The Sun. — London, England, 1863-01-17 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TI tea.--A looking-glass is a looking-glase, but two locking-glosses will tell very different tales. Oue will suffuse a rosy tint over the most pallid cheeks. Pe will fill up the furrows ; it will soften the outline. As you look in it the temper becomes kinder, the memory lights up, and there is an illusion even of h o p e . The other glass makes truth unpalatable. It tells that you are quite as old as appears in the parish register, and that you are as yellow, as wrinkled, as rough, and as hard-visaged as people generally after knocking about for half a century. Mr. Bright is the candid friend who imparts to truth additional horrors. It is not enough for him to be humble ; he insists on a white sheet, a taper, a foolscap, and a retractation. Should England ever stand before the tribunal of nations, to demand a crown, or to repel au indictment, Mr. Bright will act the part of the adverse advocate. 11l as we are all apt to think ourselves, he makes us a good deal worse. The more usual explanation of John Bull's follies aed infirmities is that he is rather muddle. headed, that, like Sir Roger, he feels there is a good deal to be said on both aides of the question, and either remains in suspense or is the victim of cir cumstances. Mr. Bright tells the old gentleman that he is a proud, selfish, base, arrogant, merce nary, deceitful, tyrannical old scoundrel. The British empire and everything in it are all of a sort. Oar Government is bad; our press is bad ; our statesmen are all bad; our merchants are bad ; there is nothing good among us. Amid the general wreck and corruption—amid open violence and secret villainy, there stands one man who alone sees things perfectly right, who approaches every question without prejudice or favour, and is always the same, and says the same thing at all times—the only true prophet, the only disinterested adviser, the true friend of his country, and the peace maker of the world. Need we say who this is It can be no other than the member for Birming ham. Patriotisth forbids us a separate defence, and compels us to make common cause with all whom Mr. Bright accuses. We have committed the unpardonable crime of giving the Government of Washington and the Northern States some credit for good sense, consideration, and humanity. We have predicted that sooner or later the Northerners must see that their enterprise is hopeless, and that they must submit, as the mother country submitted eighty years ago. We have been mis taken thus far, not in the fortunes of the war, not in our calculation of the Confederate strength and perseverance, not in the cost of the war or the condition of North American finance, but in the one single hope that the Federals would see what all the world, except themselves, saes. Mr. Bright has always had a juster estimate of Northern pride, and obstinacy, and blindness. We plead guilty to the weakness of an estimate which it appears the Northern States do not deserve. As to the mask which Mr. Bright threatens to tear from us, there can be no occasion for the ceremony, much as it seems to that gentleman's taste to assist at any execution. Here we stand, confessing the error that we did not despair of returning good sense in the United States, whose only safety lies, Mr. Bright himself does not dispute, in an amicable disunion. This he calls ungenerous to the Northern States. Generosity required that we should goad them on with continually renewed promises of success, founded on their overwhelming power, and not less on the entire justice of their cause. We did not believe them able to drive the Confederates into the Gulf of Mexico ; nor did we think them wholly blameless in the quarrel. Under these convictions we could not write otherwise than we have written. As it happens, we have nothing to give up, except our hope of an ear;y return to right reason. The fever has not gone so soon as our diagnosis led us to believe possible, though certainly no kind of deple tion has been spared. We have no right to complain, however, for we come off easy compared with our fellow-criminals. The successive Governments at the beginning and the end of the Russian war are told that they issued the proclamation for respect. ing enemy's goods in neutral ships, and agreed to the proposition to that effect in the Congress of Paris, for one reason, and only one—the fear of a war with the United States, had they not done so. No credit is given them for those wider and less interested considerations which, in one instance, led a statesman to go very much further than the apprehension of an American war could have carried him. The question of the blockade being itself rather intractable just now, Mr. Bright only notices it in order to say something unpleasant of the whole mercantile class. The cessation of the blockade, whether by an armistice or by any other means, would instantly lower the value of about 400,000 bales of cotton, now in our warehouses, worth from £3O to £5O apiece. It would there fore be ruin to many friends of Mr. Bright. So, whenever peace is talked of, there rises up a set of merchants, who do so .thing or other, it is not exactly said what, in order tt, prolong the blockade and the war, and who actually, ua Mr. Bright would have us imagine, have some intllgonce f or that purpose. We presume he means that they wi,v, us not to interfere in a bodily form and raise the blockade—but, as neither ho nor anybody else wishes this, it is not easy to see the force of the accusation. The next blow is at Lord Palmerston. Instead of arguing the Trent question with Mr. Seward, who would certainly have been arguing about it to this day, he sent 10,000 men to Canada, and made the American Government do what it said was both right and expedient for it to do. This proceeding, Mr. Bright says, is a conclusive proof that England conducts ifs international effrirs in the manner of the Red Indians—with as much violence, injustice, and brutality. If Mr. Bright could have added either that our demand was ueinet or that we were likely lo succeed in any other way, there might be some ground for his complaint. But it is enough for Mr. Bright that when the Americans had themselves an army of a million of men enforcing loyalty to the Federation, we sent a bare hundredth of that number to protect a frontier of 1,500 miles, whch the Americans have threatened a hundred times to overrun in a day. If England is complimented for her pecuniary wis dom in offering to give up the lonian Islands, it is only to furnish an occasion for telling Stain that our continued occupation of Gibraltar, Won 1;3 7 ; foolish war and a dishonourable peace, is an in- suit to her which justifies ber obstinate refusal to deal with us as neighbour. If she will not lower her import duties, or pay her lawful debts to individual English creditors, or meet us on any terms, she has a perfect right to be as shabby and dishonest as she pleases, i nas much as we hold by force some of her natural territory. We hold it, he says, for no manner of good, either peaceful or war like, but s i mply as the focus o f a smuggling trade, and a n i nsult to Spain. Forgetting the Peninsular war, he tells us that France is doubly formidable so long as we hold Gibraltar, and make Spain her ally instead of ours. This topic he winds up with the rather sweeping and very uncomfortable statement that the injustice and immorality of England make her detested by every country in Europe. General Peel said so, Mr. Bright observes, and what he said is quite true. From this he passes to casual and off hand remarks on the folly of our statesmen gene rally, particularly in dropping remarks to which they don't themselves attach much importance, but which create disturbances in the cotton-market. There are, it seems, about twenty million pounds' worth of cotton in this country, which may any day be worth either thirty millions or only ten, involv inf , in either case the ruin of many estimable I,pe cu'lntors in that article. Such being the case, a good and wise man will take care never to say a word about cotton or the American war. He will neither hope nor fear, or, at least, he will take care to keep those sensa ti ons t o himself. What is to bethought, then, of Lord Russell for saying that he Loped the North would soon consent to the independe n ce of the South, and of Mr. Gladstone's still less reserved expectation s ? If a miscreant puts a inciter match to a heap of cotton or jute, ho