The Sun. — London, England, 1831-07-16 00:00:00

evil-minded tlemagogues. They prayed that Government would continue the grant. They also entered into the be nefits derived from the mode pursued by the Kildare-stree' Sofiety. In the province of Ulster there were half a million of Presbyterians of the Scotch Church, and that province was distinguished by peace and good order, and bad not cost the Government one twentieth part of the expence in military, special commissions, &c.that other parts of the country had done. He could not understand why the Kildare-street Society was objected to, for of all institu tions there was none that operated more to bring the people of different religious sects into unity than this. Mr. SHELL addressed the House, but in so low a tone es to be inaudible. Mr. RUTHVEN said the funds of the Kildare-street Society were not wholly applied to the purposes of edu cation, although the grant was made professedly for that object ; and he stated also that the mode of education tended to engender divisions among the people. Mr. BRISCOE said, as a day was already fixed for the discussion of this subject, he hoped that Hon. Members would see that no good object would be gained by dis cussing it now on this p e tition.—(llear.) Mr. C. PELHAM, Sir R. BaTxsoN, and Mr. Runi vx74, said a few words. Mr. O'CONNELL was of opinion, that as they bad only just reached the first clause of the Reform Bill, the time of the House ought to be better occupies' than in this way ; be merely begged to say that he had presented h i s less than six petitions against the grant to the Kildare street Society.--The petition was read, and ordered to be printed. Sir R. BATESON next presented a similar petition from the patrons, managers, and teachers connected with the Belfast Sunday-school Union. praying that the House would not withhold the usual grant to the Kildare-street Society. The Belfast Sunday -school Union consisted of no lees than two hundred and forty Sunday-schools, but they were wholly unconnected with the Kildare-street Society ; but the petitioners being concerned in the educa• Lion of children in Ireland, felt it their duty to entreat the Government not to withdraw the grant from a Society which had done so much good. The petition was read and ordered to he printed. PETITIONS FROM FEMALES. Mr. HUNT presented a petition from the married and single women—(Loud and continued laughter)—living ' in Robert-street, Manchester, who were willing to back their husbands and other relatives, whose petitions were presented the other day ; they prayed for a repeal of the corn laws, and a repeal of the East India monopoly. The Hon. Member read a part of the petition, which stated that " being induced to dispense with the natural diffidence of their sex"—(Laughter)—they prayed for a repeal of the corn laws, which were productive of great evil to the country, which had reduced the price of labour, and raised the price of every necessary of life. The House might laugh at a petition coming from females, but he hoped they were not so ungallant as to refuse a prayer coming from such a quarter. The petition was read and ordered to be printed. Mr. WILKS presented a petition from the female in habitants of the pariah of Longford, in Coventry, praying or the abolition of slavery in the West Indies. Mr. H. HOWARD presented a petition from Shore ham in favour of the Reform Bill. Lord CASTLEREAGH presented three petitions from the county of Down in support of the grant to the Kildare street Society. The Noble Lord thought there seemed to be a party feeling against this Society.—(Hear.) Mr. HUME begged to state that his opposition to the grant to this Society was merely on this ground, viz. that it was given to one sect to superintend the education of another ; it was given to the Protestants to superintend the education of Catholic children, which cast a stigma upon the Catholics which he was strongly opposed to. After a few words from Sir J. NEWPORT, Mr. LEFROY said it had gone abroad that a system of proselytism prevailed in the management of the Society, which he denied ; and be also denied that the system of education was different from that which was professed. Mr. O'CONNELL had for many years subscribed to the Society, until he found a forced system of proselytism. --(Loud cries of " No, no.") He repeated what he had stated. Children were forced to the schools against the wish of their parents. He knew numerous instances of it. He bad established two schools fur 1,100 children, and his brother had done the same; they did not receive a penny from Kildare-street towards the schools, for he objected to the mode of education pursued by the Society.—(Bear, hear.) It was a direct insult to the Catholics, and was a part of the system of the desperate Orange , faction.—(Bear, hear.) If they disposed of the money, let them give it to the Protestants to educate the Protes tants, but not to enable the Protestants to educate the Catholics. Sir R. BATESON said he never heard a speech more likely to continue the divisions and heart-turnings that prevailed in Ireland than the speech of the Hon. and Learned Member. Captain GORDON thought that the interference of the Roman Catholic Clergy hal been exceedingly unwar rantable, and that an attack made on Mr. Synge by Father Murphy spoke loudly against the Clergy. No change whatever had taken place in the system of the Kil dare-street Society, and no change had taken place in the sentiments or minds of the Catholic people of Ireland, whatever discontent might have arisen in the minds of the Catholic Clergy. Mr. GRATTAN hoped the Hon. Gentleman who bad just sat down would be assured that Irishmen were quite sufficient of themselves to arouse agitation and angry feel ing among the Irish, without either any Scotch or Eng lish gentlemen taking the trouble of going across to that unhappy country for the purpose of creating any g reater discord. With respect to Mr. Synge he (Mr. G) believed him to be a most excellent man, but he had certainly beard that Mr. Synge insisted upon Iris labourers' children attending his school, which undoubtedly was exceedingly wrong, and no doubt touch of the outrage that bad been committed upon him was owing to this course of conduct. He thought the speeches de livered at Dublin by some of the Directors of the Society (some of the gentlemen who had made these speeches were in the House at the moment) contributed greatly to the odium which at this time attached to the Society. He would strongly recommend Iris Majesty's Government to intro duce into Ireland some national system of education— (Hear, bear)—for that, in his opinion, was more likely to do good and allay the bickerings that at present pre vailed than any thing else whatever. An Hos. Mee sea believed that Father Murphy was a man who would do nothing but that which in his con science he believed to be truly right and just. He bad been through almost all the schools in Ireland, and had paid attention to the Kildare-strreet School, and be had round it almost entirely deserted,—willingly deserted in consequence of the attempt at proselytism which had b:en made. Mr. ROBINSON deprecated such irregular discus sions as the present. He considered that the subject ought to be no further debated until the motion for the grant came before the House. He would however say it was of no use attempting to force a system of education on any set of people contrary to their convictions and judgments. The money granted for such a purpose would not only be thrown away, but must be misapplied ; and he sincerely trusted that when the subject of this grant came before the House, the House would institute some rigid