The Sun. — London, England, 1833-09-03 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS, We insert in another column a protest of the Duke of Wellington against the Bill for the emancipation of the negro slaves in our colonies, in which his Grace has been fortunate to find three other Noble Lords intrepid enough to join him. We willingly award them the praise of intrepidity, because we believe that it required no ordinary degree of boldness to affix their names to such a document, though led on by the " first Captain of the age," avowing, as it does, sentiments which the nation abhors, and condemning the spirit of a measure which no English Government or Legislature could longer have resisted. It is unfortunate for the legisla tive reputation or political character of some Noble Peers that this privilege of protesting is allowed to exist, or is so frequently exercised in th.: house of our hereditary law-givers. They have thus the means of entering a record against themselves which the other House does not enjoy, and which they have lately employed to their own serious injury. In opposing a mea sure by their speeches, loose observations fluently delivered, or diffuse declamation under the forms of reasoning, may tolerably answer their purpose, and if they do not acquire for them the character of wisdom, at least expose them to little danger of losing it. Their mistakes are ascribed to inadvertence, and their intemperance is excused by the "heat of the debate." But in recording their senti ments in a protest, to be entered on the journals of the House, they can have no such indulgence for their extravagance—no such apology for their errors. Weighty arguments or important prin ciples, clothed in forcible and almost laconic language, can alone warrant such a decided dis sent from a majority as is implied in a protest. Directness of purpose, clearness of reasoning, spirited though solemn expression, and cogency of conclusion, seem essential to a document which is supposed to embody, in a short com pass, the results of a long series of debates or objections. Judging of the present protest by this rule, the Noble Duke's friends must ex ceedingly regret its insertion in the journals of the House, and its publication in the newspapers. His speeches on the subject of the Emancipation Bill were incoherent and inconclusive enough in all conscience, but they were perfection itself compared with this deliberate perpetration of violence on his usual judgment and good sense —showing that the pen of a statesman can sel dom be successfully grasped by the gauntlet of a soldier. The first thing that must strike the reader, in this strange production, is the almost undisguised justification of intermina ble and hopeless slavery. It begins, in deed, by stating that the West India negroes are " not prepared" for emancipation by " a previous course of education, by religious in struction, or habits of industry ;" but could they ever be so " prepared" so long as they remain slaves ? Has any limit, in point of time, been proposed by the colonists to this state of bondage, or had the masters commenced a course of religious instruction and moral dis cipline calculated and intended to result in establishing their capacity for the enjoyment of freedom ? Would the colonists, whom his Grace patronizes, have been satisfied to surrender their property in the bones and sinews of their negroes, provided they had by some miracle, or without any visible interference, become all at once better educated and more enlightened? Were any of th e measures presse d upon them with this view by the British Parliament and British Government, even during his Grace's administration, willingly adopted ? Were the burnings of Methodists' chapels, the prohibitions to attend the only places of divine worship to which their slaves could resort, and the abso lute refusal of all the means of moral instruction, the gradual " preparation" for that state of li berty and independence which they were destined ultimately to attain ? No, no 7 . the supposition is absurd, and the Duke must be aware of its absurdity. One of the ablest of the West India planters, Mr. Burnley, has almost expressed in direct terms that there can be no modified bon dage, no combination of the principle of free dom with slavery ; that the power of the master must be absolute, so long as the system exists that no preparation for enjoying the rights of free citizens can be enforced from without upon the colonist, and therefore, as a necessary con sequence, that, though a British Legislature may release the slave from his owner at once, it cannot successfully interpose between them, while the authority of the latter lasts, so as to prepare the former for his transition to an inde- pendent condition. The duties and the ha bits of freemen can only be taught, and the motives of freemen only felt, in a state of free dom ; and to delay emancipation till the fet tered negro should be prepared to enjoy all its blessings and perform all its duties, would ap pear nearly as ridiculous a procrastination of the intended experiment as it was in the fool of Ilierocles to swear that though desirous to swim he would never expose himself in the water till he had learnt that coveted art. But though the Duke wished to remove a part of the odium of justifying the continuance of interminable sla. very from his protest, by thus hinting at an itn• possible condition on which emancipation might be conceded, the whole of his subsequent rea soning shows that he entertained no hope that ever such a state of things could occur as to render the contingent claim of the slave avail able for his freedom. We read of the magni tude of British interests involved in the measure, and lik e l y to be sacrificed by its adoption ; but it seems to be assumed, that these interests would be equally endangered, at any future time, from the