The Sun. — London, England, 1830-02-05 00:00:00

NA spoke of hiss Nlajesty's Speech, -of course, not u the 3poosh of the King, hut of that of his Ministers ; ind of the Address, not as alit of the Noble Lord who moved it, bat as the Address of the Minister•. That Address he could not support, 14 it contained a pledge which he thought it inconsistent with his duty to give. He begged pardon of their Lordships for occupying their attention so long; but having a deep feeling of the present distresses of toe country, and a strong opinion as to the proper re medy to be applied, lie could not help throwing out these few observations. The Duke of WELLINGTON—If I hail any doubt as to the propriety of my determination not to submit to the proposition of the Noble Eirl who proposed the amend ment, that doubt would have peen removed by the obser vations which have been made by the Noble Earl who has jest spoken, particularly in the latter pert of his speech. Instead of confining himself to the subject matter or his Majesty's Speech, and to the Address proposed by my Noble Friend—instead of referring to th e s e t o pi cs , mid to : these only, the Noble Earl has found it necessary or expe dient to revert to transactions which took place two years ago. He has blamed the Government for not havingpre sorted a real neutrality between Don Miguel and hi s 'niece ; and, in endeavouring to show that there was some ground for his censure, he has reverted to these Jong past trans actions, without giving the least notice that he intended to take the present Opportunity of bringing these mat ter* under discussion. He expressed an eerneet anxiety that the subject sho u ld b e atten d e d to , arid discussed in the course of the last Session, when we would have been prepared with th e p ro p er d ocumen t s , an d t h e b est information to elucidate the question which he has celled rep to night, and the transactions to which he refers. He him not kept to the topics mentioned in his Majesty's eepeeelo and in the Address in answer ter it, which form the subject now under the consideration of your Lordship, but has turned aside to the discussion of matters upon which there is no information, or, at least, only partial iti formstion, before thy House, a n d h as arcue d on supposed fasts which are not in dispatches to be found on your Lord ships' tahle, or in any public office, that I know of. There was no such communication made to us as the Noble Earl aflutter; to. It is true that Don Miguel did desire that the British troops might remain in Portugal; but it was not true that tire communication was made to us In the manner aientiuned by the Noble Earl, that I am aware of. The :noble Earl says that we did preserve a real neutrality with respect to the patriots who were assembled at Oporto, in in erder to make an effort in favour of their legitimate Sovereign ; and that we opposed them, and would not enffer their favourite officers to join them. But the fact in that the troops at Oporto were not opposed by at, nor atereteel. Th-y were in themselves sufficiently numerous, end sufficiently well equipped with all the means necessary for the operatien, and were joined by the very officers whom the Noble Earl accuses us from keeping from them. But, as one of themselves bad expressed it, they withdrew he cause t .ey saw that the whole country was against them. That wa_s a fact which appeared in the correspondence. We have sot the proper documents before the House at pre .seat, to show precisely in what manner his M ijesty's Go verom.nt acted as to the queition of neutrality. But I say that we were rigidly and strictly neutral between Don .Ali e uel And his niece, and between the parties in the civil war cf Porrugal. We had certainly a corn:nee slat treaty with Don Miguel, and consequently in terests at stake, which it was incumbent on us to main tain, and we were bound to neutrality. We could net, therefere, suffer tire Portuguese troops, which were as sembled at Plymouth, to attack Terceira, or Madeira, or the Azar s, or Portugal, or any part of tire dominions which acknowledged the sway of Don Miguel, nor permit rite neutrality to be violated. The Noble Lord talks of she convoy that was given to tire Porteguele squadron, when they were turned aside from Terceira, and animad verted on the cruelty attending that proceeding. Perhaps it is tree that a man was killed on that occasion, although I do not know that there is accurate or certain information its to the fact ; hut he that as it may, we were net to blame for it. We were obliged to maintain our neutrality, and were completely justified in what he did by the law of stations.—(Hear, :rum Lord Holland.)—l say that we were compelled to act iu order to preserve our neutrality, and that in what we did we were fully justified by the law of actions. Then the Noble Lord alludes to a correspsnd cues, which he says I conducted instead of my Noble Friend (Earl cf Aberdeen), whose official and censtitu ticnat duty it was, as the Earl said, to manage it, But the correspondence alluded to wee in my hands, and most properly so, as lone as the person with whom it was car ried on Isere no official character in this country. His official character was not acknowledged, bet when a per son did come to this country in an acknowledged official character, then the correspondence was transferred to my Nettle Friend, and conducted in the usual form. lam not prepared with the proper papers and documents rela tive to these subjects, and I speak merely from recollec ;lox. Bat the lest topic of the Noble Earl's epeech is the scoot important of all, although in that respect ha has pad but little attention to the recommendation in his Majesty's Speech. In that Speech his Majesty says that "It is from a deep solicitude for the per =anent interests of his people that Lis Majesty is impressed with the necessity of acting with ex creme caution in reference to the itnportant subject of pro ermine measures for the relief of any portion of his sub jects." Bile the Noble Earl does net attend to this re- soonreettiletion, nor does he take time to consider the qnrs e:ira, but he conies forward at once with a re-waiver: of re !itf, and that measure is of ne less consequence than an riteratioc in the currency. Tile Noble Earl calla on your Lordships to act directly contrary to the advice of his Mt jeety, end at once to pledge yourselves kerttirent inquiry to Ala alteration in the Currency. The Noble Ear! talks of the Speech from the Throne, as if it manifested a neglect nf, ar:el indifference to, the present distressed state of the country. There is no man that can more deeply or more iirseereiy lament these distresses than I do ; and it would be difficult for any mart who should bold the situation which I at present fill, without being well aware cf such distresses when they exist, and without deeply and sin cerely regretting them. The Noble Earl says, that his 3lajeety in his Speeelr attributes these distresses to the seasons. But what does his Majesty really say ? Ile goys, " That inc feels assured that the two flointee of Par lianteot will concur with him in assigning due weight to she effect of unlivourehle seasons, and to the operation of other causes which are beyond the reach of Legislative eentroul or remedy." Surely tho Noble Earl dues not ratan to deny that due weight ought to he it!q‘igned to those eauses—and I eannet conceive hew the Noble Era can draw any inference front these words iai. plying an indifference on the part of his Majesty or his Ministers to the distresses of hit subjects. I must biQ ir call your Lordships' attention to another meat im portant consideration connected with the distress. There is ;nether class of distresa, quite distinct from that aiready referred to, which really exists to a considerable degree among the manufacturers. But I ahould like to know whether this has net been caused by the employment of patellinery and the application of steam to mister:branches nf menufacture. Competition, too, has arisen abroad there is great desire in all people to become menufactu rers, and there are new manufactures established in all the .countries of the world. Now I beg learn to ask if the ern - etlayment of nmchinery abroad, and the employment of etc.