The Sun. — London, England, 1830-02-05 00:00:00

reposed in had no of that A and idaii! in A gril a thew 1/ sir intgati° ountry Igo ct perms be oo our it,..vo I, WS ea 1 94 91- . gi •ve 8 1 ." ="4 i ' ter.) • eras r MSC. too , of quilt il to pro also said illy added not dia- 1s stated, isint kana be dis h. !lowly obliged to ititeos, be Dr petulisi I beef le athirel. W ee* to contain ; and he therefore felt it difficult to al)- . P I T himself to the observations which be had to make, and to the amendment which he imtended to propose, in such a manner as would make them intelligible to the House. Under such circumstances, he might be justified in taking a course which had hewn adopted on several previous oc tiliong—he meant that of proposing the adjournment or . the debate on the address till to-morrow, is order to give time for consolidating into the address such topics as he Might Wish to se* introduced into it. That course, how ever, he should not follow at present, because it appeared to lam not to be Accordant with the temper and spirit of tb. House. He should therefore grapple with the Itthject as well as be could as it passed on, and make a f" , ' remarks on some of the topics that had been adduced. In the Speech from the Throne, which he took to be the speech of his Majesty's Ministers.—(Cries of No, no.) What ! not the speech of his Majesty's Alinisters? What then? Mr. WARD—I only meant by " No, no," that his Majesty's Ministers were not to be considered responsible for What I had said.—(Laughter.) Sir EDWARD KNATCHBULL of course did not mean so to be understood ; but in that Speech pre pared by his Majesty's Ministers, the House was told that the distress of the country existed in some parts, and the Hou. Gentleman who last addressed the House, h?d described it as being of an extraordinary character. ' n ow, if the Speech proposed to be carried back 4° , th e Throne contained any thing like the sentiments w nkh every Member must entertain, there would be nothing to differ upon or complain of. The Noble Lord who was the mover of the resolution had de scribed the distress of the country as general, and there Solid not be the slightest doubt that it prevailed generally, and to a most extraordinary degree. With respect to the political conduct of his Majesty's Ministers, be could not possibly ascertain why is was that Pon Miguel, the actual possessor of Portugal, had not been, as the Hon. Member was stare he would be, acknowledged by this country as the King of that coun trY. After the Hun. Member had adverted to the different subjects in his Majesty's Speech to that Reuse, ke returned to the subject of the distress of the country, the sole point to which his amendment had refer °nee. Had he heard it stated that that distress prevailed Iniversally, and that it was intended to be represented to his Majesty that the House would take every measur e which diligence, wis lom, and sagacity could I ngest, to alleviate the misery that prevailed, he should net have said one word. He might by asked what evidence he bad of this distress? He himself could give per 'Phalli' evidence of the great distress that prevailed " 1 that part of the country with which lie was connected. Were he to be asked to give further proof, he would call aPon every Member of the House to state the conditions of those parts of the country with which they were immediate) , 4° *nected, and with their faithful reports he should be • perfectly satisfied. What was the House now called upon t o do ? Hoa. Members were asked on this, the first day Perhaps the most important day, of perhaps the most important Session oa which that House had ever met to aPProach his Majesty with an expression respecting the "ate of the country, very much like a falsehood. Here he appealed again to the authority to which he had alluded. in asking Hon. Gentlemen to weigh deeply the respoesi hillry under which they laid themselves, by the resolution Which they were about to return to the Throne. As aa the effect of the Malt Tax, the change of the currency, aid so on, he should not detain the Yenta with observations at that time, but would express cis sentiments fully on them when they should come on ler discession. What he wished for now was, the naked and simple truth to be stated in the resolution, that the distress was general throughout the country, that it pre vailed in some parts to an entering extent, and that the Knave would adopt every possible means for the purpose of alleviatime that affliction. The Marquis of BLANDFORD—Iie seized that early artnertunity, as one of the representatives of the people of England, of stating his firm conviction that the circum steacee ef the country were in such a condition as so render it impossible to attemp a return to a sound and healthy state until such a diminution of her burtheus elsould take place as would put the productive inoerests of the country in such a situation as to enable then to Contend with the low prices of the produce of their Industry and oapital._(Loud cries of " firer, hear.") — the most effective remedies mast be resorted to—no pal half measures--would restore the country, he * 'ate not to a state of prosperity, but to a state in w hich the productive classes could obtain even a subsist- The best and most efficacicus measures were necessary, hut these could not be attempTed, or even looked at,.until tee had a House of Commons so consti ...sod as to create, if not feelings of confidence, at 'cut feelings of respect.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The, deeds of disaffection and thicoutent were deeply sown, and Which would be in vain to attempt to check er restore their growth, except by a speedy and temperate applica tion of the Seat principles of the Constitution in the choice lathe Representative of the people. He should support the amendment of his Hun. Friend, and after that was dis posed of, he had a case of his own which lie intended to suinsit to the consideration of the House.—(Laughter.) The SPEAKER having put the Amendment, Sir J. BRYDGES, amid much confusion, made a Sew observations in support (as we understood) of the An met t. Mr. WESTERN assured the House that the Noble Duke at the head of hiz Majesty's Government must have been eygrcgiously misinformed as to the state of the coun -17, whole he advised his Majesty to state, in the Speech • from the Throne, that the distress which now preaailed Was partial. He could assure the House that the distress Was universal and unprecedented ; that the entire laborious 6114 productive classes of the community were in a ''stato Of misery such as had never before existed during aiy period of the history of this country. The distress, he begged leave to observe, was not a partial calamity. • Such was the distress, that which notwith stauding the arduous struggles which had been made by the productive clam of the community to maintain their station for the last 14 year's, was now pressing upon a hem to such an extent as to bear down all energy and • • ex.ertien, mad if any Hon. Member of that House ltd not feel alarm at the state of the country at Present, lie (Mr. W.) owned that he felt much aurpristel, unless the absence of alarm proceeded from ig !icranee of the actual state of the people. Nothwithstand „int the gigantic efforts which had been made by the eople, during a war which he had reproleited, - P e c llPosed, notwithstanding the lavish expenditure pro -4c,c4 bY that war—an expenditure which the bold efforts 'c peopl e , f rom th e commencement to the close of that war ' enabled the country to meet, and at the close of Which thi s country was i n a s t a t e o f un e x am pl e d prospe rity and p ower ; ye t f ro m the moment that war was 4 ; °li ed, the country had, in fact, to pay a taxation double amount to the war expenditure, and from that 14 ; ta nt, the people began to feel the distress which they 1 4 11 felt, and against which, those gigantic efforts, that color- P''`frer of the country, which resisted all the mischiev ous measures of that period, and successfully struggled "I l inst them, were no longer of any avail. Such were the ficultie s with which the people had now to con taatii that be fell confident that all the energy, all the efforts of the people, would be unavailing unless a repeal of some of the rueaseres which lied taken place With respect to the currency of the country should be first effected; and, unless that House would appeal to the Peopl e with an assurance that those measures could not he Proceeded in unless such measures should he adopted, the count r y was in such a st a t e as must be followed 6 Y a convulsion more terrible than could he here lirotd.