The Sun. — London, England, 1833-05-17 00:00:00

tl,t, however, it was frightened. Still the most fla gitieus part of the conduct of Government was the treatment of the country hankers. They sent for the country banker., promised them the circulation of one pound notes for eleven years, induced them to go on, arot when they had blundered into dangers and difficulties, and reduced the country to within forty-ei,eht hours or a sate of barter, they brought in the Bill of 1826, than which a more iniquitous or mischievous measure never was designed. That Bill brought a hundred country bankers to bankruptcy, and half ruined five or six hundred more. Talk of national faith after such an act as that. Before national faith could be maintained justice must be done to the parties by that act so grievously injured. The key stone, however, of all the mischief was the Bill of 1819, a Bill which had inflicted on the country low prices and high taxes. And, after all the misery and wrongs en dured, could it be said that the country was in a state or security ? No such thing. The Noble Lord (A!tborp) knew full well that there was no security. In Scotland there avert notes; in England there were millions upon millions , !tat could not be paid in gold. He did not blame the Right Hon. Baronet more than some others, but he must have somebody—(A laugh) —and as the Right Hon. Baronet was still in being, still important, and the introducer of the cause of all the mischief, he fixed on him. In sr doing be meant nothing discourteous. He meant not to impute to the Right Hon. Baronet ignorance upon any tine sultject but the one mixed up with the question. Ht admitted his great and general knowledge of questions of science, in the science of prosody, for instance—he readihs admitted the superiority of the Right Hon. Baronet. The Right lion. Baronet was fully competent to criticise his pronunciation ; and if he (Mr. Cobbett) called a word tec•i-nd, and the Right Hon. Baronet said it was rec-ee-ref, he had no doubt that he was right.—(A laugh.) (Sir J. 4 0raharn at Ibis moment took his season theTreasuryßencla ) Ahl" (said Mr. Cobbett, striking the table) " now I 'shall 'have a vote."—(A laugh.) He must remind the ht Hon. Baronet (Sir J. Graham) of the course he haad himself pursued in 1829. In that year the Right Hon. Baronet had proposed to reduce the interest of the debt thirty per cent., candidly confessing that the (mach Ricardo had misled him. At that time the Right Hon. Baronet had made the amende honorable for his former false opinions ; and he now called upon him to complete the deed, by marching out with him in support of his re solutions. He was not aware that any statement could be made to controvert the facts he had advanced. It was not for him to presume to anticipate the course the, Right Honourable Baronet (Sir Robert Peel) would pursue ; but he found in one of his speeches this interrogatory, " Was there no distress before 1819 ?" Yes, there was in 1804. And the very same point had been put by the Right Hon. Secretary for the Colonies with regard to the suffer ing West Indians. But what caused that distress ? Why, the peace of Amiens.—(Hear.) Then came the pro. position for the resumption of cash payments, even when loans were going on. Why it was fit only to have been issued from Bedlam.—(Hear, hear.) And that induced distresses in 1815 and 1816, and so it was all through. Whenever there had been a reduction or a threatened re duction in the amount of money there had been distress. He did not find fault with returning to payments in gold, but with the manner in which it was effected. Nor could it be said that the evil consequences bad not been foreseen. A million and a half of the people had set them forth in their petitions. That million and a half had prayed for two things—for Parliamentary Reform, and for an ad justment as to the money affairs of the country. In 1817 those petitions had prayed that " the last drop of the nation's blood might not be poured out to be licked up by the cannibals of 'Change alley."—(A laugh.) But the only answer they received at the time was a Bill to cram them into dungeons at the pleasure of the Secretary of State. The first object of their solicitude, however, had now been allowed to be right, and the second must be granted if there was to be peace in England. Ho repeated it was as shameful an Act as ever was passed even by a boroughenongering Parliament, and God knew that was saying a great deal.—(A laugh.) He now came to notice the effe t these Bills, and especially that of 1819, had on the working classes. It had been repeatedly as et rted, and the assertion bore on its face no small degree of plausibility, that the effect of the alteration in the cur rency tended to amend the lot of the working classes, in. asmueh as it lowered the price of provisions.—(Hear.) Where were the employers ?—(Hear.) Did they make no new regulations upon the occasion?—(Hear.) No, no; they took right good care that the poor working classes should gain none of the benefits, if any there was, attendant upon the measure. Did the House desire proof of his assertion ? If they did he could give it. On the Slut of August, 1822, eight Hampshire Magistrates as sembled at Winchester, and there laid down the prices at which labourers should in future be paid. Now what was the rate for an unmarried able bodied labourer, no matter of what age? The officers of every parish in the county were recommended to offer to every single man, not a pauper it was to be recollected, Se. from Michaelmas to Lady day, and 4s. from Lady day to Midsummer.— ( Hear.) The amount of the wages was small enough ; but that was nothing to another recommendation which the magistrates made, namely, that if any man should refuse to serve at that rate for the year round he should he entitled to no relief whatever.—( Hear, hear, hear. ) Was there ever, he asked, greater barbarity contemplated by any set of men, than to compel an able-bodied hale man, in want of temporary relief, to bind himself down for one year at most inadequate wages, or otherwise starve ?—(Hear.) Was he stating that which could not be substantiated ? No. There was the book from which it was taken ; and every one who doubted the correctness of it, was at litetry to examine it. There was a vile book lately published by the Commissioners of poor laws, published on what authority he could net say, and against that statement he wished to set off the authenti cated work to which he referred. And what was the rea son he referred to the recommendation of the Hampshire magistrates, in connection with the present subject Simply, because those magistrates closed their report by a statement that their recommendation was made in con sequence of the reduction in the price of provisions, by t h e A c t of 1819.—(Hear, hear.) Did not that circum stance develop the evil consequences of the Hon. Baro net's Act? In short, he felt satisfied in saying that that measure had produced more mischief, by the effect i• had on the minds, character, and conduct of the people of the country, than any twenty of the measures ever adopted by Parliament.__(Hear, heir.) The scale o' wages which he had detailed was continued in Hampshire until 1830, and the consequence of it was the transports. tit)°, in the most instances for life, of 135 of the best la bourers in that county. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by stating that he would leave his resolutions to the deci sion of the House, being quite content to have them en tered upon the Journals of the House, even though at a future period it should be decided that they were unworthy of being so entered and ought to be expunged. Mr. J: FIELDEN seconded the resolutions in a speech of considerable length, but owing to the low tone in which the Hon. Gentleman spoke, and the repeated, we may say constant, interruption of the House, his observations were quite in audible in the gallery. An Hort. Alzatßs appealed to the Chair whether the Hon. Gentleman ought to be allowed to consume the time of the House by digressing into subjects totally irrelevan to that before it. Mr. HELDEN resumed his speech, and continued at great length to discuss the state of the poor and the rates of wages, but in a voice inaudible in the gallery. Sir F. BURDETT rose, but resumed his seat, in order that the resolutions might be read by the Speaker. Sir ROBERT PEEL rose amidst the most astounding and long-continued cheering, which having subsided, he proceeded to address the House in vindication. He said that this was a charge which was of a most serious nature, but which he should have treated with more respect if it had been made by some man of influence in the House, and one who conscientiously believed it to be the pure impulse of public duty which induced him to call upon the House to .pass upon him (Sir R. Peel), as a public man, the igliest disgrace that could be inflicted upon any public man, as an example to.all the rest. But would that Hon. Gentleman conscientiously and seriously come forward upon this pure principle, when only a few nights ago he had declared in that House, in the debate on the currency question, that compaiing him (Sir R. Peel) with the others, he held him to be " a spotless angel?"— (Cheers and a laugh.) Could that Hon. Gentleman think it fair or just to inflict upon him (Sir R. Peel) a punishment which, according to his own resolutions, should more properly fall upon Mr. Ricardo, Mr. Hut kisson, and several others? The grounds on which that lion. Gentleman wish e d to have hint disgraced, were on the face of them most vague.—(immense cheering.) Ile had not not been even ch arged with bad motives,forthe Hon. Member entirely disclaim e d imputing any ignorancesuch to him ! the whole extent of the charge was alleged and want of foresight in the conduct pursu e d by him in the course of six years.—(Cheers.) This was the front of his offending, as drawn up in the six column indictment brought by the Hon. Member ; and here he would ask whether it would not have looked fairer in that Hon. Member, after he had drawn up this elaborate bill of in. dictment, to have sent the accused party a copy of it, s.) that he might be prepared with his deience ? As it wa , , however, he (Sir R. Peel) bad not been made acquainted with even the outline of them till this evening.--(Cheers• He was not, however, the less prepared with their refuta- . tion.—(Renewed cheering.) The indictment set forth certain mischievone things alleged to have been committed by him (Sir R. Peel) in 1819, 1822, 1823 ; to which charges the lion. Seconder had added several others, not confined to any particular period, among which was one, that he (Sir R. Peel) had refused to comply with the demands dot forth in a certain memorial 'orwarded by certain persons at the Bull Inn, Burnley ; and the lion. Gentleman had also recited a letter written by him (Sir R.) in answer to one from Lord Stanley, with reference (as we understood) to ordering out troops. The Hon. Member, however, had omitted the letter of Lord Stanley, to which his (Sir Robert's) letter was an answer, and which required the aid of troops, in order to preserve the peace in Lancashire, which was then in a most disturbed state. Yes, Lord Stanley's requisition had been wholly omitted by the Hon. Member; with what feeling of justice, he (Sir R.) would leave the House to de tertnine.—(Turning to the Hon. Member for Oldham, the Right Hon. Baronet continued) :_Why have you not brought your accusations forward in a fair and practical manlier ? What do you mean by displaying such gross ignorance of facts and reason ? What do you mean by your opening declamation about responsibility and non responsibility of Kings and Ministers, and about my being a responsible Minister at the time in question ; and having been rewarded with large sums of money, and so on ? This, continued the Right Hon. Baronet, was the whole ground of the charge ; but the Hon. Member required to be told that in 1819 he (Sir R. Peel) was not a Minister of State—(lmmense cheering and laughter)—and that he had not received a farthing benefit from that Act which the Hon. Member represented as having redounded so eminently to his (Sir Robert's) advantage. He hail not had the slightest object at that time for appreciating the currency with any view to salary, any more than he could have now in depreciating it. The fatal Act of 1819 had not been brought forward by him as Minister, but as a mere Member of the House; so, although the Hon. Mem ber seemed to think that the five and ten-pound notes were only to be saved by his (Sir Robert's)destruction, he could assure the lion. Member that it was not ex officio that he had introduced the appalling Bill in question. Now, with reference to the Bill of 1822, the Hon. Gen tleman said that it was brought forward merely as a remedy for the Bill of 1819, and hereupon took occasion to accuse the then Ministers of gross ignorance and in consistency. Now if he (Sir Robert) could conceive any man of such exquisitely clear and infallible judgment as never to find reason to change or improve upon an opinion —(Hear, bear, and a laugh)—that man might well bring forward an argumentum ad hominent. Such a man might taunt them with inconsistency, but he really could not admit of any such thing, especially upon the present occasion. —(A laugh.) And what had been the sense of the House upon these three Acts ? The Bill of 1819 had passed without the slightest opposition. On the Bill of 1822 there was only one division, when there appeared four only in opposition. On the Bill of 1826 there were several divisions, the minorities altogether nine. So that the final result was, that on all the Bills the whole oppo sition amounted to 13 out of 658; yet he (Sir R. Peel) was to be disgraced and expelled for Acts sanctioned by the united approbation of such a majority as this. As to any little private accounts in this question, be would settle them with the Hon. Gentleman in a currency that he would take care should not be depreciated.—(Cheers, and a laugh.) The next charge was, that he (Sit Robert Peel) had committed these offences against the most solemn warnings, and had thereby been guilty of a double crime. The Hon. Gentleman had certainly not mentioned himself as the author of this solemn warninz; but it was evident that the object of the Hon. Member, in this matter, was quite as much to show off and extol his own supposed prophetical powers, to exhibit his talents as a second-sighted youth, as anything else.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) He (Sir R. Peel), to speak to this point, must refer the House heck to the year 1919, when he was not a Minister, but only a Member ; at which time there had been four courses open to be pursued by the House for the s ifety of the country—either to keep up, according to Mr. Western's plan, the circulation of the ;taper money at the full extent of the di predation ; the next was to institute at once a practical depreciation of the standard ; and the third was the plan adopted, namely, to revert to the former standard. The Hon. Gentleman had greatly plumed himself upon the solemn warnings, and so on, which he had given ; but he (Sir. R. Peel) would not at once proceed altogether to destroy the Hon. Gentleman's assumed character of a prophet.