The Sun. — London, England, 1833-02-06 00:00:00

'11,6 3 ~ ~` * .~ Lorded the conduct of Marshal Soult. The Noble Earl had spoken from misinformation, but he (the Duke of Wellington) was thoroughly convinced that Marshal Soult, like others, had been obliged to attend to the state of par ties in France, and that the British Government, in order to assist that of France, bad seconded this strange enter prise --not very honourable to this country, and very disas trous to Holland. The Noble Earl had not attempted to answer that part of the speech of his Noble Friend where he had argued that the occupation of Antwerp had not advanced the object in view. True it was, that the King of Holland had thus been deprived of one means of an noyance, but in what way did the capture of Antwerp forward the conclusion of a treaty ? The objections of the King of the Netherlands remained as strong as ever, and it was imposelble that he should agree to the terms proposed. Even were he disposed to concede, the Em peror of Russia could not allow its A singular mistake seemed to have been made on the subject of the navigation of the Scheldt : it bad never been disputed by the King of the Netherlands, and the treaty of 1815 gave him six florins per ton upon all shipping entering that river. The King of the Netherlands, when the question was raised, himself offered to make the navigation free. But the Noble Earl stated, that the treaty could not be carded into execution. He (the Duke of Wellington) should like to know why it could not be carried into execution as far as related to the interests of Holland in the town of lien loo ? The fact was, that Venloo was to be ceded to Hol land by Belgium, and, therefore, the treaty could not be carried into execution. Was it wonderful, then, that the King of the Netherlands did not feel very grateful to the British Ministers, or that he should wish, by delay or otherwise, to avoid the execution of what was attempted to b- forced upon him? It was said also that this was no war. He did not pretend to be sufficiently skilled in the law of the question to be able to say whether it did or did not come within the definition of a war ; but this he knew, that it was very much like it, and that an embargo had subsisted for three months, ich bad been imposed by the King in Council.— (Cheers.) He could not conceive how it could be fairly said that Great Britain was not at this moment at war with Holland. He had thought it necessary to say so much upon one part of the subject, and he would now address a few words to their Lordships on the war in Portugal. And first, he would venture to remark, that there was no country cf the world in which it was more the duty and the interest of the British Ministry to prevent hostilities than in Portugal. By treaty we were bound to defend Portugal almost as if it were England, while our engage ment with Spain was to preserve neutrality. The magni tude of our commercial establishments, and the nature of our commercial relations with Portugal, required that, as fir as possible, we should preserve her in a state of tran quillity aud independence ; yet how had our interests been neglected, and our duty abandoned by the pre-ent Ministers cf the Crow❑ The present state of Portugal was called, in the King's speech, a civil war." It was a revolution ary war—(Cheers)—a war carried on by means furnished from England, and for the sake only of plunder. It was supported by persons who had no earthly interest, but that which was derived from the hope of plunder.—(Cheers.) Yet this was the war which the King of England was taught by his servants to call " a civil war" between two Princes of the House of Braganca. He had a right to consider the King's speech the speech of his Ministers, and there he found this passage—" From the commencement of this contest I have abstained from all interference, ex cept such as was required for the protection of British subjects resident in Portugal; but you may be assured that 1 shall nut fail to avail myself of any opportunity that may be afforded me to assist in restoring peace to a coun try with which the interests of my dominious are so in timately connected." He (the Duke of Wellington) knew something of war in general, and something of war in Portugal, and he would tell Ministers how they might put a speedy end to existing hostilities there. If, indeed, they wished to restore peace, let them issue a proclamation call ing the King's subjects from the service of either party.— (Cheers.) L--t them at the same time carry into effect the Laws of the country.—(Hear, hear.) Let them not, when the Commissioners of Customs had seizsd vessels laden with men and means, interpose to prevent adjudicatiou.— (Loud cheers.) Let them allow the law to take its course, and judgment to be given in such cases in the proper tribunals, and the war in Portugal would termi nate of itself and at once.—(Hear, hear, hear.) If Ministers must employ fleets, let them send them where they were necessary—to the Levant, instead of crowding the Douro and the Tagus with British ensigns. Let them do this, and peace would be restored in Portugal in a much shorter time than war had been kindled there. The fact was, and he would engage to prove it, that in the autumn of 1831 the Commissioners of Customs did detain certain vessels in the Thames, which were loaded with troops, with arms, and with ammunition, for the purpose of carrying on war in Portugal. The Act of Parliament showed that the Commissioners were the pro per persons to adopt measures on that occasion ; but they were ordered by a superior power not to interfere, and to allow the vessels to proceed to their destination.— (Cheers.) This fact, as he said before, he would prove if the Noble Earl would allow him the necessary papers. The Noble Earl bad said something about the last Go vernment, and had remarked upon its conduct when Don Miguel was elected Sovereign of Portugal. He (the Duke of Wellington) did not know whether any charge was meant to be brought against the Members of the late Cabinet for its conduct upon that occasion—for having omitted its duty, or exceeded its powers; but this he would say on behalf of himself and his former colleagues, that they had not felt called upon to interfere with the decision of a people in the choice of a Sovereign.—(Hear.) It had, however, appeared necessary at that time for the British Government to discontinue its relations with Portugal, and such was the state of affairs to the time when the last Ministers quitted office. They were then seeking the means of recognising Don Miguel as Sovereign de facto, if not de jure, and had they continued the advisers of the Crown but a fortnight longer, he would have been recog nised—this, too, although the promised amnesty might not have been issued. He (the Duke of Wellington) and his colleagues would have been content to recognise Don Miguel as King of Portugal, from an earnest desire to preserve tranquillity in Portugal, by avoiding all ground, of hostility. Such they had considered to be their duty, not only towards Portugal, but with a view also to the interests of Spain. There were two or three other points in the speech from the Throne which required brief re mark ; and the first upon which he would touch was the proposed Reform in the Church. Ministers were fond of what they called Reforms in all departments; but he wished that, in their zeal to recommend a Reform in the Church, they had not made his Majesty say someting to countenance the notion that blame was to be attributed to the clergy. Why was it necessary, in the speech from the Throne, to advert to the complaints regarding the collection of tithes ? He did not say that such complaints did not exist ; but sure he was that they were trifling in number and amount, and that what was said by the King wou d give encouragement to a party in the country, whose object was to pull down the Establishment.—(Cheers.) Let the House observe the consequences resulting from a paragraph o❑ the same subject last year', i❑ regard to the Church of Ireland.—(Hear.) The condition of the Church of Ireland was most deplorable; it subsisted upon charity, to the abandonment of its rights, and some of the most pious and learned of its members were known to be living upon the bounty of some of their Lordships.