The Sun. — London, England, 1830-05-20 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The number of old women in the Court of Common Council would seem to be much smaller than the number in the House of Commons. The motion of Mr. Pellatt, "that it he referred to a Committee to prepare a by-law that every person otherwise entitled to the freedom of the City be admitted upon taking the Freeman's Oath according to the forms of his own religion," was yesterday carried by a majority of 56 to 31. Not that the Court of Common Council are without sages, who may very fairly take precedence even of Sir Robert loglis. Sir Peter Laurie's mind, for instance, may be termed one of the most capacious receptacles of twaddle of which this country can at present boast. The prejudice must he very gross indeed if he he in duced to abandon it. He is the very genius of ..—.. ... . „ common place, and possessing that sort of shrewd ness of manner which men who have risen from small beginnings to some consequence in the world are seldom without, he is naturally viewed as an ad mirable representative by the tolerably numerous class to which he belongs.—Sir Peter objected to the resolution, " which would (he said) sanction the admission of the principles of Mahomet, or South cote, or Carlile, or Taylor. He believed these persons had a religion, though it might be said they had not, for he believed they worshipped moral truth. Ile did not wish that those who had no re ligion that could he understood should he indis- criminately admitted. He was against breaking down all the barriers of the religion of the country." The disciples of Southcote, and all the Jumpers and Fanatics of the country who choose to call them selves Christians, if they take any oaths at all, will have no objection to that of the Corporation of London ; so that Sir Peter is not very fortunate in his instances. Neither will the oath keep out men who have no religious opinions; for, believing those who have more faith than themselves to be fools, they argue that there is no reason why their own wisdom should give fools an advantage over them when good things are distributed. We suspect that in the present day, few men ere deterred from ac cepting lucrative offices Gn account of oaths or tests. In Doblado's Letters, mention is made of a dispute in a Convent in Italy, between an English gentle man and some of the inmates. " After the greater part of the company had retired, a young Monk, who had supported the tenets of his Church with great ability, turning to his English guest, asked him if he really believed what he had been defending. On his answering seriously in the affirmative, the Monk ex claimed, Men, Sir, you believe more than all the Convent." It is now pretty generally admitted by all whose opinion is worth anything, that belief is not voluntary, and consequently that there is no merit in entertaining any one - opinion more than another. A man cannot refuse his assent to a proposition, if the evidence for it carries convic tion to his mind, and neither can be give his assent :o a proposition which appears to him unsup ported by evidence. To admit those only to certain privileges who entertain certain opinions, supposes a power to take up or abandon opinions at pleasure—a supposition contradicted by all experi ence. The only effect which tests can possibly have is to exclude from office those scrupulous per sons who are not to be induced by motives of inte- rest to affect an opinion which they do not entertain. The insincere are not to be excluded by any tests which the wit of man can devise. It was the con- 'fiction of belief being beyond the reach of tests, and the utter worthlessness of tests as a security for the Established Church, which induced Minis ters to consent to the admission of the Dissenters to the full privileges of citizens. If they did not act on this principle they acted on none. With re spect to the Catholics, indeed, they owned that they had no choice—hut their opinion that Catho lics ought not to be admitted within the pale of the Constitution remained unchanged, but that it was no longer safe to exclude them. The Jews form, indeed, but a small part of the population of this country ; but the . principle which has been violated in their case is one which it is the utmost impor tance to assert on all occasions. The object of the Social Union is protection from foreign and domes tic aggression. To declare that any patticular opi nion entitles the person who entertains it to any ad vantage over his fellow-citizens, is contrary to the object of the Social Union, and is, in fact, a most unwarrantable aggression en those who enter tain the opinions not held in favour. If we depart from the principle, that as belief is not voluntary, every man ought to be at liberty to profess the opi nions he entertains, without thereby subjecting him self to persecution, we open a door to violence and strife. Power alone can determine which of the opi shions is to be the favoured one; and thus a founda tion is laid for endless struggles for ascendancy. Be tween the Spanish Inquisition and an abnegation of all pretension to connect political privileges with religious opinions, there is, in fact, no intelligible medium. No Inquisition can effect conviction ; but a certain degree of severity will serve to intimidate those who entertain any other than the legitimate opinions from making converts. Men imbibe the opinions current in the country in which they are feared, and do not renounce them when they never hear them called in question. In this way an uni formity of opinion is produced. But to allow a full liberty to prophesy, and then to disqualify, or otherwise injure those, who, seduced by that liberty, have acted on their conviction, is a piece of gross inconsistency. If uniformity of opinion be desirable, no opinions should be taught but those which are favoured. Hypocrisy and insincerity are the only results which are to be expected from tests. No tests can exclude insincere men. All those who are without principle will always profess the principles which are profitable. The favoured religion will be the religion of all the knaves of a country. If a Sovereign were anxious to discover the honest men in his dominions, he could not do better than pro. pose tests and the subscription of articles. They who refuse to subscribe or take tests, if anything is to be gained by it, may be set down as honest men; hut of the subscribers and test-takers, at least nine teen-twentieths, if not ninety-nine in a latidred, may be safely set down as men of most accommodating principles, or, in other words, men who require to be well watched. We have a pretty good proof of this in rhe Clergy of the established Church of England going clean round three times in a dozen years.