The Sun. — London, England, 1831-08-25 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. We cannot concur with some of our contetn poraties in thinking that the practices which ievali dated the Dublin election, and sullied the " cause of Reform" with the tint of bribery and corrupt infiu vice, should he lightly passed over, as not demand . ing either Parliamentary animadversion or judicial punishment. We do not understeed the ethics of those political writers who are only intolerant of certain vices when practised by one party, which they regard with indulgence, or even with approbation, when practised by another. If ever an occasion arose when it was peculiarly imperative that the choice of popular representatives should be free from all imputation of corrupt practices or improper influence, tt was that occasion when the Sovereign appealed to the people to know their real sentiments on the Reform Bill, which sentiments could only be . collected by the result of free and unbiassed eiee tious, It is a bad rule of conduct, whether in morals or politics, " to do evil that good may come of it." The evil in such a case is, unfortunately, always. certain and positive, while the good is " merely contingent. It is strangely inconsistent to advocate a Reform in the representation of the people with that sort of zeal which consumes the temple in which it worships—seeking Re form through the violation of every princip!e of . purity of election. The result of the late Dublin election is only a new exemplification of the old homely rule, that " honesty is the best policy." No political disadvantege which the cause of Reform might have derived from the rejection of the Reform candidates could be so bad as the mortal blow which tha' cause has received from the exposure of the illegal and improper means taken to ensure their success. Such means of carrying elections the ad vocates of Reform have always reprobated in the severest language when practised by their adver saries Mr. B. Gordon, who ably discharged his duty in bringing this subject under the notice of the House, is himself a steady and consistent Re former, yet he has been charged by some of our contemporaries with unnecessarily delaying the Re form Bill. Surely he could not have adduced a mote powerful argument in support of the principle of Reform than by showing how perniciously for public morals and for freedom of election the present system was capable of being worked, even by the hands of Reformers. To the sen timents of those Members who spoke in defence of the character of Mr. Perrin we give our full concurrence. The unquestionable reputation which that gentleman has always borne for sound judg ment, rind correct principles of conduct, makes us I feel assured that he is the victim of the officious zeal and dishonest activity of others—of men of that class whose blundering support is more dan gerous than any enemy's hostility ---met who rea lize the caustic description which the satirical poet gives of the species to which they belong, when he says, "No enemy can match a friend." It is foolish to say that any Reform Bill can extirpate bribery and corruption. The most perfect Bill that could be framed would only diminish the chances of corruption; but to suppose that it could destroy the practice altogether, would be to suppose it had the power to work a total and miraculous change in the moral constitution of men. As we hope it is in tended to punish bribery, corruption, and perjury, after the passing of the Reform Bill, so we are ofl opinion that those offences ought to be punished ' now, whether they are detected in Evesham, in Dublin, or Liverpool.—Morning Herald. Another wasting useless night hits been spent in the House of Commons, without the least progress having been made in the Reform Bill. And for this, neither 'Ministers, nor, we might almost say, the Opposition, are to blame, although these last, of course, gladly avail themselves of every opportunity which the false friends of Reform so constantly give them, by interposing other business, or by bringing forward capricious amendmen6 to the different clauses. Ott Tuesday night, Mr. Robert Gordon edified the House by ten hours of instructive dis cussion on the Dublin election, and had the high satisfaction and reward of telling, with his colleague Mr. Hunt, sixty-'ix of the most Ultra-Tories of that desperate and persevering faction. Last night the farce was to have been opened by Mr. Hughes Hughes, who gave notice of the repetition of a motion, similar to the famous one of General Ciascoyne, in the last Parliament. It is understood that some of his more influential constituents re• monstrated with their less considerate representa tive, and disappointed, by their timely advice, the hopes of the Opposition that another night's delay might have been added to the hours already wasted by the injurious suggestions of the Hon. Member for Oxford. Ott the withdrawal of his notice, Mr. Henry Hunt took the field with an amendment, and was supported on a division by the solitary vote of Mr. Alderman Wood. Next followed that busy and stirring Reformer., Colonel ;Davies, who, not sa tisfied with the former decision of the Committee, aeain moved the exclusion of freeholders in cities and boroughs from the right of voting in their re spective counties. After two long speeches from the Hon. Member, and a protracted d;scussion on this twice debated point, the Committee lost half an hour in again dividing, the numbers being 223 to 136, 'the lion. Meerber for Cricklade and, we understand, only four other Reformers, supporting the views of the Gallant Colonel, with 131 enemies to all Reform. To Colonel Davies succeded Mr, Pol hill, another Reformer, who occupied the time of the House two or three hours with another amend ment, which, with more consideration than his pre "decessors, he did not press to a division; and at half-past twelve the Opposition, as usual, called for an adjournment, on the grourid that it Was too late to discuss this important clause, which ought to have formed the subject of the evening's debate ! All this delay was caused by Members who call themselves friends of Reform ! We do not quite understand the motives of such men as Mr. Gordon and Colonel Davies, who are old and experienced Members, and, withal, ;gentlemen to whom the public have been accustomed. to look up, as the steady and consistent advocates of the great cause, evhich is now suffering from their want of judgment, and, we fear, of temper and disposition, to second the efforts of the present Government. They cm not, at all events, be suspected of acting on the piti ful feelings which may. influence other Members who take part in these proceedings, of adding to their personal importance, and raising themselves in the estimation of their constituents, by display ing an active zeal in contesting points in detail in which they may consider themselves peculiarly inte rested.