The Sun. — London, England, 1833-02-06 00:00:00

I ' C' J fwn~~ ~iC~ 7z~"ctG ,sue vernment in office. --- ~• ~~ , VgI'ERIAL PARLIAMENT. CCIDEO HO USE Th„ LORDS, FEBRUARY S. the railie s tl u i t o. ",s - , "' very large assemblage of Peers. The Tht"vial benches were particularly full. ability, a tc .ter , 1, 1 :h leaves 51 , , at LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Wool rr Moss, a f il o ioon, One °. At o e o'clock. oiler burst- quarter stay he g_..• Past five, Earl GREY moved that the to the fires °aria • Select Vestry Bill be read a first and se toine (the -J o tun e. see wh at .f The LARD line of sp, o , "n 1) CHANCELLOR then read the King's contrary t° .0 HOO 4, Which „wall afterwards read by the Clerk of the bey were , ceding t° tt •;? 41 ' Lotto, AND I did not h e i n ''' ST LEMEN, f uise,' Lis Usual] t g now arrived at which the business of Par_ cloud 0 e .O l- 0. ~tiatß e „ resumed, I have called you together, for the nductor al' ~,tuNTettr at any i mportant duties with which you are intrusted. attention. Y time did subjects of greater interest and mag_ eith fear fUl .pil I .l e k e all for a' : heels of the ' Pori n u a i re still ;OL rty °f th gal, which h ent the continuance of the civil war in mate P 3 e House as for some months existed between the Princes elfaot.,,,But you ram: lie Lly crushe"; qt!st haveui, Braganza. From the commencement of this le Infirios i ly tu g li i re d for the stained from all interference, except such as was p r otection of British subjects resident in Por the three P e i , . „ ••••iy opi, ort „ assured that I shall not fail to avail my van 0 etace t o unltY that which affor It'd me to assist in restor van a fine y so intior,a country with the interests of my dominions d hate al so connected had bee_ n ; enNti to re r uspendee I the r t o fiervangemeg et that my anxious endeavours to effect!' between Holland and Belgi t um hayelln ct of P ing t o coniu " s ucces n s t f to his sit3P4 for , tt ; 4 x c e t ti r ho w ith tti l e l. Kln f g " or th m eTr l e f n a c t h, le t i o lg t t a i ke co m m e p as el u et re i to. sebole', Or the Treaty of the 15th of November, 1831. dies ar t o ' th at of the citadel' of Antwerp has in part accom ead ho 4 etae, object 1 - 1 ut the Dutch Government still refusing teen. Th e t hat 'l\- -late the rest of the territories assigned to Belgium by nr th e A' eaty th f age ; " 1 " d ap a • ""uteh'„ e einhareo which I had directed to be imposed on unable t° s ri ceit ha gnlerce has been continued. Negotiations are 'pet Fns TY pa rt, "'e, and you may rely on their being conducted water. zo ri as they h a , It vi sl IC to e uniformly been, with the single view as result be i sfrn Holland and Belgium a separate existence, or. to Man' t hen Ple go od f ".tUal security and independence. the neCeSS''''i oor4hasactedTtil and honour with which the French Govern dly urged, tot fri th .t l ,lle to these transactions, and the assurances which . l „ s oot d ea _ . ‘uy i, a 7eive from the chief Powers of Europe, of their regular „Ito Awn, give me confidence in the success of my en however,;o, t i i or, the „Lautreserve the general peace. I have given directions olton train bef or e ri th e " n s ft illPers which are necessary for ma s e of Holland and Belgium, should be laid least of it. i h rott p l ace cote, f r o 'l a l l.,,,.4l. o hing termination of the Charters of the Bank ould be su'' 6 1 to r : . lito o tof the East India Company will require line. It is e 0 Nei t Zak, iop.,„,_ese establishments, and I rely on your wisdom .loped in ste pr ti o ,; l ,lle lo : a ' s e ,. .2 provisions for the important interests connected the! .4,o Zte4 ( l , l)e h t . s i" C a a r lc a u Pear from experience, and full considera. Bible to il l a ti o n of ' I ,. rie ll t r o eu nliner ' ce l , a slednd th t o s p e r c o u m re ore ul ti l l i e c g er e e ne li r t ;l t p o r l o ni sgrt . y e and a advanting or tt„, lot h . e British empire. - to or ,i_rth, ,flattention will also be directed to the state of the ately so ° _ t o t fi tt; :etia oc r e Particularly ,The rards its temporalities and the tplete c th e _e,of the clergy. complaints which have arisen e spot whe re e whl;."l,l_lection of tithes, appear to require a change of the infilln3 pt,4 . ..!t.h472 . Without diminishing the means of maintaining Itet t 'ttli t Clergy in respectability and usefulness, may acting fOr s o o,ttohd .ouiston of interests and the consequent disagree and very , th e 't a a.atisfaction which have too frequently prevailed eel of one b j i trlayklial, Ministers of the Church and their parishioners. i s foot, an ° leh tt ,"'apr s 0 be necessary for you to consider what remedies t l ed for the correction of acknowledged abuses, and rble at e p fevenues of the Church may not admit of a more bo n 4 yo, `. judicious distribution. teqeessW d eliberations on these important subjects, it cannot !cal l for me to impress upon you the duty of cerefully at security of the Church established by law in these Of e 4 ti . the true interests of religion. bets 41a - att c . l h to Ireland, with a view of removing the causes Pass e Pte hd w hich had been so generally felt, and which had tarefrett' (4 1 .4 1 ' 1 with such unfortunate consequences, an Act was ,'l3etl t gt ,he last Session of Parliament for carrying into eth tt 'etk , lal composition for tithes. To complete that salu },),4ttPeem r ecommend to you in conjunction with such ,lv - eras of the law as may be found app icable to that tclati o t i k unnion s the adoption of a measure by which upon k,311 1 :'.4 , t , I° f a Just commutation, the possessors of land may L ,1 the free themselves from the burden of an annual , thatt reforms that may be necessary, you will pro of although the Established Church of Ireland is by t1e , e44,,,,,1t1Y united with that of England, the peculiarities b ° l ll . circumstances will require a separate consi- N (If j , t AN 42e other subjects, hardly less important to the gene atte:h; a g h t l welfare of Irellnd as effecting the administration ,' 4)l iv t i t ? the local taxation ' of that country, to which your 1 4 tNi t al so be required. aid L a y,THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, 4 tte t ,jrClr e ,lrected the Estimates for the service of the year to be thiett o l eli t a : ° ,u• They will be framed with the most anxious ein ~3, 1 useful economy. Notwithstanding the large re -1,11,e ar t s i l h e estimates of the last year, lam happy to inform . e p_es t „,„ e extraordinary services which the exigencies of 111t1)"t-'illired have been amply provided The state of' ' l tet 0 4 ;: i ftal e ' as compared with the public expenditure, has „ h, I Y realized the expectations that were formed at the ; 1, ast Session. thr.oans asro GENTLEMEN t or the United 'Kingdom, with very few excep.. ""c Peace has been preserved, and it will be your , h • r sfo l grateful duty to promote, by all practicable means, '• (4 - etria t u „ st ?'Y and good order amongst the labouring classes -y 1 , 4 p ay :linty. Z l et.et, hart, I shall be ready to co-operate, to the utmost of labetating an just causes of complaint, and in it is • measures of improvement But it is et t tad„"utY to observe, that the disturbances in * lreland, to • th:e, -e rted at the close of the last Session, have greatly Z - lett y ? o , t 1 4. spirit of inssibordination and violence h . as risen ""tki N th earful height—rendering life and property insecure 1 . ikal i Ze authority of the law, and threatening the most h ot r etr'enees, if not promptly and effitetually repressed. i k kott c ? D hfident that to your loyalty and patriotism I shall 4 ij s . per to n ' Ze ins rN y vain forassistance in these afflicting circumstances ; Ou • 15s. ditto. Ltio o Will be ready to adopt such measures of salutary 10s. ditto. or e w n Land to intrust to me such additional powers as may 55. Il e ltlki)atotpessary for controlling and punishing the disturbers t h c, Peace, and for preserving and strengthening the Le coot rii,nt o ,, i ' c ui between the two countries which, with your lb. I I kl to rider the blessing of Divine P ' rovidence, I ant de s la li ortOtoo o ni aintain, by all the means in my power, as indis. • ,;:iititv;eetea with the peace, security, and welfare of my oxen. 1 4 h 41te ei to 4titt• i a t othi Marqui s 0 to 701 b. '6 e of CONYNGHAM then rose to move an 1 t oa:do n 3 c omm dre, oto 13011 N, to his Majesty, in answero te Kin's Ireenlanu ,_ tel l unication to the House, t and h in doing ' th t th e r oot , e t Utmost diffidence. Appearing as he did, 4s. 0d.t0 6 5 61 11, ti me, before their Lordships, it might he he Ilktittodo P res umption in him to take this liberty. . 