The Sun. — London, England, 1854-05-30 00:00:00

w alking ,te frum liqueur spirits 15 im _ e ater i s liar he day. e vening) Ds phorus atrivr re strict: blazing a dinne r lish if WI, pits an a in their it result, pdaranee li aIWaY S tagonist• iular wh ° , ited an d i peal ' ea t deal aia rnall 1L P m plate on 5 110 1 essional • has been the pa st no other on to the avoided. ve are we h and 0 " rals some aired ex much re to wh°whoa i va iled o ich to do tates t/ 10 ad o f the a piece of consecra. ir the Abbe i presence tachme o Catholic ced a pr°: tians, but lg the div stify their d practise t returned Lely Lear Mae' )wing . TO OM C ell e and 00 were re- enna Silis• ith. ty , ,A,NP )01, _ F the GI; s i an tre aty pointed, uo.7f letter fro nt ;onferericeff 0 itenanco n the toll' hich th e er resP ec , o , en Fr 3l3- ci .ustria a n c h eons' ezi a coiiecto_ spect to.Pa evacti3t'°,, ottooof 'tt object of pryf .111Ww''T heir firm intention to unite their efforts to at- I i; miter (Inte of Vilina 24th, sa Ys :—" It is stated is well-informed circles that, as the first consequence of the treaty offensive and defensive concluded between Austria and Prussia, the two great German Powers yesterday sent to Ehr. St. Petersburg a demand in common for the eva cuation of the Danubian provinces. Under any c , i rcumstances the account previously given of the St cl enland having been sent was premature. It is 20 L'ositively stated that no delay has been fixed for P rissia to e ff ec t his evacuation. Little hope is !AI; f ounded on the efficacity of this demand. A qua uruple alliance between Austria, Prussia, France, 31 and England is already talked of." 97; STATE OF AUSTRIA. Letters from Vienna speak of the commercial si tuation i n w hi c h Austria has been placed by f c 'ussia as intolerable. The country is going to ruin aster than ever. During the last last six months the export trade has been almost annihilated, e niefly owing to the occupation of the principalities, 413 d the o b s t ruct i o n of Danubian navigation. These evils are currently charged on Russia ; but the de preciation of the currency, so harassing to the ! Il asses, raising the price of commodities4o per cent., 13 felt to be the fault of the government itself. GREECE. A letter from Berlin of the 20th, in the Cologne Gazette, says :—" Some days ago the Ambassadors °I Prance and England at Vienna and Berlin made a communication to the effect that French and E nglish troops would shortly occupy Greece for the purpose of maintaining King Otho and the dynasty °£ Bavaria on the throne. A similar communica ,"4:lll has been made to Munich." We learn that General Hailbronner is to be c harged with a mission to London relative to the G reek question. The Naval Gazette of St. Petersburg says that on t he 12th of April last the corvette Ariadne, 12 gnus, and the brig Orphei, 6 guns, were, by order ; I.Baron Meyendorff, the Russian ambassador at leima, given as a present to the Greek Go vern kerat, with everything on board. FRANCE. - A telegraphic despatch from Paris this morning, 20 a „ Ya :—The division under General Forey will not I_lo- to Greece ; it has received counter-orders to St. proceed straight to Constantinople. The division st. Which is now being concentrated at Avignon will 20 co o -. 10 . r upy Greece. appears that at Toulon and other great mili tarY establishments the artillery have been exer- 6 0 ' l seel for some weeks past in the practice of the best 40 me ans to destroy or neutralise the effect of red - hot 25 Lu ajls, a n d t h e resu lt seems t o b e ver y satisfactory. 25_ rp . lese exercises would lead to the supposition that t ' B s /28 , 4 , 4 attack on important fortresses is not improbable St. ''or distant ; a nd the most important fortresses of st. the day, at least those which excite the greatest in- 50 ‘erest at this moment, are Sebastopol and Cronstadt. 25 The Three per Cents. closed yesterday at 70f. Trio.T r for th e en d o f th e mon th ; the Four-and-a- 6i 70f. 25c. per Cents. 96f. 25c. ; and the New Loan, at 25 7 " vf. 25c. 50 M'.4. tKET IV IL' Ws—(THIS DAY.) I si COLONIAL. ti t Su4 An.—The market is flat, with large sales. The quan -3' of British Plantation landed last week at the East , and iest India Docks was 1,077 201 tcs, and 1,11.) bls. 'ler() were taken for home consumption 1,670 hhds, 13a ,es, 401 brls. The stock in the same places is 9,761 hhds, 4 )C23 tcs, 3,031 brls. C OFFEE.—Thi s ar ticle is drooping, as holders press sales. b Vulr• —The quantity landed last week at the East and L est India Docks was 593 puns, 320 hhds. There were 0 44 en for h ome consum ption 268 puns, 11 hhds, and ex - -11 Red ICE.3Pons 77 hhils. auction 1,330 bags Bengal was all bought in . I ,"s for mid, and 208 barrels 48 half barrels were also en in at :As 6d to 22s 6d per cwt. fOll2 bags of cloves sold publicly at 3ad to sid 1 0 roid and good. Cassia Lignea, 100 cases sold at 708 to t 3 8 for damaged. Cassia Vera, 49 cases realised 48s Gd t ° 4 9s for dark. Nutmeas 54 boxes were taken in at 2s 3d 02s sd. Limed sold at 2s 4cl to 2s sd. Pimento, 46 bags 1° at Sid for mid. piProcA..-94 barrels Rio were taken in at 2id per lb. 0 A.LLOW.—P Y C. is quiet at 608 3d. to 60s 6d per cwt O the spot. • • 7114 . —the market is steady. HAY 11A.RKETg, tIi!_MITEIPIELD.—IIeadow hay, 2/ 10* to 5/ Os ; clover Cu , 3 / 1 0s to 6/ Os ; and straw, 1/ 16s to 2/ 2s per load. moderate supply, and a sluggish demand. 4 _ IIII BERLAND.—Meadow hay, 2/ 12s to 5/ 5s clover 4, 1 7 , 3Z 1N to 61 Os ; and straw, 1/ 1.7 s to 2/ 3s per load. .„,"' hay and straw moved o ff slowly, at full prices. RITECHAPEL.—Meadow hay, 2t Ss to 5/ Os; clover Supplyand straw, 1/ 16s to 21 2s per load. 1 % 31 7 moderately good, and trade dull. LLOYD'S SHIPPING—(THIS DAY.) Ist. io l 'ONDox, May 30.—Wind this day at Noon, S.W. Ight breeze, and dull cloudy weather, with rain at times. iiThe Charles Walton, of London, was lost at Caratasca, ondur as, on the 3d of April. G lt-kvEsEND, May 30.—The Primers, from Saggo, has been brought in here a prize. o C OWES, m a y 29.—Wind, W.S.W. Arrived — Sarah A. eeltels, f rom M a t anzas ; Vesta, Porto Cabello, and sailed r Copenh agen . tufLIXOUTEI, May 29.—Wind, W.X.W. Arrived—Her ", from Sierra Leone. fr 4Lmouni, May 29.—Wind, IV. Arrived—Dahlia, Sierra Leone ; Pescazdero, Monte Video, ft,r Liver- Dool, -at eUt ° I; I AMPTON, May 29.—Arrived—Indiana (s), from a R . G LOUCESTER.—Sailed—Sophia,, for Jamaica. etItTLEPOOL, May 29.—The Blossom (brig), of and for Ib ut. l3 ; , from S ea h am , foundered off this port on the 27th lb crew saved. of tAlisAY (Isle of Man), May 27.—The Mary Wilkinson, Aais Island, sank this morning; crew landed. OURENSTOWN, May 28.—Wind, W. Arrived—Ruthi- Vrem Pernambuco ; Albion, Savannah. of r EBEc, May 13 —Seven or eight vessels are in he ice fr 4 'l) l eY Bay, with no one on board. The Shannon, an Glasgow, was seen on the 2.lth of April, in the ice Im e l " w e_en Cape Ray and St. Paul's ; had received damage, 1 1 1 was running for a port in Newfoundland. 1A, 6810 N, May 15.—The Golconda, from New with to L„ e rPool, put into Savannah Bay, May 9, with loss of k -, prit from contact, a few days previously, off Gun with the Essex (sloop), supposed British the latter ''' 4 lred considerable damage. (BT SUBMARINE AND EUROPEAN TELEGRAPH.) ,mind , S.W. • tide thr G ee RAVE rt SEND, Tuesday, 9.57 a.m. el a s r b a b s ;cloudy, variable. )1 0/ 2' w ed , 29th — Orator, from Merman Daniel. Got ; en etteri? Trio Oporto Gothenburg ( s),h burgh ; Echo, ailed-ri` Oporto ; Thalia, Genoa. anca, for Launceston. DEAL, Tuesday, 9.30 a.m. end, S.W. by W., moderato. Q" 8 8(1 —Melbourne from London, for Shanghai uiver, from London,' for St. Kitt's ; Sophia Auguste - ° ll l Waitede westward, for London. —The Dublin, Osbert, Planter, and Snowsquall. T, 4 4 , R GREAT NORTHERN RAILWAY. THE ELEC LIGHT AT THE TERMINUS.—For some evenings Past the electric light has been set up at the terminus of t ,,P direct Northern Railway, King's-cross, by the Elec ;it° Light Company, for the purpose of testing its j aei eney in lieu of gas. There are two placed at the o t!l'etne end of the terminus, one on the down, the her on the up line. The illuminating power of them e B ° great, that at some hundred feet distance a person dj a line from the terminus, is well lighted e s , them. The Company has put them up for an ZPerim ent. the Must ANNOUNCEMENTS.—The Queen has select ed a:d l i \)st Rev, the Lord Auckland, now Bishop of Sodor I,Calan, to be Lord Bishop of Bath and Wells. The th 4 rqui/ o f A ng l esey i s appo i n t e d Lord-Lieutenant of 1„ e 'eeunty of Anglesey. Rear-Admiral Edward Boxer 6 aPpointed Admiral-Superintendent in the Bosphorus. p,,. a P, t ain Robert Smart, C. 8., is appointed Captain Su tt-raltendent of Pembroke Dockyard. Mr. Robert Laws, in ,re°ker of Sheerness yard, is appointed storekeeper „, ‘-'hatepehain Dockyard. Mr . John Whittle, chief clerk Chatham Dockyard, is appointed storekeeper at l ueer ees ,. Mr. John Whitthorn to be second class Doeio in Chatham Dockyard. Mr. John Wood is ap -A,Zeci. third class clerk in Chatham Dockyard. Mr. 141 : - ',. e , (1 Buckl e y i s ap p o inted third class clerk in the Ad ti,;:aitY, Whit e h a ll. Mr. William Reed is appointed I ra class clerk in the Accountant-General's depart -32,11eut. v i r. John E. D. Hill is appointed th i rd class el * in the C on t ro ll e r of Victualling's department, Somer set - house. 