The Sun. — London, England, 1833-07-12 00:00:00

0( ', f ~ -iy ADMIRALTY, SOMERSET-PLACE, km,-10, 1833- THE COMMISSIONERS for EXE CUTING the OFFICE of LORD HIGH AD MIRAL of the UNITED KINGDOM of GREAT 13R1TAIN and IRELAND do hereby give Notice, that on WEDNESDAY, the 7th of August next, at Two o'clock in the Afternoon, they will put up to Sale, at their Office in Somerset_place, his Majesty's Ships and Vessels here under mentioned : Tons Burthen. 'Where Lying. Sybille Podargu, Gun 8rig......... 2521 Plumper lBl I Manly lBO 1 Highflyer Cutter .............. 81 t At Portsmouth. Linnet Harr'et 333 Persons wishing to view the Ships and Vessels at Ports mouth must apply to the Admiral Superintendent for Notes of Admission for that purpose. The Sybille may be seen on application to the Officer in charge of her. Catalogues and Conditions of Sale may be had here, at Portsmouth Yard, of the Agent for Transports at Leith, and on board the Sybille. EAST INDIA HOUSE JULY 11, ISSIi. THE COURT of DIRECTORS of the UNITED COMPANY of MERCHANTS of E NGLAND trading to the East Indies, do hereby give notice, _ Th at furth er papers respec ti ng th e Bill now before Parlia ment, entitled " A Bill for effecting an arrangement w iththe I n di a Company, and for the b etter government of hia l‘lajesty's Indian Territories," are printing for the I , :f l olrrn a tion of th e P ro p r i e tors of Est India Stock, and morns r eady for delivery at this House on Saturday 14g n ext, at ten o'clock. PETER AUBER, Secretary. TO, A TH E OF EAST INDIA STOCK. MEETING of the Friends of FRANCIS Long WARDEN, E.q., will take place at the City of i n,t. n Tavern, Bishopsgater street, on TUESDAY, the 23d whp., °fie o'clock precisely, with a view to consider nian - ; Measures should he adopted to secure that Gentle fir.t a selection t o a s e at in the East India Direction on the caney. July 11, 1833. In 2 vols., post Bvo., 16s. C HAR ACTER; or JEW and GENTILE. By Mrs. LE3IAN GRINISTONE. Charles Fox, Paternoster-row. , rt 'Y will be published, by R. HEWARD, 5, Welling.. n-Rtreet, Strand, 100. I. small Bvo., price Is. of .ENGLISH HISTORY for the PEOPLE • of ENGLAND. The REIGN of the STUARTS I tt A l t r 'he Lives of some of GRADUATE th OF e most Eminent Statesmen. THE UNIVERSITY OF N o 1 CAMBRIDGE. ---......._. ' Will contain the LIFE of HAMPDEN In LIFE OF FREDERIC THE GREAT. lr 2 vols. Bvo., with Portrait, 2d. edit. , 28 s. bds. L I FE OF FREDERIC THE SECOND, KING of PRUSSIA. .. By LORD DOVER. Loa;.,Blost delightful work—judicious •in . selection, intelligent L on , c ` n gernent, and graceful in sty le."—Literary Gazette. Longman, Rees, Orme, Bro wn, Green, and Co., Of whom may be had BY OF THE LIBRARY AT LILIES.— -„ LORD and LADY NUGENT. 2 Vols., 21s. COURT JOURNAL AND GA ZETTE OF THE FASHIONABLE WORLD sibto_in orro w, S atur d ay, J u l y 13th, w ill c o ntain, amongst No. er origi na l papers— Sk etc h es o f t h e F ema l e N o bility, S m i 8 , Lady Nlaryborough, Lady Fitzroy Somerset, and Lagot—Whispers of the Wednesday Knights—A t} -°4I Y at Montmorency—Modern Weddings—To Louisa, tu infant daughter of the Right Honourable Viscount n eUvon—Yacht Clubs, & c.., with an engraving of Lord I . 'thorough's yacht—French Lawsuit, n t demois e lle Ber ;11 v• the Princess B tgration ; with all the Political and 'ashionable News of the week. Supplied, postage free, b y all Newsvenders. Office, No. 19, Catherine-street, Strand. The Filth and concluding Volume of MR. D'ISRAELI'S COMMEN TARIES ON THE LIFE AND REIGN OF C HARLES I. th f orm " The Commentaries on the Life and Reign of Charles by far the most important work upon that important age sa ga jnodern times have produced. More curious diligence and for tY have seldom been exercised upon any portion of JUiy ) k 12 ." seldom with so much success."—Quarterly Review, Puby ling "bed for H. Coburn, by R. Bentley, New Bur o,_ MR. GALT'S NEW NOVEL. EThis d ay was published, in 3 vols. post Svo ., BEN ER SK IN E; Or, The TRAVELLER. A BY the A u th or o f << Lawrie Todd," &c. Att a — , capital Novel ; its episodes are highly entertaining."— (34jhere t°l4,, is a quaint humour and observance of character in - avels that interest one very much, and when he chooses ,Nia r f v - i.etic, he tools one to his bent. What I admire parti„ his s is, that with a perfect knowledge of h- "w a s 4 -a ture. and g its ' frailties and legerdemain tricks,. he the r i 4-'nderness of heart which convinces one that his is in atilusigntxlace, and he has a sly caustic humour that is very n g' - -Lord Byron. Richard 13entle New Burlington street. Th HE EX-QUEEN OF HOLLAND. M E da y,, M was published, in 1 vol., price 255. bound, -u- OIRES, ROMANCES, ET AIU sAINTTSIQUE, de HORTENSE, DUCHESSE de d t : LEU, EX-REINE de HOLLANDE, et FILLE T'i,,,,:r 11) ERATRICE JOSEPHINE; embellished with o 110, e dates, illustrative of the Scenes of the several desi gus ee; beautif u lly engrave d on s t ee l, f ro m the original Pd,i iti r the Du c h ess , accompan i e d w ith h er Po r trait and Na l re st i 4 -- --As a Very few copies of this unique and inte pnset g Publication have been printed, those who de'ire to thei r s : e it are requested to send their orders forthwith to KlP"tiee Book or Alu,ic.sellers. top.v..'hed for H. Colburn by R. Bentley, New Burling.. S N'lv I-----.:..e;;---1 -----77-7- 1 Y, the Third and Concluding Volume of ''' JONAH BARRINGTON'S ' I Atts'tIISONAL SKETCHES OF HIS OWN (, Thi t , , y r 4aert i :oi :rid:::: a 0 still 'ket t t, el `1,141 Volume of Sir Jonah Barrington's Personal more than the two preceding i . n roore,te2us„,ttee true Hibernian chaiacter, and is f°llo vvir 4 n i ri ch in the humours of the Irish Bar. The ---- Ch . 441 " figure conspicuously in this new Volume: o C f lo t o h m e ell—Chief Barons Yelverton, Avon j4dE, p' l Hussey Burgh—Lords Norbury and Clare—. Pit 2 .' 'etcher —John Phil pot Curran—Counsellors Byrne,. Fit,„ -gib6 its Norcott, and Lysight—Mr. Flood—Fighting si "K„,e1a1d.....Mr. Martin of Galway—Sir John Burke— H r Hercules Lan reish—Mr.Dundas—Beauchamp Bagenal 1, 4 ,, t , v eY (Leader g of the Rebels in l'79B)—Mr. Bushe—Sir llicic Fitzgerald, &c. r c hlished for H. Colburn by R. Bentley, New Burling -street. „ Allusion was made under this head yesterday to the unaccountable change which Lord ALTHORP S mind has ti od ergone on the subject of the Bank charter, in the in tbh'al bet ween t h e fi rst proposition of such a measure and ts , bring in into Parliament a Bill in furtherance of its ° dt in et • The public cannot be too much on the alert ab oui ,g its progress, if they desire that their own interests be fully protected. Lord ALTII?IiP s original in of E n 4, was to confine the exclusive privileges of the Bank that°f h g e . n to 25 miles round London, but it now appears h , ; old and unmeaning distance of 65 miles is to be " C u ed, within which it is to be declared unlawful . to e p b a t r 4 t n . : r i : I _ 4 °Y ° banks, whether of issue or deposit, having 13,maypeliestmacisedtyhantdituh, e number of six The Act of 1826 • do ubt on this