The Sun. — London, England, 1864-04-12 00:00:00

IMPERIAL P. AILIAXENT HOUSE OF LORDS—Last Evening, Thu LORD CIiA.4.NCELLOR took his cent on the Woolsack at five o'clock. DENMARK. Lord CAMPBELL called the attention of their lordships to the correspondence presented to Parliament, and moved that in the opinion of this house a conference upon the Danish question in order to lead to a practical result ought to be accompanied by such steps as may seem calculated to inspire confidence in the resolution of her Majesty's Government to adhere to the treaties in which the Duchy of Schleswig had been guaranteed to Denmark by Great Britain, He believed that the Confer ence about to be held abounded in the elements of failure, and asked whether it was to be supposed that the obligations of this country would be satisfied by an unsuccessful Con ference. Already our diplomacy had undergone a series of reverses on this subject; and surely we could hardly afford another that would be so cruelly disappointing to the Danes. If the Conference separated without any satisfactory result, there could not be a second, and the peace and tranquillity of Europe would be placed in imminent danger. The noble lord also observed that he thought a British fleet might be usefully empl4ed in the Little Belt for the purpose of guarding the island of Pullen from aggression. The Duke of ARGYLL was at a loss to know how the Government could have prevented war by threatening to take part in it : yet that was what the noble lord meant, if he meant anything. He apprehended that if they had taken that course, instead of preventing they might have in creased the bloodshed. It was true that Great Britain held a high position and had vast influence in Europe, but she was not the arbitrator in all the quarrels of continental nations. Our obligations towards Denmark were contained in the treaty of 1852, which was not a treaty of guarantee but of recognition, and had not been signed by England alone. He regarded the bloodshed in the present war as altogether unjustifiable, inasmuch as every object could have been attained by negotiation, We should go into the Conference, in the first place, to restore peace to Europe; secondly, to secure as far as possible the local liberties of the two Duchies ; and, thirdly, to re concile with that the integrity and independence of Den mark. He admitted that, all the obligations of Den mark towards the Duchies had not been adhered to ; still, it should be remembered that the promises made by Germany to Denmark had also been disregarded. Earl GREY was not such a partisan of Denmark as to say that she had the whole of the right on her side. So far from that, he believed that if since 1852 she had governed the Duchies in a wiser and more conciliatory spirit the pre sent crisis would never have arisen. Perhaps, however, there were faults on both sides, and that, therefore, some Conference was necessary. At the same time he was con vinced that 011ie .would have been no war had the English Government pursued a firmer line of policy. The noble earl also deprecated the manner in which the war had been con ducted by Austria and Prussia, and characterised it as a barbarous, savage, most wanton, and gratuitous outrage upon the feelings of the Danish people. Earl RUSSELL—It now appears, I think, clearly from my noble friend's speech, that we are arraigned, not for not having prevented a war between Prussia and Austria and Denmark, but that we have not really engaged in war. The real subject of my noble friend's attack is, that we are at peace. As I go on I will show how the proposals of my noble friend would have failed, if they had been adopted. My noble friend began by saying that he would not enter into the Schleswig-Holstein question; but at the same time, without entering into the question of Schleswig- Holstein, it is difficult to see under what circumstances those powers are now at war. In looking at the history of this question, it seems that the arrangements of 1851, made between Prussia and Austria, were most unfortunate and complicated. They gave not only Austria and Prussia, but the Powers of Germany, either the right of, or at all events the pretext fur, interfet ing in the domestic concerns of the two duchies, which could not but lead—unless there was the greatest good temper and the greatest wish for concilia tion on both sides—to discussions of a most angry kind, and finally to the breaking out of war. That has been the his tory of the transactions of the last 10 years. For my own part, I will say, with regard to those matters, as they are of great importance, I felt it my duty, holding the post of Se cretary of State for Foreign Affairs, to divest my mind of all partisanship—(hear)—and to endeavour to meet that ques tion between the Powers with a fair and impartial mind, so as, if possible, to form a clear and just judgment with re spect to them. Nothing I think is more discreditable to any statesman than to rush at onee into a strong decision on the one side or the other, without carefully investigating the bearings of the question. With regard to this treaty the Danish Government promised, in 1851, that it would keep Schleswig very much as a separate State ; that it should have separate provincial Estates for its own affairs; that it should have a representative body, and that it should have a Minister ; and that its administration should be con ducted solely in Schleswig. It was a very difficult matter to keep those engagements when foreign troops oceupied a part of her soil. I will not now, in these times of her distress, point out in detail where her promises, I think, were not fulfilled. But Germany, on her side, took a most unfair advantage of what was done by Denmark ; and on every occasion she put forward propositions which it would have been impossible for Denmark to accede to, because they would, in fact, have made a German majority at the very seat of the Government, and thus have de stroyed, not nominally the integrity, but really the indee pendenco, of Denmark. The dispute went on until, on the ht of October last, Germany resolved on Federal execution, Whatever may have been the difficulties, they were aggra• vased tenfold upon the occasion of entering Schleswig. Those is favour of German pretensions might well suppose that the late King, having been governed by councillors of Danish principles, and having himself not only a great love for his country, but strong prejudices in favour of it, would be partial in these matters. But the new King was not liable to any suspicion of that kind, and I am persuaded, even at this moment,that if Germany had temperately urged the claims of Schleswig to certain rights and privileges which Denmark had agreed to give, that the King of Den mark would have so regulated the provisions of the govern ment of his provinces that all real grounds of complaint would have been done away with. But the conduct of Germany was very different. As wo wished, above all, to prevent war in Europe, at the same time it was our object so to caunsel both as to come to scme conciliatory end. Surely it was our part to see that in our opinion Denmark was in the right. We, however, proposed, that the constitution should be re voked. My noble friend found fault with our making that representation without our being able to follow it up with hostilities. If we had groat interests there, and these were neglected, I allow we must defend them ; but where there is only a benevolent desire to maintain peace in Europe, and to see that each state has its own rights, I cannot see any humiliation, but I think there is comfort in thinking that we have urged over and over again, by friendly advice, that peace should be pre served, and that these Powers should not injure each other. In doing this it appeared to me that unless we were to make ourselves alone the defenders of the liberties of Eu rope—unless we were to teko a course that none of the great statesmen who have adopted a European policy for England would have advocated, we were bunted to endeavour to ob tain allies. Now, the allies to whom we naturally looked were France and Russia. I maintain that it would have been unwise for the Government of this country to commit itself to hostilities without having the assistance of the other Powers of Europe. I wrote a despatch to thir French Government, and I wrote a similar despatch to the Russian Government, saying that there was a project in Germany fur depriving Denmark of Holstein and the Duchy of Schles wig, and supposing that project is persevered in will you, France, go with us in giving material aid to Denmark ? will you, Russia, go with us in giving material aid to hen mark? That answers every part of my noble friend's re proach. The answer of France was to this effect, that she was not opposed to nationality, hut that it might