The Sun. — London, England, 1854-02-15 00:00:00

, is. _ .. , .... . . imatiforscanalNlNEMEMElNlM"'" - . , . 717). ..,.., , ~.... . ~ • . -'•••-• " .0 7 21 2* ',:-' 4 ?P , . <Zit /4 - 40 6 t .: ..* A /* 4,........ 1 , . _ ..,41, , . • L :4 . 47* 4*,....AJ w tf . • :..., , , .r., • 2 , ~,,, ....„ 0 ..0-_, K .,,,,,,,, , , - 7.9: 4 _,.... j, .. Ak....34„,.., •..0 4, _,.„,,_ ..,,------_-1 N..? , i _- • ... • .. ~, . , .:,,,,,, ,•R „... ' - # ' ' - .." -. • ' '•rn3 ' ...,--'- 4 :< •"* I thka :.4 :, '''• l i ft ' 'e' '.i ''' : (,-, •.,•• ', " 1 '4.. • g `t. ~• . ~.,.. . p,, - . - 4 C ..I T : -. 7 3-- .•,,,,.. .....__+ .- 0 --- 4 r 4+ -- ,...,.,K,,.. 40 -- * -*- 44 ' -:_. • - .. cl ult. GENERAL MEETING of the 0.,.......-__ • .t. ~., 1 7,•• ' 1 • - ?ANY will be held at the Offices of the Company, No. 4, ~. •., w _ , t , - O r" c_ _... ... - y. 4, i • 4 , ; ~,,,, .. . • L, , ~,,, • ••• • -7. --- . I earner gale-street, London, on MONDAY, the 27th day of February. 18 4, „ \":'••• :. t ~ ~,,,,,.,•"/ ,) ..; ~,1 .:t • 1 ••• --. '• • ' "*, - ' -5 - - - , , ,, ti z• 1/',•/0,./ "" 1 , •;•• • --- - •;:, : _.----- --;"'..-. I. L• - 4 4 -' Its_ -- at n,-,., &pin,* in tho afternoon precisely. `'''' • .-.... ‘ -' '' . l '' ° N ''••••i'lrifi. • til -'`-• -Cli-x•:, 2'l //"Th ll"*.' 1" 1 "`"'' 4*- • .- ' . 1.1 -0 I T t•"" ""''' , -' _ ,•-....,, iront by the N.,.1'.', ''',":-/ ~ -,.. • •;,. - . t . , 5 ,_..... ~ , ll. • „ Krartyfi.. . _ -....____---- KILLARNEY AND VALENCIA RAILWAY. NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, That the HALF-YEARLY G.E.NERAL MEETING of the SHAREH OLDERS in this CO A ?ANY will be held at the Offices of the Company, No. 47 A, C O oor gate-street, London, on MON DAY, the 27th day of February, , at One o'Clock in the afternoon precisely. And notice is hereby further given, that the Books kep t b y the Company for the Registration of the Transfer of Shares will be Closed on and from Monday, the 13th day of February, 1854, to the morn in g Of Monday, the said 27 th day of February, 1854. By order, J. F. ELMSLIE. Solicitor to the sa id Company. 47 A. M oorg ate-street, London, February 11, 854. s on from sileira 001. 2d of The award ;d the diture mated JAPANESE EXHIBITION. The FIRST DIRECT IMPORTATION from JAPAN is NOW OPEN for EXHIBITION, at the Gallery of the "ociety of Painters in Water Colours, ss, Pall - Mall Eas t, for a limited period, aturday. aA alter the Society , I s, re quires the Gallery for their paintings. Admittance , ___.------------ earner ship r Ma i), her and guns, Bain= Plate. it St. from MR. ALBERT SMITH'S MONT BLANC, Including the BERNESE OBERLA.ND and the SIMPLON, EVERY EVENING at Eight o'clock, (except Saturday), and Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday Mornings. at Two Stalls, 35., Which can be taken at the box odic every day from 11 to 4 ; area, 211 . i gallery. Is.—Mont Blanc, Egyptian nail. PiccadillY. EGYPTIAN HALL.-CONSTANTINOPLE is open TO-NIGHT at Eight, and Every Day at Half-past Two o'clock. The Lecture is delivered by Mr. CHARLES KENNEY, and has been written by Mr. ALBERT SMITH and Mr. SHIRLEY BROOKS. A.drnission, Is. ;Reserved Seats, 25. LAURENT'S CASINO, ARGYLE Rooms, (Lessee, CHAS- C. LAMENT, Onslow-house, Fu,aam-road), The above Rooms are now OPEN FOR THE A.URENT ' SEASON. Ind will continue open ever y evening, with L S CELEBRATE!) BAND. Admission, Is. Doors open at half-past 8 batwing to commence at 9 o'clock, arid terminate at half-past 11. ,h the . 23; 'does, cos of usual ROYAL POLYTECHNIC INSTITUTION. PATRON—H.R.H. PRINCE ALBERT. FIRST EXHIBITION of MAGNIFIED PHOTOGRAPHIC PIC TURES, prepared by Monsieur Ferriere of Paris; also, COLOURED PHOTOGRAPHIC PICTURES, each Picture filling a Disc of One thousand superficial Feet. An ENTIRELY NEW SERIES of DISAOLVING VIEWS. LECTURE by J. H. PEN'EE, Esq., on the CHEMISTRY of the M6s. t t FACTURE of PAPER, and its DECORATION with - COLOURS, including WOOLNOUGH'S MARBLING PROCESS and WARREN DE LA RUE'S IRIDESCENT FILMS. LECTURE by Dr. BACIIOFFNER on WILKINS'S NEW PATENT UNIVERAAL ELECTRIC TELEG,rAPH DESCRIPTION of RUST'S NEWLY-INVENTED PATENT TUBULAR PIANOFORTE, daily at a quarter past three. and Open Mornines and Evenings. Admission, Is. ; SchooLs Childr e n under Ten years of age, lialf-price. naffs. ;anted maica ,erily. isease Port eSSOT, ()duce • UNGARIAN PROMENADE CONCERTS. —Admission, Is—ROYAL M titIONETTE THEATRE. Adelaide-street, West 'strand —Every EVENII4(4, at Eight, by the renowned B k ND, whose performances have created such intense interest throughout the l ea ding European cities The programme is varied nightly, and includes the finest compositions of ancient and modern misters, as well as Hungarian and other na tional Melodies. Mazurkas, Waltzes, Galore, and Quadrilles. Ka- an: lozdy, conductor. Soloists—Flu,gelhorn, Horanyi ; clarioneite, M. I AUgarde; piano, Miss J. Warman. V ealistsMisses Brougham. Morning Performance, Wednesday and Saturday, at Three. ritOGRAYME 1 , 01 T 1 DAY. PART Overture (Guillaume Tell), Rossini ; Duett (Oh ! Wert thou in the Cauld Blast), Mendelssohn, the Misses Brougham ; Waltz (Landes farbaden), Strauss; Solo, pianoforte (We're a' Noddin'), Miss Julia Warman . Original Aria, solo, flugelhorn, Herr HOrallyi, Ma^z Song (Fond Memory), Glover, Mr, Alberti enry Percy ; Polka (The Royal Sussex. Militia), T. Distin ; Song (e Swiss Girl), Linley, Miss Elizabeth Brougham; Quadrille (Crescent), Sarkozij. PART 11. Selection (La Sonnambula), Bellini ; Dnett (The Cousins), C. W Glover, the Misses Brougham ; Mazurka (Heroique), Kalozdy:; Solo, pianoforte ( Morcean de Concert), Miss Julia Warman ; Song (Dream of the Heart), Glover Mr. A. H. Percy ; Waltz (Eglinton), Kalozdy ; Song (Bonnie Dundee), Miss Josephine Brougham ; drille (Malta), Kalozdy ; Galop (limes), Kalozdy. MINING INVESTMENT. — Part ies seeking 0) safe and profi ta bl e investments should turn their attention to the shares of those c om p anies formed for mining, especially when their estates are in Cornwall and Devon. The dividends from many of these are equal to 10, and 20 per cent. upon the excellent outlay, while others not yet paying dividends, but having prospects of soon doing so, afford aeundatit scope for speculation, not alone from anticipated early returns to the proprietary, bnt likewise on account of the great enhancement in the value of the stock at tendant thereon. Mr. JNO S. LA NE, 32. Ponitry, London, having Q , correspondents in all the richest mineral districts in England, is in a • position early to advise his clients. Parties communicating will re ceive all requisite information, and Mr. LANE will recommend either dividend paying, or non-dividend paying concerns, to those wishing to embark in mining enterprise, and state his reasons for so doing. 32, Poultry, London, Jan., 1854. CONTRACTS FOR FORAGE FOR HORSES. Department of the Comptroller for Victualling and Transport Services, Somerset-place, II th f eb., 1854 T HE Commissioners for Executing the Office of Lord High Admiral of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, do hereby give notice, that on THURSDAY, the 16th instant, at One o'clock, they will be ready to treat with such Persons as may be willing to Contract for supplying and delivering into her Majesty's Victualling Stores at DE PTEORD the undermentioned articles, viz.:— HAY (pressed best upland me adow)• • .... '750 loads. OATS• ••...•• ... Half of each to be delivered in a fortnight, and the remainder in One week aterwards, or earlier if preferred by the party tendefinc. A sample f of the oats (not less than two quarts) must be prcduced by the parties tendering. The conditions of the contrac ts may be seen. and a form of the tender obtained, at the said office. No tender will be received after one o'clock on the day of treaty. Every tender must b, addressed to the Secretary of the Admiralty and bear in the left-hand corner the w rdos " Tender for ," and must also be delivered at Someorset• GLENFrELD PATENT STARCH (used in her Majesty's Laundry). and WOTRERSPOON'S machine 7nade CONFECTIONERY. MARM +LADE, JAMS, JELLIES, &c , (which gained the Prize Medal of 1851), may be had of all Grocers ; Who l es ale of Wotherspoon, Mackay, and Co., 66, Queen street, Ch ea pside, London, and Robert Wotherspoon and Co., Glagovr. _-------_ ME CHI' S, 4, LEADENHALL-S TREET, LONDON. — A visit to the Show-Rooms of this well -known Emporium will afford an agreeable occupation for an hour or two. They will be tound to contain the most superb speciworld-mens of Papire er Mac.he produced in this county. Medal has also a wide putation for Bagatelle Taoles, Dressing Cases, Workboxes, Work tables, Desks Table and all ot her descriptions of Cutlery, for the Toilet and Worktable, and an infinity of other articles. N.B.— The renowned Magic Strop, Paste, and Baron. Useful Pamphlets, to be had gratis on apflication at the Publishers (if by l e tter enclosing a postage stamp . ) ATKIN SON and COMPANY'S PRICE CUR RENT of Useful and Ornamental FURNI UTRE, UPHOL- THE STERY,: LOOKING GLASSES, BEDDING, &e. Also, LADIES' MANUAL, or Guide to the Extensive Mercantile Estab lishment of ATKINSON and COMPANY, DRAPER-, SILK and SHAWL MERCERS, HABERDASHERS, HOSIERS, and LACE MEN. London.: Published by the Proprietors, Atkinson and Company. 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, and 75. Westminster -bridge-road, Lambeth. —_—___—_ T RIESEMAR, protected by Royal Letters Patent of England, and secured by the Seals of tit- Eco'e de Pharmacie de Paris, and the IMperial rollege of Medicine, Vienna. The long continuance of most Maladies ariving from impurities, whllelit tends to render detection more certain, and thus frequenth to embitter the domestic hearth, also serves to excite f ther f ee lings of dis• appointment. and to induce lowness of spirits, and o of a most painful kind. The TRIF.SESIAR effectually, in the space of three days, cempletely and entirely eradicates all traces short of these Diseases, to whatever stage they may hays advanced, p ssess ing at the same time the manifest advantages of being utterly devoid of taste or smell, and of all nauseating qualities. It may lay on the toilet table without its use being suspected. Sold in tin cases at I is. each, free by post, 2s. extra, div Roux ided into separate doses, as administer ed by Valpeau, Lallemand, , Sc,c , Ste. This quantity is sufficient for any case, however virulent or protracted.