point, and the frame's of that Act that i in* such not was contemplated, b bu t t "trstock banks is p suing,heir own notes, u f those l of •de B ank of England, and in other respects per at Zni.ng all the business o f b an k e rs, were to be permitted, an 44rotl'e expiration of the existing charter, both withinL Lord A 4 ,,, ” London, and such are believed to have been o . r t.,,L"itt.'s intention s u to a late period in the negotia j!,-4 w ith the Bank Directors. Even those gentlemen, it entstellitineedf: attach no great value to this privilege, since it advantage to them to have all the banking real cause nts around them as secure as possible, but the b ee , to 'if this deviation from the original plan has don the interest of the private bankers of Lou. L • -de Plain consideration, on the subject of banking, othuegot to p u b lic that which will afford the greatest security to flat , and if the number of partners tends, as it must 4 , r411 3 1 do, to increase that security, it is totally unrea -°flanle and absurd to assign by law any limit to such Zoutlier. It is going, perhaps, a step further in absurdity i p ace that limit in the way that has been done by the tk _ l i . vo before Parliament, for if there is one portion of me kingdom to which more than another the security of a sit is ound s Yatem of banking ought, in preference, to be given, the metropolis and its vicinity,— Times City Article. R, " How should I be sh oc k ed, " says HORACE laureld head on ALPOLR, ‘. were I a hero, toy own Wid ow , a medal the reverse of whi c h wou ld b e ; and orphans," .wmaren tmberlan ("dell's irnrose etton mbton 's Hetto awart's. lelaide tter Kn( ~rdon - Ts .11d AO I and Co by ler r, 67. THE :o £3 5 o 1 6 4 I 1 11 et t1_21_ ,... ., , t 1 5' ly 9. d. ...... tn the P 'ATOM a • ainst g e called re estre for th ttely gre ecr He nun, e world a Erslti° of his noirly l' reCo l ` , re knovl ° rence. co tlan bores 0 1 , Turkel , Nub 01 : nosing r At 11. it, gio l ,l in hero le. t i , avoe 3 " l ; , pt the If the v, s ied. eti mast 4 , ford fir the 1 .(1 the this in less ugust e ndou , i; ne tion , ie nt"'lo . le nt of Po ded . lawn e ediatelY dt tune s Ir. fr a yost as him by wbg, :overed :ast off l )' t h e stre?:. epee"; dissua i oat aril, led by P (.!IcsboA era o f fearfu. lis DI ,at jo y flig b A P 1Y ,3 ,1 I sal l" .....' )f a 011 : 74 4 Dash"' $ ( 1 by the ttf! !stda Ug ce, • -ti ot )f Old to -I t :1,001 0 EitabeiPl t fr o t , to dS031,11;0' i. A l° l4 ' j 1 r [augh t' ) 1 Tur"w}ff 1. ° ck, Wile ltstr 49 ' f' l; as, ''(/'' 64 144 th, 3 g C,i' tail' w A - J, 01' 7° vv iII / e.__./..-/(z-i 9 1, ( 7 -.- /7 , 7%4 , 7 4,-- .• , ~ 6 4. , v.,.. , , ',.' ....4 , ~. __.''.. 1 .2, A,, , k .0, 7 , ' • ‘ l ' i-r- '''.... ----, -ITF—:- 77 . _-...d , ' 1 / 4 llihk.• K_ -) ... , . r•'.. le y// , l'", ip ,A., .-": , ._ „....... . . . ..., ri.mx. , ~ 1 • ~[.. 01 . , ) it, It ._ i ~. \ , • 010,1W0%. -..'',.. \ + I t , 4„i .L. \ i ~. • ye; rl, pp,.. i ;t. , 1 ••••• -I T ~;" 11 N (\o. 12,742.) COURT CIRCULAR. His MAJESTY, attended by Lord FALKLAND, left town soon after seven o'clock, on Wednesday evening, on his re turn to the palace at Windsor. The Duke of CUMBERLAND honoured the Earl of FAL MOUTH with his company at dinner on Wednesday evening, at his residence in St. James's square. There was a select party to meet his Royal Highness. Their Royal Highnesses the Duchess of CUMBERLAND and GLOUCESTER, and the Duchesses of ARGYLL and BUCCLEUCH, patronize the fancy fair at Vauxhall, on Monday, and have forwarded handsome donations to the institution. Prince ESTERHAZY, the Austrian Ambassador, has ar rived in tow❑ from the Continent. His Excellency paid visits yesterday to Eirl GREY, at the Treasury, and to Viscount PALMERSTON, at the Foreign-office. Baron VERSTOLK, the Dutch Special Minister, received visits yesterday from most of the Foreign Ambassadors and Ministers. _ _ A Cabinet Council was held yesterday at the residence of Viscount ALTHORP, in Downing-street, which was at tended by the LORD CHANCELLOR, the M minis of LANS DOWNE, the Earl of RIPON, Earl GREY, the Duke of RICH MOND, Visc,unt MELBOURNE, Viscount PALMERSTON, Mr. Secretary STANLEY, Viscount ALTHORP, Lord Hot.- LAND, and Lord JOHN RUSSELL. The Council sat in deliberation about two hours and a half. Prince TALLEYRAND and the Belgian Minister visited Viscount PALMERSTON yesterday, at the Foreign•ofiice. Messrs. BALFOUR and DUNLOP, and a deputation of Scotch distillers, had an interview with Viscount ALTHORP yesterday, at the Treasury. At the King's Levee, on Wednesday, the Earl of GRA• NARD was presented, on returning from Paris. GERMAN PAPERS. FRANKFORT, JULY 4.—The Berlin Papers have now published the official account of the solemn reception of the Prussian Ambassador to the Porte, Baron Von Mar tens, by the Sultan. Accompanied by the Secretary to the Prussian Legation and the chief Dragoman, the Am bassador repaired, at eleven o'clock in the forenoon, to the imperial palace of Tscheragan•Serai, on the European side of the Bosphorus. The Sultan's guard, drawn up in the court-yard of the palace, received him with mili tary honours. The Dragoman of the Porte, Logotheti, was there waiting for the Ambassador, and also Namik Paella, who conducted him to the audience chamber of Achened Muschir Pacha; the latter and Achmed Ferik Paella came to meet the Ambassador, who found in the apartments of Achmed Muschir Pacha, the S rraskier, the Reis Effendi, Hassy Bey, and other officers of the crown. After partaking of refreshments in the Oriental fashion, the Ambassador, according to the invitation he had received, and accompanied by all the Paellas pre sent, the Reis Effendi, and the Dragomans of the Porte, proceeded to the apartments of the Sultan. He then delivered an address, which was imme diately translated into Turkish, to the Sultan, who listentd with evident marks of satisfaction, and an swered in the most flattering terms. After the delivery of the credentials, the Sultan conversed with the ambassa dor on the late political events, expressed his sincere re gret that circumstances had delayed the reception of the ambassador, and: spoke with the warmest gratitude of the manifold proofs of regard and friendship which bis Ma jesty the King of Prussia had constantly shown to the Ottoman empire. In particular, the Sultan dwelt on the mission of Lieut.-General Burm Van Muffling. By command of the Sultan, Namik Pasha expressed to the ambassador the admiration which the Sultan felt for the Prussian military system, and the Prussian army, of which Namik Paella had given him an account on his return from his mission to several European Courts. On this occasion the Sultan announced, in a manner very flattering to the Prussian Government, that it was his inten tion to send a certain number of young men to Berlin, in order to be instructed there in the military science. At the same time the Sultan enjoined the Seraskier to pay especial attention to this subject, and to take care that these young men should be sent to Berlin as soon as possible. At the breaking up of the audience, the Sultan ordered that the apartments of the palace should be shown to the ambissador. When Baron Von Martens left, the body guard was drawn up, and saluted him, as on his arrival ; Namik Pacha made the troops go through various evolutions, after which the ambassador, accompanied by Namik Paella to his boat, returned to Bujukdere. MuNrcrr, JUNE 30.