The Sun. — London, England, 1863-12-02 00:00:00

TH .E POLISH INSURRECTION, (I) own the Special Correspondent of the Times.) WARSAW, Nov. 16. It is rather remarkable that the nomination of Count Berg to the Lieutenancy of the kingdom of Poland appears in the aame number of the Journal de St. Petersbourg as the rescript from the Emperor to the Grand Duke Constantine, from which it may or may not be inferred that th© retirement of his Imperial Highness is only temporary, and that after the suppression of the insurrection he will return to Poland and introduce a humane system of Govern ment. The following is the passage in the rescript which has a ttracted the m os t a tt en ti on, an d wh i ch to the ordinary reader, would leave no doubt as to the Grand Duke's ultimate return But wh en, with the helpof God, the revolt is mastered ; when, rene,ered accessible to the voice of duty and legality, my subjects of the kingdom liberate themselves from the violerim exercised upon them by the declared fosterers of treason, and have recourse to my clemency; when the re establishment of order permits you to resume the work you had commenced; when circumstances render possible the application of institutions which it is one of my most lively sand sincere desires to see in action, I have the agreeable hope that you will then take part in the execution of my views," &c. One would naturally conclude from this that the Emperor's brother must be playing the part of " the absent Duke," while General Berg fulfils that of Angelo, his severe deputy. It is said, however, on the other hand, that the Grand Duke has had enough of Poland, and that, even if he wished to come back, the circumstances under which alone his return would be thought desirable are not likely to present themselves. The project of an address to the Emperor has been attributed to the Poles for some t i me past by the correspondents of the Russian newsydapers. It has even been suggested to Poles who have had pardons or commutations of punish ment to solicit for their friends that the best thing to do in the first instance would be to append their 84;natures to an address of repentance and submis s:ton. But, though there is much to deplore, there is nothing to apologise for. It was a duty the Poifs owed to their country, and not to the Russian Go vernment, to abstain from an appeal to arms. They are not likely to go down on their knees a nd b eg for mercy, nor is it likely that mercy will be shown to them. Every insurgent chief who fallsinto the hands of the Russians is shot, every ordinary in surgent draughted into the Russian army, every suspected member of the National Government sent to the east of Russia, every convicted member shot or hanged_ Nevertheless, if an address is really wanted signatures of some kind might no doubt be procured. I see that the peasants of the various districts in the Government of Augustowo continue to present their compliments to Mouravieff, and to implore him to obtain for them the glorious privi leges of the newly - liberated Russian serfs. The peasants of the kingdom in general might be made to put their marks to a loyal petition of the same kind, and as the voice of the majority is now the most important thing in Russia, next to Divine Tight, the views and sentiments of the educated classes on the subject would, of course, be declared unworthy of notice. There is a well known mode, too, of forcing in habitants of towns to sign addresses. An exorbitant tax is announced, and when the taxpayers venture to remonstrate they are told to put their remon strances in writing and accompany them with be fitting expressions of loyalty. Thus the Jaws of 'Vilna were suddenly ordered by Mouravieff to pay up 20 per cent. of their incomes. " How could they get off ? The tax was enormous—twice as much as was required of the landed proprietors." It was explained to the Jews that to get the tax re duced they must petition, and the result was the presentation of an address of loyalty from the Hebrews of `Vilna. That the Polish nobility, however, or the inhabi tants of Warsaw, or any of the men of the insurrec tion will have recourse to the Imperial clemency is not to be thought of. Putting all other considera tions on one side, it would not be safe to do so, and the first man who made the experiment would feel it necessary at the same time to make his will. However, with or without an address, it the Grand Dake were really to return, he would not find his position here very tenable in the midst of men who have been at war, not with his father's Govern ment, but with the system of government intro duced by himself. Ho would have nothing to offer that was not offered unavailingly before; and any conviction he may have entertained as to the possi bility of reconciling the principal men in Poland to the Government of Russia must now have been considerably weakened. On the other hand, there would be some negative advantages attached to his position should he return after the total suppression of the insurrection and the abandonment of all hope of foreign interven tion. The revolutionary party which directed the attack on the Grand Duke's person, and which begun the present insurrection and kept it up until, encouraged by promises of foreign aid, the wholecountry joined in it—this party will no longer be able to show its head, and there would no longer be any possibility of hesitating between positive benefits, however slight, offered by Russia and the vague, unmeaning sympathy of foreigners. The " revolutionary" party, as it loves to style itself— the party which will hear of no compromise either with . the Russians or with those who can tolerate the ir tlle government—must have lo s t l a rg e numbers in held as well as by exile; and it is not unlikely that wh en men via : W u'e moment of recrimination arrives the known by oud force on a rising, and who made Duke and their the Chiefly attempts t o mur d er th e G ran d chiefly feared. Marquis Wielopolski, that what th e y the pAciflc4tiou of the country by an improved s was the j e s b , e e to of government, will be looked upon by tchlasses with more aversion than ever. If, however, ala ey h are too much blamed, those who blame theto reminded that they ended by joining them; aa y d if e tatatny foreigner lays too much stress on this fact, h e bans e asked in his turn how it was possible for paisaiv s s o i r classes of Poles to side actively, or even Y, with the Russians against their own country thell Foreigners, above all, may be aske d wh y they: ere 'a eager in ap plauding an insu rrection which was not justi fiable because it had no chanc e of su n c truly e but was based only on that sort of ri g ht Which the lamb pos sesses to attack the wolf. Here, again, the Poles themselves were culpable, for it was from Po:i sh sources that cam_ the stories, n circulatedlover Europe of risings having occurred in provinces which had not been in any Nva, die. turbed, and of the military im p ortance of a mov e . ment which, as far as regards numbers in the fi eld, was never very great. It was from Poland the n ews came that Langiewiez had a well-equipp ed army of 10,000 men, whereas the truth was (as I mentioned long ago) that he had never more than 3,500,many of whom were very badly armed. If we had known from the first how strong the Russians were and how weak the Poles, the insurrection would have met with the sympathy of pity but not of encouragement, and we should have ad mired the heroism of the Polish leaders without counselling them to persevere as they have done until now nearly every one of those who went into the field at the beginning of the in surrection is in his grave. If we had seen from the beginning that the Poles were sure to get the worst of it we should, instead of cheering them on, have entreated them, for their own sak e , t o d es i st . B u t they would publish their stereotyped ph rase — Tarathar to the readers of the 0 • • plizzone attonale,— " The insurrection • is increasing day by day ; " they would have it that the whole of anci en t P o l an d was flying to arm s from the B A lti c t o B essara bi a ;" they wo u ld speak ' ment into the kinorthe entry of every f res h detach about its exit ; they would witho ut saying anything s urrection had,abovysall would never allow that th e in that it was kept up by d , a e: peculative chara c t er , an d o f ultimately obtaining superata efforts i n the hopeprt tine, .knowing that the puNpvuroci from abroad. ln more likely to be assisted than the wea k , they „ a e re i t ually magni fied their strength, and deceived their foreign b ac k er s as to their ca p a bility of beating