—(Heer, hear.) With the public eye fixed neon that House, he could hardly bring himself to heliev e that it was not intended to adopt some decided Icestsures to work such a convulsion ; but lie at the same tittle confessed that he was very much astonished et the statement in the speech from the throne, which re- Presented the distress as ptrtiel, and spoke of the severe etlamitius of the people as it were in a pareuthesis.— • (Hear,)—H e was really surprised that the speech front se , l b* Throne should not have adverted to that distress is a fo re serious tnenner ; and he should, therefore, he in tilted to support the Amendment, which stated these &sties " with more firmness. The course which the House must a dept was an inquiry into the causes of this unprecedented st ate of things—(Hear, hear ) —and to ascertain how ' t happened that the powers, the energies, and the i nterpriae of the people should be exerted in the " i4o ats aad still that the productive classes should besina State of the lowest and most unexampled misery. A A enquiry certainly should be institutod with a view to relieve the industry of tho country from ti , e i effects of the panic produced by those Bills, which by taking a surreptitious advantage had doubled the burdens of the country, by causing double taxation in a currency of increased value, and thus pressed upon the working classes tire mechanics—the operatives—and the peasantry of the *estuary, from whose labours, from the sweat of whose brow, the public creditor was paid. This class was loyal 44 d laborious, notwithstanding their fends were exhausted, and that they had fur several years lived b Pco their eepital, and sustained out of their capital a ?s eems which the productive labour of the country was Aaalsle toHe felt it his duty to say this, and . p roduce. • 4 . could a ss u re the House that the country would be 44I PPoIntrd, unless such aentinaerite prevailed in that House. Such wss the degree •f alarm in the country, that the morals and the cedn'ons of the people were undergoing a change, ard that they no longer entertained the least respect for any authority, but on the contrary, that a feeling of respect for autho rity was getting into contempt. It was impossible fur things to last, and its had felt it his duty to warn Mini sters of the cowrie they had run, and to express hie epi non that the) Message did nut come up to the expecta tio❑ of the country. Mr. PROTHEROE observed that during the three Seesione in which he had the honour of holding a seat in that House, he had very seldom risen to speak, because he preferred listening to the wisdom of others to putting forth any observations of his own. The country, how ever, was now in a situation is which it less required elo quence than sympathy, and active exertion in its behalf.— The House had long been in the habit of hearing corn- plaints from particular classes in the country. It ap peared to him that those complaints were no longer reite rated from the. old quarters, but that the hollow murmur of discontent was approaching the House in an awful manner. No person but the Hon. Member for Essex (Mr. Western) had accurately described the dreadful state of the country. Not long since he had read in a political work which had not been much in the habit of attacking the institutions of the country, that the House of Com mons was not only chargeable with want of wisdom, firmness, and integrity, but was besides totally ineffi cient to discharge the important duties which were imposed upo❑ them. He did not mention this with the view of setting the Attorney-General upon a prosecution for libel, but because he thought it right that the House should have such a piece of wholesome censure brought under it. serious consi deration. He thought that if the House should adopt the address which had been moved, it would be a deliberate insult to the people. The Duke of Wellington must have known that the existing distress was general and universal. The sentiments he uttered did not proceed from the spirit of party. He did not think that the country looked for its advocates among men of party feeling. It desired rather the exertion of humble abilities, fairly and honestly directed, than the aid of brilliant talents, tainted by feelings of party or ambition. It was impossible to expect train the Address, which was a mere echo of the Royal Speech, a fair expression of the feelings of the House. To supply the defect, he had draw❑ up an amendment which he intended to move. He might be charged with the want of a sociable disposition, on account of not hay ing preciously submitted his amendment to the gentlemen amongst whom he usually sat, but the truth was, he had Abstained from doing so because there never was a period in the history of the country when a document was less likely to meet with support as an expression of party feel ing. Tlie Hun. Member concluded by moving his amend ment. Mr. Alderman WAITIIMAN said he had never been better pleased with any speech than with that of the Hon. Member who had just sat down. He trusted that the Hon. Member who moved the first amendment would withdraw it in favour of that just proposed, which seemed more fully to express the cense of the House. Feeling so strongly as he dist on the present occasion, he would give his hearty concurrence to any and every amendment which bad for its object an inquiry into the existing dis tress. He must confess that, looking to the extreme dis tress of the country, he expected more from the Royal Speech on the present occasion than he usually did on similar ones. The Speech contained only vague expres sions of economy, and of hope that we would soon sur mount our distresses. These hopes had been held forth in every Speech from the Throne within his recollection, and had uniformly been disappointed. There were no Mi nisters whom he would sooner repose confidence in than the present; but he knew from experience that it was im possible for a Member of that House to place confidence in any Ministers without its interference with the strict per formance of his duty. The Royal Speech stated that our exports had increased. The same thing was stated last rear, and on many former years. It was evident that the effieial value of cur exports had latterly increased, but it was equally evident that there was no profitable return for them ; otherwise there would be larger imports. The public distress had been auginearted from year to year, until it had reached a point where it was past further endurance. Would any man stand up in his place and declare on his honour that the distress was con fined merely to particular parts of the country ? He was surprised that the lion. Seconder of the Address had not made more particular allusion to the great body of trader, in the city of London. The distress of that class was , extreme. Their stocks had in general suffered a depre ciation of 40 per cent. Their interests were not so fully represented iu that House as those of other classes. The fact was, that the distress was not confined to any parti cular class,—the great body of the people were equally distressed. The agriculturists, undoubtedly, formed