The Sun. — London, England, 1830-12-20 00:00:00

Arose of it was a declaration of the witness that Marmcmt kept himself in constant communication with the Ministers. The witness, upon resuming his exumnation, distinctly denied all knowledge of the delivery of orders of arrests during the troubles ; he had only read of such a thing in the depositions of evidence before the Commissioners. M. de Martignac here rose, and declared, that Marshal Marmon had received his orders direct from the King, aeti had also communicated directly with the King at St, CloUd, and this was proved by the witness himself, who bad gone straight to St. Cloud with the Marshal's letters. The witnessa--1 certainly. did on the Wednesday carry letters froin the Marshal to the King at St. Cloud. The President—Did you carry any litters from the Marshal to Prince Polignae, while they were both in the Tuileries ?—Nia, Sir, that would have been unnecessary, far they were almost always in adjoining apartments at that time. He proceeded to say, that the letters to the King were always sealed, and solnetimes fin warded by the aides-de-camp, and at other times by express. The President then asked Prince Polignae if he wished to say any thing upon the matters deposed to by this witness. Prince de Polignac—l hive already said that we held communications with Marshal Marmont, but we merely received informations taken from others, and which often proved very erroneous. 1 maintain, however, that no official correspondence ever took place between the Mar what and myself, otherwise traces of it would be found; and 1 never received any report from him. I write twice to the King ; first, after the departure of the Deputies from the Tuileries, sad aggro on Wednesday evening, but merely to infirm bibs of the course of erenta. M. Per4f—f3y what means did Marshal Marmont re ceive the money to distribute to the troops? The witness de Guise- 7 11e hail it from the Treasury. Did tbe Marshal tusk an order (rum the King to obtain this money from the Treasury ?—I don't know ; I can only affirm that the order was given in the coarse of the night, and the money was distributed during the morning. .M. Komieronski said, that having read the ordinances on the Monday morning in the .211unitesr, he repaired to Marshal Marmot, and informed him of them. The Marshal was quite astenished, and ordered a carriage to pay Ashen visit, when he was informed of the troubled appear ance of the capitals he imme.fiately said be should go to AL de Polignac. In the course of the day, upon hearing that' a crowd was going to Bagatelle to carry off the Duke tie Bordeaux, he erilerell a troop of 160 Lancers to repair ehither, but only to use the sides of their swords in die. penning the crowd. On going to Bagatelle no crowd was them, and the Duke de Bordeaux was already removed to St., Cloud. Do Wednesday morning the witness was sent to the Picket of Police, to deals's, him to issue a proela 'nation to the people. The Prefect replied that that would be Clone itumeiiately, He went in the course of the 'day to the residence of M. de Polignae, with. ‘it'llt , ou he fottoCeetoseal Minister , ' and on his return the Alarsbel informed kim of, the placing of Paris in a atate of siege a ,, Thewituese was charged, by the Marsh .1 to carry a deapatek to r St. Cloud, and he went him self to hie Majesty. The King caused it to be said to the Marshal, that he should ; occupy the, Place de Carrousel nod theP/ace:Leuis IV., end stet in messes. The wit. nese carried this reply to the Marshal. He bad no know ledge of the Older of .arreitte on the Wednesday or Thur.- day by the Duke de, Begun, but he was directed to go eddy tin `Thursday to AL F. nceult, and tell him to attend to the order relating ‘ to the arrests. Having been on horse beck during the greater .part of the three days, he could net recollect all the eireursietenees•which took place. pi" you know if money wee .distributed to the troops, and.' by whom the order for distribution was given ?—I knew that money was distributed, but not by whose order it was given. The Primitivist (to AL de Pelignac)-1 4 .:xplain yourself as' to the distribution of money. Ily whom was the order given? M. de Polignac—All that I can say is, that I was totally a stranger to this distribution of money. I have since heard that money wits, distributed on Thursday morn ing-6,000 ne 7,000 flames to time troops station e d its the Piece du Cerrintssef, but I do pot know by wlisse order it Ives • The Presidint- e Alew could M.‹ de Menthol, the Mini ster of Fins*, take ,itypon Isitn to issue money on an order signettpnly by 61, de Itagtout ? • M. de Polignac..-The,Minliterslvere not assembled at the period when tit „order,tyaus given, and moreover I me. peat that th,is ender tyes pet ,giveirs by toe, If it had been, it trciuh! have r4l4ne4 ieetlitslforeau.of , the Minister of ""nee. I have ,ioo,ll4ittl 10104 that a sum of 400,000 sinner was distiibuted 'but at that period, I, was assured that the sum ententnted,,only,to,4.4oo , ,or '7,000 f rancs . But t nitn'tniliseles , ta j 044 st Nees not dune by Iwo M..do'MartlgOae:hrkgatt,attantion. to two filets, swo rn by the witnees....thet the bake de Ragusa had communi cated directly with '6l, de,Mangin and with the King. • The Count de Fouceelt, Colonel of Gendarmerie, in non -activity.-1 learned on T ues d ay , the S/76, that the Duke de Ragusa had the commend of Paris. On that day I furnislied'a hundred men, and being desirous to in rutin myself of the duty, they r were •to perform, I found them quite quiet. I hada conversation ,with Gen. Wall as to the precautions to be'teken for. maintaining , the peace of 'the capital. A third'part of the dstachtnent was at time Hotel of For e ig n Affairs ; the brigadier informed me that crowds were then assembled. In the cabinet of N. de Poligetic, Tessa anew! twat ,t4e Duke Ragusa was commandant. I saw no mob, but a number of people, who did snot seem: -to me to have any bad intention.; for 1 passed tht ough the crowd, billowed by a single gendarme. I was only informed of the ordinstmeis through the medium of the Arnsiteur. I went to the Prefect of Police, (ere. eeeing that they would gire Use a great, deal to do (beau twain de ibesogne.)....4lk: laugh) The Preeident-.4 Moat warn 'the audience to listen in silence. M. de Poneault—l saw there would h e muc h uneasi newt and embarrassment. The. Prefect of Police was per. tectly compoAed. I prapo'sed to postpone a review which way fixed for the folloWing day ; but he desired me to alter n uth ing, The ,'resident._Way it by your orders that the gen lemes on the 'Tuesday employed force ? Did the Prefect of Police give you yillyro to this effect? M. (hi Voneault..-1 crdered„ and always prescribed to Vie officers of gendarmerie that they Muss nut transgress t e law, and that if they- committed any act of rigour they Wotil4 lie answeraide for it. I always said to them that a military command (lid not entitle them to infringe the law. The President,-Hostilities commenced on the Tuesday ► in the rue Neuve de Luxembourg, and at the Paleis 'loyal. Isxl►l4in the manner in which these hostilities commenced, ar,d whether the formalities required by 14w. were observed. roueault—The gendarmes were not sent or placed at the !Waif Royal by my orders. As to myself, toy sword never quitted its scabbard at the Pahis Royal. I observed the agitation. The officer of the gendarmerie g l i 4 l to nic,—Colonel, the superior officer who commanded here ordered the rneu to draw their swords, and that has excited some irritation. In the Ilse Croix des Petite Champs I saw some gendarmes a pied, sunning, Stones were thrown ut them. I taw a, woman extended on the groom!. 