The Sun. — London, England, 1833-02-06 00:00:00

I PP _ 1 P li a t t ir ti,T lak at' Primed and loaded, were marched upon them oe ; toCt if th - ''' it liers bad no Terence for firing, in consequence , 1111r 1 ,,,,d, lerecilieselcoe.alble c .oeduct P of the people, till a policeman i e d ad- 01i0,,d thsies..threw a stone at a soldier. ' The soldier [fear.) Wor e to tiiPfohcernan, and seized . him. Seven witnesses orbing with great " n ,. set of his throwing the atone ; yet it was enDuntrY a 6 14 a a ' lficulty that any Magistra'e could be found th e ' gagrpd t }7. 4 ,. l ';ant for his committal ,• and . the Grand Jury ions t° la It4ted ' 'nil of indictment. This is the justice of }ILA_ inuotry 'tit ta Ireland. To show the character . Y' 'd it ad t - me eril'iana will mention their conduct with respect to • tUlarly to b °, dY (the police), who are so obnoxious, P s a , _____i the he t t ~,, t Re lower classes of the Irish ; and to . now: ' d ' e "Jant ebb' i ' too often receive, 1 4911 rnent: - ica my countrymen no ta p 'an the reward of their kindness. The police d 0 ") ;e ii t(4l,thelter i cottage, and appealed to the . oh e c l ted l i r '' , r o t i si b t ): of it% i nro n aPe a s. poo T r They received him—they took ! ) It 01,, 'n)-- they mit him in bed—his pursuers inquired i e er a b r ;) .111 . - a e`tillttia.igee.....t they* deied him—they a came a second, Ili/1g to le,,nan wribenirne--the same on his the . o f aii, 4notherT p l u ie t y h a i l , oke the the danger police waso o v a e i m r, l o a l , n a d od bey h a:ceiling hi irt i l iarty h o e T laid hold of, and hancicuff m accused them in ,:h, They handeuffe(ly the wife, hut she wasasa done rd. o Ai 0 , 41 ; she Was no Mrs. Deacle. Less wi tal a n , r: beaele, and all England (and very properly) ,_ ; ° w ith it '" .on in inl and The least attempt at resistance topp ea 'l' ret to is but the signal Or blood?force is called for. What is the cry, . for another slaughter, buta and h dding 441 a lf Yon Want to send more soldiers to Ireland )100Jiaht to give more opportunities for • ~o ur eu I ,!so lee aoid es of wilful . v u avern rn 'era and policemen. I say his Majesty's murder have been found • s. Yes. , s e u , n er :t are the cause of these It ii tn li 8 Majesty's Government of er t i h m e e slaughter *h a -• ot t h th the weapons with tht h"vert..4",atry they it was that put arms into -leli h - ese men, id e' , _ t eit . ire the . e ereta • !let' and gave lens . anon-. Lord eas t h ao ' "I's were slaughtered. The Right Hon. at the tu st '''red i t already conquered Ireland by force ;he has wo uld of 1 7 til e b with foot and horse and marines ; he has hear , p ee a ie r acks into stores for tithed articles, in spite lajesty's be n t Vi ew of Ireland. By force he has been suc tion 01 j o Y * Why then talk of adding to the force in The N,,,, - !atti t i n agitation the cause of the crimes which I ieech a ß i t ti e°, or is it the conduct of the Government? which or th q to 4 4 cm the cause of the Whiteboys, which are igilance Lam, Pe t :i e ve been committed by the lowest and poorest atention li iy "ak on • It has been proved that these outrages and B ta hl 4,,.: T ri " with any political measure whatever. „ e d bY Whi t ;!) sq. ' defy the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. tore?-•-• ra g ,. th ore ether there ever was a time of agitation in Scotland Ttd ile was not a cessation of Whiteboy out ht eye° the e t s, Honourable and Learned Member here 3 ? Hose pee friends which Ireland possessed among iecrettrY niod eI Y. ' b i n a remark which we did not catch and it . :.4 o ° at,,, Li e then continued : There was no pe t in 8 Peri,PNee4 the present, in which Whiteboyism was there of q,°t il i ta t 't than in 1821 and 1822. Was that a r a pe e : cbi nt 'tql, ti4 o ? On the contrary, upon the accession sear,) of ltdki as well from his professions on other oc- Euglieb to 4 : 4 04 Promises of doing something for the relief d unde r e tt t , ri ng his visit to that country, we determined t under 'wa y ^ ta b le should see what would he done for us f things' Pitt i ti e ^A• Y' And agitation ceased entirely for about ne show orti oil Lt t Vet during this time the Insurrection Act was nd that Calhaiiihta in consequence of the Whitetioy outrages in I re land. lets, .t titeleven counties ; and at the time when the Ati 4 elation was first formed eighteen counties en, ^ 'tate • was the cat on, l 'itlt : of disturbance ; before the Catholic Associ nt , I ‘to 4 ' l , l oh ee i n in full agitation eighteen months every blew' 'ng s t " e ,, a4 d was exempt from its operation. Now le threw en to " t P° l l those who are such advocates for shoot is c aw asti fo °s tto r Ytnen to contradict that fact. I call upon ,f polieY be ti r tsh t '°t for th a t circumstance lam speaking of, D i y one Ap ti. !et t i I PPy Irel an d. I a sk why an Irishman is to to ya t „" f rlistati lii trently from Englishmen or Scotchmen ? hear.) Ne i 'a not that silly thoughtless creature which if of th e rita ke B u d Your plays have taught you to consider ord tva toil tf L 5 shrewd and sensible. Seven ventu re Peet oi th,,, i,, PPresaion have taught the nation to re „ were nie sol ' iit t n , na of the times, and when they see any pros iction 'Lei t 4i ng legal redress, they give up all other but 11 0 ellt ra on o . Which they at other times seek to better he co"' ItOd h 1 4rittloo, This is the cause why Whiteboy _(Hear .) r etet /rims l agitation never exist together. When Ire -(Heer4 'aye no grievances left, then Whiteboy out -, hear./ tin:it:l, 44, e, and agitation will cease. What new pr 0 0 ,, t4 'ae tti 'e for sending force to Ireland ? Has not every befli° , l tit'rgibeen already put down by bullets and bay tat t4 it, r , , N "Ps Ireland is not yet sufficiently oppressed. so 04 1 - e 'rltains 12,300 souls, of which 75 are Pro of crirOe ; ~ res t ' , .t no grievance that twelve thousand two hat Y e- Odd Catholics should pay tithes for the sup , it to 1, 1 , 1. 4 !,h!elerCy of these 75 Protestants? The Members entleoll I a‘t i , s atY's Government may call me agitator, and charg e ; t a lat, to my agitation the increase of crime, which he pe°P.t (trod ki k They forget that no Government ever agi :all far , f ' l •tst t ach as they have done. The increase of crime hail ed ° it 0 at t ,tesult of agitation but crime is the consequence been app nf our gri l evances, and agitation also as conteu'r of What care I for the sneers or taunts of cause ate - r-ord is mite atit, tt es i, (Ormelie)? If Ireland continues to have it I say it P"^ think myself bound to agitate, and I will 3t . , :Ott , a third Algerine Act should be passed. If you gs hto , , , instead t its -nen, then indeed, and then only, you put an ha d the t "fa i t4 t t a j i a a ! i , td ti°n ; but if you should attempt it, it will o f the Pt ett lti, u° many a long year before you will be able itiatio° they, tt ati g r ,: l ex ecution. We contend for liberty, and to be l , 4t l w. :lea from those who seek our blood. The ire to a ß ll ins,, at, be n e n u atanding the many calumnies with which etary or eticg Y % Npi„ . assailed , are an honest, a moral, and a reli crease t ° "t \v"li t ` There is snore religion in Ireland tb,n in only , bati hitch not excepting that of the Noble Lord. Even cana rt °° Y out r the onlf t t h a , rages are no proof of any bad trait in the sensation, 2 thjik t _racter. My countrymen will never, in any bo r.) `ne V toa c ontrary to that character ; but I will present r ' !a I N ,: app o e , such a catalogue of grievances as will justify for It i 0 thN ' li ng to them whether if these be continued, :, ~ Istlre. arks gi t 44 h .._ Jor d 41 7 not a right—is not bound to agitate. First, bad d o ne ... Let I ;:hi tt.. these grievances, we have to complain of a ma who° 't 04' 14 0 ',fleeted by feeling or religion with the people. it f o re( 4 1. Palle, for a moment, that this were the case in Ireland' f .g 4 )h o 00 w would Englishmen brook a magistracy of one. Pi e *et tlf E 1 dunconnected the pe°- e „ e , ith ng an had a gentry by iba ,,, to eo 4 t e ,, o tt ed " people, from whom all her magistrates the alt) ; suppose the power of enforcing her laws to l e tn d h t , Y s ppY renchinen, what indignation would not he whet s r.tes o t ,a,el,,,rc° would they be resisted ? It is true that ,teSL r °l°' AN II : lei n, ;';' Passed with a view to protect the poor in ,etoeg . s us° 'p y ‘re t . 'ee on the part of magistrates, but these .