The Sun. — London, England, 1831-04-01 00:00:00

rt to the pows . ts and prudence of the Government. We asequently call upon you to authorise the Government, by a special provision, during the interval of the Sessions f the Chambers, to issue an Ordonnance doubling the supplementary grants and other means already voted. We wive certainly, gentlemen, no other guarantee to offer you in return for so much confidence than our own responsibi lity, but we will not lay ourselves under this unless com pelled by events which may compromise the honour of the throne and the independence of the kingdom. In fact every thing announces that we shall not be called upon to sxercise the faculty with which we request you to invest us. If we should have occasion to recur to it, our deter mination will be justified by events of sufficient importance to warrant the sacrifice." The Minister then read the following Bill :—" In case of necessity, the Government is authorised, during the in terval of the Sessions of 1831, to extend, by a supple mentary Ordonnance, the grants and resources already voted to a further sum of 100,000,000 francs, to be raised either by extraordinary taxes, or by loans on Rentes. The extraordinary taxes, if resorted to, shall become obligatory on the issuing of a Royal Ordonnance. 2, " The above-mentioued provisions shall cease im mediately on the opening of the ❑ext Session, if the faculty they grant has not been exercised." Referred to a Specill Committee. The next subject on the Order of the Day was the dis cussion of the Bill re; ding to riots. General Lafayette said—" Gentlemen, upon the occa sion of the Patriotic Associations conspiracies have been mentioned. The Patriotic Association was formed against the return of Charles X., and against a foreign invasion. It would seem that the members of the Association did net oppose its disasters. I know one Yeho, when he came forward to defend the Constitational Throne, found few ausiharies in men more moderate than himself, and was anon left in a solitude, of which history has made mention. I do not repeat then: facts from self-love, but for my own justification. lam persuded that we all aim at the same thing, and that we should understand each other very well if a certain distrust had disappeared. I accuse no one; I only see that the ideas which ought to arise out of the occupation of It ily begin to be adopted by the Go vernment ; and I affirm that whenever the Government is willing to labour for the establishment of liberty at home, and independence abroad, it will find in us all the succour that should be expected from French honour, especially when this succour has been promised."—(lnter ruption.) The President of the Council (with warmth)—By whtim has this succour been promised ?—(Murmurs.) General Lafayette—l will not enter into minute de tails, and much less into confidential ones. It has been often said at this tribune that the principle of non-inter. vention consisting in preventing foreigners intermeddling with the affairs of others, and employing the force of in tervention to hinder other nations recovering their tight!. This has been often said in the presence of the Ministers. who expressed their concurrence.--(Murmurs.) Read the speeches of the Ministers, and you will see that they al ways understood that the principle of non-intervention con sisted not only in not intervening, but also in preventing others intervening; otherwise the principle of non-inter vention would be nothing at all. I have no intention of now reviving an old quarrel, but I repeat that it was stated in this Chamber that France would never consent to Amite ia's intervention in the affairs of Italy. The Hun, Deputy concluded by saying that he hoped that Ministers had only asked fur a great deal of money to do a great many things, M. Dupin, sen., replied that the King's Government, in order to maintain its existence, had no need of popular associations, anti was more interested than any of them could be in preventing the return of the elder branch of the Bourbons, and in repelling foreign invasion. Mauguin bcged permission to avail himself of the present occasion to say a few words on the internal situa titan of the country, which was so had, that though many different men had succeeded each other in power, none had been able to give satisfaction. He protested strongly against the domiciliary visits made in obedience to orders transmitted by telegraph, without any legal authority— proceedings that were violations of the rights of the citi tens, and contrary to the laws. This was not the only violation of the laws complained of by the Hon. Deputy. He reproached Minister! with directing the churches to be despoiled of the emblems of the faith. The Hon Member next took up the subject of the asacmiations, and said that the revolutian of July was not caused by the or dunnances alone, but because the country had been long vainly looking for liberties that had been repeatedly pro mised, and the object of the 218.4.1,,,at io Qs was to ensure those which the restoration had so Inn refused. The Keeper of the Se&i at u4oni;hed that44,pene ral, to whom the Natior iiir. ~ t vel-a at tb7i. -:-lotn4; Gva kat, offering , =tvrqrd of h . •1, - ' -snairik!:l 4.45t-ilw organisation of this civic guaiii x oat sofilett for the defence of the country.--(Cherry' from the tentre.)— Adourne' SITTING OF MARCH SU. Tlic siteng commenced at two o'clock. The President, M. Delesserr, occupied the chair. The boxes of the spectators were much more crowded than they have been for seine days past. The House proceeded to the continuation of the dis cussion on the Association. M. Bernard commenced by saying that lie decland him aelf as having signed the Association which had been attacked in yesterday's sitting, and that it was more as an accused criminal that he ascended the tribune, than in the quality of a Deputy. After a short preface, in which he thought that the attack which had been made upon the Association was unjust and " violent," and lie said that although he did not by any means wish to make com parisons between the present and past governments, not withstanding, under the government of Charles X. such associations were not considered 29 criminal. This asso ciation, he continued, had received its impetus at the time of the revolution, and that it was purely formed with the intention of using all their endeavours to exclude the fallen family from the soil of France, to protect the country from foreign arms, despotism, and the chance of future dis turbances. They had been accused of being opposed to the Government. This accusation he defended with much address, first by considering the thing for an instant as the case, and proving that it could he no injury to the Government ; and secondly, by proving that it was not the case. Ile then attacked a proposition of M. Dupin's as to that association and all others being considered as public assemblies, and having the law now treated upon relative to mobs applied likewise to associations. He con aidered the association to which he belonged as a merito rious one, arid one which was entirely composed of good citizens, and to which all good citizens ought to belong ; and was, then, the good citizen, sitting in council for the good of his country, to be treated as a disturber of the public peace, and to be obliged to withdraw at the third " animation," or, how was lie to he treated ? Was there a particular case to be made for him, or an amendment, perhaps, proposed to the article of M. Dupin?