The Sun. — London, England, 1864-12-31 00:00:00

The New Irish Association. The aggregate meeting, convened by the Lord Mayor of Dublin, " for the purpose of forming an association for the following objects :-1. A reform of the law of . the landlord and tenant, securing to the tenant full compensation for valuable improve.• Ments ; 2. The abolition of the Irish Church esta blishment ; 3. The perfect freedom of education in all its branches," was held in the Round room of the Rotund() on Thursday. It was (says the Free man's Journal) a most important demonstration in every respect, well calculated, from its numbers and the rank and position of those who attended, to exert a powerful and widespread influence, and entitled to the utmost weight and consideration; The requisition for the meeting, presented to the Lard Mayor,was most numerously and influentially signed. It included the signatures of 23 members of the Catholic hierarchy, the names of several hun dreds of the other dignitaries, parish priests and curates, members of Parliament, magistrates, landed gentry, professional men, merchants, traders, mu nicipal representatives, &c. The meeting was called for 12 o'clock, but long before that hour the Round room and the approaches to it were densely thronged. The platform and the reserved seats and gallery were crowded by Catholic prelates, clergy, and laymen, representing every class and interest of the country. Owing to certain inflammatory and lengthened ap• peals and threats uttered, it was supposed that at tempts would be made to disturb or break up the meeting, but the expectations of the evil.disposed were disappointed, as most efficient arrangements had been made to prevent disorder and preserve the peace. A large number of gentlemen, appointed to act as stewards, were stationed in different parts of the Round room, some of the police force were also distributed throughout it and outside the building, and those precautions effectually frustrated any at tempt to create disorder—if any were intended. Amongst those present were—Archbishop Cullen, Dublin—Archbishop Leahy,Cashel—BishopKilduff, Ardagh—Bishop Gillooly, Elphin—Bishop Keane, Cloyne—Coadjutor Bishop Nulty, Kilmore—Mr Maguire, M.P.—Mr Edward J. Synan, J.P.—Mr W. J. O'Neill Daunt, Alderman Plunkett, Mr H. Devitt, barrister—Mr J. B. Dillon, barrister— Major O'Reilly, M.P.—Mr R. J. Devitt, T.C.— Colonel French, I. W. Kavannah, Mr James,Nu• gent, Mr Thomas Arkins, Mr O'Leary, barrister — Mr Joseph Sweetman, T.C.—Mr Cornelius Redd mond, Waterford News—Mr Michael Dwyer, Ca• tholic Telegraph—William INlolony, Thurles—lgna• tins J. Kennedy,P.L.G.-111ichael Murphey, T.C.— James Delany, P.L.G—Michael O'Brien, J. Begg, James Farrell, P. J. Smyth, Irishman—Alderman M'Cann, George Austin, P.L.G.—John Byrne, P.L.G.—H. H. M'Dermott, barrister—Philip Red• mond, T.C.—Michael Cavacan, T.C. On the motion of Mr JOHN FRANCIS MAGUIRE M,P., Mayor of Cork, seconded by Mr EDWARD J SYNAN, J.P., Ashbourne, Limerick, the chair was taken by the Right Hon. the LORD MAYOR, The LORD MAYOR, who on rising was received with loud cheep, said he begged to thank them for the honour they had done him in asking him to pre aide at that great meeting. It was a singular coincidence that the first public act he was called upon to perform after his election to the civic chair was to preside at a public meeting held in that room, convened for the purpose of sympathising with the brave people of Poland in their heroic struggles for faith and fatherland— (cheers)—and ha rejoiced that the last public act of his official year identified him with a constitutional movement in this country, having for its object the complete emancipation of his creed and country from those oppressive and offensive laws which still disgraced the statute book,and weighed like a millstone round the necks of the people. (Loud cheers.) That great meeting was convened by him in compliance with the most influential requisition that had ever been presented to the chief magietiate of Dublin. It was signed by nearly all the prelates, and by a large number of the pastors of the church of the Irish people—and it also contained a vast array of the mayors, magistrates, and municipal representa• lives from nearly all parts of the country, and for a specific purpose. He asked what was the specific purpose for which they were all summoned to attend ? It was to form on association, having for its objects--first, a reform of the law of landlord and tenant, securing to the tenant full compensation for valuable improvements—(hear, hear) ; secondly, the disendowment of the Irish Church Establish. ment, bi which all religious denominations shall be placed on equal footing, at the same time protecting the vested rights of individuals (hear,hear); thirdly, perfect freedom of education, securing to the parent entire control in the education of his child, and giv ing to the State the supervision of the public funds for that purpose. (Cheers.) These were the subjects which had engaged and still engages the attention of the ablest statesmen, the greatest orators, and the most accomplished writers in the three kingdoms. They had been discussed, over and over again, in the senate, on public platforms, and in the daily press and periodicals of Great Britain and Ireland. He appealed to them not to heed the counsels of those who would seek to turn them aside from the sure and safe paths of constitutional agitation. Ile trusted that goodwill and harmony would prevail at that meeting and that they would prove themselves worthy of the rights—political and religious—which they claimed, and to which they were entitled. (Cheers.) Let them enable him (the Lord Mayor) by their conduct there that day to say of them that which he had been gra tified at being enabled to say of them during his entire year of office, namely, that Dublin stood preeminent over every other cap italin Europe for the good order, forbearance, and immunity from crime of its inhabi tants. (Hear.) He wou'd again direct their attention to the terms of the requisition, which set forth that they came there for the purpose of forming an asso ciation to carry out the objects already stated. 'While it would be his duty to keep them to that question, to allow no departure from it by the introduction of irrelevant topics, and to maintain, as far as lay in his power, peace, order, and harmony at their meeting that day, he impressed upon them that the present movement was neither conceived nor intended to be carried out in any way offensive to the feelings or opinions of any class of our fellow-countrymen. He learned that a placard had been extensively posted throughout the city, and it had been copied into almost all the newspapers of the city, and this placard contained upon the face of it a flagrant falsehood respecting himself. (Hear, hear.) Surely the cause which must resort to such barefaced lying as that to which he referred must have very little truth or justice to rely upon. (Cheers.) In that placard it was stated that he ordered a black flag to be hung out of the establishment of which he was the head when her Majesty visited this country. He felt humiliated at noticing so contemptible a falsehood ; but he did so because some friends had said to him that a lie, however flagrant, if permitted to get into circulation, would not be overtaken by him during the whole course of his life. (Hear, hear.) He did not personally care what might be invented about him. He felt that during his term of office he had faithfully discharged his duty. He believed that in the civic chair he had held the scales evenly. (Cheers.) Ho would be a slave, he would be a cower d, he would be the veriest poltroon if he did not respond to the great and influential re quiaition that had been addressed to bier. (Cheers.) On the motion of Major O'Reilly, M.P., seconded by the Very Rev. Dean O'Connell, Messrs J. B. Dillon and R. J. Devitt were appointed secretaries to the meeting. The Secretaries then read a number of letters. amongst which was the following from Mr Bright, M.P..