The Sun. — London, England, 1854-06-14 00:00:00

(gear,) He know that his hon. friend below him (Sir J. - Sheilea - ) not loUg since got into sad disgrace for using the -word " sham." Awed by that example, ho (Lord D. Stuart) would be more cautious—(laughter) —but he yet would venture to say that he could not understand how any Government, earnest in the cause of reform, could say 'one word against the ballot. (Hear, hear.) Since the motion was last discussed in the house he had taken the opportunity of speaking to several Americans upon the subject, and amongst others, to the late American Minister at this Court, a most distinguished and able man. (Hear.) The reply of the. American Minister to his inquiries was thise-that although there might be different grades of opi nion in the United States on the subject of the ballot, yet he believed that if it were proposed to abolish it, every American would refuse to be a party to such a measnre. (Hear.) He thought as all former means of staying cor ruption and intimidation had failed, it was only just to the country and to the house to give the ballot a trial. It was endeavoured to set people against it by crying it down as nn-English. He would not pretend to say whether it was English or not, but he certainly thought the practice • was a most " gentlemanly" one. (Hear, hear, and a • laugh.) Whenever any set of gentlemen were called upon• .to vote they invariably used the ballot. (Hear, hear.) -Since last year a striking instance of this had occurred in • the Christ Church School election. There the candi dates were persons occupying the most dignified nposi tions—the one the chief maeistrate of the city of Londo n and the other a prince o f royal blood. Did h • governors of the charity vote openly? Of cours e not , the un-Eng lish, but nevertheless , almost universal, There practice ofthe ballot prevailed. ( ' was a passage in the address of Lon and hence electors of the city of London which s'Elihojeasovbrienlllt!htla:trsst-e)hlel to e no t h h le e - lord still remained an opponent of the to ' be looked for on the opposition of the Government ' the present occasion. The noble l w or a d o s t b gi o . a y s e t n ed op t e h n a l t y. the o re f there was no vote which he had n , course that must be so while the ballot was not how ethveer quit e lawof was the country. He (Lord D. Stuart) not • without a hope that the noble lord . a 3 was would not far distant yet have to give whengive a secret vote, for he trusted the d the House- of Commons would r agree with him i n thinking that the ballot was the only way i n w hi c h the • voice of the people of this country could be fairly and - freely heard. (Cheers.) • Mr. WAR NER (whose observations were almost totally inaudible in she calls for a division) considered the ballot • afforded the on ly means of p u tti ng an end to the wide spread and diegracefal corruption which prevailed amongst the electors'of this country. Lord PALM.ERSTON . — Notwithstanding the impati• ence of the house (a laugh), especially in reference to a subject which has been so frequently discussed, I trust I ma y be permitted to state in a few words the grounds on which I intend to give my vote against the motion of my • hon. friend. lam not at all insensible to the advantage which would accrue from any system which would create an effectual remedy against intimidation and bribery, or against the exercise of undue influence over the electors. . But, in the first place, my opinion is—and I must say, that it is an opinion not lightly formed, but of long stand ing —that the ballot, which is proposed by my hon. friend 9.8 a remedy, would utterly fail in accomplishing that se crecy upon which is founded all the results which he pro ' poses to effect. No man can persuade me in this country that you earl devise any means by which the people of this country will keep to themselves the political opinions • which they. profess—that men would not tell to their - friends and companions the political opinions by which - they are Animated, the preference which they have for particular candidates ; and that on the day of election it would not be known as well with the ballot as with open , voting the way in which the great majority of the electors had given their suffrages. (Hear, hear.) I say there is no mechanical contrivance, no legislative enactment which Parliament can devise which would prevent the opinions and votes of the great majority of electors from being known under the ballot as under the present system of open voting. We have been told a great deal about the example of other countries. Ask any citizen of the United States whether the ballot does produce . that secrecy which we are told is the essential foundation of all security. It is perfectly well known that it accomplishes no such result—that the votes of men at elections in the United States are as well known, and as ostentatiously avowed, as in any part of the United Kingdom—that Men go to the poll with the ballot-ticket in their hats, and with coloured papers indicating the par ticular candidate for whom they are going to vote. They . have the same blood in their veins which flows in ours. They are. too honest and too manly not to avow their opi nions —(hear, bear)—and to support the candidate with whom they have identified themselves. Away, then, with the nonsense—away with the delusion which prevails in the public mind, and which is utterly inconsistent with all • known facts anti all previous inferences—(hear, hear)—for the great bulk of the electors there would be no secrecy— they would scorn it. (Hear, hear.) It would be repug nant to their personal feelings, and at variance with their political predilections. With some, no doubt, it mi g ht b e secret. The shopke e p er , the tenant, or a few individuals - who are under the apprehension that their vote would be productive of some injury to their own condition and for tune and tliopes—these might take care in giving their • votes that there should be no knowledge of who the person -was to whom their vote was given. But what must be the condition of that man daring the interval between the commencement of the canvass and the giving of the vote ? Would the ballot p reven t hi m f rom being solicited by the person who has influence over him to extort from him a promise to give his vote? (Hear, hear.) It does not follow that because a vote is to be given by a twisted piece of paper, put in a hole, that a man who thinks ho can com mand the vote will not use that screw which my hon. friend has dilated upon to obtain a promise from him. The promise may be given or withheld ; if it is given, and . a man votes according to his promise, of what use is the ballot? If he gives a promise, and breaks it afterwards, what then becomes of your argument as to the improve ' anent of the people? (Hear, hear.) You are, in fact, de moralising the people, instead of raising them in the scale of moral and civilised men. (Hear, hear.) If ho refuses, why should he refuse except he means to vote the other way. No man will persuade me that the pet son who has power over an elector will not act towards him exactly as he does at present, if the elector has given a vote against the wishes of hi s con t ro lli ng super i or. The ballot in either case would be a perfect nullity for secrecy or for protection. • The first objection to the ballot is that it would not ac complish the purposes for which those who propose it put it forward for the acceptance of Parliament. I object to it because it would not succeed In the next place, I object to it because it might succeed—(hear, hear) and laughter.) The objection made to the Pretender was, • that ho was not the son of James. And then, when the friend to whom such an objection was wade said, "How can you be so-illiberal and unreasonable as to give currency to such a report ?" the other replied, " I object because he .is the son of James." (Hear, hear.) Now I object to the ballot if itevere to succeed, because I think secrecy in a matter such as that of voting for members of Parliament would. be an entire change in the social habits of the people. I think that you cannot debar them from those manifesta tions of their , palitical predilections and antipathies which are vital elementanithe British constitution. I think to compel mankind to hold within their own bosom all political preferences and opinions would I,e a great national calamity. I think, if you succeed in making the ballot entirely secret, and that the result would be only known by a majority of votes on the poll, you would lose a great element of political virtue. Now, sir, th e r e i s anotherob jection whi c h I h ave to the ballot'. I think, if it succeeded in accomplishing the purpose for which it was proposed, the ballot would be a great evil as bearing on the political organisation of this country. r think that upon principle as well as theory, that it is an error. The vote given at au election is, I intact contend, a trust exercised by tbeelector for the benefit of the country at large. It is a trust not only within the limited range to which the vote extends ; but, even if that measure were carried, which I say is a mis nomer—if universal suffrage were carried—if everyman of a certain age were to vote, still I should say that it is a trust. If every wan, woman, and child had the right of voting, still it would be a trust which each individual would exer cise for the benefit of the nation at large. I hold that, cc • conling to the spirit of the British constitution, every man who possess political rights and performs a political duty ought to exercise that right and perform that duty openly in the face of of his fellow-men. (Hear, hear.) My hon. friend quoted a passage from a work of ahighly respectable individual, Mr. Grote, to show that these objections were founded upon a fallacy. With all due deference, I must .say that I n ever h ear d a p assage con t a i n i ng more fallacies than that which my hon. friend has quoted. I think it is a play upon words, and not an argument addressed to the reason. I say it is a trust which every elector has to perform when he votes for a representative to sit in this house. And it appears to me to be most essential that every man who has a political function to discharge and a political act to do, should discharge those func lions and peiform that act subject to the responsibility attaching to them. But I am told that there is no re nponsibility. Well, then, who is to julge ? Are the Tories to condemn the Whigs, and the Whigs the Tories ? I say there is a responsibility, and which every man of sense understands--namely, to public opinion—to the good -opinion of his neighbours, and of those with whom he 'commonly seta, whose opinions he values, and which ex ercises a great and governing influence on the mind of every honest man. And I- do not wish to deprive any person of that rudder 'to keep him i n th e right course. If secret voting could , be so arranged that all the voters could vote at-elections without any man knowing how they voted, I say then that yon would lose an inestimable ad vantage in keeping alive those feelings of political right and wrong which I think are so essential to the well-being . m., r r t e ti sper , ity yoo f the country. On what ground is all You say every man should be protected in the exercise of his litical eight that he ira,,ee. t I say that if a man has a po i' atiley vaii..„,ee.u.Venioeian.ene,that o ugh t mighto a m ris k e e f itsreopmhi s mind discharge. 0 suffer in secret, „ t o , that you enable a voter to give his vote Aminot 'limbers of this house give their votes in secret? voting amongst the l -so it isin all countries wheresecret s so. And in many countries is established. In France it where i there is given to the electore what is euppeeetntriseoB voting, the sante secrecy of yot )e the protection of secret 3f ing is observed in the legis lative'bodics themselves. it also in-the justiceoter requires it in the one le e ase, it require,s nembers of this h ou se' are interested equally i n ;their functidhs have an equal bearing poli tica l uti,,,tiopernivti:leegge%aernadl . , w elrfetil interests of the country. Why, f 1 . ,n, should not will tell at e • C:6oll3nsecli.nenti.:ll(srteeo'nevmicnitioinng, wttitthlotenbt best t ar o of 'tllliej ° ca n't- seeg and s 1 4 - j him s elf, as well as the electo h r? N o inan ~,,,meee of this h ouse w o has a proper feeling ,f 0 3 , t . a . '''''' - 1I- ot think it a great grievance to . 