The Sun. — London, England, 1854-02-01 00:00:00

PORT TENNANT PATENT STEAM FUEL and COALCO3I t'A.NY.—Notice is hereby given, that no Application for Shares in this Company will be received after W.E.11- NESDA I", the Bth day of February instant. By order of the Board. GEO. ANGUS, Secretary. London, 22, Moergate-street, Feb. Ist, 1854. JAPANESE EXHIBITION. The FIRST DIRECT IMPORTATION from JAPAN is NOW OPEN for EXRIBITION, at the Gallery of the Society of Painters in Water Colours, se, Pall-Mall East, for a limited period, as the Society re quires the Gallery for their own paintings. Admittance, 2s, AR. ALBERT ' SMITH'S MONT BLANC, Including the BERNESE OBERLANI) and the SIMPLON, EVERY EVENING at Eight o'Clock, (except Saturday), and Tuesday, Thursday and Satur da y Mornings, at Two. Stalls, 33., which can be taken at the box odic: every day from 11 to 4 ; area, Rs.; gallery, ls.—Mont Blanc , Egyptian nai Piccadilly. EGYPTIAN HALL.-CONSTANTINOPLE is open TO-NIGHT at Eight, and Every Day at Half-past Two o'cck. The Lecture is delivered by Mr. CHARLES KENEY, and has been written by Mr. ALBERT SMITH and Mr. SHIRLEY BROOKS. Admission, Is.; Reserved Seats, 2s. LAURENT'S CASINO, ARGYLE Rooms, (Lessee, Cries. C. LAURENT, Onslow-house, Fmaam-road), The above Rooms are now OPEN FOR THE SEASON. !tn.! will continue open every evening, with LAURENT'S CELEBRATED B.A.ND. Admission, Is. Doors open at half-past 8 Dancing to commence at 9 o'clock, and terminate at half-past 11. R OYAL POLYTECHNIC INSTITUTION. PATRON.—II.R.H. PRINCE ALBERT. FIRST EXHIBITION of SPECIMENS of COLOURED PHOTO GRAPHIC PICTURES, giving all the accuracy of outline and tints of nature, in addition to the MAGNIFICENT PHOTO GRAPHIC PICTURES, prepared expressly for this Institution by Monsieur Ferriere of Paris, exhibited on a surface of about a thou sand square feet, with an ENTIRELY NEW SERIES of DIS SOLVING VIEWS, daily at a Quarter past Four, and in the even- . . inns at a Quarter-Past Nine. LECTURES by Dr. BACROFFNER on WILKINS'S NEW PATENT UNIVERSAL ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH. LECTURE by J. 11. PEPPER, Esq., on SPONTANEOUS COMBUS TION, with Brilliant Experiments. Open Mornings and Evenings. Admission, .Is.; Schools and Children tinder Ten years of age, Flalf-price. Annual Subscribers to the Institution are eligible to be elected Members of the Reading and Chess-Rooms, on paying an additional Guinea per Annum. UNGARIAN PROMENADE CONCERTS. —Admission, Is.—ROYAL MARIONErTE THEATRE, Adelaide-street, West Strand —Every EVENING, at Eight, by the renowned HUNTIARIAN B tND, whose performances have created such intense interest throughout the leading Europeamcitles. The programme is varied nightly, and includes the finest compositions of ancient and modern masters, as well as Hungarian and other na tional Melodies, Mazurkas, Waltzes, Galops, and Quadrilles. Ka lozdy, conductor., Soloists—Flugelhorn, Horanyi ; ciarionette, M. ../Ittgarde; piano, Miss J. Warman. YJcalista —The Misses Brougham. Morning Performance, Wednesday and Saturday, at Three. rIi.OGILAMHE FOR THE DAT. PART, I. Introduction (Robert le Diable). Meyerbeer ; Duett (I would that my Love), Mendelssohn, the Misses Brougham ; Solo, pianoforte (Fantasia —La Violette), Misc Julia Warman ; Waltz (My Dream), Li c htenstein; Song (Oh, Speed my Bark), Barnett, Mr. A. H. Percy ; Cavatina (Ernani), Verdi; Song (Bonny Bessie Gray), C. W. Glover, Miss Elizabeth Brougham; Galop (Cuckoo), arranged by T. Distin ; Quadrille (The Wedding), Lichtenstein. PAST 11. --- Selection (I. Lombardi), Verdi ; Duett (The Cousins), C. W. Clover; Polka (Cadogan), Kalozdy; Solo, pianoforte (Standard Bearer), Miss Julia Warman; Song (Adieu, Fair Land), W. Vincent Wallace, Mr. A. H. Percy ; Waltz (Eglinton), Kalozdy ; Song (My Heart with Love is Beating), Miss Josephine Brougham; March (Radetzkyl p Strauss; Quadrille (Malta), Kalozdy. First appearance of Mr. ALBERT HENRY PERCY as Principal Tenor. MINERALOGY and GEOLOGY. Elementary Collections, which will greatly facilitate the study of these interesting branches of seience. can be had at 2,5, 10, 20, 50, to 100 guineas each, of J. TENNANT, Mineralogist to her Majesty, 149, Strand, London. Mr. Tennant gives Private In struction in Mineralogy and Geology. He is also agent for the sale of Sopwith's Geological Models, which can be had in sets from 2/. to Si. each. ORNAMENTS for the DRAWING-ROOM, LIBRARY, and DINING-ROOM ; consisting of a great Variety of vases, figures, groups, inkstands, candlesticks, obelisks, inlaid tables, &c., in Derbyshire spar, marble, Italian alabaster, bronze, &c. Manufactured and imported by J. TENNANT, 143, Strand, London. PURS SELL' S. —BALL SUPPERS and WEDDING BREAKFASTS SUPPLIED in the first style; public breakfasts, dinners, and promenade suppers supplied by con tract ; a large stock of bride cakes for immediate use, from one to twenty guineas each; a handsome cake for five guineas, packed and sent to any part of the country if required, and warranted to keep 12 months.—JouN R. PuassELL, 162, ltegent-street, and 20, Ludgate bill, only. DR. LOCOCK'S PULMONIC WAFERS. —Extract of a Letter from Yr. J. Cole, Chemist, Aberyst 'with, Oct. 22, 1853.—" I sell as much of Dr. Locock's Pulmonic Wafers as any Druggist in Wales, and can bear testimony to their efficacy." Price Is. lid., 2s. 9d., and Its. per box. Sold by all Chemists. A LLSOPP'S PALE ALE, in Imperial Quarts and Pints. Bottled by PARKER and TWINING, Beer Merchants, 51, PALL-MALL. BARON LIEBIG ON ALLSOPP'S PALE ALE. " The specimens of your Pale Ale sent to me afforded me another opportunity of confirming its valuable qualities. I am myself an admirer of this beverage, and my own experience enables me to re commend it, in accordance with the opinion of the most eminent English physicians as a very agreeable and efficient tonic, and as a general beverage, both for the invalid and the robust.—Giessen, May 6. We refer the learned to Baron Liebig, the temperate to Dr. Car penter, invalids to the Medidal Profession, and the robust to the best Clubs of London, for the merits of our stock of ALLSOPP'S ALE. The Thirsty Soul" and " Constant Reader" of the "Times" we can also satisfy with our IMPERIAL MEAMJEtE. Quarts Bs., Pints Is., half-i ints (for Luncheon) 3s. per doz. Also in Casks of 18 gallons and upwards. Address—PAßKEß and TWINING, Beer Merchants, 534, PALL MALL. THE CRYSTAL PALACE DISTRICT GAS COMPANY. Capital, 50,0001., in 5,000 Shares of 101. each. Registered Provisionally under 7th and Sth Vic., Cap. 110. Temporary Offices, 38, Moorgate-street, London. TRUSTEES. Sir John William Lubbock, Bart., Mansion-house-place. George Henry Barnett, Esq., 62 Lombard-street. DIRECTORS. G. P. Pocock, Esq., Log Hall, 04d Ford, Middlesex. Peter Le Neve Foster, Esq., Society of Arts, London. Edward Roberts, Esq., M.D., Farnborough House, Sydenham. Henry P. Stephenson, Esq., A.1.C.E., 10, Tharlow-place, West Brompton. Erasmus Wilson, Esq., F.R S., Henrietta-street, Cavendish-square. Annrroas William Quilter, Esq. (Messrs. Quitter, Ball, and Co.), Coleman street. Benjamin J. Chapman, Esq., Palace Distillery, Bromley, Middlesex. BANKERS. 6 Sir J. W. Lubbock. Bart., and Co., 11, Manilon-house-place. Messrs. Barnett, Hoares, and Co., Lombard-street. SOLICITOR AND SECRETARY. John Downes, Esq., 38, Moorgate-street, and Bromley, Kent. BROKERS. Messrs. Crosley Brothers, 30, Combat, London. CHEMICAL ADVISER. Robert Dundas Thompson, Esq.. M.D., Professor of Chemistry in St. Thomas's Hospital, London. ENGINEER. W. M. Steam, Esq., 43, Moorgate-street, and Sydenham, Kent. The call will be 1/. per share on the let of each month. One of the principal features in this projoct is the lighting up the Crystal Palace, with the large and populous district arising around It. An eligible site is secured, suitable for works of the first class. The Company kas been registered, and all the necessary steps taken for commencing the p ant forthwith. Prospectuses may be had and applications for shares made to Messrs. Crosley Brothers, 30, Corn hill, or at the temporary Offices of the Company, 38, Moorgate 'street- City, JOHN DOWNER, Solicitor to the Company. January, 1854 MEDICAL ADVICE ON THE SECRET INFIRMITIE2 OF YOUTH AND MATURITY. DR. SAMUEL LA'MERT, 37, BEDFORD-SQUARE, LONDON Doctor of Medicine, and Matriculated Member of the University of Edinburgh, Honorary Member of the London Hospital Medical Society, Licentiate of Apothecaries' Hall, London, &c., C. MAY be consulted, personally, or by letter, on the various disorders of the nervous and generative system, resulting from juvenile irregularities and excesses, which have pro duced more misery in youth, degradation in manhood, and prema ture decay at all stages of life, than perhaps any other class of dig 8/10S known to modern pathologists. Long and practical experience in the treatment of these diseases has proved that there are in exist ence secret causes of self-acquired miseries and disappointed hopes in existence, traceable to certain pernicious habits, to which Nervous Debility, various forms of Insanity , Unhappy and Unfruitful Marri ages, Impotency, Local and Constitutional Weakness, and their endless modifications owe their almost entire origin. It is absolutely necessary that all men should know that there are Principles of personal management which cannot be violated without Incurring grievous penalties, and when wisdom and regret succeed the heyday of inconsiderate self-indulgence, how these penalties May be mitigated, how the sting of their bitterness may be removed, and how the evil and its con.equenc es may be avoided, and above all, that there is scarcely any degree of physical infirmity or functional derangement to which the timely aid of science cannot apply a cure. DOCTOR LA'MERT has for a long series of years been engaged in, an extensive practice in the treatment of these delicate com plaints, and is the only legally qualified Physician who, regardless of the taunts and envy of the hypocritical and mock-modest, has had the confidence, through the medium of the public press, to direct attention to these enormous evils, from which no grade of society is tree. In selecting this department of practice, he has been amply rewarded by the great success that has attended his efforts in the treatment of these cases, which are too generally confided to the care of un qualified and ignorant empirics, who, with their pirated publications, assumed fcreign names and titles, and pretended virtues of their patent nostrums, have inflicted serious injury on those who have been induced to place faith in their pretensions. At home for consultation daily from Eleven till Two, and from Six till Eight. All letters mast contain the fee of 1/., and advice and Medicines can be forwarded to any initials or address. It is desirable that patients wishing to consult Dr. LA'MERT of his wor k should first obtain a copy on SL•PRESERVA TION- A Medical Treatise on the Pliiloso%of Marriage and Nervous and Generative Debility, illustrated by -coloured engravings, and des cribing in detail the various disorders resulting from secret habits and excesses. The perusal of this treatise will assist in the correct description of their cases, Frencit, Spanish, Dutch, Italian, or German, of Messrs. Piper and may be had, price 2s 6d, in Engusb, brothers and Co., 23, Paternoster-row; Hannay, 63, Oxford -street ; Mann, 39, Cornhill ; Stone, Titchborne-street , by post for forty-two stamps, to any address from the Author's rest nee.37. lisoros.n.sousas LONDON Haymarket ;or free ON THE SECRET CAUSES OF SELF-ACQUIRED MISERIEI AND DISAPPOINTED HOPES. THE SILENT FRIEND. In Six Languages—Fiftieth Edition. CONTAINING THE REMEDY POE PREVENTION OF DIEEMIE. Illustrated by One Hundred Anatomical Coloured Engravings and Cases. New Edition, enlarged to 200 pages, price 2s. 6d., by post, from the Establishment. 