The Sun. — London, England, 1833-12-24 00:00:00

MIP"'" T DO) COURT CIRCULAR. , obler /ej liThe Duchess of K, n t was present at part of the per & c irca *Dunces at the Olympic Theatre last nigh t. e re turp Il Tbe Duke of Gloucester left his resi d e nce at Ba g shot follo lo° irk yesterday, for Brighton, on a visit to their Majesties. Prince Talleyrand arrived in town on Sunday night. trate Excellency was occupied a considerable time yesterday rity, I ti !1 i moon with Earl Grey, at his residence in Downin g . finance 7, '`rttt, and with Viscount Palmerston, at the Foreign Office. remelt ,_bespatches were received yesterday , at t h e Colonial ' 'tee, from Sir Wilmot Horton, the Govern or of Ce y lon. the Pt!t The Right Hon. Charles Giant visited Viscount Pal n t ;ftston yesterday, at the Office of the Secretary of State for aim °reign Affaiie. a p prehe: d bonoe( Ilerant t are o fer , Yesterday his Majesty gave audiences to Admira l Sir Christil°l lines Whitshed and Mr. Campbell. The Princess Augusta continues indisposed with a severe t°l di but her Royal Highness passed a good ni g ht, and is Ntie idered better this morning. )A The Earl and Countess of Shrewsbury and Lady Mary hot arrived at the Bedford Hotel on Saturday, and had r that Of v t honour of dining and passing the evening with their of a I'd 4 iesties yesterday. hat eati' l ' I ,,The Bishop of Worcester will remain at the Pa lace until e cause r e holydays. had bee t i I The Royal dinner party last evening include d the Earl d otter, Countess of Shrewsbury, Bishop of Worcester, Lady said bi , 44 1 , Tal James Admiral Sir James, Lady, and Miss Whit. g• to bi ° Sir Kempt, Lord Adolphus Fitzclarence, and Han wor tl, 't Suite generally. • the 01 Sir Stratf or d Canning and Mr. and Lady August a Fox peat oril l il ited their Majesties yesterday. fed Their Majesties will give a grand dinner and evening aitariall t; rtt tY at the Pavilion on the 31st inst. t peal Three men were brought to the Town Hall this morn . b e be i t ) l 4l in custody of a party of the " Coast Guard," having Jnitaril o „ taken io the act of landing contraband spirits. One whieb :'`lhein had only returned from sea a few weeks ago, hay pine per ' 4 ll been sentenced to serve five years on board a man 'eter Fa' War for a similar offence. PPositioo lad heir entleine i ns in 10 DAY)' ~ stroll? From 01 Charles' on. The erland t° . ales and , , stroll% Sarsbf tt, frO nd Se" sleash* Canning► osalindas ige. Thon 3 P" le Aledi• :er, frora ito, (roe t sea the is state ( las 1000 ;ived 0 'ger, ii/ war 00 trended nos, it ri, was zpected 1 Oesel. Idon, is ie crew' CK. le from I Spain sacred on the of the ived of le pos e kept lball be :e they g to a him a Court !IS yes- BRIGHTON, DEC, 23. TE. rn the FASHIONABLE INTELLIGENCE. ARRIVALS. Sir Arthur Capel Brooke, Bart., in Charles-street, Man -Ithester-square, f ro m Oakley House, near Ket t e rin g ; Lord ' 440 Lady Lilford, Lord and Lady Holland, and Mr. and Lady ' l t i tlgusta Fox, in Great Stanhope - st reet, from Brighton; the ° n. G. A. Craven, in Charles.street, Berkeley - squa re, from v Wts • Vice Admiral Sir Josias Rowley, from Brighton ; the Ir lli Sht Hon. Edward Ellis, in Clevelan d.row, from a visit to l kount Melbourne, at Brocket Hall; Mrs. and Miss Smythe, it i tt Cumberland-place, from a tour ; Lord and Lady Sussex 4 nox in Park-square, from ditto ; the Marchioness of 6r ~go and family, in Mansfield-street, from Westport, Mayo ; ik acount Palmerston, from Broadlands ; M a j or Dal g airns, at 'botson's Hotel, from Scotland; Captain and Mr s . Banford, 3 , L1 regt., at the Blenheim Hotel, Bond-street, from J erse y ; Roberts, Esq., and Mrs. Roberts, at di t t o, from Brighton ; T homas Davies, Esq., and Mrs. Davies , at ditto., from York k ; William Beamish, Esq., at ditto, from Bristol ; Rev. ' Lithingstren, at ditto, from Cambridge; Rev. A. Jackson, 4 , ditto, from ditto. DEPARTURES. b Lord Auckland, on a visit to the Marqui s of Lansdowne, at ii°Wood, Wilts; Rev. E. Dewhurst, from the Blenheim 4 e l , Bond-street, for Meldrith Rectory, Cambridge ; Rev. Bray, from ditto, for Kent; Mr. and Mrs. Green, from Otto, for Brighton ; Walter Kenrick, Esq., from ditto, for his • Rev. in Wales ; Rev. Dr. Drury, from dit to, for Harrow ; e r ,v• John Tumour, from ditto, for the Rector y , Wendover ; 4 0mas Wilson, Esq., and family, from ditto, for Dover, °} lrs Ecles, Esq., from ditto, for ditto ; Joh n Watson, Es q . ; r t 'hi ditto, for ditto. 3g the pacific F.urope ling at t they most tions ; IRISH LANDLORDS. (From the Tipperary Free Press.) ROBERT 0 T WAY CAVE,.ES Q., THE GENEROUS LANDLORD. We sometime since had the pleasure of announci n g the t rtival of this distinguished gentleman aad his ex cellent Tidyat Castle-Otway, their family mansion in this %linty. We have now a higher gratification in relating that their visit has been productive of those beneficial ° twits which we then anticipated. A considerable portion t ! Mr. Otway Cave's estate, which was he ld b y a mid dleman, has recently come into his h ands ; the occu p ying t enants, owing to a grinding rack-rent, were not only deeply indebted, but steeped to the lips in poverty and Wretchedness; on the 10th instant they were assembled at eaatle-Otway, and language cannot describe the feelings of the poor fellows when they were informed, that henceforward they were to consider themselves the imme diate tenants of Mr. Cave, that their rents were conse- Tient!) , reduced in about the proportion of a third part, tad that the arrears due, amounting to several hundred Pounds, were blotted out for ever ! Hear this ye land lord. of Tipperary, and follow even at the eleventh hour, the sacred command in the Scriptures, " Go ye and do I ,iiewise." The immediate tenantry of this generous land kid are happy and respectable, and though he may in tome measure be considered an absentee, he is well represented by his kind hearted and justly popular l OW, Mr. John Lanigan, the brother of hint whose biernory will be long cherished in Tipperary. The 4 frable manners and condescension of Mr. and Mrs. Otway Cave, (true distinguishing marks of high birth,) have endeared them to all about Castle Otway, where even the poorest find easy access, and depart imploring bless ttgs on the generous owners. To goodness and virtue do vie offer the feeble but unpurchaseable tribute of our praise :"..without them, rank, fortune and power are worthless 1 4 our eyes. As a senator, the career of Mr. Otway Cave %a been marked by independence, honesty of purpose, tad an ardent desire to serve Ireland, which earned for him t he respect of his political opponents—the warm admira tion and attachment of his friends. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE TATTERSALL' S. So many have left to partake of the Christmas festivities 'a the country, that it is now a difficult matter to muster Members sufficient to constitute " a House ;" such was t he case yesterday, the few remaining in town being kept 'lv/ay by the unfavourable state of the weather. Business, Is a necessary consequence, is at a stand still, and, in all Probability, will continue so till the early part of the en king month, by which time the North country lot will 'gin to move Southward : it w ill include Mr. Watt's llobastes, Colonel Cradock's Emigrant, Mr. Vansittart's Slight filly, Mr. Walker's Delirium, Mr. Walker's Co tillion, Lord Sligo's Oaks filly Famine (by Humphrey Clinker, now at Middlebam, and spoken highly of), and I lre or three others. THE GREAT ST. LEGER. , The nominations for this Stakes will take p lace at York, 'lett/market, and London, to-morrow week. The South country will be powerful. The Government has given orders for the mid n i g ht mass, formerly celebrated on Christmas•eve, to b e again passed over this year. THE COMMERCE OF LIVERPOOL AND torgoox.