The Sun. — London, England, 1833-06-04 00:00:00

s Injuries to the British nation, and why were we not to adopt the same system ? This, however, was op .rt from the question, which was—did. or did not, the Ministry preserve neutrality ? They did not hear to-night from the Noble Duke opposite that Government had broken neutrality, and taken military possession of Lisbon. The fact was, that in consequence of various complaints and remonetrancee from British merchants, it was deemed right to have a force there, and on that principle Admiral Parker was sent to th e T agus . Th e sq uadron remained in the river until the expedition sailed from Terc eira, and then, upon reque s t f rom t h e G o v e rnment at Lisbon, and to prove that his conduct was influenced solely by neutra lity, he went outside with his squadron, leaving only on e unarmed vessel to receive such English subjects as might choose to come aboard. Subsequently, Lord William Russell was sent to watch over the proceedings, and every thing was done to preserve neutrality. T o prove this Admiral Parker's instructions would suffices The Noble Earl here proceeded to read extracts from the instructions sent to Admiral Parker, the commander of the British squadron in the Tagus, in which the strictest neutrality between the two belligerent powers was enjoined. These instructions were dated —one on the 21st of May, in obedience to which Admiral Parker left the Tagus ; another on the Ist of June, in which the strictest neutra lity between the two hostile parties in Portugal was again carefully enjoined ; a third on the lSth of June, from the Admiralty, addressed by Mr. Barrow, in which not only was the strictest neutrality commanded, hut Admiral Parker was further advised not to bestow any advice or express any professional opinion in reference to the conduct of either of the bellige rents, lest such advice or opinion might he construed into an infraction of the strict neutrality which the British Government was so anxious to merit.--( Hear, hear.) It was hardly necessary fur him to add, that Admiral Parker obeyed the instructions given him with that discretion and firmness and good faith which marked his whole conducts—(Hear.) Indeed, so fully did he enter into the spirit of neutrality which governed Ministers at home, that when the squadron of Admiral Sartorius anchored is Cascses Bay, alongside of the British force, so as to place it between his own squadron and the forts on the Lisbon shore, he sent Captain Richer 's immediately to Sartorius, and told him that he should take up another position. The result was, that Admiral Sartorius's squa dron moved . ..off some three miles. Then, on Admiral Parker's having heard that Srtorius had hoisted the Bri tish flag on a steam-vessel in order to land some cargo, I e again despatched Captain Richards, who peremptorily told the commander of Don Pedro's squadron that he would not for a moment permit the British flag to be hoisted by either of the belligerent parties, as the act might be in. terpreted as a breach of neutrality. He had stated that Admiral Parker left the Tagus in consequence of a de vetch of the 21st of May, 1832. Circumstances, box ever, compelled him to re-enter the waters of the Tagus__ circumstances of no less moment than the murder of Lord William Russell's servant—a murder perpetrated not by a mob, or by obscure assassins, but by persons acting under the immediate authority of the Government.--(Hear.) No steps whatever were taken by the Portuguese Government to inquire into the murder, with a view to bring the mur derer to punishment ; and, accordingly, at the urgent re quest of the British residents in Lisbon, and in order to obtain justice against the perpetrators of the murder, Admiral Parker again took up a station in the Tagus, still preserving the same strict neutrality between the belligerent parties. So far, therefore, as the conduct of the British squadron in the Tagus was concerned, he confidently af firmed that the most strict and undeviating neutrality was observed in reference to the belligerent parties in Portugal. And here he might rest his case ; hut he would not. He did not shrink from the other points mooted by the Noble Duke. He was prepared to meet the Noble Duke, standing as he did there responsible to his Sovereign, to the public, and to his own conscience, for maintaining the honour and interests of the country. His public conduct was before them, it was open to their censure. If their censure fell upon him, he hoped it would not be till their Lordships had fully considered the justice and consequences (not to him self, for that was no element of their consideration) of their decision in reference to the honour and interests of the country.—(Hear, hear.) It had been said that their suf fering arms, vessels, provisions, and what was called the materiel of war, to be fitted out in British ports for the service of Donna Maria was inconsistent with their profes sions of strict neutrality, and contrary to the provisions of the Foreign Enlistment Bill. Let them examine a little bow far this assertion was consistent with public law anal facts. First, in respect to the principles of public law, he apprehended that it was clear and indisputable that mer chants, as traders in a neutral country, may furnish either or both of two billigerent parties with shipping, arms, provisions, and other materiel of war, without thereby committing a breach of neutrality.—(Hear.) This he maintained was the indisputable law of nations, as laid down by its ablest expounders. For the high authority of Lord Stowell cited by the Noble Duke, , he entertained the most unfeigned respect. He knew that Noble Person long and well, consequentlyadinitx4„liiirni-TA-Ini:.ablesl and most upright judge that ever presided in the Admi. ratty. To his authority he willingly bowed, provided it was shown on what occasion and under what circum stances lie expressed his opinion. So far as he understood the passage read by the Noble Duke, it represented Lord Stowell as merely declaring that a neutral country had no right to injure or unduly serve one of two belligerent powers. With this opinion he, for one, expressed his entire concurrence, but it affected not the question before them, which simply was, whether a British merchant supplying a neutral belligerent with the munitions of war, it being equally open to the other neutral belligerent party to provide itself with the same material—(Hear)-- was by so doing violating the strictest neutrality ? He broadly answered no—(Hear, bear)—and he was con vinced that such would he the opinion of Lord Stowell. But it perhaps might be said, that admitting that the merchant dealing in stores and the provisions of war was not contrary to the law of nations, yet that the levying of men for foreign service was a violation of the spirit and letter of the Foreign Enlistment Bill. On this point anon. He would, before he touched upon it, observe, that though averse from the habit of quoting hard names and learned civilians, he thought it but fair, in deference to the general principle, to allege, that Puffendorf and Vattel bad distinctly laid it down that the law of nations by no means prohibited the levying of troops in a neutral country for the service of a belligerent power.