The Sun. — London, England, 1830-03-11 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS—(LAST NIGHT). SHAKERLEY'S DIVORCE BILL. The examination of the servant of the Marquis d'Areira on the subject of this Bill was resumed this day. It was a Bill in the usual terms for a divorce, on the ground of the adultery of the wife with the Marquis d'Areira. The lady was the daughter of the Due d'Averet, and the adultery was alleged to have been committed while the lady wasliving separate from her husband, at her father's hotel, at Paris, and at his chateau on the banks of the Loire. The servant stated, that in the summer of 1824, while she lived in the house of her father, the Due d'Avaret, at Paris she was in the habit of visiting the Marquis at his lodg ings, and remaining a considerable time with him ; he had examined the bed of the Marquis after she went away, and found it deranged, as if some person had lain in it; that had happened frequently ; at the end of the summer his mutter left Paris, and went to Orleans, and his master there hired a merchant boat, for an excursion on the Loire, and put a bed and provisions in it; in this boat his toas ter, accompanied by him, dropped down the river, to the chateau of the Dec d'Avaret, on the banks of the river ; they moored for ten days close to a wood between the chateau and the river, and Madame Shakerley crime down to the boat twice every day, and staid some time with the Marquis in the cabin, and always when she went away lie found, on inspection, that the bed was deranged. On the motion of the LORD CHANCELLOR, the further proceedings on the Bill were postponed sine die. Lord Ellenborough's Divorce Bill was committed, re ported, and ordered to be read a third time to-morrow. Sir ALEXANDER GP ANT and others from the Commons brought ttp the Twelve Millions' Exchequer Bills' Bill, and the Bill for the appropriation of certain Revenues for the Service of the year 1830, which were read a first time. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE presented a petition from the Jews of Liverpool, praying to be admitted to the privileges of the British Constitution ; and he saw no reason why the request should not he complied with. His Lottostur also presented a petition from the Chamber of Commerce of Glasgow, against the East India monopoly ; and petitions to the same effect were presented by other Noble Lords from the Edinburgh Chamber of Commerce, and from the Tea-dealers of Manchester. A petition was presented from the Leather-dealers of Linlithgow, praying for a repeal of the remaining part of the Leather Duty. The Noble Lord who presented it stated that the best plan would be to repeal the whole ; and if the whole were not repealed, perhaps the best course would be to resort to the old scale. The Earl of MALMESBURY remembered whewt certain duty was taken off hats he inibrmed his hatter of it, ob serving that he supposed that the consequence would be a great fall in the price of hats. The hatter, a very respec table tradesman, then said that the trade had determined to raise the price of that article, but that since the duty was to he repealed, the price should remain as before; so the price of shoes had remained as before ; but if the duty were to be increased, the price would be higher. All these petitions were laid on the table.—Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—(LAST NIGHT.) Mr. O'HARA presented a petition from the town of Galway, relating to the Bill in favour of granting to Roman Catholics the right of bemning members of the Corporation. Mr. O'HARA presented a petition from the same place, praying that the duty on coals carried coastwise should he taken off. Mr. MOORE presented a petition from the Chamber of Commerce in Dublin, against the renewal of the East India Company's Charter.—Ordered to be referred to the Com mittee on the East India Company's Charter. Sir T. WINNINGTON presented a petition from the toten of Worcester, against the Truck System. Mr. G. LAMB presented a petition from the tanners of Waterford, against the present duty on leather. Sir J. WROTTESLEY presented a petition from the parish of Seller, in Hertfordshire, against the Truck System. Mr. Alderman WAITIIMAN gave notice that, on Fri day next, he should present a petition from the merchants and traders of the city of London, upon the subject of the present distress. Mr. Alderman WAITIIMAN moved for a return of the number of persons discharged by the Court for the Relief of Insolvent Debtors from the Ist day of January, 1814, to the 31st of December, 1819, inclusive, distin guishing those cases arising in town and country, and those heard in town and on the Circuit, with the aggregate amount of the debts and of the dividends, and with an ac count of the amount and the mode in which the dividends had been paid. Sir M. S. STEWART presented a petition from certain naval and military out-pensioners, praying that means might be afforded to carry them to Canada. Mr. ARKWRIGHT presented a petition from Rye, preying that the tax on beer might be reduced. Lord STANLEY presented a petition from Oldham, against the renewal of the East India Company's Charter. Mr. RICE presented a petition from the Tanners of Mist, against the present Leather Tax. Lord F. GOWER presented a petition from Belfast, against the Sub letting Act. Mr. RICE asked when the Irish Dtimates were in tended to be laid before the House. Lord F. GOWER might be able to answer that ques tion to-morrow. _ . Mr. D. W. HARVEY moved for a return of the num ber of informations filed in tire Court of Chancery from 1818 to the present time, with the object of correcting or removing the abuses existing in public charities, with a statement of the persons by whom those informations wen• filed, whether by the Attorney-General or a Relator—the locality of the charity—the object of the information, and the proceedings adopted respecting it ; and the number of petitions presented on the subject within the same period to the Court of Chancery. Mr. DENISON presented a petition from Croydon, against the taxes on Malt, Beer, and Hops. In presenting this petition, he observed that he most fully concurred with what the Noble Lord (Althorp) had observed on Monday night respecting the absolute necessity of re trenchment in the public expenditure. Mr. HUME said that the other night he had moved for a return of the number of letters sent by the Solicitor to the Board of Assessed Taxes, respecting the amount of those taxes in arrear. He had done this with a view of showing the oppression to the public. created by the mode of ►evying those taxes. He had since found that his motion would not attain the object he had in view, and he now therefore begged leave to move for a return of the number of writs or processes issned to enforce payment 4,f the Assessed Taxes in the county of Middlesex, withi❑ the last year, from the let January to the 31st December, 1829, both inclusive--the number of executions actually levied—the number of processes settled before execution — the property sold—the amount it fetched, together with the expences incurred. Mr. WODEHOUSE asked a question of the Master of the Mint, whom he saw in his place. The question was inaudible in the gallery, but it was understood to relate to the evidence of Messrs. Manning and Baring relative to the silver standard. Mr. HERRIES said, that as far as he was aware, there was every disposition to lay all the evidence obtained by the Government before the House. On looking into the papers be found they were divided into four. The first consisted of the evidence of Mr. Baring ; the second was a statement of information privately communicated to him; and the third was a memorandum of a conversation between him and the Governor and