The Sun. — London, England, 1833-05-08 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. In the debate on the second reading of the Irish Church Bill the Ministers appear to have had no trouble hut with the high church party — Sir R. Inglis, Mr. Shaw, and Co., and, indeed, not much with them. The old twaddle about the "sacredness of (what is m iscalled) church property"—the danger to private property from any intermeddling with that of the clergy—the degradation to the c hurch from the intend e d consolidation of Irish bishoprics,—all these threadbare absurdities were brought once more into use, only to be torn to pieces and scattered to the winds the instant they were opposed to discussion. The question —" whether the Bishops or the lessees of Bishops possessed any property of which the Bill went to deprive them ?" was well set at rest by Mr. Stanley. The Bishops can legally let their lands for no more than 21 years, but they nevertheless have always contrived to get a rack-rent out of them under the name of fines on renewal. The Bill secures to the Right Rev. Prelates an equivalent in perpetuity for the rents thus ingeniously screwed up ; so far, there fore, as concerns my Lords Bishops, there is no spoliation of property. But how is it with the lessees under them ? These lessees are not in any case entitled to an interest of more than 21 years in the land. Should the Bishop choose t o run his life against that term, and happen to survive it, as many of them have done, he is free to turn the old tenant adrift, and to relet the land to his own family. But the Church Bill vests in the op tion of the lessee a right which he never before possessed ; it gives him the power of converting his terminable leasehold into a perpetuity, with out diminishing the income, compounded of rent and fine, annually payable to the Bishop, but at a rate of purchase so extremely moderate as, in fact, to create for the tenant a new property, which before existed neither in the church nor in the Bishop, and which no power but that of the state itself could bestow upon him. There is an end, therefore, of the bug bear term "spoliation" as applied to this well meant but very inadequate measure. With regard to the " suppression" of bishoprics, so bewailed by Sir R. Inglis, as treason, or sacri lege, or something worse, the Hon. Baronet seems to know very little of Irish history. There are few countries where the consolidation of bishoprics, or the union of two sees under one prelate, has been carried further than by th e late, Pro testant Church of Ireland.* On looking over the sees as they now stand, there are no less than eight consolidations, one comprehending three bishoprics—that is, there are what Sir Robert Inglis, if' he were consistent, would term nine " suppressions." But that is all beside the only serious question at issue. The principle which must be supported is, that the temporal church is no more than a political institution, and therefore amenable in all its parts to the will of the Legislature, which acts for the whole community. If all property be the crea ture of the state, so is . church property its creature. If an imperium i n inzper i o be a poli tical paradox, then there can be but one su preme power in the country ; and the question is, shall a church, so constituted as to throw civil society into confusion, be held secure and ;ntangible in its worst abuses ? or does there exist of right on earth an authority by whose correcting hand that ill-constituted church may be stripped of its injurious tendencies ? That question happily remains not now to be decided. The decree has gone forth ; political, any more than moral crimes, can no longer fly for sanctuary to thealtar. We have already expressed surprise and regret that a measure of reform a thousand times more important, with reference, at least, to the peace of Ireland, than the Temporality Bill of Lord Althorp, should not yet have made much, or, indeed, any apparent progress towards com pletion—we mean the promised commutation of Irish tithe. The country looks to that measure with intense impatience. But we presume, that with an exposition of the Bill itself will come likewise one clearing up the causes which have so unhappily delayed it.— Times. Even in England there are precedents of consolidated and of suppressed bishoprics. Among the former are Exeter, Lincoln, and Norwich ; among the latter, West minsteeand Hexham. A subject which cannot be contemplated without alarm was last night discussed in the Lords, on the presentation of a petition agreed t o lately at Exeter Hall, by the Duke of Sus sex—We mean the state of the criminal law. The petitinners prayed for the abolition of ca pital punishments. The Duke of Sussex seemed to have doubts whether such punishments could be in ail cases abolished with safety. The oc casion was seized by Lord Lyndhurst to con demn an anomaly in the English criminal law, introduced on the proposition of Lord Wynford, the taking from the judges all power of mitigating the punishment of transportation, in the case of stealing five pounds in a dwelling house. " When the Bill (saidhis Lordship) was brought up from the other House, it did not contain that clause. It was introduced here as an amend ment ; and when it went back to the other House, for its concurrence, the other House was averse from assenting to it, and only did so rom an apprehension that the Bill would be lost , - ;f it resisted the amendment." His Lordship then proceeded to show the mischievous effects of ti;is anomaly : " It was absurd to carry such ~ j aw ;;nto effect in all cases. Suppose a man ''.ied for stealing five pounds in a dwelling house, and foinaa guilty, it was imperative on the judge to sentence him to transportation for life, and the sentence, as the returns showed, was sure to be carried into effect. The next person might be tried for breaking an entrance and stealing ; that was a capital offence ; and if he were fbund guilty, the judge might sen tence him to one year's imprisontnent and to hard labour. The punishment, then, for the inferior offence was transportation for life, and for the capital offence one year's im prisonment." Discretion ought to be taken from the Judges in all other cases, or left to them in this. " The whole system of our t oriminal code (said Lord Lyndhurst) was founded on discretion, except in that case in which the Parliament had thought it right to take away all discretion under the circumstances stated. If it were right to take away the dis cretion of the court, that principle should be ex tended to all cases. If it were right to admit the court to exercise a discretion, and if that were t h e principle of the law, why this exception ?" The operation of the Act has been harsh beyond messure. Out of 