The Sun. — London, England, 1833-09-21 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS, We have lately inserted the Royal Commis sion for inquiring into the constitution and ma nagement of the Municipal Corporations of the United Kingdom ; we have likewise recently published the commission for instituting inqui ries into the state of the criminal law, with a view to the modification of such parts of our penal statutes or mode of judicial procedure as require improvement, and to a better arrange. ment of the whole. We had formerly occasion to announce and to describe the appointment and labours of the commissioners nominated to inquire into the poor laws of England, and more recently to mention the appointment of a com mission to ascertain the practicability and policy of introducing a system of poor laws into the sister kingdom. All these commissions are urged to activity by the call of the Government, and must present reports on which the Legisla ture will probably be invited to act next session : if so, it will be of extreme importance that the facts which they shall collect, and the opinions which they shall think it their duty to submit to his Majesty's Government, should he printed and laid as early as possible before Parliament on its re-assembling. We press this matter with peculiar earnestness, from a painful recollection of the very hurried and imperfect manner in which the most important measures were discussed and disposed of towards the close of last session, and the consequent imper fect manner in which their details, and the rea sons for their adoption, are even now known to the public. We might produce nearly all the great and permanent measures of the session as an illustration of the evil against which we are now warning the Government, but we shall at present more particularly allude to the Factory Bill, as we formerly adverted to the East India Act. Everybody remembers how much, and how justly, the national feeling was excited against what was properly called at the time the " white slavery of our fact ories,"—the sacrifice of the health, the happiness, and the moral nature of children, who cannot be free agents, to the cupidity of their parents or the rapacity of their masters. Everybody read, and read with horror, the details of cruelty, oppression, and barbarity contained in the report of the com mittee of which Mr. Sadler was chairman, and therefore hailed the Ten Hours' Labour Bill of Lord Ashley as the one thing needful—as the only protection to infants against the infliction of such hardships. By the resistance which the noble Lord's Bill met with from the manufac turing interest, its progress was interrupted through the House, and Government having appointed a commission of inquiry into the management of factories, and having themselves introduced a bill founded on the Report of that commission, the No ble Lord's measure was finally abandoned. Now, it might have been anticipated, from the fierce conflict of the antagonist parties at the earlier part of the session,—from the resistance made to the appointment of the Royal Commis sion,—from the jealousy with which the pro ceedings of the Commissioners were watched in the manufacturing districts (a jealousy of which we ourselves largely partook), and from the pre vious favour testified to the Ten Hours' Labour Bill of Lord Ashley, that, at least, the substi tuted Government measure would be rigidly canvassed in all its stages, and would be gene rally known and appreciated after its enactment. This, we say, was the very least of the results which might have been expected from the pre vious collision ; but we are sorry to add, that from the lateness of the period at which the new Bill was introduced, and the multiplicity of other brisiness before Parliament at the time, its pro visions were very inadequately explained or dis cussed in the Legislature ; and never, perhaps, was there Effected so important a change in the commercial or manufacturing policy of a great nation—never was there passed so powerful a measure for regulating the industry and promot ing the education of the manufacturing popula tion of any state, with so striking an indifference on the part of the public, and so imperfect a knowledge of its details after it had been placed on the statute-book. On this account, we may be excused, as in the case of the East India Bill, for giving an outline of its chief provi sions, and describing its probable results. 1. In the first place, the Factory Act provides that, for the protection of the health and interests of the rising generation, no persons under eighteen years of age shall be allowed to work in a mill or factory in the night at all, and the night is defined to be the time that intervenes between half past eight o'clock in the evening and half past five in the morning. Lord Ashley's Bill extended the same protection to young persons till they reached their twenty-first year, and described the night to be the time intervening between seven o'clock in the evening and six in the morning. We need hardly repeat here what we have said on so many former occasions, that we prefer Lord Ashley's limitation, and that we wish it had been adhered to in the Act. 2. In the second place, the Act provides that no child under nine years of age shall be admitted to work in a factory at all at any time of the day, or under any conditions. This is almost a transcript of a similar clause in Lord Ash ley's Bill. In looking at the report of the Commissioners, how different do we find the present practice ! " It appears in evidence," say these gentlemen, " that in some rare instances children begin to work in facto. ries at five years of age ; it is not uncom mon to find them there at six ; many are under seven, still more under eight ; but the greater number are nine." 3. In the third place, we find it provided that children between nine and thirteen years of age are only to be al lowed to work eight hours a day, or 48 hours a week. This, we think, is an improvement on Lord Ashley's Bill, which made no distinction between children of nine years of age and young persons of eighteen, fixing the hours of working at ten for all. We shall afterwards see how much more nobly and profitably these two hours, thus rescued from the toils of the mill, are to be employed in the exercises of the school---in that mental culture for which the Noble Lord's Bill made no provision. 