--Morning Chronicle. There must have been some sinister influence of all-commanding power in operation, to have left a measure unaccomplished until this period of the nineteenth century, which Sir Matthew Hale and Sir William Blackstone, as well as Lord Redesdale, and all the other eminent characters who have di rected their attention to the improvement of our ju dicial system, have considered of high importance to the community—namely, the facilitating the ac quisition of justice upon demands of a certain amount, and the redress of wrongs within a limited extent. That influence, since the promulgation of Mr. Brougham's plan, has been actively employed— it is no other than the combined activity of West minster Hall. It is apprehended, and not without reason, that there will not be the same opportunities of amassing splendid fortunes at the bar, if local Courts should be established, as have hitherto existed. In consequence of this conviction, the bar, as a profession (with the exception, indeed, of a few individuals, who on all occasions are found acting most disinterestedly, honourably, and pa triotically for the public good), are giving the pros posed measure openly as well as covertly, their most decided opposition. The objection that is most fretikently repeated is, that the dignity, respect ability, and uniformity of the judici system of the country will be endangered by tl w-fangled in stitution. But surely this is u ning verbiage, when contrasted w ith th e positive deni itjustice that is intended to be remedied; Tor :What is it but a denial of justice, when the costs of litigation necessarily swallovt up the sum.reco vered ? It is not, however, an innovation of the law that Mr. Brougham ;recommends, but a renova tion of the ancient and constitutional jurisprudence of England ; the objection of novelty, therefore, is utterly without foundation. The Statute of Gl:in cester passed between five and six hundred, years ago, provides that there shall be no suit in the King's Court under forty shillings. The County Courts were, in truth, the chief Courts of the kingdom before the Courts of Westminster were erected ; and at this day their jurisdiction is unli• mited, though rendered useless where the superior Courts have a concurrent authority, in consequence of not possessing an adequate .Judge, or the same means of enforcing its judgment as belong to the su perior Courts. If, in the year 1278, forty shilling.; were deemed the proper boundary between the ju risdiction of the superior and inferior Courts, one hundred pounds cannot be too much now, when the alteration of circumstancesespecially the depreci,- tion of the value of money in the many centuries that have elapsed since that boundary was fixed—is taken into consideration.—Morning Chronicle. In lately making some remarks upon a pamphlet of Mr. Potter Macqueen, the Member for Bedford, entitled " Thoughts and Suggestions on the present Condition of the Country," we stated that the hints of the Hon. Gentleman, on the subject of colo nization and the treatment of transported convicts, well deserved the attention of his Majesty's Go vernment. Without entering into the much dis puted question of the existence of a redundant po pulation, he considers all those who cannot obtain work, though willing to be employed, and who, consequently, cannot maintain themselves on the fruits of their labour, as redundant in the present circumstances of the country. The very admission of inability to obtain employment is an expression for redundancy of labour, from whatever cause that redundancy may arise, or with whatever faci lity it might be corrected under a different sys tem of laws or with a different distribution of property. All " paupers" able to work, but unable to obtain support except from the rates, would, according to this definition, compose a surplus of population. As to all present purposes, however necessary and just it is to support them, they con tribute nothing to the State, and therefore the only consideration for the State is, how to better their situation with the least expenditure of the public resources. If the whole of the British dominions, including the British colonies, were put on an equal footing of constitutional and civil rights, and greater facilities opened for transferring unemployed persons from one quarter to another, there can be no reason why there should be a redundant popula tion in one part, with a scanty population in ano ther ; why in one district we should find hands without employment, and in another employment without hands ; a supply of labour without demand, or a demand without supply. " As a general principle," says he, " of colonization, and in fact as an inducement, without which it can never be effectively applied, I should assume that sound policy of action would be to extend to such selected portions of our empire as broadly as possible the theory and practice of the British Constitution; that whether a man awake in the morning, and find himself in Exeter or Paramatta ; on the banks of the Thames, or on the side of the St. Lawrence; his security in person, in property, in liberty, and in con stitutional rights, be as nearly as possible the same. The only natural obstacle which has hitherto existed to the adaptation of British population to British territory, has been the distance ; that obstacle is now rapidly diminish ing under improved science, and the applications of powers formerly unknown ; and in all human probability, before many years elapse, time and space, which have already been so wonderfully reconciled, will be brought still nearer together." . . - This reasoning, it is evident, applies only to vo luntarary