= to all manufacturing purposes, is not calcnieted to erentrihute to the distress of oar manufacturers ? ie • sue of the causes referred to by his Majesty in his Speech, and your Lordships must consider whether this is or not one of the sauce: over which Parliament con Id not pot eitily have any cantroul ? Ca. Parliament, ray Lords, terevent the competition of foreigners ? Can this Haase , ireterfere to prevent tine application of machinery and stearrr to manniectures ? or can there be a doubt that the appli ention of steam and the employment of machinery, whir sire competition of foreigners, have made it ceneseaty for eke manufacturers to give the men they employ as cooed wages as pussible? All these circumstances have cons tined to produce the distress eotepleined of. The Noble Earl opposite rays that the distress is general and univer se:, and unexampled. lam afraid the distrait is general, lout at the same tiara there are some symptoms its ide a s country which show, notwithstanding the distress, time the country is advancing ire preepetity. I say that th is is pro ve d b y tiocurnente. If the ezporte of Great Britain _hav e gone on increasing for some yeaseneelt they were greeter last year than lazy former year—if the atnenot of .sf our exports are now greater than ever they were .before—l say, not only that these aro the strongest symptoms of the prosperity el the country in ereasiag, bat shat the distress eienzei be so great and unexampled an the Noble Earl wordd make et. There is not a rail-toad, nor a common road, no; a eanal in the country, on wi.teli the traffic has not in creased every year during tira last few years, and particu larly is the last year. It may be true that elotre is a dirni 3ution of the manufacturers' proitt—it may ha tree that eke profits are not so great as. they were—het if theen were no profit there %teeth! be ne employment ; bat the traffic was usexainpled, which could not possibly talcs place unless tome advantages were derived from it. It is true that the advantages are not so great as they were ten er twenty years ago, but still there were advaatage: ; and where such an extensive and increasing tied& exists, there censer he such extreme distress as the Noble Earl repre mats. There is another circumstance well worthy your :Lordships' attention. There is a large class of retail asters is this coun tr y.,. are they in distress? They fill every town, and almost every village--they are able to ray large rents for fine new houses. I ask if this is a sign , }f distress ? Or is it a sign of distress; that they are able o build fine new houses in every part of every town? l'hese are face, my Lords ; and, say what you please, prove, notwithstanding the (litanies in some parts of , she country, that on the whole the country is still rising In prosperity, and that there are some persons cot afflicted .vith distress. Now, my Lords, I wish to say a few words on the remedies proposed by tire Nvble Earl, who seem to have completely tnisunderetsod the arguments} of my Noble Friend. The Nnl,le Viscount stated that the Revenue in 1815 was eighty millions steel:me—that liXt - fi were first of e.ll repealed to the amount of eighteen • millions, and afterwards to the amount of nice ;nak - iagin all twenty-seven millions ; and he says that the Revenue now produces in a sound cisr i reney as great an amount as it produced in a depre ciated currency. Those persons who consume the terti , cdes which produce the revenue must be able to purcirate them, or the revenue could not exist. The increase of the revenue is a proof then, that consumption has increased full one-third since the time when the taxes were re4ueed. It is impossible that the country in which the revenue, is a period of fifteen years, had risen one-third, can suffer great distress. The Noble Earl who spoke last referred the dis tress to a deficient currency. He, however, would have a paper circulation. Now, I will tell the Noble Earl that the largest amount of currency in circulation at any time during th e Bank Restriction Act, waft sixty-four minions sterling. The Bank of England notes were thirty millions; country bank paper, twenty-three millions ; gold, four millions ; and silver, seven millions. But in 1830, the amount of Bank of England paper in circulation is 19,900,000/. ; of country hank paper 9.200,0001. ; of gold, 28,000,0001. ; of silver, 8,000,0001. ; making a total of 65,100,000/. It is certain, therefore, that there is snore money in cir coiatien now thin there was at any period of the Bank restriction. There can be no want, therefore, of snore currency. The Noble Earl, indeed, says Ire wants an ex tended currency ; but what ire in feet wants, is not an ex tended currency. but an unlimited currency. He would give an ❑nlimited power to certain individuals, not to the Crown, to coin as much sr.orfey as they please. The Noble Lord wants to give them the power of lending as much capital to other individuals as they think proper.—(Hear, hear.) Thus, what the Noble Eerl wants—what I say the country cannot have—(Cheers)—.without incurring that ruin from which it so narrowly escaped in 1825 is as unlimited paper currency. The Noble Earl says, in the West of England a man cannot borrow money, though his corn-yard and his barns are full. The banker will not lend his own capital, he says, because he can not 'mike a profit of it ; but tine banker would make a profit by discounting bills, with which he is not content, and lie will not lend because he cannot have also the profit of issuing 1/. notes. What is wanted by these gentlemen —what the Noble Earl would ♦ote for to-night—is not more circulation, hut an unlimitesicirculation. He would give a power to individuals to make Ray quantity of money they pleased, which they might then lend to indi viduals without any security whatever. There are plenty of proofs that there is no want of money in the country. Never, at any period, was there a greater quantity of ca pital ready to be embarked in any scheme whatever. Any lean who could set on foot a scheme with some plausibility, was sure to obtain mosey to carry it into execution. There was tin Power in Europe or America, neither Por tugal nor Brazil ; there was no Government, however bankrupt—.whirls could not get money to barrow in Eng land. No man who poeeeteed any thing like tolerable se curity need want money. There was never more capital ready to be employed than at this moment. lam sorry to trouble your Lordships at such great length, but I thought it necessary to reply to the Noble Earl's speech. My Lords, in answer to all the declarations which your Lordships have heard to-nig,ht, respecting the evils of free trade, of a change in the currency, and other thines, I have one fact to state, and it is this. Since the year 1815, and principally since the Bank restriction had been taken off, measures have been adopted to relieve the eons,- try of taxes, to the emouat of 27 millions sterling ; and measures have been also adopted to reduce the charge fur the National Debt between three and four millions a-year, I that being the interest on nearly a hundred millions ster ling. 1 beg your Lordships will bear this circumstance in mind ; sad let use tell you that all the advantages of a so-called equitable adjustment will ■ever equal the advan tage already obtained from measures of this description.