The Sun. — London, England, 1833-02-06 00:00:00

teneted emancipetson. I will say nothing of the taste, the good feeling, or the gratitude this evinces for those who, during so many long years, advocated that measure. For mylklf, I can say not a word, because I supported it during no more than seven years ; but can I overlook the services of those men whose votes and speeches con tinued to produce increasing majorities in Parliament, until at length the Ministers of the Crown yielded Emanci pation ? I will now turn to the charge of not having placed Ca tholics in places of trust and power. What is the fact ? Where is the system of neglect pursued towards Catholics? Let the House look to the total quantity of legal promotions by the Whigs; let it also look to the previous exclusion of Catholics, and then say 'whether they had not their fair share of places and offices ? Two sergeantssat-law had been appointed ; one was a gentleman of liberal principles, and high to professional character—the present Member for Monaghan; the other sergeant was a Catholic. Two King's Counsel had been appointed, and both were Catholics. One was Mr. Wolfe, and of the other I shall say no more than that the distinction was deemed due to his legal and r sfess:— had been two assistant barriste' Clerks of the Crown, of w' There had been one Mr given to a Catholic, a gt fully merited it. One Catholic. These thin; regard of the Hon. Gent plains, moreover, that knows that the sherifTh that the Government mist generally the highest no Catholic sheriffl, merely make a selecti Catholic can accept cried down as having bee vernme nt, and. this by th , exclusion of Catholics f' that extraordinary pow , rington, the Crown Soli-- are no offences perpetrated not punishable by the existing law. Therecan be few better autherities than Mr.Barrington on that subject. But what avails that when the law cannot be enforced --when it is a mere dead letter—when intimidation has reached such a height, that witnesses will not give evidence, nor juries be found to attend for the trial of offences? If they attend and give verdicts against the accused, their houses are burned—their crops destroyed ; and it has been at the same time declared, that this is the vengeance exacted for having solemnly given a conscientious verdict from the jury -box. On the other hand, some (there have been but a few instances of this condescension) have had their crops saved, without the least expense to them selves, because they gave a popular vote for men accused of po pular delinquencies.—(Hear, hear.) Trial by Jury was a mock ery, where violence and outrage thus prevailed—when there was no hope of getting evidence, even though the real crimi nals were as notorious as the sun at noon-day. The Hon. Gentle man had charged the English Government with systematic mis conduct towards Ire'and. For this purpose he had gone very far, indeed; he had ascended to the times of Elizabeth ; and endeavoured to show, that the Saxon Government of those days was the same as the present. He had gone back, not only needlessly and causelessly, but mischievously, and had at length alluded to America, as if it could be a parallel case to that of Ireland. Of what, let me ask him, did America corn. plain ? Does he understand the question he has alluded to ? The Americans complained of being taxed without having a voice in the Legislature that imposed the tax—of being thus deprived of the distinctive right and privilege of Englishmen ; and It was hi such a cause as this that they made the last op. teal to physical power.—(Hear, hear.) Will the Hon. Gen- Vermin say that this is a parallel to the condition of Ireland I grant it might have been so before 17S ---it might have been so when the Privy Council of England controlled as it chose the Bills of the Irish Parliament —it might have been so when the Crown assumed the right of disposing of the surplus re venue, without rendering any account to the representatives of the people ; but I say that there exists no parallel whatever between both cases, when Ireland possesses her fair share in the Imperial Legislature, and is heard with as much favour as Yorkshire or Scotland.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman says that none but the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland are competent to bind her. I admit that, but they merged in the King, I.ords, and Commons, as at present constituted; and the Irish branches of the Legislature stood on the same footing with the English and Scotch Members of it. As the Honourable Gentleman has not touched on repeal, I will not go into that question now. My object is to refute his charges against the Goverment; though the King's speech had already refuted the most important of them ; for how could it, in the face of that speech, be asserted that Ministers intended nothing on the subject of the Irish Church ? The amount of tithes, in the face of the House, the Honourable Gentleman heti as. serted—had ventured to assert—was one-tenth of the total produce. Now, every witness's evidence went to show—every person who examined the evidence knew, that, so far from being what the Honourable Gentleman had asserted, it was not even one-tenth of the rent. Tell me of the commutation in Scotland there it was calculated as the fifth part of the rent; but we brought in a Bill which fixed it in Ireland at the tenth part of the rent ; and did more, est we propose a means by which the landlord can get rid of it altogether by a fair and equitable commutation. I will not enter into the question of alterations made by the Bill of last year ; but this I say, that without augmenting the ultimate payment, it substi tuted a fixed sum instead of a growing one, whatever might be the powers of the soil or state of cultivation, and made it rest finally on the landlord. The fairness of Ministers' intentions, and their anxiety to deal in doe time with so important a clues. tion, might have been concluded from the motion (of which notice had been given) upon the state of the Irish Church, its revenues, and their distribution.—(Hear, hear.) Upon the motion with which the Hon. Gentleman concluded I shall touch as little as he himself did. It was, I presume, merely intended as a vehicle for certain charges, which I have sought to answer : and I will conclude by declaring that we must make law respected and Government feared, before it is beloved in Ireland; and that Parliament is bound to invest Govern. ment with those means of coercion which are absolutely ne ceseary.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. O'CONNELL rose to explain a mistake or misrepre. sentation concerning what he had said. He did not complain of the postponing of Catholics generally, nor had he imputed the small number of Catholic Sheriffs to a fixed design on the part of Government. The real charge referred expressly to the stipendiary Magistrates, of whom there were no less than *Xi. It was in that quarter he said Catholics were thrust into the back ground. Colonel DAVIES was inaudible for some time, owing to the noise of Members quitting the House, He declared himself favourably disposed towards the Ministry ; but such had been the speech of the Irish Secretary, that he was placed in a very awkward position, and must, he feared, though most unwil. tingly, vote against them. By what fatal spirit had that Gen tleman bound the Ministry to his measures ? The conclusion of his speech was enough to drive Ireland to fury. Instead of conciliating opposition, he justified every abuse. What' if the Member for Dublin had set jurors aside improperly, did that justify the practice P--(Hear.) Ireland was declared to be in a state of insurrection, and the actors were of the lowest classes ; but was that a reason why no one word of conciliation should be uttered by the Secretary for Ire land ? He would first coerce, and then announce his mea sures of conciliation. The Honourable Secretary was appre hensive about his character for courage ; he was afraid it would be said he was afraid ; but a friend of his (Colonel Davies), who did not yield in personal courage to the Hon. Gentleman, said to him he was afraid of what might happen in Ireland. The Duke of Wellington was not ashamed to make a similar avowal. In fact, the Right Hon. Gentleman seas a most unfit person for the situation he occupied. He put coercion in the van ; he showed the sword and concealed the olive branch.