The Sun. — London, England, 1830-07-01 00:00:00

the contrary side, because I think I shall thus best reply to the candour and openness of the Right Hon. Gentle man's statement, by now declaring, shortly and decidedly, once for all, my impressions respecting those principles broached by the Right Hon. Gentleman in his proposi • lions to this House. I think this a more convenient and more candid course than lying by to answer the arguments which may be hereafter advanced. Now, first, re specting the question of adjournment as it affects the Civil List : This is a subject of great delicacy and diffi• culty—and how do I propose to meet it ? By recommend ing that which I recommended ten years ago on a similar occasion—on the accession of his late Majesty George the Fenrth—and it was that we should follow the precedents of the three former accessions. It is a fit, a Constitu tional, and a wholesome exercise of the functions of this House, that Members should consider of the arrangements of the Civil List before, and not after they should have met their constituents. I certainly entertain no more op • prehensions than the Right Hon, Secretary that this House would now, more than it would hereafter, forget the duty it owes to the Crown (that is to say to the people, for whom it is established—and for whose benefit it is supported and maintained) so as to refuse a suitable sup port for his Majesty ; and when I say suitable, I mean splendid as regards the head of a limited monarchy ; but at the same time I know that the people are feelingly alive upon this subject. I know that there is Lit ex treme watchfulness and utter jealousy entertained by the Commons of England towards all espences for the splendid support of the Monarch ; and I am well as• sured of the fact that it is for the comfort of the nation in general, and particularly of the illustrious Prince who has just succeeded to the throne, that a cordial under standing upon this subject should, as speedily as possible, take place between him and his people. And so strongly, Sir, ant I convinced of the advantage of this immediate understanding, that I do not hesitate to declare that the same precautionary arrangements would cease to have the same grace—the same effects, and the same favour, if they were made by a new Parliament, as they would if made by a Parliament about to render to its constituents an account of the transactions in which they were engaged.—(Cheer ing )—I therefore consider it highly important that we should come to some decision respecting those arrange ment, here, and not in a new Parliament. I consider it important to the character and dignity of this House, int portant to the interests and well-being of the country, and of paramount importance to the Crown itself. It is true, as it was stated by the Right Hon. Secretary, that on the death of William, of Anne, and of the two first Georges, the existing Parliament did arrange the Civil List, and that the only deviation from this rule was on the death of the father of our late Monarch ; but this was a peculiar ease, and such was the argument Lord Castlereagh ad vanced against me ten years ago. His Lordship said the ease was different from all others, and that it was one to which no precedent could apply. And now, therefore, I beg to suggest (or, I should rather say, to throw out—for as we have had no notice, or no time for deliberation, I cannot do more), that this is, in my mind, a reason why we should assent to the very moderate proposition of my Noble Friend for twenty four hours' delay. And now I come to another question of exceeding importance—a question, in point of univer sal interest, far surpassing any other which could be now brought forward. I allude to that most difficult and de licate question to which the Right Hon. Gentleman justly supposed (although I gave no direct intimation of it) that I alluded last night. The question is, touching the mode of best supplying any possible defect in the Royal progeny on the occasion of an event (which, may it be far distant, is as sincerely and honestly my prayer as it is that of the Right Hon. Baronet, or of any other Member of this this House, or subject of these realms)—but on the neca sion of an event, which, if not previously provided for, might leave the cottutry under circumstances of much embarrassment. And if I, as a British subject and Mem ber of Parliament, thought it was consistent with my high duties as such to suffer myself to be actuated solely by motives of delicacy or personal regard or de ference to what might be felt elsewhere, I would gladly refrain from at all touching upon this topic-- though 1 hope there is elsewhere too much magna nimity, ton much patriotism, too much manliness to permit the Illustrious Sovereign now upon the Throne to hesitate—to contemplate—to shrink from looking in the face that ultimate termination of his earthly existence from which a recent event may well show him Prinearr no more then their subjects are exempt.—(Cheers.)---I say, Sir, if we were to look only to such delicacy and such personal feeling, I would gladly abstain from all allu sion to even such a possible contingency. I would gladly close the eyes of my Sovereign against the approach of any calamity, however remote—but I have a duty to per form. The House is compelled to look to the irresistible progress of natural events—and, as far as human wisdom may, to provide against them. We have a duty to per- form to the State. Feelings of delicacy and personal pain are not to be entertained. It is our bounden and our highest duty to disregard such; and to prove to our con stituents and to the nation at large that in our deCisions we bow to the dictates of reason, but are inaccessible to the sway of feeling.—(Cheers.)—We have then most carefully, most cautiously, most anxiously to see that the common weal is exposed to no risk.—(Cheers.) — And to what risk do you not expose the common weal by leaving this question undetermined.—(Cheers.)? — In what difficulties may not the State be plunged here after ? In what more embarrassing circumstances could these two Houses of Parliament be placed than by beii.g called on to supply a defect in the Executive Government at a time when that defect must be supplied by an Act of the Legislature of an anomalous nature—injurious and unconstitutional in itself. and only to be justified by the plea of severe necessity?—(Cheers, )—Supplied, in fact, by a thing contrary to all law, formed, as it must be, by two branches of the Legislature, framing a law to which the third, namely, the Crown, cannot give its assent.— (Cheers.)—lt may be urged in answer to this—we did ,'so in the reign of his late Majesty. True, you did—and you did well ; the emergency came on you unawares ; and you did the best you could. But then, as to the Act you ' Pissed, it was not a law—it was only, as it was truly de nominated, the phantom of a Royal Act—a thing tenditrf , more than anythin g thi s H ouse ever did to b r i ng t h e R oya l authority into disrepute throughout the kingdom.— (Cheers)—to strike a blow at Royalty. It went farther than any thing 1 know to teach the people of England a lesson which it was not easy to unlearn. It showed them that it was possible to do acts of legislation without a King, and without the sanction of a Crown.