The Sun. — London, England, 1831-03-10 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE' OF LORDS, 31:4recir 9. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Wool sack shortly after Five o'clock. Lori RADNOR presented a petition front a parish in Yorkshire in favour of Parliamentary Reform. The Watling street Roads Bill was read a third time and pas-ed. The Marine Mutiny Bill, and the Transfer of Aids Bill, were read a second time. The Richmond Lunatic Asylttan Bill passed through a Committee, and was ordettei to be reported. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY I....mught up the report of the Committee on the Frauds r,r Creditors' Bill. Sir ALEXANDER GRANT and others brought up the Army Mutiny Bill from the House of Commons. Mr. Tomlins brought up an account of Foreign Wool. Adjourned at Trienty Minutes past Five o'clock till to morrow. 110 USE OF COMMONS, MARcur 9. DOVER ELECTION. LEGH Kacc brought up the report of" the Dover Election Committee, which declared the sitting Members duly elected, but that the petition against them was neither frivolous nor vexatious. STOCKBRIDGE ELECTION. Lord EASTNOR brought asp the report of the Committee, which decided that the sitting Members had been duly elected. _ _ REFORM. Mr. PHILLPOTTS presented a petition from the city of Gloucester, in favour of the measure of Reform proposed by Lis Majesty's Government. The Hon. Member stated that all party spirit in that city appeared to be sunk, and all persons pined in common cause in expressing their gratitude to Ministers, and their determination to do all in their power to support the measure. The corporation were also to a man unanimous in favour of the plan. Mr. HUGHES HUGHES presented a petition from the females of Ryde, in the Isle of Wight, praying for the abolition of Colonial Slavery. On the motion that it be printed, a discussion arose as to the unnecessary expence it threw upon the country by printing so great a number of petitions on the same Ruh ject. In which discussion Mr. Spring Rice, Sir John Newport, Mr. Duncombe, Mr. Hart Davis, Mr. Evans, and Mr. Nicholson Calvert took part. 'Mr. HUGHES HUGHES said this was the first time any objection to the printing a petition from females was ever made, he should therefore certainly press his motion to a div7sion. The SPEAKER said there certainly was no rule made by the House respecting printing petitions, but it was understood, to prevent expense, Hon, Members would not pre.* for the printing of many on the same subject. Mr. S. RICE would not press his objection, but hoped that those who voted for the printing would not, when the estimates were brought forward, object to their mag nitude. Strangers were ordered to withdraw, and the House divided, when there appearrd— For printing the petition Against it Majority —3l Petitions were presented from Hythe and Folkestone, praing for Parliamentary Reform. - Mr. HUNT presented a petitiOn from Stockport, pray ing for annual Parliaments, universal suffrage, and vote by ballot. It was right he should inform the House that this petition was agreed to before the plan of Ministers was known, for since then the petitioners had agreed to another petition, in which they expressed their unani mous approval of the plan proposed.—(Hear.) The parish of Christ-church last week voted a petition in favour of Radical Reform. They had, however, had another meeting, at which they agreed to abandon their former petition, and expressed their delight and ap. probation of the plan proposed by Ministers.—(Hear.) He (Mr. Hunt) had within the la%t few days had a great deal of conversation with the citiaens of London, and even moderate men were bold enough to assert that, if the measure were not carried, they were ready to take up arms and assist his Majesty's Ministers forward in it.—(Hear.) Mr. HUNT also presented a petition from Lambeth, which stated the petitioners' most sincere thanks to Mi nisters, and their concurrence in the plan propose:l. The petitioners stated that they trusted afterwards to the magnanimity of the House to give the protection of the vote by ballot.—(Hear.) The HoN. Mxuriza then presented another petition 'ron' Stockport, stating that the petitioners were ready to assist Ministers in their glorious struggle, for the purpose of overthrowing the boreughmongers. Mr. BEN ET T presented a petition from Caine, signed by the corporation and all the respectable inhabi tants, who expressed their admiration of the plan of Re form, and that they had no doubt it would prevent anarchy and confusion in the country. The HON. MEsinza presented a similar petition from the householders of Devices. He cordially agreed in the prayer of the petition. . _ . Lord G. LENNOX presented a ptition from Chi- cheater, which expressed the greatest satisfaction that his Majesty's Ministers had so nobly redeemed the pledge they had given the country. Mr. Keatr and Mr. J. SMITH bore testimony to the respectability of the petitioners. Mr. ADEANE presented a petition from Cambridge in support of the measure of Reform. CaptainHOUVERIE presented a similar one from Salis bury. He could bear witness to the satisfaction which the plan proposed by Ministers had universally diffused throughout that city. Even the Corporation approved of it. Colonel TRENCH hoped that the House would not be bullied into any fanciful measure of Reform—(Hear) —but that they would decide that question by justice and common sense. The lion. Member then alluded to the speech of Colonel Jones, at the Crown and Anchor, and also to a speech made by Mr. Hill, an attorney at Salisbury, which he described as calculated to promote revolution. Mr. LITTLETON protested against those who opposed the measure, using the terns "revolution." He knew that the great county he represented, from one end to the other, was unanimous in its approbation of the plan proposed kr Ministers. Sir G. CLERK thought after the speeches of the First Lord of the Admiralty last night, and of the Lord Advo cate on a former day, that no one could look on the pro posed measure as one to amend and reform the repre sentation of the people, but that it went to alter all the institutions of the country. He was not afraid the middling classes had any desire for a revolution, but he did look on the plan as fraught with danger. Mr. KENNEDY said that the measure proposed by his Majesty's Government hail given the most general and universal satisfaction to the people of this country. There might he a few persons found who would object to it, but if they came forward with an attempt to oppose it they would find themselves prodigiously overwhelmed.—(Hear, hear.)—According to the infor mation of the Hon. Member, those who desired the greatest Reform were satisfied with this measure—so much for the good sense, proper feeling, and wisdom of the people. --(Long and continued cheering. )—He rejoiced that this debate had been prolonged to the period it had—he rejoiced to have heard the opinions expressed in favour of it that bad been stated, and he was sure that those opinions would be re-echoed from one end of the kingdom to the other. He was confident that when the resistance to the measure that bad been of fered to it in that House was made known to tke whole country, the only effect it would have would be to cause the people to come forth with such an expression of their feelings on the subject as would en sure to hilt Majesty's Ministers ultimate and perfect sue ease in this most wise, most just, and most politic mea sure, which they had so laudably brought forward. Mr. LITTLETON, in explanation, said that in the very Mat conversation he bad with Mr. Huskisson about Itefortn, he expressed to him his conviction that the time was come when a complete Reform, at least in Scotland, was necessary.