„isfr' ally 'hes - ! u rned so many forms. and been subject to so e "" the be e t tle' 'bons want , _ I. a that no action could possibly be success hi 00 'ee l , "at h"ed against a magistrate by a poor man. I er, G, a ati lades- Ir 0 you long in proving this. I have ndigna ti° -"el t „ in my argument by the Right Hon. i n ; u rioc er ti,:, o the opposite side. It was part of their of .J rne ,11, 4 %1 1 ,,Ze t While in opposition ; they always promised eel ; e ver) e ls 'ing 11 1 :44 m ° he redressed when they came into power. t ° 'riti "cters went to Ireland, the last words the fan' l i ff - aed to Lor 4 gn a t °u th him were, " Attend particularly to the napare d c ,k . "e itt 4 4y m e Magistracy." What was the result ? A , •••atl loli ta . s ty "gistrates were certainly struck off the list ; :custorDea; Ivo 0 l' t tik r p, W ho Were dead were struck off; a great many a d h nt ta, to e ti re struck off; and, lastly, a great many im af ?O l t Ofll i t , I °4. certainly were struck off; but this did f tate Ohl h The improper persons—those who had '' iasO • G,:ta s ' o - r t and others—wereslaeedily reinstated. They r iou t' i i - ns 4 pZal }- 3 - 11 7,Le Castle. It appeared from the evidence th e th h t a,l?t tle 4 e, that an excuse on another t o for , 8 frbro° ,s 4 4 11 % I ` ) •' &l3 Alagistracy was, that the period for renew voat se e p , s ,Nt,,,"•os it fl at hand, it would be better to have tln rr ' zi eth it l • F e , at that time. In short, the Right Hon. • thi°g t i t Da r io th,'" i na!‘l'in, l t eian d had done, during his administration, all ps rf .‘ , , 1 1; a„ Partiese had succeeded in making them oi „, ht Jlo v , f the lats tats,t all of them concur in one thing— ``ostild one ate,,ty, their hatred towards him—they all join s that j o i e Pt,,Nd Prits e i', h as , probably, been sent to Ireland on d ° a to 'eli t kav ern P, l o as the Earl of Kildare, who, "as no at dole°„; a ga i n 4 :l4 4 Of th u ", was sent to govern Ireland." The rill o y tep t th e i top Magistrates in Petty Sessions gives them Aau d, be/ ea c h 05 1, p oil U r n itY for every act of oppression exercised t i t to P r i or ing, t ,'N t ' l t 01 • Their deeds are not the acts of an in /0 li ot , "e t Ns t , t he Board—and they are sure to support erns. „ tt th at las o f "; u ndr' 'rh o 4 poor man bay no means of obtain tee, th, 1 5 , ae timing s may to some Members of this avo ro tt a „ D. tee Pe t . Pliear trivi l • but to those who are oa f • Is c l it dti on . a ' w itb Only t tlo t , sti ll or such laws they are matters of vital • toll ° sh more so when we consider that the his 0 ,4, 1 n Pett y tal, , os e , a non , e of ,Of v Magistrates has been extended, not . 01 0 4 , , en s , 11, a , ters, hut to trying the titles of the forV tie r) 41: : 15 1 1 • 1 4 p th c . r • The Trespass Act has been made ott y • 00 1 "'at ic t i o '!dr4, Power. I may be told that the poor :ice to e' a al, g i . 'lip t , Pl aß po u Y application to an equitable jorisilic ye bee° °i° Pay th; t ras,, '44 a sse asion ; but I know a poor man who s tbe h rl or j s t 't ini oot eh i t ata, t n Proceeding. It is true the statute says E a gli", - , o l' 4 , Very I k e, ti n f 1 4 ," try rights; but a poor man cannot that )/• T her e 'ato r , ev Ido not accuse all the Magistrates " 161 4 - 0 ‘ 4 4 , a PPoisZ i e 3i !,rni " a a majority of them ; but Ido accuse ble ! I PPoie te 4 tip etd , v ery influential class among them. b a. .oe b he re , 4 e to ia rY Magistrates in Ireland who are es a3t ri t / bein g !e o a nti meet, and out of these Lord Anglesea njo i s tr: r iif's still t° Cath o ,',o "t one of them was a Catholic. !rable ' t t tioa? amt ne, wub-Inspetors of Police, only one oc ° roe,.ith such a Alagistracy, if suffered °' ° Of th e la g of oat ,h. ther , 0 1 , c ry t .' s td e not ground enough for agita ,er. the cry avls en. ef ertn °fl looked with anxiety to the first Lo thi s e d parliament. Oh ! what will be Oth ef f ° c rdeZ d 301-la, brutal and bloody speech shall be read an 0 : oy e " 0 1° ,(i ; tIb tniO, S ELL rose and begged speak to to pl dro i° that the words made use of by the Honourable and Learned Member were disorderly, and begeed that they might be taken down. Mr. O'CONNELL—If the words I have used are die orderly, I am ready to disclaim the use of them.—(Hear.) I will not persevere in doing anything which can give any one an opportunity of taking advantage of me. I will sink and humbly my voice, I will use lady-like words, " With bated breath and whispering humbleness," I will siy that it is not 4 bloody sp. , ech, but does the Noble Lord object to the word " brutal ?" Lord JOHN RUSSELL—I do not object to any words the Hon. and Learned Gentleman may have used, with respect to an address proposed in this House; but I do object to his using the words " bloody speech" as applied to a speech which his Majesty has delivered from the throne.—(Cheers.) . . . Mr. O'CONNELL.—This raises a constitutional question, from the discussion of which I shall not shrink. The Noble Lord is more conversant with the usages of the House and the privileges of Parliament than I am, and if I am wrong I will not persevere, but if I am right, I shall do so. I have always understood that it was a constitutional privilege for us to argue upon the speech from the throne, as upon a speech of his Majesty's Minis ters. If I am bound to treat it as the speech of his Majesty, no one will speak of it with more respect or decorum than myself ; but if I may treat it as the speech of his Majesty's Ministers, I say that the words I have used are not harsh enough. I beg to know from you, Sir, how the matter stands. Mr. SPEAKER—Since I am appealed to, I must say the view of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman is the constitutional view, and that the speech delivered by his Majesty to both Houses of Parliament is a speech for which his Majesty's Ministers are responsible. That, however, appears to me quite beside the question of order. I put it to the Honourable and Learned Gen tleman himself, and to the whole House, whether, inas much as our orders are founded on decency, de cency can be maintained, when such epithets are applied either to a speech of his Majesty's Ministers or to one of his Majesty himself. Mr. O'CONNELL said that the point having been decided as he had expected, the reproof, if it was one, was most gratefully acknowledged by him. He was now coming to another delicate point, and what he had to say upon it would perhaps convince the Noble Lord, and those who had laughed with him, that he was a little too flippant in imputing the evils of , Ireland to agitation. The matter upon which he was about to speak was the bench of Ireland. Was the administration of justice in Ireland in a state in which there was nothing to complain of? Was it not well known, that for 20 years the patronage of the Bench in Ireland had been invariably exercised with a reference to political opinions ? Was it not well known, that during that period all those who signed petitions in favour of the emancipation of the Catholics, by that act virtually ex cluded themselves from office in Ireland ? Was it not well known, that if any man had so declared himself the friend of Catholic Emancipation, he was compelled to make the amende honorable before he could stand the least chance of forgiveness? When the Irish people saw all this— when they saw that although their Judges could not be rewarded in their own persons for their political bins, they were rewarded in the persons of their sons or their ne phews—if by such means they saw that the Judges, although they could receive no direct increase of their incomes, received the indirect increase, which the saving of the money which they must otherwise have expended in the support of such sons and nephews occasioned, it was quite impossible that they could have any confidence in the administration of justice in Ireland. (The Hen. and Learned Gentleman here alluded to several instances, but we were unable to collect his statements with sufficient accuracy to venture upon stating them). Adverting to the appointment of Mr. llogberty to the office of Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, he observed, that that Learned Judge had, except in one or two c ises, conducted himself with more propriety than any Judge on the Bench. But it was absurd to talk of the in dependence of the Judges in Ireland. They might he in dependent of being operated upon by fear ; they could not be struck off the list ; but they were not independent of being operated upon by hope, they were not independent of the expectation of reward, if not in their own persons, in the persons of those who were immediately connected with them. There would be no confidence therefore in the ad ministration of justice in Ireland, unless it were an esta tabli-bed principle (there might beno harm perhaps in ex tending the principle to England, although, as he had not sufficient knowledge of the facts, he would abstain from saying any thing on that point) that there should be no indirect modes of rewarding the Judges in that country as those which were at present resorted to ; that there should be no employing in the public service their sons and rela tions, who would not be employed in any other service ; that there should be no conferring on such persons a great deal of public money, while requiring from them a very small amount of public labour. Another cause of complaint in Ireland to which he would now advert was the jury system.