the Rus sians, and were a g ain deceived a s to the c h being helped in t he event, more or iesa expect": of the Russians provi n g , after all, too s trong for then o l i A firm tragi-cornedY has hee n played en both sides, the end of which is that Poland is ruined, and that now, when the snow is beginning to fall, the French army is as far from Cracow as ever, and a m w code of instructions in force throughout the k t gdom, by which proprietors, mayors of villages, and chiefs of peasant communes, are required to g.ve information at the nearest military post of the arrival of insur gents on their estates, without summary judgment by court-martial as the alternative in case of neglect. Charges and counter-charges of deception will, no doubt, be made plentifully before long; but in the meanwhile there has existed, on both sides, a de cided willingness to be deceived. People were BO glad to hear that the Poles, the representatives of liberty, were beating the Russians, the representa tives of despotism, that they would not stop to in quire whether such really was the case; and the Poles themselves looked upon every one as their enemy who ventured to deny the astounding triumphs claimed for their detachments, even when these detachments were beaten instead of victorious. The approved friend of Poland is the man who will have the igno rance or the effrontery to talk of 20,000,000 Poles ready to fight for independence; and these are the " friends" who have misled the Poles as to the pro bability of their being assisted by foreigners. It is said that positive promises were made by France; and it is certain that the Poles obeyed all instructions received from the Emigration in Paris with the most implicit confidence; and that first the taking of Puebla, then the election of a Sovereign to the Mexican throne, were mentioned as occur rences l o f f an a cy F , r h e a n w c army mighaftert bew h r i e c g h a r t d h e e d a in s ' ever, it would be very difficult to prove that any ' direct promises were made on the part of the French ' Government; though persons supposed to be in the confidence of the Emperor may have communicated their own suppositions and hopes on the subject to their correspondents in Poland; and thus ex pressions of sympathy may, at last, have come to be translated into pledges of assistance. How ever this may have been, the Poles had made up their minds that the Emperor Napoleon must aid them, and being once possessed with that conviction they interpreted everything that took place in France with reference to the Polish question in a sense favourable to their desires. In England it was imagined that M. Billault's speech did not hold out to the Poles any great hope of French inter vention. The Poles, however, were ingenious enough to discover in it a secret intention to come to their rescue at the proper moment; and as with M. Billault's speech so it may have been with the promises ,alleged to have been made by persons in the confidence of the Emperor. It is not creditable to the Russian Government, but the fact is that the slightest shadow of a hint from Paris has more effect upon the Poles than the most solemn promises from St. Petersburg. In the former case, to be sure, the longing for national in dependence is appealed to, whereas, in the latter, the more that is done to improve the condition of the Poles, the less chance is there that they wil throw themselves blindly into political enterprises with the view of separating themselves from Rus sia. At the same time it is a fact, that the Russian Government, by reason, in a great measure, of its own past conduct, is unable to inspire the Poles with the slightest confidence, though even if it were the most sincere and truthful Government in the world it would still find it difficult to establish any lasting good relations with a nation which is always looking for the help of foreigners. The Poles can scarcely fail to derive some political benefit from the present insurrection, ruined though they already are by it in a material point of view. If a new Polish kingdom, on the model of the Po land of 1815, be not formed out of the present king dom, with or without the annexation of the city and district of Cracow; if the Poles should be unable to obtain even such a result as this from their labours and sufferings ; it is just possible that they may at last look upon themselves as altogether abandoned by the West. Once really convinced of this they would certainly not attempt any farther struggle with a Power so immensely superior to them in re sources of all kinds as Russia. In that case it might be the worse for the West of Europe, or at least for Austria and Pru,sia ; brit it would evidently be better for the Poles to reckon with their despair, to cease irritating theonly countryfrom whichthey could have anything to hope, and to enter into its projects instead of perpetuallycounterac ting them. If theking dom of Poland is not saved this time, or failing that result does not by a revulsion of feeling easy to un derstand throw itself into the arms of Russia, instead of waiting for Russia to stifle it, then the Poles must feel that they are destined only to be crushed, for they will certainly not have another chance left of preparing themselves even for the feeblest insur rection. " For some time to come," said a Russian the other day, whose opinion on such a matter is of importance, "we shall only be able to govern Poland under a state of siege." " And after that ?" he was asked. " Still the state of siege." " But at a later period ?" "It will always be difficult to get on without the state of siege," was the reply, and so undoubtedly would it be it the Poles, after receiving the most painful plod to the contrary, still per sisted in believing that the West of Europe was anxious to rescue them from Russian dominion. Hitherto the Poles have been placed in a most painful position, being just sufficiently protected by the Western Powers to be able to persuade them selves that under favourable circumstances France and England, or France alone, would assist them against Russia. The fact that nothing was done for them in 1831, and that they were scarcely thought of during and after the Crimean war, has left no im pression upon:them. They are always looking fo r rescue to the West, and if the W est cannot help them by armed intervention, it might, at least, render them an important service by formally abandoning them, instead of protesting on their behalf, and reserving a perpetual right to interfere, which is never exer cised otherwise than in words. The remark of an ex-Minister, who speaks with authority on the sub ject—the remark of M. Guizot, that "every one has made use of Poland, but no one has really assisted her," ought never to be forgotten by the Poles. "I will restore this noble nation to independence if Russia does not agree to my projects ; if she does, however, a slice more of the noble nation'slerritory is at her service"—that is the additional Napoleonic language on the subject of Poland ; and it is not astonishing, since Napoleon I. purchased Russia's consent to the formation of the little Polish France, entitled the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, by the ces sion of Bialystock, and her consent to its increase by the cession of Sarnopol, that a similar project should be attributed now to Napoleon 111. The annexation of Cracow and a portion of Western Galicia to a new and self-governing Polish ekingdom,l and of Eastern Galicia to Russia, would „ y a renewal by Napoleon 111. and Alexander 11- of the Napoleon policy T in respect to Poland pursued by But it aux -. and Alexander I. in 1807 and 1809. political 111. can do for Poland is to pro curethe purely polish for the Kingdom, and to get that is no fl : r h portion of Galicia annexed to it, than what every Austrian knows was the infallib le wie.o end of the policy introduced by compared polski, w h om P r i nce N apo l eon n th e e ve 3 rt l h a re Gil e u s i s s the French Senate to Judas Iscariot. If the present insurrection leads to no active in tervention on behalf of Poland, the re a l Judas in future will be any Sovereigia, or expectant Prince, or nation, or p olitical assembly th at haZ may endeavour to mislead th e Poles as to the probability receiving some da y that sup p ort f rom abrad of their hitherto, even un der the mcst favourable which circum stances, has alway s failed them at the critical moment. If, after a ll, a war should seriously b e undertaken with a view to an independent Poland, and if this war should be seriously prosecuted and Poland not abandoned at the first opportunity f„ r