The Sun. — London, England, 1831-04-04 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The " mock heroic" in patriotism was never car ried to a higher degree sif burlesque perfection than in the meeting of Liverpool electors the other day, to condole with their lately-ejected representative Oil the sudden reverse of fortune which he experienced in a Parliamentary Committee, and to assure him that virtue so pure and stainless as that which bed been displayed in his election should never lack the sympathy and suffrages of the immaculate freemen who cultivate the " glorious principles of indepee- on the banks of the Mersey. Virtue in &- tress has sometimes to complain not more severely of the inconstancy of fortune than the fickleness of friends. Mr. Ewart, on the contrary, ought rather to rejoice at than lament his disaster, as it has given him an opportunity of ascertaining, beyond all doubt, the stanch fidelity of his Liverpudh-an admirers. Though the Committee of tl:e House of Commons have avoided the election on proof of the grossest and most extensive bribery and corruption of which any populous town in modern times has afforded an example, yet the patriots who assisted to fight the " battle of independence," which has raised Liver pool to the proud distinction of being more rotten in the exercise of the elective franchise that the rot tenest of the close boroughs, call it a " glorious victory." That it was a " golden" victory cannot ' be disputed, but the " glory" that attached to it had been in some decree anticipated by the boroughs of Grampound, Cricklade, East Retford, Evesham, and some others, where similar victories have been achieved, though on an inferior scale of operations, and with less of that open manly contempt of the paltry rules of decorum and the principles of morality than Liverpool exhibited in a struggle which has conferred on her such imperishable renown. But, whatever may be the amount of " glory" which L verpool has derived from this celebrated conflict, it is certainly of that peculiar sort w hich no town in the King's dominions will be anxious to outshine, at least in the opinion of a Parliamentary Com mittee. It is, in truth, a " glory" more to be won dered at than coveted. One of the orators at the meeting in question, who, under the circumstances of the ejectment of his favourite representative, and the suspension of the writ, was filled with admira tion of the fame which his native city had acquired, and the more than ordinarily brilliant prospects that were opening upon her, enthusiastically exclaimed, Wherever I look, on whatever side I turn, I witness no symptom of defeat—no appearance of dismay. The recollections of the past open cheer ing prospects of the future, and, if we have met a repulse, we must still aspire to the laurel of victory." Now, the " recollections of the past" were that votes sold as high as 401. and 501., and some still higher before the election was over; and the "cheer ing prospect for the future" is, that, in consequence of the most systematic and extensive corruption having teen proved that ever came under the cogni zance of a Parliamentary Committee, the house of Commons have declined to call upon them to fill the vacated seat until some means can be devised of pre venting the " worthy electors" from so scandalously abusing their franchise for the future. There are, in our opinion, only two ways of realizing t his "cheering pros pect"—l• y disfranchisement or by the Reform Bill. The former measure would be only the just punishment of a body of voters so generally and notoriously cor rupt ;—the other will have the effect of introducing into the constituency the class of respectable house holders, who have been hitherto excluded from all share in the choice of representatives. The elective franchise in Liverpool, at present, is limited to the Mayor, bailiffs, and freemen of the borough, not re ceiving alms. The freemen are the persons who obtain that qualification by hith or apprenticeship, and the right is chiefly confined to journeymen ship wrights, their sons, and those who have served an: apprenticeship to them; while the great body of the householders, who pay the taxes, and serve all the public offices, have no more right to interfere in electing the persons who are to represent the inte rests of the town in Parliament than the natives of the Sandwich Islands. This gross anomaly the Re form Bill will cure. It will, in the first place, cut off the non-resident vot, rs, who are always brought up to the hustings like cattle to the market, at so much per head ; and to whom, it was proved, about 6,000/. independently of their expenses, were paid at the late election. It will, in the next place, pre vent any freeman, for the future, obtaining the elec tive franchise, who shall not be a householder at 101. yearly rent, and will thus cut off two of the greatest sources of corruption—non-residence, and that de pendent poverty, which is the most obvious to venal temptation. Then, and not till then, can any can didate for the honour of representing Liverpool hope to obtain the " most sweet voices" of the Liver pooLelectors on the ground of any other merit than that of adopting lago's advice, " Put money in thy purse: Morning Herald. Sir Henry Parnell, the new Secretary at \Var, has not, as some of our contemporaries have insi nuated, been indebted for his appointment to his aristocratical connections. He owes it entirely to h:s own merits. No man ever devoted himself with greater earnestness and singleness of purpose to the public service; and we congratulate our readers on his being placed in a situation that gives him greatir means of usefulness. Sir henry was educated at Eron, where he distinguished himself by his attain ments in classical learning. On his removal to Tri nity College, Cambridge, his progress in mathema tical studies was such, that he was placed in the firs. class on his second year's examination. But Sir Henry did not, like too many men of his station, confine his studies to classics and mathematics. He Was impressed, at a very early period, with a con viction of the superior importance of moral and po litical science, and in 1804, he produced his pamph let on the " Principles of Currency and Exchanges." In this tract Sir H. clearly pointed out the causes of the depression