— (Cheers.) With this experience, was it not worth the consideration of Ministers whether such a paragraph in the speech of this Session, and in relation .to. the Church of thi4 country, might not he attended with injurious con s• quences?—(Hear.) At all events, he hoped, since he found the passage in the speech, that the measures in con templation had been long considered and well matured. Having voted last year in favour of a measure, brought forward by a Most Reverend Prelate, whom he did not now see in his place (the Archbishop of Canter bury), upon this tinhject, and for a second measure, brought forward by the same high authority, relating to pluralities, he should be prepared to give the plans of the Nohie Earl his best consideration, with the most anxious desire to support them, if he found they were calculated to promote the great end of pacification without injury. Another paragraph in the speech was devoted to a different branch of the same subject—the • Church of England as established in Ireland. The Noble Earl had stated the determination of the King's Ministers to maintain the Legislative Union ; but, begging the Noble Earl's pardon, he must say, that when he had advised his Majesty to state that the question of the Church =et be considered on grounds different from those which applied to the Church of England, he had forgotten an Act of Parliament. Earl GREY—If the Noble Duke reads the passage in the King's speech, he will find that it is not so. The Duke of WELLINGTON read as fellows :—" In the further Reforms that may be necessary, you will pro bably find, that, although the Established Church of Ire land is by law permanently united with that of England, the peculiarities of their respective circumstances, will require a separate consideration." Now, if the Noble Earl would refer to the Act of Union between England and Ireland, he would see that this paragi apb was in some de gree opposed to it, and that the two Churches were there declared to be inseparably united ; and that " the preser vation of the United Churches, as the Established Church, shall be deemed and taken as a fundamental ° part of the Union." It remained to be seen what would be done for the Established Church in England and whatever was found practicable here inigh, withott objection, be applied to Ireland. He was afraid that the doctrine taught by the King's speech—that one reasure was ap plicable to the Church in England and another to the Church in Ireland—would be employed b the disadvan tage of the Establishment, by its numerous enemies in the Sister Kingdom. There was another viewof the subject he could not help stating, and to which h. entreated the especial attention of the Noble Earl. I was this : that in order to maintain the Union iniolate, it was absolutely necessary to pay some attention to the feelings of the Protestants of Ireland.—(Cheers.) He had paid sense attention to the conduct of the Goverment of Ire land, and he was glad to see that they wereabout to adopt measures which at an earlier period world have been more efficient.—(Hear, hear.) The Nobl, Earl might, however, rely upon it, that if the Protestaits were made to believe that any measure about to b introduced would diminish the efficiency of the Establihed Church, the danger to the Church and to the enpire would, indeed, be imminent. The Protestants of Ireland were the natural friends and connexions of Enalanl, and he en treated the Noble Earl never to lose sight of nit important truth.—(Hear.) He farther begged to rerniol the Noble Earl, and the House, first, that the King vas sworn to maintain the Established Church in Ireland--(Hear) -- and, secondly, that in the very last arrangemeit made, as well for the Dissenters of England, as for theßoman Ca tholics of Ireland, words were inserted in the oaths to be taken by them for the security of the Protestant Church— . This, therefore, ought to be the prindple of any change called Reform. He admitted that Mitisters were placed in a most anxious and responsible situaton, and he declared himself ready to give them every assistance in his power. Having thus stated, ae was his duty, ais opinion upon these various topics, he should not trouble their Lordships farther.—(Cheers.) The Earl of RODEN could not acquiesce it many of the remarks of the Noble Mover, but was happy To bear testimony to the temper and ability he displayed. Neither could he by any means concur in all parts of the speech from the Throne, but he was nevertheless resolved to sup port Ministers in all measures necessary for the pros section of the property and establishments of the coun try. He trusted, with all his heart, that he should be able to approve the plans to be brought 'erward in relation to the sister kingdom, now in a condtion so la mentably distracted. Having been placed by the loyal Protestants of Ireland in a situation of which ht might be justly proud, he felt it his duty to state, that there was no class of the King's subjects more ready to aid the Noble Earl in rescuing their native country from the horrors that seemed to await it.—(Hear.) He was able to speak upon this subject—not from hearsay, or the reports of newspapers, but from actual and daily observation. He bad re urned only yesterday from a part of Ireland where he had resided for some time, and where the Protestant gentry and farmers were directly under the influence of the Insurrection Act—they were unable to leave their houses after dusk, lest they should be beaten or assassi nated. The fact was, that no representatlin in the news papers could come up to the real misery of the Protestant population of Ireland.—(Hear.) On this account he was rek.iced to hear the Noble Earl state that order must he triumphant, and that all resistance must oe put down by the strong arm of a vigorous law. He could say, from his knowledge, that the clergy of Ireland would he most thankful to receive any alteration in the Church of Ireland, which was consistent with the maintenance of their rights as Ministers of the Church of England. He was glad to learn by the speech of the Noble Earl, that the separate consideration which he proposed to give to the affairs of the Church of Ireland, was merely on account of particular circumstances, and did not mean that the two Churches were separate.—(Hear, hear, from the Ministerial Benches.) The speech of the Noble Earl would gladden the heart of every loyal man in Ireland. The system of intimidation by demagogues and by priests was carried so far in Ireland, that no man could consider his life, his property, or his character safe. He spoke in the presence of several of his Noble Friends, who, like himself, had resided on their property, and endeavoured to preserve the peace and promote the welfare of the coun try. He was anxious to endeavour to remove an im pression from the minds of the Noble Lords opposite— not that he had seen any evidence of it this night, but on former occasions—he was anxious to remove from the minds of those Noble Lords the impression they enter tained against the Protestants of Ireland. He could assure those Noble Lords--and he spoke in a character those Noble Lords -authrstand—that the Pro testants of Ireland ~,v1 no object whatever in the course which they thought it their duty to take, than the protection of their lives and properties. When they found a Government established capable of eff cling that object, the Protestants of Ireland would support that Government with all their strength ; and that Government would find that the Protestants of Ire land would be their right arm in preserving the Union be tween the two countries. He knew that the dissolution of the Union meant the separation of the two countries. — (Hear, hear.) Though the opinion in favour of that repeal had gained ground, it had not gone so far but that lie thought the speech of the Noble Earl, and the measures he meant to take to repress disturbance, would open the eyes of those who bad been disgusted by neglect and want of protection, and driven to adopt measures that would lead to their utter ruin. He had felt himself called upon to take that opportunity to say these few words. He was unwilling to detain their Lordships further ; but he trusted their Lordships would ever remember that the Church of England and Ireland was one and indissoluble, and that they must stand or fall together. If the Church of Ireland were attacked, the Church of England would not long be safe; if united, they might stand together and flourish. The question was then put, and the address agreed to, and ordered to be presented by the Lords with white staves, CHAIRMAN OF COMMITTEES. Earl GREY then said that all their Lordships knew the great fitness of Lord Shaftesbury to fill the Chair of Committees, and he moved that the Noble Earl be reap pointed to that office. The LORD CHANCELLOR seconded the motion, and complimented the Earl of Shaftesbury on his assiduity and attention, which he, from his situation, had an excel lent opportunity of knowing.