411 .• CRAWFORD'S CONCERT.—This vocalist gave a Ctseellaneous entertainment yesterday evening .in tiin°BbY-hall, when a crowded audience, notwithstanding - u npropitious state of the weather, attended and en ed with evident delight to a collection of songs being In g : at eh ei‘ ° l se r : entirely for their choice expression and I ;: t° dY• Mr. Crawford, of whom we wrote a few months e o as a new candidate for public favour, is a pupil of alre h 'Wilson, whose style he adopts so well as thought to have gained approbation from th . ose who_ Publ ic Wilson inimitable Last night was his second aPpearance beiore . a London audience, and the Ittinprovernent most marked in bim on the occasion was :° possession of inure confidence and delivering himself th ah more case when singing. lle was ably assisted Li r :_ u ghont the evening by Miss Julia Chambers, Miss 4 .Y Stuart, and Miss Bleaden, all of whom did fill 31 ce to the separate parts entrusted to them. Mr. Russell Grover sang with great taste and exquisite feel .iht!le ball a d s of " Naneie, wilt thou gang wi' rue 7" ac t he Anderson, my jo;" and Mr. Elton Williams - q u itted him se lf excellently in his manly style of giving Scot r wha ha'e wi' 'Wallace bled." Mr. Crawford has - a e u a i spn to congratulate himself on the interest which the vae o h ie a ne d e e e h v g i i n a c f e u d i onhisbehalf in entertaining them with Loss evening . Mo rk OP AN EMIGRANT SHlP.—Letters from New , 00 of the 17th inst. state that the 'Winchester, . re, of and for Biston, from Liverpool, foundered 4 .P tr 2d of May. 300 passengers were put on board aragon, Mary Caroline, Anne, Robert Bruce, and Cr _ v ard, bound to Quebec ; the remainder, with the . Bayed and landed at New York, by the Wash- Ington. SRARE MARKETS. (THIS DA.Y.) BRITISH RAILWAYS. !Paid.' lienweTs. C losing Prices this day. Business done St, this day. 50 --. St, 100 I Aberdeen ~81 Embg Nottug. Bost. and Eastn. Janet... all Belfast & Ballymena. all Birmiug. Wolverh. & Stour Valley ...... .. 28 Birkeuhd. Lancsb. & Cheshire Junct all Do. Chesil. & Isirk., £5O and 225 Cons. 18i Do., .220.. 30 Rlyth & Tyne origin' £25 (issd. at £45 ) 00 Bristol and Exeter.. 00 Caledonian all Chester & Holyhead. all Cork and Bandon... all 'Cork, Black, dt Pass. 14 Corm : vall Crieff Junction 45 DublinezßelfastJunc all Dundee Perth &Aber (leen Juuetiou all Do. New , all I East Anglian all [Do., E &II).. all Eastern Counties... all lEistern Union, A Stock 100 Do., B. Stock fq Do., Now A .00' East Lancashire .00 Edinburgh & Glasgow 54 Edinb. and Peebles LOO Edin. Pali &Dundee 1 ' Forth & Clyde June. .00 Glasgow &S. Western LOO Great Northern Stk. LOO Do., A. Stock LOO Do., B. Stock LOO Gt. Sth. &West.(lre ) ___ . LOO Great Western 12 Irish South-Eastern all Lancaster & Carlisle 11 Do., Thirds 2 Do. New Thirds__ AO Laneash.audYorksh. 18; Do., Fifths 11i DD., Wst. Riding Un all Leeds Northern all Liv.Crsby.&Southpt all London & Blackwall 8! Lond. Pith. & Sthend. LOO Lond. Bright & S.Cst. LOO Loud. and N. Westn. 12 Do. Fifths 1 Do.lo/.Sh.,M&B ( 2. Do. Eighths - - - .00 Loudon amlS. Westn. 42 Do., £5O 34 . Do., £4O all Lndndrry& Coleraine all Ludndrry. & Ennisk . [OO Manch. Shef. & Linclu 4F Do., Mau. & Lin, Un [OO Midland LOO Birmng. &Derby 47 4idld. G. West. (Ire.) 174 Do. Half Shares all Newcastle & 100 Newmarket Do., Bury Extension. 17. N wpt.Aberg. & Hrfd. ? Newry & Enniskillen all Newry Warrenpoint and Rostrevor 1()0 vorfoik Vorthu.CounticsiJn. Nrorth British 16 , Borth Devon, No. 1 Do., No. 2 : . all )0., A A Deferred 8 Do., T B Guaranteed all North London N. Do. New £lO L/ lr N.&S.Wstru.,Harnp stead, and City Jn 17? North Staffordshire all North Western 10 N. Sr, S. Westru June 1 Nuneaton, Hinckley, and Leicester .00 Oxford, Worcester,k Wolverhampton 2/ 2E Portsmouth 100 Scottish Central 100 Scottish Midland 100 Shrewsbury &Bitmg 100 Do. L. &N. Western Guarante ed St c.ck 10 Shrewsby. & Herold all Shrewsby. & Ckestei (N. W. bliu ; all Do. Halves,. s all Do. Oswestry Shropshire Union Do. A, B, C,& D,fully paid up at per cent. all South Devon 100 South Eastern all South Wales 15 3. Yrksh. & Riv. Dun 5 Do 2/ 2s Staines, Wok. &Wok all Stockton & Darling 1M Stockton & Hartlepl. 100 . Cafe Vale . 8 Do. £lO shares. 100 Do. Pref., No. 21 Eames Haven Dock and Railway 17 Vale of Neath all Watered. & Kilkenny all Waterford&Limerick 16 West Cornwall 3. West End of London and Crystal Palace all West London 51s. Wimbledn & Croydon 100 York Newctl &Berw. 20 Do. Extensions 134 Do, G.N.E. Purchase 100 - York & N. Midland 0 9 5 3 !O 8 !O 2s. CI all .'4 all ;CI 14 9 all ;0 2 5 all ?.0 10 !,5 7, 10 30 10 all ;0 10 !OA all 0,1 all 0 - all 0 5 5 all O 15 LO 10 5 2 5 3 O 5 0 8 N 12 20 13,,, .0 all 2 :0 all 9 all LO all O all .0 all ;0 10 .0 all 0 all ;() all ;0 10 Loi 10, 0 12 5 2 I 0 I 6 0 8 8 all LO all ?,0 10 LO 7 ?,0 2 ?,0 15 5 all 15 174 !O 14 LO 8 LO 4 50 40 5 1 23 - 24 41 - 4i 8 - 9 13 —l2 dial 15 17 8 7d 91 93 55t b6l 14A 15 9 11 z = in 7 - 8 i; : ii iii --- li GO - 61 51 - 56 23 = ii 58 62 87i 88 71 73 L2l - 123 85 87 10 12 D - 6l# 12 61i 7i-- 7i di iii :_-_ ii -8 1 - 7 8 i p OZ - 1034 97* - tBt lid -- 1 d d - d 78 -- 79 11 - 101 - 10 -- i6i 594 60 33 - 35 d 2i 6 - 8 46 - 48 3i 3i 32 ~. 33 50 54 id —IP 43 - 7 - 7t 29 - 31 85 S 7 52 - 54 53 - 58 53 - 58 3 -2, 15 - 1 7 i 8 11 - 13 4 -30 14 16 61. —_ 62 34 30 4 2d. 4 30 -- 32 ... - • 3 17 •al 1S 5 20 22 ••• ••• 1 - 6i Chi 157 i Si 8 51 4id 47i -48 i FOREIGN. Antwerp&Rotterdam Belgian Eastu. June Boziers to Graissessac Bombay, Baroda, and Central I u dia,Scrip Central of Italy Charleroi & Erqueliu Demerara Dijon and Besancon Dutch Rhenish East Indian Do. Extension Gt. Indian Peninsula Gd. Junct. of France Grd. Trunk of Canada Do. Debentures Do. do. Gt. Central of France Western of Canada Shares Do. Bonds (Ist is. )'57 Hamilton & Toronto Do. 6 per cent. Lake Const. & Basle Lucca & Pistoj a. 5 p.c. pref Luxembourg Do. (Railway) Do. Pref Do. (Canal) Do. 6 p. et. pref ' Lyons and Geneva Lyons & Mediterran. Madras daria Antonia Do. do. New _ Melbourne Dk. & Ry Namur & Liege (with interest) Do. (es interest) Northern of France Do. 201. 3 p. c lids (fmy. B.& Ams. Slis ) NorwegianTrunkPret Paris and Lyons Ditto Bonds Paris and Orleans Paris and Rouen Paris and Strasbourg ?ariaCaen & Cherbrg. Quebec S. Richmond Rouen and Havre Royal Danish Royal Swedish Sambre and Meuse Do. 5A p. cent. Pref Southern of France St. Andrew's and Quebec (A) West Flanders Do SA, pee c. Pref Western of France West. of Switzerland Wiesbaden Zealand 3} - 1 - 3i - i d- _•• P 4d 14 2p 6 - P ..d *6 i d d 18i —19 i Par 111 - 7 —9 P dis 5i 31 3 - lid 00 .. ... id par 7 - 7i .i 4 1: iii 9 -17 p 8 - 16i :i8 - 47 36 - 38 29i • -30 i ... - Pm 2 al - 8i ... -- pm —d ad 5 6 p at —4i ad 5- 4 , MISCELLANEOUS . \ubm Coal and Iron I.ustraliau Agricult. , Lustralsn .Pcific. Mail kustraln. Royal Mail 3erlin Water Works 3rit. American Land 3rit. & Coln. Smeltg. and Reduction Co Canada crystal Palace ,:lrystal Pal. of France Eastern Steam Electrit Telograph(A) Do. (B) Electric Toleg. of Ir Geu. Steam Navigat General Screw Steam Lrisb Beetroot Sugar .lagdalena St. Navig. Nat. Pat. Steam Fuel Netherlands Land N. S. W. Coal & Inter Steam Navigat. Co N. B. Australasian._ Do. New NAIL of Europe Steam 'Peel Rr. Ld. Peninsular& Oriental Do. Do. Portland Iron Co Royal Mail Steam Scot. Austral. Invest. South Austral. Land Sabmar. Telegraph Do. Registered Yau Dimon Wad :iii ::: i 4 6 7- ii 80 - 85 cg ck ii - it ii -- is 4 - li '1 7 - ii 46i i 6 3a .• •• par— i• d I .•• -- •.• i -- tP el i 31 .. Si -2; 37 -3! l 16 111 9 23i i 10 20 20 1 1 all 1 1 i 10 5 all 50 all 50 35 2 all )0 60 1 all 25 25 1 all 1 all 00 282 561 i 6 i Sfq I St. 73 1 2 1 St 75 44 5 I St. 20 61f I 121 ' 3: 8a e 5 102 7i 97/ 8 71 78A I 20 59i 60 59i I 5 33 3 I s 13* I St. 50 per oent. I St. 62i 11 i 34 66A 7 du St. 20 25 I 17 p m 25 xi 29i 5k 52 3 1 3i 35. 5 THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY- EVENING, MAY 30 1 1854. INIPERIJ TA MENT. „s;: , th,s day this :lay. R ATLWAY& HOUSE OF COMMONS-(YESTERDAY.) THE WAR CORRESPONDENTS OF THE LONDON PAPERS. Mr. DIGBY SEYMOUR wished to ask some member of her Majesty's Government if it was true, as reported, that the correspondents of the London papers, to whom the public was indebted for so many interesting details re specting the war, would not be allowed to accompany the expeditionary army ? No answer being returned, Mr. SEYMOUR asked the question specifically of the noble lord the member for the City of London. The noble lord not being in his place, Mr. Seymour begged to put it to the First Lord of the Admiralty. Sir J. GRAHAM—I have no connection whatever with tho movements of the army. (Loud cheers.) Mr. SEYMOUR, amidst much laughter and cries of " order," next essayed to draw au answer from the Secre tary-at-War ; but the attempt was unsuccessful. CANTS RBURY BRIBERY PREVENTION BILL. The order of the day for the second reading being read, The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said, that even if the house should assent to the second reading of this bill, there would arise such serious difficulties in its subsequent stages that he despaired of being able to carry it the ough Parlia ment during the present session. (gear, hear.) ire would presently state what those difficulties were, but be was bound also to say, that since the bill was last before the house circumstances had arisen which would go a consi