The Sun. — London, England, 1831-02-21 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS The introduction of the Arrnv Estimates on Fri day night opened a debate or discussion on almost every thing connected with the general policy of the country, and we think upon the whole the issue was not unsatisfactory. The quantity of force mei cessary to be kept up is variously estimated. Olin principle, we think, ought to be attended to, which is but t oo o f ten v i o l ent ly ou traged ; and that prin ciple is to have as many rank and file men as pos sible, and as few staff officers and other official per sonages of that character. It is a great detriment to convert the idle members of families of conse quence into red-coat pensioners on the state; and on the contrary, if we must have standing armies, it may be serviceable to transfer into its lover ranks au many as possible from a population hut too often exposed to severe privations at home. With respect to the two services—the military and naval—with the highest respect arid warmest affection for the hitt( r we may observe, that curtailment (we do not say retrenchment, lest we should be thought to recommend small pay)—but curtailment may ope rate with most security upon its numbers, be cause a soldier can only be made such by serv ing in the army, but a man may be made a sailor in the merchant service ; and while we have n greater commerce than the rest of the world, we can never want the best manned navy whenever a war takes place. But Reform—Reform is the subject of most interest, arid upon this question a conflict is menaced by the late Home Secretary, Sir Robe!: Peel. The most dangerous course, if we may here use such a word, is standing still. Something must be done; and between that necessary some thing, and an excess or extravagance in Reform, tl.ere are probably many secure resting places. Sit Robert recommended to Ministers " not to forget what was due to the ancient monarchical institu tions- of the country." It is rather singular, that while a measure relates only to the external orga nization of one branch of the Constitution, care should be thus directed to another. The Monarchy will not be touched by a Reform in the House of Commons. But what does Sir Robert mean by the ancient institutions of the country ? In ancient times there were certainly no rotten boroughs The first rude sketch of a House of Commons presents us with a King calling to his aid, against a factious nobility, a few representatives from the places then most powerful, rich, and populous. If we revert to this system or prin ciple now, there will be no complaint. Anciently,— indeed till lately,—n the general history of Eng land, there were no septennial Parliaments ; yet our ancient Kinga did not want power or Royal prero gative. ft is clear, therefore, that the monarchical institutions of the country can exist with short Par liaments, arid without nomination boroughs, because they have so existed. Again : anciently the Sove reign disbanded his armies and laid up his fleets at the end of a war, and therefore was deprived of the patronage connected with those establishments dur ing every interval of peace; we do not say that the fleet and army could be now wholly dismissed, and sent to mingle with the people at the end of a war ; but it is clear, from the ancient practice of the Constitution, that the Royal prerogative may conti nue in sufficient vigour, without the more modern in fluence which it exercises through the appointments in the immense naval and military service of the country. Finally, there were, and, ntly, no expences incurred at elections, the members being themselves paid for serving, or for the loss of their time. It is obvious, therefore, that whatever measures may be now introduced for the purpose of diminishing expenses at elections, can but so far tend to bring back the Constitution to its original practice, and, in truth, to support the ancient monarchical institutions of the country. In ancient times, certainly, beg gars and paupers had no share in the active admi nistration of the ceuntry. They had no votes for Members of Parliament, and we do not know that we wish to see such a custom introduced. Besides laying the foundation of a cheaper and more general system of corruption than exists at present, it would take away one of the strongest excitements to hones Many attempts have been made of late years to amt'nd and improve the poor laws, which only end in rendering: the system more complicated and embar rassing than it was before. We observe that the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in alluding to a Bill relative to this subject, which Mr. Briscoe has ob. tained leave to bring in, assured the House that " his Maje , ty's 'Ministers were considering the ques tion, in order to devise some plan to ameliorate the present defective system ; bur, in a measure of that n trure, it was nece s sary to proceed with great cir- eumspection. He was - of opinion that, if paying the labourer out of the poor rates were avoided, the ad ministration of the poor laws would be improved." That a Minister of State should gravely inform the House of Commons that the suppression of the practice of paying employed labourers a por tion of their wages out of the fund raised upon the public for the necessary relief of the indigent and infirm does appear to us to be a very pompous enunciation of a truism. What man in England doubts the fact ? Has the Chancellor of the Exchequer, by a labourious process of reasoning, come, at the present day, to a conclusion of which every body else has been long since convinced ? We should have preferred that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had thrown some light on the mote dif ficult parts of the question. Since he has not done so, we will endeavour to supply the deficiency. We say that if Ministers are proceeding with " great circumspection" to devise some plan to ameliorate the poor laws, by introducing any patchwork amend ments into the present system, they will fail. They may be as circumspect as they please, but, if their caution is not un ted with boldness, their work will begin in labour, and end in disappointment. We tell them that the evil of this system can never be obviated, that its vices can never be eradicated, until the whole mass of legislation is swept away that . . itai overlaid and counteracted the principles of the Statute of the 43d of Elizabeth. Of that Statute, of which much has beeti said, but of which the public know little, we will here give the substance in'a few words :—" The churchwardens and overseers of the poor of every parish, or the greater part of them; shall with the consent of two or more Justices of Peace, in the same county, dwelling in or near the same parish or division, raise, weekly or otherwise (by taxation of every inhabitant, Parson, Vicar, and other, and every occupier of lands, houses, tithes impropriate, propriations of tithes, coal-mines, or saleable underwoods in the said parish, in such com petent sums of money, as they shall think fit), a convenient stock of flax, hemp, wool, thread, iron, and other ware, and stuff, to set the poor on work, and also competent sums of money towards the ne cessary relief of the lame, impotent, old, blind, and such other among them, being poor, and not able to work; and also for putting out poor children to be apprentices." Here the true principle of charity is recognized by law. It WO undoubtedly a duty upon all men, having the