The Sun. — London, England, 1830-02-25 00:00:00

seption of the late Mr. Ricardo, threw up their hats—seeing a long succession of gambling specula tions before them. Contractors of all sorts, and would-be contractors, were in ecstacy. The whole Aristocracy were alarmed, and Mr. Pitt was obliged, contrary to his inclinations, to gratify the King's love of war, by the dread of being laid aside after the Whigs had seceded from Mr. Fox. The King and the Aristocracy command the Church, and the pulpit drum ecclesiastic was beat in every parish throughout the kingdom. If a number of furious dogs were let loose on a crowd, it would be as fair to infer from the excitement which this would occasion that they were an ungovernable set of b ings, as to infer that a people, heated and stimu lated by all the means at the command of the most powerful Government in the world, were of them selves enthusiastic for war. The people of every country of the Continent are uniformly hostile to war, because their Governments are under no ne cessity of corrupting them, having direct means to compel obedience. In the United States, the Fe deralists, that is, the admirers of English Aristc eracy and English jobbing, were always anxious to embroil their nation. The Democratic party, that is, nine-tenths of the nation, have always been fcr peace, and economy, and the absence of state and expence. To talk of the inclinations of a country, with such detestable laws as those which gave estates of four hundred thousand pounds a-year in perpetuity to an eldest son, and thus di vide a nation into an overgrown ascendancy, and overburdened miserable commonalty, one half paupers, in a state to be unfairly acted on by the Aristocracy, is like talking of the dispositions of a man in a fever. The pec ple become reasonable towards the conclusion of a war, because the means for carrying it longer on are not forthcoming ; they feel the privations, and the intoxicating cup is no longer presented to the lips of the corrupters of opinion. As to the sort of Re form proposed on Tuesday night, it can do little to wards stemming the torrent of evils that press on the country. On the other hand, it can do no harm. It was objected to it, that the number of represen tatives is too great already. No doubt three times too many. A House of above one hundred and fifty Members is a mob. But six able Members, acquainted with the affairs of three great commercial towns would not add so much to the evil of excessive numbers, as they would add to the talent of the House.—Morning Chronicle. One good turn deserves another ! Sir James Scarlett is, no doubt, preparing a defence for his trial. In the history of England there are prece dents enough for his justification ; but it must be remembered that, until he enlisted with the Duke of Wellirgton's own, he was a noisy friend to the liberty of the Press. He will not dare, therefore, to appeal to the Star Chamber, or, indeed, to any ex-officio information filed before he became Attor ney-General. He will have to stand unsupported and alone, poor man, on the narrow ground of his own peculiar merits. From so dismal a fate we would, if possible, save our worst enemy; and we, therefore hasten to inform Sir James that another Attorney-General, no less a personage than his Majesty's Attorney-General at Botany Bay, has instituted two prosecutions for libel since Sir James became Censor-General to the Duke of Wellington. In the Colony of New South Wales there are but three newspapers. One of them is the Official Gazette. - The edi tors of the other two are now languishing in prison ! We pass over the wisdom of the Colo nial Officer in thus filling the hearts of the colonists with attachment to their Government, as well as the admirable skill displayed by Sir James Scarlett in his efforts to render the present Administration po pular. For these the gentlemen will have their re ward. But we claim the thanks of Sir James for having provided him with two "cases", to which he may safely refer in justification of his own pro ceedings. By the bye, we trust that some straight forward Member of the House of Commons will ask Sir James the following questions :—" If you had been Attorney-General when Lord Eldon appointed Sir John Copley Solicitor-General, and if the libel on the Chancellor, for which Mr. Alexander has been sent to Newgate, had appeared verbatim in every London newspaper, would you have thought it worth while to prosecute the author ? If not, why not ? Do you think that Lord Holland, under these circumstance, would have sworn that he believed the squib injurious, or even applicable, to Sir John Copley and Lord Eldon ? If not, why not ?"---11forning Journal. The division on Lord John Russell's motion must, we think, convince the most obdurate that some sort of parliamentary reform, whether for bet ter or worse, whether the result of conviction or of weakness in the Ministers, must speedily take place. When in an assembly of upwards of three hundred and twenty Members, the Ministers could only mus ter a majority of forty-eight, it is pretty plain that there is something wrong, and that public opinion is decidedly against them. And to think, too, that this majority had for its rank and file all the depend ents of the Treasury, and that Ministers had for their champion no less a personage than Mr. Horace Twiss, who, to speak in his jargon, showed cause so admirably against the motion, and adduced so many convincing reasons for keeping things as they are—to think of this, we say, is enough to ;make a melancholy man merry for a month. Not that we would have him laugh solely at the ex pense of Mr. Twiss, for, beyond all doubt, the employers of the Learned and Honourable Gentle man cut a much more ludicrous figure than their champion, and we dare say now heartily wish him and their cause at the bottom of the sea. The arguments—God forgive us for calling them argu ments—with which Mr. Twiss resisted the motion, and convinced his brother clerks that reform would be attended with danger, are really the most con temptible absurdities that have been tittered since the commencement of the Session. " Reform," says Mr. Horace Twiss, " would be innovation— innovation is a change—all changes are experiments —and experiments are dangerous." " Moreover," says be, " the constitution is Gothic; and, if we were to add a *leg, or a turret, or anything else to it, we would destroy its inimitable symmetry just as the beauty of Westminster-abbey would