3s. 6d. in stamps, rrHE SILENT FRIEND, a Medical Work on JL the exhaustion and physical decay of the system, produced by excessive indulgence, the consequences of infection, or the abuse of mercury, with directions for the use of the preventive lotion, fol lowed by observations on Marriage, and te disqucations which prevent it. Illustrated by 100 Coloured En h gravings. alifi By R. and L. PERRY and CO., Consulting Surgeons, 19, Berners-street, Oxford street, London. Published by Sherwood and Co. 23, Paternoster row, and sold by Hannay, 63, and Sanger, 150, Oxford-street; Gor don, 146, Leadenhall-street ; 95, Farringdon-street ; W. Sutton, 10, Bow Church-yard ; Butler, 4, Cheapside ;R. Johnson, 68, Cornhill. Faux I. tree% of the anatomy and physiology of the reproductive organs, and'is illustrated by 28 Coloured Engravings. PART 11. treats of the consequences resulting from excessive in dulgence, and their lamentable effects on the system, producing mental and bodily weakness, nervous excitement, and generative incapacity. Illustrated by 10 Explanatory Engravings. PART 111. treats of the diseases resulting from infection, either in the pr imary or secondary form, and contains explicit directions for their treatment. This section is illustrated by 62 Coloured Engrav ings. PART IV. contains a Remedy for the Prevention of Disease by a simple application, by which the danger of infection is obviated. PART V. is devoted to the consideration of marriage and its duties. The causes of unproductive union aria also considered, and the whole Subject critically and philosophically quired into. THE CORDIAL BALM OF SYRLACUM is exclusively employed in treating nervous and sexual debility, impotence, &c., lis and 335. per bottle. The Concentrated Detersive Essence, an anti-syphilitie remedy, for purifying the blood in cases of infection, secondary symptons, eruptions, and the abuse Pills of me 2 r s c . ur 9 y d ,. , l 4 l s s . . 6adnd. andandbottle. Perry's Purifying Specific , filer Per box, a certain remedy for gonorrlnpa, sleet, stricture, and Consultation fee, if by letter, chronic inflammation of the bladd er. U. A minute detail et the case is required : age, habits, and post. tion in society. Si. Packets, with advice, to be had at the Establish ment only, by which the fee, 11., is saved. Messrs. Perry, Surgeons, are in attendAnce, daily, at 19, Berners-street, Oxfbrd-street, Lon don. from Blavea till Two, and MO tO Feted; on 13% 141 - 9 7 from girro l l tg QM. . _ _ THIRD EDITION.—WITH ADDITIONS. Just published, Bvo., in cloth, price 55., by post free, ss. 6d. ON TRUE & FALSE SPERMATORREICEA, with the View to the Correction of wide-spread Errors In relation to the Treatment and Care of the Impuissant and Sexual Hypochondriacs, Translated from the German of Dr. PICKFORD. 'Pa which is added, an E 3SAY on SEXUAL DEBILITY, by the Editor. "Dr. Pickford is known to English readers by his frequent practi cal contributions to German medical literature. This is the first time, he informs es, that he has addressed himself to the noa-medi eal reader. We trust this may not be the last. if he shall letect any other equally flagrant evil which it may be in his ,ower to correct." —London Medical Gazette, May 30, 1651. The tribe of 'Quiet Sympa thisers,' and Medical Friands,'are mercilessly exposed ; and if this book could find its way into the hands of those who suffor from the com plaint of which it treats, we are satisfied that many hundreds would oe saved much needless suffering of body and mind, and what is of less importance, though it is that which the quacks most prize— much money ......This volume is well qualified to put an end to the empirical system of treating Spermatorrhcea, and to place the treat went upon a more rational and physiological basis. It is, therefore, likely to do much good."—Medical Circular, June 16, 1852. London : H. Balliere. 219, Regent-street. QUEEN'S SPEECH *** It was imagined by some of my subjects that i would be difficult to make up a speech at the opening of Parliament —foreign relations being in a rather sad condition, and some people having made free with our home institutions ; bat notwithstanding all these circumstances it becomes me to congratulate you on the vast amount of prosperity which is felt in all commercial circles—a proof of which are the transactions of E. MOSES and SON ; they have been more industrious than ever in furnishing all my subjects with the Best and Cheapest Dress, which has not only improved the condition and comfort of my people, but is the most cogent reason for the peace and satisfaction which prevails throughout these great kingdoms. What are the intentions of the Emperor of the North it is difficult to determine, but the North itself is not capable of resisting the strong and fashionable Overcoats, Paletots, and Attire for all classes made by E. MOSES and Sox, for it is the best and cheapest ever offered. It is a source of regret that many of the necessaries of life are charged most enormous prices, but our loyal subjects, E. MOSES and Sow, have so reduced the Price of Clothin g , Hosiery, Hats, Boots, felt and y liho thees gr,c., great majority that the inconvenience of high-priced food is little of my subjects who patronise their Esta blishments and its Branch es, New O xford - street, corner of bHart street, Fargate. Sheffield, and Bradford, Yorkshire. I recommend to you the affairs of those in Australia, and trust you will flt them with laws as E. MOSES and Sox Outfit them with ;Clothes and every other article required for that prosperous country and as this business is •attended to with the greatest industry, care, . 11ke e xample, as you recollect so well their and experience by E. Mons and SON, either wholesale or smaller parcels may be selected at any moment. . I trust you will continue to imitate t e h s e e ir f b b e u s s i l e n e ts , CAUTION.—E. MOSES and SON regret having to guard the and plans of trade. public against imposition, having learned that the untradesman-like the same concern," has been resorted to in many instances, and for falsehood of " Being connected with their Establishment," or " It's obvious reasons, they beg to state that they have No CONNEXION WITH ANY canza HOUSE IN OR OUT OF LONDON, except their own Establishments, as follows : - London City Establishment, 154,i c atin 155. galld 157. Minories, 83, 44,85, and 86, Aldgate, opposite the Church, comma lg. London West-end Branch, 506,507, 508, New Oxford-street, 1, 2 and 3, Hart-street, all communicating. Bradford (Yorkshire) Branch, 19 and 20, Bridge-Street. Sheffield Branch, 36, Fargate. Colonial Branch, Melbourne, Australia. Merchant Tailors. Shoe Makers, and General Ontfltte rs for Ladies and Gentlemen. Clothiers, Hatters, Hos iers, Furri oot and ers, B exchanged if desired, or, if preferred, thc money will be returned IMPORTANT. —Should any article not give satisfaction, it will be w ithout hesitation. All goods are marke d in p lain figures, pr ice, from which no abatement can be made. the lowest s to stoat The Establishments are closed from sunset on Friday on Saturdays, when business is resumed till 12 o'clock. A new Book, " The Epitome o f Comfort and Economy," contain ing fall lists of prices, our system of self - meas urement, gte., &e., may be had on application, or post-free. A handsome Almanac for the year ending Id ton pane Francais. 1854 can be had , g ratis on application. •Qui si p aria Italian. War fprichtAin Podia. Aimut at bailla 7slo llo • _ icon, c. by cinth, Sir an, Maria Mary, An , Amabel. olumbine, DAY.) .W. ; light )ecting the s s), from Por- troll, from nambuco ; rindstrant, k, for St. from Syd- Vs ; Swift, Dquirabo. Sailed— Azores ; w York to near Yar 'he Boston ven feet in be got oft. shore yes e off, and Lt she was stated by lordeaux, Le entirely rig), from Aher Yes -1 was run r. argaretta 30 a.m. an. 30. reenock ; ields, for a ; Hau• H.) 8 a.m. ; Seine, London. wife of wife of icy, the of St. ;eon, of Esq., ughter 3, Tho o, Port Nvife of I UNG '0.112, xity of No. 19,143.] THE SEVENTH EDITION OF THE MARVELS of SCIENCE, and their TESTIMONY to HOLY WRIT. A Popular System of the Sciences. By S. W. FULLOM, Esq. Dedicated, by permission, to the King of Hanover. Will be ready immediately, in onevol , with numerous Illustrations, 7s. Gd. bound. Hurst and Blackett, Publishers, successors to Henry Colburn, 13, Great Marlborough-street. Poet Bvo., 91. At all the Libraries. T HE SLAVE SON. By Mrs. WILLIAM IcOY WILK " The style of the work is vivid, its rhetoric highly finished, and whoever begins the volume will be sure to read to the end."—The Press. " This interesting and very clever hook, from the perusal of which we have derived not only a high opinion of the writer's ability, but even a more distinct and vivid impression of the horrible realities of African slavery."