The Sun. — London, England, 1831-10-12 00:00:00

t he. to t bp, rorW sr ) f t he t tb e ! , die 0 , 0 0 cot .I P 10 fa , t ioP f d . spi pig v ie, the P e° ,becl n. lie d er „a cfl 11 09 ; 0 the 95 e' re wid L ' e a r e vi t ioiP" the prove ' better os of bai. . bec t ioli* O f ‘' l l he "Pe t 0091 - .-'• - %-, - -.'T .11 ' :" •,. i J ~-,.. - . . that the bad state of the atmosphere arid the the e posure to death of unequal draughts of air had already caused tiduous sea_ several Hon. Members in the course of ' d° n• Ile had to state that three architee t t b s i . s ha a d been con -I,!"lted--Sir Geoffrey Wyatt, Mr. Benjamin Wy att, and Kr. Smirke. He would first state in what the y agreed, then in what they differed. They all agreed al t t h og at eth th er e accninatodation in. the House at present was inadequate to the number of Members, and that two feet tiwas the least space which ought to be allotted to every gen n" who had to sit for a number of hours.—(Hear,from -r• R. Coe had and laughter.) He had admitted, eighteen th o a r t in the theatre% a apace of not more than twenty inches was allowed.—(oh, and laughter.) In the Rouse as it then stood there were only seven hundred feet accommodation ; therefore only accommoda n tit e i i n th f e o r r -' Memb ers. Note, Sir G. Wyatt's plan w f as e , t o tide to open a recess between the piers of 30 iti7eerrfeittewtvitih a flat roof, which should not in e ' th s e nd lea t s o t These re th the building as it then stood. be w.ould afford accommodation to 140 Members. h ßu as t '' Al eoeindered the plan liable to objection,. inasmuc mr* Neaker would have great di ffi culty in see ing Hon . . ,--enn3ers in those remote recesses ; and they would find it all the iciarcelY possible to make themselvt s heard b °T,u,se., Mr. B. Wyatt's plan was, that the House by should s..reieeted into the lobby and that beyond t h at another to more extensive lobb should be construct i e- p — ers a oors _ Y who v oted th b e himself inclined, and to which al well would tii ° o the late division must, he should imagine, f ee l b e 4c2Posed. By this addition to the House there According tcnnoodation afforded for 100 Members. t Pe o rs -e "nal allow anc e of eighteen inches space fo r each i i , --(),0 there wou ld then be in the House accommo dati on sm i r 6W Members, and for 450 at least, that amp l e .t P .11 0 ta W f 0 144 a man of ordinary dimensions mig r h s t .— si ( ,. a s i e n ar a , hes,. rt a, tile position, for a number of hours.—(H ear, -., near, and 1 b.) The plan of 1$ r. Wyatt he eowder,. . a lau g h.) . . tllhisoaettiincuattle 1 • 350 , , and he BthweasaCenarnhear hearing urgillt,s3blettcla.r;ried into effect , at a small exp ense relation re gilt t his Plan tvouAldir.gBivmeiraklel lr e d. The next points be considered were e ally i i m. pro ventilation The first might be wij,ed wed he construction of a new roof, frmamartdeeidroaarnyd mean_ mut , and by the adoption of the o infinitely better. i t eht:le .the ventilation might be made tilterv!inProvements might beeffected wit f hou w ta h n ic y h es h sr b t a ia d l the .ion in the form of the apartment, ki retest veneration. Interruption, by construct .ttbe av id d to Mr. Wyatt . doors to t a ~ 0 e according too o , r to the Speaker Shotartaage round the apartment, her open upon every gangwayt f h l a ° t m an w l ll lo te n b . Afem the' kin,,..takitig his place need`nlver pass over thela fl toioonr. ofof ketuk-use• Nor need there ever be that . am rrs at the Bar, which now gave r ise to noise offor(?.terruption to the debate. The atiteerabtieornes, wouldwould ill re Inereased acc ommodatione to the A ble m them to have it e b et 4 e,_ the size of the House, would enable r i ng , and foci litate`tr ventilated, would improve the bee and , no esua of co mmunication from one part to of another, 9001. In all this ‘vould be performed for the sum that the statement, he was bound to tell the House r had d're CoMmittee appointed to investigate this ma as tt. 4greed from him, and that the report he bad made rding to the tai.Tir Chairman was of course mad e . a s kt Z l e of the Majority, but h f ro osed that at th as before. The Gallant Colonel then p .t l , e te should is own op c‘ n o remained the b e ~e e 6gianing af next Session the Comm! ostrue_ tio,:erred, and should receive at the same ti m e i titerioatt lo b ehich of the plans they should adop t—that or that of hiiii di g House in the way he propos ed , coro mittee.— of (It wed another, as was suggested by the the..efl Mentioned that such a motion was ir regular.) . He eei: tore M o v e d that the report of the Comm kedr. ay three weeks. d'cti HUNT Mee be re thought that something ou i gh v t as to fe b l e t f d r o o n m e the w y tO remedy the inconvenience whic i s . C leat t,.t window when the wind was blowing Mem bers , lie also suggested that as many Hon. __ .or - eir boo, h with • ' and frequently walked rath er t ---8 8..0u iron, artNe rfortted---(A laugh) —or rather went in a bog-trot ah riulic - o'end lau la u g hter)-.across the House, a carpet Colonel"e Put flow! to diminish the noise. by b e down said that one observation m ade to the H o Gallant Colonel induced bi m . to say a few wor ds , for it jillproovuesti. They were told that this proposed plan would was °he e.hearing. He should be glad of that, heard ; . 4 lai d that Member,, and ~-, ithe for . one, cou p l e d rv n e o r t te b i l rre„,,,.......rtnis so said by that corrupt, hired, and what He 'Pith! hav„:l,,augh.) He stated that without of f p ea r r ees. " a d befo --. r "Peeting him by that co rrupt . no w th re Miced for better accommodation,fo f r or th w a a t s w a a o s t to All he as k ed he ru e is e & ella e for not hearing. to consider thi s sub 'ePreaented• He desired the Hous e th e Jeet attentively, and unless they • p ro „ frett e d posed alteration would be sure of producing h should were satisfied that b e tti .grantages, he should, for one, say that . houtZet,williog to lay out 60,000/. for building e not h a a _ n4l l to expend 6 ,900/. for alterations t hat m ight anew ii. ..rifficient. if th e 4 WROTTESLEY was perfectly convi nced . that, 1,414tY attempted to mak e the proposed alterations, they al eao, rtie4ialLend a Much larger sum without obtaining adequate Air, oettap-uoation, and that in every respect it w ti...theY ought to have a new House. n ' WARlotri ° t k ht .., 4 . 1 i-,,RTON said there wason m e od a e tte o m f attempt they f res., tt intoa e, atid that was to alter the no* at th e as it was House. He understood tha t . they were etill e d 21 great expense to pump in fresh air, obtain the chief place from which that i House, at t h,7 was one fiorn which the air sen t .I.tic and offen,i :1:1" near which he sat, was most mePl hi tic h the airwas (ti l de' , tented., the 'UST hoped that something would be o d f o m ne ari t y o of the've'e Present ac knowledged inconvenience kr. ''''es attached to the House. *l ' had T3IC.ER fully agreed with the Gallant C er ol c o o n o_ l sideratish 41trwitteed this q uestion, that the farth er Weeks:" (4. the report ought to be postponed was sr likely t .,„ ° tal t ; „I" as within that time the prorogation % He was t" a ce, it would amount to an entire postpon i ement : With vi surpris and disappointed that an Hon. A e mb er '65 rou,,'°,lll he ed had had the pleasure of voting for the last _ vocate''tos ag e Reform, should now appear as by a r d o- Posiogtl Ileforro, and should begin his advoca l ey u y st p op. Pos e hi: re!love the .Piers. —(A laugh.) .m Li I h an d' 544 1 the Right lion. Gentleman, in this Re form, the °hieet eropPosed other s in one of a political kin d, A f lea ,h°l\ which was also to remove the Peers 1 10 hi',4;)11..11e. !old us that no man can sit co . m p f p o l r y ta th i a ly t , Nils •-v without two feet. —(Laughter.) A It ii,- i'l diete r , 1 1 'noun % t r . ea, as well as to parts of h th re e b o o o d le y s , s a w nd e f eve autitlio 0 thi, that we cannot sit atndaroaotog Ineasure.--(Laughter.) These e Sir, are his Into such - 'orditi "' Principles.--(Much laughter,) • mkos o f CZ4dooitieln fall if the shut the o e o y etriber ins ao experience, that pr,potid pite of the vote of last night, produc es this . es an to d t G he ali l a t o. e- t INN " . f nr the enlargement of this house a t the Wa s a „Period. We last night agreed to a measure th at Roi4"lvalent to a dimingution of the Members of . t hi s s pi.optar!lnd on this, the followinr, night, taininirr,declarng that this House is incapahle d of that it a resolution viacool cutle " Present number of its Members, a , o 1100 . t b i e rnade larger..