The Sun. — London, England, 1863-06-23 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS--Last Evening. ROYAL ASSENT. The Royal assent was given by commission to the follow ing public and private bills :—Dockyard Protection Act Amendment—Caymen Island—lsle of Purbeck Railway— Manchester Corporation Water—London, Tilbury, and Southend Railway—Rnsthall Manor—Southampton att a Netley Railway—Pembroke Township—Midland Railway (extension to London)—Exeter Gaol—Central Wales Extension Railway Dublin Corporation Water— Knighton and Central Wales Railway Company Mid Wales Railway (including Branches, &c.)-- Tramore Embankment—Mayo County Grand Jury Cess— Penarth Harbour, Dock, and Railway—Saffren Walden Baiiway—Horsey Harbour Commissioners and Barrow Harbour Commissioners—Furness and Midland Railway— London and South-Western R , %ilway—Elsecar, Went worth, and Hoyland Gas—Bishops Waltham Railway— Dublin, Wicklow, and Wexford Railway—Stockport Dis. trict Water—Ware, Hadham, and Buntingford Railway— Stirling's Estate. Their lordships adjourned during pleasure. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at fin o'clock. SLAVERY IN BRAZIL. Lord B a OUGHAM inquired whether the noble earl the Secreted) , of State for Foreign Affairs would lay upon the fade any papers relating to the suppression of the slave trade. Hitherto the proceedings of the Brazilian Govern ment had been such as to call forth the highest commenda tion, contrasting moat favourably with that of Spain, whose conduct was most disgraceful, as the only part of the solemn treaty they had entered into for the suppression of the horrible traffic which they had religiously observed was the reception of the money compensation which had been voted for the purpose of freeing the slaves, Earl RUSSELL said the whole of the information in his polseasion had already been given to their lordships. AMENDMENT OF OATHS. Lord STRATHEDEN called the attention of the house to the oaths required to be taken by members of the Legis lature with a view to legislation on the subject. The noble lord in the course of his remarks reviewed the different alterations that had been made from time to time in the oaths administered to members of Parliament prior to their taking their seats, more particularly to the last, by which members of the Jewish religion were enabled to sit in the House of Commons. He concluded by introdueing a bill for the purpose of altering the forms of the oaths now in use. Earl GRANVILLE thought it imprudent to meddle with the present system without there was a prospect of such a proposed measure receiving the sanction of Parliament. The Earl of DERBY asked whether it was proposed to proceed with the bill this session. Lord STRATHEDEN said he did not intend to carry it further at present. The bill was then read a first time. DISTRIBUTION OF BENEFICES. Lord EBURY called the attention of the house to the distinction made by the Ecclesiastical Commissioners in the distribution of the Common Fund between benefices in public and in private patronage, and also for the purpose of moving the following resolution :—" That in the opinion of this house the necessity of the case and not the incidents of patronage should be their main consideration, or laid down by directing statute." The Earl of CHICHESTER defended the conduct of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, which, he alleged, was strictly in accordance with the provisions of the statute, and that it was, at the same time, not absolutely inao cordant with the spirit of the motion made by his noble friend. Lord PORTMAN said that the utmost vigilance of Par liament was required to watch over the proceedings of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners. (Hear, hear.) They had enormous property at their disposal. The greater the pro perty, the less ought to be the cost per cent of managing it. Yet the cost of managing the property in the hands of these Commissioners was perfectly exorbitant—something like 20 per cent. (Hear, hear.) He could not understand their accounts. They gave an enormous quantity of figures, but he could not, with the utmost attention, be sure of the re sults which he was led to deduce from their figures. He recommended his noble friend, however, not to press his motion, as he had received the assurance of the noble earl that the object of his resolution would be attended to. The Earl of HARROWBY said that the management of the estates in the hands of the Ecclesiastical Commis sioners cost only four per cent. per annum, and he did not think that any noble lord could manage his private property for less than four per cent., however large it might be. He assured his noble friend and the house that it was impossible to manage property more economically than the property held by the Ecclesiastical Commissioners. Lord EBURY withdrew his motion. THAMES EMBANKMENT BILL. This bill went through committee. AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE BILL. This bill was read a second time. PRISON MINISTERS BILL. The Duke of SOMERSET moved the third reading of this bill with certain amendments. After some debate, the bill, with fresh amendments, NM read a third time. BLEACHING AND DYEING WORKS ACT AMENDMENT BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. VOLUNTEERS BILL. Earl DE GREY and RIPON moved the second reading of this bill, the provisions of which he briefly explained. The report presented by the Royal Commissioners appointed last year pointed out that certain alterations in the law were necessary, and that the laws relating to and regulating the volunteer force should be consolidated, in order that volun teers should have the entire law referring to their force em bodied in one statute. The present bill was therefore merely a re-enactment and consolidation of the old volunteer laws. It was necessary that such an enactment should be passed now that there were some 160,000 volunteers embodied ; but it was not deemed necessary to make any important altera tion in the conditions of their service. In the first place, the bill altered the terms upon which the volunteer would be permitted to rank as efficient or effective. The old law laid down as a single condition the specific number of days on which attendance should be given at drill to constitute efficiency. Under the new bill power would be given to re gulate and define the details which should constitute effi ciency by order in Council. But, to provide sufficient pub. licity for the conditions thus dii ected, notice should be given to Parliament of those orders in Council. The bill next provided for the appointment and regulation of adminis trative battalions. With regard to one part of the volun teer force, the present law was very inadequate and ineffective. It was the insufficiently defined portion of adjutants and sergeant-instructors who were in the army, and who were drawing pay, but who were permitted to join the volunteer force for the purpose of instructing and rendering it effective. The simple mode of extending the Mutiny Act to those adjutants and sergeant-instruc tors was proposed by the bill. The measure also ex tended and facilitated the mode of providing land for rifle ranges and practice ground for volunteers. The Royal Commission had recommended that certain portions of the Government grant should be made available for the purpose of obtaining rifle ranges and practice grounds, and these recommendations had been attended to, and a plan founded upon them had been embodied in the bill. Some objections tad been raised against portions of the bill, which really embodied no new principle, being nothing more than re-enactments of old regulations. It would not be neces sary for him to go into any consideration of these portions at present, as the bill would be examined by detail in com mittee, and he would then be prepared to meet any objec tions that might be raised. He was happy to say that all the reports represented the volunteer force as being in a highly satisfactory condition. He believed that the system recommended by the Royal Commissioners would be found well calculated to place the force on a sound and permanent basis. It was not intended to be a substitute in any manner for the regular army. (Hear, hear.) But it could be made a most important auxiliary to the regular troops, and he hoped (I to see it become a permanently established force in b y e°ll utrY. (Hear, hear, hear,) The noble lord concluded uy.au s tg the second reading of the bill. .tike of RICHMOND would not at that period of the