—(Cheers.) —Now, Sir, this is one reason why I think the house , should adept means to prevent their being ever again thrown into st condition which would compel them to pass a legislative Act of a nature so anomalous. Again; I have most earnestly to press upon the House, that if we wait until the emergency shall arise, that we cannot either discuss the question respecting the filling up of the Re gent's place, or the conditions to be imposed upon the person by whom it is to be so filled, with that coolness, calmness, and freedom from personal feeling, which we would bring to the discussion at this present time. We .., could not decide with that unbiasaed judgment which 3 would now direct us. We could not then decide between the rival claims of the various illustrious individuals who might be smarm, to assume the reins of Government, as we might at this moment. The rule of the succession was tikinct—the entire right of the Crown was vested in the ~ , Pt incess of Kent ; but th en we s h ou ld have " placed a a barren sceptre in ht r grasp ;"_ and by no extension of se lf A flattery co u ld " we l ay the flattering unction to our s ou l s " that she could exercise a salutary controul upon the Coen ,,i eila of the State, and it would be a monstrous tnockery of all reason and comma sense to presume the possibility, or , 7} for an instant to think that a child of eleven years old, was , , to say wh o was to b e Regent for the next seven years—to • decide whether her own mother should be Queen for this • period, or whether her uncle should be King, or whether it , several of her uncles should form a Regency according to e the mischievous precedent of 1751 or 1765 ; or finally, whether her mother's brother, to whom she was naturally endeared by feelings of mutual kindness and affection, and v to whom she was under the greatest obligations, should be $ for those seven years the Sovereign of these realms,— (Cheers.)—.llat be this person a man or a woman, the uncle or the mother of the Princess of Kent ; as he or she must he, in fact, the director of a child in leading strings, I do marvel that any Member, possessing reason ing powers, should hesitate to pronounce in favour of an k immeliate decision of this question, to prevent the possi p bility of the many evils which must, upon a future occa sion, throng in, when intrigue and agitation must naturally t , be rife, and Parliam en t wou ld b e called upon to decide upon the spur of an emergency, and without the advantage ..: of that deliberation which should precede every legislative measure.—(Cheers.)—And, Sir, this appears in my mind 1 the sno re s t range , w h en I consider that by this timely !. precaution we should above all avoid that which all men i ought to be most cautious in avoiding —a departure 1 frotn the fundamental principles of the Constitution.— ' (Hear, hear, )ear.)—l agree for one with the Right Honourable Gentleman in the principle that a tempo• rary or provisional Regency should not be countenanced. 1' I could really entertai n no f eel i ng but one of pity for that i ,' unfortunate individual who should thus hold a worse than " barren sceptre in his grasp," and groan beneath the ii" t pressure of a crown of thorns; but there is besides some :thing eminently ridiculous in the idea, that he or she, as it might happen, should be called on for the act by which a superior power was to be established, and this upon all grounds of common sense awl precedent (in saying prece dent, I do not know of any precedent for a provisional Regency in this country, though there may be in others). I repeat, upon all grounds of common sense and precedent, we should, by pursuing the only rational and constitutional course which lies open to us, avert the possibility of our being compelled by any sudden demise of the Crown to appoint this Provisional Regency, which I concur with the Right lion. Gentleman in thinking inconvenient and injurious. —(Hear, bear, hear.)—These are my reasons for joining the Right lion. Gentleman in peremptorily rejecting any temporary or.provisional Regency. I look to the delicacy and difficulty of the situation in which this country may be placed. The Princess is an infant. Parliament is called on to say who is to be Regent during the minority. Now, the first person to whom I must look, and this without any question or regard to po pularity or prejudice, is the eldest uncle of the Princess of Kent. This is a r ule to which, as the subject of a limited Monarchy, in return for the removal of many things that are evil, and the alleviation of many things that are burtkensnme, lam compelled to submit. This rule of ac cession to this office, established against sound reason and the general principles of liberty, does yet minister to us one inestimable advantage—it enables ate to avoid the difficulties and dangers of a disputed succession ; and this is the polar star to which I look as the subject of a limited Monarchy. I then look to the Heir Presumptive, and I find that he exists in the person of an lilustrions Prince, the Duke of Cumberland ; and I find, to embarrass me the more, that I am not at liberty to consider his personal virtues or defects--I am not at liberty to prefer any other person to him. lie is a Protestant Prince, and he is mar ried to a Protestant Princess. On these considerations alone could he be disqualified, and, if not upon these, upon no other.—(Cheers.) But, Sir, there is yet ano her thing to he considered. Parcel of the Salique law pre vails in Hanover. The Princess of Kent cannot succeed to the throne of that Kingdom ; the Duke of Cumberland must ; and thus is it separated from Great Britain. Nuw, then, we have the Princess Victoria—a child of 11 years of age—Queen of these Realms, and her eldest uncle, King of Hanover—a foreign kingdom. Here there is no question of prejudice, or popularity, or disfavour. But it remains for me to con*ider whether it would not be un constitutional that a Foreign Prince or i .:acess should exercise that power within these realms to which his station as Heir Presumptive—indeed, I should say, Heir Apparent, for such he would then become—would he entitled. Am I then, under these circumstances, to abide by the prece dent or am I not ? Am I to protest against the interfe rence of a Foreign Prince, as injurious to the interests of the Britsh people; or am I to adhere to this principle, which, although originally unconstitutional, is convenient ? Or, am I--so to speak—to take my chance of the interests of the farm being sacrificed to those of the freehold.— (Cheers.) 1 throw this out to show that there is no time to be lost in coining to a conclusion respecting this ques tion. It may be urged that, at this late period of the Ses sion, and in the state of public business, it may not be con venient to enter upon a measure of such magnitude and importance, and that sufficient time has not been granted Members to make up their minds upon the subject; but who, with a serious face, will tell me that the lamentable event which has recently taken place has not been long contemplated ? For the last six weeks the minds of some without the Cabinet were turned to the consideration of this subject, and its probable consequences, and I should fancy the minds of some within the Cabinet were not altogether idle.—(A laugh.) Certainly, unless they were made of extraordinary materials, they were more or less engaged.—(Cheers.) Now, Sir, I allow that it may be very inconvenient that a discussion touching the establishment of a Regency should take place at present ; but would it not be better to (Neuss it now and in this way, than when the event which would cause it should have happened ? I come now to dis cuss the respective claims of the Princes of the Blood with a degree of calmness, and with an absence from all bias ; but who can answer for our being able at a future period, and under other circumstances, to bring to the discussion that due solemnity and deliberative mind which it would requite ? Can we promise ourselves that we shall be able to give away the Crown calmly and disinte restedly to one or the other of the claimants ? That we can elect our Regent as the subjects should a Sovereign, and deside whether we are to have one Duke or another Duke for our Sovereign during these seven years' mino rity ? Now there is an actual accession of the Duke of Cumberland to the Throne of Hanover, and Parliament are autitleuly called upon to decide upon his election to the Regency—to the supreme rule in this country, to which he has a paramount claim, although he has not a strict right.