The Sun. — London, England, 1831-04-16 00:00:00

~;; t likely differ as eon. ad pre he same iae!e ap hecona- roperty }fon-, L:ipation were, it !owner, old hold , hear," -hat he ion had secured oroperty gs, and rt that ut from ave de decided a pro they ust dc put an of pro- Lade by oke of seemed le con- y iater ,al Was slaves. ize the Id they current should he con- had no id also means len had d. In and in ad mis- House ; lent in limi. eceived ama ica on the .s:bility h they resoln !, whe s true, t those much o❑ for hi 3 call t of hi le same on the ides in lended ossible He ilation e pur- oke of :ing of At a e prr— lte per leapt. Not to donies some lanteis hostile legis mtried me of nt de- ners of of the at in e who 9 were t once Sys for pu . r- In MIS. from that gland, ght to 1 mea- Were Mit in Irl Ell ;he in iriends e state %Pions opula- cease the boon. Such was his answer to the Honourable Member, and to the Noble Lord (Althorp). He (Mr. Bur ge ) would say, that his amendment, while it excluded the most important poiut in the resolutions of 18 9 3, abandoned the great principles of national justice. He implored the House, in justice to the great interests of the empire—in justice to the possessors of vast properties in the West Indies, and in justice even to the slave popula tion to pause before it adopted either course—that of the lion. Member or that of the Noble Lord ; for both would indisputably retard instead of promoting the 'emancipation of th e negroes. At all events, before the pa inciple of the resolutions of 1823 was; abandoned, the House ought to take care to be well informed upon the subject ; and if the amendment of the Noble Lord were preferred to the resolutions of the Hon. Member, he (Mr. Burge) should think it necessary to move, as a farther amendment, that a Committee be appointed to inquire. Lord HOWICK adverted to the extreme difficulty be longing to the subject when the object wis to induce the Masters of slaves to piss an effectual law to controul their own despotic and irresponsible powers. No wonder, therefore, that the colonial Legislature bad been found un willing agents; and he was not surprised, on looking to th e debates in the House of Assembly in Jamaica last year, to find passages in the speeches of Members which showed no disposition to accomplish the purpose of the Legislature at home. He particularly directed the attention of the House to a passage in an address delivered by Mr. Davis, on what was c ailed the suspending clause of the Slave Bill, in which that gentleman talked of the facility with which it might be evaded, and added a hope that it might be re jected. The fact was that the law, as it had been first sent over to this country, was only intended to atop the mouths of those wlui demanded emancipation, and little effectual assistance, it appeared, was to be eipected from the colonial Legislatures. The Slave Bill was originally passed by the House of Assembly of Jamaica with two clauses, to which Mr. Huskisson decidedly and strongly objected ; they were afterwarde struck out, and he (Lord Howick) wished to direct the attention of the House to the amendments introduced by the House of Assembly.— There was not an instance where any change was made in Which it was not in favour of the master and against the slave ; and penalties for breaches of the 13w were reduced in one case from 100/. to 501., and in another from 50/. to 2 0/. On the other hand the punishments to be inflicted upon the slaves were augmented, and in one case three days' impri aonment was increased to a whole month. It was also Worthy of remark that in no colony had the officer, called a protector of slaves, been appointed. The Hon. Gentle man (Mr. Burge) had said that a protector was unneces sary, because there was an Attorney-General in each of the islands. The Hon. Gentleman could not be aware that the Attorney-General was appointed by the Crown, and that he was incapacitated from holding the office if he were in Possession of a single slave. He was paid not by the* Crown, but by the House of Assembly.—(Mr. Burge, across the table, denied this position ) He was paid by fees on prosecutions, which fees were established by the House of Assembly. Mr. BURGE interrupted the Noble Lord, to state that the Attorney-General of Jamaica was quite independent of the House of Assembly, and that he was not paid by fees established by the the local Legislature. -Lord HOWICK conteoded, that at ail events the offices of Attorney-General and Protector of Slaves were entirely distinct, and referred to what the Hon. Gentleman had himself said regarding the impossibility of the Attorney- General in Jamaica acting in any respect as the Protector of Slaves. He knew what the Hon. Gentleman's reply On this point would be; that in Jamaica there was a Council of Protection ; but he (Lord Howick) would Meet this answer by the production of the opinion of * the Law Officers of the Crown in Jamaica (of whom the Hon. Member had been himself the first and chief, and in that capacity bad signed the opinion), which 'stated that the duties of the Council of Protection and of Protec tor of Slaves, were entirely different.—(Hear, hear.) The fact, indisputably was, that the appointment of a Council of Protection was only an expedient, by di viding responsibility, to extinguish it ; and his Lord ship expressed his conviction that in the case of Kitty - lElOu a prosecution would have been directed bad the decision depended on any one individual of the twenty Members of the Council of Protection. It was worth while to inquire a little how far the Slave Bill of the House of issembly carried into effect the principles of Mr. Canning, when he moved the resolutions in 1823. The Right Hon. Gentleman had talked of the fitness of keeping up the observance of the sexes—of the considera-; thin that was due to the weaker, and of the indecency and degradation of -- exposing women to the infliction of the lash. What Englishman, he (Lord Howick) would ask did - not joinin this sentiment, as just and politic as it was huMane? Yet he grieved to add, that it found no echo iii thebosoms of the West India planters, for the Bill to which he had referred made no provision that the cart whip should not be applied to females.—(Hear, hear.) The next . principle advocated by Mr. Canning was, that families ought not to be separated—that the first step to- Ward civilization was to teach the slave to respect his do mestic relations.—(Hear, hear.) What had the Legi slators of Jamaica done upon this point? They 11. - id, in deed directed the Provost Marshal not to separate families unless it were impossible otherwise to avoid an excessive levy S ° but the master was left at full liberty to tear asun der the dearest ties—to"separate husband and wife—parent and child.—(Mr. Burge, across the table, denied that the Noble Lord was correct.) His Lordship defied the Hon. Gentleman to point out to him the clause in the Act Which prevented that separation. He would say, perhaps, that such a provision was needless—that the feelings of every min would revolt from such cruelty. Mrs BURGE observed, that the Courts of Jamaica Would set aside any sale which separated husbands and Wives, or parents and children. Lord HOWlCK—Supposing the fact to be so in point of law, it was singular that a declaratory enactment of the kind should not have been inserted in the Bill, if only to show the disposition of the House of Assembly of Jamaica to accord with the recommendation of the Legislature of Gre a t Britain. With' regard to the amendment of his Noble Friend, he would remark, that its object was to Mitigate the wording of the resolution of the Hon. Mem ber far Weymouth : that amendment stated only that the Measures adopted by the local Legislatures were inadequate %ghat although they had done something, they had not done enough ; and who would deny it, when they had riot vet exempted females from the infliction of the cart- Whip ?