The Sun. — London, England, 1833-07-18 00:00:00

eroug of all the of a tax us 3St unjus t, no tenab le xt was titt „ th , in r grou n d s . Af ter t h e mention made of this su bj ect rtiesthe speech from the Throne—after the immense ma in th e H ouse of Commons, it would be imposs i ble r i tes any man, let him he on which side of the House i a ' ,‘ might, .or let th e G overnmen t be in wh a t th 'ss it mi g ht —to say that some alterat i on i n Iv e Church es t a bli s h ment was not absolutely called for. It e at said that every measure proposed by the present Ad •z4siatration partook of a revolutionary character. How t,4: thi s m i g h t b e, he was determined to support them on 48 Present occasion. He would buy the Sybilline leaves ti, °nee, in p re f erence to being obliged hereafter to buy a t 'rse bargai n at a higher price. In point of fact, he had fsdoubt that the two great points of the Bill—the C l , r ent distribution of Church party,pr and the union of tie s hoprics —would produce beneficial results. No onecould r e Y that the applying the o,erplus of the revenues of one °oda of the clergy to the necessities of another branch 48 a beneficial arrangement. He also thought that the 6 ' i eu of the bishoprics would b e useful. It very c l ear l y PPeared, that Parliament had full power to incorporate reral bishoprics into one, from the fact stated of a :toler reduction of 10 bishoprics—or rather their being 4 ' e he died into other sees. The same power might, then, lb,. ° 1 , 41.6e, be exercised now. It had been suggested that il l ; " et ,ter course would be, rather to diminish the incomes be -6' the number of Bishops; but he thought this would e a much more mischievous plan, because . in the one While4gethere was neither novelty nor violation of pri . nciple, in the other there would be both. He considered, e eei 4fb re, that the course thus recommended would have pen framers more injurious than the Bourse adopted by 7- of the measure. Several objections had , 4 made to the Bill, which objections in his opinion t ~,-e untenable. In the first place, it was said that i o e' b °lll d be a violation of the articles of the Union. Un tie i te dlY, if those articles were to be taken strictly to of ir . , Ott er, it would be so. But it was not the mere words If t hl act, but its spirit by which he ought to be governed. int er ' °Pirit of t h e art i c l es o f U n i on was to maintain the he tv e ' l 0 1 the Established Church in Ireland, he felt that trl opt a ° acting in conformity to . that . spirit when he he lb ed a course which he believed in his conscience would 01 ti,,, Qot beneficial to that Church. Nor were the articles a ny ` Act of Union more binding than the provisions of the ~O th, er Act of Parliament. Whatever was beneficial to If a r'ulio it was the duty of the Legislature to adopt. coo, - , 4) ,1ne future period the articles of Union should be app,”, the subject of legislative consideration, and it should . a R t ~,4 that the dissolution of the Union would be advan be h., 4 1 ,,' to both countries, the articles of Union ought . to ce 1;; •4 4 mere cobwebs in that consideration. The Union Is e ci - „ t , ° be maintained while its maintenance was con -114- `" the good of the United Empire, and no longer. Ivora, -W ti one subject on which he begged to say a few Itited ; , ee meant the coronation oath. It had been Usti o , ) , 6 Will you force the Sovereign to violate the coro uitio - Ptil ?" I n th e fi rs t pl a ce, it w a s his decided opi could`;"St there was nothing in the coronation oath which t eel ii jult lY impede his Majesty in giving his assent to any ras: r eben e fi c i al to t h e Churc h . B ut if t h at were not t h e ' e _ to , tl it a „ W08 not he who forced the Sovereign to violate his eco l i t i'en oath : It was hi s M a j es ty w h o f orce d o n him th e b y hi, t Ztion of a su bj ec t which came to him recommended , w ith th l aiesty, and supported by his Majesty s Ministers. natio n e question, therefore, of the violation of the coro that 4 ° ,. a th, he (Lord Wicklow) had nothing to do. All 4 , s eto do was, to take care and perform his duty b ut ,nor ther, l of that House. It had been said, not there, ought`t4where, that the number of Bishops in Ireland ° , l ' po oh ° be kept up in a greater proportion to the number . Tctl to in Ireland than the number of Bishops in Eng nties t ," number of people in England ; because the °titl e , ~° e ` the Bishops in Ireland were greater than the ti n esc o :`, the Bishops in England, the latter having arch l'iOion,.e Perform many of those duties which the Irish valid " Perfor me d t h emse l ves . If t hi s o bj ect i on were a b c th e e ' it would be very easy to meet it by imposing fe ttled deans and archdeacons in Ireland the duties per tiBo b by the deans and archdeacons in England. It had ;,, e.„cti objected, that the proportion of Irish Bishops to ti,a;" varliament under the reduced number of Bishops IN t ao lar ge , and that thereby too great a weight of duty h e throw n upon the Bishops who remained in Ireland. i ill e otsidered this rather an imprudent argument for it $ O 4l be recollected that all the English Bishops , sat in t oe ` House. If, therefore, the argument were a good N: What b e came of the duties of Engli s h Bi s h ops ? e a o f the number of twelve Irish Bishops, he b ath certainly of opinion that it was not too It porn :° require that four should attend their duties tedo" a tuent. With regard to the suggestions for il l , el ng the income of the Bishops, rather than reducing fitt'utober of the Bishops, one strong reason with him , preferrin °ad b een g the latter course to the former was, that it C,,,,n_0 agreed to by a large majority of the House of L tu os, and that '' cale n z at any alteration upon ill 1 : ; (1 to renew the agitation of a question which „ I gave 1,..,, 311 t° see finally arranged. While, however, rsr t „, of .-- general approbation to this Bill, there were the firtit l t Which he certainly desired to see altered. In t qati Place ) he was sorry that a graduated system of tho on had been d eght i t n adopted with respect to the clergy. He est e ,' would be more just if, instead of such a gra it NI! It ‘sn2, allYe clerical income. Five per cen . t. on the 4 first 4 clergyman would be precisely equivalent to 44 1 e i fr uits of his living. By establishing a graduated 4ionilfote taxation of the clergy, they would lay a foun tion ,)f r the adoption of a graduated scale in the taxa t'6)4‘4 everY hatch description of income ; and he was "re 4"4 ' er •h d 'di re i tle e to if it were establis e with . ' e l st Y's o t he clergy, it would be forced on his Ma '" of i've rnment with reference to every other ‘viii h th i e , e he ,e community. There was another change I tt ed t wished to see made in the Bill. He 0)- 11: e the% th e provision that the Government should th: e ,`lrriit t „ -° ,, t ntuatio n of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners. 4 . lo iay et ; ,... 4 bat . they ought to have the appointment of pi " e rg en7tssioners ; but the Eeclesiastical .. Commis toee,t!d by t g h e t either to be taken in rotation, or to be a I 4 oicl i h c bench. There was still one other subject p a 4 eded : b egged to call their Lordships' attention. As r t of the re Prietor he strongly objected to allow any alt o tee s 61,1oney resulting from the suppression . of the t i, ° 'v a S i x ` 0 remain in the pockets of the laity. . To k e gero et Pence so to remain, would be to establish a It :, exeeeoPrecedent. It was not the sum, which did , i , 'ell h e 63,000/. a-year ; but it was the principle cat ,t, considered highly objectionable. He knew °i ti i.e R e ii ? I . e b r e the consequence if this objectionable part r a. 11 505, na w .., e adopted. In the course of two or three p h tn erd, i t w Y P r obably early in the next Session of ar °Pri t " I d be i , e ont o f thrown in the teeth of the , landed ki Ported t h e Irel and, and they would be told, You kpi a .UPoli y otl . 