means, before that statute was made, to relieve the poor and neeeaeltous ; arid Lord Kenyon, in the exercise of his judicial func tions, rightly described it as " being passed for the • F urpose of enf o r c i ng d u ti es ' o f i m perfect obliga tion;"—that is, duties only binding in morality and conscience, but havin g no legal sanction GC enforce ment. That the obligation s of humanity should re quire to be enforced by t h e compulsory enactments of the law is to be lamented, hut it is quite certain that, without this temporal sanctio n , a great pro portion of mankind would evad e t h e religious and m oral duty of contributing to the relief of Ale poor; but there exists no religious, moral, or legal 0b11,., gation to give the funds which are raised to support the aged, the infirm, and those who are u na b le to work, to persons who indulge in wilful idleness, or to those who are in full employment. Yet in most counties of England it has become the common, though it is not the legal practice, to pay a portion of the wages of the unemployed labourer out of the poor-rates. This practice, the Chancellor of the Evellequer will find, is not authorised by law, [hone it has been carried to an extent which if not checked in time, by making overseers of the poor indictable for such a misapplica tion of the poor-rates, threatens to reduce to the degraded condition of paupers the whole of the peasantry of England. When we say the whole of the mass of legislation which has overlaid the Statute of Elizabeth, we more particularly allude to the Statutes which introduced and established, in all its intricate ramifications, the doctrine of settlements, —a doctrine which gives rise to unceasing litigation between parishes, and causes an enormous propor tion of the funds raised for the relief of the poor to he squandered in law proceedings. Besides, this doctrine of parochial settlement is a mischievous and unnatural check upon labour in a free country, and a grievous source of local oppression to the industrious labourer. This doctrine, as it at present prevails, owes its origin to the Statute of the 13th and 14th Car. IL cap. 12, wh eh has been followed by a mul tiplicity of Statutes showing how settlements are to be obtained or restricted, and others to explain or amend what went before them. All these must be swept away, and the simplicity of the ancient law restored, before a real reformation of the system can be effected.—Morning Herald. A FEW WORDS ON THE BUDGET. (From the Glasgow Free Press.) Those who expected from the present Ministry any real reduction of our public burdens, have only to examine the exposition of this year's Budget, given by Lord Althorp on Friday last, to be convinced that such expectation was quite visionary. Several very onerous and impolitic taxes are no doubt to be repealed; but then, in lieu of these, we are to be saddled with as many others, every whit as onerous, and some of them, if possible, even more impolitic. A reduction is to be made in the duties on newspaper stamps and advertisements. This will be hailed, not by newspaper proprietors only, but by the people at large, as an unmixed good. It will give new facilities to commerce and business of all kinds, and be the means of disseminating more widely among the poorer classes that species of knowledge, which, of all others, is best calculated to render them good citizens and members of society, and, by consequence, to give greater strength and security to a Government based on sound principles, and conducted with wisdom, equity, and moderation. The duty on sea-borne coal is to he entirely repealed. Our readers will have some idea of the great good that must result from this measure, when the nature of the tax to which it refers has been explained to them. In the northern counties of England, where alone the article of coal is produced, no tax whatever is levied upon it, and coals, therefore, are bought in those counties at the pit mouth, for about 1 4s. per chaldron ; but, when this same coal is carried by water to any of the southern counties where no substitute for it exists, a tax of Gs. per chaldron is levied upon it by Government; and, not to mention how this, together with freightage, factorage, sheotage, harbour dues, &c. &c., enhances its price in other places, we shall take as a sample the metropolis alone, where the chaldron of coals, when tumbled into the cellar of the consumer, cests the enormous sum of 2/. 10s. Sd., —being an addition to the prime cost of not less than 11. Gs. Sd. ! Ministers deserve much praise for at once utterly abolishing so monstrous an iniquity. Ireland will also profit by the measure, as she at present pays 2s. sd. per chaldron upon the coal she imports, while the city of Dub lin pays an additional I Id., on the ridiculous plea that this addition goes to constitute a fund for improvements ! The most important of the treasures under the head of in.- _ . position, are, the equalization of the wine and timber duties; the levying a tax on the transfer of property in land and in the funds, the taxing of raw cotton imported, and the taxing of passengers by steam boats ! As to the equalization of the duties on wines, we believe it to be a judicious measure, as it is absurd to argue that, in the present state of our relations with Portugal, we ought to keep up in her favour a high rate of duties on the wines of other countries, in order that she may enjoy almost an entire monopoly of our market. Taxes on the particular products of all foreign countries should he equal, and their Favour or disfavour amongst us left to be decided only by quality. On this account, we rejoice also at the more close assimilation of the duties upon Baltic and Canadian timber. The tax on cotton cannot fail to operate very in juriously on our manufactures; and, which is still worse, it will fall almost entirely on the poor, while the rich will he proportionately exempted from its burden. 'We are now arrived at the last part of our subject, and perhaps it is the roost important of them all,—namely, the tax upon steam boat passengers. Of this tax we have no hesitation in saying, that under the circumstances, it is the most im politic and cruel, and calculated to be in operation the most ruinous and impracticable, that ever was suggested by a rapacious Minister. After what fashion is it to he im po•ed ? and by what sort of machinery is it to he col lected ? Every passenger sailing in a steam boat twenty miles (a distance for which they at present are charged on the Clyde only is.) is to be taxed Is. more,—thus render ing the expence double ;—for twenty to thirty miles, the tax is to be 2s. ; and for any distance beyond this point, an additional 6d. is to be levied. Now, how could these scandalous and most unequal charges be collected, without the appointment of officers fur that purpose at every creek and quay where a steam boat touches, and the incurrence thus of an expense that would equal, if not exceed the whole amount received, and thereby render the tax quite abortive ? This at once proves its absurdity ; but on this point it is even less objectionable than on the score of justice. To confine our observations to the Clyde alone; it is a fact, that, even as at present situated, the steam boats plying on this river, are, instead of paying, requiring constant advances from their shareholders to keep them up, and that, in consequence, their value is depreciated more than one-third. The imposition of the proposed tax, must therefore