The Sun. — London, England, 1863-02-04 00:00:00

AMERICA. LIVERPOOL, TUESDAY. The Royal Mail steam ship Africa, Captain Lott, which left Boston on the 21st and Halifax on the 23d ult., arrived in the Mersey at 9 o'clock this morning, bringing 44,205 dole. in specie. A telegraphic summary of the advices by this arrival has already appeared. The New York World of the 20th says : " A letter from one of our correspondents with General Burnside's army states that the army is under marching orders, and provided with three days' rations. Five pon toon bridges are to be thrown across the Rappahannock at some distance apart, and upon these the army will cross the river. Gen. Lee's army is composed of eight large divi sions, and Longstreet's, the left, composed of eight divi sions. These divisions are apparently stronger than ours, comprising as they do a greater number of brigades and regiments, but whether their total strength is equal to ours is unknown. A desperate struggle is evidently at hand, and stirring news may be expected shortly." Another account says that— " Orders for the forward movement of the army across the Rappahannock had been countermanded, and that a change of the military programme had been resolved upon with a view of reaching Richmond by some other route. It was not known when the troops would start on their new route, but it was supposed to be very soon. The War De partment grants no passes whatsoever now, unless on busi ness strictly connected with the army." " NEW YORK, Jan. 20.—An army letter of the 17th in the Tribune says the reports from Nashville that Long street's corps has removed westward to reinforce Bragg are unfounded. Longstreet himself was here two days ago with his command. It is believed that no entire corps has been withdrawn from our front, but we have information from de serters and contrabands that some batteries, brigades, and divisions have been detached and sent to Tennessee." The following is the official account of the cap. ture of Arkansas Post : “Memphis, Jan. 14, 1863. ” Major-General W. IL Halleck, " General,—The following despatch is just received— " Head-quarters, Army of the Mississippi, Post of Arkansas, Jan. 11, 1863. Major General U. S. Grant, commanding the De partment of the Tennessee. " General,—l have the honour to report that the forces under my command attacked the Post of Arkansas to-day at one o'clock, having stormed the enemy's works. We took a large number of prisoners, variously estimated at from 7,000 to 10,0)0, together with all his stores, animals, and munitions of war. " ' Rear-Admiral David D. Porter, commanding the Mississippi squadron, effectively and brilliantly co-operated, accomplishing this complete success. " JOHN A. M'CLEItNAND, Major General Commanding.' " U. S. GRANT, Major-General." The following was received at the Navy Depart ment : " United States Mississippi Squadron, Arkansas Post, Jan. 11, 1863. " Hon. Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy. . . _ " Sir,—The gunboats Louisville, De Kalb, Cincinnati, and Lexington attacked the heavy fort at the post on the Arkansas last night and silenced the batteries, killing 20 of the enemy. The gunboats attacked again this morning, and dismounted every gun-11 in all. Col. Dunnington, late of the United States navy, commandant of the fort, re quested to surrender to the navy. I received his sword. The army co-operated on the land side. The forts were all dismounted in three hours. The action was at close quar ters on the part of the three iron dads, and the firing splendid. The list of killed and wounded is small. The Louisville lost 12, De Kalb 17, Cincinnati 2, Lexington none, and Rattler 2. "The vessels, although much cut up, were ready for action in half an hour after the battle. The light draught Rattler, Lieutenant Commander Wilson Smith, and the other light draughts, joined in the action when it became general, as did the Black Hawk, Lieutenant Commander R. B. Breese, with the rifle guns.—Very respectfully, your obedient servant, "DAVID D. PORTER, Acting Rear Admiral." The New York Tones publishes at length a mass of Confederate diplomatic correspondence, whieh was intercepted by the Federal cruiser off Charles ton, and it epitomises the correspondence as fol lows :-- " We publish this morning a highly respectable batch of the rebel dispatches recently captured by our blockaders off Charleston, being letters of instruction to Messrs. Mason and Slidell, and other rebel agents in Europe. The first is a letter from Secretary Benjamin, dated in September last, exaggerating all the rebel victories, and summing up the national losses in all the battles up to that time at 350,000 men. The most important portion of the correspondence relates to a movement on the part of the French consuls at Galveston and Richmond, supposed to have originated in Paris, to induce Texas to secede from the Southern confede racy, and establish an independent government. The re sult of this discovery was an order to Magruder to send the consul at Galveston to Mexico as soon as possible, and another to the Richmond consul to leave forthwith. The order with regard to the latter, was, however, rescinded. It further appears that the reception awarded by Earl Russell to Mr. Commissioner Mason at London is not such as com ports with the latter's sense of propriety, or with the expec tations of the Confederate authorities at Richmond. Mr. Mason is, however, complimented for his self-abnegation in consenting to remain at his post, notwithstanding the an noyance to which he conceives himself subjected by the evident coolness of the British Secretary of Foreign Affairs. " The second portion of the correspondence relates to the European operations of the Confederate treasury and navy department. Mr. Menninger explains the schemes devised for raising money in England by the hypothecation of cotton in the Confederate States. The mode by which that article may be transmitted in British naval vessels from the blockaded ports, to be employed in England for war purchase, receives elucidation at the hands of the Con federate Secretary of the Treasury, while the use to which a portion of the funds is to be put finds explanation in the accompanying correspondence of Mr. Mallony, the Confe derate Secretary of the Navy. The utility of iron-clad vessels, and the means by which they are to be procured in England, form the burden of these interesting papers. " From these papers we also learn the names of the finan cial agents of the Southern Confederacy in England and what houses are ready to fulfil the military and naval orders from Richmond. It may surprise some persons to find out that Mr. George N. Sanders is playing an important part in the negotiations, looking to the construction of iron-clads in England for the Southern Confederacy. He figures also as the diplomatic courier of the Richmond Government." The following letter from Mr. Menninger, the Confederate Secretary of the Treasury, addressed to Mr. Spence, of Liverpool, appears in the corre spondence:— " Confederate States of America, Treasury Depart- went, Richmond, Oct. 21, 1862. " IAS. SPENCE, ESQ., LIVERPOOL, G.B. " Sir,—As you have been appointed financial agent for the Confederate States, and Messrs. Frazer, Orenholm, and Co., aro its depositories under our law, I desire that you would confer together on the matter submitted by this letter. 