—(Cheers.) No man ever had a greater respect for the sagacity of that deceased gentleman than himself; and though during a long period of his life he bad been an opponent of general measures of Reform, yet notwithstanding, he (Mr. Littleton) was forced to look at his views in connection with the circumstances in which that lamented gentleman lived.—(Hear, hear. hear.) He was not the helmsman that would have allowed the vessel of the State to have been struck by a sea, and thrown upon a rocky coast, when he saw the tide of things required Into to carry her off; and the Hon. Gentleman could not but suppose that, if the lamented gen tleman had been now livin g , v,, would have been an advocate for the pres oat measure. This was the firm conviction of the Hon. Gentleman, but at tl, e same time he disap proved of the practice of bringi ng forward the opinions of a person not now hying, for the PurPese of having it conjectured on which side that individual would have voted had he been alive. Sir C HARLES WETHERELL could only j u d ge of what the late Mr. Huskisson would have done on the present occasion, had lie been alive, from what he had heard bin from time to time state in that House, and flora what he was reputed to have said; an d in his opinion ❑nless Mr. Huskisson had thought proper to capsize himself, and every political view he had ever entertained or expressed, he must have opposed the measure. So also stood the case with respect to the late Mr. Canning, because unless that gentleman had acted directly in opposition to every thing which he had said oh the sub ject of Reform, he never could have approv e d of b r i ng i ng forward the present Bill. The very last time Mr. Gin ning spoke in that House on the subject of .Par liamentary Reform, he stated that he never would a ree to a general measure of Beforth. Therefore unless both he and Mr. fluslcisson were there, and were prepared to eat up every syllable they had ever said on the subject of Plenrm, nothing could induce him to suppose but that they would have stood opposed to this jacobi nical Reform Bill.—(Roars of laughter.) Sir G. CLERK said that when the subject of repre senting Scotland came regularly before_ t=ae House, he should be ready to state wilth he knew and thought upon it. Though the Honourable Gentleman opposite had said Mr. Ifuskisson was not the lielmsman that would have allowed the ship to Lave been struck improperly by a destructive sea, yet he was per fectly confident that that gentleman, had he been alive, and steering at this time, would not have approved of the con duct of the officers, or have assisted the unfortunate crew opposite to have taken a course calcufeed to swamp and destroy the vessel of State Altogether.—(Cheers and laughter.) Mr. Altiernian WAITHMAN spoke in suppm tof th e The Order of the Day was theme-?. • Mr. PERCEVAL rest offer to the Bill brought forward by ie Majesty's Ministers for Parliamen tary Refeean, the most determined opposition which wee in his power. If the debate had been deferred for many nights subsequent to that, and had he been en abled to catch the Speaker's eye, he would have persevered, and would not hive allowed the Bill to be brought into the House without expressing his honest, determined, hut constitutional opposition to it. He rose with the firmest, the vtost undoubted, and unwavering con fidence, that the moment that this Bill was passed into i. law, the death-blow of the Monarchy of this `erantry was struck.—(Loud cries of hear, hear, and laughter.) He had not the shadow of wavering on the subject ; that was his honest end firm conviction ; and therefore all his power would be unceasingly employed in order to defeat the measure, and to check the progress of the Rill. Every Hon. Member in that House, knowing the purpose of the Bill, and knowing its tendency, was called upon for the sake of the country, for the sake of disabusing the public mind itreelf, to do all in his power to counteract this mad and pernicious measure. He was fully aware that he rose to address the House tinder pesculiar disadvantages. He had no doubt Hon. limbers would believe the truth and honesty of his con viction, but still he was aware that he would he looked upon as the son of a Tory Minister, himself the holder of a sinecure place, anti sitting for a close borough, but notwithstanding this prejudice he assured every Hon. Member that his opposition to this measure, however decided and unequivocal, was founded upon the fullest ' conviction which he entertained of the unconstitutionalness sod impelicy of this detestable and frightful measure of his Majesty's Ministers. The Hon. and Learned Member for Dundee had taken upon himself pretty roundly to assert, that those Members whose seats in that House were likely to be affected by this measure were in a state which almost incapacitated them for speaking or voting on the measure. These sentiments were worthless and impotent in that House. No man was fool enough to listen to them, but he would recommend that Hon. and Learned Member to be more cautious of his language upon such I a subject. He gave the lie direct to such assertions. They were great unconstitutional falsehoods—(Hear, hear)-- and he dared all the authority, the Honourable Member believed it was not much himself, but he dared all the au thority in the House either to justify or prove them. He respected the Hon. Gentleman who lately took his seat in that House. his high reputation, his age (superior to his own), and his distinguished station, as an officer of the Crown, undoubtedly moved him (Mr. Perceval) to treat that Learned and lion. Gentleman with the greatest personal respect, but when he took upon himself to advance in that House positions so untenable and so unconstitutional, he (Mr. P.) would not spare terms eit hick he thought ought to be used on such au occasion. —(Hear, hear.) --This measure, so far as he could see, was to be carried by force.—(Hear, hear, hear.)—The.l Right Hon. the Secretary for Ireland bad furnished the House with a definition of a revolution. It was that which might be brought about either by force foreign to the constituted authorities of the country, or by what went to subvert the joint leading features of the Constitution—the King, the Lords, and the Com mons. Now, taking this as a proper definition of the term, he would say that the measure was certainly attempted to be carried in that spirit, which meant the threats of Minister!, the menaces of the public press, and the representations of the excited state of popular feeling out of that House. He certainly considered that the force of threats was the only argument that had been made use of on the opposite side of that House. Ile would refer to the speech of Col. Evans, who stated that he had 10,000 men ready to bring forward to support the King, and he also alluded particularly to the present state of that violent and profligate thing the Daily Press of England—(Hear, hear, hear)—he would repeat it that corrupt and unprincipled thing the Daily Press of Engdand. He had been accused of being a blind bigot, blind as he was, he had still sufficient sight left to look about him. With the permission of the House, he would read the language of the .Morning Chronicle some years ago, a paper conducted, he must say, with great ta'ent. Speaking of the speech of Lord Grey, when he said he would stand or fall by Disorder, the Morning Chronicle said that the order of Lord Grey under certain circumstances could not continue to exist. He would also refer to a paper lately established--he meant the Ballot, which was edited by a gentleman of considerable notoriety and great talent. Speaking of the Reform Bill the Editor said,— " Oh, but this terrible Reform Bill is to lead to the full sovereignty of the people, and tlsprive the Lords of their great power." And what he would ask, could be more to the credit of the peo ple? Why should there be " one law for the la bourer and one for the rich ?"