The Sun. — London, England, 1863-06-09 00:00:00

'ERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS--Last Evening, The Lord Chancellor took his seat at the usual hour. BOYAL ASSENT. The Royal assent was given by commission to the follow ing public and private bills : Customs and Inland Revenue Bares (Ireland) Elections during Recess Illegitimate Children Drainage of Land (Ireland) Marriage, ecc. (Ireland) New Zealand Bounrlar( es Corrupt Practicr.is at Elections Savings, Bards Monies r,Vice, adUralty Courts otocA Ccrtificates to Bearer ArArington Gas and Water caledonian Railway (Granton Branches) Desford Road Newtown and Mackynlleth Railway (Capital) Nottingham Gas Cockermouth and Workington Railway Landport and Southsea Tramway Mardeston Water Dangarv,,n Harbour and Water Queen Road Extension Cowes and Newport Railway Greenock and Wemyss Bay Railway Marshland, Smeeth, and Fen Drainage Wear Navigation and Sunderland Dock Cheltenham Road Sowerby Bridge Local Board Loughborough and Ashby-de-la-Zouch and Rempstone Road Mersey Docks and Harbour Board Mercantile Marine Service Association Cork and Kinsale Junction Railway Inverness and Perth Junction Railway Bristol and Exeter Railway Abergavenny Roads Blackfriars Bridge Rixton and Warburton Bridge Whitehaven, Cleator, and Egmoiti Railway Gravesend and Milton Gas Inverness and Perth Junction and Perth and Dunkeld Railway Companies Fochabers and Yarmou'l Railway Londonderry Railway (Seaham to Sunderland). PRI'M'ATE BUSINESS. Menx'a Estate—Furness Railway Company, and Barrow Harbour Conamissioners—Furness and Midland Railway— and Mid Wales Railway (Branches) bills were read a third time and pissed. 'COURTS OF RECONCILIATION Lord .`3IIO.I:GHAIVI brought in a bill to establish courts of reco . nciliation. The bill was read a first time. BRAZILS. The Earl of MALINIESBITRY said he should postpone proceeding with his motion relative to the position of our affairs with the Brazils till the 19th. POLAND. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH rose for the purpose of inquiring of the noble earl the Secretary for Foreign Affairs whether there was any reasonable hope of a satisfactory settlement of the affairs of Poland. He was understood to ask the question in the hope that something more than correspondence had taken place, because, whilst the time was being con surried in writing, plunder, massacre, and incendiarism were decimating unfortunate Poland. He sincerely desired that it could be arranged that Poland might be placed, with such arrangements as might be made by the other European Powers, under the sovereignty of a prince of the Czar's family, and that her Majesty's Government would will ingly accept the arrangement, and consider it as a sufficient performance . of th e o bli gat i ons which were imposed upon R He believed the Poles themselves would have the good sense to accept suck a proposal. Earl RUSSELL said, as despatches were shortly ex pected from the Austrian Government, in answer to com munications from the Governments of Great Britain and France, he ventured to think that it was not advisable to make any statement in reference to the position of matters at the present moment. He agreed with the noble earl that hturtanity and policy both demanded some sort of arrange meat which would lead to cessation of hostilities, and nothing could be more horrible than the atrocities of the R ussian soldiers on the one hand, or the orders of assassination on the other, that were issued by some secret courts which had been set up by the insurgents. The proposal for an armistice was so surrounded with difficulties that he should hesitate be- I fore he ventured even a hope that such an arrangement was possible. It was not the business of the British Govern ment to erect a kingdom of Poland on its old basis, but to do what we could to effect the general peace of Europe. He did not consider that armed intervention would be ad visable -, no good could possibly come of it. The Duke of R UTLAND was not satisfied with the reply given by the noble earl. As to the conscription of the kith January, he was not going to defend the acts of the Timperor of Russia, but he maintained that the Em perc,r had ordered that conscription out of motives of mercy. He was most unwilling to act harshly, but in getting rid of tb e disaffected spirits of Warsaw he was preparing the way ff,r the introduction of measures of good government, which Ile was most desirous of conferring upon his Polish subjects. As to the insurrection it could do no possible good to the Poles, and he (the Duke of Rutland) entreated their lord ships not to say anything which would encourage the con tinuance of a useless and fatal contest, the only result of which would be to prevent the extension of that constitution to Poland which the Emperor was anxious to grant. Lord BROUGHAM bore testimony to the kindly dispo sition evinced by the Emperor of Russia, but he could not accept the excuse offered by the noble duke near him, for the conscription which was so justly styled a proscription, namely, that so unjustifiable an act was committed in order te, enable the Emperor to grant constitutional Government to Poland. He approved of the plan suggested by the noble earl (Ellenborough), and he hoped that if such a plan of settlement as an independent kingdom of Poland, under a Russian King, should be brought forward, it would be accepted by all parties. Lord STRATFORD de REDCLIFFE, whilst admitting the high character of the Emperor of Russia, strongly ad vised that, whatever might be the arrangements finally entered into, material guarantees of the most perfect nature should be taken to insure the safety of the Poles, and to secure the performance of the treaties in their favour. Lord DENMAN begged, that whatever course might be resolved upon, language would not be used which would have a tendency to render reconciliation impossible. Earl GREY had heard with some alarm that negotia tions were still in progress, for he feared that diplomatic interference would tend far more to aggravate all the evils of the contest than to alleviate or terminate them. He would not go into the merits of the question. He should only say that it they were not prepared to interfere with arms in their hands, the less they interfered with their ad vice the better it would be. (Cheers.) PRISON MINISTERS' BILL. The Duke of BUCCLEIICII presented a great number of petitions against this measure. The Duke of SOMERSET moved the second reading, and explained the provision, of the bill, the object of which is to provide ministers of various religious denominations as chaplains to attend upon prisoners who do not wish to avail themselves of the spiritual ministrations of the Church of England chaplains. Lord BERNERS moved that the bill be read a second time that day three months. The Earl of DERBY said—My lords, it is with very :much regret that I find myself obli ge d on thi s occasion— althoughvy I ant happy to say it does not often happen —to express opinions opposed to those of my noble friend who has just spoken, and of, I believe, other noble friends in this house. I have the greatest respect for the religious scruples and opinions of my noble friends. So highly do I value the principle of unity of action that if this were a matter of minor importance or a question on which I felt a shadow of a doubt, I should infinitely prefer to waive my own opinions, and to give way to objections and scruples tb.e force of which I did not myself feel. But I did not look upon this as a matter of minor importance. My opinion of the policy and justice of this measure is so clear and so de cided that, painful as it is to me to differ from my noble friend, I cannot refrain from giving that vote which I be lieve lam called to give by justice. (Hear.) My noble friend objects to this bill that it lowers the statue of the Church of England and puts other denominations of Chris tians upon the same footing as the Church of England. I think I may appeal with toler a ble confid e nce to a public life of ,o more than 40 years to obt a i n f or me th e cre dit of refusing consent to any measure which would be injurious to the interests or (gear) to the position of the Church of England. utay first addresses It is nearly 40 years since in one of es to P ar li amen t I oppose d a measure brought forward byI.1111m; making an attack on the interests of the Established Church of Ireland. Ten years later, rather than consentto a me asure w hi c h I conceived was likely t o injure that branc h pret,d of our Est a bli s h e d Ch urc h, I seceded f rom a C abinet by memory I alw a y s l oo k back wiltl:d over a man to whos e pea and affection, an d with whom I h a d no ot h er cause of diff erence, and with many of the memb ers o f w hi ch I have r always c on ti nued