—(Hear, Dear, hear.) The us ge of centuries, moreover, sanc tioned this principle of international law. They all knew that the armies of Europe were indiscriminately recruited from among the S.viss, who indifferently entered into the service of the French King or the Emperor. Down to their own titn. a the Swiss were a constant element of the army of France, and yet he never heard of a complaint against the latter power for the practice as a breach of the law of nations. Theo, they were themselves in the habit of levying troops among the smaller states of Germany, agreeable to the uniform practice of the nations of Europe. Then, they all recollected the enlistment of British subjects is corps to aid the States of South America in asserting their independence; and they also recollected the generous and natural z-al felt for the Greeks, which induced many British subjects to enter their ranks, in their glorious struggle for freedom, No complaint was made in those cases of these military proceedings being a breach of neu trality, because, as in the case of the two belligerent parties in Portugal, the mat ket was equally open to both, and both were treated with the same impartiality and strict neutrality. It was true that the Not le Duke denied this fact by implication, when he asserted that the same facilities were by nu means extended to Don Miguel's agents to equip armaments as were readily afforded to Don Pedro's. But the Noble Duke forgot that there was not a single musket in the service of Don Miguel, that Was not manufactured in and exported from England---(Hear, hear)—and that the large piece of ordnance, the John Paul, which bad done so touch mischief to the besieged in Oporto, had lately been procured in this country by Don 3liguel's agents—(Hear)—and that, in fact, there were the same dealings in stores, arms, provisions, Etc., going on here on the part of Don Miguel, as on the part of the other belligerent, conformably with their posit tion of strict neutrality between them. It was tru that there was not the same levying of men on the pare of Don Miguel ; he should, indeed, have been much surpri se d if t h ere were—that a cops should - b e ra i se d in favou r of a cause so repugnant to honest British f eelings.—(Cheers.) But if Don Miguel did not levy many aoldters here, he was not without the aid and counsel of Briti s h o ffi cers. He had, for example, Sir J. Campbell in his s erv i ce, an eminent officer, who not only wised him in the fi e ld, b ut by his correspondence and speeches, in Which Ministers. and- Parliament, and persons still more sacred, were spokeueof in a tone not very be coming in one who had the honour of being a British officer. The principle, then, of strict neutrality Witi ob served to both belligerents, to whom the same facilities were open of dealing with British merchants in our p orts for the materiel of war. The next pant was, whether the levying of troops for either party was opposed to the provisions of the Foreign Enlistment Ball. He most em i phatically maint a i ne d not . Wh en that Bill was n prargre-s through that House, he had earnestly protested against its principle on the score of pr ece d en t. H e was apprehensive that though it was passed as a specific measure, to attain a specific obj ec t, i t m i g h t b e tw i sted into a mischievous precedent of gener a l a ppli cat i on . T he Foreign Enlist• meet Bill was, as they must recollect, passed in 1819 ; it was founded on two Acts of George IL, which had for their avowed and exclusive purpose the prohibiting of British subjects from enlisting in a foreign service for the forwarding of the scheme of the Pretender against the throne of its legitimate occupants, the House of Bruns• wick, who held it by the most legitimate of all titles— the consent of Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) In the same way the Bill of 1819 was passed for a definite specific pur pose, and not as a measure which should pi ohihit the en listing of British subjects in any foreign service whatever, as die Noble Duke would seem to believe. It was passed as a fulfilment of an engagement entered into with Splits in 1815, in virtue of which the British Government gua ranteed the Spanish against British subjects interfering in the affairs of the South American colonies in their con test with the mother country. This was the sole object of the B 11, and he therefore denied the Noble Duke's con• struction that the B;11 imposed upon us the duty and obli gation of prohibiting the levying of troops for Donna Nlaria. He had yet to learn that we were bound lay any consideration to enforce any of our municipal laws, other than our own sense of what was due to our own honour and interest. The Bill of 1819, he repeated, was framed for a specific, and not for a general, purpose.—(Here Lord Holland whispered to the Noble Earl.) His Noble Friend had just reminded him of a fact which put this interpretation of the Bill beyond the retch of controversy. His Noble Friend opposed, and actually entered a protest on their journals, to the effect that though the Bill wa• avowedly brought forward to meet a particular contin gency, yet it might he appealed to by foreign powers in a manner prejudicial to British interests. " No," calif the Noble and Learned Earl (Eldon), who then sat on the woolsack, " that is iinpoesitile; no foreign power can make so flagrant a mistake as to suppose that the measure admits of general application."—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Duke, however, hail cited the case of the seizure and subsequent release of the vessels of M. Sampayo, is order to show—first, that Ministers had ap plied the Foreign Enlistment Bill to the present contest in Portugal ; and, secondly, that they had partially eluded its provisions in favour of Din Pedro. The Noble Duke's version of the circumstances of this seizure was not quite correct in fact. It was not true that the seizure was made under the Foreign Enlistment Bill, and that the release was mate from a leaning towards Don Pedro. The seizure was male by the Commissioners of Customs, who, on the remonstrance of M. Satnp iyo, as to the legality of the seizure, referred the case to the Home Secretary. The question was one of law, and accordingly the opinion of the law officers of the crown was taken. That opinion was decidedly against the power of the Governmt nt to detain M. Sampayo's vessels under the Foreign Enlistment Bill, on any principle of the laws of nations, and accord ingly they were forthwith released. But surely the Noble Duke himself would not have acted otherwise in the same circumstances, and would not, from his anxiety to serve Don Miguel, detain vessels in the interest of Don Pedro, contrary to the solemn opinion of the law officers of the crown ?—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Earl here read the opinions of the Advocate General and the Attorney and Solicitor Generals, to the effect that no treaty between England and Portugal bound the former to interfere in the affairs of the latter, in a case of civil war or disputed claim to the crown, to which no other foreign power wag an active party. According to the Noble Duke, we were bound to interfere, no matter what was the occasion, or which party was in the right or which in the wrong. But Ministers, acting upon the principles of internation law, and fortified by the opinion of the law officers of the Crown, adopted the course most consistent with the honour and interests of the country. It was strange to beer the Noble Duke, of all men, assert that the Foreign Enlistment Bill enabled and indeed hound us to detain the vessels of M. Sampayo. When the Noble Duke was in office, a vessel was fitted out here for the purpose of carrying out insurgents to Spain, to there excite a civil war. At the instance of the Spanish ambassador, that ship, the Mary, was detained; but on the opinion of the Attorney- General being taken, she was promptly released, it being found that we had not the power to detain her or any portion of her cargo, except same arms, which were seized for come illegality under the customs' laws. In the face of this fact, how could the Noble Duke assert that M. Sartspayo's vessels ought to have been detained under the Foreign Enlistment Bill ? -- (Hear.) The Noble Earl, having dwelt on the opinion of the Advocate• General as decisive against the charge of violation of stritit neutrality, so far as furnishing one or both of the belligerents in Portugal with the materials of war was concerned, proceeded to say that he was not ac quainted with the particulars of the armament which had assembled at Falmouth under Captain Napier till the Noble Duke bed that evening specified them. This ignorance was perhaps culpable, but he would not vindi cate it at the expense of the character of the officers of the British navy and army.