—Morning Chronicle. A smart discussion took place last night on the presentation of a petition from the Petty Jurors last session assembled at Knutsford, correc:ing certain statements put forth by the Grand July respecting the beer shops. The petitioners praised these shops, and declared their establishment -had been produc tive of the best effects to the agricultural interests, and had promoted the comfort and morality of the people. Mr. Hume " expressed himself highly fa vourable to the principles of the Beer Bill, and de precated any interference with it such as that con templated in another place, where Prelates were bemoanin g the evils which they asserted sprung from these beer shops. If ever there wad - cant and hypocrisy exhibi te d i n this world, I it was displayed in inveighing agai nst t h ese beer strips, when men were silent with resp ect to g i n? ' um e named 11 0 one ; but the allusion to cant ' and brought the character of the Bishop of Lonclotiit° hypocrisy discussioti, as well as that of the beer shops. That Right 1 ev. Prelate, as may be remembered, presented a petition against beer shops, signed by ninety_f ive Clergymen of Staffordshire; a pretty good proof, at all events, that the Clergy.are more devoted to the in terests of the brewers than to the interests of the people. Birds of a feather flock together. Sir M. W. Ridley, whose sympathy with the Bishop of London we can welt understand, declared that it I V aS B misre presentation to say that -any class of men in the country (he did not even except Clerical Magis trates) wished to put down beer shops; above all the Bishop of London wee the last who would en-1 courage any thing of that sort, or who had a wish for anything but the prosperity and happiness of the whole of his flock." We have no doubt that the Bishop of London would be ready to return the compliment. We know no man who stands more irr need of a thick-and-thin friend—in common par lance, an Irish friend, than Sir M. W. Ridley him self, the tried friend to the people, who procured for them the Bill to stop up footpaths. It would not at all surprise us to hear the Bishop of London, on the presentation of a petition against that Bill, or some other of that gentleman's labours, declare that a hetteretlisposed man towards the poor than the Newcastle Baronet did not exist it the country. The Bishop and the Baroneteetlee enemy of footpaths and tie enemy officer-houses, skittles, and boating on the Thames---are well matched. There was another evi dence to the kindness and philauthropy of the Bishop, Mr. Crampton, who said" that the charge of cant and hypocrisy, if made against the Bishop of London, was unfounded and brijust. There was no man less subject to such a charge, nor to the imputation of wishing to lessen the comforts of the lower orders." Did Mr. Crampton derive his knowledge from the production of the 'tight Reverend Prelate., pub lished alteut a year ago, in which lit inveighed so lustily against the heieeent site of poor sedentary mechanics making eYttlrsions by water to Richmond en the only day they are at liberty ? The act of countieg the number of people eyllo on one Sunday passed his Episcopal Palace in boats, indicated a warm benevolence. How superior to Fenelon, who, on a Priest complaining to him that the people would dance, exclaimed," Well, let them dance; they toil hard, and have few enjoy mente ; we need not dance," Who knows but Fenelon might have even been tole rant of skittles, hat abomination le the eyes of the kind and benevolent Bishop of London ? We are glad to find that in the House of Com mons there is a better spirit on this subject than in the nonse of Lords. Several Members had the courage to protest egainet the system of interference with the lower orders. What fell from Mr. O'Connell and Mr. Hume was excellent. In the posthumous work of Mr. Hope, on the Origin and Prospects of Men, there is a chapter in which the selfishness of the higher ranks of England, and the mischievous resulee of their treatment of the lower orders, ere described by the hand of a master. What he says is well deserving of attention ; but we fear selfishness has so far obtained possession of the higher ranks of Englishmen, that nothing short of some great calamity will open their hearts to kindly feelings. " Nay (he says), all the wealthy alike will, from the disproportion between the real worth of different things, and the imaginary value they set upon them, acquire for mere gold—in itself only a glittering substance, without intrinsic means of procuring happiness or even pleasure—a thirst sc inadequate to the real portion of felicity gold is able to afford, CS to destroy all public spirit, all patriotism, all regard for integrity, virtue, and whatever else supports and strengthens a commto ni•y—as to substitute to these mere venality, cor ruption, and a spirit of jobbing—as to cause every• thing in the country, the seat in the Senate and the privileges cf the Pulpit, the right of defending the interests of man, and the task of inculcating his duties, like the box at the opera on the concert— like the shake of the stage dancer, anti the quaver of the soprano—only to be deemed worth what they will fetch in the market; and as to make the highest orders of the community, instead of being those most solicitous let the public welfare, those precisely most ingenious in sacrificing the public good to their private emolument." Speaking of the fruits of their conduct to the lower orders, he says, " They (the lower orders) within despair at no longer by their mechanical labour earning their wonted subsistence, cease their toil, fling away the'r tools, break their ma chine=, and give up the possibility even of resuming their former occupations if they should wish it. They will, for want of being- able to take to higher employ ments, in their forced idleness, while they retain some fear of those above them, doggedly receive or extort from them an arrogant, a forced, and a de ' grading charity; and when, by the daily sight of the wanton way in which the wealthy part of the community spend their means, and the contrast thereof with their own misery, they at last are made to lose all regard for lasys, from which they only reap an inadequate advantage, they will avail themselves of their superior numbers, resort to rapine and to violence, and destroy all the means of enjoyment of the rich, without adding much to their own felicity." We wish to remind the higher ranks, that if love begets love, hived begets hatred ; and it is dan gerous for any class to allow themselves to become objects of hatred.