The Sun. — London, England, 1854-04-01 00:00:00

, ---. abolish. (Hear.) I remember that in the year 1844 Lord !the hon. member that selfishness should be the ruling Stratford de Redcliffe asked for the abolition of some tax 1 principle of nations, any more than it should be the mo of that kind, and after a great deal of argument the pacha tive of individuals. He trusted that the Government I who was th en Mi n i s t er f or Foreign Affairs gave way. would direct the war to the realisation of those ends of Lord Stratford de Redcliffe was then going away, but the justice and right which alone the people contemplated in pacha stopped him, and said, "We have been asked to in- sanctioning the war. terfere with your Government on the part of the poor The Marquis of GRANBY much regretted the tone of people of England, who state they cannot eat their bread disrespect and personal hostility which had characterised without paying a tax for it." (Laughter.) The document the language of members ou the other side of the house to to which the pacha referred was signed by various persons, wards the Emperor of Russia, whose every word and every and amongst them by the hon. member for the West action was treated as though it was of necessity false and Riding, and it asked for the intercession of the Sultan on nefarious. The Emperor accorded to those who opposed behalf of the people of this country, requesting of him to him full credit for integrity of intention; why should . use his influence with her Majesty's Government to abolish similar credit not be given to the Emperor ? All that the tax upon bread. (Laughter.) I ask all those who have Russia had sought was the protectorate of the Greek the interests of the Christians in Turkey at heart to let church in the Ottoman dominions, an object which Eng' the Turkish Government have its way at present and they land could have no ground for resisting. The real cause will get these concessions. (Hear, hear.) But do not, while of the unfortunate position at which we had arrived was you talk of defending Turkey and are making arrangements the division which., ed there which h a d occas i one d th e war existed in the Cabin e t ; it was the civil to defend h er terrritory, be running after Reschid Pacha war that prevailed and bullying the poor man until you drive him to tsars, with Russia. (" Oh, oh !" an d l aug ht er .) asking these concessions. Is it, I ask, generous or politic Lord D. STUART (who was received with cries of "oh!") to do so? I thi n k we h a ve been misled by our feelings said he should be sorry if an ythi ng th a t f e ll from him or with regard to Austria. She never can embark in the p o- any other hon. g entleman should have th ee ffec t of prevent hey w e are em b ar k e d i n . Her interests are substantially ing a unanimous answer from being returned to the most the sam e as R uss i an i n t eres t s . She must have a popu l a ti on gracious message o f h er M a j es ty. H e th oug ht it was amongst whom she can intrigue. She may assist in getting desirable that the House of Commons should show that back the status quo ante bell um, but she will go no further. unanimity which he believed existed throughout the I cannot go, with respect to Austria, to a greater authority whol e country, in assuring her Majesty of their determi than the noble viscount before me (Viscount Palmerston), nation to assist her in carrying on the war, which had and I beg to refer you to what that noble lcrd said with been forced upon this country by the unprincipled proceed respect to Austria in 1849. The noble viscount said : ings of an aggressive and ambitions power. At the same "It is not as the ancient ally of England during war — it is time he could certainly have wished that they had from not as the means o f re sistance in the centre of Europe to any the war, and particularly with regard to the h regard to e ministers a more explicit declaration of their views with general disturbance of the balance of power — it is as t • he for- course which they had proposed to themselves to pursue, merahough I trust it is no longer so) — the former symbol of . entering upon that war. Of course he was not so absurd resistance i • to improvement, political and social—it is in that as to ask her Majesty's Ministers to explain their military capacity that Austria has won the affections of some men in operations to the house ; and he could not help here ob the conduct of public affairs. There are persons who see in serving that when the government had been asked to state the relations of countries nothing but the intercourse of Ca- their intentions, the right hon. gentlemen and noble lords binets--who value a country not for its political weight, but on the Treasury bench, had invariably answered that they for its political opinions—and who consider that th e relations would be departing from their duty if they entered into between countries are sufficiently intimate when the personal col of theorists. He explanation—purposely misunderstanding the object intercourse of their Governments is placed on a complimen tary footing. Sir, there are men who, ha v ing passed their- (Lord 1). Stuart) did not ask what was to be the strategetical or naval operations of the war, but Whole lives in adoring the Government of Austria, because they deemed it the great sy m b o l o f th e o pi n i ons th e y enter- he did ask, as he had a right to ask, and the country had be told in plain terms, what it was for which rained, at last becam e fickle in their attachment, and trans- a right to P, they were going to war ? (Hear, hear.) Were they going ferred their allegiance to the Government of France, because to war for the independence of the Turkish empire ? Did they thought that in that Government they r saw an almost they mean to place Europe in such a state as should afford equal degree of leaning to the arbitrary principle, and be- them some security that they wouldnot soon again have to cause they, forsooth, suspected that Government of designs make the same sacrifices and bear the same burdens ? He hostile to the interests of freedom. We have heard of persons was greatly afraid that unless thegovernment entereclupon . :_)f u that sort maki ng us e of the expression ' old women.' the war with a great deal more vigour than had charac- P blic men ought not to deal in egotism, and I will not apply terised their preliminary negotiations, they would get the to them the expression which has fallen from their own country into what might be called a state of chronic war. mouths. I will only say that the conduct of such men is an He hoped they would at any rate afford the house some example of antiquated imbecility." information as to what the fleets had been doing, and what If the description which the noble lord gave of it was given they were about in the Black Sea ; for, with every desire merely in reference to its juvenile days, or its days of india- to give both the gallant admirals of both fleets due credit, cretion, we might hope that during the few years which have affairs there did at present wear a veryugly aspect. (Hear,. since elapsed it might have been improved; but it is evi- hear.) It was said that the fleets had been ordered to go and dent that Austria is labouring under an incurable malady, sweep the Russian ships out of the Euxine so long. as the and that, instead of improving, it is only getting worse. Bth of October; but they had certainly received orders to (Rear, hear.) I could also quote the speech of the noble that effect ever since January. Yet those magnificent ships lord the member for London on the same subject, when he had remained ever since strongly at anchor in Beicos Bay. told us of the noble viscount being an English Minister and (Hear, hear.) It had been stated that the Russians had not being a French Minister, an Austrian Minister, or a come out of Sebastopol, had gone to the coast of Circasaia, Russian Minister. (Hear, hear.) These are vital questions and taken a large number of troops from thence back to to consider, and if any right hon. gentleman on the Treasury Russia. Surely those troops ought never to have been al benches does not think that we are entering into this war lowed to return to Russia, but they ought to have been to se maintain great principles, let himretire at once. (Cheers.) captured by the combined fleets. It was true that Lord This is not a case for sham. (Cheers.) If men enter into Clarendon had stated so lately as yesterday that no such a war of this kind, they have a right to do it heart and information had reached him ; but he did not say he had souls (Cheers.) The vessel of the State is in danger, it is reason to know that nothing of the kind had taken place. tossed to and fro by the waves, and if there be an unsteady The report had been republished in all the papers of that hand at the helm, or some person who has mistaken his day, and it was also confirmed by private correspondence Mission, or who is treacherous to the cause—(hear, hear)— which he (Lord D. Stuart) had received from Constantino- I say, throw your Jonah overboard. (Loud cheers.) If pie. When the news reached that city that the Russian s You do not, your vessel will be wrecked. (Hear.) Let us fleet was again in the Black Sea, what did the combined know what you are going to do. Ido not ask you to let fleets do ? Did they immediately go out ? By no means. me know what your plans of operations are. If you wished One would have thought that the admirals would have to answer me you could not, for I conscientiously believe been anxious to capture this audacious Russian fleet which You have no plans at all. (Laughter.) Ido not think any had come out, as it were, to beard them ; but, instead Man should ask to have the plan of operations disclosed to pf that, they merely sent out two steamers to see thetenemy, or that we should tell them what we are about what had happened. The steamers accordingly did go to do. Ido not want to know what boundaries you are out, and did see what had happened—namely, that the going to make, or what treaties you are going to sign; the Russian troops had been removed from the littoral of ,Cir result of a war like this must be in the hands of God, and cassia. (Hear, hear.) No one would be more glad than God alone can determine what will be the end of it. (Hear, himself to learn that there was no foundation for the hear.) But what I want the Government to say is, that if opinion, that the commanders of the two fleets were not with the help of God, and with the help of s t ro ng hearts, so ready as they might be expected to be to seek for the we shall carry the war to such an issue as will prevent Russian enemy ; and, therefore, it was that he insisted so Russia hereafter from returning to its o ppressions and from much upon information upon this point. (Hear, hear.) shakin g the tranquillity of Europe, you will take care to This war had been described as one of great importance. keele.lier within limits beyond w hi c h s h e w ill no t hereafter If properly conducted andidirected to proper ends, it might be able to go. (Hear, hear.) I think we are fairly entitled prove to be one of the most beneficial that had over taken to say to the Government that if they go to war merely to place in our history. Still he thought too much was defend the territory of the Ottoman empire, and to restore said about peace. He would yield to no one in his ap old treaties and the status quo, it will not be a war well predation of the blessings of peace ; but what he wanted Worthy of the occasion ,- but it will be worthy of the was a war that should end in the establishment of a occasion if the war shall be carried on with the inten- lasting peace. (Hear, hear.) 