The Sun. — London, England, 1830-02-08 00:00:00

lj VA S non to SO' be fo r tb° jell erne d $ liriam f luis e defi tb ~ is a Ole o re ° C Of onif s pood' of _i° f ro blob lot er _. find r ; danc e ' IA lI I° ing deHiP• 1 11 qes led °0 .T e n e t iter / is IA aW S !, P With ed l o dge' i s tog s a 101 ror s' % 1. ir . S 5 re hs° ill ° INDIA AND CHINA TRADE. abou t a wild as leo ut 2i' abou t lqUe 6l or the 901.5 Lr3nce ; with y well E , irdar erted put?' r IS PUBLIC MEETING AT LEEDS, ON THE _ On Saturday a most respectable and numerous meeting of the Merchants, Manufacturers, and other inhabitants of the town of Leeds, convened by the Mayor, was held in the Court-house, at Leeds, " to consider of the propriety of petitioning bosh Houses of Parliament for a free trade between Great Britain, the East Indies, and China, and for permission to trade and settle in the interior of India on the ap proaching termination of the Ci,ai ter of the East India Company." CHRISTOPHER. BECKETT, Esq. the Mayor, in the Chair. Mr. GOTT said, that it appeared to him so rea sonable that a country entirely under the controul of our own ( ;overnment, should be open to the British merchant fur all purposes of commerce, that there were the strongest reasons for our asking to enjoy those privileges which, had for a long series of years been kept from us. The East Indies offered a most extensive market for British manufactures, and there was a large field for the investment of British ca pital in the interior of India. But it was not likely they should easily obtain access to the interior of I id'a without unanimity on the part of the mer cants end manufacturers of this country in demand ing it : for one of the Governors of India (Sir John Malcolm) had de'lared that it was a funds mental principle of the East India Company to ex clude colonization. If that rule was followed up, we should just be as ignorant of India a hundred years hence as we were to-day. I believe the Directors are men of great wisdom and experience, and that the persons appointed to administer justice in India are men of honour and integrity ; but in order to secure all the advantages of intercourse with India, to pro mote the civilization of the country, and to give them examples of the Christian religion, we must be admitted to a system of colonization, and to a • free interchange of their produce for our manufac tures, from which we are at present debarred. It was the same with respect to China. It was a very extraordinary circumstance that we were only al lowed to have access to that country through the medium of a single body of merchants. I think it very reasonable, at a time like this, that we should strongly urge that the trade with China should be open to the merchants and manufactnrers of Great Britain generally. The trade has been highly ad vantageous to the Americans, and also to this coun try. I can certainly speak to the fact, that the opening of that trade would tend to extend the ma nufactures of this part of the country. Woollens have been sent th ere f rom Y or k s hi re in 1825 and 1 826, and since then in large quantities: within these few weeks many thousand pounds have been distributed amongst the manufacturers of this neigh bourhood for goods preparing for the Chinese market. I have been well informed that that trade could be increased very extensively, if it were thrown open to private traders. Therefore it is that we apply to participate in the trade of the East India Company ; —we do not seek to meddle with their territorial manage ment, but we ask to be allowed to parti pate in the commerce of India. The advantage which had accrued from the partial opening of the trade to India might lead us to expect an equal ad vantage from opening that to China. He should •now quote to them the language of Lord King, as reported in the papers that morning, in which he entirely concurred :—" that by the exclusive privi lege of navigation and trade to China conferred on the East India Company, the whole supply of tea consumed in the united kingdom is placed at the discretion of a single company of traders. Mo nopoly in this, as in every similar instance, has pro duced its usual consequences: the price of tea is greatly increased, as compared with the price of the same article in the free markets of Europe and America; the quantity imported is limited by the narrow views of obtaining a large profit on a small supply entertained by the monopolist company. The British manufactures suited to the Chinese markets are consequently exported in much smaller amount, and the public thus suffers in the increased price of tea, in the diminished demand for home manufactures, and in the exclusion from all navi , gatien and trade to one of the greatest markets in the world." The resolutions which he should have the honour to propose, and on which a petition would be grounded, contained very much the gene ral subject. Eight of the resolutions bore on the ' same point, and he should think it well to put them together, unless any gentleman wished that they should be put separately. He then read the fol lowing resolutions : " 1. That the trade of Great Britain with the East Indies and China is of great importance to this country, as affording most extensive markets for the products of British industry, and supplying to our own population many articles of general consumption or of essential use in our manufactures ; that, extensive as the trade now is, there is good reason to believe that it is capable of being . much further extended, both from the vast population of India and China, and frotn the very rapid increase of the trade since it has been partially opened to private traders. " 2. That until the year 1814, the trade between Great Britain and all the countries east of the Cape of Good Hope teasteas monopolized by th e E ast India Company ; that since that time private merchants have been allowed to trade to Calcutta, Madras, Bombay, and P n the free po r t o f Si ngapore ; but that the East patsy still ret a i ns an absolute monopoly of en t a h l e n g t 1 t i r a a a n C:r t t :- China, aid the power of preventing any Englishman from residing in India, or trading or holding lands in the inte rior of that country. " 3. That under the monopoly of the East India Com pany, the trade suffered a great decline between the years 1794 and 1814 ; the exports from Great Britain to India and China having been of the official value of 2,924,8291. at the former period, and only 1 699,125/. at the latter period : t h at as soon as the trade to India was partially thrown open on the last renewal of the East India Coin pr:r aant the y s 'sC harter, the t ra d e b egan t o i ncrease rap idl y, an d exports o f t h e year 182 8 exceeded those of 1814 to the l'll9l., those of 1814 havin g been, accordin g declared value, 1,691,234/, and those of 1828, 5,212,3531. " 4. Such havin g been the unfavourable results of th e East India Company's monopoly, and such the signal ad vantages o f a Partial opening of the trade with India, there ere the s t rongest grounds for believing that the abolition tall restri c ti ons on the trade between Great Britain, the xt t Indies, and Chi na , wo u ld b e f o ll owe d by a very grea t cation o f the trade, and by a vastly increased demand for British manufactures." giro 5 . That not only would a free trade to the East a great stimulus to British industry, by