be destroyed if Mr. Nash's new palace were stuck upon its roof." Shade of the good and great King William ? whoever beard any thing half so Gothic as this ? Now, who is the gentleman who ex presses so much abhorrence of innovation, and who even threatens us with a rebellion in the north if we commit any act in violation of the settlement of the Scottish union ? Why, one of the men who broke in upon the Constitution last year, and who assisted Parliament in kicking the articles of union and the Constitution itself all the way from Palace yard to the back settlements of Conemara in Ire lend. He assisted to break in upon the Constitue tion last year in order to get or keep his place, and for the same worthy reasons lie this year thrusts his Gothic monuments in our faces, in order to prevent that which, to a moral certainty, would send him to his old Chancery distaff again before the lapse of another twelve months. But it is smiting ink upon such a statesman. Reform must take place, and we have no doubt Mr. Twiss would vote for it to morrow if he were desired. Besides, if Ministers do not change th e i r tone , i t i s very lik e l y to h a p pen this very summer. The country is dissatisfied with the present men and measures to an extent never be fore heard of, and if th e y d o not i nstant l y di sso l ve Parliament the cry of reform will be raised louder, and a more sweeping alteration demanded than that which the people at present seek arid with which they would be satisfied. We cannot see what possible objections Mini s t ers c an u r g e aga i nst giving representatives to the large manufacturing towns. Mr. Goulburn certainly can have no ob jection. A rabble election would be quite a God. send to that able financier just now. gin that would be drank and the beer that would be spilt would be enormous. No cotton-spinner would give his vote for less than a fortnight's wages, and the is hole of the sum would soon find its way (0 tile exhausted Treasury. But to be more serious— why should Caine return two Members and Leeds return none ? " Oh," says Mr. Horace Twiss, " Caine is Gothic, Leeds is a modern place." True, but Caine did not exist from all eternity. It was once as modern as Manchester itself, and the right of returning Members was conferred upon it for the very reasons now urged in favour of Birmingham, Manchester, and Leeds. The elec tive franchise was given to those places which were deemed the centre of trade at the time and were comparatively populous. Changes have taken place —towns have dwindled away—boroughs have sunk into farms—and respectable villages once the empo rium of the wool, isee, and tin trade have nothing left to tell of their existence but a single house or landmark and the Honourable Members who repre sent them. On the other hand, new towns have started up as if by magic. Villages hare been built by steam. The wool trade has left the west of Eng. land. and settled in Yorkshire. The wealth of the west has rolled eastward and northward, and we see no good reason why the honours should not follow. Not that we would deprive any community, con sisting of one or more per , oes, of their rights. We have no desire to rob Sir Massy, or Sir Moses, or any ether lic.e..st dealers in rotten boroughs, of their prop,ity. But we would compel them to sell it. We would strip Cornwall of ten of its nests in a night; not by pillage, but simply by giving to the worthy burgesses a fair solatiuni in the shape of the King's coin, or so many barrels of beer and kegs of brandy. This might be done easily and peaceably, and with great advantage to the Country at large. New men would thus be bought into the House— weavers they might be—braziers they might be— clothiers they might be—Glasgow bailies they might be—but still they would be men of sense and intelligence, and not your Mr. Thomati Macauley species, who creep into holes God knows how, and render the House of Commons a mere debating-room for small lawyers and upstart philosophers. In this sense we avow our•selves parliamentary reformers. And why ? This question, we know, will be asked ur, and therefore we answer it here. We advocate this kind of re form to prevent one of a more sweeping nature. The signs of the times tell us that if the House of Commons do not reform itself it will be reformed by the people out of doors. We see this as clearly as we see the pen with which we write. The country has no confidence in Parliament as it is at present constituted. A new Parliament might work better and give more satisfaction, but the country will always be in a precarious state till we place safety. valves in Birmingham, Manchester, Shef field, Glasgow, Paisley, and other places. If this were done the greater evil might be averted. If this were done the great mass of the people would be satisfied. We should give to every man who pays taxes and poor rates in these places a vote, and with this they would be contented. But if this be not done, and that speedily, let the Ministers and the Aristocracy look to the consequences. It is better to give that as a boon, and appear liberal, though it should make their hearts ache, than allow what they withhold to be extorted. We give them this warning in time, under a serious conviction that the period is come when some such compromise must be made. If they resist the measure they may live to repent it. If they reject a proposition of so wholesome a na ture, and which would not in the least inter fere with their real interests, perhaps they will have to submit to one of a more galling character. The reform for which some men contend is revo lution. The innovation they wish would be an inundation which would sweep before it all the institutions of the land, and overturn the altar and the throne itself. And this is just what the ultra reformers desire. They tell its so distinctly, and we know they are at this moment stirring heaven and earth to accomplish their purpose. We would defeat the machinations of these persons by the measure we propose. We would deprive them of their lever by giving to the manufacturing classes an interest in, and an influence over, the representation. And this is of all the remedies the one which the wild reformers most dread. Mr. Hobliouse voted with Ministers against Birmingham, and we have no doubt all his radical friends approve of his con duct. The reformers should be treated like Lord Ellenborough's elephants—the wild ones should be led between.the tame.