—(A laugh.) The Right lion. Baronet then quoted a passage from the Register, mentioning that, by the Act of 1797, the country was pledged to return to cash payments in six months after the peace ; that the Bill of 1619 was a re laxation of the Pitt system—(Laughter)—whi c h would have screwed up the country in six months after the peace. The Pitt system, the quotation continued, would have taken away the estates of the landed gentlemen seven years before.—(More laughter.) The Act of 1797 was what caused the derangement. The great distress of the country was alleviated by the Act of 1819, and that dis tress it was not possible to avoid. The question was, was it in the power of Parliament to avoid returnime to cash payments ? " You," said Mr. Cobbett to Mr. Wes tern, " say it was, I say it was not."—(Greit laughter.) The quetatio❑ went on to say, that Government had not the power, if it wished to preserve itself, to support the paper system. The Government only gave them Peel's Hill, when the country was on the eve of a rebellion"— on the eve of a rebellion—the Right Hon. Baronet called on the House to mark that—" and that it was not the Six Acts which quieted the people, but Peel's Bill, and low prices." Quietness, then, according to the Hon. Gentleman, had been brought about by Peel's Bill and low prices.—(Laughter and cheers.) The paper system, the Hon. Gentleman had said, " was a worthless thing, and might easily be puffed out." He had tried to puff it out.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentlemen had recom. wended the forgery of Bank paper.—(Loud and conti nued cheers.) He had recommended the forgery and the issue of notco. The Hon. Gentleman had threatened its destruction, and tried to effect it; and was it not too bad that he should now make a motion against those who had taken means to guard against the consequences of such threats ?—(Loud cheering.) This was the Hon. Gentleman's language in 1822. It was most acu•e reasoning. There was no defence of the Act of 1819 so good: it contained a masterly display of the necessity and advantages of that Act. " Government (the Hon. Gen tleman said) was compelled to come back to cash pay ments, the paper system was coining to a close, and the ruin of that infernal system was at hand."—(Loud cheers.) He described it as a bubble, and said the bubble had burst. That was the answer the Hon. Gentleman had made to M. Western, who was the great advocate of the paper sys tem.—(Cheers.) There was another proposition made which the Hon. Gentleman combatted. That was to coin the ounce of gold into 5/., instead of Si. 17s. 10d., which would have secured the convertibility of paper, but would have kept the standard at its depreciation. How did the lion. Gentleman meet that? All the indignation and execration which he bad heaped on Mr. Western's plan fell short of the indignation and execration the Hon. Gentleman expressed at this project. The Hon. Gentle man did not condescend to reason with its author. He said it was proposed by a Birmingham man—(Laughter)— and the Hon. Gentleman made him a Peer. He dubbed him Lord Little-shilling, of Birmingham.—(Great laughter.) The Hon. Gentleman only satirized the scheme of my Lord Little-shilling. —(Laughter.) The Right Hon. Baronet next referred to Mr. Cobbett's opi nions of Lord Folkestone, whom the Hon. Member for Oldham had described as taking wider views on the sub ject of the currency than any other Member of Parliament. Lord Folkestone, notwithstanding these wide views, pro posed a debasement of the standard. The Hon. Member for Oldham had referred to the Noble Lord in one of his most characteristic papers; and how was his Lordship's proposed debasement of the money system met by the Hon. Member? Sir Robert again quoted the Register. "It could not succeed. lie had borrowed from me—(Laughter) —one or two sound principles, but the application was all his own.—(Laughter.) It was a most childish argument, all his own, and of the weakest description."—(Loud laughter.) The Hon. Gentleman (continued Sir Robert) went on to show that the difficulty of reverting to the ancient standard was very great, and be bad opposed all these plans for reducing the standard well. The Hon. Gentleman said that the country must resume payments in gold, and must return to the ancient standard; and what then was the difference between the Hon. Gentleman and him ? The Hon. Gentleman said that we must re sume the ancient standard, but must at the same time pro ceed forcibly to reduce the debt; that we must resume the church lands.—(Mr. Cobbett said be had made no such proposal in that House.) He considered the Hon. Gentle man as a public man, and if he adopted any line of argu ment out of the House, he would hold him responsible there for the language the Hon. Member used.—(No, from Mr. Ceibbett.) lie said yes. There was no public man who had a right to exercise any influence over the public mind, for which he was not to be held re sponsible. —(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman, then, was an advocate for reverting to the ancient standard ; hut he proposed with that a forcible reduction of the debt, or rather, a refus a l to pay the just amount of interest. Ile said that we paid too much to the public creditor. Ties only other point of difference betwee❑ him and the Hon. Gentleman was, that the country could not afford to pay pensions and large salaries, and they must be reduced. But there was no man in Parliament who made a propo sition similar to that of the Hon. Gentleman. -...(He.,, hear.) He was like the Phoenix of Cowley, one vast species which stood alone. He would then refer to what the Hon. Gentleman had said about the condition of the labouring classes. The Hon. Gewlem in had read a reso lution of certain Magistrates, which he said was a conse quence of the Act of 1819. But the Hon. Gentleman ought to have contrasted the situation of the labouring classes when that resolution was passed, with that situa tion in 1819. "In 1819," said the Hon. Member for Oldham (and Sir Robert again quoted the Register to the following effect) " the poor rates were eight millions—the labourers were in rags—they were chained to carts they had been banished from the farm houses—they had no places but the worst hovels to dwell in—and if the devil himself had invented a system, he could not have in vented one of greater suffering than that he was lament ing the consequence of."—(Great laughter.) The Hon. Gentleman said, that the men of Preston could not buy sugar—not because there was a scarcity of sugar —n o ; but he said they could not buy sugar, because there was an under-production of money, not an over-production of sugar.—(Hear; " No," from Mr. Cobbett.) He was quoting the very words of the Hon. Member.