changes of abode from one part of the British dominions to another, or a voluntary equali zation of labour and labourers over the wide extent of our empire; for, as we cannot, without the ex ercise of tyranny, or the sentence of a court, compel a man to exchange one county for another in Eng land, much less can we compel him to exchange the mother country for a colony. The conveyance of the unemployed poor or parish paupers, without their own consent, even to " a land flowing with milk and honey," would be, to all intents and pur poses, transportation, under whatever pretence dis guised. On the other hand, if by the inducement, which may, without deception or exaggeration, be held out to emigration, those whose labour is noto riously so redundant as to find no demand at home, and who, consequently, are thrown on the parish for relief, could be voluntarily transferred to another part of the King's dominions, where their labour would be employed in the production of wealth and comfort, it is plain that all parties would be gainers. The only question then to be considered would be, whether their maintenance in idleness at home was more expensive than the purchase of the means of conveying them to the region of their choice ; or, in other words, whether the poor rate annuity was of less value, measured in money, than the price of transport. This would perhaps appear a truism, were it not often contradicted in practice. We are no advocates for extensive emigration, pre ferring, as we do, such a change of system at home as would render emigration unnecessary. But if it is to be resorted to at all, it should be rendered de sirable by such an equalization of our colonial laws as would render all parts of the British dominions equally secure, and should first be directed to the most eligible unpeop!ed countries under the Crown. New Holland probably offers the greatest induce ments to colonization, in the fertility of its soil and the temperature of its climate. Thither, therefore, in the opinion of Mr. Macqueen, the stream of emi gration should be directed ; and in order to remove some of the prejudices against it, its character of a convict colony should be, as much as possible, effaced, by relieving it from any farther accession of notorious or infamous offenders. Our author very properly divides the subjects of penal transportation into two classes—first, those who commit the crimes for which they are condemned, from free inclination and long habits of depravity; and, secondly, those who are driven to evil courses by want and destitu tion. For the former, comprising those guilty of re peated offences,—those who have committed depre dations in gangs,—gentlemen convicts and London pickpockets, he would find another punishment than Botany Bay. The reformation of the latter, in cluding those driven to the commission of crime by want of employment, will be best promoted by being placed in new circumstances, and therefore, under certain restrictions, they may be transported as colonists for life. The wife and family of the con vict might be induced to accompany him. The expense of transporting and maintaining them till able to provide for themselves would be less in the colony than in the hulks, gaols, or poor-houses, as the following abstract will show " The average annual expense of a culprit on board the Hulks, from the year 1818 to X 34 0 0 1821 Of a culprit in Millbank Penitentiary 56 15 0 Ditto, Refuge for Destitute . 37 2 3 Ditto, Philanthropic . p.„ 36 17 6 32 15 7 Ditto, Newgate Ditto, Coldbath-fields and Clerkenwell (without clothing) 3l 2 0 Ditto, Bridewell 42 5 8 ' Ditto, Worcester Gaol 2B 2 4 '' Ditto, Maidstone 39 5 10" Another useful hint for at once relieving the country of a part of its useless population, and promoting the prosperity of the colonies, is given by Mr. Macqueen in a proposition to offer able bodied pensioners of the State the amount of five or six years of their annuity, with a tender of land in the colonies, for a surrender of their pensions. By the Parliamentary returns, it appears that the sum of 3,773,7001. is annually paid, in the shape of half-pay allowances and pensions, to the officers and privates of both services. " If," says Mr. Macqueen, " a proposition to this effect were submitted, that to persons producing certifi. catts of good health, and within certain limits of age, an advance of perhaps five times the annual amount of the annuity, together with a liberal grant of land, would be tendered in commutation of all demands, I have reason to believe that such terms would be accepted by numbers; and although the redeeming fund might, at first sight, ap pear large, still it would be entirely expended in channels which would revert to British industry; and it would introduce a very valuable description of settlers, who would fill up a most important rank in society, and would encourage emigration, by causing an increased demand for labour." This passage contains a very useful suggestion, and proceeds on a very probable estimate of human motives and conduct. When it is considered that about 150,000 persons are thus supported by the country, the relief to us would be considerable, and the advantage to the colony no less so. The ex ample set by this class of settlers would be followed by others, and parishes would thus be enabled to get rid of their paupers without incurring the charge of subjecting them to the penalty of transportation. , While on this subject, it would be an act of injus tice to omit all allusion to a very able pamphlet by Mr. Gouger, entitled A Statement of the Principles and Objects of a proposed Colonization .Sebenze ;—a pamphlet, the perusal of which we can recommend with the less risk of being accused of partiality, that we ourselves are opposed to all general schemes of emigration which we have yet seen.