1 questioned x gendarme on the subject. the stout r wai , that 444 beenk stnwk by a stone, intended for a 'ge ndarme. 1 wstiat to the • Duke de Hu gosa. (tn thre ristowlir g . ,'.day hp Sent fur tut at hitlf.past eleven, and 1 tairk various KAtututjous for the preeervetiou of the public eSistdishroeute. The Prrsidrnt - remained'; :the orders of the Duke de Ragusa the Whole of Wednesday; orders of ar.. rest were given you; were they put in execution? M. i t Fol l e 4 iat—On Wednesday I received such orders ti ns p ie t i e "Nola, There were seven or eight of then,. It was at mid-day that I received them. . - Th e previ,jetit—l'ell the times of the peisons ix horn yott were to ita;lo arrested. M, Foucault-1 can only sit , * the names of M. Sal. vette, M. Latitte,lll. LetWyette, and I think An M. Andry de l'uyrayeau, at whose house the meeting of Deputies took place. _ _ 'ie' President—Did pot the Martha! say to you that this neder,bad ben concerted witlt the Ministry? M. de Voucttult..—l hive already answered that question. The Duke de Ragusa being commandant, he had no need to (Amon with any one. The'President—Were these orders of arrest recalled ? n thir officer was cent to me. He met me in the roe tl voli, and said to me that the Duke de Hiroo had suspended the arrests. I returned him the orders, and ries thus relleve4 of It great burdeo.—(Agitation.) The Prtatitient--Did the gendarmes pieced at the Palais Hopii, commence hostilities before or After summoners were given by the civil officer% ? Answer distinctly* M. de Foucault—l yet:cived no report. from the officer eetumanding at the Palais Royal, Th. President —Wer e ouch etannionieumide at the place "e is ? e sh Fountutlt.-1 could n o t k ee p up communications with the posts. Men in uniform could not he sent there. The commanders a pottri were aittliorieed to act accord- J o g to cireutostanees, Persil—Wer* the outer* of arrest 'written in the witness'. preience? - • AI. tie Foucault— The Doke de Itegura sent me the orders. I tin not know where they were proptired. AI. tie l'ereil—Ditl thesti order. 'imamate from M, 4. Ragusa, nr did they bear to he orders coming from some other quarter ? M. Reinerwieski, interposing, replied—M. tie Ragusa desired several off►cers to run after M. de Foucault, and get back the orders from him, M. Pair—Who wrote the ordets under the Menthol% dictation I' M. de (suise—As for me, I never wrote such an order. hf Poir—Did the hand-writing appear to be that of the Marshal ? M. de Foucault--The bud .writing appears to he similar to the signature ? M. Persil—Was the order long ? M. de Fouralt—A line' and a half :—" Arrest the per» sons whose names follow." Signed, thike de Ragusa, Commandant-General. itemerwieski, With ViVacity—l wish to ask M. de Foucault, wile deciphered the order for him ; for if written by the Marshal, I defy him to decipher a word of it ? AI, tie Cities (the other Aide-de-Camp) recalled. The President, to M. do Guise)—Do you knew if the Marshal received any letters or parcels either from the Ministers or from St. Cloud f M. de Guise—No. The same question was put to M. de Komietouski, who made the same answer. M. Arago, member of the Academy—l saw the Mor elia' almost every week, either at his own house or at the Observatory. Many rumours were then in circulation concerning the coups &slot ; he did not at ail believe them. Any mea•ure of that kind appeared to him too petilous. However, his conviction soon began to give way to a feeling of distrust, especially on hearing Charles X. affirm that two circumstances of his life had given him peculiar satisfaction. The war of Algiers, in the opinion of that Prince, was not to occupy an eminent place iu history. One of the circumstances the King alluded to was, to use the King's own words, "my opposition to the pretentions of the tiers dot, in 1189 ;" and the other is the nomination of the ministry of the Bth of August. The distrust of the Duke de ftaguea was soon increased by a conversation which he had with a personage whom he did not name. The Marshal told me, that on a cer tain day, the newspapers having treated the question of resistance, and the means of opposing the coops d'etat, the personage inquired what would be the conduct of the army, if the opposition indicated by the journals should be made use of. The Marshal replied, that the army would at first obey ; but the soldiers, finding the interests of the people to be the some as their own, would soon es pouse the cause of the nation. These observations made no impression on the personage alluded to, and from that moment the apprehensions of the Marshal were increased to the highest pitch of anxiety. On Monday, the I6th, the. Marshal came to see me, continued the witness, and said, " Well, you see that I was perfectly right. The fools push on to extremities. You have only to lament this event as a good citizen ; but what is my situation ? I, who shall, perhaps, be obliged to get my head broken for the defence of measures that I abhor, and from persons who have done all in their power to disgust me from the public service." The Marshal, notwithstanding his repugnance, was invested with the command of Paris. During the fatal days of July I went through the different quarters of Paris, and in several groups I heard persons say, that the Marshal had now a fine opportunity to retrieve his reputation. This word instantly gave me to understand that something ought to be done in the present circumstances, to inform the Mar shal of the fact. I immediately repaired to the staff, but as I was obliged to ►nix with the people, in order to ar rive at the Tuileries, 1 was afraid of being looked upon as a spy, and massacred on the spot. On returning home, at about half-past one, I received a letter from a person in forming me that the Marshal had listened to councils of a conciliatory nature, and that if I joined him he would per haps take a definitive determination. I cons quently went to the staff at about two o'clock. When I sew the persons who surrounded the Marshal, I could not help re gtetting that they were not all military ; for amongst them I perceived sonic persons belonging to the Foreign Department, and also the editors of certain journals. The ' officers of the staff facilitated my progress, and 1 entered the apartment where the Marshal was conversing with several General Officers in disguise. Some of the latter manifested opinions which appeared to me very unreasonable ; others, on the contrary, anti especially Gen. Tromelin, gave ad vice which ought to have been followed. I informed the Marshal of the object of my visit, and told him that the only resource left was to set off immediately for St. Cloud, and to resign the command of Paris into the hands of the King, if the Ministers were not dismissed, and the ordi nance repealed without farther delay. The Marshal ap. peered to be in a most painful ►tate of agitation. His opi. nion concerning the ordinances was the 'awe as before; but l►e watt governed by the false ideas of military honour. He thought that he could not make any concession during the combat. He experienced a certain feeling of shame on seeing the best soldiers of the whole world routed in every quarter of Paris by the people, who bad not even arms on that very morning. However, I still hoped to tiring him over to my opinion ; but an unforeseen circum stance Made all my efforts fruitless.. An aide-de-camp to General Quinones informed the Marahal that the General could no longer resist the efforts of the people in the quarter of the March 6 des Innocens, though he had both cannons and four battalions to support him. I represented to the Marshal that the resistance of the people was legitisnete,Tor that they defended their institutions. As our conversation was going on in this tone, the Deputies were announced. I left the Duke, and went into another room. There I was told hr the first time that the Ministers of the King were also at the etaft quarters; I even saw four of them, who were I be lieve MM. de Polignac, Monthel, d'llsusses, and Guernon de Ren►ille. The Deputies left the Marshal, and I learned that they had been unsuccessful. M. Mauguin highly praised the reception they bad met with from the Marshal, hut said that certain circumstances prevented him from coin ciding with their views. The Deputies were going down the staircase when an officer recalled then► ; but it soon proved to be an error. In the mean time I engaged in conversation with an eideole-camp, M. de I.