministers will continue so to act. We have acted with the most scrupulous neutrality between the existing Government in Portugal and their op ponents ; and of the two Governments, I think that the Government of Portugal has as much, if not more reason, to complain on that point than the other party. Besides, our obligations tinder the law of na tions, and our commercial Treaty with Portugal, forbad our interference. But in every step which w• took we acted from our own sense of duty alone, and not from any importunity on the part of the existing Government of Portugal. When, however, a Portuguese Regency, as they called themselves, existed in London, constituted by I know not what authority, it becomes us to be careful, and to act with caution, so that no reasonable grounds shall be given for saying that our neutrality is not real, but pre. tended. I don't know that it is necessary for me to make any further comment on the speech of the Noble Viscount. As long as our relations with Portugal re main as they are, so long must eve continue our neutrality. Sufficient information has been laid on your Lordships' table to show what our present relations with Portugal are; and if any change should take place, of course addi tional information will be given. - - Lord GODERICH.—I perfectly agree with my Noble Friend, the Secretary of State, that we had no share in that Constitution which was given to the Portuguese na tion, and that it was entirely the work of the Emperor of the Brazils. No wish on the part of the Government of this country bad even been conveyed to him on the subject; and that the abdication of the Crown of Portugal was ac companied with this Constitution, was a matter emanating purely from his own will, or at least was unconnected with any interference of onrs. It was certainly admitted and agreed, on the part of this country and of all tl e rest of the Powers of Europe, that it was expedient and even necessary that, under the circumstances, a se paration should take place between the Brazils and Portugal ; and that impression was intimated both to Don John, the King of Portugal (then alive), and to Don Pedro, and Sir Charles Stuart was sent on a special mis sion to Portugal on that subject, and the King of Portugal acquiesced in the propriety of the measure, and desired Sir C. Stuart to proceed forthwith to the Brazils to submit the propostion to Don Pedro. While he was on his way Don John died, and then Sir C. f , tuart was placed in a very peculiar situation, being on a mission ft-am the King of Portugal to the King of Portugal. lion Pedro, how ever, agreed to the proposition ; and thought it proper that the abdication should be accompanied with this Con stitution, which was entirely his own work ; and Sir C. Stuart had nothing further to do with it than the carrying it to Portugal. When intelligence of the circumstance reached England, Mr. Canning, on the 24th July, 1826, wrote to Sir C. Stuart in these terms Everything of what your Excellency brings from Rio de Janeiro to Lis bon will be precisely what the Portuguese Government and nation are prepared to expect, except the Charter of a Con stitution." To be sure, Mr. Canning, in the same letter, (lid intimate that the Emperor of Brazils had adopted the mast proper course that, under the circumstances, was open to him; but this he did in the most cautious manner. "what ever (he says) may be, o❑ the whole, the preferable choice between the respective merits of the two modes of settle ment which were at the Emperor's option, that of a Con vocation of the Cortes, or that of Constitutional Charter, it is not to be denied that there is much weight in the re mark of his Imperial Majesty, that the convocation of an Assembly that has been so long dismissed might, from its very composition and modes of procredine, I r lielrie to tloubts, and more likely lend t) the st rsing of dahnolt, questions, an I to the excitement of excessive popular claims ; more likely, in short (in the Emperor's own words,) to degenerate into a constituent assembly, than 4 new code, defining at once the riLthts and (twits of all 'ranks and orders of the State, and prescribing the kr tro4 of their deliberations and the limits of their rev , ctiee powers." But theta he adds, that "in ord r that we may ineulezre with more effect on other Governments the duty .of abstaining from any interference with the free alien of Portugal, it is particularly expedient to remove alt grounds of jealousy as to the exertion of British influ ence on so momentous an occasion. Far this reason, while his . Majesty entirely approves of your Excellency's having consented (under the peculiar circumstances of ')our situation in Brazil) to be the bearer of the Em- Peror's Decrees from Rio de Janiero tea Lisbon, I am t o :signi:y to you his Majesty's pleasure, that so