The Sun. — London, England, 1863-06-09 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS.--Last Evening. The Lord Chancellor took his seat at the usual hoar. BOYAL ASSENT. The Royal assent was given by commission to the follow ing public and private bills : Customs and Inland Revenue Hares (Ireland) Elections during Recess Illegitimate Children Drainage of Land (Ireland) Marriage, &c. (Ireland) New Zealand Boundaries Corrupt Practices at Elections Savings Banks Monies Vice Admiralty Courts Stock Certificates to Bearer Accrington Gas and Water Caledonian Railway (Granton Branches) Desf.ird Road Newtown and Mackynlleth Railway (Capital) - ottingham Gas Cockermouth and Workington Railway Landport and Southsea Tramway MardesT on Water Dungarvun Harbour and Water Queen Road Extension Cowes and Newport Railway Greenock and Wemyss Bay Railway Marshland, Smeoth. and Fen Drainage Wear Navigation and Sunderland Dock Cheltenham Road Sowerby Bridge Local Board Loughborough and Ashby-de-la-Zouch and Rempstone Road Mersey Docks and Harbour Board Mercantile Marine Service Association Cork and Kinsale Junction Railway Inverness and Perth Junction Railway Bristol and Exeter Railway Abergavenny Roads Blackfriars Bridge Rixton and Warburton Bride Whitehaven, Cleator, and. Egmont Railway Gravesend and Milton cias Inverness and Perth, Junction and P er th an d D un k e ld Railway Companies Fochabers and 7t armouth Railway Londonderry Itailway (Seaham to Sunderland). PRIVATE BUSINESS. Meux's - Estate—Farness Railway Company, and Barrow Harbour Commissioners—Farness and Midland Railway— and Mid Wales Railway (Branches) bills were read a third time and passed. COURTS OF RECONCILIATION. Lord BROUGHAM brought in a bill to establish courts of reconciliation. The bill was read a first time. BRAZILS. The Earl of BIALMESBURY said he should postpone proceeding with his motion relative to the position of our affairs with the Brazils till the 19th. POLAND. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH rose for the purpose of inquiring of the noble earl the Secretary for Foreign Affairs whether there was any reasonable hope of a satisfactory settlement of the affairs of Poland. He was understood to ask the question in the hope that something more than correspondence had taken place, because, whilst the time was being con sumed in wr iting, plunder, massacre, and incendiarism were decimating unfortunate Poland. He sincerely desired that it could be arranged that Poland might be placed, with such arrangements as might be made by the other European Powers, under the sovereignty of a prince of the Czar's family, and that her Majesty's Government would will ingly accept the arrangement, and consider it as a sufficient performance of the obligations Which were imposed upon Russia. He believed the Poles themselves would have the good sense to accept such a proposal. Earl RUSSELL said, as despatches were shortly ex pected from the Austrian Government, in answer to com munications from the Governments of Great Britain and France, he ventured to think that it was not advisable to make any statement in reference to the position of matters at the present moment. He agreed with the noble earl that humanity and policy both demanded some sort of arrange ment which would lead to cessation of hostilities, and nothing could be more horrible than the atrocities of the Russian soldiers on the one hand, or the orders of assassination on the other, that were issued by some secret courts which had been set up by the insurgents. The proposal for an armistice was so surrounded with difficulties that he should hesitate be fore he ventured even a hope that such an arrangement was possible. It was not the business of the British Govern. ment to erect a kingdom of Poland on its old basis, but to do what we could to effect the general peace of Europe. He did not consider that armed intervention would be ad visable ; no good could possibly come of it. The Duke of RUTLAND was not satisfied with the reply given by the noble earl. As to the conscription of the 13th January, he was not going to defend the acts of the Emperor of Russia, but he maintained that the Em peror had ordered that conscription out of motives of mercy. He was most unwilling to act harshly, but in getting rid of the disaffected spirits of Warsaw he was preparing the way for the introduction of measures of good government, which he was most desirous of conferring upon his Polish subjects. As to the insurrection it could do no possible good to the Poles, and he (the Duke of Rutland) entreated their lord ships not to say anything which would encourage the con tinuance of a useless and fatal contest, the only result of which would be to prevent the extension of that constitution to Poland which the Emperor was anxious to grant. Lord BROUGHA:a bore testimony to the kindly dispo sition evinced by the Emperor of Russia, but he could not accept the exerase offered by the noble duke near him, for the conscription which was so justly styled a proscription, namely, that so unjustifiable an act was committed in order to errable the Emperor to grant constitutional Government to Poland. He approved of the plan suggested by the noble earl (Ellenborough), and he hoped that if such a plan of settlement as an independent kingdom of Poland, under a Russian King, should be brought forward, it would be accepted by all parties. Lord STRATFORD de REDCLIFFE, whilst admitting the high character of the Emperor of Russia, strongly ad vised that, whatever might be the arrangements finally entered into, material guarantees of the most perfect nature should be taken to insure the safety of the Poles, and to secure the performance of the treaties in their favour. Lord DENMAN begged, that whatever course might be resolved upon, language would not be used which would have a tendency to render reconciliation impossible. Earl GREY had heard with some alarm that negotia• tions were still in progress, for he feared that diplomatic interference would tend far more to aggravate all the evils of the contest than to alleviate or terminate them. He would not go into the merits of the question. He should only say that it they were not prepared to interfere with arms in their hands, the less they interfered with their ad vice th 3 better it would be. (Cheers.) PRISON MINISTERS' BILL. The Duke of BUCCLEUCH presented a great number of petitions against this measure. The Duke of SOMERSET moved the second reading, and explained the provision , of the bill, the object of which is to provide ministers of various religious denominations as chaplains to attend upon prisoners who do not wish to avail themselves of the spiritual ministrations of the Church of England chaplains. Lord BERNERS moved that the bill be read a second time that day three months. The Earl of DERBY said—My lords, it is with very I much regret that I find myself obliged on this occasion although I am happy to say it does not often happen—to express opinions opposed to those of my noble friend who has just spoken, and of, I believe, other noble friends in this house. I have the greatest respect for the religious scruples and opinions of my noble friends. So highly do I value the principle of unity of action that if this were a matter of minor importance or a question on which I felt a shadow of a doubt, I should infinitely prefer to waive my own opinions, and to give way to objections and scruples the force of which I did not myself feel. But I did not look upon this as a matter of minor importance. My opinion of the policy and justice of this measure is so clear and so de cided that, painful as it is to me to differ from my noble friend, I cannot refrain from giving that vote which I be lieve 1 am called to give by justice. (Hear.) My noble friend objects to this bill that it lowers the status of the Church of England and puts other denominations of Chris tiansth upon the same footing as the Church of England. I think I may appeal with tolerable confidence to a public life of consent than 40 years to obtain for me the credit of refusing rnterneasctanto:odany measure which would be injurious to the England. (gear.) to the position of the Church of my first .) It is nearly 40 years since in one of brought forward addresses to Parliament I opposed a measure interests of the byEstablished Me. Hume, making an attack on the caobnlished Church of Ireland. Ten years later, rather than ü b t r t o a measure which I conceived was likely to injure thaBet branch of our Established Church, I seceded from a Cabinet presidedwit over by a man to whose memory I always look back cat respect and affection, and with whom I had no other difference, and with many of the members of which l e h e a f collection of your ebarsure threaten terms of friendship. I appeal to