—Post. London : Chapman and Ilall, 193, Piccadilly. This day is published, Bvo., cloth, 55., LAYS OF MODERN ROME; London : Chapman and Hall, 193, Piccadilly. DR. LINDLEY'S LECTURES. Now ready, price Is., THE SYMMETRY OF VEGETATION ; an Outline of the Principles to be observed in the Delineation of Plants : being the Substance of Three Lectures delivered to the Studants of Practical Art, at Marlborough House, in November, 1852. By JOHN LINDLEY, 31. D., F.R.S. London : Chapman and Hall, 193, Piccadilly. Now ready, fep., cloth, 4s. Gd. T HE WETHERBYS-FATHER, AND SON; or, Sundry Chapters of Indian Experience. By JOHN LANG. Reprinted from " Frazer's Magazine." "A good story, which has a merit that good stories do not always possess—that of not being too long.-- There is an abundant - Infusion of fancy and humour in the dialogue; the characters are drawn with vigour and propriety; and the sketches of Indian Vte, more espe cially in military circ es, are spirited and graphic."—Post. London: Chapman and Hall, 193, Piccadilly. To Local Boards of Health, Professional Men, and others interested in the Drainage of Towns. THE FOURTH EDITION OF ALETTER to the Most Honourable the MAR QUIS OF CHANDOS, M.P., in relation to the Exercise of some of the Extraordinary Powers Assumed by the General Board of Health and the Superintending Inspectors, and the Public and Private Wrongs resulting therefrom; being a Statement required by a Select Committee of the House of Commons, is now published. Price Twopence, per past, Threepence. London: Edward Stamford, 6, Charing-cross. Just published, New Edition, price Is , THE CURABILITY of CONSUMPTION : being a Series of Papers, presenting the most prominent and important Practical Points in the Treatment of the Disease. . By FRANCIS 11. RAMADGE, M.D., Oxon, Fellow of the College of Physicians, and late Senior Physician to the Royal Infirmary for Diseases of the Lungs, fk.c. London : Longman and Co. Useful Pamphlets, to be had gratis on application at the Publishers. (if by letter enclosing a postage stamp.) ATKINSON and COMPANY'S PRICE CUR RENT of Useful and Ornamental FURNITURE, UPHOL STERY, LOOKING GLASSES, BEDDING, &c. Also, THE LADIES' MANUAL, or Guide to the Extensive Mercantile Estab lishment of ATKINSON and COMPANY, DRAPERS, SILK and SHAWL MERCERS, HABERDASHERS, HOSIERS, and LACE MEN. London Published by the Proprietors, Atkinson and Company, 69, 7001, 72, 73, 74, and 75, Westminster -bridge-road, Lambeth. CURRENT HISTORY.—The DAILY PAPERS SUPPLIED throughout the entire west-end dis tricts, either for reading or keeping. Clubs, reading societies, and regimental messes contracted with. All the business of an adver tising agent promptly executed by HENRY WETIONE, newsman, 213, Oxford street. A LLSOPP'S INDIA PALE ALE. In CASKS or BOTTLES. PARKER and TWINING (late Harrington Parker), 5X 2 , PALL-MALL, are now delivering the October brewing in casks of IS gallons and up wards. Also in Bottles, Imperial Measure. Quarts, Ss.; Pints, ss. ; Half-pints (for luncheon), 3s. per dozen. BONUS TO SHAREHOLDERS. HOAIE COUNTIES AND METROPOLITAN FREEHOLD LAND SOCIETY. A Bonus of 51. Bs. 4d. per cent. will be added to the past year's subscriptions, and in future interest at the rate of 51. Os. Id. per cent. per annum will be given on all subscriptions, with such additional bonus at the end of the year as the profits of the Society may allow. Two Estates have been purchased for this Society during the past year—that at Wood-green (chiefly allotted) has been very satisfac tory and profitable, both to the allottees and the Society at large. The other Estate (not yet allotted) promises to be a more successful purchase than the first, there being a great demand for plots upon it. It is situated in Wimbledon-park, in the midst of gentlemen's seats, and is adapted for first-class villas. There are two special advantages in t his Society, viz., members are not required to pay down any part of the price of the land prior to choosing plots. The full amount of the shares drawn in the ballot is advanced ; also that more shams are not drums in the ballot than can he supalied with laud, so that the members may hays the ad vantage of selling their drawn shares at a premium. A share in full is 301., with au entrance fee of Is. By order, HENRY KNIGHT, Secretary. GLENFIELD PATENT STARCH (used in her Majesty's Laundry), and WOTHEES POON'S Nfachine made CONFECTIONERY, MAR A t LADE, JAMS, JELLIES, &c., (which gained the Prize Medal of 1851), may be had of all Grocers ; Wholesale of Wothersponn, Mackay, and Co., 66, Queen-street, Cheapaide, London, and Robert Wotherspoon and Co., Glasgow. MORISON and HYGEISM. From our own knowledge of patent medicines, we may safely assert that the consumption of them has increased tenfold in this country since Mr. Morison promulgated his system. Pills, under new names, are starting day after day. Can there be a stronger proof of the truth of the Morisonian system than this fact, and like wise that the vendors, in order to popularise their pills, describe them as being of a purgative quality, and embody in their advertisements (with which the public press is now teeming) scraps from the " Mo. risoniana 1" A question then arises for the serious consideration of the public, whether the vendors strictly adhere to the Morisonian system in its integrity, and whether they are in possession of a me• dieine which will effectually answer the main purpose, that of cleans ing the blood ?—BRITISH COLLEGE OF HEALTH, liew•road, London. PARR'S LIFE PILLS ARE NOW, M FROM THEIR MANY VIRTUES, TIIE ESTABLIS HED FAMILY MEDICINE THROUGHOUT THE BRITISH EMPIRE. ARR'S LIF E PILLS A.will be found speedily to reanimate the spirits, improve the digestive powers, and restore the whole nervous system to a happy and natural state; the balsamic powers of this medicine produce that delightful feeling of good spirits so very desirable, and disposes both body an d mind to healthy exercise —everything under i ence soon wears a joyous aspect, and the varied duties oflife are performed with pleasure; :and, instead of long and weary nights, gives sound and refreshing sleep. If the stomach and bowois re quire it, PARR'S LIFE MIA act as the mildest and most agreeable purgative, and by their cleansing powers totally eradicate a redun dancy of ble. Sold by E. Edwards, 67, St. Paul's -churchyard; Barclay and Sons, Farringdon-street ; Sutton and Co., Bow-churchyard ; Han nay and Co., and iangar, Oxford-street, London; and by all respect able chemists and medicine venders in town and country. 111 boxes, price is. 2s. 9d., and in family packets I is. ea.th. None are genuine without the English Government Stamp fixed round the sides of each box. ~ ,/...-/-:/ ~....07-77-/ ~----7 _ _ , ......._ ..._. .__ , ----- c - ,z/ __:___ .. ... • --(') r----), -------; / . _ , . , (--- . , • , ..____:. _ .. • . .• „ h 7fej-r • .. ~ , ' t i,...1 . P . 1 0 . ) , ,, , , i... ,e : 4111 // 0 7 .7/4/.. 7Z .0) • ig , ... •''il ' .. ... . , r - , ... 4. t , -.• *,-,..4„,. i ...,. ," tt '.....*:' • .1. ~.., •°. —it -, P. ~...,t-, , ...mg - -----,-,4. ? , , , ~ ..,- ---,. 14 - . 7.‘ ',,, ,__ • .. ,:::• ' iA . I • __ . 1 .. r i ‘ 1 ..v)4; I , A ," ... • ~ : , , cd 47"... . , , ~ "i • "`Fs ' . I s t fAtt % ;' ' '.4 '''''. k, 020w... 4 -- - ' „..,,„ ,•.t. ~ ,-- v ~,... • 1 • „, i , , A 1 / 4 4 . 1 1 1 . ' ' 4 - 4 . - ~ k • 0 4 Alliej t , 4 1 '. 'Z'-• 4 '''' 1 4 ~ . 1 , i t.,.,,,-.: , 'F ' • .`.". t', ~,, ...',....-..-", ~ . .... ..--. . "r.../ ,‘" 'ti ..t.- 4 ' J ° -i't , 4," 0 0 1% Y ' $ ' v7l 71 '. 4 4-, 7i. ,,,,, :: , ) , 4/ -. ~ ;4 "N-",k,,-,.., : ~ ; '-": ' ‘ ,r,...'' , -Z...T. r. , '• • -4 -S' . - ,44 5 ; , " —2l . OIT :. ..----' -"•',- "WO N''' •.' ' IT k' -. >-- -1. " - #44i, j4 / 1 /74 1 'IV '-- ''' ' . ..2t?..tili k us ' ~i „, -, DIE s t j effej sr) i ..- N, , s''; , ro' ..,:.s$ ' \ ' i / [P RICE SD• bury) said ti ,s was not respectful to Parliament ; it was not respectful to Parliament ; it was not respectful to the country ; and he would almost like to ask—he was so much astonished that the noble lord refused to pro duce such A paper to that house—why it was sent to the Times? He would not have thought such a thing pos sible ; but extraordinary rumours had lately been rife in town that not long ago, when one of the principal Ministers—if not the principal Minister in the Cabinet —resigned his office, the first intimation her Majesty had of that resignation was through the Times newspaper, and that some of the noble lord's colleagues first learnt. the circumstance from the Times newspaper, to which, of course, it had been communicated by some very import ant colleague of the noble viscount. Now, if this was true—he (Lord Malmesbury) did not say that it was, — if this system was acted upon,—if newspapers, or if a fa vourite newspaper, were to receive official communica tions of so important a nature that the Foreign Secretary declared it was dangerous to place them upon the table of the house—if newspapers were to receive documents of that kind before Parliament and instead of Parliament, he could only say that they had four estates in the realm, and that of those four estates the Queen was not the first and their lordships were not the second. He thought, however, that, in another point of view, her Majesty's Government had erred in keeping the country and Par liament so long in ignorance of the negotiations. He could understand that, under some circumstances, it might be very inconvenient to be constantly placing pa pers of this kind before Parliament, but he believed that on this occasion, if the Government had been mere can did in their explanations, they would have elicited from Parliament a manifestation of that feeling which the country of its accord had since displayed. Such a dis play could but have assisted the Government ; it could but have armed their hands, and prevented a misappre hension, which he believed had long existed in the mind of the Emperor of Russia—namely, that after forty years' peace, commerce, and prosperity, this country had so much degenerated that it had fallen into a state of indifference regarding its treaties with its allies, its own character, and its own honour, and. that it was ready to purchase peace at any price. (Hear, hear.) By depreciating the French alliance during his (Earl Malmesbury's) tenure of office, they had led Russia to imagine