The Sun. — London, England, 1833-01-02 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The war horse" , lcilantwerp having been led back quietly to his stable, and no general war having yet greeted the anticipations of that patriotic faction which has nicknamed itself " Conservative," the Government of Lord Grey having therefore weathered the one great hurri cane prepared for it by the above distinguished enemies, what comes next ? They have got up an approaching war,—a general war too,—or rather a battle-royal in the Ministerial citadel, — even within that narrow space of which the boundaries are Whitehall, Downing-street, and the Hall of Westminster. In short, since the Tories have proved unable to break the peace upon the Continent, they mean to break up the Re form Government by fabricating divisions be tween its most distinguished members. The organs of daily and weekly slander have been circulating the nonsensical hopes of their patrons, that Lord Brougham was coming round to Toryism, and would make a flaming Keeper of the Seals for the new Conservative Cabinet. A mighty plausible story this! and avastly convenient prospect for the Cabinet "of the restora tion !" We venture to predict that the leaders of the ousted faction will take the " smart money," and enlist under Lord Grey, before Lord Brougham swerves one jot from the prin ciples which he has professed since his entry into public life, or from the pledges of judicial and other practical Reform on which he has more recently staked his future appreciation with the country. We need not say more, than that all the Tory gossip upon this subject of sup posed differences between the two great Chiefs of the Ministry are pure and perfect humbug, without one particle of foundation in truth, or of the remotest versimilitude. Once more, we wonder " what comes next ?" How must so lynx-eyed and clear-headed a man as the Lord Chancellor smile at the clumsy adulation with which the poor infatuated Tories imagine they are seducing him ! What an endless source of fun to a man of wit and humour must be sup plied by the self-complacent and persevering endeavours of these " gay deceivers !" It is as if a Beau Didapper should think to lead astray the mother of the Gracchi. " Ridete quidquid est domi cachinnorum."—Times. A " cock and a bull story " seems to have got into a very limited circulation among the Con servatives on this side of the water, and the Ja cobins on the other, that a rupture has taken place between the Russian and the French Go vernments,—that M. Pozzo di Borgo, who was reported to have run away from the congra- 1 tulatory incense of the Tuileries on New-year's day, as a certain dark personage is said to avoid holy water, had actually demanded his passports, —and that he had chosen London, we suppose, as the nearest road to St. Petersburgh. The causes assigned for this extraordinary event are more extraordinary than the unexampled ra pidity of its occurrence. The Emperor Ni cholas, it appears, has all at once found out, not only that the French can enter Belgium without his express permission, but that they can per versely sympathize with the liberal changes in the Spanish Cabinet,—that they can prefer Don Pedro to Don Miguel in Portugal,—that they have prevented the Duchess de Berri from continuing the civil war in La Vendee, and li mited her legitimate votaries to peaceful pil grimages to her place of detention,—that they wish the Pope to perform his promises in Italy, and that they permit the persecuted Poles to enjoy an asylum in Paris. All these are, no doubt, grave charges, but they are founded on no new facts ; and it was really not civil in M. Pozzo di Borgo to have made them the ground of a declaration of war without some previous warning. But (to he serious) we need scarcely add, that the whole story, from beginning to end, is a piece of as sheer nonsense as ever was fabricated. Count Pozzo di Borgo has not lived so long in France without knowing that his master cannot restrain the sympathies of Frenchmen, and that no French Minister would dare at his bidding to order out of the country a handful of persecuted exiles for whom the Legislative Chambers had repeatedly invoked the aid and protection of their Government. With respect to the interference of the French troops for the reduction of Antwerp, it is enough to say, that so able a diplomatist as Pozzo di Borgo would have made their entrance, rather than their retirement, the occasion of de manding his passports. This is not the time for declaring war against France, when she has shown herself not only powerful in arms but formidable for good faith and moderation. Besides, his Excellency could not, after such a hostile declaration, expect to be well re ceived in England, which has cordially united with France in coercive measures against Hol land, and against which, therefore, his Govern ment would, by this hypothesis, be bound to declare war. We, however, have been apprised of a ground of complaint on the part of Russia .and the other members of the Holy Alliance to which we shall now only make a slight allusion. Seeing that France herself has fulfilled her en gagements, and that therefore the French Go vernment is unassailable on the point of honour or good faith, they turn round and desire to make her answerable for the obstinacy or perver sity of others. A French army (they say truly) has twice entered Belgium to protect or to secure Belgic independence. The work is nut yet completed, and Holland threatens another inva sion, to be followed by another French expedi tion. The French will thus get the habit of entering Belgium, and its independence will be a mere shadow. There is, no doubt, sonic truth in this anticipation—but what is the re medy ? Why, either that Holland