The Sun. — London, England, 1833-10-14 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. We have given elsewhere, under the proper head, all the information which our own re sources, the country papers, and the papers of the country supplied us with last night, touching the fortunes of the existing warfare in Portugal. These contributions, it will he seen, are com posed of details of more or less interest, but con taining, it must be admitted, but little that can be called really important. Perhaps the only an nouncement which can claim particular notice is that of the capture of Obida and Torres Vedras by Don Pedro's General, a circumstance of moment, as showing at on ce th e b uoyant spirit of theConstitutionalists and the diminished strength of the Miguelites. From this it is likely to result that the Pedroites will become the ac tive parties in an aggressive warfare. The epos tolical guerillas are still committing the greatest excesses in the Algarves. The resignation of Bourmont is now placed beyond all controversy. His retirement is said to be occasioned by " dif ferences of opinion with the King as to the mea sures to he taken in the present condition of the country," but is well known to have been prompted by his despair of success of the Usurper's cause. It appears that Don Carlos was actually negotiating with Admiral Parker for a passage into Italy when he received the news of Ferdinand's death, and of course altered his plans. Bourmont is now with him in Spain, but the latter had thrown up his command in Miguel's army ten days before he heard of the death of the King. All was quiet and confi dence in Lisbon, and no stronger proof can be adduced of the disposition of the people, than that in a city containing 200,000 inhabitants, and under all the excitement of a disputed title between two members of the same family, and a civil war actually raging, about 300 police con stables are deemed sufficient to maintain the peace of the place. The disposable military force within the lines exceeds 26,000. No military events of the slightest consequence had occurred in the im rn-diate neighbourhood of Lisbon up to the dates of these despatches, and before Oporto the campaign appears to have lost all its efficiency. The Miguelites are still in force before the place, but it is considered as in every respect able to protect itself. Upon all hands, therefore, the Portuguese squabble, though it may last a little longer, may be considered as already decided.—Morning Herald. A pamphlet of rather a novel character has been sent to us; it is an appeal to the press,—from whom or what we shall be asked. Why, from the Auto crat of the Russias, who, in the person of some one cf his official servants, has actually employed at last a different instrument from the bayonet as a mediator between his Imperial Majesty and the rest of the human species. Now, this composition, entitled, " Russia as it is," though smacking largely of the flavour of its 1 1 ,11 n covite origin, being at once parasitical, boastful, insolent, and grotesque, is, it cannot be denied, a homage to the public opinion of Great Britain—an index on the part of Russia of improved civihntion, and as such deserving of tem perate and merciful treatment. It is pretty obvious that whatever indulgence the encroaching spirit of the Russian Government has long experienced from that of England, the general mind of this country, and the press which is its organ have not been actuated by much desire to leave to the Czar or his foreign policy an unmolested course of aggrandise ment. At no period since the first workings of the Holy Alliance became visible, were the mass of the British nation withheld by any motives but the moral one of averting a general war, as long as might be compatible with their own immediate safety, from resisting directly and effectually the ambitious schemes of Russia. The cases of Turkey and of Poland were strong temptations both with France and Great Britain to interpose, but those two Courts were restrained by a pardonable reluctance to extend the field of warfare throughout Europe, or to prolong its duration. It must be admitted, however, by Russia and her advocates (which be yond the soil of Russia are nowhere found) that very little, if any, of the reprobation bestowed on her has been aimed at her domestic policy, charac ter, or habits. We have no right, and we disclaim tie pretension, to meddle with the fitness of the monarchical cr despotic principle of government for the bulk of a rude and backward people. It is plain to common sense that a constitution like that of England, if suddenly transplanted into Russia, might produce the most bitter 1 uits. Free institutions flourished among our Saxon ancestors, because they had been handed down from ages, wherein the population was small arid the territory narrow, until the one increased and the other multiplied, and the laws and usages partook of an homo geneous character. But if the Russians be, in fact, content with their own servile state, and whh the arbitrary and peremptory nature of the dominion exercised over them, the probability is that they would be but indifferently qualified for any share in a representative constitution, and that any event from without which forced it on them might prove a se vere disaster. The real ground of censure upon the Ccurt of St. Petersburgh is, that it refuses to abide by the same rule of which in its own case it claims the fullest benefit. Deprecating all interfe rence with itself, it interferes with all the world ; it grasps whatever it can subjugate, and what happens to be placed beyond the reach of its arms it ha rasses, threatens, and torments. There is not a spot throughout the civilized or uncivilized earth where Russian agency is not felt in warping and embroil ing the natural relations between state and state, be tween Government and people. It is towards the foreign operations of the Russian Autocrat,—his war policy, and his anti-liberal policy, that the at tention of England and France has been almost ex clusively drawn; against which, opinion in both countries has been excited with the greatest suc cess and jusTice, and which marks the Cabinet of St. Petersburgh as one which would be equally dangerous to the independence of other Powers, and to the civil rights of free citizens every where, if, happily for mankind, the intrinsic weak ness of Russia for everything but defensive, that is to say legitimate, purposes, were not as unquestion able as the jealous mystery with which she strives assiduously to envelop and conceal it. These ob servations have suggested themselves to us from finding, as we turn over the pages of the pamphlet referred to, that the writer dexterously avoids all answer to the frequent attacks which