The Sun. — London, England, 1854-04-12 00:00:00

tail I have now introduced to the notice of the house and ' of the country.?' Now, I think that it is very inconve nient that any Minister should bring forward a measure of su ch vast importance , upon a subject of such general in terest—that he should have the importance of introducing it, with all the advantages which not only his abilities but his station give him, and that it should never be subjected to the slightest criticism. The principles on which it is founded may be most fallacious, and I think the principles o n which this measure is founded are most fallacious ; but still no opportunity is given to the house to express an opi nion upon it, because when . the exposition of the measure takes place a future day is fixed by the Government for the discussion of its merits ; and then that opportunity thus promised is never given. Well, then, I wish to know whether this opposition, or rather this indisposition, which the noble lord finds to his Reform Bill, is an indisposition on his own benches -(cheers)—l will not leay on the Trea sury beush, because we now have it on the highest autho rity that the Government is a Government of sincere Re formers—but I suppose that it is not impertinent to ima gine that the indisposition may be on the benches behind the noble lord. At_ any rule I venture to say that there has been no opposition on these benches. An honourable gentleman, who is a general supporter of the Government, has spoken of the opposition to this measure as if it ha i l proceeded from us. And uo doubt it is not at all impos sible that you would have received an uncompromising opposition front the benches opposite to you. But you never gave us an opportunity for discussing the measure; and therefore I beg the country to remember that the indisposition to Parliamentary reform in the present House of Commons, so far ma we have any evidence of it, is confined entirely to the noble lord's owu side of the house. (Cheers.) But I beg the house to remark that the noble lord has not met the difficulty of his case, that all the reasons that he has given for re:inquishing, his measure to night were reasons that existed in equal force at the meet ing of Parliament, and on the 13th of February when he introduced this bill. I deny that any member of the Ca binet can advance the present state of the country as a reason for not proceeding with this measure. The noble lord has very properly vindicated, himself from the absurd po sition in which it is the interest of some parties to place him as being the only Parliamentary Reformer in the Ca binet, and as if it was entirely to vindicate his own per sonal honour that this measure had been introduced. The noble lord has very properly recalled the attention of the house to the fact that the Government of the Earl of Aber deen was founded on the promise of a large measure of par liamentary reform. Nor was it merely in deference to the noble lord that the Government of the Earl of Aberdeen was founded on the principle of parliamentary reform. A ver y distinguished member of the Cabinet made a large measure of parliamentary reform a condition of his joining Lord Aberdeen; and Lord Aberdeen, in his speech when he made an exposition of the principles up on w hi c h hi s Government was founded, unequivocally pledged himself to a large measure of parliamentary reform. Now, I wa nt to know what were the cir c u ms t ances under which the Government of Lord Aberdeen made that pledge ? What were the circumstances under which the First Lord of the Admiralty made the concession of a large mea sure of parliamentary reform, a condition of his adhesion to the Government of Lord Aberdeen. Were they circum stances of less peril than the present ? Were they less seri ous? Was the conjecture less menacing than at present? Why, we seem to have forgotten the circumstances under which Lord Aberdeen acceded to power. Why, after an inteval of between thirty and forty years, what had the house just done? They had armed the people ; they had absolutely called out the militia ; and were arming and training and disciplining 100,000 men. A few months be fore Lord Aberdeen entered office, the late Government had considerably increased the naval estimates ; but no I sooner had the First Lord of the Admiralty come into office than he doubled the estimates. Nor had the present Government been four mouths in office before they formed a project--which they subsequently executed—of having a military camp at Chobha.m. It Was well known that the Government then believed that not merely war but inva sion was imminent. Now, sir, no one will pretend that a war with France is not a much more awful affair than a war w i th R uss ia ; and yet with a war with France in their op i n i on i m pending, they formed their government on the principle of a large measure of parliamentary reform. ( Ch eers .) And did the adoption of that statement not serve them ? Could they have formed their Cabinet unless that had formed the principle upon which that - Cabinet -was established ? Could they have carried on their govern ment for six months unless that had been the principle upon which the Government of Lord Aberdeen had been established? Could they havepossessed, not -merely the great administrative abilities of the First Lord of the Admiralty, but the profound statesmanlike attributes even of the Pre sident of the Board of Public Works? Could he havegiven to the Government the fruits of those studies which Bentham had inspired and Grote had guided? How did they carry on the administration? Why, only a very few months after wards we had the financial measures of the Chancellor of the Exchequer brought forward, which, according to the noble lord's statement to-night, was the excuse for not proceeding with parliamentary reform in the first year that the Government held office. A tax extremely odious in the mode in which it is levied was introduced to this house, it being known that there was an absolute majority against the imposition of that tax, and that the most powerful as sailants of this tux—toe income tax—were to be found on the benches where the supporters of the present Govern ment most congregate. Did not these gentlemen say that they disapproved of the unmodified income tax, and only voted for it in consequence of this promise of parliamen tary reform. And, therefore, I say that parliamentary reform was the principle upon which the Government was founded, that without it the Cabinet would never have existed, and that without it the administration of affairs could not have been carried on. I say also at the same time, that the pledge to give a large measure of parlia mentary reform was made at a time when the state of pub lic affairs, as far as our external relations, was not less me nacing, nay, I think much more perilous than it is at the present time. Myself opposed to the measure of the noble lord, I am glad that the Government has relinquished it. But what is the moral that I think we should draw from all these circumstances ? I think we should at least come this conclusion--and it would, in my opinion, be a salu tary one—though no one can question the honour and the sincerity of the noble lord who has been identified with this great question and this great cause—who will go down in history as connected with it—though no one, I say, can doubt his sincerity, and though I do not for for a moment care to question the sincerity of others — still I must say that there does appear to me, and I think there will appear to the country, that there has been too much levity, for party purposes, in dealing with ques tions of organic change in the constitution of this country. (Cheers.) Well now, I think, if we can, smiler the pre sent circumstances, when there is no party feeling on this question, and when alt parties and sections of this house seem pretty well agreed to assist the Government out of the predicament—l think, I say, that if we can arrive at that conclusion, every man, wherever he sits, will consider probably longer than he might have done two or three years ago before he inalees pledges on a subject of this im portance. Because we should find that if a Minister per sisted—which the noble lord has wisely and magnanimously resolved not to do—in consequence of a pledge of this kind, in carrying measures not required by the necessities of the country, great public evil must occur. And if, on the other hand, after having pledged his sagacity as a states man for the necessity and - "expediency of such a measure, he finds it necessary to relinquish it, then, although great public mischief may not ocenr, there is at least this disad vantage—that the confidence of the country in the men they look up to must be proportionally lessened and di minished. Nor does it seem to me that a tilhe of war, which we are told may be very serious and protracted, is a time when, I do not say this want of confidence, but this diminis hed confidence in our principal statesmen should be encouraged. I hope, therefore; that the noble lord will not proceed in the course of which lie has g iven an indication to-night—of postponing for a short bu t in definite time his plans of Parliamentary reform. I think it would be much better for the noble lord—who has made two attempts, which, he says, have not been sanctioned by the country—and which he feels are not required by the country, to allow this question altogether to drop, and not to embarrass himself by another pledge. (Hear.) What has the 'noble lord done to-night ? After all this somewhat bitter expe rience, he has absolutely embarrassed himself and all his colleagues by promising to take as early an opportunity as possible to introduce this measure. (Ministerial cheers.) I think that that cheer is most unwise, and that those who cheer will be probably the loudest in opposing the measure when it is brought forward. I confess, sir, Ido not un derstand this getting rid of reform by instalments. You who are always asking for measures, and taking them by instalments, should hardly favour this new system, by which reformers are to get rid of their pledges by instal ments. (Laughter.) It would have been better for the noble lord to say, "I have made a considerable attempt. The Cabinet stood by me. This measure is the result of our united deliberations. But the country does not require it, the times are peril ous , and th o ugh I think that the fact that this is a time of war is no good cause why a measure of Parliamentary reform should not be carried if it were required, still it is not now absolutely necessary, it would involve a great struggle, and, therefore, for the present I will say farewell to Parliamentary reform." Honourable gentlemen opposite would have then had just as good chance of getting Parliamentary reform when the time ar rived as they have now by retaining the vain pledges of a Minister. Surely, the experience of the last two years must have taught you that you are not one whit tke nearer a measure of Parliamentary reform because you have the pledges of statesmen that they will give it to you. Here you have statesmen who have pledged themselves, and who were most sincerely anxious to fulfill their pledges, but you did not obtain your object. You can never obtain a change such as you desire until the great preponderance of public opi n i on d emands it. Well, then, why embarrass the Government with a constant pledge of this kind ? The noble lord will pardon me for saying that it would have been more statesmanlike if, after all he has done, and, I will say, after all he has. suffered; he asked the house to-night to place confidence ' his sincerity, and to show, by the