—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman had urged that the slaves were not prepared for the operation of any More effectual law than that which had been passed ; and Yet, with singular inconsistency, he had called attention to the vast improvements in the conditions and habits of the negroes introduced by the local authorities. The As ',suably of Jamaica had passed even the Bill to which he b ad adverted, and which went the length of brutality of allowing wo me n to be whipped. The H on. Gentleman had asked if Ministers were prepared to abandon the prin ciples of 1823, and to sacrifice the private property of the West India planters? He (Lord Howick) was not pre- Pared for that. He would maintain the rights of pro l'erty, but not at the expence of the slaves.—(Hear, hear.) tle objected to the resolution of the Hon. Member fo r Weymouth, because it would not be for the benefit of th e slave himself to pass it. Those who were partners guilt ought to be partners in suffering, and those who h ad encouraged tl.e traffic could not be considered free from delinquency. The whole system of slavery was in t he highest degree iniquitous ; and if they were satisfied that th e emancipation of the slaves could be safely accom lt""thed, he would vote for it at once, and leave all scores 6 be settled afterwards. All that could be done securely ;:ght to be-done speedily, and the negroes ought not to allowed to suffer while parties were haggling about r r , u nds, shillings, and pence. Until a plan was broug ht 'Ward which would be safe as well as effectual, he must d ecline r to adopt the resolution of the Hon. Member for e Ynaouth, which would excite the slave while it irritated th e master. A tragical instance of the danger arising from tlof ounded expectations on the part of the negroes had b een rec en tl y w it nesse d. Emancipation. must be gradual, a nd thr oug h t h e p l anters , t o b e s afe and effectual ; if not, A irs Canning bad said, a flame would be lighted that c old only b e ex ti ngu i s h e d by blood. Emancipation ought 1)5 gradual, by lightening the yoke to the slave, and pre moving the li n k s o f hi s fetters one by one, until he was p r epared for the en joyment of perfect liberty, He would a s:', set fre e a tent h part o f t h e s l ave population to-day, 4 o another tenth p a rt at some future period, because • th e a o_ tenth part might be equally unfit for the great of sis "ges The course recommended by the amendment wit hdang er , and he was satisfied also that it would be t i o " His Majesty's Government had in contenipla th:otnneeassiudres by which the oppressions complained of on e, and b th ! inconveniences apprehended on the had thready might e obviated. The Orders in Council, which y been sent cus s provided for the accomplish ment of great practical good. g reat He believed that already progress had been made i especially by the diminished frueqsontacey o o f f the colonies, discipline. ("eat, hear)—as a means of domestic ue vhi ;' — he intention of the Government was, as muds as possible, to reduce th e pract i ce. I t was th e i ntent i on of the Govern ment to prevent, by law, the infliction of more than fifteen stripes on any female slave within 24 hours. By that, and by other measures which Government contemplated, the use of the whip, as an incentive to labour, would be =.._ nr ever done away with, and care should, in future, be taken to prevent the heedless or oppressive separation of different members of the same family of slaves.—(Hear.) The present was not a mere question of convenience, where only freehold rights or commercial interests de pended upon the decision of that House.—(Considerable noise.) It was the intention of the Government, also, to enable parents to purchase the freedom of their children —(Hear, hear)—and to prevent the employment of the children in servile labour on the Sundays—(Hear)—at the same time that an effort would be made to prevent the imposition of excessive labour on the one, hand---or, on the other, a deficiency of foOd. He hoped the Hon. Member for Weymouth would not press his motion. He thanked the House for the indulgence with which be had been heard, and sat_down amidst considerable cheering. Mr, STUART denied that the colonial legislatures had d ne nothing. A more erroneous assertion could not be made. Of the fourteen propositions of the Hon. Member for Weymouth, all, except three, were actually in force in the colonies. The exceptions are compulsory manumis sion, the removal of the negroes from the land, and the liberation of children born after a certain period, all of which required consideration. He (Mr. Stuart) asked only for inquiry, the result of which would show, that worthy but sanguine people were misinformed respecting the condition of the slaves. As to. free labour, what had been done in St. Domingo, once a garden, now confined to the cultivation of coffee? In Trinidad, too, there was a dispatch from Governor Woodford in 1826, stating that 400 free labourers had been employed for five years in building a barrack. In Berbice there was a class of free negroes, who cost. Government 2,0001. a year. He men tioned those facts to show the impossibility at the present - moment of substituting free for slave labour. The at tempt would introduce pauperism. He expressed not his own opinion merely, but the opinion of the colonists, when he said that there was a spirit abroad in this country ad verse to the cnlonies.—(Hear.)—He would remind the House of the declaration of Mr. Burke previous to the separation of the American colonies, that though feeble in themselves, they might be strong enough to work our ruin.—(Hear.) —All he asked, all the West India interest asked, was unflinching inquiry. Mr. SYKES wished to record his opinion, that no compromise should take place on the subject. Since the plan of Government detailed by the Noble Lord (Howick) contained a large measure of relief, he hoped that his Hon. Friend, the Member for Weymouth,' would not per sist in pressing that motion to a division. The abhor rence to negro slavery had become a settled religious feel ing, and as long as slavery existed, that. feeling would strengthen and increase. • Mr. H. TWISS said, there were various difficulties connected with this important question. lie had hoped that his Hon. Friend, the Member for Weymouth, would have found a way to relieve the measure from some of those difficulties, by adhering to the principles contained in the resolutions of 1823. It appeared, however, that there was now a disposition to abandon Close resolutions. By them, however, that and the other House of Parlia ment were pledged to the final extinction of slavery, as soon as it was compatible with the well-being of the slaves themselves, with the safety of the colonies, and with the . equitable consideration of private property. Such was the language of the resolutions, and therefore the question was not now whether slavery was to be abolished, for that had been already decided, but whether the resolu tions were to be broken through, and violated by hurry ing on the emancipation of the slaves ? Hon. Members who had taken a part in that discussion had accused those with whom he thought and acted, of abandoning the reso lutions of 1823 ; on the contrary, he was satisfied that a calm and impartial estimate of all that they had said and done upon that most momentous occasion would lead to an entirely opposite conclusion. According to the course which certain advocates of abolition would recommend them to adopt, for the purpose, as it was said, of adhering to the resolutions of 1823, they would urge them now to break through -the most solemn Parliamentary reso lutions by hurrying them 'on into precipitate mea sure., alike inconsistent with the well-being of the slaves themselves, and with that respect for pri vate property and vested rights which Parliament had hitherto shown, and from which, he trusted, no such considerations as had been urged that night would in duce them to depart., He felt the more disposed to resist the motion of the Hon. Member for Weymouth, and even to charge him with inconsistency, when he remembered that that Hon. Member was a party to those resolutions— not only a party to them in the sense in which every Mem ber of that House was mixed up with its proceedings, not merely as voting for those