'I for your own interest, and , we not . : la oi•gorge your acquisitions.' In the k r i e i ti it w 0 .. 8 a highly impolitic arrangement, and . he p i _uid be altered in the Committee on the Bill. li:t had in j t n us stated his oinions on the present measure, I IC o ne that which, in his conscience, he believed it °tali " dUty t a. Y I v i,, 0 do• n any occasion—and more espe t"rty fe '..0 reference to Irish subjects—he never allowed qli e hug to interfere with what he considered to be the I, t :11 °1)1 . He did not deny that, on general subjects, ittlatizttained strong party feelings; but the state of hat ' Was much too critical, and the interests at stake in ki, 'eCitint slue ry were much too important, to justify the ad o! ) f party feeling in the consideration of any great - qUestion connected with them. He had the 4 .cti n it hlo ' h 4 also of knowing that, while on the present oc t°Y a,, ' o Pposed those with whom he generally acted, 'esti,7 ll ' 44l With him in opinion that this was not a party lit d o thZthat it rested on its own merits—and they ought roost : 41 1 respect to it, which appeared to them to 14 The tiolucive to the general interests. t k e Nl, whi p ° f DURHANI objected to the preamble of I tt Pedien t to ze d " merely stated, in broad terms, that it was to b ths Proc eed? 50 and so, without assigning any cause 0 i ti e deriv ed f l ag, or pointing out any benefit which was ,f L'u. be conie:°!' it. Adverting to the subject of tax ' the the cler gy : l e ' he could not see why it should be borne ti Itti lait y. H e e ° , t ne ' sod why it should sot be shared by ,g oh o f t h is _ erc.BBed strong objections to the consti ,o th l :Pos e d of cicec esiastical commission ; which, although 0 li t oti,4l. 4 fi e til, 8 6 p a i ito i nt :40,1 c JY r . A nd ot laity, was to have the control of it to, "ed to th e 41 rs of the Church which ought to be the clergy exclusively. All former ti, t P , cses, sod hthis nature were confined to inquisitorial measurer o te ,‘'hUr e b. ~.s a d no reference to the spiritual affairs of te tt rer a bi e boti ihe Board of First Fruits would be a much best o r . ) itquainted witt for th e Purpose. He was not sufficiently ar, hear,„ Leittrol had b" is ""c subject to know how the dioceses in that P o i ' k i l l cedent existed ‘l ta lited ; but he did not believe that any be part or, tied in the meaner t aking away the sees from the Bi ro, b 0 ions of it ha:dr contr a ,' ot originated in p r oposed. If the present measure inioU 4 " s eis covocation of the clergy, and if the a ma° et , t lt ° ll , it W ould h been describer! by them as advanta td re•P h e st i t h %a of the ave been a different thing. The decla eland ' vt ih t t ., 25 Bill, with res ect to the g. e t of the i s h clerg' l , N ty of m ight. at some future period be prop i r ed y to ro ith 0 4 ). i ll a i, I,4ttti azto.ther description For instancea,pipt applied to pro. itli oie ttd tll5 th cription For instance, it was merely i h e tb' 1 ,, t tl tP and t be revenu e of the bishopric of Derr was too a alanloa t t :tlahi ps ! l ight to be reduced. What could a Y of their gainat the 0 q ti ely th ° a Y, s if at some future period he should be told t„eel ? At ,r_bie revenue was too large, and ought to be ~c he' l i ril lo t : br e , t4tty the tr.it-e1 could not conceive on what principle of a'aciantoti the ttk,hquerri, asure proceeded ; for it bad always been held ird t° te r Pt t ,,: !f, Property was as sacia.d as property of any 10 greo 01 pro,r4maion. If the object of the Bill were to sup :riptioo 0 " t utiato, and to raise Po per Or OP Per no b etter means :form, bu t ons in the ort, which: light With! ni his cos' occasion') past bets t—(Hear , d that 0 15 the Hous e eld in the Noble of edusr )ondent 0 0 NI to so'. 1 Alaroniot ".! of their f Catholi c At tbsr, 1, that Catholic in fee l per 1e there: the saf e aye« tbol • favourit e o pour i° tblishcse o nand 0 1 should be end to the a to th e tempor ,ll ?ere so ° , id at bes t ' tenets overnroet i ,! ) diminis h should persuade d lance in ause ther e performe d e most in' Would have been adopted for the purpose.— (Hear, hear.) It appeared, in truth, to be yielding to the clamours of Popery ; and, considering the rapid strides to power which, of late years, Popery had made in Ire land, he confessed that he thought it highly in expedient to assist its efforts at dominion.—(Hear.) — The whole of this measure proceeded, and was founded on assumptions, not one of which hid undergone any inves tigation or discussion. For instance, the first great as sumption was, that the property of the Church was not similar to the private property of individuals, but belonged to the public.—(Hear.) This was an assump tion : he was not going to discuss it, but it was a debateable point, and a point which had not yet been debated ; and yet this formed one of the main features of the Bill. The second assumption was (as we un derstood the Right Rev. Prelate), the right of Parlia ment to distribute the property of the Church. He denied that the Church could be considered in the light of a sole corporation, or that its funds ought to be con sidered as a common fund, to be distributed amongst the ministers of the church as Parliament might deem fit. The Church, so far from being a corporation sole, was an aggregate corporation, consisting of many corporations sole, each constituent corporation having its distinct rights, and distinct property.—(Hear, hear.) There were many more assumptions in the Bill, with which he would not detain the House at present. He objected strongly to the interference of this Bill with the Church. It was termed the Irish Church Temporalities Bill ; but it affected its spiritualities as much as its temporalities.—(Hear, hear.) After the fullest consideration which he was able to be stow on the subject, he felt himself bound to vote for the amendment. He did so with the purest and most unbiassed motives, and he trusted the Noble Earl would believe him when he said that he did not oppose the Bill through any wish to oppose his Majesty's Govern ment, but because he could not honestly and conscien tiously pursue any other course. What must be the consequences of carrying such a measure no man could presume to say ; for if this step were once conceded, it might not be in the power of Government to prevent it from being c irried further. The result of former concessions proved this : for concession obtained by intimidation invariably led to fresh demands. And with regard to any difficulty respecting the violation of principles, there certainly could not be a much greater violation of princi ples than that contained in this Bill.—(Hear, hear.) He regarded this as a measure not only deeply affecting the interest of the Irish Church, but of England herself, and as tending to the immediate diminution ef Protestantism and the increase of Popery.—(Hear, hear.) He should therefore vote for the amendment. Whether it would be posidble to cut down the objectionable part in Committee, had it been deemed advisable to suffer the Bill to proceed to that stage, he thought very doubtful. For his own part, he should be unable to attend any Committee, as he was compelled to leave town very shortly; and he, therefore, embraced that early opportunity of expressing his senti ments upon so momentous a question.