The Sun. — London, England, 1830-03-17 00:00:00

ation 1,1 " / I r E rig l ° ° [ity, the d4 o ' ions, pre' tatemen! crest d l3 ap pre at a 0 1 °' WC3 lO ' 'ere o) 4 ' In , a Oh certainlY:, y ; probably -ed g reat i my year n , ierehantal There greater Ile Hon. -chant of how how 16W inef. sueces 9 ' 'he ins& 'here in man!' ystew ° i ged the° truggling time ag° , 'ere were Mamie: and its it, an , ' ik trade , ere sva@ k, Ger rity i" The he P"" wand-led int than ships in Lint, he Agri mace, s of the he state a and a his in • ere had cotton, vith the In there artation se upon twenty & what Y. lie r would ::ountry he had )erty of y well nn that erica— d been Russia, fisted on ;y pre.- alma, nbitory been a h coin those farther ad inl and in reason anufae 7ts had ole, he of the correct under- nation: as he it hint haftes erested section sae not d those to poor I, how-- cation. ion to for to edion ry 29, is half a million of gold exported, making the whole amount • 26,80 0,000/. ; now, 2,000,000/. had been since supplied through the Mint. There were 19,000,000/. of notes of the B an k of England, and 9,000,0001. of notes issued by country bankers ; which made altogether 56,000,000/, of circulating medium, independent of the silver coinage. Now, there never were fifty millions of circulating medium before the Bank Restriction Act. This, therefore, showed him it was not circulating me dium, but confidence, that was wanting.—(Hear, hear.) He had next to observe, in answer to those Hon. Members who wished for a double standard, that there was much inconsistency in this. The House was about four years ago occupied in the simplification of measures: and now it was proposed to introduce a complication which would be of all others the worst ; for the price of necessaries would be suspended, like Mahoinet's coffin, between the two standards; and would corsform to neither. Others recommended a silver standard. This, in his mind, could have no pOwer to relieve the distress ; for they would have the same difficulties to encounter, and the same sa crifices to make in procuring a silver currency, that they had endured in acquiring a currency of gold. In a word, he thought they should remain as they were. The dis tress appeared to him to have arisen from bad harvests, and not from low prices. The price of corn four years ago, in the time of Mr. Canning, averaged 575. 41. a quarter. It was now higher—therefore, the absence of corn, and not the lowness of price, was the cause of the distress. One thing he wished to impress upon the House, and it was, that whatever might be their situation, they were under the influence of a price from competition, which compelled all persons to share alike in the public burthens. This was what he wished, as ail he asked for • was a fair proportion. Mr. SADLER commenced by animadverting on private communications from individuals, however respectable, be ing given to the House in proof of returning prosperity, in the face of the recorded allegations of numerous petitioners, and, after some observations on such a communicationlfrom Leeds, from the distressed stuff-manufacturers, of which he had, in the early part of the evening, presented a petition • e.--(llear, hear)—said—Sir, it is most painful to advert to the situation in which the industrious classes of society, or in other words, the great mass of the community, have been Placed for some years past—it is more than painful to re flect on the manner in which their just representations and demands have been treated. Alterations in the policy of the eountry, that policy by which the nation confessedly rose to an unexampled state of power and prosperity, have been recklessly made, and these alterations, Sir, have been succeeded by a depreciation not only in the nominal, but in th e rea l value of labour—by a ruinous diminution in the w ort h of though all its products, accompanied by no advan. tages wh atsoever but to one class of the community, who, a pitiful minority in point of number, have alone Profited b y this great and ruinous revulsion. I mean the public creditors, to whom must be added those who, whe ther seated on that bench, or allowed to expatiate where ever it may please them to expend the sums they derive from an over-burthened public, are sti pendiaries upon the country.—(Hear, hear, hear.) — Sir, the simple fact is, that every class of society but the mere capitalist, and the fundholder, the pensioner, and the foreign broker, to avail myself of a just definition of Locke applied to certain traders, are either in a state of extreme suffering or find themselves sinking to it ; and still it can be proved by these interested parties that the country is all the while prospering, or, when that assertion can no longer be ventured upon, that the distress is partial, and that it will be but temporary.—(Hear, hear.)—But, we are informed that things are already in a better state in the country. As compared with the winter months most certainly. It is the season of spring, and, if we are still to be fed even partially front our native fields, now, Sir, is the seed-time of the agriculturist of England. If we are still to be clothed by native in dustry, now, Sir, is the harvest of the manufacturer. As absurd would it be to suppose a spring without an increased degr ee of business asi one without a bud or a flower. But on the verdur e of spring there may be a blight more me lancholy to contempl ate than the barrenness and desolation of winter—(Fiear) . .—and spring as it is, I fear there is that blight on the once fair and opening prospects which this season was wont to open to honest industry. But, Sir, my fears fer the country under the existing policy of its present Government would not be much abated were a temporary gleam of prosperity to shine upon it. On the contrary, were I utterly hopeless as to the final result, I should expect such as the consequences of the subsiding efforts of a great and industrious people. The ebbing tide may occasionally throw up a bolder wave, and seem to vin dicate its former but it is all in vain if the mighty Lease of waters front Whence it flows is already subsiding and receding. No country has ever declined at once from its former superior state. without such fluctuations, and I confess I see much to apprehend in the issue of these ap palling alterations. In the comparatively short period of five or six years we have had two or three of them ; and we find ourselves it this moment, notwithstanding the mighty efforts which, t:he people of this country have made, with a declining revers tie, diminished w e alth, a n d a uni- versally dissatisfied people, while even the advocates of the new system deprecate these apparent returns to a former state as evidencing over-production and undue speculation. On all hands, then, these temporary gleams of properity (and would to God one• awaited us!) are only to be re garded as feverish exacerbations of that wasting disorder which is preying upon the %it'll of the country and pros trating its energies and strength. Such, without a figure of speech, I fear, is the condition of the country now. 1 am sure it has been so during the last few yea's. What, then, have been the causi!s which in so short a period have inflicted on this country at lessening intervals such a suc cession of sufferings, which have at every repeated visita tion inflicted still deeper calamities on the people? An inquiry into them is at once the most important and the most imperative dutyrof Parliament. We are, nevertheless, it a ppears, n o t to enter upon it. There are certain parts of hi s rm field o f inquiry which we are forbidden to explore, y and the are precisely have those in which the real calamities Principally originated. (Hear, hear.)