The Sun. — London, England, 1864-01-29 00:00:00

THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA, (From the Times Correspondent.) NEW YORK, lan. 15. While gold is rising in price to pay for the luxu ries which Americans cannot produce, and which they are largely importing from Europe, while the active operations of war languish, or appear to languish, to be unexpectedly resumed in all pro bability at no distant day by a combined onslaught of Generals Lee and Longstreet upon the position of General Grant in Tennessee, the war of faction gathers strength in preparation for the Presidential election of November next. The forces of the De mocratic party are to assemble at Chicago on the 4th of Suly to build their "platform," and to nomi nate their candidate. Where the Republicans are to assemble is not yet determined. Mr. Lincoln's friends will support: him because he issued the pro clamation of emancipation; and General M'Clellan's friends, and those of any other candidate that the Democrats may think it more desirable to bring forward, will support their nominee because of his opposition to the Abolitionst policy. It is solely with a view to electioneering that at this moment the fervid orators of abolition, black and white, lay and clerical, male and female, are more than unus ually loud in the assertion that there is no hope of peace, no safety for the Republic, no chance even of the union of any considerable number of States, except in the vigorous prosecution of negro emanci pation. Not only must the slaves of " rebels" be eat free by the sword, but the slaves of " loyal " men must be liberated by the purse of the Federal Government. If there really is to be, what some ardeat Republicans deny and some prudent ones doubt, another Presidential election by the old method of the ballot-box, the struggle between the Democrats and Republicans will be fought at the polls to this issue. Pending the preparations for the conflict, it is well to consider what progress the emancipation proclamation has already made, and what effect it has had upon the white race and what upon the black, in order that impartial Europe, so deeply interested in the result, as well as the Ame ricans themselves, may know whether Mr, Lincoln and the theorists and idealogues who have his mind end conduct in their keeping, are statesmen and philanthropists, or fools and dreamers who would deliberately ruin a great nation for the sake of an abstraction, and consign the dark-skinned objects of their solicitude to the chances of gradual decay and demoralisation, if not to violent extermination, rather than suffer them to live in a state of involun tary servitude. It is but a few days more than a twelvemonth since the proclamation:was issued, and ample time and opportunity have been af f orded to study the results, both physical and moral, of an act that Mr. Wendell Phillips, Mr. Sumner, Mr. Viutor Hugo, and a few English abolitionists, consider only second in grandeur and sublimity to the birth of Christ ; but which the whole people of the Southern, and more than one-half of the people of the North ern States, deem to be an act of cruelty to the black, as well as of suicidal folly to the white race. Considering its political effect upon the white people of the Federal and the Confederate States it will scarcely be denied that it has divided the Vorth and exasperated the South. It has drawn a ed line of demarcation between Northern parties eaiattered the strife by the introduction of a inciple of social and political equality between cite men and black, for the reception of which cite men are not prepared, and which the majo e.,s in the North will resist both actively and pas eiy, and on any and every occasion. It is equally r that it has had all the effect upon the South a mind of an attempt to stirr np a servile insurrecl and that so long as it continues to be avowed td acted upon the South can neither offer terms of !-..ce nor accept them. But extreme philanthropists who believe that all 'eat humanitarian measures must work some grea of evil and suffering, who assert that the es3ing in this case very far transcends the bale, and at the white race will become reconciled to the fact emancipation and ail its consequences as soon as b:comes persuaded by the lapse of time and the 'ee of circumstances that the fact is irrevocable, sat excuse the practical million;, if these latter what effect the measure has had upon the pea"- 3 which it was more particularly intended to neat ? The question cannot yet be thoroughly swered, but very considerable light has already , n and will for the future be thrown upon it. In first place, the proclamation was addressed to rly four millions of slaves in the South, and ac ting to the census of 1860 to 429,401 slaves in bolder States of Delaware, Maryland, Ken -7, and Missouri, inclusive of such as belonged '" owners. As in the last mentioned States, eves of Unionists were almost as numerous as slaves of sympathisers with the Confederacy, it y be estimated in round numbers that 4,200,000 tne black race were invited by Mr, Lincoln to ,ale the protection of the Federal armies, and thus ecure their freedom, if tot their subsistence. It is not pretended by any Abolitionist, however en thusiastic, that as many as a million of negroes of both sexes and all ages have availed themselves of the opportunity. Neither is it to be believed that as many even as half a million have done so. Taking the lower estimate as nearly correct, there remain at least 3,700,000 negroes in the South to whom the proclamation has been a dead letter, and who, perhaps, have never even so much as heard of if. On inquiring what has become of the half million who have thus escaped fiom slavery into freedom it is found that a large number— Mr. Lincoln in his Message says 100,000—have proeuredem ploy ment, either as teamsters, waggoners, and servants, in the Federal armies, or as soldiers regularly drilled and equipped, but commanded by white officers ; that another aggregation of possibly 100,000 and upwards, inclusive of women and chil dren, have been colonised at Fortress Monroe, or set to work on abandoned plantations on the banks of the Mississippi and elsewhere, under Federal mili tary supervision ; that large numbers have congre gated in the Federal capital; and that the remain der, with their wives and families, have spread themselves over the North and West in search of agricultural and other employment. Dividing them into these four classes, let us see what freedom has done for them. As teamsters and soldiers they receive a somewhat lower rate of pay than their white competitors, but in other respects the Government does what it can to make their con dition comfortable. But the negroes by no means make good soldiers. The fact is openly admitted by all who have come into contact with them. So much doubt hangs over their bravery, and their power to restrain either their rage or their fear, when excited by the perils of battle, that they are systematically placed in positions of the greatest danger, in order to test alike their discipline and their valour. It is considered desirable to "make the experiment on he vile body," and to thrust the negroes under totter fire than it would be thought humane or 'nristian to drive a white regiment into—all for lie sake of ascertaining the military value of what Tas once thought mere refuse. And the white )ldiers, so far from looking upon these desperate 'ventures as acts of barbarity, applaud them, with _ttle sympathy for the sufferings of the negroes as the monkey felt for the anguish of the cat when he thrust her pates within the burning bars of the grata to get out the chestnut for the use of the superior animal. In default of white volun tears for the work of Southern extermination the aid of the black is thankfully accepted. If 50,000 1)1'k men eauhl be enrolled for the war in the State 'of New - York they would diminish the liability of white men in a conscription to the same amount ; - f - ad would be reesived with satisfaction both by `Seinocrats and by Republicans, though for different easone. It should, however, be remembered, in o.imating the real value of negro armies, that no le has yet peesuraed to advocate that they should commanded by negro generals, or led even by ;ro lieutenants and captains. Hitherto all the , 2rs appointed over them have been white men, o f ten white men of the lowest and most brutal Wen As a specimen of the class, Cal. Mont- Ty , ;anions for his wanton destruction of towns ill ag ee in Florida and South Carolina, will is well or hotter th an an y othe r. This p erson sad his negro troops a few days ago on the 'r of the offence of which they had dared to I ;eg the same amount of pay as Arn Joy AL as 11 guilt , in deman white men. "Scoundrels!" he said, " you have been deluded by the noisy Abolitionists. You ought to be glad to pay for the privilege of fighting, instead of squabbling about money. You are a race of slaves. A few years ago your fathers worshipped snakes and crocodiles in Africa. Yonr