'He did not want a war for tion of repressing for ever these dangerous aggressions. a mere status quo, and if the Government had any idea of (Rear, hear.) This is not a little war. (Hear, hear.) that kind, they might rest assured that the country would It might have been made a short war if it had never be satisfied, but would deem that it was governed by been taken up last year. (Hear, hear.) If, after the men who had no proper appreciation of their position, and affair of Sinope, you had sent your fleet into the Black Sea, were unfit to direct the councils of a great nation. and destroyed die Russian fleet, as you might have done, (Hear hear.) War was a state of transition ; and you might have made a peace at once. (Hear.) But now its object was to bring about another state of things. You have got into a great war. (Hear.) It is not easy to It might be compared to a surgical operation. It • enaeet the Russians in Turkey. You do not . know what might afford opportunities for the display of great . skill, teitrurkey is, or what are the resources of the country for the courage, and fortitude ; but it was not to be resorted to I , xnaint :nance of an army. (Hear, hear.) The troops may except in cases of the last necessity and for the sake of become infected with thee worst of fevers, and you do not placing the subject of it in a more healthy condition. He know how many of those men who are now going to that trusted the war would have the effect of placing Europe in country w ill re t urn , unless you ma k e some preparations a much better condition than she had been for some time. more worthy of the occasion than you have done. (Hear.) it was their duty t o se i ze the opportunity of doing this, lam told that this is not a period to bring on a discussion o r posterity would not pardon them. (Hear, hear.) They of this nature. lam not insensible o f th e resol vability I ought to expiate the partition of Poland, and take from have taken upon myself. I have thought night and day the haughty Muscovite the possessions which he had only upon the subject ; but I felt I had a duty to perform, and obtained by fraud or wrongful force. (Hear.) Ho trusted I would not flinch from performing that duty. (Cheers.) I that Europe would be placed in a position of safety for all ask, is it not better for us now to suffer a temporary in- time to come, and that the independence of Turkey would convenience, but if possible to have the affairs of this be preserved. He rejoiced to learn that no convention had country in the hands of a strong Government, who will been entered into affecting the internal concerns of Turkey. carry on this great war in a manner that will be worthy By all means let the Sultan be urged to make all necessary of the country. (Hear, hear.) Is it better to make a sacri- reforms, and give freedom to his Christian subjects; but fice, and have a united mind and feeling on the subject, or let them not do the very thing they were taking up arms is it better to evade that inconvenience and allow the state to prevent, by requiring from Turkey stipulations which of things at present to go on until, from divergence of opi- were inconsistent with her independence. (Hear, hear.) lion, vacillation, and doubt, we shall be involved in dims- We could not with any grace demand such stipulations of tens from which we shall not be able to extricate ourselves ? Turkey ; .for she might ask if we placed other religions on (Rear.) Shall we then say it is better to have a weak than the same footing as the Christian. We had no Mahomme a strong Government ? (Hear.) So far from this country dans here, but we had Jews, and so long as the odious dis doubting of the propriety of going into this war, it has tinctions were maintained in their case, we could not make been able to force the Ministers into it. (Hear.) No Mi- such a demand of Turkey as had been referred to. (Hear.) sister could oppose the popular reeling on the subject, and, The house ought to have an assurance that this war would with the exception of a small section in this house, we have not be concluded without the door being closed upon Ras ono united feeling on the subject. (Cheers.) If compro- sia, so that she should no longer be in a position wantonly lenses should he proposed, that would be unworthy of the t o disturb the peace of Europe. (Cheers.) dignity and character of the country ; there is public feel- Lord PALMERSTON.—I might indeed have wished, upon ing, and there is public opinion, and there are statesmen that are able to resist all those attempts, and carry the an occasion of such importance as the present, when her Ma country triumphantly to the position in which it should be jesty has appealed to her Parliament for support in a great Placed. (Cheers.) I know I may weaken my own position ; contest, the magnitude of which, and the importance of which but, however inexperienced a man be, yet if he undertakes to disch arge a consc i en ti ous d u ty however humbly, and it is impossible to deny, that questions arising out of detailed having c re dit f or b e i ng i n fl uence d' by no personal or party matters connected with the conduct of negotiations should be motives, or by the desire to impede the Government, or to postponed to another and more appropriate occasion —(hear) Put anything in the way of the great interests of the —and that this house might have looked simply to the appeal country, though he may have failed, or incurred any dis- which the Sovereign has made to it, and have responded Pleasure on the part of members of the house, he must be satisfied with hi s own con d uc t if h e has, as have, the unanimously, as I am sure it will, and not only unani conscientious feeling that he has raised his voice on two mously, but without mixing up in the assurance of occasions against those calamities which are, unfortunately, loyalty and devotion to the Crown any topics of a minor impending over this country. (Hear, hear.) and subordinate description. (Hear, hear, hear.) At the lir. BRIGHT wished to free himself from the responsi- same time, I know full well that it is the privilege of this bility of the course which it was proposed to take. He should not di scuss th e su bje c t on peace principles, but on ho tion use when any questions are brought under its considers - _ the Government, to discuss freely and minutely any the principles which were generally entertained as to the topics which they may think properly connected with the sub necessity of war. Remarking that we were in alliance ject under debate. I shall, however, be excused, I trust, if, with the power which had, though without guilt, begun not folio wing the example of some of those who have gone the quarrel, he proceeded to insist upon the decaying state before, Ide not pursue the steps of my hon. friend the member of Turkey an d th e s tr e ngth of Russia; and said that, if for A we were in the position of the latter, next neighbour to a lesbury (Mr. Layard) in all the detailed examination which he has thought it right to enter into of the conduct of• falling power, we should interfere with her. He did not Lord J. Russell had made out a case. The de- the GovernMent in the course of the long negotiation , which think that has ended in the unhappy rupture that has now arrived. brand of Russia had been treated as much more formidable 'Mends, however, one topic to he which adverted which I t han he had been able to find it. The Sultan had not cannot allow to pass over in silence. My hon. friend has thought it so dangerous as Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, quoted divers passages from the Times newspaper—(bear) who had done his utmost to prevent the Porte from acced i taking it as an unquestionable organ of the British Govern ing to th e sma ll es t o f th e requ i s iti ons o f th e C za r, while ment, contrasting the opinions expressed in certain leading Russia had made concessions in the character of her de- articles of the Times, and opposing them to the deliberate mends. He condemned the occupation of the Principal- comae and the general principles which her Majesty's Go ties, but believed it was intended to daunt Turkey and vernment have followed and established. Why, sir, Ido not and her allies. After some sarcasms on the Vienna note, preshme to inquire from what sources the newspapers of this he did not believe that any other than a fair interpretation country may take their inspiration; but, if any inference is had, at first, been put on it by Count N esse irode, though, to be drawn from the identity of opinion expressed in these after the alterations, ho put another sense on it in order articles and the opinions expressed by the Government of to get back to his original p os iti on . At Olmutz the Em- Russia, I should be disposed to draw a very different infer- Peror had assented to the sense of the conference, but once from that which the hon. member has thought fit to the fanatical council at Constantinople, at which the Chris- d raw , an d-if I were to search out the origin of the inspira tians were unrepr esen t e d, were a f ra id of losing their in- ti on which dictates these articles, it is not, certainly to the fluence by peace, and hastened to declare war. And for English Government that I should go. (Cheers.) The ques this ally we were to waste our blood and treasure. Our tion which to-night is to be submitted to the house is whe first blunder was in advising the Turk not to concede any- ther her Majesty will receive the support of Parliament in the thing, a n d our secon d i n suppor ti ng hi m on th e su bj ec t o f contest in which this country is about to be involved. Now, the Vienna note. The course he would have adePted was it is known, I think, to those who have given their attention to have l e t th e P or t e ma k e concess i ons to th e l ast no t e o f to the affairs of Europe for a considerable time past , that the I Prince Menchikoff, or to the Vi e nn a no t e , or el se he should views of Russia upon Turkey are not of yesterday, or indeed have gone into war alone, and France and England might o f any recent date. (Hear.) It is known that for a g r ea t have at least stood aloof until the war threatened to over- l eng th of time it has been the standing and established po throw the balance of power. No real injury would have Hoy of Russia to endeavour to obtain possession of at least accrued to Turkey from concession, if she were, as stated the European part of Turkey, and subsequently of Asiatic ,n,"-: ?rd Palmerston, a growing power, and, if she were T ur k e y. This policy has been pursued with undeviating and .','."l by any advantages given to the Christians, they would systematic perseverance. It has been ever kept in view. l'o'ineaeigrc'e in strength, and been able to supplant the Ot- When opportunities have offered steps in advance have been in eand establish themselves as a Christian State made, and when checks have been experienced those steps .Constantinople, which would have been far better than have been withdrawn, but only for the purpose of taking ad having a Mahometan power there. And Russia would have d have been at peace forthe present vantage of the next opportunity which offers.(Hear.)D elay withdrawn, Europe woui , has been no element in mitigating or in inducing Russiato and matters have gon e on to their natural solution, the sac- abandon its schemes. Its policy has been to keep one object climbing of the M t eahom an to the Christian population. He i n v i ew — no t to hurry, not to lose its object by prematurely wanted to know what was the balance of power. In 1791 grasping at its possession, but to watch the course of the Mr. Burke denied that the Turk • s had anything to do with other Governments of the balance of power in Europe, get and he denounced them opportunity which might present itself by which it could Europe, and to take advantage .. of every as destructive savages; an d Air- Whitbread said that their even the slightest advance towards the ultimate object of its expulsion from Europe would b e a b enefit to mankind. He ambition. Now sir, do I blame the Russian Government for also quoted Mr. Fox on the same subject, and Lord Hol-policy of aggrandisement pur land in 1328. Then, if the balance had been France preserved,why entertaining such a policy . ? A . had we not gone to war with the Turkish dominions of Algiers and with as when she seized dangerous to yourselves, which you may oppose as destruc- United States for their aggression in e se ' xico _ the tive of the independence and the liberties of other States, but seven years of this infatuated struggle a let America "., But give us which is not a reproach to the Government which pursues it, have the same periodof peace, and ahe ad would show us provided it be pursued by open, undisguised, and avowed where the balance of power lay, and whether England m 9_u e t an cra s a , u wi d2 tho Ne u e t w c , on nt e th e eh al ae m seu e r n e t e , w wi hi t e h h o , ut l su em bte s i e l r u i g y e would retain her vaunted supremacy of industry n ee' on pursued in all these recent transac loasandy,witthhe the