The Sun. — London, England, 1863-06-05 00:00:00

IXPERIAL PARLIAMENT ROUSE OF LORDS--Last Evening. The Lord Chancellor took his seat at the usual hour. PETITIONS. Lord SONDES presented a petition from the visiting magistrates of Norfolk against the Prism Ministers' Bill. Lord DE NMA.N presented a petition to the same effect. Lord BEEPER presented petitions from the Nottingham Chamber of Commerce, and from the Nottingham Midland Merchants' and Trades' Association, praying for an amend ment of the 22d clause of the Telegraphs Bill. Lord BROUGHAM presented several petitions from working men against the sale of intoxicating liquors on Sunday. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Duke of Cleveland and Earl of Lowdwiek's Estate Bill, the Pembroke Towaship Bill, the Blackrock, blanks townand Booterstown Improvement Bill, theTranmore Em bankment Bill, the Knighton and Central Waies Railway Bill, the Central Wales Extension Railway Bill, the Letter kenny Railway B ill, t he Northampton and Banbury Junction Railway Bill, the Lonion, Tilbury, and Southend Railway Bill, the Ware, Hadhain, and Burlingford Railway Bill, and the Saffron Walden Railway Bill were read a second time. The Victoria Station and Pimlico Railway Bill and the Thames Bridges Bill, as amended, were read a third time and passed. BRAZIL. Lord MALMESBURY said that on the 16th instant he would gall their lordships' attention to the state of our rela tions with Brazil. TELEGRAPHS BILL. On Lord STANLEY of ALDERLEY moving that the house go into committee on this bill, Lord WYCOMBE moved that the bill be referred to a select committee, which was accordingly agreed to. The house adjourned at 20 minutes past five. HOUSE OF COMMONS—Last Evening. The SFEAXER took the chair at 4 o'clock. THIRD READINGS. The following bills were read a third time and passed : Bradford, Wakefield, and Leeds Railway —Great Northern Railway (Spalding to March)—Great Northern of Scotland Railway—Leominster and Kington Railway—Oswestry and ; Newton Railway (Branches, &c.)—Shrewsbury and Welchpool Railway, and West Midland Railway. EXPLANATION—ITALY—MR. ODO RUSSELL. Sir G. BOWYER said, in the course of the debate on the affairs of Italy, he gave an account of a conversation which had taken place between Mr. Odo Russell and the French General commanding at Rome. It was his duty to inform the house that he had received a letter from Mr. Odo Russell, in which he stated that the version which he (Sir G. Bowyer) gave of the conversation was inaccurate. Mr. HADFIE LD thought the hon. baronet should state the nature of the explanation offered by Mr. Odo Russell. The SPEAK ER intimated that the hon. gentleman was out of order. FIRE INSURANCE. Lord ENFIELD gave notice that he should move the previous question to the motion of the hon. member for Dudley (Mr. H. B. Sheridan) for the repeal of the fire insurance duty. INDIAN TELEGRAPHS. Mr. WHITE gave notice that on Monday he should ask several questions on this subject. THE DEATH OF LIEUT. TINLING. Colonel SYKES asked the Secretary to the Admiralty whether, consequent upon the communication made by him to the house on the Ist of June, respecting Captain Dew's report of the death of Lieut. Tinling, of the Encounter, under the walls of Shon-hing, it was the intention of the Admiralty to call upon the Admiral commanding in the China seas for a special report of the circumstances which led Captain Dew and Lieutenant Tinling to be engaged in two successive assaults upon Shon-hing, and by whose authority they were engaged in the siege; whether Capt. Dew was held responsible for the 8-inch howitzer, lent by General Salter to aid in the siege of Shon-hing, and generally to report what foundation there is for the statements in the Shanghai newspapers that.j the pay master of the Encounter was dangerously inured by an explosion of gunpow der at Shon-hing, and that after the repulse of the second assault at Shon-hing, Captain Dew visited Shanghai to obtain supplies of siege ammunition, and by his agency induced a body of European adventurers of all nations to proceed to Shon-hing as mill- tary volunteers. Lord C. PAGET replied that his department expected to receive shorily a full report of all the circumstances from Admiral Caspar. Neither the Admiralty nor the War office had any knowledge of the loan of an 8-inch howitzer. The Admiralty deeply regretted the lamentable death of a promising young officer. THE PURCHASE OF THE INTERNATIONAL EXHIBITION. Mr. C. BENTINCK asked the First Lord of the Trea sury whether his attention had been called to a design pre pared by Captain Fowke for the alteration or completion of the Exhibition building ; whether her Majesty's Govern ment approved generally of such design ; and, if so, whether the cost of the same was included in the estimate now laid upon the table of the house ? Mr. GREGORY asked the First Lord of the Treasury whether a detailed statement of the expense to be incurred in altering, repairing, completing, and reniering beautiful the International Exhibition building will be printed and laid before the house, previous to a vote of £485,000 being taken as the first expense connected with the purchase of that building ? Lord PALMERSTON replied that it was his intention to enter into details when he submitted the proposition to the house. No decision had yet been come to with respect to the alteration of the original design. Mr. GREGORY—ShaII we have the details before the explanation? Sir R. PEEL intimated that the details would be laid on the table to-morrow. Sir S. NORTHCOTE asked when the noble lord would make his explanation ? Lord PALMERSTON replied on Monday week. Mr. GREGORY intimated that he intended to move the rejection of the prop.ised vote. (Hear, hear.) SEIZURE OF THE WILL 0' THE WISP, 8:c. Mr. CRA WFORD asked the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if any claim had been made upon the Government of the United States of America for com pensation to the owners of the schooner Will o' the Wisp, seized in Mexican waters at Matamoros, by the United States cruiser Montgomery, on the 3d day of June, 1862, and afterwards released by decision of the Prize Court at Key West, on the 19th day of July following, would there be any objection to lay on the table the correspondence ? Mr. LAYARD explained that the case would, no doubt, be shortly carried by the owners to the Supreme Court of the United States. The original decision amounted to this, that the vessel which had been seized in the M e xican waters would be restored. (Hear.) The court referred to decided that there were grounds of suspicion, and, therefore, refused to give either damages or costs. Her Majesty had pressed the United States to allow costs to the captors, but they had refused. He would inquire whether there was any objection to the production of the papers. TRAWL NETS (SCOTLAND). Mr. FINLAY asked the Lord Advocate whether he intended to propose a measure for legalising the use of trawl or seine nets for catching herrings in Scotland. The LORD ADVOCATE replied in the negative. HOLYHEAD HARBOUR.—OFFENSIVE LAN. GU! GE OF THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER. Mr. TOLLEMACHE complained that on Monday night when he happened to be unavo idably absent, t Chancellor of the Exchequer made some remarks on the composition of the Holy head committee appointed on the preceding Friday. The rig ht hon. gentleman complaine and that the committee was not inepartially constituted, - would consequently carry no weight with the Government. He declared that he had no personal interest in the matters th a t would come before the committee, nor, indeed, an y of his constitutents ; neither had he any interest in the railway, though it Vaned through South Cheshire. He had no desire to serve to that h e :,... t . l !eel and if his right hon. friend would move motion. tett from it he would cordially second the e felt p er f e — :, mmi laughter.) So tar as he was concerned biassed deci • . 