The Sun. — London, England, 1831-01-31 00:00:00

f,PIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. Some worthy personages of the ancient leaven at Bristol have got up a petition on the subject of Reform; but of which the anxious and somewhat amusing prafer is, that the House of Commons will be pleased rot to go too far in redressing thOse public grievances arising out of the decay and cor rept-hot of its or body. We take for granted that see!) petitioners will meet the most respectful 'atten tion. Althotes, there has been foemed by some of tire dishandc Ministers a factions opposition to his Msjesty's Government, the fit occasisn 0101 pre fence for which is looked fo r in the question of Re form, we do not mean to say that fro other party will resist the introduction of the forthcoming mete : Elise. Already there are symptoms in the tactics o , r , the ultra-Tory press of a " C hurch-and-Kin g and " wisdom-of-our-ancestors" opposition on the pert of its special patrons. We verily believe in the existenca of certain political optimists amongst ourselves, less numerous indeed with every passing Leer, but not, perceptibly at least, more wise, who .9!7'e11: to think that the old body politic of England must neither be touched nor scarcely breathed upon, best, as someiimes happens to bodies of another kind fest exposed to the air after long inhumation, is should sink at once to ashes. The Bristol peti tiner3 belong to that class, and the Ultra-Tory press is civil e nough to back them, not from love of the h oe -Ministry-opposition — no such thin's; but, to en it justice, from hatred of change, and above al!, of change which will not strengthen the prin ciple of despotism, nor of its suecedaneum con up ti •n. We do not apprehend that the Ultra-Tory r esistance to the Ministerial plan (if, as we trust, there is to be a wide and liberal plait) of Reform will he a factious or vexatious one : it will be no worst awl inveterately conscientious and fanatical. That party xvill oppose the Ministers only because thelaiier are reformers,: tit;? other party, which we noticed or Sourday's Times, oppose Reform in a mere worhmanhke spirit, as being the measure of those who superseded them in oflice. Now, as to the conduce of the people generally, we reiterate the advice to iliem,—Petition for Reform, do not stand upon ttifees; demand whatever appears essential to the public secwity, but accept less than you de mand, for their is no ground gained, however apparently minute, on which a lever may not be fixed for acquiring more, if more can be wisely or honestly sought for hereafter. We hope and believe that Ministers will endeavour, wili strenuously endeavour—to carry through Pat ron-relit an extensive plan of Reform. If their pro position, or that of the committee moved for by them, be not sufficiently bloat', let the people speak ttieir epeilorts temperately; but we would earnestly esajore them, and above all those who have hitherto e !reused he notion, as false in civil politics as in war it is unquestionable; " that nothing is gained if nil ev::Ty thing"—we would entreat them, as they wish to avoid revolution, and revolution arrived at through tire desolating medium of convulsion, to smooth ;he way for Ministers, and to reinforce their hands while straggling in the public cause for even Jess than the public may deem to be ultimately de sireble, inste ef attempting to depreciate or em barrass them, which may lead, by short steps, to disans-al from power. Far let it be well un der ood that tl.e: e is no alternative ; either we have the present Ministry, who must reform to a certain point, and prepare the road to further ameiiorations, or a Mivistry composed in a great part of men who went out or) e pledge against all redress of grievances the Constituth n of Parliament, and whose prin ciple of governs ent would therefore be one which in all !Howe' likelihood must provoke a Reform by violent (as the only practicable) methods.—Times. There is a strange article from the pen of Dr. Southey in the number of the Quarterly Review just published. The various opinions broached err! recommended in this article are like the animals in Noah's Ask. In-one breath the Learned Doctor is all for piety, ti e next for prostitution; one MG went he laments over the approaching destruction of cetruptiori, the next moment he dwells with so:ls t...a:6(w on the superior purity of public men in our time compared with the public men a hundred years aeo. lii one arid ;he same breath he predicts the doe% tfall of every Government said' listens to opinion, awl aitlibuteis to public opinion the purity of Staiesrnen and the absence of jobbing. In this atticle Dr. Southey is' outdone himself, which is saying a great den!. " Men (he says) must be sided by intim:ice or by force, so long as they are w e st t hey as e ; that is, until the will of our Heavenly Fether shall b..) done on earth as it is in Heaven. By c,:e c,f tireqe a Government must rule, or it must its-lt be ruled by public opinion; but any Ministry, it: ices pribl c opinion for its guide, steers by t weathercock tts•e.td of the compass, and then the course must ever be, as in such cases it ever lies been, through anarchy to military aT, through storms and tempest to the . of a dead Fee, in whose noisome and peseletitisl exlsdations other storms are generated." This is very intelligible. So snuch must be wrung front the people as bhall serve ao establishment suf tieientey powerful to set them at defiance, and front motives of interest sufficiently disposed to do so.— ie adds, " This 'ration, by the blessing of Provi &awe on tie piety of our forefathers, their virtue, their wisdom, their exertions, and their sufferings, bad attained a degree of general prosperity, and a lice and well-balanced form of Government, which were both the envy and admiration of all Europe." Then comes a reflection on the decay of States, riot very reconcileable with the doctrine of influence: " Ir they perish (he says) by decay or corruption, as a l ly other causes from within, want of wisdom and virtue is the primary cause, and the destruction which comes upon them is at once the natural con sequence and the rightful punishment." Men must Iw governed by influence— that is, Government, in stead of being accountable to the people, must be enabled to controul them ; we possess, by the bless- MS of Providence an the piety of our forefathers, a Government independent of public opinion, and therefore a model in respect of political freedom.