resolutioni,,but more stringently did he make himself a party to them by accepting them in lieuand in full compensation for his own, which he had then submitted to that House. He thought himself also justi fied in complaining that the Hon. Member had found fault with the resolutions of 1823, for not working out all the objects which were expected from them in the short space of seven years. It was hardly fair or reasonable to expect that the work of two or three generations could be accom plished in the short space of one apprenticeship. He was sure the House could not but regard such expectations as purely visionary He entreated the House to remember how, by the resolutions of the Hon. Member himself, pro posed antecedently to those of 1823, the abolition of slavery was postponed to an indefinite period. His object, as distinctly stated, was the most gradual extinction of slavery ; from the language used by him in 1823, that principle evidently appeared. He declared that his object was net sudden emancipation, but, on the contrary, such measures of precaution as, by slow degree's, would qualify the black population for freedom, and gently conduct them to the total annihilation of slavery. In his propositions at that time he declared that there was nothing rash, that there was nothing abrupt; that he aimed at causing slavery by slow, silent, and imperceptible means, to die away and be forgotten. Those were the sentiments of the Hon. Gentleman years ago ; and let the House now compare them with the language they had that night heard from him ; and let them at the same time look to the general effect of what had been done on the suggestions of the late Government. He had also, he conceived, a right to com plain of the tone and manner in which the Legislature of Jamaica had been spoken of by the Noble Lord opposite. That Noble Lord bad taken advantage of an indiscreet ex pression of a single Member of the Legislature of Jamaica, for the purpose of imputing mala fides to that Assembly. He sincerely hoped that the observations of the Noble Lord would not go forth to the public as the opinion of the House of Commons ; for it was as little the opinion of the House as was the indiscreet expression which al luded to the general feeling of the House of Assembly in Jamaica. In making that remark in reference to a Colo nial Legislature, he begged it to be distinctly understood, that nothing could be further from his mind than to say that the Colonial Legislatures had done all that might be done for that degree of amelioration which all were agreed upon as practicable, and all were anxious to see accom plished. But though he was willing to admit that enough had not been done, he would gladly learn with what con sistency the Hon. Member for Weymouth inveighed against the faith of the Colonial Legislatures. In making that observation be was, however, perfectly willing to admit, that, up to 1827, nothing had been done except in the island of Tobago; since then, however, every one of them had been proceeding gradually and regularly in a course of amelioration. The House could not have failed to notice, in the course of the Honourable Member's speech, that he let go for nothing all that bad been done in the Crown colonies—a por tion of the West Indies which included a full third of the slave population. The Noble Lord opposite af affirmed that no compensation ought to be given—that not a moment was to be lost—and yet he admitted that some ti me was required for the purpose of preparing capable o fenjoy ing. th e a'aves for the freedom which they were not yet Time was confessedly necessary, and he would main tain that that time ought to be occupied in estimating those claims, and the amount of that coMpensation and of these claims which, according to acknowledged principle, ought to be admitted. He altogether denied the neces sity for that precipitancy which the Noble Lord so ear.. neatly pressed, and he entreated the House to remember the blood that had been shed in St. Domingo and in Bri tish Guiana, and the weighty obligation under which they lay not to risk the repetition of such scenes, by incurring the risk of rash liberation. He thought it also especially unwise and mischievous to have such discussions brought under the consideration of Parliament at a juncture like that the House could be in_ dthueceporlretseo natg;reeantod thurporsoipng proposition of the Noble Lord, if the Government failed—as fail they must in the execution of the measure—he put it to th e House, must not such fail ure be attended with infinite disadvantage to the negroes themselves, and - the utmost dan g er to the white popula tion and to British interests in the colonies ? Doctor LUSHINGTON remembered when they used to come to the discussion of this question under v e ry interwoven s t d o iff i e )e re s n u t p c p i o r r c t u e m d sats a ance — e ts w h h i ng n o h e s the frame of colonial society , that it not be p ut an ne s t c i o y s s e t e y a! _a very os e i d , t i could end to without the utmost danger to the existence of the a Prlia- colonies. Happily, however , th at condit ion of end and mentary and public opinion was now at anti had now ceasing to be question of abstract princ iple, t u on become one of time and manner, and the only pm p which a difference of opinion could arise was the ripeness nr enripenese of the slaves for emancipation. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman who spoke last had threatened them with a union between the free people of colour and ' the whites. He was authorised to state that the free people of colour in Jamaica were perfectly ready to give up their own slaves if the Government required such a sacrifice._ (Hear.) But he was sure that threats of the nature to which he alluded could have no weight with that House If the 24,000 whites in that colony dared to breathe one word of sedition, they might rest assured, that did the authority of the King need such support, the free people of colour would put down by a single effort any such piti. ful attempt. The two thousand troops on that island were under the command of the King; and though they were maintained there at a frightful expenditure of human life for the protection of the white population against their own slaves, yet still.they were troops under the command of the King, who would not passively see his authority insulted. He then proceeded to deny that the proposition that night brought forward was any violation of the re solutions of 1823 ; but that, on the contrary, its opera tion would be to carry these resolutions into effect Could it be said that any one of the Colonial Legis latures had acted upon the resolutions of 1823 The Hon. and Learned Member then referred to a great variety of instances, implicating the character of several individuals, and which for obvious reasons we forbear to give, to prove that the slaves 'derived no protection from the Attorney-General who was stated by the Hon. and I Learned Gentleman opposite to be the protector of the slaves. That Hon. and Learned Gentleman had thrown doubts on the statements of the Hon. Member for Wey_ mouth as to the mortality among the slaves, but he could could confirm those statements by an unexceptionable au. thority. The Hon. and Learned Member accordingly referred to the work of a clergyman of the Church of England, to show that those sentiments were correct, and that the mortality among the, slaves was much greater in the sugar plantations than in the coffee plantations. There was one class of men who had been much censured, whom be was ready to defend. The Wesleyan Methodists had risked their lives, and submitted to live on the smallest possible pittance, in order to carry the truths of Christianity among the slaves: Than the Wesleyan Methodists there was no more meritorious body of men in the colonies, and they were the first and real promoters of all improve ment. They were the causes of that progress which had been made. He was sorry that he could not bear the same testimony in favour of the Bishop of Jamaica ; but truth , compelled him to declare, that that prelate had not done his duty, and had not merited the approbation of that House and the country. He would not then enter into the particulars, but the time would come when he might bring the subject under the notice of the House. They had heard a great deal of the distress of the colonies, but he was pre pared to prove that all - that distress arose from the in justice of the colonists. That was the punishment or dained, he believed, by Providence, for trampling on the laws of humanity and justice ; for never was injustice un punished here, as well as elsewhere, and never did justice go without its reward, it being attended even with pecu niary blessings. In his opinion no time was to be loot in bringing forward measures of emancipation, though he did not advocate the propriety of immediately passing a law to give the slaves their freedom ; but he did desire to see measures immediately brought in now and adopted, which might lead to the gradual extinction of slavery.