0 1' h itt F" e d himself und e r grea t diffi cu lty, an d th ere f ore 'tons le. d. " 0 co n e q . elf on their Lordships for a more than ordi ee aln ic hi t of indulgence.—(Hear, hear.) Were he to ft°ln ° wn private feelings he would probably 0. -• -` itll d . . 00. 1090 h er !to e t dressing the House at all, or giving lat ro i ° his feelings on any of the subjects that had per 11210. 0 01 b e n t h ! (l ee(' by his Majesty. But looking at the of "ate of the country, he considered it to •-•••••••••""'''_..elli If i fo r tae rb ut Y, _ and he considered it to be the duty J yo. Pos t ` l l 4 „, vuie Member of that House to come Ithet's'" state distinctly whether he agreed to sup wir,tllto e" o pinions —to support that which he can , P ule ' ) th is as folloso, hi e recommendation from the Throne, that i rate 's f or the prosperity and happiness of the country. at' Ny o t 4, 14 t Part he hesitated not to declare it was his hi, te "th ° Support liberal measures, from whatever trio ey c an , "414 e•—(Cli eers. ) His Majesty had commenced per,.,e,trtai!°,lons speech by alluding to his foreign relations; taZ i ar oi u r l y this country never was placed under more as tn ;" tiiaettinstances as regarded them than as it now tvti, assn!; of Peace.—( had said be continued to receive to w ,'at e Peace.—(llear.) The Noble Marquis p N., it ti °at the measures which were lately adopted I t • v ett% 41 land, in order to enforce the s h treaty of t I_ t it Ito th sr, toe ll * at 1 7 nati on re absolutely necessary, not only to main coul al faith, but to put a stop to a national had' have c ° two neighbouring states which no one ooi tiot hesitat ed the end of. His Majesty's Ministers "esitat 4 ton t , wi th td to raise the English standard in a noe ati on. France, to put a stop to that deplorable HoplaN her France, true to her honour, having o t l l , blood, had withdrawn her troops from th at . 1-I , e ne„ ! thus falsified the assertions of her enemies ea ri 2 . 4 te oa _ r . i- would withdraw her forces. It was to be hoped ti oh oPfaUre of Antwerp had not only secured the free it ,„„ 4 t t he Scheldt, but would lead to a permanent peace tt,'"tilCatter of the world. Under all the circumstances ° ld 'MAI bo ba r Yhe supposed that his Majesty's Ministers h o Ped e acted oth er wi se th a n th e y h a d d one , an d h e th e t all e House would so consider it. Il e cou ld no t t u de tai also to the lamentable state of war Ny e , 'Red i p en ,. rit ne _ n Portugal.—(Hear, hear.) He hoped h ette 7 Would leave no effort untried to bring about ttiv er ,.,en the two contending parties. His Majesty Forth 4 ,F l t.O the Charters of the Bank of England and the 's Cor n apith Pany as matters for mature consideration. • theset he hi, off confessed he was not sufficiently acquainted . " 4 , to c , il, 7' to make it otherwise than presumptuous f~hurgtoeateirnan opinion upon them. The next point lie h ail Ever since regarded the state of the l utel y fel t 'nee he had been able to form an opinion, e hur rh Oe oots _ i nat an efficient Church Reform was abso tY. ti ltsf L t Ys not only for the existence of the den 'Nut t ' ob,. "tit for the welfare and s • tability of the eoun. i that rtes'e x , it litckiue_ such a measure of Church Reform ag a i to as to remove the prejudices that had into th o tort Est the church and some of the church dignita a "roan wo, 41, 3 t Yht e ,. 2 , of the abuses that had been introduced Would eali g h te _ The clergy themselves were a body of b 1 the the "e 4 I men, and it was to be hoped they cul itt , 4 first toezPediency of those measures, and would had t ° h "'need L ar„ e nofi e to measures undoubtedly cal "for th t th e Chur h H that e at h e c .—( ear.) His Majesty eot w l atrient . directed ., the estimates to be laid the pl aee l i t tl hst, o , r, 1 . could not but be most cheering g the reductions that had already adve r - " e l oUrse ta _ ted to self b a. , of the different improvements, u ces..., i h by h ilt , .not been deficient. The last topic iv i oo " With i 't "te ' i sl e ' i tY was one of the greatest impor t t o reland rel'uld. Connected as the Noble Marquis h e ver t at y Y ev ery t • d 'at e asur tie of affection, he could not but 'stre et . t lbh e with ev ery ire f4e a t tpy oottotr th e greatest anxiety that affected ( kei t ,. u °, end Y. Torn as it was now by every ti r t ,. i t d emo become as it were the arena for 7.1 r od ,,,wks to g°gue which had caused it to fall into "n g 4 eel l hoped of .an 0.0449 such measures would soon e t n h eepto_ it to ap::.lo:elleve it from its distresses. In 11 4 . i rou t the distresses and the sufferings had u e 14,,,s absolutely n ilea n , u d oo , of tlio Country should be enforced ; and lI h ruold 4t b e , t 1 . Gove rn ment would furnish the Wass ' r e ali ne and m ' ato, a e and t acne ( ' maintain public peace No one u e co u l d to the E stal fished Church than P 3 rialzlo.. "ad taken " n ot but , Pi n o t , deeply deplore th e di ssen • uetrve,, the el 4W were „ n ergy and their those dissenaions to be lis is 9 , 1,ft d. to 134 a. "" )e. fine - -5 * -s. fine Is fine 6 51 * td )s. fine - -4 • 6cl Ds. fine Ms' Os. fine •••• 4 ' ss. fine 5 65 ' -s. fine Os. fine 533 ' i$ -s. 68s. fin e 5/ 61's. fin e 2s. fine -- 43 ' qF 2s. fine 4 4 .2 5 S -s. new .0 0 Ss. new •-•••• 6$ 6s. fine •" 4- ) ss. --5. fi ne ft -s 595 fl ue ei fine / S▪ e. 9s. 89e .) Os. 255. fi ll ; 0 0, -s. 18s. 60'010 -s. 18s. fiT je 4s. fine ••- 59. fine ' Foreign • 110. 04. to il l ' /5 Os. to V. ps Ov. to Oi. • Os. to IIJ• l ib . 105 to 11/ Os. to CO Os, to v" (V „.4 ried pr Ton. Iddell'a etton =Mon ••••-; herton t anti d miand Co., Iwo n Grange s' I, — Vh 'e e b a . ts 2. sOrle Barl e lvt.;r anted, altered. 40s• s. .-e. —.a. ' .mss.' ‘2` '2 O. Of —.s. --9. ...s. ' :38$ irterhoose s. Freder il ith, Wand' ly. 7. . . (No. 12,608.) avoided, where, every day, the clergy were wringing from the half-starved people their utmost extent of tithes ? The local taxation also of the country called for the most prompt attention of their Lordship , . From the tenor of his Majesty's speech the Noble Marquis looked forward to brighter clays, but above all, he rejoiced to hear that part of his Majesty's speech, in which he stated his determination to maintain to the utmost the legislative Union between Ireland and the other parts of his Majesty's dominion—(Loud cheering)— in other words, the King's determination not to per mit a dismemberment of Ireland—would be received with the utmost gratitude throughout the whole of Ireland. A dismemberment of that country would he a deathblow to Ireland—the worst thing that could iossibly befall it. It would be destruction to her trade; —she would be unable to support herself, and then become a foreign state. Blind as some of her people might be to the true interests of their country, be hoped there would be found sufficient energy and sufficient soundness of heart among the people of Ireland, and the people of this country, to support his Majesty in his nolle determination. Acting thus in concert for the benefit of the country, the King would rally around them, and there could be no doubt that success would be the result. He durst not trust himself at much greater length on this sut.ject : but whilst he was henoured with a seat in that House, his voice would be unceasingly raised against a repeal of the Union, and against all idea of it.