1, just be ou,..ei, the V l " much 4 incurre d ( isp assure of his As to the at the next electton for tbe - Totes he has given as the titideeman who ha argument of elector from acts of this sort, a° far custolar or his landlord. (Hear.) injuly resulting - to t h e believe such a case to be grossly , - es I piny knowledge g° exaggerated. I. believe i n many cases in which tradesmen " profess fob.) the victims o f their votes that they are men Whose" fortunes have been v .' au , ' that they place upon th t e la ir al‘ - eg votes before—(laughter)— Les that which should 'pore properly be placed at the door of their own impru ' dance. In general I think that wha t and that the accounts a man loses from his h I admit there bpponent.4 lie gains &ern his frien ds , are fairly bafenced between both. Al yet I think that, may be cases in which abuses prevail, deal assure thong clamour taken in the aggregate, there is a great d . niado shout them thee there is real form ationfor. e oil t But . not td detain tbe house any longer—l have s ta ted th line of my objections to the ballot. My to TO' Gana are these—that it would not prove effective p t.. objections to the duce secrecy- that it would not protect the voter from h oonsequencts of his political bias ; and even if it did pro duce secrecy, I think that it would thereby inflict a great injury up on th e British constitution. (Hear, hear.) Sir .T.• WALIISLEY regretted that the instances of in timidation quoted by his hon. friend who made this mo ., e i_s2n had had no effect upon the noble lord. It might be very l e 11 for the noble lord and those who were in an indepeul — 1 yilerttersition to con t end in favour of open voting, but ! that, stem had proved most oppressive to the poor man. , , - • u eeespliniversally f e lt th at the ballot should accompany eee c' ' . tee l au, theetaion of the fr anc hi se, and that any extension of ee...t. ' el e''' Tie e s efehesa without th e b allot would be mere' mockery: ee .' i' ' ' 'bill,- therefore, w ou ld b e satisfactory withoui ',f , 1r -' ~._. '" ri j -- - • r - .- - *••• - i 1 r id\ a *!.., N i +V ,• 1 .7:4\ `':.,'/Ce,''; t \ \ ' -- ,! f ;1:: i \el_ , THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY R, EVENING, JUNE 14, 1854. the ballot. He would give his cordial support to the mo-. i third mode of bribery, the payment is contingent on the tion. return of candid a t e A. Th e payment i s therefore uncertain Mr. FORSTER felt bound to repeat on this occasion the and depends upon an uncertain event, over which the intii vote which he gave last session. All legislation against vidual elector can have no control, except in the rare case bribery, from 1831 down to the present time, had resulted of hiS vote being the casting vote of the election. Conse in failure, and the house might depend upon it that no quently, corrupt electors must prefer the first to the third good would be accomplished until they adopted the bah mode of bribery; and it is evident, likewise, that a much lot In France, during the troubled times of the revolu- smaller sum of money, to be expended in the payment of tion, the ballot triumphantly prevailed, and if hon. mem- votes as soon as they are given, would be far more effica hers were sincere in their professions against bribery and cious in determining the votes of electors than the promise intimidation at e lections, they would not hesitate to vote of a much larger sum of money to be paid only in the un for the introduction of this bill. certain event of A being returned. Therefore the third kind Sir J. FITZGERALD had witnessed so many scenes of of bribery would be much more expensive than the first, oppression in Ireland arising out of open voting that he could only be practised by larger capitalists, and, conse felt constrained to support the motion. There the elec. quently, by fewer persons. It is supposed, however, that tors were kidnapped, maltreated, and coerced by their bribery of the third kind would be much practised in the landlords to vote according to their wishes, and that fact secret voting. Ido not believe that it would be. But if alone should be sufficient to induce scrupulous minds to it were, my position is that with secret voting it would be give the elector the protection of the ballot. Why, since much less efficacious and much less difficult of detection his election he had received letters from some of his con- than the ordinary mode of bribery with open voting ; and stituents imploring him to intercede with their landlords therefore that the ballot, by putting an end to every other to prevent their being ejected, in consequence of their kind of bribery, would do mach towards arresting the pro having voted in his favour, while in many places in Ire- gress of corruption. To prove this position I must institute land the landlords had had recourse to the aid of the mi- a comparison between the two kinds of bribery to which I litary to compel electors to vote against their will. Surely, have just referred—viz., between the ordinary mode of then, the best remedy for these abuses was the ballot, bribery with open voting, in which the bribe is paid to the which he hoped this session to see carried. elector who has promised to vote for candidate A as ROOM Mr. BRIGHT, in supporting the motion, said, that bri- as he has fulfilled his promise, and the supposed mode of bery and intimidation, especially the latter, had greatly in- bribery under the ballot, in which the bribe would only be creased of late, and that the difference between boroughs and paid to the electer who had promised to vote for candidate counties was, that in the former the electors had just in- A when A. was returned. In the ordinary mode of bribery dependence enough to insist on selling their votes, with open voting, the corrupt barg a in is c l ea r, s i m pl e , an d while in th e l a t ter they had not even that amount direct. " Vote - for A," says the briber to the corrupt elec of independence, and the landowners returned the mem- tor, " and you shall have a 5/. note ; vote for B, and you hers. He declaimed vehemently against the Ministerial shan't have a farthingefrom us." But in the supposed opponents of the ballot, and cited the nam es o f suc h mem - mode of bribe r y un d er th e b a ll o t , th e corrup t b arga i n leers of the Ad m i n istration as were inclined to it as evi- would be—" If Abe returned you shall have a 51: note, deuce in its favour. He repudiated the leadership of whether you vote for or against him; and if Bbe returned men who refused to the majority of that side of the house you shan't have a farthing whichever way you may vote." the smallest concession, and he declared that those who Therefore, with open voting, the temptation to the elector deemed this question of vital importance ought to apprise to vote for A is the certainty of obtaining a 51. note ; Lord John Russell and Lord Aberdeen that they must with secret voting, the temptation to the elector to vote take up the ballot and carry it, or else understand that for A would depend upon the elector's opinion of the they were not to rely on the support of th© Liberal party, effect of his vote on the probability of A being returned. Those who did not like this course were not doing their If the elector thought that the return of A would depend duty to their constituents. After dilating upon the abso- upon the elector's own individual vote, then the temptation lute necessity of the ballot, and contending that legislation to vote for A would be nearly the same as with open voting, would be ineffective to repress bribery or intimidation, he and equal to the certainty of receiving a Si. note. But if expressed his conviction that if the advocates of the ballot the elector thought that the success or failure of A. was in resolved to have it, they could succeed by the means he dependent of the- elector's 'own individual vote, then he had pointed out. would have little or no motive to vot e aga i ns t hi s conv i c - Mr. WHITESIDE, in opposing the motion, said that time for A, because by the hypothesis in the elector's opie the ballot would lead to the destruction of constitutional nion the return of candidate A, and consequently the pe freedom. He urged that in Ireland, even if the ballot pro- cuniary result to the elector, would be the same whichever tected the voter against the landlords, it would not pro- way he voted. Now, as it rarely happens, even with open tect him against the priests. He considered that the con- voting, that nn elector thinks that the result of a contest stituency of the country was already large, intelligent, will depend upon his casting vote, I think that with secret and upright enough to exercise the desirable influence. suffrage an elector acting singly a nd a l one wou ld be little Sir W. MOLESWORTH next rose to address the house, influenced in his vote by the promise of a b r ibe t o b e p a id in the uncertain event of the bribing candid a te b e i ng re and was received with loud cheers. The right. honourable tarried. It is said, however, that with secret suffrage dor baronet said—My hon. friend the member fur Manchester rupt electors would not act singly and alone, but in combi has appealed to me in courteous terms, and I cannot refrain nation, and that collective bribery would be substituted for individual bribery. • For instance, it is said that a body of from addressing the house on this subject. (H ear , hear.) electors, sufficient in number to decide a con t es t, wou ld The hon. and learned gentleman who l as t a ddr e ssed the combine together to be bribed ; that a bargain would be house supposed that I had been converted by the speech of made with there to the effect that each of them should re my noble friend near me. I listened to that speech as in ceive a certain bribe—say 51.—in the event of candidate A duty bound, but though I always admire anything that being returned ; that each of them would perceive that if they acted together and voted t o g e th er can did a t e A. would comes from my noble friend, I must say I do not think his argument against the ballot was very convincing, be returned, and they would be paid. Th ence it i s i n f erre d that, they would act together and vote together, and that (Cheers and laughter.) In fact, it was nothing more than their temptation to do so would be nearly equal to the cer the stock argument, whi c h we have heard over and over tainty of obtaining aU. note a piece, or nearly equal to again ad nauseam,. (Hear.) Since the period when my what it is in the ordinary mode of bribery with open vot ing. I will, for the sake of arg u men t, assume th e val i dity friend, Mr. Grote, made his celebrated motions in favour of these positions ; but I maintain that such collective liable to dete c ti on , an d much less very lbersisbelriyk would be ve ely to escape detecti on th an th e or di nary mode of o f the eighteenyears ballot question hadthe has hboeneonu repeatedlyseconding and r, e,evt bribery ioeteed f w ow i ri t tA h h o no pia tei n ny v ov o ue t tiningg. shall receive For Th e h b o fir w ivbe i e s p or et bribe anyteis 7 o, ably discussed in this house, and I think I must; have , heard every argument urged that can be urged either for thegi ne individual i e e v r l i e ul l u t y e a r l p , or aainst secret suffrage. The result has been to strengthen Then when the day of election comes, the corrupt elector conviction that ne measure ever can, or ever will be, my goes to the poll, votes f • or candidate A, receives a ticket really effectual in checking either bribery or intimid a ti on ta k es i t to a stranger in a dark