The Sun. — London, England, 1830-03-19 00:00:00

and the causes of this Unsatisfactory state of things were various. The Right Hon. Gentleman went on to say that he must admit that several of these causes were en- tirely out of the controul of Parliament. For instance, it was entirely beyond the power of Parliament to determine t he prices at which our manufactures could be sold in fo reign markets in competition with the manufactures and industry of other countries. The House could not inter pose in contracts and in dealings between man and man. The evils were, in many cases, the effect of causes which the country had deliberately and wisely encountered in or der to escape from greater and more formidable evils ; such, for instance, as the determination to put an end to a system of unconvertible paper currency. The Hon. Members for Cornwall and for Newark had ascribed the distress to that change in the commercial system which persons had nick-named the new system of free trade. If this were a cause, it was certainly within the controul of Parliament; but not one single gentleman had told him what it was in free trade that he disapproved, or what it was that the Government had done which he wished to hare undone. No man brought forward any thing of his own, though they deluded a suffering people with their misrepresentations.—(Cheers.)—No part of this new system was other than a necessary modifica tion, or total repeal of old laws, and he should like to know what was the system called free trade. It con sisted in the simplifying and modifying the laws of cus toms and navigation, and the laws of protection, prohibi tion, restriction, and interference, with all the policy and interests connected with the commerce of the country. The policy of what was sailed free trade was not to force exports. He wished to force nothing, but to leave it to individuals to follow their own views and interests in a manner most conducive to public prosperity. Did any Gent. wish to restore the six or seven hundred statutes re- gulating commerce ; and did they, by restoring them, wish to render navigation as difficult as it had been ? Did they wish again to introduce prohibitions, and to revive mono polies? If they did, in God's name let them make the attempt. His whole answer to the cry about exports was, if you export at all, you must sell at the prices which foreign markets will allow you to procure, and you must cope with free capital and free industry, which can beat you in the market, unless your trade be free. He would tell the Hon. Alderman opposite, that exports are sub ject to the inevitable laws which governed the commerce of the country when it was at peace with foreign states. He could not believe that exports would continue year after year if they were made at a loss. Profits were no doubt very small upon many exports, and upon some speculations there was probably an actual loss ; but upon the aggregate it was impossible to suppose that men of common sense, of prudence, and calculation, would con tinue in their system, if it did not afford at least a small and legitimate profit. But then the House was told to look at the home trade of the country. The home trade of every country must, of necessity, be of great im portance and value ; but if there were a foreign trade, the prices in the home market of every article must be regu lated by the prices in the foreign market ; and if the prices in the home market were low, the necessary consequences would be that the prices in the foreign market would be low also—for these things were regulated by competition. But this home trade, it would appear, had been sacrificed, ruined, put down, in consequence of the foreign trade be ing forced or encouraged by the system of Government. He would now show whether this were really the case.— The first article he would refer to was cotton wool.— The importation for five years, from 1815 to 1820, was 139,000,000 lbs. ; whilst the importation, on the average, for the five years, from 1825 to 1830, was 210,000,000, showing an increase of nearly 90,000,0001b5. The export of the raw material in the same periods, had been 111,000,000 lbs. and 21,000,000 lbs , leaving an increase of nearly 90,000,000 lbs. for home consumption; and this increase had chiefly occurred in the latter years. The cotton wool, remaining for manufacture, in the country, in the first period, on an annual average, was 127,000,000 lbs., and in the latter 180,000,0001b5. Taking the export of yarn, the result would be simi lar ; whilst the home consumption, in the first in stance, was 255,000,00 of yards, and in the last pe riod 360,000,000. Thus the home trade, in this article, bad nearly doubled. The next article was sheep's wool. The country depended upon foreigners for all the fine wool used in clothes worn by the higher and middle classes. The importation of foreign wool for the first five years of the same period, was 14,514,000165., whilst on the average of the last period it was 28,500,000 ; and thus the importation of foreign wool had nearly doubled. But it was remarkable that whilst the importation had nearly doubled, the exportation had not increased at all ; and the inference was, that the domestic trade and con sumption had increased. Another article was tallow, and he would also mention palm oil. The importation of tallow had been 545,000 cwt., and in the last five years 946,000; and the state of exports showed the increase to be in the Home Trade. Of raw and thrown silk, the importation had been 1,440,000 and 3,457,000. Without the new system the country would have lost the importation alto gether. On the average of the first five years, the impor tation of hemp had been 369,000 cwt., and in the last five 930,000 cwt. It had been the same with hides, and many other articles ; but the last he should mention was timber, which in the two periods had increased from 289,000 to 540,000 loads. Thus the home commerce and industry of the country had increased with rapidity. The shipping interest had been stated to be in ruin and decay. He had no doubt that the profits were small. By documents laid before Parliament, it appeared that in 1814 there were 2,500,000 tons, and in 1828, 2,400,000 tons. This had been the falling off in the amount of tonnage as registered in England ; but in 1814, 50,000 tons of shipping had been em ployed in transports, and ships had then been registered which were no longer in existence, By another document it appeared the tonnage was in 1816, 2,783,000,whi15t that employed in• wards was 1,415,000, and outwards 1,340,000; being alto gether, inwards and outwards, 2,756,000 tons. In 1828 the tonnage had increased, both inwards and outwards. It appeared that in 1828 one-half the tonnage was required for the same extent of movement and weight of goods that were required in 1816, from the superior velocity of voyages and other circumstances. This necessarily pro duced cheapness. It was impossible that it should be otherwise; and it was upon this that all the complaints were founded. The ship-owner said, " Let me have the navigation on the same terms on which it was during the war." Now, nothing could be more easy than to indulge this desire. Only re-enact all those repealed laws, and then the one ton of shipping would be required instead of the, half. Then would return that state of things which some thought the perfection of human wisdom. But, if we took the benefit, let it be recollected that we must also take the risk.