The Sun. — London, England, 1864-02-23 00:00:00

lIITERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS—Last Evening, The LO'3,D CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'cloc k. T HE CRAWLEY COURT MARTIAL. Lord COLVILLE, in consquence of a request from the noble e arl, the. Secretary of War, postponed putting the question relative to the late court martial, which stood on the paper in his name for this evening, until Friday next. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a second time :—Amicable Life Araurance, London Docks, St. Katherine's Dock and Victoria Dock Amalgamation, Victoria (London) Docks, Albert Bridge and Approaches, Cheltenham Water works, Liverpool Exchange, London Necropolis and Na tional Mausoleum, Ulverston. Gas, and Waterford and Limerick, Limerick and Foynes, and Rathkeale and New castle Junction Railways. THE METROPOLITAN RAILWAY SCHEMES. The Earl of DONOUGHMORE called the attention of the noble earl, the President of the Council, to a paragraph which appeared in the Times of that morning, giving what appeared to be the result of the deliberations of the joint committee appointed to consider the whole of the schemes of metropolitan rail ways. He felt that it was exceedingly undesirable that any premature information on such a subject should be given to the public, because it would affect to a consider able extent the value of the shares in many of those under takings. He was certain that the noble earl had not given his sanction to the publication of such a paragraph, and he should like to give him an opportunity of saying so in his place in Parliament. Earl GRANVILLE said the committee in question had not only not made their report. but had not concluded their deliberations, so that the announcement contained in the paragraph was altogether premature. THE PROPOSED ROYAL ARCADE. On the motion for the second reading of this bill, The Bishop of LONDON presented petitions against the bill. Earl DERBY presented two petitions, most numerously signed, also against the bill, and moved the rejection of the measure. He said the scheme in question was opposed most strenuously by a great number of the residents, both in Regent-street and Broad-street, who considered that the scheme, instead of being, as it was stated, a great improvement, would be precisely the reverse. The cost of the proposed arcade was £lOO,OOO, and was mainly promoted by Mr. Gressett, the great con • tractor, Mr. Smith a builder, and Mr. Rolt, the timber merchant, while the inhabitants in the neighbourhood were entirely averse to the scheme. Their lordships would recol lect that the covered way which existed some short time ago in Regent-street was removed principally in conse quence of the questionable company which collected there, and if the proposed arcade was allowed to be made the same evil would again prevail, Another reason that should weigh with their lordships was that, it would entirely destroy the Burlington School, which was an institution of the greatest value. The Messrs. Lewis and Allenby who carried on an extensive business in the neighbourhood said that the loss to them if the arcade was made would be such that they would rather pay down a sum of £lO,OOO than the scheme should be carried into execution. There was not one person whose property was affected by the project who had not objected to it. He thought the wishes of the owners of property in the neighbourhood ought to be considered as well as those of the three highly respectable gentlemen who were the main promoters of the measure, and that too for speculative purposes. He thought its opponents should not be put to the expenses of opposing the bill in committee that he moved its rejection on its second reading.. Earl ST. GERMANS said although the vestry of St. George's, Hanover-square, had not yet petitioned against the bill, they intended doing so. After a few words from several noble lords, the motion was negatived without a division. THE:WAR IN AMERICA. Lord STRATHEDEN inquired of the Secretary of State for War whether her Majesty's Government proposed to send commissioners to report on the military operations of the Confederacy as well as send commissioners to report upon the military operations of the United States ? Earl DE GREY said her Majesty's Government did not think it advisable to send any officers on such an expedi tion. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS—Last Evening. The SPEAKEIt took the chair shortly before 4 o'clock. CONSTABULARY (IRELAND). On the motion of Sir H. BRUCE, copies of instructions to the Irish constabulary in force in January, 1858, with regard to the protection of life and property in Ireland during the night, and also any instructions of a similar character between that date and January, 1864,were ordered. COAST LIGHTS IN SCHLESWIG. Mr. BENTINCK asked the President of the Board of Trade whether her Majesty's Government had received any confirmation of a statement which had appeared in the public journals, to the effect that the Prussian authorities in Schleswig have extinguished all the coast lights in !that locality on the shores of the Baltic; and, if so, whether British shipping would not be exposed to great inconvenience and risk in consequence of that proceeding; and whether, in the opinion of her Ma jesty's Government, such a proceeding was in accordance with the usages of civilised warfare, in cases where the safety of neutral vessels is thereby compromised. Mr. M. GIBSON said that the Government were not in possession of information on the subject, and he believed that belligerent States would take care of their interests without reference to those of neutral powers, (Laughter.) THE KERTCH PRIZE MONEY. In reply to Mr. EIVART, Mr. HUTT said that these prizes would shortly be distributed. NAVY ESTIMATES. In reply 4,,0 Mr. BENTINCK, Lord r ... PAGET said be must appeal to hon. members not to press their motions on this subject until after he had ei cdained the policy which the Ministry thought it right to 'Adopt in reference to it. THE DANISH PAPERS. Lord R. CECIL wished to ask the Under Secretary of state for Foreign Affairs a question, to which he ought to be aceustomed by this time—how the Danish papers were getting on ? (Laughter.) Perhaps the hon. gentleman would give some detailed information as to the state in which they were—whether the whole of the copy was now in the hands of the printer, and if so, whether the hon. gentleman was confining himself to the Foreign •office printer or whether he was employing some of those large printers who could turn the whole thing out with ease in thirty-six b,orara. (Hear, hear.) Mr. LAYARD said the noble lord was well aware that Foreigh-office papers were of great importance—(cheers from the opposition)—and it was more than absurd to sug gest that such papers should be sent out to any other print • ing office in the country, which might cause great damage to the public service. The Foreign-offim had only a limited means of printing, and all that could be done was being done. He hoped that by to-night or to-morrow the whole of the copy would be finished. A large portion of it was almost ready, but they required the last revise. They might give an instalment of them if the house wished, but he did not think it would be treating the house fairly to give only a part. He hoped the whole papers:would be ready next week. Mr. OSBORNE wished to ask whether the foreign powers alluded to the other night had given their consent to the production of the documents relating to Sleswig-Holstein. Mr. LAYA RD said he never stated that they required the permission of any foreign powers, but that it was a matter of courtesy before they published a foreign docu ment to ask the foreign minister whether there was any ob jection to the publication. Mr. OSBOB.NE—Has the question been asked? , Mr. LAYARD—Of course it has. Mr. OSBORNE—And assented to Mr. LAYARD—As far as we have gone yet. Mr. OSBORNE wished to know if there were any other foreign governments which they had to go to. The question received no answer. Sir J. WALSH wished to know whether the role or only a selection of the documents would be given. He un derstood the hon. gentleman to mean the latter. Mr. LAYARD said the paper s would be so voluminous, that he thought the greediest member would be satisfied. On the motion for going into committee of supply on the navy estimates, Mr. DISRA.ELI said—l wish to make an inquiry of her Majesty's Government as to our relations with Denmark, but I do not see the noble lord in his place, and if I pursue the inquiry for a moment, it is because it is not the first time when at this critical period of public affairs the noble lord is not in his place, and I almost despair of seeing him in his place when this information can be given to us. With regard to the question of the noble lord (Lord 8.. Cecil) I d o not think the Government has acted considerately or fairly to the Home of Commons in this matter. The first night of the session I called attention to the circumstance that no papers wero presented on the all-absorbing question of the hour, and the most important topic in the speech of the royal commissioners, and also to the peculiar circumstance that no papers