The Sun. — London, England, 1833-06-07 00:00:00

beaten down unhappy Pelartil—t hey saw the Austrians op pressing Italy—and they SaW Prussia only seeking for an opportunity to put down all free institutions; would they, would the people of England, at such a moment lend their aid to crush the spell( of liberty which bad been suddenly ignited in a little corner, in a little nook, of Europe?--(Hear, hear.) He hoped they would not lend themselves to any such object, mid that they would have the satisfaction of feeling, that if 'hey had not assisted the struggling Portuguese, at least they hail not been gui:ty of opposing their efforts in the cause of freedom.—(Hear, hear.) The Gallant Member concluded by moving, in effect, " That an humble address be presented to his Ma jesty, expressing the regret of that House at the protracted hostilities in Portugal, and, at the same time, thanking his Majesty for the judicious policy which he had pursued with respect to the affairs of that country,"—(Hear.) Viscount MORPETH rose to second the motion which had been recommended to the House in a speech of so much ability by his Hon. and Ga ]ant Friend. The last time that the question of Portuguese affairs had been brought before the House, it had been sustained so tri umphantly in argument, as well as carried so overwhelm ingly in votes, in favour of the conduct of Government in those affairs, that he was not surprised, putting every thing else out of view, that the next motion introduced was a motion not to arraign, but to avow and confirm their policy. Indeed, it seemed to him, that if any per. son, tither a contemporary witness or a future peruser of these transactions, could question the entire propriety of tl e resolution before the House, it would arise from e detibt whether this country hail assumed a moral attitude sufficiently elevated—had exhibited a moral countenance sufficiently constant to the Sovereign whose rights she had unequivocally acknowledged —sufficiently constant to the parties whose hopes she had inevitably encouraged— sufficiently constant to the principles which she must ap prove and cherish, because they were alike the principles of truth and her own.—(Hear, hear.) Convinced, how ever, of that imperious obligation which compels the con duct of Governments to be regulated, not by the tempta tions of the particular case, but by the maxims of a gene ral rule, where the tendency of this rule was obviously to preserve the invaluable blessings of peace, he would bow to the stern necessity of the case, and admit the propriety of our Government maintaining a neutrality even during the late glorious struggles of Poland to burst her galley chains, even pending the resistance now made to the usur pation of Don Miguel. Under the circumstances, how ever, of the present contest in Portugal, he was sure that the House—t , at the country—would be of opi nion that over forbearance and passiveness ought not to extend one inch beyond what was strictly necessary.—(Hear, hear.) As matter of charge was brought against the Government, to them, of course, it would he wise and proper to leave the details and minutiae of their defence. All that he should say was, that, from all that had reached him of the general tenour of their in tended vindication, he thought it was perfectly satis factory, and even more so than he had been induced to expect—he would not say more so than he wished. It appeared to him that as a Government they had commi•ted no act which was decidedly i❑ favour of either con ending party. In this, then, they had proceeded in conformity with their own recognised principle; but they bad Buffered the usual interchanges of trade with respect to military stores to be carried on without respect to either party, and both parties had availed them selves of the benefit. As to the men, they had left it open to those with whom they had no concern to enlist themselves equally on either side, and the roportion had been regulated by the sympathies of man kind. He would admit, that with those on whose ser vices they had a claim, the case was different; the party so enlisting acting under a penalty, which he had no doubt tin mature and complete proof of the fart would be ex acted ; and under the same circumstances it was plain that in common fairness the precedent of Admiral Sarto rius must be applied to the case of Captain Napier. He would not conceal from himself an independent question might arise as to how fa- a man is justified in the eye of Heaven for taking up arms in any case, save that of his country, which must always be deemed to rest on the ground of national defence, as any act of individual vio lence could only be justified on the ground of personal de fence; and then the question followed as to how far the nation ought to take charge of individual responsibility and conscience by interfering to prevent what was thus assumed to be wrong. He trusted this view of the sutiject would receive its due consideration, but assured he was that the question itself rested on higher grounds i than any which had been called as yet in question, and did not mix itself up with any dispute upon neu trality. He would admit that it would be both a super fluous and an easy emolument to heap terms of vitupe ration upon Don Miguel, but it might be asked, on the other hand, whether there were not those in whose eyes he might appear clothed with certain redeeming attributes ? They had heard much of Don Miguel being the choice of the people and the delight of the Portuguese. It bad been published in 1831, that upon a calculation it was found there were in the prisons and hulks of Portugal, or transported as convicts, 27,000 individuals; of those emigrating to avoid his vengeance there were no less than 13,000; and in hiding-places in Portugal there were be tween 4,000 and 5,000. Thus it appeared that, out of a population not exceeding 2,600,000, there were not less than 45,000 victims of political resentment, whom, no doubt, these partisans of Don Miguel would, include amongst those who, as they alleged, testified uni versal acquiescence in the dominion of the usurper. Per haps it would not be improper for him to read the fo'low ing extract from Young's work, who visited Portugal about that time, to acquaint the House what was the real state of society there. He relates—" The streets of Lis bin were crowded with soldiers, day and night, autho rizing the mob to insult whoever they pleased, and those who made any resistance were to be conveyed to prison. Each police soldier had anginlos (little angels or thumb screws) in his pocket, and I saw about this time several respectable looking persons conveyed to prison with these instruments of torture affixed to them. They often screwed them till the blood started from under the nails— I have heard them crying with agony as they went along." He might, indeed, be stained with rebellion, usurpation, tyranny, and murder. He might combine all that we read, and all that we could imagine, of the most detesta ble models in ancient history—the sullen perfidy of Tibe rius, with the sanguinary sportiveness of Commodus ; but no matter ; somehow or other, despite this world of charges and accusations, he represented the Conservative interests in Portugal.—(Loud laughter and cheers.) And further, he reflected, it would , seem, those interests in Spain. In him were centred the hopes of Absolutists, and the perpetuity of priestcraft.