300 convictions, only 10 have been commuted ; and in these 10 the punishment was remitted because the crimes were committed before the passing of the Act. Lord Lyndhurst suggested to Lord Mel bourne the making farther improvements in our criminal law. ~ He -would (he said) call his attention to the return, and to the results which they showed. In the course of the last twenty yews, crime had increased in the proportion of three to one in this country. in 0312, the number of commitments to gaol did not exceed 6,000 ; they exceeded 20,000 in 1833. Taking t he seven years ending with 1818, he found that the whole number was about 60,000; but, taking the seven years ending with 1832, he found the whole number was about 127,000. This increase was not confined to any districts— it was the same to the manufacturing towns and in the agricultural parts of the country — the same in the metropolis and in the most remote parts of the empire. This was not a sudden increase ; but it had been progressive from one year to another, ever since 1812." It has been the fate of the criminal law of England, never to be viewed as a whole, and in connection with the state of the country. While the people and the law were equally sanguinary—that is, during the greater part of the last century—the severe punishments being carried into effect were perhaps efficacious. But when the people began to look on capital punishments in nineteen-twentieth s of the cases for which it was awarded by the law with hor ror, a change of system became necessary. Unfortunately, we have in our secondary punish ments been committing one blunder after an other. Transportation, instead of a punish ment, operated in most cases as a reward to an adventurous people like the English, whose imaginations were filled with accounts of con victs having become possessed of fortunes equal to noblemen at Botany Bay, and of the delights of' an Australian climate. Their imprisonment on board the hulks, or in correction houses, so far from being a punishment, acted in many cases as a premium on crime. A very sensible pamphlet was published a few years ago by Mr. Ridgway, written by the keeper of a correction house in Sussex, in which it was stated that many persons were so sensible of the advantages enjoyed in a prison, compared to the ordinary life of a labourer, that they were in the habit of committing some crime before winter set in, which might subject them to an imprisonment which would end with the spring. The master of the Manchester workhouse, when examined several years ago before a Committee on the poor laws, stated that there was no keeping the Irish out of the workhouse. If the gaols and correction houses throughout the country are made much more comfortable than the cottages of the peasanty, which they are now, and if the diet is better, as has been shown by Mr. Chadwick, in his report to the poor law Commissioners, are we to be astonishsd that the reluctance to enter gaols should be diminished ? " nom the official re turns (says Mr. Chadwick) it appears that nearly all the prison dietaries are twice as good as those of the agricultural labourers; and that many of them are much better than the work house dietaries. * 4* In no workhouse have I found the paupers supplied with other than white or wheaten bread ; nor have I been able to learn that brown bread is used in any of the prisons. Mr. Hewit states that the convicts have held up some of their white bread to the soldiers in derision, using such expressions as Look here ! Brown Tonzmy (the name of the soldier's bread) is good enough for you, but it will not do for us.' Prisons in this country will, se fear, never become places for the re formation of criminals. They have hitherto been the schools of crime. We fear we must renounce the idea of prison discipline ever effecting any moral improvement in criminals. As places of punishment, and punishment alone, prisons must be considered. By punish went we do not, of course, exclude the making reparation to the party aggrieved, and the com munity at large, by a judicious system of prison labour ; and we hope that some benefit will result from the inquiry, now set on foot, into the state of the American Penitentiaries. At pre sent, however, it appears that prisons are not places of punishment to that great portion of the population who are most tempted to commit offences against property. And there is a fear ful consideration which ought not to be lost sight of. Every increase of crime leads to a still greater increase, and the increase must ne cessarily be in an alarming progression. Whet. punishments are of rare occurrence, the in dividuals punished are shunned by society. There is no compromise between honesty and dishonesty. Notwithstanding Lord Lynd hurst's assertion, that crime has increased from one extremity of the empire to the other. we do not, for instance, believe that there has been any increase in the purely agricultural districts of Scotland, in which the abhorrence of crime has never yet been impaired. But in England—and In..:re especially in the South— the having been in prison i s t oo o f ten ma d e a joke of by the working people. In that part of Kent which adjoins the metropolis, it would ap pear as if every person in humble life had, at one time or other, been at Maidstone. We have been assured by farmers, that the present system of punishment, so far from encouraging prosecution, deters from it. A fellow who has been five or six months in prison, on leaving it, gives a significant nod to his prosecutor ; who, dreading that his stacks may be fired, prudently puts up in most cases with the loss, and refuses to prosecute, So much has dishonesty gained ground of late, that we have been assured by sensible men, that they believed that a labourer N.ho refused to steal like his comrades, would feel his situation most uncomfortable ; he would be looked on as an unsafe associate. Our own opinion is, that great mischief has been done in this country by - the obstinate refusal of the Tories to admit of any improvement in the crriminal law, which led to piecemeal changes in the system, and mischievous anomalies. The law—the state of our prisons —transportation— the procedure in triah—should all have been considered as parts of our system. Reform would have been an easy matter, when Sir Sa muel Hominy first called public attention to the subject. With our present enormous gaol po pulation, it will be difficult to deal in an effective manner. No subject is more deserving of the attention of Statesmen, than that to which we have been alluding. The distress of the work ing classes will not account for the evil. The subject ought to be grappled with without delay. Morning Chronicle. Disapproving as we do of the conduct which Sir John Hobhouse