The Sun. — London, England, 1854-02-01 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 1, 1854. Majesty's Government, but he would state that her Ma jesty had endeavoured, in conjunction with her allies, s' to preserve and restore peace," and that she would persevere in her efforts to accomplish that object. . . think, however, by the by, that before peace can be preserved it should be restored. However, a state of warfare has ensued from the failure of our negotiations. A state of warfare has been proved. Are we engaged in that war ? (Hear, hear.) Are we partisans ? Are we carrying on war openly, or are we doing that which has a tendency to war in an underhand and deceitful manner ? Ido not mean to say that there is anything intentionally deceitful ; but what are we doing at this moment ? I con- fess I know not. Perhaps when the papers which the noble earl has informd us it is his intention to lay on the table of the house are presented we shall then at least be able to know what is the treaty under which we are bound; and we shall then know what orders have been given, and whe ther they have been given in the most distinct and formal manner by the Government here to the admiral command ing the squadron in the Bosphorus or the Black Sea. I shall rejoice to see what it is that we are, and what it is that we are not doing. We are told in the speech that we are endeavouring to preserve and restore peace, but at the same time we are sending an uncivil message to one of the belligerents, and also, as yet one of her allies, telling him that if his vessels of war should leave gebastopol e w should consider that an act of hostility, and should in sist on his confining them to his port. But while such is our conduct towards one of the belligerents, what, on the other hand, are we doing towards the other belli gerent ? Are we confining his fleet to his port, an d \ placing him under the same compulsory armistice? Is it not a fact that while we are calling upon Russia to confine her vessels to her own port, we are at the same time convoying the Turkish fleet with ammu n iti on and provisions of war to a distant port for the pur poseenabling them mose effectually to carry of on the war. I don't mean to say that even if we are doing all this—if we are giving that ample encourage ment and assistance to Turkey —we are acting in a manner discreditable to this country ; but what I do say is, that if we are giving that asistance by convoying the fleet of one par ty, while we are, whatever you may call it, virtually en gaged in war—a description of war which, with all the r i s ks, all the difficulties, and all the dangers which must ever attend war, is undoubtedly accompanied with greater risks, difficulties, and dangers than an open declaration of war itself would incur. I do not blame her Majesty's Government for having used their best efforts to preserve peace and prevent the calamity of war. There is no man, not even the noble earl himself, who looks with more apprehension and horror at war than I do. I mean that apprehension which every man must feel when contemplating the troubles arising from a state of warfare, and when reflecting that war must ever be accompanied with great calamities to the human race. I do not, therefore, complain at the Government having tried to avert war, but I do complain—as far as my infor mation goes (and I should be convinced by a perusal of the papers, one way or the other)—that the means taken by her Majesty's Government were not the only or the best means to effect their object, but that they were the means best calculated inevitably to thwart it. (Cheers from the Opposition.) The noble earl has said that it is not desir able that this country should adopt the language or assume the attitude of suspicion towards Russia. My lords, if there is any-country towards whom it is desirable that Eng land should not adopt an attitude attended with suspicion, that very country is Russia. But, on the other hand, there is no country in the world with whom, while we should not conduct our policy with suspicion, it is more es sential that we should deal with a frank, open, and lucid declaration of that which we will allow, and of that which we will not allow ; of that which we intend to do, and of that which we will not allow to be done. Then would the ambitious and aggressive spirit of Russia be met by the vigour of England's resistance. The whole policy of Russia for the last 150 years has been a policy of gradual aggression. It has at one time been by mediation, then by offering assistance to whatever party would accept it, then by tendering to that party its protection till she had one by one got all these states under its influence and finally absorb them into one gigantic empire. It is in that way Russia has succeeded in becoming the power she is. That has been the one course which Russia has invariably pursued. But your lordships will observe that, although she has pursued this steady course for 150 years, although from time to time she has desisted from her pursuit when she felt she should be defeated in her object, yet she has never carried this scheme into effect when she was certain of meeting opposition from this country. Therefore, giv ing all due credit for the moderation and sagacity which the Emperor has displayed, and the fairness which he has exhibited in the course of the last few years—admitting the prudence with which he has confined himself within the limits of his empire, and extending to him all the merit that may be his due for that policy, the object of which is what he calls the maintenance of order—still, my lords, I cannot but feel, notwithstanding that moderation and that prudence which have been exhibited, that, such being the policy of Russia, the mode in which she should be treated by this country is not by petty acts of diplomacy here or there ; but it is by a frank, and at the same time a firm, a temperate, and a friendly decla ration of that point, beyond which it is desirable she should not go, and beyond which it is impossible consistently with the honour of England and the character of the country, that Russia should be permitted to go. I think the Emperor of Russia has great cause of complaint. (Hear.) I think her Majesty's Government has deceived and deluded him with regard to the course he might have expected them to pursue. I don't say that this has been intentionally done by her Majesty's Government. I pass over what my noble friend behind me has said ; neverthe less there was a great deal of truth in it ; for an effect must have been produced in the mind of the Emperor of Russia, in the course of the last year, by the constant, the inces sant denunciations of a portion of the press encouraged by the peculiar favours of the noble earl. (A laugh by the Earl of Aberdeen.) If the noble earl says no, I will show why I fear it is so. lam far from desiring to affix to any political party all the expressions or all the errors that might be used or committed by the newspapers which generally support the policy of that party ; but, my lords, I mast draw an exception when I find one peculiar news paper is intrusted by her Majesty's Government with a let ter—Frith an important paper which one fortnight before 'that Government had refused to lay before Parliament on the ground that there was public danger in producing such a document. When, too, I find that same news paper, upon a most extra ordinary and remarkable occa sion, announcing the fact, not only unknown to his col leagues, but unknown even to his Sovereign, of the resignation of office by one of the most important mem bers of the Cabinet—when I find, not only the announce ment of that fact before its coming to the knowledge of his colleagues, and even before its coming to the knowledge of his Sovereign, but that same newspaper proceeds to discuss the Cabinet secrets, and the grounds of difference between the members of the same Cabinet -when I find that newspaper loading the Minister whose resignation it had announced with vituperation, supported by references to papers which must have been regularly prepared before his resignation was absolutely completed —and when I find that same paper, when it was discovered that the place of that Minister could not be filled up within ten days, afterwards congratulating the Govern ment on retaining among them that able Minister, on rid dance from whom it had equally congratulated them a few days before—l say, my lords, when I find such essentially important communications, which could only proceed from the Cabinet itself, I cannot hold the noble lord wholly irreponsible for the language adopted by that newspaper. I said that those communications could only have proceeded from the Cabinet itself, and in saying so I was referring, first to a despatch which was in the possession of the noble earl the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and in the next place I was referring to the statement of the g rounds of difference between that noble lord and other members of the Cabinet. I repeat, my lords, that when I find that statement made at the very earliest moment, and before it was known to those most deeply concerned, I cannot hold her Majesty's Government to be altogether free from responsibility for the language of a newspaper which undoubtedly and unequivocally enjoys a large por tion of their confidence. But suppose her Majesty's Go vernment bore no responsibility for the language used by that nowspaper—yet when foreign Governments see these things, and see official documents published in that paper while the Government had actually refused to lay them before Parliament, will not these foreign Governments think that the language adopted by sucha newspaper has the sanction of the Government of this country ? The paper I allude to seems to be engaged in exhausting every effort to prove Turkey as a nation effete, and that the in tegrity of its dominions is a fit and proper subject for ridi cule. The noble earl had given out as his determination that nothing should induce him to enter into a war, that nothing was so distasteful to him as the mere thought of a war ; at least, if this were not so, the party of the noble earl had mach misrepresented him. If these, however, were the sentiments of the noble earl upon this subject, expressed not only by his followers, but encouraged by himself, surely the Emperor of Russia had every reason to believe that the noble earl, first of all, would not go to war at all ; and, secondly, even if he did so, that he would not at least go to war with Russia. The whole conduct of the Government in the matter seemed to be vacillating and unsteady ; at one moment there was a threat —in the next an atonement ; and even soif aenviodffenentsiavwe weakness t n w e ere hazarded, it was accompanied by All these matterso b f intention as rendered it ineffec tive.ence of a fusion or confusio n prove to my mind the exist ;tip the cabinet no less unac countable than to b e deplo red. It seems as if the noble earl had some personal spell up on him, which prevented checked all the evils him from taking which had the course wic misfit have effectually Government and therefore the were Emperor of Russia, as far as the relation to -con cerned, had a perfect right to consider tha t , in his aggression upon Turkey, the British help intend would put forth no active interference. to dwell further upon this subject, but cannot that it appears to me