The Sun. — London, England, 1833-01-09 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. We yesterday alluded to the petitions ad dressed to the Chamber of Deputies in favou of the Duchess of Berry, and to the animated discussion which they were expected to excite in that assembly. The complete report of that discussion has now reached us, and an abridg ment of it will be found in another column. It will, of course, command less attention here than on the other side of the water, and really is not much calculated to create a great sensation anywhere. In the first place, the petitioners deserve little regard either in their collective or in their individual capacity. They are neither respectable for talents, strong in argument, nor powerful in numbers. Many of the petitions are signed by single individuals, who express only their own opinion, and their reasoning is more calculated to provoke laughter than to jus tify revolt, or to excite sympathy for misfortune One noble petitioner assures the Assembly that the Duchess arrived in France with the most pacific intentions,—that her object in joining the Vendeans was to restrain their courage ra ther than to stimulate their disaffection,—and that she endured all the hardships of the cam paign against the King's troops merely to pre vent the insurgents from attacking them ! An other sapient Royalist proposed a kind of na tional jury to try two questions, on the affirma tive of which he rested his justification of the Duchess,—namely, Ist, whether, in coming to demand the Crown of France for her son, she had fulfilled only the duties of a mo ther; and, 2d, whether, in acting as she had done, she had in view the happiness o! her country ? So, by the political logic of thi , Bourbon Royalist, the mother of the young Duke of Bordeaux was entitled to kindle the flames of civil war, and to make thousands of mothers childless, that she might procure a better fortune for her own infant son ; and if it can be proved that she had no other motive than her maternal feelings, all the horrors of the civil war redound to her credit ! ! The collective petitions are as ridiculous in their tenour those signed by individuals, while some of them were even so treasonable that they have been banded over to the Minister of Justice, to in quire into the expediency of prosecuting their authors. The order of the day was recommended by the reporter of the commission on these petitions, and after a warm debate was adopted. The interest of the debate thus turned neither upon the nature of the petitions themselves, nor the character of the petitioners, nor the result of the discussion, hut solely upon the disclosures which were expected from the Ministry, of thr grounds on which they had hitherto acted, and the announcement of their future intentions with respect to the disposal of their Royal cap tive. On these points two of the Ministers spoke, and gave all the information which the Government is now prepared to communicate. At the time of the capture of the Duchess, wt stated that the Government had only one of three courses to pursue in order to escape from the embarrassing situation in which her arrest and imprisonment had placed them—namely, either to try her by the existing laws, or to bring in a law of exception to dispose of her person, or act as they did in the time of Charles X.. two years ago, and to escort her out of the kingdom without a law, as the agents of Loui , Philip did herself and the rest of the Bourbons on that occasion. The Movement party de manded her trial before a Court of Assizes of the Chamber of Peers. The friends of the Mi nistry recommended an application to the Legis lature for a special law, and the Ministry them selves seemed to have formed no decided opinion whether they would adopt this latter alternative, or act on their own responsibility in detaining her as a prisoner without any judgment either by the tribunals or by the Chambers. The in conveniences of a trial either in Paris or in the provinces.—the danger of an acquittal from re spect to her sex or pity for her fallen fortunes, — the probability of renewed disturbances should the verdict be against her,—the embarrassing situation in which it would place the King, either to pardon the Royal convict or to execute the sentence,—the uncertainty of the procedure, or the want of forms for the prosecution of a person so near the throne,—who was originally a foreign Princess, and who could never be said to be a subject of Louis Philip,—and a hundred other considerations which may occur to the mind of every reflecting person, have pre vailed with the great majority of the French public to abandon the idea or the wish of a criminal process before either the Chamber of Peers or a Court of Assize. Nearly an equal array of objections exists to the introduction of a bill of attainder, or of pains and penal ties, into the Chambers. The great body of Frenchmen are naturally averse to laws of ex ception, and the charter particularly declares that no legislative measure shall have a retro-active (fleet. The only remaining course thus left open was to retain her as a prisoner in perpetuity, or till a convenient opportunity should occur of sending her out of the country on a guarantee that she should not again return to trouble its repose, or after the passing of a law to punish her should she again be found within its limits. In the spring of last year the Chambers passed an act for banishing the whole family of the Bourbons for ever from the soil of France, but unfortunately attached no special penalty to their return. They were therefore no longer to be considered as French citizens, they were placed beyond the pale of French law and of the law of nations,—and it would probably have been hard to try them lor the want of an allegi ance which they could not show—to consider them as traitors when they could not be sub jects,—or to inflict upon them penalties