have the effect of rendering them altogether valueless ; and, when it is remembered how much the nation at large has benefited by steam navigation, and how much it would consequently suffer by the ruin of this agent of its greatness, who can fail to be struck with the reckless indiscretion of the tox referred to ? But the ruin of steam boat proprietors, is not the only immediate effect we should have reason to dread. Let proprietors on all our coasts mark us : the instant this tax is imposed, their property, whether in houses or in land, will fall at least one-half in value, if not much more ! And what, also, would be the result to our River Trust ; to the harbour trusts and trade of every town where steam-boats are in the habit of touching ; and to the various watering places and privat, villas along our beautiful Firth and elsewhere ? This city, Greenock, Dumbarton, Port Glasgow, Rothsay, Largse Ayr,—in short, all places thus deeply interested, must without a moment's delay bestir themselves, and unani mously oppose, by protest, by petition, by memorial, and otherwise, an imposition which to them is fraught with incalculable injury. Movements, we know, are already being made here. Let other places follow with prompti tude the example, and the ruin may be averted We have now gone partially over this Budget of a Re trenching and Reforming Ministry. If, as our readers also go over it, they recollect that all this taxing is for the pur pose of maintaining a disgraceful pension list, dead weight, standing army, and other most notorious abuses, they will, we doubt not, retire from the subject like ourselves, with a feeling of disappointment, mingled with disgust. In France all the great families must, before a +planer of a century, be extinguished, li the present law continua.. A Duke with but 1,5001. is no Duke at all, but a beggar—and if he expects to rnjoy even his 1,5001. a year, he had better lay dawn his title. In fact, all the nobility of France are perishing as fast as they can._ Monthly Magazine. BREAD.—" It is universally known, that wheat flour is, of all kinds of flour, the best adapted for making good bread. Why is this? Because it contains more of a pecu:iar principle than any other kind of flour, which principle is. absolutely necessary to the perfect for mation or rising of the dough. This principle is called gluten. Gluten exists in most kinds of grain, and in other vegetable substances, but the very small quantity of it found in barley, oats, rye, &c. is the cause of its being im possible to make good light bread from the flour of those kinds of grain. jlrorth American wheat contains a much larger proportion of gluten ;lan the wheat of this country." —Dr. Graham's Chemical Cale..--hism. Many amusing scenes were exhibited in the height of the late demand for gold at the banks of Lime rick. The country people were of course the urgent and almost only applicants. One of the clerks of the bank, seizing a tire-shovel, which was red-hot in a coal fire, brought out a lot of sovereigns on the burning metal, and threw them on the bank counter. The country fellows stated with surpri , e at the dazzling spectacle, and their astonishment was increased when the clerk exclaimed in a quick voice, " Here, boys, here they are; easy and we'll coin enough of them for you." The peasantry, whose eyes spread upon the shining heap, actually imagined tbere see w ti asa mint in f u ll wor k at th e b an k, an d it was f unny t o th em droppi ng t h e h eate d sovere i gns , w hi c h, an i nstant before,l they fingered with the cupidity of a miser.—Lime rick Chronicle. PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. IVEVCI/ES T.E R. A meeting of the inhabitants of this city and its suburbs was convened by the Mayor, on Thursday morn. ing, in compliance with a requisition signed by more than 100 respectable inhabitants, " to consider the pre ' priety of petitioning for a Reform in the Commons House of Parliament." 'lle Guildhall was crowded to excess, and it may be safely said that a meeting, at once so nu merous and so respectable, has seldom been seen in this city. Its object too was altogether new, and the times, portentous as they are, have afforded few more striking examples of their " form and pressure" than this meeting, assemble,! and conducted under the auspices of a corporate body, to petition against their own monopoly, and declare their readiness to yield it up, for the good of their fellow citizens and their country. Persons accustomed, on pre vious occasions, to meet under the same roof, in angry or sulen discord and mistrust, became united upon this oc casion, without any previous concert or reconciliation, in one common effort for the benefit of the whole community. The requisition having been read by the Town Clerk, it was proposed by Mr. DEVERELL, and carried by accla mation, that the Mayor (W. Barnes, Esq.) should take the chair. The MAYOR assured the meeting of the great pleasure he felt, on this as on all other occasions, in complying with the wishes of his fellow citizens. He trusted that, in the discussion of the resolutions about to be proposed, every speaker would hive a fair impartial hearing, where by they might best facilitate the business of the day, and promote that good feeling towards each other which he hoped would ever distinguish the inhabitants of that city. Dr. CRAWFORD, in moving the first resolution, observed that there were many persons then present, and many others whom he should have been delighted to see there on that occasion, much more entitled to come forward and address them thus early in the proceedings; but those who had been most active in bringing the meeting to gether had requested him to propose to them the first resolution, and these were not times for any man to shrink from his duties as a citizen.—(Cheers.)—H e therefore ventured to claim their attention. The last time they were assembled in that Hall by their Worthy Mayor, it was for the purpose of supporting the authority of the King, and maintaining the laws of the country. They were now met together to declare and maintain the rights of the people, and to petition for that which, in his conscience he believed, would above all things tend to render those laws respected, loved, and upheld by every subject within his Majesty's dominions.—(Cheers.)—He could not help congratulating them that the time was now past when Reform was considered by many as the watchword of disaffection, and that it had become rather the rallying cry of those who wished to uphold our vene rable Constitution.—(Cheers.)—After the able and irre sistible manner in which the measure had been advocated for the last forty years, it would be presumptuous and tedious in him to enter at any length on the proofs that Reform is wanted. In calling on them, however, to sup port the resolution he was about to propose,- it might fairly enough be expected that he should adduce to them sufficient reasons for doing so.--(Cheers.)—lt was surely as unjust as it was notorious, that such places as Gatton and Old Sarum, which had in fact no inhabitants at all, should have the right of sending Members to l'arlia ment, while Manchester, Leeds, and Birmingham were denied that privilege.—(Shaine, shame.)—From a pamphlet, published a few years ago, entitled " An Ex position of the House of Commons," and which bore great marks of accuracy and research, he had gathered a few facts which lie should take the liberty of stating to them, and which strongly pointed out the necessity of Reform. Of the 405 Members for English cities and boroughs, there are 203 returned by the influence of less than 100 individuals.