The Sun. — London, England, 1830-07-29 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS, The news from Parie, which we announced yester day, was of the important character which we us signed to it.. The City, the Stock-Exchange, Ministers, we believe, and the public we are sure, were astounded at it. The situation of a Govern= meet to which the Legisiative Body is likely to re fuse the necessary supplies, is no doubt critical enough, and demands energy and decision ; but the blow has been struck before the provocetine has been given by the newly-elected Chamber of Deputies. The Ordinance of the King of France, upon the Report of his owtt Ministers, has entirely changed the Constitution of the country into a purr despotism.- The French have been titled to des potisms pure enough, uo doubt --that is, not tinc tured with any stain of liberty ; but then theme was an army to enforce the system. Wh et h er t h e present reigning family possesses that physical streegth, or any other in lieu of it, will be proved by the result. If victorious, it may be staid, as of old, rietrir coma diis sed data Caroni. It is a mere sophism to say that such a crisis was provided for by any articles (0. the Charter. The Ordinaece by the King of Franca of the .25th instant, is the act of a Dictatorehip, upon the principl e ere quid dvirtthetdi, justifiable &e. fr it were in reason, sold can be up held by force, so much the betel. for the King of France, and so much the wtsrse for the constitutional Iferties of the French people llowever, if a native tress cannot be tolerated, let us take care that a foreign one do not inflame the quarrel, and afford pretexts; itt least so long as our own rights are tine assailed. That oer readers, however, may eompre fiend the full exzent of the revolmioe Which the Royal decrees have effeefed, we need only enume rate some of their derails; but before we enter u p on them, we may be allow e d to state, that the -French Ministers justify the necessity of change on false around.. They sense the Press of sedition, bee cause they themselves happen to be unpopular,— they proclaim that the electoral laws, solemnly Rance boned by succeseice legisletures are disorgelfzing and anti-monarchical, beesit , e, through them, they have felled its commending a majority in the Chamber ; vet, inetead of leaping overboard, and leaving their Royal Master in safety from the storm which they alone hall provoked, they insist upon guiding the vessel among rocks and quicksands nt the 'hazard of exciting ti mutiny among the crew, and endangering the lives of all. The ordinance for suspending the liberty of the Press enacts that no journal can be published without the authority of Government, and that such authority may be withdrawn ‘ebenever Goverment pleases. Thus the Journal ring DM:, or any other popular journal, may he stopped whenever a prefect of police, or any subaltern of the Administrntiote considers himself aggrieved by its strictures. A rigid censorship is to he enforced every paragraph will be discussed by the emery., with their red-ink or thole scissors In their bands, and the public will know juts as much as their ,masters choose. All the benefits to be derived from free discussion are thus at once destroyed. No political rights can be defserded, and no political wrongs can be denounced, smeiithout the permission (which it will be impossible to obtain) of those whose conduct is implicated. Thus, in the 10th century, in n time of profound peace, an t amid - a naCon which is allowed to abeued in all the elements of public prosperity, an enlightened and able Press is not to be Unrested with the privilege of nu independent ex pression of praise or censure. The grounds on which this despotic decree is justified would warrant the continuance of the censorship for ever. The ,journals under all the different Ministers since the restoration are described Its engines of disturbance and disorder, and hence it is inferred that under no circumstances eau they be left free. The most un• founded charges are brought against them to justify the most impelitie restrictions. Hence we are told that they revealed to the ene - ny the preparationa for the Algerirse expedition, and that they ealum. :dated the army of which it was composed. At. unitive readers, as we ere bound pro'essionally to be, of the French newspapers, we hate seen nothing In them to exempt this statement fr o m the charge of misr e pr esen t at i on . The opposition made to the measures of time present °thine has always been ardent, and often unjust; but it ought to be recollected, that a weak end unpopular Ministry, which Must provoke abuse in proportion to its errors or incompetency, can always provide for itself heror e haed a justifieuthln of its tmeonstitutionsl vio lence. The demolition of the popular Chamber is nearly as complete as that of the periodiesl . Press. The ordinance which new models it, reilorie's:that assembly' from the number of 430 Member to 258, destroys the franchises of thretefour Its of the elev.; tors,-places in' the hands of the privileged few, who formerly composed the departmental colleges, the power of choosing all the persons to he nick earned the deputies of depertments, 7 -narrows the whole electoral body of France to. about 8,000 or 10,000 individuals, whom the prefects may manage in their different districts as easily as close borough are managed in Englatule—gives the prefects the power of settling even these limited lists, without permittitag the right of challenge to third parties,-.. sweeps away time legislation of 16 years,—und converts into an instrument of taxation an as, earthly whose chief duty ought. to make them a check on its expenditure. The privilege ree served for the electors of arrondissement to return half the candidates to be. ultimately sent to the Chamber by the departmental colleges is of rio value, as it can have little effect on the ultimate se teethe'. But the authority to which the Fretich Ministry refer to justify the direct ititerference of the Crown in the present instan ce, is probably as objectionable as that interference itself. The Nab artiele of the Charter is to the following effect a-s-! " The King is the suprente chief of the sette e .