4 4 I have on hand gold and silver coin (chiefly the former), two and a half millions of which I desir e to apply in went a articles purchased in En g l an d b y our agents for the use of the Confederate Government. We find it im possible to purchase a sufficient amount of exchange for these purposes, and the small amount to be had is at such high rates that it would be desirable to furnish a sub stitute. I propose, therefore, to make payment for pur. chases by a transfer to the creditors of so much of this coin as may be requisite. I presume that when the coin thus becomes bona fide the property of a British subject, the British Government would at his instance permit-any of its vessels to bring over the same for him. If this expectation be realised the coin here would be as valuable as exchange, and in England would probably realise its mint value, less freight and insurance. " To enable you to carry out any arrangement you may deeln advisable, Messrs. Fraser, Trenholra, and Co. are , authorised to make an absolute transfer of the coin, or to draw bills for the same on E. C. Elimore, Esq., Treasury, payable h ere, and a copy of this letter is sent to each of you that you may act in concert, and give us the benefit of your united counsel. remittin g , f i el , " I am r • • opportunities as they occur, the Confederate bonds of th e ra e te States, the proceeds of which, when sold, are intended t be d applied to the contracts of which you have b een advised, "Respectfully Respectfumllyliyourni.e obedient servant, "C• G. mic Zr e tary of Treasury.' A Port Royal letter, dat e d deserters from f the bleekade off "The gunboat Marblehead, froth l3th' says Fort Sumter Charleston, reports that six have report reached the Canandraigua on a foggy lii r g l n t. garrison of Fort Sumter that a third of the their intention to no longer fight under the j : 11 ;t e v d owed flag, whereupon nearly all the garrison threw down re arms. They were half famished, and their families were in want, owing to non-payment for several months. The arrival of other troops overawed the- mutineers, and forced them to return to their duties. A large number of the pro minent ones were, however, in confinement, and would pos sibly be shot. Their friends say i f this is done they will avenge their deaths. The dissatisfaction among the rebel troops is widespread through the department. The men are worked day and night and are half starved. They receive no money, and live under the iron rule of despots. Scarcely a -day passes without desertion. The gunboat Wissachikon recently drove the rebels out of the battery at Branch Island, Presently they returned ' a party of cavalry forci n g Th ey them back to the guns. • her hull opened fire, and the Wi s sathikon received a sh o t i n her. She came into Port Royal forrh r u e ll which i,, n early sunk Governor Parker was inauggrated on the 20th, at Trenton, New Jersey, and he, in his inaugura l address, takes the ground that all the powers not delegated to the general government by the consti tution are reserved to the States. He contends that secession is unconstitutional. It is not based on the right of revolution, but on the alleged right of a state constitutionally to withdraw. This is a political heresy. In the articles of confederation the original states pledged their faith that the Union should be perpetual, and the constitution followed only to perpetuate the Union. The go vernor argues that there was not a sufficient cause for a revolution. He refers to the fanaticism in the North as calculated to produce the bitterest hatred in the Southern people, and they 'clad com- witted retaliatory violence, illegally and entirely unjustifiable. In this way a minority of ultra and fanatical men of both sections, controlling the cur rent of events, brought this great and good govern ment to the verge of destruction. In this sorrow ful state of affairs New Jersey had taken no part but to assert and to show her loyalty on all occa• sions. Arbitrary arrests are denounced. The pur pose of the war was declared to be the maintenance of the constitution and the protection of the rights of the citizens. Such arrests are clear violations of the constitution and rights of the people, and not called _ for by the exigencies of the case. Whatever legal powers are vested in the executive shall be exerted for the protection of the lawful rights of the citizens of New Jersey. The suspen sion of the writ of habeas corpus belongs exclusively to the legislative and executive branches of the go- vernment, and was never intended to exist in the breast of any individual. The war power is dis cussed, and the plea of military necessity is declared illegal and dangerous. Emancipation is classed among the illegal acts of this new principle of the war power. It will prolong the war, and our ener gies should be directed to save the Union. The governor hopes for a speedy conclusion of the war and the restoration of peace. It should be a peace upon the basis of the Union as it was—a union of the states with their equality and rights unimpaired. The fruitless efforts that continued to be made in the New York Assembly to elect a Speaker were beginning to be accompanied by threats of personal violence, and by the greatest disorder and inde- corum. Attempts had been made to attack Mr. Callicott, the Democratic candidate. The Albany correspondent of the New York Herald writes " There is no longer a chance for the question to be com promised. The revolutionary speeches of Messrs. Murphy, Fields, Glover, and Hutchings have driven the Republicans together. They stand firm as a rock, determined not to yield an inch. A paper was drawn up in the caucus, signed by those present, to be presented to the governor, setting forth the facts in reference to the disgraceful scenes of Saturday, and requesting the aid of the militia to pre vent a repetition. A resolution will also be passed in the Senate before the Assembly meets again, requesting the governor to call out sufficient militia to prevent the mob from overawing the members of the Assembly in the dis charge of their duties. It is understood the governor bitterly condemns the course of some of the members of his party, and will respond to the request of the Senate." It is stated that the Conservative party of New Hampshire will make the following peace proposi tion a party issue in the coming election in that state An immediate armistice and a speedy peace, the states to be re-united, the war expenses of both parties to be assumed by the Federal Go vernment, and slavery to assume the place which it held before the breaking out of the rebellion." In the United States Senate, on the 19th ult., Mr. M'Dougall, of California, offered the following concurrent resolutions— " Resolved,—That the present attempt of the French government to subjugate the republic of Mexico to her authority by armed force is a violation of the established rules of international law, and that it is moreover a viola tion of the faith of France, pledged by the treaty made at London on the 31st October, 1861, between the allied go vernments of Spain, France, and England, and communi cated to this Government over the signatures of the repre sentatives of the allied powers, by the letter of the 30th November, 1861, and particularly and repeatedly assured to this Government through its Minister resident at the Court of France. " Resolved further—That the attempt to subject the re public of Mexico to French authority is an act not merel y unfriendly to this republic, but to free institutions every • where, and is regarded as not only unfriendly but hostile. "Resolved further,—That it is the duty of this republic to require of the Government of France that her armed forces should be withdrawn from the territory of Mexico. " Resolved further,—That it is the duty and office of this republic, now and at all times, to lend such aid to the re public o! Mexico as is or may be required to prevent the forced interposition of any of the States of Europe in the political affairs of the republic. " Resolved further,—That the President of the United States cause to be communicated to the Government of Mexico the views now expressed by the two Houses of Congress ; and that he be further requested to cause to be negotiated such a treaty or treaties between the two repub lics as will tend to make these views effective." On the motion of Mr. M'Dougall the resolutions were laid over to the 22d. In the House of Representatives a bill, appro priating ten millions of dollars in aid of the eman cipation of slaves in Maryland was introduced and referred to the select committee on the subject. A bill, authorising duties on importations, to be paid, if desired, by importers in legal-tender notes, with 33 per cent. added, waereferred to the committee of ways and means. On the 29th, in the Senate, a bill was reported from the committee on foreign affairs, to pay French spoliation claims. In the House of Representatives the Secretary of the Navy was asked for any information in his pos session to show that American vessels cleared for any foreign port have engaged in the African or coolie slave trade, and to submit such suggestions to prevent it as he may deem proper. The military committee reported a resolution authorising the laying of a submarine cable from Fort Monroe to connect the Southern military stations. A Washington letter of the 19th, in the Tribune, says that that morning the ways and means com mittee, by an almost unanimous vote, gave Secre tary Chase power to sell bonds at the best price he can obtain. They also took away from the holders of legal-tender notes the right to convert them at pleasure into twenty-year bonds. The same letter adds that at the termination of the financial debate the following message was received from the Presi dent : "To the Senate and House of Representatives,— " I have signed the joint resolution to provide for the im mediate payment of the army and navy of the United