same course of proceed ing ; and that the negro, however en lightened ,or prepared for liberty by re li g i ous and moral instruction' would not, if liber a t e d, work for his master in the therefore, cultivation or produc tion of sugar. We arefore, according to the reasoning of the protest , o reduced to the di lemna of either sacrificing sugar colonies, our colonial property, our colonial and a great portion of our colonial re ' veTi p ue iu , g o'r of ciqualification s systemizal civilization continuing an endless and enormous oppression, whatever be the acquired of the slave. It is evident that the of the bondsman could have no ir.fluen'acte"'s reducing the dangers of emancipation, so far ina the cultivation of sugar is concerned, unless the gift of freedom would induce the enlightened negro to work without any other motive but gratitude to his late oppressors. In support o f this interpretation of his Grace's language, we beg leave to refer to his third reason of dis sent, which, for confusion of intellect, and an unmeaning jumble of words, was never, per haps, exceeded. He tells us that the " exper riehce of all times and nations hasproved that men at liberty to labour or not will not work for hire at agricultural iabour in the low grounds within the tropics." What ‘. the experience of all nations" had to do with the particular labour of men within the tropics it would be puzzling to explain, And we may leave out th e w or d " un civilized" as having no reference to the matter. It is thus avowed that we can never, at any fu ture period, command the free labour which cultivates sugar within the tropics, and that, therefore, unless we intend to support inter minable slavery, the experiment of emancipation may be as safely tried now as at any distant period. The fourth ground of dissent displays the same confusion of intellect, the same defi ciency of knowlege, and the same misapplica tion of a general principle, sound in itself, to a state of things which the Emancipation Bill is neither intended nor calculated to produce. We shall venture to quote it with all the ad miration which it deserves. "4th. Because the number of negroes on the several islands and settlements on the continent of America on which they are located is so small in proportion to the extent of the country which they occupy, and the fer tility of the soil is so great, and the climate (however in s2luhrious and little inviting to exertion and labour) is so favourable to vegetation and the growth of all descriptions of the produce of the earth, that it cannot be expected that these eman c ip a t e d s l a v e s, thus uneduc a t e d and untrained, will he induced to work for hire." And why not work " for hire," though their numbers be small and their territory extensive ? What has the magnitude of the country to do with the matter, if the emancipated slave has not a foot of land within it which he can call his own ? How does its fertility exempt him from labour, if he has no provision-grounds, except at the will of the planter, or by contract with the state? The noble Duke and his legislative aides-de camp have thus forgotten one thing in their statement, which alters its whole value. 'Though the soil be fertile, and the climate favour able to negro life, the emancipated slave cannot en joy one rood of ground on which to build his hut, raise his poultry, or grow his yams, without the leave of his master. The provision -grounds of the negro belong to the planter as much as his cane fields, and, unless he works for them, he may be denied their enjoyment. The country may, indeed, be extensive, but severe laws may be enacted and enforced to compel residence, and to repress vagrancy. The free negro refusing to work, and wandering without the visible means of subsistence, may be punished as a rogue and a vagabond, as in our own free island at home. The mistake of his Grace arises from assimilating the emancipated negroes in the British colonies with the blacks in St. Domingo immediately after they had expelled the white planters. In the British colonies the planters will themselves be to blame if any incendiary violence or san guinary anarchy mark the progress of emancipa tion. The present frame-work of society may be preserved by a vigorous magistracy and a power ful police, with only the exception of theabolition of the cart-whip and the substitution of motives of personal advantage for the dread ofbrutal punish ment. If the measure of emancipation be just and necessary in itself, we shall not tremble at the mass of interests enumerated in the fifth rea son of dissent as involved in the question. We cannot, however, help remarking, that it seems a strang e obliquity of vision to contemplate with feelings of overwheiming sympathy, as his Grace appears to do, the probable damage "to the property of thousands of proprietors and colo nists," and to pass unnoticed the certain oppres sion of hundreds of thousands of our negro fel low creatures, whose dark skin forms an impe netrable barrier between them and the feelings of our Patrician protestors! We have left our selves no room to notice the 6th, 7th, and Bth reasons of dissent, which, indeed, relate chiefly to details on which differences may be expected and justified, and must conclude by congratu lating the country that the noble author of such a protest has ceased to be a Minister of the Crown, with no prospect of ever being called to its councils. An undisguised defence of the systeni of slavery could scarcely be exp ec t e d from any P eer o f , this free kingdom at the pre sent day, and we are at a loss to understand what business his Grace had at the funeral of Mr. Wilberforce with such a protest in his head or his pocket.