The Sun. — London, England, 1833-02-25 00:00:00

way. It is a question not of substance, but of manner. The public hope that Reform may pro ceed without any more violent agitation ; and . there fore they appear inclined to support M in isters through thick and thin. But Lord Grey is grossly deceived if he have been led to imagine, that, be cause he is supported after having given the House of Commons a Tory Speaker, he will be supported in a system of Tory rule. The King's speech, which might have been written by Castlereagh for a Tory Parliament, was read with a feeling approach ing to disgust by Reformers, who nevertheless con tinue to speak well of the King's Ministers. " Therefore," those Ministers may say to them. selves, "we shall be supported at all events; so great is our popularity." It is a mistake, we ven ture to tell his Majesty's Secretary at War. The object of those who, dissatisfied with Ministers, continue to support t h em , i s to preven t ag it a ti on; but agitation will not be prevented if Muisters con tinue to displease their supporters; and when agi tation comes, it will be seen too late wiry the Re formed Parliament and Reforming Press supported Lord Grey notwithstanding his Tory King's speech, his T. , ri Speaker, and his long attachment to sine etlits. For our part, representing the sentiments of an infleential class of Reformers, we should be willing tQ make considerable sacrifices for the sake of quiet times. Between bad government and agitation for good government, it is not so easy to choose; when one reflects that heavy taxation is less injurious, perhaps, to the governed, than great excitement, uncertainty, and stagnation of trade,—such as this country suffered during the slow progress of the Reform Bill, or rather, in consequence of obstacles to its progress. Besides, what is more to the pur pose, agitation, like. war, interferes with practical improvement. For example, if the King's speech had been written for a Reformed Parliament, our papers on taxation, planned arid in plot executed several months ago, would have been more apropos than they are as it is, when the putilic doubts whe ther Ministers intend to please the Reformers or the Tories. During periods of great excitement, use fUl objects are neglected for party politics ; an ex cellent reason for hindering agitation if possible. Every one knows that if the present Ministry should become unpopular, all hope of practical improvement would cease for a time; and this consideration helps to explain why, notwithstanding Lord Grey's Tory commencement of the first session of a Reformed Parliament, we have as yet no strong expression of discontent, no ineeiings,* no petitions, no outward and visible signs of the inward spirit of Reform. Very many Reformers, we tell our late elk, the Radical Sir John Hobhouse, are holding back, re maining passive for fear lest agitation should Inter fere with effectual reform. They yet hope that Lord Grey means well, and that he will act accord ingly if he be let alone. But how great will be their disappointment, if Lord Grey, thus supported by a generous and confiding people, should pursue a sys tem in accordance with the King's speech, the elec 7 lion of Mr. Sutton, and the vote in favour of sine cures! And will not so bitter a disappointment lead to agitation more violent than ever, and more terrible, because in that case the nation would be without leaders, having lost confidence in all public men ? It does appear to us, on reflection, that those who, for the sake of quiet times, support the Whigs in Tory proceedings, may defeat their own object by the very means which they take to accomplish it. We shall endeavour to avoid this error; into which, we admit, such is our dislke of agitation, we have been very near falling. For all classes of the people at present, and still more for those changes which would serve all classes of the people, quiet times are most desirable ; but will a Tory system of government prevent agitation ? We submit this question to Lord Grey, telling him, at the risk of " making hitn uneasy," that the support which he has obtained from Reformers since the meeting of Parliament has been given for the sake o f ends diametrically opposed to those which his Cabinet appear to have in view. * This was written before the news from Birmingham and Wolverhampton had arrived. (From the News.). The Irish coercive measure has begun to be attacked in the House of Commons. O'Connell, as usual, made a powerful speech on it on Tuesday evening, but it was reserved for Mr. Shed to expose in the most glaring colours, the inconsistency of Ministers and their supporters, on the momentous question of suspending the Constitution in Ireland, without previous inquiry. In 1822, the Marquis Wellesley, a man not famed for much delicacy in such matters, asked of the British Parliament the power to inflict the Insurrection Act on Ireland, for three months only, to afford time for inquiry whether it should not enuure a 'anger space. This demand for military law, without inquiry, though for the short space of three months, called up L9rd Grey, Mr. (now Loid) Brougham, Mr. Spring Itce, Sir Francis Burdett, Lord Ebrington, Lord John Rus sell, &c., &c., who all denounced in the strongest terms, the infliction of military law on Ireland, even for an hour, without previous inquiry. And yet, though Ireland, according to the official statements published at that time, is now in comparatively a state of quietude, to what it was then, these same men are defending at this moment what they were reprobwing, in the strongest terms, in 1822, viz., the infl.ction of martial law on Ireland ; not, mark, on the plea that it was not needed, but that no in quiry had previously taken place, to prove to the world that it was needed. Is this not enough to sicken the people of the professions of public men, at least, of such public :men as England now boasts? The point, we learn, at which many of our English Members stumble, is that part of Lord Grey's Act which substitutes martial law for trial by jury. The committing the lives and properties of freemen to the caprice of three young military officers, is rather too much for their digestive organs, though willing from the hands of Lord Grey to take much of a hard and indigestible nature. After, however, reading Major Beauclerk's descrip tion of courtsmartial, we think they may justifiably feel some repugnance to inflict such a measure of justice on their fellow-subjects. His description of these courts, from personal experience, must con• vince every rational man, that in nine cases out of ten, accusation is synonymous with conviction, at least, if the President-Colonel so wills it. PETITION AGAINST EARL. GREY'S PRO-. roszn PACIFICATION ACT.—This petition now lies for signatures at the rooms of the Independent Clio, and it is expected that every parish in the county wilt come for ward immediateiy and s-nol similar petitions to Parlia tn•nt.— Carlow Morning Pust. . _ A rumour, which'is gaining ground, has for some time prevailed, of dissensions,in the Cabiner,—two of the most talented members of which are said to be en gaged in an intrigue, which is to end, if successful, in throwing overboard the present leader in each House of Parliament, and in effecting a junction with the Tories in their stead. We give the rumour because it is a current one—nut at all pledging ourselves for its accuracy. Public men should remember that their acts, to say nothing of their imwedia e rift-et, form the subject of history; that their characters are the property of their country ; and that intrigue in its very name implies dishonesty and deceir.-2lforning Herald. A DEAR WISH.