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Was it supposed that the people of Ireland were contented with the existing system on that subject? The Noble Lord opposite had promised them last year that they should have a Bill on that subject similar to that which had been passed with reference to England seven or eight years ago. That promise, how ever, had been broken. And why ? Should he be told that the measure was not as necessary for Ireland as it had been found to be for England ? Why, therefore, had it not been given to Ireland ? Was it not as desirable in Ireland as in England that juries should not be composed of partisans? For seven years, however, Ireland had been left in the state from which England had been rescued ; and when Last year the poorest boon that could possibly be imagined, a mere prospective measure had been introduced, in spite of the promise of the Noble Lord opposite, even that petty mea • sure had been thrown out in the House of Lords. At present the clown lawyers had absolutely the power of se lecting the individuals of whom the juries were to be com posed. He was a living witness of the fact, and could prove it incontestibly. He could prove it in the case in which, although a man who had committed no offence was driven down to the ground by four or five lancers, it was denied that they had committed even an assault. Let the House consider what an enormous political power was conferred by the existing system. The sheriff returned the panel ; and although by a statute the power had been taken from the Crown under certain circumstances peremp torily to challenge, the Crown was allowed to set aside in. dividuals until the whole of the panel had been gone through ; by which means it in fact enjoyed all the benefit of a challenge. Never was any practice carried to a greater extent than this practice of selecting juries was carried by the Crown Lawyers in Ireland. The indecent use of their privilege in that respect had filled the country with affrigh'. Who had been the foreman of the jury by whom Mr. Costello had been convicted in Ireland ? An individual who had been much before that House. After adverting to several instances in which this practice had been carried to a most scandalous extent, the Honourable and Learned Gentleman said he would proceed to other grievances. One of the most prominent was, the severe Star Chamber sentences which had been pronounced in Ireland.— (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Was it not enough, for instance, that the proprietor of the Waterford Mail had been sent to gaol, and sentenced to pay a heavy fine, hut must the working printer also be punished 7' Was not this oppression ? In agitating Ireland on the subject of the tithe system, his Majesty's Government in that case had run before the agitators. Public meetings on the sub ject of tithes had been put down as conspiracies. Every body knew the vague notions of what constituted a con spiracy which had been held by high legal authorities. The opinion which had been maintained on that point by Lord Ellenborough had since been overruled by other Judges ; for on these subjects the Judges seemed to make the law. But, not satisfied with actual conspiracies, individuals had been indicted in Ireland for enticing persons into conspi racies. And in one instance a person had been tried on an indictment for being present at a public meeting tend ing to a conspiracy. Was this the course which would be pursued by a Government wishing to possess the frater nal affection of the people? To indict people not only for a conspiracy, but for enticing persons into a conspiracy, and for attending a meeting tending to a conspiracy,— the conspiracy itself being all the while a constructive offence ! No such thing could ever be attempted in this country ; but any thing was thought good enough for Ireland by this reforming Government! Another great evil under which Ireland laboured was the Grand Jury system.—(Hear, hear, hear.) They had been told it was to be remedied ; but he did not know how. The evil was, that a class of men, appointed by the sheriffs, had now the power of taxing their neighbours, without those neighbours being represented.—(Hear.) One of the consequences of this system was, that the roads in those parishes and baronies in which the grand jurors resided were kept in high order at the general expense; while they were altogether neglected where there were no rich residents. The grand jurors had power over a full sixteenth of the landed revenue of Ireland. The taxa tion in question was imposed by persons selected by the Sheriffs ; and such a batch of Conservatives as had this year been appointed by the Government had never before been witnessed. What was the fact with respect to the office of Sberiff? That only one Catholic gentleman had been appointed to that office, while it bad been filled by nine tenths of the Protestant gentry in Ireland. Was not that a great grievance? It had been admitted to be so even by the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite; for he had talked of applying a remedy to it. And yet with such a grievance in existence the Right Hon. Gentleman and others talked et - agitation. Why impute to agit itors the discontent for which there was sn abundant a cause with out them? By these grand juries the people were taxed without being represented Now that no man should be taxed without being represented, was a great fun damental principle of the Constitution. Still, how ever, his Majesty's Government persevered in their course ; and still they would persevere, until they had driven Ireland to despair by such " triumphant miijat ities" as they no doubt would have that night. Another great grievance in Ireland was the lay corporations. Was not that a great grievance? Would not the Right Hon. Member for the University of Cambridge anew that it was so ? That Right Hon. Gen tleman would, lie was sure, concur with him in opinion on that point. He would concur with him in thinking that the enormous monopolies created by these Lay Cor porations were a great grievance. Look at the Corpora tion of Cork. That Corporation had at its annual dis posal no less than 74,0001. ; a sum greater than the whole civil expenditure of the United States. It was exclusively a Protestant Corporation. So it was with the Corpora tion of Dublin. Talk of the bigotry and exclusiveness of the Catholics l—Let them show him a single Catholic body which had exhibited so much bigotry and exclusive ness as these Protestant bodies. There were none such. For forty years Catholics had by law been admissible iuto these Corporations ; hut during these forty years not one had been admitted,. The Penal Law had been repealed ; but the bigotry and exclusiveness of individuals had sup plied its place. What was the consequence ? The Cor porations appointed the Sheriffs, the Sheriffs selected the Juries; so that in Dublin all great State questions, and those having reference to taxes or property, were determined on exclusive principles. Was all this nothing? Was it not a fact that the persons appointed Sheriffs, were obliged to drink a certain toast as a pledge of their conduct? He (Mr. O'Connell) had drank the toast—(A laugh)—but he had not drank it in their sense ; and he hoped that in the sense in which he had drank it, it would be unceasingly drank in Ireland. But in all that he had been describing, was there nothing to complain of ? He did not sly that he attributed all these evils to his Majesty's present Go vernment. Although the Whig party in all times were more deeply stained with political offence towards Ireland than any other party in the State, yet the Members of his Majesty's Government were not responsible for any but their own acts. But when they called for more power, they, by that act, adopted all the crimes of their predecessors. Instead of calling for fresh power, let them do justice to Ireland.