—Surprising as the commercial rise and progress of Liverpool appears, when viewed by itself, and as an abstract example of a town raised by its own efforts and enterprise from original insignificance to greatness and Wealth, it stands in no less striking and advantageous a light when seen in comparison with other places, the most favoured in point of commercial advantages, and under the most flourishing state of their trade. This we are enabled very forcibly to exemplify by a statement of the comparative receipts of custom duties at the ports of Liverpool and London during a period of 32 years ; by Which it will be observed, that while the contributions to the revenue at the latter place have, between 1800 and 1882, considerably less than doubled themselves, those of Liverpool, between the same years, have multiplied to tear)) , four times their amount. These are the gross receipts at the two ports respectively :-- Year. London. Liverpool. 1800 £5,663,704 £1,058,578 1805 1810 1815 1820 ............... 7,474,387 1824 ............... 7,679,409 1830 ............... 10,307, 2eß 1862 ............... 9,334,"99 By the above table it will be seen that, in the year 1800, the duties of Liverpool were not equal to a fifth of those Of London, whereas in the last year they amounted to nearly one half. They would have approximated still nearer to that proportion if the calculation had been upon the net receipts, as there is a considerable amount returned at the latter place in the shape of drawbacks upon sugar to Germany, &c. ; thus, the net sum paid into the Exchequer from the port of London, during the last year, was ooly 7.876,660/., 'and from Liv e rpool it was 3,711,382/. There is another ' curious fact exhibited by this document '—namely, that the revenue from the port of Liverpool is now within a small amount of what the revenue of London was about the commencement of this century, so that, calculating the increase at the same ratio, we should have to difficulty in ascertaining the time when Liverpool will have come up, in point of imports and export, with her town metropolitan rival...-Liverpool Courier. „ , s ested ior of le o is gtoa- idlers • tland, , Mr. nme r the ddle- iog - 40 f , REPRESENTATION OF MANCHESTER. - PUBLIC DINNER TO M. PHILIPS, ESQ., M.P., AND THE RIGHT How. C. POULETT THOMSON, M.P. (Abridged from the Manchester Times.) The public dinner to the two distinguished Represen tatives of this Borough, as announced in our last paper, was given on Thursday evening in the large room of the Exchange Buildings. A very numerous and highly-re spectable company assembled on the occasion, upwards of three hundred tickets baying been taken. Benjamin Heywood, Esq., discharged, with urbanity and effect, the duties of Chairman; on his right sat Mark Philips, Esq., M.P., Joseph Brotherton, Esq., M.P., Thomas Potter, Esq., and Robert Philips, Esq. On his left he was sup ported by the Right Honourable Charles Poulett Thom son, M.P., Richard Potter, Esq., M.P., J. C. Dyer, Esq., John Shuttleworth, Esq., Thomas Harbottle, Esq., and Edward Baxter, Esq. The cloth having been removed, the President rose to commence the proceedings. He said—Gentlemen,—As we are met for the purpose of rational enjoyment rather than noisy conviviality, will you concur with me in the sug gestion that, instead of the usual clamour of three times three cheers in reply to our toasts, you substitute the clapping of hands.—(Loud claps, and cries of " Hear, hear.") National Anthem is-." God save the King." " The Queen." Air—" Here's a health to all good lasses." " The health of that hearty and unflinching friend of the people, in all times, His Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex."—(Tremendous applause.) Air—" We shall ne'er see his like again." " The land we live in." (Cheers.) The PRESIDENT—Gentlemen, I am much mistaken if the Mist which I am about to propose be not received with the liveliest enthusiasm—it is the health of his Ma jesty's Ministers.—(Great applause for some time, accom panied with waving of handkerchiefs.) You know, gen tlemen, the pledges which Ministers gave when they took office, and you have seen how, under unexampled difficul ties, they have fulfilled them ; you have seen the work of retrenchment commenced with a vigorous hand, and you have some evidence of their sincerity in this respect, when you have seen them begin it by cutting off their own salaries.—(Hear, hear.) You have seen, too, by them, the accomplishment of that basis of all other reforms—re form in the representation of the people.—(Applause.) You have seen also, what the first session of our reformed Parliament has done, and I confess that I cannot conceive how any man can be disappointed at the result.—(Hear.) Let us drink the health of his Majesty's Ministers, and if you please, in this case, we will break the rule, and drink the toast with three times three.—(lmmense applause.) The Right Hon. C. POULETT THOMSON mounted the table, in order to acknowledge the toast, and was received with loud applause. The address of the Right Hon. Gentleman, as nearly as we could collect from the low tone of voice in which he spoke, was as follows :—Mr. Chair man and Gentlemen, in coming before you to-night as a member of the Administration, I beg to return you their most hearty thanks for the honour you have just now done them. It will be most satisfactory to my colleagues to learn from me the kind manner in which you have been good enough to receive the toast that has been proffered to you ; and they will consider it with the utmost satis faction as a pledge of your continued confidence in them ; and it will at once afford them the best reward for their past services, and the most powerful incitement for them to continue those services for the future.--(Loud applause.) That Administration, gentlemen, I sin satisfied, will con tinue to be guided by the same principles which directed the Reform Bill that assembles us here to-night. I know we have been vigorously attacked in our progress from many quarters. lam perfectly satisfied that the intel ligence and enlightened intellect of those who have the true interests of their country at heart, of those who have nothing to gain by disorder, by the disorder of confusion, or by the disorder of public pillage,—l am satisfied, I say, that these will yield, as you have had the goodness to do, their tribute to our honest endeavours, and will con tinue us as yet deserving of their confidence.—( Hear, bear.) Gentlemen, I have the honour to appear before you this evening in a double capacity. I am a member of that Government whose name you have been good enough to receive with so much honour. I stand also in a higher and a far dearer character towards you, namely, as the representative of the vast community which encircles without these walls.—(Cheers.) How have our pledges been redeemed ? With what justice can the Ministry now call upon you to confirm their acts by your verdict ? And with what justice, too, can the first reformed Parliament lay claim, from the noble support which they gave to the administration of the country, to a renewal of confidence at your bands?—(Cheers.) I am satisfied, gentlemen, that both may claim it here. To us the possession of power, whose energies were spent in the glorious struggle —the achievement of that which had been justly charac terised by the chairman as the first of all things necessary —the means to the end—rearm in the representation of the country.