of the Irish exchanges, and stated most of those principles with respect to currency, that tVere afterwards more fully developed in the Bullion Report. It is not a conclusive, but a strong presumptive proof of the merit of this tract, that it speedily went through four editions. From this time forward Sir H. has taken an active pat in all the great political questions that have agitated the country. In what he did as an author and a Mem ber of Parliament he was influenced neither by a desire to court popularity nor to advance the views of any party. He looked only to principle. I.Nio inan was ever more truly independent ; and there are few, if any, who have laboured so assiduously and successfully to promote the public interests. His " History of the Penal Laws against the Roman Catholics," published 1808, is one of the treatises that appeared on the Catholic question. It did much to prepare the public mind for its final and sa tisfactory settlement. We believe also that thidre suit was materially forwarded by articles contributed by Sir Henry Parnell to theEdinburqb Review. The efficiency of the inquiries made by the Commons' Committee of 1825, on the state of Ireland, is mainly owing to Sir Henry's exertions; and we know that he was the real author of one of the most beneficial measures, with respeet to Ireland, that ever received . the sanction of the Legislature. In 1827 Sir Henry published an able pamphlet on Banking. In it be bas strongly advocated the abolition of the mono polies of the Bank of Englund and the Bank of Ire land, and the general adoption of the Scotch system of banking. Of Sir nervy Pernell's last work on •r Financial Refor m : , it is almost unnecessary to say anything. It is universally allowed to contain infi nitely more accurate and well-digested information as to the income and expenditure of the British empire, than is to be found in any other publication. Sir Henry Parnell has shown what reforms may be made without impairing secue by an honest Go vernment, rity at home, or tarnishing otar,horiatiiidirOad:— His book will contin u e: for a lengthened Period t o b e the manual of .tho'se who would retrench without robbing, and amend without pulling down, T he excluSion of Sic Henry Parnell was justly com i. dered, in every paid;, of the country, as one of the most serious defeCts in Lord Grey's Government. That it•has been repaired will give very general saws tisfaction. Sir Henry's habits di:igh:en and great industry ftt him him peculi.triy for the place be now holds. A situation connected with the trade or finance of the empire would, no doubt, have suited him better; but of his capacity to fill any situation j there can be no question. In him the public have a servant in whom they may confide, who has intel ligence to distinguish what is really for their in terests, and who will never support or defeild mea sures, of the expediency of which he is not tho roughly convinced. We have written these few sentences, not that we might eulogise Sir Henry Parnell, but that we might show the real ground on which he is in office. We ate anxious, too, that others should profit by s') instructive an example ; and learn that diligence, science, and integrity are sure, even in politics, to lead to the highest distinc tions.—Morning Chronicle. There is one truth of which all men must now be convinced, and of which the importance is unquei— tionable, viz.—that the opposition to Reform has been from the very beginning confined to a parti cular body of men who are by no means numerous, —who have no natural or permanent stake in the country, or influence over it,—men whose clamour has been so monotonous,—whose interest in the prolongation of existing abuses is so obvious, their argument in defence of them so utterly void of all claim to the attention of reasonable beings, on grounds of national utility, of political justice, or of common sense, and whose manifest motives, therefore, have so little sympathy with those of the people of England generally, that any change in the position of such enemies to Reform, taken as a mere knot of individuals, would pass away altogether un felt and unnot;ced by the public. We repeat, that the boroughmongers form no fixed or definite in terest in the community, independent of that single morbid affection of the State which has placed uuder their clandestine, their criminal, and unrecog nized controul, a large portion of what ought to be—because the - Constitution understands it to be —the representation of the people of England. The rotten borough interest is not the commercial interest, for not a thousandth part of the merchants of England have any participation in it. Nor can it be affirmed of the rotten boroughs that the landed in terest is identified with them, since, of the great landed proprietors of England, not one in one hun dred has any sort of influence over a borough. The bulk of professional men throughout the United Kingdom—the bulk, we say, of the church, of the bar, of the army, the navy, the merchants, the middle classes, the, yeomanry, the mechanics, the labourers—hold the borough . system in abhorrence, as an er.gine for raising a few favourites and depen dents of the 150 or 200 proprietors of boroughs— no matter how devoid such favourites may be of any pretension to any kind of merit—over the heads of all the knowledge, the ability, and worth, which are to he found dispersed throughout the several orders of society, or combined in their most eminent members. If we saw that any one great division of society, or even one acknowledged authority of the realm, had its real interests so closely incorporated with the permanency of the borough system as to incur the risk of the slightest injury from its destruction, we should pause, and the people ought to pause before they lent an eager sup port to the proposition of an anti-borough Reform, let it come from what quarter it might. If the re presentation were to be taken out of the Commons of England,on the hustings assembled, and placed in the King, in the Peers (as Peer:), or in fo reigners,—if the operation of the Bill were to be, that the independence of the Peers, as a legislative or judicial body, should undergo a transfer, whether into the hands of the Crown, or of the Commons, —if, on the other side, the Crown itself, instead of being