The Sun. — London, England, 1863-02-12 00:00:00

AMERICA. LIVERPOOL, Wednesday. The Canadian mail steamship Hibernian has arrived, with advices from Portland to the 31st ult. New York advices report that heavy snowstorms had prevailed. A steamer, supposed to be the Princess Royal, had run the blockade of Charleston. Her cargo included marine steam-engines. In the Senate on the 27th— The Bill indemnifying the President and other persons for the suspension of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus and other acts done in pursuance thereof was taken up. Mr. Davis opposed it. A long debate ensued on the Bill. Mr. Saulsbury made a long speech, and was called to order several times in the course thereof. Finally, when censuring the course of the President of the United States, calling him an imbecile and calling him by name, the Vice• President called him to order, and requested him to take his seat. Mr. Saulsbury continuing his remarks, the Vice-Pre sident said if the Senator did not take his seat he should order the Sergeant, at -Arms to take him in charge. Mr. Saulsbury—Then the voice of freedom is not allowed in the American Senate ? The Vice-President--The Sergeant-at-Arms will take take the senator into custody. Mr. Saulsbury was thereupon taken out of the Senate, displaying a revolver which he took from his coat po,:ket. After a short time Mr. Saulsbury came into the Senate again and began to speak. Mr. Doolittle called him to order, on the ground that he had been called to order for contempt of the Senate, and could not be allowed to go on without leave of the Senate. Mr. Saulsbury—Does the Senator from Wisconsin say that I am in contempt of any honourable man ? The Chair (Mr. Clark)—The senator from Doleware will take his seat, as he is out of order. Mr. Saulsbury—Just as I please, or otherwise. Cries of " Order." The senator will take his seat, and the Sergeant•at-Arms will take him in custody. After further discussion Mr. Saulsbury attempted to speak. Tho Chair—The senator will take his seat. Mr. Saulsbury—No, sir. Mr. Stzwnor roe° to the question of "Order," that the senator from Delaware had been committed to the custody of the Sergeant•at-Arms, and he saw him on the floor. The Chair said the senator was in the custody of the Sergeant-at-Arms, and if ho made further disturbance he would be removed from the Senate. N r. Saulsbury took his seat, shaking his fists and swear ing at the Sergeant-at-Arms and Mr. Sumner. Mr. Sherman offered an amendment, that any person not in the military or naval service of the United States, and not subject to the articles of war, who shall be arrested in any state or district, wherein the process of the courts is not obstructed, during the rebellion for aiding the rebellion or obstructing the execution of any law or military order, shall be discharged, unless within ten days charges are filed in the clerk's office of the district where he is arrested, and it shall be the duty of the judge to discharge such person or hold him to bail, as he may deem necessary for the safety of the country.—Adopted. The Bill then passed. Yeas, 33; nays, 7, In the Senate on the 28th,— Mr. Clark offered the following :---Whereas, Willard Saulsbury, senator from Delaware, did on the 27th instant I bring into the Senate a concealed weapon, and behaved in a turbulent, disorderly manner, and, when called to order, did refuse to observe order until ordered into the custody of the Sergeant-at-Arms, and then threatened to use the said weapon upon the Sergeant-at-Arms, and in the presence of the Senate did draw said weapon and threaten to shoot said Sergeant-at-Arms, and behaved in a manner disgraceful to the Senate and destructive of all order and decorum ; there fore resolved that said Willard Saulsbury be and is hereby expelled from the Senate of the United States. Mr. Saulsbury said he had not a word to say on the merits or demerits of the resolution, and neither avows nor dis avows what is charged. Let the Senate act according to its judgment. Laid over. On the 29th,— Mr. Saulsbury, of Delaware, expressed his sincere regret at what occurred on Tuesday evening. He had no dispo sition and no desire to violate the rules of the Senate. He was satisfied that he was wrong, and was willing to make all reparation. If upon that occasion he used any discour teous language he expressed his regret for it. Mr. Clark, after hearing the explanation, said he would not call up the resolution to expel Mr. Saulsbury to-day. On the 30th, — The bill granting aid to Missouri for emancipation was considered. Mr. Henderson, of Mobile, moved to extend the final time of emancipation to 1885 instead of 1876, as in the bill. Rejected—Yeas, 15; nays, 23. Mr. Henderson moveu w au,eua, au us w watt iun amount given £14,000,000 if emancipation is completed in 1876, which after discussion was withdrawn. Mr. Wilson, of Massachusetts, moved an amendment as a substitute, providing for the payment of 20,000,000 if emancipation is completed on the 4th of July, 1865, but no money shall be paid for slaves hereafter imported, or to any ono who in any way has aided the rebellion, Mr. Kennedy, of Maryland, made a speech opposing the Bill. Mr. Harris, of New York, moved to recommit the Bill to the Judiciary Committee. Agreed to. In the House of Representatives on the 28th— The Bill authorising the employment of negro soldiers was taken up and debated. Mr. Cox moved to table the Bill.—Lost. A motion to refer the Bill to tho Military Committee was lost-32 against 103. Several dilatory motions were made. At half-past six there were several vacant seats. A call of the house was made, and excuses made for absentees. The yeas and nays were repeatedly called on trivial ques tions, the object of the Opposition being to defeat a vote on the Negro Soldier Bill, which the Republicans were de termined, if possible, to obtain to-night. It was now 8 o'clock. Mr. Olin (it being nearly 9 o'clock) asked general con sent to make a suggestion to relieve the house from their embarrassment. Mr. Allen, of Illinois, on the Opposition, and Mr. Bing ham, on the Republican side, objected. The calling of the yeas and nays was assumed on trivial questions. During the proceedings a few emphatic words were ex changed by Mr. Vallandigham and Mr. Colfax, the latter temporarily occupying the Speaker's chair. Mr. Vallan digham insisted that ho had a right to appeal from his (Mr. Colfax's) decision, and Mr. Colfax refused to entertain the question, claiming that under such circumstances as were now existing the rulings were uniform. Mr. Vallandigham—The Speaker himself just now en tertained a similar appeal. Mr. Colfax the Speaker refused to do so. Mr. Vallandigham—l appeal to the record of the House. The conversation though of short duration, was re markably earnest—to such an extent that members lounging in the cloak-room and on the sofas hastily rushed to the scene, thus increasing the confusion. At 11 o'clock no quorum was present, and the spectatars had nearly all left the galleries. The Speaker stated that as there was no quorum no busi ness could be transacted. House still in session (midnight) without action. On the 29th, — The Negro Soldier Bill was taken out. Mr. Hickman modified his substitute, striking out the distinction of white and coloured as to commissioned officers. Mr. Maynard moved to refer the subject to the Military Committee. A long debate ensued relative to the status of black soldiers in the army provided this bill pass. Mr. Wickliffe denounced the policy of employing negroes as soldiers. On the 30th, — The Negro Soldier Bill was taken up. In the course of the debate Mr. Wright, of Pennsylvania, opposed the employment of negroes to help to . put down the rebellicn. He believed that by a reconstruction of the Catinet and the restoration of General M'Clellan to the army the country could be saved. [Applause burst forth in heavy volumes from the galleries, accompanied by the stamping of feet and the clapping of hands. The Speaker rebuked this,] Mr. Wright said General M'Clellan was no favourite of his, lie had never advocated him here, but believed that no other General in the army em bodies their feelings and sentiments. If you want to carry victory