must be coerced into tranquillity by the arbitrary Go vernments who thus complain of the evils which her ambitious policy occasions, or be compelled by other Powers to cease her hostile incursions. The Message of the President of the United. States of North America at the opening of Congress—at all times a subject of interest and curiosity—was this year expected with more Mi.. patience than usual, from the events which have lately taken place in South Carolina, and the menacing attitude of other southern sections of the union. It was naturally imagined that the President would be compelled to take notice of such angry dissensions, combined with threats of resistance, and that he would detail the mea sures which Government had already taken or intend to take to allay discontent or to insure obedience. The Message (which will be found in a nother part of our paper) will not disap point these expectations, while its contents must, at the same time, be highly satisfactory to those who desire to see the permanent union and in creasing prosperity of such an 'extensive and growing confederacy of freemen. After a gra tifying allusion to the foreign relations of the republic, the President frankly enters upon the question of the tariff, and expresses his disap probation both of the principle on which it is founded and the excessive duties which it im poses. If the voice of the Executive is there fore listened to, we shall have a modification of this objectionable policy in a short time, and may expect a more extensive market for our manufactures in that quarter of the world. Re questing our readers to peruse attentively that portion of the Message, we must, from want of room, postpone a few remarks which we intended to make upon it until to-morrow. — Tunes. We have received American papers to the Bth December, per the packet ship Silas •1 Richards, via Liverpool. They contain two very important documents, which we publish at length—the Message of the President, and the report of the Seeretary of the Treasury. Both documents concur in representing the foreign, the domestic, the commercial, and political con dition of the States (excepting the disagree ment on the Tariff question) as in flourishing prosperity. The President in his Message ascribes this happy posture of affairs to the observance of one maxim, which other countries would do well to embody in their political systems ; the maxim which enjoins that they should " cultivate free commerce and honest friendship with all nations, and make entangling alliances with none." The principle contained in the latter clause of this sentence has not only been neglected in Europe, but almost the whole of her voluminous and intricate diplomacy has been constructed upon the very oppo site plan. War and bloodshed have been the consequence. May we not hope, that after having tried one system so long, the enlight ened Governments of Europe will be at length disposed to try the other ? In the detailed ac count of their foreign relations, which necessarily occupies a large portion of an address appealing to a commercial people, the allusion to England is more brief than usual. In fact England was so much occupied with the Reform of her own abuses, that she could not spare time for the adjustment of questions still pending between her and America. Nothing was done, and there fore there was not much to be said in a docu ment not intended to answer the purposes of delusion. It would not interest the general reader to touch upon the various arrangements, commercial and otherwise, concluded between the United States and foreign Powers, but we cannot help quoting the following passage as an instance of the extreme caution with° which American Statesmen guard themselves against being suspected of interfering with other States, even to the extent of offering a gratuitous opi nion on their proceedings : " In the view I have given of our connection with foreign Powers, allusions have been made to their do mestic disturbances, or foreign wars—to their revolutions, or dissensions. It may be proper to observe that this is done solely in cases where those events affect our political relations with them, or to show their operation on our commerce. Further than this it is neither our policy nor our right to interfere. Our best wishes on all occasions, our good offices when required, will be afforded, to pro mote the domestic tranquillity and foreign peace of all nations with whom we have any intercourse. Any inter vention in their affairs further than this, even by the ex pression of an official opinion, is contrary to our principles of international policy, and will always be avoided." But the internal state of America is that which interests us most at this moment, when so many changes are taking place in the world. The second document—that is, the Treasury Report—contains the financial details ; but the expected result is the complete extinction of the national debt within the period of the present year. After all, the most important aspect which the affairs of that great country exhibit at pre sent is the disagreement of the Northern and Southern States respecting the enforcement of the Tariff. Our readers are already aware that South Carolina and Georgia have proclaimed their resistance to that measure. The President's Mes sage alludes to thesubject of course, and, in a calm tone of reasoning, evinces, what all his acts had evinced before, a disposition to conciliate and to compromise between the principles of protection and free intercourse. In other respects the lan guage of the Message is firm and pacific. It relies upon the vigour of the law, but addresses itself rather to the understanding than to the fears of the people. Upon the whole, though the language of some of the newspapers is sufficiently violent, there appears to be a fair prospect of accommodation in the tone of the Federal Go vernment, and even in that of the local govern ments which are opposed to its dictation in this particular instance. We should not be surprised, in the event of the Southern States persisting to refuse compliance, to hear the question of their right to do so argued with all the calmness which its magnitude requires, and determined by the force of reason alone. At all events the whole question is now before the Legislature ; and the Executive Government, from all that has yet appeared, would seem to be fully competent to the task of dealing with such difficulties. As we publish both documents at length, it is the less necessary that we notice more minutely the par ticulars which they respectively contain.