—Sir, we can not appr oac h such inquiries so well, with such hopes of a true and beneficial conclusion, as when we review those mighty means of prosperity which still remain to us unimpai re d , s i mply because a ruinous policy cannot impair them--which remain unchanged because a changeful one cannot alter them. same country, favoured beyond a We inhabit the all others in soil ALind climate, unrivalled in its position, surrounded n the s ame ocean, the scene of its brightest glories, and, till of late, one of the most inexhwastible and cer tain elements of its wealth—we possess the same colonies, pouring into the lap of this country the riches of every soil and climate under the sun, and which they give to us in exchange for the products of British skill and industry --we possess capital equal to feed the commerce of the world —we have what is the superior, because that which itt the creator of capital—industry—(Hear, hear) — wholly unrivalled by any other nation, or even by this in any preceding age —we have institutions which are sup- Posed to foster and prot2ct that industry, and to secure that eapitsl, beyond any oth e r p eo pl e ; an d, Sir, all th e se itlealculable advantag es (any of which ought to be of itself t 4 source of prosperity) wis have now enjoyed during a tag and profound peace- -long, I say, in reference to a at . which w e h ave o f ten 'before experienced ; profound, °%v ever compared ; and still, Sir, the people are in uni ‘," ?1'551 distress—they are at t bat bar assertina . it—they are 'here demanding relief—they are demanding that relief Whi • ci ,`- 11 1 believe in my conscie nee we have it in our power t ? " t aw, and which I as ful; l y- believe nothing but an un r"!intable pertinacity in adhering- to a novel and absurd Lreitng Prevents us fom bestowing, and which, itself the 4 - "P. 4 'ing of Change, p and when ev'ery thing else has been e to be changeable, is, it appears, to be immutable, and eve n the sacred from inquiry. —(Hear, hear.)—Now, Sir, as i distre,el can be no longer denied or very successfully Pa hat e' it is really curious to learn what a number of b ee s have been assigned for it. It would . be amusing to . e their catalogue were it not too appalling to he a sub jrneeethof mirth. The Hon. Gentleman who has just preceded tithe 4.4 enumerated some of the causes which, from time to 1824 have been given for the distress of this country. In i n 186 he fanners were in fault; they produced too much— blaMe. t iv " li ttle. In 18 9 6 the English bankers were to production and land trotters, th e can perceive, "'my, as far as I Peasantry there, who do the mischief. Over harvests, E A under production, do t . good and too bad dry seaso baud alternately been appealed to ; 1627 was a choice and ' 1829 a wet one; in fact, nothing can equal the the • ' tanversa v of the reas alri,iet,y of the reasons whicii now apologize for one of last aistresses 0• the country.—(Hear.)—But ons for English distress deserves a moment', attention. Poor in some Other and It is discovered, I believe, that the ofcantueadfatuity of the neighbouring countries are in no prosperous condition. Sir, we want no better proof present system when its advocates other', with, till l ''' ' • country v t l i nce n° apology for the distress of their own a .a. Presentim, the picture of the wretchedness of in whatever t leir unnappy intermetthung, a tate eh o i , whether in peace or iu war, so inelan a Frenchman is ' y a contrast. ' ''' • fforded, But these free trailers now hold that if reason tha • distressed it is an abundantly sufficient have his Suffering t an Engliahtnan should be sill more so, and embitter s d by the change to which lie has ken submitted-a_ tation in saying to whj.)—nut, Sir, we have no hesi of the country. ny reyeeauses we attribute the distresses which the nation attain:mg that system of policy by . to its proud pre-eminerwe of wealth and power—by which its people rose to a pitch of prosperity and happiness previously untnown. Our wealth and capital are diminishing more rapidly than they were accumulated. If we review the advantages which this nation so pre-eminently possesses, of which do we now duly avail ourselves—which have we not practically. sur rendered? Our agriculture, that great and sustaining pursuit, the best field of advantageous employment, the truest and most permanent source of real wealth, we have discouraged by introducing a system of legislation, regard. ing it which, while it throws upon it the odium of a large ostensible protection, affords it no real one ; and we dis sipate large sums annually, furnishing a capital to foreigners, which will, when accumulated, be most certainly em ployed even against our manufactures, which might and ought to be principally retained, and which would thereby j afford additional and permanent employment to hundreds of thousands of our distressed people, and afford the necessaries of existence more certainly, and relatively cheaper, than they are at present. Regarding our fo reign possessions we surrender no inconsiderable part of our colonial trade to foreigners, who, therefore, reap the advantages without contributing an iota to the cost of those expensive establishments. We even admit into our home markets the products of foreign industry pre viously raised at home, supplanting, therefore, to a certain extent, the labour of our own artisans, of whom the ca pitalists and the tax-gatherers make unceasing demands, while the very competition lowers the value of home la bour till the rivalry is distressing, if not ruinous, to both. At a period when we are listening with some degree of complacency to wild and impracticable schemes of sending forth those of our people whom we confidently pronounce redundant, we admit the products of foreign labour without the least stipulation as to a mutually profitable exchange, whereby, to all intents and purposes, we receive, as to the consequences of such a policy,foreign colonists at the moment we wish to dispossess a part of our own people of their native country. We reason, Sir, upon principles of free trade ; we act upon contrary ones; we lay open our markets to foreigners without a single stipulation for a similar advantage; we talk of fair competition ; and we allow distant competitors to start with Britons for the prize and reward of industry, while we have laid upon the latter a load which they can hardly sustain, and which we have now doubled by our late operations on the currency. Free trade, Sir, were an excellent thing, a word of precious esteem in its just signification ; but a greater and more fatal delusion was never prac tised than the fallacy which passes under its name. I am quite aware that it is argued by political economy that trade without such stipulations and provisions will find its own level. Will our in cumbrances and taxes find their own level ? Are these to be shared by our competitors ? Sir, I am well aware things will find their own level. So ultimately will England, under so anti-national a system, find the level of the honest and most beggarly rivals with whom her artisans will have to compete; the level not merely of diminished wages, but that of wretchedness, from which the artificial system, so much and so ignorantly inveighed against, had, in a succession of prosperous generations, elevated our people.—(Hear, hear.)—l say, then, return to the principle of that system which in an evil hour you have deserted. and ever since which desertion you have ceased to prosper—ever since which you have over-wrought and underpaid a wretched and debased population. Let it be your purpose to develope and reward internal industry, of all sources of wealth the most important; of all them the only one necessarily permanent ; and in doing thus am fully persuaded you would, at the same time, extend and promote your foreign commerce more profitably and more certainly than you do under the present system.