The Sun. — London, England, 1833-03-02 00:00:00

gentrpf. re touch to be blamed, particularly thou of the county() f Kilkenny, who abandoned their county to the prey of Whitefeet. Their culpable conduct was the origin of all the evils complained of, and they should he pu nished, and not the poor wretches they misguided. Sooner than nee eto such an Act as the present, he would cut off his right hand, and he would resist it with the same energy with which he would meet in the field those as sassins who now desolated the country. The Right Hon. Secretary for Ireland, in making out his case, had stated but half of it. He showed the worst side, and hid the best. He alluded to the muffler of Potts, Gregory, and Maram, and made them the cardinal points of his state. ntent. But why did not the Right lion. Gentleman read to the House the evidence of Johnson and of the steward of Johnson and of the steward of Lord Lansdowne? That evidence would show that the acts of tyranny were not resisted until they were successively repeated for years, and until those who at length became guilty of the crime of murder were goaded to it by the most inhuman acts of barbarity. In that evidence, it was stated that Gregory prettified every species of tyranny over those under his authority. He ejected the peasaut from his habitation without having recourse to any form of legal proceef ing, and be turned out upon the high toads wives and children, e. o starve and die. Gregory had not practised this y for one year alone, but for several years; and he os ft' Hfor cheating the labourer out of part of it., or for withholding it entirely from ciim.— (fi!. n tar. hear.) Was it then to be wondered at that such oe amino should excite the Irish peasant, and cease him to follow the example of ven geance and torture that were common in England years ago? The ancestors of the people of Ireland were more riotous and more difficult to he governed than the present people were, but were such measures employed against them as the present oppressive measure? Were the inno cent as well as the guilty then punished ? No ; only those who deserved punishment suffered it. This Bill was di rected not against the insurgents, the assassins, or depre datsms ; it was directed against the whole people.—(Hear, hear.) Did the evidence of Mr. Barrington, which was so ably alluded to by the Hun. Member for Colchester, prove the necessity of it? The cases mentioned by that gentleman, on which the Right Hon. Gentleman seemed to found so much of his argument, did by no means hear him nut. The first he mentioned was the murder of Mr. Hoskin, who was murdered during the disturbances in the south of Ireland. His father was agent for Lord Cour tenay, and he thought to exact the war rents, which it was alleged were abated. This created an hostility to hint, and the tenantry wished to get rid of him ; and While the disturbances were in the south the son was mur dered. The other case was that of Mr. Blood, who took possession of a farm belonging to Lord Stradbroke, dis possessed the tenants, levelled their houses, and they were all turned out to the road. The succeeding tenant immediately afterwards was murdered. These were cases of individual oppression, which brought in dividual vengeance on the individuals who were guilty of that oppression ; hut they did not prove that Ireland was in a state of disturbance or insurrection. They were such cases as happened in every age and every country, and were not confined to Ireland. Did the Government snake any such proposition in England during the period of the incendiary fires, which spread over so great a por tion of the country, or at the time when the rioters of Bristol had destroyed the half of that city with flames? Na ; they knew that such a proposition would be the last they should have to make. He denied that a sufficient inquiry had been made into the state of Ireland to warrant the House to pass the measure. The evidence taken before the Committee, and which was now before the House, was given exclusively by persons either in office, or who had an interest in keeping up the disturbances. The Hon. Member then went into a long history of the diff,rero Acts passed from 1776 to 1822 to put down disturbances in Ireland, for the purpose of showing, that in no in stance the House allowed the Acts to pass without a pre vious minute inquiry ; and that thouell in all the previous instances it was clearly proved that the state of that country was worse in every case when extraordinary powers were called for, yet no Government ever asked such extensive powers as were demanded by the present monstrous and subversive Act. In 1822, when the Go vernment came to that House to ask fur the passing of the Insurrection Act in Ireland, many members of the present Government opposed it ; and he would beg of the House to observe what the present Lord Chancellor said upon that occasion. Speaking of the disturbed state of that country, he said that " Nothing short of a complete re dress of all the grievances of which Ireland had to complain could pacify that country, and that they could not expect to pacify it by the Bill then before them, or by any parallel enactment ; and that they might lose the Irish in endeavouring to chain them, but that they never could render them better by coercion. 'They might, for a time, put down the Whiteboys by coercion, but in doine so they would certainly gain the hatred of every Irish man." He (Mr. Grattan) thought that the true way to gain tranquillity in Ireland, was by forcing the magistrates to do their duty. He knew, from circumstances which came within his knowledge, that the magistrate: could do their duty if they choose, but that in many instance, they refused to do so. He had letters that day from the counties of Meath, Cork, Kerry, Limerick, and Water ford, and Queen's County, all of which stated those coun ties to he in a este of complete tranquillity. He would read a passage from one fetter, to show the system made use of, in order to keep up the appear once of distur hence : " The police reports which are made up for the Caste, are highly pictured and exaggerated. They are made up by persons who have an interest in keeping up the disturb ances. This country was never more tranquil than it is at present. There were only fifty-eight pers ns commit ted for trial at the assizes (he would remind the House that this was out of a population of 200,000 souls), and one-half of those were out on bail." They were then told that it was impossible to obtain jurors who would convict, even on the glearest evidence. He (Mr. Grattan) did not think so, and he had the opinion of Judge Foster to the same effect, for that learned judge said, that " be never would believe that sufficient jurors could not be found to do their duty." Troy es ere then told that the Whitefeet were not the only per sons to he put down, but that the Agitators must Lkewise be suppress, d. He would ask who first en couraged agitation ? He would ask who first advised " Agitatio n ! Agitation! Agitation !" (Hear, hear.) He thought that this Bel should be called—not a Bill to incarcerate the disturbers of the peace in Ireland, but a Bill to disarm and incarcerate certain Members of that House, as Ministers had shown by their speeches that it was against the Hon. Member for Dublin that it wa directed. They had turned the Chapel of St. Stephen's into a theatre, in which to vent their anger against tl.at Hon. Member. Neither Lord Castlereagh nor Mr. Per ceval ever went so far in the personal attacks made upon Members during the discussion of the celebrated Orders in Council, as the present Ministers did in angry vituperation against the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin. It was evident that their intention in introducing this Bill was to incarcerate—if they possibly coeld—that Hon. and Learned Member.