The Sun. — London, England, 1830-05-29 00:00:00

Favre'-' . 0 . ( j - 4 , 1" ' ,/ ~cir' v .& ~ ~.---*L : ' f.---,°`'? +N. , . • ~".."' ~ .1 - CROWDER,. KtYOFt• , 6 '•;,-,, 'd ' A-C0 M M 0 N COUNCIL, holdett.iu the •% 77 : - ' - - ,`" ••••" • c h , , -ft •ii. - '''''' „,. J. , 4, ~. - 1 .0- .. ab , 4111 , ;; "--- -.......,, ,.:, ... ..,..—:....., "' 4 4 -i CHAMBER of the GUILDHALL of the CITY .. .i= ' ',,-,, .' - i . . ) -4, ,-,,,, . ,_ _ _,..- A .F... , ;:,) - - iff: ' 14 'Ai10 19 -6,...,.'r-'" 8 ,5 ' , C IL .....4z, , - --..., 7 ,4_,,...„ . .,d, •_. ..: P ''''. irkt - ''il , ..lit.t - ..*iii_,:ai; ' 0 - - , —.1. — \"l,,„ 4 . ii, , , ••,,,. ',,, ‘- 's ,- . - '''''' . •m-rmk\ * 4o - ' ..iie ., • ••-•-- , ~ .....,,, ' ....., , • ',1::4 ',, . .", '-'l, -:::''' ili il : ,44K.11 , ,kn 0 ; . , 4 , , r , 7'? 3 'z.:... ; ,._ I , •-...i .. .'Ni -;‘,-"; P " tk ' "'f li X;P . .plui ) ' t t ; / ..:-v , ., 4 :' 4 .- ' -. 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'f 7-4 • 4 ,-; 1 (C, . , i 4 , . 4 , lifillill \, 1 --- t . -- flrentietis, the defence of whiels will reqtar ..'" e. e l \ acorbiient MC % • penditure ? - - and orci • Slit! 11;v1- -as a O LLoNDON:;11F1113 AY, the 28th day of May, 1830, ti ald - sisoz.vsn, 'That Capital Punishments for Offences against Pro " • Party, unattended with deliberate violence, are evil in their .tendency, inasmuch as they defeat the ends of justice by inducing a reluctance to prosecute. •That all Punishments should therefore he so apportioned , as not by their excessive • severity to deter from prosecu tien, as well as so certain in their infliction, that a dispo sition to commit crime may not be promoted by the ex -pectation or hope of escape. - That extreme Punishment excites compassion towards the culprit, not only with prosecutors, but also with those who judicially administer the laws, wheref !re the, preven tive Power of the laws is diminished, while a consequent encouragement is afforded to the commission of crime. That, in the administration of the Criminal Law, this Courtis of opinion that the commercial interests, as well as Sae moral wealth, of the community would be more effectually promoted by restricting capital punishments to . ounces against the person, than by the indiscriminate ap ligation of the highest penalties to crime in general. . Resolved—That Petitions be presented to both Houses of Parliament, praying a revision and amelioration of the Criminal Code in respect of the punishment of death for crimes relating to property, unattended by violence to- Wards the person. W 0 ODT HORPE. T HE COMMISSIONERS of thci ME , TROPOLIS TURNPIKE ROADS. North of the' THAMES, are ready to receive TENDERS for PAINT; ING,the several Turnpike Gates, Side Baru, and Posts, .----•- belonging thereto, on tile Roads under their Jurisdiction. ,-, Partioulars of which may be seen at this Office. ".,-•-. - , Sealed Tenders, marked " Tenders fir Painting," to be • . sent in, on or befor e FRIDAY, the 4th of June, at Eleven Welock. etropolis Roads Office, J. L. PANTER, Sec. M • 22, Whitehall-place, 28th May, 1830. —.___,.—___ FAMILY LIBRARY. Oa Wednesday next will be published, illustrated with Eight Engravings, price 51. No. XIII. of THE FAMILY LIBRARY, bein g Vol. lIL of LIVES of the most eminent BRITISH PAINTERS, SCULPTORS, and ARCHITECTS. - • Joh)/ Mornay, Allmoarle-street. gAMLLY LIBRARY. JUVENILE SERIES. No. L • (vvkicit has been long in preparation) will be published on e ills of July. • FAMILY DRAMATISTS. No. 11. containing the FLAYS of FORD, Vol. 1. will be published in a few days. THE QUARTERLY REVIEW, No LXXXV. was published THIS DAY. THE COURT JOURNAL, No. 57, of THIS DAY, contains :—The King's Health, exclusive and important Details—Splendours of the Court of George 111., by an Octogenarian : the Queen's Diamonds, Dress, &c. ; George 111. at a • Masquerade, &c.—Patrician Portraits. No. 4.; Earl G— y--Essay on Dancing ; proposed Introduction of a New Dance—Portraits of the French Peerage, No. 1, including Biographical Notices of Eight French Peers— Ambassador's Ceremonies at Rome—The Emperor Ni. eholat, and recent Court Ceremony at St. Petershurgh— The French Court and People —Court and Fashionable Life in London—Gaieti e s of the Week—Duke of Devon ' shire's Breakfast at Chiswick—Rehearsals of Private ' 7laeatricale at Bridgewater House—A Royal Anecdote— Hiring Jewels —A Disappointed Suitor—Lord and Lady Wm. Lennox—The Times and the Court Journal—Dia monds—Fashion of Guitar Playing—The English. at Home —Political Prospects—Fine Arts--Lawronce's Wotks--New Royal Medal, &c.—King's Theatre— ', t hltry-lane--Drarnatie and Musical Memoranda—Fo reign Courts and Correspondence—Literature, Politics, &c. of the Week. Published for Henry Colburn, by W. Thomas, at the Office, 19 Catherine-steeet, Strand. LADY : CHARLOTTE BURY AND THE MAR , CHIONESS OF LONDONDERRY. A BELLE ASSEMBLEE for June is embellished by the following Engravings :—L A Portrait of Lady CHARLOTTE BURY, from, the Paint log by Sir THOMAS LAWRENCE—II. A , full-4ength ' Portrait of the Marchioness of LONDONDERRY in the ;Costume of Queen Elizabeth, as worn by her Ladyship at Cthe. Grand Fancy Dresa. Fate at Holderness House—lll. "'Two elegant Figures representing the most fashionable London Costume for June—lV. Three Figures, exhibit-- Ll_ T ittg the most recent Continental Dresses. The whole ac "" 'ornately described. The Portraits in preparation are those of H. R. H. the Duchess of CUMBERLAND—H. S. H. Princess ES- • TERHAZY—Marebioness of STAFFORD—Countess .GOWER-Countess of VERULAM—Countess of AN. t o - ' TRlM—Countess of ERROL—Lady LOUISA DUR HAM—Lady GORDON—Lady NOIWANBY, Lady •- RIBBLESDALE, &c. &c. &e. Whittaker and Co., London; Waugh and Inner, Edin t• ]/. i. burgh ;J. M. Leckie, Dublin. 71 WHITTAKER'S MONTHLY MA • " GAZINE for JUNE, price Half-a-Crown. CONTIXTS :-I. Petition to the King of the Beggars.— , 11. Lord Mountcashel and the Church—lll. Anecdotes of Brasil—lV. Naval Administration of Great Britain— . V. Newfoundland Adventures--VL Reduction of Taxes, Increased Consumption, and Revenue—Vll. Tales of a Tar—VIII. Renewal of the East India .Company's Char ter--IX. A Song, by a Great Poet—X. Theatrical Mat •terx—Xl. Vegetative Verses, by a Fellow of . the Horti cultural Society--XII. Notes of the Month, and on the following in particular :—His Majesty—Annual Drawings Robert Peel—London Bridge .Approaches—De Bourrienne and Due D'Enghien—Thomas Maryon Wilson and Hampstead Heath—Revenues of the. Clergy—Hun gerford Market and the Warwickshire Parson—Brougham, Leach, and 8,0001. per annum—Prison Shaying—Old Books and Old Blockheads—Steam Omnibus-- ! O'Connell Undone—Opera Operations—Attack on Algiers—Mr. Grant and the Saltspoon—Colonel Berkeley and the Peerage —Eldon Memorial Mismanagement—Burke's Offi cial Kalendar.—Reviews of New Books, &c. &c, &c. •• 'Whittaker and Co. London ; Waugh and Itmes, Edin burgh ; and J. M. Leckie, Dublin. "' 'M ASER'S MAGAZINE FOR TOWN AND COUNTRY. Price 2s. 6d. The Number for JUNE contains :—Mr. FAiward Lyt ton Bulwer's Novels, and Thoughts on Novel Wrising ; Visit to a National School; Lines picked up in New Palace Yard, Westminster ;—A Gossip about. Arts and Artists ;—The Youngest. By L. E. L. ;—On , the Civil Disabilities of British Jews ; —Ma Contemporaine. From De Beranger ;—Three Courses and a Dessert;—.l think of Thee. From Goethe ;—Newnham's Illustrations of the Exodus;—The Young Dragon. By Robert Southey, Esq..;—Literary Characters, No. II.: The Bard of Hope; —To the Peerless ; Sicilian Poetry ;—lrish Minstrelsy, No. III.: Songs •f the Brazilian Emigrants. By T. Crofton Croker ;—Edinburgh Review, No. C.: Soutbey's Colloquies ;—Stanzas ;—The Meeting of the Similes ; The Gallery of Illustrious Literary Characters, No. I. : William Jerdan, Editor of the Literary Gazette, being a full-length Portrait, with Biographical Notice ; The Minor Greek Poets ;—A Rover's Song ;—The Anti- Slavery Society ;—Monthly List of New Publications ; Literary Intelligence ;—List of Bankrupts, &c. ; Diyi dsnda, Ecclesiastical Preferments, &c. ;—Table of English and Foreign Securities;—London Course of Exchange ; Meteorological Table. Published by James Fraser, 215, Regent-street. Lon don ; John Boyd, Edinburgh ; and Grant and Co. Dublin. COVENT-GARDEN THEATRE. Miss Kastatx made her last appearance here for the .season last night, as Lady Townley, in the well-known comedy of the Provoked Husband. The house was crowded to suffocation, and on the entrance of the young lady she was received with a burst of acclamation from every quarter of the house, that we have seldom, if ever, seen equalled. Her performance deserved this applause; it was not startling, nor over vivacious, but chaste, gene rally judicious, and, above all, exquisitely feminine. Its more serious portions were, however, incomparably the best, and the expression of Lady Townley's coun tenance, during the long expostulations of her hus band, and the announcement of his final resolu tion, together with the long speech of contri _ tine which follows, were given in a style of first-rate .cacellence. A little more ease—a little less desire to ap pear unaffected, would have left us nothing to wish for in the comedy of Miss KEMELE. But this is not so much a matter of genius as of experience, and Miss KIIMBLI can afford t o wa i t. F rom fi rst to l ast h er performance _ Wa s . listened to w i t h mar k e d attent i on, an d interrupted ° h a a l ired by the almost un p recedented bursts of a pp lause which _ each successful sally. At the close of the play s h e was led forward by her father, and after many graceful ~curtsies,_ to o k h er leave of the audience, by gal) , kissing he,band to tkern. Th e ot h er well sustained pa r ti cularly b y „ characters in the play we re pa rticarly oy biLANCHARD. Mr. BART somewhat too boisterous in his part. No. 11,766. PRINCE LEOPOLD AND GREECE. PAPERS COMMUNICATED LAST NIGHT TO PARLIAMENT. HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS PRINCE LEOPOLD TO THE PI.ENI- okeii need d I , e He cant 9 te lay, y, mice 'phi ged, Ady, nted le;s man con iced I fro tLe ler; ices ) 112; rkit FIITENTIARIES OF THE- THREE ALLIED COURTS. Marlborough Hoase,May 15,1830.