—(Hear.) The Earl of LIMERICK complained of the inattention of the Government to the interests of the Protestant cause in Ireland. To that cause he, for one, was most sin cerely devoted. He remembered that whilst in the Irish House of Lords, prior to the Union, he had the misfor tune to be called a Theologian ; but he would now main tain the principles, which he declared deserving of the utmost support. He remembered the objection made to the Union at that time was, that Ireland would sacrifice her independence to England, and place her religion, her property, and her interests entirely at the mercy of a foreign people. They were told to trust to the honour and the generosity of England. They did trust to it ; but he regretted to say, their expectations were disappointed. Their property had been shaken, their religion subvert ed—all confidence between landlord and tenant destroyed, and the prosperity of the country put an end to.—(Hear.) The Protestants of Ireland were told, as one great in ducement fir them to support the Union, that wherever they were before in the minority, they would then be come incorporated with and part of the majority. But in what manner had they been treated as the majority? Certainly not. Almost all the defences of Protestantism were swept away, and the Protestant boroughs, once the great bulwark of the church, were now almost all in the hands of Catholics?—(Hear, hear.) He trusted that the House would uphold and defend the church.— (Hear.) It seems they were now told that the church of Ireland had too many Bishops. Why not at once say that no Bishop was wanted at all, and that the Catholics were ready to take care of the souls of the people of Ire land? The stipulations made at the time of the Union had not been observed, nor had those at the period of granting Catholic Emancipation been complied with. The Catholics were exalted at the expense of the Protestants. In short, Ministers bad thrown Ireland into a state of great irritation, and now they were compelled to bring forward sweeping measures in order to satisfy the clamour which they had raised..—(Hear, hear.) This Bill, he supposed, was one of the sops to be given to Cerberus, but he doubted much whether it would be successful in stopping the monster's mouth. This he would say, that never was a measure of this kind less required, for the Church of Ireland was never in a more improved state than at present. He hoped that in the observations lie bad made he had said nothing to produce irritation. To do so was far from his wish, and he could not conclude without bearing testimony to the very proper and forbear ing manner in which the Noble Earl had introduced the Bill to their Lordships' notice.—(Hear.) The Marquis of CONYNGHAM said that no man was more firmly attached to the Protestant Church than hims self ; but he considered the best mode of evincing that attachment was by endeavouring to remove those abuses which at present endangered its prosperity, and even its security.—(Hear.) The Noble Lord had called this Bill an act of injustice and spoliation—in his opinion it was an act of strict justice.—(Cheers.) The Noble Lord bad objected to the abolition of a certain number of Bishops. Now he thought if any reasonable man would only take into consideration !se extent of services required of the Irish Bishops, he would admit that the Bill left quite enough to attend to the spiritual welfare of a Church mustering only 800,000 members.—(Loud cries of " Hear.") Their labours would he very light when corn. pared with those of the English Prelates, and their resources would be sufficient for the maintenance of even splendid establishments.—(Hear.) As to one provision of the Bill—that for the abolition of Church cess, and also that for reducing the revenues of the See of Derry—he believed even the bitterest antago nist would agree in their justice. Nothing could be more impolitic or unjust—nothing could tend more to exasperate the already irritated people of Ireland—than to tax the Catholic population for the maintenance of places of worship which they never visited; or to wring from the hard hands of the industrious peasant a portion of his earnings, to swell the pomp and splendour of a Church from whose doctrines he dissents, and with whose professors he has not one religious sympathy.—(Cheers.) It was singular that the extremes of both parties opposed this measure ; a circumstance which alone ought strongly to recommend it to all moderate men.—(Hear.) Some time since, that House had passed a Bill called the Coercion Bill, and certainly it was one of the strongest measures ever passed through that House. Surely, therefore, when the people of Ireland now came before their Lordships, with a Bill of relief from abuses which had provoked many of those disorders which rendered coercion necessary—a Bill which proposed to lop a few branches of the Church Temporalities, without injury, nay, even with advantage to the tree itself—surely the House would not now turn round and say, " No, we have given you coercion, but we refuse to give you conci liation."—(Hear, hear.) As an Irishman, he most earnestly implored their Lordships to weigh well the consequences of refusing their assent to a Bill which had passed the other House by a great majority, and of which at least nine-tenths of the people of Leland were in favour. The Earl of WINCHILSEA said, that after the very violent and unconstitutional mode adopted by his Alajesty'a Government to force through that House a most revolu tionary measure, by which the independence of the House was virtually destroyed, and its utility as a deliberative assembly put an end to, he had almost determined upon withdrawing himself from his place there. It was with the greatest reluctance that he had been induced to forego his resolution, and take his seat before the period arrived —as arrive, he doubted not, it shortly would—when their Lordships, by the justice and unanimous voice of their de. luded countrymen, who were now beginning to awake to a sense of their delusion, would be replaced in that station, and in the full exercise of those powers which legally and constitutionally belonged to them.—(Hear.) Nevertheless, so important did he feel this question to he, that no inducement could prevail on him to absent himself from that House to night, or refrain from taking that line of conduct which justice imperatively demanded. They were called on by the Noble Earl at the head of the Government to give their rash and hasty consideration to this Bill, without any arguments being adduced to show the necessity of it, or to show that, if adopted, it would be for the ben, fit of the country. The Noble Earl wished them to consent to affect, by this measure, that property of the Church of Ireland which had hitherto been deemed inviolable. That would be the result of the first branch of it. The consequence of the other would be to affect the interests of that religion which the Sovereign of this coun try had taken an oath to preserve. He should take the liberty of calling their attention to the words of that oath which their gracious Sovereign had taken. First, it was that he would, to the utmost of his power, maintain the law of God, the true profession of the Gospel, and the Protestant Church as established by law; and, secondly, to maintain the Church of this realm and the Clergy of the said Church in possession of all the rights and privileges which should and did by law appertain to them. With respect to the first part of this oath, the maintenance of the laws of God and the true profession of the Gospel, he should not occupy their Lordships' time with an attempt to prove that which no honest man would attempt to deny__ namely, that if this measure was in any degree opposed to the maintenance of those things which the Sovereign had sworn to support, it would be a direct violation of that oath to consent to it; and he would not insult his gracious Sovereign by supposing, that if it were proved to him to have any such effect, his Majesty would not hesitate to reject it at once, and to spurn from him those rash and daring men who had had the temerity to advise the adoption of such a measure.