evenin g off„ any the bill, th e opposition to the second reading of more espeally as the noble earl had promised to meet all r ecommendation to be made for the improve ment of the ineate tre i, ec_t co he rs 3s mittee. But there was one clause to which he elaj gave power to the lord-lieutenant of f s c ounty t —the' —which any one's grounds he pleas ed , o mark out a rifle range over any defitution 0 ; did not know whether such the word " park " ap the noble earl had pended to the bill. He thowuegrhetenelosead definition would be that?orn completely. necessary, as some parks Viscount HARDINGE thought p i :7ble with the ought to be made acquainted as writas the volunteers provisions of the bill, and with the Order Council regu lating the conditions upon which volunteers would b eis : Th effective. He approved of the plan whereby p rof i ci Z e was to be establishe d b y Order in Council instead o f by Act Y of Parliament. Ha had always maintained that the legal conditions of attendance at drill were insufficient, the num_ ber of days required being too few. He approved of the 21st clause in the bill, which enable d commanding officers to dismiss volunteers, for unless they kept up the power of the comm anding officers, it would be quite impossible to main tain discipline. Courts of inquiry, at which no oaths could be administered, would be utterly impracticable. He ap proved of the bill. Viscount MELVILLE objected to both the 3.5.1 and the 21st clauses. He thought they ought both to be expunged from the bill. Lord TRURO, before the bill was read a second time, should express thanks, on behalf of himself and the volun teer force, to the Government for the great care with which the bill had been drawn up. He was perfectly assured that, on the whole, it would give the highest satisfaction to the volunteers. He disapproved, however, of the clause placing the adjutants and sergeant instructors under the Mutiny Act. Re feared that the volunteers would lose the services of a great many no obe valuable men under the operation of that clause, and _benefit could derived from having them brought I under the MatinyAct. With regard to the power of dismissal granted to commanding officers, if their lordships knew the difficulties by which commanding officers were surrounded they would not for a momont hesitate about giving them the power. The bill was then read a second time. REGIMENTAL DEBTS, &c., BILL. Earl DE GREY and RIPON moved the sA,,nd reading of this bill. LONDON COAL AND WINE DUTIES CONTINU- ANCE BILL. The report and amendments to this bill were received. LOCAL GOVERNMENT SUPPLEMENT BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS--Last Evening. The SPEAKER took the chair at the usual hour. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a third time :—Frieston Reclamation—Glasgow and South Western and Ayr and Maybole Junction Railways—Glasgow and South Western Railway—Lancaster Canal and London and North Wes tern Railway—Lynn and Sutton Bridge Railway—Scot. tish Central Railway and Dundee and Perth and Aberdeen Railway Junction Companies—Tamworth and Harrington Bridge Roads—South Yorkshire (Alteration, &c.) The following bills were read a second time :—Banff, Macduff, and Turiff Extension Railway—Banff, Fortsoy, and Strathisla Railway—Esk Valley—and West London Docks and Warehouses. The following bills were agreed to :—Norwich Poor— Skipton Gas—and Stourbridge Railway. _ - The following bills were considered and ordered to be read a third time :—Anglesey Central Railway—Buckley Railway—Launceston and South Devcn Railway—Yar mouth Gas—Newhaven Harbour and Ouse Lower Naviga- tion—Scottish North Eastern and Dundee and Arbroath Railway Companies Amalgamation—and Wakefield Ings Road. BONELLI'S ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH COM- PANY'S BILL. Mr. DOULTON moved that this bill be read a third time that day three months. Mr. POWELL seconded the motion. Mr. ADDERLEY supported the bill. Ultimately the bill was read a third time and passed. ROYAL COMMISSION. COL CLIFFORD, the Deputy Usher of the Black Rod, at 10 minutes atter 4, appeared at the table and summoned the speaker and the house to hear the royal assent given by commission to several bills. The SPEAKER returned at tweaty-five minutes after four. CITY OF LONDON TRAFFIC REGULATION BILL. Sir J. SHELLEY moved that standing order 185 be suspended, and the bill itself be referred to a select com mittee of 15, of whom 10 shall be nominated by the house, and five by the committee of selection. Alderman SALOMANS seconded the motion. Mr. CRAUFURD supported the reference of the bill to a committee, and hoped that no time would be lost in pass ing it into law during the present session, as proper powers for the regulation of the traffic of the City of London ought not to be longer delayed. Col. W. PATTEN contended that no case had been made out for taking this bill out of the ordinary course. Sir J. SHELLEY said he considered the bill so impor tant that he should divide the house on his motion. Sir G. GREY said this was an exceptional case, and it would be well to accede to the desire of the city in regard to the bill as expressed by their representatives. The house then divided on the motion, when there ap peared— Ayes 95 Noes .... Majority The motion was consequently lost. NEW WRIT-BERWICK-ON-TWEED. On the motion of Col. TAYLOR, the Clerk of the Crown was ordered to issue a new writ for the election of a burgess in the room of Charles William Gordon, deceased. METROPOLITAN RATES. On the motion of Mr. H. LEWIS, an address for return of amount or value of property added pursuant to the act 20 and 21 Vic. c. 64, in each parish in the Metropolitan Police district to their assessment for the police rate since the making of the last valuation acted upon in assessing the county rate; showing in columns the assessment of each parish to the last county rate; the increase for new houses or other buildings added yearly since that time ; the amount of abatement (if any) on account of houses or other buildings exempted from rating or for depreciation or non-occupation of property since the last county rate ; the amount in the pound directed to be levied, and the total amount received for police rate in each parish during the same years, and the amount contributed thereto from the consolidated fund, was agreed to. EAST INDIA (RELIGIOUS ENDOWMENTS), On the motion of Mr. KINNAIRD an address for copy of an act passed by the council of the Governor-General of India, "to enable the Government to divest itself of the management of re:igions endowments was agreed te. METROPOLITAN ELECTORS. On the motion of Mr, BAINES certain returns were ordered. THE STONE OF THE HOUSES OF PAR LIAMENT. In reply to Sir M. PETo, Mr. COWPER intimated that no compact was pending with Mr. Szerelmey to arrest the decay of the stone of the new Houses of Parliament. The contract was terminated in 1860. Sir J. SHELLEY inquired the result of the process. Mr. COWPER, said sufficient time had not elapsed to accurately teat the value of the application, but as far as it had gone it was favourable. THE ST. HELENA REGIMENT. Col. VANDELEUR asked the Under Secretary of State for War whether there was any intention of breaking up the St. Helena Regiment; and, in 'that case, how the offi cers and men were to be disposed of ? The Marquis of HARTINGTON replied that it was not intended immediately to disband this regiment, as both officers and men would be absorbed into other regiments. THE COURT-MARTIAL ON COL. CRAWLEY. Mr. CONINGHAM asked the Under Secretary of State for War, whether the court-martial about to be held upon Colonel Crawley, of the 6th Dragoons, and the consequent inquiry into the court-martial at Mhow upon Paymaster Smales, would take place in this country The Marquis of HARTINGTON replied in the affir mative. (Hear, hear.) Mr. BENTINCK asked if there was any precedent for the adoption of this course? The Marquis of H ARTINGTON could not say whether or no the course proposed to be adopted was in accordance to precedent, but the opinion of the Judge Advocate had been sought and he entirely approved of the course. (Hear, hear.) THE CASE OF SERGEANT-MAJOR LILLEY. Mr. CON INGHAM asked what steps had been taken with respect to granting a pension to thefather and mother of this unfortunate man. If not granted quickly it would be of no avail, as the poor people were in ill•health and aged. The Marquis of HARTINGTON replied that the rela tives would receive a communication in a few days. (Hear.) AGENTS OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT IN LEEDS. Mr. FERRAND asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he had received from the ma- gistrates or police of Leeds a report stating that agents o the Federal Government of America were recruiting in that town, and that the men were sent to the American Consul at Liverpool ; if so, whether he would place it and his reply upon the table of the house ? Sir G. GREY replied that papers giving information to this effect had been sent by the solicitors to the Treasury to the law officers of the Crown for their opinion. He could not, therefore, at present lay the papers on the table. COMMERCIAL TREATY WITH ITALY. In reply to Mr. BAINES, Mr. LAYARD replied that the gentleman entrusted to arrange a commercial treaty as with France had returned from Turin to seek information with respect to some details, and he believed that in a short time a satisfactory treaty would be amicably entered into. THE PURCHASE OF THE INTERNATIONAL EXHIBITION. In reply to Lord HOTHAM, Lord PALMERSTON replied that as the papers pro. mised would not be ready for a day or two, he should post pone his motion until Thursday week. But on Thursday he should bring on the important subject of fortifications. Lord ELCHO asked if the noble lord had any objections to lay on the table that part of the contract with Messrs. Kelk and Lucas, which related to the removal of the ma terials. Lord PALMERSTON said he was not prepared to reply to the question off hand. FLOGGING LADIES IN POLAND. Mt. LAYARD intimated that the Government had re ceived a communication from the Russian Government desiring them to inti ma t e th a t no suc h or der as that alleged for the flogging of ladies wearing mourning had been issued. At the same time he (the right hon. member) wished to state that the Government had received information of the Perpetration in Poland of many inhuman atrocities. (Hear.) _ _ _ Lord otyat PAIAILERSTO. NPOrlo,Brto D postpone the orders of the after the not Poland. tee of the m o ti on on th e a ff a i rs o f Mr, BEA:U(I4ONT ur ged the hon. member for King's immature whil st n e gotiations his motion, as it would be exceed inglyhouse was without the netiations were pending, and the Mr. co mi ng KlNGLA.E.Ejoitted papers. would be seriously prematu:zel. the opinion that that motion Lord ENFIELD expressed the like opinion. The house divided, when there appeared-- For the motion ........ Against .............. .................. 110 Majority .............................. 165 The motion was consequently lost. The n .. ---55 nmbers created some applause. Mr. HORSMAN deprecated the course adopted by th e house as without precedent, and full of inconvenience. The noble lord (Lord Palmerston), as the leader of the house, h a d made a compact with the hon. and learned member. Lord ENFIELD justified the course adopted as entirely parliamentary. Lord R. CECIL held that the noble lord was hound in honour not to proceed with any other motion until that of Poland was disposed of. (Hear, hear.) _ _ _ Mr. NEWDEGATE held that the house had adopted a proper course. That house must not degenerate into a mere debating club. It would have been wrong to debate the affairs of Poland to an issue whilst negotiations were pending. Mr. CONINGHAM characterised this as an attempt to crush an independent member. (Hear, hear.) When a Court job, like that of Kensington, was to be perpetrated, the Government and the house could easily find time for its discussion. (Murmurs.) Mr. BENTINCK concurred in the opinion that it was desirable not then to discuss the subject. He thought, however, it was the duty of the noble lord at the head of her Majesty's Government to relieve the house from the very awkward, nay painful, position it was placed in ; for it was hard to say what might be the consequences on their future proceedings if they could not place any reliance on arrangements entered into by the leader of that house. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord having pledged himself on a former occasion that the subject should be brought on that night, he was hound to give the earliest opportunity for its being brought forward. Lord K. MONTAGU also considered the noble lord was bound to give an early day for the discussion of the motion, and condemned the course pursued, which, he said, was one to govern by a minority. Mr. BEAUMONT said he appealed to the hon. member for the King's County on his own behalf, and without the instigation of any one. Believing the time to be inoppor tune, he spoke to the hon. member for Bridgwater, a few hours before the house met, on the subject, and he also named it to one or two other hon. gentlemen, and find ing their views coincided with his, he made the motion. Indeed, he had not made up his mind to take a division up to the time when it was called, believing that the hon. member for King's County would have answered the ap peal made to him. When similar appeals had been made he had seen hon: members rise and answer them, if they did not assent to them. (Hear.) Every member he spoke to on the subject told him he would be justified in pursuing the course he had, and they also agreed with him that there were ample grounds for adjourning the discussion. He con sidered himself flee to act as an independent member, what ever arrangements might have been come to by the hon. member and the noble lord at the head of the Government. Mr. PEACOCKE said that the compact entered into be. tween the hon. member for King's County and the noble lord was not binding on the house. (Hear.) He believed it was not the right time to bring the subject under discus sion. The Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs had stated that the Government had received information which con tradicted the statement that the Russian Government had ordered the use of the knout on Polish ladies who wore mourning ; and he wished to know on whose authority it was stated, as well as the addition he made to it, that the barbarities practised by the Russians warranted the truth of the rumour so in circulation. (Hear, hear.) • Mr. D. GRIFFITH hoped the house would not cen sure the Urder Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs for the information he had given in reference to Russia and Poland. Lord PA.LMERST ON—I wasentirely taken by surprise both with regard to the motion made and the decision come to on it by the house. The Government had no other desire than to return that courtesy to the hon, member for King's County which he showed to us on a former occasion when he postponed his motion, but of course it must be obvious to every person that no Government can answer for every member in the house. (Hear.) All we can do is to engage that those facilities in the conduct of business we are able to afford shall be accorded. I shall be quite ready, so far as I am concerned, to adopt the proposal of the noble lord (Lord R. Cecil) with regard to putting off the order of the day, and of allowing the hon. member for King's County to go on early in the evening with his motion ; but I must remind the house that there are many orders on the paper belonging to private members over which her Majesty's Government have no control; neither do I think that that course, if adopted, would be respectful to the majority who by their votes considered it was not advisable then to pro ceed with the motion. (Hear.) If I had thought any in jury weuld have arisen by the discussion, I should have told the hon. member so, and I feel certain, from the man ner in which he has hitherto discharged his public duties, that he would have at once yielded to that suggestion. (Hear.) I cannot say that such a discussion would have been injurious to the public service —(hear)--but the carry ing of either of the addresses would have been—(hear) — and I should have felt it my duty to-night, and shall when those motions are made, to oppose them; because I think they would render negotiations utterly impassible. (Hear, hear) As I presume the discussion will not take place to-night, I think it will be satisfactory to the house to know the substance of the communication that was sent on the 17th to Russia, with regard to the affairs of Poland (hear, hear)—and I may say, at the same time, that similar communications, in nearly identical terms, were made by France and Austria, and the three communications would in all probability reach St. Petersburg about the same time. We are ready to lay the despatch alluded to on the table, but it will, perhaps, be more courteous to