—Motion agreed to. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY, having been proposed by his Noble Ftiend, and the proposition seconded in so handsome a manner, would very willingly again undertake the duties of the office. On the motion of Earl GREY, the Earl of Shaftesbury was then appointed Deputy Speaker. Adjourned at ten o'clock, till one o'clock to-morrow (this day). 110 USE OF COMM ONS, FEBRUAPY 5. The SrEAKEIL took the Chair at about a quarter past 2. In a few minutes Sir Augustus Clifford appeared and intimated the King's command to the House to attend in the House of Lords. The Speaker, attended by a number of Members, then went, and having returned in about a quarter of an hour, and taken his seat, Lord ALTHORP said that before proceeding with the swearing in of Members, he begged to give notice that on Tuesday next be should move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the state of the Irish Church Establishment ; that on the 14th of this month he should move for leave to bring in a Bill to etect corporations in several towns, and on the same day for a committee to inquire into the state of existing corporations in England ; and on the 21st inst. he would move for leave to bring in a Bill for the com mutation of tithes in England. Mr. STANLEY gave notice, that on the 19th he should move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the laws relating to Grand Juries in Ireland ; and, on the 16th, for leave to bring in a Bill to regulate the constabulary force. Mr. GROTE gave notice that, on the 28th inst., be should move for leave to bring in a Bill to take the votes at elections for Members of this House by ballot.—(Hear.) Mr. O'CONNELL gave notice that he shoul.l move for leave, on different days he stated, to bring in Bills to abolish the compulsory payment of vestry rates and cesses, totally to extinguish tithes in Ireland, to amend the Irish Reform Act, to amend the registration laws in Ireland, to restore the common law in Ireland with respect to subletting I Inds and tenements, to amend Irish Corporations, to do away with the present Grand Jury system, and establish in its place one founded on repreaentation, to amend the laws relative to special Juries, anti Juries in oun l t r ie e s lan a d nd ; finally,coaundn,tiesofcititi the a Bill to right of electing conservators of the p eace. e c x ri t i e n n i d nal to c l a r s i e s s h c in Mr. WILKES gave notice that on the 21st of March he should move for leave to bring in a bill to prevent Par liament sitting more than three years. Mr. FOWELL BUXTON gave notice, that if his Majesty's Ministers did not before then take up the subject of slavery, he should, on the 19th instant, move for leave to bring in a Bill upon the subject. Lord ASHLEY gave notice that he should move fc: - leave to bring in Mr. B,..d!er's Fact ,,, " Bill. NEWSPAI' r r• Mr. WARBURTON as' the intention of his Ma' ward in the course of t was for mug the tax upon N Lord ALTHORT De wepapers was -e lu- placed, discouraged every description of commercial enter price ; and no hype of a revival of its spirit could be looked for, without the protection of the British flag. While upon that subject, be felt bound in justice to state, that no man could more cautiously or carefully discharge the duties intrusted to him than did the Admiral com manding the fleet at present on that station. However tempting the opportunity might be, he should not then go into the possible consequences of the establishment of Don Miguel upon the throne of Portugal ; n or even touch upon the possible results that might ensue, in the event of Spain departing from that neutrality, the continuance of which was essential to its own advantage and to the satisfactory arrangement of the affairs of Portugal. Upon these, and upon all other topics connecte d with our foreign policy, Ito should reserve himself until they should be regularly and Formally brought under the consideration of the House. Passing therefore from these, he should now apply himself to the latter part of the speech which had been delivered from the Throne. Of that part which related to the necessity of employing strong measures towards Ireland, he should not then trouble their Lordships at any length. When the mea sures which the condition of that country rendered neces sary were introduced, be should have an opportunity of laying before them more at length the views upon these subjects which were eutertained by his Majesty's Govern ment, and he would then state the grounds upon which they thought it would be their duty not to shrink from the task of bringing those measures before Parliament. Ile need scarcely tell the House, that it was a duty which the King's Government felt they owed to themselves and to the country to see that the authority of law was up held in that country, that the safety of property was main tained, and that every attempt at disorder was put down, and that, above all things, measures should be taken to put an end to the delusion which prevailed respecting the Legislative Union, any successful attempt to put an end to which, could not but end in the ruin of both countries. In order, therefore, to give the ful'est effect to sentiments, he should not fail, at an early day, to lay before them such measures as the necessity of the ease might seem to require, in perfect confidence that whatever might be required would he readily conceded. On the subject of the temporalities of the Church, the Noble Elul had spoken as though he were apprehensive that something hostile to the Church was intended. Ile thought that anything of that kind had been sufficiently. guarded against in the speech which they had that day heard from the Throne. The country, he trusted, would give them credit for wishing not to endanger but to uphold the Established Church, at the same time that they were anxious to remove any real grievances or abuses which had occasioned discontent or dissatisfaction. While they were desirous of placing it upon a footing which should command the respect of all classes of the community, they were anxious to accomplish that object by means that had their foundation in truth and justice.—(Hear, hear.) The Earl of ABERDEEN briefly explained. He begged it to be understood that he had not, as the Noble Earl at the head of his Majesty's Government seemed to think, the least design of doing anything that could at all embarrass him or his colleagues. He should certainly not be at all backward to do anything in his power to embar rass any person or any body of individuals who might be engaged in a course of injustice, fraud, or oppression ; but personally he had no desire whatever to embarrass the Noble Lords opposite, still less could he entertain any wish in the abstract to embarrass the Executive Govern ment of the country. He had always contended, and he would repeat the assertion, that the nation had no reason to be satisfied with the manner in which the foreign po licy of Great Britain had been conducted. Of the prin ciple upon which the greater portion of it seemed to rest— namely, that of peace with France and war with Hol land, Mr. Fox had spoken of the Ministry of his day as being in the pay of France, when they merely hinted at the possibility of such a condition of our foreign relations. The Duke of WELLINGTON began by observing, that no doubt it was the duty of his Noble Friend to take the opportunity which then presented itself to make the statement end observations which the House bad just heard ; hut be could not agree that the Noble Earl at the bead of his