The Sun. — London, England, 1863-11-17 00:00:00

111 IE FRENCH EMPIRE, - - 4 . --- ( From the Galignani's Messenger.) The official statement of the situation of the em pire, comp used of reports sent in from the various Ministerie ,1 departments, has been distributed to the members of the two Chambers. As the financial explanat ;ions are to be presented separately, nothing is said f .or the moment of that branch of the service. For Foreign Affairs the account published com mences in these terms:— .fit the opening of the last session of the great bodies of the State the Emperor's Government congratulated itself onn, the general situation of Europe. If some difficulties ex isted on different points of the Continent, there was nothing to lead to the anticipation of speedy complications, and in particular nothing to announce that the Polish question was on the eve of again forcing itself on the attention of the Cabinets. For the last two years a certain degree of agi tation prevailed in Poland, but no project of a rising mani fested itself ; everything, on the contrary, appeared to show that a recourse to arms no more entered into the calcula tions of the men invested with the confidence of the coun try than the wishes of the people. The recruitment, trans formed into a measure of proscription, drove to despair those whom it threatened to affect, and conflicts broke out simultaneously on several points. The question, how ever, did not present itself except under the aspect of a purely local movement caused by a determinate cause of complaint. The convention signed at St. Petersburg on February Bth, by which, under the pretext of maintaining order on the frontier, Prussia bound herself towards Russia to co-operate in a certain degree in the repression, gave to the struggle an international character, and obliged the Cabinets to occupy themselves with it. The Polish question is essentially European, for it cannot put itself forward without involving the most important interests. France signed the documents under the protection of which Poland has been placed, and French sympathies have never been wanting to that nation in her former trials. It is a tradition which the Emperor's Government could less avoid defer' ring to than any other. England had the same rig hts and the same reasons for interfering. The French Govdeerrnstlent d! therefore applied to that Power to come to an ing, in order to represent in concert to the .r of Cabinet whi of e ß h er sh lin e the danger of her intermeddling in an fiftal was so unfortunately extending the i mp ortance. We, moreover, were aware that Austria regarded the engage ments concluded at St. Petersburg in the same light as ourselves. The Emperor's Government made known to her its intentions. Th e Cabinet of Vie nna had already ex pressed its sentiments to Prussia and to Russia when they solicited her a dh es ion to those arrang ements. The proceed - Prussian Court had for result t o ings adopted with the Penes obtain explanations which lessened the fear which had been entertained of see in g her take an active part in the hostilities. When we had to make known our views a t Berlin we took care to avoid any isolated action, and also to prevent any false interpretation. The nature, however, of our relations with Russia authorised and induced us at the same time to attempt with her the plan of personal efforts and f r i en dly counsels before coming to official communica tions land a combined action. The French Government had not -waited in order to give prudent advice to be constrained to it by urgent necessity. In 1857 his Majesty, wishing to avail himself, in the interest of order and of peace, of the confidence which so happily united the two Cabinets, felt himself induced by the sincerity of his esteem and of his friendship for the Emperor Alexander to recommend the state of Poland to the solicitude of the Court of Russia. Such language was worthy of being understood by the Sovereign who was about to give, in the emancipation of the serfs, so striking a proof of his prudence. Facts have since too strongly shown the opportuneness of those suggestions, and testify every day how much it is to be regretted that they were not listened to. His Majesty's Government, in presence of the conjunctures which hive justified its pro 'Visions, considered it as a duty not to conceal its anxieties from Russia. It pointed out with unreserved frankness our perplexities in the midst of events of which the public opinion of the country, as well as the general interests of It trePe, would not allow us to remain indifferent specta tors. The French Ambassador was instructed to point Out / in terms the most conformable to the friendly relations of the two Governments, the advantages of a policy of reparation and of progress. The English Government, in a despatch addressed at that time to its representative at St. Petersburg, recommended a general amnesty and the restitution of the privileges granted to the Poles by the Em peror Alexander I. The French Cabinet could nut but ap prove of the applications, which to a certain point entered into the more general order of ideas which it else entertained ; but in order to leave to Russia the merit of entire sponta neousness, it abstained from directly supporting them. The English Cabinet having afterwards proposed to invite the parties who signed the general Treaty of Vienna to express similar wishes, the Government of his Majesty announced its intention of adhering to that proposal only in case of its obtaining the assent of the other Powers. We had pointed out to the Russian Cabinet the interest it had in anticipa ting diplomatic representations by resolutely assuming the initiative. But we had not obtained any promises —any as sarance that would allow us to hope for a satisfactory result from a longer personal pressure. It became necessary to .adopt another course. The Government of her Britannic Majesty had preceded us in its communications with the Russian Cabinet. Austria, without viewing events in the same light as England, continued to observe a well-disposed neutrality as to the Yoh's. The Emperor's Government accordingly flattered itself with the hope of forming be tween the three Courts an understanding which would - insure to their measures the European character re quired by the nature of the interests at stake, and at once unite all the guarantees of moderation and force. The Ca binet of London in its first communication had taken the treaties of 1815 as a starting-point. Russia had made a precise rreely byfeontesting the interpretation given to them by the principal Secretary of State—she confined, herself, as a me'..hod of pacification, to speaking of an amnesty after the wa.r, and promising not to withdraw any of the conces sions she had made. The French Government doubted the success of any measure based exclusively on those treaties, and thought that matters should be viewed from a higher ground. The acts of 1815 assuredly conceded precious ad -vantages to the Poles, in reviving the Polish name, in sti pulating for her national institutions, and in establishing certain links between all the parts of the kingdom as it existed before the first partition. But those arrangements leave not prevented the recurrence of commotions which periodically menace the repose of Europe. Without deny ing that the treaties offered to the Cabinets a legal motive of intervention, the French Government thought that it Would be proper to invoke principally the interests of E4 rePaen order common to all the Powers. The two Cabinets appreciated these considerations—and the Ma l% Government made them the subj e ct o f a pitch to the French Ambassador at St. Peters appf: The despatch concluded by signalising the e n th ttill litY of considering the means of pl a ci ng P o l a nd elle gime conditions__ of a durable peace. Austria, while memo e ; 'Pedal interests as a Power conterminous and lan guage si ed to toi: the influence of these disturbances, held a ',sag her fi rst a r r to our own. England, without abandon briefer form th e idt ent on the treaties, reproduced in a part of the stateso aa t which we had developed. The greater and thus stamp ed tho erope gave their adhesion to them, ce taraunications of the three Courts with the chara c t er of a e veritable European manifestation. Russia appeared to rec e ive these overtures with favour. Although she end eavour to nut the responsibility of the Polish movement on en eaar rents from without and re volutionary intrigues, s h e r a nd inefficacy of the r eem e are gnis s ed the extent of the evil adopted up to that time to provide a remedy. She neither contested the general inte rests engaged in the Polish Titian e ti n ki nor the special inte rests of conterminous States. She petence of the Governments who sig u r t act of the Treaty of Vienna, but appeared, on fe -ee contra their assistance for a deliberation, the ba ilee :Jett ) . .c aceept invited the three Powers to COMMUuieste ,EII h s he of the difficulties which ita exacta' ee opinion that the negotiations should be p_r e gland was of armistice, in spite The idea of stopping as soon as Possibleton might encounter. the effusion of blood was too conformable to the f the French Government not to mobnitaeinndietsd atphperosbatieenntratuLdf while itself acquiesced, it reco of Vienna, on its p ar - 7 Court of Austria. The Cabi n et ee articles, the princip a l drew up a programme object of which was to claiminlorB Po land institu tio ns similar to those