--ilfmning Chronicle. We do not know that any arguments em be urged upon Ministers more cogent and forcible in favour of speeding forward the Bill, than that which has been already addressed to them, having reference to the present condition of Europe arid to the pro bable designs of certain foreign Powers. One cruel effect of the procrastination we have witnessed, is the daily increasing chance which it affurds of oc currences on the Continent becoming so critical as to distract and perplex the British Government before their hands arc clear of the domestic difficulty,— that is, before the perverse action of the borough opposition shall have been completely broken by he final success of the measure. There is no doubt that if the internal state of England be once com posed, and the nation identified with the executive power, by feeling that there exists no longer a separate interest in the commonwealth from theirs, the language of foreign Governments to that of Great Britain will be more respectful, their tense of responsibility for saTosigs, or even -lights inflicted on her eflicial representatives, will become more acute and vigilant, and their acts in all instances more strictly conformable to their professions. The reason for this is clear enough— because the British Minister, in asset ting his coun try's rights, may at ail times reckon on the support of a free people ; and one very question really affect ing the national dignity, interest, and honour, strangers must know that they will not have to deal Inerely with the heads of departments in Downing -treet ; but that, from the direct sympathy established betwen the nation and t be. Government, every Eng, lishman will feel himself a party to each negociation in a degree of which surrounding courts cannot fail to be early made sensible. In a freely chosen Par liament, no opposition from factious motives, or for the pursuit of any but great public objects, will dare to show its head; so that those troublesome en gines which have now and then been played off to the annoyance—perhaps with a view to-the frustra tion—of British d,plomacy when most honestly and usefully exerted, may be thrown aside with the pha lanx of congenial artifices which have nightly been employed for the last three months in systematic hos tility to Reform. Ministers, therefore, meaning—as we give them full credit for meaning—to serve bona fide the highest interests of the State, can by smother human expedient secure to themselves such effectual co-operation out of doors, or so entirely crush all vexatious hostility from the boroughmongers within, as by enabling themselves to have recourse without delay to the protection of a free Parliament, repre senting mainly the mass of English principle end feeling. With confidence Lord Palmerston, or any succeeding Secretary, may thenceforth refer a Con gress, or an individual Foreign Minister, to the spirit manifested by the nation through its delegates, as to a text on which to reason for the edification of his master. There will then be no vicious partiality exhibited towards despots whom England abhors-f-- 00 truckling to arrogant and menacing densocracio, —no surrendering points of honour to aggresaive armies—no sullen or barbarous indifference to the destiny of heroic nations expiring for the love of ites in o ur po li t i cal movement must, I , l) ,F r i ay and in the cause o f E uro p e . from imrregthee nature of things, -be set right by the rejection of those factitious and illegitimat e forces which now bear capriciously upon it. S uc h a clearance away of rubbish from the machine of State would rrialce t,flia a paradise to an honest Minister. To us it io amazing that obis truth, above all others, does not so impress itself upon the minds of out present Cabinet, as to urge them forwards with irresistible energy to the completion Of the 101. Sure we are, that until it shall have passed into a law, the King's Government will be wholly unable to do justice to the empire, in its interests, domestic or foreign; and much reason have the .Vhiga themselves to fear, that althoeigh eh exclusively boroughmonger Mi nistry may be impossible, the thousand accidents arising from the unfortunate delay of this grand measure may so affect the iotaiity of Lord Grey's Adminieteetien, as to compel him by-and-by to compound for an infusion, not of Tory principles alone, into his policy, but of Tory persons into office. It gives us no dissatisfaction to leartn that meetings in London and elsewhere s are to take place, for the perpose of pressing upon Parliament a retorisideration of that Anti-Reform clause, bv which counties are to be split in twain, and the free constituency throughout much of England to be annihilated. Our readers may assure themsel ves that the people are all alive, and earneet in their watchfulness over the Pill. l'he tenant-atswill clause has engrossed no small share of their dis approbation. But the subject of most serious concern,—of deep and grievous concern to the people,—is the intolerable beaau-se un profitable, teclimesnese of the nightly discussions in the lease of Commons. What advance has been made since Monday night last in the Bill ? On Tuesday night Reform was never mentioned. Lest night the House began with the 21st clause, there being three times twenty-one clauses in the Bill, and how much further did lion. Members pro ceed ? We refer to our own columns for the art s we're It is true, and we should be unfair to Mini sters if we denied the fact, tint the posiiire blame of such tardy journeying is not imputable to them. They speak as se!don;, and with as much brevity, as niat be but it does appear to us, that by a dif ferent arrangement of the clauses, and by a greater simplicity in the qualifications, they might have left fewer questions for debate. Mr. Hume is DOW . to move that the Reform Bill shall take place of all other business in the House, and that the Speaker shall take the chair at twelve o'clock daily. This will, we trust, have a most beneficial effect. Colonel Davies last night proposed one of a series of amend mente of which he had given notice; but finding it defeated by a large majority, he declined to bring forward any further propositions, which he se would merely occupy the time of the House with out any reasonable chance of being adopted.—Tiews. We daily receive a great variety of letters, which we have neither room to insert nor time to abridge, but which, nevertheless, are far from being useless, as they often suggest hints or relate facts, of which the public have the benefit through our own obser vations. The Reform Bill is the topic to which our correspondents now chiefly direct their attention, and to the tendency and details of which they in cessantly call ours. One of them yesterday gave us a curious account of the Lowther manufacture of freeholds for 'Westmoreland,—a manufacture which we hope will be less extensively and less profitably conducted under the proposed law, than on the old system. He states, that in the three last elections the Lowthers expended 130,000/. to have the Noble Lord and the Colonel returned ; and that about .50,000/. of this sum went—not to buy voters, but to create votes. In reference to the colours of that noble House, and the narrow property which con•tituted the new freeholds, the latter have been appropriately denominated yellow ribands. 