The Sun. — London, England, 1864-05-02 00:00:00

Banquet at the Royal Academy, On Saturday afternoon the President and Council of the Royal Academy gave a sumptuous banquet to the Ministers and other distinguished guests on the eve of the opening of the annual exhibition in the rooms, Trafalgar-square. The company began to arrive shortly after two o'clock, and spent the interval till dinner was announced in viewing the pictures with which the walls of the Academy are adorned. The President of the Royal Academy (Sir Charles Eastlake) occupied the chair. Among the guests were the Home Secretary, the Foreign Secretary, the Colonial Secretary, the Se cretary for War, the Secretary for India, the First lord of the Admiralty, the Speaker, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the President of the Board of Trade, the Commissioner of Works and Public Buildings, the Lord Chief Justices of the Queen's Bench and Common Pleas, the Lord Chief Baron, the Master of the Rolls, the Attorney-General, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Archbishop of York, the Bishop of London, the Earl of Derby, the Right Hon. B. Disraeli, Mr, C. Dickens, the Lord Mayor, the Bishop of Oxford, Lord Overstone, Lord Stan ley, Lord Stratford de Redeliffe, and all the prin cipal members of the Royal Academy. After the usual loyal and patriotic toasts, The PRESIDENT gave " The health of the nobles men and gentlemen who this day honour the Aca demy with their presence." (Cheers.) On a former occasion, he said, I ventured to express a hope that the study of the fine arts:might, to a certain extent, be introduced in our universities. lam happy to find that steps are being taken with a view to the promotion at least of that object ; and should these efforts be successful, I trust that architecture will occupy the first place in any scheme that may be proposed. (Cheers.) Although now extensively employed —perhaps more so than at any former pe riod —architecture has not been so much an object o f general interest as have been its more intelligible rivals: The prosperity of the country is un doubtedly the chief cause of the impulse which this noble art has received; but we are not the less sensible of the encouragement which is being ex tended to it by the Government and by public spirited individuals. Societies have also done their part. I speak not of speculative undertakings, however useful, but of more disinterested efforts. The exertions of the Institute of British Architects, and the establishment a few years since of an Archi tectural Museum—an object accomplished with the zealous and liberal assistance of some enlightened amateurs now present—have all co-operated in pro ducing the results to which I have the satisfaction to refer. (Cheers.) At such a time the introduc tion of the study of architecture into the university curriculum would probably find public opinion pre pared to recognise the advantage of such an addi tion. (Cheers.) Viewed only as an academic study no pursuit connected with the objects of taste can more fitly recommend itself as an adjunct to a liberal education. An acquaintance with the archi tecture of antiquity, leading to a corresponding knowledge of Greek sculpture, is closely allied to classical studies. Mediwval architecture, the examples of which abound in our own country, and even in the seats of learning themselves, has a peculiar interest from its frequent past and 'present application to the service of religion. It is also to be remembered that much of the theory of this art, depending as it does on scientific principles, is communicable by lectures and illustrations. 'With such aids and the study of existing edifices, the attainment of correct know ledge, the power of appreciating wall-selected examples, and the gradual formation of a sound judgment, would be placed within the reach of many. (Cheers.) I advert to this subject now be cause some of those whom I have the honour to address may possibly have opportunities of assisting the efforts which are at present being made for pro moting the study of the fine arts in the universities. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY—I shall not, 1 think, misinterpret the feelings of those in whose be half I am called upon to address you when I express to yourself and your fellow Academicians the grate ful sense we entertain of the splendid hospitality - which you have offsred us this evening, and of the rich treat you have provided for us in the choice works of art which adorn these walls. These annual gather ings are always looked forward to with sanguine anticipations, and those anticipations are never dis appointed. The fruits of this year's exhibition seem to be especially the subject of congratulation, from the marked excellence which characterises the various productions of the pencil—an exhibition which, by the suffrages of all whose opinion I have heard expressed, rises decidedly above the ordinary level. (Cheers.) Much as we have to admire in - brilliancy of colouring and fineness of touch, we value far more those inner qualities which are the soul of art, those moral characteristics which through the eye touch and improve the heart, while they inform the intellect, animating and encourag ing us to deeds of self-denial and self-sacrifice for the good of others. This is the noblest province of art—one in which the Royal Academy ever has, and I trust ever will, devotedly employ itself. As to the remarks you have made, Sir Charles, on the cultivation of the fine arts, and especially of archi tecture, in our public schools, and universities, I so far agree with you that I should be glad to see every branch of knowledge, and all the accomplish ments which may combine to form the complete English gentleman, pursued therein so far is com patible with the maintenance in its real supremacy of the study of classical literature. (Cheers.) That has hitherto been the staple of the educa tion of the youth of England in our public schools and universities, and will, I trust, continue to be so. (Hear, hear.) Returning however, to the subject on which I rose to address you, and in grateful recollection of our obligations to the Royal Academy, I would say for myself that I always desire to derive profit as well as pleasure from my visits to these rooms. On the present occa sion I have learnt a very wholesome lesson, which may be usefully studied, not by myself alone, but by those of my right rev. brethren also that surround me. I see a little lady there (pointing to Mr. Mile lais's picture of a child asleep in church, entitled My Second Strmon,") who, though all unconsci ous w hom she has been addressing, and of the homily she has been reading to us during the last three hours, has in truth by the eloquence of her silent slumber— (cheers and laughter)—given us a grave warning of the evil of lengthy sermons and drowsy discourses. (Loud cheers.) Sorry, indeed, should I be to disturb that sweet and peaceful slum ber, but I beg that when she does awake she may be informed who they are who have pointed the moral of her story—(cheers) —have drawn the true inference from the char o' e that has passed over her since she heard h er fi rst sermon, thus profit by the lecture sh e hasand have resolved to delivered to them. (Cheers.) Impressed with these feelings of gratitude for much of pleasure and m uc h of profit derived from your hospitable recepti on o f us , your guests , I have to beg you will all welcome with the utmost cordiality the toast I have to propose, Prosperity to the Royal Academy." The PRESIDENT returned thanks, and proposed 64 The health of the Right Hon. iam Glad stone." The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER to said—The toast which you have just been pleased give from the chair places me in a position of prominence true which I am by no means entitled ; for if it be that I feel a sincere , though au unins t ruc t e d inte rest in the noble profession with which you ar e connected, I feel that interest I balievo in company with almost the entire body of my educated fellow countrymen, and I may go much further than the line thus described, and say in common with the increasing mass of the community. (Cheers.) I think I may best reply to the just and almost too moderate reference yon have made to