The Sun. — London, England, 1833-05-21 00:00:00

men, know ye not, who would be free themselves must strike the blow ?" on another was " Happy homes and altars free ;" on another were " Cheap religion, cheap government, cheap bread." There were several other banners with devices, but at too great a distance from the hustings to enable ua to read them. Immediately following the bands and banners came an open carriage, in which were Mr. Attwood, Mr. O'Con nell, M.P., the Rev. Mr. IlltDonnell, the Catholic clergy. man of Birmingham, Mr. Muntz, and one or two other.. The stream of persons who followed soon flowed into every vacant space en the hill, which was in a few moments fill, d in every part. The appearance of the meeting at the moment, from the peculiar manner in which they stood, owing to the amphitheatrical form of the ground, was very imposing, and, from the mass of human beings thus brought into such a dense mass, truly awful; we should Suppose that there were from 70,000 to 80,000. Many persons who were present at the last meeting (last May) stated that the present was more numerous by many thou sraVds. The. great proportion of women present showed that Ft WO 'looked upon as a sort of holyday business, and %et no breach of the peace, or interruption of the pro ceedings which could lead to that result, was at all con templated. On this subject we may remark, that not one man in twenty who came on the ground had a stick of any kind ; the few there were were small com mon walking-sticks. As soon as the several gentlemen already named had taken their places on the busting., and the undulations of the immense sea of human beings in front had subsided into something of stillness, a bugle from the front of the hustings called attention. Mr. Moszrz (the Honorary Secretary to the Union), came forward, and was about to address the meeting,when he was interrupted by a part of the hustings having given way. The slight confusion caused by this was soon at an end. Some additional props were placed under the front of the platform, and several gentlemen were induced to leave the hustings altogether in order to lighten the pressure, particularly in the front. For this purpose, we believe Mr. G. Edmonds proposed, that the reporters should go to the back part, and Mr. O'CONNELL interposed, saying the reporters were privileged in all meetings, and ought to have the best accommodation which circumstances would permit. They might as well be excluded altogether, as put into a place where they could not bear. The reporters were allowed to remain in their by no means enviable position in the front. Mr. MuNTz proceeded with his address. He congratu lated the friends of the people on having once more assem bled so large a meeting of his fellow subjects. They had been called together to consider the capability of his Majesty's Ministers, and to address his Majesty, praying stn to dismiss them from his councils, for the common good of the country. The people, he believed, bad now lost all confidence in Ministers ; at least, he had. They might recollect what he said when they met there about twelve months ago. He told them to give Ministers a chance. The meeting had done so ; and what had the Ministers done since ?—( Here another interruption was caused by an application for admission to the hustings by some gentlemen who bad come a great way to attend the meeting. Mr. Muntz said that one or two might come, but he would not advise many, as part of the platform had given way already. He then resumed his address.) The Ministers had done nothing since, except to hinder the reduction of any of the burdens of the people. He was going to remark how circumstances had changed ; and how the change bad affected the opinions of certain parties as to such meetings as the present. When they met on the 7th of May last to keep in Ministers, their meeting was lauded by the Whig papers ; but now the meeting wanted to get them out, they were exposed to all kinds of abuse.—(Hear.) The people, forsooth, must be satisfied with everything Ministers did, whether it was to refuse to take off one tax, or to add another to those already in existence. He would only icier them to the violent abuse to which they were exposed in the Times of Saturday or Friday last. He would admit the great ability with which that paper was con— ducted, and the great power with which, beyond all others, she could abuse those to whom she was opposed; but he wished she would come down a little oftner amongst them at Birmingham (he understood she was now present) and, powerful as she was, they would teach her better manners.—(Cheers and laughter.) If every one cared as little for the abuse of that journal—able as he admitted it to be—as he did, it would not have so many readers, or sell such numbers as it did ; yet though the people and the friends of the people were abused in that journal, every body read it. The Hon. Secretary then went on to in quire what Ministers had done since last year? Their first effort was, like an unnatural mother who was annoyed by the crying of her half-starved child, they half smothered Ireland ; but, as in the case of the child, when the blankets were removed it would cry out again, and from the same cause—a hungry brllyr This was done by the joint efforts of Whigs and Tories. They showed that when they got the people down they were determined to keep them down. But it would be said that in attack ing Ministers they were turning round on their friends : he denied it. The friends of the people were those only who assisted them when they could. Had the Whigs done so ? He hated party feeling of any kind ; but he would say that if he must have a choice between a Whig and a Tory, he would prefer the latter; though he would admit that when he got bins he should not know what to do with him. Parliament, under the guidance of the present Ministers, had done nothing for the people. They had refused to inquire into the distress of the country-- to alter the corn laws—to change the money law t they had refused to abolish taxation, or to substitute one tax for another,—to have a property tax, because that would he for the country gentlemen to tax themselves. He went on to show that out of the distress of the country its own relief would come, for from the inability of the poor to buy corn and meat, the farmer could pay no rent, and the landlord get no profit from his land, and then be would force the relief of distress on the Government. After ob serving upon the injustice and inequality of the corn laws, the speaker observed that the press had charged the parties who called this meeting with having done se for the purpose of promoting riot and drunkenness, and per haps the shedding of blood. Those who made that charge did not know the men of Warwickshire of Staffordshire, or the adjoining counties; and he hoped, indeed he w as confident, that the conduct of the meeting that day would give the lie to such charges. Mr. G. F. MuNTz having then taken the chair, Mr. T. ATTWOOD came forward, amidst most tre mendous cheering, to address the assembled multitude. He said that he was glad—gratified more than he could express—in once more corning forward to address them on that spot, where they had so often before assembled for the effectuation of the public good, and the general good, and where the same great and glorious object bad again called them together in countless masses from all the surrounding districts. He bad, he repeated, often before addressed them from that spot when met for the promotion of those great objects which the men of Birmingham and of the midland districts bad, with that public virtue and pa triotism which so distinguished them, uniformly most at heart—the rights and liberties of Englishmen. Such were the objects for which they had hitherto met there, and they were that day assembled for the same good cause.