seas. He ridiculed the idea of the integrity and rude- tress li'Url hasn G o n v o T n l ll not been e that open and straightforward course pendence of Turkey, and said that there were stat esmen which would justify it in avowing and in boldly declaring who believed that she would come out of this war no O. its • H hear.) But was it from ignorance that policy. ( ear,Did omen power at all, and, for himself, he believed that that policy was pursued ? i the Russian Government enter- :when peace was signed there would be no Ottoman power tain any doubt whether its aggrandisement in the directien of I to take advantag e o f it. B es ides Russia would al ways be Turkey would or wou ld no t peril its relations with other coun- I here, and alw a y s powerful and watchful, and let us reduce tries ? No such inference or doubt existed. (Hear, hear.) I her as we may, she wil, as soon as recruited, recommence had frequent occasion, when I held the seals of the Foreign aggression. It was no business of ours to be the knight- Department, to communicate with an eminent Russian diplo nrrants of the human race. As regarded the interests of matist upon the relations between the two countries, and his o9gland, the war h a d d as h e d d own r. Gladstone's h o p e language to me was always this He said, " Russia and !S M 1 : making a reput a ti on as a benefactor to the masses ; but England entertain different views on general principles. You as that gentleman would never consent to retrace his steps, think constitutional government the best, we think arbitrary the landincome tax would be the great source of revenue, and government preferable. (Hear.) You endeavour to propagate a would suffer most severely. He congra t u l a t e d the your notions, we naturally endeavour to support our own. R il e P owne n, every man with a Turk on his back. The But we have great European interests in common, and so long orra Bill was put off trade would diminish, and the as we do not come into conflict upon the affairs of funds Turkey---,- and the 1 ' En landau • Engli s h . rail ways would suffer, and 10 or 20 thousand so long as g . d Russia have no differences upon that most homes lives would be sacrificed, and the happiness of the important point, the affairs of Turkey—so long," said he, " I of England dest ro y e d, and all for the sake of pre- tell my Government that there is nothing in our opposite servingthe popularity the independence and integrity of Turkey. As for general principles of government which will prevent England foundpopularity of the war eve war was 0 ular and and Russia from acting amicably together in other matters advocates in the ' rY P P ' him- . which they have a common European interest."-• Now se lf , he Was press and elsewhere. But for in . . horrified amazed at the policy of the Government and what wag it which made the Russian Government think the . at the results it 'ht d He concludedrecent occasion seized upon by it was a favourable one for with a• long-cherished vie Rt , . glowing picture of the haand moral'. advancing its views I Why, no doubt it ape - atm In Which the PIT , prosPerous, . country would have been, had we never Irelated upon differences — irreconcila.ble as it thought—be engaged in a war England and France. (Cheers.) It imagined that Mr- J. BALL * tween union , . agreed with the hon. member for Man- there never could be a cordial between these two great enester, that not(Hear.) It speculated upon differences between having been urged one of the grounds he had mentioned as countries. . (Hear.) It thought • that the diffe just or satisfactory.as reasons for undertaking the war was England and Austria. th e ee _, He (Mr. Ball) believed, however, that rences of opinion which . had prevailed between these two Go bede •ee between the two nations, jusatl,..gr.oulivnad upon which this or any other war could vernments, and to a certain degree action between them ;and think plesipperee .s the maintenance in civilised society of the , would prevent any common d. u eu th "v 4 right and justice. He did not consider with ' jug, therefore, that there was isu i among e great na, THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, APRIL 1, 1864. tions of. Europe, and.that it was impossible there could be any combination between them, the Russian Government thought it a favourable moment for making another great step in its progress of aggrandisement towards Turkey. (Cheers.) That step was made with all the ability and with all the sagacity ,which has ever characterised the policy of that able and am bitious Government. It sought no acquisition of territory, it I sought openly for nothing which should alarm the great na tions of Europe, and so certainly provoke resistance. It sought that which was more useful to its views than the ac quisition of any provinces of the Turkish empire—it sought by a concession from the Sultan to the Emperor of Russia to acquire a real sovereignty over the whole Christian popula tion of Turkey. (Hear.) We have been told to-night by the hon. member for Manchester (Mr. Bright) that he could not see what harm would have arisen from the Sultan accepting either the Menschikoff Note or the Vienna Note. Why, it is impossible for any 'man not to see that if, by a concession from the Sultan, the Emperor had been made the arbiter of all the rights—general, civil, and political—of the whole I Christian population of the Turkish empire, the sovereignty of the Sultan would have been held simply at the will and discretion of the Emperor of Russia. (Loud cheers.) And that was his object, and the greatest move it was that has for a long course of time been made towards the extinction and partition of the Turkish em pire. (Hear, hear.) The Russian Government pursued the course marked out by it with a secrecy and silence which showed its certainty that that which it was demanding was a thing which could not, and ought not, to be granted, if the Turkish Government acted upon a just sense of its own inte rests, and duly consulted the interest of its allies. (Hear.) In one of the memorandums- the last, I think it is, of the secret correSpondence—what is the language which the Rus sian Government uses in regard to its policy towards Turkey, and in regard to the manner in which the European Govern- ments should act towards Turkey ? Throughout the Emperor of Russia professes an anxious desire to maintain Turkey as it is. Apprehensions are entertained that that will not be long possible, but he says that the mode of doing it will be that the Powers of Europe should abstain from pressing imperious demands upon Turkey, supported by menace—(hear).--and that opinion is recorded at the very moment when Prince Menschikoff was doing - at Constantinople the very thing which the Russian Governnient said Europe should abstain from doing, so as to maintain the independence and integrity of Turkey. (Cheers.) I say, then, it is impossible for any man who has his eyes in his head, or who is capable of drawing conclusidns, to doubt that there is a settled intention on the part of Russia to overrun and overthrow the Turkish empire, for the purpose of establishing in the territory of Turkey the ascendancy and domination of Russia. (Hear, hear.) Then it is said, " Well, but what about that ? Is it possible for us to maintain things as they are ?" The Turkish empire, says the hon. member for Manchester, (Mr. Bright), is in a state of rapid and progressive decay, and he declares that I am the only man in the world who is blind to that, and who thinks that the contrary is the fact. Why, I will appeal to the events of the last eight months as a proof of the truth and correctness of my opinion. Just compare the resistance which Turkey has made within the last eight months to the armies of Russia —compare that with the military events of a former year, and let any man say whether Turkey has not shown proofs of vitality'and energy which few people imagined she could pos. sibly have displayed under circumstances so embarrassing as those in which she was placed. (Hear.) Among the reasons which, I have no doubt in my own mind—and, in deed, it is avowed in this correspondence among the reasons which urged Russia,to strike the blow at the present time was this :—The Russian Government saw that progress sive improvements in Turkey were tending highly to streng then the Turkish Government ; and it saw also that, by these improvements, and by the progressive wealth and comfort and wellbeing of the Christian and Greek population, these masses of Turkish subjects were gradually withdrawing their eyes from Russia as their supporter, and were looking for their well-being to other sources. (Hear, hear.) The Rus sian Government saw that the Greek population was slipping out of its hands—(hear, hear)- and that the Turkish Go vernment were getting gradually too strong to be easily over thrown, and therefore it was that they thought it would be inconvenient any longer to delay striking this blow. (Hear, hear.) But then some hon. gentlemen say, " Oh, you are supporting Mahomedanism against Christianity." Now that has nothing to do with the great question which Europe is about to settle. (Hear, hear.) In the first place, I contend —and the argument has been already used, I believe, by the hon. member for Aylesbury—that however you may wish that these vast fertile regions, the favoured portion almost of the earth, might be ruled by a Christian Government and filled by a Christian population, in the present state of these countries the Mahomedan race is the only one which can keep that country together as one empire, and govern it as such. The Christian population, as every one who under stands the subject, is well aware, is divided into religious sects, into national divisions, into such minute fragments,— no one of them sufficiently powerful to rule over the whole, and no one of them inclined to submit with tranquillity to the Government of another—that the Turkish Government affords the only method by which these great countries can be kept under one independent head. The real question, however, is not what you would wish to put in the place of the Turkish empire, but that which you are determined shall not be established there—(hear, hear) —not what might, but what, for the interest of all Europe, ought not to be. (Hear, hear.) That which I think ought not to be—that which I hope all Europe will take care shall not be—is the transfer of these countries to the sceptre of Russia. (Cheers.) That is what I trust the Powers of Europe have determined shall never take place. The hon. member for Manchester asks what are our interests in this war, and he requests me to explain to him the meaning of tho expression, " the balance of power." • Now the hon. member for Manchester and I differ so much upon almost every question involving great principles that I am afraid I shall be unable to gratify him by explaining what is the meaning of the expression, because I think that any man of his unquestionable abilities, of his extensive knowledge, who has arrived at his time of life—(a laugh),—and has not by his intuitive perception acquired a correct understanding of what is meant by " the balance of power," is not likely to be greatly enlightened by my humble efforts. (Loud laughter.) Why, sir, call it the balance of power, or what you will, the idea is one familiar to the mind of man, and which has influenced the conduct of all mankind from the earliest ages. The balance of power means only this —that a number of weaker States combine together to pre vent one strong one from acquiring a power which shall be be dangerous to their liberties, their independence, and their freedom of action. (Hear, hear.) It is the doctrine of self preservation—(hear); it is the doctrine of self-defence, with this simple qualification—that it is combined with sagacity and with (foresight,—that you endeavour to prevent an im minent 'danger before it comes thundering at your gates. (Cheers.) I know that the hon. member is so attached to his principles that he thinks peace is of all things the best, and war of all things the worst. I happen to be of opinion that there are things for which peace may be advantageously sacrificed, and that there are calamities which nations may endure still worse than war. (Hear, hear.) This has been the opinion of men of all ages, whose conduct has been ad mired by their contemporaries, and has obtained for them the