—(Hear,) " His birth, his titles, crowds and courts confess " Chaste matrons praise him, and grave Bishops bless." (Immoderate laughter.) Grave Bishops ! He would say one word on that subject. He trusted, indeed be knew he was by no means wanting in attachment and fidelity to the establishment of which he was a Christian member, and he had not hesitated to profess that attachment, as well as respect and forbearance, towards the heads of that church, in places arid it *times when it was not very con venient or easy for him to do so; but when he found that those Right Pow. Persons, who had declared to the other House that :' eeald not be discreet in them to legislate for the bette. Juservance of the Sabbath—be it observed be did not quarrel with them for that opinion so delivered, still less with the very eminent person from whom it pro ceeded ; whilst at the same moment a portion of that Right Rev. Bench—happy was he to say but a portion, and that not headed by their natural leaders as their brightest orna ments—did not find it beyond their praise or beneath their care, not merely to interpose on a nice, a complicated question of worldly policy, but to inculcate greater for bearance on the part of Britain towards a cause built upon the disregard of every obligation, and stained by the com mission of every crime, he might ask, what infatuation in duced them to convert the support of those who are not ready to proffer it into coldnees and alienation ? Into the many collateral topics which might suggest themselves in the present posture of affairs, he did not feel it his duty to enter. As for any apprehension which might arise re specting a permanent change in the system and principle of government, be was persuaded, after an emphatic de claration by that House upon the particular point at issue, and the full, and precise, and satisfactory declaration of his Noble Friend the Foreign Secretary of State, the other night, that no person could take it' into his head to con ceive that any serious consequences could possibly follow from so preposterous and absurd s matter. Weightier and more serious affairs awaited their deliberation and decision, and whilst they proceeded to encounter these with all the care and consideration they demanded, be confidently trusted that no efforts of party tactics or of ambition could distract these who, in the moment of need, would form the stoutest rampart against revolution, from that march of steady improvement in which at present reposed the only prospect of our national safety.—(His Lordship sat down amidst loud cheers.) Sir H. HARDINGE felt it imperative on him to state his sentiments on this occasion, not only because it was a question intimately connected with Ole honour and inte rests of the country, but because he Lai himself worn the Portuguese uniform, and commanded Portuguese troops. The real question was, whether in this civil contest a strict neutrality had heen maintained by the British Govrrn meat. In the whole course of what had been said by the Noble and Gallant Officer, he bad not applied himself to that point, He had made no defence of Ministers, but indulged altogether in a series of recriminations. He had called on the House to mark what former Governments had done, and he alluded to sending a British army to Lisbon. Now, upon that point, he would refer to the Noble Lord (Palmerston) opposite, who could state the reasons for such a step having been taken. The Noble Lord was, together with Mr. Canning, a Minister at that period, and it was under the auspices of Mr.Cennine, and with the concurrence of the Noble Lord, that those troops were sent to Portugal. He knew that the Hon. and G,llant Officer opposed the Foreign Enlistment Bill with all his might ; and therefore he undoubtedly had a right to state his feelines in favour of any act that was opposed to the provisions of that measure.—(Hear, hear.) Still that was only an individual opinion. Many of the present Minis•ers had also opposed the Foreign Enlistment Bill ; but what had they said when they got into power? Why, they explicitly declared that this . country should remain neutral. It was notorious that Don Pedro had been supplied front this country with arms, with ammunition, and, above all, with men.— (Hear, hear.) The very sweepings of the poor-houses had been vomited forth to take part in these civil wars (Hear, hear.) If such a system were tolerated, they would shortly have the ports and harbours of this country conceited into nests of pirates, from whence expeditions might be sent forth to annoy all the peaceable states of Europe. He did not rise to defend the character of Don Mie.uel. It was not perhaps worth so much notice, but when they spoke vituperatively of that individual, he perhaps might incidently be allowed to ask what was the character of Don Pedro ?—(Hear, hear.) There was not, he believed, a single man of common sense or of com mon reason in that House who did not feel that if Don Pedro were successful, he, and not Donna Maria, would he the Sovereign of Portugal.—(Hear, hear.) He was perfectly convinced that any vote of that House, or that any step which might he taken to assist Don Pedro, and by so doing to further the purposes of France, would in the end recoil upon this country. The Gallant Officer then entered into a very brief review of the conduct of Don Pedro from the commencement of the present contest, and argued that his career had been begun for the purposes of ambition, and was continued for the purposes of pillage.—(Hear, hear.) The most unwarrantable meats had been adopted for strengthening the army of Don Pedro. In one instance a German, who had proceeded to Portugal for commercial purposes, was absolutely impressed, and compelled to join the army. An individual who had joined Don Pedro from this country, was punished with 500 lashes, because he dared to complain of P 1 treatment. And he could add, that the conduct observed towards the Irish regiment in Don Pedro's service, was not a whit better than that ex perienced by other portions of the troops enlisted in his eervice. Since the meeting of Parliament Captain Na pier, an officer in the British service, had taken out an expedition, the object of which he openly declared to be the Tagus, avowing that he was employed by Don Pedro. Where was the neutrality of Government, when it per mitted such a proceeding ? He knew it might be said, that whatever interference had occurred, was not the act of the State, but of individuals, and that England was as open to furnish supplies to Don Miguel as to Don Pedro, if the former could prevail on people to afford them. But lie argued that the State ought not to per mit its subjects to assist either party, or both—if it did, there was an end of neutrality. That word was not derived from ambo, but from neuter, and implied a re fusal to succour either side. Sir William Scott, now Lord Stowell, bad distinctly promulgated this doc trine, and stated that " the very meaning of the word neutrality implied that they were to withold succour from both parties." The object of the Foreign Enlistment Bill was to enable the Government to enforce an ob servance of that principle upon his Majesty's subjects. The Noble. Lord opposite had voted for that Bill, and supported it in every stage, as did the President of the Beard of Control, and! the Judge Advocate-General, the latter of whom delivered an exceedingly able speech in favour of it. Let it be borne in mind that the expedi tionary army at Oporto had not made a single step in ad vance during nearly a twelvemonth. If there had been a predilection in favour of Don Pedro amongst the Portu guese, we should have seen not only considerable deser tions from the army of Don Miguel, but the whole nation rising en masse to place him upon the throne. However, nothing of the kind had occurred. This consideration might appear somewhat beside the question, but he sub mitted that the reluctance of the Portuguese to receive Don Pedro heightened our injustice in it flirting upon the nation miseries to which it ought not to be exposed. This pretended neutrality was a pehry pettifogging way of proceeding. We had got into a dilemma with Spain, end we endeavoured to sneak out ot it by this petti fogging course.