The Sun. — London, England, 1833-04-17 00:00:00

to mention a roe which earns more home to them selves and to their own feelings, it was well known that during the time that the amiable and kind•hearted man, Sir J. Mackintosh (a name never to be menti' ned without feelings of deep regret for his loss) was Recorder of Bom bay, a period of seven years, the punishment of death was entirely discontinued. If the experiment ever was to fail, its failure might have been expected in such a place as Bombay—a crowded Indian sea port, composed of a mixed, and even shifting population. But what was the result ? It had been most successful, for Sir J. Mackintosh declared from the bench in his last charge, when he was going to return to England, that the district bad been governed without one capital punishment, and with no increase of crime. But he was, at least not at that moment, advocating any such extensive alteration in this country ; all be asked was, to make the written enactments conformable to what, with few exceptions, was the practice. If he obtained leave to bring in a Bill, he should propose to abolish the punishment of death altogether from these off nces and in place of death to give the judges the power at their discretion of punishing the criminal by imprisonment or hard labour, or by transportation for 7 or 14 years, or by imprisonment and hard labour first, and tr osportation afterwards. He was convinced that, und. r such a law as that, crimes would be much more certain of king punished than they now were, which every one would admit to be the great object to be aimed at in all . legislation with a view to its efficiency. No one could have looked into the subject without being aware of the great increase of crime in late years. He hardly supposed that would be used asan argument against his motion. But those crimes had increased, net only in spite of, but, as be thought, from the present injudicions system of criminal jurisprudence ; hut, be that as it might, the fact, though to he deplored, was what no man could be surprised at. What had been dune to check the increase of crime ? Almost moll ng. We had, perhaps, the most inefficient police in the world. It was true that in the metropolis we had a police, founded, as he thought, on some wrong principles, tieing too much dependent on the Secretary of State for the time being, but still an eft cicent police; but, throughout the country, generally, we had nothing which deserved the name of a pol•ce, and conse gilently one of the great means of preventing crime was wanting. Then, with respect to our gaols, we had good I.ws, it was true. but they were, in many cases, sham-- fully neglected, and even in one of the prisons in this me tropolis he was told there was hardly anything which deserved the name of classification observed in-it. Again, what hdd they done for the improvement or education of the people ? So far from having attended to that subject, they had allowed a whole generation to grow up in the manufacturing towns under circumstances which made it impcssible for them to obtain any mental improvement whatever. Neither should they overlook the effect of such laws as those now under consideration in demeral zing the people. He could conceive few ti ings more prejudicial to the morality of the p.ople, or to the interests of justice, than the practice of juries finding what had been called compassionate ver.licts in opposition to the strongest evi dence, and, in other words, uttering a falsehood..-.com. witting perjury for the purpose of avoiding giving effect to the law. We had begun to alter this system, but we must go on still further. He knew the reform which he was then proposog was a very trilling one, and went but a very little way towa, ds the accomplishment of those ob jects, but if it was adopted it would at least cure the anomaly of treating cases of petty theft wilh the same severity as murder and parricide, and would enable pro secutors, wi , neases, and juries to punish guilt in many cases where they could not do it now without violence to their feelings and consciences. The Hon. Member con cluded by moving for leave to bring in a Bill for the repeal of so much of the 7th and Sib of Geo. IV., c. 29, s. 12, as enatrs, that if any person shall break arid enter any dwelling-house, and steal therein any chattel, money, or valuable security, to any value whatever, or shall steal any such prop-rty, to any value whatever, in any dwelling house, any person iherein being put in fear, every such offender being convicted thereof sl all suffer death as a felon. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL did not by any means rise to oppose the motion of his Hon. Friend.. On the contrary, no object was nearer his heart than that the punishment of death should be abolished wherever it was found practical to abolish it ; although he was not san guine enough to believe that it would ever be possible to abolish it altogether. Crimes of violence, he feared, they must continue to be under the painful necessity of visiting with death. For murder, for burglary, for arson, for ail crimes which threatened life, it seemed to him that the punishment of death accorded with the natural fee ings of man. Until two years ago the criminal code of England was one of unexampled severity. But it must not be for gotten; that very important measures had been adopted for the purpose of diminishing that severity. He was happy to any, that since his Majesty's present Govm nment had come into power, that in the course of the last ye,,r the offences of coining, of forgery, of sheep-stealirkt, of horse-stealing, of seedling in a dwelling-house, all of which had formerly been capital, were rendered not so. He felt the country was under considetab'e obligation to the Right Honourable Member for Tamil orth for the great efforts he had made in ameliorating the criminal code of the country ; and he was glad that that Right Honourable Baronet was absent, as it afforded him a more fitting opportunity of expressing his sincere grati tude to him. He confessed be could not see any reason why the law should be more