has pursued for some time past as representative for Westminster, and more especially considering the act of resigning his seat at the moment when he ought to have en tered the lists to fight the battle of his consti tuents, we cannot but express our indignation at the conduct of those persons who degraded the constitutional exercise of a great political fran chise by riotous conduct and personal violence. They are not the friends of a good cause who so disgrace it. True freedom is as different from licentiousn ess as m ora l p ower i s f rom b rute f orce . Englishmen should reject the candidate who has deceived th em ; but while they conduct them selves with violence, however just their cause, they will appear to act rather under the guidance of blind passion than of well-directed reason, To prevent a candidate, whatever his conduct or opinions, from exercising the privilege of speech in his own defence, by raising a stupid brute like howl at every attempt of his to address them, would, Heaven knows ! have been bad enough ; but to pelt him with mud or missiles —to attempt to inflict personal injury on him by a combined assault—a multitude against an individual, is an act not only of irrational and savage fury, but of outrageous cowardice, de grading alike to the civilization of the age and the capabilities of the human species. If ruffians, capable of such conduct could be supposed to argue, we would ask them whether it could serve the cause they pretend to favour to prevent the candidate who had done wrong from exhibiting his weakness, by submitting his defence to the dissection of com- petent adversaries? But no, they never argue. It is impossible to suppose that the real electors, that any persons who had votes to tender, took part in the disgusting scene before the hustings. We have reason to believe that the pelting, though actively performed, was in reality per formed by a few persons, most of them ragged boys, though some were adult and experienced ruffians. It is a pity that the electors do not take some means of putting a stop to proceed. ings, the occurrence of which is discreditable to themselves, though they take no part in it. What are the constables, or what are the police about ? How often have we to lament that the enemies of popular rights find such countenance for their peculiar theories in the practices of such dis turbances ! With respect to the election itself, it would he premature to venture an opinion as to its result. Little can be inferred from the proceedings we allude to. But those who have other means of judging seem to think that the return of Sir J. Hobhouse is more than doubt ful. We should be disposed to think so our selves if the nature of the opposition which he has experienced was not calculated to produce a re-action in his favour. Do those who outrage common justice and decorum reflect that they may be serving in a more material point of view the very men against whom they direct their senseless and brutal fury ?--illorning Herald. It will be seen from a paragraphical notice in another part of this day's paper, that a deputa tion from the committee intrusted with the protection of the interests of the licensed victuallers, had the honour of an interview yesterday with Lord Althorp on the subject of the inclusion of their houses in the proposed alteration of the duties on houses and windows. The deputation was very graciously received, and although, as will be seen, his Lordship de clined to give any positive answer, we have every reason to believe that they will succeed in the attainment of their object. It would be most unjust indeed were that portion of the com munity, which is, of all others, not only the most heavily taxed and rated, but the most exposed to the lash of the magistrate and the perjury of the informer, to be shut out from any boon which is extended to other retail dealers ; and more especially would it be unjust in their case, seeing that within these few years they have been plundered by the Beer Act of a great portion of the value of their property, and exposed to a competition, than which nothing can be more unfair, or injurious to the best inte rests of the country. Mr. Spring Rice remarked, we observe, to the Westminster deputation, that he believed the business of tavern and hotel keepers to be in a much better situation than that of other classes of tradesmen ; but no asser tion is more destitute of foundation. The li censed victuallers are suffering in all quarters quite as much as any other class of tradesmen, if, indeed, they do not suffer more ; and Mr. Spring Rice, if he doubt the fact, may assure himself of its correctness in a few minutes' walk through any street in the metropolis. Many houses will be found to be shut up in almost every quarter in consequence of the decay of trade, and the smallness of profits; while, on the other hand, between those which still hold out there exists so much competition, as wholly to destroy the possibility of their being in a flourishing condition.—Morning Advertiser. WESTMINSTER ELECTION. (Continued from our Paper of yesterday.) Mr. ESCOTT again attempted to address those aQsem bled. He said, that conning there as a candi date for the representation of that great city, he was desirous of stating the grounds on which be solicited their support, and what his objections were o the gentlemen who had appeared before them that day, and who, he thought, under all the circumstances, were not fit to represent the electors of Westminster in Parliament. The cries of " Off, off!" " Down, down !" the shout. ing, the groaning, and yelling, became so overpowering, as completely to drown the candi , iate's voice, and he accor. Jingly stopped. The quantity of cabbages, dirt, &c., thrown for the space of half an hour was very great. At length, Mr. SMEDLEY, the Deputy Sheriff, put it to the meeting to say whether they would allow the pro ceedings to go on. Those who thus threw dirt at the electors were not Englishmen, but cowards. If what was going on continued, he should be obliged to call in the civil once. This address, however, seemed to produce very little effect, the dirt, baskets, and pieces of tile, being poured ,n with increased violence, Mr. Macrieil, the Conservative candidate at the late Oxford election (we believe it was) endeavoured to obtain a hearing for Mr. Escott, but in vain. The riot continued to rage, the dustmen who were said to have been hired by Mr. Escott, for a short time obtained almost sole possession of the front of the hustings, distinguishing themselves by the number of thr cabbages, baskets, basket-lids, mats, sinks, &e., they threw at Mr. E cat and his friends, and evidently, by the fero city of their conduct, keeping all the respectable part of the crowd round the hustings in a state of alarm. After some time Mr. WAKLEY stepped forward, and was re c-ived with loud cheers. He entreated them, as they valued the cause of radical reform—as they valued their awn independence and respectability—to give the Hon. candidate a hearing, or otherwise they would be unable to compare his sentiments with those of his rival. When Mr. Escott had concluded his address, he should have some questions to put to all the candidates. 