approbation of posterity. (Cheers.) The hon. member for Manchester, however, always reduces everything to a question of pounds, shillings, and pence. (Loud cheers and laughter.) I verily believe that if this country were threat ened with an immediate invasion—likely to end in its con quest—the hon. member would sit down with a piece of paper before him, and put down on one side of the account the contributions which his Government would require from him for the defence of the liberties and independence of his country, and on the other side he would put down the probable contributions which the general of the in vading army might levy upon Manchester—(loud laughter) ; and if he found, on balancing that account, that it would be cheaper—(coutinued laughter)—to be conquered than to be laid under contribution for defence, he would give his vote against going to war for the liberties and independence of the country, rather than bear his share in the expenditure which it would entail. (Hear, and a laugh.) That may be the hon. gentleman's opinion, and he has, no doubt, a perfect right to it, but it is not the general feeling of the country. (Cheers.) Therefore I look with as much confidence for the vote of this house and for the support of the country in favour of a policy which the Government has by necessity been compelled to adopt as g, the very eloquent—and very eloquent certainly it was—but somewhat hypothetical speech of the hon. gentle man had never been uttered. The real question, however, which we have to consider is, not whether Mnssulman is bet ter or worse than Christian—it is not whether it is desirable to hasten more or less those internal reforms which must sooner or later tako place in the Turkish empire—not that we have proposed to Turkey a convention containing exactly the same dictations which we have urged her to reject in the case of Russia. Nothing of the sort has been done; the question is, not whether sooner or later these reforms shall take place in Turkey (for they must inevitably take place), but the question we have to consider is this—whether Europe is to lie pros trate at the feet of one great overwhelming power—(hear)— whether one power is to bestride the globe, from north to south, from the Baltic to the Mediterranean, to dictate to Germany and to domineer over Turkey, to have the whole of the rest of Europe at its mercy, to deal with it as it pleases— or whether that power shall be taught that there are limits to the ambition even of a Czar, to the.conquests even of a mili tary empire of which one may say that the whole territory is one great camp, and the population one regimental depot ; that in spite of the power which the Sovereign may be able to sway, in spite . of the military resources which he is able to command, there does exist in Europe a respect for the princi ple of national independence, that there does exist in the Powers of Europe a determination to resist overwhelming en crophments in any one power, be that power what it may, and that we are able, as we are willing, by arms—as resort to arms has become necessary —to *.maintain by land and by sea the liberties of Europe and the independence of nations. (Loud and continued cheering.) Mr. DISRAELI—Having had the opportunity on a for mer occasion of making some remarks on the papers laid on the table of the house, I should not have presumed to ad dress the house on the present occasion, but for two reasons. The principal one is that this being a motion for an Address to the Crown in answer to a message, I thought it would hardly be consistent with my duty if I had allowed the motion to pass without some observation on behalf of the gentlemen among whom I have the honour to sit. I rise to support the address which the noble lord has moved—(hear)—in the same spirit which I endeavoured to express, I believe, on the first night we met. (Hear, hear.) I look upon the power of de ' claring war to be a prerogative of the Crown—as a real pre rogative ; and, if' her Majesty summons her Parliament and informs them that she has found it necessary to engage herself in war, it is not an occasion when we should enter on the policy or impolicy of the war. It is our duty, under such circum stances, to rally round the throne and to take a proper subse quent and constitutional occasion of commenting on the po licy which may have led to the war. I know that the ex pression of this opinion has subjected gentlemen on this side of the house to considerable animadversion, and, to my great surprise, these objections have proceeded from the Treasury bench. We have been told that we are not open to support her Majesty, and at the same time to question the policy which has led to the war. This question has been argued before when Mr. Canning was taunted in a h i 2 , fromu e ; Mr. Sheridan, he re fu s ed to allow himself commenting on the counsels which had t similar b withheldnthis i nv olved the national war, at the same time that he lent his support to the Government to carry on that war, and I think that is sufficient apology for th e course w hi c h we ha v e manneris thought proper to pursue. There is also another reason why I have ventured to-night to trouble the house with any abservations. Since I expressed my opinion on a former oc casion on the weighty document which detail the conduct of the Government with regard to the negotiations preceding the war which were laid on the table at the commencement of the , session, other documents have been added for our consideration, I and I cannot allow these documents to pass without some brief notice. They have been referred to in the course of the debate by several hon. members, and more particularly by the hon. member for Aylesbury, in a speech of eminent ability, which I thought might have attracted more attention, and a completer answer than it has as yet received from her Ma , jesty's Ministers. No doubt there are many circumstances in ' these documents and iu the observations of the hon. member which cannot ultimately be passed unnoticed by the Govern ment. The hon. gentleman referred without circumlocution , to the fact that there was a discordancy of opinion in the pre ' sent Cabinet with respect to the important policy which now occupied our attention, and which has led to such vast..re sults. lam the last person, lam sure, who would in this house fancifully assume any variance of opinion in the Cabi net. I think there is no weapon of opposition more illegal. mate and more unconstitutional than that—or if I might use the language of the Emperor of Russia—l would say more un gentlemanlike. (Laughter.) I remember some few years ago, when the present First Minister of the Crown, with the aid, as we are informed by the present leader of the House of Commons, who I am sure is a gentleman that would never make a statement without due authority, of foreign conspira tors, prevailed ou the First Lord of the Admiralty, sitting opposite to me, to impeach, as it were, a Secretary of State, also sitting opposite to me. I remember I bad occasion, both publicly and privately, to protest against a course which I thought so unjustified and uprecedented. It was my opi nion that there was not the slightest evidence of any diffe rence of opinion, so far as the Cabinet was concerned, between the noble lord the then Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and his colleagues, and that nothing could be more unjust, unfair, and unparliamentary to make an attack against that noble lord, as distinct and isolated from his colleagues. No circumstance had ever transpired, which, for a moment, jus tified the belief that the foreign policy of the Government of the noble lord, the member for London, was not fully ap proved of by all the members of the then abinet; and though I highly disapproved of it, and especially of the insurrec tionary mission to Italy, I took the opportunity of stating in the most distinct manner, that my disapprobation was disapprobation of the policy, of the Cabinet and not of the policy of an individual. (Hear, hear.) I stated on that occasion that no circumstance had transpired authorising the belief that the then Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and the other members of the Cabinet had any difference of opinion with respect to foreign policy. But is that the case at the present moment ? The hon. member for Aylesbury has called attention to the strange contradiction in expression and conduct which prevails in the present Administration, and on another occasion I have myself alluded to it. We have a member of the Government who tells us that the indepen dence and integrity of Turkey are facts of the utmost impor tance • and we have also other members of the Government who declare that the independenee and integrity of Turkey are not facts, but phantoms and phrases. (Hear, hear.) We have a Secretary of State in the other house of Parliament, and of the most important department, so far as the question of foreign policy is concerned, telling us that it is the interest and intention of England to secure for the Christian subjects of the Porte equal privileges with the Mussulmans; and we have the noble lord opposite, the member for London, most judiciously informing this house to-night that the present Ad ministration has no intention to insist on such terms. (Hear, and laughter.) The war in one house is called a blessing, and in another place it is denounced as a curse. It is said in one place that we are about to embark in a war, the future of which to the most prescient must be involved in obscurity; and yet we have the Foreign Minister of the country announc ing publicly in the Senate, or rather in a despatch read in the Senate, that we may succeed in crippling Russia, but that the irretrievable destruction of Turkey is the most probable of events. (Hear, and laughter.) I say, then, that it is a fact, that there has ben a difference of opinion in the present Cabinet on the policy which we ought to pursue; nor is this wonderful. There have always been two opinions on that im portant subject, which, in common phrase, is called the Eas tern question; and each has been maintained by statesmen of great eminence. There are statesmen who are of opinion that there is vitality in Turkey ; and that, so far from being exhaust ed, it is a country full of resources, which hitherto have been only imperfectly developed. There are statesmen, and the noble lord the member for London is one, who believe that it is a country not only capable of being independent, but absolutely capable of being progressive. Statesmen of this kind, holding these opinions, have been of opinion that, with wisdom and firmness Turkey might form a substantial real barrier to Rus sian aggression. (Hear, hear.) Well, there is the other school, who believe that there is no vitality in Turkey—that it is decrepit and decaying, that its resources, always imper fectly developed perhaps, are now virtually exhausted, and that it is totally impossible for Turkey long to exist as an in dependent, or quasi independent community. Those states men, not wishing to hand over this rich prey to its powerful neighbour, have been of opinion that by encouraging the en franchisement of the Christian subjects of the Sultan, and by advancing the civilisation and the rights of those classes, you might in time prepare a population in Turkey which would prevent that intermediate state of anarchy which would otherwise elapse between the fall of a great empire and the rise of a new Power. These are two opinions which may be conscientiously entertained by men of very great ability ; but it is a notorious fact that the present Prime Minister of this country has never concealed that he was the disciple, or rather the professor ' in this country, of the second class of opinion. He never has pretended to believe in the vitality of Turkey, or that it could be an independent State, and of course he could not believe that it could he a progressive one. He has been called on in the course of his career as a public man to act when this great Eastern question, as it is called, has been placed before him for his solution or management. The year 1829 will not easily be forgotten, and we have it on record that Lord Aberdeen, then Secretary of State for Fo reign Affairs, under the Duke of Wellington, agreed with the Russian Government that the Turkish ports of the Mediterra nean should be blockaded, and, if that