—(Hear.)— On these topics, however, I shall not now dwell, hut ad vert, and 1 trust shortly, to the often discussed subject, which has again been brought before our notice this night —I mean the currency ; and I do this more to clear myself and others from the absurdity often gratuitously imputed to us, titan from any hope that the present •Go vernment will acknowledge themselves guilty of one of the most unfortunate mistakes that was ever fallen into, or that they will have the magnanimity to acknowledge or re pair their error.—(Hear, hear.)—But, Sir, I advert to the subject of the currency with no hopes whatever of making the slightest impression on 11te gentlemen opposite, whether my views are right or otherwise. On this subject, Sir, we are not, it appears, to enter. Principles of policy, Sir, have been mutable enough ; but on the subject of the circulating medium, we are to be fixed and unchangeable. It is even a species of political blasphemy to call into question the propriety of the late revulsion. The very discussion is, as far as possible, interdicted to us. But, Sir, we have little hesitation in expressing our views upon this point, however hopeless we may feel regarding their adoption.—( Hear. )—Those of us who hold that under the circumstances in which this country is placed it ought to have a very plentiful circulating medium, hold that notion in reference to those circumstances only. The whole of the circulating medium of the country, be it little or much, or of whatsoever denomination, represents that part of the property of the country, of whatever kind, which is in iransitu. Tee amount of the circulating medium, therefore, is the amount of the monetary value of all that property, and the value of the floating pro perty fixed that of the stationary property of the country. It is obvious that the circulating medium fixes the mone tary value of all the property of the empire ; and that value is high or low as the circulating medium is plentiful or the reverse. It therefore adjusts all the relative values of property as well as the price of labour throughout the community. If, therefore, an insulated community had no other description of property than that alluded to, or, to speak more plainly, no public debt, or numerous private incumbrancea and engagements between individuals, any alteration in the amount of the currency would neither alter the position or yet the relative values of property or of labour in such com munity. Were that mediutn multiplied tenfold, or reduced to one-tenth of its present amount, the real and telative value of all things would be as fully re presented and as accurately preserved. If, Sir, when the crypt of the place where we are now deliberating was built the circulating medium was only a few hundred thousand pounds, the price of labour was, perhaps, but a penny a day ; but then that penny bore the same relation to the wants of labour and its consequent remu neration as the present wages of the same artisan does now. But, supposing you had imposed on the country a debt, the interest of which should have equalled in its amount half the circulating medium of the country, without increasing that medium, what then is ouid have been the condition of the artisan and of the people at large. Just what it is now, distress and ruin, for the circum stances are precisely identical.—(Hear.)—The immense public debt, therefore, of this country, and private en g-agetnents to an enormous amount, remaining nominally , the same as when the medium in which they were prin cipally contracted was so vastly greater, what is the con sequence ? The consequence is this—the diminished me dium increasing in its representative value in exact pro portion to its diminution in amount. You have awarded by this revulsion an augmentation of the claims of the public and private creditor to an equal extent—you have, by an operation as sure as any mathematical problem, in creased at once these vast incumbrances, and lessened the means of meeting them. Difficulties, confessedly great before, by whomsoever estimated, you have, I fear, ren dered insufferable. And still, Sir, you talk of keeping faith. Keeping faith with whom? With the public creditor forsooth. Has he not been kept faith with ? A debt lent at 50 or 60, and now worth 90. And, not content with this, you would recognise every integral period of this debt, contracted in paper, as due in gold, though neither the borrower or lender took any thing into account but the then existing state of things! Keeping faith, Sir ! Has not Parliament to keep faith with the poor debtor as well as with the overgrown creditor, think you ? It is not enough that the sixty should be reckoned as ninety, but that every pound of the ninety should pass, as contrasted with its worth at the period of the loan, for thirty shillings.—(Hear, hear.)----Sir, let us for a moment consider the nature of the terms of their engagements. What is capital? The accumulated products of human industry. What is debt? An engagement to render, at the time specified, that capital or that amount of human labour. In simple terms, the product of so many months, days, or hours of labour, according to the engagement. Sir, the precise term of that labour was fixed by the then cir culating medium, which, measuring the value of the results of human labour, measured the time it would demand to create or produce them. But you have altered the amount j of that medium, anti in so doing you have as advisedly sanctioned the demand of so many more months, days, and hours of labour front every industrious individual of the people of England, in order to fulfil the original engage ment. You talk of keeping faith with the public creditor, while you have cruelly broken it with the debtor, whom you oblige, not to pay in full, but to pay 30s. in the pound on the whole debt ; of fraud, when you have thus cheated him, defrauded him of the value dins labour and of all the comforts of litU which its due remuneration formerly afforded.—(Hear.)—But to place these facts in a more intelligible form. When the principal pat t of the debt was contracted it was contracted upon such terms as that you engaged to pay the creditor more than fifty million bushels of wheat per annum. Now, how do you keep faith between the agriculturist and him? Why, the farmer, owing to your resumption of cash payments, has at this moment to pay upwards of eighty millions of bushels of wheat. If you turn to the manufacturers, whether in the cotton, silk, iron, or whatever other branch, I say, they have to deliver to the public creditor (to say nothing of their private ones) nearly double the amount of their commodities, and while you thus legislate you.talk of keeping faith.—(Hear, hear.)—But, the effect of any great diminution in the circulating medium begin ning to be seen, it is now boldly asserted that there has been no such diminution, but rather an increase. Si,., this assertion amazes me, as it has every one else. The only apology for it is its utter ignorance.