The Sun. — London, England, 1833-11-09 00:00:00

DINER AT LEEDS TO THE MEMBERS FOR THE BOROUGH AND WEST RIDING. On Wednesday, a dinner was eiven to John Marshall, 'un., E q., and T. B. Nlacauley, Esq., Members for Leeds, and Lord Morpeth, one of the Members for the West Riding. George Strickland, EN., Lord Morpeth's col league, was also invited, hut circumstances prevented his attendance. John Clapham, Esq., was in the Chair, hav ing Lord Morpeth on his right, and Messrs. Marshall and AI icauley on his left. The Vice-Chairmen were Hutton Stanfield, Esq., Joshua Bower, E-q., and R. A. Buttery, Esq. The entertainment was given in the Commercial Rooms, and the company consisted of upwards of 200 gentlemen of the first respectability. After the cloth had been removed, the Chairman gave in succession " The Kin'," " The Queen, the Princess Victoria, and the rest of the Royal Family." The CHAIRNIAN prefaced the next toast with a high eulogium upon Earl Grey, lauding the acts of his admini stration, and the reformed Parliament. He particularly instanced the slavery question, upon which he formed one of the Leeds deputation to London, and to the honour of that Ministry it would be spoken, that the men who had abolished the slave trade, had also been ordained to abolish slavery itself.—(Loud cheers.) He gave— " Earl Grey and the Reform Ministry."—(Loud cheers.) Mr. MacautEar rose to acknowledge the toast, and was received with enthusiastic plaudits. He was not, strictly, one of his 'Majesty's Ministers, yet he was connected with them sufficiently to say that he joined in their feelings, and returned thanks on their behalf. He felt the deepest gratitude to them for the late services rendered to this country in the passing of the Reform Bill, and for what they had subsequently done by means of that Bill. They knew that from one branch of the Legislature they were likely to encounter opposition, whenever it might be fatal to them ; they knew that a great and extensive interest had been created by former Governments, and a great portion of the patronage so bestowed had been used against them ; the Church, which for many years had been allied to the ex isting_ Government, was opposed to them—(Applause)— but amidst all these, the greatest of all was the high expectations which had been raised throughout the errantry, and the state of excitement in which the Reform Bil had Inc the people. He coulri acquit himself and the Govern ment of having raised such expectations—his languace always was, that the reform in our institutions must lie gradual—that it was impossible one session could do away what a hundred years of misrule had produced. To restore the interests of this country to a sound and healthful state, it was necessary to move by degrees. The Parliament met, and had to deal with expectations which any Minister who had not auperuateral power,—unless he had the rod of Moses, and could cause the water to burst from a rock, and manna to fall from heaven,—it was impossible for any but such a Minister to satisfy them. The very state of the House of Commons sufficiently indicated in what an agitated condition the Reform Bill had left those judicious men for their labour. On the very first day of the ses sion—on the day the King made his speech—at four o'clock in the afternoon, notices to occupy two-thirds of the et ssion were in the books, and at the end of that session, they were sufficient to occupy three years.— (Laughter.) Now the session was ended, and they came befire them, having completely carried into effect great and important changes, any one of which would honour and distinguish the session, and which taken alto. gether entitled hint to say that no ten sessions of Parlia ment, since the revolution, had proposed such measures of real good to the people as this.—( Loud cheers.) Slavery extinguished—lndia thrown open to the settlement of Europeans—the vestry cess abolished in Ireland—law reforms of great extent and importance, some proposed, others carried (and if any failed it was not from any fault of the Government)—a searching inquiry into the muni cipal governments of the towns of England—(Cheers)-- retrenchment carried to such a height that the whole expenditure which was under the control of Parliament had been, since the accession of the present Ministers to power, reduced from 15 to 12,000,000/.—(Loud cheers.) and whilst this had taken place, public credit re• mained inviolate, peace with foreign powers was preserved, and that country which the Ministers found when they came into office in a state of disor• der unparalleled, was now tranquil, and he believed in his conscience in a way of returning and advancing prosperity.—(Cheers.) He was not unacquainted with the accusation- brought a2ainst the Governm nt and the Par liament. They commenced from the firs: di of the see don, before it wan possible for Ministers, to have propound - I ed any public ..i. ~..- rr.:-....:,:.-. !1:, N.,.:-...- P.i,n4 sata petii) can , e in for a share—he proposed the first motion upon which they made a stand. He moved that the Hon. Manners Sutton should take the chair. Mr. M. Sutton then defended that motion, contending that the business of the Speaker was nothing hut to maintain order—that he gave fair play to Reformers when they were in a minority, and they wanted nothing more than fair play now that they were in a majority. He continued —then there was the malt tax. The Reformed House of Commons, it was said, showed the most strange Mean sist: ncy, because en one evening they resolved, by a small majority, to rescind half that tax, and the next day they passed a resolution to keep the whole tax on. His evi dence for resc nding that vote was in the words of Sir Robert Peel, in which he most cordially concurred ; lie said—" If I were shout to repeal the malt tax, I must consider that repeal with reference to the whole question of the corn laws." He would say, that to give that vast boon to the agriculturists, without stipulating for a com• plett, tevivon of the corn laws, would be to betray the inanufact;:trers' interests and of the country.—(Cheers.) This brought him to the corn laws, upon which his opinion differed very little with that of Earl Fitzwilliam. Dot he saw this distinction in the case of the corn laws, that while most abuses had existed for the benefit of the .oligarchy, and were opposed by the general sense of the people. yet, unhappily, in the case of the corn laws, it was ono part of the people at rayed against the other, and, in consequence, it was an extremely difficult question. It was a very different thing in such a town as Leeds to what it was in Devonshire, Dorsetshire, or the North Riding of Yi rkshire. It was a very different thing to carry through the abolition of a great abuse when they had the people behind them, and when they had them di• idea into two parties. Let them suppose the Ministry unani mous on the question of the corn laws, and that they brought, in a satisfactory measure, and they were to carry it through the Lower House, though he was at a loss to know whether they could or not. (Mr. Marshall in timated that he did not think they could.) He (Mr. Alacauley) thought they might by a small majority. (Lord But suppose they had a majority of Morpeth thought n ot.) 250 to 230 ; then it had to go into a llouse almost exclusively composed of landholders, where it . was cer tain to he thrown out b y a great majority. And what was the remedy ? They knew what it was in the case of the Reform Bill, but it was a very different thing to create Peers to carry the Reform Bill—when there was nobreat popular power throughout England but was crying out for it, and when tl.ey had 250 members from Leeds and Bradford, &c., ,-y.d 230 from Devonshire, Dorsetshire, &c. He did not ianow that any Sovereign would create Peers for such a purpose. —( Appl ruse.) What, then, was his opinion ? ft was that he believed they had truth on their side, and that discussion would bring it out. He believed that discussion would enlighien the agricultural interest, and in a few years, by fair discussion and the inculcation cf sound principles, they would be brought mood into as loud a cry for repeal of the corn laws; asy bad for reform.