be that some change in the provinces would be of advantage to the maintenance of Denmark. The reply then went en to say that war with Germany was a serious question for France, and she preferred to keep herself at liberty ; but future mea sures she must take if the balance of power were really in danger. The answer of Russia was that she wished to preserve her liberty, wished to know what the position of England was, but did not feel how far policy would justify her in giving material assistance. Then the ques tion came to this, that England, France, Russia, and Sweden having made a treaty by which they did not agree to guarantee the integrity of the Danish monarchy, but agreed to acknowledge the principle, [whether we alone, l ' it hout France and Russia, should take upon ourselves the burden o f supporting Denmark. The balance of power in Europewl .is cle ar ly o f consequence t o F rance an d R uss i a, as well as to England. Therefore it was not the interest of England to undertake alone this defence. Only consider what the state of Germany was. A state of violent enthu siasm prevailed for having Schleswig and Holstein sepa rated from Denmark. They did not care much about the Prince of Augustenburg, but put him up as a Prince who ' would be the inst rument of Germany for that purpose. According to the views of my noble friend, if we were to defend Denmark we should have Venetia making war in the Adriatic; we should have Hungary delighted to see England at war with Germany; and all this disturb ance of Europe, all this great war was to be undertaken in the name of peace, and to prevent Schleswig being taken (Cheers.) That is the prospect he proposes, but I rejoice that we have not thrown a firebrand into Europe, and we have not caused the eatenaive conflagration the noble lord wanted. Well, then, m y noble friend says it would have been much better if Engl an d h a d done what France did, and sail we do not mean to interfere in any way on behalf of Denmark. Now it is necessary to consider what has been effected. It the representatives of the Government did not pre ven t the war bre a king ou t, they had pi educed this effect, that on the 31st of January, before they wont into Schleswig, these Powers informed England, France, and Russia that they held to the treaty of 1852, and respected the integrity of Denmark. That i s a great point gained. It appears to me that we can now go into the conference, and clearly consider the Powers bound to re spect that treaty and, the integrity of Denmark. It is by the firmness and moderation of our language that we have obtained from them a determination to maintain that treaty; and we consider that is the object we alwfiys keep in view. I recollect perfectly well hearing Mr, Canning say we must have war sooner or later. If th ►t be the case) I say let it be later; but my noble friend says just the re verse. He says, "We must have war 833 L er or later, and I say sooner." I say, with Mr. Canning, " later," and I am quite content to abide by that. As the Conference is to meet on the 20th of this month, I need not enter—nor would it be right for me to enter—upon the questions which are now before the house. It will be the endeavour of Eng land to modify the extreme pretensions, and prevent, if pos sible, the animosity of the different nations. In that view I am not going to lay severe blame on the different parties in this war. It has already been characterised by my noble friend at the head of the Government as an iniquitous age greasion. Nothing stronger could be said, even by my noble friend opposite: With regard to the whole subject, I must consider the many interests which we have spread over the whole face of the globe, and the danger, if we were at war with Germany, that other wars would spring up out of it, and that our commerce might be intercepted by pri vateers under many different flags, and scouring the ocean to destroy our commerce. It may be an unworthy consi deration in the eyes of my noble friend, but when I reflect on the exposition made the other night of the magnificent situation of this country, I am not inclined to hazard that situation without a clear case of honour or of great and mighty interests that called for armed intervention. Also we must consider that, besides, if that exposition of flourishing trade, and the improvement of our finances, and all our material interests, there re mains the fact that we have no less than twenty-six millions of interest of debt to pay, which was caused almost entirely by the last two wars in which this country was engaged. In 1764 the interest of our debt was £4,600,000, it is now £26,200,000. May we not fairly be unwilling and cautious before we add to that debt ? There was one of those wars —the American war—which no man in these days will defend. The other of those wars the father of my noble friend (Earl Gray) most eloquently opposed as unjust and unnecessary. Whether these wars were justified or not, the cost and burden of them have been immense. While that is no reason why we should desert any cause in which we are bound to go forward, or why we should abandon any friend whom we have any obligations to support, there are reasons why we should pursue a pacific and not a war like course. I adhere to the policy of seeking alliances to maintain the balance of power, and while I agree with the great man to whom I have referred, that the destruction of one of the States of Europe would be not only a great out rage, but a peril to the independence of the other States of Europe, at the same time I do think that the policy the least hostile we can make it ought to be pursued by this country. I cannot, therefore, agree with the motion of my noble friend, nor do I believe that the house will agree with it. With regard to the treaty of 1852, it is our object to maintain that treaty, and to have it again recognised by the Powers of Europe. I trust that will be the result of the Con ference. The noble earl then referred to the policy of France, and stated that their sympathy had always been the strongest in favour of the Poles, while the sympathy of England was strongest in favour of the Danes. The refusal of Eng land to join France in favour of the Poles, and the refusal of France to join England in favour of Denmark, were due to those sympathies. We have no reason to find fault with France on that subject; but still if we are to defend Den mark on the grounds of the balance of power and the in terest of Europe, the Powers of Europe ought to go toge ther, and not leave us alone to undertake that great task, The Earl of DERBY said he apprehended that the ob ect of the noble baron, in bringing forward his motion, was to give his own individual opinion, and to enable other members of the house to express their opinion of the policy and conduct of her Majesty's Government. He doubted wheiher that policy was not more likely to lead to serious complications than a more resolute policy. They explained that her Majesty's Government held out menaces and re monstrances of every description to foreign countries, while, at the same time, conveying to those foreign countries the conclusion that nothing would induce us to give material aid, or take any other part than remonstrance Referring, then, to the general question,the noble earl traced the course of Prussia and Austria to mutual jealousy, acted on by the democratic feeling in Germany, acting through the minor powers. He would not repeat what had been said in the evening in regard to the manner in which Germany had availed herself of the difficulty caused by the death of the late King to press upon Denmark conditions which she could not possibly accept, He thought that course was wholly ungenerous, but the question with which they had to deal was not only the danger to Denmark, but the effect of the course pursued by her Majesty's Government for mitigating that danger, and the psalm in which our interests stood in regard to Europe at the present time. In looking through the documents he found that to almost every country we had addressed suc cessively representations, remonstrances, and threats, and used language going to the very verge of declaring that an invasion of Schleswig would be regarded as a ground of war. He did not assert that we had actually said that, but we had gone to the very verge of it. Would it not have been more generous and fair and candid to have said to Denmark, " We advise you as friends to take such and such a course, but recollect that from us you must expect no more than our moral influence ?" It must be admitted that, according to the terms of the treaty, we were not bound to come for ward to protect Denmark, and to take upon ourselves the task of maintaining her integrity ; but then we had no right to hold nut to Denmark such representations as had been held out by the Prime