derable way towards impugning the principle upon which it had been framed. Hon. gentlemen who were present at the former discussion would do him the justice to remem ber that when it was contended on the other side that the disfranchisement of the voters guilty of bribery would be a violation of the immunity which had been guaranteed them, he asserted that as a lawyer he could not bring him self to believe the immunity granted them by the act to be anything more than au immunity from the penalties im posed by law in respect of bribery ; or that it went the length of tying up the hands of Parliament from taking such proceedings as it might think necessary for the pur pose of rescuing the different electoral bodies from the state of corruption into which they had fallen. While, however, he asserted that, they would also do him the justice to re member he most freely and unhesitatingly admitted that, if it could be shown, whether in this house or indeed out of it, that language had been used calculated to lead the voters to a belief that a bargain had been made, the terms of which were, that if they made a full disclosure to the commissioners they should receive as a reward complete absolution and exemption from all the consequences, penal, legal, or legislative, with respect to the deeds of which they had confessed themselves guilty—if such language had been used, he had said ho should be the last man in the world to ask the house to disfranchise those voters. (Hear, hear.) For although it appeared to him to be in the last degree necessary that Parliament should purify those electoral bodies from the slough of corruption into which they had fallen, yet even that object would be dearly purchased by the sacrifice of the public faith. (Hear, hear.) Now, he was bound to say that since the bill was read a first time, some cause bad been shown on the part of the voters, that, whether rightly or wrongly, a general impression did pre vail among them to the effect that if they made a clean breast to the commissioners with respect to the corruption in which they had participated they would not, be visited with any of the consequences of their acts, whether legal or legislative. (Hear, hear.) Under these circumstances many members on both sides of the house had been strongly opposed to proceeding further with the bill, and others entertained doubts as to the propriety of doing so. Thus the right honourable gentleman the member for Midhurst (Mr. Walpole), than whom no one could be more sin cere and anxious in his desire for the repression of bribery, had strongly objected to the bill; and many honourable members of great authority on that (the Ministerial) side, had taken a similar view of the matter. (Hear.) Besides, since this and the other bills had been read a first time, the schedules had been found to con tain various and not unimportant errors. These errors ap peared in some instances to have been made by the com missioners themselves; but still more frequently the in accuracies appeared to have been committed in transcrib-• ing and printing their reports. In some instances the names of innocent parties had been placed in the schedules; in others the parties were incorrectly described ; and in others again they were not described at all. It was qu i te clear that he could not propose to disfranchise the per sons whose names were contained in the schedules without some inquiry ; but then came the question, by what tri bunal should the inquiry be conducted ? Not before the commissioners, because having made their report, they were functi officio, and their jurisdiction had ceased ; not before a committee of the house, because it had not the power of administering an oath ; and he need not point out the inconvenience of a tribunal sitting to revise upon unsworn evidence a report founded upon evidence given under an oath. (Hear, hear.) With such difficulties in his way, he could not ask the house to proceed any further with the bills before them. (Cheers.) This was a result which he contemplated with considerable regret, for the state of these constituencies was a scandal to the repre sentative system, and a reproach to Parliament. (Hear.) In every one of them the re were persons so inured to bri bery and venality that they valued their votes only as a means of making money ; and though these persons were in themselves a minority, yet they influenced the re sult of every election as much as if a majority of the elec tors had been bribed. (Hear.) At the same time it would hardly have been just to have disfranchised such places as Hull, Cambridge, or Canterbury, for the fault of a minority; and therefore the only course left open to the Government seemed to be to proceed upon the principle involved in the bills, which he now felt obliged, for the reasons he had stated, to abandon. At the same time something ought to be done, for it was hopeless to expect a pure and free elec tion so long as things remained in their present state. Some good might be done in the less corrupt constituences by the general measures which had been recently brought in ; but he confessed he was not very sanguine that by any general measures they would be able to prevent bribery whore it had once taken root. (Hear.) He believed that at the next general election it would again-be necessary •to issue commissions to inquire into these constituencies ; and ho trusted that in future there would be no misapprehen sion as to the true construction to be put upon the act of Parliament. He trusted that the assent given by a ma jority of the house to the present bills on their first reading would teach these voters that although in the present in stance, Parliament might from a feeling of scrupulousness on the point of public faith, proceed no further against them, the act of Parliament which was compulsory on them to give evidence even of their own misconduct, only exempted them from the penal consequences of their acts, and would not prevent Parliament on another occasion from depriving them of that franchise which g iven them for the public good, but which they had used for their own private ends, and which they had shown themselves utterly unworthy. (Loud cheers.) He begged now to move that the order for the second reading of the bill before the house be discharged. Sir F. THESIGER admitted the perfect fairness with which the Attorney-General had acted, and thanked him for having relieved gentlemen on that side of the house from the imputation of having the opposed bills from a desire to screen the offenders. There was no one in the house that more abhorred bribery than himself, and he thought that there could be no more appropriate or effec tive punishment than the perpetual disfranchisement of the the guilty parties. It was only, therefore , because li e f t public faith had been pledged, that he h ad any scruple at leaving these people to their fate. He could not, however, help noticing the haste and carelessness with which the bills had been drawn. The hen. and learned gentleman had given a few instances ; an d it had actually been pro posed in one of the schedules to disfran chise two women. The parties who had prepared that schedule must have an ticipated the happy time when universal suffrage was to prevail, and they had determined to take precautions that Elizabeth Williams and Jane Moon should not participate in the general benefit. (Laughter.) On another more im portant matter he felt bound to make an observation. The commissioners had reported, in respect of several candidates that bribery was committed for their benefit, and with their knowledge and assent—(hear)—and against one person, whom he would not name, there was a report in precisely the same terms in respect of the elections of 18 41 , 1847 , and 1852. On looking into the schedules of the persons to be disfranchised for giving bribes in the name of that indi vidual, he found they were not there. (Hear, hear-) Un doubtedly, there had been great haste and great want of consideration in the mode in which these schedules had been prepared. (Hear, hear.) Seeing the view now taken by the Government, it was to be regretted that they had not arrived at it at an earlier period, for all the materials were before them, and that they had not abstained from pre senting to the house this bill, which they now confessed it was impossible for them to carry. (Hear, hear.) He was justified in the course he had proposed with respect to these bills. The character of the house would. ha andvehe, been compromised by prosecuting them fu rther ; of course, agreed in the motion for their withdravral h Mr. W. STANLEY said it was with regret he ad seen the course taken by the Attorney-General; and theyha could not help thinking that the Government, when . came to consider the whole proceeding, would andof opinion that Parliament was trifling with legislation, was . not sin- Parliament in its desire to put down corruption. Disirauchi sin cere was the proper course to bo taken in these cases ; and certainly there was evidence sufficient before the house to justify it. He thought there had b een very.great negli gence on the part of the officers of the Crown in cons inistersider ine this question. The house entrus ted them, as M of the Crown, to bring in some measure that would answer the ends of justice ; the ends of justice were now defeated; and there was no proposition on the part of Government to punish these