the peculiar position of this body with respect to its wants if I rather consider myself in connection with the class to which I belong. As re gards those w ants I trust the time is ap proach ing when the collective wisdom of the nation, represented in Parliament, and for this purpose especially represented in the House of Comte 1 13 g, will be able, after having solved such a multitude of great p Utica! and social prob'ems during the ;•zeneration to which another problem which e belong, like wise to cut its way through as yet hes defied all its skill and good intentions, and provide fitting repositories for the treasures of art belonging to the nation, and likew for the rich treasures whi3h its artists annu3-T produce. (Cheers.) I think I may fairly say, of only for the highly informed company I e now ' the nonour to address, bat for the thousacds and tens of thousands who will for months be enjoying the spectacle offered by the walls of this Academy, that nothing could replace to us the loss of this exhibi tion. (Cheers.) And, Sir C. Eastlake, permit me so far to discharge a debt as it can be discharged by acknowledgment. Speaking from my own expe rience, I have never had the fortune to encounter one of the members of your distinguished body within these walls who was not ready, and even desirous, to become a voluntary and gratuitous teacher wherever he could find a willing pupil. This day brings with it numberless associations of inte■ rest, many pleasant recollections of former years, litany ardent and fond hopes of the great works we trusted to see in years to come ; but it brings with it also scme melancholy and touching reflections. You have yourself, Sir Charles, alluded to names, one of which, at least, strikes a chord in my own breast. You have referred to three names, each an honour to his profession, Mr. Mulready, Mr. Cockerell, and Mr. Dyce. I do not venture to draw any distinction between these eminent men, but one of them, Mr. Dyce, was my friend, and I am glad to pay him within these walls, where his works so often excited admiration, the tribute of sincere and sorrowing friendship. (Cheers.) If I may presume to pass kidgment, not on the qualifi cations of an artist, but on the general outline of character which befits those that devote themselves to this lofty profession, I believe the very ideal of that profession has rarely been more honourably exhibited than in the character of Mr. Dyce. (Cheers.) Mr. Dyce was one of those who, having great aims, rise entirely above any sordid and mer cenary motives. There was no element, no incident connected with his works that I believe rested on his mind so little as their price. He perceived the true idea of beauty, and sought to clothe it in visible form, and founded the whole practice of his pro fession on those true principles which have in all time led the highest excellence. (Cheers.) Sin. cerely, you knowwell that Mr Dycc, though a great painter, was not a painter alone. He was as deeply versed in the science and practice of music, and in the science and history of architecture, as in that particular branch of art in which his hand was a master. Mr. Dyce was a philosopher. Mr. Dyce was a theologian of deep attainments. Mr. Dyce was a man to whom art and knowledge were as one great spreading tree with many branches, and the particular pursuit to which he first betook him self for a livelihood, and in which he attained suuh distinction, was but one branch of that tree. It was this unity of knowledge which prevailed in his mind which is, I believe, the great preservative of every particular branch of knowledge, the best preservative against every tendency to degenerate, and also the best incentive to pure, great, and noble deeds. (Cheers.) lam quite sure, however long and however worthy may be the roll of the distinguished men who had adorned the academy, seldom has there been one more conspicuous for his excellence than that remarkable man to whose name I have thus ventured to pay a feeble tribute of ad miration. (Cheers.) Associated as lam by official duty and by long experience with the material pur- suits of my countrymen—bound as I am by every tie of honour as well as of office to do what in me lies, end making it the chief object of my life to do what in me lies to develop the material happiness and prosperity of England, I do not less warmly, but more strongly and fixedly, feel how necessary it is that the wealth which is in such rapid accu mulation should be accompanied by the correctives which, from other sources, are necessary to be sup plied—that it should be sanctified by the hallowing influence of religion—that it should likewise be followed by all those results that flow from an onward civilisation. (Cheers.) And, among those results, I ❑eed not say there are none more radically associated with the trae development of human ex cellence than the successful prosecution of those fine ants to which the Royal Academy is devoted. (Loud cheers.) The PRESIDENT said—Seven days since the Shak spere celebration was worthily inaugurated at Stratford-on-Avon, and it would ill become the professors and friends of art to overlook tae present opportunity of doing homage to our great poet's memory. Painters especially owe to Shaksptre a large portion of their inspiration, and will continue to do so as long as poetry and art exist. In Shak spere artists may find not only inexhaustible sub ects but sound principles. It is he who tells them ,hat " Nature is made better by no mean, Bat nature makes that mean ;" and who, in the instructions to the players, records his caution against exaggeration and mannerism. With all his boundless fancy, he instinctively recog nizes the limits between description and represen tation. In him, as in Homer, the highest idea of beauty is conveyed without enlarging on definite visible qualities, and consequently without invading the province of the formative arts. Although Mi randa is " created of every creature's best," the ar tist is left free—perhaps hopelessly free—to realise her image. None can have greater reason than the students of nature and the disciples of art to vene rate the name of Shakspere, and I will only add, in his own words— " If he had been forgotten, It had been ss a gap in our great feast, And all things unbecoming," . Cheers.) The toast is " The Immortal Memory o Shakspere." (Hear, hear.) The CHAIRMAN next gave " Prosperity to the City o Loam and the health of the Right Hon. the Lord Mayor.' Cheers.) The LORD MAYOR returned thanks, and in reference to a remark of the last speaker on what might be done in the shape of improvements in the City of London, said—lt appears to me that the City is very much in the position of the Israelites in Egypt, who were required to make bricks without straw. (A. laugh.) Wa are deprived in a great measure of the power of making improvements by the cur tailment of our resources. (Hear.) And our power is in terfered with in other respects. (Hear, and a laugh.) You have pointed to France and the magnificent improvements which have been effected in Paris, but it should be known that there they have something like £2,000,000 sterling per annum to carry out these improvements. The City of Lon don, on the other hand, is not permitted to hold the means she has to use them for the improvement of the great metro polis. The PRESIDENT next gave " The Interests of Literature." Mr. FORSTER, who on rising was received with loud cheers, returned thanks. After alluding to the disadvan• tape he felt in interposing before men with higher claims than himself to represent literature, and better qualified to speak for it, he continued—l see in this room the ackaow•• lodged representatives of some of its highest departments I see history appropriated by the Academy herself, who, in Lord Stanhope, Dean Milman, and Mr. Grote, possesses the lay element so dear to Lord Elcho—(cheers)—in a form in which I do not grudge it to her, but to which for my part I should be well content to find that she continued to restrict herself. I see poetry in some pleasant forms known to you all, and especially in that of Mr. Browning, one of the most original thinkers as well as one of the first poets of his time. (Cheers.) In fiction, I see not only the great master of character and humour (Mr. Dickens) been a more flagitious robbery of the Government by the mass of the wealthy population than was ever before experienced in a civilised country. And if the income and property tax is to produce no more in the future than it produced last year, and no other form of taxation is substituted, what is to pre vent a repudiation of the debt? And is it not the fear that this, after all, must be the result if the war be prolonged, that keeps gold at so high a premium? The debates on the expulsion of Mr. Long have been brought to a close after four days waste of time. Mr. Speaker Colfax, finding public opinion to be against him, and the Republicans out of the house to be as much scandalised as the Democrats both in and out of it were disgusted, withdrew tardily end ungraciously from the invidious position into which he had thrust himself, and consented to substitute a motion of censure for one of expulsion, which was carried by a majority of 80 against 70. The only result upon Mr. Colfax is loss of repute, and upon Mr. Long of an advance from the position of a follower to that of a leader of the peace party. The result upon the character of the house itself is more deplorable than upon that of its Speaker. The intolerant majority have shown a hatred of free discussion unworthy of a republic, unworthy of a re presentative body, unworthy of American history, and unworthy of a British ancestry; and proved but too surely that if they numbered the full two-thirds of the Assembly which they disgrace they would ex pel the other third and usurp the Government. If under a monarchy, which Americans affect to con sider less adapted to liberty than a republic, it was sever thought of expelling a Chatham, a Burke, or a Fox for advocating peace with a revolted depend ency of the Empire, these degenerate descendants of British grandfathers might well ask whether they were themselves worthy of the liberty which they would deny to others, and whether they are not at heart despots and tyrants, only to be kept in order and in their proper place by the still greater despot whom the war is nursing and training to rule over them ? Such a despot, if he come, will find every thing prepared for him. The men of money are longing for him, the press will worship him, and the politicians will lie down in the gutters that he may tread upon them, provided he will afterwards give them place or subsidy to reward them for their baseness. A curious revelation has just been made by Mr. Thurlow Weed, which, if correct, shows two things —first, that Mr. Lincoln's desire for re-election dates only from the year 1863 ; and second, that prior to that time he was of opinion that a candidate nominated by the Democratic party would be elected in 1864. " Soon after the elections of 1862," says Mr. Weed in the Albany Evening Journal, "Mr. Lincoln remarked to me that, as Governor of the Empire State and representative man of the Democratic party, Governor Seymour had the power to render great public service, and that if he exerted that power against the rebellion for his country he would be our next President. I thiuk Mr. Lincoln authorised me to say so from him to Go vernor Seymour. At any rate, I did repeat the con versation to him. But the gentleman's proclivities were in the wrong direction. Governor Seymour made his bed with Vallandigham, thus depriving his country of the advantages of his high position, and himself of a golden opportunity." It may appear to Mr. Weed and other Republican leaders that Mr. Seymour made a mistake when he refused to join his political fortunes with theirs, and declined to abandon his life-long conviction in favour of the State-rights of New York, and the Constitution of the United States, for the sake of any chances of power that he might have obtained by becoming a renegade ; but it does not so appear to his friends, or to any one who thinks an honourable opponent more respectable than a time serving and unprincipled supportor. Governor Seymour's "proclivities," as Mr. Weed terms them, arc in the direction of peace, economy, law, liberty, and a Union to be maintained by mutual consent, not by force and conquest; and it is only in so far as he has seemed to turn from these, and to support the war, which in his heart he condemns, that he has lost influence. His fault as a public man, which he shares with fully one-half of his party, is, not that his principles are wrong, but that he lacks the courage to act up to them. It he desires to be President of the United States, he has certainly not weakened any chance which he may ever have had of attaining that once easy but now perilous position by his adherence to the Con stitution which Mr. Lincoln and his associates have temporarily overthrown. Governor Seymour is astute enough to see that the President's favour can do nothing towards nominating a successor. It is his disfavour which gives strength to his rivals and invests them with importance. He treated General Fremont with injustice, and one-half of his own party will aid to put General Fremont in his place. He behaved to General M'Clellan with gross ingratitude. and deprived the army of its best General at a time when there was scarcely another General in the service fit t o be a corporal, and the consequence was that Gene ral M'Clellan became the idol of the Demo cratic party, and is the most formidable of all the candidates now in the field for the Presidency. Mr. Weed has alike mistaken Mr. Lincoln's influence and Mr. Seymour's strength. Every day that passes every libertyo day ,Ai a ra d . b d so s y t e omt dominion, popularitya thenodf tnhh highest mensees a :diminution of Mr. Lincoln's popularity, w r w a while k l love e o v f e w r been s h ibAni e e r tb. c hoL o esl udioenl bolder Lincoln, ill not fnst ehi.me to hewsa would that daes maintain ed Governor o ae r n rve v Seymour, csehytoi mos rapidly soup himself s:lthyrst country aw l p f o h epr a i vr v f heo e ira h s, j c o p : m i ai h n nru a e tgs d d yt. If men of his talents, honesty, and principles keep silent and inactive when they should speak out, and, if need be, peril their lives and their fortunes in the public service, the cause of Ame r ican liberty is lost, and a nobler inheritance tha n the Union is at an end for ever. The tide of emigration pours into this city like a flood. One vessel from Liverpo o l b roug ht upwards of 950 souls at the commencem en t o f the week, and as scarcely a day passes with ou t one or two arrivals in steam or sailing ships, each as h eav ily laden with human life as its decks will carry , i t w ould seem as if the expected average of 5,000 p er w eek would soon be overpassed, and that as many as 1,000 persons a American day would for some time to com e be withdrawn from the European and added to the popula tion. Mr. Seward, however, i s n ot entirely s atisfied with these arrivals. Th e y i nc l u d e too many wo men and children, and too m any deerepid old men— " simious and simi-h uman ," as they we re once de scribed by Mr. J o h n Mi tc h e ll—to be quite to his mind. He wants a bl e -b o di e d m en only, and tho u g h his desire and th e mot i ves t h a t prompt it are i n accordance with th ose of t he majority in both Houses of Cong ress , hi s propos ition to pay the co st of transferring a f ew extra t h o usands of Irish to t he hungry shores o f t hi s countr y h a s not met with much favour. It i s true that the small su m of 25,000 dols,scar ce l y more t h an X3soo sterling , whic h ho proposed that C ongress s h o uld devote to the pur pose, would do lit t l e more than bring out one good shipload, such a s arr i ve d i n this port on Mo nda y . Ic is possible, th ere f ore, t h a t the House of Repre sentatives may only have g i ve n his draught of a bill a cold recepti on , b ecaus e it proposed to d o so little, and th a t it w ill be prepared to do m ore favourably her ea f ter up if now or here a ft er any ag ents some larger project. But ag ents of the Federal Go vernment land in I re l an d in search of able - bod ied men, whose pass age th e y offer to pay to Americ a, it should be und ers t oo d, o nce for all, by the British Government and th e ordinary emigr a ti on f ro m p e ople, that they are w anted as soldiers only, an d no t a s workmen, and that the Ireland