The Sun. — London, England, 1863-07-24 00:00:00

. . THE JUDGE and the JOURNALS—John Orrell Lever, Esq., M.P.—England on Chinese Plates, In FEN this week, One PClllly. HER MAJESTY'S THEATRE, FAREWELL NIGHTS. CHEAP PRICES. THIS EVENING (FRIDAY), MEDEA. Medea, by M dame Ristori. TO-MORROW EVENING (SATURDAY), July 25, FAUST. TEN ADDITIONATAL CHEAP ARE L W CES.EL PERFORMANCES PRI Next Week. Monday, July 27 ; Tuesday, July 28; Wednesday, July 29 ; Thursday, July 30 ; Friday, July 31 ; and Saturday, Aug. 1. Week after next. Monday, Aug. 3 ; Tuesday, Aug. 4 ; Thursday, Aug. 6 ; and Saturday, Aug. 8. Monday next, 'July 27.—Benefit and Last Appearance of MADAME RISTO RI. MARIA STUARDA. Maria btuarda (Regina di Seozia , , Mauame Ristori. Titiens, Santley, Giuglh i. Tuesday next, July 28, FA US I'. Wednesday next, July 29, LE NOZZE DI FIGARO. FAUST. Titiens, Trebelli, Santley, Gassier, Giuglini. Thursday next, July 30, FAUST. Titiens, Volpini, Trebelli, Delle-Sedie, Gassier, Giuglinl. Friday, July 31, UN BALLO IN MASCHERA. OBERON. Titiens, Trebel% Lemaire, Bettini, Santley, Gassier, Sims Reeves. Saturday, Aug. 1, OBERON. Restrictions to Evening Dress not enforced. Commence at Eight o'clock on each evening. Prices :—Gallery. 2s ; Pit, 3s ; Boxes, 5s ; Dress Circle, 78 ; Orchestra St ale. 12s 6d; rivate Boxes from Half-a-Guinea upwards ; Pit Tier Boxes, to hold four, Two Guineas. Bo , c -office of the Tneatre (under the sup Ti erintendence to of Mr. Nugent) oven daily from Ten till r Shx. S x.Tickets als ) be ob tained, on the evening of the performance, at the special offi_ es open at the entrance of the Pit and Grand Tiers. THE DUKE'S MOTTO. THE EIIi4DRETI A,',l) SIXTY-FIRST NIGHT and Last Week but Two of the present Season. ROYAL LYCEUM THEATRE.- I Under the Sole Management of Mr. FECHTER. Last Week but Two of the present Season. THIS EVENING, to commence with an Original Sketch, entitled A SUDDEN ATTACK. Messrs. Shore, Garden, Widdicomb, Wes Henrade, and Mrs. Lee. After which, at a Quarter -past Eight, the Romantic Drama, in Three Acts, and Pr 31001 e, entitled THE DUKE'S MOTTO, by Paul Feval and John Brougham. The principal character wil l be sustained by Mr. Fechter, supported by Messrs. J. G. Shore, G. Jordan, J. Brougnam, IT. iddi.tombe, F. Charles, Garden, Raymond, Dawson ; Misses Carlotta Leclercq. Kate Terry, E. Lavenue, and Elsworthy. Doors open at 7, commence at half-past. Acting-Manager, Mr. H. Barnett. ROYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE. Sole t,esaee and I/Tanager, Mr. G. Vining. THIS EVENING, at Eight o'clock, Shakespere's Play of ItO5lEO AND JULIET. Romeo, Mr. Walter Niontgomery• Mercutio, Mr. G. Vining ; Friar Lawrence. Mr. H. Marston : Apothecary, Mr. Belmore ; The Nurse, Mrs. H. Marston ; Juliet, Mdlle. Stella Colas. To be preceded by the new Comedietta, entitled COUSIN TOM. NEW THEATRE-ROYAL, ADELPHL - Sole Proprietor and Manager. Mr. B. Webster. THIS EVENING, THE IRIiH TIGER. After which, at Eight o'cloek, a new drama, entitled THE FLAUNTED MAN; OR, T E GHOST'S BARGAIN, in which will be exhibited Professor Pepper's adaptatlon of the Great Spectral Illusion. Messrs. J. L. Toole, R. Phi:lips, Sefton C. J. Smith; Mrs. Alfred Mellon and Miss H. Simms. Followed by a new Burlesque, entitled ILL-TREATED IL TROVATORE. M( ssrs. Took. P. Bedford, R. Phillips, Ebnrne, C. J. Smith, Romer ; the Sisters Nelson, Carry and Sara, and Miss K. Kelly. Commence at 7. ROYAL STRAND THEATRE Manager, Mr. W. IL Swanborough. TO-NIGHT WHILE THERE'S LIFE THERE'S HOPE. Messrs. W. H. Swanborough, Parselle, Vollaire, G. Honey • Misses Ada Swanborough, L. Thorne , F. Hughes , Manders, and E. Button. Followed by (7th time) THE MOTTO, "I'M ALL THERE." Messrs. Honey, Turner, E. Danvers, Collier, Clifton ; Mesdames Ada Swanborough, F. Josephs, Marta Simpson, Wallace, and Jenny White. To conclude with LOVE IN LIVERY. Commence at 7. TrIHE THIRD EDITION OF " THE SUN," _j_ Containing the Latest SPORTING INTELLIGENCE, can be had Every Evening of G. R. GLENIE, NEWS AGENT, No. 4, Connaught-terrace, Hyde-park. The Weather--Sun Office, July 24, 1863. THERMOMETER. This morning. This day at Two o'clock 77 Barometer-30.04, Wind—S.-W ; moderate, with fine but cloudy weather, HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. CH'S DA.T.—Morning, 7h. 15m.—Afternoon, 7h. 39m. To-xtounow.-Morning, Bh. Bm.—Afternoon, Bh. 40ru. \tilt a SUIT, LONDON, FRIDAY, JULY 24, 1863. -0-- Although M. DE PERSIGNY, happily for our brethren of the Press in France, continues no longer at the head of the Ministry of the Interior, the journalists of the Second Empire (who does not know it ?) are still constrained to speak somewhat with 'bated breath, they still move under a weight of almost overwhelming restrictions, it might even be said, they respire with difficulty. While such is yet undeniably the situation of afairs in France in re gard to the great question of the Liberty of the Press, under the rule of Emperor NAPOLEON 111., it is nothing less than refreshing to come, as we have just now done, in the midst of a juncture so profoundly dis-spiriting,upon utterances of such remarkable bold ness, eloquence, and precision, utterances so elevated in their tore, so persuasive in their fervour, and so convincing in their logic, as those we ourselves are to-day eager to echo as accurately as possible in our own tongue precisely as they have come to us in the accents of the Count de MONTALE3IBERT. Elsewhere will be found in this evening's impression of our journal, the more rotable fragments at least, of this argument upon the Journalism and Liberalism of the age in which we are now living—an argument but just pat forth, we m i g h t a l mos t say, in the form o f a manifesto, by this Man of Mark, not only for France, but for all Christendom. It comes to is all the more accept ably upon the morrow of the Count de MON TALEM BERT'S rejection b one of th e French y those Imperiali s t e l ec tors in provinces, to whom the Count, at once, as Orato r and Liberal, was as Publicist, buc still no w as unacceptable by reason of his very independence. Precluded from entering the lat- FERIAL Chamber among the re presentatives, th e G iant _ DE 80-called popular MONTALEMBERT has for an interval, at least, not been debarred from again wielding the pen in the cau se . of truth, of liberalism, of enlightenment, in those sacred interests, c al, social, and religious, with politi which his name, as he reminds us, has now for three -and-thirty years been identified. The importance of the press, merely for whether for good or f , r evil, and this, not for France or for Italy , but for all the various na tions of Christendom, has never been m ore na lly proclaimed. The necessity th ere is for ai. its g' a b so l u te independence has never been more Coc v i n cingly or more resolutely vindicated. N ever has there been uttered, by the lips or by the p et , even of the most daring among the champions of the revolutionary party, a more scornful or a more confident defiance of those who would dare to at tempt the repression, much more the extinction, of the spirit of the age, resprzt moderne, of that widely extended and extending