The Sun. — London, England, 1833-08-29 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS, The London Miguelites are nearly choked with sobbing over the last accounts from Por tugal. Where be now the invincible army of 30,000 " troops to be relied upon" at Santa rem ? Where the powerful corps of observation, to check Saldanha, and keep all access to Oporto closed ? Where the re-action in favour of Mi guel throughout the Algarves and Alemtejo ? Where, alas ! and in whose possession, the "impregnable lines of Torres Vedras ?" Where, finally, those " 011ie chances" which, not more than three or four days ago, were in favour of that renowned hero Don Miguel—sure har bingers of his triumph, and that of legitimacy, throughout the Christian world ? Ay, whither are they fled ? The mighty host of 30,000 have dwindled (as, be it recollected, we said they must) to 10,000 crest-fallen, disorganized, ill appointed, unpaid, half-starved, totally ineffec tive rabble—not at Santarem, but Coimbra, from which, by the latest intelligence, they were unable, or afraid to advance. The " powerful corps of observation" at Oporto, " numerically equal to all Saldanha's force," has been attacked and dispersed, or cut to pieces. The entrance to Oporto by sea and land is free, the Miguelite blockading and observation worthies having fled to an undiscoverable distance, and Saldanha being so much at his ease as to embark a con siderable body of troops, and detach them im mediately to Lisbon. The " impregnable lines" of Tones Vedras have been deserted by that arch runaway the Duke de Cadaval, as Lisbon was previously, and seized by " the rebel Villa Flor," without firing a shot. " All the chances for Miguel" (confound the dice!) have turned into mischances. Lastly, England has accredited a Minister to Donna Maria; and our Admiral is said to have threatened that if Lisbon be attacked, he will land his marines and blue jackets to protect the Portuguese capital, with the British lives and property therein, against all assailants, from whatever quarter. Now this is what we call " sense"—" absolute sense." It is " satisfactory"—it is " refresh ing." Nothing remains for the Conservative Club but to send forth a counter-mission, Lord Beresford Plenipo, with Eliot and Sir J. Camp bell for Secretaries of Legation, since the first has no fleet, and the second no army, to occupy him. Let this special and extraordinary em bassy proceed at once to Bourmont's head quarters—if quarters or a head be any longer in his possession—and if not, why, they may cross with Don Carlos, the Spanish frontier, and in a new " war of the succession," about to open, the Noble Lord and his attacUs may help to enforce, with the same signal successas ever, the doctrines of the Holy Alliance, to act upon the instructions of the Conservative Congress, and to promote the interests of whatever cause may prove most ad verse to the policy of the Liberal Government of England, most reprobated by the principles of the British nation, most revolting to its sym pathies, and Most insultina' to the rights and liberties of mankind. The death of Ferdinand, by the way, if authenticated, must advance to a momentous point the great drama of political action in Europe. It is impossible that the question between Carlos and his niece should not agitate the whole Continent, and in the progress of it engage this country far more deeply than the Portuguese question has ever done. The coincidence between the mutual relations of the parties is nothing more than curious ; but on the Spanish quarrel will be staked, throughout, the same national interests abroad and at home, the same general prin ciples which have been involved in that of Portugal during the last five years, and the same exasperated passions. The civil war of Spain, should such an event unhappily arrive, will be felt, far more than that of the neigh bouring kingdom, to be a question affecting Europe from east to west. What at Lisbon was in miniature will be at Madrid a full length performance. That English minds must be thoroughly imbued with the nature and tendencies of such a conflict will soon become obvious to the world ; nor can there be the smallest doubt of an entire correspondence between the British nation and the Government. The right of the young Princess (Ferdinand's daughter) is founded upon the ancient law of Spain, and has now been restored by an authority equivalent to that through which the salic law of France was substituted for it, under a former Bourbon Mo narch. But the known principles and policy, by the adoption of which the cause of the Princess comes recommended to the free people of England and France, are worth a thousand abstract titles. The succession of Carlos would be the establishment of a despotism more stern —more gloomy—more superstitious—more de grading—more incorrigible, than the very worst that now disfigures northern or eastern Europe. it would with regard to England, be the re. commencement of a struggle for the supremacy over Portugal, in the existence of which, as a constitutional and improving Power, there would be no safety for a tyrant on the throne of Spain, nor in its subjugation, as a province of Don Carlos, the same security as there is now for British commerce during peace, or for our ma ritime superiority and ascendancy in a period of warfare. Every motive, therefore, personal (if we may so speak) political, and moral, conspires to interest the people and Government of this country in a successful resistance to the usurpa tion projected by Don Carlos. We trust that the spirit and power of all gallant Frenchmen will be exerted in the same noble cause of op- position to a ran k and inexorable tyranny, and that if, in any individual