—(Laughter from Ministers.) He per ceiv.d that the expressions he had used caused laughter— he had used them with deliberation—(A I iugh)—tbey were not his words, but those of the late Mr. Canning on a motion of Lord Althorp for the repeal of the Foreign Enlistment Bill on the 16th of April, 1823. Mr. Can ning said—" If I wished for a guide in a system of neu trality, I should take that laid down by America in the days of the presidency of Washington, and the secretery ship of Jefferson. In 1793, complaints were made to the American Government that French ships were allowed to fit out and arm in American ports, for the purpose of attacking British vessels, in direct opposition to the laws of neutrality. Immediately upon this representation, the American Government held that such a fitting out was contrary to the laws of neutrality, and orders were issued prohibiting the arming of any French vessel in American ports. I do nut now pretend to argue in favour of a system of neutrality ; but it being declared that we intend to remain neutral, I call upon the House to abide by that declaration, so long as it shall remain unaltered. No mat ter what ulterior course we may be inclined to adopt—no matter whether at some ulterior period the honour and in terests of the country may force us into a war—still, while we declare ourselves neutral, let us avoid passing the_strict line of demarcation. When war comes, if come it must, let us enter into it with all the spirit and energy which becomes us as a great and independent nation. That period, however, I do not ev,sh to anticipate, and much less desire to hasten. If a war must come, let it come in the shape of satisfaction to be demanded for injuries, of rights to be asserted, of interests to be protected, of treaties to be fulfilled ; but, in God's name, let it not come on in the paltry pettifogging way of fitting out ships in our harbours to cruise for gain. At all events, let the country disdain to be sneaked into a war. Let us abide strictly by our neutrality, as long as we mean to adhere to it; and by so doing we shall, in the event of any necessity for abandoning that syStem, be the better able to enter with effect upon any other course which the policy of the country may require." He fully concurred in those sentiments, and was ready also to say, it a necessity for war must cam-, let us meet the case in a manly and straightforward manner,—let us openly de clare ourselves in favour of Don Pedro or Donna Maria; but do not let us sneak into a war—let not the King's name and the honour of the country be compromised by our professing neutrality and acting as pariisans.—Hear, hear.) He maintained that we had not acted fairly by Spain in requiring her to keep neutral on the understind- Mg that we also would continue neutral, and then break ing our engagement. On this subject he would quote the eloquent speech of Mr. R. Grant, which applied very closely to the present occasion. The Judge Advocate pro ceeded to examine the opinions of Bynkershoeck. He proved Bynkershoeck's authority to be wrong or mis quoted ; and as to Vattel, he quoted him as saying,. " Shall I suffer the neutral, under a pretended neu trality, to do me all the mischief in his power ? No ; the law of nature—the law of nations obliges me to he just, but does not condemn us to be dupes." The Right Honourable Gentleman then added on that occasion, " A strict fulfilment of our engagements is due to Spain ; otherwise Spain may turn round and say, You call me base, and abject, and degraded ; but if, after having plighted to me your neutrality, and while pro fessing to keep that promise you keep it only to the ear, —if, safe in your pretended neutrality, you take advantage of my weakness to overwhelm me,—and all this while you are affecting a more than ordinary feeling for the rights, the interests, and the honour of nations,—then, however base, and abject, and degraded I may be, I shall have the consolation of knowing that there is one Eu ropean Government which has sunk itself to a point so low as to incur the just reproaches even of the degenerate 4ingdom ot " He could add nothing to the force and cogency of those expressions ; and should content him self with referring the Gallant Mover to the speeches of gentlethen opposite for an answer to the arguments on which be had founded his proposition. It had been said, in another place that a Gallant Friend of his, Sir John Campbell, had made observations upon the Government unbecoming a British officer. He knew Sir John Campbell, and had served with him in the Peninsula. His Gallant Friend married a Portuguese lady, and na turally became attached to the people, as all who were acquainted with them must, for kinder persons did not ,elifeyortisimAtmitoiinenniy.ttethh:ivest Sirt world. omti :8 eh. Under these circumstances, it was itreeaChorna:piu. expressedth‘inikiti insgt himselfrsmi Portugal hwt ill-useditchc some it unbecoming in officers of the army or navy g to express bemselves disrespectfully of them ; but if they were in the rabic of frequenting some places tow Kich he sometimes went —(Cheering and laughter)--he was glad of those cheers, because they afforded bin an opportunity to say that the ' United Service Club contained as honourable men as breathed ; and if such individuals were biassed against Government, what was it but to say that Ministers were unpopular with many intelligent and high-minded men, who were not afraid to give an independent expression to their sentiments ?—(He tr.) If it were supposed unbe coming the honour of a British officer to speak disrespect. fully of the conduct of Ministers, God knew that was very frequently the case.—(Laughter.) He repeated, Sir J. Camp' ell might have spoken with acrimony of Mini sters, but that his Gallant Friend had ever, expressed himself with disrespect of a higher and more sacred per son he entirely disbelieved. Mr. ROBINSON argued that the other House of Par liament had a light to express its opinion on this subject; and having exercised its undoubted and constitutional pri vilege, it was neither necessary nor expedient to bring forward a motion like the present, the direct tendency of which was to place the Commons in collision with the Lords. Besides, he objected to the motion on the ground that it expressed approbation of the judicious course pur sued by Ministers in the affairs of Portugal in the absence of any information on the subject. He regretted, there fore, that he could not agree in his Gallant Colleague's proposition.—(" Hear" from the Opposition.) It had been stated that there was a short road by which to settle the question. Undoubtedly there was a short road from the top of a precipice to the bottom, but it might not be wise to take it.—(Hear.) Was it a wise thing to accelerate a collision between two branches of the Legisla ture ?—(Hear.) The Hon. Member proceeded to say, that in the contest now carrying on in Portugal one party had been favoured to the exclusion of the other. lle feared the result would be, that we should no: ac quire the respect or goodwill of either party. Don Miguel was naturally dissatisfied at our conduct, and the friends of Don Pedro did not think we had gone far enough in their favour.—(" Heir," from Mr. Stanley.) He could inter pret that significant look and cheer of the Right H on . Secretary—they implied that the dissatisfaction of the party of Don Pedro was a proof of the neutrality of Go vet nmenr.—(Mr. Stanley—" Hear, hear.") But all he (Mr. Robinson) contended for was, that our conduct had been such as to alienate from us the Portuguese of both parties. He did not know that Miguel was an usurper, but he was undoubtedly a perjurer, and disentitled to re spect or support. Therefore he (Mr. Robinson) did not pursue his present course from any wish to side with Don Miguel. The Government, however, had offered to re cognise Miguel if he would de Blare an amnesty.—(Cheers from the Ministerial side of the House.) He did not know whether the present Government made that offer, but undoubtedly the former Government did.—(Renewed and continued Ministerial cheering, at the conclusion of which a solitary cry of " Hear, hear, hear," so loud and shrill as almost to amount to a shriek, proceeded from the Opposition side of the House, and excited considerable laughter.) He thought that when Miguel assumed the supreme power, the British Government of the day might have displaced him, and that it would have saved considerable embarrassment which subsequently occurred, if this course had been adopted.