hberalzsme w h ic h is, so to speak, the very genius of Modern or Christian Civilisation. To dream even of going counter to this "civihsatzon moderne," he heal tatea not to pronounce as idle phantacy as an attempt "enchainer a d es uto p ies," or, "enfeoder a deg fantomes." Those , no mat ter of what class or party, who dream 01 doing this, he sweeps aside with a noble and haughty phrase as victims d'une orthodoxie harq ne,use. It only these latest accents, rising from the heart and conscience of MONTALEMBERT to his clot - peat lips, or rather to the point of his luminous and persuasive pen, might penetrate to the hearts and consciences of all others, say there in France, say here in England, say yonder, whether in the north, or in the south, of the Roman peninsula " Non, l'ancien regime ne renaitra nulle part." That, as the text ! And, as the closing sentiment, " Malheur a ceux qui fermeraient les yeux a cette evidence!" The speeches of Mr. FITZGERALD and Lord PAL MERSTON last evening, with reference to the long pending dispute between Denmark and Germany, will be read with considerable interest and satisfac tion. Mr. FITZGERALD, adverting to the late period of the session at which we have arrived, expressed his anxiety to obtain from her MAJESTY'S Govern ment some indication of the policy which they in tended to pursue on this important question. The right hon. gentleman gave a clear outline of that perplexed and complicated case, which has been a standing trouble to European diplomatists fcr many years. He commented upon the extraordinary change which appeared to have come over the views of the English Foreign Secretary, and justly stig matised the remarkable proposition made by Earl RUSSELL to the Danish Government, at the close of last year, es an absurd, and at the same dan gerous proceeding. It needs no verykeentipmeercaeptioniie t to trace the results of tha t s i ngular present crisis of a ff airs.gave fresh m sp i rit r v t h the e It in case of war, England would no longer protect German aggressors, who n aturall y concluded that, her old ally. It disheartened the King of D ENMA RK and his counsellors, and mad e th e m feel that they could trust their interests to none but themselves. Accordingly, feeling that the responsibility of settling the matter de volved upon them alone, they decided upon the im portant step of the 30th of March. The patent then issued granted, as we all know, an almost en tire constitution to the unruly State of Holstein. It gave them fall independence of Denmark, as far as regarded the civil list, the public debt, the army and navy, the customs, and the postal arrangements ; granting, as all independent spectators of the quarrel observed, more than the Holsteiners had any right to ask. But wise men shook their heads and said that, liberal as this offer appeared to be, it would not content the Confederation, it would only serve to incense them ; and that such has been the case is sufficiently proved by the recent proceedings re ferred to Mr. FITZGERALD. On the 9th of this month the committee of the Diet of Frankfort called upon the Danish KING to annul the patent of the 30th of March within six weeks, and warning him that if that were not done they would proceed at once to Federal execution, that is to say, the Duchy of Holstein would be occupied by the Confederation, according to Mr. FITZGERALD, by Austrian forces. The reason of this outrageous and apparently incon sistent conduct is no secret. As Lord PALMERSTON said plainly last night in the course of his straight forward and sensible speech, " There is no use in disguising the fact that what is at the bottom of the German design for connecting Schleswig with Holstein is the dream of a German fleet, and the desire to get Kiel as a German seaport." That dream, as the noble lord very properly went on to say, may be a very good reason for their wishing to get Kiel, but it is no reason why they should violate the rights and independence of Denmark to fulfil it. It is fortunate that at this critical conjuncture Mr. FITZGERALD has drawn from the noble lord at the head of her MAJESTY'S Government so full and ex plicit a statement of their views on the matter. Lord PALMERSTON did not, it is true, expressly say that in case of an invasion of Danish possessions Eng land would be prepared to support her ally by force of arms, but he said enough to make the members of the Diet pause before they take so rash a step. He warned them that the independence of the gal lant little Northern State was of vital importance to the great European Powers, and that war begun in a petty quarrel about the iostitntion of Holstein might draw after it consequences the most serious and extensive in their nature. We are not disposed to trust too much to the good sense and sound views of the Germanic Confederation which the noble Premier professes to reckon upon, though he may be right in not anticipating that that sedate and ponderous body will act with " too much precipita tion." The support of Denmark by England wilt be of much more service in the way of convincing their reason than any arguments founded upon good sense or common justice, and the reluctance which Austria would naturally have to embroil herself in a European war is also in favour of the Danes. Lord PALMERSTON, in referring to the pretensions founded by the Germans upon the memcries of 1640, reminded those advocates that if the States of Germany and Prussia, more especially, wished to go back to the territorial limitations of that period they would have some awkward work to do themselves. The rights of tenure by which Silesia and Posen form part of the Prussian mon archy, might not bear inspection quite so well as those by which Denmark holds Schleswig. The latter, indeed, has been expressly admitted by the Confederation to form part of the Danish kingdom, and the pretensions founded upon the residence of a number of Germans in that province cannot be admitted in international law. But, in fact, all these rights and recollections are mere pretexts, for which the old fable of the wolf and the lamb may serve for examples. Aggression has never wanted an excuse, and the arguments of a powerful State against a weaker neighbour are generally conclu sive. They can only be answered by declarations such as that made by Lord PALMERSTON last even ing, when he declared that it was an important matter of British policy to maintain the indepen dence and integrity of the Danish monarchy, and that, although but a small State, it had its rights as well as larger ones. It rests with the E ng li s h Government to see that those rights are respected, and they may rely upon it that this is a case i n which a firm and resolute attitude taken at the proper time will avoid the troubles and complica tions consequent upon a European war. Mr. COBDEN does not possess the faculty of see ing when a question is settled. If ho takes up an idea, no matter upon what subject, he cannot let it drop, but goes on reiterating his vehement demands and making his endless suggestions. Thus yester day morning, in the House of Commons, he drew attention to the old story of the vessels in