► Rue, end told him that I ahould return and see the Marshal, if the troops had not thee passed over to the side of the people. These words matte a deep impression an N. de la Rue. " What do you say ?" be exclaimed. " I say the truth," I replied, " I have seen the troops shaking bands with the people." He replied, " Inform the Marshal and the Ministers of this news." Ilut as I was desirous of saying that I had not seen the Ministere, I refused to comply with the demand. M. de la Rue immediately told the Marshal and M. tie Po lignite of this circumstance, and returhed saying, . 4 The Minister does not understand French. When I told him the troops of the line were espousing the cause of the people, he replied, " Well, fire on the troops." (Here M. de Polignac made a negative sign ) A slight difference exist* between my present testimony and written deposi tion. I said in the latter that the Marshal told the Prince of what M. de 14 Rue had 'aid. M, de la Rue, who is now in a foreign country, has written to me that he spoke to M. de Polignac in person, and that he replied in the above wends to M. de la Rue. I therefore retract my for mer deposition concerning that particular circumstance, Persil—Who were the persons belonging to the Foreign-office whom the witness saw at the staff? M. Arago—l saw M. de Flavigny. M. Persil—How is it there were any peeons belonging to the Foreign-office at the staff, whilst M. de Polignac has said that he had ceased to hold any ministerial time tions on the Wednesday? N. de l'elignac.—lt is very true that M. de Flavigny came to ask for instructions relative to the papers which had been left at the Foreign-office. lie remained with me but a very short time. I should wish the witness to say if he saw any tidier person there with me. Arago—l saw M. de Flavigny, and also another person, who was said to be your private secretary. de Polignac---I first declare that I do not at all re member the worths attributed to me; anti I also declare that I never knew that the troops had abandoned the ser vice of the King before my arrestation. The witness, in relating a few word* of M. de Magnin's maintains that he said, " And for people who do their utmost to inspire me with disgust." Well, if the Marshal was here at present, he would say that he did not allude to me. I was always on the best terms with him, anti he even wrote to me ae• vend letters expressing hie gratitude towards me. He had often appeared desirous of being invested with the command of the first military division; I had already spoken of it to the King ou different occasions, who gave me to understand that such a thing might take place, and I availed myself of the absence of General Coward to ob tain the (abject of the wisher of the Marshal. _ ..._.,....... M. Arago.-1 declare that M. ifs Ragusa always &poky favourably of M. rle Polignac. de Martignac-...The deposition which has just been heard is the most painful of the whole affair. M. de Polignac is accused of a crime of the greatest magnitude. The debate is open ; each witness is prompted both by the conscience of the Judges and also by his own, to tell the troth ; but hitherto none of them have been able to speak of any personal fact. And here comes a witness who so coats M. de Polignue of the most barbarous expressions pronounced without necessity, and without being able to prove his assertion. The witness merely repeats the words of another man, and that man is now in another country. So that such an atrocious accusation is merely grounded on it vague report. I hope the Court will take this tit cumstance into consideration.. The discussion was suopended during a quarter of an hour. The President (to M. Arego)...You have 'pokers ofir letter written to you by M. de la Rue; have you the letter in your possession ? M. Arago—No; I gave it to M. de Guise. The President (to M. de Guise)—!lave you the letter? —No, Sir, I have it at home. Your residence is not far; you can go fur it.—Witness left the room. M. Glandeves, Governor of the Tuileries, was then in troduced. The President—Do you know if the refusal of M. de Polignac to see the Deputies was concerted With the other Ministers —Ntit DO you know if M. de Regina had frequent communi . cations with the Ministers ?—Nn, I do not ; for their apartments were contiguous to each other. Do you know if any letter was sent to St. Cloud ? The Marshal told me once th,tt belied written to the King. Were the Ministers inforMed of what took place on Wednesday ?—The rOortir were made with greattliffieulty. What efforts did M. de Ragusa, make to prevent the effusion of blood ?—M. de R tgusa expressed the gre ttest desire to put an end to the hostilities. Do you know if M. de Ragusa ordered any arrests?— i saw no list of such a nature. Was not a proposition made to keep the Ministers as hostages whilst the two Peers should go to St. Cloud ? Having no troops at my disposal, I could undertake no measure of that kind. If M. de Ragusa had proposed it, I should have accepted of it readily, and by such action I believe I should have accomplished the duties of a good citizen and of a faithful servant of the King. What took place during the capitulation of the Tuileries? —1 remained at the Tuileries three hours after the Palace had surrendered ; and I went the next day to St. Cloud. Did you inform the King of what had taken place, and did you ascertain whether the King acted according to the dictates of his own heart, or to the advice of the Minis ters?—l had no private conversation with the King. M. Galle—On Thursday morning I went to M. de RI. gnu, who was then at the Tuileries; he received me very kindly, and I spoke with energy of the barbarous orders which be had issued the day beliire. The Marshal main tained, on the contrary, that he bad only done his duty. The witness then went into a variety of details, merely descriptive of the state of things in Paris at the time. M. Trouchin, Lieutenant. General, saw the Marshal at the Tuileries on Wednesday, who complained to him of his unfortunate condition ; that were he not to succeed he should be compromised with his colleagues ; and that if he succeeded, he had nothing to expect but ingratitude. As witness went out be met Prince Polignac, who Nei I that the troubles of that day were not greater than the former troubles in the rue St. Denis. M. lleyaux, formerly Advocate-General of the Court of Paris, said that no instructions had been given beforehand to secure the execution of the ordinances, and he saw the Minister of Justice quite tranquil, under an impression that the tumult would at once yield to military force. The rest of his evidence was according to the testimony already published. A witness, employed