---(lfear, hear.) Wa s ,„„e etnan then went on to show that • very r ` a ' re ' l iently large for its intended es that it t f li h e e House Righ t ill ' l te it t ares ha y larg e to be even crow the ex ce.tion, I , Urger would be to go to an expense foi_ i should e ettai _ , rather than for the rule of attendance. d P e u d r and s that tehicOlY oppoee the further consideration on th l is e sub'ect, bou t he thought e. KEIL, Aft er f quite needless to be introduced at } this th e ~ a ew Wo frons Col. TRENCH and Mr.Cao ,eotion as ps tponed until this 'lay three wee k s. Su The ATTORNEY -GENERAL B4NICRRUPTCY COURTS BILL. k _ Pt)__Y .Ceourts' Bill be re-committed. moved that the But knrt:„...question that the Speaker leave the Chair, oppose the 13i1 1 N IGHT objected, and said he should not e- Darn, / " a Party question, but merely on its own s "Zeh- ge an i sette admitting, at th e s ame ti me , that some me eti r 1 the law upon this subject was expedient. reittl .trit? the hietory of the Bankrupt Law from the Masse °I Elizabeth, when it was established, down t o the . ' n g of tl i Wher t i n ie ate Bankruptcy Law Consolidation Bill, Rolui lly ! a 5..... he proceeded to the labo . urs . of Sir Samu el ti esl ill . ate followed it by an examination of the r , . , ~ resulthe p c°oVeniepeee of th e old syst em , as compared wit h resultr°tP4ed cbange, anti dwelt upon the injury that must orti:t trade from thus launching an entirely new code, ' e le to the whole of the commerce and manufactures nliaa' empire. He contended that if the present Com toners were incom ete t it was the forth of the pre. otieent Lord Chancellor,. p who n ' had the uncontrouled power 4 reMoving them at his ow ll'ents and t o A pleasure. He then referred to d . Ir. Montague's letter to Sir R. Peel, to show 114.0tre'omparatively few of the bankrupts' petitions, whether Zree the Lord Chancellor or the Master of the Rolls, is theaPPeals front the decisions of Commissioners, Thus, Iva halfyear from October 1 629, to Afore, 1830, there k r :" 343 bankrupt petition's befor e the Lord Chancel of the 14 0 . f which complained of the d ec i s io ns th Corn ttussloners. Before the Master of the Ro ll, ere were i - 1. Were appea ls June 1826, 190 petitions, of which only 23 fro e were 253 th er fro Commissionerg, while in the next month petitions, only 27 of which were appeals f . in Commissioners. He denied that the cases cited on a mars u.ight afforded any fair representation of the ordi -4 y bubmess in bankruptcy; and while he allowed some eanac of the objections urged to proceeding by af►davits, he con tended that it was attended with many advantages, and that the evidence of this kind in Chancery was often not more voluminous than in cases in the Courts of King's Bench and Common Pleas. The Hon. and Learned Gen tletnan commented at considerable length on the clauses of the Bill, each of which, he contended, was inadequate to its proposed object. He complained, that by the Bill the liberty of the subject would be exposed to hazard, and jus tice differently administered in different parts of the country. He objected especially to the powers of the official assignees, and thought that the expence of Commissions would be greater under the new system. Sir CHARLES WETHERELL would use an ex pression of Lord Brougham's on another occasion, and say that this Bill stunk under his nostrils. . On the motion of Mr. G. BANES, the debate was ad. journed to this day. Toe other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at a Quarter past Two. FROM THE GAZETTE OF LAST NIGHT. TO THE GENTLEMEN OF HIS MAJESTY'S MOST HO NOURABLE PRIVY CHAMBER. LORD CHAMBERLAIN'S OFFICE, OCT. 10, 1831. It is requested that every Gentleman of his Majesty's Most Ho nourable Privl , Chamber will send his name and address to this Ofn‘ce on or before the last day of the present month ; those Gentlemen only who comply with this notice can be considered as holding that appointment. WAR-OFFICE, OCT. 11. 4th Regiment of Foot—Lieut. W. D. Hewson, from the 47th Foot, to be Lieutenant, vice Haly, who exchanges, dated Oct. 11. sth Foot—Assistant-Surgeon J. Ferguson, M.D. from half-pay 27th Foot, to be Assistant-Surgeon, Oct. 11. 20th Foot—H. Briscoe, Gentleman, to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Welch, promoted, Oct. 11. 23d Foot—Assistant-Surgeon, E. M.lver, from half.pay Sth West India Regiment, to be Assistant-Surgeon, vice J. Forrest, who exchanges, Oct. 11. . . . . . 47th Foot:-Lieut. W. O'G. Italy, from the 4th Foot, to be Lieutenant, vice Hewson, who exchanges, Oct. 11. 51st Foot—Ensign H. Rolles to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Isham, who retires • A. Rice, Gent. to be Ensign, by pur chase, vice Rolles, Oct. 11. 56th loot—Captain G. M. Eden to be Major, by purchase, vice Gun, who retires; Lieut. J. P. Nelley to be Captain, by pur chase, vice Eden ; Ensign A. 'Fhorne to be Lieutenant, without purchase, vice Walmsley, appointed Adjutant; Ensign W. Hard ing Woodgate to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Nelley; W. A. Conran, Gent. to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Woodgate, Oct. 11. 67th Foot—Assistant-Surgeon D. Williams, from half-pay 4th Royal Veteran Battalion, to be Assistant-Surgeon, Oct. 11. 86th Foot—Lieut. R. Mayne to be Captain, by purchase, vice Johnston, who retires ; Ensign J. B. Pearson to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Mayne; J. Edwards, Gent, to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Pearson, Oct. 11. 95th Foot—Ensign G. Stewart to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice St. John, who retires, Oct. 11; W. N. Custance, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Stewart, Oct. 11. BREVET. To be Majors in the Army—Capt. F. Barrallier, of the '73d Foot ; Capt. G. Young, of the 60th Foot ; and Capt. Stewart, of the 67th Foot; July ?..?, 1830. WAR-OFFICE, OCT. 11. MEMORANDUM—The half-pay of the under-mentioned Officers has been cancelled from the llth inst., upon their re ceiving a commuted allowance for their commissions, viz. Veterinary Surgeon John lons, half-pay 18th Light Dragoons. Lieut. J. W. Pollen, half-pay 48th Foot. Ensign W. Plunket, half-pay 60th Foot. Lieut. J. Devenish, half.pay Cape Regiment. Lieut. G. Knox, half-pay 9.4 Garrison Battalion. Ensign G. Linn, half-pay sth Foot. Lieut. T. Briggs, half-pay, 43d Foot. Lieut. W. Davis, half-pay, De Roll's Regiment. Ensign W. C. Trevelyan, half-pay, unattached. Ensign P. Hughes, half-pay 93d Foot. Surgeon Sir G Ballingall, halfpay 10th Foot. Lieut. G. A. Aufrere, halt:pay 90th Light Dragoons. Assistant-Surgeon T.-Dillon, half-pay 39th Foot. Ensign H. L. Worrall, half-pay 6th Foot. Lieutenant J. Clark, half-pay 66th Foot. Lieut. E. Jchring, half-pay York Light Infantry Volunteers. OFFICE OF ORDNANCE, OCT, 8. Corps of Royal Engineers—First Lieut. W. Gregory to be Second Captain, vice White, retired on half-pay ; Second Lieut. W. Robinson to be First Lieutenant, vice Gregory, promoted, Oct. 6. Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Warwick. Sir Francis Shuckburgh, Bart., to be Deputy Lieutenant, Aug. 25 ; Sir John Mordaunt, Bart. to be ditto, Sept. 14. Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Linlithgow. Ist or Berwickshire, &c. Regiment of North British Militia. J. Swinton, Esq., to be Major, vice Dunlop, resigned ; D. B. Clunie, Gent, to be Ensign, vide Scott, resigned, Sept. 10. Commission by the Lord Warden of the Stannaries of Cornwall and Devon. Miners Militia of Cornwall and Devon. A. Jenkins, Gent., to be Second Lieutenant, Sept. 24. Commission by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Salop. South Salopian Regiment of Yeomanry Cavalry. J. Turner, Gent to be Adjutant, vice Ward, deceased, Sept. 27. WHITEHALL, OCT. 10. . The King has been pleased to grant to the Reverend Thomas Gaisford, Doctor in Divinity, the place and dignity of the Dean of the Cathedral Church of Christ, in the University of Oxford, void by the resignation of Doctor Samuel Smith, late Dean thereof. CROWN-OFFICE, Ocr. 11. MEMBERS RETURNED TO SERVE IN THIS PRESENT PARLIAMENT. TOWN OF POOLE.—The Right Hon. Lieutenant-General Sir John Byng, G.C.8., of No. 6, Portman-square, in the room of the Hon. William Francis Spencer Ponsonby, who has accepted the office of Steward of the Manor of East Hendred, in the county of Berks. BOROUGH OF FLrwr—.H. Glynne, Esq, in the room of Sir E. P. Lloyd, Batt, now Baron Mostyu, and one of the Peers of the United Kingdon of Great Britain and Ireland. BOROUGH OF HIGHAM FERRERS.