features partake of a beastly character. Your religious exercises in this camp are a mixture of barbarism and Christianity. Your features cannot be improved. Your yellow faces are evidence of rascality. You should get rid of this bad blood. My advice to you—the lightest of you must marry the blackest woman," and so on. It is possible that negro soldiers may not object to being addressed in this ruffianly style, but it is evident that they do object to receiving less pay than Irishmen and Germans, and very doubtful, if this cause of dissatisfaction be not re moved, whether the existing black armies of the Federal Government will not very speedily be diminished by other chances than those of the hospital and the battle-field. The condition of the second class—that of colo nised negroes—and of freedmen or fugitives set to work by the lessees of the Federal Government on the abandoned sugar and cotton plantations on the Mississippi is even more important in its bearings on the future history of the American negro. The numbers of this class are not exactly known ; but they are great enough to have compelled Mr. Lin coln, in a special Message to Congress, to confess his inability to deal with so difficult a problem as their subsistence. Upon one part of the subject some painful disclosures have just been made by a wit ness whose animus no Abolitionist can complain of, and whose opportunities and capacity for forming a correct judgment are not to be denied. Mr. Yeat man, President of the Western Sanitary Commis sion, charged with the duty of reporting to the Federal Government on the condition of the freed Africans who have escaped from Southern slavery and been employed to cultivate for Northern account the abandoned plantations between Cairo and Natchez, states that there are about 25,000 of these unfortunates in his district. He visited 21 farms, plantations, and camps, in which the negroes were either employed by Northern taskmasters, who had leased the estates from the Federal Government, or were huddled together for such protection and sup port as the Federal authorities could afford them. Mr. Yeatman's report is uniformly unfavourable. Within the city of Memphis the white employers of their labour offered them 10 dols. a month for work worth 45 dole.; and if they did not accept it they were left to starve. The coloured firemen or stokers on board a steamer plying on the Mississippi at Memphis receive 45 dols, a month, and were afraid to go ashore lest they should be seized by Federal agents and forced to work for less than a quarter of that sum. " The poor slave," says Mr. Yeatman, " was promised freedom ; but how is it with him ? He is seized in the street, and ordered to go and help to unload a steamboat, or sent to work in the trenches, or to labour for some quarter-master, or to chop wood for the Government. He labours for months (for his mere rations) and at last is only paid with promises, unless perchance it may be with kicks, cuffs, and curses, Under such circumstances he feels that he has exchanged one master for many. These continued abuses sadden and depress him, and he sighs to return to his former home and owner who at least fed, clothed, and sheltered him." Mr. Yeatman relates many facts in corroboration, all of the same character, and at all of the plantations, showing that the white lessees strive invariably to get the utmost positive amount of work out of the negro for the smallest possible amount of wages; that if a negro becomes ill his pay immediately ceases, and he is turned adrift to starve, which was not the case when he was in a state of slavery. He furthermore proves by a variety of instances that the truck sys tem in its most odious form has been introduced, and that the free black labourer is forced to buy from his white employer every article he requires at ex orbitant prices, which are deducted from his wages —shoes worth a dollar a pair, at two dollars and a half ; calico, worth 24c. ayard, at 75c. ; and other articles in the like proportion. At a place called Young's Bend Mr. Yeatman saw an encampment of coloured men, women, and children to the number of 2,100, under the charge of a coloured regiment. He describes them as living in miserable huts, tents, and hovels, amid more squalid suffering and destitution than he ever before witnessed. The sickness and deaths among them were most frightful. During the summer from 30 to 40 died in a day, and as many as 75 on an average daily during the latter half of August. At Natchez another camp of about 2,000 people was in the same condition ; and hun dreds of freedmen had escaped from it to return to their former masters. The camp originally con tained 4,000 persons, bat had been reduced by deaths and voluntary withdrawal to the smaller number; death, however, and not desertion, being the prime agent of diminution, as might be seen by the graves stretched along the river for miles be tween Milliken's Bend and De Soto. In conclusion Yeatman states as the result of his experience, that the negroes who cannot obtain work are dying off, and that those who do obtain it are in a state of involuntary servitude (i. e., slavery) far worse than that from which they have escaped. This is a deplorable picture. But perhaps one equally hideous is to be exhibited in the condition of the fugitives and freedmen who, with their wives and families, have thronged into the national capi tal to ask the aid of that paternal Government which loved them so much as to emancipate them from bondage, and from which they expect not only a barren blessing, but bread. There is no em ployment for a tithe of them in Washington, and they are huddled together like vermin in camps and hospitals beyond the boundaries of the city,—men, women, and children indiscriminately, where they are fed at the expense of the Government. Small pox has broken out among them, and in so virulent a form that they die off at the rate of hundreds in a day'. It is no uncommon thing to see the poor creatures lying in the snow in the public streets in the last agonies of death, and still more common to see them wandering about with the unhealed and still prurient marks of the disease visible all over their hands and faces. So prevalent is the disease that the life of the President himself was nearly sacrificed a month ago, and within the last week one member of the Senate and one member of the House of Representatives have fallen victims to it. In consequence of the dread of contagion the New Year's reception at the White House was more than usually scanty, such persons as were compelled to pay their respects to the President hurrying into the rooms and out into the open air as fast as possible, and without even exchanging the compliments cus tomary on the occasion. Some timid persons sacri ficed their courtesy to their fear, and shook hands with Mr. Lincoln without taking off their gloves; while others, instead of the usually boisterous salu tation of American good-will, were content with holding out the tip of the forefinger for a hurried touch and an equally hurried " Happy new year to you, Mr. President !" Nobody will go to Washing ton who can stop away, and those whom business or duty calls within its infected precincts take care to be vaccinated before they go. It is calculated that there are at least 10,000 cases of small-pox in the city and neighbourhood, all among or derived from the negroes, and great fears are entertained that the disease will spread to Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New York. The:Government knows not what to do. The emancipation proclamation has ' brought the black swarm to Washingtot, and Mr. Lincoln can not be guilty of the inhumanity of refusing them admittance, and food, if they cannot find work, and has not yet been able to devise the means for main taining them in idleness, comfort, cleanliness, and health in their city of refuge. The case, is all but hopeless. The only remedy appears to be that which fate is supplying—the death of the unhappy fugi tives. This is but a sad result of a great philan thropic effort; but it ought to teach the professional and pulpit philanthropists caution, if it teach them nothing else. There remains only to be considered the condition of the negroes who have emigrated to the Northern cities in search of employment. The case may be summed up in a few words. There were no vacancies in the labour market which they were competent to supply. Formerly the negroes found occupation in the North as waiters, barbers, porters, and white washers. But now the Irish and Germans have nearly driven them out of all these trades, except THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JANUARY 20, 1864. the last mentioned ; and there is nothing else to which the poor negro can turn his hand, or at which, if he could, he would be allowed to work in the same room, workshop, or factory as the white. What is he to do under such circumstances ? Mr. Frederick Douglass, the orator, and foremost man of the race, stated in an eloquent lecture on Tues day evening last