severe in the particular in stance of a boy breaking the window of a shop, and steal ing a bun or cake of the value of a halfpenny—the ground for that severity being a constructive breaking; and he should tberefore be gratified to see it cease to be an offence of a capital nature. He would not, however, follow his lion. Friend through the various topics of his able speech. He fully concurred with him in a desire for a wise and thoughtful revision of the criminal code of the country. But he could not look with other feelings than those of fear at the multifarious notices of amendment of the law then on the books, there being no less thin 10 for altera tions of the criminal and 15 for the civil code. He thought it would be much better if a little time were grJneed to Government, that a uniform revision might be entered upon by them, instead of each Member attempting to act on his own views or force the House to a premature consideration of his own suggestions. It would ultimately he productive of much more good, by opening a safe road for the consideration and adoption of all practicable amendments. Mr. C. WYNN should be sorry to see the House sanc tioning a Bill which went so far as this one did, at least for the present. Hereafter, when the system of secondary punishments had been mere thoroughly investigated and matured, the proposed measure might be desirable. Tory should, however, proceed gradual:y, and he, therefore, considered it more desirable that the House should wait and see the effect of the Bill passed in the last session of Parliament. Ile should strongly recommend that the motion should be altered to one for a committee on the laws in questi.m, and he was the more disposed to this, as all those Hon. Members who had notices on the subject might be included in that committee. Mr. J. H. LOYD (Stockport) considered the plan just proposed was worthy of serious consideration. By ad. pt ing it, they would be able to incorporate all the improve ments that might suggest themselves to practical men, without the cumbersome mode which would otherwise have to be followed. It should be recollected that all the i n :orrnatton they hitherto had on the sufject of secondary punishment was of the most meagre character; that the question—important as it was—w.oi still in abeyance. Air. CUTLER FERGUSSON would stienuou•ly ad vise his Hon. Friend to withdraw his motion, if he were assured a Commission would be appointed to inquire into the punishment and effects of punishments for all offences against property. At the same tune, he thought tie first part t .f the motion of his Honourable Friend was so rea sonable, that, if pressed to a division, he most certainly should vote in favour of it. He wished to see punishment for crime the rule—escape the exception. Alr. EWART complained of the severity of the punish ments awaied by the criminal code. It they would con sider the question abstractedly in its effects on mankind, they would find that a n - .il I code was really the muse, wise, asunder it the inhabitants of a country were always ; whereas, by being accus , otned to scenes of blood, their minds were brutaliz,d, and in a measure habituated to crime. They must thoroughly sift the question of se condary punishments, and then it was to he hoped they might find a code of criminal law which would not con tradict both the feelings : rid the opinions of the country. Air. CORBETT said, every gentleman had his project for alterin g the law—etch one had his remedy for the evil —and he had his. line thing, however, greatly excited his displeasure ; yes, he should almost say, his disgust. It was the constant reference to France—the constant re let ence to America—the constant reference to the opinion of foreign nations.—(Cheers.) What to them were the opini• ns of people atito.d ? What then was Ehgland w a s this boasted land—this cradl e of liberty and of jus tice—tjus- tice—titbe always looking to France and to America, and be knew not n hat conniry, for wisdom and for knowledge? e 4r.) For his parr, he knew nothing of t h e opinions of France on these !natter', and he w ante d to know nothing. The Lord deliver him front French Courts of Justice—that's all he should sty. Then as to America—why it was one of the articles in the constitu tion of each State, that the laws should he the same as in England. Aud yet we must be ever referring to America for instruction. We shipped a cargo of law from Liver pool to America, but we should laugu at it When brought back agala—aye, and be sure to reject it.—(Hear, and laughter.) Every change which we made in the Common Law of England, a e somehow or other managed to make fur the worse.. Mr. M. HILL strongly supported the motion. The motion was then agreed to. Mr. FAITHFUL, after some preliminary observations, brought forward the resolutiou of which notice had been given, and the subject of which was one of the most general importance. This resolution embraced three prin cipal points :—First, That the Church of England, as by law established, is not recommended by practical utility; secondly, That its revenues have always been subject to legislative enactments ; and, thirdly, That the greater part, if not the whole, of those revenues ought to he ap propriated to the relief of the nation. The Hon. Member feared that his capac ty was in idequate to a proper expo sition of this most important subject.; but he felt sure that the importance would insure the indulgence and atten tion of the House.