that those persons who haseft saYin a g Turkey with such unwarrantable disrespect, and hL i r 'at !' re garded her empire as weak and feeble, must be somewhat surprised at the noble and manly part which she has taken in the late struggles. To see her hemmed in and threat ened by any enemy greatly superior in numerical force, sup- p o rted by allies at least of questionable sincerity, and rea dy to make any sacrifice but that of honour—to see her exhibit, as she has done, from the highest to the lowest, a moderation and firmness, a degree of endurance and a power of resistance seldom equalled and rarely seen, are some proofs of a capacity which speak volumes for the patriotism of the nation, and are but a feeble proof of its sinking state. I quite concur in what has been said by a noble lord to-night relative to this subject—namely, that if we' are really to be engaged in a war, it is now too late to go ill-naturedly into the causes which led to it, or to press upon the notice of the country how it could have been avoided if more prudent measures had been adopted, as they ought to have been, by her Majesty's Ministers. We must look to the war itself, and, pro vided the object of it be laudable, and the cause worth fighting for, we must enter upon tho contest with our might, and, instead of giving way to party feelings and party prejudices, devote all our energies to strengthen her Majesty's hands, and maintain and carry out our work in a manner and a spirit worthy of our reputation and name. (Loud cheers.) If we are once embarked in the war, our principal deliberation must then be, how best to carry it out t o a speedy and successful termination, so as to avoid on the one hand the unspeakable horrors which acc omp an y and the i nev it a bl e ca l am ities whichmust attend it. (Hear, b ear.) The noble earl then expressed it as his opinion that no time could be less oppo r tune than the present for the the c onsideration of questions of Parliamentary re f orm , though great evils of bribery and intimidation could not be too soon or too summarily dealt with. After a rapid anim- advsrsion of what he believed to be the new scheme of reform, Lord Derby proceeded,—My lords, I think that Parliament would be neglecting its duty if it were to alto gether abstain from commenting upon a proceeding which has taken place, and to which I have already incidentally referred. For the space of 12 days the country was with out a Minister at the Home-office. (Hear, hear.) Nor was it the case of an ordinary minister, nor did it take place at an ordinary time, but at the very crisis in our affairs, and when the attention of her Majesty's foreign Government ought to have been, and, no doubt, was, almost exclusively directed to the consideration of our foreign policy. (Hear, hear.) The country was suddenly startled by an announcement, given in great detail and with great apparent knowledge of the facts of the case, that a minister from whom I have differed in opinion, but whom I believe to possess great knowledge of foreign affairs, and who, by the great portion of the country, was more trusted th?.n any other minister, had ceased to hold office. ;Hear.) That announcement was accompanied by astate- went, which has never been contradicted, and which I have - no reason for not believing, of the ' circumstances which led to that resolution, and various comments, ac- cording to the inclinations of various parties, were made. I have often, as I have before stated, differed from that noble lord, but I entertain a high respect for his knowledge and his great abilities. (Hear.) After the expiration of twelve days, during which period it was stated that noble lords and right hon. gentlemen had been asked to accept office, the public were equally astonished at learning that it was all a mistake, and that the noble lord the member for Tiverton was again in his place, and that the circum stances connected with the affair would be found most honourable to all parties. It is in the hope that such may be the case that I venture to ask from the noble earl oppo- site some explanation of that which, unexplained, exposes her Majesty's Government, collectively and also individu ally, to serious misapprehension. The resignation of a Secretary of State is not to be lightly tendered, and should not be accepted but (upon the ground of absolute necessity, or of paramount difference, at a period when the country is in difficulty, and when the talent and ability of a single man may be most use ful. But, my lords, either the question upon which the Government differed, and upon which the noble viscount tendered his resignation. was one of vital and paramount importance, or it was a minor question. If it were a question of minor importance, and one capable of explanation, I ask what justification is there for a ten der of resignation on the part of the noble viscount, or for the acceptance of that resignation by the noble earl oppo site, without any effort to retain the services of his col league? If the difficulty was one which could be got over immediately, both parties have much to explain for leav ing the country for a time without the services of a Secre tary of State for the Home Department. If, on the other hand, the difference was such as to justify the resignation on the one side, and the acceptance of that resignation on the other—if it were so irreconcileable that no argument could have got over it, no explanation have settled it, then, I must say, that the subject is one which deserves the attention of Parliament. The whole affair is only ex plicable ,on the supposition that, as reconciliation was impossible, either one party or the other must have abandoned the principles which rendered it neces sary to tender a resignation on the one side, and to accept it on the other. (Hear, hear, hear.) I repeat, my lords, that Parliament would not be doing its duty if it did not require from the noble earl some explanation of this singular fact. How is it that there should be a resig nation of a leading Minister tenderqd and accepted, and yet that, after the expiration of 12 clays, without any alteration of external circumstances, we find men differing so materially from each other sharing the same councils and sitting in the same Cabinet? The original formation of her Majesty's present Government was not such as to lead the public to entertain any great confidence as to the uniformity of its opinions. Their sentiments, it ap pears, are such that, upon a question about co be submitted to Parli iment, a Minister has resigned, and has again resumed office. It will become necessary to inquire which of the Ministers has given way, and which is the presiding genius of the Cabinet? (Cheers.) This is a matter which cannot increase the confidence which Parliament and the country feel in the manner in which public men act together. I have ventured to touch upon this subject, because it is one which does not touch upon the personal character of the noble lord, but it is one which casts considerable doubt on the manner in which the public business of the country is carried on by her Majesty's present advisers. I think that after this long debate there is no necessity for calling upon your lordships to vote on an amendment to the address, but I would submit the propriety of the insertion of the word "intimidation." I can assure the noble earl opposite that, whatever may be the difference of our political opinions, we agree in desiring to light upon the best means of rescuing the country from its difficult position with honour to her arms and to the character of the nation. (Hear, hear.) The Earl of ABERDEEN.—My lords, while I think that some of the subjects touched upon by the noble earl opposite can be much better discussed at another period, there is one point of the noble earl's speech which demands immediate attention, and to which I am now desirous of replying. It must be obvidus that after the notice given that this night your lordships shall have full information of the whole of these long, complicated negotiations, that it is most desirable as well as convenient to abstain from founding arguments upon information we know to be in correct, and in many instances directly the reverse of the truth. It would be natural that we should abstain under such circumstances from such discussions, but I suppose the temptation was too strong for the noble earl, who could not consent to postpone the opportunity of attacking the Government upon the question, even to one other night. The noble earl has thought proper to say that the Emperor of Russia had good reason to complain of her Majesty's Government, and he especially directed his observations to me. The noble earl said to me that my known reluctance to engage in war, and the declarations I had already made on the subject, were such as to mislead the Emperor of Russia, and make him believe that I would never be a party to engage in hostilities against him. Now lam quite ready to repeat all the declarations I have ever made against this country being engaged in war with any state, and certainly with Russia. The people of this coun try have not unfrequently rashly and hastily engaged in war, which they have afterwards repented for at leisure. (Hear, hear.) Now, I consider it to be my duty and that of the Government, not under any circumstances not to engage in war, but to use every possible effort to check — even when I feel it is laudable and natural, as I admit it to be in the present instance—the popular feeling of indigna tion against that which appears aggression and injustice— still, I say, it is the duty of the Government to restrain within the bounds of prudence and restrain even the indul gence of a feeling which I admit to be perfectly natural. But the noble earl has made an odious accusation against me. I must remind your lordships that it is not only the statements of yourselves, but it is the opinion and declara tion of all statesmen, that no war can be justifiable unless it partakes of the nature of a war of self-defence. Now, my feeling, my notion, my opinion of war is such, that, as I have already said in this house, I think it the greatest proof of the thorough depravity and corruption of human nature that anything so horrible as war should ever be just and lawful. Yet such, I lament to say, is the case ; and we must all admit that war is not only one of the greatest of all calamities, but it is too often the greatest folly and the greatest wickedness that a people can commit. I repeat, therefore, in the strongest terms, all that I have ever uttered upon the subject of the horror and detestation which I entertain of war. Still I most readily admit that there _must be exceptions. Although we cannot pretend that there is any danger to this country in the war at pre sent existing between Russia and the Porte, yet in the pro per preservation of the balanca which has been established in Europe, it may, no doubt, be considered in some sense as acting in self-defence when we seek to preserve the re lative position and power of various states which are necessary to the security and safety of the whole. But again, I say, the noble earl has made an odious accusation against me, and it has been repeated over and over again in quarters which are supposed to be much connected with the noble earl and his friends. In truth, your lordships may have observed that for some time past the whole censure of the public press that is