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Se cretary for Ireland talked of Agitators, but his words were mere catch words—idle ballads, got up to overcome their reason. Did the Right Hon. Gentleman recollect that Grattan was an agitator ? Did he know that Lord Bris tol, when Bishop of Derry, was an agitator? Nay, even Cu obnoxious did that Reverend Prelate make himself to Government, that Lord Northington had a warrant made out to send him to prison. They unhappily found in Ire land that nothing was to to be got in Ireland but agitation. As an instance of that he might mention, that in 1792 the Government of that day refused to do anything for the Irish people ; but by agitation they got in the following year more than they asked for. He considered the present measure as the worst ever attempted by any Government. Anything so tyrannical was not proposed by the Tudors, Plantagenets, or Stuarts. I, would be a deed of separation between the two countries ; and they would find that, if it had the effect of put ting down the Whiteboys, it would also have the effect of putting down all affection between the peopl , of both countries.—(Hear.) There was another clause to which he would beg to allude, merely because its ab surdity surpassed all he had seen of the nature of legislation, and which was not only contemptible, but venal. IL meant that clause which enacted, " that in future no person should aid or assist in making any bonfire, light, or signal by smoke," &c. The only effect of this clause would be, to provoke the people. In short, the Ministers had in this Bill contrived to include the Algerine Acts, the Proscription Act, and Lord Clare's Convention Bill. They were now to have the whole of these measures in cluded in one. The Right Hon. Secretary said, that it was necessary for a Government to be feared before it was loved. He (Mr. Grattan) did not know in what school the Right Hon. Gentleman doctrine, learned that but he was sure it was net in the same school with him.— (A laugh.) H e (Mr. G.) considered the present Lord Lieutenant and the Secretary for Ireland as the most im proper persons that could be chosen for their respective situations. The Right Hon. Secretary, especially, was a Minister wholly unfit to be trusted with the management of the affairs of such a country. The Hon. Member then alluded to the interview between the Lord Lieutenant and the members of a deputation which took place at Cork in 1832. The Lord Lieutenant then said, " A day will shortly at rive--it cannot be distant—indeed it is ifopos sible it Gala be diatant...when measures Already prepared , and in preparation lot the: government of Ireland will be developed, and when justice will he done to the Govern ment for its coed intentions." They now saw in this Act what the good intentions of the Government were.—(Hear, hear.) This was the panacea which was to cure all their ills. ‘‘ When that day comes, and come it shortly will, I shall expect to receive from you (Dr. Baldwin) a letter of aeknowled4emnt upon the subject, and thanks for that which is now in progress of legislative preparation, and for my individual exertions in contributing to create an order of things suited to that measure."—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Grattan) hoped that the Hon. Member for Cork had not forgotten to write to his Excellency, to acknow ledge the obligations which he, in common with all Irish men, felt for the measure, now that they bad it fairly developed.—(Hear, hear.) Gentlemen on the other side of the House, while inveighing so strongly against the volunteers and the combinations in Ireland, seemed to forget that there existed in that country Conservative com binations equally worthy of their notice.--(hear, from the Irish Members.) At the last Dublin election, a formi dable hand of Conservatives had been formed to support the Tory candidate ; and what was more, Government, too, had given their votes in his favour.—(Hear, hear.) This latter fact had been most incontrovertibly suliatan tiattd by Sir G. Poynton, notwithstanding the strong de nials made by Government through Sir G. Rich. How ever, notwithstanding this unconstitutional interference, their candidate had been turned out.—(Hear.) A great deal had been promised to Ireland in the Union ; he now called upon Ministers to fulfil those promises. If the re peal of the Union was right and necessary, it would come. He called upon Ministers to let Ireland enjoy those ad vantages which were promised her in the Union by Mr. Pitt.—(Hear, hear.) The state of Ireland was such as to make the immediate application of these promised advantages indispensable. Trade was everywhere in perfect stagnation ; and the announcement of the contem plated measures had created an universal panic.—(Hear, hear, hear.) It was opposed to every feeling of Irish men. They were far exceeding the necessity of the case; they were going far beyond the law. To put down mere predial agitation, they were about to put in force measures so despotic and atrocious, as would effectually remove from the natives of the soil any remaining wish to form part of these kingdoms. The Hon. Gentleman concluded, " I again implore you, by the memory of those great men who have so often advocated the cause of liberty in this House—by the memory of the Russells and the Sydneys— by the memory of that Irishman whom an English Par liament brought over here, and selected, for many years, to head the Opposition in this House, and whose relics remained in this country—by the memory, in short, of the great Mr. Ponsonby.—(Hear.) I appeal to you by the shade of one not less distinguished, not less great—one who was as dear to me "As the ruddy drops that visit this sad heart;" by the memory of all these great men, I implore you never to consent to this dreadful measure. For myself, I shall oppose it to the last."—(Hear.) The ATTORNEY-GENERAL would declare that he would yield to no man in the House, let him represent what constituency he might, or come from what part of the empire he might, in a love of liberty, and a determina tion to advocate and defend it by every constitutional means. But the liberty he loved was one connected with the law, and order, and peace ; not with bloodshed and violence, by men, whether combined or not, whose liberty consisted in being too strong for the law, and whose enor mities were a disgrace to the country. The Bill was op posed as being despotic and destructive of liberty. It cer tainly would have the effect of extincuishing the Constitu tion for a time ; but it was not wholly destructive of liberty. The Government only asked for what, after long delibera tion, they felt was essential for the preservation of that country. Had he himself not been fully convinced of its absolute necessity, be should never have consenttd to it. He would not go through the frightful statement made by several Hon. .leitibers to show the enormous increase of crime. The question was not one of a numerical portion of crime, but of a long catalogue of uninsulated dot:torah z aim and outrage, growing as a system under the influ ence rind protection of great physical force. The agitation was not a predial agitation, as was asserted ; and even if predial, it must be put down ; and then the question must occur, how can this be effected ? He had listened with the utmost attention to the gentlemen connected with Ireland, or acquainted with the country, for the purpose of hearing their account of the state of the law there, and whether they thought additional powers requisite or not. Almost every one of those gentlemen had allowed that the law was not efficient to suppress the disturbances. To insure the effective execution of the laws, there must be Magistrates able and willing to commit and hear the tri als of offenders, Juries to try them, witnesses to give evi- ' dente against them, and the public opinion to give autho rity to theirjudgment. He put it to the House whether any of these essentials were to be found in Ireland ? It bad been clearly shown that they were not, and conse .prently the law, as it at present stood, was not