—To be had Wholesale and Retail at Barclay and Sons, 93 Farrhigdon-street ; Johnston, 68, Cornhill ; Hiumay and Co., Oiford-street, London. ---------- ON THE SECRET CAUSES POI OF SELF-ACQITI HOPES. RED MISERIES AND DISAPPOINTED THE SILENT FRIEN. In Six Languages—Fitlieth Edition. CONTAINING THE ItSMIDT Fox PREvzracosi or DtSzAss. S and Illustrated by One Hundred Anatomical Coloured Engraving Cases. New Edition, enlarged to 200 pages, price 2s. 6d., by post, from the Establishment, Z. 6d. in stamps THE SILENT FRIEND , a Medical Work on the exhaustion and physical decay of the system, produced by excessive indulgence, the consequences of infection, or the abuse of mercury, with directions for the use of the preventive lotion, fol lowed by observations on Marriage. and the disqualifications which Prevent it. Illustrated by 100 Coloured Engravings. Bet,R and L. PERRY and CO.. Consulting Surgeons, 19, Berners-st Oxford street, London. Published by Sherwoo nd Paternoster row, and sold by Hannay, 63, and Sang oralso, Oxford-street ; Gor don, 146, Leadenhall-street ; 95, Farringdon-street ; W. Sutton, 10, Bow Church-yard; Butler. 4, Cheapside ; R Johnson, 68, Cornhill. PART I. treats of the anatomy and physiology of the reproductive Organs , and Is illustrated by 28 Coloured Engravings. PART I. treats of te consequences resulting from excessive dulgence, l and their lamentable effects on the system, producing mental and bodily weakness, nervous excitement, and generative incapacity. Illustrated by 10 Explanatory Engravings. PART 111. treats of the diseases resulting from infeetion, either in th e primary or secondary form, and contains ex plicit directions for their treatment. This section is illustrated by 62 Coloured Engrav ing'. PART IV. contains a Remedy for the Prevention of Disease by a simple application, by which the danger of infection is obviated. PART V.is devoted to the consideration of marriage and its duties. The causes of unproductive union are also considered, and the whole subject critically and philosophically inquired into. THE CORDIAL BALM OF SYRI AC UM is exclusively employed In treating nervous and sexual debility, impotence, ikc., lls and 335. per bottle. The Concentrated Detersive Essence, an anti-syphilitis remedy, for purifying the blood in cases of infection, secondary symptons, eruptions, and the abuse of mercury, 1 Is. and 335. per Specific Pills, 2s. 9d., 4s. 6d., and 1 ls. bottle. Perry's PurifYing per box, a certain renaedy for gonorrhoea, Bleat, stricture. and chronic Inflammation of the bladder. Consultation fee, if by letter, IL A minute detail of the case is required : age, habits, and posi be had at the Establish. tion in society. 5/. Packets, with advice, Messrs. Perry, Surgeons nient only. by which the fee, 11., is saved. , are in attendance, daily, at 19, Bemers-street, oiford_- an str la ee_t, Lon don, from Eleven till Two. and Five to Fight. on 8 j from Eleven to One. ---------- ON THE PHILOSOPH Y OF 'MAR MANHRIAGEOOD. AND OLD AGE. " T. ' SF. ' "E' ' I NFIRMITIES OF YOUTH, , AND Po st for forty - Just Published, 60th Y dition, price 2s. 6d.. or f ree b y two stamps, SELF-PRESERVATION; an Ana l y ti ca l Investigation of the Physiology and Functions of l Marriage, with its Disqualifications and Impediments , tracing the r; origin to the effects of sol i t ar y habits, youthful excess, troalca climates, or close study ; followed by practical remarks, founded oil twenty twenty years' experience in the tre atment of Impuissance, Nery Debility, Local Weakness, Spermatorrhees, and all diseages of the Urinary and Generative system. Illustrated by a 0 coloured Engrav ings, on the Anatomy of the Reproductive Organs and their relative conditions in Health and Disease. By SAMUEL LA'WERT, M.D. 37, BEDFORD-SQUARE, LONDON, Doctor of Medicine. Matriculated Member of the University of Edin burgh, honorary Member of the London Hospital Medical Society, Licentiate of Apothecaries' Hall, London, Sae., &c. The essential object of this treatise is to point out the fearful con sequences resulting from certain habits, irregularities and exceases, which have produced more misery in Youth, degradation in Man heed, and premature decay at all stages of life, than, perhaps, any other class of disease known to modern pathologists Ito perusal is particularly recommended to persons entertaining secret doubts of their physical condition, and whe are conscious of having hazarded h a ppiness, and privileges to which every human being is t e h n e ti hth entitled. .The Author has for a series of years been engaged in an extens ive practice in the treatment of these delicate complaints, and has long directed attention to these enormous evils, from which no grade of society is free. Their treatment has unfortunately teen too generally confided to the cure of unqualified and ignorant em pities, who, with their pirated publications, assumed foreign names preten d e d virtues of their patent nostrums, inflict and titles, and great injury on those who eq u are ences induced resulting lace from t uch mal-practice to p faih in their preten sions. The ser ious con' may easily be avoided if sufferers from these maladits wore to asc:r fain if their medical adviser be a member of the London College of Physicians, s urgeons, or Apothecaries' Hall, as any one possessing either of these qualifications usually appends it to his name, and thus the legally qualified practitioner can at once be distinguished. At home for consultation daily from Eleven till Two, and from Bill till Eight. All letters must contain the fee SELF.PRESERVATION may be had, price 2s 6d, in English, French, Spanish, Dutch, Italian, or German, of Messrs. Piper, Brothers and Co., 23, Paternoster-row: Tlannay, 63, Oxford-street Mann, 39, Cornhill ; S torie, Titchborr . c.:street, Haymarket ; or free by post for forty-two stamps, to wAS address from the Author's rest deueo,37, DINOIWIRITAis ,SDA THE EASTERN QUESTION. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE then rose and said—l rise to call your lordships' attention to the motion of which I have given notice, and in doing so I feel it necessary to notice some observations which fell from the noble earl (the Earl of Aberdeen) on a former occasion. Let me, how ever, assure your lordships that no person is more anxious than I am at all times to preserve peace, if that object can be attained consistently with the interests, and still more so with the honour of this country ; and any ground of quarrel which I may have with her Majesty's Government is not that they have not earlier engaged us in war, but that they have adopted—l doubt not with the sincere be lief in the soundness of their policy—measures which ne cessarily involved us in hostilities, and are the cause of our being, if not actually, yet on the brink of being engaged in a great war. I cannot also avoid saying that I do not see in their conduct those signs of vigour and determina tion of purpose by the display of which in the first instance they might have avoided the predicament in which we are it present placed, and by which alone they will be able now to preserve peace or bring a war to a satisfactory and sarly conclusion. I can assure your lordships that lam not going into a minute and detailed review of the papers which have been laid before you. Let me, however, in oassing, say that they are full of matter of the deepest in airest, and that they are for the most part written with ;rest ability. I shall, indeed, very shortly refer to some )assages in them in support of the view which I have 'rom the first taken of these transactions ; but, as I save already said, I will not detain your lordships with any detailed examination of their contents. I have ilready said, and having examined the blue books be fore us, I say again, that the great error committed by her Majesty's Government was the course they took when, having had a full report made to them of the warlike preparations of Russia, and of the menacing atti tude which she had assumed, and having received infor mation of the communications made by Prince Menschi koff, which were notorious throughout Europe, they were invited by the French Government to consider those facts, and to come to a common understanding as to what should be the course of the two powers on the occurrence of the events that were naturally to he expected. I entirely con cur with the course taken by her Majesty's Government with regard to the origin of this unhappy affair. I think that we had nothing to do with the question of the holy places, as it is called. I think that that Lord J. Russell's despatches upon that subject in the month of January are admirable. They simply instruct our agent that with that question we have, and will have, nothing to do. But on the 23th of January, the communication from the French Government, to which I have just referred, was received by her Majesty's Government; and on the 29th of January as your lordships will see by the papers), Lord John Rus sell answered that her Majesty's Government agreed in the view taken by the French Government of the gravity of the circumstances which they had brought to their notice, that they thought it desirable that a common understand ing between the great Powers should be arrived at, and that " he will immediately take into consideration what stops will be necessary for that purpose." Now having thus, on the part of her Majesty's Government, stated and promised that steps should be immediately considered in order that a common understanding should be arrived at, it appears almost incredible that up to this moment no such understanding, as far as we are informed, has been come to with respect to any eventuality that has arisen or which might arise. I think that that was a great mistake, and it seems to me, as far as we are informed, we are in a similar position now to that in which we were placed then. And then came all those events which are connected with Prince Menschikoff's mission. I have only to remind the house, that immediately on his arrival at Constantinople he demanded the concession of a convention which struck at the independence of the Sultan and his Government. And I say that then, again, as is shown by these papers, a great mistake was made by our Government, both in the conduct they adopted, and much more in the _language they used upon that occasion—(hear, hear, from the Earl of Malmes bury). My lords, you cannot have failed to observe that Colonel Rose did not demand that the fleet should enter the Dardanelles, that it should come to Constantinople, that it should commit any infraction of any treaty, or as sume a menacing attitude ; but merely that the admiral should bring the fleet to the Bay of Vourla, situated near the harbour of Smyrna, a little earlier than he had in tended. This Bay of Vourla, I need hardly tell your lord ships, is a frequent station for ships of war, and in anchor ing there our fleet