—(Received May 1 6. ) The undersigned communicates to the Plenipotentiaries of the three Allied Courts, in original, and without delay, the important documents which he has just received. The undersigned sees with deep sorrow the confirma tion of the fears which he has expressed from the com mencement of these negotiations, that both the arrange went under which the Greeks were not called upon to participate in the negotiations, and the line of boundary which had been fixed, would occasion the greatest diffi saltless and dangers. These difficulties and dangers now appear to him , under the most alarming 'aspect, accom panied as they are with conditions . to which the under signed is unable to accede, and without which the Presi dent distinctly tells him he cannot answer for the manner in which he would be received in Greece. Under these circumstances, the undersigned must earnestly beg the Plenipotentiaries to take into considera tion, whether the arrangements which bad been agreed upon would, without considerable alterations, be in ac cordance with the true interests of the Powers, any more then they would be with those of Greece. The undersigned finds' himself, personally, in the most painful. situation. He would renounce with regret a task which might be so useful ; but nevertheleis, he sees that the execution of the measures adopted, notwithstanding his representations L exkole. ►rt more , and more to all the dangers .and all Its odium of forcing the Greek. to submit to an arrangement, to which the Senate has. de clared to the President of Greece, that it will not be a con tracting party, and to which it desires to remain a stranger. The undersigned will await the arrival of the documents of which the present are duplicates, before he communi cates his final determination ; but he considers it his duty to prepare the Plenipotentiaries for his resignation of 'a task which be had accepted with a lively sense of grati tude for the confidence which the Allied Powers had been pleased to repose in him, but also in the hope of contri buting to the present peace, to the independence, and to the happiness of Greece. The undersigned begs leave to call the attentions of the Plenipotentiaries to the state of destitution in which the Greek Government now is, and which it would be so easy for them to remedy. He avails himself of this occasion to express to them his distinguished sentiments. (Signed) LEOPOLD, Prince of SAXE. TO the Plenipotentiaries of the three Allied Courts. COUNT CAPO D'ISTRIAS TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS" PRINCE LEOPOLD. Napoli, Match 25 (April 6), 1830. Mon Prince,—Providence does not abandon Greece. I find a fresh proof of this in the generous sentiments which have induced your Royal Highness to defend the lawful interests of this country, at the moment when its fate was about to be decided. The letter which your Royal High ness did me the honour of addressing to me, dated 16th (28th) February, affords to Greece the most encouraging assurances as to her future state. She finds- them in all the efforts which you, Mon Prince, have made in order that her boundary should be more conformable to her wishes, and that a participation in the choice of her So vereign should be granted to her. The protocol of the 3d of February, and the acts an nexed to it, are about to be officially communicated to the Greek Government. Ido not know in what terms ; but I presume, from the confidential explanations which have taken place between me and the Residents of the three Courts, that these gentlemen will require the- strict execu tion of the orders with which they are furnished, without admitting any negotiation, not even to settle the forms according to which the arrangements adopted by the Powers are to be carried into execution. If your Royal Highness will have the goodness to cast your eyes over the decrees of the Congress of Argos, of which I enclose a ropy, you will perceive (1 Dec. Art. 3) that I am not authorized to contract any obligation, in the name and on the part of Greece, respecting the de finitive arrangements in question, until the Deputies Pleni potentiaries shall have taken cognizance of and ratified them. However, since the point of view in which the Congresi of Argos was bound to regard the treaty of July 6, differs essentially from that in which the high contracting Powers have judged it right to consider that treaty in their stipulations of the month of February ; sine the Greek Government,. notwithstanding its repeated intrea ties, has not been called upon to take any part in the last negotiations, it can (not) conform to their result without requiring the previous meeting of a national Congress, and without incurring the reproach of thereby compromising the oaths, the dignity, and the rights of the nation. In fact, the deputies of the provinces assembled in Congress for the purpose of receiving the communication of the acts of the conference of London, would have found themselves, with respect to those clauses which regard the boundary, i• the painful alternative either of failing in their most sa cred duties towards their constituents, or of not fulfilling those which the gratitude of the Greeks towards their au gust benefactors so justly imposes upon them. On the ether hand, the deep sense of these duties woold have induced the Representatives of the nation to accept ' with gratitude all the other arrangements which ensure to it inestimable advantages, and your Royal Highness would then have had the satisfaction of finding yourself also called upon, by the solemn and unanimous voice of a Na tional Assembly, to accomplish the restoration of Greece under the safeguard of the institutions, the bases of which have been laid down by the Congress of Argos. In the present state of things, the above-mentioned considerations, and, in general, the manner in which the Powers have deter mined to execute their decisions, oblige me to give an itn mediate answer to toe communications which I am about to receive, and to renounce the convocation of a Congress• I shall therefore acquaint the Senate and the nation with the motives which compel me to incur so heavy a responsi bility, and I hope the Senate will share this responsibility with me, because it participates in the unlimited confidence which I place in the noble and generous intentions of your Royal Highinss, which intentions are so clearly ex pressed in your letter of the 16th (28th' of February. It is in your breast, Mon Prince, that the Greeks deposit their wishes ; and your Royal Highness, by receiving those wishes with kindness, will enable them to under stand and appreciate the extent of that happiness which the Powers design for them, by elevating them to the rank of a free and independent people. I think it of so great consequence to submit to your Royal Highness beforehand the plan which I propose to follow, that I make you acquainted with it even before I have received the official communications of the Residents of the Allied Courts, or have addressed any message to the Senate, upon these important questions. I flatter myself that I shall be able to perform this duty in a few days, and that the Senate will itself respectfully express to your Royal Highness the wishes of the nation. I feel convinced beforehand, that the answer which you will deign to give will dissipate every doubt, will calm all minds, and open the hearts of all to sentiments of the most noble and sin cere devotion to your Royal Highness. However desirous the Ambassadors of the three Powers at Constantinople may be to fulfil their commission, I doubt whether the evacuation of Eubcea and Attica can be effected as quickly as the Residents accredited to the Greek Government seemed to think. Even supposing the Porte to have delivered the necessary firmans, it is not to be presumed that Omer Paella and the Commandant of Athens will acquiesce without making some difficulties or opposing some delay. However this may be, it appears to me impossible for the evacuation of the territories now occupied by the Greeks to take place without again be coming a source of trouble and disturbance for this country, unless it be effected under the following conditions :- 1. That it take place at the same time as the retreat of the Turks from the territories assigned to the new Greek State. g. That the Commissioners for the demarcation, who are mentioned in the 9th Sec. of the protocol of February 3, be like wise charged with the measures relative to this evacuation. 