—(Loud cries of " Yes, yes.") This paper went on to say, that " we should be almost inclined to forsake advocating the cause of Reform, if it did not do away with the law of primogeniture." He would ask Honourable Gentlemen, when they thought of the permanence with which our ancient institutions had endured, how much of that was owing to the tender ness—to the superstitious tendernesss if they would—for vested rights.—(Cheers.) They could know n constitu tional rights but through the laws of the country ; and yet, it had been contended that the people demanded rights—rights which, if ceded, must take away from the legal rights of others. This, he must confess, was the most revolutionary doctrine lie had ever heard held ; be cause the basis of all society was that individual men sur rendered all their natural rights into the hands of those appointed to receive them, and, having so surrendered them to the constituted authorities of the land, those au thorities became the exercisers over the rights, the con duct, and the liberty of persons and of speech of all. The Lord Advocate, whom lie was sorry not to see in his place, had, on a previous evening, made a speech, to which he (Mr. Perceval) had listened with painful atten tion—painful, because he thought that it would be difficult to answer it.---(Cheers, and a laugh from the Ministerial benches.) He would tell the House why he said that it would be difficult to answer it. It was because the Learned Lord had dealt so much iu generals, that it was scarcely possible to characterize any particular feature of his speech. The Learned Lord, however, had remarked that fro:n the time of the Stuarts this country was in the advance of all Europe in liberty, and that it was so still. Why, if that was the case, could there be stronger testimony brought of the advantages that had arison from the King, Lords, and Commons, as at present constituted ?—( Cheers. ) Could there be a stronger testimony of the elasticity of the system that had adapted itself through so long a course of years to all the increasing demands of society, without any injurious effect to any one particular portion? And yet, now Parliament was to be called upon by the wretched in sanity of his Majesty's Ministers to knock this admirable Constitution to pieces, and cast it to the winds of Heaven. He did not intend to say anything further about the Learned Lord's speech, for he thought he had been entirely answered by the Right Hon Gentleman the late Secre tary for the Admiralty (Mr. Croker); and even if that answer had not been given, he thought that a very suffi cient one might be found in the pages of the Edinburgh Revit w. The great fault be had to find with the arguments of the Reformers was, that they begged the whole epee time, In the first place, they began by stating that there were rotten boroughs : now, that certainly was an unde niable fact ; but then they went on to say, that those rotten boroughs were a grievance to the whole country : now this was what lie called begging the whole question ; and it was remarkable enough, that never had one tittle of evidence been adduced in support of that supposition. There was one remarkable point in the speech of the Hon. Member for Cline (Mr. Macaulay), which he could not forbear noticing. That Hon. Gentleman had said, that if he were to take a foreigner through Eng land, and was asked by him to point out the greatest grievance streetth t e ha s t var exis e t s ed , , ho would take him to the parish of Marylebone, a n d, a f ter biddi n g him to notice the the houses, the wealth, the com , fort, and the luxury of that parish, he would tell him— here lies the greatest grievance of all England, fur this place has no representatives. But if the Hon. Member allowed the wealth, the comfort, and the luxury of that populous district, how did he prove that it was aggrieved by having no representatives to look after its interests.— (Cheers.)—But, besides this, the real fact was, that Marylebone, though not actually, was virtually better represented, than, perhaps, any other district in the whole kingdom ; for he should be glad to hear the place men , tioned wherein so many Members of Parliament resided-, and voters for ether piahet thronghont the country, as in that very pariela—(Bear, hear.)—To say, therefore, this was the great grievance of England, appeared to him to be childish and contemptible nonsense. Among those with whom he mined in society be had frequently , heard it said—the Cotten boroughs cannot be defended by any reason, and, therefore, as this is such an enlightened age, the rotten boroughs must be given up. He lea'' heard this said both by the timid friereis of the present System, and by its vie7orous enemies. Now he had always bad an answer for that remark, though those who had urged what he had just stated would never stay to listen to it.—(A laugh. )—His answer war this :—The rotten boroughs constituted a greltt and valuable part of a whole, which, t y the confession of all men, had produced the neeetest benefits to the country—(Cheers)—and if, therefore, the whole had done this, why were they to get rid of a portion which had been of great and valuable assistance to the general system ? Perhaps he might lie able to illustrate this to the House. Now, he would sup. pose that two learned medical men—one educated at the London University, whom he would call Dr. Newlight ; and the other only a poor bigot (as the gentlemen on the other side would most likely call him) ; he would suppose that these two learned men came together for the purpose of holding a consultation on the human eye. ‘; Oh, (says Dr. Newlight), have you observed the dreadful anomaly there is in it ?" " No, (says the poor bigot), I don't even know what you mean by an anomaly." " Why, a contradiction, to be sure (says Dr. Newlight)." " Well, but what is this contradiction (says the poor bigot) ?" " Why, (cries Dr. Newlight), don't you observe the pic ture that there is in the back of the eye? And don't you see that it is topsy-turvy ?—(A laugh.)—That is what I call an anomaly." " But, (says the poor bigot) let us see whether that topsy-turviness is not most useful and essential." " What do I care (says the man educated at the London University ), whether it is useful or not, I tell you that it is an anomaly, and I will have it plucked out." Now this was pretty exactly the case with the Constitution. The Reformers raised a prodigious cry about the 'otters bo roughs being an anomaly ; and without condescending to inquire whether their action and use were not of the great est service to the country, the cry was to pluck them out, because they were an anomaly and a contradiction. With respect to the reason for these rotten boroughs, he could give one. Besides being parts of one general bene ficial whole, the existence of these boroughs furnished a solution to that very curious problem, the extreme expan sibility of our Constitution, by which it was enabled to adapt itself to the circumstances of the times, and the inte rests of society. All the interests in society were repre sented in money, the general representative of value; and as these boroughs could be obtained for money, all inte rests became by these means represented in society. They all found access to Parliament through that money they all possessed ; and so every interest, however it might grow and expand, found access to Parliament, and was re presented there. There were also the nomination boroughs, and lie could find a reason for them. He knew from ex perience that if a man wanted to be above the entreaties of friends, and resolved in spite of them to do his duty, there were no better me ins than to be returned to Parliament with his vote pledged to a certain line of measures. Sup pose he sat for a Whig borough, lie voted with the Whigs. He was bound to a certain line of conduct, which pre vented awkwardness. A large constituency had an influ ence over a man, and were as likely to