— Let us see, thee, the working of this system of Go vernment, which we owe to the blessing of Provi dence tn the piety of our forefathers:— " The Government in tLe:ie kingdoms (says the Learned Doctor), from the Restoration till dritost the present age, was much more corrupt than the people. Every new pal)- I:estion of documents relating to the intermediate time, brings to light tre,h proofs of the general want of pm in 4i:,!e among puldio wen, awl of their undissemld d Ti err woe the most barefaced jobs and shame . Isa• s i f , etery ti,par!ment. Ti.ings which could not itve ettriit , d on in dsrkness were in those times done in o-wn day-light :Wen of high rank had then no more o:,nsei,ttee conceriiim; preaLtion and direct corruption, than men of most r..nks have now about smagghnn - , or in (otor wlys dein:tiding - the Revenue. It was the sam ,, wit's :411 icrti,-s, Trojan or rian. William 111. was trotted with the stunt greedy ingratitude—tile same sordid iv:justice, by Whigs as by Tories, and by Tories as by Vhi A s ; and when, in amtlier generation, Shippen said of himself and his old antagonist, Sir Robert Walpole, that Le was for one Kit-Ig, and Robin for another, and that all the rest were only for themselves, there is little to be dttracted from the severe truth of this remark." t:fs - ions eal:r , Suc t t e w p er ie e ty tlt o e f fruits forefathers! t - sof the blessing of Providence ,n From the death of Lt7rd L" 1 " 1 ""deHT, who "always resolutely opposed ...very attempt at d;minishi that influence of the Government, wit bout which , he well knew, a Go'vernmunt like otos cannot . lus g ai subsist," the Go after another, most yernment has thou n away, one on of the blessings of Providence of our ancestors. Every Minister . was more piety impious ands more economical, consequently more Isis p r edecessor. Under the Duke of Wellit g 4'a" " nediretions,rct;-enchments, liberaty,'concilLtir' and . concesion were the order _of the duty; and the n ; %vlto remained true to the old Clnstitutional and Ent!lish principles began to think that all which could be done was to drag the wheels of the State - rarriage on its downward road; all that could 1), hoped for was, to avert it, if possible, from the preju dice, and ;et it descend, as smoothly and gently a, •-nti; . . , ltt• me, to the dead level of democracy." To 'Livid to onr other evils, the Holy Alliance at Ilti. dine received its death blow. " The King of France knew his danger ; his Ministeis, his egregious Mi nisters ! miscalculated their strength. Instead of waiting for circumstances, which would not long have been delayed, and which would have authorised them to call on the other Great Powers of Europe for in terference and support according to treaty, they committed an act of egression, whereby they placed themselves manifestly in the wrong, and forfeited that right." And where are we now ? " Men in Administration," says the Learned Dsetor, " at this time, whether Whig or Tory, must, we are willing to believe, have the same interest, and arrive at the same end—that oldie public safety and the publicgood. There is no occasion to suppose in them any extraordi nary degree of patriotism or private virtue; as mere men and pubic ones, their interest and their duty coin cide. Being sane men, they can take no other course—no other is possible for them. The age of jobbing is past. Were Ministers as profligate as such persons were in the days of Bubb Docldington, they could not act in the same manner, because whatever they do is known and scrutinized ; they are under the public eye—an eye which is anything rather titan indulgent. So far, therefore, as good conduct proceeds from good intentions, it is to be presumed on in any Ministry, and credit ought accordingly, to be given to them." Thus, then, piety brings on a nation the blessing of Providence—the blessing of Providence shows itself in political free• dom to a degree which excites the admiration of Europe,—political freedom manifests itself in the wholesale corruption of the Government, the fruit of piety—the State then perishes by want of wisdom and virtue—that is want of the means of corruption, and we are preci pitated in public opinion—public opinion ren ders jobbing impossible, and forces Ministers, whe ther they will or not, to aim at the public safety and the public good. Thus far we have arrived on our way. But we have next to proceed, according to Dr. Southey, " through storms and tempests to the calm of a dead sea, in whose noisome and pestilen tial exhalations other storms are generated." How the d—l we are to get out of the dead sea, after being struck with these noisome exhalations, and buffeted about, the Doctor telleth not. But, per haps, in a subsequent political lecture, the Doctor will reveal what he suffers to remain now a mystery. In the meantime, here we are, a warning and an example of the misery which awaits every nation which has the misfortune to exchange a corrupt Go vernment for a Government which can no longer job, and under which men in Administration must consult the public safety and the public good.— Morning Chronicle. We alluded on Saturday to a pamphlet, under the title of the " Question of Reform considered, with I-lints for a Plan." The author is not bigotted as to any particular plan of Reform. " I will readily acknowledge (he says), that, provided the principle of substantial representation is admitted, the precise mode does not appear to me essential." It would be difficult, perhaps, to contrive any scheme of re presentation so defective as that which we now pos sess ; so that there is one thing of which we need to be under no alarm—that of deteriorating the cha racter of the house of Commons. The franchise is not in the respectable part of the people of England, but in the rabble of petty boroughs, who have no in crests but their vote, and the so called repre sentatives may as well be said to represent the Grand Mogul or the Emperor of Morocco as Englishmen. There is no, choice on the part of the people ; but a man possessed of the requisite funds goes into the market and buys his seat. — Talents and respectability are matter of accident.