the ye a lwaYs continued on lordships whether from that time when re a ing to the integrity of the Church has been I have not been foremost to oppose it, and whether forward (Hear, hear a ) n has not always been energetically raised in faveorureryotveieye measure tending to improve her position? say this in answer by anticipation to those who might be disposed to say that is this matter I had allowed myself to be overruled by the opinions of others to confent to a mea sure which I deemed to be unfavourable to the position of the Church. I shall speak of this Bill as dealing chiefly with Roman Catholics, because, although it applies to other denominations, it is practically, as the noble duke said, fcr the relief of the Roman Catholics. My noble friend says that the Bill places th e Roman Catholic Church upon a footing of equ alit y with the Church of England, but I think he must have herconsideed the p r ovisions of the Bill very imperfectly when makes that assertion. I have seen it stated over and over again that this is a Bill for the endowment of the Roman Catholic Church, but those persons who use that language miscon ceive entirely the essentials of the word endowment. I hold it to be essential to an endowment that the possession of it should be permanent and certain—that it should not de pend on the voluntary action or caprice of any party —that it should not only be the propel ty of the possessor, but that it should be capable of being secured to his successors, and that It should be maintained at law as a positive and sub- ' stantial right. (Hear.) But what does this bin say P It provides that in any case in which it is the 0,, non of the justices that the number Church of England of prisoners differing from the .1 :1 L any prison is so great as in their judgment to other WI require the ministrations of a clergyman of any - Jugious persuasion the said justice may appoint a m - inister of such religious persuasion to attend the said prisoners, and may award him such reasonable recompense as they may think fit. It goes on to say that the said minis ter shall hold his appointment at the pleasure of the jus tices, and shall be subject to all the rules and regulations of the prison. Now, I appeal to your lordships whether every one of the essentials of an endowment are not only studiously omitted here but absolutely contradicted. (Hear.) It is left entirely to the justices if they think fit; they may refuse to pay the minister; they may pay him what sum they may think fit ; and they may discharge him when they please. This certainly does not look very much like placing the Roman Catholic Church on a footing with the Church of England. My noble friend says that the present law does , all that is necessary ; but I differ from him there altogether. I do not think that the provisions of the law as it stands are satisfactory, or founded on justice. Whatever may be the provisions of the law at the present time, it is perfectly clear that this injustice is so great that in many of our prin cipal prisons they are to a great extent departed from. The law is that every prisoner shall be visited by the chaplain of the gaol, who of course is a minister of the Church of England. I know the perfect honesty and con scientiousness of my noble friend, and I will ask him one question. If this were a Roman Catholic country contain ing a considerable number of Protestant prisoners, and if they were compelled to receive, whether they would or not, the visit of Roman Catholic priests, so that the whole period of their confinement was not only a penal sentence, not an attempt at reformation alone, but one continued system of proselytism, would he consider the provisions of such a law satisfactory? (Hear.) My noble friend says that this re striction does not apply to the case of prisoners who desire to see a minister of their own persuasion. The law says that the chaplain shall be a clergyman of the Church of England; it is the good sense of the magistrates which says to the prisoners, " If you desire to see a minister of your own per suasion we will take upon ourselves to supersede the law and allow you to see him." But is it reasonable to argue from the supposition that men of the character and the past lives of the majority of our prisoners will readily come for ward and ask for the services of a minister of their own re ligion ? (Hear.) A very considerable number of the Roman Catholic prisoners have asked for the services of their own clergy; and it is greatly to the credit of the Roman Catho lic clergy that in no case have they neglected the call made upon them. (Hear.) With regard to Protestant dissenters there have been no such demands, and for very sufficient reasons. There are no such broad distinctions between the different sects of Protestant dissenters as to prevent the members of one receiving religious consolation and instruc tion from the ministers of the other; the Dissenting minis ters would not object to prisoners of their persuasion re ceiving the ministrations of the Church of England chap lain. The case of Roman Catholics, however, is widely diffe rent. They are instructed that to listen to the teachings of a minister not of their own persuasion is a heinous sin. A prisoner of no particular strength of religious feeling would not object to listen to the chaplain of the Church of England, because he does not consider his teaching to be of any authority whatever; but he will most earnestly d eprecate being visited by a priest of his own faith, who has more power over his mind, and to whom he will attribute a great deal mere authority and responsibility than he would to the minister of any other persuasion. We have been led to be lieve that reformation is the great object of punishment. I am afraid it does not follow as frequently as philanthropists would wish—(a laugh)—but undoubtedly it is one of the objects of punishment, and one of the agencies which we must use in bringing it about is that of religious instruc tion and consolation. Ido not know whether my noble friend has seen a return moved for in the House of Com mons by Lord Edward Howard. From this return it ap pears that there is a very large number of Roman Catholics in the various gaols of England. In the 11 convict prisons of the country there are 1,388 Roman Catholics, being an average of 126 to each prison. In 14 of the other prisons the average number is 133, the number in each of the 14 exceeding 50. The Roman Catholics acknowledge the same God as we do; they acknowledge the same Saviour; they acknowledge the same Mediator; they look for the remis sion of sins from the same quarter, and the same quarter alone ; and every moral precept which their Church teaches is derived from that source to which alone Christians can look for the foundation of their religious belief. Therefore, although I may differ from the doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church, I cannot deny that the influence of the priests of that Church must have a powerful tendency to guide the minds of prisoners of their own persuasion, and to awaken those prisoners to a sense of their former life. Either it is desirable that Roman Catholic prisoners should have that teaching or it is not. If it is desirable, we are bound to give it them in order to accomplish the main ob ject of punishment—namely, the reformation of offenders. They will not accept your teaching ; they are not desirous ' Of it ; and it is not your duty to force it on them. But it is your duty to let them have religious instruction which they will attend to. My noble friend does not dispute that in some cases this instruction is now given. The only paint in dispute is whether it should be given gratuitously or should be paid for. My noble friend does not dispute the propriety of allowing Roman Catholic clergymen to give instruction in prisons ; but he contends that they should do so on their own responsibility and at their own expense. It is quite true that there are prisons in which there are very few Roman Catholic prisoners; and in these it is never im possible and seldom difficult to procure the attendance of a Roman Catholic clergyman ; but there aro many prisons in which it would he unjust and impossible to call on the Ro man Catholic clergyman to give his services without any remuneration, if it be desirable that the prisoners of his religious persuasion should have the advantage of these services. (Hear, hear.) I belong to a county in the gaols of which there is the greatest number of Roman Catholic prisoners, while my noble friend belongs to one in the gaol of which there is perhaps the smallest number. This may account for our taking different views on the subject. I find that in the borough gaol of Liverpool there are about 3.50 or 360 prisoners who are members of