warp him from the fair line of his duty as being returned for a nomination borough. The peril of being warped by a patron Was not so great as the peril of being warped by a mob, Ile ad mitted that it was a grievance that Manchester, Birming ham, Leeds, and other great towns, each of which had a large peculiar interest of its own, and contained a great number of men engaged in the same pur suits, were not represented. That evil he admitted anti that he should be ready to cure. There was another evil belonging to the present system—that of bribery, which the present Bill did not touch, and would not cure. That was a moral evil, anti moral evils were never to be cured by an extravagant mechanical process. He had many other objections to state to the measure of Ministers. It was a departure from all the principles which had been laid down by the highest authorities on the subject of political changes. It was a saying of Lord Bacon's, that changes ought not to be made till time de mantled them, and then ought to be made as time itself made changes—gradually and imperceptibly. Reform should be gentle. But this Bill was net gentle—the mea sure was not gradual—it was not at all like the changes effected by time. Another maxim was, that the necessity of Reform should bring about change, not the desire of change, Reform. The cry that was raised for Reform meant only change, for no two men agreed as to what sort of Reform was necessary. This cry for Reform, there fore, was only the desire of change. As he understood the Bill, it would give a greater proportion of representation than at present to the North, and diminish the representa tion in the South. If that would be its effect, lie consi dered that dangerous anti mischievous. The whole argu ments, the complete arguments, in favour of the Bill were all applications to the fears of Parliament. He would re mind the Parliament, however, of the honourable con duct of the Secretary at War and the Hon. Mem ber for Melbourne Port, anti would warn the Members that there was a more honourable path than submission. The Hon. Member then referred to the two parties into which the State was divided, and regretted that the Tories had not strengthened their hands by nourishing the attachment of the people. lie said there was a great conflict about to begin, similar to that which ushered forward the downfall of Raman liberty. He believed, however, so long as the Constitution was kept whole and untouched, it would be able to resist, and he should not fear the result of such a conflict. If the con flict came, and if the Constitution were unsuccessful—and he believed there was great danger—if the Constitution should fall, it would be sacrificed by those who gave their vote under the influence of base and servile fear. If there were but three honest and bold men in that House—men fearing God, and, therefore, not fearing man, and not having the fear of the Press before their eyes, and who would bring that Press before the House for the gross and daily violation of its privileges, of which that Press was continually guilty ;—who would so conduct themselves, having the fear of God before their eyes, and fearing not men—if there were three such bold men in the House, Ire should not fear the result. Such men would he sufficient to themselves ; and if the House was now bullied by the Press, it was because they were cowards before it. He would not say more, than that he had passed many sleep less nights thinking of these things, and he was humbly thankful that God had permitted him to do so much. Ile had done his duty, and he was satisfied.—(Cheers.) Mr. D. W. HARVEY was persuaded that whoever addressed the House after so long a debate could only he listened to by the indulgence of the House. He was, how ever, more than ordinarily anxious to say a few words, and he promised that he would detain the House but a very few moments while he trespassed on its patience.— He was aware of his difficulty, in following a gentleman who possessed every advantage of great talents and careful education, and who, though much his junior, had already been called to fill a public office ; and, fur the services he had conferred on the country, was already one of the re cipients of its revenues.—(Hear, hear, No, n0.—.4 voice—" What has that to do with the debate ?") lie understood that shout, but he begged leave to ask what had raised in the minds of the people those natural senti ments of indignation which were universally felt, and those sentiments in favour of Reform for which they were calumniated, and which were now prevalent? What had so much tended to generate those feelings as the returns lately laid on the table?—(Hear, hear.) If one thing more than another had disgusted the people, it was the conviction that it afforded them of the perversion of the na tional revenue, and the mismanagement of the national resources. Honourable Members affected to despise this, but it was much more influential than what they called the inflammatoty agency of the press. It might be natural for persons to step into Parliament for bo roughs; for, whatever might be their political culpa-, bility, it could not be said that they had not received a fair trial at that bar, and been ably defended.-- Their defenders had risen up one after another, and all which great talents could bring to their support, a u il ot b e ee frnom urge the in ut'ohrekirs f whatever pervert e d i ngenu i ty cou ld collect or cou ld qauvfotcire.lebrAats to it ce and able lebrated stated on all hands that its origin, design ' and inevitable tendency were revolution ar y. H e justified it as a revolu tionary measure, as gloriously revolutionary. What was itspurpotfe? To brin g b ac k t h e C onst i tut i on to i ts ori gitil design, and restore things as they originally stood.-- If it could be proved, as some gentlemen seemed to wish, that formerly the people were not represented in this House of Commons, ought not a Bill of that kind to be intro• (laced, to rescue them from so ignominious a bondage Ought not the reason, and mind, and intelligence of the country to he represented ? To resist this measure, the Hon, Member was ready to go forth under the banner of I'iovidence : he called Upon the borough owners and Mem bers for boroughs to rally round him, and he seemed not to despair of gathering a phalanx of such great strength, as to release him from all fear of the consequences. Here was the evil of the present system, that some men were ready at once to take up arms to resist the claims of the people, urged in the language of mild and gentle, but Clete: mined s'emonatrance , What were Ora argumerts With Which they opposed the Bill? I,V11;7 the Hoarse was told, that if the 170 Members who were returned for boroughs were taken away, its deliberations would be like a bear garden. The Schools, the Universities, the Temples of Learning with which the land abounded, would be unable to furnish proper representatives for the people, unless they entered the doors of that House through the portals of corruption. That was a oalumny on the mind of the country. He had great respect for many of the indivi duals who now sat for boroughs ; but With all hIS respect fur them, he must say, that if they were all to be excluded from Parliament, he believed the business of the country would be more efficaciously done, and that with less danger of mismanagement than at present. The assertion was a libel on the people. It was an insult to their understand ings to say, that they could not scan the merits of those who were to become the depositories of their power. By what agency—by what unlimited will—had the greatest man of age and country—the Lord Chancellor of Eng land—been sent to that House ? He %could undertake to prove that, without those boroughs, clever wen would easily find access to the Mouse. He admired the spirit in which the Bill was framed. The Bill annihilated