room in an out of the way which does not contain a provision that the votes of street, and receives a five-pound note; there the transac electors shall be given in secret. (Hear, hear.) As I have tion ends. It needs only be known to the three persons never heard any argument of any force in refutation of almost in it, namelyethe briber, th e b r ib e d, an d th e the position that the ballot is the o n ly l eg i s l a ti ve measure a ranger ; and if they k eep th e i r own counsel detection is w e an which could could put an end to intimid a ti on , I w ill confine my cret voting, p ossible the promise ith of the co b llecti ribe m ve us b vi betmade,not observations chiefly to the ques ti on o f the efficacy of the b a l- to individual e l ec t ors separately, for I have shown that lot in arresting the progress of bribery. (Hear.) This is an elector acting singly and alone would be little in an important question at present, for every one admits that fluenced by the promise of a bribe to be paid' in the un bribery has prevailed of late to such an extent as to coin- certain event of a bribing candidate being returned, but promise the character of this. house, and to cast some dis- the promise must be made to the body of electors who are credit upon the representative institutions of this country, assumed to be leagued together for bribery and combined (Hear). Both Houses of Parliament have, therefore, in action. Each of them would therefore be aware that reply to the Speech froni the Throne, declared th a t it i s ma n y e l ec t ors b es id es hi mse lf were to b e pa i d in the event necessary to take new a n d more effectual precautions of candidate A being returned. - Now, it is evid en t th at to against corrupt pra c ti ces a t e l ec ti ons. (Hear, hear,) Now, procure any effect by this mode of collective bribery with what ought th ose new an d more effectual precautions to be? the ballot, the promise of a bribe must be made to a con- Ought they to be analogous to Vee old ones, which, sidorable body of electors—considerable, I moan, in pro after so many amendments have proved unsucCessful or Portion to the numbers of a constituen c y. F or w i th the ought they to be of a new an d di fferent description? That ballot it would be•no use to promise a dozen or so of elec is the question at issue between the friends and the oppo- tors that they should be paid in ihe event of condid a t e A nests of secret suffrage. My conv i c ti on th a t no measure being returned. At present, with open voting, even in a will ever prove effectaal in checking bribery which does considerable constituency, an election may be gained in a not contain the ballot is founded upon an examination of close contest by the judicious purchase of a small number the reasons why the laws which have been passed against of votes. But with the .ballot nothing of the kind could be bribery have failed. (Hear, hear.) That those laws have donee With the ballot the only effective bribery mast be failed both sides of this house admit, for both sides have Wholesale and collective. A moment's reflection must con brought in a bill to amend those laws. (Hear.) Why viuce any hon. gentleman that if with the ballot he wish have they failed ? I attribute their failure to the fact that effectually to bribe a constituency, he must promise to pay they are merely penal enactments, the object of which is in the event of his return as many electors as, in addition to deter persons from giving or accepting bribes th roug h to those upon whose un b oug ht prom i ses h e could con& fear of the puni s hm en t t o b e inflicted in the event of de- dently rely, would constitute a majority of his constitu tection and conviction. Now, it appears to me that a errs. For instance, suppose the constitu e n c y t o b e b r ib e d penal enactm e nt can on ly f a il f rom 't wo causes—either from con t a i ne d a thousan d electors—suppose an hon. gentleman the inadequacy of the punishment threatened, or from the could confidently rely upon the uu bought promises of 300 difficulty of detecting and convicting the offender. (Hear.) —thirty per cent. (a large proportion in a corrupt concti- To which of these two causes is the failure of the laws tuency with the ballot)—then to secure his return the hon. against bribery to be attributed? Not, certainly, to the gentleman would have to oroinise t , pay in the event of inadequacy of the threatered punishments, for they are his return a body of at least 201. electors; in the same severe, consisting of pecuniary penalties varying from 5001. manner, in a constituency 10,000 electors, the lion. mem toleoeol., accompanied by dt sfranchisernent or disqualifi- ben would have t o p rom i se t o pay , i n the event of his cation. If the severity of th ese p un i s h men t s were to be return, a holy of a t l eas t 2 , 000 e l ectors. Now a promise increased, the public w ou ld p ro b a bl y cons id er t h em to be male to so many electors, and k nown b y each of them to excessive and out of proporti o n t o th e mora l t urp i tu d e of made to so many, cou ld no t b e k ept secret from the rest the offence; then judges and juries w o uld b ecome more unwilling to convict than obey are at pr esen t, an d th e re sult would be increased impunity. A n d, i n d ee d , th ere i s reason to believe that the public consid e r th a t th e pun i s h - A being returned. Th en i n w h at a h orr ib le dilemma an ents at present attached t o g i v i ng or t a ki ng b r ib es are hon. memb er wou ld b e p l ace d w h o h ad obtained his return ' excessive because, though hon. gentlem en are some ti mes be of the brib a bl e c l aim o f th e const i tuency; and then not only those who brie v o t e d f or A , b u t th ose wise had voted for his antagoni s t, wou ld d eman d payment in the event of m in this manner. (H ear , an d l aug h ter.) I ask any hon. unseated by committees of this house for bribery by their gentleman who is conversant with this subject—(hear)—to agents, set they are rarely convicted, and generally ac- put himself in the position of such an hon. member; to 1 quitted, of any knowledge of the bribery, and I do not fancy that he hail secured his return by a promise to pay a remember any instance of an honourable member having large body of electors; that, having fulfilled his promise, been convicted of bribery by a court of justice; yet 1 he received applications for payment from a large number think there can be no reasonable doubt that, after every of other electors. What would you do? What would you general election, there must be m a ny h on . mem b ers i n t hi s say? Y ou cou ld no t re f use payment teeny elector on the house who are morally guilty of bribery. (Hear, bear.) ground that he had not voted for you, because with secret I think the impunity which generally attends bribery suffrage you could not tell how he had voted. (Hear.) If should be attributed to the difficulty of detecting the you were to refuse on the ground that he was not one of offence and convicting the offender. That difficulty arises the body of electors whom you had promised to pay in the from the peculiar nature of the offence of bribery, which event of your being returned, he would probably tell you is very different from that of the great majority of offences. that it was strange that you had not promised him ; that he Genet ally speaking, when an offence is committed, there was as ready to be bribed as may one • that he had vot e d is some overt and patent ac t w hi c h man if es tl y i n fli c t s sen- for you ; an d as you were returned, that he had as good a Bible wrong upon some person, as, for instance, when a right to be paid as his neighoonrs. If you still persevered 1 man is robbed or assaulted ; then the injured person knows in your refusal, you would make • an enemy who knew your I that he is injured, feels that he is wronged, and is prompted secret, who had perhaps voted for you, who would be re by his knowledge and feelings to seek out the offender and venged upon you, and who would do his best to have you to bring him to justice. Not so when the offence of bri- detected and convicted. On the other hand, if you paid bery is committed. In that offence there is no overt nor him out of fear, you would have to pay every one of the patent act which manifestly inflicts sensible wrong upon any bribable class of electors in the constituency ; therefore, person. For the offence of bribery consists simply in the in some constituencies, you would have to pay all who had transfer of money or money's worth from the briber to the voted for you and all who had voted against you—(hear)— bribed ; that act need only be known to the two persons you would be ruined in consequence of the numbers whom concerned in it, who are not injured by it, but who have you would have to pay, and in proportion to the numbers strong motives to conceal it. strong in proportion to the whom you did pay would be the chance of your detection. punishment threatened for it, and if they keep their coon- Therefore in all cases the chance of detection would be sel, the person injured by the bribery can never know that much greater than at pre*nt—in many cases it would he bas been injured nor feel that he has been wronged. amount to a certainty. Then you would be convicted, se (Hear, hoar.) This essential difference between bribery veroly punished, disqualified from sitting in Parliament; and the generality of offences was clearly pointed out by your constituency ought to be disfranchised, a new and my noble friend the Lord President when he introduced pure one substituted, and its purity would be preserved by his bill to amend the laws relating to bribery, treating, the ballot. For one of the most beneficial consequences and undue influence at elections. My noble friend justly which I should expect from the ballot would be the preser remarked that it was a very difficult task for the Legisla- vation of the purity of constituencies that with open voting tare effectually to arrest the progre ss of bribery. I believ e are in perpetual dan ger o f b e i ng corrupted. I firmly be that the Legislature will never accomp l ish that teak by li eve that if the ballot had fennel part of the Reform Bill means of penal enactments alone. For we cannot by such —if it had then been adopted by Lord Grey's Governinent enactments so alter the nature of the offence of bribery as —many constituencies which have since been a disgrace to to render it less difficult of detection, and if we were to our representative system would have remained pure. For endeavour to counterbalance the hope of impunity arising I have shown that the ballot would have put an end to from difficulty of detection by threats of the severest every kind of bribery except wholesale and collective bri punishment, our Draconie laws could not be enforced, bery. Now, wholesale and collective bribery cannot be and our threats would prove vain. (Hear.) Therefore, if introduced at once int o a pure const i tuency. The adage, we want to arrest the progress of bribery we mu s t no t re l y " Nerno repente fit turpieduatis" is as true of constitnen only upon penal enactments to deter men from committing cies as of individuals. The history of corrupt constituen that offence, but must try to combine with such enact! cies shows that bribery has been gradually introduced into meats measures calculated to take away the motives to them. I think such gradual introduction of bribery would commit bribery, by diminishing its efficacy, and by ren- be impossible with secret suffrage. I will state my reasons dering it less difficult of detection. I think the ballot is , for this opinion. If the history of those constituencies a measure of this description. My position is, that it I which have been corrupted since the passing of the Reform would diminish the efficacy of bribery, and put an end to Bill be examined, the origin of the corruption may be every kind of positive bribery except that which is the traced either to a closely-contested election or to the bri least effectual