when they could not enjoy privileges. But, were they warned of the penalty of returning to France by an act which should renew the declaration of their banishment, no exception could be pleaded in their favour, if found in arms against the French Government, or exciting disturbances in any part of the kingdom. These observations will be found to coincide with the tenor of the speeches delivered by the. Duke de Broglie and the Minister of Commerce. " According to the letter of the law of last spring," . says M. de Broglie, "the Duchess of Berry ought immediately on her arrest to have been re-embarked and conveyed out of France ; according to the spirit of that law, she ought to have beets restored to her family, because the law contained no penal sanction.' The Government would have acted on this plan when she was taken in November last, had they not learned that she was not under the control of her family—that a life of dangers and adventures pleased her excited imagination, and that if sent away she would return to excite fresh troubles or to kindle new insurrections in the western provinces. They therefore kept her as a prisoner on their own responsibility, till they should consult the Legislative Chambers, or procure a penal sanction to the law of banishb ment. We recommend the whole debate to the mention of our readers, particularly the admi rable speech of the Duke de Broglie. The manner in which the discussion was conducted on all sides was extremely creditable to the French Chamber, and would be so to any body of men heated by the passions natural to such a There was no bitter accusation brought Crisis. against the Duchess—no ungenerous allusions made to her past conduct—no cry raised for her blood or for rigorous punishment. The mis fortunes of the prisoner and the exile covered the criminal adventures of the insurgent Prin cess; and if we were to find any fault with the speakers, it would be that they seemed to leave too much out of view the calamities of which , he had been the cause in the unhappy province Nbich she had excited to revolt.—Times. We are not of the number of those who treat all our political opponents as if they were dis honest or insincere. V.Te hold such indiscrimi- , nate imputations to be no less foolish than wrong. Especially in questions new to the public mind, as that of the ballot is, there will he always an unusual number of objectors, per. fectly sincere and conscientious, who have not vet contemplated the subject with sufficient at tention to appreciate fully either the evil to be cured, or the remedy suggested to cure it. But with respect to those objectors who treat the ballot as inefficacious and impotent, we are by no means disposed to be equally charitable. They dislike the ballot very sincerely ; but they dislike it on account of its full efficiency, not on account of its- impotence. No man can look upon the same thing at once as a mischief and as a nullity ; and the language of all ob jectors to the ballot proves that they regard it in the former character, not in the latter. The Times now feels assured that the ballot will - - prove a nullity, and this is one of their various objections against it. But it was not always that the Times felt thus with respect to the bal lot. We have now before us their article of June 14, 1830; an instructive and perspicuous sum mary of the French electoral system. The fol lowing is an extract from it : " This leads us to mention, that in the French elec tions balloting alone is used, and the lovers of liberty in that country are extremely jealous or apprehensive of any change. If our readers have attended to the remarks which we have repeatedly made in this journal on the cen tralization of power in France, and the extent to which every man's interests are exposed in contes►s with the local ilthorities—all rernoveahle at the pleasure of the Crown, and consequently all political agents at a general election— they will perceive that without ballot in that country, there could be no electoral independence. In all the in. strucfions given to the electors by their constitutional friends, either in the journals or through the circulars of 'he directing committees, the former are particularly re quested to be careful in writing their bulletins, to avoid the inspection of the President or Secretaries of the Elec toral College."—Extract from the Times, of June 14, 1630. " Without the ballot (say the Times) there can be no electoral independence in France !" Is it possible to proclaim in dearer language the irresistible efficacy of the ballot ? The language of the Times does, indeed, refer exclusively to France, but what is there to make it less appli cable to England ? If secret voting be found to disarm the tyrant, and to insure the free ex pression of the voter's consciecce on one side of ihe Channel, why should it fail of these salutary effects on the other ? In treating of the ballot as it is now seen working in France, we do not believe that the most prejudiced critic ever re garded it as practically null and inoperative. The reverse was too plain and notorious. The intense anxiety with which this sacred shield was guarded by its friends—the unprincipled stratagems laid to steal it away by its enemies— proved it to be no common implement of war. No doubt the Government might guess, from certain words and actions of an elector, in what way he was likely to vote ; and their guess might in some cases amount to a full and confident anticipa tion that he would vote in one particular way. If, on the strength of this belief, they chose to visit him with their displeasure, they might un doubtedly do so : but they could not make the infliction of their displeasure conditional on the way in which he actually voted, because they could never know how he actually voted. The dependant voter might have a motive to elude their displeasure by simulated talk and simulated action ; but he could not possibly elude it by a simulated vote, any more than he could provoke it by a genuine vote. The vote of every French elector was rescued altogether from their control, and became the undisturbed expression of the elector's own preference. We cannot refrain From saying, that the gratitude of the country is due to the Times for the attention and sympathy which they bestow on individual cases of elec toral oppression. Though we differ with them about the proper remedy, we rejoice to see that they feel a generous indignation against the evil and its authors.