The Sun. — London, England, 1833-06-13 00:00:00

Jr. 't 1341°, Hid 6? s o_t . ll o iti . Sef7 04t 00, - port F an guide ?.ed _ a d For Ce.". rt trnotl..o Hon. D., r `ma tt ' ll rs aet ToSba°::, els'" te • wer e es , sot o dok R h r.• ,r,,ric` "' Hs , sto c k ..... 24)1 3 °flit t17.; 7 ..... . ...... k eent en,,, Ccut........ shut ........... 6961:1A 1,111 c,, per . C 1 . ....... 96% e7n. ......... shut rent Ann. 1 ' 726 M 26 ......... 10`4,Zli ttlo 6.-,ong Ann. to ex . I ns . p, 71,i 1-161 , 1859. ............... 17 5, .................. 5, IR 9 O . .. 'l5; .. Isso .. ".... h ...... .... . ..... - ........ 1)1V AT ON WC( OCK• 'dew 5 net rev , !Irdia Stork Ditto Bonds pm. South Sea Stock 9 9 IA Old Annuities New Ditto :1 per Cent. Ann. 1751 Ex. Bills, r 1,000 50 51 pm. Ditto 500 5O 52 pm. !Ditto Small Ditto C0mmercia1......... pm. Ditto Advertised — pm. Bank for Account India for Account 246 V, 7 6 Cons f^ , Opening PA o„. r F OREIGN FUNDS THIS DAY AT ONE 0 CLOCK. an ß a ll°rni s ............. 96 1 6 Peruvian Bonds 2O IL4 Lant ...... .. 91 90 3 A Portuguese Bonds ... 60 1 4 59 1 i 8 0 ° Unt... 91 1 ,V,90%1 1 Ditto Account 6O 59% nds ° Ac e° 67 Regency Scrip 14 21 dis. , A., unt ............ 67 6% Ditto Account 14 2a dis. o ri!`" Bonds 25 4% Prussian Bonds — • ccount i )l ona Ditto Bonds, 1822 10 3 34 o A n .. L's .... .............2642 Russian Bonds, 1822... 104% 5 i,,--,;ount o"'an Ronds 21% New Loan 99 1, 01 t ,eottnt Spanish Bonds 1821 .......19 •Y, O Z o n cs, 1824 1 1 tt , um 23 i 3 I Ditto Bonds, 1823 0 A "ds ............... .. 74 i Ditto Account 17!.4 g,..._,ecoUtit 74 French! Rentes, sp. c. —f. —c. - ET ' nds is2s 124 ------- Exchange ...... —f —c. 39 i —ft per cent....... —f —c. 4 1 Z 0 1;11 . t —l Exchange ...... --f --e. 4 i'''''ndS, 5 per cent 3O Dutch, 24 p. c....... ...... —.49 8% °crow n Ditto Accounts .. 9 Ll ) er ten • stiOtu ,_ It t 1 5 34 I Ditto Account .... 9O 89% 112% French Scrip 4% pm. .OF SHARES TiiHS OAT AT ON it O CLOCK. Per Share. tis it . Min. Co. (iss. at 5/. pm.) .£1(11 11% Paid. aN N • Min. Mining Comp •(iss. any £l5O 135 Co at 51. pm.) £ 26 rational_''' - . 17 5 4 3c t ahn Del Rey 1 1 s 5 tbil.o.ll Alining Company £5O il l '' Mining Co. (tss. at 5/. pm.) 50V 5 .4.4 bin ng Company 4 „ 12 in% Mining Association ' 12 lel tiling Co £46 k i Monte l e Mining Co .. , — 1 115 v " , . Min. Co. (iss. at . 2/. pm.) 40 `i Scrip 5 `'arkre Insurance Comp lO I nsurance Comp. kliz n o c o. Ital st %Pany l7 I li.,Navigation Cn. IQ rrovincial Bank of England \s..l . L3ank of Ireland 25 tO IC IC RS OF IRISH STOCKS, DUBLIN, JUNE 10. kg t % 3 Der cent 0 3 , 89 Royal' Irish Ditto N per cent. 95T ;National Ditto het, " ' 9ti 'Patriotic Ditto 2 i Hibernian Bank Percent.— sigq Provincial Ditto al Stock — Royal Irish i anal Stock — Imperial Min M e ne Per cent — Mining Co, of Ireland wce Dcb. 4 P. c. Building; Ilio u kilIC WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE TO-MORROW. ..,.:Z_ 3 minutes after 11. I Evening... 33 minutes after 11 t t - 6ENERAI, STEAM NAVIGA - Iikt,N COMPANY'S PACKETS leave LONDON ~ttl i i. „ 'AlßG, with his Majesty's Mails, every Wednesday 404aturday early in the Morning. ERDAM, with his Majesty's Mails, every Wednes ,l6l,i,and Saturday Morning, at Seven o'clock precisely. e4et T IS D , , every Saturday horning. y Wednesday and aturday, with Passen- Cr' only - ev a e la r d every Sunday with Passengers and Mer 110411dice.' 11 41 4 1 „OGNE, every Thursday morning. 0. 4 - `,?(IATE, daily, at Half-past Nine o'clock (except 'l44''alr) from St. Katharine's Wharf. ( 'ATE, daily, at Nine o'clock (including Sunday) h / 11 1 St. Katharine's Wharf. th ORTON to DIEPPE, every Saturday Morning until I ke 15th of June, afterwards every Wednesday and Satur- N D / Morning. 1 / 44 ."..s'ight, apply to Mr. Norman, Agent, No. 1, Wa- L' Tower -street; and for Berths at this Office. In kirl may also be had at 56, Haymarket. li vi Passeng e rs going to Hamburg are requested to be it ow q early on Tuesday and Friday Evenings. 4 ful Steam-packets for Towing and Excursions. CHARLES BESSELL, Secretary. I Steam Navigation Company's Office, 69 , Lombard -street, May 30. r .1-414 *un• LONDON, 111 URSDAY EVENING, JUNE 13, 1833. I ' a. ~,t la now positively asserted in the diplomatic et tha t M. DEDEL has not been recalled, i t hat he is to return to London by Thursday `. It appears that M. DEDEL himself has II the most satisfactory assurances upon subj les that contin ue ect. It i s a l so asserte d i n th e same as very strong remonstrance against occupation of Constantinople R "Sian troops, has been forwarded to St. sbur g h by the British and French Go- Tents. Th e Austrian Cabinet has also rered in a manner which, although not so de as the remonstrance of Great Britain and , e e, is considered satisfactory by our Govern- 11 ° business of importance was last night . 14 eted in the House of Lords, their Lord- Only sitting some five minutes. The House Nlimons, on the other hand, did not rise v tl ear three o'clock, and despatched business importance in a few minutes, after de °g for hours upon a matter not in the least be eted with it. After several matters of 1. (1r Consequence had been disposed of, Lord ot ; 11 011p moved the order of the day for the resolving itself into Committee on the Tithe s Act. Upon this Mr. LAMBERT 1 4 as an amendment, what there can the shadow of a doubt was a note e eelisure upon the Government. The lltl inent charged the Government with I. ll g broken its pledge not to employ the e or military to enforce the payment of p s i tinder the Coercive Bill. Lord ALTHORP v e tte d that some of the inferior agents of the ere had, in a few cases, made use of the "e Bill to enforce arrests for tithes, but "tilt : that they had the authority of the Govern kli,LMr.BTANLEY show e d furth er th a t th e par :itt.;,`:o had th us a b use d th e p owers o f t h e Coer ql had been taken before a bench of magis i4iand re p r i man d e d b y th em . Al t h oug h t h e t B4 ment was light, it was inflicted by a compe i4t,tibunal, an d i t wou ld h ave b een t h e h e i g h t t ?listice to censure Ministers, because a su ' p tiate officer exceeded his duty, and was e i ti a heavy punishment by the magistrates, )1 1 4 count of his previous good Character. 'i:ltiestion having been decided in favour of o4 l ajesty's Ministers by a majority of 197 el ) the House, at somewhere about two lqlt this morning, went into Committee, and 41,L THORP,after a short statement, moved a / to tit imi pledging the House to make an ad jeCf money to the Established Ch urc h in tii ta ti " , in order to relieve the occupying te -1 ti from payments on account of arrears Lv t fies or composition of tithes during illi i4l.B 1831 and 1832, and from payment of , s k s nti composition of tithes in the year ,N 4 ' such a d vance to b e re p a id within a li ;t1)1, time by a land tax chargeable on all land . „%i j i ti t ° payment o f tithes, the owners of which Di th 'lnt h a v e p a id th e tithes or composition t f 4 es, whi c h b ecame d ue d ur i ng such years. .M we perceive the effect of this proposi- N I t will go to charge upon landlords a vi tto which ought to have been defrayed by p ia pants. Of the justice as well as policy itlg landl o rd s p a y di rec tly, i ns tead of in ittlY, the tith es c h argea bl e upon t h e i r e states, !kp ei , °t Permitti ng t h em t o poc k et t h a t na tional t Y, there can be no doubt. A tenant of land ?o h ' r eliev e d f rom t h e p a y men t o f an y c harge t nat tt ti „, g and will, if be do not himself, find "erin his landlord a rent larger than - he before paid, by the amount of the payment of which he is reduced. Of course the landlord will accept the augmented rent. To relieve the tenant of a burden, and throw it upon the landlord, is therefore no injus