—(Hear, hear.) He was far from being prejudiced against or hostile to religion. On the con trary, he felt that it was the interest of religion that he was consulting ; but the Church was one thing, and the Establishment another. Never were two things more dis tinct. The Establishment he detested ; yet still he did not wish to overthrow it ; no—let it remain ; have your Archbishops anti Bishops ; your Deans, your Arch deacons, and Deacons—and all the rest of it. He had nothing to sly to them ; but what lie asked—and all he desired was—that violence should he done to no man ; hut that each religious sect should have to support its own establishment, and no others. He desired to see religion supported on a firm and pure basis. This would never be the case under the present monstrous sys tem. As he before said, he entirely denied that the Esta blished Church was recommended by the slightest practi cal utility. This could be proved to demonstration. He would ask the House one pointed question. Was an esta blishment, like this sanctioned either directly or indirectly by our Lord Jesus Christ, or any of his Apostles, or was it not ? No, it was not. He defied any one to show that it was. He would not ask the House to believe this on the evidence—incontrovertible as it was—of the assen ters ; but he would - call to their most serious attention the opinions of the soundest Divines of the Establishment it self, beginning with that of A•chtleacon Riley, who de clares that "we find in the Christian religi-ri no scheme of building up any Church, or of administering to the particular views of any Ecclesi tstical G vernment ; but, on the contrary, our religion exhibits a complete abstrac tion from all Ecclesi 'sties, or civil bodies." Such was the opinion of Paley, and he (Mr. Faithful) would ask any of those Members who were convers ant with Scripture, if they could point out any passage in the New Testament which could directly or indirec.ly induce the most distant apprehension that Jesus Christ or any of his Apostles contemplated such an establishment as this as an eligible Institution? Certainly not; it was never originated by our Saviour or any Disciples of the religion he taught. No establishment of this kind existed till the time of Constantine—a time when the Church, the religion of Christ, had lost much, very much, of its pristine purity ; when, in fact, errors of the grossest and most cri minal descript.on had crept in and sullied the b auti:ul faili taught by our Lord and his disciples. Was an esta blishment, then, such as ours is, and established under such auspices, to be unquestioned—to he considered infallible? Christianity is not a mere name ; there surely is something substantial in it ; some real happiness and hero& in it; tf not, away with it altogether. But what substantial blessings were derivable from the present estab ishment; or rather, what dreadful curse., were not ? It generated ill will, heartburnings, and deadly hated. If a n appalling demonstration of thi• were wanting, look at unhappy Ire land—(Hear)—there is proof d e monstr a tive. N or were these deadly feelings generated by our established c , tirch in Deland alone: they exis.ed to a very great degree in this country.—(Hear.) T. e N ble Lord and his H n. Colleagues might by possibility imagine that they cou d carry on this detestable and mischievous system a few years longer here: they certainly m.ght for a short .pace, a very short space ; but so strong was the general feeling of irritation in this country in relation to this system, and in opposition to tithes—a feeling which wis moreover on the increase—that he was quite satisfied that the system must undergo considerable alteration. The Reform Bill would be of very little or no service to the people, who expected so much from it, if it were not applied to the removal of the intolerable burdens which now ground the nation to the dust; he entreated the Govern ment to show their consistency with their former profes sions, by restoring to the oppressed people that property which to all intents and purposes was so indisputably their own. He denied that this compulsory maintenance of the establishment was any *here laid down in the Gospel ; but this principle was eminently calculated to destroy the pure fabric of the real Christian faith. He repeated, the present system was wholly incompatib e with Christianity. The present system admitted those who were obsequious and subservient, but carefully excluded the conscientious and scrupulous. The most pious and learned I erson could not find encourage tnent in this system; he had but to refuse to swal- low the Athanasian Creed and other points of doe- trine, to he totally excluded.—(Hear, hear.) It watt a melancholy fact, that the worst of persecutions were religious ones, and generally were promoted by the priesthood of different persuasions. Who persecuted our Lord? The Jewish Priests. Who persecuted the earlier Chriteians? The Pagan Priests. Who perse cuted the Protestants? The Catholic pries.lied, who in their turn were persecuted by the Protest ,nt priesthood. But it would be said that this persecuting spirit did not at present prevail among the Protestant priests of this country. A very good reason; they had not altogether the power of persecution. But let the Protestant pries!. hood of the country become as powerful as they were be fore the time of Qu en Bess, and let their temporalities he fiercely attacked, and he for one would not answer for them. It was his opinion, and it was that of Bishop Warburton, that corruption was inseparable from the pre- sent Church Establishment. He would ask, what was the question asked when a Bishop was to be appointed? He never had the appointing of one, and he could not say ; but perhaps he would guess right if he said that the ques tion asked was not who was the best man in the sight of the Lord, but who was the most able and willing to support the existing administration. The establishment was said to lie right. If it were, religious liberty could not be wrong. The ground of its being right was, that it was the best way to everlasting life. Very well ! why, then, compel others to walk therein ? But Archdeacon Blackburn spoke the truth when he said that when a clergy were attached to doctrine, their religion was that of an order of men who would be naturally interested, who would support the system established, and be enemies to all reform in it. No one would say that the Clergy of the present day wished for any species of reform. That had been proved. Were th.y found strenuous advocats fir the Reform Bill ? No ! nobody would say that they were. if they had been Re fermers—if they bad done their duty as disinterested per sons, and persons desirous of improvement—it they