—(With sarcasm.)—And there never was a man to whom the country owed perhaps the greater part of her present liberty—(this related to M. de Lahorde)—who, at the time the ordinances of July were published, assembled his friends and other persons at his house (he himself was one of them), and from his house they repaired to the house of the present President of the Council (Casimir Perrier), where they held a meeting, and decided upon the steps that ought to be taken ; and that was the man who must now he deprived of all his functions, or renounce the as sociation, break an oath be had taken, and thus appear like a coward in the eyes of all Europe : he finished by declaring that he (M. Bernard) intended to continue of the association, and considered that he only acted as a worthy man and citizen in doing so. M. Dupin Caine) then answered the accusation laid against him. Me had not proposed that the association should be considered as a turbulent one; but only pro posed that, were it necessary, and that any assembly shoul.l be formed contrary to the proceedings of Government, that then the law for the suppression of mobs should he applied, and that he had by no means considered the " As sociation for the Independence of the Country" as opposed to Government, or the present system ; but that all asso ciations might become so, although in their origin their intention was not such ; and that it was necessary to take all the precautions they could against such evils. M. Jea, against the association, made a long - speech, during which he entertained the Chamber with some events that had occurred to him during his residence in the United States, NI. C. Perrier, the President of the Council of Minis ters, ascended the trihunoto ,,,, acquaint the Chamber end the nation with the view , so th l:':c t h i the Government consi dered these associations a ose who were proposed to belong to them might know fir' what they were likely to subject themselves to. Heinthernetashionwed that evil might ' arise from those associations, article male by the association under the name o f 1, . 4 , p I , 1 toi, le Ciel t'aidera," and the Government would consider a sil p o liti ca l associations as mistrustful of their honour an d io ns confuted some interpreta t i o n s of General Lafayette re. Hee to the 1( 1 0 ,000,000 t hat had been demanded by Golvaetiv mea t. He said that that Hon . De p ut y was mistaken, jilt the 100,000,00 0 were by no means connected with the affairs of Poland, they were merely as a measure of pre esttion. And that nor, relative to the affairs of Italy, the French Government wore making negotiations which they " hoped" would be successful, and equally satisfactory to both the countries concerned, - - M. Salverte spok e in defence of a personal attack of the Ministers. M. Odilion Barrot was then left speaking at four o'clock. (Extracts from the French Papers.) Know you from whence comes the great fury of the men of the just middle, and of the Ministry of the 13th of March, against the national. associations ? Why, these associations do not please the Ambassador of Russia ; the Ambassador of Austria, whose august Master is now putting to the sword the patriots of Bclogna ; the Envoy of his Majesty Ferdinand ; who is now hanging the pa triots of Andalusia; the Ambassador of Prussia; and, perhaps, the Apostolic Nuncio. These gentlemen, who receive from their respective Courts the most encouraging assurances of the easy manner in which they despatch the friends of liberty, wherever they are to be found, take it ill that in France there are cautious men who use their best efforts not to be hanged or shot in their turn by a new Holy Alliance, if the Govern ment, which has already by its weakness two-thirds compromised the cause of the revolution of July, should surrender the remainder in a moment of dan ger by their unskilfulness. A Minister said a few days ago, to one of his subordinates whom he wished to detach from the National Association—" You do not know what harm you do us ; we have recovered the good opinions of the Ambassadors from Foreign Powers. The Ministerial revolution of the 13th of March has almost satisfied them ; they consent to let us contend among ourselves about our principle of national sovereignty, and we might talk to them that we are strong enough to guarantee them henceforth from any interference on our part, in the little severities which they may judge useful in regard to persons who may he tormented with a revolutionary spirit ; and, behold, just at this moment arise your associations to cross our path. The Ambas sadors ois not wish to hear of these associations ; they tell us we can never be a firm Government while we tolerate them, and that until we are considered firm, it is impos aible they can promise us peace."—Le National. At the review last Sunday, a grenadier of the Ist com pany of the Izath Lesion cried out at the moment when the King passed, " Long lire the King—we must ha, , e war." After the King had passed, M. Agier, Colonel of this Legion, on being informed of the grenadier's name, formed the company into a circle, and put to the vote the expulsion of this National Guard, which was instantly pronounced. This mode of proceeding belongs more to the Swiss military code than to ours. We have been sur prised to see such a form adopted on this occasion, prin cipally by a magistrate accustomed to all the sage slowness `of the march of justice. Although he had at this moment the military uniform upon his back, he ought not to have forgotten that he was ordinarily clothed in the robe. He ought to have remembered, above all, that he commanded fellow-citizens, and that with them he should have acted as well legally as martially. —Courrier Francais. They write from Bayonne on the 26th of a rumour that the Constitutionalists, having escaped from the Royalist troops, had occupied Malaga. A letter from Madtid of the 22d mentions that numerous arrests had been made in that capital, and that proof was discov, r,d of the existence of a vast conspiracy in many parts of Spain. Orders have issued for the organization of mili tary commission• in the provinces. They write from Barcelona on the 22d Marcia that Count d'Espagne has come to Tortosa, and reinforced the garrison. He is traversing Catalonia with General Monet. They reviewed, in passing at Olot, about 4,000 men, who evinced little enthusiasm. Letters received at Barcelona from Cadiz a the 9th notice an insurrection in the lit marine corps. The monks and secular clergy make great efforts to deny this news, but the people be lieve it. Figuciras is put in a state of siege. Deserters who arrive there are immediately sent on to Vich or Bar celona.