—(Hear, hear.) —Sir, the diminution in cash notes is vast ; that in bills of exchange still more immense ; in the credit of the coup• try the most efficient means of circulating the products of human industry, most of all ; and the value of all the pro perty of the country, and of its labour, has fallen accord ingly, while that of its ineumbr•ances has, consequently, proportionably increased and multiplied. But it is said that the consequences of this return to cash payments has slightly, if at all, altered the value of any thing in the. country, or had little, if any, effect on the condition of the country—at least I have so understood those who have de -1 fended the measure. Now, how does this confident asser tion coincide with another, which maintains that a return to the paper currency would create an extraordinary and artificial state of prosperity for a short season, which would be followed by one of suffering and adversity? So, it appears, the resumption of cash payments has had little effect, but the resumptio❑ of paper ones would have a most extraordinary one ! So utterly incongruous are the arguments, or rather the defences, of those who have been either parties or principles to this injurious measure.— (Hear.)—l confess, Sir, I hardly understand the posi tions of those who are the warmest in favour of this me tallic medium. They talk of a paper convertible into gold. Sir, as their own statements are now given forth, the present medium, exclusive of bills of ex change, is not by possibility so convertible. They descant upon a medium based upon the pret!ious metals, and yet their base is vastly smaller than the superstruc ture on their own showing. As well might the architect talk of placing a pyramid upon its apex as they to speak of basing our circulation upon gold. They talk also of the mischief of invading the King's prerogative in coining notes of one pound. Will they please to inform us whe ther that prerogative is any less infringed in coining notes of 51. each ? The assertion and the distinction is non sense.—(Hear.)—Sir, I equally dissent from the advocates of the metallic currency as to the superior advantages of that medium as they expressed them. If it curtails credit it does mischief; it then serves the capitalist solely at the expence of the industrious and enterprising part of the community. That it is a preservation against panic I deny; for the medium as at present constituted could not do that; and speculation and panic were known in this country, and to an extent not since experienced, before a pound note was dreamt of. Witness that overwhelming one in the former part of the last century. Sir, our no • tions, I think, are very contracted if we conceive that a gold medium is the sign of wealth, or the security of na tional prosperity. It is rather the proof of a semi-bar barous state of society. In thus expressing myself, it may perhaps be allowed me to say, that I never did contem plate the indiscriminate issue of worthless paper by irre sponsible individuals. On the contrary, I always be lieved, and I still retain that opinion, that issues of paper might have been tolerated, and even encouraged, on pro per regulations making such paper perfectly secure, and consequently superior to any joint-stock or other mono polozing companies which perhaps may, in these times of speculation, be established amongst us ; because such issues so secured would, under individual su perintendence, have been preferable to any founded on general and indiscritninate regulations. In a word, they would have given a preference to those, and those only, who were desirous of it. Sir, we are often asked, it has been often put to me, even in this House, what we would propose.—(Hear, hear.) — There does still seem to be a plan open to the country, but it is rather worse than superfluous to propound it.— With not the slightest hope of due attention from those who only wish us to state our views with a preconceived determination to ridicule and reject them, be they what ever they may, who deny the urgency of the moment and reject all inquiry, to propound our ideas is more, I repeat, than a superfluous task. In the mean time, one thing we may venture to assert,—the present plan of managing this country will not do—the plans of our present Ministers have failed, their predictions have been most lamentably falsified. The country, Sir, the mass of the people, is distressed, grievously distressed. The many are suffering. —(Hear, hear.) And it is my settled conviction that i❑ this state of things, not only the prosperity, but the in stitutions of the country are at stake. " Distresses," sees Lord Bacon, "are so many votes for sedition." I would have his Majesty's Ministers attend to this, and pus down such seditious by removing their cause. The country de mands inquiry. His Majesty's Ministers ought not to resist it ; it is due to their character ; it is due to the cha racter of this House to enter into a patient investigation of the causes of the present distresses, with a view to their rows val,—a course, Sir, which will console the people with the certainty that their condition engages the anxious attention of their representatives.—( Hear, hear.) I beg pardon for trespassing so long on the House, and will press upon its earliest attention, in three words, what I think essential to the relief of the people of England, namely, a snore effectual protection of British labour—a larger reduction of taxation—a fuller and securer circulating me dium.—(The lion. Member sat down amidst loud cheers.) Mr. IRVING explained. The letter he had read was not from Leeds, but Manchester. He had stated that the cloth-trade at Leeds was in a state of activity, and that the petition presented to the House—(Here the Hon. Member was stopped by a cry of " Spoke.") Viscount HOWICK rose to explain his reasons for resisting the motion. He complained, in the first place, of the rather severe language which the Hon. Mover had used towards those who differed from him in opinion. He (Lord Howick) was a party to no conspiracy to resist the line of policy the lion. Member recommended. It was a line of policy, which, if he (Lord Howick) could separate his own interests from that of tht country, would be highly to his advantage. He did not resist the motion because he thought there was no distress in the country; nor because he wished (to use the Hon. Mem. bees words) for an excuse to blink inquiry. His objection was to the form of the inquiry, which would be highly inconvenient in practice. What was meant by an in quiry by a Committee of the whole House?—(Hear, hear.)—and what were the subjects proposed ? The currency, taxation, protection to agriculture. These were the subjects to be discussed, and not the only subjects. Such an inquiry he held it to be the duty of his Majesty's Ministers to execute, and that every Member should prose cute similar inquiries, and if he could devise remedies, should come down to the House and state there.—(Hear.) —With respect to the policy of his Majesty's Ministers, he thought that their internal policy, in spite of occasional errors, was entitled to the thanks and approbation of the House. The Hon. Mover had said, that he proposed no particular measure ; but every Hon. Member must have perceived that there was such a measure in view,—the currency was the beginning, the middle, and the end of the Hon. Member's speech. —(Hear.)