have raised up their voices against plunder—the people of England would never have been plundered as they had hero. Their interested spirit was well known. Was it not as notorious as the sun at noon-day, that livings were advertised for sale, and that they were publicly bought and sold as if in a public market ? For what purpose did young persons enter into the ministry ? No one could say that it was through the love of the Holy Ghost. The same motive induced them to take orders that indexed young men to enter into the army, the navy, the legal, or any other profession. It was nut necessary to say what that motive was. As Dr. Hartley said, they teach the doc trines of men, and are merchants of the earth. Whilst Bishop Warburton says of them, that our gandees had found at last their way into the church, and the only wonder he ex presses is, that they were so long about it. They had got in, and nothing could drive them out hut what had been ' had recourse to in the time of Henry VIII. They would come to that at last ; and he hoped that the revolution was at hand which would drive them out again. When he looked to the places in the Church—when he considered the pensions and sinecures that were everywhere lavished, it seemed to him that they were all created, all destined for the grandees—for the Aristocracy. The certainty of emolument was a motive for the remission of duty. What need the parson care ? He could say to his flock, it is no matter to you what my life is; my conduct is nothing , o you, nor are the doctrines I profess ; if you don't like them you may stay away ; but the tithes are mine, and you must pay them ; that's all I want. The certainty of emolument was the cause of this. He would ask were the Protestant Clergy more zealous—did they study the Scriptures with more ardour—were they more useful and more worthy than the Dissenting Ministers ? There was not a single .Memher of that House that could say yes. Dissenting Ministers were, moreover, better loved by their ongregations, though they were supported by voluntary contributions. It Dissenting Ministers were as useful and as well loved by their flocks as the Protest int Clergy, why then should there he an establishment supported at such an immense expense? The Hon. Member then read several extracts from the works of high church dignitaries, to prove that corruption and the present church establish 'neat were inseparable. - He would then proceed to point ut to the House, by referring to Acts of Parliament, that the revenues ot the church were subject to legislative enactments. The ehurela was called a national church ; if so, it orght to be at the diep,.sal of the nation. But it wail just as much at the disposal of the tuition as the Bank of England was,_(A laugh.) He had lately beard in that House a great deal about the sacredness of church property, and about the inviolability of vested rights. When people were thus talking. they did not speak of the church, but of the clergy. If they constitu►ed the church, then would he be obliged to give up altogether his argu ment. The church was not a parcel of men in black gowns, but it consisted of a vast congregation. The people constituted the church, and the property that was called church property belonged to the people. He would now refer to the 27th of Henry VIII., whereby the reve nues of all monasteries that did not exceed 2001. a year went to the Crown, for the honour of God and for the wealth of the realm. It would be curious to trace out where this property was now that had been vested in Henry VIII. The result of such an investigation would he, that it bad passed from the hands of that King into the Aristocracy of his day, and that from their hands it had passed down to their descendants of the present time. By the 32d of Henry VIII., and by the Ist of Edward VI., the revenues of all convents, colleges, and ho.pitals were vested in the Crown. By those Acts their revenues were swept. away. He would not insult the understand ing of the Howe by saying what was then the subject of legislation would again become the subject of it. It was evident to every body that the revenues of the church were swept away by the reformation, and, of course, by legisla tive enactment. The Hon. Gentleman then referred to the 3d of William and Mary, and to the 40th of Geo. 111., to prove that tithes were by theta matter of legisla tion. By an Act passed in the reign of the last Monarch, the stipends of curates were regulated according to the number of their flocks. What would noblemen and gen tlemen say if the legislature interfered with the stipends of their stewards and bailiff, and regulated them ? Though it bad not interfered with them, it bad, in the above in stance stepped in and regulated the pay of curates. The emoluments of priests ought to be considered in the light of stipendiary pay. That it was so considered had been de cided by the judges of the land. In the case of a cler gyman, the judges had decided that his emoluments were like the half-pay of an officer ; that he could be declared insolvent, and that his emoluments, like the half pay of officers, should go to pay his creditors. lie would now conic to his last proposition :—'• That the greatest part, If not the whole of those revenues (those of the Church) ought to be appropriated to the relief of the national debt." Up to the time of the Reformation, the Clergy were exclusively entitled to only one-th;rd of the tithes. The tithes were originally divided into three parts ; one part was fir the repair, &c of churches, another for the support of the poor, and the third part was for the use of God's servants. H .w, he would ask, came the revenues of the Church in . o the bands of Protestants ? They came into their hands from the Catholics, from whom they were taken by Act of Parliament, consequently they were thus liable to legislative enactment, and ought to be still consi. dered to be so. What did the Noble Lord mean to do ? Would he sponge our the national debt—would he put down the army—would he put an end to sinecures ? The Noble Loid would do none of these things, and as long as