—(Hear.) The Noble Duke insinuated that those cfficers refrained from communi cating intelligence to the Government because it might not be palatable to them. He did not believe . thaA„thsky coutit be believe that the Noble Duke's minute one-sided information of particulars in favour of Don Miguel was communicated on account of the pleasure it might afford the Noble Duke and his party. The Noble Duke gave Ministers credit for dismissing Admiral Sartorius from the British service, and by implication called upon them to pursue the same course towards Captain Napier. The last application of the last-named officer to the Admiralty was on the 19th of May, when he requested to know whether the pension which he received for his wounds would be cut off by his entering into another service in a temporary capacity. The answer of the Admiralty was, that his pension claim rested on a d.fferent basis front his claim to have his name continued on the list of British officers. It was not till Captain Sartorius had stepped on the quat ter-deck of a vessel of Don Pedro as Admiral of his fleet that he was struck off the list of British officers ; and without prematurely judging the case of Captain Napier, all he would then say was, that if Captain Na pier also entered into the service of a foreign state, lie would be liable, under the Orders in Council of 1791 and 1814, to he dismissed from the British service for breach of discipline. He trusted he had sufficiently re butted the charge of the Noble Duke—for charge it wile —and thereby shown that the censure—for censure it was avowed to he—contained in the Noble Duke's motion, was not fairly applicable to his conduct. He trusted he had shown that the 'enlist) , pursued by Ministers was consistent with the spirit of the strictest neutrality, and calculated to promote the honour and interests of the country. " But," said the Noble Duke, " that policy was, on the face of it, a violation of their engagements with Spain." It would surely he only worthy of the high reputation of the Noble Duke for him to have paused ere he gave utter ance to so unfounded an allegation. He boldly told the Noble Duke that England had not violated any engage• went with Spain (upon whose conduct he should then preserve a perfect silence), and that Spain had not the remotest ground of complaint of our having pursued a line of policy inconsistent with our honour and beat interests. —(Hear, hear.) No ; he trusted that no man, be he whom h e might, or actuated by what motives he might, would ever have the power of reproaching the present Adtninis_ tration with having tarnished the honour of England...-. (Cheers.) But, said the Noble Duke, if Pedro succeed, there will undoubtedly be a civil war in Spain. Again lie had to lament that the Noble Duke had not paused a little before he thus rashly committed himself. Who was so ignorant of the state of Spain and the continent as not to know how much the danger of civil commotion wou d be increased by the success of Dun Miguel ?—(Hear, hear.-) The Noble Duke could not overlook the probability of a disputed succession in that country, and that Dou Carlos, like Don Miguel, had his party to support him against his Sovereign and his brother, and the rights of the infant Princess.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The Noble Duke said that if the authority of Donna Maria should be established, it could only he maintained by foreign troops, and mercenaries of every description. Now, this appeared to him (Earl Grey) to be neither more nor less then impossible. If Donna Maria were not supported by a large portion of 'the Portuguese population, it was impossible that her empire could ever be established or maintained. It was incorrect to state that the army of Don Pedro was entirely composed of foreigners. The most exaggerated account of the number of foreigners in Don Pedro's army that he had seen, stated it at not more that, 3,000 men. This certainly was not one third of his army, independently of the population of the second city in the Portuguese empire.—(Hear.) In conclusion, he called upon the House to reject the motion, which he would meet with a decided negative.—(Cheers.) The Earl of ABERDEEN thought the Noble Earl op posite had by no means succeeded in refuting the charges ttrought against the Administration by his Noble Friend. These charges were founded on facts the most notorious, and supported by proofs which he thought the moat irre fragable. He considered the Noble Earl had misrepre sented the argument of the Noble Duke with regard to the treaty which bound England to Portugal on the occasion of the French invasion of Portugal in 1831. His Noble Friend did no t say that we were bound to defend Portugal t all haztrds, and whether her cause was just or unjust ; hut we were bound by treaties to mediate in behalf of Portugal.—(Hear.) The treaties that reat w ies n e i she e sv a el l e i ari a em n be d do c uo o tudr uld ato m sli e ns a tea n dni n a ( t in ' n b ' eh i a f l f t o h l ey P d o ug id not al: u whenev e r ie The Portuguese Govern ment , on that occasion, over and . over again, entreated our mediation and Support; and what reply was made by the Administration to this just claim ? There was no answer—(Herr)—nu answer from the 4th of May till the 16th of June was returned to the repeated applications of the Portuguese Government. It was not true to say that Portugal refused redress to the French claims, for she offered to refer the claims to us, and submit to our decision, but no answer was given till the French fleet hail sailed.—(Hear, heir.) With regard to the more immediate subject of the motion, he had, in December, MI, when reinforcements were going out daily—he had then pressed this matter on the attention of the Noble Earl, and asked him if he did not intend to enforce the Foreign Enlistment Act ? The Nohle Earl replied to him, that so long as that Bill remained the law of the land, he should consider it to he his duty to execute the law. As a man of truth, therefore, he relied on what the Noble Errl said : he did expect some difference would arise as to the putting it into execution, but still he ex pected that it would be executed.—(Hear.) The law against foreign enlistment, though still the law of the land, had not, however, received its due execution. Last week only, in a letter, dated May 28, from Falmouth, this information was communicated to the pubilc :—" This aft, rnoon the reinforcements fur the Constitutional cause in Portugal left this port to join the forces in atoms. The Birmingham steamer sailed with 350 EnglisH9roopr e under the commend of Colonel Dodgin ; the Britannia steamer, with 256 volunteers, comprising Poles, Ger mans, and French, under the command of General Mona and the Polish Colonel Suers ; and the City of Water ford steamer, with 200 seamen for the fleet. The per sonages accompanying this attritional force are the Mar quis Palmella, who proceeds again to Oporto, to enter upon the functions of office ; Captain Napier, C. 8., for the purpose of succeeding Admiral Sartotiue in the com mand of the squadron, and J. Y. Mendiz•tbel, , one of the agents of Don Pedro. The presence of the troops in our town has occasioned an unusual degree of bustle, their appeir•ince was generally good ; and in point of discipline, they appeared to understand the requisites of a soldier by strictly oh-Trying it. Tire vessels are well stocked with stores and provisions —in fact, with all the essentials of an entire expedition, rather than a reinforce ment. To supply the future wants or the army, there are a number of vessels about to leave Cork with provi sions, so as to prevent their entire dependence on succe-s or speculators. A considerable quantity of gold ham been shipped on board these steamers, which is to be solely ap plicable to the objects of the expedition ; therefore it may he expected that