--(Hear, hear.) His whole speech—its tone— its manner—was offensive, and made him (Colonel Davies) feel it to be an unworthy and unbecoming one. When a man's blood boiled at the detail of the sufferings of the Irish people, there arises nothing but a personal affair between the Hon. Secretary and the Member for Dublin. With the lattergentle man, he (Colonel Davies) confessed a reluctance to associate much.—( A laugh.) Hew - as a great agitator—(Laughter) — and had gone beyond the line of real service ; but, if cons. pelled, he (Colonel Davies) must join him.—(Hear.) He hoped the Nellie Lord opposite (Althorp) would rise, and give such assurances as would enable those Members who felt with hint to ;five a conscientious vote in favour of his Majesty's Ministers. Mr. ROEBUCK rose, as a person unconnected with any patty, a free and independent Member of Parliament, but one not indisposed to vote with the Ministry it' he could, nor to follow them in such measures as might be useful to the fiber-. ties of the country. He would not attempt to throw ae* stades in their way; he would even sacriticVto theun sgysC portion of his own opinions, but he was not prepared for creatg i ing a civil war in this country.--(Cries of" Hear, hear.") TO Hon. Gentleman the Secretary for Ireland seemed 4'4_ httik i tlsat men were only to be played with as puppets, instsittecif being treated as beings possessed of feelings, passions, and high emo tions. He seemed to consider them as cold creations, jgcapable of being guided by kindly feelings. It was much to be feared that, by such arguments, not only Ireland or England, but the whole world, would be involved.—(A laugh.) This was no light or simple question. It was of that deep im portance that it had compelled him to come forward at that catty stage of the Parliament to enter his protest against trickery instead of honest legislation.—(Cheers.) Had the Hon. Secretary read the history of the world or of this country? Did he not know of the existence of the two great antagonist principles, the principles of self government and that of aristocratic rule? Did he not recognise the legal triumphs of the former in the repeal of the Test and Corporation Act, in Emancipation, and, finally, the Reform Bill? Did he wish that independent men, who saw this, should join him, and be overwhelmed by the torrent ? From the description of the Hon. Gentleman himself, it was plain that Ireland was in complete anarchy and confusion ; law was not administered, because they could find none to administer it. The Hon. Se cretary would take away Trial by Jury and suspend the Ha. bees Corpus. lie (Mr. Roebuck) would recommend a thing hitherto un tried —honest government.—(Hear, hear.) Eng land had never established good government in Ireland. There had been strong Governments, indeed ; but he did not at present mean such a one, which might be wielded by the Hon. Secretary at pleasure, which would obey his dictation, and fill the prisons of Ireland. Fears were not the arguments of Statesmen, and the only remedy' for grievances was to redress them.—(Cheers.) It was not becoming to appeal to the puny, pitiful vanity of Parliament, and ask would it be t errified into justice ? There was no word of vituperation or contempt too strong for such conduct. Parliament should be addressed through its understanding alone. Was it possible the first lesson taught by this, the first Reformed Parliament was, that it Mew no other force bl4l, that of bayonets and artillery. Would the first voice of the enfranchised people of England be heard in the thunder of cannon?—(Cheers.) Would a civil war be the fruit of its first act ?—:Cries of " Hear.") A feeling to which he could not give utterance swelled in his heart, when he was asked to proceed to such violent measures against his countrymen. Government, it was said, must be feared before it was beloved. The proper course for creating affectiOn had not yet been tried. Let the plain obvious mode of real conci liation be adopted. He knew the cause of that sneer—(The Hon. Member seemed here to address the Secretary for Ire. land)_and If any thing was more distinctive than another of trUe aristocratic feeling, it *as, that Then any appeal was made to the kindlier, The more noble and honest feelings, they were sure t^ Meet it with a laugh. The people of England and Ireland owed the redress of their grievances to ne. honest sympathies. The Irish wrung it by the terror of emancipa tion, and the English people by their determined stand on Re. form. There had been anotherdeclaration made that evening, as to the plans which his Majesty's Government intended to adopt. They had been told by the Noble Lard (Althorp) that othr great demand of the people—that of popular instruc also to be denied. ,LTHORP Was understood to deny that any thing said about a refusal of popular instruction, .OEBUCK—Why, what, is the refusal to take the ties off newspapers but a denial of popular instruction ? ALTHORP-1 merely said, I was not prepared at say that these duties should be taken off ,OEI3UCk knew the language of Palliamentary eva ii he thought it high time tePeople of England should net answers, and That the replies to their demands !ease to be evasive —(Hear)—and, comparing that an_ tine conduct of the Right Honourable Gentleman, in to i kersuade them to adopt coertive measures towards id7Wtould not help feeling that the suspicions that were red of Ministers were not altogether without reality. ' . lt , t.AStiiething about the conduct of his Majesty's Go ' Which should make the House alive, lest that Go. . should deceive them. He used plain language on _ occasions - , and he had not been long enough a Legislator to' learn the use of evasive expressions. It appeared to him that the Ministry did not understand the onitiihn of the people at this time. He stood there as e.n independent Member of that House--as the representative of an English constituency. Ile had nothing to do with Ireland—and he asked, as a representative of the people of England, what he was to do at this particular juncture—how he was to piedeed—in what manner he was to act if the Right Hen. Gentleman got, up and divided the House tilion this Motion ? He had a great desire to support his Majesty's Ministers, but what should he say to that dreadful topic in the speech ? Could he tell his consti tuents that he had not considered it ? They sent him there in order that he might give it consideration, "What, then, he wished to know, did his Majesty's Ministers mean by those dreadful and mystic,expressions . r—(Hear.) It seemed to him at this juncture, that it *Mild have been well if hi, Majesty's Ministers had Carefully inquired into the situation of the people, and had made themselves acquainted with their mental, moral, and physical condition. He stood there as a witness to that condition, and from what he had seen of the people—and he had gone amongst them for the purpose of judging—he knew that there had arisen a deep bitter feeling of suspicion, which was going through them, and which he prayed his Ma jesty's Ministers and the House to respect, and not provoke. That feeling prevailed not Only in Ireland, but in England. In Ireland it exhibited itself in the shape of Whiteboyism —in England, in a quiet but determined spirit of resistance, a feeling which last year induced the people to refuse the pay inent of their taxes and parish rates, and rchich feeling was even now in operation. Men were ttp and stirring. That feel ing the Ministers had not Considered—they sundered them selves front the bebple—and when within their own mystic circle, they shut out the evidence of their senses. If, however, Ihe ref Used to pay attention to the people, the people would soon rise up in such terrible array against them, that they would not know where to retire. Hitherto they had been accus tomed to appeal to the people to support them in extremities; but if they divorced thelnseiVes from the people's cause, that last resource wouid be taken away, from them.—(Hear.) When he found t declaration made against all improvement in our Constitution—when he heard the Noble Lord declare the fina. lity of the Reform Bill—that there was to be no further Con ,titutional Reform—he could not help asking what was the real meaning of those declal•ations ? He feared it meant this— that the Ministry Would arrest as long as they could, and when they were sts pressed and frightened as to dare resist no longer, they would then yield to the demands of the people. He prayed them to pause in their course—to yield to the popular cry, and not to resist it, for this reason, that if they refused to go onward with the people until they had driven them into the , tate Which he described, great evils must inevitably result, and They would at last be obliged to meet their demands in the face, loaded with additional difficulties, and with their power of meeting those difficulties materially diminished. He trusted the I louse would take these circumstances into their consideration ; in the meantime he must humbly enter his protest against the measures proposed for the Government of Ireland by the Right Hon. Gentleman, as the best possible mode of rousing the people to a state of fearful dissatisfaction, and depriving the Government of their confidence and support.