— (Cheers.) It was with the deepest regret that he found it necessary to come amongst them for the purpose of un doing that which he had with them so great a hand, in deed he might say the principal hand in doing, namely, the placing the present Ministers in power.—(Cheers.) There was no man who went into Parliament more at. tached to his Majesty's Ministers, or more determined to support them, than he was, conceiving that in doing so he should be supporting those who were firmly resolved to exert all the means wherewith power supplied them to extend the liberties and promote the prosperity of the country. On the first day of his entering Parliament be was astounded and astonished at the atrocious and tre mendou3 measures which they proposed with regard to unhappy Ireland; he was astounded, he repeated, to find that men whom they (the people of Birmingham and of the midland districts) had sent into the Government for the purpose of confirming the liberties, and restoring the pros perity of the country, should, as their first measure, pro pose to strike a mortal blow at the liberties of Ireland.— (Cries of " Shame !" and " We'll strike them," and groans.) He was not the fool not to know that if such a measure passed, a similar blow was intended and would be levelled at the liberties of England, whenever the proper opportunity should serve.—(Cbeers.) Horrified and disgusted that such men should thus show themselves to be the enemies, instead of the friends of liberty, he had seen enough to make him lose all confidence in them ; btt. that was not all. Before Parliament had met, he (it,lr. Attwood) had frequent occasion to call upon his Majesty's Ministers, and on such occasions he deemed it right to direct their attention, confiding as lie did in the purity of their intentions, to those duties which they had still to perform towards rendering the people prosperous and h appy. It was for that purpose only, he told them, that he had taken steps in procuring the passing of the Reform Bill; for what would that Bill be without its fruit—the prosperity of the country? He to,d them that, if not followed by that result, it would not satisfy the people ; that they would not take a shadow when they should receive the substance. He told them that if they relieved the indus trious classes of this country of the grievous burdens that weighed them down, and if they introduced measures continued the historian, for human nature to bear, and, accordingly, one of the tribes whom the Roman General wanted to dispossess of their land bohllse declared to him that if he would not give them the sail to live on be should give it to them to die on.—(Cheers.) By this manifestation, the historian added, of their determination, the Germans softened the anger of the Romans. They whom he addressed,—the people of this country,—had no occasion to die for the redress of their wrongs ; it was for the whole of this mighty nation to command justice ; and if they did so by legal and peaceable means, justice must and would he done them.—(Cheers.) Then, indeed, would England become, in the real sense of the worm, " the envy of surrounding nations and the admiratio❑ of the world." The Hen. Gentleman proceeded then to allude to Ireland, for the evils of which, he said, the proper remedy consisted in giving her people plenty of employment, food, and clothing. What was the re medy which his Majesty's Ministers gave them ? Cruel and atrocious laws. The Irish suffered under the same money laws that they did in England. That great and wise man, Mr. Locke, speaking of the reduction of the amount of money in the country, without a correspond ing reduction of the taxes, likened it to five children since. —(Cheers.) He saw, he felt, and lie was sure that the immense multitude which he now addressed felt also, that such men were not the friends of the people.— (Cheers.) It was they, the people of Birmingham and of the midland districts, that had seated those Ministers in those posts which they so unworthily filled,—it was the meeting of the thousands and the tens of thousands that had taken place on that very spot that time 12 months that had sent those men back to that government from which they had been displaced.—(Hear.) It was la mentable to find now, that in what they then patriotically and nobly effected, they were not only doing no good, hut, he was sorry to say, much harm. —(Cries of " It's true.") They all knew the story of the Warwickshire witch and the dun cow—(A laugh)—and how as the witch milked the cow into a sieve, the cow was driven mad by seeing its milk go for nothing. They should not imitate the example of the dun cow and run mad.—(Cheers.) They should endeavour to undo that which they had done; they should endeavour quietly and legally, but firmly, to pro. cure the dismissal of the present Ministers from office, who did nothing that they ought to do, and a great many things that they ought not.—(Cheers.) The labour of the men of Birmingham, in placing such Ministers i❑ power, had been worse than lost, for they had disap pointed all their hopes. It was for the purpose of assist• ing them in undoing that work that he now came once more amongst them. He had come amongst them from a House of Commons from which so much had been expect. ed, and by which nothing had been done to satisfy those expectations. They had no idea of the prodigious load of business which was frequently before the House for despatch. He recollected one day that the House had before it no less than 150 orders and notices upon vai ious subjects, and the average was not less than 50 per day. Nine-tenths of that business, such as bills for railroads, cane's, private business, &c., should be dis posed of by inferior tribunals, for the consequence of the present state of things was, that the House of Commons had so much to do that Members had no time to think, and that they, therefore, acted wrongly. The men of Birmingham, the friends that he now addressed, had in deed met with a previous disappointment. His Majesty's Ministers not only attacked the liberties of the people of Ireland, but they refused to inquire into the distress of the people of both countries, and they even denied its existence.—(Cries of " Shame.") They denied the exist ence of that distress in the face of evidence the strongest that could possibly be adduced. The moat unanswerable proofs of distress, great and overwhelming distress, in seve ral distinct and different parts of the country, amongst the manufacturing, the agricultural, and labouring classes of the country, had been laid before them by different Me n bers in the House of Commons ; in addition to that the whole population of London and Westminster had waited upon them, through deputations, and had told them that trade was carried on in that great metropolis without profit, and that tradesmen were living upon their capitals. What was the result ? The Ministers turned a deaf ear to all those representations, to all those proofs of distres-, -end they even went so far as to declare that there was no distress in the country !—(Cries of "Shame.") There was no doubt that there was no distress amongst the sordid rich, and the degradation of the poor man was often the aggrandizement of the rich. If the labourers became dis tressed, the rich, who employed them, would buy their labour at a less price, and in that way the sordid rich be nefitted by the distress of the labouring classes. What had the rich, what had the Members of the Legislature, done towards relieving that distress ? They told them some few years ago that they would put nothing but gold pieces in the poor men's pocket. He wished that every poor man's pocket was full of gold pieces ; but it was one thing to say so, and another thing to do it. They had put a large lump of gold in their own, and none in the poor man's pocket.—(Cheers, and cries of "That's the truth.") These cunning men proposed to give bits of gold to the labouring classes, the industrious classes, and the poor ; but they got it all themselves, and they kept it all to themselves. They had lawyers and soldiers to guarantee them in the payment of their rents arid dividends to the full extent ; but there were no lawyers or soldiers to guarantee to the poor man full em ployment.