—Morning Journal. We alluded yesterday to the question of the re presentation of Manchester, Leeds, and Birming ham. Sheffied was not mentioned upon the occa sion, although the petition from it, in favour of an extension of the elective franchise, formed the groundwork of Lord John Russell's motion. The. Ministry, as our readers are aware, mustered their " troop" against the proposed innovation ; and never assuredly did they muster their forces with less credit to themselves, or benefit to the country. The motion was popular with every man of right feeling; but the opposition to it ten times more unpopular. If Westbury, Wotton Basset, and such like rat-holes, ought to be represented, is it not agreeable to common sense, that towns of such immmense commercial importance as Manchester, Birmingham, and Leeds, should be represented ? The question is not worth an argument, nor will we insult our readers by endeavouring to prove that such towns ought to be represented; but we will just take leave to hint to his Majesty's Ministers, that they could not possibly have committed a greater blunder, than that of refusing the elective franchise on the grounds on which it was demanded. It will now be said, and most justly, that they are opposed to all salutary innovation ; but the time, if not come, is coming, when innovation will be the peace of England—when the aristocracy will tremble for its privileges, and the Government, as in the case of the Catholic question, will be glad to concede even more than it now refuses. We have no wish to rouse the country to an undue sense of its wrongs —though nothing would be more easy—against the existing Government. We wish it well, arid to many of its members we give credit for good inten tions; but its sagacity has been sadly at fault of late, and we should not do justice to our readers— whom we prize still more—were we to withhold our opinion of its acts.—Morning Advertiser. The motion of Lord J. Russell to communicate to Manchester, Birmingham, and Leeds, the right of returning each two Members to Parliament, would so evidently, had it succeeded, have been only the commencement of a radical change in the constitu tution of Parliament, that we owe some apology to our readers for considering it even for a moment in the light of a distinct and isolated proposition. — The wedge, when properly employed, is a mecha nical power of irresistible efficacy, even although its thinner side be pared down to the tenuity of a razor, and such was precisely the kind of imtru mem which Lord John Russell proposed to apply to the solid fabric of the Constitution. Of thie important truth some of the supporters of the Noble Lord's motion were probably ignorant , or unmindful; but many of them, we are persuaded, were supporters of that motion only because they knew the truth and the importance of the political principle of which the wedge is the proper physical emblem. For why should any anxiety be mani fested by any man who is not prepared and deter mined, if possible, to go further—to extend the right of representation to these particular towns ? We search in vain throughout the speeches of all the advocates of the measure for any thing like a cto;o7i that applies peculiarly to those places. All that is zei!l with an appearance of supporting the measure may resolved into the hackneyed topics in favour of a general change of the ;hole representative system of the country; while every syllable that is advanced having any special application to the towns in question, is strongly and unequivocally in favour of leaving them as they are. Have Manchester, Birmingham and Leeds, in consequence of the unfavourable position in which the present system of national representa tion places them, been outstripped by other more favoured tow ns i n t h e acqu i s i t i on o f wea l t h, i n the IlierC4so of population, in the progress of import ance and respectability.? The fact is notoriously the reverse. They have vastly outrun all their compe titors. This, so far from being denied, is, strange and perverse as it may seem, insisted on by the ad vocates of change, and serves indeed as the founda tion of their solitary argument, with the excep tion of such as are pressed into the service of this particular proposition while they properly belong to the general question of reform. Is there again any reason to believe that the benefit likely to be derived from having Members in Parliament whom they could call peculiarly their own, would compensate to Manchester, Birmingham, and Leeds, the injury they must experience from the interrup tion to their industry incident to the periodical ex citement of a popular election ? This question, of obvious and paramount importance, if the subject be considered as one of local circumstances and considerations, the advocates of change have en tirely overlooked or eluded, and by doing so, have proved in the clearest possible manner that they regarded the motion as part and pareti of some mcre extensive and general scheme of reform. But it is said the object of this sort of reform is to preserve and strengthen the present structure of the House of Commons, and to make its anomalies and defects less obvious to public view. We answer, that the present structure of the House of Commons is sufficiently strong and secure, whatever may be its apparent anomalies or defects, so long as the latter do not disqualify that Assembly from contributing its proper constitutional share towards the good government of the country ; and that if the anomalies and defects did in fact amount to such a disqualification, this sort of reform would be worse than useless. This ap peal to the imagination, for such in fact it is, fails of its intended effect, inasmuch as the want of symmetry in structure, when once be come familiar, ceases to offend. To anomaly in action, however, the minds of men can not so easily be reconciled. And is it possible to imagine a greater anomaly of the latter kind than Parliament would display if it decreed the right of representation to Manchester, Birmingham, and Leeds, and denied it to Sheffield and fifty other places having similar claims ? Our objection to the present and to every other scheme of reform, open or disguised, gradual or sudden, may be briefly stated. It is that they all, without exception, tend, and are indeed designed, to render the Constitution and character of the Legislature more democratical than it is; while we are firmly persuaded that democra tical influence is already quite as strong as is at all consistent either with the principles of the British Constitution, or the real, substantial, and permanent welfare of the community.