have been made upon the schemes of Russia for the aggran dizement of her own territory, and for the suppres sion of political right and of the spirit of liberty in every other, and confines himself to the personal character of the Emperor and to the domestic laws and mariners of the Russian people,—points which are Confessedly not without interest in themselves, but mhich have been no more than incidentally touched upon in those political discussions which the offensive conduct of the Russian Government has provoked in sundry parts of Europe. We ex tract some curious and valuable passages, descriptive of the internal class es , authorities, and institutions: of the country, Just hinting, as we Pass, that they i are on e and but tolerated by th e A utocrat so log a it suits his pleasure , and that under such a Govern ment " /lie laws, however numerous, are but so many card houses, which an arbitrary sovereign may, o n the first impulse of capricious:despotisna,scat. ter to the winds. We leave unnoticed some arro gant nonsense about the prodigious power of the Emperor, as we do some hypocritical and disgust ing rubbish in the nature of panegyric upon the Emperor's " humanity !" towards Poland. But al together, for a first attempt at utterance through any organ but the muzzle of a musket, this Russian discourse is not an unfavourable symptom of what may come hereafter. Our quotation finishes with an apostrophe to the " forbearance, benevolence, tole- ranee, and greatness of soul which have distinguished the Monarchs o f R uss i a, " w hi c h seems, t o us at least, a very original passage : " The Russian nation is divided into five classes, each class possessing rights and privileges, according to their rank. " Ist Class—The nobles ; composed of princes, counts, barons, and gentlemen, all styled dvoriunnee or noble men, who are entitled to buy or sell lands with peasants attached to them. The only distinctions amongst the nobles are ranks and titles ; in all other respects they are equal. All the children of noblemen enjoy the same title as their parents, there being no established law of primo geniture in Russia. At the death of the father, the law gives his widow one seventh part of all his immoveable property, such as lands, houses, peasants, &c., and one fourth part of all the personal or moveable estate. After the widow's claims are satisfied, the daughters each take a fourteenth part ; the residue is then equally divided amongst the sons.* A free man, not born of noble arents, must obtain the rank of Lieutenant in the military service, or major in the civil service, before be is accounted noble ; but if he be born of noble parents, though he should be a common soldier, he may enjoy the rank and privileges of a nobleman. No nobleman,however high his rank,can treat his peasants cruelly or extort illegal labour and taxes from them with impunity. For high crimes and misdemeanors lie is as much amenable to the laws as the vassal. He is however, exempted from corporeal punishment, and must be tried by his Peers. After being degraded by a Court of his Peers, the common Court passes sentence upon him of exile to Siberia, either to colonize and work the ground as a peasant, or else to hard labour in the mines for life. High treason is the only crime in Russia punishable with death, and that very seldom. In every province the nobles elect their own marshals, who are in fact their representatives, and are empowered to settle all affairs between them and the Government. Each district chooses a marshal, and the province elects a marshal-in-chief, who resides at the capital town, in order to he near the Governor and other local authorities, with whom he can morefreely com municate. The not.les have the right of meeting to gether, end forming an assembly, for the purpose of de. liberating on all affairs of importance. They choose a president from among themselves, and they have also the right of petitioning the Emperor, through the Governor of the province. In those assemblies they elect their own Judges for the Court of Justice, as well as the Justices of the Peace. They have also the right of petitioning the high Senate and are permitted to collect and employ funds for the encouragement and advancement of all useful objects with nut control, and are not amenable to any Court of Justice. There is a register kept by them of the names of all the nobles of the province, and they are bound to pay a cer tain tax to assist the service of the post, and to keep the roads in good repair. Should any of those assemblies address a petition to the high senate that is illegal, or in other words, contrary to the existing laws of the empire, they are liable to a fine of 200 roubles. The empire is divided into about fifty provinces, each possessing a popu lation of from 300,000 to 1,200,000 souls. A civil govereor, with a vice-governor, are appointed to preside over each province; and some two or three provinces have general or military governors. In every province there is an executive council, composed of two counsellors, an assessor, &c., of which the governor is president. They are named by the high senate, as likewise an advocate, called in Russia a procuror. This last-named officer pos sesses the right of examining, wliensver he pleases, all the acts of the Government of the province, as well as those of the police, to oppose illegal proceedings, to protect against them, and prevent their execution. Whenever his interference is disregarded he sends his protest direct to the high senate. The procuror, being independent of the authorities of the province, and responsible only the Minister of Justice and the Senate, is a strong check against partiality and undue influence, in cases of dispute amongst the citizens, or in criminal causes where power and riches attempt to interfere or prevent the re gular course of justice. That these checks should sometimes fail, in Russia, is not surprising, since there is no country of the globe where riches do not exercise occasionally undue and mischievous influence. In Eegland a rich man will carry a suit into Chancery, and ire down a poorer adversary, or exhaust his finances, and oblige bins to quit the field. When only the mere ex pense is taken into consideration, lawsuits cost much less in Russia than any other country of Europe, Prussia ex cepted, where there is the strictest regard paid to justice, and causes are decided with an activity and vigilance truly exemplary. But to proceed with my subject. There is a civil and a criminal court in every province. The presi dent, and two assessors of the criminal court, are elected by the nobles, and the counsellors are appointed by the senate. Each province is divided into from seven to twelve districts, every district having