—Times. The celebrated Cuvier, who was at the head of Instruction in France, and who was ex ceedingly anxious to establish a sound system of national education in France, seems to have been looking with apprehension on the conse quences likely to result from the abuse of poli tical liberty by an ignorant population : " Give (said the French philosoper) schools before political rights; make citizens comprehend the duties that the state of society i mposes on ahem ; teach them what are political rights before you offer them for their enjoy ment. Then all ameliorations will be made without caus ing a shock ; then each new idea, thrown upon good ground, will have tim e t o germ i nate, to grow, and to ripen, without conv u l s i ng t h e soc i al body. Imitate nature who, in ho, the development of beings, acts by gradation, and gives time to every mem b er o f h er most powerful elements. The infant remains nine months in the body of its mother; man's physical perfection only takes place at twenty or thirty, and his moral completion from thirty to forty. Institutions must have ages to produce all their fruits ; witness Christianity, the effects of which are not yet accomplished, notwithstanding a thousand years of existence." There can be no doubt that the more in structed the people, the less they will be open to the seductions of those who wish to employ them in forwarding objects injurious to the com munity. Instruction is always a good. " Our own inquiries," observes a sensible writer in Tails Magazine for September (and we never lose an opportunity of making them), "confirm this representation. When we have heard manufacturers complaining of the tur— bulence of their men, we have asked them which they found the most difficult to deal with—the men who read or the men who don't read ? The answer has uniformly been, 'Both are troublesome, but the ignorant are the most dangerous. The reading me❑ are always agitating, but we know what 1 t. e end of their agitation is likely to be; we know the lenghts they will go, and how they will go, and where they will stop ; but the ignorant, when once set in mo tion, are like infuriated animals; there is no reckoning on their actions, or on any considerations that may check them.' " The town to which the observations of this writer apply, affords in its past and present state some pregnant illustrations of the difference be. tween the outbreakings of instructed and igno rant men. For some time the inhabitants of Edinburgh have been endeavouring, by passive resistance, to defeat the law which imposes a tax, not on the population generally—for the Judges and lawyers generally are exempted from the operation of it—but on the poorer classes for the payment of the clergy. They have settled into the conviction, that the indivi duals composing th e L eg i s l a t u re are so mixed up with the Church Establishments of the em- pire, that there is no chance of obtaining justice from the Legislature, and they have determined to try what can be done by passive resistance. Whatever may be thought of this attempt, it cannot be denied that, during the period of considerable length of the agitation, the people have conducted themselves in a very orderly manner. They have strictly confined them selves to the object of resist►ng this particular tax, and have avoided all excesses. Now, the period is not very distant when knowledge in Edinburgh was nearly confined to the select few —when the newspapers were as tame as the Madrid Gazette—but when the mob bore a di vided sway with the Magistracy, and occasion. ally indulged in the grossest excesses. In Ker's " Life of Mr. William Smellie," we have the following account of the Edinburgh mob, with reference to some excesses committed in 1768, alluded to in a letter to Mr. Smellie " The person named Bowed, or Crooked Joseph, in this letter, was a low blackguard cobbler, who, by dint of fearless effrontery, lang led the Edinburgh mobs ; and frequently excited or directed lawless excesses which would not now he tolerated, and were then a dis_race to the want of energy in the Magistratv. In these days, as hinted at in this letter, the Scots printers trembled to venture upon the slightest allu,ion that might be construed into the smallest offence by those who held themselves to be of the higher orders; yet mobs were then almost per mitted to do as they pleased. In our more modern days of various improvement, these matters are fortunately reversed ; the scandalous excesses of mobs are either not heard of, or are repressed by the firm and temperate de termination and exertion of well-regulated civil authority; and the Scots press is fast approximating (1811) to a full participation of the liberties enjoyed in the sister kingdom of England. The entire abolition of the undefined and undefinable nubile officious, and the full introduction of jury trials for all alleged misdemeanours or libels, would consolidate the political independence of Scotland upon a footing equal to that enjoyed in England ; for the time is now happily gone by when the frown of the sub-deputy agent of a party could control the freedom of literary or constitutional discussion, and blast the sale of the eff o rts of genius—Requiescat in pace !" When provisions were dear, the mobs of that period used to attack the shops, and help them selves on their own terms. A counterp srt to this account of Bowed Joseph may be found in many parts of England about the same period. The change has been general throughout the island. Millers and Bakers, once the object of frequent attack, have long been unmolested by any snob in England as well as Scotland. M. Cuvier suggests that education should precede the concession of political rights. But here we are met in /indite by a difficulty—wh a t if they who withhold from the people their political rights, should throw obstacles in the way of education ? This is not an imaginary difficulty —for the oppressors of the people, guided by a sure instinct that education would put an end to their usurpation, have generally exerted them selves