—Morning Post. NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY MEETING (From the Newcastle Chronicle.) Pursuant to the Requisition published in our last week's paper, a meeting of the county of Northum berland was held at Morpeth on Monday last, for the purpose of petitioning Parliament on the present distressed state of the country. A few minutes after twelve o'clock, Sanderson Ilderton, Esq., the High Sheriff, entered the Town Hall, and we were sorry to observe that he was suffering so severely from an attack of the gout, as to be obliged to have the support of crutches. On the bench we also ob served the Hon. H. T. Liddell, M.P., W. Clark, Esq. of Benton, G. T. L. Blenkinsopp, Esq. W. Orde, Esq. of Nunny Kirk, H. J. W. Collingwood, Esq. of Lilburn Tower, A. Atkinson, jun. Esq. of Lorbottle, W. L. Smart, Esq. of Trewhitt, Sir C. M. Monck, Bart., Sir E. Blackest, Bart., J. S. Donalson, of Cheswick, &c. &c. The Hall was soon filled, but not so crowded as on some former occasions; as soon as silence was obtained, The HIGH SHERIFF sad, that in consequence of th e Requisition which they would shortly hear read, he-had thought it his duty to call them together; an as perhaps some difference of opinion might arise on the occasion, he trusted the same honourable feeling which bad always distinguished the county on for mer instances would be observed to-day, and that they would give every gentleman who might be de sisous of addressing the meeting, a patient and at tentive hearing.—(Applause.) Mr. M. CLAYTON, the Under Sheriff, read the requisition. H. J. W. COLLINGwooD, Esq. of Lilburn Tower, then rose—He said he had the honour to propose to the consideration of the Meeting a petition, which he hoped would meet the approbation of all parties, as it merely stated the distress of the country, and prayed for relief, without at all entering into the causes by which that distress had been produced. Ministers considered that distress only existed in a partial degree; but was it at all likely that the people of England would complain without a cause ? Were not they the best judges of their own sufferings ? (Cheers.) —He should like to know what branch of trade was at this time in a flourishing condition ? (A cry of " none.")—Was not trade at a stand still in all parts of the country ? Ministers had ad duced the increase in exports by way of disproving the general cry of distress; but had the manufacs turers derived any profit from their shipments ? He }relieved the very reverse would be found to be the fact. The agricultural distress was also unparal leled. That interest was every where on the de cline ; and it was impossible that it could go on much longer, under the present low state of prices, and existing weight of taxation. It was impossible the farmers could pay their rents ; the profits of the soil would not allow them to do so. They could not live without drawing largely upon their capital, and there was surely no person present who could support such a system. The landlords must reduce their rents.—(A cry of " Aye, that's the cure," and considerable applause.)—" No," said the speaker, vehemently, " that is not the cure—it is the cry." Why should the landlords be required to reduce their rents ? If they touched the landholder, why not touch the fundholder also ? If the land holder was called upon to reduce his income, should not that of every other person be reduced in pro portion? Look, too, at the shipping interest. Could it be said to he in a flourishing condition ? The shipping of Great Britain seemed to be gradually declining, and in proportion to that decline foreign shipping was rising. Nothing could be more injurious to a maritime nation than this. England depended mainly upon its shipping. Without its wooden walls, in what situation would it stand ? What, he would beg to ask, had caused the decline of our maritime greatness ? Had not free trade injured the shipping interest ?—(Cries of " yes" and " no.") —There were many shipping gentlemen present who could treat that question more ably than he could do; but be would say that free trade bad injured the shipping of this country. The alteration in the currency had increased the value of money from 25 to 50 per cent; and every article of the produce of the soil had fallen in the same ratio. It was impossible, without some remedy, to go on. If the present Session was allowed to pass over, without such measures being taken, it was impossible we could exist as a nation—we can not remain as we are.—( Cheers.)—Mr. Coiling wood concluded by moving the petition, which was general in its nature. W. °RUE, Esq., of Nunnykirk, said, he had great pleasure in seconding the petition, because it was couched in language that was at once mild and mo derate, manly and decisive.—That there was great distress in our commerce, agriculture, and finances — that, in short, general distress prevailed in the coun try, was beyond doubt; and it was curious that Ministers could assert in his Majesty's speech that the distress was only partial, when the very two Members appointed by the Administration to move and second the Address in the House of Commons, said that it was general and not partial.—(Hear, and applause.)—He believed it to be, and he was sorry to say it was, deep, general, and extensive. In corn farms there was a great depression ; and in stock farms it was still greater, the depreciation amounted to full 40 per cent. How, then, rents could be expected to be paid, he knew not.—(A gentleman near him mentioned wool.)—As to wool, ~ . t -4 44. . AP. ' continued 11 p., stets almAt inoonsliikv.—Tho state of that trade had been brought before Parlia ment by the Duke of Thchmond, by whom the case of the growers was advocated in a very able manner, and he hoped he would bring it forward again. The state of the manufacturing interest was also lament able. There, too, the depreciation was forty per cent.; and yet they had been told by Ministers that exports were greater than in any former year ! But custom-house entries were very fallacious—they told, indeed, the amount of exports, but they did not state the balance of trade, nor the profit to the manufac turer, who was forced to dispose of his goods even at a loss, rather than keep them to rot in his ware house; and he was sorry to understand that manu facturers were in some places paying their workmen partly with paper and partly with goods. As to the shipping interest, he contended that there was no remunerating principle. If he were asked the one great cause of this, he would, without hesitation, answer " the pestilent heresy: of free trade."