effectual. What, then was to be done ? There was only a choice of two courses—either to make the law stronger than it at present stood, or to bring into operation some power stronger than the law. Then, which was the House to adopt of these two c,urses? They must bear in mind that the present laws did not owe their inefficacy to iiot being in themselves of sufficient power to punish crime it the perpetr itnrs were brought to trial; the ease was this, that it was found utterly impossible to bring offenders within the power of the law, by apprehending them. The power of the liw was altogether nullified by intimidation, and the exercise of great physical force directed in opposition. It was not, therefore, any fresh laws that were required ; they would prove no remedy against the evil. The latter alternative, then, only re mained, of having recourse to wine extraneous force, stronger than the ordinary power of the law, which must be suspended for a certain time; to what extent must be matter of subsequent decision. This was undoubtedly a course only to be justified by urgent necessity. The nature of the tribunal proposed to be established had been strongly opposed, but he himself thought it much better to intrust the execution of these measures to military au thorities rather than to the ordinary Judges ; for, in his opinion, nothing could be more mischievous than to mix up the two opposing principles, of the fixed rules laid down by the Constitution for the guidance of Judges, and arbitrary enactments which were had recourse to on occasions of emergency like the present. He equally olsjected to committing the authority to barristers, who might be open to the suspicion, however im partial and upright, of being influenced under the bi.is of preferment. The only question, then, was, whether these powers could be intrusted to art au thority more lair, more impartial, and, under the circum s-ances, more proper, than the tribunal proposed. It did not follow that military men must be, as a matter of course, insensible to the dictates justice and humanity ; and besides, would not this tribunal be responsible to a Minis. try themselves so highly responsible to Parliament, not only for their own acts, but for those of their subordinates? lion. Gentlemen had called the agitation in Ireland only predial ; if such were the case, how would those Hon. Gentlemen acccunt for the systematic movements of those large combined bodies of men in that country ? He would ask them if this predial agitation were the only agitation existing in those parts of the country which were disturbed by them ; or whether those identical districts were not the same which were notoriuns for political agitation ? (Hear, bear.) No gentleman had attempted to prove that predial agitation was not connected with political agi. tation._(Hear.) He would ask them if there was any agitation in Ireland which was not intended to act upon and agitate the people?—(Hear.) What was the action . . to be effected ? What was the composition of those large and physically formidable bodies of men who were the ac tors in all the disturbances and crimes? They were a portion of that el:ss upon whom the political agitation was intended to act. Flom these clams came the volun- leers and every other combination.—(Hear.) No gen tleman could say but that these volunteers, who were to effect so much good in Ireland—who were so powerful in their operations against the law—no gentleman could say but that these were from that deluded, that criminal mass of people, who formed the mark of all the p ditical agitators, and with these political agitators were ultimately connected the predi ,1 agita tors. It was said that the agitators were also pacificators. Yes, they were ; and one of the moat celebrated of these agitators was sent by the greatest agitator of all to pacify the country, and in the course of his pacification that gentleman thought proper to speak in such terms of h s Majesty that he did not dare repeat them in that House. Teen, again, the volunteers were to supersede the law. The institution was a scheme to obtain power; and the practice of holding up to odium those men who would not submit to the law they dictated was the worst species of tyranny. It was said that these volunteers were not armed : they were not at present ; but they were united under secret leaders, and formed one great mass for the protection of themselves, and the prosecution of their own purposes. The greatest of all the agitators, too, had ex pressed his delight at the probability of the great pacifi cator—be who had used the seditious harangue—the greatest of all the agitators had expressed the delight lie should feel at a triumphant day in arms, when his friend, foul Steele, should strut at the head of the volunteers. He hoped that the measure would bring back Ireland to that state of peace without which liberty could not be enjoyed. Liberty could not exist, unless peace and order prevailed. It Wall true that it suspended the liberties of , the country, but it auspended them only for a time, and only suspended them now that they might he handed down to posterity with greater splendour.—(Hear, hear.) Sir ROBERT PEEL rose to state briefly the course which it was his intention to pursue with respect to this most important, most afflicting measure, and to state the grounds on which he might hope to vindicate that course. He was deeply sensible of the importance of saving the time of the House, and, dismissing all preliminary obser vations as a proemum to an harangue, he would proceed to state why, after having listened to all the arguments which had been urged against the measure, the impressio❑ which he laboured under that some measure adding to the ordinary powers of the law was necessary for the protec tion of life and property and true liberty—why that im pression had not been altered by any of the arguments which had been urged against the measure. He wished first to know whether they were agreed as to the statement of facts ? The Right Hon. Gentleman and the Noble Lord had entered into numerous details of atrocities which made the blood run cold in every man who heard them, —(Hear, hear.) But the question was, were these faces correctly stated ? Were the murders committed—were the illegal notices served—did the burnings take place ? Before he gave his vote, he would state that they were. This was a true conclusion, from the general notoriety of the facts which every man who had access to the ordin try sources of information knew— and it was a conclusion which every man might im plicitly draw, without being subject to error.—(Hear.) They all knew that statements had been made which were open to contradiction, and vvould have been contra dicted, if not true. But no attempts were made to con tradict them ; and the impression they made was that the ordinary course of the law was not sufficient to repress them. He did not rest only on the testimony of news papers, but on the general notoriety of the fact. He would not enter into details—he possessed none from any official source—but he would read from the undisputed and unquestioned authority of a gentleman a statement of the situation of the country, which would bear the most com plete conviction to the mind of every man, without enter ing into further details.