The Sun. — London, England, 1863-02-09 00:00:00

FIIE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 9, 1863. Correspondence Relative to the Affairs of Rome. The following correspondence, which will be read with the deepest interest by all classes of her Ma jesty's subjects, was issued late on Saturday evening: No. 1. EARL RUSSELL TO MR. ODO RUSSELL, Foreign-office, Oct. 25, 1862. Sir,.—Her Majesty's Government have observed with great interest the correspondence which has been published in the Moniteur of the 25th of last month. The Emperor of the French in this correspondence points nut with great foree and precision the evils which flow from the present position of affairs in Rome. His Majesty calls the at tention of the Popo to the undoubted fact that while everything that is liberal in Europe condemns the resistance of his Holiness to every proposal of arrangement, the most attached adherents of the See of Rome find their consciences troubled by the antagonism between their " political convic tions and religious principles which would seem to condemn modem civilisation." To all the reasons thus powerfully set forth, Cardinal Antonelli replies on the part of the Pope with a summary declaration of the Pope's inability to agree to any compromise which should leave him with less than the whole of his former territory. This is a perilous situa tion. The Pope allows his spiritual authority to be impaired, and his hold over the Roman Catholic Church to be weakened, by his resistance to the wishes of the Italian people. It does not become her Majesty's Government to dwell upon this danger otherwise than as one to which the religious mind of the Pope must be keenly alive. But the political evil is one upon which her Majesty's Government may fairly dwell, the personal character of the Pope is marked by benevo lence and charity. As an Italian he must feel for the suf ferings of Italy. As the supreme head of the Roman Catholic Church, he declared in 1819 that it did not belong to his character to draw the sword. The position of a peaceful Sovereign, animated with equal and impartial love towards contending parties and towards hostile armies, has been claimed for him by the bishops who met this year at Rome, and who expressed their sentiments in an address to his Holiness. Yet in contradiction to his own view of his position, in opposition to the picture drawn of him by the most eminent of his own Church, the Pope's territory has become a refuge for one of the contending parties, and the name of religion has been used as the justification for civil war. We see conflicts of unusual ferocity take place under the pretence of such conflicts being necessary to vindicate the temporal power of the Pope. These scenes must wound the kind heart and harrow the paternal feelings of Pius IX. is there no way of terminating, or at least of suspending, the conflict? Placed in their present positions neither party will give way. The Italian people will always ask for Rome ; the Pope will always refuse any terms of accommodation, whe ther they be those of the Emperor of the French, of Count Cavour, or of Baron Ricasoli. Must Rome, then, be the seat of a perpetual foreign occu pation? Must brigandage for ever ravage the fertile fields of Southern Italy ? God forbid such a calamity I God for bid that Pope Pius IX. should be the instrument of con signing his countrymen eternally to mutual hatred and to sanguinary civil war I Her Majesty's Government are of opinion that Rome should be the capital of the Italian kingdom. But, if they are rightly informed, the Pope believes that a time will come when by general consent his former territories will be restored to him, and when his temporal power will resume its former splendour. If such is his sincere conviction, would it not become the Pope, that instead', of being himself the principal cause of civil war in Italy, he should retire from this conflict, and expect in tranquillity the issue which in the order of Providence may await the Papacy, and determine the fate of Italy ? In such a case the Admiral of her Majesty in the Mediter ranean would convey the Pope to Malta, to Trieste, to Mar seilles, or to Valencia, and if his Holiness should choose to remain in Malta her Majesty's Government would there provide a mansion fit for his reception. There his Holiness might be surrounded by his chief Cardinals and most trusty counsellors. He would not be asked to su'oscribe to any conditions repugnant to his con science, Civil war would cease in Italy, and the Italian people would be at liberty either to enjoy the complete pos session of their own territory, or again to assign to the Pope, if they so thought fit, a temporal dominion, At all events his spiritual authority would resume its sway over the minds of the Roman Catholics of Italy and of Europe. When the storm was overpast, the Pope might return to Rome, owing to love and affection that homage which would be paid to his sacred character, and that ve neration which would be justly due to his exalted personal virtues. You are directed to speak in the sense of this despatch to Cardinal Antonelli, and to give him a copy of it to be sub mitted to the Pope. A copy of this despatch will be sent to Earl Cowley, for lqinformation.—l am, &c., (Signed) RUSSELL. No. 2. EARL RUSSELL TO EARL COWLEY. Foreign Office, October 31, 1862. My Lord,--At a time when the new Minister of Foreign Affairs in France has thought it necessary to write a circu lar respecting the policy pursued by the Emperor in Italy, it may not be amiss to state once more the view taken by her Majesty's Government of the Roman question. In so doing, I am not deterred by any fear that this step will be construed into an undue pressure on the Government of the Emperor. In a matter so deeply affecting the wel fare of Italy and the future peace of Europe, a frank inter change of opinions cannot be misinterpreted as an undue interference with the action of a friendly government. If the policy of the Emperor is right in point of justice and expediency, he ought not to persevere in it the less be cause the British Government differ from him on the sub ject. If it is wrong, he ought not to persevere in it simply from a fear of being supposed to be influenced by the views of the Government of Great Britain. I will proceed to state what the opinion of the British Government is, and to explain some of the reasons by which that opinion is supported. Her Majesty's Government think that the people of the Roman territory are the most competent judges of what is best for their own welfare and happiness. If, as the British Government have reason to believe, the Roman people wish to annex their State to the Italian Kingdom, and to make Rome the capital of Italy, they ought to be left free to do so, If, on the contrary, they wish to maintain the Pope on his throne, and to acknowledge him as their temporal Sovereign as well as to reverence him as their spiritual head, they ought to be left free to do so. This policy is very simple, and very straightforward, but it cannot be carried into effect because for 13 years a body of French troops has prevented any freedom of choice on the part of the Romans, It is undoubtedly tru e th a t th e l aw o f nat i ons a ll ows ex ceptions to the general rule that each nation is the best judge of its own form of government. Such exceptions, when in favour of intervention in support of existing Governments, have been usually defended on the ground that by intrigue, by violence, or by military revolt, a minority had got possession of the seat of authority, and that if, by protecting the quiet majority, time were obtained, the nation would right itself. Accordingly, the foreign occupations which have taken place in Europe were practically limited in point of time to a term of two, three, or five years. In Rome alone we have witnessed the spectacle of a foreign occupation prolonged for 13 years, and, at the same time, of a people less reconciled to the rule of their Sovereign at the end than they were at the commencement of this protracted period of endurance. _ _ . Her Majesty's Government think that this foreign occu pation should now end. They are aware that the Emperor of the French has con ceived the benevolent design of reconciling the Pope with Italy ; and they observe in his Majesty's letter of the 20th of May, published in the ltloniteur of Sept. 25, the expres sion of a _ a desire and of an expectation that a reconciliation I tlxe ci place between tht, Pope and Italy, between the Doman_er 3venament and liberty. Her Majesty's exalted views Government, however, while admiring the the expectationtwlthausaat Which prompted this desire, cannot share . in expressed. The