__ We have relieved the country, since the Bank Restriction Art %Tag repealed, of taxes is the amount of nine million., and of a conaidereble portion of the charge for the National Debt. When I say we, Ido not take this credit on my self—it is due to the Noble Lord on the cress bench (Lord Bexley) and to the Noble Viscount opposite (Lord Gods rich) ; but I entreat your Lordship net to deprive tire present Corernment, tire present Admiaistration, of the power of imitating thetn, We have adopted measures of economy which will hereafter be sulimitted to your Lord ships—measures for saving every shilling which is sot ab soNtely necessary for the honour and welfare of the coun try; and we only desire that the same confidence may he placed in us as was placed in them, that we may be en abled to carry our plans of reform and economy into exe cution. ' The Earl of CLANRICARDE and Lord KING rose together, but the former said he meant to detain their Lordships but a few minutes, and the latter gave way. The Noble Marquis accordingly proceeded to address their Lordships on the subject of our Foreign Policy, and corn. pained that the observation of the Noble Earl on this aubjact had been misrepresented by the Noble Duke. The Noble Earl had had no opportunity before of touching on that subjtct : there had been no information before their Lordships. He had himself given notice of a motion on this subject at the close of the last Session, and then the papers were brought down voluntarily, but they were not presenteti to their Lordships till three weeks after they had been laid before the House of Commons. There was, therefore, no opportunity of diacnssing the question of Portugal, and the Noble Earl had, consequently, been un able to bring it under discussion. He supposed that the House would soon be called on to recognise Don Miguel; but he hoped, before that were the case, every information would be given which would make it convenient to dis cuss the question. He knew that a Noble Friend of his-- a Noble Viscount—had been sent on a mission to the Brazils, and he hoped sonic information would be laid before their Lordships respecting that mission and its results. He congratelated the Government that it was able to extract matter of satiafeetion from that defeat of the Turks which it had formerly looked forward to with SO much apprehension. He congratulated their Lordships on tile vane which had overthrown a State, the preserva tion of which the regarded as essential to the interest of Europe. The Earl of ABERDEEN did not affirm that the re cognition of Don Miguel would take place; hut before it, if it were thought proper, ample information would be laid before their Lordships. At least should kis Majesty's Ministers think it sight to take that step, information fully to justify it would be lain befeee their Lordships. That any intention at present existed so raccgniee Don Miguel, ins must deny. At the same time he had long zonaidered that lineet;on as one which related wkolly to the time when the event must take place. Ile would give the subject all the consideration in ins power ; and, when a resolution was adopted, all the information won id roe produced which might be necessary to justify the measure. Lop s ; HOLLAND did not mean to make any observa tion, but only to ask, before the measure was completed for acknowledging tine Lrsurper of Portugal, who had shown all along the utmost hostility, and even perfidy, towards this country—he only wished to ask whether the information to be laid before their Lordships was to justify that measure after it was taken, or consult their Lordships on the propriety of ta'4ing it ? In the early part of the Noble Earl's speech he had stated that information would be given before t.king that step ; but ha had afterwards teras,aael that when it bad been taken, it would be joatir,ed, which -.Latin it necessary that their Lordships should understand 'Aetna, the information was to be given before acknowledging bon Miguel or afterwards.— Ilia Noble Friend had received an namerited re boke from the Noble Duke. The Noble Earl oppaeite had for t wo years refused all information on the subject, on the ground that ia would be injurious to his Majesty's service. He indeed said he was desirous, above all things, to lay that information before their Lordships— tbat he panted for the time to come when his Oen,' to his Majeaay would allow him to give an explanation ; but the Noble Earl ;.ed allowed one Session to pass with out giving the information; _then the Noble Earl was pri vately inform d that a motion was to 44: tpade on the sub- ect; and then the Noble Ea. I, after the papers had '.been laizi on the table of the House of Commons for three or l four weeks, th.0.,,g4t proper to lay theta on the table of that House. They fortne.;l. a tares volume, not explained by any comment, and not complete, r iShey were laid on the table without one single observation, one Jingle ea , tnenele, being essentially incomplete and garbled. Before that night Shore had been no opportunity to notice this vo lume ; and when Ilia 1;oble Friend had done it,with that elo quence and perspicuity for which ha. was distinguished, the Noble Duke turned round on him, and saki why this is an old Glory—why did not you not notice this before ? The pa pers submiatt.; to their Lordships slid not contain half the case; they did not explai, - . the conduct of his Majesty's Government, which he considered to have been peculiarly bad .1.,..-24 disgraceful. He hoped that fouls further ex- planation would be submitted to their Lordships, He did not wish to press for the information before that period ; be b r u e t co b g e n fi i u s r e e i, T ic e . i a ) r e r r i i v o e d d ar w ri l v ie e n d i ‘ t vh m en ig o ht on b il e ii s g a u fe e l l y si g w iv u e li n i thought it would be necessary to have whatever informa tion the Government possessed before them. Their Lord ships were told, the Session before the last, that it was to the atthigeustterhneiai(rfiactufitirtihe of follarl their diEffi s ° f pagu c t u h i e t y iez us a t ri l l ook for a ali.sion bad been sent out to effect a reconciliation, or at least to suggest the principles and basis on which a recoil_ ciliation might be effected ; but not one word was to be found in the notable papers already mentioned of the pro positions which had been made, or in what manner they had been received—of all these not one word had been laid before their Lordships. Both Houses would, L e hoped, taink it right to inquire what were the principles en which it was proposed to terminate this state of things, and what were the causes of the failure, before they consented to the bad, the disgraceful measure, of acknowledging a bloody Usurper over a country which was more necessary than all other couutties to the welfare of England ; but which, by A strange series of mismanagements, had within the last two years, been completely estranged from the people acid Government of England. If his health allowed, he should probably make some motion on this subject. He was afraid as he was growing old, he was growing fastidious; fur he did not approve of either Amendment; and there was, be believed, another to be moved ; he should therefore retire when the question was put, and not give his vote on either side. He, like his Noble Friend, was surprised that the Government could draw satisfaction from an event they had formerly depre cated. They had told us that Turkey was necessary to the balance of power in Europe—that this country must always desire to see it independent and strong. But the Noble Duke now congratulated himself at a peace which destroyed the independence of Turkey. He did not know of what use it wax to this country to uphold one of the most o lious and detestable tyrannies that ever existed ; and which had done more mischief to the world than any other tyranny. He regretted that the Russians had not taken Constantinople—he regretted it very much.