they were left, it was useless to quarrel with the Miiiister for not redwing taxation. Of what cons•quence was it whether the nation paid 47 or 49 millions in taxes? If the Noble Lord would appropriate the public property to public purposes, then the national creditor mig!.t be paid, the people relieved, and the whole nation ren dered prosperous. It would, hosever, be beyond the in genuity of man to continue the present system much linger. The Hon. Mem.ier concluded by expre-sing his hope, that at least the House would give tam credit for sincerity ; but vvhetb-r it did or not, he had the satis'ac tion of knowing that lie had done what he conceived to be his duty. He then moved the following resolution : " That the Church of England, as by liw estiblished, is not recommended by practical utility ; that its revenues have always been subject to legis ative enactments ; and that the greater part, if not the whole. of those revenues ought to be appropriated to the relief of the nation." Mr. COBBETT seconded the motion. Lord ALTHORP said that the House, he was sure, would not expect him to answer the speech of the Hon. Meml , er for 13iie.htan.—(Loud cheers.) He would only observe, that the Hon. Member had stated that he wis a Dissenter, and he must say that he was a member of the Church of England. The question, th.refore, as to whether that church were good or riot was one on which they might very properly differ. The Hon. Member said his motion was twist important. In th it he could not agree with the Hon. Member, for he could not conceive that it possessed any practical utility. He would not de tain the House—(Cheers)—by going into a discussion of a polemical question, that might be very proper for dis cussion in another place; but it was a ques ion into which it was not fit fur him to enter there. He should only say, that he would meet the motion with a decided neeative.—(Cheers, calls of " question," and of " with draw.") Mr. COBBETT—The Noble Lord said the House hardly expected him to answer the speech of the Hon. Member for Brighton. No, nor did I either.—(A laugh, " Question," " Withdraw.") Mr. HARVEY acknowledged that he too was a Dis senter and a Non.Conlormist ; but though he was pre p 'red to support the Lbstr .ct proposition made by the Hon. Member, he could not agree to all its terms. The Han. Member had rather prejudiced the question, by di rectiog his arguments to the abuses of the church, inste a d of limiting himself to the peat principle of compelling Dissenters to s , Pport an established church; which being at variance with all spiritual tree tom, was a fur and open snhject for investiaation. The Hon. Member had rather dwelt upon the administration of the church, than upheld the great principle of toleration. He could not say that the church was altogether opposed to practical uti ity, for that would imply that it had been of no utility at all tim,s, to which he could not agree. He should like to hear the principle of exonerating the Dissenters from pay ing to the church, and he had hoped thst the Noble Lord would at least have acknowledged the principle that the Dissenters ought not to pay. He subscribed to the latter part of the proposition, but not to the former ; and he trusted the Hon. Mover would withdraw the motion, as to negative it might place the Non Conf.rmists in an im proper light.-_('•' Question," and " Withdraw.") Sir ROBERT INGLIS would express his utter dissent from all the words of the proposition of the Hon. Mover. He would make only one observation on the system of sermon and speech of the Rm. Member.—(Cheers and laughter.) The Hon. Member admitted that he was a Dissenter, and he attacked those who in that House could not appear to defend themselves. He attacked them on account of their temporalities, and he attacked them also on their spiritual practices and motives. 'll2e Hon Mem ber was, he believed, not only a Dia'enter, but a licensed preacher among that body ; and it was hardly fair in him to attack the ministers of the Church of England as to their motives, when they could not come into that House to defend themselves.—(Cheers.) He felt that time House had exdressed its opinion by so decided a majority, that it was unnecessary for him to trespass on its time.—(Ques tion, and withdraw.) Mr. AGLIONBY was friendly to the latter part of the proposition, out not to the first part of it, arid bad no tither course but to oppose it.—(Loud calls of " Question.") Mr. O'D WYER, after waiting some time, obtained a hearing, and proposed an amendment to this effect:— " That the revenues of the Church of England have always been subject to legislative enactments, and they ought to be appropriated to their origin tl institution." Mr. HARVEY objected to the amendment, as imply ing something to which no Protestant Dissenter could agree.—(Hear, and louti cads of " Question.)" After a few words from Lord ALTHORP, recommend ing the House to divide first on the amendment, and after wards to negative the original motion, the amendment was withdrawn, and the original motion was negatived without a division. Some voices called out " the Ayes have it," alter the Speaker had been decided ; but The SPEAKER said they were too late, for not one " Aye hot been uttered when he put the question. BRIBERY AND CORRUPTION. Lord JOHN RUSSELL moved for leave to bring in a Bill to provide for the trial of petitions complaining of general bribery and corruption in cities anti boroughs sending Members to Parliament. The Noble Lord ex plained the objects of his Bill shortly, but the noise in the [loose pievented him front being heard in the gallery. Mr. O'CONNELL wished to know whether the parties were to be exposed to all the expense of the Grenville Act, as that would be a bar to justice in many places in Eng land, and particularly in Leland ? Lord JOHN RUSSELL observt d, that when petitions were frivolous and vexatious, the parties presenting them would be saddled with the costs ; when they were other wise, the expense would he defrayed in the same manner as the expense of other Pat liamentary Committees. With respell to the question of the