—(Loud cheers.) But what have been the acts of the first session of the Parliameut thus assembled ? Great was the impatience of the first reformed House to redeem their promises, and great was the impatience, and the natural impatience too, to show within the walls of the House of Commons that the promises made without should not remain unfulfilled. A natural snxiety was manifested to bring forward subjects of every description, and a great, and in many respects doubtless a most sincere desire to effect good and produce speedy advantageous results. But this very ardour rendered it difficult to those who had this zealous, but perhaps too intemperate body to lead into a path of utility yet more difficult. What was the course, therefore, pursued by the Administration? Had they been dishonest in their love of liberty, had they been insincere in the desire really to promote the great improve ments which the country called for, they might easily have allowed these zealous, but perhaps too impatient spirits, to have produced from the vast mass of new matter disorder and confusion, which would have resulted in the pro duction of no perfect measure. They took, however, a more honest and a more sincere course. Careless of the sneers of some and the taunts of others, regardless of endangering some little passing popularity, they endea voured to lead the minds of those who meant well, but who were perhaps not so well acquainted as themselves with the means of carrying their wishes into effect, to those great points and to those great practical grievances which could be fairly and perfectly considered and ably discussed, that at the (dose of the session the result might be that sound practical benefits might accrue to the people, in order that it should not be said our labours had been in vain. —(Loud applause.) Proceeding as we were, it became the imperative duty of Government to go forward, and Commissions on various subjects were matters of mature deliberation. Commis sions were therefore issued for inquiring into those great practical grievances the Municipal Corporations of this country—(Cheers)—upon the poor laws, that most intri cate and difficult subject ; upon the poor laws in Ireland, another and not less difficult question ; upon fiscal admi nistration in the Excise, in which abuses bad existed for ages to which no Government ever before ventured to ap ply the pruning knife. Here, then, I think, are proofs of an earnest and sincere desire to effect some reform at least; and bow has the pledge of retrenchment been re deemed ? This is not a place in which details are to be entered into, but I may state that Government, in the short period of three years, upon an expenditure of little more than sixteen millions which came within the control of Parliament, has been enabled to effect a reduction to the extent of three millions. They cannot therefore, I think, be fairly accused of having abandoned this pledge. Whilst, too, on the one hand, Government has been enabled to introduce economy in its own affairs, it has been enabled, on the other, by applying a portion of the results of this economy to the relief of those classes which form the ground-work of the structure of all society, upon whom we all rest, in order to enlarge and increase their comforts, and by devoting the remainder to the relief of productive industry, at once give a spur and stimulus to that, thus affording indirectly to every class the best relief thay can obtain at any time, the increase of employment necessarily arising from such distribution. I speak this with more pleasure, because addressing such an assembly as that now before me, there can scarcely be a remission of any tax which does not apply to it ; and 1 feel peculiarly gratified in being able to include in this the article in which ou are so much interested, and for the relief of which I Just my own efforts were not entirely unavailing.—(Cheers.) The third and last pledge of Ministers was the preservation of peace, that greatest blessing to mankind—that benefac tress of civilization. It has been preserved unbroken un der circumstances of difficulty scarcely to be conceived by those who are unable to enter into all the circumstances affecting it. Has, then, that pledge been maintained ? The flag of England--her commercial flag—still flows peaceably in every port of the world ; her merchants may now stretch forth the right hand of friendship in every part of the civilized universe, and in my conscience I believe, that the power of England to avenge an insult, to aid the feeble, or protect the oppressed against the despotism of tyranny, Was never greater than at this hour.—(lmmense applause.) The sword of her sons still sleeps in the sheath, and those mighty engines which at the call of honour and duty, would again be ready to send forth their thunders from shore to shore, or bear her victorious flag triumphant over the w&vee, now repose in peace and quiet, majestic in their calmness. Yet, gentlemen, these are the acts for which on the one hand we are accused of being revolu tionists, and on the other of being traitors to liberty these are the acts, however, upon which you are called upon to judge, and upon which the people of England must decide. This was the state of things at the opening of the last session eight hundred thousand of your fellow-sub jects were branded with the mark of infamy and slavery ; your industry and intelligence deprived of the privilege of seeking their proper field in the provinces of our own Indian empire ; the ports of China sealed against your vessels, and your own, if they approached the shores of England with a cargo, were led off and condemned to suffer penalties ; and the Church of Ireland, in the un shorn splendour of what I can call but its shame, un reformed,:and no provision made to prevent further abuse in it.—(Hear, hear.) Now, however, the accursed blot and stain of slavery are removed ; India is open for your enterprise ; China presents another field for your indus try ; the Church of Ireland is shorn of one half its splen dour, but is increased in virtue and in Christian strength —with this catalogue of our acts in my hand, I would present myself fearlessly before any body of my fellow countrymen, intelligent, upright, and honest, who will consent to listen to it. And, gentlemen, what do I in fer from that which I have taken the liberty to state to you ? Do I pretend to infer that because we have done much, much does not remain? Do I infer that the Go vernment are to rest satisfied with the work they have now performed, and think no more of the future? No, such thing.—(Cheers.) Here I address you for myself. I pretend not to give you, it would be improper I should, now that I am responding to a collective toast, the senti ments of others beyond myself; but I say, and greatly in deed shall I be deceived in the estimate I take of public affairs if this be not their opinion, that you must refer to the past only as an earnest for the future —(Loud applause)—and encouraged by the successful results of a well-considered and searching legislation, we shall proceed not fearlessly, not timidly, in the course which is marked out for us by the wishes, by the growing intelligence, and by the increasing knowledge of the people of England.—(Tremendous applause, which continued for some time.) But here again t slim! say but little. Let us take the practical g ric.