The Sun. — London, England, 1863-09-02 00:00:00

THE POLISH INSURRECTION, (From the Specie. Correspondent of the Times.) NEAR. CRACOW, AUG. 24. A German newspaper informs its readers that Mierosla cvski is in Podolia, at the head of 10,000 men. If Mierosla,wski were in the Russian service this would be i m p ossible enough, but under actual circumstances the possibility of such a thing is not worth discussing. It is said, however, that Mieroslawski is really about to make his appearance again in Poland. This is not mere gossip, for I know several officers who served in his first detachment, and have remained in the insurrection ever since, who are anxiously e xpecting his arrival, and are convinced that before long the whole military direction of affairs will be placed in his hands. As I have before had occasion to remark, the supporters of Mieroslawski are by no means numerous, but the moment of despair seems to be approaching for the unhappy Poles, and they m ay soon have to choose between adopting despe rate measures, such as Mieroslawski is supposed to be peculiarly fitted for, and laying down their arms. It will be nothing new to see insurrection against a foreign Power degenerate into domestic revolution, and a change of this character may be expected in Poland as soon as it is clearly understood that noth- ing is to be hoped from foreign intervention. It is a mistake to suppose that at the present moment there are two active partiesin Poland. On the one hand there is every small clique of men whe believein Microslaw ski, and who avow that their number is very limited, and on the other, the great body of what the Poles call " the nation," by which must be understood the nation minus the inert dead mass of the peasantry, intent only on cultivating its fields in peace, or, in other words, about one third of the entire popula tion. I have met many insurgents who approved the Mieroslawski mode of action, but were never theless bitterly hostile to him personally, for the sufficient reason that it is he and he alone who led Europe to believe that the Poles were still tor mented by their ancient sin at a time when the only sinner in the way of factiousness was Mieroslawski himself. It seems strange that the advent of Mieroslawski to power should be possible when,with very few exceptions, all the thinking and acting portion of the nation is opposed to him. But if there is to be no intervention by force of arms, what are the insurgents to do? They have no thought of giving in. They ought to continue the war as it has been carried on hitherto ---keeping up a slow fire which consumes the forces of Poland without burn ing up those of Russia; or, ought they to aim at a general cenflagration, of which the effect has not yet been tried, and which, though it would cer tainly destroy a good many of the most highly placed men in Poland, might ultimately clear the country of foreign invaders ? Such a policy as this latter has a touch of madness in it, but the distin guishing quality of the Polish insurrection from the beginning has not been wisdom ; and the best and bravest of the insurgents say with truth that if they had stopped to calculate chances instead of listening s imply to the dictates of their own courage, they could not, unarmed, undisciplined, and half frozen in the woods, as they were, have commenced the insur rection at all, If a people is driven to madness, we must look for madness in its actions, and perhaps, considering all things, the most wonderful • thing in the Polish insurrection up to the present time has been the moderation with which it has been conducted. The members of what is called " the cosmopolite revolu tion," who are supposed to love revolution for its own sake, and to take the same pleasure in revers ing the existing order of society that amateur gar deners take in turning up the soil, have been solemnly and repeatedly warned eft'. A certain num ber of these resolutionists have, no doubt, penetrated into Poland, and it is, of course, impossible, at the last moment, for the Polish committees to say to a brave Italian or Frenchman who comes to offer them his sword, "You are a Democrat, a Socialist, and, moreover, an enemy to the Pope ; and we will, therefore, have nothing to do with you." But foreigners, and especially foreign revolutionists, have, as a rule, been discouraged from coming to Poland; and, judging from the thousands of insur gents that I have myeell seen during the last five months, bound from Galicia to the Kingdom or to Volhynia, I can say positively that very few foreigners of any kind have come. However, up to the present time the insurrection, begun in sheer despair, has been systematically and cautiously maintained, in the hope that the Western Powers would either intervene forcibly on behalf of Poland, or intervene diplomatically, and by doing so involve themselves in a war with Russia, if not precisely en Poland's behalf at least on Poland's account. Although no one here has any ground for supposing that Prince Gortscha koff will make concessions to the Poles before the insurrection is suppressed, and although no one can say what coarse the Western Powers will take in case their demands should not be acceded to, yet it is easy to see that the Poles are already preparing for the worst, and are considering what course they must take as soon as it shall appear certain that they are to be abandoned to themselves and to the Russians. Between now and the first days of September we shall hear of several expeditions entering the kingdom, and perhaps of one very important one entering the Ruthenian provinces. These, however, like most previous expeditions that have left Galicia since the defeat of Langiewicz, will be really little more than armed manifestations destined to prove once more to Europe before it decides to leave Poland to its fate, that the Polish insurrection is still alive and as vigorous as ever. Then if the six points (or any greater or smaller number) be offered to Poland, the first act of the drama —or rather the second, if the first may be said to have terminated with the fall of Langiewicz—will be at an end, and the third, with the catastrophe, about to begin. The men of extreme measures say that the true insurrection hes not vet commenced, and that we have hitherto only witnessed the introduction. The " true insurrection is to be simply a reign of terror. Mieros:awski's avowed partisans, as well as those men of extreme measures who, though they hate Mieroslawski for his factiousness, might approve of his rule if he were once called to power—all the extreme party, in short, say openly that terrorism 7111 soon be their only hope, and that as it saved France from foreign invasion so it may save Polan d from foreign domination, " Poland," they say, " can never be made to live again through roreign aid, nor can i t hop e to regain its independence ex cept through an effort made by the whole popula tion. But the aristocracy (that is to say, certain members of rich families among the mass of large and small landed proprietors who constitute in thb Poland what, to ,confusion of Englishmen, is called " the nobilite , l than fight, and would ten times rather give money i e mes rather fight and s acrifice their lives than cede to their peasants the l a nd for which those peasants have hitherto per formed task-work or paid rent. „ Yet, until every trace of task-work is abolished, and until the peasan t becomes a proprietor in Russian, as he is alrea d y in Galicia and in Po sen , he Poland a lways be th e enemy of the nobility, and will will always refuse to fi g ht for the independence of his in a purely native land. If the peasantry, agricul tural country like Poland, refuse to take part in a move ment en behalf of national independence, then no such movement can by any possibility succeed. Therefore, conclude the men of extreme measures, " the support of the peasantry m ust,. and at all hzerds, be obtained, an d if the rich proprietors stand in the way of such au end, we niust look upon thew. as obstacles to be removed, and treat them as if they were Russians." The reply one naturally makes to such an argot meet as this is, in the first place, that the pEassnt question is at an end, having now been eclreci pre clsely in accordance with the viers of the extreme party. As tiagnarelle, in one of Moliere'a inter having to choose between receiving 12 blows ieg 12 Pieces of money, chooses the blows, but when he has received 10 finds that he can stand them DO longer decides to pay the money—so the Polish proprietors, after supporting the attacks of the so-called "Democratic" party and the ill will of the peasants for 32 years, rather than make the concession proposed