inquiry into the manner in which what had already been granted had been applied. Mr. MAURICE O'CONNELL was sorry he was not in the House when the present discussion commenced. He had been informed that it had been said that there had been no act of persecution on the part of Mr. Synge. lie would put it to the House to say whether the turning out of the whole of a family en the road—the forcing of them into a state of starve them any sustenance whatever, a n d with 4one...refusing holding from them every thing but that which the strict neee of the law forced them to give (which Heaven knew was little enough), because the father would not permit his children to go to the Kildare-street School, was or was not an act of persecution. This was only one instance of w hat be considered an act of gross persecution on the part of Mr. Synge, and numbers of others might be stated. As to the Rev. Gentleman who had been alluded to, and who was now on hie death-bed, he could only say, that if an y person, and particularly the Hon. Member for Dundalk, would attend to his profession and concerns as diligently and a.a exclusively as Father Murphy had been in the habit d ur ing a long life of doing, there would neither be so much re li g ious discord in Ireland, nor so many angry bickerings in the House of Commons respecting the state of that poor country. Mr. HUNT said that as those grants of money uni formly occasioned an acrimonious struggle between two parties which should have their disposal, the only way to prevent angry discussion was to remove its source. It was an old and perhaps trite, but very true observation, that when two dogs were quarrelling for a bone, the only way to terminate the dispute was to take away the bone. Mr. SHEIL would not enter into the discussion of the subject at present, but would suggest that if there had been any premature enactment, the i guilt did not lie on that portion himself Members of tb I use to which he considered i particularly attached. He begged leave tie ask, wherefore, on all bands, was .there an effort made to throw disrespect and fasten the stigma and reproach on the Roman Citbelic clergy. :\rii class of 1 , • men, be felt assured, leas deserved such treatment. Upon this subject the whole matter W4S a mere question, as be . . ♦iewed it, simply of fact. Did the Catholics of Ireland believe it consistent or not, to read the scriptures in rh e way that Protestants thought they should he read ? Much hid been said of demagogues agitating Ire land. He would say to the Honourable Member for Dundalk, that if there were demagogues of agitation, there were also demagogues of fanati6sm—(Hear) —who dared to make the sacred teachers and sentiments of religion the subject of political attack.—(Hear, bear.) Colonel GORDON did not mean to deny that he bad visited Ireland for the purpose of promoting there the cause of religious education. That was a fact which he was proud to acknowledge in the face of that House, of the country, and of Heaven.—(Hear.) He had travelled over the land, not as the agent, or the paid representative of any system, but as the advocate generally of religion. education. Lord CASTLEREAGH said there were two points to which he would allude. The Hon. Member for Kerry hid stated that he, and the people of Ireland, were decidedly opposed to the grant in question. The petitioners, however, in its favour from that quarter which he (the Noble Lord) had already preented to that House were a sufficient answer to such an assertion. He could not hut express his deep, unfeigned regret that the Hon. Member for Kerry had, in the warmth of his zeal, given utterance to expressions altogether uncalled for, and cal culated, in no slight degree, not to assuage angry and bitter discussions in Ireland, but to kindle into a flame that spirit of acrimony and party feeling, which those who supported that Hon. Gentleman and his country had long laboured to extinguish. Mr. O'CONNELL had not said one word which he considered at all cslculated to draw down upon him such an attack. Ile had not addressed the Noble Lord in the language he made use of, but of those who had been, and who gloried in being considered, religious enthusiasts and persecutors. Lord CASTLEREAGH—I heard the Honourable Member make use of the word " Orange," I think. Mr. O'CONNELL—The Noble Lord has altogether mistaken me : I used no such expression. Mr. H. BULWER presented a petition from Coventry, praying for the extension of the elective franchise to house holders paying scot and lot. Sir R. PHILIPPS presented a petition from Tenby against the dis:ranchisement of burgesses. Si; G. WARRENDER moved for returns of all the householders in the different towns included in schedule B. REFORM BILL. Lord JOHN RUSSELL moved that the Howe resolve itself into a Committee on the English Reform Bill. O❑ the resolution that the Speaker do leave the Chair, Mr. CRESSETT PELHAM rose and shortly ad dressed the House, not one word of which was souhble in the gallery. The House then resolved itself into a Committee, Mr. SPRING RICE taking the Chair. Lord J. RUSSELL then moved the reading of the first clause, that each of the boroughs enumerated in Schedule A be disfranchised. Sir A. AGNEW rose to move, as an amendment to the clause, " that the boroughs enumerated in schedule A shall, in future, cease to return Members to serve in Par liament," that after the word " shall" there be inserted " have a share in the election of Member or Members to t serve in Parliament as shall be hereinafter provided." The lion. Member having read the amendment, proceeded to address the Committee, but in so low a tone of voice, as to be hardily audible in the gallery. We understood him to argue that the Bill would tend to destroy the balance between the electors in towns and counties, unless the prin ciple of his amendment were adopted. That principle had been acted upon advantageously in the union of boroughs' system in Wales and Scotland, and would be a great im provement of the system of representation in force in Eng. land. Mr. JOHN WEYLAND (Hindon) seconded the amend ment. We understood him to propose a new plan of Re form, but were quite unable to comprehend the details of it from the fragments of his speech which reached the gallery. There were thirty boroughs in schedule A which he had no objection to disfranchise, but the re• mainder he would deal with on the plan of his amendment. Mr. CUTLAR FERGUSSON pointed out the incon sistency of the Hon. Member opposite, who, after voting for the second reading of this Bill in the last Parliament, now came down with a new Bill in his pocket, quite as complicated as that of the Government. The plan of the Hon. Baronet was to get rid of the principle of disfran chisement ; but if he understood the decision of the House last night aright, they had determined to act upon that principle. The boroughs in schedule A were marked out for extinction, because no constituent body could be found in them. How, then, could any good be effected by com bining several of these boroughs which had no constitu ency ? There were 20 of these boroughs, returning 40 Members to that House, which did not contain altogether more than 94 101. houses.