The Sun. — London, England, 1830-03-18 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. We know not how long the feeling may continue, or whether it may not be liable to waste by wearing, but at present there is much satisfaction at the repeal of the beer duty, joined, as it is to be, with an open trade in the article. There remains hardly any thing now in which the necessaries of the really poor are raised in an oppressive degree by taxation : employ ment, and reasonable wages, are almost all that they want. It is said that the publicans, who have vested interests in their houses, must suffer from new rival ries; but is there any . trade which is not liable to fluctuation ? The. caprices of fashion injure many ; and as the love of beer varies not in the labouring classes, those who vend it may the more easily bear a change which springs from other causes. How ever sorry we should be to see any class of men op pressed, we may venture to suggest that a measure which brings down the wholesome beverage pecu liar to this country to the price of three halfpence a pint, must ultimately prove beneficial to the respect able publican or victualler, by diminishing the con sumption of ardent spirits—that is, by rooting up mere gin-shops. The effect of the measure, it is thought, so far as the agricultural inte rest is concerned, will be to raise the price of barley. To this we should have no objection, certainly, on condition still of the unalienable result—that beer be not raised beyond 3d. per pot. We do not indeed see how a cheaper beverage can be supplied ; but if ever the high price of barley be made a pretext for raising that of beer, then we think that Government onght to recur to first prin ciples, and secure this almost primary necessary of life for its poorer subjects, by the free admission of foreign barley. However, it must be observed, that the repeal of the beer duty does not take place till next October, when we shall have the new barleys in the markets. It would be rash to anticipate an abundant crop before the seed is committed to the earth ; we cannot, however, help noticing the ex tremely favourable state of the weather for barley sowing. Neither can we omit observing on the un rivalled beauty of the young wheats, of which we hear from all quarters ; the severity of the winter having destroyed the slug and other noxious vermin. But it is in the country chiefly that we expect the advantages derived from abolishing the licensing system will be felt. Licences, which it may be feared were every where partially distributed, were there most disgustingly so. Proximity to a great manor has been a cause for refusing a licence, however con. veniently the house might be situated for travellers and the neighbourhood. The common brewer is in many instances, through his publicans, a great pro prietor of votes for the county, and the county Members are ordinarily licening Magistrates I The poisonous trash that is sold for beer in the country exceeds all credibility. And what right will the honest brewer have to complain of the present ar rangement'? None whatever; for no one can deny his superior skill in the trade, together with the ad vantages of the capital and machinery which he possesses. The new beginners, therefore, will be but little able to compete with him at the first; and there is no reason why the fresh houses which may be opened under the proposed law may not reple nish their cellars from the common brewer who will serve them best ; and so the business of the latter may be increased, rather than diminished, with the increased consumption of beer, by the abolition of the brewing tax. But let not any suppose that it will suffice as a simple act of legislation to relin quish the duty upon beer. Many provisions must enter into the repealing Act; and care must be taken not to fritter away the general utility of the measure by those provisions. What arrangement will be made with respect to the obligation of re ceiving soldiers upon billet, and taking in the bodies of those who suffer by accidents ?—Tirncs. We would point attention to what was very pro perly said in the House of Lords last night by Lord Radnor on Lord Ellenborough's Divorce Bill. Every husband owes his wife protection. Even if he de spairs of gaining her personal attachment, lie owesher protection from the foulness of sin, the scorn of the world, and the future pangs of remorse. Above all, he owes her protection from the contagion o bad example, particularly in himself; and if Lord Ellen borough has not afforded such protection to hi s w ife, it were a wicked act of legislation to give him relief by dissolving the marriage tie. We hope this Bill will be more thoroughly investigated in the Com mons. If both Houses of Parliament choose to pass Divorce Bills without instituting inquiries of their own, resting content with the mere evidence offered by those who are interested in the success of the Bills, it were better that the reverence for marriage gs a sacred rite should perish altogether, and that pat ties should be allowed to go before a Magistrate, andlrleclare their union disjointed at will. We say this, not only from the arguments of Lord Radnor and Lord Maimesbury, though we think them con clusive, but because we have heard of proceedings on the other side,—of public proceedings (for we do not ransack private intrigue and its haunts) with a confectioner's shop-girl at Brighton,—which require investigation before a Bill of Divorce ought to be pessed.