—A measure of this kind would, in his opinion, be a breach of faith, and benefit one class of the community at the expense of another. Amongst the errors and fallacies in the lion. Member's speech, there Wes, however, he must admit, a mixture of truth and sense. He (Lord Howick) agraed with him, and svith the lion. Member for Newark, in thinking that our circulation was not sec•arely fixed. He threw it out for the consideration of his Ma• jesty's Ministers whether the best means of depressing extravagant hopes, and of tranquillizing the country, might not be an inquiry into the condition of the currency, —an inquiry which was distinct from that proposed. Mr. lIERRIES, from the turn the debate had taken, was relieved from the task which he had anticipated, and from soliciting the indulgence of the House whilst he entered fully into the details of what ire had expected would be the topics of discussion. The Hon. Member for Shaftesbury (Mr. Davenport) had sapported his motion by so little argument, and had advanced so few topics which required an answer, that it was unnecessary for him (Mr. !Jellies) to dilate upon the subject. He was prepared to show that those who attributed the great portion of the distress of the country to the variation that had taken place in the currency, were altogether mistaken. But while he felt it right to abstain from this long detail, he must re quest the indulgence of the House while he made a few remarks on the main point of dispute between Honourable Members at opposite sides of the House—he meant the existence of distress, and the extent to which it prevailed in the country. It had been said by an Hon. Member on the other side, that great respect was to be attached to the testimony afforded by the number of petitions which had been laid on the table of the House, calling its attention to the state of the country. In this he fully concurred. He believed that all imaginable respect was to he paid to the petitions of the people, but he also believed that every respect was to be paid to the testimony of those lion. Members who undertilek to state what was their opinion of the state of those parts of the country with which thee were! best acquaint ed. lie could see no reaeon why the statement of the Hon. Member for &saltier (Mm'. Irving) was not as much entitled to respect as any of the statements contained in the petitions which he or any Hon. /sionistr felt it his duty to present. He (Mr. Henries) was in possession of inlOrmation as to the state of the country from private sources (dello greatest authority, (VIM which he was prepared to show that these who concluded that the distress in our agricultural and manufacturing districts was general through the country were greatly mistaken. He was prepared to show that the objections made to the expressions contained in the Speech from the Throne, as being more partial representa tions of the condition of the country thane the facts war ranted, were without foundation ; and the more this sub ject was investigated, the more the inquiry was pursued, and the snore information was received on it, the snore Hon. Members would find that the expressions used in that Speech were borne out by the fact. It would hardly be said—(Here some symptoms of impatience were evinced by several Hon. Members, who seemed anxious for the closing of the discussion.)—He begged the attention of Hon. Members for a short time while he briefly stated the grounds on which he had formed his opinion that there did not exist that general distress which some Hon. Members were disposed to believe. In the situation which he had the honour to hold, communications daily reached him with re spect to the condition of several important manufacturing and agricultural districts, from parties who had the best oppor tunities of judging of the facts which they stated, and of coming to the most correct conclusion as to the inferences to be drawn from them. Now he would state to the House the substance of a few of the communications of this sort which had reached him. Here the Right Hon. Gent. read some extracts from accounts which he had received as to the situation of the eastern and western parts of Scot land, and also as to the condition of some of the great ma nufacturing towns in the north and north-west of Eng land. The principal of these accounts were sent by Mr. Kirkman Finlay, of Glasgow, and Mr. Pym and Mr. Gott, of Leeds. They were to this effect, that in the east coast of Scotland, the employment of the best class of workmen was nearly the same as in 1826, but with respect to the lower classes, it was more variable ; but on the whole there was as much general employment in the whole line from the Forth to Aberdeen, as at any period since 1825. The accounts from Glasgow and the west coast were equally satisfactory. It was stated that trade was gradually improving, and that the weavers were generally employed, and in some cases at an advance of wages. He (Mr. Herries) spoke this in the hearing of many gentlemen from that country, who, if he were wrong, would no doubt set I him right. In the western coast of Scotland, then, he would say, according to the accounts he had received, there was inure appearance of reviving trade than there had been last year, or for many years back. Mr. Finlay, whose name would be a sufficient authority for what be stated, went on to observe, that along that whole line of coast he had mentioned, there was no depression either of the manu facturing er the agricultural interest ; that agricultural rents were paid, and that the condition of the two classes might, on the whole, be stated as satisfactory. The ac counts from places more south,—to come to Liverpool,—it wag not to be expected that in a place the trade of which was so extensive and various, some depression must I not be felt, when any d egree o f genera l d epress i on ex i ste d ; but with that allowance he would confidently state that the I general state of Liverpool was by no means one of distress, and in this he was sure he should be borne out by the tes timony of his two Hon. Friends the Members for that town. But to come to the great manufacturing towns. He would take for instance that of Leeds, and on the au thority the best in that town—that of Mr. Gott—he could state that the payment of wages was higher than fat some time past. This statement was confirmed by that of Mr. Pym, who stated, that having been fifty years engaged in the manufacture of fine woollen cloth, and considering the situation of those he employed, he could say that it was never better than at present. There was not, it was true, so much employment for children, as there was not so much doing in coarse yarns, but the employment of men and women continued as good as ever. He (Mr. Pym) employed 290 men, 87 women, and 57 children. Now another testimony as to the state of Leeds, he could state from answers given to queries sent round by an lion. Mem ber, who diligently sought for information as to the condi tion of the people in several parts of the country. Several of those were sent to Leeds ; and the 13th query was— " 'ro what do you attribute the depression of the working classes at Leeds ? " and the answer to it was—" There is no unusual depression amongst the working classes here." —(Hear, hear.)—Another account from Leeds showed, from the average wages of those employed in time manu facture of fine woollen cloths, that they were now paid better than in 1815, though not quite so high as in 1820. The distress which existed was chiefly amongst the weavers of stuff and other fancy articles, which had gone much out of use. The whole of these communications were made in the present month. The Right Hon. Gent. next quoted the testimony of an Hon. Friend of his, a Member, he observed, of the House, with respect to the state a aistrice, worch would show that those Hon. Members who looked only at the gloomy side of the picture did not correctly represent the actual condition of the country. It showed that the condition of the population in the west part - of Staffordshire was greatly improved, they were generally employed, and there was nothing of discontent amongst them. The business of Birmingham, Wolver hampton, and Walsall, were greatly improved, and they had lately got as many orders as in any years for a long time. It was true it was said that some of the ironmasters worked below a prollt—(Hear, hear)—but they made as much as the capital they expended, and the legislature could not, by any act, support moneyless speculators. The condition of the workmen themselves was