Deputy-Governor of the Bank of England, which, from the very first passage in it, was clearly of a confidential nature. He thought that the Chancellor of the Exchequer would readily agree to lay on the table all the papers that could properly be the means of affording information to the House. Mr. S. RICE thought the explanation of the Right Hon. Gent. satisfactory; and he wished to know whether any information could be afforded as to the quantity of sil ver specie exported Mr. HERRIES said that there were not any means of obtaining accurate information upon the subject referred to. Mr. W. SMITH presented a petition from the Unita rian Dissenters in Cork, praying that they might be ex cused from serving the office of Churchwarden. Mr. W. SMITH presented a petition from the corn dis tillers of London, praying that the House would not reduce the duty on rum. Mr. W. SMITH presented a petition from the Pro testant Dissenters Meeting in the Chapel of St. John's square, Hackney, against the practice of burning Hindoo widows. Mr. S. RICE moved for leave to bring in a Bill to re peal so much of the Act of 4. Geo. I. c. IS (we beliere) as limits tits franchise created by that Act to Protestants only. _ . After a few words from Mr. TRANT, leave was given. On the motion of Mr. CROKER, the Report on the Mutiny Bill was brought up by Sir A. Grant. It was agreed to, and the third reading fixed for to-morrow. Mr. CROKER alsO moved the Order of the Dty fcr the Committee on the Marine Mutiny Bill. It was com mitted, and it was ordered that the Report should be brought up to-morrow, Lord PALMERSTON moved, that there be laid before the House a Return of the Number of Freeholders who tand regi,tered in every county of Ireland, stating the lifference between that number on the Ist of January, 1829, and Ist of January, 1830. At the suggestion of Mr. S. RICE, the words, and " qualified to vote," were added after the word "regis tered," and the Return was ordered. On the motion of Mr. J. MARTIN, an Account was 'rdered of all Salaries and Emoluments received by per- :ons emplo y ed in the payment of the Irish Tontine An nuities in Great Britain, with the allowances for house rent, and other particulars. Mr. F. LEWIS gave notice, that on this day week, he %yowl(' move for leave to bring in a Bill to consolidate (as we understood) all the laws relating to the Pay of the Navy. • Mr. CROKER laid upon the Table an Account of the number of ships taking out Mediterranean Passes for 182 S and 1829. 'Lord JOHN RUSSELL presented a petition from the Maltstera of Taunton against the Duty on Malt. Laid upon the Table. PORTUGAL. Lord PALMERSTON rose to bring forward his motion . _ fur further papers to explain the course the British Govern ment had pursued with regard to Portugal. He apologised for introducing the subject on a day generally devoted to relaxation, and explained that bad he not persevered in pressing it now, he must have postponed it until April. There might be many cases in which it would be the duty of Government to resist the production of papers ; but when the time arrived at which information could properly be communicated, it was equally the duty of Government to give it in the fullest detail, and not in mutilated documents or garbled emtracts. For some years Great Britain had been concerned in all the affairs of Portugal, internal and external, and she had recently undertaken to settle even the succession to the throne ; but it was not because the interests of Portugal only were involved, because this country also was importarlOy concerned in the result of her policy. In honour we played by far the deepest game; ours was to arbitrate—hers only to suffer; and prostrate, with the knife at her throat, it was ours to decide whether she should be sacrificed or saved. It be- came Ministers, then, to show that they had neither don e injustice themselves, nor sanctioned it in others. In Portugal a revolution had taken place, and a usurpation had been accomplished, almost in the presence of the British forces; she had broken the most solemn engagements, and bad offered great indignities to our fleet; and, reviewing the whole of our conduct and its consequences, it might truly be said, that Portugal had been ruined by her confidence in Great Britain. That conduct was regarded with disgust by ❑il the rest of Europe, and one universal hiss indicated the perfect scorn that was felt. Here the nation had been kept in total ignorance on the subject, broken only by a few mysterious and ocular speeches from the Throne, and a few papers extracted from the Foreign Office by the motion of his Honourable Friend. The fault of this silence did not all belong to Ministers ; it was to be shared also by the House; and as no man was bound to criminate himself, so Govern ment could not be expected to excite discussion, which it had too much reason to fear would end in its own condemnation. On this account he entreated the House, though late, to entertain the question, and to require information. Many felt a degree of repugnance to inter fering with the foreign relations of the country, and seemed to think it quite enough to meddle with domestic politics, leaving the rest to the discretion of Ministers ; but they ought to recollect that reputation was as im portant to a kingdom as character to an individual; and there really was no more difficulty in understanding the foreign than the domestic relations of the country. The intercourse between nations must be conducted upon the same principles as the intercourse between individuals; and plain-dealing and honesty were the beet rules for both. There might still be some U/ti,ni Romanoruni who adhered to the old system, and they would, perhaps, think that the policies of States were incomprehensible mysteries. , He implored the IL use to shake off its apathy, for never was the salutary contrail' of its interference more urgently required. The case between him and the present Government might be stated thus:—Ministers condemned Dun Miguel for breach of his solomn engage ment, and for the usurpation of the throne of Portugal; and while they contended that his vices had been ex aggerated, they themselves allowed that he was treacherous, perjured, cowardly, cruel, and tyrannical. Still they argued that Great Britain had not been so mixed up with the affairs of Portugal as to warrant her interference ; while he, on the contrary, alleged that this principle of non-interference had been the cover under which effectual assistance had been given to a favoured party. He maintained, that we had been so mixed up in the transactions of Portugal, that to talk of nun-inter ference was to contradict the plainest records of history. He asserted that more regard to honour and good faith ought to have led us to enforce the rights we had acquired, particularly with reference to Don Miguel, and he was satisfied that we might have accomplished our purpose with less danger of war than was likely to result from the op posite line of conduct pursued by Ministers. He was of opinion that this country had, and would have, nothing to do with the original grant of the Constitution by Don Pedro : a comparison of dates rendered it impossible, but it was the spontaneous gift of the Emperor of Brasil, suggested by a review of the transactions of many years, from the commencement of the French Revolution to the downfal of Bonaparte, and the re storation of the d) nasty of the Bourbons. The Noble Lord then entered into a brief statement of the successive revolutions which took place in Portugal antecedently to the usurpation of Don Miguel, and then proceeded to say that Don Pedro, by giving to that country a mixed and representative Constitution, such as was en joyed by England, took the best means