blockade had been established, Turkey probably could not have maintained her. self during the first of her two campaigns. I may be told that the Duke of Wellington was Prime Minister, and respon sible; but the fact is known that he repudiated the agreement of Lord Aberdeen, his Secretary of State, who consented to the blockade, and owing to the Duke of Wellington it was that the blockade was not carried out. I also heard it from the lips of a most illustrious statesman--and no doubt others in this house heard it likewise—that Prince Metternich never would have encouraged Turkey to make those two campaigns of 1829 if he had not had the moral conviction that the Bri tish fleet would have entered the Black Sea ; and we know that Lord Aberdeen prevented that. I do not say he did not act from what he considered his sense of duty. He thought it no doubt, on the whole, much better to temporise and to patch up the existence of a state which he considered in a condition of rapid decay and ultimate dissolution. But if he be wrong, it must be recollected that he is the statesman who at the present moment presides over the fortunes of the coun try, when there exists a still more trying exigency, and when the same materials are in question and the same result at issue. I must now call attention to that mysterious document, refer ring to the year 1844, which no one has hardly referred to, and which having been laid on the table without explanation has hardly attracted the attention it deserves. I can assure the house that it is one of the most important documents probable ever submitted to Parliament, and I venture to say that nothing but the unprecedented circumstances that have occurred, unforeseen and unexpected, which must indeed • have confounded any Cabinet when made known, could have brought this document under the consideration of the House of Commons. This document is dated 1844, and called " The Memorandum of Count Nesselrode." Ten years have elapsed before that is made known to the House of Commons. The document, in the whole tenour of its expressions, alludes to an agreement, end is composed in a spirit which assumes that there is an agreement entered into between the then Govern ment of England and the Emperor of Russia, during his visit to this country. Now what are the points en which this agreement is founded ? The first point is neither more nor Less than the proposition of the partition of the Turkish em pire made by the Emperor of Russia to the English Govern ment. It is not proposed to enter upon the partition to-day or to-morrow ; but the very fact that the suggestion is made, and the subject dwelt on, shows that the tine! is not consi dered far distant for the partition. The very first point of agreement is that there should be a partition, when it be came necessary, of the Turkish empire ; and how is that to be effected ? By Great Britain, Russi a , and Austria alone. •This document is an agreement between Great Britain, Russia, and Austria, with the studi e d and expressly inten tional omission of France. The noble lord who has just addressed the house, speaking on a subject of which he is a complete master, and giving the house all the reasons which have led to the present lamentable state of affeirs, tells us that he has no doubt that the catastr o ph e h as beenhastened by the circumstance of the Empero r o f R u ssia having au idea that the good feeling which now exists between England and France would not be of long duration. When the pre sen t Government came into office, ho knew that the noble lord a t the head of it bad in 1844 entered i n t o an a greement for th e ultimate partition of Turkey without th e knoteledge of France. Have you nothing else, howe ver , exce pt this exclusion o f France ? You have another point i n ti ma tely: connected with the subject of the present disc uss i on . What is the agreement of 1844 ? What does ,the Empero r o f Russia propose, and what does the British Government agree to? The Em eror of Russia states that Turkey is not yet reek' for partition, but that the Turkish Government have a habit of endeavour ing to escape from the performance of their engagements under treaties, but that, if those Powers to whom they were under engagements endeavoured to compel a performance of them, there was always a degree of jealousy exhibited by the other Powers, and that, therefore, it would be wise to agree that, if any Power to which the Turkish Government were under engagements should insist upon their fulfilling that eng age _ ment, no other Power should int er f e re. That is agreed to by my Lord Aberdeen, but is the re nothing more ? The E re _ peror goes on to state that it is of importance to vindicate the rights of the Christian subje c ts of the Porte. Well, sir, what does this amount to ? It am ounts to this — that Russia say, has with h er t e h d e into an peringmaegemminenistterof England—first, that with England—that is t o when the proper time arrives there shall be a partition of Turkey, that partition to be effected by England, Ru ss i a, and Austria, without the interference France ; se con dl y, of i t u h te at rf t e h r e e E w m it p h e t r h o e r Gofevßernussmiaenmt of ay Turkeyat any t i me under pr e t ence of time he think s fit , engagements under treaties, and that no great Power like England or Austria is to question him as to his proceedings ; and, thirdly, to g i ve him a further pretext for interfering, he is to be allowed to vindicate the right of the Christian subjects of the Porte. T he n we are told that this document is not an agreement -- that it is o n ly a memorandum of Count Nesselrode s. This do cumen t , which was never heard of till the St. Petersburg Gazette mentioned it, is certainly not signed by Lord Aberdeen ; it is not a convention ; it is not a protocol ; it le, in fact, merely an understanding between two gentlemen. (Hear, hear, and laughter) —and these two gentlemen are old friends. (Hear, hear.) We have the sort of instrument the Emperor of Russia prefers employing, for we have had evidence on that subject; but let the house ask if there be any one with courage suffi cient to declare that this document was not an agreement be tween two gentlemen. What was the answer given when this memorandum was sent from St. Petersburg ? The English Minister was waited upon by the Russian Ambassador, who gives him, with great pomp and ceremony, this document, which is in effect an agreement between the present Prime Minister of England and the Russian Government. (Hear, hear.) I understand that we are to be told that there was no agreement; but what are the facts of the case? A Minister of the Crown received a document; he left that document to his successor invested with every circumstance which might cause it to be considered one of the great State secrets. That Minister does not consider himself bound by that document now ; but I ask him, did he at that time consider himself bound to answer it ? Did that minister write and say, " I have received a memorandum which affects to be an agree apuirde u there ought to be a agree ment into which I have entered, and which refers t o cer t a i n conversations which are alleged to have taken place. I ha ve entered into no agreement of any such chara e cter,pin a e nd tof such no such magnitudec onver s ta t i a o s n s t hhea the ve partition ever empire no mistake, and therefore I send this m emorandum, to state that no such conversations as are referred to in the memoran dum sent to me ever took place ?" If this document be only a memorandum, where, I ask, is the answer to Count Nes selrode? As I have never heard of any answer, I am bound to believe that no answer was ever sent, but I am forced to believe that this document was accepted in the same spirit in which it was offered, and 'I look upon it as an agreement be tween the two Governments in the year 1844. This agreement was, as I have already stated, an agreement which provided for the ultimate paitition of Turkey, which tended to render justifiable interference in the affairs of Turkey, which allowed unchallenged, unquestioned interference, either on a pretence of engagement under treaty or of vindicatin g th e r i g ht s o f th e Christian subjects with the prerogative of th e S u lt an. L e t us now consider whether this document of 1844 is not mate r a affairs ; but first I I lly a should ftwei affecting n t g o notice f icet r a e o n b t p ser:a s t i i t o io n n s of of the noble lord, who, I thought, put the whole question as regarded th e personal intentions of the Emperor of Russia very fai r ly, an d also as misapprehensionregarded the polie exists yfhiscou intli7p, and I think that conside rable on that subj ec t. I think that nothing g oth e in te g cwoaldhebeeaumsecele pie extra v agant aro taught to think thatra v agaut than that England any foreign potktate has not behaved with sufficient open ness to this country, or because the policy of any foreign Power may show a spirit of aggression ; these are not causes for which the country should be called upon to stake the blood and treasure which we are now called upon to stake. With reference to the personal conduct of the Emperor, I ) can only say that, having read these secret and confidential despatches, I feel it my duty to state that I entirely acquit the Emperor of anything like duplicity. The Emperor in forms us not only of his future plans, but also of his present intentions, and, indeed, I should ' say that a very remarkable frankness is the characteristic of his correspondence. When letteri are published in this manner, there may, of course, be details calculated to convey an unfavourable opinion of the writer, and I do not think that any gentleman in this house would like his confidential correspondence to be suddenly published and his character gauged and ascertained by the expressions whiCh might appear iu such correspondence. With regard to the desire of aggrandizement on the part of Russia, there exists a little too much prejudice against Russia on that account, and it is pretended that Russia is animated by an extraordinary and immoral propensity for increase of territory. I don't think that it becomes any great European Power to bring any such charge. against Russia. I don't understand how France can come into court with a clear conscience and bring such a charge that Russia from a desire for territorial aggrandizement has seized two provinces of the Turkish empire, when France herself has seized the most considerable province of Turkey—Algiers. I don't think that England, remembering the Indian wars, and the recent occurrences in Burmah, can bring such a charge; nor would it even become the United States of America to bring such a charge, considering that they have recently absorbed Texas. Why we oppose the policy of Russia is because we believe that, if Russia obtained possession of Con stantinople, she would exercise such a preponderance over European politics as to be fatal to the civilization of Europe and injurious to the interests of this country. The class of politieians represented by the noble lord, who believe that there is still more vitality in Turkey, can reasonably talk of the independence and integrity of Turkey ; but that other class of politicians represented by the Minister to whom the hon. member for Aylesbury has referred, and whose position I have illustrated by the document of 1844,—that is a class of politicians of whom I cannot conceive how any one of them can with any confidence come forward and ask us to support them in a struggle to maintain the independence of a country which they believe incapable of remaining independent. You are placed in the position you now occupy by a divided Cabi net representing discordant opinions. We know the opinions of that portion of the Cabinet which Lord Aberdeen represents by his Servian policy in 1842. We have it, too in this docu ment of 1844. And now I ask the house to consider how that notorious policy of the Prime Minister has acted upon the present position of the country. lam bound to say, that after the fall of Sir Robert Peel, when the noble lord the mem ber for London was Prime Minister, there was no trouble about any plans for the partition of Turkey. (Hear, hear.) When Lord Derby acceded to office no plans for the partition of Turkey were suggested, although there were some conver sations upon other matters, which were received in a manner which prevented any repetition of the subject. It was so notorious that it was the determination of the late Govern ment, as I hope it is of the present, to maintain a cordial un derstanding with France, that these schemes of partition slept. (Hear, hear.) It was settled in 1844 that the Minis try then in power would be of 20 years' duration, and the Emperor of Russia believed the policy of Catherine was about to be fulfilled. That Ministry fell sooner than was antici pated, and there appeared no prospect of the fulfilment of that policy. Within 48 hours of the retirement of Lord Derby news was unexpectedly received that Lord Aberdeen was Prime Minister. The Emperor, with unbefitting haste and undignified restlessness, immediately sent for the British Ambassador and referred to the position which he had occu. pied in 1844. (Hear, hear.