to prevent education. No one can en tertain a doubt that the Tories and the Clergy, their creatures, have always, till lately, been op posed, and been but too successful in resisting education. Does any one doubt that if the Church of England had seriously wished to in. struct the people, good institutions for that pur pose might not have been established centuries ago ? Who established the schools of Scotland? The Clergy. They never relaxed in their exer tions till they extorted from the landowners a provision in every parish for a schoolmaster ; and whets the law establishing schools in every parish in Scotland was established some time before the Union, they had been previously established, in fact, in all but a few parishes, through the instrumentality of the clergy. Doctor Chalmers tells us, in his evidence on the state of the country before a Committee of the Commons, that during the time Episco pacy became the established religion in Scotland (between the Restoration and the Revolution), the clergy partook of the spirit of their English brethren, and exerted themselves to put clown the schools and prevent education, which added greatly to the difficulties of the Presbyterian clergy after the revolution. But, be this as it may, we cannot be wrong in affirming that the English clergy seconded the views of the Tories its opposing the instruction of the people. The Scotch clergy never possessed with the Aristo cracy a tithe of the influence of the English clergy ; and, therefore, if we had not the evidence of positive facts on the subject, we should be warranted in inferring, from the absence of in stitutions for the education of the people in England, that the clergy were opposed to it. It is true that after Sunday schools were generally established by the Dissenters, and a number of Ibenevolent men had suc cee d e d i n d raw i ng t h e attention of the nation to the importance of education, the Tories and the clergy were in some measure shamed out of their opposition. When the Lord Chancellor first applied to the clergy for information on the state of their parishes with respect to education, their hostility was evinced by the refusal to afford information. But after an interval of some years, when he applied a second time, his inquiries were attended to. Instruction has been forced upon the Aristocracy and the Clergy. They have yielded to a power which they could not resist. In this country, now that we have turned the balance of the constitution in favour of the people we may expect that the obstacles to instruction will be speedily removed. In Mr. Fox's Monthly Repository for September, there are some excellent observations on this subject, on a review of Mr. Bulwer's England and the English. After mentioning some reforms which ought to be effected, the writer says : " The next point at which all good men should aim is universal instruction; instruction by the press ; instruc tion by schools and institutes; instruction of all useful kinds, and for all ranks and ages. Our ecclesiastical apparatus should be made of some use for this good end. No Church reform will be worth anything that does not direct some of its power to this purpose. The old school endowments, probably sufficient in themselves to provide for the education of the community, should he rescued from the shameless perversions and abuses which have made most of them sinecures, and be rendered available for their proper ob jects ; for the objects of the donors, that is, interpreted, as the legislature has a right to interpret them, in conformity with the increased intelligence of the age. Reading rooms, libraries, lectures, should be multiplied throughout the country; and we must also, by discussion and rational experiment, endeavour to mitigate that individual compe tition which so largely wastes the energy and vitiates the feelings of society. It is not to be endured that the mil- lions should continue the ceaseless toil, or the fierce rival ries, by which now they win their bread. When:ver the multitude obtain that political power wich it must obtain, there will he wild and destructive schemes for the redue- tion of this evil, unless a true and safe way first approve itself to the public mind. That there is such a way, who can doubt ? But speculation upon it is useless, until fur ther progress in political and intellectual reform have better prepared us for such investigations."—Morhing Chronicle The progress which Prussia is making in in ducing the minor German States to enter into her project, called the Prusso-Hessian Commer cial Union, ought to make the commercial classes of this country bestir themselves and take some measures for the protection of their own interest, to which the supineness of Government is as injurious as the activity of our despotic ally, to whom Government sent a present of a toy not long ago, which was said to have cost the nation 20,0001. Much better would it have been that the money thus foolishly expended on a model frigate for the King of Prussia, and on the special embassy to present it, had been given in aid of a fund to relieve and employ the thou sands of artisans who were driven out of employ ment by the absurd free trade system, into which certain pseudo economists forced the country without having removed the fiscal burdens which press upon British industry, and without having, by commercial treaties, procured from foreign nations reciprocal advantages. The mode in which Prussia proceeds in driving our manu fitetures from the markets of Germany is plau sible enough. She, too, adopts the watchword of the economists, " free trade," but, not like th e English economists, she takes care to make its adoption subservient to the advance- meat of the interests of her own people and not of foreigners. She proposes the mutual abolition of all transit duties and tolls between the states composing the union. If