— If the property and intelligence of the country re turned the representatives, we might expect some attention to qualifications. The people of a district would naturally return the man they deemed best qual,fied to protect their interests. But the people have no choice, the representatives are not chosen, but the elections are purchased or influenced. " In truth (says the author) the facility of obtaining a family seat, the pride of continuing the hereditary repre sentation of a county, the vanity of upstart riches, the necessity of adding titles to wealth, the temptation of earn ing, through Parliamentary distinction, those professional rewards which are there most surely to he found ; all these, in all their combinations, are the motives which assemble in the House of Commons that rich variety of classes, which has been supposed to constitute so high a perfection. I have been long and intimately acquainted with the House of Commons, collectively and individually. I have a list before me, in which I have classified the p, rsons, the places, the motives, the ends, the speculations. It would be invidious to give it to the world, and I have no inclination to render the discussion of a great ques tion the occasion of personal attack. Let us not be told, however, of the excellence of arrangements which contribute to give us adventures of every colour and degree. In the fact, then, of all these declarations upon the comprehensive variety of the composition of the House of Commons, I maintain that, as at present constituted, the House of Commons is not an adequate—is not a fair—is not a sufficient—is not a faithful represen Ltien of the people of this country. The House of Com mons does not contain within its walls any Representative of the middle classes of Society, nor have the middling classes of this community any reasonable means even of sending any fair rep,esentative of their class to the House of Commons," A very small proportion of the property of the country is at present enabled, by purchasing the votes of persons of no property, to prey on the mass of the property of the country. The utter worth lessness of the House of Commons as a protector of the interests of the nation, was proved the instant the Crown and Parliament entered into their pre sent partnership at the Revolution. The account given of the House of Commons by the first repre sentative for the county of Eciinburgh, after the uniun xi:h Scotland (Lockhatt, of Carnwath— Lockhfut Papers), is as applicable at the present day as NO years ago. He had been Chairman of the Committee to inquire into the embezzlement and misapplication of the public money, and soon found that the opposition of secret or avowed ene mies was a burden beyond the power of endurance of indi, iduals— " The truth on't is," he says, " the English please themselves with the notion of liberty—it consists in nothing more than thAt they themselves are the instruments of their own slavery, being bubbled and imposed upon by these in authority over them, more than any other nation io Europe. A., for example they value their Constitution touch because no taxes car. be raised but by consent of Parliament ; whilst, ae the same time, greater taxes are imposed, and greeter abuses committed in the application of them than if the pawer was solely vested in the So vereign ; fir, as the consent of Parliament is requisite, tbe Prince, to obtain the same, is obliged to bestow on the Members thereof a great pat t of what is to be imposed; so that the burden b• comes heavier on the people by the Prince's being constt ained to bribe the Parliament, and to star those who embezzle the public money to pass un punished, that so he may ba enabled to obtain what is ne cessary for the support of his Government ; and as the sovereign cloth nut sp ire the people's money to give them representatives, lie no more fails of getting what he demands than if he was an absolute Prince ; only with this differ ence, that the deluded people pay for the notion of liberty, as their representatives make bold with their contituents in order to procure riches to themselves. Arid this obser vationto money matt ers , for in all is riot confined wholly other things the King is obliged, by bestowing offices and pensions, to make a majority of both Heusei . of Parliame n t on his side, the expense whereof comes of the people, And as what I have said will Ike found a just enough cha racter of tbe people of England's notion of liberty and .. overn ment in general, the Members of the Hous e of 'Commons are 01110 1 .4 6 e "we temper, and manage their iiff t its after the same manner. For, though all of them re vest,d with equal powers, a very few of the most active and pragmatical, by persuading the rest that no thing is done without them, do lead them by the note, and make mere tools of theta to serve their own ends. And this, I suppose, is chiefly owing to the way anti manner of electing the Members; for, being entirely in the hands of the populace, they. for the most part, choose those who pay best; so that many are elected who very -eldin attend the House, give themselves no trouble in business, and have no design in being chosen, even at a great exp ellee , but to hive the honour of being called Par liament men. On the other hand, a great many are like vieloctl who have no concern for the interest of their coentry, and, being either poor or avari c i ous , a i m at no thing but enriching themselves; and hence it is that no assembly tender Heaven does produce so many fools and knaves. The House of Commons is represented as a wise and august assembly. What it was long ago I shall not say ; but in our days it is full of disorder and confusion ; the Members that arc capable and mindful of buiiness are few in number, and the rest m:nd nothing at all. When there's a party job to be done, they'll atts ad, and snake a hideous noise like so many Bedlamites; but if the House is to enter on business, such as giving of money or making of public laws, they converse so loud with one another in private knots, that nobody can know what is doing, ex cept a very few, who fur that purpose sit near the Clerks' Table ; or they leave the House and the own of business, as they c.d! them, to mind such matters." Ana how should it be otherwise? Why is a man who buys his seat to attend to the interests of the country, or to trouble himself with business ? The representatives of the people are not the commis sioners of the people, stn• to Parliament to attend to the interests of the people, but the leaseholders for a time of the power of taxing the people of England for their own benefit, for which they have paid a consideration. We must postpone the con siderations of the various plans of the author of the pamphlet to a future day . Morning Chronicle. REVENUE DUTIES ON NEWSPAPERS. (From the Glasgow Free Press.) A public meeting of the trades of this city and neighbourhood was held on Monday in the Lyceum, Nelson-street, for the purpose of considering the propriety of petitioning Parliament for the removal of the duties on newspapers. The meeting as sembled ut twelve o'clock, and presented compara tively a thin attendance. On the motion of Mr. W. Cameron, Mr. BENJAMIN GREY was unanimously elected Chairman, who stated that the object of the meeting was decidedly directed towards the moral and political condition of the operatives, arid that a series of resolutions, to gether with a draft of a petition, would be submitted to the meeting for approval. He said he willingly accepted the chair at such a respectable meeting. Mr. W. CAMERON moved the first resolution, to the effect that, notwithstanding the great increase of scientific knowledge, and its application to the pur poses of life, the condition of the working classes is deteriorating in a proportion which