The Sun. — London, England, 1830-02-24 00:00:00

in its ltera ,aired Itruc- le in- , meets !' the but i the ns of was ome its e " to rded lon , rd't that no ;bat gh§ Lion Hens ; and if ' , this were • 'the case, it became a serious question for their consideration,. how far the House of Cusmatona had any right to interfere. It was true that it Was within the province of Parliament to do any thane hut. h e very much doubted how far it would be justified in Meddling with what he strongly suspected ought to be l ooked upon as the prerogative of the Crown, in some thing beyond a mere matter of form. - Besides which, if e principle laid down by the Noble Lord (Lord J. Rue 'ell) were once admitted, .they would never be able to tell Where it was to stop. If Manchester, Leeds, awl Bir fniagham, were to receive the elective franchise, wily was it nit to be extended to Sheffield, GI isgow, Wolvet hemp km, and other places which he could name ? If an as-- tenthly of 60,000 manufacturers had a right to claim the Privilege of being represented, why were not bodies of 15 ,000 or of 1:4.000 manufacturers to lay claim to the same privilege? Or why, if the small county of Rutland "ill returned two Members, were not the more populous ottuntiea of Lancashire, Staffordshire, or Middlesex, to de mand the right of returning a greater number? Well, then, might the Noble Lord dread that the Sheffield peti tion which he held in one hand, was giving a blow to the till which he held in the other ! He therefore thought that the House was bound modestly, but firmly, to refuse c ompliance with a demand which appeared likely to be so en dless. .The forty-shilling freeholders of Ireland had been mentioned ; but it appeared to hits that that was not a case i n Point, f or th e d e p r i v ing men with so low a franchise of their vote, did not necessarily include the carrying the step any higher, or any further. What he was Inset surprised at 'n the s p eeches which he had heard delivered that even ing Was that no mention had been made of any evil or g r ievance.that called for the proposed alteration. If, then, t here were none of these, what danger could there be in le t tying the Constitution the same as at present? He knew that it had lately been stated, and he supposed that t hey would hear it again that night, that the House-of C ommons was inadequate to . express the opinions of the People. If by that they were to understand the expression allopinions that might arise in all seasons, he was driven t ° admit that they were not adequate for that ; but at the la me time' he would contend that it was reasonable to doubt whether the House of Commons had ever been nit to express those opinions in their extreme popular se nae---.(Hear, hear.) In his opinion it was not only ex cusable in, but incumbent upon Parliament to vote some times on the Unpopular side of a question; they were not there so much to represent the opinions, as to watch over the welfare of the country. He fully concnrred in the °Pittione so often stated, that the great amount of our taxes arose from war; but, said some Hon. Gentlemen, if the representation of the country were made entirely popular, all this would have been avoided. Now this he entirely de nied ; and, not to waste the time of the House with ar guments of his own, he would quote to them an opinion Which was at all times entitled to weight, but which on this subject, and among certain Hon. Members, ought to he particularly attended to. It was the opinion of the Noble Lord himself ( Lord J. Russell), who, in Decem ber, 1 819, had e xpressed himself on this point to the following effect : " I do not pretend to say (said the '"able Lord on that occrsion) that reform would Make our Government less inclined to war, which, it must be remembered, is the cause of our chief hurthens. A fondness for war is not the fault of a n oinarchical, but of a popular Government." The Noble Lord then went on to describe the number of popular Go vernments that had evinced this feeling, and added, " Such system could hardly continue even in the most despotic gate ; and it is only by carrying the feelings of the people With them that a free Governtnerat can lay on greater taxes than an arbitrary King." He (Mr. Twiss), there fore, trusted, that the House would be very cautious how they voted for a popular reform in the expectation of taxation being thereby reduced. Before the House voted for the motion of the Noble Lord, they should remember the grounds upon whiCh many Hun. Gentlemen proposed to support that resolution. They did so—not because they were satisfied with the extent of the motions—but be. cause, as t he.seconder.of the motion had candidly stated— he looked upon it as the first instalment of a debt, which ought long ago to be paid.. He thanked that lion. Gen tleman (Mr.. Wilbraham) for. that -statement;' and he trusted that the House would afford .it its due weight, be fore they came to the decision of voting in favour of a Motion so supported. Lord AIORPETII said the state of the country bad un dergone a great change within the last fewlears. The people were every day acquiring intelligence, and with that intelligence- they obtained moral power ; but it was the misfortune of the time, that while a great portion of th e country was thus advancing in moral power, it Waa retrograding in physical power. The people were becom ing snore enlightened; but they were at the same time be coming more distressed ; and when they saw the population of Sheffield petitioning, and those of Birmingham asso ciating, be.thought there were signs of those times in whichit was not quite safe to resist the just wishes and reasonable remenstrauces of those who now claimed a par ticipation in .the advantages of a free Representation....._ ( Hear, hear.)—A•Noble Relation of his bad proposed an amendment to the same effect as that which had been car ried in 1819. But the moment be heard those resolutions mentioned, he felt satisfied that they presented in them selves an insuperable objection to their being adopted. Since the time these resolutions were passed, they had dis franchised Grampound and Pcmaryn, and they were tardily Proceeding. to legislate with respect to East Retford ; but ton years h a d passed away in the interval, and he would ask, where were the Representatives of Leedi, of Man chester,, and of. ,Birmingham ?—( Hear, hear. )—ln his opinion the adoption of the amendment of his Noble Rela tion would lead to fresh delays and fresh disappointments ; and the- great question of a reform of the Representation which in tire present instance— wouldn decimum vestigia retulit annum " probably he allowed to rest altogether: or return under their consideration in the course of another ten Y. e ate•—(Hear, h ear .) —For his part, he was satisfied that the propositions-of his Noble Friend involved nothing rse et,e w in prin c i p l e , or inconvenient in practice, and he was stnined to give them his entire concurrence. No honest man Id I eons- lay his Land on his heart, and, looking at the aoaount of taxation, in the fifteenth year of peace, La..inadrets sincerely that in which a ll re d uct i ons were res i ste d , de that su c h t hi ngs could have taken place, if t h e representati on h a d been reformed. The character of l House, it should be recollected, did not stand very ingtbh ;i n r.tpr e inciples or their whichc ould justif y a opinions of the people. There was nothing refusal of the claims conduct of the petitioners, for these reasons he gave his cordial support to the Noble Lord's Resolution. Lord VALLETORT looked on the motion of the Noble Lord,hatwithi the advanced guard of those Reformers, who very little address made a violent and ill-directed assault on a former evening, against all the political in stitutions of the count r y [S tms of impa tience be- Ilan at this m oment to . —I manifestrem ° selves on te Opposi .9on aide o f t h e House, and the Hon. Member was from o'n.ts atise audibl e only at intervals through the remainder s i r h i s • speech' Ile s a id h e perce i ve d t h at t h e a d vocates ofloss i discus s i on were at all times disposed to exhibit their t , by sileneirer all these who were disposed to i vith th em ; butlie was not to be put down in that 4rl'l m ' the attempt with him would fail. Those ''' ji,tune the re as the representatives of the people, re a ,s 1 " s oniething to ti c kl e t h e ears o f th e i r const i tuents , tli e y h a d not this question they must get some other. rived fl not wean to say th a t th ere wou ld b e no b ene fit de fruro satisfying- men's minds-( Hear, hear)—but he 1uen,,,1% contend, notwithstanding all the fine-spun argu th sistie . they b a d b ear d , that Reform would produce no i ufthk „ g' ol.