burns, may be, twenty thousand pound s ' worth. But here were a Foreign Secretary and a Chancellor of the Exchequer wan tonly lowering all the eotton in England a penny a pound, or more, and inflicting losses, some thou san d s apiece, on Mr. Bright's meritorious friends Nor is this all; if a Minister talks of cotton with a smile, or drops a prayer for c p ac - -e across the Atlantic, letters forthwith speed to India and every other cotton-field, informing mankind that Mr. Gladstone has looked happy, "Therefore sow no more cotton eeed." If wo err, then it is iu geed com paey. Alter Eugland and everybody in it has come in for a share of Mr. Bright's arnenitit s, he very naturally wishes to wind up with a blaze of glory, like a Christmas extravaganza. The blaze on this occasion consists of two splendid effects—the Eman cipation of the Serfs, and that of the Slaves in the United States. Mr. Bright chides us for the ardour of our hopes, and the precipitancy of our predictions. Will he pardon us if we suggest that he is rather premature in his congratulations to the favoured ob jects of the latter of these two great acts ? When the Federals have emancipated the million negrocs now in their hands it will b e time to offer emanci pation to those who are wholly out of their power, and apparently have no wish to be in it. a H d e t e ll e r n L e D. —S da d r a i i f l t o re by t a h r e e Aindmtuirranityco.urltd, When there cloudteSecretary, ontbe horizon,-hus pu b fl l a ic min o gi e )o s a ste r r e s i a s re t t he or s Ze les ordered the hired by the score, and e earl].thececan b c rimpes secured,a d boarding e h ous e keepers, whose service through the streets in great waggons with bands of music and immense Union Jacks flying. The honour of the country must be maintained, and if sailors are slack in accepting - a £lO bounty, why, give them £2O, and set the price down as a very moderate insurance premium for the many blessings we as Englishmen enjoy. The Admiralty at such a time are in the best of humours. They have a great public duty to perform, ample means at their disposal, and they are not aware of any reason why every grievance of which sailors have complained should not be redressed at the earliest moment. The bait takes; sailors make their way to coast-guard stations and receiving ships, or are carted to re ceiving ships in a half or whole drunk condition, by the crimps and boarding-house touters of the Ad miralty. The country then breathes once more freely and when Lord Clarence Paget visits Chatham he receives an ovation. By-and-bye, when the threaten ing cloud no longer alarms any cne, and war is among the most improbable of contingencies the Admiralty mount their high horse again, and people generally come to think of sailors just as they do of other classes. They even may be said to become so stoical as to regard sailors as the reverse of amiable, and, on the whole, as a set of foolish, dissolute, and worthless fellows. When this re vulsion in public feeling is at low-water mark the Admiralty, as a rule, improve the occasion by get ting rid of all the sailors possible in any kind of way. The other day, for example, the newspapers contained a long list of numbers of Naval Reserve sailors who on some pretence or other are no longer chargeable in the navy estimates with six pounds each annually. Shipping masters and others are warned against the so-ealled offenders, so that here after it may be presumed they will experience as much difficulty in getting an honest livelihood as ticket-of-leave convicts. Then, again, let the Ad miralty once make up their minds to disband sea men, and excuses are never wanting. The intro duction of steam was at one time said to render sailors superfluous in the navy. Last year it was said the Armstrong guns were lighter than the old smooth-bore ordnance, and consequently fewer sailors were required. What the next excuse will be we must wait to learn, and to all appearance we shall not have long to wait. Ship after ship is arriving at Spithead and paying off, and 17 more are expected shortly. Some thousands of sailors, therefore, are likely to be cast upon the world within the next few weeks, and to carry with them to the ends of the earth the story of their wrongs. Allured from the merchant service, or from peaceful avoca tions on the land, by the smiles and promises of the Admiralty, they are now spurned by the Admiralty and the country because times are changed and the sword is at length to be made a ploughshare. When Sir Charles Wood held the high position of First Naval Lord he did not beat about the bush in getting rid of all the sailors he thought unnecessary. The continuous service sailors were discharged by him in the same high-handed manner as apprentices sometimes are by the employers to whom they are indentured. Sir Charles was in a retrenchment humour, and dis charging sailors entered for long-service periods before these periods closed, was, in his opinion, not a hardship of a kind to deter a minister from what he deemed his duty, because the sailcrs, when discharged, could seek, and no doubt find, employ ment elsewhere. Sir Charles, therefore, did his duty without the least disguise of subterfuge. Lord Clarence Paget and the Duke of Somerset have not the nerve of Sir Charles in such matters, and if the gossip of naval circles which reaches us from Ports mouth is to be believed they arc to do the same thing in a genteel manner. They are not to dis charge sailors who have a legal claim for pay as long as their terms of service last, but they are to assert the questionable prerogative of all employers and make things very unpleasant. They are to disgust and demoralise all those sailors whose ser vices they do not now require. The sailors now pacing off are, after a run on shore, to have the hulks ass:Bned to them for quarters from which a few years we hanlanely withdrew the convicts. By this means Lord Clarence and the Duke of Somer set believe the country will in the course of time be relieved of a considerable amount of the present charge for seamen. We do not doubt it. In fact, we cannot think that sailors of any spirit will con sent to lead a life which Sir Joshua Jebb thought unfit for convicts. We think they will prefer to take leave of the Admiralty at once and allow Lord Clarence the benefit of the whole saving on their account, which perhaps he is only counting on next year or the year after. We think, further, that the Admiralty would have done better by sanc tioning the bad precedent of Sir Charles 11 ood then by adopting this genteel, but, at the same time, most insulting proposition to men who have been serving their country on foreign stations in many cases for several years. Straightforwardness is always the best policy, and this Lord Clarence and the Duke of Somerset will, we dare say, find out very soon after Parliament has assembled. If, once more, the public faith is not to be kept with sailors serving in the navy, the Admiralty and the Government ought to say so, and resolutely brave I the consequences. DAILY NEWS.—Mr. Charles Kennedy's ingeni ous.attempt to recover his £20,000 from the widow Swynfen, now Mrs. Broun, has failed. Upon the mere legal aspect of the case the judgment was tolerably conclusive. But when the Chief Justice comes to deal with the principle of the rule which forbids a counsel or an advocate to make a binding contract for his fees, the cogency of the reasoning is by no means so obvious. It would be difficult to persuade anybody who has not entered his profes sion by eating a certain number of dinner?, that the duties of a barrister are the most important in the world, or that they are better discharged than those of other professions. Physicians, surgeons, and solicitors are men who have functions to per form quite as delicate and confidential }di those of the barrister or advocate. And it is idle to assume that such functions are discharged less honourably or LssS efficiently than the duties of a barrister, or even those of a Chief Justice or of a Lord Chancellor. _ - d the same cl ass o f t h e commun ity as the a voeates The soli c it ors an d t h e me di ca l men are drawn from and the judges. They are fathers and fathers-in !aw—the b rothers and brothers-in-law of eac h other. Th e standard of morality of the one classis the standard of morality of the other class; nor would any reasonable man venture to lrizard the ' assertion that the motives to perform their profes sional duties are less powerful in one case than in the