manner in whiehth iny received his words to-night, that they thought his honou r told them that it w as was intact ; and had then l better not to embarrass the Government any Niger av'itlit subject, but on this . that they might. be confident i th e a d t g i w e i s hen the time was ripe the measures that were demande d brought forward by any ministry h ,e , necessity would be in power. do hope that the noble v o happened then to be notto lord will at heist draw this lesson from the past-- not when embarrass himself with pledges, which be knows par purposes, and to animate followershe can fulfil, mnrely for f e el, that, after all, measures of this reatnawttionnimst now tow d e pend upon something more solid than nati o n a l worilo(1).f -ever gifted, (Hear.) any individual, however sincere or how Sir G. GEES( said that, having been long attached to th e no hlo.lord privately and publicly, ho could . ' 'la a ll ow the discussion to close without expressing el * gratification at the unanimity of feeling which. had been_ shown as to the course which his noble friend on-the partnf the G overn . went had announced his intention to tabs:' noble f r i en d had especia lly appealed to member.e on that side wh ose de . • de sire to see a sound me asure _ of ._ ParliaMentaiy reform • Tied was unquestioned. " fie noble friend hail elicited a which had be en the confidence gratifying testimony of • placed in him, and which was fully justified by the long and consistent career which had so identified his name with measur es fo r the ementheent of the constitution: The noble lord had also elicited the generous testimony of the uncom promising leader of the large party on the other side. He thought his nooks friend hail complelaily vindicated the sincerity of the Government, • and their desire to redeem the pledge given when the Government was formed. The right bon. gentleuum opposite dissented from the course Proposed to be taken, and did not think it right for his noble friend to give a new pledge on the subject of re form. He did not understand his noble friend to give any new pledge ou that subject, but merely to say that, if the circumstances which rendered the postponement of the measure advisable should be removed, he would aga in lay on the table a bill for the amendment of the representation of the People. Isis noble friend had taken a • :curse, he would not say consistent with his per son' lionottr, for. of that there mild bia - to doubt, - bob a THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, APRIL 12, 1854. course dictated by the highest sense of duty, and b'sr a deep regard for the interests of the country. Differing as he did from the hon. member for Manchester as to the necessity of the war, he could cordially concur in the opinion which he had expressed that the war might speedily be brought to an honourable conclusion, and that they might be left free to resume the consider ation of this important ques tion of the amendment of the representation of the people. The hon. member had truly said that no disposition had been shown in the present session to occupy the house on nights devoted to private members with business that was not of a pressing nature. He trusted the noble lord would press rapidly forward all measures of really practical im portance, feeling certain that the house would be ready to discuss them without delay, and that it was their desire not to prolong their sittings to a late period of the year—a practice of which of late great complaint liad been made. Mr. S. HERBERT said that Mr. Disraeli had misre presented Lord John Russell, and he denied that the con dition of the country at the time of the accession of Go vernment to office did not materially differ from what it now was. In further reply to Mr. Disraeli, he said that tranquillity was one thing and apathy another, and that the mind of the country was not capable of taking in two great excitements at once. The whole heart and mind of the nation was divided between the Baltic and the Danube. In answer to an observation of Lord Jocelyn, Mr. S. Her bert said that in taking office under Lord Aberdeen he himself had made no compromise of his principles on the subject of parliamentary reform—he had ever desired to see such reform, he had given his cordial approbation to the present bill, and he hoped at some future time to see either that or another measure carried, with which Lord J. Russell's name should be connected. Sir J. PAK INGTON, after a few words in vindication of Mr. Disraeli, said that there was no man on any side of the house who was diposed to question the honour of Lord John Russell, and if any person could possibly have enter tained such a feeling, it must have been removed by his speech of that night. Bat nothint , that Lord J. Russell had said had impaired hie (Sir ePakington'e) opinion, that if the Reform Bill were not to be proceeded with, it ought not to have been introduced. Mr. JOHN MACGREGOR, in answer to a remark 'of the right hon. member for Taunton, said that he admitted that the people of Scotland were occupied with other questions than Parliamentary Reform. He had not re ceived from his constituents a single letter or petition on the subject of reform. (Hear.) He did not think that the Government were indifferent on the question of reform, but that they considered the postponement of the measure more advisable than the throwing of the country into a state of excitement for a general election. He thought the noble lord the member for London deserved the gratitude of the people for the magnanimous way in which he had acted. (Hear.) On the question being put for the adjournment of the house to Thursday the 27th, Lord J. RUSSELL said that he rose not to enter into the discussion of any of the arguments that had been used, but merely to express to the house his grateful sense of the m anner in which they had received his statement. The motion was then agreed to. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. Lord J. RUSSELL then moved that during the re mainder of the session orders of the day should on Thurs days take precedence of notices of motion. If that motion were acceded to he should propose that the Oxford Uni versity Bill should be committed that evening pro forma, and that it should be recommitted on Thursday, the 27th instant. Upon Friday, the 28th, he hoped that measure would have passed through committee, and his right hon. friend the President of the Board of Trade would then, on the let of May, ask the house to go into committee upon the Railway Bill. With respect to the Poor Removal Bill, which stood fixed for the 28th inst., he should state, upon the part of his right hon. friend the President of the Poor Law Board, that it was not his intention to ask the house to proceed with that measure during the present session. (Hear, hear.) His right hon. friend, however, proposed to move for a select committee to take into con deration the provisions of the existing law with respect to the removal of Irish paupers from England to Scotland, and also with reference to the removal of Scotch and Eng lish paupers from Ireland. (Hear, hear.) The question having been put, Colonel SIBTHORP, in the absence of an hon. friend of his (as we understood), moved, by way of amendment to the proposition of the noble lord, that the word " Thurs days should be omitted, and the words " every alternate Thursday" instead thereof introduced into the motion. LoreJ. RUSSELL said that he did not ask the house to give precedence to Government orders of the day ; but, simply, that orders of the day generally should be taken before notices of motion. Mr. DISRAELI observed that the most important mea sures of the Government had already been abandoned for the present session, and that being the case, he did not think that the pressure upon the Government in carrying on the business of the house was likely to be such as to render it desirable that independent members should relin quish any of the privileges which they now enjoyed. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER would remind the house that the miscellaneous estimates yet remained to be laid upon the table. The consideration of those estimates would occupy a great deal of time, and during the discussion which must take place upon them, the utmost possible facility would exist for putting any questions which honourable members might desire to put to the Government, or of making any motion • with reference to the conduct of her Majesty's Ministers, which it might be deemed advisable to make. He should add also, that the miscellaneous estimates during the pre sent year would be upon a much larger scale than usual, inasmuch as the Government were for the first time, about to submit to the consideration of the house estimates with regard to the expenses attendant upon the collection of the revenue, and the usual facility of putting questions to Ministers, to which he had alluded, would, of course, be Proportionably increased. Sir B. HALL hoped the house would assent to the mo tion of the noble lord the member for the city of Loudon. Mr. WALPOLE did not altogether approve of the mo tion of the noble lord. He should have no objection that precedence should be given to Government orders of the day, but he was by no means desirous that that course should be taken with reference to orders of the day relating to business of which independent members had the charge. After a few observations from Mr. Williams, Mr. Spooner, and Mr, Cardwell, Mr. DEEDES said he wished to ask the noble lord the member for the city of London what course he proposed to take with respect to the bill which had been introduced affeeting.those constituencies in whose case a report had been made by recent commissions, and who were not at present represented in that house ? He also was anxious to learn from the noble lord the Secretary for the Home Department if it was his intention to call upon the house to legislate, in the course of the present session, upon the subject of the general police of the country ? Lord IALMERSTON—It is. Lord J. RUSSELL. in reply to the question of the hon. ,gentleman opposite, would state that in his opinion it was extremely desirable that they should proceed during the present session with the bill to which that question re furred. After a few words from Mr. LAING, Colonel SIBTHORP withdrew his amendment, and the original motion was then agreed to. BLEACHING •AND DYEING ESTABLISHMENTS. Mr. COBBETT gave notice that on Tuesday, the 2d of May, he should move that a select committee be ap pointed for the purpose of inquiring into the working hour:, the mode of payment, and the general condition of those persons who were employed in the bleaching and dye ing establishments of the united kingdom. ORANGE RIVER SOVEREIGNTY. Mr. SPOONER, on behalf of his hon. friend the mem ber for North Stafford, gave notice that on Tuesday the 9th May, his hon. friend would submit to, the consideration of the house a motion upon the subject of the abandonment of the Orange River Sovereignty. LAW OF PATENTS. Mr. J. M‘GREGOR was understood to give notice, on behalf of his hon. friend the member for Rye (Mr. Mac kinnon), that it was his intention on Tuesday, the 2d of May, to move for a select committee to take into conside ration the expediency of forming regulations upon the sub ject of disputed patents. NEUTRALS. Mr. J. G. PHILLIMORE gave notice that on Tuesday, the 2d of May, he proposed to call the attention of the house to the policy which was pursued with respect to neutrals. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY said that on Thursday, the 4th May, he should ask the Secretary of the Treasury why the accounts of last yearreiative to Woods and Forests had not yet been laid before the house ? PRESTON LABOURERS. Mr. T. DUNCOMBj gave notice that it was his inten tion to move, on Tuesday, the 9th of May, that a select committee be appointed to inquire into the complaints of the industrial and working classes of the borough of Preston. THE PERIODICAL PRESS. Mr. M. GIBSON gave notice that he should, on Tues day, the 16th of May, call the attention of the house to the present unsatisfactory state of the law affecting the perio dical press, and that he should also move the following le solution :—" That it is the opinion of this house that the laws in reference to the periodical press and to newspaper stamps are ill-defined and unequally enforced ; and that it appears to this house that the subject is one which demands the early consideration of Parliament." COAST DEFENCES. Mr. BENTINCK wished to ask the right hon. baronet the First Lord of the Admiralty whether it was the inten tion of her Majesty's Government to commission any addi tional ships, or to take any other immediate steps to pro vide during the continuance of the war for the present de fenceless state of the coasts of Great Britain and Ireland ? Sir J. GRA.HAR would very gladly allay the appre hensions which seemed to be entertained by his hon. friend, and, in reply to his question, begged to inform him that almost every day the Admiralty Board did commission some additional ships of war. He had also to announce to his hon. friend that considerable success had attended the efforts of the Government to raise, a body of coast volun teers, whose especial duty it would be to defend the coasts of this country, in case invasion were threatened ; an event which, however, he by no means apprehended. He did not anticipate that we should see upon our coasts any foreign vessels of war while the Euxine was strictly blockaded, and while his gallant friend Sir C. Napier con tinued to command the Baltic fleet. (Hear.) Sir W. A C B L O A L Y I T I O was N u o O d F e r s e t 1 0 U d R t C o ll gi ß ve A n T o E ti S ce that h e would make his motion for the abolition of church rates on Tuesday, the 23d. of May. TURKEY AND GREECE.—THE PRESS. Mr. M. GIBSON—I wish to put a question to the noble lord the member for the city of London, in reference to a statement that has appeared in the public journals relating to certain demands that have been made by the Turkish Government upon the Government of Greece. I am anxious to learn from the noble lord whether the English ambassa sador has been any party to the demands in question, and also whether those demands include the request that those Greek newspapers should bo supproasod which give expres sion to any sentiments or opinions adverse to the Govern ment of Turkey? Lord J. 11 , M4S.FILL— I cannot answer the questions which the right hon. -ontletnan has put to me in terms so precise as 1 could wish? The demands which were made by the Turkish minister upon the Greek Government were made by order of the Turkish Government, without any powers—England, those oewrerus d n_ e d ma uern i g i c d ioa s nns r , d concert upon the subject with her Majesty's Minister. After erabt7onn,rathaedeivipmrevseenetraliaviesi while of the t f h o s o y r. Prance. Austria, and Prussia--met, ' and cause to a resolution, which they submitted to the Greek Go vernment, and which was to the effect that that Government ought to return an ana wer to propositions which in themselves were reasonable. The explanation which the minister at r Athens gave with respect t o th e art i cle about thepress was to the same effect as that o f th e T urkish ministerss ess namely, that the Greek Government would not in their own newspapers have articles inserted tending to excite rebel lion against Tarkey in the Turkish provinces. Mr. BE.IGHT said that upon a former occasion the noble lord had stated that the feeling which existed in Greece ' was not spontaneous. It appeared, however, that in the lowan Islands Sir H. Ward had been obliged to prorogue the .seaate, almost immediately after they had mot, in order to prevent any expression of feeling upon their part in favour of Greece. Lord J. RUSSELL said he hoped to be able shortly after the Easter recess to lay papers in connection with the sub ject upon the table of the house. WITHDRAWAL OF THE PRUSSIAN MINISTER. Mr. DISRAELI—I wish to ask, with respect to the al leged withdrawal of the Prussian Minister from the Court of St. James's, if the Government can inform the house whether any communications upon the subject have been made to her Majesty's Ministers? Lord J. RUSSELL—I am sorry I cannot give any in formation either to the right hon. gentleman or to the house upon the subject to which his question refers. I saw my noble friend at the head of the Foreign Depart ment to-day, but I had no conversation with him upon the matter. OXFORD UNIVERSITY BILL. This bill passed through committee pro forma. PAYMENT OF WAGES BILL. Mr. C. FORSTER moved that the following hon. members should be appointed to serve upon the select com mittee on the above bill :—Mr. Charles Forster, Mr. Henry Austin Bruce, Mr. Fitzroy, Mr. Cheetham, Ur. Moffatt, Mr. Craufurd, Mr. Booker, Mr. Peto, Lord Stanley, Mr. Baird, Mr. Coffin, Sir Henry Halford, Sir Joshua Walms ley, Mr. Wickham, and Mr. Gardner. Sir H. HALFORD proposed that the name of Mr. T. Duncombe should be substituted for that of Mr. Cheetham. Mr..FITZROY opposed the amendment. Mr. HUME was sorry that the bill was about to be referred at all to the consideration of a select committee. Mr. BRIGHT said he thought that that great nu district, South Lancashire, ought to be represented on that subject, and yet the only one of its members on that committee was the hon. gentleman (Mr. Cheatham), whose name it was proposed to remove. Mr. F. FRENCH wished to see the committee consist of gentlemen who could not be considered as mere parti sans taken from either one side of the house or the other. Mr. C. FORSTER said he thought that the committee had on the whole been fairly nominated. 4 Sir H. HALFORD said he would not persist in his motion. The motion of the hon. baronet was accordingly with drawn, _and the committee was constituted as originally proposed. - On the motion of Mr. MOFFATT, it was ordered, after a short discussion, that the committee should have power to send for persona, papers, and records. FINANCIAL STATEMENT. The CHANCELLOR • of the EXCHEQUER (having laid the balance-sheet for the year upon the table) said, — Sir, I have to move that that paper, being an account of the income and expenditure for the year, do lie on the table. It is my intention to make a statement in some de tail with reference to the subjects which I have included in the notice that appears in my name on the votes—viz., to make a statement respecting the revenue for the year now closed, the condition of the public balances, and the condition of the unfunded debt; but the right hon. gen tleman opposite, the member for Buckinghamshire, has to night moved for further information upon a variety of points connected with these subjects, and I therefore think that, so far as the matter of argument is concerned—or matter with respect to which there may be differences of opinion —I shall do well, so far as lam a party concerned, in postponing any reference, whether as to the objections or defences, to topics of that nature. My intention, there fore, is to confine myself entirely to statements which may be called statements upon matters of fact, and my reason for my making statements of this kind to the house at the present period is, that in the first place I have not yet had the opportunity of presenting to the house a complete account of the income and expenditure of the past year ; and, in the second place, because it is exceedingly import ant, at a moment of alarm and excitability like the present, that the public should bo in possession of the most au thentic information on points on which they naturally desire to be informed. At the same time, considering the nature of the discussion which we hava been passing through during the principal part of the evening that has elapsed, I shall endeavour to be very brief in the particu lars which I shall lay before the House. Those members who have examined the account of the revenue of the country published on the 6th of April will not have failed to observe, or, at least, to infer from that ac count that it is a more favourable return than on the Gth of March I had given the House reason to expect. The improvement, in fact, on the Gth of April, as com pared with my estimate of the Gth March, was no less than 749,0001.; but it must not be supposed that so considerable a difference is to be accounted for by any substantial change of circumstances. I spoke to the house at that period of the necessary uncertainty attending the collection of the income tax in Ireland, and of the extended income tax in England, as to the precise period when that amount would come into the Exchequer, on account of the variety of new circumstances which the revenue department had to en counter. However, that department was enabled to reduce very g reatly the amount of arrears whi c h I th en th oug ht it safe to estimate would be carried over to the present year. If there is any difference as regards the ultiniete receipt, it is merely a difference as to the time of the money arriv ing at the Exchequer; but the difference between the esti mate I submitted on the Gth March with reference to the income tax and the amount received is 417,0001. (Hear.) Another portion of the difference to which I have referred was under the head of Customs' Revenue. The Customs' revenue has been subject to the action of an exceptional cause on account of the anticipation of the reduction in the tea duties. The effect of that reduction was necessarily to diminish, to a very great extent, the number of entries for the payment of duty ou account of tea for delivery from the warehouses during the past quarter, and therefore there was a great loss on that account. But the operation of that loss has been recovered, because, parties being anxious to deliver the tea at a very early hour on the morning of the 6th April, this to a certain extent involved the payment of duties on the previous day, the sth April, and thu s a l arge sum of money came into charge on that day, which, pro perly speaking, belonged to the next quarter. These are the two main causes, and indeed the only causes, to which I may refer as accounting for the excess of revenue received on the sth of April as compared with my estimate of the 6th of March. (Hear.) The house will observe, in examin ing the balance-sheet on the table, that the excess of in come over expenditure on the year ending the sth of April last amounted. to 3,524,0001. The excess of income over ex penditure for the year ending the sth of April, 1353, was 2,460,0001. The estimate I had made on the 6th of •March of the excess of income over expenditure was '2,851,0001., that of course being increased in consequence, as I have shown, of the receipt of money between that period and the sth of April, which I should not have been warranted by the revenue department in admitting among my calcu lations. This gives me the opportunity of observing upon one among many elements of uncertainty—though they are all confined within certain limits—that attach to our pre sent system of accounts. If the balance of the present year had been found precisely in the same manner as the bal ance of last year—if the same sums had been paid out of the Exchequer for the purpose of supplying the Paymaster- General's accounts for supply service, the balance would have been less