on your arms, you must have a commander i n whom the army has confidence. General M‘Clel lan was the heart of the American army, and should be placed in command. (The galleries again broke out in applause.) Mr. Wright continued—Let the Presi dent make a new and mixed Cabinet, representing the two gr eat parties, restor e Gen. M‘Clellan to th e command of the army, and call for 200,000 men, who would rally to his standard in an instant. Further debate followed. Without taking action the House adjourned. General Burnside had issued the following ad- dress : t; Head-quarters, Army of the Potomac, Camp near Falmouth, Jan. 26. " General Orders No. 9. "By direction of the President of the UndedStataesndthoef Commanding General this day transfer s the command this army to Major-General Joseph Hooker. " The short time that he has directed your movements has not been fruitful of victory, nor any considerable advance ment of our line; but it has again demonstrated an amount of courage, patience, and endurance that under more favour able circumstances would have acccomphshed great results. Continue to exercise these virtues. be true in your devotion to your country and the Principles you have sworn to main t Lin, give to the brave and s kilf ul General, who has long been identified with your org an i sat i on end who is now to command you, your full and cordial support and co-opera tion, and you will deserve success. " Your General, in taking an affectionate leave of the army, which he separates from with so much regret, may be pardoned if he bids an especial farewell to his long and tried associates of the 9th Corps. His prayers are that God may be with you and grant continual succe,s until the re bellion is crushed. "By command of Major-General Burnside, "LEWIS RICUMOND, Acting Adjutant-General." The following order had been issued from the War Department : " Washington City, Jan. 20; " Ordered,—That Governor Andrew, of Massachusetts, is authorised until further orders to raise such number of volunteer companies of artillery for duty in the forts of Massachusetts or elsewhere, and such corps of infantry for the volunteer military service, as he may find convenient, such 'volunteers to be enlisted for three years, unless sooner discharged, and may include persons of African descent— organised into separate corps. He will make the usual needful requisitions on the appropriate staff, bureaux and officers for the proper transportation, organisation, supplies, subsistence, arms and equipments of such volunteers. - - " EDWIN M. STANTON, Secretary of War." A despatch from Washington says a list has been prepared of more than 80 army officers, who are to be summarily dismissed from the service for violat- ng the army regulations by the use of improper language ink reference to their superiors and the commander-in-chief, in connection with the re moval of General M'Clellan and the court-martial and the sentence of General Fitz John Porter. Advices from the army of the Potomac report heavy snow storms, and that the roads were nearly impassable. Vigorous measures are in progress to secure the return and prompt punishment of deserters. Respecting the sinking of the Federal gunboat by a Confederate vessel, we have the following in telligence, via Key West, under date Jan. 20:— "By the Northern Light we hear of the most audacious act yet performed by the Alabama, in which a United States steamer, the Hatteras, has been sunk by her heavy battery, and within sight of our coast. The particulars,as near as I can obtain them, appear to be as follows :—The squadron ordprod to Galveston, after tho retaking of that city by the rebels, consisted of the steam sloop of war Brooklyn and a number of smaller vessels, among them the Hatteras. While the squadron was lying off that port a steamer was reported in sight in the offing, when signal a as made from the Brook lyn foe the Hatteras to get under way and see who the stranger was. The Hatteras at once obeyed the signal and stood to sea. It was not very long before heavy cannonading was heard, when the Brooklyn immediately got under way, and stood in the direction, and after proceeding for some distance picked up a boat's crew from the Hatteras, who reported that their steamer had been sunk by a broad side from the " 290" (Alabama), and that they alone were left to tell the tale. They further reported that on coming within hailing distance of the stranger, both crews being at quarters, Capt. Blake hailed, and asked, " What ship is that P" and the reply came back, " Her Majesty's steamer Spitfire." Hearing this, Captain Blake gave the name and character of his vessel, and said, " I'll send a boat on board of you." While the boat was pulling from the Hatteras to the stranger she fired a heavy broadside into the Hatteras, which was at once replied to without apparent effect, for her battery consisted of but three or four light guns. The Hatteras sank in a few moments hom the effect of her an tagonist's broadside, and carried down with her all the officers and crew except those who were in the boat. Such is supposed to be their fate, for no traces were afterwards discovered of them. The Brooklyn proceeded to the locality of the disaster, but found that the Hatteras had gone down in nine fathoms water, and that the stranger had disappeared. Such is an outline of one of the most dar ing and at the same time one of the most cowardly actions ever perpetrated on the high seas. The rescued seamen say that it was the Alabama who did it, but their description of her rig is that of the Oreto. The Alabama is barque rigged, but these men say that the vessel they encountered was square-rigged forward only. This answers the de scription of the Oreto. Semmes may have sent down his main, maintopsail, and topgallant yards to disguise his vessel; but that is not probable, for he knows that with the Alabama, in case of her being disabled in her machinery, his only dependence for safety is her canvass. Consequently he would not be likely to disable his vessel in the manner I speak of. The mischief is done, however, no matter who did it ; and it would not be surprising to hear that other ac tions of a similar nature by the same vessel have been per petrated in our immediate vicinity. I here assert that the bloekade of the entire line of coast comprised within the limits of the Eastern Gulf blockading squadron could be raised and the blockading vessels destroyed by one vessel similar to the one that destroyed the Hatteras. I have be fore stated the reasons why this could be done. Conse quently there is no use in repeating it ; but if any one, Go vernment official or otherwise, is desirous of knowing, it will afford me retinal plan...are to g ive oaoe more the desired information, and show to the country fully the material Of which this squadron is composed." The same correspondent adds some further parti culars of the event : " Since writing the above I have conversed with Acting- Master De Hurst, United States Navy, who was attached to the United States steamer Brooklyn during the recent affair between the Alabama and the United States steamer Hat teras. Ho confirms my account, and states that the mast heads of the Hatteras were discovered above water; that they removed the pennant, which was still flying from her main truck, and they discovered two boats lashed together, apparently belonging to the Hatteras, besides the one that contained the men. From this they are of opinion that these boats were used to transport the crew of the Hatteras to the Alabama after she was captured, and that in all pro bability the majority are prisoners on board the pirate. I have also seen a copy of the report made to Admiral Farragut by Acting-Master L. H. Part ridge, United States Navy, the officer of the Hatteras who was in charge of the boat that Capt. Blake sent to board the stranger. He says that in chasing the stranger they came up with her rapidly, and when close up with her she stopped. As the Hatteras ranged alongside within pistol shot Capt. Blake hailed, as I have before stated, and her reply was, " Her Britannic Majesty's ship Spitfire." Mr. Partridge was then ordered to board, and he says that he had not shoved off a ship's length befere