—(Cheers from the Opposition, with cries of " The Speaker, the Speaker," and " Lord Althorp.") _ . Lord ALTHORP rose, but his first sentences were quite inaudible. He complained of the misrepresentation of his opinions, which had been made by the Honourable Member for Bath. He meant nothing less than a denial of the demand for popular instruction. What he stated was this, that he was not in a situation to give an answer to the question regarding the abolition of the taxes on newspapers—that he did not know at present what the means of the public with respect to the reve nue really were. Ile stated even more than this—he stated, that in his opinion, and it was well known to be so, that the stamp duty on newspapers was a bad and evil tax.—(Hear, hear.) When, therefore, the Honourable Member said that he gave a positive denial, and that he considered that denial as a proof that he (Lord Althorp) was opposed to liberal measures, was as :;uming that his premises were correct; it must be admitted that his imputation was rather a strong one, and one which he had not the least ground for making.—(Cheers.) His Honourable and Gallant Friend who spoke before the Honourable Member for Bath, accused his Right Honourable Friend with having spoken in a strong manner, in answer to the Honourable and Learned Member for Dublin. Now, he must say that the speeches of that Honourable and Learned Gentleman were not generally calculated to produce mildness on the part of those opposed to him.—)Cheers.) The Honourable and Learned Gen tleman, as usual, had not been sparing of vituperation—he had, as usual, attacked his Right Honourable Friend at every point—he had attacked him in a speech of great eloquence, force, and vehemence; surely, therefore, a little warmth on the part of his Right lion. Friend might be excusable ; but it ap. peared as though his Right Hon. Friend was not able to move a muscle of his face without its becoming a subject for criticism— his opponents giving it that interpretation which best suited their own views.—(Loud cheers.) He did not think there was anything in the speech of his Right Hon. Friend calculated to call forth the observations which had been made upon it. Gen. tlemen said, and he agreed with them, that it was the bounden duty of that House to remove every just cause of grievance from Ireland. Why this was exactly what he was endeavour ing to do. The lion. and Learned Gentlemen said he would not hesitate to criticise the motion to his face—(A laugh)—and place his own interpretation on it. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman must be aware that he had never been—certainly he had never intentionally been an enemy to Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) On the contrary, he had advocated the cause through out the whole course of his Parliamentary career—(Cheers)— ' and it was still his intention to remove every grievance that he possibly could ; but was it no grievance in Ireland, that the lives and property of his Majesty's subjects were not secure ? (Hear.) Was it no grievance that murder, burglary, and arson existed in every part of the country ? and because the Go vernment was about to redress other grievances, were they not to remove these also ? It was impossible to apply them. selves to the removal of the grievances of Ireland, whilst such a state of things existed there.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had not denied one of the facts stated by his Right Hon. Friend. Indeed they were too notorious. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had made many complaints of the manner inn which the system of the Magistracy of Ireland was carried on. He did not know what better mode could have been adopted than that which they followed—of con sulting the Lord Lieutenants and principal persons in the diffe rent districts, who, he it observed, were generally persons whose principles accorded with those of his Majesty's Government ; for one of the main charges brought against them, if they ap pointed a Nobleman to a Lord-Lieutenancy, or any person taking other office, whose principles were at all at variance g with theirs—the charge brought against them was, that they did not carry on the Government on party principles.— Hear, hear.y - The Hon. and Learned Member had, to his "great surprise, objected to the establishment of Petty Sessions. (" Hear," from Mr. O'Connell.) This was ex traordinary, as it had long been considered one of the desiderata for Ireland, that judicial investigations should he made before the public. The Hon. and Learned Gentle man complained that the responsibility being divided amongst so many, there would in reality be little or nose.—(Mr. O'Connell said, he complained of the resposibility being con. solidated—not divided.) He admitted that responsibility, by being divided, became weakened ; but when the proceedings were carried on in secret there was none at all, or at least but eery little. The Honourable and Learned Gentleman stated, that he gave him a pledge that the Jury Bill should have the support of Government. lie did give him that pledge, be. lieving that he had full authority for so doing. The Jury Bill, hewever, was dropped at the end of the Session without his knowledge, as he had already intimated to the Honourable arid Learned Gentleman. He was sorry for it, but it was not his fault, and the pledge he gave him at the time, and long afterwards, he considered would be fully performed. After the speech of his Right Honourable Friend, he did not feel it ne cessary to entertain the House much longer on this subject. It was the most anxious desire of the Government to remove all the grievances of Ireland, but it must be remembered that these grievances were of long standing, and that even if every mea sure which the most sanguine Reformer could desire were car. reed into immediate execution, still some time must elapse before the dissatisfaction which prevailed there could subside ; and whatever grievances they might attempt to remedy, and however successful those remedies might ultimately be, still they could not at once disarm discontent, they could not look fora miracle. They were bound to take measures for the pro• tection of his Majesty's subjects resident in that country, and the preservation of their lives and property, for it was in vain to expect amelioration unless they adopted the necessary steps to put down outrage.—(Cheers.) Mr. M. D. HILL observed, that the question before the House was, whether such powers as the Government de. manded, were necessary or not. If the great object of tranquil lizing Ireland could be obtained without those powers, then it would be wrong to grant them. Since, however, they could not ascertain this point, the concession of these powers must depend on the degree of confidence which they had in his Majesty's Ministers. He thought they were bound to have confidence in the Government till they had proved themselves undeserving. Ile had listened with attention to the various speeches that were Made, and he thought the present Ministers were entitled to these additional powers, taking on themselves the awful re. sponsibility of exercising them. He was surprised that the Hon. Member for Dublin should complain of wrongs inflicted upon Ireland so far back as the time of Henry VIII., James 1., and Charles 1., for he should have remembered, that if Ireland suflbred under the tyrannical sway of the Stuarts, so also did this country ; and that it was the resistance of the in. habitants of this country which laid the foundation of a better system of Government, the good effects of which would, he trusted, soon be felt in Ireland itself. He denied that the people of England were indifferent to the wrongs of Ireland. As the Representative of a very large constituency, he begged to assure him of the sympathy of that constituency for the grievances of the Irish nation. He thought the powers re. quired should be granted to the Ministry, they taking the ~-hale responsibility ; buf if it was found that they sought those powers for the purpose of governing Ireland,vand not for the sake of ameliorating her condition—if they showed a haste to place her under rigid control, and a tardiness to redress her wtcngs, then would they indeed deserve that reprobation which such conduct could not fail to draw down upon them. He begged the indulgence of the House--(Hear)—and unless something more urgent were produced, he should vote for the address to the throne. . Mr LALOR protested against the measures contemplated by Ministers with reference to Ireland. The forces they had already were not sufficient for the purposes they were in tended for. The great reason of the excesses was, the inter ference of Government agents among the people. One in. stance of their interference he recollected, where a po li ce chief, who was called to give evidence in a case wher e his party had killed a young man, and alleged as a reason, that he had received an intimation from the Secretary of the Lord-Veutenant, acting upon the suggestion of the Attorney- General. This was law.