1‘11 . • ESCOTT again cams forward, the crowd showing, after the request of Mr. Wakley, a disposition, though a reluctant one, to hear him. He knew that it had been said that he was unknown among the electors of West— minster, and that, therefore, he was an unfit person to come forward. It was true he was not known among them, and he would ask, bow it was possible he should be known if be was not heard ? (Cheers aad hisses.) The electors of Westminster were called upon to decide the present contest, not by the pro mises which some men might have formerly given and basely broken—(Loud cheers)—but by the public princi ples of those who had put themselves forward, and upon those public principles it was to be a fair stand up fight.—(Cheers.) He trusted that in the observations he should maks he should pursue that gentleman-like conduct which had been adopted by the Gallant Colonel. —(Cheers.) The first thing h e t houg h t it right to con sider with respect to standing for Westminster, was whe ther the two candidates in the field were such as, in his opinion, were best calculated to represent the electors in Parliament.—(Cheers.) With respect to Sir John H Hisses)—he mu s t say a few words. In his opinion political honesty was a b ove a l l consideration.— ohou s e —( (Great cheering.) All parties and politics, in his opinion, ought to be based on fair conduct, such as would be ap proved of by upright and fair urien.--(liear, hear, and cheering.) Now Sir John Hohhouse, though he might not be at the meeting at the present moment, had published a declaration in explanation of his former conduct. To that document he wished now to advert; and if Sir John Eislihouse could at any future time explain what lie was now going to state, he would be the first to admit that lie was in error, and that Sir John Hobhouss was right. He told the electors he bad resigned his seat, because he could not support the Ministers. Now he would tell that Right Hon. Baronet that, as the representative of the people, he was bound to retain that seat and oppose th e Ministers.—(Loud ch e eri ng .) In his opinion of po pular representation, the chief use of a House of Commons was to be a check upon a profligate Government.— (Cheers.) Now he would say that the present Govern ment was the most profligate that ever existed in this country.—(Cheers, and cries of " No, no.") Sir J. Hob house, who bad declared that he could not support Minis ters, had, in his opinion, deserted his duty to the electors of Westminster by not retaining his seat and opposing them. The Right Hon. Baronet stated, as another reason that he could not give his vote for the motion, which, because it was mixed up with the repeal of the house and window tax, would, if carried, deprive the Ministers of power, that, though he had just before thought them unworthy of his support, yet he wished not to drive them from power ; anti he proceeded to say, that had the question been simply one for the repeal of those taxes, he should without hesitation have voted in the affirmative. His (Mr. Escott's) charge against the Right Hon. Baronet was, that the question was one, simply and solely, of repeal, as the electors would judge, for the motion was—" That it is expedient to grant relief to his M ij , sty's subjects, by re pealing that portion of the assessed taxes charged on in habited houses and on windows."—(Hear, hear.) Whe ther t, .e Right Hon. Baronet had any mental reservation about inhabited houses and windows, he (Mr. Escott) could not say, but that was the simple motion ; and yet the Right Hon. Baronet deserted his place in Parliament, and preferred serving the Ministers to serving his constituents. —(Loud cries of " Shame.") Now a few words as to what that Government was for which the Right lion. Baronet deserted the electors, rather than oppose it. That Government was popular some time ago, but popu lar only because it held out a promise which it has not since performed.—(Cheers.) It promised to afford an ex tended protection to the liberties of the people, and to economise the public expenditure. The pledge it then gave to support the liberties of the people, hid been redeemed by the most despotic law that was ever passed in this country, or was ever introduced by the most Tory Government. How had it economised ? Instead of doing so, it had from first to last added to the polio expendi ture; and when motions were brought forward to repeal distinct taxes, they were met by "Oh ! you ate too early; only wait until you see our excellent budget, and then you will see what relief there will be from taxation."— (Laughter.) At last the budget cane, and the relief it afforded was about sixpence a hundred from tiles, and the exciseman was permitted to go round a market town in an untaxed cart.—(Laughter and cheers.) Other motions were then brought forward, but then the people and their representatives were told, " Oh ! you are too late; our budget is propounded—don't disturb the Chancellor of the Exchequer's budget—don't disturb that honest and honourable man, Lord Althorp, who was twice flatly contradicted in the course of I st week."—(Laughter.) That conduct was in his (Mr. Escott's) mind so atrocious, and so unlike that which ought to be adopted by fair and upright men, that he believed the time was come when those who would do any good for the country should take the matter into their own hands, and seriously consider all interests with the view of giving relief from overwhelming distress.—(Cheers.) It would not do to be trifled with any longer.—(Cheers.) He believed that a great deception had been practised respecting the motion as to the repeal of the house and window tax.— (A cry, " Will you vote for it ?") He would fearlessly act on that belief, for it would be trifling with the people to let the pledge that had already been given by the House of Commons prevail against the general de sire to bring it forward again. He was prepared to declare that, in his opinion, those taxes must he re pealed, and he, for one, would help it.—( Loud cheers.) There was another extraordin try vote given by a reformed Parliament—he alluded to the Bill for regulating the labour in factories; that Bill, he thought, was called for by every feeling of humanity, and yet it was rejected by a majority of one.