affording an lacreas d _, article e end for its productions, but it would also e nable the peopl e o f thi s coun t r y t o o bt a i n th e important of tea at a much cheaper rate than they do at Present ; the price of teas being now much higher at the sale s of th e East India Company than in the markets of Holland, Flanders, and the United States : that by the Wholesome competition of private traders, a very great t , e duction has t a k en p l ace s i nce t h e year 1814 t o th e British consumer in the price of many articles of Indian Produce, and that a similar reduction in the price of the ne w monopolized articles of China produce may be ex- Pected if the trade to that country should be thrown open. " 6. That the employment of British skill and capital In the i nterior of India would rapidly improve the agricul ture of that country, as appears certain from the extraor th:euecess that has attended the cultivation of indigo that--- by Europeans ; that there is every reason to believe the cotton wool and raw silk of India, which are now i nfe i lior to the cotton of the United States and the silk of th b :7l are only so from the want of proper cultivation: and t . t these ar ti c l es , as we ll as man y others, by the applies t°ll °f En glish capital and skill , m i g ht be extensivel y cul ,ated in I n di a , t o t h e i nca l cu l a bl e a d van tag e of the people , that country and to the proportionable benefit of the ma nufactures of Great Britain, the sale of which in India u ' - note only limited by the want of returns. 4 , 7 . That the free residence of Englishmen in India 'eti quid, i n a ll pro b a bili ty , b e pro d uct i ve o f grea t moral and glens advantages to the population of that country. kv i .` 8. That the charter of the East India Company was i tr °l ‘ . edly granted and continued by the legislature on the iki"!' 111 1 of its being conducive to the general interest of his Otaty's subj ec t s , as well as to that of the individuals S . pi T i , compose this company ; that the commercial mono -1 l i granted to the Company is now no longer a benefit f'" , en injury to the nation, and that its abolition is there 0t r equired t ,ered by the interests of his Majesty's subjects, both 1.1 "United Kingdom and in India." 41. 11 . ad neglected to say that it had been alleged l "41w' demand for British woollen cloths for the market of China had decreased in consequence of their being raised in price. Since 1821, however, they had decreased in price, and now they were cheaper and bet ter than at any former period. An • increased demand for !hem might, therefore, be ex pected. It had been said that the Chinese market had been glutted, that things were going wrong, and so on : he had the best reason to say that it was not likely the market should be glutted, when orders were regularly coming to be executed by regular merchants. This proved that there was not an ex cess in quantity, and that the trade was not a losing one to the parties interested. Mr. MARSHALL—I think it can hardly be neces sary to say much in support of the resolutions which have just been proposed to you, so much do I think that they carry with them the sense of this Meeting, and so well grounded do they appear to me to be. I may, perhaps, however, be permitted to dram the attention of this Meeting to the change that has taken place in the character of the East India Com pany since they were first incorporated, and to the change which has also taken place in all other circumstances.— The East India Company, when first emborEed, were a company of merchants, having the exclusive right of trading to the Eastern World. They soon found it neces sary to have trading factories on the shores of India, and presently lands were required too. It was not long ere they changed their trading ports into the capitals of large provinces, till, by degrees, all India acknowledged their sway ; and, in addition to their character of traders, they have become the Governors of 70,000,000 or 80,000,000 of people, with a territorial revenue greater than that of most European nations.—( Hear, hear.)—l need not point out to you that such a body of men is not likely to carry on trade advantageously and profitably,—to look with that anxious and examining eye into all the details of business on which its success at all times depends, and still more than ever at the present time.—(Applause.)—The Legis lature thought so too, and at the last renewal of the Char ter, the private merchants were allowed to trade between England and India under certain restrictions. We all know the consequence; the trade between the two coun tries has been immensely extended, and I believe hasbeen conducted by the private trader in a manner every way free from all objection. We now claim that, as a matter of policy, as a matter of general advantage to the country, these restrictions may be altogether removed. We ask it also as a matter of right. Monopoly and exclusive rights or advantages are the exception, not the rule. The rule surely is, that in this country a man shall do what he will with his property, in trade as well as otherwise, so that he do not commit an in jury upon his neighbour or upon his country.— (Loud cheers.)—The Legislature thought proper to suspend this right for a time, and to grant a monopoly to a company of merchants to trade to India end China; but the right of the individual merchant still continues—it is unalienable. He may with justice say, that it is incum bent upon the Company, when next petitioning for a re newal of their monopoly, to show to the legislature that it would he disadvantageous to the country to allow a free intercourse between this country and the countries of the East. They should be required to bring, not bare sur mises and suppositions, but facts, such as will carry con viction to every mind.—(Cheers.)-- In another most im portant point, we urge a material alteration in the next charter to he granted to the East India Company. We ask that Englishmen shall be allowed to settle in India, and to hold land ; in fact, that India may, in this respect, be viewed as our other colonies.—(Cheers.)—lt is stated, in opposition to this, that the Hindoos are a peculiar people, and that the unrestricted residence and settlement of all descriptions of our countrymen might disgust them, and might weaken their attachtm nt, or at any rate their submission, to the government of the Company. These fears seem much overstrained ; but supposing there were some truth in them, are we not to link at all the benefits which India would derive from the settlement of Englishmen ? Would the enterprise and skill of our coun trymen be lost upon the Hindoo? Would all the habits of civilized life he forgotten by the settler when he took up his abode in India? Would he forget to value the se curity of property, or be less alive to the. necessity of giving obedience to the laws; and would he not exert all his influence, even for his own sake, to enlist the Hin doo into similar habits? In point of fact, has the ex ample of our habits, and laws, and education, been lost upon the inhabitants of those small districts where they have been at all pat in practice ? Far from it ; they are highly valued.—(Applause.)—Whom is it that the natives have chiefly seen in the interior of India?