4. In the fourth place, the Act limits the hours of working for young per sons between thirteen and eighteen years of age to twelve hours a day, or sixty-nine hours a week, exclusive of an hour and a half for meals in the course of the day. In this respect, and in this respect alone, the statute contains a ma terial deviation from the protective range of Lord Ashley's Bill, which fixed the labour of all children between nine and eighteen years of age, at ten hours a day. 5. In the fifth place, the Act allows two whole holydays and eight half holydays in the year ; the period of the latter to be determined by the master or em ployer. 6. In ascertaining the age of the chil- dren whose admission into factories is allowed, or whose scale of hours is graduated from nine to eighteen, the simple assurance of those in tereqed is not to be taken. The paternal care of the law requires the certificates of a surgeon that the child is of " the usual strength and ap pearance of children of the age" to be admitted or protected. We do not remember to have seen either of the two last mentioned provisions in Lord Ashley's Bill. But the important dis tinction between the defeated Bill and the suc cessful Act which n ow s upplies itsintended place on the statute-book, lies in two circum stances which would be great measuresin them selves, and contain the seeds of mighty changes in our domestic policy, independently of the re gulation of the hours of labour in our factories, which was alone originally contemplated by Mr. Sadler and Lord Ashley. Their measure was nearly destitute of executory machinery (if we may be allowed the expression), and would soon have been forgotten or abandoned like the pre vious Bill for regulating cotton factories. It, moreover, contained no provision for educating the children whose hours of labour it regulated, and withdrew its care of their health and morals after they had issued from the factory door. The Ministerial Act, on the contrary, pro vides an important class of new officers, called inspectors, who shall have the authority of magistrates for enforcing its execution,—who shall be responsible for its observation,—and who shall be empowered to frame rules, having the authority of laws, for carrying its spirit and intention into effect. They will have nearly the same powers, and answer the same ends, as the protectors of slaves in our colonies before the Emancipation Act. Though li mited to four, they can have the assistance of subordinate superintendents on the nomi mination of one of the Secretaries of State. Their business is to see not only that the hours of labour in the mill are observed, but to provide that every child between nine and thirteen years of age, employed in a factory, shall attend some school, to be chosen by the parents or guardians of the child, for the space of two hours every day at least, and shall bring a schoolmaster's voucher every Monday to the factory for such attendance. The inspectors shall have the power of erecting additional schools, if necessary, the payment of the schoolmaster being a deduction of one penny per shilling in the earnings of the child. The situation and duties of these inspec tors will thus be of the greatest consequence in the domestic economy of our manufacturing ci ties, towns, and districts, while the state of the children employed in the factories must soon be sensibly changed, not only from the exclusion of perfect infants below nine years of age, who can be better employed at school—not only from the regulation of the labour of those who are admitted after that age—not only from the pro tection which all must enjoy against cruel treat ment, by having a powerful guardian within reach—a guardian acquainted with their condi tion, disposed to hear their complaints, and empowered, at all times, to enter the premises where they are working—but from the moral and religious education which those from nine to thirteen will be compelled to receive. We are no enthusiasts in such matters, but we cannot contemplate, without a strong feeling of sa tisfaction, the advantages which we foresee as likely to result from this beneficial measure, if carried into effect by a liberal Government, and superintended it its ope ration by inspectors or visitors of strong capacity, of enlightened humanity, and moral courage. The principle ofinterferen ce between the employers and employed, by a Government inspector, is, no doubt , new to o ur i n t erna l a d m i n i strat i on , but it is justified by the new and extraordinary situation of our country with regard to manufac turing capital and industry. The congregation of workmen into great masses under the same roof, and the employment of children of tender age, who cannot be their own masters, in great numbers, under the same superintendent, who may overwork their frames, or torture their fee ings, afford facilities for the performance of the duties which it imposes. We cannot extend the same protection to children in scattered employ ' ments ; nor do such temptations exist, in such cases, to neglect their education or to gain money by their fatigues. If we are to be the workshop of Europe,--if we are to manufacture cottons, and woollens, and linens, for whole continents, — if we are to employ two or three millions of our population in mills or factories, let us at least do all in our power to mitigate their toil, to promote their education, and to prevent, by their moral improvement, the effects of their discontent or turbulence, when the accidents of foreign politics, or the caprices of foreign customers, may expose them to a temporary fall of wages, or stagnation of employment.