— Rochdale, Dcc. 22. My dear Lord Mayor,—l have to thank your committee for their friendly invitation to YOU api , roaelling• meeting, although I shdl not be able to avail thyself of it. It is difficult for mo to leave home at this season, and I have an engagement to be in Birmingh am about the ti me when your mating is to be held. lam glad to 8 00 that an eff or t is to be made to force on some political advance in your country. The objects you aim at are good, and I hope you may succeed. On the question of landlord and tenant I think you should go farther and seek to do more. What you want in Ireland is to break down the laws of primo geniture and er.tail, so that in course of time, by a gradual and just procees,the Irish people may become the possessors of the soil of Ireland. A legal security fur tenants' improve ments will be of great value, but the true remedy for your great grievance is to base the laws which affect the land upon sound principles of political economy, With regard to the State Church, that is an institution so evil and so odious, under the circumstances of your country, that it makes one almost hopeless of Irish freedom froth it that Irishmen have borne it so long. The whole Liberal party in Great Britain will, doubtless, join with you in demand. ing the removal of a wrong which has ho equal, in the character of a national insult, in any other civilised and Christian country in the world. If the popular party inlre. land would adopt as its policy " Free Land" and " Free Church," and would unite with the popular party in Eng land and Scotland for the advance of Liberal measures, and especially for the promotion of an honest amendment of the representation, lam confident that great and beneficial changes ought to be made within a few years. We have on our side numbers and opinion, but we want a more dia. tinct policy and a better organisation; and these I hope, to some extent, your meeting may supply. I thank you for your very kind firdtation to the Man. sion.house, and am, my dear Lord Mayor—Yours, very truly. JOHN BRIGHT. The Right Hon. the Lord Mayor of Dublin. Archbishop CULLEN proposed the first resolution as follows :—" That the entire ecclesiastical re• venues of Ireland, amounting to upwards of £580,000 annually, are appropriated to the main• tenance of a Church which (according to the latest census) counts amongst its members only 691 ; 872 persons—being less than one seventh of the entire population of the island. That this singular insti tution was originally established, and has been always maintained, by force, in opposition to reason and justice, and in defiance of the will of the great majority of the Irish people. That we, therefore, resent it is a badge of national servitude, offensive and degrading alike to all Irish men, Protestant as well as Catholic." He said —I do not hesitate to undertake the ad. vocacy of the measure referred to in the requisition on which this meeting has been called, and to declare my concurrence in them, desirous by doing so to contribute, even in a small degree, to promote religious freedom, the spread of knowledge, and the welfare of society in our native land, a land of which every true Irishman may justly be proud, and to which he ought to be sincerely attached, (Hear, hear,) You propose to protect the liberty of religion by taking away the revenues of the Pro.. testant establishment, without at all interfering with the religious principles of its adherents; to encourage the growth of learning by putting on a footing of equality all who engage in the career of letters and science ; and to restore prosperity to this country, by holding out inducements to the people to invest their capital in useful and permae nent improvements. It is barely necessary to an nounce such propositions in order to secure their adoption ; they are evidently recommended by truth and justice, as well as by the circumstances of our country. They have no connection with party politics—there is nothing personal in them. If they be properly understood and explained, I do not sea how any man—it matters not what party ho belongs to—can refuse to accede to them, and to aid in carrying them into operation, (Hear, hear.) Can anything be more reasonable than that we should ask for freedom and equality of education for the rising generations of this country. It is in order that Ireland may be able to resume her former mission among the nations of the earth that I am anxious to assist in freeing education from the trammels which prevented its growth for the past ; were I not ready to take part in so patriotic and religious a work I would be un worthy the name of a Christian bishop. (Applause.) Benedict XIII. proclaims that ignorance is the ori gin of all evils. You will, however, allow me to say , that there is one thing more detestable than igno rance, and that one thing is, an infidel or unchris tian education, which prepares children for a career of wickedness in this world, and blasts their prospects in the world to come. (Hear, hear.) When we raise our voices against bad systems of in struction we are charged with being hostile to en• lightenment, and we are told that the Catholic Church is the enemy of progress and knowledge. Vain and foolish charges. Who dissipated the ignorance in which the masses of the people were held in the days of Paganism ? (Hear, hear,) Who broke the bonds of the slaves that at that time were more numerous than freemen, and who were left to pine away in ignorance and vice ? Who instituted schools for the people in every Christian country, and esta blished so many colleges and seminaries in which the torch of learning as preserved after the down fall of the Roman empire ? From the Catholic Church and its supreme heads, the Roman Pontiffs, and from the Catholic clergy, aided by the charity of the laity, all these blessings have been derived. (Hear, hear.) But, without leaving the spot where we are assembled, let Ms look round at what has been done by the Catholic people and clergy of this city and country. How many schools, and colleges, and convents, and other places of education have been erected by private exertions in the midst of poverty, without any aid from government ; and has not a great deal been done in the same way towards the permanent erection and endowment of a Catholic university, which will yet take its place among the great institutions of the country ? (Hear.) Un happily, we have had in Ireland in past times many enemies of education, the men who seized on or destroyed our schools and colleges, who burned our libraries and manuscripts, who hanged Catholic schoolmasters, and prohibited under the severest penalties all Roman Catholic education—the men who, from year to year, cried out for the suppres sion of Roman Catholic schools, and the enforcement of penal laws against all Roman Catholic teaching, in order to prop up the Protestant establishment; those were the real enemies of knowledge. Yet it was their practice, and it is the practice of many of their descendants, to reproach the children of St. Patrick with a hatred of knowledge, and Ireland with ignorance and a want of schools. Alas ! this country has had to suffer the greatest grievances in regard to education, and it is now time to put things on a proper footing. As we have said, all our schools were swept away, and, in order to facilitate the progagation of the doctrines of the establish ment, Roman Catholics were left without any means of instruction, On the other hand, a great university, endowed schools, royal schools, charter schools, diocesan schools, parochial schools were established for Protestants, and richly endowed with confiscated or public property, but such insti. tutions were inaccessible to Roman Catholics, unless they wish to renounce their faith or expose it to imminent danger. Those schools still remain, and afford to Protestants more opportunities than their numbers require of obtaining a liberal education. How have Catholics been treated by the public authorities in regard to education, even since liberality has become fashionable ? The only attempt to place Catholics on a footing of equality with others was in the establishment of the Na tional Board; and we are frequently reminded of the generosity displayed towr.rds us on that occae sion. But how were matters then managed Though all the educational wants of Protestants were already too abundantly supplied; yet, under the pretence of meeting their requirements, it was determined to establish the national schools on the principle of mixed education, excluding from them in the common hours of study all mention of doc trines that could be displeasing to any of the religious denominations in Ireland. Of course, Protestantism was to ba taught at every hour in the aboveementioned schools endowed for Protestants, and the books and practices were to be Protestant. But although in the vast majority of allthe national schools of Ireland the pupils are exclusively Catholic, through a pretended fear of interfering with the religious persuasions of Protestants, who do not frequent these schools, no mention can be made in them of the Catholic Church or of its sublime doctrines and holy practices, or of the deeds of our saints and pontiffs. Catholic children in purely Catholic schools must pass the greater part of the day without any act or word of religion, less they should offend Protestants who aro pre. sent purely in imagination. No Roman Catholic book can be used, and even the works of such men as Bossuet, Masillon, Fenelon, the most eloquent writers of modern times, are excluded from the schools, because they were Roman Catholics and inculcated Roman Catholic doctrines. Even the history of our Irish saints and missionaries of the ancient Church of Ire laud and its doctrines, and the sad' nem: tive of our sufferings and persecutions are com pletely ignored. Let me now ask, whilst things are thus managed, are our education a l r i g ht s