—(Lund cheers.) He sa , a this, :to explain his past and future conduct. He considered the earn laws to be a great evil up ,-, she country..—so great, that if it were put to lilt"- .enether he would abolish them, or any otter great evil of our institutions, he did nut know but I b e o,,,uhi say—t , rho corn laws."—(Cheers.) But be I,di e esd ~ s would be town against country—he believed th es e would be a doubtful conflict in the House of Corn- Irons, and a certain victory in the House of Lords. A doubtful c(4:,flii tat an election—be would not say, for none co u ld te ll abet ft would he, if it came to personal con flict. It mos his earnest advice to all who had influence, that they would apply themselves to the dissemination of ;sound views upon this questipn, Mut it might be rendered aeoner ripe for a satisfactory decision. ;Nothing would give him greater pleasure, than to snake any asorifice whatever that he believed would tend to the settlement of that question. He had now told them, as be would his most intimate friend in the closest privacy, what his senti meets and his sincere opinions were, and be left them to judge of them.— (Loud cheers.) There were one ar two other topics upon which great interest was felt ; one was shortening the duration of Parliaments, and the other the ballot. As to the question of the duration of Parliaments, he would repeat then what he had before said, that he thought the feriod of seven years m i g ht h e s h ortened, but short. No Government would that the ea abi , when N the country was willingly . t s"•• I elec tion .1. o Parliament had in a o ,, t ivc :l4 „.tia,,i k ,istress. sinat '.. - * )tikar../.04. I. ,at for seven years ; they must consider La* .0S ~ oWlYiklxol- that. They trie ',- ill' iliSaints to a biennial. flebad not that I ! • ttrabla 01 n annual Parliaments which wa seb i \ ' i l iqtllist" d : " . '4," tffas said they were too demo. %tio."."i4W•teVresentative oftener before the •ituency._ tifikuW ion could take place without any ' q ' ' •ct It e cartiiiiKtdeliberate judgment, without aniins- con*titl. tbiu2 bu sity or ill will, he should say that annual Parliaments would be extremely good and beneficial. The only question as it appeared to him was whether general elections ts ere not productive of a great deal of irrita tion, excitement and bail feeling amongst the constitu ency. And if the b eg i nn in g o f on e election was to join on with the triumphant dinners and processions of the preceding one (which it would he if they had elections every two years), his opinion was that this excitement would be unbearable—it would be felt as such by the most respectable part of the community, and then they would decline performing the duties committed to them, and their places would be filled by men who made such things a profession. He should not feel any objection to quinquennial Parliaments—Paliaments of five years, which would, in effect, be Parliaments of four yews. To such an arrangement, although he did not think it of pressing necessity, he should not have the slightest objection.— (Cheers.) Then a word upon the other question, that of the ballot. He held the ballot to be a security against one great evil—intimidation. He held it to be the only legal security against intimidation, because they could not have any efficient punishment for persons who intimidated others without violating the most sacred rights of pro perty. There was one principle applicable to all property, that " a man shall do what he will with his own." — (Laughter.) And hence arose the difficulty of dealing legally, for they had two persons having a legal right, the landlord saying, " Have I not a right to do as I will with my own? This is my inessuage ; go out"—and the tenant replies " I have a right to do as I will with my own—my vote is my own." He did not see any legal way of getting over this without voting in secret.—(Loud cheers.) Then he might turn out his tenant for the most absurd reason imaginable_-because he did not like the colour of his hair, and a thousand similar —but be could not turn him out on account of his vote. Therefore he said that the ballet was the only legal secu rity ; but then the question still remained whether there might not be securities against intimidation which were not legal, and lie was inclined to think there might be —that in a sound state of public opinion, growing from popular institutions, they might find a sufficient remedy for this. He did not think he was wrong in that because he thought he could find in the English History a very strong case. It was a most undoubted fact that, for 200 years, intimidation of juries was as common as that of voters hail been. It was the practice of judges to fine juries and send them to prison, unless they found verdicts as they wished. The jury who acquitted William Penn, in the reign of CI•al les 11., had fines set upon every one of them by the Recorder, and sent to prison until they paid it. How was that got rid of? Not by Act of Parliament ; but the public aversion to it grew stronger and stronger ; it was opposed by spirited jurymen, and Sir Matthew Hale refused to adopt it, until at last, about the time of the revolution, Jeffries himself would not imprison jurors.—(Loud cheering.) Wit nessing the advancing intelligence of the people, and the growing moral feeling of all classes, he was not without a hope that, by means other than legal, they might put down this practice, and if they could, he held that would he superior to the ballot, because, though there were great disadvantages in open voting, there were great advantages by bringing the voter under what ought to be restraint —the appearance of his respectable neighbours around him. He did hope, that in a better state of public opinion, they might do without the ballot; but if that party which struggled against the R. form Bill were restored by intimidating voters, then, come what might, the votes must be respected, and if the ballot was ne cessary for that purpose, it should have Lis strenuous support.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. Macauley again expressed his acknowledgments for the kind manner in which he bad been received. He hoped that for many succeeding sessions they would see important reforms gradually and steadily proceeding. He alluded again to corpora tion reform, and promised, that to it his best attention should be directed.