—(Hear, hear.) The House was extinguishing these decayed boroughs in order to cor rect, and enfranchising populous towns in order to improve, the representative system. In conclusion, be expressed his intention to oppose this amendment, because it went to destroy the principle of the Bill. Mr. H. GURNEY objected to the ministerial measure of Reform, because it rested on no one distinct specific prin ciple. Ile was, moreover, opposed to the total disfran chisement of any borough whatsoever, although he would consent to the partial disfranchisement of some, and would therefore make no difficulty of supporting the Bill to the extent of schedule B. The existing system, whether irre gular or not, certainly represented every interest, and the Members of that House were indiscriminately elected by all classes of the community. Notwithstanding the vitu peration which had been so liberally heaped upon the no minees of borough patrons, it might be observed that county Members had been at all times more prone to lend them selves to party purposes, and more ready to truckle to every administration.--(Hear.) lie maintained that it was abso lutely necessary that there should always be persons in the House of Commons who were not entirely dependent on the popular voice, and at the present moment, when Ben thamite and Westminster philosophers were constituting themselves the sole representative of public opinion, he did contend that the much-abused Members for boroughs had nevertheless rendered at least as much service to the state as ever they could be said to have done hitherto. The franchise i❑ his opinion ought to be low rather than other wise; Le would have no monopoly, but thought, ou the contrary, flirt it should be extended to all great communi ties, although, as he bad already stated, lie was against disfranchising any borough, however inconsiderable its po pulation. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, that the Hon. Baronet's motion went upon the principle that no borough should be entirely disfranchised. To such a principle, he was decidedly opposed, as he would wish to disfranchise all close or nomination boroughs, on the ground that they were contrary to the principles of the Constitu tion, which required every representative to be elected by the people. Even the Hon. Baronet's motion would so far diminish the power of some boroughs as almost to de prive them of their franchise altogether. The Hon. Baronet, it appeared, would unite two or three nomina tion boroughs and allow them conjointly to exercise the franchise ; but be could sanction no such proposition, for it would in effect make the franchise depend on a small society of borough proprietors.—(Hear, hear.) The more plain and simple course would be, to proceed on the prin ciple of the Bill, that all nomination boroughs without population should be entirely disfranchised as evils in the Constitution. The Hon. Baronet should observe that the question now was not between the measure of Ministers and the plan which lie saw fit to propose, but whether the House would adopt the present Bill, the principle of which hail been already sanctioned by the second reading. Sir A. AGNEW conceived that the course which he recommended would materially diminish the power of the proprietors affected by schedule B, and asserted that Lis suggestion would not tend more to throw the franchise in the hands of a society of borough-proprietors than the pro position of Ministers themselves. Mr. C. W. WYNN understood the Nohle Lord to state that all nomination boroughs would be absolutely disfran chised, and if so, he could not imagine where would be the distinction between schedule A and schedule B, for how could Woodstock be considered more a nomination borough than Malmesbury ? Then he would ask, was the repeatedly convicted borough of Penryn to lose its franchise? It appeared that, on the contrary, it. was to be combined with Falmouth, and would continue to enjoy corrupti a t b . out (H tetahra,uneth Barnstaple,tephaurer.si)efi e pd N la c o be; b nhh r dee o u cyi g one Infti infusion concluded, uitodaneswd was still of ovtreher the notoriously ten-pound necessarily - r bp i eoouusn re tained.lyi househo re, nor• would he stop to inquire whether that i same purifiers nevertheless, r n t o h t e l b e ss , class, of a others, were not almost uniformly corruptible. —(Hea g e e a , r, tha h t ea t r h . e ) se s,i l m t applied somewhat tto r, places which had never participated in tor n e r d e u n ption. The inevitable effect of the Bill would be to re roughs close which were now open ; and as efrorth many bo pound voters, he only hoped that they would exerci e s tea l; franchise intrusted to them as honourably and hones e tl t e those who had property in burgage- tenure in Knayrsass borough and elsewhere.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. Alderman VENA BLES eulogised the Bill as having gained the esteem an l approbation of the people of Eng land in a greater degree than any plan of Reform proposed to them before. The great difficulty in the way of Re form, for the last twenty-five or thirty years, bad been, that its advocates were not unanimous in favour of any given plan, but that obstacle was now happily in a great measure removed. Many Hon. Members were ingenious at finding fault with the Bill, and bringing forward schemes of their own, but bow did it happen that no one ever heard of these propositions till the present measure had received the sanction of the country'—(Hear, hear.) In 1822 the Noble Lord below him (Lord J. Russell) hail moved a resolution to the effect that Reform was necessary, et it was rejected by a majority of 269 against 161. Again, soon after a similar motion was defeated by a still larger majority, and the supporters of Reform in the House dwindled to a comparatively smaller number on the third attempt of the Noble Lord in 1526.—(-fear.) The worthy Alderman then referred to the conduct of the mock-Re formers in the case of East Retlood, and concluded by ex pressing his conviction that their refusal to transfer the franchise to a large town on that occasion, bad tended more to promote the cause of genuine Reform than any thing else which had occurred either before or since. Sir J. MALCOLM could not imagine why Ministers on a question of this importance were so very averse to a little reasonable delay, when it appeared they were certain of commanding a majority sufficient for their purpsse. Surely they could not desire to take advantage of the present excitement of the public mind, in order to hurry forward a measure so momentous in its c haracter. It was a new doctrine that but a few days were requisite to de cide upon a vital question affecting the rights of thousands of Englishmen ; and for his part he should dread such a monstrous principle much more than he would a despotic tyrant who carried devastation with his victories through the world. Ministers, he had no doubt, had already given their best consideration to this Bill, but then it was to be hoped that they would listen with patience to the objections of those who happened to differ from them. The time, he trusted, would arrive when the present ex citement would subside, and they shou'd meanwhile be allowed to examine the provisions of the Bill with the scru pulous caution which such a subject must necessarily re quire. The House had consented to the first and second reading, but it by no means followed that they would agree to the details. That, thank God, was still a place where honest men might freelyspeak their sentiments; he was there to avow hi., and he would rather• at this moment hold the sta tion which he occupied than stand in the present condition of the colleague of the worthy Alderman.—(Loud cheers from the Opposition.) lie was dependent upon no man, and to no man was he responsible for his opinions.—(Hear, hear.) An Hon. Baronet, whom he was sorry not to see that evening in his place, had lately uttered what he would designate a foul libel on a certain Noble Duke,—he would name him,—the Duke of Northumbeland—when he said, snapping his fingers, that that distinguished individual did not care a jot for the people of England.