The Sun. — London, England, 1864-02-23 00:00:00

IBEPERIAL PARLIAMENT :HOUSE OF LORDS—Last Evening, The. LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. THE CRAWLEY COURT MARTIAL. Lord COLVILLE, in consquence of a request from the noble earl, the Secretary of War, postponed putting the question relative to the late court martial, which stood on the paper in his name for this evening, until Friday next. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a second time :—Amicable Life Assurance, London Docks, St. Katherine's Dock and Victoria Dock Amalgamation, Victoria (London) Docks, Albert Bridge and Approaches, Cheltenham Water works, Liverpool Exchange, London Necropolis and Na tional Mausoleum, Ulverston Gas, and Waterford and Limerick, Limerick and Foynes, and Rathkeale and New castle Junction Railways. THE METROPOLITAN RAILWAY SCHEMES. The Earl of DONOUGHMORE called the attention of the noble earl, the President of the Council, to a paragraph which appeared in the Times of that morning, giving what appeared to be the result of the deliberations of the joint committee appointed to consider the whole of the schemes of metropolitan rail ways. He felt that it was exceedingly undesirable that any premature information on such a subject should be given to the public, because it would affect to a consider able extent the value of the shares in many of those under takings. He was certain that the noble earl had not given his sanction to the publication of such a paragraph, and he should like to give him an opportunity of saying so in his place in Parliament, Earl GRANVILLE said the committee in question had not only not made their report, but had not concluded their deliberations, so that the announcement contained in the paragraph was altogether premature. THE PROPOSED ROYAL ARCADE. On the motion for the second reading of this bill, The Bishop of LONDON presented petitions against the bill. Earl DERBY presented two petitions, most numerously signed, also against the bill, and moved the rejection of the measure. He said the scheme in question was opposed most strenuously by a great number of the residents, both in Regent-street and Broad-street, who considered that the scheme, instead of being, as it was stated, a great improvement, would be precisely the reverse. The cost of the propvacd nr oada was £-100,000, and was mainly promoted by Mr. Gressett, the great con - tractor, Mr. Smith a builder, and Mr. Rolt, the timber merchant, while the inhabitants in the neighbourhood were entirely averse to the scheme. Their lordships would recol iect that the covered way which existed some short time ago in Regent-street was removed principally in conse quence of the questionable company which collected there, and if the proposed arcade was allowed to be made the same evil would again prevail, Another reason that should weigh with their lordships was that, it would entirely destroy the Burlington School, which was an institution of the greatest value. The Messrs. Lewis and Allenby who carried on an extensive business in the neighbourhood said that the loss to them if the arcade was made would be such that they would rather pay down a sum of £lO,OOO than the scheme should be carried into execution. There was not one person whose property was affected by the project who had not objected to it. He thought the wishes of the owners of property in the neighbourhood ought to be considered as well as those of the three highly respectable gentlemen who were the main promoters of the measure, and that too for speculative purposes. He thought its opponents should not be put to the expenses of opposing the bill in committee that he moved its rejection on its second leading. Earl ST. GERMANS said although the vestry of St. George's, Hanover-square, had not yet petitioned against tho bill, they intended doing so. After a few words from several noble lords, the motion was negatived without a division. THE:WAR IN AMERICA, Lord STRATHEDEN inquired of the Secretary of State for War whether her Majesty's Government proposed to send commissioners to report on the military operations of the Confeeieracy as well as send commissioners to report upon the military operations of the United States ? Earl DE GREY said her Majesty's Government did not think it advisable to send any officers on such an expedi titra. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS—Last Evening. The SPEAKER took the chair shortly before 4 o'clock. CONSTABULARY (IRELAND). On the motion of Sir H. BRII6E, copies of instructions to the Irish constabulary in force in January, 1858, with . regard to the protection of life and property in Ireland during the night, and also any instructions of a similar character between that date and January, 1864,were ordered. COAST LIGHTS IN SCHLESWIG. Mr. BENTINCK asked the President of the Board of Trade whether her Majesty's Government had received any confirmation of a statement which had appeared in the public journals, to the effect that the Prussian authorities in Schleswig have extinguished all the coast lights in Ithat locality on the shores of the Baltic; and, if so, whether British shipping would not be exposed to great inconvenience and risk in consequence of that proceeding; and whether, in the opinion of her Ma jesty's Government, such a proceeding was in accordance with the usages of civilised warfare, in cases where the safety of neutral vessels is thereby compromised. Mr. M. GIBSON said that the Government were not in possession of information on the subject, and he believed that belligerent States would take care of their interests without reference to those of neutral powers. (Laughter.) THE KERTCH PRIZE MONEY. In reply to Mr. EWART, Mr. HUTT said that these prizes would shortly be distributed. NAVY ESTIMATES, In reply to Mr. BENTINCY, Lord C. PAGET said he must appeal to hon. members not to press their motions on this subject until after he had explained the policy which the Ministry thought it right to adopt in reference to it. THE DANISH PAPERS. Lord P.. CECIL wished to ask the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs a question, to which he ought to be accustomed by this time—how the Danish papers were getting on? (Laughter.) Perhaps the hon. gentleman would give some detailed information as to the state in which they were—whether the whole of the copy was now in the hands of the printer, and if so, whether the hon. gentleman was confining himself to the Foreign •offie,e printer or whether he was employing some of those large printers who could turn the whole thing out with ease in thirty-six hours. (Hear, hear.) Mr. LAYARD said the noble lord was well aware that Foreign-office papers were of great iruportance—(cheers from the opposition)—and it was more than absurd to sug gest that such papers should be sent out to any other print ing office in the country, which might cause great damage to the public service. The Foreign-cffiee had only a limited means of printing, and all that could be done was being done. He hoped that by to-night or to-morrow the whole of the copy would be finished. A large portion of it was almost ready, but they required the last revise. They might give an instalment of them if the house wished, but he did not think it would be treating the house fairly to give only a part. He hoped the whole papers:would be ready next week. Mr. OSBORNE wished to ask whether the foreign powers alluded to the other night had given their consent to the production of the documents relating to Sleswig-Holstein. Mr. LAYARD said he never stated that they required the permission of any foreign powers, but that it was a matter of courtesy before they published a foreign docu ment to ask the foreign minister whether there was any ob jection to the publication. Mr. OSBORNE—Has the question been asked? LAYARD—Of course it has. Mr. OSBORNE—And assented to ? Mr. LAYARD—As far as we have gone yet. Mr. OSBORNE wished to know if there were any other foreign governments which they had to go to. The question received no answer. Sir J. WALSH wished to know whether the whole or only a selection of the documents would be given. He un derstood the hon. gentleman to mean the latter. Mr. LAYARD said the papers would be so voluminous, that he thought the greediest member would be satisfied. On the motion for going into committee of supply on the navy estimates, Mr. DISRAEL I said—l wish. to make an inquiry of her Majesty's Government as to our re l ations with Denmark, but I do not see the noble l . lord in his place, and if I pursue the inquiry for a moment, it becau se it is not the first time when at this critical p eriod of public aff a i rs th e no bl e lord is not in his place, and I almost d espair of seeing him in his place when this information can be given to us. With regard to the question of the noble lord (Lord IL Cecil) I do not think the Government has acted considerately or fairly to the House of Commons in this matter. The fi rst night of the se ss i on I ca ll e d atten ti on to the eircumat ance that to papers were presen t e d on th e a ll -absorbing question of the hour, and the most important topic in the speech of the royal commissioners, and also to the peculiar circumstanc e that no papers were even