—A hackney coachman wa charged before the Queen-square Magistrates, psterday, with having used abusive and insolent language to a gen tleman who had hired him from Piccadilly to Brompton, fir which service the gentleman paid him 2s. (6.i. more than his legal fare); hut he, being still dissatisfied, said, " I wish that the next time you gets into a hackney coach you may break your neck !" Tire Magistrate fined him forty shillings. About five weeks since, a young man named THOMAS KIMBEII, a waiter, was charged at Bow-street, on suspicion of having been instrumental to the death of ANNE GREAVES, a girl with whom he cohabited, and who, in a moment of irritation, arising from some jealous squabble, threw herself off Waterloo-bridge, anti was drowned. Ae there did not appear to be any ground I,r imputing this act to the prisoner, he was discharged. Frequent search has since been made for the body in the river, but it was not discovered till Saturday morning, when it was found wedged between two brigs off the Tower, in a 'Lima decomposition. It was conveyed on shore, and a coroner's inquest directed to be held. COERCIVE MEASURES TOWARDS IRELAND. (From the Observer of yesterday.) An extremely large meeting of the National Union of the Working Classes took place on Saturday, at eight o'clock, at their Institution, Theobald's.road, to express their abhorrence at the proposed measure to coerce the Irish, and to offer their assistance to the Irish people to resist these measures. The walls of the Institution were covered with several flags—tricolours and American ones—upon which were very strong mottos—the strongest that could be applied, even to the most extreme conjuncture.—Mr. O'Connell, his sons, and several other public characters, were present. The Rev. Dr. WADE took the chair. He called upon his friends and fellow-citizens to resist the coercive measures con templated by the present Government towards Ireland. This measure of Government might be fairly styled a " brutal and bloody measure." The English people had stopped the Duke of Wellington in his career of despotism, by a run upon the Bank, and they might put a stop to Earl Grey's tyranny in the same way. He would not only advise a run upon the Bank, but even counsel the people, under such circumstances, to with draw their money from the Savings Banks.— (Tremendous cheering, and cries of " We will, we will.") Mr. LEE proposed the first resolution, to the effect that " the Union had watched with feelings of the deepest indig nation, the horrible and bloodthirsty line of policy which had been pursued towards Ireland by the present hollow-hearted Whig servants of the King; and that they solemnly declared their determination to uphold by every means in their power their oppressed Irish brethren, against the threatened in fliction of military despotism on their misgoverned country." Mr. PRESTON seconded the motion. Mr. O'CONNELL then presented himself to the meeting, and was received with every demonstration of applause—waving of hats and handkerchiefs and loud cheers, which lasted for seve ral minutes. The Learned and Hon. Gentleman spoke to the following effect throw myself at once, without preface or apology, upon you, and call upon you in the most earnest man ner to adopt the•'resolution you have just now heard. Every expression and senthxtent of that resolution is, in point of fact, literally true ; and I have always heard, and even known, that truth triumphs among Englishmen. When I say Englishmen, I do not mean .English Lords; for truth and generosity do not dwell with them. Before 1 proceed to the business before the meeting, I shall mention the conduct of Trish Catholics in the time of Queen Mary. lam a descendant of those Catholics, and the present Government wish to make me a slave.—(Cries of " They never shall.") No, there breathes no miscreant, be his power what it may, that can reduce my soul to a state of bondage.—(Hurras.) The Government shall never see the day when lam to be their slave. But to return to the point; at the period of the Reformation, - the sword was the great argument used in religious conversion. Henry VIII. and Edward VI. made use of the cruellest tortures to bring over converts. It was a common sport with the soldiers of those Kings to seize upon the friars, and to beat in their shaved heads until the brains were exposed. Under the persecutions of Mary, there were 74 houses, capable of contain ing 1,000 persons, opened in Dublin for the Protestants of England, who fled there from English persecution. I feel proud of being a descendant of those generous Catholics; but what is my reward ? An English Government has sent a thief taker to my house, because I disobeyed what I considered an illegal proclamation. That Government has caused me to be dragged from the arms of a wife to whom I owe all earthly happiness—has caused me to be dragged like a felon to gaol. I gave bail—and woe to the Government that had exercised such vengeance upon a Catholic if I had not—for my country men would have risen up and rescued me at the risk of their blood. What we want to obtain we shall obtain by quiet and legitimate means. I desired no vengeance. I came to Eng land, and, without consulting my own passions, when I found Englishmen fighting for Reform, I ranged myself by their side. 1 lent to England in that struggle whatever talent and energy Providence endowed me with—(Cries of " So you did") —and voted to obtain their freedom upon all occasions. When the questions of ballot and of shortening the duration of Par liaments are brought forward, the English people will see how Irish Members will vote; they will see how they will vote on the question of universal suffrage. Their votes will be, that all who pay taxes shall have a voice in the Legislature. If nobody proposes universal suffrage, I shall do so myself.—(Cheers.) To show you how much the Irish people are your friends, I refer you to the minority on Mr. Hume's motion to abolish naval and military sinecures ; that is, to abolish what the people pay under false pretences. For the abolition of those sinecures there were 98 English Members; for supporting them, 182 English Members, consequently there was a majority of 84 English Members for their continuance. The support of the Scotch Members in favour of the sinecures was two to one, that is, twenty-nine for their continuance, and fourteen against. Now what did the Irish Members do ? Why, forty-one of them were for the abolition of these sinecures, and twenty-three for their support; so that if the matter rested with the . Irish, England would have been freed from this burden by a majority of eighteen.—(Cheers.) I mention this to show, that if Englishmen wish to support liberty in their own country, they will support it in Ireland. Ministers oppress Ireland, because they know by so doing they will clip the'wings of freedom in England. Look at what the despots are going to do in Ireland. You don't know half of what the tyrants contemplate. They are going to abOlish trial by jury. Can you endure such an in. road upon the Constitution ? The same thing will happen to you. And yet it is a Lord Grey, a friend of liberty, that threatens you, for he threatens us. Let him propose such a measure—or let anybody else propose it—in England, and the answer will be, myriads of barricades. Yes, I should despise you if you did not make such an answer. But no, you could not; for you could not find stones wherewith to form barricades ; you would have already flung them at the head of the monster that durst attempt so to enslave you.—(Cheers.) Dare the Go vernment, then, act towards England as it does towards Ire. land ?—(Cries of "They will.") Well, let them ; there is an easy remedy, and I have begun this morning to make use of it. A five pound note was tendered to me, but I refused it until I was sure whether Trial by Jury was to be abolished or not. Do you do the same, and they will not dare abolish it. This Act of Parliament they are going to put in force will permit the Lord Lieutenant to disperse every meeting, no matter what be its character—be it political or religious. Nay, more—any man caught but of his house after sun-set or before sun-rise can be transported! And who is to try the offence? A Jury? No; a courtmartial, over which preside three military officers. By this law every human be. ing in Ireland will be fettered. Let a tenant refuse to surrender a beneficial lease—let a poor man complain of the injustice of the rich man—let female purity resist undue so licitation, and chains will confine the claims and complaints of the tenant, the oppressed, and the deeply insulted. The father may complain, the mother pine, and the brother rage with indig nation. There will be locks and prison doors to confine them. By Reform you have shaken off the Tories, but you have, it seems, done it for the exclusive benefit of the Whigs, who are as hungry as ever the Tories were.