opposed to the principles of the government has been concentrated on me. My noble friend near me (the Earl of Clarendon), who is naturally charged with the conduct of these affairs, should naturally be the prominent person for those par ties to remark upon—but my noble friend has passed com pletely without observation. (Laughter.) When your lordships come to see the volume which will be laid upon your table to-night your lordships will then see with what ability, zeal, and perseverance my noble friend has carried on these negotiations, and you will then be able to judge of how well he deserves a share of these attacks. Now it was even stated by a paper in Constan tinople that I had received a hogshead of gold from the Emperor of Russia; and the press that is connected with the friends of the noble earl opposite has indulged in simi lar accusations, and charged me with being the tool and instrument of the Russian Emperor. Now it is a singular fact that perhaps few public men in this country have ever written more, or with greater acrimony, I may say, in the terms I used, than I have written of the Russian Govern ment. (Laughter.) It is true that one of my honourable or my right honourable calumniators of the press has ac cused me of betraying the honour and interest of this coun try in this year in the same way as he says I had done in the year 1829. Now that is rather an inconsistent accusa tion. lam quite ready to share and to take all the respon sibility that any person pleases to impose on me for all that has been done by the Government in the course of the present year; but, if it is true that I am a person who be trayed the honour and interest of this country in this year, I beg to say that the same charge cannot apply to my con duct in 1829 • for at that period I occupi ed the s i t uation of my noble friend (Lord Clarendon), and I flatter myself I was then cordially identified in conduct and opinion with one who knew something of the honour and interest of this country, and whose opinions connected with the principles of the foreign policy of this country were much respected, and who was considered as good an exponent of sound po licy as any man living. No man living had enjoyed more of that statesman's confidence than I had ; and no man, whether in or out of office, was in more frequent daily communication with him than myself. I am, therefore , somewhat f or tifi e d i n my o pi n i ons when I feel that I have endeavoured to act upon the principle upon which that great man would have acted if he were now alive. In order to show the character of my official relations with Russia. on that occasion, I may just mention that I have been charged with the authorship of the treaty of Adrianople. Now, when I recollect the part I took on that occasion, and the despatch es I then wrote upon the subject of that treaty, I am still f ar th er at a loss to comprehend how I that treaty should be selected as a document deserving of the animadversion of the noble lord. justl will explain how that matter stands, f or th e purpose of showingl am m ao ci t ni in c co st rr io e n ct wi in th sayk u g ss t i h a atth wase mannerer ner acrimonious ni 'm y on nffi ims e t iel ntran otherwise. I think it was in the year 1827, during the administration of Lord Melbourne, th a t thenoble viscount came to me on the occasion of some notice of motion in the House of Commons, and asked me whether I would have any objection to the production of the dispatch I wrote on the subject of that treaty of Adrianople, and of the criti cism I made upon such treaty. (Hear.) He came to me, however, two or three days afterwards, and he sa id th a t upon further reflection, though ho conceived the dispatch most admirable, yet it had better not be produced on ac count of the Russian government. There is the same accu sation against me running through all the organs of noble lords opposite—at one time the accusation is that I am I Austrian, now that I am Eussian, and then that I am, a s it were, Austro-Russian. (Laughter.) It certainly is very true that I had the honour of being accredited as ambassa dor to the court of Austria some 40 years ago, but, except that at rare intervals, I hays had some communication with that veteran statesman, who still lives, and who once took so active a part in the conduct of the affairs of that empire, I have had no more relations with Austria than with Japan. (Loud laughter.) I have, nevertheless, my lords, no doubt that Austria is the natural ally of this country—that her allianpe is one which I desire always to see cultivated; for I think there is no point of collision, nor can there be any point of difference that might or ought to prevent us acting cordially with her on all great European questions. Further, my lords, I do not deny that I entertain the greatest possible desire to preserve friendly relations with Russia, and that I regret most deeply the state in which we at present stand in refer ence to that power. (Hear, hear.) For although " the strictest alliance with Russia was the most important one that this country could possibly frame," still I admit that is one of the greatest possible importance to this country, and therefore, seeing the present position of affairs, however unavoidable on our part, it is undoubt edly one to be viewed with the deepest regret. The noble earl has said, and others have said also, that whatever might have been our desire to escape from the horrors of war, nevertheless the dangers which now hang over us are attributable to her Majesty's Government, and he says,— "If you had met the state of matters with a little more - vigour, or with a more explicit declaration of our inten tions, that things could never have come to their present pass." Now, in answer to all this, I would beg noble lords opposite to suspend their opinions until they are able to see what we actually did. But again I should beg to be allowed to state that a vigorous course, as it is termed, is not the course which I should, under the circumstances, have thought wise or politic. In the first place, my lords, I look upon such a course as a sort of game of brag, not very much to be admired. No doubt the menacing tone may be successful with feeble states on certain occasions ; but to hold such language to a great power, you must be prepared, not only to succeed, but also to fail, and must, consequently make up your minds to employ force if not successful. Now, I must say at the period referred to by the noble earl it would have been the most impudent thing in the world to have held such language without the cer tainty of success. Why, my lords, in the first place, Turkey was utterly unprepared—(hear, near)— she had no army. And, therefore, if we had told the Emperor if he did not comply with the demands of Turkey that he must expect war on our part, what would have been his answer? Why, he would have marched straight for Constantinople; and, probably, meeting with no difficulty in a single cam paign, he would have reached it. But besides this, my lords. the Porte had not declared war against Russia. Russia, indeed, had occupied the Principalities, and had given due and full right to the Porte to declare war if she thought fit so to do ; but the Porte, taking their own view of their own interests, thought fit not so to declare war ; and in so doing they met with the consent and approbation of her Majesty's government and her Majesty's ambassador at Constantinople, who certainly has the inte rest of the Turkish empire as much at heart as any noble lord opposite can desire. Well, my lords, the consequence of pursuing that course of policy has been that time for preparation having been afforded to the Porte, we have witnessed those efforts on her part—(cheers)—which have met with the laudation of the noble earl, and which in a military view have surprised those who had formed a less opinion of the resources of the Turkish empire than the noble earl. Nor could we then have approached Constan tinople without a breach of treaty until the Porte had de clared war against Russia, and at the same time, he deemed it of great consequence to have the Gerrhan powers with us, which, though they have not adopted the same vigorous measures that we have done, have nevertheless greatly assisted in the negotiations. The noble earl also seemed to say that not only had the Emperor of Russia grounds for blaming her Maj 3sty's Government, but also that the Emperor of France had. Now, so far as this is concerned, I have had the honour and happiness of being able to inform his Majesty myself what my feelings are on the subject. But whatever I may be accused of, an objec tion such as that can never be justly made against me. For whether under Charles X., under Louis Philippe, or under the present Emperor, my settled opinion always has been that we ought to cultivate the French alliance to the most intimate possible extent. (Hear, hear.) Why who, my lords, was the author of the expression which has passed so current of late—the entente cordiale —why it came into vogue when I myself held the seals of the Foreign office, now so much more worthily filled by my noble friend. But perhaps it will be some comfort to the noble earl opposite, who thinks I am so very Russian in my tendencies, to hear that, although the freedom of the press is rather shackled in Russia, that freedom of speech is tolerably free; and I am informed that it is fully and loudly declared in St. Petersburg that Count Nesselrode has been a traitor to his country, and that he is the emissary of her Majesty's Government. (Loud cheers from the Ministerial benches.) I believe, however, my lords, that both our purses have derived about the same advantage from the policy which has been pursued on this question. (Laughter, and cheers.) My lords, as there will be a further opportunity of entering on the particulars of these negotiations, I shall not follow up the subject any farther, except in reference to a point on which the noble earl has fallen entirely into mistake, in reference to the separation of the Vienna notes. The note to which he referred was not a general one—it was merely a French one, and that may not be so distasteful to the noble earl as if it had been prepared by her Ma jesty's Government. (Hear, and laughter.) But what ever it was, it was sent on the very same day to St. Petersburgh and to Constantinople--nay, more. it was shown on the very same day to the Russian and Turkish Ministers at Vienna at the time it was so transmitted. Therefore, there was a perfect equality, a perfect impar tiality in the mode of dealing with the question. My lords, the noble earl has made a great point of the publi cation of a despatch of my noble friend in a newspaper — which had been refused to Parliament. My lords, that course was rendered necessary in consequence of the erroneous statements appearing in foreign journals, and which other wise might seriously have affected the public service. But the noble lord has also dealt very much upon another in stance of the confidential communications made to this journal, and in particular he has referred to the circum stances attending the resignation of my noble friend the Secretary for the Home Department. He said, that her Majesty had learned the fact of that resignation from the Times newspaper. The Earl of DERBY— What I meant to convey to your lordships was, that the articles in question appeared be fore her Majesty was informed of the fact. The Earl of ABERDEEN—The noble earl will then al low me to inform him that what he states is not the fact. I informed her Majesty myself of the resignation, and on my return from the Isle of Wight I saw the articles the very next day. How they came there, however, Ido not know—l do not know anything about it whatever; and that leads me to a subject on which the noble earl has an nounced his intention of extracting from her Majesty's Government everything connected with this transaction. I hope, however, that the noble earl will not set his heart very greatly upon such a task, because I will certainly feel it my duty not to allow him to extract from me more than I think proper. (Laughter.) Indeed, my lords, lam the last to deny the cleverness of the noble earl, but he must be very clever, in truth, if he can extract more from me than I choose to communicate. (Great laughter.) How ever, I will not be entirely silent on the subject, but state in general terms'what were the circumstances of that trans action. Connected with the preparation of the measure of Parliamentary reform a misapprehension took place on the part of my noble friend. Believing the provision in ques tion to be finally introduced into the measure, my noble friend tendered his resignation. However, explanations took place, and my noble friend resumed—in fact, he had never ceased to perform the functions of the Home Depart ment. But when the noble earl hints that he has a right to know the cause of the resignation, and the means by which the reconciliation was brought about, I entirely deny his right. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Had my noble friend left office, then, indeed, he would have been bound to give a full account of his reasons for so doing. But the noble earl opposite may think this, like Sir Lu cius's case, was " a very good quarrel as it stood." I ap prehend, however, whether in a Cabinet or elsewhere, if a misapprehension or misunderstanding should take place, and that a reconciliation is brought about, that though it may be a matter for the exercise of a mischievous curiosity it is not a legitimate ground for inquiry. Now that is the only answer I have to give to the noble earl. If ho can say that the public interest has suffered by what has/ taken place, I have no doubt that my noble friend will be fully able to justify the course he has pursued in another place. (Hear.) My lords, when the noble earl accuses me of a connection with the press, I may be allowed to say that I consider the part taken by that portion of the press most devoted to him and his party to be the most disgraceful ever exhibited in this country. (Hear.) It is not for the noble earl to cast I mputations upon others on account of objectionable matter which appears in the journals, for I venture to affirm that never has there ap peared anything in the press of this country so disgraceful to the people and the intellect of this country—(hear)—as the matter which has been offered day after day,, of late, to the English public by that portion of the press to which I have referred. (Hear.) But, my lords, having defended myself from being either Austrian or Russian, I am bound to say, it is with the utmost astonishment I have seen similar imputations cast upon a much more exalted per sonage than myself. These charges have assumed a form which calls upon me distinctly and emphatically to meet them. (Hear.) I call on your lordships to bear in mind the statements of the last two weeks in reference to no less illustrious a personage than the Prince Consort. (Hear.) I will remind your lordships of the position occupied by that illustrious Prince. He is the consort and adviser of her Majesty, it cannot be denied. But then her Majesty has no private secretary. Was there any objection to his Majesty George IV. and his Majesty William IV. having private secretaries ? These gentlemen. as private secre taries, had the opportunity of advising their Sovereign, and yet were not Privy Councillors. (Hear, hoar.) The only objection has been that Lord Melbourne acted as private secretary to her Majesty at the time he was First Minister of the Crown. That is the only unconstitu tional proceeding at all. I can conceive something in compatible in it, to be s ure ; b u t than it was hoped, and the hope was speedily realised, that the Queen would con tract marriage, which wou ld o f course release him from the performance of all these duties. (Hear, hear.) Now, therefore, the notion that a husband should remain silent and see his Sovereign and his wife in difficulty and embar rassment, and not open his mouth to give her a word of advice or assistance—l think your lordship would form a very extraordinary opinion of such an individual who up held it. (Ministerial cheers.) It has also been asserted that it was Sir R. Peel who first encouraged this inter ference of his Royal Highness, and that Lord Melbourne did not permit him to exercise the functions which be now does so advantageously. It is true that Prince Albert often was present when Ministers have to represent to her Majesty that which it is their duty to represent ; and, my lords, I must say I always extremely regret the absence of his Royal Highness on such occasions. I appeal to noble lords present, of whom there are several, who have had the means and opportunities of knowing and ascertaining the wisdom and prudence of his Royal Highness, and I ask them to say if they ever heard a single syllable that has not tended to the honour, the interest, and the wel fare of this country. (General cheering.) His Royal Highness may entertain opinions at variance with the Minister, but then the Minister alone is responsible— (hear, hear)—and if her Majesty wished to follow the ad vice of his Royal Highness she can do so, but the Minister is not bound to take the same course. (Hear, hear.) I will now, my lords, read the last letter which Lord Mel bourne addressed to her Majesty on leaving office. It is dated " August 3 0, 1811 . 1 'Therefore it was written after Sir R. Peel's Government was formed, and the day before he (received the seals of office. The letter is as follows : " Lord Melbourne cannot satisfy himself without again stating to your Majesty, in writing, what he had the honour of saying to your Majesty in reference to his Royal Highness. Lord Melbourne has formed the highest opinion of his Royal Highness's temper, judgment, and discretion, and cannot but feel great consolation and secu rity in the reflection that he leaves your Majesty in a situation in which you have the inestimable advantage of such advice—Lord Melbourne being certain that your Majesty cannot do bettor than have recourse to it when needed, and that you will rely upon it with confidence." I To finish this odious subject, I must refer to another topic. It has been studiously circulated that his Royal Highness has materially interfered with the army at the Horse Guards. Now, I can state, that so far from there being the shadow of a foundation for this rumour, it happened that, in 1850, it was the great desire of the Duke of Wel lington to make such arrangements at the Horse Guards as would enable his Royal Highness to succeed to the position of commander-in-chief. The duke proposed various ar rangements which would tend to render the acceptance of that office easy to his Royal Highness, to whom he strongly recommended it. But the Prince Consort, with that sound judgment which distinguishes him, felt it would be inconsistent with the duties which he owed to his Sovereign and wife, and he therefore, and upon that ground alone, declined the office, because he believed his acceptance of it would interfere with those functions which he now dis charges so advantageously to the country at large. (Hear, hear.) His Royal Highness stated at great length, and with much clearness, to the Duke of Wellington, his rea sons for declining his proposition, and in that determina tion his grace entirely concurred. Now, my lords, these are the miserable calumnies that have been circulated in reference to the interference of his Royal Highness with the army. You must recollect, my lords, that his Royal Highness is a field marshal—(hear, hear)—that his eldest son will be at the head of the navy; and that his Royal Highness, God forbid the necessity should occur ! would be called upon to act as Regent, if necessary ; and there fore, my lords, that he should not interfere with the army is monstrous. (Hear, hear.) But beyond what he is en titled to do I deny utterly that his Royal Highness ever interfered with the conduct or regulations of the army. (Hear, hear.) I have thought it right to say this, and I feel it my duty to say so, although, I confess, I feel ashamed of the necessity. (near, hear.) lam sure the noble earl opposite (Earl of Derby), although he thought proper un j ustifiab:y to connect what appeared in the public press with my name, will feel an equal disgust for these calumnious misrepresentations. (Hear, hear, and ministerial cheers.) • Lord HARDINGE and the Earl of DERBY rose to gether, but the noble earl gave way, and his lordship said : After the statement of the noble earl, who has just sat down, I beg leave to corroborate every particle of what he has said with regard to the non-interference of his Royal Highness with the army. (Cheers.) I believe, my lords, that those reports were set in motion about the same time that General Sir George Brown resigned his situation of adjutant-general. I never saw any attack on his Royal Highness before that time ; but when that occurrence took place, then it was that a portion of the press entered into a conspiracy to attack his Royal Highness for interfering with the army. I have the patronage of about twenty-six or twenty-selten regiments to dispose of. The mode in which the business is transacted is this—that when there is any appointment to dispose of, the commander-in-chief writes a reoort to the Queen recommending such person as he may think proper to succeed ; and I can state, on may own knowledge, that in every instance where I have sent a recommendation it has been returned with the Queen's signature, and in every case the recommendation has been acceded to. (Cheers.) Therefore there has been no inter ference with the patronage of the army. (Cheers.) It has been said that when the adjutant-general and the deputy adjutant resigned, the Master-General of the Ordnance re fused to take office unless he received a stipulation from his Royal Highness that he would no longer interfere in the army. Such a charge was too absurd to require denial. I found on another occasion a very cireumstantial account of a conversation which it was stated the Adjutant-General had had with me, in which he stated , with gr eat em p hasis, that he had swo rn allegiance to the Queen, and did not re cognise the auth or ity of his Royal Highness in the tran saction of business at the Horse Guards. I immediately wrote to General Brown, and asked him whether in any transaction at the Horse Guards any circumstance of that character had occurred, and he utterly denied it. (Loud Cheers.) It is hardly necessary to multiply the denial of charges which have been cast upon his Royal High ness. I will merely say that there is not a shadow of foundation for such statements. (Hear, hear.) During the time I have held my present appointmentj have had various conversations and communications with his Royal Highness, and have derived great