The Sun. — London, England, 1831-12-07 00:00:00

a:lth; ert, ' 5 the peace of the city, they ought to retire from and allow Magistrates to be elected by the the citizens. Thus the Union first created the "er and then told the Magistrates, that if they nit it down, they must resign for sooth. —(A Then they proceed to say, that men clothed in the Magistracy ought not to be politicians.— •inly that was rather a strange doctrine. He what my Lord Brougham and Vaux would it, for, of course, it must be taken to apply to \tighter.) But for his part, he (Sir Charles saw no reason why a man should be pre . forming opinions en great questions concern ite•.4ast and happiness of his country, because trusted with the administration of its laws.— There was nothing incompatible or incon the two characters of Judge and politician.— Ir.) But the Union thought otherwise, and :ed Sir Charles Wetherell to retire from of Recorder—(A laugh)—as the best means riot, and, perhaps, bloodshed." So then, asked was merely that he should retire, that the should lay down its privileges, end allow them a) to elect a Recorder and Magistrates.— ) He could not say how they meant to regu icbise—whether it was to be universal suf cited to the ten-pound householders. But they Magistrates this election, that if they were not ' down the tumults without the aid of the mili every crime that should be committed should to the Corporation, and its charter be re at they concluded their address by " exhorting in the meantime to keep the peace, as the only join , * the rights which they were seeking." deposed the Magistrates, and having talked about bloodshed as the consequences of the Corporation the line of conduct which they pointed out, concluded, like most documents of that kind, the people to peace.—(Hear, hear.) He would ` he could not undertake to say what share in of the rioters was to be attributed to Reform ; Id not but think that they who put forth that the morning of the day on which the tumults were much more the authors of those di,- was the individual to whom the whole had I.—(Hear, hear.) As to the Commission shout to be sent down, he would only say, that I promptitude, which the Hon. Gentleman op , used in his speech had occurred in the address, C• Wetherell) would certainly have moved an course which he would be by no means to follow. In that case he should have been cour t refer to what occurred some time ago at Not when (as he bad on a former occasion shown to 'e) the castle of a Noble Duke was attacked t was an Anti-Reformer. He had then taken of stating, that if once it was allowed that ven mid be wreaked upon any man for his political there would be no safety for the parson or of any man ; and the partition wall which divided of the Duke of Newcastle from the mansion of ias too thin to prevent the conflagration ating the latter.—(Cheers.) What had ac irred since? Why the custom-house of the of the Exchequer, a Reformer, was burnt to I.—(A laugh.) When disturbances and tua 'e once arisen, they frequently assume, in their a new character wholly unconnected with the in the first instance, had produced them.— hear,) 'When, therefore, a castle was burnt down Is mob, solely because its owner held obnoxious he (Sir Charles Wetherell) exhorted the Go •to send down a Special Commission. But there Promptitude then.—(Cheers.) Neither did he see of promptitude at present. Speaking on the of the Commission, he must say that he did not on what grounds the Mayor and the Recorder had ed over. He had put in his claim to be named Commission. He bad a right to be placed upon it. had sent a written communication to that effect to ttary of State and the Lord Chancellor. It was that species of right which might be superseded iency. But in this case, what was the cape- Was it not indirectly imputing to him that this in which personal feelings tnight interfere with • and impartial discharge of his duties as a Judge. w as a stigma which he was honestly desirous to and he therefore claimed his right to be nominated ' Commission—(Cheers) —and be made the same °II the part of the Corporation, and of the Aldermen -stituted the Court sitting at the gaol delivery.— ? hear.) He would not charge the Government I ntending to do any thing personally offensive to him, Id not prove it, nor would he charge them with the Corporation, if he had no reason to ',believe it. •) He thought, however, that they had committed error in not putting in the Commission every that was in the Commission of the General Gaol For now it would be said, tbat they gave way Union.—(Hear, hear.) It was true, they had LY to another Union, and they bad corresponded 'other.—(CheerS.) In the Bill which they intro 'it th e last session, they had a clause confining the of the ten-pound freeholders to those who paid half-yearly. Well, the Birmingham Union pro inst the limitation—communicated on the sub the bead of the Government, and the clause was es it pleased them. Then, two Noble Lords op aunicated with that same Union, after it had resolution bordering as closely as possible upon 'cTheers.) Even after that resolution, as lie the House at the time, the Government cor with the Union.---(Renewed cheers.) On . it was that he had wished his Majesty's to have put the Aldermen, the Lord Mayor, aed rr in the Commission.—(Hear, hear.) For 'n had before deposed the Corporation and the and the Government, in passing them over, hove confirmed the deposition.—( Hear, hear.) nem• made the explanation which he had felt him. id to offer at the very first opportunity, without five minutes to elapse. There were yet two or er points on which he had some observations to c ,He complained that his name had been left out. Special Commission issued for the trial of the of at Bristol. In two former Special Commissions dar purpose, to be effected in the same city, the • had been included, and so had the local Magis end the only precedent which he could find to the was one which did not rank very high estimation, and which he was sure would l O 'd a very e levated place in the estimation of , s wyer. lie would, while upon this subject, a matter which had been made a prominent to th e speech from the throne—it was that a new force would be required for the preservation •in this country. The plan was not very clearly ` i ut something was indicated, but nothing very it s l vas stated ; and, at all events, it was to be hoped ' t hing special against Bristol was in the contempla of fats Majesty's Government.—(Hear, hear.) He would come to a subject very foreign from Bristol affairs—he alluded to the prohibition respecting Ll 5 trade, and the influence which that prohibition h ave on our relations with France. There was a •nibition of the trade by a treaty ; but there was else ; nothing more had been accomplished, and further was likely to be effected. He hoped that tt would be done to impair our right of search, or to 1 " 5 , those privileges, not inconsistent with the rights ter nations, which were so important to the dignity erity of Great Britain ; in the meantime he ii t. ‘ th e H ouse, an d every ra ti ona l man in the corn r.:,'„Would suspend its judgment until the convention "e public. He confessed it did not by any wens I to him th a t a ny proceedings whatever could be of ghtest ice e pes who could by 'ad onity 5 p ret sery interfere until with all the th trade, arti had come in , and 'acts as ll nente, \'„l,i eiai un ;u their concurrence. Whatever might be his at f o otiot b le t Pee e t, upon that subject, there was a branch of the l e ex pr riti which, in the abstract, he was not prepared re honou' l ti 4 h e h a d ° t ab i4terl o " any dissent, namely, in that portion which re *petlealentthe suppression of those meetings, which, in his he had ss oe (! w h a t inn s a( l ' ate appeared to be utterly inconsistent with the o f i ta altnt good order—nay, with the existence of civil Go a out . or authority in this country. It bad been •ho sea, (. ,tees so u in argument, that we could not interfere with t one or e' r the eetia ga of the subjects of this realm as might be held n ass n netts t o P u rpose of petitioning the Legislature or address li,a!ed 7 Crown. To that, in the abstract, he fully as grown f w 0r( 9 0 ,1 ,„lii e h i r b tit if it were intended by the Proclamation, r but sti e rtn a h. !cently issued, to convey the idea that the Bir eady to ttai,l 5 44' Union was the only one of the Unions which ofr, Ni a n excetion to the general rule—that it alone bad pillage. ea against t iees s u i t the laws, and that all the rest were inno be 1" ° I . 