promised. The noble lord seemed to be somewhat irritated that any comment should be made on the subject, and the noble lord said the reason why the papers were nut noticed in the speech was that Ministers did not wish to make the speech longer than it was. but that it was a matter of course that the papers should be produced. Well, it is a very curious thing, which wo were Lo t aware of at that mo ment, that almost at the same time another account was given in another place by the noble lord the Minister for Foreign Affairs on the same subject, w hi c h did not agree with the explanation of the noble lord. For when in another place some surprise was expressed at the absence of papers, the noble lord th e S ecretary of State explained the matter in this wise, He said that the negotia tions had unexpectedly terminated, and he gave the house to unders'.and that they were negotiations which her Majesty's Government never expected would terminate, and as they had not terminated, no proposition had been made for the uroduction of the papers. (Hear, hear.) Th e i mpression in another place was that there w is no prospect of the papers being produced, Then all that we could get from the Under-Secretary of State was to deprecate pressure put upon him, and to lament the great task which fell to his lot of having to print 600 pages ; and to-night e says the quantity of papers when produced will astonish end satisfy the house. In the first place, let me remind the house that before the Crimean war the house met on the 31st of January, and ou the 2d of February p epers were distri buted and in the hands of members; and what were those papers ? They were in two parts, the one part consisting of 400 pages, and other of 378, being, in the estimation of the Under-Secretary of State, a more considerable mass of papers than those now to bo laid before the house, In that case also the negotiations were not finished at the time, for it was not before the 27th of March that her Majesty announced that the negotiations had terminated fruitlessly, and that war was about to be declared. Take another case, which occurred during the present parliament. What happened after the termination of the negotiations which preceded the Italian war? Why, the first moment that the new parliament was formed, I presented the papers to the house. It is true the house had no oppor tunity of reading them, because the Secretary for Foreign Affairs proposed a resolution amounting to a vote of want of confidence in the Government;principally on account of our management of foreign affairs, in which he was successful. We retired from that bench, and about a week after the noble lord announced with great frankness that he was pur suing exactly the same policy. (Hear, hear.) I must say he pursued that policy for a brief space,'as in the last four years he has followed entirely a line of his own. (Hear.) I con gratulate the noble lord in establishing a name which bears terror to no country except his own. (Opposition cheers.) As regards the papers, I think as far as precedent is con cerned and the benefit of the public service, it is clear, from the habit of Parliament and those rules of common sense which are still more powerful than even their own standing rules, that this is th e first occasion of equal importance that the house has been left so entirely in ignorance of the facts. The negotiations in this case have been going on for weeks and months and years, just as in the case of the dis pute between the Latin and Greek churches. Yet in the latter case, on the 2d February, 1855, the papers were laid on the table within three days of the meeting of Parliament. We have now been sitting for several weeks in this forlorn condition; and with a possibility of shortly meeting our constituents, we are without the opportunity of affording them any information on the subject. Notwithstanding this much has happened in the interval which might have offered an opportunity to the Government of giving most important and interesting ;nfm,noti.o to rho House Of Commons which might throw some light on the state of that part of Europe. The other night an hon, gentleman rose and asked a question on the subject of Germany and Denmark. The noble lord answered the question inci dentally, and informed the house that the Government had agreed to mediate between the contending parties, and that there was a probability of an armistice being agreed to, and that they made the proposition under circumstances that were favourable. He intimated with delicacy, but with no great amount of precision, that there was reason to hope that Austria and Prussia had taken a sensible view of the case, Let the house pause and see the importance of this announcement. These are Ministers who year after year have contended in this house that it was most unwise to propose a mediation between contending States if there was no chance of that mediation being accepted. (Hear, hear.) Both sides of the house must be aware of the instance to which I allude. (Hear.) Though Ido not want to intro duce a name and subject that always plunges us into con troversy, yet we are all aware that year after year that great maxim of statecraft has been impressed on the house by the noble lord and his colleagues. (Hear, hear.) Well, what is the natural inference to be drawn ? If these Ministers who will not sanction mediation between con tending States, except with a probability of success, have agreed to mediate between Denmark and Germany, they must have believed that their mediation would have been successful. That was the natural conclusion to be drawn, and everybody went home almost with a conviction that there was a chance of seeing some honourable and concilia tory termination of these great and deplorable disasters. (Hear, hear.) A few days after there was an authentic rumour—at least a telegram which bore the appearance of authenticity, to the effect that these negotiations had failed —that her Majesty's Government attempted to mediate, and proposed an armistice, but that the result was not satisfactory. Still it was only a rumour. I came down to the house to give an opportunity to the noble lord of making those explanations which everybody in the house and country awaited with the greatest anxiety. (Hear, hear.) Everybody had agreed that a minister and a prime minister who had made that communication to the house on Friday with these rumours appreciated and credited in every part of the metropolis, would follow it up as it was his duty to do, and come forward in his place and enlighten and guide public opinion ; but the noble lord was not here. I appealed to his colleagues; I asked her Majesty's Government. I asked every member of the Cabinet, who on such a subject one wouldeimagine should be sufficiently well informed and impressed with a sense of their common responsibility, and would only have been too ready to satisfy the natural desire of the house and of the nation. There was intense silence. Attlast the Under Secretary of State, who appears to; do all the work of the Government, rose with becoming modesty—(laughter)—and asked permission to announce to the house that her Majesty's Government had made another diplomatic failure. (Cheers and laughter.) All the, information we received was merely limited to that result. The house did not want to be as sured of the want of success of the Government, or of the disappointment they and the country necessarily fe't. But they wanted that something like light should be thrown upon the question. They wanted to know the reasons which had induced the Prime Minister, who is so opposed to mediation unless there is a great probability of success, and who would not have ventured to suggest an armistice unless previously assured that it would be assented to, to lead the house to believe that one of the invading powers at that moment was apparently animated by more conciliatory sentiments than she had been given credit for, One would have thought that the noble lord would have made it a matter of special public duty to have come for ward and enter into these explanations. But the noble lord was not here, and what followed ? Some nights after that an hon. gentleman asked another question upon the subject of Denmark and Germany, with respect to which the House of Commons are, I believe, the least in formed of any body of men in Europe. (Hear.) The noble lord, replying to the inquiry whether Jutland had been in vaded, made an answer in that veils, which in the older times used to be called " King Cambyses' vein"—(laughter) but which of late has become peculiarly the property of the noble lord, and certainly the noble lord uttered some words which in old times would have alarmed Europe and ani mated the House of Commons ; but in the present instance they were received with that depression and despondency which usually now accompany such expressions on the part of the noble lord, because experience has proved to us that they generally tend to the humiliation of our country. (Cheers and expressions of dissent.) Well, sir, there was a pang of anguish throughout the country when they heard that Jutland was invaded. (Hear, hear.) Everbody felt that that was too much. (Hear, hear.) Everybody said that was the last