to them in the Diet of 1831, now, at the last moment, declare themselves ready to make it. The utstion of the peasant's right to the soil is rather a difficult one, and, viewed by itself, it would probably be decided by most Eng- lishmen against the peasant. Nevertheless, the proprietors, under special and pressing circum stances, have admitted his claim, and one world imag'ne there ought now to be no difference; of opinion on this most important point between them and those whom six months ago they used to stig matize as " communists." The extreme men, however (the late " commu nists" maintain that numbers of the proprietors, especially those belonging to the aristocracy, are not sincere, and that though they have received no rent for the last •two quarters, they have not yet solemnly and in person sworn to their peasants that the land for which, under previous arrangements, rent or work could be claimed is now theirs in free- hold. By not making his declaration in the only manner in which it Could, have the desirea. effect, the aristocratic proprietors are accused of checking the national action, and are therefore crAlled " reac tionists ;" and the men who aim above all at pro moting and extending the national rAotion wish to propose this alternative to them—',:hat they shall leave Cracow, Lemberg, the Garman baths, or wherever they happen to be, came into Russian Poland, explain matters to their peasants, and en deavour by generous dealing, by patriotic advice, and also by setting a conrage.tous example, to make them fight the Russians, or that they shall be de clared traitors, dispossessed, outlawed, and, if pos sible, killed. There can be no mistake as to the revolutionary character of this policy, and its advo cates would certainly not object to be aided in carrying it out by the members of the " cosmopolite revolution." The position of those numerous proprietors who have left the scen e of actual strife in order to avoid all risk of being massacred, and to escape the double pressure sure to be exercised, on the one hand, by the insurgents, on the other by the Russians, upon all who remain, is compared by the extreme party to that of the emigris at the commencement of the French Revolution. The comparison is not at all just, but it at least lets us into the views of those who make it. If, however, " the true insurrection" were once to begin, many Polish proprietors would really be very much in the position of the emi grants from revolutionary France, though it may be doubted whether the insurgent chiefs would find themselves in the position of the French revolu tionary ou r c y rse,the Generals. o so-called democratic party is mis represented by, and in its turn misrepresents, the so-called aristocratic party. The former is accused of aiming at a social revolution, and of adopting a national cry only as a pretext; while the latter is charged with preferring large estates and foreign domination to smaller estates and national inde pendence. The extreme men not only declare that to look abroad for assistance is useless and unbecoming, and that if Poland was to be free it must conquer its freedom for itself ; they also taunt the moderate men, whose only hope is in foreign intervention, with " want of confidence" in the Polish nation, and deny their patriotism. On the other hand, the moderate men, who do not believe that the feelings and character of the peasantry can suddenly be changed, and who are quite opposed to all that savours of terrorism and revolution, will not allow any merit whatever to the extreme men, and say that all their talk about appeals to the peasantry merely means that they want to get up a Jacquerie. Probably the sad truth is that one party is right in hoping nothing from foreign intervention, and the other equally right in hoping nothing from the Polish peasantry. Hitherto the difference of opi nion between these two parties has not prevented them from acting in concert, and it is to the credit of both that this has been the case. Mutual con cessions have been made, mutual forbearance has been shown, and if some of the measures of the ex treme party have been adopted, the men who have been appointed to carry them out seem, for some time past, to have belonged to the moderate party. Even ati this moment there is a common pro gramme, which consists in keeping up the insur rection and seeing what Europe will do. But, in the absence of an intervention, a change must come over the movement before long. Besides the insurgents actually in the field, there are too many men com promised by their connexion with the National Government to render it possible to stop the insur rection if the extreme party wish to carry it on, a n d it is evident that when once al! hope of foreign aid has ceased the plan of the moderate party, whi c h was built on that hope, must be at an end. If the negotiations on behalf of Poland should lead to a war, then undoubtedly every Pole capable of bearing arms would be ready to fight. I do not speak of the peasantry, who are Poles only in so far that they happen to have been born in a country called Poland; but at least the peasantry would do nothing hostile to the cause of their patriotic countrymen if the latter once had force on their side. Indeed, the probabilities are that they would assist them as they now assist the Russians, for they seem to be guided in their actions not by likings and dislikings, but simply by fear. In the more probable event, however, of peace being maintained, there is good reason for believing that the energetic and unscrupulous men who first commenced the Polish insurrection will make a desperate attempt to get its direction once more into their hands. Then, as a first step, they will call upon all Poles to join the movement personally and execute the orders of the National Government strictly, and in spirit as well as in letter, or submit to be regarded as traitors, and placed beyond the pale of the law. I know members of the extreme party who assure me that at thecommencement of the insurrection they formally, and by word of mouth, as well asby writ ing, gave up the farm land on their estates to the peasants, and that after much trouble they succeeded in convincing them that the gift was genuine, and even a r son persuaded behalf a good proporti o n o f th em to take up mof Poland. How many men have behaved in this laudable manner it would be hard to say, but that some have done so is certain ; and if the proprietors in general did not mean to imitate them one cannot help thinking would have done well to leavethe that they alone. The object in endowing the peasant was not to make him happy but to mak e hi m fight. As it is, the proprietors have given up a third of their income without bringing the peasant (as a general rule) any nearer to their way of feelin g t h an he was it before. It is e vident that th ey should either h ave refused to make a cession which the great majority of them regarded a s un j ust, or sho uld havemade in a direct or speci al manner to the persona who were to profit by it a nd b y whose g ood will they and the whole country mi g ht have p rofite d. The Hungarian peasants ( at least those of Hungarian race) fought in 18=489 on behalf of the proprietors who had just emancipated them with all their land, and it is possible that the Polish peasants might also have proved grateful for a gift freely and frankly made. The men of the extreme party in Poland have certainly a basis for their general argument, and the proprietors admitted them to be mainly in the right when they consented to adopt their favourite measure. IV here they are wrong is in attributing base motives to mon more cautious, and perhaps also better acquainted with the real state of Poland, than themselves, and, above all, in threatening to carry out their scheme by the \ bloodiest and most revolutionary means that can he conceived. The extreme party may yet bring t r iu e ff at d er ati r d ui ß n e u rg p s on of t i h i e u i: s c ia o . untry than all the Mount tyh for plainly Poland that to they be dwishee e i I t c p b d e e r k i l u i e ) l ' : teie°,lli'L lifet h l a ' that re t y h d e esaa result of their terrible experiment death c et would be something very like an scarcely be doubted. Full benefit of reduced d u t y o h ta i n e d by pnr chasing, Ilornim az ' s pure T—.......... ; 'very choice at 3 s . 