and the least difficult of detection. (Hear, bery of unsucces s f u l can did a t es. I n the case of a closely hear.) To sustain this position, I must obs erve th a t contested election the contest was generally decided to positive bribery may be divided into three kinds, accord- wards the close of the poll by the votes of a few &teeters ing to the period when the payment of the bribe is made. who were bribed. In such a case parties were nearly equal The first kind is, when the bribe is paid before the elector and animated by strong party feelings. When the day of votes, on his promising to vote for the bribing candidate, election came the race between candidate A. and candidate whom I call A. The second kind is, when the bribe is paid B was neck and neck—alternately the one, alternately the after the elector has voted, and in consequence of his hay- other leading. Towards the end of the day nearly one ing voted for candidate A. The third kind is, when the half of the electors had voted from party feelings for bribe is paid after the return of candidate A, and in con- A, and the other half from similar feelings for B. The 1 sequence of his return. The first kind of bribery, namely, constituency was nearly polled out, only a dozen or so when the payment of the bribe is contingent only on the, electors remained unpolled—a number sufficient, however, • • of the corrupt elector, is rarely and never wit; promise to decide the election ; they were the scum of the consti- Jingly practised by skilful and experienced agents, even tuency; open voting made th em th e ar bi ters of the con withtest, and empowered th e m t o d e t erm i ne w h o should be the open voting ; for when the bribe has been paid before- . hand, the briber has little security that the bribed will fulfil representative of the constituency; they were indifferent to the merits of A or B; th e y mig ht, p er h aps, have been his dishonourable engagement—(hear)—and not sell his' - vote for a second bribe to the opposite party ; in fact, the influenced by th rea t s , but they were most eas il y acted i briber has no security except such as may arise from a upon by hope s o f i mme di a t e ga i n . I n th e exc i tement of feeling of false honour on the part of the bribed, or fear of, the contest such hopes were held out to th em b y some being reproached for not keeping • his promise. (Hear.) It; friend, or agent, or partisan of A. A was returned, and is evident th a t the st r en g th o f th ese f ee li ngs wou ld. be ve r y bribery was introdu c ed into the constit uency . B r ib ery• once introduced; A's party could never be confident of sue secretmuch diminished, and in many cases entirely destroyed, by, egat evititeert bribing e th ose whom they had bribed before, suffrage. With the ballot corrupt electors would,' • and B's party could never hope to defeat A without also when they could, take bribes from both sides, and them vote honestly according to their convi c ti ons . F or corru pt! havtqg recourse t o corru pti on . A corrup t s t rugg l e then elector s h ave f requen tl y s t rong po liti ca l op i n i ons, f or w hi c h; commenced ; e ac h p ar ty ;s t rove t o corru pt th e e l ectors of they ar e w illi ng t o ma k e cons id era bl e pecun i ary sacr ifi ces; the opposite p ar ty, an d w ith eac h success i ve contest the i number of bribed e l ec t ors in crease d. B o th par ti es, b e i ng and it is a well-know n f ac t th a t corrup t e l ectors w ill o f ten -, times vote for a p o p u l ar can did a t e f or a l ess b r ib e th an f or equally guilty o f corrup thi n , equa lly a b s t a i ne d f rom at t au anti-p o p u l ar one . (H ear. ) I t hi n k , therefore, that wit h tempting to puni s h eac h o th e r. Now it i s ev id en t th a t i n ascret voting the fi rs t ki n d of bribery, namely, paying be-I the first instan ce th e mo tiv e w hi c h i n d uce d A' s par t y t o and' bribe was found e d upon an exact knowledge of the state of fore th e vote is given, will be rarel if ever practised, when practised that the result will frequently be honest• the poll, and that the few votes of the unpolled electors voting. (Hear.) The second kind of bribery which I have! would decide the contest. With the ballot such knowledge mentioned is when the payment of the bribe is contingent would not have been po s sessed, the motive to bribe would 01 1 the f ac t b e i ng ascertained that th e coi • rupt elector h as not have existed, bribery would not then have been intro voted for the bribity , candida te. This I dan dprotected by the ballot the •ht ( ace of bribery , the , which the'le t most business-like and economical one, in: have remained pure. With regard to the corruption of when it is r money goes furthest, for money is only paid constituencies by the bribery of unsuccessful candidates. (Hear.) Thenn that votes have been actually given! In this manner many constituencies have been gradually it must necessarily defini tion of this kind of bribery shows that corrupted since the passing of the Reform Bill. At first last kind of bribe c t e . a.se h with open voting. The third and these constituencies were very pure ; they prided them the payment of the W i . cli I would call attention is when selves upon returning their members free of expense. This bribe is contingen t conduct, however, was distasteful to some persons, who the hieibinl eaatii „ ,elt . nt upon the return of bribery alight be practised wiitsh evident that this kind of had knowledge or experience of the profits of a contested voting, but with this most im o BeC eet as well as w ith open election. They det erm i ne d t o ge t u p a con t es t ; t h en one open voting, in the event of tiler‘Cib e t differe nce, t h at with o f th e i r num b er—generally a low attorney—went to Lou.in canditia te being don•to search for a candidate; he haunted th e p ur li eus o f returned, only those elect ors wou l d be p ai d • 0 peel who had lil I the clubs till he found some person with more money than filled their promise of voting for candidate 1- • • A, but with I principle frequently some rich parvenu who aspired to the the ballot the electors would have to be paid, whether position of a they hail performed their promises or not. It would seem will call the bribing candidate—was informed that there on first thoughts that this kind of bribery would e q was an opening in such and such a borough for a candidate the most advantageous )'o r bribing whenathe e andidate, for he 1 of opposite opinions to the sitting member; the was invited would only have to payob ject of his wishes wee Ito hold those opinions and to stand, and he was told that accomplished, and re turn ., his ver practiced; and obt ained. Bat with with op e i ibe might be returned for a few hundreds. The invitation voting it is rarely, 1 l lt e holds out out far less temptat ionre ason is to the I was acce • obi , accepted; a contest ensued on the first opportunity; vious on reflection. —contest, large sums of money found their than the ordinary mode of bribery, For i n i way from, the bribing candidate corrupt esilector corrupt elector is paid for having , through , p o ckets of the . u u g" mysterious channels, into the pockets of some the ordinary mode the and as the payment is contingent ,of the, electors who hadmanifested their approbs voted for candidate A; tare powe r of the elector, the payment Con of his . Political opinions. In the ~f ir st contest he upon an act with i n . -6 - h other hand, •th ' w wille-it. Out he in ?.- as : , defeated, for the great, majority, of the elec. is certain if the elector . . .. . ..,. - . ~. ..._ . _.„ .. , . • •. tors were pure ; and being defeated, his corrupt practices, though known, were not punished. Thus the seeds Of cor ruption were sown in the pure constituency ; they ger minated rapidly, and produced fruit. Those who had once tasted the fruit of corruption longed to taste it again; they communicated their longing to their neighbours. In a second contest the number of electors willing to be bribed increased, and the bribing candidate was defeated by a smaller majority. So it went on • in each succe ss i ve con test more electors were bribed, and the bribing candidate was defeated by narrower and narrower majorities; finally he obtained a majority, or the opposite party commenced bribing in self-defence; in either case the constituency be came thoroughly corrupt. It is evident that this process of seduction and corruption could not have gone on with secret suffrage; for I have shown that the ballot would put an end to every kind of bribery except that on which the payment of the bribe would be contingent on the suc cess of the bribing candidate, and consequently it would put an end to all bribery by unsuccessful candidates. I have shown that the ballot would put an end to every kind of bribery except that in which the payment of the bribe would be contingent upon the return of the bribing candi date; that such bribery, to be effective, must be wholesale and collective ; that wholesale and collective bribery would be very liable to detection, and far less difficult of detection than the ordinary mode of bribery with open voting. Thence I infer that by the aid of the ballot the penal enact ments against bribery which, in consequence of the diffi culty of detecting bribery, have hitherto proved ineffica cious, would become effective in arresting the progress of bribery—a progress which all friends of constitutional liberty must deplore, as it casts discredit upon this house, and saps the fouulatioes of our representative institutions. As I have confined my observations chiefly to the question of the efficacy of the ballot in arresting the progress of bri bery, I will only notice one objeetion to the ballot. It is sometimes said that iu secret electors would vote contrary to their known opinions from corrupt motives, who would be so by the publi c op i n i on agthatig the influ ence o f pu bli c deterrede,t bribery, and denly thusi doing opinion against bribery would be weakened. It would he easy to show that there is no validity in this objec tion to the ballot. But, omitting other answers to it, I will content myself with expressing a strong doubt whether the public opinion that influences the actions of the bribable class of electors is hostile to bribery, or ever will be hostil e t o b r ib ery, as long as intimida tion deYttermineshe upp er c l ass o f electors. The public the actions o f p ar ti cu l ar men is not the opinion o f th e w h ole community, nor of the t majority p practised opinionthee tcho munity, nor of the respectable, nor of the intelligent portion of the community but of the class or section to whom the men belongs Now, the class to whom the takers of money -bribes belong, especially in cor rupt constituencies, do not look upon the taking of a bribe as a blameable or discreditable act. If you converse on this subject with an intelligent man of this class, he will justify his co. duct by specious arguments difficult to refute. He will cite th e examp l e o f his betters—of his superiors in station or in rank. He will say to you, " Why should who am a poor man, refuse to make a few po un d s by my vote, for the benefit of myself, my wife, and my children ? In taking a bribe, is my conduct more corrupt than that of the shopkeeper, who votes against his conscience to se cure the custom of his customers, or that of the tenant, th a hh n fa et d l yyf e ape d xed u epe c a n: !n e o e; arect ob who sees in his vote the means oicurrying favour with his landlord, and procuring an abatement of his rent? It is true that I desire to be rewarded for my political conduct ; but so do many others, my superiors in station, wealth, large scoresquire,.landowner, s o i h o s influences the whose mill . 