The Sun. — London, England, 1833-03-12 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OP LORDS, Maacnn. On the LORD CHANCELLOR taking his seat at five o'clock, The Bishop of CHESTER presented petitions from Rochdale, Boroughbridge, Congleton, and Preston, praying for the better observance of the Sabbath. Lord KING presented a petition from the parish of Greenford, in the county of Middlesex, against tithes. Also a petition from the parish of Kilreen, in Carlow, against the tithe system in Ireland. The Bill of last year bad been the cause of widening still further the difference between the Catholics and Protestants in that country, and bad not lessened the difficulty of collect ing the tithes, but had rather increased it. If tithes were colh-cted to sustain the poor they would enlist the whole population of Ireland in their favour. The Noble Lord also gave notice that he should move tomor row (or an account of the application, or rather misappli cation of the funds of Queen Anne's Bounty at the disposal of the Government. Lord PLUNKET gave notice that on Friday he should lay upon the table of the House the Irish Jury Bill. The Earl of WICKLOW said that he should object to the Bill if it was the same as that of last session. Levi MELBOURNE said that, as he had stated a night or two ago, the opinion of the Judges, in Ireland had been taken upon it, and they were upon the whole in favour of it. L4 , rd ELLENBOROUGH said, that he had privately obtained the opinion of two Judges, and they were ad verse to it. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said that any Noble Lord might privately take the opinion of any person, but tbdt opinion could not be produced as an authority in that House upon any matters of Pgi.lation. The Marquis of STAFFORD presented a petition from tin Members of the Baptist Congregation in St. George street, N.ttingham, praying for the better observance of the Sabbath. Lord TEYNHAM presented a petition from a parish in Mayo, against the Irish Coercive Bill, and praying for an inquiry into the state of Ireland before it was passed into a law. The Noble Lord also gave notice, that on Monday next, he would move an humble address to his Majesty, praying that he would give instructions to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland to inquire into the facts which bad induced him to place the barony of Gallen under the Insurr, c ion Act. The Bishop of BATH and WELLS presented a peti tion from llminster, against the Beer Bill, and praying for the better observance of the Sabbath ; and from three other places to the same effrct. Lord TEYNHAM said he must say a few words upon which the first petition touched. He could not agree ,with it in any point. He considered that that Bill had dine a deal of goad in country parts, though he acknow- Leiged that it had not worked so well in towns. By its weans the labourer was able to get a beverage which did him Rood, and at a cheap rate ; therefore, he should be sorry to see it again placed nut or hrs power. If Minis ters would repeal the malt and hop duties, they would do more for the country than had been done by any former Government. The Bishop of SALISBURY presented petitions from the towns of Salisbury, Warminster, and several other places, praying far the better observance of the Sabbath. The Earl of RODEN presented petitions to the same effect from Aberdeen, Paisley,Weleyan Methodists of South wark, from Dublin, and other parts of Ireland. The Noble Earl was clad to see the question taken up as it was by the middle classes of society. The effect of that would be, that the higher classes would be forced by such conduct into a better observance of the Lord's Day. The petitions did not complain that there were no laws upon the sub ject, but that the laws which were now in the Statute Book were not wrong enou2h. He was most glad to see such a feeling upon sot h an important subject crowing up amongst the people, which was the more necessary at the preent time, as, if reports were true. measures were in preparation which would lay the Protestant Church of Ireland in the dust. Viscount MELBOURNE presented a petition from Derby, for the better observance of the Lord's Day. The LORD CHANCELLOR presented petitions to the same effect from Westminster, the inhabitants of Gos well-street and the City-road, and several other places. He was of opinion that the proper observance of that cl,y was good equally for the religious as for the wordly por tion of the people. In that opinion he had no doubt all their Lordships concurred, but the difficulty was very great in finding out a remedy for removing the complaint. None of the petitions which he had the honour to lay be fore their Lordships set forth any specific remedy for the purpose. Almost evety une agreed that coercive measures were to be shunned. The petitioners asked that they who were willing and anxious to observe the Sabbath should be protected, but how that was to be done without coer cion—without binding others from trading on that day, be could not see. The difficulty in the question was— the giving protection to the one class without corr. ing the other. He did not say that it was impossible—far from it; but as he was at present advised, he could not we his way cl,atly into the subject. There was one point, however, in which he could not agree with the peti tioriers, who stated that this was a great and increasing evil—a gre it one, no doubt, it w.s. but he was very much disposed to deny that the Sunday was worse kel.t now than at any former period. For his own part, he would say there was now much more decorum, at least in the ou , waid demeanour of .he people, than at any former tine which he remembered T , .ii was a matter of fact which he stated to their Lordships, from his own knowledge. In legislating upon this subject, great care must be token to keep from any harsh mealtime ; for, if such were passed, the effect would be to leave matters wor se than they found them. They toust not run counter to the great body of the people, by harsh means. He did not see there wa. any necessity at present for interference upon the subject, but if a case was made out, he would be happy to lend his best assistance to the subject. The NOBLE and LEARNED LORD then presented a peti tion from Ttaquair, praying for an alteration in the patron age of the Church of Scotland. He then presented 23 pe titions, praying for the immediate abolition of slavery, from places in England and Scotland. The House then adjourned. .ROUSE OF COMMONS, MARCIE 11. The SPEAKER. took the Chair at a few minutesaf,er five. IRISH CHURCEI REFORM BILL. Lord ALTHORP brought np a Bill to alter and amend the laws relating to the temporalities of the Church of Ireland. Sir R. INGLIS could not omit that opportunity of stating, that although he did not know particularly the diff_ ferent provisions of this Bill, he knew enough to enable him to say that he completely disapproved of, and felt dis gusted with, the principle of it.—(Hear, hear.) He hoped the Noble Lord would take care to have it printed and circulated among the Members of that House, and that sufficient time would be af f orded for enabling them to make themselves masters of its details be fore the day appointed for the second reading. Lord ALT HORP said the Hon. Bart. seemed sufficiently aware of the nature and provisions of the Bill to say that he felt disgusted with it.