The Sun. — London, England, 1863-11-28 00:00:00

.....111. 1., , TILE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA, (From the Correspondent of the Itmes,) NEW YORK, Nov. 13. I have nothing to add to the telegrams that pre cede this letter, and no comment to make upon the intelligence they convey. Military operations are once more at a standstill, and the army of the Poto me.c, after its advance to the Rapidan, seems to be 1 relapsing into its habitual quiet. I have seen per sons late from Washington who assure me that, in spite of the jealous watchfulness of the Government, some scrap of information will occasionally leak out through the recipients of the tell-tale electric fluid. From these unauthorised, yet authentic, sources I can gather, first, that Fort Sumter is in no hurry to strike its colours to the Federals ; second, that the Government are by no means easy as to the position of their army at Chattanooga. The very wreck of the sea-wall and the rubbish heaps dug at its base constitute, it is said, the best of curtains for the de fence of Fort Sumter. New casemates have been constructed behind the first line of defence, and while Gilmore's batteries and the ironclads keep vainly farrowing and winnowing these almost pul v erised ruins, the Confederates lie snugly hid in t heir invulnerable dens and burrows, unable, in d eed, to return their enemy's fire with correspond irig briskness, but ready at a moment's notice to repel their attack% were they at any time to attempt a landing. As to Chattanooga, all that is known at Washington is that the Confederates are collecting almost all th eit troops for a mighty stroke in that quarter, and it is doubtful whether Grant will have it in his poiser to meet the combined onset of his foe by a timely concentration of his now sadly dis jointed and partially enveloped forces. Thomas and Burns'ide may be perfectly safe where they are; the question is whether they occupy the posi tion which their commander-in•chief might deem desirable, and whether it is practicable to bring them safe: and sound into that position. I spok e to you in one of my last of a plot on 0130, ai ming at the deliverance of the Confederate prisoners confined in some of the gao:s of that State. A coLten iporary effort, it appears, was to be made by some of the Confederate refugees now residing in Canad a to rescue the prisoners of war on John son's Island, in Sandusky Bay, Lake Erie, with some fur . cher prospects of attacking and destroying Buff do and other cities on the lakes, and to co oper ate with Morgan and the other Confederate lead e rs whom it was hoped to release from durance at G Aumbus. The conspiracy was detected by the Gov ernor-General of Canada, who, by a telegraphic des patch to Lord Lyons, set the Washington uutho rit ies on their guard. Opportune measures were im .mediately taken for ordering out gunboats, pl acing strong guards on board the steamers, and 01 herwise putting the lake cities in a state of de f.( nce. It has been decided here to submit to the terms fo r which the workmen of all classes have lately 44 ,struck." There was some opposition, but I find "'where the people's demands resisted for any length of time. Tne working classes show them seive!3, as yet, by no means unreasonable, and they are. aware they have unbounded power whenever th ey choose to put it forth. Nowhere else iu the av arid, nor even here at any previous epoch, did the industrial classes enjoy so universally spread a well-being as they have attained in this country before the war, and the war itself has hitherto apparently only added to their prosperity. The Savings-banks in New England, New York, and throughout the north-east and west, have nearly deublad Vieir capital with the deposits of the careful wad thrifty labouring poor. NV ere labour to engage iu an earnest war against capital, no doubt:,the means for a prolonged struggle would be everywhere ready at hand. But there will be for •che present no occasion for a trial of strength. Mos tof the Trade Unions are coming to terms wifta their employers, and the compromise almost udiversally turns out in favour of the pretensions of the operatives, In some instances, as was the. rase with some of the city railways, or, as we would call them, tramway companies, the masters have been beforehand with their servants, and granted an unsolicited 25 per cent. increase of wage. All the companies in that line of business have not exhibited the same foresight and moderation, how- ever, arid the consequence is that the cars were not plying,' in most of toe avenues and great thorough fa xes either yesterday or to-day. But, although compliance with the workmen's de mands is matter both of justice and necessity, it is difficult to see what the upshot of this momentous social revolution may be. The rise of prices, as a matter of course, necessitates the increase of wages; but by granting a more liberal retribution to labour you in turn enhance the price of all the commodities which labour produces. There is here mutual reac tion between cause and effect, and the titles of the industrial classes to double wages are no more indis putable now than will ba their claims to quadruple wages six months or a year hence; for the rise of prices at that date will infallibly have followed that proportion. No fixed salary, it will soon be found, can keep pace with the exigencies of a market dis turbed by the action of au inflated currency. It is found that in New York clothing sells at rates 50 Per cent higher than in former years ; and hotel ac "taraedation no unfair criterion of the value of the first beaesan r d ie i s of life, board and lodging, has risen 3 2 dol e , to 5 0 SOC. Coal, the best anthracite coal, cost s dole. 50c, to 6 dole. per ton before the war ; it sells no; 0 at 11 dole.,and it will be 25 per cent. dearer bo gie the end of the week. The reasons for these high wittis said to be the scarcity of labour, the number of teen s trikes, and riot re to the wars, the high wages, c hunck, in Pennslitct"?' sanguinary one at Mauch in the m in ing district 9 ' the other day—frequent t h a t 9.000,000 tons o f The real fact is, however, mines coal hav e alre a dy been a nthracite dug from the in the c ourse o f th e pre sent year, and the cluttotiteexi racted before the end of Decem ber will doubtless z wh i c h will be 2,500,000 exceed 10,000,000 tons; any more than the mines yielded in without taking into account the iZeu. All this, bituminous coals , where the suns logo use of duction and cons um p tion is observable, Th e t 111: In pro of coal, in the mid st of all this abundan ce, dearth by the great deman ds of the navy, by tv°' I.a Cau aeresed sed traffic in every line of railway' and the steam engines to almost every branch of in Z t h_ r of The coal mine proprietors, however,. are charged with keeping up prices by combinations g themselves, and hints are thrown out to Governm ent of the expediency of baffling their cupidity by re _ moving, or at least reducing, t he import. duties on coal, so as to allow the free competition of the British colliers with these niggardly star vers of the people. I hear also loud complaints that the gas companies, pleading the high price of coals, supply su l pp the cities with an inferior quality of gas. can bear witness to the fact so far as New York is con cerned. That human avarice and stony-hearted covetousness will conspire with any great public calamity to aggravate the miseries of a multitude is no news to men of experience; but that all the evils now afflicting and threatening this formerly wealthiest and happiest of communities have their origin in the war, and in the tampering with the i Currency by which an attempt was made to support the war is also beyond a doubt. Let Mr. Chase swell the currency by every contrivance in his P ow er, it will be found that man " lives not by greenbacks alone." A gr eat ation has been created throughout the Union b y the b as l:; k e t that the Supreme Court ol Pennsylv an i a ' h the conscription, o:Ncided against the ieg'iitY 13 rapers ,and those Enrolment Act. The Radical attached to the interests of Mr. Lincoln's Government judger :lm o e t nt do not fail to observe three,vior five that only three agreed to the decision, and, of these sentence, e teat h ed in the late Copperhead party an d were defeated in to the State elections. The fro! and, for &light any one kno:_wever, is a o The slight . teary, an honest one, a n d wilt h"avto notne con weight with the people at large, may have an int,..rest in blackenin g the eh Americans aracter ot o the magistrates of their own choice, or in fi nding fault with the ei:ective system which sets them n the bench, but the whole operation of the drau g h t in Pennsylvania is no less, for all that, at least tem_ porarily annulled. Adjutant General Thomas give 0 most charming account of the results of free-labour plantations on the Mississippi. In spite of the most