—Morning Chronicle. The arguments, or rather the excuses, put forth by the Journal apologists of the Ministry, in justification of the rumoured intention of Lord Grey to permit the Tories to impose upon him Mr. Manners Sutton as the Speaker of the. first Reformed Parliament, are too transparently absurd to influence the public mind, or to vindi cate such a pusillanimous act of a Whig Ad ministration. We may only ask—what would those same apologists, a few weeks since, have thought or written on such a monstrous propo sition as the re-election of a Tory Speaker ? They would have treated it as a chimera—a scandalous reflection on the Cabinet. Now the reported intention of Lord Grey to pro mote the elevation of the Ex-Speaker to his former important and responsible sta tion is defended, and, we boldly assert, is maintained, on false grounds. Mr. Manners Sutton is not espoused by Ministers because of his appropriate fitness for the office. The Go vernment did not consider his re-election essen tial to the order and decorum of the new Parlia ment ; and, indeed, they would have paid but an ill compliment to the Reformed Legislature, and miserably appreciated the well-known qualifica tions of many old and independent Members of the House of Commons for the situation and duties of the Speakership, if any such reasons had existed in their minds. Nor has Mr. M. Sutton consented to resume his office because he has been pleasurably surprised to find that the Reform Acts have not filled his old House with demagogues and paupers. Mr. Manners Sutton never apprehended any such result from the amendment of the representation. His long term of service—his health, a material motive —the probably objectionable political principles of the new Legislature—and other goodly motives, notoriously induced the Hon. Member to resign his office. Ministers, before the Cam bridge University election, never contemplated his re-assumption of the Speakership. The Tories acutely . -brought him forward ; and Mr. M. Sutton, smarting under the disappointment of the non-attainment of the dignity of-the Peerage, allowed himself to be played against the Go- vernment by the Conservatives. The Ministers, frightened at shadows, " turn their backs on themselves," and as the Tories assert and boast fully published, sounded the Hon. Member on his intentions ! The Speakers anciently made their " excuse" to the Commons and the King on their election, modestly declining the honour to the principle Nolo Episcopari ; and the Ex-Speaker, we presume, following the old pre cedent of coyness, took time to consider his answer. Doubtless the Conservatives held a council, and in Carbon-terrace assented to the generous offer of Ministers—conceiting and de lighting themselves with the complete success of their last political snare. We know that many firm and fast friends of Lord Grey are extremely concerned to see his Administration thus lowered in public estimation, and to witness the triumph of Toryism over his resolution and judgment. We received last night a curious letter, detailing the rejoicings at the house of a certain clique politician in the metropolis, on the successful explosion of this Tory mine; but we decline to use its contents, as we do not covet such sort of private information. The genuine nature of the contents, however, prove the joy of the Tories on the prospect of the Cabinet intention of enlisting the Ex-Speaker in their service. Mr. Manners Sutton voted for Mr. Baring and other Tory candidates at the recent elections, which, doubtless, pe culiarly adds to his claims on a Whig Mini stry ! But we oppose this projected extraordi nary re-appointment of the Ex-Speaker, on the se rious and incontrovertible grounds we have before stated. It is of paramount importance that Lord Grey should avail himself of every oppor tunity to strengthen his means of good Govern ment, and to show to the public and his real friends that men of liberal and enlightened poli tical views will be promoted in lieu of Tories and Aristocratical Serviles. A just impression prevailed, most injurious to the present Admi nistration, that the fear of enemies has been more calculated on and respected than the strength of friends. We fully admit'the difficult and critical situation of Lord Grey during the last two years, and that many unreasonable ex pectations may have been indulged by the great body of the Reformers, who have never entered into the labyrinths and inextricable windings of palaces and parties. But the question of Reform was the only bond of union among the Minis terial supporters in Parliament during the last Session. The liberal Members were not satis fied with the indications of the Government. The new House of Commons will not be that " manageable" assembly a "leader" could desire. The Administration must take higher ground than heretofore ; they must originate, not re luctantly tolerate, propositions of practical and decided Reform. They must determinately en deavour to destroy the fatal influence of the pre sent Tory incumbents in every department of " Church and State," by the promotion of men of liberal principles and political aptitude, when vacancies occur in the different offices of autho rity and trust. Where can Ministers more favourably exhibit such a spirit and determination as in the election of the Speaker of the new Parliament ? The whole