—(Cheers.) There were many other reforms, but it was impossible he should know the precise order in which it was the intention of the Govern ment to take them up. He hoped and believed that two subjects would receive most serious attention—one was the question of church rates in England, and the other a most important one as respected a large class of dissenters, he meant a full mode of registration without reference to the doctrines of any one set of people.—(Cheers.) He was as sure as he was of his own existence, that the feelings of his Majesty's Government were as strongly those of Reformers as when they brought foriv ird the Re-' form Bill. That Bill was intended as a means not as an end. and they were determined, if the people would trust support eh.. State that Reform they had introduced into the House of Com mons.—(Cheers.) Tbat they would have the support ..f the people he could not cionbt, and there was not one of those noble persons, in whose name he returned thanks, who would not feel his desire to serve his country in creased, when they found that they were, in the manner they had been, approved of by that assembly. The Hon. Gentleman, on concluding his speech, was greeted with several rounds of applause. Mr. HUTTON STANFIELD, after some prefatory com plimentary observations upon Lord Morpeth, and expressing his approval of his general Parliamentary conduct, give— " Lord Morpeth and the Landed Interest."—(Cheers.) Lord Moserrii rose amidst thunders of applause. In returning thanks he expressed the pleasure it afforded him to have his name connected with the landed interest. During his Parliamentary career he hoped be had learnt to think that in the discharge of his public duty he should never entertai❑ an exclusive psi tiality for any interest, but that the national interests should be one and all.— (Cheers.) Alluding to the past session, he said they came before them again--they the representatives of that important town and extensive riding, and he deeply re gretted that, owing to imperative circumstances, his colleague (Mr. Strickland) was not there to partake of the pleasures of that evening. They came before them after a session unprecedented, he believed, in length, unparalleled, he was sure, in libour ; and they came before them with their head erect and their glance steady, not he trusted with the presumption of conceit, or a show of indifference, but because thry could tell them, without the possibility of contradiction, that they had at least set out upon the high mission to which they had sent them. —(Loud cheers.) The whole work, indeed, was not done—the entire harvest was not reaped—but then it was a work for succeeding races of men, and a harvest for the gathering in of ages.—(Repeated cheers.) But they did bear the marks of toil—the sickle had been in their hands, and some of their sheaves were with them.—(Cheers.) Ills Lordship sat down amidst loud and long continued cheering. Mr. Jositua Bowmt proposed the next toast, " The health of George Strickland, Esq., and a judicious abolition of monopolies."--(Cheers.) Mr. BUTTERY proposed, after a few observations, " The health of John Manball, jun., Esq., and success to the Commercial and Manufacturing Interests of the ' West Riding." The toast was received with loud plaudits. Mr. MARSHA LL re . urned thanks, end entered into an explanation of his parliamentary conduct, which, except those topics touched upon by Mr. Macauley, principally related to the borough of Leeds. lie was loudly cheered at the conclusion of his address. Mr. RAINES, atfer a high eulogy upon the character of Mr. Macautey, and detailing the service be had rendered to the country and India by his exertions upon the India Bill, proposed " The health of Thomas BAbington Macauley, E.q., and the extension of knowledge, liberty, and commerce in the East." Mr. MACAULET again addressed the assembly at great length, acknowledging the high personal honour paid him. Mr. BOWER asked if Mr. Macauley had not held a situation under Government, would be have agreed to the compensation clause as well as the seven years' apprentice ship? Mr. MACAULET said when he gave that vote he did not at the time believe himself to belong to his Majesty's Government—his resignation being then in Lord Althcrp's hands, though be afterwards resumed office.—(Thundets of applause.) He voted against the Government on Mr. Buxton's division on the twelve years' servitude. He thought the grant a matter of absolute justice. Mr. RICHAnDSON, in a somewhat extended address, bore his tribute to the exertions of Lord Brougham whilst upon the 7.voolsack, and concluded by giving— " The Lot d High Changellor of England, the Champion of Legal Reform and Cheap Justice to the Poor by Law." —(This toast was received with long-continued cheering ) kieveral other toasts were given and addresses made, but as they were chiefly of a local nature, we do not report them. Several glees were sung, and so long as we remained, harmony appeared to reign with unbroken sway, We thank our Leeds Correspondent for the excellent e nd full report he has sent us of the dinner given to the repre sentatives of that town on Wednesday. It would have been niost accept a bl e , bad not that which we have given been In type when his arrived. - The subscription for the erection of an " Institution for the Indigent Blind," in the city of York, in memory of Mr. 'Wilberforce, as unanimously agreed to by the Committee, amounts to 2,500/. •., tam TO MR. O'CONNELL IN CORK. (Abridged from the Cork Southern Reporter of Toesday.) This entertainment, for which extensive preparations had been made for several weeks back, took place yester day in the Chamber of Commerce. About two hundred and fifty gentlemen sat down to dinner—amongst whom we perceived the Members for the county and city ; Mr. Galway, the Representative for Waterford ; Mr. J. O'Connell, for Youghal ; the Messrs. Copp inger ; the Messrs. O'Connell, brothers and nephews of the Hon. Member for Dublin ; the Messrs. Crawford, Beamish, &c., and a host of other gentlemen. WILLIAM FAGAN, Esq., Chairman of the Committee of Merchants of Cork, prtsidad. Mr. O'CoNNELL, who, of course, sat on the right hand of the chair, looked well, and was in high spirits. The cloth being removed— The CHAIRMAN rose and gave— " The King—God bless him."—(f.oud cheers.) The next toast was— " The People, the only source of legitimate power."— (Loud and long continued cheering.) The CHAIRMAN, after a short time, called for another bumper, and said— " The Marquis Wellesley. May his pledge to raise Ire land into national independence be speedily redeemed." (Loud cheering.) The CHAIRMAN—The next toast on the list is— " Old Leland as she ought to be, great, glorious, and free, First flower of the earth, and first gem of the sea." The CHAIRMAN-Gentlemen, is it necessary for me to call on you to fill an overflowing bumper to our great and distinguished guest, Daniel O'Connell?—(Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, here he is, the " best abused wan in Europe." —(L iughter and cheers)—and yet I ask you, does he not, in spite of the efforts of a malignant and designing press, retain and carry with him the increased regard and affec• tions of the Irish people ?—(Cheers.) Why is this ? Surely and simply because he'deserves them.