quarter, however ele vated, feelings 5 al loyed by meanness, sel fishness, or vindictiveness, should appear to actuate any personage •in a direction re pugnant to the c • ommon heart of France, relatively to the affairs of either Spain or Portugal, they will be promptly crushed, and all attempts resulting from defeated. Since thi s was written accounts have them effectu a lly reached us from Lisb on to the 21st, and from Oporto to the 23d. They do not add much to • the intelligence previously received, but they confirm it beyond the possibility of doubt. The defence of Lisbon proceeds vigorousl y, agree with cur correspondent that Don Pedro should not have dismissed Palmella ; though, if we thought Palmella had acquired so little ex perience by the events of the last six years, as to incline to conciliatory (that is, weak and tem porizing) instead of bold and decisive measures, we should say that be was totally unfit to ma- IlaaC affairs at the present ciis , h • -ut we think better of his judgment, which must have been of the wretched enlightened by the recollection effects which followed the for mer attempt to put down rebellion by gentle means. Misplaced lenity is the worst species of erueltv • encou rages, crimes, and compels at last wholesale measures of severity for the punishment of de linquents whom a few striking and prompt examples would have awed into obedience. Had the:regency of Donna Isabella acted with vigour, Don Miguel would never have been able to usurp the throne. This Palmelia must see as well as Don Pedro. Together with our letter we have received papers, from one of which we extract a curious specimen of the false acts which are deemed necessary for the sup port of a bad cause. It is from the Chronica of the 19th, which contains an intercepted letter from Don Miguel's Minister of Justice to Gen. Monteiro Torres, recommending him " to keep up the spirits of the soldiers by every sort of encouraging report, and for this purpose from time to time to promulgate favourable news, although not true, but such news that their falsity could not be discovered except with diffi culty, .or after a long time—as, for instance, to report that Russia declares that Don Pedro never shall be King of Portugal, and that if Pedro should be successful, she (Russia) will send a squadron with troops to expel him from Portugal ; that Austria has concluded a treaty with Spain for the maintenance of Don Miguel on the throne ; and that both parties have offered their armies for that purpose ; but that the King our Sovereign, has answered, that while he possesses the Portuguese troops, the most faithful and most valorous in the world, he stands in no need of foreign troops; together with other news of the same kind, intimating delicately that the source from which they proceed can not be divulged, though they who communicate them are fully aware of their origin." Neither in this despatch nor in the one received from Paris is there any confirmation of the report (though a most probable one) of the death of the King of Spain.—Times. Mr. Peter yesterday significantly expressed in the House of Commons his construction of the " defence" of Lord Warwick, by stating his de- termination to move, at the earliest period nex session, for the removal of the Lord Lieutenant of the county of Warwick. Colonel Evans did not think that an address to the Crown for so limited a punishment of the Noble Earl would meet the ends of public justice. His Lordship must now plainly discern that a politic and de cent resignation would have been most be- coming, and the least offensive consequence of his unconstitutional and ignoble proceedings. His Lordship's champion, the Standard, dis penses with its usual courtesy and Journal pro priety by some vulgar and unprovoked attacks upon the the Morning Chronicle. We had only, in a good-humoured manner, repelled in sinuations which the Standard on Tuesday rudely made against us, when they roundly attributed our article on the Warwick Election that day to a Ministerial source—an insinuation in which we really believe our Contemporary was not serious. We shall not condescend to notice further this defect of temper in the Con servative Journal ; it is foreign to the subject, and will not draw us aside from the firm dis ' cussion of a great Constitutional question, which involves not local, but national interests, of the highest moment to the liberties and privi leges of Englishmen. The Reform Bills, doubt less, cut down the nomination boroughs, but they did not dig up all the roots. Schedule B still exists, a foul blot in our Representa tive system ; and the infatuated Aristocracy of this country cannot see their real interest—the abandonment of those infamous conspiracies against the political liberties of the people, which especially disgrace the British Nobility. No London journal has tendered more wise advice to the Aristocracy than the Standard, since the decline and fall of Toryism. That Journal has indignantly animadverted on the anti-feudal vices of the English Nobility ; their neglect and scorn and dangerous contempt of the people ; their cold-blooded and unchristian in difference to the happiness and respect of the numbers who surround them. If the Earl of Warwick bad been a Whig Nobleman, the Standard, by its irrelevant recriminations on the late Earl Fitzwilliam, the Lord Advocate, and Mr. Henry Grattan, would have treated him as they were wont to do the political de tection of any Liberal evil-doer. But as the Earl of Warwick is a " Conservative," he is to be white-washed and upheld. The Standard, however, will not succeed in its chivalry. No public case, for many years, has attracted so much comment in the London and Weekly Press and the Provincial