were even promised. The noble lord seemed to be somewhat irritated that any comment should be made on the subject, anu the noble lord said the reason why the papers were not noticed in the speech was that Ministers did not wish to make the speech longer than it was. but that it was a matter of course that the papers should be produced. Well, it is a very curious thing, which we were not aware of at that moment, that almost at the samo time another account was given in another place by the noble lord the Minister for Foreign Affairs on the same subject, which did not agree with the explanation of the noble lord. For when in another place some surprise was expressed at the absence of papers, the noble lord the Secretary of State explained the matter in this wise, He said that the negotia tions had unexpectedly terminated, and he gave the house to understand that they were negotiations which herMajeety's Government never expected would terminate, and as they had not terminated, no proposition had been made for the moduction of the papers,* (Hear, hear.) The impression in another place was that there vvis no prospect of the papers being prodwed. Then all that we could get from the Under-Secretary of State was to deprecate pressure put upon him, and to lament the great task whieh fell to his lot of having to print 000 pages; and to-night , e oeYs the quantity of papers when produced will asteel,la end satisfy the house. In the first place, let m° remind thu house that before the Crimean war the house met on the 31st of January, and ou the 2d of February p ipers were distri buted and in the hands of members; and what were those papers ? They were in two parts, the one part consisting of 400 pages, and other of 378, being, is the estimation of the Under-Secretary of State, a more considerable mass of I papers than those now to be laid before the house. In that i case also the negotiations were not finished at the time, for it was not before the 27th of March that her Majesty announced that the negotiations had terminated fruitlessly, and that war was about to be declared. Take another case, which occurred during the present parliament. What happened after the termination of the negotiations which preceded the Italian war? Why, the first moment that the new parliament Was formed, I presented the papers to the house. It is true the house had no oppor tunity of reading them, because the Secretary for Foreign Affairs proposed a resolution amounting to a vote of want of confidence in the Government,:principally on account of our management of foreign affairs, in which he was successful. We retired from that bench, and about a week after the noble lord announced with great frankness that he was pur suing exactly the same policy. (Hear, hear.) I must say he pursued that policy for a brief space,;as in the last four years he has followed entirely a line of his own. (Hear.) I con gratulate the noble lord in establishing a name which bears terror to no country except his own. (Opposition cheers.) As regards the papers, I think as far as precedent is con cerned and the benefit of the public service, it is clear, from the habit of Parliament and those rules of common sense which are still more powerful than even their own standing rules, that this is the first occasion of equal importance that the house has been left so entirely in ignorance of the facts. The negotiations in this case have been going on for weeks and months and years, just as in the case of the dis pute between the Latin and Greek churches. Yet in the latter case, on the 2d February, 1855, the papers were laid on the table within three days of the meeting of Parliament. We have now been sitting for several weeks in this forlorn condition; and with a possibility of shortly meeting our constituents, we are without the opportunity of affording them any information on the subject. Notwithstanding this much has happened in the interval which might have offered an opportunity to the Government of giving most important and interesting information to the House of Commons which might throw some light on the state of that part of Europe. The other night an hon. gentleman rose and asked a question on the subject of Germany and Denmark. The noble lord answered the question inci dentally, and informed the house that the Government had agreed to mediate between the contending parties, and that there was a probability of an armistice being agreed to, and that they made the proposition under circumstances that were favourable. He intimated with delicacy, but with no great amount of precision, that there was reason to hope that Austria and Prussia had taken a sensible view of the case, Let the house pause and see the importance of this announcement, These are Ministers who year after year have contended in this house that it was most unwise to propose a mediation between contending States if there was no chance of that mediation being accepted. (Hear, hear.) Both aides of the house must be aware of the instance to which I allude. (Hear.) Though I do not want to intro duce a name and subject that always plunges us into con troversy, yet we are all aware that yea: after year that great maxim of statecraft has been impressed on the house by the noble lord and his colleagues. (Hear, hear.) Well, what is the natural inference to be drawn ? If these Ministers who will not sanction mediation between con tending States, except with a probability of success, have agreed to mediate between Denmark and Germany, they must have believed that their mediation would have been successful. That was the natural conclusion to be drawn, and everybody went home almost with a conviction that there was a chance of seeing some honourable and concilia tory termination of these great and deplorable disasters. (Hear, hear.) A few days after there was an authentic rumour—at least a telegram which bore the appearance of authenticity, to the effect that these negotiations had failed —that her Majesty's Government attempted to mediate, and proposed an armistice, but that the result was not satisfactory. Still it was only a rumour. I came down to ',he house to give an opportunity to the noble lord of making those explanations which everybody in the house and country awaited with the greatest anxiety. (Hear, hear.) Everybody had agreed that a minister and a prime minister who had made that communication to the house on Friday with these rumours appreciated and credited in every part of the metropolis, would follow it up as it was his duty to do, and come forward in his place and enlighten and guide public opinion ; but the noble lord was not here. I appealed to his colleagues; I asked her Majesty's Government. I asked every member of the Cabinet, who on such a subject one wouldlimagirae should be sufficiently well informed and impressed with a sense of their common responsibility, and would only have been too ready to satisfy the natural desire of the house and of the nation. There was intense silence. Atilast the Under Secretary of 6tate, who appears to; do all the work of the Government, rose with becoming modesty—(laughter)—and asked permission to announce to ' the house that her Majesty's Government had made another diplomatic failure. (Cheers and laughter.) All the information we received was merely limited to that result. The house did not want to be as sured of the want of success of the Government, or of the disappointment they and the country necessarily fe't. But they wanted that something like light should be thrown upon the question. They wanted to know the reasons which had induced the Prime Minister, who is so opposed to mediation unless there is a great probability of success, and who would not have ventured to suggest an armistice unless previously assured that it would be assented to, to lead the house to believe that one of the invading powers at that moment was apparently animated by more conciliatory sentiments than she had been given credit for, One would have thought that the noble lord would have made it a matter of special public duty to have come for ward and enter into these explanations. But the noble lord was not here, and what followed ? Some nights after that an hon. gentleman asked another question upon the subject of Denmark and Germany, with respect to which the Hone of Commons are, I believe, the least in formed of any body of men is Europe. (Hear.) The noble lord, replying to the inquiry whether Jutland had been in vaded, made an answer in that vein, which in the older times used to be called " King Cambyses' vein"—(laughter) but which of late has become peculiarly the property of the noble lord, and certainly the noble lord uttered some wards which in old times would have alarmed Europe and ani mated the House of Commons ; but in the present instance they were received with that depression and despondency which usually now accompany such expressions on the part of the noble lord, because experience has proved to us that they generally tend to the humiliation of our country. (Cheers and expressions of dissent.) Well, sir, there was a pang of anguish throughout the country when they heard that Jutland was invaded. (Hear, hear.) Everbody felt that that was too much. (Hear, hear.) Everybody