and Germany is rapidly filling up the gaps in the ranks of labour which the war has created. There may be patriotism in the undertaking, as the Ame ricans understand the word, but there is neither benevolence nor philanthropy. " Food for powder" is what the Federal Government demands ; and ; as young Americans no longer desire to offer them selves as aliment to pamper the greedy maw of the War Demon, young Irishmen and Germans must be sought, if craft or cash can procure them. Perhaps, had Mr. Seward asked for a million dollars he might have attained them, but 25,000 was palpably too small a sum to b e t a k en into consideration. To-day was anno unce d to be the last of voluntary enlistment in the Federal army, after which the draught was to commence. But, as every one ex pected, there is to be no draught, at least for the present. Doubtless, it will be discovered at -Wash ington that the quota of New York and every other city likely to be restive are full, and that patriotism and 700 dols of bounty money to each recruit may suffice to Ell the armies of the Union, as far, at least, as they are concerned, The threat of a con scription excites no further terror. The working classes have heard it so often that they look upon its enforcement with about the same incredulity as they regard the predictions of a celebrated divine that the end of the world is fixed for the year 1866. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. THE "SPECTATOR" ON THE ASSUMPTIONS OF THE POLICE.—There may be many opinions about the Shakspere eelebration last Saturday. Some may think that " an eminent tragedian" planting an oak at the foot of Primrose-hill is a noble and im posing spectacle. Others might contend that any kind of celebration may teach some persons, who otherwise would not, to recognize that merit may exist and glory be won in the closet no less than in practical life. And others, again, may regard the whole affair as a harmless tomfoolery. Even these last, however, would be willing that those who like tomfoolery should have their fill, and if the imposing spectacle was too short should eke out the day's amusement by a supplementary en• tertainment. When the tree had been planted, and the watering-pot emptied, and the verses in audibly recited by a lady unaccustomed to public speaking,—things all very beautiful from an aesthetic point of view, but perhaps just a little tame,—a body of impassioned orators denouncing the aristocracy for a crime which they never com mitted seemed the very farce that was wanted to complete the day. Mr. Phelps could not reason ably be expected to be as pre-eminently funny as at Drury-lane, and Mr. Edmond Beales might well have extorted from the audience the wondering ex clamation, " Why this is more excellent fooling than the other 1" But alas! we shall never know to which of these two notabilities the palm should have been awarded, nor fathom those mysterious plots, by which Mr. Gladstone and Lord Shaftes bury had deceived the unsuspecting nature of Garibaldi, but not the watchful jealousy of the Working Men's Committee. For Authority was on the gro und in the shape of an inspec tor and " large bodies" of police, and beyond arresting a pickpocket or two had found no occu p ation for their energies. To suppose that so important a person as an inspector of police was to go home without asserting himself is obviously absurd, and any re flections upon a Cabinet Minister would naturally be irritating to one who, though in a subordinate position, is still a servant of the Crown. The inspec tor determined to assert himself by silencing Mr. Beales. Fortunately a general order existed forbid ding the holding of public meetings in the parks, and the inspector, followed by " more than a dozen policemen," approached the learned gentleman. • Whether he took Mr. Beaks, who was addressing the populace from the top of a bench, by the ancle, just as the keeper grasped the insane gentleman who was making love to Mrs. Nickleby over the garden wall, we are not informed, but the speaker felt probably that his position was insecure, and, like the lunatic alluded to, came down. Up to that moment there had not been the slightest sign of disturbance, but of course people now began to hiss. For a moment it looked as if the consequential fus siness of this policeman might lead to a breach of the peace, and so produce the very evil against which doubtless he meant to guard. But fortunately the Working Men's Committee were wiser than could have been expected, considering the eery ridiculous opinions they had come there to express. They exerted themselves to quiet the discontented, and the crowd dispersed, leaving the inspector in possession of the field. We can only hope that Sir Richard Mayne will take some steps to reward the victors. The issue of a medal to every policeman who was on Primrose Hill that day is the very least that will adequately mark what society owes them, and by way of design we beg to suggest to the engraver the inspector driving back with his trun cheon the horrors of anarchy. Prevention, it is commonly said, is better than cure, but the maxim, in politics at least, only applies when the evil is sure to happen if not prevented. When there is a reasonable chance that it may be avoided altogether, we agree with the late Sir George Lewis that cure is better than prevention. Talk is the surest of safety valves, and so long as foolish people can meet and proclaim their fancied wrongs they are not likely to do anything more. Leave the meetings alone and they will separate peaceably enough when the orators are exhausted, or the audience want their tea, or it begins to rain. Disperse them by force and you provoke the violence you desire to prevent. If it be argued that the parks are not the proper places for meetings, and that they are only thrown open to the public for purposes of recreation, we reply that from the first the English people have been wont to amuse themselves moult tristement, and that political spouting is one of their recreations. To say that it prevents other people from enjoying the parks is absurd. Nobody need go near the talkers unless he likes, and all the Sunday preachers that ever gathered in Hyde-park have still left ample space for a far greater number of walkers than are ever likely to be there. Be sides, it is obvious that when you gather people round a preacher they occupy much less space than they would do when scattered over the park. On this particular occasion at all events it was impos sible that any one should be molested. Mr. Cowper had granted permission to plant the tree. Everybody who went to Primrose-hill lest Satur day knew that he was going into a crowd, and whether the speakers talked rubbish about Shak spere or Garibaldi, about the dead poet or the living hero, was a matter of no possible importance to any One. THE " SATURDAY REVIEW" ON THE EMPEROR AND M. THIERS.—The course which M. Tillers has recently adopted, when the financial measures of the Government have been the subject of discus sion, has naturally induced a portion of the French press to consider what would have been the effect upon French industry if the old order of things had endured—if Louis Philippe had never left the Tuileries for Claremont, and if M. Thiers were now, as he well might have been, the leader of a Parliamentary majority and the first Minister of a Constitutional Sovereign. His critics remark that M. Thiers is as thorough a Protectionist as he ever was, that he is all for keeping trade in its old fetters, and that he relies on those artificial props which were once supposed to be the firmest supports of French industry. It is, therefore, a very good thing that France has got rid of him as a ruler. If his supremacy had lasted, the wonders of the last few years would have been unknown. The French wculd have had few railways, and bad ones ; they would not have sown Paris built up from its ruins in half a dozen years; they would have had no Treaty with England ; and, being condemned to a perpetual system of protection, they would have had the hopeless feeling that they and their chil dren for ever were fated to eat or pocket those slabs of sugar which the State, for the benefit of beetroot growers, insists shall have no sugar in them. It is, however, rather