making a profitable peace, than the Marquis Wiel o , polski will have erred so greatly in supposing such a war to he out of the question that his mistake will in, deed appear almost criminal. Should it on the contrary turn out that all the blood that has been shed in the present insurrection has been shed in V lin, then the real wrong-doers will evidently be, not those who commenced the movement in a moment of despair, but those who long before had planned it; and above all, those who, by encoiraging it with false , hopes from abroad, led the whole country to take THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 2, 1863. part in it, though only a small minority believed that, unassisted, it could ever succeed. People in England have probably a very faint idea as to how the Kingdom of Poland is actually governed at the present moment otherwise than that it is generally subject to military law. A little information on the subject may be interesting, if not important; for the probabilities are that the existing system will not last very long, and that in the end Poland will have to abandon many of her demands n t In Russia s ia absolutely u iselo p lal o nun Ryki meanwhile Sy si tohm a Ge a ceK nd neienor u gna p eld e o oßs n ms i roognf,s r o Lpt p oio e el , uat nth a ed n en Ed o t t gl ha eoos s ve f e s r t o e r d n h d o w e e o v m e m r a b n y d e a r i c n o - u C n h c i i e l f o o f f t A h e d m f o i r n c i e s s_. He n t i Es h e d m e asps torfatidoenp,atrhtme departments mbers (Interior, Finance, Justice, and Public Instruction),,M. Masson, Postmaster-Gene ral; General Kierbedz, Chief of Public Works; and M. Niepokoyczycki, formerly the manager of the Bank of Poland. The Council of administration meets under the presidency of General Berg himself. The members of the elective municipal councils resigned some months ago; so also did the inde pendent members of the Council of State, though the Council of State, composed as •it is now of official members exclusively, still meets occasionally. The principal members of the executive are Gen o rals Trepoff, Chief of the Gendarmes; Roznoff, Chief of the Secret Police ; and Lowszyn, Over- Policemaster. The precise difference between the functions of these three officials would not be easy to explain. The President of the Town, the successor of Count Sigismund Wielopolski in that office, is Gene ral Witkowski, who has to superintend the distri bution and collection of local taxes, to direct all that concerns the supply of water and gas, and so on. The administration in political matters of what is called justice is confided to "commissions," of which there are now some half-dozen or more ; or, rather, the questioning of prisoners and the drawing up of reports as to their culpability, are intrusted to these commissions—the right of passing sentence belong ing solely to the Lieutenant. One commission occu pies itself with real or supposed discoveries relating to the National Government ; a second with the exa• mination of insurgents taken in arms and with all matters bearing upon the insurrection in the field, a third with the affair of the Zamoyski-house, a fourth with that of the Hotel de ;'Europe, a fifth with the burning of the Town-hall, and a sixth with the rob bery of the Treasury. A special and unofficial commission was impro vised for the preparation of detailed rules on the subject of ladies' dress. The officers who composed it are accused of having shown great want of taste (and even, according to same ladies, of common sense) in proscribing black veils, as if a black veil constituted mourning, or as if any other sort of veil could possibly be worn during winter ! For the pre sent, by the way, veils are discarded altogether in Warsaw. The Military Club is also said to exercise great in fluence on the general policy of the Russian Govern ment in Poland. That it considered the rule of the Grand Duke too mild is notorious, and I think I may add that it regards that of General Berg as not sufficiently severe. .As to the Grand Duke the club is probably not wrong in one respect, inasmuch as it the insurrection was to be suppressed at all it ought to have been suppressed at once, when only a very small part of the population, and that the least influential portion, had taken part in it. The spectacle of a small nation contending, not with out promises of aid, but without assistance, against an immense empire would have been lost ; but, on the other hand, Poland would not have been devas tated and ruined, and its position under the Russian Government would not have been made more in tolerable than before, without its liberation being rendered more probable. There is a special diplomatic department at War saw, directed by Count Osten Sacken. Of foreign representatives nothing need be said, except that Prussia alone, of all the European Powers, has here, besides a Consul, two miiitaly commissioners, Col. Treschkow and Captain Davernoy. in town or country, locked my own doors at night. They have always been locked by one of the negro servants, and the key carried out with him that he might get in early in the morning; and this prac tice I have continued uninterruptedly, nor do I know of any one who have made the slightest change in their mode of life in these respects. We can easily imagine your feelings of sympathy for your friends in this cotintry, and particularly those i of Charleston. There s necessarily much suffering, but we help one another and make light of all priva tions and sufferings we endure, being free. We get letters from friends in the enemy's country, both our own people and Lincoln's, and not all the depriva tions we suffer would induce us to change places." ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE, NORTHERN CIRCUIT.—NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE, Nov. 30. (Before Mr. Justice Wighttuan.) His lordship sat this morning at the Moot-hall and tried the county prisoners. Jacob de Koe, a Dutch sailor, aged 28, was indicted for cutting and wounding John Donald, at Tynemouth, on the 2d of October last. Mr. Campbell Foster appeared for the prosecution, and Mr. Maule, at the request of his lordship, defended the pri sonery. It appeared that the prosecutor, who is a blacksmith, at midnight on the 2d of October last was proceeding with a man named Storer upWooden-bridge-lane to North Shields, the prosecutor being the worse for drink. They saw the prisoner and another man talking to a girl named Coe. The prosecutor and his friend thereupon went and talked to the girl, and the prisoner pushed the prosecutor away. This led to a wrangle and scufff3 between the two men, in the course of which the prosecutor knockad the prisoner down and cut his nose. The prisOner, on getting up, was seen by a witness (who came up in consequence of the cry of "Police" having been raised by the girl Coe) to draw his sailor's knife from the sheath and strike the prosecutor a blow with it on the neck. Storer then cried out, " Donald, you are stabbed," and the prisoner ran away. The pr3se cutor then found that he had received a wound on the tem ple, and also at the back of the neck and in the side, the wound in the neck being a serious one. The prisoner, on running away, was stopped by a witness to whom he offered sixpence and a halfpenny to let him go. The defence urged was that the prisoner inflicted the wounds on the prosecutor in his necessary self-defence; or at any rate, that the wounds, when inflicted, were not done with the intents charged in the indictment. His Lordship having summed up, The jury found the prisoner guilty of unlawful wound ing, but strongly recommended him to mercy on the ground of the provocation he had received. His Lordship said the case was a peculiar one ; the pri soner was a foreigner and was first attacked, and although not justified by any necessity in using the knife, he had used it on great provocation and without any premeditation. The sentence of the Court was that he be imprisoned for two calendar months. Peter M'Enaney, aged 22, was indicted for cutting and wounding Charles Dorley, with intent to do him grievous bodily harm, Mr. Campbell Foster prosecuted, the prisoner was not defended. It appeared that the prosecutor Dorley was a seaman on board a ship called the British Empire, which on the 11th of October.last was lying in the Northumberland Dock, at Hendon, near Shields. The prosecutor and three other sea men had been in Shields and were returning to their ship at night across some fields, when one of them, named Gallantley, stopped behind for a short time, and was then heard shouting for help, Tho prosecutor looked back