—(Cheers.) For one, he would most sincerely thank his Majesty's Ministers for those measures that were promised, which, in his opinion, would tend much to the pacification of the country; and, holding those sentiments, it was almost unnecessary for him to say, that while they steadily pursued their present course he would give them his most hearty support. By so doing he would be supporting the moat rigid system of economy, than which he considered nothing was more necessary in the present state of the country. He most sincerely thanked their Lordships for the kind and patient hearing they had given him upon that, his first public appearance in that House. With these few observations he would conclude, by moving an humble address to hie Majesty. The Noble Lord then read the address at the table, after which it was read again by the Lord Chancellor. It was, as usual, a mere echo of the speech. Lord KINNAIRD said, in rising to second the mo tion of the Noble Marquis, he would preface his few observations by claiming the indulgence of the House upon that, the first time of his addressing their Lordships—the more particularly so after the very able manner in which the Noble Marquis had expressed his sentiments. He wished it to be most distinctly understood that he joined most sincerely in every one of the literal expressions used by that Noble Lord. It might well be said that the measures alluded to in the speech of his most gracious Majesty were cast in one of the most perfect moulds, yet still they wanted the great test of time, and the help of the Legis lature to bring them to perfection. It was moat consoling to him, and no doubt to the country, that peace had been preserved during two years of most unexampled difficulty. When they saw that the honour of a neighbouring nation amid the most seducing influence had been most strictly preserved—when they considered the gratifying assurances which his Majesty had re ceived from Foreign Power', they could not be far wrong in hoping that the peace of the country might be tar longer preserved, which would to the country be one of the most unexampled and greatest of blisses and which was most necessary for the rising liberties of the country-- (Hear, hear, hear)—above all, was it most consolatory, when they considered that this was the first time that the voice of the people of Scotland was to tie heard, or had had an opportuuity of speaking. There were various and most important reforms to which the people looked. They had now a reformed House of Parliament, which did not nominally, but virtually re present them. To that House the people looked with con fidence, trusting theywould act on those conservative princi ples, a term which had been so much misapplied, as essential to the interests of the country at large. He hailed with de light the statements which had been made by the Noble Mar quis who moved the address, that on the subject of Church reform, the heads of the establishment were determined to come forward to endeavour to correct the abuses that existed in the Church.—(Loud cheers.) That was the only effectual means of securing the accompliement of so desirable a measure. As to the Church of Ireland, he felt great pain at the statements in his Majesty's speech, regretting that circumstances should have occurred in that country rendering it necessary for his Majesty to rely on Parliament for means of enforcing the laws, if they were further violated.—(Cheers.) It was gratifying to find the revenue in so prosperous a atate,notwithstanding the false statements of many persons. As far as he under stood the usage of Parliament, in adopting the present address, their Lordships did not pledge themselves to ap• prove of the measures of foreign policy, until the papers on that subject had been laid before them.—(Hear, bear.) The Noble Lord considered the whole tenor of his Majesty's speech of such real worth as not to require the power of eloquence to induce their Lordships to adopt the address which had been proposed by the Noble Marquis. The Noble Lord concluded by seconding the address. The Earl of ABERDEEN then rose. The topics of his Majesty's speech were highly important, and calculated to lead to a discussion which could not be done justice to in the course of that evening. Parts of it met with his entire satisfaction, but there were others, on which their Lordships must allow him to express his opinion. He was sure there were no Noble Lords in that House who had heard the declaration of his Majesty determinedly to have recourse to such measures as were necessary to restore peace to Ireland, but who would ap prove of them ; he could assure their Lordships that any measure that was brought forward on that subject, should have his most cordial support and co-operation, provided that measure appeared to him calculated to produce the de sired effect. With respect to the question of Church Reform, he hoped the Noble Earl had approached that sacred edifice, perfectly understanding the subject.— (Cheers.) Otherwise, he was afraid the most lamentable consequences might ensue.—(Hear, hear.) With re spect to that part of his Majesty's speech which spoke of the Dutch war, he must be allowed to say a few words to their Lordships. It had been said by some that it had been improperly called a Dutch war, hut he would ask, what did the French Alarshal say to that ? Did he not, on the surrender of the citadel, take the garrison prisoners of war ? Perhaps some would say they were prisoners of peace.---(Hear.) He could not consider hew the siege of Antwerp, the cap ture of the garrison, and the taking of the persons found there, could be viewed in any other light than a war.— (Hear, hear, hear.) In the prosecution of this tvar, the country had laid an embargo on the commerce of Dutch vessels in this kingdom, and had also prohibited the departure of English vessels to that port.—(Hear.) He did not mean to dispute the prerogative of the Crown to lay on such an embargo, but in his opinion the consequences of such a st-p ought to have been considered before they were taken. It must be remembered that that embargo had been im posed in a time of peace on a friendly country. By such a step British commerce was paralysed. On what principle had this been done? Had any course adopted by the Dutch towards this country called for such a course ? Clearly not. As to the justification alleged, that it is founded on the terms of a certain treaty, he could not admit the validity of it—certainly a provision in a treaty would justify any iniquitous proceeding—if two parties agree to attack a third, they must keep to their bargain. Certainly, in this case, two strong parties Lad agreed to attack a weak one; but he could not admit that there was any such justifica tion for the injury done to the commerce of Holland in the retaining of the citadel of Antwerp: their Lordships would have an opportunity of seeing this singular docu ment. With respect to the justification said to be con tained in the treaty of 15th November, 1531, the first whimsical thing in this statement is, that it is untrue. There is no provision there for the taking of Antwerp as a forcible means of negotiation ; but quite the reverse, for the a'lth article states, that Antwerp is to he surrendered fifteen days after the ratification of the treaty. The im patience of the parties had led them to hasten the sur render ; but by what right or by what treaty is the House called upon to accede to the employment of forcible means of negotiation ? The London Conference, over and over again, recognised Antwerp as Dutch territory till the end of the Conference. In July, however, it was intimated to the Dutch Government that they must evacuate this ter ritory by the 24th of that month. The Dutch re monstrated, that this was not to be till fifteen days a'ter the ratification ; but were answered that it was expected that the ratification would so soon be concluded, that the stipulated fifteen days would expire on or before the 24th. He had never heard of any measure eo violent 116,,, ' \-.1... ::::. ..,..