-Our army, our justices of the peace, and our tax-gatherers, —some of them personages who have net always the meet winning ways with them, especially in a country which feels and knows itself to be a conquered country. It is hard to believe that the peaceful trader or settler would act more harshly than these have done. The settlers in India would chiefly be of the better class, and these would feel it their interest, more strongly than the Company's servants can do, to perform all the duties of society to the natives as well as to the Government.—(Cheers.)—B u t we are well con vinced that free settlers, besides the great benefits they would in other ways render to India,would also:much improve the quality and increase the quantify of those products which India has to offerus in return for our manufactures. The facts respecting the cultivation of indigo have proved it. British skill has placed the indigo of India the first in. quality on the scale, and the amount exported has been large beyond all that could have been hoped. What might not be done with cotton, sugar, and tobacco ? We might even ask, what might not British skill do in foster ing the production of tea in India?—(Clear, hear.) — There is sonic province in that vast territory, surely that possesses a climate and a soil for the cultivation of tea; and it is not, perhaps, too much to entertain the hope that we may some time see the enterprise of our countrymen surpass the Chinese even in the cultivation of tea.—(Ap plause.)—But if danger be really apprehended by the free settlement of Englishmen, let the law be made strong, and let the hand of the Executive that administers it be strong, and prompt to its aim; but arm it with no arbi trary power.—(Applause.)—Let us remember how that most despotic power, Russia, treats her conquered pro vinces. She throws open—wide open—all the channels of communication between her old territory and her new acquisition. But this does not satisfy her; she courts the settlement of all foreigners, from every civilized country, within her dominions ; and wisely too, for she finds in this system the welfare and the advantage of her subjects. Peter the Great did not live in vain fur his country. Our resolutions urge also for the free-trader a fair share, in open competition with the East India Company, in the trade to China. As in the trade to India, the free-trader claims it as a right, unless the East India Company can make it appear to the Legislature that he would not be able to enter into the trade without doing an injury to our con nexion with China. But we find the Americans and others can carry on trade at Canton in the capacity of private merchants, without finding it at all necessary to have a China trade company with exclusive privileges of trade. And we may well doubt whether the American trader be not looked on with a less jealous eye by . the in habitants of the celestial empire than our own East Leslie Company.—(Hear.)—They know the East India Com pany as trailers in tea certainly, but it is in armed vessels that they enter the port of Canton. They know them, too, as a supreme Government, and yet they see them enter their port as traders in merchandize : they know them u the conquerors of Hindoostan,—they have seen them originally a company of humble merchants, driving their trade between England and the shores of India, — they see them now exercise controul over 70,000,000 or 80,000,000 of people. Even lately they have seen this merchant company subtitle and overrun their neighbonriug State—(Hear)—the Birman empire, which had defied and defeated their own arms. The Chinese have seen us add territory to territory, and they may well entertain a jea lousy of the mighty merchant company, which would probably not be felt towards a private trader. They might even in time open to as one or two more ports in their extensive empire. We have seen how much the private trailer has surpassed the cotnpany in the trade to India, and we may fairly expect the same result under similar circumstances in the China trade. The India Company charges an advance of about 100 per cent. for bringing the tea to this country, independent of the heavy duty in England. Dees any one imagine that the free trader could for one single month make such a charge? :No, we should have cheaper tea : with th e same ex p or t s to China, we should have more returns. We should have a fair share in the sup ply of the market of Europe with tea.—(Cheers.) —But no one can doubt that our trade generally with China would be increased : in the article of woollen cloth alone we might expect much. The northern provinces of China, border ing on Siberia, must require warm clothing ; Russia sup plies furs in part ; she also sends into China the woollen cloth of Prussia, and perhaps even some of our own, by land carriage, or river carriage, from the western extremity to nearly the most easterly part of her vast territory. Shall we fail in sending out cloth by sea at Canton at less ex pense? It will be said this is urging too great concessions on the part of the East India Company ; but if the rights which we claim for the private trader he just, I think it is our part to state them distinctly and clearly. Should the Company apply for the renewal of their monopoly, it is fur them to show on what grounds they can prove it just in the Legislature to deprive the priv,!:: - itierchant of 11;4 fair share in the trade to India and —(Cheers. )-1:1 truth the East India Conipmy sh,iild no longer consider themselves as traders,—a calling in wliich, from the nature of things, it is impossible for them to mtic,ved, except by doing injustice to their f e llow-countrymen. There i. an ample field for all their energies, were they ten times what they are. Let them study to give gocd laws to their vast empire, and how to administer them with promptitude and justice,—let them promote in every way the advance of civilization, and they will find in the increase of their territorial revenue, what will much more than overbalance any supposed profits of their trade, and which, if any, are confessedly drawn from the pockets of their fellow-subjects in England. Mr. Marshall sat down amidst loud applause. Mr. FOSTER, in rising to offer his opinion upon the subject, disclaimed any intention of offering the slightest opposition to the main objects contemplated by the resolu tions, and the honourable mover and seconder of them had, he had no doubt, drawn a very just view of the evils of monopoly. He fully agreed with them, that every sort of monopoly was an evil, and he took leave to record him.. self as a very humble but decided opponent of every species of monopoly, whether it was a monopoly sanctioned and enforced by the law, or one of a more inferior kind. If the resolutions had been put separately, he should have confined his remarks to what he thought objectionable. But before he entered at all into die subject, he could not but object to the time chosen fur bringing forward this measure at the moment when other questions, of infinitely greater importance, demanded the undivided attention of the country; and he could net but view it as brought for ward for the very purpose of diverting the attention of the country from those higher objects which so imperiously de mand their attention. The Hon. Mover of the resolutions read an extract from a newspaper, containing the opinion of Lord King, and he trusted that he should be excused in fol lowing his example by reading an extract from a newspaper, containing the opinion, not of Lord King, but of as great a man,—that of the editor of the Leeds Mercury.