—Times. A good deal of anxiety begins now to be felt with respect to the issue of the struggle between the Liberal party and Ministers in the Chamber of De puties. It is a farce to talk of a Representative Constitution, if those who represent the people may not declare their want of confidence in the Ministers. They do not choose the King's Minis ters ; they merely take the liberty of disapproving al z he choice, when they think it calculated to in jure the interests of the country. For much of the dislike ,entertained towards the present Ministers. they are doubt indebted to the persuasion shared by the best informed people in France, that the Duke of Wellington had the nomination of their Chief. It is believed, moreover, that this inter ference on the part of his Grace was dictated by a hatred of liberal institutions. Though there can be rte great affection among the higher ranks of this eourtx,ry f6r a representation which is not aristo eretica---a state of things at which even Sir Robert Wilson suered, as not to be spoken of in the same breath with that Constitutional maturity among ourselves which excludes the people—we yet can not bring ourselves to believe that the Duke of Wellington had in view any infringement of the eights and privileges of the French people. He probably looked to a change of Ministers merely as a means of placing the French Government in har mony with our own with regard to the affairs of the East, conceiving that the former Ministry were too much devoted to the views of Russia. A notion very generally prevails abroad that the foreign policy of England is faithless. The very nature of our Government lays it open to this charge. In a Democracy there can be no secret proceedings, and the Executive being under the ne cessity of laying everything before the people, must be Atraight-forward and consistent. In a simple Go vernment like Prussia there may also be consistency and sincerity. But in a Government like ours, the people do not guide the rulers, and our foreign po licy takes its complexion from the faction or patty which happens to be in power. The personal incli nations of the Minister for the time have thus often a tremendous influence on the destiny of foreign na tions. Mr. Canning has been generally received well abroad for throwing his influence into the scale of the Constitutionalists. The present Ministers "are accused of a contrary bias, and much of the hatred of the French Liberals towards their Mini stry is owing to their belief of their being subser vient to another Ministry, who entertain a hatred to liberal institutions. In the " Authentic Account of Mr. Canning's Policy,'' a publication sanctioned, if not written, by Lady Canning, the animosity ori- 1 ginating in a distrust of the Duke of Wellington is thus alluded to :—" Go to the North, and hear the terms of bitterness and contempt with which Eng land is assailed by the Russian Government for our vacillation—by the Russian people, for our illibe rality. Go to Germany, and you may listen in vain for the praises which the name of England used to call forth when Canning ruled her destinies. Tur key complains of being betrayed. Greece considers us her enemy. Cross the Channel, and you will find in France the feelings of ancient rivalry which Mr. Canning's policy had well nigh extinguished, revived with almost incredible violence. Sail to Portugal, and there you will see that we are hated by all parties, and trusted by none : while the thousands exiled from their homes, in consequence of our change of policy, imprecate curses on British perfidy, and serve as a warning to all not to place reliance on British protection."—We only wish that the nations would generally place no reliance on British protection ; for we are quite certain that the British people would be gainers by their Govern ment not being trusted. We do not believe the Duke of Wellington's Government more insincere than any of those which preceded it. But as we have said, it is of the essence of our Government to proceed by crooked ways, because an English Minister knows that lie cannot count on support for what his inclinations may lead him to attempt, and hence the vague language from which he may one day escape. The Duke of Wellington is suffer ing now in the estimation of Europe, rather from his not realizing the hopes nourished by his prede cessors, than failing to perform his own pledges. Morning Chronicle. If Ministers were really resolved to prove them_ selves disinterestedly anxious to relieve the dis_ tresses of the country, they would not hesitate to come forward, and set an example of true liberality, by voluntarily giving up to the country a portion of their salaries, which the change in the currency has so materially enhanced. This is the more ne cessary, and would be the more laudable, inasmuch as their financial measures to relieve the present distress are not to come into operation until a distant period, when, according to the prophetic acumen of Mr. Baring, the distress shall have passed away! If this had taken place in the Irish Parlia ment, which Mr. O'Connell some time ago talked loudly of reviving, it would have been considered quite in character with the style of the national Le gislature. However, let that pass. Ministers have a glorious opportunity of making themselves " nobly popular ;" the strange and peculiar com plexion of the times have created that opportunity— they should seize upon it at once, for if Mr. Baring's " prosperity" come suddenly upon us, it may never occur again. We believe the smallest proportion in which has been estimated, that the value of money has been enhanced by Mr. Peel's Bill, is one-third, so that Mr. Peel thereby added one-third, in fact, to his salary, though it nominally remained the same. He could, therefore, afford to take off 2,000/. of a salary of 6,000/., and still be as richly paid for his public services as before that Bill passed. He said the other night in the House of Commons, in reference to the appointment of the three new Puisne Judges, that it was in tended they should have 5001. a year less than those at present on the Bench. He came to this conclu sion, no doubt, in consequence of the change in the value of money, and though he did not carry it to its full extent, it is clear that he recognised to a certain degree the principle of " equitable adjust ment." In many of the minor departments of the State, and among hard-working clerks, the Minis ters have carried this principle into effect ; but to set the example in their own case would redound more to their honour and to the public advantage. Let it also be borne in mind that the great fortune amassed by Mr. Peel's family, the immense wealth of the Duke of Wellington, and the liberal incomes of several other Members of the Administration, have sprung out of that war which has loaded this country with the weight of taxation that breaks its back. If Ministers only adopt our suggestion, per haps the great sinecurists may be shamed into a generous rivalry of self-sacrifice with them, and the act of the Marquis of Camden may no longer re main a solitary example.