—(Repeated cries of " Hear.") He acid this on the authority of a character which had never been impeached, and much re gretted that the Hon. Baronet was not present, as lie wished to have an opportunity of contradicting him to his face.—(Heir.) It was his wish to Bee the Constitution provided with proper safety-valves, and no man ought to be without a safety-valve himself.—(Great laughter, and cries of " Hear.") The power of reflection was the seeety-valve to which he alluded, and he could assure Hon. Gentlemen, who saw lie was but a young Member, though an old man, that he would neither• be intimidated by laughter nor intoxicated by applause.--(Hear, hear.) In conclusion, the Hon. Member declared his inten tion of giving the Hon. Baronet's motion his decided support. Mr. S. WORTLEY was not one of those who objected to the disfranchising part of the measure, on the ground of the House not being possessed of a right to resort to such a proceeding ; on the contrary, he thought that if they proceeded on sufficient grounds, the Legislature had both the right and the power to disfranchise. The Hon. Member proceeded to say, that a distinction must be taken between popular clamour and public opinion : he admitted, that a good deal of the former had been displayed on the side of the Bill, hut it was by no means apparent that the latter was in favour of it. He professed himself the hearty friend of the motion of his Hon. Friend, which wes in accordance with the principle established in the cases of Basset'aw and the Scotch burghs. Further, he con tended that the principle of the Hon. Baronet's motion was borne out by the Bill itself in several instances, in proof of which lie might refer to• the course taken with respect to places in Wales and Cumberland. The Bill admitted the principle of union and extension, which were the grounds of his Hon. Friend's proposition. When it was considered that the ministerial measure would no longer leave boroughs under the influence of corporations or subject to nomination4erhaps the supporters of Reform themselves would admit that there would be no danger, but rather an advantage, in uniting some of the smaller boroughs. The Hon. Member concluded by observing that he was aware individuals situated like hirn , elf, who opposed the Bill, were liable to imputations upon their characters; for' his own part, however, lie was determined to act uprightly and with independence, disregarding all such imputations, which he was satisfied he did not deserve. If he thought the Bill calculated to promote the public in. terest, it would afford him pleasure to support it, whatever sacrifices he might be called upon to make ; it was because he considered the measure dangerous that he opposed it. The LORD ADVOCATE thought the question of dis franchisement had been alresdy practically determined by two previous decisions of the House, and therefore depre cated the course taken by the Hon. Member, who wanted to raise the point anew. He certainly understood the Right Hon. Baronet opposite to sanction the principle of deciding the question last night, and it must be admitte I that the question had been determined by two large majo. rities. After this it was too much to attempt to disturb a decision which in itself afforded fair grounds for reject. ing the present motion. One of the main principles of the Bill consisted in the destruction of nomination boroughs, the smaller of which the Noble Lord (John Russell) had described as being incurable, from the nature and circum stances of the population ; in such places it was impos sible to dilute the virus so as to render it innoxious. ith regard to more extensive places, the Noble Lord o' served that the poison might be diluted and neutralized, by an infusion of persons not of the nomination party ; and such boroughs were not to be disfranchised, but to be thrown open. At present, however, it was only his busine.s to speak of the incurable nomination boroughs contained in schedule A, which it was impossible to render independent, and which must therefore be disfranchised. He said, in answer to the Hon. Baronet, that it was impossible by the numerical addition of such nomination boroughs, to obtain a pure constituency. They might as well a ttempt to form a whole man out of so many ungrown babies. I t had been said, that if the proposed plan were adopted, op. posite influences might tend to neutralize each other•. He admitted this, but denied that the result of the conflict could ever be to represent truly and faithfully the interests I of the people. No doubt, according to the lien. Baronet's proposition, the extent of certain influences would be les sened ; but bis plan would not change the character of the influence. The Hon. Baronet and others had expressed a vast deal of veneration for the ancient institutions of the country: no man in the House felt a greater degree of veneration for those institutions than himself, and, far from attempting to overthrow or impair them, his object was to ensure their permanence by correcting any defects which the lapse of time might have occasioned. The an cient boroughs of the country, so many o f w hi c h had fallen into decay, were left out of the representation from time to time, as they fell off in wealth and population. But bad the principle now proposed by the Hon. Baronet been applied of joining three or four as one borough ? Nothing of the kind ; they were left out of the repre sentation by not being summoned by the Crown to send Members ; and had the Paine mode of issuing or suspend ing writs been continued by the Crown, a similar mode of Reform might now be adopted. But the Bill in the course now proposed only followed the ancient practice of the Constitution, while the plan proposed by the Hon. Baronet was the innovation. If such an innovation had been proposed on that (the Ministerial) side, it would have been objected to as strange, unprecedented, and fantastical. On these grounds he should feel it his duty to oppose the amendment. Mr. CHOKER said, no doubt the speech of the Learned Lord was an excellent speech ; but it was any thing but a speech calculated to save time.—(hear, hear,) At least, it did not come up to the notion which lie (Mr. Croker) had of saving time. Had they now arrived at the fourth night of the Committee to so little purpose ?-- (Loud cheers from the Ministetial side, echoed by the Opposition)—had they now come to the fourth night of the Committee, he repeated, to so little purpose, that the Noble Lord did not know what they were about.