its court of justice composed of a judge and two or three assessors chosen by the nobles, and one or two elected by the citizens. There is also a court of administration, for the property of widows and orphans of noblemen, whose president is the marshal of the district, and consists of a district judge and two counsellors. The justice of peace of the district likewise has his court : he is appointed by the nobles, but his two assessors are elected by the Crown peasants. In every town there is a police master, appointed by the Govern ment, who has also his petty court of justice, where causes are decided verbally ; besides the magistracy, com posed of a magistrate and two burgomasters, chosen from amongst and elected by the citizens. This is a court of the first instance, where all causes and disputes are tried and decided, which arise amongst the citizens, or between them and the nobles. To it is ale ays annexed an orphan's court, having a magistrate and two coun sellors, chosen from the members of the above mentioned court. In every province there is also a court of equity, named in Russia a court of conscience, consisting of a judge and two deputies, chosen by the nobles, two deputies appointed by the citizens, and two deputies elected by the peasants. The elections of the presidents of the higher courts, and the provincial marshals, must he confirmed by the Emperor. It is, therefore, customary for the nobility to elect two candidates, and the Emperor confirms one of them, whichever he pleases. All the officers elected must be confirmed by the Governor-General, and where there is no Governor-General, by the civil governor; but they are not authorized to reject the candidate offered to them, sinless lie be a man of bad character, whom the laws have already disqualified from ever serving in any public capacity. The electicns are held every three years. When any one is dissatisfied se ith the decision of a court of the first instance-, he appeals to a higher one, and so on, until he comes to the senate: from thence the ultimate appeal is, through the privy council, to his Imperial Majesty. The Crown peasants, in their villages, elect their own sturos tas,t elders or head men, from amongst themselves, who act as magistrates. Petty disputes, &c., are always decided by them, with a great deal of justice and impartiality; so much so, that appeals are rarely made to higher tribunals, except when they involve some intricate law points or great criminality. " 2d Class.—Consists chiefly of merchants, who are divided into gilds or ranks, according to the amount of trading capital they exhibit for taxation. Those of the first gild declare a capital of 50,000 roubles; the second gild 20,000 roubles; the third gild 5,000 roubles, and so on. The merchants, citizens, anti mechanics of every town, have their corporations, and elect their own magis trates. They have also a commercial court. They are not bound to give recruits from their own body, but to pay a certain sum to supply them to the Crown ; and they pay no capitation tax, but so much per cent. on the amount of their declared capitals. The laws allow them to buy and hold lands, houses, &e., but not vassals. They can trade throughout the empire when provided with proper passports. o3d class.—The peasants. These are composed of Crown peasants, or free farmers, and vassals. The free farmers, or Crown peasants, amount to about 50,000 or 60,000—men who have obtained their freedom by mu tual agreement between them and their lords, and whose rights have been confirmed to them by the Crown. They occupy lands which have been given or sold to them, and of which they are the owners, having the power to sell or dispose of them in any way they think proper. A Crown peasant pays no land tax, nor any but a capitation tax, and he is subject to none but the public authorities of the province where he resides. Vassals cultivate the lands belonging to their lords, are attached to the glebe, and cannot be alienated from it. All de scriptions of peasants are bound to furnish recruits ; the free farmers do it by turns, and the vassals by the nomination of their starostas, with the consent of their Lords. The law obliges every proprietor of vassals to furnish them with a sufficient quantity of land for their own use ; they work three days for the Lord, and three days for themselves. Others, by their own desire, arc put upon Obrok,t as it is termed ; that is, to pay the Lord " * This must be understood to be the arrangement made by the law, when the father dies intestate, and where there is no can estate, w hi c h cou ld no t b e a li enate d even b y w ill ; h l an only dispose of what he has himself acquired, or inhe. rited free of entail. " t Among the peasants of many of the rich proprietors, with the comment of the Lords, the same arrangements are fre. quently adopted, so that the Lord of the soil, or his agent, takes no cognizance wh a t ever of crimes or dispute,, which are judged by the peasants them se l ves. The Lord, or agent, is then only the executive authorit y, to see the judgment en forced. " A tax in money. so intich a head pet' annum, instead of working for him. Those who have been taught a trade of any sort pay him a higher obrok than a mere cultivator, and be receives a passport to go and reside where lie pleases. The peasants who become traders also pay a very high obrok ; some times the Lord takes out a gild for them, and they acquire large fortunes by commerce. Many Lords permit all their vassals to pay obrok ; then, should they cultivate any portion of land for him, he pays them for their labour, unless there should be an agreement made to the contrary, in consequence of the smallness of the obrok. The obrok, throughout Russia, generally speaking, is about 12 to 15 roubles per annum, and even o❑ the best lands rarely ex. ceeds 25 roubles a head per annum,• including the Go vernment taxes and all other expenses. Those who pay a higher obrok must be either mechanics, traders, or mer chants, who have the means of acquiring money more easily than the cultivator of the soil. A peasant who has served as a soldier for 20 years then becomes a freeman, and is exempted from all sorts of taxation. Should he have conducted himself with bravery and probity during his service, he retires with the rank of sergeant. If be chooses to prolong his service 12 years as sergeant, he then becomes a❑ officer and a nobleman ; he cannot, however, transmit the rights of nobility to his children, except to those born after he has been ennobled. " 4th Class are styled honourable citizens. These are artists, teachers, manufacturers, and various intermediate people, who possess acquirements above the vulgar, and who, by their talents, industry, and assiduity, mly attain a higher rank. They are exempted from corporeal punish. went, and may transmit their rights to their posterity. I n cases of crimes and misdemeanors, they must also be tried by their peers. "sth Class.