America. He referred to the memorial from some shipowners at Liverpool regarding the evasion of our foreign enlistme n t l aw. He said that " there were three vessels s p ecif i cally n e r d c e t of f e Virginia.po upon the la b a c m o , known which wer e now preying a friendly After Power—the dese a O n r t o g , the upon this theme for some time, Mr. COBDEN ex plained the purport of his vetch, that he wished the Government to devise some they couldmiens by which " seize in British ports vessels that ware destined for the use of the belligerents." He thought that if they inserted the word " building," as well as " furnishing and arming," th would be attained. Really this is rathe r a e object strong measure to propose even for a man o f c Mr, oiMitIVS consummate assurance. After all that has been said and written on the subject after the case of the Alexandra has been successfully carried through the Exchequer Court, after the law officers of the Crown have eecided on these vessels possessing the right to furnish warlike equipments to both sides in the struggle, Mr. COBDEN is to step in and alter all the arrangements beeaus3 some of his friends do not like the Federal Government to be annoyed in any manner. He asserted, in virtuous indignation, that at present there are two ironclads being built in this country, and that a reclamation had been received by the Government from the United States Minister to the effect that these vessels were intended for the Confederate Government. What right has the United States Minister to make any such representations, and above all, what excuse is there for a member of our Legisla ture subject w t e o r say n o t that e a s t wr serious aresin h to attendthe en an t oy ot a h n e e m e s . If the and losses it has caused, and important, inasmuch as it concerns the honour and interests of our country, Mr. COBDEN'S remarks thereupon would be quite ludicrous. He goes on to say that " from all he observed of public opinion in America, he was convinced that if these vessels went out and began to prey upon the United States shipping, it would lead to a war with this country." What absurdity this is. How can Mr. COBDEN know what the Americans will or will not do in the matter. One thing is certain, it is neither consistent with the dignity nor the greatness of our country to be always on the watch for animadversions upon our conduct. These foreign nations, be they great or small, had better understand at once and for ever that England is quite able to pursue what course she thinks proper, without being frighted out of her propriety by threats of angry feelings, and having the dread of hostile engagements constantly being held out in terrorene to deter all who wish to act independently, or carry out their honest notions of right and justice. It appears that the American Government make claims for the value of all the ships destroyed by the Florida, Alabama, and Vir ginia, and forward them to the English Government. They, said Mr. COBDEN, had hitherto refused to ac knowledge those claims, but "some day," he ex claims with prophetic fervour, " when the demand could be made most inconveniently for the Govern ment, the result would probably be either humilia tion or war." This is one of the most prepos terous speeches, that Mr. COBDEN has ever made. Prone as he is to exaggeration, he has seldom so completely exhibited his extreme views and one sided arguments as on the present occasion. "No doubt," he says," many persons in this country would prefer war." There is not a shadow of doubt that the whole country would insist on war, and no Government would remain in power who did not carry it on with spirit and promptitude, but the Americans are too wise to proceed to such extre mities. If Mr. COBDEN and his friends were in office very probably there would be constant threats of war from all quarters of the world, and endles , demands made upon the resources of the nation to pay for the injaries, real or imaginary, that our subjects had inflicted on other people. As it is, however, a wise and a noble policy is followed. Too much latitude was given to the Federals at one time, but never to the extent that Mr. COBDEN and Mr. BRIGHT desire, and the consequence is that they will remain quiescent under this new order of things. Mr. COBDEN spoiled his case in the abstract form of argument, and quite ruinedhis consistency by stating that there was no occasion to prohibit " arms and ammunition." Gunpowder was an article of commerce, and therefore was exempt from the rule. Mr. COBDEN concluded by contradicting what Mr. LAIRD had said in a former debate about building vessels of war. Mr. LAIRD declared that all his statements were correct, and he was ready to put his preofs into the hands of the noble lord at the head of the Government. The hon. member refuted some of Mr. COBDEN'S asser tions, and showed the fallacy of his arguments in a brief but forcible speech. Lord PALMERSTON, later on, also made some comments upon the obser vations of Mr. QOBDEN. The noble lord said that " he and her MAJESTY'S Government, and I think the country at large start from different points of de parture in the consideration of the matter to which he directed the attention of the House." " We look," explained the noble lord, "upon the two parties who are now in arms against each other in America as each of them belligerents, and therefore alike entitled, as far as our neutral posi tion is concerned, to all the privileges and rights which appertain to belligerents. This is exactly the true state of the case, and then Lord PALMER STON stated with equal veracity that it seemed to him that Mr. COBDEN believed " that the Union is still in legal existence, that there are not in Ame rica two belligerent parties, but a legitimate Go vernment and a rebellion against that Govern ment." Had Lord PALMERSTON spoken for an hour he could not more clearly have demonstrated the facts of the case. It is exactly on this basis that Mr. COBDEN and Mr. BRIGHT et hoc omne genus rest their arguments. Lord PALMERSTON said that the American Government had laid down the position for themselves, because they had de clared that a neutral was at liberty to furnish a belligerent with anything he chose to buy. As for the ironclads, which were to produce such dire ful effects, Lord PALMERSTON mentioned that he had been informed that the French Consul claimed it for the Emperor of the FRENCH. It is a pity that at the close of the session Mr. COBDEN should have needlessly made himself so ridiculous, and, what is worse, exhibited so little regard for the honour of the country and the interest of her mer chants. The fact is that he is prejudiced, and no one who acts or speaks under that impression can ever produce a lasting effect on the minds of his hearers. Sooner or later he is sure to betray him 831f, and so mar the success of the cause he has advocated. ", THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JULY 24, 1863 THE COUNT DE MONTALEMBERT On The Press and The Liberals of Europe. In the newly published livraison of Le Cor_ respondant, just received, we observe a remarkable contribution from the