- commands the forces by sea and lantl,e-deciares war,—makes treaties of peace, of alliance and emu- tierce,—nominates to all employments of the public administration, and makes the regulations and ordi. now, necessary' fur the ezeodion q/ th e lows and the , Weil/ I f the stole." It 'argue. no amell inge nuity tits perverting the pleirtest language, totted in this passage of the Choler -(which describes and limits thepowerintrueted to the executive) a war rant for assuming sll power, both legislative, and ex= eutive. If the interpretation put upon it la th e roya l oreir o m ea be admisaible, then time Chatter reserves to the King the power of destroying that same Charter whenever, and ip whatever mama, it may shit him 1 The' quibble would be coutemptible, even in time heeds of a special pleader. Time" or dinances and regulations alluded tO, must be in tumfertnity with existing laws, and not destruc tive of them,--the " safety of the state" is to be provided for by the preservation, and not by a direct itenthilation, of its necessary institutioes. By the same authority, the Crown might at mire aboliblt the three or four codes, and shot tap the courts of justice. State neeeasity, in the bands of arbitrary Ministers, might be pleaded for the abolition of every popular right, and the establishment of un "'smiled end u n c ontrollable despotism. If any thing could add to our regret at the immediate effect these tmeoemitmitionel proceediegs it would be the fe t al uncertainty which they throw around time Olified destiny of our neighbours, and the 1 3vh . icii they occasion of arbitrary eharigeiell c's~utletMnet: iii itilomp'ecelrebrioretietitutisitiairt :m a te ?tim. is of y such precipitates and is lost—no and we may apply to the poli t l e l 7 ,419 ; ( 1, 4140011 ; the language employed by th e 1 "," scribing the unstable anti chaoti c , wor et o P r r n .'" "e -" mine niadrum moles lists prineiplor4:""4: Cormribus na ll a ; quiet nil est /lentil-No instant' Qua qulsi eorybore, et sides !Ili polo* postint.!! We need settecely mid that time Count:Mori of French Crown on this Occasion Can receive no Rappo r t ()r countenance from any.pnrty—Whig or Tory—in power, or out of pow er , in this country.— The contents of the express which we gave yes terday from Paris are of fearful importance. In a , moment, and by the expression of his arbitrary • will, the King has subverted the Charter and yen . evlled the conditi ons o f t h e Restoration) There I have been peindar and there have been regal reeo lutionst this is of the latter sort: The Ordinance of the King dissolc'ng the Chatinbers almost at the moment appointed for them to re-assemble—sus. pending, or who suppressing, .the liberty of the , Prestand alt. ring ti t law of electioissis dr eidedly a revolutionary movement, tt has changed a limited monarchy into a pure despotism--.end con ferred upon Chalks X. a fame similar to that • wh ch GnislaVus 111, obtained by an act of revo lutinnery violence, which in a single day erased the name of Sweden jrom list of colt ; stitutional monarchies% Kings are fond of talk. ing of conservative principles, and none more so then the Bourbons. Why should they set an example of subversion which may recoil upon themselves? Our Paris Correspondent, whose ! letter will be found in another part of our enlumns, says the news carne upon the people of that city I like a peal of thunder. Will the arm that has launched The holt follow up this act of despotic :illiidation i If it does, the consequences cannot be anticipated ; and if not, Royalty in France will 14. weaker than ever. When Louis XVI. arrested and beeished the refractory Parliament of Paris, he only prepared the way by this violent exercise of prero git ve for the organisation of the more formidable as sembly of the National Convention. Alternate acts of severity and indecision farmed the flame of popular discontent into u cotiffigration in which he perished, and in which the dynasty of his ancient race was all but utterly consumed! Whist is now doing in France suggests to every rational mind the question " when will the bourboes turn the misfortunes of their family to good account by deriving wisdom from 'ad versity I' If the Liberal party entertained re volutionary intentions, a judicious Sovereign would have allowed them to commit themselves by some intemperate'demonstretion of their designs. Ile would have then stood on high 'vantage-; routid —he would have had the moral strength of the na tion at his buck in vindicating the peace of the realm and the just dignity of the Crown—he would not have stood In the position of: provoking a con flict which might be produc ice of the most dread ful to France and ell. Europe. Now, by desireying the Charter, and di,soleing with a breath the Royal oaths by which it has been conse crated as an inviolate possession of the people, he has justified measures which the opponents of his Government could not otherwise have had recourse no without bringing en themselves universal con. deineation. The abyss into which he would preci pitate the comnitutionel rights of the country has befit opened ut the very foot of the throne--sill we ti est that he is not yet so infatuated as not to listen to more prildePt counsels, lest the history of the Royal line of Bourbon, may again ',Word a mournful illustration of the maxim Quern Jupiter cull peraere prima dervental I—Morning Herald. There seems to be no doubt but that some of the most competent Members of the last Parliament, and molly other persons who would be valuable Members of the next, are deterred from offering themselves solely on the score of expellee. Men of moderate income, especially if it be derived from bawl, must for some years !Hive found their means diminishing in a much greater ratio than has accorre , puttied the demands upon them. The tax-gatherer's receipt remains much the same, while the tenant's payment, per contra, is greatly diminished. To expect then that a man so situated, hoWever well qualified he may be to serve his country, will embark in en outlay of from 10,0001. to 100,000/., thereby entailing a perpetual rent-charge, equal to the inte rest, upon his estate, is to suppose one of two things —that such a man is either an idiot, or expects to reimburse himself by the salad his vote to those who have the power of rewarding him. If .such a state of things is to con'inue,, if such is to be the known and acknowledged state of the elective franchise throughout England, it would b e boot that seats in Parliament were put up