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) He owned he was surprised at one possessing the critical acuteness of the Learned Lord, —for if lie had not much Parliamentary experience he had an acuteness of understanding and an extent of intelligence possessed by few men,—but he owned he was surprised that the Learned Lord should not know the meaning of the two votes to which they bad come on the preceding evenings. Now if the Learned Lord did not know, he would tell him. There were three great principles to be decided in this Bill. The first was, whether the en franchisement should take precedence of disfranchisement. This bad been deckled, it twas true ; and the Noble Lord referred to the present amendment and the discussion upon it as to a matter already decided. Now, he would ask, bad this any relation what ever to the question whether there should be a union of boroughs ? Was not the essence of the motion of his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. C. W. Wynn), that schedule C should take precedence of A and B, this,—that disfran • chisement was arbitrary and doubtful, and might depend on the extent to which enfranchisement woi carried ? This was the first question, and the House decided that enfranchisement should not take the precedence. What was the next question ? It was that moved by the Right Hon. Baronet, and certainly the Right Hon. - Baronet was the best judge of his own motion and its object. The Hon. Baronet (Sir A. Agnew) who voted with Ministers against the amendment of his Right Hon. Friend (Sir Robert Peel) asked him (Sir Robert Peel) before the division, whether, by voting against him on that amendment, he should preclude himself from moving the amendment now before the Committee? The answer was, that his amend ment was still open, whichever way he voted. This showed the understanding at least at that (the Opposition) side of the House, as to the distinct character of the two amendments. The House was then about to decide whe ther there should be any disfranchisement. It had de cided that there should, but it had not decided to what extent that disfranchisement should go. It had not said what boroughs should be disfranchised in the whole or in part. The second division, then, only established that the general principle should take place, but it went no farther. Now the motion of the Hon. Baronet (Sir A. Agnew) was only a corollary to that principle. It went thus far— that the disfranchisement should not be of the general and sweeping character contemplatetl by the Bill, but that in certain cases there should be an union of the bo roughs ; and unless they went on some such principle, it was impossible they could make any progress in the Bill. But the Learned Lord called this a revival of the discussion on the general principle of the Bill, and c..11e41 it a debat ing of that principle at every turn. Now he would ap peal to the candour of the Noble Lords opposite, and ask whether this question about the union of the boroughs was not a new question ? The Learned Lord wa•, how ever, pleased to term it a strange, unprecedented, and fan- , . tastical scheme ; but, whatever there was strange, unpre cedented, and fantastical iu the scheme, belonged not to the Hen. Baronet, but to the 13111 introduced by his Ma- jesty's Ministers—(Cheers from the Opposition)—for if the Hon. Baronet could have postponed his amendment to a few clauses farther in the Bill, he would have found the same principle adopted. He would have found a union of boroughs and adjoining places. He would have found Sandwich including Deal ; Penryn including Falmouth ; and so on with the other unions of the same kind. All the Hon. Baronet would have to do, would be to put his unions in schedule C of the Bill of his AI ,jesty's Minis ters, and then this strange, unprecedented, and fantastical scheme would become the ground-work of the happiness of the nation—the hope of the people—the sure founda tion of the prosperity of England.—(Cheers from the Opposiain.) The Learned Lon!, in this comment on the Bill, not only forgot what was done in the last two divisions, but, by an unaccountable shortness of me mory, lie forgot the speech to which he rose to reply. The argument used by his (Mr. Croker's) Hon. Friend was this—that the argument of the Noble Lord (John Russell) would be correct, if the boroughs were to bit left in the same state with respect to constituency, as at present ;—if Beeralston was to be left with only one voter, and Dewnton with only nine ; but, said his Hon. Friend, these boroughs are to have a new constituency, which will take them out of the class of nomination boroughs ; and if they are not so, then what becomes of schedule B?"—(Cheers fium the Opposition.) This was the argument of his Hon. Friend ; but he repeated the question, were there no no mination boroughs in schedule B?—(" No.") He did not catch the eye of the Hon. Member who cried " No," but he would watch, and probably find him, and no doubt would have his vote against even the partial disfranchise ment, for lie was anxious to save all he could out of this Bill.—(" Hear," and a laugh.) But why should he rest merely on such chance support when he might go to a higher and more certain authority ? Did the Committee recollect the speech of the Noble Lord (John Russell)? He (Mr. Croker) hail not a bad memory, and he remem bered that one of the great arguments in support of this Bill was, that it would destroy nomination. Then if no mination was to be destroyed in those boroughs in sche dule B, why place them in that schedule to be half dis franchised ? or was there any one of them in which no mination was still to exist ? If so, why not place it in schedule A ? Mr. PORTMAN—Lyme Regis will cease to be a no mination borough if this Bill passes. Mr. CROKER—The Hon. Member for Dorsetshire did certainly understand the Bill.--(Hear, and laughter.) The Hon. Member from the rear ranks gave a voluntary explanation of what seemed a matter of doubt to so many. lie told them that Lyme Regis would cease to be a nomi nation borough ; why, so would they all cease to be : but then, why vote for this schedule B, if they were not to he nomination boroughs any longer ? But it was only a waste of time to dwell further upon this point. He would ask, however, if boroughs which would cease to be nomination boroughs at the passing of this Bill, were to have the franchise extended to other places, why not adopt the same principle with respect to the boroughs in schedule A ? or why diminish the number of Members in those boroughs in schedule B ? He would take, for in stance, the borough of Aldeburgh, with which he was connected, hut on which he meant to raise no question, as it was within the line of population marked out. But Mahon was to be retained. It was not one of those pa ralytic boroughs which were stricken on one side, hut Halton had not a sufficient number of voters to give it a place under the Bill, and accordingly the Parliamentary Commissioners would have to mount their nags and ride round the adjoining district to complete the number. But he would venture to say, that if those Commis sionersh ave is were inuth t s o h r r t i edre distancefror t i o r Aldeburgh, idthanr i they udm as: l o t t o .' I n d , to complete the requisite number of voters ; and when that number had been completed the electors would con sist of independent voters. lie would leave it to lion. Gentlemen of Halton?menoppo opposite to Learnedstatewhe Lordthertl talked , samelt,lf a,idn thing could be g cipher to cipher to make a number, and of babe to babe to make a man, to illustrate the absurdity of taking seve ral small places to make one borough. He owned that he was at first surprised at such a metaphor as that of adding babe to babe, coming front one who was so complete a master of metaphors as the Learned Lord, and the'Learned Lord must not wonder that so excellent a judge as he was in these matters should have so many eyes fixed on him in the use of thorn. lie bad listened to the Learned Lord's use of the metaphor of the babes, and was at a loss to find the paint of it till be saw the foundation on which it rester!, sa an e d r , e lo o o f kil atintlniante,ehnet:.ls(acthoenercse a re n tind d n l,w er of gliax mar.) lls; would, however, leave the massacre and the Learned Lord to his partiality for one set of boroughs, and his proscription of another set, with only this remark, that if the franchise in those boroughs was not to be extended to the ten-pound householders, the argument of the Learned Lord would be correct ; but having made that extension, he must say the argument was quite puerile. He would now come to the question.