res p ec t e d ? Are we placed on a footing of equality with others? Certainly not. And would we not be worthy of being branded as slaves were we to continue silent while left in this state of degrading inferiority in our native land ? (Hear.) It is my decided opinion that we should not rest satisfied until we shall have a Catholic university, with all the rights and privi leges conferred by the State on Protestant univer• sities, and until all other schools frequented by Roman Catholics shall be put on a proper footing. (Hear, hear.) In regard to the national system, we have a full right to Roman Catholic model and training schools, to the appointment of Roman Catholic inspectors, to the use of Roman Catholic books and Roman Catholic practices, to the recog nition of the rights of bishops, who were set by Christ to teach all nations, and to everything that will render the education in the public schools safe for Catholic children. As far as Government con. trol is concerned, I think it ought to be limited to the right of providing that the funds be properly and carefully expended. The Government has no right to interfere any further in educational matters, nor is it useful that they should neglect the great political affairs of the nation, and the discharge of their other necessary duties in attempting to manage things not within their proper sphere. Let me add that, whilst advocating the right of Catholic education for a Catholic people. Ido not refuse the same right to our Protestant fellow-citizens, but I protest against any ascendancy on their part. Even in England the Catholics enjoy the benefits of a denominational system, and are able to sanctify knowledge by the study and practice of religion in their public schools. Why should the Catholics of Ireland be debarred from the same advantages ? Allow me now merely to glance at the land ques tion. It is an admitted fact that the country has lost, within the last twenty years, nearly three millions of its inhabitants. This falling off of our population has not as yet ceased, and thousands of the most valuable classes are still leaving our shores. In an agricultural point of view, the country is still in a most backward con dition ; the overflowing of our rivers, left without levelling and embankments, destroys an immense amount of property every year ; a great extent of bogs and mountains remains unreclaimed ; the mune try is generally not drained; even the land that is under crops, as it is held by uncertain tenure, is so badly cultivated in many places, that it makes only a poor return to the farmer. Hence, in almost every part of the country the tillers of the land are in very low circumstances, and oftentimes in great poverty. And what with high rent, no lease, and low prices for all cereals, poverty is likely to in crease. (Hear, hear.) Trade is gone from almost all the country towns, many of which are falling into decay, or have already disappeared from the surface of the country. The manufacture of cloth, calico, iron, steel, and of nearly everything necessary for domestic purposes, has almost been entirely banished from among us. In consequence of this state of things there is an enormous drain of money from Ireland. To say nothing of the large sums remitted as rent to the absentee landlords, this agri cultural country is obliged to expend an immense amount in the purchase of Indian corn, wheat, and flour for the support of the people, as well as for cloth, calico, manufactured iron and steel, earthen ware, and everything that is need for domestic puss poses. When we consider the iniquitous confisca tions of past times, the refusal of leases to Catholics, the prohibition of the education of Catholics—a pro hibition attributable to the Protestant establish , ment—the suppression of Irish manufactures—for they were suppressed by penal laws—we must admit that present evils are in a great part to be traced back to past misrule, and to the mis deeds of bygone generations. (Hear.) However that may be, our present state is most afflicting: I am confident that God will not abandon us. The country was oftentimes in a worse state than at present. It is meet that we should use all just and constitutional means to obtain relief from the evils that press on us. I say just, and legal, and consti tutional means; for it is foolish, it is wicked, to speak of having recourse to violence and bloodshed, or to expect any good from illegal combinations and secret societies. Those who invoke the \ aid of foreign armies : those who talk of civil war, resistance to established authorities, and revolu tionary movements, are the worst enemies of Ire land and its ancient faith—they seem to be mere emissaries of the Priests' Protection Society ; at least the stories and dialogues published by the Irish People, the org in of the friends of violence, seem to be borrowed from the tracts of that society, or the columns of the Orange press. it is cur duty and interest to walk in the footsteps of the great liberator, Daniel O'Connell. By peaceable means and by force of reason, without violating any law, he broke the chains which bound Ireland for so long a period, and obtained Catholic emancipation. You, my Lord Mayor, have determined to employ the same agency, and I trust you will be equally suc cessful. The new association, by proceeding with firmness and courage, but always within the boun daries of the law—always respecting the dictates of religion—may be the means of salvation to our people. However, the material evils of the country are too deeply rooted, and of too long a growth, to be removed all at once ; it is only in the process of time and gradually that a complete cure can be effected. But it is necessary to call on the legisla ture to make a beginning, as our requisition requires. Let us ask that tenants shall receive compensation for all valuable improvements, Such a measure would encourage industry and secure considerable employment for the people. (Hear, hear.) Perhaps, in accordance with Mr Bright's letter, something more effectual may be done hereafter; and free trade, as it is established in regard to almost every thing else, may be extended to land. It would cer tainly be a great blessing to encourage the number of those who bold property in fee. If by free trade in land such a result were obtained, the prosperity and security of the country would be greatly pro moted. While awaiting that result, I would sug gest that the propriety of applying to the pro tection of the tenants of Ireland the laws enacted several times in England against those who exterminated the people from the country should be taken into consideration. (Hear, hear.) It .might be desirable also to examine whether it would not be well to deprive all tenants at will, or tenants without a proper lease, of the electoral franchise, which to them is the occasion oftentimes of loss or persecution, to deprive, at the same time, the landlords of the power of distress in regard to the same tenants, and to subject the landlord to the payment of all taxes on farms let without leases. (Hear,hear.) Such enactments would encourage the owners of the fee to give a fair tenure to the owlr piers of the land, and would, undoubtedly, tend to improve the condition of the tiller of the soil. Dr Cullen concluded by moving the resolution. Mr IGNATIUS KENNEDY seconded the resolution, which was unanimously adopted. Mr W. J. O'NEILL DAUNT said—l have a resolution to submit to this meeting, affirmatory of the gross injustice inflicted on Ireland by the alien Church establishment, and of the necessity of getting rid of that injustice. I should state that what we demand is that the ecclesiastical state revenues of Ireland should be secularised and applied by the state to the public purposes of general utility to the nation —subject, of course, to the vested interests of all existing holders of ecclesiastical benefices. Whether a manioc) a Catholic, or Episcopalian Protestant, or Dissenter,he must, if he be impartial and intelligent, admit that there is some thing which shocks his conscientious instincts in the mono poly of the whole Church property of a nation by the pastors of a small . minority of that nation. Ireland is the only country in the world in which this gigantic wrong exists. It is observable that in this respect there is ono rule for Ireland, and another rule for all the other countries con nected with the British crown. In the course of a discus sion in the House of Lords, concerning the best mode of propagating Christianity in India, the Earl of Dorby,in the strongest manner, deprecated the intervention of the state. He said—" Any Government encouragement of missionary labours in India would be a most certain impediment to the advancement of Christianity in that empire." (Hear,hear.) The injustice wLich would be too monstrous to inflict upon the Indian worshippers of Juggernaut P, nevertheless,quite good enough for the Irish worshippers of Christ. (Loud cheers.) England has committed many a black crime