tice ; but it certainly appears hard that the landlords, whose tenants have not paid the tithes of 1831 and 1832, should be made to pay them, when they can have no op. portunity of getting the amount in the shape of increased rent for those past years. Hard as it is, however, we see no alternative which could by possibility be adopted, except the country abiding by the loss—a course which would be attended with much practical difficulty as well as an abandonment of principle. The embarrassment in which we now find ourselves, is entirely owing to the Tory principles of patronage and procrastination, which never attempted to remedy abuses till it was too late. Had Mr. GOULBURN; instead of his Tithe Composition Bill, boldly brought in a Tithe Commutation Bill, the national pro perty now in so much peril, would have been in perfect safety. Lord ALTHORP was not able to state the amount of money which would be required to effect the object he had in view. The resolu tion, after a short conversation, was agreed to, without opposition. The following extract of a letter from Con. stantinople, dated May 22, appears in the Times. of this morning : ‘ 4 We are very glad to observe that Government is sending reinforcements into the Mediterranean. It is high time they take some steps, or they will be too late ; Russia has got the start of England and Fiance, and, not withstanding the continued assurances that peace is made with Egypt, yet Russia continues pouring troops in here as fast as her means of transport from Odessa will permit ; fresh troops are daily arriving. They are uot, however, landed on the Bosphorus, but a few miles to the eastward of the entrance. By this means they mask their numbers. One or two of the castles at the entrance have been given up to them, and they are strengthening themselves as fast as they can ; they have also a number of engineers and men working at the Dardanelles. What all this may end in we cannot say ; appearances are any thing but favour able for a continuation of peace. The Ottoman Govern ment, we fear, must fall." If this account be correct—and we see no reason why it should be otherwise—it is a per fect farce for France and England to talk of sending fleets and troops to the protection of Turkey, for there will be no Turkey left to pro tect. Indeed, her death-warrant is already signed —her knell is rung—she is dead without hope of resurrection, and nothing remains but for the two Powers—who would not save when the means of salvation were in their hands— to attend as chief mourners at her funeral, and chaunt a " requiem" over her ashes. This language may appear premature, perhaps, but there is quite enough in the present aspect of Turkish affairs to justify it. The Russian Ca binet is not one to let slip the fairest opportunity that ever offered, of realizing its most cherished national dream of ambition. It knows well that such a chance will most probably never again occur, and is therefore resolved on seizing time by the forelock, and striking while the iron is hot. For what is the Rus sian bear—the Ursa-Major of the political Zodiac—putting forth all her tremendous energies, except for the purpose of striking a decisive blow ? What mean the constant in flux of troops from Odessa,—the engineers at the Dardanelles,—the fortifications on the Bos phorus,—but that NICHOLAS is bent on making good his footing at Constantinople ? The dis tracted state of Europe, he knows well, no man better, favours his project just at present, when next year it may be too late. We scarcely know how the Russians are to be dislodged from Constantinople except at the hazard of a European war. They will surely not submit to be Talleyranded or Palmerstoned out of it, for the days of protocolling, like the anathemas of the Vatican, are gone, never to return. How, then, are they to be dislodged ? No living Statesman, we fear, can solve this knotty problem. The main cause of Russian aggrandisement, from the days of the second CATHERINE down to those of NICHOLAS, has always been—fear on the part of Europe. She has become strong through our apprehensions, and we are now—as we deserve to do—paying the penalty of our mean timidity. We learn from Falmouth that his MAJESTY'S schooner Pike arrived there late on the 11th from Lisbon and Oporto. She left the former place on the 2d inst., and the latter on the sth, with mails and despatches. The news by her represent the besiegers as continuing their an noyance with shot and shell, with which they were doing considerable damage to the city. Captain NAPIER was negotiating with the Go vernment as to pecuniary resources before he entered into any command. SA RTORIUS con tinued off the bar with the fleet. Some of the friends of Sir JOHN HonHousE are already exerting themselves among the Westminster electors, in anticipation of Sir FRANCIS BURDETT being called up to the House of Peers. We do not find, however, that Sir FRANCIS BURDETT him self has said any thing to warrant such an anticipation. Sir .J. HOBH OUSE is not the only person► likely to become a candidate for West minster in the event of a vacancy ; two others, Mr. RAPHAEL, and a Barrister, are actively exerting themselves. Some of the electors talk of proposing Lord DUNBOYNE. THE MARKETS.-(THIS DAY). GENERAL AVERAGE PRICE OF BRITISH CORN, For the Week ended June 7, 1833, made up from the Returns of the Inspectors in the different Cities and Towns in England . . and Wale;, per Imperial Quarter. Wheat---. 525. 10d.I Oats ---. 18s. Id.l Beans—..... 31s. 11d. Barley-- Ns Gil I Rye 303. Id Pease-- fi2s. sd. IMPERIAL AGGREGATE AVERAGES OF THE SIX WEEKS PRECEDING. Wheat 535 . CALI Oats ---.. 17s. 5d .1 31 , . sd. Barley--.. 2.55. Od.l Rye —31 s. Id.' Pease-- 30s. 10d. DUTIES ON FOREIGN CORN 8(1.1 Oats •21s. 31.1 8ean5...........f1b25. 91. Batley --245. 4d.1 Rye ..--- 9t1.1 Pease-- 245. :id. HAY MA KKETS.—; At per Load of 36 Trusses.) C UIVIBERL AND. Supply limited, and trade dull; prices rather lower. Coarse heavy Lowland Meadow Hay XQ. 10 to £ 15 Kew Meadow Hay 3 0 3 5 Useful Old Ditto 3 5 3 15 Fine Upland Meadow and llye-grws Hay 3 15 4 0 Clover Hay 4 0 5 0 Oat Straw ..t 1 6to £1 81 Wheat Straw ... 1 8 1 10 SMITHFIELD. Supply moderate, trade very dull, and prices stationary. Coarse I,eavy Lowland Meadow Hay £2 15 ,to £3 0 New Meadow Hay 0 0 3 0 Useful Old Ditto 3 0 3 10 Fine Upland Meadow and Rye-grass Hay 3 15 4 0 Clover Hay (extra fine)....£s o... Generally Oat Straw ... £1 8 toil 101 Wheat Straw 1 10 1 13 COAL MAUI Per Ton. s. d. Beaumont l3 6 Chester 12 6 Ellison Low Main 13 3 Hebburn Main . 13 6 ET.—June 12, Per Ton. s. d. Walls End Newntarch— 13 0 Ditto Northumberland— 13 6 Walls End Perkins R. Co. 13 0 Walls End Riddell's 14 6 14 0 Ord's Redhugh 12 0 Pontop Windsor 14 9 South Holywell l'ownley Bells Lambton's Primrose 13 Walls hand Hetton 15 Walls End Lamhton 16 Walls End Stewart's,...,, 15 Walls End Adelaide —.. 13 11 0 13 3 13 3 Wylam 14 9 I Walls End Tees —.--. 15 1 Walls End Blake l2 6 Cowpen --.......------- 13 Walls End 8r0wn'5...—..... 13 3 Hartley ..-----.....--..—.. 14 Walls End GostOrth —...... 14 6 Howard'sNetliertonMain 13 Walls End Heat0n........ 15 0 New Flockton, Milne, Walls End Hilda.. .13 3 and C0..—..--- ,, --- 12 Walls End H0t5pur...,.... 13 0 Silkstone Field anti Co.— 12 Ditto Killingworth .......—.. 13 6 Londonderry 5ma11....... 