3. That sufficient funds beplaced at the disposal ofthe Govern ment, to enable it to offer the means of subsistence to the numerous families who will seek an asylum in Greece. Will your Royal Highness allow me to call your attention for a few moments to each of these points ? It is only by a demon stration of facts, that the Greeks can be convinced, that if on the one hand they abandon territories which they have conquered at the price of their blood, on the other hand, they gain provinces where the chance of war has not been favourable to them. How ever, the Allied Powers are about to require the immediate re treat of the land and sea forces of the Greeks, w hich occupy Western Greece. Can this be effected without disorder, unless some authority entitled to command respect is on the spot ? I think it useless to demonstrate that it is only by the presence of the commissioners for the boundaries, which the naval forces of the Allied Powers will give to them, that disasters can be pre vented, which would inevitably occur, were this duty to be in trusted to the Greek Government and its agents. Finally, the unfortunate inhabitants of Western Greece, to whom, since the occupation of Lepanto, 3olissolonghi, and Vo nitza, the Government has endeavoured to afford some assistance to enable them to sow their lands, and to await the harvest of this year, are probably about to quit their homes. Can the Go vernment grant them an asylum without having the means of furnishing them with fresh assistance ? Will they find this as- LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, 'MAY 29, 1830. sistance among their brethren of Eastern Greece and the Pelo ponnesus, who are hardly beginning to recover from the profound misery in which they have been overwhelmed ? It is not for me to discuss whether the line of the Aspro potamos can guarantee the relations of peace and good neigh bourhood, which it is desirable to establish between Turkey and Greece. That which I shall never cease to repeat is, that the eight provinces which are to remain under the Ottoman yoke-- namely, Acarnania, 'Vonitza, Valtos, Vlochos, Agrapha, Cravasi, Carpenissa, and Patradzick, contain a Christian population of from 80 to 100,000 souls, which alone furnishes nearly two-thirds of the Greek army, composed, according to the last org inizatioh of it, of 90 battalions of 400 men each. It is moreover notorious that these provinces, exclusively inhabited by Greeks, have never been entirely subjected to the Porte, and that their soldiers and chiefs have most contributed by their valour -to maintain a successful struggle against the Turks since 1821. ! When it shall be announced to them that their native soil is replaced under Mussulmattdominion, what will they do ? If they remain in the ranks of the Greek army, it is not to them thAt the pro_ tection of the new frontier can be entrusted. If, in order to de vote themselves to their ancient profession of Armatoli, they prefer the Turkish rule, will they respect this frontier, being, as usual, in a state of hostility with the Mussulmans I think not ; for persons worthy of belief assure me that the Aspropo tamos and the - Sperchius are in some places nothing more than formidable brooks ; that the country on this side of these rivers is but a vast desert, where there is neither town nor village; in short, that all the line laid down by the protocol of February 3,- hardly affords to this country those means of natural defence which it was so important to afford to it, in order perrna• nently to confirm the wok of peace,for which the Allied Powers have sacrificed so much.r I shall not expatiate further' upon this subject, which must be painful to your Royal Highness ; I will only add, that if the decision of the Allied Courts respecting the frontiers are irrevocable, your Royal Highness can alone upon the spot smooth' away the almost insurmountable difficulties which they _Will meet with in their execution, and prevent the fatal consequences to this country. I beg, you, therefore, most earnestly, to hasten your arrival in Greece as much as possible. Nobody could attempt to supply your place, Mon Prince, in so important a juncture, without giving occasion to the Greeks, to the Allied Powers, and even to the Porte itself, to regret your absence. In order to alleviate the misery, and to prevent the distull ance which will be the first result of the new line of frontier, the Greek Government should be enabled to afford succour and to hold out hope. Now, it is not a Government- which is at the close of its career .that can discharge this duty with success.— Neither is it such a Government that can inspire the Turks with sufficient confidence, nor possess sufficient credit with the Allied Powers to convince them that those complications which must grow out of the execution of the arrangements which have been adopted ,will result from the nature of those arrangements, themselves. The affairs which may still detain your Royalllighness from Greece, will appear but of secondary importance, when you take into consideration those which I have just had the honour to lay before you. For myself, although overwhelmed with business and anxiety, I shall devote all my care and all my efforts to justify the confi dence of the Greeks, and that with which I am honoured by your Royal Highness; and I shall consider myself happy to perform this double duty as long as my health will permit Me, and as long as your Royal Highness Will accept the feeble homage of my services (Signed) J. A. CAP.O D'ISTRIAS. P. S. Napoli (the 26th March, 7th April.) - . - I acquainted .the Senate yesterday evening, confidentially, with the protocol of February 3, and the letter of your Royal Highness. Upon this occasion, I made it my business to explain to these Magistrates the advantages which the acts of London secured to their country ; and, in finishing my speech, I announced to them that as soon as I received the official communications, I would confer with them as to the course which I propose to follow to fulfil my duty towards Greece, and to justify, as far as is in my power, the confidence with which I am honoured by the Allied Courts and your Royal Highness. - - - - • - - After a deep and mournful silence, the Senate asked permis. sion to retire, that it might have time maturely to reflect upon the important questions which I had brought before it. To-day, a deputation, composed of the President and two Members, requested an audience. The deputation has just left me. The substance of their message is as follows:—" We do not know in what terms the Allied Powers will make us ac quainted with their decisions. Whatever they may be, we doubt whether, according to the observations which you have made to us, these decisions will leave us the liberty of accepting or of re fusing. We have not the power to accept the act of February the 3d, and those annexed to it ; and even supposing the nation to have invested us with this power, it would still be impossible for us to exercise it without being wanting in our duty to ourselves and to our brethren of continental Greece, of Candia, of Samos, and of the other islands which will be returned to the Turks. Your Excellency will do what you think most expedient for the good of the country; but we will never acquiesce in your undertak ing, in the name and on behalf of the nation, the measures re lative to the execution of the Protocol of February the 3d. The Allied Powers may - carry their decisions into effect; but we will be no parties to them. .We are ready to record in a Memoire the motives which impose upon us the neccssnty of not deviating from this line of conduct. We will entreat you to carry our Memoire to the feet of the Allied Sovereigns. They will form I their judgment upon it with justice and humanity." - - - - I hope that your Royal Highness does not doubt the efforts which I made to bring back this deputation to more moderate opinions. I drew the most, striking picture of the greater dan gers to which such resolutions would expose the provinces Which are to remain under the Ottoman dominion, as well as those which will henceforward constitute the new Greek State. One of the members of the deputation, M. Enian, of Patradzick, then said to me, " Your Excellency will give orders in our provinces, but nobody will obey them. What shall we have gained by con tenting 'to measures 'which it it impossible to carry into execu tion ?" I replied, " Why should their execution be impossible, if we offer to our fellow-citizens a country in the territory which remains to Greece, and if we give them themeans of ensuring to themselves a peaceable and honourable existence ?" I will not fatigue your Highness with all the details of this long interview. The fact is, that men's minds are in a state of excitement, and it will be no easy thing to calm them. I have done all in my power to succeed, and I will still do so ; but I re peat to your Highness that you should come yourself and con tribute to it, and I flatter myself that my task would then be come less difficult. COUNT CAPO D'ISTRILS TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS PRINCE LEOPOLD Napoli, 250 March (6th April), 1830. Sir,—Your Royal Highness is so good as to ask me for a con& dentisl . person able to give you an account of the state of Greece at this important crisis. Finding it impossible to make this selection, without exciting jealousy, and thus allbrding to party spirit a fresh opportunity of aggravating, by odious intrigues the difficulties of which too