95 would - od w 'not e take leave to say, that a more unsound, ing, bowe'bie the th_ u !enable doctrine had never been promulgated. no resP4t3j3o e Iltinsingham Union, in dividing the subjects of molts. thand er : l g into classes, and placing them under corn ..edoptet),_ arid in the other preceedings which they had eforro ss st' ',l&ttijast the which they threatened, was guilty of an offence in, to 'ng • b e laws, be bad not the slightest difficulty in assert not • f I" the u t if the design of the Proclamation was to limit o f toe „ t it i o euP,,e:rantion of the intended proceedings to the Birniing tat docut\''pe je ,. 4 eq ual '"? then he would say that that Proclamation was ,ewer It I T; h. Y in -advised with . the measure of those in which that t city. Pr 4 14-141 originat d that die ! _ k With that remark upon the Procla s t Ita' r ti ' n, he should e return to the speech which its ad the- ;ere Manly' -ens a n d an ppo! - ters bad thought proper to designate as a n og le ana straightforward speech ; and yet he con iseives fessed himself unable to comprehend how that character could be deserved by a composition which had touched, in the manner it had done, upon six, eight, or ten different topics. The multiplicity of its topics, and the mode in which it noticed them, did, he would repeat it, appear to him anything but consistent with that simplicity and directness for which its advocates claimed such unbounded credit. It had touched upon tithes, unions, and the ap pointment of a municipal force, and upon various indefinite topics, upon not one of which a word had been uttered, entitling it to the approbation or the confidence of the House, though at the same time he acknowledged it was so framed as not to call at their hands for any substantial amendment. With all the objections he had to the speech, lie must admit that it contained nothing calcu lated to disturb the unanimity which was desirable on oc casions such as that. Having thus briefly noticed the chief subjects which it was necessary in reference to the address itself to touch upon, he should now say a word more as to himself. He hoped he stood before them, with regard to his moral conduct, as completely acquitted as he felt entitled to b e —as, indeed, he had been by all on one side, and as he . expected to be by many on the other. Mr. GEORGE LAMB said if the office with which he was more immediately concerned had not been so point edly alluded to, he should not have troubled the House at that moment. He was sure that, upon reflection, he (Sir C. Wetherell) would do that office the justice to believe that his name not having been included in the Commission arose out of no feeling of personal disrespect to him, and that still less did it arise from any desire to give a colour to that malevolence which bad 'Teen indulged in some quarters on the subject. For his own part, he should be the last man in the community to impugn the rights of chartered corporations; but in referring to that point he must say lie felt considerably relieved by what had fallen from the Hon. and Learned Gentleman opposite on that point; but in acknowledging that, he could by no means assent to any part of his observations on the subject of the Press. He (Mr. Lamb) was not called upon to defend the Press in any part of its conduct ; or with respect to anything the conductors of it might think proper to insert, and between whom and the Treasury the Hon.and Learned Gentleman had most unkindly hinted a connection, for which he trusted the public would be just and discerning' enough to feel there was no foundation. Any accusation such as that brought by the Hon. and Learned Gentleman of an interference on the part of the Executive with the due course of justice, was, indeed, a grave and serious charge, and one which should not be made lightly or un advisedly. How did the matter stand? Two interviews took place with the parties concerned, and with persons holding official situations ; and the question which they had chiefly to consider was whether or not a ses sion ought to be held under the peculiar circumstances in which the city of Bristol, and the public generally, were then placed. It was well known that no session could be held unless the Recorder presided ; and it was universally believed that if he did, riots would be the consequence. Application was thereupon made by the authorit'es at Bristol, and Government immediately made arrangements for sending thither, and into the neighbourhood, an increased military force supposed to be adequate to the emergency, and whicb, the result proved, was fully adequate to the purpose for which it bad been dispatched. Then, as to the issue of the Special Com mission, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman had seemed to impute to his Majesty's Government vacillation and a want of energy, which certainly the facts did by no means jus tify. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had seized hold of the word " promptitude," which had fallen from the seconder of the address, and assumed that it was not a term which could with propriety be applied to conduct such as theirs had been. The word, he would contend, was most happily and correctly applied. Promptitude did not imply hurry ; neither did it even imply that steps were iturnediatey taken ; it merely conveyed the idea that no time had been lost—that steps had been taken as soon as was at all consistent with expediency. How could they proceed, unless they possessed a moral conviction that they had obtained sufficient evidence to sustain a prosecution ? In the very case to which allusion had been made, did the Hon. and Learned Gentleman know that the depositions were not ten days in town ? He confessed he did feel almost ashamed in arguing a question of that nature with a lawyer of his experience. There was no term could be more cor rectly applied that that to which the Hon. and Learned Gentleman took exception. The conduct of his Ma jesty's Government was indeed prompt upon that occasion:; for the Special Commission was sent down at the earliest moment it possibly could. But it was maintained that the Government were not only wanting in energy as regarded Bristol, but also eminently deficient in it as respected Nottingham Castle ; and that they ought on the instant to have sent down a Special Commission to try the rioters there. He really hoped he might be permitted to say that subjects of that nature must be confided to the Executive Government; it surely could not always be convenient to state the reasons of their conduct in every such csse ; and if they could not in all, why should they in any ? With respect to the case of Nottingham, it would not be ex pected that he should tell either that a Commission would be issued or that it would nut; but thus much he would undertake to affirm, that if a sufficient case were made out, a Special Commission for the trial of offenders there would be issued, with as much promptitude as it had been in the case of the Bristol rioters ; that is, as soon after a case had been made out respecting the one as it had been re specting the other. He would now come to more serious matter. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had com plained that be himself and the Mayor of Bristol had been omitted in the Special Commission, and he claimed, as a matter of right, to he so included. Now, the very claim of right defeated itself. After making such a claim, the Crown could not afterwards assert the right, as it al ways should, of issuing those Commissions according to its pleasure. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had strongly censured the conduct of the Bristol Union, and had imputed to his Majesty's Government pusillanimity in yielding to their recommendations. The Government had not yielded to their recommendations ; and if they had not adopted the course which, to their minds, appeared just, and wise, and expedient, merely because it came recommended by certain individuals in Bristol, they would afford a remark able instance of that weakness which was afraid of being thought afraid. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman af firmed that there was no precedent for the exclusion of the Recorder of Bristol from Special Commissions issued for the trial of offenders in that city. So f.r from that being the fact, there was a precedent of a remarkable na nature for such an occasion. He really thought the Hon. and Learned Gentleman would have f It rather obliged for having been omitted ; for there could clearly be no object in including him in such a Commission when it would be highly improper for him to act under it, or take any part in the proceedings which that Commission went to au thorise. In the year 1769 a Special Commission issued for the trial of a single prisoner, and the accusation against hint was, that he had forged the name of the then Re corder of Bristol to a promissory note ; and when that came to be tried at the Sessions, it was, of course, impos sible that the Recorder, who was a party most materially interested, could sit as one of his Judges. A Special Commission was drawn up by one whom they would all acknowledge to have been a very able hand, and from that Commission the name of the Recorder was left out, and also the name of that Alderman whom the forgery was intended to defraud. The Commission was most carefully drawn up ; and when he told the Hon. and Learned Gen tleman that the name thus left out was the name of John Dunning, he could not feel himself lessened by the associa tion. Having merely risen fee the purpose of saying a few words in defence of the office with which he was more immediately connected, he should not enter into any mile' topics of tha Hon. and Learned Gentleman's speech, than merely to observe, that he was quite in error in sup posing that there was any intention on the part of his Ma jesty's Government to' make a special arrangement relative to the municipal force of the city of Bristol : but on the other hand, there did not appear the slightest ground for tasking that city an exception to any general rule which it might be found convenient to establish. Sir R. PEEL—It has uniformly been toy wish, both when I held the station of a responsible adviser of the Crown, and since I have receded into the situation of a private Member of this House, to seethe speech f rom th e Throne, and the address which might be proposed in reply to it, so framed that no difference of opinion cou ld arise upon it—that no collisio n of sentiment should take place upon the subjects which they might embrace. I have always felt an anxious desire that those who threw up both should abstain from a n y expression which might by possibility pledge the Members of this House upon any subject of importance. lam happy, then, that upon thi s occasion I can give so much o f m y acquiescence as may effect that concord which appear s to we so important ; for I say, that I can give that assent which I should wish to the whole address, with one exc e p tion, to which I shall hereafter shortly advert. Before I say anything respecting the tittle at which Parliament has been called together, I shall just observe, that I am fully prepared to admit, that at all times and at all seasons, private convenience should give way to public service ; but what I protest against is, the precedent. I hold it to be a bad and dangerous precedent thus to call Parli ame nt together without that notice which is customary. I am as ready as any one can desire, to admit, that the step taken upon that sub ject is within the letter and spirit of the law. lam the furthest in the world from denying the right and the authority of his Majesty's Government to call Parlia- went together in the short space of fourteen days; but I cannot at the same time help recollecting that it has been laid down by a very great authority that the proper pre caution of not assembling them at less than 40 days' notice should never be departed from unless in extreme cases.— Mr. Hatsell, in his precedents, la)s it down most distinctly, as I have already stated, that the right of assembling within fourteen days is undoubted ; but it is at the same time to be observed that in bad times the Members of the Legis- Itture may he taken by surprise. In the year 1797, the power of assembling within the space of fourteen days was given to the Government, and it was first in 1801, with reference to the Peace of Amiens, that advantage was taken of it. From that time to the present—a period of thirty years—there is no instance of Parliament having been brought together in a less period than three and twenty days; and be it at the same time remem bered, that the Union with Ireland took place since that time. Hence I have no difficulty in a tying that, as a general rule, there ought to be a longer period of no tice than fourteen days. Nevertheless„l am far from saying that cases may not arise wherein it might be necessary to call Parliament together with no greater notice than fourteen days. A sudden necessity for declaring war—the unfore seen bursting forth of domestic tumults—the necessity of new provisions to vindicate the authority of existing laws; all, or any of those, might demand the sudden assemblage of Parliament. But it was argued, now that the Reform question was to be disposed of, was not the necessity for that as great on the Ist of November as on the 21st? and surely, if that formed the ground for the assemblage of Parliament, the Government ought to have dealt more candidly with the Parliament than to have allowed Hon. Members to leave town in the month of October with the fall persuasion that Parliament was not to assemble for the despatch of business till after Christmas, yet now there they were sitting on the 6th of December, without any apparent reason, at least none alleged that is of more force now than it was in the month of October. So much, then, fur what the speech contains. Let me now direct attention to that which has been omitted. Parliament has met in the latter end of the year 1931, and not one word is said to us about the renewal of the Charter of the Bank of England, nor is the Charter of the East India Company even once alluded to—on those subjects we are not favoured with a single observation, but our attention is called to the question, whether or not the cholera is indigenous; and we are invited into all the difficulties of a medical dis cussion, anti other matters front the most urgent are pressed upon our consideration in this " manly and straight forward speech." Though political agitation, one would sup pose, ought not to be provoked by his Majesty's Government at this particular moment, and least of all should any thing approaching to religious disputes he mooted, yet the speech from the throne at once excites all the angry pas sions in reference to tithes which affect Ireland ; it is therefore to be presumed that his Majesty's advisers are prepared with some measure calculated at once to settle every disputable point connected with the church revenues in that country. If they cannot at once allay the heats and animesities to which tithes give rise, or are made the pretext for, they have incurred great responsibility in raising the question. The combination at present is alarming; but it will derive new force from what has this day been delivered from the throne, and from the delay which must necessarily take place before anything decisive can be accomplished. As it is to be presumed that Government is prepared with some measure on the subject, I hope not a moment will be lost in bringing it forward ; and I sincerely hope that no time may be wasted before a Select Committee.