sixty boroughs ; but did it not leave forty-seven others, which would be placed in a better situation ? With all his admiration of the measure, he re served to himself the right to discuss its details ; for while be made that reservation, he was prepared to vote for every iota of the Bill, rather than endanger its not passing. He was prepared to accept and agree to every part of it, rather than risk the success of the prin ciple. There was, however, one point connected with the details of the measure which he would not pass over, and which he mentioned the more readily, because it would tend to calm the agitations and the fears of those who ap prehended dangerous consequences from the popular vita raeter of the voters under the new Bill, and the extraordi nary extension of the franchise. Ile had gone over with great care the returns connected with the population of the boroughs, and he found that in forty seven of them which were to be thrown open, and whose inhabitants were to enjoy the privilege of voting, that there was only one which would possess as many as two hundred and seven voters. That is, that when the right of voting was given to the occupiers of houses rated at 10/. a }ear, there would nut be a single borough out of forty-seven in which they would find above 207 occupiers of houses entitled to vote beyond those in possession of the existing right, and whose interests were to be spared.—(Hear, hear.) Any person who gave himself the trouble to make the calcu lation, would find that in the borough of Bewdley, fur instance, there were only 21 houses, rated at ten pounds a-year.—(Hear.)—ln Downton only nine.---(Hear.)---In Liskeard 95. In Lyme Regis, 135. In Marlow, 75. In Sudbury, 180. In Shaftesbury, 75 ; and in West bury, 16. It appeared, then, from this examination of the working of the measure, that it was framed on the best and wisest plan, and that, while it gave numbers to the principle of population, it had, at the same time, within it a conservative principle with respect to the aris tocracy of property. Before, however, he proceeded fur ther, he wished to say a few words with reference to an accusation made against him personally the other evening by an Hon. Member for the county with which he was connected. That Hon. Member (Mr. Tyrrell), who had been able to reconcile it to his sense of duty to absent him self from a meeting of the freeholders - of Essex, legally convened by the Sheriff, charged him, in the course oldie debate on Monday evening, with having used language at that meeting which had a tendency to favour the subver sion of Monarchy, and the establishment of a Republican form of Government in this country. That charge was founded on a report of the proceedings of the meeting con tained in a hostile paper, and when he heard it said he had left the House for the purpose of procuring a letter he received the same morning from a friend, with the Men tion of reading it, to prove the groundlessness of the im putation. On his return, however, he found the debate had resumed its former important character, and although the courtesy of the House might have indulged him with a precedence on a matter so personal, be had refrained until now from troubling it on the subject. The Hon. Member then rend a passage from a letter in which the wi iter asked him if he had seen the attack made on him through the medium of the Eases Standard—an attack for which the writer expressed an opinion that those who made it de served a horsewhipping; and he stated, in conclusion, that the paper in which it appeared seemed to have been got up solely to abuse him (Mr. D. Harvey.) After reading this letter the Hon. Member proceeded to deny that he had ever expressed an opinion in favour of a Re public in this country. He had, on the contrary, laboured to prove to those whose opinions were in favour of uni versal suffrage and vote by ballot, that the inevitable ten dency of a subject of that kind would he, to infuse so large a portion of popular opinion, and of the feelings of those whose power was to be found in numbers, into the Legislature, that it must ultimately sweep away, whether for good or for evil, all the monarchical institutions of the country. It had been, indeed, his opinion at all times, that the people of England were in habits, in education, and in feeling, so strongly inclined towards the Morairchical form of Government, that it would be extremely dif ficult indeed to root out of their minds their prejudice in favour of it; and, although it must be admitted that a Republic was eminently calculated fur the development of the highest powers of the human mind, yet be certainly never thought, nor had he ever contended, that it was adapted to the situation or opinions of the people of Eng land. A great deal had been said of the course adopted by the Press with respect to this measure ; but nothing that had been said by any portion of that calumniated Press could be compared with what fell from the other side of the House with respect to the character of the aristocracy. They had, indeed, used language on that subject which might fairly subject them, under other circumstances, to the notice of the law officers of the Crown. What, indeed, had the Hon. Members for Boroughbridge and for Drogheda said last night with respect to the Peers ? Why, that they were of a character so indolent, that they la boured under such laz'ness of habits, and sluggishness of mind, it was necessary for their protection, and even for their existence, that they should possess representatives in that House.—(Hear, hear, hear.) This was the libel which had been pronounced against the Peerage of Eng land. Nothing, in his opinion could be more remote front the truth. lie was not one of those who could be suspected of any intention to compliment the aristocracy; but he was prepared to contend, that the whole mind of the great mass of the people required to be continually kept in ac tion, in order to keep pace with the progress of knowledge among the higher classes. It was indeed impossible to avoid perceiving that some of the ablest men in that House were either the sons or the connections of Mem bers of the House of Peers, and heirs to those honours and large possessions which had been transmitted through a long line of ancestors. It was said, however, that the measure before the House would sweep away that Aristo cracy, and all the forms connected with Monarchy. His answer to that was, that as long as the people were con vinced of the utility of those institutions, and as long as they could command the force of reason in their favour, no measure which that House could adopt would effect them; but if the feelings of the public were unequivocally set in against them—a danger which he saw not the slightest reason to apprehend—did Members of that House think • that any Bill or measure of theirs could prevent that feel ing from taking effect, or that they could darn up public opinion by an Act of Parliament? It was, however, asked in a very masterly manner last night, by the Hon. Member for St. Michael's (Mr. Praed), if they took this first fatal step towards a more popular representation who was to answer for the consequences ? His (Mr. H arve y's) answer to that was this, that no one was called on to answer for the consequences. Who was to take on himself to determine what the state of public feeling m i g ht be some centuries hence —or, if they pleased, 25 years hence? 