relieved by this law from the suffocating nightmare of borough patronage, were to have an artificial embankment raised between it and the affections of a loyal nation,—or if instead of its real power being fortified, its splendour heightened, and its roots in the soil of the empire stricken un fathomably deeper, the Royal prerogative ran the remotest risk of being impaired, or the Royal person otherwise than immeasureably endeared to the people of England,—every honest and wise man would say, let us not hesitate to reject this Bill. But, so fur from the great standing interests of the king dom, under the several divisions of property, intelli gence, and numbers being thteateried with injury by the proposed Reform, they none of them appre hend, or seem to imagine, the possibility of any such ►njurious consequence. No property, no profession, learned or unlearned,-1/0 collective body of English , men, great or small,—petitions or murmurs against the completion of the measure; all petition in sup port of it. No constituted powers, authorities, or orders, magistrates, public officers, or corporations,— of the latter not even those who are to be reduced to insignificance by the Bill,—have ventured to show themselves its adversaries ; all join the people and come forward to petition in support of it. Our Gracious Sovereign, so far as the gravity of Royal demeanour with regard to public questions would permit, has steadily and strentFaisly declared his own conviction of the necessity for this compliance with the demands of an unanimous nation,.—this provident safeguard against the results of a fatal estrangement, on the part of those who are called upon to obey the laws, from those who assume the right of making them. The King sees, that without a complete and searching Reform in the whole elective body, the people of England will exclaim universally that the Constitution is as much a farce as county meetings were once said to be, and that they (the people) have no more share in the choice of those whom the law supposes to be the guardians of their persons and properties, than have the natives of California, or New Guinea. Under such a state of things, the clear and manly judgment of his Majesty ran little risk of going wrong. Ile felt that a general dis content with the law, as an instrument of tyranny, while it professed to be one of protection, would not among such a people as the English, remain a dor mant or unfruitful feeling. The obedience of Eng lishmen to the laws of their country is not produced by a trembling fear of the executioner, but by a sound and well-reasoned persuasion that the laws are framed with a view to the general well-being; and when they are not so framed, the high value set by our countrymen upon an unrestrained right of peti tion would be utterly inconsistent with any other consciousness than that the petitions of the people, when loud and unanimous, niust be complied with by the powers to which they are addressed. His Ma jesty, in making up his mind upon the irresistible necessity of Reform, has no doubt been swayed by a statesmanlike conviction that England is a countly which cannot be governed by a policy odious to the nation ; arid that, with regard to the crown itself, the King saw in a moment that whereas he and the body of his subjects could have but one common interest in the stability and splendour of the throne, and in the comfort and prosperity of the people, it was very obvious that a borough faction must have an interest apart from both, inimical to both,—an interest in making the Crown dspendent, on them selves in despoiling the people for their own profit, and, above all things, in filling the Royal mind with habitual distrust of the affectionate sentiments of the people of England towards their Sovereign. We have been well aware, from the lieginning, of the degree to which an illustrious Personage had been tormented by the intrigues of certain old courtiers, who have, by an excess of adroit servility, established for themselves a sort of subaltern footing in the Royal Family, crawling up on more than one occa sion to ears not sufficiently on their guard against such reptiles, and there pouring in their" poisonous distilment." We would warn these creatures to be ware, or we will name them ; and if we do, they will fly within four-and-twenty hours. They must abstain from giving on paper, or in conversation, a false colour to sentiments which it is their duty to convey without alteration or comment. They must . not grossly and wickedly misrepresent the dispo sitions of the people of England to any member of the House of Brunswick. The English nation, 63 far from entertaining any unkind, and least of all any niggard, feelings towards their Sovereign and his race, are of a temper more jealous for the Royal dignity and magnificence than anxious for their own comforts. The people—the trading and middle classes more especially—enjoy the notion of regal, and of a large and liberal expenditure in the Court, and take pride in hearing of, though they are precluded from witnessing it. Every one at all acquainted with English character knows this, and nothing was ever more base or disgraceful than the attempts which have been reported to us from various quarters, us having been practised daily and 'hourly, although, thank Heaven, unsuccessfully, with a design to turn a systematic slander of the people of England to account, in favour of the advocates for rotten bo roughs. However, we have probably seen the end of such tricks. A great personage, we learn with pleasure, has for some time detected them, and has not withheld from their authors the meed of his just and upright indignation. So, with respect to Ire land, the cry has been renewed that the turbulence in Clare and other counties must render a dissolu tion an experiment of too much peril. This fraud also has been exposed where it might have proved mischievous. It is right to state, which we do on the best author ty, that the disorders among the peasantry of Clare have no more connexion with politics than with astrology, and that the result of a dissolution in Ireland would be to Ministers an acce'- sion of twenty-eight or thirty votes. It won't do, we tell you, Messrs. the machinators : the King, the nation, and the principle of Reform, are too strong for you.