-- ance; search it to the quick, and examine which cabs most loudly for reformation. Let the people, therefore, not allow themselves to be entangled in a mass of d ffi cult subjects, whose end will only lead them into confu sion, and prevent them effectually from following out their purposes to a useful end. Is there any one who will say that after having administered reform to the Church of Ireland, reform is not needed in the Church of Eng land ?—(Enthusiastic cheering.) The dissenters call loudly for relief from many practical grievances—from the necessity of contributing to the support of an esta blishment to which they do not belong, and theirs appears to be a just and fair demand.—(Loud cheering.) The state of public education claims perhaps the attention of Parlia ment more than any other ; our reforms in the law, but now begun, require to be carried out,—but there are also other grievances, controversial grievances, on the elective system which will demand the attention of the legislature ; but, gentlemen, let us take these one by one, let us try this system, and I speak now solely in the name of one who would venture to give this advice to Parliament, and I say let us agree to these reforms steadily, that we may be enabled to obtain them effectually.—The Right Hon. Gentleman, who was imperfectly heard 01 outthout his address, then dropped his voice to a tone so low that it was impossible to hear him. When he could he heard he was understood to say that national education was one of the first objects to be brought before the House in the next session. Private benevolence, private industry, and private exertion, lie argued, could unquestionably effect much in the promotion of general knowledge, but to he effective the system must be national. Such were some of the great questions which sooner or later must come before Parliament; there were many others which he had passed over for fear of being tedious ; but there was one which be had hitherto omitted, not because he did not consider it of importance, but because he considered it the most important perhaps of all. He alluded to the corn laws—a question which stood under very peculiar circum stances. Upon this subject the people of England were greatly disagreed; but he was inclined to think that the ignorance which prevailed on the subject tended to make those who were amongst their best friends oppose any al teration. How far that ignorance might be removed he would not pretend to say, but certainly under present circumstances he considered it to have the result he named. The question bad divided the people of this country to a great degree. It was not a party question ; it was scarcely a political question ; it was not a question in which men could be brought to unite although they might adopt the same general line of politics. The dis cussions which had taken place in Parliament bore ample evidence to the truth of this fact, for upon this great ques tion we had not seen the Whig, the Tory, and the Radi cal as usual taking up their separate lines of conduct ; we had seen the Tory, and the party designated some years ago under the name of " Liberal" uniting in policy upon this question ; we had seen political friends vote against political triends, and political enemies join hand-in-hand in union upon this topic, but these circumstances only rendered tie question of more importance and of more dif ficulty to bring to a satisfactory settlement. For these reasons he thought there should be more unity in order that when the proper time arrived, a change might be carried which, whilst it was beneficial to those engaged in manufactures and in commerce, should not be less so to every other inhabitant of the country.—(Applause.) It was a question which now admitted of no compromise, and it was one also upon which all, if they felt as that meeting did, deeply its importance, would strain every effort to carry to a beneficial result. There were many cir cutnstances to be considered carefully besides the simple question to be proposed to Parliament; but he was satis fied that much of the misconception which existed upon it arose as much from the exaggerations of the friends to change, as from the ignorance of its enemies. He was satisfied that the cry which was raised for cheap bread, as tieing the all-important topic with those who wished to change the corn laws, did injury to the cause itself as much as anything always must which was not strictly in accordance with truth. His notion was that cheap bread, in the sense in which it was understood by those who proclaimed it, and by those to whom it was proclaimed, would not be the result of such a change as they desired. The benefit resulting from a change in the systetn would certainly be a more equal price of bread, and that instead of•fluctuations to the extent we at present experienced, we should have an equal range of prices; but above all the benefits which he anticipated was this, that whereas we drew the large supplies of grain which we at present received at uncertain times from the country which afforded them, so there could be no certainty what ever that those supplies would be always equal to the de mand, or that they would afford a fair and remunerating price; and not only was the large amount of price which the country eventually paid for grain, actually increased by charges of other descriptions, for instance by changes for warehousing and interest, but the foreigner .ho pro duced that which he took from hint at once: main periods had necessarily little to be paid for, for paid for at least it must be, and therefore he could net acquire that taste for the products of our own country, which under a fixed and regular scale of duty he would be enabled profitably to do.—(Applause.) ['however dry these details might have been, the meeting would forgive one who felt deeply upon the subject, who considered the substitution of a fixed and certain rate of duty in the place of the present fluctuating one as likely to conduce more than any other measure now before the country to improve the comforts of his fellow citizens ; and they would also excuse him for entering into these details: when he stated that in his opinion a right understandieg of the subject, an absence from exaggeration, whether of benefit or injury, was one of the requisites most needful to enable him to see his plans successfully carried into effect.—(Applause.) He offered these remarks as one who had watched the course of public events, as one who was not entirely unknowing of the state and tactics of parties and of politics. That the important measures be had enumerated would be carried into effect at once he considered impossible, but that they would be carried into effect in the course of time he considered inevitable. —(Cheering.) All he asked, then, was, time ; all he ventured to recommend to them was to check any impatience t he y mi g ht feel, and not to misjudge motives until they could de cide u p on facts.—(Applause.) This was the advice he would offer to them. Ministers could proceed well with but one object a t once, and i f the impatience of the constituency required to be checked it was only g only that it might not obstruct the pro reforms. _.