'Who was to scan the public mind, and say what might be the bias of the public mind in after-times? All they were called on to do as practical statesmen was to apply practical principles to existing circumstances, and leave to those who will hereafter rise up for the purpose, the task of applying new principles to those new circum stances which the changes of society may call forth. — (Hear.) But were they not to adopt a great present im provement because they were told that in some future time some probable inconvenience might arise from it ? No thing, indeed, surprised him more than the hostility with which some Hon. Members regarded this measure ; for not a single individual had spoken on the subject who did not admit that some improvement was necessary in the state of the representation. If, then, they admitted that improvement was desirable, they admitted the whole prin ciple of time Bill, and the only question remaining was as to the degree in which it was to be a pplied.—(Hear.) If then, it was admitted that Birmingham was entitled to be represented, how, lie would ask, was that good to be ef fected, unless through a course somewhat resembling that which was now prepared with respect to rotten bo roughs? It was said, however, that the holders of these boroughs should have compensation. He had no doubt of their willingness to accept compensation ; and it Ministers had declared themselves open to propo ' sitiona on that point, and erected it box at the I Treasury to receive them, he was quite sure that they would have received offers of twenty or thirty such bo roughs at a very moderate price. The objections of the Noble I.old (Darlington), whose course in that House was so opposite to the patriotic disposition to make a sacrifice for the good of the country which dietinttuiebed his Noble Relative in the other House (Cleveland), went wholly to the fact of a refusal o f compensation to the owners of bo rough property. He had, indeed, heard the Hon. Mem ber for Curie Castle press, in a low voice, that point on the attention of his Noble Friend at the time he NV,S speaking ; and he had ito doubt, that if such a measure had been proposed at first by the Government, much of the keen calculations and halances.striking arguments of Hon. Gentlemen oppOsite would have been spared. I-ic Was convinced that the feais for the fate of the aristocracy, and the dread of the popular character of the House, would have yielded at once in Hon. Members' minds at the prospect of receiving some thousands of pounds for their interest as boroughmongers. He was, however, no euemy to compensation ; but as the Solicitor-Genera`, whom l ie saw near him, could tell them, when a calculation of the value of property was to be taken under such circumstances, they al ways took into account the usufruct. Now, sup posing an Honourable Gentleman about to receive 56,0001., or whatever else it was worth, as compensa tion for the loss of Corfe Castle, he should like to know at what sum they would estimate the enjoyment of the office of Cursitor Baron, preceded by a Commissioner ' of Bankrupts, which the lion. Member's sun or brother • had obtained solely from the possession of that borough.— (Cries of no, and hear.)—He should like to hear an ex planation of the merits or services, abstracted from their borough influence, of any of the Hon. Members who en- ' joyed places of profit of that description.—( Hear, hear.) —Unless their merit in cheering those speakers who lugged in their arguments, and chiming in with an assent.. ' ing " hear" at the proper place, he feared their merits I would be found very small, and that, instead of paying any compensation to the boroUgh-holders, the country would • have a large sum to receive. He believed, indeed, that the oreater part of the opposition to the Bill was founded on the, mere nary motive which arose from the absence of a clause of compensation. lion. Members did not, how ever, consider that there were some persons in an humble station of society who would also lose by the operation of the Bill. A great number of his constituents—men who cherished the exercise of their political rights as one of the ' clearest muniments transmitted to them by their an cestors, and who might be supposed to cling to it ' with pride and affection, were yet willing, although not boasting hereditary honours, to make a s teri- I fice of their highly-prized rights for the benefit of 1 their country.—(Hear, hear.) After observing, that those who complained of the appeal to the people now were the loudest in calling for it with respect ' to the Catholic Question, the lion. Member declared, that ' if the people were not unanimous in demanding Reform 1 they deserved a continuance of all the evils under which they had so long been suffering. He did not wish to detain the House longer, but he could nut conclude without ex- pressines an opinion, that the speech of the Member for ' Waterford (Mr. O'Connell) gave him great pleasure, as indicating a return of those sentiments which were best calculaectl to bind the frail bat k of Ireland to the sterner stock of England. The Hon. Member for Boroughbridge (Sir C. Wetherell) bad spoken at great length against the ' revolutionary character of the Bill, and he had expressed a fear that lawyers and men of eminence would not obtain seats under a Reformed Parliament in that House. If it should pa-s, and any amendments were introduced giving to Smithfield-market a right of returning a representative, he thought that the Member for Boroughbridge, he got Grimaldi to propose him, and those who frequented that market to cheer him, would have a good chance to be re turned as Member for that place of humour and fun.— (Hear, amid a laugh.) The Hon. Member begged pardon for having troubled them so long, and concluded by im ploring them to restore the Constitution to its original purity, according to the principles adopted in the Revolution of 1688, and now followed up by the present Government. Mr. GOULBURN, after stating the reasons which bad induced him to postpone so long addressing the House on this important question, said that before he entered upon it, he wished to make a few remarks on what had fallen from the Hon. Member for Colchester. That Hon. Gen tleman had made an attack on all those who held opinions different from his own. lie attacked them, not for the weakness of their arguments, for with them he did not grapple; not for any particular expressions which they had used, for with them time Hon. Gentleman did not quarrel ; but he attacked them either because they repre • rented boroughs which in his opinion ought to be disfran chised, or because they were in possession of sire cure offices which he thought they ought not to hold. Now, if any man, either in the House or out of it, who held an office of that description, ought to be exempt from any ob servation upon the subject, or ought to be considered en tirely free from the slightest stain with reference to it, it was undoubtedly his Hon. Friend the Member for New port.—(Hear, hear.) Ile (Mr. Goulburn) confidently appealed to all the Hon. Gentlemen who sat near the Han. Member for Colchester, whether the possession of the office held by his Right Hon. Friend the Member for Newport, so far front casting any imputation upon him, was not a subject of exultation and glory to his lion. Friend, as being the reward which a grateful country con erred on a father, eminent for his services to the State, and who, in the discharge of his public duty, fell a victim—not metaphorically, but lite rally fell a victim—on the threshold of that House to the honesty and zeal of his efforts ?