wide interval which separates the jesty's Government to be conflicting parties appears to her Ma. that an abandonment of his Clain, The Pope considers Which he e a h im a to any portion of the for mer Papal territory ; and has to hold would be a violation of his conscience urge the does not become a Roman Catholic Sovereign to yet o s p u e e t h o do that against which his conscience revolts. And be th a e renunciation on the part of the Pope must necessarily basis of the reconciliation between the Pope and Italy W hi c h is contem. plated by the Emperor of the French. The Italian Government, on the other hand, have de clared that Rome ought to be the capital of free Italy, an d they will not abandon the hope that it ma y become so. A King of Italy, who in spite of the wishes of the people of Italy, should engage to acknowledge the Pope as the tempo ral Sovereign of Rome would either become hateful to Italy, or would be obliged to break his engagement in order to pre serve his throne. And yet such an engagement on the part of the Ki ng o f It a l y f orms t h e b as i s o f the reconciliation be tween the Pope and Italy which is contemplated by the Em peror of the French. Tumults and disorders would be the too probable conse quence of any a rrangement which excluded the aut h or ity of the Icing of Italy from Rome, and the Pope would become obnoxious to all as the cause of those tumults and disorders. Force would be introduced to suppress tumult, and a solution would be found amid bloodshed tarnishing the sacred chae racter of the Pontiff, and at variance with the exemplar, moderation which the Italian nation have hitherto exhibited under the severest trials. For these reasons, to which the Emperor in his wisdom will no doubt give their due weight, her Majesty's Gtoverii-1 meat are of opinion that Rome ought to be left to the Romans; Will you read this despatch to M. Drouyn de Lhuys, and you will give him a copy of it if ho should desire it. I am, &c,, (Signed) RUSSELL. No. 3. j EARL COWLEY TO EARL RUSSELL.—(RECEIVED Nov. 8.) PARTS, Nov. 7, 1862. My Lord,—l took the first opportunity after receiving your lordship's despatch of the 31st ult., containing the views of her Majesty's Government on the Roman question, of communicating it, in compliance with your lordship's in structions, to M. Drouyn de Lhuys. His Excellency, after reading it (I had placed the despatch in his hands for that purpose), said that he thanked me for the communication ; that be would not at present ask me for a copy of it ; that he could retain the contents sufficiently in his memory to repeat them accurately to the Emperor, whose orders he would take the first time he had occasion to see his Majesty; and that if the Emperor desired to see the despatch itself he would ask for a copy of it. M. Drouyn de Lhuys proceeded to say that it was evident from your lordship's despatch that her Majesty's Govern ment entertained opinions upon the Roman question differ ing so essentially from those of the Emperor, as contained in his Majesty's letter of 20th May, that they were irrecon cilable, nor could he lead me to expect, seeing how short a time had elapsed since the letter had been made public, that his Majesty's views were likely to be modified at present. He could only assure me that the Emperor and his Govern ment desired, if possible, more ardently than her Majesty's Government, the evacuation of Rome by the troops of France, but that his Majesty considered himself bound in honour to protect the Pope within the territory which re mained to him, so long as his Holiness should continue un able to protect himself, or should not enter into some arrangement with the Italian Government satisfactory to both parties. His Excellency could not agree with your lordship in looking upon the latter contingency as impos sible of realisation. He would then ask her Majesty's Government whether, seeing that no material interest of Great Britain was involved in the immediate solution of the Roman question, while the Emperor's word was pledged to the maintenance of the Pope's safety and authority,in which the whole Roman Catholic world was interested, it would con duce to any good end to agitate this question—a question which he might term purely academical—between the two G overnments. If, indeed, there were reason to suppose that the Emperor was actuated by any afterthought or un avowed design in continuing the occupation of Rome, he could understand the desire of her Majesty's Government to push their opposition to it to the utmost; but his Excel lency was ready to give me the assurance—an assurance founded on his knowledge of the Emperor's sentiments— that there was no ground for any such opinion if it existed, and that his Majesty looked anxiously and ardently for the moment when he might withdraw his troops with honour. Such being the case, M. Drouyn de Lhuys could only hope that the unfortunate difference of opinion which prevailed between the two Governments on the Roman question would not prevent a friendly understanding between them on other questions in which they had interests in common. There were specks enough on the political horizon to justify great anxiety. Look at Greece, where the events which had lately ocettrred might be the forerunner of still greater com plications in the East. Look at America, so intimately connected with the commercial prosperity of the two nations. Surely there was sufficient to occupy the attention of the two Governments, without prolonging a useless discussion on the Roman question ; useless, because there was no hope of either Government convincing the other. For himself he had some pride, and still greater satisfaction, in reflect ing that he bad no small share in laying the foundations of these amicable relations which, he was glad to find, still subsisted between the two Governments, and which it would be his earnest endeavour to extend and strengthen, I said to M. Drouyn de Lhuys that I could, without re ferring to your lordship, take upon myself to give him the assurance that, however much her Majesty's Government might regret the failure of their efforts to convince the Imperial Government of the justice and expediency of with drawing the French trot ps from the Roman States, it would not in any way influence their conduct in regard to any other questions. They placed too high a value on the ad vantages accruing not only to the two nations, but to the whole civilised world, from a general good understanding between the two Governments, to imperil these relations because the two Governments might not agree on every question. It could, however, I maintained, hardly be as serted that Great Britain had no direct interest engaged in the Roman question, because in the opinion of her Majesty's Government the future peace of Europe might be affected by it. It was therefore their bounden duty to give such advice and to ask for such concessions as in their judgment were best calculated to avert the possibility of so great a calamity. M. Drouyn de Lhuys also knew the derange ment caused to commerce when a country was in the state of uncertainty in which Italy was now plunged ; and, lastly, there were great international interests involved in the important question of foreign occupations. M. Drouyn de Lhuys replied that, with regard to the latter point, that of foreign occupation, he could not consider the Roman Sovereign to be in the same position as other sovereigns. And this was no new idea; indeed, it was one in which her Majesty's Government had seemed at one moment to acquiesce, as he could show me. His Excellency then read me extracts from a long memorandum which he had caused to be compiled, with a view of seeing at a glance what had passed between her Majesty's Government and that of France when the question of the occupation of Rome was first mooted in 1848. During the administration of General Cavaignac, and before the name of Napoleon had been brought forward, M. Bastide, then Minister for Foreign Affairs, announced to her Majesty's Government the intention of sending a small force to Rome, and grounded this intention upon the excep tional necessity of treating the Pope differently from other sovereigns, and maintaining his independence and temporal power, According to the reports received from M. de Beaumont, then the French representative in London, her Majesty's Foreign Secretary had acquiesced in the exceptional neces sity of this case ; and subsequently, both when he (M. Drouyn de Lhuys) was Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and when afterwards ambassador in London, sent expressly to explain the policy of the President's Government with re gard to Rome, the same exceptional necessity for