soon as you 'shall have delivered these several instruments into the proper hands, arid shall have rendered an account to the Pertuguese Ministry of the mission with which your Excel lency was charged by his most Faithful Majesty to the Emperor of Brazil, your Excellency will take leave of the Infanta Regent, and return home." And in a letter of the same date, Mr. Canning writes to Sir Wm. A'Court in these words :—" There is nothing in Sir Charles Stuart's despatches t o countenance the gloss which it has been attempted to put on Sir Charles Stoat t's consent to he the bearer of the Emperor's Decrees to Lisbon. The in. struction to Sir Charles Stuart to return home as soon as he shaq have delivered, &c. cannot be mistaken." On the lith of July, 1826, Mr. Canning writes to Sir William A'Court in these terms :—" It appears to us, on the whole,!that the best chance of a safe and tranquil issue to the presentextraordinary crisis in Portugal will be fonrui its an acceptance (as immediate as may be suitable to the importance of the measure) of the Charter of Don Pedro, coupled as it is with his abdication of the Throne. Any other course must, as it appears to us, be full of danger; but if, nevertheless, another course shall be pursued, we shell net be the less anxious fur its peaceable and happy issue than it were one which we had oureAves advised." This was pru dently considered, and cautiously expressed, and the whole of Mr. Canning 4 letters on the subject amounted to a de monstration that we were anxious to 'avoid even the ap pearance of interference in the matter. Mr. Canning gave no opinion in the abstract on the merits of the Constitu tion, but merely said that he thought it best diet the ab dication and the Constitutton should be accepted together so that no responsibility attached to this country on ac count of that Constitution. Then, with respect to the troops sent to Portugal during the Ministry of Mr. Can ning, that transaction had no reference whatever to any particular form of Government. On the contrary, the Commander was distinctly directed to steer clear between the parties, and to attend only to the object for which he was sent, viz., the protection of the country from foreign aggression : and nothing was done to make the British Government responsible for any change of Government that might occur.—(Hear, hear, from the Duke of Wel lington. )—As to the conduct of Don Miguel, Iris Noble Friend hail spoken of it in terms not very flattering to that individual ; and he found no fault with the language which Ire had adopted, because he believed the charges to he true. But he admitted that a foreign country had nothing to do with the personal conduct of Miguel, ex cept in as far as it affected the interests of that country. A word now as to the affair of Terceira. When his Noble Friend had laid these papers on the table last year, lie expressed his confident belief that when duly considered they would not only remove all doubts as to the expediency of the conduct of Government in the circumstances in which they were placed, but by the force of reasoning would compel an approbation of the course which the Mi nisters had adopted. He had read the papers with the greatest attention, and with an anxiety to find them calcu lated to resnove every unfavourable impression from his mind, but he was sorry to say that the most careful pe rusal of them did not lead him to approve the conduct of Government with reference to tire transaction in question -(clear, hear, from Lord Holland.)—The first transac tion with respect to this nutter was an application on the part of Itabeyana to be allowed to export arms, and this was acquiesced in on the condition that they were not to be employed in the Portuguese civil war. The Noble Duke appeared to have considered that the Brazilian Minister was pledged by this not to export them to Terceira, but the words of that Minister could not bear that construction. But why did the Brazilian Minister ask leave to ex - port arms from this country? He might have done se freely, and the Governm nt had no power to prevent him. There was only an Order in Council on the subject at the time, and the object of that was to prevent the exporta tion of arms to tine coast of Africa, for the purposes of the Slave Trade. The Government had no power to prevent the exportation of arms to Brazil or to the Azores. Sup pose any agent of Don Miguel lord proposed to export arms trom this country to Portugal, the Ministry could not prevent it; and where, then, was the neutrality of inter fering to prevent the exportation of arms to Terceira?-- (Hear, hear.)