—Accounts from Napoli to the 2d of June, represent the state of things in Greece as very satisfactory. Whole troops of peasants continue to come to the town merely for the purpose of serving their King, the sight of whom moves them even to tears. They press round him on his way—call him an angel of God—an angel of peace—and can hardly accus tom themselves to their new situation, in which they can follow their avocations in tranquillity, without fear of soldiers or pinnaces, and indulge the hopes of reaping their harvest and of enjoying prosperity for the future. They are especially happy when they can pro cure a portrait of the King, which they bang up in their houses under St. Nicholas and Panagia, who have suc ceeded to the ancient household deities.--Frankfort Papers, July 6. MUNICH, JULY 2.—The last accounts received from Napoli, by way of Venice, are of the 4th ult., and con tradict the report of new disturbances having broken out in Greece. Every thing was proceeding in the best order, and in perfect tranquillity. King Otho had visited Hydra in a steam-vessel. He was received there with incredible enthusiasm, and made visits to many of the respectable inhabitants. A splendid ball was given in honour of the Royal visit, and the Hydriotes represented with their vessels the sea fight near Samos, gained by the celebrated Sachturis. The Ist of June, being the King's birth day, was celebrated at Napoli and other towns by grand fetes. It now appears certain that Athens will become the capital of Greece, and the residence of the Monarch. It is also in contemplation to found at Hexamili on the Isthmus of Corinth, a new sea port town, which by its being situated between two seas, may become very important to trade. All the Greeks who had emi grated to the Turkish territory regretted their having done so, and solicited the Government to be re-admitted into the Greek State. VIENNA, JULY I.—Five per Cent. Metalliques, 95 1-16 ; Four per Cent. 86k; Bank Shares 1,235 i. Allgemeine Zeitung, July 6. THE EYE.—The use of shades and bandages on every trifling affection of the eye is an evil that cannot be too strongly reprobated ; fur the action of light and air being thus excluded, and the organ rigidly compressed, opthalini, and even total blindness, is not unfrequently the consequence of what, being perhaps mostly a slight flow of humour, or a little extravasated blood, would have sub sided only a few days if judiciously treated, or even if left to itself.—Curtis on the Eye. Extract of a letter from Corfu of the date of the 20th of June, 1833 :—" A report having been spread these three or four last days that the plague had mode its appearance at Durazzo, and was making great ravages there, the lonian Government immediately sent off a ship with orders to ascertain carefully if these reports had any foundation. The Captain of this schooner, who returned yesterday, has dissipated all apprehensions by declaring that Durazzo and the countries around were enjoying per fect health." A gentleman in this town having gon e th e other day to a bookbinder to give directions about the binding of a book, the binder asked whether he would have it done in Russia, meaning, of course, the leather so called. His customer, Lowever, (lid not take it in that sense, but feeling a patriotic preference for his own country, and probably remembering recent atrocities in Poland, indignantly exclaimed, " Russia, be ; I'll have it bound in Liverpool ! "—Liverpool Mercury. On Sunday last, about four in the afternoon, a violent thunder storm burst over the town of Brussels. The rain descended in torrents, a,Totnpaoied with hail stones of an extraordinary size. The streets were soon inundated, and the damage occasioned to several trades. people, by the water entering the cellars, where it rose in some places to the height of five or six feet, has been very considerable. In some parts of the town the pavement was torn up to a considerable extent, and the earth washed away, leaving holes of six feet deep. The storm lasted but little more than an hour, and was accompanied by constant thunder and lightning, and an English gentleman had about 600 squares of glass broken by the hail-stones, in his conservatory. LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JULY 12, 1833. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, JULY ii. The Archbishop of CANTERBURY presented pe titions against the Irish Church Reform Bill, from the clergy of Limerick, and from the diocese of Armagh. At the head of the signatures attached to the latter peti tion, was that of the Archbishop of Armagh, respecting the part taken by whom, concerning the temporal changes of the Church of Ireland, rumour had been very active. He would state, were it necessary, the manner in whirls that most Reverend Prelate had met the propositions of his Majesty's Government, and what were, in his judgment, the concessions and sacrifices, which, under the dangers and difficulties by which the Irish branch of our church was surrounded, might safely and reasonably be made. But conscious of his inability to state their sentiments so clearly and for cibly, so correctly or so eloquently, he should read a few passages of the petition, from which it would appear how far the most Rev. Prelate alluded to, and the rest of the petitioners, agreed with the provisions of the Bill, and in what respect they disapproved of them. The most Rev. Prelate (who was very inaudible) then read the petition, which stated that the petitioners were willing to agree to a consolidation of a certain number of Bishoprics, the revenues of which should be applied to diminish the tax upon the clergy. They prayed the House not to suspend the appointment of incumbents in parishes where divine service had not been performed for three years. Lord CARBERY presented a petition to the same effect from Cork. The Noble Earl said that, within his own knowledge, where three churches formerly stood, there were now twelve, which were attended by very respectable congregations. E arl BATHURST presented a similar petition from the University of Oxford. Since the drawing up of the petition, one of the material objections of the petitioners had been removed, in consequence of the withdrawal of the clause for appropriating the revenues to state purposes. The petitioners complained that, by abolishing church cess, the clergy alone was made chargeable with it. He believed, from everything he had heard, that formerly these assessments had been subject to great abuse, but every one knew that a very great change had since taken place. The Duke of WELLINGTON presented a petition from the clergy of the diocese of Youghall, against the Church Temporalities (Irel and) Bill. He said—My Lords, though I shall have another opportunity of stating my opinion of the Bill, still I cannot allow the present oppor tunity to pass without saying that it is a Bill that is utterly inconsistent with the policy of the country, since the period of the Reformation up to the present time, but more especially since the Revolution. That Bill is a necessary consequence of the measure—of that departure from the true policy of the country—which took place last year. Since the periods I have alluded to, the uniform object of Parliament has been to maintain the Church of England in all its integrity in Ireland. That object is shown more particularly in latter times.