The Sun. — London, England, 1863-01-22 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TlmEs.—" The law trusts the advocate with a privilege, in respect of the liberty of speech, which is in practice bounded only by his own sense of duty; and he may h ,ve to speak upon subjects con cerning the deepest interests of social life and the innermost feelings of the human soul. The law also trusts him with a power of insisting on an swers to the most painful questioning; and this power, again, is in practice only controlled by his own view of the interests of truth." These are words occurring in the judgment of Chief Justice Erie in the recent case of Kennedy v. Broun. It is one of the best judgments of contemporary days. It is an exception to the common habit of these degenerate times, when judges seem to have forgotten that English law once had pretensions to be a science, and have even lost confidence in their own capacity to exercise it as an art. It does not evade the ques tion instead of deciding it. It does not nibble at the little accidents of the case instead of biting into the core of it. It is more like those grand old judg ments which, in their different ways, Coke and Lord 2,lensfleld gave ; men who in their affluence of knowledge and their power of generalisation trod confidently ; men who were not afraid to lay down principles from any consciousness of incapacity to foresee how they would work. Lord Chief Justice Erie's judgment in this case deserves to be noted as a work of judicial art, and apart from the interest attaching to the case which occasioned it. Before it passes away from the memory of the profession sad the public, we wish to ask for areconsideration of the words we have above quoted. They are the Well-considered dicta of a very eminent judge, and they define the privileges of a class of men with whom, at some time or other, every one among us is likely to come in contact. As witness, as party, as juryman, or as client, the chances are very much in favour of any named individual some time finding himself in the hands of a barrister. Chief Justice Erie says most truly that whenever this happens the banister may say what he pleases of the individual or any of his acts or motives or domestic relations, even to stirring up the innermost feelings of his soul. If he be before him as a witness, the barrister may also pry with the most impertinent curiosity into the most secret acts of his daily domestic life; he may unveil all his weaknesses, and bring out every past folly in its worst light ; he may revive the memory of old misfortunes, and reopen old wounds long since cicatrized. To this system of torture there is, as the Chief Justice justly observes, no restraint but the barrister's own sense of ditty and his own view of the interest of truth. If he be interrupted in his speech, which is very seldom the case, we hear im mediately loud and lofty strains about the privileges of the Bar; if in the cross-examination, then the advocate is "testing the credit of the witness," or " the pertinency of the questionlwill appear by and by," or "his instructions make it his duty to ask these questions," or, again, " the witness need not answer, unless he pleases, and the jury will know then what to believe." Surely these are tremendous powers to put into the hands of any man ! we fence our liberty and our property round with every possible protection, we thus leave ourselves open to the infliction, by any careless or reckless or malevolent member of the Bar, of amoral torture worse than any physical punishment which our law allows. The Chief Justice, when reminding the Bar of these terrible powers, seeks to impress upon them the responsibility which they assume in their use of them. "The advocate entitled to permanent success must unite high powers of intellect with high principle of duty," and " the integrity and dignity of advocates are in close relation with the highest of human interests—namely, the adminis tration of justice." It might be very well if the exhortations of our Judges were as powerful to re strain as their decisions are powerful to arm. Even Chief Justice Erle, however, is compelled to admit that "in the class of advocates there will be bad men taking the wages of evil." As a matter of fact we know that there is as much difference between barristers as there is between attorneys,and we know that of these latter Lord Hardwicke said that while ho confidently trusted some of them with his pro perty, his honour, and his life, he should be sorry to be obliged to trust others of them with his greatcoat. It is incontestable that these enormous powers are daily abused, and now that they are once more so solemnly declared from the judicial bench, it be comes us to ask ourselves whether they really are necessary to " the highest of human interests— namely, the administration of justice." In the first place, we would remark that these powers are scarcely ever used by the best and most successful advocates. A " searching " cross-examination is almost always a blunder or a fraud. It is a blunder if the advocate knows no better ; it is a fraud if, knowing better, he does it to " get his name up." It is in the criminal courts we find these powers most actively used, and there, so far from being used in furtherance of the administration of justice, they tend to the reverse. In these courts, the privileges of the bar scarcely ever appear except as aids to the criminal against the respectable classes. They tend to frighten prosecutors out of the courts. Let us put every strong case. A foot man steals his master's plate, and is tried at the Central Criminal Court. The barrister who defends takes a line of cross-examination tending to show that there was a 'familiarity bet Ween the footman and his mistress, and that she may possibly have given him the plate. If the facts were true, they would not justify an acquittal; but we will suppose that the suggestion was utterly unfounded, that it excited the indignation of all present, and that it was resented by a heavy sentence upon the prisoner. How does this illogical severity assuage the agony of the prosecutor and his family ? And is not such a case, when reported, a warning which acts upon twenty other persons to suffer any loss rather than take part in the administration of justice ? Tne case we put is, as our readers may remember, not quite imaginary ; but there are many gradations of such cases, and they all tell against justice, and not in its favour. W e are very much inclined to think that the "privileges of the bar" might be curtailed without any danger to innocence, tied with great benefit to the suppression of crime. 'We are by no means unmindful of the difficulties of this subject. It would be impossible to allow testimony to pass unsifted through the Courts. All, however, that is necessary to be accomplished might 1)0 done without any alteration of the present law. We require only for thispurpose the action of public opinion and a little energy in the Bench of Judges. At present neither the Judges nor the public appear to recognise the fact that a witness in a witness-box is a person in the exercise of a very painful but most important public duty. He is for the moment a an o fd public officer, as deserving of respectful treatment protection against insult as is the Judge self. The general b n e o t ti b 'on, however, derive from tradition, seems to th a t a witness in a witness • box is, like a bull in a r i ng put there to be baited, anath or a badger in a cask, dogs who, by the instincts of theirat the counsel are the bull-baiting are bound to do it. We have got rid of the l-baiting and the badger-baiting, and it is quite :rue that we got rid of the witness-baiting. When the old feeling is quite gone which ass oc i a t es something like fafr play with these forensic fights people will know better, and the Judges will, p er h aps, be induced to, exercise more frequently their power of protecting witnesses. Perhaps, also, witnesses themselves will then more confidently claim the Judges' protection. These last have plenty of power to abate this evil if they would only use it. It is true they cannot stop an advocate from pursuing a particular line of ex amination if he declare that this question is perti neet, or that he is justified by his instructions, But if the event should show that the question was not pertinent, or that there was no foundation for the suggestion made, the Judge might then deal with the advocate by silencing him for a cer tain specified t i m e ---a P e nalty well known and often inflicted in days of better discipline; and call for the inst ructi the Jvdge might also ons, and make the attorney re sponsible for any ma li c i ous misstatements in them. We would ask Chief Justice Erle and his brethren on the bench to give a moment's consideration this, matter, and to ask themselves whether it be really, true that the unrestricted use which can only meln the frequent abuse—of the enormous powers is necessary, or even favourable, to the ad ministration of justice. DAILY NEWS.