unfavourable circumstances, he says, this first attempt to make the negro a self-dependent and responsible being has answered beyond his most sanguine expecta tions. "Some of the lessees of the plantations were negroes, and the cotton they have raised for them selves, owing to better cultivation, is of a higher grade than that of the white lessees," and further, " The net proceeds on a crop by a Southerner who has paid his hands wages will exceed that of a Southerner who has cultivated by slaves." " The negroes employed have been of no expense to the Government, but have supported themselves and families." Compare and reconcile, if you can, the above re port with what General Grant writes from the same banks of the Mississippi :—" All the able bodied among the negroes are forced into the army as soldiers or camp servants." The rest, a sable throng of women, children, and infirm persons, are huddled along the Mississippi. "In one city, Mem phis, during three months of the present year, out of 40,000 negro refugees, 1,200 miserably perished." Which of the two authorities are we to believe ? Of course, both. The experiment made in a fa voured locality, with picked men, and under wise direction and supervision, is no proof in favour of a system which is to be widely applied to a whole so ciety. Every one can tell wonders of some well conducted trade unions got up on socialistic princi ples, and the plantations of Adjutant-Gen. Thomas may be those perfect models of Southern agricultural industry that he describes. But, on the other hand, that the Government has thought far less of the improvement of the negro race than of the uses it could be put to in the furtherance of the war ; that the able-bodied have been p ressed into service , and the weak and h e l pless left to shift for themselves, no man would be bold enough to deny. Disorganise the whole social system of the South, and then try to imagine the dreadful condition to which the slave the women and a u ti c d ed, andth children of the slave, will be re duced, you will hardly be able to refrain from echoing the exclamation of Gen. Grant, who says that "the suffering of these people (the so-called contraband) is our national dishonour." However, it is the law of human matters that good should spring from evil, and it is poss ble,as the abolitionists say, that " a new order of things may rise out of the ruin both of the white and negro races in the South," to make us forgive, if not furget, the horrors of the crisis through which that part of the world is now passing. NOVEMBER 14. " All quiet" along the lines of the Federal armies. In the midst of the prolonged idleness to which they are doomed they have leisure to hear deserters' tales about the " utter demoralization of the rebel at mies," the " terrible disaffection" of the troops of Bragg, which are now reduced Ito about 60,000 men, &c. Still, the Federals, with such enormous odds, and such a combination of circumstances in their favour, hesitate to go in and win, and " all is eternally quiet" in their camps . The journals here keep up a prodigious crowing at the " humble pie" eaten by England and France In all the matter of the rebel rams. " England has taken alarm at our display of immense power ;" "Afraid that she may have to pay the damages in curred by her through the Anglo•rebel privateers which have preyed upon our ccmmerce," " England, with her usual tact, made virtue of necessity, and whirled to the right about with commendable cele rity." Even the friendly act of the Governor General of Canada, in giving, through Lord Lyons, timely warning to the Washington Government of the plots of Southern refugees to liberate their pri soners of war at Sandusky Bay, is construed into a symptom of English funk. " A selfish feeling was at the bottom of this friendly act." Had the Go vernor acted otherwise, " we should have first recap tured the rebel prisoners," &c,, and then we should have turned our attention to the Canadians, and flogged them oat of their boots off-hand. The Northern Border States could raise 100,000 volun teers—half of tham veterans—in less than three weeks for such an expedition, and where would the Kanucks and Blue-noses be then ? Thousands of our fighting men are already very anxious to twist the neck of the British Lion, and what would they care for a little tussle with one of her puny whelps?' I have culled all these sweet flowers of rhetoric out of the columns of a single number of that one American paper which is most extensively read. I could multiply such quotations every day, out of almost any other organ of public opinion in this country. France has her own share of these vapid bravadoes and insolent vituperations. But France " only follows the example of Engiand." Napoleon is in a perfect stew of fear, only anxious to get out cf that terribly bad scrape of Mexico. "He knows very well that in a reasonable time we shall be at liberty to give our undivided attention to that country, and that it will not then go well with intruders." In the same measure as they are reassured on the score of England and France, the Americans snap their fingers at their " twin giant brother" of Russia, and are disgusted with and ashamed of themselves, and of the " fetes or rather farces" which have now at last come to an end. " Russia sends her navy here to keep it safe in the event of a war with France, but we doubt if she would send it here if we needed it to aid us in fighting England. Her navy, in fact, is not worth the sending. One of our ironsides could blow it out of the water, with all the barbarians on board in a couple of hours." " For free America to become cheek by jowl with Russian despotism is contrary to all the traditions, all the sentiments, and all the principles of this re public." (This they have found out at last.) "The genius of Liberty and America is supremely ridi culous when she appears at a ball, and trips about on her toes like a ballet girl to obtain a little worth less applause from foreigners." _ _ This vapouring of American papers is unlikely to give any great offence to the French and Russians, who never read them, but they are written in English, and it is not in the power of every John Bull to take such compliments with becoming indif ference. Some of the British residents here come to me now and then, and retail their grievances as if it were in the power of the times correspon dent to redress them. "What can any man do ?" I answer, "lt is the Yankee's nature to crow," and by way of consolation I dismiss them with the wise old adage, "Bragg is a good dog, but Holdfast is a better." The Fenian brotherhood also gives these trusty subjects of Queen Victoria no:trifling uneasi \ 'lees- The Fenians hold their meetings in Chicago, 414 " resolve" that Ireland is to be wrested from the the"ef the English Crown. "If we may credit a in ' a r : 4 ' , 'llugs out' of some of the ' chiefs' of the decisive is % Order r. • ‘ 47 the American sympathisers), preparations Advanced state of progress, and something Loth as the uticipated to occur at no distant day. raagogue sto ll h:tr a e . , under the lead of native de rebels, they would be avail able introo a man fight iltne g o ith a w i ii. „var with England, and would So it is ; the pexiittlis, bothtit):4B , when ~ in this country and in • 8 uard of America British L ion." slhreelarrinadk, e a s re u pto her ra h '" ' twist the neck of the Horniman's T ea is choic e and and atron wholesome to use. The..ig, moderate secur r ed for this in pice, Tea a general preference Va ntages have (4 It is sold in s packets by 2,2 0 Ag ents. pm, j—AvOid inedicinos: they Mya, .... ADVERTISEMEN T. but Da I:srry's u e u do • - -u-gra vate chronic complaints , . Food which save s u : l i.altii leuta Arabica . , .fty times its Reva invariably cures them, rest° : its cost in other remedies, yes, sump! lungs, healthy itrvino perfect digestion. strong ner ves, f etiOnal regularity, and e iler -r, pure blood, refreshing sleep, . tin 1 it We extract a law out of the most disordered or en Ica c A AG of the Marchioness d e . of 60,000 Cures :—Cure No. 5 - ,--- - a gi n g away for seven Brehan, Paris, of a liver complaint, N years, debility, with a nervous palpi ta ti o n all over, bad t intolerab le nervous digestion, constant sleeplessness, the mos No. 3,77 1 . Lorct agitation, and dreadfully low spirited. — Cu re ot many years' Stuart de Decies, Lord Lieut. ot Waterfor d , dyspepsia.—No. 49,832. "Fifty years' indesc r ib a ble agony ' from dyspepsia, nervousness, as thma, cough, constipation flatulency, spasms, sickness, and vomiting. — Maria Jolly. —Cure No. -16,270. Mr. James Roberts, of FrimleY, Surrey, of thirty years' diseased lungs, spitting et brood, liver derange'labeth i ment, and partial deafness.—C ure N o . 