of Galicia. Judging these data insufficient, the agreed to Fre nc h Government introduced notable ruodifications in them, and for the sake of a good understand: h . the programme, but only as a starting u p g o v i a n i t n e fo to r the conferences. We had, besides, attached mu in the appeal made to the whole of Europe to participated negotiations. France has constantly declare tatshine will always be found ready to enter on such discussions the full light of day. The three Courts, in the commucti hadons which they a second time directed to their ambassadors, not succeeded in avoiding certain shades of expression which could not escape the attention of Russia. It might have been foreseen that that Power would seek to derive profit from the apparent diversity of views. In order to parry that danger as much as possible the French Government made to the Vienna and London Cabinets a proposal to con solidate the accord by taking, in the form of a convention or a protocol, Polish a ff a i ra, an engagement to pursue in concert a regulation of by diplomatic methods or otherwise, if neces sary, Stich an engagement, besides the advantage of exalting the authority of the language of the allied Courts, would have offered to that Power whose position required most consideration tho guarantees of a complete solidarity in all eventualities. We were persuaded that the surest method of preventing complications was to show ourselves ready to meet them with all the firmness required, and that conflicts between Governments took their origin not so often in bold resolutions as in Protractions and hesitations that a ll owe d difficulties to Fergusue a ggravated. ' Our pro position wa s not accepted. The Russian Court replied to the pro gramme of the three Powers by an absolute refusal. She promised to take the six points into consideration but only when theiinsurrection was suppressed. She rejected all idea of a suspension of arms, and declinin g the co mpetency of the Powers which si g ned the general act of 1815, which she had previously admitte d, she propose d to open with Austria and ting Powers, a separ a t e negotiation. Prussia, as particiPe The Vienna Cabinet rejected that proposal without heita tion, as being contrary to her duties to the two other Powers, and gave explanations at St. Petersburg with a spontane ousness and a frankness which did honour to her sincerity. The French Government at the same time expressed at London and Vienna the painful impressio.i it had felt on receiving the replies of Russia. The three Cabinets ad dressed French communications to St. Petersburg, the con clusions of which were conceived in identical terms. They unanimously declared Russia to be responsible for the consequences which might arise from a refusal to take their representations into account, and from the prolonga tion of the troubles in Poland. The last despatches of Prince Gortschakoff are well known. Notwithstanding the little success of the diplomatic intervention of the three powers, the Emperor's Government has the satisfac tion of knowing that it has, from the moment in which the Polish question was brought forward, in the mea sure of its rights and its duties towards England, ne glected nothing to arrive at a solution. Ever attentive to the painful spectacle of the struggle which is going on in Poland, it loses sight of none of the great interests which are connected with that conflict. It will maintain its ac cord with England and Austria, and it cannot believe that the union of the Cabinets, in an affair so worthy of their solicitude, must remain sterile. We have not, however, the pretension to impose our solutions on the Powers inte rested, as much or even more directly than ourselves in the settlement of the existing difficulties. In a question essen tially European it is neither in conformity with our obli gations or our rights to incur alone a responsibility which it is the duty of all to partake." The Danish dispute is thus touched on : The affair of the Duchies of the Elbe has continued to be a subject of discussion between the Court of Copenhagen and the Germanic Cenfederation. The Danish Govern ment having adopted for the constitutional reorganisation of the monarchy certain dispositions which the Frankfort Diet did not consider conformable to its anterior resolutions and the engagements made by Denmark, the German Cabinets have agreed to have recourse to a military occupation of the Duchy of Holstein by the Federal troops. Without contest ing in principle the right of Germany to intervene in the affairs of Holstein and Lauenberg, which form part of the Germanic Confederation, the Cabinet of Copenhagen alleges that having accorded to the pretensions of the States of Holstein all the satisfaction compatible with the rights of the Crown, the Federal execution is not justified by any legitimate motive, Consequently the only object of that measure was in reality to compel Denmark to place the duchy of Schleswig, a Danish province, under a political and administrative regime, which would be an infringement on the integrity of the monarchy. His Majesty's Govern ment has not seen without regret a dispute, which its coun sels had always tended to adjust, become envenomed. Guided at the same time by the traditional sympathies of France towards Denmark, and by the neighbourly feelings which preside in her relations with Germany, we have re doubled our efforts to cause counsels of prudence to pre vail, and to turn aside an imminent crisis. A conflict could not arise without the Scandinavian States, which are more directly interested in the maintenance of the balance of power in the North of Europe, being brought to take a share in the struggle, and without giving rise to grave complications in which the Powers which signed the Treaty of London of 1852 would be implicated. Onr co-operation is assured beforehand to any combi• nation which would have the effect of preventing such eventualities, and we are inclined to hope that the wisdom of the two parties will prevail against ex citements which are to be regretted. Germany is besides occupied with other cares. The Sovereigns assembled at Frankfort have given the highest sanction to the efforts attempted with the object of modifying the inter nal regime of the Confederation by associating themselves in the study of the best means of attaining that object. All that can contribute to the development and happiness of a great neighbouring nation, with which we maintain the best relations, cannot be indifferent to us. We therefore watch those attempts with a friendly attention, with the desire to see Germany obtain from them the advantages which she expects, and which sho well knows how to conciliate with European interests and with the international rights which are connected with the constitution of the Germanic Con federation." Rome and Italy are thus briefly spoken of : At the commencement of the present year the French Government remarked with satisfaction the calm which had succeeded in Italy to the excitement caused by the Roman question. Men's minds in that country do not, however, yet appear sufficiently disposed to grant the reciprocal con cessions which require on the one hand a respect for rights, and, on the other, regard to the necessities of the age, for the work of conciliation to be resumed with any hopes of success. In the particular position in which events had involved the French Government, the greatest service it could do to the Italians was to remain inaccessible to the divers passions which were in agitation around it. The Emperor's Go vernment is conscious of having laboured in such a manner. so far as was in its power, to prepare the future. These adjournments have not been without advantage to Italy, Adopting the generous intentions of the Sovereign Pon- tiff, the Roman Government has endeavoured to re dize some of the reforms demanded in the administration of the States of the Church. We have reason to hope that that task will be continued. The Italian Government on its side has applied itself to organize the new kingdom, to de velope its resources, to constitute its military state, to re press brigandage with our loyal co-operation, and to dis courage those feelings of impatience to which it was re solved not to yield. There is reason to believe that those fortunate influences will tend to dissipate suspicions, and give rise to feelings more favourable to a reconciliation. The termination of the arrangement concerning the valley of the Dappes is merely mentioned; and then the affairs of Greece and the acceptance of the new King are explained in these words;— The three Courts, the protectors of Greece, came to an understanding at the end of last year to maintain the stipu lations of the protocol signed by them in 1830, and which excluded from the Hellenic throne the members of their reigning houses. The only really serious cause of compli cation having been thus set aside, the three powers occupied themselves in selecting a prince who might be recommended to the suffrages of the Greeks. The French Government felt no interest in the research beyond that of Greece herself. It had already repudiated the traditions of a policy seeking its success in struggles for exclusive influence—a policy from which Greece had too long suffered, and which has never procured anything beyond illusory triumphs and real embarrassments. It therefore declared itself ready to accept the candidateship of any prince who, by his personal fitness, should offer desirable