The Sun. — London, England, 1830-05-21 00:00:00

Vrom their attack. He would admit, however, that it was the general interest of this country to seek the re-establishment of tranquillity in all parts of the world. We had—Spain had— Mexico had—the whole world had, the deepest in terest in maintaining the tranquillity of South America ; and for himself, he should deeply regret any event that tended to subvert the independence of any of those provinces, or that threw obstacles In the way of the assertion of their freedom. With out discussing any abstract question, the Govern ment of this country was disposed to speak in the language of friendship to Spain; and certainly there never was a period in the history of the relations between England and Spain, when there was a greater probability that the earnest advice of Eng land would be heard ; and this country would not be acting the part of true friendship, if she did not counsel Spain not to waste those great energies of which she was possessed, in harassing, by fruitless endeavours, the tranquillity of South America, but to consent to some course by which the independence of those provinces was not immediately established, and an end might be put to the hostilities which now existed. It was quite evident that we in common with every maritime nation, and indeed with every nation that felt interested in the prosperity of every Country—could not help having a deep interest in the settlement of this question. The state of things which existed in those States, naturally tended to encourage robbery of all sorts—and particularly pirney on the high seas, v,hich was an obstacle to the commerce and the well-doing of all nations. Spain by a wise conduct would stilt be able to secure her other magnificent possessions, while, if she persisted in continuing hostilities, she might bring Cuba to a state of disturbance and discontent equal to what prevailed in the South American provinces. Sp a i n , b y cont i nu i ng t he war f are, m i g h t " be able to encourage faction, but even that would not give her a chance of recovering her ascendancy— for there was not in all those provinces one single party on which Spain could rely. But even supposing that she were able to re -assert her authority by means of military force, what would be the nature of the tenure on which she would be holding those revolted provinces ?He believed that Spain could not inflict on herself a greater curse than that which would arise from a temporary success. What would it do for her ? She would be enabled to hold three or four fortifications and to establish about as many garrisons. But further than that her struggles would be fruitless; for it was Contrary to all experience to find the mother country ever again establishing her power when it had once been shaken off; besides which, the whole of her strength in Europe must be paralysed by keeping up so extensive an armed force in Sarah America. For the interest of Spain herself, therefore, he depre cated the present attempt ; and he earnestly hoped that Spain would listen to the most friendly advice that she was daily receiving from this country to gire up a state of things which was only tending to em barrass without adding one tittle to the prosperity of that country. As his Right Hon. Friend had ob served, there were precedents in the history of .Spain of the course which it was now hoped she would adopt. In the case of Spain and the Nether lands, in the first instance there was'a suspension of hostilities; and afterwards, so convinced was Spain of the hopelessness of her attack on that latter country, that its independence was recognised.— Neither was this the only instance in which Spain had seen the advantage of bringing hostilities of this kind to a close; and it might have been well for us if we had taken her advice on the occasion to which he was alluding. She wisely perceived, when we stood with respect to the United States in the con dition as she now stands with respect to South America, that to carry on a war for their recovery was fruitless. In the year 1779 Spain was so satis fied of the hopelessness of the contest—she felt so deeply the injury which other nations were sustain ing, from the protractel struggle, that she offered England her friendly mediation on the subject; and she advised this country, that if we were not pre pared to recognise their independence, we should at least consent to a cessation of hostilities, in which it would not be necessary for either party to waive the conflicting question for this' purpose, and shere commended a truce in the hope that it would end in negociation and recognition. —We, however, rejected the advice* of Spain. But did we gain our point ? We did not : and Spain, if she rejected our advice on the present occasion, would find the same cense yiences follow. So far trona proceeding in establish ing her authority, she would only proceed in weaken ing her energies, and in diminishing the good will of those other nations whose object it was to effect an accommodation. He trusted that he had now said enough to rescue himself and the Ministers of this country from any accusation of indifference as to the prosperity of those colonies. On the other im portant, but very delicate point, to which his Right Hon. Friend alluded, he would say a few words. That point referred to what were the views of the United States. On this subject he for one hoped that that country, with the freedom of its Consti tution, and in the possession of some of the finest institutions in the world, would have too much ge nerosity to profit by the weakness of Mexico. He trusted that the people of the United States would feel that the institutions of Mexico corresponded with their own ; and that if they incapacitated Mexico from defending herself against the aggres sions of Spain, they would be inflicting an injury on that liberty and independence which were of a part with the Constitution of their own free country. He thought that they had every reason to place im plicit faith in the declarations of those by whom that country was governed. The Minister who re presented the United States here, he believed to be as honourable a man as ever breathed; and, cer tainly, from the declarations which had been received on all hands, it would appear that his Right Hon. Friend was wrong in assuming that th ere was any intention on th e p ar t o f th e United States to avail themselves of the situation of the south American provinces. These were contingencies, however, which deserved consideration, and it was impossible to deny that England was deeply interested in the disposal of them. He, however, trusted that there was not only no intention on the part of the United States to take advantage of the weakness of Mex ico, but that it would do all in its power to prevent those indirect modes of obtaining possessions which were too often resorted to in the new settlement of a country. He now trusted that he had said enough upon this subject to prove that Government was not indifferent to the importance of it, and to meet the objection that it could not be justly charged with any dereliction of honour, if it did not feel itself compelled to enter into a defensive alliance with Mexico, or to prevent any attacks upon her. He said nothing of the abstract right of the question; all he meant was, to deny that there was any obli gation on this country to join Mexico. [lt is right to state