—(Mini sterial cheers.) However, he did not know that Don Miguel might not lie as fit to govern Portugal as Louis Philip was to govern France.—(Hear.) The Noble Lord, the Member for Devonshire, the other night stated that they were not only called upon to express their opinions on this subject, but that they were called upon to express an opinion diametrically opposite to that of the House of Lords upon it. Now, he would ask Hon. Gentlemen what would be gained by their coming to such a vote that night ? He looked to the votes of that House as they affected the country; and he would again ask what would be gained for the country by their coining to such a vote? He might be mistaken in his opinions, but they were opinions honestly and sincerely entertained. He would now consider such a vote as it affected the future policy of the country and his Majesty's Ministers. The vote to which the other House of Par liament had come called upon that House, it was said— so, indeed, his Gallant Colleague had contended—to come to a vote of a directly opposite description. Now, where would be the use of placing this House in direct collision with the other House of Parliament on this occasion ? But it was said that if they did not do so, it would be thought by the world that the Commons of England were opposed to his Majesty's Ministers. Now, it was well known to the world that the great majority of that House supported the views and measures of his Majesty's Government, and the vote to which his Gallant Colleague required the House to come was not necessary to establish that fact What he would repeat, would be gained by their coining to such a vote? Would it not have a t , n , ency to create an indisposition amongst many Noble Peers towards that branch of the Legislature ? Would it not be said that the result of such a vote was to call in question the rights and privileges of the other House of Parliament ?—(Hear.) For his part be could not conceive a proceeding more un worthy of the Legislature of a great country like this,— could any man conceive anything more mischievous to the country than the thus gratuitously bringing the two branches of the Legislature into collision ? Was it con sistent with the dignity of that House to act in such a manner ? Would it be wise on its part to do so ? Were they to set such a dangerous and undignified example? It had been stated out of doors that last year this House had came to a resolution, under analogous circumstances, opposed to the House of Lords. He (Mr. Robinson) was one of those who voted on the majority on that occasion, but he would deny that there was any analogy between the two cases. The case which then occurred was one of strong pressing necessity. His Majesty's Ministers had tendered their resignations, and it was under wood that his Majesty intended to accept them. Upon that occasion he (Mr. Robinson), thinking that it was necessary for the country that they should be retained in office, voted certainly in the majority. But was there, lie would ask, the least likelihood of a change of Ministers now ? Was it not, in fact, noterious that the Government would con tinue as it was at present constituted ? Where, then, would be the use of coining to such a vote as this? He (Mr. Robinson) was not prepared to concur in a vote of that kind, and if, before the close of the debate, no other Hon. Member should do so, he would move, as an amend ment on the original motion, the previous question. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said that the Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down, had no doubt expressed his sin• cere opinions upon this subject. In opposing the motion, that Hon. Member had laid the principal stress of his argument upon the danger of that House coming into collision with the other House of Parliament. Before he replied to that part of the Hon. Gentleman's speech, he would just advert to some other points that had arisen in the course of the present debate. He would not say that it was not necessary to di&cuss the character of Don Miguel, but that character had been so often discussed before, that it required but little illustration or remark to set it in its true light before the world. Indeed, he did not think that it was at all necessary to add a word to the condemnation which had been pronounced in the other House of Parliament not very long since, ley a Noble Lord, then Secretary for Foreign Affairs, upon the con duct of that Prince, whom the Noble Lord called false, cruel, and cowardly.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.) There could not possibly be imagined any three qualities more disgraceful —qualities which could more degrade a man or a Prince than those which had been then enumerated by the Noble Lord in question, as dis. tinguishing the character of Don Miguel.—(Hear, hear.) He would not say whether or not the Noble Lord had expressed himself in unusually strong terms in that in stance, more especially considering the office which the Noble Lord held at the time ; but this he would say, that events which had happened since that period hail most completely convinced him of the great discrimination which the Noble Lord then evinced upon the subject.— (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) He would not say anything further regarding the character of that Prince beyond this, that it was not fair to assume that it should be mat ter of indifference to us. He was ready to admit that, generally speaking, such was the principle which should guide this country in such cases, and had we no more connection with Portugal or with Don Miguel than the United States of America had, it would have been per fectly consistent for us to have adopted the same course that they did without at all inquiring into his character ; but when it was recollected that Don Miguel had bound himself by a solemn treaty to this country and its allies, that he came over here, and in the presence of the Sove reign of this country made the most solemn promises to act as Regent and not as King, it was obvious that this country was called upon, in justice to itself and to its own honour, to keep a strict observation upon his character and conduct. This gross violation of all those solemn promises, thus made in the presence of the Sovereign of this country, was the reason that the conduct of Don Miguel did nor, as it ought not to, satisfy this country, —was the reason that he had not entitled himself to the good - opinion of this country, and that his recogni tion had been delayed up to the time when the present Ministers came into office. They then found, indeed, that his recognition had been proposed to him by their predecessors on the condition that he would grant an am nesty. A more unfortunate proposition there surely could not have been made. It was a condition, the fulfilment of which required at least the possession of good faith and nunianity on the part of the person on whom it was im posed, and it was a mere mockery to demand such a con lition from a Prince who was notoriously deficient in both Ilion requisite qualifications......(Hear, hear.) The que.- tion then was, as the Gallant Member for Worcester had stated it, whether, since that period, as we had not ac knowledged Don Miguel, we had Rot preserved that neu trality which we were called upon to maintain? Now, upon the subject of neutrality and the course which had been pursued, the question was, whether or not this country had, as a state, furnished assistance to either of the con tending parties ? The question, he repeated was, whether the state had furnished men, arms, or equipments to both parties, or to either of them ? Now, no one would dispute the necessity of the state, when determined to maintain a neutrality, abstaining from furnishing such assistance to either of the contending parties ; but in areuments upon this question he had to observe that the state was not unfrequently confounded with the snhjects of the state. Indeed, he had often heard quota tions which meant nothing more than that the state should not assist either party, applied where such an application was most erroneous,—namely, to the case of the subjects of the state assisting either party.