— Times. The Corporation Commission for the investi gation of the municipal jurisdictions and public revenues of the corporate boroughs of England and Wales excites, as we anticipated, the most grateful interest throughout the country, as is abundantly proved by the columns of the pro vincial journals. It was high time that these corrupt self-elected bodies and garrisons of Toryism were visited by the besom of Reform; and if the amendment of the Representative system had produced no other political result, we should have said that this remedial measure was alone a vast popular gain. The municipal incorporated boroughs A re the sink-holes of local corruption and political abuse. Self election, secrecy, sinister interest, there abound undisturbed and revelling in impunity. In the great majority of instances as in the Scotch Burghs, all the subservient and willing tools of Toryism are the chief Corporators, to the exclu- sion of every enlightened and opulent inhabitant. Lord Lyndhurst, and, be it remembered, Sir R. Peel also, impudently defended the misrule as the government of independent, spotless, and irresponsible managers of private property. Thus have their municipal jurisdictions and public funds been perverted from the original objects of the institution and endowment. But the " fulness of their time" is come. They are now to be subjected to a searching investigation, and to alterative measures of a Reformed House of Commons. Whilst a component part of the Borough System, they were protected by the menials whom they sent up to Parliament as the mock representatives of the people. Corpora tions, perverted from their original ends and purpose, have been, in most instances, a curse instead of goo d to t h e community. The Muni cipal Magistracy has lacked even a decent sem blance of local respect —not a shadow of effective or popular police has existed in any single town —the receipts and expenditur e of the public funds hav e b een an i mpenetrable secret exclu sively known to the select few—the civil and criminal jurisdictions have continued not only unimproved, but generally in a state of shameful and defective management—in short, the Cor porators have " done that which they ought not to have done, and have left undone that which they ought ta have done." The nation, there fore, naturally and justly hails with delight the movement against these time-eaten and offensive bodies. The country papers, in all the counties, appear to welcome the advent of the Commis sioners; an interest not diminished by the general personal character of the gentlemen selected by Government to accomplish this desired reforma tion. The Leeds Mercury, in noticing the district arrangements for the north of England, observes— " We trust the scrutiny instituted by the Commissioners will he searching, for they will turn up many nests of cor ruption and jobbing, especially in those boroughs which have considerable funds, and where the Corporations have bad the power of creating freemen to answer political pur poses. Their investigations must, however, be conducted with vigour and dispatch, as it is doubtless intended to pass the measure of Corporation Reform during the next ses sion. The character of Mr. Blackburne, the Chief Com missioner, and of Mr. J oseph Parkes, the Secretary, is a sufficie n t guaran t ee t h at t h e i nqu i r i es o f t h e C ommis sion will be boldly and honestly conducted." The Provincial Papers generally detail the progress of the Commissioners with the same satisfaction. We hope that in their anxiety to report for future improvement, the Commis sioners will not lightly treat the past offences of some of the more notorious Corporators. A perfect remedial measure can only be at tained by a full insight into past iniquities, by which cure and prevention will go hand in hand. kVe are also particularly glad to observe by the Country Papers, that the Commissioners sit in public, and are accessible to communications from any inhabitant. A close inquiry would have savoured too much of the spirit of the present Corporations, and have been extremely objectionable. We must not forget that the municipal constitution of the City of London is not perfect, and is equally susceptible of the be nefits of investigation. The subject was a topic of discussion at a meeting of the Common Council yesterday, as will be seen in our report of the proceedings of that civic body ; and we are gratified to observe the willing obedience pro fessed towards the Commission. It was there stated that the London Corporation was " far advanced in self-reformation ;" but we do not doubt that its members will be greatly assisted by the Commissioners. The City Companies will afford a fruitful supply of subjects of inquiry, and constitute a numerous offspring of the great parent Corporation. The Globe makes the fol lowing abservations on these latter municipal bodies : " Great interest is excited throughout the country as to the result of the inquiry into the Municipal Corpora. tions. We do not conceive it to be a matter of great difficulty, if principles be agreed on and kept in sight, to know what should be done in establishing new Corpora• tions, in which the safe course is to do nothing for which some convincing reason cannot be given ; for, as a Cor poration is an exception to the