—(Here was a great noise in the crowd, which was apparently getting impatient.) He only wished to say a few words more, as an Hon. Gentleman wished to put a few questions to him, which, if he thought proper, he would answer.—(Groans and hisses.) The electors would have a lair opportunity of considering those answers.— (Loud cheers.) He would now tell them why he did not exactly approve of the political opinions of the Hon. and Gallant Colonel (Evans) and why he felt it his duty to come forward in opposition to so honest and independent a man.—(Hear, hear.) He thought the time had arrived when political agitation should cease, and when every means should be adopted to promote peaceful industry, social order, and happiness; for political agitation had done its utmost to impede industry, and to work down the industrious classes. Whether the Gallant Colonel entertained violent opinions, which were likely to impede such a useful work he could not say, for he had not heard the Gallant Colonel very clearly today. The country had too long been disgusted with both parties ; and they ought now to have a fair stand-up fight, not between Sir John Cam Hobhouse and the other candidates, because he had forfeited his engagements ; but between the Gallant Colonel and himself (Mr. Escott), in aiding the country at the present emergency.—(Loud applause.) It was determined at all events to persevere with the contest to tse last, and to give every elector who intended to honour him with a vote, a fair opportunity of recording it.—(Cheers anti hisses. ) The shortness of the period from the occur rence of the vacancy to the time of election, would pre vent him from calling personally on the electors; but this he did not think material, although customary, as its none observance prevented any personal engagement or low spirited cringeing. He should leave the m-eting with the belief that he should have a majority of their suffrages, and a full deterodnation, if successful in the contest, to do whatever was most likely to advance the interests of the country.—(Much applause mingled with hootings.) lie would repeat that, from what he had that day heard and seen, he was convinced he should be returned by a triumphant majority.—(Appl ause and hootings.) Mr. WAKLEY called the attention of the meeting to what had been gained by silence; they had had a speech on his right hand and on his left, and the latter he should designa e a basin of bubble and squeak.—(Cheers.) lie intended to address the two candidates, and he hoped to obtain from them distinct answers to a few plain, honest, and straightforward questions.—(Cheers.) Without pledges he would not trust his own brother.— (Cheers.) The electors had had a practical commentary on the necessity of pledges; for, when the necessity of the repeal of the house and window taxes were agitated a few weeks ago, Sir John Cam Hohhouse was applied to to express his intentions on the subject, when he said, " I will vote for their repeal." In 1819 he said, at the election for the city of Westminster, that he would resign his seat whenever he was called upon to do so by a majority of his constituents. Here were two distinct pledges, and he would ask, had they been unnecessary for elections ? If after such conduct he was allowed to take refuge in the sea of parliamentary oil, wherein he slipped away from every grasp, it would be the electors who were the fools, and the Hon. Baronet ought not to he blamed.—(Cheers.) He would now ask the Gallant Colonel if he would vote for the repeal of the Septennial Act ? Colonel EVANS declared he would, and also (the several questions being put by Mr. Wakley) that he would vote for the repeal of the house and window taxes, and the corn laws, and in favour of vote by ballot ; each of which announcements were received with great satisfaction. Mr. WAKLEY acknowledged the candour of the Gallant Officer. He had been averse to the returning of any officer of the army or navy to Parliament; but he put more than ordinary faith in the Gallant Colonel, and should give him his firmest support.—(Cheers.) He be lieved him in politics to be honest, and in his profession to be a skilful man ; and as the Tories had their Wellington, he did not see why they should not have theirs.— (Cheers.) He did not see why they should not also have a Radical General in Parliament.—(Cheers.) If Govern ment went 00 in the present way, they (the meeting) might have some red -coat business to do on their own ac count.—(Vehement cheering.) He would also ask the Gallant Officer if he would resign his seat if called upon so to do by a majority of his constituents ? Colonel EVANS said he had expressed his intention to do so at a meeting he attended last night, anti would repeat his determination to the meeting.—(Cheers.) Mr. WAKLEY then put the first of these questions to Mr. Escott. Mr. ESCOTT wished to put a question to the Gallant Colonel—How he thought he could do his duty in a de liberative assembly, after the pledges he had given ? (Groans.) He (Mr. Escott) had told them that on the house and window tax he had made up his mind, but he would not tell them how he would vote upo❑ questions not yet discussed ; but, if he went into Parliament; he would ex ercise his best di scretion.—(Groans.) An honourable elector had said that he could not conceive ho-v there could be political honesty without pledges, but he would ask whether there had been grosser instances of political falsehood than where there had been pledges? Colonel EVANS said that the honourable candidate had asked him whether he considered himself a free agent, and fit to go into a deliberative assembly, but he (Mr. Escott) had deprived himself of the power of impugning t h e practice of pledges, because, in a printed addres., he had given a pledge upon the house and window taxes. He could not, therefore, impu g n the practice of pledges, but be would limit the maker, lli be (Culooel Evdus) were to be asked, whether, if the Russians were) to take Constantinople, or if the French were to march an army to the Pyrenees, he would pledge himself to vote for war, he should say that he would not, the subject being mixed up with so many different circumstances, But these now put to him were great questions, which had agitated the country for years, and without meaning any offence to the Hon. Candidate, he would say that any gentleman who had not made up his mind upon these questions was unfit to represent them. He must confess, however, that he did think that the Hon. Candidate had made up his mind, and that he could tell it if he liked. Mr. WA KLEY said, that if the Honourable Gentleman had not made up his mind to vote for the re peal of the Septennial Act, he could not represent them, because they had made up their minds. " All those," continued Mr. Wakley, " who are for the repeal of the the Septennial Act, hold up your hands."