hand of the Count de Mon talembert. It is apropos to the.new Italian journal 17 Conservative. From the masterly argument comprised within this contribution, we are tempted to quote the following noble passages, of which we, therefore, furnish, at once, a hasty but exact trans lation ' everything snyo ss vit system. m e da. l s r s e o s t s hdn , eee b pg u cer t anand a v a b es o sau v tyi tni a hi tl this str ,et without intei t ihanol l u the ee exaggeration Periodicalwhole countries Press, nietrsocial is the world. Nothing can be done without it; and, in truth, nothing durable or effectual can well be done against it. It is all-powerful for evil, but it is also the one great means to good. All powerful for evil: that, alas, is only too evident. It is sufficient to read those organs which hold the fore most place, and have the widest circulation in France, in England, in the salons the cafes of Europe, le Si7;cle, the Times, l'lndependance, la Revue des Deux- Mondes ! But why, then, should not the press be all-powerful, also, for good ? It is a problem at once of the present and a the future ! True it is that it serves no earthly good to lament over the license of the press and to sigh for the censorship. A decisive proof of which, that, namely of France nowadays, has demonstrated that the restrictive and preven tive system, applied with as much ability as energy, has restrained and suppressed none but the Catholic and Conservative organs, and has only tended to exercise, in prodigious proportions, the influence and prosperity of the journals qualifying themselves to be revolutionary. It is not a profane or demagogic writer, it is the most determined enemy of modern ideas, it is the most resolute pan,gyrist of the first and the second empire, it is M. Louis Veaillot who has been personally inter dicted from writing in his own journal. And this exceptional proscription which, applied to an ad versary, wounds us and humiliates us much more than if it had struck one of ourselves, is only, after all, a natural though an excessive or exaggerated interpretation of the legislation that very journal itself had vaunted as the legislation even of the Church. It is not outside of, much less is it above, itself, that one ought to look for a remedy to the dangers of the revolutionary press, or to the infirmities of the Conservative press. These infirmities are precisely that which ought the most to waken our solici• tude, and they are almost always independent of the Legislature. Only, if that which rules the French press were but less menacing, we might a little more, perhaps, at our ease speak of our infir mities. We might profit by that relaxation to de monstrate how that mural and religious reaction, which happily operated in so many souls and hearts between 1848 and 1851, has, since then, miserably failed, mainly, if not entirely, by reason of a press capable of propagating the principles of that reaction, of assuring its results, and above all of honouring its standard. No pretext can justify the writers, who, without mission and without authority, obtrude themselves as encyclical teachers, as official and officious interpreters of the thought of the Church, audaci ously excluding from the pale of orthodoxy all those who have the happiness not to think as they do, and who, aft er h av i n g thus enlightened accord to their brilliant notions the ranks of the faithful, proclaim as it were to the sound of trumpet, that the Chief of the church (of whom, thank God ! they are not even the acolytes) has solemnly reproved the spirit of modern times and the genius of liberalism. Au assumption, which would be as revolting as perilous, if it were not, still more, both puerile and grotesque ! What, in truth, is the spirit of modern times, if it is not the spirit of humanity, such as it is in this nineteenth century ? And with what spirit could the Church exist, if it is not with the spirit of humanity P Where, indeed, is any where discoverable that spirit of antiquity which one ought to prefer to the spirit of our own times? And if there were anything of the kind anywhere discoverable, let us ask, is there one amongst us who would have the hardihood to undertake the task of resuscitating it ? What antique spirit, moreover, is there that can be mentioned, that has not been modern in its own time, precisely as this modern spirit of ours will, in its turn, also become antique P And as to Liberalism, is it possible to imagine any more flagrantly imprudent enterprise, to say the least of it, than the undertaking a war against that which is nothing better than the vital air of this nineteenth century—against that saving and reparative element of democracy which, sooth to say, is the only political form possible in contemporary society ? No, the Church has never condemned, she will never condemn Liberalism, any more than she has ever condemned Absolutism or Feudalism, the Roman Empire, or the Invasion of the Goths, or any other of the great movements or grand trans formations of history. The Barbarians manifestly were of equal account with the Democrats. The Church has never spared any of their vices, but she has never repudiated them, she has never proscribed any one of their new and generous instincts, any of those institutions which, born in their forests, have now, during a dozen centuries, delivered us and preserved us from CDeiaristn. That which she condemns, and that which we reprobate with her and like her, is the evil which is done in the 'rime of Liberalism, as it has been done likewise in the name and in the interests of monarchy and of aria tocracy. What she does prescribe, are those blemishes which human infirmity mingles with these democratic in stitutions and these liberal ideas, as with every thing else here below without exception. Without doubt, it would be difficult to disengage liberalism from these demerits, and above all to prevent democracy from arriving at a social rule more tyrannical, more brutalizing, than all preceding authorities, as that one in effect wherein individual liberty might be completely absorbed and confis cated iu the voice of the multitude. The Catholics can and ought to assume to them selves the far larger portion of this glorious and indispensable task. To tear off the mask from the false liberals, from those eternal enemies of liberty, who avail themselves precisely of its very name and of its very banner, in order the more effectually to stifle it—behold that which is useful, legitimate, necessary. But to confound in thesame unreasoning or indiscriminating reprobation all the liberals and all modern liberties, that is surely the height at once of injustice and of folly ! What can he more iniquitous in effect than, in the name of the prejudices and of the raucous of an obsolete schoo', to hurl excommunication against the in vincible and perfectly legitimate aspirations of all classes in all the nations of the earth who are now rallying under the name of liberalism. What can be more insensate than to encourage the clergy to curse and to repulse those institutions and guarantees which are already, or will be very speedily,the appanage of all