Hein. and Learned Gentle man opposite, that be never contemplated imposing upon the Members of that House such an oath as had been mentioned, it might be very well to require an elector to !Mare upon oath whether he had or had not been bribed, becatt,e that was a matter of fact to which he could at once sped( ; but not so with a Memb-r of Parliament, , or at an election many acts might be done of which he, probably, would tie more or less cngiiizant, but they might n ot appear to his mind t, amount to bribery ; and there ore, in calling upon a Metnber to take such an oath, it was requiring hint to swear to a matter of opinion, and nut of fact. Mr. C. W. WYNN wats happy to have it in hispova to agree with the Noble Lord opposite upon a question of that nature. With respect to what had fallen from the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin, relative to unsuc cessful attempts at bribery, he confessed that he was un able to unoerstand how the circums anee of the attempt being unsuccessful made the act more or less an offence, as regarded the individual endeavouring to commit it. But, on the other hand, it would certainly form no ground for disfranchising the place in which suck unsuccessful bribery might have been attempted. After a few words from Mr. WASON, leave was given to bring in the Bill. Mr. W. ROCHE, after some observations, which were wholly inaudible, moved a Select Committee to investi gate charges made against the Irish Government, of using undue influence at the late election for Limerick ; and also to investigate similar charges made against Thomas P. Vokes, E.g., Chief Magistrate of Police in the county of Limerick, and Richard Kenny, distributor of stamps for that county and district. The Hon Member, at the same time, presented a petition from certain inhabitants of Limerick, being electors of that city, setting forth the charges above stated, and praying for the investigation thereof.—(Hear.) Sir JOHN HOBHOUSE contended, that the Hon. Member opposite bad laid no sufficient grounds for the appointment of a committee; and he should certainly resist it; fory a appointment of such a committee would amount to pronouncing a sentence of condemnation upon the conduct of the Irish Government. The Hon. Mem ber had said that he made a sufficient case, by merely presenting a petition from certain individuals, who were no doubt respectable ; hut that fact did not constitute evi dence sufficient to substantiate all their statements. Mr. O'CONNELL said, that the case for the motion was, that Major Vokes had interfered most improperly with the Limerick election, and that Mr. Kenny had done the same. To that, be contended, the Right Hon. Ba ronet had given no answer. Mr. STANLEY affirmed that the conduct of the Irish Government had been perfectly impartial, during the whole of the election ; and read two letters, one from Major Yokes, and the other from Mr. Kenny, in which both gentlemen denied the interference imputed to them. After a few words from Mr. O'CONNELL, Mr. WILLIAM ROCHE moved for a Select Com mittee to investigate a charge of undue interference on the part of the Irish Government in the late election for Limerick ; also to refer to the said Committee a charge of a similar nature against Thomas P. Yokes, Esq., chief magistrate of police for the district of Limerick, and Richard Kenny, Esq., stamp distributor for the same district. The motion, as we understood, was negatived without a division. Mr. COBBETT moved for a return, stating the names of the Commissioners of Stamps, of the S ilicitors of Stamps, of all under officers and clerks, and other persons in that department ; stating the annual sum which each of the said persons rec ives as salary or pay ; also stating the names of retired commissioners, solicitors, clerks and other p-rsons in the said department, and the sums which each of the said retired p.raons reeetves annually ; also stating the names of all the distributors of stamps, coua•y by county, in England, Wales, and Scotland, awl stating the salary or sum that each distributor annually receives for his services Lord ALTHORP observed, that the nature of the return would require an investigation of about five hundred and twenty cases, and he was anxious therefore, to ascer tain the object of the motion of the Hon. G ntlem in, on account of the enormous expense which it would lead to. COf3RE 17 observed, that the returns could be made in a very short period. He had given notice of a motion for the 24th instant, by which he should be enabled to show that the rich entirely escaped this tax, and that t. , e whole burden fell upon the poor Lord ALTHORP wished that the Hon. Member had stated some Parliamentary Rround for making such a re turn as that for which he had moved. In order to make out his case, the Hon. M-mber for Oldham ought either to have proved that more persons of one p rticular class were exposed to the operation of the tax ti‘an of another, or he ought to have shown that the burden of the tax fell ucon improper persons. He had done no such thine, and therefore he (Lord Althorp) should oppose the return. After a few observations from Mr. O'Cormxtt. (who stated t at the annual amount in question was quarter of a rribion), fr •rn Mr. Coaarcr in .eply, and from Lord ALTHORP. who stated that the sums in question amounted to 140.3831., the qu.tcion wa• negatived without a division. SAVINGS' BANKS. Lord ALTHORP moved the first reading of a Bill to enable persons to purc'•ase small annuities !hroueb the means of the Savings' Banks. The Noble Lord entered into a detail of the advantage, which would ari+e from enabling poor persons, by a small monthly payment, to secure an annuity for life which would render them com fortable in their old age. Sir T. FREEMANTLE observed that the Bill of the Noble Lord would super , etie a motion- of which he bad given notice. Mr. T. ATTWOOD observed that the system of the Sivings' Banks took 60,000/ out of the national purse. There was no obj , et answered by the Savings' Ranks which mold not be ecpiaby answered by the county narik.rs, who were always ready to receive