—(Cheers.) The consequence was, that their wages—the wages of those lie now addressed—the wages of the industrious classes—fell ; but the rents, the divi dends, and every other species of property belonging to the rich, experienced no such proportionate fall. It was no wonder, then, that there was no distress amongst them. He would ask his friends that were assembled there that day, were they benefitted by the present state of things ? (Loud and general cries of " No, no," which, as the question was spread from man to man towards the erre mities of the vast assemblage, became almost universal.) They remembered the time of the war—at least many of them did so; did they believe they were as well off now as they were then ?—(Cries of " No, no.") They re membered the year 1525, did they think they were as well off now as they were in that year ?—(,‘ No, no.") Well, then, those cunning men declared and decided that the industrious classes should have nothing but gold, and plenty of it, though there was but little gold in the country, and though the whole of it was swallowed up in the rents and taxes. It was the horrid borouglimongers that had laid those taxes on the tradesmen and the labourers. —(Groans.) The amount of the taxes collected yearly was 50,000,0001., which was double the whole amount of the legal mom y left in the country. There were only 25,000,000/. of gold and silver in England, and that was the only legal money in England. The notes of the Bank of England were no more legril money than were the notes of any of his friends there assembled. The taxes thus doubled in amount in the year the whole of the legal money that the people had. But the Government was wise enough ; it did not take all the taxes from the people at one and the same time. If it did so, it would be quickly brought to book.—(Great cheering.) As fast as they got the taxes they spent them, and while the industrious classes— the people of this country—were paying one portion of the taxes in the year, another portion, which they had already paid, came back to them in the shape of prices for their commodities, and for their labour. But the taxes were not all; there was then the rents, the legal rents, furnished from the industry of the farmer and the cottage of the poor man; they amounted to 50,000,0001. more, to be collected in gold. Thus, although the Govern ment gave them only 25,000,0001. of legal money, they were compelled to pay 100,000,000/. of legal payments. Could they then wonder that their pockets were empty ? —(Cries of " No, no.") He (Mr. Attwood) had asked those men—he had asked his Maj-sty's Ministers to cut down the burdens of the people in proportion to the fall that had taken place in their wages and profits, or, if they would not du that, he asked them whether they would not lift up the wages and profits of the industrious classes so as to enable them to bear their present burdens ? (Cheers. ) He called on them to do so, but they refused either alternative, though the adoption of one or other was due in common justice to the people.—(Shame.) The consequence was, that taxes and rents bad been ag grandized by the fall that had taken place in the wages of the labouring population. That—that must be altered.-- (Creat cheering.) The people could not be compelled to do impossibilities ; and as money had been enhanced in value, while the wages and profits of the people fell, and their burdens continued at the same amount, rendering it impossible for them to discharge them, the people would, sooner or later, adopt measures to insure themselves justice. —(Much cheering.) The point he was now at reminded him of the story in the old Roma❑ historian Tacitus. The Romans, that historian informed them, having made war on the Germans, conquered them, and imposed a tribute on th em . Th ere b e i ng a vast num b er of wild bulls in the country, the Romans, for the purpose .4 clearing the country of them, imposed a tribute of so many bulls' hides on the Germans. When the Germans had killed all the wild bulls, they wanted the Romans to take ox-hides for the tribute, but the Romans refused to tak e the hides. They took instead, said the historian, the beasts themselve s , and the land ; and when they had got them, they wish e d to take the bodies of the people them ,elves, and sell them into slavery. This was too much, that would promote the general Prosperity of the people, —that if, in fact, it should be found that the extension of the people's liberties and their prosperity went hand in band, everything would be right, and that the child did not live who would hear the voice of discontent raised again in England ; but that if, on the other hand, they did not give prosperity to the country, the Reform Bill would not satisfy the people of England, and then they (the Ministers) would be quickly driven from the posts which they occu pied, with shame and with disgrace.—(Cheers.) Those were the remarks which he addressed to his Majesty's Ministers in some of his communications with them when the Reform Bill was in progress: their answer to him was, that be would find in the House of Commons (for they told him that if the Reform Bill was carried, he of course would be returned to Parliament) one of the first things that would he done would be to inquire into the distress of the nation, and justice would be done to it. They added a request that he would call upon them to consider what should be done for that purpose. When, however, he saw the atrocious measures which they brought forward with regard to Ire land, he felt that he should be contaminated by calling upon such men, and he had never called on one of them sleeping in one bed with a blanket that was too small to cover them all. The consequence was, that one would pull one way, and another would pull another way, "and," said Mr. Locke, " there will be no peace until the father of the family enlarges the blanket, so as to cover them all." So, he adds, would England be in the circum stances stated, with her different classes pulling different ways, and there would be no peace ira the nation until they either cut down its burdens, or lifted up its means of enduring them.—(Cheers.) Since 1811, the popula_ ton of England had increased 30 per cent. Now, Ire (Mr. Attwood) could prove, upon the affidavit of 100 competent witnesses, that the land of England had fallen off since that time 30 per cent. in its productive powers. Thus, therefore, there was at once 50 per cent. struck off from the capabilities of the people to procure the neces• saries and comforts of life. The Government did no thing to meet such a state of things, except to plunder unhappy Ireland. Ministers would not allow of a re peal of the odious corn laws—they would not allow the people to get cheap corn and cheap beef from Ger many, but they would drain such articles out of, instead of leaving them in, unhappy Ireland. They would not allow the people of this country to get cheap corn, and cheap beef, from the French, and the Germans, and the Poles, and the other nations of Europe that wou'd supply them with such articles, so as to bring down the price of food one half in amount, as he was sure would be the case if the odious corn laws were repeal, d. The corn laws were the most unjust laws that had ever been framed this side of hell.—( Great cheering ) Therefore, one of the petitions that would be proposed for their adoption that day was fir a repeal of all corn laws.—(Cbeers.) Another of the petitions was for the repeal of the malt duty, and of the assessed t isw--(Renewed cheers)—and they had got an address to be presented to the King praying his Majesty to dismiss his present Ministers.