The Sun. — London, England, 1864-03-01 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OP LORDS—Last Evening, The LORD CIIINCELLOR took his Bost OD the woolsack at five o'clock, PRIVATE BUSINESS, The Millwall Canal, Wharfs, and Graving Docks Bill, was read a second time. THE AUGMENTATION OF BENEFICES BILL. The Earl of DERBY asked the noble lord on the wool sack for an explanation, touching the Augmentation of Benefices Bill, under the recent act, of a point upon which there was some misunderstanding. There appeared to be an impression that a large sum of money, de rived from the sale of a number of livings, was now in the hands of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners. All the Commissioners had to do with the matter was to receive the money and appropriate the interest arising from that money to the increase of small livings. The LORD CHANCELLOR said that the moneys received under the act were devisable into two moieties. The moiety arising from the sale of two livings appliable to the augmentation of small bene fie,!Ei was paid to the Ecclesiastical Commissioners simply as trustees, they to pay the interest at the rate cf £3 10s. per cent. to the incumbent. The second moiety was also paid to the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, to accu• =late in their hands and to be invested by them. With respect to the second moiety they were trustees both of capital and interest. With regard to the money arising from the sale of 100 livings, that did not go into the hands of the commissioners unless ho (the Lord Chancellor) re quested them to take charge of it, and then they only were to act as trustees. THE PLOT TO ASSASSINATE THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON. The Earl of 'WESTMEATH referred to the trial of Greco and his fellow conspirators in Paris, and asked if the Government had a moral conviction that the evidence in , and if it would take measures crimi na t e d M. Mazzini, Nvith regard to it? Earl RUSSELL replied that any one guilty of conspi racy in this country to assassinate the Emperor of the French was guilty of a indictable crime. Ho had no evidenco that any one was so engaged, and consequently he could not take the matter up. THE METROPOLITAN RAILWAY COMMITTEE. Earl GRANVILLE laid upon the table the report of the joint committee of the Houses of Lords and Commons that had been considering the question of metropolitan railways. He had great pleasure in stating that the committee had been unanimous except upon one point. • THE DANO- GERMAN WAR. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH gave notice in a future day of his intention of asking her Majosty's Go vernment whether any steps wer e t o b e t a k en to afford ma terial aid to Denmark ? INSANE PRISONERS' ACT AMENDMENT BILL. Earl GRANVILLE moved the second reading of this bill. In doing so he explained its provisions; but, as these have so lately been under discussion in the House of Com mons, it is unnecessary to enter into a detailed statement of them, Lord ST. LEONARDS said the house was aware that this bill had been rendered necessary by the Townley case, and it was therefore necessary to refer to that case. After showing the absurdity of supposing that Townley was in saneapof which, he added, not a single particle of proof had been adduced—the noble and learned lord commented severely upon Dr. Forbes Winslow's evidence, which, he said, was opposed to both law and justice, and was calcu lated most mischievously to unsettle men's minds. The doctrine of uncontrollable impulse was an absurdity; bgt unless they had recourse to it, there was no pretence for saying that Townley was insane, for there was no trace of any delusion on his part. What had happened in Townley's case had taken place several times before within the last few years, without the crime attracting particular attention. Nor would such attention have been attracted in this case had the criminal been a person in low life. Having received the certificate of two medical men and two magistrates that Townley was insane, the Home Secretary considered that, under the Act of 1840, he was bound to respite the crimi nal; but he (Lord St. Leonards) doubted whether that act was imperative. Moreover, in previous eases, when a man having been respited had been ultimately relieved from the execution of the capital sentence, the criminal had really become insane after his sentence. But in this instance the criminal never had been insane, and there was not, therefore, the same reason for commut ing his sentence. He trusted that the course taken in this case would not become a precedent. This bill would be a great improvement upon the present state of the law, for it distinctly conferred upon the Hot= Secretary a discretion as to acting upon the certificate of the justices and the medical men. There was, however, one defect in it—it omitted to say what was to be done with the man if the Home Secretary declined to act upon the certificate and to issue a warrant for his removal to a lunatic asylum. Was he to remain in prison, or was he to be hanged ? Lord WODEHO USE thought it doubtful whether the machinery of the visiting justices should be employed in the case of a prisoner sentenced to death. If the visiting jus tices were to put the law in motion in such a case, it might be possible that some one or two gentlemen might be found who would not posiess the requisite knowledge or discre tion. The medical officers whose advice they took might also not be persona whose opinion was worthy of respect. It would be much better that, whenever a prisoner was re ported to be insane, the Home Secretary should issue a cow mission to such persons as he might deem most worthy of his trust, and thus institute an inquiry of his own, upon which he might act with confidence. The bill was then read a second time, and the house ad journed. HOUSE OP COMMONS--Last Evening. The SPEAKER took the chair at 4 o'clock, THE ECCLESIASTICAL COMMISSION. Mr. H. SEYMOUR gave notice that on an early day he would bang on a motion on this subject. THE MALT TAX. Mr. MORRIT r gave notice that on early day he would move a resolution declaring that the malt tax ought to bo repealed. RAILWAY COMPANIES. Mr. ALCOCI asked the President of the Board of Trade if he contemplated during the present session to amend the 83th clause of the Lands Clauses Act, which enabled rail way companies to obtain compulsory possession of land Under order of magistrates. Mr. GIBSON said ho had no intention to introduce such a bill, •DEDORTATION OF "PAUPERS. Mr. ALCOC K asked the President of the Poor-law Board whether he had any intention of proposing- an alteration in the law of settlement, so as to prevent a recurrence of the case which lately occurred in the deportation of a pauper Adey), who, having passed 67 years in Guernsey as a respectabl e labouring man, being worn out and unable to maintain himself, was taken out of the hospital of the parish of St. Peter le Port, and sent to the union of Christ church (the place of his birth) at the age of 77. Mr. VILLIERS said the Poor-law department had no nrisdiction in the matter. The present law pressed very hard on the people of Jersey, and it had been recommended that the lawrof Jersey should be assimilated to those of England. THE WAR DEPARTMENT. Mr. VANCE asked what provision Was to lid niado for tiler civil assistant in the ordnance survey branch of the War Department whose services were dispensed with on the lat of November last ? Mr. PEEL said a small reduction had been made? IRELAND. Col. GREVILLE asked whether it was the intention of the Government to separate the county Meath from the Mul•- linger District Lunatic Asylum, which affords ample accora • modation for the dangerous lunatics of the three counties; and, if so, whether the whole burden of its support would be imposed upon the counties of Westmeath and Longford ? Sir R. PEEL said the question had been under the con sideration of Government. THE DANISH GOVERNMENT. Mr. DALGLISH asked, adverting to the statement that a steamer, plated with 41-inch armour from stem to stern, was launched on Wednesday from the yard of the buildrs of the Pampero, and said to be the property of the Danish Government, whether, if such should prove to be the case, the Government would seize her, as they had seized the Pampero, or would permit her to sail from the Clyde ? Mr. LAYARD said that the Danish Minister had given notice to t'no Government of the building of the ship, and had suggested that the construction might of necessity be stopped; but Lord Palmerston had consented that the 'met might be taken off the stocks, provided s h e did `aVe the country, and that arrangement had bean made. PRIVATE BUSINESS. MILES (fur Colonel W. Patten) asked the Pre- Board of Trade whether he intended to pro 'lls for the amendment of the private busi so as to enable parties to take:advantag e resent session; and whether the Par e any communication to him with system of counsel's fees ? he had received a statement -8 of the Parliamentary bar, VL not 1, Sir w eident of th. ece4 with his b. neve of tho h ouse of theta dur , ing th e p Earnen to ry bar had rim, res pect to 4 h4/Igo in the Arr. G/13SON stated that froin certain influenti4 ineulbe. Pop a scale of fees. Mr. lIADRIELD in whethc bar did not settle the rcatter, the Gov, it in hand. Air. 0/1350.V thought it vvould be reach the naatter in the hands of the bar. TIIE 13 UDGET. ,141 r• G 013410) asked the Chancellor of tho xc. Whet LLD he Ns at present able to inform the haus. what day before Ilaster ho would make his financial stalk, meat ? ti c d GREY said the 4nneial sta tement would be Inade immediately after k:aster. The a4y would be slated '' house, o•morro W. 311 t. ST ANCSP.et b, spottin g Mr. Co hare to put 1 question to the ho . über They or Halifax (31r. Stansfed). I beg to ask hiel wllhetzaheerz hh3 Government , attention has been called to What ham taken place i pa ria avd PerPiexitY. during the recent trial and to what fell tron2 the nevelt 'a Majesty's Governi that occasion. The Crown prosecutor i s fruitless efforts, in a./. propecutor upon roportga to bans liBell am WOrdB,:—.4 if Greco Wacted feroZiCo azould 1— L 'r, it the Parliamentary , rnment would take better to leave twquer On money ho was to apply to the talress, 'M. Plower, 35, Thurloe-square, Brorupton,' Ile (the procureur) had referred to the _London Commo•cial 1 .rectory to discover the person, who was thus place 1 in !corre spondence with Greco. At page 670 he four I—and it was in sorrow that ho found it—the name of a member of the English Parliament, who already in 1S ;7 Lod been ap pointed by Mazzini treasurer to the Tibaldi plot, which was concocted against the life of the Emperor." I have myself referred to this address in the "London Directory," and I find it is the residence of the hon, member for Halifax, and therefore I desire to ask him whether his attention has been called to those words ? Mr. STANSFELD—I am much indebted to my hon. ;fried for having enabled me to answer at once this question. My attention was directed this morning to the speech of the Procureur-Imperial, and I must say that the astonishment with which I read that speech was mingled with something of a stronger feeling. It appears to me that for the Crown prosecutor of a frienily Power to imagine in the first place, an in the second place to venture to insinuate, that one who has the honour of a seat in the British House of Com mons, and, h owev er unworthily, happens to occupy the po sition of a Minister of the Crown—that he could, directly or indirectly, have ever participated in, or even have been conscious of any supposed implication in, an attempt which if serious, must excite the execration of mankind—(hear, hear)—it appears to me that such a statement is sufficient not only to excite in me feelings of indignation, but also of disgust. (Hear, hear.) I trust it is quite unnecessary—in fact, I should feel it an indignity to be called upon to do so —to plead to such an indictment; and to declare in this house that I share the feelings of all decent men with regard to attempts of this kind, and as to which there can be but one opinion. Bat if there be to me some counter-satisfaction in the indignity of such a supposition, it is this, that I am given the opportunity from this place to bear my testimony to the character of a man who all who know me are aware that I have known for some 18 years, and than whom I have never known--I have never heard or road of—a man who has been more mildly and more shamefully maligned. (Hear, hear.) I speak, as I have said, from an intimate personal knowledge of nearly 18 years, and I have yet to learn the. that knowledge and the conviction which it pro daces will no!. have some effect upon the mind of the public and upon this hoOse. (An HON. MEMBER—Name, name.) I say as to M. Mazzin:, whose name has been associated with this attempt, I pledge my ij larsonal knowledge of him that ho is absolutely incapable of havin: a hand in it. (Hear.) I will go further. It is impossible I couloi have read the extract which my hon. friend has laid b e fo re ts. ‘ ". 4 house, without having occupied the time which has interval, : d since in making some inquiries as to how such an insinuation s ' have been made. I have made inquiries, and I have satis fied my own mind; although I will not anticipate declara tions which it is the right of others to make in the first place. Still I have satisfied my own mind that when the case comes to be fairly tried the answer will be complete and satisfac tory in every respect. (Cheers.) Mr. HENNESSY—I think it is, somewhat unfortunate (cries of 4 Order")—l shall conclude with a motion. The house must feel that the hon. gentleman was entitled to the fullest latitude in all that he said with respect to himself; but the hon. gentleman has introduced other topics not personal to himself, which should be placed before the public in their true colours. Reference has been made to M. Mazzini, and I wish to say at once that in the opinion of many hon. members it is unfortunate that the character of that gentleman should be brought before this house without notice, at a time when no one expected it, and is presence of the fact that the language used by Mazzini himself, within the last few weeks, leads every man who reads it to believe that grave suspicion attaches to bins. 'What has been recently written ? Greco was arrested in France for an attempt upon the life of the Emperor, and M. Mazzini writes to the newspapers and calls Greco an enthusiastic patriot, and admits that he was in personal communication with him last year. T put it to the house, is Greco an enthusiastic:patriot ? What is the theory of those who hold that Greco and his accomplices were the instruments of the French police ? They allege that Greco was a spy. (Hear.) The ban. member for Brighton (Mr. White) says yes. Yet M. Mazzini calls this Greco an enthusiastic patriot. I will not now enter into the question, as it is not denied by the hon, gentleman whether M, Mazzini is living at the address designated by the writer of the letter to Greco. I would ask if money was collected, but I will not say for what pur pose. Mr. STANSFELD—I beg the hon. gentleman's pardon, Sir G. GREY—Wait until he has done. Mr. HENNESSY—These are facts which have not been denied, and which are most material to the people of this country, namely, whether money was collected, as an hon. friend near me suggests, under a false name. These are matters of interest to us who are hero the representatives, I am happy to say, of a country in friendly alliance with France ; and if attempts of this kind are to be made—l know it is said by the friends of this person that in truth Mazzini never attempted to murder the Emperor of the French, and that his sole object was to terrify him and to keep him in terror—does anybody believe that is a defence which this country will tolerate ? Mazzini believes the cause he serves is to be benefited by keeping the Emperor of the French in terror ; but, sir, in doing that he renders himself responsible for the acts of his subordinate associates, and I venture to think that in this country and in this house this conduct will meet with universal reprobation. (Rear, hear.) I beg to move the adjournment of the house. _ _ Mr. COX—I beg - to second the motion, and Perhaps I may be permitted to say I hardly expected my lion. friend the member . for. Halifax would, in answer to my question, have gone into a defence. (Hear, hear.) What I desired to hear from my hon. friend was some explanation of the charge made against him. (Hear, hear.) lie used expres sions perfectly justified by the occasion of the horror and disgust which he and every man in this house must feel at being charged as an accomplice in such an attempt as this. (Item., hear.) But my hon. friend did not give me or the house any explanation as to this Mr. Flower, who resides at 35, Thurloe-square, Brampton, which is the result of a search of the "London Dii . ectory" by the French Procu reur. But I, too, have searched the " London Directory," and I find that this 35, Thurloe-squaro is also the address of my hon. friend the member for Halifax (Mr. Stansfeld). I rise now to second this motion, for the purpose of giving him an opportunity of explaining that, vhich seems to have been forgotten; and I am quite sure he will be able to give a most satisfactory reply. Mr. STANSFELD—I hardly understood, I must say that my hon. friend was desirous of any explanation from me on the specific point to which ho has referred, Ho has searched the directory, and he has been enabled to ascertain a fact that was easily ascertained, namely, my address. My address is 35, fhilrloe-square. As to a letter stated to have been addressed to Mr. Flower, I understand my hon. friend wishes to know if I have any knowledge of that letter. Now, I have already stated in general terms—general, because I wished them to apply to one and all the accusations—that I have not, and never have had—and it seems almost too great an indignity to answer such a question—the slightest knowledge of proceedings of that kind ; and I will add—for I think I am entitled to add—that I have not the belief in them which some honourable gentlemen seem to entertain. (Hear, hear.) I have been blamed by the hon. member for King's County for having taken the opportunity of defending the character of Mazzini. I had two reasons for the course. The one is that my name has been implicated in this transaction, and the other is that I think I am entitled to; and I 'should be shrinking from the duties of private friend ship if I had not taken this opportunity of testifying what is not only my conviction bitt my knowledge of his charac ter. (Hear, hear) What is the question ? An HON. ME MI3Elt —Who's Flower ? Mr. ISENNESSY—I ask whether, in truth, this M. Flower is M. Mazzini. (Hear, hear.) Mr. STANSFELD—I have no knowledge. I know nothing about M. Flower. (Hear, hear.) Did the hon. gentleman ask any questions as to the collection of money ? I( he did, will he repeat it? Mr. HENNESSY—I think I asked the hon. member whether he at any time acted as treasurer or member of the committee for the collection of any money to be distributed among the Italian - patriots? (Cries of" Oh, oh!" "Mon strous!" "Nonsense," and " Don't answer.") Mr. STANSFELD—:WeII, I will answer the house. Undoubtedly.' Lord C. HAMILTON—WiII the hon. gentleman answer the question ? Is' Signor Plod a friend of the hon. gentle. man, and is he frequently at that address ? (Cries of " Oh.") Mr. W. E. FOSTER—I do not rise to prolong this discussion, but I think when it is read to-morrow, it will be found that the information it contains is different from that obtained by the French Procureur Imperial. I am quite sure my hon. friend the member for Halifax has answered all the questions that have been put to him affect ing himself in a manner that will be fully satisfactory to the country. I merely rise for the purpose of saying that the hon. member for King's County (Mr. H ennessy) stated, as though it were an acknowledged fact and admitted by Mazzini himself, that although he did not enter into plots for the purpose of assassinating the Emperor of the French, he did for the purpose of terrifying him, Now perhaps the h o n. gentleman, as ho cannot state himself, will get a friend to state for him why ho made that assertion, and whether Mazzini admitted it, Ido not believe Mazzini ever made that assertion, and from the little knowledge I have of M. Mazzini, I would take his denial as true; and my belief is that he has nothing whatever to do with such plots for any purpose whatever. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Alderman ROSE—The question which the house would like to have answered is this, has M. Mazzini ever lived with the Yon. gentleman? (Cries of "Oh, oh," " Don't answer," Lend loud laughter.) It is right the house should have that quostion answered. (Cries of "No, no.") I am quite sure it is sunplsed that ho either lodged there or lived some time in the house. Will the hon. gentleman answer that ? (Cries of "Don't answer.") A few words from Mr. W au.uts were indistinctly heard. THE STATE OP EUROPE. 'lr. DISRAELL—As there is now a question before the I take this opportunity of making some inquiry re our relations with the Continent of Europe. (Hear.) 'r to me, since I l ast a d dressed a question to the , n the subject, t o h ave increased in anxiety (Hear, hear.) I understand that her lent have been successful, after some ,ew proposition—namely, that a Con v the great r mem NA tu n in, 'ld..~:.i'J .11Jlid TUE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 1, 1864 terested in the difference between Denmark and Germany without an armistice. I understand that the noble lord made an announcement to, that effect, and that the propo sitiem had been accepted by the French Government. I have myself_ great distrust of Conferences pendcsle lite. It seems in the nature of things that these efforts should be generally fruitless, and sometimes productive of great disadvantage, however .bona fide may be the intentions of those who go into the councils under such circumstances. It stands to reason that nothing can be more difficult than to come to a decision upon events perpetually changing; and if we study the history, not only of this country, but of general diplomacy, we shall find that in nine times out of ten, where conferences for peace have been carried on during war without an armistice, these conferences have failed ; because, though there may have been the greatest anxiety on the part of all present to come to a pacific solu tion of affairs, yet when they have arrived at some basis which promised a satisfactory result a strong place has, perhaps, been taken, a battle fought, or some individual who exercises a leading influence on events—a Minister or a Prince--dies; the whole materials are changed in their aspect and character, and, with all the efforts exerted to bring the matter to a conclusion, failure has generally been the result. But in the present case I confess that I have more than an abstract objection to a conference pendente lite, because we have experience of the influence of the present Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs under circumstances of an analogous character, and they are not of a favourable or flattering nature. (Laughter.) Nine years ago there were conferences held at Vienna at a time of war, and without an armistice, with the view of bringing about peace under circumstances which many considered not unfavourable. The noble lord, now Foreign Secretary, but not then filling that office, was, from the force (of circumstances, without any occupation at the moment. (A. laugh.) He was, there fore, chosen by the noble lord the Prime Minister to manage the negotiation at the Conference Of Vienna, under the conditions to which I have referred. I need not remind the house—for it is part of our history—of the amount of indis cretion and disaster which was accomplished under these circumstances. (Hear, hear.) I believe there is no page in the annals of onr time—at least of the last 25 years —to which we can look back with less satisfaction. (Hear.) The noble lord was sent to the Conference to negotiate a peace without an armistice. He came back to this country to re commend to his colleagues that they should accept a peace, under conditions which were kept completely secret. Sus picions were excited in the House of Commons. I myself was requested by my friends to bring forward a motion calling the attention of the house to the ambiguity both of expression and conduct on the part of the Government in regard to the proceedings which were then taking place. The Government were vindicated on that occasion by a very far ee majority—not less than 100 ex p ress i ng t h e i r confidence e eotietions of the n o bl e l or d an d t h e conduct of her in the ne e • .are, The noble lord himself appeared in Majesty's Minis,_ the house and made a -e re powerful speech in favour of carrying on an uncompromising war against Russia. 1-et afterwards the secret came out that at :hat very period he was recommending a p eace under conditions which the disgraceful. House of Commons, at least, deemed very' (Hear, hear.) These negotiations at a Conference peedelde lite led to a change of Ministry in France, and to other cir cumstances of very great importance. As far as the Eng. lish Government were concerned, although they had a majority of 100 on the vote of confidence before the Whit suntide holidays, yet after that brief interval they were in such a position that the noble lord who conducted thenego tiations could save the country only by an ignominious retreat. (Cheers.) Therefore, speaking both generally and particularly, there is nothing very encouraging to the country and the House of Commons in learning that Con ferences are to be held with a view of terminating the de plorable hostilities in Denmark, and that they are to be conducted without the preliminary and salutary condition of an armistice. (Hear.) Besides these objections to the course which the Government are about to pursue, there is another reason why I think it my duty to request some in formation on this point from her Majesty's Ministers. I dare say hon. gentlemen have all of them more or less examined the papers respecting the Schleswig-llolsteinquestion which we so anxiously urged the Government to produce, and I doubt not they have observed that the noble lord, who nine years ago conducted so disastrously and fruitlessly the Con ferences at Vienna, now, as Secretary of State for the Foreign Department, impressed with the difficulties which every day surround him with regard to the Danish ques tion, made a proposal to the French Government. I need not go into the despatch of the noble lord in September of last year. It is a despatch very characteristic of the writer, who, having to encounter very great difficulties, suggests every feeble expedient that can be imagined. Affairs might be settled by a Conference; they might be settled by pro positions; they might be settled by identic notes, by single notes, by joint notes, by all that diplomatic rubbish (laugh ter) which characterises, to use the happy language of the noble lord the Primo Minister, a Government of antiquated imbecility. (Laughter and cheers.) What was the answer of the French Government ? I have no doubt that hon. gentlemen are perfectly familiar with the answer of the French Government, communicated by the English Charge d'Affaires to Earl Russell, It is No, 126, I think, in the papers. M. Drouyn do Lhnys speaks with a very intimate knowledge of the character of the Foreign Secretary. M. Drouyn do Lhuys had been his colleague at those celebrated Conferences at Vienna, where he negotiated a peace with out an armistice, and had lost, his eminent post in conse quence of the arrangements ho then made with the noble lord. M. Drouyn do Lhuys had also been infrequent com munication upon many very important questions with the noble lord daring the last year or two. Well, what was the answer of the French Government ? I am sure hon. gentle men are familiar with it, for it is really the key to the whole of this voluminous correspondence, part of which we have already received. The French Government reply—All this is very well—these propositions for conferences, for identic, joint, or separate, notes, these mesas of conveying to Powers, pursuing a course which we think impolitic and unjust, our Reuse of their misbehaviour ; but we have not forgotten that, under your influence and in your company, we have taken theso measures only recently in regard to Poland, and what was the result ? It ended in the humi liation of both countries—to use M. Drouyn de Lhuys' own words, which I quote from memory, "in impairing the dig nity both of France and England." (Hear, hoar.) There fore, say the French Government, we will have nothing to do with these propositions, we will not interfere with these things; the Emperor is resolved on this; unless you are prepared to proceed further and enter into