13 Ships arrived since last market-day, 193.: 1M PERIALPARLIAMENT THIS DAY, THURSDAY, JUNE 13. HOUSE OF COMMONS. The gallery was opened very soon after twelve o'clock, there being then less than this ty Members present. Upon the motion of Mr. COLQUHOUN, the Lanark Gaol Bill, and another private bill, was read a third time, and passed. Mr. HALL presented a petition from the occupiers of cottages in Merthyr Tidvil'and other places in Glamorganshire, against the Bill brought in by the Hon. Member for Shrewsbury for the rating of small tenements. Mr. COLQUHOUN presented petitions from Brenton and another place against negro slavery. Mr. SINCLAIR presented petitions from four parishes in Scotland complaining of church patronage. The Hon. Member gave notice of his intention to move that, from and after the commencement of the next session of Pai liament, all motions relative to Scotland should take precedence of all other business on alternate Tuesdays, and that on the other Tuesdays all mo tions relative to Ireland should take similar precedence. This he did because he considered that Scotland had been peculiarly slighted by the present and past Parliament. INQUEST ON CULLY. Mr. ROEBUCK said he had to present a petition to the House of much public importance. It was from the Jurors who sat on the Coroner's Inquest on the body of Robert Cully, the policeman, who was killed in Cal thorpe-street. The Honourable Member then read the petition at length, as it has already appeared in the columns of The Sun. He then said the object of the obser vations he had to make was directly to charge his Majesty's Government with a direliction of duty. This he should do by first charging them with having created a riot, in stead of preventing one; secondly, by charging them with bringing into disrepute a useful body of men; and thirdly, by pursuing an illegal line of conduct in what they might term the administration of justice. These he would admit, were grave charges, but he had ample evidence to sup port him. Some persons of the national union of the working classes, had issued a placard calling upon their countrymen, as the House of Parliament would do nothing for the people, to form a national convention. Any person who knew anything of the working classes, must be aware that the persons calling this meeting had but little weight with the working classes, and were a very small knot of persons, whose opinions were rather peculiar than general.—(Hear.) Scarcely any one would have attributed power to these few, until the Right Honourable Secretary issued his anonymous proclama tion. This, it was probable, would be referred to by the Right Hon. Secretary as an official document, but it was not an official proclamation in the proper sense of the word, because it bore no stamp of authenticity—it was printed by nobody knew whom—struck out by nobody knew whom, and signed by nobody.—(Cheers.) But this placard, emanating from a richer source than the other, was stuck up in greater numbers, and read, of course, by more persons. To put down the meeting the Right Hon. Secretary had recourse to 1,700 policemen,and the consequences that resulted he (Mr. Roebuck) should state, not only from evidence that was adduced at the trial, but also from information which he had received from several most reputable men who were present on the occasion, and whose names he was at liberty to mention. The Hon. Member then went into a detail of the transactions at Cal. thorpe.street, which did not in any material point differ from that already before the public. He had, he said, already declared that the conduct of the Government was unjust, im politic, and illegal. It was also in direct opposition to the course that they had adopted on previous occasions, when those at the head of his Majesty's Government had not only sanctioned but encouraged the people to meet in large numbers for the purpose of effecting an alteration in the Constitution.— ( Hear, hear.) To what did the great meeting at Birmingham lead but to a revolution ? For he would contend that the passing of the Reform Bill was, strictly speaking, a revolu tion.—( Hear, hear.) Yes; how differently had the Govern. ment acted when they excited the people to aid them in keeping their places, and carrying the:Reform Bill.—(Hear.) Of all Governments, the present ought to have been the last to have attacked the people. It might be said that the Govern ment had no desire that the people should have been attacked : if so, he would ask, why they had not taken proper precautions against it ? No danger had been proved to property or per son by the meeting, but still Government had thought proper to sanction a violent attack on the people, evidently for political purposes. He admitted that Government should be intrusted with great powers, but those powers ought to be exercised by it with prudence.—(Hear.) He would wish to give them all the power they could possibly wield, but in doing so he hoped they would wield it with mercy. He deprecated in this instance the conduct of a Government when the country was led to be lieve they had the interests of the people at heart, but who by their conduct had proved the very reverse. The Hon. Member then went on to argue the legality of the meeting. He admitted that an assemblage of persons met for the purpose of resisting the payment of taxes was illegal ; but the meeting at Coldbath.fields had no such object in view. —(Hear, hear.) From ,the placard that had been issued, it was too much to say that the meeting had really taken place to form a national convention, it might have been that they had met for the purpose of petitioning Parliament to form a national convention, and in that case the meeting was a strictly legal one. In his opinion the proceedings on the part of Ministers were most impolitic and illegal.— (Hear, hear.) He would now come to the proceedings on the Court of King's Bench to quash the veadict of the jury. That verdict was the verdict of the country : the jury, on their oaths, had come to the opinion they had ; and what did the Solicitor-General ask ?—Why, to quash the opinion of the country ; and that any other jury who might be called upon 41, investigate the matter should not be influenced by that verdict. That was, in fact, putting an end to coroners' juries altogether, and placing the Solicitor-General as judge in any case, of what proceedings should take place, and what not, allowing such proceedings as he liked to take place, and putting an end to such as he disliked.—(Hear, hear.) When the verdict of the Coroner's jury had been thought proper to be quashed, why had not the Government taken measures to call for another ? If a jury even were called to sit in trial of the individuals supposed to have been concerned in the affray by which Cully, the policeman, was killed, they would be placed in a situation in which they could not give a verdict according to law. He sincerely hoped that an ex planation of all the circumstances would be given by the Right Honourable Gentleman, which would induce him (Mr. Roebuck) to proceed no farther with the case; if not, however, he should feel himself bound to move for a copy of the inquisition laid before the Court of King's Bench for the pur pose of enabling him to determine what ulterior proceeding he should adopt. The petition being read, Mr. LAMB rose, but before he had addressed the House, Mr. COBBETT moved that the House be counted.—(Cries of " Oh, oh.") He was determined that such an important question should not be brought before House in empty benches.—(oh, oh.) Mr. ROEBUCK entreated the Hon. Member not to per severe in his motion. If he had contemplated such a proceeding he most certainly would not have made such a charge at so great a length without an opportunity for the Right lion. Gentleman to explain.—(Hear.) The SPEAKER said the Hon. Member for Oldham ought to have moved that the House be counted while the Hon. Member for Bath was addressing the House, as it was in consequence of the importance of the subject that he wished it to be brought before a fuller House. As the benches were in the same state now that they were when the Hon. Member for Bath addressed the House, an opportunity should in fairness be given for Go vernment to explain.