•, 'T--..... , + ( PRICE 7D.) LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING. FEBRUARY 6, 1833. and unjust as the taking of Antwerp. The only justifi , cation was the necessity of fulfilling the treaty of the 15th of November. But, according to this necessity, he could point out to their Lordships another article of the treaty, which, by the same necessity, they would he called upon to execute. If they were so sedulous in fulfilling an ar. tick not in the treaty, they must roost earnestly set b work in carrying into effect those articles which teer 4 By the 13th article the British Government guarantee the payment of the Belgian loin of 8,400,000 florin., every year regularly, either at Brussels or Antwerp, without any deduction whatsoever. This warranty does not set forth that the Belgians shall pay it ; no, we are the contracting, parties, guaranteeing the payment. If the article had sti pulated merely that we should provide 10,000 men to in. sure the payment, there would have been an end of the matter ; the specified forces being supplied we should have been exonerated from further trouble. But the present engagement was a.. general one, and we are bound to see the money paid, pay it ourselves. Now the King of the Belgians may go to his Majesty of the Netherlands_ when his power is reduced and he is made as it were nothing by the policy of the Noble Lords—the King of the Belgians may go to him saying, that he is unable to pay the money, having like other states reduced his taxa tion, in the feeling that taxes had better fructify in the pockets of the subject.—(Partial laughter.) Should these things occur, we are bound by all the obligations of honour and good faith to pay it ourselves. It was proper that the people of England should be fully aware of the state of things—(Rear, hear)—and that the King of the Bel gians should perfectly understand the most important ar tide in this treaty. The Noble Marquis must really go a little farther thin representing it as a,mere transfer from the great book of the King of the Netherlands to the great book of the King of Belgium. It was impossible to pos sess any knowledge of the nature of this treaty, from the nature of its performance. It engages to effect the sepa ration of the kingdoms of Belgium and Holland; but how are we to say this has been engaged ? No man in his senses, at the time of the composition of that treaty, could have expected to see it executed, for he must know that the fortresses of Lillo and Liefkenshoek were perfectly inaccessible. He could not, therefore, but think that the real object of this treaty was of a different description from the ostensible grounds ; that it was rather to satisfy a party in France—(Hear)—than any other motive—to gratify the " Movement party," who wished to see the results of the Revolution carried to their fullest exteat—to confirm the French Ministry, who could not leave retained their seats without offering up to the people some sacrifice flat tering to their vanity. The Noble Earl, be considered, had only made a virtue of necessity, and taken part in that which otherwise he would have revolted from. What has been the result of these proceedings, too? It is true an embargo had been laid on Dutch ships, and we had crippled Dutch commerce, but we had, also crippled English. But what bad been gained? We had gained this ; that the navigation of the Scheldt, which previously had been open to all nations, was now shut to the English, the French, and ,the Belgians. It was true a French Marshal, with a large French army, had done some fine feats ; an English Ad miral had scoured the seas with a large fleet, and laid hands on all the unprepared and unsuspecting Dutch vessels he could find. These were great triumphs to be sure ; but it was also an act of unprecedented outrage and injustice. He would say that in this affair Holland had all the glory, France all the profit, and England all the disgrace.—(Hear.) He also found that a large French army was still on the frontiers of Belgium, within three days' march of Brussels. This did not say much for the good faith of the French Government, or the independence of Belgium. His own opinion with respect to Belgium and the Netherlands, fully coincided with the emphatic declaration of Pitt—that the separate and independent existence of Austrian Netherlands was evidently The Noble Earl then said, that a few weeks after 0 e Noble Earl (Grey, bad been +1- '-ed of ti `sr!-sens: Administration, the Minister now at the head . in France had declared, in the Chamber of Depute,. France would continue to negotiate in the affairs of Holland and Belgium, but not as it had bitherta, d •ne, but at the head of five hundred thousand men. It Wad been said that it was at the head of an armed force that a negotiation could be most effectu illy carried on. That maxim might be true to a certain extent, hut surely it could not be true to such an enormous extent as the words of the French Minister implied ; surely it could not he true without some limitation. But why should France wish for war, when it obtained all it could wish without war ? That Government had without it hitherto kept possession of Italy. It had made a lodgment in that country which it seemed determined to maintain, and its establishment there had been but lately increased. It had triumphed over the Portuguese within the very port of Lisbon, and now a French expedition had invaded, be sieged, and captured one of the principal cities of Bel gium. What, then, had France to gain by war ? But with the knowledge they had of the person at the head of the French Government, was it to be expected that he should Lave a sincere desire for peace? If be would not go to war for the pure love of war, what, at all events, could they expect of one who had sacrificed thousands of his fellow countrymen merely for the sake of his own glory and ambition.—(Hear, hear.) Then they had an embargo laid upon the Dutch ships in our ports, their own ports blockaded, their commerce destroyed, and our own crippled and paralyzed, without a single benefit to be ex pected, while this negotiation was proceeding; and he begged that it might he remembered that this was not a negotiation between England and France, but one in which the five great Northern Powers took a part. Did their Lordships suppose that the Dutch would now treat with two of those Powers—and that with the two who had oroved their most bitter enemies? Most deci dedly nut. He could assure their Lordships that they would not. It was, therefore, indispensable that some measure should be adopted to put an end to this attack on the Dutch forts, and interference in the affairs of the Dutch and Belgians, before they could advance a single step to. wards peace. Having said so much, he would not detain their Lordships by taking a retrospect of the course of the Belgian Treaty. He (Lord Aberdeen) held a volume in his hand, containing protocols, &c., on that subject, and there were three such volumes besides, filled with docu ments of the same nature. He recollected, some years ago, a friend of his asking him what a protocol was ? He an. swered by asking his friend another question, " Quid est Theme ?" But if his friend were now too ignorant of what a protocol was, he (Lord Aberdeen) was sure that it was not for want of sufficient materials to form a judg ment on that theme. In the commencement of the nego tiations between Holland and Belgium, as to the best mode of settling the differences existing between those States, certain propositions were made by the negotia ting Powers to the King of the Netherlands, upon conditions declared to be fixed and irre vocable, and these were accepted by him without a single change. If ever there was a proposition made which was obligatory on the proposers, that was one , and it was doubly so, because the King of the Netherlands was forced to accept it, and did accept it, not only once, but over and over again. The twenty-one articles of the ori ginal negotiation had been declarrai by the five Powers to be immutable. The Kicti of the. Netherlands was in clined to agree to all that was reasonable l , - hut there were certain interests which be could not disregard;—(Hear)— and, notwithstanding the cordial and unaniNotus support which he received from his subjects, be (Lo4lAberdeen) doubted much if it was in his power to camp` Us some of the demands made on him. It had been salt the Dutch, deserted by their natural ally, were objects Aber of pity or of admiration. He thought they were objects both of pity and admiration ; and whoa they looked to the unanimity and devotion vial] which they stood forth in def-nce of their country's rights, he was convinced that there was not a man in that House whose heart did not do justice to their bravery.