— Morning Herald. We received last night, from the North and South American Coffee-house, American papers to the 9th December. They contain the Mes sage of the President on the opening of Congress. The President commences with adverting to the cholera, of which he says the victims have been fewer than in most other countries. The great Republic is in relations of amicable intercourse with all nations. The shipping, since the last' meeting of Congress, has increased 80,000 tons ; and the aggregate of imports and exports has in creased 40 millions of dollars. Adverting to the question with which we are more particularly concerned—the North Eastern Boundary—the President states that a special message to the Senate, in their executive capacity, brought be fore them the question whether they would ad vise a submission to the opinion of the Sovereign Arbiter ; that body having considered the award as not obligatory, advised him to open a further negotiation with the British Go vernment, but affairs of a deeply interesting domestic character had hitherto prevented that Go vernment from giving any answer to the overtures. Tha review which the President takes of the state of the various countries of America, between some of which and the United States com merce is carried on to a considerable ex tent, notwithstanding the disadvantages attend ant on disturbances, will be found instructive. What has hitherto been looked into with most eagerness in Europe, is the amount of the finances. We need hardly observe, that the argu nzentzon ad crumenanz is the "handwriting on the wall" to the various European Governments. Figures of speech produce little effect ; but the impression made by arithmetical figures is inde lible. When any man, however obtuse his in tellect, hears that the expense of maintaining the Royal Palace at Madrid is 1,200,000/. ster ling, and the President of the United States has only 5,000/.a year for all his expenditure, he must be led to reflect on the causes of the difference. It appears that the receipts from the Customs during the year will exceed the estimate presented at the last Session, and with the other means of the Treasury, will prove fully adequate to meet the increased expenditure resulting from the large appropriations of Congress, and to " pro vide for the payment of all the public debt which is at present redeemable." The Customs will for the year yield upwards of 28 millions of dollars. The public lands have, however, fallen short of the anticipation, and will not exceed two millions. The expenditure for all other ob jects than the public debt sill amount, to about 16 millions and a half, while 18 millions of dol lars will have been applied to the principal and interest of the public debt. On the Ist of Ja nuary, 1833, the entire public debt, funded and unfunded, would be reduced to within a fraction of seven millions of dollars, of which 2,227,363 dollars are not of right redeemable till January 1, 1834, and 4,735,296 till January 2, 1835. The Commissioners, however, having ample means, may purchase the whole, so as to extin guish the debt within the year 1833. The Pre sident justly takes credit for the extinction of the public debt. During the four years of his Administration, 58 millions of dollars have been paid towards the extinction of the debt. The difficulties of other countries arise from their debts ; the difficulties of the American Go vernment, from their getting rid of theirs. Here commences the tug of war between the dif ferent States. 'faxes were originally imposed ex clusively in Europe for revenue ; and had revenues been raised by direct taxes, the question which now agitates Europe and America could not have arisen. But the revenue having been raised by duties on goods imported, the duty formed what is called a protection to the domestic manufacture to the extent of it, and hence the question of duties has become complica ted with the question of protection to industry ; or, in other words, taking money from the commu nity in order that buyers may pay more for their goods than they would otherwise do. The Pre sident, in this dilemma, is like many other per sons in this world, obliged to speak a sort of equivocal language. " It is due in justice (he says) to the interests of the different States, and even to the preservation of the Union itself, that the protection afforded by existing laws to any branches of the national industry, should not exceed what may be necessary to counteract the regulations of foreign nations, and to secure a supply of those articles of manufacture essential to the national independence and safety in time of war. If it shall be found upon investigation, as it is believed it will be, that the Legislative protection granted to any particular interest is greater than is indis pensably requisite for those objects, I recommend that it be gradually diminished, and that as far as may be consistent with those objects, the