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He recollected the feeling exclamation of the father of the lad that was killed : —" Ah, Sir, if I had been called on to give evidence, and re tbsed like that gentleman has done, I should have been hand cuffed and sent to prison; but there is one law for him and another for me."—(Hear.) He (Mr. Lalor) had heard the agitators taunted with being the cause of all the excesses and crimes; but he repelled the charge as most infamously false, and would say his sincere conviction was, that but for the interference and advice of the agitators in all parts of that kingdom, there would be much more crime and bloodshed than at present. There were many causes to agitate Ireland, but the great branch of agitators were the hireling incendia ries, who were sent about by those who ought to repress them, stirring up the people, already goaded by their deep injuries, inflaming their passions, and drawing them into crime, arid to form illegal associations, which, as soon as formed, are in formed against by these wretches. With respect to the asser tion that ij Ireland no one dares give evidence on pain of death, he denied it altogether ; and defied any one, even the Hon. Member who seemed so well acquainted with the Queen's County, to produce any instance where any witness or juror had suffered for the lawful discharge of his duty. Yet this was the only ground assigned by the Ministry for taking away a portion of the constitutional liberty of Irishmen. Mr. CLAY, as the representative of a constituency which iti no point was second to any in the empire, could not give a silent vote in voting for the address. He should give his name very reluctantly without a more distinct pledge from Government of efficacious remedies for the evils contem plated. He was sure he spoke the sense of the majority of his constituents in declaring his full opinion that coercion would utterly fail of success. He would ask, too, however modified they might make the system of collecting tithes, did they intend to appropriate these enormous revenues, when col lected, to the support of a mouldering religion, which only administered religious consolation to one-sixteenth of the po pulation ? He wished to be distinctly informed of the pro posed appropriation. He was most grateful to the men who had—he would not say, procured Reform, for that the people had done for themselves—(Hear)—but who, having dis cernment enough to see the spirit of the times, had given an impulse and direction to the mighty spirit which had thus gone forth. He was, therefore, unwilling to believe that such men would now draw back, and fail ultimately in carrying for. ward to its proper result the legitimate and satisfactory re medy of all our grievances. He would not trespass longer on the House—(Hear)--but would conclude by warning his Majesty's Ministers that the majority which now appeared so riumphant in their favour will fail them if they exhibit any falling off from a determined spirit to carry forward every be neficial measure to its fullest extent.—(Hear.) Mr. GILLON expressed his determination not to vote for the address, because .he felt that the cause of the labouring classes--the strength and stamina of the nation—was not suf. ficiently consulted by Ministers; and he was also dissa'istiecl with the inefficacy of the contemplated reform in the Church; to see that the separation of the monstrously unholy alliande of Church and State was not proposed, and that the so called Church property was still to be applied to Ecclesiastical pur poses. Reform, according to Lord Althorp's intentions, in common with the other Ministers, would turn out nothing. When that Chancellor is asked for the abolition of Taxes on Literature, lie says he must first see how the revenue looks by the end of the year. When the people ask us for the abolition, of the Taxes on Malt, Assessed Taxes, Taxes on Soap and In surances, what are we to tell them ? That Lord Althorp will give it them by and bye ; that mean time they are to go on the same as usual year after year, and find Reform still as far off as ever; while the Bishops, Deans, and other devourers arc to continue fattening on their tithes. However, he was sure that the time, if not come, was near at hand, when the monstrous association ofChurch and State would be dissolved, and when the Ministers of the Gospel should not sit as Legislators, but reli. gion be put on its best and surest foundation, purity and truth. Mr. GRATTAN had never been more astonished or indig nant than at the conduct of the Secretary for Ireland through out. The conduct of Ministers was now worse than ever, when they called upon a Reformed Parliament to punish a whole country for the excesses of two counties. To subject the whole of Ireland to penal law, suspending Juries every where—such a thing was never heard of in England. When the Habeas Corpus had been suspended there, it was on gene ral rgasons and minute inquiry. Never, under the most tyran nical; reigns, had the most tyrannical Ministry ever proposed such a thing to the most slavish of Parliaments. As to the present speech, it was a poor, meagre speech ; unjust, un worthy, and artificial. The whole intention was to stop the question about the Union; but this could not be done; none of their fine proclamations had ever done it, nor would this. None of the facts of the case had been stated. No mention made of the twenty-two gentlemen sent to Ireland for the purpose of investigation, nor of the many other gentlemen who had declared that coercion there would never attain its end. No mention made of the evidence given by Mr. O'Connor of the state of abject poverty of the inhabi. tants, dying of starvation, and naked in the ditches — an account to harrow up the soul. No mention of the fact, that out of 8,000,000 of the people, only 1,600,000 got employment, and that of the most wretched description. The point is to remedy this people's great grievances. To give them food, or the means of getting it. With respect to tithes, Government had sent its officer, who got up 5,000 different actions for the amount of so many farthings on account of tithes. lie had known of proceedings instituted by the King' s Attorney for the amount of tithes actually paid. If the Hon. Member had been intelligible last Session, much trouble and bloodshed would have been spared. The people had committed excesses, it was true, but these excesses they were goaded into. It was a monstrous thing, as the Honourable Member for Hull had said, that a set of people should go to an island and carry off all the rents, and expect the people to be quiet. There had been a patience of six hundred years, and a patience . of twenty-five years since the Union, and all along an ardent desire for separation. There had been a Tory party in Ireland, but it was gone. There was a Whig party, but they must take care that their party did not go off too. It was a dreadful thing to see military going from parish to parish for the pro. tection of an unfortunate cow.—(Laughter, and cries of "Oh f") The army was degraded by such a service.