—English politicians entertain few political desires stronger than that of seeing the countries an d;Governments of the Scandinavian race in good understanding and alliance with each other. They form altogether but seven millions, which are not too many to impose upon ambitious powers in their neighbourhood the necessity of respecting' their rights and independence. Many amongst themselves, actuated by this conviction, have aimed at a close political union of the three kingdoms under the same sovereign. The obstacles in the way of any such union are, however, so great, that it may be considered impossible. Even close alliance is difficult; but it is not unattainable. One of the difficulties is the great divergence of the political system and ideas which prevail, and have been con solidated in institutions. Thus Sweden and Nor way, though united in a certain fashionun s d w er edn t e he same monarch, mingle like fire and water. ta is still the land of a feudal aristocracy, rynobility heredi whilst No r way has formally proscribed altogether. In Denmark a very liberal, and what the aristocracy of Holstein call a radical, constitu• tion prevails. And the grand cause of disagree ment of which we hear so much between Denmark and Holstein is less that of Scandinavian and Ger man antagonism, than the horror of the gentry and nobility who dominate in the Estates of Holstein, finding themselves at the mercy of the Copenhagen commonalty. Whilst institutions approaching to democratic were thus established at Copenhagen, at Stockholm there still subsisted and subsists the con stitutional system of the middle ages. The Diet of Sweden consists of the Four Estates or Orders, each of which meets separately. There are the nobles, the clergy, the burgesses, and the peasants. As it is necessary for any proposition to obtain a majority in all before it can be adopted, it is little to be won dered at that motions for a reform of the constitution hFwe always been lost. They have, however,been re newed in every Diet since 1834—that assembly meet ing every three years—and have never at any time been opposed by the monarch of the day. Bernadotte, and his son Oscar, successively recommended their adoption. And the present King, who ascended the throne in 1859, has just opened the Diet with a formal proposal, which it seems has a better chance of adoption than any of the schemes brought forward vainly for the last 30 years. The Minis terial plan does not, it seems, comprise an heredi tary or even noble Chamber. It is to be one rather like the American Senate, elected by provincial as semblies, whilst the Lower Chamber is to be chosen by wide and direct elections, It is difficult at this distance to estimate the probable success or the con sequence of such a law. Hitherto the Swedish nobles have met far more moderate reforms with a determined resistance ; but whether there may not be something in the present law or the present time to induce them to be less obstinate remains to be seen. The King and his Ministers have evidently had their plan in view for a considerable time. Their chief care and effort in the last two years have been to perfect, pass, and bring to bear a law for the esta blishment of Provincial Diets. This being a law for decentralisation was palatable to the noblesse, and calculated rather to indulge than to restrict their local influence. It, however compelled them to share the honour with the burgesses of country towns, and with the small proprietors or farmers, the council being the result of election. One of the evils most complained of in Sweden used to be the interminable conflict between town and country, between the Government or municipal authorities on the one hand, and the feudal lords and gentry dominant on the other. The new regulation of the Provincial Estates abates this evil, if it does not altogether put an end to it. Should the Swedish monarch and his Government:succeed in the com plicated task of framing and establishing a new constitution for Sweden, there will still remain the equally difficult question of the relations between Sweden and Norway. The latter country, it is known, has of late years put forward pretentious only galling to Sweden, but unacceptable to the King. The diminution of the power of the nobility in the Swedish Diet must, by assimilating so mewhat the institutions of thetwocountries, render an agree ment between them more easy. Bat the relations between Stockholm and Christiania, as well as those between Stockholm and Copenhagen, require the most delicate handling, attempts and proposals for closer union having generally produced the reverse effect. HERALD.—There are various estimates current as to the amount of the actual stock of cotton exist ing in the Confederate States. The highest esti mate to which any weight can be attached is that of Mr. Bunch, our consul at Charleston, who places the amount at 4,250,000 bales. But Mr. Bunch has all along taken an extravagantly sanguine view. He believes in the existence of a considerable rem nant of the crop of 1860. Southern gentlemen assure us that this is altogether a mistake; and, seeing that the blockade did not come into operation till the and of April, 1861, while the probability of war and consequent expediency of exporting cotton was apparent at the beginning of February, we in cline to their opinion. Again, he seems disposed to overrate the crops of the two last years, and to disregard the great increase of consumption which has taken place in the States themselves. More credit seems to be due to the calculations of Mr. Molyneux, consul at Savannah, who places the crops of 1861 and 1862 at 4,500,000 bales, the deduction to be mode for destruction and con sumption at 1,000,000 ; leaving not more than 3,500,000 bales. It is possible that even this estimate may be somewhat too high. We should not venture confidently to calculate on more than 3,000,000. And there is one point which should not be overlooked. The blockade which has kept in the cotton has kept out the materials requisite for making it into bales; its enormous bulk when unpacked has made it impossible to shelter it pro perly on the plantations; prudential reasons have prevented its transmission to the ports ; and it is found safer to store it unpinned as it cannot be packed. It is, therefore, exposed to damage from the weather and to deterioration from the oil of the seed ; and we may expect that a good deal will be in this way rendered unfit for use or exportation. There is not the least chance that the American and Indian supply together would do more than provide effectually for the wants of the present year. The condition of Lancashire, then, for the next two years, supposing the present stock to be liberated, depends upon the prospect of this year's crop. And we do not hesitate to say that these depend entirely on the condition of affairs in the commencement of April. If at that time the ports shall be open we may I hope for a crop of some three and a half million bales, inasmuch as, being thus assured of a market, every Southern planter will, during the planting season—which lasts from the middle of April to the middle of May—use his utmost endeavours to sow as great a breadth as possible of hi s most profitable crop ; and though we can hardly hope from Tennessee, Arkansas, and Louis ifaonrati anything from states east of the Mississippi will probably do even more than usual.llattttim o e r there be only a fair prospect of spee 63, .peace—if, f instance, France and England have recognised on ogn e t . s h ed alf th o e f South—we may hope, perhaps, to receive an ordinary crop. But if things stand then as they do now—what must we expect ? Our readers may judge for themselves. Cotton has now in the Southern States only a prospective value. It has so far ceased to be a popular or favourite crop that whereas in 1860 the crop was estimated at four mil lions and a half of bales, in 1862 it does not appear to have exceeded one million—and this though the great cotton region of Georgia, Alabama, and Mis sissippi ha s b een reached by the h th ea e b river. Publi c op i