said that was the last drop. It was said only yesterday—there was an authentic rumour—l credited it myself—that the Prussians had repented of their conduct and had relin quished the position which they had taken up in Jutland. They found that they had made a mistake. They say so. That is the report—that the Prussians found that they had made a mistake in going into Jutland ; as if they had not made a great many mistakes in invasions before, and that they had retreated from that country—from Denmark at least. I believe they had not heard the noble lord s words at the time—probably if they:had they weuid have remained there. (Opposition cheers.) But, sir,Msnday cornea, after an anxious Sunday ; Monday comes. and we naturally wish to know if there is any truth in tae account which has reached us that the Prussians have retreated from the ill advised position which they had taken. Because, after all, the chances of a general war must very much depend upon in cidents of that kind. The noble lord is again absent, and again we are without any one to guide us upon this sub ject. It is not therefore merely with regard to these papers as to which I shall always maintain that the House of Cora along has been most scurvily treated—(hear, hear)—but also with respect to these repeated instances where infor mation might have been given, and ought to have been given to us, that the House of Commons is treated with carelessness and disrespect, What I want to know from her Majesty's Ministers, and I hope I shall get an answer, although the noble lord does not present himself, is on what ground did they rest the hope that the offer of mediation would have been accepted by the contending parties—by which of the contending parties was it refused—was it re fused by the Danes or by the Germans?—was it refused by both of the invading Powers ? These are all questions of the utmost interest and importance, and we have a right to information with respect to them from her Majesty's Go vernment. (Hear, hear.) On what ground did the noble lord think that Austria was about to adopt a rational and conciliatory course towards Europe ? Is it or is it not true that Prussia invaded Jutland, and then retreated from the position which she had assumed ? We want light, we want knowledge on these subjects from her Majesty's Ministers. It is oar duty to make these inquiries. It is our right to receive this information. (Loud cheers.) Is the House of Commons to go on in this way upon a subject which now engrosses all the interest and passion of Europe—a subject with respect to which men upon the Royal Exchange are talking as much as upon all other matters, for their business entirely depends upon the course of public policy in these matters ? I say that the place where the most information should prevail—the most authentic information—is the House of Commons, and yet that is the place where we can obtain least information; and least authentic information. (Cheers.) I ask the house to consider their position—how much it touches their honour in the country. Suppose you were sent to your constituents to-morrow—l put that in quiry before you because there are frequent rumours that such an event is not far distant—(hear, hear)—how would you meet your constituents ? Suppose a man in the crowd says, "How about Denmark?" (Cheers and laughter.) I want to put it to the house—not merely gentlemen on this side, but the house generally—in their right position. It may be a matter of perfect indifference to her Majesty's Go vernment that they are the derision of every court in Europe —(cheers and counter cheers) —but we do not want to be the laughing stock of our constituents, and therefore we must make an effort to put an ezed to this highly uusatisfae tory state of affairs. We must take some means by which we can have authentic information before us, by which these papers may be placed upon the table, and we must obtain some explanation of the negotiations which her Majesty's Government have commenced and conducted unsuccess fully without any communication to Parliament, and which must unquestionably, in their character and conduct, greatly affect the course of future events. (Loud Opposition cheers.) The CHANCELLOR of the EICHEQUEB—Sir, I do not know whether the right hon. gentleman judges well in the tone in which he refers to the absence of my noble friend from the house. (Cheers.) Because most certainly if there has been any man who ever occupied the dignified position of my noble friend in the annals of this country who has been most unsparing in the sacrifice of his own comfort—(renewed cheers)—even to the serious risk of his health—being ready at all times to place himself on this bench whenever he could serve the country—that man is my noble friend. (Cheers.) It may perhaps occur to the impartial auditors of the speech of the right hon. gentleman that it is a matter of some difficulty to know what the ob ject of that speech was. The right hon. gentleman —a mas ter of political fireworks—had no difficulty in producing at a moment's notice any amount of display—(laughter)—but these are matters of grave consideration—(Opposition cheers, and counter cheers)—and those who speak like my noble friend at the head of the Government, and like my hon. friend the able representative of the Foreign Depart ment in this house, are bound to consider that their busi ness is not so much to imagine how they can say smart things for the satisfaction of those who sit behind them— (cries of "Oh" from the Opposition benches)—as how they can hold the language which is most compatible with the dignity of the country, and least calculated to compromise it in the eyes of foreign nations in periods of difficulty. (Cheers, and counter cheers.) I therefore entirely renounce all efforts to follow the right hon. gentleman in his brilliant career ; but endeavouring to extract from the speech of the right hon. gentleman the few practical matters to which it refers, I would reply to them as follows. The real substra tum of that speech appears to be the non-production of papers—that the papers relative to Danish affairs were not ready for production at the opening of Parliament. That was explained by my noble friend in another place, and the fact that these papers were not ready for production was accounted for by a reference to the undoubted and uniform rules of Parliament, with regard to negotiations which have not reached any settlement, and at the same time my noble friend at the head of the Government, and my hon. friend near me (Mr. Layard), express their regret at th 3 inconvenience which had occurred, made a promise, which every effort has been used to fulfil, that the preparation of these papers should be accelerated by the employment of all the labour and re sources at the command of the Foreign-office. Well, be yond that expression of regret, and beyond that promise, I do not know what it was in their power to do. The right hon. gentleman referred to the cases of papers relating to negotiations preceding the Crimean war, but he referred to a case hardly relevant to the issue. In the interesting and difficult question connected with the present unhappy colli sion between Germany and Denmark—or rather the pre sent unhappy aggression of Austria and Prussia upon Den mark—(hear, hear)—Great Britain has been a friendly by stander. In the negotiation preceding the Crimean war Great Britain was a principal, and one of the two Great Powers engaged in carrying that matter to an issue, which ended in hostilities upon a gigantic scale, The right hon. gentleman says that my noble friend assumed the charac ter of a mediator, and stated that in that character he had made the suggestion of an armistice between the contend ing parties. It is quite true that, encouraged by various considerations, that suggestion of an armistice was made; but it is not true that that suggestion was made in the cha racter of a mediator. It was necessary to give effect—l will not say to the arguments, but to the taunts of the right gon. gentleman—that he should invent that circumstance in order to give point to his remarks, because it enabled him to say that that which was done in the character of media tor must have been done with the expectation of suceees. And now, said the right hon. gentleman, I will point out how it has not succeeded. Now, the fact is, that the sug gestion was not made in the character of mediator ; it was a mere suggestion entitled to attention; it was done in a friendly spirit; it was done in co-operation with other Powers animated by a like spirit ; and whether a proposal, judicious in itself, of that nature is accepted by the con tending parties or is not, my belief is that it will be appre ciated by the country. (Cheers.) The right hon. gentleman complains that her Majesty's Government have not given information upon, doubtless, the very interesting and im portant question whether the Prussian forces have or have not evacuated Jutland. The simple reason they have not given that information is that they do not happen to possess it. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman is, I will not say terribly behind the age, but he seems to forget the fun damental difference which has been made by the introduc. tion of the telegraph, and that the information conveyed by that measure is not always correct, and is sometimes al together erroneous. But still information of a most interest character on many important subjects is conveyed to the public—the chance-readers of newspapers—before it is in the hands of the Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary. Her Majesty's Government have ieceived communications with respect to the evacuation of Jutland, but they have nut been of a character so clear and conclusive as to justify them in saying anything about them to the house, and I think that her Majesty's Government would be grossly departing from their duty if in their anxiety to convey to the house the earliest intelligence they were careless of the full cor rectness of the information they had to give. (Cheers.) Lord R. CECIL urged that the house was entitled to know howfar the honour of England had been compromised. Mr. B. OSBORNE—It occurs to me that that intern. gent foreigner who is sometimes supposed to sit under the gallery of this house, on the present occasion would be much puzzled to discover that this is the British House of Commons. For it would seem to him, as to a great number of the people of this country, that a more docile set of in struments never sat upon these benches. Why, what are we about to do at the present minute ? War is raging in the north of Earops ; men are losing their lives by thousands; and our Government has explained itself to-night, or rather it has not explained itself to .night. For though the Chan cellor of the Exchequer taunted the right hon. gentleman opposite with being a master of fireworks, still his fire works left some light. (Hear, and laughter.) But the right hon. gentleman, answering for the Government, succeeded in doing a thing which I thought almost impossible, namely, in making more confused the Schleswig• Holstein question —(laughter)--for whether at this instant we are meiia tors for Denmark, or friendly bystanders between the two parties, I defy any man to understand. (Hear, hear.) What is the position of this house ? War is raging in America, war is raging in Denmark, and there is a report that Denmark proper has been attacked by Prussia—and how is the House of Commons treated ? What information have we as to the policy of the Government— as to their past policy or their present intentions ? (Cheers.) Why, there is not a single paper of any importance upon the table. (Hear, hear.) If it is true that time is of the greatest importance to Denmark. It would seem to be no less true that time is of the greatest importance to her Ma jesty's Ministers—(hear, hear)—and that they are deter mined not to give es the information we want, but to wait for the chapter of accidents—possibly, as was said by Sir Abel HandY, "until the fire goes out of itself." (Laughter and c heers.) That is the position of the Government. And w hat is the position of the House ? Here wo come sweating to our places day by day, having nothing to do when we aro in our places on the home policy, but asking questions on the foreign policy of this country ; and the house has never yet had an answer what that foreign policy was. We have no sort of information, oven while our friendly allies are being butchered, and we standing by as cold bystanders, tasing no measures, as far as the House of Commons knows; the First Minister of the Crown using language of intimi dation and menace; so that this country is reduced to a position that in every foreign print shop an Englishman is represented as an object of ridicule; and yet Government comes down complacently—at least, I dare say in a few minutes the noble lord the Secretary of the Admiralty will come down, and move a vote for a reduction of the naval estimates ; while, if there be any truth in the ap pearance of things, or any ground for the threats of the Prime Minister, we ought at least to be preparing for a continental war. Well, Sir, I say if this be a House of Commons with common spirit, do not let us be satisfied with merely getting up and using language—as the Chan cellor of the Exchequer very properly says, " throwing up a few harmless fireworks "—but let us have a vote. Now, Sir, I feel so strongly the humiliating position in which this house is placed—(hear)—that, if I meet with any encouragement, I will now move a vote which will prove whether these are harmless fireworks which are being let off, and will clear up the fog which hangs on the Trea sury bench. (Opposition cheers.) I say, sir, that we have no business to vote these navy estimates with a reduction of 5,000 men and boys. We have no business to come to the consideration of this vital subject until we know the posi tion of the country with regard to Germany and Denmark. (Opposition cheers.) Therefore, if I meet with any common support—unless my hon. friend the President of the Board of Trade will get up and give some explanation of the Schleswig-Holstein question—(laughter)—which he is said to be so peculiarly master of—(laugnter)—unless that hap pens, I shall move that these navy estimates be postponed until the papers relating to Schleswig-Holstein and Ger many be laid on the table of the house. I move that these estimates be postponed to this day three weeks. Sir J. HAY seconded the motion. If this question were earried, it was quite clear to the house and the country that the House of Commons had no further confidence in the Government of the country as regarded its foreign policy. As far as he himself was concerned, that was his opinion ; and many gentlemen in that house were of the same opinion, and if they had courage in their hearts they would vote in favour of the motion of the hon. gentle man opposite. (Hear, hear.) Mr. GLAD STONE—If there be any fog near to my hon. friend (Mr. Osborne), or anywhere else, it is desirable that it should be dispelled before the house gives a vote. The construction which has been put upon that vote by the hon. and learned member for Sheffield I am not prepared to say is an untrue construction. It is certainly a fundamental, though an ordinary, part of the business of the country that is standing for discussion to-night, merely that we should go into a committee of supply to consider the navy estimates. My hon. friend has taken a step perhaps the strongest any gentleman could take by a directly hostile motion against the Government, without any notice what ever—(loud cheers from both sides of the house)—and my hon. friend who rallies us on our state of darkness appears to me to be hardly in the clearer condition of understanding himself, when on a sudden he undersook to propose this motion, because, Sir, there are no new facts before the house. (Ironical cheers from the Opposition.) The position in which my hon. friend now finds himself is this, that the papers relating to Danish negotiations have not been produced. That is a fact which was perfectly within the knowledge of my hon. friend at the time when the notice was given that her Majesty's Government to-night would propose to pro ceed with the ordinary business of the country, He has thought fit to challenge that course of proceeding, Perhaps my hon. friend may say—(divide)—that he wishes to declare his want of confidence in the foreign policy of the Govern ment, and my hon. friend the member for Sheffield, with perfect frankness and fairness,, has placed his motion en that ground. But, to return to my point, it was due to my hon. friend himself, it was due to her Majesty's Government, that if a motion was to be taken and vote taken impeaching the foreign policy of the Government,and declaring a want of confidence in that foreign policy on the part of this house, notice should have been given. (Cheers) There fore, when I meet the taunts of my hon, friend about the state of darkness in which Ministers are placed by express ing a doubt that his own mind is not in the clearest state, it is because I think that his proposal is not consistent with the rules of Parliament ; and if he entertains that intention, he ought to allow the members of the House of Commons to be aware of it. And if my hon. friend is disposed to give notice of such a motion, or if my hon. and learned friend opposite feels that disposition, I can only say that no per sons will be more ready to join issue on that subject than those who compose her Majesty's Government. (Cheers.) Mr, OSBORNE, rising to explain, said—lt is totally impossible for me, or any other gentleman in this house, to know what the foreign policy of the Government is, until these papers are presented. (Cries of " Divide" and " Order.") Mr. DISRAELI—The house is placed in a position of a critical hind. (A laugh.) Although the hon. gentleman opposite may think it extremely amusing, I doubt whether those whom he sits next to are of that temperament or vein. I never concealed, especially of late, my opinion of the foreign policy of her Majesty's Government, and I should never be afraid, if any issue were placed before us,of giving my opinion and acting on that opinion by vote—but I cer tainly do think it is of the greatest importance that, what ever may be the result, the Government should not say that the decision was arrived at by a surprise. (Hear, hear.) It