of securing to his daughter, Donna Maria, the possession of the throne of that ancient kingdom. The first series of those papers showed that the young Queen was brought to this country under the protection of the British Government—her com ing here was brought about by the direct interference of the English Cabinet. It was by the direct agency of an Englishman that the Constitution intended for Portugal was brought to Europe from Brazil ; and wken England was asked what Portugal was to do in 'the situation in which she then stood, the answer given by the Cabinet of that day, in which many of the leading members of the present Cabinet had seats, was—what was the Niviee given by the Cabinet of England? It was this, that Portugal shonld immediately accept the Charter. Such was the advice of the Cabinet of England—a , vice, public and official. True, the advice was not peremptory—it was not mandatory, but it was the deliberate advice of a country standing in peculiar relation towards that to which the advice was riven. That advice, therefore, came with a weight and authority which almost invested it with something more than a character of mere advice. As far as the first series of papers went, they were scanty enough in quantity, but in substance they were ample enough. The eleven pages which it occupied were filled with the strongest possible proofs of English interference. Parts of the papers, which related to the transactions at Vienna in the year 1527, at which a Plenipotentiary from Don Pedro assisted, proved in a manner the most striking and unequivocal that England was exercising interference in the internal affairs of Portugal; for to the Convention en tered into at that period between Don Pedro and the Courts of France and Austria, England was a party. He should not desire more information than was necessary for enabling Parliament to come to a right decision upon the subject ; but this he thought it was important to know, whether, in the Convention between the Court of London and the Court of Vienna, there was any direct in timation on our part that we wished the Constitution to be established in Portugal ; information on that point would be likely to afford light with respect to the dif ferences between the Court of Vienna and the English Cabinet. For one purpose the despatch of Prince Metternich would prove abundantly sufficient—it proved that the - negociations referred to led to a commu nication from time Court of Vienna to the Ca binet of England, respecting the affairs of Portugal, from which the most conclusive evidence could be derived of the habitual interference of this country in the concerns of that. It showed, too, that the interfer ence was carried so far, and to matters so minute, that it had been made a question of debate whether Don Miguel, in writing letters, should sign as Lieutenant of the Em peror Don Pedro, or as Lieutenant and Regent. There was proof also contained in those documents that Don Miguel, in making himself a party to them, had-agreed to the terms and basis upon which the Convention was founded. There were, first, his letters upon the subject to Don Pedro, acknowledging, in the most distinct terms, the conditions upon which he accepted the Regency of Portugal. His letters, likewise, to Donna Isabella con firmed that communication to Pedro, if any confirmation it could be supposed to require; and to that was added— the most important portion of the whole, for the purposes ; of the present discussion—namely, the letter to his Ma -1 jesty, making protestations to the same effect as those ad dressed to Don Pedro. Thus in every portion of the tran saction were the British Government found interfering, and upon the faith of that interference thousands of Portu guese had placed in jeopardy their fortune and their lives. It was the conduct of the Government of this country which led to that, and for its consequences they were re sponsible to their country and to Europe. He should now ram over a lon g i n t erva l o f time, and come to the resi dence of Don Miguel in this country. Was that visit, he desired to know, a mere progress of pleasure—were there no protocols required upon that steeSsim—no ()Atha agreed to, afterwards to be sworn ? If there were such, wby were they not produced ? Were they withheld from the view of the House for fear of .complesing the chain of evidence to show that English interference had been unceasing and.dc cisive? He should not have sought, perhaps, so earnestly for the species of information in question, had not some of it already appeared in print, and were not such imperfect publication calculated to place the character of the nation upon a footing which every Englishman must regret. He was anxious to see removed, if that were possible, the un favourable impressions which that partial publication was calculated to create. He desired to know whether those negotiations did not refer to a sum of 200,0001. to be granted by this country to Don Miguel to enable him to assume the Sovereignty of Portugal ? lle wished to know, also, ;f they were not about the retirement from Portugal of . the British troops, and separation :of Portugal from Brazil for ever ? And whether there was not likewise a Treaty for setting the future succession to the Throne of Portugal? If that were so, it would then appear that this country had inter fered in the separation front Brazil, in the abdication of the Sovereign, and in the future succession to the Crown ? As aiming the facts, then, to be as he bad stated—and the burden of proof to the contrary lay upon his Majesty's Government—he put it to the House whethi r a inure re markable and decisive case of interference could be made out ? If any additional evidence of this continued inter ference were wanting, it would be found in a dispatch from Sir Frederick Lamb, dated from Lisbon in the month of March succeeding the visit of Don :Miguel to this country, in which the writer stated that he had objected to the form of the oath intended to be taken by the Regent, it being contrary to all that hail before been settled and agreed upon in London. Now, it being thus shown that some matters had been agreed upon in London, it was time that the House should know what was settled. Without meaning to say any thing unpleasant, lie could not help observing that, in all his experience, he never knew more mystifica tion practised than on the present occasion, and with re ference to those matters. Here they had the case of a Re gent transformed into a Usurper ; and from the commence ment to the conclusion, the interference of England hail never ceased ; and when Parliament asked for information, there were only extracts and incomplete documents, and much mystification practised—more than he had ever remembered before. Throughout the whole of those pa. pers they would look in vain for the views of Go vernment at the present moment. There were none of the instructions sent out to the Ambassadors — through those papers they would look in vain for urgent and repeated remonstrances made against the usurpation of Don Miguel ; and upon what was stated in a Speech from the Throne as the " disappointment of his Majesty's just expectations," they would look in vain for an account of the steps which had been taken to recal Don Miguel to a sense of the obligations he had under taken, and to what his true interests required. Least of all were there any steps taken to resent the offence put upon his Majesty? There should surely be some account of the urgent and repeated remonstrances said to be made upon the gross indignity offered to England. Not one word had they of the instructions sent out to the Ambas sadors upon that point ; and yet would any man contend that Parliament was not entitled to that