—The Hon. John Brabazon Ponsonby, in the county of Kilkenny, in Ireland, in the room of Charles Christopher Pepys, Esq., who has accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. DECLARATIONS OF INSOLVENCY. THOMAS MANSFIELD and JAMES HACKNEY, Col ridge, Statlbrdshire, earthenware-manufacturers. NEWTON JONES, Bridge-road, Lambeth, snuff-agent. BANKRUPTS. THOMAS LEVER, King-street, Cheapside, Manchester. warehouseman, to surrender Oct. 18, 28, at three, and Nov. 22, at two, at the Court of Commissioners. Neild, King-street, Chcapside. THOMAS BUSH, London-street, Fenchurch-street, HUGH FERGUSSON, Euston-square, and DUNCAN M‘NAUG HT LIDDELL, London-street, Fenchurch-street, merchants, Oct. 14, 21, and Nov. 22. at one, at the Court of Commissioners. Oliverson, Denby, and Lane, Frederick's-place, Old Jewry. JOHN BA WDEN, Chard, Somersetshire, merchant, Oct. 20, 21, and Nov. 22, at eleven, at the Old London Inn, Exeter. Moseley, Bedford-street, Covent-garden ; Kingdon, jun. Exeter. WILLLI AM OWEN, St. Asaph, grocer, Oet. 24, 25, and Nov. 22, at ten, at the Red Lion Inn, St. Asaph. Jones, Temple, London; Humphreys, St. Asaph. THOMAS CR OWNSHA W, Sheffield, iron-master, Oct. 26, 2S, and Nov. 22, at two, at the Commercial Inn, Sheffield. Rodgers and Smith, Sheffield; Rodgers, Devonshire-square, Bishopsgate-street. BERDOE WILKINSON, Hasketon, Suffolk, wine-mer. chant, Oct. 14, 25, and Nov. 22, at eleven, at the Court of Com. missioners. Gadsden, Fitrniyal's : inn, Holborn. SAMUEL and FRANCIS BURSTALL, Kingston-upon- Hull, merchants, Oct. 13, 14, at one, and Nov. 22, at eleven, at the George Inn, Kingston-upon-Hull. Walmsley, Keightley, and Parkin, Chancery lane; London; Drynen, Hull. THOMAS SNOW, New-street, Covent-garden, grocer, Oct. 18, 21, at eleven, and Nov. 22, at one, at the Court of Commis sioners. Fisher, Queen-street, Cheapside. THOMAS PARNALL and JOHN FRANK, Clark's-place, Islington, linen-drapers, Oct. 18, 25, and Nov. 22, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners. Hardwick and Guest, Lawrence lane Cheapside. JOHN WELSH, Whitehaven, Cumberland, tallow-chandler, Oct. 19, at ten, at the office of Mr. Hodgson, Whitehaven, Oct. 22, and Nov. 22, at ten, at the Golden Lion Inn, Whitehaven. Falcon, Elm-court, Temple, London ; Hodgson, Whitehaven. DIVIDENDS. J. Cuthbertson, Borough-road, linen-draper, Nov. 2, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners—G. Garratt, High-street, Maryle bone, victualler, Nov. 1 at ten, at the Court of Commissioners — C. Ackroyd and W. VV. Bowles, King-street, Long-acre, car penters, Nov. I, at eleven, at the Court of Commissioners—M. and J. Ansell, Berkeley-street, Lambeth-walk, jewellers, Nov. 1, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners—H. Armstrong, Castle street, Leicester-square, grocer, Nov. 1, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners—J. Fraser, Limehouse, patent ship hearth ma. nufacturer, Nov. 8, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners —J. Gray, Prospect-row, Bermondsey, master mariner, Nov. 2, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners—J. Metcalfe, Thirsk, Yorkshire, linen-draper, Nov. 1, at eleven, at the Court of Commissioners—B. Berthon, Kingsland-road, coal-merchant, Nov. 1, at eleven, at the Court of Commissioners—J. Beynon, Scarborough, Yorkshire, draper, Nov. 1, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners—W. Hierons, Streatham, coach-master, Nov. 1, at one, at the Court of Commissioners - J. P. Neale, Bennett street, Blackfriars-road, booksellers, Nov. 1, at one, at the Court of Commissioners—Sir W. Effort, Bart., J. Tingcombe, and J. W. Clarke, Plymouth, bankers, Nov. 3, at eleven, at the Royal Hotel, Plymouth—D. B. Payne, H. and G. H. Hope, Wells, Somersetshire, bankers, Nov 10, at one, at the Swan Hotel, Wells, Somersetshire—C, Johnson, Leeds, Yorkshire, vic tualler, Nov. 5, at eleven, at the Court-house, Leeds—T. Hard wick and W. Brown, Leeds, bricklayers, Nov. I, at twelve, at the Court-house, Leeds—G. W. Addison, Dalton, Yorkshire, worsted spinner, Nov. 4, at twelve, at the George Inn, Huddersfield—C. J. Morris, Leamington Priors, Warwickshire, bookseller, Dec. 2, at twelve, at the George Inn, Leamington 'Priors—J. Bindley, Ashby-de-la-Zouch, glue-manufacturer, Nov. 4, at twelve, at the Queen's Head Inn, Ashby-de-la-Zouch—W, Townend, Keighley, Yorkshire, eorn-miller, Nov. 7, at t we l ve , a t the Court house, Leeds. CERTIFICATES, Nov. I. J. Botcherby, Holly-bush-place, Bethnal-green, dyer.—W. Be vern, H e nrietta-street, Westminster, tailor—J. 'Pollard, High stree, Deptford, smack-owner—J..C. Francis, Heytesbury, Wilt. shire, clothier—S. proni, Dartford, ...went, grocer—T. Lewis, King's-road, Chelsea , builder—A. Wheal, Salford, brewer — r. simpson, . nil , , r-,-J. Wallace, P lton Wiltshire bake chant —W. Waterhouse, jun. Belfast, mer. PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED, L Lamming and W. Milns, Kin g s ton-upon-Hull, mercers— Manchester, rag dealers (so p re t o g n ar d r n s e H r. nlleth, . . . .E . j P . al p Perfect,h r e ym l, ay! and Perfect, P . andal p ‘ oG re . y s irp as fe l aril G. Snlith ir. j . 1 .. / kt i t, ss an v d F. A i , TLe. Leeds bankers (so far gr" 11—r. 3°nes ' lace-manufacturers andcoo Cooper and J. Coo i street, Covent-garden,anladcer. Jones,an mranerhsy ow, Wolverhal n 1 ? Aylesbury, mill -3 Home, Montgomery shire,mill- wrights— Tutt)—H. tas. _tt 01rvn. e yH O s _owr Herne . E. Sparrow, Bar b ic an, painters—J. M‘Call Wolverhampton, iron d—l. Pittar am oe p li r t e 'in r es, ha g So m u y t e h ' a Ex mp e t t o e n r .. ' fn iind Atherton, ela— H H H. SparrowSparro , a a i n i d d E. sy chants, Lye Waste, Ki"gswinf" John-street, ' A i d t el I P mitt'Qu ' P ' Pittar, J. Pittar, and A. Pitta A r, _ p r 1, diamond merchantsrsPi_ j tta . r j a n n ne d s .i. an r a tt jt_a. Hughes . rape J. a, Li. and J. Hyslop, y a 1 ( a s p o , f a Leicester,r a s r e gar regards Marshall, Salford machine, verpool, grocers—H. Salmons and_ .1 , West, New-road, pawnbrokers—R. Bowerman, Ensham, Oxfordshire, and Abingdon, Berkshire, barge. makers--W. Fitchew, jun. and H. Patten,Sorner's-811ce and A. Mason, Brook's-wharf, masters—J. H. Hardwick, J. Nelson,antl. Hardwicke Randal.' and I' mercers (so far as regards J. H. Hardwick)—G. Turner, sen., Randell, Maide n -l ane , Battle- b r idge, brick-makers--W. Lid: , diard, sen. and W . Liddiard, Hill and gun-makers—M. Go ld en -lane, Barbican, bricklayers —J. Birch an d J . Sh aw B rth and *II and E. Hill, i ron - manu f ac turers—J. Hollingwo J. . Green, Summercotes, Derbyshire, grocery J. Turner, jun., an d F . B ay l ey , Manchester_, lor2-commi sen. ion agents (so far as re gar d s J. Turner, jun.)--'v• Sheppard, an d W. S heppard, jun., Exmouth, D ev onshire, glaziers. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. Should we rejoice at any conduct on the part of the Bishops which is in its nature of a tendency injurious to the Church of England ? We flatter ourselves that no such criminal exulta tion can be imputed to us. Had it been our scheme of dark and murky mischief to " trip up" the Reve/end Lords, as some body has insinuated that it was their plant a " trip up his Ma. jesty's Ministers" by their mode of proceeding on the Reform Bill,—we should have scrupulously forborne to trouble them with our apprehensions, our warnings, or advice. But it was, in truth, our honest and conscientious solicitude for even the temporal well-being of the Church (which at the same time we beg leave to disclaim all notion of confounding with its spiri tual welfare), —it was that habitual anxiety which led us on more than one occasion, before the second reading,—before, indeed, the introduction of the Reform Bill into the House of Lords,—which led us to address the Right Reverend Bench in accents of deep alarm for the consequences of its not unfore seen indiscretion. The very case which has happened, the identical case, was most distinctly, and we might add curi ously, presupposed by this journal, as a circumstance fraught with calamity,—we mean the circumstance of the Bill be ing thrown out by the Bishops. Yea, it has happened in the very form and to the precise extent which we prophesied ; for the fact of the Bishops being friendly or adverse to the Bill, has just made the difference between its being sent to a Com mittee or at once rejected. The effect, too, which we foretold as that which would inevitably follow the indiscretion of these Prelates, hasbeen too completely verified. The people every where regard the Bench of Bishops as enemies to the civil rights of Englishmen, and no man opens his mouth upon the fate of the Reform Bill without asking, " Why are the Bishops suffered to meddle in any manner with legislation ?" In short, whatever support the political privileges of the Right Reverend Bishops may have derived from custom, or from traditionary policy,—from the presumed connection between " Church and King," and so forth,—that support is hourly falling from under it. But it is not merely the vote of the Bishops, and its hosti lity to Reform, that has of itself been the means of alienating men's minds from their order. A pretty extensive suspicion and imputation exist that there was something not far re_ mote from a mixture of Machiavelism in the proceedings of certain individuals of their body. In priVate conver. sation it is alleged that many of them had expressed opi nions favourable to the Bill. Is it not true, it has been confidently asserted, that the learned Prelates of Lincoln, Bath and Wells, and Llandaff, had absolutely promised to vote with Ministers, while he of the pamphlets--the quondam nOrthern Archdeacon—had hinted the probability of his supporting the measure, on the familiar score (to him very familiar) of expe diency ? One Archbishop was openly an approver of Reform ; another disapproved of the opposition to it. Thus the Minis ters had actually, and in sober fact, their heels tripped up " by the confidence into which the wary bench had lulled them." They did not recommend to his Majesty to create Peers, be cause they