the Church of England. The Protestant chaplain of that prison receives a sum of £4OO a year for his services. In the same gaol there are 460 Roman Catholic prisoners. The Roman Catholic priest attends twice a week, and the remuneration for his services to about 100 more prisoners than are attended by the Pro testant chaplain is just nil as against the £4OO paid to the latter gentleman. (Hear, hear.) My lords, it is impossible to look at those returns and to argue in the face of the facts which they disclose that yon are dealing justly and equit- ably as between the ministers of the two religions. (Hear, hear.) Why does not my noble friend object to the system which exists in Ireland, and under which there is compul sory payment out of the county rates of the Roman Catholic chaplains employed in the gaols of that country. If it would be a mortal sin to do this in England, we are sinning deeply in Ireland, because there the law not only gives you the opportunity, but compels you to do it. (A laugh, and "Hear, hear.") Certainly, among my noble friends coming from the north of Ireland, who are most strongly opposed to the Roman Catholic religion, I have never heard any objection raised to the payment out of the county rates of the Roman Catholic chaplains in the gaols there. (Hear, hear.) I think it of no small importance that the magistrates should have the appointment. I think it of importance that the priest should feel that he is ap pointed by the magistrates, subject to their jurisdiction, and responsible to them for the performance of his duty. It therefore appears to me that the bill is one which meets the justice and the equity of the case, and does not go be yond it. (Hear.) It does not place the Roman Catholic Church in a position different from that of other denomina tiOPS. Still less does it place it on a footing in the slightest degree of equality with the Established Church. I should regret very much if the bill had that effect ; but it has not. What it provides is that where duties are to be performed—laborious, painful, and responsible duties—you shall not, if they are services to the State, insist on their perfomance without remuneration ; that you shall make a fair return for services which you may deem valuable, in carrying out the work of prison reformation. I am well aware not only that I differ on this question from several of my noble friends around me, but that this measure has met with much misapprehension and prejudice—honest preju dice, no doubt—and that it is not likelyto be popular in this country. But where I have clearly seen my way with regard to the justice and policy of a measure, I hope that I never have shrunk, and that I never shall shrink, from incurring the risk of unpopularity ; and I think I made a much greater sacrifice than in taking a course which connects me with unpopularity out of doors when I find myself differing on this question from noble friends around me, with whom, on moat occasions it has long been my happiness to act. All considerations of this sort, however, must give way to considerations of policy and justice, and believing the measure to be founded not only upon policy and justice, but upon the higher principle of Christian charity and religion, I deem it my duty to give a conscientious and cordial vote in favour of the second reading. (Cheers.) After a few remarks from Lord BERNERS in ex planation, The Earl o f HARROWBY cons id ere d the bill would introduce a n ew su bj ect of d i scor d t h roug h ou t the country, without any ad equate a d vantage. The Earl o f CHICHESTER. supported the second read ing of the bill. The Bishop of LONDON said he should have had no hesitation in voting for the bill if it had been a matter of justice ; but he thought, on the contrary, that justice was not likely to be forwarded by the adoption of the measure. It was a question of Principle whether for the first time in this country th ey should permit the appoint ment of Roman Catholic priests to our great public institu tions. If adopted, the bill must be carried further, and he asked why they should step out of their way to create a difficulty. He asked the house to reject the bill. Th e Earl of Cork, Lord Arundel of Wardour, and the Earl of Donoughmore supported the bill. Lord MELVILLE and the Bishop of CASHEL opposed the bill. The divided. c h o o on u nt s -e e cnotns6s Non-contents ts The numbers w ere -- Majority , —35 The bill was then read a second time, The Bishop of Winchester vino the only member of the episcopal bench that voted for the bill. THAMES EMBANKMENT (NORTH SIDE) BILL. This bill was read a second. BAKEHOUSE REGULATIONS BILL. This bill was passed through committee. SALMON FISHERIES (SCOTLAND) ACT CON- TINUANoB BILL. This bill was read a second time. Their lordships adjourned at a quarter to 9 o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS—Last Evening, The SPEAKER took the chair at 4 o'clock. SECOND READINGS. The following bills were read a second time :—Dulas Valley Mineral Railway, Law Life Assurance Society, Oke hampton and Lidford Junction Railway, and Wicklow Cop per and Hibernian Mines Companies. ROYAL ASSENT. At 5 minutes after 4 o'clock the Deputy Usher of the Black Rod appeared at the table and summoned the Speaker and the house to hear the Royal Assent given by commission to several bills. The Speaker returned at 25 minutes after 4 o'clock. SEA FISHERIES, Sir G. GREY brought up the reply of her Majesty to the address agreed to the other evening praying for the appoint ment of a Royal commission to inquire into these fisheries Her Majesty desired to inform the house that she had directed the appointment of a Royal commission. (Hear.) POLAND. Mr.HENNESSY gave notice that on the motion forgoing into committee of supply on Monday next he should move an address to the Crown,thanking her Majesty for the corre spondence laid before the house with respect to the affairs of Poland, expressing the regret of the house that the Em peror of Russia had openly violated the treaty of Vienna by setting himself up as the sovereign of Foland in opposi tion to the terms of that treaty, and expressing a desire that her Majesty, in conjunction with the other great Powers, would address a remonstrance to the Emperor of Russia, with the view of promoting the independence of Poland, and consequently a durable peace. (Hear, hear.) THE SLAVE TRADE. Mr. CONINGHAM gave notice that on Thursday he should call attention to the slave trade in America. THE POLICE IN TIPPERARY—THE LATE AGRARIAN MURDER. Mr. BAGWELL asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland what steps the Government of Ireland meant to take in re gard to the extra police force at present quartered in the townlands of Boytonrath and others in the county of Tippe rary ? Sir R. PEEL replied that looking at the present condi tion of Tipperary, and the recent occurrence of another murder, it was not deemed expedient to withdraw the police referred to. Mr. BAGWELL asked if the right hon. baronet had received any later particulars with respect to the outrage referred to ? - —.... ..._ . Sir R. PEEL intimated that the murder was clearly of an agrarian character. The gentleman was not in his garden immediately on leaving his residence. A telegram just received informed him that three men were in custody on suspicion. Mr. SCULLY said that the murder was committed 30 miles distant from the police stations adverted to. TELEGRAPHS (INDIA). Mr. WHITE asked the Secretary of State for India, if the reorganization of the Indian Telegraph Department, mentioned by him on the 13th March, 1862, had been carried out; and, if so, why Mr. Galbraith (formerly the tutor of Sir William O'Shaughnessy'a sons) had been promoted over the heads of officers of long standing in that department : and, if he was aware that the present system of telegraphic communication in India was much complained of by the mercantile community and others, and if it would not be desirable to decentralise this department by placing the telegraph lines under the control of the chief authorities of the respective Presiden cies, as had been locally recommended. Mr. BARING explained that the Government were still directing their attention to the matter. ➢lr. Galbraith had not been improperly promoted. THE DOVER AND CALAIS SERVICE. Sir S. NORTHCOTE asked the Secretary to the Trea sury, when the packet estimate would be brought forward ; whether any contracts had yet been made for the Dover and Ostend and Dover and Calais services; or whether those services were still open to tender; and, what arrangements had been made for carrying on the services after the 20th June. Mr. F. PEEL replied that he should bring on these estimates after those for the civil service. The tender of the Belgian Government had been accepted