at the Cooper Institute, that, so far from immigrating from the South to compete with white men in the labour market, the Southern negroes would remain where they were, and that the great bulk of the Northern negroes would join them as soon as emancipation was complete, by the crushing out of the " rebellion," and the parcelling out of the plantations of the " rebels" among new owners. This may or may not prove to be a true prediction, but it will be a long time before it can be realised, if ever; and it may happen that the Southern people, forbidden to:use the labour of the negroes in the way to which they have been accus tomed; may visit upon the unhappy black race the penalty which both North and South, East and West, have inflicted upon that red race whioh they could not enslave, and with which they would not amalgamate. COURT OF COMMON COUNCIL, Yesterday a special meeting of the Common Council was convened at Guildhall, the Lord Mayor in the chair, to con sider a motion of which Mr, Medwin had given notice, and the object of which was to alter the whole constitution of the Commission of Sewers of the City of London. The Court of Sewers is an offshoot of the corporation, and a very ancient body. It has existed in its present form from the reign of Charles 11. downwards, a period of more than 180 years, and its mode of procedure is governed and its powers defined by special Acts of Parliament. It consists of 85 members, including the Aldermen, the Deputy, and one Common Councilman of each ward, the Recorder and Com mon-Sergeant for the time being, and having the Lord Mayor at its head. The name of the Commission scarcely defines its functions. It is practically a local Board of Works, with extensive powers of rating the citizens, of making and enforcing sanitary laws, of dealing with large sums of money, of regulating street architecture and carrying out of public improvements, all which it exercises under condi tions prescribed by the Legislature. To it is confided the whole and sole management of the sewers, which, indeed, is its primary function. Parliament has also from time to time devolved upon the Commissioners the duty of carrying out within the city General Acts passed to promote the public health, and which duty is entrusted to municipal bodies and boards of health in other parts of the country. The Commissioners have the reputation of being a very useful body of public men, doing a great deal of good in the in terest of the citizens at large, especially in promoting the public health. This being the relation in which they stand to the corporation and to the citizens, Mr. Medwin moved a resolution yesterday, the object of which was in effect to give every member of the Common Council, about 232 in number, a right to act on the Commission of Sewers, instead of the 80 and odd members of the corpora tion of whom it is at present composed. He grounded this motion chiefly on the inconvenience, of which he gave in stances, of there being two bodies in the corporation acting independently of each other and often at variance. He cited in particular the case of the proposed new street from Black friars-bridge to the Mansion-house, the construction of which he said had been entrusted to the Metropolitan Board of Works over the heads of the corporation, to whom the making of it belonged of right. Had the two bodies been coincident in numbers and in interest, the Corporation of London, he submitted, would have been spared the in dignity implied in entrusting the construction of the new street to a foreign body. He also mentioned the case of the railway viaduct proposed to be constructed across Ludgate hill as another unfortunate result of divided authority. The Court of Sewers, he said, even went so far at last as to give their sanction to a design for that monstrous thing, thus taking the matter wholly out of the hands of the Common Council. He also referred to an occasion when, on a com mittee of the Common Council going before the Commission as a deputation, they were told that it was an impertinence for them to do so and not within the scope of their reference —besides, that the Commission was a body independent of the corporation. The Commission, it was true, published their accounts from time to time, but they never reported to the Common Council. Whether the question was one of imposing a shilling or an eighteenpenny consolidated rate upon the citizens, or of expending £lO,OOO or £20,000, it was all the same ; the Common Council had nothing to do with the matter. They had delegated their authority to others and had shirked the responsibility which properly belonged to them. No Parliamentary committee stood in so enema- lous a position as did the Commission of Sewers in relation to the corporation, of which it was the offshoot, The Com mission had the control of large funds, which were con stantly increasing, but its numbers remained stationary. The total sum administered by them last year was £152,000, as compared with £27,000 in 1813, and £ 116,000 of which was raisei by the consolidated rate, which they had the power of imposing on the citizens, and which had been doubled in ten years. Mr. Webster seconded the motion, Mr. Norris, M.P., moved an amendment to the effect that it was inexpedient to alter the constitution of the Commission in the manner proposed, because it had existed in its present form from the reign of Charles 11., when the power to ap point the Commission was first given to the Common Coun cil down to the present day, a period of more than 180 years, and because, during that long interval, great additional powers had been from time to time given to the Commis sioners by Parliament, and very extensive works had, espe cially of late years, been intrusted to and executed by them, while no complaint had ever been made of them either by the Legislature, Government, or Common COltheil ; on the con trary, the value of their works had been repeatedly acknow ledged and approved. This amendment was proposed by Mr Norris in a very able speech, and seconded by Mr. Chaplin. A long debate followed, in which Deputy de Jersey took a conspicuous part in vindicating the Commission of Sewers, of which he is chairman, but it had no interest to the gene ral public, in comparison to the parties immediately con cerned, to justify a detailed report, At length, on a division, the amendment of Mr. Norris was affirmed by a majority of three, in a court of 141 members. It then became the origi nal motion, and was put in that shape by the Recorder to the meeting, when, on a division, 63 members voted for and 63 against it, the result being received with laughter. The Lord Mayor declined to exercise his right of giving a cast ing vote, and the Court broke up with great merriment, the belligerents, after five weary hours of talk, being exactly in the position in which they began. concluded by announcing five donations to the amount of £92, and four annual subscriptions amounting to £2O. Messrs. GIFFORD, senior and jutior, expressed the thanks of the parishioners for the valuable address of her ladyship, and the farmers present willingly consented to aid the cause by free carriage of materials. Three hearty cheers were given for her ladyship before the meeting broke up.—Bury and IVorwich Pose, SUBMARINE ORDNANCE. (From the Mechanics' Magazine.) On the 20th day of June, 1862, the 110-pounder Arm strong gun, belonging to the Stork gunboat, was placed on a platform, made up of a gun slide with a few sleepers un derneath, erected on the beach near the Excellent gunnery ship. The gun was loaded from time to time, during many weeks, with service charges and service shot. This was effected when the tide was out. The powder was enclosed in a pig's bladder, in ord©r to preclude the action of the sea water on it. As the tide rose, the gun became submerged ; finally, when the depth of water equalled some 6ft, the powder was ignited by means of a Bickford fuse, and the gun discharged at a butt, also submerged, distant 25ft from the muzzle. It has been generally supposed that a gun filed under such exceptional conditions would burst without further ceremony. No such event took place. The explosion is described as baying been very mode rate. The same term cannot be applied to the effect produced on the butt by the projectile. Once more we re peat the words of the official report, promising that during the first few rounds—only one could be fired each tide—the projectile consisted of the ordinary Armstrong segment shell, charged sometimes with sand, sometimes with 12Ibs. of powder. These missiles proved at first to be very ineffi cacious, the resistance of the water apparently breaking them up shortly after quitting the gun. On July 11, care was taken to exclude the water from the bore of the gun, by covering the muzzle with an old drum head and canvas well luted with white lead. The result obtained was decisive. The shell was empty. It "struck the butt 2ft. below the point aimed at, cutting through a pile 13Ain, thick, and was picked up 3ft. from the opposite