— (Hear.)—Adverting to the declaration lik ed It umn• M em b er fur Westminster (Hobhous e ), that he that W . 4 ' 4 4 Gover nmen t, lie (Lord Valletort) must say e a .. We 1 on th e stiong one, although those who wed to n th t ir wi t; i t i r e e lt at t l i t ,e3 nt l ig n l ig have n a 7 o o n l ;; je w ct i i t o h n th to em a in tl 7:7/;vee n): co urse.—(lleir, hear, and a laugh.)—lle re -1,, 4,1 ~,awever, that he liked a strong Government, and and lie hsjiu'llY well a strong and consistent Opposition, erent course of king i , ed to see the House return to that state, instead divided into a number of parties, all taking a dif . Dr. I.lt st lIN GTON said, that an experience o f twenty irtl veggies f° P soave e n that House had strengthened all .his early ift" 1 1). Let respecting the propriety of Parliamentary Re the Go n nY man look at the ini-erable condition in a: House pv,ernment of this country was placed—with Whether they i ng the Catholic re 4 1 / v ni nons constituted like the present one. convinced of the propriety of conced ilinent tv'eY sity of eeono thy, Claim,, qr disposed to yield to the neces son or ar g were obliged to rely, not on the rea number of B orou "'elt would carry conviction, but ou the means induc e to le a-holders whom they could by any 14 . 9 ., mine when l them support. The time, however, as a realoulefoniau could assert tile antiquity , of an f'f e P -#O44S the " its continuance. Alterations had they 4, oe :e whole system of our laws; and were 000 s . h . at a system of representation, framed j a t i paes to , i 77. kat abases which had been acknowledged the tame titrislijiO4:"" 4"d a boroogh two Charles—and when at it was then, te• Qr They must either" at;miltent'lataint uttip'eti:yurcerbpeilsaeiiettadititouln'neapiTeirzt)eehdaa?ts of it shotild • remai n as it' • ur the Present is if it is contended drat bad toldniteliel two periods m, diffelin':t Piesent ; fur how can it suit chejlea ( 13 roughatu) 11 0 1 , 7b w e o r r f , e 4 r Win told powerful than thirty sentences, that the tehool master was abroad.—(Hear, hear. )—Could they send him home again? Could they blind the people now._ .(Hear, hear.)-11i4 course .was as certain as that of the arrows from the bo.r, and as irrevocable.—(Hear, hear.)— There was no greater evil in the present state of the re presentation than that it had deprived the great landowners of the country of the just and legitimate influence which they ought to possess in proportion to their property, and had driven them to corrupt boroughs. Were it not.for that, they would have the influence they ought to have, Although they would not return mere nominees to the House, their recommendation in the representation of counties would have the weight to which it was entitled. The Noble Lord had referred to the influence possessed by Government in that House during the Administration of Lord North. But let it be recollected to what a dreadful state of degradation and ruin the Administration of Lord North, by the aid of that influence, brought the country. It was true that the means by which corruption was ef fected had been changed. Formerly it was effected by payments in cash ; of late years it had been effected by payments in places. It had been asserted, that no prac tical inconvenience had ever• been suffered by any great town, from its not being specifically represented in Parlia ment. But was that true? Was it true that neither Bir mingham, nor Manchester, nor Leeds, had ever suffered any inconvenience from not being represented in that House ? lie was old enengh to remember the time when the town of Birmingham suffered a great and direct incon venience from not having any representative in that House. 1 He alluded to the year 1812, when, in consequence of the Government measure of the Orders in Council, the trade of Birmingham was reduced to the last stage of de gradation and suffering. Of the Members who represented the county of Warwick, he wished to speak with the greatest respect ; but they were wholly incapable of comprehending the real merits of the question. One of them indeed distinctly said in the House, that while he was anxious to state the distress which Birmingham was suffering, he was utterly incapable of explaining the cause of that distress. But it was not Birmingham alone. Any town having a hundred thousand English inhabitants had a right to have some individual in that House on whom they would have a just claim to attend to their complaints, and to endeavour to obtain for them redress. It was well known that the inhabitants of populous but unrepresented towns were frequently compelled to go from one Member to another, and beg that he would take up their cause, well knowing that although the Member• for the county might lay their petition on the table, he would be unable to explain their wants and wishes to the House. After all the consideration which he had been able to give to the subject, he was persuaded that the House would not be able long to withhold a reform of the Representation, in sonic shape or other ; gradual, if they pleased—guarded, if they liked—limited at first to such cases as those under consideration, but proceeding on the same principle as that which was the principle of his-Noble Friend's motion, and applying equally to every town in the country entitled by its population to the privilege of the elective franchise. There could be no better criterion of the right to that privilege than large numbers and great wealth. "Sir," continued the Honourable and • Learned Grntleman, " I am in -my conscience convinced—and I do not speak it in hostility to his l%lajsty's Ministers--to whom, on the contrary, I am deeply grateful for more than I expected from them—but I am in my conscience convinced that a pressing time is rapidly coming upon us. What was once an inconvenience, has now become so grindingly oppressive to the people, that measures more efficacious, taking a wider range, and of much severer character than any hitherto proposed, must speedily be adopted. If the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite wishes to assume a bold and defying aspect in the midst of the difficulties which are approaching, Le must appeal by his conduct to the intelligent, to the well-educated, to the moral portion of the community to suppert him in his necessity ; • and ir, divesting himself of all ancient and inveterate prejudices, he will look the truth in the face, and, disregarding all other considerations, will make the good of the country at large the vole guide of his actions, he may retain his place in his Majesty's Councils with infinite advantage to the people, and with infinite honour to himself; and notwithstanding all the obstacles which may present themselves to him, and in the greatest ex tremity to which he may be reduced, he may rely in per fect safety and confidence that they will bear him up triumphantly against all the efforts of disappointed cor ruption and iniquitous ambition ; and enable him to confer the most inestinsable advantages on the land whose destiny is intrusted to him."