The Sun. — London, England, 1833-06-04 00:00:00

After YNF' !lobo with of tht sugge q of wit he 00 ,nd t° n Fe( dual I co° ct id 1,6 to 7oese Ise fl :ta of ceded by r ye' rig ° ,( only the' ,n Id of rper, I.) ht 61 poly iigut of P lig 1 ore )ops Jule Lisl ut ti tani !onsi RIO se 0 ye 01 rein alto rred wad uld Di It b lere beer ires fut bat tll ; ey I Go Ll 9 I m g 41st aid in d a rl 9 ger P tral 3e :oot g° 9 0' t t Bro thi pt ip, cet] pat ,cl,l Did II e o tbo rse int ore led the ibl Cpl a he eat Ti de( at gr I pu he he tlt th tr 0 gt Jn ht bi V 0 le e 0 it It fl .1 .~- ,~- dd soo b arr _ s n come wh en t h ey woul d b e rel i eve d f rom t h e _ w " 'uss2nts they were at present suff,riug. The Hone 4 are that Donna Maria had been recognised by the `lnainistration as Sovereign of P.srtugal ; the ques was,. not whether the Government was to continue th the ri g h t an d t i tle o f D onna M ar i a, b ut whe eY were prepares] to take any measures to assist her dishing her claims, or to acknowledge that, being its of the Azores and other parts of the Portuguese she had succeeded in doing so. He (Load P.) l Ysay that Government hid not seen any reason from that line of neutrality which they had at the beginning of their adtninistration, and th ey had hitherto rigidly and strictly observed in re to th e contest which was now going on in Portugal. Veet to the other question, although Doi na Ithoritv was recognised in the Azores and in yet it could not be said from her posses these part., that she had in fact established t he reigning and actual Queen of Portugal. events had • , however, placed her in that state, those r ecognised her right would recognise her as in fact. FACTORY COMMISSION. AS HLEY complained of the manner in which beep was taken before the Factory Commission. en promised that the names of the Commissioners of their instructions should be laid on the table inquiry commenced, but the Commissioners had l ee Weeks before the instructions were laid before He understood that the Commissioners had to ; t resolution to take the evidence in private, and Leer a short-hand writer to take down the exa the part of the operatives. He protested 'I such mode of examination. He begged to ask Lord, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, whether - consider it necessary for the satisfaction of that that the evidence should he taken down by abort who might be confidentially sworn? .THORP certainly considered it the duty of desioners to have the evidence taken down fully, i t might afterwards be laid on the table of the .fear, hear.) There were objections, however, 'tag the names of witnesses; and he thought t he Commissioners to proceed advantageously, be free from all external pressure. T°HIMONT said the whole of the evidence taken l annissioners up to the present moment must go as it could not be used by the Members of 11 °LINSON gave the Government credit for good but believed the Commissioners could make no tim e to found any legislative meAsure upon it Present session. ATT WOOD hoped the subject would be 'ard on the 17th June, for which day it stood, House would then get rid altogether of the MFMBER, who spoke from under the gallery, the course taken by the Commissioners, which would leul to the production of some most '4f Mlll4tloll. I HLEY spoke the sense of the whole body of +es, when be demanded publicity. PHILIPS thought he had as much acquaint the operatives as the Noble Lord.—( Hear, d i le believed the publication ttf the examination 'feat the object of the Commission, which was it 01 % ( ite .i tti. `n gres,o ,'kt t a few words from Mr. O'CoNNELe and Lord sta e- ier '4,0; 1 , in explanation, the conversati Co n dropped. old d ':,,) k,VAL SLAVERY—ADJOURNED DEBATE. in th e r ci l t 4tl;‘,'llxEa. then left the Chair, and the House re ' F ir d - spo' 1 11, • gof into Committee. rl 00111 ,t4'IIAIRMAN, havine- read the original resolution ffer ' r e - rri"4,-„acneriments, called ° upon i P'.,Job It L . "' 'C ONNELL who said they were called upon to trtsh ad '' , , , P e ,000't_w,eee .the freedom ' or the continued slavery of se . o tte of ot their fellow-creatures. The question also vta''oote kite, to a gieater or less degree, the pecuniary V ° 'l •4 . is i - ,, 4 at least 2,000,000 of the King's subjects. g CO . 0/ (tit "ertant feature connected with this question was t did it ictlt,;(l°)rdinary unanimity with which the people of ;arde u i ,iti n ' Bentland, and Ireland joined in demanding the this , cl that,''l °- °f slaver perhaps there had never been so ur'" ' .. "a4i • y. P i, 1 20 A tof the on any particular question. The last i ;(l `,., l' f i,• t he Committee on public petitions stated that ceo' u ': I , 9 ly' k la of no less than 1.200,000 petitioners were slano e ',hoiriA t 4 t on the table of the House. The petitions since The ,fort i l l he had no doubt increased the number to at satire . aoN 440,000,that the so no t 8° ti t t,:, ° "ber of persons to abolish negro sliver). The t hav e gil l k 4 Y might be admitted to be more complete when e of c eil' f ' ~ übserved that the petitions w ere not con fi ne d to :bo ught ,"e class, but comprehended persons i n e v e ry grade rse of : h ty, of every religious sect, and of both sexes. i jerstood that some one at the West India meeting, Z ( her day, had the audacity to taunt the maids anti a r t eons of E ng l an d , Scotland, and Ireland with i in rward on this question, and it was sought to 1 41 into ridi cu l e b y cal li ng t h em Dorcases, and 6 and PrisciPas. There wer e m an y circums t ances tie, 1 4 0 l ed upon f ema l es to come f orwar d on t hi s quest i on. doevidenc e that a young and delicate female slave, e V i " g 39 lashes, had, because she observed that , i , not deserved them, 39 lashes more inflicted on `"i til h e maids and matrons of these kingdoms had . t , tit, i n a country under British laws, a ruffian ils in i iit eti and had been - found to inflict, severity of this , i lts • . ell °n a female—and the man who had taunted Os t . r totting forward to pray that an end might be N s e Lwa which allow e d su c h ruffian cru e lty was 4C o : great a ruffian as he who had committed it. ! Li " o initte e had listened to the speeches on the first ,'qiie p resent debate, of the Right Hon. Secretary , i ;knits and the lire Under-Secretary for the Co ,a(1,11, hast subsequently read the report of the Noble l'," 4 s k " ti °"t . irk'.) speech, andhe was glad to trace there ; hk 41 words used by him in th e H ouse . N o w th e 1 , 1, !of both th ese H on . persons prove d i n d u bi ta bl y L;' l ,,lo: L. o. t he anti slavery advocates, of whom he was '.''tiif 4 noveledge himself a humble stppor, ter, and thus ',' k t4, 4e , t4 rY truth would now appear on the records of ~-, that the Secretaries for the Colonies were 'li o „, to the truth of that cause to which the slavery s, ‘ ;i ' t i t l t ' Werdevoted. Now the way in which . be y t 4 the evidence on the subject of slavery was this— of t :',' One side was the testimony before the Com i:'iti that House relative to the condition of the slave ,;mil 4 ' and t h en , on t h e o th er h an d, was the sum of t Ee e l of money pledged to disprove that evidence. - 1, ly P4 'Plieto rs o f th ose m illi ons d o ne so? They had i thi eo ntradicted the most flagrant of the statements ! , : i ttit 4 ' t the planters, but had they disproved theta? , 1 41 41 411 , v rlis.—founded on, he could not but believe, as itt '.')i. Lttee elicited evidence—of the Right Hon. Se -1 Ilast''4t t he Colonies had been assailed, as was believed iitilaniii, in three of their most vulnerable points. lit 4r ett elek was upon his assertion, relative to the ioi til • Power o f th e pl an t er t o g i ve hi s slase . 