—(Hear.) Now, with respect to the furnishing the munitions and equipments of war to belligerent parties by the subjects of the state, he believed that a neutrality of that kind had never been attempted in this country; lie believed that we had never attempted to prevent our subjects from furnishing arms and ammunition to either party engaged in a contest, with regard to which this country as a state preserved neutra lity ; and of this he was convinced, that if we ever at tempted to do so, such an attempt would not only produce great embarrassment in trade, but would lead us into actual collision with either one or other of the belligerent parties. If we were to say that no arms or ammunition should go to Buenos Ayres because that state was at war with Peru, or to the Paella of Egypt because he was at war with the Sultan, such a determination would lead to a state of things wherein it would be impossible for us to avoid war. —( Hear, hear.) It had always been the practice of this country, therefore, to allow stores of that kind to go out, and in this instance, certainly, they had been most impar tially obtained by both parties. If we allowed stores and 'munitions of war to go out to Don Pedro, they bad also been allowed to go out to Den Iliguel ; a large quantity was sent to him by the Thetis. He received by that conveyance 600 shells and a gun, which had been recently purchased at Birmingham for 1,1001., and within the last three weeks shells had been discharged from that gun upon Oporto.—(Hear, hear.) It could not be said that we were entitled to prevent the sending out of such supplies. The tact was, that though the Foreign Enlist ment Bill had been passed to effect that, among other ob jects, it had been found impossible, under its provisions, to prevent the subjects of this state from sending out such supplies to belligerent parties. The Right Hon. Gentle. man opposite had quoted the authority of Mr. Canning. Mr. Canning was certainly amongst the most forward in procuring the passing of the Foreign Enlistment Bill, but what bad subsequently happened in Mr. Canning's time, during the contest between Greece and the Porte? Was it not a notorious fact that steam. boats went out of this country with supplies of arms and ammunition for the Greeks against the Porte ? When that fact was mentioned in the House of Commons, what was the defence made by Mr. Canning? He would quote the statement of Mr. Canning from a pamphlet which professed to give his very words on that occasion. The Noble Lord here read the statement of Mr. Canning, which was to the effect that, as the parties had so managed as not to come withi n the purview of the law, by sending out the vessels and the ammunition apart without a fixed destination, and then combining them in some foreign port, it was impossible for the government to prevent the exportation of such articles, even though they were ultima ely destined for the assistance of one of the contending parties. The Noble Lord proceeded to say that it was clear, then, that it was not possible, under the Foreign Enlistment Bill, to prevent the subjects of this state from sending out to either party, for the sake of the cause, or for the sake of profit, such munitions and equipments of war. He now came to the case of the subjects of this country en gaging in the service of a foreign power. That, he be lieved, was the case as regarded the vea , ela detained by the Commissioners of Customs, and to which reference had been made by the Right Hon. Gentleman. Those vessels were detained under an order from the Secretary of State for the Home Department, who, having been in formed that a question had arisen regarding them, the issue of which was doubtful, ordered them to be detained until it was determined. They were accordinely detained by the Commissioners of Customs and bis Majesty's Ministers referred the case to the law-officers of the Crown for their opinion upon it. The King's Advocate and the other law-officers of the Crown to whom the case was referred gave it as their opinion that the information in this instance was too vague too authorize the detention of those vessels. The Right Honoured. Gentleman told them that other lawyers had given a different opinion. He (Lord John Russell) would ask whether the Govern mew, instead of asking the opinion of the King's Advo cate, and of the Attorney and the Solicitor General, should have gone to that learned person Sir C. Wetherell— (Cries of " Hear")—and to other such learned persons for their opinion upon it ? Were they to say to those keened persons, " We care not for the opinion ()four own law-offi cers, we want your opinion, and by it we will be guided in our conduct in this instance ?" The Government cer tainly could not be accused of adopting such an insane and absurd course of proceeding.—(Hear.) The law officers of the Crown having, then, given the opinion he nad mentioned, nothing was left to his Majesty's Mini sters but to tell the Commissioners of Customs to let the vesse;a depart. They were all well aware that in the more ancient periods of our history it had not been the Policy of this country to prevent its subjects from engag ing in the service of foreign states. They—all of them who had heard or read the able and eloquent speech of Sir James Macintosh on the Foreign Enlistment Bill— were aware that in the times of Elizsheth and of James I. such a principle as that of preventing the subjects of this country from engaging in the service of a foreign power had not only not been acted upon, but refused to be acted upon, even at the solicitation of Spain and France—that in the reign of James 1., despite the remonstrances of Gun domar, the Spanish Ambassador, troops levied here were allowed to serve in Flanders against the Spaniards, and that, in fine, to use the words of his lamented and eloquent friend, " What we had reeused to the greatest of modern military tyrants and despotic Sovereigns—what we had denied to Louis XIV., and to Philip 11., we were required to give to such a man as Ferdinand VII." There was no doubt that it was at the instance of the ambassador of Ferdinand VII. that the Foreign En listment Bill had been pissed ; but before that time it Fad not been the policy of this country to prevent its sub jects from engaging in the service of a foreign power. He might mention that in the time of Charles H. the Duke of Marlborough entered a foreign service, and made his first campaign, in which he learned the art of war, under the celebrated Turenne. The first time that the new prin ciple--that principle on which the Foreign Enlistment Bill was founded—was introduced was in the time of George 11., and then it was introduced because the subjects of this country, while they engaged nominally to serve under Louis XV., really engaged to serve under the Pretender. It was to prevent that, that the 29th of George IL was passed, and while the first part of that Act went to prevent the subjects of this country from entering the service of the French King, which it declared to be disgraceful and dis honourable, the second part of it went to allow the sub jects of this country to enter the Scotch brigade which had heen raised for the service of the United Provinces, thus, instead of taking away, acknowledging the right of the people of this country to enter a brigade of troops raised for the service of a foreign power.