boroughs, which were a disgrace to the country. He could not allow the order to be discharged without expressing his opinion that the course of the Go vernment was one of very considerable suspicion. Mr. V. SMITH thought the Government had done per fectly right in withdrawing the measure ; the only thing to be regretted was that it was ever introduced. (Hear, hear.) The Attorney-General had stated that there was a select committee sitting up stairs upon the bribery bills, who might perhaps recommend something more efficient than the present law ; but then he had not stated what course or would advise the the Government meant to pur sue, house to pursue as to the issue of the writs. (Hear.) If these bills were withdrawn it would be open to any one to move the issue of any of these writs on giving a single day's notice. Lord J. RUSSELL—Seven days. Mr. SMITH said it was therefore advisable to know from the Government what was their intention in the event of such a motion being made. Would they ask the house to suspend the writs until the bribery bills were disposed of? Lord J. RUSSELL said it certainly was a disappoint ment to him that the measure which he had introduced for a committee of inquiry, in order to ascertain bribery, and then to punish and prevent such bribery, had been only partially successful. He said partially successful, be cause it was a great matter that the house should have the means, which it had not before, of obtaining by evidence upon the spot full and complete proof that certain elections had been carried by bribery. That was cer tainly one stop towards amendment. But he trusted that the measures, which had been referred to a se lect committee up stairs, upon which the members of that committee had taken very great pains, would be brought before the house in such a shape that they might at all events provide a remedy for this evil. It certainly was the opinion of the Government evil. c writs for these boroughs should not be issued until these bills had been disposed of. If they were a pproved by Parliament there would be a chance that those disgusting scenes which took an d w hi c h were detailed in the reports place at elections, of the commissioners, would not be repeated at those elec tions. If those bills were rejected by that or the other house, he did not think there would be sufficient ground for refusing to issue the writs ; though he should lament if returns were to be made by the same corrupt constituencies as had hitherto in most instances decided those elections. Mr. G. BUTT said that what had been suggested by the noble lord ought not to operate as a reason for suspending the writs. The committee on the bribery bills was most anxious to submit to the house A measure which h e trusted all Aqua Fria all Anglo Austrin. Gold all Anglo Californian 2 Australasian 6' kustralian all Australian Cordillera all Australian Freehold all Ave Maria all Baden (Gd. Duchy o 1) all Blaenarvon Ir. & Coal all British Austrin. Gold 13.:") British Iron . 24 Brazilianlmp.(issued at £5 pm all Do. Cocacs & Cuiada 15 Do. St. John Del Rey Carson's Creek Clarendon Con. Min Co. of Jamaica.- all Cobra Copper 1 Colonial Gold 15 Copiapo all Copper Min. of Eng all Do. Pref. 7i p. cent. all English and Austen. Copper Smeltg. Co. all General all Great Nugget Vein all Do. Registered all Great Polgooth all Liberty all Linares all Lond.&Californ.Gold Quartz Crush. Co all Mariquita 9 Mexican&S.Americn all New Granada all New Linares Mining -and Smelting Co all Nouveau Mondo all Pontgibaud Silver . Lead Min. & Smelt 1 Port Philip all Quartz Rock all illiyinuoy Iron 15 Do. New 10i Santiago de Cuba „. all .south Australian 7 fin Croft all United Mexican all Waller all West Granada all West Mariposa 12s. Worthing Mining 01 Australia all I Yuba JOINT-STD all ikustralasia all British Colonial Bank and Loan Company all British N. American 5 Chartd. Bank of Asia 2 Chrttl, Bnk. of India, Australia, & China 25 ~;*olonial 20 Commercial of Lond. 12 Eng,lish Scottish and Australian 20 Loud. Chart. Bk. of Australia 20 Loudon and County 10 London Joint Stock.. 20 bond. & Westminster 35 National Provincial of Eng1and........... . 10 Do. New ............... 226 National of Ireland.. all New South Wales.... all 9riental Bank of 46 - 48 Corporation 5 Do. New 25 Provincial of Ireland all Do. New 1 ',loyal Australn.likg & Gold Imp Co all Mouth Australia all Union of Australia 2, Do. New 10 union of London :ii. - 43 r 74 70 -'-'. " 0 7 - 8 Mr. John Wood, Chairman of the Board of Inland Revenue, and Mr. Timm had an interview with the Chancellor of the Exchequei ; Sir Alexander Spearman had also an interview with the right hon. gentleman yesterday, at bio aficial residence in Powning-etrect. would to a great extent cure the evils of which everybody complained. But the ground for withdrawing these bills was this. No one could doubt that the indemnity which the commissioners gave was a full and perfect oue, and that that was the true construction of the act of 1852; and if the letter of that statute justified these bills, its spirit never could do so. Consequently, the bills being with drawn, those who were convict e d of br i bery by the finding of the commissioners remained good voters ; and, at an events, there was no reason why Hull, Canterbury, Cam bridge, Malden, and Barnstaple should not have represen tatives in Parliament. Whatever might be the nature of the bill to come from the committee up stairs, it could not contain any clause which would operate as a rea son for not allowing those places to be repre sented. He submitted that there could be no reason whatever for delaying the issue of the writs. The excel lent reasons given by the Attorney-General for the pro ceeding with those bills were the strongest and most cogent reasons why they should never have been introduced.. (Hear, hear.) There might be doubts as to the construc tion of the net ; but the difficulty of carrying tho bills through Parliament must surely have been known before they wore introduced. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said he understood that the order of last session, requiring seven days' notice of the motion to issue a writ, was only a sessional order ; and he under stood it was now competent for any gentleman to move, at any moment, the issue of a writ for any of these five de linquent boroughs, without any notice whatever. If the noble lord thought this should not be done till the bribery bills were disposed of, he should pass a resolution to that effect. He (Mr. Duncombe) should - certainly object to a writ being issued to any of them during the present Par liament. (Hear, hear.) If they allowed these boroughs to go scot-free, after the reports of those commissioners, the sooner they repealed the act constituting the commis sioners, the sooner they restored the franchise to St. Albans and Sudbury, the better. (Cheers.) Under what circumstances could they expect to get so strong a report from commissioners on any borough as those on Canter bury (Cambridge was not so strong), Hull, Malden, and Barnstaple ? Most of them were old offenders. (Hoar, hear.) Perhaps no gentleman ever made a better speech against those bills than the Attorney-General him self had done that night ; it was a speech the honour able and learned member for Stamford might have been almost jealous of.S? (Laughter.) But the Attorney- General was not at all sanguine that things would not go on as they were. He said that after another elec tion fresh commissions might issue. What were they to issue for ? (Hear, hear.) Where could they get better re ports to act upon ? If they were not to be acted upon, the sooner they washed their hands of it, and let everybody bribe away as fast as they could, the better. (Hear, hear.) That was what it was coming to as fast as possible. The public would be of opinion that the house was floundering on with the question of bribery, and that they could not grapple with it. (Hear.) He believed that there was quite enough made out in the reports to disfranchise these bo roughs. There was no precedent on their journals for dis franchising individual voters, as proposed by these bills ; but they had precedents sufficient in the cases of St. Albans, I Sudbury, and others, for disfranchising whole boroughs. He did not believe that there would be any breach of good faith in disfranchising these individuals ; but it was not his intention to vote for a partial, but for a whole disquali fication of these boroughs. (Hear, hear.) They must do as was done on former occasions, and create a new consti tuency. In the case of New Shoreham, a certain number of individuals were disqualified from voting for ever, any where. Here they were only disqualified for the boroughs to which they belonged. Parliament disfranchised Now Shoreham, and created a new constituency, calling in the Rape of Bramber. What was called the " Christian Club" were disfranchised ; they were sworn and banded together, "on the true faith of a Christian"—(laughter)—to return the best man they could find for the most money. (Great laughter.) These boroughs were very much in the same position. If tho house let the whole go scot free, with all their commissions about bribery, they would mate them selves the laughing stock of the country. (Hear, hear.) Mr. DISRAELI - thought some explanation was due from the Government to the house as to the views they entertained of the probable