that France and England would never act cor dially together, and had thus induced the Emperor tO Make hi* a gg r fgiOn . • Turkey. If Ministers had shown from the first a etermination to resist that ag gression, in concert with France, he believed that peace would never have been endangered. Almost during the whole time for which his noble friend (Lord Derby) held the office of Prime Minister, the press which represented or was supposed to represent the opinions, not only of what he might call the legitimate Opposition—the Whig Opposition—but also of a smaller section of politicians who had since formed a coalition with the present Go vernment, unremittingly blamed the foreign policy of his noble friend's Government with regard to the ap parent eagerness and anxiety which that Government had shown to confirm an alliance, not with France only, but with the new dynasty established by the French people. He (Lord Malmesbury) was constantly taunted with being ready to sacrifice the best interests of his country for the sake of an alliance with the French Government. The accident of his (Lord Malmes bury's) personal acquaintance with the Emperor of France some years ago was sufficient ground for framing against him an accusation that, having a per sonal predilection in favour of Louis Napoleon, h wished ' to see him rather than any other man upon the throne of France. He (Lord Malmesbury) felt little moved at the time by those attacks, because he was certain that no alliance could be of such vital consequence, not only to this country itself, but to the general peace f Europe, as an alliance with a powerful country like France—our , nearest neighbour, and with a man who, he had every reason to believe, was determined to remain at peace with all other nations, and to maintain the territorial distribution of Europe as it was arranged by the treaties of 1814. The policy of the late Government had been fully vindicated since that time, for the very newspapers which abused them for such p olicy had gone even to the length of saying that no other alliance was of such im portance to England as that of France. But the lan guage of the press to which he alluded made a very I strong and lasting impression upon the Courts of Europe with respect to our alliance with France. The eyes of every Court of Europe were at that time intently fixed upon the motions of the new-fledged Emperor and the country which had been the first to recognise him, and what was their impression ? Judging from the language of the mouthpiece—not the real but the apparent mouthpiece of noble lords opposite—foreign Courts naturally argued that if the then Govern , ment were not in office, a different line of policy would be taken by the then Opposition, who might succeed them. The Opposition did come into office very soon afterwards, and was it possible to believe that the Em peror of Russia would not consider that the same anxiety did not exist in the new Cabinet to form an alliance, not only with France, but with the new dynasty of France, which had existed on the part of the preceding Government ? The eyes of Russia, as well as of other Powers, were fixed upon the conduct of the new Government, and what was the first thing that happened ? Within a month after the new Government accepted office two of its members addressed their con stituents, in two different boroughs of England, in a manner which, both in expression and in spirit, was deeply offensive to the French people and to the French Emperor. Those speeches were explained—how ex plained—he (Lord Malmesbury) did not know ; but he was told by his noble friend last August that the Em peror of the French had sense and good feeling enough to understand the motive of those speeches and not to be offended at them. He (Lord Malmesbury) perfectly believed that, for the Emperor of the French had this advantage over other Sovereigns—that through a life of vicissitudes he had milzed with society of all grades and classes, that he had lived a long time in this country and knew it well, that he was acquainted with its peculiarities—he (Lord Malmesbury) would not say its eccentricities—and he perfectly understood that the speeches cf a Minister bad various meanings accord ing to the period at which they were uttered and the place in which they were spoken. These speeches were therefore excused by the Emperor ; but it was certain, and he (Lord Malmesbury) knew it to be a fact, that the circumstance of such speeches having been uttered so soon after the accession of a Ministry upon whom the eyes of all European Governments were fixed, made a strong impression upon those Governments that, in their inmost minds, some, if not all, of her Majesty's Ministers were averse, if not hostile, to an alliance with the new dynasty of France ; and he believed that the Emperor of Russia was deceived by these things. He (Lord Malmesbury) agreed with the noble marquis in thinking that more energy and vigour in time might have saved us from the impending war. God forbid that he, or any man on that (the Opposition). side of the house, should not be ready to praise her Majesty's Government for doing all in their power to avert a war. It was not for endeavouring to avert a war that he blamed them, but for not having taken the best means to avert a war-(bear, hear)—for exhibiting vacillation, for not having taken the ball at a bound, for not having seized the proper moment when they might have given Russia to understand that France and England were determined to resist the aggression. The noble earl then passed a warm eulogiam on the patriotic spirit which Turkey had exhibited, and concluded by depre cating the introduction of any of the measures of reform which were suggested in the Royal speech. Lord GREY reserved his opinion upon the Eastern question until the papers were before the House, but in the meantime, he thought the course pursued by her Majesty's Government stood greatly in need of explana tion and vindication. (Hear, hear.) So far as he was yet acquainted with the facts, he confessed that, in the first place, he was not satisfied that they ought to have interfered at all in this matter. (Hear, hear.) He con curred in opinion with the noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs that, the flames of an European war once lighted, no man could tell how far the conflagration might ex tend, or foresee the depth of human misery which might be occasioned. He argued that, even if the war were ever so short, it would be attended with infinite injury to the interests and welfare of mankind. All those measures of improvement which in this country and in others had made such wonderful progress within the last 40 years, if not absolutely arrested, would at least be materially retarded when men's energies and thoughts were occupied in devising their mutual de struction, when the country would be called upon to make the greatest sacrifices, and when misery would be carried into many families by the loss of their friends and relatives. These considerations struck him with horror and apprehension ; and, knowing the character of the Turkish Government, knowing to what a condi tion the fairest region of the earth had been reduced by four centu ries of Turkish rule, knowing, t oo , th a t to this day the Christian subjects of the Porte were labouring under an oppression as severe as that to beforet o n e t g h r i o s s lhpaovo hour rr u y l t a hl N t ion in our own colonies were e. which et c event ed e as ev a i b d o e li nc sh e e o d f a (fo c r hr h i e st b ia e n lie w ve a c s i subjected not received against a Mahomedan in a Turkish court of justice, whatever might have been the wrongs that he, or his family, had endured); and remembering what the calamities of war were, it would take much to convince him that this country had any interest in supporting Turkey ag ainst what he admitted to be the entirely un justifiable demands of Russia, which could for one mo ment be set against its immeasurably superior interest in the maintenance of European peace. If, however, we were to go to war, he urged that young and intelligent officers should be appointed to the principal commands, and justified his recommendation by the examples of al most all the great names in our military annals. Colonel Eyre, who had distinguished himself in the Kafir war, had been promoted, and he hoped that precedent would be followed until both the army and navy were efficiently officered. He thought the question of reform by no means pressed for immediate solution, and hoped that it would not be allowed to interfere with whatever might be necessary for the vigorous prosecution of the war. The Earl of DERBY, after briefly alluding to the " most awful crisis" in which we were now placed, ad verted to some of the minor topics in the Queen's Speech, expressing his opinion of the difficulty of dealing benefi cially with the law cf settlement, declaring his strong doubts of the advantages anticipated from the measures proposed for the Universities, and remarking on the omis sion of all mention of the great subject of general education, the negotiation still pending with the United States, and the conclusion of the treaty by which the River Plate had been opened to the commerce of the world. He then en tered into a criticism of the long negotiation with Russia. I confess, he said, I could have wished that the language of the Speech had been more distinct and clear on this point. lam left, as the noble marquis who alluded to the question, has observed , to conjecture whether we ar e a t this moment at peace or at war. If I were to presum that wo were actually at war, not only would it be hum digest- repudiated by the noble earl it the head of LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 1, 1854. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS-(YESTERDAY.) The ceremony which takes place in the House of Lords when her Majesty opens Parliament in person has been so often described that to give again a detailed account of it will almost be con sidered needless repetition. Yet the occurrences during the recess, and the fact that it constitutes the initiative to those deliberations which may re sult in important legislative measures, always lend to the event an interest which requires some de tailed reference. On the present occasion, how ever, Parliament assembled under circumstances of more than usual gravity—the country being almost on the eve of war with one of the greatest and most powerful of European monarchs, and the Government being pledged to a measure which is to effect an extensive reform in our representative system. A few descriptive words, therefore, upon what transpired in this magnificent chamber to day, notwithstanding the want of novelty, may not be altogether out of place. The doors were opened for the admission of com pany at 12 o'clock, and the arrivals were continuous until very shortly before the entrance of the Queen. As usual, the majority present consisted of ladies—peeresses and their daughters, and other female members of the aristocracy and haitt ton — whose many-coloured and gay dresses, sparkling with jewels, thrown out in bold relief by the rich and sombre robes of the peers, added greatly to the brilliancy of the scene. Towards one o'clock, some 20 peers had arrived, the most prominent beinn: the. Archbishop -of Canterbury, the Bishop of London, Lord Redesdale, and the Earl of Delaware. There was also a sprinkling of ambassadors among a group of peers near the throne. The muster of judges was rather large. The Marquis of Lansdowne and the Duke of Argyll were the Ministers first in attendance. At a quarter to two the whole of the benches set aside for the peers were filled, so were also those appropriated to the corps dip/ornatique. The Ambassadors of France, Austria, Turkey, and Prussia, were objects of particular attention. We did not observe the Russian Ambassador (Baron Brunow), but there was a report that he was present. The Duke of Cambridge, the Earl of Aberdeen, and the Duke of Newcastle, were the next important personages in the order of arrival. Along the route taken by the cortege this morn ing, the people thrOughout cheered to the very echo his Excellency the Turkish Ambassador. At one point, three good English cheers were called for, and given heartily to the Representative of the Sultan Abd-ul-Medjid. _ _ _ It was just a quarter after two when her Majesty entered the house, leaning on the arm of Prince Albert, and preceded and followed by the different officers of state. The Earl of Aberdeen held the Sword of State, the Crown was borne by the Marquis of Lansdowne, and the Cap of Mainten ance was carried by the Earl of Zetland. Her Majesty read the following Royal Speech, with much clearness and emphasis : HER MAJESTY'S SPEECH. " MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, " I am always happy to meet you in Parliament ; and on the present occasion it is with peculiar sa tisfaction that I recur to your assistance and advice. " The hopes which I expressed at the close of the last session that a speedy settlement wculd be ef fected of the differences existing between Russia and the Ottoman Porte, have not been realised, and I regret to say that a state of warfare has ensued. " I have continued to act in cordial co-operation with the Emperor of the French, and my endea , yours, in conjunction with my Allies, to preserve and to restore peace between the contending parties although hitherto unsuccessful, have been unremit ting. I will not fail to persevere in these endeavours, but as the continuance of the war may deeply affect the interests of this country and of Europe, I think it requisite to make a further augmentation of my naval and military forces, with the view of supporting my re presentations, and of more effectually contributing to the restoration of peace. " I have directed that th© papers explanatory of the negotiations which have taken place upon this subject shall be communicated to you without delay. GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, " The estimates for the year will be laid before you, and I trust you will find that, consistently with the exigencies of the public service at this juncture, they have been framed with a due regard to economy. " MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, " In the year which has just terminated, the blessing of an abundant harvest has not been vouchsafed to us. By this dispensation of Provi- I tience the price of provisions has been enhanced, and the privations of the poor have been increased; but their patience has been exemplary ; and the care of the Legislature evinced by the reduction of taxes affecting the necessaries of life, has greatly tended to preserve a spirit of contentment. " I have the satisfaction of announcing to you that the commerce of the country is still pros perous ; that trade, both of export and. import, has been largely on the increase ; and that the re venue of the past year has been more than adequate to the demands of the public service. " I recommend to your consideration a Bill which I have ordered to be framed for oxening the coasting-trade of the United Kingdom flo the ships of all friendly nations ; and I look forward with satisfaction to the removal of the last legislative restriction upon the use of foreign shipping for the benefit of my people. " Communications have been addressed by my command to the Universities of Oxford and Cam- bridge, with reference to the improvements which it may be desirable to effect in their institutions. These communications will be laid before you, and me asures will be proposed for your consideration, with the view of giving effect to such improve ments. "The establishments requisite for the conduct of the Civil Service, and the arrangements bearing upon its condition, recently been under re view ; and I shall direct a plan to be laid before you which will have for its object to improve the system of admission, and thereby to increase the efficiency of the service. "The recent measures of legal reform have proved highly beneficial, and the success which has attended them may well encourage you to proceed with further amendments. Bills will be submitted to you for transferring from the Eccle siastical to the Civil Courts the cognisance of testamentary and of matrimonial causes, and for giving increased efficiency to - the superior courts of common law. " The laws relating to the relief of the poor have of late undergone much salutary amendment ; but there is one branch to which I earnestly direct your attention. The law of settlement impedes the freedom of labour ; and if this restraint can with safety be relaxed, the workman may be ena bled to increase the fruits of his industry, and the interests of capital and of labour will be more firmly united. " Measures will be submitted to youfor the amend ment of the laws relating to the representation of the Commons in Parliament. " Recent experience has shown that it is neces sary to take more effectual precautions against the evils of bribery, and of corrupt practices at elec tions. It will also be your duty to consider whether more complete effect may not be given to the principles of the Act of the last reign, whereby reforms were made in the repre sentation of the people in Parliament. In recommending this subject to your considera tion, my desire is to remove every cause of just complaint, to increase general confidence in the Legislature, and to give additional stability to the settled institutions of the State. " I submit to your wisdom the consideration of these important subjects ; and I pray God to pros per your counsels, and to guide your decisions:" The delivery of the Speech did not occupy many minutes, and on its conclusion her Majesty retired in the same order in which she had entered. She was attired in a splendid dress of silver tissue, over which was a robe of crimson velvet, ornamented with gold lace and ermine, and she wore a brilliant tiara of pearls and diamonds. The company then separated. Their lordships adjourned to 5 o'clock, the usual lour for the assembling of the house for business. When the Lord Chancellor took his seat on the wool sack at five o'clock, there were about 40 peers present ; but the numbers soon augmented, although the attend ance was by no means unusually large. The only occu pants of the Ministerial bench at first were the Earl of Aberdeen and the Duke of Newcastle. The Marquis of Lansdowne, the Earl of Clarendon, and the other mem bers of the Cabinet in the house, shortly afterwards entered. The'principal peeri on the Opposition side were the Earl of Derby, the Earl of Malmesbury, and the Earl of Eglinton. The galleries were crowded with visitors. The Duchess of Sutherland, the Mistress of the Robes, and one of her daughters, sat in the side gallery to the left of the throne. THE ADDRESS. The LORD CHANCELLOR having read the royal speech, and it having again been read by the Clerk at the table, The Earl of CARNA.RVON, in moving the address in answer to her Majesty's most gracious speech, alluded to the difficulties which beset our foreign relations, and said that, though they might give rise to much appre hension, it was a gratifying circumstance that the past year presented a prospect of national prosperity and social improvement. After nearly forty years of peace and prosperity, they were now threatened with war, but we might console ourselves with the reflection that it came to us an unbidden and unwelcome guest, and that every effort had been made to avert its approach, until forbearance was no longer a virtue ; and if our for bearance was unprecedented, it should be recollected that unprecedented were the resources with which we were able to meet such a calamity. Our only reluctance to enter into a sanguinary and bloody contest with a great coun try was a thorough conviction of our own strength ; and though we might not have a Duke of Welling ton or a Beresford among us, the example which they had set had not been lost, and he believed, if we entered into hostilities, we should find able generals who would lead our armies to victory. But if we had to deplore the impending evil of war, there was one ad vantage we had gained since affairs had assumed a serious appearance, viz., that the Governments of England and France were never more cordially united than they were at the present moment. After briefly referring to the different topics mentioned in the Royal Speech — the noble earl concluded by moving the address. The Earl of DUCIE, in seconding the motion trusted that, in the event of war, Parliament would be unani mous in granting that assistance to her Majesty, which was necessary to maintain