system of the procedure of the British Legislature requires revision and organic alteration. The modes of legis lation in this country are really more defec tive than those of other European countries. The House of Commons cannot now perform its legislative duty without a new and complete sys tem of subdivision of legislatorial labour. The fee gathering plunder and enormous salaries, exist ing throughout every department of the two Houses of Parliament, must and will become subjects of immediate inquiry and remedial mea sures. The enterprise and commercial capital of the nation cannot much longer be impeded by the " Private Bill " system. These topics, however, would require a volume if we dis cussed them in detail ; but we may sincerely ask every liberal and well informed representative of the people, whether they do not supply infinite arguments against the re-election of Mr. Man , ners Sutton. We have fully and fairly ad 'slitter! the Hon. Gentleman's courteous and able discharge of his official duty in the unre formed Parliaments which have enjoyed his services as Speaker ; but, we ask, what single act of judicial or legislative Reform has been promoted by Mr. Manners Sutton during his long period of office ? Is a Tory of his age — of his confirmed opinions and habits—of his probable prejudices and limited knowledge of modern political science—a fit and proper Pre sident of the first Reformed House of Com mons ? Are his predilections for the Conser vative party—is the very mode and plot of his intended re-election—credit or support to the Whig Administration ? On many grounds, not necessary to specify, it is expedient that the Speaker of the House of Commons should be favourable to the Government—especially not hostile to liberal opinions ; but we will defer other observations on this extraordinary ru moured intention of the Cabinet. The whole difficulty has originated in the refusal of a Peerage to Mr. Manners Sutton. The manly and straight forward conduct of Lord Grey— that course befitting his dignity and acknow ledged characteristic discretion—is to translate the Ex-Speaker to the Upper House ; when the Premier will be saved the ignominy of proposing a Tory Speaker, and the factious Conservatives will be deprived of their pre sent exulting triumph.—Morning Chronicle.. An Evening Ministerial Paper, mentions as something new and strange that Admiral Ricord, who commands the Russian fleet in the Medi terranean, has been detected in acting a treacherous part, and one calculated to foment and keep alive the civil dissensions of that country. In starting this supposed " novelty" in the political world, our contemporary has only discovered what is vulgarly called a " mare's nest." Several months have now elapsed since we published some accounts of the conduct of Admiral Ricord, which proved beyond all doubt his participation in acts hostile to the tranquillity of Greece, and at variance with the open profes sions of the Cabinet of St. I'etersburgh as to its pretended anxiety for the consolidation of the peace of that unhappy country. About that time the Treasury Journals were such implicit believers in the honourable intentions of Russia, and such admirers of the good faith that marked her policy, notwithstanding the perfidy and crimes which worked the destruction of Polish inde pendence, that they would no more give credit to charges of foul and dishonourable conduct against the agents of Russia in Greece , than Lord Palmerston could be induced to believe in the reality of the war against Holland, although our vessels of war made spoil of' her mer chandise, and our French Allies committed wholesale murder of her rpeople. We also recollect copying some interesting particulars relative to the misdoings of the Russian Admiral, from, if we are not mistaken, an Aberdeen paper. Among other things it was stated that cannon had been landed from the Russian ships to assist one of the parties that was disturbing the peace of the country and that some Russian artillerymen had been taken a mong the insur gents—yet the treachery of the Russian is now nompously announced by a voice from Downing street as a discovery ! Has the genius of the Foreign-office been asleep ; or has the beauti fully-entangled web of Belgian policy monopo lised all its laboriously-abortive ingenuity ? We are now told that " while Prince Otho was ex- petted daily to arrive in Greece, for the purpose of restoring order and subordination, it appears the Russian Admiral had been tampering with some members of the Greek Senate, and has actually aided and abetted them in their secession from the common cause of their country. Ten unworthy members of that body, with the as •istance of the Russian Admiral, have with• !rawn themselves from the seat of Government, ioisted the standard of insurrection against their countrymen, and offered to the Russian Ad• miral himself the station of President o Greece !" It has been our avowed opinion, from the beginning, that Russia never interfered in the affairs of Greece but with the view of eventually appropriating that country to herself. Even if she should discard her Admiral on finding that his plot had failed of success, she would take her measures so as to make the beardless Otho the puppet of her will. Russia knows that the more she distracts the country, the more easy will it be for her, in course of time, to seize upon the prey on which her vulture am bition has long desired to pounce. It was pre cisely by the same course of policy—that which is condensed in the maxim divide et impera— that she effected the first partition of Poland ; much in the same way did - she obtain the sove reignty of the Crimea. The Ministerial Journal adds, " We are glad, however, to learn that the accredited agent of the Czar disapproves loudly of the part taken by his naval officer." Of course he does ; who would expect him to criminate himself? What next ? "We therefore