assistance from him. I recollect last year that he suggested to me the expediency of having a camp of instruction atChobham, and I entered into the view because I thought it right. (Hear.) And I should like to know whyl am to be debarred from commu nicating with his Royal Highness on matters respecting which there is no concealment. It appears that because his Royal Highness takes a little interest inthe armyas a field marshal, that I and any officer in my position is to be de barred from communicating with him when I can commu nicate with any noble lord on the same subject. Such a thing appears to me to be utterly absurd. I assert that his Royal Highness never interfered in any manner in the pa tronage or duties performed at the Horse Guards, but, on the contrary, has shown every desire to offer valuable sug gestions. If lam wrong in the exercise of my duty at the Horse Guards, lam responsible. When my noble friend opposite nominated me to my present office, he, in the most fair and honourable manner, explained to me that my du ties were professional, and that I was under no obligation to any party. During the time the present Government have been in office I have not been interfered with in the distribution of patronage, or the management of the busi ness at the Horse Guards—(hear, hear.) I alone am respon sible for the manner in which I exercise the office. I have received, asl have stated, from her Majesty my recommen dations regularly signed without any interference on the part of his Royal Highness, and I repudiate as utterly un worthy of belief the atrocious libels which have been cir culated respecting him. (Loud cheers.) The Earl of DERBY—My lords, if the noble earl oppo site (the Earl of Aberdeen) thought it consistent with his duty to enterinto any explanation or discussion of the pain ful and difficult topic which he has introduced into the de bate, I do not quarrel with his discretion, and only doubt whether I should have exercised the same discretion under similar circumstances. But I have an excuse for trespassing on your attention, inasmuch as, although on the main question I concur in almost every sentence which has fallen from the noble earl, I do not concur in the manner in which he has thought fit to introduce the subject; and in the presence of the noble earl I feel bound to take some notice of the manner in which he has introduced it. In the course of the observations which I made I traced what I thought an intimate connection between a certain news paper, the constant supporter of the Government, and the official intelligence or official knowledge which that news paper could only derive from official sources ' • and I stated that if that was the case, and that intimate connection could be traced, on matters which could not be known out of the Cabinet, between that paper and her Majesty's Go vernment, they must not be surprised if foreign Govern ments identified their policy with the views found in that paper. (Hear.) Therefore the noble earl takes upon him self to say that I am the last man to throw out such an imputation, inasmuch as he charges against a paper which he says is the ordinary supporter of the same policy as myself the insertion and publication of the most absurd, and, if they are believed, the most mischievous libels. (Hear hear.) Now, I will not submit to the imaginary possibility of the imputation' being cast upon me that I have had anything to do with any such insinuations or imputations, except treating them with ridicule and con tempt. (Cheers and laughter.) If the noble earl means to say, and to repeat the assertions that have been made in his paper, the Times, under a signature which I suppose is not official—under the signature " C.," whoever " C." may bo—if he means to say that these insinuations and these slanders had their origin in the Conservative portion of the press, I beg to say—repeating the courteous manner in which the noble earl contradicted me on a matter of fact —that both the noble earl who has made that statement and the correspondent of the Times, who has made that statement, have stated distinctly the thing which is not. (Cheers and laughter.) Because the origin of all these statements and insinuations—of these absurd charges, by which the gullibility of the public , has been excited, which led crowds to attend at the doors of the Tower to see his Royal Highness—(loud laughter) — and which led individuals to say he was sure to have been sent there if the Queen had not announced her intention to go with him—(continued laughter)—l say that from the highest and most mischievous of these insinuations, down to those possessing the greatest absurdity, and which prac tised the most on the gullibility of the country, had their origin not iu any portion of the Conservative press, but in papers of an extreme Liberal opinion—in papers such as the Morning Advertiser, which is a favourite paper , as lam informed, of the licensed victuallers, and conse quently circulates through all the pot-houses in the country. (Great laughter.) That is a paper that I never happen to see, but the,Moratng Advertiser and the Daily News are the two papers which have been most active in propagating those absurd reports, and I will not presume that either the Morning Advertiser or the Daily News are very cordial in the advocacy of my policy. (Hear, hear.) When the Prime Minister of the country attempts to con nect either me or my party with the publication of such odious and ridiculous slanders, I cannot remain in the presence of the assembled peers without telling the noble earl that his position as Prime Minister, as a peer of this house, gives him no right,without a shadow of foundation, to introduce such a subject by an insinuation that counte nance has been given to the slanders by the members of the Conservative party. (Loud cheers.) Now as the insinua tions and statements themselves, I only wonder at the amount of ignorance on the part of the British public, which appears to have been so successfully practised upon. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) I entirely concur with the noble earl in the confidential, the highly confidential, sta tion which his Royal Highness fills ; first, as the necessary natural adviser of the sovereign, placing him in a position no higher than the private secretary of the sovereign, but also being bound to her Majesty by the closest and ten -1 derest ties, being bound to this country as the country of his adoption —by his being the consort of the sovereign— by his being the father of the future king of this country—though long may it be before such an event occurs (hear, hear)—it is arguing an absolute igno rance of all the feelings of human nature, and all proba bility or possibility to su ppose that, being in such a situa -1 tion, his royal highness can either shut his eyes or close his ears to what is taking place—that he should not feel the deepest interest in the foreign and domestic concerns of this country—and that he should not, as a privy council lor, give to the Queen the benefit of his advice and opinion whenever she wishes to consult him on public affairs. (Cheers-) I must further say that the position, the most confidential that can be filled—so confidential indeed that it can be filled by no person less closely connected with the Sovereign than his Royal Highness, has not only never been abused to my knowledge, but the advice and counsel given by his Royal Highness has been always, to the best of my belief, given from an enlightened consideration of what was due to the interests of the Sovereign and the public good ; and although it was undoubtedly the fault of any responsible Minister, if differing in opinion from his Royal Highness, he permits himself to be overruled in the advice which he tenders to the Crown as such responsible Minister, it is a great advantage to any Minister having to advise the Sovereign of this country, %and having to advise a female Sovereign on public affairs—it is, I say, a matter of great satisfaction and advantage to the Minis ter that in explaining such affairs to a female Sovereign, with which she may not be in all respects familiar, she should have a person in her intimate confidence whose in terests are bound up with her own, and who on every ac count must have the strongest feelings of attachment to her person and of loyalty to the Throne, and that that person should be one able to consider the reasons given for the advice tendered to her Majesty—(hear)—and to sug gest topics to her Majesty which may or may not occur to her own mind, but which, being suggested, it is satis factory for any Minister to explain. But this country is under a great mistake if it should suppose that the Sove reign does not exercise a real, salutary, and decided in fluence over the councils of the country. (Hear.) The Sovereign is not the mere automaton, or puppet, of the Government of the day ; she exercises a beneficial in fluence over the affairs of the State ; audit is the duty of the minister for the time being, in submitting any propo sition for the assent of her Majesty, to give satisfactory reasons that such propositions are called for by public policy. If the Sovereign is not satisfied with the advice tendered to her—if either from the suggestions of her own mind, or from objections which may be angeated to her by others, filling that high confidential situation to whiLlh. I have referred, her Majesty is of opinion that she will n of accept the advice of the responsible Minister of the Crow, 1, the course of the Crown and of the Minister is °quail y open. The course of the Crown is to refuse to accept the t advice, and the consequence to the Minister is to resign. It his Royal Highness, on any occasion, has done that which I believe in my conscience he has never done, and as far as my experience goes I can say he has never done—if he has unconstitutionally or improperly interfered in the affairs of the State, or gone counter to the advice tendered to her Majesty by her Minister, it would be not so much the fault of his Royal Highness—though he would incur a grievous responsibility—but it would be the fault of the Minister, who, in the advice he gives to his Sovereign, can be overruled by no subject whatever, and only by the de cision of the Sovereign herself. And in that case he has only one course, and that is to withdraw from the attempt to offer advice which is not at all desirable. My Lords, I trust you will forgive me for adverting to this matter. I should have rejoiced to have seen the subject, notwith standing it has prevailed to a considerable extent among the less instructed classes in the country, treated with that silent contempt which it deserves, and I am happy to have had an opportunity of agreeing with the noble earl in the sentiments he has expressed in reference to the matter, though I must say that we on this side of the house have cause to complain of the manner in which it has been in troduced to our notice. (Hear.) Lord CAMPBELL said in reference to a great question of constitutional law, it might not be unbecoming in him to express his opinion. After giving this subject a patient consideration, be could have no difficulty in saying that all that had been described as taking place between the Sovereign and the Minister was altogether unexceptionable and most salutary ; but he thought it was putting the matter on a wrong footing, when it was said his Royal Highness en joyed his