States, passed by the House of Representatives on the 14th, and by the Senate on the 15th inst. The joint resolution is a simple authority, amounting, however, under the existing circumstances, to a direction to the Secretary of the Trea sury to make an additional issue of 100,000,000 dollars in United States notes, if so much money is needed, for the payment of the army and navy. My approval is given in order that every possible facility may be afforded for the prompt discharge of all enure of pay due to onr soldiers and our sailors. " While giving this approval, however, 1 think it my duty to express my sincere regret that it has been found neces sary to authorise so large an additional issue of United States notes, when this circulation and that of the suspended banks together have become already so redundant as to in crease prices beyond real values, thereby augmenting the cost of living, to the injury of labour, and the cost of sup plies, to the injury of the whole country. " It seems very plain that continued issues of United States notes without any check to the issues of suspended banks, and without adequate provision for the raising of money by loans, and for finding the issues so as to keep them within due limits, must soon produce disastrous con sequences ; and this matter appears to me so important that I feel bound to avail myself of this occasion to ask the special attention of Congress to it. That Congress has power to regulate the currency of tho country can hardly admit of doubt, and that a judicious measure to prevent the deterioration of this currency by a reasonable taxation of bank circulation or otherwise is needed, seems equally clear. " Independent of this general consideration it would be unjust to the people at large to exempt banks enjoying the special privilege of circulation from their just proportion of the public burdens. In order to raise money by way of loans most easily and cheaply it is clearly necessary to give every possible support to the public credit. To that end a uniform currency, i n wh i ch taxes, subscriptions to loans, and all other i o u r d d i i a nap tis ' a p b u le b . lic dues may be p a id , is almost, if notquite, " Such a currency can be furnished by banking asseeia. tions au . thorised u n d er a general act of Congress, as sug gested in my message at the beginning of the present session. The securing of this circulation by the pledge of the United States bonds, as herein suggested, would still further facilitate loans by increasing the present and caus ing a future demand for such bonds. In view of the actual financial embarrassments of the Government, and of the greater embarrassments sure to come if the necessary, means of. relief be not afforded, I feel that I should not perform my d u ty by a simple announcement of m yapprovalof the joint reso l u tions which proposes relie f only by • creasing the cir culation, without expressing my earnest desire that mea sures, such in substance as those I have just referred to, may receive the sanction of Congress. By such measures, in my opinion, will payment be most certainly secured, not only to the army and navy, but to all honest creditors of the Government, and satisfactory provision made for future demands on the Treasury. " ABRAHAM LINCOLN." The Trzbune correspondent says that as the read ing of the document proceeded curiosity gave place to astonishment_ San Francisco advices are to the 20th ult. Money easy and accumulating. Sterling exchange, 1472. The Northern coast steamer had arrived with 40,000 dols. from British Columbia, and 50,000 dols. from Oregon. The British steamer Robert Lowe arrived at Victoria on the 10th, and was expected at San Francisco on the Ist February to take her place in the new line to Japan and China. The steamer Champion had arrived safely at New York from Aspinwall, bringing 657,840 dots. in specie on freight. She was convoyed by a Federal gunboat to the northward of the islands. A serious fire broke out at Aspinwall on the 26th December, and destroyed over 30 houses. The entire loss was estimated above 250,000 dols. The statement of the New York City Banks compares as follows with the statement of the pre vious week. Increase in loans, 790,548 dol.& In crease in specie, 810,719 dols. Decrease in circula tion, 309,848 dole. Increase in deposits, 1,787,754 dole. Commercial intelligence anticipated. HEALTH OF LONDON. (From the _Registrar General's Report.) In the week that ended last Saturday the deaths in London declined to 1,354. Previously the number had been above 1,400 in every week, except one, since the first week in November, when it was 1,307. The mortality of young persons was the same last week as in the first week of November, but that of old persons was greater. The deaths of persons 60 years old and upwards was 238 in the earlier period ; last week they were 292. The average number of deaths in ten weeks (1853 —62) corresponding with last week, corrected for increase of population, is 1,466. The present return is less than the estimated number by 112. Two children died of small-pox at 1, Dock-cot tages, Millwall ; and four children died of it at 22, Castle-alley, Whitechapel. No less than six deaths from small-pox and fever were registered in Castle alley in the week. Seven deaths were returned by the Small-pox Hospital; and the total number from small-pox in London was 39. This disease is on the increase. Measles declined to 34 deaths ; and scarlatina to 49. The former was fatal in 4 cases in Belgrave sub-district; the latter in 4 in St. Mary, Padding ton and in 7 in Islington. There were 71 deaths from typhus, typhoid fever, &c., and 5 of these occurred in Poplar. A widow died at the age of 92, and another at 96 years. The son of a brewer's servant died at 1, Elizabeth place, Ratcliff, by " haemorrhage from a wound in the head, caused by a shell falling on him from the mantel-piece" (inquest). The coroner adds in his report to the registrar that the mother has lost five children in this way, two of whom died in the Lon don Hospital from a scratch in the hand. If they , bleed but the smallest quantity they die. Dr. Ar nold states that this is the consequence of a h wmor rhagic diathesis. At the Royal Observatory, Greenwich, the mean height of the barometer in the week was 29,857 in. The mean daily reading was above 30 in. on the first four days of the week. The barometer rose to 30.39 in. on Wednesday, and it fell to 29.23 in. on Saturday. The mean temperature of the air in the week was 44.5 deg., which is 6.6 deg. above the ave rage of the same week in 43 years (as determined by Mr. Glaisher). The mean daily temperature was above the average throughout the week, and this excess was 10 deg. and 11 deg. on Thursday and Friday. The highest day temperature was 55.2 deg. on Thursday. The lowest night temperature was 32.2 deg. on Wednesday. The range of temperature in the week was therefore 23.0 deg. The mean daily range was 11.9 deg. The difference between the mean dew-point temperature and air temperature was 5 deg. The mean degree of humidity of the air was 83, complete saturation being represented by 100 On Tuesday the humidity fell so low as 70. On that day wind was in thenorth-west; the rest of the week till Saturday afternoon it was in the south-west. Six-tenths of an inch of rain fell, nearly all of which was on Saturday. The mean of the highest temperature of the water of the Thames was 43.9 deg.; the mean of the lowest was 41.4 deg. METROPOLITAN WATERS IN JANUARY, 1863. These waters, according to the analyses of Dr. R. D. Thomson, F.R.S., are generally much more impure than usual, the amount of organic impurity, especially in the Thames waters, being present in great excess. The Chelsea and Southwark waters presented a milky aspect. The Lambeth and East London waters were also somewhat turbid. The others contained no matter in suspension. Larger reservoirs, by which the necessity of pumping dur ing rain might , be obviated, would be one remedy for these evils. Total impurity Organioim per gallon. purity. gre. or de g . gre. or deg. Distilled Water - - - - Loch Katrine water, new supply to Glasgow 2•35 *605 Manchester water supply Earl-street Well, Edgware-road 113134 33•23 THAMES COMPANIES. Chelsea Southwark West Middlesex 20.00 2'lo Grand Junction 22'68 2'92 Lambeth OTHER COMPANIES. Kent East London New River The table is read thus—Loch Katrine water contains in the gallon 2•3 i degrees or grains of foreign matter in solution, of which *605 degrees or grains are of vegetable or animal origin. Monopoly is essentially a selfish principle. What is good in principle should be as widely extended as possible. The rain of heaven falls upon the just and unjust alike, and there are few things which might not be come common to all mankind. But, as a rule, the world is far from being ready to bring this theory into practice; we are far too exclusive ; we love to be aristocratic in our tastes and feelings, that is to say, to be possessed of certain habits and manners which do not belong to, but are on the contrary caviare to the multitude. The wish may be seen in the private circles of life ; has been long developed in our modes of government and our political dogmas. But as we become better acquinted with the rudiments of econo mical science, all these restrictions are grubbed up, and that which has been the " preserve" of a few is thrown open to every citizen of the empire. At first savings-banks were confined to the better conditioned of the commercial and labouring classes. 