--(Hear, hear.) Lord VALLETORT explained. Sir GEORGE MURRAY would not detain the House long. He was sure they would agree with him that, however various opinions might be with regard to the principles advocated by the Noble Lord whose motion was under consideration, the tone and temper with which the Noble Lord hail brought the subject forward could not be too highly praised, nor' too frequently imitated,- - (Hear, hear.)—lle was obliged, however, to differ from the Noble Lord's conclusions. 'The Noble Lord had said that the British Constitution was not a Grecian Temple— perfect at once in all its proportions, and incapable, there fore, of improvement--but a Gothic structure, to which additions and improvements might at any- time be made with advantage. He (Sir G. Murray) rejoiced that it was a Gothic structure; he rejoiced that it was in the style of architecture which was the favourite of our ances tors. He was no great admirer of modern edifices ; and he rather believed that the Noble Lord himself had been as disgusted as himself at the efforts of a neighbour ing nation to erect a Grecian Temple, which, however, when completed, was found to be far inferior in beauty and durability to the old English Constitution.—Hear, hear. )—He was no enemy whatever to legitimate reform. He opposed no barrier against real improvement of any kind; nor did he draw any line of demarcation on those points which he had sworn never to pass. On the con trary, he was quite willing to admit that from time to time, some amendment was necessary—some repair of the Gothic structure. It was upon that principle that he sup ported the measure of the last Session, by which a body of men were brought back within the pale of the Constitution who were pushed out of it in unfortunate times. He was quite ready to admit the justice of the principle of the Noble Lord, that it was expedient to give Representa tives to the great towns of the kingdom ; but he could not agree to carry that object into execution in the way which the Noble Lord proposed. He was perfectly ready, on the occasional disfranchisement of any corrupt borough, to transfer the right of Representation to a great town ; but he had a great objection to augment the number of Mem bers of that House, and thereby to destroy the proportion which existed bettveen the different interests which it represented. It had been said that there was a disincli nation in another place to disfranchise boroughs. Whether that was the case or not he did not know ; but he was satisfied that if any such disinclination did exist, it would be increased in the event of the adoption of the Noble Lord's proposition ; and on this ground—that having in creased the number of the Representatives of great towns, the Representatives of boroughs must be retained, in order to skrve as a counterbalance. As to popular opinion, he had a great respect for it ; be believed that the people were generally, if not always, disposed to do right ; but they sometimes fell into bad hands, and then, what was called popular opinion, was, in fact, only individual opinion, and that not of the most valuable character. He was at a loss to understand what the Hon. and Learned Gent. meant by the ri•commendations with which he had concluded his speech. He was at a loss to see what complaint the lion. and Learned Gent. could make against his Right Hon. Friend. His Right Hon. Friend had but a few nights ago brought forward a measure for improving the judica ture of the country, by which, however, a large sacrifice was made of Government patronage. The expressions of the lion. and Learned Gent. would imply, that his Right Hon. Friend was not pursuing the course of public benefit. But the conduct of, his Right Hon. Friend, both in the last and in the present Session of Parliament, was pre cisely that which the Hon. and Learned Gent. had recotn. mended. General GASCOIGNE said that he had, last Session, voted for a similar proposition, and that he had not heard anything since to induce him to alter his opinion. He certainly did not agree to confer the elective franchise at once upon the town in question ; but if the Bill were in. trainee(' in the Committee, the franchise of East Retford might be given to one of the proposed towns, and the others might obtain the franchise, as boroughs against which corruption was proved were disfranchised. He was quite opposed to the principles which the Hon. Um ber for Aberdeen and other Hun. Members had broached, with respect to universal suffrage and Radical Reform ; but were it only to avoid such rash innovations, he would recommend a concurrence in the Noble Lord's motion.— He strongly recommended to the Noble Lord by whom the amendment to the motion bad been proposed, to withdraw it. Lord SANDON did not feel it his duty to withdraw his amendment. General GASCOICNE and Sir G. Munaav explained. Mr. WYNN regretted that notwithstanding the temper and moderation with which the Noble Lord had brought forward his motion, he must vote against it. If he ac ceded to the motion, he should accede to a motion for in qessing, the number of Members in that House without limit. Such a measure would be highly dangerous. The actual increase proposed was only six Members added to six 1111040 and fiftpeiobt, and was nut in itself is pp tans.; but haw mid he, how could the Nouse, raid the next Session any Gentleman who might propose that Shef field or Halifax, which was more populous than Le:4ls, should be represented—=hew could he then resist such a motion? If it afterwards were to be proposed to extend the principle to Huddersfield, to Stockport, to Rochdale, to Wakefield, or to any other of the large towns of the neighbourhood, on.what principle should he concede the present question? Could the House resist such a propo sition? It would always be asked what evil (-cell result from adding two Members to the representa tion? and to add only two would not be an evil; but the indefinite increase occasioned by adding two for every town would bean intolerable evil. _(Hear, hear. ) Let the House look at what had happened since the Union with Ireland. Ready us he was to do justice, at all times, to the talents, ability, and eloquence of the gentlemen who represented that part of the empire, he must say that since that augmentation the House was much less adapted to carry on business than before its numbers were extended. He had sat in the House before the Union with Ireland, and he never bad given any vote that he regretted more than the vote he gave against Lord Grey's motion when that event took place, to withdraw from that House as many Members as would be equal to the number added for Ireland, and to make room for them by disfranchising boroughs when an opportunity offered. He regretted much that lie had opposed the motion of the Noble Lord, for much more benefit would have accrued from his proposed arrangement than the one which had been followed. The towns he had alluded to had as many claims to be represented as the towns it was now proposed to give representatives to. He did not mean to argue that the provisions of the National Union with Scotland might not be revised by the Legislature, but it was part of that Union that no change should be made in the Scotch burghs, as secured at the Union. If anything was sacred in that Union, it was that the proportion of the representatives then established should be maintained in favour of the weaker party, which had merged its own Parliament in the general representation of the country. The proportion of Repre sentatives for Scotland then fixed was settled by a refer. ence to the proportion of taxes then paid by the two countries, and the proportion of their respective population and wealth. Had not, then, the progress of Scotland in wealth, in population, in trade, in the amount of its con tributions to the public, and in intelligence, been as great as the progress-of England since the Union ? He thought that it had, or even greater than that of England ; and if he looked at the towns of Scotland he should find them as deserving of additional Representatives as the towns of England. There was Glasgow with only- the fifth of a representative, and Paisley, with other towns, that had stronger claims than Leeds. He could not, therefore, ac cede to the preposition of the Noble Lord. At the same time he felt a difficulty in voting for the amendment. Mr. HUSKISSON would detain the House for a very short time on this occasion. He did not wish to go at length into th e di scuss i on o f th e quest i on ; at t h e same time he could not give a silent vote on this motion. His Noble Friend who proposed the amendment had said that he had come to the view which he had taken on the sub ject with considerable difficulty, and after much consulta tion with his friends. He (Mr. Huskisson) would also say, that in like manner he had come to the view which he hail taken on the subject, after considerabl e deliberation and reflection, and he was sorry that he did not take the same view of it as• that adopted by his Noble Friend the mover of the amendment.