up to 2d June. A tender was offered by the South-Eastern and London, Chatham, and Dover 4ailway, at the rate of £6,000 a year after the 2d of June, THE NAVY—EDUCATION OF BOYS. Sir J. PAKINGTON asked the Secretary to the Ad • miralty, whether the Chief Constructor of the Navy had examined apprentices and factory boys in Wool wich Dockyard, with a view to the establishment of a Government School of Naval Architecture was correct; and, if so, whether the Admiralty contem plated the revival of a school of naval architecture for the royal navy, in preference to the combined action of the Admiralty and the private trade, which had been proposed ? Lord C. PAGET replied that Mr. Reed, recently appointed chief constructor of the Navy, had been sent to the various dockyards to direct the construction of ships, and not in connection with a new scheme for the education of boys. That a project was then under the consideration of the Admiralty for educating boys not only connected with the Navy, but with private trade. THE DISMISSAL OF VOLUNTEERS. Sir It. CLIFTON asked the tinder Secretary of State for War if commanding officers had power, after the dismissal of volunteers by them, to advertise such dismissal in the newspapers, and cause placards to be printed and circulated ; and if tie was aware whether any such case of advertising and placarding had taken place in the metropolis ? The Marquis of HARTING TON replied that the usual practice was to announce the nature of every sentence in the regimental quarters, so that the members of the corps might see it. Ile believed it was the practice of some corps to advertise their orders by printed placard and in the newspapers. He need not then descant upon the impro priety of such a proceeding, when it related to the censur ing or dismissal of an officer or private of these corps, PUBLIC WORKS BILL. Mr. lIENNESSY complained that he had been debarred on Saturday morning by the edict of the Speaker from ex pressing his opinions on the measure. It would materially affect his constituents in King's County, and he desired to have addressed the house on the subject. The SPEAKER explained the course of procedure adopted. The hon. gentleman spoke three times on the subject, and he (the Speaker) thought at the time that he himself was out of order in permitting him to de so. It appeared to him that the hon. gentleman was out of order on Saturday morning. Hence he called him to order. ROYAL BOTANICAL GARDENS, EDINBURGH. Mr. GREGORY, on the motion for going into Commit tee of Supply on Civil Service Estimates, Class IV,, moved " that, in the opinion of this house, the Royal Bo tanical Gardens of Edinburgh should be open to the public after the hours of Divine Service on Sundays, as is the case with other botanial gardens supported by Parliamentary grants." Sir J. SHELLEY seconded the motion. The LORD-ADVOCATE opposed it on the ground that the gardens, 18 acres in extent, were laid out for purely scientific purposes, and that the gardens being two miles distant from the abodes of the workpeople, and situated in a valley, and would not be of such great value for the purposes of recreation as other and more ad jacent spots readily accessible, such as Arthur's Seat and other places—the feeling of the community was clearly against the opening of these gardens on the Sabbath. Mr. STIRLING tendered his thanks as a Scotch mem ber to the hon. gentleman who brought forward the motion, and stated he had good grounds for believing that, while the petition for opening the gardens had been signed by 35,000 adult males, the petition against the opening had been signed by men, women, and children, and constituted one of the most scandalous instances of getting up a petition he had ever heard of. (Hear.) It would be most ludicrous, if it was not most painful, to see how people in Scotland bol stered up their int3rpretation of one Divine commandment by the breach of the rest. (Laughter and cheers.) As to the public opinion of Edinburgh being adverse to the mo tion, he would challenge the Lord Advocate or any one else to produce a list of petitioners against the motion of equal eminence to those who had petitioned in its favour. Ho ad mitted that the clergy of Scotland were against it; but he would ask the house to consider what took place in the As sembly of the Free Church only a few days ago. A certain rev. gentleman brought before the Assembly the fact that her Majesty the Queen had erected upon a high ground near Balmoral a monument to the late Prince Consort. (Cheers.) Upon that monument her Majesty had inscribed a few touching and thoughtful words taken from the "Wis. dom of Solomon," words which had some tender associa. tions with the illustrious prince whom it was intended to commemorate. (hear) The rev. gentleman in a long speech brought these words before his brethren, interpret ing this proposal in a way that would not meet with much respect in that house, namely, that, because the words in question were taken from the Apocrypha, her Majesty thereby implied a belief in the equal authority of those books with the Holy Scriptures. (Cheers.) And he was sorry to say that the speech of that frantic divine (cheers and laughter)—was met with signs of applause; at all events, he departed from the Assembly without re ceiving that rebuke which his language and logic deserved. (Loud cheers.) Certainly tha hon. member for Greenock rose immediately afterwards, and declared that he did not endorse such sentiments, but no one else made a reply. (Renewed cheers.) But were they to understand that a meeting such as that spoke the fair sentiments of the laity of the Free Church of Scotland ? Mcst unquestim. would op i n i o n upon the he hop e d th a t pu bli c ably not. (L ou d c h eers. ) Th e f ac t was th a t i n Scotland, as large share all evolv e and aother countries, th e c l erg y wer e obliged to do a very a eof the p u bli c spea ki ng, an d con sequently to dßut annually change, subject large sh are of public nonsense. (L o ud laughter cheer s and that the apparent minority of to. day would shortly be converted into an over whelming majority. (Cheers.) Mr. G. DUFF said there was only one way of settling the question, and thst was the way adopted in every capital of the world except Edinburgh. For the sake of peace and quietness they were bound to open the gardens. (Hear, hear.) Mr. BLACK, while opposing the motion, said he would offer:no apology for the opprobrious language used by the clergy of Scotland on the question. Mr. A. KINNAIRD condemned the application of the term "frantic divine " to Dr. Candlish—(laughter)—and likewise opposed the motion. Major HAMILTON, as a resident of Edinburgh, pro nounced the opinion of the inhabitants, both high and low, to be against the proposal. Mr. SCULLY supported the motion. Lord PALMERSTON said : If I was to act up to my own opinions with respect to the merits of the question itself, I should support the motion of the hon. member for Galway—(loud cheers)—because in the abstract I can see no harm, but rather good—(renewed cheers) —in doing that in Edinburgh which has been done in so many other capi tals, that is to say, in opening places, be they ever so small or ever so large, for public recreation. (Cheers.) But upon the present occasion there is another consideration to which we are bound to attend, namely, to that which is the sincere and honest feeling of the people of Scotland. (Hear, hear.) Now, I hold that we ought not without some very grave and important reason to do violence to public feeling; and that public feeling in Scotland is against the opening of these gardens on Sunday evenings is, I think, an indisput able fact. (Hear, hear.) The house divided. The numbers were— For the motion .. 