trust that the conduct of the latter will be disavowed and disapproved at St. Petersburgh." It is very probable it will be disavowed, if the haughty Czar condescend to give any explanation of the matter at all ; just as the Empress Catherine disavowed all that her treacherous emissaries were doing in the old kingdom of Poland until the time was ripe for that infamous league among the three robber Potentates, by which the gallant nation that first checked the career of the Otto- man conquerors was parcelled out as the booty of the perfidious spoilers. History informs us of the arts which the Cabinet of St. Petersburgh employed on a former occasion to raise the Greeks in insurrection against their Turkish oppressors ; and history also informs us that when the same Cabinet considered it more to its immediate advantage to make peace with the Porte than continue the war, it abandoned the Greeks to their fate, without making any stipu lations in their favour. He is a novice in poli tical information who does not know that the Cabinet of St. Petersburgh is as crafty, subtle, and perfidious, as it is inordinately ambitions Whatever may be its avowals or disavowals Greece is as surely marked for a province o Russia, as Belgium is designed to be a depen. dency of France.—Morning Herald. In another column will be found the copy o an Address lately presented by " the Society for the Diffusion of Information on Capital Punishments" to the Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench, with his Lordship's answer. Our readers are aware of the constant and perse vering efforts which we have made, during some years past, to induce our Legislators to reform that chaotic mass of Penal Statutes in which, as if to mock the growing energies of civilization in this country in other respects, the spirit of barbarism resides. To effect this great object, the talents and virtues of such enlightened sena tors as Meredith and Romilly were unavailing, because they were not supported by the press. Since we commenced our labours public opinion has been thoroughly awakened to the subject, both in this country and in France. In both king doms the aversion to the judicial destruction of life becomes continually stronger. Since the time that we exerted ourselves to save the lives of the delinquent Ministers of Charles X., that feeling, so characteristic of moral improvement, has made great progress. The principles of criminal jurisprudence which we advocate, are those which are also supported by the Society to which we have alluded. The Bills which in the last Session repealed the penalty of death for all cases of forgery, with two exceptions, introduced in the House of Lords—for all cases of counterfeiting the coin, and for several cases of larceny, attest the advance which has already been made, in a comparatively short time, to substitute rational and corrective punish ments for those of revenge and extermination. The Forgery Bill of Chief Justice Denman will make his memory revered when the perishable conflicts of party shall have been forgotten. Lord Auckland has the honour of having intro duced the Bill on coining ; and Mr. Ewart, by one short Act cutting off a variety of penalties of blood, deserves well of his country and of mankind. In remarking upon those reforms and their effects, the- Lord Chief Justice well observes that the judicial duty has been divested of much that made it painful, by the improve ments of late years, which, he adds, " is mainly to be ascribed to the enlightened and persever ing benevolence of your Society. Through their humane, but temperate exertions, the temp tation to trifle with the sacred claims of truth (in the cases to which the improvements apply) is removed. Those distressing conflicts are avoided by which, in former times, the arm of justice was paralysed, and opinion lends a willing and conscientious aid to authority." These are the judicious sentiments of an enlightened mind— equally free from the intemperance of a rash theo rist and the shackles of professional prejudice. Nor need a Judge, in the most exalted station, be ashamed of t a ki ng a ra ti o nal interest in the mitigation of the vindictive character of our criminal code, when the great Bacon, the Chan cellor of England, and the unrivalled luminary of modern science, said " Let there be no rubrics blood.—Morning Herald. The state of Ireland has at length assumed an appearance which will scarcely fail to con vince the most obstinate and persevering advo cate of that system of policy which has been flattered with the title of conciliation, when, as is now evident, nothing could have had a less conciliatory tendency, that measures of coercion and severity must be resorted to without further delay, unless the British Government has resolved to abdicate its functions in that country, and to leave the two divisions of its inhabitants, whom we take leave to classify as the party of murderers, and the party who are anxious to escape murder, to settle affairs be tween themselves, in which case undoubtedly the former, by far the more active and ener getic, and not as it seems very much the less numerous of the two, will carry every thine its own way. 