—(Hear, hear.) He expected even that good would result from bringing forward the resolutions of that night, and he im plored the House not to stultify itself, after it had passed resolutions in 1823, but now consenting to inquire whether what yet remained to be executed o f those resolutions would be carried into effect. To them all parties were pledged, and they must be executed. Emancipation, in deed, he believed was much nearer at hand that his Hon. Friend and his Noble Friend seemed to suppose; it could not be for ever delayed, and the great danger was in post poning it, and it could not w ith s af e ty b e muc h l ong er withheld.—(Hear, hear.) Sir R. PEEL said if they had been called on to de prive those colonial legislatures of the power which they possessed at present, then he could understand the tone and temper of the speech delivered by the Learned Gen tleman.—(Hear.)—The colonial legislatures, it was to be observed, formed the medium through which the amelio ration of the condition of the slave was to be effected, and how the Learned Gentleman could hope to effect that object by a speech of such vituperation and obloquy, he could not possibly conceive. —(Heir, hear.)—He-stood not there to vindicate the colonial legislature. It would have been better, he thought, if they had shown a stronger desire to act in accordance with the resolutions of 1823. But if the time had not come when thinking and moderate men should be of opinion that the power which they now possessed ought to be taken from them, then he could see , no good that could possibly result, even to the sl ayes themselves, from the application of vituperative language towards those individuals to whom the slaves belonged.— (Hear, hear.)—The Noble Lord (Althorp), who on this occasion manifested his usual moderation and forbearance, must have been bitterly disappointed at the speech of the Learned Gentleman, and also at the speech of the Noble Lord who was the representative of the colonial depart. ment in that House. He, however, called on those whom he now had the honour of addressing, to let no sympathy for the slave mar and mislead their judgment in considering this question in all its bearings, both as it affected the inte rests of the slave, the interest of the proprietor, and the great interests of humanity. They must now see clearly, that on a former occasion they were in error, when they pledged themselves, by certain resolutions, to take para.. cular steps with respect to slavery after a given lapse o f years. They were wrong, because they could not fore see what circumstances might arise to defest their object. They were, in cons , quence, placed in a situation of embar rassment. And now, what was proposed to enable them to escape from that embarrassment? Were they not called on to proceed by the adoption of another resolution, to be hereafter acted on, under circumstances which it was impossible for them to fore,ce?—(Hear, hear.) Many of the Members then present had not heard the original reso lution nor the amendment; and he implored the House most earnestly not to pledge themselves to the resolution of the Noble Lord, comprehensive and important as it was. It was now twelve o'clock, and certainly none who had heard that proposition read ought to undertake to decide upon it. That proposition, after reciting the resolutions of 1823, proceeded to set forth that, according as the Co lonial Legislatures had or had not acted upon these reso lutions, a distinction should be made in the duties levied on the produce of the respective islands. In other words, the duty on sugar was to be raised, with reference to the re fractory islands, for the benefit and encouragement of those who concurred in the resolutions of 1823. Such was. the resolution they were called on to affirm after mid night. He had conceived it to be his duty last year, when standing there as a Minister of the Crown, to oppose a motion introduced by an Hon. and Learned Gen tleman, who was now Lord Chancellor of England, which called on the House to pledge itself, .in this session, to 'the gradual amelioration of the slaves and the entire removal of slavery. He had opposed that proposition, because he objected to pledges of this kind. But now they came to deal practically with the subject, and a proposition had been made, so decisive, and as extensive in its nature, that from it also he must withhold his assent. How, he wished to ask, would the amendment of the Noble Lord, if carried into effect, operate ? There was in the co lonies, it should be remembered, a free coloured population, who had no power in the colonial legislatures. They might be very willing to accede to all the provisions of the resolutions passed in 1823, but still the colonial legis latures might refuse to ratify them. And would it, he asked, be fair, according to the principle of this resolution to place a higher duty on the sugars belonging to this free coloured population, because the white population, over whom they had no controul, refused to do that which the British legislature required?—(Hear, hear.) The ini quity of the t wn-land fines in Ireland every one must acknowledge ; and the iniquity in this case would be pre cisely the same, because the resolution would impose a tax on those who had not been guilty of any contumacy. —(Hear, hear.) , They might, by this resolution, if they pleased, raise higher duties. But how would this be re lished by the public? Had they not for the last three years been hampered with resolutions, having for their object nothing but the reduction of those sugar duties ? But in what situation would they place the slave whom it was intended to benefit, if this resolution Were adopted? It would give to the planter additional profit to be sure ; but that additional profit would of course induce.him to convert-his coffee plantations to sugar plantations, and thus the slave would be visited by difficult and laborious, in stead of comparatively easy and light employment.— (Hear, hear.) Thus while they assisted the planter they injured ti e innocent slave. As a proof of this let them .00k to the Mauritius. In the year 1825, 96,000 cwt. of sugar were produced there. Some advantage with re spect to the sugar duties was given to that colony, and the consequence was, that in 1828, only three years after wards, the quantity of sugar manufactured was absolutely quadrupled. Such was the consequence of granting a I p f lac it e .acre America just in to premium t o th e growt h o f t h at art i cle. It ought a l so to be recoll ec t e d t h at reasons now ex i sted for mak i ng t hi s country th e great d epot f or sugar ; but the consequence of this impostion of heavy duties would p er haps be to that ta ke suchs i e t a i ona step, then ( lie r, expe dient mode of p rocee di ng wou ld b e, to give due not i ce t o the colonists that at a cer tain ti me suc h a course would the hear, most hear. certainly be taken The Noble Lord (Howick) had in formed then), that connected with this subject there was a a- .. most important docurneut in the archives of the Colo nial Office, which, but for the question of Reform, would have been produced before. The Noble Lord had stated mi nutely the contents of that document, which, however, he (Sir R. Peel) had not seen, and he had declared that Government was determined to compel the colonies to comply with it to the lettet. The NoIA Lord had ex plained its nature,—and he said, " We will send out this Order in Council, and iroist,that every word of it shall be idopted." His (Sir R. Peel's) ears were ttill ringing with he exclamation of "the Bill f the whole Bill ! and nothing hut the Bill!"