information? and with the instructions to the Ambassador they should also have his report upon the manner in which those instruc tions had been carried into effect. It was well known that the presence of our troops in Partngal had the effect of greatly facilitating the establishment of the Govern ment which was established there under Don Miguel ; and with the instructions given to the officer commanding those troops to protect the Royal Family he (lid not quar rel, though he was not a party to those instructions. But whatever blame might attach to the sending of the troops to Portugal, he was ready to assume his part of it. That expedition was certainly sent out with the very best inten tions, and he conceived that no blame ought to rest upon those with whom it originated. With respect to the affair at Terceira, he was extremely glad that a notice upon the subject had been given by a Right Hon. Friend of his—lie should not touch upon it : it was too important to be intro duced incidentally into any discussion—it was well entitled to the full consideration of the House upon an occasion set apart for the purpose. lie should much desire to have the House put in possession of the correspondence held with the English Government on the subject of Donna Maria's corning to this country ; and he should also much wish that Honourable Members might have an opportunity of contrasting that with what had, pro bably, been recently held upon the proposed recog nition of the title and authority of Don Miguel. When Donna Maria da Gloria came to this country, she did not preserve that strict incognito in which other unfortunate Monarchs have thought it right to shroud their misfor • tunes. She was on all proper occasions received with full honours; yet, in the last Speech from the Throne, Par liament was told that the time was not far distant when the Court of Great Britain would have to recognize the present Ruler of Portugal. Such was the last Speech from the Throne; yet in July, 1828, there came a Speech, saying, that his Majesty had taken the course best calcu lated to promote the peace and security of the kingdom of Portugal, and the stability of the House of Braganza upon its( throne, of which the Illustrious Head of that House was the best judge. At the opening of the Session in February, 1829, the Lords Commissioners addressed Par liament in these words—. Deeply interested in the pros perity of the Portuguese Monarchy, his Majesty has entered into negociations with the Head of the House of Bra ganza, in the hope of terminating a state of affairs which is incompatible with the permanent tranquillity and wel fare of Portugal." There seemed to a be fatality in all our proceedings with respect to Portugal, like that which drew a moth towards a candle, which, do what we might, rendered us incapable of avoiding interference in the affairs of Portugal. Again, at the end of the Session of 1829, the following communication was made from the Throne— " It is with increased regret th it his Majesty again adverts to the cond:tion of the Portuguese Monarchy. But his Majesty commands us to repeat his determination to use every effort to reconcile conflicting interests, and to remove the evils which press so heavily on a country, the pros perity of which must ever be au object of his utmost so licitude." Then, at the opening of the present Session, they were told that " his Majesty had not yet deemed it expedient to re-establish upon their ancient footing hi s Majesty's diplomatic relations with the kingdom of Portu gal ; but the numerous embarrassments arising from the con tinued interruption of these relations, increase his Ma jesty's desire to effect the termination of so serious an evil." Thus, it would appear that negociations had been set on foot which unfortunately failed. Now the practice generally had been, when negociations failed, to lay the papers before the House, in order that Patha mint might judge if any part of the failure could be at all attributable to any Member of the Government for the time, and to whom and in what degree. It was well known that a part of the plan of 1827 was the marriage of Donna Maria to the Infant Don Miguel; but circum stances had changed ftom 1827 to 1829, and the plan of the latter year could not be considered the same as the plan of 1827, though the object was not changed. In one short year Don Miguel had taken to himself ample room and range enough for crime ; anti was England, after such events as had occurred in Portugal, to be a party to inducing a father to confide his daughter to hint who had shown himself capable of every crime—( Chects)— of cowardice, perjury, cruelty—who, in glutting his re venge, had spared neither infancy nor age, neither sex nor station ? Could England be a party now to a marriage, the object of which would be to confirm Don Miguel in the possession of a throne which he had seized by vio lence ? Returning to the negotiation, of which he before spoke, he stated the basis of that negociation to be as fol lows :—lst. That the young Queen should marry the in fant Don Miguel. 2d. That a family compact should be entered into, by which, in the event of any disputes arising, they should be referred to the Emperor of Aus tria. sd. That if the Queen should die without issue, the Throne should pass to Don Miguel. 4th. That no aotice should be taken of the changes which had occurred in Portugal previous to the commencement of those nego ciations. sth. That until the Queen became of age, Don Miguel should be Regent of Portugal ; and 6th. That until then, she should remain under the care of the Em peror of Austria. In total disregard of these, and of the fundamental institutions of Portugal, which, though the Queen was allowed to marry a Noble Portuguese, he, be he whom he might, was not at liberty to assume the title of King until after he should have by the Queen issue male. The Treaty was a violation of the fundamental articles of the Portuguese 'Monarchy, and it swept away at once the birthright of three other members of the House of Bragasza. The very Treaty which guarasteed the right of Donna Maria to be Queen of Portugal, con firmed the right of the other sisters ; but we hail by our Treaty abrogated the law of Lamego, and deprived . three persons of their rights. The very rights we had recognized in Donna Maria *e proposed to cut off . from her sisters. It would seem strange to Englishmen, that while we proposed to act on the principle of non interference, we should propose an arrangement that was a violation of the fundamental laws of a Foreign State that were 700 years old. It was not Brasil which proposed the arrangement—whose arrangement was it then ? It was not Brazilian—Brazil rejected it. Was it, then, Spanish-- was it Don Miguel's arrangement? Ilad we been the gra tuitous plenipotentiaries of Don Mignel, and of Spl,in, in persuading Don Pedro . to phicePortugal under the infiu?nce ~. . of Spain, which for centuries it had been the great ahn of English policy to prevent ?—(Hear, hear.)—While we are ignorant of these circumstances, that ignorance was a reason why the negociations should be laid before the Par liament. He did not mean to call on the house to ex press an opinion ; he only wished to give publicity to the facts, and his own sentiments. He was sitisfied that at present there was no intention of recognizing Don Miguel on the part of the Government. Events were happening in Brazil—events bad happened—events were likely to take . . place at Terceira, which would make the Government panse before it recognized Don Miguel. There was a greater probability, he believed of the Government recognizing the Regency established at Terceira in the name of the daughter of Don Pedro, whose rights we had acknowledged. He knew that those who maintained his view of this question, were told that they desired to plunge the country in war. He expected that this reproach would be renewed on the present occasion ; but for himself he denied the charge, and never had wished for war ; but both argument and fact were in favour of the opinion, that timidly to dread war was not the way to preserve peace. He neither sought nor wished for war, nor would it be the consequence of the measures he was disposed to recommend ; it was more likely to result from the measures to which he was op psel—(lleztr, hear, hear.)