107 Against it Majority —l6 VOLUNTEER ENGINEER FORCE. Mr. PEACOCKE called attention to the circumstance that when he asked a question the other night upon this subject, the noble lord the Under-Secretary for War con tented himself by replying that the question must have been asked in ignorance of a circular that had been issued to the commanding officer of every volunteer force in the kindgom. He had now ascertained that no such circular had been re ceived by the commanding officer of the corps in whose in terest he asked the question, and he hoped that next time the noble lord answered a question in that manner he would have the courtesy to reflect that the " ignorance" he im puted might be owing to the lathes of the officials in his own department. The Marquis of HARTINGTON said that, as he had only had notice this afternoon of the hon. gentleman's ques tion, he had not had an opportunity of ascertaining why the circular to which he alluded had not reached its desti- nation. The house then went into committee of SUPPLY. A vote was taken for £B,OOO (balance of £10,000) for the new Record buildings, Dublin. A sum of £BOO was voted for a monument to Sir John Franklin. Upon the vote of £6,000 on account of the lions for the Nelson column, Sir M. W. RIDLEY said that, with all respect for the talents of Sir Edwin Landseer, he could not help thinking that when it required so many years to produce a model of the lions, it must have been an error to entrust the sculpture to a painter, no sculptor being employed. Mr. COWPER said it was a fact that Sir E. Landseer was preparing the models with his own hands, and was alone responsible for them. He had urged Sir E. Landseer to expedition in every possible way. Mr. STIRLING defended the appointment of Sir E. Landseer. Mr. HANKEY complained of the delay in the produc tion of the models. Sir J. SHELLEY said he believed the £6,000 asked for would not pay half the expense. The bronze alone would amount to that sam. Mr. WILLIAMS censured the whole arrangement as a disgrace to the country. Mr. COWPER (in reply to Mr. Mitford) stated that the lions would be 20 feet long, and of two patterns, and that he had intimated that no further delay could be permitted. The vote was then agreed to. Upon the vote of £3 - 1,914 for lighthouses abroad, Mr. CHILDERS objected to the item of £B,OOO for a floating lighthouse off the Bassiz Rocks, in the Island of Ceylon. The house would hardly believe that the first esti mate for that lighthouSe had been but 4500 ; that on sub sequent occasions no less than £54,000 had been taken in supplementary votes—(hear)—that to this hour the light house had Elver been made—(hear)—that in 1861 £B,OOO more had been voted for a floatiog light; that in 1862 an other £2,000 had been voted ; and, after all, nothing having been effected, the house was now asked for another £B,OOO for another floating light scheme. (Hear.) He thought there ought tc be some limit to this kind of expenditure, ancVas he beLevod, £B,OOO would not nearly complete the works proposed, he would move the formal reduction of the vote by that amount; so that (seeing a lighthouse of some kind was no doubt necessary) the Government might pro pose a vote which should include the entire outlay. Mr. A. SMITH supported the motion for the reduction. Mr. M. GIBSON admitted that much money had been wasted, but it was in consequence of the mistakes of the engineers. The lightship had been ordered, and, whether it proved successful or not, should be paid for. An Hon. Member moved that the house be counted, and there not being 40 members present, The house stood adjourned at a quarter past 8 o'clock, IRELAND. DUBLIN, June 8. It is only this morning that we have received here the account of the close of the poll at Kinsale. The numbers were : For Sir George Colthurst .... .... 63 For Mr. Fitzgibbon Majority for Colthurst —l2 The new member has promised to give a general support to the present Government, and the mem ber for New Ross will be likely to do the same. These two elections, therefore, make no change in the relative forces of the respective parties; but had the two ultramontane candidates succeeded, it would have been so much strength added to the Opposition. The elections are, besides, important as indicating the decline of the rabid sectarian feel ing which carried the Longford election. I sent you on Saturday a brief account of the murder of a landlord and a magistrate, near Ne of Tipperary. It was one of nagh, in the county the most frightful tragedies that ever stained the annals of that county, so notorious for the mur derous propensities of its peasantry. According to the Nenagh Guardian, Mr. Jackson was " gene• rally esteemed and beloved by men of all classes and creeds." It is stated that he had four tenants who had paid him no rent for several years, and that he had served them with ejectment processes. Two of them were brothers named Peters; the names of the others were Cummins and Kennedy. morning Mr. Jackson rose from his On Thursday breakfast table about ten o'clock, and, having ordered his car to be ready immediately to proceed to Nenagh, he lit his pipe, and went out in his slippers, as he was accustomed, to take a walk in the shrubbery, which is close to the house. He also gave directions that his little son, four years old, should be got ready to accompany him on the car. Hours passed, and he did not make his ap pearance; yet Mrs. Jackson was not alarmed, sup posing that he had walked across the fields to his brother's, or that he had gone into town with some friend who was passing. She sent to his brother's, and to her father's residence, but nothing was heard of her husband in either place. The idea of murder did not occur to her mind during the day, but during the night she sent the coachman, steward, and herd to search about the grounds, and about daybreak on Friday morning they found the body under a cluster of laurels in the shrubbery within a few yards of his house. The slippers were first discovered a few paces from the body, whi c h was lying with the face downwards. The head was covered with blood, but as there were no marks of violence on the rest of the body, they feared he had burst a blood•vessel. Dr. Calahan was sent for, and speedily arrived. He found the skull broken in two places by a blunt instrument. The blow must have bem struck with a bludgeon behind, and the effect was instant death. The assassin seems to have been lurking behind a tree, and to have come stealthily behind him as he sauntered quietly along the gravelled walk smoking his pipe without a thought of danger. At the coroner's inquest, which was hold on Saturday, John Smith, the coachman, de posed that, his master not having appeared, he re mained with the horse harnessed in the stable till 6 o'clock in the evening—an extraordinary circum stance, which struck his mistress, who ordered him to unharness the horse, as his master would not go to Nenagh at that hour. There were two dogs in the place, but they were tied up during the day. There had also been a small terrier, a favourite of Air. Jackson, but it had been stolen about a month before. The pockets of the deceased were searched by the steward, but the coachman was so shocked with the sight of the blood that he could not see what was taken out of them. Ho had been robbed, but it was supposed this was done to divert atten tion from the real motive of the murderer which was not robbery but agrarian vengeance. The jury re turned a verdict of " Wilful murder against some person or persons unknown." Among the magistrates at the inquest were Lord Dunallv, Sir William Osborne, Couat D'Alten, Major Dundas, Captain Holmes, Messrs. Going, Poe, Middleton, &c., with Mr. Fleming, resident magistrate. The magistrates held a meeting in the court-house at Nenagh, at four o'clock the same day, when they agreed to offer a reward for the discovery of the-murderer, and subscriptions for that purpose, amounting to £5OO, were announced before the meeting broke up. The steward of the murdered gentleman, a man named Madden, and his son have been arrested since the inquest. The Freeman's reporter supplies the following addi tional particulars :—" At the inquest some mem bers of the jury expressed a wish to have Madden examined, hut Mr. Anderson, the county inspector, declined. He was not examined, and after the inquest Mr. Reamsbottom, sub-inspector, and the head constable took Madden into custody, and de sired him to conduct them to his room. He did so without any apparent disinclination, and a close search was made of the apartment. I❑ a small wooden box Mr. Reamsbottcm found £lO3 10s., consisting of £9B in notes, four sovereigns and a half, and one pound in silver. He was brought into town last evening by a strong escort of police, and lodged in the county gaol. Madden also held land under Mr, Jackson, and is said to be also in arrear. At a late hour last evening a son of Madden's was taken into custody, and committed to gaol, being the sixth person now under arrest. The cause of his detention is that on the evening of the murder he was seen drinking at a publichouse in company with one of the Peters, and their conversation on that occasion was so remarkable as to attract the notice of several persons in the place, some of whom remarked that they seemed as if they had been after doing "something desperate." Another murder, not less atrocious, is reported by a correspondent of the Daily Express :—" On Wed nesday, about the hour of 9 o'clock, a woman named Butler missed her daughter, a little girl of seve❑ years of age, who had just partaken of her supper. The mother supposed she might have strayed into the plantations of Mr. Burn, of Corville, near Ros crea, and spent the night searching for her, On the following morning the child was found in a tillage-field quite dead, her face and skull literally smashed to pieces, and some stones besmeared with blood lying near. No cause whatever can be as signed for the gross outrage. The police are on the alert. Suspicion has fallen upon an idiotic boy." SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS TlMES.