at the Octroi of Paris, proved that on the Wednesday he had stopped an estafette sent by the Prefect of the Loire, to announce, that conformably to his orders the Swiss corps in the garrison of Orleans was on the point of marching to Paris. M. de Peyronnet earnestly declared he had sent no such orders; it must have been either the spontaneous set of the Minister of the Loire, or an order of the Minister at War, of which be had no knowledge. A Peer said that possibly the order might have been given by telegraph. Then, rejoined Peyronnet, some trace of such an order must remain in some of the °niece. The Marquis do Semonville, the Grand Referendary of the Chamber of Peers, aged 71, repeated his testimony, as already published, relative to his efforts on the Wed nesday to save the Monarchy and France from the dread ful policy of the Ex-Ministers. The Marquis was allowed a chair on account of his age, hut he delivered his answers with the greatest earnestness and precision. Ile descrikd the dangers which he and Count Argout encountered in making a great circuit to get filet to the Tuileries, and next to St. Cloud, where he in vain implored Marshal Marmont, Polignac, and the King, to revoke the ob noxious orders. The Marshal, it will be recollected, he described as dreadfully agitated at the duty he had to per form ; Mignon cold and reserved; Peyronnet most earnest for hastening him (witness) to St. Cloud, to see what impression could be made on the infatuated King ; and finally, the failure of his well-meant efforts. The President—M. le Marquis, the Court are aware of the motive of the silence of M. de Semonville respecting the conversation which be had with the King, in the King's closet at St. Cloud, yet it is my duty to remind him ' that he has sworn to tell the whole truth. In consequence of this obligation, I ask him, what was the opinion he formed from his own observation, of the real intentions of the King, and if he thought his Majesty was at the time I under the influence of his Ministers ? M. de Semonville—l am about to reply to the Presi. dent's question. I have always thought that the opinion of the King was of old and long formation, and of his own personal conviction, as well as being the result of the com bined influence of what he deemed to be a political and re. ligious system. My urgent entreaty met from the King fur some time an obstinate resistance, which I did not suc ceed in overcoming, until I thought I had made him fully understand the imminent danger of his dynasty. I sue. ceedrd in compelling him to understand that the safety of the Dauphines► at least required a prompt answer—for he turned aside from the details of the state of the people (the Duchess of Angouleme was then in a distant part of the country)—that, absent from Paris, she had to pass through provinces where she was liable to detention. The King than, moved by entreaties, at length yielded, placed his head between his hands, and declared that he would at once assemble his council. M. Persil (a Commissioner of Accusation) then begged of the witness to explain a conversation which he had with M. de Polignac concerning the Chamber of Peers. 111. de Semonville replied, that the Prince Polignac had often spoken to him of changes which be wished to make in the constitution of the Chamber of Peers ; but that there never was a question of acting without the Chaim. ber of Deputies, and he never spoke of coups (fetal. With ;reference to the observation of M. de Semonville, alluded to in his former interrogatories, of Peyronnet de. siring him to hurry quick in the gardens of the Tuileries, 111. de Peyronnet wished to explain that his expression of go quick referred to the state of Paris then in tumult, and not M. de Polignac's carriage, which was then accidentally following to St. Cloud. M. de Martignac said it was quite evident that the pointing of the hand of M. Peyronnet was to the spot where the danger lay, namely Paris, and not to M. de Polignac. Prince Polignite then rose, and with great earnestness gave some explanations respecting his interview with MM. de SemonviPe and d'Argout on the Thursday, and reiterated his declaration, that there was 1 . 40 ques tion about the resignation of the Ministers, but solely with regard to the revocation of the ordinances. How ever, that upon arriving at St. Cloud, he had declared to the King that no inducement could retain him in the Ministry. He gave the most solemn asseverations of the truth of this expressed intention, and concluded in these wards :—" If I had to chuse a tribunal to examine my acts, I should have preferred that of the Chamber of Peers; but I declare thst I should not have refused to appear be fore a tribunal selected from the inhabitants of Paris,--of those citizens who during three days were soldiers, because before justice there is no passion, and Frenchmen know no enemies except on the field of battle." M. Mauguin (the Deputy) was next called in evidence,. when M. de Martignac said, that he did not object to his testimony, although he was one of the Commissioners charged with the examination of the act of accusation. M. Mauguin thought he ought not to be examined es a witness, and he was permitted to withdraw. The President then said, that the Conunissioners for the accusation were to speak to evidence to-morrow. Adjourned till to-morrow. At ten o'clock on Friday night, when this report left Paris wee perfectly tranquil. FOURTH DAY—Dm 18. The Court met this day at the usual hour; the pri soners were conducted as before. The utmost tranquillity reigned in the neighbourhood of the Lu xem b ourg. In the gallery, exactly opposite the Count Peyronuet, stood, in the uniform of the National Guard, C o l onel Fabian, the gentleman of colour from Martiniqu e , wh o was ignomi niously branded and sent to the gallies during Peyronnet's colonial administration, and whose care was, since the re volution, before the Chamber of Deputies. . _..... The business of this day was principally the speaking to evidence of the Commissioners in support of the accost and devoid of a 6 t u ty o. str l ik t i ‘ n V g U in t t e e d r i e o s l t i . s, full \Ve ohftvreePenteittiQrnoso'm this day for these speeches, and must enndente them i nto an analysis. M. Persil, Procureur-General, and one 4 .1 the Commis sicitiers,deecivnoilvrne7t7pon d by y im n aih f idingto the res p ons ibili ty which enlarging, on this occasion, upon the nature of the accusation whi c h the Chamber o c f ha D ri e e i s m x tie . s 1 1 71 1 1 ex b ee r t o l u ti g n I g it tialetisaindsutty, b should the e E's-Mi n i s t ers o f perforM his task with moderation. fie then went over all the well-known circumstances of the concoction and 1 promulgation of the ordinances; the exclusion of MAL Courvoisier and Chabrol front the Council the better to arrange theta fatal measuret; the appointment of a mili tary consmanditut of Paris, to endeavour, by fore* of arta, to extinguish public liberty; the noble resistance of the journalists ; and the splendid spectacle presented by the people of Paris, at the sacrifice of many valuable lives ; the war of extermination which the wrecked Government of the day had directed to he waged against them ; and the moderation with which the populace had crowned their glorious achievement. The orator went over the oft-told history of the three last days of July, in all its memorable details, and asked if responsibility attached to the Ministers of a Government (and that responsibility, he contended, existed in all Governments) whether in the case of crimes of this kind it ought not to be enforced against the authors of such a daring infringement of pub. lie rights. To connect the accused will these fatal tran sactions, he pointed out the evidence which fixed them at St. Cloud awl the Tuileries with Marshal Marmont, while the sanguinary orders went forth to shed the blood of the people, anti their rejection of the repeated offers mule to put an end to the contest. This was shown by the failure of the deputation of Messrs. Lsfitte, Perrier, &c. ; of the Alitequis de Setnonville, and so many others who stood fur ward at once to save the throne and the people. In fact, the whole details allowed that the late dynasty were 'kilt upon establishing arbitrary power, ly military means, upon the ruins of the constitution which they had previously sworn to maintain. For these acts the accused were deeply respon sible. They had acted deliberately, they had placed Paris in a state of siege, they had ordered the troops to act in mass against their fellow-citizens, and they had wantonly and cruelly shed blood to enforce their illegal measures.