—(Hear.) Mr. COBBETT did not know that it was allowable to move the counting of the House while an Hon. Member was ad. dressing it. The SPEAKER said the Hon. Member was quite unac quainted with the forms of the House; it not only was quite allowable, but was most frequently done.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. COBBETT (a number of Members having now entered the House from one of the Committee rooms) begged leave to withdraw his motion. Mr. LAMB then proceeded. The Hon. Member for Bath had so guarded himself against any unfair and unnecessary imputation upon the police force, that he (Mr. Lamb) should not think it necessary to detain the House with any lengthened vindication of that useful and effective body. He would shortly refer to the facts of the case; there was,, how ever, so much of law mixed up with it, that in some points he must leave it to his Learned Friend, the Solicitor General. The charge against the Government was certainly not a light one—it was twofold, and involved first a direliction of duty, the allegations in support of that being, that they had decidedly created a riot. It was very easy to charge Government with a direliction of duty in the means they had used to prevent or quell tumultuary meetings, which were, unfortunately, thought too strong or too weak for the occasion; but it was not so easy, in anticipation of such assemblies, to adopt measures which might not be liable, in some quarters, to such a charge.—(Hear.) It was said that the meeting in question was quite contemptible. He called on the House to look at the placard that had been issued; and although the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin had called it elsewhere a matter altogether of " tomfoolery," he was quite convinced the real intention of the meeting was to adopt some means of up setting the Legislature of the country.—(Hear, hear.) This was what they meant, he had no doubt, by their Na tional Convention. Stripping it of all special pleading, attempted tobe introduced into the subject in common parlance, it amounted to this—their object was, and he believed if any of them had been asked they would have declared their real in tention to be, the organization of a body which was to take on itself the duties of the legislature. If the meeting had been really contemptible their object :vas seditious, and it was the duty of Government, while such objects were contemptible, to crush them.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") It might, by quibbling argument, be shown that the meeting was contemptible, b .the fully believed that there was not one con cerned in putting forward that placard, but would openly avow that their intention was to call a meeting of delegates from every part of the country, who were to take upon themselves the duties of the Legislature. There was another circumstance to be taken into consideration—that was that that placard was ac companied by another bill, which was signed by a person who called himself Lloyd, editor of the " Republican," which, among other things, called upon the people to send their own representatives to represent themselves, which was the easiest and the shortest way of settling the business. It also called upon them to meet in that place, which was then filled with the nominees of boroughmongers, or of those na tional nuisances, the Lords.—(A laugh.) That was a species of tomfoolery which it would not do for the Government, or any Government, to laugh at. The Hon. Member said that the inten. tion of the meeting was to petition Parliament to call a national Convention. A very likely thing that they were to petition that House to call a body who were to set aside themselves ; it was too ridiculous to be thought of for a moment. Then the next charge was that the notice for it was not a proclamation—it was not signed. Such notices had been frequently issued before, and had generally been found effective—it was a mere notice to thepeople that the meeting was decidedly illegal, and the same kind had been issued when the meeting was called at White Conduit House and there it was not signed, and still it was sufficient. Then again, upon the fast-day, when the Unions intended to march through the City, a similar notice was issued, upon which the police acted, and nothing was then said about the illegality of it. It would be degrading to the kingly authority if he was called upon to exercise one of his highest prerogatives—the issuing of a proclamation— upon every occasion of that sort. Now there was one thing in the face of that notice which carried authority with it ; it was printed by the King's printer ; and the Hon. Gentleman, as a lawyer, was aware that it was a misdemean our in any one imitating that. The next charge was, that these notices were more widely circulated than the placards. He could say nothing as to the truth of that, but cer tainly it was the duty of the Government, if they thought such a notice necessary at all, to see that it received very wide circulation, in order that it might be ef fective. Then the Hon. Member asked why the police did not take possession of the ground ? That appeared to him (Mr. L.) to be the very method by which a crowd would have assembled ; besides, what right had they to say to any person, "you :shall not7pass through this thoroughfare, or you shall not stand here," before any meeting was consti tuted—before any illegal act had been committed. That, in his opinion, would have been the worst plan possible ; the result of it would have been first to create a crowd, where none might otherwise have been, and in the next place it would have driven the mob away to some other place, where they would have held their meeting. Besides, it was the duty of the police to take care that no part of the mob should separate from the rest, and go somewhere and commit mischief, as was done by a part of even a loyal mob, that went down to congratulate the King ; a part of it detached itself, and committed an in famous attack upon the house of the Duke of Wellington. Then, said the Hon. Member, where was the use of 1,700 policemen to put down five hundred poor persons who were unarmed? Now there were 1,700 police out, but they were scattered all over the town ; a part was even so far distant as Greenwich, which was rendered necessary, as the Union had declared their intention of marching in in bodies from different quarters. Besides, the number that attended was no criterion of the numbers that might have been there, and it was the duty of Government to be well provided in any case. He had no hesitation in declaring that the instructions of the police were to do nothing till the meeting was constituted, and then to press on and secure the leaders, or ringleaders. Go vernment owed more to the State than merely to prevent a meeting of such a nature—they owed it to the country to secure those who were the instigators of such measures. The Hon. Member had put off this discussion on account of his (Mr. L.'s) illness, he thought in that he had done a benefit even to him self, for if newspapers were to be relied upon, he had used lan guage in another place which he did not now repeat ; he had charged upon the Government the crime of giving the police spirits to drink in order to stimulate them beyond their duty. Mr. ROEBUCK had not used such words, what he said was that they had been supplied with beer. Mr. LAMB said even that was a grave charge—a most grave, and, in his conscience he believed, a most unfounded charge. Of course he could not say that none of the pollee had taken any refreshment, after being there some hours; but one thing he could say, that the whole of the division which were first in contact with the mob, had not more than one can of beer amongst them. Mr. ROEBUCK—It was sworn