— (Hear, hear, and a laugh. )—lf they had taken Constanti nople, the Noble Duke would have sent no fleet to protect it, whatever might live been his declarations. The value of such professions was not known, and nobody would trust them. The Noble Duke seems satisfied that come thing has happened which he did not wish—he was pro bably rejoiced that he had fallen soft. The Earl of ABERDEEN explained, that when his Majesty's Ministers were disposed to take any step with respect to renewing our diplomatic relations with Portugal, they would not ask the Noble Lord's advice. When the time came, information would be laid before their Lord ships, which would justify the advice the Ministers might give. If he said it had not taken place before it was aeces . sexy, he did not mean that the country was driven by any • argent necessity to acknowledge Don Miguel. The Noble Lord had used some terms in speaking of him which he could not entertain. He had never been that Prince's advocate; but he believed that there were great exaggera tions respecting him which were not justified by anything which he (Lord Aberdeen) had heard. He knew what the spirit of party was, and he knew how that could over charge the character of Princes. His character might well deserve what was said of him ; he did not mean to defend or to palliate the conduct of Don Miguel; but it was possible that his conduct had been rnierepreaented by party spirit. He was surprise-. 1 to hear the Noble Lord object to acknowledging an Usurper; for he should have thought he would have been the last man to have made much objections. If he recollected right, the Noble Lord had ne objection formerly to acknowledge an Usurper who had been chosen by the people. Don Miguel had been chosen by the people, and he never remembered any person wino had dethroned the lawful Monarch that had received greater support. Had he been originally some obscure person—had he not beeu illustrious by his birth and high station, he might, perhaps, have been glorified, and been thought a happy traitor; but without referring to him, attending only to the interests of Eng land, the question would be decided whether or not the English Government should acknowledge him ? It was the interest of England to preserve the connection with Portugal. At present that connection had been int r rupted for a longer period titan at any other time for these 200 years, during which the countries had one com mon interest, and had gone on in amity. It was not only our Amicable relations which were interrupted, tend ing to injure the union which had so long subsisted, but the interruption was opening the way to other Powers to fill up our place. If we went on as we were going, other Powers would not fail to take advantage of it, and we should be acting contrary to what had been the settled policy of this country for a great many years. Whenever the recognition should take place, the House should have the fullest information, so as to enable it to form a judg ment of the event, and he had 110 doubt but the House and the country would be satisfied of its propriety when ever it occurred. Lord HOLLAND, in explanation—The Noble Earl said he would not ask his advice ; nor would he ask the advice of Parliament. The Noble Earl formed his opi nion independently of all other people, and of all other con siderations, except those relating to himself and the Par• liament; and the public and a humble individual like himself were to be informed when the step was taken. He called Don Miguel an usurper, because he woo an usurper ; and sot only an usurper, but a breaker of those promises he had celled on us to witness lie hid broken Ills faith with us, and he had usurped the Crown to which Ire had sworn allegiance—he usurped the Crown of a near relation, after swearing most solemnly that he would de fend and serve it. It was not exactly as au usurper that he spoke, Hire were tire Governor of the country de facto it might be our duty to acknowledge him. The Noble Earl said, that he (Lord Holland) was fond of usurper., and had been ready to acknowledge them. If the Noble Earl alluded to Napoleon Buonaparte, he would nut pay Buonaparte such a bad compliment as to say that he was a very different person from Don Miguel. If Buonaparte was an usurper, he did not know whose throne he usurped —ire was made the Governor of tire country by the law, and had the same right to the Throne of France—a Par liamentary right—as the illustrious family under whom the people of this country lived had to the Throne of Great Britain. He was not an usurper. The Noble Earl said it was the interest of this country to keep up our relations with Portugal. He was of the same opinion, but he main tained, that the conduct of his Majesty's Ministers bad lost as all our interest in that country. It did not signify whether Don Miguel was King, or whether the Coo stitutionalitts were in power, or whether the Government was vested in Donna Maria ; the present was the first pe riod in the history of that country in which the public mind in Portugal, of all parties, was so decidedly hostile to England, that it sought support in Spain, or in France, or in any other country, rather than hare recourse to England. The present Government had military possession of Portu gal et the time they succeeded to the administration, and they had mismanaged matters in such a disgraceful manner that we bad lust our most necessary and useful Ally. The Noble Earl said he would not ask advice before he acknow ledged Don Miguel. He would nut ask advice of either House of Parliament; but he hoped that the House of Lords and the other House of Parliament would not ask the advice of his .1111jesty's Ministers; and in particular would not ask the advice of the Noble Earl, before they re solved to obtain iliformation ; and that some opportunity would speedily be taken to get all the information con nected with this subject laid before the Parliament, parti cularly all the information connected with that disgusting outrage and that violation of the law which had been per petrated ofi 7 Terceira. The Noble Earl had insinueed that he loved revolutions, and did not lore legitimate go vernments ; but such language was perhaps areparliamen tary—it was certainly Rot proper language to use in that House, and still leas was it proper in the mouth of one who h e ld such. a Ligla official situation as the Noble Earl. The Earl of WINCHELSEA supported the Amend ment. He contended that the distress was unparalleled, and he regretted that the Speech from the Throne should have noticed it so slightly. The distress nurser was so great, and the public mind was completely disheartened. Either the Advisers of sloe Crown had taken no pains to obtain information, or they had misrepresented the case to his Majesty ; or they had told him that legislation could supply no remedy. He regretted to see a spirit of asso ciation growing up in the country, and God forbid that it should extend or eontioue, o a spirit of seeking redress for grievances by the means of the people themicives, 'mates(' of carrying theta before Porliatnent ; and he was afraid that this spirit would be increased by Parliament not in qu:rioe, into the camel; of the distress. He gave his heart felt support to the Ameonlutcnt. Earl STANHOPE, in reply, stated that he intended, were Iris Motion for a general inquiry complied with, to follow it up by a motion for a special inquiry on each par ticular beaech o r the subject, which would give the Noble Duke an opportunity of ea:piainieg his theories about the currency. The House would riot discharge its duty to the country, if it did not pursue the inquiry into tire dis tress generally and specifically. ;„oed KING said he had an amendment of his own to move to tire Adeireza in roamer to tae King's Speech, as he could not agree to any part of the Amendment of the Noble Earl. He objected to the Speech, that it gave no adequate idea of the distress of the country that it did not ask, the, nature of the malady ; nor, which was worse, did it say 014-word about the nature of the cure. Much was said about its being temporary distress ; but what sur prised him was, that after fifteen years of peac , ., this porary distress wss continually recurrirw. There w)s no th)ubt it must be traced to the same cause, namely—an error in the legislation ; hut the question was, how could it ha remedied ? Thu Noble Lord opposite was completely at fault when he declared that the evils were beyond the reach of remedy. The Government could cure them if it was willing ; but he doubted both its will and its ability. Thy Nobble Earl (Stanhop,), in his proprisithm, had let out a little of what he considered the remedy for Cue evil, and that was nothing but a return to a paper currency. lie feared that the Noble Lord and his friends stii hankered after the flesh pots of Egypt.