—(Cheers.) On the subject of Portugal, his Lordship begged to refer to the language made use of by his Majesty at the commencement of the Parliament in 1830. His Majesty then said, that he had not deemed it expedient to re-establish upon their ancient footing his diplomatic relations with the kingdom of Por tugal, but that the numerous embarrassments arising from the continued interruption of these relations increased his Majesty's desire to terminate to serious an evil. He (Lord Aberdeen) was rather curious to know what the pretext might now be for still continuing in the same situation ? There could not be the same pretext for not renewing their diplomatic relations, but now they were merely told that his Majesty "had still to lament the continuance of the civil war in Portugal, which has for some months existed between the Princes of the House of Braganza." If such a Cause were a, sufficient reason to prevent the renewal of the diplomatic relations between the two coon tiles, it was a cause which might last till doomsday: In 4 1830, when his Majsty had made the declaration ti which he (Lord Alpdeen) referred, one of the Nob! , Earl's colleagues (one -of the most honest and straight forward of them) staid that he was ; not only ready to antes into those relating, hut, that he thought the renews' of them had been alrady too long delayed. The person who made this statenent was the Noble Lord, the Chan cellor of the Exchemer ; and that Noble Lord shower' himself to he an honet and upright man, by thus open]) stating his opinion. He admitted that the cases of Bel gium and Portugal sere very different. In the settlement of the affairs of Hollnd and Belgium. he allowed that thet, were serious difficultes ; but, respecting Portugal, the diffi cultiis were entireh gratuitous, and were, in fact, created by the Noble Earl snd his colleagues themselves; for the Noble Earl could ty one single word—and that word not inconsistent with !onour—put an end to the present situa tion of that country in respect to this. He (Lord A.) would beg to ask the Node Earl how long this state was to con• tinue, or what abject he had in view in continuing it? As to which of the parties, now struggling for the Crown of that kingdom, was most favourable to the cause of freedom, he thought that no great difference could be drawn between tlem. What was said of the one might with safety be aiplied to the other.—(A laugh.) That then wise not tke point en which the claims of either seemed to rest. He would, therefore, beg to ask on what Don Pedro depended for the recovery of that kingdom, independent of the aid he received from foreigners ? He would beg their Lordships to look to his present situation —shut up withir the walls of Oporto, aided by foreigners only, and by the countenance which he received from the British. Had Is, been joined by any of the Portuguese ? No; it was now sufficiently notorious that he was not, while the troops of Don Miguel were supported by am luntary contributions. He (Lord A.) said the contest (which was mie-aamed, in his Majesty's speech, a civil war) was merely a war carried on by the Jew speculators of London, for their own ends, and to promote their own individual interests. He did wish, therefore, that this con test should be put an end to, and that the British interest might no longer he sacrificed, when it was a fact known over Europe, that it was in a great degree kept up by vanity and self.love on the part of one of the Noble Earl's colleagues. At the commencement of that contest he had asked the Noble Earl whether it was his intention to put in force the provisions of the Foreign Enlistment Bill. He did not give an opinion as to whether the pro visions of that Act were proper or not ; but as long as it continued law it should be enforced. The Noble Earl made no declaration on the subject; but the Act had been infringed upon in all parts of the country, and the infractions hail en most remarkable in the metropolis. If that was what sSe Noble Earl called neutrality, he (Lord Al/el-fifes) thought it was a neutrality which might prove a good channel for Henry V. to the throne of France.-- 'Hear.) He would mention a circumstance which hap i • 'led at Lisbon some time ago. A Spaniard who lAA bee. acting as servant to some English gentlemen at I tabor' was murdered in the street. In consequence of this event the Consul complained, and the British Ad miral was ordered to protect the British property, and in order to do so, not only sailed up the Tagus, but laid his sidaide against the city, so that Lisbon was actually lying under British guns. And this, he begged them to remark, happened when Lisbon was under a state of siege. He had always viewed the situation of the Peninsula as peculiarly disadvantageous to the British interests, and he considered it now the more so, as there never was a time when British interests could be more easily forwarded in that country than at present, when the two most enlight ened men os the Peninsula were in the service of the King of Spain. This wad note time to look with indifference upon this subject, when it might be most important to this country, and he trusted the opportunity would not be lost by the Noble Lord opposite. Such policy extended to two countries, so situated, was a proof that the Ministers of ,this country allowed tiles - seises :o be hurried away by t.l'rinests, passion, and ie.; !f7 s.' y -0 f t 3‘ 7 11: ri at a.r, .toyety Go •-insesestx waacrecaiess to ue cr.fla..igcrtA 'rur relations with ihe whole Peninsula. When he looked to the names s-al persons engaged in the Portuguese contest, the only respectable name that he could all to mind—he meant attached to the cause of Don Pedro—was' that of the Marquis of Palmella. That Noble Personage had aban doned the cause—not abstractedly the cause of freedom —hut the cause of Donna Maria. He would ask the Noble Earl which cause the Marquis of Palmella feared most? He feared that of the Jacobins—the sup porters of Don Pedro, by whom he was advised and saraminded, much more than he feared the triumph of deepAistn. And the Noble Marquis was right, for your Jacuadtis are, as they ever were, men who bad no home ; who confined themselves to no country ; who carried their 'evolutionary and destructive spirit into every region, and whose never-ceasing efforts to revolutionize Spain were notorions. They corresponded openly with the visionaries of the Peninsula : they made scarcely any secret of their intentions, and yet the Ministers of this country risked the important interests of England, by seeming not to be aware of their machinations. Neutrality and neglect, under such circumstances, were highly culpable. If he could state, with all the perspicuity the subject required, his various opinions on the present state of affairs in Portugal, he felt satisfied that the House would see that he was chiefly ac tuated by the earnest wishes he felt for the prosperity and peace of his country. He would conclude by imploring the Noble Earl who conducted the affairs of Great Britain, if he valued its commercial