—(Tremendous cheering.) Those were the measures on which the Council of the Union hail decided as wise, just, and practicable, to be adopted at the present moment. They did not mean to say that such measures would be sufficient for the country, but they thought it better to limit their demands at present according to the necessity of the ca.e. It seemed to them that if, like a man shooting at partridges, they aimed at too many things at once, they might miss all. Their plan was to select their victim, and to bring it down : when such of their wrongs were redressed, it would be then for them to consider what more wrongs were remaining, or what further rights they might require. In a great meeting, assembled as that was, they could not act as a deliberative assembly. They could not all make speeches and address the meeting, for if they did so, the end of winter would not see the end of their proceedings. The Council had, therefore, adopted a number of rules for the regulation of the meeting, and one of them was, that no one should speak without the consent of the chairman. The resolutions would be brought before them in due or der, and it would he for them to decide upon the questions they embraced. When they had formed the Political Union they adopted the old motto, " Liberty, union, and prosperity," and he (Mr. Attwood) had always told them that he asked for the one in order to secure the other.— (Loud cheers.) He had always held out to them this irn par taut fact,—that the people of England produced, upon the average, four times more than they consumed. It was so undoubted fact that the agricultural, the manufacturing, and the other productive classes in this country, produced four times more of the good things of life than a man, his wife, and 10 children could consume, comparing the amount of population with the amount of production. It was worse than folly, it was guilt, that when this noble people offered such an offering to their country, their country should deny them bread. He (Mr. Att wood) would never be content till he saw such a state of things established as that every honest man should have the free use of his right arm ; that he should be independent of his master ; and that, instead of going to look for work from his master, his master should come to look for him for his work. It was for the benefit of the people that he had advocated the Reform Bill, and be would have been content with it if it bad worked well; but how had it worked—what had his I%lajesty's Ministers done? They had given poverty throughout England, and slavery throughout Ireland. He now washed his hands of all that he had done to send his Majesty's Ministers into power, and he now came forward to join this great meeting in petitioning their good King to dismiss them from their situations.—(Loud cheers ) They must consider that the King was surrounded by mmy bad amen, and that it was difficult for him to know what it was right to do. They should, therefore, whenever he did not act in accordance with their wishes, blame the parties who surrounded him and misled him. The constitution had wisely put him above them all. As they hail before they would again in the hour of need apply to the King, and he was sure that his Majesty would attend to their prayer, and that the present Ministers would be as easily dis. missed as the former were—(Loud cheers)—and such would be the case, too, with the next set, if they did not act right.—(Repeated cheers.) They might be sure that it would not be difficult to find men as wise at least as the present Ministers to succeed them in office. He would not say who should succeed them—all he would say was, get rid of these men, and having also put aside Peel and Wellington, they might be sure that the ❑ext set of Mi nisters, with such a warning before their• eyes, would do the people just ce. Whenever he saw that happy time arrive, that condition fulfilled, be would give up the great work of political agitation. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by introducing Mr. O'Connell, on whose merits he passed a high eulogium, to the meeting, as a distin guished member of the Union, and one of its best friends and supporters. Mr. O'CONNELL came forward amidst great cheering. After dwelling on what he termed the glorious spectacle before him, and after expressing his conviction that every man there was determined to do his duty, he proceeded to say that it was not Grey or Althorp that had carried the Reform Bill, Out the great meeting at Birmingham. (Cries of " The Irish Members.") It was true the Irish Members did assist them, but they only did their duty in doing so. He (Mr. O'Connell) came now to thank them for the Reform Bill ; it was the Union of Birmingham and the midland districts that made the Monarch yield, and carried that measure. He thanked them for the Reform Bill, though the first measure of the reformed Parliament was the introduction of tyranny into Ireland. It was to the aid of the men he then saw assembled that he looked forward towards procuring the repel] of that measure. He recemmended them to proceed, and he was sure his recommendation was not wanted, as they had done when agitating in Ireland,—namely, to act so as never to put them,elvee in the power of their enemies by violating the law. Oh ! how glad the present brutal Ministry would he if the people violated the law there that day ; but by proceeding peaceably, legally, and firmly, they could set their enemies at defiance. Englishmen were the first in Europe who had for centuries anything like freedom, and when, in more recent times, a cowardly and base Monarch endeavoured to trample on the liberties of the people of England, they met him in the battle field, and they made his head reel from his shoulders.—(Loud cheering.) He (Mr. O'Connell) did not like executions of any kind, and he thought that they went too far in cutting off the head of that King. —(Laughter.) It was a foolish head, and it would have been better to have left it where it was.—(Much laughter.) The son of that man, when he came to the throne, turned out a bigot and a tyrant, and the people o f E ngland, instead of cutting off his head, sent him, head and body together, to spend his years in exile.—(Cheers.) They were now arrived at a great crisis in the fate of thi s country. His advice to them was, to keep within the law, but let them persevere ; let every man in his own ne i ghbourhood spread around the petition to th e Ki ng f or the dismissal of his Ministers, until there should be one cry throughout the whole of England to the Monarch Mieisters.—( Cheers.) He placed wh ere t h ey were calledt to d ism th i s e s m h rso,fitiwt a t l h a oe n y d h b a l d ood b y een by the people be now addressed ; and what had they done? They had done what would be called in Ireland less than nothing. But though they had done nothing for the people, what had not those mi screants dared to do of a contrary eopie character? In spite of this brutal Ministry, he would say that Ireland should be free. They had passed the atrocious Irish Coercive Bill, which gave to the Lord Lieutenant, amongst other thi ngs , t h e power to put down political unions. Did they understand that ? (Hear, hear.) why not put down their political union ? (Cheers, and cries of " They d are not. " ) Yes, lie would say to them, l e t them do it if they dared.