guarantees. As soon as the name of Prince George of Denmark was mentioned, we made known at Athens and at Copenhagen that the Emperor Napoleon would see with pleasure an election which must be equally agreeable to each of the three protecting Courts. We re ' joiced at the vote of the Greek National Assembly, and we announced that we were ready to co-operate in the arrange ments destined to ratify it. A conference was opened in London, and it sought for the means of reconciling the ac cession of a new reign with the treaties on which the exist ence of the Greek monarchy is based. The new King has accepted the obligations contracted by the Bavarian dynasty. The three Courts, on their side, have not relinquished any of those which result from their collective protectorate, such as it was settled at the time of the foundation on Greek independence. They, at the same time, consented that the guarantee under the safeguard of which the kingdom is placed should be extended to the ter ritory of the lonian Archipelago, the abandonment of which was implied by the declarations of the English Cabinet. The Powers have, on the other hand, maintained the fa m cial arrangements previously concluded with Greece, while facilitating in favour of the Sovereign the creation of an annual dotation. The principal conditions of the establish ment of the now dynasty are set forth in the treaty signed at London on the 13th July last. The English Govern ment pledged itself at the same time to agree to the annexa tion of the Seven Islands, if such a measure were in accord ance with the wishes of the lonian Parliament, and ob tained the assent of France, Austria, Prussia, and Russia. The vote of the Parliament of the Seven Islands was unani mous, and its decision will be sanctioned by an interna tional document. Strangers to the incidents which led to the fall of the Bavarian dynasty, we had vainly attempted to enlighten by our counsels a Government which we saw was destroying itself, and when that event took place we had_r allies. other duty to perform than that of consulting with "n. les. We did so free from any engagement in the past, aZkll27i,til:otit any particular interest to secure in the present. morenot b particularly to remedy a state of things which arrangenamt free from danger, we only assumed, in the lity be made, the part of restricted responsibi- Vire ar e I , 4o.B : a ged to us a s a p ro t ec ti ng P ower o f G reece. extension of et seeing happily cleared up a crisis the in the East, Gre,, '''ight have led to serious 3omplications generation fro m tb : , she is prudent, may date her re ds she will have ftt t e er r i°d• We shall rejoice at it the more with _head a Sovereign belonging to a country connected tions. France by old and eordial tradi- The relations of Prance with to b e quite satisfactory, Turkey are declared Danubian Principalities i s the situation of the The situation of t h e United th vrtti:calluded to : W e regret t'oP liitie s o f Moldavia and Wallachi a does not, hoesen founded on di: provinces by the present time to the hopes whi c h 4 ' 4 % respond up to the new order of things constituted i n t operation eaftive the convention of August 19, 1853. Grave sensions ha broken out between the reigning Prince and th e - e ve Assembly, at a time when the union and cc . 1 4 was indispensable to organ ise the countr y to which Bur, all 3 had given the charge of shaping its own destinies. ifpit become necessary for her to intervene afresh to modify the Constitution of the United Provinces, the French Govern. ment will be disp;sed to come to an understanding with the Porte and with the other guaranteeing Powers to facilit at© the reforms which may be judged opportune. The situation of Montenegro is thus alluded to : The war which broke out in 1862 between Turkey and Montenegro will have changed nothing in the territorial and political status of the latter country, as constituted by the arrangements of 1858. Nevertheless, as military block houses have been built by Turkey in the Montenegrin ter ritory, many Cabinets, and particularly Vienna, have joined us in representing at Constantinople that the main- THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 17, 1863. tenance of these intrenohments would be in contradiction with the state of things established in 1858, and the Am bassador of the Emperor has received an assurance that the Commissioner of the Porte shall be furnished with instruc tions to order the demolition of these buildings. The situation of the United States of America is spoken of with deep regret. The language em ployed runs thus : The sad previsions suggested by the exasperation of the struggle carried on during three years in the United States have been but too much realised, Blood has continued to flow, while the respective situations of the belligerents do not yet allow us to anticipate a period to this terrible c risis. In presence of such an accumulation of ruins, and such a sacrifice of life in a struggle hitherto fruitless, we have felt profound regret that the proposition which we made at London and at St. Petersburg, to unite in provoking an armistice, was not accepted, Compelled to renounce that project by a double refusal, we have, how ever, declared that our desire to contribute to the re-estab lishment of peace in any form would not be the less lively and sincere. We have given proof of this by suggesting the idea of substituting for the project of an amicable interven tion of the maritime Powers the expedient of direct messages between the Government of the United States and the Con federates of the South. This new attempt has not been more fortunate than the preceding. From that time we have had I nothing left but to follow out the line of conduct adopted ever since the beginning of this war by the Government of the Emperor. This we have striven to do with scrupulous care under all circumstances, We have remained neutral and well-disposed, although it has often been difficult for us to reconcile this part with our duties towards our fellow-coun trymen. Independently of the sufferings which, in our de partments, are the consequence of the American crisis, hos tilities on the territory of the Union itself have occasioned considerable detriment and loss to French residents. They have often had occasion to make just complaint of the abusive proceedings of the civil and military authorities. Our countrymen must understand that their interests, like those of other foreigners, cannot claim an exceptional se curity in the midst of the tumult of arms, and that in such cases all ordinary guarantees necessarily lose something of their efficacy. Moreover, a state of war imposes inevitable fetters on the commerce of neutrals. If the progress of liberal doctrines tends to relax them it cannot wholly suppress them. The Cabinet of Washington has been able to satisfy itself that we have made, in our reclamations, a large allow ance for these difficulties. But the Government of the Emperor cannot disguise its pain at seeing so many ag grieved interests, well deserving of its care, making a vain appeal for protection. The object which the French Government aimed at in Mexico is declared to be very near its final ac complishment. The following is the language used : The Emperor's Government is on the point of attaining the object which it proposed to itself when it displayed the flag of France on the shores of Mexico. The success of our arms, by rendering the country free to dispose of itself, has confirmed the hopes which we founded in the good sense of the Mexican nation. The capture of Puebla has become a new title of glory for our heroic army; and the acclamations which greeted it in entering Mexico have loudly testified that our soldiers were received there as liberators. The Assembly of Notables has pronounced that Mexico could only expect regeneration from a monarchical institution. It also at the same time designated to the Mexican nation the Prince whom political circumstances appeared to ourselves to indicate as most preferable. The expression of these wished inspired by a just confidence in the high and brilliant qualities of him to whom they were addressed, has been favourably i eceived, with the sole re serve that the whole nation should be called on to ratify the patriotic and spontaneous impulse which decided the sending of the mission charged to offer the crown of Mexico to the Archduke Maximilian. This is how we, on our part, had understood the bearing of the resolution of the Assent lo:y. Whatever might be the authority of the influential men who composed it, their decisions, in our opinion, to become definitive, must receive from the populations a more explicit sanction. We congratulate ourselves on seeing our ideas shared by the eminent Prince whom Mexico calls to inaugurate its new destinies. The fortune of France and the blood of her soldiers belong to France only. An evi dent and imperious French interest could therefore alone determine the Emperor's Government to engage in an un dertaking of which it had beforehand weighed the sacrifices and difficulties. It bad, moreover, foreseen the salvation of Mexico as a possible consequence of the military expedition to which it was constrained. The public feeling of the country and the wisdom of the Archduke Maximilian justify all our hopes in this matter. In an early future we expect to receive from the new Government of Mexico the guarantees which have been wanting to our interests under all the Governments whfch preceded