4d. an d 48. " luigh Standard" at 4s, 4 (formerly 4s. Ed.), is the s trongest and most delicious id. roportecl. Agents in every t o wn supply it in packets, digesti on and taken in [ADTETLTISEMENT.I—IIOIIOta ft y' s A frequent cause of gout and rheumatism is the inflatmea d Ointment and Pills,— gout s, tory state of the blood. atte n d ed w genera l debility. A few doses of these pt t i m e, are an effectua l p reventa tive against rheu matism, but anyone who has an attack of either sir f he , u .: Holloway's Ointment also, the powerful prope'rit'els—ei which, combined with the effect of the Pills, must infallibly effect a core. These Pills act directly on the blood, which they purify and improve, they also regulate the secreti‘ms and give tone to the stontitch, and tbto the whole system is invigorated, and put into a condition which enables it to tlrJw off disease or cheek its approach, THE BRITISH ASSOCIATION. NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE, Sept. 1. Yesterday's great excitement was Capt. Grant's appearance in the Geographical Section to give some account of his adventures on the Nile Expedition. This section meet in the Assembly-room, a hand some room of large proportions, but long before the hour it was filled to its utmost capacity, and every avenue was choked by crowds who were unable to make their way into the room. Some adventurous ladies had climbed up to some vantage ground out side, from which they could command a view of the platform through the windows. The gallant cap tain was most enthusiastically cheered, and, after a few general geographical details indicating the route taken, which by this time are familiar to all who take an interest in this subject, he proceeded to relate some amusing stories of the dealings of the party with the various Royal personages whom they encountered on their route. " Between the coast and the lake district/ said the captain : ~ We had to traverse many little States governed by petty sultans, who were most exacting in their demands for taxes —detaining us for days palavering—never letting us get away from them without a row, disagreement, or threat of attack. As an instance, when I stayed with the old Sultan of Ukuui, in the Land of the Moon, providing, of course, My own food, showing him and his five wives many kindnesses and civilities, I became so indispensable to his amusement that for three months he would render me no assistance to get away, and on the day of my leaving he drone my porters away with his stick, and took forcible pos2ession of one of my rifles, thinking to exact more pre sents from me, and defeat my plans of getting on. The presents had to be paid, and the rifle I had to wrest out o his grasp. Two days afterwards, while marching at the head of a file of 200 laden men, enjoying the pretty, hilly country all around, a mob sprang out of the bushes, their skin coverings flying like wings on their backs, making their spears quiver, threatening us with their bows and arrows, howling and yelling. I smiled at their graceful antics over the high grasses and bushes, thinking they were merely showing their delight. However, bursting in the centre of my followers they broke the line from centre to flanks, seized and ransacked every load, while I was left with but two or three followers. All the property was stolen in an instant and had disappeared on their backs through the cover. The only redress obtained from their Sultan was the condescending permission to leave his Highness's do- minions and rejoin my companion Speke. This was not ac complished till another unwarrantable exaction was made by a drunken fellow, who frightened away some of my load carriers by beating his war drums whenever I refused to satisfy his greed for presents. Until a rifle and a case of ammunition, with other presents were given to him, he would not show us to move from his village, while he brought my men into subjection by prohibiting his people from selling us the ordinary necessaries of life. The Gover nor of Uzinza had next to be passed. Although he had invited us to come quickly, by sending his Royal copper-rod bearer, we did not feel confident that he also would not fleece us, because the Arab traders had reputed him as a man whose avariciousness knew no bounds. We were ill provided with cloths and beads, but a bold front was made to pass the extortioner's country, and we considered our selves fortunate in paying only half our stock-in-trade without receiving any article in exchange. Crowds of his retainers wildly welcomed us, the first white men, laughing and ridiculing us as we walked along the path, generally afraid to come near, and sometimes dogging us for miles, Even in camp, under canvass, we were not safe from being stared at. Pitching water over them was found to be most efficacious, making them run away laughing. During the night we had to fire at thieves. They became so bold and daring, throwing stones into camp, stealing the clothes of single individuals while outside, that two or three were killed, which gave the inhabitants a wonderful idea of oar power and watchfulness; also that we must be ma gicians to have killed notorious thieves, hitherto con sidered invulnerable. Nothing was ever said for having killed them. Some instances may be given of the supersti tions of this country. The people, having seen me visit a waterfall alone, reported it to the Prince, and the story went about that we had come to flood the country. Milk could not be supplied to us, as we ate fowls, neither could it be supplied to those who ate the bean of the country. The ruler feared our evil eye, and would not show us anything, neither would he accept a revolver pistol, as he thought it had been bewitched I Our camp was kept two or three miles away from the miserable creature's abode. After ten days we had the good fortune, one midnight, to be ordered forthwith out of his dominions, when we proceeded towards the countries ruled by the three great despotic kings near the Victoria Nyanza. The first, Rumanika, proved aremarkable contrast to the rude barbarians we had seen previously. He received us with a ' Yambo' (How do you do ?) and a hearty shake of the hand immediately on our arrival. While seated in a tiny room among his sons and brothers, he politely invited us to sit down on the matting facing him. Smiles, inquiries, and welcomes at being so fortunate as to see white men con tinually burst from him. ' Every day do I see Arab+, but never white men.' He would say laughingly, ' Show me that gun, the powder-flask, your hat,' &c. Then would he look and wonder at our shoes. ' Did we think the lake big?' e been ' How did we lik e th e hill s i n hi s country?' How did we know there were peopl e h ere ?" Did the chief in Uzinza treat us hvg well?' thisjokingblyy, him.kn owingln f t e h e a t, tw e moat we Hesaid enormously fleeced formed the most charming impression of his gentleness, amiability, and intelligence, His brothers and sons showed great attachment to him and sympathy towards me, sitting with me for hours while lying sick; bringing me flowers, birds' nests, animals, or anything curious that might inte rest me. His people, also, living in the palace vicinity, had imbibed the gentleness of their king, whose greatest de light was in examining pictures of his peasantry, oar sol diery, or English men and women as they dressed at home. Strangely enough, notwithstanding these superior qualities, like most Africans, any toy would amuse his un educated mind, I made a jumping-jack for his child, but this he at once appropriated to himself, and sent me a car penter to cut down a tree, so that a life-size one might be made him. His queens and female relatives fed upon milk, and the consequence was that they became fattened to enor mous sizes, and when seen in motion their excessive obesity obliged them to be supported on either side by a friend, the flesh of their arms hanging down in a flabby mass like the widest of fashionable sleev,es. During the five months I was laid up at his palace we were on the most friendly and intimate terms. If hie gun was to be cleaned, or his clock to be mended, or his coat to be washed, or if he wanted a particular colour of fowl or goat for rain-making purposes, or a picture to be drawn, he always applied to me. Ordinary criminals he was never harsh with—his brother dealt with them. Thefts were punished by imprisonment (the stocks) for two or three months; for beating witk a stick a fine of 10 goats was sufficient ; for wounding with a spear all pro perty was confiscated, half going to the King and half to the injured party; if there was no property he was sent to the stocks. The murderer was variously treated, according to the evidence ; some had their eyes gouged, while th generality were thrown over a precipice, and the body dashed to pieces, the property going to the family of the murdered person. Their dead—that is, those of this Wal ruma race—are deposited in the cow fold, sown up in the skin of a cow, or, as in the case of a young prince while I was