'When we speak of the party of murderers in Ireland we would be understood to include all those, in the various grades of society, who labour Sys. tematically to inflame the passions of the people upon political subjects, knowing, as they must know, by long experience, that this species of excitement expresses itself naturally. has, in truth, no other vernacular idiom, in that country, than deeds of blood. Of this part) Mr. O'Connell is the leader. Its subaltern officers are the forty or fifty. Members who are to follow in his train into the House of Commons in virtue of the emancipation and Reform Bills. Its recruiting sergeants and fuglemen are the Roman Catholic Priests, one of whom at least is placed in every parish in Ireland. Its objects have been progressively developed as one step after another has been made in the road to filial success. When the penal laws existed in their full vigour murders and other scarcely less horrible atrocities were frequently committed, and they turnished arguments for the relaxation of these wholesome laws. The penal laws were relaxed, and murders and other atrocities increased, and furnished arguments still one degree stronger for their entire repeal. The penal laws were abolished, and once more we beheld an increase of murders and other equal atrocities, which again served as the basis of all the reasoning which was ever ad vanced in favour of admitting Roman Catholic , to the enjoyment of political power. The Ro man Catholics by this means obtained political power ; but not enough. They demanded a cull equality with Protestants in political power, and, after the cutting of throats upon a still larger scale than ever, they obtained it. The objects are now the repeal of the Union, and the annihilation of the property of the Protestant Church ; and, although the party of murderers have fast possession of political power, and can employ legal means in common with all other classes, or even more efficaciously than any other, still, so far from abandoning their habi tual dialectics of the knife, they use this sanguinary mode of reasoning more vigorously than upon any former occasion. Another triumph seems to be in reserve for them. And what then ? Is it probable that they will be satisfied, and cease to kill ? Nothing can be less probable. Will there not still be Protestants in Ireland, and the property of Protestants, the former to be extirpated, the latter to be seized ? Will there not still be a Protestant Government and two Protestant nations in Great Britain to be hated, and if possible overthrown, to be con verted from their offensive and intolerable heresy, or, if that be impossible, to be harassed, impo verished, afflicted, and enfeebled ? Who can doubt, after what is past, that these latter objects will serve to divide the Irish nation as completely into two hostile parties as any of the former ; that the Roman Cath . olic party will then, as now, have its active politcal leaders in Ireland, and its adherents in this country, and in the Reformed Parliament ; and that then, as now, all who stand in the way of its success will only be enabled to dwell in Ireland at the daily hazard of their lives? This is the natural progress of the conciliatory system ; and when it has arrived at the point we have just described, to which it is evidently advancing with great rapidity, it will, we suppose, be as clear to others as it has long been to us that Ireland must be abandoned or coerced. But coercion will then be attempted with this disadvantage, that in the meanwhile the friends of Great Britain in that country will have been reduced to an inconsiderable remnant, and its enemies incalculably reinforced in num bers, confidence, and strength. Nothing can, indeed, be more plain, than that strong, measures must be applied to Ireland with out - further delay, if we do not intend to in sure all the progressive and accumulating evils of a system of spurious liberality, which has already been productive of nothing but confusion and calamity. Yet how can the present Govern ment resort to strong measures of repression when the crimes to be repressed are the very crimes which the more influential of its mem bers, during the whole of their political lives, and the whole collective body since its hetero geneous parts were blended into one by the strong cement of office, having assiduously laboured to stimulate and extend ? The cause of public confusion, lawlessness, and crime, and his Majesty's present Ministers, are inseparably bound together by the strong tie of reciprocal obligation ; and the latter cannot become the enemy of the former without incurring the odium of ingratitude and treachery.—Morning Post. MARKET INTELLIGENCE. LONDON MARKETS. (From the ~ London New Price Current" of yesterday.) There are two propositions now in agitation of the highest importance to the trade of England ; they are the alterations in the tariffs of France and America. The former has been submitted to the Chambers, and has been published in London. The most important is the article of Sugar. It is proposed to reduce the bounty on refined exported to nearly the proportionate rate paid on the im port of the raw Sugars. Lately the bounty has been PO high as to be the occasion of the loss of a million sterling to the French finances, and, in consequence, has seriously affected the English refineries, France having supplied nearly all the ports of the Mediterranean with refined goods. By the new arrangement this trade is likely to he resumed by England. The duty on English manufac tures imported into the United States it is expected will be reduced one-half. This will, no doubt, occasion great briskness in the manufacturing districts. SUGAR.—The Sugar Market was very heavy last week; the estimated sales of raw Sugars were only 1,100 Mids. and trs., and the prices were 6d. to is. per cwt. lower where sales were effected, but a large proportion of the holders refused to sell et any reduction. The stock of West India Sugar is now 26,530 hhds. and trs., which is 6,482 less than last year. The stock of Mauritius is 61,7'71 bees, being 7,975 less than last year. The de livery of West India Sugar is 1,873 hhds. and trs. , being 1,117 less than last year. The delivery of Mauritius is 4,312 bags, being 226 less than the corresponding week of 1832. The Sugar Marker is again heavy ; the pur chases to-day are estimated about 500 hhds. and trs. The Market is fully is. per cwt. lower than on this day week. In the Refined Market last week the purchases were quite inconsiderable; the holders were asking 61e. for low Lumps, and there are no sellers under that rate, 60s. being repeatedly refused, but the Market has since beeome ex ceedingly heavy, and purchases, it is stated, may now be made a shade lower ; for the qualities entitled to the double bounty 30s. and 30s. 6.1., and inferior parcels reported under those prices. This afternoon the Market is still dull ; there is no alteration in prices, brown Lumps no minally 61s. EAST INDIA SUGAR.