upholding the tempura' authority of the Pope was pleaded, and was not contested by her Majesty's Government. He (M. Drouyn de Lhuys) did not mean to contend that their ac quiescence had not'been accompanied with expressions of deep regret, or that her Majesty's Government would not have preferred other means to secure the Pope's authority than the authority of force ; still less did he desire to quote the policy of her Majesty's Government in those days as binding upon them no w . M any reasons might then have induced them to acquiesce in a state of things which they might consider intolerable now. All he intended to deduce from the extracts which he had read to me was, that the policy of France had been a consistent policy; that the necessity of protecting the independence and temporal authority of the Pope had been as much recognised by Re publican as it now was by Imperial France; and that, con sequently, there was no foundation for any supposition that the Emperor was actuated by any other motive than that which he had avowed. Perhaps, also, he (M. Drouyn de Lhuys) might indulge the hope, in re-perusing the corre spondence of thirteen years ago, that the friendly spirit in which the first intention of occupying Rome had been re ceived by her Majesty's Government would be a guarantee to their no less indulgent patience now. M. Drouyn de Lhuys begged her Majesty's Government to recollect further that to leave the future fate of the Pope to his Roman subjects could not be practically carried out The Roman population had been so tried by foreign emis saries, and the Roman States would be so completely overrun by foreign revolutionists, if an opportunity was given, that the true sentiments of the people could never be ascertained. Furthermore, he desired to point out that there never had been a national army in the Pope's service. The Roman population was not militarily inclined. Swiss, Irish, Ger mans, Spaniards had formed the mercenary corps which re ceived his Holiness' pay. Would it be desirable to estab • lish such a corps to replace the present army of occupation ? On the other hand, could the Emperor in honour abandon the Sovereign Pontiff, whom he had engaged to protect and had protected during the past years, to the certainty of de thronement, and perhaps of worse. I replied that I was glad to find that M. Druoyn de Lhuys did not attach more importance than was warranted to the acquiescence of her Majesty's Government in the primary occupation of Rome. They certainly never then contem plated that that occupation would last 13 years, or that Italy was about to erect herself into an united and indepen dent State. Moreover, it must be recollected that the pre sent state of Italy was the result of the Emperor's inter vention to emancipate the Italian people from the yoke of Austria. Yet what a lamentable consequence of the benefits which nobody would contest the Emperor had been the means of conferring upon Italy would it be were those Go vernments only which had been the least onerous (that of Naples of course excepted) to be overthrown, while one re „cognised to be incompatible with the progress of the age was maintained by the very means which had so much con tributed to the downfall of the others. I desired, I said, in the presence of a Minister of a Roman Catholic Sovereign, to speak of the spiritual authority of the head of that Church with every respect, but every one must admit and deplore the vices of his temporal Government. M. Drouyn de Lhuys replied that although he could not deny certain abuses, yet he considered them to be greatly exaggerated. Such, my Lord , is the summary of a conversation conducted with perfect temper on both sides. I wish I could add that I considered it likely to be followed by any modification of the Imperial policy of Italy. —I have, &c., (Signed) No. 4. EARL RUSSELL T O E ARL COWLEY. Foreign-offi ce , Nov. 15, 1862. My Lord,— I have not failed to lay b e f ore the Queen your despatch of the 7th instant. Her Majesty's Government did not expect that the com munication of their views would produce any immediate change in the policy of France; but believing those views to be inspired by a warm regard for the interests of Italy, and t obe conducive to the peace of Europe, her Majesty's Government cannot consent to change or to modify them, The only new argument brought forward by M. Drouyn de Lhuys consists in a reference to the events of 1848 and 1849, and the acquiescence of her Majesty's Government in the French occupation of Rome at that time. But ac quiescence did not imply approbation; still less would ap probation then imply approbation now. Your excellency rightly argued that the whole state of Italy has altered since that time; the state of Lombardy, Modena, Parma, Tuscany, Romagna, Umbria, the Marches, and the king dom of the Two Sicilies has altered; in short, everything has changed except the French occupation of Rome. The generosity of the French nation will probably ai length perceive the injustice of keeping all Italy in a con dition of anxiety, and the Romans in a condition of misera ble servitude.—l am, &c., _ (Signed) RrssELL. No. 5. MR. ODO RUSSELL TO EARL RUSSELL,-(RECEIVED Nov. 28.)—(Extract.) Rome, November 11, 1862. In obedience to your lordship's instructions I called this morning on the Cardinal Secretary of State at the Vatican, and told him that her Majesty's Government had observed with great interest the correspondence respecting Rome which had been published in the Moniteur of the 25th Sep tember last, and that I would, with his Eminence's per mission, communicate a despatch to him which I had re ceived from your lordship on the subject. I then read your lordship's despatch of the 25th October to Cardinal Antonelli, who listened with great attention, and when I had done, said he thought your lordship could scarcely be more anxious than he was that Rome should not be the seat of a perpetual foreign occupation. He ardently desired to see the Pope in full possession of that independence which became the Sovereign Pontiff, the visible head of the Roman Catholic Church, independent of enemies who persecuted the Church, and independent of friends whose protection could not unhappily yet be dis pensed with. But since the enemies of order and legitimate right in Italy had been encouraged in their reckless and immoral course, and since the Pope had not the means to protect the tem poral interests of the Church against their violence and ra pacity without foreign assistance, he was compelled to accept the protection afforded him by the presence of a French garrison in Rome. Your lordship observed truly that this melancholy state of things in Italy wounded the kind heart and harrowed the paternal feelings of his Holiness, and you were equally right in concluding that the conscientious feelings of duty of the Pope would always oblige him to refuse any terms of ac commodation, whether recommended by the Emperor of the French, or by any other Power, which should leave him with less than his former territory. The reasons which prompted this course of action wore obvious. The Popo did not hold the States of the Church as an in heritance from his ancestors, and could not dispose of them at his will either before or after death. As Vicar of Christ he held them in trust from God for the Catholic world ; and as h© received them, so he had to leave them to his suc cessor, according to the oath taken by the Pontiffs on ascending the throne of St. Peter. And again the Pope, as Vicar of Chrisf, and therefore as the guardian of religion and morality on earth, could not give his sanction to acts which violated every law of public morality and of legitimate right ; and however much his heart might bleed at the sad conflict around him, he had a duty, as head of the Catholic Church, to perform, for which he was answerable to God alone in heaven and not to man upon earth. This conscientious policy pursued by the Pope had been publicly and unanimously approved by the whole of the bishops of Catholic Christendom, and while his Holiness could fulfil the sacred duties of his office in any portion of the Holy See, however small and limited, with freedom and inlependence, it was his duty to assert the temporal rights of the Church, by remaining in it, until violently driven away by the enemies of religion. Now your lordship, ani mated bya friendly feeling to both parties, suggested that the Pope should retire from the conflict, and expect in tran quillity the issue which, in the order of Providence, might await the Papacy and determine the fate of Italy. But the abandonment of Rome, so long as its possession was guaranteed by France, would be tantamount to that very abdication of temporal