side." So much for the shell practice for the present. The next round but one con sisted of a" solid shot, 171bs. charge. Shot struck Gin. to the left of the point aimed at 4ft Gin, below the surface of the water, and passed through a butt consisting of 13in. piles, with sin. oak plank bolted on in front. Shot could not he found, having probably sunk to a considerable depth in the soft mud." Once it was fairly demonstrated that a gun could be fired under water, and yet retain its integrity of parts undisturbed, the experiments were continued with a vigour very credit able to all engaged in their prosecution. In order to form a strictly correct estimate of the effects which might be produced in actual wafare, the hulk Griper was placed in a convenient position on the mud, and a 110 pounder was, as before, laid on a suitable platform, 20ft from the ship's side, measuring from the muzzle. The gun was laid horizontally, and trained on a spot under the hulk's quarter " where the side fell in rapidly, making an angle from the vertical of 42 deg." In this way every opportunity was afforded for glancing, to the shot. It would be a mere waste of time to recapitulate all the results obtained ; let it suffice to give one or two extracts from the report. At the first round, the gun was loaded with a fiat •fronted 110-lb projectile and a 14-lb charge, fired when the water had attained a height of Oft above the axis—" Shot struck the ship's side about the spot on which the aim was directed, penetrated the outer planking of Gin sound oak, cut through an Sin timber (sound), penetrated the inner lining of 4in fir (not sound), and struck a large oak rider 18in square, into which it penetrated 2in ; total penetration, through sound wood, 21in. Ship's side shaken to a considerable extend round fracture, into which the water poured with great violence, filling the ship immediately. The third round demonstrated a singular fact. Above water, the flat-fronted projectile has always proved most efficient in punching armour plates. In submarine opera tions, however, the conical projectile di plays a consider able superiority. The third chargo consisted of a solid projectile, with a conoidal-shared head. This shot pene trated both sides of the hulk, cutting through two oak timbers, 12in of oak planking, and the upper part of a knee bin thick, waking a total penetration through sound wood of 33in. ' We must add that the hull, being full of water, there were about 4.5 ft of water betwe n the sides penetrated, adding materially to the resistance overcome by the shot. We have seen that the first attempts at the use of shell under water were scarcely successful. The lessons so learned seem to have served a very good purpose; for we find that on the 16th Sept. the first live shell fired at the Griper penetrated the side and burst in passing through, entirely destroying the side for the space of oft by Sin, making an open fracture 2ft by 2ft din. A large beam of 11-in oak in the wake of the shot was penetrated and broken in half, the portion struck being blown to the opposite side of the ship. The result obtained from the next round was even more conclusive—a large portion of the ship's side be ing totally destroyed, the deck above the fracture blown up, and tb.e beam broken. So far, the submarine gun had only wood to deal with. With a view to making the whole series of ex periments complete, a target, Sit by 4ft, composed of six 1-in thickness of boiler plate bolted together, making a total thickness of Sin, was secured to the side of the Griper. In the two first rounds, flat-headed 1101 b shot were employed. The great resistance offered by the water to these projectiles so far reduced their velocity, that they were unable to penetrate the armour, although they shattered it consider ably. in the third round the conoidal missile waa used. The official report states that " this shot broke in all the plates, driving the fragments through the side into the ship, making an irregular fracture in the target 12in by 9in, shelf-piece broken, and ship's side destroyed to a consider able extent." Even six thicknesses of 1-in boiler plate, feeble as they are in resisting shot, far exceed in invulnerability any plates or backing ever met with in the bottoms of our frigates. We are therefore led inevitably to the conclusion, that a single shot fired under water from a heavy rifled gun, is capable of making such a fracture far below the water line, that no earthly means could keep one of our iron plated ships an hour above water. A couple of patents have, we believe, been already taken out for the arrangement of certain air tight chambers on the level of the lower deck, within which guns may be loaded, and subsequently discharged through submerged ports. We are by no means certain that any very compli cated expedients of the kind are necessary. Four or five broadside guns might be placed within small submarine chambers cut off by water tight bulkheads from the rest of the ship. On going into action these guns might be loaded, suitable ports opened from above, and the cells, so to speak, in the ship, filled with water. On running alongside an enemy, the guns might be discharged with fatal effect by means of electricity, the ports closed subsequently, and the cells pumped dry ready for the next action. Even without any such expedients, may it not be found that power ful guns fired from the main deck can take such effect below water, as to render it advisable to leave the armour above water unassailA ? The question is of the last importance, when we couple it with the facts which we have just detailed. It has, unfortunately, scarcely been dwelt on as yet, although we have reason to believe that it will ultimately become one of the points on which our naval success or failure will principally depend. Our ships are already overloaded with mail above water ; it remains to be seen how they will carry an additional burden below. MY LOST DoG.—I saw him last, three mornings ago, leisurely straying round the garden with the strap of the baby's shoe hanging out of his mouth, and with a knowing wag of his tail, as much as to show me how he was enjoying himself. I remonstrated with him on the shoo question, and he seemed somewhat touched for a moment ' • but suddenly catching sight of a predatory cat on th e wa ll, he galloped off without further parley. I watched the cat scuttle up a tree; I heard Pincher growling angrily at its base ; the noise of the milkman's boots scrunching the gravel attracted his attention. He darted off and was lost to me for ever. There was a fiendish grin on the housemaid's face when she announced to me that Pincher wasn't nowhere to be found. Visions of henceforth unworried stocking heels, unsnapped-at ancles, rose before that damsel's mind as she broke the news; and she smiled as she said they'd looked everywhere they had, and nothin' wasn't to be seen. I was not crushed by the intelligence. I knew my dog's exten sive visiting list, and thought that finding he had over stayed his time, he had probably accepted the friendly hos pitality of half a kennel, and was then engaged in baying the moon, and conducing to the sleeplessness of a neighbour hood unaccustomed to his vocal powers. But, as I lay in bed in the morning, I missed the various little dramas— the principal characters played by Pincher and the trades people—of which I bad long been the silent audience. Tho butcher's boy—a fierce and beefy youth, who openly defied the dog, and waved him off with hurlings of his basket and threatenings of his feet, accompanied by growls of " Git out, yer beast l"—now entered silently ; the baker's apprentice. a mild and farinaceous lad—who proferred to Pincher the raspings of black loaves, and usually en deavoured to propitiate his enemy by addressing him as " Poor fellow I"—now entered silently ; the fishmorger— who generally made one wild scuttle from the garden-gate to the kitchen-eatrance, and upon whose track Pincher usually hung as the wolves hung upon Mazeppa's—now walked slowly up the path, and whistled. Then I knew that Pincher was gone indeed I—Dickens's "411 the Year Round." A NARROW ESCAPE FOR SHEFFIELD.