the peoples, even those the least in advance, and which, let it be well remembered, no sovereign, no, not one, would venture in future to refuse, at least in principle, even though he might in his heart concur with these new tutors in their inclination to postpone it, to evade it, or to set it aside altogether. Wes not Pius IX. hailed by all Europe as a liberal Pope ? And are our new teachers so very certain that the Pope who shall succeed Pius IX., shall not have, like him, also his liberal phase ? The Apostolic Emperor of Austria, again, has he not enthroned liberalism in that vast empire of his, which seemed to be the impregnable citad e l o f abso lutism, and which has yet found only in parliamentary institutions the elements of its brilliant and happy, but wholly unlooked-for rege neration ? But yesterday, as it were, in his address upon the opening of the Reichsratli (18th Juno), did he not exult in " the prosperity, the authority, and the puissance of the Empire under the protection of liberal ideas ?" The Emperor of Russia, more over, has not he been compelled to promise liberal 111". stitations to his subjects, as the inevitable condition only issue the sacrifices he demands from them, as the ly issue of the crisis now impending ? The Queen o of Spain, also, that faithful and persistent ally of Pius IX., does she not reign in the name an d in the interests of Spanish liberalism ? The Emperor Napoleon 111., whom it was the custom so re cently to vaunt everywhere, as the restorer of Catholic monarchy and as the Leader of Euro pean reaction, has he not above everything arrogated to himself, with a moat jealous solicitude, the title of Liberal, and the benefits whioh that title confers ? Finally, throughout all the recent elec tions, has there been any where discernible one soli tary Catholic candidate not inextricably identified with the imperial system—has there been one amongst those even the least allied with Parliamen tarianism who has dared to present himself to the electors without pointedly laying •claim to the title of Liberal, simultaneously with the advance of his claim to the title of Catholic? Those who choose are perfectly at liberty to de plore these facts ; but it is impossible to deny them. 'They have the right to acknowledge all their pre dilections and all their antipathies, but they have not the right to render the Church and Catholic doctrine responsible for them. To pretend—in the presence of a multitude of facts so startling and so decisive—to pretend, in the name of an impracticable orthodoxy, to engage the Catholics and the Clergy in a systematic and im placable antagonism to the spirit of modern civilisa lion—to enchain them to Utopian fancies—to ally them to phantoms—to render them thus incapable of all interference in public life, of all influence upon contemporary society—impotent to encounter and even to comprehend those political struggles which should be as their daily bread—is, in our opinion, to be guilty of the most dangerous and the most inexcusable attempt which can menace the Church in our time. lam mistaken; there is one thing yet more inex cusable. It is that blind docility with which these extravagances are listened to, repeated and propagated by that public opinion which is espe cially accustomed to exercise with prudence and intelligence the gifts of God. We say all this without hesitation, and with a confidence justified by thirty-three years of polemical labours in the service of the Catholic cause. We ardently desire that our Italian brothers may escape from that tendency whioh has manic tested itself so perilously in France and in Bel gium. We hope above all that their religious journals will not contribute to it as many of those of France and Belgium have done- Nowhere would the danger be greater, or the consequences more fatal, than in Italy, for it is there especially to-day, more than anywhere else, that it is most essential to teach the Catholics to comprehend the spirit of modern times, to cast their lot with it, and to defend together with the institutions whicb they owe to it, justice and the liberty of the Church and the liberty of all. It is there espe cially that it is most necessary to avoid illusions, and to recognise that all return to the past is impossible. We are told that the actual state of Italy will not last. We hope so heartily ; but it is by no means certain. That which is certain—which is above all certain—is that the ancient state of things, the state prior to 1859, will NOT return ! No, whatever may arrive, there never will be re-established the poli tical and social organisation which was then de stroyed. Names may be restored, individuals may reappear, as has been seen with our ourselves (in France) in 1814, but the laws, the institutions will remain radically transformed. We implore each day of the Almighty that we may see the Pope restored to the integrity of his rights and re-established in possession of the most ancient and legitimate kingdom in the world. But this restoration, which would cause every Ca tholic heart to thrill with joy, cannot, and ought not,.to bring with it the restoration of the old political and administrative system of the Por.tificai States. No, the ancien regime will return nowhere—it will no more return in Italy than it will in France. Will that, however, which is to come be worth more or be worth less than that anc ien regime ? No one can tell. It will be better or it will be worse, but, in any case, it will be another thing, and that other thing can only be a more or less prudent and equit able adaptation of the s p irit of modern democracy ! Woe to those who would shut their eyes against the overwhelming force of this evidence. Emigration from the United Kingdom, The emigration from ale United Kingdom in 1862 amounted to 121,214 souls, of whom 58,706, or upwards of 48 per cent., went to the United States; 15,522, or a little more than 12 per cent., to British North America ; 41,843, or nearly 34 per cent., to Australia and New Zealand; and 5,143, or more than 4 per cent., to other places. The emigration of 1862 exceeded the emigration of 1861 by upwards of 29,000 souls, and was la bu r t g fell er than the aver of tage he of the four previous y ears, emigration of 1855, 1856, and 1857, and was less than two-fifths of the etnigration of the eight years from 1847 to 1855. The greatest decredse, both ie 1861 and 1862, was, as might be expected, in the ~migration to the United States. In 1861 this emigration had fallen to 49,764, equal to 54'22 per cent. of the whole emigration of that year. In 1862 it rose to 5 8 , 706, but its proportion to the whole emi gration was even less than rtion in 1861 to the whole , being only 48 mi '43 per cent.; in fact , its propo e gration was smaller in 1863 than in any year since 1841. In the 21 years which have elapsed since 1841, the proportion of the emigration to the United States to the whole emigration has varied from 79 . 78 per cent. to 48 . 43, the average being 61'93. The decrease in the last two years was of course the res ult of the civ il war. The same cause increased the proportion of the emigration to British North America. Between 1849 and 1862 the proportion of that emigration to the whole emigration varied from 5 . 