—The Noble Lord then alluded to the cor respondence between the Duke of Wellington and the 'Mar quis de Barbacena on the subject of a convoy to the expe dition, and that between the Duke and the Marquis Pal melte on the subject of the dispersion of the Portuguese troops, and observed that he did not find fault with the Government with reference to these particulars, but he maintained that the Government had ;to right to prevent the troops from going to Terceira. The Noble Duke, its his letter to the Marquis Palmella, dated 23d December, 1828, appeared to take it for granted, that the expedition was in the nature of a hostile attack, but it was not so. It was, in point of fact, exactly the reverse. It was not attack but defence that was its object. The Marquis Pal mella, in his letter to the Noble Duke, dated the 28th December, 1828, makes use of these words—" I venture to hope, that according to the very terms of your Excel lency's letter, the measure, taken to prevent the landing on any part of the Portuguese territory of an expedition bear ing an hostile character cannot be applied in the present case ;" and the Marquis de Barbacena, in his letter of the 15th of October, of the same year, says, " line Secretary of the Government of the Island of the Azores has just arrived in London, authorised to demand, with the greatest urgency, the immediate dispatch of a part of the faithful Portuguese troops which are now in England, and whose presence in the above-mentioned islands would insure their defence as well as their tranquillity, under the Government of their legitimate Sovereign, against the attacks with which they are menaced (so that here was no intention to attack, but a purpose to repel an attack which was threatened) by the illegitimate Government established in Portugal." And he further states—" lam persuaded that these succours, when once landed, will be sufficient to put that Island out of danger (still defence and not attack) ;" and then, to obviate all objection, he says " the succours in question not to be landed at Terceira, in the unfor tunate event of that island having fallen under the aggres sion with which it is threatened." There is no question of a hostile undertaking, but simply a measure of defence dictated by the feeling of that strict obligation which is imposed on every Sovereign to protect his subjects.— In all this there was nothing of a hostile character, but every thing referred to a measure of defence. The Noble Duke, in Iris letter to the Marquis of Palmella, dated the 30th December, 1828, says, " The Azores are part of tire dominions of Portugal, and we know that a civil war is now carried on in these islands, particularly in that very island, Terceira. His Majesty is neutral in this contest, and he cannot permit a body of troops, respecting whom he thought proper to give orders that they should remove from Plymouth, to go to Terceira from any port of his dominions. There can be no doubt in the mind of any man who is acquainted with the circumstances as to the object in view in sending these troops to Terceira, and I repeat to yon that they will not be allowed to land there." To this the Marquis de Palmella answers, " The last in telligence which I have received from Terceira is of the I Stir Dec., and at that time there was no civil war in the island, as your Excellency supposes, and it was entirely under the dominion of the Government which governs it in the name of her Majesty Queen Maria the Second." In another part of the correspondence the Noble Duke says that they might go as individuals, but could not be per witted to go as troops. Now, he contended that they did go as individuals. They went unarmed, and what more could be required ? The Noble Duke surely did not mindt:t expect that these six hundred men were to go i n s i x hundred ships ! Suppose they went by fifties i n a s hi p , would that be going as individuals? It app eare d th a t t h ose could who acted under the orders of the G overnment did not so consider it, fur Captain Walpole ma d e i t a matter o f b oast that he had intercepted a ship w i t h on l y fif ty i n di v i duals on board. On reading th e w h o l e o f t hi s correspondence, he not heir landingt o if neutrality conclusion at t ia e t e l iii n ir e a pre venting G overnment t bring rihadg actedihi Portuguesen t troopsire fir fromsp for at that time Terceira was in the peaceable possession of the friends and supporters of their legitimate Sovereign, Maria da Gloria. The Noble Duke had so right even to prevent the export of arms to that place. if the Azores were in Europe, as modern geographers heel generally placed it, then the Ministers had no right to prevent the export of arms to this Island, for then; was no order in Council to authorise their interference. But, then, said the Ministers, the Azores were part sit the dominions of Portugal ; and, therefore, we had a rig,t L to prevent the exportation of 'nuns to the, place. But If they could not prevent the exportation of arms to l'urtu- R " PRICE 7p. + 'D.