--( Hear, hear. )—His Noble Friend's amendment, if he (Mr. Huskisson) understoood it, went, in the first place, to state that it was most de • sirable that these great manufacturing districts should have a direct representation in this House. His Noble Friend thus commenced by admitting the existence of the griev ance; and so far he (Mr. Hnskisson went along with him in his view of the case. But he next found that his Noble Friend, instead of applying a remedy to this great practical and acknowledged evil, came forward with the proposition that whenever three boroughs should be guilty of a great crime, their franchise should be transferred to those large manufacturing towns. The remedy, therefore, which the Noble Lord proposed for this great evil depended upon the detection of a great crime. He would beg to remind the Noble Lord, that upon this very question, as to the detection of guilt in a borough, and which he made an terior to the application of a remedy to the existing evil-- that upon that very question this and the other branch of the Legislature had never been able to agree. —(Hear, hear, bear.)—Therefore, if the House should vote that the non representation of those great towns was a great practical evil, and that the remedy was to be found in the detection of guilt on the part of delinquent bo. roughs, it would be hopeless for us ever to attempt a re medy for it, for, as had been seen in the cases of East ftetford and Penryn, we should never be able to apply it. —(Hear, hear.)—lt was upon these grounds that he (Mr. Huskisson) could not go with the amendment proposed by his Noble Friend. He ilid not think the observations of his Hon. Friend below him (Mr. Wynn) possessed of much weight; for the principle on which he insisted would prevent the House from exerciaing its judgment and discretion in all future time. He did not conceive it ne cessary to go into the details which had been dwelt upon by his Hon. and Learned Friend, the Under Secretary of State, in his very elaborate speech, which were grounded principally upon the great danger of innovation, and which (consisted of arguments that might be found in any speech made of late years, either against reform in Parliament or upon the Catholic question.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) —Neither did he conceive it necessary on this occasion to travel into the wide question of Parliamentary re form. He could not avoid observing, in reference to the arguments which had been drawn from the Union with Scotland against the motion of the Noble Lord opposite, that such arguments were deserving of but little notice ; recollecting, as he did, that upon every occasion, when it was obviously neces- sary for the good of the country and for the essential inte rests of the State to depart from the mere letter of the Aet of Union, Parliament always did so, and it would indeed be contrary to common sense to follow a different line of conduct. The same arguments bad been applied to the great measure of last Session, which was charged as a de parture from the Act of Union with Scotland, and they had been then triumphantly refuted. His Right Hon. Friend, when he laid so much stress upon those arguments drawn from the union with Scotland, should bear in mind that the Act would not be near so much departed from by the proposition of the Noble Lord to-night, as it bad been long since departed from be the introduction of 100 new members into that House in consequence of the Legislative Union with Ireland.—(Hear, bear.) This question, then, should be determined by its justice and fitness; and he would say that the House, in deciding it, should ask itself what injury or injustice it could inflict upon Scotland by conferring benefit upon England.—(Heur.) By the ad mission of the Noble Mover of the amendment, and of all who had spoken in support of it, they were now dealing not with a fanciful and imaginary, but with a real and ascertained evil. Now, by giving representatives to those great manufacturing districts, the HOUFC would at once pro vide for the evil under which they were at present suffer iog, and which materially affected their interests, end concerns, and pursuits. To such a measure of reform he (Mr. Huskisson) should give his cordial support. As to a more extensive Parliamentary reform,—a measure founded upon the principle of a general revision, recon struction, and remodelling of our present Constitution,— to such a general revision, and change of our former Con stitution he (Mr. Huskisson) had been always opposed ; and while he had a seat in that House, he should give it his most decided epposition. He conceived, that if such an extensive reform were effected, they might go on for two or three Sessions in good and easy tunes, and that such a reformed Parliament might adapt itself to our mode of Government, or the ordinary concerns of the court try ; but if swell an extensive change was effected in the Coxisti . tution of Parliament, sure he was that whenever an occa sion arose of great popular excitement or reaction, the consequence would be a total subversion of our Consti tution, followed by complete anarchy and confusion, and terminating either in the tyranny of a fierce democracy or a military despotism, these two great calamities maintaining that natural order of succession which they have been always hitherto seen to observe. He was, therefore, opposed to such an extensive change and revision of our representative system. It might be easy to raise objections to the bo roughs, and by keparati lag the representative system into is various constituent parts, to point out evils and abuses in several of them; but it was a waste of time, and a perversion of common sense, to look at it in that way. He would take it as a whole, and, regarding our present system as one aggregate, he was opposed to any material change in it. It might be easy to take to pieces all the parts of such a complicated system, but be doubted that it would be equally possible for human skill to unite its component parts again ; and it appealed to him still more doubtful, that even if put toge, tiler again, it would ever work as well for the counrry as it had hitherto done.—(Hear, bear.)—He therefore wished not to be misunderstood when he gave his vote us support of the motion of the Noble Lord oppw , ite, and he wished to be understood as being opposed to the substitution of any system of representrtion in lieu of the present system. lie should be better pleased if they could commence with the transfer of the franchise of East Retford to Birming ham, and he should have been glad if the decision of the House on a late occasion had enabled them to do that now. The Right Hon. gentleman, the Chancellor of the Exche quer, when that subject was berm:: the lIoqs; on a former . . . eVenhig,tair f -,- !'i4eserited that as measure full of danger. • and had kindle advi:rd him (Mr. Iluskisson) not to stand in the swamp and rotten hollow of East Retford, but to arise out of it by extending the franchise to the neighbouring Imo. deed of Bassetlaw ; he (Mr. Huskisson) was sorry that he eould not adopt that view of his Right Hon. Friend, who . 