—(Hear and loud cheers.) I give you, in the words of the toast, " Our distinguished guest, O'Connell, the liberator of his own country, and the eloquent assorter of universal liberty in every clime without distinction of class, colour, or creed."—(Trem , ndous cheering.) The toast 1. acing been drunk with nine times nine— Mr. O'Coleareei stood up, and was received with the most enthusiastic shouts of applause, which were conti ❑ued, peal after peal, for several minutes. The Hon. Gentleman was apparently much affected, and after the cheering had in some degree ceased, he commenced— How have I deserved this ? How can I have merited this overflow of your kindness? I have not, as has been stated by your eloquent Chairman—any claim on your approbation by the accidents of birth and fortune, not more than the equal of all of you in one, exceeded by many of you in the other. I have no title on account of talents for this reception ; my only capability consists in the ardour of my zeal and the sincerity of my devotion for• our common country. I am proud, I own, at finding such a congregation assembled ; I acknowledge that toy heart beats high at the sight; and though my eye may be suffused for an instant by a tear, because I feel the magnitude of the compliment which has been paid me, yet my natural elasticity quickly returns. It delights me to have such an opportunity to send forth my voice in words which will be heard from the Giant's Causeway to Cape Clear—which will be borne across the waters of the Western Channel—which will reach the British Minister at Westminster, and will announce to him who dared to trample upon Ireland, that though we bore it once, we will bear it never again. I am not the man to recommend physical force—l am not the apostle of armed resistance; but this I say, that when the Coercion Bill once ceases to continue in existence, my heart's blood shall be upon the bayonet's point of him who shall endeavour to carry it again into execution. —(Lowl and long continued cheering. ) Yet, 1 almost rejoice that it has passed, because, though I teel that we are all slaves, still it has afforded us an opportunity of affixing a brand as lasting as that of iron on the authors of our degradation and oppression.— (Cheers.) How durst they pass it? It was to gratify the insolence of Stanley, and the obstinacy and pride of An glesea. It was not our Monarch that conspired against our freedom ; it was not our King who endeavoured to rob us of our rights ; no, it was the recreant and unworthy Whig aristocracy. Lord Brougham forgot his eloquence on the first algerine act ; Lord Althorp forgot his votes, and Lord J. Russell ratted ; every one of them supported every provision of that cruel and tyrannical Bill, which they had heretofore, in principle ; invariably oppos.•d. The Rev. Mr. FALTEY here said, that in consequence sins in the street. Mr. O'Connell could not be distinctly Mr. O'CONNELL—Let the people make their noise.— ; My Rev. Friend, I am snria is i:.,-a -panie of broaching or encouraging uns.)und doctrines.— (Laughter.) But let me return to the Coercion Bill. Perhaps you think your county embers and the other Members by whom I am surrounded, have a privilege to be pies-int at this dinner? 'Tis no such thing. They are here only by the suffer ante of the Lard Lieutenant.— (Hear, hear.) Now, as this Coercion Bill will expire on the Ist August, 1634, I hope that when that period has arrived, we will no longer endure that we should meet only by permission or sufferance. I am told that I am to get into office under these Whigs..---( Hesr, hear, and Lughter.) When I went to enjoy the mountainous air of my native country, the papers paid me the compliment of saying that I could not be quiet unless I were in treaty with the Government.—(A laugh.) They were never more mistaken; I never was less quiet.—(A laugh.) If they knew how many bustling scenes of delight I have gone through since I retired to my native home; if they could have seen me struggling up, with all my flesh about me, to the mountain tops, and enjoying the breeze that came across the Atlantic from the shores of the ITeited States, from which, as it were, I inhaled liberty and health in one draught—they would, at least, have done me the justice to admit, that though I might have been politically tranquil, I was not persona ly over quiet.—(Laughter and long continued cheering.) But if I have been absent from the busy scenes of strife and political contention, was there nothing doing for Ireland in time mean time ? Would they not allow nee to witness the effects pro- duced by the double pronged probe which the wily and sagacious Ministers placed at the disposal of my acute friend Sergeant Perrin, by which the wl.ole corrupted mass of the corporations of Ireland has been examined and exposed ?----(Hear, heai, hear.) I may safely say that there never was medicine more re quired or more useful, or a more necessary purgation than that of the corporation ; and I believe the dose was never better administered, nor could the pestel and mortar be better stirred up than it was amongst you. This is not a victory over a corporation, or over individuals, but it is a victory which will teach the faction that has so long ruled Leland that their dominion is at an end—it will take from those who so long held them those funds which are derived fur local purposes for the people, and which were intended for their benefit. I don't wish to exasperate the feelings or to raise the resentment of my brethren of any political or religious sect; I am the instituter of a new political sect, which is founded upon the principle that great re forms and ameliorations can never he brought about by physical force and violence ; that blood, instead of being the proper instrument and ingredient of popular achievements, only increases the evil which may have before existed, sows the seeds of worse conse quences, and instead of producing liberty, begets strife, and contention, and oppression. —(Cheers.) Therefore it is that I pronounce military rule an execrable despotism. —(hear, hear.) Let me return to the Coercion Bill. See what it was before it left the House of Lords. Under it a libel could be tried before seven young officers.— (Hear, hear.) That was not all. You don't forget the Stanley smoke clause. By that clause a man may be called on this day, and indicted before seven officers, for making a signal by smoke three months before. New that Bill was passed in that form by the House of Lords, and approved of, of course, by Lord Grey, Lord Brougham, and by Lord Durham too. Although he may now speak with great liberality at Gateshead, I think it is, yet he gave his vote in favour of the clause making time Irish peasant guilty of an offence, of his innocence of which he could not possibly give any proof.—(fear.) These are the Ministers who tiara ruled the country, and whose humble slave 1 am not much disposed to be.