—(More the shame.)—Of the 35 Members for Irish cities and boroughs, 25 are returned by individual influence. In Lisburne, indeed, there is no election at all, but merely a nomination by the Marquis of Hertford.—(Shame.)—ln the Scotch boroughs the mari ner of elections is so limited, that they are all, without exception, placed within the reach of undue influence ; even the Members for Edinburgh are returned by 33 self-elected burgesses—(Shame)—of the 30 Members for Scotch counties, there are 10 returned by less than 50 votes each—lS by less than 100 each—and only two by more than 200.—(Shameful.)—And let it be remarked that these are the number of votes, not of voters. The right of voting there does not necessarily imply the pos session of a furrow of land ; neither does the possession of 100,000 acres carry with it the right of voting. This right attaches to the possession of a merely nominal superiority, as it is called, over certain lands ; and, as it is saleable as well as separable from the soil, it is within the range of possibility that one man, by purchasing the superiorities of a whole county, might return whom he chose for its representation. These were surely circum stances which cried aloud for Reform.—(Yes, yes, it mast be altered.)—Again, it appeared that the boroughs of Cornwall returned 42 Members to the House of Com mon., while the whole of Scotland sends only 45, and Wales but 24. But, perhaps, of all the arguments in favour of Reform, the most forcible in a constitutional point of view is this—that, independently of the influence of Peers in the election for counties and the more open boroughs, there are 135 Members sent to the House of Commons by the direct, and scarcely even disguised influence of individuals in the House of Lords.—(Shame.) When such is the case, what has become of our boasted Constitution, King, Lords, and Commons ? Could that be called a House of Commons in which the Peers pos sessed so great an infl uence ?—(N o , no , a ll a deception.) It was not surely such a House of Commons as they ought to have. It was not such as they were there met to peti tion for—not such as, be verily believed, they should ere long obtain. The march of events during the last six months had brought more converts to the cause of Reform than 20 years had done before them.—(Bravo.) He must be blind, indeed, who did not perceive that the question now lies between Reform and Revolution.—(Cheers.) He gathered from their cheering, that there was no one present who would hesitate which to chuse. ,Certainly he, for one, did not.—(Bravo and cheers.) But their opponents might perhaps reply as, indeed they often do reply to us, that, granting the truth of all we assert, granting that there is much to blame in the present system, they cannot see what good Reform will produce. Now I would ask them, what security have we, in the present state of thinge, for the political honesty of our representatives? I will go farther. Ido not accuse any individual Members—but 1 will say, that, returned in the manner that many of them are, it would be ridiculous to expect that they should oppose any but a feeble resistance to the unchaste solicita tions of a corrupt Ministry.—(Laughter.) There is another benefit which would spring from Reform—a bene fit which would be felt throughout the whole community. By means of it the source of honours and promotions would be rendered pure. Ido not assert that merit does not, under the present system of things, often meet with its reward. But can any one doubt that, were the borough influence destroyed which directly or indirectly taints the tvhole stream of promotion in the Navy, the Army, the Church, the B fr, and almost every other profession or business—we should see honours and appointments far more uniformly bestowed where they are deserved.— (Cheers.) There is an argument, however, used against us, gentlemen, with much more force, and, lam sorry to say, with much more justice, than that I have just alluded to. Our opponents accuse us of the want of unanimity. Al. hough we may differ, however, on some specific points of Reform—we are all united in thinking that some Reform is absolutely necessary.—(Yee, yes, and cheers.) But, as I have admitted, that this is a weapon which they use with some show of justice against us, and as it is unques tionably a weapon of some effect, I trust that, by our pro ceedings this day, we shall wrest it from their hands. It has been deemed advisable by those gentlemen who ori ginated this meeting, that in the resolutions proposed to you we should abstain from urging any of those specific measures of Reform on which we might not all agree.— But although this has been determined on for the sake of unanimity and consequent strength, you will not find that the grand and essential object has been compromised, of a full and efficient Reform. Gentlemen, we have now a Ministry that is pledged to bring forward a measure of this full and efficient nature.—(Bravo.) We have not only this—but we have a most patriotic and popular Monarch —(Cheers)—who aids them in their plan with all his heart.—(Cheers.) These are advantages which the cause of Refori . n has never possessed before, and with these advantages it depends upon ourselves whether the victory shall be gained or no. Should the present House of Com mons refuse to sanction the plan of the Ministers, they have declared their resolution to dissolve the Parliament— that is, to refer the question to the people themselves.— (Bravo.) And I do trust, should this be the case, that no person will give his vote or influence at the election to any Member who shall have thwarted so all-important a Insca sure—l here pledge myself that I at least will not.— (Cheers.) But I have little doubt that the question will be carried in the House of Commons. If defeated at all, it will more probably be in the House of Lords. In that case, seeing that the Peers send so many of their repre sentatives into the Lower House, I know no reason why Ministers should be deterred from advising his Majesty to send up a few representatives of the people to sit in deli beration with their Lordships—(Bravo)_by which means their opposition alight be neutralised.—(Cheers.)— ha concluding, gentlemen, I beg to express a hope—a hope, tiowever, lay tvlikh I do not mean to compromise any other person, though, 1 believe, a great portion, I might perhaps say, a great majority of my fellow bur gesses unite with me in it—that, at the next election of a representative for this city, we may see as large a body of electors assembled in this chamber as are now before me. Mr. BARNARD WINTER, (treasurer of the county,) had great pleasure in coming forward to second the resolution proposed by his friend Dr. Crawford, and after the able speech they had just heard, he conceived the meeting would have no difficulty in coming to the conclusion that a Reform in Parliament was necessary.—(Cheers.) He thought they might safely give credit to his Majesty's Ministers in their promise to come forward with measures calculated to in sure a full, fair, and equal representation of the people in the House of Commons. Under that impression he did not think it necessary to trespass further on their time, in expressing the sincere pleasure he felt in seconding the first resolution.