—(All.) " All who are for the repeal of the corn laws, bold up your hands." --(All.) He was not the man for them ; he liked his can dour, and he liked him for a Tory ; but he remembered the conduct of the Tories—of the autocrat Castlereagh.-- (Cries of "Shame, shame.") He did not mean to allude to the last act of that unfortunate man's life, but to his disposition to cut the throats of other people. He despised the whole of the Tory gang from the bottom of his heart; but never more would they have the opportunity of grind ing the people to the earth. Looking at the blackness of Old Nick, he saw something still more odious in the shape of a Whig. He had the authority of Sir John Cain Hobhouse himself for saying that the Whigs had done all they could to oust the Tories, merely for the purpose of serving themselves, and then betraying the interests of the people.—(Loud cheers.) But they should withhold their indignation, and cot look to the conduct of parties, but at the conduct of the man who had been their representative. He would bring to their notice a letter which had escaped from the pen of the Right Hon. Baronet on Wednesday morning last, the question of the house and window taxes having been brought before the House on Tuesday. Ooe of their representatives bad voted directly against them, and the other had resigned, in the fullest hope that they would send him hick to deceive them again.—(Cheers.) Suppose the Right Hon. Baronet was about to wed a damsel, and when she was at the altar, he slipped a note into her hand, saying he was sorry, but he bad found that there was something more to be done after, and as he was not in a condition to do it then, he would resign alt pretensions to her.—(Long and continued laughter.) He, in effect, said, I love you still, but there are others I love better. Then let the electors tell him to repair to those of whom he was so fond ; they did not want him. He declares that he will make no pledge—that he will go into Parliament free. That free meant that lie might be free to deceive them again. Then great stress was laid upon the fact of Lis giving up office, but, he would ask, who was nurse to the Irish Secre.ary ? Why, Daniel O'Connell, who had got an ugly way of making the bed with nettles. If Sir John had gone to Ireland, he would, in 48 hours, have been so hot, that he would have thought himself in the East Indies, and so stung that he would have been put touch in mind of musquitoes. He had a large fortune, and was not in want of the 5,0001.: so where was the great merit in his resignation of such an office ? In his (Mr. W.'s) opinion, he was most heartily glad to have had such an opportunity of getting quietly out of it. Sir John's own published former opinions were, that the people were entitled to a full, fair, and free repre sentation in Parliament. Now, what had the Reform Bill done in Westminster ? Why, reduced the constituency from 14,000 to less than 9,000 ; and where was the name of Sir John in the lists, on Mr. Grote's motion for the ballot ? Why, in the majority against it. The reformed Parliament had done one good action by voting for the repeal of the malt tax, yet that vote they had rescinded in less than three days. Now he would just give them a representation of what might have taken place in the Privy Council the morning after the vote with respect to the malt tax was come to. Lord Althorp comes in, and says-- - ' Here's a pretty kettle of fish we're in ; we are taken by surprise, for these chaps have voted directly against us, what shall we do ? We must have that vote rescinded, because it was for the benefit of the working people." Sir John then gets up, and says--" Oh, my Lord, it's very well for you to talk in that way, but I am pledged."—(Loud laughter.) I'll tell you what, my Lord, if you determine on rescinding that vote, I must either throw up my Secretaryship or resign." " Well," says Lord Althorp, " we can get somebody else to take your office, and if you resign your seat, we must look out for somebody to stand for Westminster." " But," says Mr. Hobhouse, " look how I shall be disgraced ?" (Laughter. ) " Oh, never mind that," says Lord Althorp, "We are a:I disgraced in turn you know—(Continued laughter) —but there is One thing, if we are digraced, it is not without sauce, for we have got 6,0001. a year for it."—(Laughter and cheers.) " Give up your Secretary- ship, and resign your seat, for you will soon get in again." " Very well," says Hobhouse, "don't you decide anything till I see you again." Away goes Hobhouse to Mr. De Vear, and, having ascertained from that diligent and very active man that, by a little trickery, it would all succeed, Sir John posts off to my Lord Althorp, and says, " It will be alt safe--De Year promises I shall be elected—he says there is no doubt about it, and, therefore, to-night I won't vote—l will cut my stick '—(Great laughter).— to-morrow I wall write a little note saying I have resigned my seat, because I could not fulfil my promises, and I have also resigned the Secretaryship for Ireland."—(Laughter.) He (Mr. Wdkley) had once been a great supporter of Sir John's, but he was com pelled to state that he had forfeited all his confidence, and that he had committed a most disgraceful breach of trust.—(Loud and continued cheers.) He begged of the electors to consider that the whole of England was looking with the most intense interest to what would be the result of this contest. Whig, Tory, and Radical, were now before them, and he begged of them to recollect what the conduct of the Tories had been from the first hour that they held the reins of Government. It was the people, and not the Ministers, who succeeded in carrying the Reform Bill ; it was the people who replaced the Mi nisters in their office to discharge a sacred duty ; and would they be so forgetful of what was due to their children and their families, as, in the hour of triumph, in the very moment of victory, to wither the laurel on which they had so long delighted to look ?—(Cheers.) He would call upon them not to he deceived in the re formed Parliament—not to be deceived by Factory Bills, for the House of Commons had actually sent a commission to inquire whether children could work four and twenty hours in four and twenty hours.— (Laughter.) If the expenditure was managed eco nomically, the man who now worked twelve hours would only have to work four ; but the aristocracy were everlastingly praising that which they never prac tised, he meant labour.—(Loud cheering.) Why, if labour was so very good for the poor, why the -- was it not so good for the rich?