7 ecn ' l l'oteut to arrive at a perfectly un biassed Mr. D. PENNANT declared that he likewise had no interest in Holyhead, and did not own an acre of land in the Isl ha e of Anglesey. Re voss interested in C arnarvo n, g ggle and co struuld recollect between th e y t 2 yea wo rs ago there was a reat t places as ought to be the h ar b our. If he had any p r eference at all ito which t was for Carnarvon. The CHANCELLOR of the 1 1 tl e t b. 112 Cheshireela said the t hon, gentleman the memb er for mis informed, as he had n o recollection of h a • bee n sonal or offensive language •m He c ertabilY did Per that the committee w as not - partiall and referred, in suppo rt of his statement, constitn aa te: clara ti o ns of several of the members. It ' might to the public de ' be invidi ous t o mention names , b ut he was satisfi edthat his tw o h on. friends would g ive an impartial consideration the subje c t. He never presu med to say that the decision :t o t the commit tee would oe unworthy of the consiaeration of the Govern- went. Mr. H. HERBERT looked upon the words of the Ch an . cellor of the Exchequer as in• tilting and offensive. R e begged to move the adjournment of the house. Mr. HENNESSY seconded the motion. Th e CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said if his rema rks were "insulting and offensive, it was the duty of the hon. member to have called attention to them at the tine they were made. (Hear.) The hon. member should quote his words.. , Mr. HERBERT was ready to do so. The SPEA.KER decided that the words should have been quoted at the time ; it was now too late to do so. Tie! CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER again disclaimed usingunparliamentary language. mums Colonel aa FRENCH characterised the term, that the corn oEfensivelnot impartially constituted, as insulting and it mean that the committee had no brains, tul i ralla s te l tl aa nd would not be obedient I (Hear, hear.) said it wag the duty of the Uovenuneut not to assent to committees not, in their opinion, impartially constituted. The Government ought to have opposed the appointment of the committee at the time. Mr. HENN.ESSY rose to order. Mr. BRIGHT said this discussion was ha' - Welsh and half Irish. (Laughter.) He had often he • t alleged in that house that committees were not imp .„, and did not consider the language unparliamentary. Lord J. MANNERS appealed to the Speaker for his opinion. The SPEAKER decided that the discussion must then end, as it was contrary to the rules of the house. It was competent in the right hon. gentleman to state it as his opinion, that a committee was not impartially constituted if he thought so. The subject then dropped. VOLUNTEERS BILL. On the motion for going into committee, Mr. BAGWELL moved that, in the opinion of this house it is impolitic any longer to exclude Ireland from the ope ration of the volunteer system, and unjust, should such exclusion continue, to tax Ireland for the support of Eng lish volunteers. The Marquis of HARTINGTON opposed the motion, but in doing so did not wish to cast any doubt upon the loyalty of the people of Ireland, Lord PALMERSTON spoke highly of the loyalty of the Irish people. Their unfortunate pugnacity and the diversity of religious opinions that prevailed, rendered it impolitic that a civil armed force should be created in that country. After a few words from several hon, members, The house divided, when there appeared— For the motion Against it ---111 Majority The motion was consequently lost. The house then went into committee. Clauses 1 to 6 inclusive were agreed to. On clause 7, Mr. H. LE WIS said it was the opinion of many volun teers that this clause would not work well ; and he there fore proposed to substitute a clause which would render it more easy for the volunteer to obtain his discharge, and would provide a court of inquiry in the event of any dispute. Col. SYKES defended the clause as it stood, observing that the commanding officer was required to give every volunteer his discharge who claimed to be *di uck out of the muster-roll of the corps. The Marquis of HARTINGTON said he could not sJe any objection to the clause in its present form. There was no intention of placing any obstacle in the way of a volun teer leaving his corps upon giving notice. He understood the hon. member to say that the volunteers considered them selves aggrieved by the clause ; but the first part of the clause gave volunteers the right of discharge--a right which the commanding officer was bound to recognise. Mr. H. LEWIS was not quite satisfied with the expla nation of the noble lord. As he understood the clause, there was nothing which obliged - the commanding officer to give a volunteer his discharge. Sir J. SHELLEY was rather surprised to hear that the volunteers were dissatisfied with the clause, and that no notice of an amendmen t had been given. With regard to a court of inquiry, it would be hardly proper to refer a dis pute to a tribunal before which they could not compel the attendance of volunteers, their being no control over volun teers except upon parade. Major KNOX said. if the commanding officer had no power of retaining a volunteer upon the roll, why not leave out the latter part of the clause? Mr. HEADLAM said the clause declared that the volun teers were entitled to their discharge ; but in certain cases some question might arise or delay take place, and it was chiefly for the benefit of the volunteers that the clause was framed in its present shape. Mr. HENLEY called attention to the wording of the clause, and suggested that the words "or any other ac count" were rather vane ; and, for his own part, if an ap peal should come before him, he would hardly be able to see his way to a decision. He thought the meaning of the clause should be more clearly expressed. Mr. H. LEWIS, in deference to the general opinion of the committee, withdrew his motion, and the clause in its original form was agreed to, as was also clause 8. On clause 9, Colonel W. PATTEN suggested an improvement in the clause, for the purpose of preventing any jealousies between the officers of volunteer corps and the militia whenever the two forces were employed together, as he hoped they often would be. (Hear.) In order to insure perfect co-operation between the two forces, he would move that the words "or militia" be inserted ; so that when they were both employed together, in reviews or active service, the senior officer should always command. The Marquis of HARTINGTON said the clause did not make any difference in the existing law; the object of it was to enable the Queen to appoint a general or field officer to command the volunteers, either in active service or at reviews. Colonel KNOX said that many of the officers command ing the volunteers were men who had attained distinction in the regular army, and he should be sorry to see them placed in a false position. He wished to know whether it was intended that tinder no circumstances a volunteer officer should ever command. Colonel SYKES observed that if it was intended to give militia and volunteei officers their relative ranks as in the army, the words suggested by the hon. and gallant member opposite would have the effect of giving precedence to the militia officers over the volunteers. Col. W. PATTEN said his object was simply to prevent confusion in the field if the two forces should be engaged together. Mr. HEADLAM did not interpret the clause in the same ight as the hon. and gallant member. The object of was only to empower her Majesty to appoint a field officer of the army, but it did not interfere in any way with the officers among themselvee. Col. W. PATTEN expressed himself satisfied, and with drew the amendment. Sir J. SHELLEY proposed to have the words "lienten ant-colonel and colonel" added, but the hon. member no pressing it, the clause as it originally stood was agreed to. On clause 10. Mr. BATHURST expressed his opinion that if the Go vernment assistance to volunteers was made to depend on attendance at battalion drill, it would operate very injuri ously as regarded corps living at great distances apart. He thought some provision should be made in the case of corps at the distance of 10 or 20 miles asunder. Mr. W. FORSTER said the suggestion of the hon. gen tleman was very important, and he thought it would be ex tremely prejudicial to the administration of the volunteers if the corps were to be considered as separate corps. Mr. HUMBERSTON said it would be impracticable in many cases to bring scattered corps together for battalion drill, and he begged to suggest for the consideration of the noble lord the expediency of substituting additional drills for battalion drill, in order to meet the case of scattered corps who could not possibly attend for battalion drill. Colonel NORTH saw no reason fcr altering the clause. It was a matter for the discretion of the inspector whether he would inspect the corps separately or in battalion. The Marquis of HARTINGTON said the object was to make the inspection as convenient as possible to the corps, and he thought it would be better to leave the matter to the discretion of the inspeetor. The clause was then agreed to in its original form. On clause 11, The Marquis of HARTINGTON moved the following addition : " The draft of any scheme to be from time to time submitted to her Majesty in council for approval un der the present section, shall be laid before both houses of Parliament one month at least before such scheme receives the approval of her Majesty in council." The noble lord als o read the draft of the new standard of efficiency for volunteer recruits, and the drills and other duties they will be required to perform. Mr. FORSTER admitted that the assistance granted by the Government to the volunteers was very liberal, but he simply rose to call the attention of the noble lord to the position of some of the scattered corps in the country, who were perfectly willing to attend any number of drills in their