reckoned on at least the neutrality of the Reverend Bishops. Had they declared their hostile purposes, the King's Government would have known what to do ; but on the very evening of the debate the Bench was as serene and smiling, and as full of agthnens towards his Majesty's Ministers, as ever ; nor, had a ghost ascended from the vaults below, could astonishment have been more excited than by the appearance of the Archbishop of Canterbury on the floor—like the evil genius of the patriotic Roman at Philippi, announcing to him that the battle would be lost. That the majority of the Bench were all the while pledged to the Opposition, and had determined to retard their blow until it would be too late for Government to meet it by calling up a reinforcement from any quarter, is the conclusion to which many persons have been driven by the events of that inauspicious morning. Nor can the tactics of time-serving men be much wondered at, by those who were themselves not satisfied as to the intrinsic strength of the King's Government. Things had taken place, and had not taken place ; from which it was, perhaps naturally, inferred, that due respect had not been shown to the advice of Ministers in an elevated quarter. Lord Howe, for instance, at the head of a particular household, and enjoying, as was incidental to his station, the countenance and indulgence of a Royal personage, had taken no pains to conceal his animosity to the Bill. Yet Lord Howe was permitted, as Queen's Lord Chamberlain, to busy himself with manoeuvres against the Bill ; and, still un molested in his office, gave a bitter vote against the advisers of his Royal master. Hence, perhaps, the apprehension that Lord Grey's was a feeble Government. Hence, perhaps,—for we pronounce nothing,—the idea, that Bishops who were so inclined might beard the sick lion with impunity. That material of error has since been removed, and Lord Howe, as we have elsewhere stated, dismissed from office. But what a temper has since been displayed, by one, at least, of these mild Christian potentates ! Was there ever such an exhibition of lamb-like charity and placidity as by Dr. Phillpotts of Exeter, in the House last night towards Lord Grey ? Was this from pure disappointment at the non-arrival of the change of Ministers, in the expectation of which, it may be conceived by a few, that certain individuals may have voted? —or was it another illustration of that fate which leads some men, by an unhappy sort of gravitation, into follies, whence they seldom escape without discomfiture " The Phillpotts" will not again, we should conjecture, run headlong into a col. lision with Lord Grey ; though it is not easy to answer for a pamphleteer, who first exposed himself to one class of sus picions by his little, scrupulous attacks upon the Catholics, and then to another class,—we fear not much more creditable,—by writing up measures which he had so recently written down, and with such relentless virulence. Verily, from the last night's specimen of this Anti-Reform champion, there are who will allege that his mitre is but gilded foolscap. Under such circumstauces, we cannot help feeling some forbearance towards those who think that the Bishop ought to be bowed out of the House of Lords, with as much respect and courtesy as was possible. For their own sakes, and for that of religion, it would be infinitely better. If the clergy are thrown into the temptation of politics, they are sure, like Dr. Phillpotts, to misconduct themselves. Because, as even Lord Clarendon, to whom they owe (at the restoration) their seats in the House of Lords, says of them, " There are no class of men who take so erroneous a view of human offairs as churchmen." But there are traits of character which belong to all times. Lord Clarendon, against all the other Ministers of Charles 11., insisted on restoring the Bishops to the House of Lords. What was the result ? When the Court turned against Lord Clarendon, and a Bill was brought in for exiling him, every Bishop voted for it, which made John Holies, Earl of Clare, as he passed by them in the House of Lords, say to them " You have all voted one way this day, my Lords, and yet you shall not all be Bishops of Canterbury."— Tunes. We insert letters from all people and from all quarters at this fearful crisis. We think it necessary to insert them, be cause they convey local feelings as well as local information, which ought to be known at the seat of Government. But we must be understood as not always pledging ourselves exactly to the views and opinions of our correspondents. We would, however, recommend particular attention to the letter signed " A Friend of the Administration." It frankly conveys a friend's advice. We shall not here detail the various accounts which reach us of the spirit which agitates the realm into its most retired nooks and corners,—we must refer our readers for these to the body of the journal,—but we say that this whide country is in commotion from one extremity to another. And why is it in commotion? Because the Bill is thrown out? Because the Bill is lost ? No, not because the Bill is thrown out,—not because the Bill is lost; but this commotion, this fearful commotion is—only because the Bill is de layed : for had the Bill been absolutely lost, this com motion, terrible as it is, would have been a mere child's whistle corrwared to the soul-awakening clang with which all England would have rung, from side to side. The Bill has been delayed by the decision of the House of Lords, and from that delay—that delay merely—have sprung up those troubles of the populace, which alarm districts, overturn the peace of societies, destroy human life, and render property, with all the other blessings of it, insecure. We must hope, therefore, that there will be no more delay. Lord Howe, it ap pears, is at last dismissed; and in that our patriotic King has given a decided proof of his confidence in the Ministry. But —he has been dismissed at last, has he? Why was not he dismissed at first ? Why was he, a servant of the Crown, suf fered to give his vote, and chaunt out his proxies with decided emphasis against the Ministers of the Crown ? The mischief consequent upon this act of Lord Howe exceeds all calcula tion. But it affects chiefly the House of Lords; for had he been dismissed in time, it is doubtful to what extent the majo. rity would have been reduced,—whether any delay (the cause of our present, we hope temporary, evils) would have occurred,—and whether, of course, any accession to that body by which the progress of the Bill has been impeded would have been found necessary. As to the runaway Bishop, that was an act of direct treachery, by which the most honourable and most confiding are most likely to be deceived. Ministers, therefore, were not to blame. But for interposing much farther delay between the nation's hopes and the consummation of them, we should think them much to blame. Let the country know its fate, that it may be prepared to meet it. Delay, too, must be most injurious to that body of the Legislature in which it has originated ; for it allows time to the people to brood over the injustice done them, and feed on revengeful thoughts. An immediate reparation of the wrong, and a quick obligation of it, are the objects of our sincerest wishes. The resolutions which were to have been proposed by Lord Wharncliffe on Monday failed of making their appearance in the House of Lords in consequence of the cause which we suggested,—the di e * union of these mighty members of the Opposition, Lord Wharncliffe himself is said to have been in the minority at a meeting which took place at his own house in the morning. The prorogation, it is supposed, will take place on Friday. We hope that it will be a short one ; and that Ministers, at its ex piration, will be able to effect their object a coup sur. We se lect from the Parliamentary History a few out of several short Prorogations From Oct. 20, 1673, to Oct. 27, 1673; from May 13, 1678, to May 23, 1678 ; from July 13, 1678, to Aug. 1, 1678 ; from March 13, 1678, to March 15, 1678 (only two days) ; from Oct. 21, 1689, to Oct. 23, 1689 (also two days)." Hatsell makes the following observation on this last prorogation—the pre cedent is a parallel to the present crisis :—" I guess the reasons for this prorogation, and which made it necessary were, that the Bill for declaring the rights and liberties of 6he subject, and settling the succession of the Crown, which had passed the House of Commons, was, by disagreement between the two Houses, lost; and all parties being desirous to pass a Bill a th a t pot importance, a new Session was necessary, to entitle it, in point of form, to be brought in again."—Hatsell's Precedents, vol. 2, Page 223 (2d edition).