—Times. We stated yesterday our hopes and belief that the Greek arrangement was completed. We trust, though we confess we have some misgiving, that our announcement was not premature. Can it be true--we sincerely hope not—that the Sovereign elect is making difficulties and putting forward pre tensions, as unreasonable in themselves as they are unseemly from him ? Surely we cannot seriously maintain such propositions ; it cannot, surely, be true that he has been induced by some bad adviser to put forward pretensions which those with whom he has had to negociate are little prepared to expect. We repeat, that though from the confidenc of public report we are not without some misgiving, the very nature of the case, the principles of common sense and common justice, make us incredulous as to the probability of any but one result. His Royal Highness cannot, on slight grounds, delay the execution of an important treaty ; he cannot, on trifling pretexts, defer his journey to Greece, where he is to assume those noble functions which have been generously committed to him for the regene ration of a renowned and ancient nation. Our re spect for this illustrious person forbids such a sup position : yet we must confess that a party,—chiefly a French and stock-jobbing party,—who call them selves his friends, boldly allege pretexts frivolous, or worse than frivolous, for his delay. A Prince ap pointed to such high duties must not, cannot be influenced by such motives. Let him " sweepaway the indignity" which such rumours imply, by at once sailing for what those who elected him feel, and what we have no doubt he feels to be, the highest and most dignified office,—the resuscitation of a horde of slaves into a free and independent people. —Times. By the dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies, and the convocation of a new assembly for the 3d of August, France will for the next two months be occupied with the business of the elections and the character of the new Members. To this element of popular interest and excitement, in itself suffi ciently pungent, will be added the flying rumours or certain intelligence of French success or failure on the African coast,—the reports of changes in the Cabinet, or of sinister designs in the Government, —and, in short, the numberless inventions with which the French opposition Press :las of late teemed. That there will be no abatement in the violence of faction, and no relaxation of that activity by which each expects to gain the ascendancy, is evident from the causes assigned by each for the dissolution, from the circumstances in which the elections take place, and from the exasperated temper or exaggerated alarms of those who pretend to be the champions of the opposing political opinions and interests. The electors are told that at the present crisis the Court and the country are placed in direct hostility to each other ; that the can didate of the Ministry must be the enemy of the charter ; that out of the electoral urn must issue the fate of the Bourbons or of free institutions; that there is no middle course between a rote for counter-revo- lotion and liberalism; and that the colleges now convoked must either return a Ministerial majority or seal the doom of representative Government.— The Gazette de France takes a review of the deeds of the last Chamber,and denounces them as factious, democratical, and revolutionary, while its leading members are called demagogues, Jacobins, and levellers ; the enemies of the monarchy, of reli gion, and of the King; the perfidious turn coats of the hundred days; the apologists or partisans of regicides and anarchists. The law for extending the liberty of the Press, and that for securing the purity of the electoral lists— the vote for impeaching the Villele Ministry—the ordinances for expelling the Jesuits or regulating ecclesiastical education, provoked by the demands ' of the legislature—the bills for establishing munici pal and departmental councils—and the language of the late address to the Crown, are all pronounced so many crimes or attempts at treason against the Royal authority. The electors are, in consequence, invited and besought, as they value the principles of loyalty and the blessings of established order, to reject with horror the claims of every candidate who gave his vote for any of these detestable measures. It is expected that a Royal proclamation will appear to strengthen this advice, and to point out to the electors proper subjects of their choice. Mean while the prefects, sub-prefects, and all the agents of power, from the highest functionary down to the village mayor, have received in structions to exert themselves in the cause of royalty and religion against revolution and impiety. On the other hand, the liberal or popular party are equally active. The society, which has got the name of the " Directing Com mittee," has published an analysis, or rather a manual, of all the electoral laws. This little work has been copied into all the Journals, and is pro bably by this time in the hands of every French elector. Comprising every clause of every act which regulates the electoral qualification, which directs the mode of placing true electors on the list even against the will of the Prefect, or of erasing the names of such as have not the requisite titles, which fixes the constitution of the Electoral Colleges, pre scribes the manner of voting, and describes the forma lities of completing the return, it cannot fail to be useful as a guide to the elector and a check upon-the agents of the Government. The liberal journals at the last general election contained lists of the can didates whom their party recommended to the col leges. The same tactics will be employed on the present occasion. So that, with the manual of the electoral law in one hand, and the list of candidates in the other, the constituent body will be amply provided with the means of giving efficacy to their rights, and rendering their suffrages the index of their opinions. The trial of strength approaches. The colleges of arrondissement, or what are called the smaller colleges, are convoked for the 23d of next menth. In these colleges, where the qualifica tion is lowest, and where popular influence chiefly resides, the liberals expect to succeed. If they fail, the battle is lo s t, as t h e i r antagon i sts are su re of a majority in the richer colleges of departments, which meet ten days later.