—Le Temps. (From the Messayer des C'hambres, dated March 30.) EXCIIANGR OF PARIS, MARCH 28.—The contract of a loan of one hundred and twenty millions was announced to-day by the Moniteur, and we had then reason to ex pect a decline in the Funds ; it is, in fact, the interest of those who offer to become contractors to keep the Funds low in order to obtain the loan on more favourable terms. Advantage has been taken of the state of the people's minds to spread various alarming reports—among others, the occupation of Rome by the Austrians, and the declara tion said to have been made by our Government, that if that capital were not evacuated at a certain time, it would be obliged to support its demand by arms. Though the news may be only the repetition of one of those mano.uvres so often employed on 'Change, it easily met with credit among, distrustful distrustful and discouraged specu lators. PAnrs, 111Aacit 29.—Yesterday the King gave a pri vate audience to Count d'Appony, the Austrian Ambas sador. The audience lasted about an hour. His Majesty tratuacted business successively with the 'Ministers of Foreign Affairs, :Marine, Commerce, War, Finance, and Justice. _ _ Count de Celles had the honour of an audience of the King. M. Leopold de Balthasar, ex-pupil of St. Cyr, has pre sented himself before the Juge d'lnstruction as the person who offered the lithographic portrait of the Duke of Bor deaux to the catafalque of the Duke of Berri. A letter from 'Marseilles of the 16th of March says— " Daring the last six months of 1830, there entered into the port of Marseilles 1161 ships ; and sailed 653 more than in the corresponding period of 1629. In the last six months of 1827 (query 1829), no ship front the Black Sea entered our port; at the end of 1830 ninety-three arrived. It is well known that this branch of cornaserce is the most advantageous to our city, and especially to the labouring classes. Nose we owe these benefits to the re volution of July; they are the effect of the law proposed by M. Guizot. This fact, added to the increase of the receipt of the Octroi, and of the duties on weighing and measuring at Marseilles, seems to be a triumphant reply to those who represent our city as a prey to distress since the revolution of July." The ..Tfoniteur of to-day (23d) says—" That the number of the troops reviewed by the, King was erro neously stated at first about 30,110 men. The reader would easily perceive that such precision did not agree with the word about. It should be about 50,000 men." A Journal having spoken of the sale of some cannon on the sea coasts by the late Government as a very alarm. my affair, the Moniteur says, that the cannon sold were found by two Special Commissioners to he wholly uneer• viceable, as they could not be discharged without danger of bursting, they were sold to a company, which en gaged to furnish new copper and other metal fit for cast ing cannon in exchange for the old iron in the arsenals, and these cannon could not be considered as any thing more than old iron. However, those have been still retained which may be used without danger. Measures have been taken to complete the number of iron cannon which are requisite for the defence of the coast. " M. Casimir Perrier," says the Tribune, " wishing to make a display of force in foreign policy, has addressed a note to Count d'Appony, the Austrian Ambassador, de manding explanations as to the occupation of Bologna by the Austrian troops; and this time has said, very seriously, that France could not consent. The Ambassador replied that the occupation of Bologna had been concerted be tween Prussia, Russia, England, and Austria; and that the Austrian Government were resolved to stifle rebellion wherever it might break out." The Journal des Debats has the following, upon the question at this moment at issue between France and Austria :—" The declaration made to the Chamber of Deputies on Monday, by the President of the Council, is a complete and noble answer to the party who, since his entrance into office, have accused him of being determined on peace, cost what it may. Since the glorious port we acted in the affairs of Belgium, this is the first occasion on which foreign intervention could be injurious either to the honour or interests of France. Well ! M. Casimir Perrier does not hesitate to demand ex planations, which, supported by an army of 500,000 men, cannot fail to be honourable to the party who calls for them. There are persons who conceive that it would be better to open negotiations at the cannon's mouth. These, no doubt, imagine that it is not sufficiently to the honour of France to cause Bologna to be evacuated by a mere note of threats. The explanations must be candid and distinct, and delivered without delay ; for, though it may not yet have become a cause for war, it is a point of ho nour, and M. Casimir Perrier has promised us to obtain satisfaction. Let us wait for it, and rely, in order to form a judgment of the port that France ought to play, upon a Ministry who have declared themselves boldly to be the jealous defenders of her interests, and the wise, but proud, guardians of her power." The 3fonitore Bolognese, of the 18th instant, contains t h e f o ll o wing notice, issued by tire President of the Cham ber of Representatives of the United P rov i nces o f It a ly : " In compliance with the wishes of the Provisional Go vernment and the public, the meeting of the Representa tives, which was adjourned to the 31st instant, will take place on the 20th. The assembly will not only discuss th e elector.llow, but also consider the extraordinary means necessary fir supplying the urgent wants of the State. " ANTONIO ZANOBINL" Another decree, of March 16, runs— " Considering that the main power of States is in the troops which are destined to defend them, and finding that the troops which have been enrolled hitherto are insuf ficient for the service of the country-, whilst the number of those who wish to serve in the army is very considerable, the Provisional Government directs that an enrollment of volunteers for eight regiments be set on foot in the dif ferent towns." A third decree, of the same date, appoints the Prefects and Vice-Prefects of the provinces. Among them are the Counts Francesco Grimasi, of Faenza ; Eduardo Fabbri, of Cesena ; Carlo Pepoli, of Bologna; Francesco Manzoni, of Lugo: Pietro Seretti, of Ancona, Sze. "We find (says the Journal du Commerce) that it was not General de Bourmont, but his son, who wished to proceed to Madrid, and whom the Spanish authorities at Badajoz enjoined to return to Portugal." (From the Journal du Commerce of Wednesday.) Tot; Lox, Maacx 24.