—(Cheers.) On all these grounds I call upon the House not to suffer the possibility of a defeat in the Execu tive Government, and to support the motion for the consi deration of a Regency Question. I shall certainly give my cordial support to the motion of my Noble Friend in re quiring a brief delay of twenty-four hours, to enable us to consider the various topics which have been, without any notice, brought before us this night. Upon many of them I cannot profess to have mule up my mind. I consequently require some breathing-time; and is it not more fitting that we should hare this space than that matters should be so hurried forward ? It is but fair that we should have some little time to turn this question over in our minds and view it in the multifarious lights it presents, since, by agreeing is this Address, we at once express our assent to the passing of about two dozen Bills, on which there is an infinite vatiety of opinions. The Right lion. Gentleman tells us what measures he proposes to adopt and what to abandon. One man is in favour of the Beer Bill—but another says he has had enough of beer—(A laugh)—and so say many others. There are others who do not like some other Bills, anti I believe there is nobody who will be disposed to comfort the Chancellor of the Exchequer on the loss of his Sugar Dutios. For myself, however, I must beg to say to the Right lion. Gentleman dulcia sunk), if not in the actual existence at least in memory.—(Loud laughter.)—Nor, I believe, will anybody rise to say a single word in favour of the Fourth Judge in Equity. lie it is had his day—or rather, I say, his sight—and his ex position on that occasion will, I presume, prevent him from ever again claiming the favour of any other audience— (Loud laughter and cheers.)--There aro various other measures Which are scarcely more popular in this House. I myself, however, agree generally in the selection made by the Right lion. Gentleman; but I fear lie will not find this assent elsewhere. Shame of the measurers brought before us in this hurried fashion are of momentous import ance—others are produced for our decision under circum stances at once difficult and novel. By the courtesy of his Mot Gracious Majesty's Message we are now placed in the novel situation of being called on to advise with the Crowe whether the Parliament should be dis solved or not. It is not merely ft question of corporate in. terests, where a Corporation drams that it will abandon certain vested rights, but we are called upon to concur in an Address for the termination of our own existence; anti I,' for instance, without being a Prince, or possessing any part or parcel of Royalty, am placed in the singular posi tion of being called on to abdicate my portion of legislative power, such as it is, as a Member of this House.—(Hear, and laughter.) In deciding upon this amendment too, it ought to be taken into account, that contrary to the usual forms of the House, we have lied no notice. The Address was general, and slid not point out to us any one of those measures which we are now urged to pass. I, therefore, give my most cordial and strenuous support to my Noble Friend in his motion for a few hours' delay.—(Cheers.) One word more, Sir, and I have done. I trust that in speaking as I have spoken, I may not appear ts have done that which if I did appear to have done, nothing could have possibly been snore fallacious. I trust, Sir, I have not appeared in any the slightest degree to violate that pro fouuri respect and cordial attachment which, humble indi vidual as I am, I beg to express with the same sincerity I feel it towards the illustrious Prince who is now seated upon the throne of these realms. Sir C. WETHERELL said he had no objection to the postponeinement of the arrangement respecting the Civil List ; but he was glad that the Noble Lord had proffered them an opportunity of considering the question before deciding upon it. li e t h ought there ought to have been e w e Messages —one of condolence; the other respecting the question of the Regency. There was no precedent on their Journals for suspending the consideration of the question of Regency, sunder circumstances like the present. There were many important questions for consideration. The House lutist take into review the question of the mode of proceeding. But without entering into the question, whether in Parliamentary form the answer to the Message from the Throne ought to take precedence of that question, ho must say, that on the present occasion he hail been taken by surprise ; fur that he did not know that this question of the Regency would have been men tioned. Light as the rumour of that question had been, it hail been repudiated and abandoned by the Right lion. Gentleman. What, then, were the House called en to do ? Without any previous intimation from them that this question of the Regency would or oat be considered, they were called on to come to a resolution ; and the Right Hon. Gentleman, in effect, asked them to suspend the question of it Regency.—(Cries of " Question,")--He beard those cries—he knew that it was a quarter past seven o'clock, and that many, very many Members thought they could be employed quite as pleasantly elsewhere as there ; but he did think that at this moment the *said principles of the Constitution were of snore importance than solid pudding.—(Laughter)—and that they had fore them a constitutional repast not less slid and not less interesting than any that was to be found elsewhere.— (Laughter.)—lle repeated that they bad had no notice of the question. What were they called on to do? They were called on to declare that they would not entertain the question of the Regency now, though they did not know but that the event that would render the consideration of that question obsoletely necessary might happen before they met stain. The Right Hon. Secretary had detailed the Constitutional %natter quite correctly. There was no doubt that the infant Sovereign might, for certain pur poses, be deemed an adult agent, and might be competent to do lawful acts as if she were of full age. But would the Right lion. Gentleman tell them what would be the con sequence in the event of the demise (quad Deus avertid) of the present gracious Sovereign, whose benevolence of character had justly acquired for him, and would secure the affections of his people.—(llear, hear.)—On that subject the comfort given to the House by the Right Hon. Gentleman was poor indeed ; as poor as that given by the lion, and Learned Member for Knareeborough to the Chancellor of the Exchequer upon his sugar duties.— (Hear, hear, and a laugh.)—lr the melancholy event to which he hail alluded were to occur, what would then happen? There would be an infant Princess, heir to the Throne of these realms. She might give her assent to a Bill which her counsellors and advisere—her Regent+, he might call them—would induce her to sign—to one, re. commended by those who were her enemies, who might ruin her honour, her reputation, and her glory, an I in the ruins of these, involve the ruin of the country. In fact, they were told by the Right lion. Secretoiy, that it was improper now to consider the question of the Regency, although, at the same time, the Right Honourable Gen• tletnan acknowledged that the infant might take her pen in her hand, and consent to a Bill that would involve her own ruin and that of the empire. Ile could not concur with such a proposition, although the Right Hon. Gen tleman had accurately detailed :the circumstances under which the same question had been passed over before the Revolution, when Parliament did not make any provi sion whatever, either for the Heir Presumptive or the Heir Apparent. Though the Right Hon. Gentleman had truly stated that the intervention of Parliament was not then employed to guard the Constitution, yet he must say that he looked on its intervention in such cases as a de sideratum. The Right Honourable Gentleman had said, that the first Act with regard to successions and foreign alliances was passed in the reign of William the Third ; but that the grounds on which that Bill was rased were special ; and that since that time, whenever the question of a Regency hid occurred, regret had often been ex pressed that no permanent measure had been adopted ; but that, in each instance, a law bad been passed to pre vent the particular evil on the particular occasion. That want of some general measure had been much regretted by Mr. Pitt and other great Statesmen ; but, though no such measure had bean adopted, he ventured to as sert that the question had never passed without no tice. What had the Right Honourable Gentleman done on the present occasion ? He had called in the aid of the whole House. When lie (Sir C. W.) heard this call made, he believed himself no longer a plain Lawyer and a Knight, but a Privy Councillor.