47,121. Miss Elizabeth Jacobs, of extreme nervousness, indi g e s tion, gatherings, low spirits, and nervous fancies. -Cure No. 54,516. The Rev. Jas' T . Campbell, Fakenham, Norfolk, "of indigestion and torpi dity ot the liver, which had resiste I all medical treatment" In tins , 1 lb 2 9d 2 1b., 6d lb 21b 4 2s - ;41b . ~ B. . ; 4s. ; 5 ~ 11s. ; I , •••• • , - 40lso 8....... Larry Du B arry and C0.,N0. 77, Regent-street, London; a Fortnu every m and Mason ; and all Grocers and Chemists in town of the United Kingdom. THE SUN. LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 28, 1863. THE PROPOSED EUROPEAN CONGRESS, OFFICIAL CORRESPONDENCE. The follo w ing correspondence which has passed between her Majesty's Government and that of the Emperor of the French is published in last night's Gazette : FROM HIS MAJESTY THE EMPEROR OP THE FRENCH TO HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN. Madam, my Sister,—ln face of the events which daily arise and press themselves on attention, I deem it indis pensable to impart my whole thought to the sovereigns to whom the destiny of nations is confided. On all occasions when great convulsions have shaken the foundations, and deranged the limits of States, solemn compacts have fol lowed to reduce to order the new elements, and to recognise, while revising them, the changes that have been effected, Such was the object of the Treaty of Westphalia in the 17th century, and of the Negotiations of Vienna in 1815. It is on this last foundation that the political edifice of Europe now rests; and nevertheless, your Majesty is not ignorant, it is crumbling to pieces on all sides. If one considers atten tively the situation of the different countries, it is impossible not to admit that on almost all points the treaties of Vienna are destroyed, modified, disregarded, or menaced. Hence there are duties without rule, rights without title, preten sions without restraint. A peril the more formidable, since the improvements produced by civilisation, which has united peoples together by an identity of material interests, would render war still more destructive. This is a matter for serious reflection. Let us 'not delay taking a decision until sudden and irresistible events disturb our judgment, and draw us, in spite of ourselves, in opposite directions. I now, therefore, propose co your Majesty to regulate the present, and to secure the future, by means of a congress, Summoned to the throne by Providence and the will of the French people, but brought up in the school of adversity, it is perhaps less allowable for me than for others to ignore the rights of sovereigns and the legitimate aspirations of peoples. Thus lam ready, without any preconceived sys tem, to bring to an international council a spirit of mode ration and justice, the ordinary portion of those who have undergone so many different trials, if I take the ini tiative in such an overture, I do not yield to an impulse of vanity, but because I am thi3 sovereign to whom am bitious projects have mostly been attributed. I have it at heart to prove, by this frank and loyal overture, that my sole object is to arrive, without convulsion, at the pacifica tion of Europe. If this proposal be agreed to, I beg your Majesty to accept Paris as the place of meeting. If the princes, allies, and friends of France should think fit to enhance by their presence the authority of the deliberations, I shall be proud to offer them cordial hospitality. Europe will, perhaps, see some advantage in the capital, whence the signal of confusion has so often arisen, becoming the seat of conferences destined to lay the basis of a general pacification. I take this opportunity of renewing to you the assurances of the high esteem and inviolable friendbhip with which I am, Madam, my sister, yuur Majesty's good brother, (Signed) NAPOLEON. Paris, November 4th, 1863, Amongst the modifications which have taken place, some have been consecrated by the sanction of all the Creat Powers, and at present constitute a part of international , law; others, on the contrary, carried into execution, have not been recognised as law by all the Cabinets. As regards the first, we cannot help calling attention to the irresistible power with which they have forced themselves on the ac- , ceptance of the Governments. The eagerness of England herself to give to them her adhesion proves how little the former combinations answered, according to the expression of Lord Russell, the requirements of the lapse of time, the progress of opinion, the shifting policy of Governments, and the varying exigencies of nations; on the other hand, are not we authorised in believing that changes so important have diminished to some extent the harmony and equili brium of the whole? We admit, with Lend Russell, that it is absolutely necessary to give to these changes a more general and more solemn sanction; but we consider it would be an advantage to clear away the ruins, and re-unite in a single body all the living members. As regards the modi fications to which the powers have not given an unanimous assent, they constitute so many causes of dispute which at any moment may divide Europe into two camps. Instead of leaving the decision of these to violence and chance, would it not be better to pursue their equitable solution to a common agreement, and sanction these changes by revising them ? The third category comprises these parts of the treaty of Vienna which are menaced. "Upon those por tions," says his Excellency the Principal Secretary of State, "the most important questions of all arise. What is the na ture of tho proposals to be made on this subject by the Em peror Napoleon ? In what direction would they tend, and above all, are they, if agreed to by a majority of the powers, to be enforced by arms ?" The Emperor, while he pointed out to Europe the dangers of a situation in deep commotion, indicated the method of averting the dire calamities which he foresees, and at which he, less than others, would have reason to take alarm, for the questions out of which at the present time war may arise interest France but indirectly, and it would depend on herself alone whether she would take part in the struggle or stand aloof from it. This he did by addressing all the Sovereigns in full confidence and simultaneously, without previous understanding with any of them, in order the better to satisfy his sincere imparti ality, and to enter upon, free of every engagement, the im portant deliberations to which he invites them. Himself the youngest of Sovereigns, he considers he has no right to assume the part of an arbiter, and to fix beforehand for the other Courts the programme of the Congress which he pro poses, this is the motive of the , reserve which h e h as i m p ose d upon himself. It is, moreover, so difficult to enumerate the questions, not yet solved, which may disturb Europe. A deplorable struggle is bathing Poland in blood, is agi-, tating the neighbouring states, and threatening the world with the most serious disturbances. Three Powers, with a view of putting a stop to it, invoke in vain th e t reat i es o f Vienna, wnich supply the two sides with contradictory argu ments. Is this struggle to last for ever ? Pretensions, op posed to one another, are exciting a quarrel between Den mark and Germany. The preservation of peace in the north is at the mercy of an accident. The cabinets have already, by their negotiations, become parties to the dispute. Are they now become indifferent to it ? Shall anarchy continue to prevail on the Lower Danube, and shall it be able at any moment to open anew a bloody arena for the dispute of the Eastern question ? Shall Austria and Italy remain in pre sence of each other in a hostile attitude, ever ready to break the truce which prevents their animosities exploding ? Shall the occupation of Rome by the French troops be prolonged for an indefinite period ? Lastly, must we renounce, without fresh attempts at conciliation, the hope of lightening the burthen imposed on the nations by the disproportionate armaments occasioned by mutual distrust ? Such are, sir, in our opinion, the principal questions which the Powers would doubtless judge it useful to examine and decide. Lord Russell surely does not expect us to specify here the mode of solution applicable to each of these problems, nor the kind of sanction which might be given by the decisions of the Congress. To the powers there represented would pertain the right of pronouncing upon these various points, We will only add, that it would be in our eyes illusory to pursue their solution through the labyrinth of diplomatic correspondence and separate negotiation, and that the way now proposed, so far from ending in war, is the only one which can lead to a durable pacification. At one of the last meetings of the congress of Paris, the Earl of Clarendon, invoking a stipulation of the Treaty of Peace which had just been signed, and which recommended recourse to the mediation of a friendly state before resort ing to force, in the event of dissensions arising between the Porte and others of the signatory powers, expressed the opinion " that this happy innovation might receive a more general application, and thus become a barrier against con flicts which frequently only break forth because it is not always possible to enter into explanation, and to come to an understanding." The plenipotentiaries of all the courts concurred unanimously in the intention of their colleague, and did not hesitate to express in the name of their govern ments the wish that states between which any serious mis understanding may arise should have recourse to friendly mediation before appealing to arms. The solicitude of the Emperor goes further; it does not wait for dissensions to break out in order to recommend an application to the actual circumstances of the salutary principle engraven on the latest monument of the public law of Europe, and his.Ma je,sty now invites his allies "to enter into explanations, and to come to an understanding."