a great and important branch; but that portion of the cam munity was not the only one that was now suffering. The distress equally affected the mercantile and manufacturing; 111 classes. He was much surprised, when an Hon. Menther, not now in his place, (he alluded to the Hon. Member fur Callington) brought forward a motion for inquiring into the distressed state of the country ; he was, he confessed, surprised on that occasion, and he merle the observation " more in sorrow than in anger," that the agriculturists did not exert themselves. But those gentlemen had now come to their senses—the danger had overtaken them—it was at their own door—and they stool forward, boldly, honourably, and in a manner worthy of the aristocracy of the country. They, he was sure, could make an impression on that House and on the Go vernment. They had only to say, " This must be dune," ' and it certainly would be done. They were told that no legislative measure could do any good—they were desired to trust in Providence—to trust, in short, to any thing but themselves. If this advice were c-arect, what WAY the use of their meeting together ? It would be better to have no Parliament at all, rather than to meet fur no purpose. He would say, if they were in such a hopeless situation, that the people were misrepresented—that they were mis governed—and that the waste of the public wealth noticed in tha amendment was perfectly true.—( !leer. )—Such was really the present state of things ; and if they looked back steadfastly to what occurred for a series of years past, and acted justly and fairly, there would then be some chance of reformation. If rho things which lie had described bad happened in spite of their legislative measures,—in spite of their liberal policy, as it was called, and if those measures were founded in wisdom, there was no hope of salvation. They had come to that pass, that they could not avoid doing something. He -could not state the remedies that ought to be resorted to ; but this he knew, that they must either bring up the prices to a level with the taxation, or liming down the taxation to a level with the prices.—(llear.) If Parliament did not adopt one or other of these plans, be was as certain as that he stood there, that he should lire to witness—and at his time of life he could not expect to see many years—a scene of dreadful confusion in this country. —(Hear, hear.)—ln stating his opinions, he was actuated by no ill feeling towards any party or set of men. lie had nothing to hope or to expect from any party. He :torsi there merely to do his duty; and however unwor thily placed in that House as one of the representatives of the metropolis of the British empire in Parliament, he should betray his trust if he did not openly state his opi nion. Therefore, he entreated the House to forego all private and personal feeling, and to look to the general state of the country, every part of which was suffering under the most dreadful disiress.—(Hear.) Mr. E. DAVENPORT doubted very lurch whether many material amendments ought not to be added to the Address proposed by the Noble Lord. The first amend ment, in his mind, to the motion of the Noble Lord, ought to be a declaration of the expediency of getting rid of that immense military force which, in times of peace, their ancestors considered as an unconstitutional incuni brance, and which only enabled Ministers to hold out bribes for the support of Members of Parliament. The second obvious amendment was one which the circum stances of the country naturally suggested—namely, that if they had the capacity, they should pledge themselves to his Majesty to call the public servants to account, and to being them to condign puuishment who had betrayed their I trust ; and, with a view to their own emolument, conti nued to receive unreduced salaries to the present hour. As to the Speech which he had heard read, lie thought he should be able to explain some portions of it which seemed to strike with surprise several Hon. Members who had spoken before him. In the first place, however, he begged leave to express his extreme concern at that part of the Speech which related to our diplomatic relations with Portugal. His view of that part of the Speech was dif ferent from that of the Hon. Baronet who moved the amendment; for he heard with great concern that his Majesty ever meant to conciliate a man whose conduct . ought to put him out of the pal e o f the Sovereigns of Europe. lie should, if this were the proper time, dilate further on this subject; but he would only say at present, that when the pressure of affairs enabled them to consider this question, he would bring before tee House the subject of our relations r'ith Portugal ; and he woull show on that day, that the existence of this monster (for so he would [ call him) on the throne of Portugal was mainly owing to this country. The Speech declared, that the distress in the country was merely partial. This seemed to pueaie eeve ral Gentlemen. But it was not difficult to show why that distress, which they all knew to be general, appeared to Ministers to be only partial. The fact was ; that amongst Cue landowners of t.iis country, there w a strong position to do any thing that might ii en.; their losing; me patronage of Governmeen They vs he believed, rather encounter ruin than come forwaid and feie! 3 , de clare the desperate condition in whir% i tGded property was. They did not like to state the fact plainly, lest they might thereby interfere with the presecte to the doing genera ration : that was tile reason why they Wg not like to come forward, as they ought, to that House to sei k redress. Now, what was the state Gf the gentry of England? Why, every men, whether a gentleman or a clergyman—(Laueh ter)—wishei to make all the males of his family gentle men, and this could only be done by piecing them in th e different professions. Now, the attempt to attain that ob ject had changed the once independent gentlemen of Eng_ lend, and turned them into courtiers. Lord Bacon had skid, " A country overcharged with taxes cannot be thriv ing ;" and he also observed, "Let any country that w i s h es to be great, not allow the nobility and gentry to increase too Gott, for where the nobility and gentry are extremely numerous, the people will be base." This Gorernasent seemed to proceed on a principle different from that. A hotly of Ministers, abler he supposed than Lord Bacon, had cantrived, in the eighteen years during which his present Meiesty was in power, to nuke no less thin sixty Peers ; arei he was informed by an individual who was conversant in these matters, that at the period of the Union a majo rity of the other House did not sit by hereditary descent. Now, when they considered these points, it was not won derful that the country gentlemen had not complained either to this or to the other House of Parliament. The next point in the Speech related to the unfavourableness of the seasons. But would that account for all the distress ? Would it account for a fall of SO per cent. in the price of cattle? Would it account for a reduction of 30. per cent. in the value of cheese? Would it account for the tall in the price of every thing in the shop and in the warehouse? The next expression would be exceed ingly consolatory, if we could atisteh the slighted authority to it. The expression to which he alluded was, that the distress was not of a permtnent character. Now, he thought be could satisfy the House that that assertion was not worth owe farthing. In 1826, when the Chancellor of the Exchequer vette told of the danger that would en sue from the withdrawal of several millions of 1/. notes, he stated their amount at about 2,250,000/.,—a state ment which was entirely erroneous. An :individual had writter to him on the subject, and stated that, on exemi nation, he found that four-fifths of those motes had been out three years, and considerably above