— (Cheers and laughter.) He deeply deprecated that free trade, and would say that it was laying the axe to the root of the maritime superiority and prosperity of Great Britain, by giving the preference to the foreign ship-owner, who can build and sail his ship at one-half the cost the British ship-owner can. If other nations were in a similar situation in regard to debt and taxation, he would have no objection to trade being as free as the winds of heaven. But how could we, with a debt of eight hundred millions, compete with France, which had one of only two hundred millions, or with America, which in a few years would have none ?—(Cheers.) He was far from saying that the country was without hope ; but he was satisfied that it was only by deep retrenchment, and by maintaining not a single soldier, or continuing a single office that was not absolutely necessary for carrying on the machine of Government, that it could be saved.—(Cheers.) He would support the just splendour of the Crown, because we had a Monarch who was worthy of a free people. He was glad when the ancient castle and keep of Windsor were restored to even more than their former grandeur; but he did not like to see the money of the people expended on the mummeries of Brighton, the miserable mass of build ings at Carlton-house, or the petty palaces of Pim lico—those miserable monuments of a Monarch's taste, and a people's folly.—(Cheers.)—These were misapplications of the public money, which, in times like these, ought not to be suffered. We were suf fering under the Act called Mr. Peel's; but he must say that that measure, severe as it unquestionably had proved, was in principle right ; and though it had added 40 per cent. to our debt, if it had not been passed, we should soon have had two prices—a paper price and a gold price. It was like admini stering too strong a dose of medicine to a person in a delicate state of health. But the die was cast; and he trusted the worst effects of the measure were over—that we had " weathered the storm"—and that Ministers would not again tamper with the currency. We must be content to remain as we are, and, coute qui coute, must take Mr. Peel's Bill as we took still dearer things, " for richer for poorer, for better for worse."—(A laugh.)—But there was one tampering with the currency, however, and only one, which he should be glad to see Ministers adopt —he meant the restoration of a small note circula tion, which, he must say, as far as concerned the smaller tradesmen and the lower classes of the com munity, would be a very great accommodation.— Ministers had recognized the principle by continuing one-pound notes in Scotland ; and if we now had these in England, it would be attended with great public benefit, and materially relieve the pressure of the prevailing distress. The Hon. H. T. LIDDELL next rose, and was re ceived with great enthusiasm. He said,—the peti tion which you have heard read having been now regularly moved and seconded, 1 hope I may be per mitted, considering that I have had some share in assembling this meeting, to address you,---and I am afraid it may be necessary to do so at some length, —first in explanation of my own conduct, and next in favour of the petition which you have heard so well moved and so ably and eloquently seconded. First, I will say a few words in vindication of my own conduct, because I know that no man in a public situation can bring himself forward in favour of any public measure without exposing himself to some risk of disappointment, or if he escape that, he may still incur censure from some quarters, whether de served or not, as it is impossible that, on a question like this, absolute unanimity of opinion can prevail. But placed as I am in the high situation of your representati7e in Parliament, I have no hesitation in declaring before you, and the public at large, that I have been actuated by only one motive. Ever since I have been placed in that situation, I have thought solely and entirely as to what was best for the public interest; and when I could make up my mind, I have not stopped to look for prrce dents whether other people have done the same thing—though I doubt not such might be found ; but I have asked myself whether 1 was right or wrong, and if I could justify the proceeding to my own conscience, I am comparatively little solicitous of praise or blame from others.—(Applause.)— There is only one tribunal before which I will con descend to plead—and that is the bar of public opi nion. I shall never be ashamed to plead before that bar, and never shall shrink from its scrutiny ; but I do not. consider myself responsible to any individual for the performance of an act ari,ing from a con scientious sense of my public duty.—(Applause.)— Having said thus much in my own justification— and I could scarcely say less,—l will proceed to state why I think it advisable, and conducive to the public interests, that a meeting of this kind should be convened. I think I can show that this meeting is both right and expedient—consti tutionally right, and politically expedient. That you are here in the exercise of a great constitutional right, no man can deny—that you are here in the hope of beneficial results, I will en deavour to show. What is the end of all good government ? Undoubtedly to promote, in the greatest possible degree, and to secure on the most permanent foundation the happiness of the people. For many years this nation has enjoyed a state of uninterrupted tranquility. During that period we have seen a regular system of govern ment, extensive in its effect, and comprehensive in its nature, acted upon by those who are the rulers of our destinies. The great scheme first displayed itself in the Act of 1819, for restoring our mone tary system to the state in which it existed before the war; and all subsequent measures connected with trade, both in the changes made in the navi gation laws, and the repeal of the protections to several branches of our manufactures, have conduced to one and the same end; the practical effect has been to press prices to so low a level as to enable our manufacturers to supply the demand of the foreign markets. That has been the object of all these measures, it is still kept in view, and possibly it may be the policy most calculated, in the end, to promote the permanent advantage of the country. — (A voice in the hall, " No, no.")