--(A laugh.)—lu the editorial remarks of this day's paper, there occurs the following passage :—" We find that some of our contemporaries, following in the wake of Mr. Cob bett, affect to ridicule the opposition to the . East India Company's monopoly as a juggle' intended to amuse and delude the country. We hope that those who hold this opinion will have the manliness to maintain it at the meet ing this day, and to state the reasons on which it is founded." He would not affect to believe that this was not meant to apply to himself, and he had come forward, as he always did, manfully to defend and support his own opinions. Mr. Foster was here proceeding to state that a knot of individuals had combined together to prevent the Member from Newark from being heard.—(Cries of " order, order, question," Sm.) Mr. Foster said he would not be put down by clamour, but if the Chairman decided that he was not in order he would desist. The CHAIRMAN intimated that he thought Mr. Foster was out of order. Mr. Foam:. resumed, and proceeded t.) argue that there already existed all the freedom of trade to India which could be reasonably desired, and that theie had already been a greater trade to India than had been beneficial to the parties engaged in it ;—that goods had been sold much below the invoice price, and that woollens might be pur chased cheaper at Calcutta than in Yorkshire ;—and that this pretence of a free trade to India was a mere delusion. _(Hear, hear, from Mr. James Mann.)—For, continued Mr. Foster, British merchants may freight ships, and send goods direct to Calcutta, and dispose of them there. It is true that a British merchant cannot settle there without a licence from the East India Company, nor can he tra verse the interior of the country for the purposes of trade. Nor is this necessary. When a merchant goes to New York, he does not wish to follow his goods into the back settlements, or navigate the waters of the Mississippi. It is therefore not free trade, but colonization that is wanted. But if every man was at liberty to go to India, settle there, and travel from place to place, and be at liberty to inculcate such principles as be pleased, in a country where there are 50,000,000 soldiers to 120,000,000 inhabitants, the conse quence would inevitably be:that India would be lost to this country. Mr. Foster then adverted to the trade of China, which, he said, suoh was the jealousy of the Government, could not be carried on by private individuals, without en dangering the whole of our trade with that country ; there was no chance of carrying on an extensive trade with them, as the Chinese Government would only tolerate a foreign trade so long as the balance of trade was in its fa vour, and they would never allow silver nor gold to be paid in exchange for our manufactures. Tke whole ques tion resolved itself into this—whether we should have tea at a high •r at a low price ? And it was net worth while, surely, to agitate the country at the present moment far an object so insignificant as this. For his own part, he had much rather that his countrymen would return to the ancient diet of their forefathers, beef and beer, than live on such slip-slops,—(Hisses and applause.)—The trade to India was free enough for every useful purpose, and ke strongly objected to the time which had been selected for the purpose of bringing forward this measure. There was no necessity for agitating it now, as the East India Char ter did not expire until 1832 or 1833. Mr. Gorr corrected Mr. Foster by saying, net until 1831. Mr. FOSTER—Thank you, Sir, for the correction, that is better for my argument. Why, then, I ark again, is it brought forward at this precise time? No consignments could be made to India, and a return obtained, in less than a year and a half. If, therefore, this is a measure of relief, it is at a long date, and 1 think none of the Leeds bankers, however liberal they may be, would accept a bill at that date, without subjecting the drawer of it to an operation in the sweating room. The only object, then, is to divert, by this juggle, the attention of the people from measures cal culated to give them efficient relief.—(Loud expressions of disapprobation.)—Mr. Foster proceeded to state, that is the years 1822 and 1823, the trade to South America was recommended as a cure for the then-existing depression of trade, and what was the consequence ? The warehouses were glutted with British manufactures, a great part of which rotted, or was burnt to save warehouse-rent. And an now free trade to India and China is the char m that is to extricate us from our distresses. Th is, g entlem en , is done for the purpose of delusion, and to draw off the attention of the e people of an this country realofnrolymrtehmeedies th at c aus es o f f the public C effec tually relieve them. Mr. Foster concluded with ram * the following amendment : " That this Meeting reserves to itself the opportunity of petitioning against the renewal of the East India Com pany's Charter when the proper time to do so arrives, but that the agitation of the question at present only serves to draw the public attention from the real and dangerous situation of the country." This amendment was seconded by Mr. JAMES AIANN, and negatived by an immense majority. The original resolutions were then put, and carried unanimously. Mr. GOTT wished to set Mr. Foster right in two par ticulars. First, British merchants did not possess the same freedom in India as they enjoyed in other colonies of the Crown, or in the United States of America, which they were at liberty to traverse in all directions. --(Cheers. ) Secondly, this application to Parliament was not prema ture : in fact it had been delayed to the last day, as Mr. Planta had given notice is the House of Commons, on behalf of Mr. Peel, that that gentleman would on Tues day next move for a Select Committee of Inquiry into the state of trade between this country and the East Indies. —(" Hear, hear," and cheers.)—So far, therefore, were they from being premature in their application to Par liament, that this was the last moment that it could be done with any effect. Mr. FOSTER, in explanation, said, that if Government had themselves taken the subject up, there was no use in the interference of that Meeting, and that it would he use less and unnecessary to petition.—(Disapprobation.) Mr. E. Baaxxs, jun. said, as one of the Editors of the Leeds Mercury, to which Mr. Fester ham! alluded, and on the challenge contained in which he had made several re marks, I may perhaps be allowed to make a few observa tions. It seems Mr. Foster has answered the challenge there given to auy gentleman to come forward and prove that the attempt to obtain a free trade to the East is a " juggle," by boldly asserting the respectable gentlemen who have signed the requisition to:the Mayor have attempted to put a " juggle" upon the town.—(Mr. Foster, " No no.")—I feel, Sir, I need say very little indeed with re gard to the observations made by Mr. Foster on the Leeds Mercury, because his imputations have been so much more extensive and sweeping on the gentlemen who who have signed the requisition.