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) What they• wanted was, n o t t o feel t h e distress themselves, but to shift it on the shoulders of others. When the. Noble Lord, and those who rated for the Bank Restriction Act, found the payments on their hinds came in regular'•, they cried out the nation was flourishinff ; but the moment that Act was repealed, and a portion of the consequences fell on themselves, then their tone changed, and they considered it a monstrous grievance to be compelled to pay their share of the losses, and to account for that part of an error of which they should from the first hare been called on to bear their, part. He felt, in common with the class to which he belonged, the consequences of these things, but he also felt that the class to which he belonged deserved their sufferings, and that even Bentham himself could not have invented a pu nishment more appropriate to the crime than that from which the landed proprietors were now suffering. They were suffering now because they encouraged by their voice, and supported by their votes, the depreciation of the cur rency, and the suffering was just in proportion to the de gree of excess iu which they indulged their wishes with respect to that currency. fle remembered some lines of a poet, which he considered exceedingly applicable to the situation and expressions of those persons, and which were not more remarkable for their severity than for their truth. " Ye ruined squires and scathed nobility; Wl•at boots it now to raise a loud lament, Of grinding taxes and (drilling rent, And fill our Senate with your senseless cry? Time was the costing mischief to prevent, But then with flinty heart and tearless eye, You saw )our peasants droop —your soldiers die; Hind paid with raga, and troops to walchercn sent. A sturdy swain deprived of his meed, Even by your war made slavish, lean, and poor; What reck'd ye—you but gained an ample store. So now shall pity l-ave you in your need, Unmoved we hear you rant, and howl, and roar; For none who taste of woe have e'er deserved it more." For the last fifteen years every thing had been getting bad, but now every thing exhibited symptoms of being worse, except perhaps the Royal Palaces which they saw rising around them. And what did their Lordships sup pose this proved ? Why it proved that the progress of society was arrested, and they had arrived at what the po litical economists call the stationary, which immediately precedes the declining. There have been a variety of rea sons assigned at various times for the distress. At one time there was a superabundance of food ; at another a sa peralindance of goods; at a third they were labou ing antler a load of paper ; at a fourth under a load of money ; hut all these foolish reasons were assigned as the cause of that sinking and going down which every one experienced. But the true reason he apprehended was to be found is the odious monopolies which met them at every turn.— The nation was, in fact, the victim of monopoly. They had a monopoly of beer—a monopoly of corn—of sagar_ of tea ; and the effect of all these fell on the consumer.— (Hear, hear, hear.) Every one who suffered from any one of these exclaimed against that monopoly, or against the other, as they happened to gall them; but no one seemed to care fur the poor consumer who paid for all.— He verily believed that the relief which might be afforded by the repeal of these monopolies would amount to at least one half the National Debt.—(Hear, hear.) He .ea* confident that the nation would be a gainer to that amount, and have a goof bargain too, for i.e consi dered the relief would prove as least equal to IS millions sterling per annum. The price of raw produce had been raised most improvidently by these monopolies; and that was the came of the distress. By raising the price of the raw produce, the manufactured article was rendered dearer ; and then there was no demand. That was their situation at present. The price was raised; the demand was lessened ; the profits, of course, diminished; and then, as a matter of course, capital found its way abroad, instead of being brought into activity at home : this was the effect of monopoly. The landed interest was suffering from monopoly and want of demand, because the manu facturers, who were also suffering from the same causes, could not afford to eat. There were three countries suf fering at this moment from the same causes--countries which possessed a superabundance of wealth and re sources beyond every other in Europe, and none of which were oppressed from the absence of a paper cur rency. These were America, France, and Englund.— America, not behind this courtly in fully, has had the weakness to deprive het self of the advantages nature bestowed en her, and instead of labouring to increase the export of her raw produce, weakly endeavours to become a manufacturing country. In France, where the system has bees somewhat analogous to that of this country, the people were suffering equal depression, because they too had their monopoly. First, there was the monopoly of iron, which rendered that material two or three times dearer than in this country. That mono poly, equal to a tax ou labour, prevented the French front selling their wines. But then there were, no doubt, many eloquent persons in France, who would dwell with exetacy on the merits of French iron, and exclaim, " What 1 . are we to be dependent on England for our iron?" That, however, was not good for the owners of woods, for it raised the price, and the result was, that Frazee was pu nished for her monopoly by a tax on labour, by the loss of the sale of her wines, and by a tax on fuel. By these means nations destroyed their own prosperity ; an:l although he believed there were means of raising this coun try to a higher pitch of prosperity than she had ever yet possessed, if it could but be prevailed on to become a cus tomer of those nations which were its rivals, yet he doubted the firmness of those whose du y it was to execute such a task. The Noble Lord apologieed for troubling the House so much in detail, and concluded abruptly by proposing this Amendment : " That alter fifteen years of uninterrupted peace, this House laments that the general condition of tint people is not materially improved, nor the prosperity of the country perceptibly in creased. That, on the contrary, the landed and manufacturing interests, as well as the traders and the labouring classes of every description, have frequently been aftheted, and still can. tinue to be weighed down by severe distress. That it is the duty of Parliament to examine into the causes which have pro. duced these distresses, and to remove, if possible, the impedi ments which retard the progress of the national prosperity. " That the necessaries of life and the materials of agriculture are made dear by taxation and regulation. By these means too much is taken front the industrious classes, and, in many in stances, too much is given to the privileged classes of society. " ',:hat it is a grievous aggravation of the public burdens, in addition to near flay millions of taxes, deemed necessary for the public service, still further to suffer enormous sums to be ex torted from the people by the intolerable monopolies of corn, beer, sugar, anti tea, and of other articles, established for the private benefit of powerful and favoured classes, at the expense of the great body of consumers and of the public