drop, It was said only yesterday—there was an authentic rumour—l credited it myself—that the Prussians had repented of their conduct and had relin quished the position which they had taken up in Jutland. They found that they had made a mistake. They say so. That is the report—that the Prussians found that they had made a mistake in going into Jutland ; as if they had not made a great many mistakes in invasions before, and that they had retreated from that country—from Denmark at least. I believe they had not heard the noble lord s words at the time—probably if they,had they would have remained there. (Opposition cheers.) But, sir,Monday comes, after an anxious Sunday ; Monday comes, and we naturally wish to know if there is any truth in the account which has reached us that the Prussians have retreated from the ill advised position which they had taken. Because, after all, the chances of a general war must very much depend upon in cidents of that kind. The noble lord is again absent, and again we are without any one to guide us upon this sub ject. It is not therefore merely with regard to these papers as to which I shall always maintain that the House of Com mons has been most scurvily treated—(hear, hear)—but also with respect to these repeated instances where infor mation might have been given, and ought to have been given to us, that the House of Commons is treated with carelessness and disrespect, What I want to know from her Majesty's Ministers, and I hope I shall get an answer, although the noble lord does not present himself, is on what ground did they rest the hope that the offer of mediation would have been accepted by the contending parties—by which of the contending parties was it refused—was it re fused by the Danes or by the Germans ?—was it refused by both of the invading Powers ? These are all questions of the utmost interest and importance, and we have a right to information with respect to them from her Majesty's Go vernment. (Hear, hear.) On what ground did the noble lord think that Austria was about to adopt a rational and conciliatory course towards Europe ? Is it or is it not true that Prussia invaded Jutland, and then retreated from the position which she had assumed ? We want light, we wane knowledge on these subjects from her Majesty's Ministers. It is our duty to make these inquiries. It is our right to receive this information. (Loud cheers.) Is the House of Commons to go on in this way upon a subject which now engrosses all the interest and passion of Europe—a subject with respect to which men upon the Royal Exchange are talkin g as much as upon all other matters, for their business entirely depends upon the course of public policy in these matters? I say that the place where the most information should prevail—the most authentic information—is the House of Commons, and yet that is the place where we can obtain least information, and least authentic information. (Cheers.) I ask the house to consider their position—how much it touches their honour in the country. Suppose you were sent to your constituents to-morrow—l put that in quiry before you because there are frequent rumours that such an event is not far distant—(hear, hear) —how would You meet your constituents ? Suppose a man in the crowd says, " How about Denmark?" (Cheers and laughter.) I want to put it to the house —not merely gentlemen on this side, but the house generally—in their right position. It may be a matter of perfect indifferenc e to her Majesty's Go vernment that they are the derision of every court in Europe —(cheers and counter cheers)—but we do not want to be the laughing stock of our constituents, and therefore we must make an effort to put an end to this highly un tory state of affairs. We m us t t a k e some means b y w hi c h we I can have authentic information before us, by which these papers may be placed upon the table, and we must obtain some explanation of the negotiations which her Majesty's Government have commenced and conducted unsuccess fully without any communication to Parliament, and which must unquestionably, in their character and conduct, greatly affect the course of future events. (Loud Opposition cheers.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—Sir, I do not know whether the right hon. gentleman judges well in the tone in which ho refers to the absence of my noble friend from the house. (Cheers.) Because most certainly if there has been any man who ever occupied the dignified position of my noble friend in the annals of this country who has been most unsparing in the sacrifice of his own comfort—(renewed cheers)—even to the serious risk of his health—being ready at all times to place himself on this bench whenever he could serve the country—that man is my noble friend. (Cheers.) It may perhaps occur to the impartial auditors of the speech of the right hon. gentleman that it is a matter of some difficulty to know what the ob ject of that speech was. The right hon. gentleman —a mas ter of political fireworks—had no difficulty in producing at a moment's notice any amount of display—(laughter)—but these are matters of grave consideration—(Opposition cheers, and counter cheers)—and those who speak like my noble friend at the head of the Government, and like my hon. friend the able representative of the Foreign Depart ment in this house, are bound to consider that their busi ness is not so much to imagine how they can say smart things for the satisfaction of those who sit behind them— (cries of "Oh" from the Opposition benches)—as how they can hold the language which is most compatible with the dignity of the country, and least calculated to compromise it in the eyes of foreign nations in periods of difficulty. (Cheers, and counter cheers.) I therefore entirely renounce all efforts to follow the right hon. gentleman in his brilliant career; but endeavouring to extract from the speech of the right hon. gentleman the few practical matters to which it refers, I would reply to them as follows. The real substra tum of that speech appears to be the non-production of papers—that the papers relative to Danish affairs were not ready for production at the opening of Parliament. That was explained by my noble friend in another place, and the fact that these papers were not ready for production was accounted for by a reference to the undoubted and uniform rules of Parliament, with regard to negotiations which have not reached any settlement, and at the same time my noble friend at the ',pea a the Government, and my hon. friend near me (Mr. Layard), express their regret at the inconvenience which had occurred, made a promise, which every effort has been used to fulfil, that the preparation of these papers should be accelerated by the employment of all the labour and re sources at the command of the Foreign-office. Well, be yond that expression of regret, and beyond that promise, I do not know what it was in their power to do. The right hon. gentleman referred to the cases of papers relating to negotiations preceding the Crimean war, but he referred to a case hardly relevant to the issue. In the interesting and difficult question connected with the present unhappy colli sion between Germany and Denmark—or rather the pre sent unhappy aggression of Austria and Prussia upon Den mark—(hear, hear)—Great Britain has been a friendly by stander. In the negotiation preceding the Crimean war Great Britain was a principal, and one of the two Great Powers engaged in carrying that matter to an issue, which ended in hostilities upon a gigantic scale. The right hon. gentleman says that my noble friend assumed the charac ter of a mediator, and stated that in that character he had made the suggestion of an armistice between the contend ing parties. It is quite true that, encouraged by various considerations, that suggestion of an armistice was made; but it is not true that that suggestion was made in the cha racter of a mediator. It was necessary to give effect—l will not say to the arguments, but to the taunts of the right gon. gentleman—that ho should invent that circumstance in order to give point to his remarks, because it enabled him to say that that which was done in the character of media tor must have been done with the expectation of sncless. And now, said the right hon. gentleman, I will point out how it has not succeeded. Now, the fact is, that the sug gestion was not made in the character of mediator ; it was a mere suggestion entitled to attention; it was done in a friendly spirit ; it was done in co-operation with other Powers animated by a like spirit ; and whether a proposal, judicious in itself, of that nature is accepted by the con tending parties or is not, my belief is that it will be appre ciated by the country. (Cheers.) The right hon. gentleman complains that her Majesty's Government have not given information upon, doubtless, the very interesting and im portant question whether the Prussian forces have or have not evacuated Jutland. The simple reason they have not given that information is that they do not happen to possess it. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman is, I will not say terribly behind the age, but he seems to forget the fun damental difference which has been made by the introduc tion of the telegraph, and that the information conveyed by that measure is not always correct, and is sometimes al together erroneous. But still information of a most interest character on many important subjects is conveyed to the public—the chance-readers of newspapers—before it is in the hands of the Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary. Her Majesty's Government have received communications with respect to the evacuation of Jutland, but they have not been of a character so clear and conclusive as to justify them in saying anything about them to the house, and I think that her Majesty's government would be grossly departing from their duty if in their anxiety to convey to the house the earliest intelligence they were careless of the full cor rectness of the information they had to give. (Cheers.) Lord R. CECIL urged that the house was entitled to know howfar the honour of England had been compromised. Mr. B. OSBORNE—It occurs to me that that intelli gent foreigner who is sometimes supposed to sit under the gallery of this house, on the present occasion would be much puzzled to discover that this is the British House of Commons. For it would seem to him, as to a great number of the people of this country, that a more docile set of in struments never sat upon these benches. Why, what are we about to do at the present minute ? War is raging in the north of Europe ; men are losing their lives by thousands ; and our Government has explained itself to-night, or rather it has not explained itself to -night. For though the Chan cellor of the Exchequer taunted the right hon. gentleman opposite with being a master of fireworks, still his fire works left some light. (Hear, and laughter.) But the right hon. gentleman, answering for the Government, succeeded in doing a thing which I thought almost impossible, namely, in making more confused the Schleswig. Holstein question —(laughter)—for whether at this instant we are media tors for Denmark, or friendly bystanders between the two parties, I defy any man to understand. (Hear, hear.) What is the position of this house? War is raging in America, war is raging in Denmark, and there is a report that Denmark proper has been attacked by Prussia—and how is the House of Commons treated ? What information have we as to the policy of the Government— as to their past policy or their present intentions ? (Cheers.) Why, there is not a single paper of any importance upon the table. (Hear, hear.) If it is true that time is of the greatest importance to Denmark, it would seem to be no less true that time is of the greatest importance to her Ma jesty's Ministers—(hear, hear)—and that they are deter mined not to give us the information we want, but to wait for the chapter of accidents—possibly, as was said by Sir Abel Handy, "until the fire goes out of itself." (Laughter and cheers.) That is the position of the Government. And what is the position of the House ? Here we come sweating to our places day by day, having nothing to do when we are in our places on the home policy, but asking questions on the foreign poLicy of this country ; and the house has never yet had an answer what that foreign policy was. We have no sort of information, even while our friendly allies are being butchered, and we standing by as cold bystanders, teeing no measures, as far as the House of Commons knows; the First Minister of the Crown using language of intimi dation and menace ; so that this country is reduced to a position that in every foreign print shop an Englishman is represented as an object of ridicule; and yet Government comes down complacently—at least, I dare say in a few minutes the noble lord the Secretary of the Admiralty will come down, and move a vote for a reduction of the naval estimates ; while, if there be any truth in the ap pearance of things, or any ground for the threats of the Prime Minister, we ought at least to be preparing for a continental war. Well, Sir, I say if this be a House of Commons with common spirit, do not let us be satisfied with merely getting up and using language—as the Chan cellor of the Exchequer very properly says, " throwing up a few harmless fireworks "—but let us have a vote. Now, Sir, I feel so strongly the humiliating position in which this house is placed—(hear)—that, if I meet with any encouragement, I will now move a vote which will prove whether these are harmless fireworks which aro being let off, and will clear up the fog which hangs on the Trea sury bench. (Opposition cheers.) I say, sir, that we have no business to vote these navy estimates with a reduction of 5,000 men Med boys. We have no business to come to the consideration of this vital subject until we know the posi tion of the country with regard to Germany and Denmark. (Opposition cheers.) Therefore, if I meet with any common support—unless my hon. friend the President of the Board of Trade will get up and give some explanation of the Schleswig-Holstein question—(laughter)—which he is said to be so peculiarly master of—(laugnter)—unless that hap pens, I shall move that these navy estimates be postponed until the papers relating to Schleswig-Holstein and Ger many be laid on the table of the house. I move that those estimates be postponed to this day three weeks. Sir J. HAY seconded the motion. were— Sir F. SMITH thought it was quito necessary that a post ponement should take place, on the ground that sufficient time had not been given to examine those estimates and the three volumes which had accompanied them. (Cries of "Divide.") Lord C. PAGET said that exactly the same course was taken with regard to the naval estimates this year as last year, and that members had had the same time to consider the question. Mr. ROEBUCK did not wish the house to be misled. The question was whether they wore to know anything about Denmark. (llear.) It was not only the naval esti mates; it was the Government—(hear)—and if they were put in a minority on the present occasion they all distinctly understood what would be the necessary consequence thereof. (Laughter.) Mr. OSBORNE—Nothing at all. Mr, ROEBUCK—That was the understanding clearly. THE SIJN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, If this question were earned, it was quite clear to the house and the country that the House of Commons had no further confidence in the Government of the country as regarded its foreign policy. As far as he himself was concerned, that was his opinion ; and many gentlemen in that house were of the same opinion, and if they had courage in their hearts they would vote in favour of the motion of the hon. gentle man opposite. (Hear, hear.) Mr. GLADSTONE—If there be any fog near to my hon. friend (Hr. Osborne), or anywhere else, it is desirable that it should be dispelled before the house gives a vote. The construction which has been put upon that vote by the hon. and learned member for Sheffield I am not prepared to say is an untrue construction. It is certainly a fundamental, though an ordinary, part of the business of the country that is standing for discussion to-night, merely that we should go into a committee of supply to consider the navy estimates. My hon. friend has taken a step perhaps the strongest any gentleman could take by a directly hostile motion against the Government, without any notice what ever—(loud cheers from both sides of the house)—and my hon. friend who rallies us on our state of darkness appears to me to be hardly in the clearer condition of understanding himself, when on a sudden he undercook to propose this motion, because, Sir, there are no new facts before the house. (Ironical cheers from the Opposition.) The position in which my hon. frienl now finds himself is this, that the papers relating to Danish negotiations have not been produced. That is a fact which was perfectly within the knowledge of my hon. friend at the time when the notice was given that her Majesty's Jovernment to-night would propose to pro ceed with the ordinary business of the country. Ho has thought fit to challenge that course of proceeding, Perhaps my hon. friend may say—(divide)—that he wishes to declare his want of confidence in the foreign policy of the Govern ment, and my ion. friend the member for Sheffield, with perfect frankness and fairness, has placed his motion on that ground. But, to return to my point, it was due to my hon. friend himself, it was due to her Majesty's Government, that if a motion was to be taken and vote taken impeaching the foreign polity of the Government,and declaring a want of confidence ii that foreign policy on the part of this house, notice should have been given. (Cheers) There fore, when I meet the taunts of my hon, friend about the state of darknessin which Ministers are placed by express ing a doubt that its own mind is not in the clearest state, it is because I tilt,* that his proposal is not consistent with the rules of Parliament ; and if he entertains that intention, he ought to allow the members of the House of Commons to be aware of it. And if my hon. friend is disposed to give notice of such a motior, or if my hon. and learned friend opposite feels that dispisition, I can only say that no per sons will be more ready to join issue on that subject than those who compose her