to the highest bidder, and ibe Legislature brought at once avowedly, instead of covertly, to the hammer. The last Parliament, which has distinguished itself by doing more useless and less useful things than ever emanated from the col lective wisdom, among other things decreed that no man should h 0 much as offer himself a candidate at an election, without being Ihible and giving security for paying a proportion of the expense of providing hustings, Ihe. • Though we do not agree with :those who have asserted that this is, of itself alone, acting as a materiel obstacle to persons coming for ward upon the present occasion,' it is in principle most reprehensible, because it establishes a pond which the Legislature ought never to have itself ssnctioned, viz., that its threshold can never be approached but a: sr pecuniary charge to the person who approaches ir. The contrary is the principle which Perliatnent itself should recognize; end having defined, as the tmisritittion has dove, the qualifies tion as to property which Members of Parliament: should possess, every species of expenditure by can didates should be rigidly prohibited, and the un avoidable expenses of elections—such as those of hustings, poll-clerks, paid by' the county, city, or place, which is to have the benefit of the labours of the person elected. The at once ,honest and profligate avowal of an old Member of many Parliaments ago— , -that, " having bought the elec. tore, he had a right to sell them"--applies, with more or less truth, to every case where a candidate, hnvieg impaired his fortune by getting into Park. meta, (nest repair ir, if Ise eras, while there. Teeny nothing of any other species of reforin, this seems to he both easy and indispensable, that elections should be carried on at the expense', of the electers, and 'tint of this candidatee. If this were the case, it is not the strongest purse which would decide a man's fit. IleSsi for the highest duties of a citizen—nor would a man,. whet' placed in Parliament, find, as is now so often the case, his free-agency shackled by the debts incurred in placing himself there.—Morn. The protest entered by Lord Rolland on the journals of the Houss.of Teem against the Libel having been published in an incorrect itate,;• we insert un accurate copy of it to-day, which will be found in tougher part of our columns. Our readers will recollect that the Hill in' Oration was introduced by the Attorney-Gcneral, to repeal that vindictive and atrocious Statute which subjected a person convicted of a second offence of political libel to the penalty of banishment; it being at the same time wholly undefined_ as to what_ constituted the particular species of offence to which so penal a eon sequence was annexed. Nothing is more uncertain hod variable than political opinfuo. What i s med. torious one day becomes criminal the next—the sentiments which eue Administration encourages another mny denounceyet the legislators who passed the" itlix Acts" armed the Executive with ihe power of tearing from hist family and friends and ds ivnig from hii home and country, a n y man whose language offended the taste, or whose opinions inieifered with the prejudices of the Mini s t r y o f t h e day It is difficult to say whether such a Stitute was more absurd or tyrannical, fur it left the offence against which it wfts directed only to be deAted by the iamb process by which it was to be . punished. Fur preferable to this odious and iniquitous law, would have been a Censorship of the Press, for that would have prevented politic'sl writers from incurring a responsibility, the extent of which was only to be ascertained through the medium of a Penal prosecution. This Statute, the present Attorney-General, in conjunction with the iirhig Members of the Houses of Parliament, opposed on its introduction► by the late Marquis of Londonderry, and attempted to obtain credit for it bolitary act of cnosistcney since his accession to (Alice by bringing in a hill fur its repeal. lie, however, contrived to wake 4 measure, popular in itself, as unpopular as it i wall " 414 Imr bY tacking to it a clause imposing upon publishers the necessity of entering into ad ditional securities not to disturb the repose or agitate the nerves of his Majesty's Ministers by any unpleasant exercise of the " freedom of the Press.' It is against this Bill that Lord Holland entered Isis protest, in e hich the law of political libel is treated with a force and exactness of reasoning, which ex poses In u luminous and convincing manner, its op pressive and anomalous character. Indeed, the law of libel violates the first principles of criminal justice. In all other criminal matters, the intention and not the tendency of an act donstitntes the es sence of the guilty responsibility. Nor is there any other case in which one man is criminally liable for the He s of another. A master or employer is not criminally, responsible for the acts of his agent or servant, except in cases of libel, in which guilt is ascertained, and fixed upon the guiltless, accord ing to a peculiar, but very convenient standard of political merality.—Morning Herald. The intelligence from France is ail most startling nature. Neck or nothing seems the order of the day. The French Government is, indeed, playing a bold garee. Our readers will see that the Liberty of the Press is at an end, and the Constitution de stroyed. This is a bold beginning. The Report of the Ministers to the King, explanatory of their views, is one of the most singular documents ever published by uuy Government. The nation is treated us a herd of cattle. The people are stripped of their privileges with an insolent butlacity of which we have no previous example. The Press, the Constitution--all must yield to the wishes of the King ! The reasoning will deceive no one, and it deserves no answer. It amounts merely to this : the Press is against us, therefore wo must destroy the Constitution is against us, therefore we must de stroy it. The only answer the people can make is —the King is against us, and therefore we must de stroy him. The King has made war on the nation. The issue must determine whether the French are for a time (for the people can never be finally subjugated) to be slaves, or the King is to atone for his temerity by the destruction of himself tend family. There is no blinking the issue. Under all circumstances, the