one-half of them had been out seven years. He therefore inferred that the amount was 7,000,000/. or 8,000,000/., instead of 2,250,000/. The Hon. Member then proceeded to argue, that the increased issue of 5/. notes did not make up for the deficiency this created, and that the issue of sovereigns was not likely to increase a circulation the basis of which was credit. As to the boast so often made is that House with reference to the extent of our exports, its fal fary had already been clearly shown by the Hon. Alder man below him. Ministers appeared to entertain Wangs ideas of political economy. They looked to the pro duction of a vast quantity of goods as a proof of the flourishing state of the country, no matter whether those goods fetched any thing or nothing in the market. Now it was notorious that the master-manufacturers who had produced those goods had been obliged to sell them under prime cost. And was that, he would ask, a matter of boast to he inserted in a King's Speech ? lie knew that the Noble Duke at the head of the Government enter tained very singular ideas as to the situation of the country. He said that the extravagant system which prevailed during the war must be abandoned, and moderate and sober habits introduced.—(Hear.)—Sober habits, he admitted, were very good, but why not extend them to all—ta Ministers, to sinecurists, to all who live ou the taxes " Order and sobriety " Are the rules of his society," why not make them general? The Noble Duke ought to recollect, that those sober people had each contributed his mite to present hint with the most splendid reward ever given to a soldier. But he doubted whether they would have granted him 700,0001. if they thought that he would have supported laws the tendency of which was to double that sum. In conclueion, the Hon. Member observed, with respect to the national credit, that there were two species of debts,—that which the Government borrowed, and that which by Me. Peel's Bill was doubled. The firs, would be paid, but the second never would, and never ought. Mr. Alderman THOMPSON observed, that as Minis ters had themselves admitted that the country was in a de plorable situation, he would not oppose the address, but would give them time to develops their views and opinions for the purpose of removing that distress. The Hon. Aldermen warned Ministers not to rely on the increase of expectation as a proof of prosperity. To prove that trade • was in a deplorable state, he read a letter front one of his constituents, in which he stated that the various goods he dealt in had Mien from eIS to 40 per cent. in value. In such a state of things, nothing but the Government enrerc ing the strictest economy, and reducing the burdens of the people, could give effectual relief ; and if this were not done, was sure the worst consequences would ensue. He was not an advocate fin- unrestricted issue of paper, but some thing must he done to increase the circulation, or to reduce taxatien.—(Hear.)—The manufacturers were now paying their men in paper money and in goods; they had com menced chandlers, and were paying their servants in clothes and is provision., instead of money, and not eufficient of these to maintein them. On these grounds he should sup port the amendment of his Majesty's Government--(A laugh)—but if he did not find that the measures they adopted were suited to the emergency, he should fed it his duty to support thoee gentlemen who were anxious for a change of men as well as of measured.—(Hear.) Sir JOHN SEIIRIGHT opposed the amendment, He made no doubt that his Majesty's Ministers would do all in their power to relieve the distresses of the country. The A ti N 4t CE on laL f O or i l t ne o r f t o li c e ca E .i y m f i l t EQHER beg an b y obehad been usual t o leave for eeperate discussion those topics in the Speech sr vin CH ANCELLOR front the throne which required the consideration Of Par liatnent ; and unless some great and imperative duty in terposed, to concur in the address, leaving the general topics till the period when they could be fully an d a b ly considered. The Hon. Baronet, the Member for Kent, however, had thought proper, on this occasion, to depart from the former practice ; lie had moved an arnentheent, which, with respect to the paragraph in the Speech to which it was intended to apply, was as little at variance with it as any amendment he had ever known. The Speech stated that his Majesty lamented the distress of the agri cultural and manufacturing classes in some parts of the United Kingdom, and the Hon. Baronet emoted that this was a false and unfounded representation of the state of things. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) begged the House would believe, that however strongly some might affect to feel the distresses of the people, none could feel them more than his Majesty's Ministers; and he hoped the House would not think otherwise, because they had advised the Crown to state the distress according to their own views of it. He believed the dis tress was great ; he believed there was a severe pressure of distress on the manufacturing and agricultural classes in Bogie parts of the United Kingdom; and if he expected other parts, it was because be believed there were parts of the United Kingdom which, so far from being visited by that distress, were in a state of comparative comrert and prosperity. The Hon. Ilaronet had confined his views to England ; he had emitted that part of the United Kingdom which always attracted a large share of due attention of the House—he meant Ireland —( Hear. )—Had the Hou. Ha ! renet investigated the state of agriculture there ? If he had, lie would have found that, as far as agriculture was concerned, it enjoyed prosperity and comfort. The dis tress which hod been felt in some parts of this country • had arisen, partly, from the excessive introduction of Irish produce. How, then, was it possible for his Ma jesty to tell Parliament that disn els, sthich he knew prevailed in parts, pervaded the whole kinedom ? The Honourable Baronet might have been informed, that even in the northern provinces of this country, the distress had not been felt in an equal degree with other parts. In this view the House had a justification of that expression which the Hon. Baronet had referred te. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) could not forget that the Hon. Baronet had been supported by the Hon. Member for Essex, and he could not forget the principle on which that support was given. Was there a man who had heard the principle on which the atnendmeat was supported, who did not believe that it was proposed to make an alteration in die slanderd of value, or the currency of the country, in short, to change those laws which Parliament had adopted after anxious deliberation ? He must say, that to entertain a proposition for altering the standard of value laid down in ISI9, as the basis of our circulation, or to concur in the re-establishment of 1/. notes, were concessions which his ijesty's Government could never Iteprepered to make.— (Hear. ) iie felt it to he his duty, therefore, to oppose the amendment of the Hon. Baronet. There was nothing in the Address to the Speech froth the Thr o ne whi c h pre cluded future discuss ion en any topic, or pledged any men as to the cause of the distress, or the measures for relieving it ; on the contrary, the Speech said that his Majesty in tended to propose estimates on a redneed Beale. In abort, the Speech comprised is itself the strict and literal truth ; though it did not deny to any one the power to controvert any insulated fact. Above all, it did not preclude any Member from proposing measures for economising our re it llgwever, the first determination of his :jesty's (30,- , ..r..11..eet to m•there to those measures which h.•d this nizht '• L ;•;, questirm, but which he (Mr. Gool; , urn) beieveri c,-eree s-..