seems to me of the utmost importance that there should be fair notice of the intention of the house, and that a verdict should not be taken at this time, especially in the absence of the head of the Government. (Cheers.) It is perfectly open for the hon, and gallant member and the hon. and learned member for Sheffield to give notice of any motion they like. They act quite independently of myself and my friends, and if they do not give notice of any motion I cannot doubt, in the present state of Europe, that an opportunity will be afforded to the house of Commons, unless they relinquish all their rights and obli gations of expressing an opinion, and that soon, on the foreign policy of the Government. I cannot conceive that this opportunity will not be afforded. Papers are laid on the table on all matters under negotiation, and they form the case of the Government; and it is to the advantage of the Government that those papers which are produced should be placed upon the table of this house. Certainly, this year we have been placed in a position in which we have never been placed before. (Hear, hear.) We are deprived of papers which should have been before the house, and therefore I am not surprised at the temper and dispo 'Sition of the house under such circumstances; and after to night the Government must feel that it is absolutely neces sary, in order to meet the difficulties of this case, no longer to offer apologies, which have been ad nauseam administered to the house. I cannot doubt that the papers will be on the table of the house soon. When they aro on the table, it seems improbable that the louse can refrain from giving a verdict one way or the other on those papers, Ido entreat the house calmly to consider its position. It is possible that an advantage might be gained over the Government; but, assuming that, will it bo satisfactory to us to-morrow to find that a verdict against the Government has been so gained on their foreign policy without any notice, and in the absence of the chief Minister of the Crown ? (Cheers.) I hope soon to see the chief Minister of the Crown amongst us. The right hon. gentleman:the Chancellor of the Ex chequer seemed to intimate what was the cause of the absence of the noble lord ; but it has not reached me through the usual means of social information that the absence of the noble lord was caused by indisposition. Sir G. GREY—That is so. Mr. DISRAELI—I very much regret it, because, under all the circumstance 3, the presence of the noble lord is a source of great satisfaction ; but it would have been easy to have intimated that to the house ; and I say this as an additional reason why the house should not come to a deci sion upon that vote which would be _accepted by the Go vernment as a verdict upon their foreign podcy. I condemn that policy,' not merely as relates to Denmark and Germany only, but I think it a deplorable and disastrous policy, which has reduced the influence and lowered the dignity of this country, But the House of Commons should come to this conclusion after ample discussion, after an appeal to sufficient documents, and after all those matters which give solemnity and force to a decision, and which would give solemnity and force to their verdict. That verdict ought not to be obtained by surprise, without discussion, which it seems the present disposition of the house would do; and therefore I do trust the hon. and gallant member, who, I think in a very spirited manner—(laughter)—made this proposition, will upon reflection feel that it will not be with out benefit to the conduct of public business to withdraw his motion; but if he persists, he will really prevent that very result he most desires, namely, that the foreign policy of the Government should be fairly considered, deliberated, and decided. (Cheers.) Sir G. GREY said no ono more than the Government do. sired that the deliberate opinion of the House of Commons-- and through the House of Commons the country—should be expressed on the foreign policy of the Government. He entirely concurred with the right hon. gentleman, that to come to a vote on that question, when the hon. gentleman said he did not know what that policy was, was a proceed ing unworthy of the House of Commons. His hon. friend had said the Danish papers would be laid on the table at the earliest possible moment, and then ho hoped the hon. gentleman (Mr. Osborne) would give notice of a motion on the foreign policy of the Government. With regard to his noble friend at the head of the Government, ho had called on him that morning and found him suffering from a cold —which was hardly surprising, considering the state of the weather—and a slight attack of gout ; and the noble lord told him that, subject to the opinion of his physician, ho intended to be in the House of Commons that night, and he hoped he would be shortly there. (Hear, hear.) Mr. CLAY and Mr. KINGLAKE insisted that the motion of Mr. Osborne was not intended to pledge the House to an opinion as to the foreign policy of the Government, since it was matter of complaint that the house know nothing of that policy. The discussion was continued by Lord R. Montagu, Lord Dunkellin, Lord Ingestre, Mr. Walter, Mr. Neste, Mr. Laird, and other members. The House then divided, when the right hon. gentleman the member for Bucks and a large number of the Conserve.. tive members left the house, to avoid voting. The numbers were--- For Mr. Osborne's motion Against it . 220 Majority .. -163 TUE MALTA DOCK. Captain TALBOT, who had given notice of a motion (which he was prec:uded from making by a point of form), —" That the project of constructing a dock at the head of the Marsa at Malta be abandoned, and that the site at the head of the French Creek, recommended by Admiral Sir William Martin and Vice-Admiral Codrington, be selected complaining "—called the attention of the house to the subject,omining of the conduct of the Admiralty in f th or e t m ha a t tt l e a r, rp and e, forbfyi ng his complaint by a great variety of details, showing th e disadvantages of the Marsa, and the advantages of the French Creek. Lord C. PAGET, after defending himself against charges of misstatement broight aganst him by Captain Talbot, and justifying the course taken by the Admiralty, ob served that this why not the proper time to discuss the question, an engineEr having been sent out, and till his re port was received be asked the house to delay the expres sion of its opinion. Sir J. PAIZINGTON thought that this was a time to discuss the questicn ; they wanted no more reports of engineers, and he hoped the opinion of the house would be taken upon it befor 3 more money was thrown away. After some obsenations and statements by Mr. C. For tescue, Captain Jerris, Sir J. Hay, Mr. Whitbread, and Mr. Addington, the subject dropped. Mr. LINDSAY called attenzion to the report of the Commissioners appointed in 1865 to inquire into the con trol and management of her Majesty's naval yards, with the view of sugges ing that the recommendations of the Commissioners ougat to be carried into effect. He read some of the recommendations of the Royal Commissioners, and asked what had been done to carry them out, and if nothing had been lone, he asked the reason why. Mr. BENTINCIi said all the recommendations of the Commissioners might be included in ono--an alteration in Sir F. SMITH thought it was quite necessary that a post ponement should take place, on the ground that sufficient time had not been given to examine those estimates and the three volumes which had accompanied them: (Cries of "Divide.") Lord C. PAGET said that exactly the same course was taken with regard to the naval estimates this year as last year, and that members had had the same time to consider the question. Dir. ROEBUCK did not wish the house to bo The question was whether they were to know anything about Denmark. (Hear.) It was not only the naval esti mates ; it was the Government—(hear)--and if they were put in a minority on the present occasion they all distinctly understood what would be the necessary consequence thereof. (Laughter.) Mr. OSBORNE—Nothing at all. Mr. ROF4BUCK—That was the understanding clearly. TEE SVN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 23, 18M. the constitution of the Admiralty, which he regarded as a political jobbing office. Sir F. SMITH, in a discursive speech, brought under notice a variety of topics connected with naval expenditure, ship-armour, and artillery, concluding by an inquiry on what grounds the Admiralty had declined to apply to Par liament for a grant of money in aid of the erection of church and schools at Brompton. Mr. FERRAND narrated incidents in Devonport in support of a charge against the W hig Boards of Admiralty, of political tyranny exercised over elections in the dock yards. To substantiate his charge he read extracts from the evidence taken by the Royal Commissioners, and com mented at much length upon the faces disclosed in his evi dence, mingling with his comments strong censure upon individuals. After a few words from Mr. DALGLISII, the house went into a committee of supplypro forma. The LORD ADVOCATE obtained leave to bring in a bill to make provision for uniformity of process in summary criminal