[ The circumstances under which Lord Aberdeen acceded to office were rather remarkable. The Ministry of Lord Derby was of short duration, for there was a patriotic feeling among different sections of the house, and men who had sympathy together and no party feeling came to the determination to secure peace, and measures of Parliamentary reform, and other blessings of that character. (Laughter.) No time was to be lost, and it was perfectly clear that by turning us out and making Lord Aberdeen Prime Minister large measures upon those subjects alone could be procured and peace alone could be maintained. (Cheers from the Opposition.) The Emperor of Russia, then reverted to his old plans. (Hear, hear.) It is said that the Emperor has been guilty of dupli city, and exception is taken on the subject of tho mission of Prince Mensehikoff; but what do I find in the secret de spatches on that subject—in those despatches which range over barely the first three months of the year ? In the first place, propositions are made for the partition of Turkey in the same spirit as the memorandum of 1844; but with regard to the mission of Prince Menschikoff, the Emperor stated that he was at Constantinople to obtain the consent of the Turkish Government to certain proposals, and that, if the Porte con tinued to refuse its consent, he was determined to employ force. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member for Aylesbury has given the house so accurate a narrative of all that has taken place that I need only refer to those strange events to com plete my argument, not to fill up my picture. A communi cation on the subject was made to the noble lord the member for the City, at that time Secretary for Foreign Affairs. The noble lord is one of those who have faith in the vitality of Turkey—that is to say, he is a professor of British, not Rus sian politics; but the noble lord took tho seals of office with out any serious iutontion of long retaining them. The noble lord, however, wrote a despatch upon the subject, some por tions of which I am bound to say I should have thought would have been referred to by the noble lord in his opening statement this evening. This is what may be called an his torical despatch. In it the noble lord refers to the Succession War and the decease of the dynasty of Medici. I dare say the Emperor of Russia had heard of the Succession War, but of the last of the Medici it was probable he would derive his knowledge only from those poetic historians whom the noble lord once figured among. (A laugh.) But when the noble lord referred to the Succession War, as he often does, and always with vigour and accuracy, and when he adorned his despatch with the felicitous recollection of the last of tho Medici, I could not help wo n d er i ng w h y, as the noble lord wished to make an impression on the mind of the Emperor of Russia, he did not resort to an illustration which would have been far more apposite and instructive. The two instances to which he referred have no analogy to the parti tion of Turkey. They are both cases of the possible dismem berment of an empire contingent on the extinction of a dy nasty. This is not the care here. The Sultan is alive; he is a young man, and has a great Many wives and a great many children. (Laughter.) Suppose the noble lord had said, " There is one case of an instructive:character to which I will venture to refer at this perplexing moment. If your Majesty recollects what has occurred to England, to Europe, and even to Russia in particular, from the partition of Poland, you may perhaps see cause to hesitate before you embark in an undertaking of a similar nature." But of Poland the noble lord said not a word. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord said in the same despatch that there was not suffi cient evidence to prove that the Sultan was not able to govern his dominions; but the noble lord's successors soon took especial care that, as far as depended upon the iistruc tions which he sent to our ambassador at Constantinople, the Sultan should not be able to govern his dominions. There was, however, one passage in the noble lord's despatch to Sir H. Seymour, which excited my astonishment. The passage to which I allude is this,— " The more the Turkish Government adopts the rules of impartial law and equal administration, the less will the Emperor of Russia find it necessary to apply that exceptional protection which his Imperial Majesty has found so burden some and inconvenient, though no doubt prescribed by duty and sanctioned by treaty " • These are remark . able words. (Hear, hear.) The Emperor is told that he has not only a right but a duty to perform. (Hear.) A man may hesitate to enforce a right. Some men have a right of free-warren ; but no wise man in the present day would exercise it. A duty, however, a man is bound to perform. And it is stated to be a duty beyond doubt. (Hear, hear.) This is a remark a bl e a d m i ss i on. (H ear, hear.) I want to know where the treaties aro which sanc tion the right and prescribe the duty? The noble lord is a dexterous hand at a schedule. No statesman has ever placed more schedules on the table of the house than he has, and if he would' only add more to his perform ances in that way by t giving us a schedule of the treaties which prescribe the Emperor of Russia's duty, and sanction his right to a protectorate over the Sultan's Christian subjects, I think it would be ono of the most in structive diplomatic documents which could be submitted to our consideration. I read to-day, in one of those organs that sometimes do an iujury to statesmen by vindicating their con duct and defending their characters (laughter), that the pro tectorate referred to by the noble lord was applicable only to Moldavia and Wallachia. Unfortunately for this argument, the noble lord's observation was an answer to one made by the Emperor of Russia. The Emperor said : " In that empire (Turkey) there are several millions of Christians whose interests I am called upon to watch over (surveiller), while the right of doing so is secured to me by treaty. I may truly say that I made a moderate and sparing use of my right, and I will freely confess that it is one which is attended with obligations occasionally very Inconvenient ; bat I cannot recede from the discharge of a distinct duty. Our religion, as established in this country, came to us from the East, and there are feelings, as well as obligations, which never must be lost sight of." This is what we are going to war about. We are not going to war to insure the evacuation of the principalities ; for the Emperor had declared twenty times dyer that he was ready to evacuate them if Turkey would only give him the protecto rate he required over her Christian subjects. When we are told that every modification of falsehood has been exhausted by Russia when the passions of the people are excited in be half of a war, the cause of which is still obscure, and its end even darker, I must ask whether there is any foundation for these statements ? What did the charge of :fraud apply to ? You cannot say that the Emperor of Russia is guilty of fraud when he pretends to be the protector of the Christian popu lation in Turkey, lam of opinion that the Emperor has not the least right to assume such a protectorate under the treaty of Kainardji or any other; and, on a former occasion, I en deavoured to satisfy the house that a more monstrous claim could not be set up. But what does the Emperor of Russia care for my opinion ? He has the opinion in his favour of the noble lord —a Minister of the Crown, with whom he holds secret and confidential correspondence, and on whose advice the Queen of England declares war against All the Russias. (Cheers and laughter.) The Emperor has your despatch, in which you tell him that to exercise a protectorate over millions of the Christian subjects of the Porte is his right and his duty, and therefore I do not wonder that his Majesty felt a little nettled when he found the very Minister who made this frank and complete admission was the first person in the British House of Commons to denounce his claim as fraudu lent. (Cheers.) Notwithstanding this unfortunate paragraph in the noble lord's despatch, I agree with the hon. member for Aylesbury in thinking that the tone in which that document was written contrasts favourably with that employed by his successor. It is evident that there has been in the Cabinet a conflict between British sentiment and Russian sentiment, and that this has brought us into the position in which we now are placed. I say that the despatches show that the question of the partition of Turkey was entirely set aside by the Emperor himself at au early period of the negotiations. Now, having pointed out to you the agreement of 1844, and having shown you how the Emperor of Russia constantly referred to this agreement with an almost fatal frankness, I ask the Government how they acted with regard to the views and policy of the Emperor ? In doing so, I entirely acquit . the noble lord the member for London of agre e i n g with et intending to countenance the political and territorial aggres sion to tally different line of policy was pursued. If th e p ro per line of policy had been pursued in these negotiations a n d cor respondencea with Russia, in the face of all these despatches now before the house, I fearlessly ask, whether this war might ,b e e m toar.) There are, in fa c t , have been adopt e d sir, ha tw v o e sbeysetnemspreovfepnotelidcy? which seem hiecah by Government in reference to the Eastern question ; the first of which may be called " British policy , " a s r epresented and State advocated by the noble lord t o e d shouldy memberthe es supported po pp for tnd in the city aht T. e o resist ance Turkey key Lon don and the noble lord the Secretary of for the H ome Department,shoul to () bRe Russia; be sn sdi ae a p; n e d nt hd ewe independent c c ao h nndd embody system may be called " R uss i an policy," as advocated and supported by the noble earl the head of her Majesty's Government, and which always presupposes that Turkey, as a nation, is exhausted, and which contem plates with serenity the occupation of that country by the Russians. (" No, no !" and cheers.) I repeat again, that the First Minister of the Crown has, by all his actions, proved him self a supporter of this Russian policy. He proved it in 1844, and he has proved it ever since, showing in every way that he could that he was favourable to a limited partition of the Ottoman empire, and the immediate interference of Russia with that country. (Hear.) Why did not the Emperor of Russia endeavour to press his views upon the English Minis, NEWSP.A PEI\ try when Lord Derby was head of the Administration? Be- rto the effect that we did not go to war suflici tl , :;: , ',,__N, cause he dare not. Why did he lose not a moment in doing that we did not use that language to the Em :.