—(Hear, hear.) We should be beaten in our commerce and navigation by every other nation in the world. He would assert that if these alterations had not been made in our commercial laws, or if these altera tions were now departed from, or if they were not followed up by other necessary and consistent mea sures, the country would decline in all its commer cial enterprises, both foreign and domestic, of which be had now shown the gigantic and prodigious growth. But he heard it said by some, " Disregard your foreign com merce, and look only to your home trade." Were the ad vocates of so inconsiderate a principle not aware that we enedel not carry on any one branch► of our domestic trade or manufacture without a foreign supply? We did not grow enough of the raw produce for the consumption of our population, and, if it were not for the industry of the people, where should we derive the means of purchasing those raw materials which were the groundwork of all that tended to our comforts mind enjoyments? We could not afford to neglect our foreign trade. We should be bankrupts in our home trade, bankrupts in our agricultural interests, and bankrupts in all our resources, if the system which those gentlemen recommerided were adopted.—(Cheers.)—lie could state it as a positive fact, within his own knowledge, from an intimate and frequent intercourse with Mr. Pitt, when he prodded over the councils of this country, that there was nothing he lamented more than that the events of the war prevented him from following up the measures necessary for relieving commerce from those shackles and unnecessary restrictions imposed by an unwise po licy in less enlightened times. Instead of treading back the steps we had taken, it was the duty, and he hoped it would be felt as the duty of his Majesty's Government, to proceed in the direct path, and to re move all monopoly and restriction, as they had already done in one great branch of the consumption of the country—namely, in the trade and manufacture of beer. lie would now go to one other cause of the difficulties of the country—a cause certainly within the controul of the House. lie 'lAL:ded to the positive 1111101112 i of taxation, and to the mode of its ,cliQtribution over various (lasses of time community. With respect to the positive amount of tax.- ation, be had stated before ,the Committee, appointed to in quire into agricultural distress in I f4i, what his opinions were upon the subject. The Committee had reported that it could not disguise the amount of public beitheus, and that more of taxes were yaised upon the people, tough the nominal amount had remained the same ; and it re commended that the taxes should be reduced in proportion' as the value of money had been incseesed. Ile was bound to say that the taxes had been so reduced, for they had been decreased from between seventy and eighty millions a year to between forty and fifty millions. This would hear a proportion to the most exaggerated views of the farmer's depreciation of the currency. This, however, was no reason why reduction should not be carried still further. He for one most cordially thanked the Government for the efforts they had already made to reduce the expenditure of the country, and he heard, with very great satisfaction, that they were still directing their attention not only to enforce the checks already ex isting, but to devise additional checks, in order to prevent that tendency to increase the amount of their separate expenditure which was unfortunately so pre valent in all of them. A tendency of this sort existed in all the departments, and it was most vivacious in that branch commonly called the dead weight. Ministers had reduced much, but he hoped they would reduce more. He trusted they would still find another crap to cut down, and that something snore would be left than the mere gleanings of their first harvest. He looked to very considerable re ductions in the charges of collecting the revenue, which were enormous and totally unnecessary. He also expected a reduction in the Colonial expenditure, and he hoped to see a total saving of the very heavy expences incurred on the coast of Africa.—(Hear, hear.)—The Diplomatic and Consular establishments ought to be reduced. He would add that the administration of the revenue under the ma nagement of the office of Woods and Forests, would ad mit of regulation, by which they might be placed upon a system of less laxity and more effectual controul. These funds did not form an item in the Civil list, but they were part of the revenue commuted for the Civil list. Although a proportion of revenue was properly left for the State, and for the gratification of the Sovereign, yet by judicious ma nagement it might be made to detract less from the re sources of the country. He had not voted against any one of the estimates proposed in the present Session for the establishments connected with the Army, the Navy, or the Ordnance; but if every thing were exactly in the place which he wished—if there were no mists in the horizon —if the sky were clear and bright—considerable reduc tions might be made in the naval establishments; and also some reduction, consistent with safety, in our mili tary force, now that Ireland was in a state of tranquillity. He trusted that the expenditure would be less in the next year, but even when all the reductions had been carried to their utmost, the question still was, would they be sufficient to remove those difficulties which afflicted the country? He meant the diminished profits upon capital, and the low and inadequate wages of labour, which re ceived less relief in the removal of taxes than they ought to receive. If this were not attended to, he bad no he sitation in saying that the labouring classes would fall into a state of the most extreme difficulties. He very well knew how little favour any opinions received in that House when they were quoted from the writings even of men of the highest authority upon that subject ; but whe ther it were from taxation both positive and distributive, or from what other cause, to the extreme state of dis tress of the labouring classes, described by Adam Smith, this country was very fast approaching. The amount of taxation which his Right Hon. Friend proposed to reduce was considerable. He had stated it at 3,100,000/. His Right Hon. Friend would not believe that he did him a disservice in stating, that he thought his Right Hon. Friend had undervalued the benefit which that re duction would confer upon the public. He had looked at the net produce paid into the exchequer during the last five years of the taxes which his Right Hon. Friend proposed to reduce (and be it observed that those five years included 1827, when the barley crop was so short that Parliament met at an unusual period for the purpose of opening the ports), and he found that the annual ave rage was 3,737,000/. The relief, therefore, would be greater than his Right Hon. Friend had anticipated, and there could be no doubt that the eventual relief would be between four and five