at the inquest. Mr. LAMB was not aware that it was so—one man had certainly said that the police generally were drunk, but that was too preposterous for belief. The instructions were given to the police on the spot, and did not emanate from the Homo office. The instructions that were given on the spot from Col. Rowan to the police were, " Be firm, be moderate, and strike nobody unless you are resisted." It had been represented that the police had rushed in pell mell. Now on this part of the case the most satisfactory evidence could be produced. In all his inquiries, and from the previous character which the police had borne, he believed that not one policeman offered the slightest injury until (as it was proved before the Coroner, by Colonel De Roos and others) a number of stones and other missiles had been thrown by the mob. They advanced up one street in order to clear it, and there was plenty of room to retreat towards Bagnigge Wells, and when in Calthorpe-street, the superintendent finding his men took up the whole breadth of the street, contracted his division so as to leave room for the mob to go away on either side, and many persons did so go away. He did not believe that the intentions of the mob were quite so orderly as had been repre sented by the Hon. Member. That Hon. Gentleman relied greatly on the exclamations of a person who called out to take care of his wife and children—(Hear, hear)—and he said that was not the speech of a man wishing to subvert the Constitution ; perhaps not, but it was the speech of a man who might have gone quietly away if he pleased, and he did not choose to do so. He was glad to hear that the Hon. Gen. tleman had not gone so far as some others had in depicting the horrors and slaughter on that occasion. The only slaughter he (Mr. Lamb) knew of, was that inflicted on the police. It was certainly unwise to argue that a man having arms to defend himself, refusing to use them when he was being as sailed with stones. The man who did so must be more than mortal, and have possessed more than even military forbearance. As to wounding women and children,there was no proof, either in what appeared before the Coroner, or at the Home Office; it was stated in general terms before the Coroner that such was the fact, and indeed if females had been in the pell mell of the affray, it would be impossible to say that some were not hurt, but he wholly disbelieved the charge that any woman or child was wilfully injured- With regard to the Coroner's inquest, and the setting aside of the inquisition, it was far from his intention to cast imputations upon the Jury. He would leave that part of the subject to his Honourable and Learned Friend. He hoped and trusted that the jury meant to do, and did do, their duty satisfactorily to themselves, but considering the farrago of evidence that was brought before them, it was a very lucky thing the verdict was quashed. He did not feel that the last blame was attri. buted to the Government, and he was sure it would ultimately appear that there was not the slightest blame to be attached to the police for the manner in which they had discharged their duty. He could say now, on more mature reflection, that he could never have reconciled to himself as one who was re. sponsible for the peace of the community, and for the supremacy of the law, to have allowed that meet ing to take place; it might have been possible to have passed off quietly, if they were let alone; but although their plans might not have been organised, their object was illegal; and, as long as he held office under the Crown, he could not re concile it to the duty of any Minister to permit a meeting, the object of which was decidedly illegal, to pursue that object quietly, and without taking means to bring the ringleaders to justice, and in order to prevent effects which no man could say would not be injurious. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said, as he had been attacked for the share he had taken in this subject, he was anxious to vindicate himself. The petition of the jurymen was enti tled to the greatest respect, but he regretted that such a dis cussion should be brought on so very inopportunely. There were various trials to take place arising out of this transac tion ; in the course of a fortnight one man was to be tried for his life on a bill of indictment which had been found by the Middlesex Grand Jury, and there were other trials for misdemeanours, in which both the law and the facts must be investigated.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He had a very high estimation of the superintending power of that House where there was a failure of justice, when judges misconducted themselves, or where Government had been guilty of any misconduct, and then let Government be im. peached before the House; but it was inexpedient to appeal to that House on the law or the fact,—those ought to be tried by the ordinary Courts. The petitioners complained on two grounds—first, that a slur had been cast upon them; and secondly, that the trial by jury had been brought into discredit by the inquisition being quashed. Now, in fact, no slur what ever was cast on the jury. When he applied to the Court of King's Bench to quash the inquisition, he dis tinctly expressed his sincere respect for the Jury, and for the intentions by which they had been actuated. This case was spoken of as if it were unusual for the Court of King's Bench to set aside the verdict of a jury. He would say that such occurrences took place at least 50 times a year, and not only were the verdicts of juries set aside, but also the judg. meats of the Courts, and even the unanimous judgment of the judges, upon appeal to the House of Lords. It was no slur, then, upon the jury on this inquest that the verdict had been set aside.—(Hear.) This could not bring the trial by jury into disrepute ; but the improper findings of juries unchecked by a higher Court, would have a direct tendency to bring the trial by jury into disrepute. The verdict was con trary to law, and it was the bounden duty of his Majesty's legal advisers to move that it should be quashed. The Hon. and Learned Member for Bath, however, sets up his know ledge in tho se matters in opposition to that of the Learned Judges, and, he believed, of every lawyer in that House. He had been surprised to see the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin stand by, when the judgment of the King's Bench was impugned. He would tell the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath, that it was not for any informality that the verdict was set aside, but because the find ing of the Jury was in opposition to the evidence. The Hon. and Learned Member then went on to argue that the jury could only have found a verdict of justifiable homi cide, if the evidence had shown that Robert Cully had attacked some person, and that that person could only escape from being slain by slaying his aggressor; this, lie contended, the evidence by no means evinced. After commenting on the special finding of the jury, which he also contended was not such as the case warranted, the Hon. and Learned Member said that the most mischievous consequences might arise from such observa tions as were made by the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath and the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin, during the time the jury was sitting. The Hon. Member for Dublin had laid it down as a law, that no public meeting could be dispersed with out the prev i ous rea ding of th e Ri ot Act. This he (the Soli c it or- G enera l ) h a d protested agai ns t at the time, and he nie v argued that i t was no t ne cessary th a t t h e Riot Act should b e read previous to the dispersing of an illegal meeting, as a magistrate or constable was quite