-n!ial to the eventual prosperity .1" the country. ' 74r. MABERLY said that Cie Right lion. Gentleman imputet, to the eupporters of the amendment a wish to te'ter the a tand.trd. He (Mr. Mabel-1y) would tell him that there war a means of tanning at a sound paper car rency that would not touch the standard. The Hon. Baronet had not said he wished to alter the standard of the cur rency, or that he wanted an equitable adjustment, or any such thing. The Hon. Baronet had dealt with the Speech as he had done, because it was deficient ; it did not describe one situation accurately. The Hon. Baronet considered the distress to be greater than his Majesty had barn induced to think it was. The main cause of this distress was the previpitaecy of the measures pursued, and the error of legislating for a part of the country instead of the whole; the consequence of which was, that Ireland had one currency, Scotland another, and England another. The Speech said nothing respecting a reduction of taxa tion ; but the people could not pay the present taxes, if the present low prices continued, which were the result of the existing system. The House, then, would not do its duty unless it supported the amendment. Reduction of taxation was the great remedy, and at a fit time he (Mr. Maberly) should offer a proposition for a sound piper currency, which would enable the country to carry en its transactions without injury. He (Mr. Maberly) con cluded that we were to have no paper currency whatever. Why, the very currency we now had was unsound ; it rested on the Bank of England, and great part of the capital of the Bank was employed and invested in securi ties which were not immediately convertible. We had even now no sound metallic currency; it must give way in time of pressure. Unless the dead weight and its paper were taken from the Bank of England, it could not meet its engagements. These things were a fit subject of inquiry, but Ministers offered, none ; they stopped inquiry. His Majesty's Speech recommended can:ion : lie (Mr. Maberly) hoped the House would be cautious. The lion. Member complained of the large expences of the charges of collecting the several sources of income, and hoped the House would insist upon a large reduction of taxation, and Ministers must shape the expenditure accordingly. Mr. O'CONNELL then rose. The lion. Member spoke from the third bench on the opposition side. His rising excited a considerable degree of curiosity in the House and in the gallery. He began by saying, that the people whom hr represented had sent him to that House to attend to their interests ; and in doing the duty they eenficied to him, he should frequently be obliged to express his opiaions to the House. In requesting the indulgence of the House on this occasion, he should endeavour to re pay it by being as concise as possible. He should address hiraself to the subject of the Speech which had been reed to the )Huse, and he felt it to be his duty to speak of it with respect. It was entitled to respect as the Speech of the Sovereign; it was entitled to respect as the production of Ministers, particularly the Noble and gallant Doke; it was entitled to bespoken of with courtesy on the gyounds, and on these grounds hs should trent it with respect. But when he earns to consider the con tents of it, any thing so unsatisfactory and inconsistent with a wise Government could scarcely be conceived. An Hon. Member near him had made some allusion to the speeches iu other eountries, and particularly America. Did he think that even in France such a Speech would be en dured, or from a President of America addressing the ge• ruine representatives of the people? Contrast it with the Presider - see late Speech ; look at the wise end sound sentiments that Speech contained, and he asked, if this House were the undoubted Representatives of the people at large, whether such a Speech as that now read would have been offered ?—(Hear.)—What did the Speech contain? Why, first of all, the foreign nations gave the strongest assurance of peace and amity. To be sure they did ; they had heard this before ; even when war was actually going on there would be strong professions of a desire for peace. Then they were told that the Russian war was at an end. This was an important piece of information. He supposed they did not know that before.—(A laugh.)—Then they were told that no:hies; had been determined on respecting Portugal. Why not ? Was the character of Don Miguel doubtful? Was it doubted that he had usurped the throne, and that he had endeavoured to cement that throne with innocent blood ?—(Hear, hear.)—They were then toll that there was a partial distress. Was this the fact? Was it a fact that the distress was partial ? The expres sions which fell from from the Lion. Members on the other side upon this topic were curious. One said the distress was general, the second that it was extraordinary, and the third that it was overwhelming.—(Loud cries of " Hear.")—So this partial distress was general, extraordi nary, and overwhelming. A happy discovery had been made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer of some cases in the desert. In one country there was no distress; and that country—who would have thought it?—was Ireland.— (Hear, hear, hear.)—He (Mr. O'Connell) had re ceatly come from that country, and be knew that there had been a fund raised by the Lord-Lieutenant of 3,5001., and a second collection of 300/. ; that these funds were all exhausted, and that 7,000 persons were subsisting upon three halfpence a day. What stiney land lords were the agricultural interest of Ireland, if, in the midst of so much prosperity, they refused to contribute to the necessities of the poor. He (Mr. O'Connell) did not like to pledge himself to matters of fact, but he had tra velled through the provinces of Leinster, and Connaught, and Munster, and be had seen no proofs of prosperity, but, on the contrary, hail observed much distress. He had hexed of one estate in the north of Ireland upon which the November rent had in one instance been levied by the sale of the blanket arid potato-pot of the tenant. Yet tine distress had, in all probability, reached Ireland less rapidly than other parts of the country, for this reason, that there was a smaller currency. He thought the state of 'relent] ought to have been mentioned in his Majesty's Speech, and not introduced merely as a parenthesis by the Chan cellor of the Exchequer in the course of his address. The Right Hon. Gentleman said the,cuirency was to remain in its present condition, and it was satisfactory to hear such e declaration, but it was clear the Right Hon. Gentleman could not keep his pledge without a very considerable di minution of taxaeion—(Elear)—and a reduction of the public expenditure, riot by candle-ends and cheese parings, but by millions. In fact, instead of raising 60 millions of taxes in a gold currency, as .we were mow doing, we must come down to 15 or 20 millions, if the system of a metallic currency were persevered in. A perseverance in that st stem would bring about other nue sures. We roust have reforms in the law, and the present piebald system of equity common law of the Ecclesiastical and Admiralty Courts (different in each) must be simpli fied and assimilated. He offered his humble meetl of sin cere thanks to the Right Hon. Secretary for his successful attempts to break down some of the legal defeets which de formed the system. But we should proceed further—ba nish the barbarities of special pleading, nail cause all our Counts to act upon one consistent and defined principle. That distress existed in many places must be admitted. The Chancellor of the Exchequer admitted its existence in England. What was the cause of this ? Was it owing to want of industry, intelligence, economy, or pers e v er a nce in the people? Certainly not—the people of England were possessed of all these qualities in an eminent de gree, and yet they were distressed. What was the cause of this? It was to be found, not in the people, but in the misgovernment to which they had been subjected.