on appeal to the terms of friendship. I ecoll e e a e e t ur io e n th o r f ea y t o e u rn. lordships whether from th a t ti me w h en a brought he forward r ing to the integrity of the Church h as b een I have not been foremost to oppose it, an d w h et has not always been energetically raised in favourmyof voic y e meas ure tending to improve her position? (H ear, hear T I say this in answer by anticipation to those who might be disposed to say that in this matter I had allowed myself to be overruled by the opinions of others to consent to a mea sure which I deemed to be unfavourable to the position of the Church. I shall speak of this Bill as dealing chiefly with Roman Catholics, because, although it applies to other denominations, it is practically, as the noble duke said, for the relief of the Roman Catholics. My noble friend says that the Bill places the Roman Catholic Church upon a footing of equality with the Church of England, but I think he must have considered the provisions of the Bill very imperfectly when he makes that assertion. I have seen it stated over and over again that this is a Bill for the endowment of the Roman Catholic Church, but those persons who use that language miscon ceive entirely the essentials of the word endowment. I hold it to be essential to an endowment that the possession of it should be permanent and certain—that it should not de pend on the voluntary action or caprice of any party—that it should not only be the proper ty of the p o s s es s or, but that it should be capable of being secured to his successors, and that it should be maintained at law as a positive and sub stantial right. (Hear.) But what does this bill say ? It provides that in any case in which it is the o? :n on of the justices that the number of prisoners differing from the Church of England in any prison is so great as in their judgm.stt to require the ministrations of a clergyman of any :,ther religious persuasion the said justice may appoint a minister of such religious persuasion to ttend the said prisoners, and may award him such reasonable recompense as they may think fit. It goes on to say that the said minis ter shall hold his appointment at the pleasure of the jus. tices, and shall be subject to all the rules and regulana of the prison. Now, I appeal to your lordst;pB whether every one of the essentials of an ends ; , went are not only studiously omitted here but absol celycontradicted. (He ar .) It is left entirely to the just," if they think fit; they may refuse to pay the mip!..ster ; they may pay him what sum they may think fit ; and they may discharge him when they please. Th'as certainly does not look very much like placing the Raman Catholic Church on a footing with the Church of England. My noble friend says that the present law does all that is necessary ; but I differ from him there altogether- I do not think that the provisions of the law as it stands are satisfactory, or founded on justice. Whatever may be the provisions of the law at the present time, it is perfectly clear that this injustice is so great that in many of our prin cipal prisons they are to a great extent departed from. The law is that every prisoner shall be visited by the chaplain of the gaol, who of course is a minister of the Church of England. I know the perfect honesty and con scientiousness of my noble friend, and I will ask him one question If this were a Roman Catholic country contain ing a considerable number of Protestant prisoners, and if they were compelled to receive, whether they would or not, the visit of Roman Catholic priests, so that the whole period of their confinement was not only a penal sentence, not an : , ttempt at reformation alone, but one continued system of proselytism, would he consider the provisions of such a law satisfactory? (Hear.) My noble friend says that this re striction does not apply to the case of prisoners who desire to see a minister of their own persuasion. The law says that the chaplain shall be a clergyman of the Church of England; it is the good sense of the magistrates which says to the prisoners, "If you desire to see a minister of your own per suasion we will take upon ourselves to supersede the law and allow you to see him." But is it reasonable to argue from the supposition that men of the character and the past lives of the majority of our prisoners will readily come for ward and ask for the services of a minister of their own re ligion ? (Hear.) A very considerable number of the Roman Catholic prisoners have asked for the services of their own clergy; and it is greatly to the credit of the Roman Catho lic clergy that in no case have they neglected the call made upon them. (Hear.) With regard to Protestant dissenters there have been no such demands, and for very sufficient reasons. There are no such broad distinctions between the different sects of Protestant dissenters as to prevent the members of one receiving religious consolation and instruc tion from the ministers of the other; the Dissenting minis ters would not object to prisoners of their persuasion re ceiving the ministrations of the Church of England chap lain. The case of Roman Catholics, however, is widely diffe rent. They are instructed that to listen to the teachings of a minister not of their own persuasion is a heinous sin. A prisoner of no particular strength of religious feeling would not object to listen to the chaplain of the Church of England, because he does not consider his teaching to be of any authority whatever; but he will most earnestly deprecate being visited by a priest of his own faith, who has more power over his mind, and to whom he will attribute a great deal mere authority and responsibility than he would to the minister of any other persuasion. We have been led to be lieve that reformation is the great object of punishment. I am afraid it does not follow as frequently as philanthropists would wish—(a laugh)—but undoubtedly it is one of the objects of punishment, and one of the agencies which we must use in bringing it about is that of religious instruc tion and consolation. Ido not know whether my noble friend has seen a return moved for in the House of Com mons by Lord Edward Howard. From this return it ap pears that there is a very large number of Roman Catholics in the various gaols of England. In the 11 convict prisons of the country there are 1,388 Roman Catholics, being an average of 126 to each prison. In 14 of the other prisons the average number is 133, the number in each of the 14 exceeding 50. The Roman Catholics acknowledge the same God as we do ; they acknowledge the same Saviour ; they acknowledge the same Mediator; they look for the remis sion of sins from the same quarter, and the same quarter alone ; and every moral precept which their Church teaches is derived from that source to which alone Christians can look for the foundation of their religious belief. Therefore, although I may differ from the doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church, I cannot deny that the influence of the priests of that Church must have a powerful tendency to guide the minds of prisoners of their own persuasion, and to awaken those prisoners to a sense of their former life. Either it is desirable that Roman Catholic prisoners should have that teaching or it is not. If it is desirable, we are bound to give it them in order to accomplish the main ob ject of punishment—namely, the reformation of offenders. They will not accept your teaching ; they are not desirous of it ; and it is not your duty to force it on them. But it is your duty to let them have religious instruction which they will attend to. My noble friend does not dispute that in some cases this instruction is now given. The only point in dispute is whether it should be given gratuitously or should be paid for. My noble friend does not dispute the propriety of allowing Roman Catholic clergymen to give instruction in prisons; but he contends that they should do so on their own responsibility and at their own expense. It is quite true that there are prisons in which there are very few Roman Catholic prisoners ; and in these it is never im possible and seldom difficult to procure the attendance of a Roman Catholic clergyman ; but there are many prisons in which it would be unjust and impossible to call on the Ro man Catholic clergyman to give his services without any remuneration, if it be desirable that the prisoners of his religious persuasion should have the advantage of these services. (Hear, hear.) I belong to a county in the gaols of which there is the greatest number of Roman Catholic prisoners, while my noble friend belongs to one in thei gaol of which there is perhaps the smallest number. This I may account for our taking different views on the subject. I find that in the borough gaol of Liverpool