39 1,74, t ref erence t o an y au th or i t y th an t h a t o f his till‘d The next was a denial that the Colonial Legis iso; d"ne nothing since 1823, when Mr. Canning's 0 0 Passed a Committee of that House. And the tqtl: t ? c l i'f' attack was the total repudiation of his 01,''tn resp ec t to th e mort a lity o f th e negroes ~fti igar plantations. How stood the first ? The 01',, e4 rY Williams would be a full and sufficient l dory fact that the horrible and tyrannical power (~,let °Y the planters of inflicting at once 39 lashes N' 4 fall force. The slave, Henry Williams, was kke tti i 0 his owner's mind, of attending an Indepen • t to tt Nsho use , and he was punished by 39 articles, ititii la ughter followed this sally.) Ile (Mr. 0 ; i t j ' e smning) had been happy and unhappy in his l t h t .e meant 39 lashes were inflicted upon this ','l i t ' fl ga because lie attended an establishment not t he w ee d by that which countenanced the 59 articles. 1 4 '4 . " laid down, tied up and lashed, and his sister, .'it .thfraternal affection sighed to see a man, her i, l'lti tit e ;: 4 ,degraded. Her sigh . reached the ear of the l t ,of h her owner, and he instantly exercised the ,i( k l i , tl p t4 e force with which he was endowed, and i t 1 .1•• ' i de of her naked back to the same number tti L b id any on e ask for proofs ? Let him refer i 5 ,'14 1 , 4 d Goderich's despatch. There the einem • ,044," s tated, and from that official document were 'l:ils,lti. drawn. So much for the first attack ou the h lt tb S ecretary's statement. And now for the 5e ',41,...4ti denied that the Colonial Legislature had a k :!4 e L i k t owards bettering the condition of the ne 'ilki'tt4 .823 . He need do no s, more than refer the S t lili 4 ''' the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman for , i 'ti it 4 , t t"ts ti t t elutati on of this assertion ; and as for the o tt . i y rgt ,ult th e negro population was under an extra -4,4,11,!° of decrease compared with that of other ,il l '', of its only state the fact, that, taking the ,l , ,,.'kti,: le atha in England and the West Indies, he k iii' i, l lT at i i e :"Y 1,720 persons there were 65 deaths in ,li t CI, ' t °3l in England. One triumphant fact tl t i,,i „ ett to now, which was that, during the pre yd ii th t Ii ) frosts the Hon. Baronet who commenced ' I tii (t n. M• b for Kidderminster, who fed ti, , 411 , , tin et . V t l itle gk . "4/1 declared in favour of emancipation. Is ''t 1 01 l '. O ll was, could they postpone it any longer? 10 , f t ~ ,(' People knew it was inevitable—the s it '' 7 l 4 I,„ ^ ''''d knew it to be inevitable—the negroes 4 .1,:. 1 'w it t o be inevitable, and to trifle with it 4 / 5 14.f.1t6 death and destruction. For himself, it 'is ti:etill hristmas, he was rea t encounter• P4 t C hament was looked to.to dy was o h the stain Du ke P c i l i n cerfe re° ,v )reve° bf l ed t hi o : f rf the je 6 g bef ' ,ble D i ,; he 3 P' „ 01 0 arg' a 1 e ar, b eaf bil not I". 1,16 T be lst) JO riec l e ra i his 0 n3r af's ding 1 g oe a SP V OO lie m° A be 110 On Dad e d, l der st " 0 6e ( o tie d s F pr ,hdrrof 0 '- • frIA, go I° , l d iiee t e dol e d he e lf . be I tb e f o r , Y betel f e n. ?ye s ' ` o " vaoc After f)'11. ,: l b " 80 0 n A o p v ort a ,„ lip yNfo 4 )Jl . ti oAegiore tl t,, 4d rninis to team,,4l6.n° with ~D 0 °anise of tb:,,frp--'l. o e r s telZhw.e sugg e L ff, f t : P lkh tc In o f 0 u , 0 ,1 . 0. !ton of trn k u l d ia '"llt l , el ovir/e; d ea , n d to i 0 ki n 4 att frc n Pedr°,4. wilted at t' " t h'Y h wi th " t ° the t i c !, re ct ry ! larie s 'Peel id Let t o pt) , 44, to Pei!, Yet zuesel, t r iitr - ; these ,se il ) th e 'a the ts of t l yieh o n h "er evo I,eded t ° ,„ t t „ ge ee : l r e , by 0 . 0 1 , 14 f oe r Y e° ft 4 4 rig yi th e :!l Ast i .( Hear', hjetee only be en , the 4 " 1. 0 1 , ief„‘ e "PY of 111ii tte ,) sttn, e ,, t he ingi Id of 13e " # " t hee ~0 t R e „ e rpert tritb, t "e. ) lot t o ' r„ tot 6 3 1' d i kip .'uff, r ' po wee, tl :o V thiarlt:l)nr, on a f ,),/ any eu of P Orl i * e l t t i j o ble Lor ij g I°' t Ot e on t hat t' repl, 4 r / q j lurPi" P ll .: t 1,,, itALT I of the mpg vi re ;f I x, rn " i oroe ti ° kit —O, Lis boOt or f 'thi ng ut the "°( itt S t „ h le the t i r ue &f e l ttt L e 'l'ld b e tonsitle r tb P4 STOF ought t P r ie ll h„ C : °mitt, i se or° %Ol d u'ing ' • „ ou ffer' s l), k Q4 'e. rem ity; • 4 j• avow ed tOttettl i 4p 1 , b ut rr ed f r°° , 4 l l) . 4 wading 0 0 t i ! th e ~re Uld Ve4 / i i A l. ? At t. Duk e t kewat b be b N :t rr ,,t th e ;ere e dli sr beerve !Pe i 'ok. A Ireserve ifjr'tb er 'd th e c, furt her )i Itlll,l:,eeed wo ba d the , t or t! h lh)rn ; ASH' . ey li d ,ol,` t , 4t ierot Gole r " ". Ath ust° °) ; ( 4‘r ~, ,H l v" the !y, I soo 11,1 ~11 The „V I t;, defeat t b log e 004 • 65 , • --I, .. of slavery away. Indeed he was willing to postpone all other bu-iness what-ver, in order to set rlsrough this most momentous struggle. The case of St. Domingo present , d an awful example of the daneer of delay, after giving goal hopes f freedom as were now held out to the West Indian neeroes. How was the insurrection there crushed? The slaves had rec-ived their freedom by a vote of the National Convention of France—they were paltered with. There were three conflicting parties in the island, the Catholics, the Roya'ists, and the Republicans. The Catholic priest. hood was so incensed with the infidel Republicans, that they, one and all, roused up a spirit of insurrection, and it was, in fact, the whites alone who caused the dreadful scenes which subsequently occurred in the island. How stool the case of Sr. Domingo now? In her Parliament the most eloqtrent man, the leader of the noposition, was a free negro, a barrister--her courts were filled with negro pleaders, arid one of the mast authentic and esteemed bot i nical works now extant wos written by a pure negro. So much for intellect. Let him point out that magnificent man Toussaint l'Ouverture as a specirn.n of their heroism and gre itness of mind, and lie would justify the example. Now he opposed the Right Hon. Secretary on the resolutions, because he thought that he had unnecessarily hampered his main intention with unnecessary details, which might be easily subsequently arranged. The vote which he would give was simply whether freedom or slavery should mark the condition of the negro. The probationary term now proposed ought to have commenced in 1823, for it was a natural sequitur upon Mr. Canning's resolutions. The nest oes ought now to be free, for the man who was able to bear, as they had done, a state of slavery, was in every way fitted for freedom. The Hon. and Learned Member next proceeded to urge several objections to Mr. Stanley's plan for apprenticing the negroes, and remarked, that the West Indies, under that arrangement, would exhibit the extraordinary scene of a state of society with only two con ditions of men—namely, masters and apprentices. He next proceeded to animadvert upon the impossibility of making stipendiary magistrates look after the quantum of labour executed by each of the 357,000 negroes in Jamaica, to take that island as an instance of the working of the plan, and he ridiculed the idea of compen sating the planter, because, as he asserted, free labour was cheaper than slave labour, in all but large and unbroken extents of country. The Learned and Hon. Member next proceeded to draw a vivid picture of the condition of negroes in the free state, and, by several illus trations, endeavoured to show that the free negro would work where the slave was idly disposed, and he quoted the case of the 1,500 apprenticed Government negroes at the Cape of Good Hope, to show that during their state of apprenticeship they were useless ; bat the moment they were freed they were altogether different, and be came industrious and trustworthy servants. The experi ment of emancipation on a grand scale had been tried by the great liberator Bolivar, who found that the emanci pated slaves as Cagadores under his command, rushed to the cannon's mouth, and joined with the enemy in the charge of the bayonet reckless of life, and ea4er for glory. In Mexico the Government had altogether abolished &Avery, yet no slaughter of the whites, no confisca tion of their property followed. He thought now he had made out a case which showed that there was no perfect security or safety in any thing short of perfect, and complete, and immediate etnancipa tion. _ . _ The evidence of Mr. Taylor showed that it was for the interest of the planter that the slave should have his freedom, as he acknowledged that when taskwork had been given, the slave, for a mere trifle of wages, did thrice as much as an ordinary field slave. And why ? He was not idling over his work till the sun went down, but eagerly attempting to accomplish si much labour as should make his home comfortable. Were these poor creatures not of the same flesh and sinews as ourselves ? Were they not indebted for their existence to the same Creator, -ent into this world for the same objects, gifted with the Caine immortal spirit, redeemed by the blood of the same Saviour, and was it to become in these days a question and a doubt whether they were entitled to the first birth right of mankind, freedom ?