competent to the dispersion of the meeting. The Riot Act having been read, any person remaining on the ground for one hour afterwards, commits an act of felony; and that was the intended opera. tion of the Riot Act. Assuming all that had been gated of the conduct of the police to be correct, he would ask if the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath meant to say that the violence of any of the police in one part of the ground, or in many parts, could justify the slaying of another police man in a different part of the ground ? To this it was that the assumptions of the Honourable Member for Bath would lead. He hoped to God the case would have a fair trial, and that the individual, having defended himself, would have a ver. dict of acquittal; but he must say, that upon the fact, as stated before the coroner's jury, their verdict ought not to have been justifiable homicide, but murder, With respect to the application to the Court of King's Bench to quash the verdict of the Jury, it had been made by him in concurrence with his Hon. Colleague the Attorney-General ; that Court by qualifying the verdict of the Jury had decided upon its impropriety, and upon the illegality of this meeting, and he thought that the House would take the opinion of the Honourable Court in preference to that of the Honourable Member for Bath. The House would be surprised when he told them that some portion of the public press had advised persons attending these meetings to arm themselves with knives to meet the police, and that advice had been sanctioned by the verdict of an English Coroner's Jury, who said it was justifiable homicide to put a policeman to death while on duty. Such was the opinion of an English coroner's jury.—(Hear, hear.) For these reasons he had thought it his duty to bring the verdict of the jury before the Court of King's Bench ; that Court had, no choice but to decide upon the facts that were brought before them, and upon those facts they had come to the determination of quashing the verdict. Though he had been condemned for the course he had adopted by the Hon. Member for Bath, he rejoiced to know that he had the favourable opinion of the thinking part of the public with him. The next charge that had been made against him was, that there had not been a fresh inquiry. Now it had in previous cases been decided that there could be no 1 fresh enquiry without the special order of the Court of King's Bench, and without the deceased was exhumed, and sub mitted for the inspection of a fresh jury. It would be fatal to the verdict of any jury on an inquest, if it should appear that they had proceeded without a view of the body. He had not advised the adoption of that course, because he saw no necessity for it, being clearly of opinion that such an inquiry was not at all likely to facilitate the justice of the case. Being of that opinion, he had thought it his duty to apply to the Court of Kir g's Bench to quash the verdict without a " inquirendo " If any of his Majesty's subjects were dissatisfied with that course, it was competent to them to make a motion on the subject before the King's Bench, which would exercise its own opinion whether it would refuse or grant the motion Before he sat down, he must protest against the doctrine of the Hon. Member for Bath that the meeting was legal. Its legality did not de pend on its numbers ; there might be a legal meeting of hun dreds of thousands, and an illegal one consisting only of three persons. Where there was a meeting to supersede the constitution, and put down King, Lords, and Commons, snch a meeting was illegal, and it was wholly immaterial what the numbers attending it were. Could any reasonable man look at the placard calling the meeting, and say that a meeting assembled in consequence was legal ?—(Hear, hear, hear.) — It was impossible. That meeting was called for the pur pose of calling on Parliament to dissolve itself, and place in its room Mr. Lee and Mr. Mee.—(Hear.) That placard called the meeting to form a National Convention, which it described as the only means of securing the rights of the people, and by that means to bring about a violent revolu tion in the country. Such a meeting was dangerous to the public peace and had therefore been properly suppressed. If, as had been asserted, there was any brutality or intemperance in the conduct of the police, he should be one of the last to sanction it. He trusted that it would be investi gated, and the parties so acting punished.—(Hear, hear.) He would never stand up as the advocate of an excess of au thority. If such was the fact, was it not strange that no pro ceedinglhad yet been taken against any one? The police had been stabbed, but he had not, as yet, heard a single in. stance of any persons attending the meeting with the exception of them, having been hurt or wounded. If there were any, he trusted they would call on the law to take their case into consideration. He could assure the House that in applying to the King's Bench to quash the verdict of the Jury, he considered he was conferring a benefit on his country. Mr. O'CONNELL then rose to address the House. He considered it impossible to exaggerate the effect which ought to be given to the verdict of an honest jury. It was the Englishman' only protection. It was impossible at the same time to exaggerates the evils which would arise from the impunity of the police force, when it was found that their conduct had been un constitutional, ferocious, and improper. The police in Ireland were armed with deadly weapons, and the cases in which they inflicted murder were monstrous, and continu ally recurring. Yet notwithstanding this, on every occasion, they had the usual official eulogium passed on their conduct by those connected with the Government. It was therefore most important that the police should be very strictly and jealously watched— (Hear, hear) and it was equally important that the verdict of an honest jury should be respected. A verdict of a jury might indeed be informal, and on that account might be quashed, and such was the case in the present instance. It was only on a ground of technicality with which the jury in the present instance had nothing to do—(Hear, hear)—that the Court of King's Bench had set aside theirl finding. There was a formal heading to the inquisition, which was either the work of the Coroner or of some other person, but which was altoge ther independent of the verdict of the Jury. In this instance, he was informed, it been drawn up by a person named Stafford, in Bow-street. In that inquisition it was stated that the man Cully was " in the peace of God and our Lord the King, and that he was there killed in the exercise of his duty." Now this was a matter which it was impossible for the Jury to find, and at the same time to find he was slain justifiably.—(Hear, hear, hear.) But this certainly had never, in fact, been called to the attention of the jury. It was totally inconsistent with their verdict, and it was quite impossible that they could have referred to it. Now, it was the practice in Ireland, when a coroner's inquest took place, that the entire evidence was embodied in the finding and when cer. tiorari was applied for, the whole evidence, as well as the finding, was before the Court. But that was not the case in England. Only the inquisition, which, in fact, was drawn up with great technical formality, and which was alto gether independent of the verdict of the Jury, was required to be produded in Court, and it happened in this instance, as he had already stated, that the heading was altogether inconsistent with the finding of the Jury. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said that the inquisition containing the clause referred to had been signed by all the Jury, and it was therefore to be taken for granted that they were acquainted with its contents. Mr. O'CONNELL continued—lt was impossible that their attention could have been called to such a clause. They must indeed have been insane if they could have found that the man was, in the peace of God and of our Lord the King, in the exercise of his duty, and was slain justifiably but it was the duty of the Coroner to have apprised them of it, and shown them that their two findings were inconsistent; but that did not disparage the verdict of the Jury. A goad deal had been said about the meeting having been illegal, and he would admit that it had been called for an illegal purpose. The law in reference to illegal assemblies consisted of three parts-- as it respected a riot, a route, and an unlawful assembly. A riot might consist of any three or more persons, who were engaged with force and violence breaking the peace. (Hear, hear.) In a case of that description every man was a constable, and could arrest the rioters. A route was defined to be an assembly, intending to carry an illegal ob ject by violence ; and the third case was, when there was an illegal object, but no force or violence intended. Of this last character was the meeting in question.— (Hear, hear, hear.) On information, a Magistrate's warrant might have been procured, and they might have been arrested ; but what was the evidence ? As far as appeared by the reports, the conventionalists used no violence. The evidence went to prove first of all an attack by the police on the flags and banners. There was no evidence to show that they had been impeded in any attempt to arrest any of th e meeting, but evidence on the other side to prove that the rush at the flags was accompanied by promiscuous and inhuman assaults on the multitude, brutally beating them, and the blood was seen streaming at every side from their blows.—(Hear, hear,) The law applicable to such a case was, that on the warrant of a magistrate, there should have been arrest. There was no arrest—there was no attempt to impede the arrest, but on the contrary, without notice, without warning the people, certainly an assault was made, beating them to right and left, following women and men who were unprotected and un armed up the stairs, where they fled for refuge. With these facts before them, it was impossible the Jury could have come to any other verdict.—(Hear, hear.) The true and legal meaning of justifiable homicide was, where a man, who was pursued and attacked by another, retired as far as be could, and tried to escape but could not, that then he turned round and killed the man who would have killed him, and caused death in order to save his own life.— (Hear, hear, hear,) Now the jury had found--he would leave out of view at present what was said about the Riot Act and about the conduct of the Government; but they found that the conduct of the police was brutal, ferocious, and un provoked by the people. Now, if such was the case, he would defy any lawyer to say that a verdict of any thing but justifiable homicide could have been returned. Sir GEORGE GREY said the Learned Solicitor. General had assumed all these facts in his application to set aside the verdict. Mr. O'CONNELL—He could not have done so, he was too good a lawyer to have done so, Then take it the other way,—a policeman acted, not in the peace of our Lord the King in the way described in the verdict, against the people. Putting all the facts together, would any one tell him, would any lawyer say, that a man hard pressed in the way he had described, would not be justified in saving his own life even at the expense of that of his antagonists. Good God, was a police. man to have a privilege to kill when and where he thought it proper ? He might be told that in that House, but no man would dare to broach such a doctrine in a court of law, for there he would be instantly set down, and his bold assertion at once met with a flat contradiction. The police were now become soldiers in a difflirent dress, and were only not so well conducted as soldiers, at least in his country. He believed that here the police had in general been well governed and conducted, but here was the first case where they were convicted by a jury of brutality and ferocity; therefore he was the more anxious to take advantage of it, in order that it might be a lesson to them, before they got so low in the scale of brutality as their fellows were in Ireland, for then there would be no hope of them. — Had the Jury had a co-oner who had done his duty, and drawn up such an inquisition as his duty was to have done then, no iii. - -I e Hilda could pout* have id aside dist noble vadlot„ but it .vou Id have been as firmly settled in the records of the country as it was in the heart of the people. Sir GEORGE GREY said that It was incumbent upon him to refute the assumptions of the Hon. and Learned Member, for if they were to go forth with the ' weight which his talents commanded, they were calculated to do much harm.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He had perverted the case, not intentionally, but he had assumed and stated as facts things which had no foundation. No man, whether lawyer or not, could doubt but that the killing of a policeman in the discharge of his duty was murder. In this case the facts were, not that Cully had pressed an individual threatening to take his life, and that he was killed while so pressing that individual as to endanger his life. There had not been a single individual brought forward upon the inquest who had received wounds which would at all endanger life, so that that argument altogether fell from under the Hon. and Learned Gentleman. Had the verdict not been quashed an impression would have gone abroad, which would have been dangerous, that a man had a right to resist the constituted authorities even unto the death. Mr. GODSON regretted that his Majesty's Government through their law-officers had thought it necessary to quash the inquisition; it would have been much wiser if the verdict had been permitted to remain attached to it, because it was the inquisition only which had been attacked and not the verdict ; the latter was the act of the Coroner alone. The jury had found the verdict of " Justi fiable Homicide;" that the police, of which Robert Cully was one, had made an unprovoked attack—he would not use the other words of the verdict, because he wished to discuss the subject calmly, temperately, and dispasilonately—that the police had made an unprovoked attack on the multitude, and that one of that multitude had caused in a justifiable manner his death. Who was there in England would say that seventeen men on their oaths had found a verdict which was contrary to the fact, and that they had thereby violated their oaths ? Sir G. GREY said he did not impute to them a violation of their oaths, but that they were wrong in point of law. Mr. GODSON again deplored that Government had ever raised the question, but as a lawyer, he was justified in saying that there was no legal power to quash the verdict. They found that the blow that had been given was justifiable—that was found as a fact, and no gentleman required to be told that all the facts of the case should not be stated in the verdict. If an action was brought, the verdict was either for the plaintiff or defendant; so in a case of murder the verdict was either guilty or not guilty. The whole conduct of Government only went to impugn the inquisition and not the verdict, which was drawn up by the coroner, who knew what he had to draw out, and might have drawn a good inquisition; he might have averred that a number of persons were collected together—that the police made an unprovoked attack on them—that R. Cully was one of those police—and that the blow was given by a person so attacked, which was necessary to save his own life.