respective localities, but who could not possibly assemble et a distance for battalion drill. He hoped some thing might be done to meet this difficulty. Lord ELCHO said he was very glad that he hon. mem ber for Bradford had brought the subject before the com mittee. Having had the honour . to serve upon the bvolun teer commission, he mighhetedsayehlouldw a b s e p a r ll s oced for pay commission that 4s. per bringing d e tached companies tog , :- ther for battalion dr ill, an ink the expense of d that they shoulc meet threw ahtadthien ads adopted that sugg es main par times a year. He be l i eved that the ti G e o n v , ministrative companies ern an iu d en th t time he saw that it wou ld have to meet three times a year for battalion drill; but at the same a 'within of any corps n o t b e i n g able to assemble three tme was laid down in the proposed order o f council, tharin case i the twelve months, the Secretary of State had the power to [ alter th e num b er o f b atta li on d r ill s , and that, he thoug ht, th la re r e . would meet the difficulty which had been started. cer tain members of companies who m ig ht not be able to attend suggested:::ionßEdrl:Bs T in ON th , e i y n e o a r r d , ertosieet the case of .make good the deficiency promote battalion Mr. W. B. FORSTE R by that they might mr. BUXTON asked,fro a rn ttending extra company drills inspectors to decide w th i e th c . ertificat e of efficien confessed he was so anxious to drill, that he preferred leaving it to the in W hat cages it should be dispensed of HARTING ' What perm:0:01o: t ee he rt y ifi ea c r at w e a; neatcohthe twelve month The Marqui s o o fuld Novemberbearrela t i n i o preceding yeaarr.aent as see : cy to date ? servicet h e 30t h w council would be laid before P The draft ord ers ' arli became law, a as tile bill Clause 12 was then agreed to. On clause 19, Mr. HI BBERT moved the rejection of the clause, was a copy of the old clause in th e o ld Act. There Wblch were I o doubt many bad precedehts in th e l eg i slation of the reig n of George 111., and assuredly this was one o f them. It ap peared to him most objectionable that volunteers should be called upon to suppress riots, particularly in counties like Lancashire, where popular disturbances generally had reference to questions of labour and to the rates o wages. One section of a corps might answer to a cal made upon them to aid in the suppression of a riot while another section might hold back ; and infallibly that would lead to the section that held back being regarded with sus picion by the authorities, He thought that the being open to such a contingency would very much detract from the popularity of the volunteer force, and therefore he called ("n the committee to strike out the clause. Col. SYKES supported the omission of the clause. Sir G. GREY said, if hon members examined the clause, they would see that volunteers could only be used for the suppression of a riot subject to the sanction of the lord lieu tenant of the county and of the Secretary of State. He ad mitted the inexpediency of their being generally employed fir such a purpese; but, subject to the restrictions men tioned, he believed the committee might very safely assent to the retention of the clause. Mr. BUXTON was persuaded tho clause would work the most serious evil, especially in the case of working men's u corps. Itight be possible, in thei r case, th at when called out to act against the rioters some of the men would refuse to act, and then the confusion would be aggravated tenfold. Lord ELCHO said there was no doubt whatever of the exceeding popularity of the volunteers, and that that popu• larity had grown up under a law which authorised the em ployment of the force in the mode now deprecated, the only difference between the old and the new law being, that pro vision was now made to ensure the volunteers being only called out in the most extreme cases. He was by no means persuaded that working men's corps, which he might ob serve were among the best disciplined in the service, would r equire to take part in the suppression of local disturbances. A. great deal of evidence had been laid before the commis sion as to the effect of volunteering upon artisans ; and one of the most remarkable of these effects was that it made men much mere sober, while it made loyal men of chartists. (Hear, hear.) The bill was drawn up on the quieta non mover* principle, and therefore it would be well not to re ject a provision found to exist in the old law. Mr. AYRTON hoped the hon. member for Bradford would persevere in his opposition to the clause. It was ob jectionable in principle, and peculiarly so because the vo lunteers were subjected to martial law. If they were em ployed as mere constables, the thing would be different. He was very much surprised that the Government should have thought of reviving such a clause. Mr. A. EGERTON could not disapprove of the clause, for it seemed to him that whatever force was employed to suppress rioting should be as disciplined as possible; and he reminded the committee that the yeomanry, who were liable to be so e 7 gaged, were subject to martial law. Mr. POTTER had a very distinct recollection of the calling out of the yeomanry to suppress the rioting at Man chester, and of the dreadful consequences which followed. He well remembered the odium which long attached to the yeomanry for the part they were then called upon to take, and he knew that a friend of his was unable to survive the horrors of the occasion. (Hear.) Mr. ROGERS hoped he might not live to see the day when volunteers would be called out to suppress popular tumults, but at the same time he must say he regarded the force not only as a surety for peace abroad, but likewise at home. (Hear.) Mr. EVANS, speaking on behalf of the volunteers, was quite certain that the great majority of them were not aware that such a provision existed in the Volunteer Act. _ _ Mr. SEL WYN reminded hon. members opposite that it was not made compulsory upon volunteers to aid in the suppression of riots ; the clause left it entirely optional with members of a corps to do so; and, though every one admitted that, in all probability, no case would ever arise for the exercise of the power, yet, in the interest of peace and humanity, it might turn out of very great im portance. When they bore in mind the limited number of her Majesty's troops, at d the effect which the presence of a large military force had in checking bloodshed on the occa sion of popular tumults, he might well call upon the com mittee, in the interest of humanity, to support the clause. Sir J. SHELLEY thought that, for the sake of peace and humanity, the clause ought to be rejected. (Hear, hear.) There was no doubt that a small body of soldiers was most effectual for the suppression of a riot ; and if volunteers were to be made useful in the same way, their presence ought to be made obligatory, and not optional. (Hear, hear.) He telieved the clause would have a very bad effect upon the interests of the volunteer force—and he felt most strongly, as the commanding officer of a working men's corps, that it was most impolitic to place volunteers in the situation contemplated by the clause. Mr. W. E. FORSTER should vote for the amendment of the hon. member for Oldham. If the volunteers were to be employed at all in the suppression of rioting, it would be much better that their attendance as a body should be made compulsory than that it should be left optional with mem bers to undertake the duty. Otherwise, in cases of extreme emergency, it would be much better that the volunteers should be called upon to act merely as special constables. Mr. HEADLAM quite agreed as to the general inexpe diency of employing volunteers to disperse a mob. At the same time, if the restrictions attaching to the exercise of the powers enforced by the clause were taken into account, it would be apparent that no danger could follow from it. He could conceive circumstances in which it might be exceed ing desirable that such a power should exist. For example, in the north of England, where there were many artillery corps, it might be most useful to place such corps in strong positions, leaving the regular troops free to act against the mob. (Oh, oh.) Earl GROSVENOR would very much prefer to see the volunteers act as special constables. (Hear, hear.) He deprecated the responsibility which the clause threw upon colonels of regiments, and it should receive his opposition. (Hear, hear.) Sir M. FARQUHAR likewise opposed the clause. The Marquis of HARTINGTON then announced that. as such appeared to be the general wi.h of the committee, the Government were willing to withdraw the clause. ('Jheers, accompanied by cries of "No, no," from the Op position benches.) The clause was accordingly negatived without a division. On clause 21, Sir It. CLIFTON proposed, in line 17, after "cause," to leave out to and including " officer," in line 19, and insert "such causes respectively