evidently strews that there is something wrong i❑ the present mode of governing society, and that under an enlightened Administration, and with a more general diffusion of knowledge among the people, sc:ence and ma chinery would be rendered more sub , ervient to the wants and necessities of the whole community. He adverted to the recent destruction of property in England, a measure, he said, which all regretted, as it was calculated to destroy the very support of life. The operatives deprecated such conduct, as well as the measures that had been resorted to for putting down the same by means of hanging and transporta tion. In reference to the assertion of a too nume rous population, he stated that the resources of the country were completely adequate for all, and that a limit ought rather to be put to machinery. Mr. CAMPBELL, in seconding the resolution, en tered at some length into tire subject of the present condition of the operatives, and said, that the know ledge diffused among them had been their principal preservative against the various acts of violence re cently perpetrated in another part of the kingdom. In the course of his observations, he referred to the statement laid before the Howe of Commons by Mr. Colquboun, f, om which it appeared that the re sources of the country in 1812 amounted to 261 millions, while the taxes were only GO millions—a mere feather in the balance. He ascribed the dis tress of the operatives principally to tile introduction of machinery, and the existing competition of capi talists. He considered the best method to get rid of the evil, was to promote knowledge and union among themselves, by which means they would obtain an ascendancy, as the working classes com posed about two-thirds of the whole population. He recommended the adoption of unions similar to that of the United States of America, each trade com bining, and the whole amalgamating in a general body. The peace of capital would be thereby advanced for the benefit of all parties. The opera tives, by the present system, were hoodwinked acid cheated out of their real produce. Ile recommended co-operation as a means of taking idle hands out of the market, and preventing competition among workmen, in which they accepted reduced rate of wages . In adverting to the formation of a news paper, he referred to the tax of 4d. on each number, which he co nsidered was a tax on knowledge, and ought to be abolished. Mr. Joirel MADAM, in proposing a resolution re lative to the existing necessity of improving their condition by a diffusion of moral and political know ledge, entered into an outline of the plan of the publication alluded to, and recommended as a means for alleviating their hardship, that they should strictly adhere in union. Mr. ALEXANDER GARDNER moved tile third re solution, which included an acknowledgment, that a tax on knowledge was next to a tax on bread, the most iniquitous measure that could be resorted to by arbitrary power. lie trusted the load would soon be thrown off, as the tax tended to deprive them of receiving arty information, and was calcu lated to make them the easy dupes of their op pressors. He referred to France, where matters, he said, had been managed better, and where, in consequence c f Charles X. threatening to extinguish the press, they had succeeded in dethroning that Monarch, and expelling him from their country.— , The press of the country generally advocated the interest of the few in preference to that of the many. Mr. JAMES KING, rt, moving that a petition in ac cordance wimh the resolutions be adopted, was seconded by Mr. James Frame, in an excellent speech, breathing a spirit of freedom, cultivated by an exten sive information on the physical and intellectual condition of the operatives, in which he par ticularly set forth the grievous and exorbitant fees connected with the three principal professions, and he had no doubt of the meeting succeeding in their object if it was pursued with calmness and deliberation. It was then agreed that the petition be trans mitted to the Lord Chancellor and Mr. Hume, for presentruion in the respective Houses of Parlia ment. After a few objections to the introductory part of the petition, the original motion was carried. After a vote of thanks to the Chairman, the meet ing quietly separated. THE MONUMENT.—It was at first used by the members of the Royal Society for astronomical experi ments, but was abandoned on account of its vibrations being too great fur the nicety required in their observa tions. This occasioned a report that it was unsafe; but its scientific construction may bid defiance to the attacks of all but earthquakes for centuries.—Fansily Library, XIX., Lives of Architects. AGITATION WlT.—The following is an ex tract from a speech reported to have been delivered at die-union agitation meeting the other day, at a place called Phi' sborougb, near Dublin, by a Mr. STEELE, one of Mr. O'CoNNEct's sub-agitators :—" I think it is from this spot an Irishman ought to record his sentiments respecting ANCLESEA—Iet him hear it from this place—l write it, ANCLESEA, the liar.—(Cheers, 'bravo STEELE.') I once called bins the flower of chivalry, the august ANCLESEA. Yes, I thought hirn one of the noblest beings that orna mented human nature; but I now wish it to be recorded that I now entertain the greatest indignation and contempt for him;—the absolute ANGLESEA, the despot, and the dis grace of his country. I don't know whether any of his agen's are listening to me—l don't care. I wish he were present, that I might tell it to his face. There is SOLOMON STANLEY, his Secretary; do you know how he got the name of SOLOMON ? I told it before on ➢londay, in the Arena, and with your permission will again relate it—(' Go on, tell it out, STEELE.') The story goes—l do not know it from mysTlf— when he was in College, emplmyed reading ' Cubbett's English Grammar,' he had a half-starved cat in his room, and a pound of mutton-chops, which he intended for his dinner, was stolen. Ile questioned the ma id a bout it, who laid it on the cat ; upon which STAN LEY tml the cat by the scruff of the neck to the next cheesemonger's shop, weighed it, and finding the cat, who w a s accused of eating the pound of chops, did not alto gether weigh half a pound, by this ingenious device de tected the theft of the servant-maid. Such is the man - ANCLESEA Selects to assist him in governing Ireland." REFORM IN PARLIAMENT. NEWPORT, MONMOUTHSRIRE. (From the Monmouthshire Merlin.) This meeting took place on Tuesday last, pur cuant to the requisition noticed in our Paper of the 18th instant, and was very fully and respectably at tended. The Mayor having been called to the chair opened the business of the meeting by read ing the requisition. He also took that opportunity of reading a letter from Sir Charles Morgan, .herein the worthy Baronet acknowledtred the re ceipt of the petition agreed to last week, for the re peal of the assessed taxes, and promised that it should have his best attention. Mr. CROSBIF4 in proposing the first resolution said—Gentlemen, as one and all appear impressed with the importance ef the business we are met to discuss, there is but little occasion to trespass on your time by making many preliminary observa tions. This is not a new subject. It is the " cause for which Hampden bled in the field, and Sidney on the scaffold." But to go its) further back than our own times : the most enlightened men, the most distinguished statesmen have long felt the necessity, and advocated the cause of Reform.