—The 4th Regiment of Light Infantry, lately in garrison at Marseilles, passed yesterday through Sisteron. The troops on the side of Arles Avignon, and other places, have also left those canton ments. Thu., notwithstanding the assurances of peace (when we consider those movements), we cannot suppose that it will be preserved. (From the Courricr Francais of Wednesday.) FRONTIERS OF BOHEMIA, MARCH IS.—Every thing assumes here a warlike aspect. Bohemia alone will have shortly to furnish 19,000 recruits. The Government is also purchasing a considerable number of horses 2,500 have already been bought at 140 florins each. The Arch duke Charles will, it is said, be appointed Generalissimo of the Austrian army. Bohemia is very tranquil, which is rather a blessing at the present time.—Leipsic Gazette. BOLOGNA, MARCH 15.—The War Committee of the National Assembly met yesterday, and adopted the follow ing resolutions :- 1. The citadel of Ancona shall be provisioned for a year ; 3,000 men taken from among the National Guards of the different provinces shall be sent to reinforce the pre sent garrison. 2. The castle of St. Leon, in the Duchy of Urbino, shall he provisioned for three months, and 600 men will complete the present garrison. 3. The garrison of Ravenna, consisting of 2,500 men, shall furnish detachments for the defence of the coast. Those troops, and the artillery, are td be commanded by General Alini. 4. A camp of observation, of 3,000 infantry, and 300 cavalry, shall be formed on the Ferrara side of Lugo, and detachments shall he sent from it as far as the Austrian advanced posts. General Zucchi will command it, and the 1,200 men (dragoons) be brought from Modena and Parma will form part of it. 5. General Grabilski shall assemble at Forli 6,000 in fantry, 800 cavalry, and the artillery now stationed in Bologna. 6. Two gun-boats shall be armed in the port of An cona, to protect the coasting trade of the Adriatic Gulf. The Government of the place shall furnish, out of the arsenal, the materials necessary for the armament. In consequence of this decree, and of orders issued by the Military Commissio❑ to the Generals of the insur gents, three corps of the army made various movements on the 15th. The troops stationed at Rieti, Narni, and Otricoli, marched on Civita Castellana. Two battalions, from 'Umbria, went front Spoleto to Rieti ; and the Na tional Guards of Perugia, Todi, and Foligno, took the direction of Orvieto and Viterbo. (From the Constitutionnel of Wednesday.) VIENNA, MARCH 19.-Although our regiments are nearly all complete, a new ordinance has ordered the rais ing of 50,000 recruits. FRENCH FUNDS, PARIS, Maacit 30.-Five per Cents., 78f. 77f. 75c. (10c. 50c. 30c. 40c. 30c. 40c. 25c. 20c. 30c. 40c. 30c. 35c. 40c. 30c. 40c. 25c. 30c. .s'c. 75c. ; Three per Cents., 48f 50c. 30c. 48f. 47f. 75c. 49f. 47f 90c. 48f. 20c. 25c. Sc. 48f 4Sf. Sc. 48f 47f. 95c. 48f. 48f. sc. 15c. 25c. Isc. .50c. 60c. 75c. ; Bank Actions 1,380 f. ; Rente de Naples, 55f. 20c. 55f. 55f. lOc. 55f. 56f. 56f. 25c. ; Rente d'Espagne, 127. 13 134 ; Royal Spanish Loan, 60% 61 61 1 ,4 ; Rente Perpetuelle d'Espagne, 42 4' 43 434 3y. Exchange on London, one month, paper, 25f. 20c., money, 25f. 20c. ; three months, paper, 23f. 5c., money, 25f. SIR JAMES SCARLETT AND REFORM. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SWV. SlK,—Having been s,ruck by some parts of Sir James Scarlett's speech against the Reform Bill, I have sent you the following observations, should you deem theta worthy of a place in your paper:— Sir James Searlett says— . . That Reform, to be useful, must be such as was con sistent with the main constitution of the Home. The present Bill was not for the Reform, but the reconstruc tion of the House of Commons upon principles entirely new to the Constitution." Does the Honourable Member forget the ancient burgage tenure, or the Ist Henry V., cap. 1 which ordains that the citizens and burgesses of the cities and boroughs be chosen by men, citizens and burgesses resiant and dwelling and free in the same cities and boroughs; indeed, noth ing would appear new in the Bill, except giving votes to lease and copyholders, who ought to have been franchised at the abolition of the feudal tenures. Blackstone says, vol. 1, p. 171, if any alteration might be wished or suggested in the present form of Parliaments, it should be in favour of a more com plete representation of the people. We therefore contend that the principle is not new, though the practice of coming forward in the noble manner the present Ministry have done may be unprecedented. " His Learned Friend might as well propose to reduce the House by half, and call upon all reformers to vote for the second reading of such a Bill." Coke, in his Commentary on Littleton (110 a. 110 b.) says, " The jurisdiction of this Court is so transcendant, that it maketh, inlargeth, diminisheth, abrogateth, repeateth, and reviveth laws, statutes, acts, and ordinances concerning matters ecclesiasti call, capital', criminal', common, civill, martial', ritime, and the rest." So the right of Parliament is undisputed. By Oldfield's History of Boroughs it would appear that between seventy and eighty have been disfranchised and discontinued, including Man chester and Leeds, and that in the Parliament held 18th of Edward 1., besides the two Knights for every county, only 161 boroughs returned Members, the rest were added as State purposes required; the Bth Hen. VI. c. 8, disfranchised all freeholders under 405.; and in our time we have seen 200,000 forty-shilling freeholders of Ireland disfranchised by the same party, who are now so loud in their laments over the 5,030 electors of the sixty rotten boroughs, and tell us we might as well propose to reduce the House by one half. " The advocates of Ref irm took three grounds. One was a constitutional right in the people to Reform ; the second was a theoretical ground, with which the present constitution of the House of Commons did not agree; and the third was, the practical ground of expediency. As to the