Minister of this country in his place in Parliament. From the moment that declaration was made, the Danes said, and they had a right to say, " We know the power of England; we have the pledge of the Prime Minister of England that that power shall be exer- cised in our defence; the honour of England has hitherto been held inviolate in this case." (Hear, hear.) His lord ship then read from the despatches several passages show ing the representations made to the different Powers by the noble earl the Secretary for War, and the replies which he hal received, Just after the noble had quitted Berlin o Sir Andrew Buchanan was instructed to make several represen tations in the interests of peace to the Prussian Minister, but all the points heurged were rejected, and he wrote home, " There is an absolute persusion that England will not in terfere materially, and our counsel is regarded as totally im material, and of no weight." A few weeks before the meet ing of Parliament, the noble earl had declared that the mem bers of the Cabinet had not consulted together as to the course they should pursue in the event of a military occu pation of Schleswig, but that his personal opinion was that the feeling throughout the country would be such, that her Majesty's Ministers would think proper to recommend the active interference of this country. To Denmark the noble earl held out expectations that if they complied ;with cer tain conditions they would have material aid from us— while to Prussia ho held out that in the event of Schleswig being occupied, he could not doubt that the friendly Powers would assist Denmark in resisting such invasion. Throughout the whole of the transactions measures which were protested against in the strongest possible terms had ben ultimately acquiesced in by her Ma jesty's Government. Stop after step had been taken, converting the Federal execution into a material guarantee, and lastly into an invasion and occupation of a country, without a declaration of war, but accompanied with scenes of barbarity and ferocity unparalleled in the annals of war. He regretted to say that the Prussian army did not ap pear to have overcome that feeling of ferocity which gave so much difficulty to the Duke of Wellington in 1814. (Hear, hear.) The bombardment of Sonderborg was an act of unparalleled atrocity if it were true, as he had lately heard, that after the town had been laid in ruins a pause ensued, and the inhabitants—having been induced to go back to search for their goods among the ruins of their homes, found themselves in a trap—the bombard ment was renewed. (Hear, hear,) He wished he could see in the proposed Conference any great probability of a pros perous issue. That Conference would not assemble under the most favourable auspices, because the patties who were coming to it had declared views in total opposition to each other. He wished to point out that the engagement of 1851- 2 was limited to Austria, Prussia, and Denmark; but the Treaty of 1852 was entered into by all the great Powers, and did not make the slightest reference to the previous engage ments, to which, consequently, the great Powers were no parties. He was glad to hear that the noble earl did not con fine himself to securing what is called the integrity of Den mark, but that he alluded to the integrity and indepen dence of that country, for plausible arguments might be put forward to secure the integrity of Danmark, and yet by some means to entirely sacrifice its independence. (Hear, hear.) He did justice to the motives of the noble earl (Russell) ; but he could not conceal his conviction that, by the course he had taken, he had confirmed the impression which was already too prevalent, that England had ceased to be a great Power—that her political and military position was to be made subservient to her trading and commercial interests— and that, however, she might bluster, there was not the least danger of her interteru!g materially to exercise the slightest influence or control in the affairs of Europe. Lord WODEHOUSE stated that when he represented this coantry at Copenhagen he constantly endeavoured to impress upon the Danes the fact that they were not likely to receive material aid from Great Britain. He believed that it would have been far better for Denmark to have made timely concessions than provoke war, but, unfortu nately, all the concessions she had made came too late. Earl GRANVILLE observed, with respect to the Con ference, that most of the great Powers who were parties to it, including Austria, were agreed that the first act of the assembly must be the - immediate establishment of an armistice. Lord CAMPBELL then withdrew the motion, and The house adjourned at a quarter to eleven o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS--Last Evening. The SPEAxmt took the chair at four o'clock. NEW MEMBER. Mr. CARDIVELL, the newly appointed Colonial Secre taty, took the oaths and his seat for Oxford, on his re election. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following Lills were read a third time and passed : The Caledonian Railway—East and West Junction Rail way—Holborn Valley Improvement—and North Eastern Railway (Meckleford Branch), THE DANO-GERMAN QUESTION. Mr, HORSMAN asked the First Lord of the Treasury whether, if it should be a result of the conference that Eng land was about to undertake new engagements with refer ence to Denmark and the Daches, her Majesty's Ministers would be prepared to submit those engagements to the con sideration of Parliament before they advised their ratifica tion by the Crown. Lord PALMERSTON said that, in a mixed constitution like that of this country, it was almost impossible to draw a line in reference to important questions like the present. (Hear, hear.) There was not the slightest wish on the part of the Government to prevent Parliament from consi• dering this question fully. THE ARMY ESTIMATES. The Marquis of HARTINGTON, in reply to a ques tion, said that if he were not able to get into a committee of supply on the Army Estimates this evening, he would bring them on to-morrow, THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, APRIL 12, 1864. GOVERNMENT ANNUITIES BILL. Mr. A/ RTON, in resuming the adjourned debate on the bill, deprecated Government interference with friendly societies, urging that there should be a searching inquiry into the real character of the bill. Ho supported the amendment of Sir M. Farquhar to refer the bill to a select committtee. Mr. HUBBARD observed that, although upon principle it was undesirable for the Government to undertake func tions of this character, there were offices of this kind which it might fairly take upon itself—and that on the face of it this was a measure which the house might entertain. He suggested modifications of the scheme, and supported the proposal for referring the bill to a select committee. Colonel SYKES likewise supported the amendment. Mr. HANK EY objected to the principle of the bill and opposed the amendment. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the effect of the motion of his right hon. friend would be that the house would proceed to name a competent num ber of gentlemen as a select committee. They would meet in a room upstairs ; the house would probably ap point him, as the author of the bill, a member of that committee, and he should have an opportunity of giving them all the information which it was in his power to afford, having the assistance of such officers of her Ma jesty's Government as he might ask to aid him, on his own responsibility. At a subsequent stage another ques tion would arise, as to whether the committee should have power to send for persons, papers, and records• (Hear.) Upon that would arise the question whether the committee was to be'on the clauses of the bill, or whether it would be a committee of general inquiry into the subjects of the bill. Therefore he could not agree to that method of proceeding. It was right that they should have a clear understanding en the subject. If they sent for persons, papers, and records, those persons would give their views, and then the corn • mittee would very justly say they were bound to hear all parties who were opposed to the bill, and champions of op-. posite views. (Hear, hear.) Well, that was a kind of in vestigation which it was impossible to undertake. He must say it would amount to a regular abnegation of the duties of his office as a Minister of Finance were he to conduct an investigation of that sort. It would be impossible to sepa rate that investigation from a great deal of controversial matter. The mode of operation of the bill on existing societies would essentially involve an inquiry as to how those societies were conducted. They would, in effect, become a committee of investigation and inquiry into such societies, and for the result of such investigation