—(Hear.) In that form the inquisition would have supported the verdict, the Court of King's Bench would never have quashed the inquisition, and the trial by jury would not have been questioned. The mistake, therefore; was with the Coroner, who alone was censured, and not the Jury.— (Hear, hear.) He trusted that the people would thus know, that in what had taken place, no censure had been cast on the Trial by . Jury. The verdict had not been attacked, and Government had gone out of their way in getting the inquisition quashed.—(Hear, hear.) The Honourable and Learned Solicitor. General stated that one reason for quashing it, was for fear it should ever be tendered in evidence in any criminal case. He had looked for authori ties, and he could find no instance in which an inquisition had ever been tendered in evidence. The only part of the proceed. ings which could be evidence was the depositions of witnesses. He again deplored the steps that had been taken by hit Majesty's Government, which went to stultify their own acts. Mr. HUME was sorry that the Solicitor-General was not in the House to hear the convincing arguments which had been adduced by the Learned Gentlemen who had last spoken ; and deprecated the idea of the Solicitor_ General producing the Bill calling the meetings together, as evidence against the parties who were assembled without any proof to show from whence it came, and by which it was issued. The Hon. Member regretted also the obloquy that had been thrown upon the police by these transactions, and ridiculed the idea of any importance being attached t the meeting, and the attempt to magnify the pro. ceedings into treason. The Learned Solicitor Ge neral, he said, had been left without a leg to stand on, and had unfairly allud e d t o th e op i n i ons o f Hon. Members expressed whilst the inquest was holding, for getting the proclamation which had been issued by the Govern. ment off,ring a reward of 2001. for the apprehension of the mur derer of Cully, whilst a verdict existed of justifiable homicide. The Hon. Member concluded by saying, that the Government appeared tube making every efort to bring its Members into dis repute with the people of England. The House adjourned, without coming to any decision on the petition, at three o'clock. SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE-(THIS DAY ) FROM LLOYD'S. DEAL, JUNE 12.—Wind W.S.W.,;drong.—Arrived and sailed for the River, the Sophia, Thornhill, from Bengal. PORTSMOUTH, JUNE 12.—Wind S.W.—Arrived the Anne, Wilson, from Riga. Off port, the Ontario, Sebor, from New York; William Money, Jackson, from London, for China — passed by the Wellington, Leddell, from Madras—sailed on the 24th of February, Cape on the 17th of April, and St. Helena on the2Bth; and his Majesty's steamer Dee, from Lisbon and Ply mouth. PLYMOUTH, JUNE ll.—Wind W., a heavy gale till 8, p.m.. when it was moderate. FALMOUTH, JUNE 11.—Wind W. to N. W., strong gales and squally.—Arrived the Plover packet, from the Leeward Islands—. sailed from St. Thomas's on the 15th ult. ; his Majesty's ship Pike, from Lisbon—sailed on the 2d inst., and Oporto on the sth ; and Abcona, Coveney, from Rio Janeiro. Off port, the John, Money, from Jamaica.—HALF•PAST Six, P.M.-A brig has just entered into St. Mawes, supposed to be the Star, Word, from Malaga. GREENOCK, JUNE 10.—Arrived the Perseverance, Camp. bell, from Trinidad. BRISTOL, JUNE 12.—Arrived the New Volunteer, Stewart. from Jamaica. MONTREAL, MAY 12, AND 14.—Arrived the Robatson, Neil, and Favorite, Allen, from the Clyde ; the Great Britain, Swinbun, from London ; and the Cherub, Miller, from the Clyde, being the first ships that have reached here this season. MARGATE, JUNE I2.—Arrived the Woodbridge, Hewson, from Sierra Leone to London, parted both anchors in the No. 6, Channel yesterday, and in running down the Queen's Channel, got on shore at the Spit of Margate Sand, was as sisted off this morning with loss of rudder, and is now riding at anchor on the North Flat. The Brothers, Tyzer, Sunderland, from Ramsgate, bound to Newhaven, lost anchors, chains, and boats. The Hope, Morgan, fl'om Newcastle to Plymouth, is sunk in Ramsgate harbour. The Harriet, Nicoll, bound to Arichat, put back to Jersey, Sth inst., having carried away the foremast 21st ult., lat. 45. long. 24. THE FUNDS.-(THIS DAY.) CITY, TWELVE O'CLOCK. New York Papers to the 22d of May. by the London-line Packet ship Ontario, Montreal to the 18th May, Quebec to the 11th May, and Madras to the 24th February, have been received at the North and South American Coffee-house. (From the New York Papers.) Fitortt MEXICO.—A report had been spread. but wu found to be groundless, that the cholera had appeared in the capital. A rumour of a rebellion in the South, by Bravo, was also contra.. dieted. Sixty-two vessels arrived at Vera Cruz in January. February, and March last. TILE CHOLERA AT NEW ORLEANS.—By the New Orleans Courier of the 30th ultimo, it appears that the cholera had again appeared with considerable violence in that city. FLoons.—We are happy to notice that the Albany papers of Saturday evening do not add to the list of disasters which had been previously published. The river was gradually subsiding. The alarming accounts of great damage having been done to the canal are not confirmed. FROM MATANZAS.—By the brig Droino, we are informed that Matanzas was perfectly healthy on the 10th instant, the cholera having entirely disappeared. (From the Montreal Papers.) There has been a large quantity of rain fallen in Montreal; when we went to press the rain was falling in torrents. The Quebec papers contain the official notice from Downing_ street, dated March 6, for the dismissal of the Attorney and Solicitor-Generals of that province, signed by Lord Goderich. Owing to the strong weather of yesterday and the previous day we are deprived of the arrival of the French and Flanders mails. but we have the arrival of mails from Lisbon and the Lee. ward Islands. The contents of the former are already pub lished in the Morning Journals, which are not of material iro.. pot tance, with the exception that a great quantity of provisions have been landed at Oporto, with some reinforcements of troops. It also appears that Captain Napier is going to take the command of Don Pedro's ships. Great distress still pre_ vailed at Oporto. THE FUNDS. One of our leading morning journals appears again to be very ominous ; it forebodes that our present Ministry will soon be turned out of office by the Tory Lords. At present we cannot contradict this prophecy; at all events it has had the effect of lowering the Funds this morning. Consols, which left off yesterday at 90% for the Account, opened at 90% Y 2, afterwards were done at 901,4 %, at which price they are at present, with 'it le dring. The Foreign Market is without any interest at present. HALF-.PAST ONE. We still continue without any further arrivals. The private letters from Lisbon are void of important in formation ; all they say izt hat they are on the eve of some irn.. portant event. It is stated that the Duke de Cardoval is dead. We hear that Government has received an express from Vienna, but the contents have not transpired. The Austrian Funds have improved. Consols continue heavyjat 90?{ % for the Account, with little doing. In the Foreign Market they are making up their accounts against tomorrow, it being settling day in the Foreign Funds ; prices much the same as yesterday. The Queen being expected at the Mansion-house, cauileit some bustle in the City. The cholera was increasing at Lisbon. TIERCE O'CLOCK: Console for th. Account, 90} ft. n a be Hom / 'tied cone!! :h 01 45 ~, 19 ~, he r, tion be n°l to fa! inten o ire th!. ags its w oo o is S.. 'orth J :shire ). CitY th lesto'