and ran to his assistance, and then found the prisoner on the top of Gallatley and apparently trying to rob him. The prosecutor immediately pulled the prisoner off him by the collar of his coat, and then found himself attacked by two men who came up to assist the prisoner. He turned round to defend himself from the attacks, and immediately re ceived a stab in his back behind from the prisoner, which rendered one side powerless, and he fell on the grass. The three men then ran away. He was taken to a cabin at the Northumberland dock and a doctor was sent for, who found that he had received a dangerous wound in the back, which subsequently confined him to the infirmary for three weeks. The prisoner was met by a policeman, who having heard of the attack on Gallatley, and seeing that the pri soner exhibited signs of having been in a scuftl3, took him into custody and to the cabin where Dorley and Gallatley were, and both immediately identified him. The jury found him guilty of unlawful wounding, and His Lordship sentenced him to be imprisoned for 18 calendar months, with hard labour. Michael M'Cartey, Edward Smith, and John Smith were indicted for arson. Edward smith and John Smith pleaded guilty, Michael M'Cartey pleaded not guilty. Mr. Gainsford Bruno appeared for the prosecution. It appeared that Mr. Brown, a farmer living at Hope farm, near Berwick, had several ricks of corn in one of his fields near to a turnpike road passing by the farm. On the 28th September last, about midday, Mr. Brown, who was engaged on his farm, saw smoke proceeding from one of the ricks, and at the same time he saw the three prisoners going from the licks towards the turnpike road. Brown ran after the prisoners, and with the assistance of his sons took them into custody. The prisoner Michael M'Cartey, when taken into custody, said that he had done it by accident. He was lighting his pipe, and threw the match down, and the flame rose up. It appeared from the evidence that the prisoners had raised no alarm, and none of them had pipes with them at the time Mr. Brown came up to them. All the prisoners were found guilty, and sentenced to seven years' penal servitude. A charge of attempted rape concluded the business of these assizes this afternoon. The commission day for Durham is Wednesday, and the Court will sit on Thursday morning. 'WESTERN CIRCUIT.—WINMESTER, Dec. 1. The winter gaol delivery for part of this circuit com menced yesterday, when the commissbn was opened by Mr. Baron Pigott, who immediately after attended Divine ser vice at the Cathedral. This morning at half-past 10 the learned Judge opened the Court. The following is a sum mary of the offences with which the 46 prisoners stand charged :—Murder, 2 ; cutting and wounding with intent to murder or do grievous bodily harm, 14; arson, 1; rape, 1; unnatural offence, 1; highmay robbery, 8 ; bigamy, 1; burgary, 15; assault on children, 2 ; night poaching, 1; and manslaughter, 1. Mr. Baron Pigott, in charging the grand jury, observed that the calendar did not present any subject for congratu lation; but there was a feature which presented itself for the consideration of everyone with regard to this particular district, and that was the necessity for finding some amuse ment or means of recreation for those who had much time on their hand unemployed. Almost all the crimes were of violence, consequent upon the prisoners passing their time in public-houses. He believed that men who were driven to publichouses spent their earnings in drink, and met with bad company, and the immediate consequence was that they fell to fighting, which ended in cutting and wounding and the commission of crimes little short of murder. It was a most serious evil. His lordship then ad verted to several of the cases in the calendar, and with re gard to the more serious charges he advised the grand jury to consider well before they found true bills. Robert Harrison and Alfred Lightfoot were indicted for assaulting and wounding William Dollery with intent to prevent the lawful apprehension of Harrison, in the city of Winchester, on the 10th of Aug, There were other counts. Lightfoot pleaded guilty. Mr. Russell appeared for the prosecution. It appeared that Harrison was a private in the 60th Rifles stationed in Winchester, and Lightfoot was a recruit. On the 10th of August, Dollery who was a police-constable was going his rounds, about 12 o'clock at night, when he saw Harrison in such a situation as induced him to believe that he was going to commit a felony, or that he was a de serter. Ho therefore took him by the collar to appreheni him, when Harrison took a whip from under his coat and said, " Before you take me into custody you shall have this." Dollery drew his staff and said, " We will have cut for cut." They went some distance until they came to some iron railings, which Harrison caught hold of. Light foot came up at the moment and said Dollery should not take him, and they then tripped up the constable, and Lightfoot took the staff from him, and they both struck and kicked Dollery until he was insensible. When he re covered both the prisoners were gone, the blood was flow ing from his head and blinded him. He crawled along by the side of the wall until he got into the road, when he met some one who took him to a surgeon, and it was then found that he had been very much injured, and he was for some time in the hospital. The next morning the whip, the staff, a lantern, and a soldier's cap were found at the spot where the affray had taken place on the previous night. There was a large quantity of blood on the ground, and the railings were splashed with blood. The prisoners were absent from the barracks all night. When they went in in the morning Harrison was smothered with blood, and said he had been fighting. He would have been made a prisoner, as having been out with a pass. The jury found Harrison guilty. The prisoners were then sentenced to be kept in penal servitude for three years. Mr. Young moved to quash an indictment preferred at the session against a boy for the felony of cutting and wounding, with intent, &c. The bill had been found at the sessions, but the court not having jurisdiction to try the case, it was remitted to this court. The learned counsel urged that the grand jury at the session could not find such a bill. Mr. Poulden, for the prosecution, said it was an offence against the peace, and the magistrate acted under a com mission of the peace. The learned Judge said he would not quash the indict ment. He would try it, and leave Mr, Young to his writ of error, when it might be solemnly argued. But the High Sheriff had kindly furnished him with a case in point, in Cox's Criminal Cases, and therefore he was relieved from all difficulty, and should try the case. Horniman's Tea is choice and strong, moderate in price, and wholesome to use. These advantages. have secured for this Tea a general preference. It is sold in dackets by 2,280 Agents. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's Ointment.—Painless Cures.—Sores, wounds, ulcerations, a nd other diseases affecting the skin are amendable by this cooling and healing unguent. It has called forth the loudest praises from persons who had suffered for years from abscesses and chronic ulcers after every hope of cure had long passed away. None but those who have experienced the soothing effect of this Ointment, can form an idea of the comfort it bestows by restraining inflammation and allaying pain. Whenever this Ointment has been once used it has esta blished its own worth, and has again b e en eagerly sought fcr as the easiest and safest remedy for all complaints. In neuralgia, rheumatism, an d gout, the same application, properly used, gives wonderful relief, The Southern Confederacy. The following is an extract from a private letter: —" In such a war as this there would necessarily be a time of greatest weakness for us and a time of greatest strength and resources on the part of the enemy. I think this period in the march of events is past with both. They never can raise such an army again in numbers. Ours, I think, can always be kept up to its present standard. We are, there fore, more easily matched in that respect. Then the experiment of conquest, occupation of the country, and subjugation of the people had to be tried. They believe in their ability to accomplish this absurdly impossible thing, and there can be no peace until they have fairly tested its practicability. It was a very dangerous experiment for ns. Human nature is not very strong ; with us there was little else than suffering ; privation, wounds, and death —little else in the eyes of some—for we had