—(Cheers.) He had followed the Hon. Gentleman with the closest attention, and he admitted that there was so much of real merit in the talents of the Hon. Gentleman that they com - manded attention. Again, he said that the only point of dif ference between him and the Hon. Gentleman was in re suming the ancient standard. The Hon. Member re quired that the national establishments should be forth with reduced ; and because he (Sir Robert Peel) had not made that reduction, and because be bad not made that proposition to reduce the interest of the debt, which no lion. Member had then made, and which the lion. Mem ber for Oldham was the only man who had the courage or the dishonesty to make—(Loud cheers)—becaus e he had not made the proposition, the Hon. Member now moved an address to the crown to remove him from the Privy Council. He would not make it, and be would rather be dismissed from ten Privy Councils, if that were possible, than make such a proposition. The Hon. Gen. tleman said that sinecures should be reduced. If there were any sinecures, let them be reduced ; but let no man run away with the notion that any relief which could be obtained by the reduction of sinecures could be more than a drop in the Pacific Ocean. He was ready to reduce establishments, not to the nominal state of any former pe riod, but to that state which was the test of propriety, the security of the public, and the honour of the country. So much for the motion of the Hon. Gentleman—the pub lic, plausible, parliamentary grounds of the motion. —(Loud cheers.) The Honourable Gentleman had referred to the answer he bad returned to the representations made of great distress in 1829, and to his taking no means to remove that distress. But at that very time a parson had been sent down to Birmingham, to make inquiries into the distress, and he had authority, if he found the dis tress severe, to relieve it ; but he was instructed to say nothing of that authority. He would not enter into details to refute the Honourable Gentleman, who thought, because distress existed, that therefore public men ought to be dismissed from the councils of the King. But what was the real object of the motion of the Honourable Member? He could not think that he had laid any sufficient Parliamentary grounds for his motion. The Hon. Member said he anticipated a large majority. He knew him too well to know, that the Hon. Member expected any such thing.—(A laugh.) The Hon. Gentleman knew that a motion so eminently absurd had no chance of success. The answer to his anticipation was that incredulous burst cf laughter with which his an ticipations were greeted, and which would have penetrated any skin lees tough than that of the Hon. Member. He knew that the House was opposed to the motion ; but lie would state, without any delicacy, what he believed to be the real motive—the unavowed object contemplated by the Hon. Gen tlenian.—(Liughter. ) It he had taken ano ther course, he was not mad enough to believe that he could have escaped the indignation of the Hon. Gentle man.—(Hear.) Suppose he bad agreed with an Hon. and much venerated relative, from whom he had on that occasion the misfortune to differ —suppose he had agreed that the continuation of the issue of paper money was sa'e—suppose he had not avowed the opinions he enter tained, could he have escaped the Hon. Gentleman's in dignation?—(Hear, hear.) In one of the Hon. Gentle man's books—the volume for 1819—be found a letter ad dressed, "To Sir Robert Peel, Baronet and cotton weaver."—(Great laughter.) There was nothing in the whole range of scurrility more disgraceful—nothing which was so offensive in the organs and instruments of a certain party—as that scurrility which sought to depreciate a man because he had raised himself from obscurity by his own talents and exertions. (Loud and long continued cheers.) The Hoo. Member addressed his letter to Sir Robert Peel, Baronet and cotton-weaver ; but when the Hon. Gentleman wanted to get into Par liament, he did not disdain to ask the assistance of a cotton-weaver.—(Cheers and laughter.) There were no men who were more distinguished for a vulgar deference to mere rank, than those who assailed it with scurrility, while they effected to stand up fer liberty, than the whole class of wen to which the Hon. Member be longed. They all spoke as if they were the descendants of the Courtenays and Montmorenciee; and if they were they would be too generous to despise those who bad raised themselves to eminence. The illustrious blood which flowed in their veins made them too generous ever to begrudge others the rewards of their exertion, and the public honours which min not of their class might attain. To make it a matter of reproach to any men that he was of humble origin, denoted nothing but inherent vulgarity of mind.—(Loud cheers.) And in this age, and on these principles, to taunt a man that he had raised himself to a station of eminence by his own exertions and his own talents, was not only vulgar, it teas something worse. So far from that taunt causing him any shame, be felt only proud.—(Loud cheers.) He professed the greatest re spect for those who could boast of hereditary honours, but he professed equal respect for these new families, whose founder, by their virtue and talents, laid the foundation of a great name in the land. He had had the misfortune to differ from his father, but the Hon. Gentleman would not have spared him had he adopted the opinions of one whom he was bound to respect. The Hon. Member, in his letter to Sir Robert Peel, put a hypothetical case of two brothers—A and B—A being a fundholder and B a landholder; and he stated that the landholder suf fered ; but the Hon. Member forgot that he (Sir Robt. Peel) was the brother 8.--(Laughter.) B was the owner of land, and, according to the Hon. Gentleman, had suffered a depreciation of his property of 25 per cent. The question wets, whether, if he had agreed with his lamented parent, would be have escaped this motion, and though he might have escaped the public plausible motion, would he have escaped that which was the real though unavowed object of the motion ?—(Cheers.)—The letter concluded thus. The Right Hon. Baronet then pro.. ceeded to read the letter to this effect—." Now Sir Robt. Peel, I care little whether you reflect on these truths or not. .1 know well what is coming (those words being in Italics), and if I put your name at the head of this letter, it is not merely to reason with you, but to point you out" (also in Italics). What was the meaning of these Italics ? Could the /lon. Gentleman say they bad any good object?—(Loud cheers.) What could he mean by putting in Italics, " I know well what is coining ?" and that his object in addressing Sir R. Peel was to point him out, and not to reason with him.--(Hear, bear.) He knew well what the object was, and no motives of false delicacy should prevent him from doing what he believed to be a public good, and to declare that, in his opinion, the HOD. Gentleman speculated on the chances of what he believed would be a period of public confusion.__ (Cheers.) The intention of the present motion was to point him out.—(Cheers.) He did not make this charge on light grounds; he did not rest merely on the letter of 1819 ; be would refer to a later period, when they would find him addressing the labouring classes, the physical strength of the country, and m a i nta i n i ng s i m il ar d octr i nes to those to which he had just alluded. Oa the 6th of April, 1833, the Hon. Gentleman recommended the formation in different parts of the country of defence asso ciations, the objects of which were to obtain, in reference to the direct taxes, a correct list of the name and place of residence of all the great landholders in this country, to ascertain as nearly as possible how the owners came to their estates, whether by descent or purchase, together with their probable worth.—( He ar , h ear.) Aud this was the man who was talking of liberty. Was it possible that any man could preach liberty, and yet wish for such abomina ble tyranny as the existence of Commissions of this de scription in the neighbourhood of every gentleman's man sion ?