there, put among the rocks on an island in the lake. Burial grounds are never seen in the country; the bodies of the peasantry are thrown into Little Windermere. The next Equator king was named M'tessa, a fine young fellow, pas sionately fond of all field sports. Very exaggerated reports had come of him—i.e., that he would take no presents, that Speke had to shoot 100 cows daily for the King s plea sure, that my arrival there would be celebrated by the massacre of a great number of people, that he abhorred slavery, that no sick person could enter his territory, &c. I was consequently very anxious to reach Uganda to test these wonderful reports, and soon found that he took the most enormous presents wo had yet made—daily shot a few cows, the meat of which the men got—no human sacrifices made in honour of my arrival; slaves he had in immense num bers, and he sent a carrying party to bring me, an invalid, up 200 miles, so that the report proved to some extent a fabrication. The first time Speke took me there to call upon him he presided at an immense levee (the most theatrical affair), looking a perfect fop and dandy—albeit with en Ora ov erweening and c on t emp t uous a i r. Hi s c l ot h es an d h ea d not a ment s were put on with th e grea t es t care an d n e a tness ; had hair was ou t of place, and evidently his lady's-maids spared no pains in his t • soothsayers, called • Witchnesee, sat by his side to hand him , his wine oup, or brush off a speck should it fall on the King; they appeared to exercise so t u o ie sacred functions about the Court, and w ere supposed divine every event. They dressed fantasti ca ll y, and, like vindividual present, exquisitely clean and tid y, with naturalea wreaths of flowers, stuffed lizards, shells, heads, or seeds, dresses of salmon tinted buck cloth reaching t o th e i r anCies aprons, two or three of the shining black, w hi te, orred skinspet Perhaps p e s kid. For hours they would sit in this state patiently upon t h e King, until he choose to terminat e hi s l evee by retirig. many curious barbarous customs prevail at Uganda. One is that if a page does not convey properly the King's orders, or misconvoys them, the poor buy has his intellee-. sharpened by ha sing one or both his ears cut off. Maimed boys and handless men, not seemingly disgraced, were therefore not at all uncommon; and on his seeing my hand it at once struck hint that I had been a page, for he asked me. He punishes by fire, torture, or death. The lives of men and women are taken for:the most trivial offences—a common saying being that he never looks bright or no bu siness can be done till the day has commenced with a few being led to execution. Not a day passed without our hear ing of or actually seeing some poor victim. A miserable young girl or handsome woman from the palace gates might be seen walking down the road, perfectly alone and unheeded by passers .by, wailing in the most bitter, agonizing tones, perhaps bleeding from a spear wound, and mournfully fol lowing a single palace guard,walking 50 yards in front of her, to the place of execution. Others would have a whip-cord round the wrist, and follow the man along like a dog, while oth ers pull most reluctantly against the cord by which they are bei ng l ed to death, screaming most cruelly. Princesses by birth had several privileges ; they could not be executed THE V SUN; LONDON, WEDNESDAY _EVENING, SEPTEMBER 2, 1863. like othere, and the King's sister, the handsomest girl in the palace, had the privilege of also being his wife. He re turned my call the day after the first interview. I heard the sound of a rushing mob outside the fence of our hut, when in bounded the young king, bareheaded, clearing the fences, dressed in an open chintz jacket, no shirt, and loose white trousers trimmed with red, and looking, not the swell of yesterday, but the picture of a negro blackguard. He was followed by 20 lads and boys, his brothers, carrying guns, sticks, dead vultures, and other birds which he had shot. One or two were heavily ironed, feet and hands; another had a wide-a• wake of leather on ; all were as jolly as only Africans can be. Giving him a chair outside the hut, ho rapidly turned over the leaves of a sketch-book, stared widely about, asked whether his likeness had yet been done, whether we had seen the birds he had shot, ordered me to show my head uncovered to his brothers, who squatted round him, tearing at sugar-cane in the most ravenous manner. You are the guest of the King„and must never pay the people for anything, and every house must be deserted instanter on your arrival. In fact, it was a villanous system of oppres sion, but no redress could be had, as th ese were th e orders of his Majesty —to eat and take whatever you liked, but not pocket or carry away. Payment in sloths, guns, and other presents for one having thus plundered his peasantry was made to him alone. The villages in the vicinity of the palace, being occupied by the favourites of the Court, were alone exempt from this taxation." Sir R. A luncalsoN, in thanking Captain Grant for his entertaining paper, said that though his distinguished friend had spoken of one of those kings whose quick eye observed that he had lost a portion of one of his hands, with the modesty that so peculiarly characterised him, he did not tell the meeting that he had lost it while serving with his regiment in quelling the Indian mutiny. When the gallant Havelock was advancing to Cawnpore his rearguard was harassed, and suffered great losses through the proximity of a gun served by the rebels. This gun did immense mischief and occasioned con siderable lcm of life both among officers and men. Capt. (then Lieutenant) Grant was accordingly sent to silence it. Fortunately ho was a remarkably good shot, and succeeded in killing one of the artillerymen at the first discharge of his rifle. His men supplied him with a fresh rifle, and that brought down a second man, and in a few minutes four out of the five artillerymen were put hors de combat, the piece was silenced, and the rearguard was saved from any further annoyance from that quarter. No doubt had General Havelock lived he would have taken care that Captain Grant's services on that and other occasions should n v ss A ho ßli uld sT b ß e o b N r c o , ught under the notice of the proper authorities, an d t h a t he would receive what azm he so well de serve d —the Vi ctor i a Cross. arks, which w ere warm l y supported few complimentary by the u ence, welcomed Captain Grant to Newcastle, and Commodore Maury expressed a hope that the Go vernment would give him the Victoria Cross, which he so well deserved. Several other papers were also read on the Nile discoveries. One was by Mr. John Hogg, on the old maps of Africa, and a short memoir from Baron von Heughlin was read on his exploration of certain of the affluents of the Nile. Mr. MARKHAM also read a letter from M. Miani, a Venetian explorer of whom our travellers found some traces at Gondokoro. This gentleman had cut his name on a tamarind tree which he said waa on the eastern side of the river, while that mentioned by Speke and Grant was on the western side. He also pointed out several other matters in which he asserted the geography of the exptorers was at fault. Captain GRANT said that the mistake of M. Miani with referen ce to the a id e of the river on which Captain Sp e k o and himse lf discovered the tamarind tree arose fr om hi s hav i ng seen an erroneous map. M. Miani's where he wa s represente d we a r s e raivdeicryuled old d a m t an,witha large white b ear d , trave lling a long on the back o f a donkey explorations Khartum, in search of the Nile. He was p re p are d to stake hi s reputat i on that not a single lati tude laid d own Speke by Captain and himself, from Zanziba r to G on d o k o ro, would be found halt a mile opt of it s proper pos ition by any geographer. Observations tak en i n a foreign count r y c ould be verified at home; and, therefore, it would be easy to put their statements to the test. Mr. GREENFIELD said that the Assistant Astro nomer Royal had tested all the observations as to latitude and longitude made by Captains Speke and Grant, and had forwarded the results to the Royal Geographical Society. The rest of the day in this section was consumed by the reading of a paper by Mutu Coomara Sw am y, a Cingalese barrister, on the Ethnology of Ceylon, referring especially to its Cingalese and Tamil inha bitants. In the Economic Section there seems to be a growing tendency to slip away from pure science into the domain of politics, and not unfrequently, dropping into the room in the middle of a discus sion, a stranger might fancy that he had got by mistake into the House of