—The Clergy.—These are often made from the nobles, but generally speaking the sons of the clergy follow the professions of their fathers ; the exceptions to this rule are mostly students of medicine. There are no tithes in Russia, the most insufferable and unpopular of all taxes ! The clergy derive their principal support from the voluntary donations of their parishioners.t Every priest who does duty at a village church, receives as much land as is commonly allott' d to two peasants, or even more if he should demand it, and the peasants frequently assist him to cu!tivve it. Indeed, throughout Russil, most of the landed proprietors allow a small salary to the priests who do duty in their villages. The clergy are certainly not sumptuously provided for, but they are, nevertheless, wed furnished with all the necessaries of life, and the means to live comfortably. This dependance on their parishioners has the effect of making them more attentive to their duty, and at the present day the character of a Russian priest has assumed a tone of respectability and piety not always met with in older countries. This disposition the Russians, who are religious from feeling and principle, encourage, by paying proper deference to those whose conduct is distinguished by a rigid observance of good morals and strict attention to the sacred duties of their profes sion. The clergy who serve in the remote parts of Siberia receive pay and rations of flour from the Govern. merit; indeed, I ought to say from the Etnperoes private purse. His Imperial Majesty, having heard that the clergy of Kamschatka were extremely poor and unable to buy bread, immediately ordered them to be furnished with flour, and their salaries increased from his own funds— one of the strongest proofs of his paternal care ; for in some of those distant places, the number of Rus sians are so few, it would be a sufficient pretext for a government le-ts productive to refuse them a church esta blishment. But, to the honour and eternal glory of the Emperor be it said, that through his empire, wherever there are a handful of Christians collected together, there will you find a church, a clergyman, and all the consola • tory associations of religion. In this, his Imperial Majesty has strictly fulfilled the words of the gospel, and has laid up for himself treasures in heaven, where ninth and rust cannot corrupt, and where thieves cannot break through and steal.' As this is only a slight sketch of Russia, drawn to suit the impulse of the moment, I must deny myself the pleasure of giving my readers a number of very interesting details, which would swell my work b-yond the limits I have marked out for it. I trust, however they will have found thus far a sufficient ❑umber of facts to convince them, the Russian nation possesses rights, privileges, and immunities, incompatible with and repug nant to the principles of despotism. If it had been said that the Emperor of Russia is the most powerful Sove reign of Europe, I should not attempt to deny it, because it is true, and because it is necessary that he should be exactly what he is, the Monarch and the father of his people. The immense empire over which be reigns, compounded of various nations, several of whom have been conquered, but have always been left i❑ the full enjoyment of their religion and their laws, united now under one head, certainly require the protecting arm of a firm government, and the mild and genial influence of a paternal one ; both of which they have experienced, unaccompanied by any of those capricious traits of tyranny and oppression, which are the peculiar attributes of des potism. 11 The forbearance, the benevolence, the generosity, the tolerance, and the greatness of soul which have distinguished the Monarchs of Russia, are not less worthy of admiration than the conquests of their invincible armies ! Times. The Tory Papers, as was to be expected, are making the most of what we have always considered a very serious affair, the resolutions with regard to the as sessed taxes. John Bull quite gloats on the symp toms of discontent which lie supposes prevalent. " We repeat (he says) that the symptoms of inflammation are rapily increasing—that the people, likely at any time to oppose the payment of taxes, are rallying to revenge the deliberate, cold-blooded deceptions of the political quacks, who, with their eyes open, pro fessed to do what they then knew, and now declare is impossible to be done." "In the discussion (at the late Westminster Meeting) the fact comes out plainly and distinctly, which upsets at a blow the visionary hopes that the Reform Bill would increase the national prosperity. The people now have not the trade to enable them to pay the taxes, if they would: The state of things is visibly improved." The Ministers cannot, of course, make a nation, interest of by a heavy taxation, chiefly the of a debt contracted in unjust wars, feel as easy as if it were lightly taxed. But we do not see that the people would be benefitted by having, in addi tion to these taxes, the others which have been taken off by Ministers. The country as a whole has seldom, in our recollection, been so prosperous as at present. It is true that all places are not equally prosperous; and the metropolis is one of the places which has gone most back. There is no mystery in this. The time is not distant when London was the great emporium for foreign and domestic trade. It has lately, from various causes, been losing much of its foreign trade, which has gone to Liverpool and some other places more favour ably situated for obtaining return cargoes. It has lost too its manufacture, which has gone to Manchester. We hardly ever remember a time during which the manufacturing districts were more prosperous than at present. But it does not suit writers of this description to consider subjects of this kind dispassionately. We admit that the pressure on the metropolis is a reason why a tax, one-half of which is borne by it, should be repealed. It is quite clear that the peculiar situation of London alone has driven the shop-keepers to the very culpa ble proceedings they are adopting for ridding them selves of the assessed taxes. Yet John Bull "dis tinctly disclaims anything like gratification" at these proceedings. He merely, by way of helping a lame dog over a s til e , tr i es hi s h an d at a prop h ecy o f cala mities, so e x t ravagant t h at h e cannot b e li eve i n t h em himself. "In a month from this present time," he says, " the position of a tax-gatherer in this country will be exactly similar to a tithe-proctor in