—(Loud cheers.) In addition to this, they were to cause to be printed a true pedigree of every landlord, and the amount of public money which he and his ances tors had received to three or four generations, and to be sure and distribute a sufficient number, and cause them to be circulated amongst the industrious classes, that they might be enabled all t o k now one another well —( Hear, hear) —and that as the day of reckoning must soon come , it was absolutely necessary that they should make up their accounts and have them ready, so that they might not be taken by surprise when they were called on to ar range matters and come to an equitable adjustment.— (Hear.) Equitable adjustment, indeed ! What justice, what equity, what courage was there in this proposition of the Hon. Gentleman, in thus seeking to drive to des peration those to whom such language was addressed ? (Cheers.) The Hon. Member could have no object but one connected with the accomplishment of that end which now led him, looking to public confusion, or "equitable adjustment," to bring forward the present motion in order to point him (Sir R. Peel) out in reference to this "reckoning commission," as in 1819 he had pointed out his father, " knowing well what was coming."—(Cheers.) The lion. Member had not the same motives or reasons for attacking him as for attacking others: he (Sir R. Peel) never lent the Honourable Member his confidence—. (Cheers)—from him the Honourable Member never received any ob!igation—(Renewed cheering)—there fore, public motives alone could influence the Ho nourable Member in his attack. One of these mo tives or objects might be to produce some indications of fear on the part of the intended victims ; but he told the gentlemen of England that their best security was in boldly facing and defying these insidious efforts.—( Cheers.) God forbid that the Hon. Member's speculations on the pros pect of "public confusion" should be realiz•d. He la boured under no apprehension that they would. He felt confident, whatever might be the political differences that divided public men, that all who were possessed of pro perty would unite in its defence and put down such at tempts.—(Great cheering.) Not only would it be the greatest calamity, hut a calamity ten-fold greater than had ever happened to this country, because accompanied by the greatest disgrace, to live under the domination of such in. struments as these.—(General and continued cheering. ) " Come the eleventh plague, rather than this should be ; Come sink us rather in the sea. Come rather pestilence, and reap us down ; Come God's sword rather than our own. Let rather Roman come again, Or Saxon, Norman, or the Dane : In all the bonds we ever bore, We grieved, we sighed, we wept; we never blushed before." But (continued the Right Hon. Baronet) blush we shall, and must, if we submit to this domination; and I for one, believing as I do, when I read these comments of the Hun. Member, and consider his present motion, that I have been selected as an object of attack either for the purpose of producing some abatement of resistance to in timidation, or with a view to induce submission to those who threaten us,—l, fur one, never shall have to re proach myself with having furthered the ulterior objects of the party in question by showing any symptoms of intimidation or submission.—(General cheering, which continued for several minutes.) Mr. COBBETT rose, but was received by repeated volleys of groans from all parts of the House. The scene that occurred was such as we have seldom witnessed, even in the moat stormy of our public meetings ; the continued yells of indignant execration with which every sentence of the Honourable Member was assaiaed rendered him for a considerable time perfectly inaudible. As nearly as we could hear, he said, that the speech he had just listened to was full of calumnious assertious. If order could not be kept, he would move an adjournment. It was, no doubt, some mortification to the House to listen to him ; but it ought to have been more mortifying to them to eat their own vote on the malt tax ; and if they would not listen to what he had to say, in reply to some parts of the Right Hon. Baronet's speech, they would stand out to the world in a light which he would not venture to describe. If he experienced such interruption from the House, he must describe it as the most unjust assembly in the world. He had heard no defence from the Right Hun. Baronet ; nine-tenths of his speech were taken up in reading from books which he had written, and the rem tinder consisted of vulgar abuse.—(" Order," and much confusion.) The SPEAKER said that the Hon. Member bad in dulged in expressions which no gentleman—(Hear)—in that House was entitled to use, and the House had cer tainly a right to expect an apology. Mr. COBBETT—Then 1 most readily apologise to the House. A pretty charge had been made against him, that be wanted to benefit by public confusion. He would tell the Noble Lord opposite that if he would take off the soap-tax, the malt and hop duties ; and the house and window-tax, he need be under no appiehensions of public confusion. Though he would rather the predictions of the Right Hon. Baronet on this subject were realized, and that the country should be thrown into confusion, than that the people of this country should be trodden under foot, and knocked on the head as they had been within the last few days.—( Hear.) Sir ROBERT PEEL rose t.t retire previously to put ting the question, and was loudly cheered en quitting the House. The gallery was then cleared for a division, when the numbers appeared to be— For the motion Against it 298 Majority _n,_i k4 Just as we entered the gallery, Lord ALTHORP rose and said—Sir, I am not aware of any precedent fur the course which I am about to call upon the House to pursue. But never in memory, or within my knowledge, has a personal attack been mad e within these walls upon such grounds, or supported like the present. I feel, therefore, that it is unnecessary to detain the House, being confident that the feelings of every Hon. Gentleman will respond to mine and agree to this proposition—" That the resdution which has been moved be not entered o❑ the minutes."— (Vehement and long-continued cheering.) The SPEAKER put the question :—" That the pro ceedings on this last debate be expunged from the Journals of the House." Mr. COBBETT understood that the Noble Lord pro- posed that the proceedings on the debate should not be in serted in the Journals. Did the Noble Lord mean that that they should he first printed and then expunged? or, did be mean that they should not be inserted at all? The SPEAKER said that the motion of the Noble Lord was in effect—that the minutes of the proceedings should be expunged from the Journals of the House. Mr. COBBETT said there was a difference between ex punging the proceedings and not patting them down. The SPEAKER observed, that it was out of the power of any Hon. Member to prevent the insertion of the pro ceedings on the journals of th e House. The clerks had to enter the proceedings as they occurred. The moment a motion is moved and seconded, it is to be entered on the minutes. Hon. Members must decide whether, con sisterrly with their duty to themselves—whether, con saftently with their duty to the public, they could suffer such a motion to remain upon the journals of the House. Mr. COBBETT had observed at the outset of the dis cussion that he expected a motion would be made to ex punge the motion from the journals of the House; but if the proceedings were not printed, it would be quite a novel course. Many