--(Hear, hear.) He should take care that the Bill be printed, and put into the hands of Members to-mortcw morning. The principle of the Bill was sufficiently weßknown and understood to justify him in proposing that it be read a second time on Wednesday next. It was most desirable that the Bill should pass that House as early as possible. Sir ROBERT INGLIS did not, in the course of his experience, remember a case in which a Bill of so much importance was pressed forward with so much in opportune eagerness and haste, as that 36 hours' notice only should he given, after it had been formally introduced, of its second reading. He complained that while it in volved the interests of many persons in the other part of the emplre, the discussion on its second reading should take place before copies of the Bill could by any possibi lity come into the possession of those who were most warmly interested iu every one of its provisions. He knew something, indeed, of the principle of the Bill from the Noble Lord's own statement on a former evening, and as far as lie understood ii, he was prepared to condemn it. Never theless, he contended that in cases of this description, the country should not be taken by surprise. Gilunel DAVIES thought if thio-e was any occasion for complaint, it was that the Bill bad been too long de layed.—(Hear.) As to what hail been said by the Hon. Blroner, about hurrying it through the House, if 36 hours' notic e was too short, and almost unexampled, be begged leave to refer the Hon. Barone , , with all his ex perience, to the case of the Coercive bear) — w hich was read a first time on Monday, and a second time on the Wednesday following. No doubt there had been several nights' discussion on the first reading, and perhaps the Honourable Baronet and his friends, for any t hi n g be (Colonel Davies) knew, might also prolong the discussion on this Bill for five nights successively. That to mendous Bill, which was now under the consideration of that House, had been carried through another House of Parliament with unexampled precipitancy. And anxious as be, and ad the friends of lrel. nd were, ti at this retnedid measure should pass, he could assure the House it nook] not go through the House so hastily as had the Coercive Bill in the other [louse. bHA%V reminded the Noble Lord (Al , horp) that there were some items of calculation in the measure which, with the short notice that had been Riven for the second reading, could not by passibility be properly investigated. In his view it was one of the most irnnortant Bills ever brought before Parliament, and he could assure the Noble Lord, that as such, it had been taken by the vast majority of the people in Ire] .nd. He considered that it would be very improper indecently to press forward this measure, and he tinaffect-dly put it to the Noble Lord's good feelings whether Wednesday was not too early a day to be ap pointed for the second - reading. At the same time he disclaimed putting forward any improper ground of delay on this occasion. Lord ALTHORP had stated, that the Bill would he printed and in the hands of Members to morrow. He thnuelat the principle and details of the Bill suffi ciently well understood to enable them to discuss and competently decide upon the merits of the mea sure, and he did not see any reasonable ground for delaying its second reading beyond Wednesday, as he had formerly stated. Sir ROBERT PEEL said he had had frequent com anunicaiions with many perms who felt a deep interest on this subject; his answer to them was to request that they would suspend their judgment. He thought it a mockery to have a Bill printed one day, and discuss it on the following ; and he hoped the Noble Lord would at least give such an interval as to enable them to read the Bill before it went into the second reading. Mr. O'CONNELL hoped that the Noble Lord would press the Bill forward as much as possible. The state of Ireland required that it should speedily pass into a law. Every Member knew the principles of the Bill, and they would be able to have the details in their hands to morrow. He hoped, therefore, the Noble Lord would not delay it. An How. MEMBER. (name unknown) said, as the prin ciples of the Bill were involved in the details of it, he would suggest a short delay. Another How. MEMBEtt trusted that the Noble Lord would not attend to any suggestion of the kind. It was most desirable that that remedial measure, which was one of many others, and which formed a distinguishing mark from that which they had to discuss this evening, should go forth to the world and thereby prove that the House was anxious to pass a re medial measure as nearly as possible pani passe with the other Bill. Mr. WILKS hoped the Noble Lord, with all possible despatch, would let the presebt Bill go forth to the world, for it was one of which the people of Ireland universally approved. Mr. A. JOHNSTONE said he could not see such an important measure pressed forward—a measure which would give the first stab to the Established Church, with any undue haste ; and he was surprised that such a great measure should have only one day between the first and second readines. He, for one, would not seek to conci liate the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin, by bringing forward that Bill with such precipitancy. With respect to the other Bill, they all knew that a great necessity existed for it ; hut no such necessity existed for the pre sent Bill. There were many reasons which induced him to press on the Noble Lord the granting of more time. Mr. LEFROY said that the other Bill for coercive measures was justified by the urgency of the case, but the present Bill introduced a principle of great magnitude and importance, namely, whether they were to have in Ireland an Established Church or not. He trusted that his Rejesty's Government would, under the circumstance of the great importance of the preliminary question, give more time than 24 hours before they were called on to discuss it. He trusted at least they should have a few days. Mr. D. W. HARVEY considered that the Bill for the reformation of the Church of Ireland ought to be proceeded with prior to the further argument on the Irish Coercive Bill, as it would supersede the necessity of that measure altogether. At the same time that he stated this he could not subscribe to the doctrine or principles that had been laid down of that measure having undergone a dis cusoinn. The measure had been ushered into the House by the N , ble Lord opposite, no persons having delivered their opinions upon it, with the exception of the Hon. Member for Duhlin ; he considered it bad in detail, as upon that point the question . would be, whether there should be a Church in Ireland or not. He should wish both measures to be delayed. If the consideration of the suppression Bill was delayed I r a week or two the otter measure would be found altogether to supersede it. An How. Mitmwslt trusted that Ministers would not allow a single hour's delay to take place in the second reading nithe Bill. Another How. MEsesea did not consider that the mea sure went far enough, and trusted that Ministers would extend its provisions when it came before the House in Committee —( Hear.) Mr. WARBURTON could not concur with the del iy proposed, considering it equally necessary that the remedial measures should have as immediate consideration as the coercive. Lord ALTIIOIIP—He should regret much to lose the c.nridence of a gentleman Laving the charact , r of the Hun. Members and hoped that it would not he upon such slight erounils as the pr Bent. If it would ivr aatislatition to any nuteher of Hon. Gentlemen, he was wil ling that the s, rand reading should t ke place on Thurs day, instead