other. The Chief Justice Passed a well-merited eulogium upon the manner in which the members of the English bar have for centuries performed their duties towards their clients. No doubt . , the College of Physicians, the College of Surgeons, the law Institution, and any chamber of com merce would pass eulogiums upon the members of their respective bodies with equal eloquence and equal self-satisfaction. Sot a fit man up expressly 'to praise himself and his professional friends, and he will not be found wanting. But if any one b u t a Chief Justice in solemn session had ventured to say that the high-mindedness - and independence of the Bar Were due mainly to the fact that barristers THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JANUARY 17, 1863 are incapable of recovering their fees in a court of law, he would possibly have excited a titter amongst the profane laity. Barristers, especially if they aro married and blessed with a rising family, cannot live upon air—" promise crammed." They must have the substantial fruits of their labour in a balance at their bankers'. They have no access to the ambrosial food of the gods. The client who wants to have his case attended to must pay his counsel a good fee; for he may depend upon this, that if he trust to that sense of wrong which, ac cording to the Chief Justice, rouses the advocate to defend the life or property of a client, and to spend his nights in poring over crabbed law books, he will be grievously disappointed. The barrister is no modern Quixote, who spends his early man hood in a Feet-street garret, waiting for the wronged fellow-creature who will call upon him to defend his cause without expectation of pecuniary reward. He must live, and he gets called to the Bar in order to live. He does his best for his client, whoever he may be ; not because he thinks his client right, but simply because he desires a re putation and a reward for his exertions; and the certainty of obtaining these rewards, instead of re laxing, would probably quicken his exertions. The only mode of effectually securing remuneration is by the barrister making a contract with his client, and enforcing this contract if payment of the re muneration agreed upon be refused. Chief Justice Erle does not deny the propriety of the client paying the fees, but he objects to the barrister being allowed to compel the client by action to perform his duty. To allow this, forsooth, would be to degrade the dignity of the bar, and to de prive the client of a disinterested advocate. It is marvellous to see how the tradition of a profession can disconcert the most powerful intel lects. The Chief Justice knew well enough that at the Bar mess such high flown purity would have excited peals of laughter. Did any barrister ever hear of a brother barrister undertaking a cause without the hope of definite remuneration ? If the client is unknown, does not the faithful clerk take good care not only to finger the guineae, but to see that the number of them is according to the tariff? If the client is trusted and proves untrue, is there any counsel foolish enough to take another brief from the same quarter ? Is any one Quixotic enough to suppose that any member of the Eng lish Bar keeps his chambers open to give ad vice gratis to anybody who chooses to enter? On the contrary, the counsel who ventured to open his chambers for any such purpose would certainly be excluded from the Bar mess of his cir cuit, and would probably be disbarred. Barristers, like other men, ,work for money, and neither their independence nor their zeal is weakened by follow ing the example of ordinary mortals. None can say Mr. Kennedy failed in his duty to his client because he expected £20,000, and if he had been entitled to recover this sum by an action at law the motive for exertion would only have been increased. No doubt the facts disclosed by Mr. Kennedy must be incon venient to Mrs. Broun ; but they are not more in convenient than if they had been disclosed to a soli. citor or attorney in case he had brought an action, which he might, of course, have done, for the re covery of his fees. It is, no dcubt, true that if a barrister is to be allowed to sue for his fees, be must submit to be made liable for negligence. But with this alternative it is difficult to understand how the honour of the Bar would be diminished by its mem bers being allowed to recover in a court of law the fees which are justly due to them. his troops from Rome. For my part I limit myself for the moment to repeating what your Excellency has written in all letters in your reply to General Deland°, thqt you will receive with eagerness any proposition which allowed of arriving at an honourable and equitable solution of the Roman question; that they would find us ready to believe in the friendly dispositions of the new Cabinet, awaiting its acts. SKRTIGES." "TILE MINISTER OF FRANCE AT TURIN TO THE MINIS so that there only remains to be discussed a question of facts. I cannot follow Lord Russell in this rather too practical a manner of simplifying the question. The great question overrulling the whole matter—both the question. of facts and that of the means of modifying a state of things which does not agree with the wishes of Germany—is just this :—Has the Confederation really a right to interfere in the affairs of a Danish province for which the King has never joined the Confederation? We have established—and up to the present time the Germanic Diet has never seri ously tried to prove the contrary, preferring, , —and un fortunately with too great success—the more convenient method of ignoring our argument•,—we have established that ail the King engaged himself to do in respect to Schleswig he immediately and completely accomplished. These engagements did not contain any clause what ever respecting the languages in Schleswig. What the King did was this :—ln en ordinance addressed to his own subjects ha proclaimed the principles which he in tended to follow, and, among others, also those respecting the regulation of languages and the equal maintenance of both nationalities. Now, this circumstance can assuredly not justify any foreign interference whatever for the pur pose of controlling the King's Government in the exercise of its functions. That ordinance was communicated to the Diet at Frankfort; but on communicating it the King's Envoy expressly remarked that the Diet would learn from it what position the Government assigned to Holstein, and it is with the same restriction that the Diet took note of that document by its decree of July 29, 1852. All the rest of the ordinance did not, therefore, concern the Diet, and the same pretended right of which it now avails itself for inter fering iu the question of languages in Schleswig, it might any day equally well invoke also for the purpose of control ling the King's Government in respect to the manner in which it observed the stipulations of the fundamental law of the kingdom, for the observance of that law is quite as much promised in the ordinance as the quality of languages. "Thus neither public law generally, nor the diplomatic correspondence of 1851 authorises any intervention what ever of the Confederation in the affairs of Schleswig ; and the King's Government would betray the most sacred inte rests of the State if it made a compromise as to this capital principle—that the authority of the Germanic Confederation can in no case be extended beyond the frontier of Holstein. "That principle the King's Government has always maintained. But it has, at the same time, had too much regard for public opinion in Europe to be willing to incur the blame of being a Government that, while keeping within the limits of its strict rights, did not take into sufficient ac count the liberty and moral progress of its subjects. For this reason the Government has spared no pains in expos ing and refuting the errors and perversions of truth in re spect to the state of things in Schleswig which, from into • rested motives, have been put in circulation. But, as the price of its good intentions, it has found that the more it tried to elucidate and explain facts, the more the question of right was lost sight of by those to whom it appealed. Our explanations, resting on a thorough knowledge of the case, have been balanced by the contrary assertions of the German Powers. who had, nevertheless, themselves ad mitted the difficulty of their discnrning the truth. Recently Lord Russell has even preferred to found his opinion on the report of a subaltern