besides, only liberty, which it would be unreason able to expect that all should realise the value of. If, when the enemy came, they had brought with them security of life and property, and plenty, the consequences might have been bad for us. But God in his infinite wisdom has permitted them to indulge the full bent of their naturally cruel and rapacious character. Their officers, for the most part, have acted the part of tyrants. and the soldiery that of robbers and thieves wherever they have penetrated. By this happy course of treatment they have thoroughly confirmed the sentiments of our loyal and patriotic people, and purchased the undying hatred of many who were willing to serve any master by whom they were not oppressed and robbed. Fancy a man, whose country was circum scribed by the walls of his house, and his patriotism locked up in his barn, seeing his fine furniture and works of art shipped off to Boston or New York, his wheat and corn sent off to the commissariat, and paid for in the counterfeit Confederate States Trea sury notes you see advertised for sale at 10 &lois. to _ _ 1,000 dole. in the Northern papers ! The conse quence of all this is that we are welded together like iron from a red-hot furnace. The meanest man opens his heart when the ship is in danger of perishing ; his selfishness expires with his individ uality, for the lives of all hang by the same thread. You must not suppose from these remarks that there ever was much holding back on the part of our people ; a few were doubtful, of course, but I be lieve no people were ever so united. What I chiefly refer to is the possible consequences that might have resulted from the conquest of such cities as Nashville, Memphis, and New Orleans. I felt apprehension on this point before those cities fell. I now think (believing their reconquest certain) that all these seeming misfortunes wore for our good. But what is the use of reasoning about such things ? We are engaged in a controversy of which the arguments are battles, and the only convincing logic is victory. I know well that we must fight it out. I have realised this all along. Occasionally advice comes from Europe that makes us, as it were, look round over the shoulder; but our faces are steadily set towards the enemy, believing that the pathway to peace, liberty, and security can be in no other direction than over the dead bodies of these enemies of the human race and haters of Attnighty God. Is not Europe surprised that, in the midst of all this confusion and upheaving of political and social systems, not a single instance of servile insurrection has occurred in the South ? This seems extraordinary, but it is only what we generally expected. Many have forsaken their masters and fled to the enemy; most of us expected this. How many homes in England have been rendered desolate by the flight of sons—yes, and daughters, too—lured away from the arms of the fondest and tenderest parents by the false promises of pretended friends? The poor negroes have fors a k e n th e i r lomgleesunder similar circumstances, and from like inempulet, se% The result in both cases is the same— saincdkness, de ath oppression , injustice , destitution, suffering, Many have had the wisdom firmnessan to ret . urn. General Hampton recently had 200 or 30u returnhav e b i na at bodyhave eak changed i e to ev hisn keeping of plantation in m th o e d w e e o st f . lif N e. one l h O h u o r u h s a e bi m ts o or re than 30 years and have 73ev • - er, ID a etngle Instami THE CONGRESS. (From the Paris Correspondent of the 2zmes.) Pamphlets, as I anticipated in my letter of Satur day, are beginning to flow in upon us. Three have appeared on the Congress and the Treaties of 1815. One only is anonymous ; the others have the name of the authors on their title-page. The anonymous one, which is decidedly of the " liner" character, is for war, and that promptly, if the Powers do not accept the Congress. I quote no more than the concluding passage : "Let people reflect well. The elected head of a nation of 40 millions of souls does not address himself in vain to the civilised world. A statesman of the Emperor's genius dis dains expedients without grandeur and without frankness, and does not allow himself to be caught in the toils of an obsolete diplomacy. If the great Powers will not or cannot come to an understanding—if they make the Congress im possible or powerless—if they shut up, or allow to be shut up, the only path which leads to peace—if, out of obstinacy in maintaining a past which is crumbling in pieces, they enter on that which sooner or later must lead to war—then, war the before the impression produced on that w t publicr should commence Emperor have a decided inte rest speech of th e sth N ovem b er b e e ff ace d . War for wa7; reason as well as policy requi res th a t it s h ou ld i a Francaby the and be declared in the spring.''_ The title of this warlike production is " L'Empe rear Napoleon I[l. et le Congres." The faith in the efficacy of the Congress is grow ing weaker every day. If any illusion existed after the Emperor's letter, it is almost entirely dispelled. There ace, however, a few persons who still seem to cling to the hope of universal pacification. One of them is M. Henri Dron, the writer of the second pamphlet, which bears for title, "L'Europe au Vingtieme Siecle." DI. Dron gives a very compre hensive interpretation to the Speech from the Throne. He takes the political map to pieces; and in 50 pages of small print constitutes a Europe in a fashion which only wants the concurrence of its diplomacy to be perfect. He proposes to dismiss kings, give unlimited leave of absence to rulers of the inferior class, and set up ten " potentates with the title of emperor. When all the princes are sent about their business, France is to begin by absorbing Belgium, Holland, and the banks of the Rhine. Germany, disembarrassed of its kings, dukes, landgraves, and electors, will have Dresden for its new capital ; while Vienna is to be made the chief seat of the Greek empire, and Stockholm that of the Scandi navian. Portugal is to melt into Spain. Russia is to be cut into two equal parts, one of which is to he erected into a State under the name of the Empire of Circ;tssia! The third pamphlet is from the pen of one who was once but too well known, and who startled the public some time back by his vindication of the Papacy—M. P. S. Proudhon. M. Proudhon cannot produce anything completely unattractive; and this, whether he be serious or in jest. To which of these categories the present little book of 108 pages belongs it is not easy to discover. The title is a question—" Si Ides Traites du 1815 ont cesbe d'exister ?" to which he says he anxiously awaits an answer from the Emperor's speaking Ministers, In the meantime he himself tries to give it such answers as he can : " If the Treaties of 1815 no longer exist, there is no longer any public European law ; the gentlemen of the large journals have first of all drawn that inference. If the treaties do not exist, on what does the existence of nations depend ? Where are their guarantees? Without public law Europe falls into a state of war. Nothing can prevent States from collision with each other, and what is to become of the small ones in that shock of the great ? If the Treaties of 1815 are annulled there are no longer any legal frontiers. Where do Prussia, Austria, France, Italy, Germany, Russia, and Sweden end ? Whoss is the Rhine ? Whose the Vistula ? And m hose the Danube, Constantinople, Gibraltar, the Adriatic ? If the Treaties of 1815 are abolished, nationali ties about which we hear so much will, no doubt, appear in the integrity of their origin. Everywhere the aboriginal will separate from the stranger. It will be like the Day of Resurrection, the children of the country on the right and the others on the left. If the Treaties of 1815 are abrogated, there will be nothing left but force. The European system, such, good or bad, as it is established by treaties, is to be re constructed. But by what right ? By the right of war natu rally, since either creation begins with antagonism, and since by the destruction of the treaties we are made to revert to the beginning of the world —to the time when force alone was the law. To arms, then ; and remember, my good people, that to f o rm yourselves into States, the first condi tion being to measure themselves, your duty is to fight heartily with each other I But what do I say ? If the Treaties of 1815 exist no longer, let us carry the matter out, and declare that the Civil Codes no longer exist, that the Commercial Code is abolished, that the Penal Coda is at