—(Hear, hear.) Sup pose that the United Provinces bad at that period gone to war with Prussia, or with Russia, and that it was then argued that this country had violated its neutrality because the Scotch brigade in the service of the first-named power had been recruited from amongst its subjects, there was little doubt that the Ministers of George 11. would have at once repudiated and scouted such a doctrine. Since the passing of the Foreign Enlistm en t Bill ass i stance had been given by subjects of this realm to Greeceand South America. Had the persons who had thus entered the service of foreign states been punished for a misdemeanor under that Bill ? Had not his Gallant Friend Sir Robert Wilson, who with his own hands had pointed the guns at the defence of Corunna against the French, been subsequently restored to his rank of Lieutenant-General in the British army, notwithstanding the offence which he had conarnitted in violating the provisions of the Foreign Enlistment Bill ? He quoted that instance because it had occurred during the late administration. Under the present Government, a Noble Lord had been restored to his rank in the nave, though he also had violated the Foreign Enlistment Act. When, therefore, persons of such high rank—Generals and Admirals—were not punished for doing so, it would be impossible to punish soldiers, mere privates, for having entered a foreign service. —(Hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman opposite had praised Sir John Campbell. Now, he (Lord John Russell) did not think, with the exception of Sir John Campbell's having the good fortune of having a Portuguese wife—(A laugh) —that his case and that of Admiral &atoms differed in the slightest degree.—( Hear, hear.) It appeared, indeed, to him, that both those offi cers might very well bear off together; and those two instances proved that his Majesty's Ministers, instead of having been guilty of partiality, had been most completely and decidedly neutral in reference to this contest.—(Hear, hear.) When he said they were impartial in reference to this contest, he was ready to say, at the seine time, that he fully participated in the sentiment expressed by Mr. Canning on the occasion of the French invasion of Spain, when he prayed for the success of the Speniards against their invaders. In the same spirit be (Lord John Russell) did not feel it to he improper or unbecoming to express a wish in a British Parliament, though it was our policy to remain neutral in a contest between cruelty and bigotry on the one hand, and liberal opinions arid liberal institu tions on the other, that the ones side, the side of liberry and toleration, should prevail over the other.__ ( Loud cheers.) He was willing to grant to the Right Hon. Gentleman the cases which he had quoted against Don Pedro; hut the statement as to Don Pedro's flogging a young soldier, bad as it was, would not bear comparison with the well authenticated stories which they had heard of Don Miguel. Having now disposed of the question of neutrality, which he trusted be had shown his Majesty's Government had strictly preserved in this case, he came to the point to which he had referred in the first instance —he meant that which had been raised by the Hon. Mem ber for Worcester (Mr. Robinson). That Hon. Gentle man intimated that great danger would result from coming to such a vote as the proposed one to-night, namely, a collision with the House of Lords. If such a collision should occur, it was not to that Hon. Member's colleague (Colonel Davies) that the blime was to attach.—(Cheers from the Ministerial, re-echoed from the Opposition benches.) In that ease, be (Lord John Russell) thought that the House of Lords, having declared an opinion, which it appeared to him that they bad done, in the way of a censure upon the late conduct of his Majesty's Government, in reference to Portugal, it devolved on the House of Commons, under such circutnstancee, disagreeing, as it did, from that opinion, to address his Majesty, as it had an undoubted right to do, also upon the subject. Instead, therefore, of that House standing, as the Hon. Member recommended, exactly in the same neutral position that the country stood between Don Pedro and Don Miguel—(A laugh)._he (Lord John Russell) really thought that there could be no objection to their carrying up to the throne their sentiments upon this question, whether they were in accordance with those of the Hon. Member for Worcester, who brought forward the motion, or whether they were in accordance, which was rather improbable, with the sentiments expressed by his Hon. Colleague.—(Hear.) But whether the sentiments of the majority of the House coincided with those of one Hon. Member or of the other, it was not fair to say that that House, in carrying up its sentiments to the Throne, could be considered as at all interfering with the other House of Parliament. He denied that in doing so they would be seeking to provoke a collision with the H• use of Lords. His (Lord John Russell's) object—the same had been the object of all his Colleagues, but he had been more prominently forward in regard to the measures to which he was about to refer—in all his former conduct had been to prevent the chance of such a collision, and if in certain measures he had confined himself within certain restrictions—if he bad abstained from pressing forward opinions which were deep-seated in his breast—if be had abstained in that instance from carrying into effect views end opinions which the mote he considered them the more he was convinced of their being most es sential to the happiness, prosperity, and welfare of this country, let the House, let Hon. Gentlemen be assured that he did not decline then urging those views in conse quence of any change that had taken place in his opinions, or in consequence of any wish to preserve office or place, but because lie saw there was no chance of then carrying them into effect without bringing into collision the two branches of the Legislature —a result which lie thought they should not wantonly bring on—(Loud cheers from the Ministerial benches, responded to by similar cheers from the Opposition benches)—and for the bringing on of which any men who ever took office in this country would he most deeply responsible..—(Hear, bear.) These were the reasons that, in that instance, had guided 'his conduct and that of his Majesty's Ministers. He did not think that, upon this occasion, they at least could be re proached with having done anything that was likely to bring into collision the two branches of the Legislature. They had pursued that course of policy with regard to Portugal which they thought conducive to the best inte rests of the empire,—they had acted so as to preserve unstained the honour of the country, and they now cheer. fully and fearlessly appealed to the vote of that House to prove that they had been right.—(Loud cheers.) Captain YORKE said, the speech from the Throne had led all the world to believe that a perfect neutrality was to be preserved, yet it could not be denied that re sults had shown that a war had been carried ou against Don Miguel. Vessels had been continually leaving the ports of this realm, and it was impossible that they could have quitted those ports without the Government being cognizant, for as due., were to be paid, every information as to their cargoes ar.d destination could be afforded to tire Government by its own officers, in the various ports of the kingdom. But he (Captain Yorke) w , shed much to know what the slip- in his Majesty's service had been doing so long in the Douro? Of the duty Of those ships were per forming the Government could not be uninformed, for the Right Hon. Baronet (the First Lord of the Admiralty) must have been regularly in receipt of returns from the officers in command. Every vessel leaving the ports of this country, must be provided with a clearance and r manifest of her cargo, as the House could nut but know ; and it was equally well known, that any variation be tween the contents of the vessel and those documents, rendered her the lawful prize of any of his Majesty's ships, and therefore if his Majesty's fleets in the Douro had been made use of for the purposes of landing the mu. nitions of war, he believed it was contrary to every regula tion under which a British officer ought, under such cir cumstances, to act. He must contend, notwithstoniiing the speech of the Noble Lord the _Paymaster of the Forces, that neutrality had never been the object of his Majesty's Government. How, then, he would ask the House, could any officer in the service of Don Pedro be, with any shadow of justice, visited in the manner that Admiral Sar torius had been treat -d by the Government of this country? Would it be just, in the same wey, to meet au officer of undoubted courage and experience, who had taken the command of a recent expedition in the same cause, and who had made a declaration that he would be dead, or in three weeks he would take Lisbon ?