—(Cheers.) Our fo reign policy, as adverted to in the speech from the throne, embraced two important subjects, and that to which I shall more particularly seek to direct attention is the state of our relations with Portugal. I would put it to the House, is there not great inconvenience in Portugal being as it were excommunicated from the rest of Europe? How long is this country to go on demanding the observ ance of treaties, and denying the recognition of the Go vernment which the Portuguese people have set up and maintain? On what principle, and, above all, on what Whig principle, do we refuse to recognise that Govern ment ? If a civil contest arises in that country, I hope and trust that we shall continue to act upon that principle of strict impartiality upon which the safety and the dignity of this country depend. On this subject I shall say no more, except that I know nothing of the private character of Don Miguel, and that I conceive his private character Las nothing whatever to do with those political duties which other nations should perform towards the Govern ment of Portugal. With respect to the disputes between Holland and Belgium, I have to observe, that I trust this country will not interniddle with that of which Holland should be the sole judge. It has generally been the practice to make the address an echo of the speech ; but, I confess, I cannot concur in that part of the address which calls upon this House to pledge itself to the approbation of a treaty not yet before the House—not Yet ratified, and which we should, if this address remain unchanged, be guilty of the inconsistency of thanking his Majesty for promising copies of it, and, at the same time, expressing our approbation of that which, on our own showing, we have not yet seen. It is quite clear then that there must he some alteration made in the address, or that that paragraph must be omitted.—(Hear, hear.) I am as ready as any Hon. Member to acquiesce iu the appointment of a now muni cipal force. I have long seen the necessity for it ; but while I hope preserved as much as possible from the evil effects of local influence, I trust it will not, at the same time, be made a pretext for the supercession of corporate authority. As to the Political Unions, it has been said that the law ought to be enforced against them if they violate any enactment. I have my hope that it will ; and I feel thoroughly assured, that if any further provisions be necessary to vindicate the authority of the laws and mai n . tain the peace of the country, that Parliament will not refuse its concurrence. I have reserved for the lastthe great question of Reform.—( Hear, bear.) According to the address that is now offered to the adoption of the House, we are called on to assure his Majesty that we will proceed immediately to the considera tion of that important question ; and that we are convinced that a speedy and satisfactory settlement of it is necessary to the peace and tranquillity of the country. Now, Sir, as we have on this pat agraph the assurance of the Right Hon. Gentleman that it is not of fered to the House as a pledge of any opinion on the subject, I feel no desire to criticize--or, perhaps it may be said, hypercriticize the terms of this portion of the ad dress, because, no doubt, taking it for granted that no opinion one way or another is given, any one may safely state that he is anxious for the speedy and satisfactory se t. tlement of the question. The outline of the measure of Reform that is to be submitted to us is not as yet ex hibited ; but whether it is to be exactly the same as that which was passed by this House during the last Session-_ whether it will only retain the general character of the former Bill—or whether it will materially deviate from it —I will not now stop to inquire; for many days cannot elapse before we shall have the full details of the measure before us : and the subject is in itself one of too great irn. portance to he discussed precipitately, or upon imaginary grounds.—(Hear, hear.) But, nevertheless, lam bound to say thus early, that, although I have the most ardent wish that the arrangement to be made should be speedy and satisfactory, yet I despair of witnessing such an event.—(Cheers.) 1 fear that in the course of the de bates that have already taken place on the subject, we have agitated notions, and awakened the public mind to principles, which will preclude either the speedy or the satisfactory settlement of the question.—(Cheers.) If I thought that the passing of this Bill would be the ter mination of the subject, many of those objections which I entertain towards it would be removed ; but to this con clusion I cannot come, because, in my conscience I do not believe in the principles on which the late measure was founded, or in the principles on which the King's Government mainly rested their defence of that mea sure. In those principles, on the contrary, I see a great impediment to a speedy or satisfactory settle ment of the question—such an impediment that I cannot help doubting the ability of the Government to get over it.—(Cheers.) We are at issue with respect to the cause of the present unsettled state of the country. Of course the advocates of Reform will tell us that it is all to be attributed to the opposition that has been displayed against the Reform Bill. I, and those who are in the habit of acting with me, on the contrary, contend that you cannot shake the foundation of those ancient institutions upon which the Constitution of a country has been built, without provoking the discussion and agitation of prin ciples which will long survive the introduction of the ori ginal subject. Now, Sir, in the speech from the throne what do we read? We there read an admission of the suspension of commerce, of the dearth of manufacturing activity, of the paralysation of industry.—(Cheers.) We there find an admission of the spirit of outrage, which must be controuled by the law, hut which hitherto the sword alone, in some places at least, has been able to suppress. These are the things, Sir, which I read in the King's speech ; but do I there read of reduction in the public ex penditure? Do I there read of a more economical financial department ? Not a word of this. There is only a hope that the usual votes for the public service will be agreed to, but not one word of any reduction in that service. Do I blame Government for this want of red uction, or do I e xpress myself of opinion that they will propose larger votes than the public service requires! By no means. But at the same time I am bound to say that I am able to en tertain no hopes of true economy emanating from Re- farm--I mean from that Reform which is proposed by his Majesty's Ministers, and which includes that unsettlement of the sound principles of Government which has been introduced by that measure.—(Cheers.) But while all these things are omitted and apparently forgotten, we are treated in their place to sarcasms on Tory proceedings and the acts of a Tory Government. We are invited to go abroad for the purpose of promulgating our principles; we are called upon to attend public meetings, such as that of the 150,000 men who addressed the Noble Lot d oppo site.—(A laugh, and hear, he ar. ) Alas, what a mockery of free opinion and free discussion would it be, supposing that any man of Tory principles had attended at such a meeting ! Has there ever been a shackle moulded by any Government within the last century for , the purpose of institwing so effectual a restraint on the , freedom of speech as would have conic into operation at that meeting, supposing any Anti-Reformer had ventured to accept the invitation that has been so sneeringly ten dered this evening? Sir, there are other tyrannies be sides the tyrannies of individual despots.—(Cheers.) Let us look at what has lately occurred ! Can any one deny that far many men, who in the House of Lords opposed the Bill, no doubt, according to the dictates of their conscience, and certainly without the suspicion of any selfish or unworthy motive, it has not been safe for them to travel to their own homes.--(Hear, hear.) When this new measure of Reloetti comes on, I shall be prepared to give it that deliberate anti di,pas. aionste attention which the subject requires. I wish it was in my power to anticipate those consequences which the Government anticipates. I wish I could believe that the spirit of impatience which has been displayed against the institutions of the country was attributable to a cause so temporary and evanescent as the opposition which the Reform measure has had to encounter, and that the tri umph over that opposition (if there is to be a triumph over it) would calm and allay the public disquietude, and bring back that spirit of obedience which, under the in fluence of Toryism, was paid to the laws of the country.— (Hear, hear.) I have read—and who has not read it?