n i on, too, Federals on ly a t its western e x t rem i ty along Igt a a ii _ ii n ti k t i t o h f e t h h pt the an g t r i e n a g t t of cotton while th e war lasts. tempt ing to the enemy, an d an unpatriotic ug, emp l oymenten of labour which mi g ht b e b etter used. there must be a large di vers i on of labour from theoo cotton-fields to other purposes —for instance the production of grain. The grain-growing country of Tennessee and Kentucky, Missouri, and parts of Virginia, cannot be relied on to supply the South. And further, the labour usually employed in grain-growing in the cotton states—that of the non-slaveholdinp; whites—has been withdrawn to a great extant by military necessities, which, and the requirements growing out of the blockade, must also constitute a drain on the black labouring population. Finally, it must be borne in mind that the cotton-fields generally lie in those portions of the states which are most ex posed to invasion ; and that the capture of Mobile or Savannah, or a Federal army landing on the coast, would drive the planters to retire with their negro property into the mountainous regions of the interior. Under these circumstances it is not im probable that the crop of 1863 will fall far below that of 1862, be, in fact, too small for consideration, if the war should continue. How far does the Go vernment intend to carry its policy of forbearance ? How long will it obstinately refuse to join with France in a mediation which, let the Republicans bluster as they will, would be hardly less welcome to America than to Europe ? Is there no limit to belligerent rights —no term to neutral endurance? At first the Northern Government itself never pre tended to assert that we were bound to sabmit even as long as we have submitted to the sufferings entailed on us by its efforts to subjugate the South. " Bear with us for 60 days, for 90 days, till the end of the campaign, till the frosts, till the rains enable ourgunboats to penetrate into the interior," was Mr. Seward's demand. And we have borne with him ; we have let our people starve while we waited for the fulfilment of his boasts; and he is farther than ever from fulfilling them. Is this to last for ever ? If the Ministers are not willing to mediate—if they distrust France or tremble at the shadow of the Emancipation Society—dare they not recognise the Confe erate States ? If they had even the courage and the common sense to do this the prospect of peace would be clear and immediate. THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, also produced cotton pronounced in England to be very good. With regard to the quantity of exports and the prospect of increase, he could only say, as the matter had so far been an experiment, that now it had resulted favourably there was a sign of much greater cultivation of cotton. Money could be invested in almost any operation or pursuit in Queens • land, and generally in Australia, at rates of about 10 per cent., or very much over it, and, all these fields for invest ment being open, it had been no matter of surprise that hitherto attention had not been very suddenly turned to the growth of cotton. It would be more cultivated after the favourable experiment of the last year or two, because the farmer's occupation in Queensland had been one of much vicissitude; and if he now put a certain number of acres under cotton-growing he would be able to tide over any ad verse season that might befall him. New Orleans cotton had been produced to the extent of 600 or 700 lbs. to the acre at the very least. By the same calculation as he had made when speaking of sea-island cotton this could be seen to be fully remunerative. He had always exhorted colonists to go freely into cotton-growing, and he thought they would do so, because if the worst happened, and cotton became too cheap in England, they would still have their land in good order for any other crop, and the increase of population would enable them to make a good business out of any other agriculture. There were no very large plantations at present, but he felt confident it must be remunerative for gentlemen largely interested in the cotton trade to have a plantation there of their own, whence they could ship to the English market. As there was not much capital afloat in the colony, there was an immense field open to English capital. He had been much pleased with Mr. Ashworth's reference to the circumstances that the Australian colonies were determined to be indepen dent and self-supporting. They were extremely desirous to be English as long as England would allow them to be appended to her. At the same time the Australian would never want this country to pay any of his expenses. Queensland had never cost England a shilling, except the shilling a day for its army of 25 soldiers. (Hear.) If the colonists had occasion for more, they should propose to pay for it themselves. They paid at present for police protec tion a larger sum per head than Englishmen paid for all the army, navy, and police of England. In conclusion, Mr. Herbert spoke of the healthiness of the climate of Queens land (the Australian tropical climate being no more injuri ous to the English constitution than the climate of England on a summer's day), and the probable introduction of coolie labour from India. This was objected to in the southern part of the colony ; but in the north no doubt it would be had without the slightest oppisition. (The hon. gentle man sat down amid applause.) gu Sir Cur t rf e s l N ik i e c li zo oo L d solsaid that he was no raising any verylt ve arge ry son as quan - tity of cotton of the cheaper kinds by means of European labour only. While the present high prices existed, while the cultivation was encouraged by the local Legislature giving bounties of 5d on the inferior and 10d on the supe rior kinds of cotton; and, while an incentive was found in the free grants of land, no doubt the cultivation could be carried on by means of European labour. But in the tropical districts, at least, recourse must be had to Asiatic labour. Tho cotton plants in Queensland be came (what it did not in America) perennial, and when -once planted it would grow foi six or seven years without 'renewal. The absence of late frosts on the coasts was the cause of the plant assuming a perennial character. In some districts there were tracts of land naturally cleared, being only covered with a rich grass, which could be easily burnt. The whole question Was one of labour. Australia—as *none who knew it could doubt—was capable of producing cotton to any am ount ; in the north-eastern parts this capacity was unli m it e d . But while labour var i ed from 5s to 15s per day, it was vain to expect that cotton could ever be produced in very large quantities by European labour. The great object of those interested in the cultiva tion should be to encourage emigration from England. (Hear, hear.) He regretted to find that there was a dispo-, sition on the part of some influential men to discourage emigration to the colonies. He earnestly urged all into rested in the matter to stimulate by every possible means the emigration of the working classes to Queensland. (Hear, hear.) The introduction of coolies, especially into the northern settlements of that colony, was a matter of vital importance, although there was a party there who, from some selfish or prejudiced motive, objected to the in troduction of the Asiatic or any coloured race. He believed the introduction of coolie labour was indispensable to the proper and full development of the country's resources. It was most unfair and injurious to group Corfu, the lonian Islands, Gibraltar, and Malta with such colonies as Queens land. (Hear.) The Australian colonies, if the proposition were made in a proper form, were quite willing to defray the whole of their 'expenditure, military and civil. (Ap plause.) Some of those colonies were still suffering from having been for so many years the receptacles of British convicts, who had migrated from Van Diemen's Land and other places, and who had thus swelled the police expendi ture. The whole of the expenses of the civil administration was defrayed out of the colonial funds. The increase of population was unparalleled in the history of colonization, as was also the rate of wool production. In 1804 the first specimen of wool—about 2701 b—was sent over to England. Within 40 years the number of sheep had accumulated to 11,000,000, and the export of wool amounted to 22,000,0001 b. When the last statistical returns were made the gross ex ports of the whole of the Australian colonies