of Wednesd,y. Mr. MAURICE O'CONNELL said that the de'av f.f this measure proved how little Lis Majesty's Ministers were entitled to the confidence of the Irish people. C lone) CONOLLY said that as this Bill involved the existence of the Protestant religion, the welfare of the church tenantry, ..nd even in some (levee the integrity of the nom .reby, and permanence of connection between the two countries, he thought it was not one whi c h should he so precipitated in its passage through th,st House, as not to he known in the country where it was to operate till it became the law. The Hun. Member for Bridport sp ,, ke as if he thought this tneasure would dispose of the tithe question ; but it would do no such thing. It inv.,lved, however, other interests, which deserved the utmost deliberation and serious attention of the House. Mr. SLANEY said that the Noble Lord (Althorp) had a mist n:flicult task to perform. Gentlemen of ex treme opinions called upon him to pursue diametrically opposite courses ; and it became sincere men, who belonged to neither extreme, to throw their weight into the scale of mo4eration. Those men must feel most anxious that this, which was a con ciliatory Bill, should, at least, make equal progress with the coercive Bill.—(Cheers.) He had voted for that Bill with regret and sorrow, because he thought him self compelled to do so by necessity, but he must protest against any further delay than that which the Noble Lord had acceded to. The measure he suptiorted most cordially. An HON. MEMBER (name unknown) said that he disagreed with Ministers upon the coercive measure, hut quite concurred with them upon this, and hoped, there fore, that no further delay would take place. Lord JOHN RUSSELL gabi he could not believe that what was insinuated by the Honourable Mem ber for Tralee could possibly take place, namely, that the delay of a single day in bringing forward this Bill, would induce the people of Ireland to withdraw their confidence from this House.—(Hear, hear.) He wa4 sure that the p-ople of Ireland were not so un just—(Cheers)—as from such a circumstance to conclude that this Hous, was indisposed to redress their grievances. Lord DARLINGTON thought the House would have reason to complain if a measure of this importance were hastily passed through Parliament. He did not say that it should not be passed pari passu with even the Coer cive Bill, but if the Noble Lord thought so, why did he not press forward this Bill at an earlier period. The Biil was ten read a first time. - Upon Mr. SPEAKER, putting the question that it he read a s,cond time on -- Sir R. PEEL rose and said—He would put it to the Noble Lord to say whether or not it was a fair ground to state that because he wanted to satisfy the people of Ireland, be was about to introduce a conciliatory measure, in order to justify his Coercive Bill, that therefore only one or two days should ba suffered to elapse between the printing of the Bill and the second reading of it. It was on the 12th of March the Noble Lord obtained permi-sion to bring in this Bill. Why had not the Noble Lord brought it in sooner?—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") If he required additional time to that usually taken between obtaining leave to bring in a Bill and actually bringing it in, Was it not too much, after taking that unusual time, to deprive the House of two or three days which they desired to have after the first reading, for the purposo. of discussing the Bill ?—(Hear, hear.) He asked for no delay whatever that could carry with it the suspicion that he wanted to defeat the Bill—he asked only for that delay which would enable Members to consider and pronounce upon it. The House might re fuse delay with respect to the Bill already under discussion if the Noble Lord pleased, but all he (Sir Robert) protested against seas, that the House should be called upon to deal with a matter of this importance—to decide upon the principle of it without giving even three days for consideration. —( Hear, hear ; and No, no.) Fle would aenturo to say such a proposition never had been made by any Government —(Heer, hear, hear.) And such a propo•ition never catikl have been] thought of by any b..t the present Government.—(Cheers.) Contrast ti.e course that had been pursued with respect to the coer cive weaeure. The house permitted the Noble Lord to bring forward that important measure, without ask, ing to deprive him of the established course, perhaps with sufficient reason, but had there not been a most lengthened discussion on the first reading of that Bill? The first reading of this Bill bad taken place with an evidence of so little di-position to offer unnecessary delay, that it had teen read almost without a single word having been said upon it ; and that being the ease, he would maintain, that to have the second reading fixed for Wednesday or Thursday, was too early to admit of the House prrmou, sing on the principles of the fill.— (Cheers.) He wanted no delay that was unnecessary, He would venture to say the Noble Lord would find a vry different course pursued upon this Bill to that which had been pursued upon the Coercive Bill ; but it was hardly fair, presuming upon that, that he was to treat the House in such a way as it had never before been treated by any Government whatever.--(Cheers.) There were several parts of this Bid which he ap proved of—there were others which required explanation ; and he asked the Noble Lord to trust to his know.. ledge of uniform parliamentary proceedings, and to consider that Monday next would not be too soon to fix for the second reading of this M.—(H-3r, hear, hear.) He would venture to say that the Noble Lord would not find any undue delay wished for; but surely the Noble Lord ought to contrast the proceeding, on this occasion with that on any former time. He did not think that this Bill, which was to extin guish ten Bishops, to alter the whole tenure of Church lands, to alter the interests, not only of the Church but of the leases under it—above all, to appro pri ,te part of the revenues of the Church to secular purposes—he did not think it was unreasonable to a•k for four days' delay between the first and second read ings of such a Bill. If the Noble Lord wished to reconcile parties who entertained strong objections to this Bill —if he wished to convince patties of the necessity and of the justice of it, it was to be hoped that he would only pursue that course that was consistent with the usage of the House. Lord ALTHORP thought be could satisfactorily explain the reason why so much delay had arisen between giving notice of his intention to bring in this Bill, and obtaining leave to bring it in, and his ac tually bringing it into the House. The reason was not, as the Right Hon. Gentleman seemed to allege, that his Majesty's Ministers bad had any doubt of the prin ciples of the Bill,—for any gentleman who would take the trouble of reading it, would find that it was eatirely conformable to the principles he had laid down upon obtaining leave to bring it in—the delay had arisen exelu.iveiy upon the details of the measure. It had been said that a longer interval bad generally been allowed lietwten the priming and the second reading of a Bill, but he was perfectly satisfied the House would be as competent to come to a decision on this Bill on Thursday next as it would possibly be on Mond iy cext.