Commons in Committee of Supply, or on the provieions of some Bill. Colonel Sykes read here a long paper "On the Bud gets of the French and English Armies for 1863-4," in which he drew a comparison between the two, very unfavourable to the economy of the British ser vice. The French effective and non-effective service, of 400,000 men, cost £43 9.3.4 d. per head, while the British service, effective and non-effective, number ing 147,118 men, cost £94 ls. lid. per head. The gallant colonel expressed his belief that greater economy would be secured, if the Government, in stead of manufacturing all their own materiel, would make more use of the services of contractors. In the discussion which followed, Captain Galton said that much of the difference pointed out in the paper might be explained away. Dr. HANCOCK read a paper on the "English and Irish Poor-law," in which he advocated the exten sion to Ireland of the English system of out-door relief. Mr. Purdy, on the other hand, wished, if there was any assimilation, that the English system should assimilate with the lash, and other gentle , men who spoke on the subject deprecated any en ' largement of out-door relief. CHIMES DIBDIN'S SEA-SONGS. (From the Atheneeum.) Dib3in embraces his subject heartily, and gripe, so far as his reach goes, with the real smack of a sailor's salute. He is true to certain qualities of the English nature, which lie, with their mineral strength, at the heart of all who are worthy of wearing the English name,—that superior sense of being English which alone has often served to grapple us together, rich and poor, as with hooks of steel, and served us nobly when peer and peasant have gaily galloped the death-gaps horse to horse, or swept up to the deadly breach shoulder to shoulder, and on many a hard-fought field lain down side by side in a peerless brotherhood after turning the tide of battle,—that singleness of purpose which puts the whole heart into the act,—that union of gentleness and strength which produces our favourite heroes, the darlings of the national heart, who solve Samson's riddle for us, and show the honey of sweetness hidden in the lion of their strength, as in Nelson's noble and tender type—he who struck such a blow as left our country without a rival on all the seas, then, like a noble boy going to bed, said, "Kiss me, Hardy," and fell asleep, or, as Dibdin sings,— I heard his last words, that so grieved each bystander, Words sounding so mournful and sweet ; 'Twas his " Love and farewell"—Damme I there's a com mander I —To each brother tar in the fleet. Dibdin caught a glimpse of the right kind here. His sailor has a tender heart underneath the coarse, rough strength of his character; a spring of fresh water welling and sweetening the great salt ocean of his brute force. In his foretop moralising mood he considers, after all, that piping your eye and a wet pocket-handerohief aro about the best things to bring you into port at last; although his mode of soothing his sweetheart at parting is anything but comfortingly sequential : I said to our Poll, for d'ye see, she would cry, When last we weighed anchor for sf a, What argufias sniv'lling and piping your eye ? Why what a d—d fool you must be Can't you see the world's wide and there's room for us all, Both for seamen and lubbers ashore ? And it to Old Davy I go, my dear Poll, Why, you never will hear of me more. Ho does not wear the soft heart on his sleeve, and is glad of any excuse for keeping the mother down from his throat Just hear the Chaplain's story, glow in g With all that' s good and wise ; Be swab s his bows while tears are flowing— The scuppers are his' eyes. He talks in terms to molt a lubber; And then he'll preach and pray So moving, one could almost blubber, But, that's all in his way I Still, choke it down as he may, the tenderness is there. There is still always a soft corner, and a woman in it, in Jack's heart ; or else little child 'fingers are playing on it as an instrument. He has the true English feeling for home and its joys, albeit he may have strange ways of showing his domesticity, realising his own commentary on Jove : What a devil that god was for following the gals —When at sea he likes to think of his Nancy, with all her Toying works and hs , usehold ways ; and thoughts, end images, and feelings, come crowding all sail on his soul, till, as he says, "I'm nothing but Nancy." Living a life that is passed in a fluctuating world of change, he tries to be true to Nancy. Amid the trials and temptations of foreign ports how hard he strives to be constant, and he fails, why it is only because Nancy or Poll will assume so many shap.sl— with faces like charcoal, and others like chalk, All ready one's heart to o'er-haul; " Don't you go to love me, my good girl," says I " walk; I've sworn to be constant to Poll." From far away his heart will be running home like a very Gulf-stream, brightening and enriching some little green spot where he hopes to set foot and empty a lot of shiners into Poll's lap, dart into her arms like the ball from an Armstrong, get married and launch a young navy to repay the sea and country for his own desertion ! It is in a lower range, however, that Dibdin shows his greatest forse of portraying the British tar. His most suc cessful painting is done by vary broad handling, a thick brush and a coarse touch. His delight is the jolly Jack Tar, who will stick like pitch to friend or sweetheart, and, come weal, come woe, come friend or foe, it's all one to Jack, He goes at everything broadside on, with heart sailing too fest even for his generous hind, making his head swim to keep his heart from sinking, pushing the grog about from year's end to year's end, too fond of sounding the bowl, making the can go round, and relying on grog aboard and girls ashore as the sailor's sheet-anchor. This now is a neat and lively picture of Dibdiu's sailor-life:— We sing a little, we laugh a little, And work a little, and swear a little, And fiddle a little, and foot it a little, And swig the il ming can. The worst of it is that Dibdin's sailor cannot be thus mo derate. Why, in the one article of loyalty alone, he is rich enough to ruin himself. He will drink so many healths to Majesty that he quite forgets his own. Dihdin is true enough to the sailor-nature in its love of fair-play, a stand-up fight, a clear deck, and no favour; its desire to make mincemeat of an enemy, and its gentleness in binding him np again with a sort of motherly care and tenderness ; its equal readiness to save as well as to damn ; its fair, open front, and broad, honest back never turned on danger. True, likewise, to the national habit of brag, which shows our de scent from the great worshippers of the god Brage, every lad in the land that has played one to three at " English and French" will understand this image of Nelson fighting the foe with only one arm : Thus with one of his precious limbs shot away, Bold Nelson know'd well how to nick 'em ; So as for the French, 'tis as much as to say, We can tie up one hand, and then lick 'em. Dibden has also giv.n us the philosophy of the sailor's frank fearlessness and his rough-and-ready welcome to whatsoever lot may befall. This is how he can look at life and death:— Why now, if they go for to talk about living, My eyes—why a little will serve: Let each a small part of his pittance be giving, And who in the nation can starve ? Content's all the thing—rough or calm be the weather The wind on the beam or the bow. So if honestly he can splice both ends together, Why then, damme it Jack cares how I And then for a bring .up, d'ye see, about dying, On which such a racket they keep, What argufies if in a churchyard you're lying, Or find out your grave in the deep ? Of one tbing we're certain, whatever our calling, Death will bring us all up—and what then ? So his conscience's tackle will bear overhauling, Why then, damme if Jack cares when. These things Dibdin has done, done well, once and for ever. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS, POST.