extraordinary things had already been done by the present Parliament—(Great confusion) —but if they prevented the printing of a ;notion in the proceedings of the House, they had only two things more to do—the first was, that no man should be allowed to speak in that House in opposition to certain opinions; and next, that that gallery should be closed against the public; and if they proceeded in the same course as they had begun, be should not be surprised if both these points were carried before the end of the present session. Mr. LALOR said he had formed one of the very small minority on the motion of the Hon. Member for Oldham, because he considered that the repeal of the Bank Restric tion Act was the cause of the distress of the country. An Hort. MEMBER, said such observations were not at all relevant to the question. Mr. FIELDEN said, in his opinion it would not be wise for the Government to persevere in such a motion. The gallery was again cleared for a division, when there appeared-- For Lord Althorp's motion 295 Against it 4 Majority for expunging the proceedings -291 Lord G. LENNOX postponed his notice of a Bill to alter the law of settlement, as far as regards apprenticeship to the sea service. SABBATH OBSERVANCE BILL. The Sexma having called on Sir A. AGNEW, the Hon. Baronet lose and said, that he feared at that late hour of the night it would he impossible to obtain a proper discussion for the motion which he had to make, for the second reading of the Lord's Day Observance Bill.— (Cries of "Go on, go on.") He was in the hands of the House, and he would postpone the motion, if the House wished it, to a more convenient day.—.(" Go on.") Sir R. INGLIS said that it was scarcely possible that such a subject could be properly debated at that late hour of the night. They could not commence such a debate at half-past 11 o'clock.--(Cries of "Go on.") Sir A. AGNEW said that if it was the opinion of the House that he should go on with his motion, he was ready to do 50._..(" Go on, go on.") If, however, the House would allow him, he would, for the convenience of the House, postpone it to —...—...(Several voices " To this day six months.") The SPEAKER —T o when ? Sir A. A GNEW—To—(Cries of " To Sunday next") .—to Friday se'nnidit. Mr. WARBURTON—I beg leave to move as an amendment, that the second reading of this Bill be post poned to this day six months...—(Cheers.) Sir R. INGLIS had never known an instance of a motion being g..t rid of in the way in which the Hon. 31ember for Bridport proposed to get rid of the present. He did not envy the feelings of the Hon. Member on the occasion, as his only object must he to stifle discussion. Lord ALTHORP said, it was obvious, from the peti tions, that the measure of the Hon. Bironet was agreeable to a great proportion of the people. He thought, therefore., that at so late an hour it ought to be postponed, and he hoped that the Hon. Member for Bridport would not per severe in his amendment. Mr. WARBURTON said his reason for proposing the amendment was, not that which bad been stated by the Hon. Member for Oxford (Sir R. Inglis), in order to stifle the discussion ; but it was because he considered that the Hon. Baronet, in postponing his motion, was consult. ing his own convenience, rather than that of the House. Sir ANDREW AGNEW—I am perfectly ready to go on immediately.—(Cries of " Go on," from all parts of the House.) Mr. SHAW said that, in common courtesy, the Hon. Baronet ought to be allowed to postpone his motion, with. out being involved in a discussion. An HoN. MEMBER made a few remarks which were not heard. Mr. FOWELL BUXTON thought it desirable to post pone the debate. Sir ANDREW AGNEW proceeded at great length to detail his views on the subject, but the indistinctness and the peculiar tone with which he spoke rendered it utterly impossible to catch a sentence. The idea of the Bill had not originated with himself, but with a number of humble individuals, tradesmen in the metropolis and elsewhere. There was no provision in it which had not been prayed for by the parties to whom it was applicable. The Hon. Ba ronet concluded by moving the second reading of the Bill. Mr. LEFROY seconded the motion. Mr. PLUAITRE had great satisfaction in supporting the Bill, conformable as it was to the wishes of so nume rous a body of his constituents and others; and trusted that the House would, at least, allow it to go into a Com mittee, where it might receive any modifications that should seem desirable. There were three classes of people to whom the Bill would be beneficial ; two immediately, and one indirectly. The first was the large class of per sons to whom the Sabbath was a day of bodily rest ; a class not to be discarded from the attention of the House, even if the Bill had no other object in view. Another class that would be immediately affected by the Bill was that composed of persons who did not so much require the Sabbath for bodily rest, as for receiving religious in struction, and discharging religious duties. The third dais, which would be indirectly affected by the Bill, con sisted of persons velio,e feelings and desires ought not to be outraged; and who thought that the profanation of the Sabbath was a national disgrace, and must lead to na tional calamity; and that, as Christians, they could not tolerate the profanation of that holy day, without incurring the Divine displeasure. Mr. POULTER said that the Bill would do neither more nor less than hand over all classes of society to the mercy of common informers. He was quite willing to set apart a day for the solemn worship of God, and that tb tt worship should be accompanied by becoming sanctity; but he must protest against compulsory regulations, op posed to the sentiments and liberties of a large portion of society. He wished to see the hearts and the affections of the people improved ; be did not wish to see them exposed to onerous penalties. Mr. ROEBUCK had read with great pleasure a pain phler, by a dignitary of the Choral), the object of which was to endeavour to break down unimportant religious distinctions, and to make all Christians bre thren. The tendency of this Bill, on the contrary, would be further to divide and narrow sects ; and to set up the means of discord among the people. What be de sired was, that the people should have rest and refresh ment on the seventh day. Let them look at the Bill, and see if it had that object in view. It set out with observing, that all work ought to be prohibited on the Sabbath Day. The only exclusion was " the man servant and the maid servant ;" so that although the Honour. able Baronet took the Jewish law as the foundation of the measure, he departed from that law in this essential particular. He was sure that the House could not have read the Bill, if they did not at once reject it. He would read only one of its enactments, and from that the House would see the spirit of the measure. It ran as follows: " And be it further enacted, that every one who shall be present at any meeting, assembly, or concou• Ise of people, upon any part of the Lord's Day, for any purpose of gain i ng , wagering, er be t tin g , or fir any wake, fair, baiting, or hunting any animal, cock-fighting, dog-fighting, shoot ing, or any pastime of public indecorum, inconvenience, or nuisance." Now, let the House fancy a whole coin munity obliged to agree with what any magistrate might think proper to understand by the words, " public indeco• rum, inconvenience, or nuisance The enactment pro ceeded, " or for public debating upon or discussing any subject,"----•urely it was