opinions in respect of his capacity of a privy councillor. It was inevitable from the circumstance of a female being on the throne that that communication should take place ; and their lordships must resort to the Salic Law if they wished to prevent it. But it was not as a privy councillor that his Royal Highness had to give coun sel ; but it was as the alter ego, as the consort of the Queen of Great Britain. It was desirable that the Queen Regnant should have the assistance of her consort; and he (Lord Campbell) should only further say that it seemed to him that all those imputations on his Royal Highness were most groundless and most calumnious ; and the best proof of that was, that if he had given advice to her Majesty, most salutary advice it must have been, for he (Lord Campbell) had no difficulty in saying that the Queen was the most constitutional Sovereign that ever reigned in this country. (Cheers.) The Earl of HARDWICKE said he was glad to have heard the explanations which had been given in reference to this painful subject. For his part, he should have been the basest of men if he could have condescended to write in any newspaper one word in regard to the interesting person in question. But he (the Earl of Hardwicke) never in his life hod any correspondence with a newspaper on any subject whatever, nor had he ever had any connection with I one. (An ironical laugh.) The Earl of ABERDEEN said the noble earl ought to have been the very last person to connect anybody with the press on account of any supposed similarity of opinion. He (the Earl of Aberdeen) had not counted the number of days on which the different papers had indulged in those abominable and unscrupulous imputations ; but he knew this, that in papers devoted to the noble earl and his policy he had seen the most abominable imputations. He said the noble earl ought not to charge on others a connection with the press which Whe himself would repudiate. (Cheers.) hat had the noble earl to complain of ? All that he (the Earl of Aber deen) meant to say was, that the noble earl should have been cautious in supposing a connection with a journal in consequence of friendly sentiments to the parties whom it espoused, and when he said that sentiments were expressed by a journal friendly to him (the noble earl) which he (the noble earl) would be the first to repudiate. (Cheers.) The Earl of DERBY—The noble earl still persists in fixing those absurd rumours on papers connected with the Conservative party. I tell him they have their origin and their main propagation through papers of an extremely Liberal character. (No, no, from the Duke of Newcastle.) I say yes, through papers connected with extremely Liberal opinions, which are, perhaps, now represented by the noble duke who now cheers so loudly. If they have been copied into papers professing Conservative opinions, all I can say is that when I have seen them in any of those papers it has been with deep regret. But whether propagated by the extreme Liberal or the Conservative press, I cannot understand how they can be intended to damage the noble lord and his Government, inasmuch as between them and the Court there is no inseparable connection. The Earl of HARROWBY said the general belief in the horrible slanders in question was increased in consequence of their receiving the sanction of the Conservative press. He had expected to hare seen a stop put to slanders circu lated by that portion of the press, at all events. He did not suspect the noble earl (Derby) of having shared in those things ; but he complained that some of the gentlemen connected with that party had not come forward in a pub lie manner, and as early as possible given a check to the currency of those slanders. (Hear, hear.) When he con sidered the position which for thirteen years the Prince had taken upon himself in this country, and the amiablq and exemplary way in which he had deported himself, it was in the highest degree discreditable to the country that they could for a moment entertain suspicions so base and so little deserving of credence. (Cheers.) The Earl of DERBY—I don't desire to defend one news paper or another, but I do desire to repudiate the attempt made to throw upon the Conservative press the odium of having originated and circulated those slanders. Ido now disclaim the doctrine put forward by my noble friend, that it is the duty of me or any of my noble friends to watch for any absurdity or for any mischievous paragraph which may appear in those newspapers which he has pleased to call " our organs." I may say that I have neither directly nor indirectly influenced in my life a single paragraph in a single paper, and I am not going now, for the first time, to take upon me the duty either of answering calumnies upon me in opposing papers, or of correcting paragraphs in those professing to support me. (Cheers.) I must de cline to be made responsible for what may be written on the one side or the other. Lord MALMESBURY could not remember to have heard in the house any speech more offensive thin that of the noble lord (Lord Harrowby). Lord HARROWBY explained that he had not implied the responsibility of noble lords for what appeared in the papers, and had not intended to give utterance to anything that could be considered offensive. Lord MALMESBURY could not understand the noble lord's admitting that they were not connected with the press, and yet calling upon them to stop what appeared there. How could they have taken an earlier moment than this for disavowing all belief in, or approval of, the calumnies in circulation ? They did so on the very first night of the meeting of Parliament. He never heard a more offensive speech in his life. The Address was then agreed to, and their lordships ad journed at 25 minutes past 12. the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in a. committee of the whole house, would move for leave to bring in a bill to alter the mode of proceeding in regard to certain ex penses now charged in the public revenue. At the same time and on the same day the right hon. gentleman would move for leave to bring in a bill to amend the act of last session relating to the duties on assessed taxes. On Friday the President of the Board of Trade would, in a committee of the whole house, move for leave to bring in a bill to admit foreign ships to the coasting trade. (Hear.) And on the same day the right hon. gentleman would also move for leave to bring in a bill to consolidate and amend the law relating to the mer chant shipping. On Monday, Feb. 6, the noble lord the member for the City of London would move a cora -1 nittee of the whole house on the subject of the oathg of a,.llegiance, supremacy, and abjuration. (Hear, hear.) 0,1 Friday, Feb. 10, the noble lord would move for leave to bring in a bill to consolidate and amend the law re lating to bribery, treating, and the exercise of undue influence at elections for members of Par- liament. On the same day the noble lord would also move for leave to bring in a bill to amend the law relating to the trial of election petitions, and for inquiry into the exercise of corrupt practices at elections. On the same day the President of the Poor law Board would move for leave to bring in a bill to amend the law relating to the removal settlement and chargeability of the poor in England and Wales. On Monday, the 13th of February, the noble lord would move for leave to bring in a bill further to amend the law relating to the representation of the people in Eng land and Wales. (Cheers.) And on the same day the noble lord would move for leave to bring in a bill to amend the law concerning the vacating of seats by mem bers of the House of Commons. NOTICES OF MOTION. Mr. BROTHERTON gave notice that it was his in tention on an early day to submit a motion to the house to stop the progress of the business after 12 o'clock at night. (Hear, hear.) Mr. LOCKE KING gave notice that on an early day be should move for leave to bring in a bill to amend the law of succession to real property in cases of intestacy. Mr. PHILLIMORE gave notice that he should take the earliest opportunity of moving for leave to bring in a bill providing for the appointment of a public prose cutor. HOUSE OF COMMONS-(YESTERDAY.) The House of Commons began to assemble shortly after one o'clock, and the members con tinued to drop in until two, when the house became tolerably well filled. The Ministerial side mustered in great force, but the front benches of the oppo sition were entirely empty. Mr. James Wilson and Mr. Hayter, with the Solicitor-General, were the only members of the Government that occu pied the Treasury bench. Both Lord Cardrdss the mover, and Mr. Thomson Hankey, the se conder of the Address, were present. Mr. Roe buck, to all appearances quite hearty again, was early in his place, while the veteran senator, Mr. Hume, who, next to the Speaker, was the most welcomed on his return after the recess, came in a few minutes before two o'clock, looking the very picture of good health. Sir John Pakington, Lord Stanley, and Mr. Walpole, all prominent members of the Derby Administration, were in the house, but the two latter seemed to prefer standing below the bar to sitting on the bench usually appropriated to the leaders of the Opposi tion ; and the Worcestershire baronet was left in possession of it almost alone. The Speaker, who, together with the Sergeant at-Arms, wore his State robes, took his seat at the table at half-past one, where he remained until a quarter past two, when Mr. Pullman, the Yeoman Usher of the Black Rod, appearing at the bar, he ascended the chair. The Yeoman Usher then advanced to the table, and said, " Mr. Speaker, the Queen commands this honourable house to attend her Majesty immediately in the House of Peers." The Speaker at once obeyed the Royal summons, and left the house, followed by a crowd of hon. members who had previously balloted for rotation. The Speaker returned to the house at five-and twenty minutes past two o'clock. The house then adjourned until a quarter to four o'clock. The house resumed at ten minutes to four o'clock. SLIGO ELECTION. The SPEAKER acquainted the house that he had received a report from the Examiner of Recognisances stating that the recognisances in the case of the Sligo election petition were unobjectionable. NEW MEMBERS. Several new members, who had been elected during the recess, took the oaths and their seats. NEW WRITS. On the motion of the CHANCELLOR of the EX -SHEQUER, a new writ was ordered for the election of a burgess for the University of Oxford, in the room of Sir R. H. Inglis, Bart., who since his election had ac cepted the office of Steward of her Majesty's Hundred of Northstead. The right hon. gentleman said, he was sure the name of the hon. baronet would long be remem bered by the house with mingled feelings of regret and respect. On the motion of Mr. HAYTER, new writs were ordered for the county of Louth, in the room of Chiches ter Fortescue, Esq., who, since his election, had accepted the office of a Lord of the Treasury ; for the southern division of Staffordshire, in the room of Lord Lewisham, called to the Upper House ; tur Brecknock, in the room of C. R. Morgan, Esq., deceased. On the motion of Sir W. JOLLIFF, a new writ was ordered for the Southern Division of Shropshire, in the room of Robert Clive, Esq., deceased. On the motion of the Earl of MARCH a new writ was issued for the Western division of the county