relations, not to finally lose an opening to their advantage by abandoning an ancient, an useful, and an honourable ally. He thanked their Lord ships foe the patient hearing with which be had been ho noured by them. Earl GREY rose and said, that it was to be expected that the Noble .Earl who had just sat down, would differ in many respects from the Government to which he (Earl Grey) had the honour to belong. Still it was not to be expected that his difference of opinion would be put for ward in the shape of a long, desultory, and most uncon• netted speech. The discussion which the Noble Earl had raised was certainly uncalled for, and completely intern - pestive. At least so it was thought by those who bad framed the King's speech, as it had been so framed by them as to preclude such a discussion as had emanated from the Noble Earl and those Noble Peers who eat braide him. That such was the intention of the framers of his Majesty's speech, might be inferred from the way in which it was drawu up, and from the expressions and words in which it was couched. His Majesty's speech had given to un derstand that every information upon the subjects the Noble Earl had just toucher' upon, would be conveniently given, and that all documents relating thereto would be placed before their Lordships. Since that was the case, he hoped that the Noble Earl would have waited and ab stained from embarrassing remarks and questions until he was iu possession of the information and documents promised. He did hope that the Noble Earl would have done so, more particularly as he confined himself to one part of the address, and as it was necessary that the whole of that address should obtain the unanimous approbation of their Lordships. The Noble Earl passed over all the topics treated of in the address, with the exception of two, and those, it was hardly necessary to say, referred to Bel gium and Portugal. He trusted that the House would not consider that it was a practice with him to impute personal motive.' to any of its Members, no matter what might be their political opinions. He took credit for re specting the opinions of others, but he was very unwilling to take credit for what the Noble Earl just imputed to him, namely, that of entertaining opinions which wereprompted by blindness, passion, and ipfatuation. Perhaps the im putation did not exactly refer to him; he wished the Noble Earl had been more distinct, but if it referred to the Noble Lord who conducted the negotiations so much blamed by the Noble Earl, all he could say was, that that Noble Lord was inaccessible to passion or prejudice, and as incapable of sacrificing the interests of his country as the Noble Earl himself. If there existed a man void of passion, it was the Noble Lord most probably alluded to. The Noble Lord was, moreover, possessed of great experience, sagacity, and extensive knowledge, and was in every way fit for the I management of the important affairs committed to his guid ance. He (Earl Grey) did not want to hide himself beneath the shield of his Noble Friend's fitness for the high situation h e filled, for if that Noble Friend erred, so did he (Earl Grey), and so did also the rest of his col leagues. In his acts were concerned the whole of his Majesty's Ministers. He begged to repeat that lie would follow the example set him by the Noble Earl who rit a(tdr, -sas r . would pursue a directly • refrs:o fr anything that could be •• . Sitv .1 aC he must say, that if be -, • Vet out a person who most sa the ex'sting Government of ,to embarrass it both at home itetroue of throwing in ate ,t w:s ~; ,ri way every species of vexatious obstacle, of reviving an oient animosities, and disseminating distrust—he knew of no person who adopted a surer course to effect such pur noses than the Noble Earl himself. It was uudoubtediy true that it was the practice of the House upon the (lamina of the session, when the King's speech was debated upou. to go into various matters and to handle them in detail. In that practice there was very frequently nothing excep tionable, but there was certainly in the present in stance, when no opposition was called for, as every information that could he possibly given or reasonably re quired, had been voluntarily promised. When such was the case, he could not see the good nor understand the expediency of the long dissertation delivered to them by the Noble Earl. However, as the Noble Earl had thought proper to go into certain questions, it would be his busi ness to answer him. He did not mean to follow the Noble Earl in his career, for that would be impossible, so tortuous and desultory was it. All that be could promise to do was to state generally the policy of the Go vernment, as that would be the best answer to the Noble Earl's remarks. He begged their Lordships to remember how he and his colleagues, on coming into office, found the relative situations of Belgium and Holland. The King of Holland had been a short time before expelled from the Belgian territory; soon after which a qmferenee was as• sembled, in order to interfere and point out a line of de marcation between the two countries that might be satis factory to both, equally advantageous to both, and also tend to the general pacification of Europe. The line of demarcation was pointed out, such as it had been previous to 1790, and an eventual separation of both countries was agreed upon. That a separation was necessary, their Lordships might recollect that, subsequently to the Con ference, a Noble Duke, well acquainted with those coun tries, acknowledged that a future union between them would be impossible. That Noble Duke having thought so, and the Administration to which he was the head concurring with him, there could be little doubt of the impractica bility of such an union. What in that else was the duty of existing Ministers after accepting office? Why to take up the matter as it was left, and to conduct it to a fair and rational issue. The separation of those countries then ex isted ; and what the present Ministers had to do was to endeavour to effect it permanently, in the manner most advantageous to both countries, and to the peace of Europe. Such was their intention, as mentioned in the speech from the Throne, and to accomplish that intention, the best abilities of him and his colleagues would be directed. But, says the Noble Earl, Ministers can have no such intention —they can have none such—and when they say they have, they mean it in joke. How could they with anything like good sense? Belgium is a small country, with few resources, incapable of defending herself, and liable at every instant to be overthrown and swallowed up by a more powerful neighbour. Let all this be granted the Noble Earl; it was a misfortune that could not be re medied, and the only question that remained was whether anything better could be done? Looking to the situation of Europe, and seeing that no stable union could take place between the two countries, what they had done for Holland they had done not only with a view to the interests of that country, but with a view to those of the whole of Europe. They were not contending against Holland when they endeavoured to obtain for Belgium the right of protect.. ing and increasing her commerce, and surely establishing her independence. This was the only sound policy that could be pursued ; it was absolutely necessary, for i Belgium was allowed to be deprived of her continental commercial relations—if she was excluded from the navi gation of the Scheldt, it would only augment the discontent already brooding in the breasts of the inhabitants, and in duce them to take any opportunity of righting them selves, even that so much dreaded by the Noble Earl, of throwing themselves into the arms of France. He totally disclaimed, both on the part of his colleagues and himself, the imputation of desiring to sacrifice the interests of Holland. The present separation was to be effected with rt -atest impartiality; and the partition chalked out was one that would not bring Belgium into immediate contact with Holland. Any partition that would do so— and he might quote the opinion of De Witt thereupon— would be had, and could not take place without risking a war. Belgium being so situated, Ministers had no choice, no alternative left, even though her independence were not possible. He proceeded in their negotiations on the principle of serving both countries as far as they could, and of saving Europe from the war that menaced it. When a fitting time came, he trusted that he would be prepared to show with what advantage to Ho!