progress of public business, and what prospects they really had of carrying the impor ant measures of which they had given notice. The Go vernment had given notice of seven important measures this session. He could not recall an instance when so many measures of importance had been introduced by Ministers. A great many of them were brought in with all the authority of being mentioned in the Queen's Speech; and those that were not so noticed were not of loss impor tance. All those measures touched upon the most consi derable subjects that could engage the attention of Parlia ment. Of these seven measures, the Government had been defeated on three; three had been withdrawn; and the seventh would engage the attention of the house when the present business had terminated. The Government had been defeated on a bill for an entire change of the law of settlement, a bill for the public education of Scotland, and a bill for the total reconstruction of Parliamentary oaths. They had withdrawn three bills—the bill now before the house for disfranchising a large portion of the constituency of five boroughs; they had not introduced a most impor tant measure, namely, for the complete change of the civil service, which he thought would have entirely altered the character of the country, and the whole spirit of our administration ; and they had withdrawn a measure re specting parliamentary reform. (" Hear, hear," and laughter.) There still remained the seventh important measure—the one for the reform of the University of Ox ford ; and on this they had received considerable, though partial, defeats. Ho wanted to know what were the pros pects, when they introduced these important measures, of their being able to carry them ? Did they believe that they could have passed a bill for the reform of parlia ment—that they could have effected a reform of the civil service—could have disfranchised the consti tuencies of those offending boroughs could have established a system of public education in Scotland — could have revised the whole of the parliamentary oaths, or changed the Protestant constitution of the coun try—(cheers from the Opposition)—could have settled the law of se ttleinent—(laughter) —and could have reformed the University of Oxford ? (Hear, hoar.) Did they believe, when introducing these important subjects to the considera tion of Parliament, and they had a fair prospect of carrying all those measures . ; and, if not, were those measures that ought to have been introduced ? (Hear, hear.) Whatever difference there might be as to the expediency of these measures, they all possessed one characteristic—they were either assaults upon the rights of the subject, or upon the institutions of the country. (Cheers from the Opposition.) They were met that night with the intention of disfran chising a considerable number of her Majesty's subjects. After reading that bill a second time they were to proceed to attack the rights of the University of Oxford. Some might think that in both instances such violent measures should be had recourse to ; but no one could deny that one was an attack upon the rights of electors, the other upon the rights of the university. (No, no.) No one would deny that the scheme of parliamentary reform was an at tack upon an institution of the country. The noble lord and his friends might think the measure a very beneficial one ; still, it was to effect a very great change in an insti tution. Every one must feel that the measure with re spect to the civil service of the country was one that menaced most important changes in the institutions of the country, and probably might have effected a greater alte ration in the habits and character of the people than any other measure that had been proposed in Parliament. No one would deny that the Scotch Education Bill was an assault upon an institution—the parochial schools of Scot land. He gave no opinion at all upon the merits of those measures, but these were their characteristics. (Hear.) Would any one say that the abrogation of the law of set tlement was not an attack upon an institution? If his view of these measures was correct, it was highly impru dent in any government to bring forward measu res and changes of that character when they had not a fair prospect of carrying them. (Hear, hear.) Let the house decide whether they thought Government had a fair prospect of carrying those seven important measures when Parliament met or not. Suppose the noble lord had proceeded with that measure so dear to his heart, the reform of Parlia ment, and had not raised the siege of Parliament which he had maintained for three years; did he suppose that by this time he would have succeeded in passing that mea sure ? And how, in the interim, would the other measures have prospered ? The house and the country should never forget that they had the groat blessing of having their affairs administered by men remarkably distinguished for for their abilities—(cheers)—by men who had made enormous sacrifices both for their country and themselves. (Laughter.) There was the noble lord himself—no man had made greater sacrifices. He had thrown over all his old colleagues, and had connected himself with a coterie of public men who had passed greater part of their public lives in depreciating his abilities and running down his eminent statesmanship. (Cheers and laughter.) And had the noble lord succeeded in the object for which ho made those sacri fices, his position would be more easily understood. But, finding as they did, near the end of May, that of these seven most important measures—the most important ever pro posed to parliament—three had been withdrawn, and three had only brought defeat to the government—he thought the time had come when it was impossible not to consider that the house had not received that ample compensation which was held out. to them for the break up of parties, and for not following the genius and spirit of -parliamentary consti tution—that they had not received that full, adequate, and ample compensation, in well digested and statesmanlike measures that had been held out to them. (Cheers from the Opposition.) When they were told that the Government, to be sure, had no principles, but had all the talents — (laughter)—they had aright to expect that the noble lord, who always behaved pretty handsome to the house, would at least have done something, or had given them something to compensate for that unnatural position of affairs which had banished all his former colleagues to in visible positions in the house, and had placed him on the ministerial bench in the midst of those who had been decry ing his course for the last quarter of a century. (Cheers and laughter.) He had thought it necessary to make these few observations to call public attention to the facts : for this was such a busy country, and men had so much to do that they often had not time to take stock of what their representative were doing. It was most important they should understand that, the month of May having nearly terminated, the Government had introduced six most im portant measures, none of which had advanced, or could advance a. single stage, three of them having occasioned to the Government ignominious and complete discomfiture, and the other three having been discreetly withdrawn. The seventh remained ; but it had already led to consider able defeat, and would, he hoped, that night receive its final overthrow. (Cheers.) The ATTORNEY-GENERAL wished to say a word in explanation in reference to what had fallen from Mr. V. Smith. Nothing could be further from his intention than to reflect on the conduct of the commissioners. Tho errors in the schedules were only such as it was natural to find there, seeing the comprehensive inquiry in which the learned gentlemen had been involved. Nor had he as cribed more than one or two such errors to the commis e - sioners ; the rest ha d been made in copying, or by th printers. All he had said was that the commissioners had in one or two instances , used l an g ua g e which, although strictly and legally correct, might he capable of n more enlarged construction. H o had before him ono of their announcements, in which it was stated that d _eamlnipdeord B ens who gave true answers should be meaning froin of anyleg t a h l os i e 'ro words, ce bTuhterleie was sulndo understandqUirtebitas llaconsequences. t t l i i o a n t , they mmigighhtthzhevaeveregcievivenedraisionotroo agneneirawl rienstsieornprtebtaaz the voters would be ind emnified from a reflection on the commissioners. He t Nothing could be further from his mind belie eavnetdo make any in the most had discharged an exceedingly difficult et honourable and impartial manner. Mr. HUME—Before the order as to what we shall have an answer from the _ he writs. (Hear, hear.) (H . a n r . y hear.) order is discharged, I hope they intend to do about t e h en o.n t , o m ld em sin be ce r gu is e s o t r i c o l n J . . RUSSELL —I have already answered that f h or as an b y tha M t r h . is il a U n M sw E er — i ß s may move the issue of these writs on a single day's notice. (Hear, hear.) g u o t od th f e or n n ob ot l h e in lo g r i a Mr. BRIGHT H said the noble lord had referred to the bills up-stairs, e doubted whether the noble lord would find anything in them which would be a fair answer to I anybody who chose to move for those writs. (Hear, hear.) Being one of the committee, he thought that was the-con clusion