it. For the moment, important questions necessarily remain to be settled as con cerns ourselves ; for the military result of our expedition has only prepared the ground for ulterior negotiations. The Emperor's Government will devote all his attention to them." The Central States of South America, the late re volution at Madagascar, and the rebellion in China, are very briefly alluded to. The following is the passage which speaks of Japan, being the termina tion of the observations on foreign affairs: — In Japan oar relations, or rather those of the countries which have entered into intercourse with it, are at this mo ment passing through a critical phase. Several conflicts have even already occurred with certain princes, who are almost independent feudatories of the empire. It is just to acknowledge that the. Central Government does not seem to have had the power to prevent these collisions, and it has appeared to regard them with unfeigned displeasure. The peculiar constitution of Japan explains the frequent appa rent contradictions between the language and the acts of the Cabinet of Yeddo. A powerful feudality opposes to the'ilibe ral tendencies a resistance which it has not the force or the firmness to overcome. Hence arises an attitude, undecided and equivocal rather than disloyal, which too vigorous exi gencies would doubtless fail to modify. The Emperor's Go vernment, therefore, will not, without the most manifest necessity, depart from that spirit of conciliation of which the Japanese mission received proofs on leaving France. THE RECENT MURDERS. INQUEST ON MRS. HUNT AND THE CHILDREN. Yesterday afternoon, at 4 o'clock, Dr. Lankester, the coro ner for central Middlesex, resumed the adjourned inquest on the bodies of Mary Anne Hunt and her children Jessie and Emily, who, it will be remembered, were found dead in a cab on Saturday night, the 7th of November, in the board room of St. Mary's Hospital, Paddington. Mr. R. Ring, of the firm of Wood and Ring, Coleman street-buildings, appeared to watch the proceedings on the part of the relatives of Samuel William Hunt. The Coroner commenced the proceedings by reading over the depositions which were sworn to at the opening of the inquest on. Monday last. The first witness called was John Blake, cabdriver, badge 7856, of 124, St. John-street, Smithfield, the father of the deceased woman. He stated that he had seen the three bodies of the woman and two children, two of whom he identified as being those of his daughter Mary Anne Hunt, and her eldest daughter Jessie. The younger child (Emily) he could not identify, as he had never seen her alive. The deceased woman's husband was Samuel William Hunt, by trade a chemist and druggist. He knew Hunt before he married his daughter. He was then out of employment, and had been so for two yaars, He last saw his daughter alive about nine months ago, and had reason to believe that they lived together very unhappily. By Mr. Ring—He had never heard that his daughter had threatened to make away with herself on account of the un happiness that existed between her and her husband. By a Juror—He had heard his daughter complain of Hunt's ill-usage, and he had advised her to leave him in consequence. He had never heard her say that Hunt had attempted to poison her, but she had told his daughter Harriet so. Harriet Blake, the daughter of the last witness, and sister to the deceased woman, was then examined—She had seen the bodies lying at the dead house, and recognised them as being those of her sister Mary Anne Hunt and her two chil dren, Jessie and Emily. Her sister's age was 28 years, those of the children seven and four respectively. She last saw her sister alive about a month since, when she complained of a sore on her ancle, which she stated had been caused by a blow from her husband with a poker that had been bent by the blow. Her sister had complained of Hunt's ill treat ment of her for years. She had seen her several times with blank eyes, cut head and shoulders, and bruised limbs, from blows given by Hunt. She had lived with them four years ago, when Hunt kept a stationer's shop at 1, Warner-road, Camberwell New-road. She had during her residence with them seen Hunt cut her head twice ; once with a pomatum jar, another time with a cup. Last Friday five weeks she went to see her sister, hire. Hunt, at Ann's Cottage, Wel lington-road, Camberwell. She then had a cut on her right shoulder, caused by Hunt the day before. She also told her he had tried to poison her by forcing down her throat the contents of a small bottle containing poison. She (Mrs. Hunt) was in bed asleep when Hunt came up stairs, woke her, and endeavoured to force the poison down her throat. She opened the window and screamed, but no assistance came. Hunt's general treatment of the children was good, but lately he had beaten the younger one a great deal. He had been very kind to them until a few words had arisen between Hunt and a neighbour next door, to whom the younger child had been rude, from which time he had beaten the child cruelly. She had frequently heard Hunt say, "I will kill the lot of you." Twice he had said ho would poison them all. For five weeks she had heard nothing of Mrs. Hunt and her family until last Tuesday evening, when her father told her of their death. She never saw her sister the worse for liquor. By Mr. King—After they had made up their quarrels they were very affectionate. She did not inform the police, because her sister wished her not to do so. The quarrels generally arose about a young lady who was at the ware house that Hunt used to attend. After the quarrels were over Hunt generally procured drink from the publichouse, of which they all used to partake. She had never heard her sister threaten suicide. Hunt was always affectionate, ex cept when they were quarrelling. Their quarrels were more frequent lately. lid had tried to pour the poison into his wife's mouth after he had inflicted the wound on her shoulder. She (witness) and her family agreed very well with the Hunts. She had not slept at Hunt's house for six weeks, in consequence of his having threatened to do for them one night, on which he slept with a razor under his pillow. Her sister had told her of it in the morning, and she was so terrified that she did not like sleeping in the house again. By a Juror—Hunt had never lived at Bayswater to her knowledge, nor had he any relations there. By the Coroner—Hunt did not always sleep with his wife. Sometimes they did not sleep together for six weeks at a time, She never knew him absent from home except for one night. The Coroner was here handed a packet of 13 letters, written by Mrs. Hunt to her father and sister. He said it would beimpossible to read them all ; he would therefore examine the sister as to the contents of them. The witness was then recalled, and questioned touching what was in the letters. Sho stated that they mainly con sisted of complaints of Hunt's illtreatment of her sister. Chas. Gould was then examined—Ho stated that he was on the Camberwell-green cab stand with his cab about six o'clock on Saturday evening, the 7th of November, when he was hailed by a lady with two children, who were standing at the corner of Camberwell New-road. He drove over to them, and they got into his cab, the lady directing him to drive to the Great Eastern Railway. He hed since identified the bodies of the woman and children lying at St. Mary's Hospital as those belonging to the persons he had driven, The lady told bins to take the check string in his hand, as she might want to stop him. When they had proceeded about 300 yards a man in the pathway stopped him and said he was going to the Eastern Counties Railway, and he knew the lady in the cab, and he gut in, Ile (witness) gut off his box to see if such was the case, when the lady said " All right," and he drove on as far as Nortonfolgate, when the man stopped him at a che mist's shop. The woman got out, went into the chemist's shop, and returned to the cab. She then went once more into the shop, returned, and got into the cab, telling witness to put them down at the gate of the station, which he did, the man paying him 3s. He saw no luggage with them be yond a parc e l. H e cou ld no t swear they had no hat-box with them, He had since seen the man who got into the cab on Saturday night week lying dead at Ann's Cottage, Camberwell, By Mr. Ring—He did not observe Hunt speak to the lady in the cab. He was positive that Hunt was the man. He took particular notice of Hunt in consequence of his getting into the cab in so strange a way. He had a moustache on at the time. He heard no conversation whatever between the party. They all seemed perfectly good friends. He did not notice what the woman brought out of the chemist's shop. He could not swear whether the woman handed anything to the man in the cab. The cabman who drove the party from Shoreditch was re examined. He said he had seen Hunt's body, and identified it as belonging to the man he had driven to Furnival's -inn. Mr. Cyrus Fane, chemist, Nortonfolgate, at whose shop the cab pulled up on the Saturday evening, was then exa mined, and stated the facts he had already sworn to at the inquest at Camberwell, but he could not in any way iden tify the woman who had bought the medicine and glass. The draught he had supplied only contained bicarbonate of potash, sal volatile, compound tincture of cardamoms, and cinnamon water. She afterwards changed the medicine glass she had at first purchased, and which had a foot, for a small