—lt had been remarked by a celebrated writer belonging to a nation deeply in love with military glory, that those only would desire war who were ignorant of its effects. We had passed through an im portant war ending with the great victories of Trafalgar anti Waterloo, that were enough to satiate the minds most ardent of glory, and reconcile them to a century of peace. By showing respect to ourselves, we enforced the respect of others, antimade them careful not to insult us. It was by neither offering nor suffering injustice, by neither seeking a quarrel nor tamely submitting to insult, that nations found the best security against war. The maxim of this great country ought to be, above all things—be just arid fear nothing. We ought to steer a straight-forward course, neither turned from it by the timid apprehensions of the consequence, nor the desire of glory ; and then if war was forced o❑ us by the violence of others, we should be strong in the consciousness of right, and carry into battle the cheering consolation of having neither provoked nor avoided it. By pursuing an opposite course, we ran the risk of being the oppre►sors. We ought not to submit to the influence of others—not to look to party and per- sonal objects, but to be go lied by great principles. By not so acting, we had got involved in a labyrinth from which there was no honourable escape, in which we should be compelled to make disadvantageous concessions, or suffer the calamities of war. It was impossible to deny that the system at present pursued might lead to re sults fatal to the general tranquillity. Changes had taken place in the Councils of Sovereigns—other changes might take place—popular feeling might force some Governments to interfere for the protection of Portugal, and Britain must then give up her connection with that country.— There would then be no other alternative but to almn - doll Don Miguel, or make war in his support.—(Hear, bear.)--Speeches had been made from foreign thrones which spoke of concerts with allies to endeavour to restore tranquillity to Portugal. Such observations were not ac cidental. There were Powers which could not see the ranquillity of the Peninsula disturbed, and the result o he system must destroy the influence of England in Por• . . _ tugal, and give that influence to Spain. It was impos sible that Miguel should not desire to be connected with Spain. He had heard that all our services to Don Miguel had excited ingratitude, and that our Government had been unable to obtain by its negociations the release of prisoners or the mitigation of the rigorous system adopted by Don Miguel. He understood that the Government, by all its negociations, had been unable to obtain any relaxation of the system of persecution. Don Miguel was like the Highlander, who, when his prostrate enemy had asked him for quarter, told him to demand any favour but that. So Don Miguel would grant his Majesty's Government any favour but that of releasing the persons he had impri soned.—(hear.)—lt was said that the Government had been obliged to be a supplicant to Spain to obtain of that Power the recognition of Don Miguel, and this was what it received for its conduct. This was a proof of the effect we were to expect front pursuing a similar line of conduct. The recognition of Don Miguel by Spain would not have taken place, he understood, unless for the advice of Eng land ; and in return for such favour Don Miguel would not release a suffering prisoner at the rcqurst of England. A great alteration had taken place in the position of Eng land. In 1826, a Sovereign in alliance with us gave his subjects free institutions, and this was attributed to the advice of England. In 1829, another Sovereign in alliance with us called to h's councils an Administration that was considered to be hostile to the liberties of his people, and all Europe ascril eu that nomination to the influence of England. In 1826, in the freedom that was extentng itself over the Continent of Europe, we fancied we could trace the secret workings of the benevolent hand of Eng land. In 1829, a cloud had overspread France, which made all Europe apprehensive, and this was attributed to England. By our conduct, since 1826, we had lost our influence in Portugal, and had thrown her into the arms of Spain ; we had tarnished the character of England, and the only price we had obtained for so many sacrifices was to see the Constitution of Portugal destroyed.—(Cheers.) —The Noble Lord concluded by moving for a great variety of papers connected with our negotiations and diplomatic relations with Portugal. Mr. lIERRIES, on the motion being put, rose and said, the Noble Lord had already made as serious an attack as he could make if he had all the papers he moved for, and they corresponded entirely to the supposed view of their contents. The only object, indeed, for which the speech of the Noble Lord was made, wan to attack the Adminis tration now in existence, though most of the actions the Noble Lord complained of were begun under the Adminis tration of which he was a member, and which must share the blame, if blame were due to them, with the present Administration. He should object to the production of papers (luring the progress of negociations, and which might frustrate their object. The Noble Lord did not di rectly assert that the Government had advised the giving, and had supported the Constitution, but he said that which implied it. He had no documents to establish such an assertion ; but he wished to insinuate a sort of moral connection. He would first of all refer to the documents of the period alluded to, in order to show that we were not committed to support that Constitution. The Noble Lord had implied this, not asserted it; but there were docu ments to show not only that this Government had no con nection with the giving of that Constitution, but also to show that it was under no obligation to support it. The best authority on this subject was that of the Statesman whose address to the House OD that subject could never be forgotten. The speeches of Mr. Canning had been col lected and edited with no ordinary care, and might be considered as the correst records of his sentiments No thing could he stronger than Mr. Canning's declaration, in his speech of December 12th—" It has been surmised (he said) that this measure, as well as the abdication which it accompanied, was the offspring of our advice. No such thing. Great Britain did not suggest this measure. It is not her duty nor her practice to offer suggestions for the internal la gulation of Foreign States." Again Mr. Canning stated—" I am neither the champion nor the critic of the Portuguese Constitution." The Right Hon. Gentleman quoted several other short passages from Mr. Canning's speech to show that Great Britain had neither influenced the giving of the Constitution to Portugal, nor was bound to support it. He did not agree with the Noble Lord that the time was yet arrived when these papers could be laid before the House, though the Noble Lord thought the time was arrived when they might be, and when he might obtain the objects he had in view. The Noble Lord had argued his case on the strength of a number of documents piled on the seat behind him, and from which he made frequent quotations. He (Mr. Her ries) did not know what might be the degree of authen ticity which those documents possessed, but this he would say, that if any one called on him to produce those docu ments which might be an answer to them, and which might prove the Noble Lord's statements were not authen tic, he would reply, that these documents were in a course of preparation, and that when laid on the table of the Home, they would prove that the Noble Lord's arguments were not quite so well founded, and that the imputations which he threw out against the Government could not be supported. The Noble Lord had alluded often to the; question of the propriety of interference. Now, he would not enter into that question at the present moment. He would merely beg tha House to observe, that when the papers were laid on the table, they would show that strict attention had been paid to the principle laid down in the oft-repeated declaration of Mr. Canning, that it was not. the feeling of this country to interfere with the external affairs of Portugal.