that the latter part of the Right lion. Baro net's speech is reported chiefly from memory; for, owing to the want of lights in the house, it was almost impossible to take a note of the speech.] Sir R. WILSON—The latter part of the night Honourable Gentleman's speech had afforded him much satisfact'on ; but with respect to the course pursued by England in 1825 he coull not entirely concur. It was certainly very generally understood, that the expedit on proposed by Mexico and Co lombia was abandoned in consequence of what Mr. Canning had said. Indeed, he had the best au thority for knowing that Bolivar had determined on an attack on Porto Rico, and that the British Mi nister in Colombia communicated to him the objec tions that' there were to the expedition, founded on the former communication of Mr. Canning. He was able to state this positively, because he had re ceived a communication from Bolivar himsAtlf to that effect. And so strongly did this impression prevail, that for the last two .years the Minister was required to d o a ll i n h i s power to remove the interdict which it was presumed existed. At length Mexico, however, determined to make the attempt, but was prev ente d ; di scuss i ons ensued with thi: country, followed by a declaration, which he had no doubt was impartially given, as the discussions h. behind were most impartially conducted. 'lliac , deAration was not written, but it was a verbal ex pression, which stated in clear terms the opinion which the Government of this country entertained concerning that expedition. The consequence of it was, to disperse one expedition, and prevent another from sailing, and finally to make the Mex ican and Colombian Governments give up those en terprizcs they had for some time contemplated against the Spanish colonies. The Right Hon. Gentleman said that Spain was no party to any engagements with us which gave us a right to call on her to forbear—that we had nothing to do with preventing the Mexican and Colombian Govern ment from making an attack on Cuba, when they were resolved to attack it. He hoped it would not he supposed that a nation, great and powerful like this, had interfered to prevent these States, when they were powerless, from sending their expedition to Cuba. It appeared, in the first place, a doubtful point whether it was intended to demand a cessation of these expeditions on the part of Spain in the interest of England ; but in the second place, it was not at all doubtful that the British Govern ment was deeply impressed with the great import ance of the subject. What was the inference ? Why, that it relied on the negociations it was car rying on to attain the object. When the House re collected, however, how slow, how ambiguous were negociations, what a length of time it took be fore they could check any measure or agitation-- when the House recollected that these negociations, if deferred, would produce agitation—he thought a demand or a request on the part of his Majesty's Government would better accomplish the object. If that Government were resolved to put an end to a war of destruction, if the interests of Great Britain demanded it, the British Government ought now to say, as Lord Bolingbroke said to the French Mi nister on a former occasion, respecting the Govern ment of Spain. The French Minister said, that it was for the interest of France that Spain and France should be under the government of one family; but it is not, said Bolingbroke, the interest of Britain to allow that to continue. In 1672. also, when the treaty of Madrid took place—when Venice was car rying on war against the Netherlands, and objected to making peace—the King of France declared that the interest of Europe required that peace should be procured for the Netherlands; and he said the States must make peace, or that he would make war against those who refused. This was the sort of language and conduct that ought now to be held by the Government of Great Britain towards Spain, if it were disposed to act towards it in the most friendly manner. It would not call on that Power to make any sacrifice, but to do that which would be very beneficial to herself, and of great utility to the rest of mankind. It was said that Spain was not at present engaged in any hostile expedition, and that she entertained no view of undertaking a new enterprise against the States of South America. But he knew that a proposition had been sent from Cuba to Spain, for the latter to raise twenty-five thousand men; which being sent to Cuba, the Go vernment there undertook and pledged itself to re conquer the province of Mexico for Spain. If the declaration of the Government of Cuba was worth any thing, it deserved some at tention. Spain, however, had decided to carry the proposition into effect, and the preliminary steps for preparing an expedition had been taken. In every regiment a register had been opened, to insert the names of those soldiers who would volunteer their services. The Chambers, also, of the different local governments in Spain, were providing funds for the purpose. Spain was negcciating; but in the mean time she was taking measure if the negociationt did not succeed, to act in herlign manner. Whether she actually sent the expedition to Cuba or not, the effect on Mexico and Colombia would be the same. Those States would be kept in agitation—the tocsin would be sounded, hostile parties would be called into the field, preparations would he made, and new burdens would be imposed on the people. These would be the consequences of the demonstration— they would be almost as bad as the consequences of actual invasion, unless the demonstration could be checked and put aside. Those States could not be disposed to sacrifice their own frontiers, and in the expectation of an attack, they must take measures to defend themselves. Mexico and Colombia would be exposed to the same circumstances as they were exposed during the last year. At the time when the expedition was formerly preparing by General Valdez, he had, in conjunction with some merchants, waited on the Secrt tary of State for Foreign Affairs. What then passed was no secret, and he might therefore state it. The Earl of Aberdeen then said to the Deputation, that there was no intention what ever on the part of Spain to send any expedition, and fifteen days afterwards General Barradas He did not accuse the Earl of Aberdeen of wishing to deceive the Deputation—far from it ; nor could he accuse the Spanish Minister of deceit. He had known Mr. Zee formerly, and knew him to be an honest man, and he had no doubt that he had made no declarations but what his duty required. For several years America had been harassed by these expeditions, and by these threats of expedi tions ; and it was time to put an end to that state of things—England was much interested in doing so. A newspaper from America, or the packet brought over intelligence that an expedition was forming by Spain, and immediately all the trading community of England was alarmed—goods that were ordered to be shipped are stopped—those that were ordered to be made are countermanded— enterprize rested—speculation stood still—doubts came over every mercbant, and trade was suspended. England suffered, therefore, from the continued hostility as well as Mexico. The Mexican Govern ment was harassed by new difficulties. It had not only to provide means to repel the attacks of Spain —it was exposed to another danger which these