— that to such symptoms as these is to be traced the first progress of revolution in the Government of all states ; and I much fear that the disastrous scenes which took place in France at the end of the lest century--and that even the reign of terror itself—may be traced to the undue influence which such principles as these created. In saying this, I do not mean to confound the first seeds of revolution with the after progress of anarchy and blood ; but what I do mean to do is to compare our first steps with those that took place in France, and to ask whether such things may not be the conse quence of disturbing and unsettling men's minds? I have read that the National Convention, before Marat had in.. fluence there, made a denunciation against clubs—(Hear. bear)—and that that same assembly, too, proclaimed death to the man whe should propose an Agrarian law. I have read that when the Kin,: accepted the Constitution of 1791, he began in the words " La Revolution s'est fait," thinking that he had then arrived at the termination of revolution. In those days the persons cried out against by the popular agitators were the priests and the aristo crats. In this country now it is the boroughmongers that have to bear the burthen. And what course is it that his Majesty's Ministers would have us pursue? We cannot resist their proposed changes in the government of the country without opposition. Why is it, then, that we are blamed? What is it that they want to effect? Sir, let them remember that though they may overbear, they cannot compel our concurrence—though they may weigh down, they cannot deter men from their self-convictions. (Loud cheers.) It is in this spirit, then, that lam pre pared to discuss the Noble Lord's Bill, when it shall make its appearance. I trust that we shall find that it is founded on more moderate principles than the last ; hut be its principles what they may, I shall feel it to be a duty which I owe to the people of England to claim for myself the privilege of delivering my opinions boldly on that mea suit! ; and as the King admits the rights of his Majesty's subjects—even of confederated Unions—to speak their opinions on their grievances, so 1, being a loyal subject of the King, claim the privilege of stating my sentiments in this House, and of receiving, in return for my allegiance, due protection from violence or insult, should any be offered ; because I, as a guardian of the public interests in the House of Commons, venture to put forward doc- I trines that may not be in accordance with the public voice. Lord ALTHORP—The Right Hon. Gentleman has taken occasion to bring a charge against his Majesty's Mi nisters for having called the Parliament together at such short notice ; but, at all events, he has admitted that we were within the letter of the law ; and I tnay, on my own part, further add, that the Government felt that, but for such imperious circumstances as presented themselves, it would not have been desirable to have assembled the Par liament so early ; for which reason we naturally postponed the summons to the last moment. And I believe that it is now generally agreed—notwithstanding the inconvenience of the step to the Members generally—that we have exer cised a sound discretion in calling the two Houses toge ther at the present moment.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet has complained, that though the speech has embraced a great number of topics, there are two omitted which ought to have been noticed. Those two sub jects, according to the Right Hon. Gentleman, are— the renewal of the Bank Charter, and of the East India Company's Charter. With respect to the Bank Char ter, however, I believe that it has not been usual, when the times have come round for its renewal, for that circumstance to be noticed in the King's speech ; but, at the same time, I have no objection to state to the Right Hon. Gentleman, that the period for its re newal being so near, I shall feel it to be my duty to move for a Committee on the subject during the present Session. With respect to the renewal of the East India Company's Charter, the Right Hon. Gentleman will recollect, that for the last two Sessions a Committee on that subject h a s been sitting ; and that Committee will, probably, this Session, resume its labours. The Charter, however, does not expire till the year 1831 ; and, therefore, there is no imperative necessity that the question should be taken under our consideration during the present Session. The Right lion. Gentleman then went en to allude to the dif ferent topics contained in his Majesty's speech ; and he stated, that though he could not give his cordial concur rence to all of them, he was, nevertheless, prepared to acquiesce in the address, and not take the sense of the House upon it. This being the case, I shall not think it necessary to follow the Right Hon. Gentleman through all the ramifications of his speech ; and I shall, therefore, only ap ply myself to one point in which I think that be did not fairly represent the speech of my Right lion. Friend near me ; although 1 must say that with respect to that speech, it did appear to me impossible that it could have been more cautiously worded ; and having Ireland under our consideration, we were absolutely bound to mention the point as we have in the speech, it being the grievance that required redress. The Right Hon. Gentleman then went on to say that the present state of the country, from agitation, was such as had never been known to exist before. The Right Hon. Gentle man says that we are forced to admit that commerce is embarrassed—that industry is checked—and that riotous proceedings and breaches of the law have taken place in various parts of the country ; and, undoubtedly, we have been obliged to admit the occurrence of some most cala mitous events in Bristol, with respect to which the Hon. and Learned Gentleman (Sir C. Wetherell) has stated that he felt himself called upon to speak in justification of his own conduct. With respect to what has filien from that Hon. and Learned Gentleman, I am ready to confirm his statement, that no remonstrance was made against his going to Bristol ; and, indeed, such a remonstrance would have been quite improper on the part of the Goverutnent, knowing that the session could not legally take place there without the presence of the lion. and Learned Gen tleman in his official capacity. The duty, therefore, of the Government was—not to prevent the Hon. and Learned Gentleman going, but to afford such means of protection as appeared to it likely to prevent any scenes of tumult anti bloodshed. Those means were afforded ; but I will not now enter into any account of the reason why they proved insufficient. The Right Hon. Gentleman, how ever, announces it as his opinion, that all this mischief has arisen from our having agitated the question of Reform, whereby we have unsettled the principles of Government that previously existed in this country; but when that Right Hon. Gentleman, in proof of this assertion, thought proper to compare these events with the French Revolu tion, he should have made this distinction—that although we propose a great alteration in the mode of conducting the Government, we by no means propose to unsettle the principles on which that Government depends, or those which have always been considered as the principles of the English Constitution.—(l-leai, hear.) The com parison, therefore, which the Right lion. Gentleman has made, is not borne out.—( Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman has also taken occasion to remark that there never was a period when the public opinion was more fettered than it was at the present moment; but surely he must be able to perceive that it always must be the case in every country where free discussion prevails, that on a ll vitally important subjects the weaker party runs the chance of being put down by popular clamour ; and that where a large and overpowering majority of a population takes one side of a question, there must be a considerable expres sion of feeling against the minority. The Right Hon. Gentleman concluded by stating that he would not take that opportnnity of going into the question of Reform ; but, in the cautions which he thought proper to urge, I must say that he took occasion to state pretty strong opinions on the subject ; but as the question will soon come to be fully discussed, I shall not now undertake to notice those opinions, but merely con tent myself with saying, that I trust ti!e measure about to be brought forward will be found as fully deserving of the confidence of the people, and of this House, as the Bill of last Session—(Cheers) —and that I hope, that by its issing into a laW, that excitement which has existed will be calmed, and general satisfaction given to the people.