—This was not the first time the Sheffielders endeavoured to undermine the crowning greatness of their own speciality; for when, in 1750, a bill was introduced into Parliament with the object of encouraging the importation of American iron, the tanners of that city petitioned against it, alleging that Eng lish iron would be undersold, forges would be discontinued, and consequently timber for fuel would remain uncut, and thus the tanners would be in want of bark for the purposes of their trade, Had the prayer of those short-sighted townsmen been listened to, Sheffield would have lost her lead in the manufacture of tools; and she would not have been able to boast, as she may do now, that instead of de pending for her supply of steel upon the Styrian forges, she now largely exports her cast-steel for the use of Austria smiths,—Once a lirce7c. Reform Demonstration at Bradford. BRADFORD, Thursday Night. A large meeting has been held to-night in the Mechanics' Institute, called by the committee of the Liberal Registra• tion Society, to consider the present position of the liberal party with respect to the reform question and the approach ing general election. Several leading liberals of the town were on the platform, The room was well filled. Alder man Brown occupied the chair ; and, in commencing the business of the evening said, after explaining the circum stances under which the meeting was called, that they all felt the liberal party was not now in a proper position. (Hear, hear,) They felt that they had been deceived, and therefore their position at the present moment was not what it was at the time of the last general election. He expressed his sense of obligation to Mr. Barnes, M.P., for that gentleman's recent able letter advocating extension of the franchise. After some further remarks he called upon Mr. J. PRIESTMAN to move the first resolution—" That this meeting, considering that the unsatisfactory character of the Reform Bill proposed by Lord Derby was the imme diate cause which led to the dissolution of the last Parlia ment, that the present Government came into power, and that the Libels' members of the present Parliament were returned on the express condition that they would carry a substantial and honest measure of Parliamentary reform, hereby expresses its disappointment and indignation at the indifference and bad faith which have betrayed the just hopes of the people and frustrated the expectations which inspired the Liberal party at the last elections." Mr. Priestman, in the course of his observations, declared it as his conviction that if the working men had received the franchise 20 years since, the country would never have been burdened with taxation in the manner it was at present through the increase of expenditure. The pecuniary benefit of the repeal of the corn laws had been totally lost to the country, for while an annual gain of 20 millions had accrued the expenditure had since increased to about the same amount. - With reference to the Danish• German question, it would be a very foolish action for England to go to war to preserve the balance of power, for if it was settled to-day it would be disturbed again to-morrow. He concluded by urging social reform on the working men. If that were attended to, they would soon have an extension of the franchise in their own hands. Mr. ROBERT KELL, in seconding the motion, strongly denied what he said had been stated, that the meeting had been called to consider the ousting of Mr. Foster from the representation of the town. He proceeded to review the action of Parliament in relation to reform from the rejec tion of Lord Derby's Reform Bill. Lord Palmerston, by pledging himself to a large measure or reform, lulled the country into a sense of security and confidence that such reform would be granted, biit in his belief Lord Palmerston had not one drop of liberal blood in him. (Applause.) If they determined to stand it no longer, the present rotten system was doomed. He urged both electors and non•elec tors to agitate in the matter. Mr. J. WILKINSON, a working man, supported the mo tion, strongly condemning the working men for their apathy, and denouncing the present House of Commons. After some remarks from Mr. Greenwood, another work ing man, Mr. R. Moss, and Mr. Sharp, defending the working classes, The CILLIRMAN put the resolution, which was unani mously carried. Mr. Councillor Moss moved the second resolution, which was as follows :—" That this meeting, believing that the continuance of such anomalies end iniquities as church rates, the Irish church, and the enormous expenditure and unequal taxation of the country, is directly due to the in adequate extent to which the people are represented in the House of Commons, recognises a large extension of the franchise as a step absolutely necessary to any further pro gress, and essential to the realisation of the acknowledged aims and objects of the liberal party." He argued from the treatment in the House of Commons of the questions mentioned in the resolution, that the Liberal party, so called, was now absolutely powerless for any good in the House of Commons, All these questions which had formerly been firmly supported in the House of Commons by the Liberals were now contemptuously treated, and yet the Liberals were still in power. The only remedy for such a state of things was an extension of the sudrage. Mr. B. HARRISON seconded the motion, vigorously de nouncing the conduct of the Liberals. They were told the working men were not sufficiently educated to receive the franchise, but in his belief the more educated and more polite they grew the less chance would they have of obtain ing what they wanted. Their only chance was in demand ing it firmly. Mr. Alderman GODWIN maintained that it would have been better to pray for reform on the broad basis of the just rights of the working classses, and not to have specified any particular questions. Mr. A. ILLINGWORTH defended the resolution. Simply to claim reform on abstract grounds would lead to no result. Mr. B. WAINWRIGHT defended the resolution, which, after some words from the mover and seconder, was put to the meeting and carried, with the introduction of the words, " and the delay in dealing with other important subjects." After the enumeration of questions deserving attention, Mr. Alderman FIRTH moved the next resolution, which was as follows :—" That this meeting, regarding the pro posed bill of Mr. Baines for a a franchise in towns, and that of Mr. Locke King for a £lO franchise in counties, as affording a favourable opportunity for testing the sincerity of the Liberal members prior to the next general election, calls on the Liberal party throughout the country for a renewed and energetic effort in support of those measures, and urges strongly upon the unenfranchised to show by a firm and unanimous demonstration of opinion that they will no longer submit to be deprived of their just share of national representation." The demands made in the reso lution were, he considered, mild and moderate. Some of those before him might wish to go further than this, but if they got these measures they might soon go further. He denounced the present system of taxation as unfair to the working classes, clumsy, and expensive, and he believed an extension.pf the franchise would have the effect of remedy ing this state of things. Mr. Alderman KENNION seconded the motion. He re garded the behaviour of the Government and the House of Commons as highly blameable, but the people deserved blame for not agitating for what they wanted. However, they might remedy their fault of the past in the future The present time was the best suited for a measure of re form. The resolution was then put to the meeting, and unani mously carried. Mr. Alderman LAW moved that a petition embodying the foregoing resolutions be prepared and signed by the chair man and sent to Mr. Wickham, M.P., for presentation, and that Mr. Forster be requested to support it. Mr. Alderman SMITH, in seconding the motion, regretted that the resolutions did not go far enough, and alluded to co-operation as a proof of the fitness of working men to re ceive the franchise. The motion was unanimously carried. A vote of thanks to Mr. Brown, for his services in the chair, brought the proceedings to a close. No HoME complete without a Wmcox AND GIBBS SEWING-MACHINE. Simple, compact, efficient, durable, and noiseless. Warranted to fulfil all the requirements of a perfect family machine. Prospectus free on application at No. 135, Regent-street, W.—[ADVT.] [ADVERTISEMENT.]—Consumption, all nervous, bilious liver, and stemach complaints, in every stage, are only ag gravated and accelerated by drugs of every description, but perfectly curable by Du Barry's health restoring Revalenta Arabica Food, as proved by thousands of cases which had been considered hopeless. We quote a few.—Cure No. 62,914. Miss Lange, 18 years of age, cured after the medical men had abandoned all hopes of her recovery from the last stage of pulmonary consumption, with fearful cough, expectoration, exhaustion, spitting of blood, perspirations, hollow cheeks, emaciated to a skeleton. She is now, thank God, a perfectly healthy, blooming, fleshy girl.—N. Lange, Commissaire de Police. Cure, No. 46,270. Mr. James Roberts, of Frimley Surrey, of thirty years' diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver derangement. and partial deafness.—Cure, No. 47,121. Miss Elizabeth Jacobs, of extreme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, low spirits, and nervous fancies.—Cure, No. 54,816. The Rev. James T. Campbell, Fakenham, Norfolk, of indigestion and torpidity of the liver, which had resisted all medical reatment. In tins, 11b, 2s 9d; 21b, 4s 6d; 51b, Ils ; 121 b, 228; 241 b, 40s. Barry du Barry and Co., No. 77, Regent-street, London; also Fortnum and Mason; and all grocers and chemists in every town of the United Kingdom. [ADTERT/6 EmENT.] —Holloway's Pills.