—Accept, &c., (Signed) DROUYN DE LIIUYS. shall have been put down, recourse will be had to clemency and conciliation. Would there be any advantage in re peating in the name of a Congress representations already made with so little effect ? Is it probable that a Congress would be able to secure better terms for Poland unless by a combined employment of force ? _ Considerable progress has been made by the military pre ponderance, and by the unsparing severity of Russia, in subduing the insurgents. Is it likely that Russia will grant in the pride of her strength what she refused in the early days of her dis couragement ? Would she create an independent Poland at the mere re quest of a Congress ? But if she would not, the prospect becomes one of humi liation for Europe, or of war against Russia; and those Powers who are not ready to incur the cost and hazard of war, may well desire to avoid the other alternative. It may be truly saia, moreover, that the present period is one of transition. If the insurrection shall be subdued, it will then be seen whether the promises of the Emperor of Russia are to be fulfilled. If the insurrection shall not be subdued, or if, in order to subdue it, the Polish population is treated with fresh, and if that be possible, with aggravated rigour, other questions will arise which may require further consideration, but which would hardly receive a solution from a large assemblyof representatives of all the powers of Europe. Indeed, it is to be apprehended that questions arising from day to day, coloured by the varying events of the hour, would give occasion rather for useless debate than for prat • tical and useful deliberation in a Congress of 20 or 30 repre sentatives, not acknowledging any smeme authority, and not guided by any fixed rules of proceeding. Passing to the question of Italy, fresh difficulties occur. In the first:place, is it intended to sanction by a new treaty the present state of possession in Italy ? The Pope, and the Sovereigns related to the dispossessed Princes, might, on the one side, object to give a title they have hitherto re fused, to the King of Italy; and the King of Italy, on the other, would probably object to a settlement which would appear to exclude him, by inference, at least, from the ac quisition of Rome and Venetia. But is it intended to ask Austria, in Congress, to re nounce the possession of Venetia ? Her Majesty's Govern ment have good grounds to believe that no Austrian Repre sentative would attend a Congress where such a proposi tion was to be discussed. They are informed that if such an intention were announced beforehand, Austria would decline to attend the Congress, and that if the question was . introduced without notice, the Austrian Minister would quit the Assembly. Here, again, therefore, the delibera tions of the Congress would soon be brought in sight of the alternative of nullity or war. But is it possible to assemble a Congress and to summon an Italian representative to sit in it without discussing the State of Venetia? The Emperor of the French would be the first person to feel, and to admit that such a course would not be possible. With regard to Germany and Denmark, it is true that several of the Powers of Europe have interested themselves in that question, but the addition of Spain, Portugal, Italy, and Turkey to the deliberation would scarcely improve the prospect of a satisfactory solution. And if, with regard to Poland and Italy, no beneficial result is likely to ba attained, is it expedient to call together a general Congress of all the States of Europe to find a remedy for the anarchy of Moldo- Wallachia ? Were all these questions, those of Poland, Italy, Den mark, and the Danubian Provinces, to be decided by the mere utterance of opinions, the views of her Majesty's Go vernment upon most of them might, perhaps, be found not materially to differ from those of the Emperor of the French. But if the mere expression of opinions and wishes would accomplish no positive results, it appears certain that the deliberations of a Congress would consist of demands and pretensions put forward by some and resisted by others; and, there being no supreme authority in such an assembly to enforce the decisions of the majority, the Congress would probably separate, leaving many of its members on worse terms with each other than they had been when they met., But if this would be the probable result, it fol lows that no decrease of armament is likely to be effected by the proposed Congress. M. Drouyn de L'Huys refers to a proposal made by Lord Clarendon in one of the last sittings of the Congress of Paris. But her Majesty's Government understand that proposal to have reference to a dispute between two Powers to be re ferred to the good offices of a friendly Power, but in no way to the assembling of a General Congress. Not, being able, therefore, to discern the likelihood of those beneficial consequences which the Emperor of the French promised himself when proposing a Congress, her Majesty's Goveinment, following their own strong convic tions, after mature deliberation, feel themselves unable to accept his Imperial Majesty's invitation. You are instructed to give a copy of this despatch to M. Drouyn de L'Huys.—l am, &c., (Signed) Russznn. EXTRACT OF A DESPATCH FROM EARL RUSSELL TO LORD COWLEY, DATED FOREIGN-OFFICE, NOV. 11, 1863. My Lord,—l have to acquaint your Excellency that the Queen has received from the Emperor of the French a letter dated Nov. 4. The Queen has stated, in reply to this letter, that the Emperor may be assured that any suggestion or proposal made by his Imperial Majesty will always command her Majesty's most earnest and attentive consideration, and more especially when the general welfare of nations is con cerned ; that her Majesty has accordingly directed her con fidential advisers to submit to her the opinion which after due deliberation they may arrive at in regard to the im portant measures which the Emperor recommends for the adoption of his Allies; and that her Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs will, with as little delay as possible authorise the ambassador at Paris to make known to his Imperial Majesty's Government the conclusion which, after weighing that opinion, her Majesty may feel it her duty to adopt,—l am, &c., (Signed) RU HELL. FROM EARL RUSSELL TO EARL COWLEY. Foreign-office, Nov. 12, 1863. My Lord,—Her Majesty the Queen having been pleased to refer to her confidential servants a letter of the Emperor Napoleon, addressed to her Majesty, on the subject of a con gress, I proceed to inform you of the view which her Ma jesty's Government take of the proposal contained in it. The letter invitee her Majesty to take part in a congress, to be held in Paris, on the affairs of Europe. I am commanded in the first place to inform your Excellency that her Majesty's Government see in this step a proof of the interest taken by his Imperial Majesty in the welfare of Europe. I will now proceed to remark on the ground stated for this proposal, and then examine the proposal itself. His Imperial Ma jesty observes, that on all occasions when great convulsiona have shaken the foundations and deranged the limits of States, solemn compacts have been entered into, having for their object to reduce to order the new elements, and to re cognise, while revising them, the changes that have been effected. Such was the object of the Treaty of Westphalia in the seventeenth century, and the Negotiations of Vienna in 1815. On this last foundation the political edifice of Eu rope now rests, and nevertheless, his Imperial Majesty ob serves, it is crumbling to pieces on all sides. The Emperor goes on to state that, if the situation of the different coun tries is attentively considered, it is impossible not to admit that, in almost all points, the treaties of Vienna are de stroyed, modified, disregarded, or menaced. When so im portant a proposal as that which the Emperor has put forth is made to rest on certain grounds, it is our duty to exa mine carefully the grounds themselves. Nearly