general system of the king dom, the burthen of the proof, as to every inch of power conceded to it or to its members, lies on those who propose to erect it. But to deal with many of the old Corporations, and especially with their property, is a matter of great delicacy. The limits are in many cases indistinct, and almost indistinguishable, which separate Corporation from private property. If there be a dozen or fifty persons having a corporate name as burgesses, or merchant tailors,' or fishmongers,' having the power of transmitting their property, under certain rules, to successors of their own appointment or of their own kindred, it is not very easy, in all cases, to know why tie State should interfere with the savings or acquisitions which form their common stock, rather than with the property which a dozen or fifty other persons hold in severalty, and transmit, in a similar manner, to their legatees or their heirs. The duties of the Commission are confined to Municipal Corporations; but some which may be comprehended under this not very de&nite name, are bodies forming, in fact, large families connected by the bonds of the law, and, in many instances, by ties of blood, and having for the object of their cor porate existence rather the preservation and enjoyment of a common property, than the exercise of other powers or privileges. How far these Corporations ought to be in terfered with, will of course, be a matter of curious discus4oo. " The City Companies are placed on perhaps the most debateable ground—they are, no doubt, municipal, inas much as the members or freemen of them enjoy exclu sively the right of filling the City Magistracy. But . they are also possessors of large masses of p r op e rty with which their municipal duties have v er y littl e connexion—pro party almost entirely acquired by gifts from the former members of those artificial families. It is calculated, we see, that the whole annual value of the property of these Companies is not less than 350,0001. In this mass of property some 15,000 or 20,000 members of the Corporate in fluence the are in vari o u s d egrees i n t ereste d. What the property exercises, and how its usefulness may be in creased without any violation of justice—whether the Corporations which b o ld it, an d h ave i n p a rt created it, form on the whol e a b ene fit or a nu i sance — a re questions which it is not easy without minute inquiry to answer. They obviously partake, however, of some of the benefits, and perhaps even of some of the evils, which have been ascribed by fri e nd s an d enem i es t o th e C o - o p e rative Socie ties which Mr. Owen and his followers have sought to establish. They preserve common properties agin!t individual improvidence—they lessen in many cases indi vidual misery, and, perhaps, at the same time, dull the edge of individual activity." Our contemporary is rather refined and over delicate in some of these remarks. The com- panies are essentially municipal corporations, branches of the common tree. Their revenues are literally and substantially " public," although a few individuals may monopolise the manage ment ; and all additions to the original funds by private donations have been contributions to the public stock for the promotion of the original objects of incorporation. It ma y be doubted how far all these municipal corporations or com panies do " preserve common properties against individual improvidence;" at any rate the exhi bition of a gentle aperient, and the light of pub licity, would make their respective utility and defects apparent to the country. Some of the City companies possess enormous revenues, the appropriation and useful expenditure of which are hitherto unknown ; and they have been lately subject to animadversion and popular reflection. W e do not doubt, therefore, that they will re joice in the opportunity of proving their merits to the public at large, which is amply afforded them by this most important and timely com mission of inquiry. —Morning Chronicle. Advocating, as we do, the practice of economy in all branches of the State, we yet do not hold the opinion that all saving is econom . y. Eco nomy, to be sound and wise, must also be just. We cannot say that a considerable portion of the savings which have been made of late years in various departments of the State, either by the Duke of Wellington's Government or Lord Grey's, have been made in a spirit of equal justice, and we will give our reasons. Both the Tory and the Whig Administrations have gone upon the principle of cutting down the salaries and emoluments of the inferior and more effective officers and clerks in die service of the country, while they have either very ten derly pared with the economical pruning-knife the vastly overpaid performances of the loftier occupants of office, or have left them altogether untouched. When the Duke of 'Wellington used the pruning instrument in trenchant style in some of the public offices, upon the compa ratively humble pittances of the minor officials, we observed that his economy began at the wrong end. He ought to have first divested of some of their rank and wasteful luxuriance the higher branches of the spreading tree of patronage, before he stooped to cut away the minor shoots. In a State which, after running a long career of extravagance, finds it necessary to prac tise the virtue of e co n o m y as a means of averting total ruin, the example of judicious and careful expenditure ought to be begun in those places where the opposite example has been most pernicious —that is, in the highest stations. The inferior officials, if they do not submit to similar discipline cheerfully, will at least have no just reason to complain. The Members of the present Government joined in the attacks upon the Wellington