in India, but there is one she has not committed there—she has not seized the property of the Indians to support a re ligion in which they do not believe. That crime rho has reserved for Ireland. (Hear, hear.) But if England has committed this injustice it is consolatory to know that from Englishmen we aro encouraged to expect hearty and active assistance in our efforts to obtain redress. (Cheers.) There is a powerful and growing confedera tion in England of men who have formed themselves into a society for the liberation of religion from state control and rHE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 31, 1864. state patronage. They stretch forth to us the right hand of fellowship; they feel acutely for our wrongs, and have fre quently expressed their astonishment at our inertness. Lord Stanley says that the abolition of church rates in England will give the members of the English Church the first trial, the first practical experiment of the principle of voluntary ism. Irish Catholics have had more than 300 years' trial of he principle of voluntaryism, and I proudly and gladly proclaim that we are thoroughly satisfied with it. Catholi city has held her ground and enlarged her boundaries, sup ported solely by the voluntary offerings of her children. Noble churches, convents, monasteries, schools, diocesan colleges, are daily coming into existence. The Catholic hierarchy and priesthood have a decent and sufficient sup. port—a support that suffices for men who know that their mission in this world is to minister to souls and not to amass wealth. How is all this done ?—how are the majestic buildings erected ?—how is the priesthood sustained ? By the free, voluntary gifts of the Catholics of Ireland. When I behold these results of the voluntary principle—when I see the fresh, vigorous life of Catholicity developed by the operation of that principle, I solemnly pray Heaven that in no revolution of ages may the Irish Catholic Church be cursed with state support, or otherwise sustained than by the contributions of her faithful members, frankly, piously, and generously given. (Cheering.) Sound policy requires that we should not incur the suspicion of looking to any share of the present ecclesiastical state revenues for the Catholic Church. The anti-Irish state Church quartered on this country is a robbery of the Catholics. It com menced its existence by robbing them. The Church property of Ireland was founded by Catholics for Catholic purposes. The diversion of that property from theSatholic to the Protestant Church in the 16,h century threw upon the catholics the pecuniary burden of supporting out of their own pockets the Catholic clergy, who had previously been supported by the state. Hence it is clear, in the first place, that the existing anti-Irish State Church is a pecuniary burden on the Catholics to the full extent of the money they pay to their own Church and their own clergy. Why is an institution so essentially vicious, so productive of party and sectarian hate, kept up in Ireland by England ? Pro cieely because it is essentially vicious, and because it is pro ductive of party an d sectarian hate. These qualities consti tute its real value in the eyes of English Governments, Without some such apple of discord—and it would be hard to find a more effectual one—the various Irish parties would amalgamate for national objects in a mode quite incompa tible with the Anglo-Irish statecraft of divide a impera Cheers.) Mr Daunt then proceeded at much length to dis• verament of this country. They blame the landlords—not all, but some, who not only turn out tenants without com pensation, but also carry on a wholesale extermination of the people, it would appear, upon system. And they blame the Government because it does nothing, because it does worse than nothing—because it persists and has persisted for years in the determination not to change the law, but to leave it as it is, an instrumoat of injustice and extermination in the hands of the landlords--because it omits to introduce any Large, comprehensive measures calculated to develop the agricultural resources of Ireland, and otherwise to improve the country, and so to keep the people at home. Without oharging all the blame on this or that particular govern ment—if governments past and present had done their duty towards the people of Ireland by getting passed, as they might have done, a law assuring compensation to improv ing tenants, and other measures for promoting the into- rests of Ireland—if governments, past and present, had but acted in this spirit, as wise as it would be paternal, think you tho extraordinary exodus of the Irish people would have ever taken place. or, if it had, would it ever have approached to anything like its actual gigantic proportions ? No, never. But because the people saw that the Government was not a fostering Govern- ment, willing to do what a fostering Government might, and could and would do to make the country pro ductive, and the industry of the people remunerative, there fore the people went in millions. And what was the atti• :ude of the Government all the while ? It stood looking on with folded arms, all the same as if it was pleased to:see the people going, and hoping to find in their exodus a solution Of the Irish difficulty, much as was said the other day in very remarkable words, the following ;—" At home, in less than 20 years, a reduced population and a less rate of in- crease have made Ireland a manageable department instead of a national difficulty." (Hoar.) Ah I these it is. Now, this lamentable exodus it is, as much as anything else, that has brought us bishops to the determination not any bnger to remain quiescent, believing as we do that if the remnant of the reople is to be saved, it is not by silent re serve on our parts, but by an outspoken declaration of our sentiments, backed by such active measures as the laws and constitution of the country justify us in adopting. (Hear, hear.) IVo have to say this :—ln the name of our remain. ing people, we call upon the Government to fulfil that first and most sacred duty involved in the compact between all governments and peoples, which is expressed in the well- known maxim, salts populi lex swegna—(loud applause) —and we proclaim in the face of the world that if the Go. cues the opinions of Mr M hiteside, Mr Napier, Sir Hugh Cairns, and other gentlemen with reference to the Church establishment. He was frequently interrupted by cries of " Time, time I" When he was about to conclude a person in the gallery rose, and in a loud voice claimed permission to make a remark. Some confusion arose, and the individual who had caused the interruption was induced to leavequietly. Mr K. DIGIIT seconded the resolution, which was unani mously adopted. Dr LEAHY, Roman Cat holic Archbishop of Cashel, moved the next resolution as follows :—" That as•a general rule all agricultural improvements in Ireland have been and are effected by the occupiers of land ; and that the law, in deny ing the right to compensation for such improvements, pre- vents the application of capital to the soil, and paralyses in dustry by taking away its motive and its reward." He said —" The laws touching the relations between landlord and tenant in this country are in some respects opposed to jus. tice. lam not here to advocate the cause of the bad tenan nor am I one of those extreme persons who hold that, gene rally speaking, landlords are oppressors and tenants perse cuted. There are good and bad upon both sides. There are good landlords who feel that they have duties towards their tenants as well as rights over them, and who discharge those duties in such a manner as to win the approval of all good men, and in some measure to redeem the errors of many of their own class. On the other hand, there are bad tenants, having their land for the value without paying the rent, be cause they want industry or consume their substance in drink, and euch tenants cannot justly complain if the land lord puts his legal rights in force against them. But that an improving tenant should be turned out of his holding, and that the landlord should appropriate to himself, or trans fer to another, improvements as well as land, without one single farthing of compensation to that poor tenant whose little capital with the sweat of his brow went into the land to fertilize it, that is an outrage against humanity and justice—that is, if anything is, the sin of oppression of the poor. It may be said—perhaps it will—that in taking part this movement in favour of the tenants, we catholic bishops, who from our office are ministers of peace, became ministers of discord,turning landlord against tenant and tenant against landlord. No such thing. If we aro ministers of peace, so aro we ministers of the God of Justice, and we but ask justice. (Cries of "Hear, hear," and cheers.) We but ask what was insisted upon the other day by a grave judge of the land, than whom no person is batter informed on the relations between landlord and