there are about 350 or 360 prisoners who are members of the Church of England. The Protestant chaplain of that prison receives a sum of LlOO a year for his services. In the same gaol there are 460 Roman Catholic prisoners. The Roman Catholic priest attends twice a week, and the remuneration for his services to about 100 more prisoners than are attended by the Pro testant chaplain is just nil as against the £4OO paid to the latter gentleman. (Hear, hear.) My lords, it is impossible to look at those returns and to argue in the face of the facts which they disclose that you are dealing justly and equit ably as between the ministers of the two religions. (Hear, hear.) Why does not my noble friend object to the system which exists in Ireland, and under which there is compul sory payment out of the county rates of the Roman Catholic chaplains employed in the gaols of that country. If it would be a mortal sin to do this in England, we are sinning deeply in Ireland, because there the law not only gives you the opportunity, but compels you to do itl (A laugh, and " Hear, hear.") Certainly, among my oble friends coming from the north of Ireland, who are most strongly opposed to the Roman Catholic religion, l i) have never heard any objection rai se d to the payment out f the county rates of the Roman Catholic chaplains in the gaols there. (Hear, hear.) I think it of no small importance that the magistrates should have the appointment. I think it of importance that the priest should feel that he is ap pointed by the magistrates, subject to their jurisdiction, and responsible to them for the performance of his duty. It therefore appears to me that the bill is one which meets the justice and the equity of the case, and does not go be yond it. (Hear.) It does not place the Roman Catholic Church in a position different from that of other denomina tions. Still less does it place it on a footing in the slightest degree of equality with the Established Church. I should regret very much if the bill had that effect ; but it has not. What it provides is that where duties are to be performed—laborious, painful, and responsible duties—you shall not, if they are services to the State, insist on their perfomance without remuneration ; that you shall make a fair return for services which you may deem valuable, in carrying out the work of prison reformation. I am well aware not only that I differ on this question from several of my noble friends around me, but that this measure has met with much misapprehension and prejudice—honest preju dice, no doubt—and that it is not likelyto be popular in this country. But where I have clearly seen my way with regard to the justice and policy of a measure, I hope that I never have shrunk, and that I never shall shrink, from incurring the risk of unpopularity ; and I think I made a much greater sacrifice than in taking a course which connects me with unpopularity out of doors when I find myself differing on this question t fromsionsit noble friends around me, with whom , on most occasions has long way to long been my happiness to act. A ll considerations of this sort, however, must considerations of policy g and justice, and believing the measure to be founded not the higher principle only upon policy and justice, but upon it hi of Christian charity and religion, I deem my duty to give a conscientious and cordial vote in favour of the second reading. (Cheers.) After a few remarks from Lord BERNERS in ex planation, The Earl of HARROWEY considered the bill would introduce a new subject of discord throughout the country, without any adequate ad van t age. The Earl of CHICHE STER supported the second read ing of th e bill . The Bishop no hesitation inofvoLtinOgNfpoOr matter of ju s ti ce ; but to be d hethNtolluegshbailt. jtuhsetimceeawsuasrenothliwkealsy aon nief the shito contrary, rd h a a r yve: bent h h a a a d t forwarded questi on i by the adoption of the first time in thi s country they should permit whether for public ins ti tu permit the appoint ment of Roman Catholic priests to our a a n n d d create t 1 : e a e tions. If adopted, the bill must be carrgiedeat asked why they should step out of their Nv further difficulty. He asked the house to reject the The Earl of Cork, Lord Arundel of Warallidolultro, Earl of Donoughmore supported the bill. Lord MELVILLE and the Bishop of CASHEL opposed the bill. The house divided. The numbers were— Contents Non-contents Majority WI —35 The bill was then read a second time. THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING}, JUNO; 9, 1863. The Bishop of Winchester wee the only member of the episcopal bench that voted for the bill. THAMES EMBANKMENT (NORTH SIDE) BILL. This bill was read a second. BAKEHOUSE REGULATIONS BILL. This bill was passed through committee. SALMON FISHERIES (SCOTLAND) ACT CON TINUANCE BILL. This bill was read a second time. Their lordships adjourned at a quarter to 9 o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS—Last Evening, The SPEAKER took the chair at 4 o'clock. SECOND READINGS. The following bills were read a second time :—Dulas Valley Mineral. Railway, Law Life Assurance Society, Oke hampton and Lidford Junction Railway, and Wicklow Cop per and Hibernian Mines Companies. ROYAL ASSENT. At 5 minutes after 4 o'clock the Deputy Usher of the Black Rod appeared at the table and summoned the Speaker and the house to hear the Royal Assent given by commission to several bills. The Speaker returned at 25 minutes after 4 o'clock. SEA FISHERIES, Sir G. GREY brought up the reply of her Majesty to the address agreed to the other evening praying for the appoint ment of a Royal commission to inquire into these fisheries Her Majesty desired to inform the house that she had directed the appointment of a Royal commission. (Hear.) minority of to. day would shortlybc converted into an over whelming majority. (Cheers.) Mr. G. DUFF said there was only one way of settling the question, and thst was the way adopted in every capital of the world except Edinburgh. For the sake of peace and quietness they were bound to open the gardens. (Hear, hear.) Mr. BLACK, while opposing the motion, said ho would offer:no apology for the opprobrious language used by the clergy of Scotland on the question. A. 6. A. KINNAIRD condemned the application of the term "frantic divine " to Dr. Candlish—(laughter)—and likewise opposed the motion. Major HAMILTON, as a resident of Edinburgh, pro nounced the opinion of the inhabitants, both high and low, to be against the proposal. Mr. SCULLY supported the motion. Lord PALMERSTON said : If I was to act up to my own opinions with respect to the merits of the question itself, I should support the motion of the hon. member for Galway—(loud cheers)—bccause in the abstract I can see no harm, but rather good—(renewed cheers)—in doing that in Edinburgh which has been done in so many other capi tals, that is to say, in opening places, be they ever so small or ever so large, for public recreation. (Cheers.) But upon the present occasion there is another consideration to which we are bound to attend, namely, to that which is the sincere and honest feeling of the people of Scotland. (Hear, hear.) Now, I hold that we ought not without some very grave and important reason to do violence to public feeling ; and that public feeling in Scotland is against the opening of these gardens on Sunday evenings is, I think, an indisput able fact. (Hear, hear.) The house divided. The numbers were— For the motion .. 107 Against it Majority —l6 VOLUNTEER ENGINEER FORCE. Mr. PEACOCKE called attention to the circumstance that when he asked a question the other night upon this subject, the noble lord the Under-Secretary for War con tented himself by replying that the question must have been asked in ignorance of a circular that had been issued to the commanding officer of every volunteer force in the kindgom. He had now ascertained that no such circular had been re ceived by the commanding officer of the corps in whose in terest he asked the question, and he hoped that next time the noble lord answered a question in that manner he would have the courtesy to reflect that the " ignorance" he im puted might be owing to the lathes of the officials in his own department, The Marquis of HARTINGTON said that, as he had only had notice this afternoon of the hon. gentleman's ques tion, he had not had an opportunity of ascertaining why the circular to which he alluded had not reached its desti nation. The house then went into committee of SUPPLY. A vote was taken for £B,OOO (balance of £10,000) for the new Record buildings, Dublin. A sum of £BOO was voted for a monument to Sir John Franklin. Upon the vote of £6,000 on account of the lions for the Nelson column, Sir M. W. RIDLEY said that, with all respect for the talents of Sir Edwin Landseer, he