7rts counted ;s owner, who can put the screw on a hundred ten pounders ; so does the great territorial magnate, who intimidates a o whole county. If I desire money in return for my vote, o ddboebesys thett h h e e money's worth in return for their influence. The squireen asks for his dependents petty places in the Customs or Excise • the large landown er wan t s f or hi s younger so ns a clerkship ie the Treasury or an attache ship to an embassy; the rich millowner aspires to gain a social position to be called Sir John This or Sir Thomas That ; the great territorial magnate desires a peerage, or a step in the peerage—the lord-lieutenancy of his county, a ribbon or a garter ; and if the expectatio n o f any o f th ese worthies is disappointed, marvellous is the change that sometimes comes over his political convictions at the next general election." (Cheers.) It is very diffieult to persuade the bribable class of electors of the fallacy of these argu ments ; in their eyes, intimidation is a graver offence than bribery ; for, say they, the magnitude of an offence is in proportion to the 'evil that it does to society, and the pain that it inflicts upon individuals. The evil to society from an elector voting against his convictions is the same, whether he does so for the sake of gaining a 5/. note or from the fear of losing one—whether he is seduced by a bribe or intimidated by a threat; but to the individual elector the difference between seduction and intimidation is very great—all the difference between pleas:ire and pain. An elector seelnced by a bribe feels that he is a free man, for he does what he likes; an elector who is intimidated by a threatfeels he is a slave, for he acts under compulsion. There fore, I repeat, in the eyes of certain classes, intimidation is a far graver offence than bribery.- They ask, " Why should one class be permitted;to reap the ruits of intimidation, and another class be forbidden to enjoy the sweets of bribery ? When you attempt to put a stop to the one, you ought simultaneously to endeavour to put and end to the other." For these reasons I am convinced that you can never pro duce a general feeling hostile to bribery until you have put an end to iutirnitlation by the upper class s. I will not tres pass on the house by attempting to show that it would be absurd and ridiculous to try to put down intimidation_ by means of penal enactments. Yo cannot so define intimi dation as to constitute ita punishable offence. Intimidation of the most potent kind may be conveyed by a nod, a wink, a gesture, a seemingly casual expression of opinion, nay, even by an invitation to a breakfast or a dinner. I have heist of a numerous tenantry intimidate l by an invitation to a breakfast. The breakfast was on the polling-day. Those who partook of it, as a matter of course, accompanied their landlord to the poll, and what tenant dared to refuse the invitation ? It is said that intimidation has decreased of late years. I find, however, much difference of opinion on this subject, ono opinion being held by the intimidating, the opposite by the intimidated classes. Ii you talk to one of the intimidating classes, to a la.n llortl or to a millowner, he will tell you that he never intimidates his tenants, his workmen, or his artisans, and that the ballot is not wanted. But if you talk to one of the intimidated classes, you will hear a different story. The shopkeeper, the tenant-farmer, the workman, and the artisan will tell you, " We know too well the opinions of our customers, of our landlords, of our employers, to dare to vote against them, though they have not positively threatened to punish us if we were to do so. Yet we aro afraid to vote according to our consciences, in opposition to their wishes without the pr o t ec ti on o f th e ballot." From these conflicting opinions I arrive at the conclusion that the grosser and more outrageous forms of intimidation have become less common, and in fact they are condemned by public opinion, but that th e m ild er an d more decent; and not less effective forms are practised to a great extent ; and I doubt very much whether the real influence of intimidation on the vote of electors has much dimi nished. It ie notorious that if in an agricultural district you know the opinions of the chief landowners if in ama nufacturing district you know the opinions of the chief tuillowners, you can tell very nearly what candidate ill have the majority of votes in the district. I was much struck at the last general election by an instance of thistle scription with regard to the county which I inhabit—l mean East Cornwall. I was toll just before the election that the Free-trade candidate had a bad chance, that all the farmers were Protectionists, and that my t enan t s wou ld vote against me to a man. I replied that I had no doubt they were Protectionists, but how did their landlords intend to vote? and I asked the intentions of So-and-So, mentioning half a dozen of the chief landed proprietors of the division. I was told they were with us. Then said I, "Never mind the opinions of the farmers; we shall have a large majo rity," and so we had. (Hear.) But what amused me most was to find that my tenantry, with one or two exceptions, plumped for the free trade candidate. (Hear, and cheers.) Now I did not use any intimidation. My tenants were only aware of the fact, which every one knew, that I had always been a most determined free trailer, and was a most zealous supporter of the free trade candidate. The result of that election showed that without the ballot the hon. gentle man opposite (Mr. Kendall) would not have the slightest chance of being returned again for East Cornwall, if he be opposed. (Hear, and laughter) It appears to me that there are only three conceivable modes of preventing inti midation. Take, for instance, the case of a customer and a shopkeeper. To prevent a customer from intimidating shopkeeper you must either conceal from the shopkeeper the opinions of his customer, or you must forbid the cus tom:it-from ceasing to deal with the shopkeeper in conse quence of his voting against the opinions o f th e customer; or you must concea from the customer th e vote o f the shopkeeper. You cannot conceal from the shopkeeper the opinions of his customer, unless you prohibit the customer from ever expressing his opinions —an inconceiv a bl e prohi bition.eeasieg to d eal Secondly,you could not prevent a cus t omer f rom with a shopkeeper in consequence of his voting against his customer's opinions, unless you were to pass an enactment forbidding any customer from ever ceas ing to deal with any shopkeeper who had evervoted against his customer's opinions—an impossible enactment. There fore, there remains only the alternative of concealing f rom the customer the vote of the shopkeeper, and that alterna tive is the ballot. Sitnilary in the cases of a millowner and his workmen, of a landlord and his tenant. If you wish to prevent a landlord from intimidating his tenant, you must either conceal from the tenant the opinions of his landlord, which would be impossible, or you must pre vent a landlord from ejecting any tenant who had ever voted against his landlord, in which case the tenant who had voted against his landlord would have a perpetual holding; or you must conceal the vote of the tenant from the landlord by means of the ballot. Therefore, it appears to me that any serious attempt to put down intimidation by means of penal enactments would give birth to laws of such intollerable vexation and severity, that all the intimi dating classes Would cry aloud for the protection of the bal lot. But even if by means of penal enactments an end could be put to intimidation by the upper classes, suchenactments protect the elect o r from the violence and the intimidation would not put down intimidation by the lower cla s s es . T o of the mob you must conceal his vote from the mob. It is said th a t th ere i s one kind of intimidation which th e ballot could no t pu t an en d to ; that, for instance, a l an dl or d who suspected that with secret suffrage his tenants would vote against his wishes would, prevent them from going to the poll ; that this kind of intimidation would be much practised in Ireland, where, in consequence of the wide dif ference between parties, it is more easy to foresee how elec tors would vote than in this country; that, for instance, Protestant landlords would sometimes compel all their Roman Catholic tenants to abstain from voting. Id o not deny that acts of gross and outrageous intimidation of this description might be practised under the ballot. ; but, in consequence of 'their very grossness, they would be rare. They would only be practised by the most unscrupulous intimidators ; and, as I have already observed, public opi nion condemns the grosser forms of intimidation. I should likewise observe that a landlord who with secret suffrage would prevent his tenants from voting would, with open voting, compel `them to vote against their convictions. Now, it is a greater evil to the community, and a greater pain to an elector, to be compelled to vote against his con victions, than t o , b e c ompelled to abstain from voting alto gether. Therefore, even if the ballot were not to put a s t op to this kind of intimidation, it would substitute a lesser evil for a greater ono, and that would be tt, gain to the community. Moreover, for a landlord to forbid his te. nantry to vota, would, as I have already said, be an act of gross intimidation of so outrageous a character, that if any act of intimidation could or ought to be punished that of making it is punishable offence. I should leave it to b e act could and ought. But I should doubt the expediency put down by the force of public opinion, which, under the fl ballot, would b e c om e very strong against acts of gross a n d agrant intimidation. For the ballot, by putting an end to all the ordinary and mild modes of intimidation, would much diminish the number of persons who could or would intimidate. But only a few persons would possess the means of intimidating and be unscrupulous enough to use them-- and only those few would approve of the employment of such means in the outrageous manner iu question —and the conduct of those who did employ such means would meet with the cond emna ti on o f a ll the rest of the community, b o th of the intimidated c l as ses and of those who, in consequenc e of the ballot,' had ceased to belong to the intimidating - classes, and who would, therefore, be loudest in the con demnation of the exercise of a power of which they had been deprived. It appears to me, therefore, that the bal lot, by diminishing the number of persons who could bribe or intimidate, would tend to create a strong public opinion both against bribery and intimidation. .For the position of iluctibras that men " Compound for sins they are inclined to By damning those they have no mind to," is equally true of sins which men have no power to com mit. I have now stated my reasons for thinking that the ballot will put an end to every kind of bribery except gross, outrageous, and wholesale bribery, which might easily be detected and punished ; and also that it would put an end to every kind of intimidation except gross, outrageous, and wholesale intimidation which public opinion would severely condemn. I will refer briefly to one of the arguments of my noble friend the Home Secretary. (Ironical cheers.) He said the elective franchise is a trust (it is a very com mon objection to the ballot), that the elective franchise is a trust confided to an elector for the public benefit—the trust being to choose a representative. It is said that the elector is responsible for the exercise of his tr.,- st, and therefore that he ought to vote openly, in order that the public may judge of and pronounce a judgment upon his choice of a representative. Why so ? Tu affirm that an elector ought to vote openly, in order that the public) may pronounce a judgment upon a choice of a representative means, if it means anything, that the elector ought to be influenced in his choice of a representative by the opinion of the public. (Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) But for what reason ()light an elector to be so influenced? The only reason that can be assigned must be that the public are better judges of who ought to be chosen than the elec tor is. But if the public are better judges of, they are fftter to 'choose, a representative ; and if they are fit to choose, they ought to choose, and therefore they ought to have votes. (Loud cheers.) But who are the public whom you consider . lit to .cbooee a representative? The whole community, or a portion of the community? If the whole community are lit to choose a representative, then they ought to have votes, and the suffrage should be uni versal. for to vote fur a candidate is so simple an act that there is no reason why it should be done by a delegate or representative. If, on the other hand, you consider that. only a portion of the community are fit to choose a repre sentative, then you affirm that the other portion are unfit to choose.