to be committed to writing, and communicated to the accused by the adjutant of such corps and the existence and sufficiency of such causes respectively to be judged of by a court to be summoned by the command • ing officer, and to consist of one captain, two subaltern offi cers, and two non-commissioned officers or privates of the same corps." The clause, as it stood, gave commanding officers power to dismiss officers as well as privates of corps, without any court of appeal being open to them. He trusted the committee would show its sense of the gratitude due to those gentlemen who came forward in the most patriotic manner when the noble lord at the head of the Government ceded " wolf," by opening to them a court of appeal against what might be very arbitrary treatment. Mr. H. LEWIS said he had received numerous commu nications from both officers and privates, one and alt con demnatory of the clause as it stood. It was said that it did not apply to officers, but, whether it did or not, it was equally to be objected to, for it might have the effect of blighting the prospects in life of private volunteers. (Hear, hear.) At present the ?reatest harmony prevailed between officers and privates ; but if such a power as this were given to com manding officers, that harmony would no longer prevail. The Marquis of HARTINGTON hoped the committee would retain the clause as it stood. Lord ELCHO said it would be impossible to maintain any discipline without that clause. If a volunteer desired to leave his regiment, he had only to give 14 days' notice, with an appeal to the Sovereign through the Secretary for War in case of need. He regretted to have to remark that printed papers bad been sent round to various commanding officers, referring to a dispute between the South Middlesex and the Queen's, aad also an extract from a speech of the hon. member for Nottingham. He ventured to say that that was not a proper step to take; it had a tendency to create ill-feeling, and the fact that it had not done so was a proof of the healthy state of discipline of the volunteers generally. He had also heard of some Volunteer Defence Association, of which he believed the hon. member for Finsbury was chairman. Mr. COX said he had nothing whatever to do with that e.r any other association of the kind, though he would con fess that he was a "full private" in the volunteers. Lord ELCHO said perhaps the hon. gentleman could state whether there was as association of that kind in existence now or not. Mr. COX said he did not know. He had nothing to do with it. Lord ELCHO regretted he had been misinformed. He had heard, however, that the very improper proceeding of sending round printed papers had been adopted by certain volunteers. One of those papers had reflected upon Lord Ranelagh, who took proceedings against the parties, and would no doubt have succeeded had not an apology been offered and accepted. He thought, it a commanding officer were fit to have any power at all, he was fit to be entrusted with the power contained in the clause. Sir DE LACY EVANS said he would support the clause, not because he thought it was necessary, as the power was already given by the old Act; but he thought that that recognition of it might be useful. It should be remembered that here there was an appeal to the Secretary for War, and the only object was to make that power permanent. Mr. BUXTON supported the clalso. He thought there was no alternative but to leave the power in the hands of the commanding officer. Mr, COX said he wished to say a few words, because he had no doubt that immediately after the vote he was about to give be should be dismissed from his position as a full private volunteer. (A laugh.) He had no sympathy with noble lords who came down to that house and charged a private member of Parliament with being the chairman of societies formed to bring about dissensions amongst the volunteers. Very few of the volunteers knew that there was any such arbitrary power of dismissal already in exis tence; and if the proposed clause were to be carried, half the volunteers would leave at once. They would nev er sub mittsbe dis m i sse d at a mome nt's notice without warning we re P k n ati°u • (Hear, hear.) Petitions upon the subject said tila 7 t l v P o r i e u p_ared throughout the country. It had been 1 :1 1 " dha another could discharge himself at 14 days' volunteer he °Meer stettlleco:e er had e raraatait an ve ] o r at e ilikoc e : :: :u s ttle : ditul_ bu bte t eef h oier e se k nat n hm e e w elw4 a asd ca a s Hy e su w etxc h hp e ii r rn e esd a . discharged him and as a discharged (Hear, and Prevent e d f ro - m joining any other corps. Lord E Lc Ze." T to hear the language THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JUNE 5. 1863. of the letter in which Mr. Hutchins had sent in his resig nation. When shown at the War-office, it was ordered that Mr. Hutchins should be dismissed, and not be allowed to resign. Sir J. SHELLEY supported the clause. Mr. W. E. FORSTER also supported it. There must be that power or a court-martial, for volunteers were men with arms in their hands, and required somebody to take care of them, It was evident that that power must be given to the commanding officer or a court-martial. (Hear, hear, from Mr. Cox.) The hon. gentleman said " Hear, hear," but ho could tell him that volunteer courts-martial would be most unpopular institutions. It should be remembered that pending the proceedings the volunteer must be placed under arrest. (Hear, hear.) He believed that the feeling to which the hon. member for Finsbury alluded was very much exag gerated ; and he could certainly say for the Yorkshire corps that they had no wish to be governed by a committee instead of by their commanding officer, neither did he think that the power given by the clause was likely to be arbitrarily used, because commanding officers knew very well that such con duct would diminish their corps. Besides, in case of any abuse of the power, there were two remedies —one by appeal to the War. office, and another by a charge laid before the lord lieutenant. He could only speak as a captain of volun teers, but he knew the feeling of the county from which he came, and he believed the volunteers there were fully pre pared to submit to whatever might be necessary for the maintenance of discipline. Earl GROSVENOR said he had been, so frequently' at tacked by the press respecting the transaction alluded to by the hon. baronet, that he trusted the house would allow him to give some explanation. (No.) He would if it were wished. (No, no.) With respect to the proposed clause, it should be borne in mind that the commanding officer had the power of dismissal by the old act, and the best guarantee against a misuse of it was the fear that he would lose half his company. The force had now been in existence three years, and yet he never knew of an arbitrary exercise of the power of dismissal. could not help concurring that m eans should be established Sir DE LACY EVANS said th at as an old soldier, he for the preservation of discipline. HQ believed that the volunteer private had the power of resignation within fourteen days, and therefore it was necessary that the commanding officer should be provided with some sort of compromise. He did not see how the house could refuse the limited power asked for on the present occasion. He was glad the noble lord (Earl Grosvenor) had not mentioned the name of the person alluded to, and congratulated him on the mode in which he had conducted his two battalions. Col. SYKES supported the clause. The power, he con sidered, was necessary, but the difficulty was how it should be exercised Mr. CONINGHAM said he was not surprised that vo lunteers were jealous of more power being given to com manding officers after the case in the papers of that day. That was in the regular army. Col. BA.RTTELOT rose to order. That case was quite irrelevant. Mr. CONINGHAM said that in that case, notwith standing the commanding officer had been censured, he was going to be sent back to India to try his hand a second time at his peculiar mismanagement. offs ce Col. BARTT ELOT dep recate d t h e a ll us i on to a gallant r serving his country in a foreign land. He contended that there were very had abused the powers entrusted to them. He hoped the noble lord would maintain the clause as it stood. Mr. W. T. EVANS said that in the corps to which he Feloarustehewaumetnhdenme:reed few cases in which commanding officers belonged there had been very few disputes of any sort. He should support the clause. The committee then divided, when there appeared— For the clause as it stood lOB 21 Majority ..., The to. The remaining clauses' with certain verbal amendments, were agreed to. The Marquis of RARTINGTON said that, as some dis satisfaction had been expressed by the clerks of the War office relative to the new schedule of remuneration, it would be withdrawn and the old schedule substituted for it. passThed e schedule) as am