—Times. The conduct of the Bench of Bishops in opposing them selves to the nation, on so momentous a question as Parll47 mentary Refortg, has sealed their doom, There is but one opinion with regard to them in all quarters. The French do not look with more horror upon any of the Generals who de serted the national ,standard for that of the allies, than the English on the Bishops who voted in the famous majority of 199. That vote will neither be forgotten nor forgiven. Even in the House of Lords itself, the descendants of the Apostles are spoken of its terms, which, if any Englishman had heard for the first time on his return to this country, after a year or two's absence, he would have almost disbelieved the evidence of his senses. Lord King, on presenting two petitions from the owners and occupiers of land in Suffolk, and from a place in Ireland, complaining of being continually harrassed with suits for tithes, after an exemption for centuries, observed, that "this disturb ance of the ancient order of things then came from the Clergy, who professed to be averse to all changes, and to be desirous that every thing should remain unchanged, but who, when their own interests were concerned, became the arch disturbers." Lord Ellenborough having complained of these constant at tacks on the Clergy, Lord Suffield confessed that he had fre quently suggested to Lord King to abstain from these attacks ; but though his attachment to the Established Church remained as strong as ever, what had taken place within these few days had caused some change in his opinion respecting the general body of the Prelates. "He had always (he said) con sidered the existence of the Right Rev. Prelates in this House as liable to one objection, as they always threw almost the whole weight of their body in the scale of Governments.—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition benches.) He would presently show how he meant to apply that observation. The Right Rev. Pre: kites, in a firm and close phalanx, lent their weight to the Go vernment, and thus led him to observe, that the Right Rev. Prelates always did so when the Government was arbitrary and oppressive; but that the instant that a liberal Government came into power, and proposed liberal and beneficial measures, the Right Rev. Prelates voted against them." This from a de voted friend of the Church was candid. A question of order having arisen out of this charge, the Lord Chancellor was led to interpose. The Noble and Learned Lord, it will be seen, in his peculiar manner, did justice both to his Noble Friend and the Right Rev. Prelates :—" He did not hear," he said, " that his Noble Friend imputed any sinister or bad motives to the Right Rev. Prelates in voting as they did, but merely stated the fact, and his opinion that this might prove injurious to the Church Establishment, of which he was a firm and steadfast friend. It was in that view that his Noble Friend made obser vations on the conduct of the Right Rev. Prelates, and neither they nor any Noble Lords were exempt from observation both here and in another place. The Right Rev. Prelates did not want to be exempted from observation. They courted observation. The Right Rev. Prelates had no doubt acted with the greatest disinterestedness.—(Hear, hear.) Good God! to impute to the Right Rev. Prelates that they acted from selfish and interested motives ! No, they had with the utmost disin— terestedness acted against the present Government."—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") They thought of tripping up the pre sent Government—(Hear, hear)—they had a right to do so— (Hear)—and it could not be imputed to them that they were ac tuated by selfish motives when they acted against the present Government, and attempted to trip it up, and probably thought that they had tripped it up.—(Hear, hear.)" Disinterested with a vengeance ! With two distinguished exceptions, all the Bishops (except the few who did not vote) were against the Bill —were against a large majority of the House of Commons— against the whole nation (for the exceptions to unanimity are too few to affect any general calculation). Now, how is this ? How does it happen, that while a majority of the ancient Peers wish to put an end to the vile system by which, through the agency of fraud, and bribery, and corruption, the people of Eng land are unmercifully pillaged and oppressed, the Bishops almost to a man support the cause of fraud, of bribery, and cor ruption, abet injustice and unrighteousness ? Why is it that their sympathy should be so much more strong than that of the Lay Lords, with what Burke so significantly termed the shameful parts of the Constitution ? Is this acci. dent ? What ! accidental, that in a manner respecting which the nation is on one side, a great majority of the representatives of the nation on the same side, and (ex cluding the Prelates) also a majority even of the Peers, the Right Reverend Fathers in God should cling to corruption almost to a man ! No, no; there is more than accident in this. The Prelates know, that of those even who love the Church, there are few who love its corruptions, and in this re. spect the Prelates differ from the people ; for the corrup tions of the Church are the only part of it of which they are enamoured. To set their house in order, might render it more popular with the country; but that intimation, which was most acceptable to the people, was wormwood to the Prelates. Men are much led by analogies. It is not to be supposed that with purity in the State, the impurity in the Church could be tole rated. Hence the eagerness of the Prelates to trip up a Re forming Ministry; and hence the Prelates will, till a Reform takes place in the Church, naturally oppose themselves to all improvements in the State, and support whatever tends to add to the misery and privations of the people. The wolf loves not the careful shepherd. The wonder with us is, how two men could be found under so corrupt a system, in whom the love of piety and justice still survived. These testimonies to the merits of the Prelates had the effect, if we may use a familiar phrase, of setting their backs Alp. The Bishop of London said he him. self had given neither opinion nor vote on the subject of the im portant measure lately before the House, but he disclaimed on the part of his brethren all desire of tripping up the Govern ment. They had had no reason to complain of the present Go vernment. No, but the people had reason to complain of the conduct of the Government towards them. When the Lord Chancellor was endeavouring to tame them down, by all manner of civil sayings (more civil, indeed, than true), we knew that he would be unsuccessful. To coax an old Bishop (whose opposi. tion to all that is liberal procured for him the mitre) into any thing like liberality, is a miracle beyond even the powers of management of his Lordship. The Bishops did not wish to trip up the Government, but they were obliged to do what they thought would trip them up : " Much did he grieve, when making Frenchmen die, To any inconvenience to put 'em : • It quite distress'd his feelings,' he would cry, ' That he must cut their throats,'—and then he cut 'em." The Right Rev. Prelate seemed also to think that the inte grity and sincerity of the Bishops, in the vote on Reform, were more certain than their wisdom. Yes, yes, integrity—the inte grity of the heap! Integrity in the prelatic dictionary has a mean ing of its tam The Bishop of London was in rather an awkward predicament. It was no easy matter to please Ministers and please his brother Prelates at the same time. The latter were fairly exasperated. The Bishop of Llandaff said, " As to the impu. tation insinuated, if not expressed, that they had voted from interested and selfish motives, he regarded them as idle sounds —as mere echoes of the discordant noises with which they had been assailed on their entrance into that House." The Bishop of Exeter improved upon the Bishop of Llandatf:—" They were meeting (he said) to brave the censure of the mob, even when urged and instigated by those whose duty it was to restrain these ebullitions of the mob—those who ought to uphold and maintain all the institutions of the country. He defied any of the accusers of the Bishops to show a single instance in which they had voted from interested and selfish motives, although they had been outrageously insulted by a person holding the highest station in office ! A trum pery petition was presented (petitions against the Church must, of course, be trumpery), and that occasion was taken to hold out that the Clergy, who professed to be averse to all change, were the greatest disturbers of existing rights and institutions, a spoken of with sarca sm an d insult, as being interested and and engaged in a consp i racy aga i nst lib erty. " I t i d sl'esh' merelys l elfire an accidental coincidence that the votes of the Bishops except in the one case of restoring to the people their rights, have always been in favour of those who had the distribution of the loaves and fishes. Corruption, as Lord Lyndhurst, an impartial Judge, observed in the discussion on the Bankruptcy Court Bill, must not be presumed. As the boroughmongers have all along contended—let proof of guilt precede disfran chisement. Men may uniformly act as if actuated by a corrupt mo ti v e, and yet not be corrupt. Do not let us, ther e f ore , be condemned on appearances, how ever aw k war d t h ey may b e. The indignation of the Bishop of Exeter, however, called up Earl Grey, who read the Right Rev. Father in God a lecture on evil speaking. The Right Rev. Prelate had said, that aperson in the highest station in office had insulted and vilified the Church. " Now he was in what was generally considered as the highest station in office, and he asked the Right Reverend Prelate whether he alluded to him or to his Noble and Learned Friend on the Woolsack? But to whichever of them the Right Rev. Prelate alluded, sure he was that to neither of them could the accusation be applied with justice or truth.