Russia to give tbem a suitable time for replying to it before we do so. (Hear, hear.) There cannot, however, I think, be any impropriety in my now stating to the house the substance of the recommendations which we, in concert with France and Austria, have submitted for the consideration of the Russian Government. The suggestions comprise six points : I. First, a general and a complete amnesty—(hear, hear) ; secondly, national representation, upon the principle —as we recommend it—as established by Alexander I. in 1815, in virtue of the execution of the treaty of Vienna. The Austrian Government, however, propose to take some modified view of the subject, but our opinion is that, in order to satisfy the just expectation of the Polish nation, the Parliament should be elected on the footing of the char ter as granted by Alexander I. Thirdly, that Poles alone shall be appointed to public offices in regard to Polish ad ministration, such as will command the confidence of the Polish nation. Fourthly, that full liberty of conscience shall be given, and due protection to the religion of the people. (Hear.) Fifthly, that the Polish language shall be used on all public occasions, and in the education of the people. And, sixthly, a regular system of recruiting to be established, so as to prevent the recurrence of those pro ceedings which have given rise to the present disturbances. (Hear.) We have strongly urged, in addition, that there should be a cessation of hostilities, because our opinion is, that unless the mutual conflicts between the insurgents on the one hand and the Russian troops on the other are put an end to, negotiations cannot rest on any stable or,satis- Mctory foundation. The Austrian Government has not actually recommended it, but they have urged the Russian Government to a similar effect ; and I trust, when we lay that despatch upon the table, the house will be of opinion that her Majesty's Government have done everything in our power likely to be attended with success—(hear)—be cause it was of consequence in these matters that we should consider not what was desirable so much as what can be at tained. (Hear.) lam asked on what grounds my hon. friend the Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs has stated that General Mouravieff did not issue an order that ladies attired in mourning should be subjected to corporal suffer- ing ; and also on what ground he stated that other at trocities have been committed by the Russian soldiers. The first statement is founded on a telegraph communica tion forwarded at the desire of the Russian Government, who were anxious to have it contradicted. And the second statement was made on the authority of a despatch received by her Majesty's Government, and amongst ether things this transaction was reported—at a place not far from Wilna, a body of Polish insurgents, about 120 in num ber, were surrounded by a superior Russian force. They laid down their arms, and surrendered, and afterwards, by order of the commanding officer, who was referred to to know what was to be done, the Russian soldiers rushed on them with fixed bayonets and killed 40 on the spot, and 20 who were severely wounded died after in the hospital. (Sensation.) That statement was made amongst others on good authority, to which my hon. friend alluded, as an in stance of the barbarity of the Russians. (Hear,) At the same time truth compels me to say that we have also state ments of proceedings on both sides which make humanity shudder, the prevalence of which on both sides is a strong reason which induces us to urge on the Russian authorities the suspension of those hostilities which desolate the coun try, lay waste the produce of industry, and tend to an im- menso loss of life on both sides without any apparent result to either. (Hear.) That is the statement I have to make, and I hardly think there will be much use or that it will be respectful to the majority to press on the discussion to night, because those who were against its coming before the order, might carry the motion for adjournment, and there:. fore I shall feel it my duty to give the hon. member for King's County every facility for bringing it forward another night. When the division was called I expected to hear the hon. member for King's Ccunty rise in his place and say that he acquiesced or dissented to the request, but as he did not, I voted for him in accordance with my pledge to him, and it was not my fault that the motion has not been brought on. (El ear.) Mr.DISRAELI—The house is in some embarrassment, notwithstanding the observations of the noble lord. I am of opinion that this is not a convenient time for dis cussing this question ; but, the noble lord the leader of the house being of a different opinion, I cannot demur to the arrangement he has made. The noble lord has said that he expected to hear a statement from the hon. gentleman the member for King's County before the motion was put; but if the noble lord had risen after the third hon. member had spoken behind him, and at once have said that her Ma jesty's Government felt no inconvenience would arise from discussing. the Polish question, the division would not have taken place, and the house would not have been put in so difficult a position. (Hear.) If the house is placed in a dif ficulty, the Minister also ; for what security have we got, when he says that another opportunity shall be afforded of discussing the subject, that the noble lord's assurance will be enforced, when he might be defeated by his own sup porters ? (Hear.) After this point has arisen and been dis cussed the noble lord ; to my surprise, made a very impor totn..t,eermaunication to the house. He h as l a id gr eat stress tiles7w Which to R u s s i a o f a cessa ti on o f hostili ties, p loch Is no doubt greatly to be desired, not only for se of putti ng an en d to the mutual massacres o f which we hear so much, but as the b es t b as i s f or di p l om atic action; b u t I should likbe informed o f th e means Russia has for obt a i n i ng a cessation of hostilities from Poland. These propositions, if accepted, and if practicable, will only bring about a state of affairs similar to that which existed before, and which must be essentially considered of a very provisional character, though they do not seem to me to offer any solution of the great question. (Hear, hear.) There are only two great solut one to the question, the unityof the Rus sian empire, or the independence of Poland. (Hear.) These are two inflexible policies, and no doubt much might be said on both sides ; but the proposition of her Majesty's Govern. ment appears to me to take entirely the character of a mere diplomatic interference, which can never do anything. (Hear, hear.) I cannot say that the policy of her Majesty's Government has shadowed forth to-night is one at all dis • tinguished by its prescience, its sagacity, or that firmnes s which is calculated to lead to any satisfactory result. (Hear.) He mat be a very sanguine politician who can suppose that they will be accepted by Russia. They would only raise a phantom of Polish independence, which, in due course, must lead to that conjunction of circumstances such as have continued up to the present, and no solution of the state of affairs which so periodically disturbs Europe ap pears now to be indicated in the policy of her Majesty's Government. ( Hear, hear.) Mr. MONSELL asked the noble lord if the proposition had reference to Lithuania, Volhynia, and Podolia. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY considered the discussion un desirable at the present time. Mr. HENNESSY said he bowed to the decision of the house--and with reference to the proposition of the noble noble lord the member for Stamford he begged to say he had no desire to do anything opposed to the feeling of the majority of the house. Those who voted against him in the recent division did not differ from him in opinion on the Polish question. (Hear.) All, he believed, were anxious that something should be done for Poland, and he could not regard the division as at all bearing on the merits of the case. (Hear, hear.) He should accept the noble lord's offer, and bring the subject forward on Thursday. Mr. S. FITZGERALD was also of opinion that it would have been impolitic then to have discussed the motion, and he put several questions to the noble lord relative to Aus trian conduct in the negociation, and asked if he would lay on the table the despatch on which the Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs had that night made his statement. After some remarks from Mr. SCULLY and Mr. WYLD, Lord PALMERSTON said the general and complete amnesty was to apply to all who had been in arms in Poland, whether in Congress Poland or in the Upper Provinces' The other arrangements would only apply to the kingdom of Poland in relation to the treaty of Vienna. The six points her Majesty's Government bad proposed were prepared by Earl Russell, and agreed to by France and Austria, with a slight modification by Austria. Although he considered it his duty to state what her Majesty's Government had done, he did not think he ought to enter into detailed explana tions of communications by other Governments of which they were not officially in possession; but he might state that generally the communications of France and Austria were to the same effect as those forwarded by her Majesty's Government. Many other Governments had also made re presentations, but it would not be regular for him to go into that at present. He could not then give the hon. member for Bodmin an answer to his question relative to the ap pointment of a constitutional army officered by Poles. He thought it would be rather a stormy proposal to make to Russia. Mr. FORSTER said they were now in a different position to what they were when the division took place. He hoped the noble lord would name an early day for the discussion He hoped the hon. member would give a few days before he attempted to bring on a discussion. Mr. HENNESSY said he would be happy to do what was best upon the case ; and as it seemed to be the opinion of the house that the debate should not take place until the answer of the Russian Government was made known, he would bow to that wish. He supposed the Government would give him every facility for bringing the question on. The motion was then withdrawn. LONDON, &c., DIOCESES BILL. . , On the motion for going into committee on this bill, Mr. G. CUBITT called attention to the regulations which had been made in other diocesses, and expressed a hope that the present measure would not prejudice the dio cesan arrangements of the country generally. Sir G. GREY said the present bill would not in any way prejudice the general question. The bill passed through committee. MUTINY (EAST INDIA) ACT REPEAL BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. PASSENGERS ACT AMENDMENT BILL. The bill passed through committee, with some verbaj amendments. WALMER VESTING BILL. This bill was read a second time. THAMES EMBANKMENT (SOUTH SIDE) BILL, The house went into committee on this bill. Clauses 1 to 24 inclusive were agreed to without dis• cussion. On clause 25, Mr. COX proposed to have the sum of £480,000 substi tuted for £700,000; and he did so chiefly for the purpose of enabling the First Comraiisioner to state his opinion on the subject, the right hon. gentleman not having had an oppor tunity of doing so in the committee upstairs, on account of being chairman. Mr. TITE said the question lay within a narrow com pass. Neither sum would be wanted, and the only object in putting the sum of £700,000 in the clause was to give the Metropolitan Board of Works better borrowing powers. It was estimated that the coal and wine dues would realise £2,400,000 in the course of 20 years. Mr. COWPER said he had no objection to the amend ment of the hon. member for Finsbury, and he believed the present sum had got into the bill by mistake. He thought it right that the maximum borrowing power of the Metropolitan Board should be reduced to £480,000. Mr. DOULTON complained that the amendment of the hon.member for Finsbury should have been proposed with out notice ; and he thought if it were carried that it would interfere very much with the progress of metropolitan im provements. An Hox ME)IBER moved that the house be counted, but upon taking the numbers, 40 members having been found present, the motion failed. Mr. DOULTON resumed—The hon. member for Fins bury and the right hon. gentleman seemed to forget that a large sum would be realised from the sale of land conse quent upon the new street; and he thought it was not treating the Metropolitan Beard well to limit the sum in the manner proposed. Sir J. SHELLEY said at th 9 time of discussing the Thames Embankment Bill it was distinctly understood that no charge should be made upon the rates, but that the whole cost should be defrayed out of the coal and wine dues. He would support the amendment. The amendment was agreed to. Clauses 26, 27, and 28 were also agreed to. On clause 29, Mr. COX moved the omission of the clause, as both it and clause 30 gave very great powers to the Metropolitan Board. Mr. COWPER said the clause gave the rates to the Me tropolitan Board as a collateral security for the wine duties, but he wished it to be understood that he was not respon sible for the clause. Sir J. SHELLEY could not support the clause, as it was a departure from the original understanding that there should be no charge upon the metropolitan rates for the purposes of the embankment. Mr. DOULT ON supported the clause, the object of which was to confer easier borrowing powers upon the Metropoli tan Board. Mr. TITE defended the clause on the same ground. Lord R. CECIL hoped the clause would be maintained as it stood. He thought, in constructing a work of such magnitude, they should be cautious how they pressed upon the poorest of the community in the shape of an additional burden on the coal duties. After some further discussion, the clause was agreed to, as were the remaining clauses, and the bill passed through committee. The house resumed. PIER AND HARBOUR ORDERS CONFIRMATION BILL. On the motion that this bill as amended be considered, Mr. BASS moved that the bill be recommitted, witha view to the insertion of the provisional order respecting Rhyl. Mr. PAULL seconded the motion. After some discussion, the house divided — Ayes . 50 Noes ............ Majority The bill was then recommitted, and passed through com mittee. LAND DRAINAGE (PROVISIONAL ORDERS) BILL. The amendments to the bill were considered and agreed to. SIR ROBERT HITCHAM'S CHARITY BILL. This bill passed through committee after some amend• ments. RUTHIN CHARITIES BILL. This bill passed through committee with some amend , ments. LOCAL GOVERNMENT SUPPLEMENTAL (No. 2; BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. INCLOSURE (No. 2) BILL. This bill passed through committee. POOR REMOVAL (No. 2) BILL. _ _ The house went into committee on this bill. Or. clause 1, Mr, HENLEY objected that that was the first time it had been attempted to make a man and his wife atd twenty legitimate sons and daughters, if he had them, liable for the maintenance of a bastard child. He did not think that could be intended. He also objected to the removal clause. Mr, HERBERT said the clause was copied verbatim from the English Act. Mr. HENLEY—Then all I can say is that the English Act is very bad. Mr. C. TURNER objected to that portion of the clause which rendered a whole family liable to removal from Ireland to England because one member might have become liable, and moved an amendment embodying his objection. Mr. HARVEY LEWIS considered the amendment so reasonable that the committee could not hesitate to adopt it. Mr. H. HERBERT said his object was to assimilate the law of England and Ireland. He had adopted the law of England as applied to Ireland, to be applied by Ireland towards removals to England. The amendment would render the bill inoperative. After some discussion, in which Sir B. Leighton, Mr. Vivian, and Mr. I. Butt took part, Mr. VILLIERS said the right hon. gentleman had over looked the law of settlement. The question wa,, , not what advantages were to be conferred upon Ireland, or what evils were to be done to England, but simply what the law of settlement was. By the law of settlement, every child born in England had a settlement, unless it could be proved that such child had derived a settlement from its parents. And it was the consequences which followed from that law that were now complained of. He would support the clause, be lieving thatwhatever objections could be urged against it had still greater force if directed against the law as it now stood. He did not mean to say but that some few evils might here and there arise from the proposed clause; but at the same time nothing could be more proper than that the same law should exist both in Ireland and England. The right hon member for Oxfordshire seemed to thing that the proposed law was a bad one, but the objections which had been urged should rather be directed