Majesty's Government was justified in insinua tiose that Noble Lords at that side of the House had done any thing calculated to occasion difficulties,or in the slightest de gree to embarrass the operations of the Administration in the conduct of the foreign relations of this country. It was not alone to imputations of that nature they were ex posed in the House ; but charges of a similar kind had been made against them out of doors. In many of the newspapers they had been accused of nothing less than of actually advising the King of the Netherlands in the course which he ought to adopt in the conduct of the war. If he had advised that illustrious personage, very different would have been the result from those with which they then had to deal. He could have sug gested such as would have rendered the embargo laid on by the British Government in a great degree nugatory; for at the very time when it was laid on, the mouth of the Thames wae so totally unprotected, that the Dutch might with much ease send out such an expedition as would have greatly injured British property and commerce, and ren dered the embargo almost a nullity. It happened, how ever, either that no one gave such advice to the King of the Nethetlands, or that being given, he had not thought it expedient to adopt such counsel, and perhaps, upon the whole, he had acted wisely in so doing; and he would have acted still more wisely had he given perfect freedom to the shipping of England ; bad he freely -admitted into his ports all British vessels, he would have proved that the embargo was as impracticable as it was illegal. As to the negotiations, he had no difficulty in saying that from the moment the present Government took charge of them, they might be said to have abandoned the cause of the King of the Nether lands ; and that was an act peculiarly reprehensible in a British Minister at any time, and especially in times like the present, it was the business of a British Minister to pay every attentive care to the interests of the Dutch na tion. In the progress of negotiations like those, it was Impossible to imagine a greater blunder than the recog nition of the independence of Belgium. It would have been bad enough had it stopped there ; but every step in the negotiation made matters better and better for Bel gium, and worse for Holland. Holland was left to make her way . out of the difficulty as she best could, though it was professed to conduct every thing upon the fairest, the most just, and the most equitable principles. The negoti ations, which were at first conciliatory, were next mediato rial, and ended in war ; and that was called a due regard to the interests of Holland, and a maintenance of those principles of a distribution of power and territory upon which the European systgoa had been already based. As soon its the case of Hulle:nd was abandoned by the British Ministers, the British Ministers were abandoned by three other Powers, and in proof of it he might men tion that the Plenipotentiaries of the three other Powers were not authorizes] to give their approbation to the treaty of Jan., 1532. He would confirm this statement by what passed at the time of ratification, for he bad in his pocket a memorandum upon the subject, which would show clearly that England and France were the Powers which pushed the measure forward, while Russia, Prussia, and Amelia did not join in the attempt. The King of Prussia stated that he " expected that the other Powers would int medietely occupy themselves in framing such modifica tions in favour of Holland as would not alter the sub stance of the twenty-four articles, and which, although supplementary and explanatory, would have the same force and value as the articles themselves; that Prussia con sidered herself the more under the necessity of insisting upon this point, in consequence of the assurances fre quently repeated by Great Britain and France s that the time of ratification was the moment for taking important measures into consideration." This ,bowed clearly that England and France were piessing forward the other Powers, and it was impossible that the King of the Netherlands should he ignorant of what was passing. The terms employed on the same occasion by Russia were even stronger, and that Government even entered into certain minute points regarding the navigation of waters, and the collection of rent due to Holland. Yet the King's Ministers, after all that had passed, still came forward with an assurance that the King of Holland ought to have, and should have justice. The negotiations were afterwards recommenced, and considerable progress towards an ad euetment was made, as the King of the Netherlands did not hesitat e t o ma k e cons id era bl e sacr ifi ces i n or d er to avoid a breach. When, h o w ever , ma tt ers were i n th is promising condition, the King of Belgium interposed, by his envoy, to state that he could not consent to any altera tion in the treaty of November, unless the city of Antwerp and its citadel were first placed in his hands. The busi ness of the British Cabinet, at such a juncture, should have been to have persuaded the Belgian Minister to give up this point; but they did nothing like it. The King of the Netherlands sent no answer to the proposition, and from that moment the capture of Antwerp was the great object. He (the Duke of Wellington)was thoroughly persuaded that the Noble Earl (Grey) would not be able to disprove one word of what he had advanced, as it teas founded upon the contents of the documents themselves. His N o bl e Friend (Lord Aberdeen) bad been blamed by the Noble Earl, because he bad stated his firm belief that the attack upon Antwerp arose out of i desire, on the part of the French Government, to conciliate the party or the Move . - ment.—(Hear, hear ) He entirely concurred with his Noble Friend.---(Bear, hear.) It was his opinion, that no . man was-more interested in pres e rvi ng peace than 'the King of. France ; and he w ou ld t a k e thi n opportun ity of correcting the Noble Earl in a historical point, which ree wish extremely to pi opoae an amendment of the law. But at the present period of the year, before he could pos sibly know the demands on the income of the country, he could give no pledge on the subject. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL gave notice that on the 24th of February he would move to bring in those Bills which he had introduced last Session for the abolition of fines and recoveries, and for an amendment of the laws relating to dowry, courtesy, and entail. Mr. E. LYTTON BUL\VER gave notice that he would take an early opportunity of renewing his motion respecting taxes on knowledge. Mr. HUME stated that tomorrow he would bring be fore the House a question relative to the dropped notices of list Session. He also wished to ask whether it was the intention of Ministers to fill up two sinecure ofli• ces which had just been vacated ; namely, a Governorship (of what place we could not hear) and the Director Ge neralship of the artillery. Lord ALTHORP believed it was intended to fill up the Governorship, but at present he could give no answer to the other part of the question. A MEMBER whose name we could not learn, stated that he would very shortly move for the appointment of a Committee, to which all election petitions should be referred. Mr. ROBINSON stated that on the 26th of March he would move for the appointment of a Special Committee to consider the whole system of taxation with a view to its revision, and to the substitution of a property tax..--( Hear. ) The House the❑ proceeded to the swearing in of Members. At about twenty minutes to 5 o'clock the Speaker returned to the Chair. Some conversation which could not be distinctly beard in the Gallery then took place, re lative to the adoption of the usual sessional orders. Mr. HUME said he would agree to the postponement of those orders till to-morrow, with the exception of one relative to the time up to which petitions should he received by that House. He hoped the Noble Lord opposite would make some arrangement to-night upon tha' subject. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. Lord ALTHORP gave notice, that to-morrow he would move the usual sessional orders ; and as to the subject hinted at by the Honourable Member for Middlesex, the proposition he intended to make was that Mr. Speaker should take the Chair, at 12 o'clock, and sit till 3 for the transaction of private business. At 3 o'clock the House should adjourn till 5, when the busi ness on the order books should be proceeded with. He would also propose that there should be some alteration in the number of times in which a gentleman might speak on the presentation of the same petition. It was well known that an Hon. Member might at present speak on the motion " that a petition be brought up," also on the question "that the petition be read," again, " that the petition do lie on the table," and again, on the question " that it be printed." Now his opinion was, that every petition presented ought to be brought up and read as a matter of course. The first question of which an Hon. Gentleman would have to speak would be on the motion that the petition do lie on the table ; and again he might have another opportunity of speaking, on the question that it be printed. Tone, instead of speaking four times, lie would have an opportunity of speaking only twice on the same petition, which he thought was quite sufficient. Some conversation then arose, in consequence of Mr. Cobtiett misstating (as we understood) the nature of the usual sessional orders. The SPEAKER having put the Hon. Member right, Mr. O'CONNELL said he intended to take the sense of the House on the propriety of sitting as early as eleven A.M. and not later than eight at night.—(Hear.) He would also take the sense of the House on the best means to be adopted for the purpose of making the provi sions against the interference of Peers at elections really effectual. He would also take the sense of the House on the hest means for making the bribery laws effectual. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said he would, at an early stage of the session, submit a measure on the subject of bribery. The Marquis of CHANDOS, as we understood, asked a question of the Noble Lord (Althorp) whether it was the intention of Government to bring forward any measure for the purpose of making any alteration in the present state of the corn laws. Lord ALTHORP said it was the intention of Govern ment to bring forward such measures first, in the pre sent session, as appeared to them most pressing. He aP.• that the greatest danger in which the H • at present was placed of not benefiting the though he hoped it would benefit the country, was the danger of attempting to anticipate the measures to be introduced during the progress of the session. The questions that would necessarily come under the notice of the House were exceedingly multifarious. The House would recollect that it bad to take into consideration the question of the East India Monopoly and the question of the Bank Charter, besides other questions of great impor tance, such as the Church Establishment of Eng. land and Ireland, the question of commutation of tithes, and various others, of which notice indeed had been given by an Hon. and Learned Gentlemen opposite. In these circumstances, and whilst so many questions of such magnitude and great importance pressed upon the attention of the House, he must say that, as at present advised, it was not the intention of Government to bring forward any measure relative to the corn laws. Colonel DAVIS said it would be necessary that Mem bers should have %nine opportunity of perusing the ses• sional orders before to-morrow. Lord ALTHORP Made no objection. The SPEAKER then said he had to acquaint the House, that the House had been summoned to the House of Peers when his Majesty had been graciously pleased to deliver a speech to both Houses of Parliament, and that, to prevent mistakes, he had procured a copy. The Right Hon. Hon. Gentleman then read the speech. At its conclusion, Lord ORMELIE rose, and said—l rise, Sir, to under take an important, honourable but most responsible, duty, of moving an humble address to his Majesty on the gracious speech which his Majesty delivered to both Houses of Parliament assembled, and a copy of which has now been read from the Chair. Though the representative of a large constituency, lam sensible that the high honour which has been placed upon me, has been bestowed on me, not from any personal qualifications I possess to fulfil the arduous duty, but from the opinions which I have all along advocated. It will be gratifying to me on this occasion, to have an opportunity of making known the feelings and the opinions of those who have done me the honour of sending me here, conscious as I am that they are those of loyalty to his Majesty, of attachment to the Constitution, and of reason and moderation in all their expectations as to the happy results they look to from the reform that has lately taken place in our representation. Assured, therefore, as the representative of such men, and having myself always given my humble support to the principles that guide his Ma -1 jesty's Councils, having a firm reliance on the wisdom and integrity of those men who direct them, I have not allowed myself to be influenced by those feelings of a personal nature, that would rather have urged me not to take so prominent a part on the present occasion ; and though conscious of my own inadequacy to the task, yet, trusting to the indulgence of the House, I have risen to move the address. I think, Sir, that I may say that I am speaking the sen timents of a vast majority of this House, when I say that the circumstances under which this House has assembled are calculated to call forth feelings of joy and congratula tion, of loyalty and gratitude to his Majesty, for the constant solicitude he has evinced for the welfare of his su , jects, and especially for the wisdom and firmness of his Councils in having strengthened and confirmed the just rights and liberties of his subjects.—(Hear, bear, hear.) Were custom and precedent wanting on the present occasion, I think that these feelings would lead us at once to the throne with our humble ex- , pressions of loyalty and gratitude. lam confident teat these frelin4s also actuate the people of this country. Of the northern part of the country. I can speak with c onfidence; for, from my own observation, I can state that the fei lings of the Scotch are such as I de scribe, and believe those of the majority of the c ountry to be. I am happy to be able to pp:a • k of the feelings of the Scotch ; for now, icir the first time, can they be said to begin political existence.— (Hear, hear.) Too long has a selfish oligarchy sup pressed their voice and oppressed their energies. They now enjoy the rights and privileges of freemen, and have shown by their conduct that they are worthy to exerciae them. The British Constitution has evinced that it possesses within itself a renovating and reanimating prin. c i p i e .—(Hear, hear.) lam sorry to say that in parts of the countrY, gentlemen have been pursuing a course of conduct which upon calm consideration theywill see cannot be conducive to the happiness of the people. I will put it to those who an()- ; gate to themselves the title of Conservatives, whether the course they pursue is likely to allay any excitement that may still exist in the country. Let them look at public feeling. Let them look at the emphatic manner in which public opinion has been pronounced, and judge for them selves which is the best course to pursue. Let them not suppose that we wish to impair the institutions of the country, or pull down anything valuab'e in them ; on the contrary, our wish is by salutary improvements to strengthen and preserve the Constitution which we all so much revere.—(Hear, hear.) 'C lete is also another class woien - wish to make still greater alteration in our institutions than we have yet witnessed. But, I ask them whether we have yet fairly tried those we have made. No doubt the Reform Bill has some few defects ; but they are partial, and may be easily remedied. As far as it has yet reached, enough has been shown to satisfy me that it will prove a lasting benefit to the country, and an im perishable monument to the fame of its promoters. I regret that in one part of the empire there is a dissatisfaction existing of a different nature from that which arises in England out of the Reform Bill. Need I say that I allude to unhappy Ireland—lreland, long op pressed by serious ills and grievances.