Journals. The aggravating cir cumstances attending the recent Warwick con test—the completeness of the detection—the honesty and patriotism of the Report of the Special Committee—the fortunate jurisdiction of a Reformed Parliament—the opportune value of the exposure of the Aristocracy, all com bine to rivet public attention on the issue of this extraordinary case. The representation of the borough of Warwick had been notoriously the property of the Greville family. The most authoritative " Parliamentary Guides"—down to Oldfield's History of Bo roughs, and the " K e y t o t h e H ouse of b ', Com mons," inclusive—all register that constituency as the " pocket borough' of the owners of War wick Castle. The dreadful and irremediable evils which afflict, oppress, and impend over the British empire, all originate in our infernal sys tem of political tyranny and corruption. It is gravely put forward, as a palliation of the conduct of the Earl of Warwick, that his evil acts were committed in favour of his brother. Is it not to provide fur dependant relatives of the Aristo cracy—to place them in situations of power, rank, and emolument, that the Nobility of this nation have usurped popular rights and perse cuted the people ? Has not " borough influ ence" commanded Lord Lieutenancies, new titles, rank in the army and navy, ships and re giments, honours and offices in the Government and at Court, in exchange for Parliamentary power derived through the usurpation of the elective rights of the people ? If a cruel revo lution, and a complete demolition of our social system is to be averted, it must be accomplished by a real amendment of the constitution of the Commons House of Parliament. The fre quency of political crimes is an additional ar gument for their effective punishment. Coin- miseration of the Earl of Warwick, and lamen tations over his unhappy conviction, are ex tretnelv sentimental and moving ; but it is high tim e that the Aristccracy should be brought to ppek t rc e et v tiiiv o it ces their senses. The intellect, moral influence, and growin g political power of the people will no longer bei lord-ridden or priest-ridden. No journal, after twireotheapinpyorteermination of the Catholic Question, of the " Borr; powerfully l n l against,edi to the t e h e D subserviency e o r f v ency Wel lington than the Standard —none more effec tively in favour of Lo am:r i t i ta o ry rey l s teform in 1830-1, till the advent of i lution measure" of Reform. periodA retrospective review would s review of its files at that present guns fired in defenc e of Lord Warwick. Is there, then, no humane consideration f Electors of Warwick ? Is the bitter and un christian spirit of local party divisions. —the daily libels against private character—the calumnies against virtuous and patriotic citizens—the pri rate sacrifice of time and money—the utter demoralization of the lower classes by beastly intoxication and corrupt bribery, nothing in comparison to the " persecution" of the Aristo crats who are the causes of these dreadful evils, and the persons who profit by them at the ruinous cost of the community ? Are the degraded criminal agents and partisans to be fined and imprisoned, and their Noble corruptors to escape with impunity? Our contemporary may exer cise his acknowledged abilities much more ho nourably and profitably to his countrymen, than by these abortive and disgusting attempts to assist great offenders to break through the cobwebs of the law ! No ! we hope and trust, and feel confident that the Earl of Warwick will be made a signal example to his caste by the Reformed Parliament. And sure we are that the Administration could not better uphold and warn our blind Aristocracy, or res cue the Earl of Warwick, than by dismissing his Lordship from his Lord Lieutenancy. What moral influence can such a Nobleman possess as the Recorder of a borough thus abused, or as the Lord Lieutenant and Conservator of the Peace of the reform county of Warwick ? How could his Lordship act with more sagacity or honour than by a resignation of his municipal office under the Crown ? How could he com port himself more generously to his Sovereign, who may be painfully called upon to remove him? The Standard ignorantly affirms that the whole corpus delicti alleged against the Noble Earl is the payment of 3,0001. to the credit of Sir Charles Greville ! The evidence, as already published, utterly falsifies this bold assertion. Lord Warwick, by his steward, agents, and ten ants—by his " notices to quit"—by the ficti tious rating—the parts of the checques appro priated to bribes and debauchery, is legally responsible for all the foul acts reported. Not personally—not directly ; but indirectly, as the individual for• whose interest they were done, and the capitalist whose money was lent out to use. The only atonement his Lordship can make is his submission to public opinion. We guess that the House of Peers will not be very forward to save him or to preserve his borough. We shall certainly not desert him, whoever may bear his Standard ; and Mr. Peter has wisely consulted the merits of the case by postponing his motions till the publication of the authoritive evidence of the Committee.