good. By these monopolies the cost of the first necessaries of life is enhanced, the rate of profit in all trades is chninisheal, capital is driven abroad to seek a more profitable employment, and the productive powers of the national industry greatly reduced. " By the restrictions imposed on the import of foreign corn, the markets of other nations are in a great degree closed against us e the demand for the produce of the national industry is li mited, and the symptoms of general distress are manifested in the inadequate reward of labour, in the increasing difficulties of finding any profitable employment for capital and industry. " By the partial and exorbitant duties of Excise imposed upon beer and malt, combined with the double monopoly conferred both on the grower of barley and on those who are licensed to sell beer, the price of that necessary of life is so greatly en hanced, that, in the course of eighty years, whilst the popula tion of England has been more than doubled in number, the con sumption of malt has actually decreased. " 11y the monopoly conferred on the cultivators of sugar in the British West India Islands, the price of that great article of consumption is very much enhanced, at the expence of the pet). pie of England, who might be better supplied if permitted to re sort to other markets : and who are also, for the benefit of the monopolists of the said sugar islands, burthened with the heavy those unhealthy' possessions. privilege of navigation and trad e t o Chi na, c c o ha :f r e igl r Ye red (t)hfe o d n eefxe t cn h ldu e isn E ivg a e st India Company, the whole supply of tea consumed in tile United Kingdom is placed at the discretion of a single Company of traders. Monopoly in this, as in every si. milar instance, has protitteed its usual consequences. The price of tea of every description is greatly increased, as compared with the price of the same article in free markets of Europe and America : the quantity imported is limited by the narrow views of obtaining a large profit on a small supply, en tertained by the monopolist Company. The British manufitc tures suited to the Chinese market are con sequen tl y exported in nittch smaller amount, and the public thus suill ;re i n t h e in creasedfact-r;es,pialteledoin h of tea, t la the diminished d eman d f or h ome manu. exclusion from all navigation and trade to one of the greatest markets in the world. "'That it appears that these gigantic monopolies, superadded to the heavy load of taxation, have impoverished the country, and produced the ',ltalic distress. That all prohibitions and re strictions imposed for the benefit of particular classes or Companies, a o a the purpose of producing artitisaal high prices, are no less im. politic ,han unjust. Tfiat our own exclusion from the great mar ket of the world, and the cessation of demand at home, are the necessary consequences of our own measures, because it is in the nature of thiogs that a nation which refuses to buy the pro ductions of other countries cannot sell its own. "'That we can only expect to derive permanent relief from our distresses and impoverishment in our condition, from the strictest economy in every branch of the public expenditure, from the abolition of all exclusive privileges and monopolies ; from an unrestric'ed supply of the first necessaries 9f life, and of the materials of manufacture, and from a real free trade, by which the whole community, as cons u m ers will be greatly be nefittad, the lafiourin F c l a , ace enahled to procure fair reward, , the crpitalist to augment those funds by which all labour is sup ported, and the efficiency of British industry fully permitted to produce its natural result in enriching the country, and thus to restore and secure the public prosperity." Earl DARNLEY said, lie could not see the neces— sity of supporting either of the amendments, anti ex pressed his determination to rote fur the otiginal Addt C 35, which lei:omit:tended a cautious and prudent inquiry, He rose, however, to complain of the cruissi( a lu the Speech of any alluaion to Ireland. An omission which he sup posed to proceed from the Noble Duke being an-are of the fact that no Representative Peer of Ireland would he pre sent at the debate. The Duke of WELLINGTON, in explanation, denied that any allusion to Ireland was omitted on that account, and declared, that although the situation of that country did not require such a notict, its situation had not escaped the attention of Lis Majesty's Government, who intended to introduce a measure connected with it in the course of the Session. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE deprecated the plans of the Noble Earl (Stanhope), which were calculated and in tended to re-introduce a paper currency, and they knew from experience, that if such a currency was once intro duced, it would lead to an unlimited issue. —(Hear, hear! from the Duke of Wellinfzton.)—lf they were once to allow an issue, however small, he knew it would be impos sible to stop—(hear, hear,)—at anything short of an un limited issue. Fur his part, he considered the Address satisfactory, as it admitted the distress, and did not pre clude enquiry if it was thought necessary. In explain ing the grounds of his vote in favour of the address, the Noble Marquis then took occasion to express his pleasure in the announcement that Greece was about to be established in a state of independence and power, which would enable her to repel any Infidel invader; for he contended that if, as he had long believed, the Turkish Empire was verging to ruin, it was the policy and in terest of England to place her in such a condition by land and sea, as would render her a worthy Ally, united to us by msrititne and social interests, as well as by religion. He hoped, therefore, that no attempt would be made to restrai❑ her boundaries, and he waited with pa tience, but with confidence, for the announcement of the final settlement. After observing that Ile feared the course proposed to be adopted by the Noble Earl (Aber deen) with respect to Prtugal, was not the most re spectful towards the Parliament, nor that which would best accomplish the ends he had in view, the Noble Mar quis praised the announcement of the redactions of expen diture contained in the Speech, and expressed his convic tion that the Noble Dnke would, in that part of his policy which enforced retrenchment, have the support of every man of spirit on either side of the llJuse. He concluded by expressing his pleasure that Ireland enjoyed a state of comparative prosperity, and repeated his intention to vote for the Address. The: House was then cleared for a division, when the numbers appeared to be— For Earl Stanhope's Amendment ... 9 Against it 7l Majority —62 The Address was then agreed to, an their Lordships adjourned at Half-past Eleven. MINORITY AGAINST THE ADDRESS. DUKES. Tankerville Cumberland Winchilse* Richmond Radnor Newcastle LORDS. EARIA. River. Stanhope Northwich. HOUSE OF COMMONS—(LAST NIGHT.) ♦t Two o'clock this day the Srmaxia took the Chair, there being at that time about sixty Members prevent. Immediately afterwards a messenger from the House of Lords summoned the Commons to hear his MAJESTY'S MOSS gracious Speech. The Smaroz re-counted the House at Four o'clock, aid informed the Members that to prevent mistakes he had obtained a ropy of his MAJESTY'S Speech. NEW WRITS. The SPEAKER informed the House, that in pursuance of the 24th of George 111 , c. 26, he had issued his war rants to the Clerk of the Crown, to grant New Writs for the borough of e, in the room of Sir Miles Nightingal, Bart., deceased ; for the town of Southampton, in the room of William Chamberlayne, Esq. ; and fur the county of Limerick, in the room of Thos. Lloyd, Esq., deceased. DAXIES. O'Connor.", Esq. took the oaths prescribed by the Catholic Relief Bill. aid kis seat as Member for the County of Clare. The Hon. Member seated himself on the third row of the opposition aids of the Hosts, and