— This was not the sudden and impetuous act of one indivi dual, but the combined operation of a Council exercising the functioneof the Government of a great nation. The Learned Commissioner then went rapidly through the evidence against the accused, commenting, as he went on, upon such parts of it as bore against the accused, particularly Prince Polignac who was found everywhere directing the execution of vio ," lent measures, and resisting the counsels of wisdom and moderation which were so earnestly presented for his adoption. Besides the summary of the evidence, he gave a brief historical narrative of the tormation of the Consti tution in 1814, upon the restoration of the Bourbon dynasty, and the various attempts subsequently made to infringe its provisions under the pretext of modifying them until the last blow was struck by the coup d'etat of the Ex-Ministers. It was for that attempt at consummating all the atrocious grievances of the State that the Chamber of Deputies charged before the Chamber of Peers the Ex- Ministers of Charles X. of the heinous crime of high treason. Their ordinances were a direct and flagrant infraction of the Charter--(Here he read the ordinances and the articles of the Charter, which bore upon his case)—and justice required to be satisfied, or else the people could no longer feel themselves secure under the sanctuary of their laws. It had been said that there was no law in France, he meant no positive law, to au thorise the trial of these Ministers ; that, in fact, they had no clear law of treason as in England ; this assertion he combated at some length, and asked what meant the oaths to maintain the Charter, if its violation were not to be penal; what meant all these constructive principles of their criminal code which invested the judicial authorities with discretionary power to punish general offences? But here was a direct case and not a constructive one; here was the crime of breaking the electoral laws, decimating the Chamber of Deputies, awl overthrowing all the founda tions of public liberty. When France, fatigued with re• volutions, restored the previously ejected dynasty, the charter of Louis XVIII. was the condition, the bond, established between the King and people. It remained for the survivors of the family of that monarch to break this sworn compact ; and was he to he told that the people had no law to redress their grievous wrong? But it was said " the Ministers being responsible, the person of the King is inviolable; hut you have pursued the Monarch ; you have taken your own election, and why DOW turn and pursue the Ministers?" This argument was com pletely erroneous, for the ordinances were the sole cause of a'l the misfortunes of the country last July, and they were signed by the Ministers, who thereby fixed their own personal and penal responsi'aility. Beside., an accomplice, it was well known, according to the prin ciple of every law, could not demand an acquittal, be cause the principal criminal had been condemned. He admitted there were distinguishing circumstances some what in favour of Messrs. Chantelauze and Guernon de Ranvi le ; but lie denied that they could in any degree be used as exonerating them from the consequences of bay ing signed the fatal ordinances, in their capacity of Minis ter of State. He then went into a good deal of details re specting the steps taken by the Ministers to overawe and influence the elections, and in proof of their direct viola tion of law upon this point, lie read copies of the various letters which they sent into the provinces. to accomplish by threats, bribes, and promises, a Chamber of Deputies, such as they hoped would become their tools for the esta blishment of despotic sway, and these acts lie traced to the personal influence of Prince Polignac in the Cabinet. It would be remembered that at the period of these elec tions, two new Ministers (Peyronnet and Capelle) were called into the Council, each of them presenting what were deetneisufficient guarantees for their capacity. Peyronnet it was who first endeavoured to organize a system of ge. neral intimidation, and to use the power of the Sovereign to perpetuate base and arbitrary intrigues. No arts were spared to effect by these intrigues what was afterwards at tempted to be accomplished by military violence ; and in every part of these measures there was proved the direct par. ticipation of the accused Ministers. All these preliminary acts constituted the first head of accusation against them. The second was the issue of the actual ordinances, the fit co rollary of their previous plane : the first attacked the general liberties of the people : the next went to subvert by one blow that Press which 113 nobly asserted these rights. There was reason to believe that Prince Polignac and the Dauphin were here deeply implicated. (The Prince Polignac here laughed at this insinuation.) To show the public evils which arose from these violent mea sures, lie contrasted the tranquil state of the public mind of France at the end of the Session of 1829, compared with that of the same period of 1830, and he asked what safety there was for nations, if these frightful agitations could be perpetrated by Governments with impunity. lie knew it had been said, that the 14th article of the Charter gave the King a latitude to make or dinances " for the security of the State," but surely the rational construction of this article was, that these ordinances should be conformable to the law, or at least only to supply the place of their fairly interpreted omission. He by no means pretended, that in a time of great danger, the King was not empowered to exercise the whole authority of the State to provide for its safety ; but this could not be done by virtue of the 14th article of the Charter,—but only iu a case of itnniinent and palpable necessity.—(Here there was a buz in the Court, and the President enforced silence.)—From the Bth of August the day of Prince Polignac's nomination, M. Persil proceeded to state that the apprehensions of the country were roused, and these illegal acts, anticipated with a melancholy truth, soon realized by events, were the consequences of culpably wicked advice, and not of any forced construction of an article in the Charter. The orator here recurred to the narrative of the troubles of Paris on the Tuesday, the at. tacks of the troops upon the people in the Place du Palais Royal, rue St. Honore, &c., all of which were the direct and inevitable consequences of the orders of the Ministers to execute these ordinances. The third head of accusa tion was the sanguinary manner in which the execution was attempted. The most striking circumstance in this shocking event was, that the troops first attacked an un. armed population ; French soldiers were first need for this horrid purpose, and then foreign troops (Swiss) were employed to support these attacks. But it was said, Ministers had never ordered these attacks, and this was sail in the face of the notoriety of the fact that such orders were actually given, and in writing. By whom, then, were they given ? Was it not in evidence that the troops were ordered to act in mass against the citizens ? But it was slid the people were the first to attack the troops...