the reputation of the country. After a brief pause, The Marquis of CLA.NRICARDE rose and said he was glad to find that in the existing state of affairs in Europe there was no intention to move an amendment to the Address. (Hear, hear.) But, though he cor dially agreed with the scheme of domestic reforms con tained in the speech, he felt that he should not be doing right in giving his tacit consent to the address. He was sorry that he could not agree in the expressions used in the speech with regard to the efforts of the Go vernment to preserve peace. Those efforts, it seemed to him, had been so characterised by vacillation and in consistency that, in point of fact, neither Parliament nor the world knew what the determination of the Govern ment really was. Warfare was talked of, but no one knew with whom we were at war. Nay, no one could say whether we; were at war or not. But, if public rumour were true, we were at war, and, if so, why were the Government afraid to state the fact ? Another point of complaint was that no information on the Eastern ques tion had been afforded to the public, so that the inhabi tants of other and unconstitutional countries were in a better position to form an opinion of the state of affairs than the people of constitutional England. It was impossible to avoid coming to the conclusion that all this uncertainty was owing to the difference of opinion on the Eastern question which prevailed in the Cabinet ; the result of which division was, that every step taken in the matter bore evidence of a compromise between the conflicting parties. Though he had asked questions very sparingly last session, from a wish not to embarrass the Government, he had said enough to show that the opinions he had then formed, and the anticipations he had then expressed, had been justified by the course of events, and that Russia, which from the very first had shown the " cloven foot," had only continued the same line of falsehood and duplicity. The only way to deal with Russians, as he had found from personal experience, was to put to them a plain, straightforward question, and to insist on a straightfor ward answer. Had the Government done this, much of the present complication might have been avoided. In this respect, as compared with England, the conduct of the French Government was worthy of the highest praise, and he only hoped the relations now existing be tween the two nations would be maintained with unin terrupted cordiality. The noble marquis then passed in review the various phases of the negotiations entered into by the great Powers with respect to the Turkish and Russian quarrel, and concluded as follows : The massacre of Sinope is an eternal disgrace to this country. I cannot, in my conscience, help saying that grave responsibility for the blood that has been shed rests upon the Ministers of this country. (Hear, hear.) I wart to know what your fleet went to the Dardanelles for ? Why are they sent into the Black Sea nowt They have gone into the Black Sea for the purpose, I suppose, for which they were originally sent out, as we are told, to protect Turkish property and the Turkish empire. I want to know what has occurred since the massacre at Sinope to justify your sending your fleet into the Black Sea, when they were in the Dardanelles ? I say you have no justification. You may regard, and justly re gard, with abhorrence that massacre, as it is called, in detail in that unfortunate town and in those ships, to tally contrary to our notions of civilised warfare, and the practice of all civilised nations at war when a supe rior force meets an inferior one. But so far as the at tack on the Turkish ships goes, the Emperor of Russia was perfectly justified. Re was in a declared state of war with Turkey ; he found the Turkish ships con voying the munitions of war and troops to Asia. I have no doubt they were, or had been employed, in conveying troops and the munitions of war to Batoum. I ask if you sent ships up to Constantinople to pro tect the Turkish territory and Turkish property, why did you not protect these ships ? It is no anwswer to tell me you advised these ships not to go to sea. If a people go to war, and you, proclaiming yourself their allies, refuse to be their auxiliaries, it is a disgrace and a discredit to your arms and your policy. (Hear, hear.) I contend that the energy with which the French Go vernment wished to act for so long a time was checked and damped by the English Govornment. That I have not the least hesitation in saying. (Hear, hear.) But it is said that there is a considerable unaninimity in the feelings of the European Powers upon this question, and I suppose I shall be told that we have Austria and Prussia with us. Now, I deny that to be the case. I say, if there is any reason that can justify your enter taining strong opinions upon an hypothesis, it is per fectly clear that Austria joined us when she was forced to join us by the course of events, and that if we could have gone on with a more weak policy she would not have joined us. But if I am told that Austria and Prus sia have joined us—principally Austria, for that is the power insisted upon—l ask what is the contingent that Austria has engaged to furnish ? I should like to know if it wa s upon the advic e , or even with the approval of Austria, that our ships have gone into the Black Sea ? If it be not so, let me not be told that Austria has joined us. Austria says that she entertains the greatest respect for, and wishes to support the integrity of the Turkish empire. Why Russia says she has great respect for the integrity of the Turkish empire. But that is a general kind of assurance that will not do for this country. No one can doubt that if this conflict occurs, Austria must, more or less, join England and France in this matter, or the Austrian empire will in six months be at and. No one can look at the state of South Germany and Italy—no man who knows the composition of the Austrian empire, can sup pose that she can join Russia in a Turkish war. No man can doubt that, by energy and speaking out, and showing a determination, you would claim that alliance; but you would not do so by hesitating and sending notes, and making propositions which to no one could be satisfactory. It was not by prolongin g these matters, but by using firm and energetic language that Austria has been induced to join us as far as she has joined us, but very wisely she is not mentioned in the same man ner as France, because I believe we cannot count on her for any great milita r y support. Well, w h a t is the state of affairs at the present moment? We have sent a pro position to St. Petersburg for the renewal of a conference. I believe a favourable reply is not likely to ho received ; but at the same time I will say that, if the Emperor of Russia does not send a favourably reply, lie totally mis understands his own interest. You gave him up at once all he professed to aim at. He said, " I only want to stand upon the old treaties —I only want the proper re cognition of my rights of protectorate." And he will go into that conference totally unpledged to anything different from what Prince Menschikoff demanded five months ago. But see what an advantage you have given him if he refuses, and you force him into war. God for bid this country should ever go into war without objects so great as to make it, in the opinion of the Govern ment and of Parliament, necessary that we should adopt that alternative. (Hear.) What are our objects if we go to war now? We are to go to war for the renewal and re-imposition upon Turkeyof thosetreaties whichhave led to constant contentions, and have now led to this very war, and which, if renewed as they were before, will be sure to generate another contest in a short time, whenever Russia finds herself in a position to commence one. You proclaim that to be your object. If that be your object, and you are to do that, you had better at once have taken the other course. It was open to this country to have said, "We will have nothing to do with these matters, which do not concern us--these matters do not concern us, and we will not go to war to assist you ; and if you, Turkey, get into war, upon your own shoulders let the consequenc es rest. A great number of persons have entertained that opinion. Now, I enter tain a contrary opinion. I think that course would have been attended with considerable difficulties and unpleasar.t consequences. I believe that in the course of a short time it would have led to a general European war, into which we should soon have been f or ced, and in which we should have had to contend with a triple league, with every other possible disadvantage, and it is not unlikel y that such a war might have led to the loss of our Indian empire. I be lieve that might have been the result of such a course of proceeding, (Hear, hear,) But I say, if Russia is mad enough to force us into this war, of which no man can doubt the result, and which I am afraid uo man can cal culate the expense and the consequences—l say if Rus sia is mad enough to force us into this war, it must not be for the renewal of these treaties (hear) ; it must be for the abolition of those treaties (hear), and for a final settlement of the question. (Hear.) When our Govern ment was so indignant at the supposition that the eva cuation of the principalities was not a sine qua non, why has Russia been permitted to hold these territories for six months—why has she been permitted to confiscate the revenue of the Sultan, to press his subjects into her service, to maltreat the boyards, and to exercise every act of oppression ? Is not Russia to be called to account for the whole of these proceedings ? The sanction of such things is a disgrace to which I trust England never will be subjected. (Hear, hear.) I have such an abhor rence of war that I think it would be inexpedient to stop without a rearrangement of the question. (Hear.) I should be sorry to move an amendment to the Ad dress ; I am as ready as any man in the country to sup port the Government, and to bring them out of the scrape into which they have got, but I could not, as an honest man, withhold the expression of my opinion ; and when we hear so much about the deceit of the Em peror of Russia, I must say that our conduct has greatly tended to deceive him. (Hear.) The Earl of CLARENDON.