her Ma jesty's Government were not prepared to be responsible. He was bound to say he did not think he had ever known a case of any measure which was met by a very powerfully organised opposition—he meant nothing discreditable—he had never known of a case until this, of a hill, the object of a powerful opposition out of doors, which gained by a long delay in that house. Generally such delay was fatal —but he thought in this ease the effect had been to lead to a remarkable development of public opinion on that bill. (Hear, hear.) In a very singular degree the opinions of the press had been declared in favour of that bill, independent of party interests or feelings. In his corres pondence, in the whole course of his public life of over thirty years, he had never received so many letters of approval, and even gratitude, from all classes of the community, and especially from those who had strong philanthropic interest in the question. At the com mencement of the discussion a great many petitions bad been presented against the bill, but now petitions were coming in in favour of it, many of them from working men who could have no interest in upholding the scheme apart from a sin cere belief that it would be advantageous to their welfare. A great meeting was held in Exeter Hall in opposition to the bill, but the independent working class mustered so strong- that my hon. friend (Mr. Ayrtcn) who was in the chair, could not determine which was the majority and which was the minority, though ha was informed that, if a gentleman more friendly to the measure had been in the chair, he would have had no difficulty whatever in deciding the point. (Hear, and a laugh.) Lastly, he must say,with great satisfaction, that not only public meetings but boards of guardians were giving their assent to the measure as likely to prove a great boon to the working classes. He did not wish on this occasion to return to any of the controversies to which the measure had given r ise. He had not a word to say, either of accusation or reproach, against any living so ciety such as the Royal Liver or the British Prudential. He did not presume, nor should he be justified in attaching to any one of these societies a fraudulent character. What he had meant to say of them was that those societies had adopted a claim of ability to fill the unoccupied field of as surance amongst the working classes to which they were not equal, and he had thought it necessary, by a reference to one or two of the most stable and highly respectable companies, to show that these societies were not in a condition to set up so high a claim, or to give the working classes the same undeniable and perfect security which was given to the wealthier classes when they wished to insure their lives and made a judicious selection of an office fer that purpose, He had used language which, he was sorry to say, he was not prepared to retract, with respect to the mess of heart less intrigue which had been and which possibly was still at work in certain quarters, in connection with life assurance. But he did not wish the house to understand that the language was applicable to any societies of the class he had mentioned. With regard to the Professional Society, in which the shareholders had suffered severe losses, thoagh he believed that the statements he had made were correct, no one would be better pleased if he could be assured that the construction which he had put upon that case were erroneous, and that though there might have been rashness and want of prudence, still no corrupt intention had been at work . . He had been told (and ho hoped it was true) by the hon. member for York, with regard to the Professional Society, that that was so, and he was glad to accept the as surance of his hon. friend—(hear, hear)—that there had been atotal absence of fraudulent intention,though a case of the most reckless and hazardous, and therefore unjustifiable speculation. Reference had also been made to his observa tions with regard to the conduct of the working classes in connection with trades' unions. On a former occasion he had adverted to a meeting held under the presidency of Mr. Potter, at Exeter Hall, and he had stated that the name of Mr. Potter had been very much connected with that sort of agency and those proceedings on the part of trades' unions which ware believed by the public at large to be employed to coerce the minority of the working classes by a majority. He had been since assured that his statement was not a true description of trades' unions in the present day; that there had been a good deal of such coercion in former times, but the real progress of the working classes not only in intelli gence, but in their means of subsistence, and in their views of social duties, had effectually and essentially altered the character of their trades' unions. He believed that to this hour in certain parts of the country there were instances of portions of the working classes still tyrannised over by its own members. Those instances, he rejoiced to think, wore of a character alien from the views and feelings of the trades' societies of London at the present moment. He was, therefore, very glad to believe that there was no foundation for the reference he had formerly made to them. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member (Mr. Ayrton) had mentioned two other points to which he had referred; first, that the whole difficulty in life assurance lay in the want of proper tables ; and that if Government did but propose to the house to make a certain set of tables compul sory, all difficulty would be removed. In his opinion that was not so. The great distinction between private and Go vernment insurance lay in the advantage of the private societies in investing their funds. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, on the other hand, could only invest in Govern ment securities at £3 or £3 fis per cent. The hon. member wanted the house to enact tables for the use of friendly societies, calculated at the rate of 50s per cent. ; but that would inflict a great hardship upon private societies, and would absolutely preclude them from adopting any other investment, and would place them in hopeless competition with the Government. His hon. friend anticipated great danger from the successful working of this plan. He ap peared to think that if the time ever came when there was a vast sum of money in the Post-office savings banks, and it happened that the rate of interest was high, there would be what was called " an ugly rush," and the country would be called upon to disburse deposit funds at 2i per cent., in order that the depositors might reinvest on more advanta geous terms. In the first place, he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) did not undertake to say that the interest would never be higher. Some addition might possibly be made to that rate, compatible, of course, with the essential requi site that the public should not subsidise those banks to the extent of a farthing, but that, on the contrary, it should reserve a margin of funds in order to its own fall secu • rity. The right hon. gentleman illustrated the high opinion of the public in the Government securities, by stating that when the Birmingham savings bank deter mined to close on account of the passing of the Post office Savings Bank Bill, at that moment the rate of dis count was 8 per cent., and the depositors might have got 5, 51, or even 6 pet cunt. for their money, yet three fourths of them in number and amount had invested in the Post-office savings banks at £2 lOs per cent. He felt there fore perfect confidence in the political security of those banks. The objection of the hon. member for the Tower Hamlets was bad, and could not apply to the present mea sure, because if persons chose to place confidence in the Government, so far as to assure a sum of money payable only on death, it would be very difficult for them to embar rass, as they could not fulfil the necessary and preliminary condition for claiming the money till they had ceased to be denizens of this lower world. (Hear, and a laugh.