—(Hear.) He would take the opinions and allegations of a Judge of the land—a Judge who had touch experience in these atrociies, who had been sitting in judgment on them, and who had been selected to preside at the trial of these men; he would read what the Judge who had all his life professed liberal opi nions, and whose testimony had never been called in ques tion—who throughout his whole political career had favoured the cause of the Roman Catholics—who was a gentleman of as great ability and of as unsullied integrity as ever sat upon the Bench—and who had abstracted from all parties the warmest admissions of his abilities and integrity—he alluded to Baron Smith. Baron Sir Wil liam Smith was sent by the Government to preside at the Lent Assizes for 1832, for the county of Maryborough, and he would read from the charge of that Judge his de. scription of the state of that country. Baron Smith said to the Grand Jury— " Gentlemen of the Grand Jury—l find here a calendar con sisting of 150 cases. Of these, twelve are charges of murder; six of conspiracy to murder ; nine of manslaughter ; eleven of rape ; five of child-murder, and its appurtenants ; eleven of abduction ; forty-one of house-breaking, assaulting dwellings, and robbery of arms; nine of shooting at persons ; two of ad. ministering unlawful oaths ; and twenty-two of violent assaults. A mere selection front this general calendar, of cases which the Attorney-General has found it necessary to prosecute, con sists, as to quantity of crime, of more than fifty in number ; and as to quality, includes nine murders or felonious homicides ; five cases of robbery, and one of demanding arms ; five of burglary ; one of conspiracy to murder, and three of shooting at with a murderous intent ; one case of arson, and four or rather six of assaulting habitations; five of compulsory notices, threats and menaces ; and two of administering an unlawful oath ; eleven cases of waylaying and malicious assault ; two of appearing in arms ; four of abduction ; one of child murder, and one of child desertion." These were the atrocities tried at one Assizes, —The Learned Judge then said : " Its state, however, seems to furnish an example of what I have more than once had occasion to observe; how easily dis order can shift its purposes and course, and after threatening one line of outrage proceed upon another. A fact which, by the way, we ought considerably to bear in mind ; and be cautious how, by encouraging the discontented feelings of the populace, we inadvertently collect and raise, and train and ex ercise a force, concerning which we must be uncertain what direction it may take. Not many months ago, when I last was in this ceuntry, and presided in this Court, I found a system gaining head of tumultuary array against rights long undisputed, distinctly recognised, and firmly established by the law. It did not seem to be too late to stem the gathering torrent. This accordingly, within my limited province, I attempted ; and for a time the attempt did not appear to be unsuccessful. But my endeavours were counteracted by influence which did not fail to render them abortive. Of this powerful counteraction, what may be surmised to have been already the results? The lower class of society, a class deficient in the guiding lights of knowledge and instruction, and labouring, it must be ad_ witted, under sufferings and privations, and on these accounts the more liable to be excited and misled--this portion, I say, of our community, stimulated into turbulent and lawless agi tation (it may be unawares, and without a culpable, nay, even with a laudable intent) ; your county become restless, discon tented, and disturbed ; its tranquillity rendered, I can only hope not permanently, insecure ; your prison crowded to ex_ cess with persons charged with insurrectionary transgressions of the law; and the Crown compelled to wield its powers of prosecution, if not with rigour, with an unusual degree of energy and force. If the popular enterprise and incursion proved a failure, we should have gained by it nothing better than commotion and offence ; followed by the punishment of, too often, not the misleaders, but the misled. If, on the con trary, their resistance of the law accomplished an alteration of its enactments, might they not, by their victory over one class of rights, be encouraged to march forward to the storming of a second, and not discover, till too late, that in spoiling the rights of others, they had been inadvertently plundering and demo- lishing their own ?" That was the fair testimony of the Judge. It was con firmed by the testimony of another gentleman, in a diffe rent situation, who would not come forward unless he bad strong motives fur the performance of that duty, as he exposed himself to great danger, but impelled by a sense of duty, filling, as be did, the situation of a Roman Ca tholic Priest, was under no improper influence, and was under no temptation to exaggera'e what was said and done. He referred to the opinion of the Rev. Nicholas O'Connor. The Right Hon. gentleman quoted a short sentence from this Gentleman's evidence—stating that his parishioners wanted to return to good sense, but they were compelled to remain attached to the illegal societies for fear of being beaten to death. That was the testimony of a Roman Catholic Priest, and he saw, in those three lines, F regnant with horror, such a state of the law, that when individuals, well disposed, wished to do right, they were not allowed. Either they must remain attached to these dlegal associations, or forfeit their lives. The awful pic ture, too, which had been drawn, on the undisputed te,ti mony of Dr. Doyle, of the diocese of Ki!dare, in his pas toral letter addressed to the people of the diocese of Kil dare, was undoubtedly correct. He say.— " For several months past we have witnessed, with the deepest affliction of spirit, the progress of illegal combinations, under the barbarous designation of Whitefect and Blackfeet, within certain portions of the dioceses. " We have laboured by letter and by word, by private admo. nition and by public reproof, proceeding from ourselves and our clergy, to arrest and suppress this iniquity. But the tares which the enemy of man has in the night-time sown in the field of the Church, have grown up despite our watchful ness. Murders, blasphemies, perjuries, rash swearing, robbe ries, assaults on persons and property; the usurpation of the powers of the State, and of the rights of the peaceable and well disposed are multiplied, and every day perpetrated at the insti gation of the devil, by the wicked and deluded men engaged in those confederacies. He did not say whether the measures were right or wrong, but were they agreed as to the state of the country ? More alarming facts on testimony more unquestioned were never produced.—(Hear, heir.) What course, then, were they to pursue ? Was the ordinary sufficient ? No man would allege that it was, and every man expressed a desire to curb and control this disposition to violence and plunder.—( Hear, hear.) It was not necessary for bins to go into all the details of the Bill; it was not necessary for him to examine every branch of the enactment; he did not see the advantage of confounding the debates on the first reading with the debates on the details, being con vinced that the orders and practices of the House ought not to be subverted, which prescribed a discussion on the general outline and principle of the Bill on the first read ing, and the discussion on the details in another stage ; and those rules and practices were well calculated to elucidate truth and serve the ends of Legislation.—(Hear, hear.) But it was not because he was not prepared to enter into the details, for he had m :de up his mind, and when the proper time arrived, so strong was his impression of the necessity of the measure, that he should support the Bill without making those trifling objections to some of the details to which they were, perhaps, obnoxious.—(Hear, Dear.) He had attended to the objections already made to the Bill, and he would notice a few of the chief ones. The first objection to the measure was—and it was one the truth of which could not be denied—that the measure was not any remedy for the permanent evils of Ireland. Nobody ever said it was.—(Hear, hear.) He telt the necessity of some measures, for no man viewed the general condition of Ireland with more anxiety anti apprehension than he did.