half a century has elapsed since the treaties of 1813 were signed. The work was somewhat hurried by the necessity of giving repose to Europe atter so many convulsions. Yet the changes made in this period of 50 years have not been more than might have been expected from the lapse of time, the progress of opinion, the shifting policy of governments, and the varying exigencies of nations. If we take half a century from the peace of Westphalia to 1700 or a similar period from the peace of Utiecht to 1763, we shall find these periods marked by extensive changes, as well as the period which has elapsed between 1815 and 1863. Yet it was not thought necessary, at the epochs mentioned, to proceed to a general revision either of the Treaty of Westphalia or of the Treaty of Utrecht. It is the convic tion of her Majesty's Government that the main provisions of the treaty of 1815 are in full force ; that the greater number of those provisions have not been in any way dis turbed ; and that on those foundations rests the balance of power in Europe. If, instead of saying that the Treaty of Vienna has ceased to exist, or that it is destroyed, we in quire whether certain portions of it have been modified, dis regarded, or menaced, other questions occur. Some of the modifications which have taken place have received the sanction of all the great Powers, and now form part of the public law of Europe. It is proposed to give those changes a more general and solemn sanction ? Is such a work necessary ? Will it con tribute to the peace of Europe ? Other portions of the treaty of Vienna have been disregarded or set aside, and the changes thus made de facto have not been recognised de jure by all the powers of Europe. Is it proposed to ob tain from powers which have not hitherto joined in that re cognition a sanction to those changes? Lastly come those parts of the treaty of Vienna which are menaced, and upon those portions the most important questions of all arise. What is the nature of the proposals to be made on this sub ject by the Emperor Napoleon ? In what direction would they tend ? And, above all, are they, if agreed to by a ma jority of the Powers, to be enforced by arms ? When the sovereigns or ministers of Austria, France, Prussia, Russia, and Great Britain met at Verona, in 1823, upon the affairs of Spain, the first four of those Powers carried into effect their resolutions by means of armed forces, in spite of the protests of Great Britain. Is this example to be followed by the present congress, in case of disagreement ? Upon all these points her Majesty's Government must obtain sa tisfactory explanations before they can come to any decision upon the proposal made by the Emperor. Her Majesty's Government would be ready to discuss with France and other powers,by diplomatic correspondence, any specified questions upon which a solution might be at tained, and European peace thereby more securely estab lished. But they would feel more apprehension than con fidence from the meeting of a congress of sovereigns and ministers without fixed objects, ranging over the map of Europe,and exciting hopes and aspirations which they might find themselves unable either to gratify or to quiet. Her Majesty's Government have no reason to doubt that the Emperor Napoleon would bring into such an assembly a spirit of moderation and of justice, They feel confident that his object is to give security to the peace of Europe. The only question is as to the means by which that object is to be attained. You are directed to read and give a copy of this despatch to M. Drouyn de Lhuys.—l am, &c., (Signed) RUSSELL. PROM M. DROUYN DE LHUYS I'o THE MARQUIS DE CADORE. Palace of Compiegne, Nov. 23, 1863. Sir,—Lord Cowley communicated to me some days ago, a despatch from his Excellency Earl Russell, dated the 12th of this month, and which expresses the opinion of the Bri tish Government relative to the proposal to call at Paris a Congress to deliberate on the affairs of Europe. You will have determined find annexed a copy of it, My previous correspondence has ',kitwered beforehand some of the considerations developed in tilt document. It is my duty, nevertheless, to sum up rial Goverruneetidt despatch of which you will send a copy to his Excel lency th e or to crit cise thet r pal Secretary of State, the motives which the resolution of his Majesty. The Impe ders (dared on mounting the have no intention either to apologise for hisre d i‘ e i c a e i s e s s o tß r y s a . s th L et ahwti:esldyi thats : a e a r e a o g n e e n : of Vienna. The Emperor de throne, that he should consider himself bound by th, e a tkienhis letter to the Severeig - ns, ents subscribed to by his d dt i a p t l i o wi rna i t . ic no a t ct i s ts o el f f l B B h l a s ke w n er t e o o-day ei t i h ad e d p i o t l o it n ic a a l l r e e d a i s fi o c n e f o or f tehx.eamfoiunnindgatwiohneothriewr this sh rests Europe , its base. Now the Cabinet of London recognises with us that a ral of these stip ulations have been seriously infringed. COFY OF A DESPATCH FROM EARL RUSSELL TO EARL COWLEY. Foreign-office, Nov. 25. My Lord,—Her Majesty's Government have received from the Marquis of Cadore, the copy of a despatch ad dressed to him by Monsieur Drouyn de L'Huys, in answer to my despatch to your Excellency of the 12th inst. Her Majesty's Government having obtained an answer to the inquiries they made, will not any longer delay giving a definitive reply to the invitation addressed by the Emperor of the French to her Majesty the Queen, to take part in a Congress of the European Powers to be assembled in Paris. I enclose a copy of the Emperor's letter of invitation to the Queen, which is similar to ono which has already ap peared in the liloniteur, addressed to the German Confede ration. Her Majesty's Government fully recognise in this step the desire of the Emperor of the French to put an end to the disquietude which affects several parts of Europe, and to establish the general peace on foundations more solid than those on which, in his opinion, it now rests. The Emperor declares that France is disinterested in this question; that he, let his pat, seeks no ag gr an di semen t, and that the interests to be secured are those, not of France, but of Europe. Her Majesty's Government may also declare that Great Britain is disinterested in this matter, and - she seeks no aggrandisement, and that she has only to counsel modera tion and peace. But France and Great Britain being thus disinterested themselves, are bound to consider what is the position, and what, in a Congress, will be the probable conduct of Powers who may be called upon to make sacrifices of territory or of pre-eminence and moral strength. It would be little to the purpose to say on this occasion anything more of the Treaties of 1815. Practically, the Emperor of the French admits the bind ing force of many portions of those treaties; and her Ma jesty's Government as readily allow that some portions of them have been modified or disregarded, and that other portions are now menaced or called in question. Her Majesty's Government understand from the expla nations given by Monsieur Drouyn de L'Huys, that, in the opinion of the Government of the Emperor, it is obvious to every one that there are several questions, not hitherto solved, which may disturb Europe. Of this nature are the following : Must the conflict in Poland be still further prolonged? Is Denmark to be at war with Germany, and have the Powers which formerly took a part in the discussion of this question become indifferent to it ? Must anarchy continue in the Danubian Principalities, and thus at any moment tend to reopen the question of the East ? Must Italy and Austria always remain in presence of each other in a hostile attitude Must the occupation of Rome by French troops be pro longed for an indefinite time ? The Emperor's Government put a further question : Must we, without having made new attempts at conci liation, renounce the hope of lightening the burthens im posed upon the nations of Europe by excessive armaments, kept up by the feeling of mutual distrust ? These, no doubt, are the principal questions which either disturb or threaten the peace of Europe ; but there is a further question which her Majesty's Government con sider to lie at the bottom of the whole matter, and that is the following : Is a General Congress of European States likely to fur nish a peaceful solution of the various matters in dispute ? This, indeed, is the question which it behoves the Go vernments of the different States to consider seriously and attentively. There appears to her Majesty's Government to be one main consideration which must lead them to their conclusion. A tter the war which desolated Germany from 1619 to 1649, and a!ter the successive wars which afflicted the Con tinent of Europe from 1793 to 1815, it was possible to dis tribute territories and to define rights by a Congress, be cause the nations of Europe were tired of the slaughter, and exhausted by the burthens of war, and because the Powers who met in Congress had by the circumstances of the time the means of carrying their decisions and arrangements into effect. But at the present moment, after a continuance of long peace, no Power is willing to give up any territory to which it has a title by treaty, or a claim by possession. For example, of the questions me ntioned as disturbing or threatening Europe, two of the most disquieting are those regarding Poland and Italy. Let us examine the present state of these questions, and see whether it is probable that a Congress would tend to a peaceful settlement of them. In the first place, with regard to Poland, the question is not new to France, to Austria, or to Great Britain. For several months these Powers, while carefully ab staining from any threat, have attempted to obtain from Russia by friendly representations the adoption of mea sures of a healing nature, but have only succeeded in pro- L curing promises, often repeated, that when the insurrection STATE OF TRADE MANCHESTER, Nov. 27.