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, in reply to Sir M, Farquhar and Sir F. Kelly, explained that at the time he spoke of rash and reckless speculations, and the losses thereby inflicted, he did not intend to apply motives. But what unfortunately happened was this, that persons of great respectability involved themselves in undertakings of this nature, which had the effect of deluding and-robbing others, without any impurity of motives on their own part. He hoped that nothing would be lost if the policy holders kept their policies ; and it was not his intention to attribute impurity of motive to the directors of the Professional In surance Company. The motion for referring the bill to a select committee was then agreed to. The house then went into committee of euply on the army estimates. The house having gone into committee of supply on the army estimates, the veto of £5,708.931 for general staff and regimental pay, allowances and charges, elicited considerable discussion of details, but ultimately the vote was agreed to without a disvision; as were also the votes for commissariat establishment, services, and movement of troops, clothing establishments, services and supplies, barrack establish ments, and Divine service. On the vote for martial law a supplementary debate was raised by Lord lIOTHAM on the late court marl ial on Col. Crawley, of the Inniskilling Dragoons, and its effect upon the discipline and good order of the army. No opposition was made to the vote, but the mooting of the question elicited remarks from the Marquis of Hartington, Lord Lovaine, Mr Hunt, Col Dickson, and the Judge Advocate. The Warehousing of British Spirits Bill was read a third time and passed, and the Costs Security Bill was read a second time. Leave was given to Mr Hutt to bring in a bill to amend the laws relating to the coneervancy of the Thames, and to the Attorney-General to introduce a bill to consolidate and amend the Church Building and New Parishes Acts. Mr ADAIR moved that the minutes of the proceedings, and the evidence taken before the select committee, on the Lisburn election petition, be laid before the house. The motion was opposed by Mr M'Donogh, Mr White side, and Mr George, and supported by Sir G. Grey and Mr Hunt. Mr LYGON proposed an amendment that the evidence in this case should not be produced, and upon a division the amendment was negatived by 112 to 22. The original motion was then agreed to, and the other business having been disposed of, the house adjourned at 2 o'clock, Sonderborg after the Bombardment. (From the Times Special Correspondent at the Danish Head-quarters.) ULKEBOL, April 5. Although it is my settled opinion that a corre spondent should be a thing and not a person, and should obtrude as little as possible upon the scenes he is describing, avoiding the fault of that notable egotist Dante, who saw nothing in limbo, purgatory, and the other regions except his little rancours, his political crotchets, and theological quibbles—still, there may be occasions when the spectator's own adventures, and the shifts he has bee❑ put to, may help to lay before his readers those minor portico. lars of the situation which would otherwise hardly find place in a more dignified narrative. It is under the influence of these views that I shall now pro ceed to describe by what chances I came to make my way back to the ruins of what was Sunder berg. After tramping about all day, and in vain ap plying for shelter from house to house, I succeeded at last on Sunday evening, the memorable " Low Sunday," in getting my supper, asofa,and a writing table Augustenburg. To find a couch, however, was easier than to bo at rest upon it, for the good Samaritan who took us in was bent on extending to all comers the same hospitality ho had shown us, and as he exacted from others the same sc ot he had demanded of us—viz,, a circumstantial account of the "horrors of the bombardment"—the banging of doors, the stamping on floors, and the jabber of voices was too incessant for eyes, no matter how heavy, to have a wink of sleep. Towards 11 o'clock p.m. we issued forth to post our letters, and wishing to have a last glimpse of doomed Sonderborg, we trudged along in the dark, drenched and blinded by the rain, down to the causeway crossing the Angustenburg Fiord, and there, standing before that broad sheet of water, we could enjoy, at about four miles distance as the crow flies, the:ead but imposing sight of a vast con flagration. The air was so thick and the rain so heavy that the flames strove in vain to light up the canopy of Heaven, and all we could descry was a low red streak, with dark shadows flitting up and down on its glaring surface, like so many demons dancing and revelling in their darling element, stirring it and chafing it, as if fretting at its slug gishness, and rousing it to more ruthless mischief. In the morning we were up early; soon after 8 we set out in quest of our wandering headquarters. They had found no accommodation, we were told, in all the rooms of the spacious Ulkebol Priests' court, and had moved further west, to a neat farm rejoicing in the sweet name of Morgenstjern. The Feld-post and the Stadt-post, the telegraph-office, and all other institutions with which we had more immediate concern had also gone all night a begging for some nook or corner where to lay their heads, and none of them had as yet been able to settle down anywhere. The rain had ceased for several hours, and the day was fine and calm. The whole of the little world of Alsen was out with us, and at every step we met friends and acquaintances congratulating each other, as half-drowned mariners after escape from shipwreck. The boom of the cannon reached us now and then, but the fire was slacken. ing as we advanced, and it had ceased altogether when, at the Ulkebol turning, we came in sight of the windmills of Sonderborg. Ulkebol lies some what low and flat, at about one mile's distance from Sonderborg, and at the turning just before the church the road widens into a tolerably spacious avenue, going straight to its goal, and contrasting with ail the other thoroughfares of the island, which are as narrow and winding as the heart of the most ardent lever of the picturesque might wish them. The Prussians, evidently, had gone to sleep on their work, and we determined to profit by that lull in the storm to go and see what was left of the little capital of Alsen after newly 48 hours' bombardment. The silence of the guns had de luded the fugitive into a notion that an armistice had been agreed upon, and the tide of people setting in with us was as strong as that of the people wh o were still coming out against us. As many of the persons as were saved from the havoc of the eve were anxious for the rescue of the things they had left behind. There were empty w a gg o ns going in for furniture, and there were laden waggons coming out with furniture. The whole road was alive and swarming like an ant-hill. The scene was gay in spit e o f th e m i sery the poor people had left behind, or had before them, for the morning was fresh and the sun shone bright, and all that bu s tli ng and jostlin g an d gree ti ng was bracing and inspirit ing ; and the first sensation of all living beings on their escape from danger is one of relief which no prospect of future evil has power to subdue. Cart loads upon cartloads rolled slowly past us ; cart loads of women and children, cartloads of chests, chairs, and tables, of beds and bedding especially, for home in this country seem s more imm e di a t e l y than anywhere else identified with pillows and bolsters, and no matter under what roof, no matter even if in a ditch and under the vault of Heaven, the good Alsener seems to think all is not lost so long as he can have his own smot h e ring feather bag s over and und er n ea th hi m . Mere rubbish a good deal of that house-gear looked in the garish daylight, for which it was never intended; equalid an d woe begone were some of the crouching figures, laden pell-mell in one heat, with their chattels; but many, especially of the better sex, lidd not, even in those straits, been unmindful of their outward look ; their hair was smooth and their faces glowing and ruddy, their eyes smiled and sparkled, and brisk pleasantry elicited smart repartee. I saw a fair, baresheeded, longeringletted young girl of 18 seated by the side of the driver on the front seat of one of the best kinds of chars-a bane. She had a large mirror on her lap, holding it before her at arm's length, like the Goddess of Truth ; and to those into whose eyes the polished glass glanced beck the sun's rays, and who told her "she had better holi it the other way, and sec h er sweet lace in it," she answered with ready pertness that "she had ecudied it long enough, and knew it all by heart." The looking glass was to the bright damsel the dearest of all her lares et penates ; and, in like manner, every human being had in the hurry of that flight clutched at anything upon whi c h hi s heart was set, and stuck to it in life as he would have clung in death. As we toiled our way towards town we could see the Sonderborg mills, all stand ing safe where we had left them, and across the Dybbol mill was also tall and erect, all unhurt, in its place—that Dybbol windmill which the Dines have nicknamed "le brave des braves," as no one in the army is so constantly and so unflinchingly in the fire, no one seems more determined to hold his ground to the last. Twice in the last war was that gallant mill shot down and burnt, twice did it rise from its ashes. It is the palladium