55 per cent. in 1859 to 13.85 percent. in 1861. In 1862 it amounted to 12.80 per cent. Neverthe less, the emigration to British North America, though proportionally large, was absolutely small. With the exception of the four preceding years (1858 to 1861 inclusive) it was the smallest since 1839. Of the whole number of emigrants, 49i or 40.98 per cent. were Irish. this proportion is larger than in 1861, and in some recent years, and indicates an increase of pressure upon the labouring class in Ireland. Whenever that is the case the ample remittances so nobly sent home to their friends in Ireland by those who have preceded them afford a ready means of extending the emigration. The amount returned as sent home in 1862 was £463,024, making in the 16 years for which there are returns a total of £12,642,00 0 . It is necessary to repeat that these returns are very imperfect, as they contain none of the remittances through the post or through private hands, or through any of the banks or mercantile houses, which decline to fur nish us with information. It would scarcely be unreasonable to estimate the amount of which there are no returns at half as mt.ch again as that of which there are returns. During the first four months of the year the emigration is, for obvious reasons, generally small. The numbers who emi• grated in those months during the five years preced. inn the present year were-1858, 31,423; 1859, 33,767 ; 1860, 38,285; 1861,34,749; 1862,30,016. In 1863 they have amounted to 68,571. Of this emigra tion there proceeded to the United States 46,904, which, though numerically large, is not iargerin pro portion to the whole than the average of former years. But the proportion of Irish in the emigration was con siderably larger than in previous years. Thus, the proportion of Irish was in 1858 63 , 54.61 per cent.; 1859, 63.17; 1860, 64.06 ; 1861, .71 ; 1862, 58'95. In 1863 it was 70.59 per cent. The proportion of single men to the whole emigration to the Union States was, in 1858, 37.20; 1859, 38 57 ; 1860, 35 - 74 1861, 32.85; 1862, 3264. In 1863 it was 36 - 16. The Commissioners believe that the great increase in the Irish emigration of the present year is to be attributed rather to the distress caused in Ireland by an nnfottunate succession of bad seasons, and to the high wages now p revailin g in the United Statca than to any preconceived intention on the peat of the emigrants to take service with either party in the civil war now raging. LATEST INTELLIGENCE. REUTERS TELEGRAMS. FRANCE.. THE ~ CONSTITUTIONNEL" ON THE POLISH QUESTION. PARIS, JULY 24. The Constitutionnel of this morning, in an article signed by M. Paulin Limayrac, declares that the Russian reply is everywhere considered unsatisfac tory. The language of Russia in April last gave reason to hope for a more favourable reply. The Constitutionnel examines several points of Prince Gortschakoff's despatch, and regrets that he should see, in the diplomatic action of the Three Powers, the strongest motive of the insurrection. "Prince Gortscbakoff believes that the revolu tionary party in Europe alone interests itself in Poland, whilst in reality it is Europe herself." The Constitutionnel protests against the imputa tion that the Polish question is the work of foreign agitation, since the whole Polish nation has, for 50 years, protested against the actual state of things. The Constitutionnel, in conclusion, says :—" We 'egret that the Russian reply is not more satisfac tory, but it is not necessary to stir up excitement as some journals have done. The Government of the Emperor dues not require to be urged on. Its wisdom guards it from precipitation, as its patriotism preserves it from faltering. The Empress has arrived at Vichy, where her Majesty met with an enthusiastic reception. The Siecle has received a second warning for an article recommending a plebiscite of the whole French people to vote for or against a war for Poland. The motives of the warning are stated to be that this article is derogatory to the authority of the Emperor and the essential bases of the Consti tution, and that such suggestions can only compro mise the interests of the great oause they pretend to serve and give a pretext for agitation, which the Government could not tolerate. IRELAND, DUBLIN, July 23. The Antrim Assizes were opened at Belfast yes terday by Baron Fitzgerald. The ordinary criminal business is light, but there will be an immense amount of work for tho lawyers in the prosecution for bribery at the Lisburn election. The Attorney- General and the Solicitor General were expected to arrive there yesterday evening to conduct the pro secution on the part of the Crown against Messrs. Barbour, against whom the grand jury have found true bills for bribery. There are upwaras of 20 wit nesses to be examined for the prosecution. It is stated that Mr. Brewster, Q.C., Mr. Whiteside, M.P., Mr. M‘Donogh, M.P., and Sergeant Arm strong have been retained specially in several of the cases at these assizes. Among the witnesses summoned in the case of Regina v. John Rea, are Lord Chelmsford, Sir Hugh Cairns, Mr. Napier (ex-Chancellor), Mr. Wniteside, Mr. Coppinger, Q.C., and other distinguished characters. Tho Harbour Commissioners of Galway held a meeting yesterday to promote a company for the construction of docks at Galway. Lord Clanricarde is to be the chairman, and one-third of the capital (X 30,000) is to be raised in Galway. About X 6,000 was subscribed in the rooms. There was a grand review of all the troops in the Curragh Camp yesterday, followed by a sham battle. The Lord Lieutenant was present, attended by Major Bagot and Lieut.-Col. Forster, The troops were commanded by Major-General Ridley, and comprised the 4th and sth Dragoon Guards, the 4th Hussars, the 10th Hussars, two batteries of the Royal Artillery, the Royal Horse Artillery, the 10th, 29th, 32d, and 45th Regiments of Infantry. MEXICAN TROPHIES.—The colours taken from the Mexicans are of bilk, with handsome gilt shafts. Seve ral are tri-e..donr.d—green, white, and red—with an eagle embroidered in the midst. Two are all red, and one of these latter is as much tattered by the bullets as the most ragged of the French flags at Magenta and Solferino. The email flags are red and violet, with black embroidery. POLAND. ILNA, July . General Mou rav i e ff has addressed the following circular to the chiefs of the governments of Wilma, Kowno, Grodnu, Minsk, Wizebsk, and Mohilew : " July 13. "The majority o f th e f arms belonging WlLNA, to the Treasury which are under the direction of the Department of State Domains are leased to nobles and proprietors of Polish birth. " Several of these, without considering the advantages which attach to the possession of Government property, have taken an active part in the insurrection, and apply the greater part of their income which they derive from the pro perty leased to them to the support of the revolutionary movement in the country. " Considering that in order to restore peace and order it is indispensable to deprive the ill-disposed