—(Cries of " Question." " Chair," in which Mr. Foster took a prominent part.) I assure you, Mr. Chairman, it is not my intention to de tain you by any observations of a personal or party nature. I was about to say that in the general and sweeping impu to.tioni made by the preceding speaker, his charges on the Leeds Mercury appeared so insignificant,that I should pso : ceed immediately to the snore general objects of the meeting; for his imputation on the gentlemen who have called this meeting is, that in so doing, they have " intended to dis tract the attention of the country from greater and more important subjects," and to " throw out a tub to the whale." That, gentlemeu is the imputation Mr. Fos ter makes upon you—that you are acting not from a real and honest wish to extend the trade of this country, but from a wish to " distract," to delude, and to juggle the nation. 7hat is the motive Mr. Foster ascribes to the 80 el. !;0 iespectahle firms who have signed the re quisition. —( elieers. )-Ilow, then, can I stop for one mo ment to reply to any personal remarks, when an asper sion so sweeping is east upon all the leading individuals in this Meeting ? To answer such an imputation would be almost as abciird as to make it. The character of the gentlemen by whom I am surrounded is an answer more than sufficient. The first objection made by Mr. Foster to the Meeting is, that the time is ill chosen,—that it is unnecessary to more yet, fir that eve are yet five years and a half from the time when the subject should be brought forward. But observe how cleverly Mr. Foster turns tail; when Mr. Gott quotes the notice given in the House of Commons for a motion on this very sub ject, by Mr. Peel, on Tuesday next, Mr. Foster' turns round, and says, " Oh, then, Parliament have already taken the subject up, there is no occasion for you to do any thing; you may all hold your peace and go home."—(A laugh and cheers.)—So much, gentlemen, for the time. Now as to the object of this Meeting. The sum and sub stance of Mr. Foster's speech was, that instead of seeking to extend and increase the trade of this country in the East Indies and in China, your object ought rather to be to abandon that trade altogether.—(Applause.)--You ought not, it seems, to extend the trade beyond its present limits, nor to lower the price of tea, nor to send a greater quantity of British manfactures to the vast and populous comitries of the East; your object ought rather to be to give up the trade altogether, and to dispense with the 30,000,00016. of tea which you consume yearly, be cause it is a mischievous beverage.—(Cheers; Mr. Foster exclaimed, No, no.)—That, gentlemen, is the sum and substance of Mr. Foster's speech. He began, indeed, by saying, that he caine only to oppose one part of the object of the meeting—namely, the claim to a free settlement for Englishmen in India, but the remainder of his speech was spent in showing that the trade was wholly injurious, and that we ought to withdraw from it. Now, gentlemen, I come to facts. It has been said that the trade to Calcutta and Canton is altogether unprofitable. I hold in my hand price currents of Calcutta and Bombay, from which I will read to you statements of the actual prices of goods in those places. It is said by Mr. Foster, that the price of woollens and cottons is at present lower in Calcutta than in Yorkshire. Why, if it were necessary to answer such an absurd objection as this, I should say, at times it may he so, and that without proving any thing against the trade. It will happen from the fluctuations of trade, from a glut of goods in the market, and other causes, that the prices of goods may often be lower at the place to which they are sent than they are at the place from which they come. Many of you know that cloths are sometimes lower in London than in Yorkshire, that whol has been lower in England than in Saxony ; and cotton lower fat Liverpool than at New York. But to contend from these facts, as Mr. Foster would do, that all these vast manufac tures—the staple manufactures and chief trades of the country—must generally be unprofitable, is the most absurd and ignorant argument ever used in the world.—(Cheers.) But, Sir, what is the fact ? The fact is not what Mr. Foster tells you. He has told you what is untrue. I do not mean to impute to him that he has done so inten tionally, but it is on a par with the utter ignorance he displays in every other part of his speech. According to the Calcutta Price Current, the most recent received in this country, the price of fine broad cloth was there 5 per cent. higher than the invoice price.—(Hear, hear.)—The price of coarse cloths also is 5 per cent. higher than the invoice price. There are a few kinds of goods which are lower,—flannel, for instance, is lower; but hats are 25 per cent. higher. With regard to woollens, instead of being lower at Calcutta than in London, they are 5 per cent. higher than the invoice price; and is it the practice of you, Gentle Men, to make out your invoices at lower prices than the cost of the goods to yourselves ?—(Cheers, and crie- of " No, no.")—Let us go to another Presi dency, that of Bombay. I find the price there from 30 to 40 per cent, higher than the invoice price upon fine broad cloth, and upon coarse broad cloth from 25 to 30 per cent —[Mr, James Mann inquired the date of the Prices Current.]—The date of the Calcutta Price Cur rent is the 13th of August, and that of the Bombay the Bth of August. They are the most recent received in this country. So much, then, for Mr. Foster's facts. Gentlemen, I consider it quite unnecessary to say any more in answer to the speech of Mr. Foster. But as I concur most heartily in the resolutions that have been moved by Mr. Gott, and seconded by Mr. Marshall, and as I shall have occasion to move a resolution myself, it may save some time if, while I am upon my legs, I briefly state what are the grounds upon which I support petitions to Parliament in favour of a free trade to India and China. I do it on the broad principle of the prejudicial effect of all monopolies, and especially of the monopoly of the East India Company, on the commercial interests of this country. And I do it upon the further ground of the clear and acknowledged right which every merchant has to the free exercise of his talents, industry, and capital, in any way lie may think best, unless when that individual freedom may be incom patible with the general welfare. This point has been so fully argued by Mr. Marshall, that it is unnecessary for me to insist further upon it. But it will be a little curious to you to know that the first charter of the East India Company itself, granted in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, distinctly recognizes this principle of consulting the public benefit in all commercial legislation. The charter was granted for 15 years, but under the express condition that " if not found to he advantageous to the country, it might be annulled at any time under a notice of two years." Here, then, is the principle that the advantage of the country, and not merely that of the, East India Company, was consulted at that time : that was the principle on which the East India Company was originally founded. Then let us look at the charter in the reign of James I. In this charter it was provided that " on experience of injury to the nation, their exclusive privileges should, after three years' notice, cease and expire." Phis is an other recognition of the principle that the public interest is to be considered, and not the interest of the East India Company. The onus, therefore, rests upon the East India Company to show that it is snore beneficial for the trade of this country, that it should pass through the channel of their monopoly than through the free trade of every British merchant. But, as we know the contrary to be the fact, it is desirable that we should make that statement to Par liament in the array of facts that is drawn up in the reso lutions, and urge, on the ground of those facts, our right to a full and free participation in the trade. Let it i.e re membered that we seek to deprive the East India Com pany of nothing except their power of depriving and in juring us.