could not be supposed to have any in tention either of menacing Russia or supporting Turkey. All that would have been done would be that it would have been there a little nearer to the scene of operations had its interposition been required. I think that this was a very wise suggestion which Colonel Rose gave her Ma jesty's Ministers, but they chose to disregard his advice, and justified the admiral fo r not makin g any approacho t Constantinople. Now that has been justified by the noble earl at the head of the Government on three grounds. I understand his reasons to be that, in the first place, we had received such assurances from the Russian Government as we could rely upon implicitly, and that, on that account, we apprehended no danger. My lords, the second reason given by the noble earl is, I venture to say, nearly the most extraordinary that was ever uttered by a Prime Mi nister in a British senate—that, forsooth, if we had assumed anything approaching to an attitude of menace, that if we had shown a determination to defend Turke y , the Emperor of Russia would at once have proceeded to Constantinople. My lords, I have never heard such a preposterous notion. (Hear, hear.) How, let me ask, was the Emperor of Rus sia to perform this great feat? Could he have done it by his ships when the English and French fleets were there to support the Turks ? No ; but I understand it was his armies which were to march upon Constantinople. Why, if that was really imagined by the noble earl, I venture to say that the state of ignorance in which her Majesty's Go vernment are with regard to what the French call the mobilisation of the army is truly deplorable. It is noto rious that of all the armies in Europe that is the army, which, however well organised it may be in some respects —however powerful it may be in defence—however for midable in the field of battle—and, indeed, however well disciplined, in some respects, is the worst organised army belonging to any civilised nation for moving, and in rela tion to the commissariat and other arrangements which the movement of a great army requires. (Hear.) That is a notorious fact. But the other reason given by the noble earl was the assurances which had been received from Russia ; and here I cannot help avowing, that until I read these papers I could not bring myself to believe that if a straightforward question had been put to the Russian Go vernment, on the objet of Prince Menschikoff's mission, it would not have been answered in an equally straight forward manner. But lam bound to say that I was de ceived. It does appear that Sir George Seymour did upon one occasion put a question to the Chancellor of the Rus sian Empire, as to whether Prince Menschikoff had, or had not, any ulterior instructions or demands to make beyond that question of the holy places which had been before under discussion; and the answer he received was such as would satisfy any man of honour—any gentleman—(hear) —that the Russian Government did not entertain any such intentions. But if the Government rely upon that despatch alone, to which I have alluded, I must observe that that did not reach this country till the 4th of April, whereas about 10 days previously, on the 23d of March, the noble earl at the head of the Foreign-office had written to Colonel Rose, informing him that they did not think it was necessary to call up the fleets. But I do not lay any stress upon what may appear a little inconsistency, be cause there are in these papers references made to personal interviews and conversations which are not given in detail, and therefore I doubt not that the assurances which were received were such as very naturally to justify our govern ment in thinking that there was no danger from Russian power, and that they were fully warranted in believing the assurances that they received. Assurances, however, will go a certain way, but only a certain way; and against these assurances were circumstances calculated to have led to a different conclusion ; and most admirably does Col. Rose state that, when he says thatPrinceMenschikoff's promises and assurances are very fair, but that the facts contradict him, and upon that he justifys the demand he makes for bringing up the fleets. Now see what was the consequence not only of their conduct -for I am ready to admit that it might be justified—but of the language they used. Not content with withholding our fleet from our minister, her Majesty's government expressed openly at that time the greatest alarm and reprehension of the conduct of the French Court in sending their fleet. Not even content with that, they wrote a despatch to St. Petersburgh, to be communi cated to the Russian Government, which I doubt not filled that Court and Cabinet with joy and delight. It is noto rious to every man who has attended for any time to the march of events, in what is terme the stern question, and to the policy of Russia, that fo d r the las Ea t 24 years it has been the object of that Cabinet to excite differences be tween France and England, and more especially to excite differences between those two powers on questions relating to Turkey. This has been their constant aim; and of course great was their joy when they perceived that her Majesty's Minister had done for them voluntarily what they had been in vain striving to do for a long time. I have mentioned this to demonstrate the soundness of the opi nion which I have expressed upon the policy of our Government : and I will now trouble your lordships with a few extracts from the papers, in order to I show the justice of the view I take u p on this question. cannot refrain from reading a despatch, dated St. Peters burg, April 7, addressed by Count Nesselrode to Baron Brunow, nd by him subsequent read to her Majesty's Ministers. a It certainly shows in ly a striking manner the march of the Russian mind in the whole of this transac tion. It says : " The Emperor desires you, M. le Baron, to thank Lord Aberdeen and Lord Clarendon very parti cularly, in his name, for the salutary impulse which they have recently given to the decisions of the British Cabinet. The former has on this occasion shown us a new proof of confidence of which our august matter is highly sensible." How happy must the noble earl have been to receive those assurances. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) He told us — having heard this—the other night, that of all the men who had ever, shown acrimony, and severity, and bitter ness, inoppoeiug the,RussianGovernment, or who had writ ten oud f3P91011 with the utmest force foinet the Ittuoisu EUROPEAN COURT:3. E NDLESS embassies and fruit less ne g otiations have occupied the Courts of Europe for some time. Whether th c nstellation of the " Great Bear" is an unlucky one, we mus . leaNe for the consideration of all observers ; but the soundest policy has been pursued by the patrons of the establishments of E. MOSES and SON, who have negotiated affairs of dress on a scale of unpre cedented magnificence and economy. The war ef elements is totally 'subdued by the attire manufactured by E. MOSF,S and Sorg, and all the advantages of a complete victory are secured by an artistic fit which combines fashion and comfort. As ambassadors to the Court of Fashion, E. MOSES and SON arc the most successful negotiators which the commercial world has ever acknowledged—they have produced styles of dress which hate gained them universal reputation. Their present facilities for exe cuting the commands of noblemen, merchant', men an of business, l a bourers, and all other s e c tions of society, possess indescribable ampletude, associated with superior quality, infinite variety, and the most economical charges. Liveries, sporting dress, military and naval costumes, are made by E. MOSES and Sou with the greatest uniformity and ' precisiorschildren's Hats, caps, boots and shoe s, hosiery, shirts, ladies and clothing of the most elegant and serviceable kind, is furnished by E. Mons and Sou at considerably lower prices than are customarily charged. The wholesale department of E. MOSES and Sox's business is highly advantageous to merchants, captains, and emigrants. Their cloth ing, boots and shoes, outfits, &c. ikc., are the best shipments which can be made to Australia or any part of the world. Full lists of outfits for ladies and gentlemen, and ship-sailing in formation, may be had on application, or post tree. CAUTION.—E. MOSES and SON regret having to guard the public against imposition, having learned that the untradesman - lke .alsehood of "Being connecte d with their Establishment," or "It the same concern," has been resorted to in many instances, and for ,bvious reasons, they beg to state that they have itio CONNEXION WITH ANT OTHER HOUSE IN OR OUT OF LONDON, except their own Establishments, as follows : London City Establishment, 154, 155. 156, a1l communicnating. and 157, Miories, 83, 44,85, and 86, Aldgate, opposite the Church, London West-end Branch, 506,507, 508, New Oxford-street, 1, 2 and 3, Hart-street, all communicating. Bradford (Yorkshire) Branch, 19 and 20, Bridge-street. Sheffield Branch, 36, Fargate. 