— ( Hear. )—pate salutary effect of the existing distress would the t i .nfi w olldy d, b i el ~ of i the tati people. vtNotil f they dde l privethe Administration o f met in their cities and countive, and made use of a gentle and constitutional com pulsion towards ministers, ministers would yield, and a sa lutary reform would lie the consequence. As he before stated, we should have a thorough reform of the law. Talk not of modifying the Genie Laws for instance, but abolish that cruel code altogether which now filled our prisons. There s hould be an investigation of the state of the representa tion, with a view to render it satisfactory to the people, w 10), if properly reps: seated, could not complain with justice of the measures adopted by Parliament. If the people, instea 1 of being properly, or even partially repre sented, were left unrepresented—if there was a traffic in Lot - tingle to fill up the ranks of the Mini-terial legions— (Hear)--it could not he expected that the people ehouled be satisfeol. He looked forward to the existing distress with satisfaction in erns point of view—it would cause the people to raise their voice aloud, and demand a radical and complete reform. He had now made a profession of his political faith —from the people he came ; they had sent him thither to do the work of tine people. He should sup port the amendment proposed by the Hon. Baronet, the Member for Kent; and if that were lost, he wished to propose a resolution to the effort that the existence of dia t•raeusssedb e b i y "g any a fault ' nli the petloniile, tt this distress not being t it was the first duty of the House to inquire into its causes, with a view to afford ing radical and satisftetary relief to all parties.—(flear.) li e would then !neve (supposing his resolution to be adopted) that the House do sit from day to day until it had ascertained the cause of the public distress.—(clear, and laughter,) Mr. HUSKISSON said, there had keen already one amendment proposed, and notice given of no fewer than three others. lie was far from censuring the practice of proposing amendments on such occasions as the present. Ile came down to the House altogether ignorant of the contents of his Mjesty's Speech, and equally ignorant of the intention of the Hen. Beronet, or of any other Gen-' tieman, to propose an emendment—but an amendment having linen moved, and a eh bate having arisen upon it, 1e Isle calhd upon, without reference to the passibility of prospective arrangements which mielit be for considera noo hereafter, to express his opinine on the subject with rsference to ,he ample matter of firer as to the state of the cauntry, which wis the real vestioe at isssne. If the question were as to any particular mode of tenet', it would be equally unwise and unbecoming to go into it when as sembled to thank his Majesty for his gracious Speech from .lie Throne; eta from any thieg of that sort he 'horrid cautiously abstain. But, after what he had heard from the Noble Mover and Hon. Seconder of the proposed address—after all that hail fallen from these who had since addressed the House—and fi sin his own kuowledge of facts, he felt bound to state his opinion that the real facta of the case, as regarded the public distress, were more tear rect:y stated in the amendinent—(Hear)—moved by the lion. Bart. than in the addreeo proposed by the Noble Lord. Entertainiog that opinion, whatever might be his wish to alestairt from saying anything open this occasion, he' was no longer at liberty to support an Address which did not contain so accurate an estimate of the actual state of universal dis quietude and dissatisfaction that prevailed, not to provoke a hostile discussion between the representatives of the people end the people themselves, and not to call down on the House of Commons reproach by understating the distress and difficulty of the time. The best cosine to be adopted in order to meet and overcome these difficulties was to look at fled avow them fairly. He was not one of this! who Vaught the ffifficulties so great as they had been represent ed in many quarters—lie (lid nut despair of seeing the conntry restored to a situation of prosperity; but from all the information he possessed, he felt satisfied that there now existed that degree of pressure on the productive classes generally, which, were it to be permanent or long continued, would be incom; atible with their continuous existence.—(Hear.) —He was of opinion that the country, as far as the productive classts were concerned, was in au unsatisfactory anti suffer4ig, but he trusted and believed not in a decaying and falling state. If Parliament looked at the subject nropeely, and acted as a part o the Speech re commended, they would find themselves fully competent to cope with the existing difficulties, and overcome them But it was by studying to benefit, to the utmost, the in dustrious classes that we could alone lay any solid fitmd.&on of public happiness, or revve prospe rity. There were many things difficult to be ac counted for in our present condition, but which Par liament would do well to attend to. Some geetlerneu attributed the distress to a supposed deficient'' , in the currency—a proposition which he thought it would be dif• ficult to maintain, for we now saw money more abundant in this metropolis than at any farmer period. We saw Exchequer Bills prodacing 2 : 1 per tent. interest sel:inz at a premium of 755., and we saw the low rate at which naeney was every day borrowed. The fact was there wits a stagnation in several parts of our productive in dustry, and an overflow of capital in others. It was a cause of satisfaction to observe that the produce of our ex perts last year exceeded the exports of any preceding year, but at the same time we knew that the property and ca pital so employed had in many instances been unproduc tive. It would be difficult to reconcile the two facts of a deficient currency and a low rate of profit. In almost all branches of productive industry the profits were so small as not to compensate for the amount of capital employed. or afford sufficient support to tlos individuals whose la bour was required. There roust be sonic irregularity if action in our condition. Circumstanced as we were, to propose to increase the currency would be similar to re commending an iedieidual subject to too great and rapid an action of the blood to drink a quantity of brandy. He would not support the Hon. Baronet's motion, if, by so doing lie should be thonnht to imply an assent 1 to some of the doctrines urged by its supporters. —(Hear, hear.)—So far was he from concurring in these doctrines, that he had heard with satisfaction what f e ll ;from the Chancellor of the Exchequer in answer Ito them. He was satisfied that among the causes of dis quietude and dissatisfaction that exiend, were the delusive hopes, the unfounded aeprehensions, and general anxiety, that must prevail in a country, so long as that which formed the measure of value with respect to property was subject to doubt and change. if then we had even been in error (which hit was far from admitting, but maintained the contrary) in 1819, 1825, or 1826, it would be better to persevere than to unsettle the state of the country, by again tampering with the currency.—(Hear.)