whole scheme of duties be reduced to the re venue standard as soon as just reward to the faith of the Government and preservation of the large capital invested in establishments of do mestic industry will permit." After adverting to the arguments of the protectionists, he ob serves, that " experience makes it doubtful whe ther the advantages of this system are not coun terbalanced by many evils, and whether it does not tend to beget in the minds of a large portion of our countrymen a spirit of discontent and jealousy dangerous to the stability of the Uni o n." The conclusion, after many fine sentences, is, that the protection must be " limited to those of domestic manufacture, which are indispensable to their safety in time of war"—in other words, that the Tariff must receive its death-blow. A new argument is started against the system. " In some Sections of the Republic its influence is deprecated as tending to concentrate wealth into a few hands, and as creating those germs of dependence and vice, which in other countries have characterised the existence of monopolies, and proved so destructive of liberty and the general good. A large portion of the people in one Section of the Republic declares it not only inexpedient on these grounds, but as dis. turbing the equal relations of property by legisla tion, and therefore unconstitutional and un just." This, lay the bye, opens up a view of equal succession, unknown to our advocates of primogeniture, but familiar in France. No inconvenience has ever been felt in France from the equal succession of children to land ; but where money has been embarked in trades or manufactures, equal succession often breaks up the establishment. No harm can result from dividing land, because physical division will never take place, where the income would thereby be diminished. But it is obvious that to carry on a trade and to enjoy the rents of land are quite different ; and that if the property em barked in a particular trade be divided among a number of children, the establishment may often suffer in consequence. Thus all the ad vantages derived from the connections which a man may have formed during a life of honesty and industry may be lost. This, it would ap pear, has led in America to settlements of pro perty at variance with equality of succession. This subject leads the President to the resistance of the people of one quarter of the Union to the Revenue Laws, which, he thinks, may be over come by the laws themselves; but should any exigency arise, prompt notice of it will be given to Congress, with the succession of the necessary views and measures. In order to render the machine of Government simple, he recom mends the sale of all Stocks held by it ; and in order to see whether the deposits in the hands of the Bank are safe, he recommends to Congress an inquiry into the transactions of the institution. The Presi dent seems to think that it is absolutely neces sary to avoid quarrels between the States, that the lands should not be sold hereafter. The people of the Western States, for instance, have paid for lands 40 millions of dollars, which have been spent in other States. " To afford to every American citizen of enterprise the opportunity of securing an independent freehold, it seems to me, therefore, best to abandon the idea of raising a future revenue out of the public lands." This is a sweeping change. Every man with a strong arm may hereafter be independent in America. Various other changes with regard to the system on which improvements are made, the Judiciary, &c., are suggested. In short, the great object of the President seems to be, to reduce the business of Government to next to nothing—merely to prevent people from knocking their heads against each other. " We should bear constantly i n mind," he says, " the fact that the considerations which induced the framers of the Constitution to withhold from the General Government the power to regulate the great mass of the business and concerns of the people have been fully justi fied by experience ; and that it cannot now be doubted that the genius of all our in stitutions prescribe simplicity and economy, as the characteristics of the Reform which is yet to be effected in the present and future execution of the functions bestowed on us by the Govern ment." What a lesson here to the French. Their Government arrogates to itself the cog nizance and control of every operation ; the American Government leaves every thing to in dividuals. This lesson of the President will not, we trust, be thrown away on Europe. The Stock of the Bank of the United States fell on the Thursday preceding the delivery of the Message (which was on Tuesday) from 115 to 111 per cent., and declined constantly until Monday, to about 109 per cent. The secret was not with the Message. After the Message was received it fell 104 to 1051 1 . It does not appear to have fallen lower. In the New York Daily Advertiser of the Bth December, it is reported as ask'd 105, off'd 1041. These papers contain also the message of the Governor of South Carolina, dated the 27th November. In order to be prepared against coercion on the subject of the tariff, he recommends attention to the militia and various military preparations. The President's Message has already created a prodigious sensation, to judge from the dis cussions of the newspapers.