ground of constitutional right, he would ask in what law or in what usage was it to be found? The House of Commons, as it new existed, was formed by writs, Acts of Parliament, and charters. In which of these would lie find one word with respect to any specific mode of repre sentation, or any specific plan of Reform ?" After making every allowance for errors of the re porter, it should seem that the Hon. and Learned Member did not state his views in the clearest lan guage. " By a constitutional right in the people to Reform," he could scarcely mean any thing else than a right in certain classes of the people to re turn representatives, and if he meant this, the form of the very writs to which .he refers furnishes the most triumphant reply. In these writs, as far back as 5 Ed. 111., (A.D. 1332) Elsynge on Parliaments, p.. 57, 8 ed., 16G0, the King commands the return of two knights for each county, two citizens for each city, and two burgesses for each borough, and thus the uninterrupted usage of five centuries would establish the right of the agricultural arid trading classes to representation; it would indeed have been wonderful had these writs, Acts of Parliament, or charters, said one word about Reform, when they were all framed long before those abuses existed which now renders Reform necessary. " His Noble Friend who had brought forward the ques tion, had alluded to an Act passed in the reign of Edward 111. and stated to have been passed by the Bishops, Barons, and all the Commons of the realm. But if his Noble Friend had looked a little further into history he would have found that the words Commons of the realm' did not hear the meaning which he had ascribed to them ; for it appeared that in allusion to the Oxford Provision, which sat in the reign of Henry 111., the expression ' Commons of England' was used to signify the persons elected by the Barons to represent the Commons, which persons were themselves Barons. He did not mean to say that, there fore, they should have no Reform ; but merely that the Reform should depend on the expediency of what was most useful for the public benefit." The Learned Member here indulges in very need less hypercriticism; the sense in which the word Commons was used on a particular occasion in the 13th century is of very little importance, when the writ above cited proves that before the middle of the 14th century, (when the Act referred to was passed,) this word had acquired its modern meaning. It would also appear from Grafton, that the Parlia ment referred to by the Learned Member is better known by the name of the mad Parliament, for the mischief it occasioned ; and the twelve Peers were expressly chosen "to avoid the enormities, and reform the evil rule that was in the land." The terms used in 36 Ed. 111., c. 15, are," P, elatrydues, counts, barons, et tout la commune," rendered " arid all the commonalty" in the folio edition of the sta tutes. Petit, in his observations •on the rights of the Commons, 1680, instances the prescription of the borough of St. Alban's, Bth of Ed. 11., " to send two burgesses to all Parliaments, Sicut cthtor burgen se: Regni totis retroactis temporibus, in the time of Ed. 1., and his progenitors." Also the declara tion on the rolls of Parliament 2 Henry V., n. 10, that the (7ommons had ever been a Member of the Parliament, and that no statute law could be made without their consent; and statute (1 Henry V. c. 1), which regulates the persons to be chosen Knights, clearly points out what was meant by the word Com mons in those days. " As for the ground of theory, it was altogether unten able. Such attempts de,erved only to be treated with scorn, experience being the only guide worth a moment's attention from any one who pretended to the character of a Statesman." The preceding tirade against theoretical prin ciples is altogether beside the consideration of the present plan of Reform, which has never rested upon any such basis. " What then did the framers of the Bill propose? They proposed to cut off sixty-two Members. And from what class ? From that class which represented the commer cial interest, while none were taken from the landed inte rest. He was ready to admit that the landed interest should have the preponderance, but this w•as an undue, a disproportioned preponderance." The Learned Member, without offering a single reason in support of his opinion, simply assumes that the loss of 62 Members will be an evil, and then asserts that they are to be taken from the class representing the commercial interests. Now, with out saying how far this might or might not be de sirable, the short reply is, that the fact is not so, since the great majority, indeed almost all of the places returning those Members are now, and long have been, in the hands of great landed proprietors, and therefore have never returned Members to ad vocate principles to which these proprietors are op posed; indeed the lists of the Members will show that not more than 26 merchants and bankers are to be found among the 120 to be disfranchised, and we have from 1.50 to 160 Members connected with the mercantile interests in the House. " It should only be done upon system, upon some intel ligible principle ; but there was notbiug of that nature in the Bill ; but if population were to be the criterion, why should 1821 be taken rather than any other period ? Ac cording to that arrangement, the borough which had two thousand voters now, and only fifteen hundred in 1821, would not return Members. It had been said that the public sought for Reform because it did not suit s( me theory in its practice. But after all they would find that the public would be discontents d when, as would certaizey be the case, the Bill did not answer their expectations. The public would complain that they had pulled down the old House to build up a new one, fu'l of errors in the con struction. But the errors in the latter case would be of their own formation, not the growth of years, which they might respect and venerate, but deformities made by line and rule—(Hear, bear)—for which they could feel nothing but contempt. If they must have change, it ought to be conducted upon some principle, and not be of the same anomalous and imperfect nature as the Constitution now complained of. Another objection to the Bill was, that it attempted to put the whole representation of the country upon one uniform principle.—(Hear.) In his opinion the House at Commons represented every interest and every class in the kingdom somehow or other.