tumbler in a case, Mr. Wm. Imrie, wigmaker and hairdresser, was called, sad stated that ho had identified Hunt as the man who called at his shop on Wednesday or Thursday, and pur chased a false moustache. He identified him by his upper lip, which was particularly large, and by his general appear ance. The joint report of the chemical analysts, Dr. J. Randall, Professor of Medical Jurisprudence at St. Mary's Hospital, Paddington, and of Dr. Matthiessen, F.R.S., lecturer on chemistry at the same institution, was then handed to Dr. Lankester, and afterwards read by Dr. Randall. The report stated that four glass jars, one cork, four pewter pint mea sures, and a paper containing biscuits and figs had been re ceived from the house surgeon of St. Mary's Hospital for the purpose of chemical analysis and investigation. All the jars were stoppered, tied down with string, and sealed. No. 1 contained the stomach and intestines of Mrs. Hunt, No. 2 the brain of Mrs. Hunt, No. 3 the stomach of the elder child, and No. 4, the stomach, heart, and lungs of the younger child. On opening jar No. 1 there was a taint smell of prus sic acid, and the:stomach externally smelt of the same poison and had an acid reaction. On the exterior were three small patches of dark plum-coloured extravasation. Internally, it presented a bright and congested' appearance, and contained 11 ounce of thick brown fluid of the consistence o f treacle, which smelt strongly of beer. The fluid was mixed with water and distilled in a water-bath. The distillate was tested for prussic acid by three different tests, all of which gave de cided evidence of prussic acid. A small quantity of alcohol was also found in the distillate. The other intestines gave slight traces of prussic acid, and on distillation produced an oily substance, which was given to a kitten without any harmful result, proving it not to be essential oil of almonds. Jar No. 2, centaining Mrs. Hunt's brain, was then examined with negative results. The third jar, containing the stomach of the elder child, gave no ev id en ce of prussic acid to the sense of smell on being opened. The vessels on the surface were congested, and internally it had a healthy appeara nce. It contained 31 ounc e s of a dark brownish fluid in which were several pieces of apple and cheese. There was a smell of beer and cheese, but none of prussic acid. The contents on being subjected to the same treatment as those in No. 1 jar gave similar indications of prussic acid; they also yielded a similar oily fluid, which gave the same nega tive results on being tested for prussic acid. A small quan tity of alcohol was also detected. On epening No. 4 the smell of prussic acid was doubtful. A small patch of venous extravasation appeared on the exterior. Internally there was a slight venous congestion, and it contained two ounces of a thick light-coloured pulpy mass, consisting of biscuit, cheese, and currants. There was no smell of beer or prussic acid, but the odour of cheese and rancid butter was very perceptible. After distillation prussic aeid was detected in distillate. A copious oily substance was produced and tested for prussic acid, with similar result. No alcohol was pro duced in this case. Two ounces of fluid blood from the same jar gave a negative remit. Prussic acid was, however, de tected in the lungs, which were congested and of a darkish red. The phial cork only gave indications of oil of cinna mon, and the pewter pots afforded no evidence of prussic acid. The figs and cakes were given to a dog without any harmful effects. Having found prussic acid in the contents of all three stomachs and certain other portions of the bodies the conclusion was arrived at that the mother and two chil dren died from the administration of that poison. From finding so small an amount of potash in the contents of the stomach on incineration it seems clear that cyanide of potassium was not used, and the characteristic smell of prussic acid being strongly perceptible at the post mortem examination, and weak when the stomachs were chemically examined, proved that essential oil of bitter almonds had not been administered, the odour of that substance being very persistent, besides which no trace of essential oil could be detected. Another prcof that the poison was given in the form of prussic acid is that in making the experiment that acid was found to mix easily with porter. Having added two drachms (120 drops) of prussic acid of pharma copoeia' strength—viz., 2 per cent, of real acid—to a pint of porter, it was found that its presence could not be detected either by the taste or smell. Drs. Randall and Matthiessen were then examined by the Coroner as to various points contained in the report. The appearances presented by the bodies are those always seen in poisoning by prussic acid, and although the evi dence of alcohol being present in the stomach of the younger child was negative, still the porter might have been ad ministered in so small a quantity as not to leave perceptible indications of alcohol. From experiments witness had made he did not think cyanide of potassium was used, an opinion confirmed by the fact of only a minute quantity of potash being found in the stomachs. As far as the odour is con• cerned, and the power of dissolving, it would be just as difficult to poison a person with cyanide of potassium as with prussic acid. He had mixed a sufficient quantity of prussic acid to poison three people with a pint of porter, and neither smell nor taste could be discovered by those who did not know the nature of the mixture. The oily matter found in the stomachs gave no indications of con taining essential oil of almonds. By Mr. Ring—lt depended entirely on the quantity taken whether the effects of prussic acid would manifest themselves in a long or a short time. Persons poisoned with prussic acid generally died quietly, becoming insen sible and going off into convulsions. The time it took for bodies to become cold was different in different subjects. Two drachms or 120 drops of prussic acid, of pharmaco pcepial strength, would be sufficient to kill three people. The three persons could have all taken the prussic acid before its effects would have been perceptible on any one of them. • Inspector Meloy, of the P division, was examined, and said that, in consequence of information he had received, he went, accompanied by Inspector Smith, to Ann's •cottage, Wellington-road, on Monday, November 9, about 10 o'clock in the evening. Inspector Smith knocked at the door and received no answer. He then thought he heard some one vomiting in the passage. They knocked again, and they were admitted by a man in his shirt, who said, "The police I What do you want ?" The man said he would go and fetch a light, but Smith prevented him, and they all went up to the bedroom. The man sat on the bed and vomited into the chamber utensil, which already contained vomited matter. Meloy asked him if he had read the ac counts of the murder in the newspapers. He said he had. They cautioned him as to what he intended to say, for they had reason to believe he was the man who was concerned in the murder, and that he must dress and come with them to the station. The man, in answer to their questions, stated that his wife and two children were at Southampton, and that they were not dressed in mourning, but in light clothes. They took him to the station, and called in Dr. Puckle. who administered emetics and used the stomach-pump. Hunt said previous to his,death, " I know how my wife died, she took prussic acid, which I had in the house." The doctor asked him what he had taken, to which he replied, " I think there was aconite in the bottle. I believe i have taken aconite." They then went back to Hunt's house and found a small bottle, containing a tow drops of a fluid which ou analysis was proved to be aconite. The coroner's jury who sat on Hunt's body returned a verdict of felo de se, and he was interred in Tooting Cemetery on Friday night without Christian burial. He should say that Hunt took the poison before they arrived at his house, and had they been there an hour later they would have found him dead. He had come to this opinion from seeing that the chamber utensil con tained vomited matter voided before they entered the room. By Mr. Ring—Before Hunt spoke of prussic acid there had been no mention of it made in the room. On his way to the station he said he had led a very unhappy life with his wife. Ile made no remark as to the disgrace of being taken from his house to the police-station, By the Jury—As far as he knew, Hunt could not have known that they were coming to apprehend him. They immediately placed constables in charge of the house. Adolphus Orlando Riche, Hunt's fellow-servant in the employment of Messrs. Butler and M'Cullouh, herbalists, seedsmen, and druggists, said last Monday he saw Hunt from half-past 1 to 7 in the evening. About halfpast 3 Hunt asked him to procure for him from the warehouse oil of rosemary, oil of juniper, essential oil of almonds, and tincture of aconite. They do not sell or keep any form of prussic acid. The first two, articles were sent to a customer, the essential oil of almonds and tincture of aconite were left on the counter for a gentleman, who Hunt said would call for them. No one called for them, and he believed Hunt took them away. No conversation had ever passed between him and Hunt as to his unhappiness with his wife. He had observed nothing particular iu Hunt's manner on Monday, He was always very reserve in his