— Morning C'hron. The power of public opinion is so strong at the present day, that even the Autocrat of the North, obdurate as he is to the cries of huma nity, the demands of justice, and the stings of conscience, feels it necessary to appeal to its august tribunal. In his hour of gloomy triumph, with myriads of bayonets at his back—with Poland bleeding at his feet, and Turkey hugging the chains of vassalage with which his treache rous friendship has bound her, he yet feels un easy unless he can induce public opinion to legitimize, by its fiwourable decree, the crimes of his ambition. It is in vain that his flatterers offer him the incense of an idolatry similar to that which was rendered to the deified tyrants of degenerate Rome. He feels constrained to acknowledge the existence of a power, even on this earth, superior to thrones—a power which military violence cannot conquer, and which conquerors ought to propitiate. He appeals to this power, at whose authority guilty grandeur trembles, and whose sentence history records for the instruction of mankind. Great must be his confidence in his own talents for crafty persua sion if he hopes to be absolved from infamy with Poland as his accuser and public opinion as his judge. He commences his defence by a bold and insolent falsification of the Treaty of Vienna of 1815. He represents that treaty as a compact solely dictated by the will and plea sure of the three Powers who were parties to the original partition of Poland, to secure to themselves more effectually the exclusive advan tages of their acts of spoliation and ermine. He denies that the five other Powers who signed the treaty were in any sense parties to its contract or interested in its fulfilment. It is this master-fallacy upon which the whole superstruc ture of his defensive reasoning is founded. Remov - this foundation, the whole elaborate mass of the argument built upon it falls to the ground. Be fore he resorted to this defence the Autocrat should have extinguished the light of history, which, the moment it is applied to this question, flashes refutation on his fallacy. But first let us quote his own words. The Autocrat lays down the three following propositions, Mad constitute the whole groundwork of his de• tense " l. That the basis on which the present legal ttate of the country which forms the ancient Duchy of Warsaw now rests, was originally the sole work of the three powers who were directly interested in making this new order of things suitable to the wants, the safety, and the welfare of their own dominions. " 2. That the three Courts, far from limiting, by forms previously laid down, the right which they had to deter mine at their pleasure the political existence of their Polish subjects, thought it, on the contrary, necessary expressly to declare that it was their intention to regulate the man ner of this existence as each of them should judge to be useful and advisable. And, lastly, "3. That the powers who signed the act of the Con gress at Vienna, far from intending to control Russia, Austria, and Prussia, in the exercise of their right respect ing the future existence of their Polish subjects, merely adopted the treaties concluded between the three Courts on the 3d of May, 1815, and that without any reservation or declaration by which they might have acquired a right to interfere in the application which the three Courts should make of this their right to the institutions which, according to the words of the treaty, they might think it useful and advisable to introduce into their Polish pro vinces." We admit at once that the Powers that signed the act of the Congress of Vienna of the 9th of June, 1815, adopted the treaties concluded between the three Courts of Russia, Austria, and Prussia, on the 3d of May in the same year; but let us see under what circumstances those treaties were made. When a dispute arises as to the meaning or intention of a treaty, the question can be best settled by ascertaining what were the circumstances under which it was made, and what were the sentiments expressed by the contracting parties at the time of making it. It will be recollected that the avowed object of the Congress of Vienna was, to effect what was called a "" settlement of Europe," with a view to re-adjusting the deranged balance of power, and ensuring the future tranquility of the great family of European States. Whether this design was carried into operation in a spirit of wisdom or folly, of justice or injustice, is no t now the question ; we look to the pro fessed intention of the political compacts en tered into at that time by all the Powers, and we find that professed intention was not the aggrandisement or peculiar advantage of any particular State, but the general benefit and security of all the contractin g nations. Ap plying this principle to the treaty respecting Poland, that treaty cannot be regarded i❑ any other light than a compact to which all the eight Powers were parties, not for the exclusive advantage of three of them, but for the joint interests of all. We will even admit that no sense of generous policy dictated the erection-of T the Duchy of Warsaw into an independent king dom, where, though greatly contracted within its proper limits, the spirit as well as the name of Poland might still live, surrounded by the insti tutions of national freedom, and the glory of ancient recollections. The case of Poland is not the less strong in point of argument because an interested policy on the part of England and some other Powers insisted upon its severance from Russia, and obliged that Power to recog nise the independence of the new Polish king dom. The Autocrat does not go back farther than the 3d of May, 1815, when the treaties were signed between the three Courts of Russia, Austria, and Prussia, which were afterwards adopted by all the constituent Powers of the Congress. We shall refer to documents and acts which are of a somewhat earlier date, and which prove that the treaties of the three Powers of the 3d of May were the consequence of the demands of other Powers to give the Polish people such a national existence as would con stitute a perpetual check to the ambition of Russia towards the west of Europe. At the time of the Congress Russia had military pos session