—(Hear.) He would fear lessly deny what had been so ofte❑ asserted, that a negro could be property. He would only draw the attention of the Hon. Nlember for Kidderminster and others to the distinction between natural and political rights. He would put a case—uppo-e that Hon. Member was taken pri soner by a corsair, and sold for a slave, should he remon strate and sty he had primitive as well as national rights which interdicted his being considered as a slave, he would doubtless be told there was a law in that country making him a slave, and thirty-nine lashes would he doubtless his least reward for talking reason to his master.—(Hear, hear, hear.) There was no doubt it was law perhaps in his mind, and that of every Mufti in Algiers—(Laughing)—but in defence of the na tural rights to liberty of British subjects our fleets had been commissioned, and justly and heroically to blow up the batteries, and huge mounds, and the proud Goletta of the Barbarian, and teach him there were rights which no law of any nation under Hea►en could wrest from human beings.—(Cheers.) Let this Legislature avoid the ex ample of the hypocrites of the free and liberal country of America, which retained the property in slaves, when they i❑ their own manifesto put at its head, when in rebellion against this country, the famous maxirn—" That all men were born equ d and free." Let us bear, said he, no more of breedirig farms for slaves on one hand, with their con signment to early graves t y a disgraceful policy on the other ; but let us, even across the wide Atlantic, pour into the ear of the miscreant slave-owner, that we scorn his hypocritical example, and will not debase ourselves by being the friends of this foul crime against man and against the Almighty.—(Hear.) Regardless of conse quences, let us be " just and fear not." An HoN. Ala:mama, whose name we could not learn, argued at some length, that the character and habits of the slaves in the West Indies had suffered so long from neglect and want of education, that they were not fitted to receive the benefits of freedom at present. Lord SANDON professed lie never had been an advo cate of slavery. His objections had always been urged against any improvident and unguarded project for eman cipation. When it was conceded by the advocates of the West India interests that the time was come for an imme diate abolition of slavery, he felt it was unwis-, nay, impo litic, to attempt there, or elsewhere, to keep alive the popular excitement against those without whom the pro posed measure of emancipation could not be effected. He entomoated the several parties interested deeply in this adjustment of the question of negro slavery. The first was, the planters themselves ; the second, the manufac turers of this country, who wet e, he believed, little able .to dispense with their proportion of the profit derivable from the trade with these colonies ; the third was, the shipping interest. It would appear that, taking with these other parties who were dependent on the welfare of the West India proprietors residing in this country, that persons contributing to the extent of near 8,000,0001. were inte rested in the well being of the West India colonies. The amount of produce in the last year, for example, was 7,857,000/. ; the exports from hence were 2,500,000/. ; the freight and sale came to 1,600,0001., which, with sorne other small sums we could not hear, he calculated as making a total of 4,659,000/. ; leaving a balance in favour of the produce of these colonies of ours of 3,198,000/.—(Hear, bear, hear.) But it was doubtful in his mind if the circuitous trade to the colo nies, and the sum of about 3,000,000/. spent by the abseentee proprietors of estates of those colonies i❑ this city, and in almost every village of England, did not more tha❑ equal the balance in favour of the produce of those colonies. Our export to the colonies was nearly 3,000,0001. ; could the manufacture's afford to lose this, or any part of it, in the crippled state of trade at pre sent ? There was not less than 250,000 tons of our best shipping, it should be well recollected, engaged in the direct trade to those colonies, and about 80,000 tons in that between them and our North America❑ colonies. Were they prepared to throw back for employment upon the general shipping interest, already so embarrassed for adequate opportunities of employment, 330,000 tons of shipping, now more regularly and profitably engaged than any class of our mercantile navy ?—( Hear, hear.) A blow given to this interest, too, would be felt by the warehousing interest generally, and more particu larly in that of Liverpool. He had to submit to the Right Hon. Secretary for the Colonies a proposition whieh, if agreed to, would meet the wishes of the West India proprietors. That morning the Members of that House, who were interested in the question by being holders of property in the West Indies, had held a meeting at his residence ; and, after considerable discussion, they had adopted resolutions, or rather a modification of the re solutions proposed by the Right Hon. Gentleman. They thought it desirable to secure the concurrence in these re solutions of the great West India interests, and upon sub mitting the resolutions to the acting Committee of that hotly, hicluding the Deputies from Jamaica, they met with their decided approval. He should', therefore, state them to the House as resolutions which, if adopted, would secure the co-operation of the West India planters in the cause of abolition. In the first instance, they adopted the first resolution of the Right Hon. Secretary for the Colonies to the effect that it was expedient that an entire and effectual abolition of slivery in the colonies should take place.—(Hear, hear.) The next part of the proposition he had to submit was, that there be given to the West Indian proprietors, towards compensation for their losses by the measure, a sum nut exceeding :20,000,000/. and that, in order to secure a perfect co-operation on the part of the proprietors, a further sum, not exceeding ten ' millions, should be advanced by way of loan, in order to relieve them from their immedia , e embarrassments. He would shortly state the grounds upon which these resolu tions were conceived to b e nothing more than just to the slave owners. By the propo.ii ion of the Right Hon. Se cre,ai y the slave owners were to give up one-fourth of the time of their slaves—in other words, one-fourth of their wages, for their food, lodging, and clothing could be con sidered only as wages—and at the end of a given time they were to lose their fee simple in them as property altoge ther. The annual prouee of dive labour altogether, in eluding agricultural produce, as well as that which was eventually exported, could not be estimated at less than 6 11)0.0001. Of this they were to give up one-fourth, or 1,500,000/. Taking this sum for twelve years, their es would amount to 16,000,000/. At the expiration of that period the greater part of the proprietors would have no property whatever in the West Indies; and he