—(Hear.) If the delay had been asked for that the opinions of people in Irelind might have been. obtained, then be could understand the distinction, but he was quite certain that, in the present state of circumstances, it could not be wanted for any useful purpose. The dif ference of delay between Thursday and Monday was nothing at all, because he was quite sure that if a gentleman could not make up his mind on having to-morrow and Wednesday to look over the Bill, neither would he be able to make it up on having the three or four other days. The Right Hon. Gentleman opposite had, as h appeared to him (Lord A.) taken merit with those who were opposing this Bill for not objecting to its second reading ; but the Right Hon. Gentleman, would recollect that this was a most unusual course. It certainly was done in the case of the Coercive Bill, but be (Lord A.) never recollected any other case when there was any lengthened debate on the first reading of a Bill. It there were doubts as to the propriety of a measure pro posed, then the debate took place on moving for leave to bring in a Bill ; but atter tha►• was granted, theme was hardly a precedent of a Bill being debated on the first reading. It did take place upon the Coer cive Bill, and it was a case, too, which came down from the Lords, making in that respect a difference. —(Hear, hear ) The Right Hon. Gentleman couid not fail to recol'ect that when the Bmll was brought in for Ca tholic emancipation there was ro debate on the first reading, of the Bill—the discussion vihich arose took place on toe motion for leave to bring in the Bill ; indeed theme was not a single case which he (Lord A.) could recollect on which a discussion take place upon the first reading of a Bill, ',mil the introduction of the coercive measure for Ireland. After the Bill had been so long before the public, he thought there could be no difficulty in gentlemen making up their minds. Colonel I'ERCEVAL, the present being one of a series of encroachment., could not see on what ground the Noile Lord persisted in his 'tefusal to give t►me. An Hon. MEMBER said that seeing from what quarter the proposition for delay time, his Majesty's Ministers would lose the confidence of the Irish people if it were ac c,deil to. Lou' SANDON, in reference to any particular qu trter from which any prop , sition might come, said, that if they were to consider from what particular gust ter the ohstruc ti.,n to the other Irish 811 arose, they wculd be doing injus• cite on this occasion ; he asked, did that obstruction arise how ary sincere desire to give a fair consideration to the ? He th 'nett that ti sh,rt time shook' he given, iu order that they might b. able to give a fair opinion upon it.--(Hear, hear.) He did not speak in hos ility to the Bill, but he appealed to the justice of a Ref , rated Parliament. It was lways uual to give a mi nority fair play, and as they were friendy to the princi ples of the Bill. lie thought it but fair to common justice that they show,' h ive time to consider it before they were called upon to decide. Au HoN. AlEsrana thought it much better to think of conciliating a whole nation, tren a few Members of that House. As to conciliation, that might be canted too far— km instance, they tn' gilt conciliate a highwayman. He thought, however, tt.at conciliation should go hand in hand with coercion. His opinion was, that the confidence of the country had been fully given to his Majesty's Minis_ lets ; and although, under ordinary circumstances, some delay might with convenience be granted, yet the pre sent were extraordinary circumstances, and r. quirrd that conciliation should go hand in hand, if possible, with severer measures. Mr. A. BARING deprecated calling upon the House, at so early a period, to have the Bill read a second time. It was not a fair course to pursue towards any set of gentlemen. The Bill had not even hail time to teach that part of the country which it so materially affected.—(Loud cheers.) By it the pro perty of the Church, the Bishop's leases were to be disposed of, without the slightest opportunity being given to those whom it so materially affected, of seeing the Bill, or of getting an answer by return of post in what manner their constituents were affected by it. He could not sufficiently express the astonishment be felt at the proposal of the Noble Lord oppo=ite for the county. He (Mr. B.) had not been able to make out the principles upon which the Noble Lord proceeded in introducing the measure. He was, as yet, not determined whether he shoul l support or vote against the measure; but this he must say, if ever there was a Bill that required the serious consider 'Con of the House, the one introduced by the Noble Lord on this subject was that Bill.— (Hear, hear.) He had spoken to many persons friendly to the alteration of the law with respect to the Trish 'Church, but he had not found a single individual who could give a solution to the calculations referred to by the Noble Lord when he brought forward the measure. This manner of forcing, by means of a majority and a party whom the Noble Lord was otherwise opposing, measures through the House, tended to do away with all the custo mary courtesies and forms of Parliament. The Noble Lord had a motion standing on the tithes in England. Were they to understand that when he had brought forward that measure, they were to come to the second reading without giving the country the time or means of knowing what it was ?--(Hear, bear.) The Noble Lord was also going to regulate the affairs of the East and of the West Indies, but was this to be the mode in which their legislation was to proceed ? Was it by means of a cla mour at his back that the Noble Lord was, for the first time, he believed, in the history of Parliament, or at any rate since they both had been in it, thus to thrust down the throats of a minoril an cbnoxious measure, perhaps without the slightest cere mony or compliance with the usages of Parliament ? He could not sufficiently express the feelings with which this course of conduct inspired him. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down had expressed his astonishment at the early period at which it was proposed to read this Bell a second time. He (Lord J. Russell) must ex press his astonishmen; at the course which this debate had taken. The debate bad completely confounded the principle with the details of the 13i11; for, after all that bad been said, lie would venture to say, that ev , ry Honourable Gentleman would come down to the House on Thursday, prepared to vote for or against the reading of this Bid, not upon the consideration of the details now before the House, but upon consideration of the gland outline submitted to them by his Noble Friend on the 12. h et February. The very point alluded to by the H insurable Mersaer for Essex, that of church lease-, was a question of detail, he supposed the Honourable Member for Essex would admit that there ;night be terms under which it would be fair to make these leases Into perpetuities, and those terms were, of course, to be left to the Committee. The Right Hon. Member for Tamworth bad said plausibly enough, that as a month had el 'peed between the announcement of the Bill, and its being introduced into this Honourable House, Hon. Members ought to have time for its consideration in some degree propor tioned to the time taken in its preparation. Now, the time taken in its preparation had been occupied in recon ciling the different parts one to another. But whether that had been chine properly or not, was not a question for con sideration in the second reading of the Bill. It was true that on a late occasion they had witnessed much criticism un the first reading of a Bill; but this was by no means agreeahle to the ancient foams of the House, or the practice of Parliament.