agent, whose goodwill has not been able to supply the want of those other qualities which were necessary for understanding and judging of such com plicated matters of details. " By reason of this sad experience the King's Govern ment deems it to be its duty henceforth to confine itself to the sole question of right, which sufficiently justifies its ro. fugal to enter into any negotiation concerning the internal affairs of Schleswig. " Besides, what could I say on the subject of the different projects mentioned in Lord Russell's last despatch ? I would assuredly not have to dwell at length on these pro positions, which his Lordship himself admits would be less acceptable to Denmark than the one to which he has given the preference. As to that one I have already expressed myself in my despatch of October the loth. Lord Russell renews again the assurance of the desire of the British Cabinet to preserve the existence and integrity of Denmark. But that integrity Lord Russell's proposition would infalli bly destroy, by dividing the Monarchy into a number of parts, all of which, enjoying in reality all the attributes of sovereignty, would be only connected together by a Council of State, a sort of common representative Assembly, it is true, but which, condemned to impotence from the very first, would, undoubtedly, within a brief period, altogether cease to exist. lam sorry to say it, but this dismember ment of the Monarchy Lord Russell's despatch has all the appearance of regarding as an already accomplished fact. The idea from which he starts is, in fact, that of a union of States connected alone IT the person of the Sovereign, and not at all the principle hitherto exclusively recognised by the public law of Europe, that of the unity of the Danish Crown. That Monarchy, in short, which the British Cabinet wishes to preserve, the arrangement proposed by Lord Russell would deprive of independence, the essence of life, by favouring a regulation ( f the constitution affairs which has no other title to recommend it than that of hav ing been suggested by the German Powers. " There is but one way open, and it is the one which the King's Government has declared its intention to follow. On the one side, we must submit to the necessity of granting to the Holstein Estates that position which the Diet of Frankfort claims for them, but with the reservations ne • cessary to prevent that province from becoming the master and arbiter of the rest of the Monarchy. On the other side, Schleswig must continue to be excluded from the action of the Confederates, and retain its constitutional relations with the kingdom for the common affairs. The first point will exclude every pretext for federal execution in Holstein. The second point is the indispensable condition for the ex istence of the Danish State, and if Lord Russell fears that the development of the legally existing state of things for the kingdom and Schleswig would result in some violent explosion, the King's Government is firmly convinced that such an explosion could only be brought about by foreign instigations and acts of violence. Such an eventuality the Government will look forward to with that calmness and resolution which tho conscience of its good right inspires. "You will please to read this despatch to Lord Russell, and leave him a copy of it. " I have the honour, &c., " HALL." CHURCH RATES AT GREENWICH. STORMY VESTRY MEE SING. Last night, at seven o'clock, a very numerously attended vestry meeting of the parishioners at Greenwich Res held at the Literary Institution in that town, to consider a proposition from the church wardens to make a church rate for the present year. The chair was occupied by the Rev. NV. A. SOAMCS, M.A., vicar, and it was evident from the commencement that the proceedings would be of a somewhat turbulent nature, as the anti and pre-rate party were about equally divided. The estimates having been read, Mr. It. BRANSBY observed, he would at once sub mit a motion to test the opinion of the meeting. It was a disgrace and scandal to the people of Green wich that a church rate should be imposed upon them. Both the members for that borough had voted against these rates, and now that the Conser vatives had made their continuance a party rallying cry it was time that all true Liberals were up to the mark on the subject. He moved, " That the church wardens be requested to take steps for raising the required amount by voluntary contribution, and to report the result to an adjourned meeting, to be held on the 13th February next." The motion having been seconded, The Rev. CHAIRMAN (amidst much confusion and cries of " Shame ") observed he must at once decline to submit such a motion to the meeting, which was convened to make a church rate or to !eject it, and had no legal power to direct the churchwardens to make a voluntary collection. Mr. BRANSBY contended that the rejection of his motion by the chairman would render nugatory all subsequent proceedings of the meeting, and if a rate was made it could never bo legally enforced. Mr. II UNTLY then moved that a rate of one penny in the pound be made, which was seconded by Mr. Churchwarden MORLEY, who read extracts from evidence given before a Parliamentary committee, in order to show that the Nonconformist body had ulterior objects in view for the injury of the Church of England, besides the abolition of the church rates. Mr. SAW and other ratepayers then addressed the meeting against church rates, and the rev. chairman persisted in his refusal to put the original motion. The motion for a penny rate was ultimately car ried by a majority of 45 to 23, the anti-rate party protesting that the whole proceedings were illegal, in consequence of the conduct of the chairman. GOVERNMENT EMIGRATION.—The Government emigrant ship Mary Shepherd, Of 905 tons, belonging to Mr. Litchfield Green of London, Captain William Bridge,sailed from Plymouth on the 10th inst. for Adelaide, South Aus tralia, with 53 mar, led cumdes, 106 single men, 62 single women, -10 Inys between the ages of 1 and 12, 36 girls, be tween the same ages, 13 male and 6 female infants, making a total of 375 souls, equal to 313 statute adults, under the charge of Surgeon-Superintendent Clarence Chapman, assisted by the services of Thomas ilunter, school►Haster, and Elizabeth Robertson, matron. [AnvEwrisE3tv - Nrr.]—llolloway's Oint men t . —Bad legs, S t \r h o: 1 proper nds , ul , ers and all descriptions of sores are cured by and 'diligent use of this inestimable preparation. T o attempt to cure bad legs by plasteriLg the edges of the wound together is a folly, for should the skin unite a boggy diseased condition remains underneath to break out with tenfold fury in a few days. The only rational and per manent treatment as indicated by nature is to reduce the inflammation in and about the wound, to soothe the neigh bouring nerves, to cool the iv aced Woad as it courses along its vessels, and to render the thin watery icherous discharge consistent and healthy, Holloway's Pills should be taken en the obnoxious humours to purify the bl oo d and expel the system, French Diplomatic Correspondence. The Mouiteur publishes, in a supplement, various diplomatic despatches which have passed between the French Government and its diplomatic agents abroad. These despatches comprise the questions of Rome, of Servia, of Mexico, of the Cupola at Jerusalem, and America. These despatches have been laid before the French Chambers. Some of them have already appeared in our columns, either in substance or in extenso. The following refer to the Roman question ; ,4 THE MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO THE AIIRAS. SADOR OF FRANCE AT ROME. " Paris, Dec. 20. "I have heard, is an indirect manner, that Mr. Odo Russell, on being received by the Pope, gave to his Holiness, in the name of Earl Russell, the advice to quit Italy, adding that, in such a case, her Britannic Majesty's Govern ment would willingly offer to him the island of Malta as a place of residence; that English vessels would be at his disposal; and that the Pope might rely upon the eagerness of England to give him in the asylum that he might accept all the conditions of an establishment worthy of him. These propositions were made in an official form, adopted for the first time in the intercourse which Mr. Odo Russell has held with the Holy See. Monsignor Chigi hav ing come to see me, I told him, in alluding to the above, that I had learnt that we had new auxiliaries and competi tors in the protection which we give to