prosecutions, and prosecutions for penalties in the inferior courts in Scotland ; and a bill to provide for the alteration of the circuits of the Court of Justiaiary in Scot land, and for holding additional Circuit Courts. The house adjourned at half-past 10 o'clock. The Exhumation of the Body of a Gentlemn at Stoke Newington, Last evening Mr. Humphreys, the Middlesex coroner, resumed and concluded the inquest upon the body of Mr. Joseph Hankin, aged 64 years, at the Rochester Castle, Stoke Newington. Mr. Beard appeared on behalf of the Read family, and Inspector Langdon watched the case for the commissioners of police. The court was crowded. The deceased was a retired builder, living with a Mrs. Read, at No. 2, Union-court, Newington. He died suddenly on the 26th November last. He was placed in a coffin on the 27th, and he was buried on the 28th. The doctor who gave the certificate had not seen. him for a fortnight previously. After the death his relatives were told by Mrs. Read that he had no money. The relatives knew that he had been possessed of £5OO, but nevertheless they could only find £l4, and they had to make a shirt to him to be buried in. Subsequently it was ascer tained that notes to a large amount had been changed by the Reads at the Bank, both before and after deceased's death. Other circumstances also conspiring to render the case one of strong suspicion, the body was exhumed a fortnight ago, and then it was found that the deceased had no shirt on, but was naked in the coffin, with the exception of a bit of calico laid on his chest. Upon the resumption of the case, Mrs. Maria Read was called and sworn—She said that the deceased had lodged and boarded with her for about 13 months. He paid her 12s. a week. She did not expect his death, but he was ill. She had not denied him to the district visitor or the clergyman, but he did not like to be seen. He used to stay in bed a good deal. He was buried within two days merely because Mrs Vickers, his relative, suggested it, and witness had to pay for her son's lodging out of the house while the body lay there. The Coroner—A shirt was put on him for burial but none was found when the body was exhumed ? Witness said she did not know what became of it. Coroner—Did you possess yourself of deceased's money ? Witness—Mr. Hankin gave me acme prior to his death. Coroner—How much ? Witness, by desire of Mr. Beard, declined to say ; but she admitted that in July she bad changed a note for £2OO at the Bank of England. She also said that herself and son had since then changed other notes to the amount in all of £390. They were all given to herself and her family by deceased. She told Mrs. Vickers that deceased had no money, but that was because the deceased directed her to do so. Miss Ada Sewell, district visitor, and the Rev. Mr. Jackson, proved caking to see the deceased, and not being permitted to de so. Miss Sewell sent him relief at the request of Mrs. Read for wine, &c_ Dr. H. Letheby made a careful analysis of the contents of the stomach of deceased, but found no poison. There was great emaciation, and death apparently arose from want of nourishment. In the absence of poison, he thought death arose from congestion of the lungs from want of clothing and warmth and food. The Coroner having summed up, The Jury returned a verdict—" That deceased died on the 26th of November from congestion of the lungs, accelerated by want of proper nourish. ment and by privations, and the jury are of opinion that the conduct of the licads has been most unsa tisfactory throughout." The Seizure of the Pamper°. On Saturday the Solicitor-General of Scotland (Mr. Young) was heard before Lord Ormidale, in reply for the Crown, on the objections to the infor mation in the case of the vessel Pampero, lately seized in the Clyde. He said that this case was the second that had arisen under the Foreign Enlist ment Act, the only other case being that of the Alexandra, with which the present one was iden tical in character, however much it might vary in circumstances. The facts might entitle the Crown to a verdict in the one case and not in the other, yet on all legal questions occurring under the statute they were precisely alike. Exactly the same infor mation had been presented, and if the Crown's in terpretation of the statute was right in the one case, it was also right in the other. No doubt the infor mation was exceedingly long, consisting of 98 counts, but, as stated by the Lord Chief Baron in the Alex andra case, all the counts resolved at last into this ques tion—was the vessel, as it stood at the time of the seizure, liable to forfeiture under the statute ? He hought the learned counsel for the defenders were wrong in urging their objections at this stage. It was no doubt competent for the court to decide on questions of relevancy before trial, but it was equally competent, and would have been more convenient, to raise any legal question at or after the trial. The defenders had asked the judge by interlocutors to reserve their objections, but this course was objected to by the Crown on the ground that they were not entitled to reserve by expression anything that was not reserved in the statute by implication, and that to introduce express reservations in this way would lead to confusion and uncertainty in the course of practice in such cases. Iu the Alexandra case the same objections had been taken, but not in the way of attempting to prevent the case going to trial. There were two courses which it would be open for the court at the trial to take—either to direct the jury as to the meaning of the statute, andleave that direction to be challenged by exception, or to ask the jury to dispose of the facts on the assumption that the information was good in law, leaving that question to be decided on the motion to apply the verdict. With regard to the objection that" to cruise and commit hostilities" syss not the intent of the equipper, he admitted that the construction of the seventh clause of the statute was awkward, but he maintained that these words expressed the employ ment of the ship, and not the intent of the equip per. The equipper intended that the ship should b e e mployed to cruise and commit hostilities, but while that was the intent with which the ship was equipped, the employment was to be by some body else to whom the ship was to be handed over. As to the objection that the word " arm' , was not charged with reference to the alleged cruiser, it might be that the equipment did not proceed to the extent of arming, and yet that the equipment was made with the intent that the ship should cruise and commit hostilities. It might be that they could get no evidence further than the act of equipment, and that they could not prove tLe ultimate intention to arm ; but if they could prove that the equipment, however far short of arming it might have come, was made for warlike purposes, then they could get a conviction under the Act. Suppose the ship to be an ironclad, and that sailors and provisions only were put on board, would it be reasonable to uppose that the vessel was only built for a pleasure cruise ? If it could be proved by evi dence or admission of the parties that the vessel was not intended for a mercantile but a hostile purpose, a purpose of committing hostilities against the United States, a nation with which her Majesty was at peace, then the Crown would be entitled to a con viction under the Act. It was not necessary to prove arming if they could prove the hostile pur-- pose. In conclusion, the Solicitor-General asked the Judge, without regard to the defenders' objections, to send the case to trial. The ease was adjourned till to-day. ,SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—The first spirited debate of the Session took place in the House of Commons last evening. It was one of those discussions of which the end might be foreseen by everybody, and yet the speakers were apparently as much in earnest as it victory and office depended on a coming vote. Tue knights in this harmless tournament wielded their weapons with such vigour and dexterity as are sel dom seen in mimic war. Mr. Disraeli was as ener getic against the D mush policy of the Government as if his own party would have done anything else in their place, or proposed to do anything else now ; Mr. Gladstone, to the uninitiated, might seem to have really believed that the Government was threa tened ; and Mr. Osborne and his friends might a: most make one fancy them convinced that there is a connection between Lord Russell's desp Aches about the November Constitution or the Schleswig guarantee and the Committee of Supply on the Navy Estimates. The complaint of the Opposition is that the papers on the Danish question have not been laid before the house. The answer of the Government is that they are very long, that the Blue-book will extend to 600 pages, that it is not ready yet, but that, when it is, it shall at once be published. This is the simple occasion of so much caustic criticism and so prompt a motion of want of confidence_ The length of time which Mr. Layard requires for his editorial labours is a serious article of accusation against her Majesty's Government. From the delay Mr. Disraeli gathers that their