--(Hear, hear, hear, from Mr. O'Connell.) Can any man deny that Ireland has been afflicted with grievances ? Does the Go vernment of the country deny it 2—(Cheers from Mr. O'Con nell.) Have not the men in whose hands the destinies of the country are now placed, evinced throughout their lives a sympathy for Ireland ?—(Loud cheers, followed by shouts of "No, no," from Mr. O'Connell, which caused a repetition of cheers from the Minsterialists.) Mr. O'Connell repeated in a still louder voice the cry of " No, no," but this being drowned in a shout of cheers, he ex claimed, " Blood, blood !" which brought a cry of " Order.") Is it not notorious (continued the Noble Lord) that the distinguished individual who now gUides the counsels of the Sovereign, refused power and place because, at the time it was offered him, he could not be allowed to carry the great measure of justice which passed a few years hack, after a long de!ay?—(Hear, hear, hear.) — But not in this instance alone, but through- out his whole political life, he bas evinced a sympathy with the grievances of Ireland. That country, I say, has been long oppressed,—has grievously suffered by continual misgovernment.—(Herr, hear, from different Irish Members.) But she has been vexed also by mis chievous agitation.—(Cheers, in which Mr. O'Connell joined.) Oppressed, I say, by the fomenters of civil discord—(Cheers from Mr. O'Connell)—by harpies who live upon the ills of their country.—(Cheers from all parts of the House, in which Mr. O'Connell again joined.) Ireland has been tormented, I say, by men who, soaring aloft like birds of prey watched the agonies of their victim, and seized the fatal moment to fix their destruc tive talons in its side.—(Hear, hear, from Mr. O'Con nell. ) A crisis has now arrived in that country, for neither property nor life are longer safe in it. The law is powerless, justice is annihilated, and criminals, with their hands dyed in blood, escape without punishment. In fact, not only are the bonds of government dissolved, but the whole social edifice is almost destroyed. The time is come, then, when measures of vigour—(Hear, hear, from Mr. O'Connell)—measures of force and power must unfortunately be applied.—(Hear, from Mr. O'Connell.) But with those measures of force and power we must also apply remedial measures.—(Cheers.) This being granted, will the Honourable Gentleman opposite say that life and property must not be protected ? —(Hear, hear, hear, from Mr. O'Connell.) Al most any law is better than no law, and we must act towards Ireland according to the circumstances in which we find it. If we merely apply measures of force and power, we should not be striking at the disease itself, hut simply at what I may call smite of its symptoms, bleb, however, are of a nature to require immediate at tention. The agitation of the most mischievous question, that of the repeal of the Legislative Union, has unfortunately been resorted to.—(Hear). Now, whether we look to the interests of the united empire at large, or to the particular interests of Ireland, I cannot but he surprised at the agitation of this question.—(Hear). The Noble Lord proceeded. The repeal of the Union could he supported upon no sound arguments of reason or justice. He would a•k the Hon. Member for Dublin whether he did not think he would act snore for the interests of Ire- land by endeavouring to allay the agitation that now pre vailed there, and in cq-operating with that House in their best endeavours to eradicate the evils that now existed, in- stead of pursuing the course he was now adopting.— (Cheers.) As a Scotchman, be looked to the solid ad vantages that had been derived to his own country from its connexion with England, and he would no more wish to see a Parliament in Edinburgh than in Dublin.— (Hear.) He would ask those Hon. Members of the House who supported the question of a repeal of the Union, to reflect before they acted. He would ask them whether, in fact, a repeal of the Union did not mean a dismember ment ?—(Cheers, and cries of " No, no")—a dismember.. ment of Ireland from this country ?--(Cries of " No, no.'') It it did not mean so, he would ask them if it did not lead to it ?—(Loud cheers.) The present Government was composed of men who, throughout their political conduct had shown their sympathy tow,rds Ireland. His Majesty, in his gracious speech of that day, had also directed the attention of the House—had manifested a paternal solici tude to that unfortunate but interesting part of his do minions—he had directed the attention of his Parliament to the reformation of. the Established Church of Ireland—hut he had directed them to look at it in such a way as to promote the best interests and security of that reli gion which it professsd to be, and to the respec tability and efficiency of its ministers He had also directed them to the question oh tithes, and to the unfortunate scenes which had taken place - in collecting the payment for the clergy. The Noble Lord felt confi dent that the pol cy of the present Government, generally in regard to the internal affairs of the country, would be guided by sound principles, and that it would accommodate our laws and institutions to the times in which we lived—to the improvements and advance ments that had daily taken place : they had already done much, but much yet remained to be done. They had reformed some of the grievances under which the country had laboured, and they had laid a basis of prosperity and happiness fur the country almost greater than it yet ever °experienced before. His Majesty had graciously di rected their attention to certain ameliorations that were to be made, and also to the Church establishment of this country, with a view to the collection of abuses, as r,gardeil the collection of tithes in this country, as well as in Ireland. The Noble Lord felt confident that all those questions would meet in that House the most rigid and partial investigation, that such arrangements would be made as to do away with those grievances which pressed on the people, and that the House would promote national education and the prosperity of the country. His Majesty had called their attention to two questions of great com mercial importance—he alluded to the expected renewal of the Bank and East India Company's Charters, and the Noble Lord had no doubt that they would be discussed in the spirit recommended by his Majesty, namely, with a view to the general commercial prosperity of the country ; for the less they threw impediments in the way of the industry and skill of the country, the more would that industry and that skill be directed in a full and uninterrupted course. No doubt those questions would be discussed with a view to uphold the best interests of the country. Having now directed the attention of the House to some of those topics which were most suitable to be discussed on the present occasion, the Noble Lord said he would conclude by stating that he trusted the House would—as he was confident it would—agree in carrying an bumble address to his Majesty, couched in such a strain as ought to proceed from the representatives of a free, loyal, and grateful people, to a Sovereign whose greatest pride and glory would be to concur in the Constitution of the country, and to extend it to every part of his dominions. It was his (the Noble Lord's) humble prayer to the Almighty Disposer of all things, to grant a long life to his Majesty --(Hear)—to enjoy the happy prospects which were now open to his reign, and to contribute to the happi ness of his loyal people. The Noble Lord then read the address, which was, as usual, an echo of the King's speech. Mr. JOHN MARSHALL then rose—ln rising to second the address which had just been read, he had to ask from the House that indulgence which tihanitsti ev w tneshtt a iee s opt frequentlythem —(Hear, sr ts:hh), tsde given leaamrr:t e—ha t se o tt should content himself with e ta;tfoh shortlymr t moree g b ,er e e r sa s ttitar o tssi n toni e,tg t ni hmugheteii length. a. hsr fi ee r aa s sd t oiriesp r addressing d nfeosoret tHe discussed n o c u e s eto that a would n d gnsroeota measuret ahpinkii happily brought it b unbecoming in him, standing up manufacturing towns of the country, to allude in a few semi roofu tfo to an awnliiiseshu issue.