- and those negotiations had been conducted ; that that country, beyond all other Powers, was the most con cerned in them, and ought to be most satisfied with them, since, if Belgium was forced to look for redress to another and a powerful neighbouring Power, nothing could be more dangerous to the existence of Holland. The present Government had done every thing to insure the safety of Holland and preserve the interests of this country. A good deal of sympathy had been endeavoured to be excited by continually talking of Holland as the ancient and con stant ally of this country. Her alliance bad not been so very constant, as could be proved by the last two wars. In them Holland ranked herself among the bit terest enemies of this country. In the war of this country with America, for instance, Holland, with but little pro vocation, ranged herself, with a combined fleet, that blockaded Plymouth, and aided in taking a British man of-war within sight of that harbour. At that time there was a confederacy to destroy the naval power of England, and Holland was found among the confederates. A Noble Earl opposite seemed to sneer at this assertion, but he re ferred him to the British officers who served at the time, arid be would hear what they had to say on the love of the Dutch for this country. Since a separation of the two countries was irremediable, they had endeavoured to ne gotiate it on the best grounds, and with territorial ad vantages in favour of Holland—indeed with such advan tages as she never had before. He had documents to prove this, which would be produced on a fitting occa slot'. During the negotiations, great difficulties had been experienced—first from the indisposition of the Belgians to accept the arrangements proposed, and afterwards from the unwillingness of the King of Holland. However, it came at last to such a point, that forbearance could be no longer exercised, and the conferring Powers stated in the last Protocol, that all hopes of amicable adjustment were vain, and that absolute coercion was necessary.— (Hear, hear.) Coercion was consequently proposed, and the united Powers subscribed to it. Why should they not ? For it would be ridiculous to keep all Europe in suspense, and prevent the continental Powers from disarming, merely through the obstinacy of Holland. Since coercion was deemed necessary, it was left to France and England to put it in practice, and to bring Holland to a sense of what was due to other nations. It was with great pain he confessed that he signed the Convention of the 22d October; but he had no other alternative. The object of which Convention was the territorial division of the coun tries, :according to the stipulations of the armistice which took place before the present Ministers arrived at power ; and its consequences were, the siege and surrender of the citadel of Antwerp. But the Noble Eatl asks, what has been obtained by this ? Why, future danger of collision has been done away with, and all temptation to Holland to to continue refractory has been withdrawn. The Noble Earl says, by way of accusation, that the Scheldt was never shut before. He begged leave to contradict the Noble Earl ; the Scheldt was shut before, and the act was solely that of Holland ; and she did not choose to re open the navigation of that river until compelled by the five Powers ; who intimated, that if she did not do so, they should consider her refusal as an act of hostility. He was not aware that the navigation of the Scheldt was closed at the present time, except as it related to France and England, which must be expected as long as those na tions continue an embargo on Dutch ships. As to the fact mentioned by the Noble Earl, that the Scheldt was now less accessible to Belgium than before the war, it was one which be must deny. He might con fidently state, that the result of the late war was a grand step made toward& the adjustment of the troublesome dispute. Much had been said about the French remaining in Belgium if they ever set foot in it ; they would make a conquest of it for themselves, and con vert it into aFrench province. Such a prediction had not been realised, for the French, not adhering strictly to the Convention of the 22d of October, by which they might remain longer in possession of Belgium, withdrew their troops with a promptitude that clearly showed their ho• nour and good faith, properly deeming a continuance of the embargo sufficient to compel Holland to adhere to late stipulations. The Noble Earl had made one very curious statement, which, by the by, did him no great gredit on the score of consistency. He had said that the Belgian war was undertaken. to please the Movement pKty, and then—mark the consistency of the remark—tbs:. it proceeded from a desire to keep the preeent French Go heard that the Movement party in France were the sup porters of their Government. He always understood that they were adverse to it, as most decided enemies, and used every effort to overthrow it. The Noble Earl had given him some new information, and perhaps he was wrong in calling in question his consistency. With respect to the present French Government, whatever certain Noble Lords might think of it, lie contended that the more it was consolidated, the better it would be for the liberty, peace, and prosperity of Europe.--(Hear, hear.) It might be overthrown by two parties, each, though differing in opinion, lending a hand to bring about trouble and confusion, but by whomsoever it was subverted, real liberty would suffer by it. Having now stated the principles upon which the negotiations with respect to Belgium and Holland had been conducted, it only remained for him to say upon that question that cod , . siderable obstructions were thrown in the way of those negotiations. He was not prepared to say from whom those obstructions proceeded, but it was certain that they proceeded from a quarter who, by encouraging the King of Holland in his indisposition to accede to the wishes of the p g i e n r e e s d , the d t prosperity ty al o rd f Europe. It was the encouragement h peace ve of P' ll )w o e ll r a% d e , qu an al d ly the en h d a a p n ell out from this quarter, and that alone, that prevented the dispute between Holland and Belgium from being long since amicably arranged. Whether the course of events might or might not justify the anticipations of the Noble Earl, it would afford him (Earl Grey) the greatest satisfaction that, by the acquiescence of the King of Holland in the just de mands of France and England, the Government of this country might be able to restore those snips and cargoes belonging to Dutcn proprietors which had been detained pending the late hostilities. The N dale Earl, however, had said, that if the fire Powers had united, they would have had no difficulty in compelling Belgium to submit to any terms. That was a position which probably few persons would be found to dispute with the Noble Earl, that is, if the five Powers had so united. But the determination to compel Belgium to submit to any terms was a determination which, in his opinion, Great Britain ought to have resisted; and had such a state of things arisen, the consummation which the Noble Earl desired would have been just as remote as ever it had been. The Noble Earl, however, told his Majesty's Government that they had nothing to do hut to hold firms language. Had such language as the Noble Earl recom rnereled been