fo reign policy is everywhere disastrous to the country, and Mr. Osborne that they cannot be trusted to settle the number of seamen and boys required for the year. We know not why these gentlemen should be so anxious to have these papers, for they have evidently made up their minds on the question, and any thing favourable to the Government which may appear in the Blue-book will rather irritate than convert them. What with the newspapers and the telegraph, the openness of our own politicians and the passionate anxiety of those of Germany, wa sus pect that there is very little which remains unknown. The substance of nearly all the despatches penned by Lord Russell is in the possession of the public; his recommendations and his promises are equally well known ; the sentiments of himself and his col leagues have never been concealed. Lord Palmer ston on Friday, Mr. Gladstone yesterday, have told us what they think of German invasion, and the subterfuges by which it has been accompanied. The papers will only give us in detail the communica tions which have passed between England and the two parties to the dispute, and let us know, perhaps, more intimately the processes by which the Danish King was led to recall the Patent of March, to relin quish Holstein to the Confederation, and apparently to consent to that which we guaranteed he should do—to repeal the constitutional union between Denmark and Schleswig. In fact, though the de mand for papers furnishes the occasion for an attack on the Ministerial policy, that policy can very weil be understood with our present knowledie. We may, then, ask what new light the Opposition speakers throw on this question—what suggestion they put forth for a better conduct; of the business. Is it, indeed, owing to any fault of the British Government that Denmark has been thus outraged by the two German Powers? Can it be supposed that the invasion would any the less have been made if we had abstained from defending the Danish cause. Consider the first acts of the German Princes three months ago. No sooner was the breath out of King Frederick's body than the Duke of Coburg pronounced the succession of Christian IX. to the Duchies invalid, and blew the war trumpet through out the country. Then followed the claim of the Frankfort Diet to settle the question between the King of Denmark and the Prince of Augusten burg—a claim of which at first there was something like a general recognition throughout Germany. It was then that the first remonstrances of this country were made against the proceedings of the Diet, and we are glad to believe that if they have nad no other effect they have forced Austria and Prussia to disregard some of the extreme pretensions of the Bund. It was the British Government, en couraged, if not instigated, by the strong display of public opinion here, which urged on the two lead• ing Powers the due execution of the Treaty of 1852, pointed out to them the unhappy consequences which must follow from the violation of it, and bas succeeded at last in obtaining from them an acquies cence in its own views. As soon as possible after the late King's death the Federal forces entered Holstein, and under pretence of Federal execution effected a revolutionary movement. It was with the approval, and probably under the advice of the British Government, that the Danes retired from every point in Holstein, and' also recalled the ob noxious Patent of last year. Can it be said that this was an unworthy counsel on our part to give ? We do not believe it. It was the interest of Den mark that every pretext should be taken away for the violence of Germany. Had Denmark held out, the new King would, in the opinion of many im partial persons, have been in the wrong, and the occupation of Holstein would not have been pre vented, for, since it was German ground, the Saxon and Hanoverian corps, if repulsed, would have had the right to call on the whole forces of the Band to second them. Nor, if our Government had ceased then to interfere, would the subsequent proceed ings of Austria and Prussia have been prevented. Indeed, it may fairly be said that the energy with which these two great States disowned the dictation of Frankfort and resolved to act for themselves was in a great measure the result of the remonstrances and appeals addressed to them so continually by the British Ministry. Had it not been for Eng land the invasion of Schleswig would undoubtedly have been conducted by Federal troops, who would at once have revolutionised the Northern as they had done the Southern Duchy. The remon strances of this country and the feeling which our firm stand for public faith began to create on the Continent, not only tended to make Austria and Prussia take the affair into their own hands, but show at length some desire to settle the question without a direct violation of King Christian's rights. Thus, though the aggressions on Denmark have been scandalous, and the dangers of that State still contiuue, it cannot be said that the remonstrances of this country have been wholly a failure. Whether the allies consent or not to an armistice—whether or not they abstain from ilvadingJutland—whether or not they agree at last to a personal union between the Kingdom and the Duchies, yet, even before papers are produced, every one can see that whereas two months ago there existed in Germany a great a nd, apparently irresistible power, demanding that the Duchies should be conquered forthwith for the Prince of Augustenburg, that power has now been successfully resisted; the minor States, which com posed it, are muttering in dudgeon, and there is at least a probability that the dismemberment of the Danish Monarchy will at last not take place. But the Opposition wants something more. Why should they be always asking for the " policy" of the Go vernment, when they know well that it has been simply an endeavour to maintain peace and the faith of treaties by remonstrances, advice, and offers of mediation. Mr. Disraeli alludes to the subject cau tiously, and merely taunts the head of the Govern ment by saying that his speeches are the heralds of humi.iation to the country. But Mr. Osborne speaks out more boldly—" While our allies were being butchered the English Government is looking on as a cool bystander, taking no measures, as far as Parliament knew, to afford assistance." If all this means that this country should depart from its peaceful attitude and embark in a great war in order to prevent Schleswig-Holstein from being severed from Denmark Proper, the Conservatives or their Radical ally should make the proposition in a direct manner, and not by insinuations, like the Opposi tion speakers, or by such a motion as that of Mr. Osborne. If it be really the fault of Lord Palmer ston's Government that they have as yet enounced n be o i fi el t t p i r n e g "policy" p ely leaving i the n the question Danish affair—if totb e Htehueeye of Commons—if it will be necessary to take some course to vindicate England's honour, which suffers by the present conduct of affairs, let those who really wish for • a warlike Poleictlyb.exkPress their opinions openly and at once. mr have but few support ers i n the country,they will tlibeevesEtubraotp European e ly systetceam wuse,inevid justifyolving the England n in- e - f going to war on a Continental quarrel. The small ness of the minority which e opinions d e fer the ehh.o votet s b owed Mr. Osborne showshe treated. what e o holds on N a t v h y e m t l a ; t ttebr the Navy a take e m t a b y e possibly.eeed eetdepended foreign questions on which the numbers of the u e e t t e e n; e s i e discussion affairs out of the hands of the e at advisers,an will be decided so as to to presume beforehand make larger armaments necessary. A s i t i s a l ways in the p ower of toe House by a ,; • makevote a to the preparations necessary for war, the suc cess of such a motion could only b e i n t erprete d as a censure on the o fGovernment, The c oun t r y w ill b e opinion that the conduct of complicated nego tiations with two self-willedentirely milita r y Monatchies, thou g h successf u l, has yet been such that t o blame the Government would be moat unfair; and the House of Commons apparently concurs in this judgment. DAILY News.-....m -t• Gladstone, whose very speeches when proposi • ng useful measures in former years have been striking political events, appears to be this session in the humour to do coed by stealth, Which The measure he has proposed under the modest title of "A bill to amend the Law relating amh•••••••••••••••••..0............•.... • to Government Annuities," is re .. ally on e of 01 most important considered as to its objects, til,ar has been laid before the House of Corotne ns t b % many years. Nevertheless, it has been so brought:, before the House of Commons that it has Pae ssa e t t is first and second readins without discussion • e"0, a bill for extending to g the humblest classes of s e ciety new means of making a provision for old 5 ,t, and for death, which shall be exempt ire ° ' iv . risks and other drawbacks that attend the ° , 1 , 13 :ie methods of doing so that are now within 1- a - re reach. All our readers may not ba ng aWn-er. that under the Savings Bank Act „roe son may now purchase a defeered annuity the Government through the Post-office ; but re , purchase money must all be paid in o ne sutnß„ tg quirement which may be fulfilled when pa tre il l e cb. making a provision for a dependent , but " shuts out the working man, who only very grad,„llseis accumulates his surplus earnings. Accordingue- ee clause of the Savings Bank Act has hitherto -e_o, inoperative. In his new bill Mr. Gladstone Pio pose; to change the mode of payment, and Post-office to receive the purchase money in 113 ",. 