Majesty's Government. (Cheers.) Mr. OSBORDE, rising to explain, said—lt is totally impossible for me, or any other gentleman in this house, to know what the foreign policy of the Government is, until these papers are presented. (Cries of "Divide" and " Order.") Mr. DISRAELI—The house is placed in a position of a critical kind. (A laugh.) Although the hon. gentleman opposite may thick it extremely amusing, I doubt whether those whom he si s next to are of that temperament or vein. I never concealed, especially of late, my opinion of the foreign policy of ler Majesty's Government, and I should never be afraid, it any issue were placed before us,of giving my opinion and ratting on that opinion by vote—but I cer• tainly do think it is of the greatest importance that, what ever may be the result, the Government should wat say that the decision was errived at by a surprise. (Hear, hear.) It seems to me of tin utmost importance that there should be fair notice of the ntention of the house, and that a verdict should not be talon at this time, especially in the absence of the head of the Government. (Cheers.) It is perfectly open for the hon, and gallant member and the hon, and learned member fir Sheffield to give notice of any motion they like. They act quite independently of myself and my friends, and if they do not give notice of any motion I cannot doubt, in the present state of Europe, that an opportunity will be afforded to the house of Commons, unless they relinquish all their rights and obli gations of expressing an opinion, and that soon, on the foreign policy of the Government. I cannot conceive that this opportunity pill not be afforded, Papers are laid on the table on all matters under negotiation, and they form the case of the Government; and it is to the advantage of the Government that those papers which are produced should be placed tapon the table of this house. Certainly, this year we have been placed in a position in which we have never been placed before. (Hear, hear.) We are deprived of papers which should have been before the house, and therefore I am not surprised at the temper and dispo sition of the house under such circumstances; and alter to night the Government must feel that it is absolutely neces sary, in order to reed the difficulties of this case, no longer to offer apologies, which have been ai nausea in administered to the house. I cannot doubt that the papers will be on the table of the house coon. When they are on the table, it seems improbable that the house can refrain from giving a verdict one way or the other on those papers, Ido entreat the house calmly to consider its position. It is possible that an advantage might be gained over the Government; but, assuming that, will it be satisfactory to us to-morrow to find that a verdict against the Government has been so gained on their foreign policy without any notice, and in the absence of the chief Minister of the Crown ? (Cheers.) I hope soon to see the cLief Minister of the Crown amongst us. The right hon. gentleman:the Chancellor of the Ex chequer seemed to intimate what was the cause of the absence of the noble lord ; but it has not reached me through the usual means of social information that the absence of the noble lord was caused by indisposition. Sir G. GREY—That is so. Mr. DISRAELI—I very much regret it, because, under all the circumstances, the presence of the noble lord is a source of groat satisfaction ; but it would have been easy to have intimated that to the house ; and I say this as an additional reason why the house should not come to a deci sion upon that vote which would be :accepted by the Go vernment as a verdict upon their foreign podcy. I condemn that policy, not merely as relates to Denmark and Germany only, but I think it a deplorable and disastrous policy, which has reduced the infiLence and lowered the dignity of this country, But the Huse of Commons should come to this conclusion after ample discussion, after an appeal to sufficient documents, and after all those matters which give solemnity and force to a decision, and which would give solemnity and force to their verdict. That verdict ought not to be obtained by surprise, without discussion, which it seems the present disposition of the house would do; and therefore I do trust the hon. and gallant member, who, I think in a very spirited manner—(laughter)—made this proposition, will upon reflection feel that it will not be with out benefit to the conduct of public business to withdraw his motion; but if he persists, he will really prevent that very result he most desires, namely, that the foreign policy of the Government should bo fairly considered, deliberated, and decided. (Cheers.) Sir G. GREY said no ono more than the Government de• sired that the deliberate opinion of the House of Commons-- and through the House of Commons the country—should be expressed on the foreign policy of the Government. He entirely concurred with the right hon. gentleman, that to come to a vote on that question, when the hon. gentleman said he did not know what that policy was, was a proceed ing unworthy of the House of Commons. His hon. friend had said the Danish papers would be laid on the table at the earliest possible moment, and then he hoped the hon. gentleman (Mr. Osborne) would give notice of a motion on the foreign policy of the Government. With regard to his noble friend at the head of the Government, he had called on him that morning and found him suffering from a cold —which was hardly surprising, considering the state of the weather—and a slight attack of gout ; and the noble lord told him that, subject to the opinion of his physician, he intended to be in the House of Commons that night, and he hoped ho would be shortly there. (Hear, hear.) Mr. CLAY and Mr. KINQL.Kri insisted that the motion , of Mr. Osborne was not intended to pledge the House to an opinion as to the foreign policy of the Government, since it was matter of complaint that the house know nothing of that policy. The discussion was continued by Lord R. Montagu, Lord Dunkellin, Lord Ingestro, Mr. Walter, Mr, Neate, Mr. Laird, and other members. The House then divided, when the right hon. gentleman the member for Bucks and a large number of the Conserva tive members left the house, to avoid voting. The numbers For Mr. Oaborne's motion Against it Majority .. —163 THE MALTA DOCK. Captain TALBOT, who had given notice of a motion (which he was precluded from making by a point of form), —" That the project of constructing a dock at the head of the Marsa at Malta be abandoned, and that the site at the head of the French Creek, recommended by Admiral Sir William Martin and Vice-Admiral Codrington, be selected for that purpose,"—called the attention of the house to the subject, complaining of the conduct of the Admiralty in the matter, and fortifying his complaint by a great variety of details, showing the disadvantages of the Mares, and the advantages of the French Creek. Lord C. PAGET, after defending himself against charges of misstatement brought aganst him by Captain Talbot, and justifying the course taken by the Admiralty, ob served that this was not the proper time to discuss the question, an engineer having been sent out, and till his re port was received he asked the house to delay the expres sion of its opinion. Sir J. PAKINGTON thought that this was a time to discuss the question; they wanted no more reparts of engineers, and be hoped the opinion of the house would be taken upon it before more money was thrown away. After some observations and statements by Mr. C. For tescue, Captain Jervis, Sir J. Hay, Mr. "Whitbread, and Mr. Addington, the subject dropped. Mr. LINDSAY called attention to the report of the Commissioners appointed in IS6O to inquire into the con trol and management of her Majesty's naval yards, with the view of suggesting that the recommendations of the Commissioners ought to be carried into effect. He read some of the recommendations of the,Royal Commissioners, and asked what had been done to carry them out, and if nothing had been done, he asked the reason why. Mr. BENTINCK said all the recommendations of the Commissioners might be included in one—an alteration in 'EBROARY 23, 1864. the constitution of the Admiralty, which he regarded as a political jobbing office. Sir F. SMITH, in a discursive speech, brought under notice a variety of topics connected with naval expenditure, ship-armour, and artillery, concluding by an inquiry on what grounds the Admiralty had declined to apply to Par liament for a grant of money in aid of the erection of church and schools at Brompton. Mr. FERRAND narrated incidents in Davenport in support of a charge against the IV hig Boards of Admiralty, of political tyranny exercised over elections in the dock yards. To substantiate his charge ho read extracts from the evidence taken by the Royal Commissioners, and com• mented at much length upon the facts disclosed in his evi dence, mingling with his comments strong censure upon individuals. After a few words from Mr. DALGLISII, the house went into a committee of supplyproforma. The LORD ADVOCATE obtained leave to bring in a bill to make provision for uniformity of process in summary criminal prosecutions, and prosecutions