—(Hear.) Let them pull down the demand for the repeal of the Union by showing that that repeal was unnecessary to the prosperity of Ireland. Did they make any such attempt ? No, they called for cannon—for horse ; they filled their arsenals—they de• manded greater powers. The next grievance of which he would complain was the armed police in Ireland. By the maintenance of that police, the Irish Government had stained itself with blood. The question was, first, whether a police ought to he armed. It might be necessary on some particular occasion that they should be armed, but they ought not to continue so. Yet this force, so armed, was constantly augmenting. Where the police were exposed to any violent attack, they ought to be prepared to meet it ; but were deadly weapons to form a part of their daily dress? Was there to be no market or fair in Ireland with out the presence of an armed police? What was the consequence of such a system ? That the slightest and most accidental opposition to the police in Ireland was punished with death. In England the constable had only his staff, but in Ireland he had his musket and bayonet; and any man who, in a state of drunkenness, or in the pressure of a crowd, offended him, was punished with death. But he knew how little many Hon. Members cared for Irish blood, and with what sovereign contempt they listened to these statements. He would repeat, how ever, that to arm a police with deadly weapons, and, instead of apprehending and prosecuting a violator of the public peace, to punish him on the spot with death, was a gross and horrible outrage. Nothing could be more dangerous than the army of yeomanry in Ireland ; it tended to the increase of crime. Now, though crime had increased in Ireland, it had not arrived at its earn& It had been restrained by the strenuous advice of the calumniated agitators. The armed yeomanry had, how ever, been increased from twenty-two thousand to thirty_ one thousand, and what had Since happened? That the Catholic population in the North of Ireland had armed themselves. The country was in consequence a volcano. A tremendous force was prepared to enter upon a servile war. The Catholics were adopting this measure in their own defence. He was ready to mention to his Majesty,: Ministers the name of a Magistrate who, in the course of last week, had seen a secret meeing of a thousand Catholic peasantry, well armed, in the north of Ireland. This dis• position was spreading, and would spread widely. How did his Majesty's Government meet this evil ? By going on with the system which created it ; by detnanding greater poweive Did they think that any powers they could ob tain would meet such an evil ? Did they think that any Act of Parliament would have the effect of dii solving the secret meetings to which he had been adverting ? Did they think that the Catholic peasantry would be induced by any money, by any temptation, to betray their cause ? They demanded power to put an end to these evils ; and they prevented the agitators from putting an end to them, and from restoring peace and happiness to Ireland. He scorned to ask the House to disbelieve the calumnies heaped upon the agitators in Ireland; but this he would tell them—that they might gag those agitators with their Algerine Acts ; they might send them to prison by sus pending the Habeas Corpus, they might shed their blood on the scaffold : under that scaffold the Catholic peasantry would assemble, as they were already assembling in the north of Ireland ; and would prepare to engage in a ser vile war of the most dreadful character. A revolution would be effected ; not a moral revolution, not a political revolution, but a sword revolution. In the mean time, what were his Majesty's Government doing ? Endeavour. ing to put down public meetings in Ireland. Had any meetiog taken place in that country half so numerous as the meeting at Birmingham? With one exception, there had not been a single breach of the public peace at those meetings. Yet against those peaceable meetings his Ma jesty's Government had commenced a crusade. He would ask the Hon. Member who bad seconded the address with a modesty of manner which did him great credit, whether he really thought more power ought to he given to men who had shown so much anxiety to suppress meetings at which there had been no violation of law —at which no assault had been committed—but which had quietly separated, on being required to do so ? He would venture to express his perlect conviction, that if the Hun. Gentleman to whom he alluded knew Ireland as well as lie (Mr. O'Connell)knew it, that Hon. Gentleman would he an infinitely stronger agitator than he (Mr. O'C ) was. Although he knew it was in many cases absurd to say, post hoc, propter hoc ; yet it was an undoubted fact, that whenever agitation ceased in Ireland, crime had extended itself—and that whenever agitation was extended, crime had ceased. Some great and crying grievances in Ire land remained to be enumerated. Was the Vestry Cess no grievance ? Was it no grievance that seventy-five Protestants in a parish should have the power of punish ing, by taxation, twelve thousand Catholics? Was it no grievance that the Catholic inhabitants of a parish ten miles from Waterford, in which Lord Duncannon was the only Protestant resident, should be thus treated ? In the parish of St. Andrew's, in Dublin, the Protestant Vestry had made an additional allowance of 3001. a-year to two Protestant curates. This was a violation of the law ; and the order to that effect having been brought before the Court of King's Bench, was quashed. But what was the result? That at the next Vestry a rate was levied on the parish for the payment of the costs of the trial, and the order for the allowance was repeated. Thus the matter remained ; the Catholic parishioners finding that it would be less expensive to consent to the illegality than to dis pute it. Such were the acts which his Majesty's Go vernment required additional powers to enforce. Let them fist do justice. Why should the Catholics be com pelled to pay Protestant clergy? Why should the Ca tholics be compelled to build Protestant churches? Before the ascendancy of tie Protestants in Ireland, there was a superabundance of churches in that country; but the Pro testants had sold them, or let them go to ruin ; and now they called upon the Catholics to repair the consequences of their neglect and misconduct. Was these any agitation equal to this? Look at the temporalities of the Church, and say if anything could be more monstrous—if any effect of agitation could be so pernicious as this system ? The living of the brother-in-law of Earl Grey had been esti mated to bring in nearly 30,0001. annually ; there were 96,000 acres of ground belonging to it. Was this paid by members of the Church of England ?—(Hear, hear.) No ; the Presbyterian and the Catholic—worshippers in a different form, were compelled by this most monstrous system to pay this divine. They were eight millions, and there were one million of Protestants, at least it was said so. Well, there might be one million, but he did not be lieve it. Was it to be borne that they were thus to be treated? What he wanted to know was this—was the Church to be cut down.—(l.oud cries of" Hear.") They were agitators, it was said, but their agitation was of a clear character—it was of a different sort to that which was the real source of the distress and the insubordination, and the what not. He did not know that it was distill. guisbed by two epaulettes--(Hear)—or by troopsto cut down the people. Force was the cry. This bad ever been the Government conduct. For 48 years let it be remembered, force had been unceasingly talked of to Scotland ; but Scotch broadswords were unsheathed—Scotchmen knew ' their rights—they rallied—they united—they struggled.— and they succeeded.—(Cheers.) He did not ask for supre macy; he w 'rated no supremacy then, and if talked of I ere • after, he would resist it—(Hear) —but he did strongly con tend against, the present unfair and harassing system, an I insisted on its abolition.—(Hear.) Did not the Ministers promise it ?—( Hear, hear.) Then let th-m do it. H• (Mr. O'Connell) wanted to know, were tithes to con tinue ?—( Hear, hear.) He wanted to know, was there • anything in agitation so vicious as that system? The Turks even, cruel and harsh as they were, despised such oppression towards the Greeks : they never insisted on their support of the Mahornetan faith. The Ministers, however, of England were worse than the Turks. He meant to detain the House a little longer on the subject of absenteeism. When speaking of crime, he wished they would look to absenteeism—to the rents that were con stantly going out of the country. Would they litigate that? He would tell them they could not. Did Ministers wish to push them on to a servile war ; would they com pel them, with the devotio❑ of a Falkland, to join crimi nals b,cause greater criminals were arrayed against them? They called out " force." Why not begin ? Why not postpone the threat, and do justice to Ireland ; anti then, if agitation continued, if insubordination showed it• self in midnight plunder and outrage, call out for " force." Wait for this—try it, and then, if it failed, take the excuse, and he would support the cry.