• It is evident that only those who are fit to choose ought to have the franchise, and they ought to be able to choose freely ; therefore they ought to be protected in their choice of a representative from the influence of those who are unfit to choose, and the only means by which they can be so protected is the b dlot. (Cheers.) There fore the arguments upon which the doctrin- of the respon sibility of the elector is based may lead to an extension of the suffrage or to universal suffrage, but they are not in consistent with secret suffrage; on the contrary, they show the use of the ballot in protecting those who are unfit to choose one. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) My noble friend used another argument which I have often heard pro duced before, which I shall hardly t res p ass on your ti me b y noticing. (Ironical Opposition cheers.) He says, if the elector has the ballot you ought to vote by ballot in this house. Icanuot discover any analogy whatever between the two cases. (Cheers.) An elector selects as his representa tive the man whom, on account of his politi ca l oe i n i ons, he considers most fit to sit in this house. Therefore he has a right to know whether by his votes his represen tative justifies that opinion, and if the representative changes his opinions on any important question, it is his duty to resign his seat. (Hear.) The elector has a right to know whether his representative has fulfilled his pro mises, sad whether he is acting on the principles on which he was returned ; but the elector has promised nobody, it being his duty to choose, without fear of punishment or hope of reward, a representative of his opinions in this house. (Cheers.) The last argument of my noble friend to which I shall refer is one which has been often used. The ballot has often been denounced as a democratic measure. Now the term " democracy " has two significations—one good, and the other bad. In the good sense of the word democracy simply means popular government; and in this sense of the word I admit that the ballot will be a most democratic measure, for I believe that it would con duce more to good popular government than any other insti tutional change—then any reform bill that can be devised. (Cheers ) On the other hand, democracy in its bad sense means the government of an ignorant and violent mob. But in this case I maintain that the ballot would be a most anti-democratic measure because it would protect the elector in the exercise of his franchise from every kind of intimidation; and especially from the intimidation of the ignorant and violent mob. (Cheers.) In fact, if the term conservative be used as the opposite of democratic in its bad sense, the ballot would be a most conservative mea sure, for it would enable an elector to preserve his prin ciples whilst giving his vote. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) In conclusion, I must say that my firm convi c ti on , f oun d e d upon the fact that your penal enactments against bribery, though repeatedly amended, have always failed, is that yon may patch and mend those enactments to all eternity, you will never arrest the progress of, corruption or put an end to intimidation till you try the experiment of the bal lot; and if, contrary to my expectations and convictions, that experiment should fail, you will not be worse off than at present, but you would have the satisfaction of knowing that you had .tone your best to cure great and crying evils, which, be assured, cast deep diecredit on this house, and tend to sap the foundation of yeur representa tive system. The right hon. baronet resumed his scat amidst loud and prolonged applause., Mr. I. BUTT condemned the ballot, as inadequate to the repression of bribery or intimidation, as un-English, anti as deteriorating tothe national character. Mr. PHINN, amid continual interruption, took the con trary view from that of the last speaker, and declared that the ballot must eventually be carried. Mr.. KENDALL, iu answer to seine remarks of Sir W. Molesworth, instanced his own election success on Protec tionist principles, and in opposition to free-trade landlords; as evidence of the uselessness of the ballot. Mr. BERKELEY made a few observations in reply, but said that an answer from him was almost unnecessary, the subject having. become a Cabinet question. Mr. M.A.GUIRE, as a Roman Catholic, urged that the ballot, by protecting the humble Irish voter, would pre vent the interference of the priests, by rendering their as sistance unnecessary. The house divided, after about five hours and a-half of debate, and the numbers were— For Mr. Berkeley's motion ... Against it M.ijority against IRISH CHURCH TEMPORALITIES. Mr. Sergeant S HEE moved for leave to bring in a bi to alter and amend the laws relating to the temporalities ob the Church in Ireland,, and to increase the means of reli gious instruction and church accommodation for her Ma jesty's, Irish subjects. He declared himself bound over in recognisance's taut to do anything detrimental to the Pro testant Church, and said that he cheerfully accepted that restriction. He entered at excessive length into a discus• sion of the question, his speech being interrupted by an unsuccessful attempt at a count out. He proposed, by various reductions of episcopal and other revenues, by grouping benefices, and other economical arrangements, to obtain an income with which he desired to improve the condition of the Presbyterian and Roman Catholic clergy, and he urged that he did not intend to injure the Estab lished Church, but to allay the differences and heart burnings which its existence in its present form occasioned. Mr. P. URQUHART seconded the motion. Mr. BROTHERTON moved the adjournment of the debate. 157 194 Mr. NAPIER begged that before the debate was re sunitd members would read the answer made by the Arch deacon of Meath to all Sergeant Shee's statements. He considered the proposition unconstitutional, and contrary to the oath taken by the learned sergeant. Sir J. YOUNG announced that ou the resumption of the debate he should meet the proposal with a decided negative. sir. NEWDEGATE charged Sergeant Shea with tak ing a course incompatible with the oath he had taken. The late hour alone prevented a complete answer to his speech. Mr. J. FITZGERALD protested against Mr. Newde gate's interpretation of the Roman Catholic oath, and also charged the " whips" with having tried to empty the house. Mr. LUCAS said that his complaint was, that Sergeant Shee's proposal did not deal in a sufficiently sweeping manner with the Irish Church, which had been endured too long. He refused to accept the interpretation of the Roman Catholic oath. Sergeant SHEE denied that the book to which Mr. Napier had referred contradicted his statements. He warmly protested against being charged . with perjury, and requested Mr. Napier to be civil. Mr. WHITESIDE begged to say that when the learned sergeant brought forward a motion he must expect to hear it criticised, and arg ument met by ar gumen t. ( H ear.) With regard to the b ook which had been referred to by his right hon. friend being a refutation of w h a t h a d f allen from the learned sergeant, he could only say that no man who bad written a book was willing to allow that the facts contained in it had been refuted. The debate was adjourned to Monday next. On the motion of Mr. BROTHEaTON, the house then ad journed at 25 minutes past 12 o'clock. sIIIPPING INTELLIGENCE. NOTICES. - RUSSIAN FLEET IN THE EASTERN SEAS. (Extract of a letter dated Calcutta, April 28, 1854.) " We beg to bring to thu notice of the committee for managing the affairs of Lloyd's, the unprotected state of the eastern trade. The British vessels of war in these seas are few, and of small size. By tht last steamer from Singapore we have intelligence of a Russian squadron of considerable force being in the neighbourhood of that port, awaiting, it is supposed, intelligence from Europe of a de claration of war. "JAMES COwELL and Co., "Agents for Lloyd's, and the Liverpool " Captain G. A. Hal Association of UnderivritArs. sted, R.N., Secretary Lloyd's." LIVERPOOL, June 13.—The schooner Albion, hence to Banff, in beatin g ou t yesterday through Channel, missed stays in a squall, and ran upon Great Burbo. She came off on the flood, and shortly after sank in the fair way.— The Wildfire, from Quebec, at this port, passed large quail. ties of ice from the 16th to the 23d ult. STORNOWAY, June 7.—The Swallow, from Shields, for Cape Breton, is at anchor in the Sound of the Island of Taransay (west coast of Harris), having sprung a leak in the Atlantic, on the 23d of May. She will have to un dergo repairs. • CROMARTY, June 10.—The William and Jane, of this port, went ashore about a mile b , yond the North Suton, on the Bth of June, but was assisted off on the flood, with out damage. CARTHAGENA, June 4.—Th e N a i rns , of Shields, has put back to thi s port, with considerable damage, having been in contact with a foreign barque (name on quarter-deck " Venus"), on the lst of June. Motril bearing S.W. by S., distant 25 miles. TERSCHELLING, June 6.—The Fortuna, from Hartlepool for Oberndorf, is now on shore here ; crew saved. The cargo (coals) will be lost. PENANG, May 2.—The Helvellyn, sailed hence for Lon don on the 26th of April, has put back on the 28th, leaky. ADELAIDE, March 10.—The schooner Thistle, at anchor on the night of the 26th of February, was caught by a heavy squall, capsized, and went down in three fathoms of water ; crew and passengers supposed to be saved. PARIS, June 12.—Th e C an t e l eu (li g hter), from H avre to Roue n , w ith sugar, co t ton. an d c i trons , s t ruc k upon a stake at the Grand Quai at Havre, and sprung a leak; she discharged cargo, part of which was much damaged, an d has bee n l a id on the Gridiron to repair. NEW YORE, May 31.