'die small tradesman found it con venient to invest a small sum weekly ; and the shilling of the artisan was also welcomed as an indication of thrifti ness on his part, and a desire of becoming a more indepen dent member of society. It is only recently, however, that the savings-banks have been opened to the less well-to-do portion of the community; that the word Sesame has been pronounced for them. There were no institutions in which they might positively hoard up their well-earned pence.— Temple Bar. TRH WASTE OF WAR.—The Governor of th e , State of New York, in his Message to the Senate and Assembly early in the present year, mentioned that since the beginning of the war the State of New York, with a population of less than 4,000,000 at the census of 1860, has sent into the field 222,836 men, and that there are only 125,000 of them left. The annual waste has been about one-third of the whole number. CARDS—WASTE OF TIME !—ln our house at home we youngsters did not play whist because we were dear obedient children, and the elders said playing at cards was " a waste of time." A waste of time, my good people. Allons ! What do elderly home -keeping people do of a night after dinner ? Darby gets his newspaper ; my dear Joan gets her Missionary Magazine or her volume of Cum tehA o r y o g i hd the Joan's d o c t h r e i a a d e Ding, ding, ding—can that be ten o' ming's Sermons—and don't you know wh a t ensues ? Over the arm of Darby's arm-chair th e paper flutters to th e g round unheeded, and he performs the trump e t o bli gato que vows satz rm nods over h , ? may be). bed IY dclock It is time to send the servants to ,my dear —and to b ed master and mistress go too. B u t they have not w as t ed e e o n s e hisr sermon d (awakening nose. cards. Oh, no I-2kackeray in ti de Cornhill for February. their time playing at [ADVERTlSEMENT.].....Holloway'sPills—The Friend. —So soon as the human functions are disordered delusion to leave they should be rectified; it is a hopeless,,s Pills always Femal e ' s the malady to its ow n course. Holloway accomplish this end w ith e ase, safety, and despatch. A few approp r i a t e d oses a t t h e proper per i o d will prevent many a se rious illness. Th e y arres t a ll mor bid influences, and prevent di sease from extending 'and affecting more distant liver, organs. Their Primary action is upon the blood, stomach, kidneys,strengthens the nervous centres. No drugs can be at once so harmless yet 8 ° antagonistic to disorders affecting the other sex. The most perfeet reliance may ;be placed upon it their purifying, regulating, and renovating virtues. 1 MR. BRIGHT, M.P., AT ROCHDALE. MANCHESTER, Tuesday Night. TlMES,—Whatever Admiral Fitzroy may be able to do with the weather, it is proverbially the next thing to impossible to forecast the destinies of a Parliamentary Session. " Down-rushes" occur when nobody expects them, and the most furious storms arise without the indication of the premonitory drum. We look round the horizon and we see not the slightest indication of the coming tempest. We examine the glass, and we find it steadily constant at " Set Fair." Let us enjoy the calm whileit lasts ; it will be time enough to discuss the storm when the wind is whistling about our ears. Let us pro pitiate Nemesis by admitting to the full the fragility of our calm and the uncertainty of our prognostics, and then address ourselves to consider as well as we may what are likely to be the subjects which are destined to command the attention of the Parliament about to meet to-morrow. What, perhaps, may turn out to be the most prominent, as it will certainly be one of the most agreeable topics of the Session, is the state of our finances. For several years we have been struggling with a deficiency more or less large, and although that deficiency has been occasioned, not by any pres sure on our resources, but mainly because it has been the will of our Chancellor of the Exchequer to take off taxes rather with a view to his own notions of symmetry and expediency than to the demand of the people, the cessation of that deficiency is nevertheless a great relief. We do not like to be behindhand in our national balance sheet, even though we may be sure that we get ample value for every tax we remit and for every million we expend. These successive deficits re present the reduction of taxation which was neces sary in order to complete our engagements under the French treaty, the abolition of the paper duty, the reconstruction of our navy, and the remodelling of our ordnance both by land and sea. Still, conscious as we are of so much wealth, we do not like even the appearance of want, and shall, therefore, hail with unmixed satisfaction the assurance that we have once more got a real, genuine, bona fide surplus, not resting on any refined distinctions or dexterous manipulations, but on the simple subtraction of the Expenditure from the Ways and Means, and the exhibition of a substantial difference between the two, arising partly from the elasticity of our re sources, and partly from judicious and well applied economy. Having fairly seized on our surplus, the next and most fruitful subject of discussion will naturally be the distribution of this treasure, an operation fraught with infinite difficulty and very striking differences of opinion. For our own part, we admit that we shall be quite content if Mr. Gladstone so far yield to the modest and humble wishes of the people as to deliver us from twopence in the pound on the Income-Tax, and from the war duties on tea and sugar. We shall then consider that we have got rid of the last vestiges of the Crimean war, and be able to read with unmixed pleasure those forthcoming volumes in which Mr. liinglake will no doubt demonstrate to us how well our affairs were conducted in the Bay of Balaklava and the trenches of Sebastopol, and how admirable everything was, except the con duct of those who advised the expedition, and who still did not shrink from a fair and honest exposure of its mismanagement. Our only ap prehension is that the course which lies before Mr. Gladstone is so exceedingly easy, straightforward, and agreeable that he may for that very reason be disinclined to adopt it. There is a facility about it which he may possibly consider unworthy of his genius, and we almost wish the road we would have him travel were a little less smooth and broad, in order that we might have better assurance that he would take it. A measure which can hardly be much longer deferred is the enactment of a proper law of marriage for Ireland and Scotland. We are obliged to the Yelverton Marriage ease for teaching us, in the history of one couple, the absurdities of the laws of both countries. It is intolerable that the validity of a marriage and the legitimacy of children should be made to depend upon so uncertain a thing, and a thing so difficulty to prove, as the reli gious belief of a wild young man for a year previous to the solemnisation of a clandestine ceremony. We trust this subject will be dealt with, espe cially as we know of no other legal abuse which is ripe for legislation. We can hardly expect so great a change as is involved in the cession of the lonian Islands to pass without voluminous comment. In deed, if we are to believe certain of our contempo raries, a solemn appeal is to be made to the British people not to tolerate any diminution of the em pire which has been won by the valour and wis dom of our ancestors. It speaks well for the good sense of England that this appeal to a po pular passion which is in itself entitled to all respect does not appear to have been successful. The country has felt that all this indignation is misapplied. The lonian Islands form no part of the dominions of the British Crown, but are only a deposit placed in our unwilling hands under the Treaty of Vienna. They