—(A laugh, and cheers.) The pretence under which the clergy got Stanley's Bill was, that they were in the greatest distress, and that, if they got five per cent. on the tithes due to them, they wou'd be the happiest men living ; ,:nd we were told, in the most plaintive tones, of one reverend Dector who was obliged to get rid of his coach and four, and another, whose wife and thirteen children were coin pelted to go to Cheltenham. When Mr. Shaw, with a good deal of blubbering, told us of such frets as these, I bad scarcely a doubt that the men were in great distress, and I therefore consented to, and vo•ed for, the grant of a million of money, which was given to them. As soon, boa ever, as they received this sum, their monitor advise , ' t h e m not to abate one farthing of the amount of the tithes due to them, and to collect them, if they were driven to it, at the point of the bayonet. I feel it my duty, therefore, in now addressing you for the first dine after the last session of Pa r liament, to retract one opinion which I was frequently in tie habit of advancing, and that was, that the titablishment should be cut down to the wants of the clergy, but that the existing interests of the Protestant clergy should not be interfered with for their lives. I_have altered that opinion, and I now think that not a single one of these who have shown themselves to have so little claim to humanity and benevolence, and who ap pear so ready to sound a second time the tocsic of dis turbance and contention, should be allowed to retain a life interest in their livings.—(Hear.) There is one thing, however, which I must congratulate you on, and that is, the departure of the Marquis of Anglesey fAm Ireland. I never knew a man whom the Irish nation ought to execrate so much. lam for a moral movement ; the principle which directs my political conduct is that there should be sin revolution until absolute necessity re quires it ; I am not, Sir, for depressing any rank ; I am for raising society to the level of the highest station by giving to all men the power of protecting themselves, their lives, their liberties, and their properties.—(Loud cheers.) It is not in Derry alone, that the converts to democratic principles are encreasing ; no, there is Sharman Crawford, who has lately stepped forward at the head of the re pealers of the North. Would to God, that he were tie general leader; how readily would I fight under his :can ners, and become one ut the " Tail," —(Laughter.) I will join any man who is determined to serve Ireland. Though I shall never shrink from repeal, though I must consider that question the (grand remedy for the evils of Ireland, still I will kiss the hand of any man, even though it should smite me, which I think is intended for the service of my country.—(Loud cheering.) The CHAIRMAN, in rising to propose the next toast, said, I hold it to be the duty of a chairman so circum stanced, to give from the chair any toast that embodies the national feeling, provided that his opinions are not at such variance with the toast, that he could neither give it, nor drink it with honour or with honesty.—(Hear.) The toast is—" The Repeal of the Union.".—(lmmense cheer ing and waving of handkerchiefs followed this announce ment.) Mr. O'CoNnon was here loudly called on from all parts of the room, and he came forward amidst loud cheers. Gentlemen, the very sound of the word Repeal would have made me irresistibly start from my seat ; but your unanimous and flattering call makes me apprehen sive, lest I should fail in doing justice to the subject. O'Connell has told us that he is our great teacher and preceptor upon many subjects; you must therefore make allowance for the diffidence which ever attends a pupil in the presence of his master. But there is something so che-ring in the sound—it is so long since I heard it more than in a whisper—Repeal, now the standard of liberty, is raised ; the colours of freedom are flying, and not a hiding place is left in the land for the traitor to cover his blush.—(Cheering.) Gentlemen, if I was trerely to treat the Union as a question of degradation, I should en deavour to rouse your every feeling in hostile array against it ; but whether we consider ;it as a question of degrada tion or one simply of taxation, it is equally obnoxious and ruinous. Our Chairman has told you of his conversion and his reasons. I also may be made a convert, but it must be upon argument not by coercion. —(Hear, hear.) I may be an anti-repealer, and shall be, when it is proved to me that provincial degradation is preferable to national independence—that hunger is preferable to food—that nakedness is preferable to clothing—idleness to industry— and freedom to slavery.—(Cheers.) Is there a man amongst you who would not rather die a freeman than live a slave ?—(Cheers, and cries of "no, not one.") Then, till these things are proved, I shall be for repeal, the whole repeal, and nothing but repeal.—(Loud cheers con tinued fn. some minutes after Mr. O'Connor concluded his enthusiastic address) It was two o'clock when Mr. O'Connell rose to quit, and he was accompanied or almost immediately followed by the whole company. DINNER TO THE CITY MEMBERS. (Abridged from an Edinburgh Paper of Thursday.) Yesterday a public dinner was given to the Lord Ad vocate and Mr. Ahercromby, the representatives of this City in Parliament, in the Waterloo Rooms, at which about 400 gentlemen were present—Adam Black, Esq., in the chair ; the Solicitor-General, Sir Thomas Dick Lau der, Bart., Sir James Gibson Craig, Bart., and James Spittal, Esq., croupiers. On the right of the Chairma❑ was the Lord Advocate, and on his left Mr. Abercrotnby. Mr. Steuart of A►derston, M.P., Mr. J. A Murray, M.P., the Hun. Cul. Aliereromby, Mr. George Sinclair, M.P.. Sir A. Maitland Gibson, Bart., Mr. Hope Vere, of Craigiehall, Mr. Murray, of Henderland, Col. Main, the Rev. Dr. John Ritchie, Professor Napier, &c. &c. &c., scere also s,ate , l at the cross cable. After the cloth was removed, the usual toasts were rjven The CHAIRM•tV addressed the meeting as follows t —l 1 I hive now to crave a bumper—a flowing bumper to a toast I give, and which know you wiil receive with delight and exultation, for it is to one of Edinburgh's most favorite sons ; one whose genius and lasours have earned for him a death!ess fame and reflected a lustre on his native town. His is not a Scotch—not a British re putation—but an European, I had almost said an universal reputation : for wherever the English language is read there is the admiration of J ffsey—(Tremendous cheering) and with that is associated the name of Edinburgh. I conclude by proposing the health of the Lord Advocate. The LORD ADVOCATE, in rettrning thanks, said, there were three points on which it was necessary for him to say a word or two ; but on which he would not detain them long. The first of these was with regard to the pros,edings of Government on naval and military sinecures. The second, respecting the large sum voted as compensation to slave holders in the West Indies; end the last regarded that great and unavoidable measure—the Coercion Bill for Ireland. His Lordship then entered into a short history of the naval and military sinecures ; and stated that many years ago, before there was any prospect of the present Government coming into power, it had been the expressed opinion of Sir James Graham and Lord John Russell that the system of thus rewarding the services of meritorious officers, being considered Ily the individuals themselves more honourable, and being found to he the most economical for the Government, it was expedient that it should be continued. A Select Committee had been appointed to inquire into individual eases, and this Committee embraced the whole of the Mem bers who generally took a lead in questions of economy, viz., Mr. Joseph Hume, Sir H. Parnell, Col. Evans, and others, and this Committee decided, by a great majority, that it was fit and proper these sinecures should remain. His Lordship then adverted to the question of compensa tion to the West India planters. He was aware that this appeared to the country at large as being a lavish and munificent grant ; but they must all be aware, that, when they sought to purchase redemption for a great crime, they ought not to grudge the payment of a great price. (Cheers.) He then adverted to the Irish Coercion Bill; and congratulated the meeting on the successful and peaceful issue of that, at the time, painful but necessary measure. He honoured the feelings of those who opposed this measure upon principle, and he should little value the support of any man who could look upon the necessity which wrung that enactment front the first session of a reformed British Legislature without feelings of pain, agony, pity and humility, which: it would be difficult to find words to express.