—(oh. He was present at such a place where two English officers were sent on this duty, and both expressed the greatest dissatis faction at the service, degrading them to pig -sellers. Besides, they were acting contrary to law, for he could prove seizures for tithe in the year 11;32. Besides, no Magistrate, high or low, has any right to call c ut the military, except where there is a riot. He remembered reading an old Irish book of a Vic torious Circuit made by seine Judge round Ireland, there being no opposition. His Majesty's Ministers seemed to wish to re vive this circuit. The Marquis of Anglesea had expressed him self dissatisfied with the employment of a military force. lie himself was attached to the English people, not on account of their wealth or talent, for there was as much talent in Ireland, but on account of their institutions. He trusted that here after it would not he adduced, that after 000 years of govern ment, there were two great parties dominant—Tories who sup ported the pitch-cap and triangle, and Whigs, who supported the bayonet and bullet. Ireland, he was well convinced, could never be held by such means. An Hov. MEMBER was :addressing: the House on the same subject, when Mr. O'CO.NNELL suggested an adjournment of the discus. sion, which was moved by Mr. L. BULWER. The House accordingly adjo irned at a quarter to twelve. In addition to the Noti,es .Motions given in the Re port of the Debwe in the House of Commons were the following Lord John Russell—To move Resolution, That all persons who will question any future return of Members to serve iii Par liament, upon any allegation of bribery or corruption, and who Member, or on his Y payment of money s o h r aol hther reTarpde,t to h ri a s y p e ec b i e t e i c n a i l y ad a e l I e b g y e a a i account, or with his privity, since the time of such return, in pursuance or in furtherance of such bribery or corruption, may question the same at any lime within `2.8 days after the date of such payment ; or if this House be not sitting at the expiration of the said '221 days, then within 14 days after the day when the House shall next meet.—(Wednesday, Feb. ii.) Mr. Rigby Wason—To move Resolution, That when a peti tion against the return of any Member shall contain an allega tion that such return has been effected by bribery and corrup tion, it is the duty of the Select Committee ~ppointed to try the merits of such petition, to receive the evidence which may be offered in support of such allegation, without requiring the pe titioners to prove that such bribery and corruption was practised by the Sitting 3tember, or his agents , —(Wednesday, Feb. 6.) Mr Hume—To abolish all military sinecure appointments.— (Thursday, Feb. 7.) Mr. Charles Buller—Select Committee, to which all election petitions presented during the present Session of Parliament shall be referred.—(Thursday, Feb. 7 ) Lord John Russell—Select Committee. to consider of the best mode of affording to the Members of this House information to COURSE OF EXCHA Amsterdam C.f.' 12 2 Ditto, at sight 12 0 Rotterdam ''' U 12 '27 Antwerp 12 7 Hamburg M. 13.13 147 &Rona 13 141 Paris, 3 days' sight 0 5 8a Ditto 0 U 26 5 Bordeaux 26 10 Berlin Frankfort on Maine, Ex. M.:52i- Petersburgh, ruble, 3 Us. 10 0 Vienna, effective fl. 2 M. 10 11 Prieste do lOl2 Madrid `Al', Cadiz 36y, Gilboa Barcelona 36 Seville 36 Gibraltar 47 .NGE YESTFRDAY. !L eg horn 46N Genoa °6 0 Venice 46 V2 Malta 46 N3plelil . Palermo per oz. 120 Lisbon Oporto 48!4 Rio Janeiro Bahia 32 Buenos Ayres Dublin, 21 days' sight 1 Cork 1 BULLION, PER OZ. X. B. d. Portugal Gold, coin 0 0 0 Foreign Gold, in bars 3 17 9 Doubloon: 3 16 0 New Dollars Silver bars, standard 0 4 10i 4, rt e A:A- .--_„s , ~ , . w.,,,....;,1_ 1-1111-,„:1, If LiArea 4 * ~,,, v: •-ii`e: .', „, 4 , ,_ • ---- -- " • f'"l",.."'z-,:ii,"A, -.. Vi, g 5. LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 6, 1833. The Address on the KING'S Speech was carried last night in the House of Lords. On this occasion the Earl of ABERDEEN threw off one of those caustic, desultory harangues, which may be taken as fairly indicative of the exact amount of hatred which the Opposition entertain towards Ministers. Of course, his Lordship's sagacity was at variance with every thing they had yet done. Their foreign policy in particular was infamous, nor could he conceal his virtuous astonishment "that two great Powers, like Fiance and England, should unite to despoil the weak while making hypocritical professions of friend ship." The benevolent epithet " weak " his Lordship, of course, applies to Holland, who, however, notwithstanding this weakness, has contrived, by some strange influence or other, to set the remonstrances of England and France at defiance for upwards of two years, and even to keep all Europe on the qui vice, and under arms for the same period ! If for " weak" his Lordship had used the term " obstinate," he would hav e bit off the Dutchman's character in a word. But this would wear too much the aspect of sincerity for a disciple of the Metternich or " expediency" school. Again, his Lordship was singularly bitter against the French. The spleen tainted every word he uttered. He never would believe (not he!), in the " good faith" of France ; he never would believe in it " under any Government," certainly not under that born of the barricades. French ambition had always been the cause of the greater part of the wars of Europe, and the late revolution had convinced him that Monsieur was still unchanged and incorrigible. Now if ever there existed, in any age of the world, a revolu tion, formed, strengthened, and consummated on pacific principles, the late French revolution is that one. But this, again, it would not have suited his Lordship's tactics to ac knowleige. From the whole tenor of his Lordship's speech, which for a set 'one was deplorably inefficient, we can clearly perceive that the Opposition intend throughout the ses sion to act rigid!y on the principle, that Ministers can do no right. Their opposition, therefore, will not be tame and cautious, hut headstrong and sweeping. It will not be nega tive like their sagacity, but positive like their prejudices. Lord GREY'S reply was animated, though it might have been more encouraging. His Lordship did not very satisfactorily defend his (at best) doubtful system of policy towards Portugal—a system, which, so far as we can yet perceive, has neither aim nor object, neither beginning, middle, nor end. Still, taking his present arduous position into consideration, there was more to approve than disap prove in his speech. Late in the debate the Duke of WELLINGTON figured to some extent, and with his wonted felicity. He trod the same ground that Lord ABERDEEN had trod before him, and in the warmth of his reverence for the Dutch KING, almost forgot that he was a British Peer. His Grace has; so many hundred thousand good reasons for being a stanch Briton, that we arc rather sur• prised he threw out a hint to Holland about the expediency of her despatel ing a fleet to the unpro tected mouth of the Thames. Doubtless, if Strath fieldsaye had been in the Isle of Sheppey, instead of in the heart of Berks, this hint would have been the very last that would have escaped his Grace's lips. His language to illynheer would then have been,—" Your Majesty has my free permission to despatch your fleets to any part of the British coast you please, except the Isle of Sheppey. But no trespassing there,! The bare idea is abhor rent to all my notions of propriety. I am ever, as your Ma jesty must be aware, proud and happy to promote your inte eats ; but common sense, and every political precedent, remind me that in forwarding the welfare of Number Two, I must not wholly forget poor Number One." We have said more about his Grace's speech than it deserves, because it happens to be his first, and contains, moreover, a strong declaration of political faith. In no other respect does it deserve a line, not even a word, of comment. It is absurd and drivelling to a degree passing all his other oratorical effusions. " From Marlborough's lips the words of dotage flow." Alas ! that it should have come to this ! The Address in the House of Commons last night was the subject of an animated and rather acrimonious debate. The state of Ireland formed the grand topic of contention, in which Lord ORDIELIE led the way, in a speech cal culated more to irritate than conciliate the pre sent angry spirit of that tong misgoverned country. Mr. O'CoasELL retorted on the Noble Lord with accu• mutated vengeance, denouncing the address as " brutal and bloody." The Hon. and Learned Gentleman then went into a long account of the wrongs under which Ireland had so long suffered, and was now suffering. Her past misfortunes were attributable to misgovernment, and her present unhappy state to the calamity of Mr. STAN LEY'S administration. For all these evils a Repeal of the Union was, in the opinion of Mr. O'CONNELL, the only remedy. Mr. STANLEY, as might have been expected, answered the prime " Agitator," in a strain of eloquent indigna tion, which was more remarkable for its personality than sound constitutional doctrine. We go entirely with Mr. STANLEY in his argument against a repeal of