'Fire parties who deal in such ribands should be sent to Coventry. The following is our correspondent's ac count of the manufacture:— " One of the Lowther agents or friends at Manchester, or Liverpool, or any large town, selects a person of the high Tory party, saying, I know your principles are Church and King; will you be a Westmoreland voter? You need. not pay the 171., the price fur the purchase for your life of the one-thousandth part of an estate, or one-fiftieth part of an estate, at a rental of forty shillings, a year, except you like; we will provide that for you. You shall have a journey to Westmoreland, 70 miles, every election ; a guinea a day for your loss of tone, all your travelling and other expenses paid, besides a jovial dinner, and the best of wines, &c., at Lowther Castle. To this he consents. On the day he gives his vote, a piece of parchment is put into his hands. It is a print e d deed of a life interest ia, or annuity out of, land lying in the county, or a purchase in fee of I-30th part of an estate, and rated to the land-tax : 40s. is paid him by the Lowther agent as his rent for the last year ; he is then drilled in by the Committee. ' Where is your estate? Look to your parchment;' and he says 'here it is.' ' What is your tenant's name?' Ido not know.' H e produces the deed, and strange to say the description both of the estate and name of the tenant is printed. What did you pay for the purchase money?' 1 sin not bound to tell.' Who paid your expenses ?' do nut know.' You will swear that you are a freeholder ?" I " Thus are freeholds and voters made on the exist ing system, and the county is bound, neck and heels, with ,yellow ribands. The only other letter on this subject to which we can now advert is one signed by a correspondent called " W. M." who seems to be a little of a puritan, and a theorist in election matters. He argues strenuously that the right of voting for a Member of Parliament should be made to depend—not on the property possessed, or the rent paid by the elector—but on the amount of taxes with which he is charged. This might be plausible, on the supposition that a lawgiver was made for no other purpose but for passing the national budget, or examining the estimates of public expenditure. But what would be done in those happy countries where the people never see a tax-gatherer ? Must they be deprived of the benefit of a Congress, or a House of Representatives to give them good laws, because they obstinately resist the imposition of taxes ? Another odd notion of our cor respondent relates to the mode in which the candi date and the elector must commence or conduct their intercourse, in order that the former may continue independent, and that the latter may avoid temp tations to dishonesty or corruption He strongly sets his face against all canvassing " for sweet voices" at elec:ions, either by the candidate in person, or by his proxy—and would have the match concluded like a royal marriage, without any previous meeting of the parties. Our correspondent forgets that all kinds of influence are not necessarily corrupt—that there may be the influence of talents, virtues, and accomplishments, es well as of money — that the voter may require to see his future repre• sentative, to ask him questioosatespecting his prin ciples, as well as to make him open his purse; and that the intercourse between a constituent and his deputy should commence in a knowledge of each other, in order to be continued in harmony and con fidence. We abhor as much as our correspondent the employment of pecuniary means at elections, and shall say, with Cicero, that " it is a bad state of the commonwealth when trusts or honours are procured by money, which ought to be the reward of virtue;" but if he can read Latin, he will find in the following beautiful enumeration of election eering motives, from the same author, other in fluences than those of bribes, though bribes are un happily admitted :—" Atque etiam subjiciunt se homilies imperio alterius, et potestati de catisis ribus. I)ucuntur enim aut benevolentia, aut beta fictiorum magnitudine, ant dignitatis prreaantia, aut see, sibi id utile futurum, sot metu, ne vi parere cogantur,aut se largitionis, promissisque capti : aut postremO, lit swpe in nostra republica videmus, mercede conducti."—Times. In the House of Commons last night, a desultory conversation took place on the effects of the Beer Act, and the management of the beer-shops, which have been the consequence of this benevolent sta tute. We were perfectly prepared for a great deal of clamour and complaint among the Magistrates at the Violation of their vested rights,—at the abolition of their ancient monopoly to license the pleasures and superintend the morals of the poor. We are quite sure that, though they could see without in dignation drunkenness reeling out of a gin shop, or hear of riot raging in a public-house under their own=patronage, their virtuous souls could scarcely tolerate the enormity of. drinking beer in a place licensed by the Excise : but we scarcely believed that they would so soon commence their attacks on the impromi state of the law, or that so much cant and hypocrisy could be displayed in so short a period. The discussion last night took place on a petition against certain representations made by a quorum in Lancashire, and it required no small share of patience to listen to the gabble which was uttered against the new Act on this occasion, the ignorance and hypocrisy of wh:eh we have so often exposed. The complaint against these shops is, either that they tempt the people to drink too much beer, or that they harbour them too long in the enjoyment of their humble pleasures, or that they present them with incen. tives to riot or breaches of the peace. In the first case, their pockets are generally a restraint on their excesses, or if they were richer, they might enjoy the licenSed excesses of the Magistrates. In the second case, the necessil of working for their bread is a better regulator of their time than the dictation of the Magistrate, or the staff of the con ' stable. And in the third case, the beer-shop has no privilege, and the common law of the land is suffi cient to maintain or to restore order. But are not all these supposed dangers increased tenfold by com pelling the poor to resort tti public•Thoirses, where the nol: only meet with the refreshment of their own humble beverage, but the excitement of spirituous liquors and bad company Away, then, with these cruel and harsh restraints on the poor, or first shut up every gin-shop, and make it felony to distil ardent spirits.