—(Laughter, and " Heat, bear,")—that Bill of which' it was said the people of England were so enamoured that not a particle of it should be changed.— (Hear.) Here were schedule A and schedule B, so well idapted to the feelings of the people, that not a particle of them was to be altered.—(Hear, hear.) But how stood the matter now? Why schedule A' and B were to be thered.—(Hear, bear.) When such was the case with this favourite measure, could he have any confidence in the insertion that the document to which the Noble Lord had alluded would not be altered?—(Hear, hear.) If there were any spirit in the House of Commons, they would pause and think seriously before they took a step which oust inevitably lead to most embarrassing and unpleasant consequences.—(Hear.) If that resolution and its penal ties were adopted, he foresaw that much positive evil would be the result.—(Hear, hear.) He therefore called on the House of Commons, if any spirit existed there, to refuse this resolution, and boldly to resist its being forced on them.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. A. BARING said he was rather surprised at the course now proposed, in a question involving as this did the power of the country. He was aware of the feeling of the country on the subject, produced by the persevering exertions of a society of gentlemen, whose well-meaning efforts had created an excitement not warranted by the teal state of the case. For himself he must say, that be had no personal interest in the question, never having been the owner of a slave in his life ; but as this subject-affected an important commercial branch, and as there was no part of our commerce, whether connected with the West Indies, the East Indian or Australian colonies, which could not be cut off without serious loss, he thought it was one which ought to be considered with the deepest attention. He was aware of the growing opinion in the public mind, as to the stare of the colonies, though he was no party to it: much of the feeling which prevailed was, he believed, caused by exaggerated accounts of the actual state of those colonies ; but if the House agreed to the resolution founded upon those accounts, Le thought they would fall into a serious error. Any person who believed the state of the colonies to be as it was represented, must come to the con clusion that the present state of things could be got rid of only by actual extirpation, or by some immediate means of improvement. He would admit that the speet•h of his Hon. Friend (Mr. Buxton) was in a tone of great candour, but at the same time he must say that the resolution wiih which he concluded was as wild and as imprudent as any which could possibly be devised. On the question of humanity what was the argument? That the greatest labour of the negro was in the cultivation of sugar; and from this it might be inferred that the negro if emanci pated and left to himself would not give hie labour in that way; but the effect of this Bill would be, that if the black population were made free, the white and black could not long remain in'the same island—one or the other must soon be master, and as the black had the greatest power in physical force, the white must soon give way, and the pro perty of the country become that of the black. If, then, the cultivation of sugar, which was the greatest injury to human life in the colonies, were given up, what would follow ? We must get it from other countries. We must lose all the capital embarked in it, and then get it from foreigners. But would that abolish slavery ? Should we have one slave the less. We might have fewer slaves in our own colonies, but would not the effect of that be to increase their number in those countries from which we should get the sugar.—(Hear.) Slavery would still go on, and the condition of the slaves would be so much the worse, because we should have no controul over the slaves, and no means of improving their condition. On the ground, then, of humanity alone, the advocates of abolition would gain nothing by'the course pointed out by his Hon Friend. He wished the people of England would under stand this—that by the total abolition of slavery in the West Indies we should not reduce the number of slaves ; but he would go further and contend, that if we trans ferred the cultivation of sug ir to Cuba and other places, we should have a re-opening of the slave trade into those places; a new impetus would thus be given to the slave trade, and though we might double our establishments on the pestilential coast of Africa, that trade would still be carried on. The Hon. Gentleman then proceeded to con tend that the condition of the negro poputetien would not be bettered by the abolition of slavery ; that the accounts of their condition were much exaggerated, though there might be many instances of individual cruelty and oppres sion ; and that to ascertain the accuracy of those accounts a Committee of Inquiry ought to be instituted. There were, he knew, some 5,000 or 6,000 petitions pre sented on this subject to the House, but he believed that they all, or the greater part of them, proceeded • from one workshop in the metropolis, and he was con vinced that the resolution of the total abolition of slavery now founded on them would be most napes rious to the slaves themselves, and to the colonies gene rally. 'There was no doubt that something must be done to ameliorate the condition of the slave, but when they found so much exaggeration as existed on this subject.— so much difference of opinion between the set of gentlemen who were associated for this purpose in the metropolis, and those who had actual experience on the spot in the colonies—as to that condition, he thought they ought to proceed with great caution. However, though he ad- Inti m hsia i t2 t t t rse e i d e t o h uf j i l s dr , he thought that something should be done, and in this view he was disposed to adopt the proposition of the Noble Lord. He was a friend to the abolition of o la r s f t o r r e ce . slavery, when the slaves were in a condition to receive that boon . ; but lie would ask the Right Hon. Baronet how more effectually could preparation be made for it than by making it the interest of parties locally interested to take steps for improving the condition of the slaves. He would ask the Hon. Baronet how else could he get at the colonists than by the means proposed by the Nellie Lord ? We stmhouretamt:loelgrviicsiolicaahtxe no forooermp person o e i nN n , oww t o s which hpt preferred o ekr u rl of fd be that t a i r ne s o h tuh : es e which would make it the interest of the Colonial Legislature to do something for them of their own accord. The question n was, otherhe knew, n causeew, could some o effectually difficulties, butob obtain knew e same end. The ATTORNEY -GENERAL said that he was anxious to catch the eye of the Speaker after the speech of the Right Hon. Baronet, but he was now glad that the Mem ber (Mr. Baring) had precedence of him, for a more complete answer could not be given than had been given by the Hon. Member. The Right, Hon. Baronet 'said that Government felt hampered by the resolutions of 1823. hadcan Canning, himself on spoken the motion in e u o p f p t o i r m t This was the first time he bad heard of that fact, and he dlma f er o n : tfi l eo :l ' e y ‘l‘ l l:irl o o. u th. Mr. Canning on that cc-- was the more surprised at it, coming as 'it did from the that there were only three methods of deal inscolonies, by directly forcing them, by ha..l was thahtcoak o n se ew wh n i o c t h h w e ha u: of f l io:tinboh.wnet Member ialitmho statedenn. the rass i n g them with fiscal regulations, or by gaining them' over by admonition. The first of these he was unwilling disposed could to e try adopted, in