—(Hear, ( b ll e c e a n r so ably hear.) It must be agreeable to those gentlemen who had offered opposition to the measure, to tied that the machinery by which it had been worked, bad proved highly beneficial ; the mode of taking the poll at elections, and the duration of elections had produced great advan tage, and there was no doubt that they would find an equal benefit in the more substantial part of the measure, in the character of that House, and in the discussion of great public questions.--(Hear.) He for one must say how well satisfied be was at the change that had been made in the constitution of that House, and he could not deny himself the present opportunity of expressing his gratitude to the Administration through whose exertions ethooatotrgyrewatoomideaoseurit-ae hadioly, sooner brought forward. Th e country have ehad ar h e e . form in the House; but he thanked Heaven that that change had been effected in a time of peace and tranquillity. The Administration had acquired by its conduct the good opinion of the country—coupled as that had been by a greater attention to economy and accompanied _by the ex ercise of such a policy in regard to foreign nations as was consistent with the best interests of the country. They had to regret that the question between Belgium and }Tol land was yet undecided, but one great point bad been gained towards a termination of it by the conquest of the alil difficulty t kir No . tut th e ", e t' Prim e d Z : ,:l i t' . l . :;‘:!triturppit. HP treated the lloil ! ., 1 , 731 ; c i op pert i the ' , Didi er% , -. . _ Had r the Administration in their line of policy, for it they had- olo ered ila csable eon& taken any other course, it would have resulted ad- 'olloerdel,ntbes threo versely to the best interests of the country.—(Hear .) wor e t t " poll eerna He would not go at any length into that all-absorbing t ee, g : th e fact of question which relitte,i to the union between this country 0 hi gn anti Ireland ; but sure he was that a separation between the , zen,,, d :the m for 1 two countries would tee ten-thousand fold more injurious to ' m etedO e ,, bil l Of Ind. Ireland than all the evils under which he admitted it at on ttry t n ' t to Irela present groaned. H e begged leave to second the ad- lie of tha t'', I W i ll 01 dress.—( Hear.) al ittly t o ba dY (th e The SPEAKER then put the question, and read the he treat the t ower address. 4'lll „ LI nrot i e ei eh 1 Mr. O'CONNELL then rose and said he could not pan r :ntion the concur in this brutal address.—(Cries of " Oh, oh!') fen au , i (l shelter in He was sure it was a bloody address—he had expected .a re of ti of its jam' it. He repeated that it was a brutal address.—(Heari ) it the , rn ''-they H a n ' It was a declaration of civil war.—(Hear and a laugh.) -nd a e : ; : t age... et i,r -- Aye, and that laugh would he echoed by many a wailing roli cein ' i t'd er ne heart and weeping eye. It was such an address as they o a d, a n Mt": the- had voted to America, when, after they had endeavoured , f . cene A nothe.. d with a brutal perseverance to oppress that country, t h e y hen,, eali ng i ' tiro Part sent their secretaries over there to write their history ia eleh e , They l ean , blood ; but it ended in the defeat and disgrace of England. 0 Ai n tnan ; she "cc or b tu , ore feree is is —( Hear, hear.) He repeated it was a bloody and a brutal an g te r l' bertele, and address; and what was more, it was a most unconstitu - io n i n t h it. The n d tional address ; and when he heard Members talk 'et it. buff l in that House of its being attentive to Ireland--- when he be erd the Gallant Officer opposite r ob , C 'Cri tv ? i fyo call and the honest and talented Member for Leeds' doc.e kl e t to e . t . 1 ,,, w speaking of the attention that Ireland was to re" tesi est "Ur eas V ceive from the Eng ish Legislature, and how much ileeer soldiers ' better her interests would be watched over tha n I secunnnent a and if she had a local legislature, he would tell hi t of ~opritiottthan A ~ ,I te e h% Z ia th countrymen of the laugh with which the expressions af the e s w , l nUba ere i"I his indignation at that brutal address were received. fi e Whi e f l a r ' t s of se e f° ' repeated, it was a declaration of civil war. Before the ietr eta ` ut ir viets.e me end of last Parliament, he had warned the Noble Lora 4 4 , 1 _ 1 7 h as h a' 1 upon that subject, and he told him that the tu ro l,tree i t e. "."r . eady measures he had pursued towards Ireland, would of r il l th e b e ' rra l t o la for aggravate her miseries and her crimes. —(Heir, bear, % I f; PeOple of il bear.) He begged that that part of his AlajetitY 'e , Nasaittad Ire speech which respected Ireland, at the prorogation or i'tt ee • j a Y s Wh the last Parliament, should be read.—(Hear.) The No, i ' t tlitte ned a gitatir Clerk then read that part of his Majesty's speech tit Pre eed trita t i o _ o r is which his Majesty lamented the disturbances which of the to 4 a ". the prevailed in that country, notwithstanding the vigilance boe ~ leo p i v e e . °ten and energies of Government, and in which an intention lii y, "e annezio It h was expressed by a regulation of the tithe system, an d Bt t% lt't ) r e....l W ra g ,. th ere n r the other measures, to benefit a country so blessed by whi e l i Yi oreeth defy Divine Providence. That was " blessed" by whom ?"'" by Divine Providence. He would ask. was Scotland allte rd Il ia '" n worth so many natural advantages ? He might even the e to te Honor ask, was England so blessed by natural advantages? Hea r Prete r t l t tdi e . h ien' happened it then—the Right Honourable Secretary , eiod r 4,1 1. s ti l e ' , a laughs—he has a right to smile—it is blasphemy---and i t ...ore tts ther comes home to Perif slO rthl r e e 4 t the P him—how happened it that in country so blessed by Divine Providence, was so much poverty—so much diatrese--so poor a peo- ca , i,„hiv ' 4 ? pie, anti so rich a Church ?—(LouJ cries of " Hear.") °I Ir r i e it I,;'' as we How happened it that after seven centuries of Englir h to w a i, 44 (1 1 ,:. P i ""ni! Government that country was still to be placed under slice ts till w in g his the cry for blood ? Had it so happened that unde r I N y till Itti, ll .‘4 l, k It t gation the conduct of an Irish Legislature that state of thing' Pi g in f,4; Y. . And had ex sted, it might then have been with some show uoi rrl tr er :!' durin yotlror_lll44..erently 01 reason that they should reprohare them, and tha t C 40 411 50 e ' i n_ conser England should be called on to legislate for Ireland' wee ; t te so _ c .veri co But in circumstances as they now existed, when, afte r seven centuries of English legislation, such was the ; e ste 41 1 5 : 1 ? o f die upon .At id ri:l:ll i l n re f l u a deplorable state of things, he threw the taunt Government; and be asked why a country so blesse d Hie s e , Ni n a " wa by Divine Providence was so cursed by man? He three' thee .. tor lot l'au the back upon them the crimes and the miseries of his coal' and C 'IN . ' Men t t rw r e y omu t I l ei e dd El y , . nl a vl y n h d i eihn h e e rtehae-ye repeatedthattcioieunild. And their administer—thate i t r h e ti re h ewmaess only lay policy, to I) e rte t ohe 4 Lit for du justice by the repeal of the Union.—(Hear, hear.) Er ie grre,:_is not i Why was Ireland delivered over to be the spoil of th" rive ile i 'd Your Right Honourable Secretary ? The Noble Lord or ~a te ' ' l, rev posite, who is now content to do without the ballots Pee t ti tle ti a o Pliressior I r a 1 5 1 1 4 5 1 1 4h leli tt11 : 1 a 0 g il it a tic ] ] has told us that it was because vigorous measures w'e'e 14, 4 ' ot te ens of thi tr lr a e r l y a , nd ack b n ec ow om led e ged tran t o h u at il? wanted to continue upon Ireland the infliction Of ti)ei t . by ' a lug let crim is e h it as tithes. Well, then, you have tried vigour, but 150 °lltr,%44.,hich ti The only question is, bow it has increased ?--(fiva r 4 eau, l Pili hove no 1 not. on p t_he (ge e: r n . ; hear.) I understand that cheer.