tenant in Ireland, Judge Longfield, who, not casually, not by the way, not in the hurry of the moment, but after deep study in his closet of the sub• ject upon which he brought to bear all the acumen of his high intellect, all the advantages of his mature experience, came to the conclusion, and in the face of the empire pub lished it as his opinion, all the same as wo contended for— that a claim for compensation ought to be legally secured to the tenant for valuable improvements in his land. We but say what Judge Longfield has said. If we now enter into the arena of politics, it is but to ask for justice for a lone -suffering peop'e. We come firward rcsoe2tfully, but firmly, to call upon the Govern gent and Logis eiture of the country to ameliorate, as far as good government and leg's lation can ameliorate, the condition of a people whose wel fare h s been sadly neglected. Therefore are we here to-day. And let no one say we have not a right to be here. We have a perfect right. We are bishops, but so are we Irishmen. A.s subjects and citizens of the realm, bearing our portion of the public burdens, rendering to Ca) tar what belongs to Ceeear, we claim the full and free exercise of all the rights and privileges pertaining to every description of persons in the community, not excepting the very humblest. We claim the right to speak and to act within the laws. We claim that which is said to be the birtlght of every sub ject of the realm—the right to meet and petition for the re dress of what we feel to be grievances. And if at other times we might, from whatever motives, be silent, now, if ever, we feel called upon to speak out. Look at the present lamentable condition of Ireland. In the middle of the boasted nineteenth century, after more than 69 years of union with rich England, Ireland, comparing country with country, and people with people, is at present brought down to the lowest place in the scale among the nations of Europe, whereas, had it been a union of mutual advantage, she ought to have made giant strides towards national pros perity. But it is very far from being so. Millions of acres, upon which the millions of people now gone for ever could have been advantageously located, are now lying waste, im mense receptacles of water which add to the humidity of our climate. Our harbours, in which the navies of the world might ride in safety, are empty of shipping. Our rivers, which might bear away on their bosom the products of this countree'and bring back in return rich cargoes of merchan dise from every part of the world, roll their waters idly to the sea, some of them without so much as turning a singe mill• wheel in their course. Then look at the condition of the people. Our great landed proprietors arc absentees; our manufactures once of a time, in Iced, did II eurish, and it is hoped may flourish again, but do not now ; our few re maining artisans are pining in the garrets of our lanes; our people generally are the worst clothed, the worst housed, the worst fed of any in Earope; our strong farmers are many of them crippled, our small farmers brought down to the condition of labourers, our labourers driven from the fields into the workhouses, our fields, once alive with people, now turned into desolate sheepewalks and bullock pastures, echoing to the sounds of beasts instead of the chil dren's merry voices, and the ploughman's cheerful whistle. (Hear, hear.) The people of Ireland are flying from their native land in hundreds of thousands : what do I say ?—in millions. Our young women, pure as the breezes which fanned their native hills, they who should be the mothers of a new generation in Ireland—and our young men, light of limb and strong of hand, destined by nature and nature's God to till the soil of their own teeming valleys, and to cover our hill sides with the golden corn—and our old men and old women, bonding under the weight of 60 or 70 years, with but one earthly hope left them, that their bones might rest with the bones of the ten generations before them—all, all, young and old, men and women, aro flying from the shores of Ireland as from a land stricken with plague, to seek elsewhere the means of subsistence denied them in the land of their birth. And what is the cause of this extra ordinary emigration ? Is it that the national resources of Ireland aro unequal to the support of the millions of people she has heaved out of her prolific womb ? The soil of Ire land, if duly cultivated, would:support not seven or eight, but ten, twelve, fourteen millions of people. Or is it that the Irish are an idle, half-foolish, half-romancing people, who set their faces towards the west in the hope of finding some garden of the Hesperides where they shall have nothing to do but put up their hands and pluck the golden apples ? No, the Irish are a shrewd and hard-working people, at home and abroad amongst the most hard-working people in the world. (Cheers.) Or is it, again, that the Irish do not love their native land ? Perhaps no people in the world, not even the Swiss, are more attached to their native land. The exiles of Erin on the banks of the Hud son or the Ohio look back to that green island far away in the ocean with much the sem° longing of heart as the Is raelites by the rivers of Babylon when they hung up their harps on the willows, and wept as they remembered the songs of Sion. (Applause.) But perhaps we may account for the exodus by the famine consequent on the potato blight, and by subsequent bad seasons. Well, allowing to these causes their full share in the thinning of our popula tion, they cannot by any means be set down as the sole or principal cause of the dispersion of our people. Why, the country had partially recovered from the effects of the famine, and it was after this partial recovery that the great tide of emigration began to flow westward. Then, as to bad seasons, other countries as well as Ireland--vine-growing, corn growing countries, experience unpropitious seasons ; but where do we find any people but the Irish departing in mil lions because of such visitations of nature? And what known government, with one single exception, but manages somehow to bring its people safe through a season of dis tress ? Ah I other agencies are to blame and other deficien cies besides those of nature. Moderate men, practical men., men the most conversant with the condition of Ireland cast a large share of the blame upon the landlords and the Go. vernment, intrusted with the destinies of the country, does not take steps to keep the remnant of the Irish people in their own land, then not only does it deserve to forfeit the confidence of the nation, but it fails in the great end of al government, the preservation and welfare of the people. Mr J. F. MAGUIRE, M.P., seconded the resolution. He recommended that this movement should be followed up by the people of Ireland and by their representatives in Parliament. He was satisfied, who had himself maintained ,he fight for twelve years in Parliament, that before two years have passed they would find the Government, if not yielding to the proposa' male to them, coming forward and proposing this measure of justice, which alone would satisfy the people. He cordially agreed with those who had pre ceded him that the Established Church in a Roman Catholic country is an anomaly—a blot upon their boaited civil and religious freedom, and the cause of heart-burninge, strife, _ _ and disunion. As to the education question, nothing could be more disheartening or absurd than to see in the House of Commons, session after session, as he had seen for the last 12 years, one Minister of the Crown proposing a vote for a denominational system of education in England, and another coming forward to propose a vote for a mixed system in Ireland. Upon the education questiOn the Government was shaky, and all that was required was a strong pressure of public opinion, in order to have justice done. But the land question was one of life and death to the Irish people. It was a question of salvation or of ruin, They wanted a law that would prevent any hindrance being offered to the agricultural or manufacturing interests of the people. This country is dependent for support upon the products of the land. If agriculture prospers, the people prosper; if it is depressed, the people are depressed ; and if it fail, they perish. Ireland is not one half cultivated ; he might go further and say it is not one quarter cultivated. It was said that the cause - was want of capital by the fanners. He yen• tured to complain that it was not want of capital, but want of security. They wanted leases, but how were they to gel them ? He did not believe the Government would compe landlords to give leases, but they could manage it by taking away the power of distress from landlords who would not give 30 years' leases to the tenants. But that was not all. They wanted compensation to stimulate the industrious tenant. (Applause.) Dr KEAN'T, Roman Catholic Bishop of Cloyne, proposed the next resolution--" That