a hasty assumption that, because M. Thiers was a Protectionist in his old days, and because he is a hardened Protectionist now, he would have been a Protectionist if he had been in office, or that Constitutional Government could never have given France the benefits of Free Trade. When a Minister is really is office, he learns by the mere fact of his being in office what are the wants and wishes of the country, and free trade must some day have made its way in France, whatever was the Government that happened to rule there. The very greatest merit of Constitutional Government is that it encourages free discussion, and free discussion makes people think and talk, until at last new thoughts become familiar and the opinions of a nation are changed. With railways, and partly through the great development of English wealth, came a new burst of commercial life and energy in France; and it is not probable that this energy would have been arrested beeause M. Thiers was in office, or that M. Thiers, having the choice between learning new truths and the abandonment of office, would have disdained to show a docile mind. The examples of Spain and Italy show that constitutional assemblies are capable of being convinced that the mercantile interests of a nation are worth attending to, and that, if a nation wants to get rich, it must not stand aloof from the general current of the modern world. It is true that in every country personal influence does much, and that some one man is generally conspicuous in the ordering of great changes. Sir Robert Peel in England, the Emperor in France, Marshal O'Donnell in Spain, and Count Cavour in Italy, have stamped a seal of their own on the first beginning of a new national activity. The gain to a nation in time and trouble, when it ge . ts . a really superior man to conduct it through a Flares of commercial enterprise, is so great that it is impossible to estimate how much these countries have profited by the exertions and the intervention of the men who have started in them new notions and green them anew vigour. Bat in a country so great and so enlightened as France, Free Trade must have come sooner or later ; and it is far too strong a criticism to say that, it' Parliamentary Go vernment had lasted, M. Thiers and his friends would be now engaged in keeping France as com paratively backward and stagnant as she was twenty years ago. While, however, it is impossible to sup pose that M. Thiers or any one else could have kept France for ever Protectionist, the personal contrast between him and the emperor, to whom the rapid and easy spread of Free Trade in France is mainly owing, cannot fail to strike every Frenchman who believes that the new order of things is the right one. The Emperor is immensely ahead of M. Thiers in his views on trade and finance, and in France personal comparisons have a great influence. All those who are making money at Paris and is the provinces, who find it twice as easy to be twice as rich as they were ten years ago, look upon the Emperor as the conspicuous man of their way of thinking. When they think about M. Thiers at all, they naturally regard him as a conspicuous man of the wrong way of thinking. and they congratulate themselves that they live under the Emperor, and not under M. Thiers. The mercantile community, and all the most intelligent men who belong to it, adhere, with more or less of sincerity, to the Em pire, b eca use they know that any change would hit them hard, and also because they think that the Emperor understands what they want, and how to give it them. This tends, no doubt, to make their adhesion to the Empire temporary and tran sitory, for an Emperor who was not up to his work might be distasteful to them. But it adhesion to the Empire is taken to mean simply a wish that Louis Napoleon may go on reigning, the adhesion of the mercantile classes is sincere and profound. Of course the Emperor has his subordinates—men who help him, make suggestions to him, and some• times correct him. There are, for example, M. Fould and M. Michel Chevalier, who have done more to keep the finances of France straight, and to get free trade fairly started, than any two men of private station. But then they are avowedly servauts of the Emperor, and occupy the position towards him that the permanent secretaries of our Government offices oceupy to their Parliamentary chiefs. They are not what M. von Schmerling is to the Emperor of Austria, the originators and maintainers of a line of policy which their master is barely able to understand, and wholly incapable of working out. They are useful servants, and the Emperor carries out, or manages to make it sup posed that he carries out, his views through them. The whole literature of modern France is pervaded by the influence of the industrial spirit, as indeed is the literature of all modern Europe. Sometimes this takes a bad form, and we have those specimens of vulgar materialism which have disgraced the era of the Empire. Bat sometimes also it takes a good form, and expresses the hopes with which ardent, enthusiastic lovers of their country and of all that is best in it regard the future of France. That the Emperor personally should be at the head of the in dustry of France thus allies him with many men who have no taste for Imperialism in itself, and acts as a powerful counterpoise to the dislike with which the restrictions placed on writing and speaking are re ' garded. Despotism does not appear before the eyes of Frenchmen in its naked deformity when the despot for the time being is the representative of what many men, who command the respectful attention of the public, regard as in eery way excellent. Nor is it possible that this feeling should not be strengthened when they turn their thoughts to M. Thiers, and find that, brilliant as he is in debate, and sound as is his philosophy when he contrasts liberty with a military tyranny, he is still a pro tectionist, and thus stands aloot from the wishes and hopes of all that is most stirring and ambitious and intelligent in France. The very existence of such a Government as that of the Emperor forces men to consider politics under their personal aspects, and the prominence of M. Thiers in the Opposition strengthens this natural tendency; and when poli ticians, not systems, are compared, it seems obvious that France, so far as commercial peosperity goes, is gaining ground under her present leader. THE "LONDON REVIEW" ON THE CIVIL SEE VICE.—The ninth report of her Majesty's Civil Ser vice Commission has this week been issued. We shall not trouble our readers with an array of figures. It is more important to note certain facts which the examinations have brought to light. First we find that out of 813 candidates who com peted for 253 superior appointments, such as clerk ships, 291 were found to be below the minimum standard of a pass examination. Nearly all who failed broke down in •the elements of education. This fact is more significant when we observe that out of 2,334 candidates rejected since 1856, all but 183 failed in orthography, hand-writing, or arith metic. The vast majority are of course the sons of gentlemen aged from seventeen and eighteen to twenty-five. Surely this result is highly discredit able to those who have had the charge of their education. There is nothing in any of these branches which, to a boy of the most ordinary capacity, shohld be unattainable. One at least is purely mechanical ; the others simple enough. A boy with common application should grow into them, and no doubt would, if instructors did their duty. Yet here we have up- wards of 2,000 young men out of 25,000 candidates, who have been rejected for deficiencies which would be disgraceful in a lad who had been brought up by the parish. If they are unfit for the public service on these grounds, for what are they fit ? Another point to be noticed is the carelessness with which testimonials to character are given. Really, there is hardly any class of document which deserves to be regarded with more suspicion than testimonials of this kind. The commissioners annex to their re. port a list of cases in which persons of disreputable character obtained nominations on the strength of their vouchers. AB, for instance, had, under an other name, suffered 18 months' imprisonment