14,1 prevented them from now being able to move for the transfer of the franchise to Birmingham, by bringing up his regular troop on that occasion, defeating the motion then brought forward for that purpose, and tints rendering it necessary on the part of the Noble . Lord to bring the question before the House in its present shape. The question now was, whether greater danger would accrue to the constitution and to the existence of a good feeling on the part of the people of this country towards the House of Commons, by giving the representative franchise to these extensive manufacturing districts, than by withholding it. Would any one contend that the want of representatives, with whom they could be in daily communication, and who would effectually watch over and protect their important interests in the legislature, was not a great hardship upon the population of those districts ?—(Hear. )—Surely the granting such a necessary privilege to them could in no way endanger our liberties and our constitution. T. say that the interests of these important districts were better attend e d to in Parliament, in consequence of their not having representatives in this House, was a paradex which he was sure no Hon. Gent. would propoie or defend. His Right Hon. Friend near him ( Mr. Wynn) was opposed to the trans ferring the franchise to these three great towns, the capitals of their respective manufacturing districts, until we should have the same number of corrupt boroughs disfranchised ; and he said the district of Halifax was superior in amount of population to any of those towns ; and he asked, why should not a call be made for a Representative for Sheffield upon the same principle as that upon which this motion was founded ? But it should he recollected that Leeds was the capital of the woollen manufacture, and therefore might he justly taken as the Representative of that interest ; that Sheffield, though with a large population, and an extensive manufacture, would be fully represented by Birmingham, which was the head of all that manufacture; and that Man chester was, in a certain degree, justly regarded as the capital of the cotton manufacture. Thus, by giving the • franchise to these three great towns, all those different interests would be represented in that Hon e. His Right lion. Friend the Secretary of State had given the House to understand, upon a former evening, that upon some future occasion he might acquiesce in granting the franchise to these towns. He (Mr. Huskisson) conceived that if they were to give Representatives to these manufacturing dis- ' tricts at any time, it should be done now ; this was the occasion for giving them that privilege, if they were to give it to them at all.—(Hear, hear.)—But he was afraid, that whatever this House might do, it would be disappointed in its efforts by an opposition in another place.—(Hear.)—He fully concurred in the opi nion expressed by his Noble Friend, who had been once Secretary of State, and who, when a Member of this [louse, said that the greatest blot in the history of this country in the eyes of all intelligent and well-informed persons was, that such an important class of persons as the great manu facturing population of this country should be almost corn ' pletely without representatives in Parliament. In the same manner Lord Liverpool, when a Bill was sent up from this House, transferring theelective franchise from Grampound to Leeds, stated that it would be desirable that the words " Leeds and Yorkshire" should be omitted in the Bill, and the selection of the place left to the prerogative of the Crown ; and what did his (Mr. Huskisson's) Noble Friend, the Noble Earl, add upon that occasion ? He said, that if it were left to the prerogative of the Crown to select the place, it would be understood that the franchise would be given to some large and populous town. It was upon such principles that he (Mr. Huskisson) supported the Noble Lord's motion on this occasion. They should not allow technicalities to stand in the way of real practical improvements.—(Hear, hear.)—He did not think it very safe for Government never to come down with important measures to Parliament until they had been driven to do so by overpowering majorities in that House. The Noble Lord who proposed the amendment was young, and he would yet live to see the day when the representative franchise must be granted to the great manufacturing dis tricts. He (Mr. Huskisson) candidly confessed, he thought that such a time was fast approaching, and that, one day or other, his Majesty's Ministers would come down to that House to propose such a measure, as necessary for the salvation and safety of the country. He thought there was little chance of extending the franchise to these towns by the disfranchisement of rotten boroughs, and he would recommend the Noble Lord, if he should obtain leave to bring in a Bill, to provide by it that a Committee of this House would be competent to decide the question in future ; and that whenever it had sufficient evidence laid before it that a borough had been guilty of corruption, it should report the same to the House; that the subject should then be referred to a second committee, as a committee of appeal, who should again take all the facts of the case into consideration ; and that if that second committee should confirm the conviction made by the first, that the disfranchisement of the borough should forthwith take place, without rendering it necessary to submit our privileges or rights to the judicature of any tribunal elsewhere.—(Hear )—That would be the best way to proceed, instead of going before an unwilling Jury, and before parties who could thwart all their efforts to assert their privileges.—( Hear, hear.)—There was nothing new in this principle : it was acted upon by . every election committee in that House. He would only mention the instance of the Bath election committee, who, when corruption was• proved against the corporation, decided that every person paying scot and lot in that city were entitled to vo'e ; thus establishing a prin ciple which, if acted upon in other places in England, I would introduce a far greater change in the repre sentative system than ever could be effected by the me..sure which he (Mr. Huskisson) recommended. He despaired of ever seeing the representative franchise transferred from a rotten borough to a populous ma nufacturing district, unless in some such way as that he had mentioned. He was anxious that the fair claims of these great towns to have representatives should be strongly impressed upon the Legislature. It was upon such grounds that he supported the motion of the Noble Lord. The Noble Lord's motion would certainly have been more satis factory to him if it bad gone, as he (Mr. Huskisson) had the other night recommended the House to do, to transfer at once the franchise from East Retford to the populous and important town of Birmingham : but he• hoped that however he and the Noble Lord might differ in some details on the road, they might arrive together at the end'of their journey. —(Hear, hear.) Lord W. powLETT stated his intention to support lie motion of Lord John Russell. Mr. BRIGHT contended that the plan of amending the representation, which had that night been proposed by the Noble Lord, was no innovation of the Constitution, but in strict coati' mitt' with the plan upon whieb the House of Commons had been formed, and by which the number of its Members had been gradually increased until it had be come what he honestly believed it to be,--the real repre sentation of the people. As to the assertion that the large manufacturing towns were adequately represented by the county /Umbers, he could by no means agree to it. The education of county Menthe's was not in general directed