Administration for this vicious and unsatisfactory mode of reforming a system—a mode which impaired the efficiency of the departments in which it was brought to bear, while it left all the great burdens of prodical ex penditure to press as heavily as ever on the country. The Whigs stood pledged to a more equal economy—to an economy which would not be content with throwing the net over the small fry of patronage, and letting the leviathans disport themselves in licentious freedom. They did, accordingly, submit their own salaries to the retrenching-blade ; but it must be admitted that it was very delicately applied. In some instances only the odd shillings were cut off, by which the thousands of yearly salary were reduced from guineas to pounds. But as economy went downwards, it became more severe ; while num bers have been'thrown out of employment who were necessary to the efficiency of some of the departments, there has been nothing like proportionate reductions, where the drain upon the country is greatest. The poorer sort of employes in the offices, when thrown out of employment, must be sup ported by the country—and those who are in adequately paid for real services will be forced to make up the deficiency by whatever opportu nities for peculation or extortion their situations may supply. As to sinecure places, or places with salaries in which there is no duty to perform, some have been lopped, but a great many more remain. Such things are not only bad on account of their exhausting effect upon the country, but for their bad moral example. They serve to bring up a lazy, pampered, conceited race, in a profusion which they have not earned, and at the expense of that industrious popula tion whom they despise. They take the bread from him who has earned it by the sweat of his brow or the labour of his brain, and give it to the thankless children of a corrupt system, whose lives, in all but innocence, are like " the lillies of the valley, for they toil not, neither do they spin, and yet Solomon in all his glory was not arrayed like one of these." A new instance of that unjust retrenchment 4ich is not a wise economy has manifested itself in the order recently issued from the Horse Guards, requir ing half-pay officers to state whether they are prepared to serve upon full pay, and informing them that, in the event of their not being so prepared, they will be required to com mute their half-pay for such sum as Government may think expedient to allow. Now we say, if the army is to be economized, why not begin with the top, and upon that exalted station set the example of economy to all the inferior ranks ? Supposing the half-pay officers in general should declare themselves willing to serve on full pay, is Government prepared to employ them ? We should think not. It is impossible that it could be done, unless Government is about to augment the army to the war establishment, at a time when they declare that their negotiations have consolidated the peace of Europe. What then can be the meaning of asking the half-pay officers whether they are prepared to serve on full pay ? Why it must be known that a great many of those officers have been pretty well worn out in the service, and have looked forward to passing the remainder of their days in quiet, upon the pittance which the country has awarded them for honourable services. Many have married, and have young families, whom they wish to bring up as well as their means can afford, and to leave them no alternative but to go again cam paigning, or to part with their half-pay, probably the whole or the greatest part of their income, for such paltry pittance as Government may choose to award ; for it is certain, that if it were not intended that the half-pay officers should suffer in a pecuniary point of view the offer would not be made. The country, how ever, does not demand that sort of economy which is practiced at the expense of justice. Instead of the paltry and one-sided economy, why does not the Officer Commanding in Chief begin the plan of necessary and whole some curtailment with himself ? Why does not Lord Hill give up his allowances as Colonel of the Blues, and his pay as a General Officer, whil e in the receipt of the large salary which he possesses as head of the army ? Why does he not call upon Lord Fitzroy Somerset to give up the emoluments of his regiment, and his pay as Major General, while he is in the receipt of 2,0001. a year as Secretary to the Commander in-Chief? Why does he not call on the Adjutant-General Macdonald to give up his pay as C o lonel of a regiment, while he receives the large s a lary of his present situation ? Did not the Marquis Anglesey continue to receive pay as Colonel of the 7th Dragoons while drawing 20,0001. per annum as Lord Lieutenant of Ire land ? We do not know what emoluments the Duke of Wellington has as Governor of the Cinque Ports, besides having Weimer Castle for a residence, but we believe he is at the same time in the receipt of pay as Colonel of the grenadier guards, and also of the rifle corps. Lord Wil liam Bentinck, too, remains Colonel of a regi ment while enjoying his enormous income as Governor of India. The same with Sir Hussey Vivian, while receiving the emoluments of com mander of the forces in Ireland. As to the duties which should properly attach to the appointment of Colonel of a regiment, they are performed by the Lieutenant-Colonel, and, of course the Colonelcy is a sinecure. Indeed a Colonel of a regiment is a person, most usually, appointed more for ornament than use, and the country pays too dear for the ornament. At a . . time when a disposition is not only evinced but acted upon, to deprive inferior officers who have earned the moderate pittance which the country allows them, of that moderate pittance, it is time for