—(Loud cheers.) But not content with this, the Right Rev. Prelate, with a warmth which little became the garb that he wore, would not have been so grossly unjust as to accuse them of being exciters and insti gators of a mob to vilify and insult the Right Rev. Prelates.— (Hear, hear.) To that he could only reply, that be repelled the imputation with the utmost contempt and indignation. There was a not a syllable true in it—(Hear, hear, hear)—and he would describe it in no other terms than as the foulest calumny." What is he who utters a foul calumny? His Lordship added, that " he called therefore on the Right Rev. Prelate to state the evidence on which he rested so foul an im putation. In all his observations he had shewn the greatest respect for the Right Rev. Prelates, and was a firm friend to the Established Church of England ; and he still respected the Right Rev. Prelates as a body, notwithstanding the most improper speech and foul aspersions of the Right Rev. Prelate who spoke last.—(Loud cheering.)" This was rather an awkward call on the Right Rev, Prelate; and being so called on, he answered it by referring to Earl Grey's speech on the first night of the debate, " when he warned the Bishops seriously to consider what would be their condition in the estimation of the country d in case they voted a g a i ns t the measure. The Noble Carl put this i n suc h a way as if it had a tendency to excite ha the people against the Bench of Bishops. The Noble Earl had called upon them under a threat to vote for the measure, and he had assumed the character of a prophet, aujcalied upon them to set their houses in order. The meaning was clear that Ogstructien tQ the House was threatened." Let u. reason a moment with the Right Rev. Prelate in the way of his own order. If he were to warn one of his flock against transgression, and point out to him that the sinner who dies in sins is in danger of damnation, would that be causing him to suffer the punishment? If Earl Grey believed that the cause which he called on the Bisnopi to support was the cause of.tustice sind honesty, Was he not right in warning the Prelates not to expose themselyes to the consequences o f opposing themselves to that cause? But this evasion would not do. Earl Grey is too practised a debat?; to be baffled in this way. " The ROt iilevevena Prelate's proof corresnoto •-•e4 but very little with his assertions, for the Right Reverend Prelate had said that Ministers had encouraged and instigated the mob to annoy." And after an attempt to back out, as the phrase is, Earl Grey again turned on the Prelate, and gave him most edifying chaitliement.— The conclusion pf this discussion was as singular as its com mencement. The Marquis of L on d on d err y and the Duke of Newcastle complained of h av i ng b een ill -use d on their way to Parliament, and th e former said he tnui 1141 his remaining windows broken. himself, if should announced a determination to protect d net 4e protected by Government, But what we wish more particularly to notice is the declaration of Lord Wharncliffe, that had it not been for the Press, the people would have been quite delighted with the manner in which he and the remaining 159 did their duty. Ile was, indeed, surprised at the peaceable behaviour of the people.— This is inimitable. We understan I that the Bench of Bishops give out that they are still persuacbd the people care nothing for Reform. The people, it seems, do not know their own minds. Lord Ellenborough, too, that sapient Legislator, did not attribute the excitement of the people to their Lordships' decision, but to the Press—O, the Press, the vile Press : The people have a strange predilection for reading newspapers, of the sentiments of which they disapprove. Nothing less than a miracle will satisfy Lord Wharncliffe that the people and him self are not agreed on the question of Reform.-2lforn.Chronicle. That his Majesty entertains a strong objection to the cre ation of such a number of new Peers as would be necessary to neutralise the majority on the Reform Bill we have reason to believe ; and we also believe that there exists, or has existed until very recently, a difference of opinion in the Cabinet upon the same important question. It is not unlikely that these matters may be denied in certain quarters, but we shall make no account of any denial which is not supported by better au thority than mere assertion. In the mean time the statement as to the objection on the mind of his Majesty receives some. thing like confimation, from an announcement made with an air of authority in the Courier of last evening. That Journal, after stating that the prorogation of Parliament is to take place on Saturday, if possible, but certainly not later than Tuesday, goes on to say, " Upon the re-assembling of Parliament the course will probably be to bring forward the Reform Bill, slightly modified, but by no means changed in principle, or in any of its important clauses. It is presumed, we imagine, and with good reason, that the Peers will not, after the declaration of the wishes of the King and his people, again reject the Bill, or, if they should reject it, that it will be by so small a majority as will enable the King, without inconvenience, to create new Peers." This announcement, which is no doubt afeeler put forth, not by official authority, but at official suggestion, to ascertain how the public would tolerate the idea of a mo riffled Bill of Reform, is entitled to an observation or two—but first let us say a few words as to the creation of new Peers.— Being sincerely attached to a Constitutional Monarchy, as the form of Government best adapted to the growth, development, and duration of rational liberty, and the protection and diffu sion of all the social blessings that depend upon it, we wish to see every part of which it is composed preserved in its integrity. It is therefore that we advocate an efficient but not an intem perate Reform. But while we believe that the integrity of the House of Commons has been broken in upon by the Members of the House of Lords usurping the nomination of Members to seats in the Lower House, and while we endeavour, by such reasons as the case supplies, to have the pure representation of the Commons restored, we by no means desire to see the House of Lords degraded in its composition, or prostrated in its spirit at the feet of the Minister of the Crown. Deeply do we re. gret that the House of Lords should, with regard to the Re form Bill, have so decidedly opposed, not the Minister of the Crown, but the earnest wishes and authentic will of the na. tion, expressed and recorded in the petitions which crowded the tables of both Houses, praying for nothing more than that the representative theory of the Constitution might be realised in practice. But it is not a sound principle to act upon, either in morals or politics, that a permanent evil should be committed to secure the acquisition of a present good. Statesmen, as well as moralists, should look not merely to the immediate result, but to the probable consequences of actions, or their conduct would be always in error. It appears a good thing to pass the Reform Bill by any means short of violence; but it is right to bear in mind that, if it be effected by the crea tion of 50 or 60 new Peers—nearly 30 having been created by the present Ministry already—the dignity of the Peerage will not only be lowered, and the independence of the House of Lords destroyed, but a most dangerous precedent will have been thereby established, of which a corrupt and ambitious Minister may hereafter take ample advantage in promotion of the worst designs; for an abuse of the prerogative in a good cause to-day may be pleaded to-morrow in defence of proceed. ings of a totally opposite tendency. The prerogative of the Crown in creating Peers is only properly exercised when it is limited to the supplying the vacancies produced by time, and to the raising persons whose public merits and eminent services sntitle them to that honour. We know that this prerogative has been sometimes used before for political purposes, though never to the extent which some contend for now. It was thought a great abuse in the reign of Queen Anne, when, to give Mi nisters a majority, twelve new Peers were created at once. With such contempt were the twelve treated, that, on the day of their taking their seats in the Upper House, on the question of adjournment being put, the Earl of Wharton asked them " Whether they