The Sun. — London, England, 1863-07-25 00:00:00

ThIPE:dI.4I PARLIAMENT -- , C- ...--. 1 TIOUSE OF L ORDS—Last Evening. The LORD CHANCE' .Log took his seat on the woolsack at - five o'clock. THE SMOKE NUISANCE. Lord REDESDAL.F., called attention to the great in crease he had observed lately of the quantity of smoke emitted from manufactories and other places in the metro polis, and hoped tk,e noble earl (Granville) would take some steps to cause the police to use every means to abate the nuisance. The Duke of SUTHERLAND also mentioned that he had observed tl,e same thing. . _ Earl GRAT".IVILLE said he would see that the attention of the authorities at the Home-office was directed to it. SECOND READINGS. The folio wing bills were read a second time without dis cussion : Pauper Lunatics Asylum Bill—Consolidated Fund (A ppropriation) Bill—lndemnity Bill—Land Tax Commis•sioncrs Names Bill—and Promissory Notes Bill. _ _ Ihe Commons' amendments to the Naval Medical Sup plemental Fund were considered and agreed to. TELEGRAPHS BILL. On the Commons' amendments to this bill being con sidered, Lord STANLEY of ALDERLEY stated that, as one of the amendments which the Commons had made gave power to telegraph companies to carry telegraphic wires over the houses and gardens of the inhabitants of towns, provided only the street authorities gave the permission to carry them, he thought the amendments ought to be printed, in order that they might be considered to-morrow. The suggestion was agreed to. COMMITTEES. The following bills passed through committee :—Poisoned Grain, &c.—Expiring Laws Continuance—Removal of Prisoners (Scotland) —Charitable Uses—and Companies Clauses. THIRD READINGS. The following bills ware read a third time and passed : Trustees (Scotland) Act Amendment Bill—Navy Prize Agents' Bill—Nuisances Removal Act (1855) Amendment Bill--Union Relief'Aid Acts Continuance Bill --Turnpike Trusts Arrangements Bill—Railway Clauses Bill—Water works Clauses Bill—Turnpike Acts Continuance Bill — and Petty Sessions Bill. EMPLOYMENT OF CHILDREN. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY then rose for the pur pose of bringing under their attention the first report of the Children's Employment Commission. The noble lord dwelt upon the sufferings inflicted on young children em ployed in the making of lucifer matches, percussion caps, pottery, pillow lace, &c., and concluded by drawing a horrible picture of the tortures inflicted on climbing boys, who were still employed to clean chimneys, notwithstand ing the act of Parliament to the contrary. He insisted that it was the duty of a civilised and Christian Legisla ture to rescue these children from the moral and physical degradation entailed by their employments by enforcing acts of Parliament against those who violated them, and by protecting the health of the children by improved ventila tion, earlier hours, and less continuous work. The subject then dropped. POLAND. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE rose to move for any reports that might have been received from our diplomatic or consular agents on the continent, of atrocities committed or threatened by Russians or Poles since Ist May; and to inquire whether her Majesty's Government have reason to hope that the civil war now raging in Poland will be hence forth conducted according to the usages of civilised war fare. Whether Poland was to be, or could be, restored to a peaceful condition under the dominion of Russia, or attain her independence, he left to his noble friend. He did not wish to involve her Majesty's Government in any declara tions. He merely wished to have the atrocities and cruel ties of the civil war put a stop to. He might be told that those cruelties and atrocities were not confined to one side. That was very possible. But what he wanted was official information with regard to them. Having interfered in the matter at all we were bound to go on and see the difficulty dealt with in an effective manner. The position in which we at present stood was almost unprecedented. The French people were, perhaps, rather more deeply involved than we were, but both countries were so far involved that they could not draw back. The Governments of the two coun tries had never before taken so active a part in concert in the affairs of another great Power. Any one who would have predicted a year age that the Governments of France and England, with Austria, would have acted such a part in concert, would have had his political sagacity ridiculed. He would not have been deemed very wise or well in formed. The ground upon which the Government had rested their interference was in order to put a stop to the effusion of blood and to those atrocities which shocked all Europe. But what had been the effect of their communications, if they had had any effect at all ? Day after day they read that greater cruelties, or, as the Russians called them, " more energetic measures," ware adopted. Not only had the representations of England not been attended to, but they ware not treated in the manner which we had a right to expect. Since the re monstrances of England had been first forwarded to St. Petersburg, General Mouravieff had been sent into the dis turbed districts, and that decree had been published by him which sentenced ladies wearing mourning to be treated in the same manner as common women of the town. He wished for official information as to whether those atrocities against which we bad protested had been checked, or whether they had been officially contradicted. He did not think they could be contradicted, because names of persons and places and dates were given with such accuracy of detail that it was not likely they would be given unless the facts were as stated. They heard of Polish peasants being marched at the head of bodies of Russian troops to cover their advance against the Polish insurgents. They heard of bishops and archbishops exiled or imprisoned, and a priest, who had per formed his sacred duties to his God and his fellow-country men by attending to minister to the dying, was at first con demned to death, and afterwards, by way of an act of mercy, his sentence was commuted to 12 years' imprison ment. With regard to the despatch of Prince Gortschakoff, it was not very encouraging to observe the sneers which he directed against his noble friend. The noble earl might pro bably take no notice of these sneers, but it was intolerable, and it was what neither France nor England could en dure, when they found that, in addition to the manner in which their remonstrances were treated, more energetic measures were demanded to put down the insurrection. They might say that they were resolved not to go to war, but they were bound solemnly, before God and man, to put a stop to those atrocities. He did not understand his noble friend (Earl Russell) to say that on no account would he allow himself to be drawn into war. What he understood hi nt to say was merely that, in their interference, they had no desire to injure Russia, for the disturbed state of Poland was moat prejudicial and dangerous to the Russian empire. As England and France had begun, they had a right to say that. at least the war must be carried on according to the usagcs of civilization, or else they must take part in it. They must put a stop to such unchristian and barbarous practises. Earl RUSSELL said that his noble friend asked him for official papers relating ho tin had g Poland. In reply,to what is at present going on in to st a t e th at h e f oun d it was very disadvantageou s to ou r communic a tion s agents abroad to make public their co Of course it to her Majesty's Government. was eggentiallis that her Majesty's Government should have th e moat authentic matie agents told them that information, but their diplo any reliable and useful i nformation if it were t o b e l a id before Parliam en t. The which his noble friend bad alluded were, of course, very when applied to Lord Napier had said was, that all What afford was derived from the information he could Her Majesty's Consul at W the R uss i an Government. ac counts, but those accounts Werearsawgave them other said, from reports which came to of course denied, as he and quarters. Not oniyamtb him from various parties meat obtain less information eirfefore, would the Govern sent received were made public, which they at pre might be misled. His noble friendbat Parliament itself conduct cf General Mouravieff with regard had spoken of the women. As to the decree issued by the regard to the Polish taken to be perfectly authentic. It hed general, it might be throughout Europe, and as it had b een long published not tradicted it might be taken as authentic When officially con had asked Prince Gortschakoff what had hen Lord Napier with regard to it, Prince Gortschakoft admitted taken place ladies were arrested for being found dre ra ss i e t d ted tha urn twi r they had been fined But he said that the whole 'air' ---g amounted only to £llO or £120; that they had of b the fines and that the insurrectionary badge had ceased toebea paid, bited. He did not think their lordships would feel satisfied"- lt* that wet e all the information the Government could in answer to the motion of his noble friend. With respect the general question, his noble friend said that they ought not to have begun or taken any steps unless they were pre pared to obtain what they asked. His opinion on that sub. ject differed from that of his noble friend. He thought it