the public to look to the more decorative part of the Government of the army—the mere trappings which are kept up at prodigious cost, a a n n and unsparingto ns insist that hand u n t h economy em shall begin by l ay i ng ._Morning Herald. Intelligence from Portugal rushes upon us from various quarters. We received last night expresses from Falmouth and Plymouth, the former announcing the arrival at Falmouth of his Majesty's packet Pantaloon, which sailed from Lisbon on the 7th inst., and from Oporto on the 12th ; and the latter informing us that the Echo Government steam vessel had arrived at Ply mouth, having sailed from Lisbon on the 12th inst., and from Oporto on the 14th. The co mmunications by the Falmouth arrival are of little value, except in so far as the statements put forth by the persons on board evidently derived from the party now in authority at Lisbon, indicate the anxiety of the latter to maintain to the last moment among their friends in this country cheerful countenances and open purses. Marshal Bourmont was repulsed on the sth with great loss, but he threatened to renew the attack ; thet hreatening aspect of the Marshal being neutralized by the assurance that desertions to a considerable extent had taken place in the Miguelite army. The news by the Echo steamer, which arrived at Plymouth on the 19th, is valuable, as being the latest that has yet reached this country. One letter states that at this period Marshal Bourmont continued to surround Lisbon with a force of 25,000 men, and that the village and district of Belena re mained in his possession. This does not say much in corroboration of the story of the deser tions, while it shows that no decisive military advantage had been obtained on either side. The Pedroites possess the two cities of Lisbon and Oporto, in both of which they are literally hemmed in, while their antagonists possess all the rest of the country, with an entire command of the hearts, efforts, and resources of its whole population. The news of yesterday is calculated upon the whole to irritate rather than to allay the anxiety of the people of this country for further information. In addition to the in telligence received by these two arrivals we have a mass of information, drawn from various sources, every portion of which contributes in some degree to elucidate the actual position, the prospects, and the character of the belligerent parties, and of their respective abettors. We beg, in the first place, to direct attention to the very curious correspondence which the position of affairs at Lisbon has produced between Lord William Russell and the British merchants resi dent in that city. Between the Noble Diploma tist and his fellow-countrymen there is manifestly a very grave misunderstanding. The Noble Lord perceives the strong probability that ere long Don Miguel will once more be master at Lisbon, and is accordingly solicitous now, for the first time, that the British merchants should preserve a strict neutrality. The British mer chants, on the other hand, having been encou raged by the whole past conduct and policy of their Government to become partizans of the Pedroite faction, have become very warm ones, and evidently do not take in very good part the homily by which the Ambassador now endea vours to restrain their zeal. They cannot un derstand why the British Government, after the course it has pursued, should object to their being staunch Pedroites during the conflict, and protected British subjects after the conflict is over, should its issue prove unfavourable. This correspondence, and the Resolutions of the merchants at their Meeting, speak volumes as to the state of public opinion in Lisbon with respect to the probable issue of the conflict. The new-born earnestness of Lord William Russell that his fellow-countrymen should remain neutral—his dread of being compromised by their zeal—their manifest and undisguised apprehension for the safety of their pro perty—their solicitude for the landing of a British force—their eagerness and his to procure an assurance of protection from the Miguelite military authorities, all proclaim, more plainly even than a direct avowal, their unanimous opi nion that the reign of usurpation in Lisbon is destined to be short. In the second place, we entreat the attention of the public to the very interesting letters from Oporto, which we exclu sively publish. These show that the conduct of the British Government has been employed as a snare, and not entirely without success, to the Portuguese people. Of those who have united themselves to the cause of Don Pedro, by far the greater part have done so in the confidence that, on the occupation of one or two promi nent points in the kingdom, the recognition of the intrusive Government, as the Govern ment de facto, would instantly take place, and that the acknowledgment would imme diately be followed by the arrival of a powerful auxiliary force of British troops. This delusion has already vanished, and the despond ing Pedroites indignantly feel that they have been caught in what they very properly call " a British trap." Thus the result of our sinister and disingenuous policy with respect to Portu gal is to make the English Government, and the very name of England, objects of odium and contempt with both parties of the Portuguese people. We need not point out to the execra tion of our countrymen the murderous exploits of the cowardly cutthroats whom Don Pedro has left behind him at his garrison in Oporto. The result of the whole of the intelligence of yesterday is, in short, that physically no im s f e p tt no dishonourable i oe i l t fl g a t he d re v e a lp n ta t arp a ntgayder parties, ioa h ems a w:bhbi b giuc e uth e o n tuEhsa g nstg a u i lt n pahn e i gained do support, moral e i t n e fi r u o hasan and lent a along t with it the character of the British Government and people in Portugal, are daily sinking lower and lower.