exactly opposite to Mr. Peel. Several other Members took the oaths and their sears. ROWLAND STEPHENSON, The SPEAKER informed the House that he had re ceived • letter from the Solicitor to the Commission of Bankruptcy imied against Rowland Stephenson, in brining him that the eaid Rowland Stephenson had net surrendered to the Commission, neither had he paid kis creditors 20s. in the pound, but that one year had elapsed, and he was still an uneertificated bankrupt. The letter hating been read, on the motion of Mr. Planta, a new writ was ordered for the borough of Leominster, in the room of the said Rowland Stephenson. EAST INDIA TRADE. Mr. PLANTA, in the absence of Mr. Peel, gave notice, that it was the intention of hie Right Hon. Friend, on the 9th of February, to more for a Select Committee of Inquiry into the state of Trade between this country and the East Indies, and on a future day to bring in a 13ill connected with the subject of that inquiry. On the motion of Mr. PLANTA, the following New Writs for the election of Members were ordered : For the Couaty of Waterford, in the room of 11. Villiers Stuart, Esq. For the Borough of East Looe, in the room of Charles Boller, Esq. For the Borough of Harwich, !Arent by the promotion of the Right Hon. John C Herrin, who had acsepted the ortee of President of thy Board of Trade. On the motion of Mr. SPRING RICE, a new writ was of dere(' for the county of Westmeath. Mr. NICHOLAS CAL vERT gave notice of a motion respecting the borough of East Heaton]. Lord BLANDFORD gave notice of a similar motion respecting the borough of Penryn. DISTRESS OF THE COUNTRY. Mr. E. DAVENPORT gave notice that on the 16th iott. he ►hould submit to the House a motion relating to the distressed state of the country. COURT OF CHANCERY. Mr. M. A. TAYLOR said that on the oth instant he should bring under the consideration of the House a motion relating to the practice of the Court of Chancery. Mr. S. RICE, in the absence of the Hon. Member fur Cork, gave notice, that on Thursday, March 4, he should move that an humble address be presented to his Majesty, praying that he would order to be placed before that House the result of an inquiry into the established Church of Ire land. Mr. HUME gave notice of several motions, amongst which was one for an humble address to be presented to his Majesty, praying that he would be pleased to direct that every Bishop in England and Ireland make a return of the number of churches, chapels of ease, and other religious places of worship, with an account of the total number of persons belonging to each sect. The Hon. Member also moved fur a return relative to the Ecclesiastical Courts. His Majesty's most gracious speech having been read front the Chair, The Earl of DARLINGTON rose to move that an ad dress be presented to his Majesty, thanking him for his most gracious speech, which had been just read. The Nellie Lord said he was placed in a most novel situation on the present occasion. He had been a Member of that Mouse for seventeen years, and this was the first occasion when circumstances would allow hint to take a seat on that side of the Home. He had, therefore, to hope that the House would extend to him their utmost patience, whilst lie undertook to explain his reason for undertaking the present tesk, which he hoped he should be able to do satisfactorily. He could not now be sa th y sth that is e a a p l i l n ed on a s y h o a u d ng t A ee i n t i m r l zo r, rd l e i , n l. t it H h e ad w n u ot 1 1 ,:p en py ofte tz n the time had arrived when there was no distinction be tween Whit,' and Tery.—(Hear, hear.) Tories in power no longer persecuted Whigs out of power.— He had (he said) been brought up front infancy to advocate liberal measure., and seldom had be had it in his flower to give the meal of praise to the existing Admi nistration. He had for several years wit n essed the advance of liberal principles, but he remained a passive spectator. He had, however, been !ringing to see the day when this country would have a Government constituted like the present. That day had now arrived, for he believed the present Government was worthy of every con fi dence.— If asked the reason for his supporting a Tory Administra tion, lie should say, because it was a Tory Administration that practised Whig principles.—(A laugh. )--Every con fidence was to be placed in the Noble Duke at the head of the present Government, a man of whom he (Lord Darlington) was unworthy to speak, and also when he recollected the serricee of his Right Hon. Friend, the Secretary of State for the Home Department, on a late occasion last Session. When he looked at this, coupled wish other services of that Right Hon. Gentleman, in his opinion it behoved every independent Member of Parliament to rally round the Throne and support the present Govern ment. It was needless for him to say, that lie had great dif fidence in addressing the House, on an occasion such as the present, and as far as his own private feelings were concerned, he regretted exceedingly that it had not fallen into the hand of some one more competent than him self. At the same time, he begged to say, that in doing so, he was not actuated by private friendship, bat ratter froth the perfect ooeVentee which he repoool to present Administration.—(Cheers.) He had no I ration in repeating that the members of that A ministration had excited his respect and dd' sir : :eon for the fi r m ness o f t h e i r con d uct i n A t; f exceeding difficulty—his confidence in them r rengthened by the conviction that their interit` si) trees pure, and h e was sure t h at t h e country noel y t reap the m o st so lid an d t h e most perrnati en ; benefits fro m th e i r serv i ces . Th ere could be no riQ s teat they had great difficulties to encounter, but the I° . firmness of purpose which had enabled them to ()WO ° typerently insurmountable obstacles on former oecasioei, retitled them to the confidence and support of the 1 1 ‘' s at the present juncture. Of one thing, at least, he 111 quite cert a in, n ame ly, th a t t h e M em b ers o f t he 1 - 1 C rUnment had the w e lf are an d prosper i ty of 11,1 country sincerely at heart. He trusted the House wee} pardon hie off e ri ng thee" few observations, b u t he o' tl , - , not sit down without sayi ng so muc h i n per f ect justice "t. Members of the Government. He should new coonf'' whatever few further remarks he had to make, to the Iw°' rips! topics laid down in the Speech from the Throne.' He thought this the more necessary, bec a use • s f, allusion to extraneous subjects would only tend to distract the attention of the House from those important Conti' derations. He was sorry to find, in regard to our re" !onions in Portugal, that our amicable adjustmet°l of the differences which existed between Don P e. dro and Don Miguel appeared very remote, if not i° l " possible, because the latter seemed indisposed to & doe"' ledge the claims of the young Queen Donna bfa rij Da Gloria. However he did not conceive that this countri was called upon to embark in, or identify itself with th e domestic dissensions of a foreign power, except so far tt they might affect our commercial relations with that power. (Hear, hear.)