—(Hear, le.ar, from the Opposition.) With respect to the second part of the oath, he maintained that those words which he had quoted went expressly to declare that the King would protect the Protestant Church established by law from any such attack as might be made on its property or privileges, part of which privileges consisted in the having a voice in the government of that Church.—(Hear, hear.) Having made this declaration of the view he took of the coronation oath, be was ready to admit that there was nothing in that oath which went to deprive the Crown of the power, with the consent of the Upper House of Convo cation, to submit to Parliament such measures as would render that Church more efficient, or tend more widely to extend its spiritual influence.—(Hear, hear.) He should like to challenge the Noble Earl at the head of the Government—(A slight laugh)—to show which of these principles the measure now before them did not violate, or to show the consent of the Upper House of Convocation to its introduction. The Noble Earl had quoted many cases of the changes of church property, but he had not shown that any of these had taken place with out the consent of the Bishops and clergy being first ob tained. There had been no instance of the kind since the Revolution. Even if their Lordships looked to the despotic times of Henry the Eighth, they would find that before he ventured upon committing the wholesale spolia tion of the church, which he commenced first on the smaller religious houses, he had thought it necessary to have the consent of the Archbishops, Priors, and Bishops, then forming the Upper House of Convocation ; and that till he obtained that consent, he had not touched one particle of the church property. That consent was obtained through giving to the clergy of that House promises and hopes that the interests of the church would be preserved, and that the remaining property of the church would not be touched. In corroboration of what he had advanced, he should read a few extracts from a history of the proceed ings of the church of that day. The Noble Earl then read in extract, in which it was stated that the monasteries could not he plausibly dissolved without the consent of the 28 mitered abbots, and the other clergy forming the Upper Howe of Convocation. The inferior bouseswere branded with the guilt of various offences that might serve as an excuse for their punishment. It was strange that the Members of the Upper House of Convocation did not see that this proceeding would but be the precedent for the destruction of their own houses. They learnt that when it was too late. They resembled the trees, in the tale of the " Wood man," who, having lost the handle of his axe, requested, most piteously, that the trees would have the generosity to give him a small bit of wood. They were foolish enough to consent : he converted it into a handle for his axe, and in a short time the noblest trees of the forest felt the effects of their folly, for he left neither larger nor smaller trees standing.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He left the application of that fable to those Noble Lords who were disposed to give credit to the strong professions of attachment to the Church on the part of those who proposed this measure, which went to the destruction of the ten Bishops, many Pro testant livings, and considerable church property. The Bill was entitled a Bill to alter and amend the law re lating to the Temporalities of the Church of Ireland. He only wished briefly to direct their attention to that clause by which the ten Bishops were to be abolished; and when they had looked at that, he wished them to say whether they could honestly and conscientiously answer, that that clause did not directly affect the spiritual interest of that part of our Established Church. The 117th clause went to the extinction of livings where service had not been performed for three years previously. Now, con sidering the state of persecution under which the clergy had been suffering during that period—(Hear, hear).— persecutions directed not merely against the property, but often attended with a melancholy and fatal loss of human life—it was clear that many livings must necessarily he extinguished. if the Ministers wished to devise a course which should operate as an encouragement to such things, could they have produced a measure more likely to pro duce the effect of the destruction of our fellow-country men in that part of the kingdom? The first consequence of this measure would be to excite the people to violence, that the clergy might be prevented from performing their duties ; and then the next consequence would follow, that the beings would he extinguished.—(Hear, hear.) He had little more to say. Of all the questions which bad come before their Lordships, this was by far the most important—none could, in that respect, be compared with it, whether as affecting the Protestant interests in one country, or the very Establishment itself in the other. He implored them, if they valued their Church—if, from hitter and past experience, they were convinced how fruitless it was to attempt to conciliate those who wished to destroy that Church—he implored them, by the duty which they owed their country, and, above all, by the sacred duty they owed their God, to resist this measure, which tended directly to weaken that Protestant religion, which, he boldly maintained, was the groundwork of that character that distinguished this country above all others; which was the foundation of those blessings that flowed upon us from our God ; and which was the only link of connection between the two countries.—(Hear.) If they weakened and destroyed that link, Ireland would be no longer united with this country. He repeated that this was a question of the deepest importance, and though they might have once lost what was deeply valuable to them, their own independence, but which, he was sure, would soon dawn on them again, still the brightest gem of their character would be maintained if they did their duty honestly and fearlessly. If a fear of the consequences prevented them from a conscientious discharge of the duties they were called on to fulfil, they would lose that respect which they now obtained, and they would sink in the estimation of men whose good opinion was worth having, and, what was still worse, they would sink in their own esteem. The principles of this measure were opposed to the principles of the Constitution of this coun try, and were a direct violation of that sacred oath which their Sovereign bad taken. He trusted—he hoped in God—that on this night they would preserve at once their Constitution, and the sanctity of the oath of their Sovereign.—(Cheers from the Opposition.) The Alarquis of CLANRICARDE felt so much the im portance of the subject, that he should endeavour to treat it in a tone of temperance and moderation, and should not follow the Noble Earl who had just sat down, either in the tone he had adopted or the discussion in which he had indulged respecting the coronation oath ; the only object of which seemed to be to divert their attention from the real question for discussion.—(Hear, hear.) The Right Rev. Prelate who had spoken third had called this a Bill of spoliation, and had denied the right of the Legislature to interfere with church property. Yet such an inter ference was by no means new in the history of this country. In the time of Edward I. a tax had been laid upon the property of the clergy, and paid without resistance or ob jection.—(Hear, hear.) Indeed the alterations made re specting the mode of enjoying their property were too numerous for him to observe upon.