an end, Are there not people who every day violate the laws as well of person as of property ? Abolish the custom-house and you have no more smuggling. Abolish property and you have no more thieves. Abolish capital punishment and the hangman's occupation is gone, So the infraction of the laws, the contempt of treaties, should have justly this result this reasoning be pushed to an extreme—the abolition of laws and the annulling of treaties I Persons and property remaining without guarantee, justice without sanction, vio lence and crime would prevail and would take their revenge consequences." n h s a equ e t singulara n c es. policy that must b e w hi c h l ea d s t o such If the Treaties of 1815 no longer exist, of course it is intended to remodel the political map of Europe. " What, then, he asks, "will be the maxima and minima of the Powers in population and territory ? Shall Germany preserve all her circles, or shall she form only one ? Is Europe to be composed of 200 States, or only a dozen ? Are these States to be equal between each other, and in this case how is it meant to reconcile equality with nationality ? Or is the principle of nationality, without regard to equilibrium, to be preferred ; and, if so, how are limits to be fixed ? What is meant by nationalities ? Are there as many as races ? Is the i t c le h sr a tF r h a e c D t f e o r or i m s y t o e u f o c G f w o n v o s i r e; e h n r i m p a e s a n n ua t d at language ihnagv have aarnt yt of fw b e ae t gn a h k a ken i n oi nn w at i lh t i h et y r m a t a c h e t fractions of foreign nationalities which it has assimilated to itself ? What constitutes race ? What is the influence of religion and language ? Now, really, if a little chance, or a little even of the arbitrary is to slip into the acts of the future, what reproach can be made to the Congress of Vienna 7 The Treaties of 1815 have ceased t o exist. You have, therefore, another pact to prop ose to Europe—a new law, more rational, more complete, mor e efficacious, and more intelligible. You appeal to a Congress, and the Powers have already received their letters of convo cation. Most assuredly there is not one among us French men who would not be proud of the honour to be conferred on our country in receiving within our capital an assembly so august. But that is not the question. I ask if these Sovereigns, as the Imperial speech calls them, shall be really proper plenipotentiaries ? What shall be their com petency ? Shall they be bearers of a commission ? For, in truth, with the exception of the Emperor of Russia, whose authority rests on the patriarchal principle, and the Emperor of the French, whom the nation allows to do nearly what h pleases, there aro no longer absolute rulers in Europe. A 1 I have seen their prerogative more or less modified by the new constitutional regime. How, then, shall these high functionaries,',who of themselves have not the right to raise a farthing of tax in their countries, have the right of treat ing of their possession, and readjusting the map of Europe ? Victor Emmanuel incurred universal blame in 1859 for bartering against Lombardy, which Napoleon 111. handed to him, populations to whom he was bound by patriotic and patrimonial ties. Are we going, under pretence of revising the treaties of 1815, to renew the scandals of them ? Is it so certain that the nations will not consent, as in 1815, to let themselves be given as property to the first that bids for them ? And, if they do not consent, if they refuse their ratification, of what use, I pray, is the convention of the Sovereigns ? All's well that ends well.' I love to believe, as I willingly hope that the future Congress, that this Amphic tyonic Council of Europe, speaking in the name of law and of the liberality of nations, voting by a majority of suffrages, acting sovereignly, will be animated by the most generous feelings ; that it will impose pacific institutions on the world, silence the ambitious, and constrain the refractory, But it may be otherwise. It may be that the Sovereigns shall meet in Paris, as in 1823 at Verona, to erect barriers against the revolution,' and that under pretence of inter national order they shall form a league against the liberties of the world. What reason have we to believe that the new law of nations, amended by a majority of Sovereigns more or less well-meaning, shall be more favourable to civilization than that of 1815 ? You say you hope it will ; but I prefer the certainty of it; and without the certainty I see no necessity to run after a new law, or to raise up an authority which may be changed from night to morning into a counter revolution." From the foregoing it will be seen. th a t M . Proudhon is not favourable to the notion c ) f a Congress for tho remocfe►llin of Europe, SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—In the course of the late argument on the Foreign Enlistment Act many hypothetical cases were framed by way of testing various theories of its construction. It has happened, by a curious and untoward coincidence, that one of these imaginary problems has just received a practical illustration. The case supposed was that of a ship built and equipped for war without any intention of violating the Act, and afterwards passing through the hands of neutral purchasers into those of a belligerent Government. It was admitted that such a trans action, being purely mercantile in all its essential features, would be perfectly legitimate, though it could hardly be denied that, if repeated too fre quently, it might be open to exception, and lead to the very consequences deprecated by the Legislature. While the decision on the seizure of the Alexandra is still pending, the combination of circumstances thus suggested has been realised in fact. A screw gun-vessel, called the Victor, of 859 tons burden, and 350 horse power, was sold by direction of the Admi ralty. She had been constructed, of course, for our own Navy, and, besides being pierced for six guns, was, no doubt, adapted in all respects for the purposes of warfare. We are told that certain defects in the engines affecting her rate of steaming were the prin cipal reason for parting with her. She was bought ostensibly for the China trade, and having been named the Scylla, was allowed to be repaired and fitted with this object under the superintendence of the dockyard officials at Chatham. Certain facts, of which the particulars are not given, came to the knowledge of these authorities, and were reported by them to the Admiralty. Orders were eventually de spatched to Sheerness directing her to be stopped, but she had quitted the harbour andsailed a few hours be fore, unfinished and with a number of workmen on board. She forthwith hoisted the Confederate flag, changed her name to the Rappahannock, and soon anchored safely in Calais harbour. There she was detained by the French Customhouse, but it appears that express instructions have since been received from headquarters permitting her to leave the port at pleasure. We must reserve our opinion on the conduct of our own officers at Chatham and Sheer ness until the special report of the case, which has already been forwarded to the Admiralty, shall have been laid before the public. In the mean time, it is much to be lamented that, after their suspicions had once been aroused, it was possible for the vessel to slip through their hands. The Alabama escaped by a similar ruse, executed with the utmost skill and secrecy, but such mishaps ought not to occur twice, and very good reasons will have to be given for the delay which caused the order of embargo to arrive just too late. On the other hand it would be folly to doubt for a moment that the Admiralty acted throughout in perfect good faith. Even if our Government had not been engaged, at much risk to their popularity, in maintaining the forfeiture of the Alexandra, the notion of their wil fully manufacturing vessels of war for the Confede rates would be utterly absurd. No one has ever pre tended that proceedings of that kind are consistent with neutrality, or that the liberty of commerce which has been claimed for private shipbuilders can be conceded to a State in its public capacity. Some time ago a case in which the Swedish Government was concerned came under discussion in our columns. Remonstrances were made at Stockholm by one bel ligerent against the sale by Sweden to the other belligerent of some old vessels of war, and the jus tice of the objection was admitted. To adopt the contrary principle would be to make the workmen in our dockyards the mercenaries of a foreign Power, and the naval resources of Great Britain an instru