—(Hear.)—lt seemed, however, to be the object of the Noble Lord by this motion to procure a premature production of a portion of these papers in order to find a cause of censure on the conduct of the Go vernment. Against this it was the duty of his Majesty's Ministers to guard ; and, inasmuch as it appeared to him prejudicial to the great interests that were at stake, and likely to throw an impediment in the way of the success ful conclusion of the negociations which might be pend ing, he on this, as it had been the practice on all former occasions, felt that the Government should not produce a portion of the documents, nor give the information re quired until these negociations were brought to a termi nation. The Noble Lord had accused the Government, in no unsparing language, of a base and unworthy subservi- • s.. \ \,. enev to the vi of of oth - ji ,11;'ts on the Ca entinent. To that accusation it was only left to him to give a positive and peremptory denial.—(Hear.)—The Government had, throughout these transactions with Portugal, looked solely to the maintenance of the honour and dignity of this country. The Noble Lord had himself been very . lately a party to these transactions ; and what, he would a sk, did the Noble Lord see in the conduct or principles of the Government now, which would justify him in sup posing there had been so great a departure from that ho nourable course of conduct pursued during the time the No ble Lord formed a part of the Administration ? He could assure the Noble Lord that its principles were as pure and as honourable as at any time they had been (hiring the knowledge of the Noble Lord, and that the production of the papers would prove them to have been so. The Noble Lord had blamed the Government fur not withdrawing the English troops before the usurpation of Don Miguel. He could assure the Noble Lord that it was the intention of the Government, in furtherance of their principles of non-in terference, to withdraw the troops before even the arrival of Don Miguel at Lisbon, and that they were permitted to remain in consequence of an express and earnest application that they should do so until Miguel took possession of the Government. The Right Hon. Gentleman concluded by asserting that the papers connected with the negotiations would, when produced, prove an ample vindication of the conduct of the Government ; but that he was so deeply impressed with the injury to the public service which inu.t result from the premature production of a part of them, that he must give the motion of the Noble Lord a decided negative. On the question being put, strangers were ordered to withdraw, but Lord JOHN RUSSELL rose, and said he could not allow the question to go to a division, without stating his reasons for supporting the motion of the Noble Lord, when the Speech from the Throne stated, " that the numerous embarrassments arising from the interruption of our diplo matic relations with Portugal increased hit Majesty's de sire to effect the termination of the evil ;" and when they were told that the recognition of Don Miguel was not far distant, he thought there was no time so proper for the production of the papers connected with the negociations as the present, in order that the House might be able to judge of the propriety of the course of conduct pursued by his Majesty's Ministers.—(llear, hear.)—lf the papers were not to be produced now, he did not know when they would he.—(clear.) —lt was now more than two years since the usurpation took place. It was more than one since a motion of a Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir J. Mac kintosh) obtained a portion of the papers connected with the negociations which ensued ; although it was now con tended that to produce any part of the correspondence would be premature and unjusta—(Hear, hear.)—Pre mature information was given twelve months ago, but further information was withheld now, because it was not mature enough for production. This was the argument of the Right Hon. Gentleman.—(Hear, hear.)—The Right Hon. Gentleman, finding himself unable to an swer the Noble Lord, had shown a discretion much to be commended, by passing over in silence all the most im portant topics of his speech. He agreed with the Right Hon. Gentleman, however, that the Government of this country did not give the Constitution to Portugal. But, if it did not give it, the Ambassador of this country, Lord Stunt, had concurred in its propriety, and been instru mental in its transmission from Brazil ; and Mr. Canning, when it arrived, declared distinctly, in one of his despatches to the Portuguese Regency, recommending them to put in operation that Constitution, " that any other course than the adoption of tine Constitution would be full of danger, not only to the safety of the Crown of Portugal, but the Monarchy of Brazil."—(l'lear, hear.)—Now, lie would ask, what better recognition of the Constitution could be required? What stronger rea-on could be demanded for its adoption by Portugal ? That country was the weaker power, looking to England for as sistance ; and although the Constitution was said to be given by England, there is no doubt that Portugal accepted • it at the recommendation of Eneland, under the opinion that. England would assist them to maintain it ; and it was under that impression that the Duke de Cadoval was sera to Brazil to return Don Pedro thanks for the boon be had conferred on the people. Could it be said, after this, that the I3ritish Government were not protectors of the Consti tution? If England expected to hold spy moral influence over other countries, or to be thought influenced by any of the feelings and principles which she professed, it void(' not be contended that the Government dill net lend a moral influence and support to the Constitution thus given to Portugal. Those persons who are called the friends of that Constitution, and who have suffered grievously for their adherence to it, were not disposed to become parties at any time to a rebellion against the existing Govern ment. They accepted the Constitution because it came to them guaranteed by the credit of England ; and they after wards rose in torpport of it because o:ey considered them selves to be supporting a legitimate authority, which would receive the ail and countenance of the English Govern ! anent. It was cruel to think to what a fate these unhappy persons hail been subjected, and to feel that their chains and the dungeons to which they had been dragged, and the scaffolds on which they had perished for their support of the Constitution, were the work of the English Govern ment, and the result of that course of conduct which had proved it so inconsistent with itself.