of the Duchy of Warsaw, and undoubt edly desired to incorporate it with her provinces, as she has lately done. If it had not been for the interference of other Powers, more especially England, the ambitious object of Russia would have been effected, and the treaty of the 3d of May, which recognised Poland a s an inde pendent kingdom, united to Russia by its Constitution, would never have been heard of; an absolute ukase would have issued from St. Petersburg, and fixed at once its desti nies as a Russian province. It was Lord Cas tlereagh who first opposed the wish of the Emperor Alexander to incorporate the Duchy of Warsaw with Russia, and stated that it was the desire of England to see an independent power established in Poland under a dynasty of its own, as a point of separation between the three great despotic powers. To the proposi tion of Lord Castlereagh the Emperor of Austria gave, or affected to give, his full as sent, and even went so far as to declare that, rather than consent to the incorporation of the Duchy of Warsaw with Russia, he would give up his share of the partitioned State, with a view to the restoration, as an independent State, of the whole of the ancient kingdom of Poland. The representative of France was as explicit as the English Minister in demanding the recogni tion of the Duchy of Warsaw under an hide pendent sovereign. The Emperor of Russia struggled hard for the incorporation, and re sorted to all the artifices of diplomacy for that purpose. The result was a compromise, by which the Duchy of Warsaw was to be erected into an independent kingdom, with the Emperor of Russia for its Sovereign, having its own separate administration—its own army, laws, and institutions. It is much to be lamented that Lord Castlereagh was weak enough to re cede from his original design of having the new kingdom of Poland placed under a dynasty of its own. It was not difficult to foresee that the Russian Government, in the consistent pursuit of its insatiable ambition, would eventually adopt that course with regard to Poland which it has adopted—would violate every engagement with the intention of provoking a high spirited people into resistance, that it might overwhelm and crush them with its enormous military power. The Russian Government has done so, and England, to her lasting shame, has been a pas sive spectator of the criminal destruction of her own political work. It was as early as the 12th of January, 1815, that Lord Castlereagh pre sented a note to the Congress on this subject. In that note he declared that he retained his former opinions, but, yielding in some degree to circumstances, while he assented to the proposal for allowing the Emperor of Russia to be Sove reign of the new kingdom, he would insi , st that Poles should have national institutions ; that they should not be treated as Russians, but as Poles ; and added, that " on these conditions only his Royal Highness the Prince Regent would no longer have to fear that any danger to the liberty of Europe would result from the union of Poland to the Russian empire. This declaration was assented to by all the Plenipoten tiaries, not excepting Count Razumouski, who then represented the Autocrat of all the Russias. Such were the note and declaration of the 12th of January ; yet the Emperor Nicholas has the unblushing hardihood to assert that the treaties of the three despotic Courts on the 3d of May following were " the sole work of those three Powers, who were directly in terested in making this new order of things suitable to the wants, the safety, and the wel fare of their own dominions ;" in fact, that it was a sort of family compact of the three Powers, as exclusively at their own dictation, and fur their own advantage, as the original act of partition—having nothing whatever to do with a general plan for the settlement of Europe and the protection of its general li berties. But the proof of the treaty of Vienna being the work of all the constituent Powers of Congress does not rest on those facts alone. We have the evidence of the Emperor Alex ander himself to the same purport. On the 30th of April, 1815, of course, before any of the treaties were signed, the first two, as we have stated, being upon the 3d of May, and the last one upon the 9th of June, the Em peror Alexander addressed a letter to Count Ostrowski, the President of the Polish Senate, in which occur the following passages :—" It is with peculiar satisfaction that I announce to you that the destiny of your country is fixed ; with the concurrence of all the Powers assem bled at the Congress of Vienna. The kingdom of Poland shall be united to the empire of Russia by the title of its own Constitution ; on which I am desirous of founding the happiness of the coun try." It was also stipulated by the treaty which created the independent kingdom of Poland, that the Poles, " who were subject to the other contracting Powers (those of what are called the Polish provinces, subject to Russia, Austria, and Prussia) should have a popular representa tion and national institutions." Now in what way did Russia observe these stipulations ? As to the Poles of the provinces un d er h er do minion she did not observe them at all. On the contrary, she abolished such national institu tions as they already had, and even suppressed their language. As to th e new ki ng d om o f Poland, she certainly gave it a constitution, in pursuance of her compact with the other Powers, under a certain degree of freedom and national independence might be enjoyed ; but before long she took steps to render that con stitution nugatory in effect. She violated those principles which it was most necessary to hold sacred and inviolable. She raised taxes on the Poles without