millions. His Right Hon. Friend had stated the surplus of the present year at 2,600,0001. ; if to that were added the produce of the new taxes to be imposed, and the saving that would be effected by the conversion of the Four per Cents., there would be a sur plus of above 4,000,0001. to set against the reduction (as he believed it would be) of 3,737,0001. NOW really it was impossible to go nearer the mark, or to allow of a less margin to an expenditure so large as that of this country. He now came to the consideration of another question. lie was aware that in what he was about to say he should tread upon very tender ground. lie was aware how many prejudices he should have to encounter, how many views of interest—erroneous views in his apprehension— he should have to overcome. But he was also aware that what the country requirrd of every Member of that House was, that he should honestly and fairly state what were the views and opinions which he entertained on questions of great public moment. However unwilling, therefore, he was to continue to trespass on the attention of the House, and however numerous the personal motives that would induce him to hesitate in doing so, be felt it his duty to proceed ; and to declare, that after the best consideration which he had been able to bestow upon the subject since the evening on which his Right Hon. Friend made his financial statement, he still enter tained strong doubts (for he would not call them more than doubts) whether, after the remission of the taxes which his Right Hon. Friend proposed to remit, a further relief would not be indispensably necessary to those fruc tifying capitals devoted to the employment of industry, as well as to industry itself; a relief which could be afforded only by transferring a larger part of the existing burden from the income of productive industry to that class of in come which was not derived from manufictnres and corn mei ce.—(Hear, hear.)—He would appeal to his Hon. and Gallant Friend who had spoken that evening, or to any other Hen. Member who had lived long enough to com pare the state and condition of this great luxury in point of improvement, wealth and luxury, with what they were 30 of 40 years ago. Let them compare, for instance, the amount of the duty on manufactured plate in 1901, and its amount last year. Since 1801, the duty on silver plate had been augmented from Is. 3d. an ounce, to I s. 8(1. ; and the duty on gold plate from 15s. to 18s. In 1804, the net produce of the duty on gold and silver plate was 5,0001. ; last year it was 105,000/.—(Hear, hear.) — Estimating it by the duty, the consumption of the pre• cious metals last year in the metropolis could not have been less than eight hundred thousand pounds. But let any man compare the narrow transactions of the present day on the Royal Exchange and on the other great commercial marts with their extent a few years ago. Let them consider that the Bank of England had six or seven millions locked up for want of profitable employment. Let them consider that large sums were also locked up in the hands of private bankers, for a similar reason. Let them consider the temptations to which our moneyed per sons were exposed to enter into foreign loans, and other hazardous foreign speculations. Let them consider that the country bankers were, some unable, and others un willing, to make those advances, formerly so great a sti mulus to the industry of their respective neighbourhoods; and that instead of that they employed agents in London, either to lay out their capitals in stock, or in encouraging speculations which, as the Hon. Member for Northum berland had observed, created artificial prices, but which did not add a single pepper-corn to the real wealth of the country. The House had heard that evening several po sitions which were perfectly obvious. It was perfectly obvious that after the restoration of peace, when the capi tal and industry of other countries came into competition with our's, that we must meet foreign merchants and ma nufacturers fairly in the market. It was equally obvious that the priee of any article which we exported to a foreign market must be regulated by the price at which it could he furnished by our foreign competitors, and that the price which that article fetched in a foreign market must govern its price at home. Seeing that we were the greatest manu facturing and trading country in the world, and that we took the produce of our industry to all the countries of the world, our home market m ust necessarily be on a level with all those markets, To this, however, there was one great exception. We exported the results of our industry in all possible shapes ; but of our raw produce, with the exception of our mineral wealth, we experted nothing. No sustenance, no produce of our soil, went to a foreign market. Our produce was in fact inadequate for our own consumption. The price of that in our home market was maintained (he would by no means say unnecessarily) by legislative regulations; but the price of all our manu factured commodities must depend on the foreign markets. The consequence of this necessarily was, that our industrious classes laboured under a disadvantage ; and the inevitable result was a struggle between the capitalist who employed the labourer, and the labourer who was so employed; in which struggle the one party or the other must in some des gree suffer. What was the csnclusion which he drew from all this ? That it imperatively imposed upon us the necessity of considering whether, in the distribution of taxation, it might not be practicable to diminish the burden upon those who were engaged in productive industry. Ile would not go through the whole list of our taxes; but it was evident that the duties on malt, spirits, tea, sugar, tobacco, soap, hemp, rum, &c, fell more heavily on the poorer classes that; on the rich. There was not one of those taxes to the essissenee of which the same objection might not be made, as to tics gzistence of the taxes which his Right Hon. Friend had reduced. There was not one of those taxes, the remission of which would not be a relief not only in the amount, but in the removal of injurious restrictions. There was soap, for instance. During the war the duty on soap was between fifty and sixty per cent. Now, however, in consequence of the greater cheapness of the article, the duty amounted to a hundred and forty or ahundred an d tif ty per cen t. Wh a t w a s the consequence ? Great lose and great vexation in those manufactories in which it was extensively used. Then there was sugar . When it was considered that sugar home a large portion o, the taxation during the war, and when the overwhelming distress of the West India planters was also considered, he could not help regretting that his Right Hon. Friend had not enlarged his views, and reduced that tax also. Many of the other taxes were liable to similar observations. The consideration, that in no other country in Europe was so large a portion of the taxes levied on articles of con sumption, ought to have great weight in our deliberations on this subject. In the second place, in no other country in the world did there exist so large a mass of wealth, belonging to that class who did not directly employ it in bringing forth