to which ho should come on further consideration. He hoped the noble lord would not give a final answer till next day. He should be sorry if pledged himself against the issuing of these writs, and doubted very much whether he would be able to maintain it on the ground he had stated. (Hear, hear.) After a few words from Sir H. WILLOUGHBY, the order was discharged. CAMBRIDGE BRIBERY PREVENTION BILL. On the motion to discharge the order for the second reading of this bill, Lord J. RUSSELL said—l certainly had understood that there was still an order of the house, or at least a general understanding, that seven days' notice must be given before the issuing of a writ. If that order should not be in force, I should move it to-morrow, as an order of the house; for I think the issuing of these writs is a very important measure, and one that ought not to be taken without due notice. I think there is a clause in one of the bills which I introduced, now under the consideration of the select committee, which disqualifies persons who shall be found, by different methods, guilty of bribery ; and my view is, if you pass a bill containing h an efficient clause to that effect, that the personwcs are in the habit of receiv ing bribes at Canterbury, Cambridge, or elsewhere, would be deterred by that statute from exposing themselves to disqualification, and to be posted up in the re g ister of voters, thus making them inf a m ous i n the bough . to which they belong, as persons guilty of administering bribes. My belief is that the writs ought not t o i ssue until such a bill has passed. (Hear, hear.) The right h on . gentleman the member for Buckinghamshire has taken the occasion of these bills being withdrawn, to remark on the numberf m easures which have been introduced, som e in accordance with the recommendations of the Queen's speech, and some in pursuance of notice by members of the Government, which have been either defeated or withdrawn ; and he urges that, unless the Government had good reason to sup pose that those measures would be carried, that they should never have been brought forward at all. I cannot say, fro m my experience of a reformed House of Commons, that there can be that certainty as to the passing of measures which there used to be before the passing of the Reform. Bill. (Hear, hear.) It certainly was a very pleashnt con viction when a minister could rely upon a great number of boroughs, the members for which had been returned by himself or his immediate friends, colleagues, or connexions. (Cheers.) We cannot have the same certainty of a majority on the measures we now bring forward. (Hear.) Thet right hon. gentleman himself, when he was a minister an& sat upon this bench, brought forward a plan of finance of very considerable importance ; but he was not successful in ob taining the assent of this house to his meastire. (Laughter.) I suppose he did not bring it forward without the expecta tion of being able to carry it. And such has been our case ; and no doubt we feel very much the disappointment. (Hear, hear.) But the right hon. gentleman may say that, on his financial measure being defeated, the Government to which he belonged resigned. (Cheers from the Opposi tion.) But we have had some questions this year—one question immeasurably superior in importance to any ex cept the reform measure which I proposed—on which we have had symptoms of the opinion of the house. VV' e laid upon the table of the house all the negotiations that had taken place with regard to an impending war. The right hon. gentleman accused the Government of connivance or credulity.. That was a question on which he might have tested the opinion of this house ; and if the house had thought that either connivance or credulity was the characteristic of the Government, they might have de clared their opinion by a majority. But the right hon. gentleman never dared to do anything of the kind. (Cheers.) He made a speech of considerable length, and then contented himself by not moving anything. (Hear, hear.) But if their scruples were so great, if they were so unwilling to disturb thu Government, if they felt that in the critical position of affairs so much forbearance was due, that though they might indulge in hostile criticism, they would not vote on any important question affecting the conduct of Government—how is that reconcileable with their recent conduct ? That can hardly be said to be the case ; because when we had obtained a vote for the ex penses of the war, we no sooner proposed measures of ways and means by which the expenses of that war were to be defrayed, than the right hon. gentleman and his friends came forward to defeat that measure and to deprive us of the means of carrying on that war. (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman was dfeated by a majority of 100 on that question. The right hon. gentleman, therefore, cannot say that though we have been defeated, he has had the con fidence of the house either on that question or on his assault upon the Exchequer-bond plan of my right hon. friend. (Hear, hear.) Not only was he met on that question by the reply of my right hon. friend, who took away all the pretences and arguments by which the right hon. gentle man assailed the character and conduct of the Government, but on a division, a majority of 100 decided against the view which the right lion. gentleman entertained. (Hear, hear.) Therefore, whatever may be said of the different measures which we proposed, it cannot be said that the right hon. gentleman has obtained the confidence of the house, which his Government did so much to lose during the time they were in office. (Hear, hear.) It must be a great relief to the right hon. gentleman that the bill I introduced the other night was defeated. What security our Protestant constitution has from the oath by which we say that none of the descendants of a person named James 111. has any right to the throne of England, I cannot ima gine—(laughter)—or what security there can be in Pro testants taking this oath, to which Protestants have no objection, but which does not strengthen their Protestant principles or attachment to the constitution ; but, from which certain members of the house being Roman Catho lics are totally and entirely exempted. (Hear, hear.) But if some hon. gentlemen are of opinion that the Protestant constitution of the country is more secure by . means of that oath, I can only say that I think that opinion will progress—that if that is the opinion at the present time, it will not be the opinion some years hence, that if persons are not attached to the constitution and the throne from affection and from loyalty, you will not make them more attached to it by any form of .words. (Hear, hear.) I belie= that out.form of government has the sincere attach ment and affection of the people, and that pot need not exclude any person from it by a paitioular form of 'oat& (Hear, hear.) The vote of a few nights ago had one prac tical effect, and one only, and that was to exclude the Jews from Parliament. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman declared, I have no doubt with great sincerity, his wish to see the Jews in possession of the same pri vileges as all the other subjects of the crown ; that he thinks them peculiarly worthy—more worthy than either Protestants or Roman Catholics to possess them— but still, notwithstanding his great anxiety to see them in possession of these equal privleges, the right hon. gentle man has on some occasions absented himself from voting for them, and on another occasion he has voted against them, so that the particular opinion of the hour always seems to overcome his particular attachment to the Jews. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) Such is the position of the right hon. gentleman, and such is the position of the Govern ment. I regret that the Government has been defeated, but with regard to the measures to which I have referred, the house has not shown that it has any confidence in the right hon. gentleman, and it has affirmed the measures of the Government. (Cheers.) Mr. DISRAELI—The noble lord appears to think that I have expressed surprise at his not having resigned office, I assure the noble lord that he is labouring under a delusion. (Hear, hear.) I should have been immensely surprised if the noble lord had resigned. (Hear, hear, and oh, oh.) I think, sir, that many more defeats—if possible more humiliating and more complete—must be sustained before the noble lord will feel the necessity of any such ceremony. (Hear, hear.) I know the noble lord very well in the posi tion which he now occupies, of governing the country upon sufferance. Years ago, and for many years I sat opposite to the noble lord ; and I have seen him submit to the most humiliating—the most disgraceful defeats, yet ad here to office with a tenacity, or a patriotism, which was most admirable. The noble lord, therefore, is in error if he supposes that I am taunting him with not resigning office, or expressing any surprise at his maintaining the position which he occupies. The noble lord, I say, is under a complete mistake. (Hear.) The noble lord has told us also that, all the papers with respect to the trans actions connected with the East having been laid upon the table, I made a speech, and gave my opinion upon those papers—that I gave my opinion that the conduct of the Government could only be accounted for