shortly sotne very decisive and effireient blow will he struck." As the Noble Earl was so unac qu tinted with these matters, he would give him some more information. He would infirm the Noble Earl of sire force which had left this country during the last three months to join Den Pedro. The Noble Earl read something like the following list :—On the last day of February the Lord of the Isles steamer sailed from Fahnouth with 350 English ;on AI a-eh 2.1 the Britannia steamer sailed from Deal with 300 English; on March 13th the St. George lett Gravesend with 400 French, who had been brought to this country from Boulogne in the IVellington steamer, and were re-shipped at Gravesend ; on March 22d the Mercury left Gravesend with 500 English ; on May 4th the Lord Cochrane sailed from Deal with 520 French ; on May 4,1), also, a vessel sailed from Roclifort with 600 French ; on May 25th the Britannia sailed from Falmouth wi h 270 foreign, rs. Teen there was the Birmingham steamer and the City of Waterf».d, to which he hail already referred, with 350 and 200 English. Other yes. sell had left the smaller ports of France with 500 more. There were two bartalions now ready to sail from France, which would make the whole expedition of Cept. Napier amount to 1,000 men. On the whole there hail left the ports of England and France, during the las• three months, no less than 1,750 English and at least 3,000 foreigners to join Don Pedro. He included in that statement the last ex pedition which bail sailed under Capt. Napier. These things could not be secret. If they were, was the conduct of the Alarqui. Palrnella a secret? Were his interviews at the Foreign office unknown to the Noble E al ? Was Capt. Na pier's sailing in conjunction with the M ii quis a secret ? He understood that no secret whatever was made of the expedi tion—that it was talked of with as much openness and publicity as if it had been an expedition fitted out by our own Government. The Noble Earl here rend a paragraph, stating that tire Lord of the Isles had been embarking troops for Don Pedro ; that a number of men paupers, belonging to the parishes of St. AI agaret and St. Martin had volunteered into Don Pedro's service. —(A laugh.) He should like to know if the Secretary of State for the Home Department, in whose department this was, knew any thing of this paragraph in the newspaper ? Had it the least foundation? He had inquired into it, and found certainly that it was at least partly true. There was a number of able bodied paupers from the parishes of Sr. Margaret and St. Martin, who were accomp inied on board these vessels by the parish officers, who gave them 10s. a piece to get rid of them.—(A laugh.) There was no affectation even of secrecy here. it was not even a thing tvinkedygttrttas 'kr tieigrtJ -.- Irt'o r e n m q . mike them levy troops for hie service. No person could doubt that the Government must have known of this. It hail been brought under its notice by the Spanish Ambassador, who had remonstrated against it, but his remonstrance was not attended to. Was this neutrality ? If it were, it was the strangest neu• trality he had ever heard of. Was it possible that war could be carried on to this extent, and that it could be unknown to the Government; and if the Government knew it, could it say that it observed neutrality ? It was impossible, as was sa'd, that our Constitution should not provide means to prevent this. If it did not, it would he a curse to ourselves, and the rest of mankind. If the Jews and jobbers of London could carry on war against a foreign nation—(Laughter) —if they could levy troops and send them abroad unchecked to commit robbery and murder—if it were said that the Constitution of the country did not allow the Government to prevent that, either that Constitution was a curse, or the assertion was a libel on it, for it would make us unable to keep up any peaceable relations with civilized states. But the assertion was not true. He hazarded nothing in saying that the law of nations was a part of the law of the land. That bad been asserted by Sir William Scott, as had been re marked by his Noble Friend. Earl GREY—Did Sir W. Scott give that opinion ju dici Illy or in Parliament ? The Doke of WELLINGTON was understood to say not judicially, but in his place in Parliament. The E al of ABERDEEN —Would the Noble Earl say, th , n, that Sir Wm. Scott would give a different opinion in Parliament from that which he would deliver from the Bench ? The Noble Earl had greatly eulogised Sir Wm. Scott, not only on account of his talents, but on account of his great and unsullied integrity. But it was not only his doctrine, it was a principle laid down by all writers ; and even, therefore, if the Government were not bound to enforce the Foreign Enlistment Act, it was bound to prevent this levying of war. If the Government were sincere in wishing to prevent this, why did it not issue a proclamation against it, as was required by the Spanish Ambassador ? That would have convinced the Spanish Government of its sincerity. Why did not the Govern ment recall all its subjects from the service of Don Pedro ? That would have satisfied the Spaniards. In former cases that was the course pursued. The Noble Ea' said that his wishes were not impertial, but that ought not to have induced him to violate neutrality. If the Noble Earl wished to do justice, he should have conquered his wishes. What would have been said, when the Government re called all its subjects from the service of Turkey and Greece, if, insteed of doing that, it had listened to its wishes, and bad left all its subjects in the service of the insurgents ? The Government of that day, however, hau done its duty, and published a Proclamation recalling them all from Greece as well as front Turkey. Was neutrality preserved, he would next ask, by our fleet in the Tagus? He knew what were the orders given to the Admiral there; be knew that the Admiral had acted aecording to his orders, and the result was, that we were in military possession of the Port of Lisbon. The pretext for tbat was the murder of the servant of Lord William Russell; but he was not a British subject, and was not exclusively the servant of that Noble Lord. The man was a Spaniard, and was a porter at that house where Lord W. Russell lodged. If anybody had a right to com plain, it was the King of Spain, and not the Govern ment of England. That, however, was made the pretext for our fleet resuming military possession of the port of Lisbon. It our squ tdron hod been sent to Lisbon to pro tect British interests and British subjects, he could have understood it; but no such protection was needed, and our conduct in this instance also, was a gross violation of neutrality. instead of keeping our line-of -battle ships at Lisbon, they might have been better employed in the Levant. He believed that we had not a single line of-battle ship in the Mediterranean —not one in the East to take care of British interests, where they might have done so more effectually tnan at Lisbon. Instead of which, however, we left France and Russia to settle the affairs of the East as they liked. The papers on the table showed that our consul at Lisbon, who was clothed with no diplomatic character whatever, bad used language which had never been em ployed by any British ambassador, and which more te sembled the language used by some Roman proconsul to a conquered country, than the language of a diplomatic ag aration of t h e N oble Lord s e p n o t .,d to an t i a n g d r e e p e e n t d o en t t h court. e de e —(Hear, b ear .) H e was di the Chancellor of the Exchequer in October, 1880, who said that the recognition of Don Miguel had been too long • delayed. He regretted that the recognition had not be fore taken place, and he had formerly explained to their Lordships why it was delayed. He would not repeat that statement, but would only say that it was delayed front the Government believing the declaration of the Brazilian Government that it wished to settle all its dis