—That, I say, nlay be the c use, though I presume to offer no opi nion upon the subject. But I think I can prove to demonstration as clearly as a mathematical proposi tion, that in consequence of those measures, the suf fering of the country has attained its present height. And feeling that, and believing it to be as true as that I stand here, I think it entitles us to look with some degree of doubt and suspicion on the prudence of those measures which his Majesty's Ministers are so determined on carrying through. In the year 1797, the well-known Act for restricting the Bank of England from making cash payments was passed, the consequence of which was that the country was enabled to make those stupendous efforts which carried us through the war. But the check which hitherto existed upon an unlimited issue of paper being removed, no long time elapsed before a considerable depreciation took place in the national currency; though, from the nature of such matters it was not for some time that it was ob vious, except to a few intelligent and sagacious ob servers. But in 1811 that depreciation became so certain that the House of Commons appointed the ~~. ~~. ~,,, .. taTtion Committee to take into its consideration the financial state of the country. That Committee, presided over by a very able man, passed a number of resolution, which put the question upon a true footing, and accurately and precisely defined the real standard of value, as it had previously existed for near 200 years. But the recommendation of that Committee was not then attended to. It is believed that the depreciation at certain periods amounted to 30, 40, and even 50 per cent., compared with the price of wheat and commodities, and com pared with gold to about 30 per cent, at one particular time. But, in spite of the ac knowledged depreciation, and the resolutions of the Bullion Committee, another set of resolutions were moved by the Government, and passed through the House of Commons, falsifying those of the Bullion Committee, and virtually almost denying that any depreciation in the value of paper had taken place. That resolution I leave to its fate; but the tendency of it was to create a belief that the currency was still in a sound state, that the pound note really re presented its sterling - value, and that, therefore, the country had not to prepare for those dangers;diffi culties, and pressure which succeeded the termina tion of the war. Many of you will recollect that during that period, we had the advantage of what were called war prices; and by means of these prices the country was enabled to make those im mense efforts for the prosecution of the war, though it was taxed to an extent never before known in a civilized state. Yet by these means the high rate of taxation was kept tip without half the pressure that is now felt.—Now, when we consider how taxes are levied, this fact is not extraordinary ; because taxation ultimately falls upon the productive indus try of a country ; and if we were then highly taxed we were at least also highly paid—if we had to pay the taxes out of labour, that labour was highly re quited, and the residue of its wages afforded those comforts to the lower orders of which they are now deprived.—(Applause.)—Hence it is that the two circumstances of high taxation and low prices are incompatible with each other. That is the gist of the question, as is asserted in the fourth clause of this petition, and I believe it is precisely on this point that the pressure of the times is now so se verely felt ; and, therefore, I consider that we are justified in calling upon the Government, if it be possible, by the revision of former Acts, by chang ing existing laws, or by the most severe and un sparing economy and retrenchment, to adopt one of two alternatives—either to reduce the taxes to the level of our means, or to expand our means to some thing like proportion to the enormous bulk of our present taxation.—(Cheers.)—But to recur to the period at which I left off, it will be recol lected that the war in Europe ceased in 1815, and that we have since, through the mercy of God, enjoyed the blessings of peace with foreign na tions. At that time Government were anxious to redeem the pledge that had been given to the public creditor, by resuming cash payments. For that crisis the country had to prepare, and did prepare for it. And what was the consequence ? One-half of the ps ivate bankers of England were unable to with stand the pressure, and such a scene of distress, confusion, and dismay, was never before witnessed in this then unhappy country.—(Hear.)—But the Government saw that the time was not yet arrived, they relented at the sight and protracted the day of settlement for two or three years. When 1819 came, it was carried into full effect. That year, which must ever be memorable in the history of the country, was, it cannot be doubted, the period of the commencement of our misfortunes, and, I fear, that from it we may have to date the commence ment of our decline. But, I contend, that the mea sure of 1819, was undertaken without due reference to the depreciation that had existed during the paper currency, when we undertook to pay the national creditor to the full extent of his demands, according to the original standard of value, by which act the burthens of the country were increased from 25 to 30 per cent. upon the principal of the debt, and the interest thereof in the same propor tion, which interest can alone be paid by the taxes. might stop to refer to authorities ; but I speak before a large and intelligent audience, who must recollect the circumstance of those times; and if I err, I only ask to be contradicted, and, I believe, I shall be able to prove the strict correctness of every statement I make.—(Hear.)—Such being the case, only consider what was then done. One per cent. upon a debt of 800 millions, amounts to eight mil lions, and by taking it at 25 times that amount or a full quarter, it follows 200 millions were at one stroke of the pen, added to our national burthens I It may be asked how that could be done by the Legisla ture ? 