-. This was not true, for a charge of cavalry, quite unpro voked, was the opening of the conflict. However, sup pose the people had first attacked, their act was justi. ha w, for they would have been only repelling a forcible aggression upon their liberties, and even under any cit.- cumstances of popular tum u l t , w h y order troops to fire by divisions of order troops to mow down unarmed and mixed groupes ?—would any man say that such a degree of violence ought to have been resorted to in the public streets of a great city, to sustain the dominion of any Administration ? And was there no crime in au thorising such a movement, and distributing money to execute it, and at once driving the people into civil war, to prevent the sacrifice of all that was dear to them ?- lEcf." message a u r e4n r g e ol l : p a l i n edt sent To prevent the recurrence of such crimes the present process was instituted. The blood of the people thus horribly spilt milled for justice, and it was that justice fur calm vaelindgeadnelciebertaotiavappje: w hi c h in their behalf the Chamber of Deputies then d e manded ; the l y )re :s i k n etl ied tiee, ouch as the law empowered and sanctioned—and the t, p a as s sio so n l s ne of the people. Here again the orator re o (erred jpihaatrittiuceli,larAlyfatrsohatiliemlezonwtr,sitAteinde.frdoe.m. Prince Polignac was privy to the to head-quarters from the King, for the troo p s to sot in man, anti that time Prince wished the troo p s , who were fraternising with the people, to be fired upon...--(Here M. de Polignac shook his head In denial. The Prince throughout this speech was earnestly intent. 11 P" t he speaker , Time three other prisoners seemed tb listen with comparative indifference. )--He contended tha throughout these proceedings Prince de Polignac was the most criminal of the accused. In saying this he touched not upon the known unconstitutional opinions of this un fortunate Minister, but on the part which he was proved to have taken during that metnerable week. It was na turd that Prince Polignac and his defenders should have yesterday endeavoured so earnestly to rebut the atrocious expression attributed to him. True this circumstance depended on the evidence of a single witness, Here M. Persil contended at some length against the old principle of law, that the evidence of one witness was sufficient in such a ease as this. They had, however, the oral testi mony of the respectable witness in the Tuileries, who ex clairrted, " We are lost, our Minister does not even under stand French !" and they had likewise the written corro boration of that evidence from M. de la Rue, in England. There were then to that remarkable fact two witnesses and not one, as had been elsewhere asserted. M. Persil then said lie should pass from Prince Polignac to the case of M. Peyronnet, who, though less culpable than President of the Council, was yet highly culpahl entered office with a knowledge of the part which he must take to retain his place—he was proved to have signed the ordinances—to have tranquilly remained at the Tuileries while Paris was declared in a state of siege. If be bad not signed that order also, it was clear he had not opposed it. He pretends that the police were entrusted to other bands than those of the Minister of the Interior, during these struggles, and that, therefore, he was not responsible for their arts. This pretence was set up against the notoriety of the fact of his being a Minister up to Thursday, and having sat in the last Council of the then Alinistry. The commissioners were certainly inclined to believe, that after the signature of the ordinances, some mysterious but superior power controlled the operations of the Government, and assured the Ministers that the ordinances might still be executed by the agency of cannon shot. Suppose, however, this to have been the case, it was nevertheless clear that Count Peyronnet was an accomplice in these crimes, and as such responsible. As to M. de Chautelauze, his excuse was that he was unacquainted with the policy of the Cabinet when be entered it. However, when known to him af terward., be (night to have quitted an office which no man could maintain with honour; lie signed in council ordi nance's which might have: produced amid) , r monarchical sth of September, and he admitted his having dared to draw up that report against the Press, which was in itself an act of high guilt. In regard to M. Guernon de Renville it was only known that, though he a lid he looked upon the charter us his political gospel, he yet signed the ordinances for its overthrow. After such acts, it was time to show the world whether ministerial responsibility was or was not a mere name. M. Persil concluded with a strong op peal to the Court to do justice on this occasion between the Government and the people, and to inflict the highest pu nishment upon the accused. The speech of the Commissioner lasted till after one . _ _ o'clock. Count Peyronnet immediately rose, and with great earn estness of manner, said, I cannot hesitate, Gentlemen, to point out to the Court and to the Commissioners of the Chamber of Deputies a serious error, in point of fart, at to a matter which immediately concerns me, and which appears to have escaped their attention. This air& a new proof of the embarrassment to which an accused is subjected in obliterating a false impression which has once been formed against him. I have been reproached with ' writing several circulars. In my interrogatory I have stated that I bad written only one. That di l not hinder them from still accusing me of having written several. Interrogated by the Commissioners of the Chamber of Peers, I repeated that there bad been but one. I have begged that the Chamber would order my actual letter to be read; and I flatter myself that no one will find in it any thing reprehensible. Yet the Commissioners of the Chamber of Deputies assert that I had written several circulars. I conjure them to produce what they assert to have been written—to make known at least the date and signature. When this duty has been performed, I shall give such explanations as will doubtless satisfy the Chamber. M. Persil—We have only quoted one circular. But he. sides the circular, there is a Ministerial correspondence; and this it is that we have quoted. M. Peyronnet—Allow me, Mr. President, to investigate the matter of which the commissioner has complained. M. Persil—We have done what it was our duty to do. M. Peyronnet—You institute an accusation ; you call for severe punishment ; you have every thing in your power. I could tell you what it is your duty to do. Here. a packet was passed to M. Peyronnet. On open ing it, he found that it contained the correspondence al hided to by M. Persil. M. Peironnet—Thi4 is dated the 19th of April. 