might be often well to make representations to other Go vernments, without being prepared to present them with the alternative of war. He should notice what was a very great misrepresentation of what he had said in the house on a former occasion. It appeared that Mr. Horsman had somehow made a statement, which was really so important and so evidently in contradiction to what he (Earl Russell) really had said, that he should call their lordships' atten tion to it. He found it stated that the statements which he (Earl Russell) was suppose] to have made was, that however much the honour and interest of England might demand it, however much the safety of Europe might re quire it, England could on no account draw the sword for Poland. That was manifestly so absurd that it was obvi ously impossible he could have made such a statement. The argument which he did use was this —that where the honour and independence of England were in question, there could be no calculation of consequences, but they must defend their honour at whatever cost. But he also said that when the question was one of general humanity, and one affect ing the balance of power, and the bearing of certain treaties, it then became the Government, before taking any "nurse mt or coming to any conclusion, and it became Parlia ment, he'tbefere taking any decision, to consider find see clearly object was which they vi had in • ew, and the probe bility of whether they had the means of effecting that object. There was no question either with regard to the honour, or the independence, or the safety of the country. t was a question for national consideration whether the w ere likely to obtain the object they had in view, and espe+3 dy whether that object was a definite one. There we, wever, ano ther statement made in the bamit speech ery different character. He meant that which attribute ;to him a state ment, that if Poland obtained her independence, it would be not only without the goodwill, but contrary to the judgment, the wish, and the desire of England. Something like that construction was put upon his speech by a noble earl oppo site. He might have expressed himself somewhat obscurely. Probably what he said might have borne that interpretation, but it certainly was not what he meant to have conveyed. He had ventured to express some time ago his opinion with regard to the independence of Poland,and he hoped that that independence would one day or other be restored. But what he was arguing was, that an independent Poland which would be established by foreign Powers,whether it was by France, or Austria, or England, might become an element of dis order and danger in Europe. It appeared to him that that was not only a fair argument, but it was just what would happen. If Poland were able to establish her own indepen dence, it would be an eleme n t o f or d er and peace in Europe.an But if foreign Powers wer e to establish what was calle d exist of itself, independent kingdom of Poland, which could not xnpospeedntdoconne or ti extendnentalc itsoniii te to i maintain t i wereit its exposed en c territory—and agitation, i f France and England were to be continuaiyca led port that kin gd om,which they had thus artificially up e o r n e a t t o e s d u , h p e believed that such a kingdom would be a source not of order lain one—and he did not think it was was his one a r fromg um e w n t h — i a ch very men p but of disorder in Europe. That With regard to what was going in general would dissent. ment had received a v n ery l aid before the house. All he had on at the present moment inimEpuerrotpaen,theeremMmajnenstiyea'stiGenovfetrenm- R uss i a , which had bee part of it was a to say upon that communication e w n as t the e that pa t r h t e e o f n R I y u p s e i j a a c t t i h e a a t i re commendation Austria actshouldceoymbshmeenaldndhnld a conference in concert with betweenithPrussi the Prussia and R us sia; that they th done with that they should settle the details of wh a t s h ou ld be with regard to the six points ; and that when they had come to an end of their labours, and agreed to cer tain details and in asures. England and France were to have the benefit of being informed of the result. That was the only practical proposal. He was glad to say that no sooner was that proposal made to Austria, than the Austrian Go vernment at once telegraphed to St. Petersburg declining the proposition. (Hear, hear.) He had had placed in his hands by the Austrian Ambassador a vet y able and straight forward despatch in which Austria entirely refused to be a party to such a conference. He could only say that, so far as the communications had as yet gone, France and Austria were entirely agreed with England as to the views which they took of the subject. But he certainly would not be justified in producing any papers such as were asked for by his noble friend, or in entering any further into the subject. Lord STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE did not under stand his noble friend (Earl Russell) to say that on no account would England go to war. As to the course which Austria had pursued, he was sure the house must view it with the greatest satisfaction. Austria was no longer the oppressor of Italy and the great bar to pro gress and enlightenment. England could look to her as an efficient co-operator in her efforts to promote liberal ideas, and she had fairly entered on the path of prospe rity and progress. He could not quite agree with his noble friend near him (the Marquis of Clanricarde). This question was one of a nature more extensive than that of mere humanity alone. A great nation of several millions of men were forced to rise against the power which oppressed them, even although that power was so great as that of the Russian empire. And when the severity which Russia had heretofore exercised was considered, they had a strong as surance that the character of the repression which that em pire would apply to Poland would assume the form of exter mination. Cruelty and violence must mark every movement under the circumstances and conditions of the war. The war was carried on contrary to every principle of humanity and it was most likely to endanger the peace of Europe. The Russian despatch laid upon the table byhis noble friend was little calculated to convey an assurance of a hopeful character. The spirit in which it was composed was mani fest in the language used. It was a matter much to be re gretted that a paper of so muchimportance, proceeding from a Power of such high standing in Europe, should be marked by the use of sarcastic language. We surely had a right to expect in the answer to our despatch not only a civil reply, but one marked by some regard for humanity. Diplomacy on the present occasion had assumed the appearance of a mere form. The existence of that plague sore in Europe could not be allowed. It could not exist without constant danger to the peace of Europe and to all its commercial in terests. If the policy of a great country like this was to be determined by the fear of war, Great Britain had better throw up the commission of its greatness, and sink back into the second place, which would best become it. She could not hold a position of this kind without serious re sponsibilities ; and, if she shrank from undertaking these, she would set a vicious ex amp l e t o t h e other nations of L the world, and lay the basis for disturbances in Europe. She must advance; and there were measures which she might adopt that would not justify Russia to go to war with her, and were consistent with the law of nations which a sense of duty would impose on her. He must ad mit that a policy of that kind could not be pursued without exposing Great Britain to the hazard of war—(hear, hear, from the Opposition)—but when a duty was imposed on her she ought not to shrink from it, especially if the future tranquillity of Europe was mixed up therewith. But he did not apprehend war; Russia was not the Russia of ten years ago. She felt the reaction of that course of policy which she pursued so long ; the losses in war and the effect on her national prosperity of those causes which other countries felt in consequence of her intrigues ; and while Great Britain ought not to take advantage of the weakness of a friendly Power to press her views to extremity, it would be for the interest of Europe that she should not be too deli cate in the discharge of her duties. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH said he could not find fault with her Majesty's Government. He had said in the early part of the session that it was Their duty to place them selves at the head of public opinion in Europe, and he was now glad to testify that they had tried to do so. He felt that the answer of Prince Gortschakoff would put an end to all attempts to continue diplomacy, and to go further in that course would be an evil. It was said that there was no use in this interchange of diplomatic notes; he felt there was this great advantage, that in the results they knew the exact position in which they were. It remained for her Majesty's Government, this act being over, plainly to con sider what they would do. He did not think that it would be expedient for him to enter on that; it was a subject which required the utmost consideration, and he felt that he could not assist them if he endeavoured to show them what their duty was on one side or the other. He did not vote for any letters from 'Warsaw or any other part of Poland to substantiate the statement of the atrocities which the Poles were called on to suffer; the proclamations of General Mouravieff were in themselves an atrocity ; the state of things —a general confiscation of property, and the want of appreciation of public feeling —was in itself an atrocity— (cheers)—as yet unknown in Europe. He felt convinced more and more every day that, despite the prudence of the Cabinet, desirous though they might be to prevent the advance of war into Europe, their attempt would be in vain if the atrocities continued. The feeling of the peoples of Europe, in that event, would overcome the prudence of their Governments. (Cheers.) He trusted the Russian Government would feel this. She had had the same advantage in governing Poland that Austria had in Gallicia and Prussia in Posen ; in those they saw great pro sperity for the last 33 years, whereas th e ki ngdom of Poland had been in a state of determined insurrection. (Hear, hear.) The cause was bad government—(cheers) —and bad govern ment only; and consequent on this, that brutal contempt for the feelings of those who were governed, against which human nature revolted. Their lordships desired the con tinuance of the state of things which was established by the Treaty of Vienna. It was not drawn up without delibera tion; and the countries had become accustomed to it. If it were materially altered, the effect must be to break up the peace of Europe; but Russia rendered it impossible to carry it out by the course on which she entered. Had Russia de rived any advantage from possessing Poland ? (Hear, hear.) Was there any prestige from governing Poland as she did ? Prestige was derived from success in war, and other opera tions, but in Poland she had proved a failure. (Hear, hear.) He (Lord Ellenborough) wished that the Emperor, speak ing through his ministers, and attributing his troubles to the revolutionary feeling in France and other countries, would consider that he was the first revolutionist in En raogapeh,liant property,plaing and ictththeaEt Emperor Eropero er was a Emperor and or a t n h d e hheiasdfaomf family He ventured t o would suffer if he adopted such a line. But if the Em peror look e d through the history of nations, and especially of the nations of the East, with which he was mhiomre nimatmetdaiasteeely th co a n t neeted, it would be impossible for ef ficacious in th e as toseverity might erity govern ! n u t te ef an n d at g te e ns ner t o h s a i n ty th w e e g re re m at o e r s e t s e a ev im e ty t for though w; create an apparent sure be followed by a reaction and state of things more d angerous than that which p rece d e d t h e calm. There had b een atrocities mentioned treatment of women, which it •• and especi a lly th e i r who lived i n c i vilised Eu w as impossible that any one (Cheers.) Tho man who o r tr one could h ave sanctioned. his enemy, and exposed hintaseritfett ll the w omen made m an ki n d (Cheers. And y e t i t was impossibl e consequences. atrocities to women were without the of to believe th a t t h e and he was the favo ur it e agent of orders of Mouravieff, ment. He left the matter in the hands ofubsseian Govern. Government ; he would not increasetheir difficultie s by offering any advice, and t rus t e d they would most t ulties by consider the next step ; but if that step es e gravely , a one of di macy, it would fail, as it did the fi rs t, (Cheers.) pl o- The Earl of MALMESBURY said he never, since 1853, felt so much apprehension as to the st a t e o f Europe as he did at the present time. The safe course for the Govern ment to pursue was one of non-intervention, the policy which they adopted when they entered on office. The Go vernment could show their displeasure in this case as they did in that of Naples, by ordering their ambassador to with draw from St. Petersburg; and in taking this step they would not be giving cause of war. The noble lord concluded THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JULY 25, 1863. by deprecating any forcible action in connection with the Polish question, for which he said there was no justifica tion, either on the ground of friendly associations between England and Poland, or of financial or commercial inte rests. If this country joined in a war with France on ac count of Poland their interests would be at variance, and it would end as other wars had ended during the last six or eight years, in giving France some material advantage. Earl GRANVILLE said it was rot desirable for mem bers of the Government to go deeply into arguments on this question at a time when they were giving the gravest consideration as to the course to be adopted, But he de sired to say, in reference to the noble earl's speech, that the policy he had suggested was incomprehensible. At first he had deprecated any interference, even diplomatically; and afterwards he had suggested a course which might have been adopted—the alternative of the non-acceptance of which, on the part of Russia, was to have been the with drawal of our ambassador. That was a ten times stronger step than any which her Majesty's Government had taken. He denied that there had been any departure from the prin ciple of non-intervention. Her Majesty's Government had, in conjunction with the great Powers of Europe, applied their moral influence, based on treaty rights and interna tional law, to point out the course which, in their opinion, w nconsistent n w o with the d u i a n s i t s y o a a n n d x i p o r u e s s prestige e p r e e f s t e h r i v s e c . o u i n 0 - Russia ought to take. Not t o h ave d one so would not have b tr e y e have withdrawn our Ambassador and ceased diplomatic re lationseubremtoorleeaidmptoortthaentdwisaasyt,raonuds w re o s u u l l d ts h w av h e ict e h en e m ve u n c e h in m a or m e u s with the Court o f R uss i a would have been to inter trusted might yet be averted, than the course pursued by her Majesty's Government. After a few words in reply from the Marquis of CLANRI CARDE, the motion was withdrawn and the subject dropped. ATTACHING IN I :EPEND ENT VOLUNTEER CORPS TO ADIVIINIoTRATIVE BATTALIONS. The Earl of MALMESBURY moved for a copy of the letters written to the Lord-Lieutenants of counties by the Secretary of State for War, on the subject of attaching in dependent corps of volunteers to administrative battalions. He understood that it was to be permissive, and that Lord- Lieutenants were to give the corps the opportunity of de ciding for themselves whether they would be so attached; but he had ascertained that in some cases this had not been done, and that independent corps had been so attached by the Lord-Lieu enants without having been consulted. Earl DE GREY, in reply, said that there would be no objection to lay a copy of that letter on the table. It was de sirable that independent corps should be connected with administrative battalions to receive the services of an adju tant as acting paymaster in connection with the distribution of the capitation grant, and to give the Government the security necessary as to the efficiency of the members of the corps. The letter had been sent on the supposition that in dependent corps should not be so attached without their free consent. Although it was very desirable that the corps should be united into administrative battalions, to receive the instruction of the adjutant and the payment of the Go vernment grant, yet in places where any local difficulties existed, the Lord Lieutenant would be empowered to make such arrangements as would be most acceptable to the corps. Their lordships adjourned at a quarter to 8 o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—Yesterday. The SPEAKER took the chair at half-past 12 o'clock. RUM DUTY BILL. This bill was read a third time. AUGMENTATION OF BENEFICES BILL. This bill was read a third time. ALTERATION OF JUDGES' CIRCUITS BILL. This bill was read a third time. BRITISH COLUMBIA BOUNDARIES BILL. This bill, as amended, was considered and agreed to, and read a third time and passed. CLERGYMEN (COLONIES) BILL. This bill was read a third time. EAST INDIA REVENUE ACCOUNTS. The report on the resolutions agreed to last night was brought up and received. STATUTE LAW REVISION BILL. On the motion that this bill be read a third time, Mr. HENNESSY repeated several of his objections to this bill, which he said would repeal some enactments which ought not to be repealed, and leave untouched others which were virtually of no use on the statute-book.. The hill, which consisted of 198 clauses, was full of anomalies, and ought not to be hurriedly passed at the fag end of the session. Some old acts would be mutilated, such as Magna Charter, and for all practical purposes the bill would be in operative. In conclusion, he moved, as an amendment, that it be read a third time this day week. Mr. L YGON seconded the motion. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL replied—The bill had been carefully prepared by eminent gentlemen of the greatest legal experience, who had devoted years to its compilation. All the objections raised by the hon. and learned gentlemen were utterly baseless. The hon. and learned gentleman had evidently employed his leisure in dipping into some legal books, and the result was his picking up a smattering of information of the most superficial nature, which he had abundantly displayed in his opposition to the bill. He had raised no real objection to the bill, which, in the opinion of lawyers on both sides of the house, would constitute a great boon to the professors of the law and the general public. In truth, the hon. and learned gentleman evinced no knowledge on the subjects with which he had dealt, and yet asked the house to withdraw its confi dence from those who possessed great knowledge on the matter, as abundantly evinced in the laborious preparation of this measure, which had been in preparation since 1859. Mr, HENNESSY withdrew his motion, and the bill was read a third time, and passed. EXHIBITION MEDALS BILL. Mr. MILNER moved the second reading of this bill, and asked the house to go at once into committee, that it might Le read a third time this evening, or Mondry. The object of the measure was to provide, otherwise than by costly civil process for the punishment of persons falsely repre senting themselves as the owners of medals. The bill passed through committee. TE:t a reading on Monday. PIER AND HARBOUR BILL. The Lords' amendments were considered and agreed to. VACCINATION (SCOTLAND) BILL. The Lords' amendments were considered and agreed to. SHEEP AND CATTLE (SCOTLAND) BILL. The Lords' amendments were considered and agreed to. STIPENDIARY MAGISTRATES BILL. The Lords' amendments were considered and agreed to. MISAPPROPRIATION BY SERVANTS BILL. The Lords' amendments were considered and agreed to. The sitting was suspended at half-past one o'clock. The house resumed at six o'clock. NOTICES OF MOTION. Mr. MONSELL gave notice that, early next session, he would move for leave to bring in a bill to substitute an oath for that taken at present by Roman Catholic members of the house. Captain JERVIS gave notice that, early next session,'he would move fer a select committee to inquire into the orga nisation and administration of the army in India. THE FRANCHISE OF COMPOUND HOUSE- which was necessary for the effective prosecution of the purposes of the institution, including, above all, its religious purposes, and at the same time make every practical con cession to those who were without. Mr. LYGON expressed his opinion that subscription was amongst the most effectual means of preventing reli gious animosities, and reminded the house that although the petition was signed by 106 persons, 73 of the number were laymen. The document could not, therefore, be taken as expressing the views of any important section of the clergy. Mr. G. DUFF said that the petition represented the views of the elite of the blue blood of the university, and that, although many distinguished members had not signed it, the spread of liberal sentiments was so great since the secession of Dr. Newman that a very strong feeling existed in favour of the abolition of tests. Mr. NEWDEGATE hoped the house would not, with out mature reflection, give any countenance to a proposi tion to open to persons holding different religious opinions the only university now limited to members of the Church of England. Mr. B UXTON thought the question was not whether we should abolish tests, but whether those particular tests complained of were not cumbersome and unnecessary. Moreover, Parliament had already, in the case of the Uni versity of Cambridge, condemned those tests. The subject then dropped. THE lOMAN ISLANDS. Mr. C. BENTINCK directed attention to the proposed cession of the lonian Islands to Greece, and charged the Government with an altered policy on the question,arguing that in the present state of Greece the mere placing of a young and inexperiencdd prince on the throne constituted no guarantee for the settlement and tranquillity of that country. MONUMENTS IN WESTMINSTER ABBEY. Mr. M. MILNES referred to the refusal by the Dean and Chapter of Westminster to allow monuments to be erected in the Abbey to Lord Macaulay, Mr. Hallam, and Earl Canning, and to the demand of exorbitant fees for permission to place a bust of the late Sir G. C. Lewis there. The conduct of the capitular body in this respect demanded, he thought, the intervention of Parliament, with the view of placing the matter under the charge of some department of the Government. Mr. F. PO WELL condemned the appropriation of the Abbey to monuments many of which were scarcely of a Christian character. So far from admitting more, he thought many of those already there ought to be removed. SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. POST.—Whatever may have been the intention of the Legislature in passing the Foreign Enlist. ment Act, it seems tolerably clear that it was not with the view of protecting friendly States which happened to be at war with each othet. The sale of munitions of War is not prohibited, nor is any restriction imposed upon export trade. British subjects are forbidden to furnish, arm, or equip ves sels of war with the intent that they shall be used against a friendly State, but they are in nowise prevented from doing the same acts for the sake of the profits to be realised on the sale of such ships when completed. It was au error to suppose that the departure of the Alabama from these shores was an infringement of the Foreign Enlistment Act. For many reasons there was in her case no violation of the law. She was neither furnished, armed, nor t quipped when she left the port of Liverpool ; and as, from what subsequently occurred, it is evident that it was never the intention of her builders that she should have been equipped in an English port, her seizure by the Government would have been unjustifiable. The Messrs. Laird, of Birkenhead, built and sold, as they had a perfect right to do, a vessel which, when duly armed, became a ship of war. The transformation, however, the " furnish- ing, arming, and equipping," which are alone pro hibited by the Foreign Enlistment Act, if done with the intent that hostilities should be carried on against a friendly Power, took place out of her Majesty's dominions. The Alabama received her armament at Terceira, and in that port for the first time became invested with the charac • ter of a ship of war. In the case of the Alexandra the ship had nearly reached that stage of construc tion when seized in which the Alabama was when she left the Mersey, and, assuming that she was equally intended tor the use of the Southern Confe deracy, would, it unmolested, have taken her equip went on board, like the Alabama, in a foreign port, or possibly, like the Japan, in the English Channel. If, then, the interpretation put by the Lord Chief Baron on the provisions of the Foreign Enlistment Act be correct, and although exceptions have been taken to it by the law officers of the Crown, there seems no reason to doubt that it will be sustained ; the obstacles in the way of supplying a belligerent either with armed ships, or vessels easily convertible into ships of war, are purely nominal. Under such circumstances it was not surprising that those who still hope to see the American Union restored should have protested against a condition of the law which permitted the Southern States with blockaded ports to create a navy at a distant part of the worlu. Hence sprang the memorial which certain ship owners at Liverpool a short time since presented to the Government, praying for a revision of the Foreign Enlistment Act, and hence the speech of Mr. Cobden in the House of Commons, on Thursday evening, in which that gentleman supported the views of the Liverpool shipowners. It was scarcely relevant for the member for Rochdale to refer to the injury inflicted on American trade by the Alabama and other vessels which the Southern Confederacy have been enabled to purchase and equip in Euro pean waters. No one doubts that the shipowners of the North are great sufferers. But their suffer ings prove nothing. Great injury has been inflicted on the Southern population by means of artillery and rifles and gunpowder purchased in this coun try, but that fact would not justify the friends of the South in demanding from the Government an alteration in the law which would have the effect of checking the exportation of munitions of war. Mr. Cobden saga there is a distinction between supplying a belligerent with armed ships, which can only be applied to one use, and furnishing him with gunpowder which may be employed for blast ing or sporting purposes. But to what use, let us ask the member for Rochdale, can some thousands of Minie rifles and some hundreds of Armstrong or Whitworth guns, which have been exported from England, be turned, and does he pretend to be ignorant of the manner in which they have been actually employed ? If the sufferings of the respec tive belligerents, occasioned through war material supplied from these shores, were to be taken into account, the claims of the South for redress would be infinitely greater than those of the North. But. as Mr. Cobden candidly confesses that he does not believe in the future existence of two independent Federations in North America, he appeals to our sense of fear, by conjuring up the consequences of exciting the enmity of the Federal Government. The North will*ultimately triumph, the Union will be restored, and then the day of retribution will come. It may not be generally known Mr. Cobden told his hearers that the American Government estimate the value of every vessel destroyed by Confederate privateers, and make formal claims for reparation on her Majesty's Government, which claims are disallowed. But so soon es the rebellion is crushed, we are left to suppose that the Govern ment of the then United States will not only again advance those claims, but will enforce compliance with them. Whilst there is yet time, therefore, Mr. Cobden implores us to modify our law to pro tect the commerce of the North, and thus to appease the just wrath of the American Government. TIMES.