greatly improved. He would not fatigue the House with longer statements, but he had received several other communications, all showing that the manufacturing interests were not in that depressed state which some Hon. alembers lepresented, and that there was a satisfactory prospect of still greater inimovement. I-hav ing shown this, he would now say one word as to the cause to which Hon. Members attributed that which he admitted to constitute the distress of the country,—the low price of labour, low profits, and low returns on in ' vestment. If Hon. Members attributed those to the changes in the currency, he could assure them they were much mistaken. He did not deny that the changes in the character of the currency had pro duced partial pressure, but what he did deny was, that that pressure was not so extensive as had been stated. ' With respect to what had fallen from a Noble Lord (Howick) opposite, on the subject of banking, he wished to say, that he concurred with the Noble Lord as to the importance of the subject, and willingly admitted that it was well worthy the consideration of the House, with a view to its affording greater facilities to the formation of branch banks, than time law at present permitted. It was well known to the House, that though some of the ob stacles which the Charter of time Bank of England placed in the way of such establishments had been somewhat te lexed in 1826, many other obstacles should be removed before time banking system of the country was placed on that broad basis of national advantage and stability, which he begged leave to assure the House, Ministers were anxious it should rest upon.—(Hear.)—The Right Hon. Gentlemen repeated, that it was the ardent wish of the Go vernment to place the general banking system of the coun try on that broad basis ; and that as soon as circum stances should permit. Ministers conceived, he said, that the joint stock banking system presented advantages to the public beyead those which the private banking could in the nature of things afford. There would be, in the first place, a greater security for the holder of the issues ; and, what was a still greater recommendation, arid should be an indispensable condition, sueli banks could en dure, and should be required to give, publicity of those issues.—( Hear, hear. )—This publicity was the great re commendatory feature—in fact the essence—of Joint Stock Banks—(Hear)—indeed, he would almost say it was pe culiar to such banks, as few private banks could endure, or ought in fairness to be required, to put the public in full possession of all their transactions.--e, (Hear, hear. ) The system he should like to see acted upon would be one similar in kind t.® that so long in force in Scot land ; for he thought none equally conducive to time wants, resources, and interests of the country.—(llear, hear.) — That system was, in his conviction, the best which Par , lianient could sanction, and was that which Ministers wished for, and would support, though they could not then take it upon them to spceify the period within which it should be adopted by them. In conclusion, the Right lion. Gentleman said, he should oppose the motion of the lion. Member, as he conceived it could only tend to keep the public mind in a state of agitation without any coun terbalancing advantage. The remedy for the present dis tress was not in the power of Parliament ;—it was to he sought for in the innate energies of time country alone. That distress was not confined to Great Britain—it ex tended over the commercial world. and arose from causes over which there could not in a free state be a legislative controul. The Right Hon. Gentleman read an extract from time report of Mr. Lincoln, the Secretary to the Bout] of Trade of the United States, in order to show that that gentleman tools the same view of the causes and e xtent of the present general distress with that enter tained Ministers. To the concluding s t e a n in te et n i ce by of l A 6 i s r,, Lincoln's report he wished to direct the b es t attention o f t h e House. " The distress has arisen," observed that gentleman, " from a variety of complicated causes, for which political power has no remedy. It is on the active energies of man in pursuit of individual, and through it, of the general interest, that a wise legislature should rely for the relief of that distress to which it was no part y, and could have no unobjectionable remedy."— llar ? hear. )—S o w i t h hi s Majesty's Government with respect to the dist ress whi c h thus Hon. Member had (e brought that evening under the consideration of the House. For that distress they looked with confidence to the innate resources of the country for the best and speediest re medy.—( Hear, hear.) - Sir C. BURRELL was anxious that an inquiry should be instituted into the causes and probable remedies of the present condition of the country, but should prefer an im partially select committee to one of the whole House, as proposed by the Hon. Member for Shaftesbury. With the view of obtaining a select committee he should propose as an amendment to the Hon. Member's motion, that a " select committee be appointed to inquire into the cause of the present distress, and into the remedies for that distress " Alderman WAITHMAN seconded the amendment. On the question that it he put from the chair, Mr. FERGUSSON proposed—" That the further con sideration of the motion before the House be adjourned till Thursday." • The further debate was accordingly fixed fur Thursday next. Mr. BRIGHT wished to know from the Right Hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer when he intended to sub mit to the House his statement of the tendency and details of his intended Bill respecting stamps. , He hoped that time would be afforded between the delivery of that state ment and the forwarding the measure to be founded upon it through its stages, in order that the public, who felt a deep interest in the matter, might have time to express its opinions on its tendency. This delay would be the more necessary, as no petition could be presented against it till the measure was before the House, it coining under the denomination of a Money Bill. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the object of his intended Bill was merely to simplify what was intricate and obscure in the present Stamp Acts. The Hon. Member would therefore, he was sure, at once see the inexpediency of departing from the usual practice of the House, by his making a statement like that which the Hon. Gentleman had just asked for; the rather, as the Hon. Gentleman could olita'n all the information he re quired from reading the schedule of stamp duties. Adjourned at a Quarter to One o'clock. LISe. OF EIGHTY-THREE, WI T OF THE MINOR 'OO VOTED AGAINST T 1 )R DISFRANCHISING GA: Fortescue, flora. G. Greene, 'is. G. Howick, Lord Honywood, W. P. Jephson, C. D. Kekewich, S. T. Knight, It. Kemp, T. H. Lamb, Hon. G. Lambert, J. S. Labouchere, H. Langston, J. H. Lester, B. Lloyd, Sir C. Martin, John Marshall, W. Maberly, J. Macdonald, Sir J. Maitland, Viscount Marjoribanks, S. Monck, J. B. Morpeth, Viscount Northcote, H. S. Nugent, Lord D. O'Connell Palmer, C. F. Poyntz, W. S ,Pusey, P. IITY LIE TIIIRD READING Or ,ST RETFORD. Pendarves, E. V 7. l'rotheroe, E. Rice, T. S. Robinson, G. R. Itohinson, Sir G. Robarts, A. W Rumbold, C. E. Sefton, Earl of Stanley, Hon. E. G. Sykes, D. Smith, R. V. Tennyson, C. Thomson, C. P. Uxbridge, Earl of Ward, J. Warburton, H Webb, E. Wells, J. Wilbraham, G. Whitbread, S C Wood, C. Wood, Alderman Wrottesley, Sir J. Winnington, Sir 'l'. Whitmore, W. W. TELLERS. Hobhouse, J. C flume, Joseph THE Bill. 1 , 01 Althorp, Viscount Blake, Sir F. Brownlow, C. Buxton, T. F. Bernal, R. Baring, A. Batley, C. H. Baring, W. B. Burdett, Sir