(Hear, res hear.) Would gent lemen believe of other at this pre sen t ti me t h ere wer e no less than 143 notices of motions set down up on the book for the consideration of that the next session, independently of any o f those great mea sures that he had en d eavoure d on ly to hint at, independ ently of . what must b e i n t ro d uce d by the executive power , If Parliament sat for tw e l ve mon ths without if the orders of the House were suspended, if all their time was devoted to the consideration of these notices, and all other matters were to remain unnoticed, the twelve months would expire long before half the number had been effaced from the book , or before those, wh o p erha p s conscientiously thought they were pledged to brin g them forward in obedience to the wishes of their constituents, had had an opportunity of delivering their sentiments. Ile had feebly and but shortly, though too long perhaps for the patience of the meeting, noticed the measures of the Administration during the last session, and he felt proud in having taken a part in their acts. He should also con tinue to feel proud of taking part in them until the day might arrive, hut which he trusted would not soon arrive, when he might find himself obliged to differ from them on points of principle and of opinion, for he felt that a compromise of a great principle would always lead to great evils. He should, however, then quit his connection with power, with far greater pleasure than he ever accepted it. On the other hand, if ever the day should arrive when he might differ in opinion from his constituents, when, con scientiously in the discharge of his duty, he should forfeit their confidence by his acts, he should then retire from public life deeply grieved at the loss of that which he valued most in the world, except that which he would still retain —a conscientiousness of having done his duty to his country and to himself. The Right Hon. Gentle man sat down amidst reiterated cheers. " The British Flag; and may it ever be the symbol of a brave, a just, and a free people." The Pansinzrez proposed the health of M. Philips, Esq., in a brief but energetic address. He paid a well merited tribute to the Honourable Member, whose zealous, single minded, and upright conduct was above all praise, and who had ever proved himself the uncompromising and in dependent friend and supporter of the dearest rights of the people. The toast was drunk amidst loud and general ac clamation. Mr. Pnarrs—As I may be called upon elsewhere to enter more fully into a retrospect of my Parliamentary career, I shall not detain you long upon the present occa sion; but there are one or two points to which I am desirous of adverting, and to which I solicit your im tphaarttia,nl.hecoonlsidlearsattitnone.t yoYuouin company with g m en y tle ß m ig e h n t , Hon. Colleague after our election, in that assembly, Sir, over which you presided, and of which the remembrance will never be effaced from my memory—l stated, that. in taking my seat in the House of Commons it was my determination to pursue a perfectly independent line of conduct; that I never would consent to be the tool of any a dministration, but follow the dictates of sny own conscience, supporting the Government when I thought them right, and opposing them when I thought them wrong. This then, gentlemen, has been the course which I have pursued ; to this principle I have strictly adhered ; and I have no apology to render to you nor to any man living for having so done, whatever difference of opinion may exist as to the propriety of my conduct. —(lmmense cheering.) That I should on all occasions have been right, will neither be admitted by you nor contended by myself. All I ask is, that you will judge me as having always intended right, and I hope that I am not addressing those who will so far prove them selves false friends as not candidly to tell wherein they think roe wrong. —(Hear, hear.) The circumstances under which the present Parliament was assembled, the accumu lation of abuses which a long course of great misrule and extravagance had engendered, and against which the voice of public indignation could no longer be repressed ; the hopes and expectations which the Reform Bill had excited of immediate and extensive amelioration, of great retrench ment in the public expenditure, of great reductions of the public burdens,—rendered the task of any Administration most arduous and perplexing. The means of realizing these expectations, every one must admit, were not and could not be within the instantaneous reach of Earl Grey's Administration. "Rome was not built in a day ;" nor could we expect political regeneration to be accomplished in the course of a single session. With every disposition, therefore, on my part to make allowance for the Herculean labour which a reformed Parliament had before it, in clean sing the Augean stable of the political abuses accumulated under a vicious system of representation, I had earnestly hoped to have enlisted myself under the banner of the present Administration, and with a bold and steady step to have been led by them against the enemy, to have laid siege to his strong holds, and in the open field to have out flanked and dislodged him from a series of formidable po sitions. But, gentlemen, it appears that I was too ardent in my views ; that caution and policy, which as one of the new levy—as a raw recruit--I could not appreciate, induced those under whom I was anxious to have served to halt when it was my desire to have advanced, and to rest upon their arms when I wanted to have had the word of com mand given for the attack.—(Applause.) It was thus, gentlemen, that I felt myself compelled on many occasions to oppose Ministers ; and many and great as were their difficulties, I certainly did and do still feel that they might, and that they ought to have accomplished more. It is im possible for me to know what secret opposition they bad to contend against, nor would I degrade myself or insult them with the vulgar though often-repeated charge, of a desire to retain place and pcmer. Of the Noble Lord the Chancellor of the Exchequer, I may fairly ask in the words of the poet,— " What is grandeur, what is power ?" And his response in the words of the same poet would be— " Heavy toil, superior pain :" But would it not, I ask, in many instances lighten that toil, if, placing themselves at the head of pub lic opinion, Ministers would take a firmer tone with the House of Lords ? I have urged them to that course, and I hope in so doing I have not been considered as desirous of embarrassing them, He participated with his Right Hon. Colleague in the difficulties with which the Administration had to contend, and the interruptions to which they were exposed. Re garding the 143 notices of motion which were entered on the order book of the House of Commons, he deemed it necessary to state that be had not been a party to the entry of one.--(Applause.) His voice had been rarely heard in the House of Commons, and although he repre sented perhaps the largest constituency of any man in that House, yet he had never taken up its time on any frivo lous or a bsurd motion.—(Cheers.) He was well aware of his own incapacity to make any impression on a public assembly, and had preferred reserving what he had to say to the discussion of matters of real importance. Mr. Philips concluded amidst loud and universal cheering, by declaring his readiness to resign his seat the moment his constituents considered that he was not rightly dis charging the duties of the distinguished office to which, by their favour, he had been elevated. The PRESIDENT —Our warmest acknowledgments are now due to the Right Hon. Gentleman on my left (Mr. Puulett Thomson) ; and I again state it as my conviction that we could have selected no man more admirably fitted for our representative than the Right Hon. Gentleman.— (Cheers.) On one occasion, it is known, he preferred our interests to his own, and made it a condition with his colleagues of remaining in office, that our claims should be complied with.—(Loud applause.) Let us therefore show to him that he possesses as much of our regard and confidence as he did twelve months ago.