—Tintes. We do not see why Sir James Graham should have limited his motion, the other night, to an ac count of the places and pensions held by Privy Councillors. It has elicited, it is true, this extraor dinary fact, that 113 of these persons receive on an average nearly 6,0001. per annum each from the 'public taxes. This certainly is to be " Right Honourable" to some purpose, and yet would fall, we suspect, greatly below the mark, if the public emoluments of the immediate relatives and connec tions of the persons in question were brought into the account. What the public really desire upon this subject is the knowledge of the whole extent of salaried extravagance, not merely a part. The situation of Privy Councillor is merely the adjunct of some other rank or office ; and the incomes which Right Honourable Gentlemen receive from the public can have, in fact, no direct connection with their high appointment as Privy Councillors. We have no desire to join in any thing like a sense less and indiscriminate outcry against all persons who are in receipt of incomes from the public purse, whether as rewards for their own:services or those of their ancestors. No man of right feeling can grudge whatever allowance a grateful country may bestow upon a Marlborough or a Wellington, a Rodney or a Nelson, or upon the crowd of other brilliant names, made unceasingly so by the splendour of the achievements with which they are associated. But what the country both grudges and detests is, that a tribe of lazy, unproductive drones should plunder the honey from the hive, and that their unworthi ness should, in too many instances, be more libe rally rewarded than the most useful and splendid services of the laborious and deserving. The Chan cellor of the Exchequer's amendment upon Sir Jas. Graham's motion limited the proposed returns in amount, as the other did in rank. Why should the information be confined to persons having incomes from the public of the amount of 2,0001. a year ? Is it to bring the returns within some reasonable compass, and that, if made more extensive, the table of the House of Commons would groan beneath their weight ?—or are Ministers ashamed to pro duce evidence of the wasteful expenditure which they countenance, in the teeth of their repeated pro mises of retrenchment and economy ? Be that as it may, we again say, let the public know the whole truth. They have a right to know it. Why should not returns be annually prepared and published of the name of every man, woman, and child (exclusive of the public creditors), who receive any sum, whether great or small out of the public taxes ? A list of this sort would necessarily embrace some of those sinecure Levia thans in our Courts of Justice, and elsewhere, whose places are not only a grievous tax upon the community, but also present an insuperable barrier to any reform of legal and other abuses, by which they, and they only, prosper. Such a list would shame only those who ought to be ashamed of the stations they would hold ill it. The really working bee, the deserving servant of the public, would stand distinguished from the drone; while the larger fa mily, who have no share except in the labour of the hive, would at least know to what amount the pro duce of their industrious exertions is squandered upon those predatory things, that, while others are contributing to the common stock, bask in the sun shine, or idly flutter among the flowers—vain of their glittering and despicable uselessness.—Morning Hereld. The French Ministry have at last resorted to the long-expected measure of a dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies, in the natural and reasonable hope that the middle class of the people of France, upon whom the result of the new election chiefly depends, will be indisposed to place in hazard the advantages they and the nation at large unquestion ably and securely enjoy under the existing Govern ment, in pursuit of benefits so precarious and equivo cal as any they can hope to obtain by assailing the constitutional prerogatives and annulling the legal rights of the King. The question to be decided by this election is in substance, whether the class of persons who form the constituent body in France, according to her existing Constitution, are satisfied with the Constitution whence they derive their power, or are desirous on the contrary of divesting it of its monarchical character, and of making it in spirit and effect a Republican Constitution, in which nothing of Monarchy will remain but the name and the forms. This is a question of awful importance, not to France only but to Europe, for, indepen dently of the danger of an immediate convulsion, which, in the event of a democratic Chamber being returned, would not be inconsiderable, it is certain that the character and temper of the Government established in a country so great and powerful as France, cannot fail to influence mate rially, and at all times, the politics and destiny of surrounding nations. It is quite clear that the elec tion of a Chamber of Deputies, the majority of which are actuated by the same spirit as that which dictated the famous address to the Throne, will place the King of France in direct collision with the popular branch of the Legislature, and reduce him to the alternative of attempting some change in the constitution of that branch, or of submitting to be in all future time its passive, obsequious, and unreflecting instrument and agent. We should he sitate if called upon to pronounce which of these alternatives involves the greater amount of national danger and calamity. If Charles the Tenth were to adopt the former, a political revolution would be commenced of which no man could see the end. If the latter, a political revolution would al ready have been silently completed, of which no marl could calculate the effects. That the necessity for such a decision will not arise is, however, our ardent hope. The electors of France must, A% e think, be too sensible of the advantages of a mild, equitable, and settled Government, and too well qualified to compare them with the most favourable chances which revolution affords, to be willing to forego the former, in the giddy admiration and hazardous pursuit of the latter. It any proof were required, in addition to the growing prosperity of France, that the country is upon the whole well go verned, one more conclusive could not be adduced than the fact that in the turmoil of party