—(Cheers from the Ministerial side.) He had waited for that cheer, for these kind of things were pleasant, and he would now inform the Committee that in his remarks he had followed the Learned Lord step by step, and word by word, almost too literally, con• sidering that the Learned Lord rose to shorten the debate. --(Cheers from the Opposition.) But he must also say that he did not originate the question, but when he found such a strange, unprecedented, and fantastical plan as the Learned Lord had described a part of this Bill, though be applied the terms only to the amendment,—when he found that plan defended by one of his great intelligence and sound judgment, by an appeal to majorities, he was dis posed to say that— . Half a patriot half a coward grown, " I fly from petty tyrants to"— he would add, though it would not make out the rhyme— to the Bill, for refuge. There was in the Bill something of a conservative principle, though it was very little; but wishing to add to that principle, and choosing rather such a precarious existence as that of Sandwich and Deal in preference to total disfranchisement, he must support the amendment of tke lion. Baronet.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) Mr. D. W. Haavcv and Lord JOLIN liiissuu, rose at the same moment. There were loud cries for the lat ter, but he gave way, and the farmer addressed the House. He said it was not his intention to detain the House at any length. lie did not wish to take up the time by fol lowing tke ingenious remarks and witty sarcasm s o f t h e Right lion. Gentleman who had just sat down ; but it might be worth while to call home the scattered thoughts o f many Members to the real question before the Corn. rnittee, from which it seemed to be the wish of the Rig ht lion. Gentleman to d i v ert t h em. An Hon. and Learned Gentleman (Sir C. Wetberell)—and he was followed by several others in the same strain.—had last night attacked Ministers for their silence, and it was not until six or seven had followed on the same ground of attack that any Hon. Gentlema n at that ( the Ministeria l) s ide were found to grapple with them.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) Yet this evening, when an Hon. Member at this (the Ministerial) side rose to enter upon the question, he was '‘ taunted with every kind of svcasrn.—(Ciies of " No, ❑o .") He maintained that it was so. Now what was the amendment, for objecting to which on the ground that its principle had been already decided, the Learned Lord bad encountered so much of the Right [lon. Gentleman's sar casm? It was one which went to the principle of the Bill. What wao the decision of last night? that schedule A. should stand, and that one or more boroughs should be included in it ; but the present amendment would destroy schedule A, for if you decide that there shall be this union, you decide against all disfranchise ment. The principle of the Bill was disfranchisement for the purpose of destroying the nomination boroughs, but how could any man grapple with this and not extin guish the principle of schedule A by its adoption ? If his Majesty's Ministers were to recast the Bill,—if they were to begin it anew, it was probable there were some parts of it which would be introduced in a different form:. (Cheers from the Opposition.) He was sure that men of their great political sagacity and statesmanlike views— (Hear, hear, from the Opposition)--he certainly did not compare them with the statesmen at the opposite side Of the House, whose amendment of last night was not un derstood even by their own friends, and which amend ment, if it had been carried, would have made nonsense of the clause.--(Hear, hear.) But he would repeat, that men of great sagacity and sound views, and who had so deservedly obtained the approbation of the country by their conduct with respect to this Bill,—such men would, no doubt, avail themselves of all the intelligence and infor mation they had obtained in the suggestions of friends and the opinions delivered through the Press, and would alter seine parts of the Bill if they had to remodel it ; but they were so circumstanced, that they could not adopt that . _ course at present without a delay, which ought not to be allowed to intervene. But the principle of the Bill would not be altered, and that principle for which the people called was the destruction of the nomination boroughs.— Let Hon. Gentlemen, then, not be led aside from that principle by the tortuous ingenuity of the Right lion. Gentleman opposite. If they went to remodel the Bill they would delay it to a period which must risk its passing, or if they were to adopt the amendment of the Hun. Baronet, they would have a constituency of nominators, not a constituency of voters, and the future candidate would not have to address himself to the people but to repair to the drawing-room of some wealthy nomi nator who would have to decide upon his qualifications.— (Hear, hear.) There were, he admitted, some clauses in the Bill which he did not approve of, for every Reformer had his own view ; and he believed if twelve men Fat upon the question they might be all found differing as to the means though concurring in the end and general principle. But he did not intend to offer any opposition to the Bill because of his objections to some clauses. On the contrary, he was prepared to give it his support, as a great boon to the country. If he were disposed to run any risk of the Bill, he mi 6 ht move his own views in the shape of amend ments, and certainly some of them would make a change in the Bill of no slight importance ; for instance, one of them would be, that no place or places should return a Member with a constituency of less than one thousand ; but he had no intention of making any such amendments. Ministers had difficulties enough to struggle with, natural as well as artificial, without the addition of those which would arise from the various suggestions of friends ; or, as they had seen, the attempted inoculations of insidious enemies. He did hope, then, that those who were the friends of the Bill would go on, and not allow themselves to be turned aside by the smiles, or sneers, or taunts, or intimidations of their opponents. It would, no doubt, give those opponents great consolation, amongst their other consolations, on Sunday next to say, that after the struggle of a %rock they had prevented the strangulation of one rot ten borough. He hoped the friends of the Bill would per. severe, and would succeed that night in destroying one rotten borough, and that in the course of the next week the others would fall by the same example. Mr. A. BARING trusted that every Hon. Member would persevere in stating hie views and have them dis cussed, proceed with y that they man n y s a y could that hope this amendment was not supported by good argument ? t was in regularity. that w a y W o o n u l What ever else was in it, it was not unreasonable. It might be bad, but there was nothing in it to warrant the assertion that it was a waste of time. The principle which it in volved had been sanctioned by some of the best and most intelligent Reformers, and amongst others by the Noble Lord who had introduced the Bill. It was absurd, then, to object to the amendment that it was intended for delay. The bona fide objections to the Bill must be hearth, and they would be gut through much sooner if Hon. Gentle men did not rise and protest against them as a waste of time. If Hon. Members who had amendments would move them, and confine themselves to arguments referring to them, they would get on better. The Bill was full of the same sort of arrangement as that proposed by the Hon. Baronet—namely, the union of boroughs : and when the boroughs were united, and the new constituency of 101. householders thrown into them, they could no longer be said to be merely the representation of individuals of influence. He thought that the Noble Lord bad no right to complain of this amendment, as being ca'culated to con tinue the present system of nomination boroughs.