—Titnes. Will France interfere in favour of Poland and Italy? is the question which every one puts to his neighbour, but to which not only no satisfactory answer, but no answer of any kind, has yet been given. In order to judge correctly of the matter we must take a long retrospect of the occurrences in France during the last eight months. In July the people found themselves not under the banner of the Charter, but under that of Charles X. and his monkish and des potic Ministry—the independence of the Chambers violated—the freedom of the Press suppressed— constitutional liberty gone, and despotism esta blished in its stead. The sans culottes—the work ing and starving population—for no one would risk a centime in any business under such a state of things, to furnish employment—rose like one man —for the wants of the belly are more powerful per suaders than Dr. Kitchener's peristaltics—and in three days not a vestige was to be found of the Ministry, the throne, cr the despot ! The battle was in favour of the people, and the people were determined that it should be in their favour; and they were accordingly joined by those who, professing similar sentiments, were more de sirous that things should again settle down to a constitutional level, titan that the revolution which had taken place should work greater changes. The Duke of Orleans was a fit man for the purpose of this party. He possessed large property,—had passed a life chequered by so many changes, es to induce a strong belief that he would not side with the re publicans,—he was the nearest relative to the exiled royal and legimate stock,—and he had besides, in his ear:y years, fought at Jemappes and Valmy. He was chosen Lieutenant-General by the party,— the oligarchic party,—and after the brief space of a few days, raised to the rank of " King of the French . ." All these matters are well know n, but it is necessary to recapitulate them, in order that the ques tion and course of policy may be fairly understood. Louis Philippe ascended the throne, and he had many and numerous difficulties to contend with, — subjects determined on political change, and legiti mate brothers, who looked upon him as an intruder on their society, and who would only pardon the in trusion on condition that he should use his utmost exertions to maintain things as they were, and not aid in the promotion of further changes. Louis Philippe, we take it for granted, consented. He had a great stake at hazard, both in personal pro perty and newly acquired honour : and it is not to be wondered at, if he sa'd privately to himself, " let us retain as much of the old system as we can, and give way as little as possible to the spirit of change that is abroad." All his ministries, have ac cordingly been formed, more or less, on this model, and of those which have not, it may be truly said, that alley have been brought to mould themselves after the same fashion. Hine itlx lachryme.—The motto of the Cabinet has been resistance to popular movements, and more popular institutions,—and the motto of the people, and of the friends of the people, has been " succour our enslaved brethren, give us institutions conformable to the spirit, the wants, and the acquirements of the times." There have, in consequence, since the month of July last, been two principles in perpetual opposition,—the one that of repulsion,— the other, that of motion. Accordingly, when the Belgian revolution broke out, there was a decided movement on the part of the people in favour of their oppressed brethren, or rather of national fra re nization,—and on the part of the Government — for legitimatizing was now a main object—of non intervention. The Belgians achieved their hole pendet c',—they resolved on a monarchical Govern ment, and they selected. the Duke of Nemoms as a fit and proper person to reign over them; but the legitimates were both in the back and foreground, nay, in the very core of Louis Philippe's heart—and dear and pleasant, and agreeable, as was the offer, the King was obliged to decline, it. The revolution in Poland next broke out, and never was greater sympathy manifested in behalf of an oppressed people, anxious to break asunder their chains, than was manifested by the people of France in behalf of the Poles; but the same motives which dictated the policy of the Government in the case of Belgium, operated also in that of Poland : the Government did nothing, anti to this moment the brave Poles, who had fought and conquered, and suffered, in many a well-fought field under the banners of France, and side by side with her children, are permitted to fight out the battle of their own independence, without a Government arm to aid them, or a voice to cheer them onward ix their noble enterprise, but the distant shout of the people of France and England. Will a contrary policy be pursued in the case of Italy ? M. Casimir Perrier says that it will, in case that the Austrians infringe neutral territory ; and we have sufficient respect for him to believe that he would not wil -1 nsly permit the honour of the country to be tar nished; but there are other considerations besides the mere question of war, which have to be maturely we ghed before a step, calculated to produce the most sweeping effects, can be decided upon or adopted. In the first place a declaration of war against Austria world be not only a declaration against her, but against all the legitimates of the continent. Holland would invade Bel gium,—the Prussian forces would be pushed Forward to the borders of France,—and the Russians, after having sebdued the insurrection it' Poland would again wend their way to the ca pital of France. It is true, that the armies of the toter would find friends in every part of the con tinent, tired of despotism, and longing for constitu tional freedom, who might operate a powerful diver sion in their favour; but making ample allowance for this aid, it appears to us impossible that the allied despots should not ultimately succeed in mas tering the tai-colour; and where then would Louis Philippe and Iris kingship of the French be? Is it to be supposed that those who fifteen years ago brought back the Bourbons to Paris, at the point of the bayoner, would not again have recourse to the same policy, and seat Henry V. on the throne of Louis Philippe ? and in whose favour, more es pecially in