1 o r • ments, a measure which would bring the eo/T ii i; purchasing the means of support in old a ge vl' h i reach of the artisan, the servant, and the smell si" b () ie. keeper. The second part of the Governnirient pro relates to life assurance. At present the t- I ° °- 0 ,e ment grants life policies for sums Lot exceeding di e . hundred pounds to persons who also purche e ce b ! jog ferred annuity, the two forme of insuran,,to conjoined in order to protect the Government fr om fraud ; but as in practice nobody wa nts both vat policy and a deferred annuity, the p u blic he s „. o3 e profited by this facility. By the new bill t j , Cation is got rid of, and the Governmen ill of empowered to assure anybody's life to the este-led one hundred pounds, without requiring the e- led person to purchase a thing which he does not Wet of Any measure which offers a reasonable proPencest, placing independence within the reach of the bn i " Ro e industrious, and careful among the poorer t i li cge deserves to be cordially welcomed. We cannetue•O or that Mr. Uladstone's bill will encounter,feither Ivent out of Parliament, opposition of a nature to pre The an unprejudiced examination of its neeri t , s : F i t v of chief point to be determined is the pract s icau",glon what is proposed. From the Chancellor's P e— to introducing his bill, we infer that he pr "4144 carry both his schemes into effect through th e s g ge of of the Post-office. The pre-eminent ad/a l ' lt ' a dat to this arrangement would arise from the fact the Post-office the Government has at its an t OA an organisation which pervades and occuPie sti• United Kingdom as no other public or privite'Lft int tution does. Tnere are companies whic h ,ft - f iM policies of assurance for one hundred pounds 011 pe, 1 half-quarterly premiums, but they can li A ° l ° lo - get offices and appoint agents in every town for and they cannot take fortnightly or mot re or e stalments, as the Post-office could do. Tall rtil' also o Friendly and Benevolent Societies in 0 ," r h fi i iie• f the kingdom ; but associations of this orn e , e nte been so discredited by failure and misecanagewd to' and moreover most of them are so accustoreeeafe train their members to habits of wastful 011,,e0 tore by their practice of holding their Ineetinnicoe public-houses, thatlarge numbers of the ind list e r atice . and provident poor would rather take their ct'feite in old age than lay down their money upon societ i es of of such security as the management of those S°l' it can offer. If the Government can show that fece possible to enlarge the functions of the F°3t,."eusi* without impairing its efficiency for its Prer t terih neBs, the safe and rapid distribution of our b ' e a gbt and can thus offer new incentives to fort t ' a ja by and thrift in those who live by labour, it B"ft-i of all means be enabled to do so. The orgen' s ",lief ° the Poet-o ffi ce belongs to the nation, and ou lt ieefe all a right to the utmost development of its n tl goo Nobody would be injured by the proposed Oc e t° P ot of the duties of Postmasters. The staternt $O. c fo e rward in the name of some of the Asetn ell ro ell interference ties, that the proposal of the Governicetriseii° with ordinary commercial e n tett' - 0 1 be one that cannot be maintained. EnterprioB:: it i 5 as free when this measure has become law ' 0 )50 now. h And, in point of fact, the Assurance' D er ave never attempted, or even conterupinteo-teent vice to the public so extensive as the Goler-ev oh now th offers to undertake. But while we 133- 11 b e ese grounds demand that the measure sh e s o considered strictly with reference to its nie r T i o t eet s cannot profess to be satisfied that it is in all re sp ects equally practicable. The first part, that , a lti• to deferred annuities, offers little diw"iriedt th When age and identity have been aseertBoo6.- e element of a contract of that kind are P r no ry . tally determinee, and for this purpose wit h intelligence suffices. But it is otherwise yr,` t ,i fe o assurance. That business, according to the Pri ° ; - ; to on which it has hitherto been thought nees9„Elauieff conduct for it, is one of the most delicate n ature , co d e the exercise of peculiar tact, discriminatinTro to rmness. And if the same minute inquiriesen-floci‘, be made of the multitudes who are expected '" do of to the Post-office for assurance as are uow °Loth, the middle and upper classes--if the habits , r t i o esr l and history of the assured, and of all his ret dent that dead, are to be searched out---it,:iter that the work cannot be done by a tre e b u t tbst sion of the clerical staff of the Post-office, e"-„olot` a very considerable number of professional see t we ments will become necessary. On this P n „, l/3 iee o await the explanations which Mr. Gladstone " It it doubtone make when the bill is in conl w ittee• 4t by thing to accomplish a great public hece'.(istieg moderate enlargement of the functions of an ' 3- s uited public department, imposing on it fresh duties ot ter to the skill already at its command ; it is 50 , 7, for to create an organisation, substalat iall t() Y n e nt iee objects to which have hitherto been left .` enterprise. COUNTRY MARKETS. COLCHESTER—FEB. 20. • 00" We had a fair show of wheat on offer • at till ° ~ : to-day, and former'prices were bout supported. os ;2 6 Wheat, white ..44s 508 I &ol •Beans, Mazag all ;o26 66 red 40s 44s middles—. 35s 5 - 6 4 Barley I Oats There was a smallGLO UsuCpEplSyToEf English 0 we i r ; 11) ; he at to-uk , i c eo , Foreignthe fa r farmers e w r Lawhichwheat t ium dull,et slow wth s n al o e o a d t vaebnoeue t o f u r ol . u: r oes last week. Barley, oats, and beans continue dull NORTHAMPTON — F EB ' 20 ' e 0 l 0 w T e h r e . 5h0w ...... v hi t o , f; wheat wheat ; s i l o 361. cared,lll.. to 4 1° ' old, 408 to 46s per qr. Barley, new malti n „pr 3 2 4° grinding, 26s to 30s per qr . Oats, 18s to 26s r Beans, 30s to 41s. Peas, 30s to 37s per qr• RD--FEB. 19. hosv ` 1 " day there wag a fair 13 tba Pci s9t ,le.. and buslneeo cou ld r 0 0 1 on of fully i s per cl 36s 3 0 Y e as Pg" artrid :3 05 410 White...... " 36s Bo ili n g ..... :33, Dun .......... 390 Di t to new • V d ';,3 4o B ea ns, Tick , a vi ..'ls 4 06 De .135$ ...a Harrow Tic ° 380 ne W "3O 6 Mazagau • " CHELMSFO: At this corn exchange to- , wheat, which met a dull sal transacted except at a reductif week. Spring corn also dull. Wheat, old white 30s 478 new 44s 50s old red 34s 40s new 38s 42s Barley 25s 34s _ _ Chevalier 26s 37s Grinding 20s 29s Ma1t..... 61s 67s Chevalier . 64s 69s Oats 2os 28s KIRKCALDY GRAIN —FEU' 2°. 05 4. *- 0 0 lost We had large supplies of all kin ds of graio ' w itb a 13 barlby in demand, at late quotations. wile trade, trade, is per qr lower. Oaf.% Wheat. Barley. 16 0 ‘ ,l First ....33s Od 1 268.0 d 7 s u- Second ..34s Od 27s 6d 1 8s Od Third....363:0d 29s Od _--- Births. 0 Cas tlei BANKES.—On the 19th inst., at the RootorYt COr _ the Lady Charlotte Bankes, of a daughter. t riOn BRdrIKE —On the 20th inst., at 38, Clarges-esttlee4 ftoP— lliflye,sthe wife of Major R. Wilmot Brook f of a daughter. 0 81°' Ott RAWLINSON.—On the 20th inst., at 1, ley-Square, . quare, Lady Rawlinson, of a son. fe Alt ai* SIEVEKING.—On the 22d inst. at 17, gauchosT. the wile of Dr. Sieveking, of ' a son. • Marriages. sain t J° ll l. - RIDDLE,--TRINNICK.—On the 13th ult., at o r Fa - Calcutta, John Biddle, Esq , oftimballah, to ic.. is iipr wood, eldest daughter of John' Trinuick, . 1514. ' v ton, London. be sta si dc(l 3 tbe ista WRIGHT—CHIJRCH.-011 the 20th inst., at only so n olvespor gis, Devon, James 11. Wright,_ Esq James Wright, Esq of Baltlagl,' Sarah J• Obtflell, Anne, only daughter of LieuteColonel W. ' Madras Army. Uill•etr aetaßthSeck•enhani, ~.. 4 BliBRDe a . d on BEADON.— 0 N V° E o s p. the 20th at Otterhead, Devo , aged 60. v.,n gr. 111. BIRD. — On thei , Bird, aged 57. John A. Co 81,01; E be Tz E O sti n. the 18th iT inst., at Malaga, Spain, 1 DA o ] f iIVALL —On ' the 280wthYionrskt.., Charles Fredlt. DaTtral , Walsall, Staffordshire, aged 55. -0 ace ° KILNER —' t Stratford,Esee2r, - 1 f ° On the 21st • ' inst., a. , Kilner,. aged 81. RABAN.—On toe-otreevt the 20th inst., at 7, Old Burling Lieut.-Col.Win. Rabau, aged 72. 113101110 REYNOLDS. — On the 20th inst., at Onraerorai 8 !,, on rll l, Reynolds, Esq., of 16, liensiugtouparl-terr ee aged 63. air John Iribe' TRIBE. — On the 19th inst., at Sterling, ' solicitor, aged 60. ----.""" 5- ---"--=—' ~ •.14; i , London • Prinzed and PrNished Dy ofrice 'No. of A.51)11' Of No.. 112, Strand, Printer, at VIE ;IV' „ne conag9:4). Strand, in the Precinct of the Oavoy. Mi4dJeoex.7--Toesdayt FargarY.g3, 1861. I " 41; 11 4 4 .2%;: a '44lllllre