for forgery ; B C had absconded with funds intrusted to him as adjutant and paymaster of a regiment, and had been imprisoned for obtaining goods on false pretences, yet " he produced anutiusualnutwmo ber of flattering testimonials from well known gen tlemen occupying high positions, including peers and four majors-general in the army." We cannot refrain from saying that the conduct of per. eons who give testimonials without personal know ledge of those for whose characters they vouch, or who, knowing them to be unworthy, conceal the fact, is most reprehensible. It is an injustice to the public service—a wrong done to candidates whose characters are meritorious, but whose testimonials will henceforth be looked on with suspicion. Natu rally enough the commissioners refuse to set any v alue on " written testimonials, couched in general terms, and passing through the hands of the parties interested." And in truth those who pen these vouchers offend against morality. But the sin is common ; and men who would scorn to deviate by a hair from truth in the statement of a fact con cerning themselves, out of a culpable easiness and good nature set their hands to statements which are grossly false, to oblige an acquaintance or help some one they are anxious to serve. THE " EXAMINER" ON THE CONFERENCE,—The Conference is laid up with the gout ; gone to sleep, propped up with Eider-down pillows and wrapped round with blanket from the Saxon loom. It has not, as Sir G. Grey explained last night, adjourned sine (lie, though he was unable to say when it would meet again. It has taken to its bed, but not for good. We never expected much from the delibera tions of a body whose members have so little in common, and in which the countervailing force were obviously so unequal. Assuming that France and England are agreed in desiring to secure some thing like fair terms for Denmark, they are doomed to encounter at every point a combination of adver saries flushed with the perpetration of successful wrong, and animated, it is to be feared, with far more of a common spirit end purpose. The Court of Vienna is said, indeed, to be anxious to see the war ended in Slesvig before Garibaldi can set out on his next expedition from Caprera ; and well it may. But just in proportion as the part played by the Austrian contingent in the past campaign has been insignificant and ineffective, it now becomes difficult for Count D'Apponyi to take a more moderate tone in council than his Prussian or Saxon associates. Prussia has got the lead, and means to keep it, if arrogance and obstinacy can prevail. The darling dream of the headship of Germany still haunts the dynastic and bureaucratic minds of Berlin and Vienna, and beguiles them equally from the path of wisdom end safety. The Prussian King and his Minister are in the seventh heaven of exaltation at having, as they say, by the almost unaided force of Prussian arms, rescued the Duchies from a foreign yoke. Less than complete autonomy, Count Berns deaf is instructed' not to accept for them; and Baron von Beust has composed his own instruc tions in the like spirit. But what does this im ply ? If it were only the independence of provincial legislatures, in all matters merely, affecting Slesvig, Holstein, and Lauenburg, severally considered, the Danes would pro bably consent to it, in any reasonable terms which might be laid down. They have virtually agreed to do so by the revocation of the patent of March, 1863, and by the steps in concession subsequentl y taken by them. But autonomy may be easii, y Ycon structed to mean something more than this, t degi P .eaeseo . f Prac tically, if not theoretically, it implies t control over the local admini na s a t e ril i t te i a o on e us: capable of being used most efficacio g uy er a n s the whole mechanism of for working rpntt ng gear. Without one common legislature supreme in all matters of common interest, there could be no permanent cohesion between States whose antece dents are so distinct, and whose feelings are so dif ferent. Christian IX. might La recognised by all Europe as lawfuli.,;in ; ing of Denmark, and D u k e o f Slesvig and Holste and, taught by bitte r exp o _ rience, he might do his best to trim the balance of interests fairly and substantially, to let his German subjects govern tbemselvee :n matters of religion, education, and rautneipal law. But his beet would avail little. After all that has happened, and in the face of all the schemes and devices of German absorption which we know to be afoot, we cannot disguise from ourselves that the Duchies, if admi nistered by natives, would be liable at any moment to be alienated formally from the Danish monarchy and if administered by Danes, to be kept in a state of stifled disaffection hardly less perilous to the stability of the State, and much more demoralising to the people. In a word, autonomy means not only what the late Mr. O'Connell used to ask for Ireland, under the name of a Repeal of the Union, but from the very nature of the case something in volving much more. In Ireland there was popular discontent, originating in difference of race, and fos tered by hostility of creed ; but the classes possess ing property and intelligence were by habits and sympathies more English than Irish ; no powerful neighbours, speaking the same language,was within sight or hearing; and the claims of no Pretender filled the imagination or diverted the allegiance of any section of the community. Yet politicians of every complexion and degree in this country re sisted as one man the proposal of Irish autonomy, upon the one plain and incontrovertible ground that it would be incompatible with the security and the greatness of the realm. How, then, can it be ex pected that the Danes should agree to a settlement whichwould virtually se ttle nothing except the certain and proximate dismemberment of their ancient State ? Capture of a Notorious Burglar, The police of Bristol have just succeeded in cap turing one of the most daring, accomplished, and successful burglars who in history has ever been recorded. The prisoner's name is John Goodenough, who for some time past has been the terror of jewel lers, silversmiths, and pawnbrokers in the south of England. It was Goodenough whose booty was recently discovered in Windsor Forest, and it proves to be the same man who, within the last 12 months, has committed several great robberies at Alton, Emsworth, Gosport, and other places in the county of Hampshire. The prisoner has assumed various aliases from time to time, and when arrested at Bristol (by the detective police, acting upon infor mation received from Superintendent Harvey, of the Hants county constabulary, stationed at Gos port), he was known by the name of " Capt. Smith," and the furniture of his house was packed up in readiness for removal to another part of the coun try. Although somewhat below the middle stature, Goodenough is a powerful and determined fellow, and three of the officers who succeeded in effecting his capture were wounded, one receiving a severe wound on the head, while a piece of the flesh of another was literally bitten from his hand, and upon the prisoner's person was found a six-barrelled re volver loaded with ball and capped, which there is no doubt he would have used had he not been adroitly seized when not aware that he was in the company of a detective officer. On a previous occasion, however, when an attempt was made to capture him in another part of the country, he held his assailants at bay by the production of his revolver, and managed to escape. The prisoner was brought to Gosport, and has been committed for trial at the assizes on three separate charges of burglary. Al though precautions were taken to prevent his escape from the lock-up in which he was confined for some days while under examination, Good, enough made the attempt to do so. It appears that some years ago Goodenough was transported for burglary, and his reappearance created considerable surprise. We believe, however, that it has not yet been ascertained whether he obtained a ticket of leave or made his escape. COUNTRY MARKETS. YORK—SATURDAY. We have to report another week of splendid weather. There was rather less wheat at market to-day, with only an improved demand. Barley scarce, and at full prices. Oats in limited supply. Beans in fair consumptive demand and prices firm. Wheat, red 37s to 40s Oat 5.... White do .40s to 45s Beans 36s to 38s Barley .26s to 30s Peas .