was £20,000,000 sterling, while the gross amount of the imports was £26,000,000 sterling. The revenue of Queensland had in creased during Mr. Herbert's secretaryship from £BO,OOO a year to £400,000, (Applause.) Mr. T. BAZLEY, M.P., in proposing a Tote of thanks to the two gentlemen who had addressed the Chamber, said that he had no doubt the profits mentioned as being likely to accrue from cotton cultivation in Queensland were below the minimum. The English manufactarers had a double reason for encouraging the production of cotton in the Aus tralian possessions. because a new market was being created i for our own markets, while we were at the same time im porting the raw material. He did not participate in the alarm felt by some because our people were emigrating to the colonies. Why should there not be a division in the current of emigration, and why should not the British colonies, and Australia in particular, have the advantage? (Hear, hear.) Mr. J. CIIEETHAM seconded the motion, and recom mended the employment of Indian or Chinese labour in Queensland. He said that the administrators of that coun try presented a blight contrast to the apathy, neglect, and even hostility of the administrators of India, who seemed to have no other work than from the House of Commons and their own private rooms in the Council -office to abuse those men from whom they derived those salaries for which they gave a most inadequate return. (Loud applause.) The Hon. Mr. HERBERT, in reply to one or two ques tions, said that Sir Charles Nicholson was quite correct in his estimate of the present rate of wages throughout the colony. In Brisbane the av era ge rate of wages was 58. per day, without rations, to a spade labourer. In a company in which he himself was interested labourers were engaged at £3O a-year, with rations. In the north of the colony, where the population was thin, wages were higher. At Rock hampton wages were 10s. per day. He had known £1 a day paid for labour of a not very severe character. Coolie labour would be considerably cheaper—less than one-half. In the colder parts of the country it was assumed one Eng lishman would be equal to two coolies. A large number of Germans were now being introduced who were willing to be indentured for a couple of years, at £2O a-year, with ra tions. With these kinds of labour both Sea Island and Upland cotton could bo grown with profit. The same regu lations which were adopted in the Mauritius with regard to coolies would also be adopted in Australia. The motion was unanimously carried, and the proceed ings terminated. , COTTON FROM QUEENSLAND. A special meetiug of the Manchester of Chamber of Com merce was held yesterday morning "To receive the Hon. R. G. Herbert, Secretary to the Government of Queens land." The meeting took place in the Mayor's Parlour at the Manchester Town-hall. The Mayor presided, and there were present Sir C. Nicholson, Mr. Bazley, M.P., Mr. H. Ashworth, Mr. J. Cheethatn, Mr. Slagg, Mr. T. Mosley, Mr. M. Ross, Mr. H. Mason, &c. The CHAIRMAN stated that the object of the meeting was to take advantage of the presence of the Hon. Mr. Herbert in Manchester, to present an address to the Governor of Queensland. Mr. FLEMING, the secretary, then read the following ad dress to Mr. Herbert : "TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE 110 N. SIR GEORGE BROWN, GOVERNOR OF QUEENSLAND. "May it please your Excellency,—We, the members of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, in special general meeting assembled, avail ourselves of the presence of the Hon. R. G. Herbert, Government Secretary, whom we thir4 day welcome among us, to convey to you the expression bf our great satisfaction at the rapid progress which the im4 portant colony of Queensland is now making in the deve lopment of its agricultural and commercial resources ; and we observe with special interest the great success which hie attended the cultivation of the cotton plant, for which the soil and the climate of the colony appear to be peculiarly adapted. At no other period could the visitor to Lancashire be more strikingly impressed with the value of that most important material. He finds the manufactures of this once busy district paralysed and perplexed by the cessation of those supplies which it has long been accustomed to receive from America, and the community at large looking anxi ously for some new quarter whence suitable cotton may be obtained. Mr. Herbert will therefore be enabled to inform you, with the authority of an eye-witness, how great a source of wealth appears to present itself to the people of Queensland, should they devote their energies to the extension and improvement of cotton cultivation. The members of this Chamber have seen with no small pleasure how faithfully your Government has adhered to the liberal policy of the mother country; and they rejoice in the spread of her free institutions to that remote dependency over which you preside, destined, as they hope, to a career of great and progressive prosperity. " For and on behalf of the Chamber, " h ENRY ASHWORTH, President." Mr. H. ASEWORTII, the President of the Chamber, said that upon an occasion of distress such as that which affected the district, it was both desirable and commendable that every opportunity should be seized whereby the increased cultivation of cotton could be encouraged, whether in our own colonies, or in any other part of the world. When any one approached the subject of our colonial empire, it would be remembered that it involved an expenditure of some £.1,000,000 or £5,000,000 a year, and was very often full of disappointed hopes and expectations. In fact, the time had now arrived when we had thought it proper to get rid of some of our dependencies—namely, the lonian Islands. And, probably, for the same reason that a commercial people were accustomed to place a balance-sheet against their own affairs, we had begun to think it would be just as well were we to hold that commercial plummet against some of our colonies. Our colonial system had been so long neglected that it required to be taken into better management. It was really quite refreshing to see that colonies might be ma - naged, not only for our own advantage, but for the welfare of the colonists, and more particularly our own countrymen, who were desirous to possess property and station in some distant country. The Australian colonies had been hitherto the most successful and inexpensive. Queensland was the youngest of our colonies, being only three years old. The population had rapidly increased, their works and cultivation were equally prosperous, and cotton had been produced equal to the best specimens of American cotton. It was not un reasonable, therefore, to hold oat anything short of protec tion to enable the colonists to carry out with success that which was already so well begun. Although the colonists had not considered themselves free to carry out their own military power, they required so little help that at the pre sent time they were governed by 25 military troopers. (Laughter.) Unlike other colonies Australia was prepared to maintain their own expense and Government. (Ap plause.) Mr. HERBERT, in response, said it would be very satis factory to Sir G. Bowen and the people of Queensland to peruse the address. There was n i English community with which the colonists more sympathized than with the busi ness-men of the seats of manufacture. The colonists felt that they were better understood among that class, than in, per haps. more theoretical coteries of persons less immediately connected with the everyday business of life. Since Queensland was established three years ago as a colony separate from its parent, New South Wales, it had been much due to the notice taken of its capabilities by Mr. Baz ley and this Chamber that there had been an emigration of mechanics and others and an investment of capital in Queensland, which would lay the foundation of prosperity to the settlers and an extensive trade with England. He (Mr. Herbert) had no very correct data at his disposal with respect to the condition of cotton .growing in Queensland. About three years ago cotton culture was pressed on the attention of the colonists, partly by the representations of commercial bodies in England, and partly because agricul tural farming had not thriven, and a new staple of cultiva tion was desired. Previous experiment had demonstrated the superior suitability of cotton in this respect, and it be came the duty of the Government to try to foster its growth. It was hoped thus to raise up an intermediate class