—(Hear, hear.) I need only allude to the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts in 1828, and to that larger measure which was introduced the year following—l mean the measure of Catholic emancipation. In both of those measures it is easily to be seen that the first object of Par liament was to maintain the Protestant religion in that country as established at the Union. Now we have this Bill brought upon us, which I will maintain is a necessary consequence of the measure of last year, which I have never ceased to deplore. Notwithstanding all that I have heard said against that Bill, militating against the coro nation oath, I maintain that it is impossible that that oath can be kept in all its integrity, and that Bill receive the Royal Assent.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Why, his Majesty positively swears that he will maintain inviolate all the principles and Temporalities of the Church of England, and surely no one will deny but that the property of the church is vested i❑ the church ; and therefore that the Bill before the House is diametrically opposed to the very spirit of that oath.—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) My Lords, I am not one who can draw any distinction be tween the legislative and executive capacity of his Ma jesty. I think that an oath is as binding in the one as the other—(Cheers)—and I will, at the proper time, defy any man to show that his Majesty can, by any possi bility, give his assent to that Bill, or any one containing such provisions. —(Hear, hear.) My Lords, I have be fore stated several reasons to bear me out in the positio❑ I have taken, that this measure is altogether opposed to the policy hitherto pursued by this country. That oath is another evidence that such was the policy of the country at the time it was framed, and I most sincerely hope it never will be departed from. Earl GREY—My Lords, the Noble Duke has truly stated that your Lordships will have a more convenient and suitable time for discussing the principle and details of the measure than the present. I, therefore, very much regret that his Grace has thought it fit to submit the observations which he has done this even ing.—(Hear, hear, hear.) However, as the Noble Duke has thought it proper to make those observations, I do not feel that it would be consistent with my duty to let them pass, without answering one or two of them. The Noble Duke has said that this measure is absolutely inconsistent with, and contrary to, the policy of this country from the period of the Reformation, but more particularly since the Revo lution.—(Hear, hear.) My Lords, that is a matter of opinion ; and when the proper time comes, I have not the least doubt that I shall be able to show your Lordships that the Bill deserves a very different character.—(Hear, hear.) However, I am hound to believe that these are the opinions of the Noble Duke— that he objects not only to its details, but even to its prin. ciple. I suppose t►e will, therefore, be prepared to oppose it in its second reading, when its principle will be decided. The Noble Duke has acted on his opinion as I should act upon mine ; but I may be allowed to state now, as I shall contend more fully hereafter, that the Bill is not inconsistent with the policy which has been adopted by this country.—(Hear, hear.) My Lords, I mean by that statement, the maintaining of the Protestant establishment of this country; and I shall be prepared to show, according to the best of my humble abilities, when this Bill comes on for further discussion, that it is a Bill founded on principles of sincere and strong at tachment to the church of Ireland and England united —that it is intended by it to support and strengthen that Church—that it deserves none of the character affixed to it—and that it is net only not inconsistent with, but eminently conducive to, the best interests of the Church.—(Hear.) My Lords, I heard this night, with very great satisfaction, in some respects, the petition pre sented by the most Rev. Prelate, from the Lord Primate of Ireland, and other distinguished members of the Irish Church. I heard it with pleasure, my Lords, on account of the moderation with which the opinion of the petitioners was expressed—a moderation, my Lords, which well de serves the praise given to it by the Right Rev. Pre late. I heard it with greater pleasure, my Lords, be cause, so far from taking the view that has been taken by the Noble Duke, of the general principle and policy of the measure, it seems to acknowledge that the principles of the Bill must be admitted, and that the objections stated in the petition are founded principally on its pro visions and details. My Lords, I state, therefore, and I state it with some confidence, that when this Bill comes to be examined into, it will be found, not to be a measure of spoliation—as the Noble Duke stated on a former night —but a measure taking nothing from the Church. — (Hear.) It is true, my Lord., that it has for its objects a different distribution of its revenues—a principle which I take on myself to assert will be advantageous to the Church. It is not, my Lords, a Bill of spoliation --it is not a Bill inconsistent with the policy which the Noble Duke has stated ought to be pursued—nor is it a Bill inconsistent with the duty cf Parliament to support the Protestant Church.—(Hear, bear, hear.) But, my Lords, it is a Bill that has bee❑ care fully framed with a view of removing those defects of which even its greatest friends have complained, and of which its enemies have taken so many advantages. I think, my Lords, I have now said all I need say, except ing that I trust we shall consider the question dis passionately, without party feelings and animosities, which ought ever to be excluded, but which never can be excluded from a question of this nature. I say, I do not know that it is necessary for me to say more, than to take the general view for the defence of a measure which I should never have thought of proposing to you on any other grounds than those which I feel to be necessary, consistent with the duty which, as a sincere Member of the Church, devolves upon n►e.