en d ed, was agreed to, and the bill thruugh committee. SUPPLY. The house then went into committee of supply. On the vote of £,329 for embassy houses abroad, Mr. W. WILLIAMS protested against the vote, and asked how long the annual vote was to be taken for the re pairs, &c., at Pere. This year the vote was upwards of £.3.00°' Mr, COWPER said he was afraid the exense would con tinue so l ong as the Otto p I i man Empire existed. Mr, rrti st AlßD and Mr. DODSON objected to the vote, and called attention to the growing increase o f the annual vote for casual and ordinary repairs. Lord PALMERSTON defended the vote, It was a good palace, and a convenient residence ; it was a substantial building, but ev e.y such residence involved an annual expense, and the wear and tear of furniture had to be pro vided for. Mr. W. WILLIAMS also complained of the c h arge f or Const th e residence at Th erapia, and asked why an am b assa d or at antinople required two residences. Lord p quired b ecause all the Turkish Ministers went to Therapia ALM ERSTON said the seco n d res id ence was re in the summer, in consequence of the heat at Constattino tile, and our period, t o b e able to communicate with them. ambassadot had t o res id e there during that Mr. FERRAND asked if the architect at Constantinople was an Englishman or a Turk, and if any control was n Turkey was very ex ercised over him. Mr. COWPER said the clerk of the works was a resident Englishman. There was complete control over the expen diture, because he had to send home his estimates for approval before any work was done. The expense of living was £4OO a• year, great, and the residence itself was very arge. Many things had to be sent from England to Con stantinople. In answe r to a question, Mr. COWPER said the salary of the clerk of the works Year, which was included in the estimate. Mr. DODSON said the clerk of the works was no doubt a competent man to spend money. He was at a loss to dunderstand ho w th e Home Goviture ernment could check expen next year. at Constantinople. H e hop e d t h e vote would be less y e ar M than r. CO 'WPER said the v o t e would be £l,OOO less next this. Th e ex t ra expense this year arose from the necessity of a new zinc roof and certain furniture that Was actually required. Sir B. LEIGHTON th ought two residences unneces- Col, sary, as the two places were n ot far apart. SY RES said that if th ey got rid of the clerk of the works Lor they would save £2,000 a par. the r d It. CECIL sa id it was a good suggestion, and moved eduction of the vote by £4OO, Lord P ALMERSTON said that if they dismissed him the res ult would b e di sa d vantageous, as they would be obliged to have a Turkish clerk of works. °f t he G. BOW YER was at a loss to understand why a clerk e "ae works was required, the residence being finished. there Mr * COWPER said if they dismissed him they must de penddon the ambassador employing Turkish people, an check Would be higher than now. the dia.. Mr, F ERRAND supported the amendment for being no efficient control, the bills in all proba bility missal of the clerk of works. clerk ment being able to check the expenditure under the of the works at Constantinople. Lord It. CECIL ridiculed the idea of the home Govern- Mr . COWPER said they were enabled effectually to the exp en dit ure , for th e B oar d o f W or k s h ad an assistant surveyor in the office who had been at C ons t an . ti nople. (L aughter.) The Board of Works knew as mu c h a bout the control of expenditure at Constantinople as was necessary. I t was impossible to get a respectable man to go to Constantinoe for less than £4OO a yea r , on w h om they could rely to p revent imposition. The B oar d o f W or k s had a scale of price s p aid in Constantinopl e , an d were en ad by it t o check the expenditure. It would not do to trust to the Turks in those matters. Sir G. BOWYER thought the Under-Secretary of State b ought to defend the Turks from the aspersions that had e cast on thei r h onesty by the First Commissioner of Works, Lord PALMERSTON said no more was done here than was done by every gentleman i n England who had a large residence to check expenditure. Mr. FERRAND said the grossest jobbery was practised at our embassies. Mr. HU B BARD defended the continuance of the clerk of the works on the ground of economy. After some discussion, Mr. CHILDE RS said it would be better to follow the practice of France, for Who a ll oca t e d annua ll y a fi xe d sum the embassy h ouses. It would be well for the house to fix the expenditure a year. on the C onstant i nop l e res id ences at £2,000 Mr. COWPER said this was an estimate for the ensu ing year, part being for ordinary, and part for special re pairs. If the ambassador was to be his own clerk of the works, he doubted if the work would be so economically done. The clerk of the works at Constantinople was a more responsible man than the one at Paris, who was paid only LlBO a year. The committee divided. The numbers were— For the amendment 74 Against it . Majority The amendment was carried, and the reduced vote was then agreed to, The vote of £748 for the British Consulate at Constanti nople was then agreed to. On the vote of £40,000 for the new Foreign-office, Mr. A. SMITH said the original estimate for this build ing was £200,000; £75,000 had been already voted, and now £40,000 were asked for. A sum of £137,000 was still to be N oted for completing the work. Mr. COWPER said, of the money already voted only £18,868 had been expended, and the balance had been paid into the Exchequer. At present there had been no actual expenditure on the building, and before any was spent a co mplEte and definite est i mate would be had from th e architect. Sir G. BOWYER was at a loss to understand why the building should cost so much money. He advocated sim plicity and not ornamentation in the ereotion,and he doubte d if they required so large a building as that contemplated . The old Foreign Office only cost £505000. After some further conversation the vote was agreed to. The following votes were also agreed to :—L8,673 18s 2d for the expenses of the Industrial Museum, Edinburgh ; £1,459 for Aberdeen University; £22,000 for the expense of the Probate Court Registries; £3,727 for the General Register House, Edinburgh; £20,000 for the Public Record Repository ; and £1,806 for providing premises in Doctors commons for the principal registry of the Court of Probate. A vote of £1,500 was then taken on account of the site of the new Foreign Office; and of £12,000 for the formation of tae approaches to New Westminster Bridge. On the vote of £i0,357 for New Westminster-bridge, Mr. COWPER explained that £17,000 were for the com pletion of various works, rents, rates, taxes, &c. It was not intended to do anything with regard to the steamboat pier until after the embankment was completed. The rents of the property connected with Westminster-bridge, known as the Bridge House Estate, were paid over to the Exchequer, and it was contemplated to sell them and pay that amount also into the Exchequer, towards liquidating the cost of the new bridge. It was impossible now to make any change in the arrangements for the heavy traffic passing over the bridge. The vote of £983 for the National Gallery (Dublin) was agreed to. The CHAIRMAN then reported progress. In reply to several hon. members, Lord PALMERSTON said that the Committee of Sup ply would be resumed to-morrow (this da3), WAYS AND MEANS. The report was brought up and agreed to. INLAND REVENUE BILL. This bill was recommitted to insert clauses. AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE TREATY BILL. This bill passed through committee. REMOVAL OF IRISH POOR BILL. This bill was read a second time. The bill as amended was agreed to, and it was ordered for a third reading. The Vaccination (Scotland) Bill was read a second time. COURT OF SESSION ( • COTLAND) BILL. , This bill was also read a second time. STOCK CERTIFICATES TO BEARERS BILL. On the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the EX CHEQUER, the Lords' amendments on this bill were con sidered and agreed to. WATCHMEN IN TOWNS (IRELAND) BILL. This bill passed through committee. COURTS OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND BILL, This bill was withdrawn. The District Parochial Churches (Ireland) Bill as amended was considered. Execution of Decrees Bill was committed pro forma. THE JESSIE MACLACHLAN CASE. Further papers relating to this case were ordered. The house adjourned at 20 minutes to two. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. HERALD.