of Denmark and its army, and the Prussians have no groat chance against the 10 bastions so long as the skill of their gunners is baffled by the doughty successor of those hundred-handed giants whose punch in the head was sufficient to level the Spanish knight errant with the ground. Well, we toiled our way into the town, we walked past the mills and the barracks, and till we reached our dear old dirty quarters at the Reymuth Hotel we saw that, though shells had lighted here and there and everywhere, the mischief done was but trifling. A hole in the roof or a shattered win dow makes no great difference in the outward look or in the internal economy of the town ; bat as we neared the Stadt Hamburg our old Feld-post was a heap of rubbish ; so was the Poste aux Chevaux, nearly opposite—the red shield, with the Royal Arms, hanging on the door was nearly all that still stood; so were the houses, each and all, right and left, throughout the centre of the town, down to the Radhaus or Council-hall ; the houses on the main street, the houses on the side streets branching up to the hill, or sloping down to the sea—they were all wrecks. Here a chimney-shaft alone was stand - lug, there a front wall, there part of the roof still hung, shattered and tattered on the main beam. Day light had been struck through the narrow thorough fares of Sonderborg. The burgomaster and the military engineers had been for weeks busy opening a wide cross street from the Town-hall to the sea ; but the Prusans had expedited ten times as much work in har dy as many hours. There was something almost exhilirating in that broad open space; people rambled about in the ruins wondering with grim delight how the neighbouring Ucalegon had fared. There is always some secret savage pleasure in the contemplation of devastation on a large scale. As for myself, after two nights' unrest, I felt my head in a glow, and my fancy wandered freely, conjuring up old recollections of battered Gaeta, and jumbling up those blackened shafts and crumbling gables with the stripped columns and riven arches of the Roman forum. No less than 90 or 100 dwellings in one cluster were made utterly uninhabitable; about a score were burnt to the ground, some of them were still crackling and reeking; the furniture of many of them, rescued from the ruins, were piled up, a miserable heap, in the middle of the street. People moved about, gazing their full, forgetting their own errands in speechless contemplation of other people's troubles. Business did not seem to have ceased in the town; life was not to all appearance extinct. Most shops were open, never having been closed, owners laid no claims to their property, nor did anybody covet what seemed to belong to nobody, The two streets sloping down on either side of the Town-hall were comparatively uninjured, but they were the dullest and most deserted of the town dis tricts. An interest centred on these poor fragments in the centre. At that window used to sit, and sat till last evening, a pretty milliner, the most arrant flirt of the town. There, past that gateway, that good old doctor stopped you, on hospitable thoughts intent, and offered you a bed, screened, as he far cied, by the position of his house from the enemy's fire. Where are the bed and the house now? W hat has become of the doctor ? What of the milliner ? Safe, somewhere or other, very likely, but their homes arc no more. In that house Gen, Gerlach dined only yesterday; further, the officers of the staff wel comed you with a friendly smile not 24 hours since. This was the town post-office—that the army post office; yonder lies the Holsteinische Hins, long wonted to refresh us with its rancid snOrbrod and bitter thin beer. Why, our familiar haunts of the last two months are all blotted out at one swoop; our dearest associations with beleagured Sonderbore, have vanished like a dream. And these poor inha bitants? Why, to them the haunts of youth and age, the associations of a lifetime, are gone for ever. The Prussians made their home a target for their untried artillery, and the substance of their life recollections was blown down to a mere blank. Twenty-two dead and wounded were picked out of the ruins on Saturday evening, and fifty•seven mere were added to the list of casualties in the ❑ight and,on Sunday morning. Women and chil dren were among the dead. A young shopkeeper and his pretty wife had closed their premises, and were standing at their door ready to leave, when a shell burst almost at their feet, and their bodies were so shattered that the limbs of the one could not be told from those of the other. Terrible imple ments are these shells, and it behoves those who handle them to consider well whither they are hurl ing them. No intimation of the intended bombard ment had been given; the Prussians allowed not one minute for the removal of non-combatants. The complete razing of Sonderborg, as they must be aware, would not dismount one single cannon on the Dybbol bastions, and all the havoc of the last two days did not weaken the Danish position by a tittle. Anything more wanton, more object less, or void of all result than all this noisy can nonade the annals of war have not on record. The stillness, of which we took advantage to visit the smoking ruins, was not, as we all believed, the effect of an armistice. No suspension of hostilities was solicited by the Danes ; no exchange of parle mentaires took place. The Prussians open fire when they list; they leave off when it seems good to them. Yesterday (Monday) there was complete silence till half-past 1 or 2, then tho fire blazed away until evening. To-day their batteries have been again perfectly idle till this moment (half past 1 p.m.), whe❑ the thunder is heard again, rumbling loudly above the roar of the stormy wind. Truly, the art of war is very difficult to compass, or the Germans of our time are the merest bunglers at it. Here they have been for two months hammering away at Dybbol, and the result is the profitless destruction of one third of innocent Son derborg. It is hard to imagine what fuss and what turmoil can bo occasioned by the simple nnhousing of 2,000 inhabitants. As I walked past so many helpless groups, as I passed so many doors gently but inex orably, because unavoidably, closed against so many poor applicants for admission, as I saw so many well-dressed women, so many tender children stand ing in the road beside their loaded waggons uncertain where to go, at a loss where to lay their heads, with every prospect ofa wet, unsheltered night, I wondered how so great a calamity could have condensed itself on so small a spot of the globe. Why, the firing and evacuation of Sonderborg are a mere storm in a tea pot in comparison with the burning and emptying of Moscow; yet hundreds of harmless and helpless beings must even here go through a vast deal of im mediate suffering. To hundreds of unoffending families this mere sport of the Prussians will work lasting ruin. The stock of the petty merchant, the employment of the humble mechanic, are gone. The charity of the country people will not, as far as it lies in their power, allow their wandering towns folk to perish; but military occupation leaves but little house-room in the largest farms. The Danish army had rather quadrupled than doubled the ori ginal population of Alsen. The 4,000 wanderers must emigrate to Funen, to Zealand. Heaven grant that the further they aro compelled to go the better they may fare ! There was some expectation of an attack on the part of the Prussians last evening, but the night has gone off in perfect peace• Even the firing that be gan an hour ago has died off altogether. It is true that the war of the elements is, and has been all day, at its highest. It was frosty last night; there has been a cruel wind, with snow storms, the best part of the morning. This may possibly account for the enemy's inactivity. The Prussians, in the opinion of the Danes, are "fair weather soldiers." ULKEBOL, April 5, 4 pan. After an interval of more than 24 hours the bar barous botnbatdment of Sonderborg recommences. Many of the inhabitants, reassured by the long silence,, and uncertain as to the Prussians' inten tions, thinking that they had repented of their useless cruelty, have either been lingering on the spot or going back to it to look after such of their home as are still standing and their poor contents. They are thus caught in a trap, and we shall have many more casualties to deplore. XPRIL 6. I have not written this morning, nor is there any great reason why I should take up my pen this afternoon. There is no progress to be reported in the war in Denmark. The distance between the Prussians at Dybbol village and the Danes on the Dybbol bastions is one-third of a mile at the utmost, but it may take weeks before either party gets over that narrow but well-contested strip