—(That's very true.) But to return to courtsmartial and young Judges, who will to-day dine with the prosecutor, and to-morrow convict with all the impartiality that a well-furnished table usually imparts. It is said that such Judges are substituted, because jurors can not be found courageous enough to sentence according to the dictates of their conscience. This complaint of intimidation is a deliberate falsehood—a living lie. This is a mere excuse of the absentees, and Government is glad to adopt it. lam looking to the repeal of the Union as a desirable measure, be cause it would make Irish landlords live at home. Earl Fitz william, for instance, drew 50,0001. a year for sixty years, from the small county of Wicklow; that is to say, he has taken three millions out of the country. Why should not that money have been spent among the starving popula. tion of the country, from whose produce it arose?—(Hear.) These are the things which want remedy. Is my cry for the repeal of the Union a proof of selfishness towards England ? No. I tell you, that if my humble talents and efforts should succeed in procuring the repeal, I shall confer a benefit upon Englishmen. Would there be no advantage to the English labourer if the Irish labourers in London could find employment in Ireland 1 Would it be no benefit to them if every Irish labourer in London could shoulder his shilelah and march home? and I can tell you that Irishmen are fond of their home—travel as they may, their heart is still in the green valley where they were born. The cause is a common cause. The same oligarchy trample upon both nations ; both nations have the same remedies for their grievances—domestic legislation and demcicrittc liberty. I will tell you another feature in this Bill, You may imagine, perhaps, that the provisions of it ex tend only to offences which may be committed after it shall be passed. No, no; they may go back as long as they please; they may go back for forty years; there may be some one here now taking down my words, and I may be tried for what 1 am now uttering under an Act which does not now exist. On this side hell, nothing so infernal was ever invented as this Bill. If it pass, there is an end to liberty and security for ever. A man will have no more security in his house than he would have in Constantinople. Instead of British liberty, we shall have Algerine slavery.—(Cries of" Worse.") Now, after the victim is imprisoned, how long do you think he is to continue in prison ? As lung as the petty despot who has imprisoned him chooses. And all this is to be inflicted at the will of every petty ensign who can "strut and starve on 50/. a year." Ireland knows what martial law is. Sir Edward Crosby, for instance, a gen tleman of an ancient family, near Carlow, in rather embar rassed circumstances, who very properly lived within his in come, unfortunately fell under the imputation of being a Whig. Some officer took offence because he had never invited him to his house. He was brought to a cnurtmartial. Major Dennis, who presided, asked him whether he was a loyal man ? Sir Edward Crosby answered, that he considered himself to be so. How can you be loyal, answered the Major, when you never invited a single officer of the garrison to your house ? He was convicted, and, as a matter of course, executed. Every man in Ireland knows that that execution was a murder. The Government themselves are aware of that. His son has been restored to the property of his father, and holds rank in the army ; but what compensation is that to the murdered father ? In my native county, that of Kerry, during the rebellion, only one murder took place. The rebellion was attributed to the Catholics ; but, in fact, in the great Catholic counties there was no rebellion at all. Yet there was not a single soldier within 26 miles. I had a younger brother, it is true, who took a fancy to wear a uniform, and spend a day in shooting occasionally—yet not a single outrage occurred till a foolish General took it in his head to make some regulations about the soldiers leaving their arms. A witness, named Grad y,when examined at a trial, on look ing at theperson, declared that he had been mistaken—that he was not the man—that he could not swear to his person. He was asked whether he did not swear to his identity at a former trial Yes, he replied; but he was not then present, and I had no opportunity of identifying him —(Cries of "Shame, shame.") What was the consequence? He was ordered out and received one hundred lashes. He was again brought in, desired to look at the man, and asked whether he could now identify him. He still refused to commit perjury, and he was ordered to receive one hundred lashes more. He received in all three hundred lashes ; and the trial only ended in consequence of his falling into a dead faint, from which he was with difficulty recovered. Now, they wish to consign the people of Ireland again to courtsmartial—the people of Ire. land, who recollect such things as these. But why should I enter into details ? If this Bill pass, liberty in Ireland is at an end. 1 warn the Press of England of the danger to which they are about to be exposed from one clause of this Bill, which em powers these courtsmartial to try for sedition any person who is the means of circulating papers of any kind of which they may think it necessary to take cognizance. It is not like England, merely, as in the ease of Hetherington, for want of a stamp, that prosecutions may be instituted. The Editor of the Times thinks himself secure; but if he dares breathe one word of dissent, should circumstances alter, he will find himself mis taken. He may be secure at present; but who knows how soon a Tory Administration may not succeed to the Whigs who have brought in this Bill ? Is he sure that a Tory Admi. nistration might not punish him inlreland for what he may write in this country ? I may be told that that is impossible, because he cannot be taken over to Ireland from this country ; but I can tell you that there is an Act, called Judge Johnson's Act, which empowers any Irish Magistrate to arrest anybody in Erg. land and take him over to that country. Thus the Habeas Corpus Act, even in this country, is rendered useless ; and no Englishman even is safe. This measure is brought forward on the worst possible grounds—upon false, lying calumnies. I say it is a false, a lying calumny to assert that the disturbances in Ireland are connected with political agitation. Never was a calumny so false invented in hell. Never was there a lie more outrageous advanced. It is contradicted even by the evidence of the officers of Government themselves. Englishmen, Ireland is now arrived at a period, when the most outrageous despotism is about to be founded on the most outrageous falsehood ; but it would be a libel on our species to suppose that you will suffer My countrymen to be subjected to such a measure. We have stood by you—stand by us.