—(Applause.) —How is it then that the sacred cause has ad vanced so slowly ? Because of the baneful in fleenee of the powerful hydra-headed monster — political corruption. Because of our insensibility to the value of our political rights. Not long since the word Reform was branded with the opprobrious epithets of sedition, of disloyalty—even of treason. —(Applause.)—Thank God, those days are fast passing away, if not already gone. There never was a period which promised happier results than the present, if rightly improved. It has pleased God to bestow upon us, a right minded King and a liberal minded administration.—(Applause.)—lt is, therefore, the imperative duty of all loyal men— of all well wishers to their country, to stand up arid support the patriotic intention of Government. No man can call the King disloyal, and the King is a Reformer. No man can say Earl Grey is not an upholder of his order, yet he is a Reformer. But I will tell you who are not Reformers. • Those who are fattening on the taxes wrung from the people, such as Lord Ellenborough with his 15,0001. per annum; Lord Bathurst with his 13,0001.; such also as having little to lose are standing by, watch ing the moment when a little more increased pres sure of distress in the country shall arrive—to burst the bounds of society by the terrific explosion called a revolution., What would have been the effect if, forty or fifty years ago, the people had held the public purse by honest represen tatives, would it not have saved hundreds of millions of debts and taxes ? What would have been the situ ation of Old England now ? Should we have had a starving peasantry, and the middling classes crushed with the weight of taxes ? Let us not be like the clown in the fable, who finding his cart set fast in die mud, did nothing himself, but called upon Her cules to help him. Rather let us obey the call of our good King, our Hercules ; and as loyal subjects, help ourselves in the way most effectual by petition ing for a thorough Reform in the Commons House of Parliament. Reformers formerly were considered marked men. The tables are now wohlerfully turned. The men who in future will bear the mark in their foreheads, are the Newcastles, the Exeters, the Phillpots—men who would fain de prive Englishmen of their political birthright. What do we mean by Reform 2—a full, honest, and tfficient representation of the people in Parliament. Arid how is this to be accomplished 2—by choosing our representatives by ballot.—(Loud cheering.) The present corrupt system has so demoralized both electors and elected, there is no other remedy. I have heard no good reason against the'ballot. How are the individuals chosen to whom great trusts are confided ?—the Directors of the Bank of England : those of the East India Company; of the great In surance Companies ;—even the members in the clubs of the aristocracy ? In all these elections the ballot is adopted as the best, the only measure to insure honest and unbiassed trustees. And shall the most important, the most sacred rights—our civil and re ligious liberty—be deprived of this invulnerable shield from the undue influence of property ? But it is unnecessary to argue further, we have the noon day sun of experience to enlighten us. What has the ballot not done for America? What is it not doing for France ? I conclude by proposing that the petition now prepared, if approved, be adopted by the meeting. Mr. EMERY—Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen,—lt is with much pleasure that I ri , e to second the reso lution now put into rry hands. Parliamentary Re form is the grand remedy for the diseases that now afflict the State. This has been the firm opinion of the most eminent statesmen fur the last seventy years.. That illustrious Minister, the Earl of Chat ham, declared that Reform must come. If it came from the House of Commons, it would be effected without bloodshed : but, if from without, with a vengeance. his son, William Pitt, before he was corrupted by power, once said, that " n o h ones t man could be Prime Minister of England without Reform." Earl Grey has been a Reformer from his youth. Lord Castlereagh acknowledged that it was as notorious as the sun at noon-day, that seats in the House of Commons were bought and sold. Canning admitted the corruptions of the House, but defended them by asserting the system worked well. Has it worked well ? Yes, gentlemen, it has, for greedy placement, luxurious sinecurists, and well paid pensioners—the vicious, the proud, and the idle; but has it worked well for the honour, the glory, and happiness of England ? Has it worked well for just arid generous landlords, enterprising merchants, industrious t ra d es m en , farmers, and hard working labourers ? It has, in thousands of instances, compelled landlords to mortgage or sell their estates, made bankrupts of the wealthiest merchants, insolvents of substantial farmers, immured upright tradesmen in gloomy pri sons, teed vigmatized laborious workmen by the de grading name of paupers. It has turned a con tented, peaceable, and happy peasantry into des perate poachers, fierce smugglers, wanton machine breakers and famine-making rick-burners. It has tilted old England with mad-houses, gaols, and workhouses. How did the system work just after the peace? It gave us law; in its wisdoin to make bread, not cheap, but dear, at the moment when the nation was rejoicing in the anticipation of plenty with peace. Since then, it has altered these laws or su.pended their operation no less than six times; and the interests of England now imperatively de mand their total repeal. Look at the working of the system at the time of the panic, when thousands upon thousands were:made bankrupts and insolvents in one short year ; and what ne w panics await us time alone can unfold. Such have been the evils of taxation without representation. Now, what will be the advantages of Reform ? Reform will save our country from a violent revolution. Reform will establish the throne, and make the King live in the hearts of us all. Reform will preserve the estates of the Aristocracy, give th em sa f et y h i t h e i r own splendid mansions, instead of being driven to seek an asylum in foreign lands, like the noblesse of France, many of whom sought refuge in this country, where some were compelled to become teachers and clerks, others shoemakers, hair-dressers,and domestic servants. Reform will give wealth to merchants, independence to farmers and tradesmen, and plenty of bread to the poor.