a course of action. (Hear, hear.) What more legitimate question, therefore, can we ask, especially before we go into Committee of Sup ply, which is the business of to-night, than this—What is the exact position of this affair ? (Cheers.) If, as the noble lord tells us, France has listened with favour to the proposal of a conference, and is ready at last to co• operate with us in that direction ; is it not our first duty to ascertain from the noble lord on what conditions the assent of France has been given, and whether the noble lord has agreed with the French Government to go further and to enter into a course of action in order to effect a common object in Denmark? (Hear, hear.) That is a question of vital and urgent impor tance. I will assume, however, for the moment, that the conditions of France have been mentioned and complied with, that France and England at least have determined to enter Into a course of action. I say it is also a matter of very great interest and importance to the House of Commons to know what that action is intended to effect, and what ob ject we are to accomplish, As far as I Can form an opinion, having listened to n varietyofistatements in both houses from Ministers of the Crown on this question of Germany and Denmark, there seems so much inconsistency, so mush con trariety, not only of views but facts, that at last I feel quite in a cloud, and am at a loss to understand if the Government are going to act, it is that they intend to do. (Hear.) If I am to believe the noble lord, there is a great and common ob ject upon which the Powers are agreed and decided, and that is to maintain the integrity and independence of Den mark. (Hear.) Everybody, according to the noble lord, is in favour of the integrity and independence of Denmark, and nobody more so than the Austrian and Prussian Go vernments. (A laugh.) It is a great point, especially in conferences pendente life, that there should be one question upon which all patties are agreed; but then, unfortunately, very different meanings are attributed to the phrase ;—" independence and integrity of Denmark." If, for example, by maintaining the independence end integrity of Denmark, you mean a union between the Kingdom and the Duchies, subsisting merely by the personal tie of being ruled by the same sovereign, I for ono should say that that, so far from being an arrangement to secure the object in question, would produce constant disunion and ultimate anarchy. (Hear.) Are we to adopt the alternative that Europe is to interfere, and by force of arms to render the inhabitants of Holstein and Schleswig loyal and contented subjects of the King of Denmark ? That is a solution not consistent with the prin ciples of British policy, nor, to my mind, perfectly in har mony with the .spirit of the age in which we live, (Hear.) Hence this is a situation which requires much explanation. It is possible—for i wish to view the question in both lights, in order that we may, at this anxious moment, elicit some information from her Majesty's Government—it is possible that France has generously consented to attend the Con ferences without exacting those conditions which the French Minister in the autumn said were a sine qua non. What will happen then? In my opinion, what probabl y will happen will be that a great deal of time will be wasted, and then the spring will at last arrive. When the spring arrives that Power which, from our continual blundering, has had the opportunity of assuming a position of so much forbearance and co much moderation, and of offering, through the Emperor, so many conciliatory messages will, perhaps, be called up on t o se ttl e th ese di sputes, some of which are to be brought before this very Conference. I cannot doubt that under the circumstances the Eurperor of the French will probably be very successful, People will Le so vet y rJeed, Governments will be so very exhausted— they will have appeled so often in vain to England for a solution of these difficuttiees, that they naturally will turn to one who, to use a common phrase, .51 . 11 find himself master of the situation. (Hear, hear.) 1 do net ier,,t7d to say that the Emperor of the French will act in a very feroatoe,er manner under the circumstances. No doubt in this civi lised ago France, like every other country—France, too, Particularly enlightened—w,ill feel the advantage of ruodera ecsial of the Con tion eyeu itathaernßbihtiionne., perhapsPerha t t te e ratificationthe federation ,r;:f eeneidered question the Saarlonis long and anxio us l y frontier tileuzht a ZfficiC4C !etapelpaiiou for the extreme anxiety which the Emperor of the French will naturally feel in settling disputes which we ourselves have assisted so much to complicate. (Hear, hear.) What will happen then ? There will be a great noise in this house, and probably in other Houses of Parliament, upon the mat ter. If we find some arrangement of the map of Europe similar to that in the case of Nice and Savoy, we shall hove screaming despatches and terrible invectives— terrible in vectives, like those that have not yet succeeded in expelling the Pope from Rome or the Austrians from Venice, but which are recognised for their power and for the appropri ate manner in which they are always introduced in the discussion of public affairs. (Laughter and cheers.) But I should like to:know what will be our position under those circumstances. I know the noble lord opposite will say to me—" You make these remarks upon the Government in the difficult position in which we are placed, but you never make any suggestion of what you would do if you found yourself responsible for the conduct cf affairs in the same situation." (Ministerial cheers.) I should be very sorry to be in the position in which the noble lords finds himself--(cheers and laughter)---and I cannot but believe that if we had been upon the Treasury bench instead of the noble lord and his colleagues, we should not have been in the situation which Ministers now occupy. (Cheers.) That, indeed, is the whale matter. You can see the sole cause of the present imbroglio in the answer which the French Minister has made to the plaintive representations of our Secretary of State, It is quite clear that if her Ma jesty's Government had not taken that unwise course with respect to the affairs of Poland—if they had not entrapped France into a false position, and when she was in a false position made no effort to extricate her from it—if there had not been that consequent estrangements bete. eon the two Governments, France and England could have prevented those events which have occurred in the North of Europe. (Cheers.) Therefore, those frequent taunts, that we criticise the conduct of Ministers but do not say what we would do if we were in the same position, really come to nothing, because I believe that her Majesty's Government have themselves brought about the difficulties with which they are unable to deal. (Cheers.) When we are asked whether we are ad vocates for war in favour of the integrity and independ ence of Denmark, my answer is, that I cannot say what the policy of England ought to be with respect to going to war for the integrity and independence of Denmark until I am acquainted with the engagements which her Majesty's Go vernment have entered into. But irrespective of that point —which I reserve—l assert that if our affairs had been managed with due firmness and conciliation, with straight forwardness, and with common sense—(cheers)—the inte grity and independence of Denmark would never have been endangered. (Continued cheering.) There need have been no question of war to preserve the integrity and indepen dence of Denmark, That is the real issue before us. I can not, I repeat, give an opinion as to what should be the ulti mate course of this country, because Parliament is not at the present moment fully in possession of information upon the subject, and because we do not know what engagements her Majesty's Government may have entered into with the Danish Government, what expectations they have held out, and under what understanding, verbal or written—(hear, hear)—all parties may have acted. (Cheers.) Nor am I tc,o sanguine that we shall find that information in the papers which have bean promised by the ouven i mo u t, and which are now appearing instalments. I wanted those papers, not so much for the information they would give us as for the information they omitted—(a laugh) —but because, let me remind the house, it has twice happened with the present Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs that at critical periods in the history of this country, when he has been obliged to furnish Parliament for its depision with volumicouspapers, the question has been decided, not on the papers which were laid before Parliament by the Minister, but on papers which, in consequence of their publication, appeared abroad. (Hear, hear.) That is a very remarkable thing to have happened twice to the awe Minister, In 1853, when alarm first broke out respecting probable hostilitfee with #tissitb Which ended in the Crimean war, we had papers enough, as I told the house the other night. On the first day of the Session the present Lord Russell appeared at the bar, and gave us that surfeit of State papers which the noble lord seems to delight in, and to hops may bafff a the ff.nderfftancllng of the Honse of Commons. He gave us 800 pages within 48 hours. What was the consequence ? You had questions from all parts of the house ; you had answers from Ministers ; you had debates end discussions; .but the house remained as it remains now upon the Danish question, unable to fix the Minister, but with a deep conviction pervading both sides that they were not masters of