many are already to be found in the position of individuals, and the nature of interests in this country, I have been obliged to adopt the course of addressing to your Royal Highness the long letter by which the present is accompanied. Considering it of great importance that these letters should reach you as soon as possible, I entrust them to the care of Prince Gustavus Wrede, without waiting for the couriets of foreign agents, none of whom are to set out immediately. He is in. structed to proceed either to Marseilles or to Toulon, and to in form M. Eynard that he is the bearer of despatches for your Royal Highness. The latter gentleman will lose no time in forwarding to you this information ; and your Royal Highness will no doubt be pleased to send some one to receive them in safety from M. de Wrede while in quarantine. Should your Highness think proper to send me your answer by Prince Wrede, he will take charge of it without waiting to finish his quarantine; if not, he will have the honour to proceed and pay his respects to your Royal Highness, and to awaityour orders. Prince Wrede has for a long time resided in Greece; he has served in the Greek army, and has always conducted himself in an honourable manner. For myself individually, I only know him through the interest which Colonel Heideck took in him -, I consider him, however, to be sufficiently acquainted with what has passed, and is passing, in Greece, to give your Royal High ness, if you desire it, a general idea of the state in which I found this country, and of the state in which it is at present. I beg permission once more to express to your Royal High ness the hopes which I entertain, that it may be your determi nation to come to Greesie as soon as possible. Any delay might prove calamitous to this country, and might complicate more and more the affairs which your Royal Highness is to take upon yourself. These affairs are from their nature full of difficulty, and I think I have shown this in my despatch. From the moment of your Highness's accepting the immense task of fulfilling the destinies of Greece, the means of commencing this great work under happy auspices are only to be found in your hands. You cannot, Mon Prince, intrust it to other hands without weakening theirpower, and probably rendering it ineffective ; moreov e r, the establishment of the boundaries cannot fail to subject Greece to a serious crisis. Why should not your Highness seize the first opportunity to give her an earnest of the paternal feeling with which you are animated in her 'behalf, and of the sacrifices which your Royal Highness is resolved to make for her welfare ? If I have made any progress in the opinion of this people. if they continue to give me proofs of their sincer e and unlimited con. fidence, it is because they see me constantly sharing in person their miseries and their sufferings, with the sole object of alle viating them. It is during the bivouac, it is under the wretched she:ter of a hut—no matter what the inclemency of the seasons, what my age and my infirmities—that the people and the soldiery have often discoursed with me upon their interests, that they have learnt to know me, and that I have been able to inspire them with a feeling of what they owe to themselves, to their government, and to the civilized world. I will venture t o tell you, Mon Prince, that it is by this first test that the Greeks will judge you. If you present ycurself to them as a great personage, unable to endure their poverty and their privations, ins tead of in s piring them with respect for you, will voluntarily depiive yourself of the surest means of making an useful impression upon their minds. The opportunity of making this first sacrifice is presented to you. Come, then, and assist in persomat the difficulty and painful operations of establishing the boundaries, and do not allow others to undertake them in your place. I ought also to give your Highness some private explanations as to the first part of my despatch. It is impossible for me to find time, Mon Prince, to enter into an analysis of the Acts of the Conference of London, but it appears clear to me, that it has been considered more advantageous and more expeditious to impose upon Greece the arrangements from which her inde pendence is to result, than to let her adopt them in legal have form. It is not for me to examine into the motives which may causecilthe preference to be given to this plan, but this I know, that it is the plan least favourable to the interests of this unhappY country, and to those of your Royal Highness. Again, the act of the 3d of February, and the act which confers the hereditary sovereign power on your Highness, do not say a single word as to the public rights of the Hellenes. This silence would lead to one of two conclusions ; either that the Allied' Powers consider that the person of the Prince absorbs and con centrates within itself all the rights of the Greeks; or that they have reserved for the Sovereign Prince the faculty of recognising those rights, by a declaration to be issued by him at the moment of his assuming the direction of affairs. I have already given this second explanation to the members of the Senate and to all the citizens, who have overwhelmed me with questions since the acts of London; and in this sense the address of the Senate will pro bably be drawn up. What remains to be done will now depend upon your High ness. Your answer, Mon Prince, will be looked for with anxiety, and it will satisfy the desires of all, if it is expressed in positive terms upon the points which I am about to take the liberty of bringing before you. 1. Your Highness is disposed to embrace the religion of the country. May you be pleased to announce this. By the simple fact of this declaration, the most sacred tie will henceforth unite this nation to your ltoyal Highness 'and to your dynasty. 2. It is undoubtedly not your wish, Sir, to govern without following legal forms, and without allowing Greece to participate in the adoption of these forms. If you take the trouble, Sir, to look at the second decree of the Congress of Argos, you will see that in declaring that you adopt the bases laid down in the said d e cree, you reserve to yourself (while respecting all the rights of the Hellenes) the power ofgiving them wise institutions, hold ing in view the Infallible precepts of experience. 3. The other decrees of the Congress of Argos guarantee the legitimate interests or all claiSes of citizens who have made great sacrifices during the war. If your Royal Highness announces by a single word that you will satisfy those interests by adhering to the provisions of the decrees, you will leave nothing to be wished for; and the nation will meet you with its benedictions. I wish I had a few hours at my disposal, Sir, to develope the motions which induce me to submit these three propositions to you I hope your Royal Highness will do me the justice to be lieve that' these motives spring from the most conscientious source • I may, perhaps be mistaken, but I cou l d not venture to answer for a reception such as these people ought to give to their Sovereign, were you to arrive among them preceded or accompa nied by utter silence on the three points mentioned above. Your Highness. will pardon the frankness of this language; it is my own ; it is the same which in other times procured me your favour. I could wish, Sir, to have spoken to you of our finances, of the army, the navy, and, in general, of the whole administration ; but I doubt whether 1 shall be ahle to acquit myself of this duty. Such is the mass of detail by which lam to-day more than usually overwhelmed. Such is the increase of labour to wh ch diplo macy at this moment condemns me,. that my strength is already beginning to fail, and that I am forced'to dictate even this pri vate letter. I beg your Highness to excuse this. The Chevalier Eynard, to whom this country owes so much, .will make our dis tress known to you as well as the imperious necessity bf sending pecuniary assistance by the'end of the sth of April. That your Highness may be yourself the bearer of it is the wish which I shall not cease to express, in requesting you, Sir, to accept the homage of my respect. (Signed) J. CAPO D'ISTRIAS. His-Royal Highness the Prince Leopold . of Saxe-Coburg. • THE COUNT CAPO D'ISTRIAS TO MS ROYAL HIGHNESS TER PRINCE LEOPOLD. (Confidential.) Napoli, April 10 (22), 1830. Mon Prince, —Being on the eve of transmitting a voluminous communication to your Royal Highness by the courier of the Baron de Rouen, I avail myself of a courier whom Mr. Dawkies despatches to-day, to lay before your Royal Highnes4 a copy of the note from the residents, and of my answer. I also enclose a copy of my despatch and private letter of the :'sth of March (sth of -aril). The labours of the Senate, and my accompanying observations, will put your Royal Highness in possession of all the wishes which the nation expresses to your Royal Highness. I shall not enter further to-day into these important subjects. I cannot, however, refrain from entreating your Roval Highness to provide as speedily as possible for the pressing difficulties with which I am surrounded. We have nearly exhausted the subsidies granted for January, February, and March. All that 'I have been able to effect is, to provide for the expenses of the month of April, but it is impos sible for me to do more. On the 11th (230) of May, three months' pay will become due to the army, and in this critical Moment it is of immense importance to pay it punctually. We shall there fore require at least 1,000,000 of francs in the beginning of May, and I once more entreat your Royal Highness to cause that sum to be remitted in time. In a couple of days I shall submit to your Royal Highness the actual state of the army and of the fleet, as well as the quarter's budget, for the service in general. If I may entertain a hope of enabling your Royal Highness to find the country in an orderly and tranquil state, it is solely on two conditions:—The first is, the speedy arrival of your Royal Highness in Greece; the second, that the Provisional Government should have the means of paying regularly the army, navy, and public functionaries. Except under these two conditions, I can do nothing; and. your Royal Highness cannot do me the injustice to doubt the sentiments which induce me to acquaint you with my conviction in this respect. I avail myself of this opportunity to offer to your Royal High ness the expression of my homage. (Signed) J. CAPO D'ISTRIAS. P.S. The Senate at great length approves of my answer to the Residents of the Allied Courts, and is at present occupied with the Address and Memorandum which it will, through me t lay before your Royal Highness. As I had the honour of an. nouncing to your Royal Highness, in the postscript of the 26th March (7th -April), there were great difficulties to be over come, and the note of the Reesidents would have rendered them insurmountable, had not your Royal Highness's letter of the 28th of February furnished me with the means of remov ing them. I trust that your Royal Highness will have reason to be satis fied with the result of my long and laborious conferences with the Senators and most influential men of the country, I wish to do more—l am anxious to send a deputation to meet your Royal Highness; and to have it conveyed by the frigate and some other vessel of the Greek navy, to the port at which your Royal Highness will embark. Although the selection of this embassy may not be an easy matter, and although the fitting out of the frigate and two other vessels may require an expenditure which our treasury is not in a condition to defray, I shall endeuvourto prepare the execu tion of those measures, in the expectation of the orders which your Royal Highness shall be pleased to give me.. I therefore entreat your Royal Highness to despatch"those orders as speedily as possible, and to point out exactly the time and Place at which your Royall Highness has decided to embark. (Signed) • J. CAP& D'ISTBIAS. THE PLENIPOTENTIARIES OF THE THREE ALLIED COURTS TO HIS ROY AL HIGHNESS PRINCE L,EOPOLD. London, May 17,1830, The undersigned Plenipotentiaries of the three Allied Courts have not failed to pay immediate attention to the note of his Royal Highness Prince Leopold, dated yesterday, as well as to the three letters which it enclosed, addressed by Count Capo d'lstrias to his Royal Highness, in his character of Sovereign Prince of Greece. The Plenipotentiaries would have shared the painful feelings and the apprehensions which his Royal Highness has oxpe. rienced from the perusal of the letters of Count Capo d'lstrias, had not the cause of these feelings and apprehensions been re moved by the intelligence which was received the day before yesterday, and which the Plenipotentiaries had the honour to communicate to his Rojo' Highness without delay, of the en tire adhesion of the Provisional Government of Greece to the protocols of London. It is indubitable that a happy! concord of sentiment exist between the President and the Senate ; not only has the Senate concurred with the President in his decision, but a deputation of that body has even expressed to the Residents of the three Carats its satisfaction at the proposed arrangements of the three High Powers with respect to Greece. It is further stated, that an address of congratulation will be i mme di a tely transmitted to the Sovereign Prince.'. After the full and entire acquieeenee of the Porte and of the Greek Government in the decisions of the conference, by which both parties have formally acknoWledged his Royal Highness as Sovereign Prince' of Greece, no serious difficulties or real dan gers can exist... Some difficulties may indeed be anticipated in laying down the line of boundary which has been fixed for the new State* ''btit it 'is nut terhepresumed that they could have been avoiced• by the substitution of and other frontier for that which has been, agreed upon. At all events, the presence of the Boundary Commissioners, the facilities which will be affbrded by their instructions, and the assistance which they will receive in the executioh of their labours, will remove all obstacles to the speedy settlement of this part of the subject. Itf cannot be doubted that the state of Greece, as his Royal Highness remarks, is such as to require the exercise of an en lightened judgment, and that the administration of the Govern ment must necessarily be a task of an arduous and delicate na ture. But the undersigned would not do justice to the convic tion of their own minds, if they were to hesitate to declare that his Royal Highness will take possession of the Sovereignty under circumstances infinitely more favourable, and with the real difficulties more completely removed, than any one could.have had a right to anticipate. The undersigned cannot but further observe, that even ac cording to the letters of Count Capo d'lstrias, the two objects which Greece most ardently desire, and which are most essential to her happiness and tram:J.ol4,W the presence of. her Prince, and such pecuniary funds as the immediate necessities of the State require. His Royal Highness will permit the undersigned to observe, that it is in the power of his Royal Highness to satisfy both these wants. The Plenipotentiaries refer to their note of yesterday; and they beg leave to repeat, that if it should be the wish of his Royal Highness, lie may have at hii disposal in four.and-twenty hours; a sum more than sufficient to meet the highest calculation of the present wants of the Greek State. Count Capo d'lstrias appears to be deeply impressed with the importance of the immediate presence of the Sovdeign Prince in Greece, and the Plenipotentiaries cannot refrain from ex pressing their entire concurrence in this conviction. They ven ture most respectfully, but most earnestly, to declare., that his Royal Highness owe , it to his own character, to the Allied Powers, and to the Greek nation, no longer to delay the fulfil ment of the important and highly honourable mission which he h.s undertaken. The undersigned have the honour, &c. Signed) MO.NTMORENCY.LAVAL. ABERDEEN. LIEVEN. To his Royal Highness the Prince Leopold, K. G., &c. LORD ABERDEEN TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS PRINCE LEOPOLD. Foreign-office, May 18; IWO. Sir,—ln addition to the information contained in the piotiol of the 14th, and to the statement which the Plenipotentiaries of the Conference had the honour to address to your Royal High_ ness in their note of yesterday, I beg to enclose an extract of a despatch from Mr. Dawkins, in which that gentleman gives an account to his Government of the impression produced on the public by the knowledge of your Royal Highness's nomination to the sovereignty of Greece. I have the honour, &c. (Signed) ABIERDEEN. MR. D ' AWEINS TO LORD ABERDEEN. Napoli di Romania, April YO, 1830.—(Received May 14.) - *num) In transmitting these documents to your Lordship, I have the satisfaction to state that the Greeks are fully sensible of, and grateful for, the immense benefits which they have received at" the hands of the Allies; the first of which, after the acquisition of their independence, they consider to be the choice of Prince Leopold of Saxe Coburg. The nomination of his Royal Highness is peculiarly satisfac tory and flattering to them, since they consider it as the accom plishment of the wishes expressed by themselves, through the Deputation which they sent to England at an early period of their revolution. MIS ROYAL HIGHNESS PRINCE LEOPOLD TO THE PLENIPOTENTIARIES OF TIIE THREE ALLIED COURTS. London, May '4l, 1530.