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Earl opposite, who took up the same line of argu ment, had spoken in the terms which it deserved ; but it should be at the same time remembered by the Noble Earl, that if Henry VIII. had not given the reformed religion to this country, it would probably not now have been in existence here, and the Noble Earl would not have had to stand forward as the champion of the inviolability of the property of the reformed church. It was needless, how ever, to go back to those times. He should, however, notice the Act of Uniformity, which stated, that if by a certain day the clergy did not adopt that Act, they should all be driven forth from their livings. Was not that an interference with the church and its property ?—(Hear, hear, hear.) And that Act, too, was passed without the consent of the Bishops. Yet, when they now talked of effecting a more fit and proper distribution of the church property, they were told that they had no right whatever in any manner to interfere with it. Were they to be told that no circumstances could justify any alteration in the distribution of church property ? If they were, the prin ciple went to this—that if there was not one Protestant in Ireland, the laws relating to the church, like the laws of the Medes and Persians, were unchangeable, and the church establishment must still be kept up there.— (Cheers,) Would they say that to the people of Ireland ? Would they tell the people of Ireland that the property of the church was beyond the power of the Imperial Parlia ment ? Such was the effect of the argument of the Noble Earl, who said that the church could not be taxed but by the church, and not for the support of the church. Why, the clergy alone were not the church.—(Hear, bar.) The Right Reverend the Bench of Bishops would ,urely support him in that. He asserted that the whole of England was the church ; and we (the people) were to have the advantage of it. If it performed its duty, and the people received benefit from it, then it fulfilled the object of the establishment ; if not, it should be made to do so. As to the time for the reform of the church, they had the authority of the Right Hon. Baronet, quoted by the Noble Earl, for saying that the time had now come to give the church stabi lity a that some alteration was necessary, so as to (such was his term) "spiritualise the Church." The Right Hon. Baronet and the Right Reverend Prelate were on the same side, yet one said that the spiritualities, the other, that the temporalities of the Church were not to he meddled with. The great point now was, to consider how the pressure of the temporalities might be diminished. The people complained of them, and the Bill proposed to remedy that evil. There were Noble Lords who would not touch those temporalities now, because they had long been established. Yet, would any man say, that if he had now to propose, for the first time, the establishment of a Church in Ireland, he should propose an establish of twenty-two Bishops?--(Hear, hear.) The number of Bishops required for the country was a matter of detail, depending on toed kaowledv, and if it was proved that the present number was too large, it ought to be re duced. Another great grievance was the church and vestry cess. On that subject, the Noble Earl at the head of the Government had spoken so warmly and truly, that he should not say more than that a rate to build and support churches never entered by the people who paid it, must be felt by them as oppressive. Then first fruits were alluded to. He thought that it was a most im portant part of the subject, and if nothing had been done with it in this Bill, he should have made it the subject of a motion. The Board of First Fruits in Ireland had not latterly done its duty. That was much felt in Ireland, and there were persons who were inclined to bring that matter before Parliament, independently of any general and Government measure. He asserted that the mea sure was for the furtherance of the interests of the Protestant religion. A reference had been made to the former policy of the English Government. What was the condition to which that former policy had reduced us ? Why were we to adhere to it unless it could be distinctly shown to have been productive of advantage? A Noble Lord had called the Pope, Cerberus—he had before called the lawyer so, hut now he gave the name to the Pope, imagining, perhaps, that as the Pope had three Crowns, he must have three beads.—(Hear.) But it was not shown that Popery had decreased. Indeed, notwithstanding all our Bishops, it was said that Popery had increased in Ireland. He was not prepared to admit that. The Quakers had increased ; the Dissenters from the Church of England had in creased most enormously. He was glad they had. Some of them had lately come into that part of the country where his property lay, and he found them such good men to deal with, that he wished there were many more with them. But he did not believe that Popery had in creased; it had nor, however, diminished. All the ex pensive and immense establishment had failed of its effect. They had tried to gain their point by the bribery of the people,but it had failed. Theyhad offered the bribe to the son, who, for his religious tenets, might dispossess his father of his property ; but the day for that was gone by. They must now give religion fair play, which they had not hitherto done. If they had, it would have increased. Let them look at all the rest of Europe, where such had been the effect, except, indeed, in Spain and Portugal. All the cumbrous and expensive machinery of the English Church had not done that in Ireland for the Protestant religion, which the religion had done for itself in the rest of Europe. The clergy of Ireland were meritorious men, but the sys tem was odious ; and, as the effect of the system attached itself to individuals, it made them odious. If they agreed to this measure, they would not diminish the utility of the clergy by diminishing the oppression of the Church ; and, looking to past experience, lie should say that the Church would then gain more support than it now had. The cha racter of the ministers of the Church was such as to give them authority and respect in tLe eyes of the people. If that advantage were extended to the system, and if the ministers of the Church had a fair chance, the Church would reap the advantage of it; and of this be was sure that this would be the case if their Lordships redressed the grievances and conferred on the people the boon which it was the object of this Bill to do. He should only add, that the landlords of Ireland had been ill treated in the attempt to confound tithes with rent; but the attempt was as vain as it was injuri,us—the people would not confound them. If this Bill were granted, the affections of the people would be conciliated—they would be disap pointed if it were not. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY felt some impa tience to rise after what bad been stated by the Noble Marquis who spoke last, and as an Irish landlord, and an Irishman, he must protest against the Noble Marquis's sentiments. The Noble Marquis had represented the people of Ireland as suitors for this Bill. Did he mean the Protestant gentry and landholders? Who, then, were the suitors for this Bill ? Why the Catholics.