of ground. What sheer strength may not accomplish the Prussians seem inclined to achieve by surprise. The nights are rather dark, and the lino of the Dybbol cessions is long; and the soldier who has not pluck enough to run in at a dash may be induced to try and creep in by stealth. Some such attempt was made last night. At about 11 o'clock a small de tachment of Germans, two companies, the Danes think, made their appearance between Bastions 4 and 5, and driving in the Danish pickets, established themselves in the rifle pits of these latter. There they lay still for the whole night, for the Danes, who have been for a long time in constant expecta tion of a night attack, did not deem it prudent to issue forth in the dark, and give battle to those few skirmishers, but preferred to give time to the main body of the enemy to come up within range of their cannon if they were so inclined. In the meanwhile, however, the alarm was sounded in the Danish camp, and the whole army throughout Sundewed and Alsen was under arms. When morning dawned, however, those two small bands of in truders were seen all alone crouching in the Danish trenches, and upon a first show, on the part of the Danes, to send forth skirmishers to dislodge them, they went "back again." Yesterday, as the day before, nearly at the same hour, between 2 and 3, the Germans broke the silence of the night and morning, and there was a rather lively cannonade at the Dybbol bastions, with a continuation of the bombardment of miserable Sonderborg. To-day the entertain ment is still the same, though it has been kept up for a few hours longer. The noise began between 10 and 11 o'clock in the morning, and appears to be gradually dying off just as I am writing (half-past 5). The fire against the Dybbol bastions (why need I repeat it? is mere waste of powder and shot, although the cannon that bitters those trenches is no longer at a mile 'and a half's dis tance, but scarcely, as I said, oneethird, or at the utmost one half mile. Vast as the array of the Prussian cannon may be from the Avnbjerg, Dybbol churchyard, Rsgebol, and other spots along the line, their cannonade is not sufficiently well maintained to work any lasting mischief. Whether it arises from want of a well-settled resolution, or from scarcity of ammunition at hand, or from lack of energy and endurance, or from the liability of their newfangled cannon to get out of order upon con stant use, the fact is that at no time has the shower of projectiles been so thick and so constant as to take away the breath of the defenders, to bewilder their minds, and so harass and belabour them as to prevent their standing to their guns and repairing such damage as their bastions may suffer. After nearly four weeks' cannonade, the Prussian progress may be reported in those few ott-repeated words — "the Dybbol position is uninjured." The same cannot be said of Sonderborg. At the time I posted my last letter, aboet one-third of the town was Dither burnt or totally destroyed. Since that time, twice more have the heavy guns of the Broagerland batteries been roaring against the quarters still standing, adding ruin to ruia. I have just been out to-dayjo see the usual spectacle, and took my standing on the south-eastern shore, whence I could command a view of the whole line of fire. About one shell every two or three minutes was falling upon the town, and twice as fast was the cannonade exchanged simultaneously between the Prussian and Danish batteries on Dybbol• hill. The sharp ringing bang of the latter strangely contrasted with the long and solemn boom of the former. The Broagerland batte ries fired against the wind, and their shell was heard struggling through the air, and rattling like a thunder-clap for fully 20 seconds before it reached its gaol. The efforts of these batteries were today especially directed against the houses lying on the slope of the hill, between the Town-hall and the castle. Some of the buildings immediately behind the Town-hall were on fire, and their smoke was carried by the wind right across the Wemmingbund Bay up to the very muzzle of the very cannon from which the incendiary shell had taken its start. Masses of smoke rose from more than one point behind the:crest of Dybbol, playing a brilliant part in to-day's action, and the effect of its various hues, if transferred to canvass, would have made the glory of a first-rate landscape painter. The sky was swept clear of clouds by the keen north-east winds, but a rather heavy haze lingered on the western horizon, and formed a background for the phantasmagoria of the smoke playing before it, puffs of gunpowder smoke flitting here and there along the hill-crest, columns of incendiary smoke slowly rolling heavenwards, ashy pale at the summit where they vanished in heaven's blue, dark and red at the base, where the vapour blended with the fiery tongues darting through it. The damage to the town seems no very serious matter when seen from the outside. Moss of the roofs visible from where I stood are still untouched, and the Town-hall is almost the only building through the crumbled walls of which daylight shines. The real injury in the,in tenor is, however, terrific, as I was able to ascertain by personal observation these last two days. The burgomaster's house, that of Dr. Mathison, with many others in the lower town, nearly at thewater's edge, which had escaped the fury of the first day's bombardment, have been cruelly chattered since then. The Slot, or castle, the foremost object on the shore, lying precisely where the Alssund widens into open sea between the Wemmingbund and Horup Hay, has been repeatedly hit, but stands yet almost wholly unscathed. It would be no very ma terial loss if it were levelled with the ground, for the barracks and sick wards established in it 3 empty and dilapidated apartments are now untenanted, and its downfall would be unattended with loss of life. As to the edifice itself, it possesses no other beauty than that of bulk; it is a plain, aquare, yellow brick structure, with round, low, flat-roofed turrets at the four angles—a mere unsightly cumbrance of a large plot of ground which could be much better dedicated to the shipping interest, converting it into docks and marine stores. It possesses, however, some his torical interest, as the spot where the rathless tyrant Christian 11. of Denmark, was kept prisoner for seven years bylis rebellious subjects previous to his removal to still stricter confinement at another castle in Zeeland, where he expiated by long suffer ings the crimes with which the early years of his reign were stained. The dungeon in which the wretched monarch was immured is still shown fo; money by the town policeman. Were even the Prus sian shells to strike daylight into the darkness of that prison-house, it is not likely that the memorials connected with it would perish, or that such a lesson as Christian's fate conveys to despots would be lost. The total destruction of this ill-starred Sonder borg is the only intelligible part of the Prussian programme, and its execution will cost them much time and labour. For the teat, it is idle, I should think, for them to hope that their bombardment may cause any permanent or irreparable injury to the bridges (not one plank of which has yet been struck, or to any material extent cripple the means of communication between Aisen and Sondewed, between Sonderborg and Dybbol. Nor is there much chance of their catching the Danes napping, for their watchfulness is carried to a fault, and some of the ease-loving officers com plain of the frequency of the unnecessary nightly alarms. As to silencing the batteries of the Dybbol line, and carrying its bastions by storm, it is an achievement which will require a brisker fire than the Prussians have hitherto been tibia to kindle ; a greater pluck than they have as yet evinced. The expectation of the Danes is excited to the utmost stretch, and every night we go to bed with the hope that our slumbers may soon be broken by the trum pets giving us warning of an attack. But precisely beeause the Danes so ardently wish it, it is natural , that the Prussians should pause before they venture upon what may turn out a desperate attempt. SONDEBBORG LADEGAARD, April 7. The townspeople of Sonderborg seem determined to risk a thousand lives rather than leave their fur niture a prey to the flames w hich are rapidly con suming their shattered dwellings. The procession of esrtloadi of their trumpery household goods still d. drags along all the roads throughout the islana. The steamers at Horup Hay, and most of its smaller craft, have left their moorings. A great part of the wandering population of the bombarded place have embarked, and sought a refuge in the neighbouring island of Funen. The night has been quiet, as usual, if we take into no account the cannon shots which the