—(Great cheer. ing.) They were brutal enough to wish to do it, but they bad not the courage to make the attempt. The Hon. Gentleman proceeded to explain several of the de tails of the Irish Coercive Bill, which excited general cries of " Shame." He went on to say that if the people of England generally had been acquainted with the atro cities of that Act, that if the base press of London had not kept those atrocities concealed from them, he was sure that the very stones in their streets would have risen against it, and that they would have prevented its passing. (A voice " Give us a free press.") They talked, he said, of the newspapers, and their Chairman, too, had said much about the Times. He (Mr. O'Connell) thought that he paid it too great a compliment for taking so much notice of it. When they had a base paper in Ire land they had an effectual mode of dealing with it. They carried about resolutions that no one should deal with those who advertised in it, and the advertising, there fore, in such paper, was a complete notice to quit. Their custom was, when they went into the shop of the man who advertised in papers of that description, to say to him, " You advertise in this paper, and therefore we shall not deal with you." That was the way to treat such papers. It was their own faults, therefore, if in England they had to complain of the press. lat them encourage an honest press by dealing only with the men that advertised in it. Let them do that, and they would soon see how the base press would alter its note. They would soon see how the Times would come round to the side of the people for the mere sake of gain. Ile had often thought that it would be worth his while to give a history, at some public meeting like this, of the men who had the conducting of the Times, and he certainly thought he would do so some time or other. Thry used the great " we" in their writings, but if they were to put their names in full, with the "Misters" or the " Sirs" before them, it would then be seen what little contemptible people they were. —(Cheers and laughter.) The Honourable Gentleman proceeded to inveigh against Ministers, for having in flicted tyranny on Ireland, and having refused inquiry into the distress of this country. They had appointed two Committees of Inquiry, to be sure, but the monetary system was to be le , t out of their consideration. It was the play of Hamlet with the part of Hamlet omitted by special desire. He (Mr. O'Connell) was one of six friends of the people upon this Committee of Inquiry, and the first witness they had before them the other day was a fat sleek-headed Quaker from the City of London, who declared the times were never so prosperous as they were at present in England. This was the way in which these deluding paltering Ministers attempted to humbug them ; but he trusted the good sense of the country would soon drive them from office.—(Cries of " We will, we will '') He proceeded to condemn in strong terms the corn laws. He said that the division the other night was 305 for dear bread, and 106 (instead of 206, as erroneously stated by Ste papers) for cheap bread. He considered the reformed Parliament worse than the last. They should look well at whom they sent there. He then went on to declare that Ministers promised to abolish tithes in Ireland, but instead of doing so they gave the horse, foot, and artillery to the person in Ireland who tilled the same office as that great humbug Lord Brougham did here—namely, that of Lord Chancellor.—(Cheers and laughter.) Yes, Lord Brougham was a great humbug.—(Cheers.) The Honourable Member then denounced the measure of Government with regard to negro slavery as a mere trick, and as a delusion when put forward as a measure for the abolition of slavery. Such conduct was all of a piece with these precious Ministers : he wished that they heard some of them stuttering and stammering and mum bling in the House of Commons, they would run away from them as from a mad dog.—(Laughter.) He thought too highly of the people of England, not to suppose that they had many men amongst them capable of taking the plans of such wiseacres. Let them get rid of their pre sent detestable and brutal Ministers,—let them get honest men in their places, and then the Reform Bill would not be a dead letter, but would be carried into full effect. Then they would have cheap government, cheap religion, and cheap law,—above all, they would have cheap food. It was a crime against man and man's Creator to tax the food of the people.—(Great cheering.) If the odious taxes upon bread were removed, the loaf would fall one halt in price. He was determined to do his duty. He had for that purpose passed much of his time of late in the bad atmosphere and at the bad hours of the House of Commons. He was struggling with a few honest repre sentatives there to do good fur the people. lie endea voured, in company with their honest representative, Mt. Attwood, to do all he could for the promotion of the public good. After some further observations, the Learned Gentleman concluded by thanking them for the sympathy which they had evinced for his country, and he then took his leave. Mr. B. HADLEY then proposed three cheers for O'Con nell, three cheers for Poland, and three groans for Nicho las, which were severally and appropriately responded to. Mr. B. HADLEY then, in a speech of some length, pro posed the first resolution, which was as follows: " Moved by Mr. Benjamin Hadley, seconded by Mr. D. White. house ; " 1. That his Majesty's Ministers— " First, by violating the Constitution and destroying the liberties of Ireland; " Secondly, by refusing to allow the right of voting by ballot, necessary to their protection in their just and legal franchise; " Thirdly, by their denial of general distress amongst the industrious classes, and their refusal of inquiry into the means of its relief; " Fourthly, by their refusal to make any perceptible reduction in the present overwhelming load of taxation, by their perpetuating the house and window tax notwith standing the relief so imperatively demanded by the pre sent depressed state of trade, and more especially perse vering in inflicting on the country the whole of the unjust oppressive malt tax, although its partial abolition had been decided on by a deliberate vote of the House of Com mons, both of which partial and odious taxes are merely necessary to funiish them with the means of maintaining tyranny in Ireland and misery in England— have betrayed the confidence of the people, and turned their sanguine hopes into despair. Mr. WIIITEHOUSE seconded it; it was then put and carried unanimously. Mr. G. EDMONDS, after some prefatory observations, proposed the second resolution, which follows, together with the address to his Majesty's Ministers. " Moved by Mr. George Edmonds, seconded by Mr. T. C. Salt; "2. That the annexed petition to our most gracious Sove reign, humbly praying him to dismiss his present Ministers, be adopted as the petition of this meeting ; that it be ,igned M their name, and on their behalf, by a committee of the fol_ lowing gentlemen, viz.: . • . And that Earl Fitzwilliam be respectfully requested to present it to his Majesty. "To the King's Most Excellent Majesty. " Sire,—We, your Majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects, in habitants of the town and neighbourhood of Birmingham, assembled in a great meeting at New Hall-hill, on the 20th May, 1833, beg to approach your Majesty's throne, to implore your Majesty to exert your royal prerogative for the good of Your faithful people. " For a long period of years, Sire, by a system of unjust legislation and cruel oppression, the industrious classes amongst your Majesty's subjects have been placed in a situation of ex. treme distress; the labourer has been deprived of his hire; his employer has been deprived of his fair profit ; industry has been paralyzed. Such a state of things can never long exist, without creating fearful discontent. It is to the existence of this state of things, that is mainly to be ascribed the demands on the part of the people, for the restoration of their lost poli. tical rights to a real representation in the House of Commons, and to the want of which they have attributed the misgovern. ment and oppression of which they have so long been made the victims, " It is now, Sire, nearly three years since your Majesty graciously was pleased to call to the royal councils your Ma.. jesty's present advisers. With your Majesty's gracious sanc tion, they undertook the great work of restoring to the people the right to be really represented in their own House of Par liament. On the introduction of the Bill of Reform before the Le gislature, the people set no bounds to their joy and their gra_ titude ; they