towards obtaining a change in the law of the two countries. He would support the clause. Mr. COLLINS thought the effect of the bill would be to give a great advantage to the children of Irish parents over those of English parents. Mr. M'MAHON thought it would be better to have a law of settlement in Ireland, as it would be a remedy for the fearful evictions which took place in that country. Mr. LOCKE deprecated the proposition of the hon. mem ber who spoke last, as, if there was one thing in Ireland which was worthy of imitation, it was the simplicity of its poor law. He would, therefore, support the clause, if for no other reason than that it might bring about an tion of the poor-law system in both countries. Sir H. BRUCE supported the clause as it stood, and was opposed to the introduction of the law of settlement in Ire land. The committee then divided— For the amendment 73 Against Majority Mr. HERBE EtT moved that the Chairman report pro gress, in order that he might consider what he would do with the bill. Mr. MaGUire urged the right hon. gentleman to aban don the bill, and complained of the decision to which the house had come. Mr. M`MAHON recommended that the bill should be proceeded with. Mr, HENNESSY hoped that it would not, and declared the English members, when dealing with the poor, had one law for England and another for Ireland. Sir B. LEIGHTON denied that it was so, and maintained that more leniency and consideration were shown to the Irish poor in England than to the English poor in Ireland. Mr. C. TURNER repeated the statement, and urged that it was impossible to establish identity between the two systems so long as the circumstances of the two countries remained so different. His whole desire was to do justice to both. Sir J. TROLLOPE remarked that the English law of settlement was that which pressed most heavily on the Irish poor, and not the law of removal. It was to the former, not the latter, that they should direct their attention. The motion was then agreed to, and the house resumed. Sir H. BRUCE obtained leave to introduce a bill relating to Prisons in Ireland, and the bill was read a first time. Lord RAYNHAM obtained leave to introduce the three following bills :—Bill to amend the Nuisances Removal Act for England, 1855, with respect to the seizure of diseased and unwholesome meat ; Bill to . prohibit Unqualified Per sons from the Practice of Midwifery; Bill for the Preven tion of Accidental Poisoning. The house then adjourned at half-past eleven. THE INSURRECTION IN POLAND. (F 1 oat the Special Correspondent of the Times.) GALICIAN-VOLIIYNIAN FRONTIER, June 11. The first act of the Polish insurrectio❑ in the Ruthenian provinces is at an end, and the fall of the curtain leaves the Polish insurgents in those regions in a very helpless state; or it may be said that the race between the Polish National Government and the Imperial Government of Russia for the goodwill of the Ruthenian peasant has been run, and has been won with ease by the latter. It is impossible to prove that companies of Russian soldiers did not, as has been said, pass over to the side of the insurgents during some one of the very unimportant encounters that have taken place in Volhynia, but I am sure that no Pole who has lived in Volhynia of late years will believe such an assertion, The Russian police at Moscow had only to tell the Moscow workmen, 18 months ago, that the students of the University were Poles, with bad intentions towards the Emperor, in order to get them beaten and wounded as the real Poles of Livonia were wounded the other day by the raskolnikt. Certainly the Russian soldiers do not love the Poles any more than the Russian workmen and peasants love them. If the Russian (Rossiani) or Ruthenian (Russini) peasants had been fighting on the side of the insur rection, it is just possible, though not at all likely that some Russian soldiers might have objected to fire upon the newly liberated serfs, who are claimed as brothers both by Russians and Poles, though they do not seem to feel that they have hitherto been treated as such on either side. But the peasant who is called Russian by the Russians and Ruthenian by the Poles, and who is accustomed to hear both names applied to him with perfect indifference, has shown that his sole wish is to be allowed to cultivate his garden in peace, and that, if his peace is disturbed, he is ready to take part with those who are most capable of restoring it. Now, in Polish poems and songs, the " Ruthenian" peasant (which, for conve nience, it is well to call him, in order to distinguish him from the peasant of Russia proper) may regret " old times" and the Poland of the past, and look forward with tope to the Poland of the future. But in reality he knows nothing about the Poland of the past, except that then, as until quite lately, and until the Law of Emancipation published by the Emperor Alexander came into force, he had to per form task work for the right of holding land, and could be beaten by the proprietor if he did not per form it properly. The fact that the Polish proprie tors in the local dietines, and their representatives in the national Diet, passed measures in 1791 for abolishing serfdom throughout Poland, and that the adoption of the constitution by which these mea sures were solemnly legalised was the signal for the second dismemberment of the country,—this impor tant fact cannot be known to peasants who for the most part are unable to read, and who are not al lowed to receive instruction of any kind except in the Russian language, and from teachers appointed by the Russian Government. I know several in stances of proprietors both in the Ruthenian pro vinces and in the kingdom getting into trouble for having formed evening classes for their servants and peasants without the permission of the officials. In the Kingdom, however, permission to establish Polish schools may be obtained under certain con ditions—the first of which is that the teacher shall not be chosen by the person to whom the school belongs. In Volhynia, Podolia, and the Ukraine, Polish schools cannot be formed under any cir cumstances, and a friend of mine residing in one of these provinces has now an action pending against him because he employed a Polish master to teach his own domestic servants to read out of Polish spellingbooks. What must the feeling of dependents be who find that their superiors do not enjoy the smallest liberty of action, and that they are at the mercy of the first petty official or spy who likes to inform against them and get them punished, even for per forming the most meritorious deeds? Those de pendents who have been personally in contact with the proprietors feel for them—and for themselves— and have proved their readiness to fight on their behalf; but this sympathy seems to be confined to the house servants and to the stewards, forest keepers, and other persons occupying responsible positions on the estates. The peasants appear only to consider that the Czar is omnipotent, and that their proprietor is as much his slave as they arc, though not so loyal a one. As to the emancipation question in modern times, the peasants have not been told that the Polish pro prietors were the first to respond to the appeal for adhesion and co-operation made by the Emperor to the nobility of the Russian Empire, when the project of emancipation was first announced, and that her Majesty publicly thanked them for their support, when he had nothing but reproaches to address to the nobility of Moscow. On the con trary, they are taught to believe that for the long-continued evils of serfdom they have only to thank the proprietors, and that for the re cent improvement in their condition they are in debted solely to the Emperor. The Sovereign who to the Polish nobility is a tyrant, is regarded by the Ruthenian peasantry as a liberator, and it is not likely that the latter will ever be induced to take up arms against him. The Poles know that the peasants of Galicia have the highest veneration for the Emperor of Austria, that in the purely Polish, as well as in the Ruthenian half of the province, they have forgotten their own name, and no longer call themselves Poles, but "Imperialists," and that even now, when there is no insurrection in Galicia, they arrest insurgents on their way to the Kingdom and to Volhynia. Why, then, should they imagine that the Ruthenians of Volhynia and Podolia, after 70 years' contact with Russia, are better Poles than the Galicians P The Russians are, at least, of kin dred race, and have