—(Applause.) The resolution was then read by the Town Clerk, and carried by show of hands, without a single dissentient. Mr. JOHN YOUNG (a member of the corporation) craved the indulgence of the meeting while he stated his reasons for proposing the second resolution.—(Cheers.) He regretted that it had not fallen into abler hands— (Cheers)—but he felt assured that no ability or eloquence were required to induce the meeting to accede to the measures that day submitted. For, from the opportunities afforded him of ascertaining the opinion not only of the individuals who signed the requisition, but of many other citizens of equal talent and respectability, be could assure them the feeling of the inhabitants upon this subject might be considered as almost unanimous. Nor was that feeling confined to this or any other city or district—it pervaded the whole United Kingdom.—(Applause.)—ln its pro gress it was irresistible, and no earthly power could check it.—(Cheers.)—ln case there had been by chance any op ponent to th e me a su r e in that assembly, .he (Mr. Y.) felt satisfied that the able manner in which the first resolution had been submitted, would of itself have driven that indi vidual out of the Hall.—(Cheers.) For no opposition, however high or violent it might be, could contravene the statements they had heard as to the anomaly which this country in its representation at present exhibited.—. (Shame.) It was no longer to be borne that great and important places, the seats of almost all our commercial and manufacturing wealth and enterprize—places that were growing still in population, and becoming of inure con sequence every day—should be totally unrepresented in our national assembly.—(Shame.) Let it not be sup posed, however, that this meeting professed any wild or levelling principle—its object was not to tear down, de molish, or destroy—but to uphold, repair, restore, and if possible, to beautify the original structure—the British Constitution. Reference had been made to his Majesty's Ministers, who had pledged themselves to bring forward, in a few days, a full and effectual plan of Parliamentary Reform. It must be admitted that they had, since their accession to power, done as much in furtherance of their avowed principles of Reform, economy, and re• trenchment, as existing circumstances would permit. —(Cheers.) The noble declaration so lately made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer that the present Govern ment should be carried on and supported without patronage, had been fully borne out by the occurrences in the House of Commons during the last week, which proved that they had determined to do without it.. Upon the faith of there fist efforts the country might safely trust to them that they would proceed further in these important ob jects.—(App'ause.) But alas ! all the hopes of the country would be vain, unless a Reform of Parliament should first take place. For it was only on Friday last exhibited how impossible it was for an honest Govern ment, under the present system, to bring forward financial measures to the satisfaction of themselves and the country. The Premier and the First Lord of the Admiralty had made forcible calls upon the country to support them. Let the country then convince them that it was ready and anxious to obey that call. But in case they did not bring forward measures equal to their own pledges and the expectations of the country, lie (Mr. Y.) would not have any individual present commit himself by the vote he might give at that meeting. Nothing was required but firmness and unanimity, the only spurs to the proceedings of that day. If they suffered themselves to be divided, and their proceedings frittered away and stultified in dissen tions, they might as well not have assembled at all. But on the contrary, by unanimity, their proceedings would as sume a character entitled to attention and respect. He would conclude by moving the second resolution.—(Tre mendous applause.) Captain HEWITT, R.N.—Though not accustomed to address large bodies of people—except upon the quarter.. deck—took great pleasure in seconding Mr. Young's reso lution.—(Cheers.) The second resolution was then read, and received with only one dissentient voice, that of Mr. Geo. Twynam, who proposed as an amendment, that instead of the concluding words, " consistent with our established institutions," should be inserted the words " con sistent with the principle that ail persons paying a certain amount of taxes and rates should have a vote in the representation of the country."—(Applause and disap probation.) The amendment being so well received, he might fairly abstain from offering any remarks; but as it differed very touch from the original resolution, it might be expected that he should state some reasons for his inter ference. At the same time that he admitted the necessity of unanimity, he thought they should not leave room fur their sincerity to be suspected. They might abstain from detailing any particular plan of Retorm, but ought, he sub mitted, to mention some wide principle, as its basis, such, fur instance, as that expressed in his amendment, in which principle he thought nine out of ten would be found to agree.—(Cheers.) It would be highly presumptuous for any individual or assembly to fix the precise amount of the qualification, but he thought it quite expedient and be coming to lay dawn sonic general principle in which they might concur, and such he now submitted, with much de ference, to the meeting.—(Cheers.) Mr. MOULDEN seconded the amendment. Mr. WHEELER was sorry to oppose the amendment, but hoped to show good cause for doing so. He ought, howevir, to apologize for intruding himself at all on the meeting.—(No, no.) He thought it a wise maxim not to meddle with those who " were given to change," and that persons engaged in the tranquil pursuits of commerce should carefully avoid the shoats and quicksands of poli tics.—(Hisses.) But times and circumstances would ari•e in a free country like England, which imperatively called for the exposition of private opinion, and even for the sa crifice of private interest at the shrine of public spirit and patriotism.—(Cheers.) That time was arrived—the ano malies of the representative system, long since exposed in theory, and now allowed to be mischievous in practice, had excited the indignant reprehension of every class. T he people demanded, in a voice which could neither be mis taken nor despised, a complete alteration in that system.— (Cheers.) They looked for such an enlargement of their political rights as should give them a proper influence in the Government which it was their duty to obey, which was established for their benefit, and paid for from their purses.—(Cheers.) To this proper share of influence they were entitled by their loyalty, their common sacrifices, and, he might say, their common sense, fur no axiom was more apparent than that "every man whose duty it was to obey the law, ought to 'have a voice in making the law."— (Cheers.) Thus far, then, he perfectly agreed with the spirit of the amendment, but he foresaw that its object would lead to the introduction of other suggestions which might disturb the unanimity, and destroy the efficacy of their proceedings that day. Ile wished he could succes sively enforce the necessity of prudence and moderation, but more especially of unanimity, in laying their wants and wishes before the Legislature of the country. He was sure that a proposition for vote by ballot would follow on the heels of this amendment if adopted.