disappoint ment, jealousy, and indignation, by which the nation has been agitated for several months, no distinct and tangible accusation of any kind has been made against the Government. A host of ingenious and eloquent writers have been labouring daily, for more than half a year, to excite national scorn, jealousy, and hatred against the Court and the Ministry, and no single act of delinquency has been brought to light—no criminal omission of an obvious or import ant duty pointed out—no palpable and inexcusable indiscretion ever exposed. The test which has been applied is a severe one, and it is but justice to the French Administration to say, that there are few Governments that could have sustained it so well. Those only can suppose that the electors of France will betray a revolutionary tendency (as they cer tainly would by the return upon this occasion of a Chamber as democratic in Its views as the last) who are prepared to contend that France differs from the rest of the world, for that there the good qualities of a Government afford no guarantee of its stability, or give it any valid claim to public grati tude, affection, and support.—Morning Post. The Birmingham Political Union, of the meeting of which we gave an ample report yesterday, ap pears to be viewed with no very considerable por tion of favour by the majority of our cotemporaries. We shall not, however, be therefore deterred from delivering a contrary opinion of it, and declaring, i without the slightest reserve, that " t 13 worthy of all acceptation." The speeches which were deli vered by its principal members, were not only sen sible, temperate, and eloquent, but the objects pro posed to be attained by the Union, highly loyal and strictly constitutional. No wild theory is broached by it—no impracticable or interested object sought to be attained.; but only such a reform of the Com mons House of Parliament as all rational and dis interested men would wish to see realised, for the better government of the country, and the greater happiness of the people. The Union, in fact, only seeks to obtain a restoration of those rights and privileges which the people formerly enjoyed, and which have been taken away from them by a series of most unconstitutional encroachment on the part of their rep resen t a ti ves; an d no t an y new r i g ht or privilege, or any possession not enjoyed by them in the best days of our glorious Constitution. These ends, also, be it observed, the Union endeavours to obtain by fair argument—by meetings for the pur pose of disseminating the opinions which it em braces, and for petitioning the Legislature; and will any one have the hardihood to say that either the matter for which it has been eemdied, or the man ner in which it seeks to obtain it, are disloyal, or unconstitutional ? They are the very reverse ; and we would beg those who condemn the Union in toto, to remember that the greatest Statesmen whom the country has ever known, and whose memory it still cherishes, were reformers of the same school, and converts to the same opinions which are em braced by it. The fault, indeed, of not having gone far enough in its views of reform, may be found with it by many; but he must have peculiar views indeed of the constitutional rights of British subjects, who would say that it had gone too far. —Morning Advertiser. `'SOLVENT DEBTORS' COURT, MAY 19. Mr. Edward Graddon, the father of Miss Mar garetta Graddon, the celebrated vocalist, came up to be heard upon his petition. The insolvent was not opposed, although an opposition had been entered against him. In his examination by the Court, it appeared that he was discharged under the Insolvent Debtors' Act only two years ago, and that his daughter, Miss Graddon, had been recently discharged by the Court. The chief part of his present debts arose out of bill tran-actions for the benefit of his daughter, he hav ing received no consideration for them himself, ex cepting his subsistence, which he derived from his daughter. He had been for a long time without occupation. The COURT, upon inspecting Miss Graddon's schedule, which had been sent for, observed that it was a case which required the consent of three fourths of the creditors before the insolvent could be heard. Mr. CooKE hoped the Court would think other wise, for, from the peculiar situation in which the insolvent and his daughter were placed, he was obliged to relieve her, and to enable her to fulfil her engagements, to put his name to the bills; she got the money, and it was spent in housekeeping, he, as flying with his daughter, receiving his support from the proceeds. Commissioner lIARnIs—Mr. Cooke, can you say upon this evidence that, according to the terms of the Act of Parliament, he had lived frugally and economically, and contracted no debts but those which were unavoidable ? Mr. COOKE submitted that he had, for it was to relieve his daughter from difficulties, and he derived his support from her exertions. The Court must observe that there was not a butcher, a baker, or any such tradesmen on the schedule, the whole pro ceeds of the bills having been spent in house keeping. The COUKT, however, decided that the insolvent having applied for his discharge the second time within five years, he had not made out a case within the terms of the Act; they therefore remanded him to obtain the consent of three-fourths of his cre ditors in number and value previous to his being again heard. Mr. COOKE had already the consent of two-thirds in value but not in number. The insolvent was then remanded. AN APPARITION. (From Warner's Literary Recollections.) My sincere respect for the memory of the Rev. Joseph Townsend, would, were I to follow its impulse, lead me into a length of remark upon his character and attainments, incompatible with the nature of my work : I will therefore close this biographical sketch with the communication of a very singular fact, related to me, in the first instance by him ; but which has since been con firmed, by a voucher scarcely to be resisted—an indisputably true report, of Dr. Alsop's viva voce declaration on his dying bed. Lord William Petty was the third son of the old Marquis of Lansdowne, and brother of the present highly-gifted Lord of Bowood. He