—( Hear, hear.) He wanted nothing but justice for Ireland, and justice this country had never rendered to her. That speech which had been delivered was a prototype of one in the reign of Elizabeth, when Raleigh slaughtered the garrison of Merbick. The cry of power had ever been the cry of this country—and under it were com mitted those English crimes which were written in the blood of Ireland. Strafford, the prototype of the Hon. Gentleman, acted otherwise ; he confiscated the property of two entire provinces in Ireland, and when Juries re fused to convict, he sent them for two years into Dublin Castle. In the reign of James the Second, eighty thou sand acres of land were forfeited in defending the right of his father. In the present day the same part was acted— , the scene was somewhat changed—the actors were different—but their conduct was substantially the same. There was no real amelioration—no change, nor any in tended, as was proved in that address which he had desig nated as bloody and brutal. What s he wanted was a General Committee, that that address might be duly con sidered and discussed line by line. If that were really a Reformed House—if justice to Ireland was really their object, they would not refuse it.—(Hear, hear.) Justice had not bee❑ done to Ireland by the Reform Bill. Ile strongly doubted if he had acted rightly in supporting so strenuously the English Bill. He bad received hints from several quarters upo❑ the subject. But he had supper ted it, and that unflinchingly. Ireland, in her Bill, was not used anything like so well as England. The blunders were solely attributable to Government. The Duke of Wellington took away the franchise; they (the Ministers) found that injustice when they came into office, and that they sanctioned it.—(Hear, hear.) It was no idle motive which made him anxious to introduce so many of his family into that House. He too well knew the in curable ignorance which there prevailed on the real state and wants of his country, and he was determined to tell them trumpet-tongued to all.—(Hear, hear.) The number of Re pealers returned would at least give the Government some insight into the sentiments of the people on that subject.— (Hear, hear.) He wanted a Committee of that House—he desired that that declaration of war with the people of Ireland should be modified.—(Loud cries of" Hear.") Let the Ministers give them a strong and emphatic declaration of intended jus. tice to Ireland--(Hear)—and if then they applied for force, he would support them. But the speech promised nothing.— (Hear, hear.) There were still several points untouched— there were the prosecutions, to which he would not then ad vert, and twenty other topics on which he could say much, but he would abandon the intention. He knew he spoke in vain— he felt he made appeals which would fall unheeded on their ears. He should now know of what that Reformed House was composed—he should see the high and independent Members for England voting for "more power." It was of no use his pleading before a Reformed Parliament in behalf of Ireland—it was vain lifting up his voice in her cause, for he was sure his answer would be a laugh at himself, and a laugh at his country. Were then the grievances of Ireland not real ? It was well known they were real, heavy, and intolerable ; and if so, was it not the duty of the Government to redress them ? He would defy any one who had heard his words—who had taken notice of his statements—to instance one case in which he had aggra. vated a grievance—(Hear)—and he would defy any one to find a people, look where he might, who had agitated, or who had been guilty of midnight outrage, of insubordination and reck less crime, without real grievances.—(Loud cries of " Hear.") He had done—he thanked the House for the patience with which he had been listened to they were the last hope, the last refuge of his country. To them he could only look for relief from the autocracy of the Right Hon. Gentleman; from that " sic volo, sic jubeo, stet pro ratione voluntas" to which his country was subjected. Whether Government was to be ad ministered by the Right Hon. Gentleman alone—whether all was to continue to be concentrated in his self-sufficiency they must decide. Seven centuries of misrule had been en dured by Ireland—Government had been carried on on no other plan than that of Tamerlane ; and the most outrageous cruel ties had been inflicted on a prostrate people. For himself, he (Mr. o.Connell) laboured under one calamity—that of a sup posed personal hostility to the Right Honourable Gentleman opposite. Had he, could he have any such feeling towards him ? They had never come together, and he denied any cause for such feeling, and its existence. His were public grounds. He looked at the accumulation of crime—at the quantity of blood increasing as it flowed in his unhappy country, and he still found him the Lord of the Ascendant, dictating to the Ministry the measures to be pursued. These things he wanted altered. He asked for the real grievances of Ireland to be redressed, and then he would go any lengths the 'Ministers might require.—(Hear, hear.) The Learned Gentleman con cluded by moving, as an amendment, for a Committee of the whole House to consider his Majesty's speech. Mr. COBBETT seconded the amendment. Mr. RICHARDS said, after the splendid exhibition of elo quence which had been displayed by the Honourable Mem_ ber for Dublin, he felt a considerable reluctance to address the House, which was not a little increased by the effects of indisposition. Still, under present circumstances, he should not feel satisfied in giving merely a silent vote. The Hon. Member for Dublin had complained of what was in the speech, but he rose to complain of what was not in it—not of an act of commission, but one of omission. He did expect that some mention would be made of the condition of the labqty_ ing and industrious classes, of their distresses and privations. He did not come there actuated by a spirit of paltry ambition —(A laugh)—by the mere desire of the empty honour of franking a letter, so valued by some Honourable Gentlemen --(Loud laughter)—but to do his duty to the people. He did expect that an early investigation would be made , into the causes which had brought on the labouring population a degree of distress unparalleled in the annals of the country. On their behalf he challenged that inquiry which could not be slightly passed over ; which their patience alone, under most distressing privations, imperatively entitled them to. He did not impute to Ministers any desire to refuse such investigation ; but separated as they were from the people —placed as they were from fortune and station so much above them, it might be doubted whether the condition of their humbler fellow-countrymen was sufficiently understood by them—(Hear, and a laugh)—for, may be, men in power know not at all of distress that may be prevalent, except from the populace breaking out into acts of violence. He should not vote against the address; he was actuated by no factious feelings towards 'Ministers— Laughter)—and came there disposed to support them, a',d intending to do so on every occasion that he conscientiously could do it.—(Loud laughter and interruption.) He appealed to the House — (Here the laughter, which had commenced with the Hon. Member's speech, and been only suppressed at intervals, be came loud and general. It was said to originate in some peculiarity in the Hon. Member's manner; but as he spoke from the bar, we could form no opinion of the cause of the mirth The Hon. Gentleman, advancing to the table, conti. need) —I really don't understand—(Renewed laughter)— The SPEAKER, in a kind tone, suggested to the Hon. Gentleman, that if he were consistent with the usual orders of the House, he would be less likely to be interrupted. Mr. RICHARDS was exceedingly indebted to the Speaker for explaining the cause of the laughter. He had frequently heard of his kindness, and he now found that what had been told of his courtesy and urbanity was founded simply in truth. --(Cheers.) Of the causes of the distress on which he was commenting he should not now eater, but should take the liberty of saying a few words on what had fallen from the Hon. Member for Dublin. It should be recollected that agitation was not the cause of grievances in Ireland, but the effect of those grievances. But his Majesty's present Ministers were not chargeable with them. They could all recollect number. less acts of insubordination and outrage before the present Ministers entered upon--their functions, and, therefore, to taunt them on that head was neither fair, just, nor right. The Hon. Member for Dublin grounded his appeal for repeal on the injurious conduct of the people of this country to wards Ireland. He knew from experience that the Irish were a in s m g a a l n l a y n t t h , i g n e g i s i e t r h o e u y s ;, he were p m i t o a r b e l e, o p n n d a n d t h e o l l s e p c i t t u a b a e a_s E ( A n g l l a i s u l g i mh laugh)— en, , but it was not fair to ground the evils under which she laboured on any supposed injustice of this country. The grand evil was the want of poor laws.