she loses a portion of her revenue by giving up her own transit duties, she is largely compensated for the loss by the great extension of her commercial intercourse, and the consequent enrichment of her own people. Our " free trade" economists rendered our manufacturers less able to pay the taxes to which they are subject, and swelled up the necessary amount of the poor rates to save from starvation those who lost their employ ment ; but Prussia proceeds in such a way as will render her subjects better able to pay the taxes to her treasury than they hitherto have been. She makes it matter of express treaty, that all sta es which shall derive advantage from the " rreedom of trade" which she confers shall reciprocate the advantage, while all others are excluded. Now, as Great Britain is not one of the states of' the union, the transit duties, tolls, dec. of the German states, which are to he abo lished as between themselves and Prussia, will continue to exist and to be exacted in all their rigour, as far as her merchandise is concerned; and by this means will Prussia monopolize the mar kets of those states which she has so craftily per suaded to enter into the commercial union. It is difficult to believe the statement made in the Prussian papers, that a negotiation is going on in London with the view of rescinding our commercial treaty with the free town of Frank fort, which treaty is an obstacle to the full com pletion of the Prusso-Hessian and Anti-English commercial project. It' our Ministers lend themselves to such a purpose, it will be the finishing stroke of their foreign policy for the abasement and overthrow of the commercial in fluence of England. The mystery which hangs over the extraordinary mission of Lord Durham to St. Petersburgh was not dissipated by Lord Palmerston's " explanation"—if that could be called an explanation in which nothing was ex plained. It seems it was for " general objects :" but as every " general object" involves several particulars, we should like to know what any of those particulars were. It seems the mission was eminently successful, and gave great satis faction to his Majesty's Ministers. N'Ve should like to have some reason for showing that it ought to give satisfaction to the country also. It did not by its results better the condition of the Poles, or oblige the Autocrat to pay respect to the treaty of Vienna. The Poles have been since that time worse treated than ever. It did not lead to the settlement of the Belgic question. That is as entangled a web of diplomacy as it had been at any time since the Conference com menced their unintelligible labour. It has not abated the rapacious ambition of the Czar for the spoils of Turkey. What, then, has it done ? Cost the nation a large sum of money, that is certain.—Morning Herald. The correspondent who has favoured us with a long letter (not worth publication) on the corn laws, and who argues that the true cure for the distress of the agricultural interest is to be found in the imposition of heavier duties upon the importation of foreign corn, has as suredly looked at the subject in a very oblique manner. The imposition of a heavier duty on foreign corn than that which is now exacted, would decidly injure, instead of benefiting, the agricultural community. Its market is at home —its prosperity, in all its branches, depends upon that of the manufacturing and trading portion of the community, and as any rise in the price of the commodities consumed by it would unquestionably cripple its exertions, by abridging the demand for its labour, it is quite evident that what the former wouldgain in one way would be utterly lost in another. At present, in fact, even with the low price which agri cultural produce bears, our manufacturers find a difficulty in competing with foreigners in the foreign market ; and what, we beg to ask, would be their situation, were foreign corn so highly taxed as to be excluded, and that of home growth to be so enhanced in price as to raise the price of our cottons and our cutlery ? If, already, we find it difficult to effect any considerable dealings with foreigners in these matters, what would be our situation under increased prices ? Should we not, thereby, give encouragement to the fo reign manufacturer, and exclude ourselves from the foreign market ? Nay, should we not, even in the long run, exclude ourselves from our own, and tempt the smuggler to our coasts. Manu factures are made up of two things—the labour bestowed, and the price of the article employed ; and if either be enhanced to any extraordinary extent, encouragement is thereby given to rivalry —the workman gives way to the foreigner, and the agricultural producer loses in pro portion to the fall of wages, and the smaller number of hands that are employed. Nothing, in fact, can be more foolish than to imagine that corn laws can possibly benefit the farmer. It may as well be said that tithes are a benefit to him—that poor-rates are a benefit—that state taxes are a benefit. They are, in fact, an Injury to him, but a brief benefit to the landowner ; while, rationally speaking, nothing can be more truly injurious than a law which en h ances t h e price o fhuman subsistence. But what is still more, and it is now on record, on the authority of Mr. Jacobs, that were the havest to fail, Ithere is not more corn in the countrythan would suffice for one month's subsistence, and that the requisite supply could not be procured from any other quarter ! This is a startling fact, but not more startling than true; and what is the remedy ? Not the present system as suredly, which has produced this result—nor the imposition of heavier duties on foreign corn, which would only encourage foreign rivalry —but a reduction of rents and taxes, and a graduated scale of duty on foreign corn, which would assure at all times to the foreign grower a market at a known price. In