--(Hear , bear.) Here again, I will advert to what the Nble Duke has said with regard to the coronation oath. (Hear, hear.) I was much surprised, I remember, when that objection was urged quite as strongly as now, against a measure which was proposed k) the Noble Duke himself. I remember having, in sup port of that measure, urged that question, and fought at times with the concurrence and to the satisfaction of the Noble Duke.—(Hear.) My Lords, I must say tirtr if that be an argument which was inapplicable to the principle on which Catholic emancipation was passed,—as I think the Noble Duke must have felt it to be,—it is still more inappropriate, possible, to th e present mea sure.—(Cheers, from the D u ke of Cumber land. and No, no, ) Earl GREY—I hope the Noble Duke will have the decency—(Cries of " Order, order" from the Opposition benches. and loud cheers from the Ministerial side of the House.) Time Illustrious Duke has a right to maintain his opinion on every measure that the forms of the House will allow, but because he differs with me— Lord KENYON—I call the Noble Earl to order, and I ask your Lordships to say whether you conceive it is de corous for asy Noble Lord to make use of such language in this House as the Noble Earl opposite has taken upon himself to use. Earl GREY—If the Noble Lord wishes to take the opinion of time House upon the subject, I must submit to the decision, but I can only say I think such interruptions, when a person is speaking, are totally unworthy of the Noble Lord, and indecent towards the House.—(Cheers.) I repeat, my Lords, that I shall contend now, as I did before, that the coronation oath does in no degree prevent his Majesty from giving his consent to this mea sure, if it pass your Lordships' House ; nor do I under stand what the Noble Duke means by saying that his Majesty, in giving his consent to an Act of Par liament when it has passed both Houses of the Legislature, does so in his executive capacity. I shall he prepared to contend, as I have previously done, that in that capacity the coronation oath does not bind his Majesty.—(Hear.) I trust that Noble Lords wil 1 not go away with an impression that this measure is at all inconsistent with that policy which all, careful of the interests of the Protestant Church, are anxious to defend, lam anxious, my Lords, to defend its interests as one of its members, and I can assure your Lordships that this measure is not inconsistent with that policy which has been adverted to. The Duke of CUMBERLAND believed that there was no man in that House who would more unwillingly commit an act of indecency than himself.—(Hear, hear.) The Duke of WELLINGTON explained. The Duke of BUCKINGHAM considered the measure to be one of spoliation, and therefore he should give his determined opposition to it on principle. After a conversation in which Earl GREY, the Duke of WELLINGTON, and the Earl of HARROIYBY took part— Earl GREY postponed the second reading of the Church Reform Bill till Wednesday next, the Committee to follow on the Friday, unless the debate on the second reading he adjourned. In reference to what had been said on a former evening, he was now prepared to state to their Lordships that he was authorized to declare his Majesty's formal consent to this measure.—( Hear.) THELLUSON ESTATE BILL. The Earl of ELDON presented a petition from two trustees of this estate—we understood from Mr. Sand bury and Sir C. Pym—against the projected Bill of the Chief Baron. The petitioners entreated their Lordshipe not to be biassed by out-of-door statements with respect to the expenses of the management of this estate, but to read the facts of the petition, and then see whether the trustees were in any fault with respect to the execution of their trust. Lord SEAGRAVE had one question to put to the Noble and Learncd Baron—that question was, whether the Noble Baron was satisfied as to the state of mind of one of the two petitioners? He put the question, because he had heard from a quarter which he would not mention that Mr. Sandbury (as we heard) was in a state of mental and bodily imbecility. The Earl of ELDON happened to know one of the petitioners, and his mind was in as perfect a state as that of the Noble person who last addressed the House. With respect to the other petitioner, be knew him but by name. Lord SEAGRAVE said if he knew that the Noble and Learned Baron had intended to present the present petition, he should have mentioned the circumstance to him that morning. . . . Lord LYNDIIMIST begged to state, that he had re ceived the same information as to the state of mind of the individual alluded to ; therefore he considered the petition as coming from one individual only. It was, however, his duty to present a petition of a very different nature ; and lie did so in pursuance of notice, and because the sus pension of the standing orders of the House, for which he should move, required that such a petition should be pre sented. On a former night, their Lordships wished for such a petition, supported by all the adult members of the Thelluson family. He held in his hand such a petition, from all the surviving grandsons of the testator. It was signed by all of them, except Frederick Thelluson ; but he signed by power of attorney. He would read a letter from him, however, which was as strong as any signa ture. It was dated Florence, June 8, 1833, and addressed to a Noble Lord of that House. The letter stated that the writer had heard of a Bill to be introduced by Lord Lyndhurst, anti to be supported by the Lord Chancellor. He begged the Noble Lord, to whom the letter was addressed, to support the Bill, and to use all his influence to engage other Noble Lords to do the same. He (Lord Lyndhurst) trusted, therefore, that their Lordships were satisfied that his Bill had received the consent of all the adult members of the family, and be consequently hoped that lie should be allowed to make his motion for the sus pension of the standing orders of the House, in order that he might be enabled to introduce the Bill. The Earl of ELDON (having consulted, as we per cowed, some Noble Lords behind him) stated that tba petitioner alluded to was in a proper state of mind. The petitions were laid on the table. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY said that two Judges should be referred to before the Bill could be pro ceeded with. Lord LYNDHURST understood from what had been said the other evening, that if a petition of the present description were presented, their Lordships would agree to the motion for the suspension of the standing orders of the House. He, therefore, thought it incumbent on him to make that motion. He had made no charge against the trustees fp. their conduct in managing the estate, but he had stated the results of that management, and to those .exults lie now appealed. He knew nothing of the two peti tioners, but be knew that the returns he had laid before them were from the Court of Chancery, anti were signed by Mr. Roupel, Mr. Adam, Accountant-General, and Mr. Rainsford, of the Receipt Of f ice. It appeared by those returns that out of 24,0001. the annual income of the estate, 14,0001. a year were spent in the manage ment of it. The mere passing of the accounts in the Master's Office amounted to a charge of 4001. a year. That was done in one day, in two or three hours, by the Master's Clerk ; and yet the charge was between 300 and 400 pounds a year. N ow t h e o bj ect of the present Bill was that the money whi c h now went i nto the pockets of the lawyers and of th e t rustees s h ould go to the benefit of the members of the far n n y . — (H ear, hear.) With respect to the Ifroadsworth estate, there was a clause in the testator's will that the trustees should sell off the furniture, wine, Sec.