—Morn. Chronicle. We have received New York and Washington papers to the 11th of December, containing the Speech of the President of the United States, which was laid before Congress on the 4th. This document is, as usual, inordinately long, and garnished with the usual number of routine ob servations upon the happiness and prosperity of the Union. The President adverts to the various circumstances connected with the internal con dition and the foreign relations of America, extracting from each the suitable topics of congratulation. There is one circumstance, however, the discontent of the Southern States with the system of imposts established for the protection of American manufac tures, the increasing spirit of resistance, and the aspirations even to a state of separate inde pendence which it has produced in this part of the Union, to which the Chief Magistrate of the American States alludes with just and visible anxiety ; nor does he wholly suppress his opinions that the refractory States have justice on their side, and that the integrity of the Union may be eventually en d angere d b y a continued opposition to their claims, although these opinions are intimated, as might be ex pected, in terms somewhat general and vague. The disposition of the Executive Government to relax, or altogether to abandon the system of protection of which the agricultural States of the Union have so long complained, and which they have been gradually preparing themselves for some time past to resist and resent, is more explicitly avowed, and de fended more elaborately, in the Financial Report presented to Congress two days afterwards from the Secretary of the Treasury than in the antecedent production of the supe rior functionary. That the question of the Tariff is likely to give rise to a severe struggle in the American Legislature between the Representa tives and Advocates of the northern and southern portions of the Union, may be safely inferred from the ardent and somewhat acrimonious lan guage employed by the journals of the two parties respectively in the discussion of this sub ject ; and some doubt may be entertained, not withstanding the unequivocal declaration of opi nion which has proceeded from the Executive Government, which of the two will finally prevail.—Morning Post. It is pretended by the journals in the interest of the French and English Governments that the French expedition into Belgium has ac complished the entire object it had in view. Be fore we can accede to this opinion we deem it necessary, however, to inquire what that object was. If the object was merely to amuse the French nation, and to obtain a temporary ma jority in the Chamber of Deputies in favour even of theinost arbit rary acts an d pr i nc i p l es o f the Administration, no expedition could ever have been more skilfully devised, and none, perhaps, was ever more eminently successful. It is sufficiently well known that to propitiate the great bulk of the people of France, and to render them utterly insensible to any in roads, however monstrous or flagitious, upon civil liberty or political rights at home, no thing more is necessary than to give them the opportunity, good or bad, upon grounds rational or senseless, of boasting of a military triumph over any other nation, let the subject of quarrel be what it may ; and for such a purpose nothing could have been better ima gined, nothing could have been more certain to succeed, than the siege of the citadel of Ant werp. To attack a fortress not permanently de fensible under any circumstances when assailed by an adequate force, by means of an army four or five times as numerous as was necessary for its certain reduction, was no doubt to make triumph pretty secure. And the French ac cordingly have to boast that Antwerp has fallen to their arms, while their wily revolutionary Go• vernment avails itself of the vain and momentary intoxication to rivet upon them those chains which experience has shown to be essential to the stability of any other French Government than that of the Princes who possess an here ditary and legitimate title to the throne. To this extent the success of the Antwerp ex pedition is unquestionable ; but, when success is claimed for it upon other and more general grounds, we are compelled to refer to the ne cessity which was alleged in its vindication, or in vindication rather of the combined operations of England and France, of which it formed the most prominent part, and to ask what it has really done towards the attainment of the object which those combined operations were said to have in view ? The state into which Europe has been thrown by the protracted and unsuccess ful ne gotiations to settle the terms of separation between Belgium and Holland presented, we were told, a dilemma in European affairs which required that means of coercion s h ou ld b e em ployed towards the Ki ng o f t h e N et h er l an d s i n order to place the peac e o f E urope upon a sta bl e foundation. The declared object of the siege of Antwerp and of the other measures of a ggression against Holland was to settle the affairs of the Netherlands, and thus to rescue Europe from the danger of a general war. Now, as we know no other mode of judging of the success of an enterprise than by estimating the degree in which its objects have been attained, we b eg t o as k w h e th er th e affairs of the Netherlands are settled, in the first place; or whether, in the second place, there is now less apparent danger of a general European war than there was before the siege of Antwerp and the other coercive measures against Holland were undertaken ? Both these questions must, as it appears to us, be answered in the negative. All the questions between Holland and Belgium, which were then unsettled, are now as far from being settled as ever, for the occupation of Bel -1 gium was not a question, but a fact. Holland retains as fully as ever the power of command ing the. navigation of the Scheldt, and has re linquished, in this respect, no particle of her claims. Holland retains as much as ever the rights which she acquired by treaties still in existence, to which all the Govern ments of Europe were parties and guarantees, and, in