could not help thinking that when it required so many years to produce a model of the lions, it must have been an error to entrust the sculpture to a painter, no sculptor being employed. Mr. COWPER said it was a fact that Sir E. Landseer was preparing the models with his own hands, and was alone responsible for them. He had urged Sir E. Landseer to expedition in every possible way. Mr. STIRLING defended the appointment of Sir E. Landseer. ➢lr. HANKEY complained of the delay in the produc• tion of the models. Sir J. SHELLEY said he believed the £6,000 asked for would not pay half the expense. The bronze alone would amount to that sum. Mr, WILLIAMS censured the whole arrangement as a disgrace to the country. _ _ Mr. COWPER (in reply to Mr. Mitford) stated that the lions would be 20 feet long, and of two patterns, and that he had intimated that no further delay could be permitted. The vote was then agreed to. Upon the vote of £31,914 for lighthouses abroad, Mr. CHILDERS objected to the item of £B,OOO for a floating lighthouse off the Bassin Rocks, in the Island of Ceylon. The house would hardly believe that the first esti mate for that lighthouse had been but 4500 ; that on sub sequent occasions no less than £54,000 had been taken in supplementary votes—(hear)—that to this hour the light house had never been made---(hear)—that in 1861 £B,OOO more had been voted for a floatiog light ; that in 1862 an other £2,000 had been voted ; and, after all, nothing having been effected, the house was now asked for another £B,OOO for another floating light scheme. (Hear.) He thought there ought to be some limit to this kind of expenditure, and, as he believed, £B,OOO would not nearly complete the works proposed, he would move the formal reduction of the vote by that amount ; so that (seeing a lighthouse of some kind was no doubt necessary) the Government might pro pose a vote which should include the entire outlay. Mr. A. SMITH supported the motion for the reduction. Mr. M. GIBSON admitted that much money had been wasted, but it was in consequence of the mistakes of the engineers. The lightship had been ordered, and, whether it proved successful or not, should be paid for. An Hon. Member moved that the house be counted, and there not being 40 members present, The house stood adjourned at a quarter past 8 o'clock, turned a verdict of " Wilful murder against some person or persons unknown." Among the magistrates at the inquest were Lord Dunally, Sir William Osborne, Count D'Alten, Major Dundas, Captain Holmes, Messrs. Going, Poe, Middleton, &c., with Mr. Fleming, resident magistrate. The magistrates held a meeting in the court-house at Nenagh, at four o'clock the same day, when they agreed to offer a reward for the discovery of the murderer, and subscriptions for that purpose, amounting to £5OO, were announced before the meeting broke up. The steward of the murdered gentleman, a man named Madden, and his son have been arrested since the inquest. The Freeman's reporter supplies the following addi tional particulars ;—" At the inquest some mem bers of the jury expressed a wish to have Madden examined, but Mr. Anderson, the county inspector, declined. He was not examined, and after the inquest Mr. Reamsbottom, sub-inspector, and the head constable took Madden into custody, and de sired him to conduct them to his room. He did so without any apparent disinclination, and a close search was made of the apartment. In a small wooden box Mr. Reamsbottom found £lO3 10s., consisting of £OB in notes, four sovereigns and a half, and one pound in silver. He was brought into town last evening by a strong escort of police, and lodged in the county gaol. Madden also held land under Mr. Jackson, and is said to be also in arrear. At a late hour last evening a son of Madden's was taken into custody, and committed to gaol, being the sixth person now under arrest. The cause of his detention is that on the evoeing of the murder he was seen drinking at a publiehouse in company with one of the Peters, and their conversation on that occasion was so remarkable as to attract the notice of several persons in the place, some of whom remarked that they seemed as if they had been after doing "something desperate." Another murder, not less atrocious, is reported by a correspondent of the Daily Express :—" On Wed nesday, about the hour of 9 o'clock, a woman named Butler missed her daughter, a little girl of seven years of age, who had just partaken of her supper. The mother supposed she might have strayed into the plantations of Mr. Burn, of Corville, near Ros crea, and spent the night searching for her, On the following morning the child was found in a tillage-field quite dead, her face and skull literally smashed to pieces, and some stones besmeared with blood lying near. No cause whatever can be as signed for the gross outrage. The police are on the alert. Suspicion has fallen upon an idiotic boy." POLAND. Mr.HENNESSY gave notice that on the motion for going into committee of supply on Monday next he should move an address to the Crown,thanking her Majesty for the corre spondence laid before the house with respect to the affairs of Poland, expressing the regret of the house that the Em peror of Russia had openly violated the treaty of Vienna by setting himself up as the sovereign of Foland in opposi tion to the terms of that treaty, and expressing a desire that her Majesty, in conjunction with the other great Powers, would address a remonsa-ance to the Emperor of Russia, with the view of promoting the independence of Poland, and consequently a durable peace, (Hear, hear.) THE SLAVE TRADE. Mr. CONINGHAM gave notice that on Thursday he should call attention to the slave trade in America. THE POLICE IN TIPPERARY—THE LATE AGRARIAN MURDER. Mr. BAGWELL asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland what steps the Government of Ireland meant to take in re gard to the extra police force at present quartered in the townlands of Boytonrath and others in the county of Tippe rary ? Sir R. PEEL replied that looking at the present condi tion of Tipperary, and the recent occurrence of another murder, it was not deemed expedient to withdraw the police referred to. Mr. BA.GIVELL asked if the right hon. baronet had received any later particulars with respect to the outrage referred to ? Sir R. PEEL intimated that the murder was clearly of an agrarian character. The gentleman was not in his garden immediately on leaving his residence. A telegram just received informed him that three men were in custody on suspicion. Mr. SCULLY said that the murder was committed 30 miles distant from the police stations adverted to. TELEGRAPHS (INDIA). Mr. WHITE asked the Secretary of State for India, if the reorganization of the Indian Telegraph Department, mentioned by him on the 13th March, 1862, had been carried out; and, if so, why Mr. Galbraith (formerly the tutor of Sir William O'Shaughnessy'a sons) had been promoted over the heads of officers of long standing in that department : and, if he was aware that the present system of telegraphic communication in India was much complained of by the mercantile community and others, and if it would not be desirable to decentralise this department by placing the telegraph lines under the control of the chief authorities of tho respective Presiden cies, as had been locally recommended, Mr. BARING explained that the Government were still directing their attention to the matter. Mr. Galbraith had not been improperly promoted. THE DOVER, AND CALMS SERVICE. Sir S. IsiORTHOOTE asked the Secretary to the Trea sury, when the packet estimate would be brought forward ; whether any contracts had yet been made for the Dover and Ostend and Dover and Calais services ; or whether those services were still open to tender; and, what arrangements had been made for carrying on the services after the 20‘h June. Mr. F. PEEL replied that he should bring on these estimates after those for the civil service. The tender of the Belgian Government had been accepted up to 2d June. A. tender was offered by the South-Eastern and London, Chatham, and Dover Railway, at the rate of £6,000 a year after the 2d of June, THE NAVY—EDUCATION OF BOYS. Sir J. PAKINGTON asked the Secretary to the Ad. miralty, whether the Chief Constructor of the Navy had examined apprentices and factory boys in Wool wich Dockyard, with a view to the establishment of a Government School of Naval Architecture was correct; and, if so, whether the Admiralty contem plated the revival of a school of naval architecture for the royal navy, in preference to the combined action of the Admiralty and the private trade, which had been proposed Lord C. PAGET replied that Mr. Reed, recently appointed chief constructor of the Navy, had been sent to the various dockyards to direct the construction of ships, and