—it would probably be unjust to attri bute to any wilful intention of confusing and mis leading public opinion the confusion manifest it. most of the arguments put forward by those who, in the interest either of the Northern States, or of their allies in the English Cabinet, declare that this country is not entitled to recognise the independence of the Confederate States. But, nevertheless, there is a constant confusion apparent in their reasonings, and its effect undoubtedly is to give the semblance of justice and impartiality to a course which is really, as it appears at first sight, unjust and extreme y partial. As we have shown already, the refusal by Europe to recognise the Government at Richmond not merely encourages the prolongation of the war, but enables its promoters in America to justify it by an argument which appeals with great force to the patriotic pride of their countrymen. " We can not be the first to blazon the news of our own defeat; we cannot take the initiative in acknowledging the hopelessness of an enterprise which Europe admits to be hopeful; we cannot recognise the independence of a State broken off from our own empire while Europe still tacitly confesses that it still forms a part of that empire." As the refusal of Europe is the work of our Government, it follows that those who direct the policy of that Government have— involuntarily and unconsciously, as we hope and believe—rendered themselves not merely the allies of the North, but the accomplices of the war party at the North ; that neutrality without recognition is a virtual state of antagonism to Southern inte rests, and to the interests of the North also, as re garded by a large and growing party among its own citizens. This is obvious to ad ; and the answer of the Cabinet—the only answer which they could make—is an appeal to the principles of international law and to the traditions of English policy. They hardly deny the tendency of their conduct ; but while regretting its effects, they declare that no other course was honestly open to them. " We have no right to recognise a State, formed by revolt from a friendly Government, which has not yet established its independence." The whole value of this argument turns upon a misconception of 'he nature and meaning of recognition ; as is forcibly shown by the fact that those who use it, when hard pressed, bring in the "frontier question" as relevant to the matter in band. Now we would remind our readers that, although an ousted Sove reign may be called upon by a formal act of renun ciation to declare that his revolted subjects are free and independent, and thereby to release them from all claims of his and all fealty on their part, nothing of this kind is required or is usual when foreign Powers recognise a newly-erected Goiernment. In the present case what is it that we are asked to do Not to declare that the States of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and so forth, are free, in dependent, and sovereign States, as did King George 111. ; not to declare that we acknowledge Mr. Jef ferson Davis as President of a Confederacy consist ing of 11 or 13 such States; but simply to receive Mr. Mason as the ambassador accredited to her Majesty by the Confederate Gevernment, and to Bead to Richmond an ambassador, with credentials addressed to the Presidentof the Confederate States of North America. We recognise, not the territory, but the Government. We do not define the fren ,iers, but acknowledge the national existence of the South. We do not mark the limits of the Confede rate jurisdiction ; we simply admit that such a juris diction is possessed by it in such a manner that it can properly hold relation with foreign Powers. It concerns us not whether that jurisdiction does or does not extend to the Ohio and the Colorado. It may or may not, for aught we care, be bounded by the Mississippi and the Cumberland. It is suffi cient for us that it exists, and unless we undertook the office of mediators we could have no possible concern with its extent de jure. Therefore the oc cupation of portions of territory belonging to States included in the Confederacy by the public enemy has no bearing at all on the questior of recognition if it be indisputably clear that the subjugation of the Confederacy, as a whole, is beyond the bounds of practical probability; and of this few sane poli ticians entertain any doubt whatever. The ques tion is simply whether there be, or not, an inde pendent power ruling over a great country under the title of the Confederate States. Now, no one who knows anything at all about the South can ausstion the independence of the Con federate Government within certain and very ex tensive boundaries. And, therefore, the assertion that the South bas not established her independence, is either untrue or irrelevant—untrue, if it be meant to imply that there is no independent Government in the South; irrelevant, if it be meant simply to Call attention to the presence of an enemy's troops on certain portions of Confederate territory. What we are asked to recognise is not the undisturbed possession of an extensive empire, but the indepen dence of an established Government. And from this point of view it is important to remember the fact that the status quo of the several States is and always has been that of independence. POST.—The contradictory accounts which have reached us from the Mississippi render it impossible to say with certainty whether the late operations of the Federal forces have been crowned with suc cess. Vicksburg has been so often reported to be in the possession of the Northern army that we should not be surprised at finding that the report that General Grant had at length succeeded in at taining the object for which he has laboured so long should prove as groundless as those which have pre ceded it. It is certainly true that the Federal gene ral has succeeded in taking Jackson, the capital of the State of Mississippi, and has thus placed him self in the rear of Vicksburg and in the direct line of its communications. But although by the ma noeuvre General Grant has placed his opponents at a disadvantage, he has been obliged himself to in cur considerable risk. By advancing so far inland he has abandoned the aid which he has hitherto de rived from the gunboats, and has endangered his own communications. If his force be sufficiently strong to overwhelm the Confederate army under General Johnston, and take Vicksburg by a coup de mom, this consideration may be of little importance ; but, if otherwise, he may find that he has placed his army in considerable jeopardy. According to the latest intelligence he had suspended com munications with the Grand Gulf, which had previously been the base of his opera tions, and, with provisions su ffi c i ent to last his army for eight days, and pushed on in the direction of Vicksburg. The experiment is doubtless a bold one, and will need for its justification the most complete success. It is supposed that the ° armies of General P em b erton, the Confeder e at ln e b c i o li n?- , mindant at Vick s b urg, and of General Johnston, in will give battle t o th e F ederal General the neigh bourhood of that town. If the Confederates should prove victorious, General Grant may find it difficult even to emulate the Fame of Bn *de and Hooker by effecting a masterly retreat. Except on the banks of the Mississippi, the war now lauguishes, and in all probability will continue to languish :or a considerable time. There are no more reports shout " forward movements" by the army of the Potomac. Faithful to the principle which it repre cents, and true to its traditions, that mighty host will for the present rest from its labours, satisfied for some months to come w i th tee l aurels w hi c h i t gained by its recent exploits. It certainly would seem, though a fortnight had scarcely elapsed since the return of General Hooker to the north side of the Rappahannock, that the circumstances attend ant on his recent disaster ha,: entirely passed from the pub'ic mind. the Grand Army of the North is at present safe, and the public are content. There was, indeed, some speculation on a possible change of generals, but either Mr. Lincoln has got tired of experimentalising in a vain search for a skilful or successful general, or else he has exhausted the list of his commanding officers. It has been said that although Hooker nominally conducted the late operations in Virginia, they were in reality devised by General Halleck, who is the acting Minister of War at Washington. If this be so, it would seem that the Federal Government have not yet opened their eyes to the folly of attempting to conduct a campaign by means of an Aulic Council. When General Burnside failed, six months since, at Frede ricksburg, it was said, and with some appearance of truth, that he acted in compliance with the pressure put upon him by his superiors, and con trary to his own convictions. However that may have been, he was, immediately after his disastrous defeat at Fredericksburg, displaced, and since then has had no more arduous duties to fulfil than these of trying civilians by courts-martial for expressing their distrust in the policy of the meat paternal of Governments. It was rumoured that the " Young Napoleon" was once more to be placed at the head of the " Grand Army of the North." It is not pro bable, however, that George M'Clellan will