course which the French Government has adopted is perhaps the meat politic. There cannot be two supreme powers in a State. A Constitution necessarily supposes the supremacy of the people as represented by their Deputies. The King, however, had declared that he was de termined his power and authority should be para. mama. From the moment he dissolved the Cham bers, because they tepresented too faithfully the wishes of the nation, lie entered on a course from which there was no retreating. It is clear that he had made up his mind to peril his all in the attempt to- reduce the people to subjectioe. He had gone too far to recede, for he could never have hoped again to possess the public confidence. The Chum. hers lately elected must, in self-defence, have , fol lowed up their victory. As, therefore, the combat was inevitable, there would have been no use in ehrinkiug from it. That the French will submit patiently to this revolutionary measure is not to be su pp o s e d. The question which most people will ask themselves is—what is the step which will be first taken? In all conflicts like that which is about to take piece, advantage in the outset is usually with authority. The people are strong in their mass; butt orgunization is with their opponents. There is one advantage of b e i ng fi rst i n the field, ainitimreisdoaurreasnotp,t to infer from generally i t t ha t t h e t h p e os ‘ s ‘ es iv si e u r r i t n t g if some resources , known, which causes the confidence. Otte object of the French Government in this coup d' dal is, no doubt, to create it belief that other Govern ments will not look with indifference ou the con. diet, and that they have made sure. of the armed force. We, however, are strongly inclined to be lieve that the neighbouring Governments will take . no pelt in the contest. We think—we are almost certain--that our own Government will not meddle with the French; and it etrikes us, that the neighbouring Governments of Austria and Prussia will be cautious how far they provoke a high-spi rited nation leke the Freer'', by interference. Titer two objects of possessing the French army, and pos sessing the co-operation of foreign Governments, are incompatib!e with each other; for no French soldier will ever stiffer a foreigner to pollute the He. err d soil of his country. The wishes of the people of every country must be for the people of France. Whenever a Government declares that it cannot stand against the' Press, it • declares that it ought not to stand. Humanity is outraged by the bold as sertion of the principle that there is no obligation from which Governments may not shake themselves free. The measure of the French Government is not within the limits of the law. The only law it acknowledges is the law of convenience. We gave the Freedom of the Press; we gave the Law of "'Actions ; we resume them as we gave them. The people - are our chattels, and our will is our law. The cause of the French nation is the cause of every nation. May they prove themselves worthy of the great cause, u n d, i n t hi s try i ng conjuncture, vindicate their title to uphold the rights of the ha, men race ! Hitherto the French Imre surpassed all expectation,; They will not, surely, now fail in their duty itt the twelfth hour. 'There are occasions when moll fel elevated above the orditury eunsiderntiuns of life. There are brftve and determined men in our r . rie as well us in the times that are gone—men who will account life as nothing when the sacred name of ?wintry calls on them to hazard it in her defence.-- Morning Chronicle. The intelligence frotn France which we this day lay before our readers will excite the deepest atten tion, and give rise to feelings of the most painful re gret, and the most liVely npprehension—of regret., that the costly lessons which the French rulers and people have alike had an opportunity of learning in the severe school of revolutionary misery, should appear to have been so entirely thrown away upon both—of npprehension, lest the disorder and anarchy with which France is threatened anew, should once more diffuse the pestilential contagion of their in fluence throughout lnrope,and compel the Govern ments of other nations, by the stern and inflexible law of selfipreservation, to dissolve, so far us this infected country is concerned, the ties, and interrupt the intercourse, ,by which neighbouring States, in time of petrce, jproms mutually serviceable to ettelc other. The suppression of the liberty of the Press ami the act or impirting a new Constitution, andj by intended, if not necessary consequence, a new character, to the Chamber of Deputies, by the mere - authority of a Royal decree, are efforts of po wer , Which, if the event sho u ld p rove t h at they Call be made ib France with imp un i t y arid su ccess , w i ll pro claim and establish the Government of that country, with whatever forms and disguises it may be slit-rounded, as in truth and essence an absolute monarchy. The Sovereign who tiros by th e s i m pl e declaration of his will can effect alterations like these its the laws and institutions of the country he governs, must ho regarded as the - possessor of an omnipotent authority, if this epi t h et can ever, with out desecration, be appli e d to an authority merely human. After this astounding exercise of autho city, it is evident that all constitufored restraints- - - a qualifications of ower—mn st be ll legal limitations futile l am i l ia a t b io su n r s d7 The new Constitution, what ever may be its comparative superiority or its ab stract excellence,, must be at every moment liable to the fate of the old one. The will of the Monarch has b ecame the supreme arbiter in the State, and there is henceforth no popular right, pri v il ege , or revolts. is l el li t a v t h t ic he ire il direct and not instantly ext i ngu i sh or a and immediate consequence., Decrees crees carried of theoretical and practical, oft lie ills French Monarch, if they should into e ff ect ;- , ere such as we have described, there can exist no . dOubt. It is quite certain, however, that they will be resisted and defeatede—it is even pro bable i n t h e highest degree that the penalty imposed upon the Monarch who has ventured to promulgate them will be no less than the forfeiture of his crown, unless there be a considerable p ro p ort i on of the who, perceiving thi s assumption of to have