—Although important negotiations are said to be proceeding, we cannot regret that Lord Ellenborough has called attention to the state of affairs in Poland, and inquired as to the probabi lity of peace being restored to that unhappy country. It is now nearly five months since the insurrection began, and it still continues, as obstinate though it may be as hopeless as ever. On one side are the armies of a powerful empire which has lived by war and for war during generations, and is now putt ng forth all its strength ; on the other side are half armed bands, often without muskets, always with out artillery, and only capable of carrying on a de sultory warfare against isolated bodies of troops. Such an unequal contest as this seemed likely to be soon over, particularly as the country in which it is carried on is not like Spain or Montenegro, suited to such irregular fighting. Probably, if the Poles had asked for advice, there would have been hardly any one who would not have told them from the beginning that they were striving after an impossi bility. What could they do against the power of Russia? Her immense armies, her inexhaustible hordes of people, her _well-filled magazines, must prevail against poverty of numbers, means, and dis cipline. This must have been the judgment of everybody at the beginning ; it is probably the right judgment now ; but the course of the insur rection shows that the Poles have been little affected by such calculations. In every part of the country where the insurrection first began it still continues with varying success, the Russians one day routing a levy of scythemen, on another losing a detach ment which has been suddenly pounced upon by some active leader. In some districts the insurgent bands are said to be more formidable in numbers and capable of fighting regular battles with the troops, and we are told that in the country near Warsaw they have really gained considerable ad vantages over the Russians. But the most impor tant part of the latter news is the spread of the in surrection far beyond the limits of the kingdom of Poland. Although we ought, no doubt, to receive with some suspicion reports which come from such remote regions as Lithuania end the provinces of Volhynia and Podolia, still it would be denying its due weight to testi mony if we refused to believe that there are movements of a most important kind in what was looked upon as an entirely Russianised part of the Empire, Tracts of country far greater in extent than the Poland with which the treaties of 1815 have to do, and stretching to the frontiers of the Danubian Principalities, are described as full of in surgents. The proprietors join in the movement, the peasantry are in some pieces for and in some against it, but every where there is commotion, and the Government is alarmed at the insecurity of the tenure by which it holds the conquests even of the first partition. Such a state of things cannot but engage the sympathy of lookers-on, though, per haps, we cannot hope that Poland, unaided, will be able to do more than lengthen out a disastrous gue rilla warfare, to the exhaustion both of herself and her enemy. The knowledge that an insurrection is raging over a large tract of Europe ; that it spreads. though without a chance of overthrowing the Power against which it is undertaken; and that the result must be the desolation of the country in a manner that years cannot repair, may well induce a member of the British Parliament to suggest some kind of interference. This, too, is the more allowable since the Government of England, in common with those of France and Austria, has already acted as a me diator between the Czar and his alienated subjects. Notes have been despatched from London, Paris, and Vienna, calling upon the Emperor Alexander to conciliate the good opinion of Europe by mercy to his subjects, and to fulfil the stipulations which his uncle made in 1815, by giving the Polish King dom a Constitution after the manner of the Western nations. Not only has this been done, but other States have been invited to join in the general re monstrance. Prince Gortachakoff has had to reply to Sweden, Spain, and Turkey; and even the United States might, if their Government had chosen, have had a share in lecturing the Czar on the duties of a ruler. Lord Ellenborough, therefore, finding that the Government has done so much, asks whether there are to be no results of their labours. He thinks that they have a great opportunity in the face of the dangers which threaten Russia. He looks upon the insurrection as likely to last in Poland, and permanently to weaken the Em pire. This consequence, his lordship tells us, he does not wish to ensue. France is strong, perhaps too strong. Russia does not now threaten Europe as she did in the days of Nicholas, and she may be at any time useful in helping to maintain a Conser vative policy in Europe. Lord Ellenborough would, therefore, do nothing which would deprive Russia of the power of interfering, should the affairs of other nations require it. But Russia may be barred from the West either by having Poland in a state of chronic revolt, or by seeing it constituted an independent kingdom, with a national Sovereign and a policy of its own. Either result Lord Ellen borough deprecates, and he would accordingly sug gest that " the wiser course for Russia to pursue would be to propose to dissever the connection which was established at Vienna between the Rue sian Empire and Poland, with such arrangements for mutual convenience as might be suggested, as an independent country, with respect to internal government, under the sovereignty of a Prince of her own family." The only objection to this scheme is that it is impossible for any reasonable man to expect that the Russian Emperor would consent to it. The difference between a Poland governed by a Sovereign of the House of Romanoff, and one of some other hinny, would be small indeed if once Poland obtained self-government and real index pendence. History shows that family alliances have little effect on the actions of monarchs, and that they do for the most part what suits their own interest for the time. Russia welt knows that to give up Poland in any way, or even to make a permanent Viceroyalty like that which Egypt forms in rela tion to the Porte, is really to abandon the country altogether, and to draw back her frontier 300 miles from Berlin and Vienna. Nor does she forget that the insurrection, which is gradually speeding over the Eastern provinces, bears witness to the identity of the Poland of all the partitions; and that if, in deference to the Powers, the Czar were to esta blish the Kingdom of Poland as an independent or subsidiary State, the same independence might be demanded by other and equally important regions. What, too, would Prussia and Austria say of a scheme which might induce their own Polish subjects to desire union with the new king dom It seems to us that Russia would be willing to make very large concessions in the administra tion of the Kingdom, but would reject positively any such plan as that which Lord Ellenborough proposes. Of the form which the propositions of the three Powers have taken we can know nothing certain as yet ; but if, as Lord Russell says, answer of the Austrian Emperor to the comnaunica tions from London and Paris is expected to-morrow we shall not be long in suspense. All that we need do is to urge on the Government to abridge as much as possible the forms of diplomacy, if by diplomatic action any stop can be put to he miseries of this war. Lord Russell's expressions point to a renewal of the Constitution granted in 1815 ; if the Poles will be contented with this con cession we shall sincerely rejcice, and believe that the blood which has flowed so plenteously has not been shed altogether in vain, HERALD.