nearly the same customs and mode of life as the Ruthenians, and bring with them a language which the Ruthenian peasantry can understand up to a certain point—beyond which no language would be very intelligible to them ; whereas the German soldiers and officials of Austria speak a tongue of which the Ruthenian and Polish peasants of Galicia can make nothing, and which they hold in abhorrence. At the present moment, although all the civilisation of the Ruthenian pro vinces is Polish, the Ruthenian peasantry, who as serfs never can have had any feeling of indepen dence, are as much like Russians as they can well be. It is not flattering to them to say so, nor is it any compliment to the Russians either. To say that soldiers behave like Ruthenian peasantry, or Ruthenian peasantry like Russian soldiers, comes to about the same thing. Without discipline, and excited and stimulated to violence and plunder, soldiers and peasants behave in Russia and Poland as they behaved in Spain during the war of inde pendence, and in France during the revolution, and as under the same circumstances they would behave almost everywhere. The worst and most unpar donable criminals are the Generals and officials who tolerate the excesses committed under their eyes, and who in many instances have even provoked and directed them. For some time past the unhappy rustics who till the ground in Volhynia, Podolia, and the Ukraine, and who resemble the peasants of Polish romance about as much as the peasants in Balzac's Scenes de la vie de champagne are like those of Watteau's pic tures, have been objects of great interest to Russian and Polish publicists. How proud, how much " too happy" they would be if they only knew what beautiful articles have been written about them They have been proved on ethnological principles to be Russians and on historical principles to be Poles, and the contrary and also the converse ; but they have not been consulted personally as to their notion of patria, and, judging them by their late actions, it seems to me that they may fairly be described as an uncivilised race, without patriotic ideas, and set tled upon land which until the end of the last cen tury formed part of Poland, but for the last 70 years has belonged to Russia. For the sympathy of this race a battle has been fought, and if the comparison be not too trivial it may be said that the struggle between the Russians and Poles to get hold of the Ruthenian peasant has been very like a contest be tween two rival omnibus conductors to gain posses sion of a gaping countryman who does not quite know where either of them is going, but is assured by both that he has only to jump in and it will be all right, If in such cases the countryman mistrusts both his would-be benefactors, but finally allows himself to be carried away by the strongest, he does just what, according to the Poles, the Ruthenian peasant has done in the three south-eastern pro vinces of ancient Poland. The peasant has received offers from Poland and offers from Russia ; but Rus sia has shown herself the most pressing and the most powerful, and Russia has carried him off. Another view of the matter is that the Ruthenian peasant does not dislike the Russians and very much dislikes the Poles. I know that he ought to hate the Russians—first, for partitioning his country ; and, secondly, for forcing him to change his religion. But, perhaps, he knows nothing about the partitions; and while some of the Ruthe nians never left the Eastern Church at all, others were forced to rejoin it as long ago as at the end of the last century ; others again 30 y ears since, and very few, indeed, at a time so recent as to have left any bitter recollections in their breast as to the manner in which the change was brought about. If, moreover, these Ruthenians have such long me mories, they may have preserved the tradition of the union with Rome forced upon them by bishops at the end of the 16th and beginning of the 17th centuries ; but it is to be presumed that they do not see or feel any very great difference between the Greek Church of Russia and the Greek United Church, or they would not allow themselves to be driven so easily, with or without sticks, from one to the other. In the 15th century they had nothing to du with Rome; in the 16th and 17th centuries they were united to Rome ; in the 18th and 19th they were disunited from Rome, and the last who were separated (during the reign of the present Emperor) were not separated by brute force, though not without threats that force if necessary would be employed. The Cossacks were too faithful and too independent to be compelled, even by the severest measures, to change their religion ; and no one in the present day can imagine a village of Irish Catholics being turned into Protestants, or of Scotch Protestants being turned into Catholics, by any amount of ill treatment. In short, it may be said that the Ruthenian peasant knows nothing about the pest glories of Poland, nothing about the inten tion which the Poles of the last century certainly entertained of emancipating him, and little if any thing about having been forced to change his eeli giou either lately or upwards of two centuries and a half ago. On the other hand, he knows that the Emperor of Russia is his Emperor, that the Russian priests are his priests, and that the landed proprie tors whom he has been taught to hate, and whom for a long series of years he has, perhaps, not had any particular reason for liking, are Poles. The Poles say that the Ruthenian peasant has proved in Volhynia that he will side with the Poles where the Poles arc strongest, and where the Rus sians are strongest with the Russians. This, how ever, is not precisely the case. He does not attack the Poles when he has no chance against them, and he may, even with the cunning of his class, pretend under such circumstances, to be well disposed to wards them ; but as . soon as the Russian troops have arrived he has always joined them, and has even welcomed them as protectors. One of my in formants on this point (not a Russian, or in such a matter I should not quote his evidence) saw the wives of the peasants in the neighbourhoed of Sla wuta bring out food and drink to the soldiers who had arrived to attack the insurgents. The peasants assisted the soldiers voluntarily, helped to capture the Poles after they had been routed, chased them like wild beasts in the woods, maltreated even those who were wounded, and buried one alive—a feat which has since been multiplied by three, and at tributed to the Russian soldiers, who have quite enough to answer without that. I heard it said in Cracow and Lemburg that Prince Roman Sangus zko, himself buried alive in Siberia during all his youth, had written to St. Petersburg to demand an investigation as to the alleged burial of wounded but living prisoners by Russian soldiers, To believe this, however, it would be necessary to believe that the atrocities committed at Siawuta were really the work of the Russians, and several who were in a likely position to know the truth, as far as the truth can be known, about what took place in the middle of a wood, away from all obser vers exce pt th ose speciallyinterested in keeping the :proceedings secret, assure me that such was not the case, and that in this particular instance the savages who wounded and tortured unresisting Poles were the Ruthenian peasantry of the place. All regular fighting is at an end, but the peasants have been armed, and they are ordered to arrest and search every man or woman whom they may suspect of carrying arms or ammunition. " When I found that, the peasants were empowered to lift up my wife's crinoline," remarks a gentleman escaping from actual to possible barbarism (for only a few weeks ago the peasants had the same instructions in Galicia as in Volhynia), " I thought it was time for us to start. I took all the money Icouldcoli lect and all the plate, and shall g o back when hear of an armed intervention. The Polish National Government must have known all along that the su pport of the Ruthenian i peasants of the Greek Church n the provinces in corporated with the Russian Empire was not to be count e d upon nearly so much as that of the Polish peasants of the Roma n Church in the " Kingd om ;" and the patriotism even of the latter has not shown itself very flourishing—patriotism being, in deed, a kind of plant which cannot be grown and forced at a few weeks' notice to serve a pressing want, but must be allowed to spring up of itself under a variety of favourable