1 believe it was done through inadvertence of the truth. The House was misled by the reasoning of a most ingenious man, Mr. Ricardo, who, mea suring the depreciation of the currency by the value of gold alone, spread upon an average of years, com mitted that error—an error which he lived to repent and acknowledge ; for with the candour which is ever the accompaniment of superior talent, he afterwards confessed he had been wrong in his facts, that the depreciation might have amounted to 10 per cent., and perhaps to more, and that he could not himself place reliance upon the calculation which led him to believe that the difference created by the resump tion of cash payments would not be more than 3 or 4 per cent. After the Act in 1819, let us look to the history of the country, when the measure began to be felt. Three years afterwards, in 1822, the price of corn fell down to an average of 435. per quarter; and the distress caused by the unmitigated pressure of the Bill of 1819, was then so general, so intense, and so dreadful, that Ministers were again forced to concede to the demands and necessi ties of the people, and the late Marquis of London derry came down to the House of Commons with the Small Note Act, by which the means of the country were expanded, and it recovered by the spring of a moment. I wish it had made a wiser use of the prosperity which succeeded. From that period until 1825, tinder the stimulus given by the Small Note Act, to the affairs of the country, a transient gleam of prosperity enlivened the annals of the nation.—(Applause.)—But the country, unfor tunately, made bad use of it. It seemed as if a periodical mania had come over us.—(Hear.) — Schemes of the wildest and most chimerical nature were proposed by designing and crafty men to gull the community, who swallowed the bait, and awoke with the hook in their mouths. In the unrivalled lan guage of Mr. Canning, " Projects the most absurd and visionary had only to be stated, to glitter like ephemerae in the beams of the rising sun, and sink with the dews of the evening. A puff of vapour sent them waving to the skies, the puncture of a pin brought them down again to the earth."— (Cheers.) —The consequence was, that a consider able overtrading occurred ; fraudulent and unsound transactions took place between this country and other nations of the world, and the fabric which had been reared by the measures of 1822 was destroyed in a few weeks by the panic of 182.5. That panic has been doubly disadvantageous, for it caused greater dangers to be attributed to a small paper currency, convertible on demand, than I think that currency deserves ; for if we appeal to history 100 years back a period long before the idea of 11, notes had ever entered into the imagination of the most in genious financier—l mean the reign of George the Second, the epoch of the South Sea scheme, we perceive that by the bursting of that famous bubble private ruin was equally extensive, public credit as much impaired, and individual dishonesty of persons in high station was much more scandalous and discreditable to the country. I only mention this to shew that frauds of this kind, and panics of this nature, can take place without a small paper currency. However, in 1825, the Administration got a fright, and in consequence determined, cost what it might, to prevent the possibility of a panic being again effected by the holders of 11. notes. A cry, and a most unjust one, was raised against the country bankers, because, when, we came to settle accounts, it was shewu that nothing but the most extraordinary want of contideuce ever known could have caused the confusion in private banking houses which prevailed at that period for I believe that • the tititiKert naving learnt a lesson from the events which followed the termination of the war, had so guarded their issues, that though great difficulties did exist, and fuel was added to the flame by the failure of some, yet that few, or none of them, should, in accordance with the principles usually acted upon in trade, have stopped payment, since out of 60 that failed, 50 have paid 20s. in the pound, and the remainder are clearing off, in the best way they can, the demands upon them. Now, this provee that the most of those bankers had sufficient assets, and that it was only from the suddenness of the call made upon them that their failure was occasioned. After saying thus much in favour of the country bankers, I have only one circumstance to add—that it is by no means clear, that a regulated paper cur rency may not exist under a better system of bank ing than that which now exists in this country. And I may say that no county in England has more reason to be proud of the stability and beneficial in fluence of its banks than this ; and no county has suf fered more inconvenience by the results of the mea sure of 1828, which withdrew from us the assistance we received from a small paper currency. But when Ministers brought forward the Bill of 1828, what a singular anomaly was there in their proceed ings 1 If I go forty miles north, and pass a river, or, in some places, an imaginary boundary which I can step over, there I find small notes circulating freely, upon a footing of perfect security, and of such ac knowledged benefit, that the Government declined to interfere; and now, strange to say, at this very time, when they attempt to represent the public distress as only partial in its existence, that very Chancellor of the Exchequer who brought forward the measure for the suppression of the small paper currency, which alone acted in mitigation of the measure of 1819, states that Scotland and Ireland form grati fying exceptions to the general prevalence of diffi culty and privation, and the statement is confirmed by the Scottish and Irish Members—and Ireland and Scotland still possess that small paper currency of which England is deprived.—(Cheers.)—l do contend, that these circumstances justify me in thinking that this county ought to state the truth to the Government and the Legislature, in respect ful, moderate, and temperate language ; because I think that if inquiry into the causes of the distress, or relaxation in the rigorous system which Ministers are determined to carry into effect are to be obtained by the concurrent demands of such meetings as this, in opposition to the influence of the Annuitants, the Fund-holders, and the Tax-eaters, those blood-suck ers of the state, as the great Lord Chatham called them.