the produce of labour. In the third place, in no other country in the world was so large a proportion of the aggregate public revenue mortgaged to pay public encumbrances; thereby rendering it un wise not so to distribute the taxation as to diminish the weight on that mortgage. In the fourth place, from no other country in the world did so large a proportion of the wealthy, but not productive class, migrate to spend their incomes in other countries. It had been said that if ab sentees were charged with taxes, they might take away from the country not only the increase of their capita!, but the capital itself. Most of these, however, were so cir cumstanced as to render that impracticable. It hail also been said that an absentee tax was more fitted fur a time of war than for a time of peace. He was of the opposite opi nion. He had dwelt upon these subjects at greater length than he had intended; but he had done so because he had thought it his duty, as an unconnected Member of Parlia ment, to state what were his views respecting them. He knew how how difficult it would be for Government to carry those views into effect. He knew what mistaken notions various interests would take up concerning them. All he could say was, that lie had stated what he most sin cerely believed would, if adopted, be beneficial to the coun try. He did not complain that others did not take the same views that he took. But if at any future day his Majesty's Government should take the same views, they should have Isis cordial support, not only in smoothing the difficulties which might present themselves, but in conci liating the feelings of those who might be averse to their adoption. There was one point on which he wished to say a few words—he meant the necessity of placing the Bank of England in a situation of greater security, so as to prevent the possible recurrence of that greatest of all calamities, a suspension of cash payments. He would repeat the opinion which he had expressed last Session, of the impropriety of the Bank of England trust ing the support of their credit to a capital locked up, and unavailable : instead of resting it on those sound princi ples of banking which might guard them against those emergencies that would occur even in times of peace, and against which there was no remedy but that which the panic of 1825 had really rendered necessary. If the country banks, in the revival of that credit and activity which he trusted was about to take place, should again branch out into speculations, and an unfavourable state of the Exchanges should be the consequence, the Bank of England might be compelled to take a step injurious to its credit, and to the confidence reposed in it by the public. He wished, therefore, that it would not lock up its ca pital ; but that it would keep a portion of it available for any contingencies which might occur.—His Right Hon. Friend proposed a revision of the system of country hanks, and the giving of publicity to their proceedings. Let the same publicity attach to the proceedings of the Bank of England. Public opinion would then be upon the watch to prevent the occurrence of such a calamity as was about to take place at a period of profound peace, in 1825. Give it a monopoly, but exact a correspondent and a strict security to the public.—(Hear.)—Do what they might on the subject of the state of the country, that state must be one of comparative privation for some time, arising from causes deep, distant, and connected with the late long protracted war. These were yet felt, even after a series of fifteen years of peace. He hail been mixed up in all public transactions of that period, and had witnessed that there was a possible vicissitude which a great country could experience that England had not felt, and felt sensibly, during that severe contest—a mutiny in its fleet, a rebel. lion and a civil war in Ireland, the stoppage of the Bank, the subsidizing of almost all the powers of Europe to fight the common battle against a potent foe, and the successive overthrow of each as soon as they had received that sub sidy ; embargoes laid on our trade, and interdiction and blockades staring us in every port of Europe ; he had witnessed all this, and its effect on the leading men of that time, and the manner in which they had been viewed by the persons presiding over the councils of the country at that period, and he could not observe, though he taxed his memory to its utmost bent, that during all that period he could recollect an attempt at oppression or spoliation of any class in the State. Nor was there, through all the period of that long-protracted struggle, an opportunity af forded to those who might have been jealous of the fair cha racter and fame of England to put their finger on a single act of ours as a nation, and say, " That is a blot in the annals of your country."—(Hear.)—But, how striking would be the contrast if, in a time ofgeneral peace, after the blast of war had, for 15 years past, ceased to blow in our ears, we should be found c ipable of entertaining, on: the first sensation of distress and difficulty, which it was not hard to account for, a proposition to invade the rights of one class in society in order to relieve another, and commit an act of spoliation which the world would not hesitate to denounce as a breach of public faith? Would not the enemy of our fair fame, if we attempted to remedy our embarrassment by the rash measure of lowering the currency, proudly and insultingly point to the record of the transaction and say, " That page is a blot in your annals ?"—(Loud cheers, particularly from Ministers and the benches immediately near them.)— That hour would not fail to be an hour of triumph to the enemies of our national greatness. Any measure which had a tendency to encourage such a proposal should cer tainly have none of his sanction ; and it was on this view of this subject he must refuse his assent either to the origi nal motion or the amendment--(Hear, hear,)—more parti cularly as his Majesty's Government had granted, or, the state of the Irish peer, one Committee of Inquiry. Another had been promised on the subject of the dead weight. The Hon. Member for Dover, too, had a motion fur a Committee on those particular subjects, but to which he, in a former Session of Parliament, had the honour to draw their attention ; and on that occasion he (Mr. Huskisson) pledged himself to give him all the aid in his power. If he had, in addition to this, a wish, it was one he had long formed—namely, a Committee to inquire into the possi bility of improving and fixing on a permanent and im proved principle of safety in our banking system, both as respected the Bank of England and other banks in general. With these measures of improvement, in addition to what bad been promised by his Right Hon. Friend, he professed he should, for the present Session of Parliament, feel they had enough to occupy them profitably, and remain content. Sir R. VYVYAN explained. Lord ALTHORP then rose amid loud and general cries of "Adjourn." After some difficulty the Speaker obtained order, and the Noble Lord proceeded. He should have felt great difficulty in rising after the very able and eloquent speech of the Right Hon. Member for Liverpool, had he entertained any intention of following him through out its various topics. But he had no such intention, for he nearly concurred in every syllable that the Right Hon. Gent. had said.