•.•—s to —a Malt, 58s to 62s per qr..; rye, 28s per qr.; flour, 27a to 29s . per sack. NOTTINGHAM-SATURDAY. A moderate show of wheat to-day, with a fair attendance of the trade. Trade was active, and prices were is per qr higher. The show of barley was small, and little busi ness was transacted. Oats scarce. Beans in fair supply —White wheat, from 39s to 468 ; red wheat, 375 to 42e. Barley—malting, 30s to 37s ; grinding, 27s to 30s. Oats old, at 24s to 30s Od; new, 19s to 268.. Be ans so ld a t 38 5 to 42s:per qr. ; new, 34 8 t o 365. Flour, fine, 27s to 30s ; super, 32s to 37s per 20 stone. GRANTHAM—SATURDAY. Old white wheat, 4is to 45s ; red, 38s to 41s per 365-t.; new white, 40s to 44s ; - red, 39s to 40s. Malting barley, 33s to 36s per qr ; grinding, 28s to 30s ; oats, old, 23s 0 LEICESTER. SATuRDAY. New white wheat, 42s to 458; red, 39s to 41s per 36 stone. Old red, 38s to 42s per 36 stone. Barley, malting, new, 32s to 36s per qr.; grinding, 278. to 288; old oats, 25s to 28s; new oats, 21s t o 23s per 24 stone. Beans, old, 40s to 42s per 38 stone ; flour, 26s to 32s per 20 stone. 265; new, 20s to24s; beans, 34s t0,36s ; peas, 34s to 365. NORWICH—SATURDAY. There was a fair supply of wheat to-day, and prices were about the same as on this day se'nnight. The de livelies of barley were still very small, and former prices were realised. White wheat. 42s to 44i 1 Red wheat 38s to 40s Malting barley ...35s to 36s 1 Chevalier barley 33s to 34s Distilling d 0..... 29s to 30 s I Oats.. 24s to 26i Flour, 25s Od to 26s Od per sP.elt from the miller Foreign Mat .1 Packet List. MAILS DUE. 4iustralia and Mauritius, via Southampton ..May 19. M Ma 13 Lirazil and Cape Verb, by via British packet May 4. , Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena May 22. t hina, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton May 2. via Marseilles May '2. Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton May 2. India (Calcutt a ), an d Ceylon, via Southampton May 2. via Marseilles... 4 ,May 13. India (Bombay), via Southampton May 12. via Marseille s May 6. Portugal.... May 4. Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton May 2. Newfoundland via Marseill es M ay 2 .... Oporto and Vi go U. S. and British N. America, by Brit. p ac k et M ay 5. by U.S. packet by Canadian packet. May 10. W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and Teneritre Bahamas, via New York Mexico.. ................... ...May 30. All parts of West I n di es , i ncluding Chili, . Peru, j A T California. and B r iti s h Columbia... J '''ay —. ' 8 [AD" VERTlSEMENT.]—Consumption, all nervous, bilious, liver, and stomach complaints, in every stage, are only ag gravated and accelerated by drugs of every description, but perfectly curable by Du Barry's health restoring Revalenta. Arabica Food, as proved by thousands of cases which had. been considered hopeless. We quote a few.—Cure No. 62,914, Miss Lange, 18 years of age, cured after the medical men had abandoned all hopes of her recovery from the last stage of pulmonary consumption, with fearful cough, expectoration., exhaustion, spitting of blood, perspirations, hollow cheeks, emaciated to a skeleton. She is now, thank God, a perfectly healthy, blooming, fleshy Lange, Conunissaire de Pollee. Cure, No. 48,270. Mr. James Roberts, of Friraley'J Surrey, of thirty years' diseased lungs, spitting of blood, lives derangement, and partial deafness.—Cure, No. 47,121. mi ss Elizabeth Jacobs, of extreme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, low spirits, and nervous alcies.—Cure, No. 54,816. The Rev. James T. Campbell, Fakenham, Norfolk, of indigestion and torpidity of the liver, which had resisted all medical reatment. In tins, 11b, 2s lid; 21b, 4s 6d; 51b, lls ; 121 b, 225; 241 b, 40s. Barry du Barry and Co., No. 77, Regent-street, London ; also Fortnum and Mason; and alrD grocers and chemists in every town of the United Kingdom; Births. EGER Hon T . Mrs. Egerton , 2 of a eon.ON.—On the 9th ult., at 23, Wilton.croscent, the MANWING.—On the 30th ult,, at 15, Princes -gardens, Princes-gate, the wife of Charles J. Manning, Esq., of daughter. SLA.DE.—On the 29th ult., at 5, Ch ester -place, Chester-, square , the wife of 'Wyndham Slade, 'Esq., of a daugh.- ter, Marriages. DAL ZELL—ANDtusoN.—On the 30th ult., at St. John's l Notting -hill, John Alexander Dalzell, Esq., revet 151:430r 53d Regt., to Margaret Reriot, daughter B of the late Michael Anderson, of Wardie, Edinburgh. PJtATT—EPPS.—On the 30th ult., at 131001X18b1117, Charles, Pratt, Esq., of Clarence-parade, Southsea, to Amy Jessy, eldest daughter of Dr. George Epps, of 20, Devor.shire street, Portland-place, -W. Deaths. CORRY.—On the 28th ult., in Eaton -pl ace, th e Margaret of Behn Lowry ore, age Corry, d 21 youngest daught. Lady Emily' late er of Armar, CRAWSHAY.—On the 26th ult., Alfred l Orawsliay, Esq., of Dan ty-park, Brecknockshire, late , 1-7 •.:aptain 17th Lan cers, aged 41. DONALD.—On the 29th ult., 11,Tr Paradise-terrace, Liverpool-row 8. J. R. Donald, of 31, HALLILOT.—On the 28th u lt,, d, aged 40. Halliloy, Et.q., R.M. at Bath, Richard Goddard firrox.—On the 28th nit, H. Knox. tat Brighton, Lieut.-Colonel C. WINTER.—On the 26 Lycliard, Somersetr ., " 2, ult., at Watts Hot tse , Bi s h o p's hire, Charles Winter, Et 3q., aged 47. ................................. ----„ London : Prin;eo, and Pi hushed by WILLIAM [ANDREWS. of No. 112. Strand, Printer, at TAE SUN Office No. 112, Strand,l3 a the Precinct of t h e 3aVOY, the COlinli o itiliv wn-1491104Y, May 2,1564. THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, MAY 2, 1864, poet does, which as happily and even more exactly describes what the painter does : " And, as imagination bodies forth The forms of things unknown (the painter's pencil), Turns them to shapes, and gives to airy nothing A local habitation and a name." What glorious airy nothings have found habitation here! (Cheers.) Vainly might imagination have striven to body forth that terrible, that magnificent fancy of the "Grave of Franklin," to which the genius of Sir Edwin Landseer has here given shape for ever. (Cheers.) And what lover of his country has not dimly brought before his mind the grave of that other English hero, also with such solemn beauty depicted on these walls—where, among the hills and woods of his beloved Chilterns, with arms reversed and heads uncovered, his pious l'uritan soldiers bear the illustrious Hampden to his final home! (Loud cheers.) May we not say of a picture such as this by Mr Calderon that it is a piece of English history? Will it, indeed, be too much to say that literature's best representatives in this room, after all, are not the distinguished men you have in vited to your tables so much as the pictures that adorn your walls? Take all the other various walks of literature, and here you will find them expressed. Mr Forster then alluded to some of the principal painters and pictures in the rooms in connection with the departments of literature illustrated by them; and concluded,—Sir Charles Eastlake, I will ask you to permit me to make one allusion more. I have spoken of the painters who are present on these walls ; but there are two great painters conspicuous by their absence from them, and, having lately seen the extraordinary works with which Mr Maclise and Mr Herbert are now adorning the walls of the Palace at Westminster, I desire, however feebly to repeat the praise I hear on every side, that what has so been done not merely reflects an honour on this Academy, but sheds a glory on the country. (Cheers.) Such works are national in the highest sense ; and the men who can produce them—who can so celebrate our history, and give visible embodiment to the grandest and most sacred traditions of our race—the men, I say, who so can execute a national work, are entitled to no niggardly national re ward. (Loud cheers.) Several other toasts having been given, the company separated. THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA. who has held sway over both for now more than a quarter of a century. and this very day starts after new laurels with as much vigour and