the enactment of a law securing compensation to improving tenants would promote more amicable relations between landlord and tenant, and would lead the latter to respect the law which he now (with too much reason) regards as yartial and oppressive. That no class would derive more advantage from such an enactment than the proprietors of the soil, who, more than all others, are interested in social stability and order, in the improve ment of agriculture, and in the growth of national wealth and prosperity." He said—All writers admit that the soil of Ireland is richer than that of several countries, whose inhabitants are, however, better fed, better housed, and better clothed than the Irish. For this strange anomaly there must be a cause. The area of Ireland is set down at twenty million acres in round numbers, of which, making allowance for water, towns, and cities, about four million acres aro waste, and about fourteen million acres are under cultivation. Of the wastes there are extensive districts, which, though now producing only coarse mountain grass and wild heather, may be easily reclaimed--and of the cul tivated land there aro few acres on which the annual value of the crops may not be raised. Suppose the annual value of the crops raised in Ireland, exclusive of live stock, to be any figure you please, from 40 millions to 80 millions ster ling. Now, no one in the slightest way acquainted with the agriculture of the country will refuse to admit that, com pared with other countries, it is in a very imperfect state, and that were the productiveness of the soil to bo raised to its highest attainable development, the annual value of the crops may be doubled, according to some; or according to others, increased by a third, a fourth, or at least a fifth, Here is at once, on the lowest calculation, at a loss to the country of eight millions a year. (Hear.) It has been truly said that protection will convert the rock into a garden, and that without protection the garden will become a waste, Now, if the improving tenant bo encouraged to attack the wastes under the full conviction that he is to reap the fruits of his own industry, skill, and capital, what may be the additional value that may be raised from districts at pre sent comparatively barren ? Would it not be rather over than under £1 an acre i (Rear, hear,) Behold, then, a second class of four millions a year, making with the eight already mentioned a total of twelve millions, of which the country is annually deprived. And it should be remem bered that this large sum is not like N so much gold taken out of an Australian or Californian mine, which when once emptied cannot be replenished, but is the reward of patient industry and judicious skill, which in increasing propor tions annually reproduces itself. (Rear, hear.) Here is the question of questions, the great vital question on which, in whatever way the insult of a Protestant establishment may affect the honour, or mixed education endanger the faith of the Irish people, their temporal welfare is truly said to depend. Why not, then, open the rich mine of wealth so near the surface ? (Cheers.) Why not unlock a treasure so accessible? Why is not the golden stream allowed to spread its waters throughout the country, and scatter the abundance of its riches among the remotest homesteads? (Loud cheers.) Hence I say to the landlords of Ireland, " Commence without delay—reclaim the wastes —increase the productiveness of the badly cultivated dis tricts—secure the nation an addition of twelve millions to its yearly income, and the people will bless your efforts and admire your success," (Loud cheers.) But the landlords cannot do it. Neither will their insufficient numbers nor their social position fit them for so arduous a task. It is in the tenants, who, found everywhere and inured to labour, aro prepared with willing minds and strong arms to com mence immediately, it only a fair share of tire fruits of their labour be guaranteed to them. (Cheers.) In want of security is to be found the secret of the tenant's unwilling. ness to improve, and of the imperfect cultivation and con sequent impoverishment of the country. Let compensation be once secured for improvements which add to the letting value of the land, and which, without the tenant's labour, would not exist, and in an incredibly short time the work of national regeneration will begin to be felt. Whatever engineering skill may be required for the flat districts of the broad Shannon and its tributaries, it is certain that the bountiful band of the Creator has already placed within reach of the tenantry easy means of execution in the undulating surface of the soil. From the mountains of Antrim to the cliffs of Donegal, through the beautiful glens of Connemara, Clare, Kerry, Cork, and Waterford, till you come by the classic vales of Wicklow to the gates of Dublin, everywhere hill, slope, valley, mountain, stream, and widening river, offer to all drainage waters an easy discharge and outflow to the ocean. There is not a county, nor a barony, nor a parish, nor a ploug,hland, in which remunerative employment may not be fount in abundance for the thousand of young men and young women who, as fine speeimens of the human race as ever s'eppecl on board an emigrant ves=el, full of lire, of Et eagth, end of health, of strong faith, end of spotless virtue, arc oblig, d, at the risk of everything they he'd dear in this world and in the next, to seek - for work and for a home among strangers. (Hear, hoar ) Better would it be r the country and for the government to make them use ful, happy, and cont sited on the land of their birth than to see them departing, their hearts overflowing with burning ;nd:gaaticii, tbe'r minds full of b:tter enmity, their lit uttering d:flaut words of future vengeance against the people who, having invaded, conquered and oppr eared, still continue to misgovern and to neglect their beloved Ireland. (" Hear," and cheers) Clear and unanswerable as is the case, it has its difficulties. The first difficulty comes from England, the secon I from the landlords, and the third from yourselves. You are told by England to make your land contracts between owners and tenants as she does herself. Now, between the two countries there are enormous dif ferences, which, on a practical question of this nature, can not be lest sight of. England has trade, while in Ireland the land question is one of life and death. In England the landlord builds the dwelling-houses and offices, and hands over the firma in ready working order, whereas in Ireland the tenant gets only the raw material, In England there is identity of race and religion, begetting kind and friendly sympathies, whereas in Ireland the relations be tween both classes are embarrassed by a legacy of political and religious differences, for which neither can be made responsible till they adopt them as their own ; and in Eng land, as you may see reported in the newspapers, local usages in some places give a legal claim to fair compensa tion for improvements made by the tenant, and adding to the letting value of the land, whereas in Ireland no such claim is admitted. The Irish people have been often told to rely on themselves. Well, a tenant, full of energy and enterprise, and taste, does rely on himself, and having an improvable farm, throws himself into the work of increas ing its value, and when the laborious task is accomplished ho finds that his self-reliance has worked his self-destruc tion. The landlord, as a member of society, will share in the increasing prosperity of the nation, and, from the very nature of things, leases will expire, tenants will scatter, and, sooner or later, the reversion, partial. or entire, of the valuable improvement will fall to the owner in fro. Not satisfied with these advantages, the landlords claim the property not yet made, the property which the tenants are to create, the property of which the creation is prevented by an anticipative claim put forward beforehand. Thus the tenant is discouraged, the land is unimproved, the im poverishment of tho country is perpetuated, and when any unexpected visitation comes, ruin, crushing ruin, becomes the lot of all. (Hear, hear.) The last difficulty is the greatest of all. When. called together to discuss subjects of national importance, Irishmen can feel deeply, speak elo quently, and readily adopt strong resolutions. But they fail in that firm, manly, stern, and uncompromisng earnest ness of purpose, without which, in all difficult enterprises, success can neither be merited nor achieved. Do 3ou be lieve that, to be prosperous, the country wants the millions . of additional value that may be raised from the soil? Do you believe that the tenant farmers, who, as a class, can do the work, will undertake the labour and the toil which are necessary for its completion without the prospective reward of fair oompensation ? Do you believe that in the present state of political parties in England, Irish constituencies and Irish members