—(Great cheering.) Mr. PHILLIPS, jen.—Gentlemen, rising as I do to oppose the petition which has just been read, I beg to state at the outset that I have no wish to defeat the object which you have assembled to protnore.— I am, in common with the great mess of my fellov countrymen, a reformer. But much as I desire Reform, I do not expect from it those miraculous effects promised by the gentlemen who moved and se conded the petition; an d if you hope to r ealise them, I fear you w ill be grievously dis appointed. One of those gentlemen has told you that with a reformed Parliament, the present griev ous and burdensome debt would have had no exist ence. Gentlemen, I doubt that assertion. I be lieve that upwards of 600 millions of our present debt were incurred during the war with our Ame rican colonies, and those wars which arose out of the French Revolution; and those wars would have had existence if our Parliament bad been then re formed. I see the gentleman, to whom I refer, doubts my conclusion ; but I maintain I am correct. You have been told by another of those gentlemen, that a reformed Parliament will clothe the naked, ill feed the hungry, prevent those commercial panics which occasionally convulse the country, and produce universal prosperity. Gentlemen, Reform will do none of those things; it will neither clothe the naked nor feed the hungry—it will not prevent convulsions in the commercial world, nor drive away distress from our land. Convul&ons, such as I have referred to, are inseparable from extensive commerce; they have existed in other countries as frequently as in our own; they have been felt in America and in France, whose rep7esewative sys tem those gentlemen so highly value. But if Re form will do none of these things, 1 will tell you, gentlemen, what it will do; it will reduce the ex penditure of the country within moderate bounds; will s,tiefy the people that their representatives have , the same interests with themselves ; will give to the poor man, as well as the rich, an interest in the state; and thus, I trust, unite together all classes of the community : benefits these, which we can hope from no other source. I shall now proceed to state my objections to the petition that has been presented to you. It is, no doubt, known to most gentlemen in the room, that the House of Parliament requires petitions to be respectfully worded, and to contain no offensive language, and I much doubt whether the use of the phrase "rotten boroughs" which I find in the petition, would not be deemed offensive, and it would at least exhibit better feeling to omit it. The word itself also, as it appears to me, con veys no very definite meaning; and although I know what a rotten pear or a rotten apple is, I can not understand the applicability of the term rotten borough. Another objection to the petition with me is, that it makes vote by ballot an essential part of any Reform that you will consider satisfactory. Now the ballot is, in my opinion and in the opinion of many other friends to Reform, a regulation of doubtful value; it is at least a novelty in the insti tutions of this country, and I have never yet heard arguments that satisfy me of its certain and unques tionable benefits. In offering to the sleeting these observations upon the ballot, I beg to be un derstood as not expressing a positive opinion upon the subject ; and in asking the gentlemen present to concur in the petition I shall propose for their ac ceptation, I do not request them to deehtre them selves opposed to the ballot. All I ask is, that you will be satisfied with a prayer for effectual Reform, leaving the details of that Reform and the mode by which it is to be effected, to the Government and the Legislature. 'I he value of our petition will be increased by the unanimity with which it is agreed to ; and although no person who is neither opposed to, or who doubts the expediency of vote by ballot, can sign the petition before the meeting, the most strenuons advocate for the ballot may consistently sign a petition for effectual Reform. Another rea son that weighs with me in desiring to omit any dictation of the sort of Reform we require is, the confidence I feel in the Goveinment of the country, and the declarations they have made of their deter mination to propose such a Reform as will be effec tive. There is another subject which I deem of the highest importance, which is not at all referred to in the petition before the meeting, and that is, the in justice and impolicy of many of our present taxes, bearing as they do upon the productive industry, rather titan upon wealth. Taxes are raised for the support of governments—governments are created for the protection of property ; and the conclusion seems, therefore, as logical an argument as it is right in policy and justice that taxes, raised for the pro tection of property, should be charged upon property. After the Le gislature and the Government have carried retrenchment to the utmost possible extent, it will be in vain to hope that the taxes can be then paid if imposed as they are at present. The substi tution of a tax upon wealth in lieu of the taxes that bear most upon productive industry, would relieve the farmer, benefit the merchant and tradesman, and add to the comforts of the labourer. I feel that, if the people are not wanting to themselves, there is no cause for despondency' ; but there never was a period which more required the energetic services and active exer tion of all classes of the community, nor one that more imperatively demanded that all minor dif ferences should be forgotten by men emulous of their country's good. The waves may now roll, and the tempest roar; but, if the crew are not want ing in their duty, the vessel of the state will yet weather the storm and anchor in safety. I shall conclude by moving, as an amendment to the pre , : position before the meeting, that the petition I now proceed to read shall be adopted. - The petition proposed by Mr. PHILLIPS was then read, and Mr. 