rights which the conscientious feelings of duty of the Sovereign Pontiff for ever precluded. If the Pope left Rome the Emperor of the French would naturally recall his troops to France, and Rome would be in vaded by the enemies of the Church ; a contingency to wards which the Pope in his conscience could never contri bute by any voluntary act of his own, so long as he could there freely exercise the spiritual and temperal duties of his high office. On the other hand, should it ever so please Providence, in the course of events, to allow the French protecting forces to be withdrawn, and the Piedmontese to invade Rome, and should the free exercise of the Pontiff's spiritual duties thereby be endangered, then, and not till then, would it become the Pope's paramount duty to seek protection for the independence of the Church in some foreign land, and the generous offers of hospitality now made by her Majesty's Government alight be gratefully accepted. Cardinal Antonelli then requested me to thank your lord ship in the warmest terms for the communication I had made to him, and asked me for a copy of your despatch, which he said he would submit to the Pope. No. 6. MR. ODo RUSSELL TO EAiL4GSELL. (Received Dec. 18.) (Extract.) Rome, Nov. 28,1862. With reference to your lordship's despatch of the 25th of October, and to my reply of the 11th of November, I have the honour to state that I asked Cardinal Antonelli this morning whether he had submitted to the Pope the reasons for which your lordship thought that it would be come his Holiness to retire from the present conflict, and expect in tranquillity the issue which, in the order of Pro vidence might await the Papacy and determine the fate of Italy; and I further inquired how his Holiness had taken the offers of hospitality made to him in consequence by her Majesty's Government. Cardinal Antonelli replied that he had communicated your lordship's despatch to the Pope the day after I had given had a copy of it, namely, on Nov. 12, and that his Holiness had fully acknowledged the friendly spirit in which that communication had been made; but that since it was his manifest duty to remain in Rome so long as he could do so with advantage to the spiritual interests of the Church, he could but thank her Majesty's Government for their inten tions, but he could not share their opinions, nor could ho avail himself of their hospitable ofers at present. No. 7. EARL RUSSELL TO EARL COWLEY. Foreign Office, Jan. 29, 1863. My Lord,—There is in the volume called "Documents Diplomatiques," presented by the Government of the Em peror to the Legislative Chambers, the copy of a despatch from the Ambassador of France at Rome, dated the 27th of December, 1862. In this despatch the Prince of La Tour d' Auvergne gives information "which," he says, "he has reason to believe correct, concerning the proposition lately made to the Holy See by Lord John Russell to place the Island of Malta at the disposal of the Pope, in case ha should consent, as England advised him, to abandon Rome to Italy." The information collected by the Ambassador is to the following effect :—lt is, that in the course of the summer Mr. Odo Russell, who was about to leave Rome on leave, asked for an audience of the Pope. The audience being granted, he pleaded, as was usual with him, in favour of the cause of Italian unity. That when Mr. Russell was about to take leave of his Holiness, and when he was already at the door of the Pope's cabinet, the Holy Father, without apparently attaching the smallest importance to the circumstance, ad dressed Mr. Russell in these words:—" Farewell, my dear Mr. Russell ; who knows whether one day I may not be obliged to ask from you a hospitable reception ?" At these words Mr. Russell, it is said, returned into the Cabinet, and asked his Holiness whether, in fact, he feared he should be obliged to quit Rome, and whether in that case he would be really disposed to go to England. The Pope at once tran quillised Mr. Russell, adding that he did not know what trials Providence reserved for him, but for the moment he had no apprehension, and had no thoughts of quitting Rome. Mr. Russell, the French Ambassador says, no doubt transmitted the account of this conversation to his Government, exaggerating, perhaps, its importance, and was soon after, it is affirmed, recalled to London by tele graph. The narrative given by the Ambassador goes on to affirm that Mr. Odo Russell, on his return to Rome in the month of November, presented to the Cardinal Secretary of State a note from her Majesty's Government advising the Pope to leave Rome, and to go to France, Spain, or Malta. This note Mr. Russell is said to have given to the Cardi nal, authorising him confidentially to make such use of it as he might think proper. The Cardinal is said to have hasten-d to reply that he had no use to make of the note, since the Pope had not the smallest intention of leaving Rome. The Ambassador then proceeds to accuse Mr. Rus sell of violating his duty by communicating on the subject with a diplomatic envoy accredited to the Holy See. The Cardinal Secretary of St a t e, h owever, it is said, con sidered the incident at an end, when Mr. R usse ll presented himself again to his Eminence on the occasion of the festi val of Christmas, and informed him that he had just received a private letter from Lord Russell, in which Lord Russell expressed his deep regret at learning that the Pope was not for the present disposed to accept his proposals, adding that he had reason to believe that his Holiness would soon find himself under the necessity of profiting by it. But Cardinal Antonelli, it is said. made no reply to this communication. Such is the narrative which the Ambassador of France has compiled from the hearsay of Rome, and which the Minister for Foreign Affairs has published to the French Chambers and to the world without apparently asking you whether this despatch contained a true account of the transactions to which it related as having passed at Rome. Such being the hearsay account given by the French Ambassador at Rome, I owe it to Mr. Russell to state what really happened so far as he was concerned ; and it is due to tier Majesty's Government that I should place in the hands of M. Drouyn de Lhuys a statement of what they have done in this matter. That which happened was as follows : Mr, ituagell, on the 245th July, 1852, received unexpect edly from the Vatican a written intimation that the Pope would receive him at 12 o'clock on the next day. Mr. Rus sell accordingly went to the Vatican on the 26th July, and in the course of a conversation of some length the Pope expressed a wish to know whether if any circumstances should at any time lead him to desire to take refuge in Eng land he would be well and hospitably received there. To this question Mr. Russell could of course give only a gene ral answer. From this statement it will be seen that, instead of Mr. Russell asking an audience of the Pope, and at that audi ence making to the Pope an offer of an asylum at Malta, it was the Pope who sent for Mr. Russell, and it was the Pope who started the idea that he might, under certain cir cumstances, wish to reside in British territory. This conversation, having been reported by Mr. Russell, led to the despatch of the 25th of October, of which I send your Excellency a copy, to be communicated to M. Drouyn de Lhuys, together with some other parts of the correspon dence on this matter.* It is right that I should explain that Mr. Russell was not called home from Rome, as the French Ambassador imagined, in consequence of his interview with the Pope; Mr. Russell simply received a direction to absent himself from Rome c n account of his health during the unhealthy season in that city. As to the private letter which the French Ambassador states that I wrote in December to Mr. Russell, and which he imagines that Mr. Russell communicated to Cardinal An tonelli, I have only to say that I did not write such a letter, and that consequently no such letter was communicated by Mr. Russell to the Cardinal in any shape or manner. Your Excellency will read this despatch to M. Drouyn de Lhuys, and give him a copy of it.—l am, &c., (Signed) RUSSELL. (No. 8, EARL RUSSELL TO EARL COWLEY. Foreign-office, Jan. 31, 1863. My Lord,—l have to state to your Excellency, with re ference to my despatch No. 130, of the 29th inst., that I have received a further despateh from Mr. Russell at Rome, who, it appears, was admitted to an audience of :the Pope on the 7th inst., to offer his good wishes on the commence ment of the new year. On this occasion the Pope was pleased to state to Mr. Russell that he had been gratified :by the offers of hospita lity made to him by her Majesty's Government ; and he requested Mr. Russell to convey to her Majesty's Govern ment his thanks for the despatch which he had communi cated to Cardinal Antonelli, offering his Holiness the use of a mansion at Malta. His Holiness was pleased to add that although under existing circumstances he would not avail hims elf of the protection of England, he nevertheless desired to thank her Majesty's Government for their good intentions.