—( Hear, bear.) It was more consistent with the practice of the House, and also with their convenience, to decide simply on the second reading of such a Bill as this, whether they approved of its general outline, or whether it was such rotabery, and so little calculated to grant the relief it was intended to do, that it ought at once to he rejected. This question they would all be prepared to decide on Thersday. Toe Hon. Member for Cockermouth had said that the measure of conciliation ought to be considered, because they were con-idering the measure of coercion. Now he (Lord J. Russell) dial not consider that there was any natural connexion between these two Bills of conciliation and coercion. He should have been most happy, as he was persuaded all Members who were friendly towards Ireland would, if the case had called them only to bring in a treasure of relief—of conciliation, without any neces sity for a measure of coercion. On the other hand, it might have been possible to have had no measure of relief; and yet, the disturbances of Ireland being such, it might have been necessary to propose a measure of coercion. If griev ances existed, it was the duty of the Legislature to redress them, and if disturbances existed, the duty of Government was to restrain them. He, therefore, protested against the doctrine which seemed to have a fashion that this measure was to be postponed and that this measure of conciliation should be consi dered in connection with the other Bill. It was the duty of the House to consider them separately and give each all the consideration they were able At the same time it was to be remarked that it was expedient for Parliament to come as soon as possible to some determination on the principle of the Irish Church Reform Bill, in order that the coun try might see whether it was disposed to give that relief which the present Bill proposed. Sir ROBERT INGLIS begged leave to say that he felt it his duty, at every stage, to make objections to the Bill. He was certainly justified in requesting the Noble Lord to take care that a sufficient interval should take place between the first and second reading, so as to enable those whose interests were chiefly affected, to have some knowledge of the measure. He asked the Noble Lord (Althorp) whether, if the measure bad contemplated the abolition of one see in place of ten, he would have permitted the Bishop and Dean of that see, whose inte rests were intimately affected, to be heard in that House? He thought that less than six days would scarcely enable gentlemen to properly consider and determine upon this matter. Mr. ROBINSON was favourable to the principle of the measure, but recommended the Noble Lord not to he precipitate, as it might be a dangerous precedent, and as it was most desirable that this great question should be discussed with calmness, moderation, and good temper. Sir F. VINCENT said be bad voted with great repugnance for the Irish coercive measure, merely in consequence of the professsions of his Majesty's Government to bring forward without delay remedial measures, and he thought it exceedingly desira ble that as little time should .lapse as possible, before the second reading of the Irish Church Reform Bill. Mr. PETRE said, with respect to the Bill, it was well known, and he trusted his Lordship would not give way. The House then divided, wh.•n there appeared— For the second reading on Thursday Against it 46 Majority in favour of Ministers —l4l KNARESBOROUGH ELECTION. Sir W. INGILBY, in adverting to a petition presented on the 18th F, bruary, relative to the above election, moved that another petition, praying for extension of time, be now read. Mr. BOTCH opposed the petition, and said that the effects of it won'd he as bad as if it were a Bill of Pains and Penalties ; that the allegations made in it were di rected avainst him, as being an alien, and that it involved his future prospects in life. He was anxious to state in detail why he opposed the present petition. It was stated on the flee of that petition, that he was an alien born out of his Majesty's dominions, and that at the time of his birth, his tither was the subject of a foreign stare. Mr. C. W. WYNN sad, that it would be necessary to call in some per•un to verify upon oath the statements made in that petition, for if the allegations contained in it were not so verified, it would not be necessary for the Hon. Member to go into any arguments upon them. The SPEAKER, iu reply to an observation of Sir W. Ingilhy, said, that the question now was, whether there was any body present to verify the allegations made in the peti ion ? _ _ . The Seijeant•at-Alms was then ordered to call in Mr. James Man(lrrs, of Gravesend, the agent of the petitioner. Mr•. Rich. Mr. lthrolers was ordered to state what were the material circumstances which induced the petitioner t o prsy for delay. In an•wer to questions put to him by 'evrral lion. Member*, _ _ Mr. I%landers said, that the present delay was claimed in order tn be able to better substantiate the petition of the ltith of February. Certain material testimony was necessary, and petitioner had proceeded to obtain that tea, timt,ny on , he 24th ul . . He acknow•le , tged that on the Ist of February the existence of this material testimony was !moan to petitioner. He then read several letters, dared Dunk-rque, from a person who said there ezitred some valuable documents to show that Mr. Rotch was an American. To have these documents verified in France, and to get them from that country, was the reason delay MO now c•aimed. Mr. Manilers was then ordered to withdraw. Mr. C. W. WYNN said, that there were no sufficient grounds for granting the prayer of the petiti•m ; and that if such grounds as those were taken into consideration, ti e election of no Hon. Member of that House would be lisle. Mr. TENNYSON s.tid, that there would be no end to such motions if the House were to agree to the one then made. He thought there was no ground made out for postponing the consideration of the petition, and suggested tha' the lion. Baronet should withdraw his motion. Sir W. INGILBY then withdrew his motion; and it was agreed that the original petition should be taken into consideratioft net Thursday next. OBSERVANCE OF THE SABBATH. Sir A. AGNEW postponed his motion for a Bill or Bills to amend the law relating to the observance of the Lord's Day, till the 19th instant. SUPPRESSION OF DISTURBANCES (IRELAND) BILL. On the motion of Mr. CHARLES BULLER, the order of the day for the second reading of this Bill, was then read. Mr. BULLER then addressed the House. The Hon. Member spoke in a very low tone of voice, and we could only occasionally catch the purport of his remarks. He said he rose under considerable embarrassment to address the House upon that subject, as he could not hope to add anything new to what had alreidy been said—so eloquently said by other Hon. Members. He hoped, however, that as a Member of the Minority, they would do him the jus tice to hear his reasons for being in that situation ; and be could assure the House that, in opposing the Bill, he did so—not from any party feeling or factious oFposi tion—but from a sincere belief of the impolicy of the o'er sure. He confessed that he was sorry to hear the manner in which the debate upon this subject had been conducted. Hon. Members hail departed from the consid ration of the evidence laid before them to justify this momentous and perilous measure, into personal and angry discussion ; and more especially into a declared hostility to the Hon. Mem ber for Dublin.