—(A laugh.) In fact, every lion. Member was thus at once made a scut of Privy Councillor—(Laughter)—and all in the Howie were called on to deliberate on this important subject, which no one knew would be brought under consideration ; and the benefits of deep and mature consideration of which, be fore coming to a determination on it, were obvious. On these grounds he should support the motion of the adjourn ment; When they were fairly called on to deliberate upon it, he should know what to advise the House to do ; but lie did think, on the one hand, that it ought not to he postponed altogether ; and, on the other, that the House ought not to be called on to decide upon it at so short and hasty a notice. Ile repeated that the Howie ought to give some opinion on the subject, especially as they had not been told when the Parliament was to be dissolved, and therefore could form no idea when it would again assemble and what it ought to provide against in the mean time.— Though the Right Hon. Secretary knew that matter well enough, and could, no doubt, tell precisely when the Par liament was to be dissolved, that was a Cabinet secret, which was nut now to be communicated to the other Privy Councillors of that House. These were great and im portant matters. It was possible that a Regency might be wanted. How and on what basis that Regency was to he founded Le could not tell. He would not say more in a general way; but be thought that no man would do his duty to that House, to his Sovereign, and his country, who did not concur with the resolution of the Noble Lord for taking further time for the consideration of this reso lution. They had yet time enough to devote to its due consideration, whether they had yet to sit five or six months, or only so many weeks. On those grounds, whe ther others concurred with him or not, he most say that the most important subject that could depend on the con sideration of Parliament was this on which they were now called on to give a vote without previous notice, and without previous opportunity for deliberation. The Right lion. Gentleman had asked them to enter into a sort of bargain with him. The Right lion. Gentleman said that some measures might go on, and some must stop ; that he should suspend the consideration of some, but still asked for a vote of supply, and left it doubtful what iv measures would he allowed to go on after that vo t e was gen. He trusted the blouse would think with him that they could not concur with the resolution of the Right Hc.n. Gentleman on this incalculably important subject, without something more definite was declared by the Government, especially that they could not cutter into any such bargain with him. He repeated that as things now stood, with no provision made for a Regency, the infant Sovereign might be placed in the predicament of signing a Bill herself, or of having it signed for her, which might be of the ruinous kind he had before described. He would use the words of Burke on a similar occasion—" Instead of a child they might have a Lord Chancellor to do it." He did not wish to say anything disrespectful of the present Lord Chancellor; but these were the words of Burke, and they applied not to this or that Chancellor, but to all men who might be placed in the same situation. " Instead of a child they might get a Lord Chancellor to do it—they might even get any image that could be built up by a carpenter, with a wig upon its head, and a great seal put into it. hands to act as Chancellor—in 'hurt, there was no joint stool that any carpenter could make-- there was no wooden image—there was nothing in the shape of a chair or a table that would, under such circum stances, less fulfil the duties of the Constitution, than the person who would then by the direction, and under the government of another, Rive his or her assent to such a Bill."—(Ilear, hear.) 'Whatever might be the forms used on such an occasion—whoever was the Lord Chancellor— be he Lord Lyndhurst or Lord Thurlow—that Chancellor would indeed personate the will of the Cabinet but not of the Sovereign ; and he might in his former capacity give his consent to a Bill that would ruin the dignity and cha racter of the Crown, and destroy the best interest* of the people. For himself he would not consent to this hasty measure that might involve such consequences; and he begged the House to reject it likewise, and not to adopt that bargain which the Right Hon. Gentleman bad ten dered them, and which gave them no security for the settlement of this important question, while it left that Right lion. Gentleman to dissolve the Parliament as soon as he might find the present wants of the Govermnent provided for. Sir R. PEEL said that the Hon. and Learned Member was mistaken in point, when he supposed that a bargain had been tendered to the House. There was nothing fur ther from his (Sir It. Peel's) intention than to :mike any bargain or compact on the subject. He had been requested to state what were the views of Government with respect to the postponement of some of the business of the Session. He had stated what would be postponed and what would be persevered in, so far at least as the Government was concerned only, with a view of meeting what was the ge neral wish of the Mouse, and thus promoting the general concurrence. Mr. C. WYNNE concurred with the Noble Lord's motion, and should give it hie fullest rupport, Ile thought there were other considerations of iMportanee be sides those which were stated by the Right Hon. Gentle , man. Hu did not think that, on the dissolution of Par ' liament, it should be left with the Ministers to provide fur thik: events which Parliament ought to have antici paced, and for which it was bound to have prepared ; and whatever might be the opinion of others as to the propriety of Parliament going on with the public business, he could not state his concurrence with them. He saw no reason why this Parliament should not proceed with the discussion of these subjects, more especially as the gravest difficulties might arise in the event of the occurrence of some cirrtum stances, which, though not now distinctly foreseen, might hereafter arise, and which might be of a nature that abso lutely required to be provided for by Parliament. The Marquis of CHANDOS said, that the West India interest, which was one of immense importance, bad been much neglected. The House must, no doubt, have felt the same surprise as himself at the speech of the Right Hon. Gentleman on that subject. The Right lion. Gentleman had withdrawn the relief be had at one time offered the West India interest, and had tendered them in its stead that which would be no relief, but would rather occasion 4U increase of their difficulties. He recalled the attention of the House to the propositions of the Right lion. kicutletnau, sad appealed to the House whether they could be called a keep;ng of faith with the West Indian interest. which w is at this tinni.nt lahouring under severe distress? He could not accept the Hight lion. Gentleman's proposi tions an relief to teat interest, ner would he allow the Bill now proposal t•o pa.s through the house without his de. cided opposition. _ . Mr. TIART DAVIS' thanked the Ministers fur what they had done for the \Vest India interest, as far as they had hitherto gone, but wished thry hid gone much further. Mr. It. CORDON was glad that the Noble Marquis hail directed the attention of the House to this subject, and had spoken upon it the universal feeling of those who were connected with the West India trale. Ile thought that interest had been treated with contumely and neglect, and he trusted that those who were connected with it would constantly agitate its claim., by which agitation alone, as the example of the Catholics had shown, was their object to be attained. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER confessed that the subject which had just been introduced to the no tice of the House was one on which be did not expect to have been called on to speak. The Moose must see from what had already been stated upon it, what wete the dif ficulties that attended the arrangement of it, and must have formed some idea of the obstacles that the Govern ment had to encounter, in the endeavour to conciliate thole whose interests were engaged in that trade. On this subject he would say no more at present, than that . _ . the Government had felt the most anxious wish to relieve the West India interest to the greatest possible extent con sistent with the means of the country. He had himself originally proposed a mode which appeared to him calcu lated to effect that purpose, and to operate extensively for their benefit. When that plan had been stated in de tail objections were taken to it, and he had then pro posed another of more general relief, of relief fully co extensive with the means of the country, and prepared in a manner most conformable to the views of those who had objected to the previous measure. That bad like wise been objected to; and with respect to the proposi- ,ions that were soon to come under the consideration of the House, he would make no further remark, but would reserve himself to some future stage of the pro ceeding. Having thus expressed himself on the question of the West India interest, he should now come to that matter which was more immediately under the considera tion of the House. That question was, whether they should postpone for 24 hours the answer to the King's Message, in order to take into consideration the question of a Regency ? He entirely dissented from those who were in favour of such a postponement. Ile did not think it consistent with the character of the House, when they received a Message similar to that now addressed to them by his Majesty, to delay answering that Message. The delay was asked for on two separate grounds. First, by the Hon. and Learned Member for Plympton, on the ground that the House had bad no notice of the question. In answer to that, he would nsk what notice could be more distinct than that which was conveyed in the Mes sage of yesterday ?_(Bear, hear.)—His Majesty in that Message distinctly gave the reasons why he was unwilling to submit to the attention of Parliament any new matter. 1 It could not, therefore, be expected that the question of the Civil List, or that still more important question of the Regency, would now be brought forward. But the Honourable ❑nd Learned Member for Knares borough had fully answered the objection of want of notice, for he had said that for the last six weeks the minds of all men had been directed to this subject. That Hon. and Learned Member, therefore, did not coin • plain of surprise, nor did he assert that further notice was necessary, for he distinctly announced that the attention of others and of himself had been for six weeks past directed to these points. As to the objection male by the Hon. and Learned Member for Plympton, that no man knew when this Parliament would be dissolved, and when a new Par liament would be assembled ; but surely the observations of the Right Hon. Secretary for the Home Department had removed all doubt upon that subject. For himself he must say that he thought there were considerable objec tions to consider these questions of the Civil List and the Regency in the present Parliament. The commencement of a new reign tweeted a great many important subjects, and Members ought to know the opinions of their con stituents, not from old and doubtful suggestions, nor from any belief of what might afterwards be found acceptable, but from the more certain ground of knowledge acquired from the previous instructions of those whom they represented. The absence of Members from their places was not a personal question merely, because they would thus be disabled from attending their public duties, and topics like those of the Regency and the Civil List, ought not to he commenced unless they could receive undivided attention. The Hon. and Learned Member for Plympton bad complained that the Re• gency had not been formally brought before the House, and the answer was, that the Crown, under the special circumstances of the times, had forborne to press it on the notice of Parliament. The same Honourable Mem ber had remarked, that the whole Howie had been called upon to advise the Crown as Privy Councillors, taut h e (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) apprehended that the course taken by no means trenched upon the undoubted prerogative of the Crown to dissolve one Parliament and to summon another. The sole object was to pursue that line which would be least detrimental to the I►ublic ser vice. If the House, on the other hand, was of opinion that it would be inexpedient that Parliament should be dissolved, an Address to that effect might be proposed and carried. For these reasons he would not assent to the proposal for an adjournment of the question : if that amendment were intended as an indirect opposition to the Address, the course was not as downright and straightfor ward as might be expected from the Noble Mover; and if, on the other hand, it were meant only to gain further time, it was unnecessary. He believed that no precedent could be found for the re-postponement of it motion of the kind in order to avoid the expression of any opinion upon the real merits of the question. Lord MILTON was able to infer what were the senti- ments of the Chancellor of the Etchequer regarding the amendment, although he had not directly avowed them. fie (Lord Milton) saw many and weighty reasons fur de- laying the question for twenty-four hours. - The Right lion, Secretary had stated what *lmmures were to be pressed, and what were to be abandoned ; and he had further called upon the House to vote certain sums upon account hut he had never stated the amount he should require, al , though upon that amount depended the only security Par liment possessed for its re-assembling. The Might Hon. Gentleman had relinquished his usual fsirners upon this point, and unless the amount to be required were stated with more clearness and candour than had been displayed on some of the late measures, and particularly on th e Beer Bill, he (Lord Milton) must say that Ministers would im portantly neglect their duty. On the Beer Bill the Excise regulations hail been kept in the back ground, end con cealment had characterised the proceeding from first to last. The Right Hon. Gentleman had said that the House of Commons would abandon its character, and not do its duty, if it did not vote this Address; but he (Lord Milton) begged leave to remark, that there was nothing inconsistent with the character of the House, and with the discharge of its public duty, if it required a postponement of the Address —if, for nothing else but to elicit from Government a full statement of their views. His Lordship agreed that it would be inexpedient now to introduce new measures, and one fresh topic of discussion he intended to avoid by withdrawing a motion