—The Thomas Wright, from Ma tanzas for London, with sugar, sprung a leak when four days out, and, in making for Savannah, struck on a shoal about 12 miles off Ossabaw Island, Georgia, on the 25th of May, having about eight feet water in her hold, and r e . tnained ; the ship and cargo were expected to become a total wreck. Report of ship Nelows, from Melbourne 15, sailed in company with Lady Peel and Gallinear for Callao, and Winchester for Calcutta. Sailed, March 3, Stobonheath, for London; March 5 Birmingham. London. June 5, exchanged signals with brig Latt, Port Philip, London, let. 49.30, long. 25.10, left in February; June 5, barque Stirlingshire, Launceston, London, 115 days out; ship In vestigator, Colombo. VESSELS SPOKEN WITH. The Asia, front Liverpool for New York, June 1, in lat. 41 N., long. 70 W. A Black Ball liner, June 2, in let. 42 N., long. 65 W. The Niagara, from Liverpool for Boston, June 4, in let. 45 N., long. 53 W. The Areuia, from Liverpool for New York, June 7, in let. 53 N., long. 36 W. The RichardCohden, from New York for London, May 17, in let. 42 N , long. 58 W. The Lancaster, of Brunswick, from Cal cu tt a f or L on d on, May 1, in lat. 41 N., long. 30 W. The American Congress, from New York for London, May 25, in lat. 38 N., long. 68 W. The Evangeline, from New Orleans for Liverpool, May 26, in lat. 39 N., long. 71 W. The Annie Armstrong, from Liverpool for Sydney, Feb. 22, in lat. 44 S., long. 84 E. The Jeremiah Garnett, from Hamburgh for Sydney, Jan. 15, in lat. 33 S., lorg. 26 W. Toe Adventurer, from London, Feb. 14, with 340 barrels of oil—out nine months. The Artemesia, from London for New Zealand, Jan. 27. The Stirlingshire; from Launceston for London, and the Investigator, on the same day as the preceding. The Suffolk, from N . ,.w Orleans for Liverpool, April 26, in lat. 24 N., long. 85 W. The John Hancock, May 2, in let. 26 N., long. 79 W. The Champion, for Liverpool, May 5, in let. 29 N., lonv. 78 W. The Constitution, May 26, in lat. 43 N., long. 45 W. The Hortense, for Liverpool, Nov. 9, in let. 50 N., long. 13 W. LONDON GAZETTE OF LAST NIGHT, At the Court at Buckingham Palace, the 12th day of Juno, present the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty in Council. Her Majesty in Council was this day pleased to d3clare the Right Honourable John Russell (commonly called Lord John Russell) Lord President of her Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council, and hls lordship took his place at the Board accordingly. Her Majesty having been pleased to anpoint the Most Noble Henry Pelham Duke of Newcastle an , l the Right Honourable Sir George Grey, Bart., to be two of her Ma jesty's principal Secretaries of State, they were this day, by her Majesty's command, sworn two of her Majesty's principal Secretaries of State ac,ordingly. DESERTERS FROM BRITISH MERCHANT SHIPS. At the Court at Buckingham Palace, the Bth day of June, 1854, present, the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty in Council, Whereas by the "Foreign Deserters Act, 1852," it is provided, that whenever it is made to appear to her Majesty that due facilities are or will be given for recover ing and apprehending seamen who desert from British merchant ships in the territories of any foreign Power, her Majesty may, by Order in Council, stating that such facili ties are or will be given, declare that seamen, not being slaves, who desert from merchant ships belonging to a sub ject of such Power, when within her Majesty's dominions or the territories of the East India Company, shall be liable to be apprehended and carried on board their respective ships, anti may limit the operation of such order, awl may render the operation thereof subject to such con ditions and qualifications, if any, as may be deemed expedient. _ _ _ And whereas it hath been made to appear to her Ma jesty, that due facilities will be given for recovering and apprehending seamen (not being Hanoverian subjects) who desert from British merchant ships in the territories belonging to his Majesty the King of Hanover : Now, therefore, her Majesty by virtue of the powers vested in her by the said " Foreign Deserters Act, 1852," anti by and with the advice of her Privy Council, is pleased to order and declare, and it is hereby ordered and declared, that from and after the publication hereof in the London Gazette, seamen, not being slaves (and not being British subjects), who desert from merchant ships belonging to subjects of the King of Hanover within her Majesty's dominions or the territories of the East India Company, shall be liable to be apprehended and carried on board their respective ships. And the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of her Majesty's Treasury, and the Commissioners for the af fairs of India, are to give the necessary directions herein accordingly. 'Wm. L. BATHURST. OFFICE OF ORDNANCE, JULY 13. Royal Regiment of Artillery—John Thomas Cochrane, Gent., to be Veterinary Surgeon, June 9. COMMISSIONS SIGNED BY LORD LIEUTENANTS James Henry Porteus Oakes, Esq., to be Deputy-Lieu. tenant, June 9. Royal Perthshire Militia—Henry Maurice Drummond, late Captain in the 421 Highlanders, to be Major, vice Gardiner, deceased, June, 8. al Regiment of the Duke of Lancaster's Own Militia-- John Motherwell, Gent, to be Ensign, June 6. Ist Cornwall Rifles Militia—First Lieutenant James Rennell Rodd to be Captain, vice Trick, resigned ; Second Lieutenant Viscount Valletort to be Lieutenant, vice Rodd, promoted, June 3. The Essex Rifles—George Stuart, Esq., late Captain in the 75th R,:giinent, to be Lieutenant, vice Lister, pro mpted, J une 9. East Keut Regiment of Militia.L-Wyndharn Knight, Esq., late of the Rifle Brigade, to be Captain, vice Warre, resigned, June 7; William Henry Kebbel, Gent., late 66th Foot. to be Lieutenant, vice Mount, retired on half pay, June 6 ; Frederick Dickeson Bourne, Gent., late Sth Foot, to be Lieutenant, June 7 ; Thomas Mapleson Fitz patrick, Gent., late 30th Foot, t o b e Li eutenant, J une 8 ; Robert Annesley, Gent., to be Ensign, June 7. BANKRUPTS. Samuel Potts, carpenter, Hovah Villas, Susses, to sur render, June 20, at twelve, and July 20, at two, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Johnson, official assignee, Basing hall-street ; Jones, Quality- cour t , Ch ancery -l ane. George Butler, auctioneer, Nicholas-lane, June 22, at half-past one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Johnson, official assignee, Basingliall-street ; Butler, Tooley-street. William Adam, merchant, Great Tower-street, City, June 21, at eleven, and July 19, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Stansfeld, official assignee ; Lawrance, Plews,and Boyer, Old Jewry-chambers. James R tnkin, wholesale clothier, Liverpool, June 26, and July 17, at twelve, at the Liverpool District Court. Morgan, official “Asignee, Liverpool ; Anderson and Col lies, Liverpool; Sale, Worthington, and Shipman, Man chester. Hugh Barclay, commission agent, Liverpool, June 26, at at twelve, and July 24 at eleven, at the Liverpool District Court. Morgan, official assignee, Liverpool ; Yates, Liverpool. William Wilkinson Bawling Samuel Bawli ng , an d John Bawling, carriers, Manchester, Jone 23 and July 12, at twelve, at the Manchester District Court. Hernaman, official assignee; Barker, Huddersfield; Bellhouse and Bond, Manchester. John Allen, grocer, Courthorpe-terrace, Bermondsey, and York-place, Kent-street-road, June 22, at eleven, and July 20, at half-past one, at tlu3 Court of Bankruptcy. Johnson, official assignee ; May, Princes-street, Spital fields. William Speller, builder, Warwick-road West, Padding ton, June 19, at two. and July 19, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Stansfeld, official assignee; Vaughan, Por teus-road, Paddington. Thomas Stone Besley, grocer, Tiverton, June 22, an d July 2', at one, at the Exet er District Court. Hirtzel, official assignee, Exeter; Partridge, Tiverton ; Head and Venn, Exeter. Obidiah Williams and Henry Rawson, manufacturers, Leeds, June 30, and July 23, at eleven, at the Leeds Dis trict Court. Young, official assignee, Leeds ; Payne, Ed digon, and Ford, Leeds. Thomas Robinson Ward, scrivener, Wisbeach Saint Peter, Cambridge, June 23, and July 28, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Cannan, official assignee, Alder manbury ; Chubb, Deane, and Chubb, Gray's-inn; Wat son, W isbeach. John Groatwood, confectioner, Birmingham. June 27, at twelve, and July 20, at ten, at the Birmingham District Court. Bittleston, official assignee, Birmingham ; Brown, Birmingham. DIVIDENDS. July 4, T. Booth, Halifax, innkeeper—July 6, M. Long, Bristol, hotel-keeper. CERTIFICATES TO BE GRANTED. July 6, H. J. Romirs, Callington, Cornwall, surgeon and apothecary—Ju:y 5 , F. W. Robinson, Southport, printer, bookseller, and stationer—July 6, T Hughes, Wednesbury, St4tforthhire, innkeeper, plumber, glazier, and painter— July 13, H. Winton, H. J. L. Winton, and E. Winton, Birmingham, agricultural implement makers. CERTIFICATES. Juno 10, J. Bergtheil, Abchurch-lane, late of Winches ter-buildings, City, merchant (first class) —June 5, H. Groom, Bray, Berkshire, miller (second class)—Nov. 30, W. Rhodes, Aldersgate-street, grocer (second class)—June 10, P Emery, Brighton, licensed victualler (third class) — Juno 8, W. Turner, Crewkerne, Somersetshire, currier (second class)—June 8, J. F. Thynne, Tavistock, dealer in musical instruments (se -ond class)—June 9, I. Steano, Coventry, ribbon manufacturer (third class)—June 8, S. Meredith, Birmingham, draper (third class). INSOLVENT DIVIDEND. J. Davies, late of Cacca Dutton, Denbighshire—div. of ls. 6d. in the pound, on and after July 3, at the County Court, Wrexham, Denbighshire. PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. G. Mosley & W. Clayton, Leeds, tobacco manufacturers —E. Earl and W.Woodgate, Mary-street, Hampstead-road, carpenters and builders —T.W. Richard son an d C. D.Blood worth, 3ear-yard, High-street, Lambeth, potters—A. F. Jacob and I. A. Smith, Liverpool, auctioneers —G. Caston and H. Vickerman, Howard's-buildings, Brick-lane, St. Luke's, wire workers—J. J. Mons e ll e an d J. Ross, George street, Manchester-square, church decorators—H W. Carr and A. Kegg, Birkenhead and Seacombe, coal merchants —W. Freakley and J. Farrell, Shelton, Staffordshire, earthenware manufacturers —M. Lindner and C. Carter, Birmingham, merchants—J. and J. Walrusley, Chowbent, Lancashire. butchers —E. Mayo and F. Rollick, Binning ham, stockbrokers and auctioneers—J. Keep and W. Hinc kley, Birmingham, merchants and factors—D. Illingworth, A. Illingworth, and H. Illingworth, Bradford, Yorkshire, worsted spinners and stuff manufacturers, as far as regards D. Illingworth—J, Ormerod, G H. Ormerod, and L. Or merod, Newchurch, Lancashire, manufacturers and mer chants, and Manchester commission agents, as far as re gards J. Ormerod—J. Kirkham, T.Kirkham, R. Kirkham, and B. Kirkham, Livesey, near Blackburn, power-loom cloth m anu f ac t urers—J. Travis, J. and T. ' Kay, and H. Pickup, Green-bridge, Forest of Rossndale, Lancashire, woollen printers—E. N. Fourdrinier, and J. and W. Hunter, Witford, Oxfordshire, paper manufacturers (as far as regards E. N. Fourdrinier)—J. Smith and A. Shep hard, Bradford, Yorkshire, worsted spinners. DIVIDENDS DECLARED. J. Archer, Old King-street, Deptford, baker—first div. of 114 d. in the pound, Thursday, June 15. and three sub sequent Thursdays, at the office of Mr. Stansfeld, Basing. hall-street. W. Hollatnby, Hustpierpoint, grocer, miller, and farmer —first div. of lld. in the pound, Thursday, June 15, and three subsequent Thursdays, at the office of Mr. Stansfeld, Basinghall-street. R. George, Parker- s t ree t, D rury -l ane, stagecoac h ma k er final div. of IN, in the pound, Thursday, June 15, ant: three subsequent Thursdays, at the office of Mr. Stansfeld, Basinghall-street. T. Ballinger, Birmingham, confectioner and baker— first div. of 2s. id. in the pound, any Thursday, at the office of Mr. Whitmore, Birmingham. SCOTCH SEQUESTRATIONS. William Wilson, general merchant, Dundee. Henderson and Paterson, wrights, Glasgow. COUNTRY MARKETS. LIVERPOOL JUNE 13. At this day's market therewas a small attendanc e °f buyers, and the business done qu it e i n re t a il. Wheat icai r si be quoted l to 2d per 70 w ° ,1b , and flour 6d per barrel lo:d nce this day week. Oats and oatmeal barely suPP°rtid their valu e . B ar l ey, b eans, and peas were saleable at 4 too '2 d per and is per qr . un d er last currency . corn in very limited demand at 40s to 40s 6d per qr. prime yellow, and 39s to 39s Gd per qr. for best white' IPSWICH—JuNP: 13. 11 We get nothing to market but wheat, an d but a B'Th ► , quantity of that. P ar i s h a ft er parish, in which on i n h ; average of years w ou ld h ave many licks standing in yards, have not one l e ft ; h ence until the new all: secured we cannot get any addition to the supplY., lid millers bought sparingly, but prices remain steady week's rates. PER QUArt PER QUARTER Wheat, red (old) 77 s to 80 s B ar l ey, grinding ... 00s t Ditto (uuw) t I Ditto, white (new) 82 s t o 86 sPeas 46s Ditto (old) t° °" Barley, malting ... 30s t o :',25. ,1 Flour, per sack . 00 s to v is AVERAGES FOR THE W EEK ENDING J ! NE 13, 1854. Wheat I/ Oats Boars 7 0 Barley /I , 00s Od Peas HULL--JuisrE 13. There was a short supply of farmers' wheat at this tl., market, which m e t a f a i r sale et 79s to 80s, being ftu'foor the prices current last Tuesday. A retail demand foreign wheat, and fine qualities ale in small ennl i s o Moore inquiry for grinding bailey. The stock of In' corn, owing to recent shipments to Imiand. is much rea llc The linseed market con ti nues d u l l, but.a good consuteP , l e , demand for cakes. No alteration in rapecakes. 