--I am, &c., (Signed) :* Nos. 1,5, and 6. RUSSELL. METROPOLITAN BOARD OF WORKS. The ordinary weekly meeting of the Metropolitan Board of Works was held on Friday at their offices, Spring-gardens, Mr. John Thwaites in the chair. The cash statement showed that the balances in the hands were on current accounts £83,900195. 4d., on deposit accounts £6,500, and on Government Se curities £88,159 9s. 4d. THE FLEET SEWER AND THE METROPOLITAN RAILWAY. The report of the finance committee was laid be fore the board, and stated that they had considered the account for works on emergency to the Fleet Sewer amounting to £1,174 10s. 101 d., and had in serted the amount in the list of sums recommended for payment, and 'recommended that that sum be claimed hereafter of the Metropolitan Railway Compi.ny. THE ACCOUNTANT'S DEPARTMENT. In accordance with the recommendation of the finance committee, the board, in consequence of the increased work in the accountant's department, ap pointed a junior assistant clerk to it, to be placed on the fourth class of officers at the minimum salary of that class, viz., £6O per annum. PROGRESS OF THE MAIN DRAINAGE WORKS. Mr. BAZALGETTE, the engineer to the board, read his monthly report of the progress of the main drain age works, which were all proceeding in a satisfac tory manner, making allowance for short days and uncertain state of the weather. The report was adopted and ordered to be printed. METROPOLITAN RAILWAYS BEFORE PARLIAMENT AND THE BOARD OF WORKS. Mr. BAZALGETTE, in compliance with the resolu tion of the board, brought up his report on the pro posed bills now before Parliament for the construc tion of various railways within the metropolitan area, and as to the extent to which they would affect the works of the board. The report also re commended certain steps to be taken with regard to the bills seriatim. The following is an abstract of the report : REGENT .CIRCUS RAILWAY. The intended railway commenced at the Great Northern Railway Terminus, King's-cross. passing over the Metropolitan Railway, in Old St. Pancras road, and the Euston-road, the former of which it was intended to stop up, and to raise the latter 11 feet, at an inclination of lin 30. The line was to terminate at great Windmill-street, Haymarket. The whole length of the railway would be under ground, and would very materially affect the sewer age of the district through which it passed. It would therefore be necessary that a special saving clause should be inserted in the bill. The proposed alterations of the St. Pancras and Euston roads would be injurious to the public traffic, and he re commended that the solicitor's attention be drawn to that point, with a view to determine whether it was the duty of that board, or of other parties, to protect the interests affected (standing orders not complied with). HAMMERSMITR AND CITY RAILWAY (JUNCTION WITH TUB GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY). This line did not interfere with the sewer, and, therefore, a general saving clause would be sufficient. GREAT EASTERN RAILWAY. This line was to run from the Junction of the Enfield and Edmonton Railway at Edmonton to Finsbury-circus. The railway would pass over the Northern High-level Sewer iu Amhurst-road, the London-bridge sewer in High-street, Shoreditch, and the Middle-level Sewer in New Inn-yard; but being on a viaduct it would not materially affect those sewers ; it would, however, cat through the sewer in Dalston-lane, end a special saving clause must be inserted in the bill. KENSINGTON, KNIGHTSBRIDGE, AND METROPOLITAN JUNCTION RAILWAY. This line was laid out from London-street, Pad dington, where it would join the Metropolitan Rail way to Hyde Park-corner, with a branch to Young street, Kensington. The whole of the line was below the surface of the ground, and would mate rially affect the drainage of the district. A special saving clause must, therefore, be inserted in the bill. METROPOLITAN, TOTTENHAM, AND HAMPSTEAD RAILWAY. The proposed railway commenced by a junction with the Metropolitan Railway close to Gower street Station, and terminated at Swain's-lane, Highgate. The entire length of the line would be beneath the surface and would seriously affect the drainage of the district. A special saving clause was inserted in the bill, and should be continued in the act. NORTH LONDON AND EDMONTON RAILWAY. The company did not intend to proceed with this bill this session, MIDLAND RAILWAY.-EXTENSION TO LONDON. This line was to commence at the Euston-road, near King's-cross, and was to continue to the Edgware-road. That portion of the line within the jurisdiction of the board was to be constructed be neath the surface of the roads, and would materially affect the sewerage; a special saving clause should therefore be inserted in the bill. BLACKFRIARS BRIDGE. A special clause should be inserted in the bill for enabling the Corporation to re-build Blackfriars Bridge, as the works proposed might affect the Fleet sewer, the Thames Embankment, and the new street to the Mansion House. ALBERT STATION AND MID-LONDON RAILWAY . The works proposed were beneath the surface of the streets, and would seriously affect the drainage of the districts through which it passed, besides which it would prevent the construction of the Piccadilly branch of the Middle Level Sewer now in course of construction. The preamble of that bill should be opposed by the bcard, as no clause would be sufficient. LONDON RAILWAY.-VICTORIA STATION. Nearly the entire length of the line was on arches or embankment. It proposed to lower the road in Gloncester-road, Kensington, five feet, and that would destroy the arch of the main sewer. No pro visions for the headway and van of the bridges over the streets crossed appeared to be made. A special saving clause should therefore be inserted in lieu of the general one already introduced. EAST LONDON AND ROTHERHITHE ItAILWAS% This line would commence by a junction with the Blackwall railway, near Wellclose-place, crossing through the Thames Tunnel and terminating at the Lower-road, Deptford. This line would cut through the Wapping-wall main sewer at King-street, and otherwise interfere with the sewerage of the dis trict. A special saving clause shauld be inserted in the bill. LONDON, BRIGHTON, AND SOUTH-COAST RAILWAY (Ex. TENSIONS, ALTERATIONS, &C.) _ The Battersea loop-line would cut through the proposea low level sewer at Battersea-road, but the rights of the Board and Vestries were protected by the 20th section of the bill. GRAND SURREY AND COMMERCIAL DOCKS RAILWAY. A general saving clause would be siefficient for this bill. BARNES, HAMMERSMITH, AND KENSINGTON RAILWAY. There was a special clause in the bill which should be maintained in the act. SOUTH LONDON, GREENWICH, AND WOOLWICH RAILWAY. This line proposed to affect the road through which the southern outfall sewer ran, and would therefore require a special saving clause. GREENWICH AND WOOLWICH RAILWAY. This line would pass over the southern outfall sewer, lowering the road 2ft bin. A special saving clause was necessary. FULHAM AND HAMMERSMITH RAILWAY. This line would affect the western drainage sewers, and therefore a special clause should be introduced into the bill. METROPOLITAN RAILWAY (ADDITIONAL LANDS.) This bill would require the insertion of a special clause. ROTHERRITHE RAILWAY. A general clause would be sufficient for this line. PIMLICO AND PADDINGTON RAILWAY. This would seriously affect the sewerage of the district through which the line passed, and a special clause should be introduced. The report was adopted, and the board adjourned. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. SPECTATOR.