offer us no valuable military or naval position. They would require a large garrison to hold them in time of war, and they encumber us with a heavy annual expense. The people have, besides, professed a fixed aver sion from our Protectorate, and the Assembly has refused its assent to the most necessary improve ments, because they will not receive them from our hands. The Transportation question has gone to a commission, and is therefore shelved for the present. Of course we shall have the usual crop of bills by private members to sweep away small shreds and patches which remain to testify that we once lived under intolerant laws, and of course we shall have the Conservative party giving up their midday ride in the Park in order perpetually to save the constitution in the " broad glare" of a 'Wednesday morning. Church-rates also will run their accus tomed course, and be won or lost by one or two votes, according as the influenza shall descend the more heavily on the heeds of the Government or the Opposition. Such are the prospects of the Session. If they should appear to any one rather deficient in liveliness and excitement, we can only offer him these two topics of consolation ; first, that any one of a great number of contingencies may make things go on a great deal more briskly than they seem dis posed to do at present ; and secondly, that it is much better, after all, that matters should go on in this quiet and uninteresting way than that we should be affording to the word and to ourselves the astound ing spectacles, the bitter discords, and the ridiculous pretensions with which we are perpetually brought in contact when we study the annals of other na tions. We are quite content with the division of labour; be it theirs to do and suffer these things, be it ours to read and discuss them. HERALD.—If a foreigner or an uninterested ob server desired an illustration of the easy patience of Englishmen, he would certainly find it in their continued endurance of the present Government. The Cabinet was constructed on the principle of binding together every fragment of the disjointed and scattered Liberal party. Whigs, Peelites, Radicals, the school of Messrs. Bright and Cobden, and the school of William Gladstone, was to unite with the remains of the old Foxites in building up a strong Government. There was to be a real Li beral party, influential out of doors, commanding in the House of Commons! The Opposition in the Peers was to be awed by this compact and power ful phalanx. Such was the deceptive programme. What is the event ? Where is the great Liberal party ? It is gone. No ono can say there is a Liberal party now. But the strange and incon gruous thing in the drama is that the chief actors still meet in dumb show and play their pantomime on the stage, when the piece they were to perform has been long tossed by in the closet and the lan guage forgotten. 1 here is no reform and there is no Liberal party—and yet the Coalition Ministry exists, and they have a public audience, too, which can smile approvingly, This is not gratifying or honourable to our character as an enlightened na tion. But, perhaps, if we look around, we shall perceive so much excellent work completed, such good service done, that in our consideration, sense, and,judgment, we shall condone or forget the lapse of the original agreement on which the Palmerston Cabinet was put together. We are a practical people. Where the intention has been carried out, the effect accomplished, we care not much for the manner. Unfortunately there is nothing of the kind to console us here. The composite Government has been, by pre-eminence, a Government of failures, The Bankruptcy Bill is held up as a mas terly achievement ; but the frequent ap peals to the Lords Justices, and the ge neral dissatisfaction at the working of this abortive scheme, best prove that its provisions will only be of brief duration. In fact, the Coalition Government have destroyed much, have left much undone, and have finally settled nothing. If a Con servative Ministry were to assume the reins of power to-morrow they would find reform still in the pigeon -holes, church rates under discussion, a bankruptcy bill to amend or reconstruct, an educa tional scheme to reduce to order, and the whole financial administration of the country to place on a sound basis and to adapt to actual exigencies. ft may be that in compensation for this utter bar renness of administration we shall find the empire at large flourishing, much prosperity, much peace, and everywhere much happiness. Let the awful famine, half averted from Lancashire by the most munificent private charity, be the reply ! Let the ruined cotton trade answer ! Let Ireland, decaying in her commerce, in her agriculture, in her popula tion, speak ! We English are so accustomed to think for ourselves, to provide for ourselves, to govern ourselves, that we forget the first and pri mary duty of any Administration. It is to conduct the affairs of the nation with success and honour. While thousands of operatives are on the verge of starvation, and while a cardinal division of the United Kingdom is tottering to ruin, and while England is visibly losing her once great prestige, who will say that this necessary condition of atl government has been fulfilled? We are told, in deed, that Mr. Gladstone can boast of a surplus, and that a sensible reduction of taxation will take place. Heaven grant that the event may realise thepromise. But the unstable and illusory past is a warning. Meanwhile our naval and military expenditure is growing enormously, but we can scarcely be said to be waxing in strength or authority among foreign nations. Here, indeed, in our external policy, is the great hiatus. England never looked so much of a poltroon as at tbis present moment. She is ashamed of the stupid part she played in making an opening for the dominance of the Latin race in Mexico, and thence throughout the entire continent of America. But this was and is the avowed game of the French Emperor. The cession of the lonian Islands is a scandal, and should make us all bow our heads with a sense of inferiority and lost position. The feeble jousting in placing a King on the throne of Greece is worthy of a nursery rhyme. It need not be predicted that Great Britain can gain nothing by the proposed movement on the chess-board of a losing ambition. Turning to Rome, the Pope must be laughing in his sleeve at Earl Russell's failures. His temporal power is as secure as ever, and the policy of meddling non-intervention played in Downing-street has been completely baffled. Italy is not a united kingdom. The help of England has been always fatal to Italy. Lord Palmerston's aid has been its disappointment and misfortune. The promise has now, as heretofore, been kept to the ear and broken to the hope. But if not in Italy, where the coup d'etat of our Foreign Secretary was intended, where shall we look for the signs of Al bion's power or influence abroad P Not in France assuredly. Not in Austria, Russia, or Prussia. Per haps at the Court of Denmark, to which we are about to be allied by a most auspicious and august marriage. The marplot is everywhere. Even the country of the bride Alexandra was not to be secured from the mischievous intermeddling of our daring Foreign Minister. Just on the eve of the Royal wedding this eccentric personage casts the question of Schleswig and Holstein on the tapir, enough to frighten from the sacred and endearing spot all that should enrich and gladden the occasion. This is the ghoul at the marriage feast evoked by the very original statesman, Earl Russell. When we turn to the States of America we shall behold the most ruthless and objectless war on record raging, and yet England refusing to interpose a word of friendly mediation to stop the quarrel ; and this while her staple manufacture is going openly to ruin. If such is good governmen it becomes a very grave question in what consists weak and vicious government. For our part we can perceive nothing in the coalition Administra tion but incompetency and mischief—inadequacy to the great task in hand, and irreparable injury to the nation. And yet this Government has been highly favoured—favoured by extraordinary circumstances —favoured by an indulgent pe•Jple. The dissolu tion of the Liberal party spared it the torment of obtrusive friends, always more a bore and nuisance than a service. The American war was a great boon, saving it from the consequences of the lax expecta tions it had raised. The brilliancy and practical force of the suggestions and programmes of the Conservative leaders, easily borrowed and adapted, afforded an agreeable ground for a popular policy. The undisguised support of the most powerful organ of the press was in itself no small help. But the calm and quiet of the people, the respectful lull .nd the reverence for Royal grief caused by the lamented death of the Prince Consort, and the entire atten tion to the unusual famine which assailed the land, and the bustle of the great Exhibition—all gave Ministers free and open way last year, and ample opportunity. The mischief that they might have done had their Liberal schemes succeeded, and their vast deficiencies es administrators and statesmen, have scarcely been noted or heeded. Thus far the Palmerston Government has been fortunate in the nation's repose. But a busy, inquiring season is at hand ; the term of work commences to-morrow. We do not and ought not to expect a quiet session. DIABOLICAL OUTRAGE.