the Alabama poured in her first broadside, which was immedi ately replied to by the Hatteras. This occurred just at dark. As the first broadside was exchanged both vessels steamed ahead, side by side, exchanging broadsides as fast as the guns could be loaded and fired, and within a very short dis tance of each other. Mr. Partridge was pulling ahead all the time to endeavour to reach his vessel, but did not suc ceed. He says the cannonade lasted about 20 minutes,when he heard the sound of musketry. By dint of hard pulling he came again in sight of the vessels, and found them stopped, with the Alabama alongside and the Hatteras blow ing off steam, and heard cheering from the Alabama, prov iing that the Hatteras had been captured by boarding. Deeming it best not to be taken prisoner, he pulled back in ,he direction of our squadron, and was picked up, as before stated. This is the only information we have of the affair, and it is in all respects reliable. The Hatteras was a small iron steamer, slightly built, with engines and boilers ex posed to shot and shell. She mounted probably six guns of small calibre, and possibly less. She has been doing block ade duty in the Gulf for a year past, and was the vessel that took possession of Cedar Keyes. She is nothing in com parison with the Alabama, either in size, speed, or in the number and calibre of her battery. She was enticed into the jaws of the lion and crushed, without the slightest pos sibility of her being able to injure her antagonist in the smallest degree. She has been captured, after a most gal lant fight, by overwhelming power and numbers, and by English sailors, and under the plea that it was one of the English navy. A long time may elapse before the fate of her gallant officers and crew is determined." A Key West letter of the 22d ult. says the Oreto, after burning the brig Estella, of Boston, proceeded to Havannah, where she was coaling at 11 o'clock on the morning of the 21st. The United States' steamers San Jacinto and Oneida were about to leave New York in search of the Oreto. There was not ono United States' ship of war between the Florida reefs and the coast of Cuba. A New York letter of the 29th says:— " The captain of the steamer Eagle, from Havannah, re ports that on the 27th, at noon, ho saw smoke to the east ward, probably some vessel burning. He also states that' the American Consul, Mr. Shufeldt, at Havannah, pro tested to the Spanish authorities against allowing the pirate to leave until 11 o'clock in the morning of the 23d ; but the cruisers H e was suld allowedcap go t t e h the oads Federal e pa a ssosoe nde rthe. guard-ship, at tp t oui pirate . he icma S l O it o fa n inno a t f s after eo the dh p at i r ot a night, the Wachusset arrived at the same spot, when the Spanish authorities kept the Wachusett there until morn ing, before allowing her to enter port. The captain of the brig Estella was offered a free passage home in the Eagle, but he preferred coming in a British steamer." The following official report had been made to the Navy Department in reference to the loss of the Hatteras ; "Rear-Admiral Farragut has forwarded to the Navy Department the report of Commodore Bell, of the steamer Brooklyn, at Galveston, giving an account of the sinking of the Hatteras, 11th inat. Commodore Bell states that he has heard of six persons who escaped, viz.,—Acting Master Partridge, of Maine ; James Bailey, ordinary seaman, of New Jersey; George A. Falkenburg, of Philadelphia ; Jas. Wright, of 'Croy, New York ; Wm. H. Jenkins of New Jersey; Wm. B rown, coxswain, of Boston. Commodore Bell reports th a t at 3 o ' clock on the afternoon of the 11th, the Hatteras was sent in chase of a strange sail, which was reported from the masthead, and was seen after sunset about 12 miles distant bearing south. At 7 15 the Brooklyn was under way steering south quarter east, and at the same time the Cayuga steered south by west. The Brooklyn cruised in several courses as far as 63 miles south of Gal veston in search of the combatants, supposing the enemy to be the 290, and returning reached Galyeetort on the after- noon of the 12th. About 11 o'clock next day discovered two masts of a sunken vessel standing out of the water. The tops and rigging were awash, and the United States' naval pennant was flying gaily from the main truck. No ensign was found, and the hurricane deck was adrift. Sh was recognised to be the Hatteras by certain marks made on her hurricane deck by the Brooklyn some time ago." From Havannah we have further intelligence re specting the Florida, alias the Oreto : "The pirate Florida arrived here on the 21st inst. from Mobile. She coaled during the night and sailed on the 22d on a piratical cruise. The pirate first met the bark La Ciguena from Portland, but the bark kept well in shore and the pirate's boat was recalled, the La Ciguena escap ing. On the afternoon of the 22d, four miles from the coast, fell in with the brig Windward, Captain Roberts, from Matanzas, with molasses, for Portland. The Windward was robbed and burnt, the crew being sent ashore in their own boat. The cargo belonged to a Spanish merchant. On the morning of the 94th, off Cardenas, the pirate captured and burnt the brig Corris Ana, of Machias, Maiae, Capt. Small, from Philadelphia, laden with shooks. She was only one mile from land. The captain and crew were sant into Cardenas in their own boat. Soon after the pirate captured two mere brigs, just out from Cardenas. She burnt one and sunk the other. A schooner arrived at Havannah on the morning of the 24th, which states that the pirate was last seen with the British flag flying, steer ing for the Bahamas. The United States steamer Reaney left Havannah on the 23d, but returned the same afternoon, having been fired into by the Spanish man-of-war P rin cessa d'Asturia. The American Consul ordered the Reaney to proceed on her voyage, and the gunboat Oneida, which had just arrived, was sent out as convoy. The Reaney had the American flag flying when fired into. She had the American mails and Government despatches on board. The gunboat Wachusett arrived at Havannah on the even ing of the 22d, twelve hours after the departure of the pi rate. She coaled and sailed on the morning of the 24th. The rebels in Havannah are in high glee. Mr. Helm, their agent, holds receptions every Friday evening, and ex-Mayor Wood's daughter was present at the last one. The rebel schooners Ray and General Worth, from Mobile, arrived at Havannah on the 23d• The rebel schooner Mary Harris was to sail on the 25th for Matamoras. The French Cousul-General at Havannah had lately drawn 1,000,000 dols. on the French Treasury, which draught was honoured by the Spanish bank." _ A despatch from New Orleans received at New York on the 30th ult. says : " The Harriet Lane is blockaded in Galveston Bay. The rebels are fortifying the island and fitting out the Harriet Lane, and large numbers of rebel troops are concentrating on the island to resist our attack. Our fleet is large and amply sufficient to retake Galveston, but it is hcped that it will be able to recapture the Harriet Lane without destroy ing the city." 'e'Cf~~~,•j•.~ THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 12, 1863, have no hesitation in assuring you tiny will excite admira tion, esteem, and the most reciprocal feelings of friendship among the American people. I hail tiis interchange of sen timent, therefore, as an augury that, whatever the case may happen, whatever misfortune may Wall your country or my own, the peace and friendship whi3h now exists between the two nations will be, as it shall to my desire to make them, perpetual. " AIRAHAM LINCOLN." A Port Royal letter of the 26th ult. says : " An exciting naval conflict is believed to be impending in the Ogochee River between the Montauk and the rebel ram Fingal, said to be guarding the steamer Nashville. An effort will be made by Capt. Worden, under the orders of Admiral Du Pont, to attack and destroy the Fingal and cap ture the Nashville. The Montauk was still close to Fort Pulaski this morning, but it is expected to be ready to go to work in the morning." The Memphis Bulletin of the 26th states that Gen. Joe Johnston commanded the whole Western department of the Confederate army, and was march ing with a large force to Vicksburg. It was believed that he could concentrate 150,000 men for the de fence of Vicksburg. The Confederates were deter mined to stake everything to hold Vicksburg and Port Hudson, and to keep open the communication between Louisiana, Arkansas, and Texas. The for tifications at Port Hudson were complete, and Gen. M'Clernand's forces and Commodore Porter's squad ron had reached Young's Point, a place only 20 miles above Vicksburg. A despatch, dated Goldsborough, North Carolina, of the 25th ult., says— " It is reported that the Abolition fleet, 92 sail, including twotMonitors and six other iron clads, are in Beaufort har bour; also that 52,000 Abolitionists are encamped in Moore head and Carolina cities. According to a despatch from Newbern, General Stanley had sent in his resignation in consequence of the President's proclamation. The Richmond papers of the 24th ult. contain the following intelligence : Mobile, Jan 23. The Advertiser and Register have received the following despatch —" Macminniville, Jan. 22:—A detachment of 100 of Morgan's men, under Col. Hutchinson, made a dash into Murfreesboro' yesterday in sight of the enemy's cavalry camps, and captured 200 prisoners and 20 waggons. Trust worthy information from Kentucky states that on the 13th inst. Gen. Woolford made a speech to his men in the pre sence of 3,000 citizens of Lebanon, telling them to go home for 20 days, and if within that time Lincoln did not modify his prOcliunation he would not call nrnn the... to fiext against the South, but he would himself take the_field in be half of the South against the North." Fredericksburg, Jan. 22. The Yankees are building immense warehouses at Acquia Creek, and repairing and refitting the railroad to the point opposite this place, and building huts and other more per manent conveniences for their army. These preparations, together with the erection of batteries in front, indicate that their present line has been established as the permanent base of operations for the winter. A new earthwork, with several guns in position, was visible just below Falmouth yesterday. Considerable bodies of troops have been moving up the opposite bank for two or three days past. COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE. New York, Jan. 30. At the Second Board to•day the stock market was not so firm. Stock quotations—Chicago and Rock Island Railroad, 92; Cleveland and Toledo Railroad, 90; Galena and Chi cago Railroad, 94; Michigan Southern Railroad, 61; Cum berland Coal Co., 21i ; Pacific Mail Steamship Co., 166 ; Hudson River Railroad, 911 ; Harlem Railroad, 39 ; Michi gan Central Railroad, 971 ; Michigan Southern Railroad, guaranteed, 103; Illinois Central Railroad scrip, 951; Chicago, Burlington, and Quincy Railroad, 109; Norwich and Worcester Railroad, 82. President Lincoln and the Working Men of Manchester. The following letter and enc:osure have been re• ceived by the Mayor of Manchester (Mr. Abel Hey. wood):-- (Copy.) " Legation of the United States, London, Feb. 9. " Sir,—l have the honour to transmit to you by the hands of Mr. Moran, the assistant secretary of this legation, a letter of the President of the United States, addressed to you a% chairman of the meeting of working men, held at Manchester on the 31st December, and in acknowledgment of the address which I had the pleasure to forward from that meeting,—l am, sir, your obedient servant, " CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. "Abel Heywood, Esq., Chairman, &c., Manchester. "TO THE WORKING MEN OP MANCHESTER. "Executive Mansion, Washington, Jan. 19. " I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of the ad dress and resolutions which you sent to me on the eve of the new year. " When I came, on the 4th day of May, 1861, through a free and constitutional election, to preside in the Government of the United States, the country was found at the verge of civil war. Whatever might have been the cause, or who soever the fault, one duty, paramount to all others, was before me—namely, to maintain and preserve at once the Constitution and the integrity of the Federal Republic. A conscientious purpose to perform this duty is the key to all the measures of administration which have been, and to all which will hereafter be pursued. Under our frame of Government, and my official oath, I could not depart from this purpose if I would. It is not always in the power of Governments to enlarge or restrict the scope of moral re sults, which follow the policies that they may deem it ne cessary, for the public safety, from time to time to adopt. "I have understood well that the duty of self•preserva tion rests solely with the American people. But I have at the same time been aware that favour or disfavour of foreign nations might have a material influence in en larging and prolonging the struggle with disloyal men in which the country is engaged. A fair examination of history has seemed to authorize a belief that the past action and influences of the United States were generally regarded as having been beneficial towards mankind. I ' have, therefore, reckoned upon the forbearance of nations. Circumstances, to some of which you kindly allude, induced me especially to expect that if justice and good faith should be practised by the U n it e d St a t es , th e y wou ld encoun t er no hostileinfluence on the part of Great Britain. It is now a pleasant duty t o ac k nowledge the:demonstration you have given of your desire that a spirit of peaceand amity towards this country may prevail in the councils of your Queen, who is respected and esteemed in your own country only more than she is by the kindred nation which has its home on this side of the Atlantic. " I know, and deeply deplore, the suff er i ngs w hi c h th e working men at Manchester, and in all Europe, are called to endure in this crisis. It has been often and studiously re. presented that the attempt to overthrow this Govern ment, which was built upon the foundation of human rights, and to substitute for it one which should rest ex clusively on the basis of human slavery, was likely to obtain the favour of Europe. Through the action of our disloyal citizens, the working men of Europe have been sub jected to a severe trial, for the purpose of forcing their sanction to that attempt. Under these circumstances I cannot but regard your decisive utterances upon the ques• tion as an instance of sublime Christian heroism which triumph has not been surpas se d i n an y age or in any country. It is ind ee d an energe ti c an d re i nsp i r i ng assuran ce of the inherent . p ower o f t ru th, an d o f th e u lti ma t e an d un i v ersal t of justice, humanity, and freedom. Ido not doubt that th e sentiments you have expressed will be sus tained by your_great nation ; and, on the other hand, I FROM ITALY TO POLAND. (From the Datly .Mws.) The following letter from the celebrated Venetian poet, Dail 'Ongaro, to a friend in this country, has been placed in our hands for publication : Florence, Feb. 4, 1863. My dear Friend,—ln the midst of so many con tradictory rumours as to the character and scope of the present movement in Poland, I have been led to make anxious inquiries of the emigres of that un fortunate country. They are as much in the dark as we are ourselves. But they appear somewhat disheartened, and despairing of a happy issue to the cause of liberty. To them Czarism is still the all in all ; and seeing that the French Government is at present on the best of terms with Russia, these gentlemen are too well disposed to repeat the old and sad historic exclamation, Finis Polonice. It looks as though the Polish exiles, like the exiles of all lands, were determined to put their trust only in " the Emperor," and in whatsoever he may mean to do. So in default of living testimony I have taken counsel with the dead. At Brussels I knew the Father, the Cato of the Polish emigration, Joachim Lelewel, Count or Prince, General or President of some sort : I would give him his title if I knew it. I knew him as a working man. He owned a couple of blouses, one for summer wear, and both at once for the long winter months. Somewhere in a box, however, he