fondly flattered themselves that, at length, they were blessed with a Government which was sensible of their multiplied wrongs and calamities ; they flattered themselves that your Majesty's Ministers had undertaken the great duty of Parliamentary Reform in order to obtain the power and the means of doing justice to the industrious classes, and of re. storing to the country its long-lost prosperity. It would be superfluous in us to remind your Majesty of the unwearied patience and never-failing zeal with which your Majesty's faithful subjects supported your Majesty's Ministers in carrying the Reform Bill into law. Sire—We are at a loss for words to express the deep, the bitter disappointment with which we have since that time dis covered that all the confidence which we placed in your Ma jesty's Ministers, has been betrayed, and that all our hopes are blasted. " By the passing of the Reform Bill, and by the confidence of the people, your Majesty's Ministers have been intrusted with unlimited power for good or for evil. But what, Sire, has been the good which they have done ? They commenced their ill-omined career by destroying, at one blow, the liberties of Ireland, and setting the fearful example of endeavouring to stifle the voice of supplicating misery by the employment of u nconstitutional military power. " They have, in direct contradiction of the avowed princi ples of their former lives, refused to allow the people the right of voting by ballot so as to enable them to vote unbiassed by fear or influence in the choice of their representatives. " They have actually denied the existence of general distress amongst the industrious classes, and have pertina ciously refused all inquiry into the means of its relief, although as if in mockery of the people's sufferings, they have since ap pointed two committees ' to inquire into the state of agricul- ture and commerce,' the wretched state of both being as ncto. rious as the sun at noon-day. " They have persevered in the unjust:and cruel corn laws ; they have refused to diminish the overwhelming burdens with which the people are oppressed in any perceptible degree ; they even perpetuate the house and window tax ; and although the House of Commons had deliberately decided on the par tial abolition of the odious malt tax, they have literally caused the House of Commons to rescind its vote, and to continue to inflict the whole of that oppressive tax upon the people. " What then, Sire, is the fruit which the people are to reap from reform ? Such conduct on the part of the Ministers proves that they are either insincere in their pretended advo. cacy of reform, or that they were infatuated enough to imagine that it was the name and not the substance, the shadow and not the reality, which the people sought with so much labour and so much perseverance to obtain. " Such conduct proves that under their administration the passing of the Reform Bill must be rather a curse than a bless ing to the very men by whose means and for whose good its passing was effected. " Such conduct proves that under their administration in dustry must go without its reward, and consequently property without its protection ; that there must be no happiness for the present, and no hope for the future. " Such conduct is but too well calculated to break up the bonds by which society is bound together, to extinguish the last ray of hope in the breasts of despairing millions, and to render your Majesty's dominions a melancholy scene of lawless violence and irremedial confusion. " It is in this fearful situation of our country that we ven ture to approach your Majesty's throne with this statement of our wrongs, our sorrow, and our tears—the destinies of your faithful people are in your Majesty's hands. " We humbly, respectfully, and earnestly implore your Ma jesty to be graciously pleased to dismiss from your Majesty's councils the men who having in their hands the power of re dressing the wrongs and healing the injuries of the industrious classes, and thereby lulling into repose the storms of political agitation, and spreading throughout the country the blessings of tranquillity and content, have by neglecting these sacred duties, proved themselves utterly incapable of extricating the country from its dangers, and unworthy of the high station in which it has pleased your Majesty to place them, and we im plore your Majesty to give your Royal confidence to no man who is not determined to adopt prompt, decisive, and efficient measures to accomplish the restoration of the national pros perity, and who does not deem it the first duty of a statesman to secure to honest industry its just reward. " We pray God, Sire, long to preserve your Majesty's life, and to enable your Majesty to accomplish the great work of se curing the liberty, and of restoring the prosperity, of your Ma jesty's faithful and loyal people. (" Signed by order of a general meeting of the inhabitants of the town and neighbourhood of Birmingham, in their name and in their behalf ") The motion having been seconded, was unanimously agreed to. The following were banded to us as the peti tions to be adopted tor: presentation to the House of Com mons. At the time our express left Newhall-hill, the proceedings of the meeting had nearly reached their ter mination, and the immense multitude, which had conducted themselves throughout the day with the greatest order and good temper, were apparently about to disperse. " To the Hon. the House of Commons, &c. " The humble Petition of the inhabitants of the town and neighbourhood of Birmingham, assembled in a great meet ing, on Newhall-hill, on the 20th of May, 1833, " Showeth,—That the wages of agriculture and manufactur ing labour have been on an average reduced one-half or more in amount from the level which existed in the country in 1825, and in the latter years of the late war, the time in which the greatest part of the national burdens were imposed, and that this fall is mainly to be attributed to the alterations which have been made in the value of money by former corrupt Par liaments. That your Honourable House has refused to take any steps to raise the wages of labour and the price of the pro.. ducts of labour to the former level ; but, on the contrary, has expressed a determination to persevere in the present system, which must beat down the wages of English labour generally to the continental level. " That your petitioners find, nevertheless, that it is intended to present a system of corn laws, and other laws prohibiting or restricting the importation of animal and vegetable food, the object or effect of which is to preserve the price of food at double, or nearly double, the continental level. " That the tenantry and agricultural labours of the country have suffered as much from this system as the manufac turing classes, inasmuch as the corn laws, by holding out to them the delusive hope of remunerating prices, have tempted them year after year to persevere in the endeavour to pay their old exorbitant rents, although the diminished pecuniary means of the consumers of agricultural produce inevitably forces down its price to a level altogether incompatible with such rents. " That in the opinion of your petitioners a tax upon food is unjust in principle, and that your petitioners can only look at the corn law system, if persevered in, as a wicked and fraudulent endeavour to preserve landed property from taking its chance on equal terms with manufacturing and commercial property, or rather as an endeavour to secure the rents of the landlords by creating an artificial family amongst the labouring population. " That the atrocity of such a system can only be equalled by its folly, as your petitioners apprehend its inevitable conse quence must be, if persevered in, to create such a grievous sense of fraud and oppression in the hearts of the great mass of the population as Will ultimately break out into utter anarchy and confusion, and but too probably deprive the landed aris