the present uncertain state of the law, the foreign grower has no encouragement—he does not know whe ther his corn will, or will not, be receivable, and the natural consequence is, that he grows but little for the English market, and that market, in case of a bad harvest, would he in adequate to supply the wants of the people. ‘Ve throw out these few hints for the benefit of those who think that an increased duty on foreign corn would not only stimulate agriculture, but prove a national good ; and we might say much more to the same point. The subject, however, is too vast for a mere newspaper article, and we shall therefore defer what we have further to say upon it to another occasion. —Morning Ad. vert iser. A WEEK'S SPORT. --Mr. Fraser, of Lovat, and Lord Carmarthen, are at present at Lovat's shooting quarters at Killin—a wild and beautiful nook in Strath errick. Though the birds are this year very scarce in the Strath, Lovat appears to have been highly successful. On Monday, the 12th, be bagged 64 brace, on Tuesday 50, on Nirttinesday 50, Thursday be made a holiday, on Friday be shot7o ; and as h e was returning horns on Saturday he killed a deer. This was really doing busi ness like a chief.—lnverneas Courier. POLICE INTE LL IGENCE. MANSION HOUSE. Richard Corbett, who was a few days ago brought before the LORD MAYOR charged with having pre sented a forged check at the house of Messrs. Child and Co., was brought up for re-examination. The forged name was that of Doctor Burney, of Green wich, and the Doctor had been sent for to give his attendance to aid the prosecution. The LORD MAYOR waited for a considerable time, but finding that the Doctcr was not forthcoming, he ordered that the case should proceed. His Lordship begged to be informed whether Doctor Burney had any objection to appear to give evidence in this case ? A gentleman had been with the Doctor, and had conversed a good deal with him upon the subject, and it certainly appeared that the Doctor was re luctant to give his testimony. The LORD MaYort —How could he have any scruples on the subject ? The capital punishment having been removed he cannot have any great de licacy as to aiding the ends of justice. It is, be sides, quite unfa4r to the bankers. Let a summons be served upon him. His Lordship then asked the prisoner whether he had seen or heard of Mr. Jones, by whom he said the check had been given to him to get it cashed. The Prisoner—No, my Lord ; I have not. The LORD 111AvoR.—No, I did not expect that you would, for there is no such person in exist ence. Have you any defence to make now ? The prisoner—l have been advised by my friends to re serve my defence for the trial; I therefore do not intend to state it here. The LORD MAYOR—lndeed, you won't make any defence—you have no notion of it. The prisoner— Oh, yes, my Lord, you'll find I will. The LORD MAYOR—You said that Mr. Imms knew Jones. Is that the case ? The prisoner— It is. Mr. Adam Young, one of the Directors of the Kent Water-works, stated that Mr. Imms was col lector of the Company, and would come forward to give evidence. He wished to know whether the prisoner had ever collected for Mr. Imms. The prisoner replied that he had, when that gen tleman was confined with illness, collected for him in August, 1832, money, which he paid over to the Rev. Mr. Rush. The LORD MAYOR—I shall send for Doctor Bur ney, and commit you for trial. I never witnessed a clearer case; and there's the other forged check of the 28th of July, the day twelvemonth on which you presented this. Q UEEN-SQ UARE. COMMITTAL OF A NEW POLICE CONSTABLE ON A CHARGE OF RAPE.—Yesterday, James Orlando Williams, a police constable of the T. division, No. 50, was brought up in custody, and placed at the bar, before Mr. GREGORIE, charged with ravish ing and carnally knowing Emma Fowler, a young girl, about fifteen years of age, the daughter of a journeyman cabinet-maker, at No. 5, Ebury-square, Pimlico, under the following circumstances : The case excited the greatest interest in the neighbourhood, and the result of the examination was anxiously looked for. The prisoner appeared to be a good looking man of rather dark complexion, and apparently about 40 years of age. He was respectably dressed in plain clothes. Emma Fowler, a delicate looking girl, about a week ago went to live with the prisoner and his wife, as servant, at their house at Knightsbridge green. On Saturday night, about ten o'clock, her mistress went out to market, leaving witness and the prisoner in the kitchen. Shortly after she was gone out, the prisoner seized her by the shoulders, and said, "My dear Emma, how thin you are," and pulled her towards a chair ; she screamed out, but there was no other person in the house. He then threw her clothes over her head, and threw her down on the floor. She screamed during the time, but it was quite useless. The witness here detailed every thing that passed, which is unfit for publication. There was a knock at the door, which was her mis tress ; the prisoner ran into the back parlour, and she went and opened the door. She should think that the prisoner had her on the floor near half an hour. Mr. William Davis, surgeon, of No. 17, Upper Grosvenor-place, stated, that the mother of the girl brought her to him on Sunday evening about eight o'clock, and stated what had occurred. tle examined her, and he had no doubt but that the offence had been committed. (Mr. Davis minutely detailed the examination of the girl, which was quite satisfactory but unfit for publication.) Some further evidence to the same effect having been adduced, the prisoner was fully committed for trial at the Old Bailey Sessions, and the witnesses were bound over to prosecute. The mother of the poor girt appeared to be deeply affected during the examination, and cried bitterly. MARYLEBONNE. ANOTHER DANDO.