--Dark and cheer less, indeed, is the present season, when the weekly deaths are far above the average. The cause is probably diffused through the dense damp fogs which have been so prevalent of late, These Pills purify the blood, which has been conta minated by foul gases, and give tone to the nervous system, whereby typhus, typhoid, gastric, and bilious fevers are warded off. Holloway's Pills are Also the best known pro moters of digestion, the surest regulators of the liver, and the moat valued and effective of all aperients. When the health is impaired with loss of appetite, vigour, and sleep, this medicine will be found a certain restorative, and will rarely fail to effect a complete cure. Speech of a Lady on Education. A meeting was held a few days ago at Cowlinge, sum moned by the following notice, which had been affixed to the doors of the church and chapel :—" I hereby give notice that it is my intention to call a public meeting of the inhabitants of this parish on Friday, the 22d instant, for the purpose of discussing proposals re garding the formation of a school, library, and reading room, and other improvements for the welfare of the general public of this village, and I earnestly pray all the farmers, tradesmen, and other influential people, as well as thelabourers who are connected with the dissenting chapels, to attend and give me their advice and help towards carry ing out the same.—(Signed) EMILY, LADY PIG4OT, Branches Park, Cowlinge, Jan. 10, 1864." An influential and numerous assemblage filled the large club-•room at tached to the Green Man Inn. The Rev. S. H. Banks, the curate of the parish, having taken the chair, briefly, but with much earnestness, introduced the subject, bestowing on the efforts made by Lady Pigot the praise which they deserved. _ _ Her LADYSHIP then rose, and with much zeal and energy addressed the meeting at considerable length. She ob served that the school was of primary importance, since without education the life of an Englishman would be but slightly removed from that of the savage—she had almost said slave; but the slave-master had far greater considera tion for his slave than in free England a farmer has for his men. A man cannot work unfed. In the north of Eng land wages are 12s. and 14s. a week; a man does work there, but does not altogether neglect his education. lam surprised we do not fellow in these parts the better system of other counties. Education, consistent with the station of life God has seen fit to place him in, must raise a man morally and physically. You give him a power of recrea tion which will surely, even though slowly, raise him from his animal stupidity to a life of thoughtfulness and thank fulness. How many curse in their despair the God who made them I How many curse the day that gave them life, because they have no knowledge of God, no feeling, and no knowledge of life beyond the present. But the man possessing a fair share of knowledge has a power of enjoy ment which his uneducated neighbour knows nothing of. He can beguile weary hours by reading. He can read and learn and judge for himself God's Word; he can read works which tell him of the wonders of the world he is living to in; hodenocaantion. Lady readtohis less favoured neighbours, thanks Pigot then went on to state that iu that parish there were 840 souls, and no school, no resident clergyman, no library, nowhere for a young man on leaving work to go to but the publichouse, They were in a deplorable condition. Their children were sent to schools far from home, and inferior to what their own might be if they undertook to have one, and, by God's bles sing, to keep it as it ought to be. The want of education led man, in the sullen ignorance of his poorineglected intellect, away from the peace and comfort of his home to the beer shop and the society of men equally ignorant and weak in moral and religious character. Such men too often went from bad, to worse, till they became convicted thieves, poachers, burglars, or incendiaries. I want (continued Lady Pigot) to give to the poor m oaua neanrsnedtd poor, beasttr nothingohi e vre d übsotwoeofsati should burden, oee o uoute n rtulneddtr s e tne u l hhaa i , ib t ecs e wohl d suaotorbra t tto o thhwue : h irrstet i hoor s ; moaf wa their rnniaeed n k ni t eda s bs, his friendship him maiupdr d a sssfbe t tfeew h eotlrrw e i .t r hhe between ei b mwnl y i giveis.tstehonhecolaavtunead him also an interest in hi s d a il y richsdram, occupations. I w an t to tighten the bonds of fellowship and many shillings a- week to his employer, but a fellow-creature with ourselves, with a soul to be saved, with feelings to be considered, and with an intellect given to him by God to be turned to account. You remember the parable of our Lord and the talents. Gentlemen, you have all talents, some have station, some money, some intellect., some even have only the influence of a good example, but we may be assured that to each of us here now has God given a talent, whether we acknowledge it or not, for the good employment of which to God's glory (firstly), to the satisfaction of our own con sciences, and the benefit of those around us, we shall surely be called to render an account. Well then, we must none of us say we have so little we cannot give, and that we are so low in our social position, in our life and means that we have no influence. Nor must this intellect which God has given us be hid in the earth or under a bushel, we must make all the use we can of it. In Scotland the labourer is twice as intelligent as a Suffolk man. Every man there has some amount of general knowledge, besides waiting, reading, &c. The middle class in Cowlinge must see the want and feel the necessity of a school, and that the moral and corporeal health of their labourers depended on the exertions made in their behalf. These men were under their influence, and they were bound by every tie of nature, by every law of God and man, by Christian sympathies and their obligation to one another, as part of a large, rich, prosperous, and God-fear ing people, to help those who served them early and late. After pointing out the practical details which would have to be considered in carrying out the scheme, her ladyship SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNAL S, TIMES.—We have so fully laid before our readers the past history and the preeent state of the Danish Question that we have now only to chronicle the events of the hour, and remark on the success or failure which attends the efforts of this country and the other great Powers to bring the dispute to a peaceful end. Austria and Prussia, whatever may be their ultimate intentions, are now, it would seem, resolved to pass the Eider. Having taken the conduct of affairs out of the hands of the Con federation, they are showing as much activity as if their estimation in Germany depended on the readiness with which they came forward to support the common cause. Both Governments are push ing forward their troops, and if the enemy were not formidable in numbers and resolution, the vanguard of the invading army might soon be on the soil of Schleswig. Germany being, for the first time in the memory of this generation, united, and the two chief armies engaged in a common enterprise, both Berlin and Vienna seem to think that the future " hegemony" will be long to the State which takes conspicuously the lead in this war. We have expressed an opinion which we see no reason to alter, that both Govern ments are acting against their own better judgment in proceeding to extremiries against Denmark, that they have a secret apprehension of the consequences of their movement, that they would not be sorry for an opportunity of settling matters amicably, and that they have been throughout impelled by the unexpected and overpowering pressure put upon them by the smaller States and by their own sub jects. There would indeed be little hope of preserv ing peace if military movements could be made to keep pace with the enthusiasm of the people. The Germans have already in imagination conquered Schleswig by the arms of Austria and Prussia, and then forced the victorious Powers to surrender it in turn to Duke Frederick VIII. They have reduced the kingdom of Denmark to its original Scandina vian proportions, and transformed the harbour of Kiel into a great naval station for the,fleet which it is their purpose to create. But, happily for the peace of Europe, a campaign cannot be improvised even by military Powers which are always drilling and reviewing their two or three hundred thousand men. The two German States cannot enter Schles wig until they are provided with such an army as is likely to drive the Danes from the Danewerks, which they have been lately strengthening with such activity. Some 50,000 or 60,000 men at the least must be moved to the Eider, with all their artillery, baggage, munitions of war, and a great part of their provisions. This has not been done yet, and will probably not be accomplished for an other fortnight, so that, in spite of the eager