—The reaction and improvement of the yarn market has been very marked during the week, and especially since Tuesday. On Wednesday, yesterday, and to-day there has been a very active demand for all kinds of yarns. The business done has been very large, and for hank yarns prices have advanced ld. to 2d. per lb. above the rates of this day week. In cop yarns the advance has been fully as great, but the great irregularity which is a necassary result of a reaction in the market so sudden as is the present one, makes it difficult to state the change with exactness. Sellers of high standing in the market say we have had a better feeling in this department, with an ad vance of id. to ld. per lb. since Tuesday, and of about Id. per lb. as compared with last week. Others, and of equal standing, say that cops have advanced 2d. to 3d. per lb. during the week, and that many spinners have gone deeply into contract at this advance, some of the yarns sold to-day having been taken for delivery as far for ward as March in next year. Both statements are no doubt correct, only that they probably at:ply to different descrip tions of spinnings. The market closes very strong, with an upward tendency in prices. Of the cloth market both buyers and sellers give a lees flattering account. Since Tuesday there has been a further improvement in the demand, but the extent of business has been a good deal checked by the want of confidence among buyers on the one hand, and by the difficulties thrown in the way of manufacturers by the great advance in price of cotton and yarns on the other. During the late depression of the market, cloth went down rapidly enough, but does not show elasticity enough in the other direction now that a react ion has set in. A fair busi ness is reported on the whole, but no large purchases are spoken of for any market, buyers showing, a disposition to restrict their operations and to exercise caution. The goods which have been in the greatest demand have been those which are in least supply-49-inch shirtings of 71b and 811 b weight—in which a large business might have been done had there been any stocks. CARDIFF, 27th—The steam coal trade continues active, and the coalmasters are well supplied with orders. Prices are firm, with an upward tendency. The house coal pro prietors are moderately well off for orders, and there is an average business doing. The ad vance in the Bank rate of interest has not affected transactions in the iron trade to any extent, and quotations are firmly maintained. The fol lowing are the present average quotations £6 12s 6,1 to £6 158 f. o. b. ; bars, £6 15s to £7. The Penydarren Works and Mineral Estate have been purchased by a Lon don capitalist, and the works will be in operatior, in a short time. LEEDS.—The report of the Leeds Chamber of Cora. merce for the month of November is as follows :—" During November the business done to the woollen warehouses has been only limited, chiefly because the winter trade has now nearly closed. The transactions have principally been for actual and immediate wants or for assorting stocks. The season now ending has on the whole been a good one. The manufacturers continue well employed, and are preparing goods for the spring trade, and, as far as can be judged at this early period, have a fair prospect before them. The public sales of colonial wool in London commenced on the sth inst., and have since been in progress. Although the opening was perhaps somewhat damped by the rapid ad vance in the Bank rate of discount, still an advance of Id. per lb. over the previous sales was obtained on most de scriptions of Australian wool. Cape wool are in large quantity, and prices are about the same as before. The foreign trade is taking a good proportion. The home de mand continues very good and steady. In English wools there has been less doing, and, being at present higher in price than for a long time past, the advance in the Bank rate caused a partial suspension of business, but prices re main without much change. Shorts and noils as before. The animation in the flax market reported last month was continued during the earlier part of the present, but it was checked by the advance in the rates of discount, and the unsettled state of affairs in Europe. Only a very moderate amount of business has been done during the last few weeks; but prices, on the whole, have been well sustained. Tows have been in very brisk demand, and full prices have been obtained for them. Hemps have also been in request, and have been sold at higher rates. The spinners con tinue to be very busy, and still have heavy orders on hand . The makers of iron are very busy, both for common and bet ter sorts, and most of them are full of orders. The machine makers are very fully employed, as are also the makers of engineers' tools. Locomotive and railway plant makers have still large contracts in hand. The demand for cut nails is exceedingly brisk. Altogether the iron and machine trades are in a very satisfactory state, and better than is usual at this time of the year, and there is an extension of works being made in some cases. The improved demand noticed at the end of October has been fully sustained during the past month. Heavy leather has moved more freely, and stocks are further reduced. Offal of all kinds has sold briskly, and advanced prices have been realised,o leaving a very bare market. The various d e scriptions lingon dressing goods have continued in good request,sel is firm arrival at full prices. Stocks are light. otßhapfeor seed home in price, and there is a large dem an d, con sumption and export. Linseed is rather easier than last ild ne ss of the season, of the in Rape oil is in better month. In consequence crushers are only buying s mall lots. demand than last month, and prices are very firm. Oil is lower in consequence of forced s' les by speculators, but crushers are not disposed to accept present rates. Linseed cakes are not much wanted during the open weather. Olive oils are firm and in good demand for consumption. ;The ac counts from the producing countries are unfavourable, owing to heavy rains. The shoe trade is not so brisk as last month. The tobacco trade continues good. The improve ment in the paper trade continues, and the makers are pretty well employed. There has been a fair supply of fat cattle for the season, but not always quite equal to the de mand, and prices have therefore been somewhat in favour of the seller. Number shown (four markets), beasts,lsos ; sheep, 11,406. There has been a good supply of wheat,and prices are rather higher. Good qualities of barley have been in request. Oats and beans are without change." SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TlMEs.