—(Cheers,) Whatever defects might be found either in the measures for Parliamentary or burgh reform, there were others in train which he hoped in the next session of Par liament would remedy all these. He came next to the local question of the annuity tax, on which sub ject his Lordship said he was not now prepared, or did he believe that any one was prepared, to propound any scheme that would remove all the just objections to this tax. But he might say, that he was very far from being an admirer of the annuity tax, but that he held the partial exemption from it as not only unjustifiable, but ridiculous—(Cheers.)—and that even though these in equalities were removed, the tax was still liable to serious objections. Nothing would give him greater satisfaction than to find some substitute f ir it which was more just and equitable. He was not prepared, and he hoped he never should be prepared to say that the Established Clergy should be supported by voluntary contributions.—(Great cheering.) He dill not think there would be any Justice in the support of the clergy of this opulent city being saddled upon the nation at large ; but that all the citizens should contribute equally to the maintenance of the clergy. In regard to the question of Parliamentary Reform, he again stated that it was not to be considered as a final measure, but as the instrument and means of other refoi nes. His Lordship sat down amidst loud cheering. The CHAIRMAN next gave the health of the Right Hon. James A liercromby.—(Loud and continued cheering.) Mr. Asrettcßomass, after returning thanks, said, that although all the acts of the past session hat not been such as he could have wished, yet, upon the whole, be could bear testimony to Parliament being guided by a genuine and sincere love of ill , erty.—(Cheers.) Although he ,elieved his Majesty's Ministers were the most proper pet sons to bold the reins of Government, yet it was per fectly true that there were some occasions on which he had felt it his duty to vote against them.—(Great cheer ing,) The Hon. Member then entered, at some length, into his reasons for having voted against Ministers on the Irish Coercion Bill. After adverting to the Irish Church Bill, which he characterized as a large and liberal mea sure fur that country, the Right Hon. Metnb-r alluded to the humble share he had had in the inquiry into the Aluncipal Corporotions of England. This was a new chapter in the condition of the people, and before many years elapsed, the result would appear in their improved condition. In reference to the Septennial Act, the Hon. Member said that although be had deemed it his duty to vote against it, yet the question was brought forward under such disadvantageous circumstances, as almost to have justified its best friends to vote against it.—(Cheers.) He thought, however, that now it might be as well to wait snd see how what they had got should work, before they asked for more. Sir THOMAS DICK LAUDER. then gave—" The liberty of the press ;" and, after several other toasts, the company separated. ERICSSON'S CALORIC ENGINE. Various attempts have been made to construct engines founded on the principle of the expansion of atmospheric air by heat, but these attempts have still remained without practical success. The caloric engine invented by Capt. Ericsson, a large working model of which we have seen in vigorous operation, seems to promise results of a very different kind. Air and steam must now engage in a desperate and probably a deadly struggle for the mastery. If the sanguine, and, we think, not unreasonable hopes of the inventor be realized, steam has seen its best days. The principle of the engine is founded on the well known property of fluids, that they transmit their pres sures equally in all directions. It consists of two cylin ders of unequal diameters, the area of the pistons of the one being double that of the other. These cylinders are connected together by means of a mks of pipes, called a regenerator. If air be condensed in these cylinders, it is obvious that the superior pressure exerted on the piston of the large cylinder will vanquish the pressure on the small one, and motion will take place till the larger piston has reached the top of the cylinder, whilst the small one has been pushed to the bottom. Here all motion would ceav, if heated condensed air were not allowed to enter above the large piston, and below the small one, so as to depress the large one to tile bottom of the cylinder, and raise the smaller one to the top. But this being done by sliding valves, exactly as in the steam-engine, the motion is constantly kept up. Oa this principle, then, we could obviously have an air engine, which would perform its operations by the sudden heating and cooling of condensed atmospheric air. But this is not the principle which distinguishes the caloric engine from others of the same class. The marked difference lies in this—that the same heat is made to circulate through the engine, and perform the same duty over and over again, instead of being thrown into a cold condenser, or into the atmosphere as so much waste fuel. The regenerator consists of a number of pipes, having numerous discs of metal placed within them to make the air circulate in eddies, and either deposit its heat in the pipes or receive it from them, according to the difference of temperature. These pipes are enclosed in a long cylinder of sheet iron, which has also discs of metal eo arranged that the air, passing along the outside of the pipes, may also travel in a circuitous route, and deposit its heat, or receive it, according to circumstances. The heated air, after having done its duty in the large cylinder, is made to circulate through the regenerator, and deposit a very large quantity of its caloric before it reaches the cold cylinder. The cold air from the small cylinder is at the same time passing along the interior of the pipes to the tubes above the furnace, and is thus carrying back the same caloric to do the same work over again. But though we have only mentioned atmospheric air as the fluid actually employed, it is obvious that any other fluid, whether •riform or liquid, may be used in the same manner. But a simple statement of numerical facts, furnished us by the engineer himself, will be of more value in turning the attention of the public to this invention than any general observations which we can possibly make. The engine actually constructed has two cylinders of eighteen inches stroke each, the one being fourteen inches diameter, the other lOi inches. The working pressure is 351 b. above that of the atmosphere. The fly-wheel performs 56 revolutions in a minute. The break-wheel is two feet in diameter, and loaded with a weight of 5,2001b5. The power of the engine is calcu lated to be equal to five horses. The regenerator has seven tubes about seven feet long and two inches diameter. The engine requires only 21b. of coal per hour for the power of one horse, and the whole heat which is actually lost out of this quantity, or not returned by the regene rator, is only 31b. per hour; so that the other parts are lost by radiation, msy be much dithinish,tl it. an engine o❑ a larger scale, ant by surrounding certain pares b effect conductors.