which was standing upon the paper; but there were other points of novelty involving considerations . of the utmost novelty on which the House ought to deliberate before its separation. He was of opi nion, therefore, that those Ministers did not well whore the Crown who recommended the postponement of mea sures embracing the most valuable and important inte rests, and perhaps risking the peace and tranquillity of the country. He could not sit down without expressing a doubt whether the lion. and Learned Member for Knareaborough (Mr. Brougham) were not wrong in the interpretation ho had put upon the terms used by Mr. Pitt in 1789, when he stated that the Prince of Wales had a paramount claim to the Regency. In the event of the accession of the Princess of Kent, no member of Ile family would possess the paramount claim which was en joyed by the late King, when Prince of Wales. If by the cruel —more properly by the awful—dispensation of Providence, the Throne should lose its present Royal and benign occupant, not oue of the uncles of the Priucese of Kent would be Heir Apparent, but only Heir Pre siiiiiptive. He was surprised that the lion. and Learned Member, with his legal habits, should have fallen into this error ; and he begged not to be concluded by the opi• 111110 which the lion. Member for Knareaborough had expressed with less than his usual consideration. Al though neither the Right lion. Secretary nor the Chan cellor of the Exchequer had given any explanation, and yet strenuously contended against postponement, lie hoped that some other Minister of the Crown was present, who would afford the House some farther satisfaction, by giving a few details. Sure he was, that if nothing more Were 141.1, people out of doors would feel that Ministers had not dealt fairly by the House, nor the House by the country. The CHANULLOR of the EXCHXQUER and Lord MIL TON explained. Mr. 11 C$K1SEION.e.liowever important to an eaten- Mee interest, I cannot help thinking that the Chancellor of the Exchequer would have done better to have postponed whet he said upon the comparatively minor question of the Sugar Duties until some regular motion was matsh. upon the subject. Whatever relief may be just and ne.. eessary for the West India planters, I agree with the Chancel'or of the Exchequer that the shortest measure, under the circumstances, may be the hint, leaving other points to future discussion, I notice this matter, first, because it is the only part of my Right Hon. Friend speech in which I can concur. Ile asks, why do we wish for twenty-four hour, to deliberate upon these important matters? and he urges that we have already had the time we require. I confess that I was never much more sur• prised than by this assertion. Yesterday the Most Gracious Message of his Majesty was brought down, with the con tentt and import of which, until it was read by the Speaker none but the immediate servants of the Crown were ac • (painted. We are there told that his Majesty is unwilling to recommend to the attention of Parliament any new matter that might admit of postponement without detri ment to the public service. Hence may arise a question whether the matters on which we are now engaged cut be postponed without detriment to the public Fer•ice ? Ilut when the Chancellor of the Exchequer asserts that we have already had 21 hour.' notice, let me ask him whether, after the reading of the Message yesterday morning, Mem. hers did not go away from the House with the impression that some description of Regency adapted to the exigenci. a of the State would be proposed ? Many also were of opi nion that some temporary arrangement of the Civil List would also be recommended ; and such was not only the opinion of intelligent individuals unconnected with office, but I could nan►w lion. Gentlemen in office who went away in the entire belief that the topic of the Regency nes to he submitted to our consideration. If the Right lion. Gen tleman were at all acquainted with what has been passing out of doors, he would know that so much has the point been mooted elsewhere, that it has been made a subject for wagers whether the question of the Regency was or was not this night to he introduced. Therefore let it not he sup peed that the information on this' subject was clear and distinct that no mistake could arise. The principal Minis ter ofthe Crown in this House, in his speech to-night, most fairly and candidly said that he would proceed to what he apprehended was uppermost in the minds of all—what might be the situation of the Throne in case of the unexpected demise of his present Majesty? lie admitted that it was a subject full of doubt and difficulty, wide)* had not escaped the anxious attention of Government; and he added, that it had been considered the least of two evils not to bring it forward in the present Parliament. Go vernment, no doubt, has taken amide time to deliberate upon this point—and when, on our part, we ask for only 21 hours for consideration, we are told that it is altoge ther unnecessary. Called upon to decide upon the sudden, it seems to me that there is no room for hesitation; look ing at the disadvantage on the one hand of having a few Members employed in canvassing, certain expenses thereby incurred, and possibly a corrupt effect, as my Right lion. Friend observed, produced upon the people; and looking on the other hand at the fearful dangers and possible con sequences of that contingency which I pray Heaven to avert, not only as a loyal subject, but as a Member of Parliament anxious for the tranquillity of the people and security of the Constitution ; I cannot doubt as to the balance, and as to the impolicy of the course we are so hastily called upon to pursue. Remember that we are dealing with an event in which human foresight will be of no avail—which cannot be measured and fathomed I►y the wisest—which no prescience can foretell—no prudence avoid : no shield can guard, no sword defend, the Sove reign front the inevitable lot of humanity. The wisdom of our ancestors has provided that Parliament may continue sitting for six months after the demise of the Crown, in order to watch the public interests, and, to use a technical expression, to attend time inheritance of the Crown. Should that disaster befal us which my argument implies, and no thing have been done in the way of precaution, we shall have set the wisdom of our ancestors, which gave us this opportunity, at nought, and the dreadful consequences may be measures subversive of the Constitution itself. Shall we then, witl► our• eyes open, and with the means of avoiding these evils within our reach, expose ourselves to the risk, not indeed of a disputed or doubtful succession. but to a risk only second and minor to it, that of having the powers of the Crown to devolve into hands totally impotent and incompetent? For aught we know that very impotence may be the occasion of an act subversive at once of all the rights, privileges, and prerogatives of the Crown. I do nut mean, of course, that such dangers must end in such disasters ; but ought we needlessly to expose ourselves to the peril, and would that exposure tend either to the se curity of the Throne or to the happiness of the people ? Again, let me observe, that we are not only called upon to deal with this question, but with other' necessarily in cluded in the Address ; and upon none of these are we to be allowed even twenty-four hours for deliberation. My Right Hen. Friend says that we are not at present to touch time Civil List ; and I confess myself that I do not see so strongly an some the inconvenience of postponing the permanent arrangement until the meeting of a new Parliament. Government ought to have time to discuss and weigh all the details, and when the plan is at length brought forward it ought to be referred to a Select Com mittee ; and that inquiry will unavoidably occupy time. -Therefore, I do not view with either jealousy or• alarm