the Union, but we could wish that his mode of ruling the Irish people were directed more to alleviate their condition than exasperate their misery. The Right Hon. Gent. read a catalogue of murders, outrages, and other offences committed during the last year in some parts of Ireland which are truly revolting to humanity. But we much doubt if military measures be the best plan for nettling that country in its present disorganized and deplorable condition. The employment of force, with out the introduction of such legislative enactments as shall give the people confidence in the good intentions of the Government, will only embitter their animosity more than ever. Let Ministers hasten to give Ireland an assurance of their anxious disposition to redress her grievances, and the work of regeneration is half com pleted when begun. Ireland wants justice : she must he ruled by kindness, not by the sword. That Ministers mean well, we readily believe, but they are taking a very ungracious way to show it. But it is not too late to amend, and we think that the temper of last night's debate will convince them that moderation is the better course. The speech of Mr. ROEBUCK was one of tne best_. if not the very best. It was patriotic—and highly con. stitutional, as well as eloquent. The answer of Lord ALTIIORP to the charge of the Honourable Member re• specting the taxes on knowledge was evasive, and, we think, unworthy of his Lordship's character for consistency. But we must refrain for the present. The debate was ad journed to this evening on the amendment of Mr. O'CON NELL, that the address be referred to a Committee of the whole House. The paragraphs in the KING'S Speech respecting Church Reform and a Commutation of Tithes, fully confirm the fears we would fain have expressad some month or two back, when the Ashurst petition, praying that England and Ireland might be put upon the same footing with re gard to these matters, called our attention to the rumoured intentions of his MAJZSIY'S Minis VII. It appears, as far as we can gather from the language of Ministers, both in the KING'S Speech, and i❑ the debate of last night, that a very different measure of justice indeed is to be meted out to England and Ireland. It is said that the peculiar situation of Ireland warrants an intervention there which would not be justifiable in this country. Is i' meant by this that the Church. Re form in England is to be delayed, or granted piecemeal, or not to be granted at all ? If it is, we will say, that how ever important Church Reform may be in Ireland, it is equally important and equally imperative in this country. The abolition of the grasping, grinding, and anti Christian dominion of the Established Church in Ireland is less a religious than a political improvement. It is not intended to relieve the followers of that Church from the effects of its intolerance, hut to remove from the Ro man Catholics of Ireland one of those causes of irritation under which they have become turbulent, and which, i continued, would lead to rebellion. No one will deny that the Irish Catholics have a just claim to relief, but we challenge the partisans of Ministers to show that the Eng lish Protestants have not an equal right to enfranchisement from the clerical tyranny under which they suffer. The tithe system in England goes to tl e total destruction of that respect for the Church Establishment, without which religion itself, as a portion of that moral engine which good Governments attempt to exercise over the bulk of the community, and which is far preferable to the rule of the bayonet, becomes useless, if not odious It saps the founda tion of Christianity, inasmuch as it tends to blunt Christia❑ feeling. It is fruitful of dissension sterile of public virtue—a continual source of anger and heart-burning. It is to this system that we must ascribe the decadence of the established religion—the crowded state of Dissenting places of worship—the thin attendance of men in our Establisbesi Churches. If the established religion, as the religion of the State, be worth preserving, it can only he done by the immediate reform of its abuses. It will not do to temporize with the people of England, who are quite as indignant at the exactions of their own superior clergy as the Roman Catholics of Ireland are obnoxious to the dominion of a Church whose tenets they reject, but to support which they have been taxed beyond en durance, although from difference of character and reli gious belief the English have not yet threatened to rebel against so despotic and unchristian a system. It is a mistake to suppose that slight modifications in the Church Establishment will satisfy the people of Eng land. They will he satisfied with nothing short of the extinction of tithes—the reduction of the incomes of the superior clergy—the abolition of pluralities, and of the aristocr .tical privilege of chaplainries; and the espializa • tion of Church revenues. Mr. Alderman WArrnanAN expired this morning, after a lingering illness. A contest in the City may, therefore, be shortly expected. If it were possible for a Tory to succeed, we think the LORD MAYOR as unobjectionable a candidate as any of the Conservative order. SECOND EDITION. S UN-OFFICE, Seven o'clock. IMPERIALPARLIAMENT THIS EVENING. HOUSE OF COMMONS. The House met shortly before Four o'clock. Mr. SHEIL moved for a return, specifying the amount of all fees, &c. paid to the Law Officers of the Crown upon ac count of the recovery of tithes in Ireland during the last year, and the amount of money paid to the Attorney-General •f Ireland ; also an account of the fees, &c. payable in the Court of Chancery in Ireland ; of the sums paid on account of the military in Ireland; of the names of each Roman Catholic tried at the last Clonmel Assizes, and of the number of Roman Catholic Jurors. Lord A LTHORP did not rise to object to the returns, but, as the Right Hon. Secretary for Ireland was not present, it would be more regular, and much better, to postpone the motion for the present. . . Mr. SHEIL then gave notice for this day se'nnight. THE CORN LAWS. Lord MILTON gave notice that on Wednesday, the • 2 0th inst., he should call the attention of the House to the state of the existing Con► Laws.—(Loud cries of Hear.) Mr. HARVEY gave notice that on the sth of March he should move for a list of the names of all persons on the Eng lish, Scotch, and Irish pension lists, with the amount of each pension, the period of the grant, the public service, or other cause of the grant, and whether the person enjoying it receives any other salary for allowcnce from the public fund. The same HON. MEMBER then moved for a return of the number of cases or matters in the office of each Master in Chan. eery that were pending in 1825, the number of cases referred to each Master each year since then, and the number of general reports made by each Master during that period. If the At torney-General had been present, it was his (Mr. Harvey's) in tention to have asked whether it was intended to bring forward any measure for improving the practice of the Court of Chan. eery. Mr. O'CONNELL seconded the motion, and the returns were ordered. Mr. HARVEY then moved for a return of the number of cases entered for trial in the Courts of King's Bench, Com mon Pleas, and Exchequer, on the first day of Hilary Term in 1831, 1832, and 1833 ; also a return of the amount of sala ries paid to the Judges of the superior Courts at Westminster in 179'2, showing their augmentation since then, and the period when.—Ordered. Tho HoN. MEMBER then moved for a return of the amount of compensation, fees, &c., paid to each Master in Chancery in 179'2 and 1833, specifying from which source such amount was derived. He then gave notice that on the 17th March he should move for the appointment of a Select Committee to in quire into the land revenues of the Crown. Mr. GODSON gave notice that on the 14th March he should move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the law relating to patents for inventions. Mr. HUME suggested that the motion had better be de ferred till it was known what arrangements were to be made upon the subject, in which suggestion Sir Andrew Agnew ac quiesced. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL had to present a petition, numerously signed, from Dudley, praying the House to re peal the Speaker's Pension Act. Mr. WARBURTON had been requested to support the prayer of the petition, apparently under the notion that he had a Bill prepared upon the subject. At present he only begged it to be understood that he had no such Bill prepared. The petition was then laid upon the table. Mr. ROBINSON moved for a return of the number of ves sels which had passed the Sound within a certain period.