— Times. IMPROVEMENTS ':I the CITY of LONDON. A PETITION AGAINST SOME OF THE DOINGS OF " THE BRIDGE C,IIMITTEE." The Memorial alluded to, a copy of which has been forwarded to u 4, is addressed to the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, arid Common Council, and is, we are told, receiving signa tures to a great amount. It requests that the particular attention of this great conservative body may be directed towards the arrangements now in progress to complete tte new line of street from London-bridge to the west end of Cornhill. Perhaps the better way of explaining the object of this petition would be to give a few extracts from the dwument itself, because, though firm, it is respectful, stating the cruse of complaint fairly, but without casting any unpleasant reflections upon any of the parties con. cerned. After stating that it is the petition of the undersigned inhabitants and citizens of London, it thus proceeds " That your petitioners have heard with surprise that the London.bridge Committee have resolved to leave standing the banking-house of Messrs. Smith, Payne, and Company, in building the new street from London-bridge to Cornhill. This will be seen by a reference to the plans of Sir Robert Smirke. Your petitioners, therefore, respectfully submit for the information of your Honourable Court the said plans, and also one showing the alteration proposed by your petitioners, with four views illustrating the great advantage in beauty of appearance which this change would produce. " That your petitioners regret that the improvements which have been commenced with so much boldness of design for the public good should be spoiled by so abrupt a termination of the inteadecl new street. " That it would be a subject of great and lasting regret if the entrance of the new street, near the Mansion-house, should be: narrower than the centre; for at that spot the traffic is incalculable, from the convergence to it of so many streets, so that it would, in that case, be impossible to prevent continual stoppages. " That if the said house of Messrs. Smith, Payne, and Co. were removed, according to the plan proposed by your peti. tioners, an uninterrupted view of the portico of the Mansion_ house and great part of Cheapside would be obtained from Lombard-street; and also that the now obscured but handsome church of St. Mary,Woolnoth, would be seen from the Poultry, and that a commanding view of the new street, with the Monu ment in the distance, would present itself from the east corner of the Mansion-house. "'That the daily increase of population, and the immense traffic teat must of necessity pass through the new street, de mands a wide pavement at the crossing from the Mansion_ house to Cornhill, to Lombard-street, and the new street; whereas the pavement opposite the house of Messrs Smith, Payne, and Co. is much narrower at present than any part of Cornhill, the Poultry, or Cheapside." We have given these extracts at large, that our readers may understand the real bearings of the case ; there are other strong points put forward, which we have not room to insert, with the exception of one, which we think will be considered of very material consequence by the citizens at large, namely, " The necessity that exists for opening every thoroughfare so far as to afford facilities for carriages, chariots, coaches, carts, and waggons to pass freely, that visiters from the \Vest-end who conic to make purchases the ease with which they may b m e ay en b a e bl i e n d vi t t . ed rid to e, do orisvo by the walk through any part of the city." This hint speaks volumes, and we hope will not be thrown away upon the Lodon-bridge Committee. These gentlemen are now anxious to pull down a number of 0;e metropolitan churches, under the pretext of giving more facilities of ventilation and traffic. Let them now show the sincerity of their pretences, by abating fifteen feet of a banking-house, at the most important point of conveyance for the city trade, and where b?auty and utility would be eminently united. If the Bridge Committee should neglect to secure this point of importance to the citizens, it will certainly create strong suspicions in the public mind that a vast increase of jobbing patronage and ' profit is contemplated in the new scheme for pulling down the ancient churches, and desecrating the monuments and the sacred ashes of our forefathers. We hope that the petition will receive the serious attention which it de mands, and that its very reasonable request will be corn• plied with, and in the mean time, as St. Thomas's day approaches, we would recommend the citizens to press their just claim to the improvement they so properly and respectfully require; let them be equally prompt and vigilant in their movements, and we have no doubt the respectable firm alluded to will acquiesce at once, and gratify the reason ible request of those fellow citizens with whom they have been so long connected and esteemed either as men of business or as private friends. —Morn. Herald. Viscount and Viscountess Beresford, who have been for some weeks on a tour, arrived in Cavendish square early in the week, and have since taken their de parture for Mepdene. The first Cabinet dinner will take place on Monday, at Mr. Stanley's. nou,s OF sTcri'l.; , ''',' ,' ~ ,P. V I.T-ON Ir O'CLOCK' ..." Rank Stc ci: 41per Cent. lied. ,v744 i 2 , 44 India Stock ........ .. .... ~ 1 4 t ro• 3 per Cent. Cons 881,4 8 i Ditto Bonds 22 2 ' 464 3'4 per Cent ..... -ISouth Sea Stock ............ ,4, Ditto lied 955' I Old Annuities.. ...... ...•••• / 1 , 1 , 21v3 per Cent. 96N Y 4 .......... 3 per Cent. Ann. 1726 -'',3 per Cent. Ann. 1751 4 per Cent. 1826 Bank Long Ann. to expire Jan. 5, 1860... 16% 13-16 I D )i i t t t to o.. S . M . l . ll "..s4X) Oct. 10, 1859 :Ditto Commercial ...... Jan. 5, 1800 - Ditto Advertised ......... : Jan. 5, 1880 - 'Bank for Account ......... -0•• Aprils, 1880 - India} for Account ..., ... 0 Jan. 5, 1870 - I Cons. for Account .......• PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS Austrian Bonds 94 1 4 Belgian Bonds 94% Ditto Account .4;6 Brazilian Bonds €6 Ditto Account €6 Buenos Ayres Bonds 22 a C THIS DAY AT ONE ODO 19 Peruvian Bonds ...........•• ..1( Portuguese Bonds .............. Ditto Account ............ u '6o4 Ditto New Bonds ......... Ditto:Acconnt 6O !Prussian Bonds 1 Ditto Bonds, 182:2 ........ Russian Bonds, 1842......• •• Itt Ditto Account... .........• •' Ditto ACcount Chilian Bonds ........... 