expec tations which prevail throughout Germany, there will probably be no serious attempt on the Danish line of defence until the in onth of February is pretty tar advanced. It is plain that the two Powers see that the business will take longer than the Germans expect, for they are making known their own ala crity and the speed with which they are forwarding troops to the scene of war. And there is certainly good reason for the haste they show. The frost, which was to make the Danish positions defenceless, has passed away, and by the time the invading army is ready it is probable that all hopes of an alliance with the weather will havevanished. By that time also the Danes may be able to get their fleet into the North Sea, and retaliate upon the German ports, should the Confederation think fit to make common cause with its two chief members. All things con sidered, there is reason to believe that the Danes will make a brave and perhaps a prolonged resist. ante to the aggression with which they are visited. They have an army in Schleswig sated to amount to 38,000 men ; they have formidable works ; their navy is efficient; and all classes, roused at the in juries with which they are threatened, are banded together to fight the Germans. But we have still hopes that this extremity will not be reached. The Prussian and Austrian Governments, urged on a :ainst their own real opinions to attack the Danish Monarchy, no sooner announce their determination than they find that their conduct is condemned by all the neutral Powers of Europe. We belie;ve we may state that there is no difference of opinion be tween France, Russia, and England. With regard to the first Power, the Emperor assents to all the representations we have made in favour of peace. He upholds the Treaty of 1852, which recognises the succession of Christian IX. in the Duchies, and thinks that all the legitimate requirements of Ger many could be obtained without any breach of that solemn arrangement. But it is the opinion of the Emperor, and in this we must agree with him, that any active participation in the dispute might place him in a difficult position. Though interference in a foreign quarrel is most distasteful to the people of this country, yet it can hardly be doubted that any hostile demonstration of England against the German Powers would be much less dangerous in its nature than a collision between France and two first-class military monarchies. We might ; if we chose to interfere, blockade the German ports with a few ships, and send a force to Schleswig, and yet the war would remain entirely local. But if France were to become engaged with Prussia and Austria it would at once be a question of 300,000 men on the Rhine, and perhaps an outburst of French ambition which would make Europe regret the assistance it had invoked. It is quite natural, then, that the French Government, seeing the momentous conse quences that might follow from any movement on its own part, should desire to limit its action to pacific representations. It may, indeed, be that if the war go on, a time will come when France may find matters sufficiently advanced for her to draw the sword in pursuit of her own ends, but at present she carefully avoids seeming to grasp at an oppor tunity for threatening her neighbours. But not the less does the Emperor's Government make known its opinions and sympathies, and these should have due weight on the two Powers which are en gaged on this imprudent enterprise. Russia is too much employed on her own domestic disturbances to do more than join England in friendly remon strances, but even these from a Power as Conser vative as themselves should have as much influence on sensible Governments as angry notes and ultima tums. This country, finding thus that the views which men of all parties here take of the dispute are shared by the chief Governments of Europe, will not lose any opportunity of urging its own conclu sions on the Prussian and Austrian Governments. These are, it cannot be too accurately remembered, about to seize Schleswig as "a material guarantee" that Denmark will do what she has already under taken to do. The King, having no power to repeal the Constitution of himself, any more than the Queen of England has to set aside an Act of Par liament, is about to summon the Rigsraad in order that the Act of November last, by which the posi tion of Schleswig was assimilated to that of Den mark, may be legally and effectually repealed. If he were to do more than promise, and were to pretend to carry out this change of himself, he would, in fact, be deceiving the two Powers by assuming an authority which does not belong to him. He asks, and the neutral Powers ask, that the occupation of Schleswig may be delayed until there is time for this to be done. As yet Austria and Prussia refuse this reasonable request. The only excuse which the two Governments can make is, that the late King of Denmark made promises and then evaded them, and that it is possible the present King may do the same. But such a pretext for an act of usurpation which leads to instant bloodshed and threatens to involve all Europe in war is cer tainly the most flimsy that can be imagined. Surely a delay of a few weeks, until the Rigsraad is assembled, could not prejudice the cause of Ger. many ? The two Governments could keep a few thousand men on the Holstein frontier, and thus maintain their political position without burdening the people whom they affect to protect with the presence of a large army. In the meantime the Rigsraad could assemble, and if a further guarantee were required the promise of the neutral Powers to use their influence with Denmark:in the matter oughtito content any reasonable statesmen. DAILY NEWS.—The proposals of Mr. Bright and Mr. Cobden for reforming the laws relating to the land are proposals simply to get rid of all enact ments which hamper natural agencies and operations. They neither propose to divide nor to accumulate the land; they only ask that it s h a ll b e delivered from legal restraints which foster, and were in tended to foster, its accumulation. But if the bene fits to follow from such deliverance are not capable of instant realisation, N a t ure i s even now carrying on a mighty work among us , gra dually and sur e ly avenging by whichherse herself she up is on the upholders of artificial sy s t ems. H er work is not now free trade in pools or i n l an d , i t i s free trade i n men . She is carrying ft ova our shores, in multitudes that year by year inc rease, t h ose whom we will not su ff er to exist here, and pl an ti ng them in rich and bound less. lands w h ere t h ey can live in comfort, and find tinae for som e thi ng more than mere animal ex i stence. This seems a very na t ura l operat i on ; yet th ere a re countries in Europe where it is not allowed to take place, and where the workman is kept poor and hopeless, of course all for his own good. To this great operation Mr. Bright adverted as at once a benefit and a warning. It is a benefit, incalculable and infinite, to those who in the present state of England take advantage of it, and through them to us all. But it is also a serious foreboding of the con sequences that must ensue if we continue to account England as the England of the rich, and make our laws w ith a view to the maintenance of an unnatural system o f c l ass supremacy. Y e t if we will only be wise ere the hand has ceased writing on the wall,. we may find i n t hi s source o f danger the means of safety. For all other remedies would possibly act too slowly ; this is of immediate service. The am , mutation of laud, the ultimate fund for the support of the whole-----......-_—_,-- ----"- ~ im,o , Is t in o e w nt e , a b r ut of not make it • yield what it is capable of yiea""B'pa the result of centuries of selfish miss of now . exists not merely by virtue of Acts of P ion g population habits and ideas ideas which nvvdbsint bhaitt esvaini i n otot or W ill and s out. For the help of this generation a sha r p s emigration speedier relief is needfol. Ands pe i li t 6 t e rtl e f doing ' f i t th at t anon supplies. It carries away, U. i o ao verythe e' bone and sinew of the laud. Bue")003e. it strengthens the weak ones left o' bro ad After all, all, some labour is required presenttill t he , re i 9 more s get ue fore labour they care to use, and th e ` i 0 Their team I .0 they los week in wages, ho sties for divelling.l)Cn; thanthei r own terms, At a inevitable ignorance and brutality of mind. ° T are , bestow . these terms in pitying but belPless ". t . ' (of e in hard cruelty and contempt the Inc: ) j a theyblina. would not longer suffer their existeti e poor indifference and carelessness. Bat the atice now s must take the terms offered, for the altere e b e is e . tarvation. If, however, they shall bete t he to subjects so diminished in number as to l es of competition among the rural eul po i of will labour, their position will instantly change, u°'•° then be able to assert that they are . . e i f a beings. They will be able to enforce not le . "od highersome rate of wages, but more decent dwellinqttbii opportunity for education• lii this, a nd it s alon lies their hope, and our hope. 14.