by fully 500,0001. In making a comparison, therefore, between the surplus of the present year and the surplus of the past year, the h use will do well to estimate the present surplus at 3,000,0001. instead of 3,524,0001. It may be asked why was there this difference ? Why, under the same system, have we not received the same p a y men t s as during the last year for the same period ? The reason is this, that, under authority vested in the Treasury by the House of Commons, a certain amount of Exchequer-bills— half-a-million-- was about to be issued at that period, and under a fiction of law—for I really cannot call it anything but a fiction—in which the manipulation, if I may so call it, of these-operations is conducted, there is no choice as to the mode of bringing the Exchequer-bills to account, and you cannot realise the proceeds in the Exchequer, which, so far as I am able to judge, might be done by a more ra tional mode of procedure, but they are issued to the Pay master-General for supply service, thus passing by the Exchequer altogether. If, therefore, this half-million, which stood to the credit of the Paymaster-General on the sth of April, had stood in lieu of an equivalent sum which would have been issued to his credit from the Exchequer, and, if these Exchequer-bills had not been issued at the particular period I have referred to, this amount would have been fairly included in our surplus. For the reason, I have stated, however, half-a million ought to be deducted from the whole surplus ; and therefore the actual surplus of income over expenditure for the year may fairly and safely be stated at 3,000,0.01. (Hear, hear.) I think the house will be of opinion that this is a very satisfactory result, so far as we have seen, with respect to the indications which it affords as to the state of the trade and industry of the country and the con dition of the people, though that trade and industry must necessarily have undergone some contraction, or, at any rate, some retardation in its increase in consequence of political events and the obstruction of trade both in the Baltic and in the Levant. (Hear, hear.) It is a more satisfactory result still, when it is borne in mind that the sums which I anticipated I should receive within the year from the increase of taxes proposed during that year have been less than we anticipated. Last year you remitted, in round numbers, 2,600,0001. of taxes, and you laid on taxes which ultimately were to produce a large annual amount; but, while 2,600,0001. had been given in relief, the addi tional taxes laid on during the last year had only brought into the Exchequer by the sth of April the sum of about 700,0001. The whole remissions have been in operation, and the substituted taxes have come very partially into play, and therefore, speaking in round numbers, while you remitted 2,000,0001. of taxes more than you laid on, you have a surplus of 3,000,0001. in your income. (Hear, ear.) That is all I think it necessary to state with respect to the revenue of the past year. I now come to another question, with respect to which it is desirable the house should be informed, and that is, the state of the public balances. And here I shall most sedulously avoid reference, in the way of defence or discussion, to the mode in which the state of the public balances has been brought about, my only object at the present moment being to pro vide the house with trustworthy, real, and accurate information. On the sth of April, 1853, the ba lance in the Exchequer was returned at 7,859,000/. ; on the sth of April, 1854, the balance was returned at 2 ,778,0001., showing a decrease of 5,081,0001., or, in round numbers; something over 5,000,000/- Then it i s r i g ht th at you s h ou ld perceive how that redue tion of balance has been, brought about. How public funds have been applied during the year over and above the Ordinary methods of expenditure, under the following heads and to the following extent :-8,018,000 1 . of funded debt has been paid off; 716,000/. have been paid away in advances under the head which is known as that of public works, over and above the ordinary expenditure under that head ; and this amount of 716,0001. does not indicate or be long to any extension of the scheme of public works, but it has arisen under the. Metropolitan Advances Act of last session, being a mere transfer of money, and having nothing to do with any public works that have been performed. (Hear, hear.) Besides that the unfunded debt was reduced between th e months of April, 1853, and April, 1854, by 1,718,0001., so that the reduction of debt and the payments we have made under these three items amount altogether to 10,482,000.. (Hear, hear.) I have shown that of thia 10,482,000/. about 5,000,0001. is represented in the decrease of balances in the Exchequer ; but, besides that, the . ; o was a sum of 1,274,000 1 . of stock createdcin the name of the Commissioners for the reduction of the National Debt in respect to Exchequer bills which they had purchased and cancelled; and there was likewise an amount of about 420,0001. of altogether new debt in the name of Exchequer bonds. Putting together, therefore, the diminution in the balances, the new funded debt created in the name of the National Debt Commissioners and the Exchequer-bonds, we come to a sum of 6,775,000/. against the 10,482,0 301. of, which I h ave a l rea dy s p o k en . The remainder, 3,707,0001,, is ° l l i 4 3' accounted for by the surplus, revenue. Tho ba. lance in the Et chequer, as it appears in the balsnoe-shoot, ! is 2,778,000/. ; and now it is desirable that I should make a statement to the house a ith reference to the manner in which that balance is brought up to the amount necessary to cover the charge upon the quarter just gone, being the largest during the present year. The amount of the charge, consisting as it does of the interest in the permanent debt and the terminable annuities, and of the amount to be applied to the sinking fund in respect of surplus revenue, is, of course, very much larger, as will be sent on the 6th of April than on the previous year. In the statement which is published regularly the probable amount of deficiency-bills required to meet the charge of the last quarter is stated at 5,852,000/. It is not unnatu ral that some uneasiness should prevail in the public mind—deluded and mystified as I must say it is by our system of public accounts—when anything called by the name of deficiency appears to reach such a formidable amount as 5,852,0J01a However, according to ordinary usage, some deduction must be made from this sum, and the actual amount of deficiency bills brought to charge in April, 1854, was 5,472,0001. This, however, makes no material difference; 5,472,0 01. is a very large sum of money to have the ugly word "deficiency" attached to, and I confess I do not wonder that gentlemen who are not aware what the figures really moan should be astounded at the idea of demands being made-on the Bank of England from the public for temporary accommodation to so large an amount. I wish the house to understand what the amount of this accommodation really is, and, if hon. mem bers will follow me, they will find that the figures which I have just quoted bear no rational relation to it. In the first place, it may be observed that even in April, 1853, when the balances in the Exchequer were extremely low, and the apparent amount of deficiency bills to be issued 1,407,0001., a large sum of public money was in possession of this Bank of England. But of this sum of 1,407,0001., not more than 300,0001. was chargeable with interest. The sum brought to charge in April, 1853, then was 300,0001, while, in April, 1854, the present quarter, it is 5,472,0001, being an apparent increase of 5,172,0001. The house and the public will naturally be desirous of knowing what has occasioned this increased amount of deficiency bills and accommodation from the Bank. The fact is, how ever, that the figures given in the accounts as now drawn up indicate anything but the real state of the account of the public with the Balk; they do not tell the truth to the public, but leave persons to draw false inferences, and, therefore, I think it material to state the facts to the house, the more particularly, because I perceive that even the best-informed persons out of doors are under the belief that the amount of deficiency bills, stated in the account published on the 6th of April last, really represents a similar amount of accommodation given by the Bank of England to the Government. The way in which these sums are calculated is this—it is reckoned on the assump tion that the whole of the charge which has accrued against the public, which the public is liable to pay, and which the public will be called upon to pay in the course of the in coming quarter, will be effectively charged at the com mencement of the quarter, although it is evident from ex perience —and experience is sometimes more certain than demonstration—that it will not be so charged at the com mencement of the quarter, but that a large portion of the money represented by the figures will remain in the hands of the bank until the calls of the public have been over taken by the growing revenue of the quarter. This is the way the discrepancy arises. What does the house suppose is the amount of the discrepancy ? We have heard state ments from hon. members—and I do not impute blame to them on this account—of the great amount of accommoda tion which the Government had obtained from the Bank at the opening of the present quarter. Four, five, or six millions were spoken of as the amount of this accommoda tion. The real amount is very different. Having taken advice as to my competency to do it, I have deemed it my duty—not so iuueh with a view to any pecuniary saving, as for the removal of what I conceive to be, at this moment a mischievous and dangerous apprehension—to regulate the issue of these deficiency bills in point of time, with some reference to the coming demands on the Bank; that is to say, to apply to this particular part of the public service the self-same principle which is applied to every other branch of the public service, the principle—naively, of charging the account enly in proportion to what are known to be the coming demands upon it. By the adoption of that rule, the total amount, of deficiency bills chargeable against the public is reduced from the formid. hie figure at which it stands in the papers before the house, namely, 5,812,0001., to the much more moderate figure of 2,803,0004 The stun of 2,808,0001. represents the amount of deficiency bills chargeable against the public yesterday. lam not able to state what the amount is to day, but I believe it is not more, and proboady it is less. 2,808,030/. was the amount of deficiency bills chargeable yesterday. Let it not be supposed that the deficiency bills have been reduced to this amount by unduly starving the public account, and running the risk of exposing those who have just claims to receive the answer, "No effects." On the contrary, the balance on the audit roll or dividend ac count yesterday, when the business of the Bank termi nated, was 670,0001. The actual amount of accotngioda tion afforded to the public yesterday was 2, 29,0 1 '0/. lam not about to enter into details connected with this subject at the present moment, but I confess my opinion is that if we were at peace, if we had not a growing expenditure, if there was not the risk that the expenditure may possibly grow with greater rapidity, and at the same time with greater uncertainty than in ordinary times, 2,129,0001. is not an extravagant sum to receive in accommodation from the Bank, when we look to the amount of the quarter's revenue, and the mode in which it accumulates from the commencement of the quarter to its close. This, in my opinion, has reference to ordinary circumstances, not to those of the present moment. At the present time it must obviously be our desire to take security against chances which at other times it would not be necessary to take into consideration. I speak, therefore, of this 2,129,000/. as an amount to be progressively reduced, as I doubt not it will be, without the smallest difficulty. What I wish to impress upon the house is, that the sum in question re presents the actual amount of accommodation afforded to the public bo the Bank, and that the sum of 5,812,0001., which appears in' the quarterly account, really has reference to no actual transaction. [Mr. DISRAELI.