—Besides, in another way Ministers recognised the principle of equitable re duction when, through those Journals which are devoted to their interest, and invariably do their hiddings, they called on the landlords throughout the country to cut down their establishments, and make abatements in their rents. They surely were aware when they recommended, or, more properly speaking, commanded, this remedy for distress to be adopted, that the same Bill which raised the value of the rents which the farmers and others have to pay, raised also the value of those salaries which the country pays to them. We trust, therefore, they will not, like the quack doctor, recommend to every body else the medicine which they decline to take themselves. Let them make proportionate abatements in their salaries, and what they lose in money will be more than repaid by that sort of honourable fame which has ever been the most valuable property of great men.—Morn. Herald. There was an extraordinary unanimity not only on Tuesday morning, but also the same evening, among all our contemporaries, respecting the Budget of the Chancellor of the Exchequer—a Budget which assuredly did not afford us much satisfaction, though it appears to have given great pleasure to almost every one else, if we may be allowed to draw such an inference from the spirit betrayed by our cotemporaries, and the spirit almost universally ma nifested by the House of Commons. Be it so. We are content to stand alone in a right cause; and we think that, on the present occasion, our cause is right. With regard to our cotemporaries, we are willing to accept the same excuse for them which was on Tuesday very disinterestedly proffered at Ridg way's—namely, that they had not had sufficient time to reflect on the contents of the Budget to give an opinion upon it which would, on after consideration, be satisfactory either to themselves or to the public ; but with regard to the " collective wisdom," it must be evident to every one that the approbation arose, not from the reduction of taxation having, in every respect, met their views, but from its being arranged so as to benefit the aristocracy more than any other class in the community. What will be the effect of the abolition of the beer tax? An increased con sumption of barley, and an increased rental for the land on which it is grown I. What will be the effect of the abolition of the leather duty ? A benefit to the agriculturists also ; What on cider ? Ditto, ditto, ditto. The Honourables and Right Honourables cheered with all their might, arid most ungrateful on their part would it have been if they had not cheered. But what grounds are there for the community to rejoice ? To take it in round numbers, and as nearly correct as possible, three millions of taxes have been abolished ; thus — Beer £3,000,000 Leather Cider £3,375,000 TAXES IMPOSED. Spirits per Gallon—England, Is. Od. Ireland, Os. 2d. 330,000 Seotland,Os. 2d. Stamps, assimilating the duty in Ire land to that in England llO,OOO £440,000 Leaving an actual annual balance in favour of the tax-payer of two millions nine hundred and thirty five thousand pounds; or, as we have already ob served, three millions in round numbers out of a taxation of 50,000,0001. Now, leaving the interest of the public debt wholly out of the question, as a matter sacred and intangible, there remain seven teen millions with which the Chancellor of the Exchequer had to deal, and on which a reduction to the extent at least of 25 per cent. ought to have been effected;—far such an increase has taken place in the value of money, from a return to a me tallic currency, that seventeen millions at the pre sent time are nearly of equal ♦alue to twenty-two millions of paper money—yet instead of an abolition of taxes to that extent, we are only to have a reduc tion of three millions—leaving the Government a gainer of at least two millions, independent of the increase arisin g from the additional consumption of malt—the additional duty on spirits—and the addi tional revenue from the equalization of the stamp duties. Now, we again ask, what ground there is for rejoicing at the emission of such a Budget ? But this is not our only objection to the pro posed measure of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Mr. Goulburn professed his belief—and it is the most sensible belief which he ever entertained—first, that it was better to abolish the whole of a tax than to reduce a part of it, because the same establish ment would be required, and the same expence in curred, for the one as for the other. 2dly, That the diminution of a tax did not always imply a dimi nution of the revenue, but, on the contrary, was generally followed by an addition to it. Now we again ask, why not apply the principle more exten sively ? Why not, for the same reason that the taxes on beer, on leather, and en cider, are to be abolished, abolish also the tax on printed cottons, and numerous other taxes, which, although they yield little to the revenue, press heavily on the in dustry of the country, and are most expensive in the collection ?—The tax on printed cottons amounts only, we believe to 600,0001., with which the Government might easily dispense by reducing other taxes, so as to place the articles on !which they are imposed more within the reach of the consumer ; yet this tax is continued, and no reduction intimated of any other reduction, although there are many which would not only bear reduction, because ex cessively high, but many which would add to the amount of the revenue by being reduced! We will just mention one which has been alluded to by an evening cotemporary (The Sun)—the stamp and advertisement duties, respecting which it is very justly observed—" Let the Chancellor of the Exchequer but try even a small reduction, and we promise him an increase threefold. Let him but take off one penny on the Stamp, and one shilling on the Advertisement, merely as an experiment; and we can assure him that the success of the ex periment will induce him to go still farther next year. The excessive duty on advertisements is a very great drawback on commercial enterprise. Let the Right Hon. Gentleman but take our advice, and he will have ample cause of congratulation—the risk he runs is nothing, while the gain is certain. If a free press be useful, it should at least have fair play. This is peculiarly the age of free trade—why then fetter and clog that which should be the freest of all commodities—the vehicle for communicating knowledge and information ? The press is the organ of public opinion, and the echo of Government. It is the bond of unity between the Government and the people, and as such should enjoy the especial favour and protection of both." In these sentiments we cordially concur—nay, we would go farther and say, reduce the duty on each one-half, and even then there will not only be a great benefit to the public, but a great addition to the revenue. Our limits, however, are for the present exhausted, and we must conclude with repeating what we have already intimated in pretty plain terms—that the proposed reduction of taxation is neither more or less than a tub to the whale, and a sop to the aristocracy.