of Sussex, in the room of R. Prime, Esq., who since his election had accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. SESSIONAL ORDERS. The sessional orders were read by the SPEAKER, and agreed to. BOROUGH OF PETERBOROUGH. Mr. BANKES presented a petition relating to the last election for the borough of Peterborough, com plaining that there was not the usual period of 14 days allowed for the parties to petition before the election took place. The petition was ordered to be printed. PUBLIC BUSINESS. Mr. HAYTER, said, perhaps, it would be for the convenience of the house that he should state the order in which the Government intended to propose their measures for the consideration of the house, To-morrow CONVOCATION. Sir J. PAKINGTON rose to ask a question relative to Convocation. Having given the noble lord (Lord J. Russell) notice of his question, he hoped to have a dis tinct answer to the question. He wished to ask whe ther Lord Aberdeen had given his consent to Convoca tion continuing its sittings, and whether, on the other hand, if it was the intention of the Government to pre vent the transaction of business to-morrow ? Lord J. RUSSELL said it was the usual course of Convocation to be prorogued by the Bishops, and Lord Aberdeen was of opinion that the prorogation of Convo• cation should take place in the usual manner, and that the interposition of the Crown should not take place unnecessarily. GREEK CHURCH IN TURKEY. Correspondence respecting the Greek Church in Turkey was laid on the table. THE ADDRESS. The SPEAKER then announced that the Commons had been summoned that day to the House of Loris to hear her Majesty's gracious speech, which the right hon. gentleman then read to the house. Lord CASTLEROSSE rose to move that a humble address be presented to her Majesty, thanking her for the gracious speech just read. The noble lord appealed to the indulgence of the house, which was never refused to one of its members addressing them for the first time. He thought her Majesty's Government were entitled to the thanks of the country for the patience and forbearance which they had exhibited during the last nine months in endeavouring to prevent if possible the miseries of war. (Hear, hear.) That delay had been productive of two good results. It had given the people of this country an opportunity of discussing the question fully and freely, and had afforded our Government time to prepare a fleet unexampled in the annals of this or any other country. (Hear, hear.) He hoped the distress among the people alluded to in . the Royal Speech would be but temporary ; and with regard, to the promised measure of reform in the repre sentation of the people, he trusted it would be an effec tual check for the evils brought to light during the last session of Parliament. The noble lord con cluded amid general cheering by reading the Address, which was, as usual, an echo of the Royal Speech. Mr. T. HANKEY seconded the motion. He felt the indulgence of the house was needed by him, not only on account of his inexperience in the practices and usages of the house, but also by the vast importance of the topics alluded to in the Royal Speech. (Hear, hear.) Most undoubtedly the question of most immediate im portance alluded to in the Speech from the Throne was the Eastern question, and if the messsage de livered that day by her Majesty as to their national resources was to be taken as an indication of the imminence of war, it well became them to con sider how such an event would act upon the financial and commercial affairs of this country. He would briefly point out one or two striking differences as to our position now and 1815. The reduction of taxation since then amounted to no less than 13,000,0001. (Hear.) This country had now enjoyed peace for nearly 40 years —a peace which had enabled this country to develope its vast resources and enabled every man to turn his attention to that occupation which he deemed most profitable to himself. It was owing to that peace that the great_ and glorious work commenced by Clarkson and Wilberforce bad been consummated and enabled Englishmen to say that on their soil slavery could no longer exist. (Hear, hear.) The Ministers of this country had made, and were still willing to make great concessions to avoid the miseries of war ; and as long as they felt negotia tions were likely to tend to an amicable result, they would still do so ; but, if the sword must be un sheathed, the country will rise as one man, and show that the best preparation for war is peace, and that the time during which we enjoyed peace had not been lost. The increase of the prosperity of this country was borne out by the vast increase of London, of Liverpool, of Manchester, , of Glasgow, and the immense sum invested in railroads, all which showed the great pro gress made by this country during the time it had en• joyed the blessings of peace. He regretted the deficiency in the last harvest alluded to in the Royal Speech—a calamity which was shared also by the neighbouring country of France and several other continental nations, though no doubt the price of grain had been enhanced by the scarcity of shipping, and the same cause had also affected the poorer classes by enhancing the price of coals. (Hear, hear.) With respect to the re form of the Universities, that question would naturally come before this house, which had ever shown itself so anxious to foster and promote the cause of education in this country. Whenever that question came before the house it would be dealt with in a calm and wise spirit, which he trusted would be participated in by the universities themselves. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member read an extract from a private letter from a gentleman now at Oxford, stating that there was no use in blinking the question—the University must be rendered such as would suit the temper and the wishes of the times we live in. (Hear.) After paying a graceful compliment to Sir R. H. Inglis, lately one of the members for the University, the hon. member said with regard to the intimation in the Royal speech as to reform iu our ecclesiastical courts, he rejoiced that Government had now at last found out that the time was come for an in quiry into the constitution and practices of those courts. He rejoiced also that the time was near at hand when, as to the law of divorce, the poor man would be put on an equal footing with the rich man. He rejoiced also that the law of settlement was about to be revised, and he trusted it would be entirely abrogated. He believed alteration might be necessary as to the mode of appointing to the civil service ; but he trusted, if a higher rate of talent was expected in the public service, that a higher rate of remuneration would be also decided on. With respect to the last topic in her Majesty Speech—reform in the representation, he believed the country at large looked for a large mea sure of parliamentary reform, and if that principle was followed out it would prevent that corruption in the constituencies, which at present was a disgrace to this country, and almost to every man who had anything to do with elections. (Hear, hear.) The Address having been read from the ch air, Mr. BAI_LLIE rose, and said it was not his intention to advert to all the topics referred to in the Speech from the Throne, but he could not refrain from adverting to the manner in which our foreign affairs had been conducted during the last few months. It might be said that there was not a fitting occasion to advert to so momentous a subject, it might be said that they were not in possession of all the information relating to it ; but he, for one, thought when the subject involved the honour of the country, no time could be too early for bring ing it before the house. (Hear, hear.) Besides, they were not likely to get more information on the matter of the Eastern question than they already enjoyed ; he therefore could not allow a moment to elapse without directing attention to the proceedings of the last few months. He was not one of those who blamed the Government for the struggles they had made for securing the peace of Europe, but he blamed them for not having pursued a more vigorous policy towards Russia. If, instead of adhering to the antiquated policy of endeavouring to preserve the balance of power in Europe, they had adopted active and vigorous measures to oppose Russia in the first onset of the Eastern question, we should never have heard a word about a war in Turkey. (Oh, oh.) At all events, that was his opinion ; and he had the satis faction of knowing that people out of doors agreed with him. (Hear. hear.) The movements of Prince Menschikoff ought to have been met boldly in the first instance, but, unfortunately, ho was allowed to proceed so far in his mission from Russia, that Turkey was obliged to arouse the religious and political feelings of her subjects, and the time came when this country could not withdraw from an armed support of Turkey without sacrificing her own honour. England gave an assurance to Turkey which induced her to resist the demands of Russia, and from that moment England became bound to lend Turkey an armed assistance. What was, then, the course which the Government of this country pur sued ? They had recommended Turkey to adopt a war policy, and they sent our fleet to Constantinople ; but having done this., they neglected to carry out a vigor ous war policy, in the hope that half measures would ;succeed in ridding ukoftlie difficulty ! It wao, f however, a blot on the honour of the country th at while Russia was blockading the Turkish ports in the Black Sea our fillips of war should have been' re' maining at Constantinople. The Government ought to have known from previous experience that no half measures could meet a case like this. Half measures had failed in the case of the Burmese war, how could they succeed in the case of Turkish war I Well, then, England, when she consented to advise Turkey to resist the demands of Russia, ought to have been ready to_ give her an efficient armed assistance, though he was not quite sure whether it would not have been better, in the first instance, to have allowed Turkey to fall. We could not afford to part with the friendship of Russia for the sake of securing the in , lependence of Turkey, for the time might come when France, being in possession of Antwerp, would be found to be a dangerous Power, requiring the assistance of the Northern Powers to keep her in subjection. But these were questions which wou ld h ave t o b e di scusse d in future, and again regretting the lukewarmness of the past, he hoped, for the future, the house would insist upon the Government being more vigorous in their ope rations. (Cheers.) Mr. BLACKETT did not rise to prolong the discus sion of the Eastern question, but he wished to protest against the system of concealment which the Govern ment bad hitherto pursued with regard to its foreign po i:"... Colonel SIBTHORP could not regard the Speech, which had been read by the Queen that day, as the Speech of the Sovereign. He looked upon it as a sort of omnium ga therunt—an olla podrida—which had been served up by the Government in order to conceal their own iniquitous proceedings. Sir R. PEEL said he was glad that there was no oppo sition to be offered to the adoption of the Address in answer to the Speech from the Throne ; and he was pre pared to support the policy of her Majesty's Govern. meat. He