ment of aggression against States in amity with us. For the sake of our own dignity, if better motives were wanting, we could not tolerate this, and we may be sure that it is the very last thing which the Government would sanction. The difficulty is to prevent it in an exceptional instance like the pre sent. Suppose the Victor, being unsuited for her original purpose, was sold to a respectable English firm, and transferred by them, at a high profit, to Confederate agents. How is it possible for the Admiralty to look beyond the first purchaser and to control the ultimate destination of the vessel ? As it happened, certain repairs were needed, and the privilege of using the national dockyards was conceded to the new owners. This gave the Admiralty a power which they would not other wise have had, and which they were about to exercise when they found themselves outwitted. Apart from this incident of the business, the trick which has been played could not have been an tici pated. There is nothing strange in the proposal to convert a man-of-war into a merchant vessel. We have only to read the evidence as to the equipment of the Alexandra to !earn how slight are the diffe rences in structure between the two. Greater solidity, more or less height in the bulwarks, the ad dition of ringbolts or hammock nettings, the being pierced with how ports—such are the trifling indica tions which, interpreted ey a sailor's eye, distinguish the hull of the frigate from that of the "frigate-built" merchantman. Yet it is notorious that some India men possess both hammock nettings and bow ports, and even carry their bowsprits at that peculiar angle which is, perhaps, more characteristic of a "Queen's ship" than the symptoms we have mentioned. If second-hand men-of-war are not oftener bought up for the merchant service, it is because the Admiralty generally find what they consider a profitable use for them so long as their timbers are sound. More over, it is only for long voyages and certain kinds of traffic that vessels of such costly materials and work manship are in request among shipowners. Aware of this, the parties who negotiated for the Victor took care to specify the China trade as that for which she was intended, and might have taken her across to Calais at once, if they had kindly selected that as their port of departure in the first instance. While, therefore, we heartily regret this evasion, we regard it as one of those which must and will be practised from time to time so long as the war lasts in America and we remain neutral. It is not to be expected that the Confederates will see their enemies supplied with arms and munitions of war from this country without trying to com pensate themselves in the readiest way. No doubt we can justify ourselves by conclusive argu ments for prohibiting the equipment of ships under penalties, though we leave the export of contraband articles in general to be checked by the hostile right of seizure. No doubt we can draw sound as well as subtle distinctions between building a vessel for sale to the highest bidder, selling it ready-made, and equipping it to order, with a knowledge of its destination. These are important, if not essential, safeguards of neutrality ; but it is too much to hope that they will be scrupulously respected by a belli gerent whose coasts are blockaded. The Confede rates feel, and with some justice, that the impartial application of international law by us is injurious in its actual effect upon them, and increases the inequality of the struggle in which they are en gaged. - Men in this state of mind do not stick at trifles, and may be pitied, though they cannot be excused, when they combat force with fraud, and sometimes deceive their friends to injure their foes. Nations are not always jealous of their own honour, but they are seldom particular about that of their neighbours. The probability of our be coming involved with a quarrel with the Federals about the Alabama or the Victor is not a considera tion which would defer a Confederate agent from defeating our Foreign Enlistment Act if he could. This is not his affair, but it is ours; and duty re quires us to look at it from our own point of view. ~,et the Confederates strain our laws to their own advantage and oar inconvenience if they will and can, but the administration of these laws rests with us, and when they happen to break them they can have no decent pretence for expecting impunity. POST.—The case of Symm v. Fraser and Andrews is one of very great importance to both the medica profession and the public. It has been held, with out question, that where it is proved that a doctor has acted negligently it is not necessary to show that he has also acted maliciously; but in this case there was no imputation of negligence, and the plea of the defendants, stated shortly, was that they were called in by the plaintiff, and did what, under the circumstances, they deemed best for her. Mrs. Symm complained that Dr. Fraser and Dr. Andrews had placed her under personal restraint by putting a man and woman in her house to watch over her, and had treated her as if she was in a state of delirium tremens; and they replied that they had followed the usual treatment of delirium tremens, and had not restrained her beyond giving general medical advice to her attendants to k eep her from drink. But, though omitted in theired p pleas,su. it was further contended by their counsel, n h a d re ported by medical evidence, that i f t hjeuYstified in strained her as was alleged they t h what they had done. In the case of Hall i. h a s ll v. ago„ Sem ple, which was tried just twelve jury found that the defendan _ mr. a signed a ce e w m l t neg li gen tly, and Justice Cromp cate of lunacy no ton laid it down "that if a ny person acts really bona fide under the authority of the act by which b t h ese duties are assigned to him, he beshould made responsible for a mere error in judgment or mistake of facts." In that case the doctors claimed for their certificate the force of a lettre de cachet ona pro fessional but under an Act of Parliament, and the question was wag whether they had signed it negligently; in Mrs. Symm's case thivegeyht claimed, to i do what they considered le, t n h d e i to the welf are o f their :oispet conducive to perso na l restra i nt. I n pa t p i e r n i most both cases, however, the liberty of the subject was abridged—in the one case as the jury found, wrongfully behind th e shield of the law; in the other case, as the jury have decided rightfully, on a principle of expediency and common sense. Now, we have always had it impressed on us that when a doctor is °tilled i ho is to be implicitly obeyed, We are to assume that he is ordering all things for onr good ; and this, as a general rule, is received without objection. The principle is admitted. It is, indeed, the principle we act upon in all our worldly dealings, We put ourselves in the hands of our lawyers, as well as our doctors. We trust oar clerks, our shepmen, and our servants. Ia railways and steamboats we resign ourselves to the direction of captains and drivers. But we dodo on the clear and well - defi ne d understanding t we are committing ourselves and our interests to persons who are respousible for their conduct, and the sense of their responsibility is the root of onr confidence. The medical profession, however, as represented in this case, admit of uo responsibility where the action taken cannot be shown to be negligent or malicious, as well as erroneous. As it matter of fact there can be no doubt that Mrs. Symm was in a state of delirium tremens when she called in Dr. Fraser and Dr. Andrews, and that their treatment was, on the whole, proper, and cere tainly for her benefit. There can be no doubt about the justice of the verdict they have obtained. But doctors are not infallible; they are l iafble to make mistakes even as all men are; Mrs* Symm had been suffering from any other disease travelling gout, as was suggested—the error of her medical attendants would, we apprehend, have been held to be an error of judgment only. He re it is that the shoe pinches. Mrs , Symm may have reason to be thankful that, through the restraint imposed upon her, her life was saved, or that she was saved from a lunatic asylum, or at all e vents from publicly disgracing herself, and she may be a very ungrateful woman ; at the same time it is ire' possible to dissemble the importance of the issue that was raised in her case, or the length Bit' breadth of the power we are placing in the hen w ' of onr medical attendants. It cannot, indeed, be denied that great wrongs may be inflicted through' the agency of the