to those minute details of commerce with which it was in cumbent that the representatives of manufacturing towns shonid be intimately acquainted. The argument that if they granted the elective franchise to those three large towns they could not refuse to grant it to other unrepre sented towns of equal population, was, in his opinion, de serving of little attention. When such towns rose up in the country, the proper time would arise for considering the propriety fl extending the elective franchise to them also. Mr. PEEL should follow the example of the Noble . Lord in that path in which alone b e knew that he should be able to fellow it successfully_lie meant the moderation with which the Noble Lord had approached the discussion ' of this important question. The Noble Lord had brought it forward with a temperance and ability which were cal culated to conciliate assent to a doubtful proposition in as great a degree as it was possible to conciliate it. L ong as he had been in Parliament, and frequently as he had been present at discussion s upon Parliamentary reform, it so happened that it had never been his lot upon any occasion to take any part in the great debates to which he had li s tened upon it. He had felt the subject to be so com plete), exhausted on each side by the pre-eminent ability which had been devoted to it, that he had always con tented himself with giving a silent vote, and thus he ap proached the present discussion unfettered, except by the votes which be had uniformly given against Parliamentary reform. Though he had not taken any active part in prior debates, he had maturely weighed the argurrients which had been advanced both in favour and in opposition of re form, in the spirit of a witness of the contest rather than in that of a partisan ; and having maturely weighed those powerful arguments which were lint brought forward by Mr. Burke, and afterwards no less ably by his late Right Hon. F r i en d M r. Cann i ng, he confessed that they had established to his mind conclusive proof of the great danger that th ere was i n t amper i ng on s li g h t grounds with the Constitution.--(Hear.)—He thought that the argument of those two great men, that we were not to seek the principle; c' t i .te ieposentaiiiin Of the Ilouse of CO,IIIIM9S, either in any finespun theories of demo cracy, or iii any of th e i ns tit ut i on , o f t h e f ree repu bli cs o f ancient times, and that we could . not find, in any portion pf thC 1 44 1 4 0 7 of gngland l ap' pripciele of I democratic representation to Rave at a ineclA for I recoil. struetinn of the representative system,—he thought, he said, that those arguments were decisive upon the point s .. ^7 'VII4I they were advanced. His late Right Hon. Friend, Mr. Canning, hail argued that the constitution of the /louse of Commons was fettedsd on prescription,— that we lived iii a limited mouareity,—that we had a Howie of Ltrds, and a King,—that the House of Com mons was only one branch of the Legislature,—and that if we admitted a democratic principle of reform, we should give to the House of COMMONS that overwhelming power which would render it inconsistent with the existence of the House of Lords or of a limited Monarchy* As to the effects produced by the House of Commons, and the operation of that assembly upon the country, he must say that he saw nothing in either which led him to think that an alteration in its mode of construction was neceesary.— For his own part, he utterly distrusted the prophecies which had been uttered respecting the beneficial results of such alteration. It had been said that the adoption of a scheme of reform would, by the infusion of a greater portion of the popular voice into that assembly, discourage the ex penditure of public money and the embarkation of the country into improvident votes for war. He believed that the doctrine of universal suffrage would find but few ad vocates in that place ; but if HMI. Members were to be rendered infinitely more subservient to the will of the people than they were at present, he doubted much whether the House would be a whit the less inclined to war than it had hitherto shown itself. The examples of the ancient re publics of Rome and Athens, and also those of the republics of more modern times—he meant Genoa and France, which all for a time had possessed popular governments, would not by any means favour the inference, that because the Go vernment was popular there was a disinclination in the people to involve their country in war and its concomi tant expenditure. Looking at the history of our own country, he must say that he did not think that the com mencement of the various wars which England had waged during the last century had ever been against the inclina tion of the people. He knew that in many cases the rati fication of peace had been unpopular ; but in no case that he was acqusinted with had the commencement of the war been unpopular. That there had been periods in which the people hid shown themselves tired of the continuance of the war he readily admitted ; but nothing was more different, as the House would agree, than the commence ment of a war and the bringing of it to a conclusion. He had lately had occasion to read the able and eloquent speech which Mr. Burke made in 1780 to his electors at Bristol—at . that election, of which the result, as every body knew, was unfavourable to his wishes. What was the cause of his unpopularity? One of them undoubtedly was his attempt to dissuade the House of Commons, first, from embarking in the American' war, and afterwards from continuing it. He (Mr. Peel) well recollected that Mr. Burke stated manfully to his constituents that he had done all he could' to persuade the legislature not to sanction that war. He said that at the first outbreak of it, Bris tol was divided in opinion as to its fitness and propriety ; that the unfortunate victory, which we obtained at Long Island, altered the state of that opinion ; that the whole nation was excited by it to almost universal phrenzy ; and that being so excited, lie wes unwilling to present him self to his constituents, so unpopular was he aware that he had become. With regard to the war which com menced in 1793, it was impossible to contend that its com mencement was averse to public feeling. He recollected that almost immediately after it broke out, Mr. Fox had moved in that House a resolution, condemnatory of it. He found only 46 Members of the House inclined to support that resolution ; whilst the number of those who declared themselves in favour of the war was 278. It might be said, that at that time no more than at the present was the House of Commons the representative of the people. To meet that argument, he had taken the trouble of dissecting the division, and so far was it from being the fact that the Representatives of the most populous places all voted with Mr. Fox, that in Mr. Fox's minority there were only to be found six County Members, and 13 Members repre senting any towns which deserved to be called populous. He therefore inferred that the representative system bad been more popular than it was,. there would not have been any disposition either in the House or in the people of whom it was the representative, to discourage war. Neither could he come to the conclusion that it was necessary to make a reform in the construction of the House of Com mon; to encourage Hon. Members to make useful reforms in our civil institutions ; and if any thing bad been wanted to confirm him in that opinion, he had found it in the speech which had that evening been delivered by an Hon. and Learned Gentleman. The greater part of that Hon. and Learned Gentleman's speech was founded on the a•sumption that there was an improper controul exercised over the House by the Minister of the day, and a want of the proper controul which ought to be exercised over it by the people. And yet what did the Hon. and Learned Gentleman say? " Matters," said he, " are very different now from what they were in the years 1806 or 1807. Then we should have been unable to carry any species of reform in any branch of the public service. We should have - been met with the cry of innovation, and have been borne down by large majorities; but the case is not so now; let any use ful reform be proposed, either in the army, or in the navy, or in the law, and that reform is sure to be adopted." If, then, the House of Commons were so constituted as to adopt all useful reforms which were proposed to it in other cases, surely the Hon. and Learned Gentleman had not established the existence of a necessity for its reforming itself, because upon all occasions it had come to the con clusion that a reform of itself was neither useful nor neces sary.