—The public will learn with the deepest sorrow and anxiety that news has been received of the dangerous illness of Lord Elgin, and that there are but slight hopes of his being still alive. The last accounts were up to the 14th, and he was then daily becoming weaker. We will hope for the best, but we must prepare for the loss of one of the most able public servants that the country possesses. Lord Elgin, who, left us but the other day to re lieve the dying Lord Canning, as the latter relieved the dying Lord Dalhousie, will in all probability never again see the land of his birth or enjoy the rest and honours which should be the recompense of his great services. It is, indeed, a dreadful price that we pay for the possession of an Asiatic empire. Whether the constitution of men in these days or their previous habits of life are less fitted to a tropical climate, or whether it be that the work and the responsibility are more oppressive than of yore, there has been certainly a mortality among the chiefs of the Indian Administration which is enough to deter men of eminence from attempting it. Every mail brings us the tidings of some one breaking down; of some one retiring for a.time or resigning altogether on the ground of ill-health ; and besides the two former Governors-General whom we have mentioned, there is also Lord Elphin stone, who, in scarcely lower posts at Madras and Bombay, showed great administrative abilities, and was snatched away in the full vigour of his age. Should it unhappily be the case that Lord Elgin has succumbed, the country will have lost the third of a remarkable list of men, who, after having governed India with transcendent brilliancy and success, have been removed without having an interval granted them to repose in the greatness they have achieved. Lords Dalhousie, Canning, and Elgin were almost of an age; they were all at Christ Church together, and entered public life about the same time. Lord Dalhousie at an unusually early age was placed at the head of the Indian Empire, and governed with an ability and spirit which must be acknowledged even by those who look upon some of his measures as unjust and in their result calamitous. He returned home to linger and die, and was succeeded by Lord Can ning, who, going to India with the hope of passing his term of service in the furtherance of peaceful prosperity, found himself engaged during the greater part of his reign in suppressing the most formidable insurrection in modern annals. Lord Elgin suc ceeded him with the general approbation of the country, founded on his able services in other de partments. In 1842 he was made Governor of Jamaica, and was promoted in 1846 to the Governor- Generalship of British North America, where he carried through the well known reciprocity treaty with the United States, which has been the source of such benefits to Canada. Lord Elgin's services during his missions to China are so recent and so well known that we need hardly recall them to the memory of our readers. In the spring of 1857 he was sent to the East, and though the Indian mutiny delayed operations for a time, he did not leave China until he had not only signed a treaty with the Imperial Commissioners at Tien-tsin, but had also broken the spell of Japanese isolation, and, en tering the harbour of Jeddo, surprised the Govern ment into consenting to intercourse with the Euro pean world. His second embassy to China was as successful as the first : the capture of Pekin was followed by the treaty of October 14, 1860, and the way opened to that extended commerce which pro mises to bring the Chinese Empire under the influence of European civilisation. These emi nent services pointed out Lord Elgin for the most splendid viceroyalty under the Crown, and he proceeded to the East, for the third time, to relieve Lord Canning as Governor-General of India. We believe he had suffered from heart complaint ; and though he took great care of his health, particularly avoiding the heat of the sun, it was this malady which, assuming an acute form, prostrated him with the illness which it is feared has ended fatally. The Governor-General was in the North-West Provinces ; he had passed the hot season at Simla, had lately been traversing some elevated tracts in the Himalayas, and had, it is said, a few days before his illness ascended to a point 13,000 feet high. It may be that this exertion was too much for a constitution which, though appa rently good, had suffered somewhat from repeated resider ce in hot climates. Lord Elgin, who was to meet Sir Hugh Rose at Lahore, was taken, it ap pears, suddenly and dangerously ill. and by the last accounts there were scarcely any hopes of his rally ing. So probably falls another of the able and pa triotic men by whom the empire of England has been founded and maintained. It may be some con solation to a man to know that be dies serving his country ; but, on the other hand, it is bitter for him to feel that be is cut off when only in middle age, with his work half undone and the happy prospects of public prosperity and private honour clouded for ever. Lord Elgin, we fear, is not destined to see the full consequences of his courage and ability in China, nor the development of Indian prosperity under his peaceful rule. To successors he must leave the carrying out of the changes which he began, and there can be no greater disappointment to an active and ambitious spirit. Unless the news which reaches us be grievously exaggerated, he has already passed away like the rest of his predeces sors in the government of the great Asiatic Empire. It is strange to reflect that not a single Governor- General remains alive, except Lord Ellenborongh, who was out two-and-twenty years ago. Lord Auckland has been long dead, Lord Hardinge is dead, the Marquis of Dalhousie and Lord Canning have both been carried to early graves. Lord Elgin, we fear, follows them at the ege of 52, leaving the great but fatal prize of the official world once more in the gift of the Premier, who has seen so many recipients of it pass away. POST.—The Turkish financial report of the Grand Vizier and the Minister of Finance, which arrived from Constantinople yesterday, is now before us. This document is very remarkable, both for the clearness of its statement and for the honesty and absence of exaggeration which characterise it throughout. It informs us at length what has been effected for Turkish finance during the last two years of energetic reforms, and it tells us what remains to be done. We have, moreover, an explicit statement of the application of the loans which have been contracted during the present reign for the discharge of pre-existing Obligations and, what is not less important, and more novel, is the assurance which is given that the foreign and do mestic loans thus contracted are final, and there will be no need, for the future, to apply to the money markets either on Constantinople or the West of Europe. Indeed, there is a peculiarly strong sense conveyed in the present report of the impolicy of borrowing within the Turkish territories, consider ing the high rates at which it had been customary to effect loans with the Greek and Armenian bankers. A policy of economy has apparently been adopted in earnest by the Sultan and the Divan, and they are resolved to maintain the establish ments and liabilities of the State strictly within its current resources. It is not the least valuable re sult of this document to show how the loans of the present reign have been applied to the improvement of the public credit. It appears that not a shilling of their produce has been consumed in current ex penditure. The Grand Vizier and the Minister of Finance show how the Government was bur dened, on the present Sultan's accession, first with a vast amount of depreciated paper money, known as the Caimes, and, secondly, with an im mense floating debt. In order to restore the credit of the country it was found absolutely necessary to put an end to this state of things. The amounts required for each of these two objects was not f ar .. short of ten millions sterling, or near twenty 1 m d u to lions in all. For this purpose recourse was , The two the foreign and home money markets. ed, in and foreign loans of 1862 and 1863 have furnrh t round terms, about one moiety of the amount,s the four issues of internal stock, known has been With these paper ethe Conso lides, have yielded the other moietoyn.eya means the whole of the money part of the bought in and cancelled; and. the debt has beenl off, it having been countries; and it is probable floating debt in other f already reduced to less than the usual proportion of the remaining instalments Turkish Treasury the rest of this floating of Finance d th u a e t to with the t e debt will be e xtinguished,. or as nearly so as is - til e . Meanwhile, the Minister payment o practic states that he has succeeded, after effecting these two cardinal reforms, in saving from the proceeds of these several loans a sum of two millions sterling, w hich it is his intention to a p p l y to the calling in o f the base coinage, from w hi ch exempt than the Ge rman StateS_Tu w r i k t e h y is the no in import ant distinction, indeed, that this base coinage is much less frequent in Turkey The Minister further show s t h a t these i meansG n era n the y . credit of the country has been established, while but a slight i ncrease of i nterest on the pu bli c de b t is in volved by th em , the usurious local credits having now been thereby paid off. The adjustment of the debt, and the cancelment of the paper and base coin being thus recorded, the Grand Vizier and the Minister of Finance proceed with their scheme of taxation for the future. The latter speaks with the greater detail. It has not escaped him that Tur key is a country very lightly, and also very un equally, taxed. He proposes accordingly fresh classes of burdens, which may be accompanied by the remis sion of others that press more on a development of the national resources. Among these the proposed tax on immovable property at Constantinople is to be adopted; and its