—The debate in the House of Lords last night on the subject of Poland will do little to allay the anxiety which is taking possession of the public mind. We look to that assembly for wise and mode rate counsels, for temperance in the midst.of passion, tor calm, far-sighted, and impart ial wisdom. Winstance ae sorry to say that in the present momentous we look in vain. How heavy is the responsibility which devolves on any one who at the presentmo ment says a single word to inflame popular passion, or to irritate susceptibilities already too much ex cited, can hardly, we thin k, have been considered by those who gave treated this grave and important invective and subject as a fitting theme for stinging Ellenborough, high-sounding declamati on. admirable as usual in point of eloquence, scarcely condescended to argument. He dwelt upon the enormities of General IVlo uravieff, and observed how impossible it was for the Poles to be content when they bad been treated with so much cruelty since 1831. This is perfect l y true, but justice is due even to Russia; and we may not unreasonably ask whether the wounded nationality of Poland would have been contented even had the Government of Russia been the best and most humane in the world. Lord Ellenborough thinks that there is an end of diplomacy in the Polish question—that it would be vain, and even degrading., to pursue it further, and that there is nothing left for us but to act. Lord Malmesbury had no difficulty in exposing the ex travagant language and unreasonable inferences of Lord Ellenborong h, but he concluded by a propo sition the most injudicious and the most dangerous that could be conceived. He wishes that we should withdraw our ambassador from St. Petersburg ! We confess, for our own part, that, such a step once taken, we should have little hope indeed of escap ing an European war. Let us once admit th a t our i ntere st in the affairs of Poland oblige us to go beyond the mere language of ex _ postulation and remonstrance, and something m ore than a diplomatic rupture becomes inevitable. The opinion which we ourselves should have created would by forcing us along with it, an d many end who had no d esire to involve th emselves in th e quarrel would feel that our honour would not per mit us to withdraw. In the absence, then, of that wise counsel for which we had a right to look under circumstances of so much danger and diffi culty, we w ill endeavour to s e t b e f ore the country th e real nature of our position with re gar d to the Polish question. The Treaty of Vienna eo d o i a d t ,no doubt, stipulate that Poland should be a it t i on al kingdom under the governm en t o f the Etripea: ror of Russia. The power of the Emperor over that kingdom was not t h e result of the Treaty ofof Vienna, but of that great crime, the pa 1772, consummated in 1 794. The treaty gave us a right to call upon Russia to Constitute the kingdom of Poland, and to make War upon her in ea se she destroyed it. The case provided for in the Treaty was not long in arising. In 1831 the con stitutional Monarchy of Poland was destroyed, and Poland itself was incorporated with the dominions of the Empire of Russia. We did not see fit to avail ourselves of the rights which the Treaty of 1815 gave us. Again, in 1846, the Republic of Cracow was destroyed, and we did not see fit t o d raw t h e sword for its preservation. In 1856 we made peace with Russia after the .2e with i close l of the Crimean War. Then, if ever, was the t for us to c ome t o a defi nite understandingregard to Poland, but we passed the question over in silence and concluded a treaty of peac e w i t h Rue • ' sia in which not a single word is to be toned bearing on this double violation of the Treaty of Vienna. Seven years after the con clusion of this treaty, when we had by our silence and acquie scence of wo-and-twenty years effectu ally waived our right to take a stand on the 'freaty of Vienna, we see f i t to recur to an instrument which we have so long treated as obsolete, and to propose to Russia that she should grant an armistice, and entertain six propositions based on the Treaty of Vienna, and not in the least calculated to restore confidence to Poland or to give security to Russia. We cannot expect that if Poland received through the agency of the Western Powers a constitutional Government, a native Ministry, the use of her own laws and language, that she would not immediately ' employ all these advantages for the purpose of doing to Russia all the evil in her power. We ask Russia to place arms in the hands of her adversary. This is our recommendation. It has been refused. Ths Rus sian Government will grant no armistice while the Poles are in open insurrection against her, and declines to submit to foreign Powers the regulation of her relations with her revolted subjects. Is this a case of war ? We do not believe that even techni cally it is so, for it appears to us that by long and distinct acquiescence we have waived tiny right to interfere under the Treaty of 1815. But whether we possess this right or no, sure we are that it is i nexpedient to use it. As far as Poland is concerned, she will be satisfied with 'clothing short of absolute independence ; as far as Russirileof atonoon concerned, to ned,s she will be content with nothing short con quest. Neither party will hearand even of any w nyintermediatesuch position between the two, position estedllehedite t would Where ld each only serve m as ig a h b t rardeathw ing place between th undertakenencounter. this L Let u n s t t l o o g ok et a he li r tt h le is fu fo r r t c h e e s r. fo l r v t e h h e a l v as e t Francediplomatic d a c n t i n o g n l a w n i d t h a F h s r o a u c t e e l ; y a r i d e e t n he ti o i a n i t p e r e s l t t s o i s f the interest of France to humble, and even to p present dis tracteddestrny a state power of t the whichm Continent fnr a o i f n E t u h r e o e the only efficient counterpoise h pois o e un t d o au her of aggrandisement.theßhineto re Has not France . conouer ? Has she not themem , memory w theyofego hand later days of the Empire to ob'iterate . inh handthat Francein such ist o o w e undertakingsak and Russiaunless wtonoasrtnrosatisfieds not our policy now, as always, to maeintary meansinEuro pean equilibrium, instead of to see kby every in our power to overthrow it P And, finally, lenaplleyol what is more important than all the rest, th this country are well aware that our arm is not people long enough to reach the present scene of action. There is one result from such a war that we regard as certain—the ruin of the Ministry that declares it and the discredit o f the political party that supports it. HERALD.—" What shall be done with the Royal Academy," might be the publishing title of the report which hasjust been given in by the commis sioners who were appointed at the beginning of the year "to inquire into its present position.' We may differ still as , o what we should do with the institution, but we are left in no further doubt as to what we are dealing with. If it was impossible from the beginning to complain of the selection of the gentlemen charged with the inquiry, it is equally impossible vow to accuse them of any want of zeal or diligence in carrying it out. A better written report, with more carefully considered conclusions on the data brought before them, was not to be expected; and if they have not suggested the true remedies " the position" which they describe calls for, it must be admitted that the mistake has originated in an almost inevitable acceptance of a very current illusion as to the true aims and uses of such institutions. They have con sidered in detail the constitution of the Academy— its machinery as a school—its service to art in its exhibitions—and its requirements of meal accomo dation. Under each heading the Academy is found at fault, and an accumulation of suggestions are offered which, if adopted, would amount to a little revolution in its working. The commissioners pro pose to transfer the functions of government under a charter to a general assembly, which is to be com posed of some 60 academicians, lay and professional, and of an equal number of associates, who are to enjoy the power of filling up their own vacancies. The president, who is recommended for a " very much augmented salary," is to hold office subject to an annual election, and to be assisted by a council of ten academicians, who are to be chosen from that body exclusively, but to be approved by the general assembly, and to vacate office under a yearly system of rotation. Suggestions are added that engravers aed art workmen might be made eligible on equal t erms as academicians or associates, and that a class of honorary members might be created in favour of foreigners. The constitution being thus remodelled, it is thus proposed that the committees—three in number —appointed to arrange works for the annual exhibition should be chosen by the council and general assembly, and that the council should alone have power to make the selec tion of the works. A limitation of the number of works which academicians and associates have now the power of exhibiting as of right, and some sag gestions as to the immixture of sculpture, the height at which works are to be hung, the