tocracy, not only of the increased value which has been un justly given to their rents, but also of their just and lawful property. "That it is evident that the simplest principles of justice demand that the price of the bread on which the labourer lives should be reduced at least as much as the amount of the wages out of which he has to buy that bread. " Your humble petitioners do therefore appeal to the honour, the humanity, and the justice of your Honourable House; and they earnestly pray that your Honourable House will be pleased forthwith to repeal entirely the laws imposing duties or restrictions of any kind upon the importation of animal or vegetable food. " And your petitioners will ever pray, &c." PETITION TO THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. ` 1 To the Hon. the Commons of Great Britain and Ireland, in Parliament assembled. " The humble petition of the inhabitants of the town and neighbourhood of Birmingham, assembled at a great meeting, on Newhall hill, the 20th of May, 1833, " Showeth,—That your petitioners consider that, in com mon justice to the tax-payers, it is requisite that the taxation of the counts y should be reduced in amount as much as it has been raised in value by the fall in the prices of commodi ties and the rate of wages in the last few years, and that, in fact, the poverty of the people imperatively demands a very large reduction. " That in the opinion of your humble petitioners the amount of taxation which is found to be absolutely necessary for the safety of the country ought not to be surlbred to press upon the industry of the country, but ought to be collected by a graduated tax upon property. " That the house and window taxes are, from their expen sive mode of collection, from their gross inequality, and the partial and oppressive manner in which they are levied upon the trading part of the community, two of the most objection.. able of the present taxes, and that the malt tax, being a tax upon a necessary of life, and serving to enhance the cost of the old English beverage which ought to cheer the cottage of the toil-worn labourer is perhaps the most oppressive in Its nature of any of the present taxes, except the corn laws. " Your humble petitioners do therefore earnestly pray that your Honourable House will be pleased to make a large reduction of taxation on the principles above laid down ; and they more especially implore your Honourable House at once entirely to repeal the malt tax and the taxes assessed on houses and win. down." At 7 o'clock last evening, when our second express left Birmingham, all was quiet ; the meeting had dispersed in the most peaceable manner possible. MAYFIELD. At a numerous and respectable meeting of the inhabi tants of several parishes comprised in the Mayfield polling district, of the eastern division of the county of Sussex, held at Mayfield, on Thursday, the 16th of May, 1833, H. H. HAVILAND, Esq., in the Chair, Resolved, Ist—That having long experienced the most severe distress arising from heavy taxation, both local, and general, this meeting in common with the community at large, hailed the Reform Bill, as the means of alleviating that distress which they believed to have been mainly occasioned by the imperfect representation of the people in the Commons' House of Parlia ment. The Reformed Parliament has however grieved and disappointed them, as in it Ministers are urging measures which when out of office they reprobated; and the Members of this Reformed Parliament are as pliant and confiding, as those of former Parliaments, whose proceedings entailed upon the country the heavy debt, which now overwhelms it. 2d—That the proceedings of the House of Commons on the malt tax fully justifies this meeting in expressing, which it does most unequivocally, their dissatisfaction with the present Parliament. The wishes of the country were most decidedly expressed for the total repeal of this tax, and yet the House of Commons, after having in compliance with their wishes voted for its partial abolition, rescinded that vote, because Ministers said they should feel compelled to introduce a more obnoxious tax, or to resign. If the duty of Parliament be only to re cord and pass into laws the edicts of Ministers, the agitation into which the country was thrown to procure reform might well have been spared. 3d—That the duty on malt is a great hardship on the working classes of the community, but more particularly so on the agricultural labourer, who is doomed and exposed to bear the heat and burden of the day, and by whose toil and sweat of brow, barley and hops, the ingredients for making beer, are produced ; yet he who in common justice and gratitude should be allowed to partake of it, free of duty, is thus deprived of its use, unless at the public house or beer shop, to the injury of his family and his own morals. 4th—That in consequence of the unfortunate alteration of the currency and other causes, the taxes have in reality nearly doubled in amount, to those who have to pay them from the produce of the soil, because twice the quantity of commodity is required to meet the demand. sth—That the circulating medium has become inadequate in quantity for the common transactions of kingdoms, and that it should be extended 13 Rh—That it is too true, that a great numl have, when called on for taxes, finding On hausted (whilst many just demands on then slated) had recourse to their friends, and b meet the demand of the tax gatherer, to which would otherwise immediately ensue.. 7th—That this meeting are equally do measures of Ministers, as with the condul after having excited the expectations of tin noising an extinction of tithes.—Lord Alth, plan illusive and unsatisfactory, a plan, would entail all the evils of the tithe laws upon and confer all the benefit upon the clergy , holders ; a plan which would perpetuate thr of that odious impost, by making land subjs. tax, according as it has been highly or mod , or subject to a mild or severe exaction of seven years, instead of a commutation founds table principle of its intrinsic value, arisir and situation. En—That although this meeting are anxi tiol of tithes, they would abolish them by a mutation, so as to provide a sufficient fund, and suitable maintenance for the ministers appears to this meeting, desirable for the good they are also most anxious for the preserved , tOF O' 3 religion, and established church, which they v' cured on a solid foundation, and supported in •,,g,71 prevent those perpetual blckerings, and heart- burnt ! thee,, the present tithe system causes so generally betwee'therele and his flock on account of worldly interests, and e pe el hope that the clergy might be universa ll y . „4 beloved. 9th—That it is impossible that the tax - P s Y e'l .b c PY6 longer struggle with the difficulties with w hich pressed, and not sexing any prospect of relief fre;ird., yet developed by Ministers, this meeting consider i t s r i to impress upon the House of Commons, the urgenoff!, o of some immediate measures f o r the benefit of t he le d more decided nature, than those which aPPea r adopted by that assembly ; and amongst the Ine s ", tte acted on, this meeting hopes to see the abolition o. ` 0 ,1 duty on malt, r esT'ft' 10th—That if the Ministers are sincere in the, _iv wishes to lessen the burdens of the country, they 00,11„, convincing proof of that desire, by reducing t he o, themselves, and of those high i n o ffice under ti is of level from which they were raised during the Wa. :d °,o 4 ' quence of the high price of p rov i s i ons , &c. consequently nearly double in value compared with saries of life. the r oi 11th—That H. B. Curteis, Esq., Member f or noiet'oti division of this county, is entitled to the ge ed n '. fti'dlli thanks of this meeting, for his vote on the question .y tax, on Friday, April 26, and that it is to be reg r `; 0' was prevented by illness from attending in his P la ,f. - e t t ° , day, the 30th, to follow up his vote on the same 5° 1 40 0,,,i 12th—That it is much to be lamented that the lo ft; C. C. Cavendish should have been induced to gi. o on ~e , l the 30th of April, for th e con ti nuance o f the pry , and that a copy of the resoluti ons o f thi s Meeting 01 to him. in nh'4o 13th—That for the purpose of f ur th e ring th ee .. n d t resV object of this Meeting, a p e titi on f oun d e d on th e „ - ;,., the'," relative to a repeal of the Malt D u ty, h e p resent of Commons, and that H. B. Curteis, Esq., be r e q, u ,,,lto o sent the same, and that Mr. C aven di s h be reque sted the prayer thereof. sedllo Agreed, that these resolution s , w hich were P fsn mously, with the exception of on l y one dissentie nt and Bth resolutions, and s ix or seven dissentients on resolution, he forthwith made as p u bli c a s possible' Chi H. H. HAVILA:" n to fa Proposed, that the thanks of thi s M ee ting be gi ve " Haviland, for his able and impartial conduet en which was carried by acclamation. LONDON MARKETS. ye. ( 01 - PRICE F The highest price of B read O i E n B the Me D trOP?!: t o 1,0 4'b, Loaf. There are others who sell from that price PaICE OF SEEDS.