—Lord Palmerston has resolved once more to play a defensive game. This passiveness may be exceedingly wise, but it is also exceedingly dull, and its wisdom is not apparent upon the face of affairs. Dull Uovernments always die. The House of Commons is not a body which can be safely left without work, and idleness will only increase its appetite for the criticism which promises strong ex citement. Lord Palmerston hopes for a quiet Ses sion, and he has two circumstances in his favour. The Royal Marriage will for six weeks indispose the class from whom our legislators are drawn to commence a strife which, however it ends, must in its progress interfere with what should be a festive season. The promised reductions will, for three weeks more, indispose the nation to interfere with the Minister who may diminish the in come-tax. But those barriers once removed, Lord Palmerston, unless we misread the signs of the times, will be subjected to a storm of attack which it will tax every faculty he possesses to resist. The very calm of the public mind, the absence of any engrossing subject of interest, will only increase the excitement of the coming party strife. The Tories are strong enough if they please to take the helm, and signs are abroad in all directions that the armistice is at an end. Unless they are prepared to allow that they do not care for office, and so place themselves in the exhausting position of a besieging army which does not care to attack, they must this Session make a bold push for power. Their only difficulty will be to select the fitting point of assault, for they must find one which will fulfil many and diverse conditions. They must oust the Administration upon some point which involves a vote of confidence, yet will not pledge them to impossible action, or run the risk of exciting the quiescent (because half-sated) Liberal predilections of the nation. The working of the Revised Code, by far their best chance in the coun try districts, scarcely fulfils the first condition. Lord Palmerston would consent, and in the present posi tion of Europe would wisely consent, to any con ceivable change in the department of education rather than quit the reins. The cession of the lonian Islands does not fulfil the st cond, for Go vernments cannot reverse accomplished facts, or break engagements, however annoying, to which British faith is pledged. And the American struggle— whatever Mr. Hope may imagine—does not fulfil the third. The governing class in the last resort cannot quarrel with the 10-pounders, and if the Tories ven tured formally to vet e recognition, the anti-slavery feeling, half-latent, but quite irresistible, would in a week destroy their chance of power. They are, moreover, precluded from fighting upon the budget. They could, we sincerely believe, drive the Ministry from power by insisting upon the devotion of every shilling of surplus to the relief of the propertied, professional, and trading classes, but they them selves proposed to diminish the duty on tea. They cannot, therefore, complain if Mr. Gladstone de. votes half bis savings to carry out their own will, and Mr. Hubbard's idea, almost the best card in their hands, is thus trumped before it is played. They can scarcely outbid the reductions, for Napo leon still reigns in France, and even Mr. Disraeli must be by this time aware that subservience to Napoleon is not a price his party will pay for thrift. Upon the policy pursued in China it is clear they are very unwilling to fight, even if they had forgotten the dissolution of 1857 ; and the Govern ment, if very hardly pressed, could, we suspect, plead reasons for assisting Prince Kung which are not yet before the public, but which no party would disre gard. The Danish business may be dangerous ; but the history of the affair is as yet but little known, and no Tory leader will be eager for power acquired by a bitter quarrel with the whole of our German allies. On the cession of the lonian Islands they could not obtain a vote, for on this point every IN hig is in unison with every Radical, and with that large section of Tories which has the heart to exult in an act of national self-denial. It is possible to smile at the cool sang froid which dictated Earl Russell's offer of an asylum to the Pope, and the Ultramon tanes will, doubtless, endeavour to elicit some sort of censure. Bat serious reprobation of any mea sure tending in any degree to move the Pope from Rome would split up the party which offered it, and the Irish votes would be dearly bought at the price of the deadly hostility of English country clergy. The volunteers are the Tories' pets ; no marriage bill can be twisted into a Cabinet measure ; everybody wants law amendments; and it is not for Conservatives to argue that Ireland needs reform. There is no foot hold visible yet, but, nevertheless, we believe the session cannot pass without an earnest struggle for power. In this country it is the ebb and flow of opi nion, far more than any accidental discussion, which makes and unmakes Cabinets, and for five years the tide has flowed in the Conservative direction. They have gained in all English elections ; they will gain at the next dissolution in Ireland. The entire ne glect of home questions, which is Lord Palmerston's permanent weakness, has blunted the edge of libe ral sympathies, and now that Italy seems to be safe foreign affairs excite no very passi onate feeling. Either Administration will resist extravagance as much as it can, either will keep up the defences, either will rest content to do as little as possible in America or the East. On the whole, the public mind is inert, and is therefore naturally still swing. w hose profe . esed theory is not ing round to the party There is a feeling even to- disturb that inertia. among Whigs that a c ou p le of years of Lord Derby would brace up liberal nerves, restore a relaxed or ganisation, and enable them to re-enter on power with some pros pect of a majority able to assume an initiative. LONDON REVIEW.—The warfare in Parliament this session will regain some of its pristine vigour, in consequence of the increased sunshine in the pa lace. Last year, by common consent, animosities were buried in a common sympathy for the Queen. Towards the close of the session a few passages of arms relieved the Conservative party from any im putation of unnatural magnanimity. The fact is, that even in moments of the profoundest political peace, Mr. Disraeli never goes anywhere without his tomahawk ; and the temptation to strike a sud den blow was at last more:than helcould withstand. But the Tory tribe had buried their weapons early in the union, and could not be brought to dig them up again at a moment's notice, even at the well known signal of their great medicine man. Mr. Walpole turned pale at the sight of his own war paint, and his disinclination for the fight proved in fectious. The season passed over without a general conflict, and the generous professions made by Lord Derby in the spring were, in the main, ful filled. The new session, however, will, in all proba bility, not be so uneventful as the last. The years are slipping from Mr. Disraeli, and little has been done of late. The sun is going down upon him, yet his defiant rival still fronts him, seated, with an air of biting sanctity, upon the Treasury benches. It would be doing injustice to the other chiefs of the Conservative host to suppose they have not also the passions of their kind. Sir Stafford Northcote doubtless longs to chalk his fingers over a Treasury slate of his own ; and a fear of permanently obstructing his party may possibly induce Mr. Walpole, who was the saint of last ses sion, to be the sinner of th, next. This year, at all events, there can be no doubt that opportunities of assailing Lord Palmerston will not be flung aside. The clans are gathering and mustering. Mr. Dis rali intimated pretty clearly on Thursday night that the conflict will not flag for want of energy on his part. Though there was no division on the Address, the debate that occurred upon it gave omens of a stormy session. It will not be necessary during the ensuing year to fall back upon the cry of the Church's danger to rouse the Conservative blood. The list of Ministerial blunders with which the leader of the Opposition regaled the country was one from which acrid Conservative orators may pick and choose for months to come. By an ingenious artifice, even the national expenditure was made to seem a necessary consequence of a meddlesome foreign policy; and thus Mr. Gladstone's finance came in for a portion of the blows which were os tensibly directed against Lord Palmerston's leathern doublet. Schleswig Holstein, Italy, America, and the lonians Islands, have all been dealt with by the Cabinet during the interval since last autumn ; and it was natural that Mr. Disraeli should be dissatis fied with all that has been done. The Brazilian difficulty was a special windfall on which he can scarcely have reckoned when he laid down the keel of his speech ; and before a week has' passed, in all probability, it will be a difficulty no longer. In like manner Mr. Gladstone's and Mr. M. Gibson's indis cretion on the subject of North and South had proba bly been forgotten by every one except the member forßuckinghamshire and the American Minister,both of whom have, perhaps, the same sort of bitter me mory for the shortcomings of the English Govern ment. But it is obvious that on the subject of the lonian Islands, it will be in Mr. Disraeli's power to get up a very pretty debate. He will have Mr. Bright with him, and perhaps a considerable sec tion of the advanced Radical members. For the present it may be assumed that the Opposition are for cutting down the budget, and on this basis they may succeed in patching up an unholy alliance with Mr. Cobden. SATURDAY REVIEW.