had attained the age of seven or eight years ; as remarkable for the precocity of his understand ing, as he was unfortunate in the delicate state of his constitutional health. The Marquis, called to London by his Parliamentary ditties, had left the child at Bowood, for the winter, with Mr. Jarvis, his tutor, and suitable domestics. The late Dr. Priestley, also the Marquis's librarian, made one of the party. On an ill-omen'd day, beautiful and brilliant, but intensely cold, the game-keeper, in compliance with Lord William's request, took the lad before him on horseback. His Lordship rode with his waistcoat open, and chest exposed ; and an inflammation on the lungs was the immediate consequence of this in caution. On the first appearance of indispo sition, Mr. Alsop of Calne, the family apothe cary (himself much attached to the child), was summoned to attend his Lordship. His treat ment promised a favourable result, and after a few days he left him, in the forenoon, apparently out of danger. Towards evening, however, the symptoms becoming decidedly worse, the family were alarmed ; and Mr. Jarvis thought it right to call for Mr. Alsop's immediate assistance. It was night before this gentleman reached Bowood ; but an unclouded moon showed every object in unequivocal distinctness. Mr. Alsop had passed through the Lodge Gate, and was proceeding to the house, when to his utter astonishment, he saw Lord William coming towards him, in all the buoyancy of childhood, restored, ap parently, to health and vigour.—" I am delighted, my dear Lord," he exclaimed, " to see you ; but, for Heaven's sake, go immediately within doors ; it is death to you to be here at this time of night." The child made no reply ; but, turn ing round, was quickly out of sight. Mr. Alsop, unspeakably surprised, hurried to the house. Here, all was distress and confusion ; for Lord William had expired a few minutes before he reached the portico. The sad event being, with all speed, an nounced to the Marquis of Lansdowne, in London, orders were soon received at Bowood for the interment of the corpse, and the arrange ment of the funeral procession. The former was directed to take place at High-Wickhatn, in the vault which contained the remains of Lord William's mother : the latter was appointed to halt at two specified places, during the two nights on which it would be on the road. Mr. Jarvis and Dr. Priestley attended the body. On the first day of the melancholy journey, the lat ter gentleman, who had hitherto said little on the subject of the appearance to Mr. Alsop, suddenly addressed his companion, with consi derable emotion, in nearly these words. " There are some very singular circumstances connected with this event, Mr. Jarvis ; and a most re markable coincidence, between a dream of the late Lord William, and our present mournful en gagement. A few weeks ago, as I was passing by his room door one morning, he called me to his bedside. Doctor,' said he, what is your Christian name ?'—' Surely,' said I, you know it is Joseph.'—' Well, then,' replied he, in a lively manner, if you are a Joseph, you can interpret a dream for me, which I had last night. I dreamed, Doctor, that I set out upon a long journey ; that I stopped the first night at Hun: gerford ; whither I went without touching the ground : that I flew from thence to Salt Rill, where I remained the next night ; and arrived at High-Wickham, on the third day ; where my dear mamma, beautiful as an angel, stretched out her arms, and caught me within them.' " " Now," continued the Doctor, " these are precisely the places where the dear child's corpse will remain on this and the succeeding night be fore we reach his mother's vault, which is finally to receive it:' I make no further remark on this singular nar. rative, than to assure the reader of my own so• lemn belief of the truth of all its particulars. LAW INTELLIGENCE. COURT OF KING'S BENCH, MAY 19. TIM KING V. TIBSHELF. This was a case for the opinion of the Court, respecting a decision of the Warwickshire Court of Quarter Sessions. The facts were as follows : —A man named Betts, but who was accustomed to go, and was only known, by the name of Wilson, married a female named White. The banns were published as those of Betts and White ; sometime afterwards it was discovered that the woman's real name was Hodgkinson, and it was supposed the clergyman had registered her in the name of White at the time she was baptized by a mistake. This error it was thought arose from the fact of the female at - the time living with her grandfather, whose name was White. Betts, the bus' band, having died, his widow and six children became chargeable to the parish, and were for a length of time supported out of the poor's rate. The overseers, ulti timately, however, obtained an order of a Magistrate i . ° l * her removal from the parish of her deceased husband to the parish she belonged to before her marriage. This order was obtained nu the ground that the marriage was an illegal one, inasmuch as the banns had been pul7lishesio and the parties married, under wrong names. The Court of Sessions, when the case was brought under their consideration, affirmed this order, subject to the opinion of the Court of King's Bench as to the vali. dity of the marriage. Mr. BaLc uv - this morning was heard at great length in support of the order, and cited a great number of cases in the Ecclesiastical Courts, where it had been held that if banns were published, and the parties married in a wrong name, yet still the marriage was valid, unless it appeared that the parties had assumed a fictitious name for the pur pose of fraud. If the parties married in a wrong name bY mistake, the Court had always refused to dissolve the mar riage contract. He therefore hoped the Court, a cting Ot t these decisions, would affirm the order of the Court of Sessions. Mr. CLARKE was heard on the other side. The Court consulted for a short time, after which Lord TINTERDEN said this was a question of very great and serious importance in a public point of view, and in the present case it became still more important inasmuch as the right of property, amounting to 10,0001., depend ed upon the decision of the Court. They would, there fore, take time to consider their judgment. Lord TENTERDEN rose at half-past twelve o'clock, and proceeded to Guildhall, where his Lordship sat 0 1 Nisi Prius for the trial of undefended causes. THE MARKETS. COAL MAR A dair's Bishop's 2'7 0 Charlotte 30 0 Dean's Prirorose—...