can press with irresistible power the settlement of this great question? (Ilear,.hear.) If you do, then be in earnest. Oppose all who oppose you; sup port all who support you. Send to Parliament even twenty members who, without menaces or declamation, will, by their silent looks and determined countenances, make the Minister of the day feel that they aro in earnest. Do this, and success will be as certain as it will be deserved. (Hear, and continued applause.) Mr. E. SYNAN seconded the resolution. Dr. GILOOLEY proposed the next resolution :—" That the interference of the State in public education should be con fined to rendering impartial aid towards the establishment and maintenance of schools, and insuring their efficiency by a well-regulated inspection ; and that where the Govern ment is unfriendly to the religion and nationality of the people, the assumption of the right of the parent to deter mine the education of his child is especially noxious, as tending to poison the fountains of knowledge, and to make of education a temptation and a snare." The State, he said, had undertaken the duties of schoolmaster only in countries where there is no freedom, In England, which derives its free and noble constitution from Catholic times, the parent and the pastor of religion aro perfectly free in this matter of education ; but it is the very reverse in Ireland. Here the State, whilst pretending only to give assistance in the education of youth, has, in point of fact, undertaken the office of educator. The English Government writes books and trains the teachers for the schools, and forces them upon the children. 'Why is it that this system was carried out ? There is in-Ireland a spirit which the Government wishes to crush—a patriotism and a love of faith—(hear, hear) — and it had introduced its own books into the schools and colleges for the same reasons as influenced the continental despots in doing so. It was to extinguish freedom of con science, and rule over the hearts of the people as well as over their persons. They were to determine whether they were content to exist with this system, which is the poison of morality, and which has been the ruin of civil and religious freedom wherever it has prevailed. It was not for a secta rian motive, but from a love of freedom, that they wished to see Ireland remain a pure religious country. The State has certain duties to discharge in the education of children. It is bound to protect the right of th, parent, to give every assistance to the parent, to provide the means of education —and has it done so? No, it has seiasd that right, against repeated protestations. (Hear, hear.) Besides the tyranny of the Government there is the tyranny of individuals—of landlords and agents, who coerce the tenantry, under the penalty of eviction, to send their children to these schools. (Hear, hear.) He condemned this state of things, and hoped the Irish people would never cease protesting until a remedy were provided. (Applause.) Major MILES O'REILLY, MX., seconded the resolution. He would be ready to speak at more length on its behalf and urge its adoption in another place. (Hear.) Professor SULLIVAN moved :—" That the gratitude of the Irish people is due and is hereby tendered to those members of Parliament and public writers in England who are endea vouring to diffuse amongst the people of that country more just and accurate views respecting our grievances, and espe cially in relation to the church establishment ; that we urge them to persevere, pledging ourselves to afford them an 1 .energetic support, and so to silence the taunt that they are battling for a people who regard their labours with apathy and indifference." Mr LALoIt (Mayor of Waterford) seconded the resolution, which was adopted. Mr DEvITT, T. C. (who with Mr J. B. Dillon acted as secretary to the meeting), proposed the appointment of an association for the purposes indicated in the following reso lutions, and read the rules by which it should be guided. It is to be called " The National Association of Ireland." The rules were adopted. A vote of thanks to the Lord Mayor brought the proceed ngs, which lasted nearly six hours, to a close. The Saffron-hill Murder, Yesterday afternoon, Mr W. Payne, coroner for the City of London, held an inquiry at St. Bartholomew's Hospital, into the circumstances of the alleged murder of Michael Harrington, aged 42 years, by an Italian named Sarafin Polioni, Mr Thomas Wakeling appeared to prosecute; Inspector Potter watched the case for the police authorities. The Corona; inquired whether any professional gentleman appeared for the prisoner. Mr Wakeling said ho understood not. Mr Frederick Shaw was then called. He said he was a licensed victualler, and kept the Golden Anchor ta vern, Groat Saffron-hill. On Monday last, at about half-past 6 o'clock, he was in the bar. The prisoner Sarafini Policni had come to the house about half-past 5, and he stood at a side door and spoke to Mrs Shaw. When she went away the Italian looked to wards witness, and said, " I could kill six such Englishmen as you." He could speak English, for he had been years in this country. Witness took no notice of the remark, and Sarafini went away. About half an hour later there were six or seven foreigners in the house, and one of them named Pegari was very excited. Sarafini was not there at the time. Pegari said, " You should not have struck that Italian," alluding to an occurrence of a few days before. Pegari struck witness. Witness proceeded to go out of the bar, but wAs pulled back by some customers. At that moment three or four foreigners rushed into the house. Witness believed Sarafini was one of them, for he was shortly afterwards dragged out by the police. Witness then saw Harrington insensible in the parlour. His bowels were protruding. By Mr Wakeling—ln consequence of being struck, wit -11038 had called in police-constable Fawell. Wit Less did not see deceased stabbed. Mrs Maria King, wife of William King, bone button ma nufacturer, Leather-lane, said she was in the Golden An chor Tavern on Monday. She saw Harrington there about half-past six o'clock. He was in tho bagatelle-room. She saw the prisoner. He struck her. As she was going out of the door the prisoner knocked her back. Ho was going into the room. She did not see what he did in the room. A few minutes after that she saw,him taken out by the police. By Mr Wakeling—The prisoner was going into the room as witness was coming out. She did not know why he struck her. William Mellisham said that he was in the Golden An chor between six and seven o'clock on Monday evening. Harrington was sitting in the bagatelle room singing. They then heard a row outside with the Italians, and they all rose to their feet. The prisoner rushed in the door, several following him. He struck Harrington directly, It was not a straightforward blow, but a sort of side blow and in the chest. Harrington fell to the ground. Witness did not see that Sarafini had anything in his hand. Witness was pulled away by his wife, who said he would be mur dered. The prisoner was knocked down by ancther man. The Italian was then secured until the police came. Wit ness then saw a number of Italians surround the house and shout " Garibaldi for ever I" Next day witness saw a knife that was picked up in the room. Witness saw blood on Harrington. Something fell down from his stomach through a wound in tho stomach when he was lifted up. None of the other Italians actually entered the room with Sarafini. They only followed him to the room. John Little, a French polisher, was also in the Golden Anchor. While deceased and others were in the room, just after Harrington sang, something was said that the Italians were cowing to murder the Englishmen in the inner room. That was about two minutes after Harrington's song was ended. Sarafiai then rushed in at once and struck Har- rington a side blow. Harrington fell, exclaiming, " I are stabbed !" The police came directly. By Mr Waktling— There was a party-12 or H—of Englishmen in the bagatelle room. Harrington did not say one word to Sarafini. Sarafini did not say a word to any of the party before ho stabbed llarrington. Witness was next Harrington, and he might as well have been stabbed as the deceased. William King said ho was in the bagatollo-room at the Golden Anchor when Harrington sang. Witness's wife then left the room, when Sarafini rushed in and knocked her down. Witness want to pick her up and got knocked behind the door. He then saw Harrington on the ground on his back, and Santini on top of him. Witness pulled Sarafini off and held him until the police came. Harrington ap peared hurt, but witness did not then know ho was stabbed. Harrington then said that he was stabbed. Sarafini wzys in Witness said that he asked Sarafini if he knew what was said. He said he did. " Well," said witness, " if it be found that the man is dead, you will be charged with wilful murder. He said "I only protected myself." Witness pointed out to him his hands covered