Ireland. We state this advisedly, and we tell Lord Grey that he is now reapin g t h e f ru i ts of his own delusive pro mises, and that b e f ore C hr i stmas, if he requires the collection of the assessed taxes, it must be enforced wills the bayonet. If the people resist, have they not a noble precedent in t h e f r i end of Ministers, Lord Fitzwilliam ? He set the example to please Lord Grey, and how does his Lordship like it ?" John Bull and his party will be disappointed. There will be no confusion in the metropolis, though he has done all that be can to create it. At the same * Heads male. The females pay no tax unless they should wish to absent themselves from their village and go to service in the towns or to the capital. Then the Lord furnishes them with a proper passport, and makes them pay an obrok. t Most o! the churches have been built by donotions and subscriptions, consequentl; are endowed with funds more or l ess rich, and from this capital the clergy also receive small salaries. / Priest in Russian is called Swaschenik, but the vulgar name is Pope. JJ " Vide Bonaparte's conquests, and other examples which might be brought nearer home, but I forbear. The proverb says—' Conquerors inspire awe, the wise our esteem, but it is the benevolent alone who captivate our hearts, and command our affection,'" time we confess it gives us great pain to see the people having recourse to measures which ought only to be adopted in the utmost extremity. The assessed taxes must be repealed. There is no doubt of their being repealed. Why, then, having a Con stitution under which the people can return a majo rity of Representatives, will they set aside Parlia ment, and act by revolutionary means ? The threat of Lord Milton was conditional. We were then in a crisis. The object of the struggle was to set aside an Oligarchy, and to obtain the Constitution of the Reform Bill. But to continue to use revolutionary means after a Reformed Constitution has been ob tained, is madness. Some of our contemporaries make too little of these assc.ciations to resist the payment of taxes. As another specimen of the exaggeration of John Bull, let our readers take the following : " The accounts from Ireland are dreadfully appalling— crime appears to b- on the increase, ant murder, rapine, and destructio❑ are the order of the day and night; yet we are told of the tranquillity of that country. At home, we regret to say, incendiari•m is getting just as common as it was two or three years since—farm yards are fired, cottages burned, mills destroyed in different parts of the country; but neither are any observations made upon the subject, nor any means adopted for the prevention of the atrocities, or for the conviction of those who commit them." We question if ever there were fewer appalling crimes in Ireland than at this moment. With the power of life and death, however, which the land lords of that country possess over their tenants and cottagers, no one will be surprised that the distress of the people should drive them to wild exc<sses. With respect to this country, there are, it is true, but too many instances of incendiarism at present ; and mere incendiarism, when unaccompanied by riots, is the most difficult of all crimes to discover. Ministers succeeded in doing what Sir Robert Peel and the Duke of Wellington declared they could not do—they put an end to the assemblages of la bourers—anti to open violation of the laws. But we fear, after what the labourers of England have been taught with regard to incendiarism, it will be no easy matter to put it down. Witnesses and pro secutors are evidently intimidated. The gentry of England have dreadfully neglected their duty to both Irish and English labourers, in making no pro vision for the former, and allowing the latter to be exposed to a ruinous competition with half starved Lis!). These fires are a lesson from which the English gentry ought to profit. The evidence be fore the Agriculiural Committee connects the im proved condition of the labourers with the intimida tion. Is it to be supposed that this doctrine is not carefully instilled into the minds of the labourers ?: We repeat it, this is not a subject ,to he discussed with the nonchalance of John Bull.—illorning Chronicle. The Corporation of Leicester have promulgated to the world the resolutions on which they announce, explain, and vindicate their determination to submit no further to the illegal and unconstitutional inqui sition which his Majesty's Ministers have thought proper to establish. We refer to those resolutions with unfeigned satisfaction. They contain a calm, firm, straight-forward, and manly exposition of the principles and feelings by which, in the circum stances in which the Corporation of Leicester is placed, it is perfectly natural that a body of upright and honourable gentlemen should be actuated. We are glad to perceive also that the Corporation of the city of Dublin meditates a similar resistance to the un• authorized and illegal inquiries of the Commissioners, which will be so much the more valuable than that of Leicester, and so much the more eflicacions to bring the public and the Commissioners likewise to a just and moderate estimate of the powers and duties of these gentlemen, that the former meet the question more fully and completely than the latter,alleging their objections at the very threshold of the investigation, and stoutly refusing to permit the inquisitors so much as to erect their usurping tribunal within the precincts or purlieus of corporate authority and rights. The submission which other Corporations have yielded to the Commissioners, and the ready answers they have afforded to their inquiries, having been entirely voluntary, and merely courteous, it now remains to be seen whether those to which it yet remains for the Commissioners to make their approaches will give them a reception equally favourable. We hope and believe that the same acquiescence on the part of Corporations will not henceforth be generally experienced, since it seems that the submission which has been yielded in the spirit of courtesy and the consciousness of rectitude is to be employed as an argument in support of the authority of the Commissioners, and as a topic of reproach against such Corporations as have not thought it their duty to aid in the execution of a Commission which, so far as respects legal authority, is no better than a sheet of waste paper. The Corporations ought undoubtedly to unite in a league for their common defence; for it is evident, from the course pursued by some of the Commis sioners, and more evident sill from the tone of that portion of the press which labours to sustain the authority of the Commission, that nothing like fair play towards corporations is intended. It is, for