23 Ditto Account Columbian Bonds Ditto Account 1 Ditto I 1 1 . ..... Spanish Bonds, 1821 ....... Ditto Acc. Ditto Bonds, 18'24 "2 Ditto Ace , innt 0 2 3 4 Danish Bons 75% Ditto Bonds, 1893 . ..... ••:;64 Ditto Account ............ French Rentes, sp. c. Exchange —llper cent. 1 . . c hn ge Dutch, 9i p. c. 49SO Ditto Acc0unt............ ! !:51 Ditto, 5 p. c 'o94 ! Ditto Account • P A 'French Scrip - ---- Ditto Account Greek Bonds Ditto Bonds, 1825 Ditto Account -- Mexican Bonds, 5 per cunt 27 Ditto Account — Ditto, R per cent 3 , W4 Ditto Account Neapolitan B9 PRICES OF SHARES THIS DAT AT ONE O'CLOCK . „, Paid. Per 7, Allen Mining Company £4 ' Anglo Mex. Min...;o. ties. at U. pm ) XlOO Bolanos Mining Company ..£l5O 10 1' Brazilian Mining Company £s Brazilian Imp. Min. Co. (iss. at 51. pm.) £2O Ditto National 2O Ditto St. John Del Rey Ditto Cocaes . Cata Branca Mining Company I% Mritish Iron Minim , Comnanv £so Columbian Mining Co. 'lig st 5/. pm.) 51% English Mining Company 12% General Mining Association l2 Hibernian Mining Co. £lo Mexican Mining Co. £4B Real del Monte Mining C 0.... (unreg.) I nited Mex. Min. Co. (iss. at 2/. pm.) 40 . Ditto New Scrip 5 Alliance Fire Insurance Comp. lO Protector I nst tran ce Comp. Australian Co. Canada Company l7 General Steam Navigation Co. l3 National Provincial Bank of England 5 Rio Doce Provincial Bank of I reland 25 PRICES OF IRISH STOCKS, DUBLIN, NOT. 6. Bank Stock 2l4lSt. Patrick Insur (par Sha re . . Consols, 3 Der cent . 87% Royal Irish Ditto ..••• / Gov. Stock, 3% per cent. 95 1 4 Na tional Ditto .... / Ditto, New 95% patriotic Ditto ......... ...•••" / I per Cent. — 'Hibernian Bank ....... ....." / Gov. Deb. 3% percent BB% Provincial Ditto ............ / Royal Canal Stock --- Royal Irish Mine ........... ..0 Grand Canal Stock — Imperial Mine .............. ." , 0 City Deb. 4 per cent. — Mining Co. of Ireland ... 0 / Ballast Office Deb. 4D. C. -- Commercial Buildings ...... COURSE OF EXCHANGE YESTERDAY. Amsterdam C.F. 12 44 Ditto, at sight Rotterdam . U. 12 44 Antwerp 12 7 Hamburg M.B. 13 13; Altona 13 131 Paris, 3 days' sight 25 55 Ditto . U 25 85 Bordeaux 25 90 Berlin Frankfort on Maine, Ex. 51.151/ Petersburgh, ruble, 3 Us. 10 0 Vienna, effective d. 2 M. 9 59 Trieste d 0......•. lO 0 Madrid 37 Cadiz 37 'Leghorn .1 2 5'' Genoa s l Milan 4 l, Venice 4OO Naples Palermo per 0z. 104 „, 5 0 , Lisbon "VI Oporto 5 0 Rio Janeiro Bahia ~ Buenos Ayres .., Dublin, 21 days' sight....., Cork BULLION, PER OE. 6. g. s• 0 Portugal Gold, co in... 0 ii ° 0 ~.. .. • Bilboa Barcelona 36 Seville 38 %4 Gibraltar 47% Foreign Gold:in bars S 1.1 New Doubloons S ti New Dollars Silverbars, standard 02/ HAILS. Arrived. Due. Arrived. pdg' 1 O America 0 0 Hamburg ............. 1 O Brazil O Buenos Ayres 0 0 Jamaica. ..... .. ..... 0 O Carthagena 0 0 Leeward * islands ••• 0 I Dublin .. _. 0 j 1 Lisbon ........ ... ....... 0 0 Flanders 0 I 0 Malta.... ............ .• p 1 France 0 I 1 Sweden ........... 0 0 Guernsey Re Jersey 0 I Waterf0rd.......... HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE TO-MORRO W. fl , Slornitie .. 42 minutes after 0.1 Evening... 9 minutes af2: . ... lei " *7k a.' 4ty k Ate. LONDON, iTaDAY Evc_NING. NOVEMBER 9, 1933. We perceive by a notice in the Paris Paper g ' f that the national exhibition of the products ° industry, Exposition des Produits de Ill' dustrie, is to open on the first of May n est ' under circumstances of peculiar interest to country in which the majority of the people 1 11. e f becoming daily more convinced that the use a the ploughshare is more honourable than the exercise of the sword, and the practice of th e loom more creditable and useful than the march of armies, and the sacrifice of human It' fe, ll Hitherto, the exhibitions of National Industry' France have been mere displays of natie ll j vanity, producing scarcely one good result, ° I II leaving no other impression on the mind ti tj ,, that they served as an amusement for the p ar e b sians, bringing together multitudes to see and 0 seen. The forthcoming exhibition, however' i , to be very differently conducted. Every es h o f bitor will be required to furnish an accone t- d the article exhibited, which is to compreh e , l/ 0 the history of the invention, and its progressi, improvement—a fair estimate of it in conl i i rison with the article of a similar nature prodo c ; in foreign countries—the obstacles or fa ct j ties of consumption or use, to be w with in the customs laws—a consicle,, l 6 Lion of the advantages which might 11 derived towards the extension of consun l i tion, whether by the adoption of new mo des', transport, such as railways, or by the apPli c° non of steam, and the use o f mineral coa l , the probable influence of the production on °!' other branch of industry or commerce, and development or modifications which might expected to result from it to the general P r ' sperity. Such is the regulation ordered Government for the new Exhibition. It a determination to encourage honourab' with other countries, and the effect inns) only to benefit France, but also to ach state of human knowledge for practical throughout the world. We think we shall only be the organ sentiments of our fellow-countrymen it that the efforts of the French Govern: improve the resources of their national will excite no unworthy jealousy here, the new spirit of rivalry which has been in France will excite pleasure rather t satisfaction in England. At the same time not be amiss to recommend to our o vernment the adoption of a similar re, for a National Exhibition in this con is by comparison and contrast that imp in the useful arts is effected, and by couragement of inventors that further in ''red by t teed f b, the Co 'AO !ct Ire t L i glet o f wn, Prop er „ p , -e nt th e o s P , 0 ence ; 'peed b y h 'bil eation "sider at i, te Putat In g the tt n e t' to r '"illfOrit the p a 4 4 ; 4in g . te rest, t -h Y contai h lll e Fri at 01 ) th Ah s _ 'sAISTA a ommi 3 d ins Pie, I LE th Cal wh ose ' 8 fea red C ane, I Vur el 41I n) 29 41t LLA T h ere is ite let "il l tra Politi, or 4 0 1)4: Th v r e tar: P' i t e o nte l: nt a n h e e t iie e d: l i t t °Yal L ; . u ....n... 14 0, ° ln( ° ;i rllb at ra h o l t , c ci a l e.ii boa ~ , i , I y 1, , 'gueii v~ r e f r , fr eqU( ere d the fac''' a or qf be trlio or onstdeol lerestg• right D e it the I; :onstor( ktrre modes c \ 't'lk,etiOn app lied' F„al: P 7al co3l' Neine n on 0 1 , Th , a nd O r Itrthaere , m i g ht 171 , , f r tera l pr` th It e d by l'e roa til bespd', tercel It t , t) INN had st be o' t A t id took; '1 ) 4,cesuno la ' a te purprita th t 'Ptill,°b for n of "pi t b ut in Es 1114; he n ment ed indt101(; earli and 0 .4 1 t n cret will 04 ecit b than J" c t ß i l le, it "io T al et, 't f o wn s A or 'r 0 eve egt-O 4t read intri , g i rede I'. O re, the .'4ll, Co 00' ed 1 ` nvetw ] t (c f that 1 ), 0 otl IP' 4, (II WI )rtes, ,Y a ch rt I 4 , 8 e el • 5° qh r ex ters, 0 „ gl p j tey 0 14yei ul'eio ‘l4).%ici hoo 6c h g —La are brought to light. It is stated, in a letter from Lisbon, t , PEDRO iS anxious to convoke the Col that obstacles are thrown in the way of measure by some of his present IVlinistL 0 , apprehend that the first act of the Cortes ' I v be to recomm en d t h e reca ll o f the V° ll° PALMELLA to office with authority to cho° 6 colleagues. We cannot believe, however/ 4 1(1) o h s hat D ol] 4 rd Vl/47, 53 1 1; , il gi b, ised