of all means which might enable them to continue their subversive acts, I humbly request your Excellency to order all military chiefs and sprawnik of districts confided to your administrations to keep a strict watch on all managers of Treasury farms. " In case any of the managers, farmers, or administrators should take part in the insurrection by furnishing arms, money, or supplies to the insurgent bands, by hiding insur gents from the local authorities and military detachments, or by concealing their place of retreat, or should any or them take a personal part by exciting the peasants, making enrolments, or propagating revolutionary proclamations,and generally if their conduct is suspicious, and if they quit their place of abode, the military chiefs, or sprawnik, upon re ceiving information, will. proceed against the guilty parties, according to paragraphs 9 and 13 of my instructions for the organization of a civil and military administration. After having removed them from their place of abode, the mili tary chiefs and spratoniks are obliged, according to para graphs 14 and 19 of the same instructions, to take imme diate possession of all produce and other property belonging to the managers, to sell it, and depoAt the proceeds in the Treasury ot the place. " The authorities will, moreover, give notice to the State Domain Department, in order that the latter may resume possession of the farms, and intrust them to more trust worthy managers. " In urging your Excellency to see to the striot execu tion of this decision, I request you at the same time to communicate it to the State Domain Department, in order that it may execute that part which comes within its province. " MOURAVIEFF II." COURT OF COMMON COUNCIL. Yesterday a meeting of the Common Council was he.d at Guildhall, the Lord Mayor presiding. On the motion of Mr. Truscott, Chairman of the City Lands Committee, a conveyance was sealed to the London and North-Western Railway Company, in consideration of £25,400, of freehold premises in Broatistreet-buildings, Rose and Crown Court, ana Liverpool -street, under the powers and privileges of the North London Railway (city branch) Act or 1861. On the motion of Mr. Lawley, it was re solved, on tae termination of the present year, to transfer the management of the Metropolitan Cattle market from the Markets Improvement Committee to the Markets Committee. Alderman Waterlow presented a petition of Mr. Francis Giles, civil en gineer, for the assent of the corporation to a rail way projected by him. For the purpose of relieving the pressure and of providing an expeditious means of transit between the city and the west-end, he had projected a railway from Walbrook behind the Mansion-house to the Regent-circus, running under Newgate-market, across Farringdon-street, under Chancery-lane, Lincoln' - inn -fields, and Covent. garden, and near Trafalgar -square, capable of ex tension towards the east to the Fencourch-street station of the Blackwall Railway, and towards the west to the Marble Arch, Hyde-park. He proposes w construct the railway with four lines, in order to insure ample capacity, and the power so to divide the trains as to combine safety with the despatch of eight or ten trains each way every hour of the working day. He had so arranged the levels of the proposed railway as to avoid all the new main sewers, to deal with other sewers without injury to the drainage, and to render it unnecessary to alter the level of any street except Farringdon-street. The terminal stations of the proposed railway at Walbrook and at the Circus, Oxford -street, and the intermediate stations at Chancery-lane and at a point near Tra falgar-square for Piccadilly and Charing-cross, would be in open cuttings, at depths averaging 25 feet from the surface. Alderman Waterlow moved that the memorial be referred to the Improvements Con-mittee for consideration and report, wits instruction to confer with the Commissioners of Sewers on the subject. The motion was agreed to. On the motion of Deputy Scamell, Mr. J. E. Saunders was elected to represent the Common Council at the Metropolitan Board of Works, in the place of Deputy Harrison, resigned. A report was presented from the Library Committee stating that the consistory of the ancient Dutch Church in Austinfriars, through Mr. Vining, had offered to present the library attached to the church, and con sisting of about 2,000 volumes, many of them of the rarest description, and of great interest, to the corporation on certain conditions. The Court, on the recommendation of the committee, accepted the offer, and, on the motion of Mr. Charles Reed, passed an unanimous resolution recording their grateful sense , of the munificent gift. Deputy Lott availed himself of the opportunity to appeal to the Court to exercise any influence they might possess to prevent, if posale, the demolition of the ancient nave of the church in Austinfriars, one of the most interesting specimens of ecclesiastical architecture in the city of London. On the motion of Mr. Rowe, chairman' of the Coal, Corn, and Finance Committee, a grant of £lO5 was made to the Asylum for Fatherless Children at Reedham, neat Croydon ; one of £lOO to the City of London Truss Society ; and another of £5O to the Plumtree-court Ragged Schools, Shoe-lane. " DEVOUT ASPIRATION" OF " FUN."—THE LAST JOB IN CONNECTION WITH TYE EXHIBITION. —The job of pulling it down.—[We hope it may be.—En. of Fun ] Locomotives were first dawned in the reign of Charles 11. ; constant improvements have made them perfection. The same means have now so pe.fected Herring's magnetic brushes and combs that they restore the colour to grey hair, and cure neuralgia and nervous headache with all but un erring certainty. N.B. Counterfeits are being made . ©ices, 32, Basiughall-street, London. af,,*4 6 5, COU t 7,401;_e; HER MAJESTY. 00BORNE, July 23. Earl De Grey and Ripon arrived at Osborne yesterday, and had an audience of iter Majesty. The Queen drove out in the afternoon, attended by the Hon. Mrs. Bruce. The Prince and Princess of Wales, Princess Helena, and Princess Louise also drove out. Prince Alfred's Visit to the Hebrides. H.M.S. Racoon, having his Royal Highness on board, arrived at Stornoway on a most beautiful evening on Thursday, the 16th instant, soon after eight o'clock, and the entrance of the majestic fri gate to the bay was the signal for a most enthusias tic display of loyalty. While the Racoon was in the harbour, she was inspected by a number of the inhabitants, who were shown over her and treated by all on board with the greatest courtesy and consideration. Having taken in a supply of coals, &c., she got up steam and bore away for Skye on Saturday morning about 7 o'clock. Their Royal Highnessess the Duke and Duchess de Chartres have arrived at their villa at Ham, Surrey, which has been taken for a term, and which their royal highnesses intend to make their principal residence. Their Highnesses the Princess Czerniciteff and the Princess Wladimir Bariatinaky, with a numerous suite, have arrived at the Clarendon Hotel from Paris. The Earl and Countess Spencer intend to leave Cowes, Isle of Wight, to-morrow, for