thought, therefore, that 20.000,0001. was not too large a sum to give in the shape of compensation, and by such a gift the cooperation of the West India pro prietors would secured. With respect to the loan, it was asked for upon these grounds. A great pmportioa of the property in the West Indies was deeply mortgaged, and the loan of ten million s was necessary to ease the present embarrassmerys of the proprietors, so as to enable them to act with spirit in fur therance of the views of the Government. The Noble Lord then proceeded to contend that there could he no risk of losing the ten millions, because the property of the West India proprietors was ample security for its repay went, and would be still more valuable after the additional capital of twenty millions was invested in its cultivation. The whole of the plan of the Right Hon. Gentleman was an experiment, and if the experiment should fail, surely ten millions would be but a small sum to relieve the planters front the ruinous consequences which could not fail to follow. He should not attempt to press the House to a division upon any of the resolutions of the Right Hon. Gentleman, for those who were interested in the subject were but a fractional part of that House—in all, perhaps, not above fify or sixty Members; but those who were with him would seek to make an impression on the justice of the Government, rather than seek to tight, riot against the House alone, but against what lie must term the honest keling of the whole country upon a sub ject in which all their feelings of humanity and of reli gion were enlisted.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. FITZGERALD said that the question really was, whether th,re did or did not exist a right of property in slaves ? One or two HoN. NIEMBERS then rose at the same moment, but Lord SANDON bad forgotten to read the resolutions with which he intended to have concluded. The Noble Lord then read them in detail, arid the substance of them was, that in the opinio❑ of this Committee effective mea sures should be adopted for the abolition of colonial slavery, care being bad that while such measures shoal promote the interests of the negioes they should not prove injurious to the interests of the planters. The next material point in the resolutions was, that a sum of 20,000,0001. ster ling should he granted as compensation to the proprietors of slaves, and in order to facilitate the object in view, that a sum of 10,000,0001. be granted to the Colonial Legisla tures to secure their co-operation. The CHAIRMAN said the resolutions could not now be put, there being already an amendment before the Committee. Lord SANDON then said he would move them after wards. Admiral FLEMING was ready to give his cordial sup port to the measure brought forward by his Majesty's Go vernment. When in South America he had received from the Bishop of Venezuela a document which stated that not less than 436 sug it plantations were carried on there by free labour, and thit no slaves were employed except by the English. As to the Colonial Legislatures, they were a mere mockery of representation. The Assembly of Ja maica consisted of 37 members, 35 of whom had no con nexion whatever with the island, being either pettifogging attorneys or speculative merchants. He bad been told that their whole property put together would not, if sold, pro duce as much as would pay 2s. 6d in the pound of the amount of their debts. He hoped that the whole functions of the West India body would be suspended ; for, unless that was roue, no measure of abolition could be carried. Of all the plans proposed, he thought that of the Right Hon. Seer,tary for the Colonies was the best, and that of the Noble Lord the worst. He trusted the question would be carried as soon as possible, and that in the mean time, before the long interval of 12 years should have elapsed, the planters would come to some arrangement with their slaves. He feh perfectly satisfied that the measure would become the liw of tire land in Jamaica immediately after it received the sanctio❑ of Parliament. Mr. GLADSTONE said he had to complain of a statement made on a former night by a Noble Lord (Lord Howick, as we understood), to the effect that profit was increased in the colonies by the decrease of human life. The Noble Lord had made that statement without i. conde scending to give any previous ntonation of it to the two sons of a gentleman whom it materially concerned, though be had a full opportunity of doing so. Now he (Mr. Gladstone) could give him the name of an estate in the West Indies of which his father was the proprietor, and on which the increase of profit was small, while the increase of population was comparatively large. The name of the estate was Montrepot. There were 550 per sons employed upon it when it came into his father's hands, and of these nut more than 140 were aged and infirm. It might, however, be sail that infirmity was brought on by overwork ; but this he denied to be the fact. The Hon. Gentleman, in the course of some further observations, proceeded to combat the watement made by the Hon. Member for Weymouth upon those points, and said that in all manufactures there was something which tended to curtail the period of human life as well as in the manufacture of sugar. It had been treated as if it were an isolated case, but he believed it held good in all the colonies that the tone of morals amongst Englishmen there was lower than in this country. It emancipation proceeded upon any other ground than in exact harmony with the character of the slaves it must be ruin. Tnis Legislature h.d done all in its power to make the slaves property. and by the conse quences of its own acts it must abide. They had legalised toe property, and were ther. fore bound to provide for the consequences of acting upon their own laws. It was, however, not unreasonable to give a per centage to the West Indians to shield them from the risk of total ruin. He would urge upon Government the importance of the cooperation of the Colonial I, ,, gislatures. He would put it to Hon. Membet s if there was not something extremely awkward in violent interference at the present moment. The inquiry before ti , e House of Lords was declared to be unfinished, and the Government had pledged the Colonial Legislatures that, until the report was made, nothing defi nitive could be done. The Assembly of Jamaica had de. (dared that they were ready to enter into bona fide mgo. tiation, and, therefore, to press the resolutions would be an act ungracious in itself and unnecessary. The resolua tions made a difference between the idle and industrious save : but be was afraid that, with the idea of ireedom, the slave would not qualify himself to enjoy it. Lord HOWICK wished to say a few words in explana tion, after what bad fallen from the Hoc. Gentleman who had just sat down. If the slaves to which he had alluded were in a weak state of health, how came it that they produced double the quantity of sugar that had been pro duced in other islands. The Hon. Gentleman had quoted the cases of St. Lucia and St. Vincent's, but he had taken periods when great hurricanes had occurred. In the three years, between 1826 and 1829, when natural causes only were in operation, there was a small increase in the population. All that he had argued was that the manner of cultivating sugar was destructive of human life. In Demerara there was a great temptation to exact an undue quantity of labour, and sl a v es w e r e fast p e rishing. In Barbadoes labour was less valuable, and there was not the same temptation to encroach upon the slave. He would now state the course that he meant to pursue as to the different amendments that had been proposed. He could not approve of the measure which bad been broeght forward, but for the reasons which had been given by his Hon. Friend near him, it was not his intention to sup port any of the amendments that had been pro posed. He trusted that those wl:o thought that the only course was to give immediate