'WILLIAMS seconded the motion for its adoption. Mr. MULLOCK suggested that the original peti tion should again be read, as many persons had come in since it was first proposed. No one olject ing, the original petition was again read by the chairman. Mr. JOHN FROST could not refrain from making a few remarks on what had fallen from Mr. Phillips. Of what use would be reform, if it would not feed the hungry and clothe the naked 'We say that Parliament takes so much for taxes, that hunger and nakedness are the consequence ; and ue say that a Parliament chosen by the people would suffer them to enjoy a fair portion of those earnings which might in a very great degree remove the existing distress. The conduct of the l')uke of Newcastle at Newark, and of the Marquis of Exeter at Stam ford, demonstrated the necessity that voters should be protected by ballot in the free exercise of their franchise, and should not be subjected, like the tenants of those noblemen, to be turned out at once from property on the improvement of which they had laid out money, and of which they had been promised leases. Mr. LATCH suggested that an amendment should be made in Mr. Phillips's petition by introducing into that part of the prayer which requested Parlia ment to protect the voters in the tree exercise or the elector's franchise, the words, " either by the introduction of the ballot, or some equally effectual regulation." After some conversation Lu betweenps saidthat although Latch, . ii Mr. A. Williams, and Mr. Crosbie, on the subject P of this amendment, Mr. he would prefer that all reference to the b :Hot should be omitted in the petition, yet to secure that una nimity of opinion which it was so desirable to obtain on an occasion like the present, he would consent to the introduction of the words p ro p ose d b y M r. Latch. Mr. Crosbie thereupon co nsente d to with draw his petition, and the petitio n p ropose d b y Mr. Phillips was carried with only one dissenti ng voice. EuropeF ra r n r c s e v , Two Madame of aed atmi very)ee delo i t d e Gi e yE s t lib La veterans;ise ttworld ho teas l a s af i a t j a i e t u u ltln r li e in n luus writer, even before the (first) French Revolution ; and in Great Britain, " the Man of Feeling," HENRY MACKENZIE, the last connecting link between the literati of JOHNSON'S time and the presen•—for his first and most celebrated work was published some fifty years ego. If Germany had lost, as was lately anticipated (happily without foundation), her illustrious GOEIMI, the triad would have been complete. A HARD CASE.—A murderer of the name Of NICHOLAS Pants, who had been sentenced to death in 1E419, died lately in the prison of the principality of Litch tenberg (territory of the Duke of SAXE Couunc). He owed the prolongation of his life merely to the want of means of execution in that small country. The Bavarian Government, which had been applied to for the accommo dation, very ill-naturcdly refused to lAnd the Duke one of its hangmen! When we put the question on Friday relative to attaching the deposits of the Brazilian Government in the Bank of England, we had forgotten that property lodged in that establishment is not subject to an attach ment. The Chartered Companies in general are also ex empted from the operation of the city privilege of att4ch ment.—Morn fug Herald. LAW INTELLIGENCE. COURT OF KING'S BENCH .T. LIBEL—JUDGMENT—REX V. JEBB. Sir JAMES SCARLETT called for the j, the Court on the defendant, who had victed, at the sittings after last term, of h, lisped various defamatory libels respecti' Sir Robert Chambers Hill, and Colonel the Guards. eptbeoe,tnreAl tented, ffi coedtca t : l ti. iaecece%dd-oirtn,:bt, contrary ati h ) ir ' ay t t wi l tc : :eel Court-martial c d mulha e r: f tv e thti n naee d rna a drs i ot i tii t .faaul w tsett e hdii r nce e et h : llei e siba a ec2s d li2sr, iii:lol.'4,ipihrtioPt:;:".44,ll:ll:, S ,e,ieneniy U nr:et eht A dh.eae N tep(' to be dismissed the service. He had pi charges against Sir Robert Hill before t. that trial, and Sir Robert Hill had prefer! againt . him. Sir Henry Torrens had laid apinst Sir Robert Hill before the Dukt aid his Royal Highness thought them w , of consideration; but the Duke of Welli recetnmended that the subject should bL. aid it was dropped until revived by Sir t o -- Three ' 1 who recommended to the defendant to reale° 1,1 (ig ( I another regimen', under a threat, that he ° et,. ''"• tic 4 .BBRibi , DN, otherwise be brought before a Court-martial• l '',l l '', the defendant refused to remove under all su g p - i l i , . threat, and expressed himself ready to mee t - he ' CAPII charges that might be brought against him. f .. 'RE 1)1K] affidavit further set forth that the sentence vise,: § l . '' Th e - v a rio u s just, and that the defendant's object throur f . i i ii i !L° Life Insuraw these transactions had been to obtain a review ° , r *: ll 4 imaiediate The ATTORNEY-GENERAL addressed the C a ° la ii iti * ii , mere be in mitigation. The defendant had served for ~ w' :41e.r•Inoteed r k etto years in the army, with great credit to himsel l t i e S t ; it , fl e tu ge l d e l l:; advantage to his country. That he had writtcof , • c le u t m te s i t •s an t c o e ‘ s vh o ie f h str h o e ng had pr s o i v g o n c e ., d tio h l i: n hae me hi u rn eil ic e si e fil :: 4l 2 .l4l _ o. ;:n naar te tes,e r e F: s ili iic : mitted, but he (the Attorney-General) siructed now, as he had been at the time.ef'Ve, :Va7e F o ril trial, to deny that the defendant had w ritte o , l o ol,:, ' ''"'- , • B y l o en : anonymous letters. The defendant had acted i t r i i.i' s `<i .. ..... : iLL: strong excitement, and really thought not on: that lie had been very ill-used, but also that he - ', . serious charges to prefer against Sir R. ilillt , ti: ht e r, t ofCha did not act merely from malicious motives. •fo Au eec ni of JOE was one point to which he must not forget The defendant had disclaimed any inten:tlereel charge S'r R. Hill with having been guilty u itti i itilese xa who horrid crime ; but he stated that Lieutenant fol. irthe, time ( wick had accused Sir R. Hill of the military o ge IttirirePresentat which the defendant had mentioned in his lettere'ovictid" their Soli Sir JAMES SCARLET; for the prosecutioritiolitotilB34 to TJEL , ei served that the libels were of the worst descriP t ol l eite L . 