— IVilliani Wrench, a middle aged man, shabbily attired in a suit of black, was placed at the bar, charged under the following cir cumstatxt.s:— Daniel Wild, shopman to Mr. Mellish Green, High-street, Alarylebone, stated that the prisoner came to his master's shop on Saturday night, and after surveying the respective tubs of oysters, de- sired witness to open a few, which he accordingly did to the amount of 2s. Bd. Mr. RAWLINSON, with surprise—What ! eat 2s. Bd. worth of oysters this time of the year—why it is enough to kill any man of the cholera.— (Laughter.) , (The prisoner here shook his head, expressive of doubt, and seemed to say twice the number would stand no chance with him.) Mr. RAWLINSON—How many dozen did he eat ? Witness—Five dozen, your Worship, at a halfpenny each—together with five slices of bread and butter. —(Much laughter.) Mr. RAWLINSON, (looking at the police-Sheet.) —But I have nothing about oyster eating here— the charge is for being drunk and disorderly. Really the inspector ought to be more correct. Witness said the prisoner was riotous after eat ing his supper, but Mr. RAWLINSON could scarcely believe a drunken man could swallow five dozen of oysters. Mr. RAWLINSON—WeII, but I thought Dando was dead—this can't be him—what have you to say ? Prisoner—lt's a very hard case.—(A laugh.) Mr. RAWLINSON—What, on the oysterman ? The prisoner then► assured the Magistrate that he was a man of strict honour, although rather partial to oysters. He told the shopman he had no mo ney, and he continued supplying him with the oysters, alleging that he "did not doubt him." Mr. RAWLINSON—WeII, are you going to pay the bill ? Prisoner (heaving a deep sigh)—l've got no money—(Great laughter)—but I'll pay the first time I have any. _ Mr. RAwuNsoN—Oh ! that's to-morrow come never. I think if you had no money you need'nt have eat quite so hearty or expensive a supper; good wholesome bread and cheese might have done. The prisoner again and again pledged his honour, and was held to bail. SUlClDE.—Yesterday morning, about half past twelve o'clock, JOHN TURNER, of No. 40, Wych street, Strand, was returning home with two friends, when, on crossing Blackfriars-bridge, he suddenly sprang from them, and, before they could prevent him, he jumped over the ballustrades into the Thames. An alarm was given, and several boats put off, but the body could not be found. THE HARVEST.—The fine weather in the early part of last week gave to the harvest an extraordinary impulse. Great quantities of corn that had stood in th e fields for some days have been cleared away, and in th e c irn counties of the south of England the remnant of th e of cropsthe Humber,hasbee half the grain has been secured, b u t theren ga thered in excellent conditi on . N ort h is still a great quantity in the fields, partly in a cut and partly in an uncut state. The late heavy rains will, we tear, have done considerable mischief to the standing corn. —Leeds Ilierc urY SECOND EDIIO I4. Cloc h SUN-OFFICE, Seven o' THE LONDON GAZEO THIS EVENING. DECLARATIONS OF INSOLVENC3*O.Stree t, WILLIAM SHORT, cabinet-maker, g enrie 13runswick-square. li ALEXANDER BOWEN HOPKINS and P-11- 110 GESS, tobacconists, Commercial-place, City-road. JOHN WAR WICK, wine -dealer, St. Alban's. o jer BANKRUPTS. WILLIAM CORP, carpenter, 'P o wer-street,t o su p rr ot °( Sept. 11, at eleven, and Oct. 15, at half-past one, a t the' 011' Bankruptcy. Newbon, Doctor's-commons; Carman' bury, official assignee. ,0t GEORGE PRICE, twist-net-manufacturer, Sneillol tinghainshire, Sept. 13, and Oct. 15, at eleven, at the,gotto Horse Inn, Nottingham. Fearnhead and Campbell, ham; Johnson and Weatherall, Temple, London. GEORGE WIGHTMAN, victualler, Manchester, -cod and Oct. 15, at ten, at the Commissioners'-room s, M an Bower, Chancery-lane; Owen and Gill, ManchestAr. oft A Inn, nNs, SheffieId.LLBENJAMIN3Bt Chilton, t s cp a k a n i w n ci g enr - e m y.... a l l ae i n u rec f acturer, 1 -101 %e i Derbyshire, Sept. 30, and Oct. 15, at twelve, at the C °va t , r 6elt 19, and Oct. 15, at twelve, at the Old S ;h h aC i n p lta: H ki3 o e; t i e gClh t h t g i r r Bennett, Brighton ; Dax and Bicknell, Lincoln's Inn, A MOST HORRIBLE MURDER WANTAGE. (To the Editor of the Christian Advocate., eto bet° d Dear Sir,—This morning (Saturday) six and seven o'clock, a murder of the reaa l n il : r lir, kind was discovered at the White Hart :or house in this town. A little boy, son-ia" 11 ,,,,0 Ann Pullin, landlady of the White Hart, came '7 0, stairs, and was about to open the windoWshslfit o o ° fp when he discovered his mother lying on the - with her head severed from her bod The s was ly h i o n u g ld r e te r a s r t t o b ll e ,ar f d e s et, t o h p e po d si o t o e r the%e - Pi s a r ` o "' l, lo the An a et' given, and constables were despatched to d • combe, a village about two mil es distant; and young man named George King, of Cutnn er ' was employed in bean-cutting, was arrested. Seven, p. rn.—l am just returned from °Lid quest; and, after a very patient and Pert - Or investigation by a most respectable Jury, , t— n i the roner committed the prisoner to the custoay . no rs constable for the night, and was about to a u ); is , the Court till to-morrow morning when the c° - ;il' ble brought back the prisoner, saying he col t he ling to confess who it was t h at c omnlitt e- t hat dreadful deed ; that he was not t h e p e rson, he - fi l i al he knew who was th e m ur d erer . The Cor ona said he would take the confession in priva te ' id the Court was adjourned. The whole town a pd neighbourhood, are in the utmost confusion alarm. of If I 1 - tittle f! learn the nature of the confession in; t oil to-morrow's post you shall hear.