the first; but 1 as course ds l) to resort to—the second he 'also disliked—and the third instance. Now, unless we gave up the resolutions of,' a th sc e e r r e ta w in as b n y ot it a s pow proposed by the Noble Lord. As to the• i rri ng an uir o y r . tvo lv ma in n i n n o t t he t c h o e un ca tr s y e. C om mittee of Inquiry, he knew not what good it could produce , w h o dij not know as much on the subject as any Com-, Council and th e e ff orts ' of the Attorney-General, o f Kitty Hilton well authenti ca t e d , an d i n sp i te of the Or d ers of - the perp etrators of t his atrocity had escaped? Th e H on . mem ber for Callington h a d sa i d that he was tired of hear ing o f the case of Hodges, which h e ma i n t a i ne d t o h ave been quoted to excite the public mind in this country ; buta few days after the Hon. Member's speech, there arr i ve d the other horrible story from Berbice. It was no torious that the existing system o fevery produced. tbese atrocities, and the Legislatur e of England had pledged itself to abolish them. He totally disregarded the asser tion that the abolition of slavery would be the destruction of the colonies. The reverse of this doctrine had been in • proved in Mexico, and even Jamaica where free blacks an d whites lived togeth er on peaceable Jamaica, terms. In Hayti those whites who behaved themselves peaceably w were d notice allowed measure n to live in sec ur i ty. The t o the House was tantam ount to a o proposed to that it was in tended to coerce the colonies by fiscal means if they did no t otherwise fall int o t h e views of the House. He ridi ru l e d the notion of the co l on i es throwing themselves into the arms of Americ a , for, if they attempted this, there' wa s a population o f free blacks • to prevent it. He ap pealed to the spirit of the House to accede to the propo sition before it. Sir R. PEEL explained. Lord HOWICK explained. Mr. HUNT moved the adjournment of the question, and the motion was seconded by Mr. O'CONNELL, ' The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that if the question was adjourned the state of the business tante the House would render it necessary - that the ad journment should be for a longer time than many Mem bers were aware of. After a few words from Mr. HUNT, The motion of adjournment was 'carried, and the ques tion was put off to nett Tuesday week. THE EAST INDIA CbitIPANV'S CHARTER. Mr. C. GRANT said that in nuthing his motion rela tive to the Charter of the. East India Cortipany, he was only f, lowing the precedent of former cases. fle should move, in pntsuance of the provisions of the Act 53, Geo. 111., c. 155, that the Speaker do give notice to the Company that the public debt &It to them would be dis charged. This was a preliminary step ithith left to the public the privilege of revoking the Charter, and it would not pledge the House td any futnre course of proceeding. The motion was then put, acid tarried. On the motion of the CHANcELLort of the EXCHE QUER, it was resolved, that the House at its ris;ng do ad journ to Monday next. Several petitions were presented on the subject of Re form, the abolition of s!avery, and the elective franchise of Galway. Colonel SIRTHORPE. gave notice that he would, en Monday next, moved an instruction to the Committee on the Reform Bill, relating to the rights of copyholders. Adjourned to Monday at Half-past Two o'clock. FROM THE GAZETTE OF LAST NIGHT Office of the Master of the Horse to the Queen, April lb, 1831. . The Queen has been pleased to appoint Captain Pechell, 11.1'1. to be one of her Maje Sty's Equerries, vice Captain Sir 'P. Usher R.N. resigned. Office of the Lord Chamberlain to the Queen, Queen's House, St. James's, April 15. The Queen has been pleased to appoint Adolphus Coffin, Efig, to be Gentleman Usher Quarterly Waiter to her Majesty. St. James's Palace, A 011.13. The King was this day pleased to confer thdfivnour of Knight hood .upon George Harrison, Esq. Knight Comiffin.ler of the Royal Hanoverian Guelphic Order. • Kensington Palac e , April 8. His Royal Highness the Duke Vf sussex has been pleased to ap point the Rev. William Bentinck Lethetti Hawkins, M.A. to be one of his Royal Highness's Domestic Chaplains. Crown Office, April 14. MEMNIIR RETURNED TO BERYL IN THIS PREURNT PARLIAMENT. BOROUGH oP LAUNCERTON—Ma - General Sir John Malcolm, G.C.B. in the room of Sir James Willoughby Gordon, Bart. who has accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Fife. To be Deputy lieutenants—W. R. K. Douglas, Esq., Major- General A. Bethune, F. Balfour, 0. T. Bruce, D. Wemyss, J. Fergus, Esquires; Lieut.-Colonel T. Webster, R. Douglas, Esq., the Hon. J. Stuart, Rear-Admiral Sir F. L. Maitlano. Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of oi:ford. J. W. Fane, Esq. to be Deputy Lieutenant; J. W. Henfel, Esq. to be ditto. Ist Regiment of Oxfordshire Yeomanry Cavalry. Robert Lord Clonbrock to be Lieut., Vine Peyton, promoted. Watlington Division Troop of Oxfordshire Yeomanry Cavalry. W. F. L. Stone, Gent. to be Lieutenant; J. Brovitil, Gent. to be Cornet. Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Chester. Royal Cheshire Militia. Ensign H. Mainwaring to be Captain, vice R. Wilbraham, re signed. King's Regiment of Cheshire Yeomanry Cavalry. Stockport Troop.' J. Hunt, Gent., to be Cornet, vice S. Hunt, resigned. Commissions by the Vice-Lieutenant of the East Riding of the County of York, and Town and County of the Town of Kings tan-upon-Hull. To be Deputy Lieutenants—The Hon. C. Langdale, Sir T. A. C. Constable, hart., the Rev. W. Blow, the Rev. W. Parker, the Rev. C. Sykes, the Rev. D. It. Currer, the Rev. D. Ferguson, the Rev. H. Ramsden, T. Clark, R. Denison, W. C. Maxwell, W. Scholfield, W. Hall, J. R. Pease, A. Terry, Sykes, R. Thornton, C.Whitaker, M. Foulis, G. Strickland, E. Taylor, H. Willoughby, J. S. Wyndham, E. B. Denisons, Esquires. Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Durham. To be Deputy Lieutenants—J. Pratt, L. Raisbeck, R. Appleby, W. Hodgson, J. Fawcett, W. Mills, T. Greenwell, G. T. Fox,Esqrs. Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Somerset. North Somerset Regiment of Yeomanry Cavalry. J. C. Somerville, Gent. to be Lieutenant; J. Gray, Gent. to be Cornet. Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Gloucester. To be Deputy Lieutenants—Rev. M. F. Stephens, Clerk, R. Canning, J. L. Codrington, J. D. F. Phelps, Esquires. Royal North Gloucester Militia. The Hon. A. H. Moreton to be Major ; M. H. H. Beach, Esq., to be Captain ; A. F. G. Hornsby, Gent., to he Lieutenant. Stroudwater Troop of Gloucestershire Yeomanry Cavalry. R. S. Paul, Esq., to be Captain ' • W. H. Hyett, Gent. to be Lieutenant ; C. Stephens, Gent., to be Cornet. Tetbury Troop of Gloucestershire Yeomanry Cavalry. T. G. B. Estcourt, Esq. to be Captain ; W. M. Paul, Gent. to be Lieutenant ; R. B. Hale, Gent. to be ditto ; R. S. Holford, Gent. to be Cornet. , BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED. GEORGE MITCHELL, jun., Brighton, broker. BANKRUPTS. CHARLES TUCKER, Bartlett's-buildings, bronzist, to sur. render April 22, at two, May 3, at eleven, and 27, at two, at the Court of Commissioners. Sylvester and Walker, Furnival's-inn, Holborn. AUGUSTUS HALSON, Bridgewater square, London, mer chant, April 19, at one, 29, and May 27, at nine, at the Court of Commissioners. Peachey, Salisbury-square, Fleet-street. WILLIAM MOFFETT, Great Bell-alley, Coleman-street, London, baker, April 19, at twelve, 29, and May 27, at nine, at the Court of Commissioners. Gole, Lothbury. RICHARD GRAY GUNNELL and WILLIAM SHEAR MAN, Salisbury-square, Fleet-street; printers, May 3, at nine, 10, at eleven, and 27, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners. Bull, Ely-place 'Holborn. WILLIAM GERRISH, Bristol, dealer, April 29, 30, and May 27, at two, at the Commercial -looms, laristol. Stevens and Flower, Gray's-inn-Square, London ; Perkins, Bristol. THOMAS SAXBY, Loughborough, Leicestershire, lace-ma nufacturer, April 21, at six, 23, at eleven, at Mr. Fosbrooke's office, Loughborough, and 27, at eleven, at the King's Head Inn, Loughborough. Norris, Allen, and Anthony, John-street. Bed