voted by theirforeman P" King William 111. degraded the Peerage, to ingratiate himself with great families, by raising eight Earls to Dukedoms, and creating eighteen Earls, three Viscounts, and nine Barons. But what is this to what is now proposed ? Besides, the Peers createdfor the oc casion are generally the mere tools of every administration, who never vote against the Minister, unless when the Minister happens to act with the people. Witness Mr. Pitt's Peers in the present instance, whose names are to be found in the ranks of the majority against the Reform Bill, although most of them perhaps, never voted against the Crown before. Among them is the name of Lord Carrington, the ennobled banker and professed Whig ; but it was better, in his opinion, that the rights and liberties of the people should be sacrificed than the rotten borough of Wendover should be extin. guished. In the celebrated case of Ashby and White the House of Lords made a noble and successful stand in defence of the popular liberties, against the despotic usurpation attempted by the House of Commons. There have been other occasions, too, where they have been on the side of freedom when the Commons arrogated an authority subversive of the rights of their own constituents; but they were not occasional Peers who acted so. We would, therefore, rather see the House of Lords abolished at once, than so degraded as to reflect but the servile image of the will of the Minister of the Crown. Now, as to the announcement which the Courier puts forth as a feeler, we ask—are the people prepared for a modified Bill of Reform— that is, let it be disguised as it may, a changed, an altered Bill— a something that is not the " whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill ?" We should like, at all events, to know what the in tended modifications are, and then we could say whether they infringe upon the principle or not. As to ourselves, we have never joined in the cry from the beginning for " the whole Bill;" on the contrary, we have pointed out several defects which we should be glad to see removed. In the mean time, what need of mystery, if the thing be honest ? It is easy to govern the people of England by reason—not by deception.—Morn. Her. The cause of Reform can now only be injured by an abuse of that strength, which, directed by reason, must be sure to make it triumphant. This is not a time when the popular fl.eling requires to be excited by the stimulating furor of the Press. The danger is lest the excitement already abroad may break over the mounds which protect the Constitution, and become a furious torrent in which the vessel of Reform shall be wrecked, instead of flowing on in its legitimate channel, with that full but calm tide which would bear it securely and majestically to the haven of its proper destination. We have already told the people that " the emissaries of the Anti-Reformers are abroad, instigating to acts of a dangerous and unlawild nature with the hope of crushing Reform itself." We have told this to the people whose cause we have supported with such force of sea. son and arguments as we could command, when some Jour. nals, that are now administering the intoxicating draughts of that cup of madness which already " kindles in its circu. lation," were equally zealous in supporting and applauding every act and sentiment of the determined enemies of all Reform. That the emissaries of the Anti-Reformers are abroad is sufficiently evidenced by the anonymous placards which have been fixed up in various quarters, with the obvious intention of breaking down the legitimate force of a reasoning people N 1 this question, by substituting for that constitutional power the lawless and destructive fury of a mob. The ITV% 44, and malignant contrivers of disorder anti YiPlence, no doubt, calculate upon the mind of the Siavereign himself being alie nated from Reform, by that causo being mixed up and con. founded with disgraceful riots and rebellious outrage. They also calculate upon the military being called out to massapre the deluded people. They would like to see the scene, et Newtown_ barry and Merthyr Tydvill—scenes of disgusting military execs!. tion—renewed even in this metropolis. That they may be disap pointed is the wish of every good citizen, but in order to disap point them it is necessary to put the people on their guard against ' their machinations. There is another class of persons enkleavaur i ing to get up disorder in London—those desperA4 CbaraCters that abound in every great and luxurio,nk cAtI, who expect that their predatory " patriotitinl" NOI he enriched with a rich harvest of spoil, acnikl scenes of tumult and commotion. But, indeed, the mere reading of the seditious placards by crncht simple people, who, in looking after their political, rights, some. times forget that others are looking after th.iir pockets, afford to gentry of this sort no small owortunity to pursue with sue. cess their honest avocation. As a specimen of the public indi. cation of the se.ntirnents of the people of England, a Aforshpsc Paper publishes a placard which had been poatg up at Can, terbury, and which, after a hypocritictil expression of respect for the King, and calling upon the poolle to wad meetings to declare their loyalty ; ?PA Op t i Ray, " At these meetings, to express your opiplon mere decidedly on the politics of this momentous crisis, you can resolve to pay no more t.ole 46 . in the event of an Anti-Reforming Ministry bAsig• ed. You can resolve, in consideration of lie part taken by the Bishops and the clergy astaino the people, that you will pay no more ti4es. anti ronamber, fellow-citizens, that a r ,, 11 1, q wv'etitta ill other times — and that meeting was th - e 4eslgliS4 Nonuse of Commons—resolved that ' The 31) s. of Lords was a nuisance I' How far your opinion conilock., in this respect remains to be seen." The ini l ,4ei thia placard is not quite so willing to get into a `.t§,uTape- 4 himself as to bring ~I \ o :u a lta y n ce_at o others into it—for he moi;istly .. c:ineeals his name, and plays his heroic part unA s r the signature, as weft :as under the inm tll nd lii. th i? a * ; also, be it re " a Leforiner." It is easy to determink.what sort (-It,. ©Fine. people to follow the example of t, ;TS. •n ll 9crAkie assembly that the membero4, 4in to the block. Are we not , there fore, justigeif in saying that the " emissaries of R Anti, are abroad ?" Let the people recollect the S • PeelA csMaiaii4iOns, aks and the military executions that have tali t pn 'lslam, even under v h o e ted is, t w he hi H le ou h s e e s o l* f (lie f our Whig Government. But if vi a %hay Ss fbrget those things, a nd listen to violent and ' treacherous d • sers, we shall be guiltless ci f -the afflicting consequences. —Morning Herald. The debate of Monday night in the House pf Commons, when that House assembled to sit in jumment upon the de cision of the other Housp Parliament, was distinguished by many circulnstatu,es deserving attentive consideration. In the first place it is worth while to consider as a remarkable sign of the times, the circumstances of a House of Commons meeting to discuss, under the auspices of the Ministers of the Crown, a Resolution directly in tv teeth of a decision come to by a MIR large majority of the Home of Lords not rainy hours bef.sce, and that too at a moment when a desperate excitement of the mob against the House of Lords was known to exist, Th.- friendly feeling towards the Upper House of Legislature ma. nifested by the Servants of the Crown on this occasion is sullisiently obvious. In the next place it should be obsery ed, as a most marked and striking instance of their fidelity t o the conservative principles which form the bond of union of their party, that the Opposition, whose cause had just met with so signal a triumph in the other House of Parliament, while they were yet as it were in the very moment of victory, came forward calmly and seriously to advocate the question be fore them, and, without one word of boasting, which it might have been at least excusable to have indulged in at such a time, met the proposition emanating from the friends of a defeatel Ministry with sober and deliberate argument. The public peace was at stake, and ticy did not hesitate to sacrifice to every strongfeeling which they might have shewn, and to forbear every triumphant sarcasm which the tone and temper of the Minis terial Members were so much calculated to provoke. How dif ferent was the conduct of the Ministerialists! Did they ender vDoiudrotoeyetneacocuh h ra t ge e to the law ? No ! With the exception of the speech of the peace? Did e that t duty was submissio n inculcate forbearance ? mover of the resolution and Lord Althorp's at the conclusion, all that was intended to encourage the Ministry appeared to be intended to inflame the multitude. We do not wonder that some of them should have been so ; the old and hackneyed traders in disturbance from Ireland rejoice in such an oppor tunity, and have no sound English feeling to restrain them. The bigotted stupidity of the Member for Middlesex