— Morning Advertiser. The Debate, or rather the division, of to-night, will decide whether the House of Commons is de serving of the confidence of the country. The question before it is the distress of the people, and it is one which not only claims the attention and is entitled to the calm deliberation of that assembly, but it is a question which, if not fairly considered there, will force itself into notice elsewhere, and in a way which it is fearful to contemplate. We solemnly warn the Ministers to beware resisting those demands which emanate from the heart and strength of an injured nation; and we caution those supporters of the Ministers, who with pocket evidence and concocted documents, would con ceal the truth by palming upon the Commons of England the most deliberate mis-statements and the most audacious falsehoods that ever were submitted to the House—we would caution these gentlemen against the consequences of their own folly and the recoil of their own fire-arms. It is truly lamentable to see the degrading lengths to which Honourable Members are driven to prop up the present Ministers. If these gentlemen have eyes let them look towards France and learn wisdom from example. If they be desirous of knowing the truth, let them seek it in the usual way, by a committee and by oral evidence. The letter system of Mr. Irving and Mr. Herries is a novelty unrecognized by the courts even where the property of a costermonger or the cha racter of a thief is involved, and it ought not to be tolerated by the Legislature. If Mr. Ir. ving have any information of his own to com municate let him declare it, and perhaps his testi mony may have some weight. But the letters of his correspondents might have been made more useful had he employed them in lighting his counting-house fire instead of e mploying them to illuminate the " noblest assembly of freemen in the world." We say the same to Mr. Herries.— If these gentlemen can vouch for facts on their own personal knowledge such facts would be ad missible; but we deem the statements of their cor respondents to be irrelevant. If Mr. Gott be a respectable man let him be produced and moss examined. If Mr. Kirkman Finlay be a person of veracity and entitled to credit let him be summoned to the bar of the House. Otherwise his correspondence, his trade letters, his cotton despatches, his invoices of bandanas and twist, are not worth a cheese paring. Good God ! are we to be told in spite of the petitions which load the tables of Parliament—in spite of the remon strances which are addressed to the fourth estate of the realm—which, instead of flowing to the Sove reign as hitherto, are sent to the Duke of Welling ton—are we to be told that these documents are un worthy of credit on the epistolary evidence of Mr. Gott anal Mr. Finlay ? If this is the way in which the petitions of the people are to be beaten down and pronounced to be false the sooner the doors of the House of Commons are shut the better. If this be parliamentary justice it is a sort of justice which the people of England do not understand, and which we trust they are not yet so debased as to endure.—/Iforning Journal. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. QUEEN-SQUARE. On Tuesday night, just before this office was closed, Mr. John Dryden, of No. 15, Salamanca-terrace, who, it will be recollected, was lately committed from this office to Tuthill-fields prison, for want of sureties, for accosting and annoying the Duke of Wellington when going to the House of Lords, came before W. A. WHITE, Esq., the sitting Magistrate, to apprise him of the course he had been ad vised to take for redress by his solicitor. Dryden advanced to the bar, and was immediately recog nised by the magistrate, who asked him what was the nature of his application ? Dryden reminded Mr. White that he bad been committed by him to Tothill-fields prison a few days ago for merely accosting the Duke of Wellington iu Parliament-street, and that, after being ordered to find sureties, he was liberated, to his great astonishment, with out putting in the required bail. He knew not why he was sent to prison, or why he was discharged. He now came to demand compensation for his loss of time and the imprisonment he had undergone, which, he considered, was illegal. He had already commenced an action against Howlett, the police constable who took him into custody, and had been advised by his solicitor to come to the office before the magistrate who had committed him, and inform him of the proceedings he intended to take. Mr. WHITE-Then, I suppose, Dryden, you intend to proceed by way of action for damages? Dryden—Host certainly I do, Sir. I have written to the Duke of Wel lington on the subject, who immediately answered my letter, and directed me to call on Sir IL Birnie, who told me, that in his opinion an action might be brought for false imprisonment. I wrote to tile Duke of Wellington on the 3d inst., and received an answer on the following day. He distinctly denies that he ever thought of giving me in charge, as I only spoke to him, and I declare I never meant to annoy him it) any way. I had merely asked him about the mail-coaches with respect to the alteration of the post as intended by Mr. Peel. His Grace replied lie knew nothing about it. I then asked him my nearest way to Lambeth, when Howlett, the police-constaltle, came up and took me into custody. Ilis Grace himself never charged me ; yet I was handcuffed when