not in connection with a new scheme for the education of boys. That a project was then under the consideration of the Admiralty for educating boys not only connected with the Navy, but with private trade. THE DISMISSAL OF VOLUNTEERS. Sir R. CLIFTON asked the tinder Secretary of State for War if commanding officers had power, after the dismissal of volunteers by them, to advertise such dismissal in the newspapers, and cause placards to he printed and circulated ; and if he was aware whether any such case of advertising and placarding had taken place in the metropolis ? The Marquis of HARTINGTON replied that the usual practice was to announce the nature of every sentence in the regimental quarters, so that the members of the corps might see it. He believed it was the practice of some corps to advertise their orders by printed placard and in the newspapers. He need not then descant upon the impro priety of such a proceeding, when it related to the censur ing or dismissal of an officer or private of these corps, PUBLIC WORKS BILL. Mr. HENNESSY complained that he had been debarred on Saturday morning by the edict of the Speaker from ex pressing his opinions on the measure. It would materially affect his constituents in King's County, and he desired to have addressed the house on the subject. The SPEAKER explained the course of procedure adopted. The hon. gentleman spoke three times on the subject, and he (the Speaker) thought at the time that he himself was out of order in permitting him to de so. It appeared to him that the hon. gentleman was out of order on Saturday morning. Hence he called him to order. ROYAL BOTANICAL GARDENS, EDINBURGH. Mr. GREGORY, on the motion for going into Commit tee of Supply on Civil Service Estimates, Class 1V, 5 moved " that, in the opinion of this house, the Royal Bo tanical Gardens of Edinburgh should be open to the public after the hours of Divine Service on Sundays, as is the case with other botanial gardens supported by Parliamentary grants." Sir J. SHELLEY seconded the motion. The LORD-ADVOCATE opposed it on the ground that the gardens, 18 acres in extent, were laid out for purely scientific purposes, and that the gardens being two miles distant from the abodes of the workpeople, and situated in a valley, and would not be of such great value for the purposes of recreation as other and more ad jacent spots readily accessible, such as Arthur's Seat and other places—the feeling of the community was clearly against the opening of these gardens on the Sabbath. Mr. STIRLING tendered his thanks as a Scotch mem ber to the hon. gentleman who brought forward the motion, and stated he had good grounds for believing that, while the petition for opening the gardens had been signed by 35,000 adult males, the petition against the opening had been signed by men, women, and children, and constituted one of the most scandalous instances of getting up a petition he had ever heard of. (Hear.) It would be most ludicrous, if it was not most painful, to see how people in Scotland bol stered up their int3rpretation of one Divine commandment by the breach of the rest. (Laughter and cheers.) As to the public opinion of Edinburgh being adverse to the mo tion, he would challenge the Lord Advocate or any one else to produce a list of petitioners against the motion of equal eminence to those who had petitioned in its favour. He ad mitted that the clergy of Scotland were against it; but he would ask the house to consider what took place in the As sembly of the Free Church only a few days ago. A certain rev. gentleman brought before the Assembly the fact that her Majesty the Queen had erected upon a high ground near Balmoral a monument to the late Prince Consort. (Cheers.) Upon that monument her Majesty had inscribed a few touching and thoughtful words taken from the " Wis• dom of Solomon," words which had some tender associa• tions with the illustrious prince whom it was intended to commemorate. (Hear.) The rev. gentleman in a long speech brought these words before his brethren, interpret ing this proposal in a way that would not meet with much respect in that house, namely, that, because the 1 words in question were taken from the Apocrypha, her Majesty thereby implied a belief in the equal authority of those books with the Holy Scriptures. (Cheers.) And he was sorry to say that the speech of that frantic divine (cheers and laughter)—was met with signs of applause ; at all events, he departed from the Assembly without re ceiving that rebuke which his language and logic deserved. (Loud cheers.) Certainly the hon. member for Greenock rose immediately afterwards, and declared that he did not endorse such sentiments, but no one else made a reply. (Renewed cheers.) But were they to understand that a meeting such as that spoke the fair sentiments of the laity of th e F ree Ch urc h o f S cot l an d ? M cs t unquestion ably net. (Loud cheers.) The fact was that in Scotland, as all oth er countries, the clergy were obliged to do a very rge share of th e public speaking, an d a c onsequently to evolve a large share of p u bli c nonsnse. (Loud laughter and cheers.) B ut he h o p e d t h at public opinion upon th e subject would annually change, and that the apparent IRELAND. DUBLIN, June 8. It is only this morning that we have received here the account of the close of the poll at Kinsale. The numbers were : For Sir George Colthurst For Mr. Fitzgibbon Majority for Colthurst . —l2 The new member has promised to give a general support to the present Government, and the mem ber for New Ross will be likely to do the same. These two elections, therefore, make no change in the relative forces of the respective parties; but had the two ultramontane candidates succeeded, it would have been so much strength added to the Opposition. The elections are, besides, important as indicating the decline of the rabid sectarian feel ing which carried the Longford election. I sent you on Saturday a brief account of the murder of a landlord and a magistrate, near Ne nagh, in the county of Tipperary. It was one of the most frightful tragedies that ever stained the annals of that county, so notorious for the mur derous propensities of its peasantry. According to the Nenagh, Guardian, Mr. Jackson was " gene. rally esteemed and beloved by men of all classes and creeds." It is stated that he had four tenants who had paid him no rent for several years, and that he had served them with ejectment processes. Two of them were brothers named Peters ; the names of the others were Cummins and Kennedy. On Thursday morning Mr. Jackson rose from his breakfast table about ten o'clock, and, having ordered his car to be ready immediately to proceed to Nenagh, he lit his pipe, and went out in his slippers, as he was accustomed, to take a walk in the shrubbery, which is close to tt e house. He also gave directions that his little son, four years old, should be got ready to accompany him on the car. Hours passed, and he did not make his ap pearance; yet Mrs. Jackson was not alarmed, sup posing that he had walked across the fields to his brother's, or that he had gone into town with some friend who was passing. She sent to his brother's, and to her father's residence, but nothing was heard of her husband in either place. The idea of murder did not occur to her mind during the day, but daring the night she sent the coachman, steward, and herd to search about the grounds, and about daybreak on Friday morning they found the body under a cluster of laurels in the shrubbery within a few yards of his house. The slippers were first discovered a few paces from the body, which was lying with the face downwards. The head was covered with blood, but as there were no marks of violence on the rest of the body, they feared he had burst a blood-vessel. Dr. Calahan was sent for, and speedily arrived. He found the skull broken in two places by a blunt instrument. The blow must have been struck with a bludgeon behind, and the effect was instant death. The assassin seems to have been lurking behind a tree, and to have come stealthily behind him as he sauntered quietly along the gravelled walk smoking his pipe without a thought of danger. At the coroner's inquest, which was held on Saturday, John Smith, the coachman, de posed that, his master not having appeared, he re mained with the horse harnessed in the stable till 6 o'clock in the evening—an extraordinary circum stance, which struck his mistress, who ordered him to unharness the horse, as his master would not go ihre.r J e a h ok ad son also but o bee it n had a small been to Nenagh a t th a t h our . Th ere were two d ogs i n the pl ace , b ut they were tied up during the day. T s te to rr le ie n r, ab a f u a t v oure month o f efore. Th e pockets of the deceased out i t be were searched by the steward, but the coachman was so shocked with the sight of the blood that he could not see what was taken out of them. He had been robbed, but it was Supposed this was done to divert atten tion from the real motive of the murderer which was not robbery but agrarian vengeance. The jury re- SPIRIT OP TEE PUBLIC JOURNALS TlMES.