between the large capitalists and the working man—a yeoman class, on which the stability of the colony must eventually depend, supposing that class could be created. The Government in revising the land laws of the colony made provision whereby a liberal bonus should be given for the first five years to all persons who might successfully grow cotton and ship it to England in large quantities in good condition, Subsequently, free grants of land were offered to cotton cultivators. After nearly two years the experiment had proved most successful. Notwithstanding the want of competent managers, or of experience in the difficulties of cotton culture, Queensland had sent home what had been pronounced in Manchester to be really good samples, and would soon be able to send cotton in quantity of similar quality. (Applause.) Previously the colony had been almost exclusively engaged in wool-growing, of which the profits in Australia were so great that, unless cotton growing was very remunerative, it could not be expected to command attention. He was, therefore, much gratified in being able to say that cotton had proved thoroughlyprofitable in Queensland. It had been distinctly proved that sea island cotton could be produced to the extent of 4001 b. (clean) to the acre. One English hand could undertake four or five acres, and, assuming only the ridiculously low price of Is. a pound, there would be about £lOO a year as the result of. each labourer's work. The plant was also shown to be eminently hardy, and suited to the climate of Queensland. He illustrated this point by describing the adverse circum stances under which cotton had been grown on the Cabul tare plantation, in which he was himself interested. It sustained the successive ravages of a destructive grub, an unusually heavy hailstorm, and a flood through want of drainage. The advices from Queensland by the last mail were excellent,7giving evidence that after a long drought, which had proved fatal to most other agricultural produce, the cotton crop was looking healthy and well. The growth of cotton would not in any way interfere with that of wool Sheep would not thrive in the cotton were chit fly on the seaboard,—a strip of land rivers, the shores of harbours. The River Brisbane particularly alianbnoQdustu,GelseOlilmsilcailhnesdin width, and on the banks of the navigable the River Fitzroy, Iceppel-bay, about tropic, choatrtaon late! Denison, and Edgecumbe-bay to the northward, all con district, the River Mary, and, perhaps, more y sold Cottonaht a 2 d s . a 1 6 2 con tained vast tracts suitable for cotton growing, and unsuit able for wool growing. It was proved also that cotton could be grown on almost all the soils of the colony. The year. limestone soil, which would produce even better cotton next clay, which became almost as hard as brick in the summer. He had seen cotton plants bearingand flowers on that d bee w n as gr g ow ro n w o n n a a t tenacious swich red pods . hard soil with great luxStfi The light, sandy, alluvial soils of river banks, and the d • ark loamy alluvial soils, had STATE OP TRADE. DUNDEE, Jan. 20.—At the St. Petersburg market for flax dealers were exorbitant in their demands. At Riga t report buyers were willing to operate at 47 r0. for K 1, but dealers hold out for ro. here, Since l but marketkeeps very firm, t h e only a moder a t e busi ness and sellers anticipate a farther advanc e . To-day a few hasbeen 48 transactions are reported a t full p r i ces , and the market done a closed strong. Common tow and cedilla are dull, but other qualities are in good req ses t, an d th e hi g h er marks are now scarce and dear. Hemp is quiet, and prices are without change. There is, for the moment, scarcely so much life in the jute market as of !ate, but sales continue to be made daily, and prices are maintained. For flax and tow yarns there is not the same eager inquiry there was lately, still the demand is good, anS sales to a considerable extent were made to-day at full prices. Jute yarns are as much wanted as ever, and prices have still an upward tendency. The sales making in yarns ate for forward delivery, there being none in stock. Linens 4 all kinds, brown, and bleached, coarse and fine, are as mach wanted as ever, and large sales , continue to be made at ful prices for delivery several weeks hence. Tho greatest acivity prevails in all departments of trade, both here and in the neighbouring towns, and active preparations are going forward to increase the number of power looms in Dundee) Arbroath, and other places. LEICESTER, 21st._There has been rather more doing in hosiery goods during the past few days, but the demand canoot be said to be real, active. Business is, however, healthy, and all stocks Ire kept down. At Hinckley there is yet a good deal of d istress, and trade continues flat. In the rural districts generally business is quiet. Yarns are realizing very high prices, and worsted spinners continue well engaged. In wools there is no important change ; the market is quiet, but Prices tolerably firm. NOTTING'HAM, 21st.--There is a little more doing in the lace trade, particularly in cotton quillings, for which, in - deed, there is a good dercand. There are less plain stiff nets finishing, prices being extremely high. In other branches of the cotton tilde there is not much doing. A f:av buyers have been in the market both for the home trade and for shipping, but orders aro still on a limited scale. In silk goods there is not much change; narrow edgings are selling rather more freely. SHOCKING OCCUtRENCE. As the driver of a Hansom cab, named Allen Stowell, was on Mon day morning leavi ng the South-Western terminus in the Waterlood his h orse tripped and fell at the bottom of the incline, and he was pitched over the top of the. vehicle, and thrown head fo remcst against a four-wheeled cab stand in.7 in the road, "Fli skull was fractured, and death was -road instantaneous. ~. • JANUARY 22, 1863, The Members for Marylebone and their Constituents. Lord Fermo7 and Mr. Harvey Lewis, the mem bers for Marylebone, met their constituents last even ing at the Literary Institute, Edward-street Port man-square. Mr. Peter Graham presided on the occasion. Lord FERMOY, who was warmly received, said there could be no more agreeable duty to a repre sentative who had acted rightly in Parliament than to meet his constituents and give an account of his Parliamentary conduct. He came there to make a clean breast of it, and he had no hesitation in tell ing them that he had felt bound to give a general though sometimes qualified support to Lord Palmer ston. (Hear, hear.) That noble lord did not go quite so far as he should wish ; but he believed him to be a thoroughly honest Englishman—(hear, hear) —he believed he loved his country well, and that her honour was safe in his hand. (Cheers.) It was true that the present Government had not dealt with the Reform question in the manner which the constituency of Marylebone would have wished, but he felt that there was no choice for him, as one of their representatives, between supporting Lord Palmerston's Administration and assisting to bring in a Tory Government, and the latter was a thing which he would never do. (Cheers.) Coming to purely metropolitan matters, he thought he might congratulate the electors of Marylebone on what was done by Parliament in respect to the Thames embankment. The attempt to spoil that great work by bringing it to an abrupt conclusion at the Duke of Buccleuch's had been defeated, and the execution of the work la ,c 1 been secured for the Metropolitan Board of Works. (Hear, hear.) It would be necessary to bring under the notice of the House of Commons early in the ensuing session the question of the road which had been formed through Hyde Park during the Exhibition, but which had since been closed. (Hear, hear.) In reference ta general business, he might observe that during the last session no less than 114 public Acts were passed. Among them was that very important measure, the Land Transfer Act, which got rid of most of the troublesome forms that had hitherto been necessary in cases of transfer of real property. If that Act proved in the working to be what its framers de scribed it to be, it would confer on the landed inte rest of this country many of those advantages which the Encumbered Estates Act had conferred on that of Ireland. Another Act connected with title to land was expected to go on all fours with the mea sure to which he had just referred. He was of opi nion that a great improvement would be effected by the bill amending the law with respect to the inflic