—lnterim, 1 r yours, most respectfully, WILLIAM GLANVILLE, Baptist Minister' Vantage, Saturday, Aug. 31st, 1833. Lord's-day, Sept. lst, 4 ' r. i ftf, fro l m 'h ll e p ar r m iso e n y e t r o K w in a g nt h a a g s e c , o h n e fe m ss e e t d wi t t h h at a , n oi n ar ," l ii P o l r le t a ; Ned Grant, and went with him to the Whit e r tl etr' that Grant went in and called for a pint °:., 19 r tie and he (prisoner) stood at the door • end, 811 bill‘ ing there about five minutes, he door; 011 ; 1 0° fall, and went in and saw the head was s toic" 1 0 t d h e a r t e d G , r l a o n m t a pushed purse h i and d back and g /1 " o° ' the body, and t h e bl oo d spout i ng a bout c L fi dill i , % t v h a e ur ll m s ; sixpence, and swore that if he split he w° u . ici , der him the first time that he met with ha— roved' Grant then left for the village of Sparshei t ' The country has been scoured for reli es and no such person as Grant has been f° ll- „,111 11 heard of. Excuse haste; having had to - three services already -d • bout t ° to ay, and being a off to preach in a village, I am prevented he or larging. The inquest is still holding. P T he , dered woman was a poor defenceless widegi',„,jo; P.S. The head was severed from the e ° one stroke with a large bean-hook. The w -P the neck was cut through. shillingstoor LONDON MARKETS. Of . fel The highest price of PRICE Bread in the BREAD Netropolia is 9/ 41 • 4 . vI 41h. Loaf. There are others who sell from to 7 9 that price. PRICE OF SEEDS.—Sept. '2. ..„...0. ~.‘ „4, New English Red Clover Seed (per Cwt.) —s. —4. fin' ...... ,i, Old Ditto Ditto , —4 : —s,__:. fine e „ - - ' 5. New Foreign Ditto _8 Old Ditto ........ „....s. J. New White C10ver..—......... —s. —5. fi ne ...o. 'I. Old Ditto Ditto —s. S. fine ....4 , ,i , New Trefoil _ Zs. '2 , Bi. fi ne r 9 ,J. JldINC.° ..w•. „......,_ —s. —s. fin e e ....s. 0, Rib Grass --.—...---.... . ...M. —s. —s . Q fi n plc 0. English Carraway Seed —s. —s. ~,,L'l fine 'l6l. Freign Ditto ...—............,______._ —s. —5. ~ ' .--- ,,, e . ...-5. e Coriander .............. •••••••ww....................... ••••8. 146. ...z i 4fr St. Foin --(per Quarter).—......— 425. 443. nr i 0 ,400.;,m Rye Grass ---,---............ --s. —5. n e .... 5 • # Pacey Ditto _ --s. —5. n e ed „.# Linseed, for feediag . ~ 43,. finone 0 , _ Ditto, for crushing Canary Seed, New .. _..s. --s. , f ine . " ''itto Old _ s. .—s. 'e' WV' Allo : 00/8. White Mustard Seed---(per 8u5he1)......... —s. 12s. I "' Brown Ditto.....— _ .--,.. —s. Ws. %4 ' . tin e :,l o ..... —s. -- 5 . I t toe '0 ~.......s . __,. 1 7 ._ 6;'. 0 ... 6 . ss. n rig 5. 0 4 • --s. ss. on , e r , .2'3V F Or elb::- furnip Seeds, Itoun, Green and Red Ditt Ditto'Ni Rape Seed, ~nglish, fine (per Last) 24/. 2b,..... PRICES OF HOPS.—Sept. 2. to 4 , • 0 0 ' OP New Kent Pock e t s ( per cwt.) .... 41 4s. 01. N. , 0 6 , . O. thpice - 51 10s. 01. N' 'to 0 /: OP East Choice K Choice New S 'ssex Pockets Superfine Ditto The Hop 1 or. o;.. 0 1, . 0 ,, 71. Os. 01. N• t m ° 51. co. 41. Cs. 01. 05 01. as , ot Os. 01. Os ! ° pl. ei , 41 . ( - 1. 41. 105. to 0/. 51. Os. W. sated at 180,000. • _----- _,, 0 PRICE OF OIL. 10 Rape Oil, brown Os Refined 0 " . 1 1 0 Linseed Oil I! Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill. Nape Cake. )cr thousand _ WHITECHAPEL HAY 51ARKI, Sert 755. Od. to 85s. Od. 80i Oa' to 275. Od. to 28, Od. per ton New Wa re F ICE O POTATO 2s.ES.—Sept. 24. 44. 3d, to 38. 6f i er tto• Middling Chats Is 9d: to 2s. 01 a - WO' Os.. Od. to Is. 6d. to IBti• LEATHER. 15 Calf Skins.... 80 SpanishE n gl En glish E. H Dei o P r i e td s o r e o I b L i i :l e 5 ; to 7 0 , t, O Ditto 40 to ,Tnit, , 16 Ditto 70 t0,7;cl Small Seals : fr2 o ,,e Large ditto 5 d6 :ET.—Sept. 2. 14 p Per T0n.......„„.. 6 Ditto Burraton ‘ . O 0 6 W. E. Clarke and 1 4 6 Walls End Heat on 1 4 • Walls End Hi1da , "";....." 14 6 Walls End 14 0 Ditto Killingwor t f,a , .." Walls End Newilnoid• 14 0 Ditto Northurnb er Co• 0 Walls End Perkins,, oti Walls End Ilidac h g Lambton's Priniros 1 6 • Walls End Hettor g Ditto Russell's le eo oo , 1T 6 W E. Russell's P 0 4,,, 0 Walls End Stewari.o.o. W. E South Du r , last market-dal', 45 ' 0 0 EKE l'.—Atio• 31 ' . 1E1" t 0 y 8 Oats (Per c2r.) ......... Beans ........ .. ........ C- 5 Pease ................... PRICES 0 Per lb. Butts, English 15 25 Ditto, Foreign 14 21 Dressing Hides 12 15 i 3 15 Ditto, light Crop Hides, light—. 12 I n Ditto 40 to 501 b. 13 17 y Ditto 19 COAL MAR: Per Tor,. s. d. Adair 's 14 0 Charlotte —. 14 el Chester Main 12 0 Dean's Primrose 12 6 East —. 14 0 Holywell 0,1•POWI W•••• 14 0 Kenton West 13 9 Orel's Reelhugh 12 9 Polito') Wind50r,,..,,,,,,,,,,,.._ 13 6 Shipeotew--...—. 12 6 Canfield 15 0 Townley . 13 3 West Hartley Wylam 14 6 Walls End Bell & Brown 15 0 Ditto Bell, Robson, & Co. 15 3 Walls End Blake. . l4 0 Ships arrived since GUILFORD MA NVheat (Per Load) ll / to ----- Old 15 17 Barley (Per Qr.) 0 7s 325. Bri O ni n sl t r i i ;oberts, Esq., of a daught erstiii.bon, of Jot''' O r' OW . On the 31st ult., Mrs. A. Itu.eker, of g • c e k 29 .sq tl t i m i r l e t , ., oaftaSclinailt:hgli:stlteTrrel.eitS;Clielsea, the lady t, 0 1 ' DIED. lo ot r hiam On w th i e lso l n st , inst., E at his the residence, fSthriesaatglical.n C: in 3lr, 10 1 ' • On the Ist inst., Mr. Brown, for 31 years cie r '' 1 04 „ g rg ' lip's china warehouse, Oxford-street. On the Ist inst., at her residence, Caruclen-WW" ' c „of' for On d, aged 85. the 31st ult., at his house in Mount-stree Gros' ' 1..,00 ttr square, Mr. D. Lewis, aged 54. ~ %los _.,..„the On the 30th nit., at Maryland Point, Stratforod,o'chi l', Fassett, fourth daughter of the late Elias D e Wi lj#ll Esq., of Walworth, Surrey. broth er On the Ist inst., at the apartments of his . 1 1r r iii he Somerset House, Strand, M r . Christopher roya On the 29th ult., at Tarli ng t on Rectory, linis;ol.• year, Laura, the wife of th e R e v. Edward 11 'c PRINTED AND PUALisuLD AY MU It SUN OFFI(D, 114 Sightirli Lel 4 1)1 tit ive E aßr WI Ny he pi t he p i Surrey, P T . a Tel T Q h e be had N o . 6, v,:th et. I 81, ti ii t , 4 4 tt, 4 44 1 it "Otth " 14, 1 , I~ F