—(Hear, hear.)—We leave them their ships, their warehouses, their stock, their officers, and every particle of the apparatus of their superior management , we would let them sail in their magnificent ships of 1,000 or 1,530 tons burden, like frigates of war, into the port of Canton ; all we ask is, permission to paddle in our little cockhoats by their side.--(Cheers.)—Gentlemen, it is in the very nature of monopolies to be injurious to the country ; for as soon as a great joint stock company are relieved from their stimulus of competition, they tall into sluggish, slovenly, wasteful, and unaccommodating ways of doing business : they get princely habits, which are the worst possible for merchants. I will now, gentlemen,' quote one or two answers given by servants of the East India Company, when examined before a Committee of the House of Lords in 1820, to show the nature of the China market, and the bad use the Company make of it. The first is, James Goddard, Esq., who was six years in the service of the Company at Canton. Being asked by the Committee—" Can you give the Committee any in formation generally as to the peculiar manner of the Ame rican trade (at Canton) as compared with the trade of the East India Company ?" his answer was, " The informa tion 1 have been able to gain has had the effect of inform ing me that the American trade for the last year or two (at Canton) has exceeded the trade of the East India Company in value." Can there be a more striking fact than that the Americans, who are a commercial state of yesterday, should have actually surpassed the princely establishment of the East India Company, which has been trading for upwards of two centuries ? Can there be a more striking proof of the superiority of private and free trade over monopoly? The question, then, arises can we carry on the trade as favourably as the Americans? Mr. Goddard answers on this subject—" I consider it would be rather in favour of British ships, in consequence of their being able to be sailed at a more moderate rate than the American ones." Then another question is, whether there is a demand for British manufactures in the vast and populous countries of the East ; for we know well that our manufacturers would be glad to have new markets opened to them, the manufacturers of Leeds, Huddersfield, Manchester, Preston, Bolton, and Blackburn, would be very glad to find new markets for their goods. What says Mr. Goddard? He is asked, "Do you know whe ther, in the eastern islands (the great and populous islands of the Indian seas), there is any market for English manu factures?" He says, " There is a very extensive market for English manufactures in all the eastern islands, and vast quantities are exported to Batavia." As to China he is asked, " Can you state any opinion to the Committee respecting the future state, or possible increase of de mand for English manufactures in the Chinese em pire?" " I consider the Chinese nation to approximate nearer to Ee'ropean wants than any nation in the east : their clothing, their habits, and their wants altogether, are very different from the Indians. The demand for woellen goods is very extensive, as may be seen by a re- Terence to the Company's imports ; and it is probable, from the avidity with which they have bought European cotton goods, a demand at least equal to woollen goods may be produced ; and I should consider, that, in the course of a few years, the demand would be much greater." Mr. Crawford is the other gentleman upon whose autho rity I mean to rely ; he has been for many years in the service of the East India Company; awl he says, " I conceive, if the capital of this country had free scope, our merchants would have great advantages over the Ameri cans in the Chinese trade awl that of the islands." Then he is asked—" What are the commodities that we manu facture, that you think there would be chiefly a demand for in these countries ?—Almost every article of the staple manufacture cf Great Britain. I will enumerate a few— light woollens, cotton goods of various descriptions, iron, raw and wrought, (as there is no iron or hardly any in the Indian islands,) glass ware, crystal, and carriages. A great number of other articles may be added to this list." In Mr. Crawfurd's opinion the means of securing this trade is, " perfect freedom of trade with these countries ;" " the benefits they would experience from such an inter course," he says, " would be the best means of gaining their confidence." He is asked, " Do you know any cause why this trade (that of the Americans in English manufactures at Canton), which is carried on by other na tions, could not be equally carried on by our East India Company?" " I know no reason but the general one, that a joint stock company wants all the intelligence, activity, and economy which belongs to a private merchant." He adds, " The Company keep the private merchant out of a great deal of the field, which they themselves cannot oc cupy; their own trade, like all monopoly trades, is of . course a heavy tax upon the consumer." I conceive these, gentlemen, to be important and unanswerable testimonies to the advantages of free trade to the countries of the East. Let me repeat, wet do not seek to interfere with the East India Compeny further than to deprive them of the power of depriving and injuring us. But we ask for a free and unrestricted trade to the vast markets of India and China ; we ask at least to be placed upon a level with the Ame ricans, the Dutch, and other nations; and that we may be permitted to receive the various rich anti useful products of the East, not through the contracted channel of mono poly, but borne to us on the broad, full, and flowing stream of free trade.