the Holy See. The Nuncio having confirmed the information which had been given me, I added, wh le avoiding to take the matter more seriously than was necessary, that we hoped very much that if the Pope—which God forbid—were compelled to quit Italy he would grant us the preference over England, and that we should ask it of him. "DROUYN DE LHUYS." " THE AMBASSADOR OF FRANCE AT ROME TO THE MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS. 6, Rome, Dec. 27. " M. le Ministre,—l hasten to send you the information which I have received, and which I have reason to believe is correct, concerning the proposition recently made to the Holy See by Lord Russell to put :he island of Malta at the disposal of the . Pope, in case of his consenting, as . England advised him to do, to give up Rome to Italy. " In the course of the summer Mr. Odo Russell, who was about to take leave, solicited an audience of the Pope. Ad mitted to the audio:ice, Mr. Russell pleaded as usual, but in decorous terms, the cause of Italian unity, for the success of which, he said, his Government entertained the most ardent desire. At the moment of his taking leave of His Holiness, when he was , already upon the threshold of the cabinet, the Holy Father addressed to him, it seems, without attaching to them the least importance, these words, 'Adieu, dear Mr. Russell ; who knows if one day I shall not be forced to go to you to ask for hospitality ?' At these words Mr. Russell immediately returned into the cabinet of the Holy Father to ask him if he indeed feared that he should be com pelled to quit Rome; and if, in that case, he would really be disposed to go to England. The Pepe very quickly re • assured Mr. Russell by adding that he was ignorant of the trials which Providence reserved for him ; but that for the moment he had no apprehension, and did not at all dream of removing fr m Rome. Mr. Odo Russell, who, doubtless, reported this conversation to his Government, giving it, Perhaps, more' importance than it really possessed; was im mediately, we are assured, summoned to London by tele graph. On his return to Rome, in the month of November last, Mr. Odo Russell went to Cardinal Antonelli and gave him a note, in which Lord Russell, after having supported the cause of Italian unity and the right of Italy to possess Rome, advised the Pope to quit the Eternal City, and an nounced that in case the Holy Father were disposed to fol. low this advice the English Mediterranean fleet would be placed at his service to convey him either to France, or to Spain, or to Malta, where a palace would be put at his dis posal, and where he would wait freely until Italy had pro nounced in relation to his sovereignty. Mr.:030 Russell, in presenting the note of his Government to his Holiness's Secretary of Stale, authorised him to make, confidentially, such use of it as he might think fit. The Cardinal hastened to reply that he had no use to make of it, seeing that the Pope did not dream the least in the world of quitting Rome. The intention of his Eminence was even, as we are assured, to maintain complete silence in this matter, so as not to give to the proceedings of Mr. Odo Russell an importance which it did not possess. But it soon became known at the Vdctican, as Mr. Odo Russell himself spoke of it to one of the diplomatic employes accredited to the Holy Seo. Maters remained there, however, and Caidinal Antonelli regarded the incident as terminated, when, according to what has been told to me, Mr. Odo Russell again presented himself to his Eminence, on the occasion of the Christmas fetes, and informed him that he had received a private letter from Lord Russell, in which that Minister expressed his lively regret at seeing that the Pope was not disposed for the rno went to accept his propositions, adding that ho had reasons to believe that his Holiness would in a very short time find himself under the necessity of pr•. thing by theta. Cardinal Antonelli abstained from making any reply to this new communication. PErNc a DE LA TOUR D'AUVERGNR." FRANCE AND I rALY. "THE MINISTER OF FRANCE AT TURIN TO THE MINIS TER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS. "Turin, Dec. 10. Wh " ie l h L is le att M rib in u l Government with the think, membersd despite o t f h et the e co n lo e u w r Cabinet, the relations of the Italian Government of the Emperor can be, in any respect what ever, modified. M. Ricasoli, from the first day, was very attributed the e do infl n u o e t ntitil desirous to tell me so, and his language was identical with that of M. Ratazzi. The friends of Baron Ricasoli remain, like him, grateful to France for the sacrifices which she has made,for-Italy. They feel that they cannot march forward without her, much less in spite of her; that without a solu tion honourable for all parties the Emperor cannot withdraw TER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS. " Turin, Dec. 29. "M. le Ministre,—Assailed by the extreme party for having adopted an expectant policy on the Roman ques tion, the new Ministers have left to be explained, through some journals,theatt itude which they rely upon maintaining, and which is summed up in these words by the Opimone of the 21st, Between France,which denies Rome to the Italians and Italy, which it irrele eably desires,there noun derst and ing possible.' Although this declaration, in supposing that it was on behalf of the Ministry, did not in any way pledge it towards the Government of the Emperor, as up to a certain point it pledged it towards the country, I believed it my duty incidentally to consult M. Pasolini upon the sense which might be attributed to it. The Minister of Fe • reign Affairs began by declaring that there was no journal in the country which had the right to speak in the name of the Government, or to say that it was inspired by the Go vernment. lie made no difficulty in recognising that— after the declaration which had been made, the Roman question must be for the hour put on one side—it was infi nitely too much spoken of in the Chamber and in the press ; but, at the same time, he admitted that his colleagues and he himself shared the opinion of the country, that Rome was the natural capital of Italy. He added that it was an inheritance from M. do Cavour which every Italian Minis try must accept; that General Durand° had reaffirmed it; that when he proposed to the Government of the Emperor to negotiate, it was on the basis of Rome for the Italians ; and that the only difference between the programme of the present Cabinet and that of the former one was the absten tion from new overtures to the Government of the Emperor, the latter believing that it could not accept a negotiation upon that basis. ' But,' I said to M. Fasolini, it is a veritable non possumus that you pronounce, while we in vite you to consult with the Court of Rome upon theground of conciliation. Do you not think it impolitic to tio your hands beforehand without knowing whether events will not give rise to combinations by which it would be useful to profit for opening new negntiatio n . 2' M. Pasolini ex claimed against the interpremtion, much too absolute, according to him, which I gava to his language, and he explained to me that the present Ministers would continue to follow the march of events with the liveliest interest, and that when they believed it possible to resume this ne gotiation with the Government f the Empe or, they would hasten to do so. AI. Pasolini reproduced to me various considerations, amongst others, that which would consist in leaving the Romans, by the withdrawal of our troops, liberty to vote for the sovereign that pleased them, as had been done in France, Greece, &c. I heard M. Paso lini without interrupting him much. I could not, however, refrain from observing, with regard to this last argument, that if the new code of the rights of peoples allowed the fill ing, by their voice, of a throne which had become vacant, it did not, nevertheless, admit the possibility of voting with respect to a throne legally occupied, and that Europe would have reason to be astonished if a monarchical country like Italy should calmly propose the disposs asion of a sovereign for the sake of public 'vilify. '• The Minister of Foreign Affairs listened with attention to the remarks which, in a friendly spirit, I was led to make to him upon the dangers to the Italian Government of a policy which, by declarations too absolute, would embarrass its future action towards the Government of the Emperor. M. Pasolini opposed himself to the supposition that the pre sent Cabinet could ever show itself ungrateful to France; and he insisted in his own name and in that of his col. leagues upon their perfect determination to proceed in har mony with the Government of the Emperor and to rely upon him. The language of M. Farini, who came to see me after this interview, was of a nature rather to confirm the friendly assurances of M. Pasolini. One fact remains gained--it is the pause which is officially produced in the Roman question by the accession of the new Cabinet. " SARTIGES." THE DANISH QUESTION. The following i s a translation of the despatch addressed, under d a t e C open h agen , J an . 