—(Cries of " We hope it will.) He did not deny the advantage o f vote b y ballot ; he would adventure no opinion so a d verse to i ts practicability ; he thought the d ay might come when it would be ingrafted on the represent a ti ve system o f the l, ; a n introduction trtried frfriends d o a f anytbe country. But hißehutnnhieghdtiddisogbujsetct the t old of Reform, endanger the very elementary principle for which they were contending, and verify the old adage, that a reformer's text-book was like the coat which Jacob gave to his son—a patchwork of every colour.—(Cheers.) It was not that "he loved Ceeoar less, but that he loved Rome more." He had no positive antipathy to the ballot, but l ie had a very decided affection for Reform.—(Cheers.) fie entreated them to reflect on the situation in which they were placed. For the first time in the history of Winchester, they were assembled in that municipal hall, under the sanction of constituted' authority, for the consi deration of what ? A Reform in Parliament ? True; liiit of a Reform which would also seriously affect that very body which now joined them heart aed hand in petition ing for a measure which was to cut down its own political monopoly for the benefit: of the city at large.—(Loud cheers.) Would they turn round on their new friends, and neutralize the first fruits of their exertions, by adopt ing sentiments which might prevent the petition from re ceiving the signatures of that body, and would they lightly sacrifice the weight and influence wilich would be gained • by those signatures? He thought it impo.sible, political enthusiasm could exhibit nothing more suicidal. If they really wished well to the great cause of Re form, they would take all prudent means of obtain ing that essential object. They would recollect, that n addition to the powerful body which had a direct inteb Irmt ;n opposing petitions for Reform ; there was Anotter large, influential, and worthy class of persons which, without being arrayed in direct hostility against them, did nevertheless regard the question with suspicion and dis trust. This feeling arose, in some cases, from the force of old connexions—from the inveteracy of old habits—from the prejudices of early education, and in many instances from the dictates of an honourable and conscientious, though mistaken consistency. Was it not common policy, nay, a plain and positive duty, to conciliate and win over to their demands the opposing mass, by the reasonableness of their pretensions, and the moderation and unanimity with which they preferred them.—(Cheers.) It was on this account, and not front any desire to lose sight of prac tical objects, that the resolution was framed with such a wise latitude of expression, that might be safely agreed on b) the most timid and by the most adventurous Reformer. And this should be a powerful reason for rejecting any amendment which would raise minute pints of difference, and disturb the mild tenor of the resolutions already pro posed. Differences of opinion would exist on that as on every other topic— " Their judgments, like their watches, often erred, Vet each thought his the best." But their first and united effort should be to get within the door sof Parliament. Let them knock as long and as loudly as they chose, and when once admitted, they would soon decide whether they would ride there in a close chariot with ballot on the box, or in an open carriage with old-fashioned honesty for coachman. Still, how ever, they might differ on the details of the machinery which should accompany Reform, of this he was certain, that no system would satisfy the people for twelve months which did net represent the intellect as well as the pro- perty of the countey_(Cheers)— which did not give to the copyholder and leaseholder the same franchise that it gave to a man who called himself a freeholder, because he had a cottage in a cabbage garden and a goose feeding on the common—(Loud laughter)—which did not in short give to every man paying to the burdens of the State, and to the assessments of the town in which he lived, the same power of choosing his representative that was now given to the privileged minority of a close or trading corpora tion.—(Repeated cheers.) These, with other practical improvements, which would guard the purse of the can didate and the probity of the elector, and prevent the abominable corruption now so universally practised, he was convinced would be ultimately conceded; whether that concession would be early or late would depend upon the people themselves, and especially on the perfect unanimity and moderation with which they proceeded. They were all anxious to receive a full and efficient Reform, but it was thought wiser to express in the resolutions no opinion whatever as to the mode in which that Reform should be effected. Mr. TWYNAM, in explanation, begged to assure the meeting that he had no intention of making himself the organ of any other proposition than that which he had submitted. He could not but bear in mind that they were in the midst of an extensive agricultural county, and that many of its inhabitants were paying largely in rates, taxes, and other public burthens, but had no voice at all in the representation. His object was to enable that re spectable class to protect their own interests, by taking a part in the election of their future representatives. But since the introduction of such a clause at that time did not seem to meet the general concurrence of the respectable persons about him, he thought it would be prudent to withdraw it.—(Cheers.) The second resolution was then carried in its original shape. Mr. BIRD had the honour to propose the third resolu tion ; but he felt that he did so under peculiar disadvan tages, when almost every thing that could be said upon the subject bad been already advanced with more propriety and energy than he was capable of. The theme of Reform ought to ingross the attention of every Englishman, for on that measure depended all their future prospects and ad vantages as citizens of a free country.—(Cheers.) It was true, lamentably true, that from the present system flowed innumerable evils, so that this country, once the envy of the world for its laws, its liberty, and the unfettered en joyment of private property, had of late years been tra duced, or at least vilified, with no small reason, in conse quence of the misconduct of its representatives in Patlia ment—(Much cheering).--who had laid intolerable bur dens oil the country, and laboured under the imputation of having done so far the emolument of themselves, their families, and friends.