kept an old threadbare coat, which he reserved for the annual commemoration of the Polish martyrs. I knew him for a man of learning, and an artist. He would draw up memoranda for writers who came to consult him upon obscure passages in ancient history, or disputed points of ancient geography. He was his own hands, and I fancy he transferred with his own hands to the plate the medallions which he drew to illustrate his great Numismatic work on Ancient Gaul. Ever accessible to all comers in his pauper's garret, which was also his workshop (Rue de l'Ecuyer—l forget the number), he would chide us gently if we knocked at his door before we came in. He had written on that door, which was always ajar, Come in without knocking, lest, absorbed as he was in his work, he might fail to hear a knock, and leave a visitor for a moment waiting. . Pray do not suppose, however, that this compa rative destitution was a reproach to his wealthier countrymen. Several of them had tried all manner of honourable and delicate ways to place consider able sums at his disposal; hut he always refused. By regular work he could earn the few pence he needed for his lodging and his maintenance. King Leopold offered him the situation of Director of the Belgian Museum, with a salary of 4,000 francs. Lelewel went to see the Museum, and replied to his Majesty that as the whole contents of the Museum were not worth a thousand francs, he felt bound to decline an appointment which could not justify its cost. To the offer of a professorship of Belgian his tory he made a similar reply. Some time after a noble-hearted Flemish gentleman left him by will an income for life, which he refused to accept be cause he said it belonged to the natural heirs; and when the next heir of the deceased confirmed the legacy, Lelewel went himself into court to plead against his own life•interest under the will. How the matter ended I cannot say. On my arrival in Florence in 1859 I endeavoured to induce the Tus can Government to invite Lelewel to Florence, to lend his aid to the Italian savants who preside over our rich collections. The affair was under consi deration—too long; for meanwhile Lelewel died in his garret at Brussels. I had hoped that the sun of Italy and the dayspring of our new liberties might have prolonged his future days, to the profit of science and to the honour of our coantry. It was too late. Pardon me, my dear friend, for all these details and this long digression. I wanted you to know the manner of the man before I gave you the words I once heard him utter on those Polish revolutions of 1830, which tore him from his studies and elected him a member of the Provisional Government. One day when I was dining in his company at the house of a veteran Italian refugee, the conversation fell naturally enough on the revolution of 1830. The great Polish exile's eyes seemed to dilate and g'ow with unaccustomed lustre : he was no longer the savant, but the chief of that historic insurrection which was drowned in blood. He said but a few words, but those words are stamped upon my me mory, and I seize this occasion of recalling them. "The Polish revolution (he said) failed for three principal reasons—First, because the revolutionary forces were concentrated at Warsaw ; secondly, be cause the aristocratic leaders and the general mis trusted the popular element and shrank from its alliance; lastly, because no appeal was made to the Cossacks, proclaiming their independence." Old Mazeppa, he added, would have understood me. The Cossacks bear no love to the Czar ; they have no liking for hangmen's work ; they are oppressed like ourselves ; they have a country like ourselves. We should have taken in earnest and largely applied the device of Poland—" For our lzberty and for yours" Lelewel was sublime as he uttered these words; he was prophetic. I should add, that he was no great believer in the inten tions of France, and no wonder ! He had small faith in any movement not begun by patriots living in the country. He trusted that the voice of humanity and of liberty would be heard sooner or later in the Russian army itself, and that the double bureaucracy, military and civil, which weighs on Russia would at length weary out the entire nation. All this was said before the war in the Crimea, before the death of the Czar Nicholas. His words, it would seem, have not fallen to the ground. Lelewel's counsels, repeated continually to every Pole, to every Russian who would not leave Brussels without paying his respects to the vener able Cato of 1831, are prevailing at the present moment. The insurrection is working from the cir cumference to the centre. Several Russian officers have listened to the voice of the Bell.* The Cos sacks themselves, if the despatches speak true, have given signs of national life and a sympathy for the Polish cause. It is to be hoped that the chiefs of the insurrection will not forget the popular ele ment ; and the brethren of the revolution will not again be at the mercy of some of those generals who have done nothing but arrange with more or less skill the clauses of a capitulation. To learn nothing, to forget nothing, is the device of de throned kings ; nations should remember their faults, and learn everything from experience. Thus much, my dear friend, the dead have told me. Will their words come true ? Will they prove more discerning than the living whom I have con sulted. Events must 'timer. The die is cast. But come what may, we will never cry Finis Polonice. Nations do not die. Eight is immortal. The com mon sympathy that binds all struggling causes and suffering peoples is a cheering sign. Let us hope, then, End do our duty. Faccere et pati fortia.: Let us die like martyrs; not mumb ling litanies in churches, but sword in hand, hold ing inch by inch that sacred ground which is ours to defend-. PALL 'ONOARO. *Alexandre Herzen's oumal, published in London. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—It is painful to find that the reign of an Emperor who has conceived and carried out the emancipation of the serfs throughout his dominions should be disgraced by the acts that are openly charged against the Warsaw Government. It is not merely a question of nationality, it is not whether Poles should lire under the sceptre and serve in the armies of a foreign master, but whether they should have the rights which humn beings possess even under the tyrants of Central Asia. The friends of the Russian Government are already beginning to excuse it at the expense of the instruments which it employs in Polish administration. It is said that the military governors to whom the management of nffairs has been committed for some time are men full of the ideas of the past, and accustomed to look upon every Pole as a rebel whom it is useless to con ciliate, and whom power must suppress, or be con tent itself to perish. Old officials, and the wretches who do the worst work of a police, have it is alleged misunderstood tho spirit of the Czar, and without his knowledge instituted a reign of tyranny iu Po- land. We do not believe in this defence, but the fact that apologies are offered is a proof that the scandals of the Administration make even the go- verning body in Russia ashamed. And there is good reason. Unless all that reaches us trom Poland be a fabrication, the conscription as practised there of late has been an iniquity surpassing anything told of Christian Governments in this age. It is bad enough for the youth of a country to be taken against their will to serve, not in their own land or in a neighbouring dependency, like the French, not in defence of their homes or for a cause dear to them, like the Germans or Italians, but to march off thousands of miles, to fill up the wasted regiments by which a merciless policy is ever seeking to advance the Russian frontier. But there might even in such a case be contentment and resigna tion if the conscription were a fair one. If the kingdom of Poland gave its share of victims together with the rest of the empire—nay, if the selection were just even within its own limits, there might be some possibility of submission. But it is solemnly asserted, and we believe with the most complete truth, that the conscription has been