threatened attacks augmented. He was far from saying that the Government of the United States encouraged any seditious proceedings ; he believed that it desired no change; it had no wish to throw impediments in the way of the Mexican Govern ment, but it was not, perhaps, quite able to controul its own subjects. It had not en couraged any attacks on the province of Texas ; but there were 5,600 of the subjects who had become squatters in that province, and who resisted the Mexican Government. They had taken possession without any right, and they held it without any justice. The Government of Mexico could not allow 250 leagues of sea coast to be taken away, and one of the finest provinces of the whole continent of America. These people resisted the Government of Mexico, and resisted it in a point which should recommend that Government to the philanthropists of England. The Mexican Govern ment had issued a decree to abolish slavery throughout its dominions, but the American squatters, who car ried slaves along with them, had declared that they would not obey the Mexican law—they regarded themselves as independent in fact, and declared that if the Mexican Government sought to enforce it [hey would call on the Government of the United States to protect them. This added to the diffi culties of Mexico. She was obliged to keep a large force, amounting to 4,000 men, in this province, to protect it and protect its own subjects. Nor was it, perhaps, possible to keep this province from becom ing part of North America, the squatters, whether encouraged or not, were spreading themselves over it, and would unite it to the United States. This state of things could not be allowed to continue with any advantage to this country. It gave encourage ment to the United States to interfere with these new States of America. It encouraged disorder in Texas, and destroyed that balance of power among the American States, which was as necessary in America as in Europe. It was of great consequence to this country that the United States were slowly acquiring the coasts on both sides of the Gulph of Mexico, arid by and bye our ships would be unable to enter that Gulph without passing under the guns of the United States. The balance of power there would be destroyed, and after extending themselves on one side, the (Jolted States would extend them selves on the other, and go beyond the River Sair4 Lewrenee. All these things Were seen, and it was time for this country to take steps to put an end to a state of hostility leading to the subversion of our best interests. We ought now to disperse that cloud, which might ultimately burst in a storm to our injury or ruin. When the House considered with attention the state of this country, the ascen dancy it had once enjoyed, and still ought to main tain; when it considered the commercial interests we had enjoyed, which the Government was bound to defend ; when it considered the rights individuals ac quired in that country, and justly acquired, which it was the duty of the Government not to suffer to be impaired ; and when it considered the conse quences of the contest to ourselves, he thought the House would call on his Majesty's Government to take up the matter, so as to bring it to a speedy conclusion. Mr. A. BARING considered this subject one of great magnitude and importance, and although it might be deemed somewhat irregularly introduced by a petition, it was not on that account the less deserving of attention. There was no question more intimately connected with the best interests of the country, however pre-eminent in importance the free trade of China, or our colonial relations with the West Indies, might have been held. The character in which we should hereafter appear in the Gulf of Mexico depended on a timely maintenance of the balance of power, and he was glad to hear the Right 1100. Gentleman state that the subject should occupy the serious attention of Government. Our position with respect to the United States was in itself a topic of considerable interest ; but of this we might rest assured, the sooner we endeavoured to set up Mexico as a substantive power, so much the sooner did we establish a barrier against the ambitious and dangerous encroachments of those who were struggling for mastery in the western hemisphere. In whatever the Right Hon. Gentle. man said, he was bound to speak in terms of courtesy towards great Powers ; it was consequently natural that he should express confidence in the honourable assurances received from the United States ; but when he reflected on the American character for creeping on to power by the specious means of settlements, he feared that he might not be able to check its progress hereafter without some better security than assurances. He heard with great pleasure the Right Hon. Gentleman's declaration, that there never was a period when he might antici pate greater probability of a satisfactory settlement of the question involved in this petition. Sir R. PEEL here interposed to explain, that the Hon. Member had misunderstood the passage of his speech to which he referred. What he said was, there never was a time when Spain and this country were on more friendly terms than at present. From this circumstance he inferred the greater pro bability of a satisfactory settlement. Mr. A. BARING proceeded to say, that he should not have risen to trouble the House, except for the purpose of enforcing the great importance of this subject, with which the mass of the country gentlemen were but little acquainted. If, however, they would cast their eyes over the exports of this country, they would see at once that the new States of America had consumed our manufactures to the amount of 9,000,000/. cfficial value, when Norway, Sweden, Denmark, France, and Portugal consumed only at the rate of 3,220,0001. In addition to which, he might add, that all our exports to North America did not exceed 6,000,000/. against these 9,000,000/. to the New States. It was manifestly our interest under these circumstances to encourage their pro sperity, and increase their power of consumption. There was no chance that they would ever prove our rivals in naval power, and in manufacturing in dustry they certainly could not be able to rival us for a century. Our own colonies, so soon as they attained to any degree of prosperity, immediately began to manufacture for themselves, and it was therefore the more desirable that we should preserve, and extend our trade where it had already proved so advantageous. Brazil, which was in a state of quiet, as well as in the enjoyment of a good Constitution, took 6,000,000/. of our production; Chili, 1,100,0001.; and all Mexico, with equal resources, but 400,000/.; and Colombia, 510,000/. The country was presssd and squeezed to death in order to maintain an unnatural military force: British merchants were plundered of their property, and the people were freed to continue in that lawless state which precluded the growth of rational institutions, and marred the civil interest of society. Ge, t emen, were not aware of the general fertility of the precious metals in Mexico, although the information was both interesting and important. This might be best illustrated by the fact, that a single mine worked by British labour, and in the hands of British subjects, produced in one year snore silver than was raised in all Europe within the same period. According to the estimate of Baron Humboldt, the produce