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The noble hostile intentions towards her. (Hear, hear.) We should earl then animadverted upon the treaty of Adrianople, not have been ashamed to stay we would support the into and revived the circumstances which attended the then grity and independence of the Turkish empire, and that success of Russia against Turkey. My lords, every sane that integrity and indepemdence had been violated. man knows that if we and the other European Powers had (Hoar.) It was declared by the noble lord the Secretary held up our finger at that . time to support Turkey, or that of State for Foreign Affairs , that the restoration of the if the Sultan had known the condition of the Russian army Principalities was a sine qua, won, and pore that Military at that time, that that army must have been totally aunt occupation had become a complete ineaation of those bilated. We know, in fact, that that conquest was at- provinces into part of the Rtissian empire. (Hear, hear.) tamed as much by the influence of Russian gold as of We were told that explanations were to be When`dmanded on Russian arms. But the noble earl tells us that he animad- the subject. Explanations demanded ! we are told vetted severely on the treaty of Adrianople ; and yet it that in Parliament we think that something will conic of appears that the Emperor of Russia had BO entirely for- those explanations. Tam sorry tobe brought back to a period gotten the past conduct of the noble earl as to state that I have passed over, or to trouble your lordsbips with any he received this as a new proof of that confidence which more reference to it, but I cannot refrain from it. I will turn he felt that the noble earl had always reposed in him. to the passage in Sir Geo. Se mour's despatch of the 2d of (Hear, hear.) The Count Nessolrode pays a much milder August, where he gives an ay of the explanations he compliment to my noble friend the Secretary of State demanded, and the answev he received. (Hear, hear.) Why, for Foreign Affairs ; for he only said--" The latter, he was treated as you woult . treat a whining fool. (Hear.) with whom our relations have hardly yet commenced, It was disgraceful to be so treated, and to submit to that thus enters upon them under auspices which justify us treatment. (Hear, hear.) When he asks when the Pus in hoping that they will be of the most satisfactory sian troops are to leave the principalities, it is of said, O se, h, nature." Now, to turn to the mo re seriou s p art of this don't mention it ; all these things will come cour despatch—not but that these personal m a tters are import• they have no explanation to give and the fact is, that the ant when dealing with such a subject—the R us sian Chan- real answer of Count Nessel rode is a threat if you ask any cellor proceeds: --" Nothing would be more to be regretted thing about demanding that explanation, and the posses than to see the two great maritime Powers combining to- sion of the principalities wascontinuedindefinitely. (Hear, gether, were it but for a moment, and in appearance rather hear.) You have und.ergonee the indignity of receiving than in fact, upon the Eastern question as it no w s tands." false representations and promises remonsht from trancee Russ; you now ian Minis [That is, while Ps ince Menschikoff's demands were under ter, and you made a very feeble consideration.] " Although their views in this respect ask for the explanation of the violation of a treaty to differ in reality toto etelo, nevertheless, as the European which you are a party, and. you are told you had better public is by no means competent to draw the distinction, not mention it. (Hear, hear.) My noble friend the Score their ostensible identity could not fail to represent them tary of State for Foreign A Efairs very ably in his despatch under the'aspect of an intimate alliance." Exactly what I referred to Sinope, and instructed Sir George Seymour to say. I repeat that this, which Count Nesselrode depre- netify the entrance of the shs into the Black Sea. There cates, is the attitude that you should have assumed, and is a paragraph in the despatch to this effect—that the Rus indeed adopted in reality. Now let me pray your lord- siln admiral knew perfectlY well the instructions that bad ships' attention to another passage in the despatch : been given to our admiraa—that he knew very well the " The attitude of England will suffice to neutralise what, communication that lied bean made by the British Govern on the pert of the French or Turks, if the lattershould feel ment to the Russian Governement respecting our intended encouraged by the presence of the French fleet, might em- protection of the Turkish territory ; and therefore my barrass, or retard too long th e favourableasolution of the noble friend very wisel y and properly observed, that when question in dispute." A favourable solataion, indeed ! In the Russian Admiral went- into the Bay of Sinope and de favour of whom? 'What was the question in dispute ? It stroyed those ships, he did not alone attack the Turkish was whether the Emperor of Russia should acqu i re a j o int territory and the Turkish la,g, but at the same time cm was over a great part of the Turkish Empire. The initted an insult and aggression against the British and favourable solution would have been a giving in to these French flags. (Hear.) The le things having occurred, what claisns. That was the solution which your Mi n i s ter, a l- necessity was there to tell Count Nesselrode that we went though he was not instructed on the question, yet knowing into the Black Sea with .no hostile intention ? It was naturally what must be the policy of this country and of not accurate in point of faci e and was unbecoming under this Government, of course resisted, to the utmost of his the circumstances in which we were placed. (Hear, hear-) I power, when he found that it was pursued by Prince Men- We are not to wonder, when such language was held, that schikoff. I say that this despatch shows you as clearly as the entrance of the ships into the Black Sea had no effect possible, if you wanted proof, that it was the separation (Hear, hear.) You are defied in the Black Sea, and treated of France and England at that moment—proclaimed as with contumely in your re Totiations. (Hear, hear.) I it was by the language used at St. Petersbure—that venture to say that the nob le earl at the head of the Go gave Prince Mensehikoff courage, and decided 'him to vernment can show me no case at all ansla.gous in which proceed in those demands which have led to this unfor- the events that have lately occured have taken place, and tunate state of war. When the fleets were sent for, in which the Minister of thee Crown has failed to come to Prince Menschikoff withdrew his demand ; but the Parliament with a clear t ea position of the case, and de- Turkish Minister tells Colonel Rose that they did not m end, if not the advice of Parliament, at least the assent know what he asked, "We do not know," said they, o f Parliament, to the coarse they intended to pursue. " what he is aboutday he endeavours to cajole us (H e ar, hear.) Let me not 'be referred to the Speech we by promises of the aid and support that Russia can give us have heard from the Throne , on the opening day of the ses in any event, and another day he endeavours to terrify us sion. Thines are now ver3r different from what they were with menaces of his imperial master's vengeance. But when her Majesty delivere d- her most gracious Speech. In some design he certainly appears to have against the inde- that Speech we were infon ne between Majesty that she re pendence and honour of the country." Prince Menschikoff gretted that the different es Russia and Turkey thus obtained time to have recourse to his own Govern- had not bees]. settled, and that a state of warfare had en ment for fresh instructions and stating the impediments sued. It was then stated t hat her Majesty's endeavours that he met with And it is perfectly clear that he availed in concert with her allies, to put an end to that state Of himself of this opportunity. The attitude assumed by things was unremitting, and. they were informed that they England and praised by Count Nesselrode had told at St. would be continued. But that is not the case now ; the Petersburg ;rho instructions issued were in conformity negotiations then referred tio are at an end. (Hear.) The with the impression thus formed, and it was when Prince no ble earl at the head. of the Government himself told us Menschikoff received those further instructions that he on Friday that we have no negotiation going on now for made these totally inadmissible demands. Now, see in the restoration of peace, an dwe have broken up our diplo what a position you put your Minister at the Court of Con- matic relations with Russiaa—a great fact in itself, seldom stantinople. When Lord Stratford de Redcliffe went to be passed over withotat a communication from the there, he found that his instructions were entirely founded Crown to Parliament. We have our fleet in the Black in error. He found himself without any support what- Sea, and they have o theird to sweep the Russian ever when these monstrous propositions were made by ships from that sea into ir pots; it is rumoured in the Prince bschikoff. Now, having mentioned that noble papers, and I believe truly, that we are preparing a great lord, I ale, sure that lbe accused of any partially fleet (I hope . it will be a gee :at fleet) to sail to the Baltic. to him, either from the relationship in which I have the (Hear, hear.) We have :et this moment under orders for honour to stand towards him, or from any other circus"- foreign service—well understood to mean for active war stance, if I express very briefly ray great admiration of fare—a considerable body (I hope it will be a very consi the ability which he has displayed. It is wonderful how derable body) of her Majesty's forces—(hear)—but at no has hehas succeeded as he has done. He had against him of lied have preparations be m made for war, at no time has course, the Russian Minister and the whole Russian party such an important event as the cessation of our relations in the Divan, assisted by Russian gold, as the Russian with so great a power as Russia taken place, without the party and Minister always is. He had to keep up the Minister of the Crown in: eking a communication to Plialia courage of the Turks on the onehamd, while he was unable ment ; and I regret that are are not now discussing this to promise them any support on the other. Further than matter on a motion originated by the Minister, instead of ethat, as matters advanced he had still further to impress takinart in a discussion , brought on by so humble an upon them the necessity of fortitude and at the same time dualindiv s I am. We a nay be told that this matter will of patience ; for he could not call into activity what is be discussed in the oth art :house of Parliament, when the called the Turkish party a t C o nstantinople, because navy estimates come on ut that is not the proper way to they were for immediate war, and Lord Clarendon's in- take the sense of Parliaent on the entire of this great structions were naturally to repress all hasty and warlike subject ; and in regard to- this house and all the great in demonstrations at that particular time. I do not think stitutions of the country, it is not proper to leave the dis that you can imagine our ambassadorbeing placed in more cussion upon this question to depend on a debate brought embarrassing and difficult circumstances, and coming out on in supply in the House of Commons. But more than of them with the greatest honour to himself. Well, then that, we have contracted 3110 VT engagements, I know not of I say that having seen what was the effect of the language what character, but we ha ye contracted new engagements held as to France and as to our separation from France undoubtedly, respecting w.hich I think we ought to have Prince Menschikoff retired from Constantinople. That was some information. I know ' not if those engagements be a time when it would well have become the noble earl to such as ought immediately lo be