putes with Portugal in an amicable spirit. It was only when the Government was convinced of the duplicity, of the bad faith, of the falsehood of the Brazilian Govern. ment in its negotiations on this subject, that the Govern ment could think of avoiding delay. Till that convic tion was obtained they could not recognise Don Miguel. If, howsver, Ministers supposed that Din Pedro would succeed and establish a government in Portugal, they were under a delusion. It was said that the Marquis of Pal mella was to he regent in the name of the Queen ; but those who expected that plan to succeed could know nothing of the state of parties in Portugal. Such an arrangement was not possible. But if Don Pedro suc ceeded, it would only throw power into the hands of the most deadly enemies of this country. The men at Oporto were decidedly hostile to England, and the success we were promoting would only contribute to increase the in thence of France. As a Portuguese question it would long since have been settled ; if not interfered with by others, Don Pedro would have had no chance of success. Don Miguel, as King of Portugal, had no more to fear from domestic hostility than any Sovereign of Europe. There had not been an individual throughout the kingdom who had joined Don Pedro since be took possession of Oporto. There had not been any disturbance, nor any symptom of dissatisfaction throughout Portugal to show that the Go vernment of Don Miguel was not liked. It was indispu. bly proved that nine-tenths of the people of Portugal were favourable to Don Miguel. He repeated, therefore, that Don Pedro had no hold of Portugal, and that his cause was only supported by the foreigners, whose ser vices were purchased by gold. The true policy of th's country was to see the kingdoms of the Peninsula united in the closest compact, anti not to allow on the frontiers of Spain or of Portugal anything like a desultory warfare, which gave such good reason for distrust and dread on all sides. There never was a period at which this country could more advantageously cultivate friendly relations with Spain (than which nothing could be wiser), for she now possessed Ministers of the most exalted charact-r and the most enlightened views. There was nothing now which in fairness or reason we might desire but what, by pursuing towards Spain an upright course of policy, we might obtain. It was impossible fir any man who had a just comprehension of our relations with these countries, to look upon the present state of things with out treat alarm. He could suppose what were the feel ings of his Noble Friend, who had so long and so success fully endeavoured to protect them from foreign aggression. His achievements would remain the boast of his own country, the admiration of Europe—though he (Lord Aberdeen) must say, that if the sole endeavour of his Ma jesty's Ministers had been to tarnish the glories be had won for his native land, and to desecrate the very soil on which they had been fought for, they could not have taken a more sure and certain course than that which they had adopted._( Hear, hear.) Hiving done all that man could do, and more than ever had been done before, to put down their enemies and ours, his Noble and Gal lant Friend now tried to stem the revolutionary torrent which, he must say, was directly encouraged and sup ported by the Ministers thernselves.—(Cries of " Hear.") The Marquis of LANSDO\VNE said, that a Noble Eat! opposite, who always acted with the party bringing forward this tnotiou, had commenced the evening's pro ceedings by complaining of a newspaper statement ; and the Noble Duke who introduced this motion to the House had no other evidence to adduce in support of it than what was deriv e d from newspaper paragraphs. That Noble Duke had, indeed, talked of asking for papers, but still he did not do so. He preferred those diurnal reports for grounds on which to attack the Government. On such evidence as this, did he ask for censure on the King's Ministers. He (Lord Lansdowne) had no hesitation in saying with his Noble Friend (Earl Grey), that while the Government, by the law of nations, was bound to ob. serve a strict neutrality in respect to Portugal, if he had any wish upon the subject, that wish would certainly he in fivour o , Don Pedro. He was prepared to declare, looking to the conduct of Don Miguel—to the obligations he had incurred—to the obligations he had neglected, that be had no claim whatever to anything beyond a strict anal literal enforcement of newrality. It was alleged—and after all, that constituted the yratmmen of the charg e .-- Mr, be it remembered, this was a sort of omniutn yatherum of what had been uttered for the last two y, ars—that Captain Napier was at the head of some expedition pre. paring here in some way or other, and that he was re tained on the Navy List, whilst Captain Sartorius was struck off. But Captain S artorius, he begged to assert, was not struck off till actual evidence was brought forward of his being in command of Donna Maria's fleet. Up to this moment they had no such evidence affecting Captain as . • - • .• . „ tn oewspap er report alone this officer bad been dismissed the service, it would have been a subject, and a very fit subject too, for interference and complaint.—(Hear, hear.) He would call on the Noble Lord who had last addressed the House, to stat e a case in which Don Miguel had been treated in an unfair or unjust manner by the Government of this country.—(Hear, hear.) He would only say, if any parochial duti es h a d b een neg l ecte d , the offending par ties were open to correction—if things had been al lowed to go on unchecked, which it was the duty of parochial au th or i t i es to stop or control, they were liable to punishment, but it was not right that Noble Lords should come down to that House, and propose votes of censure on the Government.—(Hear, hear.) He should, perhaps, surprise the House when he stated Chit the application from Portugal to this country for media tion did not take place until a week or a fortnight after the French fleet had arrived in the Tagus.—(Hear, hear, hear.) 'What they should do they did do, and it was the course any honest Government would pursue—they ad vised Portugal, if wrong had been committed, to make reparation for it. The invasion by France was limited to a particular object, and had never gone beyond it. The future results of the policy of his Majesty's Ministers existed only in the imagination of the Noble Earl. He (Lord Lansdowne) did cot deny that the contest now carrying on in Portugal was injurious to the interests both of that country and of this. He had hoped that previous to the present time, affairs would have taken such a turn as would have justified Ministers in recog nising one party or another. Al,' however, they could hope to do was—not being at liberty to interfere with either— to mediate between both parties. He trusted the House was not prepared to substantiate that censure which had been called for, especially upon such grounds and on such evidence. if the Noble Duke called for papers, it would be for himself and friends to rest their defence upon them, and abide by the d e rision of that House and the country. The Earl of ELDON felt it a duty which he owed to his Sovereign, who had been grossly insulted, to say a few words, although they might imply a censure on the ad visers of the Crown. The Noble Lord had said, that Government had no specific information of the movements by the partisans of Don Pedro, while every other man in the country had.