—My lords, I think my noble friend who has just sat down would have acted more fairly—although possibly not more conveniently to himself—if he had waited for the production of those papers which her Majesty has promised shall be laid before your lordships without delay, and which before your lordships separate this evening, it is my intention to place upon the table. (Hear.) I repeat, I think my noble friend would have acted more fairly if he had waited for that information ; but it is only another proof of that inconvenience of which I have seen so much in the course of the last few months—the inconvenience of not being; able to lay all the information on this subject before the country. No one can have regretted that in convenience more than myself; nobody knows better than myself that many misrepresentations might have been prevented by greater publicity ; but we thought it right not to depart from the established practice of this country. The Government is amenable to Parliament alone for its conduct. To Parliament alone could it give full and complete information ; and we therefore thought it right to abstain from following the example that has been held out to us of the conduct of other Governments which have no Parliaments to account to. (Hear, hear.) We thought it better to abstain from producing, from time to time, the information which I am about to lay on the table, although it might have satisfied the public at the time, and to a certain degree, have been advan tageous to ourselves ; but at the same;time it might have been disadvantageous to the cause of peace. And although I fear I may stand still lower in my noble friend's esti mation than I now appear to do, I am neither ashamed nor afraid of saying that the maintenance of peace l has been the great and the dearest object we have had in view. My noble friend seems to think that we have shown an abject determination to avoid war. My lords, we have done no such thing. But we have felt it our duty to stop short of no sacrifice except that of national honour, or of not fulfilling our engagements. (Cheers.) We have felt that to be our duty to this country because of those numberless social, political, and commercial in terests that have grown up, and have extended to every part of the world, during a peace of unexampled dura tion. We have felt it due to other countries—countries which, like ourselves, have turned to account the bles sings of peace, and which must be desirous, therefore, honourably to maintain it; for, my lords, it must be re membered that if this peace be once broken, be once dis turbed, it may be followed by a war alike without paral lel—(hear, hear)—and as unexampled as itself ; for you must remember there may be something more than the rending of all those ties and reciprocal interests which now bind Europe together as one state. You must re member that those doctrines which convulsed Europe in 1848 are still cherished by vast numbers; and that they, having lost none of their strength, a war now would be no ordinary war, would be attended by no ordinary conse quences. Europe, in such a war, would be the battle. field not only of contending armies, but of contending opinions ; and we, to whom such mighty interests are entrusted, would have been worthily thought utterly un mindful of their importance, would have disqualified ourselves when we asked for support in a necessary war, if we could not have then shown that we had first ex erted and exhausted every means of maintaining the blessings of peace. (Hear.) But, my lords, if we are destined to do so, if it is appointed for us that we are to embark on that state of things then I must say that never was the tranquillity of the world more wantonly disturbed than it will have been in the provocation of that necessity. (Cheers.) Never, also, I must say, was there a moment when it was more the duty of France and England to stand up together, formally to oppose aggression and support the just cause of the weak against the strong. (Hear, hear.) My noble friend has said that we have placed the most undue confidence in the assurances of Russia. (Hear, hear.) I admit that we did place con fidence in these assurances—because they were not only more than we asked, but, in addition, were all that we could desire. The noble lord says himself, that when he got—though he tells us he seldom got—a direct answer from Russia, he invariably found that it was a correct one, and one on which he could in secu rit y rely. Such were the answers we received—not evasive answers, but direct ones—answers on which the noble lord would have relied. (Hear.) Were we to receive them with suspicion ? I would beg to observe that in my humble opinion a policy of suspicion is never a wiseor an expedient policy ; and I would beg to state that on this occasion there was no ground for suspicion. The Emperor of Russia during a long reign had given what might be deemed abundant proof of a desire to maintain the peace of Europe. Over and over again he had affirmed that the Ottoman Empire was a European necessity, and that the maintenance of it was a funda mental principle of European policy. (Hear, hear.) And certainly, this was not his best opportunity—cer tainly, if he had desired the overthrow of the Ottoman Empire, and the aggrandisement of Russia at the expense of Turkey, the year 1848 would have better suited his designs, and would have been more likely to have seen their attainment. The Emperor of Russia s past thus gave additional weight to his assurance for the future ; and f say that any precautionary measures, in such a case, would have been but wanton provoca tion. I can assure your lordships, moreover, whatever the noble marquis may think, that up to the end of April last we had no reason to believe there existed any other cause of dissension between Russia and Turkey except that connected with the Holy Places—(hear, hear) --a question which closely concerned France, and in which the Porte, by endeavouring to please both Powers had given some cause of complaint. (Hear, hear.) But though the matter only indirectly affected England, her good offices towards its adjustment were offered and were accepted, and the difficulty about the Holy Places was settled thereupon. It was only after that settlement that we, for the first time, became aware that other and ulterior objects were sought to be at tained by Russia. (Hear, hear.) Not but that it is perfectly true that during the time occupied in those ne gotiations rumours of various kinds reached us as to large armies which, according to the same authority, were being prepared by Russia. Any person aware of the great secrecy with which all the affairs are conducted in Russia, and of the still greater exaggerations which distinguish all the news from Constantinople, could tell your lordships the value of these, and with what caution and what distrust they should be received. But inde pendently of that consideration, whether these rumours were true or untrue, probable or improbable, well founded or ill founded, the Government did not take upon itself to decide. As soon as they 'reached us they were every one made known by us to the Russian Go vernment, and he asked a categorical answer to our in quiries upon them. The answer we received was a plain and distinct answer, an answer such as those on which my noble friend has told your lordships he was happy to rely. We met with the most unqualified denial to all the rumours we had received. (Hear.) We were as sured that that the mission of Prince Menschikoff had reference to nothing but the Holy Places —(hear, hear)—that he had great latitude allowed him in the settling of that question, and, in fact, might almost settle it in what way he pleased ; but that it was all he had to settle. Subsequent events partly prove the correctness of these statements ; for it might seem that though he, in his character as head of the Orthodox Church, had gone farther in his demands than the requirements of his mission justified, he had, at length, abandoned these particulars, and assented to a note which, though still unacceptable to the Porte, was certainly very much reduced in regard to its stipula tions. When, however, he quitted Constantinople, be quitted it under circumstances menacing to the peace of Turkey and the interests of Europe. It was impossible for us to tell where some of these armies collected on the confines of Turkey might not be marched to. We, therefore, immediately ordered her Majesty's fleet to proceed to Besika Bay, where it was joined by the French fleet. (Hear.) Your lordships are aware that after Prince Menschikoff had withdrawn, Count Nesselrode sent back his note to Constantinople, with a threat that unless it was signed in eight days the ou Principaalities should be occupied. To that demand y are ware that a refusal was the reply, and that thereupon Count Nesselrode's execution was carried into execution. My noble friend seems to think that if the fleet had been ordered when the first Russian soldier crossed the Pruth all that has followed, or is likely to follow, might have been prevented. But the noble lord must consider that in entering the Principalities the Russians were either sincere or insincere in the assur ances and professions made by them to Europe, that that occupation would be but momentary, that they would hold the Principalities only as a material pledge for the fulfilment of the demands then made by Russia upon Turkey s and that the evacuation of them was the wish and desire of the Emperor of Russia himself. In either case it was in the interests of peace, and in the interests of the Sultan, to allow further opportunity for the ascertainment of the real issue, and for the dis covery of some form of note distasteful to either party, and sufficient to carry into effect the intentions of both. Austria and Prussia entirely agreed with us as to Rus sia's occupation of the principalities, which they consi dered not only unjust and dangerous as a precedent, but as dangerous to themselves, and menacing to the peace of Europe. They therefore asked, at this crisis, to en ter into the negotiation, and to assist in an 'attempt at the settlement of these differences ; and they earnestly deprecated any declaration of war on the part of the Sultan until all peaceful means of settling his differences with Russia had been finally