quasi-legal proceedings the ver; diet in this case has confirmed and authorised ; looking at the question apart from the merits of all particular case, it presents matter for very serioile consideration. If persons in a state of deliritoll tremens require, as they evidently do, to be watched and restrained as lunatics, it may be asked will they are not treated under the provisions of the last of lunacy ? Defective as that law is, it provides a certain security against the confinement, throug h c i mistake or otherwise, of persons who are sane; an d it might perhaps be possible and convenient to ap p ly some check, some provision based on principle' such, for example, as was voluntarily adopted to Mrs. Symm's case, in the consultation and concur: rence of three physicians—to meet the evils whine' could arise from placing such large powers in the hands of an individual. As the Lord Chief Justice, observed in the course of his lucid and impa rtial, summing up, it is very rarely that we hear el medical men abusing their privileges; and, as a body , they eminently merit the public confidence. Neve r ,: theless, and if only to relieve them as indivi dual' of a responsibility which is exceedingly moon* not to say odious, something of this kind migh t : we should think, be made a rule of profession a l practice. It is highly desirable that the public and the medical profession should understand each, other, and, in that sense, good may come ou t this trial. We knew before that doctors were evert day restraining their patients by advice, but it ava' not, we believe, generally apprehended that they claimed the right to enforce their directions je certain cases by personal coercion. We are al e ° inclined to think that the defendants were not q uit° clear on the point themselves, and the absence of plea of justification, on which the Lord Chi!' Justice remarked, sustains this impression. It 16 fair, however, to say that Dr. Fraser and D r' Andrews stand fully exonerated from all moral " well as all legal blame. It would have been more satisfactory if they had obtained the evidence of Mr s ' Taylor, and people generally would have been bet" ter pleased if they had exercised the power th e y claim over a patient to prevent the employmen t o f a male keeper ; but altogether, and in a case of co r siderable difficulty, they appear to have acted Wit ': sound reason and remarkable discretion. They e r i also, as regards the hardship of having to defee o themselves against the action of a person wh o h 3 benefited by the treatment she complained of, e ll° titled to the sympathy they will no doubt r eceive i If, as we have heard, the costs and damages in curre . by the defendant in Hall v. Semple were pai d by 7 professional subscription, the same course will mos' likely be pursued in a case where such a testitare nial has been much better deserved. COUNTRY MARKETS. LEEDS—TUESDAY. About the usual attendance at our market to-day. Witikti a moderate supply of grain. The business transacte d wheat was good, at le more money. The dem and for 'Art ley, unless very fine, was slow. Oats , be ans, and (05 articles were at last Tuesday's prices. MARKET HARBOROUGH—TUESDAY. We had about an average show of wheat to-day. price; being is per quarter higher, with a very healthy demand' —White wheat, 41s to 445; red, 38s to 40s per 36 stone' Malting barley at 33s to 37s per qr.; grinding, 29s to e. per 30 st. Oats, old, 26s to 30s; new,, 21s to 24s per et. ; beans, 34s to 40s per qr. LIVERPOOL—TUESDAY. There was the usual attendance at market to-day 0 f the town and country trade, and a moderate amounii, business was done. Wheat met with a fair demand, cDiebe', for consumption, at an advance of 2d to 3 d per 10.,a Flour met a good inquiry, at 6d to 6d advance per sacl ;lj barrel dearer. Oats and oatmeal neglected, but quit„o6 dear. Barley and peas brought rather better prices, W' d beans were fully 6d dearer. Indian corn in good decota l and prime mixed American brought 6d more money. SHEFFIELD--TUESDAY. A full average supply of grain, most of it in good 01'r.6. Lion. Factors and farmers asked an advance of 2s per ci '3 l . % and a good trade was done at half that advance , F ine - Oa ley fully supported last Tuesday's rates. In oats and o articles no change. , 94 Red wheat, per load of 3 imperial bushels...lss 04 to 11 5 0,1 White ...17s 6d to 1 9 ,!ocl If I New red ..15s 6d to i7B Od 7 .., ..17s Od to 1„o s 6 a New white „ 11 Beans ... 15s Od to 11 Od 17 71 ... .4.0 s Od to 4 4 ' 0 Peas, per qr Grinding barley, per qr 30s Od to 3? 0 Malting ditto, „ . .34s Od to 3 ! od Oats 22s Ocl to 2 ,3 , Flour, is 6d, Is 7d, and is 8d per 14 lb. CORK-TUESDAY. The following were the quotations th is morning w heat, 88 Od to 8s 10d ; white, 7s 4d to 9s 6d , barle o ld t o 9d to 78 6d ; 48 4d to„ 6a 3d ; black do., 4 s 5a 4d. DUBLIN—TUESDAY. A small supply of native wheat, and the sales made We" at 6d to is advance. Nothing doing in Indian corn' 8. cl, Do., new s. d. 10 0-° 0 Wheat, white 24 0 to 26 6 Oatmeal .. . ... ...... 0 to -- Do., red _2l 0 6 t t o o _24 0 0 ) B B e ea r : .... .. ... .. ... .. ____ 0 0 t o o ......--- : Barley Oats ..... 0 6 to 16 1 16 2 8 R Ba a k p e es rs E?cl ilo . ur •• :2o g 27 Do., black —oto 0 Indian c orn • • 14 00 toto 23 v [ADVERTISEMENT.]—Consumption a ll nervous , blllO lO liver, and stomach complaints, in every stage, are 011 1 9 $4 ; gravatea and accelerated by drugs of every description: but perfectly curable by Du Barry's health restoring Rev b s4 Arabica Food, as proved by thousands of cases which been considered hopeless. We quote a few. — Cur e No. 62,--4 Miss Lange, 18 years of age, cured after the medical inch 1113 ,,f abandoned all hopes of her recovery from the last stage pulmonary consumption, with fearful cough, expectoratto, exhaustion, spitting of blood, perspirations, holloW ch emaciated to a skeleton. She is now, thank G od, a pee n , healthy, blooming, fleshy girl—N. Lange, Commissaire "',„l Police. Cure, No. 46,270. Mr. James Roberts, o f Frira e r Surrey, of thirty years' diseased lungs, spitting of blookto derangement, and partial deafness.—Cure, No. 47,121. sl't io_. Elizabeth Jacobs, of extreme nervousness, ines7 gatherings, low spirits, and nerv ous fancies.—CUre, 14°. 54,816. The Rev. James T. Camp bell, Fakenham, Norfoel of indigestion and torpidity of the liver, which had resist all medical treatment. In tins, 11b, 2s 9d; 21b, 45 6d; 61 00 lls ; 121 b, 225; 241 b, 40s. Barry du Barry and Co., No. Regent-street, London; also Fortnum and Mason; and $ grocers and chemists in every town of the United Kingdol* Births. Humn.—On the 29th ult., at 29, Norfolk-square, gi de' park, th e wife of Col onel Hume, C. 8,, of a dallghter.;o KNIGILT.—On the 30th ult., at Pembroke Dock, the 11 .: of W. Brodnas Knight, Esq., Blth Regiment, of a 50 ,,; ..- f -Ln be th rt e W 29 a th lac u e lt :E , 8 1 4 36, Brom ton-cresc— PELLY.--On the 29th ult., the wife of Percy L. re' l Esq., of a daughter. of a son. P put, WtAheLL:if: Marriages. WOO EDWARDES —BROUGHAM-011 the 30th ult., at Br ag Je 6 Westmoreland, th e H on. an d Rev, Th oma s Edlsa , to Alice Eleanor e , e ld est daughter of W m . Broth , Esq., of Brougham Hall. HATFIELD — ROBERTS.—On the 28th ult., at ~,. - 11 0 ; Church, Charles, youngest son of the late Ilent-vseoe. field, Esq., of Clapham, to Kezia Wallington,ciloter daughter of the late John Roberts, Esq., of W in Tower, Windsor Castle. FENTON.—On the 29th D ul e t a : t a h t s .u . p ti el Greame Fenton, Esq., of . C t 1 'Per Cumberland' og 69. as e rigg, M older' FIELDER.—On the 30th ult., at M'd 1 Thos• x' - at a-Va e, aged 80. c „golitt PLUMRIDGE.—On the 29th ult., at Ilopton $all: '- Admiral Sir James Plumridg, K.C.8., agency„,,ufet Norwood, Sara ed RITCHIE,—Oa the Ist inst , Jane, wife of Ils"'' Esq., Billiter-street. city, aged 46. c IVO' SKIPWITH.—On the 30th ult., at Leamington 00 9 ed GO. wickahire, Sir Thomas George Skip with, Bart., ag ~e g. WlLsorr.—On the 28th ult„ at 34, Bryanaton-square, A. -.....• Wilson, Esq., F.R.S. _ - London : Pritized and Pub:felle d b y WILLIMI ANPI ul L .of No. 112, Strand , Pr inter, at TUE SUN Oltnee, "- ot Strand, In th e Precinct of the '3avoy..o the 0 idid4leaex.—WeJnesoay, .Pecenter 180. roo Con e , J ti CO rapa the R e ahow ei what Abai t gat i iss ue h lhat w t That t' N' C] ere. - Th,,t4' Ire cor npa Drei er Affo r , ktid I Vitt i Y a be Arrt - oi , The -/NStr 11 111 p, COrap, Lif e additi btu.% i'l - i; tituin 'the 1'..01 ?Ili 1411 ..at 44 0 4 SoAt: 11 18 th 'Or. eg tON D En i p. follov tuad ~MiE eo n ; Ale eelebz b An 4,..LAisz Co' W. I h klost and 1 3 01), Al Inch (the Ilar ........_ jc