—(Hear, hear, hea r " tith e tre,nse, ant It is well that with your lips you prole'r in lily for sou your regard for Ireland ; but that cheer, beg' - 1 aly 'p g been al ing and spreading as it does, shows what re' tsi ts l4 tie r halits Irel attention you bestow on it. There are two 1 " 0 : 14 4 . rntains 1 of accounting for the progressive increase of trim po i ., 4 ~,,,; it no in Ireland. By your cheers, I know that Y ° Of h i t4 e,,,`' odd Cat mean to say that the way is to attribute it t a re ar ' k; elef E y o f to agitators.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Oh ! the gentle to I dj 84 er i tY's Gm opposite seem to forget that they last year were charg e ) ts t Zso, to my ai with being agitators. Were they not told that the pe°P!, is , 4 1 it IbeY In did not want reform, and that there would be no call for' of tt t i 'te e neh as the if they did not agitate the country P They were charged ° 4 0 Np, t ." 4l t of ag agitators almost in the same language that has been 3 P; ti-,,t 4 t t ;?uance of plied to myself, but they treated the charge with conteMPf Ri . is ool A ne. w h, as I now do. They say, moreover, that the cause ,:, ati ' 'an Cyril ( On crime in Ireland is agitation. Now I say that it is ra l :6 , po ttte,:e I think government. You say that the cause is words. I say it le., en: N ll ' 4 third deeds. The Noble Lord having been flippant enough ro a a 14 topr such, eh . tribute the increase of crime in Ireland to words illegal,' t o t N I ? a gitation of deeds, and having called me a bird of prey, had t Le p r tlt i t i. and man i singular modesty to ask for my support of ton 1 '4 44 14° erreca measures to be brought forward for the paciticat i° ,: th e hi ei t t tra e i ves fro of Ireland. But what measures are we told are t° lead a g i o y he Writbstandir brought forward? The Right Honourable Secretary I!‘ . ; 141 4 1 4 te ll assail to-night given notice of a motion fur a Bill respect in . r , the t 'te r ' e ' Th e grand juries, and another respecting an increase l ive t4t ,liq itt y , not ext : the constabulary force. Of the first measure, I can o n a w ett It nee 6°Y outra . say, that it is a rhodomontade worth nothing, for the 0 to t tee, cl ia . g on, th 'ii it ''C'et. good principle that could be in it, that of repreeentati • . r , ~ ) cee t e t ,; t contrai l had been carefully excluded from it.—(Hear, bea r '-', Is a n l ii tie' tt such a ' Surely, it is not worth while to ask for IS i n 11: 14 '0 1'44 g to tl assistance of a bird of prey, to carry either measure. ~, gi tt qi it 50 has not . would be well, however, before the Noble Lord done I. tt l.4 th, O rthe ur .; called names, that he should reflect upon what he bad 'f p . 't o ti ti eeo ene 7, l .e' and what has been done by the roan be abuses. IS TPe ; , f 0 ,, 14 4d" 0 10 55, I .: e :' he has done for Scotland what I have done for Irelandriro. e rr el l t i tr ) h ow u,"l - he time enough for him to speak as he has done. n i t p 'ng li ,9 I f E o n u , l he found a faction in Scotland every thing and the fre°l3: be e ts 40 1 1 th„ g' nothing? Has he raised the people from their abaserol; e r se l tted : pee and placed them in the situation now occupied hY t • lag ? II i n 1 . 81-IP P Irish Catholics? When he has agitated, as lam "Pr; ~:°l4,lio* tio "ehl to think I have done, and with as good effect, when . I,:i tr .' tie, r , ° „ 4 WC has done so, let him speak, but till then, whatevi r rct:)o tone IlliNtl'itker"" be his rank, let him not presume to assail a better a? E , 1 51 1e te t 4 tse nae ° d than himself.—(Laughter.) It is one of the or iel So b ee ! tree t stion a, , e s tunes of Ireland that every popinjay that walk' " o i b te 4 4 ,, t 'qti ned - a -1 streets, if he can string fifteen words together, is, P re C r :,stiti r ,Lied ee „ g content unless he vents a sarcasm upon Ireland. - 1. : l i It Gent! 'INCH •.' ri o e e l, . ni ject the terms which he applies to me with indigna 0 ,,, thst lotion the ( and scorn. They prove his disposition to be injor• ° oo Ne he lbi er, nde white but they prow nothing more. What be says of ale eve k r , 4 1,, a , to b e n the subject of agitation is neither bright nor novel ; t o t er ! 111; 4 M enne term which he has used, and far more, was famili e ds f gre: it4 t g ht cd td f t ," me during the time of agitation. All the Noble L' t o e g ," ite o k th e m a metaphors, and his birds of prey, are light, compar e d, Ce t e h t tle a Y Ma g i,. g some of the epithets to which I was then accusto Fro eO l itl b y who we The conduct of his Majesty's Government will cause -0 A I b nt t l 1. Pe s vier e strut to agitate again. Ministers are agitating for me, 0 - e bs e srti 'ona se' 0 • op - Tett more than ever. Ireland has arrived at that state of i° had lte oi f. The lion which generally precedes the political death of a stag . tt t ilk ,:t4t Omni 0 a state which can be cured only by the Bingo!: t Li cit to t ,.! of the remedies of civil war. The repeal of the Union ' co l i et Po sti ° l t ell : , t t i measure which is now necessary, not only for the g o o. the r t ile b ig th e Airr of Ireland, but for the safety of the King's Th r , ° ol So t ; ltli e tt s hei ee g —(Hear, hear.) Honourable Members last year w l O 1104,:tkty.,94t a t in the habit of talking of the repeal as a thiag r oi uni tn t i, l 'iti te. °4 ; ', e t a : distant—so improbable—so impracticable, that it O t iel they .4 ' , :it ( ' I tla th e i ' l deserved a moment's consideration. This year all pl o p 11 3 tha t a n in Ireland are reconciled to it. Formerly the Righ t 1 „Of the t : t 4: 4 in P si ' : Secretary used to talk of it as a subject which would ft :, ir one o - n t nt " H e h e r , become a serious question ; nobody now denies tba t os ' o e Prb t , t , 4 l . 4 : 0 1 tl e i pie a subject which requires discussion. It would be r ,l/i a to,: o g , ser e hh advisaele in any case, if the subject must be put d'a e ,est agai esr l'iti s ?l i th e A , moral truth, and not by force. If any man will eaY be ir divid oei N i rop enie agitation has produced the present state of Ireland , i l !ft h nt ': e nt Po er. totally ignorant of what every Statesman ought t 0 re r i g r e e r cet„ , of the —the history of the country which he governs' oi l 0 °to e N. ' e n th at whale history of Ireland proves that agitation has 00 d , . nder ) th lt'ere 'hes e the cause of the evils in which it has been involv e d ' ! t neoe t; t op t lis, a , have proof, ancient and modern, of this fact : a n t er: f . I nristlt ot ',sti tt ati oi l I am told otherwise, and have to do wit h ,• Onl Y t o e i ne „ f still who cannot have read even their own hist° 1 00 11 11 ; t r nPer ty t itei n th ose they be right, and can so prove it, then agitatio n e eete 2 of t o niteal tea t . be put down ; if not, is it just that Eiigland r, ./ ; I . l sn L itt t ! , it : p oor once more be called upon to send an an additional l° O f : I " eel his P thin fi Iv se 4 4 oayonets and of bullets into my unfortunate country • l e , r fie ori f ee pi ' dr ess verning Ireland by force is not at all conducive t° ,, i ii h a '`liigi, tr f or s n g p o quietude ;it is not a new discovery, you have be r e i r c a Y di e ste , 0 41 3 a verning Ireland by force for 400 years ;it was the,:iii 61 inin,ti'thtt or I t n the reign of Hen! y VIII. I have not found an Bog ! ' eor, t .l,,'" , ry I ,te 4 _ l la te with whom I have conversed on the fact, tho t "ere , i ,"z e c ev e an Irishman was not a King's subject till 16 114 ", rt o ri e „ P P c int e ; .1, , t t n ,r l tyrannical reign for Ireland, for a considerable!, te;) f h P:ut ed n Y e ; Tel it was the reign of James the First. More blood aa ert i o. being m ere el ' r spilt, and there have been more human lives ea • to; i i rs, still;: lso tttl e‘ un-ler this Government than under Stafford's admiotllee Ic i r tio s ,. , 4 111;: i 'lie, '' Every post brings fresh accounts of some miser :, ~p, a O v f Inettin.4l44,V) as man assassinated by a policeman or a soldier, a re t o. eoj 04 the en --g of it ' li te f or murdered by some miscreant at night. s fry. then 0 , 4 _ le rfe newspapers contain an account of such a t ourder• ;o giri e r! e s o c ' l l th , k t county of Mayo, some men were shot lately for "!,,,g;,,,, cr.e s. rd JOHN ' O'" P 'oer. ‘itiN song in the presence of some policemen. M oe W o e: 11„ It; stabbed to death in Queen's County, for an eV! 0 1 0 ,0 , - shb tnit offence. At a meeting in Kanturk, policerneo. i i l e m " Clothes were sent among the people, and the 001“