thought that he was giving expression 1 0 the sentiments of many when he said that the people of this country were satisfied that the apparent delay and hesitation which had marked the interference of her Majesty's Ministers in that momentous question, with out sacrificing one iota of the na ti ona l di gn ity, h a d given proof of that temperate judgment and that wise discrimi nation which afforded the happiest tests of their capacity for government. (Cheers.) Mr. HUME said he thought that the Government, by the secrecy which they had observed in conducting the negotiations respecting the Easter n question, had not shown sufficient confidence in the people. Be believed that if they had placed greater faith in the public they would have met with a greater amount of support in the policy they had pursued. He would strongly recommend that before any increase was made in the military esta blishments of the country, care should be taken to carry into effect the suggestions offered by Parliamentary com mittees for a more efficient mode of administering the business of our army and navy. He - hoped that the Go vernment would lose no time in laying before Parliament all the documents relating to the Eastern question, and affording the house and the country an opportunity of arriving at the most accurate conclusion upon the subject. Mr. H. LIDDELL said ho had rose specially for the purpose of referring to that paragraph in the Speech front the Throne which related to a further change in the navi gation laws. He was not prepared to say that the Govern ment might not have good grounds for recommending the proposed alteration ; and he could certainly conceive good reasons for their taking the subject into consideration. There was, for instance, the very high price of-coals in the metropolis, which had been cans al in a great measure by the high charge of freightage. Another motive for the policy which the Government were disposed to recent mend was the strike in the northern ports which had been threatened a short time, but which had happily been averted by the good sense of the men employed in the coal trade in other ports. A further circumstance which might, be adduced in justification of that poli c y, was the refusal of the United States to admit English shipping to any por tion of the carrying trade along their vast sea-board, on the ground that we had not thrown open our coasting trade. But while he made those admissions, he could not certainly go so far as to say, with the hon. member for Montrose, that the changes which had recently taken place in our navigation code had been productive of nothing but benefit, and had been attended with no evil or inconve• nience. He should feel that he was not duly performing his duty upon that occasion if he did not call the atten tion of the First Lord of the Admiralty to the grievous calamity which had lately visited our shipping trade, and to those recent losses at sea which we had s° much reason to deplore. (Hear, hear.) He (the hon. member) had received a letter from Liverpool that very day, in which he was assured by the writer —a gentleman of most competent authority on the subject of navigation, that the loss of the splendid ship, the Tayleur —one of the finest vessels ever launched, was caused 11 the inefficiency of the crew ; not inefficiency in a merely numerical sense, but from the motley description of the crew, composed as it was of Nubians, Lamers and Chinese ; men incapable of understanding the orders 0 the captain, and consequently incapable of executing them: (Hear.) When, therefore, hon. gentlemen asserted that no inconvenience had arisen from the changes which had taken place in the navigation laws, he met them with the fate of Tayleur, the Olinda, and other vessels, which had been destroyed owing to the inefficiency of their crews. In corroboration of what he asserted, he might add he was informed that the insurances effected upon the Tayleur had been disallowed at Lloyd's, in consequence of it all: pearing in evidence that she went to sea with an inefficient crew. (Hear.) They should take warning from events like these; and he' theiefore entreated that, when her Xs" jesty's Government submitted their measure to the con" sideration of Parliament in reference to the coasting trade, they would not close their ears to the representations and recommendations of the different chambers of commerce and associations of shipowners in the kingdom. (Hear.) He assured the Government, as the representative of the first commercial port in the empire, that he was pre pared to give the measure his very best consideration. (Rear, he ,r.) In his opinion the debate on the Speech from the Throne had not, up to that moment , received the attention and consideration to which it was pre-eminently entitled. (Hear, hear.) He believed at no period of our history since the peace of 1815 had Parlia ment ever met under circumstances of such gravity, and which might be followed by such momentous consequences , as at present. (Hear, hear.) Far be it from him to find fault with, or to censure, her Majesty's Government for their patience and m o d era ti on , h owever h e m i g ht r egret I he little prospect that remained of an amicable settlement of the question. He believed that Russia, whose colossal power could not be over-rated, was only anxious to pro" tract matters in order to concentrate her gigantic forces, on the several points of the Bosphorus. (Hear, hear.) II he did not presume too much on the attention of the house, and as no hon. gentleman had as yet alluded to the power of the Russian Autocrat, he did not think the time of the house would be unemployed by permitting him to call attention to certain statements which referred to the con dition of Russia, and the power she w is able to bring into the field. According to that great historian, Sir Archibald Alison, the total forces which made up the Russian arm, of 1840, amounted to 800,000 infantry, 250,000 cavalry , and 100,000 artillery. Why did he presume to refer to that topic ? He did so with a double purpose, first, t° show that, whereas time being necessary to Russia to bring up these forces, it was obvious there should be delay by diplomacy ; and, secondly, to put the people of this counts/ on their guard against these negotiations, that they 'nal, be prepared to confront that mig ht y power. (Hear, hea r./ He gave the Government credit for all they had done ; but in calling attention to these matters, he felt he was raerel, performing a conscientious duty ; and he hoped her Ma jesty's Ministers would not consider that it was even now too late to amend the error into which they had fallen. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Sergeant SHEE said he did not rise to disturb the, unanimity that prevailed in refe rence t o th e Add ress m oved in reply to the Speech of her Majesty. He was glad to see the measures of reform which had been announced, but lie regretted it became his duty to advert to what he consi dered a serious and unpardonable omission in the Royal Speech—he referred to the absence of all allusion to Ire' land. (Hear, hear.) He hoped the right hon. baronet opposite (Sir J. Young) would give them some assurance. (Hear, hear.) Sir J. YOUNG thought the hon. and learned gentle man had arrived too hastily at the conclusion that her Majesty's Ministers had abandoned the measure of land lord and tenant. No doubt they took for the basis of their legislation the measures proposed by the hon. and learned gentleman opposite, and he for one would never hesitate to give him that credit to which he was fairly entitled. Fr ° believed that those bills were framed with great care, with admirable skill, and with a due regard to the inte rests of both landlord and tenant. The bill of the right hon. gentleman would be sent up to the House of Lords, would be introduced and discussed there, and he trusted that statement would satisfy the hon. and learned gentle man that the Government is honest in its intention of pro posing wise and safe, and he hop e d b ene fi c i a l, l eg i s l a tion for Ireland. (Hear, hear.) Mr. DIGBY SEYMOUR begged to thank the Govern' ment for the intimation they had given of their intention to open the coasting trade, as well as the foreign. When the coasting trade was thrown open, complete freedom of men and ships would be the law of the mercantile marine of this country. That would be a boon acceptable not only to the borough he had the honour to represent, but to everybody. During the past year the progress of ship building in the port of New York and of Sunderland were shown to be in favour of the latter, Sunderland having built 65 more ships, with a tonnage beyond those of NeW York of 22,256 tons. He believed their legislation tended to increase the character, style, and fitting of their ships- The average tonnage of the vessels built in the Wear in 1851 was 211 tons, while the average o f th e vessels i n the last year was 212 tons. He therefo re d rew the inferenc e that the effect of their recent legislation was to give an im petus to a better and higher class of shipping, and to attract • the attention of shipbuilders t ie e h t h h e e t f te o r re s iegerity n u inste th ad es o e f gh t i h p e s nj coas ting trade. He thought that thos e w h o s till ca lled out for and another natural pro tection was the skill and abilit y required in the manage " enjoyed dtewothioune woul waiting for winds ; meat of the coasting trade; and these placed them in a po sition of advantage over all foreigners. So far as ship" building was concerned, the last knell of protection had been rung, and a new era introduced under the auspices of her Majesty's Government, w h o , w hil e preserv i ng a e dignity of the Crown and the security of the empire abroad, were encouraging useful and peaceful reforms, as well as an enlarged commercial legislation, at home. Mr. W. FAGAN, Mr. HADFIELD, and Mr. PHILLIMOBIC , having severally addressed the house, Mr. DISRAELI—Sir, I think that the resolution to which the house has co me, not to enter into any discussion with respect to that great question of foreign policy which now* agitates the nation until her Majesty's Government- have laid the documents relating to it upon the table, is a very wise and judicious resolution, and I will not attempt in any way to act in a different spirit. At the same time it is, I think, always our duty, when her Majesty makes a gracious Speech, to take care that it does not pass unno• ticed by those to whom it is addressed. Now, air, I may remind the house that when Parliament was prorogued last autumn, her Majesty informed us she had reason to believe that the negotiations which her Government were then carryi ng on would b e crowned with success, an d even immediate success. The no b le lord the S ecretary o f State for Foreign Aff a i rs d escr ib e d , i n ano th er h ouse, the cha racter of the m easures w hi c h h e b e li eve d wou ld achieve this desir a bl e en d . H e s t a t e d , a f ew d ays b e f ore the pro rogation of Parliament, that we might consider that the question which had so long been in controversy between Russia and the Ottoman Porte, and which had so much agitated the feelings of England and of Europe, was in fact arranged. I am obliged to speak from memory of the general tenonr of the noble lord's observations, but I think am not mintatius them, The no b le 1914 1/448 on thit-b ,~,. PU (C fill ti(