—(Received May 22., The undersigned, after the most mature consideration, is um able to withdraw the opinion which he communicated to the Plenipotentiaries of the Allied Courts in his note of the 15th in stant. He cannot admit that the answer of the President of Greece to the Residents conveys afull and entire adhesion to the protocol. In his judgment it announces a forced submission to the will of the Allied Powers, and even that forced submission is accompanied by reservations of the highest importance. The President distinctly informs the Residents that the Pro visional Government, according to the decrees of the council of Argos, has no power to convey the assent of the Greek nation. That it is well known to the Residents who were present, that the decree in question declares, that no arrangements entered into by the. Provisional Government with the Allied Powers shall be binding upon the Greek nation, till they are acknow ledged and confirmed by its representatives; that if the repre sentatives were called together, they would disobey the instruc tions of their constituents if they agreed to the propositi ons of the Allied Power s . B u t th e l as t p ar t o f the Presidents note bears still more strongly on the view of the case which the un dersigned is compelled to entertain, for the President says, that w th regard to the substance of the arrangement, the Govern ment reserves to itself the power of submitting to the Prince, with the copy of the note, such observations as they cannot con ceal from him without betraying their duty towards Greece and the Prince. Here the undersigned feels it right to correct a mistake which might occur from the wording of the President's letter of the 6th of April. • The undersigned never gave the President reason to believe that he was likely to adopt the Greek religion. Thus are officially conne cted with the answer of the Provi- PRICE 71). sional Government to the Residents, those observations and de tails of facts which the undersigned forwarded to the Plenipo tentiaries on the 15th instant. They are most important, as announcing the opinions entertained by the Greek Senate as to the provisions of the protocol, and their spirit and tendency is not for a moment to be mistaken, or their consequences disre. garded. The President expressly states that the communication of the protocol was received by the Senate in mournful silence*, — that after deliberate consultation the Senate declared to him that they had not the power to accept the act of the 3d of February, and that even if they had received that power from the nation, they would not have exercised it without failing in their duty towards their brethren,—that they will never consent to the President's being charged, in the name and on behalf of the nation, with the executpn of the protocols—that the Allied Powers may accomplish their decisions, but that they will re. - main strangers to them,—and that if orders are given for their execution in the provinces, no one will obey them. In another despatch, dated April 22, ulterior to' his answer to the Residents of the 16th of April, to which the Plenipoten tiaries allude as dissipating their fears, the President says that the Senate at length approves of his answer to the Residents, and is occupied with an address, and a memorial which is to convey, according to his previous communications, their reason.; for refusing to comply with the arrangements entered into by the Allies. This despatch, so far from dissipating the apprehensions ex cited by the former announcement, completely confirms them; for the President again refers to the observations which are con neeted with his official answer to the residents, and the whole clearly proves to the undersigned, that the real and unbiassed opinion of the Greek Senate and people is firmly and irrevocably hostile to the decisions of the Allied Powers. The documenti referred to are annexed to the .present note, and marked A. B. C. The undersigned does not conceive it consistent with his cha racter and feelings to submit to be thus forced on an unwilling people, and to be connected in their minds with a diminished territory—the abandonment of their brethren in arms—and the evacuation of their lands and houses, from which hitherto the Turks have never expelled them, but by a temporary incursion, These results the undersigned always apprehended. In his communication with the First Lord of the Treasury of the 9th of February, he protested against going out to govern the Greeks in pursuance of a treaty which might also lead to the bloodshed and murder of their brethren ; he objected to the new boundaries , as weak and insecure in a military point of view, and claimed for the Greeks the right of opposing his nomination. 'The under signed must here observe, that at no period of these negotiations have any steps been taken towards the drawing up of a treaty, of which the protocol was never considered by him but as the basis, and to the importance of which he drew the Duke of Wel. lington's attention in the same note. If this treaty has been delayed, it has been delayed by no fault of the undersigned. He never concealed from the plenipotentiaries that, however be might be willing to make great personal sacrifices for the advan. tage of Greece, they had no right to expect that he would ever go to that country without that security for himself and the Greeks, which could alone be found in the provisions of a solemn and ratified treaty. Again, in a memorandum of the Bth of March, he expressed himself in equally decisive terms; asserted that it would be necessary to conquer the ceded provinces from the Greeks in order to give them to the Turks ; and that the new sovereign could not begin his reign by measures of police, in order tomake the Greeks abandon their own homes. If the Greek Senate had either expressed no opinion atall, or at least in such language as might admit the reasonable hope of their acquiescence in these measures, the undersigned might ' have, however unwillingly, consented to become the instrument of carrying the decisions of the Allied Powers into execution, and have endeavoured as much as possible to alleviate their rigour and obviate their tendency ; but their language is as un. compromising as their feelings are natural. The undersigned is thus placed in this painful position in con sequence of his nomination being, by the same act, connected with these compulsory measures. His first act as a Sovereign will have to be either to compel his own subjects, by force of fo reign arms, to submit to the cession of their estates and proper ties to their enemies, or to join with them in resisting or evading the execution of part of that very treaty which places him on the throne of Greece. That one or the other alternatives will be forced upon hint is certain, because the country between the two lines.—Acarnania and part of Etolia—which is now to be given up to the Turks, is, together with the fortresses, in the peaceable possession of the Greeks. It is the country from which Greece can best supply herself with timber for building ships. It is the country which has furnished the best soldiers during the war. The chief mili tary leaders of the Greeks have been of Acarnanian and Eolian families. Subsequently to the an ival in Greece of the protocol of the Ltd of March, 1829, and the publication of the assent of the Turks to the extended frontier in the treaty of Adrianople, all the families which had survived the war returned, and corn_ mimed rebuilding their houses anti towns, and cultivating their lands. These people will never submit again to the Turkish yoke without resistance, and the other Greeks will not, and cannot, abandon them to their fate. In these circumstances the duty which the undersigned has to pertbrm towards Greece is clear and straightforward. Through out the whole of these transactions he has only contemplated the interests of that country, and has uniformly protested, both in his written communications and his personal interviews with the Ministers of England and the Plenipotentiaries of the Allied Courts, against the Greeks being forced into any arrangement considered by them as contrary to their wishes, and destructive of those rights Which, as the President justly observes, their great sacrifices give them a right to insist upon. When the undersigned contemplated the high distinction of becoming Sovereign of Grcgee, it was with the hope, of being freely acknowledged and unanimously by the Greek nation, and weicomedby them as the friend through whose means their long and heroic struggles were to be repaid by the security of their: territories, and the establishment of their independence on a permanent and honourable basis. It is with the deepest regret that the undersigned see these hopes annihilated, and is forged 0 &chare that the arrange ments of the Allied Powers, and the opposition of the Greeks, deprive him of the power of effecting this sacred and glorious object, and would impose on him an office of a very different character—that of a delegate of the Allied Courts, appointed by them to hold Greece in subjection by the force of their arms. Such a mission would be as repugnant to his feelings and iujg rions to, his character, as it is in direct apposition to the ob jects of the treaty of the 6th of July, in which the three Powers are associated for the purpose of obtaining the pacification of the East. The undersigned, therefore, formally resigns into the hands of the Plenipotentiaries a trust which circumstances no longer permit him to execute with honour to himself, benefit to Greece, or advantage to the general interests of Europe, LEopoLD, Prince de SAXE. The Plenipotentiaries of the three Allied Courts, &c. lIIS ROYAL }UGLINESS PRINCE LEOPOLD TO LORD ♦BERI)EEN. Marlborough House, May 21, 1830, (Kec, May 23,) My dear Lord,—l have forwarded my answer to the Plenipo tentiaries in English, that no delay may occur in its presenta tion to Parliament at the same time with the other papers. Your Lordship will plead my excuses with your colleagues, and have it translated for them.