instance, confidently inferred, and irrationally, from the refusal of the corporation of Leicester to submit to investigation, that this particular corporation has been guilty of malversation, while the inference of general purity which springs legitimately from the all but universal promptitude with which corpora tions have offered themselves and their affairs to a searching and arbitrary scrutiny, is scrupulously avoided. Is this fair play? Or is it not rather a proof that it is predetermined to discredit and defame corporations generally, by means of this commission, in order to prepare the way for the ultimate object of revolutionizing or de stroying them ? The question is simply whether corporations shall continue to assist the commission ers by communications which the corporation of Leicester has shown to be strictly voluntary and gratuitous, now that it has become evident to all mankind that the purpose the Commission has in view towards these institutions is inimical and de structive. The commissioners at Leicester have permitted themselves to be defeated in their osten sible object of collecting authentic information, while they have prosecuted sedulously the real object of their mission in directing popular odium and cla mour against the corporation. From this state of things the inferences seem unavoidable—first, that the Commission is a thing so utterly repugnant to the spirit and principles of British law that in the first instance in which it is withstood it is found to be utterly destitute of any legal means of enforcing its authority ; and secondly, that, although incapable of any alliance with the law, it combines and a malgamates spontaneously and instinctively with all the clamour, prejudice, and violence that exists or can be excited in society against existing institu tions. If the Commission be legal why should not the Leicester Commissioners proceed at once to vindicate their slighted authority by the use of such legal means as upon this supposition must exist, in order to compel the Corporation of Leicester to an swer for its contumacy ? If the Leicester Corpo ration can safely disregard the summons of the Com missioners, why may not every other Corpo ration disregard it with equal safety ? And what is the value of a Commission which may safely be thus treated, or in support of which, when thus treated, all that the Commissioners can do is to ap peal to a mob, and proclaim their readiness in the absence of the direct and authentic evidence which is thus placed beyond their reach, to receive and re gister whatever anybody may please to bring them us a substitute ?-111orning Post. DIPLOMACY OF AMERICA.—The compen sation of diplomatic agents of the United States is as follows: Salary of Ministers, 9,000 dollars per annum ; Charges d'Affaires, 1,500 dim.: per annum ; Secretaries of Legation, 2,000 ditto per annum. Ministers and Charges d'Affaires are allowed on going out an outfit equal to one year's salary, and a quarter's salary on their return home. The Legations are allowed the amounts actually expended in postage, stationery, and other contingent expenses. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MANSION-HO USE. ROASTED CORN AND BRITISH LEAF.—On Sa turday Mr. Hunt waited upon the LORD MAYOR in consequence of the conduct of the Board of Excise towards Mr. Ileale, the patentee of " the British leaf" beverage, as stated in the report of what took place on the preceding day on the condemnation of the article to the flames. He stated that, by the Act for the regulation of licenses, dealers in roasted corn, peas, and beans, and other vegetables, were required to be annually licensed, under a penalty of 501. for each neglect. That Act had, according to the statement of the Excise Board, been repealed in the year 1825, as he was given to understand upon application at the office. He found, however, that, at any rate, no formal refusal had taken place, and he stated that fact to the Board; but the answer he received was, that, as the mention of that beve rage was omitted in the Act for the regulation of licenses, the necessity for taking out a license was abrogated. He somehow or other found a difficulty in relying upon the humane authority of the officer, although assured that the Commissioners prohibited the taking out of licenses for his roasted corn, which he had accordingly sold ever since without being licensed, his premises being still under the surveil lance of the Board. The LORD MAYOR thought there would be no danger likely to arise from observing what had been stared by the Board. Mr. Hunt— It appears that, in Mr. Heale's case, twelve months ago, the broad arrow had been at tached to the British leaf, and removed by order of the Board, after a consultation as to the legality of the manufacture. Now such a removal was a virtual admission of the efficacy of the patent. But how did the Excise act subsequently ? They waited until an immense stock was laid in, and then they pounced in and made a seizure, and pursued the article to condemnation in the teeth of their former decision. How did he know, then, but that the Excise would play some trick of the kind on him ? (A laugh.) • The LORD MAYOR—It must be recollected that the conduct of the Excise Board was not the ques tion yesterday. It was wh,ther the Act prohibited the fabrication of any article in imitation of tea. He had decided upon that question in Mr. lleale's case, because he found that notwithstanding all that had been battered into his ears by a Learned Ser geant, the nasty stuff had been made to imitate and be mixed with tea, and for that purpose alone, and that nobody bought an ounce of it for other use except two agents of the patentee, who had in one year bought a pound a piece, and much joy he wished them of their purchase—(Laughter)—so that thirteen thousand pounds weight had been made up for accommodating the grocers of the metropolis and its environs. Mr. Hunt—Without wishing to impugn the con duct of the Excise on the occasion of the condem nation of the British leaf, I certainly am fearful of following their advice, or taking all they say for gospel; and I apply to your Lordship, that if any trick of the kind should be contemplated towards me it may be known that I tendered the price of the license, and was refused upon the ground that no license was necessary. lam manufacturing roasted corn as actively as ever, and it would he very hard if I was pounced upon in the midst of my honest labours. I have between two and three hundred agents in the country, and a vast number in town, for the sale of it. I intend to manufacture a herb tea as I have done before, but I wish to violate neither the letter nor the spirit of the Act. The LORD MAYOR—WeII, I hope you won't use sloe-leaves or willow-leaves, or make any thing like the stuff I have condemned, which is very properly called caper tea. The decision has, I think, made the proprietor cut a very pretty caper.