—(Hear, hear.) He thought if the other side of the House, instead of wrangling about which Hon. Gentleman it was who was wasting the time of the House, would only conde scend to hear the propositions which were made, they would then have some chance of epming to a conclusion.-- (Hear, hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL certainly thought that if any Hon. Gentleman had a plan of Reform to propose, the proper time at which to propose it was when the Bill came into Cornrdttee. He, however, did not think that the House would be inclined to agree to either of the plans of Reform which had been produced to-night, because their authors had failed to explain what their effect would be, and what advantage they would possess over the measure proposed by his Majesty's Government.—(Hear.) He had no doubt that the Hon. Baronet (Sir A. Agnew) was sincere in his desire for Reform, but he thought that the motion which the Hon. Baronet had made was not quite con sistent with the general desire entertained, he believed, by the Hon. Baronet to support the Bill of Ministers.— (Hear.) The Hon. Baronet could not have failed to see that those who approved of his plan, instead of being in favour of Reform, were the enemies of any Reform what ever.—(Cheers.) He confessed that he had thought that the question respecting the disfranchisement of the boroughs in schedule A had been substantially settled by the decision of the House last night, upon the amendment moved by the Right Hon. Member for Tamworth to leave out the word " each."—(Hear, hear, hear.) What consolation would it be to the proprietor of Old Sarum, to possess, in lieu of the unlimited power he had at present of nominating two Members of Parliament, a vote in the choice of a representative in common with 200 or 300 persons? It was said Scotland afforded an example of the union of burghs; but since the union of Scotland with England, Ireland had been joined to this country, and there the close boroughs were not united, but entirely extinguished; therefore the later pre cedent of the two was in favour of Ministers.—(Hear ) He admitted that by the Ministerial Bill, certain places would be joined together, for the purpose of sending Mem bers to Parliament, but they were populous districts, and could nut fairly be put in compari-on with these small bo ave : t el l i i b e no e tr ff ioo e ttil e g t bh of os rto join roughs.—(Hear, hear.) Ile d not impute to the Hon. he Int shouldi d ai district ttErtalii take e a et r hear.) agbc:ert,oiltigihnie: l rs Baronet any desire to create unnecessary delay, but if his ion ' t ° wlo f it t i o h r i e ' amendment from the were itihe ec destructiona r patronsr i edi r i taH n on g gede the twif,uea a l a , h et,ii i rdi ) , s l t e cierua i: sr o l syr m iyo l not t i • ext on electionoen oieolprl t and disappoint the country of those tffeets which they s f same the ex wouldpe expected enableed f ro Baronet opposite, that while it was expedient that a fair e could be no advantage ••• • keeping the public mind in sus pense.—(Cheers.) Sir R. PEEL said that the advantage which hail been taken of the declaration which he made the other night as to the course of proceeding he should adopt with respect to this Bill, was enough to discourage him from soaking any similar declaration attain. What be bad proposed to do was, to take the opinion of the House on the principle of disfranchisement in general, instead of troubling the House with a division on the case of each particular bo rough. The Hon. Baronet's (Sir A. Agnew's) amend ment had been given notice of two or three dap before. It was not made in concert with hint (Sir R. Peel) for the Hon. Baronet did, in fact, vote against the amend ment which he moved last night. But. time ought to be given to discuss, whether the disfranchisement should be total or partial?—(Hear.) He should pass over the taunts of the lion. Member for Colchester.—(Hear, hear.) He thought he could afford to do so.—(Cheers.) He was quite sure that they would never come to the details of this Bill if they were constantly diverted by considerations of a personal nature.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Member for Colchester said, that he had moved the omission of the word " each," in order to make nonsense of the clause. That would generally he the effect of mov ing the omission of certain words from a clause; but it would have been perfectly competent for any gentleman to have made serve of the clause, by moving that six or seven of the boroughs in schedule Abe retained. He Was not a strenuous supporter of the Hon. Baronet's amendment ; but when this alternative was offered him, he should follow the course pursued by all . statesmen, and of two evils adopted the less one.—(Hear, hear.) There was another line of conduct which he might adopt—that of leaving the House altogether ; but that was not a course consistent with his duty as a Member of ' Parliament ; and he should therefore remain in his place and try to amend the Bill as much as possible.—(Cheers.) , The Noble Lord had told the House, that at the time of theamion of Ireland and England, the close boroughs were disfranchised; but the Noble Lord had forgotten to men tion this important fact—that pecuniary compensation ac companied the disfranchisement.—(Hear, hear.) He admitted, however, that there were at present great diffi culties in the way of pecuniary compensation, as related to the public feeling on the subject.—(Hear, hear.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL would be sorry if the Right Hon. Baronet was discouraged from pursuing the course he had so fairly marked out for him, in consequence of any thing which had fallen from him (Lord J. Russell). He had alluded to the motion which had been mails by the Right Hon. Baronet, because it was last night aged to be of great importance, and to-night described as being of no importance at all.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. FRESHFIELD said, that allusion having been made in the course of the debate to the borough of Pen ryn, he rose to declare most solemnly, that it was as free from corruption as any open borough wbatever._(Much laughter.) In support of this assertion he quoted the de claration made by Lords Lyndhurst and Eldon, that no proof had been given in support of the Bill to disfranchise that borough. Mr. STANLEY should be sorry if the Right lion. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) was discouraged from pursuing that candid course of conduct which he had hitherto fol- lowed. The Right lion. Baronet, though opposing the Bill most decidedly, bad yet objected to it in a fair spirit, and the gentlemen on his (the Min;sterial) side of the House were anxious to meet his objections in the same spirit of fairness.—(Hear, hear.) With respect to the question before the Committee, it was true that in Scot land neighbouring burghs had been united for the purpose of electing representatives; but how could the boroughs in schedule A, which were distant from each other, be united fora similar purpose ?—(Hear.) Sir G. CLERK said that almost all the boroughs iri , schedule A were situ a t e d i n one or t wo count i es i n the' southern or western part of the country, and therefore might easily be united.—(Hear.) He should vote in favour of the Hon. Baronet's amendment, for the reasons stated by his Right Hon. Friend (Sir R. Peel).