--Mr. Thomson's health was then drunk amidst enthusiastic cheers from all parts cJf the room. Mr. G. P. Titostsoil rose, and was received by the company with deafening cheers. After silence had been obtained be proceeded to observe that be most gratefully, most deeply, and most sincerely acknowledged the kindness they had shown towards him, for which he returned his best thanks. It would ill become him, after the kind indulgence which they had afforded him in a previous part of the evening, to do more now than to thank his friends for their kindness. He had had the opportunity of stating what had been the conduct of those with whom he had the honour to act in the service of the crown ; and as that statement referred equally to his own services as their re presentative, on their verdict, as to his conduct, he was ready and willing to stand or fall.—(Loud and long con tinued cheering.) There might have been occasions when he could have wished that another course could have been pursued—there might have been opportunities, if acting on his own discretion, and possessing the sole management of public affairs, that he should have acted otherwise than he had done ; but be was prepared to avow that, independently of his own connexion with the Government —and had he been merely a member of the House of Commons, and could have carried that knowledge with bitn which nothing but an official station could give— (Applause)_and which, therefore, it was out of the power of any man to obtain in any other capacity, he should have acted precisely as he had done.—(Loud cheers.) His Hon. Colleague had told them that it had happened to him too frequently to be opposed to the mem bers of his Majesty's Government. He regretted the circumstance most sincerely; and though he might differ in opinion from his Hon. Friend, yet he (Mr. T.) was not surprised at the course he bad taken. He trusted, however, that in future there would be fewer occasions for such a difference.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) It might be well worth th e consideration of those who felt impatient as to the acts of Government to look onward and see what had been gained, and to look backward to observe from what we had escaped, and into what we might have fallen. He feared not the return of permanent Tory rule—that the people would guard us against; but it might be aimed at for a short period, and just long enough, by plunging the nation into the other extreme, for creating much con fusion, and of throwing back the tide of civilization and improvement, which it had been the object of every sincere lover of his country to secure.—(Cheers.) The respected President had been pleased to connect his name with praise of his feeble efforts—for the exertion be bad made in support g conamercial freedom. Upon its principles_ he bad staked his character and con duct; and every day's event afforded evidence of the success of those views. In the West of Europe he found such a policy adopted. He turned to France, our neighbour no less from feeling and interest than proximity, and now by civilization—(Cheers) — progressing in the same spirit with us of commercial freedom, and proving herself a political friend, whose connexion was not less important. Other countries, less favoured by the light of liberty than our own, were fol lowing the example in which we had led the way.--The Right Hon. Gentleman referred to a report emanating, as he said, from no mean authority. The French writer had said that England could at any time cause a revolt in Lyons, but that France could not cause a revolt in Manchester or Birmingham. Make Birtnineham and Nlanchester equally dependent upon France as Lyons was dependent upon England, and then the tables would be perfectly squared. God forbid be should seek such a dependence for bad purposes, but he asked it for good ; for it would knit together more firmly the bonds of na tions than any parchment treaties—(Cheers) —and would tend to prevent that greatest curse to mankind—. war.—(Applause.) But there was a limit to which, without regard to foreign nations, he would go. He would follow the just course, and not a step would he go further. Whilst be would not interfere with the fiscal regulations of other countries, his love of liberty would ex•end so far as to demand that our own country and others should be on equal terms, and exposed to the same disadvan tages. It would become hits not further to trespass upon their attention, because the principles of freedom in our commercial policy were as well known and as deeplyseated in their minds as in his owo. But the fact was not ge nerally known—it was not fully proclaimed—the princi ples attached to its name lost half their force until his con stituents silenced all opposition, and stopped the mouths of the scoffers, in their bitterness and gall, when they adopted as their representative a most feeble, but still per haps the most zealous advocate of those principles.— (Loud cheering followed Mr. Thomson's address, of which the above is a very imperfect outline, the extreme pres sure of other matter totally precluding us from following him through his eloquence and energetic observations.) The PnEsinEnr said he had now to propose, " The siasss charter of our right., Reform A et ." H e would call on their tried friend and fellow-labourer in the cause, Mr. Baxter, to respond to the toast. Mr. BAXTER said that although he generally rose with great reluctance at public meetings, he rose on the present occasion with some pleasure. He must say he had antici • pated a faster progress than had taken place last session, but he felt that the House of Commons, if encouraged by the people, would go on, and compel the other branch of the Legislature to adopt those future reforms, and espe cially Church Reform,which the circumstances of the coun try required,—(Cheers.) The PRESIDENT then gave, " The Reform Members of Lancashire ;" and said he especially welcomed the honest and indefatigable Members for Wigan and Salford.— (Loud cheers.) Mr•. R. POTTER rose and' said—For the honour you have been pleased to confer upon me as one of the Mem bers for Wigan, I beg to offer my grateful thanks ; more particularly for the flattering manner with which you re ceived the toast. It is very gratifying to receive the approbation of a meeting like this, and very encouraging for the future discharge of our duty. I have listened with great pleasure to the speeches of the two Members for this borough ; more particularly so, as they appear to have give❑ so much satisfaction to this highly-respectable company. If I were not speaking in the presence of my Hon. Frind Mr. Philips, I would say more about him than I now intend to do; but having been an eye-witness to his entire and unwearied devotion to the various and arduous duties which devolve on him as Member for Manchester, having with him for months watched the progress of Bills of considerable importance, which generally come on for discussion after midnight, but of which the public know very little, I may, I trust, without flattery, be permitted to express my firm conviction that the period is not far distant when my valued friend will not only become an efficient but a most influential Member of Parliament.— (Cheers.) The Right Hon. Gentleman has already been instrumental in removing part of the duty on cotton, and I feel confident that if he can only have " a free stage and fair play," the extension of his well-known principles of free trade will greatly benefit the country.