—(Hear, hear.)—The very circumstance which the Hon. and Learned Gentleman had quoted as a proof that a reform of the House of Commons was necessary, was to his (Mr. Peel's) mind a convincing proof that it was not i necessary.—(Hear, Lear.)—He did not believe that, under any other constitution of the House of Commons, there would be a greater desire than there was under the pre sent calumniated system to do every thing to promote the happiness and to secure the true glory of the country.— ' ( Heer, hear. )—The adoption of the wild scheme of universal suffrage would not, in his opinion, incline the House more than it was inclined at present to protect the people from oppression, and to give every facility to the exertion of their energies and in dustry. Speaking of universal suffrage, he could not help being struck by a circumstance which had come to his knowledge in consequence of a question'which had been put to hint on a former evening by the Hon. and Learned Member for Clime, respecting the law of a country, which had the benefit, if benefit it were, of acting on the system of universal suffrage. He was anxious at all times to speak of the United States with respect, and it was not from any feeling of ill-will or dislike that he was now going to draw a contrast between their institutions and our own, which was not very favourable to the former. It would he in the recollection of the House, that the Hon. and Learned Member for Clare had asked him whe ther he hed heard of a law which had been passed by the legislature of one of the United States—he meant Georgia —by which, under pretence of erecting a guard against infection, a quarantine law had been passed against every man of colour in the British dominions. Since that ques tion had been put to him, he had had an opportunity of re ferring to the law, of which that enactment undoubtedly formed a part. In Georgia, whore the plan of universal suffrage was in full perfection-- . Mr. O'CONNELL—No, no; there is in that country a slave population. Mr. PEEL apprehended that every freeman in Georgia had a right of voting, and therefore, as far as the whites were concerned, the legisllttive assembly of Georgia owed its origin to universal suffrage. Now, making 411 allow ances for the feelings which were naturally generate -I by the possession of slaves; he did not think that any House of Commons elected under the present system would, even if it had possessed a slave population, have passed an act which contained two such clauses as wt-re now in the act passed by the Georgian legislature. It was enacted, that if any chive or free person of colour should cireolate, cause to be circulated, or should aid in c;,uuliiinn or in causing to 'be circulated in the. :nate of Georgia, any written paper exciting slavea to insurrection, that person should be punished forthwith with death.—(Hear, hear„) —That enactment was extraordinary enough ; but the second enactment was still more extraorjaary. It ;.ruiet t a, that if any negro, free person of co4r, mr.White person, should teach any negro to, riAii or write any character, either printed or written, the said negro, free person colour, cr white person, should be deemed guilty a a mis demeanour, and punished by fine and whipping, or by fine or whipping, at the discretion of the coop-, the fine not, to exceed 500 dollars, but the imprisonment to be at the discretion of the court.- 7 (H4q.)--,makipg every anee, be repeated, (or the feeling t wV,ich ha Georgia must ! naturally be excited by the possession of a slave population, Ile must again repeat that he did not think that we, with our election system, and without any system of uni . msal ping ays kind vnstc:auenlvlfitertanraiseg, be i ie , n s tilgh l; vll iv u ;ca l ic, d Ani: ipriez looking o e ingae l e ) d a bfo, s t,ois s itti, e tur, h i hnr l (ooalatalthlvt;ie,tt,e.vii ancient hypotheticalll4ll: e en d s tn, k a n4,l4 entence hearted enough to teach a n;tg;,:a to read: - No ; that could of we ont the House and at the practical effeeitiyint:tO.,.oti‘tien:l(:l„:ll4ltel:lnaenioatiiihilt-e; fi co n u d n u tiz re l a l son ou fo r r e c x u i ,, st t i i i; t r ii eya r v i sxt , t o l i t d con tingeoi good which bonne lion. Members anticipated _he thought without sufficient plislmment of reform. With respect to the proposition of the Noble Lord, be could not help remarking that it ap peared to him that great objections existed against the adoption of his limited plan. Some of those objections had been ably pointed out by the Noble Loid who bed moved the amendment ; and here he would remark, that nothing could be more unfounded than the lion. and Gallant General's insinuation, that the Noble Lord, in proposing it, had acted in concert with his :d.j. sty', Go vernment. For his own part he could safely affirm, that until he heard it that evening in the House, he had not re eeived the slightest intimation that any such amendment would be moved. To return, however, to the considera tion of the original motion. The Noble Lord who brought it forward, proposed that they should add to the House of Commons six fresh representatives, who were to represent three large towns, whose names he had mentioned ; and in order to get rid of the objection which naturally arose to his plan of adding to the number of the House, the Noble Lord further proposed to get rid of the additional number which he thus created, by gutting it off whenever any dereliction of duty should hereafter be proved against any corrupt boroughs. The Noble Lord's propsaition had been met by the objection that it was contrary to the articles of union with. Scotland and also with Ireland, to make any addition to the representation of any put of the united empire; and though he (Mr. Peel) had listened to the various answers which had been given in the course of the debate to that objection, he had not found any of them to deserve any weight. He believed that the House, by acceding to the Noble Lord's proposition, would commit an infraction of the act of union with Scotland—:n in fraction which there was nothing in the Act of last Session, to justify. Every member who had yet spoken had taken it for granted that the Act of last Session was a violation of the Act of Union. He had contended lust Session that it was no such thing, and if so, it could be no jus'ification for the motion of the Noble Lord.. As 45 members were fixed by treaty as the number of representatives for Scot land, with reference to the number. for Englatel, he held that to add six members to the number of representatives for England, without making a proportionate addition for Scotland, would be a direct infraction of that treaty. He agreed with the Noble Lord that they were not compelled to go back to Acts passed in the year 1706 to controul their deliberations or even their acts for the present benefit of the country; bet what answer he. would ask the Noble Lord, could! be make to Scotland,. if she were to ask him, " Why, when you are adding to the representation of England, do you not m :ke a corresponding addition to my representation?" It would shake the confidence which the people of Scotland . — felt ( Drainlw i ling criesteHous e, if ofo the Hesse o !" and agreedin this prohositirui. maintained that it would shake that confidence. Scotlend, he admitted, had no right to deprive us of any benefit on account of the Act of Union ; but then Scotland had a right to demand that the same measure of justice which we meted out to ourselves should at the seine time be meted . out to her.