incidence is to be so arranged as to exclude the poorer classes from its operation, and to begin with such a class as we should call the class of ten-pounders. Again, the taxation of the Mosque property, if not also its secularisation — which would in itself bring it within the reach of existing territorial taxation, the Mosque property, as such, being at present exempt from taxation by law—is estimated to add a very large revenue. The Mosque property, indeed, extends over fully a third of the soil. Thirdly, the Minister announces the introduction of an entire change in the system, of interior custom houses, which—like those of Germany before the institution of the Zollverein— are operating as a check upon internal trade; and, under the same heading, he proposes also to revise indirect taxation. Fourthly, the cadastral works, begun with so much advantage in some parts, are to be extended at once to the whole empire. This report is accompanied by the publication of the new budget in an official shape, and with results more favourable to the Turkish treasury than were in dicated in the hasty and inaccurate telegraphic version which we published a few weeks ago. It will be remembered that the details, as given in that version, did not tally with their totals ; arid that, instead of a surplus, there bore the appeae ance, on a close scrutiny, of a deficit. 'We observe, however, that this enormous conclusion was due wholly to the inaccuracy almost inevitably inci dental to the telegraphic communication of a great variety of figures in detail, and that the surplus is larger than there was reason to anticipate. In this official statement almost every source of revenue has its annotations as to the changes which have been effected with regard to it, and we shall hope to communicate some of these details to the public in an early impression. It is im possible to deny that the present Sultan, (luring the two years and some months of his reign, has effected a vast change in the government of his empire, and especially in matters of finance. Ia this short period he has restored public credit by cancelling the whole paper currency without per sonal loss to a single holder; he has nearly extin guished the floating debt; he has provided for the' suppression of the baser coinage; he has paid off local and anomalous debts at Galata, that had been contracted at very high rates ; he has consolidated the whole national debt of Turkey ; and he ham established regularity in the payment both of the public interest, and of the pay of the army, navy, and civil service. Besides this, the Sultan has now subjected the public accounts to the same scrutiny, and afforded them the same publicity, as our own ; and even in greater detail. He has also brought the expenditure considerably within the revenue; . and we sincerely believe that a few years of this , policy will establish the Government of Turkey on , as sound a basis as that of any other State of the Continent. COUNTRY MARKETS• WAKEFIELD-FRIDAY. The show of wheat to-day was good. Last Friday's rates were fully maintained, and in some instances is more money was taken. Barley was very dull, and is cheaper. Oats, beans, and shelling unchanged. STAMFORD-FRIDAY. White wheat, 40s to 42s ; red, 34s to 40s per 36 stone. Barley, malting-, 35s to 38s; grinding, 31s to 30s per qr. Oats, 188 .to 2is per 24 stone. Beans, old, 40s to 42a Per qr, ; new, 34s to 365. LIVERPOOL—FRIDAY. At this day's market we had a small attendance both of millers and dealers, who, however, showed little dispo sition to buy. Wheat may be quoted ld per 100 lb dearer, with a good deal sold to hold over. Flour a dull sale, but not dearer. Oats and oatmeal at barely late rates. Indian corn more inquired for. Barley, beans, and peas each a• slow sale, and prices were a shade better than those current on Tuesday last. —FRIDAY. offer at our market to -day, r best descriptions. Barley dear. Barley, grinding. .28s to 333 Oats, old, .. 23s to 253 New do 205 to 253 Beans. 38s to 410 Beans, new 34s to 383 LINCOLN , A fair quantity of wheat on and prices fully supported fo heavy. Beans scarce, and as White wheat new, 42s to 45s ' Red do. 3Bs to 40s I Old white —s to —s Red do. —s to —s Barley, malting 34s to 38s CORK—FRIDAY. The following were the quotations this morning :—Red wheat, 8s Od to 8s 10d; white, 7s 6d to 9s 6d , barley, 55 4d to 7s 6cl; _oats, 4s 10d to Ss Od ; black do., 4s Od to 55 sd. A ready market for an good kinds of grain, but we have no alteration to note in prices. s. d. s. d. Wheat, white.. 23 0 to 25 0 Do., red .. 20 0 to 23 0 Do., new .... 0 to Barley Oats Do., black — 0 to 0 s. d. 5. d. Oatmeal lO 0 to 13 t ) Beans.. . 0 to -- Bere — 0 to -- 0 Rapeseed Bakers' flour Indian corn BRISTOL SUGAR—FRIDAY. The market for sugar continues active, and most parc el 4 brought forward have found ready buy ers at 6d to 15 IA! cwt advance on last week. Refined sells steadily at r aLlia suffer priers. No sales to report in rum. COAL AItKET. rrloes of Coal per ion at the close of the market. s. d. Hastings Hartley ....15 6 Lambert's West Hart- a. '3* ley 15 3 Byass's Bebside West Hartley ..15 6 Wylam 17 0 Buddle'sWest Hartley 15 6 llolywell 17 0 West Hartley .. 15 6 Eden Main. 17 0 Walls End.' Haswell.... lB 6 Ships at mark, Walls End. Kelloe . • • •.17 6 South Kelloe. .... 17 2 Hartlepool ......... ..18 0 East Hartlepool ...... 18 6 Tritodon Hartlepool...lB 0 Hettoli .............. 18 6 Wh ar neliffe .......... 17 0 Belmont ...... . . 16 9 Hetton 17 6 ISouth Hawn ...18 6 Itussel's Ile tton 17 9 Reugh tlsll l7 9 53 ; sold. 50. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. 19- Australia and Mauritius, via Southampton.......De,l- . 13 , via Marseilles .. Deo' , brazil and Cape V er d s , b y B r i t i s h pac k e t. Dec. p n . Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena.. Dec. •• China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton. Dec. 2r, via Marseilles ...Nov. 2•4 Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton Dec. 2 ' via Marseilles Nov. 2 7 * India (Bombay), via Southampton Dec. 1 , 2 * via Marseilles Doc. l',• P0rtuga1.......... Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Dec. .''' via Marseilles Newfoundland . Nov V• • Oporto and Vigo U. S. and British N. America, • by Brit. packet... .. D N e o e v . : 3 2, I. by U.S. packet.... W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and b'yenCearnitTaedi..an..P.a.c.k.e.t.N.De°cv. . 1 2 0 '1 : T Bahamas, via New York Dec. 17. 2 8 . Mexico All parts of West Indies, including Chili, Yarn, California. and British C01umbia............ j Dec. 28. --- [ADVERTISEMENT.I—HoIIoway's Ointment and Pills.— These highly esteemed medicaments cannot be too strongly recommended for curing most of the maladies to which humanity is heir. They are suitable for the child first an early attention to the entering on the journey of life, as for the old man tottering towards its end—the Ointment is a spec for the cuts, bruises, abrasions, and eruptions often witnessed in the nursery, and it is no less efficient in healing up soundly and permanently the chrome ulcers wo often heap misery on advanced years. By instructions wrapped round each packet of Ointment and Pills, any moderately intelligent person may abridge or avert the discomfort and misery of chronic ill health. —....... Births. —On ae t a m h 2 S e i6 o nt n 2 h :6 , i t En h sstq i . n : s a t n . tt , KNA.TCHDULL-HUGESSEN.—On the 27th inst., at No. 17, Lowndes-square, the wife of E. H. Knatchbull-Hug es- Ls:Bolthe wife W., Eric Carrington Smith, Esq., I: ef SMITH. — Ch :—P co ar 6 a d WARD.—On the 27th inst., at Petersham-terrace, South c n rescent, the wife a Kensington, the wife of John F. Ward, Esq„ of a s ( > ll ' Marriages. Br.AmLy—wooppoßD.—On the 26th inst., at Edinburgh, Henry Jennings Bramly, Esq., 42d Royal Highlanders., to Harriet Louisa only daughter of Edward Woodford' Esq., LL.D., H.M,'s Inspector of Schools. WISE —HORN.—On the 24th inst., at 40, Clyde-placo , G e l4ls t ; gow, Mr. James Wise, of Uddingston, Lanarkshir Isabella Stobo, only daughter of Mr. James Horn. Deaths. DOBREE.—On the 25th inst., at his residence, Broad Salle. wary, Westminster, Bonamy Dobree, Esq., aged se 69. KENNEDY.—On the 20th inst„ at Ayr, N. 8., Primrose " • /aaVtosifolltulaoa;isi d o. a 11 Kennedy, Esq , of Drumellan. k o° llse ' LYALL.—On the 25th inst., suddenly, at E arnoc Hamilton, James Lys!), Esq., aged 64. u Esq., e, PURDUE.-1 H 0 1..5., aged 6 th c e26thinst , „ . at Islington, Thos. 4.l'urd Fe/2111' PENNY.—On the 25th inst., suddenly , Mr. Henry of 11, Oid Bailey, aged 56. Mr. Richd.T ueltet, TUCKER —On the 25th inst., suddenly , of 25, Bedford-street, Covent-gard en, a g ed 70. -- 11“•••••••• London: Pr;riz.4d and Pul,ttelted by WILLIAM ANDI:I4 -0, of O. 112, Strand, Printer , at THE SUN ornee No. Strand, in the Precinct o f the 'iavoy , n the COua t i " Ididdlevex.—SatttniaY, November 28, 1863. L> , the Rai Mil /ne It;