—The fly on the water-wheel, who boasted that he moved it round, is in very much the same position as the diplomatist who attempts by a series of letters and protocols to arrange the affairs of Poland. The " nation in mourning" has appealed to that supreme arbitrament against whose decision all protests of statesmen are in vain. We have the greatest respect for men who, in despite of ail the Powers that be, would vindicate their free dom by the strength of their own right arms. When, instead of pusil animous waiting, despon dency, and appeals for help, a nation that has long been oppressed takes its own cause in hand, and bares the sword against its tyrants in a sort of mad despair of conquering or dying, it has entitled itself to our applause, if not to our entire sympathy. The struggles of Poland, manful as they are, cannot but be grievous to us who, liable as others are to an access of sentiment, arc yet conscious of how much is imperilled by them, how much is unattain able by these all but superhuman efforts, and how wasted is this ocean of blood that is being shed in a desperate cause. If we put the power of Poland in the balance against that of Russia we cannot doubt which will prevail in the end. Will the Poles have bettered their position by all this self-sacrifice ? Will all the Powers—humane and well-intentioned though they may be, but resolved, whatever happens, not to en gage in a Quixotic struggle with Russia—be able to avert the inevitable result of this most unhappy insurrection, that Poland will be left exhausted. fainting, and bloodless, at the feet of the conquerer ? The insurrection of 1831 deprived the Poles of one constitution. The insurrection of 1863 may be the death-blow to another. If we could only anticipate the possible triumph of the patriots it would be time for us to discuss the altered conditions under which the Polish nation might be regarded by Europe. So long as Russia continues to assert her authority we can neither expect freers the insurrec tion a restoration of Poland with her ancient boun daries, nor even the independence of the Poland of 1815, unless by the grace of the Emperor Alexander 11. The Government, we are told, has agreed with the French Government on the plan for pacification which it will propose to the Emperor of Russia. It, is waiting for the concurrence of Austria, which has not yet been notified. We fear that, pending , the issue of the Polish insurrection, these proposi tions will have but little weight. An amnesty has already been proclaimed, and rejected with scorn. The independence of the Warsaw kingdom may be promised to-morrow. It will be received as an admission of weakness. For a great country like this it seems almost undignified to advise where we are not prepared to dictate. France and England may wish well to Poland ; but as neither France nor England will fight for Poland, the issue, as between Poland and Russia, must be left to the God of Battles, to whom Poland, in her last ex tremity, has rashly made her appeal. PosT.—The King of Prussia has determined that his decree against the public press shall not be a dead letter. Six journals have received the first of the premonitory warnings which, according to the terms of the ordinance, pave the way to total suppression, It was but natural to suppose that a proclamation which at a single stroke swept away the entire liberty of the press should call forth com ments from those whom it principally affected, and it was equally natural that those comments should be of a kind to excite the displeasure of those from whom the proclamation emanated. Half-a-dozen Prussian newspapers have dared to protest against a gross and flagrant violation of one of the dearest liberties of the people, and they are forthwith threatened with extinction by means of the very instrument which has called forth their indignation. The Ministry appear fiat to be satisfied with hav ing browbeaten the representatives of the people. They mutt needs make the people themselves acknowledge that they are all-powerful. It is not sufficient that those who give expression to public opinion should submit with patience to enforced silence, they must kiss the hand which forces the gag into their mouths. If anything could be want ing to make the ordinance of June 1 particularly odious and offensive to the Prussian people, it has been supplied by its colourable compliance with the provisions of the constitution. The efforts which have now been so persistently made by the Prus sian King to replace the constitution he pledged himself to support by a pure despotism is too apparent to need demonstration at our hands. His affected respect for the constitutional privileges of his subjects is therefore all the more contemptible. It is certainly true that, according to one of the provisions of the constitution, the Government are empowered under extraordinary circumstances, and whilst the Chambers are not in session, to make ordinances which shall have the force of laws. It is in apparent accordance with this provision that the late decree has been issued. But it is only in appear ance that its publication can be justified according to the terms of the constitution. No circum stances at a 1 similar to those specified in the 63d article of the constitution existed to require its promulgation ; and if the Cham bers were not in session it is well known that they were prorogued with the object of enabling the Government to supply a plausible pretext for legislating for the country. If the proceeding which has now been sanctioned by the Prussian King and his Ministers be constitutional, then there seems no reason why Count Bismark and his colleagues should not continue to rule the country by ordinances pro mulgated under cover of the 63d article of the Con stitution. Such ordinances would eventually re quire the sanction of the Legisture when the houses met; but, with a bold ministry and a submissive people, the next meeting of the Chambers might be postponed by the Sovereign for an indefinite period. So far as regards the provisions of the present ordi nance but little need be said. Its mode of applica tion has now been illustrated in a manner which speaks more eloquently than any words we could utter of the ultimate consequences to which its strict enforcement must inevitably lead. If Prussia will be content to exist without a press, then the ends of the Crown will be attained, and the ministry may issue any other ordinances they may deem essential for the maintenance of that peculiar form of govern ment which has now been introduced into Prussia. With the exception of such journals as are content to echo sentiments of the Court, there will remain in a few weeks none in existence. By virtue of the provision of the constitution above refereed to, the ministerial ordinances would be regarded as laws demanding respect and obedience; and, as one of the many grounds supplied by the late decree for the suppression of newspapers is" exciting to dis obedience of the laws of the country," it would be impossible for any journal to comment upon the new system of legislation without incurring certain extinction. As after a second warning has been given the local authorities of the place in which the journal so warned is published may proceed to pro. hibit its further publication, it may be taken that the fate of the six journals which have already received the preliminary avertissement is definitely sealed. It is provided that the publishers of such journals as have committed any one of the multifarious infringe ments of the new law shall be formally tried in a closed court, and, in the event of an adverse deci sion being given, shall have the right of appeal ing to the Ministry. Here again apparent con formity, but real antagonism, with the commonest principles of justice manifest itself in this remark able document. The publisher of an offending journal shall be heard in his defence before the publication of his paper is suppressed; but the pro ceedings shall be conducted with closed doors. If dissatisfied with the judgment of the court he may appeal, but it is to the Ministry, that is to say, to successfullyrah on i s ye ae p si r o oa s rn e dd e n u t a o nt r rc sae. judicialoe fs A tpt h s re sd proceedings le r s e etd oli thanyngf , constitutional observ t s June.h eycould have never Ov en e i s beenbe inclined b y i n oe t h r e to asked wher e a ll t hi s will end. Will the Prussian King succeed in his endeavours to subvert the con stitution of his people, or will he fail ? Is Prussia ready to abandon all that she has wrested from her former rulers, in order to gratify the ambition of the present, and, it might so happen, the last repre sentative of the House of Hohenzollern P The Prus sian people would make many sacrifices before it took up arms against a Sovereign whose family is intimately associated with the growth of its politi cal greatness. But then the patience of a people may be subjected to too severe a strain. The present possesses for most men an interest much stronger than any which the associations of the past can serve to awaken. Up to this moment the attitude both of the Prussian people and of its representa tives offers a marked contrast to that of the Sove reign and his Ministers. The deputies were firm whilst they were respectful in the remonstrances which they addressed to the Crown. Whatevermay be the issue of the contest which has arisen between the Sovereign and the people, the members