embodied in an official have called his Cabinet together andto have remindedthem document. I know not whether there have been conven of the promises given by Russia on the 29th January, and tions get protocols, but we have embarked in a great under to have arrived at a common understanding with France ; takin in concert with other powers, and those under at least as to the eventuality immediately impending—l takings ought not to have been embarked in without a de mean f or shi p s of the principalities. Twill not detain finite object, and some ex - planation of them. I want to your lordships by going into details, but .a must refer to . know what the, objects are, and to have an explanation of the despatch of Lord Stratford de Redefine, dated, I think them from her Majesty's Government. (Hear.) "On - the' July 0, in which he gives a most clear and admirable expo- first night we were told that wo should wait until the blue sition of the whole state of the case, and in which he calls book was put upon the table ; and upon taking it up 1 see upon his Government to come to a decision one way or it is a book on the rights and privileges of the Greek and another. I think I never saw framed a more admirable Latin Churches. I hope it is not for the privileges of the state paper than that ;it shows you not only the predica- Greek and Latin Churches we are going to war. (Hear.) meat in which, partly by your advice, the Turkish Gover- I for one will not consent to enter-into a conflict for such meat has been placed ; but the risks which you may incur an object. The object for which this country contracts au of the mischief which in one way or the other are sure to alliance for war ought to be worthy of it. I say that ensue from the state into which affairs have got ; and when we risk our fleets and send forth our armies, we he says that it is not for him, but for the Government ought to know for what, and receive a proper eeplanation to judge what line is to be adopted ; and. he recommends of it. I hope you will be able to show to-night, it is that a firm decision upon that subject should be come to defend the Turkish territory against ageression ; but to with the least possible delay. He warns the noble do you think you can defend the Turkish territory, and lord that the evils that are evaded for a time are most limit your operations to that, by making a partial, likely to recur again with peculiar power and force ; and limited, qualified, movement in the Black Sea, and he tells you that that is not the way to surmount a grave by sending 10,000 men to encamp at Varna. You are en difficulty, but that it is your duty to view it in all its gaging in a war with Russia to prevent Russian aggran proportions, to measure it well, that you may be able to disement, or you are not embarking in an object that is c o mba tiot , it, and then to make finally and as early as pos- worthy of your efforts. (Hear, hear.) No statesman, no sible your decision as to the course you will adopt. Re- writer upon international law, will deny that when a large feria to the consequences of leaving the Turkish Govern- power commits an act of aggression, and wages war for the went to its fate or interfering to assist it, he says: "If the sake of aggrandisement, on a weaker power, ianddirec t ha tly a ultimate exclusion of Russia, as well fro m the Greek Pro• third power, not directly affected by that, but n tectorate as fi om the Principalities, be really the important affected by the changes that must take place in the balance object that it is presumed to be, I humbly conceive that it of power, and other circumstances affecting its welfare, is will never be attained, according to any reasonable calcula- fully entitled to interfere in aggr that andisemen war. (tHatearth.) e cost We areof tion, without a p erfect understandin g on the part of Eng- prepared to resist Russian land and France to stop at no sacrifice if ne cessary." Now, Turkey, and to resist it in concert with Franco, and in my lords, lam happy to say that we have acted in confer- concert also with Turkey. 'We rely on the loyalty, good mity with that opinion so far as it relates to our under- faith, and honour of the Emperor of the French and his standing with France ; but up to thi s momen t no under- Government. (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") That Go standing has been arrived a t respect i ng t h e sacr ifi ces we vernment has behaved throughout, in all its negotiations, are prepared to make, and for what object they are to be towards England in a manner which lam sure has won not made. (Hear, hear.) I shall not take up your lordships' only the respect, but oven the gratitude, as well as the ti me with the proceed in g s at the conference at Vienna, and. good feeling of every man in thi s country. (Hear.) And the events which have consequently taken place. It is said my lords, I admit the Turkish Government has shown itself to have been a great thing to have secured the alliance of wonderfully active ; but, at the same time, lan not will- Austria ache he German Powers, and no person is more ing to go into a war led by Turkey, without knowing to aware of importance of that alliance being secured what limit lam to go, for what object lam embarked in than lam ; but Ido not see, and those papers do not tell it, and where lam to stop. Nor am I willing, looking to us, how far we are in alliance with that Power, or whether all the precarious chances of human affairs, and of human that pow e r approves of the course we have taken in the life, to embark side by side, even with France, with all the Black Se, or how far the position in which we stand is in good feeling her rulers have shown, and the good feeling entire accordance with the views of the Austrian Govern- which this country entertains towards France and its Ge ment. (Hear, hear.) But this Issay, you will perceive vernment, without knowing how far we are to go— what from these papers that while you wero hesitating and our contingent will be—what will be the contingent of our vacillating, and holding aloof from France, and depending allies, and what powers will go with us. (Hear, hear.) entirely upon Russia, that Austria did not come to your Those are matters respecting which we should have some You got any assurance from assurance ; but in the papers presented to Parliament you told them boldly and there is no information concerning them, and in the com distinctly that stronger steps would be taken by France munications made to us on the part of her Majesty's all itrwoawsenrsot; t but e n w t h h a e t n and England, that was the time that Austria seemed to be nisters, those subjects are totally omitted. (Hear, hear.) alive to her true interest, for her interest it is ; and it I have found fault with her Majesty's Government, assistancet a German is by your energy, and not by your vacillation, that you because I think that this war has been brought on by have obtained whatever influence you possess in the infirmity of purpose and lack of decision ; and I say the Austrian Court. (Hear, hear.) Then there took place evils that await us, if, unfortunately, that infirmity of a melancholy event, to which I will not advert, but purpose and lack of vigour should still pervade the Cabi- I will advert to the instructions that were given to net, are infinitely greater than those we have experienced. our Minister at the Court of St. Petersburg respect- It was said by an war; individual that England can ing the communication which he was required to not engage in a little make. My lords, I must say that the communica- rally engaged in little wars ; but of this lam sure—and I tion that was made by Sir George Sey mo ur to Count will borrow the words of the illustrious man to whom I Nesselrode of the entry of the fleet into the Black Sea, have alluded, because I think they are peculiarly applicable was read by me with sincere pain. It app ear s that in the to b the present moment—that I think England cannot en first place he i nforms the Russian Minister that it was gage in a little war with Russia ; for, to ring that war to with no hostile in tention to Russia that our fleet was go- a safe and satisfactory conclusion, you must make an effort ins into the Blac k Sea, and he then says, moreover, that worthy of Englan d. It is a g reat struggle in which you are the Turkish fleet is not to be allowed to commit any ag- about to engage, and unless yo u are p re p ared to give way g ression against Russian territory. To which Count Nes - upon every point, and to slubmit to ind i g nit y and humilia selrode not unnaturally replies, " Are you quite sure that tion, the Government must look it in the face, and act as this intention is expressed in your instructions?" And it other Governments have acted under similar circumstances. was no wonder that he should be astoni s h e d. (Hear, hear.) But, my lords, we are engaged in hostilities already. The Sir G. Seymour then proceeded to deliver a short but si'- fleet is at this moment engaged in hostilities in the Black nificant homily on the value of truth--one which ,hat I think Sea, and I cannot say anything in compliment of the mode was very well applied in the quarter to it was ad- in which those hostilities have been carried on- I don't dressed, but at the same time was administered at a most know whether the same tone pervades the communication in unhappy moment, for according to the narrative contained that has been sent to the admiral which pervades the in in those papers it was not a correct definition of our inten- structions under which Sir G. Seymour acted when he tious. It is not a correct intimation of our acts to say communicated the intelligence of the entry of the fleet into that we entered into the Black Sea w ith no h os til e i n e en . the Black Sea but what happened there seems to be of the tions. (Hear, hear.) I say, my lords, that we did enter same character. It is a matter of notoriety, of which all the Black Sea with a hostile intent, and immediately com- letters from Constantinople speak without the slightest re mitted acts of hostility. The Russian ships were ordered serve, that the re-entry of the fleets into the Bosphorus was to return to their ports, and if they did not return to their contrary to the advice and desire of the ambassador. We ports force would have been used against them—that is, understand there were particular reasons for it, with which that they would be taken or sunk. (Hear, hear.) 'What it is not for me to find fault ; but this I cannot help say right had we to do that if were not prepared to commit acts ing—what every professional and non-professional man will of hostility. (Hear, hear.) The Russian fleet is superior say—that the result is most unfortunate. 