liberty to the slave would follow the example of time Honourable Member for Liverpool, and endeavour to avoid, if pos sible, any division in this stage of the proceedings. The House was agreed that slavery ought to be abolished ; let them endeavour to agree to that without coming to a division. There was nothing in the first resolution in consistent with his view of the case. They might pass the first resolution without a division, and establish, by a unanimous vote of the House, that which it was of the utmost importance to attp.in, the necessity of emancipa tion. After the principle had been established, they should come to the discussion of the next resolution. To these resolutions he could not give his consent. He hoped the Hon. Member would not press them. They did nut appear to be necessary to his Bill. The Right Hon. Gentleman had said that the details might be set tled in the colonies, and it was of the utmost import. ante that we should get the co-operation of these Legis• latures. He trusted, therefore, that the Right Hon. Gentleman would not carry the two resolutions which would prevent the Bill from being hereafter modified, but would leave these matters to the discretion of the Colonial Lee islattt Mr. F. BUXTON had never said that the females ex j ceeded or equalled the males. He had said that the males were 37,000 and the females 32,000 ; but he had ! said that the whole population of the females, exceeded, in the last returns, the whole population of the males, and that assertion was true, for the females were 344,000, and the males 333,000. In Demerara, out of a popula tion of 77,000, there was a decrease in 12 years of 4,127. In Trinidad, out of a population of 25,000, there was a decrease of 6,168. These assertions were critically examined in the House of Lords, and though hi•: figures were shaken in a few _instances, yet there after wards appeared to he 800 in his favour. He had stated that he should support the Noble Lord in the present stag e , but he should by no means give him his support throughout the whole of the proceedings. It was impos sible that he should eive his support to that part of the measure which contemplated an apprenticeship of twelve years, or any thing like twelve years. Though he thought highly of the talents of the Right Hon Secre tary, he did not think that he had talents to alter human nature. Say either that the slave shall be whipped or that lie shall receive wages, but how it could be expected that he should work 12 hours without wages or without the whip. he could never understand. This would defeat the benevolent object the Hon. Gentleman bad in view. He was convinced that the negroes would do no work until the period came that they were paid wages for it. Let the Right Hon. Gentleman remind the West India planters that they might come too late. If they asked too much, the consequence would be that they might get nothing. He would vote fur paying them a sum of money, not because we owed them a sum of money, but because we ought to abolish slavery. The West India planters had succe,sively rejected every attempt to ameliorate the condition of the slave; and after every re jection the public hail risen in their demands. If slavery were not terminated by an Act of Parliament this session, the inevitable consequence would be, that the people of England would some forward and a.-Is for emancipation, unaccompanied by any relief to the planters, and that was what they would surely obtain.—( Hear.) Sir ROBERT PEEL then rose. He said that, in the whole course of his Parliamentary experience, he never approached the discussion of any question, the interests involved in which appeared to be of equal magnitude with the question now under discussion. He never recollected one in which the difficulties to be surmounted were so ap palling—he never recollected one in which a false step in curred the hazard of consequences mere lamentable and more irreparable. He admitted the just claims of the West Indians to compensation—to compensation upon fair atol equitable grounds—for the loss to which their property was exposed in consequence of the measures of emancipa tion ; but he did not rise to discuss this question as a partisan of the West Indian, or any interest. It was no consolation to him to hear that West Indian property syss estimated at 30,000,0001., or that that was the extent of the claims which the West Indians preferred. The country, he knew, could adjust that difficulty, whatever the amount —whether 15, 20, or 30 millions, that sum did not ex ceed the means of the country of providing pecuniary compensation. But there were other interests in volved, for which, if they were sacrificed, nu com pensation could be given. There were interests of still higher magnitude than any interests of proprietors. When he looked at the extent of the revenue which was received from West India property; when be looked at the impa tience of this country under fiscal burdens; when be recollected that the amount of the revenue which we were putting to hazard was five millions; when he recollected that failure in our efforts might increase the hardships to which the slaves were subject, the interests of property and the claims of West India proprietors appeared to sink into insignificance. He was confident that the House did not look at the redemption of a past pledge. Our object was not to punish the West Indians—our object was to lay the foundation of future industry and prosperity. Our object was not merely to pass a hasty vote recognising the principle of emancipation, hut to alter the state of society in a different hemisphere. Our object must be to amalgamate the different races—to discover some stimulus in lieu of the degrading stimulus of the whip. Our object was not to create a dominion of black savages content with the necessarie. of life, hut so to train them that, with a taste for the comforts of life, they might earn their livelihood by honest means. That being our object, it was accom panied with greater difficulties than the petitioners who had addre-sed the House were competent to judge of. The very circumstance of the King's Government having come forward and recognised the principle of emancipation constituted a new era. There were physical and moral causes which obstructed the settlement of the question. Slavery had been extinguished in most parts of Europe and of the East, because it was more profitable to the proprie tor of slaves to employ his alive as a free labourer. Here there were distinctions of colour, although lie would not assert that there was any inferiority upon the part of the blacks. There was no stimulus, after the stimulus of coer cion had been abolished, to induce the black to procure the necessaries of life. The evidence was conclusive that in those countries a few days were sufficient to enable the black to procure the necessaries and comforts of life. Having procured them, his chief enjoyment was the bless ing of repose, the absence from that very labour for which it was wished to create a stimulus. Did he deny the competency of Parliament to deal with this question ? By no means. By abolishing the trade in slaves, the House of Parliament as much struck at the interests of the planters as they now would do by assenting to the abolition of slavery, and therefore they ought to look narrowly to what they were about before they sacrificed the planter alto gether. The compulsory registration of sl ayes infringed also, in a minor degree, upon the planters' rights, which had in no shape been compensated for. Now the way in which he looked at the question was this. In each of the colonies the authorities had an inherent right to dispute the act of emancipation, but he felt at the same time th at whilst the Imperial Parliament was possessed of power sufficient to overcome this right, and to enforce their edicts, the best way would be to endeavour, whilst they legislated for the colonies, to conciliate them instead of running counter to them in every way. The