— You have not stated the amount of requirements.] I thought I had done so. My object has bean to show that the nominal amount of deficiency bills which appears. in the quarterly statement represents the difference between the amount of requirements and the balance actually in the Exchequer on the sth of April, and that the amount of accommodation from the Bank, which really is an accruing and approaching charge, is given in the same statement as if it were an actual charge. I will now refer to another poipt which has not been noticed in this house, but which has been the subject of a considerable observation out of doors. It has been supposed that large and unusual demands have been made by the Government on the Bank of a character calculated to reduce the amount of capital in the market available for commercial purposes. If we were going from year to year with the expenditure exceeding the income, which it was necessary to make up by deficiency bills, or even if it should be found necessary to issue deficiency bills in consequence 'of this house Rot having provided adequate funds to meet the public expen diture, I can understand that, pro tanto, the effect would be to withdraw from commerce some portion of those re sources on which commercial men rely for carrying on their transactions; but there never was anything so ludi crously erroneous as the statement that, in the present case, the demands of the Government have withdrawn from the general purposes of the London money-market either the large sum set down in the quarterly statement under the head of deficiency-bills, or the smaller sum which I have mentioned as the correct one, or, indeed, any sum-at all. Exactly the contrary is the case. The truth is, that every farthing of the large disbursements which the Government pays out goes into the money market, and is available for the purposes of commerce. The supposed amoant of loanable capital withdrawn on the sth of April was 2,129,000/., but on the 7th the Go vernment paid out into the money-market 2,003,000/. What became of that sum ? It was not like 2,000,0001- consumed in an excess of expenditure over income. It was paid to the holders of stock. They did not tie the money up in napkins and put it away. (Hear.) No ; they either employed it in commercial transactions or purchased other stock with it, and in either case the money was just as available for the purposes as if it had remained in the balances of the Bank. This was the case as respects the present quarter, but look at the last. In January 6,018,0001. was in like manner paid out of the Government funds of the Bank into the money-market arid added to the loanable capital of the country. That whole amount added to loanable capital by these payments from the balances and by deficiency-bills has been, in round numbers, 8,000,0001., while the whole amount withdrawn from the market by accommodation from the Bank amounted up to yesterday to the sum of 2,129,00)1. These are matters of fact which admit of no argument, and I think they show that the Government have not, in the pro cess of liquidating stock, withdrawn from the money market any portion of the funds which, under ordinary circumstances, are applied to purposes of commerce. I must shortly refer to another point, because it is one which is supposed to-involve a breach of faith. An idea is entertained by some persons that in 1844 a compact, not written but understood, was entered into between the Government and the Bank—l do not mean to say that this notion is countenanced by any persons connected with the Bank—according to which demands for deficiency-bills were not to be made upon the Bank, under the charter then granted. Of this compact no trace can be found, bat a written compact exists, drawn up in very express terms. The terms of the contract were fully discussed at the time -between Mr. Goulburn and the then Governor and Deputy Governor of the Bank, and the agreement arrived at was this—that when the public balances should be below what at that time was their usual amount the Bank should have a claim for interest against the Government, and, on the other hand, that when they should be above the usual amount the Government should have a claim against the Bank for a share of the profits arising from the deposits. Oa a future occasion I may feel it my duty to enter more fully into this subject, which has some important considerations connected with it ; I now refer to this compact only for the purpose of showing that.the assumption on which Mr. Goulburn and the Governor and Deputy-Governor of the Bank proceeded was, that the public balances, and, conse quently, the amount of deficiency bills—for they are cor relative—were to remain in future as they stood at that time. The question then arises, what was the state of the public balances and the extent of demand for deficiency bills at that time? If I were to refer, as I might, 'to the amount of deficiency bills and public balances in the year before the compact was entered into, I should almost ap pear to prove too much. What I purpose doing is this — to take the two quarters immediately preceding the ar rangement entered into between the Government and the Bank as a measure of the usual state of the public balances and demand for deficiency bills, because these two quarters make the best case for the Bank, as showing the largest amount of balances. In the quarter ending the 6th of January, 1844, the amount of balances was 6,462;000/. ; and on the sth of-April, 1844, it was 3,967,0001.. Let us compare this with the account for 1854, which is supposed to present such remarkable features. On the sth of Janu ary, 1854, the balances were 3,711,000/. ; and on the sth of April, 1854, they were 5,472,0001. The average of the two quarters of 1841 was 4,714,0301., and the average of 1854 was 4,591,0001. Thus it appears that the average of 1854 is less by 123,0001, than the average of 1814, when the Government entered into the compact with the Bank. I now turn to the question of Exchequer bills. The amount of those securities was, in 1853, 17,742,0001., and the minimum point attained during the year was 12,897,000/. The present amount of Exchequer bills is about 16,600,0001., while the amount which Parlia ment has authorised to ba issued is 17,774,0001., and therefore the actual issue is 1,174,0001. short of that authorised. It is probable that some portion of the re maining amount may le issued from time to time, as the exigencies of the service may require, but I have no reason 'at present to expect that it will be necessary for me to apply to Parliament for a further grant of Ex chequer bills during this session. A few words more on a matter immediately relating to the unfunded debt. I. beg to assure the house that in what I have said or may say I am influenced by no-merely personal considerations; all I am!anxious fdr is the mainteaance of those sound prin ciples on which the security of our financial system dope, ds, and by an adherencuto which alone we can hope to meet all demands 'which may be made on the &chequer. The present state of public credit is not unsatisfactory. About a fortnight ago something, which I will not designate a panic, or even alarm, but only apprehension prevailed. No people in the world have more self-command and know ledge of their own affairs than the people of this country. In times of trouble and disturbance the imagination is ac tive, and men sometimes take an erroneous view of their position, but in this country the public mind soon recovers from any temporary aberration of this kind. Let us look at the matter as it stands. Perhaps the best way of esti mating the present condition of pudic credit is to compare the price of public securities here with the price of cerre sponding securities in the most favourable foreign country and secondly with their price in this country :.t a former period. I will there ore compare the state of our puidlo credit now with what it was twelve months ago, and with the state of the public credit of France. On the Ist of April, 1853, the price of the French Three per Cents. was' 79f. 25c. ; on the Ist ,of April, 1851, they were 62f. 60e. ; so that there was a fall of 16f. 65c., or uearly 2 i per c nt. I will now take English Consols. On the Ist of April, 1813, they were at 1)4 ; on the Ist of April, 1854, they were at 864. Thus th-re was a fall of 13g, or a decline of about 14 per cent. in the value of those great securities in England, compared with 21 ncr cent. decline in similar se curities in France. (Hear, fiear.) Now, compare the pre sent price of Console with what it was 20 years ago —and I trust the house will remember that we are in the midst of an European war, and that we are called upon to pro vide extra armaments for the purposes of the war. Ido not propose to go back to years of war in producing my standard of comparison ; but I assert, that compared with years of peace, the present state of the public funds is not altogether devoid of material for satisfaction and congra tulation. There are six. within the last 20 years of peace, in which the price of Consols has gone lower than it now is in the midst of war. Those years are-1847, when the price was, 798 ; 1848,swhen it was 80k. Four other years preceded—years of peace—when Consols still went down. In 1841 they were 874 • in 1840 they were 87 ; in 1836—a year of great prosperity—they declined to 86i ; and in 1834, a year of uniform prosperity, they were only at 87g. It appears, therefore, that yen have not always been able to keep up the price of Consols. What is this state of our public securities now—in the midst of disturbance and menace—compared with France, or with a few years ago in this country? On the Ist of April, 1853, Exchequer- bills in England—l am going to institute a comparison be tween Exchequer-bills and similar documents in France, Bons de Tresor —stood at 14 per cent. ; on the Ist of April, 1854, they stood at 3 per cent., being an increase of up wards of 1 0 per cent. in the rate of interest. On the Ist of April, 1853, corresponding documents in France bore a rate of interest varying according to the terms—according to echanges—from 14 and 2 to 3 por cent., the mean rate being 24 per cent. On the Ist of ,April, 1854, our bills stood at 44, s,•and 54 per cent, the mean rate being 5 per cent. While we, therefore, have an increase of from 14 to 3 upon 1001., the French increase is from 24 to 5, or very nearly 122 per cent. I have, therefore, shown that the rate of interest is lower in this country than in France, and that the rate of interest in several subsequent years is lower than it is in France. This is the whole statement with which I think it necessary to preface the motion which I have to make. I have confined myself strictly to matters of fact, although I might have had much more to say—altogether warranted by the importance of the subject—upon this