again resume his command in Virginia. Nor, indeed, does much depend upon the particular choice of the Federal Government in respect to its generals at the present crisis. The capture of Richmond has been so frequently attempted, and invariably with such ill success that we doubt much if the Confederate capital will fall before the close of the present war. Fs fate would not, however, in the slightest degree Tcc the ultimate issue of the struggle,. The fa,l at Washington would not compel the North to acknowledge the independence of the South ; and still less would the capture of Richmond convince the six millions of the Southern populution that their efforts to secure their political independence were altoge ther futile. It is not in Virginia, nor, for that mat ter, in any other State of the Confederacy, that the great contest is to be decided. If the American Union is to be again re-established in its original integrity, its supporters must not only subjugate Virginia, but every other State which lies south of the Potomac. They must not only overrun the entire area of the Southern States, but they must reduce their population to complete subjection. Whilst, however, the people of the Northern States are thus busily engaged in an attempt to trample upon the independence of their quondam fellow- citizens in the South, they appear to be entirely oblivious of the jeopardy in which their own political privileges are placed. It is strange, but it is nevertheless true, that the great majority of the population of the Northern States live at the present moment under a regime which would not be tolerated by thepeopleof any State in Europe. Liberty, in the sense in which that word is understood at this side of the Atlantic, has ceased ro exist. Martial law has superseded civil jurisdic tion, and no one is exempt from liability to arraign ment before a court composed of half-a-dozen sol diers, which can impose any penalty that to it seems fit. The Government, though the weakest and most contemptible the world has ever seen, is all-powerful, and no one appears endowed either with the spirit or the power to question its decrees. In Cincinnati, the General of the District has car ried his point, and by the aid of an obstluious judge has justified the deportation of an obnoxious though unoffending citizen. To do them justice, the citi zens of New York have protested against the ille gality of this proceeding, but the Executive have not found it necessary to yield to the protests of the people. The political philosopher may well doubt the efficiency of the checks imposed by what is termed official responsibility, when he finds that an elected magistrate, whose term of office must ex pire in a very brief period, can with impunity pro ceed to such extravagant lengths. It is perfectly conceivable that a nation might pardon much in a chief magistrate who, by his ability or his prowess, gratified its ambition, or materially increased its prosperity. But even the most ardent supporters of the American Union admit that Mr. Lincoln and his advisers are far below mediocrity. During the miserable two years which came to a close a few months since, neither he nor they have advanced either the credit or glory of the nation ; nay, so far from that, they have brought it into the greatest disrepute. The American Republic never held so low a position either at home or abroad as it does at the present time. And to whom is the blame to be attributed ? Is it to the people themselves or to their chiefs ? Their can be no doubt that it is ex clusively to the latter. The people of the North may have demanded what in Europe is regarded as au impossibility, the subjugation of the South ; but those who should have counselled and directed them pandered to their passions, instead of en deavouring to restrain them. From the Cabinet at Washington there has not at any time emanated a single word of wholesome advice. We do not sup pose, and indeed it is not suggested that the Federal Government commands the respect of the Northern population ; it is therefore the more surprising that it can enforce obedience to its preposterous decrees. TIMES.—The spectacle presented by Paris at this momeut is one for which we should vainly seek a political parallel in this country. For the like of it we are driven out of statecraft into priestcraft, or rather what should be priestcraft, and is not. Here is a magnificent new church, or an an ancient fabric restored, with every possible decoration and every requisite for the old worship. Nothing can be more complete and unexceptional than the sculptures and paintings. The angels adore, the cherubs beam with love, and the saints in the windows are most holy. The seats are all adorned as chureh seats should be. But where is the congregation ? They have all gone off where there is little to please the sense, but where the soul is free, and feels itself a spiritual existence. The people are ail gone to those who have the secret of their thoughts and their affections. They have left the solemn pile w',ere matter is made so splendid and so significant, and they find a home where every word revives a memory and every tone thrills through the soul. The Em peror is just completing the second foundation of Paris. He is finishing the great work of the Bour bons and their Italian Queens. He has washed out of the map the old city and the old University, and drawn miles upon miles of splendid Boulevards through the vacant ground. He found Paris brick. and he has left it better than marble; he found the Seine a mudbank, and he has left it a sculptured canal; he found the Bois de Boulogne a tangled copse, and he has left it something between Hyde-park and Richmond. But Paris and the Parisians are not the same thing. The Parisians do not even thank him for Paris. He has given them what they never asked for, and what they accept with unthankful admiration. They asked for poli tical life, and he has given them sculptured images. So when the time is come to receive a million acknowledgments, his candidates received but 82,607 out of 235,250 votes given las: Sunday and Monday, or little more than a third. This is the old proverbial ingratiude ever rendered to benefac tors—to the imperious obtruders of benefits con ceived after their own model. The saw and the chisel have regenerated the city, but not touched the people. They are what they were, and always have been. They love their own likeness, and they find it in anything that rebels against dictation. They find it in everything that, is proscribed and Free ; in the older Bourbon and the younger ; in the Republican and the Communist ; in theeloquent speaker and graceful writer; in anything that see] can commune with. The benefits, the bribes, the arguments, the menaces of the Empire can reach but few ; and for every man who worships the marble image in the city of Paris there are found two others who turn their faces another way. The Minister of the Interior wes the man who had undertaken to get up the free homage of a grateful people. For several weeks he has been drilling them, and teaching them to discriminate w ith instinctive piety between the true father of his country and the many counterfeits. ° This is not the man, nor yet this, nor yet this, that you are to rush and fall down before and embrace." No stage manager laboured so hard to make a peasan try do its duty on the appearance of its lord and master. But though the boards of the Theatre Francais afford spacefor hundreds Paris and France are wider still, and the inhabitants more numerous and more untexchable. We cannot understand how the great functionaries who have now for 14 years been in the c,osest contact with the people of Paris, and employed in their conquest or their govern ment, should so completely have lost the true mea sure of the men they deal with. When commands and menaces take the place of sound reason and gentle persuasion it is commonly ascribed to the in perience or unfit education of those who make the blunder. It is either some soldier bred in camps or some scholar or philosopher, or a devotee from the cloisters, or the heir of a seraglio. Such governors expect to mould their subjects as they would the plastic clay, for they can only give the word of command, or dream, or play with toys. They have not had to do with men, and know not how to ad drk as them. But in this case, whatever the imperial officers were 15 years ago they have had time to learn and unlearn ; yet they have done nothing for weeks past but ring an incessant alarum, with ever increasing violence of language, against a few men whom it was their true policy to leave unnoticed, described, uncommitted, and disunited. These men were not collectively Orleanists, or Legitimists, or even an Opposition, in any whole sense of the word. They have been driven, compelled, aggregated into an Opposition by being made the objects of a com mon denunciation. They are now one party, . self-defence, and by the instinct of this