—Although the law and the facts touching the alleged building of men-of-war in this country for the Confederate States are equally plain, we confess that we have little hope of either fact or law making any impression on the persons for whose information our remarks are principally intended. They are so much under the influence of passion that they can hardly be expected to listen to reason. Mr. Cobden himself has told us that when people are at war they are as little amenable to reason and facts as " mad dogs." We have just been assured by an authority well informed on the subject, that Americans in the Northern States are " mad for war" with this country. At all events, they cannot be considered quite sane and sober, ac cording to Mr. Cobden's dictum, touching their own internecine struggle for empire, or anything relat ing to it which may tend to help the weaker party. Let us, then, see what the law of nations upon this subject is, and let us take our precedents from the history of the United States. In 1822 a case came before the American courts where a man-ofaivar had sailed from the United States, armed and equipped for service, to the Government of Buenos Ayres, when at war with Spain. This man-of-war had originally been built and equipped as a war vessel for service against England in the war be tween this country and the United States; and she had been actively engaged in that war. In 1816 she was loaded by her American owners with arms and ammunition, she carried 12 guns belonging to her original equipment when fighting against Eng land, and, under the command of a captain named Chapter, who was a native born citizen of the United States, she sailed out from the port of Baltimore, and proceeded to Buenos Ayres for the use of that Power. The Government of Buenos Ayres, directly they came into possession of her, hoisted their flag at the masthead, and Chapter, the American citizen, pro duced to his crew his commission from the Buenos Ayres Government to act as captain of the ship and make war upon Spain. This American vessel of war, therefore, was sold and transferred, aiready armed and equipped, commanded and manned by citizens of the United States, and, under the name of the Independencia, began at once to serve as a public man-of-war of the Government of Buenos Ayres against Spain, a friendly Power, with whom the United States were at amity and peace. When this case came before the Supreme Court of the United States, the highest tribunal in that country, the presiding judge, Justice Story, an authority of the highest eminence, after the muturest delibera tion, pronounced the decision of the Court, that " there was nothing in the law of the United States, or in the law of nations, which prohibited American citizens from sending armed vessels, as well as munitions of war, to foreign ports for sale." The judgment pronounced by Justice Story is so com plete and exhaustive that we deem it right to ex tract from it a passage of some length. "The ques tion," said this celebrated judge, "as to the original illegal armament and outfit of the Independencia may be dismissed in a few words. It is apparent that, though equipped as a vessel of war, she was sent to Buenos Ayres as a commercial adventure, contraband, indeed, but in no shape violating our laws or our national neutrality. If eaptured by a Spanish ship of war during the voyage she would have been justly condemned as a good prize, and for being engaged in a traffic prohibited by th e law of nations. Bat there is nothing in our laws or in the law of nations that forbids our citizens to send armed vessels, as well as munitions of war, to foreign ports for sale. It is a commercial adven ture which no nation is bound to prohibit, and which on ly e xposes the persons engaged in it to the penalty of confiscation." Justice Story also stated expressly that " there was no pretence to say the original outfit for the voyage was illegal, or that a capture made after sale was, for that cause alone, invalid." And this decision was in strict conformity, with what hail been always held by American jurists and statesmen to be the principle and practice of the law of nations, and of municipal law so far as might be applicable to the point. For instance, so long ago as 1793, the American Go vernment held " that the purchasing and exporting from the United States, by way of merchandise, articles commonly called contraband, being gene rally warlike instruments and stores, is free to all parties at war, and is not to be interfered with. If our own citizens undertake to carry them to any of these parties they will be abandoned to the penal ties which the laws of war authorise." In 1812 the same Government soletnnly declared that " it is not the practice of nations to undertake to prohibit their own subjects from trafficking in articles contraband of war. Such trade is carried on at the risk of those engaged in it, under the liabilities and penal ties prescribed by the law of nations and particular treaties." This was illustrated by reference to the ca se of Texas—" It Ame r i can mer chants in the way of commerce had sold munitions of war to Texas, the Government of the United States nevertheless were not bound to prevent it, and could not have prevented it without a manifest departure from the principles of neutrality." Again, wo are, authori tatively informed by the American Government that " the laws of the United States do not forbid their citizens to sell to either of the belligerent Powers articles contraband of war, or to take muni tions of war or soldiers on board their private ships for transportation; and although in so doing the individual exposes his property or person to some of the iinzards of war, his acts do not involve any breach of national neutrality ; nor do they of them selves impli ca t e th e G overn ment." Such are the principles and a few of the precedents furnished by the American Government itself. Let us now look into the acts and practice of America with particu lar reference to England. During the late war be tween Russia and this country a vessel of war called the America was built, equipped, manned, and sent out from the United States for the service of Russia, under the command of a lieutenant of the American navy, named Hudson. When the America arrived at Rio de Janeiro on her way from New York to Petropaulowski, the English men-of war wanted to stop and examine her, one of her crew having given information to the British Con sul, but the Brazilian Government would not allow this to be done in their waters. The English cap tains, therefore, determined to watch for her and stop her after she had left. But here the kind offices of an Arnericen man-of-war came into ploy. Capt. Salter, who commanded the United States squadron at Rio, ordered his own ship, the Savannah frigate, to be taken in tow by the America, and thus secured her impunity. These facts are vouched by an officer on board the Savannah, When Lieut. Hudson arrived at Petropaulowski he heard, to his great disappointment, that peace had come, as the America was only one of a whole fleet that were preparing and equipping in the United States for the service of Russia, and in the event of another year's war they would have swept the Pacific of English merchant vessels." A British naval officer saw the America lying in the Peiho for weeks in the spring of 1858. At the signing of the Treaty of Tien-tsin she had the Russian flag flying from her masthead, and an American eagle on her stern. The Foreign Enlistment Act was based upon an ancient common-law principle whereby the Sove reign is entitled to the services of a subject. Accord ing to this principle the subject has no right to give his services to any foreign Power. The ancient common law, and the Enlistment Act that grew out of it, had reference to and created relations exclu sively between the subject and the Sovereign of this country ; they have nothing to do with the relations between the Sovereign and foreign Powers. This latter class of relations is governed by the law of nations and by treaties, not by muni cipal enactments. No foreign State has any right to interfere in the relations between the subject and the Sovereign of another country. It is interns , tional law and treaties which can alone afford to foreign States ground for interference. While we observe these they have no pretence for remon strance or complaint, And that we do observe them is proved by our readiness to stop the Alexandra, in a case so doubtful that the Court of Exchequer pro nounced against the Government. TIMES.