—(hear, hear.)—lt had been stated by the Ilon. Member for Wootton Bassett, that all the hands in the manufacturing districts were at present in employ ment, and in employment, too, at good wages. Now if that were the case, it was quite impossible to believe that any distress existed in that quarter. He was afraid, how ever, from the general body of information which had been poured into the House from those districts, that the state ment of the lion. Member for Wootton Bassett was much exaggerated.—(Hear.)—He believed, however, that they must admit that some improvement had commenced to exhibit itself in the country. He hoped that it would long continue; but he must say that Isis hopes were not very sanguine, as he recollected that there bad been before several symptoms of improvement, which had subsequently disappeared. lie was therefore ob liged to assume, for the purpose of argument, that there was great distress in the country ; and then the question came to this—" Are the modes now proposed to us the best modes for obviating that distress ?" or, " Are we obliged to admit them to be such, in order to show that we have some sympathy for the people?" Now, for his own part, he had no hesitation in avowing, that he had such confidence in the good sense of the peo ple of England as to be convinced that they would not ac cuse their representatives of a want of sympathy with their feeling, if it were made evident to them that the mode proposed for their relief was not the best for their interests.—(Cheers.)—Most, indeed all the speakers in this debate had declared the state of the currency of the country to be their main reason for seeki ng t o go i n t o a Committee. They had said that the want of the 11. notes was the cause of the distress. Now if th e y were t o enter into the discussion of that subject in the Committee, it was necessary to see how the issue of 11. n o t es at present wou ld operate on the existing distress.—(Hear.)—Now it could only operate by raising the price of commodities, and de preciating the standard of value. Then the exchanges would turn against us, and a re-action, like that which was witnessed in the year 1825, would take place, unless we were prepared, which he hoped we were not, to tamper ss'i d th thetiea slightestni lar (i hear.)—A ny measure w hi c h a appearance of tamp er i ng w i t h th e i s t —lca r, standard in a rich and commercial country like this was fraught with imminent danger.—(Hear.) —lt was said, "Oh ! but you will only make one alteration !" If they made one alteration, bcw cotiM the public trust that 1,, C, GO ,-. GJ , 0 that they would not make another, and another even upon that, when another period of distress should come to pinch them ? But it was said that such an alteration had been made before in the year 1797. He admitted it ; hut all who had observed the conduct of the legislature in that year must be aware that the alteration then made in the standard was not foreseen—it was therefore unintentional. If they made such an alteration now, it would be made knowingly and intentionally, and would therefore be a downright fraud.—(Hear, hear.)—After the commission of an intentional fraud, they would hare no right to ex pect any longer the confidence of the public.—(Hear.)— If they went into the Committee for the express purpose of inquiring into the state of the currency, the country would expect that a change in the currency would be the inevitable consequence. Confidence would then be de stroyed, and a confusion would arise worse than any thing which the country had hitherto witnessed.—(Hear.) He could not separate this motion from the question of currency, and he should therefore give it his opposition.— (Loud cheers.)—lt had not yet been explained what good this Committee could produce—it might produce great evil ; and therefore, though he was anxious to relieve the people from the burdens under which they laboured— (Hear)--he still felt it impossible to vote in favour of this Committee. Besides, a motion to inquire into the state of the nation had generally been considered as a motion of hostility against the Government. He had brought forward and supported several motions of that nature on former occasions from such motives; but he felt that he could not support this motion with any such hos tile views. —(Cheers. )—Towards the present Ministers he entertained no feelings of hostility—f Hear, hear)—their conduct deserved no such attack as this motion made upon them.—(Hear.)—He differed from them as to the amount of taxation and expenditure, which it was possible to re duce ; he thought that they might have gone further than they had done in those respects ; but he saw no insincerity, nor any thing like insincerity, in what they had done (Hear, hear.)—They had endeavoured to cut off a large amount of expenditure by casting a great mass of addi tional labour upon themselves.—(Hear.)—With regard to the taxes which they had taken off, he thought they had acted wisely in the selection which they had made.— (flear.)—They had also acted with great disinterestedness, for if they sought to conciliate a powerful party in that House, they would have taken off the duty on malt and upon sugar, by which they would have obtained the sup port of two distinct and powerful interests.—(Great cheer ing.)—Seeing no reason to think that the Ministers were insincere in their professions of economy, though he did not think that they carried their retrenchments and reduc tions far enough, he could not vote in support of a motion which was always based in a feeling of hostility towards the existing administration.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. E. WODEHOUSE rose amidst loud cries of " Question," to move the adjournment of this debate till to-morrow. Colonel SIBTHORP seconded the motion. A scene of confusion which baffles all description pre vailed for some minutes in the House. During the con tinuance of it, we saw Mr. ATTwoon and Mr. Alderman WAITHMAN on their legs; but their words were com pletely drowned in the general turmoil. Mr. PEEL obtained a hearing. He said, that if there were several gentlemen still anxious to address the House on this subject, he should be the last man in the world to throw any obstruction in their way. The cries of "Ad journ !" drowned the remainder of the Right Hon. Gen tlecnan's observations. The question on the adjournment was then put and car ried, and the debate stands adjourned till this day. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at a Quarter past One o'clock. A COMPARATIVE SUMMARY, &c. (REFERRED TO IN THE DUKE OF RICHMOND'S SPEECH,) Of the Average Number of Poor weekly relieved in the two periods 1826 and IS3), in the Seventeen Towns of Andover, Birmingham, Bradfield, Coventry, Congleton, Huddersfield, Leeds, Manchester, Mangotstield (near Bristol), the City of Norwich, Portsea, the Parish of St. Nicholas (Nottingham), St. Martin's (Leicester), the two Townships of Sutton and Hurdsfield (near Macclesfield), and Wigan. N. B.