—(" We will—we will." Hi. therto, what has this Union done for the benefit of Ire land ? How anxiously did we look for the assembly of a Re formed Parliament? What hopes did we not entertain of what was to be done when the real representatives of the pia ple should meet in Parliament ? What must we think of sue!' a dawn as this, when crimes are proposed more atrocious than ever degraded the worst days of corruption ? What is there still to aggravate this conduct ? It is ungrateful. We stood by you in the fight for Reform ; we aided in securing the vie. tory ; and are these to be our rewards ? If the oligarchy now be prostrate, it is much owing to the exertions of Irishmen 1 appeal to all of you ; I call upon you to help us with every heart and every head. Let every man among you become an apostle in our cause ; let him talk to his neighbour of our grievances ; let him speak of them in the public-house which he frequents ; in the streets let him speak of them—let him take every honest Englishman that he meets by the breast, and tell him the injustice which is contemplated for Ireland ! (Great and long-continued applause.) I thank you for that ho nest shout. I heard in that the old English tone which fright ened despots in former times. That was the tone which frightened the tyrant John, when your ancestors extorted Magna Charta from him. It was such a shout as that which hurled the ensanguined Stuart from his throne, and afterwards went too far in making him a bleeding sacrifice. It was such a shout that arose from the British army encamped at Black heath, when the acquittal of the Protestant Bishops was an nounced to them, in the time of the tyrant James 11. They joined in one tremendous shout, and James asked the cause ; he was answered, it was nothing but the soldiery shouting for the acquittal of the Bishops. Call you that nothing ? said he. I think I have heard the echo of that shout to-night. On Monday I may be blamed for this speech by the press of the faction, of the coalesced faction ; but my answer is, heard you the echo of the shout on Blackheath this night? Call you that nothing ? The people of Ireland, I can tell you, too, deserve that shout. They begin to lay aside their differences in that country. I have received the Orange papers this day; and though I have differed much from them all my life—though I have been subjected to every species of abuse and vilification from them—l must say, in justice to them, that they now display the feeling of Irishmen, unwilling to see their honest neighbours oppressed and put down. I forgive their former attacks on me —I had forgiven them before—but now their conduct shows that the people of Ireland deserve liberty. They show a spirit to join their countrymen in throwing off despotism—to cast to the winds all party feelings and passions—and to shout for old Ire. land alone. Englishmen, I come here not to fight for the li berties of Ireland only; I come to contend equally for the liberties of England. I will strive for you to shorten the du ration of Parliaments to at most three years ; I will struggle with you for the vote by ballot ; I will tight by your sides until I see every one of you entitled to vote by his representative in the House of Commons. I will contend for liberty for all—l care not of what colour, cast, or creed the slave may be. In what field of battle, in which 'he people of this great and mighty nation have been engaged, and in what field of battle have they ever blanched ? Did not Irishmen stand by your sides ? Their native strength and valour aided in all your victories, with whatever part of the civilized world you con tended. It is your duty, then, to assist their descendants. The decks of your navy have been washed with Irish as wel _ as with English blood. Where was there ever a fight when the meteor flag of England was displayed in which the sons of Green Erin did not bleed equally with the Scotch and English l In every foreign fight—in every domestic struggle for liberty, we were with you. I will not, then, come to you to entreat your aid for Ireland ; but, as a brother freeman, I will command it.—(Mr. O'Connell was repeatedly interrupted by enthusias tic cheering and expressions of assent from -individuals in the meeting.) The resolution was then read from the Chair, and passed amidst the loudest cheering.) Dr. LYNCH rose to move the following resolution : " That as Earl Grey has avowed that the measures intended for Ireland are illegal and unconstitutional,' and is about to trample upon and commit treason against the principles of Magna Charta, it therefore becomes the duty of every English man who loves freedom to vindicate the laws, by preventing him from carrying into effect his coercive and brutal measures against our Irish brethren; being well assured that, if the pre cedent be established, the same military and revolting despo. tism will be executed against themselves." Mr. Mae seconded the resolution. Mr. HAYDON had, on former occasions, seen Bills of the same nature with that now about to be passed for Ireland in force in that country, but he had never seen such a Bill passed regard ing Ireland, which was not followed by a similar one in Eng land.—(Cheers.) The resolution was then pissed, amidst loud acclamations. Mr. CLEAVE had great pleasure in moving the next resolu tion, which was— " That the thanks of this meeting are eminently dqe, and are hereby given to Daniel O'Connell, Esq, for dividi?lg the House of Commons on the address; and to those who voted with him in the minority on that occasion." Mr. BAYLEY seconded the resolution, which was carried unanimously. Mr. HAIG moved that the thanks of the meeting be given to the Rev. Dr. Wade. Mr. GRADY seconded the motion. He knew, and O'Connell knew it too, that O'Connell had only to raise his hand, and 500,000 Irishmen would bristle at his back.—(Loud cheers, and cries of " Let him do so.") No, no. He (Mr. Grady) agreed with O'Connell in thinking, as it was said in the Pro verbs of Solomon, "'There is a time for every thing ;" and there would be a time for that—he doubted if that time were distant.—(Loud cheers.) Dr. WADE returned thanks ; after which three cheers were given for " O'Connell and old Ireland ;" three cheers for "The People," and three cheers for " Cobbett," after which the meeting dispersed. FASHIONABLE INTELLIGENCE. PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS. HO USE OF COMMONS. NOTICES OF MOTIONS AND ORDERS OF THE DAT WFIICH STAND IN THE ORDER-BOOK FOR THE ENSUING WEEK• MONDAY, FEB. 25.—NOTICES OF MOTIONS. Mr. Estcourt—Bill to alter and amend the Acts under which the County Stock is raised and applied, in England and Wales. Mr. Sheil—Bill to entitle Roman Catholics to hold Scholar ships and Lay Fellowships in the University of Dublin. MONDAY, FEB. 26.—NOTICES OF MOTIONS. Mr. O'Connell—Bill to amend an Act of the last Session of Parliament, intituled, " An Act to amend the Repre. sentation of the People in Ireland," and to extend the pro visions thereof. Mr. O)Connell—Bill to repeal the Laws respecting the regis tering and taking of votes for Members to serve in Parlia ment for Counties at large, Counties of Cities, and of Towns and of Boroughs, in Ireland, and to substitute other provi sions in lieu thereof. Lord Viscount Althorp—Bill for the Commutation of Tithes. Mr. Portman—Bill to consolidate and amend the Highway Laws.—(Tuesday, Feb. 26 ) Mr. Edward Ruthven—Return of the state of the Curragh of Kildare, setting forth the number of acres contained in it, and all rents, issues, or profits derived, paid to, or demanded by any person or persons on the part of the Crown; and also a Statement of all cesses or charges paid or demanded from the said lands, setting forth for what purposes, and to what uses such charges are applied or applicable, and likewise a Statement of all expenditure of any sum or sums of money for the purpose of preserving the rights of the Crown upon the Curragh of Kildare, and of making, as well as of repair- Ng roads, or making other improvements upon the said Curragh of Kildare. Mr. Cobbett—Address to his Majesty, that he will be gra ciously pleased to cause to be laid before this House, an ac ccunt of all sums of money, issued from the Treasury of Great Britain, and that of the United Kingdom, to be paid to the Government of the United States of America, or to the citizens of those States, in consequence of the award of the Commissioners constituted and appointed in fulfil ment of the seventh Article of the Treaty of Amity, Com. merce, and Navigation, between his Britannic Majesty and those States, which Treaty was signed at London, on the 19th of November, 1794 ; together with a Statement of the grounds on which the said sums respectively were so issued and paid, and specifying, severally, the dates of the said payments :—Also, Account of the several sums, so as aforesaid issued, to pay the salaries and allowances of the said Commissioners, and specifying the sum which each Com missioner has received :—Also, Account of the several sums, so aforesaid issued, to defray all other charges, demands, and expenses, arising out of the appointment and the proceed ings of the said Commission. Mr. Ruthven—Return of the state of the Phoenix