with blood, but ho mado no reply. Witness afterwards said "You are charged with the murder of Michael Harrington, and with stabbing two other men." Tie said " 1 never used a knife." Wit ness found on him a small knife, but it did not appear to have been recently used, He gave his name Sarafini Polioni. Inspector Potter described what took place in the hospital with the deceased man when the latter identified the phi- Boner, and after medical evidence had been heard the jury returned a verdict of wilful murder against Polioni. COUNTRY MARKETS. _~~h_._..._---.. LIVERPOOL-FRIDAY. A moderate attendance of millers and dealers at this morning's market, and wheat met a fair consumptive in. quiry, at an advance of Id per cental upon this day week. Uats and oatmeal dull, and prices remain the same. In. dian corn is lower. Beans steady, and barley held for an advance ; peas neglected. Flour slow. . _ the room when he said 'so, but witness did not hear Sarafini say a word. By Mr Wakeling—There was not a word of difference before the affair. Witness did not know how Sarafini came to be on top of Harrington. for ho (witness) was knocked down first. Fawoll, 425 A, said that he was pasting by the public house when ho was called in by the landlord. He went into the taproom, and saw a great number of Italians breaking up the forms, and as they all seemed to be fighting he went out and saw another policeman. He did not then see Sara fini. When he returned ho was met by a man, who said, Oh, Mr Fawell, I'm stabbed." 'Witness said, "By whom ?" and he then saw Sarafini running from one room to another. He was going into the bagatelle-room. Directly afterwards witness heard that another man was stabbed. He entered the bagatelle-room and saw Harrington lying in a corner. 'With the assistance of Police-con table Elliot witness secured Sarafini. 'Witness did not know Harrington had been stabbed. Witness then got the prisoner out into the street, and said, " I shall take you to the station on the charge of stabbing Alfred Rebeque." He made some ansvnr in Italian, and he struggled violently. They were followed to the station by a great number of Italians. Witness begged of them to keep back. The prisoner struggled violently all the way. Witness afterwards searched for a knife, but found none. Police-constable Elliot, G division, gave corroborative evidence. Wm. Faithall, 15S G, said ho was called in to the Golden Anchor between 7 and 8 o'cl ck on the night in question. There were great numbers there. Witness saw Harrington in the bar parlour and examined him. His intestines pro truded through the stomach. Witness took him in a cab to the hospital. Witness produced Harrington's trousers. They were saturated with blood, and there was a cut in them corresponding to the wound in deceased's stomach. Serrgeant Baldock, 1 G, said—At a qurter to 8 o'clock on the 26th inst., the prisoner Sarafini was brought in by two constables. Witness told him he was charged with stabbing a man. Coroner—That related, however, to another man ? WAKEFIELD-FRIDAY. Fine dry wheat meta fair consumptive demand at fully Is over lhst week's prices. In barley no change. Beans firm, Short supplies. - Averages for the week : Wheat 3223 qrs., at 383 81 8ar1ey......... 1910 ... 28s 10Id Oats Beans Peas STAMFORD-FRIDAY. Wheat in improved demand, and prices in favour of the_ seller. Barley a moderate trade, at former currencies. —White wheat, 40s to 425; red, 35s to 38s per 36 stone Barley, malting, 31s to 355.; grinding, 27s to 30s per qr., Oats, 18s to 21s per 24 stone. Beans, old, :38s to 42s per qr. ; new, 36s to 3;7's. LINCOLN-FRIDAY. There was not much wheat on offer, with a fair demand, and prices is more money. White wheat new, 40s to 41s Barley, grinding.. 28 .to 36s Red do. 36s to 38s Oats, old, .. 24s to 20s Old white 428 to 47s New do 228 to 218 Red do.. 39s to 43s i 8ean5...... Barley, ma1ting....338 to 31s 1 Beans, new 368 to 310 COAL M Moos of Coal per Ton al LItKET. the close of the market. Walls End. s. d. West Hartley 19 0 Hastings Hartley .. l9 0 Wylam 18 6 Byass's Bebsido West Hartley ...19 0 Bower's West Hartley.l9 0 Cowpen Hartley 19 0 Holywell lB 6 West Wylaai lB 0 I'antield Moor Bute lB 0 North Felton Gas.., _ 17 6 Tunstall Tiaswell .. ...23 6 Hetton 23 6 South Hetton ...23 6 K elloe Gosforth 22 0 Hartlepool 23 6 Cassop 23 0 Riddell 22 0 Heugh Hall 22 g Braddyll' a Hetton 22 U Wharneliffe 22 0 South Kelloe .22 0 Newlitlutout 22 6 Caradoc 23 G Walls End. East Hartlepool ' 23 6 Byron 23 0 Pensher Primrose .22 01 Harton 22 0 i Ships at markel 97; sold, 85, Foreign. Mail racket List. -4 MAILS DUE. Australia and Mauritius, via Southampton . . Jan• 18. vi'a Marseilles` Jan. 12. Bcatil and Cape Verds, by British packet. Jan, 5. Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena Dec. 29. China, "Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton.J an. 2, via Marseilles Dec. 27. Falkland Islands - .. Gibraltar, via Southarupt, n .. Deo. 27 , India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton Jan. 2 via Marseilles Dec, 27. India (Bombay), via Southampton .. Dec. 27 via Marseilles Dec. —. Portuga1.... Malta, Egypt, and Adon, via Southampton Dec. 27. via Marseilles Dec. Newfoundland .. Jan. 2. Oporto and Vigo .. .. U. S. and British N. America, by Brit. packet Dec 29. by 'U.S. packet by Canadian packet Dec. 30. W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe Jan. 10. West Indies and Pacific Bahamas (via New York) Jan. 12, Bermuda (ditto) Cuba and Mexico STORLIS AND SIIIPWRECKS.—At the wee4l; meeting of the committee of the Shipwrecke ( Mariners' Society, held at its offices, Hibernia-ohambers London-bridge, at which were present—Captain the Hon F. Maude, R.N., in the ohair—Rear Admiral Warder C. 8., Mr W. Stuart, Capt. Budd, Capt. R.N Capt. Westbrook, R.N., Capt. Trivett (Lieut. R.N.R.; Capt. Littlehales, R.N., and Capt. C. R. Egerton, R.ll Sufferers from the late storms—viz., 26 widows and orphan of mariners—were liberally relieved, and 40 shipwrecks seamen and fishermen helped to res' ore their clothes an boats, at a cost of £l3B 5s 3d. The secretary read a pape showing that during the last three months 599 widows an orphans and 750 seamen, who had lost their clothes by ship wreck, had been in like manner relieved. The secretar further stated that, independent of these persons, large nun hers of shipwrecked men had been forwarded to their hone , by the honorary agents from various points of the eoas and many of them clothed. The total outlay of the quart for relief had been £3,035 is 6d. The fatal wrecks of tl Dalhousie, Stanley, &c., contributed largely to the numbe of widows and orphans named above. By the report of cat In hand submitted by the secretary, it appeared that ti claims on the institution were greatly in excess of it. TI committee therefore unanimously resolved that a continuo urgent appeal be made to the benevolent public for help. [ADVERTISEMENT.] -Holloway's Pills.—Prost ration Strength —When the system is week and the nerves u strung, disease is certain to present itself unless sot purifying and strengthening moans be resorted to to avi the threatening mischief. In such cases no treatment e, equal that by these exce'lent pills. No other pl-on can pursued sa well devised fee ejecting all impurities from t blood, without straining or weakenirg the consitueio Holloway's pit's so fortify the stomach and regule e I liver, that they ra se the capability of digestion, and th create new power. This is the reason why Holloway's pi have gained their present popularity, and why they ba been lauded throughout the globe as a "fresh source of 1 and strength." Births. ELDER—On the 29th inst., at Carlilo House, liamPatel the wife of A. L. Elder, Esq., of a son. PARKER.—On the 27th inst., at Long Melford, Suffo the wife of Sir William Parker, Bart., of a daughter. WooLr.—On the 30th inst., at 1, Royal-crescent, N ting-hill, Mrs. J. E. Woolf, of a daughter. Marriages. GRIFFITH—BAX,—QtI the 29th inst., at Old Charlt , Kent, Julius G. T. Griffith, Esq , Captain ILE,, eld son of Lieut.-General J, G. Griffith, R.A., to AI Maria, only daughter of Captain 11. Bonham Bar, Old Charlton. HOWES—BERRIDGE,-- On the 29th inst., at Fotheringb Philip Howes, Esq., of Sewalds Hall, Harlow, to Bn3 Lenton, only daughter of Wm. Berridge, Esq. Deaths. Boorit.-0a the 29th inst., Mr. William Booth, of Me gate-street, city, son of the Rev. W. 0. Booth, 9 i 29. CHAFFEY.—OU the 29th inst., Philip Chaffey, of 4, Un street, Berkeley-sqa :re, aged 80. CRANE.-Oa the 24th inst., at The Cedars, Kiddermins Thomas E. Crane, Esq., aged 45. FRASER —oa the 2611 inst., Sir John Fraser (Baluai aged 72, LANCHESTER.—On the 26th inst., at Bognor, Fredel Win. Lanehester, Esq. MokrE.—On the 27th inst., at Little Westwood, Abb' Langley, forts, S. E. Moate, Esq., aged 69. London : Prluzed and Frbllshed by W1LL1411...^..ND LLB ' of No. 112, Strand, Frit:lAN', at TuE SUN oince No. Strand, An he Freeftla of the Slvoy. the C , tint: I.ll,llesirc. Saturday, December 31, 1861