—Times. Wearied and disappointed as we are at the slow progress of the Reform Bill—tired and disgusted as the public is, that the whole matter has nor (teen al ready disposed of—we nevertheless cannot reconcile it to our conscience to cas.t Warne, to any very great extent, on his Majesty's Ministers for the delay vihich Las occurred. That they are most honest and sincere in their endeavours to pass the and the whole Bill, we have no doubt, and we never had any doubt : but they cannot trample on the forms of Parliament—they cannot compel a factious opposi tion to give its aid to their desires—they cannot at all times controul the vagaries of some Members of their own party :—and hint dice lachrynce,— hence the delays which have taken place—the dissa tisfaction which is universal—:he general rising of the population against further delay, which we knew is about to take place—the " indignant s7irit of the North," which is about to pour forth its fury on friends and foes. The Toriei mistake their position in thinking that they are now combatting with a politi cal storm, and that by the delay of which they boast the success they can weather it—no such thing — the storm is not yet come—the clouds are only ga thering—the dark spots are scat rely visible, or only beginning to form—but the lightning is seen in the distance, and is approaching—the thunder will soon begin to be heard, and who will have the courage, should it visit our island, to face it unappalled, or to aver that it is not better to eschew it by a timely retreat from dangerous positions ? Of the delays interposed in the progress of the Bill on Tuesday last, we shall only observe, that though mainly mooted by the Reform party, we shall not wish to see their like again : respecting those of last night, we must pronounce a similar wish—and we con elude with expressing a hope, that as the present Parliament met for the purpose, and no other of any moment, of giving a new representation to Eng land, the Reform Bill will, in future, not only form the principal, but the only subject of its discussion.— When it is settled, wine duties and other matters may he very safely disposed of—at present they can wair.—Morning Adveriiver. His Majesty's Monsters, by attaining higher si tuations, have attained also, it appears, a higher morality. Bribery at elections is become so dread ful to their minds that the mere mention of it fills them with apprehension and disgust. The subject must not be agitated in Parliament ; " let it not even be named among you." The House of Com mons are delicately to abstain from any notice of particular offences, and must look forward to the G eneral panacea of all moral, political, and social maladies. In this way Evesham was disposed of. Those who would have attracted public attention to its delinqutlicies were t ;tinted with new-born zeal in the cause of purity ; next they received for answer that the Reform all, in laying the foundations of electioneering virtue,would smite the bribes with an nihilation, and the briber with impotency; but as for this case of Evesham, " 0, no we never mention it I" The next instance which harrowed up their hearts was the misfortune of Liverpool, This also was a case too offensive for public discussion, or even for private meditation; •so they determined to issue the writ if possible, and thereby avoid the scandal which must result from a general investigation. The harm they thought was done, not by the fact itself, but by the notoriety of it; and on this principle we explain their eager desire to count out the House, and sup press all debate—a measure at the time somewhat questioned, but now fully interpreted by our know ledge of their original and delicate sensibility. The third instance was in the debate of Tuesday night on the Dublin election. They again exhihited an anxiety to avoid " shocking the consciences of men" by such a display of bribery and corrulition. The cure, they urged, is at hand. " Postponement," said the Noble Paymaster, " is of little importance compared with that of the comprehensive question of Reform." A debate, however, has been inevitable, and pungent truths came forth ; but their out raged sentimentality was avenged in a Reforming majority of seventy-seven. Now for these three at tacks of sensibility there are three very evident causes. The case of Evesham was pure nervous ness, arising from a general defect of seats for their official allies; the case of Liverpool may be equally referred to a nervous habit, but particularly superin duced by affection for a Noble Lord, fear of a Gal lant General, and the hope of one vote more to Re form. The case of Dublin was elicited by a sort of grippe, which in Ministers, as in the body physical, stirred up the inherent disorder of the person af fected. Ilis Majesty's Whig Government have thus in eight months done more for the promotion of bribery than was done by the Tories during the last thirty years. The Tories consented to the disfran chisement of Grampound, threw East Retford into the hundreds, and only spared Penryn after long examination. These three cases may be set in com parison with Evesham, Liverpool, and Dublin. Evesham has escaped, Liverpool is set aside, and Dublin got rid of by a majority of our pure, un earthly, angelic Reformers.—Morning, Post. MR. GALT'S NEW NOVEL, BOGLE CORBET. —A new work, by the Author of " The Annals or the Parish," and " Lawrie Todd," forms an event in the literary year ; particularly when it is calculated to display so much of the dry humour and curious circumstantiality, characteristic of its writer, as Bogle Corbel. Mr. GALT has a peculiar genius for investing familiar objects with the magic of poetry. The most valuable portion of this work is that: which contains many luminous details on the sub ject of emigration ; but the most interesting is the episode of Leezy Englesham and her worldly lover. Mr. GALT is a travelled as well as.an accurate observer, and has pre sented us, in addition to his human portraits, with many original descriptions of singular power and interest. CHARACTER OF Slit 'THOMAS MOR E.