5, 1863, by the Danish Minister of Foreign Affairs to the Danish Envoy in London :-- Sir,—Lord Ruissall's despatch of Nov. 20, last year, has been submitted to the King, and his Majesty has been pleased at the last meeting of the Privy Council to give me his orders as to the reply. " In respect to Holstein the Government of the King has declared itself ready to concede to that province the posi tion claimed for it by the Germanic Confederation, but under the conditions expressed in my despatch of October 15 —to wit, that by this concession the entire monarchy be not reduced to a continual dependence on Germany, and that by this sacrifice eur relations with the Confederatioa be placed on a durable b this. The King's Government has found with satisfaction in the despatch of Lord Russell of the 10th of November a cordial approbation of these indispensable conditions for the maintenance of the Danish Monarchy. The object of the negotiations which, at the invitation of Lord Russell, we opened with the Courts of Berlin and Vienna, was to find the means of con ciliating the requirements of the Confederation with these legitimate conditions. In taking note of the complete ad hesion given to them by Lord Russell, we indulge the hope that if some day there should be a question of maintaining them against the Confederation, his lordship would as little hesitate then as now in his appreciation of their necessity. " But if there be, as to the definitive object, conformity between the views of Lord Russell and the resolutions rela tive to Holstein which the King's Government has declared itself ready, if need be, to take, I regret that I cannot say as much in respect to the signification which must be ascribed to such a step. Lord Russell seems to regard as a simple act of duty on the part of the King's Government, what in reality is an important sacrifice extorted by the force of circumstances. "In oppesition to this strange opinion, I must be per mitted to remind his Lordship that the fundamental Act of Confederation expresslyclescribes its members as ' sovereign Princes,' as also that the final Act of Vienna describes iu so many words the Confederation as composed of ' sovereign and reciprocally independent' States, the union of which had precisely for object ' to guarantee the sovereign rights of each.' By joining this system the members of the Con federation undertook certain obligations defined in the Acts, but they never transferred their sovereignty to the Diet of Frankfort. The King of Denmark is bound to fulfil faith fully his federal obligations; but ho has not surrendered to any one his right to regulate the internal aff Airs of Holstein, as little as the other members of the Confederation have done so for their States. It would, indeed, be a strange misconception of the public law of Europe to assert, as a principle, that the members of the Confederation owed ab solute obedience to the decrees of the Liet, whatever might be their nature or object. "With Denmark the observation of the limits assigned to the on petency becoming part nt . the Diet is the 'Lore necessary as Hol stein of the Confedera t i on did not cease to become a province of the Danish Monarchy. I n assum i ng to be the supreme arbitrer as to the internal a ff a i rs of Holstein, e competency the Diet not only encroaches on the sovereign rights of th e King in respect to that province, but infringe s on t h e consti tutional relati ns existing between Holstein a n d th e rest of the State, and even on the independence of th e D an i sh Mo narchy itself. It is evident that, wh a t ever b e the opinion entertained as to the competen c y o f the Diet in respect to the affairs of Holstein—all the other questions belong exclusively to the domain of international law. In their respect there can, of course, be no question about federal decrees or federal execution, but simply of transactions between one Power and another Power, and in the last res rt of international means of coercion. What is now done against D enmark on account of Holstein may be done against the Netherlands in regard to Limburg, even against Prussia and Austria themselves in respect to their German provinces, which fa r more than Holstein are embraced in a close centralization with other provinces that are not federal. It is true that material power is an argument that does not admit of being set aside with the same impunity as a just claim. " Lord Russell adds to his views about federal law this observation—that, generally speaking, ho does not find any thing unreasonable in the demand that no law and no tax should be enforced in Holstein without having been ap proved by the Provincial Estates. It is sufficient for mo to remark in this respect that the Provincial Estates cl Hol stein are already invested with a deliberative vote in regard to every new tax and every provincial law. As for the common affairs of the Monarchy, it is notorious that the Constitutional system is not only recognized, but—what is n of a m le o a r g e e i r m a p i o t importance—loyall y h an t ce e —loyall y practised. If the Holsteiners "Rigsraad" to exercise there their legitimate share in the legislative rights, it is sufficiently known that the fault is not due to the King's Government. But that which requires to be proved is that a province can claim the enjoyment of its Constitutional rights in such a manner as to exercise them separately, and that foreign States, and particularly the Diet of Frankfort, have a right to constrain the King of Denmark to yield to such a demand. " Having exhausted every means of defending his right, and finding himself placed in the alternative of either weak ening the bonds which connect the province of Holstein with the Monarchy, or of reducing the entire Monarchy to a vassalage of the Confederation, the King's Government has no choice left it. But, Wh en y i eldi n g cessive and so ill•founded, the Government thinks Welt* entitled to expect that the great European Powers, to a claim so ex who, by inserting in the Act of the Congress of Vienna the fundamental principles of th e Germanic Confederation, , acquired the right of controlli ng their observance, will at its sacrifice. Th ee° p ower s have pro cl e l a a i s m t e g d i v t e h i e t p c r r a d e i for ple of the i ntegrity of the Monarchy. It seems, therefore, but j us t that they should at least guarantee g th en againsteTMaopnhairecahiyhtaits of th e Confederation against every fur ther attempt to, und erm i ne the foundation of the State. every encroachment going beyond the " Lord Russell next occupies himself with Schleswig, and he takes as staring point for his remarks the agreement which, according to him, as to the question of right; GENERAL BUTLER. We have been favoured with the following letter, dated New Orleans, Dec, 12, and addressed to a gentleman in England : Dear Sir,—The unexpected though long-desired visit here of my brother Charles, after so long a separation, has revived many slumbering memories of the past. As you will remember, I preferred fol lowing my parents to America rather than go with with my aunt to India. I reached Pittsburg, in Pennsylvania, in the fall of 1833, where my parents then reslded, I continued up to the fall oflB4l in the employ of merchants in that city and St. Louis, Mis souri, traversing in the meanwhile for business pur poses, by every possible means of conveyance, but chiefly on horseback, the States of Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin, lowa, Missouri, Kentucky, and Tennessee. Since then my travels have extended into Arkansas, Texas, Mississippi,Aiabama, Georgia, and Louisiana—always for business pur poses; I never had leisure for anything else. As you may naturally suppose, I am tolerably conver sant with American affairs. For 16 years past I have been in the commission business. Cotton has been my