a moment of victory, they, would find a large portion of the population ? It is here that the shoe pinches the toe—it is here that the real difficulties of the question of war lie—it is on this point that Louis Philippe, and all who have gained by the revolution, find themselves unable to come to a decision. In making war they would render themselves popular in France; and a successful waging of it would secure the throne to the Or earls family, as well as consolidate the new institu- I tintis, and check the restless spirit of change which is abroad in France; but in making it, the King and his Ministers feel that they expose themselves, both to the open hostility of all the crowned heads on tine Continent, and to the smothered, but equally dan gerous, vengeance of the abettors of the exiled fa mily at home; and it is, therefore, their policy to do, on the one hand, as little that can offend the said crowned heads as possible, and as much only, on the other, as shall satisfy the people of France that they are not ruled by a petticoat government. Hence the vacillating conduct in the case of Bel gium —hence the disgraceful silence in the case of Poland—hence the bullying► of M. Casimir Perrier, and the neutralizing speech of his colleague, Baron Louis, on the question of the invasion of Bologna by the Austrians. The Government has two parties to please—the legitimates and the people of France—and two dangers to face; and it can find no escape from either, even for a moment, but in pursuing a middle course, which diminishes the esteem and lessens the confidence of both. To revert, then, to the question with which we com menced this lengthy and, we - fear, tiresome article, it appears to us to be, beyond all doubt, that a war, either in favour of the Poles or the Italians, is wholly dependent on the preponderance in France of one or other of the two great parties of which it is com posed—the party of the mouvement, which we have designated above, and the party of the resistance. In the long run we have no doubt that the former will overpower the latter and then there will be war and revolution after revolution; but in the meantime the latter will make every effort to resist it, and miry he successful. The moment, however, is critical, and may decide the point even while we are writing. Both parties are worked up to the extreme of rage by domestic and foreign events; and he would be a bold prophet indeed who would undertake to say what the next twenty-four hours would produce.— Morning► Advertiser. The declaration of the resident Members of the University of Cambridge, which appeared in our Paper of Saturday, is highly honourable to the dis tinguished body from which it has proceeded ; and must, we should imagine, give rise to some mis gis inge in the minds of those mistaken supporters of the revolutionary measure (if there are any such) who are not hostile to our venerable Ecclesiastic .1 Establishment ; and damp the hopes of the much greater number who are determined to promote that measure, principally because they view it with greater accuracy of perception as the certain har binger of destruction to the National Church. It is fit that our Universities should lead the way, and that they should be zealously followed by the general body of the Clergy of England and Ireland, in re sisting, by all constitutional means, the progress of a measure which ranks among the most ardent of its friends the determined and proclaimed enemies of the Church, the habitual scoffers at religion in every form. This conduct will be purely defensive in the part of the Clergy, and is prescribed by con siderations much higher indeed than that of self defence, to every clergyman who would not incur the guilt and the ignominy of treason to the sacred and solemn trust confided to him. The establish ment of a House of Commons, from which the in fluence of the Crown, that of the Aristocracy, and that of the Church, are alike to be entirely ex cluded —of a House of Commons purely demo cratic—of a House of Commons in which no man will have the least chance to obtain a seat but by first inflaming and then attempting to gratify the passions of the mob—of a House of Commons filled with furious and unprincipled demagogues—the establishment of such a House of Commons as the Revolutionary Bill could not fail to produce, would lead isevaribly and rapidly to the subversion of the Throne, of the Peerage, and of the Church ; arid, as no douSt can be entertained that the Church would be the first object of attack, it peculiarly behoves her faithful Ministers to distinguish themselves by the zeal, energy, and promptitude of their resistance. Whoever has observed the signs of the times, and reflected upon the principles and the manifest and avowed designs with regard to the Church of Eng land of those who have put themselves forward as the popular leaders in support of the Revolutionary Bill, must be satisfied that this measure is of a ten. dency the most pernicious and destructive to that Estanlishmrnt, which, under Divine Providence, has been the means of preserving to the nation the light ' of pure Chrstianity. The evidence that hostility to the national religion is one of the characteristics of the projectel Revolution, would be conclusive, if it consisted num:) , of what we know respecting the men who mot anxiously advocate the measure. The destruction of the Church of England is an object which, consistently with their professions, their lives, their writinge, and their speeches, it would he im possible for thin), in promoting any great and im portant Consttutional change, to have for a single moment overlooked. The Benthams and the Humes, the Taylors am. the Carlile4, comprehend all the claims which tlie Revolutionary Bill of his Ma jesty's Ministershas to their peculiar and unqualifieel favour. But wi are not left to infer the character of the Bill, as itrelates to the religion of the land, merely frotn the character and professions of its leading advocates The measure gives by express enactment an itusease of representation to Roman Catholic Ireland and to Presbyterian Scotland, while it diminishe; in a much greater proportion the representation of Protestant Episcopal England. It so regulates, moreover, the elective franchise in Ireland as to secure to the Popish Hierarchy of that country