- Of all men nearly perfect, Sir THOMAS MouE had, perhaps, the clearest marks of individual character. His peculi arities, though distinguishing him from all others, were yet withheld from growing into mural faults. It is not enough to say of him that he was unaffected, that he was natural, that he was simple ; so the larger part of truly great men have been But there is something homespun in Mortz which is common to him with scarcely any other, and which gives to all his faculties and qualities the appear ance of being the native growth of the soil. The homeli ness of his pleasantry purifies it from show. lie walks on the scaffold clad only in his household goodness. The unrefined benignity with which he ruled his patriarchal dwelling at Chelsea enabled him to look on the axe with out being disturbed by feeling hatred for the tyrant. This quality t,ound together his genius and learning, his elo quence and fame, with his homely and daily duties, be• stowing a genuineness on all, his good qualities, a dignity on -the most ordinary offices of life, and an accessibly familiarity on the virtues of a hero and a martyr, which silence every suspicion that his excellences were magnified. Dr, Lurdner's Cabinet Cyclop.edia, Vol. XXI. FRANCE. BUDGETS OF 1831 AND 1832-Q UES- TION OF THE PEERAGE. To the EDITOR of the MORNING CHRONICLE. Paris, August 21, 1831. _ _ _ SlR,—The Minister of Finance has been speak ing to the Chamber, and to France; and although arithmetic may not be interesting to many of my English readers, yet I must not omit to perform a duty, though it be a dull and a laborious one I avow, howeser, that I am a great friend to economy, as well of money' as of time ; and I see no reason by the poor should * pay more taxes than the rich, in proportion to their means, nor why the mass should labour and suffer for the purpose of encour aging idlene•s, contributing to a protliga.e expendi ture, and for indulging those who were in possession of sinecures and pluralities. Wise, moderate, and just taxes, raised to support the necessary expellees of a well-regulated public administration of affairs, should he paid not only with punctuality, but with cheerfulness and satisfaction. A wise and national Covekoment, attentive to the wishes and wants of the nation, careful in its expenditure, and honest in its interior and exterior policy, should never be em barrassed for mean, and, indeed, never could be so. Governments are necessary—Governments are ne cessarily more or less expensive, and it should he considered as a pleasure, as well as a duty, by every. honest citizen, to contribute his fair and just poition towards the general charge. The benefits derived individually as well as collectively from the arts of such a Government as that to which I have alluded, are infinitely greater than can possibly be paid for by the contributions it will demand from the people. I am not, therefore, among those who attack all bud gets because they are budgets, and all taxes because they are taxes, and all Ministers of Finance because they are Ministers of Finance—since, if I were a citizen of several cantons in Switz-_trlaod, or of the United States of America, I should feel it to be my duty to support those wi-T, economical, and rational Governments, and would reckon as one of the pleasures of the year that of paying my taxes, and thus contributing to the strength and preservation of my liberties, rights, and happi ness—and the liberties, rights, and happiness of all the community. I cannot say thus much of any other Government in Europe or the world. I know of none except the Governments of some Cantons (and not all) in Switzeiland and of the United States of America, where the expenditure of the public money is not conducted without any sort of reference to the sufferings, toils, and wants of the poor; and I know of none where those who are roost wealthy, and least deserve, and are least in want of the public contributions, do not receive the most, and where they are not pampered and fattened on the products of the sweat, toil, miser v, want, and fasting of the millions. I know there must be gradations in society. Heaven has established them, and reason sanctions them. I know we must have rich as well as poor, and " rulers " as well as "governed." I know that these ranks and grada tions in society would not diminish from the happi ness of any class, provided Governments were na donsl and just. I ant opposed, therefore, to all the madcap schemes of Agrarian law, division of pro perty, and even to the m re moderate system of subtraction adopted by the followers of St. Simon I am opposed to all theories which. are merely ima ginary, and which, as they cannot be 'educed to practice, only tend to distract and torment, instead of consoling and rendering happy. But it is just because I ant opposed to all this, and because I would contribute with pleasure and gratitude to all the just expellees of a national Government, that I grudge the demands which are made of me to sup port in more than Eastern splendour a Government which addresses itself to the Aristocracy, which leans upon it for support and assistance, and which neglects the interests of the millions, and the wants and wishes of the mash. a, fr el With these feelings-I have examined the Budgets of 1831 and 18:32, presented by the Minister of Finance to the Chamber of Deputies on Friday last. I have perused them with attention, and examined them with care, and I am bound to add, that I urn greatly disappointed ! lam certain that this feel ing is not personal but national, and that the millions will ask what have we gained- finally by the Rairso lotion of July, 1830 ? Sinecures are still retained, pluralities still upheld, large and exorbitant salaries still vindicated. The items of 1829 taken on the items of 1832—the same system of places for men, and not of men suitable to places. Eighteen millions of francs to be allowed to our new Royalty—a sum more than sufficient to supply the Civil List for eighteen Republican Governments formed on the same basis as that of the United States. The same system of " Chiefs of Division," " Chiefs of Bureaus," " Inspectors General," and so forth—men who receive their 16,000, 18,000, and 12,000 francs per annum for two or three hours of supposed occupation in the middle of the day.— There is the same system of supporting and defend ing and exaggerating the value and importance of an institution, or of a bureau, or division, or class of affairs, simply because they have existed ; and the same enormous and extsavagont subdivision of labour, so that no one certainly earns a tithe of the salary conferred on him, except the hard-working clerks, with their 1,300 or 2,000 francs per annum, and who do all the duty of twenty superiors with their 10,000 and 13,000 francs each. am now speaking daggers to our Minister of Finance. 