freshness as when he first began the race (cheers), but also others whose laurels are of later growth, such as ho who built for us " Barchester Towers" and the " Small House at Allington ;" and that son of a former member of this Academy, who, claiming to be rememberecl in right'for‘Noef two Nam e Name," the h has greatest sherea special title to remembrance names familiar to these walls (cheers) ; names dear and honoured wherever English art is known, and which may borrow from the art of Mr. Wilkie Collins (cheers) new claims to the admiration of their countrymen. For all these, and many others, I am to thank you, and nowhere will you find the sense of obligation to your delightful art so constantly and so deeply felt as by followers of literature —the younger of the sisters, I suppose, we must call her, for letters came last into the world; but they have been helping each other ever •sympathizing with each since, other, cultivating and interpreting each other; and I imagine that each would be eager tc say that her debt to the other was the largest : " Strong in the love of sister arts they came " And met congenial, mingling flame with flame ; " Like friendly colours found them both unite, "And each from each contract new strength and light," (Cheers.) But a greater writer than Pope has expressed this intimate alliance, for he who knew everything, and to whom you (Sir Charles Eastlake) have to-day made such noble and becoming allusion, uses language to describe what the (From the Times' Correspondent.) NEW YORK, April 15, The Mississippi has been again closed to naviga- tion by the capture by the Confederates, under Forrest, of the strong position of Fort Pillow— situated on a high bluff above Memphis. The tele graph reports a general massacre of women, children, and negroes, by Forrest's soldiers ; but such stories have been so often repeated, and as often found to be the grossest exaggerations, or most baseless untruths, that few people are found to be lieve in them. It is clear, however, that the attack was vigorous and the defence desperate ; and all but certain that Memphis will share the fate of Fort Pillow, and surrender to the impetuous Forrest. Whether he will be able to hold both or either depends more upon the force of gunboats that will be sent up the river from New Orleans to aid in dislodging him, than upon the army likely to be opposed to him. The circumstances of the capture excite the ire of the New York journals— not against the officer in command, but against the administration, which, having an almost unlimited number of gunboats at its disposition, and the con- trol of the whole internal navigation of the country, should have left such a point at the mercy of a coup de main from the land side. If the Administration, in its wisdom, should think it advisable to strengthen Gen. Sherman in the Mississippi region, at the expense of the army of the Potomac, the capture of Fort Pillow may be the prelude to s:irring events on the Rapidan or the Peninsula. The roads of Virginia, under the in fluence of the genial spring weather of the last few days, have again become passable for horse and foot, and perhaps for artillery, in which case a move may be hourly expected that will either make or mar General Grant, and which in case of failure will play havoc with the whole North, and lead to more critical combinations, political and social, as well as military, than any previous event of the war. In this city, however, the gold question takes pre. cedence of the movements of armies in the estima tion of almost everybody. " How is gold ?" is the common question of the streets and the hotel lobby as well as of the counting-house ; and even the women seem to be as interested as the men in ob taining a reply. The speculators have been so rams pant during the last three days as to have seriously alarmed every member of the Cabinet. Yesterday morning, although the price fixed for gold certifi cates by Mr. Chase was 65 premium, 'it ran up, i❑ consequence of the great demand for exchange in payment of the recent heavy importatiors of Euro pean luxuries and other causes, to 89; and threat ened, unless checked by the agency of the Govern ment in throwing a few millions into the market in excess of the demand, to reach 100. Mr. Chase, finding Washington too remote from the scene of danger, hurried to this city, the real metropolis of America, to consult with the leading bankers, and to ascertain from closer inspec tion whether it were possible for mere gamblers to produce a rise so remarkable ; or whether the con stant issue of paper, the increasing debt, and the fear of men who can see a little way before them, that notwithstanding all his immense preparations for victory it is possible General Grant may be defeated in Virginia, and that a social as well as a financial convulsion may follow, did not all combine to depre ciate his " greenbacks." The announcement of the Secretary's arrival on this errand was sufficient, however, to send gold down about 15 per cent, in twice as many minutes, but the fall was not sus tained. Tne operators bethought themselves that Mr. Chase had not, in reality, any considerable amount of gold to sell, that if he sold it he would no longer be in the position prescribed by law—of paying the interest of his " five-twenties" in coin— and would, consequently, have to come into the market within a fortnight as a buyer, if he would keep faith with the public and avoid a commercial panic. These considerations not only prevented a further fall but caused a recovery of price, and to day gold stands at 741, or 9i per cent, above the price at which Mr. Chase's agents sell gold certifi cates for the payment of Customs' duties. It is not, however, the demand for American gold to pay the Customs' duties whioh mainly enhances the price, but the demand for foreign exchange, that is to say, for English and French gold, to pay for importations and for permanent investments in Europe. People who have made hundreds of thou sands, or perhaps millions, in greenbacks, are be ginning to be apprehensive of future political con vulsions. Real estate, which once had such charms in their eyes, has lost a portion of its pleasantness, and the grim spectre of a popular outbreak looms blood-red upon their vision, and a reign of terror — but too probable if great disasters should befal the army of the Potomac—would drive hundreds if not thousands of them out of the country, to seek an asylum i❑ Europe. Many wealthy merchants, bankers, and contractors, are quietly preparing for such a catastrophe, and exchanging their greenbacks for English Consols or French Rentes—in other words, for gold to be left at their disposal in London or Paris. The names of some very prominent Ameri can politicians, as well as merchants and millionaires are freely mentioned as having adopted this coarse; and unless Gen. Grant will achieve a victory to re assure them, Mr. Chase, with all his good will to beat down gold, will he able to effect but little, and greenbacks—worth at present little more than half their nominal value—will continue to depreciate, until the paper dollar will have no greater purchas ing power than an English shilling. The Americans have been slow to understand their fiscal ce.2dition, but a glimmering of truth has begun to dawn upon them, It is of little avail, however, if they will not make personal sacrifices to sustain the national credit, that they should be alarmed at the prospect before them. Congress will neither vote a Property Tax Bill, nor will the people pay such taxes as Congress has already imposed, unless it be those indirect taxes which are levied on com modities of daily consumption. The income-tax, from which so much was expected, produced last year no more than 450,000 dole., or at the present rate of exchange about £55,000 sterling, instead of the 150,000,000 which it was estimated to yield, which sum, contributed by the people in support of the war, would only pay its expenses for the fifth part of a single day. The carelessness or inexperience of the tax collectors may account for a portion of this astounding deficiency ; but un less 99 per cent of the whole American people poi • sess incomes of less than 600 dols per annum, at which point their exemption begins, there must have