been forced upon their So dFerseinwethi cppeoteer, vereign by circumstances which he could not Con troll!, will support him in it with zeal, vigour, and constancy, or who consider with him the establish ment of a monarchical authority, absolute and pure, as the only attainable end secure refuge from im pending evils of a nature still more formidable or ra velling. The party in France who flitter them selves with the appellation of Liberals, have long beet, pursuing a course, which it must have been evident to all but themselves, and we think to them selves al , o, had no tither hat Ural termination than the utter extinction of regal power as an effective ele ment in the constitution of that country, and the establishment of a Government repubFean in spirit and heart, if not also in form. The di satisfaction they have uniformly manifested towards the chosen servo its of the King, the unceasing and unscru pulous efforts r hey have made ro discredit and over throvr several suceesAve Administrations, although some of them were of . as liberal a character as the Monarch of France could possibly have formed, without violating every principle and every feeling which his lineage, his past fortunes, or his actual station combined to implant most strongly in. his mind and heart, were so many unequivocal indica tions of the ineeterate and unalterable hostility of the Liberal party towards the Bout bon Monarchy, These fierce and unrelewing. enemies of the French throne and of the Bourbou race, its legitimate and legal possessors, actual and perspective, wielded al most exelu ively the powerful instrument of the Press. Chiefly by its means, they bad at tained an ascendancy very extensive and ab , oltile over the minds of the French people. Hence they disposed in a great degree of the elee dons of Members to the Chamber of Deputies, and governed all the important resolutions of that As sembly. The last use they made of their power was an attempt to extort from their Sovereign the surrender into their hand* of one of the most valm able and indispensable of his const i tut i ona l preroga tives. The Deputies of France—of a country pre eminently well governed—of a country without a single tangible awl intelligible practical grievance to complain of, were induced to a-l; of their Sovereign, in substance and effect, to com m it to them the choice of his Ministers, or in other words, to place in their hands the whole powers and functions of the Executive Govermnent. Had the King acqui esced in this extrava,:unt. and unconstitutional as sumption, the Government of monarchical France would at once, it is plain,' have been transformed into a republic, or an oligarchy of Liberal clubs and coteries. A complete revolution would have been commenced and achieved without a struggle or u blow. The King, however, appealed from the De puties to the Electors of Franc. But the appeal has been made in vain. A Chamber of Deputies of a character still more decidedly republican than the last. hits been returned, as the obly answer of France to her King. The French Monarch in this extremity - has again appealed from the electors-- numerically a small portion of the community —to the whole body of the French people, and, taking into view the circumstances in which it is made, this appeal is one of tint most simple and awful that can be conceived. It is an appeal, the answer to .which may decide not only the immediate ques tion of a civil war, the duration, the extent, or the issue of which it would be impossible for any malt to foresee, but may determine also for years, per haps for ages, the future character of the Plena Government; whether an absolute Sovereign shall once more be firmly seated on the French throne— whether the lea trdons experimeut shall again be tried of erecting Republican institutions on the ruins of an ancient Monarchy, or whether anarchy and political confusion shall once more possess France us the stage on which to enact a new series of antics and atrocities, to revolt, scandalize, terrify, and instruct, the other nations of the earth.--!Mort ing, Post. LORD HOLLAND'S PRO FEST AGAINST THE LIBEL LAW BILL. The following is Lortl.Holland's Protest against t4llouue of Lords not agreeing to an Amendment, proposed . by his Lo►dship, on the report of the " Libel Law" Amendment Bill— " DISSIINTIRNT—L Because, in the words pro posed to be omitted, the, amount of recognizance., bonds, and sureties required from publishers of news papers, pamphlets, and papers, by the 60th Geo. 111., to secure the payment of fines upon conviction of ai l seditious or blasphemous libel in the said newspapers, pamphlets, or papers, is considerably raised, and no proof has been adduced, or even of fered to the House, that such libels have become more frequent or dangerous, or that the smallness of the recognizance required ha', in any one instance, contributed to the commission of the offence or the impunity of the offender; we could nor, therefore, Consent to inerras6 a restraint on the press which is odious in itself, and only recently known to our law, Upon the bare allegation its the preamble, utterly unsupported by evidence or argument In debate, that it was expedient to do so. " 2. Because, by the words proposed to be omitted, the conditions of the new recognizances and bonds are extended to secure the payment of damages and costs to be recovered in actions for libels, as well as the payment of fines upon convictions on informa tions and indictments; und, although we admit such libels a; asperse private character, and are usually the subjects for action for the recovery of damages, to be far more injurious to society than those of a general and public miters (to the prevention of which last the provisions of the Statute of George .111,, cap. 0, were exclusively directed); yet we question the prudence, necessity, and justice of con founding, even in preventing measures, offences so distinct in their motives, malignity, and effect, as private calumny, and political libel. We were, therefore, more disposed to look for protection against all inconvenience and abuse, arising from the present state of the law of libel, to a thorough and well.eonsidered revision of the principles of that law. And we indulged confident hopes that the wisdom of Parliament might, ~ ere long, televise some comprehensive improv ement i n t h at branch of our criminal