—Ou Saturday Joseph Buckland, aged 16, the son of a miller living near Stafford, Piddletrenthide, and Robert Churchill, were charged before Mr. Elliott, at Dorchester, and Mr. Bent, the inspector of police of the South-W estern Railway Com • pany, with placing three chairs on the line, and fixing them on the metals, about two miles from the Dorchester Rail way Station. The engine-driver, Ford, proved that he saw the chairs about 30 yards off, and, putting on the steam, drove through them. Had he not put the steam on to the full power, the engine must have run off the line, and the loss of life would, in all probability, have been very great. Mr. Thomas Bent proved that he had examined the line and the engine, and found such indications as would be pro duced by chairs being placed on the metals. The fragments of three chairs were found scattered all over the ballasting, having been literally smashed up by the weight of the en gine being put on at full speed. A witness proved seeing the two prisoners come up from the line to their carts by the bridge, and on cross-examination by Mr. Bent, who appeared for the company, they acknowledged that they had put the chairs in the position referred to. The bench fully committed the prisoners for trial at the assizes. THE WEATHER.—PORTSMOUTH, 6 P.M., Monday. —Another strong S.W. gale set in here during the night, and continues up to the present time, accompanied by rain. The barometer now indicates 29 95, it having fallen half-a-tenth since 10 a.m. In the report sent from here last evening, attention was called to the fact that a fine bright afternoon, with the wind light at W.N.W., had succeeded to tho strong W.S.W. gale of the morning and previous night. This fine weather has now in its turn been succeeded by the S.W. gale. The weather to windward looks wild. The following vessels from London have put into the Mother-bank and St. Helen's Roads for shelter :-- The Sir W. F. Williams, for China ; the Koh-i-noor, for Calcutta ; the Severn, for Colombo ; the Princess of Wales, for Sydney, New South Wales ; the Dundee, for Jamaica ; and the City of London, for Algoa Bay. VALENTINES OF THE WRONG SORT.—The most fatal symptom of the decline and fall of valentines in modern time is the burlesque or sarcastic tone they have of late assumed. In former days it was the God of Love we honoured ; it was the fleet-winged Paphian boy who hovered round us while we wrote, who inspired those charming sonnets, who inspired pretty epithets and syno nyms and nonsense in our ear. No one would then have dreamt of being severe on the 14th of February . Who first began the graceless change ? What ill-conditioned wight was it who taught us first to substitute lampoons for love letters—who limned those odious libels on humanity, now so popular in our shop windows ? Our gentle Eros is de posed, and restless, pale Invidia reigns instead as mistress of the ceremonies. She points her arrows with a poisoned barb, and paints her enemies in penny colours. She has her caricatures for age and youth, for both the sexes, for all professions. Is there a dandy hair-dresser, a luckless sweep, a youth who measures ribbons in a draper's shop— all one by one fall victims to her spleen. In our cheap valentines the honest attributes of trade or calling are sub ject to the keenest irony. The doctor is represented as a quack; the parson as a hypocrite; the lawyer as a thief. see the washerwoman drinking gin ; the tailor stealing cloth; the policeman sneaking down an area. I have be fore me now a pictorial satire casting the most outrageous imputations on the character of a milkman,—lo724o7l Scci , ;(y, 1 - -_--- - THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 4, 1863. This evening a large and crowded meeting was held in the Public-hall, in Rochdale, for the purpose of passing a vote of thanks to the American subscribers to the fund in aid of the unemployed work people of Lancashire. The meeting had been called by requisition to the Mayor, and hundreds of people were unable to obtain admission after the hall was filled. The Mayor presided. Mr. KELSALL moved and. Mr. ASHWORTH seconded a resolution thanking the merchants of New York and other American citizens who had contributed to the relief of the distress in Lancashire, and expressing a hope that peace would soon be restored, with the Union preserved. Mr. BRIGHT, in supporting the motion, said he regarded this transmission of assistance from the United States as an evidence that, whatever might be the faults or crimes of the Governments, the peoples of the two countries were begin ning to draw together. There had been not a little jealousy between some portions of the people of this country and the people of the United States, which had found expression through the press, not in the choicest language. Why should there be this jealousy between two peoples so nume rous, powerful, and great ? He had never been in the United States, but he could understand the pleasure expressed by those who had, at finding a people who spoke the same lan guage, read the same books, and to a great extent enjoyed the same laws, and who, if we came to the question of per sonal freedom, enjoyed it as fully as we did in this country. Its government was not very different in its essence from that which prevailed in this kingdom. The difference was that our constitution had never been fully enjoyed by the people, because the members assembled in the place where he should probably be sitting in 48 hours from that time were not a full and fair representation, like the Congress which assembled in Washington. But there were points of agreement between them which more than counterbalanced the others. The people of Europe often owed much more than they knew to the people of the United States. America had, in fact, been an ark of refuge for the people of Europe, and especially of this country. In proof of this he pointed to the fact that in 15 years there had emigrated from Great Britain and Ireland to America 2,400,000 per sons, enjoying when they got there all that at home they could have wished or anticipated of personal and political freedom. Looking at all this, and he had but touched on some prominent points, he should say that the position of America offered to us every motive not for fear, jealousy, or hatred, but rather for admiration, gratitude, and friendship. He was persuaded that the more perfect the friendship be. tween England and America the more the path of progress in England would be made easy. After 70 years of peace the United States had become the scene of a war more gigantic, perhaps, than any which we had on record. Was it possible to stand neutral in regard to the contending parties ? He found men sometimes who professed a strict neutrality. This arose either from their being perfectly ignorant or sympathising with the South. There were two great questions involved—first, the continuance or abolition of African slavery among Christian nations; and secondly, the question of freedom to men of all races. If we were to take the opinions of leading men in the South, the freedom of white men was not safe. He quoted from the articles of the Richmond Examater and the speeches of Mr. Cobb, to show that the Southerners desired to convert labour into capital, and thu s put an end to disputes between capital and labour. Nor w as th ere a paper i n the South, or a man more eminent than Mr. Cobb, who had dared to condemn the atrocity of this language. This great strife had its origin in an infamous con-piracy against the rights of human nature. These principles which the Southern leaders proclaimed were not to be found in any of the old heathen writers, or in the practices of savages in our times. It was the doctrine of &vile, and not of men, and all man kind should shudder at the enormity of the guilt which the leaders of this conspiracy had