the absolute nomination of at least three out of four of its representatives; and in what position will the' Church of England estallished in Ireland be placed, when the Rom) Catholic Priestoood have their eighty or millet) delegates in the House of Com mons? It will ie under the doom of certain and speedy destruction. The delegates of the Popish Priesthood will brm a party in the Legislwure with which demagogies of liberalism will certainly unite, and tas porer will remain capable of resist ing the efforts of hese confederated factions to over throw the Protetant Church in Ireland, and to build upon its runs an idolatrous establishment, upon the liberal einciple that idolatry ought to be inculcated and encouraged by Government when ever the numerical najority of a nation is composed of idolators. If, caitrary to all reasonable expecta tion, however, the relegates of the Popish Priest hood should be outeotesi in the United Parliament, the only effect of this after the Reform Bill shall have been adopted, will be to enable the dema gogues, the instruments and agents of the Popish Hierarchy, to condean Ireland to continued and exasperated convulsiois, by stimulating the pas sions of her inflammable population upon the subject of the Unica, by making them mad for the ruinous separtion of the two countries. efuvptehor upon r nt e hi l a i c :) , I mindstlivt i o o a i s r y oaf m t e h a e - c s l u l ' e h r r e e g s y c e a o n v f i n e oi s n f g a o i l l f a o h d :i es e an fr p e ( r i a t i i s ° sin cere friend to the church the duty of resisting this destructive innovation iy every means in their power. That these views tare correct the friends of the a f fect !to conceal. Earl Grey, whose !lite, whose po wer — a power he political measure scarcely e xis so dearly cherishes, of providing for his family and relations et the public, expense—depend upon the s uccess of the measiire,is driven in its defence, to palliate the evil of the iestruction of the Protestant church in Ireland and ee establishment of Popish idolatry upon its ruins. ',et this single fact be taken as a s liking illustration if the character of the mea sure. The Prime Miniter of the King of Eng land, of the Supreme lead upon Earth of the Protestant churches of Eigland and Scotland, has been compelki, in its &fence, to assimilate the idolatry of Roman Catholii Ireland to the pure and genuine religion of the cheer of Scotland, and to prepare the minds of the lritish people for the es tablishment of Popery in he former country, by referring to the establishmeit of Presbytery in the latter.—ilforning Post. BELGIC AND GERMAN PAPERS. LIEGE, MAncti 29.—Yesterday evening at ten o'clock, numerous groups assembled before the printing-office of the Echo, a new journal of the Orange party. The rnattrials of the printing-office and all the household furniture were broken to Pieces and thrown into the street. The civic guard, which came up after the populace had go into the house, could only stop these excesses. We hear that the mob have returned this morning to complete their work of destruction. Between eleven o'clock and midnight some of the mob went to plunder the house of M. Orban, one of our resident merchants, which they did, notwith standing the Civic Guard and a detachment of cuirassiers. They destroyed the furniture, broke into the cellars, and intoxicated themselves. Seve ral persons carrying off articles which they hail stolen, were arrested; among them is said to be the editor of the Echo, whose office had just been de stroyed. Similar excesses were committted in the house of M. Stephani, formerly director of the po lice. This morning the house of M. Macar was the scene of fresh excesses, which, however, were soon checked by the Civic Guard and some cuiras siers: thence some persons went to the episcopal palace; but the Bishop having addressed them with mildness they withdrew, after receiving his bene diction. The whole of the Civic Guard is sum moned for this afternoon. Our fine regiment of cuirassiers is drawn up in the Place de St. Lambert, with field artillery on the flanks. A battalion of infantry from Tongres is expected this evening, and a , other from Hasselt to-morrow. The magistrates have issued a proclamation on these distressing events. They invite the citizens to have lights in their windows all night. BRUSSELS, MARCH 30.—Tranquillity has been restored during these two days. M. de Facqz has not accepted his nomination as Member of the Council of Ministers. M. de Coppin, it is said, resigns his office of Go vrrnor of the Province. General Nypels, whcm report accused of Orangiim, has voluntarily sur rendered himself as prisoner, requiring that his con duct shall be publicly investigated without delsy by the Supreme Military Tribunal. The Members of the High Court of Justice of Brussels will take the oath to the Regent and Constitution to-morrow. Generals Chasteler and Goblet took the oath to the Regent yesterday. The sitting of the Congress yesterday was occupied by matters of form. Se veral Memberi wrote to the President, to account for their ab'ence. NATIONAL CONGRESS, MARCH 30. The Count de Celles writes from Paris, that the Regent having resolved to appoint another person Ambassador of Belgium in Paris, his duties as Member of the Congress require his return to Brus sels, but as family affairs will detain him at Paris, he resigns his seat in the Congress. M. Claus, of Mons, and M. Theysman d'Annecroix, also announce their resignation. M. A. Peemans thinks that the session of the Congress is ended, and gives in his resignation. M. Charles Zoude writes that he can not come to the Congress; he also resigns. Suc cessors will be chosen for those Hon. Members. The decree of the Regent are read, accepting the resignations of the old ministers, and appointing new ones. M. Von Smick complained of these resignations, which he characterized as deceiving the expectations of the constituents of the lion. Members, and a desertion of their posts in times ef difficulty. M. Forgeur thought the remark of M. Von Smick unreasonable, as the members would doubtless give an account of their administration, and the new ministers would probably state the system they propose to fallow. A list of the petitions to the Congress being read, the Minister of the Interior said a new administra