of all Europe amounted to 233,000 marks, while that of the one Mexican mine came to 235,000 marks. It was truly a hardship that property of this nature where capital, industry, and enterprise were united, should be left without protection, increasing as it was every year in value and importance —(Hear.) The question then remained, whether Government should interfere now, or wait until an attempt had been actually made, in which case they would cer tainly resist it. He thought the case should forth with be met by a frank declaration to Spain, that interests bed grown up which would render it im perative on Great Britain to prevent the future com mission of hostilities on the part of the Spanish Government. In 1779, had not Spain remonstrated with us on the subject of our North American co lonies, and stated that we had no chance of re covering them, with further representations that she had interests at stake which rendered her continuing to . observe a neutrality impossible ? Did her in terference rest there ? Was it not followed up by immediate war? And yet how could the interests of Spain then be compared with those which we had at stake in Mexico 2—(Hear, hear.)—The Right Honourable Gentleman had disclaimed being in possession of information relative to the expedition so often alluded to, and it was very easy to be conceived that the Minister of Colombia might say that he had received no official communi cation upon the subject. But that an expedition was contemplated, was nevertheless matter of public notoriety. The avowed object of the expedition teas to stir up the blacks of Cuba to resistance, and the Colombian Admiral himself was a black. Politi cal attention had been generally directed for a con siderable period to the mouths of the Danube and the shores of the Bosphorus, but the interests of British - industry and commerce in reality would be found to tend more to the coasts of America. The associations which were connected with Athens and Sparta might be interesting to the scholar; but to Leeds, Sheffield, and Manchester, the prosperity of Mexico was a subject of more importance. Lord J. RUSSELL could not agree with his Hon. Friend the Member for Callineton, that we were bound to interfere with Spain so as to pre vent her attack from Cuba on Colombia and Mexico, as we had interfered in preventing Colombia and Mexico excifrig a black insurrection in Cuba; neither did he agree with his Hon. Friend that the interests of commerce rendered a hostile interven tion on our parr necessary, though he was free to admit that those interests warranted an earnest re monstrance on our part with Spain to put an end to those harassing and useless hostilities towards her former colonies, from which 110 advantage could possibly accrue to her, while they seriously impeded British commerce. Mr. Alderman THOMPSON said Hon. Mem bers were not perhaps aware of the extent o f t h e British trade with South America, otherwise he was sure they would at once urge th e expe di ency o f the G overn ment's energetic interference so as to re move the very serious obst ac l es to t h at trade w hi c h the existing unpacific relations between Spain and the South American States occasioned. The South American market presented by far greater advan tages to the British merchant than any other he at present had intercourse with. A taste for our ma nufactures had been for some ti me grow i ng u p in those Stat es , and notwithstanding the existing im pediments to our enterprise, not less than 26,000,0001. of our capital were embarked in our trade with them, using the term trade in its more extensive signification. Mr. BRIGHT contended, that the integrity of the South American Sums was an object of na tional importance to this country, not only on ac count of the extensive market which they afforded for our manufactures, but because Mexico was the great fountain of supply of the precious metals. On the question that the petition be laid on the table, Mr. HUSKISSON begged leave to observe, that he had heard the declaration of his Right Hon• Friend, the Home Secretary, that Ministers were dully impressed with the importance to the trade of the country of an unembarrassed intercourse with the South American States, with unmixed satisfac tion. With respect to the allusions which had been made to Mr. Cunning's interference with those States, when the expedition against Cuba was planned by Mexico and Colombia, he thought it right to state that that interference amounted to an actual interdiction. It was true, as had been stated by the Hon. Member for Callington, there were many modes in diplomacy of expressing the will of one nation towards another, so that the mere inti mation of dissent from a minister like Mr. Canning, from the measures that States he had taken by the hand and introduced to the community of nations— (Hear, hear)—might have in view, would have, as it had with Colombia and Mexico in the case of the armament against Cuba, all the effect of an interdic tion not to be violated without imminent peril.— (Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Gentleman repeated the arguments of his opening speech, that it was the paramount interest of this country that the South American States should be permitted to cultivate the arts of peace unmolested by Spain or other nations. We were the more bound to effect a ter mination of hostilities between Spain and her ancient colonies, a., but for our interference, Cuba would years ago have been conquered by Mexico and Colombia. It was our policy also to prevent North Amer:ca usurping our na tural influence with those States, as it would appear they were inclined to do from their negotiations, to make the State of Texas a part of the Northern union. Our trade with those States was one of great magnitude—the annual exports to them amounting to 9,000,0001. sterling, which was snore than our exports to all Europe, and one-third more, even than our exports to North America. Of the 6,000,0001. of exports which we sent annually to North America, a considerable portion was sent on to the South American States; so that in every way those States were of great moment to British commerce. The proximity of North America to those States should induce us to jealously preserve our amicable relations with them—the rather, as the former showed a great readiness to take advantage of every event which possibly might turn to her account, that the revolutions to which the Southern States were exposed might give rise to.—(Hear.) It was the interest of Spain herself that there should be an end to all hostilities between her and her late colonies; indeed her future fortunes depended on her speedily entering into pacific relations with them. In 1779 she had tendered the country her advice to avoid all the evils consequent upon a refusal to recognize the in dependence of oar North American Colonies: in 1830, let her, as she hoped to assume her proper station in the scale of nations, act upon our advice, anti recognize the independence of what were once her colonies, but to which her empire never can reach.