joint success. When the Chamber meets there will at least be 30 men who have entered in spite of the Emperor, who have burst in through bolts and bars, through a crowd of satellites, and forced themselves into the very presence of power. There will be 30 meet whose admission was announced to be the signal of the last agony that precedes revolution. The course pursued by the French Government has ministered unwittingly to one of the best known and most dangerous tastes of the Parisian public. They like a conflict ; they want a distinct issue ; they desire to see the sides called and sorted- - the one on the right, the other on the left. The Minister of the Interior has opened the lists, and marshalled the opposing and defending forces with all the skill of old or modern knighthood. It is seldom one can get a distinct issue upon any question, for mankind do not of themselves readily divide as one might wish them. It has taken near a century to ripen the Northerners and the South erners into implacable foes and make their hatred internecine. But one busy gentleman has managed in a few weeks to blow a heap of stray materials into one hot glowing mass, which will find, perhaps, a better man than he to forge it. The word has gone through all France, to every episcopal see, to every frontier fortress, to every naval depot, to every seat of commerce that the Empire is in danger, an that a few men, once let in, will open the gates to a besieging army. There is the same struggle from Calais to Marseilles, and the same result. France, waaried with a monotony which is not interrupted by even a speech or a paragraph without the official visa, desires to see potitics once more a question. There is now a fair prospect of her being at liberty to do right meritoriously or wrong if she prefers. In this country we should not attach much import ance to the election of thirty free thinkers and free talkers to an assembly of ten times their number; but there are occasions in which a hundred may flee before ten, and this we are told on the best official authority is one of them. M, Persigny forecasts with certainty a confl ct between the feeble many and the strong few, and, if we are to judge from his demeanour and tone, he expects another Thermo py lea, in which, however, the defenders are the many, and the invaders the few, COUNTRY MARKETS. ...... .4' MANCHESTER—JuxE 4. At our market this morning there was an average at tendance, with a very dull demand. For both English and foreign wheat the rates of last week were commanded. In flour no material change was observable. Oats and oat weal dull. Indian corn and beans slightly in favour of buyers, but also dull. BIRMINGHAM-JUNE 4, English wheat was sold at 48s to 568 for white, and 40s to 50s per 36 stone for red, Barley, new malting, 32s to 42s per qr; grinding, 24s to 28s Oats, old, 24s to 30s per 30 stone; Irish, 22s to 258. Beans, 38s to 448 . per qr. Peas, 36s to 40s per 36 stone. EDINBURGH GRAIN-JUNE 3. A fair supply of farmers' wheat to-day, which brought about the prices of last week. Barley and oats in good de mand, the latter advanced 6d to is per qr. Wheat on the top 2s Od down average Os ld down. Barley on the top is Od down average Os 9d down. Oats on the top is 3d up. average Os 4d up. Beans on the top is 6d up. Flour sells as follows :—Whites, 43a Od; extras, 41s Od; superfine, 39s Od ; fine, 37s Od. Total Supply and Sales. Wheat ... 818 qrs Sold 622 qrs 8ar1ey........ 155 qrs Sold 114 qrs Oats Beans s3.qrs Sold 25 qrs DERBY SMITHFIELD—Jusz 2. A very short supply of fat beasts to-day, and a large number of buyers unsuppbed ; higher prices were realised. The number of sheep aid lambs in the pens was large. Fat pigs were in good supply. Fat and store calves were scarce. Beet Mutton .. Lamb 9d to —d Rough fat, 3s 9d per stone. Hides, 3d to 41d; calf skins, bd to 6d. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. A.unralia and Mauritius, via Southampton ..June 18. via Marseilles June 12 Brazil and Cape Verds, by British packet. June 4. Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena June —, China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton June 2. via Marseilles June 2 . Falkland Islands _iribraltar, via Southampton India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton June 2 via Marseilles June 12. India (Bombay), via Southampton via Marseilles Jun e 5 ' Portuga1.... , talta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Joe via Marseilles Jun -A 5 . i n Newfoundland Oporto and Vigo .. C. S. and British N. America, by Brit. .............. June 4 ' W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and T bby e y n C e ljan r . i June Bahamas, lv via New Y or k U. S. packet. June sn. Mexicoparts J of West Indies,_ including Chili, Per;;ijun 4. AJune e e 1 9 ; California. and British Columbia.. Full benefit of reduced duty obtained by pur chasing Horniman's pure Tea; very choice at 3s 4d. and 4s. "High Standard" at 4s. 4d. (formerly 4s Bd.), is the strongest and most delicious imported. Agents in every town supply it in packets. THE SQUIRARCHICA L M ARAT. —M r . Thomas Judkin Fitzgerald, otherwise " flogging" Fitzge rald. —At :he Tipperary Spring Assizes of 1799, one Wright brought an action of trespass against Fitzgerald, the late sheriff. The plaintiff was a teacher of languages at Clonmel, but connect-d by kindred with more than one Irish family of rank. Wright, hearing that he was sus pected, and knowing the fearful consequences of suspicion hastened to deliver himself up, in the hope that he might thus save his character and life. But Fitzgerald was not to be disappointed of his victim. He received Mr W r ight with a torrent of abuse, and ordered him to fall on his knees to receive sentence. "You are a rebel," said he, 4 6 and a principal in this rebellion. You are to reeeive 500 lashes , and then to be shot." The poor man begged for time, and was so rash as to ask for a trial. This aroused Fitzgerald to fury ; he railed at his prisoner for daring to open his mouth after he was condemned. Wright was hurried to the flogging ladders, which were erected in the main street; and expecting immediate death, had placed his bat before his face while he muttered a prayer. Fitzgerald, with his own . hand, tore away the hat, trampled on it, dragged his fainting victi m b y the hair, kicked him, and finally, slashed him with a sword, drawing blood. Wright was then fas• tened to the ladder. Fifty lashes had been inflicted, when. a Major Riall came up, and asked what Wright had done ? The sheriff answered by flinging Riall a note, taken from the person of Wright, as a justification of the punishment to which he was subjected. The note was in French, a language of which Fitzgerald was wholly ig norant, and contained two lines excusing the writer for having failed in a visiting engagement. Riall assured Fitzgerald that the note was perfectly harmless ; neverthe less the lash continued to descend, until the quivering en trails were visible through the flayed flesh. The hangman was then ordered to apply his thongs to a part of the body which had not yet been torn, while the sheriff himself went to the general in command of the district for an order to put his prisoner to death. This order, however, was not granted, and Wright was ultimately set at liberty.— Massey's History of England. Births. CALDWELL —On the 3d inst., at Witley, Surrey, the wife of Captain Henry Caldwell, R.N., C. 8., of a son. HARVEY.—On the 3d inst., at Blackheath-park, the wife of John Harvey, Esq., of a son. MUSTERS.—On the 3d inst., at 19, Bryanston-square, the wife of JohnChaworth Musters, Esq., of Annealey-parkr Notts, of a daughter. Marriages. ESSEX — BoYLE.—On the 3d inst., at Trinity Church. Chelsea, the Earl of Essex, to Lady Louisa Boyle, eldest daughter of the Viscountess Dungarvan. LEERE—HORNBY.—On the 2d inst., at St. Peter's Church, Eaton-square, Vice Admiral Sir Henry Leeke, K.C.8., K,H. , M.P., to Georgiana Lucy Cecelia. only daughter of the late ttev. Geoftry and the Hon. Mrs. Hornby. Deaths. BARRY.—On the 2d inst., at Bath, William Barry, Estl" M D , one of the few surviving veterans of the Peninsula and Waterloo, aged 80, BOXALL.—On the 2d inst., at Brighton, William Bose ll l Esq., aged 74. HAMPER.—On the 2d inst., at Ramsgate, Mr. H. Hamper, aged 61. MORRSOM.--On the 3d inst., at Great George-street:West minster, Capt. W S. Morrsom. PINENEY.—On the 2d inst., at Stoke Newington, Herbert Pinkney, Esq., aged 82. RUSSELL,—On the 3d inst., at The Oaks, Canterbury, th e Rev. John Russell, D.D. Canon of Canterbury , a nd rector of St. Botolph, Bshopsgate, London, aged 77 : RAwsorc.—On the 2d inst., at D own i ng L o dge, Cambridge, Charles Stansfeld Rawson, Esq , of Westdale Cumberland, aged 50. London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDREWS, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE Sul; Office. No. 112. Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the County of Middlesex.—Friday. June 5, 18"