—Morning Post. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MANSION-HOUSE. Mr Oxley, and Mr. Taylor, jun., of the house of Oxley and Taylor, appeared to answer the charge of having received from their agent, one Jacobs, who carried on business at Brandon, a large quan tity of flints, which had been stolen from the pre mises of Mr. Purgon, flint-manufacturer, at Brandon. It was stated that the warehouse of Mr. Purgon had been broken open some time ago, and robbed of several casks of the best flints; that a man had been traced to the house of Jacobs with a quantity of those flints; that the back door of Jacobs's house lay conveniently open at night for the reception of such goods, and that the parties who deposited the " swag" were paid next morning without undergo ing any particular examination as to the integrity of the dealing. It was also stated that the defendants received into their warehouses from Brandon, about the period at which the robbery was committed, a much larger number of flints than, considering the number of men employed in flint-making, could have been manufactured within the time; and wit nesses were called to prove that in the warehouse of Messrs. Oxley and Taylor were some flints of the same quality as those which had been stolen. An officer had been sent with a search-warrant to the premises of the defendants, accompanied by two of the complainant's men, who declared that upon knocking off the heads of some of the casks, that they believed the flints to be Mr. Purgon's, but never thought of bringing away a sample of them. The LORD MAYOR having adjourned the case till yesterday, Mr. Adolphus attended for the com plainant, and Mr. Bodkin for the defence. rir. Bodkin, in the first place, requested that his Lordship would send an officer to bring forward a sample of the flints. This was done, but upon the production of the sample which was asserted not to be first rate as those which had been stolen were said to be, one of Mr. Purgon's men said they were not the same which bad been on the premises when he went in with the search warrant. Mr. Oxley and Mr. Taylor, jun., and other per sons, utterly and indignantly denied the truth of the whole statement, arid designated it as a tissue of calumnious falsehoods. Mr. Bodkin addressed the Lord Mayor. He said that it was absolutely ridiculous to suPP t i : that men of the high characters which his cliele possessed, could have for a m omen t supposed that they received any property from Jacobs which fat not come at in the most h onoura bl e wa y. It r . ble also absurd to imagi ne t h a t th ey were re sponv for the acts of Jacobs. Counse l ' After a great many obs erva ti ons f rom un and principals on both sides, ?Jr' The LORD MAYOR said it was evident that the Pergen had been r o bb e d, an d t h at Jacobs waitivit receiver, but his Lordship w ou ld say nothirtiti. might cast any i m p u t a ti on upon t h e defelPi - or He would not give an y d ec i s i on , b ut h e cert al i it y must say that there was no p roo f w h atever de knowledge. The parties then left the Justice-room. t yp A decent-looking woman and a man, w ell V et e to be an honest ha r d- wor ki ng carpente r, 110 ,. brought before the LORD MAYOR under the I °' ing circumstances : d et The carpenter was seen ree li ng th roug h t he st' be r on the previous evening, and apparently with °At too much affection, pulling the woman along' length down both tumbled in the kennel, and qty it was found that th e l a dy was f ar gone i n b o d o and water, and that her protector, though kqe d ji perfectly well able to speak, could not help 114 ,P,5i of the puddle. The officers, who saw them I S, pickle, took them to the watch-house, whereli, lady lay until morning, when, inst ea d o f h er husha e i o she found several of the guardians of the nigh t her bed-room. did The LORD MAYOR (to the woman)—Ho"' you get into this disgraceful state ? Lady—l wti at a christening, and I took a couple of g lasses,., ale, and w h en t h e b oy ' s h ea l t h was d ran k I tFiqui little brandy and water, and that finished me• hope my husband knew nothing of it. The LORD MAYOR—I understand you are s a rr 1 spectable w o m an , an d I h ope h e does not. 1; a how did you happen to get into this man's cf - ef , pany ? Lady—He was there, I remember, enu is a friend of my husband's, but I don't think he il say anything about the b us i ness . I am bea u ' ashamed. The Carpenter—l w ante d t o go away , my Lo for I did'nt like to h ave a man ' s w if e to answer 1 d? 0 , 0 1 —(Laughter)—for I'd h ave to answer no t only her husband, but to my own wife; but t bel would'nt let me out of the watch-house. os• The LORD MAYOR—But why did you stick at close to her in th e s t reet ? Th e Carpenter--U7, else could I do, my L or d ? s h e was my frierl' iil wife, and I was bound to protect her, so I t both my arms round her, but that wouldn't do, she began to get sick, and that sickened me, al% down we fell together; but I was as sober $ judge at the time. The LORD MAYOR—WeII, I'd have you k ee l this a dead secret from yo ur res p ect i ve partee.'' and don't get drunk any more. The carpenter said there were so many 016 1011 ; ings on th e n i g h t o f Th urs d ay, and mll l l r g b honest man's wif e mus t h ave got a li tt l e too 1011 ,1,1 heavy to let her find h er way h ome stra i g ht s that probably all would be right. B 0 TV-STREET. Ito A WHOLESALE I MPOSTOR .