—(Laughter.) With respect, however, to your notice, i•'lr. Hunt, I dare say the Act you allude to has been virtually repealed. John Stoddart, the commander of the ship Lord Stewart, from Hamburg, was convicted in the penalty of 100/. for having in a concealed place in his ship some brandy, geneva, and tobacco. The quantity of spirits did not exceed the general allowance for the use of the crew, but the offence lay i❑ having it in a private situation. B OW-STREET. ASSAULT ON AN OMNIBUS CONDUCTOR.— Lewis Alexander, the driver of a Brighton coach, was brought before Mr. MINSHULL, charged with running against a Paddington omnibus, and obstruct ing it in its way down High-street, St. Giles's ; also with assaulting the conductor, Charles Warner, on the preceding evening, at half-past nine o'clock. Mr. MINSIMLL ordered the defendant to find bail for his appearance at the sessions, to answer any charge which might be preferred against him. Henry Warner, the driver of the hackney coach No. 453, ‘t EIS charged with neglecting to deliver up at the Stamp-office certain property accidentally left in his coach within four days after his finding the same. The complainant, on the 16th of Sep tember, hired the defendant's coach, and he drove from Carev-street to Camden-town. She had a quantity onuggage, which was placed in the coach by the defendant. When she got to her friend's house she had all the articles, as she believed, taken out of the coach ; but soon after the defendant had drove off she missed a silk umbrella, a pair of shoes, and some other things. She saw defendant a fort night after on a stand, and asked him whether he had seen them, but he denied all knowledge of them. Defendant, in answer to the charge, said that after he was discharged by the complainant he took up two gentlemen, whom he drove to Tot tenham-court-road; and if the articles had been left in his coach they must have taken them. He denied ever having seen the articles. Mr. MINSHULL said this was the old story always told by coachmen under similar circumstances, and lie did not believe one word of it. He recommended the complainant to bring an action against the owner of the coach. The complainant said she had had trouble enough already hi the business, and would not proceed any further. The case was consequently dismissed. MARLBORO UGH- S TREE T. CHARGE OF ROBBERY.—John Godber, a footman, was charged with having stolen two gold snuff boxes, one of the value of fifty guineas, and the other valued at thirty guineas, from the residence of Sir Thomas Hammond, in Dean-street. He was re manded till Tuesday next. QUEEN- S Q U ARE. DIALOGUE BETWEEN A MAGISTRATE AND A BEGGAR.-A miserable-looking young man, named William Walworth, having been proved guilty of soliciting charity near the reservoir in the Green Park, the following dialogue took place beween him and Mr. WHITE, the Magistrate : MAGISTRATE—WeII, master, what have you to say to the charge ? Prisoner—l thought it better to beg than steal, your Worship. MAGISTRATE—I think so too, but you must know that both are offences against the law ; and it is told us that, as soon as we are able to read and write, we ought to get our living by the sweat of our brow. Prisoner—Very true, Sir, but it appears that I am doomed to get my living by the sweat of my brow at the tread-mill. MAGISTRATE—Pray where do you come from, master ? Prisoner—l come from Finchmo, in Wilts, your Worship. MAGISTRATE—Why did you not stop there, mas ter ? What did you come here for, eh ? Prisoner— Why I thought I might as well starve here as there. I thought I could better my condition here. MAGISTRATE—III the course of my experience I have found many such as you, who would rather starve from home than at home ; but it is my duty to send you to the House of Correction for four teen days. Prisoner—Thank you, master; I am much obliged to you.—The prisoner was then removed to the lock-up. Mary Ware, a powerful woman, was fined 5:35., or, in default, to be imprisoned two months, if l i violently assau l t i ng Ri c h a rd Sh utt l ewor th, an °c I , Chelsea pensioner. The old v e t eran , it appea r ' was detected making love to a Mrs. Heywood ,13/ the woman Ware, who, in consequence of her terference, was pushed out of the house. This raged her, and she said she would be revenged on old man, which she put into execution by sPl itti f il his skull with a b r i c k. M rs . W are , not being 11' to pay the fine, was committed. COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING LAST WEEK. Wheat. Barley. I Oats. .23.. e.;.,„, Per Quarter. s. to s. Is.to s. s. to s. 5 „.• Carlisle 2B 19 40 49 53 25 29 19 22 Morpeth . 49 53 24 26 18 21 "Jv Penrith 51 26 19 —" Sheffield — 52 ; 34 23 44 Winchester 48 58 ,26 30 22 24 41 Per Bushel. s.d. s.d. 's.d. s.d. s. d. s.d. 5.d• 0q Carmarthen 6 0 6 6 2(3 2 9 1 4 1 8 0 0 6o Cowbridge 6 6 70,2 1) 40; 2 6 3 0 5 6 0 Newcastle (Staff.) 80 89 46 501 3 0 34 5 0 6 0 Northallerton 70 93 36 46; 3 3 40 5 6 6 1 80 86 40 48' 3 0 34 6 0 01' Swansea 68 70 36 39 1 9 22 00 60 Warwick 9 0 11 0 3 0 4 6 2 0 3 3 5 6 Per 8011. 5 0 Barnardeastle— 120 16 6 80 8 6 5 0 60 10 60 Durham.—..—.... ,f.O 14 0 7 0 8 0 4 0 5 6 7 1 1 1 Richmond 11 0 10 6 8 6 9 0 5 0 6 4 0 Stockton 1116..---. 12 0 96 10 0 5 0 54 7 WAKEFIELD CORN MARKET.—Oct. 11. i m, Wheat, Red, Norfolk and Suffolk —s. 46 5 . t o 54 5. fine •' . ,i;, Lin. and Cam. —s. 465. to s:ls fined" - Yorkshire —a. 445. to 535 . fine 55g. .,- White —s, 50s. to 675. fine ... ,.5, Foreign, Red —, —a. to —a. fine ... , White —s. —s. to —s. rine , 26 ,, Barley, Norfolk and Suffolk - Lincolnshire - Yorkshire Wold 3 2 ( 9i .. . tt t oo o 12 3 2 : s : : fine c e ....,H - Foreign _ c 24 40., Beans, Old ,o, ---. New 3ss. to 38s fine ?,,,,,, . Oats, Potato l9s. to 9.94. fine — Poland — a. 18s. to 21s. fine ~„2 1 , , Friezland and Sm a ll —s. I7s. to 2.05. fine - e, sealing Shelling Malt Rapeseed 231. 0,335. s 72:39(01.71..to.tosofi.2n126e114.0d2dos.s...pppooeperrrrloLoLastltt. SCOTCH MARKET Wheat. I Barley Oats. I Beans. Oatu iv j 4 Aberdeen 4S 54 23 25 16 20 n ; ,1 Berwick 30 36 17 20 13 15 18 24 Coldstream 35 42 18 19 13 14 20 22 '"" upar 48 56 26 31 18 22 22 26 Dundee...—. 50 60 30 33 20 25 30 31 Elgin-- 40 50 24 26 16 20 23 30 Inverness--. 42 46 25 26 18 '2O 23 27 1 8 / Kelso 35 37 19 20 13 14 19 20 Kirk al d 48 61 23 29 16 2(1 45 48 43 Perth 50 56 23 26 20 22 22 25 I "4. n - • The size of the measure varies throughout the coun..!7 _ EDINBURGH CORN MARKET—Oct. 9. —4O EDINBURGH CORN MARKET—Oct. 9. ~,at We had a large supply of all ki n d s o f G ra i n to d a y, e' Pease and Beans, and the sales were rather heavy. Wheat. Barley. Oats. Pease. (k 1 ~„Bell First 64s 363 6d 22s 441 333 Od 0 ",.,,'. oct Second „,,;v! oa Third 49s Od 24s Od 18s Od 30 3 lid ;,'" PRICES OF PROVISIONS, &C. 0 Beef, per lb. .., Os. 30. to Os. 6d. Freshßutter, lb. s. 10d. to !. 