taken down to Tuthill-fields prison. Mr. WRITE--I take it for granted, Mr. Dryden, you have forgotten you were intoxicated when brought before me, and that you did not know what you said or did. You will, however, do just as you please. Dryden strongly denied being intoxicated, and intimated that he should take the necessary proceedings for redress. He then left the office in company with a friend. BENEVOLENT SOCIETY of ST. PATRICK. Yesterday the Anniversary Dinner of this Society was held at the Freemasons' Tavern, under pecu liarly happy auspices, the Right Hon. Robert Peel being in the Chair, supported on his right by the Duke of Wellington, and on his left by Lord F. L. Gower. Amongst the company assembled, to the amount of upwards of 200, we also observed Lord Arthur Hill, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Earl of Darnley, Mr. Brownlow, Mr. Calcraft, Mr. O'Connell, Mr. Maxwell, Lord Downes, Sir G. Hill, Lord Clanwilliam, Mr. Shee, P.R.A., &c. The cloth having been removed, Non nobis, Do mine, was sung by Messrs. Hawse, Taylor, Goulden, King, Broadhurst, Hobbs, Fitzwilliam, Blewitt, J. 0. Atkins, and T. Cooke, who, in the course of the evening, contributed their powers of harmony to the gratification of the company. The customary loyal toasts were then proposed, and received with due honours. On giving the " Health of the King," Mr. PEEL observed, that he was charged with his Majesty's annual donation to the charity, which now made the amount of his subscription to it upwards of four thousand pounds.—(Cheers.) The Right Honourable CHAIRMAN—The toast he had now to propose was connected with the pur pose for which they had that day met. The toast was, " Prosperity to the Benevolent Society of St. Patrick. It was unnecessary for him to dilate on the objects of that Charity, because, if there ever was a Charity useful in its purpose, and free from all those objections which might he urged against somewhat similar institutions, this was the one.— (Applause.) Its object was to afford relief to the distressed inhabitants of Ireland, who were resident in London, to whom the country was greatly in debted for their industry, and he would add for their general conduct, speaking of them as a class. — (Applause.) These unfortunate persons had no claim on the regular funds provided by this country for the poor; and, under these circumstances, the public were bound to exert themselves for those who had no other resource. But this institution also combined with it the principles of education; for there were at present no less than 440 male and female children receiving education, without re ference to any religious distinctions.—(Applause.) It was also his duty to state, that if the funds of the Charity were adequate, there were now 130 candi dates for admission, who might be admitted to the same advantages. There was another ground of satisfaction connected with this subject. He was glad that there was one great day of rest thus set apart, when both Irishmen and Englishmen were able to meet, and lay aside the cares and embarrass ments of public business, and forgetting all such causes of dissension, to unite in promoting the great object of charity.—(Cheers.) He well knew, that by the long-established custom of this assembly, the contentious field of politics was forbidden ; but it would be folly and affecta tion altogether to omit that peculiar subject which was predominant in the feelings of all—that this was the first meeting on St. Patrick's day following that great measure which had abolished all civil disabili ties—(Continued cheering)—under which their Roman Catholic fellow-countrymen and brethren had laboured on account of difference in religion. He could not in the presence of his Noble Friend who sat on his right hand (the Duke of Wellington), omit altogether referring to that subject.—(Loud cheers.)— With the political consequences and effects of that measure they had nothing to do ; but he might speak of it with reference to its bearings on that society and the relations which it produced within these walls.—(Applause.)—lt was impossible but that they should feel that on account of that measure they had met under different circumstances. If he might say so—they breathed a purer atmos phere, and he rejoiced that an opportunity had thus been given of laying aside all those feelings of ani mosity and contention which had, perhaps, been in separable from the distinctions which the law had created. Whatever had previously been the im pression on the subject, he believed that all present would rejoice in the opportunity afforded them of meeting their Roman Catholic brethren in that place on the footing of equality.—(Applause.)—He was sure that they met them with feelings apart from all political differences—with feelings of kindness and good will : and if in any part of the empire those feelings which existed before still survive,:he believed that they were gradually abating, and that the great example set in the metropolis that day would tend greatly to its further decline. He would not trouble them further, but he trusted that they would all join with him in embodying in the present toast their heartfelt good wishes for the prosperity of the So ciety of St. Patrick.—(Applause.) The Right Hon. CHAIRMAN in proposing the health of "The Duke of Northumberland," said, that he was well persuaded that that Nobleman's accept ance of office in Ireland was entirely from a desire to confer benefit on the empire, of which he was so distinguished an ornament. This toast having been drunk with applause, Lord F. L. GOWER returned thanks for the Noble Duke. He was able to state, that from the first day of that Noble Duke's appointment down to the period of his giving up so considerable a portion of the emoluments of the office he held, he had been actuated by the sincerest desire of benefitting the country.—(Applause.) The Right Hon. CHAlRMAN—Gentlemen, the next toast I have to propose to you (somewhat out of the order in which it has been set down) is the health of one who is present, and whose name I already believe you anticipate—l mean the Duke of Wellington.—(Continued cheers.)