—(Hear, hear.) The petition was ordered to be printed. BIRMINGHAM AND LONDON JUNCTION CANAL. Mr. BENSON said, that in rising to move that Mr. Thomas Eyre Lee be called to the bar for the purpose of being reprimanded fur his conduct respecting the Birming ham and London Junction Canal Bill, he had no wish to interpose so as to prevent that individual front being beard in his defence, according to the application made by the Noble Lord in his behalf. On the contrary, he was de sirous of affording every facility fur that purpose which the forms of the House allowed, having no personal hos tility whatever to Mr. Lee, and being merely actuated by a sense of public duty in the part which he had taken in this business. Upon the general question, all be meant to say was this, that in all great undertakings of this nature, it was usual in the first instance to convene a meeting of the landowners, whose property was to be affected by the work intended to he carried on, and then, after arranging the plan of proceeding, to deposit in the Private Bill Office a list of subscribers for the new Bill, and then to proceed with the evidence. In the present case, the landed pro prietors were not only unconsulted upon the measure, but when they heard of it they ascertained, upon inquiry, that many of the names of the applicants were fictitious, while among others which were genuine were those of porters in the Stock Exchange and in the alley, who were even un able to pay the 1/. deposit on the shares. Mr. Eyre Lee denied all knowledge of these circumstances until he was apprised of them on the II th of March. Now he (Mr. Benson) bad mentioned these facts to him both on the22d of February and the 3d of March, which was a fiat con tradiction of the solicitor's statement. The Hon. Member here referred to the evidence before the Committee to show that fictitious names were placed on the list deposited in the Private Bill Office ; that seine of the other names were of insolvent persons unable to pay up the 11. deposits, and that in fact the whole Bill was a bubble scheme got up under the auspices of Mr. Lee, who was the solicitor for it ; and concluded by moving "that for such conduct Mr. Thomas Eyre Lee he declared guilty of a breach of the privileges of the House, and reprimanded at the bar of the same." Lord CLIVE should move, " that Mr. Thomas Eyre Lee be now called in, and heard at the bar in his justifi cation." Mr. Lee was accordingly called in and beard. He dis claimed, in the strongest terms, having been a party to any fraud in the progress of this Bill. He had strictly complied with the forms prescribed by the House, and if there were any fictitious names on the list, it was not with his knowledge, for he had taken the names as be found them subscribed to the letters addressed to the hankers for shares. Upon referring to the report of the Committee, he likewise found that names were there in evidence described as fictitious, which he was in a condition to prove were these of -highly respectable and substantial persons in many parts of Warwickshire, several of whom he named, but in a tone of voice not sufficiently audible in the gallery to collect them individually. If some of the persons who had written to the banke,s bad made &lee representations, he hoped he should not be made answerable for the acts of others, of which be had neither knowledge or even sus picion. With respect to the forms of the House, he wished to observe that the lists deposited in the Private Bill office were not always deemed final. He had often known solicitors to alter and amend them before the se- cond reading of the Bill. In this case he repeated his declaration that he had complied with all the forms re quired by the House, and disclaimed in the most pointed terms his being wilfully a party to any mispresentations, much less frauds. The work contemplated was on all hands admitted to he a most useful one, and as such he had taken a part in its introduction. When Mr. Lee withdrew from the bar— Mr. BENSON rose, and stated that nothing he had heard had change.' his mind as to the culpability of Mr. Lee. It was impossible fur that person, after the repeated warnings he had received, not to know that the subscrip tion-list which he attested as being correct was a false one. He therelore begged leave to move the following re solution :—" That Mr. Thomas Eyre Lee, the solicitor of the London and Birmingham Junction Canal, did de posit, at the Private Bill Office of this House, a list of subscriber,' to the said undertaking, and did afterwards at test to the truth and con ectness of the said list, before the Committee to whom the Bill was referred ; that it ap pears by minutes of evidence taken before the Committee, that the said subscription list is a false subscription list, and that the sam e was culpably deposited, and falsely at• tested by Mr. T. E. Lee, whereby the privileges of the House had been broken ; that Mr. Thomas Eyre Lee be therefore called to the bar of the House and reprimanded." Lord CLIVE next addressed the Howe, but was scarcely audible in the galle y. We understood hint to sa‘.', that Mr. Le> had erred from ignorance, and not from wil fulness; and that therefore, and also in consideration of his respectable character, the House ought to deal leniently with him. Colonel PEEL thought Mr. Lee had been guilty of culpable neglect of his duty, after the warnings he had re ceived of the incorrectness of his list, and he should sup port the motion of the Hon. Member (Mr. Benson.) Mr. Alderman WAITHMAN said the present question concerned not inertly the House, but ai,so the public. Mr. Lee, it appeared, rested his defence on the score of igno rance, hut it was impossible, after reading the evidence, not to suppose that Mr. Lee was aware of the nature of the scheme, which was to raise 450,0001. from the public, and the object of which was only to gain a premium on the scrip. He thought that the House was bound to vindicate it* character s and that it should not pass by •the • coneuct of an individual who Lid co umitte 1 such a breac'a of one of its privileges. Mr. D. W. HARVEY sail, the whole question resolved itself into this—whether Mr. Lee knew, before the llth of March, that this was a bubble company, or whether he was aware that the persons whose names were on the list were either unwilling, or unable, to make good their sub scriptions. Now he (Mr. Harvey) would contend, that by the evidence given before the Committee, it was shown, that on the 20th of February, Mr. Lee was cognizant of the character of those persons. Limier all the circum stance,o of the case. he (Mr. Harvey) was of opinion that it had been clearly e•tablished that Mr. Lee posses.ed beforehand a guilty knowledge of the character of the persons whose names appeared in his list. - Sir J. WROTTESLE • Y said that the evidence taken before the Committee was very vohiminous, awl very muck calculated to mislead the House. He referred to the evi dence of Mr. Kendall, who stated that he expected to be secretary to the company; and having observed that there was no such officer to a canal company, he contended that the evidence of that individual was unworthy of belief. The statement of such a fact, he conceived, was enough to destroy the evidence of that witness.