-of R .. _;,14. - leer so, when Lord Aberdeen came into office ? Simply because which the light honourable gentleman would haiE pa inte-..,..1, \k 7!"j' he knew that Lord Aberdeen was favourable to his views, and our mouths—l believe the country would disa 'rine, of al . :/.IL - "! FT , would lend himself to carry out the proposal of 1844, which ' such resolution. (Hear, hear.) lam quite suitgeat the lsn - 4 : ; giitytN. , ) he has done, and.thus eventually conducted this country to guage which the right honourable gentleman w reee -., ' '-' /sai'"'' the present war. (Cheers.) Now, I ask what ought to have us use to the Emperor of Russia would have e tetall 1:-': f- N, ,,c;;""‘r t i. been the conduct of the Ministry; and, in considering this unsuited to the case. If we had said to the icor o ~‘` - question, I would remind the house that it is quite evident Russia, " You have proposed to us the partition of 4 1 - ey,l I S the Emperor of Russia placed all his hope on a quarrel but no such proposition will be allowed," he would have re between this country and France, and expressly stated, in plied that he had proposed no such thing ; he had only sug this secret correspondence, that the partition of the Otto- gested that there should be made some arrangement in the man empire was to take place without the concurrence or case of the downfall of the Turkish empire. To such an an consent of France. Between Lord Derby's Administration swer we could not have made any statement, as it would and France the Emperor of Russia well knew that the most have been in accordance with the proposal he had made. I cordial understanding existed, and therefore, that while Lord therefore again submit to this house that we ask them to Derby was in office, his (the Emperor of Russia) machinations agree to this vote on the ground, not that we have taken the would be useless; but the moment Lord Aberdeen came in, first opportunity of making war, but that we have exhausted the Emperor sent at once for Sir Hamilton Seymour, finding every endeavour to avoid war—(hear)—that we have come that in the First Minister of the Crown he had got hold of the before this house with the wish to restore peace as soon as very man who had previously and constantly agreed to the peace can be made consistently with the character and the partition of Turkey. (Hear.) But we are told that the Em- interests of this country—that we have weighed the great peror of Russia thought there was a change of views in the power of Russia in any contest that we may maintain with two countries; and unhappily there was so upon the retire- her--that it has been with reluctance that we have engaged ment of Lord Derby and the accession of Lord Aberdeen. in this contest, but that, having engaged in it, we feel our (Hear, and a laugh.) The policy that the Government ought selves bound to give to Turkey every assistance in our power, to have adopted was to have distinctly told the Emperor of and that we will rely on the support of the nation in the Russia that we would not be trifled with ; that we knew of struggle in which we are engaged. (Cheers.) his plan, matured with great judgment and great skill; that Colonel SIBTHORP wanted to know who were to be our we knew he counted on the differences which might allies in this war, as he had no confidence in France. He at arise between this country and France, as he him- tributed all the difficulty to the want of decision in the noble self told Sir Hamilton Seymour; that there had been great Premier, and regretted that the noble lord the member for changes, however, since the year 1844 ; that there was a Tiverton had not been at the head of the Foreign Department great alteration of opinion with reference to Turkey; that instead of the Home-office for then he was confident the we could not s anc ti on his plans in connexion with that em- Emperor of Russia would no , t, have dared to go the lengths he pire ; and that he must dismiss his favourite notions regard- had done. No sufficient explanation had been given why the ing the same, which we could not in any way countenance or war had not been avoided ; but as we were at war, even at submit to. (Hear,) We ought to have told him more, and his time of life, if her Majesty desired his humble services, he clearly to have placed b e f ore him the relation which subsisted was quite prepared to aid, as far as ho could, in b r i ng i ng that between England and France, which was not merely dynes- war to a successful termination. (Hear, hear.) tie or familiar, but based upon mutual understanding and The Add ress was th en pu t f ro m th e c h a i r and agreed to good faith ; • and that, in a matter of this kind, the first nem con. Power we should call to our consultation would be Lord J. RUSSELL—I have to ask your advice, sir, as to France, in her character of our neighbour and ally. (Cheers.) the next question. I wish to move that this address be ear- Could any one doubt for a moment that, if we had done this, rice up to her Majesty by the whole house. (Hear, hear.) our country and Europe would now be in the position that It is usual, I believe, to appoint a committee in such cases to it was ? (Hear, hear.) No, it would not ; and I firmly, prepare the address, but I believe that course not to be ab truly, and conscientiously believe that this war has been solutely necessary, and if we could depart from it I would at brought about by one man, and that man holding the respon- once move that the address be presented to her Majesty by the sible position of the First Minister of the Crown, by whose whole house. vacillation and [by whose policy, feeble and irresolute as it The SPEAKER—The noble lord has correctly stated the has been, this dreadful ealamity has • been forced upon us. practice of the house. Whenever an address has been agreed (Lud Opp ee osition chrs.) This, sir, will is be opinion, and I to by the house in answer to a message from the crown, it feel little doubt that before long it the unanimous opinion os all England. (Cheers.) general and has been usual to appoint a committee to draw up an address in conformity with the resolution of the house, but when an Lord J. RUSSELL.—I do not intend to occupy much of address from the house to the Crown has been taken up by a the time of the house in rising to reply to some of the ob- privy councillor it has not been usual to appoint a committee servations of the right hon. gentleman who has last spoken, to draw w w o i ni t d up i;s t i h n o t ug e h t sa h m e s ad4ress as pr a e n sented by ss a p p re ri se vy n coutny and with whose speech I must confess myself to be some- I I the whole house. The form of the address, however, can as what surprised—not at the cleverness with which it is dis- well be drawn up by the whole house as by a committee, and tingnished, or the bitterness with which it is disfigured— if the noble lord will move that the address be presented to (hear, hear)—but at the peculiar character of the objections t n i e o r n 3 to --, eebyt course. (Hear, hear.) by the whole house, lam not aware of any objee• which the right ' hon. gentlemen had raised. I cannot that J. RUSSELL—Then sir, I will now move that the imagine upon what principle it is that the right hon. a dd ress be presented to her Majesty by the whole house. gentleman, who for so long a time has been ac- Mr. DISRAELI—I b eg to second carried, motion. , (Hear.) motion having been put and 'ed customed to take so great an interest in the welfare RUSSELL to of Turkey, and so much trouble to prevent that country Lord J. The _ said—l hope the house will agree meet on Monday at half-past two, when I led to believe being undermined by Russian influence, should, upon an 1 shall b e i n a position to convey to the house the command occasion when the house is asked whether they will render of her Majesty, that her Majesty will be graciously pleased to an active, earnest, and effectual support to Turkey, go out receive the address of this house shortly after that hour viz., of his way to leave the question f or th e p ur p ose o f a tt ac k- about three o'clock. (Hear.) , at its house • • risin g should adjourn to ing the Ministry. (Hear, hear.) Th e fi rs t p ar t o f th e r i g ht The motion that the next was agreed to, and it was o r d ere d th a t th e hon. gentleman's speech chiefly ref erre d t o Th e Ti mes news- Monday house should meet at half-past two o'clock, for the purpose of paper of last year, and the right hon. gentleman attempted taking up the address. to show that the writers in The Times encouraged by their The Registration of Bills of Sale Bill was read a second advocacy the policy of Russia, with which, according to the time. right hon. gentleman, they seemed to agree. If the right gentleman had shown that the Times newspaper agreed with the Government in these matters, it might have been pre sumed that the right hon. gentleman meant to affirm that there - was some understanding between the Government and that paper; but, as he has stated it, he has merely made out a case to show that the Times newspaper advocated, in his opinion, the policy of Russia, which policy, according to his own admission, he gives me the full credit of having opposed (cheers and laughter) ; and upon these premises he arrives ' at the somewhat illogical conclusion that the Times and the Government were leagued and agreed together. (Hear, hear.) I really cannot think what the right hon. gentleman can mean, unless it be to extend those inquiries of which we have had some experience lately, for the pm•pose of en deavouring, and certainly not uniformly with success, to ascertain from editors and managers of newspapers upon what materials they form their opinions —(hear, hear),—and the names of the writers who contribute to their columns. (Cheers and laughter.) The right hon. gentleman has asserted that my noble friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs has differed from me upon the question of Russian policy ; but I can assure the right hon. gentleman that lie is mistaken iu his supposition, inasmuch as, however different the means may ' have been by which we have arrived at our 'conclusions, such conclusions have been precisely the same—namely, by every fair and honourable means to repel the aggressions of the Emperor of Russia. (Loud cheers.) The right hon. gentle man seems much distressed that the understanding between the Emperor of Russia and some of her Majesty's advisers has not been carried on in so gentlemanlike a manner as the right honourable gentleman approved of, (Laughter.) And he then proceeds with painful detail and very length ened statements—(laughter)—to speak of things which he says existed in the Administration of 1529 between the Duke of Wellington and Lord Aberdeen, and he proceeds to point out differences of a similar kind which he believes to exist among members of tho present Administration, and endea vours to charge on the head of that Administration faults for which his colleagues are responsible equally with himself. Now, all I shall say is, that the theory of the right hon. gen tleman certainly differs very widely from his practice. (Laughter.) The right hon. gentleman has made a criticism with respect to the memorandum of 1844, and with respect to the secret correspondence which has lately been laid before the house, and in making that criticism he has not only taken parts of sentences, totally separating them from other parts of the sentences, but he misstates the whole foundation of that memorandum, and of the correspondence ; because the proposal of the Emperor of Russia is not to this effect : " Turkey is a weak Power ; she cannot maintain herself ; let us ask her to give up her provinces ; I will insist on having Bulgaria—do you insist on Egypt, and we will share those ter ritories between us." That was the manner of the partition of Poland—the combined Powers insisted on making demands on Poland that destroyed her territory and subverted her independence ; but the proposal of the Emperor of Russia was not of that kind ; therefore any reference on my part to the partition of Poland would have been a gratuitous imper tinence, and would have been considered by the Emperor of Russia and his Government as having no application whatever to the proposel he had made. (Hear.) I think it is fair, at least, to suppose that the Emperor of Russia might well ima gine, as many persons, not in Russia alone, but in vari ous countries in Europe did, that Turkey is a Power that cannot very well maintain itself, and that the hour of its dissolution may be near at hand. (Hear, hear.) I may suppose that the Emperor of Russia may think that it would be very injurious to his empire, and very injurious to his policy, if, while he is respecting the independence and integrity of Turkey, Eng land and France should agree on what is to be the ultimate fate of the Turkish territories. If he could take that suppo sition—a natural supposition enough—he would then arrive easily at the conviction stated in the first sentence of the memorandum of 1843. The right