—Gentlemen, I know the Duke of Wellington too well to attempt to do justice to his meritt even in his absence: but his noble simplicity and his noble modesty of nature preclude me from dwelling on the subject a moment in his presence. Gentlemen, we live too near the time in which he has lived to be able justly to esti mate the splendour of the career which he has run ; but, if I mistake not, the time will come when a grateful posterity will think that the mild lustre of his latter years has been equal to his dawning glory in the East, and to the meridian splendour of mid-day fame on the Continent.—(Applause.)—Gentlemen, I hope that you will avail yourselves of this occasion for marking the respect in which you hold that name, by receiving the toast with that enthusiasm which it deserves.—(Applause.)—Gentlemen, let U 3 join in drinking " Health and happiness to the Duke of Wellington."—(Cheers.) The Duke of WELLINGTON—Gratified as I was in receiving intimation that you had done me the honour of inscribing my name heretofore in the list of the standing toasts of the society, and gratified as I have frequently been in returning my thanks for these honours conferred on me, from time to time, when I have been able to attend these meet ings, I never felt so much gratification for the honour conferred on me as on this occasion.— (Cheers.)—Gentlemen, I know how much 1 owe to the partiality of my Right Hon. Friend who fills the chair—l know, likewise, how much I owe to the particular circumstances under which we are as sembled this day, and to which my Right Hon. Friend has so handsomely referred ; and I likewise recollect that 1 owe to your partiality—to your feels i D gs, my fellow-countrymen—and I must add, to your patriotism, the honour I have experienced in being inscribed on the list of your standing toasts. Gentlemen, I am convinced that I owe this honour to your feeling, that from my zeal in the service of his Majesty 1 have deserved some portion of your approbation; and I am convinced that in conferring [ on me that approbation, and in notifying it to me in the manner in which you have done, you wish to lexcite others to an emulation of that example which you approve in me.—(Cheers.)—l beg leave again to return you my best thanks for the honour you have done me on different occasions, as well as on the present.—(Cheers.) After some complimentary toasts had been drunk, The Duke of WELLINGTON rose to propose a toast. He was convinced that when he named the gentleman whose health he was about to propose, they would all join with him in drinking it with that enthusiasm and respect which were due to his cha racter—he meant their Right Hon. Chairman.— (Loud cheers.)—As a friend and benefactor to that Society he was inferior to none ; but it was not on that account only that he recommended him to their attention. He has long served his Majesty in those high departments of the State which were parti cularly connected with the Government of their own common country; and in all the situations which he had the honour of filling, he had invariably distin guished himself by his zeal for the happiness and welfare of the country, and by the ability which he had manifested in conducting its affairs.—(Ap plause.)—He might say thus much, he believed, without infringing on their salutary rule of not touching on politics. In his Right Hon. Friend's character there was one trait to which he begged to call their particular attention, and that was the devotion and sacrifice which he had made in the con duct of that great affair to which allusion had been made in the beginning of the evening—(Cheers)--- a devotion and sacrifice, which he must have made from a sense of the benefits the country would de rive from it—benefits of which they had already had experience—(Cheers)—and of which, I trust, the country will continue to enjoy the advantages till the latest hour.—(Applause.) Mr. PEEL—(continued cheering)—Gentlemen, I feel quite overwhelmed by this double compliment that has been paid to me—first, the honour pro posed by my Noble Friend; and, secondly, the gra tifying manner in which you have confirmed that election. Although I am an Englishman, I have had more frequent and intimate relations with Ire land than most Englishmen have had. I had the honour of filling the situation of Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant for a longer period than any one for the last 200 years. For six years I looked on Ireland as my home, and I formed in that country friendships much too intimate ever to be abated by separation or lapse of time. My Noble Friend has referred to the sacrifices which I was called upon to make, in the performance of an imperative public duty, in proposing the measure in the course of the last Session, to which allusion has been made this evening. Gentlemen, I will not disguise from you that I foresaw the extent of those sacrifices; but I must say that for all of them I have been amply repaid.—(Cheers.)----I have been repaid by the gra tification of having been united with my Noble Friend in the conduct of one of the most important measures that ever received the sanction of Par liament. To be associated with him in such a measure is in itself an honour for which any sacrifice might be made. I have also been re paid, and was supported throughout, by the consola tory reflection that no alternative offered itself to me consistent either with honour or the performance of my public duty. But still more have I been repaid by the effects consequent on the passing of that measure ; effects, some of which I have witnessed on this occasion, consisting of the manifestation of the kind feelings which it has generated, and the oblivion of animosities which once existed.— (Cheers.)—Gentlemen, we all feel on this evening the advantages of that measure.—(Applause.)--- The Roman Catholics who are present may rejoice in having been relieved from the disabilities which formerly affected them, and that portion of the assembly which is Protestant will join with me in rejoicing that we are relieved from the fetters of an unnatural and statutable superiority.