—[Sonte interruption having occurred here, the Hon. Baronet said, " I hope I am in a society - of gentlemen, and that a man's character will not be voted away, without his defence being heard."] The Hon. Bart. then proceeded to say, that he was glad to fled that there was the evidence of one honourable man to be found in the mass of trash of which this book (the Mi nutes of Evidence before the Committee) was composed. He alluded to the testimony of Mr. Morgan. That gen tleman stated, that at Levi's death he himself paid 90,0001. for him—a circumstance which proved that Levi at the period of his death was a man of substance, and Mr. Lee could know na more about him. 11Ir. Morgan further stated, that nothing could be more fair or honourable than the conduct of Mr. Lee, when he (Mr. Morgan) expressed his disappointment at the names which he saw on the list, which, it was to be remembered, had been deposited on the 19th, the day before that occurred. That circumstance proved that Mr. Lee hail not a guilty knowledge of the character of the individuals whose names were in the list at that time; and when he deposited the list, he produced the letters of all those who had applied for shares. If they should adopt the course recommended in this instance towards Mr. Le., it would be laying down the principle that the solicitor to a private bill should investigate the property and character of every individual whose name should appear in his list. That principle was not acted upon in 1825, when they had thirty bu!ible companies, of the names of the parties on the lists of which no one knew any thing. He (Sir J. Wrottesley) would maintain that this company could not be called a bubble company, as it was it intended to con nect London, Birmingham, and Liverpool, and as the canal was recommended by Mr. Telford. Mr. Lee might have been the dupe of others, but as he had received no scrip, he could have received no benefit from the project. Be sides he (Sir J. Wrottesley) was sure that the Noble Lord (Chive) and Sir E. Kynaston would not have consent d to become trustees to the company if it were a bubble com pany. He let the character of Mr. Lee in the hands of the House, and he trusted that justice would be awarded to him. Mr. SL ANEY said that it was his sincere opinion that Mr. Lee did not deserve to receive a severe reprimand from the House. Mr. TYLER fol'owed in the same line of observation. Sir H. PARNELL contended that it was not right to treat this transaction as a bubble scheme ; and that being his opinion, he did not consider the negligence or incau tion of Mr. Lee to deserve the censure of the House, Mr. C. W. WYNN was of opinion that the conduct of Mr. Lee required the censure of the House, but thought that many of the terms which had been applied to him in the course of the discussion bore a severer construction than either he deserved or the speakers intended. Mr. BROUGHAM agreed, that if there was evidence sufficient to justify the second resolution, a censure, or reprimand from the chair, was a very inadequate punish ment. The House, however, should pause before it came to a condemnatory resolution, which would impeach the character of a respectable man, on testimony which the House had not the means of examining, and must take at second hand. It was not enough to say that the Commit tee, by the word " culpable," meant " negligent not cri minal." The question was, what meaning the House and the country would attach to it. The term implied a guilty knowledge of the forgery of the list, and the guilty utter ing and using of a falsehood. The House, then, could not stop at a reprimand, but was bound to punish Mr. Lee. But even the Hon. Alderman would not go that length. He (Mr. Brougham) had had a high character of Mr. Lee, from gentlemen of the bar, who were on the Midland Circuit ; and this character would weigh in his favour where the question was doubtful. Mr. Lee had been negligent and incautious, and when his attention had been called to the matter, he ought to have inquired; but that he had a guilty knowledge of the transaction, in which he had acted contrary to his own inte est, he could not believe. For his negligence and want of caution some thing should be said ; but he besought the House, for it s own credit, not to run headlong into an act of severity, without satisfying itself that guilt was proved. Mr. J. WILLIAMS said it was impossible to consider that Mr. Lee had not been hasty and inadvertent, anti that the act ought to be overlooked by the House. But he thought his Hon. Friend should sink the second resolution, and he would recommend that Mr. Lee should lie caked to the bar, and reprimanded for having, after a deliberate question and caution from the Committai, undertaken to i:eswer, hastily, inadvertently, and precipitately, for the correctness of the list. This amendment would get rid of the imputation of a high degree of criminalty. Mr. LAWLEY said a few words in favour of the motion, Mr. O'CONNELL observed, that the neglect im puted was not an innocent, but a culpable neglect; and Mr. Lee deserved to be censured for his culpability. Sir R. PEEL said, that all neglect, in such a case, must be culpable; but as the resolution was worded, courlin , 4 the culpability with falsehood, a censure from the Speaker would convey a reproach upon a professional man highly injurious to him, implying a participation in the framing of the fictitious list. The general opinion of the House seemed to be, that he was acquitted of such participation, and therefore the House was hound to avoid an infliction which would convey that imputation. At the same time, the House ought to exact from professional men a rigorous regard to the rights of private property. He (Sir R. Peel) was prepared to agree to a qualified censure on 11r. Lee, but not such as would imply that he was a party to the fabrication of the list. Colonel DAVIES recapitulated same of the clet tils of the ease, and considered that Mr. Lee deserved a severe reprimand. Mr. J. 'WOOD observed that there were other indivi duals concerned in the affair more guilty than Mr. Lee. So much of the original motion as was declaratory that false subscription list had ken given in, was then agreed to. Mr. J. WILLIAMS then moved that all the words after " a false subscription list" be omitted, and the following adopted as a separate resolution :—" That Mr. Thomas Eyre Lee, though warned as to the suspicions character of the said list, did nevertheless, as agent for the said bill, attest its truth, without due inquiry into the circum stances to which his attention had been specially directed." After a desultory conversation, in which a variety of alterations were suggested, but none formally proposed, this motion was agreed to. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved " That Mr. Thomas Eyre Lee, for the said offence, be called to the bar of the House, and reprimanded by Mr. Speaker." . The motion being carried, Mr. Lee was accordingly Billed to the bar, and informed by the SPEAKER of the view which the House had taken of his conduct, and then discharged._ STATE OF THE CURRENCY. Mr. ATTWOOD complained of the great inconvenience which arose from the manner in which the business of the evening had been conducted, and intimated his inten tion of bringing forward his motion on the state of the cur rency on Monday next, when it was proposed that the Speaker should leave the chair, preparatory to the House going int ) the Committee of Supply. Mr. HUME observed, chit had a motion fixed for the Stb of June, and his Hon. Friend the Member for Shaftesbury, (Mr. D.venport) had a'so a motion on the subject of a silver currency, which stood for the same day. Now he would willingly waive his motion, and he had no doubt that his Hop. Friend would consent to take the same course, and thus an opportunity would be given to the Hon. Member for Callington, to submit his motion to the House on that day. Mr. ATTWOOD was unwilling, if be could avoid it, to interfere with the ordinary forms of the House. If a day were set aside for his motion he should be satisfied. _ _ The Bth of June was then fixed for the motion. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER obtained leave to bring in a Bill to amend and render more effectual the Act fur building additional churches. Mr. H. MAXWELL obtained leave to bring in a Bill to regulate the applottment of county rate and cesscs in Ireland in certain cases. Lord MORPETII moved for leave to bring in a Bill for the improvement of the road from London to Edin burgh, and from London to Portpatrick. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL obt need leave to bring •in a Bill to repeal so much Of the Act 60 Geo. 111 , cap. 8, sec. 4, as relater to the bentrace of bauitiluneut for the second conviction for libel, and to provide . some IVA 1 remedy aga inst the publication of seditious and a:spliecno to libels. Lord LOWTHER opposed the motion, became the . 1 " 11 proposed to b e i n t ro d uce d diff ered materially from the measure sugge , ted by the Committee. Leave was given to bring in the Bill. Mr. HARVEY moved that Sir Jonah Barrington b e heard at the bar by Counsel on Saturday.—Agree 4 to. The Order of the Day for resuming the arljourne u debate OR the Galway Franchise Bill having been read, ° I/ the motion of Mr. RicE, Mr• DALY moved the postponement of the debate ti ll' Monday. Mr. S. RICE opposed the amendment. A division took place, and there Vng only twenty; three Members prese n t, th e H ouse a dji mrne d at H a lf-e Three o'clock. AMERICAN PAPERS. Papers from New York to the 27th, and from Wia• ington to the 23d of April, reached us last night. They arrived at Liverpool nn Wednesday by the Savant° Jenkins. We select from them some later informatio o than any yet received from Mexico and Colombia. We first insert the extracts relating to the affairs of the United States : " :STATIONAL TREASURY.... We lay before our readers an : teresting table, exhibiting at one view the receipts, apl priatious, and expenditure of th e G overnmen t , 'f rom the March, 1789, to the 31st December. " By a comparison, the following result is produced : Total Appropriations. Total Expenditure. Dollars. Cents. Dollars. Cents. 1821 25,830,635 95 11,398,518 47 182\ 22,892,544 73 23,555,804 72 18213 90,225,413 09 2.1103398 '!, 6 , 18'7 9 1,216 650 86 22,651,74..1 u"' . , 9 .), 1828 22,612,-108 61 ~1 59, 178 ". 0 0 1829 25,781,003 15 25,071,071 59 s' Of this sum there was paid : wry. On account of the public debt. Balance in t h e Tr , a Dollars. Cents. Dollars. " n". 1821 16,568,303 76 1,9141,597 13 1112", 12,09 5 5,344 78 43 ,2(11,650 is 1826 11,011,. 82 19 6,358'696 11 1827 10,003,663 39 6668,2E6 1828 12,163,t38 • 0 - 5,972,135 80 1829 12,383,800 77 5,668,540 44 SMUGGLING.— The Mercantile Advertiser gives the followial extract of a letter from Manchester, dated March : ainio‘utlit think, firi t e t i v r it t i t t •ay y etid t e h s a t t i ne g l o y o i d n s to to the a state those concerned in the Canada trade that they are lin snaking their arrangements more regular and permanent, an, believe the shipments to Quebec and Montreal are materia7 increasing this season, with the view of their ultimately fit,l,t ing their way into the United States. There is not a doubt I _„"'" c t this course of proceeding is extending itself very rapidly, s" the tariff men have all the honour of it.' Pa t Unitedve yc ° s il t saitdees aabn.,e The following from the Quebec Gazette of the Ist ins goes rather to disprove the statement : sr° , " In comparing the imports at Qu e b ec f or a ser i es of Ye, to it appears that the contraband trade through the Canada') 10 the United States, in consequence of th e A mer i can t ar iff, 0 , been of. very limited extent. The simple statement of the , 1 03 0 tity of merchandise paying 24 per cent. brought to Quebec the last seven years, will show this, since this merchandise le at be considered as being exclusively British dry goods : , c 4 1823 18:34 1825 1826 1827 1828 1 1, 70 £727,700 787,8'20 990,225 715,836 724,302 933,021 841, jt " Our principal tariff acts were passed in 1824 and Is2B, appears from the above, that while in 1825 th e i mpor t s of ~s, tish dry goods at the port of Quebec were greater by 200, 1 10 than in 1824, those of 1826 and 1827 were considerably less. i 0 1828 the imports were less than 1825, and in 1829 less than t 1828. In these two last years, howeve r , th e i mpor t s were ah° 70,0001. greater than the average of the s even y ears , _ but if 7 0 consider,' says the Gazette, that the population i s doubling , twenty years, this increase may be attributed to the conseque s 'ia increased consumption. We arc certainly very much indispo to think that the contraband trade cannot, on an average Si n 1824, have exceeded in valise 50,0001.' te " This, to be sure, is 50,0001. too much, if indeed the estirl e , is not too high, as it very pr o b a bly i s . W e are i nc li ne d to 0 , lieve (though we are no friends to the t ar iff), th a t those 7.0,- make so much ado about Canada smugglin g , b ase their calcss„ tints rather upon a priori reasoning, than ascertained fit_c; i The following remarks on the increase of Canada shipping i" be worth extracting : las t " The principal increase of shipping l as t y ear was i n bal-, s , ships to export timber. From Great Britain th ere was a n , crease of vessels of that description of 46,800 tons. Both, ho. ever, in the intercourse with the other North American cold; nits, and the West Indies, there was 'an increase of shipitas t over last year, viz. for the Colonies 1,726, and for the WO Indies, 2,790 tons. " The exports have been greater in timberonly, principally In staves (7,680,000, nearly double the average of the last se", years), in pine (183,000, being above a half more than the ,sar a average), and in elm, ash, maple, &c., th e e xp or t o f Whici' at least been ten to twel ve ti mes more th an th e same average, • Of ashes the export is nearly the sam e as l as t y ear , b u t cons , de s. i d ably less than the seven years' aver a ge. Th e same ma y be t e of flour and other provisions, which h a v e di m i n i s h e d since "' non-intercourse law of 1825. " LATEST FROM WAR:O.—WC are indebted to Capt. of the ship Virginia, for Vera Cruz papers to the 2sth Mar c inclusive. " We perceive by the schedule of imports, that this ship 106 brought 187,575 dollars in specie. 11e 4 " 1 he severity of the foreign administration towards expc _ A Spaniards is increased by the present. Those who have return ed on account of passports issued by Guerrero in virtue of his eye traordinary powers, are permitted to remain. All others P... and o' strictly forbidden to enter the territory of the Republic, re ders have been given for the re-expulsion of those who hav e turned without such passports. " The Bill reported by the Special Committee on the *ntegrie . of the territory of th e R epu b l i c wa still under discussion in t he' Chamber of tteputies. It contains 19 sections, the principal r r t. visions of which were mentioned in this paper on - Monday sst Should it become a law it would occa s i on some importss changes in our relations with Mexico. It will open the ports that country until the Ist January, 1831, to those articles dee, ton manufacture prohibited by th e l aw o f 22d M ay , 182'. It °l ': render unlawful the entrance of Americans and other foreigner', at the northern fronti e r, un d er w h a t ever p re t ex t, w ithout firs' obtaining permission from the Mexican authorities. It will re° , f der free to foreigners, for four years, the coasting trade, in ad to bring the produce of the Colonies to the ports of Matano olo', „; Tampico, anti Vera Cruz. It will admit free of duty, for 1,7 4 , years, lumber, and every kind of foreign provisions, in the Pc ",: e of Galveston and Matagorda. It also makes prov i sion for 1 4 construction of fortifications at exposed points, the new colonies on the frontiers, the encour a g emen t o f cotton planting,,; nufactures, and the creation of a reserve fund, to be use d in cos of a Spanish invasion. • " Mexico, MARCH 13.