—(Laughter, and cries of " Hear.") But now there was an attempt to adopt a uniform line. Might not the anomalies which at present existed be the cause of representing all three in terests." Here we are first told that the Bill wants system or some intelligible principle; and the next objection is its attempting to put the whole representation of the country upon one uniform principle—instead of putting down the old house we are only taking out sixty planks that have got the dry-rot, least the sound timbers should become infected. Lord Bacon, in his advancement of learning, says, " Antiquity deserveth that a man should make a stand thereat; but, having discovered the right way, then make pro gression." "In his opinion the class of voters who would be most enlarged by this measure were those who were disposed to wards revolutionary principles, who aimed at the destruc tion of the House of Commons, and who ultimately looked to the establishment of a republic ; and this class of thinkers were, he was inclined to believe, more largely ex tended amongst the ten-pound householders than was very generally known." Here we have two opposite objections to the Bill, namely, the increased influence of the landed in terest, or is other words the aristocratic tendency of the measure, and in the same breath the approach of a democracy through the revolutionary principles of the ten-pound householders. Judge Blackstone, after enumerating the various infringements of our ancient Constitution by the Nor mans, says, " From so complete and well concerted a scheme of servility it has been the work of gene rations for our ancestors to redeem themselves and their posterity into that state of librriy which we now enjoy; and which, therefore, is not to be looked upon as consisting of mere encroachments on the crown, and infringements of the prerogative, as some slavish and narrow minded writers in the last cen tury endeavoured to maintain, but as, in general, a gradual restoration of that ancient Constitution where of our Saxon forefathers had been unjustly deprived, partly by the policy and partly by the force of the Norman." Johnson defines revolution to be " the course of any thing which returns to the point at which it be gan to move." If then we are returning to the pure and simple institutions of our Saxon ancestors, the revolution will be like the one of 1688, a glori ous revolution. " He would now come to the last topic on which he should trouble the House with respect to the question now before them—(Hear, hear)—and that was an examine into into the necessity for passing the Bill, because the public demanded it of the House. He contended, with regard to this important consideration, that, although no doubt could exist as to the wish of the people of England for Reform, yet the public did not insist on every part of the plan before the House being carried into execution, and he was, therefore, of opinion, that the House could not adopt it, as a reason for passing the measure, that the people were in its favour as it stood." This in the teeth of 448 petitions, since the in troduction of the measure in approbation of the plan. Nothing can be more obvious than the necessity of passing this Bill, when we know it to be a fact that 130 Members are returned by rich Commoners, and 173 by the Peers--it was this that made Mr. Pitt, in 1782, declare, " No honest man can, accord ing to the present system, continue Minister." A WHIG. [The above would have appeared sooner, but has been delayed for want of room.] The following is the House List of Governors and Directors of the Bank of England for the year en- suing, viz : FOR GOVERNORS. J O KY HORSLEY - PALMER, Esq., Governor. ANDREW HENRY THOMSON, Esq., Deputy Governor. FOR. DIRECTORS. Sheffield Neave, Esq. George Warde Norman, Esq. James Pattison, jun., Esq. John Henry Pelly, Esq. Charles Pole, Esq. Henry Porcher, Esq. Richard Mee Raikes, Esq. John Baker Richards, Esq. 'William R. Robinson, Esq. William Thompson, Esq. and Alderman. Samuel Thornton,. Esq. Thomas Warre, Esq. John Bowden, Esq. John Cockerel], Esq. William Cotton, Esq. Samuel Drewe, Esq. George Dorrien Esq. Charles Pascoe Grenfell, Esq. Abel Lewes Gower, Esq. Samuel Hibbert, Esq. William Manning, Esq. Willi am Mellish, Esq. Humphrey !St. John Mildmay, Esq. James Morris, Esq. The election of the Governor and Deputy Governor will be held at the Bank on Tuesday, the sth, and for Directors on Wednesday, the 6th inst., from ten o'clock in the forenoon till four in the afternoon. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, MARcH 31. Eleven private hills were read a third time and passed. Their Lordships then adjourned till Eleven o'clock on Saturday, to hear Scotch appeals. MAGAZINE DAY. NEW MONTHLY MAGAZINE. " A Letter to Dr. Southey" contains an analysis of a remarkably spirited and even original poem, which has been lately published at Sheffield by a poor, uneducated mechanic, under the somewhat un• promising title of " Corn Law Rhymes." It is long since we have read bolder and more truly poetic thoughts than are contained in some of these extracts. " Conversations with an Ambitious Student" have much merit ; but are rather too maudlin in the cha racter of their reflection. The biographical sketch of Mr. Jeffrey is passable, but tells us nothing that we did not know before. It is late in the day to criticise the early writings of Mr. Jeffrey, in the Edinburgh Review. The " Adventures of a Revolution" is an allegory without point, consisting of seven pages. Seven lines would have been enough for it. " The Master of Logan" is an impressive story ; impres sively told. The analysis of the " Great Reform Debate" evinces much spirit and sagacity. The brief passing sketch of Mr. Horace Twiss, some time since an indifferent Reporter for the Alimning Chronicle, and subsequently a manufacturer of still more indifferent tragedies for the theatre,— " Carib Chief," for instance, the most atrocious, drowsy trash that ever yet set an audience, pit, box, gallery, orchestra, candle snuffers and all, fast asleep —is admirably characteristic. We have rarely met with a description that combined such strict truth with such caustic sarcasm. The " Memoirs of Cooper the Novelist" —we suppose the engraving is a good likeness—are tolerable ; though the writer is but a sorry critic when he talks of the American's admi• rable delineations of female character. Mr. Cooper can no more paint a lady than a man of war's-man, six feet high by about three broad, could describe Almack's. He lays on his colours as if he were tarring a ship. " After Dinner Chit-chat" is feeble and common-place. MONTIJL Y MA GAZINE. The article on " Parliamentary Reform," which heads the present number, is full of vigour and spirit, hut prejudiced and inconsistent in its argu ment. The writer advocates Reform, but not the ministerial measure ; that is to say, he knows not what he wants or what he advocates. " Aphorisms on