—(Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, I shall attempt to express my gratitude for the compliment which I have received, by deeds and not by words; and I, therefore, beg to offer to you, as President for the next Anniversary, my Noble Friend on my left hand (Lord F. L. Gower), who now fills one of the chief situations in the government of Ireland, and who has on many occasions manifested his zeal for its welfare. The Right Hon. CHAIRMAN then proposed the " Health of the Earl of Darnley." The Earl of DARNLEY briefly returned thanks, and concluded by proposing " Mr. O'Connell, and the Irish Bar." Mr. O'CONNELL returned thanks. The Right Honourablee - CHAIRMAN proposed the " Health of Mr. Shee, the President of the Royal Academy." His valued Friend, the late President, had filled that office with great distinction ; but he did not doubt that Mr. Shee, by his various talents, would do honour to the situation. Mr. SIIEE ieturned thanks. Several other toasts were subsequently drunk, and the Chairman did not quit the room till eleven o'clock. The subscriptions announced by the Se cretary amounted to 13181. 18s. 6d. RETAIL WINE AND SPIRIT TRADE. Yesterday evening a numerous meeting of the Committee appointed to protect the interests of the Retail Wine and Spirit Trade took place at the Queen's Arms Tavern, Newgate-street. The ad vertisement stated the objects of the Trade Associa tion to be to protect the Dealers in Wine and Spirits in the lawful exercise of their trade, to give security to their property, to oppose all interference with the mode of selling their articles not sanctioned by the laws, and to represent the interests of the trade whether to the Government or the Legisla ture. 'I he amount of subscriptions already re ceived is 2001. Upon the motion of Mr. WlLcox, Mr. Fearon was called to the Chair. The CHAIRMAN stated, that there were three points for the consideration of the meeting. The first was, the information which might have been received on the subject of the progress of the li censing through the town—whether any suspen sions had taken place, and if there had, whether they were of such a character as to deserve the I lnotice of the Committee. The second point was the beer question, with the state of which they were all acquainted. The third subject was., that of the additional duty on British spirits, and the probable effect such an increase would have upon the trade. Ministers, he said, looked, in adopting measures, to the great body of the public, and were not, and ought not to be influenced by partial motives. With respect to the additional duty on spirits, he considered that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had calculated much too sanguinely, when he sup posed that the Revenue would be benefitted 300,0001. by that measure. Even at the present time, when the duty on spirits was seven shillings in England, and only two shillings and tenpence in Scotland, smuggling was carried on to a very great extent. No doubt, as the temptation would be in creased a shilling a gallon, the smuggling would be increased. The trade of a smuggler required but a very small capital. The sum of five pounds was enough to begin with ; and those who were detected were generally found to be in the most miserable state of poverty. The Chancellor of the Exche quer was mistaken in his view of the advantage ; but still the contemplated measure would injure the spirit trade, without in the slightest degree serving the morals of the public. The Chairman concluded by stating, that Mr. Calcraft (the Chairman of the Committee on the Beer Trade and Licensing Sys tem) had apprised the Committee appointed to pro tect the interests of the Trade, that he would be ready to receive them the next (this) day, at eleven. Mr. WILCOX said, it was not wished by any re spectable licensed victualler that the power over public-houses should be taken from the Magistrates. The Magistrates ought to have the power to inter fere in cases of disorder, but he denied that they should have, or tha they had, the power legally of entering a publican's house, and saying, " You shall have a tap-room here, or parlour there."—(Hear.) Mr. WActrroN thought it highly necessary that the progress of the Bill should be watched. Mr, Wit.cox bad that morning gone thre riles to see a gentleman wbb was likely to know a good deal of the intention of the Committee; and he said what would surprise them all, that the price of their license would vary in proportion to the extent of their business. Mr. COATEI said it could not be doubted that the beer trade would be thrown open. Mr. GORDON thought that security for their pro perty was the great object. - Mr. COATE said the Chancellor of the Exche quer would find himself completely out of his reckon ing in his calculation on the increased duty of spirits. The rectifiers had met that day, and raised the price of gin ninepence a gallon. The additional shilling a gallon would operate as a bounty on illicit distil lation. The CHAIRMAN said, the first point they should decide on was the appointment of a Sub-Commit tee, and proposed that a Sub-Committee of eight should be appointed, with full power to take all ne cessary measures for the protection of this branch of the business. The proposal was agreed to unanimously, and the Committee was appointed. The CIIIIRMAN then put a resolution, that the Sub-Committee of this Society are hereby invested with full powers to take such measures as they may think best for obtaining a remedy for the defects in the existing licensing law, and protecting the inte rests of the Society generally. A motion of thanks to the Chairman having been unanimously passed, the meeting adjourned. THE MARKETS. COAL MARE Adair's Beaumont. . 28 0 Bensham Main .28 0 East Percy... 26 6 Heblourn Main --..—. 30 3 HolywelL .36 0 Killingworth 30 3 Liddell's 27 6 Ord's Redhugh 27 0 Peiaw Percy Bentham. . 29 3 Pontop Windsor _ 29 0 Shipcote 27 6 I'antield 30 0 Tantield Lca. Townley _.--. 30 0 Wylam 29 9 Walls End Bell and Co. 32 6 Ditto Bell Robson ScCo. 31 6 Ditto Bewicke and Co.— 32 6 Walls End B rown's 30 0 Ditto Burraton 30 9 Walls End Boundary 27 6 Ditto Clarke and C 0..,,. 29 6 Ships at market, 176 M—Shit ET.—March 17. Walls End Carr and Co. 20g. 6d. Ditto Cratnlington...—., 26 2 Ditto Gogforth Ditto Heaton. _, 32 3 Ditto Hilda . 3l 0 Ditto Hotspur . 91 0 Ditto Northumberland 30 9 Ditto Peareth,-------. 29 0 I Ditto Perkins sad 30 0 Ditto 39 9 Ditto Russell's 32 0 Ditto Walker SE Stewart's Bowes ---- 26 0 Walls End Hetton 33 9 Walls End Lambton.—. 33 9 Walls End Stetwart's .•. 