virtue of which, the existence of Belgium, as an independent State, is a legal im possibility, unless preceded by the consent of the King df the Netherlands formally expressed, or by the extinction of Holland as an independent Power. In these respects the probability of a general war remains precisely where it was. Are we, then, to seek the diminution of this danger in the new temper and the re ciprocal feelings towards each other which the siege and capture of Antwerp has diffused among the great States of Europe ? So far as this consideration is entitled to any weight, it will scarcely be doubted that the danger of a general war, so far from being diminished, is incalculably increased. Then, in the last place (and we are not aware of any other aspect in which the subject can be considered), has any change been effected favourable to peace in the re lative power of the States from whose discordant feelings or interests a (reneral war in Europe was to be apprehended ? In this respect it cannot, surely, be said that there is any alteration. What, then, is the kind of success which the arms of France have achieved ? They have transferred the actual occupation of a fortress from the troops of the King of the Netherlands to those of King Leopold. This is all. And if it be, much as it may have affected the state of political parties in France (it is not easy to perceive how it can have given periianent strength to any party sincerely desirous of peace in any country), with respect to the questions really at issue be tween Holland and Belgium, with respect to the disposition and interests of the other Powers of Europe, with respect to the inducements to these Powers to engage in war, or to their rela tive means of prosecuting hostilities, it is less than nothing. In the antecedent state of affairs there may or may not have been a tendency to war ; but it is plain that whatever tendency there was has not been diminished, but, on the con trary, greatly increased, by the French military operations in Belgium.—Morning Post. An evening (Conservative) con temporary has given publicity to the following mysterious an nouncement, on what it terms " high autho rity :" " RUPTURE BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND RUSSIAN CA- HINETS. " The Cabinet of St. Petersburgh having instructed its Ambassador, M. Pozzo di Borgo, to demand his pass ports, and leave France, unless the French Government should give him ample satisfaction relative to several sub jects of complaint, negotiations have been going on for some weeks past, but which have now terminated by no means satisfactorily. Amongst other demands made by the Russian Ambassador, he tequired that the Poles who have taken refuge in France, should be banished, that the Polish Committee existing in Paris should be dis solved, and that Prince Cz irtoriski, who is invited to all the Ministerial Salons, should be requested to retire. It appears that to some of these several ether demands of the Russian Cabinet, relating to Belgium, Spain, and Por tugal, the French Government his given a negative reply ; and M. Pozzo di Borgo, highly dissatisfied with the re sult of these negotiations, would not take upon himself the responsibility of remaining longer at Paris, but has left that capital for London, where he will wait the orders of his Government. " It is said that M. D'Appony will address Louie Philip in the name of the diplomatic corps on New Year's Day ; and it is generally supposed in the diplomatic circles, that M. de Medem, Charge d'Affaires of Russia, will not as sist at this ceremony, in the absence of M. Pozzo di Borgo." If there be any truth in this statement, we have only to observe that M. Pozzo di Borgo did not quit Paris a moment too soon. In the impertinence of his demands, however imperti nent and impudent as the Court of Russia has lately been, we do not believe. What subjects of complaint has Russia against France ? What right has she to demand that the few brave Poles who have escaped her vengeance should be banished from France ? What tyranny to de mand that the great and good Czartoriski should be compelled to retire from the salons of a foreign country, which has now, through adverse cir cumstances, become his home—his only source of consolation for the sad reverses which his country has undergone ! Well may the Autocrat of Russia exclaim, " Save me from my friends ;" for never did a well-wisher of his Imperial Majesty expose him so shamefully, and hold him up to such scorn and contempt — to such hatred and derision as our would be contemporary. We hesitate not to say, in fact, that if the statement be not true, a grosser political libel was never perpetrated upon him than that to which our contemporary has given publicity—not that we doubt the disposi tion of the Autocrat to intermeddle in the affairs of' every European State, if these States would permit him to interfere, but that we doubt whe ther imperial madness would be allowed by imperial counsellors to go so far as to commit the honour and good sense of the country to schemes so impudent, so preposterous, and so certain to be thwarted. Our contemporary dwells upon the matter as fact, and reasons upon it as the cause of a general war. To us the fact appears to be destitute of foundation—a general war to be wholly out of the question—or if it take place at all, one from which no despotic power can reap any increase of influence or ' authority. Since writing the above we have learned that the " high official authority" of our evening contemporary is a French newspaper Proh ! Pudor ! —Morning Advertiser. INSOLVENT DEBTORS' COURT, JAN. 1. Mr. henry John Wallach, late of Drury-lane Theatre, where he was well known to the public as the representa tive of the Brigand, and