being voted ; reduced the Na tional Diet to a s h a d ow, b y pro hibi t i ng t h e p u blicity of its debates, and withdrawing from it all but the least important subjects for discus sion. But it was with regard to individual liberty and personal security that the greatest atrocitisu were committed. The Nuncio Niemnewski was banished from Warsaw for freedom of speech in the Diet. The Council of Kalitz, for electing that Nuncio, and his brother, who opposed a law for doing away with the responsibility of Government agents, was arbitrarily suppressed by a Royal Ordinance in the reign of Alexander. Contrary to the charter, a body of 10,000 Russian troops was permanently quartered in Poland, the greater part at Warsaw, where they well supported the reign of terror established by the Grand Duke Constantine, who carried the system of espionage to the utmost length, by the aid of a large body of police, whose chief occupation was to hatch political conspiracies and denounce citizens as traitors, many of whom were tried by comms sions appointed by the Grand Duke himself. This Vice-regal monster, who seemed born to revive the recollection of Nero, usurped the legislative and judicial authority, and /even transported to the prisons of St. Petersburg persons acquitted by the National Court of Poland—under his reign of terror respectable individuals were seen wheeling wheelbarrows about the streets, with fetters on their legs, for alleged political offences. In fact, every principle of the Constitution was violated by ' which Poland was united to Russia, and, as the Russian Government broke that bond of union, it has no right to take advantage of its own tvrong, and confiscate the national freedom of Poland, for the crime of a resistance which its own enormous oppression provoked and justified.—Morning Herald. One of the principal reports on 'Change yes terday was founded upon M. Dedel's visit, an nounced in the Court Circular, to the Foreign office on Tuesday.' The inference drawn from this visit to Downing-street by the Dutch Ple nipotentiary was that the King of the Nether lands had sent instructions to his representatives in London to give way upon every disputed ' point in the question between Holland and Bel gium, and that the treaties were virtually ratified. The report was an ingenious experiment on the part of the speculators for a rise in English Consols and North of Europe Securities; but, unfortunately, there is not a word of truth in it. The earliest intelligence that can be received from the Hague in answer to the last communi cation from London will be on Sunday next.— rning Post. APPEALS. 110 USE OF LORDS, Auubw. 27. NICHOLS V. VAUGHAN. The LORI) CHANCELLOR said this case now came, he thought he might confidently state, for the last time for the decision of that House. In October, 1831, their Lordships reversed an order of his Ho nour the Master of the Rolls in this case, pro nounced in Afire!), 1828, directing three issues to be tried, upon the ground that all the evidence which was material was before the Court below, and needed not the interference of a court of law, as to the question whether the bond which had been the subject of so much litigation was an indemnity, or a counter security, or a gift. The Master of the Rolls thought that as to the amount of 10,000/., the bond was granted as a personal security, and the remaining 2,0001. only (the bond being for 12,0001.) was intended as a voluntary gift. In July, 1832, the house reversed part of thi s judgment, and con firmed the Master's report. Both parties petitioned upon this—the present respondents, in order that they might institute a suit to impeach the bond, and for an injunction to restrain the appellant from proceeding with an action relating to the money in the bond; and the other party, viz. the appellants, for leave to have a computation and the interests of the bond, made upon certain estates in Scotland which had been named to satisfy the de mand. On both petitions being heard and argued, the order now appealed from was made, giving to both parties leave to proceed in the manner pointed out. That the Court had the power to make such an order no one could doubt; but he was of opi nion that, supposing their Lordships had heard the case, after giving the judgment which they had pre viously done, they would not, nor ought they to have made such an order. Upon the whole, he saw no reason why a new suit should be instituted. Judgtnent altered and reversed. THE EARL OF PANMURE V. MAULE. The LORD CHANCELLOR said it was evident to that the judgment of the Court below could not stand.—Judgment reversed. MILLER V. MILLER. The LORD CHANCELLOR said this case had been argued with great ability at their Lordships' bar. The Case was originally before the Lord Ordinary, and ultimately before three of the Judges of the Court below. The' Lord Ordinary, in his judgment of December, 1829, had given a very satisfactory reason for that judgment. The Noble and Learned Lord said, after all the attention which he had be stowed upon the case, lie was of opinion, upon the grounds so distinctly stated by the Lord Ordinary, that the conclusion to which the Court below had come was a right one.—Judgment affirmed. MILLER V. MOODY.—Judgment affirmed. MAcDouGAL v. CAmPnELL.—Judgment affirmed. The Peace Preservation Police of the County Clue are now in course of reduction.