1 waa not a member of the Ministry till the month of May : my circular was posterior. (This incident produced a strong sensation in the court.) The Court here suspended their sitting for about 20 mi nutes. When the President and Peers resumed their seats, M. Persil begged leave to reply to the last observations of Count Peyronnet. He admitted, in justice to the lat ter, that the letter promising an appointment after the elections were over, was written by M. de Montbel, and not (as be had said by mistake) by the Count. Still he contended that Peyronnet had, in point of fact, endeavoured to exercise an undue influence over the elections for the purpose of the latter enabling the Government to establish arbitrary power, in support of which opinion he referred to some parts of the evidence, and to letters written from the office of the Minister of the Interior to some provin cial authorities. Count Peyronnet, in a rejoinder, repelled this imputa tion, and complained in strong terms that the Commis sioners had withheld the production of these letters when he was under examination before them. He had himself during his unfortunate life been much connected with the administration of justice, but had never behavel so to any unhappy person who had been placed under the pressure of the laws. They ought not to have withheld these pa pers, if they had attached any importance to them, while he was under his preliminary examination, and now pro duced them here. DEFENCE OF PRINCE POLIGN AC. M. de Martignac rose at two o'clock to tendert eke this duty. lie commenced by an allusion to the extraordinary coincidence, that at a moment when the arms of King Charles X. were gloriously triumphant in a foreign con quest (Algiers), his authority at home, and his dynasty, should have been overthrown and trampled down. This extraordinary spectacle, he remarked, it had pleased Pro vidence to exhibit as a memorable lesson to thrones and potentates. In the midst, however, of all these great dilapidation., one great institution remained, and must for ever remain, unshaken —the empire of justice—and to that he now appealed on behalf of his unhappy and de serted client, before a tribunal where the voice of en ac cused must be ever heard with imperious silence and pro found and considerate attention. lie then drew a rapid sketch of the state of France during its awful changes from the period of the revolution of 17110 down to the restora tion of Louis XVIII., and of the crimes which, under the mask of law, were perpetrated at the different epochs comprehended within that space of time. Upon the re storation, it was the warm desire of the King to give new and liberal institutions to his subjects, and to repair, as far as he could, the disasters of frightful times, and the ravages of military despotism. It was, however, found very difficult for Louis to conciliate all the different spirits he was called upon to rule, and to give them at once institu tions calculated to inspire general confidence. It would, lee remarked, be borne in mind, that there were two great interests brought into juxta-position by the mime of events —the former possessors of honours and wealth, of which fur years they had been deprived ; and theme who bad more recently, and tender a different regime, acquired tenth ; the one naturally wishing to regain what they had ' lost, and the other to retain what they had acquired. It was in the midst of these contending interests that the re stored dynasty had endeavoured to consolidate new institu tions. Thus had arisen a state of things in which in the end it occurred that the people thought themselves a power contending with the monarchy, and the monarchy found itself at issue for its very existence with the people. Ile knew well that this ought not to have been the feeling of either, and that the interests of both might have bean better reconciled. Still it behoved him to show, that although he was not one of those who thought the monarchy ought to have considered itself attacked, by the desire of the people to remodel their institutions, it was natural that others reared under more extreme notions of the mo narchical principle, should lure entertained a different opinion, and felt themselves called upon, in moments of excitement, to resort to extreme measures for the preser vation of a principle which they held sacred, and believed at the moment to have bevel unjustly opposed. It was thus Charles X. felt himself placed when the recent troubles were on the eve of exploding. Still, at the epoch of forming the administration of the unhappy man who then sat as a prisoner behind him, he could prove there was no intention of violating the charter, and that Prince Polignsc throughout wished it to be preserved. In an other country the unfortunate Prince had studied the value of free own. To freein stitutisotnrse,nagnthen llis d he wis Ministry oe7 he soughtthempres fo erved in the aid of talents, and he found them in the person of his un fortunate friend, Count Payrontiet, of whom he (M. de Martignae) could not speak without emotion; for they were natives of the same town a members of the same tel profession,bevn colle a gue , mu s•l of the m t in the s s a am e e a li g l e i , and nistry h . ad T a o t o m see such m a me m a a t n accused of a capita crime, and to find himself in the situation of his defender, was one of those reveries if fortune for which good men of all parties would easily find syinpathy The Learned Counsel then referred in - detail ot the unfortunate events of July, and declared - that be mem they heard of the disturbances, determined on re noxious, and abandoning an administration which they I.Prifti;lll,l'a.dinrda:tniiiiirt:elle,'lejetiti.angfotterie;nhr:iieanpmlarpEutsvcrleettsahotohflwteehlhneiaciriclicfni fe eli ng s accused theyirnn l l gs ii i ih grt f°onafiut' a ntt e ; h , :ile h i stab i l:: i o r sh. d pais i t g i i titt: s m o reol i t : l a y -el . r l i i ,l la , ii ai nei h l a t il lie bee ii n np r, u l t v at l ion yme t n ht t a ion l e te i ; W de and o h r es red e should dpro y a r t; that his whole time WAS employed in endeavouring to Iwo duce a change of the Ministry, and a repeal of the Atte which the people had felt to be an attack on their lastitu tions. In no instance had Prince Polignac given, oilers • for military movements up to the time when tiie throne , was destroyed and that dynasty altered which be itittl on earnestly wished to preserve. The effect of theititnewor the revolution was again to immure Prince Pak* t o that dungeon in which he had already spent mintilf the biter days of his early youth, and upon a enttetrienn interpretation of a crime at variance with evetillen d principle of constitutional law. "It was my *vo the suite of these circumstances," continued hi: de') o'' "to have been selected by this 'unforttinatiltiO h" legal defender ; and I remember with ride thilltleo I announced tha-. circumstance to the Clambitiff lie'l ard that in consequence I could take no put in the 'ill' the proceedings in this CAW!, there was a- gen e on" meat of satisfaction, of which I should -bef tlettged to hare found an example in the history of the Coin intens of Englind.—(A buzz of approbation, for whiehilitilith• man could not conjecture the - ant,. thalillt ifrge claimed by M. de Martignac, it being one of Ow"' m onest occurrences in the House of Commeirdl4-00-'• t w H h i e e tn p i h e ro o l n e t • t e h s ed e ty e Q d o u t f r i e i nths'stiteittrreiaitlnittaeatnntdthioanegh,prunisinnireedred iik*lllll64lNelli.?' from justice, but something frombaillifiethinnieltilitfeaorf passion. So much so indeed, that )14 Ind inten led to apply for trial befit!" a tribunal Unloved from the seat of the principal. incitement; but this intention was transitory, and they tepoettl i thei rliv " with just confidence in the firmness, and linetbue, gad eitta. science of this au.:,ust tribunal, and in the custody ef Met brave civic guard which now surrounds. the was of hi e 'it first Ch :other. The learned counsel at ,sonlo hinllthAt wuw i a . 