very subject. No doubt, many oc casions may arise on which this portion of the manage ment of the debt may be discussed. I trust I have shown that, taking all circumstances into consideration, it is needless to view with any alarm or appre hension what has occurred within the last few weeks. With respect to the unfunded debt, it is moderate, and likely so to continue, which is gratifying under the diffi cult and menacing circumstances in which this country and the whole of Europe are placed. Having said thus much, sir, I will only move that the balance-sheet be laid upon the table. Mr. DISRAELI—WhiIed agree with the right lion. gentleman that the occasion for laying the balance-sheet upon the table is not a convenient opportunity for discus sion, still it must be admitted that the Chancellor of the Exchequer has opportunities to collect and compare his facts and statements which I have not. I accept the pro mise of the right hon. gentleman, that he would make no observations beyond those naturally and necessarily educed from his motion upon the piper. The returns which I have moved for have no refereace to the present matter in dispute. I confine myself, therefore,. to matters of fact ; and I beg to remind the house, in vindication of orevious statements of my owo, of one or two circumstances which should not be forgotton—l mean, first, as to the probable amount of a balances secondly—a ces y th — e a Exchequer a or t i s t u b t e e p n o t fin s e to an. cj the ai a n l o y u e n a t r of deficiency bills. I stated that, so far as I could form an estimate, it appeared to me that the balance in the Exchequer, upon 'the sth of April, would not exceed 3,000,00J1. The right hon. gentleman upon that occasion said, that he hail the misfortune to differ from me I bag to remind the house that my estimate was not 'prepaied with the data which the right hon. gentleman has at his command; still, the present balance, which is not more, I believe, than 2,800,000/., affords a proJf that my estimate is more accurate than his. It appeared to me, also, that the right hon. gentleman would require 6,01),0 !0/, of de ficiency bills. The right hon. gentleman said that the de ficiency bills would nut exceed 4,0,0,0001. or 4,500,0001. I said 6,000,0001. It now appears that they amount to 5,412,040/. I think, therefore, that I was much more accurate in my estimate of the amount of deficiency bills than the right hon. gentleman. I did not collect from the right hon. gentle.iian, but I gathered from what he said two or three weeks ago, that the state of the consolidated fund was— The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER.—It doesn't in any manner affect my statement. What are called the Consolidated Fund Bills are bills lent by the Bank, but not held by the Bank ; but held by the public, or, through the public, by the Commfasioners of the National Debt. They amount to about 750,0001. Mr. DISRAELI continued—Having adverted to these two topics, I must make to the house one or two observa tions upon the subject of deficiency bills. I confess that to me the statement of the right hon. gentleman is not satis factory. The right hon gentleman acknowledges that the public requirements exceed the resources at the end of the tinancial year to the amount of 6,000,0001., but ho says that he did not require to borrow that amount from the Bank—the revenue came in, and he managed to get on, but he could not conceal. from the country that he was at that time deficilnt to the extent of 6,000,0001. The right hon. gentleman may put off the evil hour; still the fact remains that the public Treasury is minus 6,000,0001. The right hon. gentleman treats very lightly, and I must say that he veryingeniously glazed over, the very important subject to which lam about to refer. I shall follow his example, and adhere to facts, but not enter into any arguments upon the subjects, although I must observe that the views which the right hon. gentleman expressed upon the subject are not the views which are entertained by men of busi ness, who, I believe, daily experience the evils of the sys tem which he proposes to encourage. See, now, what was said upon this subject before the Distress Committee in 1848. I shall not cull an answer here and there, but I shall quote evidence which I believe will be undeniable I mean the evidence of the hon. member for Kendal. He was asked : "By the returns before the committee, it appears %bat in October, 1841, there was a demand for 4,800,0001. ; in Oc tober, 1842, for 4,900,000/. ; in Oct., 1843, for 3,700,0001. ; in October, 1844, for 2,500,000 ; and iu October, 1845, for 829,000/. Subsequently to that, the Exchequer balances becoming full, that demand ceased ; but supposing that in October, 1817, there had been a demand upon the Bank of England for advances for' the public service to the extent of three or four millions, what would have been the conse quence of such au advance in the then state of the reserve ?" His answer was— " Either the Government must have been refused, or the directors must have limited the commercial discounts, in order to meet the demands of the Government, or they must have sold stock to draw in the notes and advance them again. upon deficiency bills." The examination went on. " It is unnecessary- to pursue the consequences of refusing the demand of the Government, which would have been the refusal of the means of paying the dividends, but, passing to the second alternative, what do you conceive would have been the consequence of limiting the commercial accommoda tion, at that period, to that extent? There would have been an enormous increase to the pressure. It would have been almost the ruin of the commercial world to have refused (lis counts then. If two millions had been the amount of the deficiency bills, I do not think the Stoek-market would have borne the sale of two millions of securities at that time, At any rate, it would have occasioned almost equal pressure at the refusal of discounts, and a great depreciation in Govern ment securities, That period of pressure was relieved by the issue of the letter of Lord J. Russell and the Chancellor of the Exchequer. " Do you consider that the effect would have been the same with respect to commercial credit if the letter had been issued, not for the purpose of relieving commercial pressure, but in order to obtain an advance for Government purposes I think it would have been a dangerouu experiment for the Government to have issued a letter for the purposes of Go vernment, they would not have had much sympathy on the part of the public. " Then in the event of circumstances happening which, either by increasing the expenditure of the country, or by limiting the revenue of the country, would have the effect of reducing the balances in the Exchequer, is there not, as a consequence, an impending necessity of borrowing upon defi ciency bills to pay the dividends ? Certainly. " Then, in the event of any circumstance reducing the banking reserve to the extent to which it was reduced in October last, do you see any mode of extrication from that difficulty at such a period ? Not any mode of relief from that difficulty upon an application made by Government to the Bank at any period. I conceive. Government might have been relieved by a loan." But, says the right hon. gentleman, you had in 1844 and 1845 to meet an amount of deficiency equal to that which I now call upon you to provide for. But what was the state of the balances in the Exchequer in 1844 and 1845 ? They were much more considerable than they are now. There is an opinion which ought to influence the house upon the subject of Government borrowing upon deficiency bills. The right bon. gentleman (lid not advocate the habi tual borrowing upon deficiency bills • and we are unable to gather what the whole - amount of the deficiency bills is likely to be. Bat the appeal of the hon. member for Kendal is not the only one. I myself was a member of that com mittee, and I remember that we had before us one of the principal partners in the house of Baring and Co.—l mean Mr. Bates. What did Mr. Bates say ? Mr. Bates attri buted the panic of April, 1847, to the fact of the Bank being called upon to advance heavily upon deficiency bills. I want the house to consider this. Are we now in a posi tion which forbids - our believing that a panic may ever occur again ; and is it advisable that we, with the prospect not merely of an European war, but of a protracted war, should pursue habitually the much-to-be-deprecated sys tem of borrowing upon deficiency bills ? I cannot assent to the statement of the right hon. gentleman so , far as the balances in our Exchequer are concerned, or as to the mode by which he proposes to replenish them—namely, by habi tually obtaining loans from the Bank on deficiency bills; nor can I think it one on which the country can be fairly congratulated. If the right hon. gentleman pursues that course he will find himself ultimately in great difficulty. I would much sooner that he should, during the recess, devise some means by which he could put an end to that necessity, and then, when the next financial discussion takes place—Which I suppose will be of a more coutrover gal nature than this—the right hon. gentleman would be in a position which would inspire the country with much more confidence than it at.present possesses. (Rear.) Mr. T, BARING was certainly very much surprised to find that the right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer should have thought it necessary to introduce the paper which he had laid on the table with so long and elaborate a ststeinent. (Hear.) If he had understood him aright, the object of the right hon. gentleman in so doing .0 1 8 as t t o o mt r o a o l i no d v o e or a z y ocuatasteheofyearpy notice o sic h m e hidwliichgivmenighoft being about to make a statement had caused a great deal more alarm and apprehension than had existed before.: (Hear.) It was bruited about that they were to have a loan, that a fresh incotne.tax was to be proposed—in fact, all sorts of rumours were abroad, and it turned out at last that all the right hon. gentleman wanted was to compare the state of the French and English funds, and to tell the house that the English funds were not so low, and the de ficiency not greater than it was in 1844 a period following the enactment of Sir R. Peel's income tax, which was in tended to correct the very evils which he (Mr. Baring) was atraid were now arising. (Hear) He certainly should not have thought it necessary for the right hon. gentleman to enter into so long a statement for the single purpose of re moving any apprehension which he might think existed. Ho could see no cause for elan' or apprehension ; the only mode in which any cause could arise would be by mis management, and he trusted that after all that had passed, the Chancellor of the Ex •hequer would, in his futnre financial proceedings, show inure prudence than he was afraid had been 'displayed during th.t last year. (Hear.) He had certainly heard with gr -at regret that the right hon. gentleman recognised asthe basis of his system that he should not provide-for ths expenditure which he had to meet hy the incoming revenue, hut that he should rely upon the subsequent accruing revenue, and meet the defi ciency by Exchequer-bills. tau quite agreed that the Go vernment had a very fair claim for accommodation anti assistance on the Bank of England, seeing that no private credit could be maintained in this country if the slightest suspicion were thrown on the maintenance of the public faith. The Government hod the first claim on the Bank no doubt, and that assistance under ordinary circumstances might be