—(Hear, hear.) It was in vain to deny that ever since the pass ing of the Catholic Bill, which was to be the panacea of the country, matters had become worse. It was equally in vain to deny that the effect of this measure must be to make things even worse than before; and if their Lord ships passed this Bill, who would say what the Catholics might require next ? He felt it impossible, when he ob served all that had happened since the passing of the Re• form Bill, to give his support to the present Bill. The Bill had been considerably altered since it was first brought before the other House, and the Noble Earl had given their Lordships a reason for the withdrawal of one of the most obnoxious clauses; but the true reason for the withdrawal of that clause was, his Majesty's Ministers were aware that they could never hope to carry the Bill through their Lordships' House, as long as that clause re. mined a part of it. In this the cloven foot was shown, and the Noble Earl had by his own words that evening con firmed him in that opinion, especially by the'remarks which he made on the disparity between the value of the Irish bi shoprics. The Irish bishoprics were now decimated, and he would tell the Bench of Bishops, that if there were any argument on which it were possible that he would vote for their expulsion from that House, it would be if they allowed themselves to be influenced either by the King or by his Ministers. He would tell their Lordships that the country looked to the conduct of the House of Lords at this crisis. They had been told not to attempt to reject this Bill, because it would displace the Ministry, and no other Government could carry on the affairs of the country at present. :Vas that an argument which would induce their Lordships to accede to this measure con trary to their judgments ? Good God ! Was it to be supposed that no other Government could be found to carry on the affairs of the country?—(Hear, hear.) What had the present Government done for the country ? Did not every one see that they had tampered with or destroyed every one of its institutions? Did not every one see that they had so complicated the business of the country, that it would take years to recover ? But the most glaring part of the subject was that their friends were the most hostile to them upon this occasion.— (A laugh.) That was the true picture of the state of affairs. As the Noble Em-I had brought in the pre sent Bill be (the Marquis of Londonderry) would beg le a v e to ask him the same question which be had asked him when the Reform Bill was brought in— would the Noble Earl insure him (Lord Londonderry) from further concessions? Would be insure him from vote by ballot, annu ii Parliaments, end universal suf frage? Would the Noble Earl say that those demands should not follow from this measure ?—(A laugh.) Let Noble Lords look to what had happened in another place, and they would find that motions had been made for the introduction of those demands; and he did not know but this measure ;night be the preliminary for such motions in their Lordships' House. If, however, the Noble Earl would state that the English Church should not follow the Irish Church in the measures proposed, that declara tion would go far to obtain his (Lord Londonderry's) consent to the present Bill. The Bill was, however, in his opinion, contrary to the coronation oath, and to the Act of Union. The Noble Marquis concluded by saying that he would give the Bill his decided opposition. The Earl of GOSFORD was well acquainted with the north of Ireland, and he could affirm that there was not one Protestant in that part of the country who was un biassed by political feeling, but was favourable to a reform in the Established Church of Ireland. He could say that the most influential and respectable men in that country were inclined to think the Established Church, upheld as it was, as little better than a farce. He firmly believed that, if the Protestants of Ireland—he did not mean the political Protestants —(Hear, hear)—were allowed to us e their judicoent, they would declare in favour of this measure. He knew that in the part of the country with which he was connected, every means were taken to rouse the passions of the Protestants, and to incapacitate them from judging for themselves, and to degrade the character of every person opposed to them. He lived much in that country , and he was fully aware of the seductive artifices the people over ; and he believed that odisturbances in Ireland, were it not that made a political engine, by which to there al made iga m inflame rtes would u i n ae l d s f m t r b o ai he g hd i in r s of the people, than a means for reli gious instruction,— (Cheers.) These were the reasons which induced him to support the present measure, and he regretted that an opportunity was not afforded to give the h aayt;ihiconsideration,nee would oeurled piauor a ts n uo d ebdj to object to andtiv fair o e ft ohlel ogwe p n i t a he y rea t gl o the eonpei opi nion ue went st diion. .1 t i E h ; e al ria wtte rat opinion so drawn forth ; but when he saw religion mixed up with politics to influence the passions of the people, he could not respect the opinions of those who made use of such means to gain their object, however much he might respect the individuals. With respect to the mea sures now proposed by his Maj style Government, they had his (the Earl of G.'s) cordial support ; and if they were carried into a law in the same spirit in which they were laid before the House, they would bring about that unanimity and cordiality between the two religions in Ire -1 end which had been so mach wanted. He perfectly a treed with the Noble Lords who had spoken en his side of the House, that nothing would secure tranquillity in Ireland but such a measure as this.—(Hear.) There [night be some few of the details in which improvement might be made, but he hoped that the principle would not be departed from.—(Hear.) Indeed, he thought that the principle had been rather too much departed from ;already; and he was sure that the Protestants would find their interests better secured after the passing of this measure than they did at present. The Marquis of WESTMEATH said, that if this Bil was so much desired by the Protestants of Ireland, it seemed rather strange that there had not been one petition i lid upon their Lordships' table from Irish Protestants praying, for the passing of this measure, with one single exception.—(Hear, hear.) He did not deny the compe tence of Parliament to deal with the property of the church ; but when this was a measure which might in volve the safety of the church itself—(Hear, hear) —he considered this measure as opening the door to the most extravagant propositions. If the present measure were passed, why should they not likewise admit the claims of the Repeaters ?—(Cheers.) The Noble Earl had admitted that great discontent did exist, but he said it proceeded entirely from political excitement. He (the Marquis of Westmeath) did not understand how the present measure would allay the discontent. He should like indeed to know how the measure was to affect the Roman Catholics at all, except so far as it tended to pull down that which they did not like.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The Noble Marquis then quoted a long passage from "Jacob's Travels in Spain," to show that tithes were more strictly exacted in Andalusia than in Ireland, which (eaid Ire) shows that the Catholics of Ireland had an innate preju dice against the tithe system. He (the Marquis of West meath) had no prejudice to Catholics, but he confessed he was alarmed when he heard it said by a Noble and Learned Lord, on the discussion on the Irish Jury Bill, that the Irish Church and Irish laws had been imposed upon the Irish people. It looked as if there was some intention to make the Irish an exclusively Catholic people when such I a declaration was made ; and that this was part of the means by which that change was to be effected. To that extent he had felt alarmed at the expressions used.— (Hear, hear.) With respect to the details of the measure, he would merely remark that he observed that the bishoprics of Elpbin and Kilmore were to be joined. Now, he would beg to ask how the Bishop of Kilmore, who was ❑ow an old mm, if he happened to succeed to the conjoined bishoprics, could attend to the affairs of both dioceses, since they were at the distance of thirty miles from each other, and the Solway divided them ?