sys tematically made a machinery for picking out and carrying into lifelong servitude every young man who showed the genius, the energy, or the promi nence of character which the police considered dangerous. This accounts for the statement that the last conscription has been more felt by the citi zens than the peasantry. In the towns of Poland are, of course, to be found those who have been most affected by the great events which for the last 15 years have been passing in Europe. In spite of Imperial neglect, education has advanced ; in spite of discouragements and actual prohibition, that education has taken a national—the Government would eay a revolutionary—character. The Govern- merit cannot repress thought on political matters, except by showing Polish society that to be sus pected of thinking is fatal. It is almost acknow ledged by the Government that the conscription has been used as the means of carrying off the most dangerous young men in Warsaw. To make sure of the revolutionary leaders, the authorities deter mined on selecting every man who wes at all con spicuous for ability or attainments of any kind. We are told that in Warsaw " very many students of law, medicine, and theology were taken to the citadel during the nights of the 21st and 22d of January. Two thousand conscripts were levied in Warsaw, though the city has no more than 160,000 inhabitants." Who can wonder, then, that the popu lation has flown to arms P Probably the inhabitants of the capital and the large cities began the move ment as the only chance of safety to themselves, but it is evident that the whole kingdom, proprietors, traders, peasants and all, are now in rebellion. Again, the priests are at the head of the movement, which shows that it has nothing in common with the revolutionary movements of Western Europe. In short, it is a thoroughly national rising, and the Catholic priests are impelled both by their patriot ism and their jealousy of the almost forcible con versions made by the Imperial Church to take part with their flocks. The insurrection can only be brought to an end by two means—either a long and merciless conflict with the rebels, or such a change in the administration of the kingdom as may con tent the Poles and regain for the Emperor the esteem of Europe. On the first alternative we will not speculate. But we do hope from the character of Alexander 11. that he will not think fit to renew the horrors of 1830 before the face of this genera tion. Such an outrage would justify the cessation of all cordiality between his Government and those of Western Europe, and would probably isolate Russia, if not from the Soiereign, at any rate from the Legislature and people of every csnstitutional State. Even the partners in the work of Polish spoliation have made some reparation to the people they ruined. Galicia has been fairly governed by Austria, and is now one of the least discontented provinces of the Empire. Prussian Poland has its deputies who oppose their flighty King with as much boldness as any German on the benches. The Sovereigns of both these States are, no doubt, de sirous to see matters go as smoothly as possible with their Imperial brether ; but should he out rage too much the conscience of the world, they may be forced by the opinion of their subjects to join in condemning him. DAILY NEWS.—What is the use of Royal Com missions ? They cost a great deal of money—they are excellent means for shelving an inconvenient subject for a season ; but they seldom lead to any prac.ical results. The first thing that a responsible Minister does with any report which does not agree with his own opinions, or with the traditional opinions of the office over which he presides, is to throw doubts upon the soundness of the conclusions of the report, and sometimes even to direct his sub ordinates to collect evidence in contradiction. Royal Commissioners have lately reported on the Concen tration of Law Courts, on the Education of Pauper Children, and on Educational Charities. These investigations have occupied in some cases years, and have absorbed many thousands of the public money. The legislation of last s ession did some thing to carry into effect the recommendations of the Education Report. But as for the Concentration of the Law Courts, the Education of Pauper Children, and Educational Charities—these subjects seem to be practically abandoned. To those who take an interest in the subject of Charities it is satisfactory:that so competent an authority as Lord Wrottesley should have brought it before the House of Lords; bat it is far from satisfactory to find that the Government intend to do nothing in the matter. It might, perhaps, be supposed that after the sub ject had been so thoroughly ventilated, public writers who pretend to enlighten the public, would have taken the trouble to inform themselves, by reading that chapter of the Education Commis sioners' Report which refers to this special matter, before attempting to criticise it. If there is one thing which the Report deals with more elaborately than another, it is with the question as to the body that ought to be endowed with power to reform use less foundations. It has been ca l c ulated that the value of all the property devoted to charity is be tween seventy-five and one hundred m illion pounds sterling ; and of this vast sum part is wasted on schools which have no scholars or incompetent mas ters—on objects which have absolutely failed, or which are actually demoralising the people. In one single case there is a sum of more than one hundred thousand pounds which has accumulated, and yet there is no object to which it can be applied con sistently with the terms of the original gift. Are these enormous sums to lie idle, or to be applied to useless objects, or what is to be done with them ? At present there is no power which can deal with such charities, and certainly one of the most impor tant and difficult problems which the Education Commissioners had to solve was that of ascertain• ing . where the power of r emo d e lli ng c h ar iti es o ught to be vested. Vested somewhere it must be, for otherwise large sums of money devoted to charity must continue to lie idle, or be used actually to promote demoralisation. Now, if there was one body to which this power could not be entrusted, it was the Court of Chancery. From the time when Lord Brougham's Commission was appointed, more than thirty years ago, until the present moment no difference of opinion has existed on SOUTHAMPTON, Wednesday,—The Hamburg- American Company's screw steamship Borussia, Captain Schweneen, sailci hence at 1.30 p.m. to-day for New York. She takes oil German and English mails, 160 passengers from Hambug, Havre, and this port, 21,500 f, from Havre, and a full ca:go. [ADVERTISEMENT.]-llolliway's Ointment and Pills. — Never neglect a Cold.—:t is painful to hear of the many fatal cases which commerce with the ordinary symptoms of a common cold. Holbway's Ointment rubbed upon the back and chest prevents all disastrous consequences. It soothes the inflamed filing of both throat and chest. After rubbing i n th e Oin tmen t for a few days the pectora l irritation and the tightiess of breathing diminish; the cough becom es l ooser ant less frequent, and the phlegm is expectorated with less dfficulty till the lungs become free and respiration natural All subject to take cold from slight exposure to varyilg temperatures will find Hollo way's soothin g Oi n tmen; and purifying Pill s an effective safeguard sumption, against plemisy, bronchitis, asth ma, and con- this point. And yet a contemporary, with a forces have been directed to more important dis forgetfulness of ordinary facts which is amaz- tricts, in the certainty that the issue of the war . In ing, solemnly suggests that this tribunal no way depends on any operations which may be should be invested with additional powers in carried on to the west of the great river; and if order to remodel useless charities. The rea- beaten in Virginia and Tennessee and Federal_ sons which have induced every person who had forces must be withdrawn or expelled from the considered this subject for a moment to reject the States of Louisiana and Arkansas, and probably idea of calling in the aid of the Court of Chan- from Missouri. If Grant and Rosencranz should eery are simple and conclusive. In the first place, be thoroughly defeated it is probable that within the Court of Chancery is too expensive. It must two months New Orleans would be the only point be remembered that out of 28,880 charities there west of the Mississippi and south of the Missouri are 17,972 under £lO a year, with an aggregate that would remain in Federal hands. And no income of £58,187. And when it is added that defeats will induce the Confederates to listen to.the in the opinion of Mr. Senior, himself once a terms suggested while they can possibly keep an Master in Chancery, "the instant a charity not army in the field. 