jurisprudence, which would afford increased facility- of redress to individuals injured by slander and defamation; which would - exempt the proprietors of the press and the vender; of printed works fret') all odious and unnecessary restraints previous to publication or conviction; which would define political libel, and regulate the proceedings and punishments relating thereto; which would check or suppress the prac• tice of informations, and more particularly of ex- Oda informations against them; and which would correct that anomaly in law am, solecism in language, by which it is still contended that, in matter of 1 libel, there may be guilt without intention; that one man may be - criminally responsible for the act of another and that a bookseller or proprietor may be justly convicted and punished for maliciously print• ing and publiihing words which it is proved to be physically impossible that he could have reed, written, seen, heard, or known of, before their publicetion. 4" And, 3. Because the above words were pro posed to be omitted with a view of inserting an enactment, that all provisions in the 60th of George HI, cap. 9, which require from persons publishing newspapers, pamphlets, or papers, any recognizance., bonds, or sureties whatever, should be repealed; and we were anxious to repeal such provisions, from a that they are in efficacious in preventing libels, and from an appre hensionjpoerrisotusp s persu a sion , i nh o : t nitifeontunihinietdtyeherodteseseortlstd c oncerne doetfro t P r ee u sr t trai truth , and ta in t o h m e affix o d l i p a y o s i p t y i r g e l m o n s a: which may may discourage and deter persons, well qua lified by their station, their virtues, and their ac quirements, to g i ve a d i rection to public opinion, from ever engagi ng In such periodical publications. (Signed) " VASSAL ROLLAND. 1 July 20." • KING. BIRMINGHAM POLITICAL. UNION. According to postponement, in order to wait the convenience of Sir Francis Burdett, the first invoiel meeting of the Political Union took place at Mr. Beardsworth's Repository, on Monday last. Mr. T. ATTWOOD moved that Sir Francis 13te dett do take the chair. This having been done with acelamatiens, Sir FnANOS IlintbitirT rose and addressed the meeting. Ile commenced by expressing his rati fication at seeing so immense an assemblage of hi. fellow -countrymen assembled together for the pur pose of promoting an object which he hail laboured to accomplish the whole of hia political life. All his labours in the cause of reform had hitherto pro duced little effect upon the L eg i s l attee; and little would ever b e effected unless by a g. n.'ral anion and co-operation of the people.—(Cheers.)—lt as perfectly in vain to expect to make any impre.sion upon the bands of individuals intercv.ed in fife present corruptions, for they were too tine to the duties which they owed to their consti•itents to allow any remonstrances of the people to have any effect upon their minds. He had himself a curious duty to perform, which was to explain how be was justified in giving them credit for such a faithful and conscientious discharge of their ditty to their con stituents. The fact was, the majority of these gee ilemen had but about 151 con-tnuents, and tnosr faithfully did they discharge their duty to that aele et ' , umber. They would easPy learn what might he expected from the fideliti of Members fre,ly re turned by the people at large, when they saw bow dutifully and carefully the interests of this select number of constituents were guarded by their WO - tut represcortitives. He cautioned the public ugain-t being led, by passing events, from the real and vital question of reform, as nothing could be more dun germ's to liberty t h an the eyes of the patine being turned to things which would ultimately h.. of 'roared'. He alluded to what were falsely called the elections of the people. They all knew that coun ties were considered the most free and independent; but they must all know that the man r,f att gren•e*t wealth was always the surest of his electioe, and that it was now esteemed, even by the rich, an act of great folly, certainly of great injury, to stand fur a county. It was equally unnecesSary for him to in form them how small a portion of county Members the House of Commons contained. So notoriously deficient, indeed, was the House of popular rep.e sentatives, that in 1793 Lord Grey offered to prove at the bur that the majority of the Members were merely the nominees of Peers, or other great landed or borough proprietors. With respect to the la-t Parliament, it would not thank him fur what lie was going to say, nor would they be surmised. lie was going to make their defence. 'i he HOD. Dr, toilet then proceeded to argue, that the majority of the Members of Parliament,. as at present consti tuted, were, on the whole, fair representatives of their constituents. tie would defy any man to prove en instance where any of those renamed for Piers had acted contrary to the orders or directions of those by whom they were returned.—(Cheera.) If they were only as true to the interests of the people, and the principles of the British Constitu tion, as they were to their constituents, the people of Englund would speedily be restored to their birthrights. It was to advance this object that they were met that day—an object not hostile to the Constitution, but as much for the benefit of the King on his throne, as the happiness of the people. It was not directed against any Minister, so much as intended to rescue all Ministers from the hands of a boreughmongering faction. While upon this topic lie might be allowed to express his satisfaction in being able to state his entire confidence in the pre. sent. King, who, in the short time he had beet' ou the throne of his forefathers, had displayed more true tuglish feeling, had performed moie acts of private benevolence, than had been displayed or per formed by any British Sovereign for years past. — (Cheers.)—He had called forth gallant men who been laid on the shelf neglected, and rewarded them for services long since performed---rewards which they must long since hoer-despaired of ever receiv ing. One of his first acts was the recalling to his Court of an old and • gallant friend cd Lord Nelson, whose name would be long remem tiered in the naval annals of his country.— ' (Cheers.)