—(Hear.) He (Mr. Gaul burn) was old enough to remember that melancholy day. He had now present in his mind the feeling which per vaded the whole House on the occasion. There was not then in the House any man anxious to point out the fact that the man so slain was a 3atesman, and held an office under the Crown, but men of all parties, both those who support. d, and those who opposed the measures of his Majesty's Government, were anxious to mark their sense of the services of an individual who had shown himself superior to all corrupt motives, and who throughout the whole term of his adrdnistration of public affairs, had not provided for a single member of his family, or except in one instance, had appropriated to himself any permanent office. Parliament marked their sense of that Right Honourable Gentleman's eminent merits, by settling, on the recommendation of the Crown, a pension of two thousand pounds on his son. If his lion. Friend the Member for Newport had continued to enjoy that pension, what honourable man could have thrown the slightest im putation upon him for doing so? It so happened, how ever, that some time afterwards, when the office of a Teller of the Exchequer became vacant, his Majesty's Govern ment, with a view to a public saving, withdrew the pen sion which Parliament had bestowed on his lion. Friend, and appointed him to that office. But, because Govern ment thought fit to perform this act of economy, was his Hon. Friend to be taunted and flaunted with being a pen sioner of the Crown ?—(Hear, hear, hear.) He (Mr. Goulburn) did not envy the feelings which had induced the Hon. Member for Colchester to make the observations in which he had indulged. The lion. Member for Col chester had thrown out imputations on the opposition to the measure now proposed by his Majesty's Government, m as for the most part proceeding from the representatives of places which that measure sought to disfranchise. The lion. Member attributed that opposition to improper mo tives. He (Mr. Goulburn) did not pretend to judge of the motives of others, but if he were a Member for one of those boroughs which the Bill proposed to disfranchise he should certainly not think that he was performing an unworthy task if he were to defend the rights and pri vileges of the electors who returned him, and who claimed to retain those rights and privileges. Nor should he be afraid to compare his motives with those of time Hon. Member for Colchester. The Hon. Mem ber allowed that the proposed measure would have the effect of greatly reducing the electors of Colchester. Whereas, at the last election, nearly fifteen hundred indi viduals voted for that borough, the number, in the event of the adoption of the Noble Lord's Bill, would be reduced to six hundred. The lion. Member would therefore be returned by a more select, and perhaps, to him, a immure agreeable body. There had been one or two topics intro duced :into that debate, not immediately connected with the subject before the House, on which he wished to make some preliminary observations. The first of those topics had been introduced on the fiat evening of the discussion, by an Hon. and Learned Gentleman who rose to overthrow the law of his Hon. and Learned Friend near him, lout who sat down without adverting to it. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman, alluding to the duty which the Noble Chancellor of the Exchequer had proposed on the transfer of stock, contended that it was no violation of any exist ing law, and that it was, in principle, similar to the re duction of the interest on the Four per Cents. It was important to correct this error, that it might not be everyt terms r urged on any future occasion in justi fication of a violation of public fand in theAo faith and nationalts by which honour. Thecorrection s p ri o th n u t ; n tpillm'ee as a l o o f a be fout n o s were fixed ; and in which it was expressly declared, t hat the holders o f the stock granted for those loans should be.s free from the imposi tionoono t their notwithstanding.respect - ~ shares, i,h e " o y future . and Act of of any p xm Parliament Learned Gentleman could not himself use stronger or more conclusive language. The next observation on 1 ,4a Affsiri ' which lie wished to say a few words was made by } l , l s %ri: 1 to e ble Friend the Secretary of State for Foreig n C His Noble Friend took credit to his Majesty's Govern- 4112 for acting without reference to patronage. No W tett e ° Noble Friend and he had been long in office together , Ana !ti t h he was sure his Noble Friend would not say that the .il l !, 1 . 1 44 Iron ige of the Crown had been perverted at that t i lati ora t c Hiniing disposed of these preliminary observatien 4 the tia tril e t: would proceed to the question immedii,tely ht' fc .. re ßili i i t House, lie would not enter into the details of t" fof L eider et for it was disadvantagions to discuss the particulars e s bi ett rrec t i ' measure simply on the statement of those part icular the have any Hon. Alember. If, therefore, he consentroedightto.oo:bot, t tik to rn .. e 40 : introduction of tie Biil, it was only that he roughly understand the details before he consigned it t on . tir ta. e Oblivion which it merited. It had been said to Tightroi ga t I none'nts of the tneasUre, that thy opposed the, : dieis e stat o e i a t l Parliament to deal with the elective franchise of ' 11 ,4 41 4 duals in boroughs. He (Mr. Goulburn) disclaimed tieing forkerib one of these who denied the right and power of Fl on i. diff erene Y , ment to deal with such a subject. Parliament w aa : ta tes L i ti • b t, pa . t:nt. It had power to deal with the private " ow e 0! individuals. It had still snore strongly the di o v er tta' err to deal with th e ele c tive franchise. But the theleaded tu6! aims between the supporters :Ind opponents of eat 111 11 1‘ , 1 ; measure was this : the latter said "Yo u re' 41e1, 11r e make out a case of absolute necessity with .'oter , whit , , fereace to th e pu bli c sa f et y ; o th erw ise your, f ill 4 41 e ti op Terence will b e an ac t ci f mor al i n j u stice, an u „for 4 iktli rt ; al subject yea to just reprobation." The Hon. 11Iemee: to Malliurst and another Hon. Member had volunt eer got "p t the relinquish the elective franchise of their constituents; sod uPlee wh. it was not so with oth ers , f or in s tance with his g o t f e • r ? th e " Learned Friend the Member for Bon ouglibridget W ' ° ett' ' in 'tern n nionstra-tl against the surrender of the rights of " t c fr ICa t i. stituents without previous inquiry. If large towpitarbeol t les o f ' a sent unrepresented were to have representatives, let were ifo l , y ec he transferred from the boroughs where the elect ors the the diaposed to surrender their rotes, and not froU l tora l 10s oty Pz boroughs where they were not so disposed. • It yeas a be ro k t , l ttle by Waller that James the First, being a t dinner W ho a ear,) among other company, there sat at dinner two ei s dor ll eac .' Neile and Andr e ws, proposed a loud this question, eli d 41 seur e he might not t a ke hi s su bj ec t s ' mone y w h e n he nee d Ij o dr :e ar t ' without all this formality l'f Parliament? Neile ref o f go to th God forbid yon should not; for you are the bee a i t ea id d our nostrils." Andrews declined answering, °Gavot' during ti he was not skilled in Parliainentary cases ; butt y o it ifetaf th the King's urging him, anti saying he would 111 i ad ere, of no evasion, the Bishop replied, very pleas ant 'll ' O 'ilsf '`Why, then, I think your Majesty may s o h o ha e d my brother Ncile's money; for he fif,re t he t , lis Per u ; he would say to Parliament, " You may t 3 Mbel (i tteo b o ' borough of Midhurst, for the Hon. Member fe l. t he eu call e d borough offers it."--(A taught.) The objections t j t/ dg er fur eth proposed p'au of Reform had been stated over se% to wil'ir,d, th again, and lie would not repeat them. He obj' etr e o's or k , 4 th e change that which he knew to be good, for the P. u i r ' t te ; t tts trt of adopting something which he was merely told reug e for i: ( 4tert y better. They had been told by the lion. 31en' be o ' f IP . Pe r ' d of s,, hat the s is re w4 n 1 V ipc, iifi a tt t :t e: oo : fl t; :e i o - hart cur ~ tie mi c t cool l .l e neds e nut o ji,.