—(Hear.) He came to that discussion as one free from all party topics, and all party animosity, ready to look only at the state of that country and the evils and di'cord to which it was a prey. Ile looked first at a large population,, gradually increasing, and becoming more and more destitute. The increase of population and the destitution promoting each other ; for the increase of the people diminished the share of each of the necessaries of life, and lowering them all in the scale of comfort, and in the demand for employment—that very want of comf,rt and convenience took away from the people the best checks to the increase of population. When men were contented to live upon potatoes, and with the scan tiest supply of the necessaries of life, that was one reason why they did not discourage early marriages; and not dis couraging early marriages, the increase of the population was hurried on—all were contented with the most scanty means of subsistence, and when any chance checked the growth of their potatoes, they were all exposed to famine and complete destitution.—(Hear.) That state of society was most deplorable, and must be relieved.—(Hear.) But when he saw that, he also saw that the continuance of the present state of things precluded all remedy.— (Hear, hear.) This must, however, be remedied ; for the continuance of the present evils will he inevitable death. —(Hear, hear.) They must look to the relation he tween landlord and tenant, and over that relation, the prpposed remedial measures would have no influence. Of these remedial measures he had his own opinion ; and though he knew that he differed from the majority of the House, and that he was speaking in a house of landlords, he would say, that the attempt to account for the evils of Ireland, by attributing them to tithes and the exactions of the clergy, was most unjust.—(No, no.) These were not the causes of the evils.—( Hear, hear.) They were not the exactions of the clergy, and any remedial measure which went to destroy their legal rights, and transfer them to the landlords, would not give any relief.—(Hear, hear.) Let View not take any step to diminish that stcutity, the want of which weuld only increase the disorders. The clergy were now on trial. Let them not be sacrificed, or despoiled of their rights, as a sacrifice to the exactions of others.—(Heir, hear.) Lord Bolingbroke said of the trial of Sacheverell, and the remark might be extended to all similar cases, " They made a fire to roast a parson, and they made it so hot that they burnt them selves." He would ask the Honourable Gentlemen, before they endeavoured to make this sacrifice, to consult the evidence of a Roman Catholic, exempt from all the suspicion a high might attach to Protestant testimony; he would ask them to forget all the disputes about unions, and tithes, and vestry cess, and grand jury lags, and to look at detailed evidence given by Mr. Walsh, a Roman Catholic ►uagistrate, to see the evils under which the lower class laboured. The Right Hon. Baronet read a long extract from the evidence given by Mr. Walsh, but on what occasion the Right Hon. Baronet did not say. The purport of the evidence w as to show the condition of the farmers of Ireland, who rented land to the extent of ten acres, and who were described as in a most lamentable condition. To ascertain than, accurately, the source of the evils, they must look at the relation between landlords and tenants. He agreed with the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, however, that this was not the time to consider the question, but he wished to show that he was ready to resume the subject, and that they must not rely on any measures yet proposed as a remedy for these evils. Let them not listen to those who considered that every evil was to be accounted for by the exaction of the clergy and the amount of tithes, and who called for the abolition of tithes as a healing measure ; but let them listen to the account which Mr. Walsh gave of the relation between landlord and tenant. The Right Hon. Baronet went on to quote a further extract to show that the landlords did not know how many rents the occupiers of the land, meaning the numerous class of small farmers already mentioned, must make t efore they could pay their rents. The landlords never took such a matter into their hands. If these farmers made two rents, it was as much as they made.— (Hear.) Mr. Walsh gave a detailed account of the con dition of these farmers, and gave one instance of a farmer whose produce was of the value of 241 , and out of which he had only 31. la. to buy loud and clothing for himself and his family. The whole property of these people de pended on the spot of ground, and if the crops failed the family must be destroyed. The Right Hon Baronet also read at some length the evidence of Mr. Dwyer, without sating whence he took it. That gentleman de• scribed fifty-two families seated on eighty-six acres of land. He also said, and the Right Hon. Baronet called on the House to consider this before they condemned the clergy--that he kn-w proprietors who charged a higher rent, because of the tithe composition, but left the tenants responsible for the payment. The tenant was charged an additional rent for the composition, and yet paid the composition. He never would admit that it was fair and just to hold up the tithes as the chief cause of the evils of society. By law the clergy were excluded from that House, and it was neither just nor generous in those who were landlords to hold up the clergy to the notion as the cause of popu'ar misery. —(Hear, hear.) He could not admit—and thus he conid not hesitate to say—that a remedy would not be tumid in poor tans. With every desire to afford relief to extreme cases of distress, he must class himself with tense ti ho objected to giving poor laws to lie and, for he feared that they would extinguish all the property of the country, and amount to a simple agrarian law. lie was not deeidedy against all pour laws—he did not say that such a modification of them as would relieve cases of extreme distress, while they did not afford any temptation to idleness, should be at once rejected ; but looking to all the remedies which had yet been proposed, he telt that the country was nearly arrived at that con dition described by the Roman historian—. Quibus nee vitia nostra nee remedia pati possutnus." How could such measures as had been proposed stop the anarchy that was stalking through the land, or how could it prevent the crimes that were committed ? They talked of healing measures; but let them remember, if they placed any hopes to pacify the people by making concessions, they must go on conceding, and there would be nothing but concession ; and he would suegest that they should not, in any mea sure, go one point beyond their own dedberate sense of what was due to justice. They talked of established principles, but he could assure them that no measures for the permanent good of Ireland would be efficacious which did not proceed upon established principles, and were not intended only to satisfy ignorant and deluded men, whom no sacrifices could satisfy, and of whom all sacri-_ fices would only whet the appetite for further rapine. He voted for the measure because he thought it accept able, without making any compromise of any other prin ciple. He reserved to himself the right of voting upon other measures on their merits and principles, as lie voted on the merits and principles of this measure. If ever there was a country in which a respect for property was essential to order, that was Ireland, and they must place tb it country in suet; a situation that no such distil' bailees should invade property as those they were now about to check. His answer, then, to those who complained that this measure did not apply any permanent remedy to the evils of Ireland, was to admit that it did not. They must first suspend the 'aging disorder before they could by a deliberate inquiry find out appropriate permanent re medies. The next objection to the measure was—he meant only to advert to the leading arguments and not to trouble himself about the rubbish—he did not speak it disrespectfully--with which Hon. Members had filled up the interstices of their arguments. He would not, there fore, say much of the gratitude that was due to Ireland. —(Hear.) Ireland, it was assumed, had secured the success of the Reform Bill—(Hear)—but on that ac count it could not expect any gratitude from him.