ford-row, London • Fosbrooke, Loughborough ELIZABETH WELLDON, Cambridge, butcher, April 26, 27, and May 27, at one, at the Bull Inn, Cambridge. Flower, Austin-Friars, London; Gunning, Cambridge. THOMAS MOORE, Allbrighton, Shropshire, butcher, May 5, at five, 6, and 27, at eleven, at the Red Lion Inn, Newport. Heming and Baxter, Lincoln's Inn-fields, London :. Stanley, Newport, Shropshire. DIVIDENDS. J. Holmes and F. E. EKards, Derby, booksellers, May 10, at nine, at the Cdurt of Commissioners—C. Baglehole, and J. Red grave, Mark-lane, merchants, May 6, at twelve, at the Court of Commissioners—J. Phillips and W. Gray, Platt-terrace, Somers town; plasterers, May 6, at three, at the Court of Commissioners —C. and J. Osborne, St. James's-street, Pall-mall, tailors, May 6, at one, at the Court of Commissioners—C. A. Pettit, Golden square, builder, May 6, at three, at-the Court of Commissioners —J. Marshall, Norwich, silk-merchant, May 6, at two, at the Court of Commissioners—R. Triphook, Golden-square, book . seller, May 6, at eleven, at the Court of Commissioners—J. Buckley, Manchester, and C. Nunn, Old 'Change, Cheapside, gingham-manufacturers, May 6, at ten, at the Court of Commis sioners—C. Bell, Billiter-street, wine -merchant, May 6, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners—J. Drake, Southgate, Middlesex, victualler, May 6, at eleven, at the Court of Commissioners—S. Mumford, Stanstead-street, Essex, corn-dealer, May 6, at one, at the Court of Commissioners—R. Burbery and G. Wigley, Coven try, ribbon-manufacturers, May 10, at ten, at the Court of Com missioners—W. Marsh, J. H. Stracey, and G. E. Graham, Ber ners-street, bankers, May 12, at eleven, at the Court of Com missioners—R. Coner, W. Godfree. and V. P. Musgrave, Cheap side, lacemen, May 13, at twelve, at the Court of Commissioners —R. B. Cooper, Princes.streei, Lambeth, distiller, April 29, at ten, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners—W. Packman, Lud gate-hill, tavern-keeper. May 6, at eleven, at the Court of Com missioners—J. G. Bonney, Cooper's-row, Tower-hill, wine-mer chant, May 6, at twelve, at the Court of Commissioners—J. Ogilvy, Fleece- yard, Tothill-street, Westminster, May 6, at eleven, at.th:: Court of Commissioners—T. Wood, Birchin.lane, merchant, May' 6, at eleven, at the Court of Commissioners—S. Hacker, Canterbury, builder, May 9, at twelve, at the Guildhall, Canterbury—J. W. Pocock, Huntingdon, builder, May 4, at two,. at the George Hotel, Huntingdon—E. R. Buchanan, Stowmarket, Suffblk, maltster, May 9, -at two, at the Suffolk Hot Ipswich. CERTIFICATES, MAY 6. 'J. Clarkson, Scidcoates, Yorkshire, general-agent—J. Lane, Middlewich, Cheshire, woollen.manufacturer—J. Farrell, Liver pool, flour-dealer—G. Russell, Brownlow-street, Drury-lane, coach-smith--J. Hodgson the younger, Bradford Moor, Brad ford, Yorkshire, wool-stapler—H. A. U. Lock, Lower Thames street, custom-house-agent—H. Wyatt, Acton Hill, Staffbrdshire, farmer—J. Rogers, High Road, Knightsbridge, victualler. PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. R. Fiuson and R. Hammer, Bow Church-yard, carpet-ware -housemen—J. Barr arid W. Barker, Stokeslfy, Yorkshire, grocers M. Allen and T. Harding, attorneys—B. Holbrooke and W. Johns, Manchester,,fustian-manufacturers—J. Hawkwell and T. Fillingham, Belton, Lincolnshire; millers-4. and B. Robinson, Lane, Yorkshire, dyers—G. and J. Baker, LoWer' -Pbillimore place, Kensington, grocers—G. B. Child and K C. Taylor, Ken sington, bone-dealers—E. and E. BOstock, sen. and jun., Lovitt Mills, Radford, Nottinghamshire, bleachers—G. A. Pocock. and J. Dukin, Dartford, Kent, printers—A. Burton and A. Stephen,. Great Russell-street, Bloomsbury, furnishing-iron mongers—W.' Andrew and T. Robinson, Stockport, cotton spinners—J. and J. Stennett, sen. and jun., Swaton, Lincolnshire, farmers—U. and U. Price, sen. and jun., and J. Smith, King street, West Smithfield, coffin-furniture-manufacturers (so far as regards U. Price, jun.) Lord SURREY has withdrawn from the threatened contest for the representation of the county of Sussex, which, on Thursday last, was rendered vacant by the premature death of the late and lamented Mr. WALTER BURRELL ; and Lord GEORGE LENNOX has been left complete and triumphant master of the field. Alto gether disclaiming any unfriendly feeling towards Lord SURREY, whom we by no means wish to disparage,—for we think him a fit person to represent a county,--we never theless cannot sufficiently express our satisfaction at a re_ suit which has conferred a distinguished honour, and a most important duty, on a still fitter man.—Brighton Gazette. " The House Painter's and Colourman's Guide," by P. F. TINGRY, Professor of Chemistry, the Third Edition of which is just published by SHERWOOD and Co., contains more practical information for preparing Colours, with full instructions for their application to the different kinds of Paint, than any work hitherto published, and will be found a most valuable acquisition, not only to the young artist, but also to Carpenters, Ship Builders, Brewers, Distillers, Farmers, and all persons occupying extensive out-buildings, who have a handy labouring man in their employ, as by adopting the instructions given by Mr. TINGRY, every man may become his own Painter, o s of s s o o i w p o e y r s ce p r n e t o . e , r andve d f h r ha the the e and e d a s t u h r e e re o b f y s e e n e s i u n i g e h a i s s a p v r in em g weather, and always in good trim. SKRZYNECKL—The name of this gallant Polish General, which is somewhat difficult of utterance as it is spelt, is pronounced Skrejinciski. In consequence of the scarcity of grass, flesh meat -has risen '2O per cent. in the Dublin markets. The price of beef has incredsed from sd. to EA. per lb. • SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. . The presentation of petitions to the House. of Commons, or some other accidental cause, is constantly giving rise to discussions on the important Bill before Parliament, preg nant with interest, or productive of amusement. The conversation which took place on Thursday night between Mr. O'Connell, Mr. Hunt, and Mr. C. Fergusson, is of the latter character chiefly,—it is amusing. The " Saw , e f e Y y andß electioneering occasioned to be as proper there as on the hustings. What a p roud l a r n wite laughtery s ( t . n n torto neat,di n u ce the butwile or strong)ues House, t t h h e e y: ch aracter e e as th creatureman e(om„open lacteienincyO'Connell e It e w ill b e obse rve d l!") could s elf not possibly " possibly be known to the Marquis of Anglesea, -- a Pee r distinguished above all by his frank and Itiendly manne r : h his Lordship neither practices nor knows any such inso - Gentlemen intim a t e s a t lenee as condescension. Mr. Hunt spoke of the present Bill for Beferm as indicating a conspiracy of the higher and middle orders to keep the lower orders down. This was a very foolish remark; as if the individuals of the several classes were immoveable, — as if a person of the middle class were secure that his own son would not sink into the lowest, or as if the lowest might not rise into the highest. If the members of the lowest class have not the right to vote, let them by frugality and industry attain that rights and we know not a treater incitement to fru gality and industry than the hopes of rising* to the come . quence of being an elector, whilst it would be absolute cruelty to take a poor man away from his labour to riot at elections, and then go back and starve in his cabin. No, paupers have nothing to do with elections : their first step in society is to raise themselves above penury, and then the rights of citizenship follow of course.