-31ay • 60c 566 New English tied Clover Seed (per Cwt . ) 355. 40 '' ope - 6 Old Ditto Ditto.. s , —s. ' fine 0 , New Foreign Ditto...—. 4os. 50s 6ne 07„, Old Ditto 40s. 5 6 s e'9 s. --• pp , 20s. fine --s• , - 7 s ; firle ' A O; %.,°' os. e —4. 60 —4. fige 465. P n New White Clover. Old Ditto Ditto-- New Trefoil —.-- English Carraway Foreign Ditto Coriander ---.. St. Foin Rye Grass Pacey Ditto .... Linseed, for feeding ,. 525. ...... s. 6 0 s e ts Ditto, for crushing 46; • ..-5 505. . 58S 6 6 55 e ) Canary Seed, New -- 5. _, .....5. a ) ''lto Old _- —5. - 7,, 10s. A 'o4 White Mustard Seed —(per 8u5he1)........... —5. '''' 4S. llper: Brown Ditto .. , 205. - 6 (,' 1 . ... o . I o'• es s oi Turnip Seeds, Rounds. —s. is,. Green and Red Ditto —S. ....s. An o .° 7 45. '' Tares, Old Ditto New - -4 0 . . ~,,• 6: 0 .4- 4 Rape Seed, English, tine (per Last) 241. 27/............ 05e co PEACES OF HOPS.—May 20. , o 5 ~1' 174 Kant Pockets 5l 12s. 71. 06. *- bs' f Sussex Ditto .. tO Was,x Ditto , .....-.. 01. Os. 01. 9. to I„g Farnham Ditto, Fine Kent Bags...„, Sussex Ditto Essex Ditto_ Seconds _ _ 01. Os. 121. Os. "jk 01. Os. 101. lOs 71. Cs. 71. 7s. 01.0 Cl. Os. w . 131. Os. to 01 , 01. or. Os. --.----- _ , 0 PRICE OF OIL. 0 „..... gi o Rape Oil, brown ..............-311. Os. ....,........ Refin`" , jil'o Linseed Oil Linseed Oil Cake at11ii21t015at ... 2 .......„ „... , . .....,...,...... ,, :y Rape Cake, per ton m ton' PRICE OF POTATOES.—MaY ',': per Kidneys (York) ............„ _ , 21. Os. to 3L ,„'"''altl°' Scotch Reds 2l. O. to 21. lu,, s ' ditto' Marsh Champions . 4/. Os. to 41. I ,' s ' ditto 03:nobles and Shaws -__ O/. 0:. to 3/. us' [ WHITECHAPEL HAI , 8. ...—,—.. 50i. Od. to 754. Od. I (lover Straw". 22. i Od. to 27i• vd' , LNATHt:h• d per lb•.der SpanishEnl s English Ditto Hors e 111 Per do° 401 1, ' 18 0 1 Calf Skins.. 9 0 t° Op' j?, Ditto 4 0 t ° 9010• 11 it Ditto 1 0 tn ;010"11 Small Seals. GO 4 Large ditto to SKINS Od. I 40. 6 6 Lam I rOO pul tsttrE 't), \ll kl",) to Fq. kit , Coll- ' '.41 t 4 4 1 • 1 11h,_ -a I 'l tint W l l , `c f busi ne safe 10 ! ss il Otlii, )3, some mber of those li TE„,, heir own Inesl. t IA nn remain iin 1 4 ' N ibiossr3r::::;:el bt,;::: at h prevent - • .. , aqi, .0 ' neact uct of F3rlo,o\l ther. he countrYi.jklg b.. horp has pr:1401, it 4t, which, if jard,ool4, a ho Pon the la n'' e t , i ,,nit Y, and othetAgi j,1,44, Ili le present) nit;[,...Y.52.2... ject to 3 Peso, si), ideratelY 01'410 h .1,, I f tithes forLoi• .i'lrorm ~ ded upon ''(jtf "ole N. ing from its jrittrs.ordi, t h fi l f, t I'l4 ol • lOUS for ••-,exv- ,Bever herl a just an;;011 ttle d, for 3 r, 0 it' ~ L 5 Of religo #4 IN ecarni ood of sod ft ? tilt,, i, ,i o n of the e t 1 4 ,; - .R. ' , 0,0 ;,ack to Ut Per lb. d. to d. Butts, 141 22 Ditto, Foreign 14 19 Dressing 12 15 Ditto i3 15 Ditto, light Crop Hides, 1ight...... 12 131 to 501 b. I2f 15f 1:31 17 SHEEP Best Polled 0( Half-breds—,-5 0 PRICE OF TALLOW, SOAP, &c. Pet s d' ['own Ta110w.,.,..,,.,,,,,.,,,., 51s. 6d. Yellow Soap.*--'"l...."'Pei Yellow Russia 47s. Od. White .455. 6d. 7 Soap Ditto .445. Od. Graves Melted Stuff 375. Od. Good Dregs Ditto Rough. 2ls. Od. PRICE OF RAW FAT, Price of Tallow (as stated - the Tall 7— r st-onelft _ by . —.y ,/ 0 4. 0 PRICE OF CANDLES. ,m 96. The price of Store Candles, in the retail shops, ",,yer''' Candles. per doz. is. Od. to Bs. Od. I Moulds, per 0. - - - - - $ 9 15 COAL MARKET.-May '2O. Per Ton. Torl's, CO' I/ # -....--.... 15 0 Walls End Perki n ,, °., ~"' 1 0 0 ..............-. 13 0 Walls End Riddell i -....-..._ 12 0 Walls End Walkt - ...'"' 1 0 , ......--.._ I'2 6 Lambton's Pricn r `; ' ,.... ,/ , /I 1, ........,__.. 14 0 Walls End WO „.,/,',,, 16 6 ° --.......-... 13 6 Walls End LYnryi e tte", - 1 4 0, Ord's Redhugh --............. 12 6 W. E. Russell's yet"' 1 4 ' Shipcote —..-.... 13 0 Walls End Stew,a:de <0 1, 0 fantield—. l6 6 Walls End Ade l3 2lo o 1: / Townley ,/ P, 0 West Hartley l4 6 Walls End Gn! . ..; 1 „,.#10 0 h O , Wylam Walls End Bewicke & Co. 15 6 Walls End Tees 0 fs' 1" u, Walls End Brown's.... .. 13 9 Walls Ei2( . 1 ,... ! ... i L t f„.0 , 5; , 1 ;6 Ditto Clarke and C 0....-. 12 3 Cowpen ~,,......,.....--, ‹ Oh e ° 1$ / Walls End G05f0rth......... 15 3 Hartley Walls End Hilda—. 13 6 Llangennech r, e rro - 0r k " . ...1 4 6 ° Ditto Killingworth ......-.. 13 9 Walls End He,,,nder.; i Walls End Newt - parch...-. 13 9 Killingworth .1 ' Ditto Northumberland... 14 0 Tanfield Trader,T. Ships arrived since last market-dah ''''' , i) , MaY 113. 5 t ll NEWCASTLE CORN MARKET ----,., rat er r et It. We hail a small supply of Wheat from the -l e s 05, Pr o , 01 with little in coa s t wa y s d ur i ng th e wee k, and l o irtf;,! r crsl , ,, at an advance of 2s. p er quar t er. N o thi ng n°"' at Cican., s e for 'nailing, the stained p arce l s se ll f or g rinding In v 0 d'' Lions. Fine Malt and Ry e go o ff; th oug h s lowlY• er y du ll Pease little doing. Th e Fl our t ra d e h as been v 014.0.4 the week. ...• Nevi. •.•"'" Wheat, Northumberland 42s. 53 5 .... " .... I'. - Norfolk and Suffolk 50s. 605'•"'" ...,,•,r Berwick and Scotch 445. 503.• ...-9.,5. 4 Foreign s , .....s ....... .....s• ......* $ Rye, Norfolk and Suffolk 3o'. 3,96 ...... .. - A Foreign 305.355. ..... ' ....-s• ,S. ri 8s . ...... • Barley, Malting, Norfolk and Suffolk 265. 0 .- .. •"' .4 / 9 '' Grinding and Feeding ~05 , ;Mc...* ....s. 4.r '' , Nlalt, Norfolk and Suffolk 50s. 545..... 005, ..,, Beans, Small -5. ....3 ....... 0A,3,-, .....8. .--S. ..... ''''' g, ..... -- Tick Pease, White 355. 3Ss ....... ....!;::: Gray 28, , 305.....•• ....„, 19s 21 5 .... ...-0.; Oats, Northumberland, l'otatoc 16s 165 ....... _,_ 4.. . Feed -s„ -..3 ....... 7'; 7 Foreign _....5. -4. ...... of i Hour, Fine (per sack) Adair's - Beaumont.... Chester Main East Percy.., Hebburn Mat Kenton West BIRTHS A Of Sit 1 lady Of 51 On the 2 Bl o B, t it h ihk e s sy t t .. ,: ioatritaAslrovlniai;a:,oednr,i,sextirree.entt: t t h h e e . Urmston, of a son MARRIED. ,r ri , el de 6l* On the 13th inst., at Dawlish, Devon, hen"' ' to - .jd' James Frampton, Esq., of Moreton, Dorsetshiret , pit e 4 Louisa, daughter of Robert 131encowe, Esq., of liaYel;,/ tb tO 1,0 Dec. 11, at the Cathedral Church of Calcutta,doilg,., Bishop, Eliza Emma, only daughter of his 11 3 ,00 - Rev. J. Bateman, M.A., of Queen's College , ' or Lordship's nephew and c ha p lain. t o,, DIED. r On the 20th inst. , at his house in Gloucester-Plaee' li' 110 square, John Holton T ri t ton, Es q ., a g ed 79. ,s'e ~' of ,p i On the 10th inst., at Sheerness, John Gooch, x' rd• jesty's ship Ocean, aged 45. Wel l 'oi e 'l John r° 6 1 .40 0 On the 16th inst., in Great Russell-street , t t, Dr. de, On the llth inst., at his residence jn Portland-5-r. Arl Dr. Heron, Professor of Natural Philosophy it' University. 1.1 0 POI:41BD AND PUBLISIIED BY MUKDO youNa'A SUN OFFICE, 112, ST gANP, 7114"*.