tion of corporal punishment on criminals; and, keep ing in mind the importance of a good education for the children of the poor, he thought they would ap prove his vote in favour of the bill permitting guar dians, under certain circumstances, to educate pauper children outside the walls of workhouses. (Hear.) He now came to a measure which had his unqualified condemnation—he meant the Night Poaching Act. (Groans.) He was fond of field sports himself, and therefore he could not find fault with those who liked to: gee plenty of game; but he thought the bill in question was unconstitutional, and a disgrace to the statute-book. His only consolation in respect to it arose from his belief that the measure would do great injury to the Tory party, who passed it. He believed the result of the East Kent election might be attributed to that bill, and he was glad that the Tories had wound up the Session with such a mea sure. They heard nothing of "good old Tories" now, though there were plenty of them. They now called themselves the "enlightened Conservative party ;" and Sir Stafford Northcote, who was so great on finance that he would swallow the multi plication table—(a laugh)—had recently told a pub lic meeting of the services that party did in the House of Commons on Wednesday mornings. What did they do on such occasions ? They came down to prevent a settlement of the church-rate question, to oppose all progress, and to establish in this coun try an oligarchic system of government, such as that under which other nations were now groaning_ That being so, though he was sorry the measure it self had passed, he was glad that the Toiy party had displayed their true principles by the Night Poaching Act. (Hear.) He believed that the time would soon arrive when the constituencies of this country would be afforded an opportunity of ex pressing their opinions by means of their votes, and he had no doubt that, by an unmistakable majority, they would show that their sympathies were not with the Tories. (Hear.) Referring to the American question, he did not believe that the civil war had been brought about by a republican form of govern ment. Oa the contrary, he believed that under any other than a republican system of government the Union would have been broken up years ago. He said that, though he was of opinion that for Great britain there was no form of government equal to the limited monarchical system as it existed here. (Hear.) The conduct of the operatives of Lancashire was beyond all praise, and showed how worthy the working people of England were of having the electoral franchise more widely extended among them. (Cheers.) The Tory party had been endea vouring to make great capital throughout the coun try cut of the American question ; but he had no doubt that the people approved the non-interven tion policy which had been acted on by Lord Palmerston. (Cheers.) With regard to the cotton supply, the West having failed us, we ought to turn to the East. Austria was a great country which was following our example, by establishing constitutional government. There were 35 millions of people in that country; it produced most of the raw materials which England wanted, but it was in its infancy as regarded manufactures. He should like to see some great politician open up commercial relations for the people of this country with Aus tria. (A Voice—" Hungary !") His friend Dr. Uhallice said " Hungary." It was true that Austria had acted towards Hungary as England formerly acted towards Ireland ; but he believed that she was now anxious to follow our example in respect to the sister country, and to give Hungary represen tative institutions and a constitutional government. (Hear.) It was, however, to a commercial point he wished to address himself. Banking advantages were almost unknown in Austria, and he thought the present was a favourable opportunity for England to establish commercial relations with her. (A Voice —" Venetia and Poland.") They would aid these portions of Europe by extending the advantages of a free commerce to Austria; for a commercial coun try was sure to become a free one. (Hear, hear.) Before concluding, he could not refrain from refer ring to the great social question connected with the treatment of our convicts. The English system was condemned by the press, and there was a cry for the adoption in England of Sir Walter Crofton's sys tem. As a commission was about to sit on the subject, he would have the pluck to declare his firm conviction that this system would fail in England. He was not prepared to say that it was not better than the Eng lish plan, but it would fail with the formed cri minal. The men on whom it had hitherto 'been successfully tried in Ireland were, very many of them,men whom it had been necessary to try,convict, and sentence in vindication of the law, but who were not formed criminals, or criminals at all in the ordinary sense of the word. They had been con victed of aheepstealing, and other such offences, committed during a time of famine, and when dis charged from prison they were received by their friends and the population at large as men on whom there was no enduring taint of guilt. To this cir stance might be attributed the great success which had hitherto attended Sir Walter Crofton's system in Ireland. His conviction was that for the formed criminal there was only one system—that of carry ing out to the full the sentence inflicted on him. Hear, hear.) Let there be no coming over chap lains or chiseling of doctors—(a laugh)--but, by an imprisonment for the full term prescribed by the sen- tence, they might hope to see an end to garotting. (Hear.) He knew he should be abused for what he had just stated; but he believed he had told them more truth about their prison systems than ever they had been told by those officially connected with our prison machinery. The noble lord c oncluded his observations by expressing his confidence in the continued progress of this country, and in the ex tension of the Free -trade principles which she bad been foremost in establishing. Mr. HARVEY LEWIS then addressed the meeting. He observed that, like his noble colleague, he took a great interest in the subject of national education. He was, therefore, glad that a compromise had had been come to on the question of the new code, though one of the effects of the newly established system might be to increase the cost of national education. (Hear, hear.) He concurred in what had been said by Lord Fermoy as to the Night Poaching Bill. The national expendi ture was a subject of the greatest gravity, Very few members attended to the details of the Esti mates for the public service; and yet millions sterling were voted in the course of a single even ing. This was a matter to which constituencies should turn their earnest attention, with a view of informing themselves of " the reason why," to use the expressive words of Sir James Graham. He was glad to say that the French treaty was work ing in a very satisfactory manner, and that, not withstanding the distress in Lancashire, the finan cial position of the country was such as he hoped would enable the able man who now filled the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer to make very large reductions. He hoped that some millions might be knocked off the national expenditure, and if that could be effected we ought not only to have a re duction of the income-tax but also a substantial re duction of the war duties on articles consumed by the poorer as well as by the higher classes of the community. It was to be remembered that tea was not a mere luxury, but according to Leibig, a most nutritious restorative. The con sumption of this article was daily increasing ; and it was a remarkable fact that the labouring population drank more tea in proportion as they were deprived of the nutriment of animal food. He felt bound to inform his constituents that the House of Commons showed an evident disposition to refuse grants of public money for metropolitan purposes. That being so, he thought the inhabitants of the metro polis had a right to ask that the hackney carriage tax raised in the metropolis should be expended for metropolitan purposes. Referring to the distress in Lancashire, the hon. member said he was proud of the manner in which Marylebone had come for ward to aid in relieving that distress. It was con soling to think that the calamity had been met without any assistance from the State, and that while the people were suffering crime had decreased. This latter gratifying fact might be attributed to improved education and to a