hon. gentleman says that memorandum has for it whole object the partition of Turkey, and shows that this is a ruling idea in the Emperor's mind. Now, what is the first sentence of that memorandum? " Russia and England are mutually penetrated with the conviction that it is for their common interest that the Otto man Porte should maintain itself in the state of independence and of territorial possession which at present constitute that empire, as that political combination is the one which is most compatible with the general interest of the maintenance of peace." That is the first sentence of the memorandum which I have been obliged to read, because the right hon. gentleman has endeavoured to convey to the house a false notion of its contents. (Hear, hear.) Tho memorandum goes on to say that it is desirable, lest the dissolution of Turkey should come suddenly, that there should be an agreement on the subject, and the Emperor proposes that England and Russia should so far understand each other as to recognise the general measures to be adopted. (Hear.) Now, was Lord Aberdeen satisfied with accepting that memorandum 7 My belief is, that Lord Aberdeen lost no time in communicating the substance of the Emperor's communication to the Government of France, (Hear, hear.) And, so far from being on bad terms with the Government of France, that was the period when the term " a cordial understanding" with France was first employed— the entente cordiale which afterwards marked the relations that existed between the Government of Sir R. Peel and the Government of France. (Hear.) So far does the right heei. gentleman wander from the facts of the case as they actually exist. (Hear.) Then the right hon. gentleman speaks of the correspondence that took place in a despatch from my self. He says it was evidently my object, in not agreeing to the proposition which was made, that I should give occupation to the Emperor of Russia—that I should point out to him an employment in which he should spend his time in future, and that employment was to be the protection of the Greek sub jects of tho Sultan. (Hear.) Now, the right hon. gentleman made that representation by dint of leaving out part of a see r tense. The sentence which I used, atter stating that the Sul tan should be advised to treat his Christian subjects in con formity with the principles of equity and. religious free dom, was—" The more the Turkish Government adopts the rules of impartial law and equal administration, the less will the Emperor of Russia find it necessary to apply that exceptional protection which his Imperial Majesty has found so burdensome and inconvenient." So that my object was not that the Emperor should interfere more, but that he should find occasion to interfere less. (Hear.) Then, the right hon. gentleman finds great fault with the end of this sentence as contained in these words, " though no doubt prescribed by duty and sanctioned by treaty." Now, I supposed that every one agreed that the treaty of Kainardji imposed certain obli gations on the Sultan, and, at the same time, imposed recip rocal obligations on the Emperor of Russia ; or why is it that the hon. member for Aylesbury and his friends wish to g e t rid of the obligations of the treaty of Kainardji? It is be causo by that treaty there are stipulations on the part of the Sultan given to the Emperor of Russia by which he is to give exceptional protection to the Greek subjects of the Sultan. Would any one believe that it would be consistent with the conduct of the Emperor of Russia to hear of Christian villages being destroyed by the irregular troops of the Sultan, being, as I have shown, authorized by the Sultan himself by treaty, an d not think himself b oun d to remonstrate with the Sultan with respect to such things being allowed ? (Hear, hear.) Therefore, I will say no more than that it was always under stood that by the treaty of Kainardji, in exceptional cases, exceptional protection was given by the Emperor. (Hear, hear.) With respect to the general observations of the right hon. gentleman as to the policy that has been pursued, I will only say that, whatever differences of opinion there may be as to Turkish institutions, and the administration of law in Turkey with respect to Russia, there is no difference of opinion at all, and that we are determined to allow no weakness on the part of Turkey to contribute to the aggrandisement of Russia—(hear, hear)—and that is the es sen ti a l po i n t o f th i s question. (Hear, bear.) The right hon. gentleman seems to find fault with the progress of the negotiations. Far be it from me to blame him or any member of this house for exer cising the right which they have to find fault with any part of the conduct of Government. I believe, however, that 'this country, in general, would have blamed us if we had at the commencement of these transac. tions declared that there was no resource but via • (Hear, hear.) If we had entered into war before we h. d exhausted all the means of negotiation, I believe this count ry would have blamed us for such conduct. (Hear, hear.) Aix member saying last year that I thought we ought not to make war till we had exhausted every endeavour to maintain peace —that the only preparation for war by which we could main tain the eights and immunities of the people of this country would be to show that we had made every endeavour —pro tracted and long-continued as it might be—to come to a pacific conclusion. (Hear, hear.) The Government may meet with the criticism of the right hon. gentleman—they may meet with the censure of the hon. member for Aylesbu r y ; but they believe this, that if either the right hon. gentleman or the hon. member for AyleslAtry will produce a, resolution The High Treason (Ireland) Bill was read a third time and passed. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. Lord J. RUSSELL stated that on Monday he proposed to take the Bribery Bill, and the bill for the Trial of Election Petitions, as the first business of the day. The house then adjourned at one o'clock. (TOUNTRY MARKETS. LIVERPOOL, MARCH 31. A fair attendance at this day's market. Prices not so good as .on Wednesday, but we were still 3d to 4d per bushel for wheat, is 6d to 2s per barrel for flour, id per bushel for oats, and is per load for oatmeal, dearer than Tuesday. Indian corn is per qr. cheaper. WAIiEFIELD—MencIi 31. Short arriYals of grain to-day. The wheat trade has now assumed quite a different aspect, prices having ad vanced 5s to 8s per qr. Barley rather dearer. Beans are a better sale at fully last,week's rates. Oats ?Id per stone, and shelling is per load higher. EXETER-MARCH 31. CATTLE.—Prime beef, lOs 6d per score ; cows and calves, 141. to 171. ; butchers' calves, Od to 5/d per lb., rearing calves OOs to OOs each. Sheep, 6id to 7d. Lambs, Od to Od per lb. Store hogs, large size, 50s to OOs each ; slips, 25s to 00s ; small, 16s to 18s. Rough fat, 50 per lb. Pork carcases from 9s 9d to 10s 6d per score. CORN.—In our market wheat may be quoted from 9s Oki to 9a 6d. Malting barley, 4s 6d to 5s Od ; grinding do., Os Od to Os Od. Oats, 3s 3d to 3s 6d. Beans, 008 Od to Ogls Od. Peas, OOs Od to OOs Od. FLOUR. —Fine, 594 Od to 60s Od ; seconds, 57s Od to 58s Od per sack. INVERNESS.—MARCH 28. CORN.--Wheat, white, per qr., 70s Od to 728 Od. Bar- ley, chevalier, 30s Od to 32s Od ; ditto, common, 308 Od to 31s Od. Oats, 26s Od to 28s Od. MEAL.—Oatmeal, per imp. boll 22s Od to 23s Od ; ditto second, 00s Od to Os Od; barleymeal, 15s Od to Os Od; peasemeal, 15s Od. to Os Od ; bran, per stone, Os 7d to Os Od ; Ist flour, per 2801 b, 54s Od to 56s Od ; 2d ditto, 47s Od to 49s Od ; oatmeal, best, per st. of 141 b imperial 2s 2d to 2s 4cl; ditto second, Os Od to Os Od ; barleymeal is 4d to is 6d ; peasemeal, is 6d to Os 04 ; Ist flour, 2s 9d cash, 2s 7d credit ; 2d ditto, 2s 3d cash, 2s 7d credit. BRISTOL SUGAR-MARCH 31. There has been an exceedingly dull market this week fo all descriptions of sugar, and the buyers do not seem die posed to increase their stocks, even at a further concession in prices. The transactions since our last report are, con sequently quite unimportant. The refined market is also miserably flat, and prices are again rather easier. COAL MASSE Prices of Coal per ton at t: ET.—Mecca 31. he close of the market : s. d. Burnhope l6 0 Carr's Hartley 2O 0 Davison's West Hartley 20 0 Hasting's Hartley 2O 0 Old Adairs 16 6 Ravensworth Hartley l9 6 Redheugh Main 16 3 Tanfield Moor l6 0 Tanfield Moor Butes 17 0 West Hartley 20 0 Wylam Wallsend, &c. d. Lumley s. 19 0 Pensher 19 0 Plummer 2O 0 Russell's Hetton 20 6 Stewart's 21 0 Whitwell 19 9 Cassop l9 6 Heugh Hall 19 3 South Kelloe 19 3 Whitworth lB 3 Low Bitchburn 16 3 West Tees lB 3 St. Helen's Tees l7 9 Woodhouse Close 17 0 Birchgrove Graigola 27 0 ,Cowpcn 2O 0 Sidney's Hartley op 6 !Derwentwater Hartley. 20 3 Grey's West Hartley l9 ;Llangennech 23 0 Tyne Cannel 23 - Wallsend, &c. Bell and Brown 18 6 Gosforth lB 6 1 Harton lB 6 1 Lawson lB 3 Riddell lB 6, Edon Main . .......... 2O 3 ! Bell 19 6! Framwellgate l9 0 Haswell 21 Kepler "0 6 COURSE OF EXCHANGE-YESTERDAY. Amsterdam........ .... 11 13y6 Gibraltar ........ •• •• Ditto, three months 11 15 Leghorn .. ••.••••••• • • SO 70 Rotterdam ...... 11 15% Genoa ........ •....... 25 57!4 Antwerp .............. 25 20 Milan .. ••••••• • • • • • •• Brussels .............. 25 20 'Venice .. ••••• • • • • ..... Hainburgh 13 4X Naples • • .............. 414 Altona .. .raienno .. • ....... 126 Paris.. ...... • • 25 0 'Messina ..... ....... 126 Ditto, three months • • 2 5 _ 35 I Rio Lisbonan eiro ~• _SS Bourdeaux ............ Frankfort-on-Maine .... 118. Y 4 Buenos Ayres,. •••• • • • • Berlin ................ New York, 60 days' sight Vienna 11 40 Philadelphia Trieste .......... •••• 11 45 P RICES or BULLION, PEI 07. Petersburgh.. •••••• • • " 31 Foreivi Gold in Bars Z 3 17 9 Madrid •• •• ••• • • • 5 0 Portugal Gold Coln .. 0 u u Cadiz •••• • • • • 5056 Mexican Dollars .... 0 5 OU Barcelona. ••• •• -,•• •• • • New Dollars ...... 0 0 SestiOn •••••"•• • • • • • • • iiilver in bars ...... 0 5 1 BANK OF ENGLAND. An Account pursuant to the Act 7th and Bth Victoria, cap 32, for the Week ending on Saturday the 25th day of March, 1854. ISSUE DEPARTMENT. Notes issued ........ 27,814,3101 Government debt .... 11,01h,100 Other securlti es ...... 2.984,900 Gold coin and bullion 13,874,3 W Silver bid; 427,874,310 £27,874,31tt M. MARSHALL, Chief Casnior. [B5l. pARTMENT. Dated the 30th day of March, Government securit les (Includg. Dead Weight A s ininity-5 11,792,116 Other securitles...... 15,757,604 Notes .............. 6,633,535 Gold and silver coin.. 754,972 £34.933.2 1 r. MARSHALL, Chlef Cashier. BANKING Dl X Proprietors' capital .. 14,553,000 Rest . 3,744,205 Public deposits do- . - eluding, Exchequer, Commissioners of National Debt, Say ing's Banks, and _ _ DiVideud Accounts) 4,423,827 Other deposits ...... 11,092,226 Seven Day and other . . 1,124,969 434,938,227 Dated the 30th day of March, 11 PRICE OF SUGAR. The average price of Brown or Muscovado Sugar, computed from the returns made in the week ending the 28th day of March, 1854, is 255. lid. per hundredweight, exaugive of the duties of Customs paid or payable thereon on the portation thereof into Great Britain. • GLASGOW AND SOUTH-WESTERN RAILWAY.--Trafac m. turn for the week ending March 25, 1854 £5,016 4 8 Corresponding week last year 4,329 9 7 Increase in 1854 .............................. 1-:,f)86 15 1 WATERFORD AND KILKENNY RAlLW AY. — Traffie return for the week ending March 25 (N miles) £ls4 1 1 Corresponding week last year (13 inilesi 57 3 10 [AnvEunsEmENT.J — Holloway's Ointment and Pills the most effectual remedies for (lout and Rheumatism. —Extract of a letter from Mr. Thomas Wyborn, druo dated April 26, IK ) 2 : gist, Eton, " To Professor Hol loway. Sir, —A case has lately come under my notice which I think should be publicly known. It is that of 8 , Poor man, who suffered so dreadfully from chronic rheumatism , that he lost the use of one side and en dured incessant pain, lie was under different medical treatment, and 'Westminster Hospital the faculty pronounced him incurable. However, this was not the case, for by the use of your ointment and pills, he has been restored to health and strength."—Sold by all druggists, and at Professor Holloway's Estabr.shment, 244, Strand, London, 6 zen 101 , ,ify Fter ave it a ord ret eir lis his us st r , t 1