—( Hear, hear.) It was, he asserted, the business and duty of Government to have had full in• formation of that which was notorious to all the world besides, and which was clearly and plainly a gross in fringement of the law. He repeated that which had induced him in the first instance to rise, namely, that what had been done by the persons who had entered the service of Don Pedro, was a gross violation of the corn mon law. The LORD CHANCELLOR could not consent to allowquestionputthheimlocail their att requestingwithoutenionto a few things their Lordships rdshi which psto had been suggested to his mind by the powerful and elo qi n u a e t n a t a t a d d d n r w es n s ; o of n h d i s firstN ob Noble i a t n h d r L e f e e a t r e n n e e d e Friend venerable 'and justly venerated legal authority which had been quoted by the Noble Duke and the Noble Earl. It seemed that what had at first been supposed to be a judgment of Lord Stowell's from the Bench, was in fact only a speech delivered, or supposed to be de livered, by him in Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) Now, he was as anxious as any one to express his sense of the great talent, of the profound learning, of the un blemished integrity, as a Judge, of Lord Stowell; but, when he de•cended from the judgment -scat into the arena of political discussion, he would say of Lord Stowell —ar, he would say of Lord Stowell's nearest relation— ! that the seine weight could not attach to his opinions as when th e y were delivered from the bench ; and that he could not be so free from the common frailty of men, •ut that those Opinions would derive some colour or bias crow his political attachments. But, atter all, the ques tion was, whether Lord Stowell had given an opinion materially dissonant from that of his Nobl. Friend and himself. He understood that opinion to be, that a neutral State should not afford any succour either to one belligerent or the other. He (the Lord Chancel lor) came to the same conclusion. It was his opi nion—it was the opinion of his Noble Friend. Lord Stowell was speaking of the State, not of the individul. Undoubtedly the State must remain neutral. If it were meant t o go further—iif it were meant to say that Lord Stowell asserted it to be a violation of neutrality in a Suite if any of its individual inhabitants should supply money, arms, or ammunition to either of two belligerent powers, then, with the greatest respect for that eminent and vene rable person, he begged to make two observations :—ln the first place, to protect Lord Stowell from the impu tation thus attempted to be thrown upon him ; and, in the second place, if driven from that position by Lord Stowell's nearest relation, he would take leave to say, that the doctrine alleged was not the doctrine of the 1 isv of nations ; and he would appeal, from what Lord Stowell had been represented to say in Parliament to what Lord Stowell would have said from the Bench, if a case for deliberate judgment had been brought before him. His defence of Lord Stowell was, that he doubted, nay, that he disbelieved, the accuracy of the report of Lord Stowell's speech. If driven from that, he would then say that the doctrine of Lord Stowell was not the doctrine of the law of nations. It was a matter of trite law, that it was no violation of - the law of nations for a State to permit, with its eyes open (for he would go as far as that), its subjects to trade with belligerents ; to sell them arms, ammunition and accoutrements of war. Individu as, according to the strictest letter of the law of nations, did not involve the State to which they belonged, if they enlisted force, apart from and unconnected with their G vernment or State, on the one or the other side, in the case of bellige rents. His Noble Friend had referee Ito Vattel, who was not very clear on some points, and whose reputation was certainly greater than he deserved. But let their Lord ships consider ~be instances to which Vattel resorted. He referred to the Switzers, who were allowed, without any breach of neutrality, to hire out their regiments to other Powers engaged in war. Vattel laid that down as per fectly justifiable. Bynkershoeck did not go so far. That great publicist, however, stated that trading in arms, ammunition, and provisions, was no viola tion of neutrality, if it were carried on with both the con tending parties, and if the scale were held equally between them : and lie followed up that declaration by saying, that it was the same with respect to the furnishing of men. The Noble and Leaned Lord here read a passage from the works of Bynkershoeck, in confirmation of his statement. He sincerely believed that if Lord Stowell could happily he there, he would be the last man to throw any doubt on the doctrine with respect to the law of nations which he (the Lord Chancellor) had maintained. Adverting to the em ployment of German troops (he was sorry to say), not only against the liberties of the Americans in the American war, but against their French allies, he observed that that cir cumstance was never considered by the French as a breach of neutrality on the part of the Prince of Hesse Darmstadt, or any other of the German states. Whether on the part of Don Migmtl, the Usurper, as he had been termed by the Noble Duke himself, or on the part of her Majesty Donna Maria, the Queen of Portugal and Algarve—a Noble Lord seemed to doubt the accuracy of that title, but he (the Lord Chancellor) held in his hand a letter, signed George R., addressed to " My dear cousin and sister her Majesty Donna Maria, Queen of Portugal and Algarve"—( Hear, bear, he ,r)—a letter than which one more fitting, more courteous, or more honourable either to the writer or to the adviser of it, never existed.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Whe ther, therefore, lie repeated on the part of Don Miguel, who had le , en called a Usurper, or on the part of her Majesty Donna Maria, Queen of Portugal and Algarve, if his Majesty's Government had interfered, though only with a corporal's guard, or a cock-boat, such interference would undoubtedly have ben a violation of neutrality; but his Majesty's Government had cautiously, scrupulously, and perseveringly abstained from any such interference. If Dun Miguel had shown himself utterly devoid of the nature of man, still that should not have in duced any statesman to act on a different or partial prin ciple. Some censure had been attempted to be thrown out upon his Majesty's Government ; they had been twitted with the imputation of being disposed to suit their conduct to the taste of the day, of being never disposed to act except with a view of courting popularity. Now what was the fact ? That they had held on steadily and per tinaciously, and without the deviation of a hair from the course of non-interference; although they knew that hardly a single individual out of Lisbon, out of Don Mi guel's camp, but would have rejoiced with a boundless joy had they adopted a different resolution. He begged par. don—he ought to have added—out of that House; for it was but too evident that there were in that House indivi duals who were far from agreeing with the strong and ir repressible opinions of the c itintry at large. As a further illustration of the difference to which he had alluded, in the conduct of the same persons acting in a political and in a judicial character, he would refer to the proposition sub mi.ted to their Lordships by the Noble Duke. If it were imputed to their Lordships, sitting in their judicial ca pacity, that they were influenced in their decision by any conside, ation but that connected with the strictest inte. grity, they would visit the newspaper or any other luckless quarter from which such an imputation might proceed, with the greatest indignation. Yet now the Noble Duke called upon them to pass a vote of censure on his Majesty's Government, without grounds, without evidence ; an act which in their judicial capacity they would consider it a libel to suppose it possible they could commit. A Noble Earl had said we ought to hay. mediated between the parties. Now he (the Lord Chancellor) had seen enough of mediation to reject it, except in some pressing case, knowing its tendency to put an end to neutrality. The Noble Earl also asserted that his Majesty's Government ought to have issued proc:am ,tions forbidding enlistment. To that he (the Lord Chancellor) felt a great objection. If they issued a proclamation, commanding his Majesty's subjects