Slindon-Place,Pussex, where they purpose to sojourn during the races at Good wood. The Earl and Countess of Zetland returned to their residence in Arlington-street, last night, from Paris. The noble earl goes to Goodwood on 'Monday. The Earl of Derby leaves town on Monday to stay with their Serene Highnesses Prince and Princess Edward of Saxe Weimar during the Goodwood races. The Earl St. Maur left town on Wednesday evening to attend the funeral of the late Duke of Ha milton. Lord Walsingham arrived in town last evening from attending the meeting of the Royal Agriculturai Society at Worcester. The noble lord and lady leave town in a day or two for their seat, Morton Hall, Norfolk. THE LATE DUKE OF HAMILTON. With the view of gratifying the numerous per sons who wished to show their high esteem for the late Duke of Hamilton, it was decided that his re mains should lie in state at the palace in Lanark shire, on Wednesday, that all might have an oppor tunity of testifying their respect to the memory of the honoured dead. No formal announcement was made of this fact; but from eleven o'clock in the forenoon till after four p.m. people of every degree and station in society, nearly all of whom were in mourning garb, poured into the palace. From 8,000 to 10,000 individuals must have been present during the day. The utmost quietness, order, and decorum was observed. The lying in state took place in the grand en trance hall, the fine vestibule at the main en trance. The windows of this apartment had been darkened, and only sufficient light was given by gas lamps to sled' a " dim religious light" over the cerements that enclose all that now remains of the high-born and titled dead. The remains were en closed in a triple coffin—the inner lead shell and oak case, hooked with iron, in which the body was conveyed from Paris, and a magnificent mahogany coffin, covered with rich crimson silk velvet, orna mented with rich gilt mountings. The coffin was placed upon an elevated dais, which was covered with black cloth. Upon it was laid a rich crimson silk velvet cushion, with gold bullion cords and tas sels, and upon this lay the late duke's coronet, a wreath of flowers sent from St. Cloud being laid upon the coffin; On each side of it were the colours of the Yeomanry, supported by one of the Royal Lanark Militia staff, who filled the position of a mute, while other four of the staff formed a guard of honour for the body. The floor as also the passages which the public traversed were muffled with black cloth; hence not a footstep could be heard during the whole day. Visitors were admitted to the grounds by the Motherwell road Gate, and to the palace by the old front en trance, where they were directed by ushers along that entrance hall, and up the grand marble stair case into the grand entrance hall, where the body lay. Many of the spectators were moved to tears, and all of them seemed to feel the solemnity of the occasion. To -day (Th urs d ay ) the funeral takes place at two o'clock. Tne company who have been invited ein , " braces a number of noblemen and gentlemen, the personal friends of the late duke, the agents on the estate, a large number of the tenantry, all of whom have been verbally invited, and some, as represen tatives, received a more formal invitation, and many of the tradesmen and chief inhabitants of Hamilton. They will meet in the grand dining room, where the oldest form of Scottish funeral service now in use will ba conducted, namely, a service of wine and cake, with prayers and read ing the scriptures by the ministers of the first and second Hamilton parish churches, the Rett. Dr. P. H. Keith and the Rev. Win. Robertson. Thereafter a procession will be formed, and the body will be carried to the mausoleum, the Hamilton yeomanry lining the way es an escort. The coffin will then be placed in the chapel of the mausoleum, where, Lhe company having again mustered, the beautiful burial service of the Church of England will De read by the Bishop of Glasgow, the Rev_ Dr. Wilson, and the Rev. Dean Henderson, of Hamilton. Tne body will then be laid in the vault assigned to it besides his grace's forefathers. Immediately atter the reception of the body at the palace on Tuesday afternoon, the young duke, his brother, and all the illustrious strangers who have come to attend the funeral, proceed to Wishaw House, the mansion of the Right Hon. Lord Bel haven, whose guests they will oe for a day or two. The committee of the Theatre Francais have accepted a new comedy, in four acts, by Jules Sandeau. Madame Ristori intends, it is said, to visit Hungary after London, thence to go to Germany, la►er to Spain, and to finish her artistic career at Rome, where she will henceforth reside with her husband, Marches. Capra nico di Grillo. JIGGERS. —One day I felt something itching like tits under my great toe, and I couldn't bee what on earth was the matter, but I t crate ed away when I could g-tt a chance. Next day it got a deal worse, and I found that scratching did no good, so I sent for the doctor. " You've got jiggers," saia he, "and bad ones too." So he brought out his knife, and whittled away at my toe till there was precious little left but the bone, I can tell you, air; and that's a fact."—ltinehelij' b'euth America. " SATE US FROM OUR FRIENDS !"—POOR LORD RAGLAN AND HIS PANEGYRIST !—lf the memory of St. Arnaud, who, to speak shortly, was an extremely gallant, extremely bombastic Frenchman, suffer little by all this, alas I (and it is the most melancholy part of the whole book), the man whose character we have been waiting for the author of " Eothen" to restore, dwindling into a yet vaguer appearance, is lett a far easier mark for those who are inclined to asperse it. It behoves all those who knew Lord Raglan—and this writer is for one entitled to speak —to declare at once that Mr. Kinglake is palming off on the public aphantom of his own brain. The mere portratt, like all he has given, is admirable, but it is what any artist would have drawn in a seven clays' study of his subject ; it is but the impression of his appearance, manner, and habits.''—Crimean Officer in Bentley's Illiseellany. The Jews 01 Tunis have just founded a bchool in that city for the youth of that persuasion, in commemcra tion of the visit of the Great Rabbi of Constantinople. In addition to the Hebrew language, Arab, French, and Ita lian will be taught. STEAM VESSELS.—A return, moved for by Mr. Thomas Baring, and ordered by the House of Com mons, has been issued, which gives particulars of the whole of the registered steam-vessels of the United Kingdom on the Ist of January, 1863. It distinguishes v e s se l s built of iron, and those having screw propellers, and gives the aggregate number of vessels, together with the amount of tonnage. The number of vessels is 2,192 ; amount of regis ter tonnage, 535,596 ; amount of gross tonnage, 810,538. THE YOUNG KING OF GREECE.--The ceremony of the confirmation of the young King of Greece has just taken piece at the Palace of Bernstorti at Copenhagen, is the presence of the King, the Royatfamily, the members of the Cabinet, and the representatives of the protecting Powers, I