Park ad joining the City of Dublin, with a specification of the num ber of acres contained in it, as well as their appropriation, and to what public or private purposes the said Park is ap plied; and also a Return of any expenditure incurred for its improvement or embellishment during the last seven years, specifying each year respectively, as well as a Return of the profits during the same periods, if any, derived from the said Park for the benefit of the public. Colonel Perceval—With reference to the Return ordered 14th February (Trial for Offences, Ireland), to add the words, "distinguishing Roman Catholics from Protestants." Mr. Hume—List of Colonels of Regiments; the offices they hold; their length of service abroad and at home. Mr. Hume—Account of expenditure of Great Britain for the Colonies. Mr. Hume--• Petition from the Metropolis against Capital Pu nishments. ARRIVALS. The Duke of Newcastle, the Lords and the Ladies Clinton, in Portman-square, from Clumber Park; the Duke of Buc. cleuch, at Montague House, Privy-gardens, from a visit to the Ladies Montague Scott, at Hastings; Lord and Lady Edward Thynne, in Richmond-terrace, from Melton Mowbray ; the Duke and Duchess of Northumberland, at Northumberland House, from Sion House ; the Earl of Munster, In Belgrave. street, from Brighton; Lord Lindsay, at the Earl of Balcarras's, in Berkeley-square, from Cambridge University; Sir Thomas Fremantle, Bart., M.P., in Bury.street, from Buckinghamshire; Sir William and Lady Ingilby, in Berkeley-square, from Ripley Castle; R. Palmer, Esq., M.P., in Charles-street, Berkeley. square, from the Holme ; Colonel and Mrs. Dawson Darner, in Upper Grosvenor-street, from a visit to Mrs. Fitzherbert, at Brighton ; Mr. Bruce Chichester, M.P., in Duke-street, St. James's; Sir George Cayley, Bart., M.P., in Downing-street, from Yorkshire; the Lord Advocate of Scotland, in Charles street, Grosvenor-square, from Edinburgh; Sir Charles Dal biac, in St James's-place, from Brighton; Lady Haggerstone, in Lower Brook-street, from Haggerstone Castle, near Ber wick ; Lord and Lady Fevershain, in Arlington-street, from Duncombe Park, Yorkshire; Col. Waldo Sibthorp, in the Al bany ; Sir Henry and Lady Wheatley, in the Ambassadors'. court, St. James's Palace, from the Pavilion at Brighton ; Vis count Eastnor, M.P., in St. James's-square, from Leamington, Warwickshire; Sir Thomas Hislop, Bart., and family at Batt's Hotel, Dover-street, from their seat, Charlton; Mr., Mrs., and Miss Jones, at ditto, from Hertfordshire; Capt. Hammond, at Fenton's Hotel, St. James's.street, from Brighton ; Capt. Ri cardo, at ditto, from Bath ; George Latouche, Esq., at the British Hotel, Jermyn_street, from Ireland ; T. Lefroy, Esq., M.P., at Morley's Hotel, Trafalgar-square, from Dublin ; Lieut.. Gen. Sir Thomas Brown, Bart., at ditto, from Taplow ; Sir James Grant, Bart., at ditto; J. Briggs, Esq., at ditto, from Brighton; Capt. Thompson, at ditto, from a tour ; J. Hill, Esq., at ditto; A. Murray, Esq., at ditto; Sir John Brown, Bart., at the Albion Hotel, Cockspur-street, from Brighton. DEPARTURES. The Duke of Manchester, from Grosvenor-gate, Park-lane, for his seat, Kimbolton Castle, Huntingdonshire ; Col. Vernon Graham, from the Albion Hotel, Cockspur-street, for Dublin; Mr. and Mrs. Sudlow, from ditto, for Liverpool; Edmund Gardiner, Esq., from ditto, for Henley; W. Peirrie, Esq., from Morley's Hotel, Trafalgar-square, for Dublin ; Jackson, Esq,, from ditto, for Yorkshire; the Earl of Hopetoun, from Stevens's Hotel, Clifford-street, for Scotland ; Lord W. Thynne, from ditto, on a tour; H. H. Hungerford, Esq., from ditto, for Northumberland; Col. Edwards, from Fladong's Hotel, for Montgomeryshire; Col. Wollaston, from ditto, for Warwick. shire ; Lord Thomas Hay, from ditto, for Berkshire; Edmund Baxter, Esq., from ditto, for Plymouth; the Earl of Verulam; from Grosvenor-square, for Gorhambury. TUESDAY, FEB. 26.-ORDERS OF THE DAY. Petersfield Election Petition ;—Ballot for Committee at three. Oxford City Election Petition ;—Ballot for Committee at ten minutes after three. WEDNESDAY, FEB. 27.—NOTICES OF MOTIONS. Lord Viscount Morpeth—Bill to regulate the Hours of labour of Children in Factories. Mr. Cobbett—On reading the Order of the Day for going into Committee of Supply, to move, That this House will, with as little delay as possible, make such an alteration in the several Acts, imposing Duties on Stamps and on Sales at Auction, as shall cause the Peers, Nobles, Baronets, Clergy, and other Great Landowners, to pay, in proportion to the amount of their property (subject to those Duties) as great an amount in those duties as is paid by the fundholders, an nuitants, tradesmen, manufacturers, farmers, mechanics, and the rest of the industrious classes of the kingdom ; and as shall cause, in all cases, the rich to pay the said duties in the same proportion as the poor. Lord Viscount Althorp—To vote Exchequer Bills—Transfer of Aids—Consolidated Fund—Bank Balances—Exchequer Bills (Public Works)—East India Half Pay—Annual Pen sions Duties—(ln Committee of Ways and Means). ORDERS OF THE DAY. Suffolk Assizes Bill—Second Reading. Disturbances (Ireland) Bill—First Reading. House to be called over. Supply ;—Committee. Ways and Means ;—Committee. THURSDAY, FEB. B.—NOTICES OF MOTIONS. Sir Prancis Vincent—Bill to alter and amend the Laws re specting Libel. Mr. Cobbett,—Account of the total number of Actions which, in the five years immediately preceding the year 1802, were brought in the Court of King's Bench, against beneficed Clergymen of the Established Church for having violated by noa-residence, or otherwise, the Act of 21 Henry 8, c. 13, and of 13 Elizabeth, c. 20, which actions were quashed, nullified, or set aside by 43 George 3, c. 84 ;—Also, Account of all sums of Money issued from the Treasury of the United Kingdom, for the relief of the poor Clergy of the Established Church of England and Ireland, from the year 1800 to the year 1832, both years included : Also, Account of the Military and Naval Half-pay, paid to persons in Holy Orders of the Established Church, from the year 1800 to the year 1832, both years included ; and adding thereunto the names, and a description of, the benefices of such of the said spiritual persons as have been allowed to sell their Half-pay since they entered into Holy Orders. Mr. Hodges—Select Committee, to inquire into the fees, charges, and emoluments, of the Clerks of the Peace and the Clerks of Assize in England and Wales, and to report their observations thereupon, together with the Minutes of Evi dence taken before them from time to time, to the House. Mr. Benett—Select Committee, to inquire into the matters complained of in the Petition of the inhabitants of Liver pool (presented 21st Feb.) and to report the result of their inquiries to the House. ORDERS OF THE DAV Staftbrd Borough Election Petition ;—Ballot for Committee al three. Bath Election Petition ;—Ballot for Committee at ten minutes after three. NOTICES GIVEN ON FRIDAY, FEB, Mr. Stanley—Bill to amend the Laws relating to the Con stabulary Force in Ireland.—(Deferred from Tuesday :With February till Tuesday 12th March.) Marquis of Chandos—Select Committee' on the state and management of Beer Houses.—(Deferred from Tuesday 26th February till Tuesday 19th March.) _ _ Mr. Grote—That the votes, at elections for Members to serve in Parliament, be taken by way of Ballot.—(Deferred from Thursday 2Sth February till Thursday 25th April. Mr. Charles Buller—Select Committee, to consider such disputed points of law as may have arisen out of the late elections, and that all Election Committees be instructed to report to the said Committee all points of the Law of Elections which may come in question before them.—(De ferred from Thursday 25th April till Tuesday 14th May. LIST OF THE MINORITY OF NINETY-FOUR MEMBERS (TELLERS INCLUDED) WHO VOTED ON THE 21ST OF FEBRUARY, 1833, FOR MR. HARVEY'S MOTION, VIZ.:- " That Mr. Speaker be requested to make the necessary ar rangements fpr taking the divisions and inserting them in the Votes, giving the names of each Member in the Majority and Minority." ENGLAND. Adams, E. IL—Carmarthensh. Aglionby, H. A.—Cockermouth Attwood, Thos.