feeling on the part of the people of Lancashire that their country men fully sympathised with them. (Hear.) He thought it was fortunate that this country had such a man as Lord Palmerston at the head of the Government. (Hear, hear.) Enough had already appeared to show the wisdom of the course adopted by the Government in declining to join the Em peror of the French in a proposal for a mediation. (Hear.) The people of America knew well that if England supposed that an offer of mediation would be attended with satisfactory results she would be the first to put it forward. (Hear, hear.) Our re lations with France were on a satisfactory footing, and the course taken by our Government in respect of Greece and the lonian Islands was worthy the approbration of the country. (Cheers.) In con clusion the hon. member, amid loud cheers, ex pressed his regret that the marriage of the Prince of Wales—an event which would give such joy to the people—was not to be celebrated in the metro polis. The loyalty of the people of London would not be less because this was not to be the case, but he spoke their feelings when he said they wonld wish to have the Royal marriage take place in the ca pital of her Majesty's dominions. (Loud cheers.) On the motion of Mr. J. A. NICHOLAY, seconded by Mr. H. FARRER, it was resolved, " That the thanks of the electors be given to Lord Fermoy and Harvey Lewis, Esq., members for this borough, for their diligence in attending to their Parliamen tary duties, their assiduity in reference to the local interests of their constituents, and the highly sa tisfactory addresses made by them this evening." The meeting then separated. BRADFORD CHAMBER OF COMMERCE. FOREIGN TRADE AND TARIFFS. At a soiree held on Monday evening in St. George's-hall, Bradford, in conneetion with the annual meeting of the Brad ford Chamber of Commerce,M r.W. Forster,M.P ~ senior vice-president, was the chairman, and moved the adoption of the report of the council. After referring to the Great International Exhibition of last year, and to the successful display of Bradford manufactures there, he said the Exhibi tion naturally reminded them of foreign trade and tariffs, and he thought they might congratulate themselves on the success of the long efforts of the Chamber with regard to the Belgian treaty. Having had something to do with the diffi culty connected with obtaining that treaty in his place in Parliament, he was very glad to have that opportunity of expressing his obligations to a member of the Chamber,Mr. Behrens, for the verygreat assistance which he gave towards its accompl shment. He hoped their success in the matter of Belgium would rather spur them on in keeping their at tention directed to foreign tariffs generally. The fact was that the French treaty had operated to initiate a reform in tariffs throughout the Continent, and he thought our Go vernment had in some measure lost the initiative, and that they ought to have followed up the French treaty immedi ately by proposing to other countries to reduce their tariffs. They had rather left it to France to initiate the thing, and France having done so, there was probably no Government on the Continent with which negotiations would not be entered into for a fresh arrangement of the tariff. The French treaty had been followed by the Belgian treaty and by the treaty of the Zollverein. They saw that day that there had been a treaty signed between France and Italy, and they heard rumours of fresh tariff arrangements in Austria, Russia, and Spain. This movement with regard to tariffs made it most important that the members of the Bradford Chamber of Commerce, being greatly interested in them, should keep their attention directed to the subject, and that they should furnish information to the Govern ment upon it. He knew it was often said that, having adopted the Free-trade principle, we had lost the opportu nity of making any bargain with foreign Governments; that we had already given everything to them, and, therefore, could give nothing in return, and that, therefore, our Go vernment might hold their hands. He believed such a laissez fairs system as that would be as unwise and unsound as any policy could be, and those who advocated it were providing for the Foreign-office an excuse for neglect and indifference which they themselves did not profess or adopt. They did not find that the Foreign office considered that it ought to do nothing in the matter. They felt that Protec tion was a disadvantage to the country protected, and there fore they felt that the Government ought to make itself a propagandist of the principle of Free-trade. It did so hap pen that those Governments which were most protected were those whose real and true interests were damaged by Protection, Take Austria as an example. Nothing was more clear than that the people of Austria, the great mass of the consumers, were immensely injured, and that the re sources of the country were not developed, by reason of the Protection which was given to a very small number of ma nufacturers. The same was the case in Russia. In that country the duty was almost prohibitory. Mr. Behrens had given him particulars of the Russian tariff, which was at least 117 per cent, upon English goods. An English Orleans piece that cost 20s had a duty of 25s levied upon it. It must be plain to Russian statesmen that it was against the interest of the people of Russia that they should have their clothes so much increased in price by this heavy protective duty; and that it really answered merely for Protection, and not for revenue, was proved by the result upon the revenue. The re venue derived in Russia from the Customs duty on all worsted and woollen goods imported from England, France, and Germany was only £94,000 per annum ; and, therefore, for a very small sum they were immensely in creasing the price of the necessaries of life to their popula tion. However, it might be said that this was a matter not merely for the Government, but for the press of England and the press of other countries, to take up, in order by every possible means to spread the principles of Free trade; but in addition to that there was this, th a t our G overnment should claim that no preference should bo given to any other country over ourselves. That made our strong case with regard to Belgium, and, determined as the manufac turing interest in Belgium were to maintain their mono poly as long as possible, it was felt by the Belgian Govern ment to be an irresistible case. Tho Belgian Government felt it would be almost an act of hostility to this countfy to continue to prefer France to us in the way they did. Wherever that injustice existed, the Chamber might fairly call upon the Government to protest against it as strongly as possible—and it was very rarely that that course did not before long produce the desired result. They had such a case with regard to Austria, where the duty upon the goods of the Zollverein was only two-thirds, on the ave rage, of what it was upo n En g lish g oods. H e bel ie v ed that was a case in which an able memorial forwarded by that Chamber would have a real effect upon the. Government, giving them information upon which they would act, and he could not but think that it would be responded to by Austria itself. There was another case which might claim the action of the Government. England did something towards the formation of the Kingdom of Italy, but it could net be intended by the great statesman who formed that kingdom that we should be made worse off than before. Such, however, was the fact, for the result of the substitution of the Piedmont tariff for the old Tuscany tariff was a heavier duty upon English goods. They might petition against it ; they might peti tion for something stronger—that was that we should be treated exactly as France was treated ; and he had heard that day, in the allusion in the report of the council, that a treaty had Wen signed between France and Italy. He thought the Chamber should lose no time in memorialising again for the promise to be carried out, which he believed was made by the Italian Government, that we should be treated as France was treated. He also thought they might call upon our Government to make repre• sentations through its Ministers, wherever it could be proved that a tariff answered no other purpose than that of vexation. The experience they had had of the French treaty enabled them to state that ad valorem duties answered better than specific duties—he meant that the same amount of revenue was obtained by the importing country at a less burden upon the exporting