in various other characters, appeared this day before the Commissioners, on his peti tion, to be discharged from his debts. He was described in his schedule, as of No. 26, Henrietta-street, Covent garden ; and since his arrest has been is the King's Bench prison. His appearance in Court excited a good deal of interest, and several members of his profession, anxious respecting the result of his application, were observed in and about the Court. There was no opposition to his discharge; but from a dialogue between him and the Chief Commissioner, it appeared, as observed by t►ae lat. ter, that a brother comedian was good enough to arrest him. Mr. Wallack, in reply to this observation, remarked that the individual alluded to is not on the stage—that be never had the honour of wearing the " buskin," and is nothing mare than an inferior officer in the Drury-lune establishment, under Captain Polhill. The individual was, 13 , ,wever, by some oversight, described in the schedule as a " comedian." In explan ition of his heavy expenditure, the insolvent (significantly shaking his head), observed that the Court had but little idea of the cost of a trip to America, and of the heavy manner in which " professionals" are mulcted. The CHIEF COMNIISSION ER was not quite a stranger to the practices of which Mr. Wallack probably had had reason to complain, and inquired of him " if his trans- Atlantic trip was a failure ?" to which he answered in the affirmative, a ssi.,ning, as a reason, that it was owing to the London Tneatre having opened ten days earlier than was customary at the periud, from which it was inferred that he was obliged, tieing under an engagement to appear at a specified time in London, to throw up that which he held in America. T,,e CrIIEF COMMISSIONER here directed the schedule to be amended, and declared him entitled to the benefit of the Act, MARKET INTELLIGENCE. LONDON MARKETS. (From the "London New Price Current" of yesterday.) _ _ SUGAR.--The Market for raw Sugars continued shut All the last week. This morning business is again resumed, but being the first day of the new year, very feat transactions have taken place ; the amount of the sales is estimated at 200 to 300 hhds. and trs. The stock of West India Sugar is now 28,067 hhds. and trs., which is 7,235 less than last year. The stock of Mauritius is 56,811 bags, being 17,473 less than last year. The deli very of West India Sugar is 1,377 Mids. and trs., being 1,244 less than last year. The delivery of Mauritius 2,896 bags, being 695 less than the corresponding week of 1831. In the Refined Market there was no business last week. This day the Market was again to be resumed, but there are no purchases of any extent reported. EAST INDIA SUGAR..—There have been no sales of East India Sugars. MAURITIUS SUGAR.—There are no public or private sales of Mauritius worth reporting. FOREIGN SUGARS.—There are buyers of Foreign Su gars, at low prices, hut no sales are reported. Average price of Sugar 1/. Bs. Bid. per cwt. COFFEE.—The only sales of Coffee are small parcels to the trade for home consumption at full Market prices. There are inquiries made after Foreign and East India Coffee, but there are no sellers at any reduction, and in consequence no purchases are reported. BUM, BRANDY, AND HoLLANos......The Rum Market has more appearance of firmness, as the holders do not press sales ; there are no purchases of any extent lately reported. TALLOW.—The Market remains steady. TEA.—The demand for Bobeas is not equal to last quarter's ; of other descriptions the delivery continues to ne large, and both Congous and Twankays are in some re quest in the Market. On.s.—A fair business is done in all Oils for the season. Linseed, from scarcity, is at a high price, compared with the present rate of Oil, notwithstanding which a further advance is looked for; the demand for the finest lots for Ireland has been good during the last fortnight. This day by public sale about 60 tons of Southern Whale Oil, all sold rather dearer, 231. 10s. a 271. 10s. SA LTPETRE. —The Market is very heavy. INDIGO.-The Company's Indigo inspected is a very poor parcel; the quality very low. In the Indigo Market there is no alteration. Assortment of 1,680 chests of Company's, declared for sale, 22d January :-264 chests ordinary to good consuming qualities, 2e. 9d. a 3s. 6d. ; 826 chests good consuming to middling shipping ditto, 3s. 6d. a 4s. ; 454 chests middling to good shipping ditto, 4s. a 4s. 6d. ; 80 chests good to fine, 4s. 6d. a 58. ; 56 chests very fine, ss. and upwards. SPICES.—There are no sales of any extent ; the Market is still dull. COTTON.—The purchases reported are quite inconsi derable ; the Market is heavy. TURPENTlNE.—Turpentine remains steady ; the last arrival, 2,000 brls., sold at 12s. 9d., and 7,000 brls, of old importations, some nearly five years since, and all in importers' hands, sold at 11s. 9d. ; the demand for Spirits of Turpentine is heavy. FRUIT.-There is no alteration in the demand or in the prices of Fruit; the Market is still languid. Cocoa.—The prices of Cocoa remain nominal. RICE.—In Rice there is no alteration. COUNTRY (ORN MARKEI'S DURING THE WEEK. 1 Wheat. Per Quarter. s. to s. Boston — 46 Gainsborough 57 Grantham 53 67 Grimsby 42 58 Horncastle 44 52 Lincoln Spilsby 4B 54 Stamford 47 59 York 52 66 LIV. Barley. 1 Oats. 1 Beans. s. to s. 9. to e. 22 15 34 18 36 41 17 25 37 39 28 30 14 22 25 40 25 33 12 18 40 42 30 39 10 21 36 40 28 35 14 18 32 39 30 36 21 23 33 C:6 30 36 16 24 30 40 8. to s. 30 40 NORWICH, Dec. 29. Wheat (per qr.) «. 40s. 565. 58s. I Beans (per qr.) 28s. 325. Barley ..—....—.. 18s. 28s. 325. Pease, Grey 28s. 325. Oats . 18s. 21s. 245. Flour, fine (per sack) 40s. 425. cANTER LS U RI, Dec. 29 Wheat, white 545. to 58s. ...r. Old ew to —s. red 46s. to 545...... Old--.....