first resolution of the Right Hun. Secretary was to the effect that the Committee pledged themselves to immediate emancipation as a princi ple—.h ickled afterwards by the apprenticeship of the negro, but still on the face of it bearing the impress of instant freedom. Now, divesting the question of all party feelings, and acting as he would do upon so serious an occasion, in pet-fa-et freedom from all shackles of party, he would be content to look fairly at the two plans before the Committee, as stated by the Right Hon. the Secretary for the Colonies, and the Noble Loud, the ex-under Secretary fir the same possessions, and who seemed to him to have had more experience, and consequently to be possessed of a better judgment than the Right Hon. Gentleman. The Noble Lord advocated immediate emancipation—the other advocated ultimate emancipation, to be attained through the slow progress of twelve years' labour. Now, even if the resolution of the Right Hon. Secretary for the Colonies were to be sanctioned by the Committee, he must express his doubts of the expediency of using the words " immediate emancipation," because expectations were thereby raised in the minds of the negroes which the p'an did not afterwards realize. It might be said that his objection was a mere verbal one— b it so ; but let them not forget that the first impression which the resolution would create, would be, that the chive was to be instantly free, and that it was ❑ot possible to combine the condition of freedom with that of coerced labour, as he would subsequently find himself subject to .—and he, consequently, must inevitably experience great disappointment at the delusion practised on him. Even if he were prepared to agree in the plan of the Right Hon. Secretary, which he was not disposed to do, he should object to the introduction of the word " immediate." He would have inade the first resolution as concise as possible, and as strict to the letter of the subsequent conditions as it could be worded, because then the exact terms of it could be adhered to, whereas, in its present state, the after part of the resolutions completely negatived the outsetting declaration, He was not, however, pre pared to propose any amendment upon the present ques• tint' ; he would rather throw the whole of the responsibility and the effecting of the matter upon the Government, and that the House of Cotnmons ought to give their support to any plan which it was possible safely to carry into effect. If the House recognised the principle of compen• sation, they would be taking one great step towards effec tuating their object, and they would thereby arm the Government with the means of setting slavery aside. By the resolutions of 1823 the House agreed to the necessity o f putting the slaves in a progressive state of preparation for freedom, and if, in the present year, the House declared them to be fit for freedom, they would be taking a most important step upon the proceedings of 1823. He was aware that there was an amendment for the appointment of a Committee, which he would not support: neither would he support either of the plans of the Right Hon. Secretary or the Noble Lord. Indeed he was willing to say that he was so perfectly ignorant of colonial affairs as to be unable then to say which of the two plans appeared the best. Take that of the Noble Lord, for instance, for immediate emancipation :—on looking back they would find one of the highest authorities, and also one of the most disinterested authorities, pronouncing boldlyagainst it. Mr. Burke, in 1798, looking at the question as one which in volved the interests of humanity to an extent unparalleled, observed that, in considering the question of emancipation, ' it was most important to ascertain whether the slave was fi t for his new state of freedom : " For,'' said that great Statesman, " the process of bringing a set of free savages to a state of order totally differed from that by which slaves were to be brought to the settle condition." Mr. Can nine, in 1823, expressed great dissatisfaction at the slow progress towards a proper condition that the slaves had then made: he agreed entirely in what Mr. Canning then said, and he concurred also with that Statesman in blaming the West India Legislative Assemblies for having done so little towards the improvement of the moral condition of the slaves. But to quit that topic, for the Committee was not now considering the neglect of the West India Legislatures, but whether the slave was yet fit for freedom, Mr. Canning, in touching upon this subject, alluded with much force to a then recent and powerful fiction, an. warned the House lest in bestoo ing freed on on the unprepared negro slave, they should do ',1•4 was described in this fiction, call into life a creature endowed with the thews and sinews of a giant, and with the reason of a man, but totally unprepared and unfit to exercise his powers, or to control his brute force. Tee Ho nourable Member for Weymouth, in 1823, said that he did not then ask for more, because the slave was not qualified for freedom, for if he had been, then would he at once have demanded it. The Hon. Member then said that the object he aimed at was not the sudden extinction of sla very, but its gradual abolition; so that it might not be said so much to have been put an end to as to have died away by degrees, a slow and gradual death, and go out as the snuff of a candle.—(Hear, hear.) Now the ground occupied then by the Hon. Member for Weymouth was the unfitness of the slave for treedom, solely from his be ing unprepared. It was, therefore, incumbent on the Hon. Member, now he peremptorily demanded their free dom, to show that they were prepared for it; because it he could not show such to be the case, the objections to immediate emancipation, started by him in 1823, were ,just as forcible now as at that time. The Right Hon. B.ronet next referred, at some length, to the evident on the slave trade, and showed that the opinion of many persons of great experiepce was against immediate emancipation; anti with respect to the case of the freed negroes in the Caraccas, whose good conduct had been cited by a Gallant Admiral, it must be recol lected that all the negroes liberated at that time were ne cessitated to take part in the war in Venezuela, and con sequently passing from a state of slavery to the strict discipline of a soldier, was undergoing precisely the sort l i of process calculated to fit them for their freedom. It I now remained for him to examine the outlines of the p 1 n of the Right Hon. Gentleman, and the most obvious ob jection seemed to him to be that by which the slave was to be b aunt! for 12 years, and afterwards to be at liberty to claim his freedom. Now, suppose a negro was to prefer his chains and slavery to a state of freedom, how could the master compel him to be free. In fact, with the local differences existing amongst the various West India colo nies, it was totally impo'sible to carry the resolutions into effect without the co-operation of the legislatures and au thorities there. It had better be arranged in a manner to enable the master to feel that he consulted his own in terest by going hand in hand with the Government. It was now the 3d of June, and the measure was yet ex pected to pass the House during the present session. Had not the Government better give some discre tionary power to the colonists, without pressing their own opinion so strongly, and thus afford to them the opportu nity of conceding to the slaves their freedom, and obtain the credit of that act of grace? Was it not in the power of the Right Hon. Secretary to borrow so much of the plan of the Noble Lord (Howick) as would enable the Colonial Legislatures to grant this boon to the slaves ? The Right Hon. Secretary had proposed the appointment of stipendiary magistrates to regulate the internal relation of servant and master in the West India colonies ; but, ought not these magistrates to be already appointed and in action ? otherwise, how