—If we may trust an announcement which appeared yesterday in two French papers generally well informed, the Polish question is about to take a very different turn from what has lately been feared. It is said that the Emperor contemplates measures which would go far beyond all that the three Powers have asked from him, and, indeed, be- , yond any hopes that they could have entertained. According to these reports, the Emperor had con ceived the project of a new and liberal Constitution for the whole empire, and was about to lay it before an Extraordinary Council. His proposal amounted to the grant of a regular Constitutional Government. There would be two Chambers —one, the Senate, consisting of 300 members appointed for life, and the other a representative assembly of 450 members elected under specified conditions. These two would constitute a central representation for the whole empire ; but, besides these, separate and indepen dent Constitutions would be granted to the pro vinces. Thus the Kingdom of Poland, while send ing representatives to the central Government, would have an independent internal organisation, and would have its own Diet sitting at Warsaw for the regulation of its own affairs. The same plan would be adopted with regard to Finland and the other great provinces of the Empire. The plan would therefore be a distinct abandonment of the system of forced military centralisation which was the lifelong idea of the late Emperor, and would be an attempt to give independence and life to the dif ferent national elements of which the empire is com posed, and to trust to their possession of a common Sovereign and a common representation for their natural growth into one great whole. It is said that intimations of this intention have been already com municated to France, and that they have influenced the recent French Note and the quiet course of the present negotiations. If such a project be really con templated by the Russian Emperor, it is not difficult to understand its significance. The course of events in Poland during the last few months must have been placing the Emperor in a position of extreme diffi culty. The course marked out for him by the traditional policy of his family and by the imme diate example of his father was to crush out the insurrection by the sternest and most unrelenting violence, to stamp out every trace of opposition, and to grasp the whole of his empire with the iron force of a military despotism. But he must soon hare seen that the different circumstances of the times would make it impossible to repeat in 1863 his father's course in 1831. The changes in the material conditions of public life since that time have brought very different feelings and interests to bear upon such questions as the Polish Insurrection. By the increase in the means of communication and the universal diffusion of intelligence all such questions are brought to the ordeal of a public opinion more or less free is every country, and Governments are therefore influenced, if not decided, by general popular considerations of honour and public in terest. Any such course, therefore, as the Emperor Nicholas pursued towards Poland in 1831 would at once be brought face to face with the national con science of England and France, and would be sure to rouse a tremendous storm of indignation, which might force at least the more excitable of the two countries into a war in defence of liberty and mercy. The press brings all the acts of cruelty and injustice which such a policy must involve into the light of day, and the Emperor must feel that if he continued in the course he has commenced in Poland he would soon be isolated from the pale of European civiliza tion, or compelled bye coalition of the great Powers to adopt a more humane and just policy. On the other hand, he must, of course, have felt that if he abandoned this policy he would have no alternative but to change the whole traditionary character of his Empire, and to enter upon a totally different method of government. It would be obviously im possible for him to grant a Constitutional Govern ment to Poland while the countries around it were still governed on the principles of the most arbi trary military despotism. It would be impossible to sew that piece of new cloth on the old mantle of Nicholas. A Polish Constitutional Kingdom esta blished in the heart of the Russian Empire would be an anomaly, a sort of foreign body, per petually convulsing the whole constitution of the Empire. It would be necessary for the Emperor, it he abandoned his old line of policy, to change the whole character of his Government. He must be prepared to give up the old principle entirely, and to introduce Constitutional forms into every im portant province of his Empire. In short, he was on the horns of a terrible dilemma. The extremity of the case left only two courses open to him—either to maintain the hard despotism of his father at any cost of blood, cruelty, and dishonour, and to brave the public opinion of Europe ; or to grant the Poles a really liberal and Constitutional form of Govern ment, and to give it a fair chance of existence by assimilating the government of his other dominions to the same system. The question, in short, per haps amounted to this—whether Russia should spread her barbarous institutions over Poland, or Poland should spread its comparative civilisation over Russia. We do not wonder that the answer to so momentous a question should have long hung in the balance, and even if the news we refer to should be well-founded, and the Emperor should himself have made up his mind, he will, no doubt, have to face a determined and violent opposition before he will be able to carry out his plans. Such a resolu tion would be in harmony with the high reputation with which the Emperor ascended the throne, and which he seemed to deserve by his great measure for the liberation of the serfs; but it could not fail to be extremely distasteful to a large and powerful party in his kingdom. When Constitutionalism makes such slow strides even in such an enlightened country as Prussia, it will require a bold and firm hand for the Emperor Alexander to introduce it in so comparatively ignorant and superstitious an em pire as his own. Every good wish, however, ought to go with him in so wise and courageous a resolu tion, and even if he were only partially successful he would do more than can be done by any other means to advance the cause of Constitutional Go vernment in Europe. Russia hitherto has been the great feeder of despotic ideas. She has been a sort of support on which every arbitrary monarch of Germany felt himself sure of being able to depend ; she has formed a basis for the reactionary party in every German State. The present arbitrary Ministry in Prussia was thought to pursue a natural instinct when it allied itself with the great Northern des potism. But if Russia adopts Constitutional Government, while Austria is endeavouring to in troduce the same principle, there will be no foot hold for despotism left on the Continent, and the great Powers of Germany, free from the attraction of so vast an Empire, will fall inevitably into their true and natural liberty of government. If this concession is really to be made, we trust it will not Come too late for the Poles to accept it. Long op pression and cruelty have roused so bitter a feeling am ong them that, to judge by our present informa tion, it is not likely they will ever be content with less than absolute independence. Bat such a step on the part of the Emperor would cut away every possible ground for foreign interference in their behalf. Indeed, if the Poles wer e to continue their insurrection after the promulgation of such a gene ral reform, we are confident they would lose all public sympathy in this country. We should feel d that they had got all that u nder the circumstances they could possibly expect t o get, an sufficient to give them the opportunity for a p rosperous national existence. So long as the Emperor proposed t o grant Constitutional G o vernment to Poland alone, there was some reason militaryineobection that ac Con stitution surrounded by a despotism uld never be anything more than a pretence, and at least would be al wa y s insecure. But if the Emperor Alexander offers to change the whole system of his Government in deference to the necessities which the Poles have raised, they will no longer have any gro und in reaso n for refusing to accept his terms. It is idle a ttempting to resuscitate a state of things which has, by whatever means, bean destroyed for so man y years. Nations are not like counters which can be broken up and pieced together again at will. They are living organisms, the growth of which never pauses, and no treaties or armies can bring back a condition in their existence which has once passed away. For right or wrong, for good er . 