rendered by the Bank, not only without damage to the commercial body, but also with profit to itself ; but the right hon. gentleman must remember, before callingfor that assistance too often and too systematically, and be fore making deficiency-bills the basis of his system, that circumstances might arise which no Government could foresee, in which that assistance, if demanded from the Bank, could not be afforded without interfering very largely, under the present banking system, with the con dition of the banking community. His right hon. friend the member for Bucks - had alluded to the evidence of the hon. member for Kendal, but it would be seen that that hon. member, when giving evidence and advocating the course taken by the Chancellor of the Exchequer of relying on deficiency bills, had very shrewdly remarked immedi ately afterwards that in that case the bill of 1844 must be altered. Without entering into an argument on that sub ject, he might say that if the act of 1844 was to be fairly tried, the Government must not resort to the system of keeping small balances, and obtaining the aid of the Bank by deficiency bills. In fact, a shrewd opponent of that act could not take a course more likely to damage it than to advise the Chancellor of the Exchequer not ts provide for his deficiency, but to rely on the aid of the Bank of Eng land by means of deficiency bills. He was convinced that great injury would arise to public credit if this system of relying on what were in point of fact advances from the Bank were resorted to, and it was on that account that he desired to enter his protest against it as a policy fraught with danger to the financial security of the country. In I.4'rance the system had been too much strained, and great difficulty had been felt in consequence, and the right hon. gentleman, too, might find it not so easy to get out Exche quer-bills as he would have found it to keep them out at a reduced rate. Hernight find it, too, not so easy to borrow mon y from the Bank of England, and then, probably, he would' be driven to apply for a loan at a much less favour able moment. He would not, however, be supposed to be of opinion that the country was not and ought not to be able to raise a loan without the least damage to the future prosperity of this country, and he thought the right hon. . gentleman in his budget speech took a very narrow view of the subject when he stated that our great debt threw impediments in the was of our raising a loan. Prove the war to be just and necessary, and every effort would be made by the country to carry it on, and although it might be very well to say that so long as they could they should meet the expenses of the war by taxation in the year, yet when those expenses were changed from 2,009,000/. to 20,090.6001., they, would not. be able, neither would-it be just, to raise such a sum as that fromthe annual taxation, from the capital: in fact, of the country. If they attempted such a course capital would be driven out of the country, the resources of the country would be impaired, and pus terity would feel its effects quite as much in proportion-as the preset generation. (Hear, hear.) Mr. LAING agreed with the Chancellor of the Exche quer tha - , great, !le at wk uited it e by s A:using the public mind of the stmements which h al otsni put forth with regard to the gteat am ,, nnt of the deficiency bills. He believed there was nothing whatever in the present state of things to justify atlytniug liki :thrill or a.p l .rehmsion. From the figures before the house it appeared that our balances in the Exchequer had been diminished by some 0,000.0 Of. or 6,009,000/. heti:sw the amount at which they would otherwise have stood, and that that amount had been employed in paying off the South .Sea Stock an oth‘ r funds. He went with. the right hon. gentleman in malt ing that experiment, but he thought that when it was found a mistake had been made, it would have been the wiser course to prOp :se a conversion of a I;trge proportion of the stock into ordinary stock, offering some small bonus to the holders, which might have induced them to take the stock instead of being paid in mosey. The wisest mode of replenishing the balances, lowered by this operation, would be, he thought, by a loan, and it would be better for the Chancellor of the Exchequer to propose it now, when he could get it under favourable conditions. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY would only say, upon the ques tion of balances, that in his view it would be better for the right hon. gentleman, by some means or other, to re store hie balances, if necessary, by a direct loan. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) and, still more, the lion. member for Huntingdon (Mr. T. Baring) had entirely misapprehended, and, consequently, had mis-stated to the house both the language he had Used; and the principles and opinions he had expressed. The right hon, member for Buckinghamshire said, "It won't do for you to be an habitual borrower upon the Bank ;'' and the hon. member for Huntingdon declared that he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) made the use of deficiency bid's the keystone of his system of finance. Now, he had never used any such language, and had never done any such thing. - What was the truth about his being an habitual borrower ? Why, this was the first quarter he had borrowed at all—(hear) — and, under such circumstances, it was very hard to be charged with being an habitual borrower. He had been fund-hed by the Bank with a statement of the amount of deficiency bills issued and brought to charge during the last quarter, and the result of this statement was, that there were only eight days duriug the last quarter—during the previous quarters he believed there was not any at all—at which the Bank was in advance of the public balances, and upon those eight days the amount of accommodation varied from 29,0001. to 125,0001. The sum of 125,0001 was the largest amount of accommodation from the Bank dur ing the last quarter. There was, he repeated, no founda tion for the statement that he was an habitual borrower — far less that he had made the issue of deficiency bills the keystone of his system of finance. Nothing which he had ever said, and nothing which he had ever done, bore the . slightest correspondence with the statement of the hon. member tor Huntingdon on this point. He had, indeed, said—and this was a matter no doubt open to discussion — that a moderate and limited use of deficiency bills was, in his opinion, a good and prudent practice Mr. T. BARING—I did not-attribute to the right hon. gentleman the use of the expression that the issue of defi ciency bills was the keystone of his financial system. I •only said that was the tenour of his argument. (Hear.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER continued — How was it possible that any snub de, tuction could have been made from what he had said, when his argument went only to the extent that you might within narrow limits, go to the Bank for advauces which night be taken up within a week or fortnight of the quartet's revenue? The amount of deficiency bills was the rose t of the extraordinary de manila made for the liquidation of stock. But a more important point than this was, that the right lion gentle man and other hon. gentlemen were under the impression that a deficiency of this kind, once created, was not to be restored without the use of 80111:3 extraordinary measure. Now, he might tell the hon. member (Mr. T. Baring) what, if he might say so, was the keystone of his system of finance. It was invariably to ask this house to provide an income which would more than meet the expenditure of the year. (Hear, hear.) That, in his opinion, was the keystone of finance, and, his secondary doc:rMe was this— that the question of having a large or small balance at the Bank was a question - open to discussion, but it was a matter of no great moment provided you kept within nar rriv bounds, and provided - you always adhered to the prin ciple of avoiding a deficiency upon the year's account, of avoiding a fictitious surplus, and of having au income which would always more thin cover your expenditure. (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman the member for Buckingham shire had stated that he trusted he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) would devise some means of escaping from his present situation in respect to the public balances during the recess. Now, the statement which he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had made to-night was, with the same exception, what he had stated about the issue of Exchequer bils—it was a retrospective statement. He had admitted that, although he did not consiser there would be any thing inconvenient or alarming in the present amount of accommodation , under ordinary circumstances, yet that, under present circumstances, the case was not exactly the same. (Hear.) He admitted that at such a period as this we ought to take what in ordinary phraseology was called more elbow-room, with reference to the provision of means for the public service. (Hear.) Upon that subject it would be absurd to enter into a discussion at the present moment. It might be his duty to take a further view of the demands of the public service for the year, and, if he was unfor tunately compelled to do so, then would be the time to state to the house the means by which he proposed to place the Exchequer in what he believed to be a safe and satis factory condition. (Hear.) The paper was then ordered to be laid upon the table. ORDNANCE`OFFICE. Mr. MACARTNEY moved for copies of all correspon dence with the officers of Ordnance referring to the decision of the Board of Ordnance refusing to entertain the com plaint against a senior clerk.in the department, or to insti tute an inquiry into his alleged misconduct, in violating the rules for the guidance of the civil service, whereby he became liable to dismissal. Mr. MONSELL o pp ose d the motion, considering- that it would be most injurious to the public service if a prece dent for interference of this kind were established. The motion of the hon. member referred to a gentleman (Mr. Garrett), who had been for 25 or 30 years in the public service, and who, on account of his merits, had been pro moted over the heads of 10 other clerks in the office, upon a strong recommendation of the chief clerk; and, because he had been thus promoted, persons who were his infe riors in ability and in business habits induced an hon. member to make an attack upon him, on the ground that, while engaged in the Orduance-office, he had transiicted some business as a conveyancer. The fact was, that Mr. Garrett was not prohibited by the rules of the Ordnance office from transacting his busines as a conveyancer out of that office, and the complaint against him was founded on the circumstance that he had sometimes answered ques tions upon legal points in the Ordnance -office, an.i that he had there referred to certain papers connected with the wills of de - ceased clerks in the same office, for whom he was acting as executor. Mr. Garrett had in; no single instance neglected his public duties; but, on the contrary, had always discharged them in a mos t exemplary man n er and he (ffr. Monsell) hoped, therefore, that the house would not assent to the motion. Mr. MACARTNEY wished to state that he had not been induced to bring this subject forward in c onsequence of any representations from the clerks in the O r dnance-office, bat from information he had obtained from other sources. Mr. HIIIIE observed that he had been furnished with the names of some 30_or 40 p erson s employed in public