—lle had likewise shown the same kindly considerations for the comfort and convenience of all classes of his subjects. In the recent opening of St. Jarnes's Park, he had displayed a desire to comply with the request of the inhabitents of West minster, who had now a ready access to its walks. In short, in William the Fourth they had now a King of England, and not the King of a faction.— (Cheering.)—Now, therefore, was the time to press all subjects of national importance. Sir Muncie then stated, that so long ago as the close of the American war, the subject of reform had been in. troduced into Parliament by. Mr. Pitt, with an elo quence which completely dazzled the people of Eng land. Those, therefore, who charged Mr. Pitt's former friends with being apostates, because they advocated - seform, were themselves the apostates; for that great MOH Was one of the earliest and first advocates for its necessity. There were records of his sentiments on that subject, from which he had made extracts to show what were his principles, and the lessons with which ha accompanied them. They would be found to be the same as those they were that day met to support ;and which he should always feel honoured in advocating, either in Bir mingham or elsewhere, whenever he thought his exertions would prove useful, lie made this con dition, because there had been, and might be, sea sons when all efforts were worae than useless. Some therefore had accused him of lukewarmness and in-, dolsnce.—(A voice from the crowd exclaimed "old Cobbett.")—Sir Francis, " Aye, and honest men too.7—(Letighter and cheers.)—But he would defy any one to say, that in the course of his long poll• and life he had neglected, upon all fair occasions, to come forward in the cause of reform, as warmly and zealously as when he first became its advocate. The Hon. Baronet then proceeded to read extracts ' from a speech delivered by Mr. Pitt on the 17th of May, 1782, is :the course of which he indulged in the most severe sarcasms on, the present vicious system of bor o u g h r ep r e sentat i on. The walls of Old Sarum or Guitar) had nothing . to do with .the British constitution ; except so far as it assisted their proprietors to fill their pockets out of the public purse. What bad the Nabob of Argot to do with the constitution of England; and yet it was noto rious that he had at one time seven Members sitting in the English Parliament? The present system of eepresentatien had,. however, this redeeming quality ...that an honest man, who wished to serve his country, might, by an outlay of 4,0001. or 5,0001., purchase a borough.. So bad, therefore, was the sys tem, that even an evil itself became a mitigation of a greater evil, and without which there would be a total monopoly in the hands of a few. Anher proof of the s t ate o f a ff a i rs was to be found in the fact, that at the .present time the largest, counties, the representation of which was the family glory of what Mr. Bentham called "the purse-brandishing tyranny," were now going a begging. Government he thought had shown a want of policy in not traits ferriug the elective franchise of East Retford to the great and important town of Birmingham, and allowed them is representative acquainted with its numerous interests. It must be p er fe ct l y k nown to all how unconversent members of the House of Commons generally were with these subjects • anti that such a state of things ought not to be endured. He would assert that there was no species of reform which would not be a benefit, if it Were only a change. That led him to point out the necessity of union. He . deprecated all extremes which discon nected the reformers from each other. Some points had been gained; they were now enabled to speak strong of the co r rup t i on o f t h e H ouse of Commons in terms for which form er ly an o ff en di ng member would have been 'consigned to th e T ower, so perfectly shameless had Parliament bleocnognsep.ull,lna this r o n state t a t eof pull, things the peopl e o f E ng l and were called upon to unite resolutely in a p u ll, a ultimately succeed in overthrowing this flagon is its own temple, and, as in the case of the Dergend 'and a pull altogether; and they would a ssuredl y old, shame its own worshippers.—(Cheers.) —Po ' li•tment was so corrupt, that the cleverest or most ingenioint mat would find it itipossible euggest ON' devise a plate which so 'untie* operated spire the interests of the people. Sir Frnticis, after rte. neg th a t h e should always be found at leis post, eon• eluded by etpressing the pride he felt in being leagued in the Annie cause xitli the Pitmitiltho Union. His services were always at its comtnsnd, with the certainty of prompt attention.—(Che ers) Mr. Arrwooo then addressed the meet in g , and in the course of a very long speech dwelt larg el y on the distress of the country and its CllllllO, COTite• ins that such distress did exist, whatever might b . ,aid to the contrary. lie considered the o nl y re meely to be that Governments should be he' d se swereble. In Turkey they had strange (*WWII* and one of them was to cut off the tweeds of Oil rids unsurceaul in battle. Now, though he ow ! not recommend ruch a policy RS this in Engloolle yet he would undertake to say, that if a lac " I , Parsed to hang the Ministers whenever a genera bud .late of tr a d e oc c urred, the child in the ersei would never live to hear of a bad state of to l l again.—(Cheer.. )—Mr. Att wood concluded by No iie the report of the Union, and moving Vat ions eviolterimis were then put until corned connected with the obj , c.s of the meeting. cornett for hid Rl' a cite of thank 4 to Mr. E. Davenport, vice. : tee Union, hatl been moved and seconded, Si) F. Buarnerr said, he could bear testimonyl° the troll of all that hail been said in f a vour et M t r ' Davenport's -ere ices in Parliament ; and it Iva twi! to be regretted that such was the state of the rePT %rotation, that he feared the country Wa g n°11 , 4 1 2 ' 1 again to have the honour and the bent& service., • n Mr. DAVENPORT espressad his Istieottno iii ving been able to render them service, Im ttl ' tr sew tidal, 1k joined most cordially its adopiie!: tintents of confidence which had be , oatp w rh i e trri e o ee d a u ts rr lha‘ : l l,i d e : oth 4 i ' li : i t ,nni t t 1 1 ,: ri ls t , li ate h i er i e joe l ghl a u m li wards his Msj , sty. The virtue affoeded at least one tar of hope--- being considered as a member of should be extended to the Societ was wanted, he should be found the a propos tion and vote of u p l o th li o l u ica t e li e r p e. r — ets: Burete.tt, be rose and said he emit l day. He must say that they Joel( fi success in the weld cause with win cd, which he had never before ei they mar again, he hoped it w meeting of congratulation for sue upon their exertions titan of rent really did not know well how to them. —( Cheers. )—Every topic of hau,ted, but be felt compelled lie had derived from - the meetii lingering look bdrind."