—The only purchases reported are parcels of Siam Sugar at former priers, 225. a 24e. MAURITIUS SUGAR.---Ahout 5,600 bags Mauritius Sugar have been sold at a reduction of 6d. to ls. per cwt. There were two public sales this forenoon of 7,796 bags Mauritius, the whole sold heavily at a further reduction, making, the decline Is. a Is. 6d. since this day week. Folmar' ~SUGA R. —T here. ,SUGA R. —T here are no sa l es o f F ore i gn S ug ar to report; the inquiries after yellow Havannah at 255. are continued, but there are no transactions worth men tioning. There is no return made of the Average Price of Su tar this week. CoFisx.—The Coffee Market was in a singular situa tion last week. When the buyers wanted the descriptions suitable for the home consumption they were obliged to give an advance of le. to 25., and where sales are forced a similar reduction must he submitted to before sales could '.e effected. At the advance we have stated considerable' uurchas-s were reported by private contract last week, and 4mall parcels of Ceylon at 535. 6d. and 545. ; for Brasil 52,. was offered lir ordinary quality, and reused ; some St. Domingo sold 555. a 565. 6d. ; Mocha sold rather i,,wer. In the other descriptions there are no sales re• iorted, an the market generally is heavy. There were fsvo small public sales this forenoon, 181 casks 4 bags Bri tish Plantation. The quantity is too trivial to be given as A criterion of market prices. Both Jamaica and Berbiee. vent off at full prices, in some cases rather higher ; good ,rd. Jamaica 725. a 735. Rum, BRANDY, AND Hot.Latins.—There are more in quirks after Rum, both for lunaicas for home consump tion and Leeway is for export. FT proofs newly landed Is. 101 d. is asked, but the old landed and inferior may be mrchtsed Id. per gallon lower. There are few sales effected, but the market is more firm. In Brandy or Ge... neva there is no alteration. TatLow.—The Market is steady, the small public sales lately brought forward have gone off heavily, the prices are a shade lower, and a considerable proportion taken in on account of the dull trade. SILK.—The demand for Silk in general has improved, and the prices of fine lialian raw have advanced Is. a 2`• uer lb. Cocoa.—The prices of Foreign Cocoa have nearly re ,•eded to the former rates, paid previous to the late rise Brazil at public sale 249. a 269., old and ordinary 225. a 235., being 7e. per cwt. lower than in November last. At public sale this day 210 bags good Granada Cocoa were all bought in at 68s. 6d. SPICES- —Pepper is dull, and middling good half heavy &O. and 3-Id. In other Spcies there is little alteration. TOBACCO.-Tire are more inquiries for Tobacco • SOO hhdl. good leafy Virginia have been taken for the Mditet , ranean, about 41., and considerable purchases are ire porte i for Ireland, good dry Virginia Sid. a hid. It4nrco.—ln Indigo there is no alteration. FRUIT.-In Currants there have been conaiderable transactions; Zinte sound Currants 66a. ; old Cephalo• nia 635. a 64a. ; new Imperial French Rums in quarter' chests 955. a 1055., half ditto 1514. a 180 s. RlCE. —Bengal good white sold in parcels at 15s. and Iss. 6d., which was rather lower. COTTON.-The Cotton M irket continues heavy ; the purclia4es by private contract are quite inconsiderable. TURPENTINE.—Ti.e next expected arrival has been sold to arrive at 12s. 9d. Spirits continue in limited demand. TEA —Waiting the declaration for next sale, which will be out to-morrow, the Market is almost wit/tont ousiness. COUNFRY CORN MARKETS DURING THE WEEK• Wheat. I Barley. Per Quarter. Horton Oats. I Beans. a. to s. 29 •••• 37 30 25 40 40 42 36 4 0 32 3 6 33 3 6 30 36 s. to s 46 I s. to s. s. to S. 24 14 tiainsborough — 57 34 18 Grantham 53 fi7 36 41 17 ‘..)5 Orimsby 42 58 24 30 14 22 Horncastli Lincoln Spilsby 44 52 46 60 48 54 25 33 30 39 23 35 12 18 10 21 14 18 titalnfC)i 47 59 30 36 21 23 50 62 :3 33 15 le2 York- NORWICH, Jan. 5. Wheat (per qr.) —40 s. 545. 58s. B eane (per qr.) 28s. 328. Barley 18s. 286. 325. I' ease , 2 285. 328. Oats ---18 i. 2Is. 245. Flour, fine (per sack) 40s. 420. CAN'I:Efi LIU RI, Jan, 5 Wheat, white.......,...w 545. to 58s. now. —s. to 465. to 545. ww. Oid —s. to --S. 30s. to 365. Grinding.. 255. to 275. 17s. to 245. ww.. Old 20s. to 28s. 363 to 40s. ww. Old 275. to 305. 375. to 40s. Grey 325. to 343. Barley, Malting Oats Beans enp......"•..*.••••• Pease MANCHESTER, Jan. 5. Wheat, per 701 b. Bs. 9d. to 9s. Od. Red Eis. Oa. to Barley, per 601 b 5 6 6 0 Oats 3 0 Beans, per Imperial quarter Pease, White, per Imperial bushel 5 0 Malt, per 6 Imperial bushels 4l Floui•:per Sack 6f 2801 b. S. ~W. 111 1.0.•••••• C.—Jan. Bs. au' 3 I 41 0 5 6 46 0 45 8 50 0 EXETER MARKETS —Jan. 4. Beef (score)...—.—Ss. Od. 9,6 d. Wheat (bushel) ..7s. Od. 'tutton (Ib.)--0 51 0 6 Barley ...................4 6 Veal and .atnb—,.o 6 0 7 Oats 2 3 r. , rk -.0 4 0 6 Beans 5 6 Geese (each) —...4 Ducks 'couu!e\--1, Fowls ..,......,...,,,,.3 6 5 6 0 5 0 0 4 0 HUSH DUBLIN MARKET NC ,650 Wheat, per barrel 20 stone 67 Bei e 16 stone i - O 2 5 6 0 1 3 1 0 0 1 7s. d. 134tter Eggs (12) Potatoes (peck) ..0 ,RKETS. 3TE.--Fatnav, Jan. 4. From To I Average* 18 0 30 0 25 1 0 11 0 12 0 11 _lt 755 16 stone' 1:2 6 3,077 Oats 12 stone 7 0 9,671 Cwt. Flour 9 stone 5 0 1,053 Oatmeal 8 stone 8 0 sold to Rakers only. 8,180 Cwt. Flour l3 6 Average price of Wheat and Flour Receipts of Flour, 10,487 Firsts, Second Tales of Do. 9,871 Thirds 15 6 13 I ‘ , u - 12 6 8 21 0 14 0 10 0 16 0 % lack. „a to 21s. to 18i. to 10s. 04 21 0 I Od, per, m IN. Od, m 1:14. 