—( Hear, hear.)—lf Mr. Canning had but lived, that Constitution would have been protected by the good faith and supported by the alli ance of England.—(Hear, bear.)—ln the beautiful lan guage of that Statesman, it was declared, that "where the British flag waves, foreign dominion must not come." He would hare added, that where that fl ig waves, perfidy and disloyalty must not be allowed to prosper.—(Bear, hear.) —After observine, that the British -Ambassador should have hail power to interfere, through the means of the British troops, for the protection of the Constitution, the Noble Lord proceeded to say, that he knew an application had been made by a Portuguese of rank to an officer high in command of the British troops, to know what course( would be pursued in the event of an attempt to remove those who were hostile to the Constitution from Lisbon ; and he was told that the British troops had commands to protect the Royal Family, and that they must resist such an attempt with force. This was the consequence of the instructions sent to the British troops ; and the result was, that they did not confine themselves merely to the protection of the Royal Family, but they supported the power of Den Miguel, until he had, by removing the Colonels of the regi ments, obtained the means of overtlnowing the Con stitution. The Noble Lord then referred to that part of the negociations which had been published on the Continent, and commented on the singular courae which it appears was pursued by the 13ritish Govern ment in sending Lord Strangford as a special Am bassador to Brazil to procure Don Pedro's consent to all the wishes of Miguel, at the very moment when he was heaping the highest insults and indignities on British sub jects and on the British Government ; these propositions being to place a crown on the head of Miguel, and to deli ver into his hands, as a wife, the Pr incess Maria—the only person who could maintain with him a successful rivalry. The Marquis Barbacena, who appears to have eirried en the correspondence on the subject with the Earl of Aber deen, states one curious fact as forming a point in there negociations, which Lord Aberdeen considered indispen tittle to the support of the Princess and the establishment of her right, and that was, that she roust make a jour ney to Vienna.—(Hear, bear.) —Whether it was sup posed that the Princess would succeed better in her claim on the throne by going to Vienna, because Miguel, who had succeeded in his usurpation, had been there before her, he could not tell; but Lord Aberdeen considered the journey quite indispensible. The question of an amnesty for the unhappy persons who had lost their all in defence of the Constitution, and who had been driven into exile, was, according to this British Minister, only important ; but the journey to Vienna was quite indispensible to the success o f Maria's claims —(Hear, hear.)—lf Miguel should be recognized, although Ile hoped that time would never come, some amnesty, of a peculiar kind, guaranteed by England, must be exacted from a Sove reign whin, according to the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, is false, cruel, cowardly, and tyrannical. He knew the difficulty of securing such an amnesty ; but- he thought it was not impossible to England, if it did not yield a subserviency to the views of Portugal or Spain. The conduct of Don Pedro, when required to give hi' consent to the marriage of his daughter with Don Miguel, exhi bited a magnanimity which demanded admiration. He declared " that his paternal tenderness would not permit lihn to give his (laughter to the usurper of his throne; and he thought the sentiment would not fail to be appre ciated by the Sovereign of Great Britain.' However it might be appreciates! by the Sovereign, it (lid not seem to be understood by his Majesty's Ministers who had prepared it—( Bear.)—He was rejoiced that the plan of those Mini,- ters haul failed ; he was rejoiced that Doran Maria had not been sacrificed to their views of settlement; and that she had been saved from the pollution of a nurriage with a re lation, the usurper of her right..—(ilear.) " Nee victoria heel tetigit captiva cubile."—(Hear, hear.) He rejoiced that Miguel had not another crime to answer for in his conduct to his niece—(llear)—and if he had not to answer for that other, it was not to be attributed to any sense of honour, good feeling, or policy, displayed by the members of his Majesty's Governmen•.—(Hear.)—The Noble Lord concluded by expressing his determination to vote for the production of the papers; and observed, that he regretted much to Le compelled to gab that the Govern- \ k `3 -s,\ meta had, in these transactions, displayed a love of artri-: 7 . trary power, and a tendency to despoti , m and to compli--" once with the wishes of -despotic Ministers, instead of showing—as they were bound to do, and as trey professed —a disposition to interfere in the cause of •loyalty, in -the rinse of freedom, mei in the rau.e of justire.—(Hear.) Mr. CALCIIAFT was not surprised at the natural in dignition expressed by the Noble Lord against perfidy anti treachery. 13nt they whose duty it was to consult the 'honour and true interests of the country, must cot allow, themselves to be induced to ',wove from the direct path of their duty by any considerations having reference to the personal character of the Princes with whom they had to treat. Unless this were the case, the cry would still be, War ! war ! war ! and that without any adequate reason, without any of the motives of honour or interest by which, and by which alone, any Governmrnt ought to be ac tuated. As to the question of interference in the affairs of foreign roontiies, they who hot lived as long in the world as 14c kid done knew the evils of much interference, and the manner in which it had brought nu into the condi tion in which we now were. Whatever personal indig nation, therefore, any Hon. Member might fed at the eonduct of the Prince in question, that hall nothing t do with political considerations. There was nn ono thing which Mr. Cunning more distinctly disclaimed than the right of this country to interfere in the internal affairs of any other. Ile (Mr. Cdcraft) most completely con ccu•rvd in the principles of Mr. Cunning on that point. The Noble Lord wished for further information on dm subject. That wish had been replied to by hie Right lion. Friend, vho had said that xelien the pending negoviations weie at an end, that information Ahould lee furnished ; but th,it any communication At the pro. , ent moment would, probthly, interfere with the negocia•i.}lt in progree•. No fact had been ',tared by the Noble Lord to show that any- thing short of Actual hostility on the part of his Majesty's Government could have prevented what had taken place in Portugal. Unless the perfidy of Don Miguel towards Portugal were to be considered a sufficient cause for a different course, he could not conceive a ernirme more specifically pointed out to his Majesty's Government than that which they had adopted. It had been s'id that if Mr. Canning were living, he would Lave protected the lives and property of tie unfortunate Portuguese refugees; but unless his sentiments had materially changed—(A laugh)----Alr. Canning would have abstained from the in— trifercnre recommended ley the Noble Lord. It had also been raid that win ought to behave like good neighbours to Portugal. True; but that behaviour consisted in doing good offices to a neighbour, and not in intefferin: in his domestic matters. Ili. Right lion. Friend had, bovvver, an completely answered all the Noble Lord's arguments, that he felt it to be quite unnecessary t o tr es p as s any fnr- they on the attention of the Hone. Lord MORPETH was sorry to say, that his Noble Friend (Lord Palmerston) had completely established his ease, for it was a painful one as respected this country. Ile observed, that the conduct of England had been such as at first to give hopes to the liberal patty in Portugal to support, but that afterwa!ds it had contributed to crush their cause. By this conduct, England had lost one party in Portugal which had always been attached to her, with out gaining the affections of any other.