— For my own part, I cannot see any thing in this propo sition which justifies persons in arguing, that it ought to he regarded only as the commencement of a still further change ; on the contrary, I believe it is of such a nature as to satisfy the just expectations of the great majority of the people of England ; and though on this, as on all other occasions, there will be those who will wish for inure, I believe that that number will constitute so small a minority, that nothing that they will be able to do will be of influence enough to disturb the general peace of the country. —(Cheers.) Mr. HUNT wished to express his opinions, though they would not agree with those of either side of the House. The King had told them that there was great distress, for which the mover of the address bad accounted by the cholera morbus, and the consequent. quarantine imposed and for which the seconder of the addre:s had accounted by the agitation of the qui stion of Reform. Now, the way in which lie (Mr. Hunt) accounted for it, was by the change in the currency, without a corresponding change in taxation and the necessaries of life. With respect to the riots that had taken place, there was nothing to be wondered at in them ; they partly took their origin from the distress of the people, and still more (he was not speaking of those at Bristol) from the promptitude of the base Press, that was in the hire and under the influence of the Government, and which had urged the people of Bristol, when it was announced that the Hon. and Learned Gentleman (Sir C. Wetherell) was about to visit that city, to take his life and commit murder. —(Cries of " Oh, oh !—oh, oh !") The Hon. Member said " Oh, oh, oh !" but such, nevertheless, was the case. As to the Unions, they set out with supporting the measures of the Govern ment, and there they ere praiseworthy and proper ; but no sooner did they offer to proceed a step further, than it was instantly discovered that they were illegal, and must b-a put down. He intended to move an amendment, though he doubted whether he should get any one to second it. The object of bit amendment was to give an opportunity to the Ministers to revise the address, in order that they might state the real cause of the distress of the country. The Hon. Gentleman then read a long amendment, the object of which was to state, that the distress of all classes, except those that received taxes, was owing to the altera tion in the currency ; that the free trade system, which admitted luxuries to the rich and kept out the food of the poor, was unjust ; and that fur these reasons the House should adjourn till the following day, to allow Ministers an opportunity of altering the address, so as to accord with these principles. (No Member could be found to second this address, and it, therefore, fell to the ground.) Mr. ROBINSON said the time was arrived when that House was bound to inquire into the distressed state of the working classes. He observed that that distress was no longer called in the King's speech a temporary distress; but at the same time the subject was passed over so cur sorily, that he found no reason to expect it was the inten tion of the Government to propose any measure on the subject. It was, however, an important fact, that we had an increasing population with a decreasing means of employing them. This was a most appalling circumstance and demanded the strictest attention both of the executive and the legislative Government of the country. He cer tainly looked to Reform to do something ; but be did not expect to find it a remedy for all the grievances that ex- isted and pressed so hard upon the country. One of the great errors upon which we had been acting, and still were acting, was the free trade system, by which the inte rests of the country were so materially injured ; and he was afraid the Noble Lord would in the end find out that he had been giving up the reality and grasping at a sha dow. The speech mentioned a treaty that had been en tered into with France with respect to the slave trade; but he also wished to hear it announced that the Noble Lord had been able to extract from that country a reciprocal treaty of advantages, after the many benefits that bad been conferred by Parliament on that country in the course of the last session. With respect to the address he concurred in the propriety of its being adopted unanimously; anti he was, therefore, glad that the amendment which had just been moved had not met with a seconder. With respect to Reform, he should support it, not only on its own account, but because he felt that Parliament was so engrossed with that subject that, until it was settled, it was impossible for it to legislate on anything else, for that one question, in fact, was now occupying the whole functions of that House. Mr. LEADER would not detain the House further than to express the great gratification which he felt, that kis Majesty's Government had taken into their consideration the state of tithes in Ireland, and gave hopes of effecting sonic arrangement concerning them. There was nothing which weighed so much on the people of Ireland, and there was nothing in which they had so long felt a great interest as in the settlement of the question of tithes. It was pain ful to witness the excitement which existed on this subject in lrelaud, and painful to witness the scenes to which that had led. Since the affair of Newtowtibarry, there had been nothing but agitation, and he therefore was highly pleased at the intimation of the Government that it meant to take this important subject into consideration, and he hoped to carry it to a successful termination. He had lately been present at a public meeting of a county in Ire land, which contained one million of inhabitants, and the great subject of their complaints was the tithe system, and there was nothing they were so anxious for as to have some speedy arrangement of that system, such as that contem plated by his Majesty's Government. For three years the clergy of Ireland had got nothing, and, he hoped, sonic means might be found to give them an adequate remuner ation for their services without upholding a system which weighed down the industry of the country, and led to pe riodical disturbances. The resistance to the payment of titles was such, that it was impossible that the income of the clergy could be collected without the assistance of an army. He thought it right to express these sentiments, as he was almost the only gentleman from Ireland then present, and he could not avoid expressing the delight be telt at hearing this announcement. He bad witnessed with much regret the unfortunate circumstances of Ireland, and the dismay they had caused, leading to this salutary mea sure, might prevent similar circumstances occurring in other parts of the empire. Mr. TREVOR thought the mention which was made in his Majesty's speech of our foreign relations was both ambiguous and unsatisfactory. He regretted, tots, that such a brief notice was taken of the deep distress which prevailed in the country, and that no means were pointed out of remedying it. God grant, he said, that out of that distress worse consequences might not ensue. He held himself unpledged as to any Reform Bill ; that, as suredly if the Bill to be introduced by his Majesty's Mi nisters bore any resemblance to the Bill of last Session, he would give it his most strenuous opposition. He could by no means approve of the obloquy which had been heaped on the Right Reverend Bishops since the proro gation of Parliament, as if they alone had caused the re jection of the Reform Bill. He had been struck with amazement at seeing the manner in which they were held up to public odium, and their property described as a public trust which they held only for the people, and