--(Loud cheers.) Mr. NUSSEY, one of the trustees of the coloured cloth hall, in moving a resolution of thanks to Ministers for having taken up the subject of the East India monopoly, said, as the East India Company required three years' notice, it was quite necessary that the question should be taken into consideration immediately. When the Charter was first granted, the difficulty of approaching distant countries, and of carrying en trade with them, was very considerable ; but now, from the improvements in science, navigation, and various other things, the private merchant was enabled to visit the most distant quarters of the globe, and that therefore this monopoly was ne longer useful. With respect to the East India Company, the British mer chant, as Mr. Gott justly observed, had no wish to inter fere with the territorial government of the India Company : he merely wished to participate in their trade. Since the year 1814 the British merchant had, under certain restric tions, been permitted to carry on trade in India, and no evil bad been found to result from it ; and all that he requested was, that his claims should be fully investigated and decided upon, not in reference to any partial interest, but from a regard to the public good only. The attention I which the House of Commons paid to all subjects con nected with the trade and commerce of the country was deserving of much praise, and the British merchants and manufacturers had nothing to fear from the most rigid inquiry, which indeed, they anxiously courted. Mr. Nussey then made some observations on the advantages which the natives of India were likely to derive from the colonization of that country by British settlers. Its capabilities of improvement were very great, and the science of the European settlers would tend to increase and improve the products of that country, aided as they would be by British capital, which would enable them to make beneficial returns for the goods sent there. For, observed Mr. Nussey, we do not live by what we send to, but what we receive from a country. Mr. Nussey then proceeded to make observations on the monopoly of the tea-trade. The East India Company sell their tea in England, exclusive of duty, for 4,500,000/. ; the same tea might be purchased on the Continent for about 1,500,0001.; but supposing the difference to be 2,000,000/.,that would be a great sum saved to the country, which would have to be expended in the purchase of other articles. It will he more intelligible if we suppose this 2,000,0001. to be laid out in blankets, which, at this season of the year, would be very acceptable; and the manufacture of these blankets would furnish employment to a great number of individuals; but then these blanket-makers would not keep the two mil lions; they would expend it, we will suppose, in shoes; and the shoemakers in their turn, we will imagine, to lay it out in coals, and the colliers, in their turn, would pur chase coats, which, of course, would be of great addition to the comfort of numerous individuals. One might fol low the transfer of this two millions still further, but enough has been said to show the almost incalculable benefits that would arise from throwing this additional sum of money into circulation. Mr. Nussey also endea voured to show that great advantages would arise to the Company themselves by introducing, as well as other im provements, a better administration of justice in that ex tensive country. Mr. Nussey concluded by moving the ninth resolution. " 9. That the period for renewing the East India Com pany's Charter, or giving notice for its termination, is now at hand, and that this Meeting feels grateful for the pledge given by his Majesty's Ministers that a Parliamentary Committee should be appointed early in the present Session to inquire into the state of the trade with India and China." Mr. Homoroaxx, in seconding Mr. Nussey's resolu tion, said, in consequence of the late period of the Meet ing, he would merely observe, that the role object of the petition was to cut down the East India monopoly, and to pave the way for British industry, and talent, and capital. The resolution was carried unanimously. Mr. EDWARD Burris, jun.,moved the tenth resolution. " 10. That petitions be presented from this Meeting to both Houses of Parliament, urging our right and claim, as subjects of his Majesty, to a full and free participation in the trade to all countries east of the Cape of Good Hope, and praying that Parliament will not prolong the exclu sive commercial privileges of the Eaat India Company be yond the term of the present Charter; also praying for permission for all British subjects to settle, trade, and hold lands in all the British dependencies east of the Cape of Good Hope." This resolution was seconded by Mr. SLUNK. Mr. Joinf GoTT moved, and Mr. TITLET seconded, the eleventh resolution— " 11. That a deputation, consisting of Mr. John Mar shall, Mr. Rawson, and Mr..lohn Nussey, be appointed by this meeting to co-operate with the deputations from Li verpool, Manchester, and other towns, in London, in op posing the renewal of the East India Company's mono poly, and that a subscription be now opened to defray the expences of the deputation, and the other expences con nected with this subject." Mr. Sash's'. CLAPitAX, in moving the 12th resolu tion, read a document from the Parliamentary papers of June, 1829, from which it appeared that British wool lens sold at Canton at a considerable profit upon the in voice price ; for instance, woollens which were invoiced Si. 17s. sold for 11/. I'7s. ; invoiced at 11/. 25., sold for 151. 16s. ; invoiced at 11/., sold for 17/. In answer to a question by Mr. FOSTER, be said, that the invoice price covered the whole expenses, freight, &e. " 12. That Lord Wharncliffe be requested to present the petition to the House of Lords, and the Members for the county to present the petition to the House of Com tnons, and that they all be requested to support the same." The resolution was seconded by Mr. T. Luccocx. Sir. T. CHARLESWORTH moved, and Mr. P. WILLaNs seconded, the thirteenth resolution— " 13. That the above resolutions be advertised once in each of the Leeds newspapers." Sir. GOTT having taken the chair, a vote of thanks was moved to the Chairman ; and carried unanimously. All the resolutions were carted unanimously, after Mr. Foster's amendment was disposed of. TO THE EIDITOR OF THE SUN. Sih,—A material error appears in your report of Sa turday on the question I put to Mr. Peel, which referred to a direct intercourse between the United States and the West Indies—not to Canada. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, G. R. ROBINSON. 5, John-street, Adelphi, Feb. S. SYDENHAM, OR MEMOIRS OF A MAN or THE WORLD. —This forthcoming novel is, we are in formed, in every respect, a most extraordinary production. Comprehending almost every class of society and exhibit ing na t u re, not so much in its ecce n t r i c f rea k s as ill us trating its ordinary principles in their every -d ay human operation, the variety of Sydenhatn is unparalleled ; its satire is the most biting, its wit the most piquant, and the knowledge both of man and of the world which it displays, is scarcely equalled by any novel since Tom Jones. The motto from DRYDEN, in the title-page, is, we understand, the text which the work really elucidates. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. Mr. Moberly has enlisted in the currency regi ment, we see, though he has put on a uniform not strictly according to the fashionable paper regula tion. He would have the Minister to issue small Exchequer Bills,—making the Treasury an issuer of 11. notes perhaps 1 and so turning the flank of the country bankers, by establishing a paper coinage on still worse principles than theirs. It is a good thing for the King to issue gold and silver, because it confines the manufacture of money to a single and unalterable standard, authorized by Parliament, maintained by officers responsible with their heads for its purity, and so far guarded against the risk of depreciation. But who or what can have any con trout upon the issue of " small" Exchequer Bills, or on their value ? IVhat is to prevent a distressed Minister from deluging the empire with them ? Who or what can withstand a ministerial influence founded on a (substantially) illimitable power of issuing inconvertible paper ?