—Birmingham Beauclerk, A. W.—East Surrey Bewes, Thomas—Plymouth Bish, Thomas—Leominster Blackstone, %V.—Wallingford Brocklehurst, J.—Macclesfield ' Brotherton, Joseph—Salford ' Buckingham, J. S.—Sheffield t harles—Liskeard Bulwer, H. L.—Coventry Collier, John—Plymouth 'awson, E —South Leicestersh. Dick, Quintin—Maldon Dillwyn ' L. W.—Glamorgan Divett, E.—Exeter Ellis, W.—Leicester Evans, W.—Leicester Ewart, W.—Liverpool Fancourt, Major—Barnstaple Fenton, J.—Rochdale Fielden, John—Oldham Gasket!, D.—Wakefield Gisborne, T.—North Derbysh. Grote, Geo. —London Guest, J. J —Merthyr Tydvil Gully, John—Pontefract Hall, Benjamin—Monmouth Handley, Benjamin—Boston Hardy, John—Bradford Hawes, B.—Lambeth Hyett, W. H,—Stroud Jervis, J.—Chester Langdale, Hon. C.—Beverley Lister, E. C —Bradford Lloyd, J. H.—Stockport Marshall, John—Leeds Marsland, T.—Stockport Molesworth, Sir William—East Cornwall Paget, Frederick—Beaumarls Parker, John—Sheffield parrott, Jasper—Totness Pease, Joseph—South Durham Philips, M.—Manchester Phillipps, C. M.—North Leices. tershire Pryme, G.—Cambridge Ricardo, D.—Stroud Richards, J.—Knaresborough Roebuck, J. A.—Bath Romilly, E.—Ludlow Hominy, J.—Bridport Shawe, R. N.—East Suffolk Strutt, E.—Derby Talbot, W. H. F.—Chippenham Tennyson, Right Hon. C.— Lambeth Tooke, W.—Truro Turner, W.—Blackbur❑ Tynte, C. J. K.—Somersetsh. Vincent, Sir F.—St. Albans I Vivian, J. H.—SwansPa Walter, John—Berkshire Warburton, H.—Bridport ason, Rigby—lpswich Williams, G.—Ashton Yelverton, N. IL—Carmarthen 1 oung, G. Fred.—Tynemouth SCOTLAND. Callander, J. H.—Argyllshire Dunlop, J.—Kilmarnock Gil on, W. D.—Falkirk Haliburton, D. G.—Forfarshire Maxwell, Sir John—Paisley Maxwell, John—l anarkshire Oliphant, Laurence—Perth Ormelie, Earl of—Perthshire Sinclair, George—Caithness Wallace, Robert—Greenock IRELAND. Baldwin, Dr.—Cork City Barry, S.—Cork Co. Bernard, Hon. W. J.—Bandon Daunt, T. 0 —Mallow Finn, W. F —Kilkenny Fitzgerald, Thomas—Louth Lalor, Patrick—Queen's Co. Lynch, A. H.—Galway M'Laughlin, L —Galway O'Connor, Fergus—Cork Co. Roche, D.—Limerick Roe, James—Cashell Ruthven, Ed.—Kildare Ruthven, E. S.—Dublin Sullivan, R.—Kilkenny Verner, William—Armagh Co. IVigors, N. A.—Carlow TELLERS. Harvey, D. W.—Colchester Hume, J.—Middlesex Mr. WATKINS voted in the majority against Mr. HUME'S motion on Thursday, the 14th,-and was not absent, as stated by mistake in The Sun of Thursday last. HOLLAND AND BELGIUM. BRUSSELS, FEB 21.—W e have received from our cor respondent in London the Note delivered to the Dutch Cover ninent in the name of France and England : NOTE, ADDRESSED BY PRINCE TALLEYRAND AND LORD PALMER- STON TO BARON VAN ZUY LEN VAN NYEVELT. " London, Feb. 14, 1833. " The undersigned have the honour to acknowledge the re. ceipt of the Note which Baron Van Zuylen addressed to them on the 3d instant; and they must, at the same time, express their profound regret at having learned by this Note, and by the personal communications which they have lately had with Baron Van Zuylen, that the small extent of his powers, and the nature of his instructions which he has received, deprive them of almost every hope of concluding with the Dutch Government either a final or a preliminary arrangement by which the dif ferences between Holland anti Belgium might be terminated. " When the evacuation of the citadel of Antwerp rendered it possible to resume the negotiations, the Governments of France and Great Britain did not hesitate a moment in pro. posing to the Dutch Government, by their charges d'Affaires at the Hague, a convention, destined to establish between Holland and Belgium a provisional situation, such that each of the two countries, by reducing its army, might be able to diminish the burdens by which they are both oppressed. This convention referred to the negotiation to be commenced for the conclusion of a definitive treaty—the solution of the few questions still in dispute. But in removing the chances of collision between Holland and Belgium, it facilitated a complete arrangement be tween the two countries. . "The preliminary convention proposed on the 2d January was founded upon the principle that the reciprocal exchange of the territories should take place immediately between the two parties, and it was proposed in consequence that the Dutch should evacuate forts Lillo and Lief kenshoek, and the Belgians Dutch Limburg and the German part of Luxemburg. The necessary results of this reciprocal evacuation were to be an amnesty granted to the inhabitants of the evacuated districts, and for the Belgians the immediate enjoyment of the free use of the commercial roads through Limburg, which has been guaranteed to them by the five Powers as a condition of the arrangement by which the right bank of the Meuse and the entire sovereignty of Maestricht were secured to his Majesty the King of the Netherlands, Grand Duke of Luxemburg. " These arrangements being once made, a reduction of the armies of the two countries to the peace establishment seemed well calculated to prevent the renewal of hostilities, which the five Powers have so often declared it to be their intention to hinder by all possible means ; and it seemed reasonable to hope that so decided a manifestation of pacific intentions on both sides would tend to diminish the mutual irritation which the threatening attitude of armies, stationed almost in sight of each other, must inevitably produce, and that new facilities would thus be found for settling the few questions still under discussion " It is evident that the Belgians could not accept any pro visional arrangement which did not give them the immediate enjoyment of the navigation of the Meuse, and secured to them, till the conclusion of a definitive treaty, the continuance of the navigation of the Scheldt as they have enjoyed it since the month of January, 1831. " In return for these conditions, the Governments of France and Great Britain offered the immediate cessation of the em bargo laid on the Dutch ships, and the sending back of the Dutch troops now detained in France. " It was with extreme regret that the yndersigned learned, by the despatch of Baron Verstolk, dated 9th January, and by the counter-project annexed to it, that the above-mentioned proposals had been rejected by the Dutch Government. " Baron Verstolk has not, indeed, positively stated that the proposals were rejected ; but it was to be inf. rred from the counter-project which accompanied his despatch, that the proposals were not accepted. " This counter-project was inadmissible, for what it con tained; and gave ground for decisive objections for what it did not contain. " It required that the Dutch Government should be autho rized to levy a tonnage duty on the Scheldt, without enter. ing into any of the obligations dependent on this right, such as those which relate to the placing of the buoys and the pilotage on the river, which must be inseparably connected with the levying of the duty; and it also required that this duty should be paid at Flushing or at Bath—a demand which was subject to great objections, because it would lead to the detention and delay of vessels navigating the Scheldt. " It also demanded a transit duty vn the roads through Limburg, though the five Powers have guaranteed to Bel gium the use of those roads for the advantage of commerce, without any duty, except a duty for their repair. " Lastly, it required that the Governments of France and Great Britain should engage that Belgium should pay annu. ally, till the conclusion of a definitive treaty with Holland, the sum of 8,400,000 florins in half-yearly payments, for its share of the interest of the common debt of the late kingdom of the u nited Netherlands. " But this considerable annual payment has been assigned to Belgium by the treaty of Nov. 15, 1831, as a part of a general and final arrangement, by which various commercial advan tages were to be secured to it, and by which the King Grand Duke was formerly to accede to the territorial demarcation, and to recognise the Sovereign of Belgium, " Itis, therefore, evidently impossible for Belgium to take upon itself the payment of any part whatever of this annual charge, till it is put in - possession of all the