—(Hear.)—The Noble Lord's proposition was therefore objectionable, not merely because it would add six additional Members to the Representation, but also be cause it would render it accessary to add a proportionate number to keep up the comparative equality of the Repre sentation for Scotland and Ireland. He had also another objection to it. The number six, which the Noble Lord had selected as his limit of additional Members, was an arbitrary number. It proceeded upon no fixed principle, and if the House consented that night to adopt it, they would soon have similar applications to the present, show ing that Sheffield and Halifax had as good a right to he represented as Manchester and Leeds; and, having eiveu up the principle, they would have great difficulty in, re turning a proper answer to such applications. It likewise appeared to him that the proposition of the Nob e Lord was not consistent with the dignity of one branch of the Legislature. He had heard of supernumerary Knights of the Bath, and of supernumerary Coinmissieners some public boards ; but he bad never before heard of that which it was now proposed to give to the Reuse, six supernumerary Members of Parliament, to be provided for. according to the phrase of his Hell. and Gallant Friend, as casualties might arise—a plan which was novel in prin ciple, and had no benefit to countervail the evil to which it might give rise. —(Hear.)—Look at any piedic esta blishment in which sup, rnumerariea were allowed, and see what was the consequence. Where the number of Commissioners was fixed, it was only necessary to state that fact, and there was an end to applications ; but if time Board admitted sapernumeraries, each applicant thought that he had particular grounds on which he oneht to be appointed, and thus applications were made without end. Thus it would be with regard to the representation if the House should assent to the Noble Lord's proposition, Why fix on six supernumerary member.? Why not have, more? With respect to the operation of the elective franchise as a safety-valve, he did not think that those places which were not represented were more open to dis turbances than those which were represented—that Man chester and Leeds were not less tranquil than Nottinglutre and other places, which- posselied - this safety-va1ve...... When he considered the increased wealth and importance of Manchester, whilst he admitted that, popular repre sentation was necessary, they had not suffered by the absence of it. Again, although Sheffield had not been so prosperous as Leeds and Birmingham, that was -no reason why it should be excluded. Although he dissented from the motion of the Noble Lord (Russell) he could not vote for the amendment of the other Noble Lceej (Sandon,) because the assumption of six additional Mem bers would be inconsistent with the Act of Union of Eng.. land 'and Ireland, and because it opened the door to coil. stant inroads. He would also remind the Noble Lord, that one of the first appeals that would be made, after the adoption of the measure, would be for an addition to the landed interest in the House.—(Hear.)—Because if in the number of Members there were 40 commercial INlembote to 60 county Members, and therefore six to four, if the Noble Lord now added a proportion of six to nothing, the proportion was not equal. On these grounds he (Mr. Peel) opposed the motion ; and he thought the einendment open•to objection. Time Noble Lord (Sandon) proposed that the House should punish corruption and bribery wherever it should be found to exist. But it was the duty of the House to do so, and be (Mr. Peel) w as prepared to co-operate with the Noble Lord, i n so doing. But before the House had a ease before it, why should it tie up its hands as to the appropriation of the vacant franchi,e ?—(Hear.)-4iow did the House know what might be the circumnstences of the next case ? The Noble Lord proposed that the tiouse should pledge itself as to its future intectious, either to give the privilege to counties or laree towns. The motion was exceedingly vague, and he (Mr. Peel) saw no object that could be gained by it ; but ho did see a great objection in principle in the !louse tying itself down to a meesure, without knowledge of the circumstaneee et the case. Bribery n s s h f o er u r il e n d e l oi t ln o ev a ecini c t :o iern u et n af t : y ),rd o tc r bo : mtip g lote ' might exist in a small borough, which might be properly punished by throwing the votes into the hundreds. Bet t b i e t i y o , re tl the the p pr iv i l egeprods oft the : 4 6 crime t e , At all events, it was exoeedingly use to tie down its hands by a measure of this king, and on this ground ha must oppose the amendment, Th e course he should take would be the same as en the other night, If the motion of the Noble Lord (Anna) wa s negatived, the Noble Lord (Sandon) ;insight propose his amend • mnent as a substantive :notion. One Word in reply to what fell from the lion. and Gallant General (Gsscoyne), who stated that the Government had not the confidence of the country, and that lie differed from Ministers not only on time Catholio quoation, but on other points; and the Hen. and Gellant General had been severe upon his (Mr, Peers) political conduct. But cuique **wee; when the Hop, ate; Gallant General taunted leim (Mr. Peel) with de serting his former course, _ should have s e l ecte d some better occa s io n for 44;g it, than when foe; deserted hie own course, or it any rate was about to vote for the nine Lion of she Noble Lord (Russell), With respect tot tho re „sic of the Hon. amid Lee... Teed Gentleman (Dr, Lush-- ington), he agreed with S l im that it was not right or eon.- sistent with the duty a a Minister of the Crown, so to t e i ff e ec h t i i n 4 el t f liet ‘ o V b n je tCl et a s. 104 duty thus to act ; and ho (Mr. Peel), whatever might be the temporary sacritit ! e he made, should continue to act patty tu a .as s to u b tr e „ l y use in re eo i n us s t i : t t e n n u t en i t ci f t o i r t to up t p h l e at e l .p s as lie had done.—,..(}tear.) When the Hon. and Learniz.;„ Gentleman spike of pursuing that line of conduct tvlsmigV4 spelt;;} scorn popular app!Auso, whilst it promoted, th e lieved t i la in t s t e h i e f tenets a the c.utittiry, he (Mr. Peel) claring toast '".Y there weie Le m oil the other side, which were to le e ' guarded against—henttnlexan4tideefoenrsruinigtintgoopettcblit of He (lie d ia so ) cumnm noed by ~..z,,ettilic;ectloAtturtynsttrihyo;a(dlHtlieerea r dsb . ) eadi i t self I I e iu l t s ro e . o tih f ie t t e odu t is e : mp u, i l l : ce l: . l of true course was the inediutnleethat they slm oult a l oe be the, servants x l v o l s i e je t , i i t gl: t i o me f of a t ß p h i a e g r i ii ) :l4:: lii4l,le gratified by the can t and manly mnanner let with deliatit as en auspicious circumstance %g the greet cause he lead so. long advocated, that lee hod heard a Afinister of. the Crown give hissentimeete with *degree of candour and temper which he 110 never before seen tee. plied from that quarter to citiestion.—(!lear.)—H o trusted, therefore, rite few observations witts which he proposed to, mitreble the House, he should m e et deviate ken jkat course which it bad given libel each high wise fnetien to see pursued by the Rigt:t Uon. Gent., or- stray NUS that feeing he (Mr, yogi ) had' expressed, in the hoke etions )ri the others anger o ap id in. !molt 'emed for a the 1 3 °' 1 all item :es of profit )f the neat, Twit ce of ,oved bout elusly com- leAve -serve ra tions hoie were. fully mta !Loge that I re to he 1 in cen t the sed; ught Iss; afac- CUR nsgh W.) any isbly it 4