—(Hear.) The Members of the Govern ment, in bringing forward the Bill, had taken such pains to tell them of the pain they felt at the necessity which forced them to bring forward the measure, that those very pains almost induced him to doubt their sin cerity.—(Herr, hear.) He could not help doubting, too, the assertion made by two Hon. Members from the North of Ireland, that the people of that part of the country were almost universally in favour of the measure. He did not mean to taunt the Members of the Government with their speeches on former occasions; but he thought it would have its affect out of doors, when ii was seen that the majority for placing Ireland under military Go vernment was swollen by the names of the Member for Tamworth (who said he reluctantly supported 'he mea sure), and other Members whose politics afire •d with those of that Right Hon. B ironet—persons who said " Aye" to the Six Acts, but said " No" to the Reform Bill.—(Hear, hear.) He would oppose the measure, as calculated to aggravate rattier than to appease the disturbances in Ire land. He was as sensible as any man of the necessity of some interferenc e on the part of Parliament in the then, state of that country, and he considered it the dory of Gi - vernment to devise means for the protection of the property and lives of the people, but it did not appear to him that it Was necessary for that purpose to go into a measure which destroyed the Constitution. A measure was intro duced which destroyed the Conatitutioo, at the very um when it war molt important that it should be maintained in its utmost purity. Violence and rigour were employed, when the true remedy for the evils of Ireland would be gentleness and moderation.--(Hear, bear.) Gentlemen seemed to think that violence and rigour were one and the same thing; but that they should remember was but the old blunder, to which so much of the misgovernment of Ireland was to he' attributed. He would not have it for a moment to be supposed that he wished to deny to the Government such powers as should he necessary to repress the disturbances ; hut be thought that the recommendations of the Committee which sat last year to inquire into the stat e o f I re l a nd, would be su ffi ci e nt for that purpose. That Committee proposed, on the advice of their Chairman (Sir H. Parnell), that measures should be adopted, the object of which merely was that the administration of justice might be enforced against the Whiteboys with more vigour and in a more summary man ner; and that some of the provisions of the Insurrection Act should be put in force to prevent nocturnal mewing@ by the conspirators. This he (Mr. Buller) would willingly agree to. He was not so much wedded to trial by jury, that he did not think that in some cases it might be sus pended, but he objected to courtsmartial If Government were to propose the establishment of a civil tribunal, with out the intervention of a jury, he would not oppose it; nay more, he would not object to a permanent tribunal of that kind, which might at all times be really to repress disor ders. Hen. Members, by their speeches, seemed to think that there was medium—that there was no way of repress ing those outrages hut by intrusting the Government with despotic power. And when the Government came to defend the appointment of courtsmartial, they seemed to him to beg the question. To him it appeared that a con stitutional method might be devised to repress the out. rages, which would neither place despotic power in the hands of the Legislature, nor leave it in the hands of the mob. He was not present when the Right Hon. Baronet (the Member for Timworth) mentioned the story of the murder in Clare, which appeared to make so great an im pression on the House; but what had it to do with the passing of the Bill now before them ? It could only he said that it was a horrible murder. Horrible murders happened in every country, and could not be prevented ; and the only thing that could be done to their re currence was to punish the offenders, as was done in that case. He saw no reason, if that murder were brought as an argument for the passing of the present Bill, why the murders committed by Burke and Hare in Scotland, and by Williams and Bishop in London, should not be brought forward as arguments in favour of a similar measure in England.—(Cries of "No, no.") But such arbitrary measures would not prevent murder in either country. There was her:fly a clause in the Bill to which he (Mr. B.) could give his support. They proposed the suspension of trial by jury, the total suppression of the freehlom of peti tion, and the placing of them under military government. He could not agree to any of these propositions ; but at the same time that he recorded his vote as opposed to in trusting the Government with such arbitrary powers, he was anxious to state his willingness to intrust them with such powers as he thought necessary to repress the disorders which they were intended to meet. He did not entirely approve of the amendment which had been moved by the Honourable Member for Mid. dlesex, and he knew that several other gentlemen who disapproved of the measure proposed by the Govern ment, objected to it likewise ; he had, therefore, drawn up an amendment, which lie thought would meet the views of ail parties, and he would offer it for the adoption of the House—it was to the effect—" That this House learns, with regret, the disorders which distract Ireland, and while willing to intrust his Majesty with such powers as will enable him to afford protection to the persons and property of his Majesty's Irish subjects, and for the due administration of justice in that country, yet they are not prepared to accede to the extreme measures now proposed by his Majesty's Government for the suppression of these disorders." He felt anxious to give some of the leading reasons which induced him to move that amendment, and which induced him to think the powers demanded by the Government as unnecessary. He would not go into the question of the abolition of 'the trial by jury, because he thought the arguments of his Hon. Friend (the Member for Tipperary) on that subject, as unanswerable and un answered. He (Mr. Buller) objected to the abolition of trial by jury—not from any particular affection he him self felt for it, but because he objected to any interference with established institutions without sufficient cause ; and, in his opinion, no evidence brought forward by his Ma jesty's Government had made out a case for the necessity of that measure. The reason given for the suspension of trial by jury was the intimidation to which jurors were subjected ; but only one clear case had been brought of such intimidation by the Right Hon. Secretary for Ireland, and he did not consider it as a lair instance to show the neces sity of such a general measure. Besides that, all the cases of intimidation were from the same county.