—(Hear. Mr. CAMPBELL rose, amidst loud cries of " Ques tion," and " divide." He said that the places enumerated in schedule A were the property of individual., who thereby acquired the right of nominating Members of Parliament. He would tell the House how the election for Gatton sys managed. A solicitor went down there with half.a-dozen friends in a post.chaise—(Loud laughter)—he meant half a-dozen piec.s of parchment, by the aid of which he was enabled to elect two Members.—(Hear.) Sir R. INGLIS was almost inaudible, in consequence of the general cry of " que,tion," and " divide." He said lie preferred the amendment to the clause as it stood at pre sent, and should therefore vote with the Hon. Baronet. Sir A. AGNEW was understood to say that he had only voted in favour of the second reading of the Reform Bill, in the expectation that the amendment which he now proposed would be adopted by the House.—(Hear.) The Committee then divided, and the numbers were-- For the amendment 203 Against it Majority The first clause was then agreed to. The proceedings, an account of which follows, were con ducted amidst great confusion, which at times rendered it almost impossible to ascertain what was going on. The CHAIRMAN said that the clause having been agreed to, be would, according to the understanding which prevailed on the subject, proceed to read the numbs of the boroughs in schedule A which were to be disfranchised , and would take the sense of the Committee upon each of them. He then read from the schedule—" Aldeburgh/ Suffolk." Mr. CROKER would not trouble the Committee to di' videeon the question of disfranchising Aldeburgh. Like his Right Hon. Friend (Sir R. Peel) he would consider the division which had takers place as applicable to tiLt case of every borough which could not be clearly shown to form an exception to the general rule established by the Noble Lord opposite. Lord JOHN RUSSELL did not propose to proceed further to-night than the case of Aldeburgh. If the Right Hon. Gentleman had any observations to make upon that case, he might address them to the Committee now. Mr. CROKER would not trouble the Committee then' as the observations which he wished to address to the Committee could be equilly well made when the case of Orford should come under consideration. His object would be to show that those two boroughs were in precisely time same situation as some which the Noble Lord had u nited and retained. Lord J. RUSSELL said, that the Committee would understand, that when the House should resume on T Lie' day, the first word to be read from the schedule would he the word " Appleby." Sir T. FREMANTLE begged to ask the Noble Lord by what test or rule the Committee was to decide with respect to the boroughs to be disfranchised. The Nobl e Lord had often before answered the same question, bu t not satisfactorily. Lord J. RUSSELL could not add to the informatio n which he had already given upon this point. When itnY case occurred with respect to which there should appea r to be any difficulty, he would endeavour to explain th e grounds on which the Government considered the populs" tion of the borough to be under 2,ooo.—(Hear.) Sir R. PEEL would certainly press a division, as t 0 the principle, upon the case of one of time boroughs, whic h clearly came within the line of 2,000. Lord STORMONT and Lord VALLETORT addressed th e Committee several times, and on each occasion Lord J: RUSSELL rose and replied, but the noise which prevail , '" prevented a n y thi ng w hi c h was sa id from b e i ng h ea rd' The nature of the observations of the two Noble Lords will/ however, be ascertained by what fell from Mr. G. KNIGIIT, who obtained a partial hearing' He said that the Hon. and Noble Members who had Pr e " ceded him were anxious to know what the Noble PO' master of the Forces meant by boroughs? In some i n• stances tire Noble Lord included the population of parish° on which boroughs touched in the boroughs, and in other he did not. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the principle on which the Bill proceeded was to disfrancld"' boroughs whose population was under 9 ,000. It would be for the Committee to apply that rule to each case al lc came before them. Mr. O'CONNELL said the question before the CO' mittee appeared to him to be this—was Aldeburgh a rot ten borough ? Did a n y man d ou b t t h at t h e Marqu is Hertford sent two Members into the House for that W . ; rough ?—(Cheers.) W ere th e C omm i ttee, w i th t hi s fie. before them, to listen to special pleading and nisi pril manwavring ?—(Hear, h ear .) Th e peop l e o f E n gl3° insisted on having Reform ; they had sent in an over: whelming majority, not o f moc k R e f ormers , b u t of re' l substantial Reformers, who would not allow a rottea, borough to be compared with the mighty city of V I don, as had been done by the Hon. Member fit Launre c e, u ton (Sir J. Malcolm), who said that he felt as nit', e pride in being the representative of that place a' would in being the representative of the wealthy powerful city of London. The people insisted that t , (l House of Commons should be reformed,—that it s hot% no longer respond to the wishes of the ari s tocracy or 3 0 o ligarchy.—(Hear.) If Aldeburgh was a notn inati i ° , borough, it ought to be disfranchis e d. He was not 0 posed to inquire minutely respecting the limits of l'o t i ! b o roughs. It Will sufficient f or hi m to k now t h a t ti were places in which th e r i e h t o f l eg i s l at i ng f or t h e Pe°l 3 ; of England was sold.—(Hear.) If people in that II (4 !ib were not familiar with suc h matters, t h ey wou ld star t s' o ,, horror at contempl a ti ng t h e cr i me,—at t h e se lli ng of t 5 privilege of maki ng laws lin- life and death, and of lerY 3lll' o taxes which w ere put i nto t h e poc k ets o f t h e very 113.-0, who levied them.—(Cheers.) The thing bad become stiffer •hle, and ought no t t o b e b orne for one, hour lun ge, Sir 11. PEEL sa id th a t th e H on . an d L earne d Gea t i c i man would put them quite at sea again. Ministers 63 0 , that the amount of population was to be th e t es t of id franchisement, but the lion. and Learned Member ' 6 that the test was the amount of influence. Sir J. MALCOLM said that th e observation h for made, and to which the Hon. an d L earne d M em ber fe , Kerry had alluded was this,—that he would, with re v s' rence to his own position i n lif e an d i n that House, r3t1,,i4 di pond on the influence which assisted him in taking thy' in the House, th an b e i n the situation of the 'Oro' Alderman who represented the city of London, if the Il e oe papers spoke the truth, —(Long continued cheers froth Opposition.) The CHANCELLOR o f t h e EXCHEQUER A y e' sated these tedious discussions on hypothetical cases. l fl oc Mr. O'CONNELL sa i d, that i t appeared he ba d re d mistaken the H on . M ember for Launceston, who dec - t ot that he would rather be the representative of a rot te :joo rough than the representative of the great city of %gel to which the lib ert i es of England were so much inuejie° and which in th e worst per i ods of our h i story h a d f' round the Constitution. befor 44 Mr. ATTWOOD again repeated the often-- Sir R served tl J udge, a Air: ( %Peak di hut g h , Prevent from th, Mould et 11 . 1 that I say o f (lizard A cot 18 itnpoa 4 nd the. bYthe a Chain na Ltesday (* twi clausp. The c the Hou ASso Sir c eight rr ) cnin tr, er beribed , His ASSOcial Posen fo 1/ Pring, Oily w( Mr. "Y the ther e w His 1 itt th e t he resp tffeet w of th e politica Assoei a th e me 4 hers of use the . Institut Th e agreed on b 4.)o Nt , The Mal hing th e pill Tha► t he meo qed in g then hr so m Ass,opia YrSt of this Ulliver! Of prize orlre e k brdein'g Loll °b.leets 4