Prus sians have been firing at regular intervals, like the clock striking the hours. The morning is perf ectl y still, and as I look out from the windows of the farm house where I am quartered, there is neither sight nor sound to remind me that I am within so short a distance from the theatre of actual war. This Ladegaard is but one hundred yards from the sea shore, and lies in as close a proximity to the Broagerland batteries as the Sonderborg Slot itself. Only hitherto the Prussians have been too busy with the town to turn their attention to this mere rural suburb, The Ladegaard is a farm ing establishment on a gigantic scale. Its barn is a mass of building hardly less lofty than the Scala theatre, only not quite so solid nor so elegant. Its cow-house has room for 150 cattle, and the dwelling. house is, as I have often said, in ordinary times, enlivened by the presence of a bevy of no less than 12 daughters. No less than two batteries, with all their men and officers, have been billeted on worthy Farmer Petersen, who has yet found means to accommodate a couple of houseless, wandering cor respondents, It is true, however, that the 12 damsels have been sent to safer quarters, and room is found in the casket empty of its precious jewels. For the rest, the scene about us is blissfully calm and peace ful. The artillerymen issue forth from the stables with their teams of horses which they go to water at the pond, hardly distinguishable in their weather stained shell jackets from the farm labourers who go out on the same errand. The Newfoundland dog chained in yon corner of the vast farmyard is rather whining than barking, not by any means angry at the presence of so many strangers, but very much grieved that no one should take notice of him..llere are bleating newly-awed lambs, there cooing doves ; further newly-hatched ch;ckens. Everything about us speaks of innocence, trust, and security ; yet yon Broagerland batteries have only to say the word, and all things that have life must try to save it by taking to flight, leaving the rest to share the fate of demolished Sonderborg. COUNTRY MARKETS. COLCHESTER-APRIL 9. We had a fair show of wheat on offer at this market to-day, and late rates were fully supported. Barley rather dearer. Beans and peas is dearer. Wheat, white. 44s 48s Beans,Mazagan..2Bs 32s red 40s 44s middle & small.32s 36s Barley Oats GLOUCESTER-APRIL 9. There was a fair supply of English wheat to-day from the farmers ; for which trade was dull, at about former prices. Foreign wheat in limited demand, at a blight re duction. Spring corn inactive. NORTHAMPTON-APRIL 9. White wheat, new, 38s to 44s ; new red, 37s to 41s ; old. 38s to 42s per qr. Barley, new malting, 32s to 36s— grinding. 25s to 30s per qr. Oats, 18s to 32s per 24 stone. Beans, 30s to 41s. Peas, 30s to 37s per qr. CHELMSFORD-Arum 8. -------- At this corn exchange to-day there was a good show of wheat, which met a dull sale. and last week's rates were about maintained. Spring corn unaltered. Wheat, old ,white.. 3OB 46s new 446 49s old red 3 Is 39s new 38s 428 Barley 25s 33s Chevalier ..... , 26s 36s Grinding 208 286 Malt .... 61s 67s Chevalier . 64s 68s Oats 20s 26s Peas, Partridge 36s 386 White 30s 34s Boiling ..38s 42s Dun 31s 355 Ditto new —s —5 Beans, Tick, old 34s 36s new -5 —s Harrow Ticks 34s 366 new —s —3l Mazagan 2Bm 33s KIRKCALDY G RAIN-APRIL 9. We had a moderate quantity of wheat, oats, and barley. Sales slow. Wheat much the same in price as last week; barley is per qr down, and oats 6d up. Wheat. Barley. Oats. First....33s Od I 27s Od I 16s Od Second ..35s Od 28e Od 17s Od Third....36s Od 31s Od 18s Od COAL itil..klidiET. Prices of Coal per Ton at the olose of the market. s. d. A. (7. Hastings Hartley ....16 3 tar.field Moor 14 9 Holywell 17 6 Wails Ewa. raufield Moor Butee 14 9 East Hartlepool 20 6 Cowpen Hartley 16 3 . 1' unstall Lanibert's West Hart- 1 Hetton 90 6 6 ley 16 0 IHaswell .... ..... 20 Ships at niarke 't, 22; sold, 21. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Australia and Mauritius, via Southampton. April 18. via Marseilles April 12. jraail and Cape Verds, by British pac.set. May 4. Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena April 29. China, Penang: ) , and Singapore, via Southampton April IS. via Marseilles April 12. _ Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton April 18- - via Marsoilles April 12 India (Bombay), via Southampton .. April,ll. via Marseilles April 21. Portugal.... Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton April 11. via Marseilles April 12. Newfoundland Oporto and Vigo U. S. and British N. America, by Brit. packet.... April 13. by U.S. packet.... by Canadian packet. April 8. W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe April 10. Bahamas, via Now York Mexico All parts of West Indies, including Chili, Peru, California. and British Columbia.. 1 April 13. ADVERTISEMENT.]- -Avoid medicines: they always aggra vate chronic complaints, but Du Barry's Delicious Health Restoring Ilevalenta Arabica Food, which saves fifty times its cost in other remedies, invariably cures them, restoring' perfect digestion, strong nerves, sound lungs, healthy liver, pure blood, refreshing sleep, functional regularity, and energy to the most disordered or enfeebled. We extract a few out of 60,000 Cures :—Cure No. 58,216 of the Marchioness de Brehan, Paris, of a liver complaint, wasting away for seven years, debility, with a nervous palpitation all over, bad digestion, constant sleeplessness, the most intolerable nervous agitation, and dreadfully low spirited.—Cure No. 1,771. Lord Stuart de Decies, Lord Lieut. of Waterford, of many years" dyspepsia.—No. 49,832. "Fifty years' indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation,. flatulency, spasms, sickness, and vomiting.—Maria Jolly." —Cure No. 46,270. Mr. James Roberts, of Frimley, Surrey, of thirty years' diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver derange ment, and partial deafness.—Cure No. 47,121. Miss Elizabeth Jacobs, of extreme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, low spirits, and nervous fancies.—Cure No. 54,816. The Rev. Jas; T. Campbell, Fakenham, Norfolk, "of indigestion and torpi dity of the liver, which had resisted all medical treatment." In tins, 1 lb., 2s. 9d. ; 21b., 4s. 6d ; 51b., 11s. ; 121 b., 225. ; 241 b 40s.—Barry Du Barry and Co., No. 77, Regent-street, London; also Fortnum and Mason ; and all Grocers and Chemists is every town of the United Kingdom. [ADVERTISEMENT.] —Holloway's Pills.—Pleurisy, pains in the side, oppression at the chest, palpitation, wheezing, and chronic , coughs are notably alleviated by the use off these purifyiL3 and regulating Pills. Mr. Roberts, of Great George-sqlore, Liverpool, states that he had suffered for several years frau an excruciating stitch in his side, which the most eminent of the faculty failed to relieve. The various suggestions of friends were likewise acted upon without benefit till one more fortunate than the:rest, recom mended Holloway's Pills, which daily diminished the pain, and ultimately banished it entirely. This is one case, selected from thousands, which should prove to the afflicted that these Pills will restore health after all medical means seemed to be fruitlessly exhausted. Births. ADAM.-0a the 10th inst., at Hampton Court, the wife of W. P. Adam, Esq., of Blair Adam, M.P., of a son, ARKWRIGHT.—On the 10th inst., the wife of the Rev. 0• Arkwright, of a eon. FBILDEN.—On the 9th inst., at Witton-park, the wife of Lieut.. Colonel Feilden, of Dales Court, Hereford, of & son. _ Marriages. CHADMIN—MORRIS.—On the 7th inst., at Bowden Magna► Leicestershire, George Chapman, F.S.A., of Lincoln's" inn .fields, to Susan Emma, eldest daughter of the late Hobert It. Morris, Esq., of Brixworth, Northampton' shire. , TRINGRAM—PAYNE.--On the 9th inst., at Saint Mary's/ Islington, Mr. Juhn Tringham, of Cross-street, Filo' bury-Nuaro, to Mary Haven, only daughter of the late Wm, Payne, of liishopsgate-street. Deaths. BOULTON.—On the 10th inst., Thomas Boulton, Esq., (1 Phillimore-gardens, Kensington, late of Forebridga" villa, Stafford, aged 59. CASTELLI.—On the 9th inst„ at Highbury, Frank Castelli, aged 50. COLE.—On the 9th inst., at 4, Elm-court, Temple, Francis Robert Cole, Esq . aged 22. GREERFIELD.—On the 10th inst., at 15, Whitehall-plle Hume Greenfield, Esq., Assist.-Secretary Royal w' graphical Society, aged 36. ST. BARBS.—On the 9th inst., Samuel St. Barite, DT) (I. Belniore, Lymington, Hants, aged 67. WHITING.—On the 9th inst., suddenly Vi'liting• , Georg e Esq., of Clinton-villa, Addison road, Kensington, aged 65. London: Priraed and Prblished by WILLIAM ANDREWS. of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tun Sux Office No. 11 2 , Strand, In the Precinct of the Savoy, n the Coup'? of Ailidleeex.---Tuesclay, .0401 12, 1881.