'We are told to the Turkish. Russia and scan Turk have declared war that during the dark nights the storms and dangers of against each other, and of course it act of hostility to the coasts render it unsafe for our ships to stay at sea ; prevent Russia from having the advantag e of her super- but what is the case? The case is, that our ships cannot ority in the Black Sea. But more than that, you know keep the sea in the Black Sea when the Russian fleet the Russians have forces, possessions, and territories along can go forth, and perform active operations. (Hear, hear.) a great portion of the shores of the Black forces an d te and You thee.dclared your indignation when your flag was insulted vent their ships from reinforcing their their, and by vent at Sinope, and since then you have declared strengthening their forts, and having recourse there for the more emphatically that the Turkish territory was under protection of their territories, was an act of hostility, and your protection • but notwithstanding that declaration, it no man can deny ite (Hear, hear.) What was the appears that the Russian ships have attacked and bom very first step that was taken by the fieet w hen it en- b srded a fort on the Asiatic side of the Baltic Sea, at a tered the Black Sea ? The very first step was to convoy a time when unfortunately the British admiral thought it Turkish fleet with munitions of war tow ar d s th e seat of unsafe for his fleet to continue at sea. (Hear, hear.) This war in Asia. (Hear, hear.) Ido not mere l y as k an asset- is most calamitous—it lowers the character of the country. bly of gentlemen or of statesmen, but I would put it to It does not lower the character of the naval service ; but I the most sophistical or casuistical tribun a l th a t ever got will tell the noble lords on the Treasury benches what it together—and I defy the noble earl a t th e h ea a o f her d oes a ffect. It affects the hononr of the country and of the Majesty's Government to show me any j ur i s t, cas uist, or Government, for it is a current belief at Constantinople sophist, who would not say—that so to aid one of the bel- that the admiral commaudingthe fleetbadaprivate commu ligerents to take part in the warfare, i s un d ou bt e dly an n i ca ti e n, desiring him to avoid anycollision with Hea t hear s) indication of having hostile intentions towards the other fleet under any circumstances whatever, (Hear, hear.) I party. (Hear, hear.) 9he thing is undeniable. (Hear, don't believe a word of this, for I don't think any Minister hear.) We said we would not allow the Turkish Govern- would be capable of adopting such a course ; but those meat to commit any act of aggression on Russian territory, things pass through a country like those Asiatic countries yet still our ships are convoying munitions o f war w hi c h w ith i n conceivable force— a force which in this country it will be taken to Russian territory. (Hear, h ea r.) 3 Did we is difficult to comprehend. (Hear hear.) The very speech say that in a sense such as British s t a t esmen wou ld w i s h of the noble earl at the head of the Government, the other the truth of their language to be held ? (H ear , h e ar.) Are night, when he spoke respecting the hope of peace with we to say that is a fair and correct statement when we Russia, if circulated through Asia, wou ld be better than convoyed troops and munitions of war t o ma k e wa r upon 10,000 or 20,000 men to the Ruesian Government. (Hear, Russian territory that was within a few m il es o n the place hear.) What can they say but that we are afraid to go to where we landed.hem. (Hear, heara But, ay lonls, I war with Russia and that if we sneak into a war we are do not know why we should say this at all. Ido not know afraid at the last ' moment to say it. (Hear, hear.) If we why we were at that moment to tell R , pia we had no are at peace, what is the peace, and what is the peace that -.ll,lmrp . - This day is publi , hed, in 2 vols., price 21s. L ADY LEE'S -WIDOWHOOD. By Captain EDWARD B. LU With Thirteen MLEY, R A. Origtnally published in "Blackwood's Magazine." Illustralons by the Author. William Blackwood and Sons, Edinburgh and London. ifR. OLIPHANT'S RUSSIA N SHORES of 11.2_ the BLACK SEA, the Third Edition, with Naps and Illustrations, is now published, in avo., price 1 , 13. cloth. 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The bill was then read a third time and passed. is the object of the war ? I hope we shall have a satisfac tory peace. (Hear.) I want to know what is the peace which the noble earl keeps in view. Not, I trust, that sort of peace that we could have if we sent our fleet when Col. Rose sent for it, or acted with France when the French fleets sailed for Salamis. That is not the peace we now wish to attain. (Hear.) If that be the peace which the noble earl thinks to maintain—if he conceives that he can maintain those treaties which have kept Europe in con stant dread, and that no indemnity is to be paid by Russia for the aggression that has been committed, and that we are to treat her now as we would have done ten or twelve years ago—l tell him that Europe will not stand it, and that we will not stand it. (Hear.) I know the Parliament of this country, will not submit to such degradation. The question with regard to local despatches, or whether a word shall be this way or the other, or whether they shall ex press that certain privileges are to be ?granted ab antiquo, or that some new sort of guarantee is to be given by Tur key to Russia, is not the matter now at all for considera tion. What the country and what Europe requires is, not a pitiful and contemptible adjournment of war, but a mea sure that will secure the peace of Europe. (Hear.) That is the purpose for. which we have armed. Let not the Government bo afraid—let the Ministers say that is their object—that they are prepared to make vigorous efforts throughout the world to maintain peace. I know that Parliament and the country will respond to that call, and the issue of the contest I cannot for a moment doubt. (Hear, hear.) In conclusion the noble earl moved, " That an humble address be presented to her Majesty, humbly praying that her Majesty will be graciously pleased to direct the further information respecting the diplomatic relations with the Court of St. Petersburg, and the war which appears imminent, be laid before the house." The Earl of CLARENDON—My lords, although I cer tainly do not anticipate all the benefit from the discussion that my noble friend promised to us last week, when he gave notice of his motion, yet I for one do not regret that he has called the attention of your lordships to the ques tion in a more deliberate manner than has been possible since the meeting of Parliament, for, involving as this question does the most momentous consequences;,—affect ing, it may be, British interests in every quarter of the world—l think your lordships and the country are entitled not only to the fullest information upon the subject, but to have that subject sifted and analysed in a manner that will show whether the Government have done their duty; and thereby entitled themselves to your confidence. (Hear, hear.) I think no one who has listened to my noble friend's speech can deny either the industry or ingenuity with which he has analysed this information. (Hear, hear.) I think nobody will deny that there has not entered into his analysis one grain of partiality—l might almost say one grain of fairness—towards her Majesty's Govern ment. (Hear, hear.) He has had the advantage—of which he has largely availed himself—of testing the latest nego tiations, but he has not given to us the benefit of placing himself in our position at any of the intermediate times, and of deciding according to the circumstances. (Hear, hear.) And what has been the result of this ? That lily noble friend considers that if things had been done differ ently, a different result might have arisen. (Hear, hear.) His charge against the Government is a matter of his own opinion, and although I certainly shall not hope to satisfy my noble friend that we have done our duty, or that we have been guided by a true sense of what was due to the country, or even able to carry out our own policy, yet I venture to hope that such is not the verdict of the people of this country, and that they do not think that we have tarnished the honour of England by labouring to, maintain the peace of Europe. (Hear, hear.) I certainly am the last person to regret anything that has fallen from my noble friend, for certainly I will say with all sincerity that nobody has more regretted than myself that the conduct of the negotiations should not have fallen into abler hands. They were difficult in themselves, but were rendered far more difficult under the circumstances. (Hear.) The great distance between the' seats of negotiation, the time un avoidably lost in intercommunication, and the rapidity of events which have often completely frustrated the best founded hopes of success—all those thing have rendered these negotiations peculiarly difficult. (Hear, hear.) I can truly say that I have deeply regretted that they should not have been confided to more able hands, but upon public grounds I must regret the tone in which my noble friend has brought this question before your lordships. (Hear.) I think his object has been to disparage the Government., and to create disunion at a time when certainly we may at any moment require all the strength of the union, and when nothing like dissension should prevail. (Hear.) My noble friend opposite—the noble earl—has said that, if war there was to be in a just and righteous cause, he thought we should lay aside all considerations of party, and en deavour to support the Government, because war should not be undertaken at all except it were maintained by the universal force and unanimity of the natidn. And I must say, my lords, that I think that course would have been the best course under the circumstances in which we are now placed, and one which I believe would have been more in harmony with the feelings of the people of this country than the course which my noble friend has pur sued on this occasion. I think your lordships will not deem it necessary for me to follow my noble friend through all that he has said, and all that he has quoted, and not quite correctly qfloted, as your lordships massieee from the papers. My noble friend seems to think that Prince Men schikoff did sufficient in the earliest part of his mission to Constantinople to have created alarm on our part, and