—(Shame, shame.) It behoved every lover of his country to oppose and put an end to such a system. Reform alone opened the door to that object. The resolutions they had heard w, re , !ottched in terms to meet the approbation of all its friends. If they once gat within the door of the house—and they would not cease knocking till they had done so—the public voice would be heard, and there would then be an opportu nity of stating the public grievances. Without unanimity, however, they would never get the footing which they sought. Many particular grievances might indeed be enumerated, many particular plans submitted for adoption. But upon all these differences of opinion would prevail, and they would destroy the unanimity of the meeting. He there fore strongly deprecated the introduction of topics that might tend to thwart the grand and prime movement now making. As now understood the petition would doubtless have all their signatures—but if any disunion should arise, a great part, probably some of the most influential part, would withhold their ❑ames, and the prospect of success would be much diminished. He would now move the third resolution. The third resolution was then read, but received with mingled applause and disapprobation, the latter being occasioned by the introduction of the name of one of the Members, whose votes had been obnoxious to the feelings of some of his constituents. After repeated cries of " No, no, Mildmay for ever, Mildmay alone, no East, East, &c." Mr. Barn resumed. Objections had been made to one of the Members, but there was one of them whom he (Mr. B.) believed to be as firm a supporter of the cause as any individual in that meeting. To pass them by on the pre sent occasion would be highly impolitic and disrespectful, e , pecially as the vote of one of them had always been on the popular side. Should either of them refuse the charge now proposed to be entrusted to them, then indeed might he stand open to their reprobation. He (Mr. B.) did not, however, anticipate such a refusal. Under these circum stances, he begged to put the resoluti o n as it was . _ . _ The third resolution was then seconded by Mr. HENRY KNIGHT, and real by the Town Clerk. The uproar and disapprobation, however, continuing, in consequence of the retention of both the Members' names, the Mayor, Dr. Crawford, Mr. Doverell, Mr. John Young, and other gentle, ten, spoke it, explanation, observing that one of the Members (Mr. Mildmay) was expressly pledged to the cause of Reform, ami that the other (Sir E. H. East) would probably listen to the united voice of his constituents and the whole county, and be come a convert. Besides, it was desirable to avoid making enemies in the House of Commons ; and now that a patriotic King and Ministry rendered the thing practicable, conciliation might cosine, and could not prevent, success. Mr. 3loonY observed that Sir E. East had said that the representation could not be better than at present. If, therefore, he had any consistency in him, he must vote against Reform. He for one wished the petition to lie intrusted to Mr. Mildmay alone. Mr. JOHN YOUNG avowed himself a convert to the cause, and why might not Sir Edward be ? He was for giving him a fair opportunity. A voice-Where is he? Why is he not here? The MAyoit believed that both the Members would have been present if there had been time to give them suf ficient notice of the meeting. [Note.—The requisition - bore date on Saturday last, and the Mayor's advertisement, calling the meeting, appeared in the Winchester paper the same evening. Four whole days, therefore, elapsed between the notice and the (nest ing, and there is a daily post, besides four or five daily coaches to London. The worthy Members might there fore, by possibility, have heard of an intended meeting,— The old adage says, "where there is a will there is a way."l The third resolution was ultimately carried in its ori ginal shape. On the motion of M r . D EVERELL, seconded by Mr. J. V. EARLE, the thanks of the meeting were voted to the Mayor for his promptitude in complying with the requisi tion, and his able and liberal conduct in the chair. Three cheers were then given for the King and Queen, three for Reform, and three fur the Mayor, and the meet dispersed._ We have already said that Winchester has seldom, if ever, witnessed such a meeting. The petition is already signed by the Mayor, all the Aldermen, the greater part of the Freemen, several Dignitaries of the Church, and a very long roll of respectable inhabitants of all classes. WAKEFIELD. (Abridged from the Leeds Intelligencer.) On Wednesday a public meeting of the inhabitants of Wakefield and its vicinity was held in the Court-house, Wakefield, " to consider the propriety of potitioning both Houses of Parliament for a full and effectual Reform in the representation of the people, and for an efficient retrench ment in every departiecnt of the public expenditure." The Court-house was nearly filled with auditors, and amongst the gentlemen on the bench we observed Daniel Gaskell, Esq., of Lupset ; John Hardy, Esq., of Heath ; Charles Waterton, Esq., of Walton; Captain Wood, of Sandal; the Rev. Dr. Naylor, &c. Mr. Josreu COSNAY, the constable, having stated that he had convened the meeting in coropthinee wl ' numerously and respectably signed requisition, to Parliament en the subject of retrenchment and Refa DANIEL GASZELL, Esq., proposed that the Rev. Naylor take the c h a i r . seconded i'he R t e h v e . p T r op xo o at‘ s tion n The CHAIRM AN said, he believed be was one of oldest supporters of R e f orm an d retrenc hment in th e tc of Wakefield. No soo ner was hi s a tt en tion called to I 's j , ° a H d l.; s i t l.° was Ng' ad U o il p i t t e a d r . jan early life, than be wa s s t ruc k w i t h the full con vict , that Reform and retren c h ment were essentially twee& to the well-being, if not to the salvation of the State.: (Applause.)—The events of more than forty years b not tended to lessen that conviction, but to con firm 0 : to fix it still m e re d ee ply. H e h a d su pported to ca e u f ' or the days of its persecution, when to be a friend to B and retrenchment w as a l most d eeme d t re ason. 1 / 3 v re l supported it when it was persecuted, despised, and Mee should lie now d eser t i t i n i ts b etter d ays , w hen P r* ree erj i seemed to smile upon it, an d it ap p eare d in some deg ree ht ?—(Applause.) • ietiat Captain Wool), of Sandal, moved the first res ° rt He trusted that ever y d escr i p ti on o f politician to enh Pre sent, from the radical Reformer, like himself, t° t pentant T or y w h o had come back in the eleventh Inrd labour with theist in the cause of Reform, he pee united ; for by union only could they attain the re i g c ; e ration of th e country. Th ey must loudly an d so riously d eman d t h e i r r i g h ts, and say that they n m _ sen u v ie submit to any taxat i on not author i sed b y the Pei They must dem an d th a t t h e c hild ren o f unreOr e r t 'at Englishmen s h ou ld no l onger be ro bb e d to fee d by pampered offspring of an aristocratical oliO d i r es and a long list of p l acemen, s i necur i sts , and Mi• who live upon the plunder of the public. A tabs nister had lately said, " Woe be to the Reformer the i seeks more than j us ti ce !" J ust i ce was whatt wanted ; not the sembl ance o f i t , but real a nd 0 0 stantial justice; and be wo u ld sa y, "W oe be to t h j e t beo who should r e fuse it. Wo°" ht spoke at considerable length against the excessive e h , b of taxation under which the country laboured, an d w fthe he attributed to the want of a due representation % et c people. He said that not lees than 80,0001. a year a . " of taken out of the pockets of the people in the 43 ,,,r - „, of taxes, and he reprobated the maintenance of an ar m y 20,000 men in Ireland in order to collect, at the F°' ", to t the bayonet, the tithes for the support of Prcitl o ol, clergymen, who bad a revenue of nearly 2, o ° ° '' a year, though Ireland was a Catholic country. He concluded by moving— der, " That by the excessive and grievous weight of taxatiou tr y of which the country has long laboured, the productive ind u ,! o rt be its inhabitants is miserably paralysed; and if such taxa"„d de' continued undiminished, must be utterly extinguished t e epil stroyed. That this excessive taxation is only kept up tc?