commercial advan tages which a definitive treaty is to secure to it, and before the territorial limits and its Sovereign are formally recognised by the King Grand Duke. " But if the stipulation in question was inadmissible for the reasons above mentioned, it wak no less so as indicating an in tention in the Dutch Government to defer to an indefinite pe riod the conclusion of a definitive treaty. For if that Govern. ment had had the least inclination to come to a speedy agree- , ment on the two or three points which still remained to be re gulated, why should a preliminary convention stipulate for an nual payments to be made during the negotiation of that treaty, while even the first instalment would not be due till June or July next ? " Now it is not doubtful that a definitive treaty might be signed long before that time, if the Dutch Government had a real desire to terminate the negotiation. Such a proposal as it has made, therefore, already indicates in that Government the desire of securing, by a preliminary convention, advantages which may enable it to hinder, or to delay to an indefinite pe riod, the conclusion of a definitive treaty. " But while the Dutch counter-project contained that inad- missible stipulation, it omitted the two Articles by which, on the one hand, the embargo was to be removed, and on the other, the Dutch and Belgian armies reduced before a certain time to the peace establishment. " The Dutch Government proposed that these two points should be established by an exchange of notes, instead of be ing the subject of a formal stipulation; but the undersigned have learned by the expressions employed in the note of Baron Vertolk, that what he meant by this was, that the em bargo should be immediately taken off, and without waiting for the ratification of a convention, and they have inferred, from the verbal explanations of Baron de Zuylen, that the Dutch Government wished to make the reduction of its army to a peace establishment depend on a general disarming in , Europe, instead of a simultaneous disarming in Belgium, as France and England have proposed. " The unqualified rejection of the proposals made by France and Great Britain, and the nature of the counter.project which the Dutch Government substituted for them, have caused the undersigned to fear that they must renounce all hopes of sign. ing a definitive treaty between the five Powers and Belgium. " The undersigned were the more inclined to suppose that Baron Von Zuylen would be prepared and authorized to open . _ _ such a negotiation with them, as, on the 9th November last, he had presented to Earl Grey the project of a definitive treaty, though the conference to which alone Baron Van Zuylen was accredited had been dissolved at that time by the retiring of the Russian Plenipotentiaries. " The undersigned alleged this proposal to Baron de Zuylen in their two first interviews with him, but he has invariably persisted in declaring that he had not at this moment, and that he never had had at any period of the negotiation, the power to treat or to sign, except with the Plenipotentiaries of the five Powers united in the conference. " The undersigned, not having succeeded in their efforts to prepare the way for a definitive arrangement, have been,forced to return to the plan of a. preliminary convention, for which alone Baron Van Znylen announced that he had powers, and presented to him the annexed project, No. 1, which, contain ing the articles proposed at the Hague on the 2d of May, com prehended also stipulations by which the neutrality of Belgium was to be recognised by the Dutch Government, and a forma) armistice agreed upon between the two parties—stipulations which the undersigned thought it proper to insert, in order to prevent all possibility of a renewal of hostilities. " Baron Van Zuylen then declared, that he could not accept this proposal. " At the same time that the undersigned delivered to Baron Van Zuylen the second project of a preliminary convention, they communicated to him also the project, No. 2, of a plan, by means of which, if he had been authorized to discuss with them the questions that still remained to be regulated between Holland and Belgium, the advantage of a definitive arrange ment might have been combined with the form of a prelimi nary convention; since there would have been inserted, ver batim, in a separate and additional sixth article, the articles of a complete arrangement, such as might have been consented to by the parties interested. By this means the conditions of peace between Holland and Belgium would have been finally established, though these conditions might not have been immediately invested with the precise forms of a defini tive treaty. " But Baron Van Zuylen again alleged his want of powers to discuss or sign such a Convention. "The Kreliminary Convention which the undersigned had hitherto proposed, was founded on the reciprocal evacuation of the territories by both parties. " The undersigned then resolved to make another attempt at an arrangement, by proposing a new Preliminary Convention, on the principle of leaving both parties, till the conclusion of a definitive consequence, un de r sofundersigned p presented e territory sente dwhich Baron they v r a e.. n s pectively occupied at that moment. n I Zuylen the Project, No. a By this plan Lillo and Lief kenshoek were to remain provi sionally in the hands of the Dutch, while Venloo, Dutch Lim burg, and German Luxemburg were to continue in the occupa tion of the Belgians; and as the reciprocal evacuation was de layed, the stipulations for the roads through Limburg, and for an amnesty in the evacuated districts were reserved for the Definitive Treaty. " The establishment of a formal armistice between the two parties, and the acknowledgment of the neutrality of Belgium by Holland were proposed as sufficien t securities for without any special stipulation for the reduction of th . on either side. e 11 ; 4° : 5°4- .4 f , " The immediate opening of the Me use, and th t y 'lance of the free navigation of the Scheldt, as it existed:l'o month of November last, were required a s indisPe France and Great Britain offered to take off the ernbaresdn to send back the Dutch troops to their own country; ed s sides, the three contracting parties were to engagebetive." jidP to direct their attention to a final arrange ment land and lgium. n 141 " The undersigned might confidently h o p e that 133!()_.,001. Zuylen would be at liberty to accede to a proposal so 1 1 7 d t o able, calculated to afford immediate relief to 1 - 10 110d c s Belgium, and which, containing such securities again:nor, newal of hostilities, would lead so directly to a rangement. int e4 when, on the sth instant, Baron Van Zuylen Their exaltations, therefore, were greatly disapPt:,,e the note of that day, and the project of a Convent' nexed to it. decla re t. " The undersigned cannot hesitate a moment to - him, that his project, was entirely inadmissible. 0 /4 e mbarg ° lo t " It contained, in fact, the demand, that the be raised, and that the Dutch troops now hi France sh°ollo,ol turn home, while the only thing which the Dutch G°ve offers to do on its side is to impose on the nevi:o6oo; Kcheldt, duties which have not been levied during th e .., 3 5 years, and to subject ships, navigating that river, t° tiO t examinations, from which they have been exempt clutve period. tht tflG " The undersigned have strong reasons for believing op duties were legally levied, nor any visit of ships legallYooo on the Scheldt in the year 1814, before the union of ... wo of , and Holland ; and they cannot see a very pacific disODegeof the part of the Dutch Government, or a very sincer e d reiloo coming to a definitive arrangement with Belgium, in til f po tiSO of that Government, through the medium of its PlerdP ° `4 presented .00,70. tb to enter into the discussion of a final settlement resPecte" tested T he facts , t,n d a e n r d s iagrneeadm have applicable l n e o o w n Scheldt, and in the intention which it manifests, 0 % 0 " o cefr i time, to bring forward pretensions which are founde d °r ote things which a definitive Treaty might so promptly te--00 e roffr i inducing Baron Van Zuylen to agree t Id either preliminary or definitive, and invitrngnhiin, Oda done, to transmit to the Hague, for the inforniatilolt Government, this note and the documents which ac c° ,,toae they feel that they owe it to themselves and to the G° l- 1:0 for which they act, to declare that they throw upon thelistr Plenipotentiary, and upon the Government by Who se ., l ol o tions he is guided, the responsibility of all the e° ° :..cet which may ensue from the failure of the sincere and ing efforts of the undersigned to effect a pacific arrall The undersigned, &c. :ohatuhasttedintearilmetdheste:A RAO' " TALLEY--,n/ " PALMERSI It [The above note is in the Independant of Fr id ' l ; o i 1 01 copied by the Moniteur Beige of Saturday, without tional observations.] arr ifed His Royal Highness the Duke of Orleans O il Brussels.