mode in which the name of the artist and subject of his work should be made known, and the admission of the public under different arrangements, complete all that the commissioners have to propose on the exhibi tion, except so far as they recommend the more spacious buildings made indispensable by the double needs of the Academy and National Gallery. With the latter advantage attained, a considera able development is recommended for the school, which they propose to withdraw from the special charge of the visitors and to transfer to a com petent Director General assisted by well-paid in structors. The students, it is thought, ought to undergo test examinations on admission pay fees, and be rewarded by travelling studentships and admission by merit to a school, to be established on the French model at Rome. To provide for the extended uses thus proposed for the exhibition and school it is thought that the rooms of the National Gallery should be handed over to the Academy, or that the Academy should move elsewhere, and the whole building in Tratalgat-square, with additions, be used for the Gallery. The proposition of the commissioners, in short, is at once to amplify and complicate the government of the Academy, and es. tablish it on some such footing as that maintained by the College of Surgeons in reference to its ten or twenty thousand members. Now, we will enter into no question about the worth of the precedent, pimply because whatever that may be we fail to see the analogy which would justify imitation. The public asks no guarantee for the qualification of a painter or sculptor beyond its own taste, and we can hardly understand the principle of the interference by which the Academy would undertake to provide for the instruction and training of the body of British artists unless we are to have government for government cake. It is the distinction of the arts that they may be learnt, but cannot be taught; and the best uses of the Academy as an educational in stitution must, in our opinion, be confined to offer ing the means, not to be found elsewhere, by which artists may instruct and train themselves. "Lec tures," " periodical examinations," " travelling studentships," an d sa l ar i ed " residence at Rome in lish acads they fu academy of art" —are very att rac ti ve a a g n en E c n ie g s far as matter for an ad ministrative dolce far niente, and to the eve may supply food r-increasing appetite for o ffi c i a l patron age ;but we deny that they are the necessities of a thepro s h p i e g r h e u e r s art , a os phases s t at t g la e e n y i n h d a v ine ever p t e r n a e d t e i d o e t . o e T l i c h i e t great want in the education of artists ever since the Caracci school system began, has been the inability of st u d ents to run alone, to think for themselves, to produce the effects of nature, not after certain artificial and misunderstood rules of teachers, but under the guidance of experience, assisted by the inspiration furnished by their own use of it. To do work well we must see what we want to do with our own eyes, not others'. There is nothing so misleading to young art as the sup posed possession of the technical secrets for pro ducing results that belong but to its highest deve lopment, and academies will be found probably to be most useful to the genius that connects itself with them, as they happen to limit their help to letting it freely help itself. Beyond this assistance, which supposes the rather large accommodations of sp ce and models than any very distinguished demonstra tion of the metaphysics of the art, the profession has no need of assuming a corporate form,except to make the public and artists mutually acquainted. True art will never be wanting when it has the fair stage with no favour that belongs to an effec tive exhibition. The rivalries, the petty ambitious, the caballing intrigues, the embarrassments of ad ministrative responsibility, are no elements of a prosperous art ; and all the good to art that has arisen from the academical distinctions and official advantages that belong to the present system, or the more complicated substitute the commissioners recommend for it, would not outworth the loss which would accrue by withdrawing a Reynolds, a Gainsborough, or a Lendseer a single month from their ateliers. The true place for an artist is made by his works, not his titles or the social posture: acquired for him by his placein an academy;rartis ttn t d o the greatest aid such institutions can offer showthe worthily works presents o provide it with what we have never yet had in this country, a i. n t ex A hi t bi p ti r o e n se w n h t ic w h e fully and f academicians and associates as a matter of right, and of a few of their friends, as so many prizes drawn out of a lottery; but for artists generally the only acquaintance we give them of their exhibition is under its annual characteristic of " a delusion, a mockery, and a snare." It is thus that art has no such curse as the very aid which should most assist it. In the limitation of space and necessary exclusion of nine-tenths of our works of merit the unfortunate artist, who knows that the exhibition offers his only road to fortune, paints, not as his own taste suggests, but to suit some supposed tastes, the committee of selection, and in proportion as, he has incurred risks and sacrifices to gain his object, he becomes in his success, but still more in his failure, much less serviceable to a high ideal of his art, to himself, and to society. A SAVAGE RACEHORSE.—Bedouin, the property of Mr. Ten Broeck, whilst being conveyed to Stam• ford, bit off the finger of the boy in charge of him, and kicked so violently in the box as to wrench two shoes off.— , Slumlord Mercury. [ADVERTISEMENT.) —Holloway's Ointment and pills._ All whose maladies have been of long duration, and whose pains are still severe and excruciating should read the truthful and authentic evidence of patients who have been cured by Holloway's remedies after their oases had been considered perfectly hopeless. Sores, ulcerations, sprains, contractions of the muscles andjoints, white swellings, scro fulous tumours, scurvy and scrofula are some of the serious, disfiguring and vexatious ailments remediable by these medicaments. To all such sufferers, Holloway's prepara tions will afford a last chance of obtaining ease and re deeming health. All victims of varicose veins and swelled ankles are earnestly entreated on reading this to avail themselves without delay of an opportunity of restoration which may never occur again. HOLDERS, Mr. AYRTON ; in moving that the house at its rising do adjourn until Monday, called attention to the state of the law affecting the rating of compound householders claiming to vote at elections, and suggested that a measure of amend ment should be brought in next session. SMALL PDX IN SHEEP. Mr. D. GRIFFITH inquired whether the Government intended to take any steps to prevent the inoculation of sheep with " variola ovina," and what had been the result of the experiment of vaccination as a preventive of small pox in those animals. Mr. LOWE replied that the result of the vaccinating experiment had not been satisfactory, so that he could not give the hon. gentleman an encouraging answer on that part of his question. With regard to inoculation, the evil was so patent that it was quite unnecessary for the Go vernment to interfere by legislation to prohibit the practice. SUBSCRIPTION TO FORMULARIES OF FAITH. Mr. DODSON brought under notice the petition from members of the University of Oxford for the abolition of the requirement of subscription to formularies of faith as a qualification for academical degrees. Mr. HENLEY commented upon the exceptional manner in which the signatures to the petition in question had been I obtained. It had, he said, been carried about in a mysterious manner, and he argued that it did not fairly represent the feelings of the university. Mr. GOSCIIEN said that one broad issue was raised by the petition, viz., whether the system of tests was injurious to the Church of England or otherwise. His own opinion was that the interests of the Church were better served by her standing on her own strength than by fencing herself in with tests and other artificial measures, which, however useful to a weak church, ought not to be required by one that was strong. The question was one between inclusion and exclusion, and he held that no great reform or improve ment had ever yet been effected that had not been based upon the privilege of inclusion. Lord R. CECIL observed that if the dictum of Mr. Gos chen were to be accepted, it would necessarily lead to the establishment of a coalition church as well as coalition mini stries. The answer to those who wished to have tests abo lished was that if they had their will the universities would cease to exist, or at all events be severed from the Esta blished Church. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER thought it was a just and fair demand on the part of the Church that the governing body of the university should clnsist of her own members. The parents of England would never be satisfied to send their children for academical training to a university that was not administered in conformity with some definite religious system. He regretted extremely that in the case of such an ancient institution any fraction of the population were excluded from any portion of its benefits; but if it were true, as he be lieved it was, that in the main the religious system of the Church of England was suitable to the wants, feel ings, and convictions of 19-20ths of the community that were in a condition to avail themselves of a university educatio n, then the case of thes e 19-20th s mus t b e consi ered ncellY 111 Preference to that of any minority that was nume niversitmall. Any improvement should o r i g i na t e w ith th e university itself rath er t h an by evoking the interference of e State. The fair p r i nciple was that the university should reserve to itself, and to the Church in the university, that INFANTICIDE. Mr. Cox and Mr. HUNT noticed the increase of infanti tickle in England and Wales, and urged the pressing ne cessity which existed for legislation on the subject. Mr. MONSELL asked whether there was any objection to produce the correspondence which took place in 1825 and 1826 between the Government of this country and that of Russia with reference to the affairs of Greece. _ _ Sir G. GREY referring first to the observations of Mr. Ayrton, said the grievances of the compound householders arose from the provisions of local enactments, and that it was his intention to consider the subject with a view to future legislation. With regard to the crime of infanticide, there could be no doubt that it existed to a great degree, but he was not sure that it was on the increase, regard being had to the increased ratio of population. No sug gestion of a remedy had yet been made, and his own opi• nion was that the real check to the crime was to be looked for in the improved education and morality of the people. On the subject of monuments in Westminster Abbey, the house had already been informed that the Government had no control in the matter, and that the charge for liberty to place:busts in the sacred building was regulated by a desire on the part of the authorities to prevent any undue in fringement upon the space intended for worshippers. POLAND. Mr. KINGLAKE, returning to the subject of Po land, said that the tone of the reply of Russia to the six points was most extraordinary, and calculated to irritate the European Powers. He hoped that England would give a plain and categorical answer to that sarcastic despatch, and that she would act in all respects in concert with Franco. The hon. gentleman eulogised the conduct of Austria in refusing to be drawn into another holy alliance at the bidding of Russia, and observed with satisfaction that she had now taken that place in the councils of Europe which her position as a first-rate Power entitled her to assume. Some observations were also made on this subject by Mr. Hennessy, Mr. Somerset Beaumont, and Lord Rayn ham. Lord ELCHO asked what were the intentions of the Go vernment in reference to the land they had lately acquired at South Kensington ? Lord PALMERSTON, having stated that he understood that the contractors for the Exhibition building of 1862 had sold that curious structure for £20,000 more than the sum for which it had been offered to the public, said that the Government would, between now and next session, consider the proper disposition of the land lately purchased. With regard to the cession of the lonian Islands to Greece, it was intended, with the concurrence of the protecting Powers, to give them the option of union if they pleased, but not to force it upon them. His right hon. friend the member for Limerick had asked whether they were willing to lay before Parliament the correspondence which had taken place in the years 1825 and 1826 between this Government and Russia with regard to the interference which took place in Greece, and which resulted in the independence of that kingdom. His right hon. friend had certainly established a very strong resemblance, in some points, between that transaction and the affairs which were now under discussion with regard to Poland. There was an insurrection which went on for some time without interference from the other Powers, but at last the sacrifice of human life, and the atrocities which were committed, attracted the attention of Europe, and interference was the result, first friendly and then of a more forcible nature. The ultimate cause of the interference was the intention avowed by Ibrahim Pacha of removing the whole population of the Mores and replacing them by Fellahs from Egypt. Thar led to an immediate decision on the part of the three Powers to interfere to prevent such an outrage. But he had not heard of anything like that having as yet taken place in Poland. (Hear, hear.) Still there was no disguising the fact that the present state of things in Poland was most lamentable—(hear) —and not only the condition of Poland, but of Lithuania—(hear, hear)—for, whilst on the one hand the Russian Government stated that if the proprietors did not actually assist the government, they would be subject to every sort of penalty that could be inflicted on them, on the other hand, the revolutionary government at Warsaw threatened that if they did not assist in the insurrection they would be subject to all the penalties it was in their power to inflict. (Hear.) So that between these two their condition was most pitiable. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the correspondence, which was very voluminous, he would un dertake that it should be looked into with a view of select ing those parts which were appropriate to the present occa sion, and as to such parts of it as had any interesting bear- ing on the present question there would be no difficulty as to their production. (Hear, hear•) So far as the cases had any resemblance, the principles that would be found to have been maintained by Russia with regard to Greece might possibly have a certain effect upon the grounds to be taken by the other Powers with regard to Poland. With regard to the Polish question itself, the housa would not expect him to enter into any discussion. (Hear.) But he would say one word as to the Russian despatch. In the former correspondence on the subject of Poland the ground taken by the Russian Government had always been that the quelling of the insurrection in 1831 and 1832 emancipated Russia from all the obligations of the treaty of Vienna, and that she at that time held the country as a conquered pro vince, to do with it as she pleased, as part of the Russian empire ; and hence she denied the right of any of the parties to the treaty of Vienna to question her treatment of Poland. But in this despatch a great step had been gained, for Russia now admitted that the parties that con curred in the treaty of Vienna were entitled to discuss with her the state of Poland within the limits of the treaty. (Hear, hear.) With regard to what course her Majesty's Government intend to take in these matters, it was far too important a matter to be the subject of an off-hand answer in that house. (Hear, hear.) All that it was compatible with his (Lord Palmerston's) duty to state was this—that her Majesty's Government would continue to act with France and Austria in these matters, upon which they were under an engagement to act in consort with those two powers. (Hear, hear.) Sir J. FERGUSSON said he thought the course of the debate showed the great inconvenience of discussing these matters in any other than a regular way. He would only observe that one result of an occasion when the three powers, Russia, France, and England, were in alliance, was the oc currence of an "outward event" of which they had all heard. He affirmed that Great Britain had never undertaken a war except where her own individual interests wele concerned. (Oh, oh.) The Crimean was undertaken to prevent the overthrow of a balance of war in the 'Mediterranean. But Poland was not sufficiently bound up with our interests as that we should be parties for her sake to the renewal of a great European struggle. A man would be unworthy of a seat in the house if he did not sympathise with the Poles in their present struggle, but it was another thing to be anxious for this country to go to war for a cause in which neither its interest nor its honour were concerned. Sir J. SHELLEY could only excuse the observations of the hon. gentleman from the fact, that he had not read the speeches delivered at the meeting to which those observa tions had reference. He denied that there had been reckless speeches, or speeches unworthy of a member of that house made there, and all that he had said as president of the meeting he was prepared to repeat in his place in Parlia ment. Tho motion for adjournment till Monday was then with drawn. The Lords' amendments to the Alkali. Works Regulation Bill were agreed to. The house then adjourned. THE CUCKOO is in appearance about the size of a small pigeon, from the quantity of feathers with which it is covered. If robbed of these, it is not nearly so large. It has handsome plumage, its head, breast, neck, and back being bluish grey, the thighs and under-tail feathers greyish-white, marked with black bars, tail black spotted with white, legs and feet pale yellow, the irids awl tip of the beak rich orange. THE CONFEDERATE, SHIPS. The following letter was prevented, c , n a point of form, from being read by Mr. Cobden in the house yesterday : Washington, Navy Departmen.t, May 19, 1863. Dear Sir,—You invite my attention to .the speech of Mr. John Laird delivered in the British House of Commons on the 27th of March, in which he represents that' the Secretary of the Navy made application to him, through an agent or agents, to build vess, ls for