brought upon their heads. (Great cheering.) They argued, and with a perfect logic that if slavery was right the slave trade could not be wrong: The reason why cotton did not come from America, though the port of New Orleans was not blockaded, and though the United States had proclaimed that even persons in arms against the Government should be permitted to send it thence to Europe and receive unmolested the proceeds-- the reason why it did not come was its being kept back by way of influencing public opinion in England. The Southerners kept back cotton that it might injure US ; and they injured us because they thought we could not live for a year without their cotton, and that to get it we should send ships of war, break the blockade, make war upon the North, and assist the slaveowners to obtain their independ ence. To prove that this was the view of the South he quoted from Mr. Mann, Senator Wigfall, and Mr. Stephens, the Vice-President of the Southern Confederacy. These were the men who sent envoys to seek alliance with the Queen of England, and who were received beneath the gallery of the House of Commons as if they were accredited from the most honourable Government with the most honourable mission. Why, the very thing they had broken off from the United States to maintain was felony by our law. They were not only slave owners, slave buyers, and sellers, but that which out of Pandemonium itself never was conceived of,--they were slave breeders for a slave market. He regretted more than he could express this painful fact that, of all the countries of Europe, Eng land was the only one which had men in it willing to take active steps in favour of this intimidating slave Govern ment. The other day a member of the Government who was not a statesman, but was the son of a great statesman, and who occupied the position of Secretary for Ireland, dared to say to an English audience that he wished the Republic should be divided. Why, if that island, which he (Mr. Bright) supposed, in punishment for some of its offences, had been committed to his care (great laughter), had attempted to secede, not to set up a slave kingdom, but a state more free even than the old Union,the Government of which that Minister was a member would sack its cities and drench its soil with blood rather than allow it to be established. (Great cheering.) But the working men and middle classes had been right on this question. (Cheers.) The working men had been too slowly emerging from a condition far from in dependent to have much sympathy with slavery. If, as was said, that great meeting in London were not collected by the reputation of its promoters, the fact only proved that it was collected by the cordial and ardent sympathy of the audience with the friends of emancipation. (Cheers.) The greatly misled s be le t d te b r y i t n h i e nrni new ed sp d a a p i e ly rs . afwebeoetuw was, were e people America, e and were sonsible for the war, but we were responsible for our sympathies. He did not believe it poo -1 sible to be coldly neutral. He did not blame those who no h way ad beenrresponsible b e drew diff eren t conclusions from his own as to the issue ; but he blamed those who desired that catastrophe. For himself, he never despaired, and would not despair From the outburst of this great convulsion he had but one hope and faith, and that was that the result would he the etern a l freedom, grandeur, and prosperity of America. (Cheers.) The resolution was unanimously carried, and the meeting soon afterwards broke up. me a n sw b e a d t i t s l h in m g is f s o io r n r a e r l y i , g m io r u . s H a a n ta d be p rg o : THE TAEPINGS.—The Taepings were sp ec i ous l y rasreputed converts the c re dit o f having or ganised represented for red freedom—anddoguguided the rebellion. Him se lf d ece i ved by the cunning of the Asiatic, he put forth a strange fable, called the " Revelations of Hung-siu-tsien," and was thus mainly instrumental in enlisting on behalf of an organised system of land-piracy the religious sympathy of this coun try: Hordes of armed robbers, ravaging the interior of a distant country, because they said they believed in Heaven, were forthwith pronounced Christians, engaged in war upon heathenism. And, forgetting the first principle of our faith, that it is not to be propagated by the sword, we shut our eat s and hearts against the wail of perishable mul titudes, and dreamed that the light of the Gospel had dawned on Cathay. Years have elapsed since our credu lity was thus imposed on, and from the experience gathered we are now able, we think, to tear the veil from the mon strous imposition.—Blackwood's Magazine. THE FREEDOM OF THE CITY.—The following will answer the questions of numerous correspon dents as to the way in which the freedom of the City may be taken up. It may be obtained :-1. By servitude, having been bound to a freeman, according to the custom of the City, and served duly and truly seven years. 2. By patrimony, that is, being the son or daughter (unmarried or a widow) of a freeman, born after the admission of the father, and having attained the age of twenty-one years. 3. Gift of the City, or honorary freedom. 4. By redemp tion of purchase. The admission under this head is as follows :—Persons on the parliamentary register of voters for the City are admitted upon their application to the Cham berlain (either with or without the interference of a com pany) and without the usual presentation to the court for an order. Persons now on the parliamentary register, but who are £lO householders, and rated to the police and other rates, upon producing a certificate (on their application to the Chamberlain) from the beadle or other authority of their ward, that they are so rated, aro admitted (with or without the interference of a company) upon the Chamber lain presenting their names to the court, and obtaining an order for their admission. All the foregoing pay ss. on their admission, being a government duty under an act of the 11th Geo. IV., entitled "The London-bridge Ap proach Act." Persons who hold premises, or carry on their business, not having the qualification of either of the two cases before mentioned, are admitted (with or without the interference of a company) upon a fine, including the govern ment duty of 55., of £2 18s. 4d. Lastly, persons neither holding premises, nor carrying on business within the City or its liberties, and wishing to become freemen, on their ap plication can be admitted (either with or without inter ference of a company) on the Chamberlain obtaining an order of the court, on their application. The fine in this case, including the Government duty of 55., is £27 18s. 4d. The sons of aliens are now admitted the same as natural born subjects.—City Press. NEGRO SHARPSHOOTER.—The correspondent of the New Fork Herald, giving an account of the attack on Vi c k s b urg, says,— « A negro sharpshooter has been observed whose exploits are deserving of notice. He mount s a breastwork regardless of all danger, and getting sight o f a Federal soldier draws up his musket at arm's length and fi c r o e l e o , ne nl eivvmeyrfaaniling in hitting his mark. It is said that shooters," negroes are fightiwnags h eh er o e t , b t y ho a ug n h e p g r r o o b . ab l ly t oisnlyceartsaisnhatrhpa-t ~'..1.0 ~r+e - SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The " Times " and Sir Charles Napier. (From the Manchester Guardian.) The Morning Herald recently published an extraoi di nary letter purporting to have been written to the late Sir Charles Napier, while he was in command of the Bailie fleet, by the editor of the Times. The genuiness of the letter appeared at first to be doubtful, and we therefore abstained from transferring it to our columns. General Elers Napier, the stepson and biographer of the Admiral, has now, however, declared it to be perfectly genuine. The letter is as follows : " London, Oct. 4, 1854. "My dear Sir Charles,--I have been out in the Black Sea, where I witnessed the landing of the allied armies in the Crimea, or the two letters I found waiting for me should not have remained so long unanswered. As a friend I am bound to tell you what, perhaps, no one else will have the frankness to write, that your conduct in the Baltic has caused extreme dissatisfaction to the Govern ment and to the public, and has already gone far, very far, to tarnish your well-e..rued reputation. You know how unwilling I am to believe that you have done less than any other man could do; but I confess that your letters do not convince me that, with so splendid a fleet you should be unable to do nothing more (sic in ()eq.) than the reduction of a petty fortress, and the