which the people might appropriate to themselves when they liked. When he saw such doctrines advocated by those who should know better, he certainly looked with appre hension to the results; but God forbid that those appre hensions should be realised. Mr. SHAW wished to say a few words, as he could not concur in the approbation which had been expressed by the only Irish Member who had spoken. He concurred with his Majesty's speech, in deeply deploring the system of opposition to the collection of tithes in Ireland; but he differed from the speech as to the cause of it. He was not a supporter of the Government, and he believed much of that opposition arose from the supporters of the Government, who were seeking, under various pretences, to revive the Catholic Association. Those gentlemen who pretended to support the Government, agreed also in speaking ill of it, and though he was not one of its supporters, he did not share their p ersonal enmity to its Members. Of the Right Hon. the Secretary of Ireland, they said, that no Irish Member could approach him and not feel himself personally insulted. He differed in po litics; from those gentlemen ; but, as far as regarded the Right Hon. :Secretary of Ireland, for him he felt a per sonal admiration. All his predilections tended to wards the head of the Government of Ireland. He did not know an individual he should prefer to the Mar quis of Anglesea to fill that station ; but he was much afraid that the Noble Marquis had fallen into the hands of subtle and interested advisers to whose influence his generous mind Was made the dupe. They were contented to exercise all the patronage of the Government—leaving him to bear all the odium and all the responsibility of their ill-advised measures. The Pro testants of Ireland felt that they did not experience that protection which was due to them from the hands of Go vernment. The poorer classes of them accordingly were leaving the land in thousands, and their example would certainly be followed by the higher classes if they (amid remove with them their property and possessions. t i e state of the clergy in Ireland was most dep . oratolc. Great numbers of them were selling their libraries, and all that they possessed to support life, they having nothing to subsist on but potatoes. The clergy were in some cases actually living on the alms of their Catholic parishioners, who told them that they would be willing to pay the tithes, only they were not allowed, and did not dare. They wenl3 no more oppose the payment of tithes than anv othee legal due, if they were not encouraged, and even did not dare to pay them. Of whom were they afraid ? They did not respect or dread the law so much as they feared illeg II associations. They were under a spiritual bondage, and the spiritual authority denounced the payment of legal rights. A great deal of agitation was kept up in behalf of the Catholic religion. The chief person who kept up this agitation was an individual eminent fur his talents; and that same individual had lately in that language which he knew so well how to employ, made several suggestions in a letter which he had published only a few days before, 'and urged several specious arguments why the people should resist the law. They were not bound, he said, by the liws in the same manner as the English ; and what would be wicked in the English might be excusable in the Irish. He suggested some specious arguments why they should nut obey the lams, while he hoped, under a flimsy cover ing of mt pretended attachment to the law. to conceal his real object, which was nothing else but to put down one religion, and put up another in its place.—(Hear, hear.) That eminent individual would then take the place of those whom he now censured. But if that were his object, he might tell the Right Rev. Politician that the Protestants were not to be injured, and they were yet wise enough to unveil his sophistry, and had a spirit of independence enough to say so. If his inform ition was correct, that individual was one of the secret Council of the Irish Government tinder whose advice Ireland was misgo ' versed. He was one of those who hid recommended large concessions to the Catholics, but he could not sub scribe to the doctrine that the religion of the land and the Government were to be placed at their mercy.—(Hear.) The Protestants had certainly to complain of not being protected; and though they were loyal, and did not w,int to be driven to imitate the illegal associations of the other party, but if their religion were decried, if they were ungenerously neglected by the Government, the Pro testants of Ireland would yet take means to protect their religion from persons of a different faith. If they were driven to do that, it would he the surest proof that the Government of Ireland was in fault. Mr. JOHN WEYLAND expressed his regret that the Government had not taken a more exteresive notice of the general distress which existed iii the country, and the difs. ficulties which that exposed all classes to. The distress of the labouring classes was extreme. He would not enter into details, but he considered the Government pledged to take this matter into its most serious consideration. He wished that some Committee should inquire into its cause, wite a view to remove it. Reform would convey more power into the hands of the middle classes ; but if the Government expected that the middle classes would benefit the poorer classes, it was mistaken. In some parishes the situ ition of the labourers was not bad, in others it was extremely miserable; and be wished at leant that an in quiry should be instituted, with a view to place the latter in as good a situation as the former. lie hoped, there fore, that the Government would enter seriously anel so lemnly into the most important inquiry it could undert Mr. SHEIL wished to make a few remarks in reply to what had fallen from the Hon. Member for Dublin (Mr. Shaw). That Hon. Member had been the first, by hie observations—which were calculated, he would not say to excite acrimonious feeling, but a disagreeable sensation--to revive and introduce the opposing names of Catholic and Protestant. The Hon. Member professed that his predi lections were in favour of Lord Anglesea's Government; but he forgot to tell the House in what direction his interest lay. The Hon. Member had complained of the Protestants not finding proection ; but what need of protection had they? Where were they insulted ? In what were they injured? The patronage of the whole country was bestowed on them. How were the offices of State filled ? Were they not all filled by Protes t tots ? Was not not the Court of King's Bench filled with Protestants ? Was not the Court of Common Pleas also ? Was not the Recorder of the city of Dublin a Protestant, chosen by a Protestant Corporation ? and might he not have to try, as Recorder of Dublin, a Member of those Associations which be denounced as illegal? Would not this Protestant Recorder have to charge a Protestant Jury and pronounce sentence perhaps on a Catholic? He wished for some specific instances of the Protestants needing pro tection, and not such general charges. He might indeed complain if the Recorder of the city of Dublin was a Catho lic, chosen by a Catholic Corporation, and if the Protestants were brought before such a Catholic Judge to be tried. 