tion should explain its views to the representatives of the people, from whom the Governtnent must derive its strength. The formation of the new Ministry was guided by one idea; it believes that the only question for Belgium is to attain as soot' as possible to a definitive state, to cause the indepen dence of the nation, the integrity of the territory, and, above all, the exclusion of a family whom you have rejected for ever. This is the object at which we shall come. We know that Belgium is not isolated in Europe, but we know what a courageous nation disposed to maintain its rights can effect. Persons who would not regard the subjection of their country have Istely shown themselves more openly. The Government, by its lenity, has done them a bad service, for the writings published by them have caused some disorders which could not be wholly repressed, ass! have served to show the enemies of the revolution how frail their support is. Com plaints have been made of the delay in the proceed ings against persons accessed of attempts to over throw the Government ; but the forms of justice cannot be violated, and the Government will do every thing to hasten the decision of these affairs. At all events, we may depend on the energy of the people: our finances are in as satisfactory a state as c'reumstances will permit. The Government has some hopes that our political horizon will clear up; bi t t we have some cer ainty on this point it. would be imprudent to communicate our hopes to this assembly. M. Gendebien said one of the preceding speakers has alluded to our account given by the late Ministers. As far as I am concerned, it seems supetfluous. My acts are public ; I do not decline any responsibility. A kind of altercation then ensued between AI. Van de Weyer and M. de Brouckere. The former declared that he had been surprised at bearing that the late Ministry had been unanimous respecting the national independence, for the trnth was, that the disorganization of the late Ministry was produced by the motion stated by a Minister who stilt retains his office, that Belgium could not be saved except by its union with France. M. de Brouckere said he was the person alluded to; he had not imagined that what passed in the Cabinet was to be published in the tribune, but he owned that he had said there was evidently a conspi racy in favour of the Prince of Orange, and that the only way to defeat it was to have recourse to France. Ills resignation was not however, caused by this, but the reason of it was, that he could not sit in the Ca binet with M. Van de Weyer. M. Robaulx and other Members deprecated this personal allusion. M. Van de Weyer said the question was not per sonal, as it concerned the dependence or independ ence of the nation; he was happy to learn from the Minister of France that he had found other means to save Belgium. M. Le am a friend to independence; but not at any rate,--not with the late King, not with tl'e Prince of Orange, riot with the disgraces of the nation and civil war. M. Jottrand—There is another way to save our independence,—war with Holland.—(Applause.) The Minister of Finance said, that the sudden fall of the public funds having impeded the con tracting of the loan voted, he proposed that a Com mittee of five members should be appointed, to whom he might communicate the steps already taken. Alter a long debate this proposal was rejected by a great majority. M. Hobanlx moved that a Committee should be appointed to inquire into the causes of the late dis orders, and to propose remedies. After some dis cussion this proposal was adopted unanimously. M. Robaulx then begged the Minister for Foreign Affairs to say what was our situation with respect to foreign Powers. M. Lebeau acknowledged the importance of the subject, but having been only twenty-four hours in office, was not himself sufficiently informed. M. de Robaulx wished the Minister to fix a time for making his communications. Couriers have ar rived : only let us know our situation. The Minister has said, all is not yet lost : thus it becomes worse. M. Van Smik wished to know whether commis sioners had not been sent to King William. M. Van de Weyer said, that he would to-morrow present his report with all the documents. M. Lebeau promised to communicate his as soon as posible. Robaulx said, on Saturday I shall ask this. question—What are the representatives to our inde pendence,—what is our situation with respeet to flollatad,—what changes have taken place since the last protocols communicated to us ? A protocol of the 2d of March has been spoken of. M. Van de Weyer—There is no protocol of the 2d of March, or the end of February. MARcH 31.—M. Leclerq assigns as a reason for his resignation, that he thinks the mission of the Congress is terminated. The Minister of Finance gave some explanation relative to the loan. All the conditions proposed have appeared too onerous, and it would now be difficult to obtain favourable terms since the great fall in the funds at Paris. However, the services for April are provided for, and 5,000,000 have been received for March only. As a loan cannot be con tracted for, the Minister is obliged to propose a decree, dividing the amount among the provinces— viz., 8,000,000 to be advanced on the land -tax, and 4,000,000 on the personal tax. Another project of Liw proposed by the Minister is to make a deduction from the salaries of public officers from April 1 to December 31, 1831. The Minister of the Interior proposed a project of law for rendering the Ist divi sion of the Civic Guard moveable till the 31st of December. Six projects of law were read : they are as follow : --By the first, the Belgian Government declares to King William that if he does not within a month renounce the possession of Limburg, Luxemburg, the left bank of the Scheldt, and the citadel of Antwerp, he would be compelled by arms. " 2. The first division of the Civic Guard is ren dered moveable within 24 hours from the date of the decree.. " 3. Orders a forced loan of 12,000,000. " 4. Whoever shall excite,by means of. the press, the return of the Nassau family, shall be declared guilty of high treason. 5. The authori of the scenes of pillage shalt I e sought out, arrested, and brought to trial : in future the authorities shall be obliged to oppose such ex ceses by force of aims. " The National Congress is declared to be dis solved on the 25th of April, and the Chambers are convoked for the Ist of May.