—(Hear.) So far the conduct of Eng. land had been one series of acts of generosity.—(Cheers and l a ughter.) In proof of which he would read a few statistical de tails. The Hon. Member then went on to show, that since the Union the amount of exciseable articles consumed in Ireland had most largely increased ; and, as it was admitted that their consumption was a proof of the increased comfort of the people, he could not but consider that fact as a proof that Ireland must now be in a better state than it was at that period. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman opposite had said a great deal about the ill-usage of Ireland by the people of this country—(No)— well then, by the Government; and this complaint of ill-usage was added to a complaint of neglect. He, for one, was ready to take his portion of any obloquy that might be cast on the Government for their conduct during the last two years. — (Hear, hear.) He denied that Ireland had experienced either ill usage or neglect from the Government during that period. On the contrary, Ireland had received from them every at tention. Her interests had been promoted, and every means had been taken to alleviate the sufferings of her people. Large sums of money had been voted by the Parliament to the different public charities of the country, The Honour. able Member stated the various charities, and the sums that had been destined for their use, and among others he mentioned the Lock Hospital, the allusion to which created some laughter in the House, He then recurred to the statement about the consumption of exclseable articles, and particularly referred to those of tea, coffee, and sugar; all of which were rather luxuries than absolute necessaries of life, and the use of which, in his opinion, proved an increasing degree of comfort among the people. Ile must say that it ap. peared to him too much, after all these facts, for the Hon. and Learned Gentleman to ascribe all the evils of Ireland to the Union ; and he believed that when the Hon. and Learned Gentleman did so, he fell into the vulgar error, asserting prop ter hoc good hoc.—(Laughter.) He repeated his opinion, that the measures of Ireland were not attributable to mistakes in criminal jurisdictions, or to the promotion of improper persons to the seats of justice, or to any of the numerous and multifa rious complaints which the Hon. and Learned Member was ac customed to detail to that House. It appeared to him that the evils of Ireland were mainly, if not entirely, owing to the want of Poor Laws—to the want of a demand for labour—that it was to these causes which he now stated that the crimes and outrages in that country were attributable, and not to any of those things to the account of which the Hon. and Learned Member had eloquently put them. The House would perhaps indulge him while he related an anecdote on this subject. In travelling (said the Hon. Member) recently from Liverpool to London, I met in the coach an Irish Protestant Clergyman. He told me that he was coming to take a house in the vicinity of this great metro. polis. I asked him why he did not remain in Ireland and discharge the duties of his situation there? He said that neither he nor his family could remain there in safety. I asked him why, and then he told me that he was an Irish Protestant clergyman in the county of Roscommon—that he held a living within seven miles of the town of Roscommon, and that it was a living of 400/. a year ; and he added, " but I do not get a shilling."—(Hear, hear.) I asked him if that was the cause of his leaving Ireland ? He said it was not, for that he had a small independent fortune; but he left it because he had been shot at twice.—(A laugh.) I asked him if he had strictly enforced the payment of his tithes, or done anything likely to render himself unpopular ? He said he had not; but that, on the contrary, he had endeavoured to do all he could to render himself popular—that he had established a dispen sary, and had frequently employed more than half his income in relieving his poor parishioners. I said that all this appeared to me perfectly unaccountable, and I asked him whether he knew of any cause of personal pique existing against him ? He said that there was none that he knew of—(A laugh)— but, said he, " I was riding with another clergyman, and we were both shot at."—(Laughter.) He then told me that only last spring twenty of his parishioners had called en him, and said that he had some nice potatoe land ; he said he had, and wanted to know if they wished to rent it ; they said that the potatoe land they meant was the piece of land in front of his house. " Aye, but," said he " that is my park for my cows." " Yes," said they, "but we want that for potatoe-land ;" to which he answered, " But you cannot have that, for I want it for my cows ;" but they re. plied, " That is the land we want, and we must have it ;" and the next morning, at a very early hour, he found that more than 100 men had assembled upon it, and before night every bit of it was turned up, and converted into land fit to receive potatoes.— (Laughter.) Ha applied to a neighbouring Magis trate, who said he could send a body of police, but asked at the same time of what use that would be? Besides this, he told me that three months ago his wife had received letters, stating that he certainly would be shot, in consequence of which she was taken with premature labour—(A laugh)—and suffered most severely. I asked him to what he attributed all this, and he answered to the Popish priests. I replied that I had often been in Ireland, and that a more virtuous body of men than the Popish priests I did not think could he found, and that I was convinced they never would have recommended such outrages on his property, or such threatenings of his life. At the same • . time I said that I should be glad if he would allow me to ask him what was the rate of labour in his neighbourhood? He an swered that it was fid. a day. " Sixpence a day," said I, " and can you expect to be free from outrage if such is the rate of labour ?" " Oh, but," said he, " they think themselves in heaven if they get 3s. per week, and look upon themselves as far from unfortunate if they get two days' labour." I said that after what he had told me, I was surprised that he could possibly attribute the acts of outrage he had mentioned to the Popish priests, and not see that they arose, in fact, from the want of a demand for labour, and from the wretched condition of the labouring poor. Atter all this, I say that the lion. and Learned Member's opinions, eloquently as I admit them to have been expressed, and though I am willing to give him every credit for honest intentions in entertaining them, are erroneous, and I am convinced that he is mistaken in what he conceives to be the causes of insubordination, and in attri buting to any list of grievances he has enumerated, and which he charges on his Majesty's Ministers, the evils that have prevailed in Ireland for years past, and the state of degradation in which that country is at present. I believe, on the contrary, that these evils are to be attributed to the causes I have mentioned, and that those causes themselves have been owing to the mistaken generosity of the Parliament of England in not giving Poor Laws to Ireland, and making the country gentlemen of Ireland bear a part of that burden which presses most unjustly and injuriously on the landowners and people of England.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The Hon. Mem. ber went on to say, that he would not, however, argue this question, ill-treated as we had been, after the generosity we had shown to Ireland upon that point alone, though he was convinced that there was no instance in which our generosity had been more misplaced than in suffering Ireland to be free from the payment of those poor-rates, which the English land owners and landholders had so long been called on to pay. If we wished for the tranquillity of Ireland, we must remove the cause of the disturbances ; and if we wished the agitation to cease, we must apply proper remedies. To apply those reme dies, we must trace those evils to their source. That was to be found in the want of demand for labour—in the want of a due rate of wages. Labour would be demanded, and the wages for it would rise, if Poor Laws were established, so as to take off' from the market the surplus amount of labour now thrown upon it. He repeated, that by such a measure the demand for labour would be increased, better wages would be paid, the labourer would feel he was enjoying the certainty of employment, and would be contented with his condition. He was sorry to have trespassed so long on the time of the House, but he felt that he had some right to complain of one part of his Majesty's speech. He meant no disrespect to his Majesty's Ministers, but he must say that in that speech they had not honestly brought forward the state of distress of the people of England, nor considered the anxiety with which the people would look to the result of the present deliberations, and the expectations they had formed that their complaints would be distinctly re ferred to—expectations which, he must say, the people of this country were justly entitled to have gratified.