held, and had he been in office, it was quite clear that it could only he held by a Government prepared to go to war for the purpose of giving effect to such lan guage. Now, did the Noble Earl think di at his Ma jesty's Government ought to have held such language as required, if ineffectual, to be followed up by actual hostili ties ? There could be no sort of doubt, tint if the Notile Earl had acted upon the principle developed in his speech, this country would have been plunged in war. The policy of the Noble Earl would, most unquestionably, have led to war—of that he might be perfectly assured ; but whether that war would have answered his expecta tions—whether it would have produced the effects which he anticipated, was a matter in the highest de gree doubtful. It would have been the commencement of hostilities which must bare led to a war of principle throughout the whole of Europe. It was therefore that he regarded the course of policy which the Noble Earl recommended, with something like horror, and it way therefore that it had been the earnest and the anxious wish of his Majesty's Government to avert that evil which, beyond all controversy, it would have been the effect of the Noble Earl's policy to have produced and hastened, and aggravated. Instead of continuing amicable relations for two years, they could not, under such cir cumstances, have been maintained even for the short space of two months. The general peace of Europe had for tunately been preserved—the Noble Earl at the time had foretold a different result—he now indulged in prognostics of the most gloomy character; but it was to be hop-d, that in the one case as in the other, his predictions would be falsified.—(Hear, hear.) He trusted that the House and the public would give his Majesty's Government full credit for having acted upon principle, in endeavouring to secure to Holland a better frontier th an s h e hail b efore enjoyed, and such means of defence as she had never, at any previous period, possessed to the same extent—nav, to go the further length of placing the navigation of the Scheldt upon such a footing as would not have proved injurious eventually to the commerce of Holland. Ile trusted be might be allowed, in justice to the responsible advisers of the Crown, to state that they bad no other object in view but to promote and establish equal justice as between Holland and Belgium, and to effect such an adjustment of the mat ters in dispute as was necessary for their well-being, but still more necessary for the general peace of Europe, and far the general interests of the great family of European nations. The Noble Earl bad sought to cast great blame upon his Majesty's Ministerefor the course of policy which they had felt it to be their duty to pursue; but he was sure, that if their Lordships took the trouble to reflect upon the origin of those events out of which that course arose, they would agree with him that the fault was rot with the present Government of the country ; the state of things with which they had to deal at the time they were called to the Councils of the King, was a condition of circumstances which they could not prevent, and n hich, as he would maintain, they had no other means of reme dying than such as they had adopted, but which, as it happened, now drew down upon their heads the severe denunciations of the Noble Eal opposite, cheered as those censures were by the friends by whom that Noble Earl was surrounded. But he listened to those censures with perfect indifference, strong as he was in the con sciousness that neither he nor any of his political friends were any parties to these transactions. In the same man ner the Noble Earl attempted to cast censure upon the pre sent advisers of the Crown in reference to our relations with Portugal. If the House would also look to the origin of those transactions, they would find that the blame as little rested upon the Government in that case as in the other. The state of things which they found existing in that quarter they could as little have prevented as in any other. They at least were no parties to placing Don Mi guel upon the throne of Portugal—they were no parties to the grievous violations committed by that peraonage, of the most solemn obligations of moral duty—they weir no parties to his violation of his oath—they had not sanctioned the breach on his part of the obligations into which he had entered with foreign States—they were no parties to the proceedings which bad placed Don Miguel in the situation of a usurper—of one with whom every State in Europe had broken off diplomatic relations—with whom even Spain had ceased to hold intercourse : that was no work of the present Administration of this country. It was well known, that when the Noble Earl opposite was about to quit office, the recognition of Don Miguel was contemplated, and that, too, let it be remembered, at a time when the most violent and cruel persecutions raged in Portugal—when women of the highest rank were imprisoned amongst common malefac tors—when the most excellent and worthy men in the community were incarcerated, driven into exile, and ex posed to every variety of cruel infliction which a perverted ingenuity could devhoe--at a time, too, when British sub esets and British commerce were subjected to the most .erious inconvedence—not to say loos and danger. On the accession to office of the present advisers of the Crown they found themselves compelled to resist—they felt it to be an imperative duty to protect British subjects and Bri tish commerce. It was to be borne in mind that country bad distinctly recognised the legitimate Queen of Portu gal, and that the step thus taken could not be retracted without incurring the reprobation of the whole of Europe —to the same extent, perhaps, that that reprobation was incurred in the affairs of Terceira.—(Hear, hear.) The Foreign Enlistment Act had been mentioned in such a manner as might lead the House to suppose that it bad not been put in force by his Majesty's Government with the energy which they seemed to think the occasion demanded. Ile thought, at the time that Act was passed, that many of its provisions were objectionable, and he remained of that opinion still ; but so long as it was law, it of course ought to be re spected, and, when necessary, enforced ; but he would ask their Lordships if he or any of his colleagues had ever said or done aught that could warrant the slightest surmise of any intention to impede the operation of that law ? The Noble Earl bad seemed to think that it ma. serially strengthened his argument, to be able to say that the British were in possession of the port of Lisbon ; it certainly was found necessary to send out there vessels of war for the purpose of protecting British subjects ant British interests, and the Government bad not cent nu the force which now occupied the Tagus, until earnest' petitioned to do so by the British residents in Lisbon He should like to know, if the Government had not set out such a force, what would have been said to them evs by the Noble Earl himself; and, indeed, he profese himself unable to conceive how British residents and thei property could have been protected from the lawless it was a strange word to use as applied to police_feelho the lawless police force in the employeseut of Don !gi gue' ? If general disorder and spoliation bad ensued_ from their neglecting to send out these rnea n of pro tecting British interests, how two, founded upon that fact, have would an accuse have been urged against them by the Noble Earl, who now seemed to treat their attention to those interests as forming a just cause of complaint. The absolute necessity for our having a naval tome in the Tagus was not to be disputed, for the kt etet.4 et .f i, ... tit whirl every epeciel of property was OA ,--,,,•-- - , . _.,,.. - ~ ••• ttUrp • .. '''' .10_,' -... W.- _ ,i„ •) - , .-•-/ fi • ,cI AO -• - ''''''‘.Z--ji,;_ -, e 4 4 +/- '11k,,.. 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