--Brussels Papers, Feb. 23. a 0 11° BRUSSELS, FEB. 20.—1 t is said that the Ki e l - ' will shortly visit Ghent, Bruges, and Ostend. ~v f ore , The Union says—" We are assured that the rdgt" h , fro: a courier brought the Government a note address ed "'veil s :, and England to the King of Holland. This note maysveir dered as a complete rupture, and the harbinger of ne vi measures." s e A Belgian Cabinet messenger set out this evening spa ANT WE RP, FEB. 19.—This morning the follow.-- or, tered our roads :—The Danish sloop Frederica .21,1 aria' ° io Anderson, from Messina, with fruit; and the 10 Alteste, Captain Humble, from Seville, with wine. tr These ships did not meet with any difficulties beY°"- being convoyed by a Dutch gun.boat as far as Lillo. f 00. BRUSSELS, FEB. 21.—1 s is said that the Duk e ° is expected here to .day (Sunday), to pass a few days. (Signed) FRENCH PAPERS. ..ga• CHAMBER OF PEERS.—Sirritsa or Fs — Baron Pasquier took the chair at two o'clock. ed s After the proces verbal had been read and adoP t ld ,,; was read from Baron Durand de Mareuil, announ c ,7or. was prevented from attending to his duties in th e his departure for Naples, as Ambassador at that C° U ; r bto The discussion of the bill for regulating the 'O.! ed. carried by waggons, &c., was then resumed.—Adie d— CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES.—Sirrina of IS ! 0 .4 1 A M. Berenger took the chair a few minutes after %ar M. de Rambuteau brought up the report on th e - the Administration of Commerce and Public Wo rk ! . tin The appel nominal was then commenced, but e , ..,'" 1 ;5 4 1 number of Deputies to form a chamber arrived ehTi o r was discontinued, and the discussion of the budge' 0 0 " affairs resumed at the 3d chapter, relative to the _AP ambassadors and other diplomatic agents. 00 ,- I On this article M. Havin proposed a reduction, 1 of 65,000 francs, on the salaries of the diploma t bO l Berlin, Lisbon, Rio Janeiro, Florenc e , Hanover• o o.c .o o and Darmstadt; of 180,000 francs on the embaSsie S iot oo o I,' St. Petersburgh, Vienna, Rome, and M a d r id ; and • , if o.i those of Turin and Naples. in on li ,,,V The first reduction of 65,000 f. was adopted unan - , d .1 of 180,000 f. rejected by a large majority, and tha t 1 9l adopted after two doubtful ipreuves, by a majority ° I t i 155. of S The chapter was then adopted, after the rejectioo!nool tion of 149,000 f , proposed by M. Auguis, on the sa suls and consular agents. Chapter 4, consisting of 130,000 f. for salaries to ?opal diplomatic agents, was adopted, with a reduction of posed by the committee. et / f The following chapters, forming the remainder °, of Foreign Affairs, were then successively adopt eu " position : to lon Chapter 5, salaries of unemployed consular ag e° 6, ' OP Chapter 6, outfit for diplomatic and consular agenl t, Chapter 7, travelling expenses and couriers, 4A vv ed iti o '. Chapter 8, household expenses of diplomatic arid sidents, 680,000 f. Chapter 9, diplomatic presents, 50,000 f. Chapter 10, indemnities and relief, 80,000 f. Chapter 11, secret expenses, 650,000 f. Act Chapter 12, extraordinary and unforeseen miss ion By the above-mentioned amendments the wbo le 'tio 6 Department of Foreign Affairs is fixed at 7,197, 1 v" 7,365,700 f., as demanded by Government. SITTING OF SATURD•Y, EBB. 23. to r h el M. Etienne took the chair at twenty mi o , '0 t :0 1 After the proces verbal had been read and adoptewl: 0 . ;• sence of about a dozen deputies, M. Glair-n ig°l pro9 the tribune and renewed his complaint of the g° 9t ri d . A r laws of the most pressing urgency. He 311 %01ne1l larly to the bills for regulating the municipal attll ib .t o the departmental organization, for the form er ; or e understood that a reporter had been appointed 5051 month ; and he wished to ask the Chamber whetb e e 'oo o ; l ( for the sake of polishing his work, or any othe r r right to delay in such a manner a measure so OP' _di petted by the country ?—(Applause.) r ters The President begged to impress on the repo' I , 04 the importance of expediting their labours as 0 1 ° 0 0 0 0 A petition from M. Cochrane, formerly G ° 4o g4 I.)omingo, complaining that a sum of 50,000 fr 3fi der l 7 l o him in the budget of 1832 had not been paid, via!, r f - h e 0 0 0 out opposition to the Ministers of the Marine an u t - 00 1 .,i1l A petition praying that the commercial bills 0 ' 0 .61 " might be exempted from the stamp duty was ref opposition to the Minister of Finances. tl uitiO) On a petition praying that the result of the IP d in the United States relative to the contagion srpefOed gion of the yellow fever might be printed at th e e 4 0 01 Government, M. l'Herbette took occasion to r''' l 7, 7: 40 4 negligent manner in which the public libraries vi e lo so little regularity existing that it was alo e ' t ,bon i obtain any book wanted. He intimated that he I v io s ; the subject when the budget of that department under discussion. No reply was made to this eb 10 6 1 ., the petition was referred to the Minister of P ublic The reports on petitions were con tinuing vi be. was obliged to leave. , f ) e 1 The Ausburg Gazette of the 19th inst. mentieviietPA at Constantinople of the new Austrian Plenipete,leb de Sturmer, on board the Abbondanza frigate, W''' - 0 0 o f The same paper states that the Turkish fleet "..., 0 01 A t quent conferences with the Reis Effendi. M e-- ,sot Messenger of Sato to_ Cents. at Vienna, 92 1.16. c o A f port o e r Y Tt b ho a ef c k il.ci 0 1 ( n o F T : , T r t. e i hr u n i of Prince William Charles, youngest son of Da l ' e of Bavaria. (From The following is an extract of a letter forwomeauvro`"ealy:: ve 2 5 , ) Cs" " Ancona remains quiet, and the Papa. •is OF, dated Ancona, Feb. s: I dra in d a tt e l# suffered to act without any opposition. It is 3t 14 Vi i , ' i be observed that this result has been obtain age themselves thehp e p c mel arrestsics aeatlrviyoe.n. madew of Ti t a hh n e y bt yh r i i nem g d o Gyi r v o ooi uvdr orders reanrl measures :mienwn jtuo:yfh last,i e t 117 most : bso : tt i, e e c o r i Sf o re t; j :fo and every facility for their departure was other oppositionists have remained quiet, an d °n t b i bl forgotten. The presence of our troops, e nd l'a f :Pee C o , l • example, has encouraged a degree of freedom e . _ t to e unusual within the dominions of the Pope, ! 'LI TO f i i local authorities have become accustomed, fi d° pr i° r 4 I ;Alt ~ge inconveniences which they apprehended e''.• e f Ow Or; A perfect harmony prevails between all the chl . , e etl i A t service, and the best understanding subsists hate gates and the French Government. There ar e ' . 0 1 tA, sons at Ancona who condemn our interventionp;tei v.,. insults the protection we have afforded therm ....v be; -.. ver, in general, individuals of no considerdaT ;ee,f9 idleness and debauchery, who, lam very g in : 11 ;1: 0 Vi officers. Some of these malcontents have . • form a society, under the appellation of the to t pe d I engage by an oath not to speak a ivorvith ~ 4A The proposal was, however, receivedac , 1 0. ,l ' i :e which proved the impotency of the f tr' co tt: sition of the troops is excellent, and they . er ioe' serve the strictest discipline ; they commit 0 ° at e be and there are never any di ff erences between letGis Gnat Trieste pelt i :I . get een: n i' 3 tar s i dial ie t ti Ztz t1:1:' ke arm