—Although important negotiations are said to be proceeding, we cannot regret that Lord Ellenborough has called attention to the state of affairs in Poland, and inquired as to the probabi lity of peace being restored to that unhappy country. It is now nearly five months since the insurrection began, and it still continues, as obstinate, though it may be as hopeless as ever. On one side are the armies of a powerful empire which has lived by war and for war during generations, and is now putting forth all its strength; on the other side are half armed bands, often without muskets, always with out artillery, and only capable of carrying on a de sultory warfare against isolated bodies of troops. Such an unequal contest as this seemed likely to be soon over, particularly as the co un t r y i n which it is carried on is not like Spain or Montenegro, suited to such irregular fighting. Probably, if the Poles had asked for advice, there would have been hardly any one who would not have told them from the beginning that they were striving after an impose' bility. What could they do against the power of Russia ? Her imme nse arm i es , h er i nex h aus tible hordes of people, her well-filled magazines, must prevail against poverty of numbers, means, and dis cipline. This must have been the judgment of everybody at the beginning ; it is probably the right judgment now; but the course of the insur rection shows that the Poles have been little affected by such calculations. In every part of the country where the insurrection fi rst b egan i t still continues with varying success, the Russians one day routing a levy of scythemen, on another losing a detach ment which has been suddenly pounced upon by some active leader. In some districts the insurgent bands are said to be more formidable in numbers and capable of fighting regular battles with the troops, and we are told that in the country near Warsaw they have really gained considerable ad vantages ever the Russians. But the most impor tant part of the latter news is the spread of the in surrection far beyond the limits of the kingdom of Poland. Although we ought, no doubt, to receive with some suspicion reports which come from such remote regions as Lithuania and the provinces of Vothynia and Podolia, still it would be denying its due weight to testi mony if we refused to believe that there are movements of a most important kind in what was looked upon as an entirely Russianised part of the Empire. Tracts of country far greater in extent than the Poland with which the treaties of 1815 have to do, and stretching to the frontiers of the Danubian Principalities, are described as full of in surgents. The proprietors join in the movement, the peasantry are in some places for and in some against it, but everywhere there is commotion, and the Government is alarmed at the insecurity of the tenure by which it holds the conquests even of the first partition. Such a state of things cannot but engage the sympathy of lookers-on, though, per haps, we cannot h o p e th a t P o l an d, unaided, will be able to do more than lengthen out a disastrous gue rilla warfare, to the exhaustion both of herself and her enemy. The knowledge that an insurrection is raging over a large tract of Europe ; that it spreads. though without a chance of overthrowing the Power against which it is undertaken; and that the result must be the desolation of the country in a manner that years cannot repair, may well induce a member of the British Parliament to suggest some kind of interference. This, too, is the more allowable since the Government of England, in common with those of France and Austria, has already acted as a me diator between the Czar and his alienated subjects. Notes have been despatched from London, Paris, and Vienna, calling upon the Emperor Alexander to conciliate the good opinion of Europe by mercy to his subjects, and to fulfil the stipulations which his uncle made in 1815, by giving the Polish King dom a Constitution after the manner of the Western nations. Not only has this been done, but other States have been invited to join in the general re monstrance. Prince Gortschakoff has had to reply to Sweden, Spain, and Turkey; and even the United States might, if their Government had chosen, have had a share in lecturirg the Czar on the duties of a ruler. Lord Ellenborough, therefore, finding that the Government has done so much, asks whether there are to be no results of their labours. He thinks that they have a great opportunity in the face of the dangers which threaten Russia. He looks upon the insurrection as likely to last in Poland, and permanently to weaken the Em pire. This consequence, his lordship tells us, he does not wish to ensue. France is strong, perhaps too strong. Russia does not now threatea Europe as she did in the days of Nicholas, and she may be at any time useful in helping to maintain a Conser vative policy in Europe. Lord Ellenborough would, therefore, do nothing which would deprive Russia of the power of interfering, should the affairs of other nations require it. But Russia may be barred from the West either by having Poland in a state of chronic revolt, or by seeing it constituted an independent kingdom, with a national Sovereign and a policy of its own. Either result Lord Ellen borough deprecates, and he would accordingly sug gest that " the wiser course for Russia to pursue would be to propose to dissever the connection which was established at Vienna between the Rus• sian Empire and Poland, with such arrangements for mutual convenience as might be suggested, as an independent country, with respect t o i n t erna l government, under the - sovereignty of a Prince of her own family." The only objection to this schema is that it is impossible for any reasonable man to expect that the Russian Emperor would consent to it. The difference between a Poland governed by a Sovereign of the House of Romanoff, and one of i some other family, wou ld b e sma ll i n d e ed f once Poland obt a i ne d se lf- governmen t an d realinde pendence. History shows that family alliances have little effect on the actions of monarchs, and that they do for the most part what suits their own interest for the time. Russia weli knows that to give up Poland in any way, or even to make a permanent Viceroyalty like that which Egypt forms in rela tion to the Porte, is really to abandon the country altogether, and to draw back her frontier 300 miles from Berlin and Vienna. Nor does s h e f orget that the insurrection, which is gradually speeding over the Eastern provinces, bears witness to the identity of the Poland of all the partitions; and that if, in deference to the Powers, the Czar were to esta blish the kingdom of Poland as an independent or subsidiary State, the same independence might be demanded b y other and equally important regions. - What, too, would Prussia and Austria say of a sch eme which might induce their own Polish subjects to desire union with the new king dom - It seems to us that Russia would be willing to make very large concessions in the administra tion of the Kingdom, but would reject positively any such plan as that which Lord Elletborough proposes. Of the form which the propositions of the three Powers have taken we can know nothing certain as yet; but it, as Lord Russell says, the answer of the Austrian Emperor to the communica tions from London and Paris is expected to-morrow we shall not be long in suspense. All that we need do is to urge on the Government to abridge as much as possible the f orm s o f diplomacy, if by diplomatic action any stop can be put to :he miseries of this war. Lord Russell's expressions point to a renewal of the Constitution granted in 1815 ; if the Poles will be contented with this con cession we shall sincerely rejcice, and believe that the blood which has flowed so plenteously has not been shed altogether in vain. HERALD.