—that they should, in fine, dispose of the bulk of the moveables, and only keep two or three rooms furnished for the accommodation of the trustees. What did the trus tees do? They did not sell a single stick of furniture, and not a bottle of the wine was disposed of.—(Hear, hear.) What was worse, they even obtained a grant of 5,0001. for purchasing additional furniture for Broadsworth.— ( Hear.) He would just call the attention of their Lord ships to this establishment, where Sir Charles Pym, who was an actor in the petition of the Noble and Learned Baron, sometimes resided. The establishment consisted of a housekeeper at the rate of 75/. a year ; of a cook, and three house maids, and all these women were for the use of one trustee only.—(llear, and a laugh.) There were, besides, a gardener and an under gardener, two women and a boy to work in the garden, and a man to work in the lawn. Moreover, there was a gamekeeper, and when the trustees were present, there were allowed for expenses 201. a week—h e meant purely for housekeeping expenses. Those expens es , however, were not kept up to the present moment. or The Noble and Learned Lord then alluded V to a judgm ent i n a matter ma d e b y t h e formerce- Chancellthe will sh ou ld rece i ve a d iff erent construct i on , an d w h o , Sir Anthony Hart, who was of opinion that made out an order which was to be no precedent, but only relate to tile present case. That order came before him (Lord Lyndhurst), and he inimediately reseinded it, becitusc he thought it contrary to the will of the testator. ( PRICE 7D.) The c+•e he considered of s ich an iso'ated nature—stand ing completely by itself—that their Lordships were ii' duty bound to interpose and remfdy it. The Earl of ELDON recommended an adherence to the starniing orders. Lard LYNDHURST said that a question had been raised before Sir A. Hirt, when Vice-Chancellor, as to whether the will of the testator included the grandsons in the capacity of trustees as well as the sons. On that occasion a letter was addressed to him by Sir Charles Pym, with a view to influence his judgment upon that question. The Marquis of CONY NGHAM supported the motion of the Noble Lord. The Earl of HARROWBY was of opinion that the usual course of referring to the Judges ought not to be departed from, and the more especially in the present case. as there existed a diversity of statement as to matters of fact. The Earl of WICKLOW was willing to suspend the first standing order, but not the second. The Duke of BUCKINGHAM heard no sufficient rea son for the suspension of the standing orders. The Earl of SUFFOLK said a few words, which were ❑ot distinctly audible in the gallery. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY observed, that a refe rence to the Judges did not preclude the House from coming to any subsequent decision they might think proper. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY was favourable to the suspension of the standing orders. The Earl of MANSFIELD thought there might be some reason for suspending the standing orders so far as they related to the number of signatures required to the petition, but not with respect to the reference of the Judges. The question on the suspension of those standing orders was then put, and the House divided— Contents Not-Contents Majority The Bill was then brought in by Lord LYNDHURST. Ordered to be printed, and the second reading fixed for Monday. The Select Committee was appointed on the Quakers' and Moravians' Affirmation Bill.—Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS, JULY 11. The SPEAKER took the chair at a few minutes after five. A message from the Lords announced that their Lord ships had given their assent to the Agricultural Labourers Bill ; the Corporation Offices Bill, and a number of private Bills. Sir R. FERGUSON moved that the Speaker do not issue his writ for Warwick before Monday, the 22d inst. Mr. P. THOMSON brought up certain papers rela tive to the state of the revenue of the United Kingdom. Mr. HUME inquired whether the papers embraced the returns relative to the Colonial Depar:ment? Mr. P. THOMSON answered in the affirmative, but stated that they were very imperfectly set forth in conse quence of the manner in which they were sent from the colonies. Mr. COLQUHOUN brought in a Bill for regulating the appointment of ministers to churches in Scotland erected by voluntary contribution. The Bill was read a first time and ordered to be printed, and to be read a se cond time on Tuesday next. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL called the attention of the House to the verbal amendments made by the Lords in the Limitation of Actions Bill, and moved that they be agreed to. Mr. H. L. BULWER wished before be proceeded with his motion, to ask whether any Government at present existed?—(A laugh.) Lord AhTHORI" smiled and said, Oh ! certainly.— (A laugh.) Mr. BULWER then rose. His motion was for the production of papers respecting the measures pursued by Russia in her late interference with the state of Turkey. He took the late expedition of Russia into Turkey as a wide development of her plan ; and it was worthy of remark, that on that occasion the authority of Russia, in the Turkish empire, was independent of Turkish authority. The Hon. Member then went into a detail of the circum stances which preceded the incursion of Mehemet Ali, in which, from occasional noise in the body of the House, it was impossible to follow him. On the arrival of Admiral Roussin, he offered to guarantee the retreat of Mehemet Ali, provided the Russians were not permitted to enter the Turkish empire; but on this being stated to theßussian authorities, they replied that the assis tance of Russia bad been demanded, and, baying been conced ed, it could not now be declined. And here he must call the attention of the House to the extreme policy and extraor dinary tact of Russia, which placed her force in the very he irt and centre of an empire which had always regarded her as a natural enemy. But whilst Russia and France were thus engaged, England stood by as a mere cypher, and cut no better figure than a poor petty German State. He should now state what he deemed the Noble Lord opposite would feel it incumbent upon him to explain. It bad been said, that some time previous to the circum stances he had narrated, Russia had communicated to this country, as also had Turkey, theexpectation that Mehemet Ali would invade the Turkish empire, and that foreign interference would he necessary to prevent