—( Hear.) He should wish to know from the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, what would be the effect of the French troops taking possession of Lisbon ? Enough had already been seen of the effects of the possession by the French of Algiers, Ancona, and Belgium ; but it Lisbon should get into the hands of the French, he was sati•fied the Noble Lord would find it somewhat difficult to feel easy with such a state of affairs. He believed that the vast majority of the people of this country had no disposition to surrender the rights and privileges which they enjoyed in commerce, and their great influence over the seas, into the hands and dominion of their ancient foes. With regard to the expe dition under Captain Napier, he deemed it right to state that two steam-vessels bad sailed from Falmouth,—the Birmingham, with 200 English volunteers, and the Bri tannia, with 256 volunteers, possessing a very soldier like appearance, and who seemed, as was stated, to un derstand the duties of a soldier. Now, he would main t tin that the number of volunteers was not to decide the question of a maintenance of neutrality, and he would boldly ask the House whether, even if that number, pro vided with ammunition, so left this country, a strict neutrality was maintained ? He could not help deeply regretting that this question was, to his surprise, brought forward upon the present occasion, more to try the com parative strength of the two Houses of Parliament than to try the tnerits of the question itself. He regretted this the more, because he was sure that if the matter rested on abstract principles,and was not biassed by party feeling, as it was__( Cries of " No, no")—it would at least meet with a calm and deliberate consideration. The neutrality which had been spoken and boasted of by the Noble Lord opposite had, he must again insist, not been main tained ; and he could not doubt the object of the Noble Lord the Member fur Devonshire when he improvidently rose the other night to play the same part which he had done last year.--(" Hear" from the Opposition.) The Noble Lord had again introduced his conception of a coalition to be anticipated between the two Houses of Par liament—(Loud laughter)—of a collision between the two branches of the Legislature. The House might enjoy its laughter at his verbal mistake, but its laughter would not in the least put him out of humour._-( Hear.) He, how ver, could not remain quiet—(A laugh)—after hearing the Noble Lord opposite (Lord John Russell) without thus giving expression to his sentiments on this interesting subject. Mr. O'CONNELL said, that in giving his support to the motion before the House, it could not be supposed that so humble an individu tl as himself was actuated by inte rested motives—(Hear, and a laugh)—but he felt ;t his duty to come forward and inquire whether, when neu trality was spoken of, there was not, even now, a vote of the other House of Parliament operating in favour of Don Miguel ?—(Cries of " Hear, hear," and " No, no.") Don Miguel had been protected and taken in charge by the other House of Parliament, and truly a fit protege he was for the Conservatives. It bad been stated that this subject would have the effect of a collision between the two branches of the Legislature ; hut the battle, if such it might he called, was commenced elsewhere by the shield of pro tection having been thrown by a Noble Duke over Don Miguel, who had to-night been admitted by some of the opponents of the present motion to be an usurper, a murderer, a traitor to his father, and a traitor to his coup try ; and yet this was the man who had the advantage of 1 the vote of the other H ouse of Parliament sanctioning his cause.--(Hear, hear, and cries of "No, not" po,ition benches.) This was the first breach and to restore it tht re must be a vote on the , this Ruse, and that vote would be productive a moral effect in the world, as had the vote favour of Don Miguel. By this would the m much contended for, he restored. The real that in this country there were now two parti parry which had carried the Reform Bill, and to to further, hut was apprehensive of their being opposed elsewhere.—(Hear.) At one b agt he I ood s ir ense tnouts. position,eta e d n t s e e a , n,ci u i;: n n l st e h s o s of ut t gh t h i e o t s tt e hme e ey l s s e ,m w ain h g d e h r tt e i wn details of any measure, should not, by a d e ck nation against the vast majority of the count risk the nation itself. The country required! and resistance to amelioration elsewhere sot create risk, but tend to something worsereece to return to the question at present before the charge against the Government was not carry effect and operation the Foreign Enlistment Bi swer indirectly to that charge could not be ft 1, sun this country money bad been raised as Miguel as for Don Pedro ; but the distineri , isesnce had b,en taken upon the ground of but why had not Don Miguel effected an enlists aid here, but because he could no: find in this man that would serve under his banners ? might get the great captain elsewhere to .throw of protection over him, but he could not obtain' under his banners of Englishmen, Seatchmen, It was possible he might enlist the services of in another place, but it was a misfortune that sates of his cause might be found to be encum lawn sleeves.—(Hear, and a laugh.) It was that Don Miguel was so bad, that no man co Lim support, and even the Right Hon. and Gall (Sir Henry Hardinge), whose talents mute respected, whatever part he might adopt in a had taken especial care that the high honour of soldier should not be tarnished by one word on approbation of Dun Miguel; in short, in ailudi individual, the Gallant . Officer had most certain! , complimentary. But again to revert to the of neutrality. Even on the part of the preceding ua nt, had there been no regiments raised in the service of I)on Pedro, and which enihai Cork under the command of Colonel Cotter at Bale win ? Indeed, he himself had obtained missions in that service for officers.—(Hea , and laughter.) To be sure, they had embarked, between six hundred and seven hundred fro! as husbandmen, and though they carried with pickaxes, and shovels, yet guns and aeirnunitim a considerable portion of their stores, and there a human being who then did not know that the Enlistment Bill was then violated ; but nohodt time impeached that course of proceeding—(M indeed, could that be done under the construction Foreign Enlistment Act, under which he would man to make an infermation who was not a crigninis.—( (fear, hear.) The House haul also t tat the poor-houses had been cleared for the _ of the cause of Don Pedro. He could only say wished they had been more so, for the unemphr only risk their lives in a foreign service, which better than risking their necks for worse climes s' Such a class did not carry any capital away witl and were not likely to afford an increase of capil their lemur by remaining at home. He felt lest that they should have so engaged, because they bark d in a cause the just claims of which - recognized by the late Sovereign in the person of Maria, who had a great constitutional right, his own part, lie was anxious to support,—the of the constitutionalists of Portugal.