F. Clive, E. B. Calvert, C. Cholmelev, M. Clifton, Viscount Cole, Sir C. Cavendish, W. Cavendish, C. Cradock, Col. Davies, CoL Duncombe, T. nuncios, Hon. T. nuncios, Hon. Sir R. Denison, W. J. Dawson, A. Ebrington, Viscount Fazakerley, J. N. Fyler, T. B. Ferguson, R. C. lergusson, Sir It. FROM THE GAZETTE OF LAST NIGHT. Whitehall, March 12, 1830. The King has been pleased to present the Rev. John Hobart Seymour, M.A., to the rectory of Northchurch, in the county of Hertford and diocese of Lincoln, void by the death of the Rev. F. H. Barker. The King has also been pleased to present the Reverend Robert iNleiklejohn to the church and parish of Strathdon, in the presbytery of Alford and county of Aberdeen, vacant by the resignation of the Reverend Doctor George Forbes. \Vat-Office, March 1.5. MEMORANDUM. his Majesty has been graciously pleased to approve of the 92d Foot being permitted to bear on its colours and appointments, in addition to any other badges or devices which may have been heretofore granted to the Regiment, the words—Corunna, Fuentes d'Honor, Vittoria, Pyren nees, Nive, and Orthes,—in commemoration of the distin guished services of the Regintent in the actions fought at Corunna, on the IGth January, 1800; at Fuentes d'Honor, on the sth May, 1811; at Vittoria, on the 21st June, 1813; in the Pyrennees, in the months of July and August, 1813 ; in the passage of the Nive, i. the month of Decemhp , ISI2 : 0,1 at Ortho', on rettruary, 1814. His Majesty has also been graciously pleased to direct that, in commemoration of the gallant conduct evinced by the 92d Foot, in the attack of the forts and destruction of the bridge of Almarilz, on the 18th of May, 1812, the Re giment shall be permitted to bear the word " Almaraz" on its colours and appointments, the same mark of distinction hiving been already conferred on the both and 71st Regi ments, which were engaged in that service. War-Office, March 15. Regt. of Life Guards—Capt. A. Pilkington, from half-pay unattached, to be Captain, vice J. W. Cuthbert, who exchanges, receiving the difference, dated Jan. 28, 1830 ; Lieut. G. T. Bulkeley to be Captain, by purchase, vice Pilkington, who retires ; Cornet and Sub-Lieut. J. Roche to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Bulkeley ; and P. Blackburn, Gent. to be Cornet and Sub-Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Roche, dated Jan. 29, 1830. Royal Regt. of Horse Guards—Cornet G. A. F. Viscount Ford wich to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Lord Welles ley, promoted, Feb. 27. To be Cornets by purchase—J. M'Lean APKenzie Grieves, Gent., vice Gascoigne, who retires, Feb. 16 ; Hon. H. Pitt, vice Viscount Fordwich, Feb. 27. • To be Adjutant—Lieut. T. P. Crosby, vice Shelley, who resigns the Adjutancy only, Feb. 16. 4th Regt. of Light Dragoons—Cornet E. Ellis to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Ainslie, promoted, March 16. 6th 11, , gt. of Dragoons—Lieut G. Vandeleur, from the half-pay, to be Lieutenant, vice O'Neill Segrave, who ex changes, receiving the difference, Mardi, 16 Coldstream Regt. of Foot Grain's—Ensign and Lieut. Lord M. W. 3rahatn to be Lieutenant and Captain, by purchase, vice Lord Graves, who retires, March 16. Ist Regt. of Foot—Lieut. A. J. Lawrence, - from half pay, to be Lieutenant, vice W. R. Burrow, who exchanges, receiving the difference, March 16. 3(1 Foot—To be Lieutenants—Ensign J. Johnstone, without purchase, vice S. Robins, who retires upon half pay as Ensign of the 18th Foot, March I6.—Ensign D. M.' Cameron, by purchase, vice Kenyon, who retires, March 17. To be Ensigns—Ensign W. A. Ward, from the half-pay of the 18th Foot, vice Johnstone, March 16 ; G. Lonsdale, Gent., by purchase, vice Cameron, March 17. sth Foot—Lieut. R. F. Poore, from half-pay, to be Lieutenant, vice T. Le Merchant Saumarez, who ex changes, receiving the difference, March 16. 13th Foot—Lieut. R. Bolton, fiom half-pay, to be Lieutenant, vice Moorhouse, appointed to the 56th Foot, March 16. 17th Foot—Lieut. W. B. 13al1, from half-past 71st Foot, to be Lieutenant, vice Allez, appointed to the 53d Foot, March 16. 20th Foot—Lieut. C. J. Bergner, from half-pay, to he Lieutenant, vice Palmer, whose appointment has not taken place, March 16. 29th Foot—Lieut. C. W. Webster, from half-pay 31st Foot, to he Lieutenant, vice P. S. Fitzgerald, who ex changes, March 16. 33d Foot—General Lord C. 11. Somerset, from the Ist West India Regiment, to be Colonel, vice General Sir J. C. Sherbrooke, deceased, Feb. 22 48th Foot—Brevet Major J. Agnew, from half-pay Malta Regiment, to he Captain, vice Greville, who retires, March 16. 53d Foot—Lieut. J. IL Alle7, from the 17th Foot, to be Lieutenant, vice C. Binstead, who retie-s upon half-pay 71st Foot, March 16. 56th Foot—Lieut. H. Moorlouse, from the 13th Foot, to be Lieutenant, vice J. H. Hu nfrey, v,lio retires upon half-p ty. March I 75th Foot—Capt. F. Hammond to be Major, by pur chase, vice Browne, promoted ; Lieut. J. I). King to be Captain, by put chase, vice Hammond ; Ensigo W. Sutton to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice King ; G. Collier, G:nt. to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Sutton, Alarch 16. 83d Foot—Lieut. R. Colquhoon to be Captain, by pui chaee, vice Mee, who retires ; Ensign G. Blakeney to to Lieutenant, by purchase,vice CO011°1111; Ensign J. Pringle, from the 92d Foot, to be Ensi.;ti, vice 131akeiiv, ilLoich 16. 9211 Foot—R. Cross, Gent. to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Pringle, appointed to the 83d Foot, /11,rcli 16. 95th Foot—J. J. Wbitting, Gent. to be Ensign, with out purchase, vice Northey, deceased, Match Rifle Brigade—Lieut. A. J. Lawr ence, front the Ist Foot, to be Lieutenant, vice R. IL White, who retires upon half-pay Ist Foot, Marc! , 17. Wetoss, who ret ires , M arc h 16. Ist West India Regt.-314 , r -( wn• Sir P. Maitiat d, K.C.B. to be Colon el, vice Gn. Lord C. H. S omerset, appointed to the 33d Foot, Fei,, 22. Capt. W. W. Ashe, from half-pay 39th Foot, to be UNATrAelmn. Captain, vicey 111iijor B. C. Browne, from th 75,111 Foot, to be u tenant-Colonel of Infantry, by pnrcl,aw ; Lieut, p, P. Ainslie, from the 4th Light Dragoons, to be Captain of Infantry, by purchase ; Lieut. G. Weston, from the 4th Light Dragoons, to be Captain of Infantry, by purchase, March 16. BREVET Capt. J. Gallwey, of the 6th Foot, to be Major in tie Army, Aug. 12, 1829. MEMORANDA. Lieut.-Col. 11. Smart, of the Royal Engineers has been allowed to retire from the service by the sale of an unat• tached Commission, March 16, 1830. The Christian names of Ensign Gordon, of the 79th Foot, are George James. The Christian names of Ensign Fisher, of the Wd Foot, are Arthur Sandilands. The date of Major Edward French Boys's commission in the 45th Foot is to be Feb. 3, 1829, instead of De cember 24, 1829. DECLARATION OF INSOLVENCY Richard Hawke, Penzance, Cornwall, baker. BANKRUPTCIES SUPERSEDED. Robert Moody, Romsey, Hampshire, plumber. John Schofield, Middleton, Lancashire, coal-dealer. BANKRUPTS. _ . _ --- - - Louis Pecqueur, Paddington-street, Marylebone, 11 p holsterer, to surrender March 23, at eleven, 26, at two, and April 27, at eleven, at the Court of Commissioners. Smith, Basinghall-street. David Evans, Lanwennog, Cardiganshire, grocer, March 26, 27, and April 27, at one, at the Commercial Rooms, Bristol. Smith and Buckerfield, Red Lion-square ; Franklyn, Bristol. John Embrey Wood, Shrewsbury, tanner, March 29, 30, and April 27, at eleven, at the Fox Inn, Shrewsbury. Philpot and Stone, Southampton-street, Bloomsbury, Lon don ; Kough, Shrewsbury. Charles Perkins, Worthing, Sussex, coach proprietor, March 26, at five, 27, and April 27, at eleven, at the