„ - ra ia a long and profligate list of unmerited pensions, to MY" c lou' host of sinecurists, and to "support the large salaries of a ontel of officers in every department of the state for which the c e ,,, ° pro-. receives no service, or at least none in th e sma llest degr — , of portionate to the emoluments conferred; and that by gl e— clo these causes thousands of the labouring and industrioq toe have been reduced to extreme poverty, and driven by ' 1 ; t ea sutrering to the commission of excesses which under be tte os tO cumstances they would have contemplated with the utln horrence."—(Cheers.) M Dr. CROWTHER seconded the motion. f r. Hallos- said he could not agree to the whole ° t he resolution, and he wished to state the reasons er h Y lit el could not. He advocated Reform upon principle, Jo wished not to see it supported by arguments which l/ I ' l ' l ,bl application to it a t all.—(Hear.) Th e res olution sr i r s i imply that the taxation now borne by the emrouni t a c a te kept up for the purpose of supplying a long and pal of list of pensions---(" True")—of maintaining h° , - oP s nut : : .),: e gac uil sa e )ssa p ar l y : N l c yo e offi m gwec e net ti sit — r nt - m ( b ‘ ta ` hene T wls r : u laai e sot , eal. l s_ r . augse(r' great —and of keePinb oie e concerned o a e c r n e y r e o t n e r e d u t e n , i n ' a t u p ° d e e t : ir g e these resolutions, he would confidently avotv- -- t te et plause)—but when they knew that the whole of the Civil Li s t did not excee d more than 1,000,°' l; which, with a popu l at i on of 20,000,0001., would (.1:131 be Is. a head, it was too much to say that the W ei t lot of taxation was for the purpose of maintaining or d expense.—(Hear, hear.) The taxation which opPr e ia s them was c ause d b y a severe war, i n wh i c h A the portion of the national debt had been contracted, 2° , 0 4 weight of taxation was f ur the purpose of paying the iPt iicil of the debt, an d o f ma i nta i n i ng those i nstitutions b y ," alone the country could be upheld. About four Yei rg ue I, he (Mr. Hardy) addressed a letter to Sir Robert ' 1 .) calling for R e f orm , an d recommen di ng the ballot,--(l le : r es, He therefore rejoiced as much as any man could do t,o the from the vario us mee ti ngs w hi c h h a d l ate l y b een belt , ' ou r overwhelming tide of popular feeling setting in in 6 '; ort , it,of C R e ux e p f o o te r ap m i , f rl tt o% n ino d o f in o n j r us li i i iid i c n it s oh e o l a9 f t h att e htee a m p w p pa r t t r , s hend e d no danger a of f o s ei t i e e rn v i r t e . nch reo l b ; u f n a d jm erta e k x e t n eo l d iy in the fro a rn rist i e , za n c o y e , to to o p d r s e o v o en u t et t rn i j , c ti on n tag w i a e s n and the war with America was not undertaken to de' e " our likrties. After a rejoinder from Mr. Hardy, and a few ob sere a i r: tions from two other gentlemen, the resolution W 35 tied, withonly two dissentient voices. ,ion The subsequent resolutions recommended an exten of the elective franchise to as large a body of the P & L. as constitutionally could be done ; a shortening of th e se a ration of Parliaments; the annihilation of the el ose he rotten boroughs; that the mo d e o f e l ect i on s hould ; jo g arranged as to afford every v o t er an opportun ity of gi o tes his suffrage near die place of his abode; that the. / s ee should be given by ballot; and that every election in united empire should begin and end on the same dal' petit REFORM MEETING AT RICHMOND* k Or Monday a p u bli c meet i ng o f t h e clergy, gentry. bandritt merchants, tradesmen, and inhabitants of Richino";; this county, was held in the Common Hall, puro'f°r the a requisition num erous l y an d respectably signed, " f purpose of taking i n t o cons id erat i on t h e propr i e ty 0 , t he titioning the legislature for an effectual Reform u r e' Commons Hou se o f P ar li ament; f or econom y lu ol d tienclituent in the expenditure of the public rnoneY; t he for the support of the principle of non-interference 4101 internal affairs of other n ati ons ." Th e meeting WaS Vei t numerously and respectably a tt en d e d. S eve ral eic e speeches were made in favour of a Reform, and r es° tions were passed accordingly.—.Doncaster Gazett e ' A FINE FAMILY.—In the parish of TiC i e t ed burst there is a f am il y o f seven b rot h ers, w h o se u rl- 5) height is 43 feet. The youngest is 16, and the eld est years of age. —Maidstone Journal. EMIGRATION FROM SUTIIERLAN /V b er# Active p re p arat i ons are aga i n ma ki ng b y great nurnver of the S u th er l an d Hi g hl an d ers for em i grat i ng to u 5 .r,.. 0 0 Canada. Abo u t 130 f am ili es ( near l y 600 sou ls) !A " lo t among the small t enan t ry an d l a b our i ng c l asses , soiled teo summer in three Leith ship s f rom C romarty; and 'enfoe recently.sent hav e h e ld ou t t h e most encourag ing re rag to their friends to follow them.—. Edinbur gh server. • f ati' Among the correspondents of the In e gable Sir JOHN SINCLAIR were many eminent whose letters, accompanied by characteristic a necdot e ' c od' add an interesting feature to the forthcoming ence of the worthy Baronet. Madame rig ~,5 1, 07 4 Madame DE GENIIS, Duchess of GortnoN, Lady ug — ok l Miss EDGWORTII, Mrs. ABINGDON, Miss J°j' ,.o 4 ' . BAILLIE, Mrs. HANNAH MORE, &c. &c. are entat ie f among a great number of distinguished cbaracteo ° late and present century. raW ri( i ) . DRURY LANE THEATRE.—The season commenced on Friday night under very fav ° . : o auspices. The selection of music on this occasion "3-etett more varied, and was in general of a loftier ell e e best than it generally is. The band, which is one of t bf that ever appeared in this theatre, was admirab l y Mr. BARTON. The choruses, those of Hasta t ' e d 310 / ally, were given in a grand style. Mr. BRAHa)t ti n one ( PATON both performed. They were received in a °i pso' which must have been highly flattering to their fee fe% e , Mr. BRAHAM sang with accustomed brilliancy 0 14 cution. Miss PATON seemed to suffer from a slig h which, in some degree, interfered with her voc3l P ° ,bole corresP)o She however sang with much spirit and feeling. Ve t di' of the entertainm ent , w hi c h was un d er the immet is trO f ' rection of Mr. LEE, and was conducted by 3 1 r• gave perfect satisfaction to a crowded audience. - - --' - On the 19th in s t. th e w if e o f t he 5 ' BIRTS. Rev. Gerrard T • 2"dre so sv'e ot of a daughter. g• NS'l On the 10th inst. in Montag u - square, t h e l a dy of Esq., of a son, - - -- -- C 011 ; - 1 • MARRIED. Esq , 0! 1 ina O n n de t r h e ,,f l9 th t l e i inst. iast l at id ( ia lia s r i l , t i o p n, m l o l , e o l: t r s y t • ? T a l r io t roo lli so hi ni ‘.o:too,7l , l o; oi l, son of Wm. Thompson, Esq., of liathwick, to Jzlt i ` of C. 1). Wagstaff, Esq., of Blackheath. 0 01 1 DIED. „lief. the On the ISth inst. at Wool‘vich, Mrs. Buchana ll, 4; ocl in the late Lieut.-Colonel Buchanan, of the Royal Engi"' ;t ' ill 'erYl daughter of Lieut.-General Smith, of the Royal art O f her age. c tian"; he lls, On thenoth hist. at Charing-cross, Mr. Edward r .ja ij nl ' e s he On the 18th inst. Mrs. Kelly, the wife of 3 1, * for late of llaydon-square. er, 94 0 . f Vince 9t ‘ On the 18th in s ,. i n his flsth year, Charles Thesig. da nd merly C ollector of his M a j esty ' s C ustoms i n the 1 o'' oal ior se , On the 19th inst. a t H ampton Court, Lieu t. E. Barrack Master. PRI NTIM AND PUBLISHF.I) R 1( AIURDO YO 1..) A SUN OFFICe, 112, STRAND 140"‘'N' g ~ c~ %h . ) 1'0'44