--(A laugh.) How was the Right Rev. Bishop, who, as he had said, was an old man, to get across the Solway ?-- (Laughter.) And where was he to put up at night?— (Loud laughter.) This was a specimen of the working of the Bill. If the old Bishop could not get across the Shannon, how the deuce could he become acquainted with his flock?—(Loud laughter.) If the rest of the Bill was like that part of it, he had no expectation that it would be found to work well. The Noble Marquis con eluded by saying, that there was an evident conspiracy to chase the poorer class of Protestants out of Ireland ; and that the consequence was, that they were emigrating to America, and would continue to repair to that country in still greater numbers. The Bishop of ROCHESTER was understood to oh. ject to the Bill, and to say, that the part of it which imposed a tax on the clergy for the building and repairing of churches was unjust. As well might the clergy be called upon to contribute to the repairs of Westminster Hall. The principle of the Bill that went to reduce the number of Bishops was most dangerous. Many be knew would hail the adoption of 'that principle with joy ; but he cautioned their Lordships not to sanction it, lest it should be turned against themselves, and lead to a call for a reductio❑ of the numbers of that House. He eulogised the conduct of the Irish clergy, and said they were hardly dealt by, since they were always the foremost in appeasing disturbances in Ireland. The Bishop of EXETER moved the adjournment of the debate. Earl GREY acceded to the motion, on condition (as we understood) that, if the debate should conclude on the following evening, and the second reading pass, the Bill should be allowed to be committed on Friday. The House then adjourned at a quarter to one this morning. HOUSE OF COMMONS, JULY 17. The House resumed at a quarter past five o'clock. Papers were presented from the East India House and from the Bank of England. ➢lr. FITZSIMON moved for a retur❑ of the amounts of the County Cess, House Tax, &e., for the last six years, for a certain barony in the county of Dublin. Sir THOMAS TROUBRIDGE moved that the Com mittee on Sea Ports be permitted to sit on Friday. Mr. WYNN was of opinion that if so many public Committees sat during the meeting of the House, either the business of those Committees, or that of the House must be neglected. Sir THOMAS FREMANTLE then brought up the report of the Stafford Committee, and gave notice of his intention, on the 6th of August, to bring in a Bill for the disfranchisement of the borough of Stafford.—(Cheers.) DECCAN PRIZE MONEY. On the questio❑ that the House resolve itself into a Committee on the East India Company's Charter, Mr. WARBURTON took the opportunity of asking the Noble Lord (Althorp), in case it should appear that the Lords of the Privy Council have recommended to his 'Majesty to leave the whole question of the distribution to the Lords of the Treasury, and that his Majesty has con firmed that recommendation, whether he (Lord Althorp) was prepared to state, on the part of the Lords of the Treasury, that they would, before the final distribution, give the parties an opportunity of having their case re he .rd, in the manner contemplated by Parliament ? The greatest irregularity and injustice, in his opinion, had taken place kith respect to the distribution of the Deccan booty; bat he would not enter into the details unless the answei• of the Noble Lord should render it necessary. Load ALTHORP, after a few remarks in explanation of his former votes and speeches upo❑ the subject, pro ceeded to remark, that the Hon. Member seemed to assume what was the decision of the Privy Council ; but he (Lord Althorp) .lid not believe that that decision was yet known. He (Mr. Warburton) had then asked what his decision would be i❑ case a certain decision had been come to by the Privy Council. He could not pretend to say what his decision would be about what was not yet offi cially before him, for he did not happen to have been pre sent at the Privy Council. He should, however, be the vainest of men if be thought that his decision could be of any weight after that of a Privy Council, at which the Lord Chancellor, the Master of the Rolls, and the Vice- Chancellor had assisted. It was quite impossible for him to ~pledge himself with regard to the cours'.2 which he should pursue. Mr. WARBURTON then proceeded to say that the ad judication of the question had taken place upon the faith of a letter which had been substituted instead of another of an earlier date. He should, therefore, move an humble address to his Majesty, for a copy of the original letter, and minutes of the Treasury in question. Lord G. SOMERSET protested against the injustice if the aspersions upon the Judges in this case. An in quiry was necessary. - Mr. SPRING RICE suggested that the Hon. Member should withdraw his amendment, and afterwards bring it forward as an original motion. Mr. O'CONNELL had not understood the Hon. Member for Bridport of accusing the Government of withholding any documents. He was of opinion that the warmth of his expressions were justified by facts. Sir F. BURDETT expressed his hope that no step would be taken until the matter had been regularly determined upon. Mr. HUAIE urged the Noble Lord opposite to state what course it was his intention to pursue on the subject. Lord ALTHORP said that until he knew what had been the decision of the Privy Council, it was impossibie for him to give any positive pledge on the subject. A AIEmBER, whose name we could not learn, observed that Sir Lionel Smith and other parties hid not been heard at all. Colonel EVANS remarked, that the greater part of the captors were dead. He humbly hoped that his Majesty's Government would come to a resolution to terminate the business without further delay. Air. W. HARVEY said, that the money was on the point of distribution when the case was referred to the Lords of the Privy Council. Now, it appeared to him that what the Hon. Member for Bridport wished to know was, whether, in the event of the question standing as n lid before the reference to the Lords of the Privy Council, the parties were to have a hearing before the money was distributed. . Mr. BARING protested against the imputations irruption thrown out by the lion. Member for Bridport ~ ;rinst persons who wcr•y li , r.v.ver, far too high in cha- L ot t e r to be affected by them. He (11r. Baring) con ; -stied, that of all the Courts in the country, that before hick he should be most sorry for any question i❑ which I, was interested to come, was the House of Commons ; ifluenced in its decisions, as it continually was, by loose eclamatio❑ and personal canvass. He hid seen more ijustice perpetrated by that House than probably by all t:ke other tribunals in the country. If he had a bad case, be should be very anxious to bring it before the House of (;ommons ; if a good one, it was the last place into which lie should wish to introduce it. Mr. W. BROUGHAM hope.l his Noble Friend would Le induced to say that he would do his best to prevent the distribution until the parties had been heard. That would iot amount to a pledge on the part of his Noble Friend to procure them a hearing. Lord ALTHORP must persevere in declining to give any pledge upon a subject, on the law or merits of which !ie was at present ignorant. Mr. WARBURTON, in explanation, denied having attributed corrupt motives, but only irregularities and enormities to the parties adverted to by the Hon. Member !or Essex. EAST INDIA COMPANY'S CHARTER BILL. The House then resolved into Committee on the Nt India