11-- cause he was in office under Louis X\ 111. and because he then thought the system good, and suit able to an anti-national royalty, therefore he vindi cates the very same system to-day, and refuses to make any alterations. I have read the report lately made by Dr. Bowring. It is full of interesting facts, and important conclusions, but I must add to it a postscriptutn—" Adopt, if you will, the system of keeping the public accounts pursued by the French Government, but guar': yourself against the enor mous and wholly unnecessary expences that system encourages, or for which it is offered as an apology." The Budget of 1831 is rather an account of ex pences and receipts than a Budget. In consequence of the Revolution of July, the Budget for 1831 was not voted in 1830, and only presented in February last ; and the Minister of Finance has now, therefore, submitted his scheme for settling ac counts. The Budget for 1831 consists of—let, Expellees; and 2d, Receipts. The expences are of two sorts, ordinary and extraordinary. The er dinars, expences are 947 millions of francs, and the extraordinary 225 millions. I have not much to urge against the extraordinary expences, except that they have been useless though necessary ; and that, although we have an army, according to Marshal Soult, of more than 400,000 men, yet we did not dire to march to Italy and bid the Austrians retire. We do not require 400,000 soldiers to defend France from an invasion, for if we will but allow liberty to be crushed or chased in all Europe, we shall be permitted to remain unmolested for at least some years to come. Let Ferdinand re-es•ablish the Inquisition—Don Miguel strangle the Constitutio nalists—the Austrians rule with an iron rod over their lialian subjects—Poland be annihilated by a series of bloody campaigns undertaken by the Em peror Nicholas, and Belgium be reduced to the narrow limits ordained by a London Confer ence; and certainly if the French Government shall sit quietly by and observe, acquiesce in, o r submit to all this—Marshal Sault may as well at once disarm, for ripen such terms the French Revo lution of July, 1830, will be more than tolerated for some years to come. Yet though o this is the sy s t em of servility, obedience, and submison, the system of peace at all hazrrds adopted by M. Casimir Pe ries, he arms France a la Quicholle, to fight with the windmills, and says, " We are resolved on de fending our national independence." The ordinary expellees of 1831 are those, however, against which more particularly protest. Prefects, Sub-Prefects, Nlinisters, Secretaries, Chiefs of Bureaus, Inspectors, and Employers (all except those who work) art paid double and treble the amount they dsservr, and one-hall of the places retained are places made ON NOT fr ma ) Eigh Pr Ttirinel i 4.s ek.„„ t 4,1 for individuals, and not because there is asY, necessity for them to ensure the right adtninn of public affairs. So in the army and navY• privileged men receive enormous and profligl' leries, whiter those who labour and toil Sr adequately remunerated. ihii Whblb te.t.pettee t Church is an imposition on France, to whi ch ( ought not to submit. There is no religion o', State, and yet the clergy are dependent o n Gown and the Pope. The million, who reject: Catholic faith, are yet obliged to contribute to n e large fortunes received by the higher clergy e ; year; and the Archbishop of Paris, who is to/ an enemy to the July Itevolutime- - --who beg conspiring again , t it ever since the memo rabie jet which offered it—who is in direct correspen u ei j with the Ex-Bourbons, and who is the chief ei t Carlist party, who arc occasionally occupied in d deavouring, to secure the return of " 1 - 100, Fifth," yes, Archbishop Qtelen receives an efi ; moos income, which is contributed by those l' t , :eject his religion, his system, his ministratio n t, bireetio himself. In fine, in every department of the S; ; f whether Civil, militarly, rnaHtirae, or etlclesiasti the ordinary expenses of the State are al 0 double the amount which they should be. bl o t to meet these expenses, the woods of the Statedi been sold to the amount of five millions—a re d tion has been made on the salaries at a per Ce fi ,'; to the amount of six millions. The Patriotic ',, Las amounted to twenty millions—a loan ft° f Money Market to 120 millions—and additional have, wth the lefore-mentioned sums, rat , ` total of extraordinary taxes amounting to 3 . 57 d lions. As then the extraordinary expences arnc''',i to 225 millions, and the extraordinary r eceie :337, there is a balance of 132 millions in I . o° l ' l '. 1821. But the ordinary receipts not being (I' qual to the ordinary expeeces, there is a balatle' 131 millions on the year in favour of the Treat Remember, however, that this is no real bene`.', no real saving—it is an excess o f recciP, t ' extraordinary expence , 3, and nothing els e ' to Iu Bv, new loan has bean contracted, and has to be 'T off. The woods of the State have been sold. t, • A 0 0 , public has lost money on Exchequer - Bills, ' e t t 14 4 must be redeemed; and therefore, lthoug ll n . !; t Be n a a• wi Government has money in hand, it is not ti'll AN saved, but an excess of receipts for the monle nt 'do ° eK'S The Budget of 1832 is not less in am ount ' 5( , 0 , oil' ;„; diav Wslbro a A 7 N T 4 Americas a Rive r I Pre'ent t i m Publi s h Lo n. e' Thi, day COL A the Price s. e' " His 111 i are pie-eniii aPeratioris true element cnnstnrtl eatien,,,Y , In Wit s vo AGU. 13Y Joips i n CI 14 Is mo. w and 7 Or , Quids `~ ,ettrrei SuN 0 a tie Imager or 18.3 - z is not less in amow•mor It that of 1831. M. Louis made the same es" ,r 18 410, wit] the same protestations as to love of ceonool'io ii, FI. the same cautions as to , 4 rake care not to dieli.6. J l3 Questi on the expenditur e so as t o i n j ure t h e p u blic 13,0 e YR. mu, us he made wh e n Mi n ist er f or L ou i s XVIII, I n as all the Castlere ag hs, Pi t t s , Valdes, and Alert , nicks would make, or have made in their o°o' ' l'r F and over again. M. Baron Louis announced 'of 1 p hr " a ' s e e i s !era that the army was not to be diminishe d ' e' ~,_`' rr rneh 8 400,000 men arc to continue on a war footil'i, is ---- -----,, that the Minister of War demanded for it,( o n ', IS ALI sum of 307 millions. The Minister of 'gar ° + - tu e co T_ur il i tot1 „ 41 1 A tina er ee a sk ti e d ne th r qoired an augmentation of his budget . from 6 ° l .' 1() BE millions : and the total amount of extract 4 v . A , credits which the Government requires 19; . .q . vr, ofp millions, and for ordinary expellees 956 011.1 A uttNl li "el, • There is to be no diminution of taxes, no a Il'ati,, d with , tion to the poor, but France is to pay S' t ellri ng, e ar tien, amount of contributions to support a Govere, which is feeble at home and ridiculed abroad' , , I '4ll c o " c you think this will last ? 1 tell you no! ri i s' 4 4 °, l "lat i e ',, t t I n ' To-morrow, the Minister has pi omised to P i ll t,: iet (luan t i ty 1 : his project for regulating the question of e 1,,. 0 p o e' pass th, (burry or non-hereditary Peerage. Rememb, e ce '? Ol t iiParth f , that when M. Casimir Perier accepted 0 9 ", 4, 0 „„: , . Amin avowed system was an hereditary Peerage i i v?, i', --- ---!etters member, second, that he of to pledge r' It ------- to the electors to vote against an hereditar l lo t HE age. Remember third, that he counselled * ol l, ll d th ose Panic trirnds not to consent to receive an order frci ni electors as to how they should vote °? o l %iti ke ( wh t er e :P 4 et ( l uestion. Remember, fourth, that he Ila n lif ill'h e '.'even g . , A .,;, t , Moniteztr attacked the " Mandat" as tillel j i lt o li i 7alultbl e A , tional and unjust; and remember, sth, that '-i , r ll4• 4 :;.,P°lnt s v i and his friends said that the electors 0f,,,,,q . .