to have justified stronger measures. My lords, we are told, as soon as the information could reach us from Constanti nople, of what the proceedings of Prince Menschikoff were We asked in very distinct terms what were the real objects of his mission, and we received the most direct answer. And my noble friend is perfectly right in saying that there were communications in contervations which could not be properly placed in the blue books. I can assure my noble friend that he is perfectly right in his assumption ; and that these communicatiens were far stronger, although they were confidential, than anything that will be found in the printed papers. We received the strongest assurances that Prince Menschikofi's mission had reference solely to the question of the holy places ; and it was on that ground we felt it impossible to doubt the representations of the Bus sianGoveinment. My lords, I should as soon have thought of doubting what any noble lord in this house stated onhis honour, as I would have thought of doubting or of taking any measures in distrust of the assurances which Russia so distinctly and so repeatedly expressed to us. I say, my lords, that with the assurances which we received, it was impos sible not to believe in the sincerity of Russia. I said also, the other night, that these assurances were for some time borne out ; for, although Prince Menschikoff did in the first instance propose a treaty that would have involved the no mination to the patriarchate and various otherthings, all of which were matters which no doubt would have beenhighly pleasing to the orthodox party in Russia, of which he was at the head, yet we found afterwards to some extent the truth of what we were told at St. Petersburg, viz., that the Prince had great latitude in his instructions—that they referred only to the holy places—and that, in fact, he was able to set tle that question in whatever way it appeared to him fit. I say, again, therefore, that it was impossible not to believe these assurances. But my noble friendhas greatly complained of our not having approved of Col. Rose's conduct in calling up the British fleet, and has complained of a disagreement which he says had arisen between us and the French Govern ment ; and said that that measure, on our part, had pro duced great apprehension on the part of the Turkish Govern ment. Now I beg your lordships just to remember what were the circumstances. (Hear.) Colonel Rose on Prince Menschikofi's arrival, and when there was great excitement at Constantinople, and he had had an interview with the Turkish minister, requested that the fleet should be moved up from Malta. Upon the French Government learning that, and without any previous consultation with us, but simply believing that the presence of their fleet would be necessary, ordered their fleet to proceed to Marseilles to wards the Greek waters, with the view that if joint action should be necessary they might, being in the Greek waters, be more on a level, more on a par, with the English fleet which was at Malta ; but there never was the slightest dis agreement between her Majesty's Government and that of the Emperor of the French in this respect— (hear, hear) — as your lordships will find from the despatches ; and as to the mischief which it is said this occasioned to the cause, if your lordships will turn to the despatches which my noble friend only quoted a portion of, you will there find that the Grand Vizier told Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, and the latter agreed with him, that the cause of the Sul tan was much better served by the determination to keep the fleet at Malta instead of ordering it to Constantinople. And, my lords, when this simple fact was comm unicated to the Russian Government, they said that the presence of the fleets at Constantinople would cause the greatest em barrassment, and would be likely to prevent the settlement of the question, which was not a question of aggression, not a question of the principalities, and not one of the questions which my noble friend said occupied the atten tion of Europe, but a question which was solely confined to the subject of the holy places. with which we had nothing to do ; and I think that the Russian Government would have been borne out i n what the y said. They said, "Here we give you assurances that we only have a view to the holy places— we tell you all that we want to do, and all that we have to dispute; and if the French an d English fleets come up and assume an attit ude of hostility on that que fleet s we greatly think it will interfere w ith a peaceful solution of the difference." And I must say tha t without giving my noble friend Lord Stratford de Redcliffe all the praise be cause there had been no interference on our part with the French Government, we simply stated that our fleet was at Malta—that lad t not think it was immediately wanted—we are glad that the French fleet has gone where it will be on a level with ours ; but we do not think (and the French Government agreed with us) that at this mo. ment it is necessary to send up ourthen fleet. And I think, considering tha t the only question in view was one in which no British interest was concerned—that the pre sence of the combined fleets would certainly have altered the character of the proceedings. My noble friend (Lord Clanricarde) has said that our ambassador at Constanti nople—with respect to whom I beg to say that I entirely concur in all that fell from my noble friend, as to the great talent, ability, and zeal which have been displayed by that noble lord—my noble friend said that he went away under erroneous instructions—that there was nothing in them which contemplated what has since happened—and that our Minister at Constantinople had no support, because he bad nothing to offer or promise to Turkey. Now the in structions which were given to our ambassador, as will be found in the age book, were that, if events which he did not forsee should occur, and emergencies which we should lament should arise, he was to give notice to the British admiral to call up the fleet from Malta ; and in the first despatch which our ambassador writes, giving au account of his first audience with the Sultan, he states that he in formed the Sultan that, so far from having nothing to offer, if he is in any difficulty. or danger, the support of her Majesty's Government will be given, and that he has a right to call up the fleet. I come now to the more im portant part of the speech of my noble friend, and which will be considered by your lordships and the country as of far more interest, perhaps, that the contents of the blue books—l mean the question of whether we are at peace or whether we are at war. My lords, that is a most important question ; but your lordships must be aware that a distinct answer cannot now lei given to • - it. We are at war, bey ar not declared— we are not s tly at peace Russia. (A laugh.) My noble fri d may laugh ; . he must know perfectly well that I am correct in saying that we are not at war with Russia, although diplomatic relations with that coun try have been suspended. (Hear, hear.) And you must remember, my lords, that these relations have not been in terrupted in consequence of our act, the initiative having been taken by Russia, who has declared that her diplo matic relations with us are simply suspended. Therefore I consider that we are in the intermediate state, that our desire for, peace is just as sincere as ever; but then I must say that our hopes of maintaining it are gradually dwin dling away, and that we are drifting towards war. (A laugh.) But as my noble friend (Lord Aberdeen) said the other night, so long as war is not declared the maintenance of peace is net utterly despaired of. I therefore consider, my lords, that the negotiations are now at an end ; but whether a state of warfare is instantly to ensue, I am sure your lordships will not expect me in the exercise of my discretion or responsibility to state to your lordships the exact steps which her Majesty's Government think it neces sary to take in the present aspect of affairs. Because your lordships must remember that we are not acting alone ; we are acting in conjunction with our allies ; and I think it will be sufficient at the present moment to say, in answer to the doubts thrown upon our proceeding by my noble friend, that every preparation is being made, and with all ,, the vigour and ail the rapidity which the existing state of , things demands. More than that, my lords, Ido not think your lordships will expect me to say ; except that I have only one thing to observe to my noble friend, who seems to' imagine that we haven() understanding with France, either as to the objects of our conjoint action, or as to the manner in which they are to be carried out. My noble friend in this is entirely mistaken ; but you lordships will not expect that I should lay upon the table any agreement between the two powers either as to our military or our naval opera tions. (Hear.) My lords, throughout my noble friend's speech he treated our position as o ne that was anomalous —anomalous with reference to Russia, and anomalous with reference to Turkey. But he must remember that the whole question, from beginning to end—from the earliest period of the negotiations down to the present day—has presented one continued series of anomalies, o be dealt with one after another. My lords, w h a t could be more anomalous than that Russia should have perpetually pro claimed that the maintenance of the Ottoman Empire was an European necessity, and that the independence of the Sultan mast be upheld, and yet that she should, without the shadow of a pretext, have demanded a power and a right to interfere in that country which would have vir tually transferred tha allegiance of eight or ten millions of the Sultan's subjects to the Emperor of Russia, and which was truly declared by the Turkish Minister as a system that would have killed the Ottoman Empire by slow poison —(hear, hear)—and if the other great Powers of Europe are equally bound by the same engagements with Russia not to allow the open and direct invasion of the in tegrity of the Ottoman Empire, they are not less bound to resist the same result being aimed at by a more slow, subtle, and indirect policy; and they unanimously recom mended the Sultan to refuse to concede the final demands made by Russia. I know there are persons in Parliament and out of it, who consider that it would be far better not to interfere at all between Russia and Turkey ; and that it would be preferable to allow things quietly to take their own course. (Hear, bear, from Earl Grey.) My noble friend