—The year 1828 is substituted for 1826 in the particular case of Norwich, in consequence of no earlier return than that of Is2B having been received. cn ..!7.; '''''.'-'44g4Z(nn....= ce 4; •*" ' . 9 : .a; w o o 4'.-- ,'" .1; : a4X7'=2. 1 c 5 . 2, 5 . =: - .;L1,1, , ,'A -w e cr. m=B a-72 ,7g-,piis, '.".. =''. . = ' - ' 4 ^".." 0 .7 _l' S. ;"; P. , ~ 0. 0 .3 F, w 2 r'.4 ,-- . E '. 4 ..a F. ...2.. -z , EFA iig F, , e• :7)h tc, t..", llt 7 C., Z.: Cm GC -I t„,„ oin I CA I Cr .1 Co a, I"Z' ' l B coR —'l Z. - , `B=7;Z: 2 1.4 3. ", ? 9 c., ..--0c,0r...,c, o 4- C.O Ci , G G .- L I`lBcorc-1,--itc I , D 7) 25t8,`48`ei S'EBg .") I w ca I t•S CO • .W I ". IO .44; CO I R . . 61 4%. olb• rA W WG:—]' -1— ;b -. . ..., ci, •-• g I C. 43 0 1 0 • 87) o o Thus the total average numbers relieved weekly in 1826 were 21,162, and in 1330, 30,099; showing an increase of 8,937 in 1830 as compared with 1826, or about 42 per cent. N. B.—This summary includes the ten principal staple trades of England, viz. the crape and bombazine manufacturers of Norwich, the lace manufacturers of Nottingham, the iron ma nufacturers of Birmingham, the cotton spinners of Manchester, the potteries of Congleton, the ribbon weavers of Coventry, the silk manufacturers of Macclesfield, the woollen manufacturers of Leeds, the fancy stuff trade of Huddersfield, and the calico printers of Wigan—comprising likewise eight of the largest counties in England. THE FUNDS.-(THIS DAY.) CITY, TWELVE 0' CL 0 CK. Accounts from Mexico, of the 13th Jan., state that on that day the Congress officially declared and sanctioned the resolutions of Jalapa. M. Alaman was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Espinosa of Justice ; General Terran, Minister of War. THE FUNDS. The Express from Paris brings the French Rentes lower, as well as a report of the approaching dissolution of the Chambers, and by which it appears that the King has no alternative but to dismiss his Ministers, or to displease his subjects. His Mtjesty's final determination at this critical moment is anxiously looked to by our City po liticians : still these important events have not had any effect on the funds this morning, which left off yesterday at 92i for the Account, and opened at 921 ; after which they receded to 92i ; at present may be quoted 921, and for Money 921. Little business is doing as yet as the speculators are waiting for the King's answer to the address of the Deputies. In the Foreign Market Greek Bonds are the only spe culation at present, which hare again fallen two per cent. having been done at 38k. ENGLISH NDS. 3.i : per Cent. New 4 per Cent., 1021 4 per Cent. 1826, India Bonds, 77 78 Exchequer Bills, 77 78 FUNDS. Greek, 381 39 Mexican, 29 Peruvian, 201 Portuguese, 60 d 1 Prussian, Russian, 110 Spanish, 14 Bank Stock, India Stock, -- 3 per Cent. Cons. 92 Do. for Account, 92 4 Ditto Reduced, FOREIGI Brazilian, 72 Buenos Ayres, 30} 31i Chiban, Colombian, 20} 1 Danish, 75i I French, 5 per Cent. 1051 Ditto, 3 per Cent. 81ir 2i TWO 0' CL 0 CE. Although it is said that the French Rentes come lower by the Estafette than by the Express, this morning, 80f. 75c., the Censol Market maintains its price, Con sols are now the same price they opened at, 921 for Account, and 92g- for Money. In the early part of the day they were at 92k. The expectation of a message from Ministers, for the reduction of the Four per Cents., is still anxiously ex pected, which to the present hour has not been communi cated. This, no doubt, causes the firmness of the market. In the Foreign Market, Mexican Stock has fallen to day two per cent., owing to a report of a new expedition going there from Spain. Greek, which has been done at 37/, is now 38k. Spanish Bonds are also lower. THREE 0' CLOCK. Consols for Account. 921 The records at the Maryborough assizes are few in number, and of no great importance, except one for seduction against a Protestant Rector, who is charged with having, whilst in prison, seduced the grand-daughter of the gaoler,_•..Dulilin Morning Register. PRICES Or STOCWS THIS Bank stock 3 per Cent. Red. 3 per Cent. Cons. Pt 3.i i per Cent shut Ditto Red. II-- t per Cent. Ann. 10 2Y4% Ditto, 182(3 shut Bank L. Ann. Ditto SO years Ditto 50 years 2 4 -11-161 India Stock - shut Ditto Bonds 77 pm. FOREIGN EXCHANGES ON LONDON. HAMBURG, AMARe■ W.-13. 15 1 4.—Tw0 months, 13. 18%. ST. PETERSBURGH, FEB. 27.—Three months, 10 13-32. BREMEN, MARCH 9.—Two months, 616.1 CHRISTIANIA, Fee. 27.—Three months, 6. 37. BERLIN, MARCH 11.—Three months, 7. PA. AMSTERDAM, MARCH 16.-12. 40. Two months-12. '2O. TO THE PROPRIETORS OF EAST INDIA STOCK. LADIES AND GENTLEMEN, THE death'ofSir ROBERT FARQUHAR having occasioned a VACANCY in tlte DIREC TION of your affairs, I beg to redeem the pledge con tained in my letter of the 17th ult., and to inform you that it is my decided intention to proceed to the Ballot on the present occasion, when I earnestly solicit the honour of your suffrages. I take the liberty again to bring to your notice that my pretensions to your support are grounded upon a service of twenty-four years in various branches of the Civil De partment in India, honoured with the repeated and marked approbation of the Lccal Governments, finally confirmed by the Court of Directors, who, by an unanimous vote, appointed me a Member of the Government of Bombay. Having no pursuits or engagements which can in any degree call my attention from the interests of the East India Company, should you be pleased to honour me with your con fidence, by electing me to fill the Vacancy, my entire time and attention shall be sedulously devoted to the important duties of the office. I hare the honour to remain, Ladies and Gentlemen, Your faithful and obedient servant, HENRY SHANK. 62, Gloucester-place, Portman-square, March 17, 1830. Mr. Shank's Committee sit daily at the City of London Tavern. TO THE PROPRIETORS OF EAST INDIA STOCK. THE Friends of HENRY SHANK, Esq. are most Earnestly requested to meet at the City of London Tavern, on MONDAY, the 22d instant, at Two o'clock, for the purpose of taking into consideration the most effectual means of promoting Mr. Shank's Election, as a DIRECTOR of the East India Company, at the ap proaching Ballot. City of London Tavern, March 18, 1830. DAT AT ONI O'CLOCK. South Sea Stock Old Annuities New Ditto Ex. Bills, XI,OOO 2d. 77 78 pm. Ditto lid. 77 78 pm. Ditto ............500 2d. 77 78 pm. Ditto lid. 77 78 pm. Ditto Small 2d. 77 78 pm. Ditto lid. 77 '7B pm. Bank for Acc0unt.......... India for Account ,Cons. for April 16 1} 2 14 % TO LICENCED VICTUALLERS. London Tavern Committee Room, Monday, March 15. THE TRADE COMMITTEE inform their Brethren throughout the Country that they are anxiously and zealously engaged in the endeavour to protect their interests. They sit daily, and will be most thankful for every communication for the general welfare. NEW SUNDAY PAPER. ON SUNDAY next, March 21, will appear, No. I. of the INTELLIGENCE, the largest thirty two column Sunday Paper ever published at Sevenpenee. The INTELLIGENCE will give all the news of the week with much important, authentic, and official infor mation from sources which are not accessible to any other Sunday Paper. For the accommodation of the North of England, Ire land, Scotland, and Wales, a SUNDAY EVENING EDITION, containing exclusive arrivals on that day from the Continent, and