produced its natural result ; but we certainly are surprised that at such a crisis as this a man with Mr. Macaulay's natural and acquired gifts, with his fine imagination and redundant stores of memory, should soforget what was due to himself and his country at such a time, and lend his aid to the excitement of the rabble. Is it possible that he can believe that we shall be borne along to the sacred temple of rational liberty upon the impetuous torrent of brute force ? Does he really believe that by pointing out to the people the way in which they may exercise their resistance to the laws with least danger to them selves and most injury to established institutions, he does wisely and well ? We shall not insult his understanding by supposing any such thing. But what then is his motive? Why, Leeds; for his chance of the representation of that town he is content to use his high abilities on the side of the mob, to flatter those he despises, and to affect an association of mind with all that his mind must really recoil from with scorn and loathing. Such motives of selfish ambition are generally found to be the haste and groundwork of Whig patriotism, and were we to analyse the motives of those who crowd the Ministerial majorities in the House of Commons, we could soon show how little real love of the people actuate those whom the deluded rabble most delight to honour.—Aforaing Post. A resolution declaratory of adhesion to the deceased Re form Bill and confidence in Ministers was proposed to the House of Commons on Monday by Lord kbringten, and, as a matter of course, carried. We say as a matter of course, for it was to be expected that " the nsiVority," who would neither argue nor listen to argunient while the Reform Bill was before them, who would in fact do nothing but vote for the Bill and so send it up to the Lords, should be ready to pass a resolution impugning the conduct of those whe, having thoroughly investigated and discussed the principle of the Bill, came to the conclusion that it was a worthless, dan, gerous, and inadmissible project. It is not surprising that " the majority" should have done this, nor that they should express confidence in a Ministry who have utterly lost the confidence and respect of all who are unswayed by party, or who have ca pacity to judge and discriminate. We are quite sure that but for the Reform Bill, for the sake of which they are tolerated and upheld by a considerable faction, there is but one opinion throughout the country as to their utter incompetency to direct the affairs of the nation either at home or abroad.—Morn. Post. There were several 'Worm meetings on Monday, and various stratagems were had recourse to by their promoters to induce the shopkeepers and other inhabitants to violate their honest feelings, by forced displays of revolutionary manifestations. But all clearly and most happily failed ;—the meetings were quite ridiculous, whilst the conduct of the inhabitants in all directions was most becoming and exemplary. Thus have all the efforts of faction proved decidedly abortive, and the wise decision of the House of Peers in rejecting the atrocious Bill of revolution may be fairly considered as having the sanction of all the well-disposed portions of the community. The nation has happily been undeceived ; the temporary delusion so artfully practised for a time has effectually been dispelled, and the cheat and fraud ofour Whig Rulers completely exposed. All outrageous threats to deter the Lords from doing their duty have been met with utter scorn and disdain; and that magnificent pillar, that " Corin thian Capital of the State," has immortalized itself by its tzar noble and manly conduct, in the momentous crisis of our na. tional fate, in having at once preserved the Constitution and in sured the safety of the State. A rational plan of Reform will speedily be proposed, which we are fully persuaded will satist\ - every loyal and well-disposed man in the empire; and the people who have so creditably disappointed the views of the revolLs tionists, will find ample cause of satisfaction in the conduct of the noble, the enlightened, and true friends of the Constitution. —Morning Post. To the majority against the Reform Bill must be added, among the Peers present, Lords Patrbnoe, DE DUNSTAICVILLE, and GAMBIER, which completes the number of 150. We are informed that the coaches which ar rived at Stamford with the intelligence of the rejection of the Reform Bill bore each a black banner, inscribed " Vengeance to the Lorda P. Earl MA NSFIELD and family attended Di vine Service at St. John's Chapel, Hampstead, on Sundry morning. After the service, and on his return to his carriage, his Lordship was much booted and hissed ; there was a general cry of " Reform ! Reform !" His Lordship hastened to his carriage, which drove off with great speed. Lady JERSEY sat in a box crowded with re porters during the debate; upon seeing which a Noble Lord observed, "that though a Tory and an Anti-Re former, her Ladyship was evidently not averse to the liberty of the Press.' Her Ladyship, it is stated in an Evening Paper, reported the anti-reform speeches for the Morning Post. Her diligence and attention were most exemplary.— Times. After the Reform 'Meeting at Nes‘bury last Wednesday, there was a dinner at the King's Arms. In the course of the evening, a gentleman related that in the glorious days of "Parr and Plunder " he belonged to the Volunteers, and was unexpectedly called from the ranks in 1793, by a nobleman then in authority, and appointed a commissary with a salary of 15s. rer diem. This suns he actually received for three year a without being called on to perfarna any service. Ile had inveateel both principal and interest in the funds, and whenever a reformed Par liament called upon the "Tax-eaters" to disgorge, be was ready to return the whole amount fur the service of the: State. There was collected on Monday afternoon about the two Houses of Parliament, a very considerable crowd, which displayed their feelings towards the Reform and the Anti-Refokm Peers in a very significant manner. The Marquis of CLEVELAND was recognised by the people and hailed with the most enthusiastic plaudits. By a gentle force he was taken off his horse and carried on the shoul ders of the populace into the House of Peers. A Rev. Father in God, who, after promising to give his vote ira favour of the Reform Bill, ratted at the last moment, and gave, against the Bill, not only his vote, but also a proxy for the Bill with which Its bad been intrusted, was brought down in a cabriolet to the House of Lords. On getting out of it, he offered the driver Is. 6d. fur his fare. The driver looked at it contemptuously, and then re turned the coin to the Rev. wearer of lawn sleeves, saying that he'd be if he would bring down a Itiphop and an Anti-Reformer for less than 3s. The Bishop, afraid lest a worse thing ahmild befall hint, submitted to the charige., paid the fellow his Si,, and took refuge in. the House of Lords.— Times. In our last publication, in recommending ad drew!, to the KINC, praying him to secure the passing of the Reform Rill by the creation of Peers, we said that perhaps ere another week passed over our heads, it might `be our duty to recommend graver and sterner duties. The fate of that Bill is still in suspense, hut at any hoer we may bear of its rejection. Should this be the case, the first duty that will devolve upon every friend of Reform will be to ..raositler how he may best assist in the preserva tion of the peace. The KING and his Ministers are bound to stand by a peaceable and orderly people, hut they are. bound to take part against all who, by acts of intivlsidatica and violence, endeavour to obtain that which racy be ob tained by Icgal, and constitutional means, Should the Rill be rel-c;Cd, there is still a remedy in the creation of Peeve, (Irottld that be ineffectual, the )!Casa may issue writs ta the new and populous boroughs, and nithiltil.l them from the old MA dircaftd. Such is what may be done if the Miniatry remain in office. If they go out, the people have an effectual remedy in allowing Government to levy ron their goods for payment of tams. If they are true to themselves; if they avoid 411 acts of violence, nothing cars prevent Reform ; and the people, we are convinced, will not pertuj.% violence to take place. Let associations be famed in every street for' the protection of persons and i property. Let them instantly suppress every thing that may lead to disorder or riot, and, while they thus main.. lain the publrte, peace, let them continbe firmly to deniandt their ri s glita, 4.et this be considered stand us ? The cause is a good ca use Manchester Times. seliVea,, our. cause, and our coontry, and must prevail..— . who on asliiiu:hdoactyantosviittrth: f Hamlet at Covent-garden, came to portion the "address to the players" which con that portion o 4 , Reform," a simultaneous cheer burst fi ons con tains the word the audience, which prevented the actor for some minutes from proceeding with his part. plaj\v‘d7htheencliYairarc.teTf LING' Monday night a asps