—Limerick Cron. A party of the religious sect called Ranters have established themselves in Parsonage-lane, whose " devotions" ere carried on with such a degree of wild and noisy enthusiasm as to distuab the peace of the neighbour hood. Some of their hymns are set to profane tune, such as " Auld fang syne," "Buy a broom," " Cherry ripe," and the Tike. —Bath Herald A mouse, that had lived all his days in a chest, says the fable, chanced one day to creep up to the edge, and, peeping out, exeliimed with wonder, " I did not think the world was so large." The first step to knowledge is, to know that we are ignorant. It is a great point to know our place : for want of this, a man in private life, instead of attending to the affairs or his " chest," is ever peeping out, and then he becomes a phi losopher ! Ile must then know every thing, and pre sumptuous), pry into deep and secret councils of God : not considering that man is finite, he has no faculties to comprehend and judge of the great scheme of things. We can form no other knowledge of spiritual things, except what God has taught us in his word, and where he stops we must stop.— Cecil. Yesterday, as John King, about 42 years of age, and James King, aged 18, his son, St. Clement's lane, Temple-bar, bricklayers, were pointing the outside of the house No. 13, Brompton-place, Brompton, one of . . the spars which were driven into the bricks for the pur pose of supporting the scaffolding, suddenly gave way, and both father and son were in an instant precipitated into the area of the adjoining house. They were conveyed without loss of time to St. George's Hospital. A few minutes after they reached ;the hospital the son expired. The father still exists, but he is considered in a highly dangerous state. MR. IRVING'S CIIAPEL.—The mummeries at this place arc still proceeding, although they do not excite so much public curiosity as formerly. On the morning of Sunday week, at the termination of what was really an energetic and eloquent e xhortation, by M r . Irving, a young woman suddenly yelled out, not in an unknown tongue, hut in the most dolorous tones imagin. able—" Oh ! oh ! oh ! Tremble ! tremble ! tremble ! Turn ye ! turn ye ! turn ye ! The Lord is at the door ! the Lord is at the door! the Lord is at the door! He 'will come in ! he will come in! he will come in!" and 'a quantity of other gibberish in the same style ; all which, Mr. Irving solemnly proclaimed to be an emanation from the Holy Spirit !! ! During this absurd exhibition, a 'lady in the gallery, who had never before witnessed such a scene, could not refrain from smiling ; upon which a singularly ill-fav oured memb er of the congregation, with knewin hisgrim visage of th e utmos t f ur y, ask e d that she was " i n th e pre s ence o f God ?" heran expression she e siori gg Y es , Sir," said she, " and in that of the devil too, if I ma y judge by your countenanee,"—Literary Gazette. GOA. W The following magnificent order of the m ontif his Excellency D3ll Julian, Governor of : H Vford has been published in that col o ny, and wil,l t Olte' some entertainment in the present dearth 0 1 ment " Order of the Day. 4 01; " Government-h ou . e , Damaun, EithJanul l 4. - "By two ships, which quitted London 0 0 4th and orb of September, and have recently at Madras, we receive the most grateful Welt?. from Portugal, reaching to the 18th of 1 ‘,,, This . intelligence has, for the most part, Co7o# cored in the Bombay papers, and a mounts 40 following :—The city of Oporto, occupied if it rebel army to the number of 7,500, is e l n e or sieged by a part of our army, consisting' l':/„ 0 9 0 men, in two di v i.i ons , comman d e d V " Pezo da Regoa, and the Duke de Cadavand roads are all cu t o ff, t h e greatest sca rcity of / 1 ;44 sions reigns in the city, and the rebels ha ye e little cavalry to see k f or t h em outs id e . Our gill s js composed of one vessel of the frigates, arid various small craft, watches O- 0 over the movements of the rebel squadron, dares not approach them. In fi ne ' hei tSt rebels cannot this time esc a p e the just porp - o rnr, which heav en h as d est i ne d f or t h em . /libeno' gal, with one voice, prays for success to its Sovereign ; th e cause which the rebels defe sir k h o at r e re d d br o th s e ue r i 4 i at a iol, g a re n e d o t l l a ie t y th th e e y mselves are ] are denie. n i t ttl arid water, like the ancient outlaws. The f, 41 ,01 geese, who defend the sacred cause of the A A " .. 1114 Viriato, of Alfonso, and of John 1., IV., et l pcil have shown the world before that they s : o l \ l: . . at. o o ii endure a foreign dominion—they have the alter of honour that neither will they P erk now. Tremble, ye foreigners, who wish to !pr them laws, and attack their independence. " - o f ble, too, y e degenerate Portuguese who will 1 2t t io from the bottom of you hearts, ' Long ii, 0 1 v e ,„, King, our Sov ere i gn L or d, D on Mi gue l 1.1 1 " .° Portugal and Portuguese !' VIE t, " JULIAO JOZE DA SILVIA i e f " Honorary Governor-General-in ti"oritti "Et non valuerunt, neque locus inventus ee l e amplius "And ' lsc e their P ley did not prevail, neither was found any more !"—Apocal., c. xii., v. S. THE MARKETS. COAL MAIL. Per "fol.. 8. (I. 13 6 13 0 Charlotte East 14 0 lebhurn Main , 14 6 Holywell 14 6 Ord's Redhugh P.l 6 Pieton Main 12 6 Polito') Windsor .... l3 6 lan field Pownley l3 3 Willington Wylam 14 6 Walls End Heaton --. 15 6 Dittoßcll, ltobson,& Co. 14 6 Walls End 14 3 Walls End 1 lotspur.—.— 14 6 Walls End Newmarch,.... 14 0 I Ships arrived since last market-day, 1°8" .ET.—A ug. '26 Per l'on. „d 4 , 1 4 0 Ditto Northumberi a "ro% 14 g Walls End Perkins 15 15 0 Walls End Riddell 's 15 Walls End WaWero."'". lb 0 Lanibton's Primrose ji *0 Walls End Braddyll's , ' IT Walls End Hetton 1$ p Dixon's Butterknowl..... ji 6 Walls End Adelaide ••••••'' If o W. 1. Alusgrave''''' ' 0 3 W. E South Durhaul' lb 6 Walls End Tees g Culm James and An lo. , le 0 Hartley 1 4 Howard'sNethertonlo # Neville's Llanelly«. -- ' 4 :. 0 Tanlield Attair's -- ,13.FauTnont. LEWES MA It 0 MARKET.—Aug. 27. 