'The fall of Richmond, Charleston, exceeding £3O a year becomes the subject of a and Mobile, would not oblige them to cede a single suit it is gone; one of £6O a year is reduced one State that has once joined the Confederacy; and if half; one of £lOO one third "—the absurdity of they were no longer able to do more than maintain invoking the aid of the Court of Chancery in such a guerilla warfare that warfare could be main cases becomes obvious. Indeed, as Mr. Senior tained even more easily and effectively on the says, "the prudent friend of such a charity will western than on the eastern bank of the Mississippi. submit to see it mismanaged to any extent short of the destruction of all its utility, rather than risk its ultimate annihilation by the ruinous pro tection of the Court." If any further evidence were required of the extravagance of the Court of Chancery, even under the present reformed system, or of the folly of investing it with addi tional powers to deal with charities, it is furnished by Mr. Erle, the Chief Commissioner of Charities, Mr. Martin and Mr. Hare, both Chancery bar risters and Charity Inspectors. The mere appoint ment of new trustees has cost near £BOO, and in the "Attorney-General v. Corporation of Ludlow" the costs amounted to £20,929. The second rea son for not investing the Court of Chancery with any new powers in matters of charity is that the Judges of that Court are incompetent to deal with such subjects. These magistrates, however learned in the maxims and precedents of law, cannot be expected to have studied, or to have arrived at any concurrence on, the more difficult principles of social science, or on their practical applica tion. Indeed, they naturally shrink from resort ing to such principles as too speculative allies for positive jurisprudence. Mr. Hare, himself an eminent Chancery barrister, and an Inspector of Charities, has spoken in the strongest terms of the incompetency of the Equity Judges to remodel charitable foundations. Although there is a sum of £3,000 a year in St. Dunstan's-in-the East which is totally unappropriated, Mr. Hare urged that no ap plication should be made to the Court of Chancery for a new seheme. He said, " The constitution of that court makes it the proper authority for enforc ing the execution of trusts, but not for solving the problems in moral science, or determining the great questions of charitable economy." " Even," he adds, if it possessed materials for this great function, the subjec` is only presented to it in a detached and unconnected form, which renders it impossible for the Court to lay the foundation of any great insti tutions for the moral advancement of the poor and ignorant classes." This is not mere theory. The action of the Court of Chancery iu matters of charity has always led to the most disastrous results. Under the scheme settled by that court a whole parish in Herefordshire has been demoralised. In the case of Sir W. Perkins' School at Chertsey, the Court of Chancery settled a scheme, in 1819, at the cost of £2,898, which was so absurd that it has never been carried into effect. And the same thing occurred at Ludlow, where the scheme proved to be in3prac- Usable. At Exeter there is a very large sum an nually devoted to charity—more than £l,OOO a year; but yet so incompetent is the Court of Chan cery considered to deal with these funds satisfac torily that they are still administered without any definite scheme. And no wonder, for we are told that in this very city of Exeter the court, instead of enlarging, has sometimes narrowed the scope of the original gift ; that gifts have been appropriated to particular trades which have since migrated from Exeter; and that the trustees are now, in fact, as much hampered by the restrictions of the Court of Chancery as they were once hampered by the terms of the original foundation. In fact, experience has proved that the interference of the Court of Chan cery is a positive evil ; and that if charitable foun dations are to be utilised, some other tribunal must be appointed to deal with them. It is not our pre sent purpose to discuss what that tribunal sbuuld be; but it is important that the public should be misled by the ignorant suggestion that the Court of Chancery is that which ought to be invested with such powers. It will be as rational to invest the Equity Judges with the nursery arrangements of infants because it manages their property, as to invest them with the power of re-modelling chati table trusts which have failed. It would be quite as easy for the Federal Govern ment to conquer the whole of the South as to con quer those states whose natural character and half desert condition make them far more defensible than their sisters on the Atlantic seaboard; quite as easy to subduc. Virginia and the Carolinas as to com pel the submission of Texas and Arkansas. And. thevery reasons suggested by the writer as justify ing his proposal—the helplessness and insignificance to which it would reduce the Confederate States — make it clear that those States will never consent to be so divided. They must be conquered altoge ther. No middle term is possible. Again, the Fe deral Government has no right whatever to the States west of the Mississippi, and the Confederate Government has no right to cede them. Texas, Louisiana, and Arkansas are members of the Confe deracy ; the two former were among the seven earliest seceders, and all the three are as completely Southern and as bitterly hostile to the North as South Carolina herself. Whatever right the Lombards have to be free from Austrian tyranny ; whatever claim the Greeks have to national independence ; whatever right any people has to be rid of a yoke which it abhors, and a connection with its most detested enemies, that right, and a still stronger right, have the South-Western States to be for ever released. from the Union—stronger, because they have on their side not merely the natural rights of a people willing and able to maintain its f-eedom by the sword, but the legal rights of sovereign and inde pendent communities. It is not our business to liberate them any more than it is our business to set Poland free from Russia, or to drive the Austrians out of Venice, but to suggest that any influence or sympathy of ours should be lent to those who desire to reimpose on them a hated yoke is like asking us to restore Lombardy to the Austrian, or to give our moral support to the system which has driven the Poles into a desperate insurrection. Finally, it is impossible that any arrangement could be durable which should leave the North in possession of any one of the States forming the Southern Confede racy, or of any portion of those States, except, per haps, Western Virginia and Eastern Tennessee. Missouri and Kentucky, Maryland and Delaware, might, after half their population had been driven into exile, be colonised from the North, and remain tranquil in their connection with the Union. But Arkansas, Louisiana, Texas, and the territory of New Mexico, are thoroughly and completely South ern—Southern by climate, by institutions, by race, by interests, and by passion ; they never could be persuaded to remain in the Union as States, for their State authorities, chosen by the people, would be for ever in open resistance to the Federal power, and for ever passing ordinances of secession; they could only be held as subject provinces, and then only by the sword. COUNTRY MARKETS. ,►}--------- LYNN-TUESDAY. We have to report an average show of wheat, and the value was is per qr less, with a moderate demand. Barley is dearer. "W hite .. 