for penalties in the inferior courts in Scotland; and a bill to provide for the alteration of the circuits of the Court of Justiciary in Scot land, and for holding additional Circuit Courts. The house adjourned at half-past 10 o'clock. The Exhumation of the Body of a Gentlemn at Stoke Newington, Last evening Mr. Humphreys, the Middlesex coroner, resumed and concluded the inquest upon the body of Mr. Joseph Hankin, aged 64 years, at the Rochester Castle, Stoke Newington. Mr. Beard appeared on behalf of the Read family, and Inspector Langdon watched the case for the commissioners of police. The court was crowded. The deceased was a retired builder, living with a Mrs. Read, at No. 2, Union-court, Newington. He died suddenly on the 26th November last. He was placed in a coffin on the 27th, and he was buried on the 28th. The doctor who gave the certificate had not seen him for a fortnight previously. After the death his relatives were told by Mrs. Read that he had no money. The relatives knew that he had been possessed of £5OO, but nevertheless they could only find £l4, and they had to make a shirt to him to be buried in. Subsequently it was ascer tained that notes to a large amount had been changed by the Reads at the Bank, both before and after deceased's death. Other circumstances also conspiring to render the case one of strong suspicion, the body was exhumed a fortnight ago, and then it was found that the deceased had no shirt on, but was naked in the coffin, with the exception of a bit of calico laid on his chest. Upon the resumption of the case, Mrs. Maria Read was called and sworn—She said that the deceased had lodged and boarded with her for about 13 months. He paid her 12s. a week. She did not expect his death, but ho was ill. She had not denied him to the district visitor or the clergyman, but he did not like to be seen. He used to stay in bed a good deal. He was buried within two days merely because Mrs Vickers, his relative, suggested it, and witness had to pay for her son's lodging out of the house while the body lay there. Ttie Coroner—A shirt was put on him for burial but none was found when the body was exhumed ? Witness said she did not know what became of it. Coroner—Did you possess yourself of deceased's money ? Witness—Mr. Hankin gave me acme prior to his death. Coroner—How much ? Witness, by desire of Mr. Beard, declined to say ; but she admitted that in July she had changed a note for £2OO at the Bank of Eflgland. She also said that herself and son had since then changed other notes to the amount in all of £390. They were all given to herself and her family by deceased. She tqld Mrs. Vickers that deceased had no money, but that was because the deceased directed her to do so. Miss Ada Sewell, district visitor, and the Rev. Mr. Jackson, proved calling to see the deceased, and not being permitted to de so. Miss Sewell sent him relief at the request of Mrs. Read for wine, &c. Dr. H. Letheby made a careful analysis of the contents of the stomach of deceased, but found no poison. There was great emaciation, and death apparently arose from want of nourishment. In the absence of poison, he thought death arose from congestion of the lungs from want of clothing and warmth and food. The Coroner having summed up, The Jury returned a verdict—" That deceased died on the 2Gth of November from congestion of the lungs, accelerated by want of proper nourish ment and by privations, and the jury are of opinion that the conduct of the Reads has been most unsa tisfactory throughout." The Seizure of the Pamper°. Oa Saturday the Solicitor-General of Scotland (Mr. Young) was heard before Lord Ormidale, in reply for the Crown, on the objections to the infor mation in the case of the vessel Pamper°, lately seized in the Clyle. He said that this case was the second that had arisen under the Foreign Enlist ment Act, the only other case being that of the Alexandra, with which the present one was iden tical in character, however much it might vary in circumstances. The facts might entitle the Crown to a verdict in the one case and not in the other, yet on all legal questions occurring under the statute they were precisely alike. Exactly the same infor mation tad been presented, and if the Crown's in terpretatiou of the statute was right in the one case, it was also right in the other. No doubt the infor mation was exceedingly long, consisting of 98 counts, but, as stated by the Lord Chief Baron in the Alex andra case, all the counts resolved at last into this ques tion—was the vessel, as it stood at the time of the seizure, liable to forfeiture under the statute? He hought the learned counsel for the defenders were wrong in urging their objections at this stage. It was no doubt competent for the court to decide on questions of relevancy before trial,but it was equally competent, and would have been more convenient, to raise any legal question at or after the trial. The defenders had asked the judge by interlocutors to reserve their objections, but this course was objected to by the Crown on the ground that they were not entitled to reserve by expression anything that was not reserved in the statute by implication, and that to introduce express reservations in this way would lead to confusion and uncertainty in the course of practice in such cases. Iu the Alexandra case the same objections had been taken, but not in the way of attempting to prevent the case going to trial. There were two courses which it would be open for the court at the trial to take—either to direct the jury as to the meaning of the statute, and leave that direction to be challenged by exception, or to ask the jury to dispose of the facts on the assumption that the information was good in law, leaving that question to he decided on the motion to apply the verdict. With regard to the objection that " to cruise and commit hostilities" was not the intent of the equipper, he admitted t hat the construction of the seventh clause of the statute was awkward, but n.? maintained that these words expressed the employ ment of the ship, and not the intent of the equip per. The equipper intended that the ship should be employed to cruise and commit hostilities, but while that was the intent with which the ship was equipped, the employment was to be by some body else to whom the ship was to be handed over. As to the objection that the word " arm' , was not charged with reference to the alleged cruiser, it might be that the equipment did not proceed to the extent of arming, and yet that the equipment was made with the intent that the ship should cruise and commit hostilities. It might be that they could get no evidence further than the act of equipment, and that they could not prove the ultimate intention to arm ; but if they could prove that the equipment, however far short of arming it might have come, was made for warlike purposes, then they could get a conviction under the Act. Suppose the ship to bo an ironclad, and that sailors and provisions only were put on board, would it be reasonable to sappose that the vessel was only built for a pleasure cruise? If it could be proved by evi dence or admission of the parties that the vessel was not intended for a mercantile but a hostile purpose, a purpose of committing hostilities against the United States, a nation with which her Majesty was at peace, then the Crown would be entitled to a con• vletion under the Act. It was not necessary to prove arming if they could prove the hostile pur pose, In conclusion, the Solicitor-General asked the Judge, without regard to the defenders' objections, to send the case to trial. The case was adjourned till to-day. t SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC .TOITRNALS. TIMES.—The first spirited debate of the Session took place in the House of Commons last evening. It was one of those discussions of which the end might be foreseen by everybody, and yet the 1 -ars were apparently as much in earnest as it spear— - ice depended on a coming vote. The victory ana , -qs tournament wielded their knights in this harm...._ -4 dexterity as are sel weapons with such vigour au,. ener dom seen in mimic war. Mr. Disrae, was as getic against the Danish policy of the Gove:_ gment as if his own party would have done anything else in their place, or proposed to do anything else now ; Mr. Gladstone, to the uninitiated, might seem to have really believed that the Government was three tened ; and Mr. Osborne and his friends might al most make one fancy them convinced that there is a connection between Lord Russell's despatches about the November Constitution or the Schleswig guarantee and the Committee of Supply on the Navy Estimates. The complaint of the Opposition is that the papers on the Danish question have not been laid before the house. The answer of the Government is that they are very long, that the Blue-book will extend to 600 pages, that it is not, ready yet, but that, when it is, it shall at once be published. This is the simple occasion of so much caustic criticism and so prompt a motion of want of confidence_ The length of time which Mr. Layard requires for his editorial labours is a serious article of accusation against her Majesty's Government. From the delay Mr. Disraeli gathers that their fo