speciality, and I have cultivated an in timate acquaintance with it, from the sowing of the seed up to the time of its passage into the hands of the spinner. I came to this city in 1837 ; again in 1839; and since 1841 have resided here permanently ; and if it does not come permanently under the Govern ment at Washington, I expect to end my days here. I could never sympathise with the mushroom aris tocracy of wealth, the canting phariseeism, and hypocritical fanaticism I found at the North. Hero climate, society, &c., are more congenial. lam aware that New Orleans has a bad reputation abroad, but all here is above ground ; things are no worse than they seem, which cannot be said of any Northern city. Having been partially brought up among English Quakers, I came here of course an Abolitionist. I understand and appeciate the sincerity, honesty, and unselfishness characterising the mass of Eng lish Abolitionists, and believe they have no sym pathy with their nominal brethren of New Eng land. Athiesm, selfishness, and hypocrisy have combined with a blind fanaticism, under the guise of philanthropy, to despoil the South of its wealth, and to exterminate, if nothing else will accomplish their purpose, a people who have no sympathy with them. The people of the North, more especially the New England and middle States, are endeavouring to force the South to deal only in their markets and at their prices; to support their marine, to obey their laws, and adapt their principles. To accomplish this, they say slavery must be abolished ; if that be not suffi cient, they openly advocate, with the aid of foreign soldiers, the extermination of the white race, that their own people may occupy our productive lands. " Rebels," they say, " have no rights,"and upon this principle they act. Without shadow of law. and with the connivance of those in authority, houses are stripped, and theinmates robbed of their clothes and little moveables. Some of these are sold here openly at auction, while much, including fem ale clothing, table and bed linen, &c., are sent north to garnish the persons and dwellings of Yankee officers or their friends; men and women imprisoned merely for an expression of opinion, and their property seized. It is believed that little of this property goes to the Government ; it is supposed to be largely shared among the officers, &c. There would have been no war if there had been nothing to steal. When the Federal army came here most of the figkting native population were with our army. The large number of families receiving rations are mostly foreigners by birth, and of the labouring classes, who generally recognise the hand that feeds them. General Butler levies contributions on the citizens out of which to feed the poor; then, again, he takes the city taxes, with which he employs some thou sands of men on public work. He tells the poor and labouring people that they are indebted to the generosity and clemency of the United States Government for all this; and no man or woman can receive a ration of food or be paid a dollar for labaur until he or she has taken the oath of allegiance; and these are the Union citizens of which he boasts. The Mayor, City Treasurer, Street Commissioner, and other city officers, have been sent here from the North. The former officers of the city weresentto the forts without chargf or trial. Most of our large merchants and moneyed corporations keep their valuables in boxes in bank. One day an order was issued that no bank should pay a cheque, or deliver a bank box, or transfer stock, for or to any party that had not taken the oath of allegiance. To save this vast amount of property from General Butler's clutches, of course multitudes took the oath. It was a solemn farce; General Butler saw it, and, being baulked of his pay, the next day his organ charged these people with having perjured them selves. Every officer, director, and clerk, in any public institution, bank, &c., was compelled to take the cath or resign. All such institutions, not obey ing, would be closed, or officered by appointees of General Butler. Government officers, backed by bayonets, com pelled sugar planters to sell them their crops, or have them confiscated. After having purchased, pay ment was refused unless the oath was taken first. Thousands of men really favourable to the South were employed in public work who had not taken the oath. When pay day came they were told, "No money for rebels ; you must take the oath." Thus, step by step, the people were brought under control, not frcm choice, but necessity. Now, what of the slaves ? Having been for 20 years amongst them, seeing them at all times, and under all cir • cumstances, in town or country, I have never seen one whipped, or heard a cry of pain from punish ment of any sort, beyond what my own children might utter under parental chastisement. I never saw one hungry or naked from neglect, or dying for want of care, excepting among those who have been enticed for the basest purpose, and by whole sale price and official deceit and malignity, from their legitimate owners and natural protectors, that they might enjoy freedom to do nothing, to starve, to shiver in the cold, and to die. I have not the slightest doubt that more misery, want, sickness, cruelty, and death have occurred among those slaves within reach of, and under con trol of, the Federal Government, since the war began, than could have been found among the whole negro population of the South during the past ten years. Negroes have been enticed from plantations, and given back again in exchange for cotton and sugar. They are taught that it is their duty to steal from—nay, to kill—rebels. Negroes openly call the first men and women in the community rebels, and say that after Jan. 1 they will give the rebels h—l. The testimony of a slave in a military court is superior to that of his master, unless the latter has taken the oath. Negro slaves, armed and equipped as soldiers, are put to stand guard over and insult—nay, to arrest—their unarmed for mer masters, The /nodus operandi of emancipation is this :—The law of the last Congress declared every slave free who should seek the protection of the United States lines, and forbid any officer or soldier to return Lny such to slavery. Well, under all sorts of inducements the negro comes by stealth or openly into the lines. He says he is free, and henceforth gets a certificate to that effect from an officer. If he is likely in appearance, he is asked to enlist as a soldier, and called a citizen and United States sol dier. I have seen public official posters on the walls designating them as "coloured citizens." I have seen coloured armed soldiers drag white men by the throat through those streets for no other offence than standing in their way. A coloured man may in sult a white gentleman with impunity, and military rule prevents the white man from retaliation. But a New England colonel (white) of a coloured regi- tnent of former slaves threatened a white gentle- man for calling one of his men a "niggerc" and openly told his men to "mark him when he re- urned to the city." Thousands of negroes who have left sugar plan tations have lately been sent back under such circumstances as the following :—The owner of the place gives the United States quartermaster, or some other influential party a lien on the crop of sugar, in consideration of which supplies of pro visions are furnished at the yendor's prices; and further, 10 dols. per head per month is to be de ducted for each hand so engaged, of which 3 dots. is to go to buy cicthes for the negro, and 7 Bois. to the United States Government or other party to the contract. It is understood that these ncgroes are not to be coerced, and they of course do as little work as possible. None work over eight hours a day. .ff all the powers of darkness had been let loose to devastate a country, and give the people into irreconcilable hatred, rather than union ofsen timent or action, it could not have been more effec tually done. Robbery, deceit, and oppression cha racterise all the actions of the United States Go vernment towards the South. They don't care a straw for the slaves otherwise than as an instru ment to further their own purposes. Looking over the last *sheet, I find that my pen, in endeavouring to keep up with excited thoughts and an impatient mood, has rendered much that I have written almost unintelligible. I trust you may be able to make it out. With the termination of the war we may expect much more direct trade with Europe; the future expansio❑ of business at this port will be both ex tensive and rapid. I shall be most happy to an swer by letter inquiries that may be addressed to me here, either from yourself or your friends.