deposits of 201. and upwards. An HON. MEMBER oppose,' the motion. Mr. PEASE observed, that there was, at least, a great necessity for inquiry. Lord ALTHOIIP replied that the Commissioners had the power of chsing any Savings' Banks, if the accounts were not prupetly sent in. . . Leave was th..n given to bring in the Bill. Mr. O'CONNELL moved for copies of all proclamations and orders issu , il by the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and r the statute of 3d Wilhata IV. c. 4; return of the number of persons committed to the gaol of the county of the city of Kilkenny fur the last twelve months, specifyinz the crimes or offences for which each person was committed, bow many were indicted and tried, and the result of each trial; copy of any de , pitch or letter from the Lord Lieu tenant of Ireland, or his Secretary, stating the reasons fur proclaiming the county of the city of Kilkenny to be in a state of insubordination or disturbance, pursuant to the Art 3d William IV. c. 4. SCOTCH BURGH REFORM. Mr. KENNEDY moved for leave to bring in a Bill to provide for the appointment and election of magistrates and councillors for the several burghs and towns of Scot land, which now return, or contribute to return Members to Parliament, and are not royal burghs; also for a BM to provide for the election and appointment of magistrates and councillors for divers burghs, towns, and places in Scotland, which send no representative to Parliament, and are not loyal burghs; also a BiH to regulate and di. minish the annuity tax now levied on the city of Edin burgh, and to take away the exemption of members of the colt ge of justice from payment of the said annuity tax, awl the assessments for the poor; also a Bill to empower his Majesty to issue a commission for inquiring into the condition of the several royal burghs, and other burghs and towns in Scotl tad, and reporting what may be fit to be done for their improvement, and the correction of any defects or abuses that may be found to exist.—Leave given. Mr. .O'CONNELL inquired respecting the Irish popu lAion returns. Mr. STANLEY replied that circumstances had hitherto prevented their preparation. The other ord •ts of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at one o'clock. HOUSE OF LORDS, Apitir. 16. The Earl of RIPON was introduced by Earls MORLEY and CAW DIR. On the LORD CHANCELLOR taking his seat, at 5 o'clock, The Earl of ROSEBEHRY presented petitions frein Dalai and the Presbytery of Lora, in Argyle, against Church Patronag,,. The Bishop of LITCHFIELD and COVENTRY pre senttd petitions praying lor the better observance of the Sabbath, from Bridgenorth, Stoke•upon-Trent, and other places. The Earl of ALBEMARLE presented petitions from places in Suffolk, praying for the immediate abolition of slavery. The Duke of SOMERSET presented a petition from Totness, praying for the better ob,ervance of the Sabbath. Lord SUFFIELD said that he had to present fifty-one petitions, praying 1.,r the entire and immediate abolition of slay- ry. All the petitions so prayed. though in some other r.spects they might differ from each other. The Noble Lord then r-ad the !times of the places from which they carne, chiefly in Cumberland and Suffiik. Several private Biils were brought up from the Com mons by Mr. Cayley and others. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE presented petitions praying for the abolition of slavery, from places in Gla moigan and Suffolk. Also a petition fron the tobacco ni.ts of a town in Wicklow, praying that the time for getting rid of their stock might be extended. The Bishop of ST. ASAPI-1 presented petitions, pray ing for the better obs,rvance of the Sabbath, from several pities in Monlgomeryshire. The Bishop of LONDON presented petitions to the same effect from St. Leonard's, Shore.litch ; Hampstead ; Loath, in Ireland; St. James's, Camberwell ; and other plates. Alto a petition from Hamel!, praying toy pro. teetion for the factory children. The Bishop of LICHFIELD presented similar petitions. Lord MELBOURNE gave notice that he should move the third trading of the Limb Jury Bill on Thursday next. The Marine Mutiny Bill went through a Committee, and the Army Mutiny Bill was read a se lane time. DIMINISHMEN f OF LAW EXPENSES BILL. Lord WYNFORD said he was sorry to hear that he should be opposed in the second reading of this which was most calculated to diminish expense and pre vent litigation. The Bill proposed that the Judge should have power to examine bath plaintiff and defendant in a cause, and to send down the fact on which they could not agree to be tried by a jury, and so save the expense of taking a number of wit nesses to an assize town. In order to prevent litiga tion, it also proposed that the Judges should have the power of making the parties give security for the costs. His Lordship went into several of the details, and said, that notwithstanding the eloquent power.i of those whom he knew were arraigned against him, he should be surprised to bear any good or valid objection to the second reading of the Bill. Lord LYNDHURST felt it to be impossible for him to give such a Bill his assent. His Noble and Learned Friend stated, that he had reason to think that the mea sure. as it then stood, would meet with the approba ion of the fifteen Judges. Now h. (Lord Lyndhurst) could state that they were not favourable to the measure, and if his Noble and Learned Friend supposed they were. he was labouring under a most erroneous impression. Many of those learned persons, in common with himse f, entertained a very strong objection to the practice of plaintiff and defendant having the power of mutually putting in terrogatories to each other, though, doubtless, nothing could seem more pl itisible than a proposition fit eff-cting a change of that natuie in the administration of justice ; but his Noble and Learned Friend, when he adopted that principle, found it necessary to introduce certain machinery for the purpose of carrying it into effect ; and when their Lordships took the trouble of examining what that machinery was, he had no doubt they would find it so complex and