of th e Lower Chambers may at least congratulate them selves on having in no way contributed to Widen the breach which theGovernmeat insisted on creat ing. But it will be difficult to expect from the masses the same display of moderation in the pre.. sence of ordinances like that issued by the Govern ment within a week after the Chambers, in which alone rests the power of legislating, had been pro rogued. We do not helit,ve that the Prussian people will submit without a struggle to the regime whicn the Junker party proposes to establisn. Sooner or later must come that collision between a people battling for its liberties and its would-be oppressors which invariably results in the discomfiture of the latter. The leadefs of the popular party are well aware of the dangers with which a revolution Is fraught, not only to the royal family, but to the kingdom itself. But they ma; not be able to con trol the impetuosity of thousands who suddenly find themselves stripped of political liberty. The storm is evidently approaching, but when it will break no man can say. RAILWAY INTELLIGENCE. CORK AND YOUGHAL. A special general meeting of this company was held yesterday at the offices, Gresham-house, Old Broad-street, to consider a bill now before Parlia ment, in compliance with the standing orders of the House of Lords—Sir C. P. Roney in the chair. Mr. Banks, the secretary, having read the notice convening the meeting, The Solicitor read the heads of " a bill with re spect to the capital of the Cork and Youghal Rail way Company, and to enable that company to trans fer their undertaking." It enabled the holders of preference stock to convert that stock into ordinary stock. Every holder of preference stock would have the option of converting his preference into ordi nary stock within seven months from the passing of the Act ; but it was stipulated that nothing should be done to deprive the holders of the are rears due on their preference stock a t the time of conversion. The bill contained power to grant a lease of the undertaking to the Great Southern and Western Railway Company on such terms as might be agreed upon. There was also power to sell the undertaking on such terms as might be agreed upon at special meetings of both companies, and a general power to enter into con tracts and arrangements subject to the approval of the shareholders. The CHAIRMAN moved a formal resolution ap proving the Bill, and stated that it had passed the House of Commons. ______ The Hon. R. H. BROWNE seconded the motion, which was carried unanimously, and the proceed ings terminated. GREAT WESTERN OF CANADA. It appears that the directors of this company have been informed by their financial agent in Canada , that the loss on through traffic collected and con verted ascertained up to the 22d ult amounted to the sum of 215,060 dots. 73a. (144,190 lls. and there remained a further sum of American funds for conversion at that date of 3,405 dots. 10c., ill addition to which there were balances in account with connecting railways still unadjusted. RAILWAY BILLS. Yesterday the committee on the London and North Western Company's Additional Powers Bill having passed the preamble proceeded to settle the clauses authorising the construction of new branch lines between Huddersfield and Kirkburton, and between Wigan and the North Union Railway, for power to take lands and alter engineering works, to make arrangements with railways in alliance with them, and to raise £150,000 on new shares and £50,000 on loan. The principal witnesses examined in the committee on the proposed floc Brighton line were Capt. O'Brien, manager of the North Eastern, and Mr. Scott, manager of the South Western. Evidence was taken on the bills of the South Yorkshire, Lynn and Sutton, Scottish Central, and Kingston and Eardesley. In the Lords the opposition of the Oswestry and other railways to the proposed amalgamation of the Great Westera and West Midland Railways was opened in Earl Amherst's committee. COUNTRY MARKETS. ‘..- GLOUCESTER—JUNE G. To-day there was a fair supply of English wheat frogn the farmers, which sold slowly at about the prices of last week. Foreign wheat in small demand, and holders would accept slightly lower prices to effect sales. COLCHESTER-JUNE 6. At this corn exchange to-day there was a moderate show of grain, with prices at fully former rates. Spring corn scarce, and in favour of the seller. Wheat, white 46s 56s Beans, Mazagan ..39s 42a red ...42s Us middle & small.3oB Ana 42 4 Barley —s —s Peas, white ...... '''.,_.- 3 s s Oat . 20s 26s gray...... 3"s CHELMSFORD—JUNE 5. fish We have again to report a dull demand for Eng grain to-day, and prices stationary, In Spring corn Ito week's currency maintained. Wheat, old white 30s 53s new 34s 50s old red' 36s ' 48s new 34s 45s Barley 2.s 36s Chevalier 2Bs 40s Grinding 22s 31s Malt Chevalier 64s 69s Oats 20s 28s Peas, Partridge 37 s 40s OS s 4 White 3 40 s 43s • Boiling Dun 35s 388 s Ditto new — Beans, Tick, old 348 390 new --a Harrow Ticks 358 408 new —s --I Mazagan 3os 388 KIRKCAI,Dy GRAIN—JUNE 6. We had small supplies of oats and barley, but good of wheat. The former were rather dearer, while wheat was much the same in price as last week. Wheat. Barley. Oats. First....39s Od I 26s Od I 24s Od Second ..40s 6d 28s Od 26s Od Third Od —a Od Od COAL IV erioes of Coal per Too a' s. d. Wylam 15 9 Buddle'sWest Hartley 15 6 Carway and Dufiryn Malting , 19 6 Eden Main 15 0 Cowpen Hartley 15 6 West Hartley 15 6 North Pelton Gas 13 0 Ships Si markel .ARKET, the o)ose of the market. Walls End. s.;( 1 . Hetton 16 0 South Hetton ...16 9 Hartlepool 16 6 Braddyll's Hetton 15 9 Tunstall Heugh Hall 1 5 u Stewart's 1 6 6 Goaforth l4 34 ; sold. 31. ENFORCING VACCINATION.—There is before the House of Commons a Government Bill, extending only to Scotland, proposing that after February next a. schoolmaster or schoolmistress shall be liable to a penalty for receiving into a school a child under 14 without a media cal certificate of its having been vaccinated. There is to be a penalty also upon any one who shall receive into hig or her employment or service a young person under 13 without such a certificate. Eery prisoner and every person admitted to parochial relief is to be vaccinated as soon as possible after admission to such relief or imprisonment, un less the surgeon is satisfied that such person has been vac cinated or has had smallpox. [ADVERTISEMENT.] Holloway's Pills. -- Aids to Health.--So many disturbing causes are at work to under mine the health, that it behoves every one occasionally to regulate his system. Professor Holloway has placed this power within the reach of all. His balsamic pills are equal to every emergency. Come the evil whence it may—from food, atmosphere, or irregularity of life—it is gently met, but forcibly expelled, by these perfect purifiers. Hollo way's pills have effected the most remarkable recoveries in cases of wasting, weakness, nervous decline, and similar symptoms of debility. Births. ABERCROMBIE,—On the Bth inst., at 13, Queen's-road , Gloucester-gate, Regent's-park, Mrs. D, Abercrombie , of a daughter. BREIDENBACH.—On the 7th inst., at Child's-hill, the Wife of Mr. Breidenbach, of a son. ' BoVILL.—On the 6th inst., the wife of W. J. Bovill, of V, James-street, Buckingham-gate, of a son. HEATH.—On the 7th inst., at Anstie, Dorking, th e w ife of Captain L. G. Heath, R.N., C. 8., of a son. Marriages. DOULTON—BUCKLAND.—On the 6th inst., at Wraysburi Chapel, Mr. James Doulton, of Duke-street, Grosvenor square, to Matilda, daughter of Mr. Wm. T. Buck,land, of Wraysbury. WEBBER—SMITH—On the 6th inst., at Islington, Thom!? Richard William, third s n of T. Wtbber, Esq., of 2 'l Lombard-street, city, to Matilda Ann, on ly d au ghter 01 . P. Smith, Esq., 32, Manchester-terrace, Islington. Deaths. • BELFOUR.—On the 7th inst., drowned between Putney an d Hammersmith, Edmund Belf our, Esq., of Grove Hous e ' Putney, aged 39. BURGESS —On the 6th inst., at Swithin's-lane, London, Henry Burgess, for upwards of 20 years pioprietor an editor of the "Circular to Bankers," aged 82. HANBURY.—On the 7th inst., at 15, Charles-street, Be" keley - square, General Sir John Hanbury, K.C.8., I°4 aged 81. P AKENHAM.—On the 7th filet , at 24, Bruton-street, the Lady Louisa E. Pakenham, aged 33. PONSONEY.—On the sth inst., at Woolbeding, the HO' George Ponsonby, aged 90. PLENDERLEATIL—On the sthinsf ~ at Ramsgate, suddenlY4 W. S. Plenderleath, Esq., late Major 81st Regiment' aged 88. London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDREWS' of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE Suri Office. No. 11 2 . Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the County Middlesez.—Tuesday, Juno 9, 1863. THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, TUNE 9, 1363. ,m..