the inroad: but that England had neglected—and he did not mean this in an offensive light—to take any steps to prevent Russia from following up her favourite schemes. And Russia had thus been put in a position to realize her hopes. Notwithstanding she bad not availed herself of the opportunity, be thought the Noble Lord ought to explain the reason of the inactivity of England. Since 1776 Russia had acquired possession of not less than two-thirds of the coast of the Black Sea, and she had established her commerce throughout that extensive district. It was clear, therefore, that if things be al lowed to continue in their present state without any interference by the other powers, with the immense power already possessed by Russia, and the divided and weak condition of Turkey, the whole of that part of the world would ultimately fall into the possession of Russia. He thought, therefore, that the Noble Lord was bound to give some information as to the line of policy his Majesty's Government meant to adopt. Russia, it was well known, was most crafty and intriguing, and her vigilance in those countries in any corner of which a revolt occurred was such (like in this instance), that her large armies were not only despatched, but arrived at their places of destination, before England knew of their having started on their mission. He recollected the saying of a great man, the Emperor Napoleon, when in exile, that unless Europe looked well after Russia, in less than fifty years the Cossacks would be trampling all over Europe. He (Mr. Bulwer) asked whether it was not the policy of England to put a stop to the proceedings of Russia, and whether in our doing so, we should not maintain the same bearing towards that power as she bore towards us ; he did not wish to insult Russia, or that we should go to war with her, but he would wish to see a stop put to her aggressions, and her desire of aggrandisement. On those grounds lie begged to move for copies of all papers respecting the measures pursued by Russia in her late interference with the state of Turkey. _ Lord PALMERSTON said he felt sure the House would not think him justified in entering upon the details of a negotiation which was still in progress,—into the de tails of a transaction which was yet incomplete, and the result of which might be influenced by any premature de clarations on his part. He said that this transaction was incomplete, because when their last advices left Tur key the Russian army had made no decisive movement, but he was assured, from the assurances which he had received concerning the intentions of the Russian Govern ment, that at the time they were speaking the Russian troops had evacuated the Turkish territory. He thought himself justified, however, in stating that some time back the Sultan did apply to this country for its assistance against the invasion of the Egyptian army. The Government, for reasons which it would not be proper for them to go into, did not at that time think fit to interfere. No doubt if we had interfered, the progress of Ibrahim Paella would have been arrested, and the Russian troops would not have been called in ; but although it was easy to say, after events had happened, that they were to be expected, yet certainly no one could or did an ticipate that events would have succeeded each other so rapidly as they did. We, however, having refused him our assistance, the Sultan applied for it to the Emperor of Russia, who readily granted it; and as Russia would have shown no jealousy of our attempting to aggrandize ourselves had we rendered assistance, neither should we, with the assurance we had received that the Russian troops would be withdrawn on the restoration of ( p . o e n a c fi e d , e show u ee w o a u n y l d s n u o c t h b j e e a b l t u r s a y y . d was (satisfied,a,. )With t p ts e l t 7 _ /f., to the question of theffbden i thosaan, as to the opinion of his Majesty's Government of the question of the conquest of Turkey by Russia, he had no hesitation in saying, that it was of the utmost importance to the peace of Europe that the territories forming the Ottoman empire should be independent.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Undoubtedly Government would feel it to be their duty to resist any attempt on the part of Russia to partition the Turkish empire; and if that were contemplated they would feel themselves at liberty to interfi re and prevent the Pacha of Egypt from dismembering any portion of the dominion of the Sultan. The integrity and independence of the Ottoman empire were necessary to the maintenance of the tranquillity, the liberation, an I the balance of power in the rest of Europe; at the same time, he had great doubts that any intention to partition Turkey at all had entered into the policy of the Russian Government; besides, be very much doubted whether the Russian nation, properly so called, would be prepared to see that transferrence of power, of residence, and authority to the southern provinces . . Besides, it would afford the immediate prospect of a gene ral war in Europe. These considerations made it clear that every motive of sound policy ought to induce the Russian Government to renounce any such intention. His Majesty's Government bad been constantly taunted with being afraid to go to war, and had been accused of truck ling to ether powers in consequence of this fear. These accusations he (Lord Palmerston) distinctly denied. If the present relations established between this country and Franca were pointed at in these sneers, be would only say that he should look back with feelings of pride and satis faction at the part be had acted in bringing about that good understanding. No apprehension could be excited in any reasonable mind on this score, for the circumstances of this connexion, both in France and in this country, were greatly altered during the period that the present Ministry had conducted the political affairs of Great Bri tain. But to return to the point; as he had before stated, there existed every reason for the wish to avoid hostilities. Russia herself must wish for peace ; she was a very lirge country, and immense commercial relations were esta blished between her and this country. On what principle could she wish for war, or on what prin ciple could those who in this country were so loudly call ing on the British Government to draw the sword, jus tify the appeal to arms at the present moment? Did they contemplate the calamities, the fatal and disastrous conse quences, attendant upon a state of general warfare—con sequences in which the conquerors, no less than the con quered, shared ? The taunt of being afraid of war in any sense but this was puerile ; for no country on the facet f the globe was likely to suffer less than England from war. From all the unexampled sacrifices this country had made during the last war with France, her internal resources and energies were such, that she had recovered and repaired her means far sooner than any of the other nations which had been engaged in those hostilities. He bad thus