—(Hear.) As for the establishment of courtsmartial, he objected to them strongly on principle, and, in the present instance, be thought it was not necessary. In Clare, in Wexford, and in Limerick, the disturbances had formerly been put down without courtsmartial. He thought that courts martial should not be adopted but in extreme cases. Mili tary tribunals had always been the worst tools of reckless tyranny—(Hear)—and he thought that the only reason which could justify the Government in proposing them was, that the country was in a state of civil war. He d nied that even on tie showing of Government there was anything like a general rising of the people. All the dis turbances consisted of detached acts,, and most of them might be traced to improper interference on the part of the landlords. That was the case in Limerick. In Clare 'hey arose from the high price of potatoe-gr and ; and in Queen's County it would be seen from the evidence of the Palish Priest of Maryborough, that the cause of the dis turb inces was principally the interference of landlords. That gentleman says, " One of the most prominent in my parish was the turning out of tenants from Major Cassan's estate, to the numiier of 27 families; he had a Kildare street school, and he said that no one should be on the estate that would not send his children to that school. There were other ejectment@ before that, to the dumber of twelve, on a small farm near the Rock of Donamore, on Mr. Cosbie's estate; most ef those people became very violent Whitefeet, aud I know some of them still belong to that associati n ; such as rem tined in the parish, and wherever they go to, they follow the same practice." And it would be seen from what follow. d, that it was not for a rise of rent that these persons were turned out, for Mr. O'Connor proceeded to say—" To whom did illejor Cas• san let the land on the ejeconent of the tenants ? He let it to Protestants generally, and the people considered it was through hatred to their religion that he ejected them. Did not they owe some rent ?—Yes, they did, but the lend was let at 30s. an acre, and it is now let at 225. He and other landlords kept up the war prices, which has caused great evils in the country. The land which let for 275. at that time is now let for eighteen shillings as I am informed." In fact, it would be seen that the in variable cause of the Irish disturbances was oppe salve measures, high rents and contracts broken. Tee real efforts of Government should be directed against the causes of agitation—these once removed, agitation itself would soon follo:v. Ministers, some time aga, had promised to do away with the greatest of all these causes—tithe. Ireland was overjoyed at the prospect of relief from this most ob noxious impost; order was immediately established, and every disturbance ceased. But no sooner was it found that this promise was disregarded—that Government were again proceeding to levy the payment of titbe, than ag gravated disturbances again broke our, recommencing in precisely the same county as that which beheld the re inforcement of tithe. The present Bill was certainly not of a nature to do good ; for it was, in fact, a Bill for the protection of those very tithes which were the primary cause of the disturbances sought to be put down. In short, so long as the least vestige of a Protestant Eats [dished Church was kept tip in Ireland, the Irish would have reason for discontent. The Ministers certainly see re entitled to great praise for the Bill they bad brought for. ward for Irish Ceurch reform; but, however good this might be, as far as it went, this was not far enough. When there has/ been a question as to the Church establish ment in Scotland, the then Government had not thought it sufficient to make a compromising reform in that establish ment—they had reformed it altogether by abolishing it This would be the proper course with the Irish Church establishment. If Ministers did not come to this consum mation,of this the Bill they had brought forward would serve little other purpose than as an ornament to the statute were rd should e s advise e r b th ic e .dRo d o ubts inH Hon . ( b i o is o c k re . tio l n 'h o e f p t r h e e se L n o t ie w u a t s en t a r n u t st o ed f .a t b o ?u b t e t v b e e ry v c i a ue u r t i t , o y u ,s s s g b r e e f a o t re an h i e i ( re A g ir u . is ß ite ui c i l e i r s , c s 7 m tio in n d. the t r i e e unexampled popularity in h is viceroyalty. lie (Mr. Buller) s S b e u c i r t e ld ta a r g y ai f u or fervently trusted that this Bill would net be brought int , effect. If it did, he should bred those who granted the powers to Government as res?onsitile for all the dread ta l l r k ela s n o d l ' erg t e o lY ful consegoeoces which would infallibly ensue.—(Hear, hear.) As Walpole expressed it, " Those who give the power of blood, give blood ;" so those who now give the required powers to Government would give them the power of prolonging the misery, the crimes, the barbarism of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member concluded by reading the amendment. Mr. HAWKINS seconded it. He had not supported the amendments proposed by Mr. O'Connell, or by Mr. Hume, because he felt that there certainly did exist in various bleinpFdarti:tagaisfrettlies'eed-1'11:14 ietsi,otunrabannileestt powers ci ce e hx n e d c r f oe such 0 ,„. gar dly P w ciii re vib'i ex ertions 1 1..1 it app eSactly thosexts, and outrages usually fell upon e an e .00 d that - e bo ll chm p f for r eu r :set some willing ffrTnlmrtlnaa Ireland lg d i additional ev s ve u i, and with ~5 t h least likely to help themselv es i a Vor 3 and afrnoomm th oa eluyt: outrage. er e . grievences'nolitied sod see the slightest connection betweenro a i l _ di g de et 0 1 agitation—agitations arising from t' Y a nd Od er I „O conducted by totally different leaders,lt appeare d bi different system of organizvi"' to bays bees that two distinct measures ought gtietnnTeebriafsollrßystilwplenwakasinpgr,nposed oirhich be forward su ch a for pi „ t n he wnnid suppressionbave which the Bill, as it now stood, had ")., ~,.a l on agitations, the House had been . _ : o _. was not moved by distress, because.tennoginhto sof he had stopped a wayfarer , or br It . e,.. p ig proof of the connection pickedbetweenttobledePttcl3.7o: cf 06 : 01 I•T h Te i rr r Y r i ii h murdered any man, hail he latedvvians therelpeol robbed to the least amount. 0, t „ ~,e tak e-'‘ —he knew what he was about too well " eve 0 1 ratter among the people, or his otvn gitok__ teee 's a pOm 004 sake of such a prize as the contents of or house. He knew very this was a very inferior specuhtion to t. t ie t . e is 1 He was as judicious in this matter as t re ';_ .l „ D ais! Blas," who, while keeping his fusil cs co ol; a ros, that hero, still grounds his denten& ... were Reform atrhicteoy oc this it: within the House, but it was directly the r o rl qi i i stils th's ; De al scoreraigw , d o fthpeozyasaunrdes humanity.content thousand in England, or one out of one bur. , s Bi ll, j Ireland, s Ito, in reading the heading of to; d eaor translate it, " A Bill for the suppress 01 for t he 0 4 It was necessary to give su ffi cient powers '‘' oes st , sion of outrage, but at the same time terries' Ti i be such as would leave a rankling and a be tra- 4 . them. Why should not moderate pawe r . Re ste" in the fist instance? As the protecungeoo: Ireland, it became us first to try and still i l _ i i c e . 1 remonstrance ; if this did not answer , "y_,,,,fir then by severity; and then, if all other 0 1 0 7 .010 /1 would of course be necessary to bind the ..,, Os and foot—after other means failed, but let tie,' means first. Supposing the Ministers hl i c e a u , arbitrary and unconstitutional powers fur o pt' of these disturbances, might it not be l"?''' s b e r ot) sort of political gambling, which would, 1 0 , sd ro . A to the worst results? For would not after I' to on the strength of this precedent, have reco.3eile violations of the Constitution on every tai s r , tlis i Had Charles the Tenth managed his inroadsfist 0010 stitution by slow and sure precedents, he 113 . 