—Or dered. Mr. DIVETT gave notice that on Friday he should move for a return of the names and number of the municipal officers in the different Corporations in England and Wales, and the charters under which they held their privileges. Mr. HUME moved for returns of the names and rank, and length of service, of every person in the diplomatic employ of his Majesty, and accounts of other matters, of which he had given notice last session. Lord ALTHORP then rose, but Mr.O'CONNELL, interrupting him, said, he wished to ask a question which related to the army, to that portion of it which was stationed in the Indies. Complaints had reached him, which left no doubt upon his mind but that that portion of the army was left without any of the comforts of their religion, than which he knew of no greater deprivation. He wished to ask the Hon. Secretary at War whether there was any intention of applying a remedy for this grievance. Sir JOHN HOBHO USE considered the matter complained of as a grievance, and was of opinion that some provision ought to be made for it. At present the Secretary 'at War acted under a minute of the Treasury, which took away all power from him. In the meantime all he could say on the subject was, that it would receive his best attention. . . Lord ALTHORP then rose to move the usual sessional orders. The first business of the House was the recep tion of petitions, which, under the old plan, was very im perfect.— (Hear.) He considered also, that, under the old plan, that subject had interfered much with the legitimate business of the House. He was speaking to many gentle men who had been in the last House of Commons, who knew that it had often been endeavoured to be remedied by i very t important different modes, the one which had been most generally followed was Members balloting fur their turns, a mode which he c a on m s e icl in e b red er I h to ni b te h a n voet il hi s c o o sse p i o n nt a he busi s of most with the House, or its dignity. Under tho s e circumstances pe tition during the whole of the session, without having any op portnnitsy of presenting it. Another mode had been, that of presenting petitions after the usual business of the House had been finished, but the House would at once see, that any petition which required discussion, could not at that time, be paesented with any advantage. In consequence of those unsa tisfactory modes, at the suggestion of the Hon. Baronet opposite, a Committee: had been appointed—a Committee of the whole House, before whom petitions were to be presented, and to cease at a certain hour. This plan had also been found ineffectual. He thought themore desirable that the petitions should be pre sented while the House was regularly sitting with the Speaker in the Chair. Such had been the custom hitherto, and it was most desirable that it should continue so. The plan which he should have the honour to propose, and a statement of which had been published for the information of Members was to that effect E ver y Gentleman would have :an opportunity of presenting his petitions, and much more conveniently than under a former system. The proposition was,this that the Speaker should take the chair at 12 o'clock, and sit till three, that at three the Hose should adjourn, in whatever business it was then en gaged, and that the debate on the petition, which might then be under discussion, should be adjourned till the following morning ; that at 5 the House should again meet, and the busi. ness on the order book be immediately commenced and pro ceeded with,which would give ample time without sitting too late for the legislative functions of the House. It was very desirable that thus an interval should be made between the presentation of petitions and the general business. In the first place, it secured that the public business should commence at five, and then it was extremely advantageous to those gentlemen 'f r s had attended the presentation .of petitions, by affording t";) an opportunity of taking some refreshment.—(He ar ; b ,„l Under the new arrangement, he would undertake tha t '"*" ; he himself, or some other of the Ministers, should 3 1 ° 51 :0 present during the time when petitions were Pr es° a o Another part of the plan related to the number of tn' t gentleman should speak on a petition. For Gentler', to speak four times on any subject, was calcUlorst`; very much to delay business, and wholly tinnec ei ,10 By the present proposed form, a gentleman would bale at opportunity of speaking upon presenting a petition, and n° i t t of addressing the House upon it, moving that it be P r a il dt The proposition he had now to make was---" That do meet every day, except Saturday, at 12 o'clock, for tn e ro, pose of receiving petitions, a nd disposing of private b ust' : and continue to sit till 3 o'clock, unless sooner adjourned.' a Sir R. PEEL considered it unnecessary to occupy the 8 0 long on this resolution. Whatever arrangement might made, and found to be f o r the g e nera l c onvenlen` w, l i,/ Honourable Members, and which was likely to lead fb facilitating of public business,it could not but receive his s tt l',„,o At the same time he thought it premature to prom(' to 7, 0, arrangements on this subject at p resen t. Th e H o use was ing new arrangements, composed a s it was of n early av v :iii Members, who could not be supp ose d t o b e very con versan t r( . public business. Until the House had s ome id ea of the liable number of petitions that were likely t o be pro-,,Fti t ,IJ and until the new Members had some little experien e " public business, he thought the House could not be ani tj called upon to adopt those arrangements. He doubted wb e ' ll many Members of the present House had even read thew A port of the Committee of the last session, which was " ' 'd up by many of the most able and experienced solie,"o of the House, and which was now sought to b e tirely overturned by the present plan. He would, the re lW put it to the new Members themselves to say whethe r really felt competent to dispose of such a question and W ere a - 0 quainted with public business. The Hon, Baronet WO 1 - 0 1 that meeting at 9in the morning was open to great obj e, " , If the Noble Lord had proposed that public busisies hould D es ‘„ s s at 9 o'clock or 10 o'clock in the morning—(Hear, hear)-1:„ would be an entirely different thing ; but he ventured t ° kr ; li t diet that the plan proposed by the Noble Lord would 1 13 '' e effect of postponing public business until six o'clock evening. It was to be feared that if the Committee We rc je " pointed to sit at nine, the plan would be f oun d no t to an.,4 The arrangement proposed by the Noble L or d m ight d 0 " . 0 ' well for Gentlemen who lived in the vicinity of the 14° a u ; They might be able to attend Committees at nine O . C t '',9l but to Gentlemen living several miles distant, he Robert Peel) considered it a great tax to reelu ire A them to attend Committees at nine o'clock, after haa'', k sat up the previous night to a late hour. To him it Sin, matter also of surprise bow it could be expected that the o , ters of the Crown could attend Committees from 9 to 12 O.CI:k that they should then come down to the House to hear tions till 3 o'clock, and then hare two hours, for what ? to attend Cabinet meetings ! The thing was utterly iMP°' } ' in his view, at least the business could never be well when so much was required from every Member.