(:)::„ng their were in favour of an hereditary Peerage. ''''o , Nd tn 'res wh of the Ministers is, then, now to be presen te „,,L'4l,,, - : a nd developed I. What will it be ? Ido not kr w h iw Ilie l , - ,,P r i'zite I know what his fr:ends assure me it will bO t , 4 lis tik `' n ciPal. place very little confidence in their statetlie P i fict i „ ti ltiN a :' Met( think, however, he will abandon the he r , e prki l . "ing onto the system, and postpone the discussion of ti' c A! 4t the A / W a ill Should this he so, I shall then have shown f' i 4 r by l ette n r ui the s,•stein of the Minister had not a majoriti s ; 4 nation or the Ch a mb e r, an d th a t h e was c°ll' P s,. CABII to alter it, in order to throw himself upoo, t i l N 71, jority. If oth erw i se , t h en I pl e d ge myself s:1 4 1 "i• Ti] hand, that any plan for preserving an he r CI, t tel Gentry. Peerage will be rejected by the Chamber of In bath cases Casimir 1 1 ( tier's sys+eur is w it 41ilt Society's Eno ; -and if he were not determined to retain e IP 't 4t Y 's " r itii tage to the all hazards, he would retire. ' , llene, and Your obedient 'servant, C' hir n i es 0. j i, i ela _ , who a t i '" et th e 1 0 , - • - • et Y pr • 1141, Provide fu THE MARKETS. . , tirti and for a , - Peljilt'llitlOnefted Stoe l' (1U N FRI CO RN l'il Alt K EIS DURING THIEYif Ih," - eere tha 09 t .alty, Nobi Wheat. Barley. Oats. /It; t r , Ih gdotu it, ----"" I. - Wed ' -1 1 Per Quarter. s. to s. s. to s. s. to S. 03 !' t 1,,,; °n the m Boston ---........- 6.2 - 31 - ‘ 2 4 /t t t ar t itUnible Gainsborough -- - 63 - - - 125 0' t;tt e , - ' Grantham -- 60 66 36 49 22 '-' 0 $8 1/ 'elti I, s'nle e. Grimsby.--- 65 69 34 42 23 3 „'., $, i i ' 4 14 . ) 1 ' u 'Licb t Elortmistle---- 01 66 30 40 21 %;,L it; ', kel,,''"llet e „ Lincoln --.- 58 63 44 46 25 'f, T A i ) ~t , ' at the ,--- Spilsby ----- 56 CO 28 36 '22 ;P; ~, ; , 5 ;u4t,„,,, - "e tow staniford.------ 57 67 40 45 23 ` 7 l ' Y/ nit t ,, - '"ellt4 1 ,.,„ Vork,----- 56 66 32 38 22 tf....../ i tt r - PPea r -- /I. Re, m er e }, CAN FERBU 11l , Aug. 20. ... 4 1/ qtc6, l A ~,.• Wheat, wlnte---- 655. to 721. ..-.. Old----• tai, A , ``.. by ~.r Ant( - red...--- 60s. to 70s. -- Old-.....- , ,;, ) , 0 ,2,1 ' letter, 1 Barley, Matting --38 s. to 445. -- Grinding.. "',,0',/,' 4,, , B. Oats ------- 255. to 335....... Old----.. 5,,0r -- e4n t di • Beans -.-.- 31s. to 428........ Old--... ,, ,tc "'lan _ y Pease ----- -s. to -5.._,.,. Grcy „...... t''''' , NORWICH, Aug. 20. ,;# i. ()s o New Wheat (per q r.) ..60s. 68;. 70s. Beans (per qr.) .--.1"*.r,:.! '-' 8 w Barley. ---30 s. 36s. -s. l'ease, Grey....-9, Oats ......»..,..,....,.,,112 this. 30s. 3. Flour, fine (per sac" ‘s MANCHESTER, Aug. 20. „ El t°! 1. 9 Wheat, per 701 b. 9s. 13(1. to 9s. ltd. Red 9s. I" ' A , A (.., " Hot Batley, per 601 b 5 0 5 3 Oats 3' '`) N Our Beans, per Imperial quarter Pease, White, per Imperial bushel 4 (' '4t P c)rti tdie 1 o $d 6 Ill i 4 Malt, per 6 Imperial bushels 1 1": 0 Illi 4 bef 1 nl a° Flour, per Sack t f 2801 b lt ' 4l t & 4 ' 'frect s , ti t e. --- - '--------- ---- , o r , , , ar e fu , IRISH MARKETS. -4 1 4.t 4it• 'exu a l ' reY Nr t ib t 'Oh De Wheat, 1 Barley. i Oats. 1 Flour , ~, ,tlkl Ai -IL • , ery 'per barrePper barrel itarrell A ---- -- . 1, i ';eti, t ,. 1 ", % led 20 stone. 16 stone. 114 stone. i Ist; ~4 41 n - -Pi a i r • 1---5. ~ ,, 'e 4oss "Diz s. d. a 5.(1. 1 5,d. a s.d.l s. d. a s.d..s. d. 4. , :i; 1 0 i i i (),,_ and Cork-- 22 it 236 96 11 0,10 0 11 itll7 0 :;,., e O O .qt,i6 1 Limerick 126 S 39 013 C 14 (112 0 13 618 () 7', cl! ) , i t I ', „'le hae A , Waterfordi22 030 0110 13 ojl2 014 CI 18 0 rf, ( i PO , . 1 1),, , Lieu Cionmel -126 8 30 011 0 14 0 1 13 6 13 920 0 , e',V j y , i t . t , lle 4v Carlow -30 0 32 0 120 laoll4 0 -15_0+•20 6 u t --". ' : Th e qu e , h i ' --------_---.,-,-;,- put t, 4 e & x. , ar Beef, ' Mutton, Pork, __---, : cd.. tv.t fr o 'PRII per lb. per it'. per cwt. Ist. 2 d• 1......, (1••0111 tvg 1.4 Ltie, 1 -.......--.. -.......----, _........ ••-•-•"' ,i, ,; 0T 7 v , ) t ce d. a d. tl. a C. s. d. as,d.s. d. s. d,,t 1i ; 0 l''Zl. '',`_4 434 , 'e Wit Cork ---141 631 6 125 0 31 0810H ) u 0 0 ji tiy o e p ract Limerick- , 3 4IN 432 0 35 0.85 OSI ~,°.7 . ,,e , : NRi„, EtAx, , Waterfordl4 6 !z1 632 0 35 0182 076 u ' V:, t ti i i i,.`q4 i t , . .' , Il Clotill,Cl - 4 5'5 630 ii 32 08007 7 !' ;5 0 - 0 1 ,7 4 , ,^ - '- ecl el•li CaTiow....-j-1 51i0 0 0 0 00SOC 70 `- t . 14 31. ,0 . t ''' to the in Iv KILKENNV.-Itutter 82s to 81s. per cwt. ; Wil 15', i t4, . I '. °, 1,,,,„_ e Neu; per barrel ; Flour 203. to 2.65. per bag ; Oats 10 , , ?V 1 , 1 1 It), i .-sip athie: • rel ; Barley lls. to 13s. ; Beef 4d. to 54. per lb" ' c wt.; t, ea ' hp-,.• ' to sd. ; Potatoes 2d. per stone; Coals Is. 20. Per . , g s ill, `(- 1 411 ! Pigs 325. to 335. per cwt. 40 fu .strate 1 / 14% fug. vmu _ils ' .t. LI VINO LITERARY CHAR ACI I " • tl'i 1 11,"Let n . next embellishment, under the above liesd i° l ,,, t tr :10. 4 , 1 " L o y, .Monthly Magazine (fix Sept. 1), will con§isto,Pi t, 1. : , , %•, t o l' ''y li stand, of an accurate liketliss of Lord No" 3 l. isi jocYji t th ;i f-di nhu tldon the Earl of illut.GilavE, who has acquired ' , : r i i i'r e Tt , , t i , `lil, kr ,rgli ; the literary world by the pubic.ation of tv,"' the f i t 'lti t , ti istel ; 4 . 4 04 ngtio r , tion, which have Liken their place among the lc , ci o , a nd C,,. lions of that class. '',..i t) ,,,,,e arld Si of ; 4i tit, c !er, Ata _t liIIITti w ay° '44.', NIi,L A n' On the 2 ft inst. at the British Museum, the ' ) 1I 7. 40 "!: ( 1 .1. 1'o:shall, of a son. o f II ,ti „ j a Y, ..,, Si an :',IAR Itl ED. . f ; s q• -, 0 1. N :11 -... t - On the 23d inst. at Saviour's, York, G. 11111 ,, a the • 1t i t r c Ir. i l . ' i:, 6 4, 1%c, (14 riti) !t Elizabeth o y,,rk S . iiiitli, you') On (lie s 23:l inst. at Cheltenham, 11. (.;ervis , „ er g, I, . ist. . ii ton, near Exeter, to Loretta Sarah, third daug"` ~ye ~ '4l4' . te l ,„ S to rn ! i' a th ra , ,vl,l t l' , 41 • ft ' , - 1 . . Patch, Esq., of Topsham, Devon. 'or,l, tlq Lit t i, •• , J On the '22 1 inst. Thomas Wright, Esq. , ~ o r r , 4. ' 1 3 41 Northumberland, to Mary Harwood, dattsbte , • ..,,4 'l4 Esq., of liarrogate. 5 11I'' t .. 4 q ., „bit H A / t i e r _ DIED. .. J ,llll ' - e ' if . tets 4 . Al On the 111th inst. in New Bond.street, .mr• of t il '' tt reet, / his St:th year. , re tie. t , t? ? On the 23dinst. in Surrey-square, :Nary, ‘Vheeler, Esq., aged 78. -*tile' . . v e nt. On the 22d inst. at Notting-hill-square, r. ~/ infant daughter of .1. Wilkinson, Esc]. . --- "`" - ir If _____--------". !, PRINTED AND PU31.1.,a, em' MURDO _.:)00,,A, SUN OFFIC , , 112, STRAND, 1 -' youngest datightern4q,, f 0. 4. ..114 i..,e4, it