— Yours very truly, * * j P.S. My two youngest brothers and cousin Harry are in the Confederate army. I should have great p:easure in presenting to you my Southern wife, one daughter, and five sous ; but I fear some time must elapse before this gratification, even in part, can be realised. SUCKING AND BLOWING THE MAIL. -- --AI-- Just 208 years have elapsed since the then Burgomaster of Magdeburgh, Otto von Guericke, invented the air-pui,,p, and astonished the Emperor of Germany at Regensburgh, by exhibiting the apparatus in action. By means of this contrivance he exhausted a tube wherein a piston was fitted and made to slide easily, and thus raised a heavy weight to a considerable height. Since the time of the ingenious and scientific burgomaster—who, it is some satisfaction to say. had previously been a student at Oxford University —many efforts have been made to employ atmospheric pressure in the performance of mechanical and industrial operations. These efforts have for the most part proved failures, commercially or practically, and we really have not succeeded to any ex tent as yet, in pressing the atmosphere into active service. Everybody remembers the various railway schemes on the atmospheric principle which, from time to time, have occu pied the attention of our cleverest mechanics, and all know that they have been abandoned. Mr. Brunel tried the sys tem in South Devon until the patience of the shareholders with whom he had to deal was exhausted more completely than the propelling tubes of the railway ever was by the application of his gigantic pumps, and then the whole of his costly apparatus was sold as old iron. The Kingstown-Dal key atmospheric line maintained its ground longer than any other, but at last yielded to the locomotive, and has ceased to exist. These aro certainly far from being encouraging facts, but they assuredly will not deter other inventors— worthy disciples of Otto von Guericke—from perseverance in the same direction. For their comfort, it may be men tioned, that in one remarkable instance, at least, atmos pheric pressure has been made subservient to mechanical art, and is employed efficiently and economically. The Coinage of the British Empire is stamped entirely by its force. We have not space nor time at present to enter into a description of the beautiful arrangement of air-pumps, vacuum chambers, levers, springs, and valves, by means of which impressions are given at the Mint, with rapidity and precision, to the coins which issue from that establish ment. It must suffice to Ail) , that the air we breathe lite rally coins the money we use, and- that therefore there is yet hope for atmospheric engineers. It is now proposed to make the atmosphere our General Postman, as well as our Chief Coiner, and we cannot see any practical obstacle to its becoming so. The only doubtful point—and it is one which actual experiment can alone solve—is the commercial one. That atmospheric pressure may be made to transfer letters and parce's by wholesale from the Land's End to John o' Groat's, is a certainty. That its employment, in lieu of other modes of transit, will effect advantages in a pecuniary sense is another question. The Pneumatic De spatch Company, which has new been in existence some two years, answers the important query affirmatively; and on a comparatively small scale they are essaying to demon strate the truth of their views.—Building News. COUNTRY MARKETS. I , WAKEFIELD—JAN. IG. The wheat trade is quiet to-day, and for good sorts late prices were realised. In beans, oats, and shelling there was no alteration. EXETER --JAN. 16. Wheat, white.. Gs 3d to . 6s 6d Barley.. ...... 4 8 3d t o 4 s 6d I Ditto red. .6s Od t o O s 6d Oats ........2s 9d tr, 3s Od Flour, fine, 36s to 37s ; seconds, 348 to 35s per sack.. CATTLE. We again had a small supply of all descriptions of stock to-day. Business dull. Fat beef, p sc., 10s6d to 1 lsOd Ewes, per l .... 51d to Gii Pork carcases, 7s 6LI to 8s 6d Wethers, d 0...., Old to 7u Lamb, p 1b.......—d to d Fat calves, d0...61d to 7.. Rough fat, 31d per lb. STAMFORD—JAN. 16. New wheat, 483 to 62s—red, 44s to 463 per 36 stone. Barley, 30s to 40s per qr. Oats, 20s to 26s per 24 stone. Beans, 40s to 44s per qr. COAL MARKET. iPrloes of Coal per Ton a 8. d. the close of the market. Walls End. Byass's Bekids 'West Hartley . ... 16 3 Cowpen Hartley 16 3 Hastings Hartley l6 3 Eden Main ...17 9 Carway and Dutfryn Malting 22 6 Do. Anthraeite 20 6 Wylam ..16 3 Holywell 16 3 Lambert's 'West Hart ley 16 0 North Pelton Ga 5...., 15 0 fanfield Moor Butes l3 6 West Hartley 16 3 Walker Primrose l3 0 Walls End. Cassop . 18 6 Ships at market, S d. T un s t a 1 1 0 South Hart1ep001......17 6 Braddyll's Hett0n.....18 3 flaswell l9 0 South Kelloe. lB 0 South Hetton 19 0 Burn l7 0 Harton ........ Hartlepool.. lB 6 Heugh Hall 17 9 Wharlieliffe 17 6 Stewart's .. 18' 6 Shiueliffe l7 6 Sheriff Hill 15 0 Mussel's Hetton 18 0 Trimdon Hartlepool lB 6 Peases West .15 6 131; sold, 121. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Auroralitt and Mauritius, via Southampton. Jan. 18. Marseilles ... Feb. 12 drazil and C ape Verds, by via British p ac k e t. F e b . 3. . Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena Feb. 1. China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton Jan. 18. Falkland I s l ands via Marseilles ...J an. 27. Gibraltar, v i a Southampton vi India (Bombay), v i a S out hampton a Jan. 25 Marseilles Jan. 27. . via Marseill es Jan. Portugal.... ............ ....Feb. 320. . Alulta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton...... Jan. 18. via Marseilles ........ Jan, 20. Newfoundland Oporto and Vigo U. S. and British N. Amarien, Ly Brit. packet Jan. 21. by U.S. packet b Canadian packet Jan. 10. W.C. of Af r i ca, M a d e i ra, and Ty eneritfe Feb. 10. Bahamas, via New York Jan. 15. Mexico All parts of W es t I n di es ....Jan. 28 . , includin Chili Californi a , an d British Columbiag .. , Peru, l Jan. 28. Births. GLEICHEN.—On the 15th inst., at St. J ames ' s Palace, the wife of Count Gleichen, Captain R.N., of a son. GRAY.—On the 14th inst., at Darey Lever Hall, near 801. ton, the wife of Captain William Gray, M.P., of a daughter. STITEA.—On the 9th inst., at Florence, Marchesa Flavia Stufa, of a son. BHOWNE,—On the 13th inst., at Cheltenham, Lady Ulick Browne, of a daughter. Marriages. BLOSSE —ORD.—On the 15th inst., at St. James's, West- Minster, Edward Lynch Blosse, Lieut.-Col., unattached, to Eulraia Bruce, youngest daughter of the late Harry Gough Ord, of Bexley, Kent, Captana R.A . nthe 15th i ns t. , at the parish Herts, by the Rev. H enr y P ar k er , PA c ß hu K r E c ß h, rector of Merton, Northumberl an d , and father of tho P i t r- o t ) i . r. :, t r. o i n r , s . bridegroom, Henry Parker, Esq., Low Elswick, New castle-upon-Tyne, to Mary, youngest daughter of Julin Phillip s , Esq., of Royston. [No cards.] 'I AYLOR—Mtrzs.—On the 15th inst., at Hackney, Com mander Alfred D. Taylor, Indian Navy, to Bessie Ann, eldest daughter of Mr. Richard Mills, of Richmond-road, Dzilston. Deaths. ALEXANDER.—On the 15th inst., at Clapham, Robert Alexander, Esq., aged 64. DAVIES.—On the 14th inst., at 13, New-roadrommereial road, David Davies, Esq., aged 70. HUDSON.—On the 15th inst., at 9, Wilson-street, Fins bury, Mr. Richard Hudson, aged 73. FO MST r E .Jam O es P. R. —n the 15th inst., at Ed g b aston, Warwickshire, Foster, aged 53. MILLER.—On the 15th inst., at St. Johnis,Walham-greent Edward Lockhart Miller, Esq. PnucETT.--On the 15th inst., at Rathgar, near Dublin, Charles Pinkett, Esq., aged 65. IVATKINs.--On the 13th inst., Powell W. Watkins, of Victoria-sheet, Westminster, aged 43. - - London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDREWS, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TiE SUN Office, No. 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the county ni wild 1 es ex.—Wurday, January 17, 11303. T The haviN 4 41115 Not , arran g !'rival and 13 (* Les. 6d. A 1\ 111M] Ttil Comic Prir Nevill Caner, Aft( 7, l knnuE Jee . que comic Littl, " T Mean 4,1 1 Shoes ahoy?' Two Two ; Th( (her 1 Little Job Thoi Da' Gnu Au ' m~ VII bacon "T larg e , her w Of the The t. 1 10 .ONV I t 0 ge TIE cc` te n si little atd t Th e 131 Colt' eas e , host Pa Pa Wo( CEL OD] The T 1 The Th( and Ceedl ii 0 ,oh, Clo v I 110 8 h( rile' SeQ