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. STANLEY—I am convinced, Sir, that the House will bear with me, while I trespass for as short a time as I can upon their attention in making a few observations, and that they will feel that in the duty I owe the Government, of which I am a member, it is impossible I should remain silent under the eloquent and forcible invective—for I cannot call it argu. meat of the lion. and Learned Member for Dublin.—(Hear, hear.) lam not surprised that the Hon. Gentleman who has just sat down should have entered Into those calculations, into whirls he has gone rather in answer to the speech which he expected might fall from the Honourable and Learned Member for Dublin, than to that which the Honourable and Learned Gentleman has actually made. I am not surprised that he should have anticipated that on a question like this, a question of the legislative union of the two countries, Great Britain and Ireland, which has been placed in issue by the speech from the Throne, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman who has held forth that the repeal of the Union is the only remedy for the evils of Ireland, that within twelve months a Parliament shall be held in Dublin, that that alone would re lieve Ireland and press the Sassenach—(" No," from Mr. O'Connell)—" No," does the Zion. and Learned Member say? Will he deny that every syllable lie has breathed forth —that every word he has spoken—that every sentence to which he has given utterance, has had that for its object ?—(Hear, hear.) Will he deny, that with words of conciliation falling from his mouth, with the breathings of peace upon his lips, his speeches have tended to excite the feeling, that as long as Ireland is subject to a foreign yoke, there is no hope for her happiness, no chance for her peace, no possibility of her ele. vation from her debased and degraded state, and that ►n the repeal of the Union alone can she hope for these advantages, and shake off these evils ; and that in freeing herself from Saxon dominion was to be found her only hope for peace, tranquillity, and happiness ? I say that, after all this, we may well be surprised to hear such a speech as that which has fallen from the Honourable and Learned Gen tleman, especially when we come here and ask him to meet us before the assembled Parliament of Great Britain and Ireland upon this question of repeal, and we say, that with all the powers of the Government, and with all the energies of the people, without which the Government would be nothing— his panacea is one we will resist to the death.—(Loud cheering, and cries of " Bravo," in the House; some of the persons in the gallery were beginning to applaud, but were instantly checked by the officers.) I tell him, that it is one which, as the death-blow of the empire, we will resist—we will do so, as we wish to strengthen that empire at home and abroad—as we wish for united councils and enterprises—and as we wish, that whenever we are called on to exercise our strength, we may bring into operation the united strength of a great empire. As we wish for each and all of these things, and viewing, as we do, the repeal as the death-blow to the peace, the strength, and the security of the United Empire, we should be traitors to our country, if, with every means which the power and resources of this great country affords, we did noi ,my we will have no separation.—(Loud cheering.) When we call on the Hon. and Learned Member to meet us on this subject, he rises and addresses his speech less to those within than to those with Gui the House.—(Hear.) He makes the usual declarations, that the statement of the evils of Ireland is listened to with impatience, though .nothing can be more convincingly negatived than is that statement, by the patience with which the House has listened to the Hon. and Learned Member. Yet he tells us of a course of injustice ; he charges us with indifference in look. ing on the state of Ireland, and he enumerates a catalogue of grievances, no small portion of which the Government have an nounced their intention to meet and destroy.—(" No," " Order.") Feeling that he was without support—knowing that he had not in his favour any test of public opinion—that the voices of the majority of the Members for Ireland were not with him, the question has been evaded from first to last; and ,_- f r t 0 20L) "..,:':',.' er , •-: -. ,---1--. he who was within 12 months to have a Parliament in College ~, -: green, does not venture, when the question is proposed to bun, 41,s' ' ., ,i tr . ~' - o grapple With it in the Legislative Assembly of Great Britain. ~,. ' .e. e. , ' ._ —(Cheers.) I shall endeavour now shortly to follow the Hon. ‘ l' ' re!e -, - and Learned Gentleman in the charges he hareade; but 1 . . .'" . must first be allowed to say t hat there are stenb,sehich have M 1 come with no great grace from h im as an Ir li an, or as a Catholic, or as an individual, as to the neglect With which the Catholics of Ireland have been treated. H e w ill an far go with me as to admit the accuracy of that portion of the speech which describes the increase of crime and the insecurity of life and property. There has been an increase of burglaries, of robberies, and of murders. I will not read the catalogue, for I will not ask you to be lieve even that which is officially reported to the consti. tuted authorities. I cannot, however, omit to point out one or two counties in which the system of agitation first corn, inenced, in which it has not been put down by any extreme ap plication theeioiltoef.t;and I laa', and in the which atte a n g t i i t o a n of tior nowtshe Hu prevails to ilsto l t l is e e fullest enumeration lam about to make. The two counties are Kit. kenny and the Queen's Couuty. In Kilkenny alone, within the last 12 months, there have been 32 murders and attettipte to murder, 34 burnings, 519 burglaries, 36 acts of houghieg ot cattle, and the number of illegal notices and violent and se rious assaults, by which I mean assaults attended with danger to life and limb, has been 170: In Queen's- County the number has been even more. There hive been 60 murders or attempts to murder; burglaries, (i 26) maliciOus injuries to property, 115: of the fearful and serious assaults upon indlVldua t l i t htar,u ). lynobt l eab h res aL o e udt aa hi d ee e d o pb u oy t . thist:nhitincrease or enH c a a sioe t nn a 1. of i.a g i sn u d e ,i crimea ; t e I s i t i i y e n h , I believe which circus Lance ; ' that tains Itit a small portion of those acts of Vidlegiee which Learneds l s t r il h e: i G a s e n eehn d l i i ; s l eul t a , nafdnorimhii,:ilstileilent;occa'sonilty is, d cones have actually. been committed. These arc obly those w • have been represented to the police ; o.lse hundred, 4 re ds, amounting to twelve thousand pounds, have Isj: 0 cil , feredi be the Government, and of these two only have beet: c aimed. So complete is the system of disorganization—so fearful is the discipline of these marauders. So extensive is the con nexion of these disturbers of the public peace, that the victims dare not complain ; they are compelled to suffer in silence, and knowing the individuals by whom they have been attacked, to submit implicitly, and without a murmur, to the commands of those whom they know to have the means of death in their hands, and whom I can qualify with no lighter term than that of insurgents. This is the state of things in Ireland. Is it a state in which we can say that the law is respecte 1 ? I fear. d almost that we should be taunted by those who, in this House laic year, accused us of supineness, and that they should now charge the Government with not having used with etiftieiefit severity the powers they possessed. If that is a faith we must acknowledge ourselves guilty. We were willing to truet to the law the goinge;vt i o bl se h , y o ot p i n : d t i h iteh a r t ep i el t at uw w . a : s wd a e d i s e adequate do t cn o coa i t t s s i to p i nl u l e r td p h o eb s y e l a s sa : a eo r . s o d tvr e k e ri n nn e i : i ye r i s i t i t call for extraordinary powers. But placed as we are, even taking the description of the Hon. and Learned Member him self as to the state of the Catholic population—a description he has studiously put forth, and in which he represents that pc, pulation as armed, and ready to enter into a servile war — (Hear, hear, from Mr. O'Connell)—a description which he now affirms by his cheer ; but, notwithstanding which, he tells us that we ought not to come down and ask Parliament for powers to suppress those disorders, till Parliament has re medied, of course to his satisfaction—(A laugh)—all those grievances of which he complains. Why, Sir, these grievances are too deeply seated to be remedied by one act of any Legiss ature, however willingly disposed to do so.