—(Cheers.) ---In order that:every one here may be able to follow me with clearness through this dif ficult subject, I will with the view of making it more intelligible address you in a figure which no man, who can count ten on his fingers, can well misunderstand. I know there is a difficulty, to those who have not had the means of studying the ques tion, in ascertaining clearly what is meant by the depreciation of paper. But suppose, that there was no such thing as paper, and that we were living under all the blessings of a pure metallic currency— that we had nothing but coin; and suppose it should please the Government, for some reason or other, to debase that coin, (and such expedients have been resorted to by the worst of Governments at differ ent periods of the world,) to convert every two sovereigns into three, by a mixture of alloy. Well, for every one hundred sovereigns, one hundred and fifty would be brought into circulation by the change. What would be the effect ? The effect, for a time, would be very satisfactory—we should have a vast quantity of money amongst us, and the country would be in the situation described by Hume, when speculation would display new activity, profits and wages of all kinds would be high, and every one would appear to be a vast deal richer; and last of all the public creditor, who now received forty-eight millions of pure gold would be defrauded of pre cisely one-third, taxes would be diminished accord ing to the same rate, and we should go on all very well for some time. We may suppose too that Parliament should pass a formal resolution (inscribed upon the parliamentary records), that in public esti mation such debased coin was equal to what it was before, which would be calculated to convey an im pression that it really was so. Suppose then, that under these circumstances, and fortified by that re- • solution, an individual, suppose a farmer, shall bor row a 1000!. to lay out upon his land, giving his bond for the sum at five per cent. interest. He ex pends the money, and thinks he has made a very good speculation. He gets 10 per cent. for the 10001., and makes 100/. a-year. He pays the holder of his bond .50/. per annum, and the remain ing 501. goes to supply his own wants; and to main tain him "in that situation unto which it has pleased . God to place him." Well, some years afterwards, the Government thinks it right to rescind its former resolution, to recall the debased currency, coin it back again, and restore the original standard. What would then be the consequence ? Why, the coin would fall to the same level as before the debase ment ; and the country, instead of being rich, would be instantly transformed to a state which Hume has, per contra , described,—manufactures would be im peded or destroyed—the operations of agriculture would be checked, and wages and profits of all sorts would be diminished to the lowest limits. And what would happen to our friend with the 1,0001. ? He had agreed to pay principal and interest accord ing to the terms of his bond. The principal.is im mediately raised by that re-coinage to 1,500!. in stead of 1,0001., and the interest to be paid upon it is in like manner, raised to 751. instead of 501., while, from the full of yrofits, and the impossibility of finding a market for his produce, his means are decreased in the same proportion , so that instead of making 100/. as lie did before, be could not make 75/. That man would be felled to the earth by the blow—the creditor would foreclose upon him, and it must be quite evident to you that no man who had borrowed money under such circumstances, would be able to repay it. Now, open your eyes. The nation is in the situation of that individual, though perhaps not to the same extent. The nation has borrowed 800 millions, in a depreciated currency, • and taxes had to be raised to pay the interest of the debt increased, according to this calculation to the value of 1200 millions. In consequence of this, as I stated in my original address to this county, the county is now suffering under unexampled distress, and I have no hesitation in ascribing it in a great degree to the operation of Mr. Peel's Bill, unmiti gated by any small-note circulation in any, part of the kingdom. But though I can explain to you the causes of our present distress, it is much more diffi• cult to apply satisfactory remedies. I know the , t. country is in this state—and I know that, as we have heard to-day, the Act of 1819 must be adhered to, " for richer for poorek," to a certain extent. But I do not conceive that because we are bound to abide by it to that extent that we are to be precluded . from endeavouring to obtain those palliatives which are calculated to relieve us froth our distress. And believing that it is only by the application of those pal liatives,and by the nation enjoying that wonderful per fection in mechanical arts which confer upon it advan tages such as no other country under heaven ever pos. sessed, that she can be enabled to struggle through her difficulties, and maintain her position amongst the nations of the.world, I conceive I was perfectly jus tified in presuming to call the attention of this county to the present critical situation of the country. In the year 1819, a petition was presented to the House of Lords, the terms of which are so precisely adapted to the state.of our affairs at this moment, that it is surprising to think how that which was then a prophecy should assimilate so exactly with our present condition. And whom do you think that petition was presented from 2—(A laugh, and cry of " Cobbett.”) No, from the merchants, bankers, and traders of the city of London. But it was ne glected by the Legislature. It cautioned them, that the bill would augment the burthen of the national debt, that it would increase the pressure of taxation, , lower the value of all landed and commercial pro perty, seriously affect public and private credit, em barrass the operations of commerce, agriculture, and manufactures, and throw out of employment st great pdrtion of the labouring population of the country. 11 littil, ill the such t tags t Never lon g gold th e ea agricu who i uoluti( elated to b e Th e n over-r but c too m l stilt)] termir Vere ii blues diture, be dot ttt bot mere', our ni these monst ever e never went tary f the pr I al wa bected and w of the Cotnn conser those recejy and r , mes tsu mice. th e p r i gencit (Appi, auth or . the 41, mos this e t] raised and t i BpeaKi the tea t , and the ne , smarted whom like aut fore tak true Inc provide have nc Ithhamet Courts tut the 11414i ety lnina dglari et ti9l;:it 101; crilege 111 our ( Agu mands• " w , debts ? ineui ret. bessed, the time