—for such it must be. Making the Minister of the day the coiner-general of the community, would be a notable improve ment in finance. It was not quite correct, we find, to report Sir F. Burdett as seconder of Lord Blandford's amendment; nor is it muck more feasable to discover what were the Honour able Baronet's grounds for supporting that ad dress in such language as he is stated to have em ployed on the occasion. It was unworthy of Sir Francis Burdett to put an untenable construction on the words of the Duke of Wellington,—deliberately, of course, the Hon. Baronet could not have done so —but he ought in common fairness to have weighed the Duke's meaning with a little more patience, before he attempted to fasten upon his Grace the absurdity of affirming, as :a general pro position, that improvements in machinery caused a lasting impoverishment of the people. Sir Francis Burdett, we hope stud trust, cannot meditate odi ously a race of radicalism with Mr. O'Connell, or of paradox with the Newcastle' and their tribe The late divisions, and the course of the discussion which preceded them, would lead its to desire fo an Administration, which, as a whole, we respect r a reinforcement from ranks whence it might draw, both virtue and ability ;—a reinforcement, more over, which it might not be altogether unprofitable to purchase at the price of one or two removals. But on this point the events of a very few days may speak with sufficient eloquence to need no fur ther persuasion.—Times. Those parts of the Speech of the Lords Com missioners to Parliament which relate to the foreign policy of England, are qualified, we think, when coupled with circumstances which have trans pired through other channels, to afford satisfaction in what relates to Greece, and to allay a contrary feeling so far as the ease of Portugal is concerned. It may, no doubt, now be assumed and reasoned upon, that the independence of Greece, with a reasonable territory, gratifying all our feelings and recollections with respect to classic ground, will be secured; and if an arrangement such as this be in fact concluded, and if England be a party to it, — lending her guarantee to the compact, and thence possessing a full right to protect it from violation, or from menaces of injurious interference by other Powers,—we repeat, that an object will have been accomplished, and a benefit secured to the cause of liberty and of human happiness, which must com municate the highest satisfaction to every English man who feels for his country's honour. As for Portugal, it is a melancholy tale, and the sooner it can be well wound up, the sooner will , the public mind be relieved from a weight of pain- ful and mortifying meditations. But, for the pre sent, we turn to the more interesting subject of domestic concerns. We are glad, then, that Par liament is met : much rude clamour will be arrested, and many secret apprehensions or fearful forebodings relieved. We do not mean that the wisdom of that body can alter the train of circumstances—can interfere between causes past, and their inevitable consequences now present, and so perform miracles; but that, the magnitude of the evil being ascer tained, and all exaggerations removed, we can now set rationally to work to alleviate the pressure, and content ourselves to bear for a while what we can not immediately alleviate. " Is not the public distress severe ?" it is asked. Is it not general ?" " Is it not beyond former precedent ?" All these questions may be answered by similar ones : " Have not we been at war ?" " Have we not been longer at war than at any other time ? And that war more general—more fierce and expensive—than any other war by which the world has been desolated, the stability of nations shaken, and their finances ruined, since the breaking up of the Roman empire ?" And yet, thanks to Heaven, we are out of it, and safe. Men are beginning to forget what the last conflict was I—how terrible it was!—that during its continuance we were either subsidizing all Europe to fiht for us against France, or fighting for ourselves against all Europe, with France and Buonaparte at its head They are be ginning to forget, too, besides the necessary consump tion of that war, the shameless extravagance which existed in the mode of carrying it on, and which per vaded every. .department of the Administration—ex travagance, which those were the first and the last to support and defend, who are now clamouring most loudly against the distressing consequences. But we do not forget these things,—we look to our files, the faithful cotemporaneous records of past times, and can there count the many scandalous jobs which we have—sometimes successfully, and sometimes unavailingly—denounced. It is now, however, remarked, that the war has long ceased, and that we should, ere now, have recovered our previous ease and comfort. This is an error in spirit, though not in words. If the war be ended, the extravagances of the Administration have not long ceased. It was observed in this journal, three years after the Treaty of Vienna was signed, that " we were carrying on a most expensive peace;" and, in truth, we did not really cease from making war against our own solvency and security, till we attempted to revert to cult payments and a wholesome circula tion. Till that moment vre were running down the gulf of national bankruptcy and revolution. Then, and then only, we stopped, and our difficulties be gan in the endeavour to struggle up the stream. Some thought success impossible, and the attempt useless. 'We never despaired, and could not believe that a government of any kind—if called a govern ment—could be so base and besotted as to com mence the work of spoliation itself, and to set the example to its own subjects of a general plunder by a partial robbery. With respect to the difficulties which are to be encountered from the noble resolu tion of adhering strictly to the principles of public faith and honour, we will acknowledge they are great; but we will not suffer them to be exaggerated. The present distress is not general. We know places where trade is silently, and from small be ginnings, working its way up to greatness, and will soon confer wealth; and, where distress has been, it is now diminishing,—the goal is turned. But the agriculturists suffer much, and clamour more : yet in many places,. particularly in th e vici nity of great towns,—here in the vicinity of London, for example,—land lets well, and remunerates both landlord and tenant. However, let rents come down. The farmer, the poor oppressed f armer, w ill t h en b e able to employ his labourers; and rates, which have already abated much, will diminish more. And there is no reason why rents should not come down; for there i s not hi ng w hi c h enters the land lord's mansion for consumption, that may not be purchased at two-thirds or even half of the price for which it must have been bought ten years ago. If, in our attempts to introduce a more liberal system of commerce, some erroneous maxims have been adopted (which, however, we have no reason to suspect, for commerce is every where dull—no where so dull as where our principles have been rejected), let the matter be re-considered : but thus much at least is certain, that there can be no sinister motive for error. A Minister may oppose retrench ment or reform, because dirty adherents are to be re warded, and profitable abuses retained; but none