to return to this country, what power, had they to enforce it ? They could only punish those who dis obeyed ; and to do so would be so difficult, that he defied the Noble Earl, even with the assistance of the Noble and Learned Lord beyond him, to frame an indictment wh'cli would afford a probable chance of successful prosecution. It would, indeed, be one of the most dangerous speculations which could be ventured upon. The Lord Chancellor then proceeded to contend that Spain had no right to insist upon the enforcement of the Foreign Enlistment Act, though made in her behalf, except in that case for which the law had original!) , been made, viz. with reference to the war then carrying on between her and her South American colonies. The case of the vess In which had been seized had not only been referred to the King's Advocate Ger:etal, but to the Attorney General, and other law officers of the Crown. The result of this was, that word was sent to the custom-house officers, that they might keen the vessels, but they must do so at their own peril. Under the circumstance-, Government could not, with any decency, have espoused, as its own, the cause which Don Miguel's agent had undertaken upon his own responsibility ; nor could it allow the custom-house officers to act upon the representations of the Portuguese agent, without, at least, warning them of the diversity of the legal opinion upon a point respecting which an unfa vourable decision might have been ruinous to them. The Noble Lord next alluded to the case of Captain Napier, in which it had been contended, that, on that beat and most irrefragable of authorities, a paragraph in a newspaper, that the Government had retained him on half-pay as a British officer, notwithstanding his having taken an active part in the operations under Don Pedro.--(Hear, hear.) He would ask whether Government would have been justified in dismissing an officer, without hearing his defence—(Hear)—and merely upon such an authority as that which he had mentioned? Did the Government show any reluctance in dismissing Admiral Sartorius? In this case there was a wide difference from that of Captain Napier. They had then documents which came from Captain, now Admiral, Sartorius himself. To see the Government censured fur two reasons like those to which he had alluded would be indeed a painful sight, yet these two points were the head and front of their offending. One word more, speaking, as he unfeignedly did, with all respect to their Lordships, and excepting the Noble Duke, whom he believed to have no such intention, he would yet say that he believed many of their Lordships hail come down to the House to vote on this occasion, with a view to a change in his Majesty's Ministry. There could he no doubt that such was the tendency of the vote which many of them intended to give.—(No, no, and Hear, bear.) He spoke with the greatest respect, and he was far from de nying that the object which he had stated was one which they might fairly and honourably pursue and avow. It was an unfortunate thing that their Lordships, in coming to a vote against Ministers on this point, would appear to be declaring themselves (as we understood his Lordship) to be the advocites of Don Miguel and the enemies of lib ral institutions. Peradventure some might think that the question was brought forward in order to get rid of a Ministry who were engaged in the settlement sf several of the most important questions which could conic before them—the question of the renewal of the East India Company's Charter, the renewal of the Bank Charter, the question of the abolition of Negro slavery, the improve ments in the municipal law of the country, the settlement of tithes. Their Lordships' decision against Ministers would lay them open to the imputation of being actuated by some p .licy, the object of which was to get rid of the present Ministry before the settlement of these great questions. He was far from agreeing with those who might be inclined to throw such imputations upon their Lordships; and he was of opinion that these circumstance s only showed how strong their Lordships' sense must be of the imperative duty which had devolved upon them on the present occasion, when they thought they had found a favourable opportunity for ousting his Majesty's Ministers. —(The Lord Chancellor, towards the close of his speech, stopped short, in consequence of some interruption below the bar we believe, and observed, " that without meaning any complime n t s to t h eir Lordships, he would say that lie believed the int errupt i on di d not arise within the bar. He believed it would now cease ; if not, it would be put a stop to." After making these observations his Lordship resumed his arguments.) bancdlor sat down, Lords ELLENBOROUGH and W‘. together. There was a cry for Lord El his Lordship ultimately gave w iy, and Lord WYNFORD rose and said, that the observations made about the tendency o; disp'ace his Majesty's Ministers, if such listened to, they could only have the effect the House of Lords altogether. Fur his own chirre 1 any wish to oust Ministers. The with him was, whether Britain was bound strict neutrality in the d'spute between Don bother? By the common law, no individi to interfere in the transaction of a foreign individu a l had a right to commit any act involve his country in war. The Noble and i then proceeded to argue that with respect to detained on the information of the Portugt. majesty's Ministers had not stated the case Lordship undertook to prove by the affidavits interested. The Noble Lord then proceede his dissent from the opinions expressed by Officers of the Crown. Three or four y i acknowlAged Charle s th e T enth as K i ng of now we recognised Louis Philip.—(i D Miguel was King of Portugal, not 01 but also de jure, for lie was recognised by tf authorities of Portugal.—(Hear.) If Don a usurper, what, he would ask, was Leopold of —(Hear.) If Don Miguel were a usurper. would ask, was Louis Philip ?--(Cheers. ) not refer to other titles, though he m ight sag reigning family in this country held their the recognition of Parliament, and Don DI, by the same authority—th a t of the States of (Hear, hear.) He should conclude by giving to the motion of his Noble Friend. The Doke of WELLINGTON rose to rep Noble Earl had stated that Don Miguel's usurp not have been effected but for the presence of troops. Now the fact was, that the troops viously withdrawn. They were delayed some Right Hon. Gentleman, then Ambassador in Li to the dissatisfactio n of the Government, but ti tion did not commence till a considerable time troops were withdrawn.—(llear.) He cot. course of policy which the Noble Earl ought adopted was to discourage the contest of these to' in Portugal, and that he ought not to have - contest to have proceeded to the present extrerni' events the Noble Earl ought not to have allt. tugal to have been invaded by troops gathered streets of London and Paris. Had the invai r been confined to Portuguese, then he w ould considered it so objectionable. The Noble Dt. tained the opinion of Sir W. Scott, to which he ferret!, to be good law. At common law there no doubt that the ste)ject was bound to o bserve trality whenever the Crown was bound to preser ve (Hear.) Nor was this all, for there was fur rence by the Foreign Enlistment Bill. How had noinistra , ion enforced this law ? Not at all ; only had they not enforced that law, but they had measures to prevent its being enforced. The actually interfered with the officers of the Ca', forced them to give up the vessels which they, '° tion of their duty, had seized._(Hear, hear.) The Earl had r e f erre d t o t h e case of a ship which se a s : daring his Administration ; but there was a gees t it ft rice between these two cases, for in that ins ° De t ' e t ", ( ON' T i n Enelish Government did all they possibly could d are),, 11,,0L tisfy Spain of their perfect neutrality; whilst, in t he r r r e ciS l ' instance, the conduct of the Government had a F.'d Sis!' i opposite tendency.