—(Loud ap plause.) You have heard his opinion on the corn laws, and during the late session be endeavoured to put them into practice, as I will endeavour to show. Mr. Thom son was chairman of the Committee which sat on the manufactures, commerce, and shipping of the country ; at the termination of the labours of the Committee Mr. Thomson brought forward some resolutions, one of which recommended a considerable change in the corn laws— (Applause)—and referred to the advantages the trade of the country would derive from such alteration. No man entered upon the duties of the late session of Parliament with a more anxious wish to support the Ministry than 1 did—(Hear) —because they had been instrumental in the passing of what I must always call it, " the glorious Re form Bill." But I soon found that I was obliged often to oppose them, not from factious motives, but from a sense of duty to my constituents and my country.—(Cheers.) Committees have sat on several questions of the utmost importance, and I firmly believe, if time be given, the present Ministry will realize the expectations held out that the Reform Bill is a means to an end. I believe we are on the eve of great, important, and beneficial changes. I can only say that I shall be at my post, ready to support every measure baying for its object the welfare, happiness, and prosperity of this country..—(Mr. Potter sat down amidst loud and long continued applause.) Mr. BROTMERTON said that he was not so foolish as to turn upon those who could not accomplish all at once, and take part with those who were the enemies of all improve ment. Yet he would join his Honourable Friend, Mr. Philips, in respectfully urging upon Ministers i❑ bringing forward their measures to rely upon the people, and in their language to the House of Lords, not to declare a willingness to take less, but to say, not this or less, but this or more.—(Cheers.) Knowing that there were liberal men in the Ministry, he had felt that the best support he could give them was to urge them onwards. The PRESIDENT then said he bad to call their attention to a great grievance, but one in which not much could be done, unless they did it themselves.—" May the pre sent corn laws, so pernicious to the commercial and general prosperity of the country, be speedily removed."— (Tremendous cheering.) He would call upon Mr. Greg to respond to the toast. (We gave the substance of Mr. Greg's and Mr. Watkin's speeches yesterday.) The PRESIDENT—In connection with the toast which was last given, I now give—" May the R form Parlia ment speedily establish a system of education which will promote the best interests of the people," and beg to call of Mr. Shuttleworth to respond to the toast. Nr. SHUTTLENVORTH spoke to the toast, and alluded to the efforts made by Prussia, France, and other States, in establishing a national system of education. He was certain that this country would not be content with any arrangements upon the subject which were less general or inferior to those which were adopted elsewhere. England had means for a public system already provided in the rich endowments for education, and in the Sunday schools and day schools which were scattered over the country; for many of these might be justly appropriated, with the most scrupulous regard to the intentions of their founders, in furtherance of a general plan. Education would give permanence to the prosperity and valuable institutions of the country, and would also, by improving the habits of the people through the increase of intelligence, raise their condition.—(Cheers.) He concluded by forcibly exhort ing the people to exert themselves for the purpose of obtaining the establishment of a national system of edu- cation. The PRESIDENT then gave "Church Reform," which was received with loud plaudits. Mr. Haitnarms said it would be impossible at that late hour to do common justice to a subject of such vast importance. He would therefore sum up all that be might otherwise have said in three propositions. He thought Church Reform ought to embrace :--Ist. The removal of all patronage or endowment in the church. 2d. The total repeal of all compulsory payment for reli gion ; and 3d, Equal rights and equal privileges without regard to sect or party. These comprised all that was wished for, and he thought they were so just that it was but reasonable to expect his Majesty's Ministers to carry them into effect.—(Clieers.) The PRESIDENT —I have now to propose " The repeal of the Septennial Act, and the adoption of the Vote by Ballot in the election of Members of Parliament."— (Cheering which seemed as if it would have no end.) I should be ashamed of myself if I did not avow that though I am favourable to the first, I have not brought m yself to believe in the necessity of the ballot. Ibeg now co call Oil Mr. Dyer.—(Great cheering.) Mr. D YEA, who was received with loud cheers, said that, at that late hour, it would be improper to detain the meeting with the consideration of the toast, but he con fessed that if it had b een g i ve n at an either hour, h e would have occupied th e i r a ttention with some observations on measures whi c h, b o th f r om feeling and from judgment, he was disposed to pronounce as of the first-rate conse quence, and which ought not to be passed unnoticed io meetings like that.--(Cbeere.) Much had been said about b ( l AD CI OtrerCClA explanations to constituents, hot .-- - 2 (:„, E_____,, , - :!;••\ practicable, they could not always iii iffric t , -- , - ~n, for thty' ~-. 4., ' were always %/I involved the working over again a _ e...littAness of the :. ...2, session, and time would be required for lewhieh neither -.' I. auditors nor Members would he disposed to spare. Th e ' /..") only efficient check was short Parliaments.—(Loud cheer.. ing.) If constituents were dissatisfied, they would find a remedy at the next election ; and if elections were more frequent, the people would have the power of sending persons who would at all times represent their opinions. Amongst the objections that were urged against shortening the duration of Parliaments, was one that Parliatnente were really shorter than seven years.—(Hear, hear.) But there was no certainty of the period being shorter, and the consequence was that every member felt that he would be for a long period independent of public control, and consequently was beyond the wholesome control of public opinion. If it were reasonable and just that men should have votes, it was reasonable and just that they should he enabled to exercise them free from any influence but of their own judgment.—(Loud cheers.) It would be an easy task to show the futility of all the objections which had been urged against the ballot, but he would content himself at present with saying that they never could ex tract the unbiassed opinion of the people at elections, without its protection.