manner. Mr. Cherles M'Culloch then gave evidence as to Hunt's conduct while in his employment, He was generally morose and reserved. He had had to make complaints of his surly manner to his customers. Hunt had been out from half past 8 on Monday morning travelling for orders, and ac counted for his want of success in obtaininir them by saying that all his customers wore talking about the murder, and would pay no attention to anything else. The Coroner then summed up. He said the evidence that the deceased persons died from the effects of prussic acid was quite conclusive. The next question was in what form this acid was administered. The jury had heard the evidence of the analysts as to the want of proof that either cyanide of potassium or essential oil of almonds had been used. It was elear, therefore, that the poison had been given in the form of prussic acid. The coroner then reviewed the evidence of the cabman who drove the party from Shore ditch. He did not think that any stress need be laid on the facts deposed to by the chymist, Mr. Fane, as he could not swear to the woman who purchased the draught. The two cabmen had both identified Hunt as the man whom they had taken up and set down on the Saturday evening. The difficulty about the moustache had been explained by the evidence of Mr. Imrie, who was most positive as to Hunt's identity. There was no possible doubt that Hunt knew the whole of the circumstances of the murder. Had he, therefore, been innocent, would he not have been the first person to come forward to identify the bodies of his wife and children ? Added to all these facts was the opinion of the police that he had taken poison before they arrived at his house, which made it a strong probability that he de sired to escape from the penalty of the law. _ . The jury then consulted for about half an hour, and on the public being re-admitted to the room, the Coroner an nounced their verdict to the effect, " That Mary Anne Hunt was found dead in a cab on Saturday night from the effects of prussic acid, and that the prussic acid was ad• ministered to her maliciously and with intent to take away her life by Samuel William Hunt.' The same verdict was returned in the case of the two children. On the part of the police, Mr. Superintendent Payne, of the P division, and Mr. Superintendent Tiddy of the D division. attended. Inspector Tanner, of the detective police, Scotland-yard, was also present, by the direction of Sir Richard Mayne. A MARRIAGE IN HIGH LIFE. In the Court of Common Pleas, on Saturday, a London house decorator, named Warrington, brought an action against Sir John Pringle, for £45 for work and labour done. The defence was that the charge was too high, and £3O was paid into Court, as being sufficient to meet any just demand of the plaintiff.—Mr. D. Seymour, Q.C., who ap peared for the plaintiff,said it having been intended that the marriage of Sir John Pringle's daughter should take place in July last, there was a great desire on the part of her parents that it should be carried out in a satisfactory manner as regarded the decorations of the mansion to which the happy pair were to return after the ceremony. Accordingly Lady Pringle instructed the plain tiff to prepare a handsome transparency for the centre window of the drawing-room, which Was to contain u medallion illustrating the intended happy event, and her ladyship gave a sketch of what she desired on the occasion. The sketch represented two Cupids holding two hearts which they squeezed into one. (Laughter.) The colour of the curtain on which this representation was to be made was to be a delicate blue, and every thing about the affair was to be most ethereal and and heavenly. The plaintiff, however, thought that an alteration of her ladyship's idea would be more suitable, and he accordingly suggested an illustra tion of two naked Cupids holding two hearts, but instead of squeezing them into one—(a laugh)— each Cupid was represented as holding a heart, and each of which seemed to be weighed down by the overpowering quantity of love with which they were respectively filled, thus indicating the amount of affection which each had for the other. (. laugh.) Over the figures were the words, " May each be blest." There were also the mono grams of the parties in the transparency, and above all was placed, in accordance with the special re quest of Lady Pringle, the arms of the bridegroom —a firtree, and his motto, "Stand sure." (Laughter.) There were also to be medallions, wreaths of flowers, red and white roses, orange blossoms, silk and satin ornaments, in various parts of the rooms, and the balustrades were also to be ornamented in a most tasteful and attractive manner. After further describing the style in which the decorations were to be executed, counsel said the marriage of defen dant's daughter was to have taken place on the 10th of July, and the plaintiff made every effort to have his decorations ready by that day. On the 29th of June, however, the plaintiff received a letter from Lady Pringle, in which she stated that her daughter objected to be married on a Friday —(a laugh)—so that he (the defendant) must have his painting ready for inspection, and to be put up on the morning of the Bth July. The consequence was that the plaintiff had to go to increased expense to get his work finished. The plaintiff sent in his account for the decorations, and in a second letter wbie'a he se n t to L a d y P r i ng l e he asked for a cheque for prestaheeamount. Lady Pringle, in her reply, ex would be payme g n h t e o r f surprise at the plaintiff asking for the a h i i d s account, t and a telling N o o objection taken to the 8. je i e ul tio t n ila w t a i s t this action was b amount by the plaintiff, but now that reduc it,—wh en the ht an attempt was made to ease e u g had been partly heard, it Was agreed to refer the dispute to arbitration. Disturbance at Dartmoor Prison. A disturbance took place among the prisoners engaged on the public works of Dartmoor Prison on Friday afternoon. There are a good many convicts now engaged in enclosing the prison ground on the road to Two Bridges. It appears that when the word of command was given to fall in, preparatory to the prisoners marching homewards on Friday, seven men in a gang engaged making the wall rushed off to another gang, seized their spades, and called on the other gang to resist and effect their escape. Only four joined, making in all eleven. The eleven men charged with spades at an aperture in the wall, but were promptly met by one of the civil guard, who levelled his piece, and threatened to fire at the first man who dared to approach. Foiled in their attempt they turned upon another officer, but were met in the same determined manner. By this time, however, the guards who were out in the open ground had closedin on all sides, and the warders had come up, by whom the rioters were overpowered, and marched off to their cells. No disposition was manifested by the other men to mutiny, and the whole afftir was quickly over and order soon re stored, owing to the excellent arrangements and dispositions as regards discipline which are always made on such occasions. Captain Gambier, the visiting director of Dartmoor Prison, who had been on a visit of inspection, and had only left that morning, was telegraphed for immediately, when he returned to the Moor to investigate the matter and award the punishment to the men, it being his office to perform this duty on his usual visit of in spection. The case, therefore, instead of being allowed to stand over to his next official visit, will be thus promptly and summarily dealt with. The disturbance was a very partial affair, and the greatest order reigns in the prison. The precautions taken left nothing to be desired, and too much praise can not be giv en t o t h ose b y whom t h e emerge nt cir cumstances were so completely and promptly m et. —Western Morning News. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES,—It is difficult to read the letter of the Emperor Alexander to the Grand Duke Constan tine, relieving him of his viceroyalty over Poland, without a feeling of pity—pity for the writer, as well as for the people who are finally consigned to the tender mercies of Gen. Berg. There are those, perhaps who see nothing in this document but a piece of Imperial masquerading, and will smile con temptuously at the tribute offered by the Russian Autocrat to the virtues and self-devotion of his brother. To such persons the profession of good intentions towards Poland, and of regret that they have not been better appreciated, must appear mere hypocrisy. Read by the light of the accounts that reach us of wholesale arrests and transportations to Siberia, of confessions extracted by torture, of trials and executions without form of law, the very mention of " conciliation," of "benevolence," of " clemency," of a " readiness to pardon the erring," of a paternal Government that would fain have inspired " sentiment of duty and devotion," can hardly fail to shock and disgust the sympathising friends of Poland. If we interpret the Czar's language some what differently, and claim for him the credit due to sincerity, it is not because we are blind, or rather it is precisely because our eyes are open, to his profound misappreciation of the problem before him. There is no reason, we think, to doubt that the sentiments and policy here avowed aro the Emperor's own; but the infatuation which could induce him to believe that he could pacify Poland by means so