difficult to conceive any mode of passing a day more unobjectionably, than in calm and rational discussion---" or for public lecture, address, or speech, or who shall be present at say news-room, or club-room, shill forfeit for the first offence any sum not less than five shillings, nor more than ten shillings; for the second offence, not less than ten shillings, nor more than twenty shillings; and for every subse (Latent offence, not less than twenty shillings, nor more than five pounds." So no man was to be allowed to ask a neighbour the news, or go to a room and quietly read the papers without incurring a penalty of from ss. to M.! A penalty of 501. was likewise to be imposed upon the keeper of any news-room who opened it on Sunday ! All the common conveniences of life, all social intercourse of human beings with one another on Sundays, was interdicted by the Bill. Nay, more than that. It was well known that persons confined in towns were frequently compelled to breathe a fetid an unwhole some atmosphere; and that many of those persons could not go to a distance which would enable them to breathe fresh air, without hiring horses for that purpose. He, himself, was compelled to be in London eix days out of the seven. He was an invalid ; but by this Bill he should be incapacitated from breathing fresh air on the seventh day. If, indeed, he were so rich as to have a carriage of his own—(Loud cries of ".Hear, hear")—he might re pair to the environs of the town ; but as it was, if the Bill were to pass, he must breathe the noxious air of the metropolis on the seventh, as well es on the other days of the week. To him that would be a great evil ; and was not that the feeling equally of all classes ? One provision of the Bill was to shut up baking-houses on Sundays. The consequence would be, that every poor mart's wife must dress his meat fur dinner, while at present she was allowed to spend the day in peace and quiet; and a small number of persons performed that necessary labour. By this enactment, therefore, labour on the Sunday was mul tiplied a hundred fold. Females, of all persons, ought to be exempted from labour on the Sunday, and should take that recreation which was calculated to bring them round, and fit them fir the toil of the approaching week. But this Bill would prevent them from doing so. He had gone last Sunday down to Greenwich, on purpose to see how the population of the metropolis ammo] themselves on that day. Nothing could be a more pleasing sight, or more consonant to every good feeling. The people came out for air ; they were walking quietly in the park ; enjoying the pure atmosphere ; breaking no commandment, and violating no law.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He would oppose the Hon. Baronet on religious grounds, and tell him that true religion was not so cold and narrow a system as be represented it to be. God required no such painful and absurd sacrifices. He required that we should perform our duties to one another; without one particle of asceti cism. By this Bill, one set of people, having peculiar ideas respecting a particular day, wished to compell all other persons to conform to their creed, and to worship God after their manner.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Lord MORPETH strongly doubted the possibility of carrying into effect the various provisions of so compli cated a Bill, though he acknowledged the:propriety of the principle. He should vote for the second reading, in the hope that it would receive in the Committee all the modi• fications requisite for making it a useful and a desirable enactment. Mr. ESTCOURT took the same view as the Hon. Gentleman - who had last addressed the House. Lord ALTHORP believed there was no man in that House who would quarrel with the principle of the Bill ; but the details were in his opinion of so extraordinary a character, that he considered they could not depart from the usual Parliamentary course of opposing it at once. Nothing in fact could be done with the Bill, but what would necessitate the introduction of some 'new measure. The Bill could not be so altered as to retain anything like its present form. For his own part, he was most anxious to support any measure which would in practice be one of protection, and not of coercion. —(Cheers. ) But this was a Bill of Pains and Penalties, uncalled for and impolitic, not desired by the public, and not deserved by them ; and he could not do otherwise than oppose it in its present stage.—(Cheers.) He wished for a measure, not to compel men to be religious, but to allow and enable them to be so.—(Loud cheers.) It was neither consistent with religion, with morality, or with sound policy, to interfere with the old recreations of the people.—(Loud cheers.) Nothing would be more unfair, impolitic, or uncalled for. He really believed than. the Sabbath Day was, after all, better observed in these realms, than it had bt en for the last thirty years; but he was willing, from regard to those who were interested in such pow • ts— especially the tradesmen of large towns, to forward any measure which would really be one of pro tection, but would not consent to a Bill, whose details could not but be worked as one of unjust restrictions, and unmeriied penalties.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. LEFROY considered th ey oug h t not to hesitate in going into Committee. Mr. WYNN said, the present Bill, at all events, wont much too far, and he recommended that it should be withdrawn. Mr. R. GRANT should vote for the second reading. Lord DALMENEY did not approve of the Bill in its of present som ena sh m ar en ; t b o u t t t e h s e p k re in ss a ed wa h s is c o o p n i s n id io e n re t 7 n t ece ° ::;,, Mr. WASON suggested, by way of all e , r ', o ,P the Bill b e r e fer re d t o a S e l e ct Committee.---Litorl Mr. PETRE cou ld not support the Bill, u°ooer that in th e C omm i ttee i t wou ld be very e altered. Mr. HILL hoped that the Bill would be '7ll least for th e present, as he was convinced r'"/ measure would rath er l ea d to the total ab olitte° / oi ; due observ ance o f t h e S a bb at h. It was,lactt the desecr a ti on o f th e S a bb a th by the ric l h g observance of it by the poor.—(Hear.) Mr. SHAW thought that Parliamentought 10; no farther than to regulate public trading ; f fil ;although the Bill went too far, it could be 'l O O tered and imroved in the Committee.--(Cl' e- 0 0 Mr. HARDY was o f op i n i on that the P - ht were inadequate for the purpose, and tha t ior fo House of Comm ons oug h t to d o s omething ' ll/ 1 observance of the Sabb a th, a nd for the 4°°° Lord.—(Question.) Pe" Mr. BOTCH regr e tt e d th a t th e subject 13 1 1 ,6 upon the House—h e h a d hi mse lf been 1 1,11e , t ;i1 instrument of presenting various petitions , v ert got up—(Cheers)—he meant petitions reid who had signed them—(Cheers)—and he her would give some pledge of their intentions er-ot ject. The more d e f ect i ve t h e presen t 81 1 w 9 fit it seemed to be that it s h ou ld b e s ent to t he for improvement.—(Question.) e k e B (Q U , X ie T sti O on N .) wot H alr e l only ia d n et o a t in o t o i, answer to the Hon. Member for Bath, that of this Bill was copied from another on theolo', 107 years old.—(Questi on ; time.) 13 , Is td tens had said, and m os t t ru l y , t h at t h e due the Sabbath w as the great b u l war k o f Christi , ' M. A. JOHNSTONE f u ll y concur red ill tb , e ,f.! and many of the details of the Bill.