—The debates or conversa tions on the Address throw little light on the poli tical probabilities of the Session. It appears that both Houses are unanimous in disapproving of in terference in America, or recognition of the South. But for the windfall of the lonian Islands, Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli would have failed to dis cover an excuse for differing from the Government. If the question becomes the subject of a regular debate, the most forcible argument of the Oppo sition will be derived from the risk which may be caused to the Turkish dominion on the mainland of Albania. The priests and demagogues of Corfu have lately, with characteristic impudence, informed the High Commissioner that they regard the approach ing annexation to Greece as an earnest of future encroachment. Tneir power scarcely corresponds with their mischievous intentions, and even the de cadent empire of Turkey is strong enough to resist the attacks of a community somewhat less nume rous than the inhabitants of Marylebone. The Greeks of the kingdom have learned that they must have a revenue, an army, and a reputation be fore they attempt to extend their territory by conquest. The danger of disturbance in the East is not altogether imaginary ; but Europe can always prevent any petty State from disturbing the peace of the world. Two or three English frigates would interrupt any meditated invasion of Albania at a much smaller expense than the cost of garrisoning the islands. On the whole, it may be conjectured that the Opposition will make a push for office, but that they will wait for some advantageous opportunity of trying their strength. They ascertained, on Thursday night, that the House of Commons is not disposed to censure the Government on questions of foreign policy ; but some difference of opinion is certain to arise, and if all sections can be induced to combine, a hostile majority may possibly be brought together. The Queen's Speech confirms the general belief that re ductions will be effected in the Estimates, and there is reason to hope that Mr. Gladstone will be en abled to afford some relief to the taxpayer. Mr. Disraeli, notwithstanding his economical profes sions of last year, thought fit to protest by antici pation against ill-judged retrenchment, but he will scarcely throw away the hope of Mr. Cobden's support by insisting on the maintenance of estab lishments on a scale which the Government con siders unnecessary. As far as it is possible at present to judge, the party contests of the year will not turn on finance, and no measures are announced which can give rise to serious division. The un toward transactions in Brazil may, perhaps, occasion a damaging debate, and the policy which has lately been adopted in China will require justification. The chances, however, are opposed to a change of Ministry, especially as it would be necessary, in the first instance, to pass through the disagreeable experience of a general election. Lord Derby him self prognosticates a humdrum Session, though he may, perhaps, hereafter defeat his o w n anticipa tions. THE CIVIL S ER VICE.--Colonial-office.—The office of Chief Justice of British Guiana has become vacant by the death of Sir W. Arrindoll, Knight, C.B. ; salary £2,500 sterling, with retiring allowance of half salary after 25 years' service, of which 11 years are at, and given on, appointment. War-office.— Mr. M. Murray has been appointed a civil assistant in the Ordnance Survey office, Southampton. Post-office.—Mr. W. C. Hurley has been appointed a clerk at Cardiff. The Admiralty.—Mr. Pickering has been appointed acting inspector of shipwrights at Woolwich dockyard. Law Department.—The Judge• ship of the County Court Circuit 54, Bristol, &c., has be come vacant by the death of Mr. W. H. Willes. A vacancy has occurred among the Registrars of the Court of Exche chequer, by the death of Mr. H. Forde. Public Record office.—A vacancy in the Public Record-office has been caused by the death of Mr. H. Yonge, junior clerk. Cus tome.—Mr. J. Cooper has been appointed examining -officer, London : Mr. D. Fraser, an examining officer, Glasgow; and Mr. J. Harper, an out-door officer, London. Mr. R. Ruegg has been promoted from third to second, Mr. J. D. Lynch from fourth to third, Mr J. W. Everitt from fifth to fourth, and Mr. T. Beattie from sixth to fifth class clerks, East 'and West India Docks, London; Mr. J. C. Stockton has been promoted from fourth to third ; Mr. A. Neill from fifth to fourth ; and Mr. W. Ward from sixth to fifth class clerks, warehousing department, London. Inland Revenue.—Excise Branch.—Mr. H. Purchase, examiner, has been appointed supervisor of Macclesfield dis trict ; Mr. I. Bell, officer of Bedale division, officer of Hun tingdon division; and Mr. J. Brown, officer of Pontypool, Ist Ride, officer of Brighton, Ride. East lndies.—Mr. M. B. Thornhill, judge and sessions judge of Mirzapore, has been appointed to be judge and sessions judge of Jounpore; Mr. H. P. Fane, judge and sessions judge of Furruckabad, and officiating as judge and sessions judge of Mirzapore, has been appointed judge and sessions judge of Mirzapore. Mr. J. H. Walker, deputy-collector of second-class, first grade,and attached to Zillah of Jounpore, is to be promoted to first class of that grade. Captain W. Cadell, deputy commissioner,has been transferred from West to East Berar ; and Capt. J. Allardyce, deputy commissioner, from East to West Borer. Mr. H. E. Perkins, personal assistant to the finance commissioner, to officiate as a judge, and to preside over Small Cause Court at Hoshyarpore. Captain J. D. Ferris, assistant-commissioner, has been transferred from Bunnoo to Dera Ismail Khandist, Punjab. Mr. M. J. M. S. Stewart has been appointed collector and magistrate of North Canara, Bombay. Mr. S. St. J. Gordon to be col lector and magistrate of Tanna Presidency. Mr. N. Oliver has been appointed senior magistrate, Mr. H. E. Leeke act ing second magistrate, and Mr. C. J. Forjett acting com missioner of police for the town and Island of Bombay. Jamaica—Mr. M. Laidman has been appointed surveyor of Customs, Kingston, Jamaica; Mr. J. A. Fowles, first landing waiter, vice Laidman, promoted ; Mr. T. Bravo, second landing -waite r ; Mr. S. N. Pa Costa, third landing waiter ; Mr. Poole, fourth landing waiter; Mr. Berry, fifth landing-waiter; Mr. Malabre, landing-waiter, surveyor at Falmouth ; Mr. Galbraith, sub - collect o r at Rio Bueno, landing -waiter at Falmouth ; Mr. Steunett, sub-collector at Port Maria, sub-collector at Rio Bueno; and Mr. Chis holm) sub-collector at Port Seri* Gazette, THE INTERCEPTED DESPATCHES. The following Confederate version of the Virginia, Mary land, and Western campaigns is contained in the Intercepted Despatches :—" The first letter, from Mr. Benjamin to Mr. Slidell, is dated Department of State, Richmond, Sept. 26. 1862, and is occupied with an abstract of Pope's campaign in Virginia, M'Clellan's in Maryland, and the movements in the West, with a summary of losses of the Union armies. Pope's army is said to have been composed of the shattered remnants of the army of Fremont, Milroy, and Banks, of M'Dowell's forces, Burnside's, Hunter's, and Stevens's, who were recalled from South Carolina, coin prising in all a strength of 90,000 men, and urged on by the renewal of the old On to Richmond' cry. To meet Pope, Lee first sent forward Jackson with 25,000 man, and then, satisfied that a small force would be suffi cient to watch M'Clellan on the peninsula, proceeded with the main body of his army to join Jackson, meaning to comb Pope before M'Clellan, if such a movement were con templated, could come to his relief. But the sudden rise of the Rapidan and the want of transportation delayed the movement till Pope took the alarm and retired behind the Rappahannock, where he was joined by M'Clellan. Their combined forces were met by General Lee in a series of suc cessful battles on the plains of Manassas on the 28th, 29th, and 30th of August, in which the enemy were totally rebated. Their army was withdrawn into the fortifications around Washington, Pope disgraced and banished, and M'Clellan reappointed to the command of the army collected for the defence of Washington. Lee then