upon the supposi tion of connivance or credulity, and that I did not take the opinion of the house upon the issue. (Hear.) But the noble lord forgets that all the papers had not been laid upon the table. The noble lord seems quite to have forgotten that, when I made that speech to which he has referred, there were most important papers which were net upon the table. (Hear.) He quite forgets that her Majesty's Minis ters had announced that they would lay all the papers on the table, and that they had induced Parliament to con sider those State papers when the most important were kept back and secreted—(hear)—and when, if it had not been for the almost unprecedented notice of the secret ne gotiations of the Government which appeared in a foreign newspaper, the people of this country would not only have been in total ignorance of what had occurred, but would have been completely misled upon the whole transaction, and would have adopted, probably, a completely different view from that which I believe they now entertain. (Hear, hear.) I confess I think I made some mistake when I said that the conduct of the Government could only be accounted for by connivance " or" credulity. (Hear, hear.) That was too limited a view of the case. (Hear.) When we had all the papers before us, my opinion then was more complete and mature, and I say that the con duct of the Government can only he accounted for by con nivance " and" credulity. (Hear, hear, and oh, oh.) And lam quite confident that before longat The noble th will be the general opinion of the country. (Hear, h ar,) lord alluded—l did no t think most felicitously—to e the failure of the fina ncial measures of the Government of Lord Derby — (hea r, hear),—and then, sul l i a de c e i n l e y d r t e o c o c H o n e ct. s e ing himself, rem embered that that failure quence s very different from his own conduct. (Hea that rr, hear.) I think that it wa s not a very happy allusion,er ence to our financial measures, so far as concerns the con duct o G f a ov ernment being dependent on success or failure ; but as that allusion has been made—as the noble lord has touched on the failure of the financial measures of the Government of Lord Derby—l trust that the house will not think me intrusive if I refer to some measures of that Government with which the members of the present Government possess some connection. (Hear, hear.) ' I must say this for the noblelord, that from the first moment that the Government of Lord Derby was formed, they did no t find in the noble lord a fair o pp onent. (Hear, he ar , an d oh, oh.) I will not say of the noble lord what he said o f me, when, some sixteen months ago, I gave h i m friendly intimation that he had better be looking after some of his colleagues, who, in their sagacity, were insult ing the Emperor of the French. (Hear, hear.) I will-not s ay to the noble lord what he then said to me, that my c onduct was imbued with the spirit o f faction. (Hear.) it is quite unnecessary for me to say that, when calling the attention of the house to the conduct of the noble lord when the Government of Lord Derby was formed. (Hear.) He had scarcely retired from office—from which he was not driven by us, but by his courtly quarrels with his own colleagues—when he lent the whole weight of his influence to an opposition to the establishment of a militia upon the voluntary principle. (Hear, hear.) Night after night the noble lord opposed that measure brought forward by my right hon. friend the member for Midhurst. (Hear, hear.) He exhausted every combination of faction, opposed the bill at every stage, and exhausted, at last, even the patience and the confidence of his own friends. (Hear, hear.) And now let me appeal to the house and to the country as to their opinion of that measure. Is it not recognised as one of the most successful measures that was ever passed through Parliament ? (Hear, hear.) Is it not the safeg uard and protection of the country at the present moment, (Hear, hear.) But is that all? Why , I recollect that there, was another measure of the Government of Lord Derby . And what was the conduct of the noble lord and his friends in reference to that? We wanted to re- form the Court of Chancery. (Heer, hear hest.)- • . Wanted to bring in me asures t o re f orm th e C ourt of Chan. eery, and the noble lord and his friends opposed. They said, " You are going to reform the Court of Chancery , upon the eve of a diss o l u ti on o f P ar li amen t ; thi s m ust never be." (Hear, hear.) But the good spirit and high feeling of the house rendered that opposition futile; and enabled us to. carry those important measures which had been introduced by Lord St. Leonards in another ,place. (Hear, hear.) Now, I ask the house, was not the reform of the Court of Chancery a most important object ? (Hear, hear.) The country is indebted for that measure not to the distinguished statesman opposite, but to the Govern= . ment which from the first moment he opposed with every artifice of faction. (Hear.) And I ask the house, suppose the reform of the Court of Chancery had not been accom plished by Lord Derby; would you by this time have had that object achieved by the Government of " all the ta lents"—this Government which makes such enormous pro. fessions, and accomplishes such slight results ? (Hear, hear.) Look at the distinguished and gifted beings before me —what have they done at all equal to the establish ment of a militia on the voluntary principle and to the re form of the Court of Chancery? There was another men- , sure which we proposed and did not succeed in carrying, and which is very appropriate to the discussion of this evening. (Hear, hear.) There were certain vacant seats, occasioned by the disfranchisement of certain boroughs, which, year after year, had never been filled up. The Go vernment of Lord Derby came forward, and made a large, and enlightened, and liberal proposition to this house. They laid down a principle which the noble lord himself has since adopted for his own Reform Bill (Hear, hear.) They said that you should give those forfeited seats to great counties which were not sufficiently represented, and they proposed to give them to the West Riding of Yorkshire and to Lancashire. (Oh, oh, and laughter.) How were we opposed ? We were opposed with all the sanctimonious rhetoric of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. (Hear, and, oh, oh.) He said, " God forbid that you should be per mitted—a Government upon sufference—to introduce a measure of Parliamentary reform. This Government must possess much stronger proofs of the confidence of the house before we allow the seats which have been taken from Bt. Albans and Sudbury to be appropriated to the intelligens* and population of the north of England. (Hear, hear.) No; you must wait. * You must have a Government that you have confidence in." I suppose that the vision of a perfect reformed Government passed before the prescient and pro phetic glance of the right hon. gentleman. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Yet what have you got in the way of Parlia mentary reform from " the Government of all the talents?" (Laughter.) Would you have been suffering much if Lan cashire and Yorkshire had been more fully represented? Yet there, in the political dusthole, lie Sudbury and St. Albans still, while the Government is unable to deal with the other tainted seats which have been brought before the louse to-night. (Hear.) Well, then, says the noble lord, "You brought f orwar d fi nanc i a l measures an d f a il e d . " It is true that we brought forward financial measures which we could not carry, but we did that which I think it was our part to do—which will always be my part, at least when I have the misfortune to propose measures and fail ; for I will never be a minister upon sufferance. (Cheers.) What was the conduct of the present Government with respect to those financial measures ? (Hear.) Tak 3 the great and leading features of those measures—take the declaration on our part that there should be a difference recognised in the , imposition of the income tax between permanent and pro fessional incomes. That was a point upon whichthe noble Ilord declared his conviction that it was a most dangerous principle of finance. (Hear, hear.) Yet, what did he do 't Why, he became a member of a Government which intro duced and carried a graduated income tax—a 'measure which could only be passed on the pretence that it was an ultimate measure, and that matters would be so arranged as that the income tax, after a certain period, should no longer be levied. But what are you now doing? Why, you have a war, and you raise your principal supplies for carry ing on that war by a graduated income tax—that most pernicious and dangerous of all financial propositions. (Hear, and a laugh.) Yet the assertions of a principle in our financial scheme, which was but a principle of j ustice could not be tolerated by the noble lord—who yet became a member of a Government by which a graduated income tax was introduced and passed. (Hear.) Well, sir what did the noble lord next? Under what circumstances did he allow himself to join that Government? The noble lord had said before that he made a very great sacrifice. He partedfromthe colleagues who had all his life been faithful to him, to take into his bosom those ancient foes who had passed their lives in depreciating his talent, and decrying his