the real merits of the case. (Cheers.) The noble lord in one of his:speeches, with a great want of precaution as it afterwards turned out, denounced the policy of Russia—the ambitious, irrational, and unexpected policy of Russia—for which the Govern ment of Lord Aberdeen had not been prepared. What oc curred f There appeared in the official journal of St. Peters , burg a statement that, whatever might have been the errors of Russian policy, one thing was quite clear, that her Ma jesty's Ministers from the first had been aware of the inten tion of the Emperor of Russia, and had approved the prin ciple on which he had acted. • (Cheers.) A member of this house having some other information, made such an appeal that the noble lord the Secretary of State was obliged to pro duce the confidential communications of the Emperor of Russia with Sir H. Seymour—(cheers)—from which it ap peared that at the very moment of the formation of the Go vernment of Lord Aberdeen the Emperor of Russia, with the utmost frankness, had explained his views to the Eng lish Minister. (Cheers.) Nay, not only had that occurred, but the Secretary of State had answered that confidential communication with such a total ignorance of the merits of the question, with such a total want of appreciation of the exigency, that he made an admission of the right of the Em peror of Russia to interfere in the Turkish dominions as protector of the Greeks, although it afterwards turned out that the very treaty under which that right was claimed gave no sanction whatever to the pretension, and must have been perfectly unknown to the Minister, who had perhaps neither the time nor the opportunity to examine it before he gave the solemn verdict of the British Government upon its value and importance. (Cheers.) I should have thought that was enough for a Secretary of State to have done to entitle him to the lasting confidence of his Sovereign and of Parlia ment; but what happened in those verynegotiations atVienna which terminated so fruitlessly ? I can remember no period when there was so much anxiety, so much disturbance and disquietude in the mind of Parliament as when those negotia tions were going on at Vienna. Her Majesty's Gov ernment then was not constituted precisely as it is now. The Chan cellor of the Exchequer, for:example, did not then sit on the Treasury bench to denounce a statement of facts as "fire works." (A laugh.) On the contrary, the right hon. gentle man was perfectly alive to the importance of the question then before us—(hear, hear)— and he was pressing the Go vernment—though fora different object•—in order to obtain the truth which was withheld and concealed from this house. What happened then, We had despatches and papers laid before us, as at the period before the commencement of the Crimean war, and as at this moment; for the noble lord is always ready to produce papers enough to confuse the par liamentary mind, and to prevent members from complain ing of the want of ample information from the Government. But it appeared to us on this side of the house, as well as to many hen, gentlemen opposite—among the rest the Chancellor of the Exchequer—that those papers indicated great ambiguity of conduct, and that some secret had been withheld from us. I myself brought the matter before the house, but was defeated in a full house by a majority of 100, who voted confidence in the intentions of the present Secre • tary of State and in her Majesty's Ministers. We dispersed for the holidays. In consequence of some of the statements made in the house, the Prime Minister of Austria (Count Buol) published a confidential circular in which he stated that the noble lord the present Secretary of State, who had come back to England and made a ranting speech in favour of a vigo rous prosecution of the war, had previously settled with him what he thought reasonable terms upon which peace might be concluded and in tact had returned home for the express pur pose of recommending and sanctioning that peace, (Cheers.) Under these circumstances what became of your majority of 100 ? The noble lord only saved his colleagues by a pre cipitate and ignominious retreat. (Hear, hear.) Thus, then, twice—once at the commencement of the troubles with Russia, and once in carrying on the negotiations with Aus tria, you find that the House of Commons, with the most ample materials supplied by their own Ministry, have never been able to arrive at the truth, and it is with the forced publication of documents by foreign Governments that the secret policy pursued has been revealed. Let us, then, look at the onthosepresentn position. We have many papers before us. There are none th at have met my eye yet which throw any light engagements rumoured' about th at her Ma j esty ' s G overnment have en tered into with D g m e ar e k nto which it is, I will only say, , but still rumoured by persons of b very great ling about a u v , o h r o d ri t s. Ishall `When e n talkn ot of fe engagements,answered i b sn ui not- t talking of sol emn and formal treat i es, wh i ch can of course be appealed to ; b ut I want to know what have been the expectations which we h ave h e ld o ut to D enmar k. (H ear. ) What moral t has obligation, boen the e ncour agement that we have given h er ? What has bee n th e advice we have offered ? What leas been h can explain re whole a at course least , that ofDanish w we policyav e a incurred,tthe which present moment or from the c omm encement of these troubles ? Sir, w e w before I made these inquiries, that the holydays were near at band, and I don't suppose that before tad e b publishedy sumo lof wein d ti e s the holydays we s h all find out this, But I have great con fidence in the reve l ations wh i ch t h e h olydaye bring forth. It was durin g th e Whitsun recess, I think, that Count iltsol courseconfidential of time circular,w we have and some shall surprised remark able documents p u b lished by D enmar k , or some statement person in authority there 0114 will throw that light on the present position of Europe which, in say opinion, is now extremely wanting. If we gain that infor mation, I have no doubt it will produce the beneficial re suite which always pay be experienced by arriving at the truth. At present I can only c 47 -7-and it is my duty, in the want et that information, to remind the house of the position in which the country is now placed—that that position is most unsatisfactory. 'Whether we may have entered into conditions with France, accepting her con ditions vot,ai l ly, or whether Fraoce is entering into this Conference 'withont may con4i;•;ene, it ei impossible to suppose that before the eummer pities away something may not occur which will be both inconvenient and 'mortifying to this country. (Hear, hear.) I hear nothing from her Majesty's poyernent to guide, to enlighten, to animate the Jingo taad tl lo , c o ptry ioho oFotpnt pauient, Who drivers . have lost the road, the reins h Ivo fallen from their hands, the horses are wild, and now we shall hear their answer to any inquiries. (Cheers.) Lon' PALMER.STON, on rising, was received with cheers. He said,—Sir,— fhe right hen, gentleman never is SO groat —never in his own opinion is so successful as when he has an opportunityof attacking an absent man. (Cheers.) He was pleased the other day to take advantage of my tem porary absence--(" Oh," and cheers)— I having been de tained somewhat later than usual by public business that could not well be postponed : and now he takes that which suits him still better—viz, the opportunity of attacking my noble friend in the other House of Parliament. lam here; but my noble friend cannot be. (Hear, hear.) But the right hon, gentleman chooses with wonderful dexterity and with somewhat of, I will say, simplicity of mind—(laughter)— the ground of his attacks. Ho has been absent from his place for the last three or four days. He has been studying, pondering over, getting by heart, making extracts from, and turning dog's-ears down in the papers presented upon Danish affairs—(a laugh)—and finding little or nothing in them—(cheers from the Opposition) upon which to found an attack on my noble friend—(counter cheers)—he ran sacks Hansard, ha turns over the pages of the Annual Reg is ter, he goes back to the blue-books of 10 years ago for the purpose of founding a charge against my noble friend as to what happened at Vienna in 1853. Well, sir, I congratu late my noble friend that the right hon. gentleman has found the ice so hard in Danish affairs that he has been obliged to go back 10 years for his topics of accusation. (Hear, hear.) Why, sir, my noble friend performed with ability and fidelity the duties which were imposed upon him at that time at Vienna. (" Oh 1" and " Hear, hear.") By the admission of the right honourable gentleman he did his utmost to bring about a peaceful solution of the then pend ing questions. Unfortunately, the proposals which he and M. de Lhuys agreed upon failed, and war ensued, not by their fault, but by the fault of others. My noble friend went on that occasion as far as it was possible for him to do in the performance of his duty, in concert with the representative of France, for the settlement of those affairs, and that at tempt on his part is now made a charge against his conduct. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman has talked to-night of "diplomatic rubbish." Why, sir, there is such a thing as Parliamentary rubbish—(cheers and laughter)--and that we are very often doomed to receive from those whose genius and ability ought to qualify them for better things. (Hear, hear,) But the right hon. gentlem in says that the Govern ment are in whatsho thinks very,unfortnnate:circumstancoa, and he seems to regret that he and his friends have not had the management of those affairs. " Very different," he said, "would be the condition of the country if we had the ma nagement of matters." Very different indeed I—(cheers) if we are to believe in the sincerity of the line of argument taken by gentlemen on the other side of this house. What are the circumstances in which we have placed the country? Why, we ate at peace—(cheers) ; we are prosperous ; wo have been occupied in communications with all the Powers of Europe in endeavouring to settle differences without war, (Hear, hear.) If we were to be led by the language of those who sit opposite, and especially of the right hon, gentleman, we ought to have made war against Russia for Poland— (hear, hear, and murmurs)—we basely abandoned Franco cn the Polish question when she was ready to make war with Russia. That is the charge against us, if we are to be lieve the right hon, gentleman's arguments to-night; and he said "France proposed you should make war with Ger many about Denmark, and you shrunk from accepting her proposal." Well, the right hon, gentleman would not have shrunk from that, I suppose. (. laugh) I say, sir, that in my humble opinion, and without, I am sure, begrudging any success, official or otherwise, which the right hon, gentle. man and his friends may be anxious to obtain on these seats here or elsewhere, the country is just as well served by those who are now in office as they would be, according to the doctrine of the right hon. gentleman, if he and his friends, occupying ow places, had acted up to the reasonings they have used on this grave and important European matter. But the right hon. gentleman says he is uninformed on this subject, and he asks the Government to enlighten his mind. Why, sir, some people like to run away with half a story, and tied it far more convenient to express an opinion on that half than to wait and know the whole, being fear ful that when they know the whole the conclusion they wish to arrive may not follow so legitimately from the pre mises laid before them. The right hon, gentleman cer • tainly puts the house in a very embarrassing situation, be cause when no papers are given he says, " How unfairly you treat the hous3; you leave it in the dark without any documents or information; we are unable to arrive at a conclusion." Then, ho tolls us this evening that "If you give the house 800 pages of information the house is then more unable than ever to come to any definite conclusion." (Laughter.) How we are to please the right hoe, gentleman it is really very difficult to say. If we give him no papers he complains of the absence of papers; if we give him the papers, he says ho is unable to digest them and com e t o any rational result, Well, it is a natural fault with some minds that they are so constituted that they either do not choose to come co a conclusion, or they are unable to do so. But, one way or the other, it is quite clear that it is of no use giving the right hon, gentleman the papers, because he says, with or without them, ho is equally unable to understand anything with regard to our foreign affairs. (A. laugh.) But the right hon. gentleman, I assume,was speaking for other, , , and not for himself, for of course I have a higher opinion of the acuteness of his mind than to believe that if even ten times 800 pages at a time were offered to him he could not ar rive at a clear and defluite conclusion upon them, according to his own opinion, (Hear, and a laugh.) But I think he is quite right in the course which he now pursues. In com mon with the rest of the house, he has had delivered to him papers coining down to the latter end of last September. It was evident that those papers could only contain a por tion of the communications which had passed between this and other Governments upon the Danish question, but the right hon. gentleman thought, and he was quite right, that it was more convenient to got up and to make, upon im perfect information, a flourish about the conduct of the Government upon the Danish question rather than to wait until he should receive the papers to-morrow, which will bring those communications down to a later period. I can only say it would be a long story to toll the right hon. gentleman what are all the contents of the mass of papers which he will be able to read for himself to-morrow; but I say let him wait, and let the house wait for these mere before coming to any conclusion--(hear, hear)—as to the course we have pursued, either in accepting proposals or in answering proposals, or in making proposals to other Governments. (Hear, hear.) Let him wait until he gets the whole statement, which he will receive in the course of a few hours,'and then he and the house will be better able to judge what the course of the Government has been. Our object has been from first to last to endeavour to conciliate differences—(hear, hear) —to bring together parties who are holding opposite and apparently incompatible opinions, to endeavour to modify exasperations, and to obtain a peace able settlement of that which threatened to be the cause of European war, (Hear, hear.) Why, the charge which the right hon. gentleman brings against my noble friend is that ho was too abundant of suggestions for the attainment of these ends. That having failed with ono suggestion he proposed another, and that is what is called "diplomatic rubbish." My noble friend is fertile in experiments, (beer, hear, and laughter.) Not succeeding in one suggestion La proposed another; that other being unsuccessful, he pro posed still another, hopeful that he would eventually attain the desired end. (Hear, hear.) Instead of that being urged as a charge against my noble friend, it is really a compli ment paid to him by ono who is at the same time endeavour ing to run him down. The right hon. gentleman asks whether we acceptol the proposal of France made at one period, and whether we made at another period a different one. I ask him to have the kindness to wait only a few hours, when he will have the whole correspondence in his hands, and I am satisfied that in a week's time, and when he again gets np on the question of going into Committee of Supply, with all the knowledge in his head which he has not got in his head now, we shall not have the same language from his lips which we have heard from him to-night. (Cheers.) Mr. S. FITZGERALD said that no one who had listened to the noble lord could have conceived it possible that his speech was a reply to the right hon. gentleman--(hear)— who had requested to be furnished with specific information as to the Conference. The noble lord, however, had not given the house the slightest information of any sort, kind, or description, in reference to the proposal of a Conference. The house ought to be informed of the present condition of affairs. Had the Conference been unconditionally accepted by France, and what was our position in regard to Russia ? The noble lord, or some of his colleagues, ought to state whether Denmark had accepted the proposal, and what was meant by the assertion that Austria and Prussia had accepted the Conference in principle. At the commence ment of his speech the noble lord charged his right hon. friend with making observations upon an absent man ; but did the noble lord mean to assert, that because a member of the Government happened not to appear ho was to be privi leged from criticissa ? (Opposition cheers.) lion. mem bers on that side of the house were not anxious, as the noble lord insinuated, to rush headlong into a war ; but they feared the Government had brought the country to the brink of war. He believed that we were in a most critical position, and that the country attributed that critical position to want of firmness, to vacillation, and the bragging lan guage at one time, and the subservient language at another, on the part of the Government ; and he was certain that th e speech of the noble lord would not contribute to disabuse the country of that belief. The motion for adjournment was then withdrawn. THE BUDGET. The CIIA.NCELLOR of the EXCIIEQUER rose and paid7--Tn my absence a question was put as to the day upon which the financial statement will be made. It is, perhaps, rather early to fix a day, and it is certainly difficult to fix a day definitely and finally; but it will not be before the re cess, as the recess takes place in March, before the financial year has been completed. If it be convenient to the house 1 think we will ix it for Thursday, the 7th April—that is, the Thursday after the recess. The house then went into committee of supply, and re sumed the consideration of the navy estimates, The votes for the number of men and boys, and for the 'wage3 of seamen were agreed to after Lonsideobo dis9ns• sion, involving the chief poiuts in reference to naval admi nistration which formed the topic of debate on Friday evening. Igrt.IYLLIAMS (141tAbgtli) vamio Jais urgt tworAu9Q this session and `reviewe•l the estimates, contending that the expenditure was as usual extravagant and unnecessary. On the motion that £IGS,(;OS be granted to defray the salaries of the officers and contingent exnenses of the Admiralty-nMee, Mr. LINDSAY moved to reduea the vote by £5,200, but after some discussion the proposition was rejected by 109 to 10. On the vote of £71,276 for the scientific branch of the navy, Mr. A. SMITH moved to reduce the amount by £2,300, for the School of Naval Architecture. The amendment, however, was on a division rejected by 100 to 15. Several other votes were agreed to, and the Chairman reported progress and obtained leave to sit again. The Vestry Cess Abolition:(lreland) Bill passed through committee. Leave was given to Sir R. PEEL to bring in a bill to amend the law relating to bills of exchange and promissory notes in Ireland. The house adjourned at 12 o'clock. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES,—When a man speaks, not because he has something to say, but because he has to say some thing, it is not surprising if he fails in producing any practical result. He strikes at the air, and, though the blow may be admirably delivered, it is difficult to see that it has any effect. There is a great consumption of powder, a great flash, and a loud explosion, but as the discharge is irregularly and loosely delivered, and as there is no mark aimed at, the display amounts to little more than a letting off of fireworks. Mr. Disraeli was in just this unhappy position last night. He had nothing to propose, and, indeed, only took advantage of an accidental motion for adjournment. He had no definite question to ask, and no definite charge to make; but it was some days since the house and the country had been informed of the existence of an Opposition, and it was necessary to make a re conaissance to remind us of the fact and to keep his own followers awake. Under such circumstances the subject very naturally " dropped ;" and if we make a few remarks on the short discussion, it is by way, if possible, of saving any one for the pre sent the unnecessary trouble of resuming it. But this speaking without definite purpose has its ad vantages as well as its drawbacks. You are not fettered to a definite argument or a particular point, and you can say anything that happens to come in your way. The same amount of powder produces a much finer display in the form of fireworks than as the charge of a 100-pounder Armstrong. It is not all concentrated in a particular groove for a single effect, but may be spread out into different constructions with various displays. So Mr. Disraeli was free to expatiate, unfettered, upon any part of our foreign policy within the last few years that could possibly catch the eye of a spectator. "It is pleasant," says the Epicurean philosopher, "to stand upon the shore and see ships tossed upon the sea," and Mr. Disraeli, being stranded for the present, appears to ap7reciate this pleasure to its fullest extent. There is a very respectable storm gathering now, and the Govern ment ship is rather uncomfortably tossed, and Mr. Disraeli seems to find an endless satisfaction in asking the pilots how they feel, and what they are going to do. They are old hands, however, and decline to make any display either of their feelings or their intentions for his amusement. But he easily finds other resources. The difficulties of the unfortunate ship which had to weather the storm of the Crimean War afford him, even at this dis tance of time, an instructive retrospect, and, though he does not know the condition and bearings of the ship at present before him, there is ample oppor tunities for speculating on what they might be. He does not know the rocks ahead, but it is easy to imagine any number of them. The Government are confessedly steering for a Conference, but Conferences are dangerous things in general, and the present pilot, the Foreign Minister, having already been rather unfortunate in passing through one of them, may, except that he has probably learnt experience, be unfortunate again. The con sent of the French Government may be with condi tions or without conditions, it is impossible to say which, but it is possible to speculate on the conse quences of either or both. If a course of action has been proposed, it may be one thing or it may be another, and objections may be found to everything, and Mr. Disraeli is prepared to object to everything that he can imagine. But if a course of action has not been proposed " What will happen then ?'' Mr. Disraeli is seriously of opinion that " the Spring will at last arrive," and there is no saying what may happen in the Spring. The Emperor of the French may be master of the situation, there may be a Confederation of the Rhine, a rectification of the Rhi ne f ront i er, an d " What will happen then ?" " There will be a great noise in this house. and probably in other Houses of Parliament." No doubt of it, and there will be " screaming" speeches and " terrible invectives, like those that have not yet succeeded in expelling" Lord Palmerston from the Treasury Bench or Lord Russell from the Foreign Office. There will be a great demand for " diploma tic rubbish," and Mr. Disraeli will, do his best to light a fire with such waste papers ; and, if ho fail, he will denounce the laborious preparation with which Lord Russell has rendered them incombusti ble and will boast that if he had had the making of them he would have converted the rage and shreds of torn treatiesinto papers combustible enough to set not only the House of Commons but all Europe in a raze. After all this superfluous expenditure of breath Lord Palmerston had only to get up and ask what it was all about. What did Mr. Disraeli really want? As to papers, he complained loudly a shurt time back about not having them, and now he had got some of them he came down to say he could make nothing of them, and did not believe he should be able to make any more of what were to come. Those he had did not tell him what he wanted, and he was " not too sanguine" that those promised would. We cannot pretend to regret that he is dis satisfied. - What would most delight the Opposition would be to find that the Government have com mitted the honour of the country to the support of Christian IX. in Holstein and Schleswig, to the forcible expulsion of Austria and Prussia from Jut land, qr to any other course of action which might involve us in a European war, and would certainly involve the Government in a general want of confi dence. Instead of that the papers already produced only show that Lord Russell has been doing his best from first to last " to conciliate dif f erences, to bring together parties who are holdieg oppi-site and apparently incompatible opinions, to Or ea" your to modify e xasperat i ons, and to obts; a peaceable settlement of that which threatened to be the cause of a European war." So long as he and his cola leagues confine themselves tt i doin g this they will receive the support of the country, and will afford no ground for au attack by Mr. Disraeli and his friends. In short, if Mr. Disraeli wishes to find fault effectually, it must be with something definite. It is open to him to attack either the past policy of the Gove rnmen t or i ts present course. If, as the past conduct of this Danish affair is detailed by the gradual publication of the papers, he is unable to fix upon any mismanagement or to :find any suffici en t ground of censure, he would do much more wisely to say nothing. The present conduot of such delicate negotiation, ought, on the other hand, unless there is grave reason for sus pecting it, to be left almost entirely in the hands of the Government, and the country is as yet eon• tent that it should be so. But it is alike useless area mischievous to waste the time of the House of Com mons in speculating on what might have 'been, or may be at present, or may in future be, the policy of the Government, and in conjuring up imaginary charges on this speculative foundation. POST.—It cannot be denied that the Opposition are fairly entitled to demand from the Government some information respecting the basis of the proposed con ference on Danish affairs. Whether the policy hitherto pursued by Great Britain in her relations with Denmark and the German Powers has been sound or otherwiw, there can be no question that the present juncture is extremely critical, and that the general peace of Europe is seriously endangered. It may be, and it doubtless will be found to be so, that the course pursued by the British Government was eminently conducive to more satisfactory re sults, but that countervailing circumstances pre. vented its being crowned with success. But still, in the present position of affairs, no one can be blamed for regarding with some little anxiety, if not suspicion, the further prosecution of diplomatic ne gotiations which up t o t h e present have, to say the least, been so uniformly unsuccessful. The Dana. German dispute may now he said to have passed through every possible stage, except the last one which, by tho conc l us i on of a formal treaty, marks the terminati on o f a quarrel. We have had what may be termed the diplomatic stage in which nego tiations and proposals,and sugge t s h t ieopnrai n a e n i d p a d l e demands, d . e s , atorethfre disputeinterchangedbetweenl and suc h o th ers as deem it to be their diets' or their int eres t to tender their advice or in terpose their authority. Then we have had the belligerent stage, in which, negotiations having failed, the disputants attet to sal vo a ll diffi cu l ties by the empl o y ment of the anal argument We have still, however, to wait for the la of kings. st stae in which diplomacy again i ntervenes and separates the wearied combatants. At this point we have not yet arrived, and it is whilst war is atill progressing with unremittin g rancour on ',Atli sides that another attempt is beil're Wade 0 solve at the council table ditfienities Which are simultaneously left to the issue of the sword. 1% hilst, however, it is extremely nn. certain whether the scheme even in its inp• tion will receive the assen t of those for Ninoge e beneAt it has been devised, Af assented to, kik Dr"' 04 1 0 Voulta aid eztremov ..,► 1 it cer• Births. 0 d CUST.—On the 27th ult., a t Knockyn Shropshire, t he of Leop o ld C ust, Esq., of a son. ' ~,i . fo FIENNES.—On the 29th u lt., a t 40, Queen ' s -gate"'— the Lady A ugusta Fiennes, of a BOIL ~..h o t/ 111 altsturz.