simple is truly amazing. History, indeed, is full of similar lessons; and Alexander 11. will probably not be the last well-meaning Sovereign to protest that his promises have been perversely dis trusted and his mercy spurned by nis rebellious sub jects. Still the grievances of Poland are so invete rate, the demands of the National party have been so definite, and the tendency of them has been so thoroughly understood by foreign observers, that a document of this kind,which calmly ignores the true nature of the Polish question, grates on our ears as though it were ironical. The Emperor's argument is neither more nor less than this—that, inasmuch as he was animated with the desire to reform the administration of Poland in accordance with mo dern notions, he had a right to expect that the Poles would abandon their passion for indepen dence and cast in their lot with Russia. He assumes that the Poles complain only of being misgoverned, and not of being governed at all, by Russia. He assumes their aspirations are for political liberty and not for national existence. He assumes that the enfranchisement of the serfs in Russia—a measure admirable in itself, but by no means the favourite idea of Polish landowners—was calculated to reconcile them to the Russianising of Poland. He assumes that there are no radical sources of an tagonism between the two countries in religion, in the constitution of society, and in their respective relations with the East and the West. He assumes that the bare word of an Emperor ought to irspire confidence, in face of the fact that tee solemn and repeated declarations of his grandfather, supported by European treaties, did not avail to save Poland from the arbitrary tyranny of his father. He assumes that his own ungracious address to the representatives of Poland, when he met them for the first time, endorsing the principles of Nicholas and the old Muscovite party, has been forgotten in that country where nothing is forgotten that can foster implacable hatred of Russia. He assumes what Prince Gortschakoff has expressly asserted, that the Polish revolution is a temporary revolt, got up by the emigres and foreign agitators, though the number of resident Poles in the upper classes wno have laid down their lives in the cause is so great ss to make it wonderful that the movement has not died out through the exhaus tion of its natural leaders. Beginning with these assumptions, the Emperor expresses the greatest distress that " the institutions given by me for the Kingdom of Poland have not worked, up to the pre sent, in a way corresponding to their object." He deplores the postponement of " a new era of internal prosperity and development," but still looks forward to a time when his Polish subjects, " rendered acces sible to the voice of duty and of legality,' by mili tary force, " shall free themselves from the violence exercised by the declared abettors of treason, and shall have recourse to my clemency." Then the Grand Duke Constantine is to return, and to con summate the work so untowardly interrupted, the success of which, the Emperor declares, is " one of my strongest and sincerest desires." However little disposed we may be to adopt the Emperor's point of view, there is one subject on which we can not, in justice, refuse him our sympathy. Believing, as we do, that the mission of the Grand Duke was intended to be conciliatory, and that he was him self inspired by the motives attributed to him by the Emperor, we cannot but regard the attempt on his life as a crime without excuse. Not only is it im possible to justify assassination by reference to any taw, human or Divine, but in this case the authors of the plot aro debarred from the usual plea of ne cessity, or even of utility. Constantine was not, like Gessler, a tyrant whose oppression had become into lerable; nor did he come, like General Berg, as the representative of military despotism. Had his life been taken, not the slightest ad vantage could have accrued to Poland. On the contrary, the arms of Russia would have been strengthened by a natural desire for vengeance, and by the just indignation of Europe. It would be well if the National Government had taken warning by the impression produced on public opinion by this act. Instead of this, by adopting the responsibility of the unsuccessful assault on General Berg, and by not disclaiming that of the more recent murder of M. Kuczinski, they have identified themselves with a system of terrorism odious to every one who has not studied in the school of revolution. It is vain to say that assassinations are the natu ral consequences of such wrongs as Poland has suffered at the hands of Russia. It may be so; and tar be it from us to balance the guilt of these patriotic desperadoes against the cruelties of Mouravieff. We have to deal only with the fact that the secret Government of Poland, rely ing on the moral sense of Europe for its support, deliberately employs a method of warfare com parable in atrocity to that which it denounces in its enemy. The spectacle presented by these two na tions at the present time is one of the most pitiable that can be conceived. Here is a Monarch wno has shown himself capable of no ordinary sacrifices for the good of his subjects, constrained by a fatal ne cessity of evil to play the part of an unscrupulous conqueror. Here is a brave and progressive peo ple, who would have been fortunate to have so libe ral and conscientious a ruler, had he not represented to them " the inheritance of triumphant wrong," driven by this circumstance into an internecine confllet with his power. If the Poles could but acknowledge their allegiance to him, Alexander would, no doubt, make any concessions that would insure peace, prosperity, and contentment in this part of his dominions. If Alexander could but constitute Poland proper a separate kingdom, with a native Legislature, even though it were under a Russian Prince, it is possible that the wisest chiefs of the revolution would ultimately accept the com promise, and give up their vague claims on the other provinces. And yet a kind of malignant destiny, growing out of ancient injustice, makes either solution almost hopeless; and, what is sadder and stranger still, an Anglo-Saxon Democracy on the other side of the Atlantic is eagerly treading in the steps of Catherine and Nicholas, and labouring to create for itself, by like methods but with deli. berate foresight, a new Poland of its own. POST.—.The intelligence which has reached us from Now Zealand, though less striking in its de tails than that conveyed by the last mail, will be received with satisfaction. The Maoris have evi dently determined on waging, as long as possible, an irregular war similar to that which some years since taxed the energies and the valour of the colonists to the utmost • but on the present occasion the promptit u d e o f the authorities, together with the active co-operation of the military under Gene ral Cameron, bid fair to nip the insurrection in the bud. Although no engagement has taken place be tween the troops and the natives since the departure of the preceding mail, the former have been far from idle. Steadily and progressively advancing his outposts, General Cameron has succeeded in se curing such a position as must give him a decided advantage in theevent of the Maoris risking a gene ral engagement. In the conduct of such a war as that in which our troops in New Zealand are now engeged it is needless to observe that the tactics of what, for want of better terms, may be called civi lised or scientific warfare, find no place, Fight ing in detached bodies, seldom emerging from torests in which they find a ready cover, except the purpose of nocturr.al raids, or the sudden sur prise of detached bodies of troops or colonist:v,. .ch Maoris are enabled to dictate the terms o they will give or accept battle. un doubted courage and no little confideneein expose frequent y own skill and valour, they not un p oss ess in g e t s o themselves, as on the recent occasionnder circumstances o na ti s i t r e o r a ic , the attacks of the royal troops d l i a m t t niched when the disadvantages withwauhraictihvethlye, generally to contend are eelip But even then the natives ou6ht under the cover of rifle pits, and they did not at any time attempt to receive the attack of the troops on the open ground. Under these circumstances the General in co mmand is necessarily obliged to proceed with ex treme caution, and, if possible, to force or to induce his opponents to accept a general engagement. It is with this object that the late operations of General Cameron have been conducted, and there is every reason to hope that they will be crowned with SUC c&ss. It would be difficult to convey to the public ev en an approximate ides of the recant movements ether of the royal troops or of the natives, con ducted as they have been in a country so entirely unfamiliar as the interior of New Zealand. It may, however, suffice to say that the Maoris have taken up a strong position on the bank of a river thickly covered with scrub and underwood, and that the front of their position, looking towards the river, is protected by a number of rifle pits. A hill, or Mori pah, as it is termed, raises hat:if behind these pits, and on the side looking from the river addi tional defensive works of considerable strength have been constructed. At every available point, both around this eminence and on its ridges, rifle pits have been sunk, and " whares" raised for the protection of the natives engaged in defending them. 