—The fly on the water-wheel, who boasted that he moved it round, is in very much the same position as the diplomatist who attempts by a series of letters and protocols to arrange the affairs of Poland. The " nation in mourning" has appealed to that supreme arbitrament against whose decision all protests of statesmen are in vain. We have the greatest respect for men who, in despite of all the Powers that be, would vindicate their free dom by the strength of their own right arms. When, instead of pusil animous waiting, despon dency, and appeals for help, a nation that has long been oppressed takes its own cause in hand, and bares the sword against its tyrants in a sort of mad despair of conquering or dying, it has entitled itself to our applause, if not to our entire sympathy. The struggles of Poland, manful as they are, cannot but be grievous to us who, liable as others are to an access of sentiment, are yet conscious of how much is imperilled by them, how much is unattain able by these all but superhuman efforts, and how wasted is this ocean of blood that is being shed in a desperate cause. If we put the power of Poland in the balance against that of Russia we cannot doubt which will prevail in the end. Will the Poles have bettered their position by all this self-sacrifice ? Will all the Powers—humane and well-intentioned though they be, but resolved, whatever happens, not to en gage in a Quixotic struggle with Russia—be able to avert the inevitable result of this most unhappy insurrection, that Poland will be left exhausted, fainting, and bloodless, at the feet of the conquerer ? The insurrection of 1831 deprived the Poles of one constitution. The insurrection of 1863 may be the death-blow to another. If we could only anticipate the possible triumph of the patriots it would be time for us to discuss the altered conditions under which the Polish nation might be regarded by Europe. So long as Russia continues to assert her authority we can neither expect from the insurrec tion a restoration of Poland with her ancient boun daries, nor even the independence of the Poland of 1815, unless by the grace of the Emper or Al exan d er 11. The Government, we are told, has agreed with the French Government on the plan for pacification which it will propose to the Emperor of Russia. It is waiting for the concurrence of Austria, which has not yet been notified. We fear that, pending the issue of the Polish insurrection, these proposi tions will have but little weight. An amnesty has already been proclaimed, and rejected with scorn. The independence of the 'Warsaw kingdom may be promised to-morrow. It will be received as an admission of weakness. For a great country like this it seems almost undignified to advise where we are not prepared to dictate. France and England may wish well to Poland ; but as neither France nor England will fight for Poland, the issue, as between Poland and Russia, must be left to the God of Battles, to whom Poland, in her last ex tremity, has rashly made her appeal. POST.—The King of Prussia has determined that his decree against the public press shall not be a dead letter. Six journals have received the first of the premonitory warnings which, according to the terms of the ordinance, pave the way to total suppression, It was but natural to suppose that a proclamation which at a single stroke swept away the entire liberty of the press should call forth com ments from those whom it principally affected, and it was equally natural that those comments should be of a kind to excite the displeasure of those from whom the proclamation emanated. Half-a-dozen Prussian newspapers have dared to protest against a gross and flagrant violation of one of the dearest liberties of the people, and they are forthwith threatened with extinction by means of the very instrument which has called forth their indignation. The Ministry appear not to be satisfied with hav ing browbeaten the representatives of the people. They mu:t needs make the people themselves acknowledge that they are all-powerful. It is not sufficient that those who give expression to public opinion should submit with patience to enforced silence, they must kiss the hand which forces the gag into their mouths. If anything could be want ing to make the ordinance of June 1 particularly odious and offensive to the Prussian people, it has been supplied by its colourable compliance with the provisions of the constitution. The efforts which have now been so persistently made by the Prus sian King to replace the constitution he pledged himself to support by a pure despotism is too apparent to need demonstration at our hands. His affected respect for the constitutional privileges of his subjects is therefore all the more contemptible. It is certainly true that, according to one of the provisions of the constitution, the Government are empowered under extraordinary circumstances, and whilst the Chambers are not in session, to make ordinances which shall have the force of laws. It is in apparent accordance with this provision that the late decree has been issued. But it is only in appear ance that its publication can be justified according to the terms of the constitution. No circum stances at al similar to those specified in the 63d article of the constitution existed to require its promulgation; and if the Cham bers were not in session it is well known that they were prorogued with the object of enabling the Government to supply a plausible pretext for legislating for the country. If the proeeeding which has now been sanctioned by the Prussian King and his Ministers be constitutional, then there seems no reason why Count Bismark and his colleagues should not continue to rule the country by ordinances pro mulgated under cover of the 63d article of the con stitution. Such ordinances would eventually re quire the sanction of the Legisture when the houses met; but, with a bold ministry and a submissive people, the next meeting of the Chambers might be postponed by the Sovereign for an indefinite period. So far as regards the provisions of the present ordi nance but little need be said. Its mode of applica tion has now been illustrated in a manner which speaks more eloquently than any words we could utter of the ultimate consequences to which its strict enforcement must inevitably lead. If Prussia will be content to exist without a press, then the ends of the Crown will be attained, and the ministry may issue any other ordinances they may deem essential for the maintenance of that peculiar form of govern ment which has now been introduced into Prussia. With the exception of such journals as are content to echo sentiments of the Court, there will remain in a few weeks none in existence. By virtue of the provision of the constitution above referred to, the ministerial ordinances would be regarded as laws demanding respect and obedience; and, as one of the many grounds supplied by the late decree for the suppression of newspapers is " exciting to dis obedience of the laws of the country," it would be imposible for any journal to comment upon the new system of legislation without incurring certain extinction. As after a second warning has been given the local authorities of the place in which the journal so warned is published may proceed to pro hibit its further publication, it may be taken that the fate of the six journals which have already received the preliminary avertissement is definitely sealed. It is provided that the publishers of such journals as have committed any one of the multifarious infringe ments of the new lew shall be formally tried in a closed court, and, in the event of an adverse deci sion being given, shall have the right of appeal ing to the Ministry. Here again apparent con formity, but real antagonism, with the commonest principles of justice manifest itself in this remark. able document. The publisher of an offending journal shall be heard in his defence before the publication of his paper is suppressed ; but the pro ceedings shall be conducted with closed doors. If dissatisfied with the judgment of the court he may appeal, but it is to the Ministry, that is to say, to his prosecutors. Assuredly, constitutional observ ances and judicial proceedings could never be more successfully travestied than they have been by the royal ordinance of the Ist of June. One is inclined to asked where all this will end. Will the Prussian King succeed in his endeavours to subvert the con stitution of his people, or will he fail ? Is Prussia ready to abandon all that she has wrested from her former rulers, in order to gratify the ambition of the present, and, it might so happen, the last repre sentative of the House of Hohenzollern ? The Prus sian people would make many sacrifices before it took up arms against a Sovereign whose family is intimately associated with the growth of its politi cal greatness. But then the patience of a people may be subjected to too severe a strain. The present possesses for most men an interest much stronger than any which the associations of the past can serve to awaken. Up to this moment the attitude both of the Prussian people and of its representa tives offers a marked contrast to that of the Sove reign and his Ministers. The deputies were firm whilst they were respectful in the remonstrances which they addressed to the Crown. Whatever m a y be the issue of the contest which has arisen between the Sovereign and the people, the members of the Lower