eminent ability. The noble lord, I may say, broke up the very being of that great historic party, the confident") of which ought not to have been less precious to him than the favour of his Sovereign. (Hear, hear.) What did he do this for ? Not from any spirit of faction, not from any spirit of- political jealousy, or of political envy of Lord Derby, or any one else—(hear, hear)—but because he was devoted to great principles, and resolved to carry great measures—the great measure of education, for example— to carry great measures of education. That was his reason for breaking up an ancient and an honourable party, con nected by association with the glory of this country. There were other great measures which were not so pressing —the reform of this house, for example, and the accom plishment of the religious liberty of the country. (Hear.) Well, we know what happened to that great scheme of Government which the noble lord brought forward last year. Ido not know whether it was defeated or with drawn. I believe it evaporated while the noble lord was making his exposition of it to the house. (Hear, hear.) So wise and statesmanlike was that measure—so amply did it justify the confidence which was reposed in its author, that I believe it never was brought under formal discussion and deliberation in this house. But the noble lord, who is a man of inexhaustible resources, rallies on the question of education this year, and tries his great scheme in one part only of the United Kingdom. (Hear, hear.) That scheme has been ignominiously de feated in this house, of which he is the leader. (Hear.) Well, sir, the noble ord, who has been for three years, as I have already said, besieging the House of Commons, and who took, nevertheless, the whole of last year to mature a measure on the subject of Parliamentary reform, has brought forward such a measure during the present session. What caused the failure of that measure? (Hear, hear.) I-believe that the noble lord must look for his opponents • must probably among those new allies with whom he now concerts. (Hear, hear.) We witnessed tho emotion of the noble lord when he had to come forward in the House of Commons, and to announce the relinquishment of his favourite seheme. (Hear.) Some were inclined to treat that ebulition with indifference, or with mockery—(oh, oh) — and some to attribute it to the lower feelings and senti ments of our nature—(loud cries of " oh, oh")—I was not. (Hear.) I expressed at the time what I sincerely felt, and reflection has never for a moment made me regret. (Hear.) I could easily understand how a person of the noble lord's temperament might be so affected, and I felt that the tone of Parliament was raised and elevated by it than the re verse. (Hear.) But I cannot forget—at least, when the noble lord attacks me as he has tonight—that he has made that measure one of the reasons for the strange and equi vocal position which he now occupies in the Government of her Majesty. (Hear.) There was still another measure which might have induced him to linger at his post, but with reference to which he met last Friday night with the most signal and complete discomfiture. I was asking—when I made the few remarks, which I little thought would lead to this discussion—l was asking what prospect the Governs meat had when they introduced, or promised to introduce, these bills, of being able to carry them through Parliament. hoar.) I might ask the noble lord further, what are the relations now existing between him and the Government of which he is a member? (Hear, hear.) All the great measures to which he made what I admit were costly sa crifices, have been defeated, yet the noble lord still retains his post. (Hear, hear.) The most eminent statesman of this country—one of the oldest and most experienced members of this house—one who has been thrice Secretary of State, Secretary of State in each department, and who was Prime Minister of England for a long time—one who is associated with the memory of a groat principle, believed by large bodies of the people of this country, and who was the leader of a noble historic party—without a department, condescends to accept subordinate office, under one who is not only a Minister not entitled to the confidence of the country —(immense cheering)—but who was his ancient and inveterate political opponent, and whom, only four years ago, he rose and denounced in this house—he talks of "connivance" now—as a "conniver" with foreign con spirators— (hear, hear)—and now the noble lord comes down and tells me that this veto the other night, which he admits was an overwhelming defeat, was caused by my being false to the principles which I profess in this house. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord said that I pretend to be an asserter of the claims of the Jews to political equality with the other subjects of her Majesty, and that I have made that a convenient political scheme—that when the occasion suited me I went out, and did not vote, and when on the occasions I found it convenient to vote against it, I did not hesitate to do so. (Hear, hear.) Now I gave to that statement of the noble lord the most un equivocal and most unqualified denial. (Hear, hear.) I deny that I ever absented myself at any period of my life from any division in which the rights of the Jews were concerned. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord, who is the leader of the House of Commons, and who ought not to make such a statement of any man—least of all of me—on such a subject, ought to have informed himself better before he made such a statement. (Hear, hear.) Suppose I were to get up and say that the noble lord had made Parliamentary reform a mere political convenience. (Hear, hear)—that when it suited him he made it convenient to quit the house and not vote at all, and that when it suited him also, he would lave to give a vote against it. (Hear.) Perhaps I might, without much ingenuity, make out a very colourable case of that kind against the noble lord. (Hear.) But I should scorn to do i t. (Sea r:)I am convi nce d th a t the noble lord is sincere in the opinions which he professes with respect to Parliam entar y reform,,and that if he voted against the measures of Parliamenta ry reform introduced by Lord Derby's Government, it was because he felt that he was bound to do it by his obligations to those principles which he wished to see successful. But the noble lord can make no colourable case against me. (Hear, against do not his voted onbsiildlerthtehaotthlevronteidghatg, against n tell st a bill he l i l and noble if lord rd tha t which would have benefitted the Jew but I voted against a bill which I believed would have done greater injury to the Jew than any other measure that had aver been brought forward. I will say no more. I will express my sorrow and surprise that the gentleman professing the Roman Catholic religion in this house should have deemed it con sistent with their duly and their interest to support that measure. (Hear.) lam confident they never yet go" ) 8 ,.' vote more likely to injure them in the opinion of the gam body of the people of this country—or - having a ot tr° 7l ,l7 l tendency to weaken their own position, than the v ote the gave that night. (Hear.) Well, sir, I or indirect, the.noble lord had no communication, direct forward that with the Roman Catholic body, on bring t in t g hey could not bill. (Hear.) lam quite convinced the have recommended it. lam convinced g entlemen of that no lord had their acuteness must have see n that the nobly Roman Catholics some other object, besides benefiting the have • in that bill. What may been or the Jews in bringing but I have my own the object, it ' is not for me to inquire; tliat the noble lord was opinion upon it. And I believe influenced `his who have already influenced solely influence by coons his position, and who wi ll not rest from their endeavours until they have permanently sullied his illustrious name. This I tell the noble 11 lord. I have endeavoured to vindi- eak) myself from the atta ck ho made upon me. And l must repeat—because the subject is one upon which I do not wish to be misunderstood —that the noble lord was nev er more leis • • ta k en — u nintentionally, no doubt—than w hen he says I ever left the house when a question which ' co ncerned tho claims of the Jews was under its consider ation. (Cheers.) Sir GEORGE GREY ; I wish I could believe that the course which, has been taken upon this occasion was calcu lated to elevate the tone or the character of this house. (Hear, hear.) I certainly had hoped, from the tone of the observations made by the hon. and learned member for Stamford, that the withdrawalof these bills would nothave been made the occasion for party discussion, or for acrimo nious debate—a debate which cannot lead to the decision of the house, upon any of ,the questions put in issue by the right bon, gentloman opposite. The tone of the hon. and all Bedford and I Bletchley 100 Buckghamsh all Clydesdale Jc. 100 E. Lincoln gr. 6 per cent. all Glas. Barr. & Neils. Direct all Do. New all Glstr.& Dn. Fr ' all 'lrtlpl. Dk. & Railway all [lull & Selby all Do. A Shares. all Do. Shares. all Lou.&Grecnw all Do. Preference 109 Lowestoft gr. 4 par cent. 100 DJ. 6 per ct. all Manch. Bxtu and Matlock all Middlesbro' Redcar all Yfidld.Bradfcl all gortheru and Eas tern 5p . c. --... 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