6d, PRICE OF BREAD. ~.....BV. I Half Qv Quartern Loaf B%cl. I Half Quartern 4i Wheat, I Barley. Oats. Flour, per cwt. per barrel perbarrel per barrel 2,1 stone. 16 stone. 14 stone. 1 Ist. 1 2d. Ist. —,..---.../ is, d. as. it. s.ti,. .15 0 17 6 50. IS % 160 19 0 0 0 15 v. 17n 18 100 15 u„ 17 0 10 0 13 0 16 ,' 206 210 0 0 0. S. d. a e. d. I 16 0 26 01 s. d. a s. d.I s.d. a s. d.; 116 15073 90, 120 134120 136 100 130 70 80 100 146100 146 120 130 80 90 Limerick i2O 0 26 8 Waterfordj22 0 24 0 Clonmel ....!23 4 27 0 Carlow 0 27 0, I fleet ' Mutton, Pork, Butter • ---• per lb per lb. per cwt. Ist. 2d. 3d. 4th. 50' Cork I d s . a d 6. d 5. a d 6. 3 8 4 . ) d o . a 3 5 5 ..1 0 . ;d o . 7 5. 5 d 0 . 66 5. d i . , 5 5. 5 d ., 48 s.: 1 : Limerick.. 3i 41 34 434 0 35 0.81 0730 69 063 054 , I Waterford 3 6 3 533 0 35 0780760740 66 0 6 0 : Clonmel —3f 45j 61 32 0 33 0780740 1$ 0 ... v. Carlow.--.. 4 5j 0 0 0 0 0 OB6 0840 74 064 0 -.. '. KILKENNY.—Butter 82a to 84s. per cwt. ; Wheat 225. to 29' per barrel ; Flour 2.N. to 345. per bag; Oats 7s. to Ba. per baS rel ; Barley 12s. to 13s. ; Beef 4d. to sd. per lb. ; Mutton 4 w, to ; Potatoes 2d. per atone ; Coals le. 2d. per cwt.; Bacc . Pies 355. to 365. per cwt. SCOTCH MARKETS. HA DDINGTON CORN AI A RKET.—Jan. 4. Wheat. Barley. Oats. Pease. Beane• first t6i Od 33, Od 2ls Od 23. 011 27r Od Second 4S. Od 26s Od 17a 6d 22s Od 25s Od Third 45. Od 24. Od 16s Od 20s Od I 23s Od There were 471 qrs. of Wheat in market,46o whereof were solo") 11 Unsold.-0 Grey 21. Ss. 1 Aver m 7-12ths. DALKIETH COR MARK: . .... Wheat. Barley. Oats. rcase. Beans. First s7s 04 308 od 21s Od 28s Od 286 Od Second sos Od 26s Od 18s Od 24s Od I 24. Di Third 4os Od 22s Od 15s Od 21s Ikl 216 Od We have the painful duty of announcing the death of the Rev. W. ROBARTS, M. A., late Vice-Provoi l of Eton College, and Rector of Warplesdon, in Surrey. 0' died on the 11th instant, at his rectory, in the 71st yet of his age. His father was Provost of Eton. H e vis o elected to King's College from the foundation at Ewn it 1781. He returned as an a ssi stant master to his JP school; and was elected Fellow of Eton in 1786. Thtli j he h e ld h nßeuarrr,4h7a Burnham, fellowship ,eawrsil.lsuwe succe e d du ed understand the the e R extraordinaryecmtorry. Breast, Vicar o ' 4 of Warplesdon.d Berkshire Chronicle. It is a rather remarkable coincidence that iris, Scottish parish, not twelve miles from Berwick, the mine ter, schoolmaster, precentor, and sexton, are all of dt': electors for the county,, and Reformers. And wherd the last named worthy, to wit, " the hoary-beaded ace nicler," being interrupted in his earthy occupation i some of the agents of the popular candidate, and car e ' off to the polling booth of the district, meditates ag, joke when he affirmeth that he " was ta k en out o f ill grave to uplift his voice against corruption."—Berwly Advertiser. MRTILS. On the sth inst. at Banisters, Southampton, the lady of Rev. W. Fitzhugh, of a daughter. On the Bth inst. the lady of Richard Lambert, Esq., of Joli street, Bedford-row, of a daughter. On the Bth inst. Mrs. Rudall, Gould-square, Crutchedfriarir d a daughter te r 6 k t , h of in a st s . on A . lrs. Robert Thredder, of Blackman.stz o Southwark, MARRIED. On the Bth inst. at Kensington, Richard Davis, Esq., of WI ling-street, to Mary, eldest daughter of the late P. J. Bul0 3 " Esq., of the Tyne Iron-works, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. On the Bth inst. at St. Sepulchre's, Mr. James Jones, of N ington-road Surrey, to Mary Ann, eldest daughter of the ' Mr. David Watkins, of St. John-street, Smithfield. .., DIED. i , On the 7th inst. the Rev. Edward James Beckwith, Rectot,' the united parishes of St. Alban's, Wood-street, and St. Olive, Silver-street, City of London, and Vicar of Tillingham, Esse' aged 62. . ~...d On the 6th inst. at his residence, Stoke Newington, MEV short, but severe illness, the Rev. Lionel Thomas Ber gne r, w in Newgate.str , Editor and Proprietor of the Star Evening Newspaper. On the 6th inst. at Brixton, Surrey, Mr. J. C. Turnley, in 31st year. On the 4th inst. at Bromley, in Kent, Ann, relict of Mr. V il' Liam Gitford, of Stratford, Essex, in her 70th year. 2, 2d jth ins u t tt a . t a ß t ri t x h t e on ß .h e i y ll a , l M :i On the 7th inst. at Eltham-pl4ce, Foxley-road, Kenning" aged 0 n 53. the Bth inst. Mr. William Gesar, hosier, Elizabeth, wife of Captain H. C. Coxen R.N. On the sth inst. after a short illness, ' Mary Elizabeth, the il l of F. T. Proctor, Esq., of Henry-street, Pentonville. „d of Marshall and Dale. of sa n th d e ht p: t . ili " ta Ti r il y iamp College, a Captain James Chadwick, ricling.master, after a severe 1110 v aged 55. ti O n n the 2d A PRINTED AND PUBLISHED By MURDO Y0UN34 .2- Ar **-111' 1 11 SUN OFFICB, 112, STRAND, LONDON. Cork TIME O, H E RY, anti CH ANCES to the peneig 8, are now c Loud en' a : ,, S cheutes a t keep,, who Money for ti 8 ,." 3 set aga anions there April „xt pßom hen 8 7 EAIII- S A. DELAIDI tin ue to sai ar .eaopoint e , nail, near ROYAL WI R OYAL A DI R OYAL ADI eir ri , ges Par es i nou ' i Cal,i4, 21, i ; eeiv.i for shi bY Th os Ramarket fnro,., nreet ari N Chen f r t ! t rded Le %la of L G , 01 4 . the pi eta ' e h We coi l L i ttin e I I __rail?, 26 la Ql o 2 ., THE . r , A )41:Mr. Mann T.sequal in t'rint, U 142 ..Ari. /e Cor . a riWe feel yctiou g a Illation a elidured frol t° ° 8e: 1:; : _ 1 :! , e re is ? T u e. tihr, teti 21 THE THE Pri es A, N "i ,() fh t e h m e , t te These SPee' itl'ateose7 i t r t n , kingdoil Lidr SIR N „kARITIS Z I SMONI "ISToR , CRe vE , 11° SCOE qLEie. s . SIR J. , 1 voIDR BRE DR. LAv DR. Nie s, "I \ ll. LAU DO NOR', pILK Ni, ' 4 ANUF, 1 Pri t 5,_....L1 NEv la mo. p f ENGL h oR Ds " () R• T. • TRi I ° GY 1. h , inf M N rib • J, 1.1 ( Mar, I No ; fo i • 6d. 1,, ENG L Y itlc• cl k , (0( Lty• o OTJTL Children, k CONN as. boa•d CoNC Nt . ric hound.: cktara MR h e,msele, Leacietth ithi y ence , 111 " "nber It death