—, —s. to —s. Barley, Malting .......... 30s. to 365....... Grinding.. 255. to 275. Oats .... _ - 20s. to 28s. Beans .. 36s to 405....... 01d............ 275. to 30s. Pease ......... 375. to 405.....,. Grey......... 325. to 343. MANCHESTER, Dec. ''ll. Wheat, per 701 b. Bs. Pd. to Ps. Od. Red Bs. 0.1. to Bs. 9d. Barley, per 601 b 5 6 6 0 Oats 3 0 3 1 Beans, per Imperial quarter Pease, White, per Imperial bushel 5 0 5 6 Malt, per 6 Imperial bushels 4l 0 46 0 Flour, per Sack a 2801 b. 45 0 50 0 EXETER MARKETS —Dec 28. Beef (score) Bs. Od. 9,6 d. Wheat (bushel) ...7s.od. 7s. 6d. Mutton ss, 0 6 Barley 4 6 4 9 Veal and t.amb—...o 6 0 7 Oats 0 3 2 5 Pork 0 4 0 6 Beans 5 6 6 0 Geese (each) 0 5 6 Butter 0 1 3 Ducks 0 5 0 Eggs (12) 0 0 1 0 Fowls 0 4 0 Potatoes (peck) 6 0 7 IRISH MA: DUBLIN MARKET NO' ,RKETS. oTE.—FRIDAY, Dec. 28. From To I Average. 20 0 32 6 26 0 12 6 0 0 1,971 Wheat, per barrel 20 stonel 86 Bete , l6 stone 749 16 stone' 13 0 4,496 Oats 12 stone 8 0 9,952 Cwt. 9 stone 6 0 778 Oatmeal 8 stone 8 0 Sold to Bakers only. 10,763 Cwt. Flour l4 0 I 22 0 Average price of Wheat and Flour 453. Od. per Receipts of Flour, 15,900 Firsts, from 19s. Od, Sales of Do. 9,932 S Seconds, from 14s. 6d. Th• from 63. Od. 16 0 I 14 2 13 0 8 8 22 0 - 0 1 14 0 10 7 17 3'* iack. to 228. Od. to 183. Od. to 10s. Od Quartern Loaf. PRICE OF BREAD. -Sticl. I Half Quarter Wheat, Barley. Oats. Flour, per cwt. per barrel per barrel per barrel 20 stone. 16 stone. 14 stone. Ist. 2d. s. d. as. d. s. d. as. d. s. d. as. d. s. d. as. d. s. Cork 16 0 26 611 0 14 6 7 4 9015 0 17 6 5 0 13 0 Limerick 120 0 26 812 0 13 4 12 0 13 6 16 0 19 0 0 0 15 0 Waterford 22 0 260 11 0 14 0 7 0 8017 0 18 010 0 15 0 Clonmel 234 27 010 0 14 610 0 146 17 0 19 013 0 16 0 Carlow ...—. 25 0 27 012 0 130 80 9020 6 210 00 0 0 Beef, Mutton, Pork, Butter. per lb per lb. per cwt. Ist. 2d. 3d. 4th. sth. Id. a d. d. a d. s. d. as. d. s. d. s. d. s. d. s . d. s. d. Cork ....-- 5 6 5 630 0 35 0770730630 53 0 45 0 Limerick— 31 41 31 434 0 35 0,81 075069063 0 57 0 Waterford 3 6 3 533 0 35 o'Bo 078074066 0 60 0 Clonmel 31 451 61 32 0 33 082078 0 0 Carlow...» 4 51 0 0 0 0 0086084074 0 64 0 0 KILKENNY.—Butter 82s to 84s. per cwt. ; Wheat 225. to 255. per barrel ; Flour 208. to 345. per bag; Oats 7s. to Bs. per bar rel; Barley 12s. to 13s. ; Beef 4d. to 541. per lb. ; Mutton 4d. to ;(1. ; Potatoes 2d. per stone; Coals Is. 2d. per cwt.; Bacon Pigs 355. to 365. per cwt. SCOTCH I HADDINGTON COB Wheat. Barley. First sss Od 33s Od Second 47s Od 27s Od Third 4 s Od 25s Od There were 521 qrs. of Wheat Unsol MARKETS. IN M A ttKET.—Dec. 28. 1 Oats. Pease. Beans. 21s Oti I 25s Od 26s Od lis Od 23s Od 24s Od 14, Od 22s Od 238 Od In market, 509 whereof were sokl. Id.-0 Grey. ~, 2 1. 7s. sd. 4.l2ths. Aver MEETINGS OF CREDITORS, AT THE COURT, BASINGHALL-STREET. (From the London Gazette.) TO-MORROW, JAN. 3. AL IL L. Abrahams, wine -merchant, St. James's-place, Aldgate 1 at F. Brown, grocer, Watford, Hertfordshire 1 11 H. Wright, surgeon, Camden-town 1 10 J. Hardwick, _Tottenham-court-road, horse-dealer— DIVIDENDS. W. A. Warwick, dealer in wines, Romford, Essex at 10 R. and C. Burr, upholsterers, Bentinck.street ANECDOTE OF GIBBON.--A bookseller in Paternoster-row, one of those who publish things ig numbers, went to Carlow's lodgings in St. James's street, sent up his name, and was admitted, " Sir," said he, " I am now publishing a history of England, done by several hands. I understand you have a knack at them there things, and should be glad to give you every reasonable encouragement." As soon as Grauorr recovered the use of his legs and tongue, which were petrified with surprise, he ran to the bell, and desired his servant to show this en courager of learning down stairs. 818 THS. On the Ist inst. in Old Dorset-place, Clapham-road, Mrs. Washington Lee, of a son. On the Ist inst. in Devonshire.place, the lady of J. S. Sullivan, Esq. of a daughter. On the 31st ult. at Haminond.cottage, near Cheshunt, the lady of Charles Johnston, Esq., of a son. MARRIED. On the Ist inst. at St. Olave's, Hart-street, George Gabain, Esq of America-square, to Maria M arg a re t, y ou n gest d a u g ht er of t he late Thomas Crosbie, Esq., of Dublin. On the Ist Inst. at St. Pancras Church, Thomas Abercromby Duff, Esq., youngest son of Colonel Duff', of Fetteresso-castle, North Britain, to Laura Eliia, youngest daughter of the late Cap tain Thomas Fraser, of Woodcott-house, Oxfordshire. On the 29th ult. at Greenwich Church, Mr. It. H. Mackenzie to Miss Gertrude Hervey. DIED. On the 30th tilt, at Hackney, 31;s: Thomas Simpson, aged 69. On the 28th ult. at Cranford, Middlesex, Frances, relict of the late Thomas Richard Spence, Esq., of Hanover-square, in the 78th year of her age. On the 29th ult. at Hatcharn-gro , ;e, Jonathan Lucas, Esq., aged 58. On the 25th ult. at Weston Turville, in the county of Bucks, aged 75, Lucy, relict of the late Colonel Tompkiii. On the 27th ult. at Buckingham, Mary Anne, wife of Captain Loveridge. On the 29th ult. at Bath, Mrs. William Smith, relict of the late Rev. William Smith, of Bransby, near York. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY M U RDO YOUNO, AT THII SUN OFFICR, 112, STRAW)), LONDoNi I'l it E DEI .1 ti at rem 0 \l4 ME T Thi E • - " An- ex .. nowledg e the femal e " A wort fictions in ( " For a that ext rar cePting " The gt n ing to enel Thi4 (lay fine I SIR Including the Duke Melville ai t?nguisheil slon of L a , fo r man e rerilousaii( 1 work th is work •.,'"'"'----__ VfIEsEN, This sIR HOL gentreerY Ii; amatet'PrOciar a i ej n , ti attentiol jIST ~Dglig~ der ttui " r ecre ...esery, ,ne4.t i t,nn in , ph Riel 1 4 , 0tTia Co! ?1 „ r . „ rui n , ar btlity of The go At is '° Hi l l w to o h nan3 lom as Poch Rich; Inchu