Man" are characterised by all the metaphysical acuteness, tinged with no slight portion of the perverse, clouded melancholy of the late Wm. Hazlitt. " The Wife of the Polish Patriot" is an ably wrought up tale, and happily adapted to the taste of the day. " Confessions of a Coward," is a sprightly good-humoured essay—though we are sick to death of the common-place word " confes sion," which we apprehend will tell to the author's disadvantage. " Perplexities of a Book-worm" is neither very brilliant nor very dull ; it is a respec table mean between the two extremes. " The Ta bernacle; or, Sunday in Lotman," is an admirable bit of satire. We subjoin a sample, with which we must conclude our notice of this pungent arid racy periodical : " Come, yc mopes, and drones, and droopers: Listen to me in your stupors ; Conic, ye gaunt and grim old maids Long since fitted for the shades ; Hear me, from your darkest den, All ye old, unmarried' men : All ye tribes of wretches, come— Denizens of sin and gloom ! Give me a responsive throe, While I sing your song of woe: " Morn is up—pale, chill, and murky— Looking well inclined to Burke ye; Through the fetid fog the bell Rings as with your funeral knell; Heaven is cloud, and Earth is mud, Promising a London flood. lust as strikes the last half-hour, Down comes, thick and thin, the shower On ye put your Sunday satins ; Hurrying to your doctor's matins ; Slippery every stone as glass, (Lately, too, broke up for gas!)— All the brats of shops and schools, All the' mighty serious' fools, All the 'prentice-gentlemen, Promenading throug.) the fen— Till subsides the general cackle At the pious Tabernacle : " There you find no Doctor Prosy, As an apple round and rosy ; Happy proof that all the dinners Are not left among the sinners; Happy proof that beef may line Cheeks and ribs the most divine; Happy proof that port may paint Even the most world hating saint There you find—wild, gaunt, and grim— ,Fierce of face, and lank of limb, With that mystic sweep of eye, Fixed at once on earth and sky ; Now a comet's fiery glare Blazing from his matted hair; Now a melancholy moon, Melting to some wizard tune ; Whiskered like a bold hussar, Stands our man of holy war." BLACK W 0 OD' S MAGAZINE. A good number, but by no means of superlative excellence. The " Nectes" contain one capital passage, descriptive of a battle among the cats at midnight, where the belligerents mustered in consi derable force on both sides. The graphic force of this description, though partaking strongly of the burlesque, is really surprising. Of the political diatribes we cannot say much. They are vigorous as usual, and marked by a spirit of even plus ul traism, but inconsistent, rambling, and undiscrimi nating in their acerbity. The continuation of " Memoirs: of Sir Frizzle Pumpkin" contains much truth of observation, mixed up with no slight por tion of exaggeration. The remaining articles are of the average order of merit. ENGLISHMAN'S MAGAZINE. This is the first number of a new Magazine, and is not devoid of promise. The only fault we find with it is its heaviness, and the very elaborate style in which the majority of its articles are penned. This is unfortunate for a first number, for if editors do not, like the rest of the world, take care of 7IUM.• ber one, we do not know what number they will take care of. FRASER' S MA GA ZINE. By many degrees the best number we have yet seen of this lively work, full of extravagant humour —keen satire—critical shrewdness, and various and agreeable matters of information. With one feature of the Magazine only we quarrel, its politics, which we must confess we cannot comprehend. " Mont gomery's Oxford" is a smart satirical notice of this lately published poem. " Some Passages in the Life of an Idler" are feelingly written, and display much talent for description. " On Alchemy and the Alchemist" is a quaint and rather abstruse article on a subject, the interest attached to which has for ever passed away. " The Poetry of the Sandwich Islands" is a matchless quiz, penned in the broadest and most effective style of humour. There is no mistaking the writer of this Peter-Pin daric. It proceeds clearly from the pen of the illus. trious Adjutant O'Doherty, who, we are happy to learn, from a letter written to us by himself, has not —as we surmised last month—joined the followers of Johannah Southcote in consequence of a disap pointment in a love affair. The missive conveying to us this agreeable contradiction is dated from St. Margaret's watch-house, where it seems the exem plary Adjutant was for some hours confined, by 4ason of a slight misunderstanding with a couple of unappeasable Irish watchmen. " Punch and Judy" s in the best manner oldie Moc'ern Pythagorean— himself a host, and one of the favourite contributors to B/7ckwoud. The sketch of Professor Wilson is spirited, and we suppose—as we know nothing to the contrary—faithful as a likeness. " Visit from Mr. St. John Long" describes the particulars of Mr. Fraser's interview with this desperate quack in a most animated style. " But let us be serious. Mr. Saint John Long has positively visited our publisher ; and the conversation which we have quoted (in effect,—almost verbatim in deed) acmally took place between them. The sole pie.T of exaggeration, or imsgination, that we have indulged in, is touching Mr. Fraser's alarm. However atrocious it may seem, we must confess that he was not seriously frightened. Whether Saint John Long's bluster—his whip, with a fix's bead upon it (apt emblem !), inspired our friend with any sensations approaching to timidity, is between him and his conscience. He, however, scorn fully rejects the notion ; and moreover asserts his surprise, that a contemporary publication (not remarkable for its tenderness towards those whom it deems public offenders) should have submitted to apologise to this notorious per son, after, as he understands, its editor or publisher had received a risit from Mr. Long ! But let us reflect a little on these same visits. If persons in the situation of Saint John Long, who has been twice arraigned, and once convicted, of homicide (! !) are to come to the house of every editor and publisher (with whips in their hands, and big words in their mouths) and force apologies—if they are to succeed in making every newspaper and maga zine call back its words, and eimtradiet the records of the Old Bailey !