'Together with these works, in themselves suffi ciently formidable, the Maoris have also raised strong pallisades. Such is the nature of the posi tion occupied by what may be termed the head quarters of the native army, at a place called Mere- Mere, on the Waite.ko River. The encampment of the British troops is within cannon-range of the Maori rifle pits. The proximity to the river of the position occupied by the natives has afforded an opportunity to Commander Sullivan of not only making a reconnaisance with the Avon, a colonial gunboat, but of inflicting no little damag e on the Maoris with a twelve-pounder Arm strong gun with which the Avon is armed ; and in the event of General Cameron conceiving himself in a position to carry the Maori pah by assault he will be enabled to command the co-ope ration of this gunboat. The next mail will probably' acquaint us with the issue of the recent operations. The force of the regular troops at present iu New Zealand is comparatively unimportant, but there can be no doubt that the Governor will have la his disposal a considerable number of volunteers. The colonists are alive to the necessity of striking sach a blow on the present occasion as will deter the Maoris in future from attempting to revolt. Large numbers of volunteers were daily arriving at Auckland when the mail left. They came not only from the New Zealand settlements but. from Aus tralia. Measures have been taken for their imme' diate organisation, and many have been already ern' ployed in maintaining the communications between the several towns in the colony. Independently of the immense assistance given by these volunteers to the Government, their attitude cannot but have the effect of convincing the natives of the madness of the enterprise which they have undertaken. Tho calculations of William Kingi, Rewi, Thompson, and the other chiefs were based, doubtless, upon the comparative insignificance in point of numbers of the troops at the disposal of the Government. But when they find that every ablebodied man in the colony is up in arms they will see the propriety of desisting from an unequal struggle. It was im possible for the colonists to submit to the outrages committed, without the slightest provocation, by the natives, and the result of the present war will be that such outrages will noZ be committed in future. The natives have no cause for complaint, nor can they advance the slightest pretext for the present attempt to subvert the Colonial Govern ment. The entire tendency of British policy in Nov Zealand for some years past has been to place the colonial and the aboriginal populations upon the same footing. Every inducement has been held out to the natives to accept the British sway, and to participate in the benefits which are incidental to it. For some time sanguine expectations were en tertained that our policy would be crowned with success. But those expectations have been disap pointed. Again and again the savage nature of the Maori displays itself, and convinces us of the clan: culty of the task we have undertaken. But persuasion fails, force must be employed. We have , after immense labour, effected a settlement in the colony of New Zealand. We cannot now leave it simply because a race of barbarians is unwilling that we should remain. COUNTRY MARKETS. COLCHESTER—Nov. 14. There was a moderate supply of wheat to-day, and th e demand was good, at the full rates of last week. 13arleY of fine quality scarce, but realised full prices, and other sorts plentiful at is per qr cheaper. Beans and peas wer e sold slowly. Wheat, white 44s 48s Beans,Mazagan —33 s 3 " 11 red 428 46s middle & 5ma11. 358 4.) Barley Oats GLOUCESTER—Nov. 14. There was a moderate show of English wheat to - d a y ) and for fine sorts the currencies of last week advanced lo per qr ; for inferior sorts former rates were maintained- Foreign wheat limited in demand, and holders wante d higher prices. Barley, beans, and peas very dull. CHELMSFORD—Nov. 13. At this corn exchange to-day there was rather more bus ( i ness done. The prices of las - , week were maintained. liv is advance obtained for superior samples of wheat. The business in other articles slow, and unchanged in price. Wheat, old white 30s 47s Yeas, Partridgu.... 36 8 391 new 44e 48s White 383 39s old red....34s 40s Boiling .. 39s 41s new 38s 42s Dun 33s 36s Barley 27s 36s Ditto new —s —s Chevalier ..2Ss 39s Beans, Tick, old ..34s 393 Grinding 22s 31s new..—s —s Malt. Chevalier 64s 69s Oats 20s 28s new ..—s —8 Mazagan ..... 3Us 3Se KIRKCALDY GRAIN—Nov.;I4. We had good supplies of all descriptions of grain at our market to-day, which sold freely at fully the rates of 13 .' t week. Wheat. Barley. Oats. First....33s Od I 25s 6d lss Od Second ..34s 6d 27s Od 16s 6d Third....3Bs Od 29s Od 186 6d COAL ARKET. Prfoes of Coal per 'Uon al the close of the market. a. d. s. d. Buddle's'West Hartley 16 0 mien Main ..18 3 Hastings Hartley ....16 0 Lambert's West Hart ley l5 9 Byass's Bebside West Walls End. Riddell . ......... 17 0 East Hartlepool ...... 19 9 Heugh Hall .......... 18 6 S ou th Kelloe.. ........ 18 6 Casso . . ............. 18 6 Grosfo p rth ............ 17 0 Tunstall ............17 9 ,t, 105 ; sold, 61. Hartley ....1G 0 Walker Primrose 14 6 Ships at marker Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Australia and Mauritius, via Southampton. Nov. 18. via Marseilles Dec. 1 3 . Brazil and Cape Verds, by British packet. Dec. 4 Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena Nov. 2g. China, Penaftg, and Singapore, via Southampton Nov. 18. via Marseilles N0v..27. Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton Nov. IS. India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southanipton N ov. 18. via Marseilles Nov. 27. India (Bombay), via Southampton N o v. 26. Portugal.... Malta, -Egypt, and v A ia de l n a , ........ Newfoundland rBveiailiseosti. ..... a . in..p•t.o.; ................ .............Nov'. 4 2 . 0. Oporto and Vigo 9 - ......... via .. b . la . r.5.e.i.11.e.s ............................... 2_1,085... U. 6. and British N. America, by Brit. packet.... Nev. ..., by U.S. packet... • by Canadian packet. Nov. 20. W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and Teneritle ..... . ....Nv. 20, Bahamas, via New York .............. Mexico. ................................. ....Nov. 28 . All parts of West Indies, including Chili, Peru, i Dec. 28. California. and British Columbia.. , [ADvmatsEmENT.l--H o lloway's Ointment and Pills. -- • lhere existed for many ye ars a g reat and unfair prejudice against th e se remedies, but such h as been their success in. expelling internalimPurities and healing bodies scarred with sores that their worst opponents have now become their warmest supporters. At the present day no difference. of opinion exists with reference to the purifying and .hcaling powers of those world-esteemed medicaments, which g!a dually cure diseases and remove disfigurements over which medical skill heretofore had exercised little cikit r ol. The th y: , have for a long time enjoyed s . great reputation among ladies for checking pimples, e ru p tions, and o th e r defects of their skin, and giving them clear and rosy cowp exions. Births. HOME,—On the 12th inst., at Broomhouse, Berwickshire, r t e h sc e e:t if , e th o e f the wife of Lieutenant-Colonel Logan Home, of a son. RooToN.—On the 14th inst., at Beckenham, Mrs, J aweis G. Hooton, of a daughter. SALMON.—On the lit:sh,th:fintss.,to:a.attW4B7ltmviiintsotner.c, TH H o . 3i C s . oN Sa_lm o on n , th E e s wife of Major Thomson, late K.D.G,, of a son. Marriages. - LETTS.—On the 10 th inst., at Wilden, B e d s , CILA-L h s 13. Chalk, Eq , of the Rectory Far m , t o R uth, fourth daughter of Mr. Letts, of the Manor Farm, Wilden. CLARE —COLEYS.—On the 12th inst., at S a i nt M ary ' s, i s li n gton, - William Clare, jun., to Frances Jane, the eldest daughter of Mr. H, H. Collins, of Great Win chester-street. Deaths. ANDERSON.—On the 15th inst., at St. Leonard's-on-Sea, Edward Wright Anderson, Esq., of Acton, aged 68. BUTTS.—On the 14th inst., at Southsea, the Rev. Edward Drury Butts, ineutnbont of Melplaish, orset, aged 70. BARRETT.—On the 13th inst., at Kingstone Bagpuize, Abingdon, P. S. Barrett, Esq., aged 35. CowELL.--Ou the 13th inst., at Vauxhall, Joseph Leathly Cowell, comedian, aged 71. DUNCAN.—On the 12th inst. at Westfield Lodge, Bath' Philip Bury Duncan, Esq., ' late of New College, Oxford, aged 92. SINCLAIR.—On the 13th inst., at Stevenston, Haddington, Admiral Sir John Gordon Sinclair, Bart., of Stevensten, aged 73. WHITE.—On the 13th inst., at Hammersmith,W. C.Whites Esq., formerly of Somerset House, aged 76. London: Priraed and Published by WILLIAM ANDIIEWE, of No. 112, Strand., Printer, at THE SUN Office No. 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the Cotutity of bibldlenex.7 : Tueoday, November 17, 1863. ~" s'~ O N , 31) 4Concert. EAS' Chic Chairman- Tower I' -,,ParlY, an (Lon-, on Thanie s John Geo! Ric Wharf, I dTThomasß COMpan XObe t Co ance Cot Ja mes Fez uhu-s' T villi street, 1 Rail way Albert Pc E,c . orve Sr of' the Cornelius Thomas N lane, E. EoLierro 114 .>; AGE Curren and all of Interes cont. per below £5 When t] allowed. Deposl Interest current and Aii desired. The E inclu inn in L ond abi in I The B &c., and Londe 0. 124, FA M. street, ! near tli be Com complel EA' street, 'when t EA street thereit E A appoir for cot E' Plth:11 lenurc churcl A' Accra Altuu Ins on th Evl Nit on ti Th on al Lox