0 1 that upon the law of the case hi; unfortni**,,,..- 'Mi t , i been most harshly treated, and that it will all'A`""*"d,° ouppuse th it the invioltbility seemed by the Oirteuto u s King was to be limited to the safety of bleMilleaPt s .ti: and not extended to the power which lit bat exii,77 .- They had exacted the wake of his power from thirsting" and yet they afterwards widied to.saeri4ce.ble MOTs; thus with the remnant of the charter,io ihoirP n "' !toed, charter which the legislature bad since lillit o -• d0 this ; they sought to enforce a penal racqnsibili l is T h .. which upon the suppos-d permanence of provii49 ol l. o ~ .'we l of it the accusers had themselves abro;atedr to'! 414141' h they to be any longer in force. Was ail: then' o,,whicimors wished to present to the contemplation 4 h, . 1 1,,i ce of civilised Europe ? Was this the en ensum' "`E, o f w hick was to he exhibited by the reformed ,irtelibroriLA, constitutional France ? The war of opiniOn'' , ho' ° r„ie was at this moment happily over in frolic& !JO 7 7d. had tt iumphed, and their glory was hitherto.. l ore But what did this accusation import? .That 14% e re yet persons in France who, after n•gretiCvi 6t• L` pot not content with seizing unfortunate fugitirelis mo d. i satisfied with having them prisoners-4'4llwatt) I": Lit ful privilege of eats s triking off their . he id g ;±l . o " fs , violence to be perpetrated by this hiethoot , tr iPwr had ciii:illrisemd,rSogtaattev,Landllntytivmirtcuoeuvoufiasilosnwo owthraiehstir4hat Stitelm ugh y '. spectacle had ever been exhibited —no tnumpbOnibin. would have ever, inn he heat of victory, allot PI hi d critics of the lives of il their' opponents, whorl powt„,,,, been wrested from their hands, and whetohditio,r4 they bail ceased to be of consequence. , In•stilion, • indeed, they might have wished to fiery} thrill . 1 l i p taking away of their lives they warted have. &t o been murder in cold blood. lie then strongly;; or, the constitution of the tribunal of the Court of o ,„. 0 this occasion, because, after the very Indictirieldl. which the accused were proweented was (mod; thtfirrh o I Psers hid been stripped of eightY•et t t 'of ' III M - rily rhos the judges were not the onto no thel- tiwic;,lo i would have been had the prisoner; been 0411 acclf:,.. the law in existence at the time of , their alleged _,,. What would have been said by Europ hid It_ing 7 . 1 1 n: of England put upon trial the Aliniste b r!t of J n araet,", anomaly which the. eat Pr° ° " i vio spunwte .after flprtemioe)edarnnoeranr l :tet i otir e hhihs . eeei fide iwsrt judgedra n hurled g e a ? that He . e ,11 1 i 1 1 , n e n t t a r w r h: t hfrosmioetie dthearot.ge;7o-17, exhibited. c T on e s t impeachment i c tt t i : 1 a i ot Chamber pbe o r f .O fi ‘ t v 1 1) e a s t i l e i rpe t u d r itr;uwanpacaorli could V b iod tl y e t ga o,eti b il is ri : a o v h . ; ‘ 4 11 1 i ii i eratical portion of toe —4IS I I . t.,i,nac setotnfritae.Aringrgbiitestelftfri'laail nbicaGacatalurhinvteernhrrat.potni:ver:rtruel:siwedc beoeeundsctlifhilttirilythltileit4Pfdiggirriv;ipsii;MH:ji d hs It judgment. Court taidisgemd et fur ni.,te.i r rho plrioe wr t coeleal d lten, u lds c tu e nh t ela l orttthe i ofo l fouorugr to reitibotia3 t cgl b lesocp r : e e rnke: - (rt fi e,:o. f tc t i► t ; id.:lo (i naii:doisi. P; a : ove lh i_ ill it against the false interpretation of the lave' 0rnL, 4 0.11 4 make this case one of high tresion. Ilse tteZ'orlor Strongest terms that the process was secn7o4,oo. when drawn out in this extreme form; ,tbel nt, oat deed, construe any crime into an act of treetr , P o lid e ol in England before the great declaratory Snit?" sho d the 111., which rigidly de fi ned that or a na 4 o 'lo r iT e r i o e g d id precedent o i lit C it eri s ia t r P i l eg r oy we i c hTe t p i r l o i n v n ed use i t i o ; s f: J s b d i l dc o : tr ifi g : l) :l o o ffi. . oo lo.l : lazed in their observance of the laws of the .. , boa , let in Cromwell to abolish at once all the prirint" of the State. must he' O f ! : 1 / 2 1Ajcb ctolotm iv :k y oni e foce to aor y rr :: ,ti n sneg th& his s o li r g it h ua t d e rii s ed t nt i ch d sa e a s aodp f ieg t o li : eith i t io ; h P i re :m .. ',°o ! n l a y coac, .do td_Arnilre:thisoeifo, xi P . a d t ae communication l s d t e nr L t oi gufanteao:thlsatooyn which i e S h a t i lt i r i d s o 1::::: I el tr ' ou l i unwelcome ::nnhwipevoanter'rsiitaananlioatttigtobereuryeiali.lne interval a i l s o e c v e t i:d r e i s n:t e 11 that il s e t ps h a ig ls:( 11 :e n_ I III n 11 ,7; 9 : :: I t i b e e . o'clock Ito that he wd:naen) of approbation. .le4. •• I. period some symptom mei WIT! '*the , r e ,n i t te u ht t o e l f ° i nfurtihhg°ierhs t he gliiiisiePettm7mbeejobrnfd°or m r: toetirr-tellfroll24'.--:m.1,11111,4P—' i;:oir:ci'llibi uttered iy a man w hose sppeiraneu waled . 1 :, Os be otuj o h c on h o e a s t i o mm th e e dia t t i e g ly ht behind me. maep . pro T pt h i l s e tod St i o l i , ,„ teu a ell' , 13 (1, : t • j emnioo.ointo r n.earo a t: l i i rt s atlie ts a w : iatanos b w u hta t on. ka be td.rni f g o iohn i rettaatblniegedainoieretxferc;cra,lriaunTop,ditifitooi o nou is ibb e tt s ! r d e co., : 1 1 1 7: : / V s; a t i i t o n , trial, isinsiadereini4tahnedanwthelims l ie ser it . Id scot` tba lie.' Per. v op i fr t .o i t T a hra h ewp e libli t yuo iCket of admission with which I have .1 riga ° hie , le is fortunately one of those called a bald ha ° ,10, or but quietl y , p u shed (ruin his pise_ibtof twos , posaepartout, which not ()sly 00- - , 1 :04 ahnoyt,pwaritthofththeeopeaaaalaceiondar aiindgotthethawlttoolearfortltii, a ti o tt n e r f i nr any supposed deficiency, an ecs or A IVar.os;l,' . re t e 've to parry the thrust of " Circe/es tog hi . t A hoo . h eette carte 10, VO7ll ne paws pas relA tf ilio have g h more than "" compelled "1614.4° ill t of itherto succeeded in witnessing the Most i l !" i t i 0 . witnesses, the trial, the examinations of the prilet,',ol the interlocutory speeches of the 1109rsir • the_ .,e ac cused , particularly those of Peyronnet lIndf"! F ,era somewhat declamatory address this morldatortir naci i s l 3 and the brilliant oration with which O& • T i lt, at this moment electrifying his audience. io or ai v . :i t ! u4i intrusted to the unin t err u pt ed of preservationt h e tra nq ui lli t y fourth of d t w a k y: i s: s h u i b r :i n n , g a r : .As r ce ° B : 7ll : rili tid er before enfour h me sbtehtrneionicofecmtlhilanetetin,renetecmiaguehntbiteonousfr htwondhie,ic,ohibaul.t ioorrY 0 1 , 14 001 0 i h t e ro capital and the suburbs, has induced the sn i t pru enee ..et on duty in the interior of die palace, and the rh iw-i • li"-f "" la"- 4 : r ail gardens, has already been greatly diminished ; lOW great beams which on the fi rst day had been" ft . f 'SO means of hinges to the ponderous foltling-00—t:of I° principalclosing entrance, fur the purpose of acting ee s : We sto c nce i . gb,taboemwhagollayinrsetarovyeda.ttemopot &altos iffehrociial:lo44..o,l_,roY4do,lt% peace will occointtbineuwest,ithoitaatlywahoadtaevorger endangered. lastly; "I . .. have to assure yo ( n Fro o n t i t t h li s e soo.. 0 , 40 10: 1 . 0 f . " firs,: disayswoitfilthitiovelkoardisin,,Trl;U T gs S O Y; N oi l thi go ra g ic P t l ion : 44 .- t r bl a i tranquillity which has prevailed in Paris 'aurinti fir great trial. The publis lOUs*