—(Hear, hear.) — It had been asked, what were the Government to do? But lie would tell them what they ought not to have done. They should not have permitted the correspondence of Lord Beresford.—(Hear, hear.)—They ought not to have acknowledged with breathless haste the blockade of Oporto while disallowing the blockade of Prevcsa. They ought not, by allowing the British army to remain in Portugal, to have hastened the downfal of the Constitution. The Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Calcraft) had told the House of the in - " policy of a man's interfering in his neighbour's domestic . . affsiis; but he would ask the Hon. Member how a man could interfere with his neighbour's coheerns more than by I recommending him a wife?—(Laughter.)—The Hon. Member had also said, that the result of the present mo tion would lead to war, and had thrice repeated the awful word war ! war ! war ! Bella, harrida bella I He always avished to hear the blessed word peace, but in listening last week to the speech of the lion. Secretary for the Home Department, on the proposition for reducing the nary estimates, there seemed to him to lurk in it some dark forebodings of a state of hostility. It would be a most lamentable circumstance, he thought, if the conduct of England with respect to Portugal should lead to war. —(Hear, hear.)—Without noticing the effect it would have . on the internal prosperity of this country, he would look at the position in which we stood with respect to the con tinent of Europe. In that continent there might be said to exist two chief powers, the mi!itary , power of Russia, and the power of the liberal party of France. Both these powers were once disposed to admit the ascendancy of England ; but we had contrived to irritate and o ff e nd Russia ; what effect our conduct had in France, it was likely we ishould learn in a few days. He hoped the Noble Lord would press hie motion to a division ; and if so he should ceitainly give him his vote in favour of it, in eon-. . sidsration of the justice of his reasoning, and the righteous ness o' his cause —( Hear.) Colonel BERESFORD said, that allusion having been made to the correspondence of his Noble Relation (Lord Bereetord) with Portugal, he wished to observe that the whole of that correspondence had been shown to the Noble Duke at the head of the Government, who had expressed himself perfectly satisfied with it. That correspondence did in no wee compromise the Government. Mr. E. DAVENPORT trusted that, after the degra dation which the national honour had already undergone by the total change in our foreign policy within the last two years, and especially by the share we had in the establishment of the despotism in Portugal, the House would cypress its decided sense against our incurring the further disgrace of confirming the work of our own hands by any further recognition of the usurper's title. It was near two years since he (Mr. Davenport) hel first endeavoured to excite the attention of the House to the mischief then brewing in Portugal, and which had since covered that unhappy country with de sedation and mourning ; and he believed there was scarcely ri period in one history when such an appeal to the ge nerous( fe,lings of Englishmen, or to the high spirit of a British House of Commons, would not have been more ' effectual. At that time, however, that which he would call she Police of Parliament was in the midst of a ., sort of speechless trance, owing, first, to the promise, and then to the concession, of a Finance Committee. t —Afterwards, the lease of their silence was again renewed in favour of the Catholic question, and then again indefinitely continued in gratitude for having car ried it into execution : and for these reasons they had not only neglected our internal interests, but beers un mindful of the national honour abroad, and in no respect more so than in this Portuguese tragedy, concerning which we had literally no information ex cept those meagre and garbled papers laid upon the table at the very end of the last Session. It was then manifest, to all who (lid not choose to shut their eyes to the facts, that a detestable tyranny, bottomed upon treachery and perjury, was establishing itself under the connivance (if not under the actual instrumentality) of the British Government. Besides the inauspicious fact of the !mine of Metternich getting enshrined in our Foreign Office, three facts were then known—first, the, withdrawing the British force, after it had just staid long enough to enable the Usurper to lay his plans, and just at the critical moment when its longer continuance constituted the only guarantee against the completion of his treasons—secondly, the surrender of the forts on the Tagus, one of which, called the Buzio, is a rock in the middle of the river, and completely commands the passage, and might have been held against any force by fifty artillery men : they were all surrendered uncon ditionally into the hands of the very individual who ha I usurped the throne of the lawful Sovereign, front whom we received them—and, lastly, tke correspond ence of a Peer and Privy Councillor of the King with the Ministers and Chiefs of the intrusive Government*. What satisfactory answer had the Government ever given to these charges? Lord Beresford's correspond ence, though ignored in that House, had been acknow ledged by the Duke of Wellington, and put a stop to. But who had ever seen the Noble Lord's letters ? Instead, moreover, of being dismissed, lie bad been promoted to a higher office, in which, no doubt, his counsels and advice had not been thrown away; and it is in such men and Lord Aberdeen that we were sometimes invited to confide. What excuse had they made for with drawing the troops at the critical moment when their stay was most desirable ? The answer of the Secretary of :State seas that it was time to withdraw them. Who is the judge of this? The time for recalling an army is when its work is done—why, then, were they not re' called twelye months sooner ? for the Spanish invasion was quelled, and the troops disarmed, above a year before. Did not Sir F. Lamb take on himself to retain the troops till the peremptory mkr for their recall ? 'Why were the forts given up ? Because, says the Secretary of State, we had no right to retain them. Why then, did we ever accept tie deposit ? Suppose the Right Hon. Gentleman to leave his purse or his pocket-book in charge with any friend, and that friend were to give it up to some creditor of the Right lion. Gentleman, upon the ,plea that he had no right to retain it, would he not justly I. charge such a person with breach of trust? After such in (lications a man must be sanguine indeed who could enter ;tain much hopes of the conduct the Government were likely to pursue ; and accordingly Lord Aberdeen had , justified all the anticipations ho (Mr, D.) had formed as a sort naiglibour effluvia erest-faller foreign syi Tires wan on that o farther re Sir p. Lord (Pal Tanner in lionise, pi snbject in stake, and deeply cor declare h. character present at continent the foreini Covernine P.° ' ' V al C. amongst Europe th d ffe rent t portions o still withl cessary th be laid b flounce its (Cleet let 08 (Loud word, not so