—The next topic to whi c h h e s h ou ld s°' vert was one of considerable importance, namely, the recommendation of a rigid system of ec o n omy ' a the various departments of the State, but he tree it would never he forgotten th a t the HOW* 5 1 " 311 .1 pay a proper regard to th e ma i n t enance o f t h e na tiode• character, and the security and independence of the countrP It could not be denied that a sufficient and efficiene 1 114 was essential to that security; bet he was confiden t " wherever economy could be practised without endangering' the character or presperity of the country, the pre/tin t Ministers were well disposed to practice it. The 01 topic to which allu s ion h a d b een ma d e was th e R e f or m ° our Cour ts of Law. It was not for him, a military PO I ' to enter into a discussion of the mode by which that Mord' could be best effected, but when he remembered how mud had been d 'lee in the improvement of our criminal juri°' prudence by the Right Hon. Gentleman near him (M r ' Peel) be entertained very sanguine expectations that tit' recommendation would to the utmost possible extent h e t carried into effect ; and he would here beg l ea v e to srl" that the thanks of the country were due to that RilM lion. Gentleman for his great and valuable B errie* He should now shortly attend to the present state of th e country ; although perhaps distress existed to a very o °' siderable extent, still it was consolatory to And that th e exports of 1829 exhibited an increase in comparison with those of the previous year. That distress prr, veiled he would not deny, no one could deplore I/ more deeply than he did, but he thought it tel e attributable to various causes, and looking to P si times he was dispersed to hope that the re-tout-tree o f the cunntry were not so impaired as that she would not eels : really be able to right herself. She yet boasted of wealth in ships, in commerce, in trade, in manufaetnree; in fact, in all that constituted the prosperity of s t , commercial country. The distre s s m i g ht, i n a gr°°' measure, be ascribed to large portions of capital W ing locked tip, to over population, and to th e extraordinary productive power o f mac hi nery . Thi s h° l ' A the effect (a temporary one, he trusted) of throwing as ir ° ' enema number of persons cut of employment. He would her e beg to observe that he had long entertained the opi ol°ll , that when agricultural p ro d uce was b elow a _: standard value, it was impossible that manufactured el ; trade could loutish. He hoped it would net b e su ppoee° that he was inclined to advocate one class in pretere o to &nether. Ile deni e d th at t h e i nterests o f t h e &grim:lW° and the manufacturer were distinct. He had alwsf e considered them as co-equal and co-existent. They same rise or fall together. In conclusion, he trusted the as the topics contained in the speech were not o ° . ; merous, nor yet calculated to excite a conflict °` opinion, and particularly because the suggestions throW : out appeared practicah'e, and founded 41111 saes' policy, the House would not refuse to give ll' . -.1 , their unanimous support and approbati o n. (H ea r.) Noble Lord then moved the Address, which was 11:___ an echo of the Speech. Mr. WARD rose to etmond the Address. He to ••-' 1 that this duty devolving on hint would be attributed 10 0 ° to the partiality of others, than to presumption on his par k Though a similar duty to what he now rose to dischart o had often been infinitely more ably performed in that House than he could do it ; yet be was perfectly satist l4 that no former seconder of such a resolution had ever bet s animated by more zeal and attachment to his Savareit s and hie country than himself. One point of very geed' importance adverted to by his Majesty's Speech was /be l distressed state of the country. Th e great distress prevailed ought to stimulate every Member to his utrods exertions, and it would be satisfactory to th e peep's l e find their respective Representatives at their posts el th e sunsideratien of this great question. The distress of th e country was so doubt of a very extraordinary character" but he entertained the most sanguine hope, that by th e natural resources of the country, that distress would b e relieved. In presenting &suitable acknowledgement to 0 Majesty for the gracious speech from the throne with which he had welcomed the meeting of Parliament, it vel e right that he a n d th e H ouse s h ou ld advert to some °`, this topics contained in that Speech. The first td°' that of peace, which had now obtained with the powers of this country for fifteen years. It might 10 that in consequence of thia long pacific course some individuals had become insensible of the invaluable blessings of peace. But at the same time he (th e Hon. Member) entertained the strongest hope that. 0 Grace the Duke of Weliington, at the head of his Majesty 4 Government, would continue to maintain fur the beta. of the people, that peace to the latest possible period. -e" The object of veer had been materially mitigated within the last 15 yeare, and lie trusted that the removal of those objects would progressively go on. The next poin/ of importance was the reductions that had b i ke' placone. Member he Estimates was su r for e present no newho y h e a a d r , sat and on : h o e Finance Committee could be but satisfied that his Majesty. i Government were determined to reduce the expeob tore to the lowest possible amount. At the same tune it was lamentable that, after so many ye ars , s uch s° amount of National Debt should prevail. It was leaning' able that France and America should be so far before th is country in the great reductions those countries had effected - The Sinking Fund of France exceeded that of Eugbo d considerably, though its National Debt was not half great. In America it was supposed that in 1834, then . would be no National Debt whatever. Under these cir cumstances, unless the Government of this country use seine means for getting rid of the debt that burtbened it, the ' Hon. Member was afraid that it vrould be overtaken by 0 war, which the most strenuous supporters of Governmen t would have deep reason to regret. With regard to the distress of the country, it was not for the Members of tiler House to rest satisfied in barely acknowledging the exist" ence of the fact: it became them to ascertain whether there were any remedial powers. It was necessary to find out whether any means had been made available in oths ( countries under similar circumstances, and whether PO' i rt j r y l i am attributeden t a : s e liarnent had ever afforded, or was now able to give, there; lief the condition of the country called for. If remedia l means were not to be found, it Will the duty of the House sot further to delude the prople of the country bf buoying them up with a belief thay ria ) that which it av4s impossible to accomplish. A s to the causoo of the distress, they were, no doubt, vari ous . . Tito change of currency had been by t i ll i e on g . re Lt a f t e f m ailu e r r e 's Z i : ; material one. It would be recollected that in 'Sig' a change necessarily took place, because at that tire, se standard value existed in this country, and which was ex' trernely prejudicial to its interests. It was sot to be for' gotten also, that in consequence of the numerous furgerieof it became reqoisite to call in the circalation of the small notes ; that was attended with a considerable i►' crease of large note issue.. With respect to the agrieol; aural t r ii li a st t r t e i s , s a , t was, successive harvests more than to any other cau se . Ss great had the failure been, that the probability was, that there had been a deficiency of a million of quar ters in each year, and which could not fail to pro duce very gr~•at distress. It had been also said t w he s i t n o ll l7e rs a ' t ' t 4 r m ibu tin te ,tlh to e the continuati in of the malt duty loatl mat-rially added to that distress, but this the lion. Member was nut dis posed to conee ie. Should the views he had now stated, be erroneous, t.e should be prepared for the chastising Mina of the House, but he hoped that that House would be dis posed to join cordiary with him in supportiag the Rotolo' tion he had the hoooour to second. — Sir E. KNATCHI3ULL. said, tLat in being obliged to confine himself to the subjects noticed in the address, 10 felt that he Neat plsceti under cireutnstanece of peculisf difficulty. It was only a short time since he had been jo" . firmed of thl topics which the Speceli and the add ft° Is tt .. 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" w adapt state it ha ar itery ta rn° , st ate An to re effects b 7 tisk of the inereit the mi bunt brow, . ozhan bp(n) 4 vent itaktl3l4 ea .I*„pr