33 V Russell's Hettoa's W.E. 33 6 Alyth nree•••••••••••••• 24 0 Hartley 31 6 Llangenneell Coal 39 0 Silksfone 29 0 'Fantleld Trader 29 ti Ellison small ............w.v. 21 0 sold. 6.3%-Unsold, 108. COUNTRY COR N MARKETS DURING TH WEEK• Wheat. Barley. I Oats. Beans. Per Quarter. S, to S. S. to S. S. to 2. F. 0 . Abingdon 53 62 32 38 21 34 42 Andover 55 65 22 34 20 23 52 Birmingham— 56 66 32 38 28 30 53 Bridport 56 74 32 39 26 SO 54 Cirencester ---. 48 65 20 37 13 23 40 Faringdon. 54 86 36 40 26 38 40 Guildford 49 74 24 35 20 SO 42 Henley 54 83 SO 35 20 30 40 Hereford 64 84 38 45 36 40 CO Highworth 62 80 32 42 28 34 56 Maidenhead 65 84 28 38 22 30 Oakingham 56 76 30 36 18 32 42 Reading 41 86 IS 41 16 31 44 54 66 23 36 20 28 '- Southampton —... 54 78 37 40 29 32 Stroud Tewkesbury ........ 65 78 40 42 30 38 44 Uxbridge Vantage 46 73 20 36 16 28 44 Warminster . 42 68 23 40 20 30 46 Windsor .. 48 84 26 31 15 28 40 W0ree5ter.—........... 60 63 32 36 24 26 52 CHELTENHAM MARKET.—M .reli 16. Per Bushel. s. d. to s. d. Per lb. d. to d. Wheat Barley Oats Beans 4 9 5 6 Lamb 0 0 Per Bushel. s. d. to s. d. Wheat Barley Oats Beans 49 56 Pease 5 0 8 0 1 Hay 3l. li Beef ..... Mutton Veal .... Lamb.. Pork .... s. to 31. 1 5 ti 15s. per toe. LEWES MARKET.—March 16. White Wheat (per quarter) £3 6 0 to £3 8 0 Red ditto., 3 0 0 3 2 6 Barley Oats, New 1 2 0 1 4 0 Bean's 1 10 0 1 11 0 Oil Cake, New l2 10 0 per thousand. HULL MARKET.—March IL There has been a fair supply of wheat to-day from the farmers, the condition of which is better than we have had since harvest. The best samples have commanded an advance of ls. to 2s. per qr., and the secondary qualities have met better sale, at a trifle above the currency of last week. There is more enquiry after foreign wheat, but no alteration in prices can be noted ; fine qualities of this description are scarce, and for such comparatively high prices are paid.—Oats are more enquired after, but no amendment in price can be noted ; selected samples, for seed, sell at 28s. to 355. as in quality.—Beans are with out alteration to-day ; good qualities of either old or new are held firmly at our quotations.—There is only a small show of barley to-day, and malting parcels support late prices; other sorts without alteration.—Linseed and rape seed support late prices, and the latter article scarce. Wheat, Old —s. 58s. 68.. New —4 if3s. 60s. Foreign —s. 60s. Ns. ln bond —a. —4. —4. Oats, Poland —s. 20s. 214. Old fitSs. Small or Feed.... —s. 12s. 18s, Foreign —s. 18s. 220. —a. —s. —4. Barley, Norf. & —a. 265. 28s. Line. & Weld —s. Da. 275. Foreign Beans 3os. 32. 365. Foreign —B. 284. 34a. Pease, White —s. 30s. 345. Grey s. I • Taros' —s 30s. Foreign --a. 24a. 28d. Rapeseed, in bond none. KETS.— March 10. DUMFRIES MA 8. d. s. d. 8. d. e. d. Wheat, Imp. Bush... 6 9 to 7 1 Butter, 16oz 0 0 to 0 9 Barley 3 4 3 6 Eggs, dozen 0 0 0 4 Oats 2 5 2 9 Beef, per lb. Flour, 141 b. Oatmeal Potatoes. cwt. THE EXCLUSIVES!—This extraordinary pro duction, the third edition of which has just appeared, non tinues to be the leading topic of conversation among the higher circles. The astonishment felt at the detail con nected with a certain system of London society is inde scribable. These Exclusives are represented as aiming not so much to exclude, as to seduce—to sweep within their net the influential, the wives of ministers, youthful sena tors, wealthy peers, &c. ; and the purpose of the novel ia to show the workings of the set, by detailing the history of its leaders, and especially of a few of its victims ! ! I We find upon inquiry, that a very erroneous opinion prevails that the trustees under the extraordinary and monstrous will of Mr. THELLUISON, the grandfather of Lord RENDLESIUM, are bound to rebuild Rendlesham hluse, which has lately been destroyed by fire. It is a fact we learn that neither the house nor the estates of the late Lord were in the slightest degree connected with the pro perty of the grandfather of the present Lord, who alone is, and must be, the sufferer by the late calamitous event. BIRTHS. Oa the 15th inst. at Bath, the lady of R. Heaviside, Esq., of a still-born child. On the 16th inst. at the Royal Naval and Marine Infir mary, Woolwich, the wife of 11. Parkin, Esq., M.D., of Cawsand, county of Cornwall, of a son. On the 16th inst. at Tunbridge Wells, the lady of H. Pearson, Esq., of a daughter. MARRIED. On the 16th inst. at St. Giles's, Camberwell, Mr. IL T. Reed, of Bermondsey, to Anne, fourth daughter of the late V,. Wanostrocht, LL.D., of the former place. On the 16th inst. at St. Andrew's, Holborn, Mr. H. S. Evans, of Myddleton square, to Clarissa Sarah, the youngest daughter of the late J. Lackett, Esq. of Brown low-street, Bedford-row. On the llth in.t. Mr. Francis Galloway, of high-row, Knightsbridge, to Anne, daughter of Mr. J. S. Bevis, of Brighton. At Swineshead, Mr. Samuel Favill to Mrs. Smith, after a tedious courtship of oue long day.--E xc t„. DIEN On the 16th inst. Miss Ruth Naylor, of Hammersmith. On the 15th inst. at the Rectory-house, Bread-street hill, the Rev. J. B. Sanders, M.A., aged 74., late Fellow of Worcester College, Oxford. On the 15th inst. at Hove-house, Prighton, John Philip, son of the Rev. J. P. Mallison. On the Saturday pre ceding two persons riding furiously along the public road, knocked down the child and his attendan4 and fractured his skull. On the 15th icst. in his 33d year, J. W. Kitchener, surgeon. On the 14th inst. Mr. Dudley Adams, late of Fleet street, an eminent medico-electrician, and many years ma • thematical instrument maker to his late Majesty. In Princes-street, Soho, in his 6!d year, M. Clinch, Esq., formerly Lieut-Col. in the Spanish service, who, through the conduct of some of his relations, was obliged Ito apply his talents to a certain department of the Press. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO YOUNG, A T VIE SUN Oijicx, 112, STRAND, LONDON. The E from Ch e , Company The Mt Duties' Ili Mr. Da Papers rela The Ea ti certain F Criminal I for Forger The Ea the same e he stat e d, Lord } 'full, con The M Glasgow, The plaining o in Surrey The Ma the parish distress ar another fr Trade Mo All the! !ay, aq interferii sure Wei lent pro] tibia tha amount When it linvr mi than tin under tl to avoid be able not niur nefieial t han ti t and th e en ough Lord s , Irish lal poor's r Would • try of: here, h, peril ; footin g Boast an Irisl Il