°1. t Oi d ' !' realizationthere seem far distant• As Mr. 13righ ,pet scarce a village t o which the neloper does e n is not now penetrate, with its intelligence °L I , I tel. lands aw _than England, and of higher wages t h3 c iliagb . More than this, there is scarce'," 3 or e which eek members has not already sent some of its 5. of tllc embers as pioneers to these golden land• daredwill worksetting sun, The accounts received from theet in the minds of those Who have not So t the able attempt, and each who goes will 00°11,0 tbetr, to send back money to help others l os s ot rescue. sheer 1,0,034 m. What in Ireland through lsery has been first begun, sill folloW iOY4tOl/101 when in the yeast has had a little longer tia le ei tia' r.,. e the_ material not already quite so er n ,„ 00 tb' I laSaxons are a race at least as n3gratoar/f G r ob' Celts, and the wave which once p opulat e il l i at f l ' will soon again roll towards the West. l' boo ter s peer h and squire say then, when th e jaw Wl's; term ose hire they have kept back dictate "Ittaer'i s of employment and equality nice ,d 1 36Y , 1 , can employers are forced to timerecogne dri'hi Yet there is no reason why, as that ;oe 'PA' on, an we should regard it with anxiety', l'irig Oa' ins consequences. cease to struggle to resist its eocl apttt° i tem consequences. ' rhe fertility of our s ° l de for landP"ed geniality of our climate have i lia ,gric ill' & a less useful training ground f° l. till : 3 oJ' 'e tur• - ist than the northern - parts of the isi•a dot harder general life would have inriaeet'oar'°,l,l energetic character. with 1° 1 ; 11 13 0 10 cl l e i and'erScotland► climate, has of necessity taken eels✓ let agriculture. Her landlords cannot live a tl an 't roll the land to the best advantage, the t., ll ,deoS t , 11 „ 6 not the high rent of corcpetition 14: ei f iat : g landlord pay d gave him a lease and he hilt w itb 11 ,1 du ever new improvement. Nortbl°' icaltor,a Duce ee poor sands, owes its r high tgri litt 1 simile._ josot rigraot, standing to the ike placa of leases—to its energy tan l dived. nd ~', ef er in place of fertility. Ba oifvbenloorilabilecooti -Egand becomes dearer, the tenants s' i s i tt el t1 0 ; unable to pay their rents until they °bt al o ° l l lc. act. security . and independence. and exert eel° 14ortao, Thus the with those in Scotland anc1,4,0 0 4 , 11 0 a the raising of the labourers' conow lo orl,' ° "0 the l• 1 g le 0 firstmustconsequence raise the tenants. r next adopt mercantile instead of ° ° , e ail i g t er on pass from their place. MeantiMe the ° A gr,,, ° i d wealth markets abroad, the ciisseniinati°ll i f IP' i fj ; increased and comfort at home, will ar°P,roPc"iio c. c s reased exertion on the part of t he Fed t °, o i s trod u joi 1,1 4 e 1 r , the Machinery, too will be mechanical work, and to set free 13 , 11 , 0 e s re C O 6 for t . its fitter employment. To this resa"„aitletb to ainly advancing. And when it is IT y 10 6 ,, Di energetic workman who from plougb:oil ' 5 , 11 ,, i c 0 may come bailiff will want to know the g re ! ser i. ' DO not rise from the position 0' -,,abil e • c ter become done,and our lands will have t° underg botoil scrutiny than we are nOW dee ed t e pos them. ----------- .1. .......... •••. ........................'''...- ....----- ..------------ -----, ----- rit g COUNTRY liliti tel BIRMINGHAINI—TutrBsp Which /,ice,9o,!ef There was a full show of wheat to-Wt.:or, tYj, at the rates of this day week ; on the sale! '', E , de°, Solo kinds difficult to quit. Beans and pea s tue in fav,ur of the buyer. Fine barley cluitet fi, a t ill id 10 to 428 per 36 stone for red. v bite, 30 0 , 0 BarleY, net old/ .7 1 18 —English wheat was sold at 40s to 6s for 4 101; to ‘' t , "P '2 1 40s per qr; oTinding, 248 to 28s Otlss 04) per 30 stone • " Irish, 18s to 240. J 3e31114 ' Peas, 36a to ' 42s per 36 stone. •axi'vi' ......-- ~0,,,,,0t 3D, MANCIIESTEB/—TO.- , eV dlO l e At our market this morning there ov3-eiisD volorh,0; attendance. Not much business to -', i n iie tiel l ,:e Wi t : ll ' o' holders were unwilling to accede to me a l 'jeCI - IP D .OI O rates. Foreign was offered at 2d per ,,, e d for' oli meeting attention. Flour was scarcely a",.,05x), changed iu price Oats and oatmeal sold. ~. o p mi fi e r gl ua tliran e e r hio. prices. Indian corn and bean rule' 4 a kl . ; f 0 " ..----------- --, Ow -.di t aatithdreßeasNravUth,lo,eßrleetaaTirtetao.lbei.Nlss4es:ssoOutospiryildslivo. t3f E n i ene - g lr ui s4 :, :t b w e ii: e t ; r5 40 t 0 64 : 0 440 0 New do. ei,c4?);ledv:ed W d li o e . A :: :... : . 3 7,i 0i 6 t w" o 4' 'l ' Malting barley 3ss to:3Bs Oats ..... ''' ..' Grinding do 28s to 320 I B ean° '''' 0 A fo lfiC e o -.----. BRI ST OL--TI-111131tili;i.,,b Ala A moderate supply of English whe. a ',.,' t x ° „e, " osd fully . the prices of this day se'unig'',:eli.o-4,1805 At';'• in good supply, and held for quite as 01- gr i l g e ° trade dull. Malting barley fully as dear,„ 6o '''' gßaevao.way Gd per qr. Oats a dull trade, and and peas almost without inquiry'. at 1 `l' 1 1 0 ..-----. ~r _,J Alf' „,liie EDINBURGH GitA l ' h ittl .: d c Today there was a fair show of gi -e 9,d,;;111 slow sale, at about last week's prices. Ofee 03 0614;p1P OatsNirh e a o t n o t n he th to e p to 6 p d l d s ow 9cl n. u . p . '' .............. ..a ve r se a l) : 0.., 33 iil h Barley on the top Os Gd down. ..... Av Ora ge v A. , ;:d Beans on the top is d 0d0wn...• .• • ' grs and Sale °. a / 10 rs Total Supply sol 06 (1 . , Wheat ...1226 qrs ........ 801 d , 6 ,56 er 8ar1ey........ 1396 qrs ...... • • 0 1c1' 4/ cll .° t l Oats Flourß Beans s s as follows 2B3 :—Whites,qrs... ......... ; extra ' superfine, 36s Od ; fine, 34s Oct. Foreign Australia _--tee vst. i• C ., ay_e_of ,, Good Hope, Ascension,vdancdapMeavureirtdiUsell:;bvlayiLialßSS:ioptuilhe:a:i.'ell:f:,..:•ll::::l,o" F ., a Lt i t k iL i a a , n r cia e l n cs a ul it atnt g ad , ): and 8 ing i ao1a11:: : di 1;:tel't.:1 : 11:1"):::'::1:114; :6'. t , Glnidbiraal:BaromvbiLaty),via Win3e , ~ " pli, I India (C , 1 ' via Soilunileoo''.lo' 5, Southampton ........ ,„,,pt P Jog';'. Via Dl''lt'e „,....feD. ,j, via Southampton ....'' ~..: fell . via Marseilles ....... " .. :,... Portugal.... ........... .13...,,,,3.10, 3ON:p.e6owlStraf.to:anun.Eadngddyißapvtnrid,tiiganso.h.dx...A.....Ad.e..:,.e..r.v.;:ac..a..,S..ot. jt13....r.i.a1.t...1:c..::...i...;..0:01:;t;: via Marseilles .• .„. 3 • wad Ceylon, ............... 0.....,ve,,:: by U.5.,1?3,9 / ,6: 10 'fob . i l, by Ca na ~."fP',S. W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and TeneritlO•• •.., .i'' Jai' ; ,, ..•- .... ~ Bahamas, via New York .............. .. 10 Mexico. ......................... r,; l rail , Al[ parts of West Indies, including ...... ...., je California. and British Columbia. ..... • -- JOr let/ ____------_--; - VI ,01 0 ,, SIIELLEYAN POETRY,: Mr. PO rl , of P o et or- r V piP scribes, with much truth--ae dia caP e , cloudland, rich in gorgeous colouring, ° l t .; 00 0 1 1,00 9 e tions, suggestive of a thouoand footlll,otiace baseless, meaningless, and incapable of g ' ,-- 7 impressions on the mind. ------.--------- , IV ------- 0 Births. ve-04" of BATIC—On the 27th inst., at ISt J3eigil. ..p O il° Marchioness of Bath, of a daughter o _ 4 , e , tP 11 HANcocx. —On the 28th inst., at "WvelscuTer, ai . ' Wm. Hancock, Esq., banker, of a daugm ~,jellf ' 41 Jame s ' e ODELL,—On the 28th inst., Mrs. t, f°. Hackney, of a son. 5° 11 " STOTT,—On the 27th inst., at L07101(1114 Stott, of a daughter. b , ~, Cli,U f t er Marriages. e l, , r , a t p ar 01 0 ' 1 1,0 BA ear the 27th ", pte near Matlock, Charles Bathurst, 0 -' - ', l l . o f tile „le' shire, to Mary Elizabeth, only 0 11 0 A° si t i e,, Colonel Hay, 2d Madras E.I. „ s t., o t to ,„ f p g. WIDSON—JOHNSTON.—On the 2801opirof or Daniel Frederic Wilson, vicar of ,fret` J° Maria, second daughter of the late Af. Holton, Halesworth, Eeq, et' S 5 0 Deaths. .400 or , laworrraso6 BA3IFFYLDE.--On the 27th Wit, t 1 O' hint fep the Hon. Augusta S. W. at e ' ill Bl if d el Lord and Lady Poltitnore. So ,- 0 01 a 110 0 t BROADIVOOD.----011 the 26th ins., 9 ,, i mp the Rev. John 13roadwood, aged 66.1,103, )3, Y ,o, BOUGILTON.—On the 26th inst., Mr:, 4 ,1 61 i late of the Stock Exchange, aged 6- '' of il ton, Miss Esther Cooper, aged 8 • , .gsip ,fil HCoto;:u.--On the 26th iast., at No3rthatoPtgv 01' KAY.—On the 27th inst., at Ilarette I i jo,,s. ~ it 0 ,, LE.o—veo.nianthete A27ldtheriransatn.,bluVryil,liaagui4l:ss:oo43, r,iel/irof Kay, Eeq., aged 60. Di Y• tia"bor LAW.—On the 25th inst., the Ilon. ,t: i y, for,. j the late Hon. Charles cvan Luv7,ll:ged 73 ,m. 5, University, and Recorder of LoDcw' __,..--;,0100 ------ ONY,•:0, if --------------O,LIA ,fgee `,,al London: Pritaod ands uldsheci LI 1 . 4 ,, v rt . co , at lab ' i¢ toe of No. 112, StranPrinter, ___oi, Strand, na the Precinct of al o e ;3n,.. miadie6ex.—Friday, January -9, PP ~E r,~~~