country. In the report it was stated that some comp:aints were made by the manufacturers of Roubaix of the fraudulent exercise of the ad valorem duties. He believed the manufacturers of Roubaix thought it might be done, but the actual fact was that no case of a fraudulent invoice had been proved against any exporter of that (Bradford) district, and he believed he might go fur ther, and say that no invoice had been questioned, which was a matter upon which they might congratulate the dis trict, and for which they might thank the true liberality wi , h which the treaty had been administered by the French Government and its officers, and also thank the honourable feeling with which that treaty had Leen responded to by the exporters of that district. If they stepped over the Pyrenees and went to Spain, they got from a good system of duties to one which was probably one of the very worst that could be conceived. It was difficult to believe that anything so absurd could be devised by a Government. It seemed not to have been made for the purpose of trade, but for the protection of smuggling. It was a temptation to fraud and a pre mium upon falsehood. The result was that this absurd tariff, which seemed to have been made for the promotion of smuggling and not of legitimate trade, immensely in creased the price of goods imported into Spain, and gave to Spain very little revenue; for the amount of the duty on all worsted and woollen goods imported into the country was only £lBO,OOO per annum. As far as regarded the woollen and worsted trade, these absurd attempts at Protection could not havo answered in the way of raising up manufac turing industry in Spain, for the woollen and worsted trade there only employed 160,000 spindles and under 5,500 looms. These facts showed what a great field there was open for the Bradford Chamber of Commerce to keep pressing upon the attention of the Government. They certainly had had reason to complain that in past times commercial affairs, especially commercial affairs with foreign countries, had not been sufficiently considered. That was partly in consequence of trade not being very much thought of in the Foreign-office, but it had also quite as much, or perhaps more, resulted from the clumsy organisation of the department. He must congratulate the Chamber on having in some measure got the better of this. They had deter mined to make their representations to the Foreign• office as well as to the Board of f rade. In conclusion, Mr. Forster expressed a hope that the Chamber would be well supported by the town, and continue the same influential course it had hitherto adopted. COUNTRY MARKETS. NV- LYNN-TUESDAY. To-day wheat came moderately to hand, and good dry samples were fully higher. Barley also advanced in price. Beans and oats firm. White 50s to 53s Barley 3Bs to 418 11,c01. • 49s to 51s ' grinding ..328 to 338 Beans .34s to 38s Oats .22s to 24s New —s to —s Peas —s to —s HULI,-TUESDAY. A fair supply of English wheat to-day at market, which met a slow sale at barely last week's currencies. Foreign a limited business, but not pressed to any reduction. Barley for malting sold steadily at fully late rates ; grinding rather easier. Oats neglected. Beans and peas unaltered. Wheat.... Old white....per qr ... 503 Od to 53s Od Old red - New white .. New red .... Dantzie, Konb , &e. old white 52s Od to 57s Od Dutch, B. - and F - \eh. 58s Od to 62s Od —,, tielgian, _ _Yen, 68 , ... to 62s ~.... Baltic and Hamburg, red 49s Od to 53s Od St. Petersburg and Riga, o 50s Od to 52s Od Barley.... English malting 3ls Od to 38s Od Grinding 3os Od to 33s Od Saal and Oderbruck Holstein and Danish 2Bs Od to 29s Od Grinding 2Bs Od to 31s Od Oats English, old 26s Od to 28s Od Archangel and Riga, per at oBl2ld to 13d Friesland and Dutch osl3d to 0313 id Swedish and Danish oBl2ld to 05135 Beans ....English, old, per qr 458 Od to 46s Od New pigeon 42s Od to 44s Od New tick. 4os Od to 42s Od Egyptian .. 34s 6d to 35s Od Peas Foreign boilers ... 36s Od ti. 388 6d Grinding —s Od tc 38s Od Tares 6... Spring, —s Od to —s Od Indian Corn Linseed, feeding crushing Linseed cakes (Hull) 110 5: 0 to £lO 10 0 Foreign Bl5 oto 9 0 0 Rape cakes 6 5 oto 610 0 Bones .. 5 5 oto 510 0 NEWARK• •WEDNESDAY. At our market to. day there with a fair business, and pric week. was a small supply of wheat, ,es is to 2s higher than last White wheat new, 50s to 65s Red do. 47s to 53s Old white 6os to 62s Red do. 55s to 57s Barley, malting 368 to 43s Peas,.... Barley, grinding 29s to 32s Oats, old, .. 2ss to 30s New do 20s to 22s /Beans. 42s to 44s / Beans, new 34s to 38s 44s to 48s. ARKET. the dose of the market. COAL Prim of Coal per Ton at s. d. a. d. Hastings Hartley ....16 3 Tanfield Moor Butes 13 6 Carway and Duffryn Walker Primrose 13 0 Malting Do. Anthracite 20 6 Walls End. Wylam 16 3 Tunstall Lambert's West Hart- Hetton .. l9 0 ley l6 3 , Cassop lB 3 Ships at market, 20; sold, 14. Foreign. Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. AuK.ralia and Mauritius, via Southampton Jan. 18. via Marseilles ..Feb. 12. Brazil and Cape Verds, by British packet. Feb. 3. Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena.. Feb. 1. China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton. Jan. 18. . __. via Marseilljs ...Jan. 27. Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton Jan. 18. -- via Marseilles Jan. 27. India (Bombay), via Southampton .. Jan. 25, via Marseilles Jan. 20. Portugal.... Feb. 3. Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Jan. 18. via Marseilles Jan, 20. Newfoundland .. Jan. 21. Oporto and Vigo U. S. and British N. America, by Brit. packet Jan. 21. .._ 'by U.S. , packet:, by Canadian packet Jan. 16. W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe Feb. 10. Bahamas, via New York Mexico. All parts of West Indies, including Chili, Peru, 1 Jan. 28. California, and British Columbia.. ETON COLLEGE.—The Christmas vacation termi nated only yesterday, in consequence of the extra week being given through the marriage of her Royal High ness the Princess Alice of Hesse, when the Lower Boys re turned to the school; to-day the Fifth Form will return ; and to-morrow the Sixth Form, when the whole school will have assembled: [ADVERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's Pills—Advice to Fe males.—After indefatigable perseverance and long-con tinued scientific research, this excellent remedy was dis covered and brought to perfection. From no invention has the other sex derived greater benefits; health and ease are the chiefest blessings, and these aro secured to them by these noble medicaments, which are available at all ages. They remove all impurities from the system, by correcting and purifying the blood, and their curative powers display themselves with equal certainty, safety, and facility upon the young, the middle-aged and the old, in every country, while their cheapness places them within the reach of all. Births. AINSLIE.—On the 19th inst., at the Vicarage, Easingwold, the wife of the Rev. Henry Ainslie, of a daughter. APLIN.—On the 19th inst., at 3, Inverness-place, Bays water, the wife of Lieutenant-Col. Aplin, 48th Regt., of a son. FRASEIL—On the 19th inst., at Belle Vue House, Wool wich, the wife of Lieut.-Colonel the Hon. David Fraser, of a daughter. Marriages. DENNE—HONYWOOD.—On the 20th inst., at St. Paul's, Knightsbridge, Alured Donne, Esq., of Lydd, Kent, to Emma Mary, second daughter of the l a t e Si r J o h n E. Honywood, Bart., of Evington-place, Kent. SYDENHAM—LA.w —On the 20th inst., at East Clovedon, the Rev. J. George Sydenham, M-A., to Mary Hooper, second daughter of the late Rev. J, Law, rector of Brad worthy-cum-Pancras Wyke, Devon. Deaths. AYLWARD.—On the 20th inst., at Brede Rectory, Sussex, Mary, wife of the Rev. A. Aylward, BOURNE.—On the 18th inst. at Louth, Lincoln s hi re, J o h n Henry Bourne, formerly Lieutenant 2d Dragoon Guards, aged 76. FANE.—On the 18th inst., at Little Ponton Hall, Vero Fane, Esq., aged 78. GARDINEE.—On the 17th inst., at St. Leonard's-on-Sea, Roger Gilbert Cooper Gardiner, Esq., F.R.C.S., L.S.A., aged 51. PILTON.—On the 20th inst., at Angel-road, Brixton, Wm. Henry Pilton, aged 65. PRATT.—On the 18th inst., at Stratford-upon-Avon, Chas. Pratt, Esq., aged 54. WALROND.—On the 20th inst , at Ilford, John Walrond, Esq., late of Barking, aged 78. - London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDREWS, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tfiz SUN Office, No. 1 12, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the County Ya chlleaex,—Thursclay, January 22,1883, Qin Fr ant Bo -6d