— (Hear.) He should be as base as those charged with in gratitude if he approved on any such grounds. He at least was not required to compliment away the peace and security of the country.—( Hear, hear.) In a state of so ciety such at required severe remedies, what sort of a legis lator should he be if, out of gratitude, he conceded a pri vilege to he criminal? Was he, out of gratitude, to grant as a right or concede as a privilege the power to commit murder, to burn houses, and to seize on other men's property ? An argument frequently repeated was, that the Bill was a suspension of the British Constitution. A measure of intolerable severity—he acknowledged it to be unjustifiable, except on the ground of the absolute ne cessity that demanded it ; but be denied it to be a suspen sion of the British Constitution. The British Constitution, as defined by Baron Smith and several other distin guished characters in Ireland, did not exist there. Its place was occupied by a lifeless form incapable of per forming any of its functions. The British Constitution, was not a cumbrous means of securing impunity to crime ; it presupposed instruments •fit to execute the law—in culcated respect for life and property—knew nothing of massacres—and was wholly averse to the employment of passive resistance for the purpose of defrauding any class of their just incomes.—(Much cheering.) Let him not be told of law when all but the form was gone. It was a cruel—cruel mockery to quote the British Constitution on this occasion. Would they go to the relations of any of the numerous victims of outrage and murder in Ireland, and say that the murdered man was sacrificed to the British Constitution ?—(Loud cheers.) Would they insult by such a mockery the friends of the unfortunate Mr. Martino who was murdered in his own house, and show that the forms of justice were only calcu lated to facilitate the escape of die criminal ? An Hon. Gentleman asked, were the words of the great Lord Chat barn forgotten—" That a man's house was his castle— (A laugh) —but would he quote those words to the widow Of Mr. Marton ?—(Cheers.) Where was his castle when he was murdered within its walls in the middle of the day ? The law, forsooth, took away the British Consti tution; but it was heaping wrong on wrong when these dreadful crimes were perpe ,rated under the shield of the British Constitution, which was disgraced by the enormi- ties thus committed under the sanction of its name ; white at the same time the persons to whom they must look for executing and enforcing law were successively removed. He would support the Bill—that nominal suspension of the Constitution—because the true fame and honour of the British Constitution required that it should be relieved from the odium of such atrocities. It had been asked, would Ministers dare to propose such a law for England, or would England submit to it ? And then a clamour was raised as if Ireland was treated with inequality and injustice.— (Hear, bear.) But he had a right to put this preliminary question—would England tolerate such a system of crime and lawlessne , s?--(Cheers.) Or would she , act with so much baseness as to subject Ireland to the domination of vulgar and illiterate legislators, who never dreamed of tempering law with mercy ?—( Great cheering.) England, he was certain, would consent with reluctance to any coercive measures; but if they should be found inevitable, that protection for life, property, and order, which was never refused before, would not be denied on the present occasion, and so far from taunting her with ingratitude, be firmly believed that every respectable person in Ireland would, on the contrary, receive the Bill with joy and thankfulness. The measure had two objects, but out of that tact arose the main opposition to it ; the first was to prevent that species of political agitation which shook society to its base, and fomented the insurrectionary vio lence which was called by the title of Agrarian Agitation. It had been argued that political agitation was wholly un connected with the Agrarian insurrection, and therefore that it was unwise and unjust to direct the terrors of the law against it. Of that species of agitation he wished to speak merely in the abstract, and to keep clear of all personal allusions and reflections.—(Hear, hear.) Would the law arrest the deluded and ignorant offender, while it p-runiqed the instigator and inciter of the out rage to walk about in perfect impunity ?—(Hear.) This was a most important question, whether or not they would save the wretched accomplic:s of the general con spiracy from the punishment that would await their crimes, by cutting off the source of outrage—premeditated political agitation. He boldly declared, that the House would be guilty of injustice towards those unfortunate and ignorant beings, if it did not extend to them protection (ruin the consequences of that political agitation. He now came to a question enveloped in fallacies, which required a knowledge of the peculiar state of Ireland, in order to expose their hollowness. Political agitation and insurrec tionary violence were said to be totally unconnected ; but that, on the contrary, the one was adverse to the existence of the other, as the efforts , of the political agitators were directed to repress outrage. He would draw the line be tween the truth and the error : they were, at certain periods, disunited, and even opposed, whenever insurrec tionary violence was likely to defeat the objects of the agitator. No doubt, most laudable exhortat ons were ad dressed to the people, recommending sobriety, abstinence from quarrels, and many other virtues. He did nor say they were insincere in such exhortations; on the con trary, he admitted their perfect sincerity. But what consolation could a manifesto, inculcating subriety, impart to the victims of turbulence? How did it furnish evidence of the utter difference between agitation and insurrection, when political agitation could flourish only by a system of perfect discipline, and when that discipline would be incomplete until obedience was secured on those points?—Way it to lull him into security, or soothe bins into approbation of this system, that a man at certain periods, should be able to repress insurrection ? Political agitation, under the pretence of useful objects, produced a ferment in society, excited wild hopes, and taught the poor to bleak out as soon as a favourable oppor tunity should occur. He was well aware that the agitators deprecated partial explosions, that they were opposed to a demonstration of strength at an improper tnoment ; but that could not reconcile him to agitation, because he saw in such conduct only the cunning of the serpent.—(Loud cheers.) He could prove to the satisfaction of any person, that at a period when the peace of Ireland was trembling in the balance, at a moment of unequalled danger, that persons with the most mischievous intentions inculcated a temporary obedience to the law, not from any love of peace, but to escape the notice and secure the toleration of Government.—(Cries of" Hear,hear.") A giant power w•as at that moment arising in Dublin,exercising a tremendous control over the mass of the people, and swaying, as it pleased, the stormy waves of popular feeling. But did that circumstance diminish his apprehensions ? Was an array less formidable because it was in a high state of discipline?