—(Loud cheering.) In conclusion, the worthy gentleman trusted that the elec- tors of Westminster would prove themselves the friends of their country by electing Colonel Evans. The DEPUTY HIGH BAILIFF then called for a show of hands. Not a single hand was held up for Sir John Hobhouse--a complete forest for Colonel Evans—and not more than 20 for Mr. Escotr. The Deputy High Bailiff then declared the show of hands to be in favour of Col. Evans. A poll was demanded on the part of Sir John Hobhouse and Mr. Escott, which the Deputy High Bailiff informed the meeting would commence en Thurs day next, at 9 o'clock in the morning. The assembled crowd then separated peaceably. During the ceremony of the nomination, when Sir John Hobhouse quitted the hustings, he returned to his Committee-room, surrounded by some of the most dis tinguished Reformers in Westminster. Among them we particularly distinguished Thos. Duncombe, Edw. Lytton Bulwer, Paul Methuen, Esqs., Lord Ebrington, Mr. Carlton, Mr. Lamont, Mr. E. B. Clive, Mr. E. J. Stanley, &c. &c. On his arrival in the rooms, he was heartily greeted by his friends. He expressed, in warm terms, his regret that he hid been prevented from reply ing to the base accusations his opponents, having no other grounds, continued to make against him. He stated, emphatically, that he was completely out of office, and had been so from his Hist announce ment; that he had no intention to return to it; that he never would unless he was convinced, and his friends the electors also, that he could do more good to the public in the King's Government than out of it.—(Cheers.) He had intended always to vote against the continuance of the house and window taxes—it was well known to Ministers on his taking office—that was no secret.—(Applause.) He should most certainly have done so had it not been so mixed up with other matters as to place him in a mote painful position than that of any other public man. B e knew he felt that he had taken the honest, the con scientious co urse.—(Cheers.) . He hop e d an d truste d that the electors would do him Justice; at least as to his mo did not doubt i,), a t l east h e was certain it later be admitted that he d eserve d t o tives ; and then let the result be what it mi g ht ( an d I .e, s f i o ,o r o h ld is part , sooner or share the confidence of those patriotic citizens with whom, under the banner of reform, he had continue I to fight until they had planted it on the summit of the mount. FEAitoN, Lord EttaiNororr, and other gentlemen strongly deprecated the ungenerous conduct of part of the assemblage before the hustings, in refusing to hear a defence while they heard a charge, And a resolution was passed by acclamation, applauding S ir J. boa" ed A utib re le o t l h u e t i i r on ex w er a t s io compliance with the earnest solicitations of quitting the hustings on that occasion. 10 16 a n l s so to p p a l s a s c e e d sf°' pliantly at the head of the poll, to which they 0 ° confidently appeal. sg ° Three cheers were given for their candidate, 0 Committee separated for an hour. swirithj. gareoabtbaoptiPle trio, MARKET INTELLIGENC ;. LONDON MARKETS. terdk (From the " London New Price Curren t" of Ye, j.or SUGAR.—There was no alteration in the prices :04 last week ; the m a rket was firm, an d the tran sactio into calculation the small stock, were ex tensive; they ..scoo., mated at 2,800 hhds. and trs. The Sugar market haslV firm all the forenoon ; the estimated sales this day a r , e p e", and trs., including the Barbadoes, which went off 3 4 1 ,00' delivery of West India Sugar is 2,83 S Mid& prices. The stock of West India Sugar is now 15, 143 , , J V trs., which is 3,754 more than last year. The stocked ties is 104,492 bags, being 36,868 more than last Ye'.4 more than last year. The delivery of Mauritius 6, ~ytiry being 23 less than the corresponding week of 1e3 : 2 ; 4 gee' s ; fined market was very firm last week, and the P c — were 6d. to Is. per cwt. higher; low goods were P 3 i t. e . scarce, 61s. 6d. and 625. reported for lumps, al' e‘te,. ! and 30s. for crashed; the wholesale grocers We re , - ,.01! , buyers of fine goods for the home consumption of to e v.ii This afternoon the Refined market is very fin s '' Molasses have advanced to 255. for the best qualitY• EAST INDIA SUGAR.—There are few purcha'' 1 0 . a r ince. India Sugar to report; the holders do not 31 , P e r force sales, as East Jndia now rate very low in I) with other Sugars. MAURITIUS SUGAR.—Mauritius Sugar s - p , ness last week at very full market This 's' prices. c ol,p sales, 7,976 bags Mauritius Sugar, sold very nrie e et , upon the whole fully maintaining the prices of las t ",%te o '; FOREIGN SUGAR.—There are no sales of any "bite -A at 0' of . report; a small parcel of 130 packs Brazil offer.,. went off at very low prices. Average price of Sugar, "' yi per cwt. WEST INDIA MOLASSES.—The market is "ve r c ' e qe the prices still advancing; 255. paid for Demerara. . be!' and Us., :op COFFEE.—British Plantation Coffee was ve ?,:ecl. s lio week, but no reduction in the prices could he 5 whiC',.,s India descriptions sold 1.. lower. Foreign Coffee, lately rated lower than any other quality, app ears Sr n t. ° the advance; the p r i ces are I s. a I s. 6 d . higher. fu e se' i tat has been sold at 565., an d 56 5. t id . i s repor t e d to 1)e Theroi a good parcel. There are sales of Brazil 525. a 545 ' e i " sales of East India a r e S uma t ra or d ., 465. a 495. d Olt v r fine ord., 50s. a 555. ; C e yl on, 56 5. a 56 5. 6d. Thep 11°, this day consisted of 1,232 b ags B raz i l C o ff ee , which ';fll'„,,z,)J, in at 595. for very g oo d quality, and for a part 58 '' ota tiO refused. 129 casks 40 barrels 150 b ags British P l 3" pe about 2s. per cwt. lower. RUM, BRANDY, AND HOLLANDS.—T he ', gar 6 ,ort to be a good demand for Rum, but there is a g e t - 0 .1.1 1 0 0 Leewards, particularly of proofs, which are now h e '"„ ;O P f, firmness and for higher prices. The chief purehas`", t he , ' l,O to be in Jamaica descriptions at full market prices,:saalet vals of Runs generally appear to be on a more lirn it t 7 r etiO,r'k was expected. In Brandy or Geneva there is na a lter in TALLOW.—There is not much business reported low. The prices continue steady. h Is o ' TURPENTINE.—AII the rece n t arr ivals of t - ltd u ,• g c ee ; , by the importer s , th e d rawers re f using to g i ve the do':; OILS.—In Fish Oils for the season a fair busineoe;teito and prices remain steady. In Linseed Oil furthe r of purchases have been made for exportation; uPn ar os. l/ 01 tuns have been bought d ur i ng th e l ast wee k at '2;;;',. a11., r/A 26/. 10s., old measur e; no t any sellers now uncle s a le 7,0 1 stock of Seed and Oil now l e f t on t hi s mar ket fer equal to 300 tuns of Oil, an d th e present pr i c e of S e d - ae rek t y produce Oil at the pre s e n t p r i ce. R ape Oil a shade 4 0 TEA.