—At 31, Eccleston-square, the wife of ' Colonel Frederic '' Marshall, of a son. Wi ll NEWBERY.—On the 29th ult., at Cheshunt, Hertz, the of George James Newbery, Esq , of a daughter- _ . Marriages. - co ni Iv i ta l FRA NKLAND—ADAMS.--On the 25th u lt. at at JEO .. CA 0' I' c Cheltenham, W m . Ad o l p h us Frankland; Escl•9 " 1 , 0 1 ( 11... E., eldest son of Sir F. W. Frankland Bart., t ° Ducorel, the e ld es t d aug h ter of Francis Adams, D'' a9 ' Clifton, and Cotswold Grange, Gloucestershire. s tilf, POCIIIN_PARSE.—On th e 25th u lt ., a t Walcot, Yollii Charles Norman Pochin, Esq., E.1,C,5., to Alit ll4 daughter of the late Major Parke. Deaths. , DiiP Bialtß.—On the 28th ult., at Islington, Benjamin r , aged 68. ot'e BIDDULPII.--On the 28th ult., at 31, Eaton-place, "- Biddulph, Esq., of Ledbury, Herefordshire. „ w ee ( ' BUTLER. -0a th e 28th nit ,at Woolwich, John -" Esq., sur geon , age d 65. ' .4' CARR.—On the 28 t h u l t., at Old Charlton, Captain IA Carr, Bombay Staff Cor ps, age d 32. 0; le° FALCONER,.--On the ' dth ult, at Brighton, J. V.- Je -48q., of Claphtp:„,_Jomman: aged 67. ii,sf eh IlAw2 s. -013 . t'ne 27thult. , at Hackney ) William P Esq., a ge d 00, WILBRAttAm _O n the 28 t h u lt ., at Delamoro 110 Chesthhe, Lady Anne Wilbraham. K + ° 111 V 1 '. —On th e 29th ult., at H ar l es d en , A- 1110 Miss Fraufls Wright, aged 65, ~....................„ ,4 , ' DO li P LOBdo* ..: Printed and Prblishect by WILLIASI AN 14 ,.,. el of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TUE SUN O ffiee ,„oft the Precinct of the Savoy, in the " I Strand, in mii t ueocac.4llo347 l kilrat 1, 1801.. tainly cannot be considered out of place to 11.4 originators with what particular object it his plenn-d, ay .1 on what basis it is proposed to oa i it into operation. Such was ia effect the iefor s tion dereanded of the Government by the '.e. der the Opposition last evening ; end althrugh reply of the Premier could scarcely he consia as entirely satisfactory, Mr. Disraeli secured, main of ject of slightly ventilating the for e policy of the Government. Generally speaking may be assumed that, if the proposed Confers takes place, the basis of negotiations will be f nished by the Treaty of London, and by the Co nition of the political necessity of maintaining integrity and independence of the kingdom of - 1) : mark. So much was taken for granted by ' Disraeli, and would, as a matter of course, he C c firmed by her Majesty's Government. Bu t happens, singularly enough, that no Europe States have been louder in their protestatieng adherence to the London Levy than Austria t' Prussia, and none have more unequivocally witted the principle of the integrity and indeP e , once of the Dani s h monarc h y . B ut, notw i t hsta` ing this reciprocity of sentiment between Or r , Britain and the p r i nc ip a l G erman P owers , 11 ; comes it that the latter have invaded and occoP, l a considerable portion of the Danish t err ito o whilst the former ha s b een ex h aust i ng t h e rea ped t r f of diplomacy to prevent th e accomp li shment o f tv acts of aggression P It must be manifest, there that the Cabinet of St. James's and those of Be r ,, and Vienna must employ th e same terms wit' different signification, and conseq uen tly that , ' announcement that the C o nf erence w ill b e held the representatives of Powers prepared to r ecogu the integrity and independence of Denmark in t r conveys no intelligible meani ng . It was n ot sl prising, then, that Mr. Disraeli should be cur l ' to know the exact interpretation which is to put upon these apparently plain terms at the 1~ jetted Conference ; and it was still less surpru r i that the Premier was unable to afford bill desired information. The Austrian and pruge Governments, through profuse in admissions of t validity of the Treaty o f L on d on , h ave 0 1 ,1„ coupled them w ith a s i ngu l ar qua lifi cat i on. have always acknowledged that treaty "in Pt ciple," and in the same spirit have recognised , integrity of the Danish monarchy. But until obtain a key to the interpretation of this clattgei is idle to say that Great Britain and the Gerg l Powers will be of one accord in their treatmen t the Dano•German question. Perhaps, however' may be thought premature to canvass the subi, matter of discussion of a Conference which ill ° , in embryo, and the G overnment may cons id er lt i ; slight diplomatic tri um ph to h ave b rought the u, putants on speaking terms, th oug h t h ey h a ve " yet determined what they shall talk about. ferring to the foreign policy of the Governol,; Mr. Disraeli could not avoid the temptation of 0, ring to some of fiascJn which have marked I; diplomatic career of the Secretary for Fore Affairs. It is undeniable that the history of the lj would augur unfavourably for the future, althea it by no means follows that failure may n ot be parent of success, and that indiscretion may give place to prudence and caution. It eau t with fairness be said that the Leader of the OPI sition merited the Premier's reproach of a baci an absent man, b ecause Earl Russell is a mero', of the Upper House, since it is obvious that Minister of State does not possess, and ought r to possess, an imm un it y f rom cr i ticism in the JO of Commons from the accidental circumstinee: being a peer. The chief answer, however, 141 ; it is in the power of the Government to give to criticisms on their foreign policy is Ifurnished the fact that this country is at peace with all t tl world. England has endeavoured to arrange differences of o th er S tates; and if, in this reel);; she has failed, she has at all events contributed avoid entanglement i n quarre l s w i th which shell, no immediate concern. If peace was the final,r, 0 ject of fo re i gn po li cy, there can be no doubt her Majesty's Government would be entitled tol l qualified praise. But even peace, it may be ure can be purchased too dearly. Whether we 11/ , paid an extravagant price for the proud privileg e asserting that we are at peace with the end; world is a q ues ti on w hi ch many perhaps may co' sider open t o di scuss i on. The time, however, A not be far distant when her Majesty's Goverarn e , will be prepared to expose fully, and, if need be; justify th e p o li cy which they have pursued ill eonduct of our foreign relations. COUNTRY MARKET& COLCHESTER —YE-a. 27, We had a small sh ow o f wheat oli, offer at this ro,,a t to-day, and f ormer pr i ces werP, realised. Fi ne bar ( l ,°e nearly exhaust e d, an d late ro.':es supported ; c oars e inw,,, sorts in largo supply, allo 2s per qr low er . B eans a nd' saleable at our quota.ions. Wheat, white ...... 44s 50 a I Deans, Mazagan..2.Ss 5 red .......40s 44s middle & ama11.3 .29 Barley ....... ns 41s Peas, whit e `,35 . I Oats GLOUCESTER—FEB. 27. There was a full supply of English wheat to-day the tanners which met a quiet sale at about former Free' Foreig n w h ea t i n retail, with no advance on the rate last week. Barley, oats, and beans continue dull. NORTHAMPTON—Fru. 27. The show of wheat was an average one, but thero e i not much life in th e t ra d e, and the rates of last weekl y not made in all i ns t ances. Barley in slow demand, gito . _056,, prices. —White wh ea t, new, 40s to 445; red, 376 t old, 37s to 45 s p er qr. Barley, new malting, 32s to to p grinding, 25s to 30 s p er qr . Oats, 18s to 32a per 24 s togy Beans, 30s to 41s. Peas, 30s to 37s per qr. CHELNISFORD—FEB, 26. At this corn exchange to-day there was a fair Bty wheat, which met a dull sale, and the little busin o6l3 , l ? was transacted in wh ea t was a s h ade in favour of Spring corn also dull. Wheat, old white 30s 47s , Peas, Partridge.... 36g new 44s 50s 1 White 30 old red....34 s 40 s , Boiling new 38s 42s Dun :33 Barley 25s 34s Ditto new --s Chevalier ...26s 37s Beans, Tick, ald ..3 43 ) Grinding 20s 29s Malt. ... 6ls 67s Harrow Tie n k e s w. ...: 7s i ' Chevalier 64s 69; new..- - F Oats 20s - 28 s Mazagan ..... .. 306 RIRK:CALDY GRAIN—FED, 27. o ld We had large supplies of all kinds of grain, With t 4 trade, at barely late quotations. Wheat. Barley. Oats. Fir5t....338 Od 26s Od I 16s 6d Second .. 34s Od 27 8 6d 17s Od Third..„36s Od 29 s Od 18s Od 0.. b 1........• COAL MARKET. 1 Prices of Coal per Ton at the elOwe of the market' o ,' e. d. Bower's West Hartley.l4 9 Haswell Walls End. ' l5l li Byass's Beb s id e W est 000000 . I s Hartley ...11 9 East H ar tl e p oo l ..... : 1 7 i Lambert's We s t H ar t- S outh Hartlepool.... • .0 ley 14 6 Trimdon H ar tl e pool.. i s , Davison's West H ar t- K e ll oe ... .. • • ''l/ ley 14 9 South Kelloe. ........ i;' Wylam 16 9 Eieugh Hall ......... .6 Cowpen Hartley 14 9 Tunstall .... ...... • . 1 61 West Hartley 14 9 Riddell ..... .iti Edon Main ...17 0 Wharnclin ... •• iS Hastings Hartley ....14 9 Cassop ... s ...... . 1 Walls End. Hartlepool ......... • 1 , Hatton ........ Caradoc IS 0 KeiperGrange ....... Ships at market, 111 ; sold, 72. _ ______ [ADVERT-rat— ,WERTISEMENT.] — HoIIoway's Ointm e nt and -'l l9 The Joys of Home.—How often does it happen that 13 ',; , ness is driven from our hearths by illness ?—sicknes 6 c oi l sorrow are constant companions ; though in roo st .,,,ed, their tenure is short when Elolloway's remedies are: A ,,,,lt dispossesss them. These medicaments can be confid e nt fi and heartily recommended to all invalids as the 1:1:0",, It); safe, and certaia means of preserving all that is goc' n ', 4 ll;, casting out all that is corrupt, externally and int el ,. j They are universally applicable by both sexes in ev e gii; oase. Holloway's medicaments uo not deteriorate by' c r th e y kept, nor are their properties changed by climate • be purchased everywhere, and the price at which they sold is moderate.