exhausted. And, whatever the noble lord may think, I doubt not that your lord ships will own it was of great importance that the four Powers should be thus united, that Austria and Prussia should join with Eugiand and France in isolating Rus sia in her wrong, and in letting Russia to understand that she would not be able to reckon on that support from Austria which, for more than one reason, she might have expected. (Hear, hear.) Her Majesty's Government never doubted that the occupation of the Principalities was a easus belli—(hear, hear)— but the Government, recognising it as a cases belli, con sidered also the declaration with which it was accom panied, and, under the impression that that might be sincere, did not advise or press the Sultan to treat it as such, and so end all chance of peace. Take the other case, that Russia was not sincere. A declaration of war at that moment would have furnished the Em peror with just the very excuse he wanted. It would have absolved him from his promise, and from the re sponsibility of commencing hostilities, and would have left him in a position' -to say, "i'eectipied the Princi palities' but I declared it should only be for a s hort time. I did not desire war. I was ready to accept peace ; but my assurances have been disbelieved. War has been declared upon me, and I now consider myself bound in honour and dignity to accept the challenge." (Hear, hear.) Ido not say.that the argument would be just ; but it would be as good an argument as many others employed in the course of this affair. And your lordships must be aware that at that moment Turkey was wholly unprepared for resistance, her fortresses ungarrisoned, and her army weak and undisciplined. Were not these most cogent reasons on our part for not recommending the Sultan to declare war ? By our not doing so, he gained time—time for settling affairs peace ably, time for making preparations for war. And before this opinion of her Majesty's Government could be con veyed to Constantinople, we found that her Majesty's ambassador there—who, being on the spot, was a better judge than ourselves of what was for the interest of the Sultan—had tendered the same advice, that the Sultan had accepted and determined to act on it, and that, with such a hope of a peaceable solution, it would have been most unjustifiable in ns to urge the Sultan on to war. I trust your lordships will consider these satisfactory rea sons why we did not then press on those more active measures which my noble friend considers to have been necessary ; and I assure him that our not doing so was not front any abject indisposition to war, such as he seems to attribute it to ; for I do not think that any Government in this country with a just and righteous cause, would be allowed to want the support of the people of England in carrying it out. And here, lam sure you will not think it out of place if I declare my testimony to the straightforward, friendly, and perfectly honourable policy of the French Government on this question. The two Governments have been in daily, I may almost say hourly, communi cation. They have formed, as it were, but one Cabinet ; and I can assure my noble friend that there have never been more differences between the two Governments than are to be found in the same Cabinet—differences that have only increased our respect for each other and ren dered the harmony more complete. And this union that exists between the two Governments is not only con fined to the Eastern question, but extends to other mea sures, in which happily the policy of the two countries, hitherto antagonistic, may be now seen to be harmo nious. This good, at least, then is secured, that two great and hitherto rival countries have learnt to know and appreciate each other, to detect the fallacy of con cluding themselves natural enemies, and to act heartily together for a just and righteous cause, to which their common sympathies attract them. There was another point on which the noble lord dwelt on which I may say a few words, reserving myself in all matters of detail till the papers are before your lordships. As re gards the Vienna note, it should be stated that after Prince Menschikoff left Constantinople, the Austrian Government suggested such a note as, whilst not unac ceptable to Russia, should have regard to the indepen dence of Turkey. In the meanwhile the French Go vernment prepared a note on the same basis ; and they submitted it to us. We did not think it a note likely to he successful, but as the French Government had a ma nifest desire to send it, by way of peace offering, both to Petersburg and Vienna, we offered no opposition of course, and it was duly forwarded. The Russian Go vernment, however, gave no answer to it, having already accepted that of Austria. No answer being received at Vienna this note was adopted, and was sent at the same One to Petersburg and Constantinople. At Petersburg It was said to be unsatisfactory, but the Emperor never theless professed himself ready to accept it, with no alteration. The Porte objected to accepting it without certain modifications. Those modifications being consi dered simply as means of rendering more clear the bona fide intentions of both parties, were, on that ground, adopted at the conference of Vienna ; but they were rejected by Russia. We did not, of course, think that the note originally exposed the Porte to the dangers supposed, but the changes made were made on that sup position, and were merely such as more clearly defined the first meaning and intention of the note. Great mis apprehension exists on this point as to the part taken by the Four Powers. The Four Powers, be it re membered, had merely offered to mediate between the two parties ; they were not arbitrating, and are not to be considered as arbitrating. They were not there to enforce the note, of which the first proof is, that, as I have stated, they at once and unhesitatingly adopted the modifications pronounced requisite by the Porte. But her Majesty's Government did not suppose the note to be of the dangerous character supposed by the Porte, until Russia explained the use it might be turned to ; then her Majesty's Govern ment said no more in behalf of it. The conference, after having signed the protocol, determined to ask the Porte on what terms he would be prepared to negotiate it, and the Four Powers offered their bases for the consideration of Russia. By the protocol they affirm that if Russia does not accept them, she is the sole obstacle to peace, and must be held responsible for war ; and that is the present state of affairs as far as negotiations are con cerned. No answer has been received from St. Peters burg ; but I am inclined to agree that such fair and rea sonable propositions as those are not very likely to be rejected. As regards the position of her Majesty's Go vernment, when, notwithstanding that negotiations were going on, that horrible disaster at Sinope happened— when, the Turkish fleet not having been employed that I know of in the way stated by my noble friend, but simply lying peaceably in harbour—when this Turkish fleet was destroyed in the barbarous manner it was— (hear, hear)—in the harbour of Sinope, her Majesty's Government with France determined at once to protect, not only the Ottoman territory, but also the Ottoman flag. They determined then to extend their protection, and, as in honour bound, they sent notice of their inten tion to the Russian Admiral at Sebastopol and to the Russian Government. That is the present state of our communications on this important subject, and, as I have said, I shall refrain now from entering into any details. I have merely endeavoured to meet some of the main charges brought against the Government by the noble lord, leaving it for the house, when your lordships have the papers before you, to say whether the interests, the honour, and the dignity of the country have not been well cared for. We may even then possibly be charged with having laboured to long, too far, and too hard in the cause of peace, but such will not, I think, be the opinion of the majority of the house. On the contrar y , I think that in the event of war we shall be able, with all the greater force, to appeal to those pacific efforts, when, if we must, we call for the hearty and energetic assistance of the people of this country in aid of a Just and righteous cause. (Cheers.) The Earl of MALMESBURY said—The first para graph of the speech from the Throne, in reference to the Eastern question, seemed to tak e awa y might have remained of the se ttlement of thatanyh ounfortu nate affair in a peaceful manner. There were in that first paragraph several omissions which appeared to him of an important character. In the first place, he must say that it appeared to him most remarkable that no mention was made of two oat of the three countries which were in alliance with us in this most important question, Austria or Prussia. Another omission was that of the real purpose for which the people were to be invited to support an increase of our armaments—the maintenance, n amely, of the independence of Turkey— whereas the only object assigned in the speech was the support of her Majesty's representative, and the more effectually contributing to the restoration of peace. The only explanation of this omission seemed to he that, in point of fact, Ministers were not earnest in their support of the independence and integrity of Turkey. Lord Malmesbury then complained that the Government had withheld from their lordships the means of forming an opinion on their conduct, but had allowed one of the most important documents in the negotiation to be pub lished in the Times, within a fortnight, be said, of the time when Earl Clarendon refused to produce the reply of the Government to the second manifesto of Count Nesselrode, on the ground that its production might endanger the solution of the question. The paper in question appeared at full length in the Times newspaper, and was introduced by the language and preamblerode. ,s which, manifesto, incorrect wh o knew version having newspaper, been g ve iv e r e : perfectly understood as ind icatin g that it was a sort of official announcement. T he p a p er was stated to be a correct version of the noble ea rl ' s re p l y to C ount Nessel- I in some other journal. blow, he (the Earl of 3/alines- ) a.m.