cheers that remark; but I think he does not very distinctly nor very correctly weigh what would be the re suit of such a policy. We might certainly have avoided the state of things which now excites and agitates men's minds; but to do so would be to purchase a temporary re pose at a perilous risk, A protectorate over 8,000,000 or 10,000,000 of the Sultan's subjects, would have placed the throne and empire of the Sultan completely at the mercy of Russia at any moment. Do what you might to pre vent it, Russia might thus become the mistress of Con stantinople ; and, applying all her energies and all her resources to increase her naval strength, she would become a great Mediterranean power, being also a great Baltic power. Why, my lords, in that case nothing would prevent the Emperor of Russia from being the lord of Europe—(hea4 — and causing a constant and 'minions drain upon the resources of other nations who wished to main tain an amount of naval force to counterbalance the power of Russia. The defence of Turkey, under these circum stances, is a question which involves the independence of Europe - (cheers) —and not France and England alone have so regarded it, but Austria and Prussia likewise. No one can doubt that, in the month of May last, Austria and Prussia could have had no wish to quarrel or be at differ ence with Russia unnecessarily; and yet, my lords, the re presentatives of those two powers at Constantinople, being consulted by the Porte, and receiving instructions from their own Governments, cordially united with the ambas sadors of England and France in recommending the Porte to resist the demands of Prince Menschikoff, clearly fore• seeing the perilous results that must ensue from compliance with them. And, my lords, if that was the case simply with reference to the demand contained in the note which Russia proposed that the Porte should accept, how much more bound are these powers to support their own princi pies when they see the violation of those principles at tended by so dangerous a measure as the occupation of the Danubian Principalities? The occupation of these princi palities, my lords, gave to the question a greater import ance and interest, and imposed on the four powers the ne cessity and the duty of resisting the policy of that fifth power which had always proclaimed the same principles, and was bound by the same engagements—principles and engagements which up to this time it had solemnly declare d its inention of maintaining. My lords, the occupation of the principalities constituting a cares belli, and yet there being no declaration of war, and then again the declara tion of Russia that nothing new was demanded, and yet its absolute refusal to accept the status quo, form two other instances in that series of anomalies for which Russia, and certainly not this country, is responsible. My noble friend, in speaking of the occupation of the principalities —an act which he designates, 1 must say, in not too strong terms—appears to think that we ought to have held firmer language to the Emperor of Russia on this subject. (Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) Now, I believe that a reference to the blue book will relieve us from this charge, because it will show that from the moment that we discovered that the objects contemplated by Russia were other than those which we were led to expect, and that other demands then those which had been all along stated to us were made upon Turkey, there has been no backwardness in our remonstrances, no wavering or indis tinctness in the expressio'n of our opinions, no failure in our attempts to convince the Emperor of the injustice of his demands, and of the enormous danger with which he threatened the peace of Europe by deviating from.that peaceful policy which had characterised his whole reign, and by acting in violation of those principles regar din g the maintenance of the Ottoman empire which he had so often proclaimed. My lords, that, I think, was the proper course for us to pursue, and the language which was be coming in us to use. But my noble friend seems to think that we should have gone at first still further, and have menaced Russia, and stated what we should be prepared to do. My lords, I have previously stated the reason why her Majesty's Government, though full admitting that the cases belli was clear and complete, yet did not recommend the Sultan to stand upon his rights—in which advice we were forestalled by our ambassador at Constantinople, who certainly was no bad judge of what was the interest of Turkey, and whose advice, moreover, had already been adopted by the Sultan before our advice reached Constan tinople. I say, my lords, that we could not recommend the Sultan to act on his right, and declare war, so long as there was a hope of the peaceful settlement of the question, and while the Sultan was in a state in which he was in capable of offering resistance. My noble friend, I think, will not say that at the time we desired and recommended the Sultan to remain at peace he should have advised Eng land and France to declare war. But supposing that we had induced the Sultan to do that, he believing it to be contrary to his interest, and that in July last we had done that which my noble friend says he regretswas not done; and I am sure mynoble friend would not have recommended us to do this if he had himself been a responsible Minister—but supposing that in July last her Majesty's Government had come down to Parliament with a menace to Russia, and she had defied us, and we had declared war with her, sure I am that my noble friend would have been the very first (an d I think your lordships would have agreed with him in doing so) in accusing us of having acted with haste and precipitation, and of having plunged the country into war a nd would have said there was no wonder that we had driven Austria and Prussia into a close alliance with Russia—that we had treated with contempt their wishes, and made no real effort to preserve peace, and that there was no wonder that they would not support us, because we had asked and re ceived distinct categorical assurances that they entertained the same views as ourselves, but we had not relied upon them or waited for their co-operation. (Hear.) My noble friend has said there were no debates on this question in the last session of Parliament, but I find that certainly there was no lack of discussions, generally promoted by himself ; and I will refer to one ast year, in which my noble friend took the initiative, and in which he said that any promise given by the Emperor of Russia, and any en gagements into which he entered, he was satisfied that he would faithfully and punctually fulfil, and at that time I expressed my concurrence in my noble friend's confidence in the honour and integrity of the Emperor ;. and the man ner in which this statement was received in this house showed that your lordships did not think the confidence of her Majesty's Government in the Emperor's declarations would be misplaced. That discussion took place on the 29th of April, and that day month it was my duty to ra. capitulate these assurances of confidence in a despatch now in your lordship? hands, and your lordships are the judges whether or not these assurances were not of an explicit kind, and whether, at the time they were made, we had not reason to rely that Russia had no idea of aggran disement or of encroachment, and whether we should have been justified in plunging this country into a war. But the next point to which my noble friend alluded was our communications with Russia. I will shortly refer to what these communications were. When the Turkish Go vernment found that further negotiations were hopeless, and thought it advisable to commence hostilities, the allied fleets were ordered up to the Bosphorus ; and in October last a communication was made to the Russian Govern ment, stating that the fleets were not there for the purpose of attacking Russia, but that we were determined to defend the Turkish territory. My lords, no aggression did take place on the Turkish territory ; and in the meantime we received assurances (and they were distinctly given to the Austrian Government as well) that Russia would still re main on the defensive. For upwards of a month there was no aggression committed on the Turkish territory, until the horrible affair at Sinope occurred, when the Turkish fleet, peacefully anchored in a Turkish harbour, was completely destroyed, and where, if the combined fleets had been present, they would have repelled the aggression and chastised the aggressor. Her Majesty's Government then felt, in conjunction with that of the Emperor of the French, that the time was come, not only to prevent the recurrence of such a disaster, but at once to protect the Ottoman flag and Ottoman territory ; and no time was lost in making such a communication both to the Russian Go vernment and the Russian admiral. But we did not think —whatever may be mynoble friend's opinion—in the situ ation in which matters then stood, that to permit an ag gression (we having undeitaken to defend the Turkish ter ritory) on the Russian territory would have been prop er or lawful. We did no harm to the Turks by that, because they were too weak to attempt any a.,),,ression upon the Russians, and they could only have done so under the pro tection of the Frcnch and English Lags. We thoug ht that for us to permit that, and to become ac cessories, and more than accessories, in acts of overt hostility towards Russia, would have been justly to e - p ose ourselves to the ac cusation of having committed acts of hostility without having the manliness or the courage to declare war. We considered that that would have been a dastardly course, unworthy and wholly of England. We did not declare war at the time protecting the these instructions were sent, because, in the beginning of December, we did not see that war was necessary . . - We i had reason to expect that our objects in Turkish territory and flag might be carried out without war ; but to commit acts of hostility under the mask of with us—would have been unjust and unbecoming the dig. peace we thought—and lam sure your lordships will agre e nity and character of this country. (Hear, hear.) o ur communication to St. Petersburg was not regarded la the friendly light which my noble friend seems to think. On the contrary, tho lit an CioTtruraenti 10 Au from wag G fOVELLO'S ORIGINAL OCTAVO EDITION.—HArrom's MESSIAH, bound, 41.—Also, Folio, 10s.; Folio, bound, 12s. 6d.—Fall Score (Walsh's), 255.—Sep. Vocal Parts, Folio, each 2s. 6d.. Litt°, Bve., each Is. 6d.—Orchestral Parts and every song and Chorus singly.