— Times. It is the fashion with those who obstinately resisted every measure for the relief of the Catholics from the in flictions of the penal laws, to glorify themselves upon what they allege to be the truth of their own prophecies as to the failure of emancipation to improve the state of Ireland, by pointing to the present excesses and outrages of the people, and asking, " Be these the effects of your fine Ca tholic Bill ?" This species of exultation is quite as un i reasonable as the policy which it seeks to justify was ini quitous and oppressive. It never was asserted by the friends of emancipation, that poverty and wretchedness, or proneness to revenge injuries by violence, or a sudden veneration for the whole body of the laws,—of laws, the average spirit of which had fog centuries breathed nothing but contempt towards the poor of Ireland,—or, fivalle , that an absolute and total change in all the relations of man and man, throughout that country, would instantly follow the exemption of a Catholic from the penalties im posed ott his religion. On the contrary, it was invariably stated by the most earnest and enlightened advocates of emancipation, that such a measure would remove an enor. mous and irritating excrescence from the general surface of society,—that it would throw aside obstrdetions which intercepted the view of what was real and inherent in the condition of the Irish people,—relieving the case from certain adventitious perplexities which confused it, and clearing the approaches to that naked substance on which an observant Legislature would thenceforth have to operate, viz. the Irishman in his character of a free citizen, not provoked of compelled into any course of action but that which his temporal obligations or interestsenight pre scribe. The abolition of the penal laws was recommended as the first point on the path of a great remedial policy, and as that point to which it would be necessary for us to retrace our steps, whatever distance we might travel in a more oblique or circuitous direction. It was further said, that if a Catholic Relief Bill did not at once reclaim the peasant from his turbulence, by an immediate relief of his wants, it would at least take away front the Catholic gent'esnan all motives for encouraging the lawless proceed ings of the peasant, and playing Lim off against the State, as a ready instrument of political alarm and distraction. We now, therefore, do contend, that if emancipation Lae not as yet discharged, in full, the sum total of the en gagement for which its friends stood pledged to the em pire, it has already paid a far more liberal instalment of that debt than any sober mind could have anticipated. The crust and slough of religious fury have been wiped away, and the true nature of the public malady has dis closed itself, in the almost universal array of destitution against property throughout the south and west of Ireland. It is found, that under what.had heretofore assumed the colour and semblance of an unmixed religious quarrel, there lay an ancient, deep, and exasperating grievance, in the incapacity of the miserable peasant to pay his rent, and at..the same time to feed his children. Well; then, we have got thus far. But the Catholic Relief Bill Ilea done more ; for it has fulfilled to the very letter the pre diction of impreving the Catholic gentleman, from beimez one who, in the contemplation of his own wrongs, LA either tacitly countenanced, or not effectually discouraged, the inflammable multitude in their frequent outbreakings against the laws,—it has, we say, improved that gentle man into a supporter of the Kine's Government, and at' the constitutional authorities, not surpassed in zeal, or loyalty, or determination, by any portion of the Protestant aristocracy. What was the confidence of Englishmen generally, in the Catholic gentlemen of either country, seven years ago ?—and what is now their confidence? Let the answer to that question decide the merits of emancipation, as a measure of high state policy. Let us, moreover, ask the old sticklers for religious persecution, what treatment would a Bill for " the Reform of Parliament " have ex perienced in Ireland before . the Catholics were relieved from their disabilities? Why, the Irish would have ex claimed, what have we to do with their Reform ? These Protestants are a pretty set of hypocrites ; they talk of loving liberty, but it is for themselves alone,—they talk of rights, but it is that they may usurp therm—of constitu tional benefits, but it is to lock them up in close monopoly. " Give LIA-the Catholics—an interest in the Constitu tion, or don't dare to ask for our assistance in restoring it." Such would have' been the language of the Catholics before the passing of that great Bid, by which the Duke of Wellington raised them to the rank of freemen. What is their language now ? What has become now of the sepurate grievances of the Catholics? What of the repeal of the Union ? What of any question, by the passing of which an Irish plot or interest could be traced as having a distinct existence from those of their brethren, the united Protestants and Catholics of Great Britain? They have vanished—they have merged—in the 'one 'grand family project of Reform. The cry in support of his Majesty's Government is not less unanimous throughout Blunater and Connaught than here. And how have the represen tatives for Ireland responded to the call of their consti tuents ? Thus—of Scotch Members who voted on the second reading, a large majority, as became them, were .against the Bill. Of . English Members,—we record it • with sorrow,—a majority were against the Bill ; while. of the representatives from Ireland, a majority of (we be lieve) two-thirds voted in favour of Reform ! *To Ire land, then, belongs the honour of having carried to its present stage, this measure for rede•ming the Constitution from decay, and the people of England from bondage. Without emancipation, we affirm boldly that no such phe nomenon would have displayed itself. Look at the Orange 1 interest of Ireland ; even now it is another name for the intereit adverse to Reform. But we admit that there is one greet cure which has not been effected by the übuli tion of the penal laws,—one Reform which it has not 'yet achieved. It has not product d a reformation of many of the Irish landlords. It has not lowered the amount of ventrilption wrung from the potabeestarved peasantry, as the price, they-pay for being suffered' to witness the lin gering agokiete of their children—unrelieved in the ex tremity of Neel' ar,•by even a morsel of the scanty crop, impounded be b' it !elves the earth until the rent of per haps 101. per Seie'has been secured by the agent of sonic absentee Lord.• Picverty--that is, famine—has not yet been driven out of 'lreland by the Catholic Relief Bill. Rents, as . Lord Anglematesteknowledges, cannot be reduced, nor the hearts of men, haltitually indifferent melted into charity, by law. But 'laws.,4eay be devised, and we do trust they are in progress, ftie 'squeezing the sensitive pot Lion of these gentlemen- e tii%it, their pockets—and, through the medium of a invoke to which we have often before referred, assessing the priiperties of the rich to re munerate the poor man for his labour. There has been a Reform meeting of the county of Meath, where the ut most enthusiasm in support of Ministers was exhibited.— Times. One of the best of the m easures of the Duke of Wel • lington's Administration . was the Beer Bill, a measure which nothing but the greatest firmness could have car ried against the extent of sinister interests arrayed against it. That Bill broke up the shameful system of con nivance between magistrates and brewers, by which a property WU created in public houses at the expence of the consumers, and by which moreover the public were subjected to the usual evils of monopoly. That magis trates, whose power of tyrannising over publicans the Bil I materially diminished, should dislike the measure, is Vitt' natural; for who is there who likes to part with power? of the p th r e ete m xt e s ra t i h e er e e f will not n p o e t e b p e le wa e n fro ti rd ng e . d preserv ati on a T p h r e etex abuses under the licensing systems and the same pretex t will perceives will serve as well . -is, ever. We a o r f e L s o o r r d r y. o t ri Th urs day from what took place in the . ine kieloamtlisposition to forget al night, there is is a ,n°t-1- t he venality ' and oppression which ready the exposures of t of the Beer Bill, and to con wok place befure. t4e. .P"smg the magistra cy at the expence of the community. for