—(Cheers., ea:psdoiti : liir v li:a, h hdt i ti c im‘i h ,aticltibt t eyi l imm i f e t.hti l eti t ie e e( o pca p rri day's proceedings be an example to i ota' country, and the me a ns of o c casioning a .1"1- ?ht ous movement throughout the whole ItintOtt Worthy Baronet then took his leave amidst t heme op deafening cheers, and the meeting quietly tio` a ,. The meeting was supposed to have been titt' l by about 20,000 persons. aloe in d to : b e en exprtile oft of the —and the °:4 for Ope, la might, loo k [' feu bwou red ei r rtmy t o e of n ti ped o r i F lie ri, d, waling , od :sheers.) thanlo to b!l' Id not take lq; ;jog the detr ho lw(l , elet r (ceicioit o vrievio c ittatell e e,etlidelid r rott i t i hrpa i so l tribit, l :.so i sr :_ dtt,plin: ° :::: f ri.coo.v:4l, t em. , ,;o l ,:i. addresa wooitt from th° P ich : • to o- -314g, thol ri.) — t e g hl b 6 d l do to -- THE MARKETS. .1•71'..-July pk .ooo ("L Well. end C a Ol Walls Did COT i nd OU Ditto d Ditto GosfOrth Ditto I b•triair.......01,.. rd 1)Itto Nottburaberraw" 0 Ditto Perkins and l.o* Ow 0 Wails End tiettal 0 0 Walls End 1.5ade11..., to Walls Old Walls End Mi'""'" CO. Ead Tees .' lo Hartle) (1 Dysart 1 Walls Ea 4 : 4 " )v " . r p as s .sotidrereadoita: .21i Liddell Tra der 1 / ifop , w ei Trader I 0 ilitCa n 9l Y Old Etlierley itritsool/756, N Wheat. Barley. ' COA I SI Alt ittatrA 31s 31. Bensloun 15.1 27 8 Bishop's 28 6 East 28 6 29 6 itt.blrunt Slain 32 0 11.1) 31 6 Kenton West •••••••••••••..... VI 6 Killtnitatot II 1 31 6 Newborn 31 6 PPi4W 311 3 2J 6 Can 11,04 7.11 0 Tanfiald 20 :19 3 :t2 Wylam 31 6 WallsEndltewickekeo. 33 6 Ditto Bell llokson & Co. 32 6 Walls End Boundary 28 0 Ditto Ilurratott 32 3 Ditto t Istke Anil C 0... 31 0 •Ittp• at market. 1+.2---.311, C 4UNTRY CORNIIIAttICkEIS Dl.ll ll N ti 1 T-:- :---- 171.,.., ----- .....::,,,,, ---------- 030, , Wheat. Barley. * ____,,..-•-• „ , --__-:-- --............— , ~ 4, Per Quarter. s. to s. 9. 4 +' l '' nai to o. ' l ..-. ° Abingdon, , 55 02 al 28 ~.,,- t,..i -" :9 1 A ndover 35 .T 2 34 ~,,,7 " fsi '"' Biriningharn-- s . 58 el 32 34 _ ~,--, 3 1 "1 ~ Bridport .....--,... 56 7413'2 _am T R " 'A --..„ i g' Cirencester -......- 48 65 20 01 ." - i 5 0 - 1 Farin1id0n,.............. 54 m 33 414 1 . ; •,v) •"' L. Guildiord —.-.... 48 74 24 33 ,14 34 • ..„,"' 0 Henley.,.... 54 83 30 35 ;*4 44 - Hereford 64 84 39 4N ,„,' 50 ." 5. Higliworth ..........,. 62 80 32 42 -;;,,; 341 "" 0 , Maitienhesul --.... 41.5 84 28 38 **,, ;It: ".* „I Oakingham . 56 74 30 3'i ','„`; Readillit ....-.... . 41 86 23 . SAli'burY , 56 03 27 37 ‘ 1 1 ) 3.2 O, Southampton -...... 54 711 37 40 „,.,."-' 3:1 -.:. '',. Stroud ri.i 74 34 38 ;..... 3 8 •.-- c Tewkesbury .......... 6.5 78 40 .43. 3 3.1 _,,,' a l ! Uxbridge - la Wastage ,46 73 20 36 _, l, ' )0 ." ..,,, Warminster ......... 44 74 21 42 r i 90 ' P Wind50r................. 48 84 26 34 .... 1 ' ,26 '''' Worcester—....... 60 63 3el 36 +.. 1 9 - U7l° o. l° 1 CHELTENHAM MA itick• - t—i Per IluebeL s. d. to a. el. Ter Ha 5 0 Wheat .... ........ ... 7 0 0 0 Beef .............“'" .. .. 3 1 Barley 2 6 4 4 Veal .............."'"' 0 1 Oats ... ......... ...... Beans... ..... Pease ...... . IN ....•••• ~..-.,,,•••'" .. ' 0 3% . * day 34. JOs. to . Ter t , S. O O R:u d t t h l :c 2 h 6 , ti Esq ' s Ci u . fr i l i nc er , e, th E e s l ri tuty o o f fe 101 ° the 27 t h init. in ....outsider-rive , the On the 26th hut. MI T° On u ". son. the ..oth inst. at the Vieirage Wiirichato eft daughter. .ina , t. of itt a ß E nc l o a ß to g T . lefi n eld . . Great, th e b . ard Oa the 26th rout. mat. in Morniagton.areirea t, son, of a daughter. Tre' r r-sx of a ton. the io GRoewve. On the 22d inst. st M S A L ß M ßl tir E ga p re . 11 . 4, Weirul " 'n' il :°f' o r f Dublin, oleom , a t., I t ; Power E.q. to Josephine, second daughter of j'' at. Spa, in the Netherlands. - c 0 ... t O r; tlT 2 3d Herbert, i John "' at Bt* C Whitley,eegoeidli mo p u k b si ti tie ; 1a i i: A t ' . ,,,o jit :" "'"'lres Esq. to Olivia , o ly daughter of Wall .01 u° ,E,( 7 l., ln a e fa S it s )rt Es e ra ir : l h ip , :i el aise t e l l e , s i t apiees e rt n tyrri g u .s h a t on e t, t hsti o ii f na J mfarl oh , ii ° a n ! . the 28t h in**. at St. Mary's, 8111°01,54 Ictei.rs O ißoe n fiatyjy t t h .,:e e ps6, 2 42 7 teDd t ra h ßtoort i eu. t x t : s .i t ruEo . fage a ß t s.t S tfos. t. ff jFelnda M oom a et r :s. ' a s ii , :i.ndq. l u l ayia ry reocee in util f ro rn : : :_ it i ont i o il l,..i: o r s, M. Hovenden, E. g. to r`... —list ti r e Montrose, eldest N in t: t. rth a s t it n t Maria, young est 'laughter of the late Henn' 13° d • J ilrof,o,, On the 27th inst. at Battersea,. Mr. "" 111 t ' ' Finshtny-squere to Sarah, daughter of E. 004' If of Clapham Common . On the 24th inst. at Kensington , _ Mr. "..- u 1 of Leieester ...rare, In M Patt: ' :.jr: ti o Bsen.ford, to Miss S. W. Laston, of Kensisgt° , p 4 ,,. On the 27th inst. at Hackney, G • EutfoYe, l i t ior • Av ritletts Wel . . reit t , -,, reet Carendish.square, 01 E 4 ' 7 ' ' o O O. ter of I. Booth, Esq., of the Triangle, !Ise Y otig li, On the 26th inst. at St. James's, Mr. C. j , b r of P . art, ) ototh Flotie, of Jerrnyn-street. . lit° lint DIED. Adolf' ote, On the 27th inst. whilst bathing, nrar • - qr.' G. J. Dater ' , B A-, I.te of St. John's Col t ' 0.1., bridge, aged 23, second son of Jame , iku ttri of Bedfont. - ' le ( ~..et 41 0 glin On the 27th inst. Louisa Miry, yoliPl7 - 0 ,1 P O4 John Spinks, F.aq., of the Inner Temple , a bi t* street. bolt t col ()u the 24th inst. at Ornicrod-lionse, '' an It Oi l l'; 01- Ormerod, aged 80. . of -On the 98th inst. T. Grundy, /-01. Westminster, aged 87. of GOitahineg2,o7: C. epilog tnt ryydtia.,sluesp:4lg.ll_,t;:ov;i lh,:coltio;1 1; PRINTED AND -PUBLISUILD 20 011)6---------, 44 1 .- . )0° ling Sufi Orgies, 111, Spr,ASP , P