enforce• ment of a strict blockade. Of course there are diffi culties, and great ones—of course the weather is not the most propitious—but the country, and especially your friends, have been taught to think that you were the man to overcome difficulties, and that such a steam fleet as you have was a most independent of wind and weather. Since you have gone out, too, everything has tended to demonstrate more than ever the hollowness of Russian strength. Her best armies have been routed by a mob of Turks, and have recoiled before a paltry fort, after a siege in which they had exhausted all their strength and skill. Now, too, their own great fortress of the Crimea. which it was thought whold require a regular investment and a prolonged siege, has been taken by assault within ten days after the troops had landed, their fleet burned, and their army captured or de s'royed. Do you think that after this the public will be satisfied with an excess of discretion,' which preserves your fleet, indeed, from all injury, but which leaves the enemy the same impunity ? I assure you they will not ; and the Government will be supported by the country in removing you from your command, if nothing more is done than you have yet attempted. In the profession, and among the of f icers of your fleet especially, your conduct is most severely condemned. They declare that Revel, Helsingfors, or Cronstadt itself, might have been long since destroyed—that you, 30 years ago, would have been the man to do it—but that now your nerve has failed you, and that you think of nothing but getting safe back to Portsmouth. lam sure there is no truth in this ; but it is said everywhere; and the fact that with so splendid a force, you alone find the Russians un assailable and invincible, when everyone else, with much less means, defeats their armies and destroys their forts, is strong against you. For your own sate, then, and for that of your friends, who have so long supported you and asserted y( ur claims, do make an effort, cease to find dif ficulties'—any old woman can find them. Strike a blow which shall be worthy of your once great reputation, and of the country, and eclipse, if you can, the glory of the capture of Sebastopol by the destruction of Cronstadt. Unless you do something of the kind you are a lost man; you will return like Sir R. Calder, and perhaps some one of your subalterns will reap all the laurels you have failed to gain. This,'l know, is not pleasant to read, but it is the truth, and even admirals should hear the truth sometimes. Pray believe it, and act so that your friends will not have to blush for you, and to hear even Dundas extolled at your expense. You have to choose between glory and disgrace, for the failure to achieve one will ensure the other. I give you the best proof of my friendship in writing you this letter, and am, my dear Sir Charles, with sincere good wishes, very faithfully yours, " JOHN T. DELANE." - - General Napier says :—" When I undertook to write Sir Charles Napier's life, Mr. Delane's extraordinary letter was placed in my hands for publication, together with many other private letters,' the appearance of which in print would no doubt astonish the world, and fully show the difficult position is which Sir Charles Napier was placed whilst goaded on' to undertake an enterprise the impracticability of which was proved by its not being at tempted the following year, when there were many ad ditional resources at command which Sir Charles Napier did not possess. Although the seal of ' private and confi dential' debarred me from making public much curious and interesting correspondence, I was enabled, nevertheless, to bring to light, in justification of Sir Charles Napier's con duct in the Baltic, more than apparently gave satisfaction to the limes. Hence it is not a very friendly review of the work, and the refusal of Mr. Delane to publish my reply to the nearly only unfavourable notice taken of it by the press." COUNTRY MARKETS. LEEDS-TUESDAY. Millers seemed indisposed to purchase wheat, except at such a reduction as holders were not inclined to concede, and therefore few sales took place. Barley may be noted at fully late prices. Oats, beans, and other articles sold in retail, and prices nominally the same as on Friday. MARKET HARBOROUGH-TUESDAY. White wheat, 50s to 54s ; red, 46s to 50s per 36 stone , Barley at 38s to 40s per qr., grinding 29s to 31s per 30 st, Oats, 27s to 30s; new, 22s to 24s per 24 st. ; beans, 36s to 40s per qr. SHEFFIELD-TUESDA r. Red wheat, per load of 3 imperial bushels...2os Od to 21s Od White 11 , ...22s Od to 24s 6d New red 1 ...16s Od to 18s Od I New white „ 11 ...20s Od to 21s 6d Beans ,9 If ...15s 6d to 19s 6d 17 7 7 Peas, per qr s6s Od to 60s Od Grinding barley, per qr 28s Od to 32s Od Malting ditto, ~ 34s Od to 40s Od Oats 228 Od to 308 Od Flour, is 9d to 28 2d per stone. LIVERPOOL-TUESDAY. At our market to-day there was a small attendance of the town and country trade. But little business was done in wheat, and prices unaltered. Flour very dull, and fully 6d per brl lower. Indian corn quiet, but steady. Barley and peas at former rates. MELTON MOWBRAY—TuEsDAY. The following were the currencies :—New white wheat, 52s Od to 56s ,Od ; new red, 47s Od to 53s per 36 stone ; beans, 45s for old ; new sorts, 38s to 41s per 38 Bt. ; barley, 36s to 38s for malting, and 30s to 32s per qr. l'or grinding; oats, 22s to 30s Od per 24 stone. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Auraalia and Mauritius, via Southampton. Feb. 18. via Marseilles iraail and Cape Verds, by British packet. Feb. 3. Cape of Good hope, Ascension, and St. Helena. Mar. 3. China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton. Feb. 18. via Marseilles ...Feb. 12. Falkland Islands Feb. 3 Gibraltar, via Southampton .... Feb. 10. India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton—Feb. 18 --. via Marseilles Feb. 12. India (Bombay), via Southampton Feb. JO via Marseilles Feb. 5. Portugal .... Feb. 3. ..i alta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Feb. 10. via Marseilles Feb. 5. Newfoundland ..Feb, 4. Oporto and Vigo U. S. and British N. America, by Brit. packet.... Feb. 4. by U.S. packet.... by Canadian packet. Feb. 6. W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and Tenerirle Feb. 10. Bahamas, via New York Feb. 12. Mexico.. All parts of West Indies, including Chili, Peru, Feb. 13. California, and British Columbia.. Mr. W. F. WINDHAM.—Mr. Windham appears to have marred at coach proprietor, having com menced a daily service between Norwich and Cromer. He has purchased the necessary stack of horses, and has over- G .me opposition by buying up the individual who has hitherto worked a coach between the two points. It is understoo:l that the coach will be driven ordinarily by a professional coachman, but sometimes Mr. Windham will tool it himself. Mr. Windham is in the enjoyment of an annuity of £3,000 per annum. Births. CAILEW.—On the Ist inst., at 28, Belgrave-square, Lady Carew, of a son. CAVENDISH.—On the 2d inst., at Woodlands, near Bag shot, Lady Elinor Cavendish, of a son. Do CANE.—On the Ist inst., the wife of Major Du Cane, of a daughter. JERVIS.—On the 2d inst., at Lawrie-park, Sydenham, the wife of Lieutenant-Colonel %V. Jervis, of a daughter, stillborn, Marriages. BAlRD_c AvE. ,_.con the 2d inst., at holy Trinity Church, Paddington, Henry Dillon Baird, Esq., of Ceylon, to Caroline Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Thomas S. Cave, Esq„ of Rossbrin Manor, county Cork, and Brancliffo Grange, 'Yorksh ir e . GA SKELL—Cmut.-0u the 2d inst. at Kensington. Riehd , G as kell, Esq., of Canuon-hill, Birkenhead, to . Bessie, the eldest daughter of Jonathan Carr, Esq .. of Holland park. Deaths. BucKNILL.—On the Ist inst., at Rugby, Samuel Bueknill, F.R.C.S , aged 75. DlxoN.—On the 2d inst., at, Stoke Newington, Mr. Bent' Dixon, of the firm of Robert Dixon and Son, age d 49. hiEaLr d ri' D — l n el t d h , e ß 24 .D in ., s a t g'e a d t 7 9r . ating D u n F i t c . EYRE —On the 2d hist , at Mentoni, Penelope, wife of G. Edward Eyre, Esq . of W in the county of Wilts, ~ arrens, Rectory, the Rev. aged 53. NEWBON.—On the 3d inst., at his residence, Elms flou%et. Hammersmith, J ames Shelton Newbon, Esq., Do ctor commons, solicitor, aged 56. NEWSHAAL—On the Ist inst , the Right Rev. Monsignor° , Charles N ews h am , D.D., . President of St. Cuthbert, , College, Durham, aged 71. ____.....-,:_-!—' London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM AND"t o s of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE SUN °flee, 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the C0u11,7 of Middlesex.—Wednesday, February 4, 1203 -