—lt was to ' other means that the country must look for relief. An unsettled state of the public mind was one of the greatest evils that could befal a conntry. He did not collect from the speech of the Hon. Baronet that any Member was I required to commit himself to particular measures, if he supported the amendment. His Right Hon. Fr iced hinted that distress was not so general as the amendment would make it appear ; but all his ingenuity could not prove , 1 teat the distress was confined to some particular parts of 'the country, as the address stated. The productive classes generally were in a state of distress. Ile believed that this was otving to causes, to many of which it was beyond the power of Parliament to apply a remedy, but it was in their power to satisfy the country as to what the causes were, and to afford partial relief by giving a better direction to the 'vital of the country : upon that point he differed tnate rially front the Hoe. seconder of the Address. The Hon. Member seemed to third' that the reduction of die rate of intereat in some atilt. higher denominations of the public securities would operate favourably, but it appeared to him that even that reduction was far fronnbeieg an unmixed good. The amendment had been described to be a " milk and water amendment," but that rather sec immended it to his support.—(hear, and laughter.) He did not wish to enter into the large field of foreign polities, but he might observe, in passing, that his Majesty's Speech merely stated that the war between Russia and Turkey had terminated. This was the statement of a fact (it had been said) before known ; but such statements were not uncommon in Speeches front the 'I hrone. For his part lie was glad that it Was state,lS4llply that the war had ter minated, witheut any explanation of the mode by which that termination ha; been effected.—(hear, hear, and laughter.)—lt was a received principle, that the Miles pendence of Turkey was absolutely necessary to the maintenance of a just balance of placer in Europe, and that circumstance did throw upon Government the eons of showing that there was nothing whatever in the treaty between Turkey and Bessie. cantrery to tide principle. However, when the documents were before the House, it would he time enough for them to discuss how far the spirit of the treaty of the tith July hail been subsequently preserved. Up to the arrival of the Russiens in Adrianople, no great progress appeared to have been made in the eause of the Greeks. With respect to Porten gal, whatever disposition there had been, during the two last Sessions, to abstain from looking into the question of our foreign relation+, he hoped that we should no longer avoid an inquiry which it was necessary fur the character of the country to make.—(hear.)—A recognition of Don Miguel had been hinted at, but if it was carried iuto effect we ought to receive more information on the subject thin we had obtained last Session. 'fill we had obtainsd further information, we were not in a situation to investigate whether (not merely in reference to the question of legs! right, but with regard to the honour of the country and our auc:ent alliance with Portugal) we had properly dis charged ell our obligations. lie had witnessed with great regret in his Majesty's speech, which ought to advert to all matten of general interest, an emission of all reference to wars staging in another hemisphere. There was a treaty of peace and amity between this country and Mexico, and be should have thought that the efforts made to prevent the in dustry of that country from taking a natural direction— that the attempts at a predatory warfare, inconsistent with the revival of industry in Mexico and other etates of the New Continent, inconsistent with the iutereats of com merce and nasigetion, hostile to the proper management of the mines of South America, which it was our interest to have as productive as possible,—he thought that these were matters which required home notice, and would Lore been glad to hear that his Majenty continued to use endeavours for the restoration of peace, tranquiliity, and security in the new stags, in the prosper:ty of which this country had the greatest possible interest. It wt's not the interests of trade and cormeerce that were alone concerned, the matter did not relate to th a country only. Europe had the greatest poneilile interest that South America should be in a state of tracquihlity and independence, and that those states should be made valuable and useful civilized societies. 'litre was a time when these states hooked up to this count'' , as a power ready to r scue them from impending (hangers, not by military demonstrations, bat by its good offices, of which they were worthy as far as they could be exerted, if not in refereece to their peace and tranquillity, yet with reference to our own interest : The omissions of the speech hail been complained of:—it did not ad vert to Ireland. He did not pretend to know with any degree of accuracy the state of Irelarol. He concurred in gt:teL.:earE, , mi , ,,te i et.firits:ola l e:s i sztet:irltrei s oel l .l l ebit o : u l:l;i l d,e t f i r‘p, je h eu,:, a io i ti e illi,e t a ; : " ca u euo g aecndl l lic i , t ii , lntliiiai t tet ; el a bi) e t iehrei a ta: l ,:y t ri c attd i s t st,l l .p l e : the observation, that the great supply o f ngnm i t ,,, ai he l pro duce from that country wits sonic proof of difficulty, but st ill h e looked upon that . supply as an advantage to Eng great act o r justice idlest Session, we might have been told whether Ile believel it had prie i l lie :u it.e i t e - t c,t ... l ei: oo l : ff g e lt r iii e f mic o a l r t i ' one had anticipated. Tt was not !Ratter of szrpaise tare, that Ireland did not hold so prominent r position as r, , zne gentlemen appeared to suppoae it aught; but it 17a• matter of surprise to him that the efTnt of t.is measure had not been mentioned. The Right llon. - Gentlem , at coEcluded by declaring that he felt himst-if bound in jus tice to Nupport the amendment, becatoe it expres,r-eil the facts of the case with more justice to the feciings of the You e, and the duty which the Throne and coun t: y had a right to expect from them, than the or4 ; in-.1 amendment. Mr. PEEL was certaiely net serprised to hear. his alight Hon. Friend atey, that the shier recommendation of the Hon. Baronet's utneadmeut in his eyes censisted in its being- " a milk and water anteninneut," becaime wi.en he recollected the votes uniformly given by Isis 1 - -Z:ght Hoe. Frier d, and the doctrine, which he as uzirotioly held, he must say, that the smallest poesible iefeedoa of milk in the water was precisely that which would beet suit the Right Hon. Gentlernan's::eonotitution.—(Henn, cad laughter.)—The doctrine of his Right lion. rrieed was, " beware how you excite fallacious l:ops•s—tress to the melee energv—the natural elasticity of ear resources, as Hell we have so often triumphed: and don't risk the permanent interests of the country by rash experietents on the capital and industry of oar fellow-sahjeet.e." The Right Hon. Gentleman bee: not oily resietedprectiral re.outcts, but cumuli:tete of inquiry, lest he el:ould cis cite false expectatiens; and now, tearing sat manen.iment proposed, on principle 4 from which be totally d;s•rnts, he is, nevertheless prepared to support it, hceetate hr third, the exposition of fact. contained in the amendment better than that in the Speech front the turner. Whet Gellite did tie Right lion. Gentleman take with regard to the tante,. mittee moved for to inquire into the state of the currency? He resisted its appointment to the last, h.st its appeint relent should unsettle men's minds, and urten the sere principle he resisted the inquiry iota the state of the sill: trade last Session. However, it weivl4 have been more consistent if his Right Hon. Frieze! bad evaiied till he heard what specific measures were to be proposed before lie opposed his Majesty's Govern ment. It would have been better if Ile had isot endeavoured to raise the expectation, of the, conntry, es they must be raised, if we admitted the existence of uni verse' distress, and dissented from the Speech frotet the Throne, stating that his Ilejeaty's Ministers had been roie informed—that all our interests were eeffering 'er no eleitiary pressure, and that he would direct our of ert-4 to the relief of it—(lean )—Depend upon it, if you vote the amendment now proposed, and if it shall turn out that your efforts to reliev► the digress are vein, you will have done more harm titan good, and you will Imre releed expec tations which it will be impossikl• to fulfil.. The bite:ern:- merit was not correct ; the expretrions centeited in it nae rowed the sentiments of the King's Spoe . ela ist;texil of ex t'ndiug them ; it spoke a distress " in particaler place' ;" the Speech mentioned " sonic parts of the I:hired King. dotal as being distressed," a wider and more coterrehensive expre-sion.