—(Cheers.) Did not every man of prudence protest against a state of society where tranquillity depended on systematic political agitation? For when the proper time arrived, it would, be thought. be as easy to excite the people to disorder as to restrain them from violence. A document, which might be found in the Reports of the Irish Parliament for the year 1795, would fully confirm his views. It was, indeed, the evi dent policy of the agitators to counsel temporary peace and abstinence from insurrection. The papers annexed to that report proved, undeniably, that such exhortations to peace did not infer the absence of evil intention ; for, in the very same document which contained the organization and scheme of the Society of United Irishmen, the plan for the establishment of County, Baronial, Provincial, and National Committees, and which established so ad. inirable a system that the inferior agent never knew from whom the order delivered to him emanated.—i n that very paper were roost praiseworthy and laudable exhortations addressed to the members of the Society._(Loud cheer ing and laughter.) An address to the inhabitants of the county of Dublin was published, in which the following passage occurred : " We recommend, in the most earnest manner, your con. stant recollection of your solemn obligation, to promote a brother hood of affection among Irishmen of every religious persuasion ; suffer it not to be a mere profession, but realise it by every a•,:t of benevolence and kindness to each other, a, circumstances shall enable you, and as you would do to your natural brothers. Union and love are the foundations of your association, and they cannot be too strongly or too frequently inculcated, in and out of your meetings." Such was the excellent advice given by the body that or ganized bironial, county, provincial, and national commit tees, and which, at that moment. was in communication with France.—(Great cheering.) The document went on— " Be sober, and promote sobriety in all your circles; by the observance of this, many inconveniences and much hazard will be avoided, and more good to yourselves and loss to your ene mies will be thereby effected, than can possibly be calculated. r s t " Banish all violent and intemperate language from your meetings : be assured, nothing can injure the cause of liberty more than such conversations ; whoever persists in such, must either be dishonest or indiscreet, and therefore ought to be carefully avoided. Violent and intemperate language is affected by spies." gat Now,h:, ero, at and :h i d ) r at e sph s t re nt foavro a ka e es a itnhlsii the Government, country, Spies ! Is it not a constant cha). ur to use people to . violent ttr t a h g a intemperate s r s s . l experience went, he declared most solemnly, upon his honour, that he never knew of the employment of a single spy ; he believed that such persons were never used and certainly a Government which could re!ort to such ab surd means, would soon drawn on its head not only uni versal execration, but universal ridicule.—(Hear, hear.) But returning to the exhortations of the Society, a man could not be far removed from an idiot who would give credit to them, coupled as they were with the proceedings of that body. In the general seizure of papers which took place in 1798, a Mr. Edward Laffan was arrested, and on his person was found a most admirable sermon—no other name befitted a document, containing so powerful an inculcation of virtue. He would read one passage— " Your strength lies in being united ; sobriety, courage, and talent ought to be the only standards of distinction. Taking arms by force is a practice which you should abhor." If this had been the only paper found upon him, the Government would, doubtless, have employed him as an -apostle of peace—(ll , ar, hear)—but, unfortu nately, sonic others were discovered, in which the oath to be taken by a private, a sergeant, and: an officer were prescribed. He (Sir R. Peel) would read no more than the sergeant's oath to the House : " I do voluntarily declare, that I will conic forward when called on by my captain or superior officers, and aid them as far as in my power lies in any eligible manner that may tend to the establishment of liberty, or the freedom of Ireland. Ido further declare, that I will not call forward under arms any of the men consigned to my command, without the authority of my superior officers or commander, except in a case of emer gency, when such authority cannot be obtained." But there was a still more suspicious paper, stating the numbers of the United Irishmen to be 111,000, the with inculcation ro most desperate peace de signs. and number of guns 35,000, and that of pikes 41 , 14 5 the,that politic a l agita tion the o of (Immense cheering.) It was not, therefore, surprising, that sobriety was inculcated as a duty. When large bodits order °fmen was w u e t re h perfectlyotow could ns be moved,ntt one did not lead to ultimate violence ? Wh at was its tendency? To withdraw the confidence of th e p eop l e from Government —to exaggerate wrong, and produce ge osai assert neral discontent. In the case of such a Society as the Volunteers, when some great question was vibrating in the scale, t h e y could exercise a control within certain limits, but they could not do that permanently; for their fol lowerslaw s i un n .pi t tp o h, e their n e o ox w ft n r pa hands. oolridt iiena aal: yimul would at length b ecome i mpatient, and take the the ous pi f to i ai e vt eo r rn e s j o ifvo i c ar e s d tt , therefore, e ec r o. e tna n that eo-f crime. In his opinion the ordinary law was not sufficient for those purposes, and a new one must consequently be enacted, The question was, whether he should vote for banneis of the Hon. Member for Lambetli.---(L,arri,l the introduction of that law, or range himself Otitft: Had that Hon. Gentleman's device been ",'-'l,O Jury—hold by the British Constitution , " be mie ir, joined him ; but when he adopted so unro manti c a . .o i is " Wait till this day fortnight," lie felt it imrs'ael (Much laughter.) But did not the Hon. Genli consider the comparative catalogue of crimes dur i ql 0 31-32? Oh, but he looked only to t he rernenu, sures. Well, here had b een re medial measures alo 0 that period. Ther e h a d b een Reform---(L"dl'ubt —a very remedial measur e ; and there had beer' b".,:0 called the extinction of tith e s—(L a ughter) --3 1, e i remedial measures ; but h e con fessed that thecg"l,;' was an alarming year, 18:32 was f a r more fearful. ro, prospect was there of obtaining any additional 40tv; in a fortnight ? What if th e disturbers should 0 peaceable to spite the House ?—(A laugh.) , 14 / e ,' 6 f f r t a i a i l lil e : ' ,n l c i c ei l c e o , d u u s l s d ti n • n e , should ai ) : t tleman wished the House to awe upon the ba 11 !: proceed oc r e r g i e e ueaill w t , : i i in t r h icnut t Imhpoee:i circumstance; motion. o s e e T w h e he :,: e r :f oi s days hence it might not be less streaked o r dii h iim(Sir R. Peel) from with blood. If that should prove to be the el e ' er ; House to relieve I ' sponsibility,—(Cheers.) Let them remember t~- tain nature of popular excesses— f career,rbo u m t h e i f so e n g li s t i rle . r f u ateo,,c Ritu feruntur, nunc rnedio alveo Cum pace delabentis Etruscum In mare, nunc Lapides adesos Stirpesque raptas, et pecus et demos Volventis una, non sine montiuM Clamore vicinxque Cum fera diluvies quietos Irritat " 15 He would endeavour to amnes. effect his passage wb' .1 it gt s' tbe sible, and he would beseech the House to g ran t in Ireland that se c u r ity w hi c h t h e l aw can sit extend to their. But should th ere a ppear one,Pri, irresolution about crossing that troubled str!' in d s tiol l society in Ireland w ou ld b e s h a k en to its founds of (Cheer .) H e grourr'ed his support of the 13 d record of outr ages , w hi c h i t was i mposs ible t° , 4, g 111 1 To all objectio ns th ere was an answer i n the fa ' hi ll ore year, anti in one province (Leinster), 6 140 196 attempts at murd er , 191. buntings, and 1, : n ditig ries. Thes e were the justifications fur fll„ site Cons ilition. How c ou ld soc i e ty b e i n a To r ' i 7 od f' (Cheers.) Great battles and victories were Lti out incurring such a l oss o f lif e . f l°lll I An HON. ME MBER ex p resse