—Ordered to be printed and referred to the sections." M. Van de Weyer read a long report on the situ• ation of Belgium when he ceased to be Minister for Foreign Affairs. M. - de Rabat'lx proposed to have the report and the annexed documents printed. M. Rogier said it was a volume, and opposed the printing from motives of economy. It was resolved that the rrport and documents should be printed. A Liege Paper says that 200,000 francs will hardly make good the damage that has been done. The Vrai Patriote appeared again on Friday, the Ist of April. It gave an extremely long account of the late riots, and the attack on its printing-office, on which occasion great service was done by about twenty young men, volunteers in the corps of Char loter, who, commanded by one of their officers, M. Haniverts, drove away the plunderers, and made them abandon their plunder. ANTWERP, MARCH 30.—1 t is affirmed that yes terday afternoon, bet weer' four andSve o'clock, the powder magazine at Bergen-op-Zoom, whh 1,200 barrels of powder, blew up'. Later accounts say it was a manufactory of cartridges, that 500 persOns were killed, and a whole street destroyed. These statements are doubtless exaggerated. --Brussels Papers, April 2. (From the Hamburg Reporter.) WARSAW, MARCH 21.—tteport says that the Emperor Nicho!as is expected at Bialystock, whither Count Diebitsch is gone to have a,. interview with his Majesty. In the open country, the Russians curt inue to burn and destroy every thing which they cannot car.y off. Many of the exces,e3 committed by our enemies are of so revolting a nature, that the Commander-in-Chief contemplates sending to ask Erebitsch whether they take place with his consent, and to threa•en measures of retaliation if the system continues. De.erters from the Russian army arrive - daily at our four posts. Yesterdy several hundred of thrm completely armed were to be seen in the streets of the capital. An Austrian corps of 4,000 men, with 12 piece. , of artillery, is said to have taken up a position near Cracow. The latest letters from Berlin mention the arrival of the young Prince Czar toryski iii that capital, supposed to have been sent by his father to sound the King of Prussia, with a view to ascerain how far that sovereign might be disposed to act the part of mediator between Russia and Poland. (From the Hamburg Reporter, March 28.) Our latest accounts from Warsaw are of the 22d instant, but contain nothing of interest. The War saw papers have lately come to an understanding with one another, to be extremely reserved in com municating any intelligence respecting the military operations of the different Polish corps; it having been found that the RusStarts were regularly and promptly supplied with the Warsaw papers by their secret agents in the city. An active guerilla warfare continues, in the mean time, by which the Russian army must be dreadfully harassed. A courier with de‘patches front General Oiebitsch was lately captured by one of the Polish free corps. (From the Hamburg Reporter, March 29.) -;i: The accounts from Warsaw reach to the 24th inst. A heavy cannonade has been heard in the di rection of Ostrolenka. Report said, that a battle had been fought in that neighb9urhood, the result of which had been unfavourable to the Russians. Count Diebitsch had his headquarters on the 7th instant at Macibjowece. BORSEN-HALLE, FOUR P.M —A new loan of 42,000,000 forms, has been announced by the Dutch Miniitter of Finance, to bear 6 per cent. in terest, and the capital to be paid in 16 years: The Dutch Government expect to negociate the whole amount at 95. Stock of every kind is firm to-day, and a good deal of business has been done for money as well as for time. Discount, 211 per cent. End of March. 5.5% 87% 86 1 ' 1460 71!i 98 Anglo-Danish Loan 3 per Cent. Anglo-Russian Loan Hamburg-Russian Loan Polish Bonds ... Austrian Bank Shares New Austrian 4 per Cents ........ New Hanoverian 5 per Cent —Hamburg Reporter to 30th of March. COUNTRY CORN MARKETS. DURING LAST WEEK. Wheat. Barley. I Oats, Beans. Per Quarter. E. to B. 70 s. to s. 44 s. to s. S. to S. Carmarthen-. Hexham--- 33 31 34 441 Morpeth 22 29 f 28 - 34 50 52 40 49 Pedith Sliettield Winchester —... Per Bushel. Coventry Newcastle (Staff.) Northallertou Stafford Swansea Warwick --- 34 40 s. d. E. d. 48 54 60 66 36 46 59 62 44 46 46 50 3 30 s. d. s. d. 36 40 49 53 33 40 36 4 0 0 2 8 26 42 46 s. d. I. d. 56 60 5 9 6 0 59 66 72 66 00 00 73 70 Per 8011. Barnardeastle ..,—. Durham .....,--... 90 12 0 90 103 90 90 90 100 74 98 56 76 60 86 58 70 96 116 100 110 11 9 11 6 00 00 Richmond ..--,... Stockton ........,—... 52 72 60 70 64 78 s. d. s. d. 70 90 11 0 11 3 70 93 90 94 83 90 90 100 17 0 206 16 6 19 3 17 6 2'20 18 3 19 6 BIRTHS. At Whnbley, the lady of G. Wood, Esq. of a daughter, which survived only a few hours. On the 2d inst. at Gloucester -place, the lady of C. Gonne, Esq of a son. u. Me rry,T. Hammond,E sq. ,of n E c s o g ln ' o s f . d N e e n 7 to C w h n u . rch, Mr. J. Cawood of MARRIED. On the 2d inst. at Evesham, inn -fields, younger son of Wm• Merry, Esq, late Deputy Secre tary at War, to Elizabeth Mary, eldest daughter of W. Byrch, Esq. of the tinnier place. University-street, London University, to Mary, second dauih- Hendon, to Amelia, eldest daughter of the late Mr. J. Cutler . , of Devonshire-street, Bishopsgate. On the 2d inst. at Christ-church, Newgate-street, E. Thorn. daugh ter the 2d 2d R. H td o s r t spoo ,d On the 2cl inst. at St. P o a f n c cr a a in s . ton, Esq. Cheshnnt, Herts,. to Elisabeth Charlotte Willson, Hackney, es hn eldest daughter of Mr. R. Willson, Newgate-street. DIED. On the 2d inst. in Artil:erycourt, Chiswell-street, John F. Kalm, Esq. On the 2d inst. at Eccleston-street, Pimhco, Mr. Daniel Hawes, in his 70th year. On the let inst. Elizabeth, the wife of the Rev. R. Worsley, Rector of Finchley. PIIINTED AND PUBLISHED BY 51UnDO YOUNG. AT Tifg SIM-OFFICE, 112, STRAND, LONDON• healthi elud e careful Per Qi 'F tensive tignou Paz ern. 111 1wIcf lan e , Tavern Preps hest se GOOl the So the ea Paris Media article SoC•iet burial, return "71 I. • B( TEM LAN Letter whicl each, Pu b , ! ha To 1); and i the e farm Sets, cone! NIR, Pub! Med and Press ever and FA