9 Mutt0n.—....... 03f 0 6 Salt Ditt0.„........, 0 8 :1 ii Veal 0 5 0 8 Ditto, per cu t. 70 0 9 6 0 Pork 0 4 0 6 Eggs, per doz. 010 6 Lamb, per qr. 1 0 3 6 O a tStr awt kpl.) 6 0 7 0 Fallow, cwt.... 35 0 37 0 Wheat Ditto., 6 6 r 0 Quartern Loaf 0 7 0 0 Barley Ditto., 4 6 6 9 Potatoes, 171113. 0 4 0 0 Hay,perst.......„ 0 7 _....," EDINBURGH INIEAI There was a very small supply and the sales were heavy, at last Per Sack of 280Ib. Imp. First Oatmeal Second ditto. 1 9 0 Rarleymeal 1 5 0 Peasenseal .l 4 0 Pot Barley—No. I, per cwt. Its L MAR l ET.- —Oct. 8. ot , 'of Oatmeal at this day's 0/ 13 ' ,t week's prices. Per Stone of 141 b IMP' 1 fl First Oatmeal XO 6 Second ditto Barleymeal 0 I 6 P easemea l , Alk s.—'2(l, 145.-3 d. ltis.—Pe2. GLASGOW CORN Sales of Orain are dull ; Oat Wheat, per 2.41)1b. s. d. s. d British, old 9.60t02.801 MARKET.—Oct. 9. Is., and Barley (id. low!' 8.:o Oats, per `.11541b "' Irish l4 tit ° British l5 0 new 2 20 250 Canada, free 2B 0 29 6 Irish Barley, per 3201 b. English — 0 Scottish... Irish Beans, per 2601 b. ..0 English 1. Scottish Pease, Scottish Oatmeal, per 140Ib l3 0 ,01 Flour, per 2801 b 43 0 CORNWALL MARKETS. n 71' 9' Tnuao—Wheat (average) `2ls.od.—Barley, 9s- pd. -- s•at s, 00 ST AusTELL—Wheat, —s. to 21s. —Barley, Os. to 10s.-- o,. P t E o N B Z . N 6 C d E .L — B W ee b f ea a t i; 7, to 7A, 9d. Butter, 9d. OO -WheatLAUNCESTON (average) 198.6.1—Barley, 95.011.- - ' si. 3,l.—Beef, M.—Mutton, 6d. OP _natio d '2l l% g iut t i?m 2 , 2 4 — d. n t a o rll 3d. eY' - 9 P s o . 6d.—Pork, Od. 1 ° ; ° ' ..-1" 'ASK EA 121,...W heat, —S. to 6 .205. o.l.—Barley, 10s. Ocl. . '.., Cs. 6d. ~. 0 0 ' YinDm IN—Wh c a t (average),2ls.—FtarleY., 10S. 0d.,..08111, '" HECSToN—Wheat, 21s. Od.—/tarl lOs Od. ST. CoLtimn—Wheat, 20s. to 21s.—Barley, 9s. to IN."'" se and Mutton, 514 to 6d.—Veal, Od. MEETINGS OF CREDITORS AT THE COURT, BASINGHALL-STREET' (From the London Gazelle.) 0' M. t TO-MORROW, Oct. 15. '2 ' I \V, Corp, carpenter, Tower-stroet E. Whelpdale, victualler, Marylebone-lane T. Weller, tailor, Lisle-street, Lei ces t er - squa re 0 The following list shows the age of a ll '' years Sovereignser; William of lV., King of England, Europe:.—CharlesJohn, 69 ; pp King ofoSc:eo dui v t 69 ; g o r y XIV., 68 ; Francis 1., Emperor of Austria, v s Frederick IV , King of Denmark, 66 ; Frederick King of Prussia, 63 ; William, King of Holland'f;iol Louis Philip, King of the French, 60 ; William' "ref of Wirternberg, 52 ; Malimoud 11., Emperor of 1° f tlis '4B ; Louis, King of B ivaria, 47 ; Leop o ld, King,.. ° lo o/ Belgians, 42 ; Nicholas, Emperor of Russia, 37 ; Albert. King of Sardinia, 35 ; Ferdinand 11., I )pfr Sicily, 23 ; Maria 11., Queen of Portugal, 14 ; Isabella Louisa, Queen of Spain, 3 years.SS MIDLAND COUNTIES RAILWAY.- understand that the provisional committ ees which 115 u 0 0 appointed at the towns of Leic es t er , Notting lo ° l n t r tft l Derby, in furtherance of the obj e cts o f this li°P;',4l l " undertaking, with several other ge n tl e m e n intere' , ( 14 the measure, held a meeting at Loughborough, on l u og tli 6 se'nnight, for the purpose of considering and rnatu r/ p lielL' plan to be laid before the public. The r esu lt, We b ;ill r, is, that in the course of a few days a p ros pectu , published for the establishment of a grand line 0 1 of, way, for travelling and the carriage of a ll kinds ° chandise from Derby, Nottingham, and Leiceste r ' riai r point of junction with the Birmingham and Lon d°'i efie way, near to Rugby, including a branch from the ',Ol shire and Nottinghamshire collieries. The high in4 3° t ,O, of this measure to th e p u bli c nee d no t b e p o i n ted ° "i i isr we understand that the calculations which have bee",,,ldel exhibit a probable revenue to ac cr u e t o t h e s hare far superior to that of any oth er ra il way which 11 ",;11 , ' been established or . contemplated.—Nottinghatn e lie f e The following is an extract from 3 t ab h ; dated Tangier, Sept. 6 :—" It being well known t- dg h " Emperor of Morocco considers himself the hei r $ :l 6 , ancient Caliphs of the south, unites within hig ll9r .O tt direction of all religious as well as political matte r V s o_ lo being held by the Mussulmans of Africa in the lig , patriarch, he, of course, cannot rest indifferen t . 0 - 66 occupation of a part of the African coast by e ' ff r o f Morocco is, therefore, the grand seat of intrigue'rialo, whence the chiefs of the tributary tribes of the irit olle, ° f o the Regency receive their instructions, and froo' de re ill emanate the orders for all the hostile measures 09 t 0 A f o our troops and coloni s ts. B e li eve me , our tr e " roc never be able to remain tranquil as l ong as the t r o pe,,i, creating disturban ces rema i n at t h e di, posa l o f the 0 1 4 of Morocco. A Jew, from Gibraltar, named 13e ",ior d lt is charged by the Mor occo G overnment w i t h the P r i bro° ° 9 o of arms and ammunition, which are forwarded oviraill the interior to Tremesan, and from thence to the e ,..0 l o p of Oran and Algiers. Diplomatic recoonstlatfor, never have the effect of altering the plans of the 0 0 T O for on this side of the Mediterrane a n the Eu r l,, e co considered as tributary to the Regency of MorueTao:ol presents which it is customary fur the EuropF b 4 a n, t ei, o ',l. to give to the Emperor are looked upon as tt l Nit' tt cs they alone compose the civil list. There is no t , t he e jo e o man who will not tell you that the expenses o f j e ft are defrayed by the tributes from the Infidels• rfaegot not the French Government send an a expedition L t 00 ee bg . the most aeces,ible part of the Regency, an d d io° d o ala an end to these intrigues of continual revolt' t a .bere dination? The appearance of an arrnatnen>, ,, , oen change the aspect of affairs in Morocco . o , t pa MARRIED. ow iclo:4 0 0e At St. James's Church, Piccadilly, Lieut. to Royal Engineers, son of the late Colonel Haddeo! qouse,so(c, the eldest daughter of L. D. Jaquier, Esq., of __ctilover, On the 12th inst., at St. George's Church,;oli,roline the Venerable the Archdeacon of Dronaore, t asp 1 daughter of Henry Hanson Simpson, Esq., 01 Bath. DIED. d ester, On the I Ith inst., at his residence, near Chi.. spa sally respected, Charles Terase Dickens , Esq., in i nb w ife ° On the 7th inst., at Droxford 'WWI, Anne' Rev. Adair Colpoys. 7' o l PRINTED AND PUBLIKII ED BY MURD° tjti SUN OFFICE, 112 9 STRA EP. PAI 14tillted 4: 1 ," 1 , t id thei SEA H 1~: Oh r 4 W I N _ E , 44, r ei 411 o, ‘ !rated on,l I—nd