all domestic news, will be sent off by Express, so as to circulate at a time when no other London Paper can arrive. Orders and Advertisements are received at No. 11, Crane-court, Fleet-street. " 0004 .'); 1 4,11 111k 6 .4. Alit+ LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, MARCH 19, 1830. We ate prevented by the great length of the Debate in both Houses last night from doing more than referring to the speeches. Those of the Duke Of RICHMOND and Mr. HUSKISSON are particularly worthy of attention. In the Lords the motion of the Noble Duke was lost by a majority of 80:-61 being for the motion and 141 against it. In the Commons the debate on Mr. DAVENPORT'S motion was again adjourned! If the distress of the country be not relieved it will not be for want of discussion. Mr. HusKlssoN's allusion to the general distress, and the test by which he estimated it, is very con. elusive—the Saving Banks. These institutions, since their nature and advantages became known, afford an excellent test of the condition of the work ing classes. Now, it appears, from a return just printed, that in 1828 and 1829, the sums paid in and drawn out were as follows : 1828. 1829. Paid in £945,448 £449,493 Drawn out 678,420 1,444,937 Thus, the sums paid in in 1829, are less than half the amount of those in 1828, while the sums drawn out in the former year are more than double of those in the latter. Nothing could show more clearly that the gains of the working classes were falling off, and their sufferings increasing last year, as com pared with the year before. The rate of interes t allowed by the Commissioners of the National Debt is 2fd. per day on the 1001. or 31. 16s. per cent. An Express from Paris has brought the Papers of Wednesday, with the Gazette de France and Mas sager des Chambres dated Thursday. The general opinion was, that the Chambers would either be prorogued or dissolved, unless the KING dismissed his Ministers. But the •following from our Paris Correspondent, and the extracts from the Papers, will best explain the state of affairs PARIS, MARCH 17.. " At the division last night in the Chamber of Deputies there were 404 w Members present, 221 of whom voted for the address as prepared by the Committee, 181 voted with the Ministry against it, and the remaining two, Messrs. Allent and Bacot de Romans, being Counsellors of State, declined to vote. The majority against Ministers is there fore exactly forty. What may be the result of this pro ceeding it is extremely difficult to say. Before this trial of strength the Ministerial calculation is said to have been that there were 295 Deputies unfriendly to the existing order of things, that there were 240 who would vote an address decidedly hostile to the Ministry, but that not more than 198 would go so far as to refuse the budget, and the general impression appears to be that any hint more gentle than the absolute refusal of the supplies, will be totally disregarded by the party in power. Some say that the deputation appointed to present the address will not be received at the Tuileries ; and in confirmation of this idea it is stated, that when the Deputies were about to proceed last night to the appointment of the deputation, the Prince de Polignac allowed an expression to escape him in which this resolution was plainly intimated. Should this state ment be well founded an immediate dissolution may be ex pected, and there are many well-informed individuals who think it likely to appear in the course of the day. " In the Ministerial minority last night there were forty individuals belonging to the right centre, who are known to be influenced by Messrs. Martignac and de Belleyme ; and it is with many matters of surprise that after the de duction of this party, the majority should be so great as it has proved to be. Had the address been more gently ex pressed the minority would probably have been less than it is by these forty votes ; but the Committee entrusted with its preparations are understood to have preferred a strong address with a small majority, rather than a weak address with a large majority. Many of the Opposition Members complain, with some show of reason, of the etiquette ob served in communicating the report of the Committee to the Ministers, and their adherents, two days before the debate, who were thus enabled to prepare themselves to oppose it, while the Opposition Members knew nothing of its contents until it was read by the President at the com mencement of the discussion. The Liberal party, however, are evidently strong enough to spare this advantage. If it were not a question of numbers rather than of argument such reasoning as that of M. Berryer, the great oracle of the cot,' droit, might ba safely disregarded. He gravely contends that the object of the address being to procure the dismissal of the Ministry, it infers an insult to the royal authority, inasmuch as it accuses the King of having made a bad choice! The framer. of the address appear to have anticipated this line of argument, as it does not seem to contain any direct application for the dismissal of the Ministry, but only a declaration that his Majesty's servants.do not possess the confidence of the representatives of the people ; and M. Benjamin Constant is reported to have said—' We usurp nothing ; the King remains in pos ," session of his right to dissolve the Chambers, and to " ' pronounce between us and the Ministry.' " It is stated in this day's London Express, which is published several hours after the morning papers, that there is reason to believe from private information that the Chamber of Deputies will not be dissolved, as the King has determined on the dismissal of his present Ministers. I have no means of knowing what foundation there may be for this statement ; but I am persuaded that it is the only course at all calculated to tranquilize the inhabitants of France. I send you an extract from Galignani's Mes senger, containing perhaps more of yesterday's debate than you will be able to make room for. The competition between our two rival English prints continues to excite a good deal of interest among the English residents in the country. The Express has latterly succeeded in giving the debates in both Houses of Parliament up to the hour . of post, an advantage which might have been procured at much less trouble and expense by both papers, through the medium of the latest edition of The Sun, if the news men would take the trouble of sending that edition, as they ought to do, to all Editors of newspapers. "It was again half-past seven last night before the rising , of the Chamber, and such is the zeal of the Liberal De puties, that several of them were in their places although so ill as to be obliged to be carried to their seats. Of this number were Messrs. Augustin Perrier, Gaetan de la Rochefoucauld and Berenger. " The Members of the Deputation appointed to carry the address to his Majesty are the President Royer Collard, the ' Secretaries Dumarrallach 3acqueminot d'llarcourt, and de Preis•ac ; and Messrs. Becquey Chabot, Choiseul d'Aille court, Clarac, Cressac, Fleury, Fontaine, Fussy, Her noux, Humane, Laine de Villeveque, Leclere, Lemercier, Lepelletier d'Aulnay, Paillard de Clerc, Romans, Sannac, Tronchon, Vassa, and