—why there may be a good deal of talk about the liberty of the Press, and the right of manifest ing public opinion; but there will be exceedingly little of the liberty itself, which, in fact, would by such means he speedily extinguished. We call upon our brother editors anti publishers to lift up their voices still against quackery of all sorts, in defiance of whips, and frowns, and foxes' heads. We call upon them to cure quacks of their presumption, and to put an end to these domiciliary visits, by administering tDe wholesome ' rubbings' of the Press. The giant with a bundred heads, now known by the name of Public Opinion,' has, we apprehend, as formidable a whip and as fearless a heart as the Rubber of Harley-street himself; and we are much mistaken if he does not succeed quite as frequently in effectually curing his patients. Some of the weapons, wielded by this same potent giant are, we should think, after the Rubber's own heart. There are, for instance—the mace of the Times, the lash of the Chronicle, the rod of the Herald, the blister of the Bull, the lancet of the Lancet, the oaken towel of the Examiner, the scalping-knife of the Spec tator, the Standard with its skene, the Globe with its iron vice, the tomahawk of Blackwood, and the knock me-down hammer of Cobbett ! I—By which of these does our Rubber wish to he cured of the indignation and dis content that he feels towards the public Press of England ? It is scarcely worth while to trouble the reader any fur ther. Yet there is one thing whizh appears to hurt Mr. Saint John Long's feelings so much, that we cannot resist this opportunity of making him amends. He is ' hurt,' he says, ' and injured,' by our calling hint a sign-post painter. Perhaps we ought to have said merely that he was fit to be a painter of signs. We beg him to accept this explanation. The following advertisement has, we are told, appeared before in some contemporary publica tion. We are riot sure of this in our own knowledge ; and, therefore (and because we think it will justify us in respect of the charge about Saint John Long's painting), we copy it for the benefit of the curious. The reader may be assured that it is faithfully transcribed from a Limerick paper, bearing date the 10th of February, 1921 :--- "'MR. JOHN SAINT JOHN LONG. . 4 . Historical and Portrait Painter, the only Pupil of Daniel Richardson, Esq., late of Dublin. " Proposes during his stay in Limerick, to take Portraits from Ittalian Head to whole length—and Parson desirous of getting their's done, in Historical, Hunting, Shooting, Fish. ing, or any other character, or their Family grouped, in one or two Paintings, from Lite Size to Miniature, so as to make an Historical subject choseing one from History. " The costume of the period front whence it would be taken will be particularly attended to, and the character of each proserved. I" He would take Views in the Country. Terms per Agreement. Specimens to be Seen at hig Residence, No. 116, Georges St. opposite the Club-house, and at Mr. James Dodds, taper Staining Ware House, Georges St. Mr. Long is advised by his several friends to give in. structions in the Art of Painti.'g in Oils, Opeak, Chalk and Water Colours, &c. to a limited number of Pupils of Re. spectability two days in each week at stated hours. " Gentlemen are not to Attend at the same hour the La- dies Attend at. He will supply them in Colours,&j! " Is this only pupil of Daniel Richardson, Esq." our Saint John Long, or not? It not, let us have proof; otherwise we shall still think that he might study signs' with advantage, however indignant he may he. He would at all events learn to amend his spelling. Think of this 0 Long! 0 Saint John ! " Awake, our Saint John' leave all meaner things To low ambition and the pride of Kings,"— and chew us that, with you, painting is an art and not a ' trade'—chew us that you are learning to doctor his Majesty's subjects—shew us that you know a little of medi cine and a little of surgery ; and then, however we may qualify our opinion on the subject of your actually prac tising amongst us, we will at least put our brazen trumpet in order, so that we may celebrate your deeds with some formidable blasts, as soon as ever they grow up to be worthy of permanent renown. ASIATIC J 0 URNAL. A serviceable digest of all matters, historical, topographical, literary, and descriptive, relative to our Oriental possessions. To invalid nabobs at Cheltenham and elsewhere, this must prove a wel come publication. UNITED SERVICE, JOURN.AL. The " Notes on Warsaw" are the most interest ing features in the April number of this periodical. and to these accordingly we would chiefly direct our readers' attention. IMPERIAL MAGAZINE. A very so-se affair, full of twaddle and common place. THE CASKET. A miscellaneous ‘veekly periodical, brought out on the principle, and at the same price, as the " Mirror," of which it will be found no unworthy rival. IL4I?MONICON. A clever and pleasantly varied musical melange, appropriately introduced by a brief memoir of the late well-known Sir John Hawkins. WORLD OF .FASHION.-GENTLEMAN'S ' MAGAZINE OF FASHION. Two very appropriate records of all the fashions and frivolities of the day. LA BELLE ASSEMBLEE. The embellishment for the current month of this repertory of fashion and the light branches of litera ture, consists of a well-executed engraving of Lady Cumming Gordon. In the literary department, the tale entitled " La Piazzetta di San Marco" will be found entertaining. NATIONAL PORTRAIT GALLERY• The present number, which is the twenty-fourth, is fuller in point of literaty matter than usual. The Life of George the Fourth is penned by its author, Mr. Jerdan, in an easy, unassuming, gentlemanly rule and spirit. The engravings are capital. VIEWS IN INDIA. A very splendid series of Illustrations, engraved in the best manner by some of the best artists of the day. Similar praise we may accord to the Land scape Illustrations of the Waverley X'ovels, the last number of which is now lying before us. VIEW S i,i DE f - 0 N SHIR E and CORNWALL. The illustration of the scenery in the neighbour hood of that charming watering-place Dawlish, the pride of South Devon, and inferior only to Torquay, i s a master-piece, both as regards resemblance and execution. The two marine views in Cornwall-- especially that of St. Michael's Mount, are equally able. A Bill has just been brought into the House of Lords to dissolve the marriage of GRANBY Hates CALCRAFT, Esq. The Bill was read a first tine on Tues. day, and is to be read a second time on the 13th of April; and their Lordi.hips are ordered to be specially summoned thereon.--" Oh this Love !" r PRICES Sank Stock C0r15015, 00V. Stock, 3 Ditto, New ~er Lent Goy. Deb. Royal banal Grand Canal City Deb. 4 pi Ballast Office coaadmi z: e . u. r a. d . Gibraltart sigh rYi " t tO t got t,t,lant Antwerp Altona ....... Paris, 3 d 4,:, Ditto ... 8 0 rdeaux . ...... ... Berlin . Frankfr . );t ..... Petersburgh, Vicena, effect Trieste ... d i Madrid.. ... 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