d his disseill statement. ~;01, 1 Sir IL PEEL resumed—He repeated, 60000 Lad been won with ou t suc h an expense of huinjoseer The glorious victory won by Lord St.Vincent - l i ier , did not cast BO much ; the bambardment of l'''f Ff? not waste somany lives; a nd th e impetuous tide: h 0l; exultatilll was roll e d b ac k a t Bunco w ithout ' u s ijet of human blood. —(Cheers.) Let the Horse c f t eri miserable conditi on o f th ose w h o li ve d i n da l l iss ei assassination, and it wou ld sanct i on no l on ger u r t ;sts himself, he w as h aun t e d by the reco ll ect i o n 01. l ool 4 s; ties committed in Ireland.' The records o f the istl';, Criminal Justi ce i n I re l an d ex hibi te d i nstan ce , ° s ole more sanguinary and wonderful than it was r o lle4l e : 0 tse most vivid imagi na ti on t o conce i ve. He ree d , : case, certainly not a recent one, which preseu t % o o). appalling pictur e o f th e state o f soc i ety in IrebearY/ the House would b ear w i t h hi m— (fleart ( ph) would narate the circumstances, for the pure e of; ing how fe e bly th e y s p o k e w h en t h ey reste d Ole o( ); fur additional powers inertly a u n—i p s o cu n cr,, el t .i li tfitl e der n_ ni.;,.. , e i rd n e i ne b cl,l_, r tiroi a :i.,,.i ti .: ° , : ), dual murders. Did they not take into consi der s 1 weeks and months during which an unproteeteproil:: were continually exposed to the most dreadf ul $ , 3 01 111 / sions of an impeneing and terrible fate? That 0 col to be guarded against, that was the extremity °f °while., fering, compared to which nitirder itself shrunk I t n ;bese: ficance. Yes, in Ireland, such was the audacitY ° ' - soli's night ruffians, that they feared not to give ) . ° u ssi ~°', murder ; and not thermcontet with the coul',o l `; crime itself, add to it ost exquisite tortu re witi 'i vious anstiety.—(Hear, hear.) Similar f 3ct lifer e°l l cursed in England, but how rare and boo' ", 4 1 0 ? their results. What public man had not re cel. bit , , of assassination— an d who had not cast it froth less, scorn anti contempt, as an idle threat, or a worths s e ; But . in Ireland, alas ! that notice was give ° P ee d f earneatness. There death is but too fita ll Y„ e 'd (P V And if the unhappy wretch who is thus wa r. ",,,ae ° ', ( '/ move to some distant town, tar from the '' re io ,l 4 perhaps, his e irliest years were spent—and onri.eo4; to which his very existence nosy depend--hi' s ' Oftt' too lovely pay the forfeit. fie could relei a , ‘" rs t instances which would prove th e extstsntet' fat P ti , ssffering to which ittitneeiate death would u ` n fth° d r bl., b.t he run ected on-i particular instanc e aoa ll 'l , went of a man and his family resident in the , tl' e ,,l' , Clare, who bas prosecuted certain person' c a oal e y six -s, and convicted them fer the committal O. f o r v, s a . r iges upon his property. He came to Dublin , e lit u r time ti 1 the affair had blown over—and his °i t s I fi r was pulled down, and . a slated one built i ll I ,° l s' And he would here divert their attention for a s o glY l e to this apparently trivial circumstance, a's 4r i s P o te trative of the state of society in Ireland. %,tl O O 4 it was but of little impartance whethera roof ' B ', fl o c or slated—but in Iceland a slated roof was onet e ` o o , security in a country where it was but too con l " - 0 ,00V flee to fire the roof,whiall every door and windo w , iti ; i ,i ed for the purpose of driving back o r butel le ' ti , e S to whom the progress of the filmes permitte d Il is ,idi tion for their escape. This man, however top:i. Right Hon. Baronet), ansioua to retain his Pr ° P e e cei (e stituted a slated for a thatched roof. Ile r ll ) ) thieaiening notice, which he communicate d 0 ,01, 0 0 earnestly attvised him to return to Dublin, et , anxious Cl preserve his property, refused to d u ' e a a i s i weeks after the attack was made. Nine or ele; r oo e' d f rget which, surrounded the house. These ru P a g t :s after much deliberation, much conspiracy a n ' ° ,ool o ,i . fl Bevis, and when by foi bearitig for some timet?ct , t greats into execution, they had lulled the vigils i t gjs untortunate man and diminished his pits a I° , O e d them. They found him asleep—they bake °P e s lenS l seen."--wi—they ePy i t) c: (The l : llgr ii st strong :l :v i nit li emotionitnottllee hearingre l x ' r c e i s t ih I)ol i f i 'l t 'ai h as e d : ::ijc i eds : e h t'd e vhr i gi ,l : e narrative of this circumstance, and the patho' ° rilie t s a r Hon. Gt ntlernan's manner, is indescribable.) berf a $ i child was nine years of aee. The heroic nv9tt,l3"l/ of the thorn dirt awaited her, and that rein 0 0 f i reP useless, hid the child in a recess of the immense id t o ie at the saint time stirring up the flames. She 6 c sarb o l child (whom I saw, and indeed had under 111 ,Y.,, e ar d .some years) the cries you hear are the crieao',/ t ese i , de; ed father—my turn will be next—in th''tbe of e may escape observation. I will struggle t° oi ., th e , and my dying action shall he to cast a turf LIP , c or ii i Mark well the Intirderers—and avenge Y ost c I/ tiered parents.—(Vehement cheers.) Anti °o 6o o9f o ' r i evidence it was, c 1116inied by other to a t J u l three men afterwards forfeited their lives for hit fIS What, I ask, must have been the state Of t re oflsi What must have been their anxiety, their nl O O O Ol What, I ask, must be tl e state of society u ; st ed ! i ds , ' and mother shall thus be called out and Inn"' e ll" e il / blood s in the presence of their three in f3ll real l What the state of society where the wife inure col death on the hotly of her murdered husbau d? t beie ° o?; sit quietly by whilst such transactions as ;09 1- dlf, Are we to permit the continuance of such a 5t a l, h a o ll (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") What, I a ' SO to l i : the consequences of permitting it so long? this is ll‘ 4 ; the law completely paralszed, but is not s sor s ' re Il l ; also—that when these murders prevail every ole $ l . , every moral restraint on which we ca lculi' ile telt o r upon the law to prevent murders, is c ° , ll .%lO d s lJf, end ?—(Hear, hear.) Do we ever bear in '" Olu' l db f , deliberate murder of children as in Ireland? o f eb l o r " nn o t u s id u suppose that som the e p r h o e t l e p e l t e l s o s i t im i helplessness i f nas a st g e e c ttilir ° lotit6yij k o n i rt f i c ii 3 O:o l l assassin ? Alas ! Int:lam:holy experience te be u sef u u d ip , is not the case. Even the superstition ---t t the snot stition which still prevails in England, t b4 tbe stele,l9)i must sooner or later be discovered--t hu . t nst liii m i will move—the very stones cry out ag' i ne reeui i i i than he should escape unpunished, is h ere .. a ebe i ' A i i There is an end oif,esaulteliciliaacwea.—anwanapepiadiin n o ore ni ,.. t - oo r l cod of all moral iestraints. I could detail . e ' "0 0 4 14 the same kind if necessary, but I acquainted with the wretched state of i ' we har ro, l . , any fun titer illustration.—(Hear, bei r S ) ee , e soal t f sI ll '.: told that these new courts will prove as l ot e u en ati ,,j ? 1 ; 1 We have be „iden ce , 11 crimes as the old courts. pliantly, where and how we shall get ou cbeers.i.„; tit steer, by the restoration of s ecurity. — ( ..ed in g eto o Y e a, r e been said, that if we could not . c s . u" or a l ur Y t 0 1" ? viduals to mice evidence before a or succe ed 0 1 1 4 peaceable, and the correspondent p c fp" l o :l s l e : i a tni r et d ie l vu y i:ol li tst e u a t' heart—(Loud I gi w L i? ; e u n d lii a r e l 'att h i ::::::: r ; e—'Yi' d :r e en y sc r i e :.ial s nie s ni i iig i n i qi tt t brij o b:: : 'le P ilt i l it illi a „ n fideno d oio' a rcation• — ( ll" io IS i Under these circumstances , bow can .of all 11, 6 re , woe the law, and to assert his rights ,ct—viooannin:yetosqfuaeetnr giving ice p t ris.jetnisleointf jurisprudence,t beeau se li wants the l'. 3 g al l e r A tt t leco l'urni