Vaulchier." " We find in tke Gazette d'Augsbourg of the 13th the protocol of London of January 4. The length of the sitting of the Chambers hinders us giving the whole of this important act. The following are the principal articles : " ' The Russian Ambassador having declared that the 10th artisle of the treaty of Adrianople did not hinder the Powers taking, with regard to Greene, the measures that they judged convenient, a deslaration from the Porte, stat ing that she adhered to the resolutions of the conference of London, was communicated.' " The following points were in consequence agreed upon : " ' 1. That an armistice shall be established. " ' 2. That Greece shall be independent. " '3. That the limits, according to the wish of the Porte, shall be from the month'of the Aspropotansu• to the Gulf of Zeitoun ; Negeopont, the islands of the Devil, and the Cyclades being included. " ' I. The Government of Greece shall be Monarchical and hereditary. " ' 5. A reciprocal amnesty shall be proclaimed by the Ottoman and Grecian Governments. " ' 6. Each of the three Courts shall have the faculty of guaranteeing this arrangement. " ' 7. The effects of the Acts of the guarantee shall be decided hereafter. " ' 8. The settlement of the frontiers will be made by the Commissioners of the three Powers.' Gazette de France. " 'We read in the Observateur Autrichien the follow. ing article : " VIENNA, MARCH 7.—A courier arrived here to day, on its way to Constantinople, bringing intelligence that the Plenipotentiaries of the three Powers parties to the treaty of London, had, in the conferences held on Fe bruary 4th and 26th, definitively fixed the destiny of Greece, and named Prince Let,pold of Saxe-Coburg sovereign and hereditary Prince of Greece.— Gazette de France. " The morning papers, which are generally printed during the night, so as to be delivered at 6 o'clock, have appeared to-day rather late, as they delayed going to pass until they had received the Afoniteur, which it was ex pected would have contained an Ordinance for the dissolu tion or prorogation of the Chamber of Deputies.—mes sager des Chambres. " The Constitutionnel of this morning says : 'lt is not necessary to comment en the results of the remark able sitting held yesterday by the Chamber of Depu ties, as they speak loud enough for their importance to be appreciated by every one. A grand question is at length decided. Ministers have not, cannot have, the ma jority. So critical a situation cannot endure long, but must soon come to an end. France has received a warning ! She will await respectfully the determination of the Crown, and hold herself ready for any event that may occur. What ever may happen, the triumph of legal order is henceforth secured : we have for its guarantees the oaths and good faith of the Monarch, the majority of the representatives of the nation, and the whole nation itself, who only seek for repose and peace beneath the shadow of the constitu tional throne.' " The Journal du Commerce of this morning says-- The adoption of the Address by a majority of 40 votes, without amendment, and precisely as it was drawn up by a Committee chosen entirely from the ranks of the Oppo sition, is a most important event. The Ministry has been tried by the competent tribunal, and condemned as the cause of the dissentions between the different branches of power. Their defence was altogether truly worthy of their cause, and has given a decided proof of their total incapacity.' " Faexce Friens.—Paus, Males' 17.—Five per Cents., 103 f: 10c. 105 f. 105 f. sc. 10e. 105 f. 15c. ; Three per Cents., 801. 85c. ; 811. 10c. 15c. 20c. 15c. Bank Stock, 1,890; Rentes &Naples, 01f. 90c. 95c. 92f. ; Rentes d'Es pagne, 12) ; Royal Spanish Loan, 89 1 A 89; Rentes Perpetuelle d'Espagne, 72 72% % % Hay tian Loan, 5201. 525 f. 52011—Exchange on London—One month (paper), 251. 70c.; (money), 25f. 70c.; three months (money), 25f. 55c.— Court Authentique. We have received the Hamburg Reporter and other Papers of the 12th instant, but have only room for the following :--- HAMBURG, MARCH 12.—There being now every appearance that in the course of the ensuing week our navigation will be in full activity again. Our consumers have shewn themselves more reserved in their purchases of wheat, and the holders, on the other hand, more dis posed to sell. Prices continue, however, the same as rut week. Rye, Barley, and Oats, of which the supply is limited, are of ready sale at the price marked below : Weight. Rix dollars. Dantzic Wheat to —to Pomeranian 124 to 128 108 to 112 Anhalt, white --- red 122 to pa 114 to 118 Danish Dantzic Rye llB to 122...... 62 w 66 Upland 116 to 123 64 to 67 Danish —to 58 to 60 Magdeburgh Barley 9B to 101 52 to 58 Anhalt 9B to 104 54 to CO Danish to — 4 O to 43 Mecklenburgh Oats 66 to 57 4O to 43 Danish — to 3O to 35 Pomeranian Malt —to 52 to 54. Pease, yellow, Upland —to 70 to 85 Holstein Rapeseed —to —. 14S to 164 Funds were rather heavy in the early part of to-day, but improved after the arrival of the Dutch Mail. In Anglo-Greek (1824 and 1825) some business has lately been done. The Money price to-day for that of 1825, was 48} including coupons. End of March _ _ . ..... Anglo-Danish Loan 3 per Cent '73 Anglo-Russian Loan lO Hamburg-Russian Loan lOl% Polish Bonds 1263i New Prussian 4 per Cents. (1830) 99X, Austrian Bank Shares 1323 Austrian Metalliques lO4 New Austrian 4 per Cents. Anglo Neapolitan Falconets THE MARKETS.—(THIS DAY). CORN EXCHANGE. There are moderate arrivals of Corn this week. The Wheat trade fully maintains the advance of Monday last, and as Flour comes to hand scantily, the top price is likely to be established at 655. per sack. Barley remains as last reported. Beans and Pease are unaltered. Oats do not sell so freely as on Monday, but there is no variation in prices. A RitlvA Ls. Wheat. I Barley. I Oat!. Flour. 4,500 qrs. 7,2b0 qrs. 11,150m5.1 4,600 sacks. 12,150 English Irish Foreign I 1,350 —. brio. We have reason to believe that the rumour, to which we some days ago alluded, of the retirement of Mr. 11ANNER• SUTTON from the Chair of the House of Commons, is not well founded. There was certainly a negociation on the part of the LOWTIIER interest, for the elevation of Sir JoHN BECKWIT to the Speaker ship; but it is yet premature, Mr. SUTTON not having filled his present station for the accustomed term, on the completion of which the occupant is deemed to have ac quired a title to the ample pension of 4,000/. per annum, for two lives, usually conferred on a retiring Speaker.---• Morning Chronicle. PalliTtliD AND PUBLISHRD BY BIURDO YOUNG, All Tint BUN °MCC, 11% STRAND ) 1.01580 M v GRI N°. receive artieies, in the fa Best Cagd Print( 4,4 may the Ster rnentioni XL! lant Drangh arrange: of the 'I highly Played tl without Attire Lund Tl' are aux, protect tliankfu A on Ato SARY The Rid Diem Garb, r belongir Canada, raissible G. Carpets ; factory, that it r _Brussel' notacto pattern' of Carp Stair Stock c The Po A la] Mats, I Obac Lion-at The pries a FIS Eligibl TO : A' Ala( well p tire in Ale, tainitil have t the wl nientl] Th; plete 1 nience Aul eleven For person Mr. T fully nom : ....4 1 tai n i go and Tin I Patii note, •ems Nr, W x "a ;. 1 _s,4 rp' g.. 9, M (~ r ~... N y ~ Q ►1 O n ~ 7 ~~ =~ `.4 , • r i" z • g