— 27 6 East Percy—.—. 27 6 Kenton West 31 0 Killingworth 31 0 Liddell's 27 0 Pelaw Pontop Windsor 27 3 Shipcote 27 0 Townley - . 29 6 Willington 31 0 Walls End Bell and Co. 32 0 Ditto Bell Robson & Co. 31 0 Ditto Bewicke and Co.— 32 9 Walls End Brown's 30 3 Ditto Burraton 30 9 Walls End Carr and Co. 29 9 Ditto (7ramlington.--.. 23 6 Ditto Gosforth 33 6 Ditto Heaton--..... 32 0 Ditto Hilda .. 30 9 Ships at market, ilN—Shli .ET.—May 19. • Walls End Newmarch.. 31s. Ditto 30 9 . Ditto Northumberland 30 u Ditto 32 0 Ditto Russell's Walls End Hetton 34 3 „ Walls End Lyons.—.-- 32 f, Walls End Stewart's 34 `„' Russell's Hetton's W.E. 34 a Culm Cox 2'7 Llangennech Coal PembertonLlangennech 35 0 Warde's I,lanclls, 33 6 Walls End Rocliley—.. '26 6 Holywell Trader —3l 6 Hetton Trader ShipcoteTrader----.... 27 0 Ellison small Hebburn small 13 0 New Etherley small.;;;.. 17 Tyne small 20 0 Old Etherley small 17 .s sold, 4234—Unsold, 49%. COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING THE WEEK. Wheat. I Barley. I Oats. Beano. -- —, Per Quarter. s. to s. a. to S. S. to a. r. S. Abingdon--.... 55 62 32 39 21 32 42 , Andover-- 55 65 22 34 20 23 5 % 4 Birrninghain. 56 66 32 35 29 30 5 ',. firidport -- 56 74 32 39 26 30 —r, Cirencester —,...., 48 65 20 37 18 23 " Faringdon-- 54 86 36 40 26 38 46 Guildford ....--...... 13 74 24 35 20 30 g Henley 54 83 30 35 20 30 —r„, Hereford --.. 64 84 39 45 36 40 I, '", Highworth .—.—. 62 80 32 42 28 34 ,''', Maidenhead 65 84 28 38 22 30 °` Oakingham .......... 56 76 30 36 18 32 lt Reading . 41 86 18 41 16 31 4 ,1 Salisbury—* 56 68 27 37 20 28 -; Southampton ....... 54 78 37 40 28 32 42 Stroud Tewkesbury .. .. 65 78 40 42 30 38 Uxbridge .. . 48 71 21 32 19 32 —r, \Vantage 46 73 20 3 6 16 28 —r,, Warminster ...—.. 40 74 21 42 24 30 Windsor .. 49 84 26 31 15 28 " Woreester----.. 60 63 32 36 24 2ti ______------- LEWES MARKET.—May 18. White Wheat (per quarter) £3 '7 0 to £3 10 0 Red ditto Barley Oats, New 1 1 0 1 8 0 Beans 1 12 0 1 17 0 Oil Cake, New l2 10 0 per thousand. CHELTENHAM MARKET.—fay 18. Per Bushel. s, d. to s. d. Per lb. d. to d. Wheat Barley ................4 0 5 6 Mutton 5 6 Oats Beans 4 9 5 6 Lamb 0 0 l'ease 5 0 8 0 Pork 5 Hay 3l. lOs. to 31. 15s. per ton. HULL MARKET.—May 18. The supply of English wheat to-day was Very short , but we have had several arrivals of foreign during the past week, and a fair quantity has been liberated free; bond. Our farmers were demanding higher .prices, and fir the best qualities an advance of Is. per quarter NI obtained. Fine foreign wheat fully supported therratee ° this day se'rsight ; and the secondary qualities of :both English and foreign sold with more freedom. Very Ole barley on sale, and fine fresh samples fully maintain 10 noted prices. In beans no alteration can be noted. The, oat trade fully Is. per quarter dearer. There is"alood de b of inquiry for wheat in bond, and some business has been done at an advance of Is. to 2s. per quarter. Oats in bond are also looked after at rather more money. Indio' seed and rapeseed no variation. Wheat, Old —s. 555, 725....... New —e. 50s. 6 3 '• Foreign —s. 545. 725. ......In —s. -.4. Oats, Poland —s. 20s. 248.......01d......... —5. —s. 265• Small or Feed —s. 12s. 18s. Foreign —s. 20s. 265. Barley, Norf. & Suf. ... —a. 295. 365. Line. & Wold —s. 28s. Foreign Beans 325. 375. 425. F0reign......... —s. 30s. 3 9 ' Pease, White —s. 355. 38s Grey —s. 81s. 31s. Tares —s 30s. 365. Foreign.... .... . —s. 265. 3 04 ' Rapeseed, in bond none. DUMFRIES MA. s. d. s.d. s.d. I. 9 11 , Wheat, Imp. Bush 7 9to 9 0 Butter, 160 z..... ........ 0 0 ic, 0 , Barley 3 9 4 0 Eggs, dozen oo' 0 ; Oats 2 7 3 4 Beef, per lb. Flour, 141 b. Oatmeal 2 2 2 6 Veal O3 • 0 0 Potatoes. cwt. KETS.—May 12. The Dover mail, while on its way along Did' gate-hill yesterday evening, came in contact with a man in a state of inebriety, and all the four horses ran over him, but, providentially, without the least injury, owing to the exertions of the coachman, who strained "eve ry nerve, and with extraordinary ability saved him front tn e imminent danger. BIRTHS. On the 18th inst. at Langley-farm, the wife of L. Holland, Esq., of Dartmouth-street, of a son. • On the 9th inst. at Carlsruhe, Grand Duchy of Baden► the lady of Robert Steuart, Esq , of Alderston, of still-born son. On the 18th inst. at Cheltenham, the lady of Lieut.' Colonel Walter Raleigh Gilbert, of a daughter. On the 18th inst. in Cornwall-terrace, the lady of .1' Paterson, Esq., of a son._ MARRIED. On the 18th inst. (by special licence), at Hampton' lodge, Brighton, Sir Richard Henry Charles Rycroft, Bart. &c. to Charlotte Anne Josephina, eldest daughter Wm. Tennant, Esq., grand-daughter to the late, mad flied to the present Lord Yarborough. The ceremony was per formed by the Rev. H. Rycroft. On the 18th inst. at Latnbeth. J. G. Stapelton, Esq. , of Clapham-rise, to Rebecca, youngest daughter of J. Bull, of Stockwell-place. On the 19th inst. at St. George's, Hanover-square, 0' Morgan, M.D., of the Bombay Medical Establi.hmentt to Elizabeth, second daughter of the late Thomas Eagle' Esq., of Allesley, Warwickshire. DIED. On the 18th inst. Eleonora, the youngest daughter 01 Mr. R. Yallop, of Suffolk-street, Pall-mall East. On the 18th inst. at Norwood, Wm. Deedge, Eiqd R.N , aged 53. On the 18th inst. at London-wall, Mr. S. Parmao' aged 62. On the 16th inst. Mr. Edward Burden, of Bedford' street, Covent-garden. On the 16th inst. at Jedburgh, the Rev. Dr. Somer' vale, in his 90th year, and the 63d in which he had diV charged the duties of a minister. On the 17th inst. Catherine, daughter of W. Yowler , E s q., of Blackheath. On the 17th inst. Mr. George Doyle, of the W Office, in his 68th year. On the 16th inst. J. Greensill, Esq., of Mancheste r ' buildings, Westminster, aged 61. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO THE SUN OFFICZ, 112, STAATUP, LONDON. - - Z, 1 . Ai Citit on; Emit Art( For dilig as Clazi indi grey infoi and imps ence volu Pi it Re F.; no. IL