entered Maryland by the fords at Edwards' Ferry, established his headquarters at Frederick, amused the enemy with feints against Baltimore and Penn sylvania; then suddenly enveloped Harper's Ferry and forced it to surrender. M'Clellan, becoming too late aware of its danger, moved from Washington, and the day before its surrender attacked the rear guard of 15,000 men, under D. H. Hill, with his whole army of 80,000, who was com pelled to give way, till Lee and Longstreet arrived with re • inforcements and repulsed the enemy. [Battle of South Mountain.] The rapid arrival of reinforcements for M'Clellan induced Lee to withdraw his army to Sharps burg, where with only 40,000 he was attacked by M'Clel lan with 150,000, who resisted the enemy with unbroken front till noon, when Jackson arrived and, with the help of A. P. Hill at 4 o'clock, repulsed the enemy's attack. Lee prepared to renew the engagement next morning, "but the enemy had disappeared from his front and left him master of the field." Lee, after burying his dead, crossed the river to Shepherdstown to rest, which led M'Clellan to claim a victory and attempt a pursuit, which was repulsed with terrible loss. General Loring, in Western Virginia, has just conducted a snccessful cam paign, and driven the enemy after a series of defeats across the Ohio. Signal triumphs have illustrated our arms in the West. Morgan and Forrest broke upthe enemy's com munications, and destroyed their supplies and depots ; the army at Cumberland Gap was forced to flee, hotly pursued, and was nearly annihilated. Nelson was utterly routed at Richmond by Kirby Smith, and his army absolutely de. stroyed, all its arms being placed in the hands of Ken tuckians, who are rising en masse. No doubt is entertained that that great State is at last permanently joined to our Confederacy. Bragg captured 5,000 men at Mumfordsville, cut off Buell from his base, forced him to evacuate Nash ville, restored Tennessee to our possession, and we are in daily expectation of the news of the capture of Louisville. Benjamin thus comments on the magical change in their condition within 90 days, declares that our entire frontier "is reforming in peace behind our victorious forces ; Ohio and Pennsylvania are shrinking in terror, and New York is demanding the removal of the mint from Philadelphia." The retaliatory measures against Pope's officers are ex plained, and it is alleged that that confinement was the same as that of our own officers, but that they were not exchanged till Pope's murderous orders N, ere set aside. The following summary of Union losses is given : 1. M'Clellan's arms lost 100,000; he landed on the peninsula with n e arly 100,000 men, was afterwards re-enforced to 158,000, and left with a remnant of about 55,000 men. 2. Pope's army in the battle of Cedar Run and of Manassas Plains, 30,000. 3. The armies of Banks, Milroy, M'Dowell, Shields, and Fremont, in the tattles of the Valley of Virginia, 30,300. 4. Halleck's army in the West, originally 220,000, was reducad by battles, at Shiloh and elsewhere, by sickness and desertion, to less than 100,000 men, but let the loss be stated at 100,000. 5. On the coasts of North and South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, and Louisiana, principally by sickness and deserti n, at least 10,000. 6. In North and South-Western Virginia, 5,000. 7. In the battle of Boonesborough and Sharpaburg, 15,000. 8. I n th e surrender of Harper 's Ferry, 11,000. In the b a ttl e a t B ote l er ' s Mills, 2,500. 10. In the army of General M organ at Cum b erland Gap, s,o°° • 11. In the battle of Ri c h mon d , K entucky, 7,000. 12. I n the surrender of Mumf or d sv ill e, 5 , 000 . 13 . I n the cam p a igns of Morgan and Fo rres t, an d ot h er par ti san l ea d ers , i n Ken: tucky and Tennessee, 4,000. 14. I n th e t rans -Mississippi campaign, including partisan warfare in Missouri and Arkansas, 25,000. T o t a l, 349,500. I n thi s enorm ous number I am not now able to state what General Officers were in cluded, but in the single battle of Sharpsburg, of 16th and 17th inst. 11 Generals ware killed or wounded,nmong them four Major -Generals." COUNTRY MARKETS. .- YORK- - SATVRDAY. At to-day's corn market the supply of farmers' wheat was moderate, with a slow trade, and the prices of last week in many cases receded is per qr. Wheat, red 44s to 47s 1 Oats.... White do .4Ss to 62s Beans Barley .32s to Ms Peas .. . Malt, 64s to 66s per qr.; rye, 345 per qr ; fl to 39s per sack. 4 2 00 0 u r :3 B tt t , 00 0 t 3.... .4 2 741 LEICESTER-SATURDAT. - - Old white wheat, 58s to 60s ; new, 52s to 56s per 36 stone. Old red, 46s to 52s per 36 stone. Barley, malting, new, 34s to 39s per qr.; grinding, 28s to 308; old oats, 27s to 308; new oats, 21s to 25s per 24 stone. Beans, new, to —s ; old, 42s to 44s per 38 stone. NORTHAMPTON—SATunna. Y . New wheat, 46s to 51s ; old, Ns to 555. Barley, 280 to 42s per qr. New oats quoted at 20s to 27?.; old, 28s to 35s per 24 stone. Beans, old, 39s to 425; new, 32s to 365. Peas, 34s to 44s per qr. NORWICH-SATURDAY. There was a good supply of wheat to-day, but the de mand was limited, and prices declined is per qr. Barley scarce, and brought more money. Not much doing in other art!cles. White wheat. 48s to 51 1 Red wheat 438 to 48e Malting barley ...37s to 39s 1 Chevalier barley.. 3 s t. to 36a Distilling do. 32s to 34s 1 O a t s .. 24 to 28a Flour, 34s Od to —s Od per sack from the miller' NOTTINGHAM-SATURDA Y . A fair supply of grain, with a slow demand, at is lower. —White wheat, from 44s to 64s ; red wheat, 44s to 56e. Barley—malting, 32s to 438 ; grinding, 28s to 30s. (VS old, at 258 to 318 Od; new, 21s to 275. Beans sold at 331 to 455 per qr. Flour, 33s to 435. TRIDAY. s. d. 8. cl. Beans.. . 24 0 to 27 0 Bere Rapeseed Oatmeal l3 6 to 15 0 Bakers' flow Indian corn DUBLIN. s.d. s.d. Wheat, white 26 0 to 28 6 Do., red 23 0 to 26 0 Do., new Barley Oats Do., black lO 0 to 12 0 Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Aute.ralia and Mauritius, via Southampton. Feb. 18. via Marseilles ..• ...... Feb. 12. Arazil and Cape Verds, by British packet. Feb. 3. Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena. Mar. 3. China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton. Feb. 18. via Marseilles ...Feb. 12. Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton Feb. 10. India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton Feb. 18. via Marseilles Feb. 12. India (Bombay), via Southampton Feb. 10. via Marseilles Feb. 5. Portugal Feb. 3. Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Feb.lo. _ • via Marseilles Feb. 5. Newfoundland Oporto and Vigo . . .. U. S. and British N. America, by Brit. packet.... Feb. 4. by U.S. packet.... by Canadian packet. Feb. 6. W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and Tenerifle .. Feb. 10. Bahamas, via New York Feb. 12. Mexico ....Feb. 28. All parts of West Indies, including Chili, Peru, }Feb. 1 3 . California. a nd B r i t i sh Columbia. . Births. --- BOSTOCK.—On the 7th inst., at Dalston, the wife of Mr. Benjamin F. S. Bostock, of a daughter. JOHNSON.—On the 6th inst., at Stamford-hill, the wife of D. Johnson, Esq., of a daughter. HULME.—On the 7th inst., at 19, Gower-street, the wife of Edward C. Hulme, Esq., of a daughter. Marriages. BRANCH—CRAIGIE.—On the 7th inst., at Saint John'a,. Paddington, Charles Brauch, Esq., youngest son of the late Rev. John Branch, to Mary Edmonstone, youngest daughter of the late Lieut.-Col. John Craigie, of Bengal Army. LAMBERT—CAMPBELL — On the sth inst., at Hampton! Captain Rowley Lambert, R.N., son o f Vi ce -Ad w iral to Helen be R Elizabetb, elde s t d aughter of James Campbell , Esq., e li or: ilpto . n L c amb our e t r . t, K.C.B, N or bi ton-p l ace, Surrey. Deaths. GLyNN .—o n the Gth inst., at 28 a , g \ ed ire 6 s 4. tbourne-park-villa 4 Joseph Glynn, Es q ., F.R .S., HAirwAßD.—On the 6th inst., at Walton, AylesburY• 12. * Hayward, Esq., aged 82, PENRHyN.—On the Gth inst. at East Sheen, Surreys Mabel Alice, infant child of Major L. Penrhyn. POLE.--On the Gth inst., in Great Mal ylebone-str , et, gr jor S. P o l e , the third son of the late Sir Peter Poles Bart. riZzALA.—On the Gth inst., at Cowleproad, North Brix" ton, Mrs. Mary Pizzala, aged 77. B. VIDAL—On the sth i ns t., a t Clift on , Al exa nder Thos. Vidal, Admiral of the Red, aged 70. WRIGHT.—On the sth inst., at Kensington-park, Lee Wright, Esq., aged 54. London : Printed and Published by WILLIA3II7IND III2O 2' of No, 112, Strand, Printer, at THE SUN Office, INC‘ 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Saroy, in the G °11124 MlClleseace—Dipuda, leAruarY Pi 1601 =MOO ' -. __~ :_. . Die tail ban o'cl Ti Led T 1 to tl E.C. TC poi pal Pi( ---"--..,