—(Heir, be Spain the jscobin principles of the French had been adopted ; in Spain the country cut into little squares ; the influence of the ha I been extended, and war had been against the cottage rather than against the wealth had been added to the rich, while even reief had been taken from the poor without the 1 of anything like a poor law provision ; while, other hand, the constitutionalists of Portugal had such injustice, but, on the contrary, had endeavor establish a constitutional reform, and gradually to it and advance the institutions and interests of their CI —(Hear, hear.) This glorious course had been rupted by Don Miguel; he who had violated hi whose honour was tarnished, and was in Aorta ads to be a mon s ter i n d escr ib a bl e, and, there f o re, was such a personage that Ministers were to be blamt cause they would net carry into full vigilant roe Act of Parliament for the prevention of foreign ' moat? He did not hesitate to say, that if it was the risk of a general war, the Government would fie' to be impeached if they did not take active steps and t i ;io) over one or tw o o f t h e b rave regiments in the 13r : 0 0 4 service, which would settle the question in half an ° J o, He was satisfied that the time was come when th e o yi tish Legislature ought to make a declaration that W isi cheer th e fri e nd s o f D on P e d ro, and by so doing 4% that there should be an end to such a monster Miguel, his opponent.—(Hear, hear.) Sir R. PEEL began by observing that he could ... if ! understand th e o bj ect o f t h e Hon. and Learned Mew, for Dublin i n Support i ng the motion now be f e l l House, and th a t o bj ect was, that this country eh " reedy interfere with the constitution, and establis h c i as a judge over the transactions of another c ountrP t . which it w as not to li m i t i tself to disapprobation °.;), to embark r eg i ments to di ctate to, the domestic p°l , 0,'",,0 a foreign na ti on ; i n s h ort, that this country shooldor, to war to dispossess a Prince of his dominions( Goa He (Sir R. Peel) believed the Hon. and Learned dermal had belonged to the school which had ever $ do' cated the noneintererence of this country with theft IS mestic policy of other States—that it should be 00 0;) every country to c h oose i ts own Goverornent.---( s beif He had thought th at so power f ul a competitor for pot principles as the Hon. and Learned Gentleman wts ) ld o rid°' have been gu i lty o f try i ng to effect an interference, the inertial a ff a i rs o f a nat i on, and to force a ruler,to a reluct an t peop l e, b y the bayonet and physical fo r Principles had, however, changed, and though sY r had fl e d t h ere was no tyranny under the name o f dO beralism which the Hon. and Learned Geotlenla ° of tiot seem ready to support, even at the expe ° :i. involving thi s country i n a war, provided it W een the main tenance o f hi s own principles.—(Hearr , b oor and cries of .‘ No.") The Hon. Member for VO r ore (Mr. Robinson) had stated that some public matt sa Js me m a e re ad y to ho t an o ds tbr recognise e,epne rjrue reiterated t e A nd l a y i Migu e l, u y, e ,nt l , eh e w gu h Gi o latyl i l i a a on d ft been aol l fficrci dealer:etc/06700:o; Davies), tu.d the Noble Lord opposite had laid that ' I/ $ lO his (Sir R. Peel's) side of the House. Did, howev er ' 0° Noble Lord remember, that eo far from objecting t °,,a , policy of the Government of which he (Sir R. Peel) a membe r , w i t h re f erence to this question, it bad bee;d obo mitted, on a f ormer occas i on, b y the Noble Lord, O s Si. time had come when, under certain conditions, n °n oritli guel ought to be recognised by this Government?, d , the character of th at personage he (Sir R. Peel) Pa g oer the present occasion, nothing to do, and into the eh ar od , ' of Don Pedro he would not now enter.—(Hear.) e , is those consideration s i nvo l ve d unpro f i table speculativ t to the present i ns t ance , an d h e would ask the House Iooot be led aw a y b y any appea l s to the i r feelings and paw l fie but to determine upon the grounds of public policy o t o did not kn ow w h et h er there had been any change 'A hi principl es w hi c h h a d ever heretofore been enterta i n ed the Whigs i n t hi s country, but he found that in the denole which aro se i n t h e year 1800, when the overtures ow, by the Fr enc h R epubl i c for a peace came under disc or Mr. Fox said--" He was no t j ust if y i ng t h e Frencbteroal striving to absolve them from blame, either in their in that or external policy. He thought, on the contrarY' w , is their suc cess i ve ru l ers h ad been as bad and as execrBo„rite various inst ances as any o f t h e most despotic an d ° n eipled governments that the world ever saw- Foc i regretted mitre than he slid the e n or m ities which ro ot had committ e d, b ut h ow did they bear upon the 11:00 question ? Was thi s country to b e d epr i ve d o f the or of peace becausi France had been guilty of injustic e salt error ?" Mr. Fox, on the same occasion, proceedeodZod.• that " they had heard that night a great many ul. e . vi ole t coursem o n i ons of his eo invectivesnducatg, in which he seized upon the reins of governmen • so. would not make his defence, but he thought all- thi s s _ jo es of invective, which was used only to inflame the . p :r o d a a i n n d st a ß ga o i n n a s p t Bonaparte, napgrainincsitpledth 05: and very impolitic." Such were the sentiments o f I _ oo o Fox as applied to Bonaparte, and he (Sir R. Pee l) t o of invective aPP' be. now inquire how far the same spirit as, *tile f the House and of the country, to be exceedingly 11 0 1- : Dun Miguel ? In the present case the question w tier a Prince who was de facto sovereign . of a in his state' another country to recognise him char t ' was not for that nation to refer to the private 0 , t he , ter of the Prince enjoying the approbation war' whom he was called upon to rule. If 11 _ . e Iv or' people over enter into a .gOO to be charged with treachery, then openly e with the entire approbation of that nation co uld . call efi t . with such a ruler; but if the people over whom h e t:y a long twat he is their choice, any private grounds do . nol vi r, l ic ),, nu interference, or the breach of the neutrality_ . course of fidelity to his domination r 4 _ ,tt y under the law of nations, ought to be maintaiaew 1 7i te ; 0 411 R, he, b t fru' no,o frhfnxed )tt ie o r l3l : i o cce e t tb r e oi ne vt i e lej e i f i :t of : ih eu l f! r u r f . e n . parties: n and 0:0 Powers ir good 4 t al !' s al one :Ole ~"h i , ,o a ti 'here he tli nd to 0 s '"' i i g ht did 4 grievo decided t h t° °Ppl cou ntrit, __ ° !th red ante ..'foasieght w aould, t h .revol_otr Win the . t "not, carrying ret It Bill. 1„.. .'° hi tt , a forgot -• the as well 14 char inct jos 0 :ftratt, of eldi l'hat nlistnie s ' `"en this the b eutra ? Doti dell ,brow kith taut the 4 e exi, en, or I ' %old „f ja i din e hat mo i l "" t 0,,, cumbere4 f °' ad w• was ll an could t ' Gallant.', to e , m ust ' up oi in adi 't h in if rof the :o euhi on Mgr ba' the l aity ui t i l i r ng la me e 0 1 1' 'o itn ate wri in lei he pr eding I st, 31 m harked' , ''eat a g ter and a Pow er ied two A:po t ," (Hear, Z I OCAte Iced, for in from Y bele 3 thew . wo u l d niacin ‘ fitt e d there "r.n of r the r 'lr an ,body at h ti tnai (Hear) j, I ttlit ea t uc t ion „„ % if o' th tulddeq: 1 4t n r:, a pa lists bee" te wh adva o ' • s i Parti r sty t ulit of ployed. • use Ch was Lc 3es at M I with the G capita l Ca n It less r li tht Prises ley ba d „toes I h has 'jags, )fi of i nal b,. el b hi , v ,t he _the 14 ,:nad e , hear.) i l ; 44 t p r i Reve ls th e K r had Id e thten . 1 0 t o eta ven ,his rh ba e dee e t a a b i d P i e: o : oo l 4,l e 4 . ' t a d e c o ci e ua lru l aE r i, tile, o s , laid d reavourc" Znieh hi to iloP i tt Pone - tleel2, h is "kd at a dmi ' ilt eh do, was it _ 1. , PP )lamed , ' o 3 , 0131 5 t effect, was a sign en the eaa was the T o aid des e have to and , , tonotry be If an be'• British ( 4 1. 1! th e 13 the " d Govei hat w s " natu re ng de s , . and ter as h . , e . f the could '%, t ;7 1 : 4 0; mew, sl ,efore „of fo , „of 4tA v.. to