Chambers may at least congratulate them selves on having in no way contributed to widen the breach which theGovernmeut insisted on creat ing. But it will be difficult to expect from masses the same display of moderation inthe ptrhee. *sr.' • Bence of ordinances like that issued by the Govern ment within a week after the Chambers, in which alone rests the power of legislating, had been pro rogued. We do not believe that the Prussian people will submit without a struggle to the regime which the Junker party proposes to establish. Sooner or later must come that collision between a people battling for its liberties and its would-be oppressors which invariably results in the discomfiture of the latter. The leaders of the popular party are well aware of the dangers with which a revolution is fraught, not only to the royal family, but to the kingdom itself. But they may not be able to con trol the impetuosity of thousands who suddenly find themselves stripped of political liberty. The storm is evidently approaching, but when it will break no man can say. RAILWAY INTELLIGENCE. CORK AND YOUGHAL. A special general meeting of this company wag held yesterday at the cffices, Gresham-house, Old Broad-street, to consider a bill now before Parlia ment, in compliance with the standing orders of the House of Lords—Sir C. P. Roney in the chair. Mr. Banks, the secretary, having read the notice convening the meeting, The Solicitor read the heads of " a bill with re spect to the capital of the Cork and Youghal way Company, and to enable that company to trans fer their undertaking." It enabled the holders of preference stock to convert that stock into ordinary stock. Every holder of preference stock would have the option of converting his preference into ordi nary stock within seven months from the passing of the Act; but it was stipulated that nothing should be done to deprive the holders of the ar rears due on their preference stock at the time of conversion. The bill contained power to grant a lease of the undertaking to the Great Southern and Western Railway Company on such terms as might be agreed upon. There was also power to sell the undertaking on such terms as might be agreed upon at special meetings of both companies, and a general power to enter into con tracts and arrangements subject to the approval of the shareholders. The CHAIRMAN moved a formal resolution ap proving the Bill, and stated that it had passed the House of Commons. The Hon. R. H. BROWNE seconded the motion, which was carried unanimously, and the proceed ings terminated. GREAT WESTERN OF CANADA. It appears that the directors of this company have been informed by their financial agent in Canada that the loss on through traffic collected and con verted ascertained up to the 22d ult. amounted to the sum of 215,060 dols. 73c. (Z 44,190 lls. 3d.‘9 and there remained a further sum of American funds for conversion at that date of 3,405 dols. 10c., in addition to which there were balances in account with connecting railways still 'inadjusted. RAILWAY BILLS. Yesterday the committee on the London and North Western Company's Additional Powers Bill having passed the preamble proceeded to settle the clauses authorising the construction of new branch lines between Huddersfield and Kirkburton, and between Wigan and the North Union Railway, for power to take lands and alter engineering works, to make arrangements with railways in alliance with them, and to raise £150,000 on new shares and £50,000 on loan. The principal witnesses examined in the committee on the proposed new Brighton line were Capt. O'Brien, rr anager of the North Eastern, and Mr. Scott, manager of the South Western. Evidence was taken on the bills of the South Yorkshire, Lynn and Sutton, Scottish Central, and Kingston and Eardesley. In the Lords the opposition of the Oswestry and other railways to the proposed amalgamation of the Great Western and West Midland Railways was opened in Earl Amherst's committee. COUNTRY MARKETS. GLOUCESTER-JuNE C. To-day there was a fair supply of English wheat from the farmers, which sold slowly at about the prices of last week. Foreign wheat in small demand, and holders would accept slightly lower prices to effect sales. COLCHESTER-JUNE 6. At this corn exchange to-day there was a moderate, ring show of grain, with prices at fully former rates. 5P corn scarce, and in favour of the seller. 300 33° Wheat, white. 46s 56s Beans, Mazagall.• 42s red 42s 52s middle & small.3ss Barley —8 —26 gray ...... 8s Peas, white ...... 43505 s L 24 Oats 2os CHELMSFORD—JuNE 5. We have again to report a dull demand for En g lish grain to-day, and prices stationary, In Spring corn last week's currency maintained. Wheat, old white 30s 535 new 34s 50s old red 36s 48s new 34s 45s Barley 2813 36s Chevalier 2Bs 40s Grinding 22s 31s Malt... Chevalier . 64s 69s Oats 2os 28s Peas, Partridge, 37s 400 White 39s 408 D DE o i un t i t lin o new 3 5 s 380 ew 4 0 s 43s ......s ..--0 Beans, Tick, old 34s 3 9 s new —s —0 Harrow Ticks 3ss 408 new —s —is Mazagan 3os 383 KIRKCALDY GRAIN--JUNE 6. We had small supplies of oats and barley, but good of wheat. The former were rather dearer, while wheat was much the same in price as last week. Wheat. Barley. Oats. First ....39s Od I 265.0 d 24s Od Second ..40s 6d 28s Od 26s Od Third....--s . Od —s Od Od COAL A Mee of Coal per Ton ai 8. d. Wylam 16 9 Buddle'sWest Hartley 15 6 Carway and Duffryn Malting , 19 6 Eden Main 15 0 Cowpen Hartley 15 6 West Hartley 15 6 North Pelton Gas 13 0 Ships at market lARKET. tile oloae of the market. 0 . :do Walls End. Hetton 16 South Hetton •..16 9, Hartlepool 16 6 Braddyll's Hetton 15 9 Tunstall ... .. l5 0 , Hough Hall 15 u Stewart's 16 6 Gosforth l4 9 .t, 34 ; sold, 31. ENFORCING VACCINATION.--There is before the House of Commons a Government Bill, extending only to Scotland, proposing that after February next Is schoolmaster or schoolmistress shall be liable to a penalty for receiving into a school a child under 14 without a medi cal certificate of its having been vaccinated. There is to be a penalty also upon any me who shall receive into bt! or her employment or service a young person under 18 without such a certificate. Eery prisoner and every person. admitted to parochial relief is to be vaccinated as soon as possible after admission to such relief or imprisonment, 11 11 ' less the surgeon is satisfied that such person has been vac cinated or has had smallpox. [ADVERTISEMENT.] Holloway's Pills. Aids tO Health.—So many disturbing causes aro at work to under mine the health, that it behoves every one occasionally tO regulate his system, Professor Holloway has placed this power within the reach of all. His balsamic pills are equal to every emergency. Come the evil whence it may—frog' food, atmosphere, or irregularity of life—it is gently met, but forcibly expelled, by these perfect purifiers. Hollo way's pills have effected the most remarkable recoveries in cases of wasting, weakness, nervous decline, and similar symptoms of debility. Births. ABERCROMBIE,—On the Bth inst., at 13, Q[10011'9. 40 . 4 Gloucester-gate, Regent's-park, Mrs. D, Abercrombi e, of a daughter. BILEIDENBACH.—On the 7th inst., at Child's-hill, the wile of Mr. Breidenbach, of a son. BoviLL.—On the 6th inst., the wife of W. J. Bovill, of VI James-street, Buckingham-gate, of a son. HEATH.--On the 7th inst., at Anstie, Dorking, the was o f Captain L. G. Heath, R.N,, C. 8., of a son. Marriages. DOULTON—BUCKLAND.—On the 6th hag, at Wraysbu r y Chapel, Mr. James Doulton, of Duke-street, Grosvenor' square, to Matilda, daughter of Mr. Wm. T. Buckland, of Wraysbury. WEBBER—SMITII—On the 6th inst., at Islington, Thorflaf Richard William, third s n of T. Webb er , E sq ., of 2 ,1 Lombard-street, city, to Matilda Ann, only daughte r P. Smith, Esq., 32, Manchester-terrace, Islington. Deaths. BELFOUR.—On the 7th i ns t., d rowne d b etween ruffle)" full Hammersmith, Edmund Belfour, Esq., of Grove ROO/ BURGESS eH r d u eitn t o n rr 6 y Y o a — th g O eend, Burgess,,3tch9 Circular co 6 ur t h l aur i p n t‘ s ov t a . B , r da a sn t ko f S e r2 w so, i ae i n ag ' e s d -1 8 a 2 n . e , Lon d°l3l y rs pioprie • tor an HA.NBURY.—On the 7th inst., at 15, Char l es - s t re et, Bel keley-square, Gen era l Si r John Hanbury, K.C.8./ &4.1 aged 81. PAKENHAAL—On the 7th inst , at 24, Bruton-street, the Lady Louisa E. Pakenham, aged 33. PONSONEY.—On the sth inst., at Woolbeding, the 1 1 ° 3 ' George Ponsonby, aged 90. PLENDERLEATIL—On the sth insf., at Ramsgate, suddenl', W. S. Plenderleath, Esq., late Major 81stRegimen' aged 88. London: Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDRI4O, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TUE SUN Office, No. 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the 3avoy, in the County lattltlletiex.---Tueeclay, June 9, 1863.