the Government of the United States. Mr. Laird remarks : " Now, I will go a step further about the Northern States. In 1861, just after the war broke out, a friend of mine, whom I have known for many years, was over here and came to see me with a view of getting vessels built in this country for the American Government—the Northern government. Its agents in this country made inquiries,"&c.. It is not improbable that Mr. Laird and his friend may have interchanged views on the subject of building vessels for the United States as a private money-making transac tion; but it is not true that any application to build a vessel for this government was ever made to that gentle man directly or indirectly by himself or by any agent a the Navy Department. No person or persons have been employed by me as agent or agents, or been authorised by the Navy Department or by the American Government, to make application to Mr. Laird, or to the firm of which he is a member, or to any other person or firm abroad, to build a vessel or vessels for the government of the United States or for the navy of the United States. Inumerable applications were made to me at the beginning of the rebellion by persons professing to be the agents of English or foreign firms to procure vessels to be built for this Government, and I have an indistinct remem brance that this department was importuned by more than one person in behalf of the Messrs. Laird, and very probably they, like others, presented plans and solicited our views, but I pursued a uniform and undeviating policy in regard to each and all of those applications, declining in every instance any proposition to build or procure to be built vessels for navy abroad. When, therefore, Mr. Laird stated or intimated in the House of Commons that any agent of the Secretary of the American Navy or of the Navy Department approached him, " with a view of getting vessels built in this country (Great Britain) for the American Government," he stated what was not true. I have never at any time had such purpose in view, and consequently I have never authorised any person to act as my agent, or as the agent of the Navy Department, or of the American Government, to procure vessels to be built without the limits of the United States,—l am, very re spectfully, GIDEON WELLES, Hon. Chas, Sumner. Secretary of the Navy. COUNTRY MARKETS. ---- - '4- WAKEFIELD-FRIDAY. Wheat dull to-day, and business has been confined to fine fresh parcels. Prices must be quoted is per dearer, Spring corn unaltered. LIVERPOOL-FRIDAY. At this day's market there was a fair attendance, with a moderate business doing in wheat. Oats fully supported. Beans almost a nominal trade. Barley steady. Peas at former rates. Indian corn scarce, and prices were main tained. Flour, prime fresh American, 6d per brl. dearer. Oatmeal unaltered. EXETER—FRIDAY. Wheat, white.. 6s 3d to 6s 4d I Barley. 3s 6d to 4s 3 1 Ditto red. Gs Od to 6s 3d I Oats .. Flour, fine, 35s to 36s ; seconds,.34s to —s per sack. CATTLE. I Fat beef, p sc., 10s0d to 11s6d EWes, per lb .... 51d to 60 Pork carcases, 7s Od to 8s Od Wethers, d 0..... . 7d to —d Lamb, p 1b.......—d to —d Fat calves, d0...61d to 7d. Rough fat, 34d per lb. STAMFORD-FRIDAY. To-day the show of wheat was small, but late rates were a shade higher. Barley, oats, and beans were very scarce. —White wheat, 47s to 515; red, 42s to 46s per 36 stone. Barley, malting, 36s to 40s; grinding, 29s to 30s per qr. Oats, 24s to 265 per 24 stone. Beans, old, 40s to —s per qr. ; new, 37s to —s. DUBLIN—FRIDAY. There was again a dull trade in wheat to-day, and our former quotations_rciust be repeated. s. d. s. d. Wheat, white 11 0 to 12 0 Do., red lO 0 to 11 0 Do., new Barley Oats Do., black — 0 to 0 s. d. s. d. Beans.. . 0 to 0 Bere Rapeseed Oatmeal l2 0 to 15 0 Bakers' flour Indian corn BRISTOL SUGAR-FRIDAY. The market this week has been quiet, and prices have been much the same as last week. Refined goods meet a slow sale, at late currencies Rum rather easier, W ith but little doing. COAL Dal rrloes of Coal per Ton at .ARKET. the close of the market. a. d. Byass's Bebside West Hartley ..15 3 Buddle'sWest Hartley 15 3 Cowpen Hartley 15 3 Carway and Duffryn Malting , 19 6 Eden Main l6 3 l'anfield Moor Butes 13 North Pelton Gas. 13 3, 8. d. Walls End. Haswell ... ... .. 18 0 Ships at market Walls End. Hough Hall 16 6 Hartlepool 17 6 Trimdon Hartlepool 17 6 South Hartlepool 16 0 East Hartlepool 17 3 h elloe ... .16 6 South Kelloe.. 16 v Hatton lB 0 Tunstall Gosforth l5 9 Stewart's 17 3 a, 38; soli, 27. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILs DUE. A vet ralia and Mauritius, via Southampton. Aug. 18. via Marseilles Aug. 1 3 . A)razil and Cape Verde, by British packet. . Aug. 4. Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena July 29. China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton Aug. 2 ,.. • via Marseilles July 21. Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton July 26. India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via S ou th amp t on Aug. 2- - via Marseilles July 27. India (Bombay), via Southampton .. J u ly 26. via Marseilles Aug. 4 ' Portugal.... Aug. 4. Malta, Eg,ypt, and Aden, via So u th amp t on Ju l y 26. via Marseilles July 27. Newfoundland Oporto and Vigo .. U. S. and British N. America, by Brit. packet.... July 30 . by - U.S. packet.... by Canadian packet. July 24. Aug. 10 W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and Tenerife.. Bahamas, via New York Mexico...... , All parts of West Indies, including Chili, Peru, I July 29. California, and British Columbia.. SUPERIOR COURTS OF LAW (FEE FUND). —Yes terday a return was published under this head, giving the amount of gross receipts, the payments from the same,&c., for each year from the passing of the act 15th and 16th Vic., c. 75. The gross receipts on the 31st of Dee. , 1862, wero £390,312 Is. Ild. ; the payments thereout, £243,879 6s. 2d., being an excess of receipts over per ments of £146,432 15s. 9d., and the net balance after the transfer of £20,000, to the account of the Exchequer, wag £26,432 15s. 9d. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—Avoid medicines: they always agg ra ' vate chronic complaints, but Du Barry's Delicious Health Restoring Revalenta Arabica Food, which saves fifty Urea its cost in other remedies, invariably cures them, restoring perfect digestion, strong nerves, sound lungs, healthy liver, pure blood, refreshing sleep, functional regularity, and energy to the most disordered or enfeebled. We extract a few out of 60,000 Cures :—Cure No. 58,216 of the Marchioness de Brehan, Paris, of a liver complaint, wasting away for seven years, debility, with a nervous palpitation all over, bad digestion, constant sleeplessness, the most intolerable nervous agitation, and dreadfully low spirited.—Cure No. 1,771. Lor d , Stuart de Decies, Lord Lieut. of Waterford, of ma' Ye ars dyspepsia.---No. 49,832. "Fifty years' indescribable ationy from dyspepsia, nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation flatulency, spasms, sickness, and vomiting.—Maria Jolly.' —Cute No. 46,270. Mr. James Roberts, of Frimley, Surrey, of thirty years' diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver derange' ment, and partial dealness.—Cure No. 47,121. Miss Elizabeth Jacobs, of extreme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, low spirits, and nervous fancies. - Cure No. 54,616. The Rev. Jae' T. Campbell, Fakenham, Norfolk, "of indigestion and torpi: dity or the liver, whi c h h a d res i s t e a ll me di ca l t rea t me nt.' In tins, 1 lb., !4s. 9d. ; 21b., 4s. 6d ; Mb., Ds. ; i2lb., 225. ; 416. 40s.—Barry 1)u Barry and Co., No. 77, Regent-street, London also Fortnum and Mason ; and all Grocers and Chemists il l every town of the United Kingdom. Births. BROOKE.—On the 23d inst., at Fern Lodge, Campden-hil l ' the wife of the Rev. S. A. Brooke, of a daughter. CALDECOTT.—On the 24th inst., at Snaresbrook, Mrs. Caldecott, of a son. GOOLDEN.—On the 24th inst., at 22, Leinster-garden s ' Hyde-park, the wife of J. Goolden, Esq., of a son. PEREIRA.—On the 24th iust., at 4, Upper Portland-Plac e. the Hon. Mrs, Pereira, of a daughter. Marriages. GRANT—STIRLING,—On the 23d inst., at St. John's, dington, Alex. W. Thor o ld Grant, Esq,, Bonjedwa r Jedburgh, N.B , to Ann a H am ilt on , t hi r d d au ghter Admiral Sir Ja mes S t i r li ng. WOOD—SLEE.—O n t h e 23d inst., at Bradford Y or kshire , John Julien W oo d , E sq., of Clifton Villa, Blessingt°% road, Lee, K ent, at d 22, Watling-street, Loudost,. Emily, young es t d aug h ter of Henry Slee, Esq.; o f Ric ii i ruona-terrace, Bradford, Yorkshire. o Deaths. ANGLE,—On the 23d inst., at Stanmer House, Tollington . park, Holloway, John Angle, jun., aged 29. CARTER.—On the 23d inst., at Haslar, Wm. Fred. Carter, Esq., M.D., R.N., aged 79. GRAY.—On the 22d inst., at 25, Old Burlington - st reet, John Gray, Esq., M.R.C.S., aged 75. HEYCOCK.—On the 23d inst., at East Norton, Leicester.. shire. John H. Heycock, Esq., aged 71. LAWSON.—On the 22d inst., at Berwood House, Avenue' road, Robert Lawson, Esq., aged 85. - VAILLANT.— On the 22d inst., Mrs. Valliant, widow of f ll6 late John Vaillant, Esq., a bencher of the Middle Tem' ple, aged 92. London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDREW!' of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE SUN Office, No. 11-: Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the CountY of Middlesex.— Saturday, July 25, ?RBA. ,