4 and that the o ff ence had been aggravated El rI the said speech made in mitigation. There was no c161 k 41 ) tr i' vv C ill b h in the army whe believed it possible that Si r k i Hill could be guilty of any of these o ff ences. ' 4- killed' s Sol except the defendant himself, had the highest e° l fur Sir R.,Hill. Defendant—Had Lieutenant Fenwick the big esteem for him ? ""t WORK F HL 1 H l E n a fev e! , An itr ee ti t rY Colburn PHE Lord TENTERDEN—Be silent. You do 1 1 self no good. Defendant—He would obey the Court , would not be insulted by Sir James Scarlett• Mr. Justice LITTLEDALE pronounced the ment. The defendant had been convicted 013 clearest evidence of circulating these libel 9 Robert Hill and Colonel Harmer, imputir former that he had attempted to commit an crime, and had defrauded the public by the of cast horses, and imputing to Col. Har he had colluded with Sir R. Hill in the trr about the horses. The sentence of the Glut was, tha\ libels on Sir R. Hill, the defendant be i. in his Majesty's gaol of Newgate for th, one year; and that for the libels on Col mer he be imprisoned in the same gaol calendar months, to be computed from t; the year; and at the close of that perio , fendunt should be bound over to his gi viour for two years, himself in .5001., and ties in 2501. each. ELECTION FOR CHAMBERLAIN walked Mr. COBUETT, amidst yells and laughtei When asked fur whom he voted, he said dies emphatically, ' For Sir JAMES SHAW,' " * the game time in marched Sir CLAUDIUS STEP. TER, who said, every bit as emphatically, that lie -'npui Lo44lo4ted for L on ' and Ada 1,1 4 ti I'OPUU was pub: H E 4U SCAL T 4 el" s , ,n ., , LTEI N o d " C L ib !V• On 1 Ii n t Cone e Aip l klu sze. Port--- ' Harp • " --I V. Son ( for e r T 14 1vI t Z a (to wt °4 ll -""), a nd Nip ile iqaell Ilitit .r y. with r w rB 13 / 1 . L ARD Pub] LIFE and , I ~' ° tVol, ll 141 btl k l ITAR y i 11 V AI? Of mr tk4 FOYLE ELI 4,14 th . i . •_ r Al its it, A I N . il 1 . viZ 41 4 ;nt, ra ,. ,, LE Vitty 1 . 411. p IILII at for Lonl 1 4P 4- • LA w R th y DN t ir " pul g I STC voL x v. Pr e tIXIV L*di4 g V 4116 Y °F E AR k itNe lle Al Li IIIST( qPwillST o p i x ; gis.l • IL I A C ~AT k VI ° nil tAtviif) •Sir j c v . Vb ' !i; t °ll i4 ~T ER ' 5 Do • , D ENIES Y' 4.1.1. LA ellAis t VI . 11 / 3 N ET , LI V ES-• \h i 11( ), E q . /. C ITIEB 1, 4 f kro t' A l 14 1 !• 11 44 . keoulp' 1 ' A Atih td for vote for Alderman WeanmAx." CHESS.—We know not what credit is f t i r ll p di; the report so generally prevalent, that the death 0- e l. Ltnoa, the famous chess-player, was greatly acceldra_Aii his extreme sensitiveness at being beaten in six sari u st games of chess by the Turkish Ambassador ; ever this may have been, we understand. his Pt er r l found his match in this country, long before to Constantinople; and was himself beaten °Y7, over and over again, and a t l a st w ith a cas tle giv e 's" ) by the late Mr. Paca, a lawyer of Haverforilwas t ree i Wales. We believe this Mr. P. was the same who, some years before that ti me ( w h en res iding 11, ' I t'll t ; Cross, Kent), at the instance of Mr. Fox and other.r, men of Ila.oorcEs's admirers of this scientific garfi e Lll l sionally visited and caused s o muc h m i r th an d heti the rooms, by discomfitting -the celebrated chess - 1 1 automaton then exhibiting in St. Jarnel's-street. TURN-OUT WORKMEN.—Yesterdays s a y Court-hou , e, ten mechanics, of the names of . I JA /I iSl; THOMPSON, BEACOCK, GRIMSHAW, ITESI SWO RVI' pe r ' ' LIEN, PLUMPTON, CHAMPION, DUNKERLEY, and SON, who had been in the employ of Mr. PETas t el l ; BURN, mu-line-maker and iron -founder, of this i , were brought up before THOMAS BECKETT a nd t o . ) Maimtwo, Esqrs. on a charge of having, lies , Oa en 14th and 27th of Ja nu tr y i ns t an t, by th rea ts on dation, endeavoured to force two other workElle ° _, they considered as " bl ac k s h eep ," t o d epar t fr 070.-1, employment contrary to the statute of the 6th 6 : ( 0 1 ., cap. 129. M r . Ham. appeared as Counsel for dants, and after a very long examination they Were it, ' :eg, victed except Banc A r r , an d were sen t ence d by t , ,1 to be imprisoned i n th e H ouse o f C orrec ti o n at %Vs; for fourteen days. Mr. Hatt immediately gave appeal to the Q ua rt er S ess i ons , an d t h e pers ons 91 severally entered into th e ir o wn recogn i zan ces in I two sureties in 101. each for their appearance . • Mercury. ihi r l u blin ji a d ay g bra g ein i t o oneim i gnee e e n oprp. : 1 ,0, , :, ~ 11 ra d. ) ; : . : .. 4 '. e l e . . ll fs. t 0 e l.:: r ' l I Ent tw, : 01 1 : c " ' etc it -under:. : A c C l .:l 7 rkw:on L i 11 F hoahs A N A Tifi l ..ANTED, ,t.m e s n: ear, ... 01 ,.... et - e ..oc 1 .• t,. rcui rs,..-- ii etkva Ile bl i s 4.. 413 . 183 i. A 9. _.,:„. A„.. so d P ' 01, 1 PerSOII " se e' ~ ''-,..___:_A2__l (ALA he, i s l b 41111` Ireferrel • . , °l ‘r INSUR the t . i ise '' " r ,„ENER) rred 05.;,, il oils of t the Ch 1 , 6 1, . ',„., will . be bed( vv:biSeieneig:dlftft::::°bP:r"eterirt:ll,344"l4'44t:lll4:eulksttrnTneeellltitlllalatriCi', ;i s 00 1J 'ent ZINE, and tri i rig to ,00 p w ijE a troe o gl RTy PLA arci l bishop o f inm e P er I R aiff Bish op and 18,0ratlEactl° ig eti . 9. Mr. Ste, PIN the Mr. top at for 4 1 V -1 4 ED i m pri ce ° le grod, ,ionel for A ,t„,_ Dr , :he - I stLv.,, - -uttoch s od, gbe of . iiiiiirtes 0 4 vet , Life of, ,41:1 04 of Trut tv l.° c apital Puni, t 4 of Irish L I. C Ij'° l 'Met tack ,i fi Pixion s of Big er, to ``d ; ,tinetlY 1 4 t• Cr., Neu , ton, a * " ' ou s and A vieti T h ep °' the Ed ;Furshe 0 01 '4l4' Popular - I th PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY 1111.1RD ° 410 111 THE SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND/ BIRTHS. o r On the 29th inst. the wife of Mr. F. IL ii itt ' ,0 Southampton-stre e t, Fit zro y- square , o f a son. A i 0 1 ; On the 24th in s t. at A s tl e y, L ancas hi re , the la."- 'f, Rev. Edward Allen, of a daughter. On the 28th inst. at Dulwich, the wife of rr• 4 0 , of a daughter. On the 29th inst. in G owtr - s t ree t, th e lad,' °'' 71 1 ford, Egg., of a daughter. A C r'. I On the 28th inst. in W o b urn -pl ace , the WY ° 1 Rogeri, Esq. of a son. / ' ri MARRIED. 111 , ffil On the 29th inst. J. K. Tuder, Esq. of Pen g ' j brokeshire, to Anne, daughter of the late Rich° oil ford, Esq., of Sutton Court, Herefordshire. io,jq On the 29th inst. at Great Stanmore, G. l'e s otilr to Paulina Helena, fifth daughter of the late 3r • . #fri Esq. Commissioner of Customs. lct f On the 29th inst. at St. Saviour's, Sontlocarnotts W. Titnhs, to Anne, youngest dau g ht e r of 3 1°. d' Union-street, Borough. f 10 0 1.9 On the 27th inst. at Bromley, Kent, 11 1. 0 „ Mt M D., of Cowbridge, Gl ar n organs hi r e, to , F daughter of Mr. T a y n t on , o f B rom l e y. On the 12th inst. a t Edinburgh, T. Galleiale's'ir the Royal Military College, to it# Margaret, eltlestoritt, of Professor Wallace, of the University' of Ed it ' ' ' ti ts i DIED. reg l4 , l On the 28t1: inst. at E xe t er , L uc y Anne Th e h i daughter of R. W. Elli s t on , E sq ., i n her 24)1 fe l° a decline. rrio l 4 On the 26th inst. at Liverpool, on his 1 - i n tk e ii ii Bombay, aged 19, G. Hodder', Esq. Hon. E a ll e o P .. .„ . pany's Civil Service, second son of Alex. Had ' , S''' ' oli, Nottingham. A SA As On the 26th inst. at Oaklands, Devon, ," r tged 48. 0 01 14 ' d ''Y 1 l On the 28th i ns t. Eli za b e th, t h e w ife of -' hv rl of Trevor-sq uare , B rompton. *eit tie On the 28th l ust . i n T av i stoc k- squ are, ° er 6 " .o # low of the l a t e J. J. T ompson, Esq., . Alt°l. A, V if Grenada. b r o On the 19th inst. i n P r i nces - s t re et, V dd : i ik ti lsP -_A I . 0 Bruce, sister of th e l a t e J. Bruce, Esq.: ef ' - ;1140'