tl►e proposal to continue the present Civil List for a short period, on the understanding that no part of time new ar rangement is thereby prejudged. Next we are called upon by the Address to do—what? To declare that all the important measure% that have occupied us so UnCeae ingly during the present arduous Session shall be at once abandoned ! To say the least of it, this is to stultify Parliament ; for we must declare that all the measures which, in the opening of the Session, came reconunended from the throne itself, as essential to the well-being of the country, are not so essential as the dismissal of the present Parliament, by which they are to be gra tuitously, and, perhaps, for ever abandoned. Whet the country think of us, after the labours we have undergone, and the long debates we have held, if we at once break of with doing literally nothing? Did I say nothing ! We than have done worse than nothing—we shall have brought forward measures only to relinquish them for °there which in turn have been also abandoned. We could not bet night extract from the Chancellor of the Exche quer what be meant to do with the Sugar Ditties, and yet now, on a Wednesday night, not ordinarily devote►tl to business, we ■re required to decide at once upon the most important topic that can ever engage the attention of the Legislature. I do not dwell upon the danger and confusion —which itself is danger, to arise from time fatal and un looked-for demise of the Crown, when, if the course now suggested be adopted, there will exist no executive autho rity, excepting by means of one of those temporary expe final which have been of late too MCI) the fashion. An Order of Council might temporarily settle the question of the Sugar Duties, by directing the collection of more than time subject was entitled to pay ; but what I now refer to goes to the root and foundation of the Monarchy itself; *MI is that too to be settled by an Order of Council ? What I contend for is this—that there are risks it is in no way necessary to incur ; let tot settle the Regency now, and not leave it to a period of unforeseen calamity, when all the excitement of party animosities will be in full and violent operation, and when we shall be deprived of time reliance we might be disposed to place on the executive Government. I cannot too often impress upon the Henke that all we ask, in order to avoid the chance of the evils I have pointed out, is a delay of twenty-four hours. As to the estimate% alone, I beg to know whether it is too much to ask for a delay of twenty-four hour" before we decide whether we shall grant a vote of credit, or whether we shall proceed with the supplies in the regular Parlia mentary course? That comae was settled by the wisdom► of our ancestors, and shall we determine, upon the spot, to depart from it, lest a new candidate should unexpectedly start and derange the interests of some favoured, because favouring Member ? Do not let us forget that we have six menthe before us for the deliberate consideration 0! these great questions ; and heavy will be the responsibility of Members of Parliament, and fifty-fold heavier the re sponsibility of the Members of Government, if they ne glect this opportunity, and expose the nation to the perils and calamities which all may foresee, but which it may be soon too late to avoid. On three ground., I implore my Right lion, Friend to reconciler his proposition, awl to allow us the short delay we require. I implore it the more, became we are now on the last day of June, and how shall we be better quelifieti to decide these great [natters in September than in July ? We know that Patliament has beet► not unfrequently called upon to con sider menet% of importance in time month of July, and even in August; and I tem see no peak reason why time Advisers of the Crown should recommend the re. assembling of the two Houses at the most inconvenient period of the year. That Parliament, if now dissolved will be stn re-ayseinbleti, as soon as the write are re turned, I cannot for• a moment doubt ; and I never will believe that a House of Commons with }wham two or three hundred new Members will premise more knowledge of public affairs, more capability of deciding great ques tions connected with the public' interest, titan the present House of Commons with the assistance of all its experi icti,e;t4lcrel;one eee n i ing e l i't'cnvy(aut;.W..:ritititsii4:bea°gdrgrra'ridtli:td'euiranotici°gmlniti?;:itt(mcYiri-uvoYwi will not l t hot :e lats t te e t i li m ar t i e ri o n amen e meat inevitably be re. a l t i s tai ti li e : r n o u b : l nt e , m tru l i , naut t ee o nt c o m a mi l t li t t e o n nu d or with a ll the compli c ated and iteetimulateil difficulties , and t p l a i s e se a d le i r:i l rf i g din i g nme t , e h t a tr t it l y ,u t i l i i : rm o t ue t n t t may: great commtitutional eatablithmenta. Mr. BRIGHT referred to the period when the Act ~. .. . . homer than for sic months artee'lmtiv:deteivir of the .Peow". and contended, by analog/. list the mptisint '‘liite. wf, or] times the moat proper for'noisiditeing thse.citcuttestenerayif mse the country connected wit the iuopossion'tolitollaiino. Ile also adverted to the seritsueyeapimribilistitictitmekiby Ministers in refusing to dinants M.-now the queetiote ef;the Regency, and to the great importance and interest of the .. subject to the country. He agreed with' the-. Right ilmomm :` Member who spoke last, that the Civil List did not pre, ' 4 ) with so much urgency, and that it required much time I" 1 ' investigation before the House consented to any pentium,' settlement. He called the attention of the Museum the main I ,i great questions yet remaining undecided upon the Ordeme of the Muse. Something ought to be determined regard- ~ ing the Canada', which were in a stem of disturiuuwe and uncertainty. The growth of tobacco in Ireland wa# ', a matter of no small moment ; but that, end the questions connected with the Courts of Equity, tithes, and beer . were not to be finally concluded. He complained that , the Chancellor of the Exchequer bad never yet sufficiently #: stated the nature of his proposed change regarding beet, ~ although the Bill hal arrived at ha last stage. The Visit!) . f-t Laws, Secondary Punishments, and the Ecclesiastical ! Courts were three other questions that wheee to be wholl) e abandoned ; and with reg ird to the sugar duties be would ashen, that the proposed alteration by the Chatfeellor m.l ;. the Exchequer was very far from giving sitiefactice so .., the West India interest. The planters, during the whol.. Session, had been ill treated ; relief had been promised II) a change in time duties nn rum, but that had been ro m linquished for the present scheme, which, itself, was 11 r to be hurried through the House without any opportunii) of ascerteining the views and wishes of the parties mote . immediately concerned. With all 'these matters unfinieheme was it fit, then, independent of any consideration of the . Regency, that Parliament should be dismissed in ordet ' that in the next Session the topics should be wive.' la before those who, from their want of knowledge and ex. 4 perience, were unable to arrive at a sound decision ? Besides, it ought to be remembered that no period of the r t , solution could be more inconvenient than that now about to be chosen ; in the middle of a circuit, Members con 41 ) *meted with the profession would be led by personal ate. 114 bition to neglect the interests of their clients. Mr. LENNARD suported the motion of the Noble `et Lord for postponing time debate. The llonse seas calms' upon to take this important question into consideration .! , by a regard for the interests of the country.—(" Question, i question.") imt Lord JOHN RUSSELL could not suffer this great con , stitutional question to pass by without expressing -his , k , opinion.—(llere the Noble Lord was interrupted by cries of " Question, question," " liar, bar.")