stated, to satisfy either the curiosity or the anxiety of the Hon. Member, what had been the conduct of his Majesty's Government, and upon what principles they had proceeded. They had pursued the course which their duty to their country required; and if they had quietly beheld the temporary occupation of the Turkish capital by the forces of Russia, it was because they had full confidence in the honour and good faith of Russia, and believed that those troops would be with drawn in a very short time, be believed he might almost say before a few days had elapsed. On the ground of public convenience, therefore, and of the confidence be bail in the fulfilment of her engagements by Russia, he thought the present motion ought not to be agreed to. Mr. C. FERGUSSON reposed no confidence in the pledges of Russia, and believed she would continue to violate them on every occasion when it was her interest to do so. Had she not pledged herself to maintain the Constitution of Poland, pledged herself by treaties, and had she not broken through them all ? He would trust her not ; for he was of opinion that if she now retired from Turkey, it would only be for the purpose of render ing her return more sure. Such was her honesty in his estimation. He agreed with the Noble Lord in his com mendation of the present friendly relations between this country and France, and thought that the interests of every free nation in Europe were dependent on the con tinuance of that good understanding, for be was convinced a conspiracy was in operation against the free institutions of Europe, and that Russia, who was at the head of this conspiracy, would never rest satisfied until she had sub jugated every country within her reach. When Poland was crushed, the thraldom of the German states, and af terwards of this country, was contemplated by that over bearing power. The Noble Lord had informed the House that the Government had remonstrated with Russia on the subject of her treatment of the Poles. But why did he, then, prevent the House of Commons from associating itself in that remonstrance ? The discussion which took place on the subject the other night would, however, go forth to Europe, and show what sentiments were enter tained by the British Legislature of the conduct of Russia towards Poland. Colonel EVANS thought that the confidence reposed by the Noble Lord (Palmerston) in the Rus.iaa Government was completely unsupported by fact, not only in respect to her conduct towards Poland, but towards Turkey. For the last 50 years that Government had been engaged in an uninterrupted commission of breaches of fidelity. The same conduct which the English had pursued in Asia, and which Spain had followed in South America, was now adopted by Russia in regard to Turkey. She set out with the professed intention of enforcing the treaty which was agreed to in London ; she declared that she bad no views of acquisition of territory or of exclusive advantage to herself ; but within three months after, she declared that she had grounds for establishing a quarrel of her own. The discussion turning on the probability of this country going to war had nothing whatever to do with the question before the House, and he could not help thinking that it had been introduced ad capiandum ; for if, when the Russians first came in sight of Constanti nople, we had sent a strong squadron to the Bosphorus, and used such language as would have shown we were not afraid of war, all risk of hostilities would, he had no doubt, have been obviated. If we had used this language when the Russians were on the Prutb, and then we might have saved the expense of the squadron, Turkey would have been in a more independent state than she was at the present moment. That campaign had added 200 square miles to the Russian dominions. Believing in the Noble Lord's statement that England was as fearless of war as she was able to undertake it, he must still confess that the chances of war were far less than they were three years ago. Since then the events which had occurred in France and the circumstance of the establishment of close and friendly relations between that country and England, not to mention the moral influence which Parliamentary Reform in England must have on every state in Europe, all combined to lessen the prospect of an European war. Mr. BULWER replied, and stated that after what had fallen from the Noble Lord (Palmerston), he would not press his motion. The motion was accordingly withdrawn. Colonel L. HAY withdrew his motion for a Select Corn mnittee to inquire into the state of the excise laws in Scotland. // IRISH ABSENTEES. Dr. BALDWIN rose to submit the motion of which he had given notice, relative to the expenditure of Irish absentees. In doing so he could not help expressing the astonishment he felt at seeing scarcely any of the Irish Memuers in their places. This circumstance proved what value was to be attached to their professions. The Hon. Member proceeded to state that, according to the most accurate information which could be obtained, the number of Irish absentees was so large that 4,000,0001. a year was spent by them abroad. Among other expenditures of Irish money in England, he thought it right to refer them to the 13,0001. per annum (as we understood the Learned Gentleman) spent in contesting elections before Parlia mentary Committees. Then let them recollect that the large majority of Irish bishoprics were filled by English men, who became the founders of families in England on theic przumulations in Ireland. The Learned Gentleman was proceeding to argue that the 1,000,000/. of Irish money annually lodged in the English funds, which Mr. Rice had quoted as an instance of the increasing prosperity of Ireland, was so much annually drained from the capital of that country, when An Hori. INENIIII3Ii moved that the House be counted. The House was accordingly counted, and there being 41 Members present, Dr. BALDWIN proceeded. He contended that the discontent and lawless habits of the Irish working classes were the consequences of their poverty, which, again, was the result of the want of employment, occasioned by absenteeism. Not less than 2,000,0001. of the people of Ireland were without employment, and consequently " ripe for any enterprise that bath a stomach in it." um. This statement was again cut short by an "".unted. LER for a second time moving that the House being 40 Members present, The House was accordingly again an enormously long Dr. BALDWIN proceeded to re ad and manufacturer. r relative to the number of artisans ;,,per moment, to show their is Dublin in 1799 and the present the landlords who with respect to Cork and L imerick. This Decrease, as also to some towns, but, at all i tierred, lie said, merely events, of the people of Ireland were unemployed; ant one-fourth cOUntedbeacond ther e. if the population continued to increase, and a young, brave, and idle race were brought up without teelitigN ut atm' ii went or respect for the class above them, h ow enjoyed the sky of Italy, and the luxuries of London; o s. 30