18 0 White Wheat (per quarter) ...•...•£2 16 oto 14 0 Red ditto - 290 1 5 0 • 12. 0 1 0 , fi I ew— 1: 19 0 13 0 pet 001 OP 3s. 4d. to 4s, Od I 4 0 4 10 Pork 6 Lamb Ss. 4d. to ss. 4d. _ Yeas,. Oil Cake, Mutton a p RUMFORD M A RKET.—Aug. 2 8 - , d. F. d. to s. d. "' 4 4 • Beef lamb 4s . 60 York 4s. 4d. to ss. 4d. I g, ter.. Suckling Calves, I4s. to 365. ; Quarter old Store Pilgst Supply moderately good, and trade dud. • 40 , Veal 6 .' ' .......... 35 Mutton SOU MALL al A It (El.—Aug. toei 3s. Oki. to 4s. Od. I Veal _as 10( 1 . 4 .. 3 6 4 6 l Pork 3 Lamb 4s. 6d. to ss. 9d. A considerable Part of the stock left the market unsow• 8eef.,,.,, Mutton CHELTENHAM MA ItliET.—Aug. % J. O Per Bushel. g. d. to s. d. Per lb. a I Wheat Mutton e ef."... .....................:::: ::: 0 0 1 1 Barley 56 0 0 6 8 60 13 Oats 4 0 4 3 Veal ...................... 6 Beaus Pease 5 0 7 0 Lamb. ..• Hay 3l. 10s to 3/. 15s. Od. per too. J'' P a DUAIFRIES MARKETS.—Aug.2 I . ~ (I. s. d. s.d. ... °P Wheat, Imp. Bush 7 1 to 7 4 Butter, 160 L ''''''''' ..0 v 9Q' f Barley ..... Oats Flour, 141 h. ..y,y , . Oatmeal 1 6 1 8 Veal ....... .. ......... .....1 0 Potatoes, cwt..... MEETINGS OF CREDITOR S O OI'. AT THE COURT, BASINGHALL.STR'' (From the London Gazette.) 0. TO- MORRO W 29. , 1 , , S. Stockton, wine-cooper, Long-yard , , Lamb's Condo ,. .... , F. Pout, attorney-at-law, Surrey street .................... DIVIDENDS, ll F. G. Banner, plumber, Cripplegate-b u ildings .................... W. Bassett, builder, Dean-street, Soho ................... S. F. Lettsom, tin-plate-manufacturer, Cannon.stree' _ 910 5' WESTMINSTER SAILOR S AND S°` -r. 01 ,1" . : - Usion.—An excursion on b oar d th e Albion t 4es gooti s So ,' for the benefit of this Society, took place on b f ol,, A numerous and respect a bl e com p an y av ailed C h e ,, 19 0 5,'' of this oppo r t un ity o f com bi n i ng p l easure o r i le "f t er 9 volent object ; th e d a y was unusua ll y fi ne , an 9 ttPart: ' ceding down the river Thames and up the pl` - p esP,. taking a vi e w o f t h e fl eet , t h e company re turned! tor t and highly gra tified. The object of the Soviet , ' )11 „, 0 0 4 bo e mote temperan ce , an d religious knowledge ati i°o l : ii ve so d, and seamen, and from the report it appears to _ ospe very successful. Th ere i s a public readine i• loan lib rar y at Westminster, maintained by t his alloi rad P for the free use of the members of the army a . , t° 0; its localito. There were 19 children belong ' f !" 1 . 1 0 1 Sailors' Orphan Asylum on board, whose peva° Se ' tion and neat appearance excited general interes t ', r io contributions to the institution were handed ° I " 0, course of the passage. t i itg it s* THE MOOR S .—I n dry seasons, sue - to ss i present, grou se as we ll as blackcocks betake thjlsLii for the sake of water, to the low grounds, and op; .I".i, of this description the sport has been excelle li o stro gentleman of our acquaintance, who of course b, bad crack shots to help him, despatched , on the 1 %0 ,J stones of game by the Edinburgh and English ' . 0 1 " Dnmfries Courier. heel ili'' GROUSE.—The moors have now ge ° Or up, and the reports from the diffarent districta...Aid," formly corroborative of form e r accoun ts, reg;o o t ie• great abundance of grouse thi s season , and th e sle Of condition of the birds. We have been told le oe fil t i,,' man of this neighbourhood, of considerable e tbe P o t who was upon a range of the Lammermuirs °Light 0 1 ' that the heather has seldom been seen more o t ifulf , blooming, and the birds are consequently P 1943 i remrkably strong and fat.—Kelso Mail. Of 1) , CORONER'S INQUEST.—SUICI P 'bitd $1 ' dil self eif inq uestde destru c tion tr o u t: t t io h n e Tnoor E a.—Yesterday afternoon, a jury as 9elli ptireai $' Canteen in the Regent ' s -park Barracks, for th e n orr", trooper belonging to the Royal Horse Glia r r s ld!„,ellf. , c verithl d in or from his body with a razor. The deceased " 0 05, b b y ody nea o r f ly j°9ePhl 131°6' IP‘r been corporal in the regiment, but in etneeq ti ii or , tt‘' c h o o n ld v i : i g tte a d n sertion had been reduced to the ranks, wW v i e svi n t i blr preyed upon his mind. The Jury, af` 9 %,,it)", • jort i body, returned a verdict of " Temporary 019- 1 r......e deceased had been possessed of considerab 9 b e to* - 01 1 t i l e , s A. having squandered upwards of 2,000 1 . I W /1Y P i l tb ' ' enlisted in the regiment. He was only 113 of his age, and has left a widow O' f BIRTHS. 101 0 On the lGth inst., at Cromer, Norfolk; th e Collins, Esq., of a daughter. MARRIED. the Itc %,V On the _'7th inst., at Great Saxliant, f orr° i vi • Masted, the Rev. Arthur Carrighan, Rector of . r o f county of Suffolk, to Julia, youngest dal/11000 Mills, Esq., of Great Saxham Hall, in the sail' 0 01°P(4. ------ re ~ DIED. bite, d ire. On the ‘2Stli inst., at RoHeston Hall, StaffordS i e,,io daughter of Sir Oswald Mosley Bart , M.P. 0 ,,, Del°,' r e , On the :26th inst., at Edgware, Elizabeth, "i v filic"" di of Mr. Thomas J. Smedley, of MLmfortl's-c°urt' toe ' flit, of the ilGth year of her age. „, t it) J O On the *2Sth inst., at her house in F itzrof-s„ ‘ , . -1 . 3 ,1 rC 0n. ~ P' year of her age, Mary Dowager Viscountess.l'isi; - jolr' e . , t, On the :35th inst., at Cowes, Isle a wigiv iv aio r ;oo o- A : clau o g i h , t t e h r e o l f l t t l i i i e !itnestrt..,CahtarLleissbDo,g,by Canon of ', A , i r e , I „. son of John Jorge, Esq of No 4 1 , 4° V 1 P j P :rrgel:;- -°°' ' O '' Russell-square. ' . I .' • if .., v 000 ' ---------- PRININD AND Punisiinn ay MU RD ° ' 7 SUN Orrics, 112, SisAsV4 / 0. . hp_picE k, mkt or' tbat, a 'ls al it tity c L inha ?rdninee epit4ioti. c17',.. Cat it 7 A 9116 61 4.lterello to 1, • ' 'Tich