Company's Charter Bill. Clauses from 58 to 74 were agreed to, with a few verhst amendments. The 75th clause was postponed. . . On the 76th being proposed, Mr. WYNN suggested chat for the future a certain number of cadetships should given to the officers of the Company. The clause was then agreed to, as were the 77th and 7Sth. On the 79th being read, Mr. HUME expressed s hope that co me means would be devised of punishing persons in England who might have been guilty of peculation in, mkt had fled away from, our India possessions. Mr. MACAULAY said several clauses had been framed with the view of meeting the suggestion of the Hon. lernber ; but from the expense, and other evils which they would occasion, they had since been abandoned. The clause was agreed to. The 80th clause having been read, Mr. BUCKINGHAM expressed his great regret that. there should be any restraint at all in the admission of Europeans into India. Mr. R. GRANT said the restrictions had been imposed from the fear of injury to the natives themselves; but he hoped, by the cautious experiments now proposed, that they would be able gradually to adopt such measures as would safely allow them to do away with all limitation whatever. Mr. CUTLAR FERGUSSON approved of the clause, because he thought it would be dangerous at present to allow the free intercourse of Europeans with the nations of the upper part of India. Mr. HUME differed with the Hon. Gentleman, and moved a❑ amendment which would have the effect of taking off all restraints upon intercourse with India, subject to a due obedience to the law. If a police were necessary it should be established. After a somewhat desultory discussion, the gallery was cleared `'or division, when there appeared_ For the Amendment Against it Majority ..-91 On our re-admission to the gallery, we found Mr. O'DWYER suggesting an amendment to the effect that barristers and physicians properly qualified to act in England should be permitted to practice in India without a license. Mr. C. GRANT said that under the present Bill there was full liberty for professional men to practice in India. Mr. O'CONNELL suggested that the English and Irish bar should be put on the same footing with respect to employment in the colonies. Mr. C. GRANT was not aware that any difference existed of the nature hinted at; but if it did, he should have no objection to remedying it, on bringing up the report. All the clauses up to clause 87 inclusive, were then agreed to, with some unimportant amendments. On the 88th clause being read, Mr. C. GRANT proposed an amendment, to the effect that the Governor-General should have a right to frame laws for the abolition of slavery, paying due regard to the rights of fathers of families, and to the laws of marriage ; that the said Governor-General should, before the Ist of January, 1835, report the progress which he bad made in the abolition of slavery ; and that, in fourteen days after• such report, or if Parliament should not be assembled, then i❑ fourtee❑ days after the meeting of Parliament, such report should be laid before both Houses. After a long discussion, the 88th clause, as amended, was agreed to. On proposing the 89th clause, relating to the Eccle siastical Government of India, Mr. O'CONNELL opposed the clause, because it went to establish a State religion in India. Mr. R. GRANT said the present means for the eccle siastical Government of India were inadequate ; and there fore his Majesty's Government has thought it necessary to appoint two additional Bishops, at salaries of 2,5001. each. He hoped that there would ,be no additional ex pense arising from the appointment of another Bishop. The expense would continue at 11,0001. a year. There would only be a different allocation of it. Mr. HUME said it would probably be better to leave the Church Establishment as it stood at present, in case any wish to change it should produce a stronger opposi tion than was expected. Mr. MACAULAY was much astonished at the oppo sition made to this clause, and he maintained that it was absurd to object to a moderate establishment for the Church of England being appropriated from the revenues of the State, when several millions were expended upon the support of Pagan and Mahomedan superstitions. Mr. O'CONNELL moved that the Chairman report progress, and ask leave to sit again. Sir R. INGLIS hoped he would not persevere in the motion, and said he con , idered the provision for the esta blishment insufficient; but he would support it, as he thought he was not likely to get anything better. Mr. SINCLAIR must take the liberty to protest against the doctrine of his Hon. Friend, that the religion of the Church of England was the religion of the empire. In England it was the religion of the law, and of a ma jority of the people ; in Ireland it was the religion of the law ; in Scotland it was not the religion either of the law or of the people. In Scotland there was another esta.- blishment, as efficient, though more poor ; and if his Hon. Friend visited Scotland, he would find himself a Dis senter there, and would attend the ministrations of a Bishop who enjoyed no income from the national purse. He did not by any means undervalue the deserts of the sister church ; but as India was divided into four Presidencies, he should be glad to see in one of them a fair trial given to the development of Presbyterian energy and zeal. Give to the Church of Scotland half the sum allotted to episco pacy in a district of similar extent ; with this, they would send out three times the number of Christian Ministers, and accomplish ten times as much good. If it should prove otherwise, after an experiment of a few years, he would cheerfully consent to see the grant withdrawn. As to the Pagan and Mahome►an establishments, we had not introduced, but found them there, and could not abolish those rites which the natives had so long adhered to, and would not relinquish. He thought it was an anomaly to place the new Prelates under the jurisdiction of the Bishops of Calcutta ; he believed that it was at least snore usual that they should all be placed directly under a Me tropolitan. The Finance Committee had recommended the withdrawal of public aid from ministers of the Pres byterian Church ; and if the friends of that establishment should be called upon to support the clergy of their own denomination in India, the same rule might surely apply to the richer members of the sister Church. He hoped, however, that attention would be paid to both objects; and in that case he should not oppose the new arrangement of the existing revenues being appropriated to episcopal pur poses, though he should have certainly resisted their aug mentation. Mr. R. GRANT opposed the motion. Mr. SHELL observed, that the question now before them was, whether they should Lepert progress, a point which seemed to be lost sight of. Mr. Lushington had asserted that the extension of the expiscopal establishment would not be beneficial to India. Mr. O'CONNELL would consent to proceed with the other clauses of the Bill, provided the House would agree to postpone the clause now before them. Mr. WARBURTON made a few remarks. Then Hou , e then divided— For the adjournment 37 Against it Majority -93 When we re-entered the gallery, we found Mr.PRYME on his legs, commenting upon the remarks of those who asserted that the Established Church had done no good in India. After some further conversation, Mr. C. BULLER ,noved the adjournment of the debate. The House divided upon the motion, when there ap. peired— 36 For the a djournment 1•24 Against it Majority the gallery, Mr. WAR—BUI;i ON va ( s ) a n ih o i u re r s:i e n - g en t t h e e rin fl g ouse. Tlle Hon. sai ', he .bought his friends bad a lopted a prui,er course niuv. ng the postvonemeut of the Bill, considering that they