reign policy is everywhere disastrous to the country, and Mr. Osborne that they cannot be trusted to settle the number of seamen and boys required for the year. We know not why these gentlemen should be so anxious to have these papers, for they have evidently made up their minds on the question, and any thing favourable to the Government which may appear in the Blue-book will rather irritate than convert them. What with the newspapers and the telegraph, the openness of our own politicians and the passionate anxiety of those of Germany, wa sus pect that there is very little which remains unknown. The substance of nearly all the despatches penned by Lord Russell is in the possession of the public; his recommendations and his promises are equally well known; the sentiments of himself and his col leagues have never been concealed. Lord Palmer ston on Friday, Mr. Gladstone yesterday, have told us what they think of German invasion, and the subterfuges by which it has been accompanied. The papers will only give us in detail the communica tions which have passed between England and the two parties to the dispute, and let us know, perhaps, more intimately the processes by which the Danish King was led to recall the Patent of March, to relin quish Holstein to the Confederation, and apparently to consent to that which we guaranteed be should do—to repeal the constitutional union between Denmark and Schleswig. In fact, though the de mand for papers furnishes the occasion for an attack on the Ministerial policy, that policy can very weft be understood with our present knowledge. We may, then, ask what new light the Opposition speakers throw on this question—what suggestion they put forth for a better conduct of the business. Is it, indeed, owing to any fault of the British Government that Denmark has been thus outraged by the two German Powers? Can it be supposed that the invasion would any the less have been made if we had abstained from defending the Danish cause. Consider the first acts of the German Princes three months ago. No sooner was the breath out of King Frederick's body than the Duke of Coburg pronounced the succession of Christian IX. to the Duchies invalid, and blew the war trumpet through out the country. Then folio sued the claim of the Frankfort Diet to settle the question between the King of Denmark and the Prince of Augusten burg—a claim of which at first there was something like a general recognition throughout Germany. It was then that the first remonstrances of this country were made against the proceedings of the Diet, and we are glad to believe that if they have nad no other effect they have forced Austria and Prussia to disregard some of the extreme pretensions of the Band. It was the British Government, en couraged, if not instigated, by the strong display of public opinion here, which urged on the two lead• ing Powers the due execution of the Treaty of 1852, pointed out to them the unhappy consequences which must follow from the violation of it, and b as succeeded at last in obtaining from them an acquies cence in its own views. As soon as possible after the late King's death the Federal forces entered Holstein, and under pretence of Federal execution effected a revolutionary movement. It was with the approval, and probably under the advice of the British Government, that the Danes retired from every point in Holstein, and also recalled the ob noxious Patent of last year. Can it be said that this was an unworthy counsel on our part to give ? We do not believe it. It was the interest of Den mark that every pretext should be taken away for the violence of Germany. Had Denmark held out, the new King would, in the opinion of many im partial persons, have been in the wrong, and the occupation of Holstein would not have been pre vented, for, since it was German ground, the Saxon and Hanoverian corps, if repulsed, would have had the right to call on the whole forces of the Band to second them. Nor, if our Government had ceased then to interfere, would the subsequent proceed ings of Austria and Prussia have been prevented. Indeed, it may fairly be said that the energy with which these two great States disowned the dictation of Frankfort and resolved to act for themselves was in a great measure the result of the remonstrances and appeals addressed to them so continually by the British Ministry. Had it not been for Eng land the invasion of Schleswig would undoubtedly have been conducted by Federal troops, who would at once have revolutionised the Northern as they had done the Southern Duchy. • The remon strances of this country and the feeling which our firm stand for public faith began to create on the Continent, not only tended to make Austria and Prussia take the affair into their own hands, but show at length some desire to settle the question without a direct violation of King Christian's rights. Thus, though the aggressions on Denmark have been scandalous, and the dangers of that State still continue, it cannot be said that the remonstrances of this country have been wholly a failure. Whether the allies consent or not to an armistice—whether or not they abstain from invading Jutland—whether or not they agree at last to a personal union between the Kingdom and the Duchies, yet, even before papers are produced, every one can see that whereas two months ago there existed in Germany a grea t and apparently irresistible power, demanding that the .Duchies should be conquered forthwith for the Prince of Augustenburg, that power has now been successfully resisted; the minor States, which com posed it, are muttering in dudgeon, and there is at least a probability that the dismemberment of the Danish Monarchy will at last not take place. But the Opposition wants something more. Why should they be always asking for the " policy" of the Go vernment, when they know well that it has been simply an endeavour to maintain peace and the faith of treaties by remonstrances, advice, and offers of mediation. Mr. Disraeli alludes to the subject cau tiously, and merely taunts the head of the Govern ment by saying that his speeches are the heralds of humi.iation to the country. But Mr. Osborne speaks out more boldly—" While our allies were being butchered the English Government is looking on as a cool bystander, taking no measures, as fat es Parliament knew, to afford assistance." If all this means that this country should depart from its peaceful attitude and embark in a great war in order to prevent Schleswig-Holstein from being severed from Denmark Proper, the Conservatives or their Radical ally should make the proposition in a direct manner, and not by insinuations, like the Opposi tion speakers, or by such a motion as that of Mr. Osborne. If it be really the fault of Lord Palmer s b.. on's Government that they have as y e t enounce d . . no fi n :Lee "policy" in the Danish affair—if they be improper:: leaving the question t o th e H ouse of Commons 2 , t will be necessary t o ta k e some course to vindioste . England's honou r , w hi c h of affairs, let th ose who really wish for a warlike po i :." express their suffers by the present condu e l t opinions openly and at once. W e i l ,Lk they will have but few supporters in the c oun t ry, vn ich be lieves that only a cause involving the stability . ° f the European system would justify England in going to war on a Continental quarrel. The small ness of the minority which followed Mr. Osborne shows what opinions the house holds on the matters he treated. 'fo defer the vote on the Navy ti;) the foreign questions on which the numbers of the Navy may possibly depend are settled is certainly to take the conduct of affairs out of the hands of the Queen's advisers, and to presume beforehand that matters in discussion will be decided so as to make larger armaments necessary. As it is always in the power of the House by a special vote to make the preparations necessary for war, the suc cess of such a motion could only be interpreted as a censure on the Government. The country will be I of opinion that the conduct of complicated nego tiations with two self-willed military Monarchies, though not entirely successful, has yet been such that to blame the Government would be most unfair; and the House of Commons apparently concurs in this judgment. DAILY NEWS.—Mr. Gladstone, whose very speeches when proposing useful measures in former years have been striking political events, appears to be this session in the humour to do good by stealth. The measure which he has proposed under the' modest title of "A bill to amend the Law relating ,be to Government Annuities," is really one °f :hat h most important considered as to its objects, for as been laid before the House of Conicle ° ' ht h many t years. Nevertheless, it has been brougtbe e ore the House of Commons that it has Ptts' ed yt is first ab.fi an and second readings without discussion. , for extending to the humblest classes 01 6 0 ciety ad new means of making a provision for old n for death , risks and other drawbacks that attend th e °a t h e ir Y methods of doing so that are now witbi ° ct e which shall be exempt gold t r h each. All our readers may not be aw . 