were they to be put in commis sion, when the islands were in the state to which the appointment had reference ? The Hon. Member for Weymouth bad declared that he would listen to no pro position by which the slave was to be compelled to pur chase his own freedom. He was sorry to hear the Hon. Member say so, because he certainly looked upon the necessity for purchasing his freedom to be a great stimulus to exertion to the slave. The atnount of sugar now sup p'ied by the West India islands was about 4,500,000 lbs. Now, suppose none was to be sent after the manumission of the negroes, they would hazard a revenue of 5,000,000/. ; and, if the friends of humanity looked narrowly at the question, they would find that the condition of other slaves was deeply involved in the con sideration. The Gallant Admiral (Fleming) had de clared it to be unnatural to labour in the cultivation of sugar ; if so, a stimulus to exertion must still be pro vided, in order to induce men to undo take voluntarily this labour ; for if this were not done the consequences upon slaves of another description would be as bad as the evils from which the negroes were relieved. The Right Hon. Gentleman then proceeded to read extracts from the pro ceedings of the National Convention of Paris when the question of negro slavery was discussed. After the debate the President put the question to the vote, it was carried by acclamation, amidst loud cries of " Vive la Repub lique." Men of colour gave the fraternal embrace to French citizens; tears of joy were in all eyes, and " Vive Is Republique" in all mouths. The cry was " Vive la liberty," and the downfall of England.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) He hail been told it was not fair to refer to St. Domingo, and as he wished to avoid any expression that could excite animosity, he had abstained from any such allusion. He abstained from any thing that could excite strong feelings, because he wished to see a question of such moment decided by a deliberate judgment rather than by the impulse of feeling, or by the impression of the moment. No man felt more interested in the question than him self. No man felt more abhorrence of slavery than himself—but with all that abhorrence, he still felt himself bound to declare that the only chance of safety was in proceeding with caution and prudence. If another in stance were required of the bad effects of precipitate emancipation, he would only refer the House to the scene which occurred in the French colony of Guadeloupe, when the news of the abolition of slavery reached that island. On the question being decided in the National Assembly, Citizen Dufourleau was sent out by the Government to superintend the emancipation, and the scene which lie witnessed, on reaching the island, ought to act as a warning against precipitate measures. No sooner did the slaves learn that no man could hold eny property in slaves thin they rose in rebellion, and committed indiscriminate plunder. Persons of property were despoiled of their possessions, the white women were reduced to the utmost distress—they were covered with rags—they owed their means of subsistence to black women who had formerly attended them as servants ; the factories and workshops were in ruins, and every where nothing was to be teen but desolation and misery. General Dufourleau attempted to induce the black population to return to their work and sober habits, but in vain. He soon found that a whit man had not the same power in Guadeloupe that a black had is St. Domingo. The consequence was that, on May 20, 1802, it was found necessary to re-establish slavery in Guadeloupe, and it continued so to the present day. Now he implored the House to consider the sub ject, not only as it regarded their own inteteets, but as it regarded the condition and well-being of the slaves. He implored the House to disregard all pecuniary considera tions—to keep out of view the four or five millions which accrued to the revenue by the duty on sugar and coffee, and other West India produce. He called upon them, in the name of humanity, first of all to recognise the prin ciple ; and, in the next place, to apply the utmost cau tion in carrying the principle into effect. Every one who had attended to the subject, must be aware that the deci sion of that night would affect not only the black popula tion of our own islands, but would extend to slaves of the United States, the Brazils, and in every other part of the world where slavery existed. These slaves might address us and say, that by taking a prudent and cautious course, other states might have been induced to follow our ex ample ; but if, by following a different course—by grant ing emancipation without due caution, confusion would arise in the West India islands, then the United States and the Brazils might be induced to cling more closely to the oppressive system, and we should incur a great re- sponsibility, by aggravating the evils of the slave popula tion in any other country.—(Hear.) Lund ALTHORP concurred almost entirely in the ob servations made by the Right Hon. Gentleman. He con curred in the great importance of the measure, not only as it might affect the interests of this country, but also the slave population of other countries ; but still he must say that the danger of remaining as we were was still greater. The only difference between the course recommended by the Right Honourable Gentleman and that proposed be the Government was in the point of time. The Right Hon. Gentleman thought the House should agree to reso lutions for the abolition of slavery, taut put oil the execu tion of the plan to some future time. He could not at al , agree witb such a proposition. Indeed, he believed the worst possible consequences wou ld f o ll ow f rom agree i ng t . resolutions without any practical effect. Different plat,. had been proposed by Hou. Members, but there were none to which he did nut see great objections. The Rigla Hon. Gentleman had recommended that coercion shout. still be resorted to, till the slaves could be brought a such a condition as would fit them for free labour Now, there was no great difference between tbst p 1... • :-.- --:- ~ _. -..ca-..: - , el,f mod the plan proposed by . Goratl9ol4:- — l can inued, to a cert ain extent, coerciy - e*io' .-- ; at the same time held out an i n d ucemen t tin:i:ast ^ . 4 ie cases if St. Domingo and Gutidaloupellteifi . glioted, but these were not at all in point.; And he would appeal to the llouse whether the situation of the slaves in these colonies, t the time of the disturbances, were not very different from the situation of the slaves in the British West India islands now. At the former period the great proportion , 1 the slaves had been lately imported from Africa, and .vere in the most barbarous state; whereas the slaves in aur possessions, though not civilized, were comparatively .o, and had acquired habits of industry which those of St. Domingo did not possess. Much had been said about the indolence of the slave population, and instances had been cited to prove this; but though some slaves might have exhibited such a disposition, surely it was not to be taken Cor granted that all were equally destitute of habits of •ndustry. The Right Hon. Gentleman had laid a good deal of stress on the first resolution, and had blamed the Government for calling on the House to agree at once to esolutions which would emancipate the slaves immediately. Now, that was not the import of the resolution. It did not say that emancipation was to be imultdiate, bu' that measures ought to be taken to carry it into effect. His Noble Friend (the late Under-Secretary for the Colonies) objected to the amount of compensation, and thought 20,000,0001. should be granted instead of 15,000.000/. For his part, he considered 15,000,000/. quite sufficient. The whole West India property bad heen estimated at 45,000,0001., and he tnought a third of that sum the full amount to which the West India planters were entitled, for taking away one