13°11 are only dull sale. 5 s Wheat, English, red 78 to 81l Ditto white B2 to 86' Dantzie and Konigs berg PoineranianandHam burgh Danish, Holstein, and Friesland 7O to 76 Russian and Odessa 6 , .► to 7 Oats, English Ditto Danish Ditto Friesland Ditto Russian 12 to 34 Barley, malting Ditto grinding 34 to 36 Beans Ditto foreign Peas, white and yel Si) to 51 ____ e. Peas, grey and black 45 to 4 S Linseed, Black Sea.,, 67 0 A 6,1 Ditto Petersburgh 62 0 "" Ditto Riga and Arch- 4 angel Ditto Konigsberg and Mnnel — to Per Tp . Lins. c., Hull 101 Os Od to 010 Ditto fine for. St 10s 9 1 5` 194 Ditto inf. for Ol Os Od to 0 1° ' itapeseed OOl Os to 00/ 09 tape cakes , 12ils Od to 00f Irares, English.,.... 00s to Cl° Ditto foreign ..... 00s to 001 Guano 4/ 10 ' s 81 to 12/ O. 3 0 ' nes l2os Od to 126! 0a litye Meal SEABORNE MAILS. (N signifies that the malls are sent from the General Post -/fll' by the night—and M by the morning —despatch.) Day when mad, u I From wit, • ‘ 4, : hen i . COUNTRIES. in General P os t. Port. dos '; , l ap. Office, London.• I)lso.,tcho,i En-tan, _.„,, --___-... --,..------_. tinerica(byltrit.pack)N Every Friday .... Liverpool IEIIO I" ' America (by United Sts. I June 12 packet) ...... .... N ••••• • • • • • Liverpool •• i' kmerica (by U Statesl packet) .......... 1. , T .. •• ...... r , outhamptom Australia (via SouthH I ampton) ..........:11 June 4 ..... .. Southampton'Jtily 4 Ditto (via %I atseilles) N May 8 .. Dover .... 1 Ditto (via Cape of flood _. as ta Hope) ...........• N J une 1 Africa (West Coast)..N,23d o f th e month. Plymouth .. Jul,' 6' Alexandria..... • ....N,B, 9, 24, & 30 of in. Dover .... • • Alexandria..........M 4th & 20th of mon. Southampton Bahamas ........... M :17th of the mont! Southampton Belgium .. Brazil ..............M 16 9th of the month.. S o uth ampto n June Buenos Ayre5........ AI :9th o f t h e month.. Southampton * Tune ," Cape of Good Houe .. N 14th of the moot Plymouth ..1 Cape of Good Hope .. N lith of the month. Sonnet - moon; Cape de Verds .....Nl4th of the month. So u th am pt o n) Ceylon (see India) ~„„, Cey10n........ •.....N . l4th of the moot. „,0..• Iqat. 1 1- Channel 151e5........N,M0n.,Wed.,&F111 SouthamPlm Ti'.' • • 6 Chili-- .. •.......M '2(.1 & 17th of mont Seutliamptoi June 1 ' China (see India) l i Constantinople ......N 17,8,17,21,&27 of in. Dover ...... Constantinople ........ !4th St 20th of rat:, South , Miun ' I 'olo' wont. of Europe M & N:Twicv daily .......Dover ...•• .. Tyr. Egypt (see India) I 1 edaili France ........ DI & N ;Twice daily.-- Dover .. ~.. T Gibraltar .......... M. 4, 7, 17, 20, 27 of in Southampton June 6 Greece (see India) 1 I Greytown ..........111 , 2nd & 17th of mo n . So u th am pt on June 16 liamburzh ........ .. N.Tuesday & Friday London ..... I fiavannah . . frolland ............ M Dai1y.... •• .. Honduras .... India ( viaSouthampt.)M 4th & 20th of tn - n. iPl ym ut h .• June ' mita (via Marselllesiiti Bth& 21th of inn ~, :Dever ......, lonian Isles (see India) 7, f7,&27 of mon iDover.....• ' , „,011 Ireland ........ M tit N .Twiee .fai i 3 .• .. M 7,9, 17, & 17 of m lSotithampto,, June ' 16 tfadeira ............ M 9th of the month 'Soothe lot June .• . top • tiadeira . .. ... N ,235 of month Malta (see India) . I Bolts . ..... ...... ..!, 7,17,19,n, 30 of in. I)over ...• ••I Mauritius (see India) 1 I tiatultios .......... fe 14th of the month Merco ..... . „M 2nd of the month. !Southampton July 1 Naples . , . ......, N sthi , th2sthormon 'Dover ...... .iew , :ninada ......m ,25 & 17th of month Sout hamptor June i !. P 6 .. New Ze liana .......... ; B y pr i vate ship iVariott. o• rt Luce I' ., Papal states ........ N ls, thl(ttla - thotinoif Dover ......1 Peninsula .......... NI ' 7 thl7tl.2Bthoftnon Solithattipto, Peru ........ • ......M! ii & nth of mon ;southampto.. June 16 Port Natal ..........N;l4th 01 the month i Plymoutk ..1 SiellY • • ............N t stlll , th2sthoinion, Dover ...... Punany ~ ........,,Nisthl4th2stholmon.pover ......r Venezuela ... NI 4e 117th of ^nonth!Southampton June 16 Van Inemen's Lanu (nevi Australia) ........ .1 , June 4 West Indie s .... . 4 .1 1 2:1 5 v 17th o merit' , Soutnampren June .6 'Southampton Mien any of these Antes tall o t a Sunday, the tliAti• wilt ne despatche i on the following , lay with the exception of the tn(il 1'; Southampton), and the folta, both of whi c h w ill b e despatched tn.- day preceding. [A DVERTISEM E NT.]—Du Barry's Delicious Revs.lents Arabica Food invariably restores health, without medicine, inconvenience, or expense, as it saves 50 times its COt to other remedies. We extract a few out of 50,000 tes!.,, monials of cu res , w hi c h h a d res i sted all medicines. Coy" No. 180. —" Twenty-tive years' nervousness, constipationf indigestion, and d e bility, f rom w hi c h I had suffere d B rea ' misery, and w hi c h no me di c i ne could remove or reliever have been e ff ec t ua ll y cure d b y Du Barry's food in a vel; short time.—W. B. Reeve, Pool Anthony, Tiverton._ Cure No. 4,208.—" Ei g h t years ' dyspepsia, nervousnes s, debility, with cramps, spasms and nausea, have been effectually removed by Du Barry's delicious food in a s' el l short time.—Rev. John W. Flavell, Ridlington Rectory , Norfolk.' C ure N o . 1 , 7 84— " Not expected to live 11, days longer. I nes cured by Du Barry's admirable fo od. —Magdalena P urv i s, M offatt, Scotland." Cure s ; e : 51,416. —" Fifty years' indescribable agony from dysPeP * ,. l nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency' spasms, sickness at the' stomach and vomitings, have been removed by Du Barry's excellent Food.—Maria Jolla Wortham, Ling, near Diss, Norfolk." Cure No. 3, 9 u' ri j Thirteen years' cough, indigestion, an d gene debility have been removed by Du Barry's excelleu Focd.—James Potter, Athol-street, Perth." Cure No. 81.—" T wen t y years ' liver complaint, With disorders of th e s t omac h and nerves, have b een perfectly cured by D u B arry ' s Revalenta Arabic r Andrew Frazer, H a ddi ng t on, East Lothian. " " Trevag'ej Gulval, near Pen zance . F e b . 2 0th, 1851.—Eighteen yea r's nervous debility, vi o l en t pa l p it at i on of the heart, t hre , bing of the templ es , v i o l en t pa i ns i n the left side and b a ck, shortness of breath, coughs, numbness of the extremiti es ) cramps, spasms, flatulency, retching, and such ge ne l,, weakness, th a t I was constantly fearful of falling whellr,"o my legs; these symptom s h ave b een remove d by m Barry's excellent Food.—Mary Gilbert."—ln canister°, suitably picked for all climates, and with full instructi ons , —llb., 2s. 9d.; 21b., 4s. ed. • 51b., lls. ; 121 b., 22* super-refined, 11b., 6 s . ; 21b., 11s. ; 2ta ; 101 b., 33,, The 101 b. and 121 b., carriage free, on post office order' Barry du Barry and Co., 77, Regent-street, London; Fortnutn, Mason, and Co., purveyors to her Majesty. cadilly ; also at 68, Cornhill; 60, Gracechur e h-street' 330 and 451, Str a nd, 63 an d 150, Oxford-street ; s"' Charing-cross ; 4. Cheapside. [ADVERTISEMENT.] ASCOT RACES. SPORT,B: MAN.—Her Maj es ty' s R oyal Letters Patent, for i's:; able and ex t raor di nary improvements in the n3°- powerful and brilliant Telescopes, Camp, Racecour,,se Opera, and P erspect i ve Glasses, to know the ?," tances of objects viewed through them—of great ' ra j portance t o th e army, navy, and others. Messrs. S. ant B. Solomons, opticians, 39, .Albemarle-street Pi c cadilly' Observe —opposite th e Y or k Hotel.--These telescopes 1 / ? t s ; sess such extraordinary powers th a t some , inches, vo an extra eye-piece will show distinctly Jupit er ' s m oon , * Saturn's ring, and the double stars ; with th e same tee: scope can be seen a person's countenance three mile' and a half distant, and an object from 12 to 14 milt They are of larger and all sizes, with increasing pow" accordingly.— The Royal Exhibition, 1851. - V a l ua ble newly invented, very small, p ower f u l wa i stcoat - poc ket glass the size of a walnut, by which a person can be see n and known l 3 mile distant ; th e y answer every purP°s" . on the race-course, at the opera-houses, country nary, and ships are cle ar ly seer at 12 to 14 miles. 11`e.' are invaluable for sh oo ti ng, deer stalking, yachting, , sportsmen, gentlemen, gamekeepers, and tourists. ()Peri race-course, camp, an d perspective glasses, w ith wonderf ul power; an o bj ec t can b e clearly seen from 10 to 12 En, i ' v. : distant. Newly-i nvented Spectacles ; immediately the) are placed b e f ore extremely imperfect vision, eve.,,,, object bec omes c l ear and distinct ; the most aged, 06' festive sight is brought to its youthful, natural, and f,' T i f ginal state. Deafness—New Discovery —The Ottani° brator, au extraordinary powerful, mall, newly-Invent e instrument, for Deafness, entirely different from all other * to surpass anything of the kind that has been, or Pr ° : bably ever can b e, produced. Being of the ssr a f; colour as the ski n , is not perceptible ; it enables des' persons to hear distinctly at church and at public sr semblies ; the unpleasant sensation of singing noises . _! the ears is entirely removed ; and it affords all the assist' unce that possibly could be desired.-39, Albemarle.streo , Piccadilly- Observe. opposite the York Unto?. / .R T 11 S. OF A SON. On the 11th inst., at Hawthorn-cottage, Stroud, Gl° ll ‘ cestershire, the wife of W. A. Preston, Esq. On the 11th inst., at Addiscombe-road, East Crottl°°' Mrs. Francis Herbert Secretan. OF A DACrGIITER. On the llth inst., Mrs. John Kemp Welch, Britto n. rise. On the 12th inst., at Sydenhani-park, Kent, the wife °I Chat les Barry, Esq., jun. MARRIED. On the 10th inst., at the parish church of St. 3far i le 'e bone, Gregory Lewis Way, Esq., late Major in 14 .''," Le 29th Regiment, to Mary Hay, second daughter of the n„, William Macdowall, Esq., amid grand-daughter of the o'"" Sir William Dunbar, of Durn, Bart. On the 12th i ns t ., at Holy Trinity Church, BromPtt; Francis Campi on, thi rd son of Henry Wilkinson, Ess„ , Mary Ann, e ld es t d aughter of Henry Capel Elliot, D B4. ' of 38, Brompton.square. DI A: D. At 80. Mi nor i es, on the 10th inst., Mary Anne, w i fe of F. Rawle, Esq., sur geon , only daughter of the late Go°"' ,e Eachns, Egg., surgeon, Saffron Walden, Ersex. On the 11th inst , at his residenc e , 31, Montague-159113- re, John William White, Esq., late Captain of the Ist Regl went cf. Warwickshire Militia. L )NDON : Printed and Published by MU itDo YOU: \ of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Nice, No. 112 i Strand, in the P rec i nc t of the Savoy, in the count)" ° Middlesex, Wednesday. June 14,1654. NAI The Dir Ohre Not( Per cent. &Wenn th, Dividend Office, 112 The Tr 14th inst., G" Ex, aIicICIR F. 2 1 8, at 7.4,! 6 • 30 ; Got Fares the !kr 3ud ani hot transft street, Ch 209, &rani R x._Pr en On TRIM leave PAI Weston •Su Ptareross. and will re To IV( To Ta 'To Ex To St To To To rl3 The Ex( for the E: 2 71 King-s 1 ;treat; Further - at any of t () Xl' ; IL TeYed thro Ween Eus teeter; find Leave ion Arrive at I Kic Sto Leave Dud: Stou Kidd Arrive at I rulLimicOgenNe S I Railway in sidera. ly c 11 /orded at Families at tlxed ALB] E5l LuAWS Leasehold, IT NI JJ AS LIFE ASST N OR Notice is ING of the *ill be hel 'TUESDAY June 140 Vcm -Al-4 -Ti HENRY ADVANTAG: The who' Year. No chary Militia' Number The Assu 220,00( The sum which returns Assurauc the Pr( *Unit CoNull RC The marl !!ogislature or the ben attention ol but also on I ntent of II country. Increasir Ralf Frei Sum stet Prarlsiot Er Profits d) tialf-cre( nnPaid hall At the la! blade in th (PROPZI ON THE Corn laustratcd New Editi THE SF 4. 4 t pubi NE: Sp , More suc tlYstem, distinguls every va excesses, _ Ol l twenl Nervous are aide: eantional and on 1 these imi Hal i reng Fin Sell Year ...... A B. 30 1 1 40 1 9 50 , 2 2 6 0 3 6 Wor