2,,, under the Savings Bank Act 013 Y / t he son may now purchase a deferred annuity 'he Government through the Post-office ; ° tit a t e re purchase money must all be paid in one ettra-nris a P ON. b qinrement which may be fulfilled when *Waking a provision for a dependent, but d eafly shuts the working man, who only very gr ° `', t his accumulates- his surplus earnings. Accordiegll,oo clause of the Sas:„"ge Bank Act has hitherto uro, inoperative. In his n.".' poses to chane the mode t . ,'!" payment , c.nd e iestti l ; Post-office to g receive the purchase money i s wat of w bill Mr. GladstoneaPole meets, a measure which would bring the P w ithie purchasing the mean of support in old sge i , our reach of the artisan, the servant , an d the We" sill keeper. The second part of the Goverohlrientazn• relates to life assurance.. At present the u ° ' - e es' went grants life policies for sums not exceed°4 de, hundred pounds to persons who also purchesehspieg ferred annuity, the two forms of insurance "iota conjoined in order to protect the Governele°,.t. life fraud; but as in practice nobody wants both ; not policy and a deferred annuity, the public °, ° 1031- profited by this facility. By the new bill th 1 9 .0 se tation is got rid of, and the Government w l nt of empowered to assure anybody's life to the eltr e ' ar ed one hundred pounds, without requiring the sf3B ant , person to purchase a thing which he does not % f t o f Any measure which offers a reasonable proeYenceot, placing independence within the reach of the °toes industrious, and careful among the poorer tii e fe deserves to be cordially welcomed. We canaoturia or that Mr. Uladatone's bill will encounterjeitiier iest out of Parliament, opposition of a natur e to P re The an unprejudiced examination of its merito', itp of chief point to be determined is the practicahivloc what is proposed. From the Chancellor's 8 1 )°e6 p , , t° introducing his bill, we infer that he proPt carry both his schemes into effect through the ° e",, °' o; of the Post-office. The pre-eminent advantett it; this arrangement would arise from the fed ntl the Post-o ffi ce the Government has at its ce°, 1100 an oranisation which pervades and occtlPLe-,„sti. United Kingdo m as no other public or privatePiaat tution does. There are companies which A g tO policies of assurance for one hundred pounds or o pett half -quarterly premiums, but they canne'liege, o to ces and appoint agents in every town and c u l if and they cannot take fortnightly or ni,on t. t 7 are stalments, as the Post-office could do. I ° 6 ' B l o ° of also Friendly and Benevolent Societies in 0 11 ) 0 10 the kingdom ; but associations of this orde r e at, been so discredited by failure and mien:onage% io and moreover most of them are SO accuste°',,ndii train their members to habits of wastful 1 1 1 '; 9 at ture by their practice of holding their luee rirj rio o public-houses, that large numbers of the ilidue:fee and provident poor would rather take their ° ld; in of old age than lay down their money upon rli t , e detie,' such security as the management of those s w; l it 15 can offer. If the Government can show? tha'olSce possible to enlarge the functions of the r° °t ,:ste without impairing its efficiency for its proPe i ' tt erh ness, the safe and rapid distribution of ou r ,,, he eng ht and can thus offer new incentives to fore , - id by and thrift in those who live by labour, it e. 1 11,00 ° f ail means be enabled to do so. The organiss:ol° the Post-office belongs to the nation, an d vi t - iliti e° ' ' all a right to the utmost development of ite tt d iott Nobody would be injured by the proposed erLtet" of the duties of Postmasters. The staterne°o So' forward in the name of some of the Assu r ,, i3 t - is ° 11 : , cieties, that the proposal of the Governroe—riee,w interference with ordinary commercial enterP4' i tibe one that cannot be maintained. B aterprio ;it 0 as free when this measure has becom e law °office° now. a And, in point of fact, the Assurance, a oer hve never attempted, or even contemplateeierntoot vice to the public so extensive as the Go oaf now offers to undertake. But while we °lli-all these be grounds demand that the measure elisf considered strictly with reference to its or r p . ';ese ll cannot profess to be satisfied that it is ill r litiof equally practicable. The first part, that_JAeraltY; to deferred annuities, offers little u` — „ i ise u ' th When age and identity have been ancern-roct'' e element of a contract of that kind er° r,,i e st/ tally determined, and for this purpose `' iiie intelligence suffices. But it is otherwise wi th,,,,eiple° to assurance. That business, according to the Pri - ar y on c which it has hitherto been thought rteees;slliel onduct it, is one of the most delicate nature,"a sa f for the exercise of peculiar tact, disericnin3tici-i:re .rmness. And if they same minute inquirieetn-Soef be made of the multitudes who are expeetetialo to the Post-office for assurance as are nevi m' h - e eltb' the middle and upper classes--if the habitOr rtiopth l and history of the assured, and of all his rebletici' living and dead, are to be searched out---P;itee't dent that the work cannot be done by a tner°,,i th°' sion of the clerical staff of the Post-office' b "„ - oeit 3t. a very considerable number of professional tkr a 's if ° ments will become necessary. On this V iv i wait the explanations which Mr. Gladstone pis doubt make when the bill is in committeeot one thing to accomplish a great public bette.rigisi moderate . enlargement of the functions of an "' su ite ° public department, imposing on it fresh duties„otbef to t the skill already at its command; it ie °`' w for o create an organisation, substautialll oevrivot° enterprise, objects which have hitherto been le ft t° COUNTRY MARXE TS. COLCHESTER—FEB. 20. it/ toor P. We had a fair show of wheat on offer at iil sp to-day, and former,prices were bout supported. os . 6 - 0 Wheat, white 44s Ms Beans, Mazagallii..o 59 red ..40s 44s middle & 8131 " .3b° 36$ Barley Oats 2os 25s grO .... . --- , --- OS GLOUCESTER—FEB 20. There was a small supply of English .wheat or • 0- ' t to^ 6/4 lic e o f f4 ' the farmers, which met a slow sale at about folio rote the Foreign wheat still dull, with no advance olluil, last week. Barley, oats, and beans continue NORTHAMPTON—Fss• 20. 0,0111; The show of wheatiwas moderate, and rates 1 t 0,,,.." lower.—White wheat, new, 38s t0 , 44s i r e ' is to t : v ile' old. 40s to 46s per qr. Barley, new mel ting ' 3 2 '' -tp grinding, 26s to 30s per qr. Oats, 18s to 2 66 P e Beans, 30s to 41s. Peas, 30s to 37s Per q r. _t I-FEU• 11 CHELMSFOIt, fair ° lt. A lifi At this corn exchange to-day there WaS a co uld Oia,- wheat, which met a dull sale, and business ar 0 0 transacted except at a reduction of fully is Pe r .1 58 0 week. Spring corn also dull. . 368 5 0 Wheat, old white 30s 47s Peas, Partridg e..e 3 80 3 60 ' ' . .3P 4 11 new 44s 50s White .....' old red 348 40s Boiling ..... ,3P new 38s 42s Dun. ....... •'' ---1# 590 Barley 25s 34s Ditto new • v::s4o , 41 Chevalier ..26s 37s Beans, Tick, 33. ° : 30 ,.' 41 3 5 , 4 , (1 . : Grinding 2 29s Malt.. . 6 ol ss 67s Harrow T i e ck° w . .:*" .° 39 Chevalier 64s 69s .. •. 30$ Oats 2os 28s Mazaga z .. , KIRKCALDY 20. 00 ° o joig We had large supplies of all kinds of gr11.14/1.1316 bariby in demand, at late quotatious. IYlll° trade, is per qr lower. 00 8 ' Wheat. Barley. 16 , 6d First ....33s Od I 26s Od I 17 0 Od Second ..34s Od 27s 6d Oa Third ....368:0d 29s Od corP C' Births. BANKES.—On the 19th inst., at the Rector'' , - pick' au the Lady Charlotte Bankes, of a dg hter. t, is i BROOKE —On the 20th inst., at 38, Clare°"8100 Ili° dilly, the wife of Major R. Wilmot 13roolge, Ø . /3 6rj‘ RAWL Rifles, INSON.— of a On h the daugter. , g t r eet, 20th inst., at 1, 01 ' 1-- ref O ster ley-square, Lady Rawlinson, of a sou. m .fie a SIEVEKING.—On the 22d inst., at 17, •-- Tic — the wife Of Dr. Sieveking, of a son. Marriages. i ,fotrjr. BIDDLE—TRINNICR. — On the 13th na•, at S ri- L i tt) ! ', til e Calcutta, John Biddle, Esq ,of Urnba'llali, to P. %5i11..? wood, eldest daughter of 'TOW). Trinnick, Pl.' he IV,: ton, London. c WO" law litianT—Calmtcu.—On the 20th inst., at w g ., o f tl', ° ,oo James Devon, ‘ James H. Wright, Esq., only 01 0 EL e- i dot James Ari g ht, Esq., of Balhan), Stara/ ./. CO Anne, only daughter of Lieut,-Colonel Ilr' Madras Army. eta' 60.7eaths. VOA/ BE i t e t: a o d N on .— , EoEingt,haeg2eodth inst., at Otterhoodt Pe B C : ; D u: EbTetTtl'lo' dent' fir. DAIWA. —On the 20th inst., at Beckenham, John Aj Bird, aged 57. 0 ,104 r Gli ‘ . 9 ~--Eoscia.:hoef NewlBth inst.,yerk .at Malaga) S t P: iii ' LL —On the 20th inst., Charles 0 6 of Walsall, Staffordshire, aged 55. Of 'tll KILNER,—On the 21st inst., at Strat tratford , ford " e t, 8. V° Kilner, aged 81.lille Old j3tll RABAN.—On the 20th inst., at 7, 4401 Lieut.-Col. Wm. Kahan, aged 72. ogo itho"por alf RE: ge N d OL 6 D 3 s . .—On the 20th inst., at kbrarLter-r7rjrosici: Tr ip" Reynolds, Esq., of 16, Keusingtowpark TRIBE.—On the 19th inst., a t Steyni o g , ....."°. solicitor, aged 60. sv- )J. t ..., I,loObo e S ° ' 4 , London : Prinzed and FrNished by T, I— , , ~ ~0 0 .4 4 of No. 112, Strand, Printer, ale vo 0, 0 e tio Strand, in the Precinct of tEisvoi9s6;. Middlesex, ---Tuesday, February-23,