—l remain, &c. (Signed) LEOPOLP. The Earl of Aberdeen, K.T., &c, HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS PRINCE LEOPOLD TO LORD ♦BERDEEN. Marlborough House, May M, 1830. (Rec. May 21) My dear Lord,—Although I consider my communications wi , h the Plenip . otentiaries as finally closed, I feel it right to forward them the inclosed memorial, as it is referred to in my note of re signation ; and must beg that a copy of it may be annexed to it with the other documents. . I remain, &c. (Signed) LEOPOLD. To the Earl of Aberdeen, &c. MEMOIR SUB. LITT. A. CONTAINING THE OBSERVATIONS OF THE SENATE UPON TIIE PROTOCOL SIGNED AT LONDON, THE SD OF FEBRUARY (22D OF JANUARY), AS WELL AS UPON THE NOTE BY - - WHICH THIS PAPER HAS BEEN COMMUNICATED TO THE GREEK GOVERNMENT BY THE RESIDENTS OF THE THREE ALLIED COURTS ACCREDITED TO IT. The ardent desire of delivering itself from the yoke of a long slavery, and recovering its independence, determined the Greek nation to undertake the war against Turkey. The same senti ment during the unequal struggle inspired it with courage to face death, and lent it strength to endure the most cruel priva tions. The Senate, seeing now that this blessing, so dear to all Greeks, is granted to them by the magnanimity of their august Protectors, is inspired, as well as the whole nation, with pro found gratitude. Greece had no sooner taken up arms than, experiencing the want of order, she adopted the form of government which she then judged the most suitable to her situation. At a later pe riod, at the Congress of Trezene, she placed the helm of affairs for seven years in the hands of a mab whom she regarded, and still regards, as worthy of her - confidence. Considerations of high policy change at present this system of administration, and Greece, destined to be governed by a Monarch, is about to pos sess in that character Its Royal Highness Prince Leopold. The choice of a wise and virtuous Prince, Whose high reputation pre cedes him, offers to Greece the prospect of a happy future. She rejoices at this so much the more, as she learns that his Royal Highness has nobly refused to accept the glorious and difficult task of effecting the happiness of a nation, before he has secured the assent of that nation. The principles which has induced his Royal Highness to form so generous a resolution, as well as the uprightness of his cha racter, are the surest guarantees of his inclination to consolidate the national liberties which Greece has consecrated in four as semblies, and which she esteems as necessary and as precious as existence itself. _ . Other ties, equally formed by gratitude, already attach the nation to his Royal Highness, The Greeks have learned, with emotion, the strong anxiety which he has shown to defend the principal interests of the State. The Senate considers the extension of the boundaries as so closely connected with the real independence of Greece, it con siders it so necessary for the accomplishment of the generous intentions of the Powers who signed the protocol of the 2d of February, that it cannot refrain from snaking the following observations I. Upon the Continent the provinces which, with a popula tion of about 100,000 souls, are to be detached from the new Greek State, have often opposed a barrier to the devastating .torrent of the Ottoman troops. Upon the sea, the island of Candia, which has been exposed during nine years to all the calamities of war—Samos, where the enemy's forces have so often been repulsed—lpsara and Cassos, which did not fall until of er an heroic resistance-,,have acted as so many bulwark ,, against the fleets of Bizantium and Alexandria. With what feelings will the inhabitants of these unhappy countries see that they, the first defenders of the cause, sink ag.an into slavery, while their com. /Anions in battle are restored to liberty ? Ought the one to be torn away irons atoll which the Turks have never dared to tread, and the other from a land stained with ther blood, which recalls the recollection of glorious victories and the names of their most illustrious. chieD ? Is it not to be feared that in the excess of their despair they should renew the I.locdy scenes of Missolonghi and Ipsara ? We know the enthusiasm with which the inhabi tants of these countries are attached to their native soil —we know also the character of these warlike races, and we shudder to think that the massacre of a whole people may soon afflict the compassionate minds of the August Sovereigns who protect us. 2. The frontiers assigned to the continental part of the State are neither secured by mountains of difficult access, nor by deep rivers. The Acheloos and the Sperchius are, especially during summer, small streams, fordable in several places. The boundary line, far from crossing precipices and ravines, passes over a flat and desert country, which oilers no means of defence. To pro tect such frontiers a cordon of several thousand soldiers would be necessary, and enormous sums of money, e.ther to raise forti fications or to procure shelter for the troops. The island of Candia being excluded from the Greek State,and the Archipelago remained thus exposed on the African side, it will be Accessary to keep up constantly a considerable naval force. which are about t o be separated from her, and exempt also from h in its present .. state, although possessing the provinces are required by diplomatic relations, and a perfect in ttGerree x n ee a c l el organiz a ti on , can hardly defray with its ' own revenue a third of its annual expenses. How, then, will these revenues suffice when Greece shall be dismembered, and bounded by 3. The provinces of Roumelia, ceded to the Porte, fUraish two thirds ofoili land forces. If these s oldiers return to their homes, Orfreee will be herself deprived of the sinews of her strength,— ' t)f-Lasee4 very - arisii which have so heroically defended Miss°. lough acid Athens. .If they rennin among its, Placed in the in terior of the.cotintry,, or upon,the &outliers, will they be passive spectators' hr their misfortunes, ' faithful observers of peace ? exclusion "of the islands of Candi* of Samos, of Ipsara, of Cassels; of Soio, of Ecariao of Palmos, of Sero, of Ca lymros. of Assypalea, of Carpothos, and others. will not fail to force the emigration of men inured to war, driven to despair, who will infest the Grecian seat, giving themselves up to piracy, favoured by the proximity of so many inhabited inlets, and of de sert and 'undefended shores. What will then become of the rising State of Greece? Where will then be the tranquillity on land? Where will then be the security of commerce at sea Where would independent Greece find sufficient means for keep ing up a large fleet, and for paying numer,us troops 4. The detached, provinces of ftoumelia, far from giving im portant revenues to the Ottoman empire, have always served as an asyluin for a free and warlike people, causing to the Porte almost continual uneasiness and expense. Will not these pro vinces, to the independent and warlike.spirit of which a new impulse has been given by nine years of war, and which ;s placed, it may be said, at the portal of two,States, afford male. mils ready to be inflamed by tho slightest incident, and to re kindle the fire of a war which is bardly.extinguished ? Let us, however, suppose every motive for a new struggle to have ceased, and the martial character of these people given up to Turkey to have been softened down ; - the Turks will occupy all the strong frontiers: in the mountains, and will at every moment threaten the Greek State. They will henceforth exer cise an influence irreconcilable with the elevated views rf the. august monarchs in settling its fate S. Even if the Porte sho - uld sincerely desire a lasting peace, would its subjects, accustomed in every age to insubordination. quietly confOrm themselves to its wishes, and would not the in_ deOnCient Greeks of the bordering provinces, not being pro tected by a boundary, strong by nature, be continual) , expos o d to sudden invasions of the ho des of Albania and :Aria? here then would be the guarantee of a permanent peace between the .Greeks and the Ottomans ? Have even practice' means been offered to the inhabitants of the countries separated from the Greek States, of securing their property in case they should wish to renounce their country P No, for if, according to the protocol of the 34 of February, the Turkish inhabitants of the Greek State are permitted as the Greek inhabitants of the Turkish State arc, to sell their property and to emigrate, it is evident that to the former, such as the Turks of Eubcpe, such a sale might he, possible and profitable, eansidering that their yro. petty is situated in a country which is destined to enjoy the benefit and advantages of a regular administration the case would be quite otherwise with the Greeks,—with those or Acar. nania, ,for instance,-for whom such a sale wank' be either of trifling advantage, or altogether illusory, I m fact, what man in his senses would purchase the property of an Avarua:Lan, in a ct4r; ry where arbitrary power alone exists, end whichis a prey to disorder ? Independently of these fatal results, the restricting of th* will draw into independent, Greece a large number at Indigent persons who, with tears of despair, will quit their Wive but cu. slaved country. Can the inhabitants of the Greek State, united as they are to them by the ties of fraternity and by solemn oaths, abandon them to their wretchedness ? (sap they deliver up to misery of every .kind, and to the @course of epidemic diseases, a people already .so often - cleelniatial by death. Menahers of the Greek family, do not these unfortunate individuals remit to be relieved in their afflictions P But what are the means of reliev i g them ? Is it by means of the national lands s or the fluids of the public treasury ? The national, lands ! The sth Articleof the Protocol state*, . 