—A a f ew days h, a man of g en tl eman l y appearance, who state d P i e name to be John Underwood, but wose real TO, is Wood, an d w h o h as l ong b een under the vcilance of the Mendicity Society as an ingeo l° A ; concocter of begging l e tt ers , b y w hi c h h e has n " f o ! frauded h un d re d s o f c h ar i ta b le and humane Perto of contributions for his own especial benefit, apprehesided and brought to this office in coai.4 quence of se vera l cases o f ev id ent i mpos i t i on , wha; had been traced to him notwithstanding the ea. treme caution with which his projects were 61 ducted. It appears that among h is v i ct ims, or r tended victims, persons of the highest rank are eluded, and among ot h ers , t h e M arqu i s o f Staff° r e 'l Earl Spen cer , Si r H er b ert T ay l or , &c. The la te , expedient to w hi c h h e has resorted, is that of dre,sing letters to the objects of his deceit, writ°. in the hand of a female, and signed with the nal lig t of " Charlotte Ritchie," " Emily Rowe,'' " Eliza Sullivan." These letters were colic'' ed in romantic and imp ass i one d language, rePr-ii senting the author s t o h ave b een t h e vi ctie l of seduction—to be sunk i n t h e l as t stsi ie v of human misery —and, in fact, in momentary ' a ir, prehension of b e i ng cons i gne d to t h e wa ll s of a 9 e, r son; and lest such app ea ls should be read W' e , doubt, they were accompanied by a certificate fo h ie the " Rev. J. G ran t," a c l erg y ma n of charitev f inclinations but limited m eans , w ho bore testim° l :' ‘ i to the truth of the " moving tale," and regrett'oi that he had not the p ower to prevent an apP which could only be made with the prospect of so o cess to the affluent and benevolent; but lest P . ., evidence should not b e sufficient, another precio."o document was appended in th e f or m of a letter f ru o f the actual seducer himself, lamenting the fate the hapless object of hi s affections, pleading PO! rty as the only cause of his not fulfilling his Pl e x l o l , and promising, if she is relieved from her ties, to make her his for ever, and thus satisfyt t i e own conscience and her just expectations. 13u tie g crown the whole, that nothing might be Wan i d to complete the picture, 'the copy of the writ igs bt against the poor Charlotte, Emily, Eliza, as it.tce be, was enclosed. S uc h a com bi nat i on of ev'' st ill was in most cases irre s i s tibl e; b ut as cau tion Wa s s et necessary, necessary, the answers were requested to r h 6 os directed to the p os t mas t ers at Margate, Br ffroni or elsewhere, to whom ano th er l etter w as sen - d iuta the " Rev. J. Grant," w h o was to b e the in e jet tee of communi ca ti on , request i ng , s h ou ld a"): ht be reach their hand s di recte d to hi m , t h a t it mlg re-directed, as he was prevented, by c lericals u dre ir from goin g t o M argate or B r i g h ton, to some le in town, where it was sure to reach his hands' o se this way had M r . U n d erwoo d b een operat ing I NO indefinite extent, till he reached Sir Herbert 11° 0 4 whom he addressed at St. James's Palace' 'O O who, suspecting t h e w h o l e to be an ive: o ; fa fraud, sent the documents to Sir F. Roe; vi,irs tb consequenc e , t oo k suc h measures as enabled Pip ' catch Mr. Underwood, with all his ciliases4cl;:, own trap ; and on being a pp re h en d e d, a C ;pii the Marquis of Stafford, th e f ru it s o f on e ' 9 4lit 13 1 spatches, was fou n d. H e was aga i n bra We,": yesterday, and is to be publicly examined on e n t"; nesday, when it is hoped tho s e w h o have be dupes of his arts will come f orwar d an d tim e gb evidence agains t hi m . H e was i n custody s°,brou back on a similar charge, but then slipped the fingers of his accusers. in the _NCREASE OF HARES.—The hares , 0 01 1 't preserves of the Ma rqu i s o f H ert f or d at SudburYl t "' 1 53 „ r,. , have multiplied so excee di ng l y w i t hi n t h e two / Si ; is ar, that there will b e a d e fi c i ency o f f oo d f or them":l - it' i' l 'i prehended, if the preserves be not thinned ; 33 ,,,,re0 ° been deemed advisable that two tho usan d, if 111:4 them them should be killed b e f o r e th e w i n t er conanr::: , ,esO t IRTHS. , On the 19th inst., at Russ ß ell.place, the lady of Ia• set, i if,. Chlri Adams, of a son. On the 19th inst., at Nottingham.place, ..- -s. Cancellor, of a daughter. MARRIED. r ooll' t l On the 18th inst., at Exeter, George Ogle, Esq. , °fli t : the I'l Middlesex, to Frances Mackenzie, second daught er 0 ''" . ft Captain Joshua Rowley Watson, R.N. to, er On the 19th inst., at Edmonton Church, Captain /9°. „,_ Ea 4 ' Margaret, second daughter of the late Robert gust]. ' ocx of the Royal Mint. ;nal(' !le t On the 19th inst., at Bolney, Sussex, Reg - , f Oa- ~,1 Boddington, second son of Benjamin Boddington "... 0 47 4 Hall, in the county of Salop, Esq., to Frances AnZ e y, e daughter of the Rev. William Vincent, Vicar of 13 v WI S granddaughter of the late Dean of Westminster. ~ , De o f On the 2d inst., at Richmond, Yorkshire, Rl': 94, os Hampton, Esq., "eldest son of John HamPt °n Levi to ' fr anc ber Wenllys and Bodiar, in the county of Anglesey. goo Elizabeth, only child of Thomas l'anson, Esq ., et. Richmond, Yorkshire. ~, of DIED. uen sco. , o f steP. t y On the 15th inst., at Farley Hill, Edward . the e on ~.,/, Scaleby Castle and Holme Cultram Abbey , in 01 13,00, Cumberland, and and of Farley Hill, in the r '' u : tY _ r il , ` O yoo 4(3 ' ' PAINTED AND PUBLISHED BY DI U R I) SLIM Orates, 112, STRAND' (4.11 E, BET Capital, Under i 1‘,1..,,,,,0r1NTy DsiliNor 1.,Q1) Betting k, j !tir 3 , Ca le. ph Fenwi . 17orge H em ~`o,,ert Fred. +►ersdale V nhert Honk nv. Whelei tenjamin Sh, William Unv ' , so n rge Wild ' A.SAU/ Office, N( 1 4.NL ER8. lOLIcITORS. I t e r b t 41ion f or a nbyci c Survey s I iutimrity of joration last any , to mak4 The Di rt Undertaking t P rop atetlbily ° the renaotel t 11, t parti I P i d and ic cl Z:ltribute t r „Vany, , the ir resp 4 1 4, PPliCatil titl, nd " C •