—The Noble Lord observed that the House had, on limner (recisions sat patiently till two or three o'clock in the morning die. cussing questions of far less importance than this; yet they were, at this early hour, impatient to come to the vote on a question which went to overrule every offie 1, and to pledge the word of the house that every possible means should be afforded to dissolve it in as short a time possible. Was it too much to ask for a little attention from gentlemen before they came to a vote of this nature ? When he (Lord J. Russell) analyzed time reply of the Right Hon, Gentleman, it amounted to this, that it was convenient to the Members of the House that they should abandon their places, Sind be enabled to carry on their m eats with the smallest expence. It was convenient to hill. :. doubtless, that instead of having t i deal with Membem• about to meet their constituents, he should have Members who would not have to pass that ordeal for six yeatms. when the votes they had given on the Civil List, and other matters of that kind, would be forgotten or overlook , d by their constituents. These were the real reasons of tt Right Hon. Gentleman, when stripped of the ornaments he' hal clothed them with. He only had to appeal to the personal interests of lion. Members, in his opinion, to make them forsake the claims which the public may had upon them. The Right Hon. Gentleman, in speaking . I I the Civil List, had referred to the precedents of the the. * first Princes of the House of Hanover; but he lied not ad., vcrted to the discussion on the accession of George 111. , r when not merely the Civil List came under consideration V but the change of the whole private revenue of the Crow, . m; which was transferred to the e ublic service. The questiomm ought to be discussed and decided in the present Path, mount. There was, indeed, another and a greater questio. which was worthy to claim the attention of the House— s he meant the Regency. In the year 1705, George 111. ie. vited time House tea consider this very subject; and them. I was not * single reason which existed in 1765 far settline by authority of Parliament, what provisions should Imo, made in time event of the demise of the Crown, whim.' did not exist now. The same evils, the same (hinge.. I which induced George 111. in 1765 to come down it Pediment and recommend the appointment of a regete ). fur the realm, impended at the present time. In the eve ml of the demise of the Crown, all power would fall into the hands of a child of eleven years of age, who might diseolvm the Parliament, and the power of the government might , fail l u te the hands or persons of whom Parliament and timm Ministers would be ignorant. It could make little differ cure to his Majesty's Ministers whether the question w ms considered now or six months hence, and the Public l" - term urgently called for its consideration pow At lea. r 1 let the House have twenty-toile hours fur consideratimme 1 before it was called upon to pledge itself to the King, met ' resolve on a question never promulgated before that evenimme anti of which no one had an adequate conception till ihm Right lion. Gentleman had finished his speerh—(Lot,ml cries of " Hear.") It was the duty of the House not to decide on such an important question in a hurry, or i might decide what it might see reason hereafter to repent No one could vote in favour of this question but from am implicit confidence in Ministers ; and he was bound to say, that however well he might think of some of their AC. ! mid intentions, that confidence he was by no means pee - pared to give them.—(blear, hear.) —Notwithstanding Vmm talent, the skill, and the discretion of the Right Hon . Gentlemen, in the Ministry, as a whole, sod partieulai is in that House, be had no confidence.--(hear, hear.)-- Oae alter another, their propositions, if not rejected, had bren so taken by the House, that when the end of the Session approached, half of them were obliged to be threw' , over-board.—(Naar.)—Thie fact of itself area a proof imm the weakness with which they conducted their &Grim. There was one question which had been brought into the House by an Hen. Friend of leis, and brought in et a late hour, and after repeated discussions (time Galway toe re Regulation Bill), for the purpose of destroying corrupt in fluence, which heti been so dealt with as to musket that town a clue„ borough, and place it in the hotels of a single person. He understood by the public Papers that the per son who bud proposed this anti-popular mode of settling the borough of Galway was at the head of his Mej#sty'.. Government.—( Hear, hear. )—Witetever he (Lord Jolt!' Rummell) thought of the Noble Duke's meaatires, and some of them he thought were not founded on right views, Im, said not think a week ago that he would hoe soiled his hands with such a job as this.--(Cheep.)—The Nobl# Lord con chided with urging that It was the ditty of the House to postpone this question till another day ; it could only be justified by a blind confidence in his Majesty a Milli. eters. Ile should give his support to the motion of his , Noble Friend. Sir R. PEEL said, that the question was, whether ot not time House would present to the Thiene an answer to ' its gracious Message, expressive of the acquiescence of the House its time proposal made to it, and pledging itself that, SO far as depended on the Commons, them wee every di, position to concur in it, or whether the consideration . 1 it ahould be postponed for twenty-four hours.—(lleur.) This was the nature and extant of the amendment.— (Hear.) The whole proposition put in junta-position , with the motion, amounted to this--that whereas the house hid had twenty-four hours to sontrider the epee. Lion—(Loutl cheers front the Opposition, eultoed fro me , the Ministerial side).-should it ar Sholliii it not hew forty-eight? Could soy men doubt, when the Mes sage was delivered, that the 'newer mold lee, in comm.• i cs i ii : tei r i tg i ulhl i n t o 3 l ' a vy n:y iy i u : e h r st e i ht t a i h ao n e tn f:;lo64Ortiivlsb"itxhoaftwtl:oliika itstitiollehuvewserr:y.sauufteirtnnielectifieltilaiel hadl' v v ti i i i t t I h i l .Aft l i i . e i s m m• m josty . ii GoVerOltlatlt bed been considering this queetimom of a Regeuey. If so, surely blembeis mut be perfectly competent to decide whether the question of the Regenee shottid be considered or net, But really the considetatiou of a fit person for Regent, which involved many other int. fortant questions, was is matter which, at this late pet hid of the Session, stud on a vote of credit, it was not very can ;Telma to discuss. But it was said this question had bee mm ' bought on upon a Weilnesday—(llear)—etlith was one ;,;', the reasons given why the House should postiente its con- M sideration.—(Hear, heer.)—So the% the King of F.nglaud ' leaving died on a Saturday, and the House of Common. not being in a condition to meet for Wahines till Tuesday '-m then, when his Majesty's Governnieat called on the House. to offer tin Wrests to his Majesty on time next socceetlimmi day, his Right Honourable Friend found out that time. - day was a Wetinesday.--.(ilear, hear, and a laugh.)—''m d t i l f u i a t t t y h e l o i r t t ir b a m i tm e t , :i ‘ r t p a e l l u d m i l l i m i t es l G v :e a . r y i : a l e t i t n i a v i n i s 4 l i a l v i were not ' n H e i i o t t n w . prepared "t)il° l o i Tm li tT4 l: kieson) had termed this Parliament * ete r n i d e et ( tmeml hr i'm l ir i l meet ; but his Right Hon. Friend seemed tis Prget, as he ha 4 on other Orcil4lolol, that be had himself been a ver s a n t of th e Crowit.—(tienr.)—•Vhere wee scarcely a spleen wirtell eelt t,,t,it his !tight lion. Frielut, front which it slid not appear to, hint It. Peed that he bad consigned to oblivion Os fart that i , t., twenty years no gentlemen hart hoot mere e norosesee With alts i: acts of time trovetionent than he hads-illeer)--arie it hems-