fourth of the labour of the slaves—that he thought was not an unfair proposition ; hut he was not at all prejudiced in favour of :me sum more than another. The Hon. Member for Dublin said the time had now passed, as emancipation had been agreed to by the resolutions of 1823 ; but it ought r, o be remembered that though the resolutions were aerted to at that period, the Colonial Legiala!nres had done ooth;n;, and the slaves remained in the same state as in 1823. Looking at the resolutions in every point of , iew, he thought them the most desirable for the Com mittee to adopt, and he trusted that such was the view taken of them by the great majority of Members. Asher a few words from Mr. HUME, Mr. GODSON earl he should withdraw his amend.. ment, as his object could be as well attained on any of the subsequent resolutions. Mr. STANLEY said that, as it was not the intentior.; of the Hon. Member to divide upon the amendment, he should observe that, i❑ the future course of prosecu ink; this measure, it would be ci.cessary for them to have the Colonial Legislatures working with them ; for, without 'heir concurrence, there would he but a faint chance of carrying it into successful execution. It was, however, absolutely necessary that the British Parliament should take the initiative step, and declare at once explicitly, that there was no longer the smallest chance of avoiding emancipation. The first steps taken, the details might 5e filled up by the Colonial Legislatures; for he was willing to admit that, at this period of the session, Par liament could not enter into al the various details of a measure of such magnitude. Though he so far agreed w th the Right Hon. Baronet, yet he could not agree with hint in thinking that Parliament should only indicate' what it wished to be dune. He thought they should go farther and enact the principal features of the measure they con templated, and then allow a certain. time for the Coloni,l Legislatures to complete the measure by filling up the d, - tails. At the expiration of the limited time, if the Colo nial Legislatures should not have dune so, then the Parlia ment itself should interfere, and, however repugnant to their feelings it might be—however diffieult, or however dangerous, it should incur the risk, the difficulty, and the danger, and carry its object into immediate execution.— (Hear.) He would go no farther at that time than to congratulate the country, and he might say the world, that the fiat of the British House of Commons had gone forth, and that the abolition of slavery was inevitable, and that now the means only were to be considered by which that abolition could be best effected. It was, in fact, reduced to a matter of pounds, shillings, and pence. Lord SANDON then stated his disinclination to press his proposition to a division. Sir R. PEEL moved that the word " immediate" be expunged, and the word " effectual" should be substi tuted. Also that the word " ultimate" should he intro duced, so that the resolution should run, " that effectual measures should be taken to secure the ultimate abolition •tf slavery."—(Cries of "No, no.") He should not press it to a division, but as immediate abolition could not take place, he thought the resolution thus amended would be more con'istent with the acknowledged intentions of the Government. Sir R. INGLIS was of opinion that the Right Hon. Secretary would find himself as unfortunate in the use of the words " immediate abolition" as he had already found Himself in the words " extinction of tithes." Mr. BUCKINGHAM rose amidst loud cries of " Ques t.on," and entreated to be heard for ten minutes only, but in ain. He then appealed to them for five minutes' atten tion, but the impatience of the House was so great, that lie was compelled t ) submit an amendment without any obser vation. to the effect that it was expedient that an inamtdiate emancipation of s'at'es should take place without subjects ing the slave to any burden or payment for his freedom. Mr. BERNAL then put the amendment proposed by Sir R. Peel, which was negatived without a division. Upon reading Mr. Bucxtnollett's amendment, Lord HOWICK rose and said that, concurring, as he did, in the principle of the amendment, and intending, as he did, to advocate that principle in the future stages, he would entreat of the Hon. Member to postpone his amendment. The resolution before the House was only defective—it was by no means inconsistent with the *uhsequent adoption of the amendment. He would, therefore, entreat the Hon. Member to iet the first reso lution pass, and then move his amendment upon the se cond and third resolutions. It was very important that the first resolution should be adopted unanimously by the House, because it recognised the great principle of eman cipation, and therefore it was that he wished the amend ment to be withdrawn. Mr. BUCKINGHAM consented to withdraw his amendment. The first resolution was then put from the Chair, and agreed to. Lord SANDON then asked the Right Hon. Gentle man (Mr. Stanley) what course he meant to pursue with respect to the memures to be founded on the resolutions ? Mr. STANLEY said he did not intend to bring any mea-ure forward until after the resolutions should have been reported. The House then resumed, the CHAIRMAN reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again this day. AFFAIRS OF PORTUGAL. Colonel DAVIES gave notice that on Thursday- next he should call the attention of the House to the affairs of Pottuvd, with a view to elicit the approbation of the House of Commons relative to the course pursued by Mi nisters towards that country. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at two o'clock. ANECDOTE OF THE LATE Mn. KEAN.— When this celebrated actor was last in Nottingham, he was invited to dine with a party of "gallant gay Lotharios," who wished to hear a specimen of hie oratotical powers. KEAN, by some means, having leirned the reason of his invitation, accepted it. After dinner, his health was drank, and he rose to return thanks—in an instant the deepest silence prevailed, aed he addressed the company to the following effect:—" Gentlemen, in the words of our immortal bard, I beg to reply, " Beggar I am, ever, in thanks, But I do thank you." He then sat down, and soon after retired, leaving the com pany overwhelmed with chagrin and disappointment.— Nottingham Wreath. BURKE'S PEERAGE AND BARONETAGE . —The new edition of this established manual of rank and distinction presents several new features of attraction. The Peerages under discussion before the House of Lords have been minutely detailed in it with a full explanation of the claims upon which the respective petitions to Par liament seek the restoration of suspended honours. Nu merous historical and biographical anecdstes, and several a n r d g i v e a a r l e i of n the amusement remoteat t d o e g t e i this m ai ; isetduseful curious and rare papers, will also be found t o con t r ib ute a i i c n o e m nt pe h n o d u i s u e m s which has been so extended as t o em b race a l most every so that its collateral information is now considerably more copious than that of any similar work hitherto published. INFLUENZA.—This complaint has become sas general here, that there is a scarcely a family in the town or its vicinity which has not been visited by it. Men, women, and children—persons of all ages and occupations —the clergyman in his pulpit, the player on the stage , the e cough n on c o t a b e e e bench,rt, and andare successive l y s e i r v c e h l yan driven r a i e h n i s to count e r,wal. warm all diluents and to bed. The attack generally lasts from four subsequentdei o t u s e t f o, are effects c“ proportionally harmless.f the in fl u e nsa b e i ng an ep i . (which a re to six days ; but when taken in time is much milder in often ewrhoharersraeec thanter seems the and be iistse n disease d to h demic, caused,by sudden transitions of temperature, as the atmosphere has this season bon peculiarly variable.-- Inverness Courier. M