—(Hear, hear.) But if you are called on to remedy these grievances, are yott to be called on to do so under the terror of a civil war, when life is threatened, property insecure, and anarchy prevails, qualified only by the despotism of some self-styled Liberal l'—= (Loud cheers.) To call on the British Parliament to remedy grievances in this state of things, is not calling on them to legislate, but to crouch in submission.—(Hear, hear.) The Honourable and Learned Member has said that he shall be sa. tisfied with a promise of redress of grievances, and that if that promise is made, he shall not refuse extraordinary powers. In the customary terms of speech, it is not possible for his Majesty to point out more clearly the grievances under which Ireland suffers. But has she suffered from these strider the Union only ? Are they evils of yesterday ? , Have they beeil inflicted by the English Parliament alone? Were there tic/ complaints, is. disturbances when a domestic Legislature swayed the power of Government in Ireland ?—(Hear, hear.) Were none of these evils originated by a Legislature, cor rupted, perhaps, by England, and ruled by her 'sower, and compelled to yield obedience to her authority, but existing in all the vigour of fancied independence ? Let the task of the remedy be undertaken by a British Legislature, not go verned, however, by those angry and party feelings'which the Hon. and Learned Gentleman so well conceals under that philosophy with which he addresses this House. Let the care of this Parliament be to examine substantive grievances, to remedy real complaints, but let them do this with 'sower in their hands, and let them amend the laws only while they possess the power of controlling those who live under them, and while the laws are obeyed so long as they are in existence.-- ;Hear.) The Hon. Gentleman who spoke last, told us an anecdote which excited much laughter among some Hon. Members, but which, if looked at seriously, is calculated to ex cite feelings of the deepest compassion, and to produce a clear conviction in the mind of every man, that the power of Eng land most be put forth for the protection of its subjects.-- (Hear.) Can Parliament hear with indifference that a clergy man, an amiable man, has had his property attacked, his life threatened, his peace disturbed, the happiness and security of his family destroyed, and all this not on the charge of endea. vouring to enforce beyond the law the rights to which by law he was entitled—not even for pressing for that which the law would afford him, but, on the contrary, after having exerted the utmost benevolence, and after having devoted one-half of his income in relieving the poor. I admit the evils of the system of tithes now existing in Ireland ; but is it conceivable that it should cause such a proscription of a humane and useful body of men, whose only crime is that they wished to live in peace with their neighbours? Yet this is the case with a body of men brought up in luxury, having the habits, education, and feelings of gentlemen, who have looked to their appointments in the Church as a provision for life, on which they have reared their families—on which they have insured their lives, and who have yet been obliged to beg their bread from their friends in consequence of this alarming state of things in the country in which they reside. If it be a crime to wish to protect such persons, I must certainly plead guilty, for I do wish to do it.—(Cheers.) It may be said that these attacks have been made by the lowest classes. I admit it. I admit, too, that these classes labour under the greatest difficul ties from high rents, and from a variety of other causes, for which the Hon. Gentleman who spoke last has suggested what he thinks to be a remedy, and that all these causes may have tended to induce sonic of these parties to join in these midnight outrages ; but it is not the less necessary to repress them, for if they have been committed by the lowest classes, they have also been committed upon the lowest classes. —(flsar, hear, hear.) It is not on the wealthy or the powerful, but on the orphan, the widow, the defenceless, the old, the blind, and the impotent, that are chiefly perpetrated these outrages, which would be disgraceful to a country in a state of half civilisation, and it is for the protection of those who cannot protect themselves that these powers which we now ask, and which I am confident Parliament will not refuse, are absolutely necessary for the defence of their life and liberty. —(Heer.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman says that all will be well if we give them agitation. Can he say that there has been none already ? Cats he lay Isis hand on his heart, and truly say, that he has given no advice which has led ignorant deople beyond the limits of the law ? And are we to suffer them still to lie misled into the commission of these outrages, when it is on those who are thus deceived, and not on those who deceive them, that the heaviest consequences of these dis orders always fall ? When Magistrates were held up as objects of dislike, and the police of every annoyance, provided it was legal—(A laugh)—when resistance to tithes was encouraged, provided it did not violate the letter of the law, and 10 or 20,0(0 men were directed to assemble to protect a tithe sale—that the sale might be no sale—(A laugh)—was it surprising that the lion. Gentleman's exhortations sometimes failed of effect, and that his victims sometimes expiated with their blood the conse quences of his advice ? It was not extraordinary that they should transgress the limits of the law, when distinguished lawyers were found to have been mistaken in their views of it.—(A laugh). The Honourable Gentleman opposite, under his own hand and signature—pledging also his pro fessional reputation to the soundness of his opinion-- had declared that - a letter tending to excite a combination against law, was - "not a treasonable violation of any law. Within three weeks a gentleman, himself a member of the bar, under the very statute rejected as quite inapplicable. in those very words, was indicted. The statute was that for which I received some praise from the Learned Gentleman list Session, because I had introduced an amendment of U— tile Whiteboy Act. The gentleman had the advantage of the Honourable Member's talents, and what was the advice he got from him? To plead guilty to every count of the in. dictment. Would he deny it ?—(Laughter, and hear, from Mr. O'Connell; I don't deny it, I admit it fully.) That great law authority was deceived, and his letter and conduct were utterly at variance. (Mr. O'Connell denied the state ment as to the letter.) The Honourable Member denies the letter; but I believe I could produce it this moment.-- (.t laugh.) The Honourable Member had next alluded to the selection of Juries in tithe prosecutions, and to the power which the Crown possessed of setting aside Jurors. I acknowledge the existence of the power ; but by whom was it used ? Why, by the Honourable Gentleman himself, at the prosecution of Sir G. Bingham. In Tralee four ptr sons were tried, three were found guilty by a Jury composed of nine Protestants and three Catholics ; and no man was set aside who was not charged with actual offences, for which those individuals were to be trie.l. The ver dict on the Gallant Officer I do not impugn ; I do not say that, situated as he was, he may not have overstepped the limits of the law. But what was the selection of the Jury there? It was composed of eleven Catholics.—(Mr. O'Con nell—" Ten.") I was given to understand that the number was eleven ; but be it so. There was one Protesfant, and 17 persons were set aside by the much-abused power of the Crown —(Laughter and hear.) This conduct called down the repro bation of the Judge (Judge Moore), as respectable and liberal . s an a man as any in Ireland. He declared that it " a . exhibi tion he had never raene b yv e it f ih o a r i 7 e , gdfl oe s witnessed,Catholics—(A dt i3O lifaconsr:;Aelti Ireland du i t g ht v ` i), ..._ a a s n : iladn g;° . ; :. abuse of the privileges of a prosecution. I will now go more at length into the charges against the Whig Government, who have worked w ne o v r e k r ed do rri n o e their predecessors.—(Hear, from the Opposition benches.) 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