(. ; : r, :it t ni r (g y ,lni :; oo a (f : Ata p ihr r e. r c ks olG p ii : oro r suu o esi u be : )u;f a rnt n , st taught to believe, that the prosperity of the country ss'ol t ss d e tab e i 4 e u proof of our geoi institutions ; but he was new it was no such thing, for that those institutions Wc r „ a e soli re n , 4 lueless. lie was considerably disappointed in the I •!' t 'ota t to tleer of the Noble Loid who brought forward the prol' u % ' lo th a aot, In proposing to reconstruct the House of Corin ur " t be t 4 tiloa forgot to st .te how it was intended, after the change, . thtt tl tile Government of the country should he conduotetl'olf w h . t had lie-n said that tiny ought to argue the questiont.oo, set with teference to the written forms of the Constitu j i o of 0, 1 ? told 0 , E (I , ve a l That was a narrow view of the case. 'file Constitotro; o . top, in e , like the law Engl tnd, was not founded on theor/ sl o cr fer b . 4 Pe j but also on the practice that hail been growieg c ° ; o o l : 1 1; e lte ° 1y - , years. If there was one right possessed by the . ti a „at th ey more sacred than another, it was the right of aPr i u ; 'l °l4l t i t its own Ministers. Undoubtedly, the Crown 1 1 4' i t hef , 4 t point as 'Ministers individuals not entitled to sit iti e ri ar mtat ry House of Parliament ; but, practically, it was O un oil e c a e 'Nea pedient that the Ministers of the Crown should si t ' n - e t et t in one Home, auntie in the other, for the Pu r r;e ol " it ~ r Otsly explaining and defending the measures of Govern „ die 41 '4 a : Now the very boroughs which it was proposed 1 ;00 , 4 4tl e d , franchise were most frequently the medium by p 'Members of his Alsjesty's Government obtained statist,' 1. 4 4 . 1 di , that House. He might appeal to every Administrelorr I h t errre nt he might appeal to the present Administration, " rli „ et iqf p at the without the aid of those boroughs, it would not fiegct 111 i t'd 1; 4 be impracticable to seat Members of the Governoed 11(Ilear, the House of Conarnona, whom it was mast 0 1 °4i t i th , ibli , .4s should be there? What he wis h bob •• . ` t e atta se public services should be tma ti n a ,, lt the Noble Member for Tavistock, therefore, 044brsi° after the proposed Bill was passed, Ministers w ould. ° eV admission into that Ilouse? He had been told, in p re i l ‘s a ttte versation, that nothing could be more easy than 50 0 1° ta ll 'i,dred vide that Ministers, as Ministers, should have s t 3/ that House. He did not know if the proposeesi!'j 3°' as; plan had any such ulterior object in view. Ile 'kale; 'tan C, know whether, in the reconstruction of the House° ka 'oes, mons, they meant to introduce this new prineiP le h r osl did not know whether they intended to give to tbe we hll t the power of appointing to seats in that Hous e as , jtoe tts to seats in the Cabinet. If that was teally the ir s t "l u t, j ought to have been stated ; if it was not their "q c to s' fig; t., a ''or st possible exclusion of the 'Ministers of the Crowo le t ° /fi d e of:^oiSi lianieut was a strong ground of objection to the Nobi e lt a to h t lers motion. It should he recollected that it was fret V l4 ) duty of his Majesty's ;Ministers to propose 'ne e % sh e d which the people at large were averse. But tw .- I , o o '' tae f era years had elapsed since his Right Hon. Friend, Wee' Mun i not at present in his place, did that to which 3 , ret r o A "ve Baronet opposite said Members of that o° °3- t ittle i . 844 1, 4( not prone ; he resigned tie trust which his co ° . k oh l it th had reposed in him, because, in the discharge of b l i 9 ft lic f tit,: of duty, he was compelled to oppose their wishes- trs a t ever, there had been no borough by which his Big gas, fsr it ole Ft iend had been enabled to resume his seat in tha t a l kad sle e his Majesty's Government would have been deprive the. is a th organ necessary for the explanation:and defence ° re e f ltnet t t ter measures; and especially for carrying through a P o e' : ste i i t 'utl tion, the success of which the lion. Gentler:Oil th eCt ir '1 the, h i would not deny was essential to the peace and s t o the realm. Ile wished to know how the Noble L ° ot re' so /i t h 'e posed to avoid such a dilemma? If this Bill wel i f i i e i ,i tr S :Imo effect, it would occasionally occur that Es-Pot c`' 4". would be shut out of the House—men who wer e itl ie llie rj ,; , ih tt tti toe inidable in opposition, in consequence of their fa as s at 11 0 , with business. This, perhaps, might be ceosideeve Ntt btry t commendation of the measure. Happy would ' t he 0 ; J . ts ta e tice Chancellor of the Exchequer to come down to t oirr i pf , I ti t ' with a clumsy Budget, and find no man on the oarsr, I`,,,aoroei tion benches conversant with Treasury figures to he 11 ' 1 ,e it t i l l t ite and confound him ; and happier still would it e t o ( %s it First Lord of the Admiralty, who had an estiroa`bo %,'t enet Ur t , pose, and was anxious r' to l im , to impugn the conduct " 1 4 d n e o c t ess p o r r e s se i n n t offi to ce, d, t f o en b d e t e h n e a l l n d , e e t i l v t e o s. do so w a - l b w en rov t t i - j e Noble Lord's scheme so far as it was directed to ` g e l ire nution of the expence at elections; but Ile coot e % of O tt '111, 115 r object could be attained without a reconstructor to fit' House. Bills, for instance, might be broug ht th e the ' 4 4 N effect ; and he had no doubt they would r eceiv e iltelY, ri te cot dial support of a great majority of that Ho use. la (Jiecg ed plan of the Noble Lord, he maintained, ve° 3 o l , :i"'ltil tend to increase the expence of elections, 1 1, $- e rt ° se l'os tt ! boroughs similar to those now having front t' a e oie e t iet: 'te t t w 't voters, which were notoriously the most e%1 3 dire 4 4 i ity f t') corrupt. lie was of opinion that none of t/ n f , 14 t o su : urged against the 10/. rate by the opponeot9 V"i3 e ; It o ` sure had been answered by its advocates s ' 501 ,eas e s e il the position of the Lord Advocate, that there ( p ro e tr it k e t it cessity anything permanent in that species ° dot e pi e :4 4) 4 : which was to confer the right of voting, sill ee a qt y no limit fixed for the possession of a house 05cfr e' rent. Ile likewise objected to the measure, be e v iercs; 4, l nid 4 ' privet] the lower classes of their right of retn e ia iilt i, h e ( it sentatives to Parliament. He could net, h e col lie, template the possibility of the measure being 1,3e,t tpttat was well convinced there was sufficient ter relo,tie', country and sufficient firmness of the H°W e jog se' it But if lie could contemplate the event of its be ,o o, f or he could also contemptate a House of C ° , °l l, l le ° , e s i le the representatives of the people of Englano, t v os lio s t oe ' , h ad n't temporary passions and prejudices—of a o° l 3 1 ' 3 .0(. 0 e t idai t 4 o as once before, inordinate power, and rea4 e x e st hereditary branch of the Legislature, ants () ,,bert oil Monarchy. In conclusion, he stated, tha t - ro es! came he would give the measure his ino s t o ell o ictloP ~o g b it terrnined opposition ; and repeated his e a nd . t o , f lip a ' coun try there was sufficient wisdom in the tl'e, ea g rof in the House of Commons to reject it. t b s onV t he orli Mr. LENNARD did not desire to ove r ie , t rof. tr ee l es narchy or to abolish the Peerage, but to the d . e . ` ia b ( - 40 0 , rupt boroughmonger'ng system which iv 3 4, e C yr N a lt, of the rights of both, and thus restore t° v ela at er itt Ce B m, t . t a U t t 1 1 0 , a n d t o fallenit ancientfrolyi the ipeu lion.r ty. b sa e i r d fbo h r e icb c c or l,, r li eg e tio il o rd jte; specting the feeling towards Reform so' 110b ij 0 0 ill ;N I , the county with which he was connecte- soteatthere; it stood the Hon. Member for Essex to ha v e e tre eg l rle h 'eti s tl feeling in favour of Reform was not ~a e o rj t >b de w proof of which he adduced the fact, tseileoedeol?tbe Pl specting his vote upon the question ii ' a el to y t tt ' 4 oc on the hustings. He could not denY the f,„ rie",(er t r at e the case ; but most certain it was, --' t bt,-) te fe - Hon. Member (those who who suppornte,,dfoco pressed with the opinion that he was 3