offic:..s who a l so ac t e d as directors of banks or companies, wi who, in consequence of their engageineuts in eonnec on with those, companies, were frequently absent from the public establishments. He thought the question f a i r l y arose, whether wen who were receiving pay from the pub lic ought to be allowed to engage in these private under takings. He had already moved for a return on the stth jOcts and ho rocculataltiod the boa, member for Antriw to L:: withdraw his motion until that return was laid upon table Mr. SPOONER, supported the motion. . . . Sir F. FILLING thought it was most undesirable that the house should interfere unnecessarily with the manage' ment of the public-offices, and opposed the motion.. Mr. I. BUTT jcined in requesting the hon. gentleman not to divide the house. He thought that for the house to interfere in such trifling matters would be to establish a bad precedent. Mr. S. HERBERT wished to state that us soon as the sulject to whi.th the hm. ge.itle.,ian had rebore I w 34 brought under the notice of his IM. friend, the Clark t° the Ordnance. he had interfered in the matter. The motion Was ;hen withdrawn. POWER OF SUMMONING WITNW;SES. Mr. I. Burr moved for leave to bring in a bill to e nable the sup,rior courts 'of common law iu England and Ire' land to issue process to compel the attendance of witnesses resident out of .!:eir.jurisdiction;and to give effect to the Vrviee of f,ucti vrecess in any part of the united kino.rrdom.. Sir J. YOUN(I had no objection to the bill being broug ht in, or to the general scope or object of it. The detail'' however, were matters for further consideration. Leave was then given, ar,l the bill was brought in and real a drat dm,. and ordered to be read a sec o nd time 011 Monday, the Ise of May. Th e hills for the prevention of bribery in the borougheof Cam biidge, Hull, Meldon, Barnstable, and Cantaiburb were brought in and real a first time. The house adjourned at 10 minutes to 11. SHIPPING INr EGLI GENCg• CIISTOH-FIOUSE, APRIL H. ENTERED INWARDS.—The Lionne, from Gravelines; Lion, ditto ; Paris and London, Rouen and Paris ; here. zars, Venice ; Isabella Little, Rochester ; Adonis, Aosta!• dam • Newport, Accr. ; Sampson, Jersey; Wave. Mede mb lik ; 'Moselle, Antwerp ; Hoop, Wore= ; Willem la, Rotterdam ' Newcastle, Bruges; Maria Stetta , Nant es Hawk, Antwerp; Caroline Susanna, Danzic ; NePt urie ' Gravelines ; Haabets Anker, Kragrove • Titian, Antweli Mary Watkins, GalAtz; Fortuna, Christiana; Math* Beguejada. ENTERED OUTWARDS FOR LOADING.—The Paris ( 6 ' ) ' for Rouen ;' Patriot, Alicante; Rhine (s.), Rotteidata ; Tiger (s ), Hamburg ; Walton. Valparaiso; hal" , Madras • Eagle (s), Boulogne; Ebenezer, Dunkirk; Ocea n Queen, New York ; Gezina, Stettin. CLEARED OUTWARDS WITH CARGO.—The Rucker'', for Demerara; Margaret, Marseilles ; Anna, Geelong ; Rs' te n " Sydney ; Lona Monberg, Horsens ; Anna Nlargie. COP bagen ; Britannia, Buenos Ayres; City of London (s-' Dunkirk ; Belgium, Ostend ; John Bull, Hamburg ; SeYD e (s.), Boulogne; Rhine and Di ana , R o tt er d am; Magnet' Amsterdam. VESSELS SPOKEN WITH. The Mary, from London for Port Philip, March 6, is lat. 4 N., long. 21 W. The Kenrich, from Hamburg for New Orleans. Mar c h 12, in let. 2) N , long. b 4 W. The Western Empire, from Mobile for Liverpool, March 11, off Tortugas. The Golden Eagle, from Mobile for Antwerp, March 122 ti milts N.W. from Tortugas. The Milton Galveston, March 14, one day's sail north of D. El. Shot Keys. The shin Rawlins, steering west, on the 16th of Decery ber, in lat. 39 5, long. 137 H. ."ellt The Maria Jacoba, from London for Melbourne, J. A " 2, in lat 6 N long. 20. The Henry Moore, from the Clyde for Melbourne, in 37 N., I,,ag 23 W, The Devonport, from Havre for New Yolk, in lat. 49 J , long. 7 W. COUNTRY MARKETS. LIVERPOOL, APRIL 11. This morning's market was very fully attended by coon: try millers. Easiness opened with briskness, which con e tinned throughout, and we closed firmly at au advan c „ over Friday's prices of 2(1 per bushel o wheat, and Is Pel f narrel on flour, but we did not recover all the decline that day. oats scarce, and Id de trer. A fair demand f t) o,tweal. Indian corn in dem and, without any pattice i._ cUange of price. Egyptian beans is per qr. etearer. IPSWICH—APRIL 11. , There is no great inereasal supply of wheat. The tro`„ ~l e as contrasted with that of list week, was dull, tool t.': gro ewers were disinclined to submit to u reduction iu pr ied : but where sales were made 2s to 3s per qr less tunnel vl-5 realised. 'the cold weather has induced maltsters to kel on steeiing. There was a little barley at market, " 1 % brought within Is anal, in some cases. 2s per qr less t iO f last week ; and we must note the very smAl quantity wheat on this week's return. PER QUARTER PER 0%01 3 ' Wheat red (old) 76s to 78 s Barley, grindin g 32s t" .% n; Ditto (new) Ditto, white (new) 84s to 88a Peas OU g Ditto (old) Barley, malting 3its to 3Ss Flour, per sack AVERAGES FOR TUE WEER ENDING APRIL 11, 1854. Wheat Barley Oats Beans Peas HULL--APRIL 11. A fair supply of wheat to-day, the f a rmers clemandi n l fully late rates, and where not obtained buttoned up b elt pockets, and made short work of it.. Holders of forel l wheat resisting a decline, business is limited. The Newt and oil market is more subdued in tone, while cakes w e more general inquiry. The transactions iu bunco L" ., limited, and 2s 6d per ton cheaper. _ a S S Wheat, English, red S 2 to S 5 Ditto white B6 to ii Dautzio and Konigs berg Pomeranian and Ham- !Peas, grey and black 48 to 50 Liuseed, Black Sea._ t 3 to 19 , Ditto Poteraburgh 52 to 6'l 82 to 86 Ditto Riga and-Arch angel Ditto Konigsberg and Memel burgh Danish, Holstein, and . Friesland t 70 to Russian and Odessa 66 to 72 1 Oats, English Ditto Danish Ditto Friesland Ditto Russian 2.; to 28 Barley, malting 'Ditto grinding 3l to 36 Per Tog Lins. c.,Hull 111 Os d to 0/ 0 Ditto fine for. 0/ Os Od 0 1 ' 01 Ditto inf. for Ol Os Ocl to 01 0 Rapeseed OOl Os to 001 0g Rape cakes Tares, English O s to u"" Ditto foreign :Guano 4l 10s 81 to 12' 0 Bones l2 s 0,1 to 125 , Rye Meal - . Beans Ditto foreign I Peas, white and yel. 52 to 561 RAIL WA Y SHARE MARKETS. LIVERPOOL, APRIL 11. rnollr STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sh a r e market opened LW, a . ing 2 per under yesterday. C a l e d o nian, 26 ; East Do c d shire, 1 ; Lancashire and Yorkshire, N I ; Lou :on AP_ North-Western, - 95, ; Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincoirz ; Midland, 5 80 ; South-Eastarn and Duver, 170 ; Newcastle, and Berwick, 14 CO URSE OF EXCHANGE-YESTERDAY. Msterdam II 134 z, Gibrthar . • • • Ditto, three months .. 11 lb% .-ghorn .... • • " rrotterdam 11 15 , ltnoa .. • . .• . • Y 5 SJ Antwerp .............. 2b 17 ~ Ilan 41rils.eis ...... 2b r 7 Venice . • IbmahurAh ............ 13 4 , , Nawes A Itona ,Prilerine ,114 1' 5 4 •210 Pars •• • .... 24' 1 X Ditto. three months •• ,i , lllOll •• 25 35 port. Boar4lefutx itt .I,4l , eirn . ..... er:infoort.on Maine .... 11.% ,, atenog • Berlin . .............. New York, tin day,' Vienna . ..... 13 46 l'hPit telplon .........• rrinste ............ .. so PRICES OF MILLION 1 ,1, 9 ewershurgh.. ........ 32 Fore.7:ll 4;o1,1 :a It . tr, 17 , Vo.(1,10 ............ •... 6044 "ortugal 1;()(1C•tif, 0 :34 Cadiz 50% 0.0c4.101 BAre •Long • - ,40v•lie ....... New .rollar, r•-r, 0 z 5 1' [A DVERTISFAIENT.] —HoPowa,y's Pills the greates: wonder of modern times.—Tney correct bile, pr eyl t -1 a flatulency. cleanse the liver, purify the system, reilo vl be the debilitated, strengthen the stomach, increase , t appetite, invitrorate the nerves, promote health, and r v• instate the weak to an ardour o f f ee l ing never b e fore ? I perienced. Th.: extraordinary daily sales of these valuable pills in all parts of the globe astonish e erboul' .coi vincing them that there i s no o th er me d i cine in or i4ence equal to Holloway's pills for reinovitz the CO w : plaints which are incidental to the human race ; tb are, indeed, a blessing to the afflicted, and a.boon to those who suffer from any disorder, internal or exter ns !, —Sold by all druggist, and at Professor Holloway ° Establishment, 244, Strand, London. pi k a t t m lo vEs..T f lSE l MZ e T s .] , following letter : — wi A th i o n u o t st v i : l e te a r i ci es o t i f n medicine, rec over i s fro r e in e a r d y ad s l e t ° r- 1; .. ri havede h ri o , u r s i e v , e F ri r f i m r I m ey . 3 u d B A a p r r y i y l, ,s ii3 K s o 4 ie4 "Grateful for the benefit lents Arablea Food.. I feel it my duty to expres• t , you ma a fel , thanks fir the invariable kinowss I have met wit, at you hsl 7 ., My easel- an extra r dinary o ie, and as it may be ne d• o f er ferers I think it but right to place its details at • sour dispoolL,,o have suffered these 33 ycarsotic,obdnrereainaint.hea-lslay,nsidriin,nlgeiondugis,oha.sed lungs, in the pars lot and durin t , o ut .poPferltbin°lodni:dt'alekihevniefrtsYed. ni es F r ir e in meses d n iclne that L can Safely 8.,y I have laid o 0 up wards of a thousan po:inds at the cheinis;'s and doctor's : f lu& actually worn oi t t two medical men during my ailments wi how. %in ins an, improvement in my health. I ndeed i wa , in utter dear and never ..xpected to get ov r it, when I was fortun ,te enda,b, be b eco me acquainted with you r R evalenta Arab-ca, ivtl'eh• ge.ave aire d praised, I , stored ,ne t• a state of health which long since den' l i t. of attaining. my lun gs , li ver, stoma h, head, and ears an, ail ~„ ua my hearing perfect, and my recovery is a marvel to all my all; i t' tanc , .s.—T am, respectful'‘, "JAMES ROBERTS Wood Me c• In cani.tera, suitably packk d for all climates, a' Al with full 111', on tions-1 lh., 2s 91 ;21 4t 6d ;slh , 11 ;12 lh., 22s t sup er od fined. 5 Ib , 9 -2s; 10 lb , 33a. The 1' lb and 12 lb carriage urre;e,ot. street, London; receipt of Post-office osier Parry, Du harry, and Co., 7 ..,`", ;e - -t/ tortnum, Mason, and Co., purveyors t, her "7; 45 iceadlnY; also at 63, Oxford•streot ; 6 p, Gracechurch-stree t; Bishopsgafe•street ; 4, Cheanslde; 330 and 451, Strand ,•••••••.......1•••=1•1•11M BIRT II S. OF A SON. - On the 10th inst., the Right Hon. Lady Rayleigh.,.. On the 6th inst., at Jersey, the wife of Major C. Hardy, H.E.I H.E.I C.S. OF A DAUGHTER. the On the 10th inst., at Somerset-place, Stocktrem , w if e o f J. B. Loper, Esq. a of On the 11th inst. , the lady of Captain Starkie Be n " Sentwell hall, Suffolk. ---e MARRIED. On the 11th inst., by the Rev. Travers Wlntite , Cb s ss i Noon, Esq., of Leicester. to Lucy, daughter of John cock, Esq., of Syston, Leicestershire. DIED. Te r i On the 10th inst., at Camden-Cottage, 3fontegud o or• non, eldest son o f V ernon Abbot, Esq., of I JPPe r street, Bedford-square. On the 10th inst., at 7, Hyde-park-terrace, C °l Powell, Lord-Lieutenant and late M.P. for the ° lir Cardigan. On the 10th inst., Baket Morrell, Esq., of St. G' Oxford, aged 7G. On the 11th inst., at St James's-square, Harriet, of the late George Byng, Esq , M.P. for Middies"' LONDON: Printed and Published by. MURDO YO of No. 112. strand, Nrintor, at .fun OrHee, N n ', Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy. is the Al a alithilezes, Wednesday, April 13, 185 i. JD"' - ; 0 1olle i ° wi d o vr Ul4°' ISt of Olt wi !halo] Verbal rni If, Rai wit reA; beta Port. inch Weill to an the e C T ft kin , tai, en fOllO,, 1,N71 bP tkrtni a.e tl., mt Drc c , 2), R, ItE• A pril. Paqg Jour n , a. ; at %We,. Limn Irre! Sti 19 alm , 25, R ..,; atr t et L( rg ° 9ft TAUT Z r,~. (Bi~c~ , Pr:, 10 17,Fr,i 11.35, tinzln u° l lbl Olt( Leave Allivi te:.v( Arriv ~, rha, Is a , Y!t, th unt o ,vitF k ltDa e , Coi l 00 ........