circumstances which have never existed for the peasant in Poland. In Russia patriotism is replaced by a feeling of deep veneration and devotion for the Czar. This senti ment, for practical purposes, is a good substitute for the other, and at least makes the Russian peasant ready to sacrifice himself for his country, of which the Czar is the personification. The enemies of the Czar are his enemies, whereas the enemies mad de stroyers of Poland are regarded by the Polish pea sant either with indifference or, as in Galicia and in part, if not the whole, of Ruthenia, with absolute devotion, akin to that felt by the Russian peasant towards the Power which for centuries has " up held" his native land. In one district in Volhynia in which the insut rection made its appearance, and in. which the insurgents " took" a town—that is to say, they entered it when there were no Russian soldiers there—the peasants complained bitterly that the in surgents had removed their portrait of the Emperor from the " Chancellery of the Volost " (a " volost being a group of villages), and made a target of it. I do not know whether they felt the indignity offered to their Sovereign—and we should only de ceive ourselves if we were to imagine that they doubt for one moment the legitimacy of his way — but they at least regretted their picture, and one of them said within the hearing of a friend of mine, " They make all sorts of promises, and the first thing we see them do is to destroy our property." Of course the Poles had no wish or thought of de stroying the property of the peasants, but they know that is what the Russians desire the peasants to believe concerning them, and they must have been mad to commit an aspect of truth. The insur gents take from the peasants a real picture on a gilt frame, and all they give them in return is a docu ment in gold letters proceeding from the Polish National Government, and conferring upon them as a free gift all the lands for which they have hitherto had to perfcrm taskwork. When one of these " golden charters" was read to an assembly of pea sants, and the reading produced but little effect, they were asked whether they were not the friends of the Poles, to which ►hey replied with oracular ambiguity, that " they were the friends of all who wished them well." I should have been glad to find, but cannot discover, that their love for Poland was expressed anywhere, even in words, in any warmer manner than this. In a village in Vol hynia, where 200 Catholic peasants had positively promised to join the insurrection, they observed, at the last moment, with remarkable dullness and want of patriotism, but also, these deficiencies being admitted, with characteristic common sense, that if the Russians attacked them they should know how to defend themselues, bat that if the Russians did not attack them they would rather not fight. After the defeat of the insurgents the peasants in one place, to my certain knowledge, took their " golden charters" to the Russian officials and de livered them up. I do not see how matter-of-fact peasants can attach value to them anywhere, con sidering that the persons who gave them out had to disappear as soon as the troops of the regular Go vernment came up in any force. The insurgents fought with great bravery, according to the well known habit of the Po:es ; but they knew that they were going to certain destruction unless they were supported by the long-expected army from Galicia, and the grand entry from Galicia into Volhynia was not effected, and has not yet taken place, though it is looked forward to from day to day. JUNE 14. A communication from the neighbourhood of Zytomirz says that all is quiet for the present in Volhynia, except here and there where outrages of various kinds are committed by the peasantsformed. by the Government into bodies of freebooters. Some of the peasants are armed with muskets and fowl ing pieces taken from the insurgents. The others carry sithes, so that the Russians have now their kossynicre as well as the Poles. The last news is that in the vicinity of Zaslaw a Russian official had been arrested and made prisoner by the peasantry_ For this achievement 10 of the captors received 150 lashes each to teach them not to arrest the wrong person another time. If love, not fear, were the chief actuating feeling of the Volhynian peasant, such conduct as this on the part of the Russian Government might turn him against it. In the woods about Slawuta bodies covered with wounds and stripped entirely naked are being picked up from time to time ; and a Hebrew gentleman from Brody, the capital of Polish Judea, assures me that the peasants who arrest and mal treat the proprietors, and murder helpless insur gents, are very anxious to get up a massacre of Jews. It is certain that in one district of Volhynia the peasants said to the officials, " We know how to act towards the nobility, but what are the Jews to have ?" and they afterwards begged hard to be allowed to treat them as they might think fit, " if only for a couple of hours." I have just seen a number of captive Poles in carts driven by Ruthenian peasants, who made a swoop upon the insurgents last night as they were crossing the frontier, and took 21 of them to the nearest Austrian post. It se happens that these amiable and highly civilised, highly patriotic Slavonians of Polish Ruthenia gave up their prisoners to men of the accursed Finnish race. The soldiers into whose hands they fell are Hungarians, and treat them kindly, and the pro prietor of the caravanserai from which I write—who I don't think has studied either Duchinski or Lele wel, but is a better Pole than many who have — says, pointing to the Hungarians, "These are good, honest men ; they would not injure a Pole willingly, and we must give them cigars ;" and, pointing to the Ruthenians, " Those Greek peasants are beasts, they deliver up their own countrymen." The Poles were not wounded, but were driven off smoking familiarly and endeavouring to converse with their Hungarian escort. Yesterday, again, at about 15 'miles' distance from my present quarters, I saw three Hungarian hussars in the custody of a dozen Austrian infantry, who were marching in the direction of the nearest town. These hussars had been called out, with many others, to assist the peasants in capturing 12 carts containing arms, ammunition, and uniforms, and on arriving at the spot where the carts stood, surrounded and guarded by Ruthenian " neutrals," who had already put their Polish brethren to flight, they gave a proof of neutrality after their fashion,--- that is to say, they rushed at the peasants and ad ministered to them such a beating with the flat of the sabre as to make them howl and run ; after which 10 of the carts were taken quietly across the frontier. Two only, containing boots and caps, were brought back in solemn triumph to the Austrian post. Of course, the peasants complained ; of course, there was an inquiry into the affair ; and of course , some of the offenders had to be arrested, though it is said that the three who have been made prisoners were not more guilty than the rest of their coin' rades. Births. BREND.—On the 20th inst., at Weldon Lodge, Sydenham, the wife of F. W. Brind, Esq., of a sou. BLUMBERG.—On the 22d inst., at 4, Ladbroke-square, Bayswater, the wife of George F. Blumberg, Esq., of a daughter. Marriages. BRETON—SLADE.—On the 20th inst., at Saint Mary'gs Brompton Alexander Gordon, youngest son of the Rev. Edward Ireton, rector of Charmouth, Dorset, to Florence Barbara, youngest daughter of Sir Frederic Slade, Bart., Q.C., 46, Onslow-square. G oon soN—PEACOCK. — Ont u h n e ge 2 s O t thinst., at Denston , Suffolk, Mr. W illiam G oodson, of the Burton Hotel, To Ch e apside, to Kate, thedaughter of Mr. Geo. Peacock, late of Stansfield, Suffolk, Deaths. DOSSETOR.—On the 21st inst., Thomas Dossetor, Esq. , of the Poultry, London, aged 76. GoLDING.--On the 21st inst., at his residence, 13oltons, West Bronapton, Benjamin Golding, MD., aged 69. HAN LE l —Os., n q th a e g 2 e o d 56 thin . st., at Highbury,William Lucag Hanley, SNELLING.—On the 20th inst., at Havant, Hants, Win' Snelling, Esq., aged 66. STONE,—On the 20th inst., at Streatly House, Berke, Henry Stone, Esq., aged 64. London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM AN of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE SUN Office, NO- 11 '"; Strand, in the Precinct of the 3avoy, in the County °' 114141emex.— Tuesday : June 23, isfa THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 23, 1863.