508 to 53s 1 Barley 38s to 39e Red .. 49s to 518 1 Grinding .. 32 s to 338 Beans .34s to 40s Oats .2 2s to 25 8 New -s to s Peas —s to —S HERALD.—It is, we think, at leaet 12 months since some of our most impartial contemporaries urged that the North, abandoning the hopeless attempt to subjugate the Confederate States, should confine itself to the more possible endeavour to se cure a good boundary; should, at least, admit to itself, if not proclaim to the world, that it must hope and would fight only for a frontier. A long series of defeats and disasters has induced the more judicious friends of the Northern cause to look on this advice with less disfavour than they at first felt towards it ; and we have now before us a little pamphlet embodying their idea of the frontier which their clients should demand, and which Europe ought to extort for them, since they cannot possibly obtain it for themselves. We cannot com pliment the anonymous writer either on the ori ginality, the ingenuousness, or the good sense of his proposal. The frontier which he has traced on the map annexed to his two or three pages of ad vice is the same that was suggested some months ago by at least one newspaper devoted to the Fe deral party ; the map is so unfairly drawn that no one would guess from it that Texas is an organised State and one of the most important members of the Southern Confederacy ; and the suggestion that Europe should recognise the Confederate Govern ment only on condition of the cession of two-thirds of its territory, and the insinuation that European influence should be used to compel its acquiescence in such terms, are simply and utterly absurd. The frontier proposed is defined by the Missis sippi, the Cumberland River, the range of moun tains which divides North-Western Virginia from the rest of that State, and the Potomac. It would give to the Federal Government the States of Missouri, Arkansas, Louisiana, Texas, and Ken tucky, with portions of Virginia and Tennessee, and the territories of New Mexico and Arizona, besides the States of Maryland and Delaware, which it at present holds by sheer force, and would surround the Confederate States on every side with the domi nions of a hostile and an aggressive power. The proposal is made and defended chiefly on the ground that it would thus injure and imperil the rising na tion—a nation with which, for many reasons both of policy, interest, and sympathy, England should desire to be on good terms ; and though the proposer pretends to impartiality his one object evidently is to make the successful and peaceful development of Southern resources impossible, and to strengthen as much as possible the worst enemy of Great Britain and the most inveterate disturber of the peace of the world. It is open, besides, to three conclusive objections —it is impracticable, it is immoral, and it could not establish a lasting arrangement. It is impracticable, because no European power will ever intervene to assist the North in establish ing its authority over a vast territory whose popu lation is intensely hostile to Northern rule, and because the North has not the least chance of conquering that territory by force of arms. The Federalists have been driven from their foothold in Texas ; they have nothing more than a foothold on Louisiana and Arkansas; and they have not a secure possession even of Missouri and Kentucky, It is true that they have the power to ravage and plunde; the plantations along the banks of the Mississippi in Louisiana and the neighbouring States, and that the marauding expeditions of Gen. Butler have spread devastation and anarchy over a very considerable portion of the former country. It is true that New Orleans is in their hands, and that while the war lasts, and they retain possession of the sea and the lower part of the river, the Crescent City cannot be wrested from them. But they do not govern in Louisiana ; they are there not as rulers, or even as conquerors, ha simply as invaders; and the only reason wby their invasion has not been more effectively resisted is thttt the CePfedErat(. HULL-TUESDAY. A fair supply of English wheat to-day at market, Which was taken off at about last week's currencies Foreign Wag still neglected. Barley for malting sold rather dearer. Oats, beans, and peas were at late rates. Wheat.... Old white per qr. sos Od to 538 Od Old red New white .. „ New red .... „ Dantzic, Konb 2 &C. old white 52s Od to 57s ° c/ Dutch, Belgian, and French. 58s Od to 62s Od Baltic and Hamburg, red 49s Od to 538 Od St. Petersburg and Riga, old sos Od to 52s Od Barley.... English malting 3ls Od to 38s 03 Grinding 3os Od to 338 Od Saal and Oderbruck Holstein and Danish 2Bs Od to 298 Od Grinding Oats English, old Archangel and Riga, per at 2 2 086s B s l °° 2 dd id ttoo to 23Blss lii Friesland and Dutch oBl3d to 0a13 3 / 4 41 Swedish and Danish o2l2id to osl 3a Beans ....English, old, per qr. 4ss Od to 46s Oa New pigeon 42s Od to 44s 0 a New tick Egyptian .. 34s 6d to 35s Od Peas .. Foreign boilers Grinding Tares .... Spring. Indian Corn Linseed, feeding s2s Od to 56s 04 crushing Linseed cakes (Hull) I MO 5 0 to £lO 10 0 Foreign Bl5 oto 9 0 0 Rape cakes 6 5 oto 610 0 Bones 5 5 0 M 510 NEWARK. •WEDNESDAY. We had a quiet market, but a fair demand, at is redue• Ilion. White wheat new, 52s to 56s I Barley, grinding.. 30s to 315 Red do. 44s to 50s j Oats, old, .. 27, to 300 Old white sBs to 62s j New do 21s to 25 6 Red do. 54s to 58s Beans. 42s to 440 j Barley, malting.... 38s to 438 Beans, new 36s to 400 Peas, ....44s to 48s. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. AuKralia and Mauritius, via Southampton. Feb. 18. via Marseilles .. Feb. 12. Brazil and Cape Verds, by British packet. Mar. 6. Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena. Mar. 3. China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton. Feb, 18. via Marseilles ...Feb. 12. Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton Feb. 18. -- via Marseilles Feb. 1 2 • India (Bombay), via Southampton Feb. 1 0 via Marseilles Feb. 20. Portuga1.... Malta, Egypt, and Men, via Southampton Feb. 10 • via Marseilles Feb. 10. Newfoundland Oporto and Vigo .. . U. S. and British N. America, by Brit. packet.... Feb. 1 2 ' by U.S. packet.... by Canadian packet. Feb. 13. W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe Feb. 1 0 . Bahamas, via New York Feb. 12. Mexico • ...Feb. 28. All parts of West Indies, including Chili, Peru ; California, and British Columbia.. lFeb. 13. Births. HARDMAN.—On the 10th inst., at Twickenham, the wi fe of C. A. Hardman, Esq., of a son. LEIGH.—On the 11th inst., at 8, George-street, Hanover' square, the wife of Roger Leigh, Esq., of a daughter. SEYMOUR.—On the 10th inst., at the Rectory,Winchfle l49 the wife of the Rev. C. F. Seymour, of a daughter. SMYTH.—On the 9th inst., at Hastings, the wife of Lieut.' Col. R. Smyth, of a son. Marriages. ANDREWS—NUNN.—On the 10th inst., at St. George?' Hanover-square, Mr. Thomas Andrews, of the Ado'- ralty, Somersot . house, to Susan Nunn, of Boo" Herts. FA.NE—FANS.—On the 10th inst., at Fulbeck, Lieutenant; Col. Francis Fane, 25th Regt., to Augusta, the young e s daughter of the late William Fame, Esq , of the Bag Civil Service. Deaths. --- BACON.—On the 9th inst., at Beacondale, Norwich, N ich ,, ° : l as Bacon, second son of the l a t e Si r Ed mun d Bac° — Premr. Baronet, aged 77. - gel" C U BBIT.-09. the 10th inst., at St. G eorge ' s - squ are, gravia, Lady Cubitt, re li c t o f t h e l ate Si r W m . Cubi' aged 73. CLARKE —On the 7th inst., Thomas Howe Cbrke, Esq, J,P., Chichester, aged 69. Mno.—On the 7th inst., at 402, Strand, Thomas IVl ii°t aged 49. READ.—On the 7th i nst., at P enzance, Th omas Ca' ell Read, of 84, Chancery-lane. RHODES.-OE. the 10th inst., at Hennerton, Henler °l3. Thames, John W. Rhodes, Esq., aged 68. VIVEASH.—On the 6th inst., Charles Baskerville Vivegolig Esq., of Ealing, aged 64. _ London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDI. of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE SIIN Ci e, is 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the Coup of Yfddleaex.—Thursi.lav, February 12. FM-