11, Poland has now been partitioned too long for it to be possible to undo the work. It is of no avail for the Poles to rush upon baycnets because they can not get all they want. They must be content with anything in reason, and such a proposition by the Emperor of Russia as we have been discussing would be more than reasonable. It they can secure a liberal representation, a tolerably free press, fair administration of the laws, and security for life and property, they have no right to convulse Europe for the shadowy advantage of a distinct Sovereign• We earnestly hope that it w ill not be their obsti nacy which will prevent the Polish question from receiving so satisfactory a solution. RTALTH OF LONDON. T (From the Registrar-General's Weekly Return.) The deaths in London, which reached 1,514 in the lost week in July, declined to 1,334 in the week that ended Sa turday, Aug. 29 Those of persons under 20 years of ago decreased from 870 to 798 ; and those which occurred at 60 years of age and upwards fell from 246 to 173. The average number of deaths derived from 10 corresponding week, viz., the 35th week in each of the years 1353.62, with the omis sion of deaths from cholera in 1854, and with a correction for increase of population, is 1,191. The actual number in last week, therefore, exceeds the average by 143. The deaths from smallpox in the four previous weeks were successively 43, 49, 45, 39, and hut week 31. The average for the corresponding week in the last 10 years was nine. The deaths from measles were 11; from scarlatina and diphtheria, 141; from whooping-cough, 29; from typhus and other fevers, 49; from diarrhoea, cholera, and dysen tery, 194; from phthisis, 124; from pneumonia, 31, and from heart disease, 61. At 20, Dartmouth•terrace, Rotherhithe, on Aug. 23d, the wife of an engineer, aged 37 years, died of premonitory diarrhoea (two days), Asiatic cholera (27 hours) sporadic." The medical attendant states that the air of this otherwise open and healthy neighbourhood is frequently poisoned by emanations from a fish-manure factory. Last week the births of 865 boys and 840 girls, in all 1,705 children, were registered in London. Inthe ten correspond ing weeks of the years 1853 62 the average number (cor rected) was 1,859. At the Royal Observatory, Greenwich, the mean height of the barometer in the week was 29.52 in. The reading of the barometer decreased from 2988 at the beginning of the week to 23.30 in. by 9 p.m. on the 25th; increased to 29.38 in. by 9 a.m. on the 26th ; decreased to 29•23 in by 9 a.m. on the 27th; increased to 29 . 52 by 9 a.m. on the 28th; decreased to 29 , 18 in. by 9 p.m. on the same day, and was 29.69 in. at the end of the week. The mead temperature of the air in the week was 60 0 deg., which is 0.1 deg. below the average of the same week in 43 years. The highest day reading of the thermometer was 74.6 deg., and occurred on Sunday. The lowest night reading was 50 . 3 deg , and occurred on Tuesday. The range of tempera ture in the week was, therefore, 24.3 deg. The difference between the mean dew-point temperature and air tempera • tare was 7 . 5 deg. The mean degree of humidity of the air was 77, complete saturation being represented by 100. The wind was daily in the south-west. Rain fell chiefly on Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday. There was thunder on the evening of Tuesday and Friday. COUNTRY MARKETS. -4 , - -- - LEEDS-TUESDAY. New wheat was in moderate supply to-day, and the cur rencies of last Friday were not materially altered. Leal inquiry for old. LIVERPOOL-TUESDAY. At our market to-day there was a good attendance cif millers, and wheat experienced a moderate sale at full prices. Flour (American) scarce, and rather dearer. In dian corn rather difficult to purchase. MARKET HARBOROUGH-T U ESDAY. White wheat, 45s to 498; red, 42s to 47s per 36 stone. Malting barley at 34s to 38s per qr. ; grinding, 29s to 333 per 30 at. Oats, old, 26s to. 308; new, 208 to 23s per 24 at. ; beans, 37s to 40s per qr. SHEFFIELD-TUESDAY. ---- - We had a tolerable supply of wheat, and the demand ruled more active, with prices quite as dear. Barley very steady, and the same in price as last week. Oats a fair supply, but sales dull. Beans no lower in price. Red wheat, per load of 3 imperial bushels 16s Od to 17s 93 White 22 I lBs Od to 20s 03 New red t d New white „ ft ..4 . : i l 9 8 : 0 0 d d t t o o 2 19 0 5 s 0 0 1 Beans ft" las 6d to 17s 63 Peas, per qr 45s Od to 56s od Grinding barley, per qr 30s Od to 32s od Malting ditto, „ 348 Od to 38s Od Oats 19 22s Od to 27s Od Flour, 18 7d to 2s ld per stone. MELTON MOWBRAY—TuEspAy. Wheat was in liberal supply, and the demand was better. —The following were the currencies :—New white wheat, 44s Od to bos;Od ; new red, 43s Od to 48s per 36 stone; beans, 37s to 42s for old ; new sorts, 37s to 38 sper 38 st. barley, 36s to 39s for malting, sand 30s to 32s per qr. for grinding; new oats, 23s to 26s Od per 24 stone. DUBLIN—TUESDAY. We had a slow market to-day, and no change to quote in the currencies of old grain. New wheat is and black oats 3d to 63 lower. One sample of new barley at market , for which 16s was obtained. The following quotations 0 grain are per barrel :--- s. d. s. 11. 8. d. s. d• Wheat, white 21 0 to 26 0 Beans.. ..... oto Do., red 22 oto 23 0 Bere . ll otol3 6 , Do., new - " Barley Oats Do., black — oto 0 Indian corn .. 27 oto2B 0 Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Australia and Mauritius, via Southampton. Sept. 1 8 ' via Marseilles Brazil and Cape Yards, by British packet. Sept. Sept. 1:: Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena Sept. 2 8 ' China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southatnpton Sept. 1. via Marseilles Sept. 1' Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton Sept. 1 ' India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton Sept. 1;., via Marseilles Sept. 1,, - • India (Bombay), via Southampton Sept. 11'' via Marseilles Sept. 4 ' Portuga 1.... Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Sept. l• via Marseilles Newfoundland Oporto and Vigo U. S. and British N. America, by Brit. pr , cket..... S : e e ep p ptt t .. . ' 2 . . 1 by U.S. packet.... by Canadian packet. Sept. 4. W .C. of Africa, Madeira, Se Teneritle ..Sept. 0 Bahamas, via New York ' Sept. 24. Mexico All parts of West Indies, including Chili, Peru, 1 Sept. 13. California. and British Columbia.. [ADVERTISEMENT.] —Consumption, all nervous, bilious liver, and stomach complaints, in every stage, are only a g . ; gravated and accelerated by drugs of every description , I' ll ,: perfectly curable by Du Barry's health r es t or i ng Revaten t : Arabica Food, as proved by thousands of cases which W I : been considered hopeless. We quote a few.—Cure No. 6 2,9/ _.l Miss Lange, 18 years of age, cured after the medical men 1 3 ; abandoned all hopes of her recovery from the last stag e °' pulmonary consumption, with fearful cough, expectorati on, exhaustion, spitting of blood, perspirations, hollow ebe e n emaciated to a skeleton. She is now, thank God, a perieeT„ healthy, blooming, fleshy girl.—N. Lange, Commissaire u`, Police. Cure, No. 46,270. Mr. James Roberts, of lerimlei. Surrey, of thirty years' diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liv er _ derangement, and partial deafness.—Cure, No. 47,121. Mieo Elizabeth Jacobs, of extreme nervousness, indigestiolu gatherings, low spirits, and nervous fancies.—Cure, 54,816. The Rev. James T. Campbell, Fakenham, NorfolX. of indigestion and torpidity of the liver, which had resist ed all medical treatment. I n tins, Ilb, 28 9d ; 21b, 48 ed ; 61 1 ; lis ; 121 b, 225; 241 b, 40s. Barry du Barry and Ca., No. 7 1i Regent-street, London ; also Fortnum and Mason; and i " grocers and chemists in every town of the United Kingdo Births. --- ANNETT.—On the 31st ult., at 4. Somers-place, 1 -1 0 8' park, the wife of T. A. Annett, Esq., of a son. o f Fmn .—On the 29th July, at Buenos Ayres, the sciLo Jo h n Fair, Esq., of a daughter. LONGFORD. —On the Ist inst., at 24, Bruton-street, tha Countess of Longfo r d, o f a daughter. of POLLARD.—On the 30th ult., at Edinburgh, the sv"" Commander E. J. Pollard, R.N., of a daughter. Marriages. BARNARD — MARTIN.—On the 31st ult., in London , th e ward, son of Mr. T. Barnard, of Epsom, to Victoria, 0, third daughter of Mr, John Martin, of &low' Surrey. gol9 MARSHALL—CHALMERS.—On the 29th ult., at s q., Trinity Church, Brompton, William A. Marshal l, , er of of Lee park, Blackheath, to Emma, elder daugly,en. Robert Chalmers, Esq., of Tharloe-square, South P• sington. _ _ Deaths.- I COLTIWAN.—On the 30th ult., at High Wycombe, N" T. Coltman, aged 57. . s i t iiet FAIRLIE.-0a the 22d ult., at Mile-end, Mr. Thos. aged 48. GREENS —On the 25th ult., at Ampthill, Mr. T. G' s°le° aged 61. MARJORIBANKS.—On the 31st ult., at Bushere e9 near Wattord, Stewart Marjoribanks, Esq., a ged B , '• MORANT.—On the 30th ult., at Guildford, Augus tus Morant, Esq., of Brixton, aged 31. r A r t PURDY.—On the 29th ult. , at Po p la r , Mr. Thomas .11 aged 79. D ear R OX EURGR.—On the 31 st ult. , at Farnham R oyal ' Slough, David Roxburgh, Esq. London: Printed and Pub.fißlied by WILLIAM A Nl)jt v:l l.2 ; of No. 11 2 , Strand , Printer, at THE SUN OffiC e n -. ty OA Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy , in the C°ll- I t iliddleSer. —Wettneoiay, September 2, isa