- - ( 11d Then the attendance of the Ministers of the Crown in rota would never give, in his opinion, satisfaction. Added W " y it frequently happened that, on the presentation of petition,.'ol would not sayacrimonious,but spirited and interestingdiscuO ci t s took place, snd to interrupt those discussions exactly O t o clock struck three would be attended with great inconven ie and it was ludicrous to suppose that the House, after 50 ' k . o t interruption, would meet again at five. In fact, the separ,i of the House at three o'clock would be most inconvenient' a would tend to delay, rather than facilitate the public busi n re . In a new, and, with all deference, he would say, an W e Lld rienced House of Commons, the plan of the Noble Lord ' I ; be found greatly inconvenient. He would suggest whet he' would not be desirable to give the House the e xperien ce ,,,e, three or four weeks, by which time they would be able to tain the number of petitions that would probably be pree n and the House would be a little more experienced. Mr. O'CONNELL said, the present was the fourth Pf it ment during which he had the honour of sitt i r,, D r isl that House, and he believed he had sat as many hours ' t fr that time as any other Member. The inconvenience o 'ol present mode of doing business was perfectly obvious, b t• e ti did not think that the plan of the Noble L or d w ould r e " %, them much, if at all. The inconvenience that had he e q i e o rd perienced before when the House met early to receive P etl ;,,j; was that they were received with empty benches, and if the met again at a certain hour for no other business but that ° lo # titions, the same consequence would be the result. lie had petitions enough for a fortnight or three weeks' e was strongly opposed to transacting business at night ; oi was no reason why that should be the only House i° ti pit world that did their business by night. It was high o bi to make some change, and it was worth:considering, o _, ll instead of sitting four days a week, as before, for Vi c " . fili days were not considered business day s , they shoul d meet three days at ten o'clock in the ra °b pd and make an order, that if forty members, we rr ai se l then present, all whoa should be absent °l d excuse, should be taken into custody—(Laughterl—theY'lol give two hours for petitions, and from 12 o'clock till 810 00 1 evening transact all the public and other business. BY of time the whole business of a Private Bill could be done 1,1 sitting, and the expense of keeping persons in town w c u e , materially reduced. He admitted that by this pl a n the might be prolonged, as some Members might say, t° o o, great inconvenience ; but no man sent there by the ;pile had a right to say, that they wer e i nconven i ence d. It iO;4 be objected that by this arr a nge men t none o f the idi°',:ef would be able to attend, for as they had to attend to tbe'' to cial business in the day, th e y cou ld no t come down . ., 0 110 House before the eveni ng ; b u t on th e o the r h an d, they have three whole days for their official business, An a :, tif l i evening after the House adjourned. On the whole , "; not think the plan of the Noble Lord would ansW e l o f' he thought it would be better to postpone it , l i e ° future period. He knew, that early adjournments of the or would be moved, and before long he should have to moveus;) journment at 9 o'clock. Up to 179'2 it appeared by the J° that the Order of the day was read at 1 o'clock. It 'VA! , 1 then that they had got into their present method of el° , rather of not doing, the public business. It was now a Reformed House of Commons to put a stop to it, and n ° from twenty to thirty orders after 12 at night. ed l Colonel DAVIES did not think that the plan sugg es „ the Noble Lord opposite would be found to answer. ptr satisfied that nineteen times out of twenty, 40 Members "041 not be collected at twelve o'clock. He agreed for th e ro d part in the suggestions thrown out by the Right Hon. 8 the Member for Tamworth. Lord A LTHORP said, that s i nce it appeare d W . 0 ? general feeling of the House, th a t th e p l an h e h a d Pr was not the best that could be adopted, he was willing ' - . journ the debate for a fortnight. Mr. LITTLETON was of opinion that three weep be better than a fortnight. After a few words from Sir R OBERT P EEL, M r. WO' „ 0 5 ' ° Sir T. FREMANTLE, it was agree d that the question shY-- i v! adjourned till this day fortnight. eas id Lord ALTIIORP then moved one of the usual 5 C orders. The SPEAKER then put the motion. t Mr. LITTLETON su b m i tted that some arrange men be entered into as to the printing of the petitions, as (W il " last five years they had cost 12,0001. He suggested t h3 o should be referr e d t o a se l ect Comm i ttee to repor t at ig to the House on their contents. The Adjourned Debate, up to the period at which Il e to press, had not commenced. THE FUNDS.-(THIS DAY.) CITY. TWELVE 0' CLOG' The following was posted at the North and South Coffee-house : Extract of a letter from Charlestown, Jan. 8 :--" 1/le t rences between this State and th e G enera l G ov ernruo" regard to tariff, we trust, will be speedily adjusted." ao The length and importance of the debates in both 20 last night entirely engross the attention of the public, as the speculators, who look upon it as gloomy, and 0 0 h 4 runner of important events in Ireland. It Is candid, Iv not hide the evils by which we are surrounded. Co to f° B6 " % "(3 ,v i l ope C n o wi nso a l t s, B7 w ei hich , lseoftonofraftjerersttehredyayrecatedBed7 1 per cent.), and at present may be quoted 87 IA N. action is attributed to some favourable information fr°" -- e l and Belgium, which has not as yet transpired. ij a i Stock has improved 1 per cent., and may be q uoted 82 ; Dutch Stock maintains yesterday's prices. i The death of Mr. Waithman this morning 1 . 3- e d some stir in the City. It is stated that Alderman and Mr. Lloyd, the banker, will be candidates for the election. HALF-PAST Had it not been for the arrival of an express fr ° ' - o ' which is said to have brought some favourable accou° t ip Holland and Belgium, respecting the pending n e 4; with Holland, the Funds would have been consider 3 ' but owing to considerable purchases having been Dutch and Belgian Stock, a re-action took place. „ t Consols,which were at the early part of the morning '.ch for the account, have improved to 87 Is, at W l ''' . they are at present. In the Foreign Market, Dutch Stock has been don s st Belgian at The other Foreign Securities maintain their Prifeb THREE (YC- 6 ‘ Consols for the Account, 86- I. Consols s LOSING 1 8 3 11 1 17S. D — an F i O sh U . R .. 0 ' .. ' Dittofor Account 87' Greek ............. Braziiian Bonds 521 Mexican ...•••••". I3uenos Ayres... Peruvian ...,•••• I Chilian Ditto.... Russian ............ *: 1 Columbian 1f424 131 Spanish ........ •" THE MARKETs.—(THIg DA /). CORN EXCHANGE. re 0 0 1 , 0 The arrivals of most kinds of Grain this week 3 _ except of Oats from Ireland, the supply of which : 4 0e,„ good. The Wheat trade remains dull, and just the as on Monday. Barley, Beans, and Pease, unalter. Flour as last quoted. ARRIVALS. Wheat. Barley. Oats. English Irish Foreign — --- _—.. PRINTED AND Pt:BURNED BY MURDO YOu'' Or Sus OFFICE, 112, STRAND, 144 0 # 1 / 4 • VV Er 4 .4(1 ord er 4 4 ?q) k: )t. th tl turday r,4114:1 Hi e n, i itx t ( Th : N; i ti lAr • ot „ ) hiPol,hetttstz,t, legal and professional character. There the other barristerS; one was a Catholic: eleven tion—was ,of whom -tour or five were Catholics. Lord A Mastership in Chancery ; and that was had been s gentltman who talents and knowledge Mt. II ( Cut - Altar was minted, and he was a stamp duti ) 8 ,- 1 state;'ho show . the systematic dis- Lord A nt I emall # ftqaets.- 2 (Ch.etrs.) Ha corn _ present to t there isliVTAiaetAtliolic shZriff. He Mr. RO O ; in Ir , lanrOiOser V i in England— sic , but aust select one out Of.a and have distil on the list. 11, thirekr"e ; .e,t•e, be should cea Government is not' Or s'a saver with 'lion, But is it 0414 1 ' riat ts. r j office, without trt,.l,l‘oler: a Ireland, >etrayed and sold his caiitilry: ti entertaine the very individuals who cohip • ere wa* from power ? The Hon. Gentleman" erbmellt errs are unnecessary, because Mr. ;at- • velinent licitor for the Munsterdistrict, says there all occasio, be derived from public documents, with a view to economy, fa cility of access, and clearness of arrangement.—(Friday, Feb. S.) Lord Viscount Morpeth—Bill to regulate the hours of labour of children in factories.—( Wednesday, Feb. 27.) IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.-(THIS DAY.) HOUSE OF LORDS. The House sat today shortly after one o'clock, for the purpose of proceeding to St. James's Palace with the address agreed to last night for presentation to his Majesty. Among the Peers present, all of whom appeared either in military or full court dress, we noticed the Duke of Norfolk, with his staff as Earl Marshal, the Duke of Richmond, the Marquis of Conyngkam, and Lord Kinnaird, the mover and seconder of the address; the Earl of Shaftesbury, the Bishops of Chichester and Hereford, Lords Poltimore, Western, Paget, and Goderich. Prayers having been read by the Bishop of Hereford, the Duke of Buccleuch appeared at the table, and took the oaths and his seat. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY moved that as their Lord ships were about to adjourn to tomorrow, it should be open to any of their Lordships to sign any protest to the address till the rising of the House to-morrow.—Agreed to. The House then adjourned to three o'clock tomorrow, and their Lordships proceeded in state to St. James's, to present the address.