4 The Act .f Amnesty e of ” the part which he may hat e of the Porte shall proclaim that fie Cheek in the who), eve„t oP its dominions shall be liable to be deprived of his property, or in taan iT nwa h iny e thd A ide c u t r o bs r t A ri Ffe lin stc o"il o V(i f e t rn h eCe‘ e e Greek Government shell pro_ claim the same principle in favour of ell the tiusculmans or Christians who may have taken part against its cense t and it shall further be understood and prosaulgated, that the littssul. mans who may be desireus otoontinuing to inhabit the tetritories and islands alletted to Greece, shall ',reserve their properties therein, kc." We will not dwell upon the observation, that the amnesty which already, de facto, exists on the part of the Greeks, never was, and never will be otherwise than illusory en the part of the Turks. We will be *Hot as to the fact that the same article re- _ . lating tO tll@ amnesty, makes po snentton of so many Gritia who plunged into misery, hare been sold in Turkey, and eeti. cerning whose fate it is painful to the nation to remain wan formed. We will not enter upon these subjects, althok.gh of great importance, and will only stop to examine another point which _ deserves most particular attention. Does the article in question, in eitablishieg the invielability of Mussulman property, foresee only two cases ; The first, that of the Turks re-appearing in Greece, as merchants, sati_ sans, or proprietor! of lends recently acquired by 'them. The second, a eaFe like that of the l'urks of Eubora, defac.o proprie _ tors of lam' at the moment of the execution of the protocol. Or does it also involve the restitution of properties formerly belonging to the Turks—a restitution entirely ireerripatible with the existeece of the new State ? These preperties belonging of old to Greeks, usurped subsequently by the rusks during their sway, and now re-purchased at the Cost of rivers of blood, have either been alienated at dlfferept periods, or mortgaged during the negociati9ll; thr the two London loans. They at present meint;nn three,foUrths of a nearly naked population , and are at last distilled either for indemnities, or for the liquidation of an, cieut debts of the State contracted at home. It would be an irreparable misfortune, a catastrophe from which. Greece would never recqyer, if the restitution of these lands were to he attempted. The denote, foreseeing nothing but the most fatal rendtsil-cm this measure, considers itself as Milling a sacred duty in re presenting to his Royal Ilighness the difiiculty whi . eh it has in believing that the Greek people, seeing thermehres injured its their rights and dearest interests, will patisetly submit to lose the fruits of their labours, and to et* their present and their future welfare compromised, rut supposing even that, from prudential motives, distaied by imperious eirestmetences, they should remain silent would they not soon become a herd of slave; in the midst of Turks, who would be powerful enough to oppress them ; sinces on the other halid, aesording to the acts annexed to the protocol of the .30l of rebruary the Ottom ena will be eligible to all nubile erapleyrnents, and since, on the other, they will as Greek citizens, and by means c i' their wealth, possess the exclusive right of suftage; would itielepee_ dence, this precious gift of the Allied Sovereigns, be in this case, of i•eal benefit to Greece ? What would the Greek have gained ' after nine years of bloody strife? Living in a desert, among the bones of his massacred relations, he would only have 1 gift. mixed his eternal slavery, • We will say more ; - should even the restitution not tate place, the national lands will not suffice to relieve those of our brethren wbo will s eek an asylum among us : will not, therefore, peen.. niary resources be necessary, in order to perfect and contoliditte, the interior organization, and to cover during several years tbe deficit in the revenues of the State? In the oitcial note from the Residents of the Allied Courts, which accompanied the trans mission to the Greek Government of the act of the 3d of Fe bruary, it is said that the loan, this new pledge of the good wishes of our protectors, will be employed in the pay and rnair,- tenance of the troops which the Sovereign Prince shall find it necessary to raise tbr his service. The kireeksosevertheless, is the bythek rewards d el eed e s s,er and b flatter themselves that the revival of l e tt ers , th e encouragement of agriculture, of industry, and of commerce, the i n d emn i ties d to the ya et numbe r navy and of t o citizens,h e ar m y. as tinwgueisllhased plunged into misery by their patriotism, will be the brat obj ec t o f the paternal solicitude of his Royal Highuos. There remains but one observation oF , re ter us to make ; The Residents of 'the Allied Courts havu announced in their official communication to the Greek Government, that a stipula lation agreed to between his Most Christian Maje,ty and his Royal Highness, secures to the Greeks of the 'Western Church the enjoyment of all political rights. This concession, conform ing, as it does, for the most part, to the existing laws. of the country which regulate civil rights, is alone sutieient to con vince us that the Greek religion Is to be the prevailing one of the State. _ _ _ But how great would be the national joy, if the religion to which the Greeks owe their.political existence, what knowledge they possess, and the language of their ancestors, were to unite them by holy ties to" his Royal Highness How great would be their enthusiasm, ifthey were to see him who is to t e the father of their country, offer up to the Eternal Father in their temples the same worship! Napo.i, the 10th of April, 1830. (Signed) The President, GEORGE SISH•II, The Secretary, PAN AJOTI SO UTZOB. A true copy, Nap oli, 12th (24th) of April, 18:.;0. The Secretary forioteign Affairs and the Commercial Navy, • (Signed) J. RIZO. MONEY MARKET..—FRIDAY EVENING.--- The Directors of the Bank of England and the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund seem-to be playing cross purposes at present, the former being purchasers of stock for invest ment, or with some other object, nit yet distinctly made out, and the latter selling largely on r,ccount of the Savings Banks, in order to prepare for ti e payment of the dissen tients to the reduction of the 4 per Cents. 'We should have seen nothing of the kind had not Government re• solved on some material innovati , ins on the practice of fos mer periods of our financial , history. The plan would have been to take the money required front the Batik, which in that case would not have been punka, as it now is, to find an investment, and the advances would have been paid off flour time to time without proceeds from the Sinking Fund, or perhaps with other borrowed money to prop up that fund. These circunistanetes ought to be mater of much congratulation to the public, were it only for Vie evidence they afford of the gradual breaking up of the old alliance between the Ba.k and the Government, om which heretofore so much aid such obvious mischief has resulted. But this is a subject to be carefully watch ed, as it will no doubt present, from day to day, new and in'ere.ting features. The stalk sold this morning by the Commissioners; on account of the Savings Banks, was to the extent of 70,0001. The object of the purchstmes of stock by the Beard being, as we have said, not yet clearly defined, thus necessarily present a wide field for con:ecture. In stating the amount of the intended purchases, which report (urgently does at 2,000,0001., it is assumed that this is the extent, or nearly so; co that portion of capital which 'has formerly been employed in discounts ; and that the almost t•gtal loss of that department of the banking insineas has compelled the Directors to resort to the next hest mode of employing it t at the Money Mar ketwould afford. The mote common opinion about the future disposition of the stock is, that it is meant to be shared among the proprietors, as a compen sation for a certain reduction of the dividend. Others imagine, however, that an operation is mesiitated by the Bank similar to that adopted by.some of the other corpo rate institutions in the city, and that the stock is to bee'. changed with the Government for a short annuity. Ae. cording to the printed tables circulated by the Commis. sionere, an annuity for ten years, for example, may be obtained on terms which give a clear Si per cent., with such a surplus as will replace the stock so exchanged, al lowing the average price to remain the same, by the time the annuity expires. In either case the operation is not, as has been before remarked, well adapted to a great bank big establishment, but the new state of things, from the great difficulty of . employing capital, will probably lead to many such deviations from the ordinary rules.— Times. Yesterday Madame LENAUD attended at the Queen-square office, to receive the &Mount of subscriptions which had been lodged there for Ler. The amount of money received was 641. Mr. Dorrxx, of Manchester- ImiLings, who accompanied Madame hvieariss, said that through the kindness' of Sir J, D. Paul., the banker, Madame LINAUD had obtained a staid in the Bazaar fiir widows, in Pall-mall, and 'she felt *maidens that she could now support herself anti;elnid. •