--(Cit es l :l 3 d r ; tion ") The opposition to the measure, and ro"' hence in the House, indicativ e o f impat i e nce , P i d, from that portion of the Members who wer e : P ) the Protestant religion.—(N o , no; Quest' l 4 - i bir, might well object to the due observanc, of the i : g eoJ' 4 ) which the safety of the church mainly' ",Of 0 ( (Question.) ti the T on ra . ( ) le The uni o li n o , n . 13 a il d le ro to b ld e r t f h o o r se D a u . s b 9 l , in t, : b l ec t tl;r ti; Sunday ought not to be spent in gloomy g ra iti ll sickened the human countenance and salloio-A plixion—(Laughter)—and that he highly af'P r° ,'it' ' manner in which the Sabbath was usually eP en , t h, land. In his own country, he had witnessed tv dancing, playing at ball, and other atnusetterite After a few words fr o m Si r R. B,trzsr l f A ' o . l HOWARD, and Mr. L ANGUALE , t h e H ou se di o " there appeared, For the second reading Against it ) Majority ..... The announcement wa s received ...... .. *** with load The other orders of the dap were then dill' the House adjourned at a quarter to three. LIST OF Tli. FIO NOTICD FON. MIL COBBETTN rE MINOBIT Or MOTION TO gcgov, PEEL FROM THE PRIVY COUNCIL. Attwood, Thos.—Birmingham TELLE S 'OIP Lalor, Patrick—Queen's Co. Cobbett, O'Connell, John—Youghall Fielden, John —v' Roe, James—Cashell CONCERT ROOM, KING'S TII P MAY 15. .hr Mr. Dressler, the flute player, and }Ur' pe guitarist, gave their annual concert in very crowded house. Two-thirds of composed of ladies, who, except from sure of the weather, evidently enjoy( amusement extremely. The guitar it instrument, by the bye, every day heconii was played with great taste, though, un the windows being open some of the mi were not heard throughout the house. his two pupils, Miss E. Mounsey, and b. played much talent, and Mr. P. gave sit capabilities as a teacher. Mr. Dressler's well aFpreciated.. As a musician, howl' are nor, in this country at least, sic In Vienna his name as a composer Three of his children sung a trio from flute in excellent style. Mr. Wolf oh Madame de Meric, as a vocalist, excited plause. The other performers (of whom on the whole executed their tasks well, lut say the performance was spun out to too Neither the heat of the weather, bor the hours, of young people especially, in this of a morning concert, beginning at half /1 being continued till 6 in the evening. DUBLIN, MAY 14. (FROM OUR OWN CORREspoNDZIa.) THE KING V. WALSH. k O A . This trial, which h a d b een fi xe d l as t wee k mousing, and whi c h h as exc i te d cons id era ble ' 0 °1 IP.j this city, came on b e f ore M r . J ust i ce J rn a, s'°° r i of the King's B enc h, an d a respecta bl e j u ry As might have been a n ti c ip ate d, the Court n's' j part crowded to excess b y pro f ess i ona l m en, an ve d, r of ev e ry p ersua si on an d po li t i ca l op i n i on f r ont e bt e sti of people. S uc h i ntense cur i os i ty was no cl° l3 borei as well by the character of the individual u nder e brol l the time and cir c u ms t ances un d er w hi c h be vl 4 ' to trial. Tr The traverser, John W a l s h, a sc h oo l mas ter, °, r e t Union notori e ty, i s a y oung man , o f cons idera!P e r iec as a deel tim er , f or some t i me past, on the 0101 of this county. Nature has been more than er beral to him, even in Ireland, where her b° P° "o r particular is w e ll known, in the " gift of the C ab ' 0 , be has not b een rem i ss in exhibiting his talent' opportunity presented itself. th ef t' The indictment charged him with having ",, e 0 1 ' 1 " of February l as t, a t th e T ra d es ' U n i on, ma l e 361 'j di,'"o , intent of which was to create a resistance to A . ° oo o l d dience of, the law—disaffection to the contstituy g o ,y country—and to cause the subjects of this P 3: srl s i United Kingdom to regard the Act of Upton e t - ber t , trary and unjust despotism, which they were ° w ily obey. The parts of the speech set forth in 0 1, 1 ' 4 ,0 fri were to the effect that there was no moral nu " 1 sfr any man in Ireland to obey the Union—tha t , ; t 1 , 1 4' means of resistan ce , w e s h ou ld use t h em ; b u t Union was now law, it was prudence to obl time came u hen the people could act as they 'se, that the conduct of the United States of Arneri °3 ' o , er e ` more recent achievements of the people of Fa" . o t 4 ' ceilents, &c. able a° sl The A TTORNEY-GENERAL, in a very -1 3,c ) e• speech, commented at considerable length on th e i T v frl I V any one of which, Ise said, being substanti al ' Lie ry would be sufficient in law to convict the trag er ,1$ jf 'd , charge brought against him. He concluded ilbe fit" that the object of Walsh's speech was to induce 0 1 1 , of this country to imitate the Parisians. di I , 0- The only witness called for the Crown was di ns named Cissidy, who reported the speech in q u i i - ort',. the Dublin Evening Post. He produced lit' r ir idel! . notes taken at the time, and from them g'tv e int P i the charges in the indictment. The crossselr oo tr!l this witness excited grea t merr i ment , b ut i t din slie gsP o i to us that his testimony, as to the principal was shaken. It appeared that he and tr i ",, - e ter;" nine years, been alternately a tailor and It?: 0,,,fe that, as circumstances required, he supplied Die' err, the proprietor and editor of the Post, with a, Neat? report, or a p sir of inexpressibles ! Latterly' P ° /0 0 Sheil stated, he hail turned his talent altogeth er ' " goose to the goose-quill." „ It° _A t ) , One witness als o , n ame d V er d un , son to 6-3,pr'ii`' and a conspicuous m em b er o f the' Trades," ree' behalf It the on _ of the traverser. He stated that - c' ' F the meeting in th e E ven i ng P ost, from which.7vesti9 were taken, wa s i ncorrect . I n hi s cross-rs3V-opreV admitted that h e h a d b een an i nso l vent —bouoL'ittr t i to his father, sin ce th e y ear 1812, b ut no t yet 3 % t i f attorney ; and that h e agree d, t h oug h a Protzso-i. to politics of th e T ra d es ' U n i on, on t h e subject ° reform of the Church, and some other points- ( op Sheil's speech for th e d e f ence was a hriltian t ey . wit and sarcasm. H e c h aracter i se d the Attcl 4 A,i, ral, in instituti ng thi s prosecut i on , not as a ney-Genrrsl, but as " Attorney-General for the c,lll " With open mouth swallowing a tailor's rie v '%jiis and rested his argument fur an acquittal on 'bell heoli the Jury must feel iti believing that Cassidy o ° 4 o tain, even if be wished to be so, of the exact on the occasio. Judge hum n summed up the evidence, and esi toe, law of the case is a very clear and impartial WI the Jury, who, without much hesitation, ret uree' diet of Guilty. ce of The ArrottNtsr•GaNxitAL waived his pr,vis„,dg ing for judgment under the late Act immediately. x, was therefore postponed till the fit st day of n' . f ee' Walsli's recognisance t x b- renew e d in the mean The Rakes Progress is to be pro du c , :tp o ev:ning (Frid.iy) at the Surrey Theatre, 31.061-6.004,re and CHAPMAN playing th e i r or i g i na l charactet7,ololl' cast containing the name. of VALE, S. Jog" WILKINSON, Miss VINCENT, and Mrs. VALE. , 11Q t he 1., I L crs ) r t o Pr e ski r t tihfo the P. e d the aP the e st 0 00 ' l ll red the, „jot in pa rtte" s „e , j ea ni ore vi ,, f r L Ke f ro _ inforte es S o ett i ` ll deh c .P. 131 more coelye rt Mr. r h ot, Op e ,`lle his dALIK ntri g Jgnal ° r fott. - b; tk Yt De. „o. a v e r ve'', I ' l ' 46eirotlY,, 6 t , ranks v , o ; ~ .041 4, 1 1 Mozatt o . o ol , 1, the ' I be4 l " ed the / ' e 4 eio "r ol there c v-r t ,or - t t we so leri 16 0 _ e , r, gre at o il t( ) , h e gene' a m etror;o 4Rteat F vast °P e i7hi6l e eci 11101;