—(Hear.) The Noble Earl sa id st had no right to complain. Now, he must differ "erfis 4r - 4caen Noble Earl, !or Sp a i n h a d a great i nterest in P' e go i , b bt neutrality ;it was th e w i s h o f S pa i n to be neutr al' , twe was neutral. What then must she say when she 5° Iw` ' fi of if nut by the avow e d sanct i on, at lest by the 0 0 ' 1°Iv it a d ' it the present Government, 10,000 men bad gd se : • of z Oporto ? He consid ere d t h at h e h o d proved hi s case, e 4 ,t, P ors„ Noble Earl said th e mot i on was equiva l en t t°, it r of censur e ; h e was sorry the N oble Earl rega rde' do r ' l lll O4 Sco that light. It was no iurther a censure than this' ,(ii in ,_ll, of declared the policy which the Noble Earl had P uv o e n ,"i l lilt tr ria ait] regard to Portugal to be wrong in their LordshiP" re , h i lsti ti t he If lie thought the Noble Earl had deserved ee" au ,,,,,, would have been ready to move it in a direct ina tin ",,b , Tti til e na he considered it censure, he was sorry fo o sed addre':ll,l,6o( W he I tenor of his argument and of the prop 0 r: s ve , most respectful to th e N o bl e E ar l —there was not ar, o civil word in it.—(A l aug h.) H e woul d no t h i " es air f i r i st y mi the slightest h e sit a ti on i n mov i ng f or a vo te 0 c c ;bo,l'atrer, instead of a n a dd ress to t h e Crown, if he had tha u t e r ene't i , t t el ass ' present cas e one w hi c h ca ll e d for such a c Agee ' Y, of Geed ) Re b" qerstoo sr day again GREY rose t o explain. 'I he Nobl e ' n,II e re o- ,6 again repeated th e c h arge of t h e Government intera' d i e 4 troti a with the Com m i ss i oners o f t h e C ustom., to prever' e t sN f aewa execution of the law. lie had already answered t hi of :ie t rl int reading the opi n i ons o f t h e l aw officers of the Cr o dr itli a nd and the Governm e nt on l y i nter f ered because theip,,Vi'a ,4% l led E dared the seizure to be illegal. T he N o ble if st Nevic wished to di sc l a i m any thing like an attemptj, e ci ei vine pate censure. Why, the whole tone of the all d dre!' T h ii at and of the add ress was censure—indeed in the ahest.) 'dth the Noble Duke had used the very word.—([Tea r ' ta All the expla na ti on o f t h e N oble Duke had nat l icubl ° ' , pt. let, opinion chinged the character of the motion. The taus tio ° an Duke said it w as censure no f urther than as a de °3- 10 i ( l 4. c" that the course o f f ore i gn po li cy pursued by. hi n ' did 1° ''tk i t 14 ' colleagues was injuri ous to our interests, an d degr a gre, the honour of the country. Surely, after such 0 1 0 10 tion, lie could only c ons id er t h e a ffi rmation o f the m 0 0 Ott , , 11e as a censur e , an d i n d ee d as casting 110 s li g ht stigm a ° present Administration.—(Cheers.) Their Lord s hip s t h en divided.-- ;lt `t . ° 'sit Contents 63, Not Contents ............................ No Proxi e s were ca l' e Majority against Minist . ers. Al ' cal-e,l. la lce I th Ott re-entering th e House, we found the Do j„,. s l o° d ' ; \metas CUMBERLAND on hia le g s, s p ea ki ng, as we to a point of order, sec „ °"' ti Toe Duk e o f RICHMO ND having moved th e d e reading of some Bil l b efore the question was settle r :oo o th e e ; carryin g u p th e a dd ress, which motion was then wit h d j e d 't t t ilt e by the L o rd s w i t h w hi te staves. Lord KENYON move d that the address be W e ' V"lth .0, 41 at ° • Motion a gree d t o , an d the i r Lordships adjourned' , a tE e c a pN, p , ,% tc tit ast tlt,; (l aen! 'i Cltttet tht S, t 'sal sa t ~'Pt at tar Wily HO USE OF COMMONS, JUN ,6 The SPEAKER took the Chair shortly after five g )e r i,l4' Mr. HUME gave notice of h:s intention, on into; the 13th i nst ., on t h e motion that the House g:)rit Committe e o f S upp l y, to move that it is exPediedolie P il necessary to rep ea l the whol.• of the i n h a bi te d hal° dell,' Mr. GOULBURN presented a petition from the -10" of the archdeacoury of Winchester, a g ainst th e Church Temporalities Bill. for th e Lord ALTHORP moved the order of the daY I H 1 use going into Committee on the Colonial Sluv e r Mr. GOULBURN said, as the Irish Church ireg ralities Bill was in the orders of the diy, it would '- convenient to know when it was likely to co me tb e Lord ALTHORP said he was desirous not to P re ,core Irish Chur c h Bill before time Slivery Committee eluded. AFFAIRS OOUGAL. Colonel EVANS wished F to P aka ques tion ti fairy ° :he state of affairs at Oporto. It would he in th e " e t he lection of th e H ouse, t h at on the death of Don Je"°,:ed father o f Mi gue l, t h e title of Don Pedro was acqu' es t b . o oe by the different ptiwers to the succession of the cot' in Portugal. There was no sort of disagr ee atiO 4 and Don Pedro, in consequence of his s itu di' in the Brazils published a declaration, abdicating tionally his right to the throne of Portugal, on °n d t O ,l I that his d aug h ter, D onna Maria, should succeed. aff, declaration the different Powers of Europe acquie ge he 'sra her r ecogn i t i on was agreed to.—(Hear, bear , t Subsequently, Don Miguel had pledged —l o otf' to the conditi ons o f the Regency. At this tunedeft of our t roo p s was stationed in Lisbon, and thei r e the were, that what ever took place, they should see that Royal Family under all circumstances should be prot e lig uel Availing hi mse lf o f t hi s general or d er, Don A old prevailed on the officer to remain some time 1(00 . ' 0 0' during that time he totally overthrew the who le 1 i ti ons to w hi c h h e had previously submitte a ll (Hear, hear, hear.) He was then denounced bi and the Powers of Europe as a usurper—a perjured u surPe r i , io, every term of opprobrium was heaped up to ,d Now Donna Maria was de jure Queen of Portuga % ) i c a as to one portion Queen de facto ; and the question I* . be rt he wished to ask of the Noble Lord was, whether :100 were anv immediate steps contemplated to he r . 0 by Government and by the French Court 01 to the r ec ognition of the legitimate righ t 0 10 z Donna M ar ia? lie had not a s k e d the il ee of before, in consequence of the embarrassing conditiou,t s our foreign relations with reference to Belgium ; b , by satisfactory treaty having in that respect been arrang e " Government, he was led, in consequ e nce of the imp ort i : 6 l: politic al as well as commercial i n t erests involved, to the question he had put to the Noble Lord. the Lord PALMERSTON was p er f ec tly a ware th at be suspension of our relations w i t h P ortug al "." l t a rge attended with great and serious injury to a t ime :lass of our mercantile interests ; and he hoped the /) 4 1 '° After tdd 806 '‘t,b riot arras.l r 0$ 1) w YNF tt a °re :ikn bor Admi t to g ' Was " t w ith j o g 111 1,, of the , t O ff r the Y sugge sAl aft, : les„ • c t of o''poil" ion i wit Pa kdos t4 laio n , ihe 01311,01 t % ow ool y an d to ei o e i )4l )11 Pedro ,b,Pted at (dual they o c„efolg Kith to t h iCt J lL e i r t'spi nd Leor', ll aut o i t - t to 1 04 tts, geese orp h trte u l ; th e !as,: fs in Y l tI its of ilYibt:n'ver „ o de,' to w tv i,„ a h o 1 by fr A lt f M° tr W or , in(Of I AS ge ar ' lie h vid etel t only d' i ) 1 / 41 : 4 be e , the )0 4 , f or c "Py or bit„'2 l )B it of ty e't eid 0 b o e re, er, %th e 41 ve, trp r ge 4 to s. ) to a r .tit say %e, kip.Nffer power t j 1 Y ih. lt lo 4tit Miguel .4 1 t eN any of Por n o) °hie L I lug his git, tot 0 that to replll 4,7'tft ? s urp 3 tr o , f the oop§ vi . e L e l 4l , lo 4 4t it te t tome Lisb g ''d 641 1ni rut the t ll4 , 4bl e the time xi tt i j„' , 41,1 considere 0,4 tl ST( ought °Fro?! or,tFoto, :se two re j %t .ve sa ge it4ll y oase. t ttN: 11 0 p allots' r° oa, L lered fr9 l l4 iy . t qti nvadiet p 4 ti t th e )uld Do o f !e Dul' e ;joth t for% e h be P , g .t,,,,t th e here c°u,' q4 to Ib4loil_ ,hserve pre serv e ib, j .'d th e s further 1 0, qttilleved v ha d tb d e i 4 144: all ; arj ` . 3 ASU ley ha d elj Pet• v ri . Gav e(d to C. Pi Cu r io 09 ,) ~ tt h t y, Re ) T be g io j Vi a , defeat