1g fa igli i i i have been at this time on his throne, hu.''. o of .e , a l brought the country bark to the deer ti t heo l° Quatorze. The great object to I e effectell b Y re sod to put an end to the intimidation of j," ° .;drete' nesses. He must confess, that as regarded e-woult! hail taken the bull by the horns, for th e y p ay plenty of evidence, true or false, when t". e me riso ' for non-appearance was three months' I " oo ` ge et The Hon. Gentleman then expressed the Str rte of objection to the proposed system of Vis - 00. 1 1: he would much rather prefer selecting a sr do;; i r Westminster Hall than from the Horse C t i 10 31 ,4. 1tH the substitutes which bad been mentioned l' e s ja ts' j , 1.1 same country footing w f p o r doy oee aerardessi wasnat egh oso .9( te, fhlowoetft obviated hf e h rlettealhsTdeei t i s eb bleartesgreaoyign:.ti ithidea lab..-Itneatidge.-o°ltt.irlDrvr,ree.ii:::4ololr i e. g et illt b l ' prefer to the court proposed in the 13iii. t he '' w latter ere t w o as he fa p r o w li o ee rse d,o th , a a n nd a ev c e o n urtmar tiek ; the which was, that it was both judge and jury; , D . ory , 0 1 contemplated were not only to be judge ali c i As it clause which gave the police a power to t e s uto se r:r vi c a b a i l a l t /? nei t tn h n e hi r e e i gshe w rti as rnena n ss o o t n hi nfogr conflicts,m e i more likely ob igleoia bw t r h on a an i d i l d t s h vbei s t t he i ss e s - orep e 1 : 9 00i 0 tpbbh *, : y:oe e wnbwn might we t ei arg t ibs o th boithstoaer:unnupretseeothuw, concealed would.—(Hear, et i r neomdadwu i oli t ietn s we iwadn.t p on_liud u uo n r n:t p h,i hHe o ecer s aea e manhr . trdrohn,yure 1 more S wueeran. u iol _rtdi p okh. epf),,r(oli likely Fit s e innoaat t rn h ri Dtc: e gp Y rso, renbei ,_;; - b_citieive • s o:, jaogp o b st : ,ol offi, . i . 90j;. 01 purpose oenter t a h n a d n s t e h a i r s ch ob h n o o u a s i e o s u . s cl T au h s a e t , whi ch g rlti e fe c ' fi t po wer, : 04 A l , gave the power to search the house, tbei - 1 ..1 43 6 stcß. ‘ eo V iiiug h garl o cibhhtut csubfHeooenuoridtnindt7e.hrcsesdettnasHerscanaeridreytathtroye destroytl i n ne i n o f that. th i distinction 1 ncti ti Arms n building La t on dsge:sva a t x t 01 0 1 1, , a : 11 There was one probable effect of this e i r b Gea t . he could do no more than allude ; Vgleb G eP L cealed in a bed, or about the person. ' d biebl ll aii implored t a ii H ih g hu e e r a e , entreated htt e o d was rartadoosrsatitimplored ohuiimd,b ehel i t a h bb e leel i H etov o e u ad s n i at: t e o ugell ;b g e ttfillilj ti ti i n dipe t fo r rmu u ott hvh s t r t eietaso s ig u opHeni c spt h ( cjaoauhu a fga esapte p i 1 1 tn, o aeobs w i :Bt pause,e :i power :in , , ~oa,nhtltdelihibeemoehtysfh:ex irl s , v eess ' , et,. ,y o . ~,: e ei $ re ,0?0, ~11, would abuse it, because it had always he icre . Ott ifs common soldiers and policemen a power, v 11 % 0 0 3 1 I Con o the decencies of domestic life , l i t 1 , 1 0 recollections of which might efface all the 0 , 0 ii ,„ n the atrocities of the Riding Schools:7, o t r u i (l 'ilnge r p ot 0 1 ' l4 ; ' Id I a law,—(Hear.) He would, in conclusiclo P o p word as to the course be thought it his di lt Y ae at ...i He had telt, and he continued to feel, r e9 r O w AL , 4, 2 O S , tacbment to his Majesty's Ministers. , -- --th e a .-- g e a stronger proof of the continued confide li- ia g e c _. lv 1 mined in their goo d i n t ent i ons , t h an his hs v ,,:, forr, ti e first re a din g o f t h e Bill. H e co uld 11 " - 0 11, i the executive Government, front its situatieseolao 1 excused for proposing a measure which the 0 00101 reptesentatives o f th e peop l e , oug h t not °Lase' ' Majesty's Mini s ter s mi g h t not i m properlY,." - r iest :: the House, as the guardi ans o f t h e pu blic liv r oofer i see fit to refuse. Tbe duty of tie Executi ve peofle'd was to protect the lives and property of th e f 0 0 . duty of that House was to be the safeguard e 0 01,0 freedom, and be camel that it was not lia'! ee the . „o: fringed. He knew that it was said, that I , se Ili opposed the Ministers, it might lead towh e : o l %iie majority of the people would regard as a 0 511 % 10, 0 :0 —the resignation of the Ministers. Such 'l,r i ii he he knew, was entertained ; but he thoi l g the i :, founded in an erroneous view. In his opia il l'se l i Lord ought to accept the powers which, .., ra ke i tnent might be disp o .ed t o grant . Let b' fr o gitllllt and give them a fair trial fir s i x or twele e l - e sit , 0 after that come down to Parliament O - ,• l est ' powers you have giv e n us h ave not been au""A a dg ef press outrages ;" and then the House te i g liL ote rg 'pt ti , lin, , as it would in th e i n t egr i ty o f the A i ° l- 01°,4 4 ther the power should be granted. Ten Irsr time for the House to judg , -, whether, out e rc sisle . , sg t : t l ei r : r te e a y v a i t ri t ( t c ) h i f e p ns ar t d ta n d i c e bv iitl i e yi nai r d vcgd u ai t p l h l a est r el h i gt s ee ( th p e , r P o o n et,g i ya w i t n uu i t e lin( intent io ns la n te s edsyit t hiip ht ,nr he rotde ye owye lid eaffn n n e l m o hto u ceaud as t m v i t n_ de a ( a vi n i : e gha d( aoe } el i : nd i uti ss vs t i t :l P : e cieeooo ! 4: ::: i i : ve i t ; : ll" , s' e ,sp e. ,htr • l i ai t pec h rwt s i e t pr a eae n ci,e,kpr c w o h n o fiiie w ncee e ,led.t m chao o tu rt ‘ i tt li hit e eu d tp: b :n y ln p t o (i l tiv il ase i a ca rt. l h)e tle ni te , a ) ::2: ivi rwo which, c, i The ai,n question he withe gsrueb, was ,steri ini thensubscribe d put upon the al le . " 1 , st °flijit" e h a a ,, , i t n il i y es fo o r t w t a h r e d, B ti a l l l h h ad e dar l at i ti a kpai d heard the opt e• dni el 07 1:. Lord MORPETH was unwilling to " I „ rd s ~. He contemplated this Bill wi t ' the cal it was arbitrary, despotic, pl s ilt e illye v d: er i e tbuo , : a 'tih n ict d e-th c °eriflueafell.iillilj e °:s p i°tiel Member had called it unwise, which was ~e lia ltie rr i) could not adopt, because that supposed it 7 ° , 1 inl dl could the purpose. He had seen it C olle be ee l j print; and that he could not agree t ° ' d niv" o ls a'trlbuttcl motives. It had been c alle l 01 0 l and atrocious. He ft lt, nevertheless, tha t i , tvb i a c e et sary to adopt it, because it had two attribute we i over all the others. The Bill was, firm',, o f 0 . ,0 Y , stern necessity ; anti next, it was a nle a r e fini 3 7/, mercy. To the best of his judgment, 5 ' _ a rt 0 .1. completely established their case. In every . r_ eat ,sy , the confidence in th eir characters was fol l • Y ea ,,i 3 l , Every person with whom lie was acou:llal• ed i de -r% society with which be mixed—he heard Pelt:100(y !sting themselves that they were out 01 of ca l l I t i no.) NI, property was safe; and On man ~e 0 ,1,1 did was n u t‘i,h what b r ejoicee ha d tI) that i e li n e n e h d a had n none converse in nl: t e i l „ a n nd. 7.l k e:; i f , • those v.'ho argued against this measur, b ayingto.", t Ol Of , of merry, to put themselves in toe place w i l e 00 inhabitant of a cabin in Ireland, and say c o f . would nut rather be disturbed by the entrba:tienaoooo, thor.zed servants of the King, than by n t to ese e .o lawless marauders who came on a mission the c f ni commands of bloody revenge ? He said a ell 3e ( of mercy was proved by the protection t hen sah i b ay e l ff elan i r r sa d i nan t g o nb t a; l d i eht,neertenntihimi the i a n dg g er e i n at t h o a d b tibir i taeerncentuncodvfpi tionnurncbortif:tertislos7 01