—1 t seems that General Guerrero has withdrawn from the retirement he had chosen, and gone '„ Iluctamo. The force which he had taken with him was escort of about 60 men, under the command of Colonel Victori a ' which he was permitted to retain for the security of his persT e Victoria had orders to place himself under the dire c tion of General appointed to that section of the country; in disobe c : dience of which, lie has followed Guerrero in his march to 1 -I ", ic tame, where he is to be joined by Brigadier-General Montcs Oca and Colonels Mongoy and Codallos. His object at this pla ce is to collect troops • although, at the date of the last accounts' the number was sulliciently small. Signor Salgado was in a l enco, having returned from the city of Morelia, and it is pre' bable he intends to join the same company. " The Government had previously taken measures to Va ra against any attempts to disturb the peace in the south of th r State of Mexico, and for this purpose had appointed Sigil Bravo as General of operations, and Signor Berjedo as his second,' who also commands the town of Acapulco. Colonel Ann— and other chiefs and officers of distinguished valour and patrio.", ism have likewise been directed to that part of the country'. The places which have been selected as the theatre of acti , ?" ailbrd but few resources for the revolutionists, and although, in the towns, Codallos has got possession of the receipts of the public rents, these are not sufficient to support the enterprise; and he will soon seize upon private property, and the system Vandalism, practised in 1810, will be renewed. A conviction 0 ' this fact has obliged the Government to adopt new and energe t ,, l l measures to suppress in its infan c y a ny assem bl age which m ir endanger the republic. It is to be regretted, however, that the name of Gucrre r° should be confounded with meaner names, and that having yielded his public destinies t o th e reso l ut i ons o f the nat i o n, representation, his weak mi n d s h ou ld h ave b een t h us seduce?: He who yesterday was at the head of the Mexican Republic, to-day united with a Vandal faction.' t " The above i s f rom t h e Ilegistro Official. Some other pay „e which the Ilegistro speaks of as scarcely worthy of contradictioa; states that Mont e% d e Oca Mongoy, and Codallos, had mosn', towards Morelia with 2,oodmen ; that Salgado had left MoraiT, with 1,500 m en; an d th a t P a d re C a b a j a l h a d co ll ected at 1,009 more. This account is doubtless exaggerated; but, takil t l making s i wh, e ,a t ,tr ss sh •o ucct,3 s o t ei a hes t szr e iit m :i agm e n n ea t sh i will d: c de o ce i r i ir te n da. k e ec c . t t i i Q o n n n it f i a s v e o v u i e o t f i t u t h u a c t r r a e n r 0 e r _ fib; 1 i t i p es to give an outlin e of the Pla" devised by the disorganizers (Colonel Victoria and other &lentil' of Guerrero) for the ruin and total destruction of the whole re' public.' 1. They propose to restore the legislatures, governors; and other functionaries, who have been deposed. 2. They would endeavour to restrain the General Congress from checking the abuses of power which have often been committed, b o th by the Governor of the States, and even the honourable Legislaturtt by the enactment of laws opposed to the principles of 1 1 ': Constitution. 3. They condemn as traitors those who do no t furnish all the means in their power to carry into effect the pro' visions of the preceding articles. " Captain Beekman states, that news had been received the , day he sailed, that the Commissioners, sent by Bolivar to Genera , I'aez, had returned without being able to obtain a hearing. s a We have before us an official note from the Government 01 , Venezuela, dated Valencia, March 7, to' The Honourable tation from the Government of Colombia,' stating that Getter.,' Santiaga Marino, Martin Tovar Pont; and Andros Navarte, been appointed to meet them on the part of Venezuela, hell their communications, and reply according to the instruction, which his t e representedy Excellency (p ; ae l i z m ) t h et s l ; givenh w ho wever, to them ob by the powers Governor been invested by:AIE the people FROM pl , euotilthe c i o n L ec o ti m lig n o i f A t . he Venezuela o Congress on the 30th of April. ~ n t with which " By the brig Montilla, Captain Beekman, we have receivel Bogota Papers to the 14th March i nc l us i ve . F rom th e P ape r 0 the latest date we translate the following : VENEZSIELA.—We learn from an authentic source that th e much talked of contribution of Caraecas amounts to but WOO upwards of 12,000 dollars, although to make it more productive they adopted the horrible precaution of keeping the contributor o shut up until eleven o'clock at night, without permitting thea' s to take their meals. A similar method was ad o pt e d i n obtaining. signatures to the instrument which they addressed to the Libe' rator, announcing the separation. • By the courier from the North, information has Putt:tee ° received, that the whole garrison which was sent from Venezuel a to Merida has risen against its officers, and that the soldiers hav° returned to their homes, because they were unwilling to serve against the Liberator. By this means the province of Medina is left without troops. The towns on the other side of the Tachira have refused, to sign the actas against the G overnment, an d h ave entrea ted General O'Leary to take them under the protection of the CO lombian arms. .g < General Pinango, Governor of Merida, writes, that th e s entiment of Venezuela is in f avour o f a C onfederation. 30 that General Sucre will very probably be el ec t e d P res i dent of tb", State.' _ intelligent gentleman who came passenger in the Mole tilla, informs us (in accord mee with the above) that accordirl to the general understanding in Carthagena, the VenezuelaiL had signified to the Commission ers sent from Bogota, that whit'' they no longer considered th emse l ves a part of the Colombia' s people, and intended to m a i n t a i n a separate Government, the! F 1 were nevertheless willi ng to un i te for the purposes of mut benefit, on the principles of a confederation. " The paper of February 28 contains a decree, cs'ablishing i j Consulado of Commerce in Carthagena, whose jurisdiction she e .brace the departments of Boyaca, Cundinamarca, Cauctb Magdalena, and the Isthmus. " Congress having earnestly requested J. M. del Castillo, Pre sident of the Council of Ministers, to assist in its c:el‘betation 4 and the two otlices being incompatible with each Otte . , the S tre net Rol cou bra Blie trai Role bar Lai var PaF 101 'via is d Col ail dis Fr wa de Sy: im thi bu Di 4 1114 Sp 60 Pal 25 to ha to