—(Loud cheers.) The Right Hon. C. P. THOMSON then proposed the health of the Chairman, whom he characterised as the liberal advocate of all that was beneficial to the humbler cltsses of society. The toast having been drunk with great applause, Mr. HAywoon returned thanks, and the meeting immediately broke up, no one . lee being called to the chair. THE BANKING TRADE. It appears from the advertisements issued, that, though the time is not yet definitively fixed, the London and West.. rninster Bank will shortly commence business in the me tropolis, with which period will also commence those a:- terations in the system of banking on which this and other banks of the like kind found their pretensions to public support, and which are permitted, some of them for the first time, under the new Bank Charter Act. The most important of these alterations is that of allowing 113Lerceb o n dcpooito, has Jung been a des ideratittn with the moneyed interest of London, and certainly ought to exist in such a community. The private bankers and the Bank of England have uniformly resisted it—tbe former because their profit was derived from the deposits of their customers, and the latter as perhaps not caring much about the matter, or not choosing to incur the unpopula rity with the body of bankers at large of disturbing the existing practice ; or a still more powerful motive might be, that through the various shocks private credit has received during the last ten years, the directors, without any condition for allowing interest, were always sure of abundant deposits. No other banting company being at that time permitted in London, the public had not the resource of any place where deposits could at once be con sidered perfectly secure and where interest on them could be obtained. It is intended in the new bank to keep the deposit accounts distinct from the current accounts of their customers, and they are to remain for a fixed period, otherwise the bank is not to be held to the condition of paying interest at all. This differs, we believe, from the practice of the country banks, where interest is allowed on the floating balance of the current accounts, instead of making them distinct, as now proposed. The new method wilt probably attain the same end by a more simple process. Another novelty is the dispensing with the necessity of keeping any balance at all, the parties having a current account open entering into an agreement with the bank to pay a small annual sum for management ; but it may be doubted whether this will be acted on to any extent, as the private bankers, though they prefer having large deposits, do not stipulate for them with their customers, and no current account can well be so arranged as not to have some balance. The private bankers are said to regard with some jea lousy the measure for allowing interest on deposits, but still more is believed to exist in the Bank parlour, as the first effect of it must be a diminution of the large sums now in the custody of the Directors, for few persons whom it may have suited to keep deposits in the Bink without any interest at all will hesitate at removing them to a place where they may obtain interest, and where the deposit will be perfectly secure. The rate proposed to be allowed on deposits is 2 per cent. on sums under 1,0001., but for larger sums a special agreement is to be entered into. It is not unlikely that the competition of the private bankers will gradually draw them into similar arrangements. Both the mercantile and moneyed interests are i❑ the meantime awaiting with much interest the result of an experiment which forms at present one of the most important features of the Money-market.-- Times. The Lords of the Treasury have issued au order to the distributors of stamps, requiring that, after the expiration of two years from the date of publication, the files of all newspapers deposited with them shall be transmitted to the British Museum ; and their Lordships, at the same time, direct that particular attention shall be paid to keeping the series complete. This regulation will prove of immense importance to future antiquaries and historians. Letters from Genoa, dated December 10, mention that Bourmont and five other noted Carliste had arrived in the Gulf of Spezzia, and were there performing quarantine. Their arrival, and the late concentration of that party in Genoa, appear to have given rise to a supp sition that some new movement was meditated. At all events they were looked upon with much suspicion. THE NEW MONTHLY MAGAZINE.—SinCC the exclusion of all party politics from this periodical, it has become a greater favourite than eves, and several of its former most celebrated contributors appear to have returned with fresh vigour to its support; but, independ ently of its ancient friends, it has made several new and important acquisitions; among whom our readers will be ' pleased to hear is the clever author of " Sayings and Doings," who has never before, we believe, written in any magazine, although his peculiar talents eminently qualify him for that species of composition. He has contributed, we understand, sub rosa, several pages to each of the last three numbers, but we observe that, in the January number, there is to appear a sketch avowedly from his pen. The prospect of a very large increase of the circulation has put the spirit of speculation ag iin into activity, and the Consul market, which his had a further advance today, has undergone a material change in its general appearance. As nothing is likely to present itself immediately to check it, the impulse may c ontinue for some time, until the g reat leaders of the movement think it proper to realize, and leave their followers to get out as they can. The opposite party, who are losers by the rise, and would gladly, therefore, hit upon some discou raging topic to check or prevent it, have contrived to raise some slight distrust with respect to the tenor of the King of the French's speech, to be delivered this day on the opening of the Chambers, which, according to them, will advert in strong terms to the encroachments of Russia in the east of Europe ; but the subject has not occupied much attention, nor has it, as it would appear, at all impeded the advance. Consols for the account left off at 90 ; Ex chequer Bills at 435. to 455. premium.— Times. LITERARY NOVELTIES.—The present month has been marked, in the Literary World, by the produc tion of two more cheap Monthly Publicationss both of which are undoubtedly deserving of the most ample sup port. The one is particularly addressed to the Army and Navy, and is entitled " The Naval and Military Library of Entertainment." It is to consist of a selec tion of the most popular modern works of fiction by distinguished officers; and the entire series is to be limited to twenty volumes. The first set consists of the " Naval Officer," by Captain Marryat, R.N. The other publication is a collection of the most celebrated modern Irish National Tales, by Lady Morgan, Messrs. Banim, Crowe, &cc ,to be completed in nineteen volumes. Both publications are issued on the same plan as Colburn's Modern Novelists ; each set being sold separately at only 45. per volume, bound in morocco cloth. ANOTHER LAST DAY.—The 10th of No vember was the day appointed for collecting " the national debt due to Mr. O'Connell." That day passed; and it was affirmed that many who had been deprived of an op• portunity of " doing their duty" on that occasion were of Decemberdesirotisofrepwaairsinggivetnheouotm, omission. Accordingly, cio/%; a t s al a day of grace, ccor dingly, the Ist went could be re ceived, inasmuch as th e treasure r ' s accounts must be b u t positively the last on which any instalment forthwith audited. The first of December is gone; and Irish eo they still so insatiabl e o f giving must have another gale, and ar e the will take no ple, that en dial. " The collection," says the official Journal (the Morning Re gister), " is in course of effectuation in every parish in day, vow year, Ireland, eciteihneyfiorfa c . l a h y a v o e f a t h d o e p n t e e d w t i e dns o e g l%is i oi n uor a pn l edir t at. r sy i i b ctao u ifoi t tn e ue:rs p, eeiet i ro;enn . acr le I : W rs o e t w s m h ee a l f l hf p -t r dh o ae b y a ,o b i id l t y would be anything but gene rous to reit= to indulge the p at heoa L vlee l r r ie i j s at h Correspondent of the Morning Herald. ature. red to nil the die. the Pt.