'fhe lion. Member might make such assertions but he had not satisfied the House of their correctness. lie had only risen to make these observations in consequence of what had fallen from the Hon. Member, and could not suffer his criticism of the measures of the Irish Government to pass unnoticed. Sir JOHN M. DOYLE regretted that there was no friend present of the Right Rev. Prelate who had been at tacked more able than he was to defend him. He hoped that Prelate would continue to send forth such pastoral letters as that the Hon. Member had referred to. It was a most Christian production, worthy of his great talents, and the object of it was to spread over all parties in Ire land the harmony of the Gospels. Sir CHARLES FORBES expressed his regret that; the affairs of the East India Company had not been noticed in time speech. They were of great importance, particu -1 arly to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, as that Company enabled him to collect nearly 4,000,0001. of taxes without putting the State to any expence. The address was then put, and Lord Aurnotar having introduced the amendment suggested by Sir ROBERT PE El. it was unanimously agreed to. The usual Committee was then appointed to prepare the address, and the House adjourned at a Quarter-past Tin o'clock until to-morrow. Mr. PLANTA, the Ex-Secretary to the Trea sury, has removed from Charles street, St. James's-square, ',ince his recent marriage with Mrs. OoM, and is now domiciled at 15, Hertford-street, May-fair, which mansion, we believe, was occupied by the present Mrs. PLANTA, antecedent to her union with the Ex-Secretary. The French Embassy is removed to 21, Hanover-square, and the mansion iu Portland .place, which has been successively tenanted by the Duke DE Cants, Viscoropte CHATEAUBRIAND, Prince POLIGNAC. the Duke OE LAVAL MONTMOREN'CY, and Prince TALLEYRAND, is at present unoccupied. The house in Hanover-square, now inhabited by Prince TALLEYRAND and the Duchess DE DINo, was recently the abode of Prince and Princess LtEvEN, who have resumed their occupancy of Ashburn ham House, Dover-street, which they quitted last year, in consequence of the late Earl of ASIIBURNIIAM returning from abroad, to receive the Garte r, which honour his Lord ship did not long enjoy. The establishment of Claremont goes on in nearly the same way as when King LEOPOLD av ,s there. Great attention is paid to the growing of vines and grapes in the hot-houses, and all the fruit which is not wanted by the Duchess of KENT, is sent to the KING at Brussels. The expense of keeping up the gardens at Claremont ex , c-.‘eds 2,0001. per annum. The Duchess of KENT and the Princess VICTORIA frequently reside at Claremont now, as the removal of several large trees from the immediate vici nity of the house, has rendered the spot healthy, and the young Princess gains strength whilst there. Sir Joins Coianosr manages all that relates to the house, but does riot interfere with the grounds. The KING, on the day of his departure for Belgium, went over the flower gardens with his gardener, and stopping at the plants or beds which had been favourites with the Princess CHARLOTTE, recommended them particularly to the attention of the gardener. On leaving the garden, the face of LEOPOLD was bathed in tears. Marlborough House will no longer he kept up, either at the expence of King L E OPOLD or the Duchess of KENT. By an arrangement with the Crown, the mansion will be converted into a Royal Palace, and, in an event which the nation would deeply deplore, become the future residence of the amiable and exemplary Queen ADELAIDE. ROYAL INFIRMARY FOR CATARACT, AND OCHER DISEASES or T HE E . Ye have just seen, at ' tilis valuable charity, a patient, who had been blind five years with a Cataract, on whom Mr. STEVENSON has ope rated, and restored to sight, in the short space of twenty seconds ; without any subsequent pain, lotion, bandage, or lass of sleep, and without leaving any apparent mark or blemish iu the eye. This constitutes, we understand, the sixth consecutive instance of recent and similar success ffected by Mr. STEVENSON, at this establishment, agreeably to his new mode of treating Cataract.—John Bull. REFORAI.—A gentleman lately returned to Edinburgh from an extensive tour through Lancashire, s lys, that the idea of a r eaction against the Reform Bill in that populous part of England is heartily laughed at. Such a thing is quite out of the question. The county of L incaster, even to the paltriest village, looks forward with niore and more eagerness to the meeting of Parliament, and the fulfilment of their anxious expectations as to the passing of the Reform Bill. Indeed, they now conceive ! ni t two alternatives—" Reform or Revolution" is tine word I.... Scotsman. author olr,"tte peace c ert, that e' e n, ee, end all cal, base, of the citiz e ns ho snide "Ince, and th f i ey were s . l) ,°t Put it dot stol, call ''''' of the M sometime A gent' Then ertainl 1 y th a ' ( in that erect what m t safe for Of it, for, of ter to pe r (Laughter.) t thous the ' TO saw no lorities h 1 " 01 n formic louse that , t , ihtetst in ein tb'c': I . entrusted (size at 0 t !') There which he (0 the two racy, and ' hear.) Bi bulatory , I f 'tnended S icient to "of Reco that ade eating riot, secretar f eY ask e d wa s the nec I' l tion s h oo k by did 0 01 niou) to station? th He He the depu t franch ission re l "' limited to to xi nce an A to ~a agistrat ntlemen put down I at militarf ' l, t ,"eu every Magist touted to tl hould a' h o But they In two Ple in the then, son i l a °I obtainin o the Go t deposed tl y for the hlnrd (posed duty. I th g the I Should be ~,t . eY conclud lore unn'i .' n g the p e n i e was no ti ' t hat he co autholitit i h:tives of the usual. r c ould not th of his I (41 the inn ro afirmed I)! 'need, wen (Hear, h , t o han was as necessa , 'theribed.— and that . 'COS about of the r . 41' ° '' ,1 prom that, eit (s ir ad used ii at that se id C. Wet! is part, b e i ti : i eut—a i ad been A , I r e to follow. ual.—( ll 4.` 0 refer to thel. ad ( ji b, When \ • aIUIIIIIY 0 . ti„ the rs for ne ' libe he was ; gh the ar tr tt l ' i t Y of sta , and wa' itii fluuld be fi ll , 'ing ande 1 )4 ther e ;hter.) od of any i a the 2 1 °t) ti ef _e of the led upon 11 ,414 41 dt urruer wt ad the Ci?kily valtatin •neglectio6 k te c l e i eurred i stringent 0 °r of th French 1 " 41 4 t r i )t ind.—( erell's) co l " '4 44 4 " Once ies—tha t , i !le ,1 ) , a nevi v whether, qt 4: 'flich, i n es, or th" ,rt,, ) . hear,) t knew th } 10,1 ••lutot t dlO , l is moi fore the P i 'n7 tir t :' be He need It G - t toeen L,pt pac % is Prumpti no les t . 1 '14 14 °( Pr a more tb r , tit, Up the I 0 1 ` ) n il what nor nor wo have VO L. th e ~,"ed eve tin4a:retarivatol tr)—he ei,`" Ole ' t , c)i n, tuis gar)—he''' R ee l . "au sen of the f e • I); . thi;t si ht of oP , iuse, and l '' rt , P , d tency. of his of ts ' ' Was I ) surrend er Jest in in w • t h -A and wersy 0. i t , 07 in slander' °' rid " a si it wont(' th, 4 ,,,,_ n d he I tor in Erg 'al - ' °rnruh mi,infor: hitsl,:e.o: n n st t ' ll tu e pi ....4 A is trh l te4 ake, but ear.) he ant ear. ,hat Holt° himself, s' i t Ad el ? u ld not .1 1 indict man 4•(ti e ' a n g the ( iwledge t°ll4, t r ' ) He Aga i n , it si t , t error sto . that wa Bl a gistr s liv er i dissuad e , the Y , • F O pureoer !ett w _ l-I njoi se. , i li!th a rray to , explainif:tta inu •h had had 10, t , in klIchi the 1 •ho waiter,eir 50 of th tin ntt, r ent I If nmunica r d 'a • 0 3 h a had been I v e t wit ,.ga lust in. It O r o b :t e , l " the I ly, that t b , r r; l ite 43 it 1 at tbe 61 , ) 4 N ec nunu ed Pt L ett" a res t but 0 0 r•, 4 sl ) . "(C 1 _ft , k, Ow- t, if it n'',o 11 Po tIde ," t been ge li A t l t 4 " Wi 1 , 'a 'I , ia . 'count reuensio :41 inters uired. P l i t t ti l t 11„ ° ''' h ',i t b e t r order hich that go into a rj t ,it k l e curd il e ,, r) ha 't been 05',144 , an d e disoP6',llo,lto lily until al'i ;1(1), ouw i put in th e 6, t,1 1 41511 6 4 11 4 , d „? Then PAt to 't , t 61 ,4 e e Judge 7.,tt , 4 44 e. y e e, Pt aol Jelive"," L tl i , ( ~,tte i lg of the 7 6 0 r itni sr '>eci which o er , t! 8 e BI ~;„1; `4,„ i ttlizir thout o•- 0,, , rtes -.re had _Hear, enoug l3 l , r had --(Hear' ge l ' is :l44 ;4 4nd mi the fiber / i ' his Y, x t , " 4(4 hold estil the co 11 , 4 , n i t' 11 be :nig ~p: t1"1 lacy a ip in his , t 'tiejYer. what c ° ) ' 'oi a in I ) h P i l :: 1011e i. !4 th e :,, ,bout( ' l° , I ! p ea c e Tal f c at no man O f ,iked e in t 010 4' `ta • nut • .g h i m li t , il l nit e iv , t terrnr it), til t Nth." in and a 'V. i r on of I , ll g not hae e or k°e•' Would 1, maur fi t e t ri it lild IJ or he 5 affair and a io i i ki , i a „ d falsely °r t 'gi l t h ' tr appreheaor, t e t lted pr av i e . ,rut of ? A rf' ti %in have' thti-Iteor7oi ''tlii,.,g else • o o , A ' noth."ll fu rl not!, n jor,, k in. ~. ,nt conlioitio 44.1iois',"t he dange r f NI "I '' ,) 4 Co 4 ter na .(Cheer- qv. IL p ros en eSi' et• '4, 'Per ten ye. t p tzi tigh t th brow ° i) tst r/ i ,. ip ti nity c ; the disasro.i 4 t 4 rktp 0 , and t he tr ie d ' ttl' e ar to e I) the Con' pt t t tl' h lad nor s" r j , 1 tly , p i gb.tes .„,,, .. tbel.ii .tkpr,.°4lhil