—(lfesr.)—As to the omission of eel topic in the Speech, and among the rest, the cm :anion of all mention of Ireland, he certainly did think, !het alter the completion of that measure in which Irelsed Seek torch a deep interest,—after that country bad been I .t e e et i au a footie.g of equality with the rest of time entpire i —there existed no necessity for snaking special mention of a par t of t h e ki ng d om which had no longer any thing to dietin rettish it front the remainder. Since the parkivz of that measure it might be said of the twoeonetriee-- Pariblia amt legibus amble " Inaictme gent": materna . in faemlera nmittant." The quotation had been applied try Mr. Pitt to the Ix peeled effect of the Union, and certainly it was tint lmis appropriate when used with reference to the sneaeure re cently accomplished. Under suck eircumetanves it might fairly be said that the tints had arrived whets we miekt consider the condition of Ireland the Yonne as that of the other parts of the United Kingdom, and, exee:st the oc currence of special circumstances reemired, Ireland need not be particularly mentioned. It was Hew is ltioked upon as England or Scotland. Me would say, however, that the condition of Ireland was now touch better told more satisfactory than it had been preview; t• the last Session of Parliament. An lion. Gentleman had Brae u a coinparieon, nnfavenrable to the latter, between the American President's Areessge and his Itlejeety'li Speech. Whatever might ba that geutleman's satietaction at the tenuur of the Americas Massage, his ia-ae as great. The manner in which England was iteeetiound by the Presi dent gave his Majesty's Government, in cemmon with all other claws of their fellow-sabjecte, the sincerest plea sure ; and he was glad of that opportuuity to repeat the expressions of amity and friendship nand by that dietiii guished man when speaking of this country. His words were these—." With Great Britain, alike distingniohed in peace and war, we may look forward to years of peaceful, honourable, and elevated competition. Every thing in the condition and history of the two nations is ealcelated to inspire sentiment* of mtetual respect, and to carry cunvictien to the minds of boils, that it is their policy to preserve the most cordial relations. Such are my own views, and it is not to be doubted that such are also the prevailing sentiments of oar eonetitiente." lle re echoed these seatimeme :—May all the competition be tween the two countries be the competitien of industry, civilization, and peace!—May she foothill sentiments of bi dividual hostility entertainen by sores in both countries, gradually vanish before the influence of good Reuse and right feeling ; and as both nations posses. a common gutige, and are derived from a summon teem., may they ha united in lasting relation, of good will Red amity ! He gladly took this opportunity on the fart of the English Government of re-echoing with respect to Amerien those kindly sentiments which her President hail expressed to wards us. But in contrasting the two speeches, the lieu. Geritle,nan began 6y complaining of the mention made in his Alajetity's message of so notorises a fact as the tenni.- nation of hostilities hetet-rem Russia and Turkey. As his Mijesty had announced to Parliament, the breaking out of the war hetwen these Powers, it cuss proper that be should mention its termination. The Hon. Gentleman also com plained of our treatment of Don Miguel, sad spoke of the supposed feelings of America if she had received tech an intimation as the English Parliament had reeeiveil on the etiliiect. But the fact was, that the A inericen President recognised Don Miguel, as was apparent from this passage of his inest4e t " During the recess of Conereee, our diplo matic relations with Portugal Lave hien rent:med. The peculiar state of things in that country caused a suspension of the recognition of the represenettiee tvb, preeented entil an opportunity was had to obtain, front our (Afielal organ there, information regarding fee ectuel, scat as far as practicable prospective, emadition of the audio: icy by which the reeresentative it: question was appeinteci. This information being received, the applieatioe ef the et tablisleni rule of our Government in like carnet wits no longer wit :held." (Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman attributed all oar distresses to misgovernment, and a defect in our repro irritative system; but, urfortunately for his hypothesis, the same distress irehich we complained of in England existed in America, where the representation was con structed on the basis of universe! ruffrege.—(Hear.) What said President Jackson on this subject?—" No neey considerable change has octierred durieg the recess of Congress, in the condition of either ear agriculture, cont. merce, or manufactures. The operation of the tariff was rot proved su injurious to the two former, leer as benefpciul to the latter, as was anticipated. Importations of foreign goods have not been sensibly diministatiti, while doineati competition, under an illusive excitement, lute increenci the production much beyond the demand fur home cone sumption. The consequences hove been low pricen tem po:etre, einharraesment, and partial hies. Teat such of our maatifacturing establishments as are based tepee capital, and are prudently managed, will survive the shock, sn.ki be ultimately profitable, there is re geed rtasCn to doubt," The Right Hon. Gentleman proceeded to areoe, that during the last SQ years there had bean as eceneitin upon which an amendment to an Addrees Lod been verried ; thet in 19 years out of the SO no mood neat was proposed —and that the present was an Addrees in reopert of which no objection could be made, with the exception of the omission of two or three tepid. A Gentleznau complained of the policy of late Carer:Anent/4 ire I adding to the Ileuie of Peers; het from thee charge the Duke of Welliegton, who keel mo t , only one Peer since he became Prime Aliniotee, was free. The Speech stated the imcinaiie 6r exenree is th e last year, and it was said we inferred front th;nee that our trade and commerce were in a fourishinn COaditit)a. ire oe tthen inferred h edn.i t each in uhtchreiasngea; we only mat e d f ee l s; en d . n 1 exports, hie Majeetv tweet , ted the prevalence of distr e ss i n soave puts of axe laine : dom. It was said Minister. had no: ateteil 'facts come:the and that they were indifferent to the distreez, bee use tidy recommended no remedy. Where erns the proof that the Speech from the Throne mie-stated facts ? Was the House prepared at once, without inquiry, sail without the neon-, ! tary information before it, to sanction by its vote the alive gation made in the amendment of the Her. Miamian, that the distress was universal, and existed Aron:limit pare s tif the country? The lion. Bareeet's amendment acted that all the productive interests of the count, v were stiffen ing severely under a general depiension. Tette Via, null qualification whatever in the steno:tient. Wa s the le seee prepared, in the face of Europe, to eneetion such a Mite. went ?—(He.r.)—" Dietreee exists is own neie,he bourhood," argue the Hon. Baronet wet thane who eup, port hint, " therefore 1 am bound to ennelude Unit tress is universal amongst all the prednetive ion-feats el the country." Should not the Reuse paw Weir it