Sea Horse Hotel, Worthing. Waugh, Great James-street, Bedford-row, London; Edmonds, Worthing. James and Abraham Lonsdale, Manchester, silk-ware housemen, March 30, 31, and April 27, at two, at the York Hotel, Manchester. Hurd and Johnson, Temple, London ; Hatfield and Grave, Manchester. Phineas Somerfield, Bloxvrieh, Staffordshire, victualler, March 24, at five, 25, at eleven, and April 27, at three, at the Union Inn, Birmingham. Turner and Pearce, Bloomsbury-square, London ; Healey, Walsall. John Barrick Hayton and Thomas Fotherley Bell, King ston-upon-Hull, brokers, April 2, 13, and 27, at eleven, at the George Inn, Kingston-upon-Hull. Brown, Hull ; Shaw, Ely-place, Holborn, Luadon. Mark and William Wainwright, Leeds, woollen-cloth manufacturers, March 23, 30, at twelve, and April 27. at eleven, at the Court of Commissioners. Fisher, Wal brook-btldings. _ _ William Bristow, Horsteail, Norfolk, builder, April 2, 3, at four, and 27, at two, at the White Lion Inn, Nor wich. Austin, Gray's-Inn, London; Staff, Norwich. Henry Vere Thredder, jun., Barking, E,ssex, smack owner, March .23, at one, 30, at three, and April 27, ;:r two, at the Court of Commissioners. Stratton and Over ton, Shoreditch. William Ward, Coventry, ribbon-manufacturer, April 1,2, and 27, at one, at the King's Head Inn, Covent, y. Herring and Baxter, Lincoln's-Inn-fields, London ; Wood cock and Twist, Coventry. John Chambers, West Keal, Lincolnshire, draper, March 22, at six, 23, awl April 27, at eleven, at the Masons' Arms Inn, Louth, Lincolnshire. Hall and ilisLop, Serjeant's Inn, Fleet-street; Brough, Boston. John Garlick, Balsall, Arden, Warwickshire, tloor dealer, April 1,2, and 27, at eleven, at the King's Ilead Inn, Coventry. Fleming and Baster, Lincoln's Inn-fiklis Woodcock and Twist, Coventry. Thomas Kirkhouse, Alerthyr-Tydfil, Glamorganshiro, grocer, March 22, 23, and April 27, at two, at the C.m mercial-rooms, Bristol. 13ritran, Baaingball-street ; and Brittan, Bristol. Charles Webb Coleman, Bond-street, auctioneer, March 23, at one, March 30, at three, and April 27, at two, at the Court of Commissioners. Robinson and Sons, 11,1 - Moon-street, Piccadilly. Charles Roberts, Leeds, Yorkshire, clock-maker, Nlarch 19, at twelve, 20, at eleven, and April 27, at one, at the Court House, Leeds. Jones, John -street, Bedford-raw ; llick, Leeds. Mark Holmes, Leeds, Yorkshire, builder, April 10, z:t eleven, at the office of Mr. Soulby, Leeds, 12, and 27, at twelve, at the Court-house, Leeds. Wigletworth and Ridsdale, Gray's-Inn-square, London; Soulby, Leeds. DIVIDENDS. R. Smith, Manchester, muslin-manufacturer, April 8, at one, at the Eagle and Child Inn, Wigan, Lancashire- T. W. Stansfeld, H. Briggs, H. Stansfeld, and H. Stuns feld, Leeds, merchants, April 8, at twelve, at the Sessions house, Leeds-J. H. Glanham, Roinford, Essex, grocer, March 26, at eleven, at the Court of Commissioners-H. Jones, Brecon, builder, April 7, at one, at the Castle hotel, Brecon-R. Chees,ment, Bishop Wearmouth, Durham, wine -merchant, April 8, at one, at the Midge Inn, Bishop Nirearmoutll-11. Cooke, Nottingh am , watch maker, April 6, a t e l even , at the Court of Commissioners -R. Burbery and G. J. Wi g l ey , C :: .,, antry, ribbon-ma nufacturers, April 27, at ten, at the of Commis sioners-E. and W. Fetlierbridge, Whiteeoauel, linen drapers, April 27, at eleven, at the Court of Caimmis sioners-H. Askham, Norfolk-street, Strand, tailor, April 1, at eleven, at the Court of Consmissioners-William Bainbridge, Ryder's-court, Leicester-square, cordwainer, April 6, at two, ut the Court of Commissioners- G. Bell, Regent-street, tailor, Mar.li 26, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners-E. W. Gsrbett, Hercules Hall, Lambeth, zinc -manufacturer, March 96, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners--W. Hughes and W. Paris, New bury, Berkshire, linen-drapers, April 16, at twelve, at the Court of Commissioners-C. Robinson, senior, New Brentford Whart; Middlesex, wharfinger, May 7, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners-J. Hall, Rupert-street, Goodman's-fields, victualler, March 26, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners-J. Dew, Bristol, brewer, April 6, at two, at are Bush Tavern, Bristol-J. Rexworthy, Wells, Somersetshire, currier, April 7, at one, at the Bash Tavern, Bristol-D. Briggs, Hinckley, Leicestershire, inn holder, April 6, at one, at the Bull's Head Inn, Hinckley -T., G. F., and J. W. Brame's!, Swinton, Wirth-upon- Dearne, Yorkshire, manufacturers of eartherware, April 10, at two, at the Office of Messrs. W. and E. Newman s Barnsley-J. M. Ardlie, Hunsrlon, Hertfordshire, master mariner, April 6, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners- A. Symmonds, Thomas-street, Kennington-common, car penter, April 6, at eleven, at the Court of Giminissioirers -T. Perrin, Marlborough, ebeesemonger, April 15, at two, at the Rummer Tavern, Bristol-J. Oxley, Barnsley, butcher, April 12, at IGur, at the Police-office, Barnsley- W. :Hors-fall, Wakefield, spirit-merchant, April 16, at twelve, at the Court-house, Wak.-field-W. Green, J. Green, H Sampson, and R. A. Smith, Sheffield, manu facturers of metal wares, April 8, at one, at the Commer cial Inn, Sheffield-J. Grayston, Bury St. Edmunds, cut ler, April 6, at one, at the Six Bells Inn, Bury St. Ed munds-T. Watson, Longeight, Blanchester, dealer, April 8, at three, at the York Hotel, Manchester- J. Williamson and T. Rishworth, Keighley, Yorkshire, worsted-spinners, April 15, at ten, at the Talbot Inn, Bradford-W. Morgan, Llanelly, Breconshire, butcher, April 9, at twelve, at the King's Arms Inn, Abergavenny- A. S. Wintle, Mark-lane, merchant, April 6, at three, at the Court of Commissioners-S. Worrell, Br istol, banker, April 15, at one, at the Bush Tavern, Bristol-J. Bridges, Bristol, brewer, April 6, ut twelve, at the Buvh Tavern, Bristol-J. Jones, Upper Brook-street, Grosvenor-square, tailor, April 6, at eleven, at tire Court of Commissioners -J. F. Bennallaek, Truro, scrivener, April 6, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners. CER IIFICATES.—Aran G. and J. Thackrey, Leeds, merchants—J. Corker, Leeds, saw-tnanufacturer—H. W. Warington, Johnson's street, Back-road, Shadwell, brewer—C. Arnold, Walcot, Somersetshire, bookseller—W. Robinson, jun. Liverpool, tnerchant—E. Parsons, Leeds, potter—H. A. Horneman, Threadneedle-street, tobacconist—A. Wanton, Cannon_ street, City, boarding-house-keeper—AL Crake, Norton street, Alary!ebone, Brett, jun., Luton, Bed fordshire, dealer—J. Stratton, Alidford-place, Tottenham court-road, veneer-cutter—S. Lee, Church-row, New ington, master-mariner—G. H. Stevens, Lyme R gis, Dorsetshire, lime-burner. PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. T. J. Breeds and John Mannington, Hastings, Sussex, rope and sail makers—R. W. Rice and T. Faizelough, Liverpool, joiners—S. and J. Hardy, Wisbeach, L•le Of Ely, drapers—C. Boncey, J. A. Cutten, H. S. M'Adams, T. Lame!, and J. Cooper, Margate, coal.merehants—W. and T. Hindmarsh, Sunderland, grocers,—R. and T. Wheddon, Watcher, Somersetst:ire, coal-dealers—B. Mundy and F. Walker, Old Broad-street, tea•dealers—A. Clone and W. Dixey, Collyweston, Northamptonshire, slaters —T. and J. Crosbie, jun., Birmingham, casters— J. Hearne and H. C. Smith, Liverpool, merchants—W. Langley, jun., and J. Buckley, Bromsgrove, millwrights— J. White, T. Young, T. Dawson, and E. Leadbitter, Deptford, Bishopwearinoutk, flint glass manufacturers.— J. Dynes and A. Barker, Ipswich, Suffolk, coal merchants Smith and A. Cadman, Digbeth, Stafford shire, grocers—J. Hunt and H. B. Whitehouse, Coseley, Sedgley, Staffordshire, coal-masters--G. Barnett and A. Brangwin, Harpsden, Henley-upon-Tharacs, Oxfordshire,