—Boheas and Con gous h ave somew hat Ba ttC. 6 market, and there is generally less doing. v ole , e 0 FRUIT.—New Patras Currants sold 665. a Os. ; parcels of Valentia R a i s i ns , s li g h t l y damage d, have b ee n off the market a t f u ll pr i ces. e$ SPICES.—In Spices there is little or no alterati on, a to Pepper continues to go off at 3 1,21. a 3 s, d. ; erit quality 4%d.; Cassia Li gnea, goo d qua li ty Vs. a 7-- oto latter is rather higher. At this day's sales the ri na ie ni, , f a shade lower ; C ass i a Li gnea also at a sma ll red''' . t, Cloves, Pepper, and Cinnamon all in small par cel' a °, prices. det 4 1) COTTON.—There has b een a mo d era t e a nd st e3-; en' , ol for Cotton from exp or t h ouses d ur i ng the last month' 3 101,driC' have continued without alteration. On Friday s, ods' o t Surat, :362 Madras, and 65 M an ill a , were brought .- 0 41 0 0 4 ' public sale; the general quality of the former wa s deli there being little very ordinary, and no good. T tle well attended, and went off with unusual animatio n 're g ' o + being sold at prices 1/, d. a per lb. higher that , th:itli° currency; the export h ouses were t h e c hi e f buyers , Co na n , ' .,{' : rj , speculation grounded on the expected wants of the fevrob The prices ruled a s f o ll ows, a ll i n b ond :—Surat, 3 fa ir " . d4 4 lid a 4 7,, d. ; mid. to mid. fair, sd. a 5 ; a fe W "ot Manilla, good clean, 7 %.1. Madras, good clean' ie tiv e 4 5 ; fine fair B our b on see d, 8 % d. Since t his '3 A te '; mand for Cotton h as no t b een so lively, and somePiltsji.eu. tracts are reported r a th er under the prices Obtained 5.. t Y 0 1 sales of Friday. o ii• INDIGO.—The letters fr om C a l cu tt a a re to t il ' O tiL r ei nuary. There had bee n l arge purc h ases o f indig - t viduals to send home i n pl ace o f b il ls, as the gre! esaef-fidiV lately (another being announce d f or a very largest prevented bills being taken as remittances. Th e : ae liP"r: Company had also purch ase d l arge l y, an d the P c , - , ttie` vanced 10 per cent. These reports appear to ad d ai l vious firmness here. SPANISH INDIGO AND COCHINEAL .--: fro ,- , 0 0 sale, 77 serons Spanish Indigo, sold with spirit ab l itith ';00+ 4s. sd. per lb., being rather higher for the low ri na- 4 1 ,% e "14 3s. a as. 3d., and former prices for the good and fin e : a Cochineal went off very heavily, and at lower 1 4.1 , C :ne ' ia a Os. 7. for ord. foxy to fair silver; 5 bags good an from 7s. 9d. a Bs. sd. per lb. .. •-• AAA 10. ULU a C7J. au. per ILL „g 0 ~,F45 COUNFRY CORN MARKETS DURING ..."" 13e 3, Wheat. Barley. Oat'• / .70 Imo'. Per Quarter. s . t o s. s. to s. I s. to s 4 41 "" st 808 ton 5l 21 is ~"... A o" Gainsborough 57 34 ,"5 - 0 4 ' ~," Grantham --...—... 53 67 36 41 17 .1. 7 , ` 2 , 4 ) Grimsby „ . 42 58 ` ) .l 30 14 ,1 '2 ,4 ~' Florncastle , .44 50 20 27 10 4- so > , Lincoln Spilsby Stamford 47 59 30 36 21 ::u , York— 52 64 24 31 12 '" IRISH MARKETS. ~y 4. d i,' DUBLIN MARKET NOTE.—FgIoAY, '^— Ac - . it 3 0 From To 416 Wheat, per barrel 20 stone 26 0 31 g 5. ,' 0 Bete l6 stone 0 —,, 8 0 140 Barley.----.... 16 stone 12 0 16 3,9.9 Oats ..... .. 12 stone 7 9 11 , 1 6 o --" l' i 11,332 Cwt. F10ur......—.... 9 stone) 60 I I ,f', ci 0 4 916 0tmea1—.—...,,.. 8 stone ' 8 0 J'' ,6 '' 416 Wheat, per barrel 9.0 stone 0 Bete l6 stone 140 Barley-.- 16 stone 3,9.9 Oats 12 stone 11,33'2 Cwt. 9 stone 916 0atmea1..,,..,.,,,,,,, 8 stone Sold to Bakers only. 8,280 Cwt. Flour Average price of Wheat am Receipts of Flour, 12,9081 s Firsts Sales of Do. 11,332 Thirds, PRICE OF .714 d. Quartern Loaf. 13 0 I 1 9 0 acilcs. Ofro ml d i f e tma a r !f o ci Is, from 13 5 . to ' • I from 63 . v BREAD. i.10 1 "---'-'''''-iir ''''' -------'er c,., 1s r ' t. lalf Quartern Wheat, Barley. Oats. per barrel per barrel per barrel 20 stone. 16 stone. 14 stone.l 4 • ,r 0 0 Corko a 25 3 s.d.i 12 s.d o . a 14 s.d 6 8 6 . s.d.as9 7 14. d. s b e ) 6 6 0 0 0 11 Limerick 123 4 25 9 9 4 11 4 8 2 —Ol6 0 I 's 0 l 0 )0 Waterford 21 0250 10 0 12C 70 8017 0 oau 0 Clonmel `23 4 25 912 0 130 70 8216 0 17 0 0 Carlow— 25 0'" 011 0 12 0, 7 0 8020 6 Carlow --125 0 26 0111 0 12 01 7 0 8 0221“ j 2:---',....-- ---- ": t er , t lll Su' 401 , Beef, Mutton, I'ork, 2t i :td• . ..... , ,,k, per lb per lb. per cwt. Ist. ' ......° (I. ,1 , IL d. ad.d. a d. s. d. as.d.s. d• ,5%,"," 0 . 1, 0,c) , /, Cork 5 6 5 623 0 26 0820 17 ‘,.. ii, 0 ` 1 ; e „ o' , / Limerick-131 4; 3; 431 0 35 (1 66 0SO„u 7 0 0 ,''' Q L t Waterfordr 6 3 5 •27 0 23 0196 090 u 0 , 0' O' . 0.50 i. Clomnel —3;4 5; 64 32 0 3:1 Or 0 60 ,65 .% Carlow— 1 5; 0 0 0 0 0070 0 60 , - ~. tO I," ~,at ''''.l6r lil' 4 rt, t 0 )1 heat r 9f 4' l* KILKENNY.—Butter 74s to per cwt. ; to 9si it tolt, per barrel ; Flour 20s. to 3 , 15. per bag; Oats 4 s:_ Isl rel ; Barley 12s. to 13s. ; Beef 4d. to sd. pe r lu a cvi t ' ; to Nd. ; Potatoes 2d. per stone; Coals Is. 2d. P Pigs 2?,5. to 30s. per cwt. A t 4 13 : D o (0 d l i N S G C I O 3 Wheal. e4 s 0d Second H There we i r N) e vA 3 h OO L,Ka g t r i. First s. of W Third hoo do de l ilac, Alß,lm7A2loB.4aßisas:tkiKoodoasAe.dt:r t :1 3 :6 1 :2,22:13:.a.....e50u.,, iored:opf y:" :lsele c oe c t 31 Unsold-0 Grey. o w. Average W. 143.2 d . 11-1. 0 First no ,Od .2:. 0 f 64s Ott 3:ls tid ots 4d —3 xi g 5• A Second st:s Od oSs Od 20s Od 253 4 i 9- Third - . --s Od 263 Od 1£33 Od 2-s::„_______....- ET H H ar C Ie O y. IIN btl),l.tlst.KET.,--v33slea.Y ''' !,33i,e,7,,,,,1 DIED. ( ) Orr' . 40 5 " - On the 3d ißlooms bury-square, Allis De i on, ' A On the 4th inst., Miss Jourdan, of ForshaM-corn v iw o i aged 53. Whart°%icri,f On the 2d inst., at Brighton, Miss Elizabeth ,„, for On the 2d ult., at Ne# Yoik, Mr. NVilliam SYis t ' Milk-street, London. ,1 N 9 4 1 PRIN lEH AND PUBLISHED 111 MURDO •-• '- SUN OFFICE. 112, STRAND, LONPOO. ,pt . p le P i l hi" tit b ed • , le at , ri 1 l'hi rd ..... 52s Od 1 265 ... 2 ................. ..„,..,........"" - d ( 16s ut , 1 -- ___.------ to BIRTHS. 3 d S i tli f j. v. i ., Of On the 7th init., the lady of George cowie,---- . l y of 01 On the7th inst., in South Audle,-street, the lac ./ SO ti , delton Biddulph, Esq., of a daughter. the ladY - is' On the 6th inst., at Tottenham-gree n, Baker, Esq of a daughter. On the sth inst., at Smithwick-grov e, near Bioningl"' ' lady of James Moilliet, Esq., of a daughter il J • pi MARRIED. Will-09 On the 6th inst., at Charlton, Blackheath.L.,,ridgethe A Abingdon, Esq., 8.A., of Trinity College. C r e , o f I '4o the middle Temple, to Emily, youngest daue. t d i, CO' of Samuel George Evans, Esq., of the non. East in , Cesl , Medical service, Barelly, Bengal. , itt ,. Thrll. - pc o , On the 6th inst., at Rushbrooke, Suffolk, ' i'd daugh t- ich' Denton, of Peckham, Surrey, to Sophia, sew' . __.,, WO late William Denton, Esq., of Alneshourne Prim r .%, i - 74, I my,e,