so imperfect, that instead of accomplishing the objects which his Noble and Learned Friend had in view, it would rather have the effect of increasing both delay and expense— aye, increasing them one hundred fold. In consider ing a measure of that nature, it was most material that they should look to what the state of the law really was at the present moment; lie meant, of course, not tie gene ral condition of our whole system of jurisprudence, l,ut the state of the law in reference to the power possessed by plaintiffs and defendants of putting interrogatories to each other. At pres-nt, as was well known to every lawyer, parties to a suit could file bids of discovery. What were bills of discovery? Nothing more or less than a series of interrogatories; and what did that amount to, but the possession of power which the present Bill assumed not to exist ; the power by which parties were compelled to answer a.!l the questions put to them, and to answer them fully. Now lie should be glad to learn in what respect did the propasiiion of his Noble and Learned Friend go to effect any improvesni nt? He wished to know what dif ference it made whether those interrogatories were put and answered in one court or in another—whether in a court of law or a court of equity? It had been said that the expense of filing a bill of discovery was not less than 2001. ; that certainly was a most extravagant description f the expense necessary. Lord WYNFORD had known bills of costs, in cases of bills of discovery, amount to 2001. Lord LYNDHURST--The whole costs might have been swelled to that amount, but it certainly must be con sidered an extravagant description, and he must he allowed to say that his Noble and Learned Friend had not taken the proper pains to inform himself upon the subject to which his Bill related. One of the principles for which his Noble anti Learned Friend appeared to contend was, the vast advantages of viva voce examinations. He had always imagined that the chief advantage derivable from viva voce ex oninations arose from the persons examined being hrought into the presence of the Judge who was to decide the question at issue. But that aas not what the Bill befor e them wool accomplish. It would do no such thing. The parties examined under it would be heard before Commissioners in the county, for in every case it was provided that the Commissioners empowered to exa mine the parties would be required to go within five miles of their residence? And what then would occur? The Commissioner would call the parties before him and put to them certain in eitokatoras ; their answers to these would be taken down in writing, and that come to nothing more than that which already existed. Then it would be come a question before a Judge at chambers ; and should either of the parties be discontented with, his decision, there would lie an appeal to the whole Court ; besides that, if the decision of the Judge proved contrary to that ..f the Commissioner, the question must go down again, and be again investigated. Toe result of his experience in the profession led him decidedly to the opinion that the present [node of prove dine by bill and answer was infi nitely preferable to any change which the proposed Bill would introduce. He had likewise a strong objection to the measure, founded upon the proposal to require that the attorney for the plaintiff should state in writing the cause of action. Nineteen nut of twenty--indeed, he might say, forty-nine out of any fifty—actions ended with the mere servi , e of the writ. Toe parties, when served, knew at once the cause of action, and paid the money: but if the attorney were permitted in every case to state the cause of action, he would, of con- se, connive to do i . so much in detail that it would be anything hut a saving of expense. Bet, further, he felt bound to obj, et, in point of principle, to the [imposed alteration, to the mode of examination contemplated under the Bill. The object which his Noble and Learned Friend proposed to himself was to lessen delay, and to diminish expense. In his opi nion so far flour producing that effect, it would have a tendency directly the reverse. He should, thereiore, move that the Bial he read a second time that day six months. The Earl of ELDON, after kitty years' experience in the profession, fait hound by a sense of duty nut to let pass such an opportunity of recording his dissent from the doctrines laid down by his Noble and Learned Friend, by whom the present measure was introduced to the notice of their Lordships. He objected, at the outset, to the pro posed plan of examining plaintiff and detendarr ; anti doing that, he felt it to be almost needless to urge any other ob jection ; be would, however, object to the present altera tion, on the ground that it tended towards an intermixture of the proceedings at common law and equity. It had, hitherto, been considered one of the greatest merits of which the English law could boast, that equity and law were kept distinct. There had been something said about the expenses to which attorneys sometimes put their clients; it was not for him to estimate those expenses, but he did remember a Judge, who, while at the bar, never once mentioned attorneys otherwise than with the most pei feet respect, but who, the moment he attained to the bench, never mentioned them without censure.—(A laugh.) He did not allude to his Noble and Learned Friend by whom the measure was introduced. In his opinioh— indeed he entertained not the slightest doubt—that the present Bill would lead to increase t:.e expense and delay of law proceedings. The LORD CHANCELLOR said, that he must con fess he agreed in some measure with those Noble and Learned Lords who were of opinion that the Bill now before their Lordships went too far. But that was an objection rather to the details of the Bid, which might be amended, than to the Bill itself. He was nut prepared to say at this moment, that he should go the length of vot ing against the principle of the Bill, and throwing it out at once. On the contrary, he was rather inclined to think that it might be advantageous to let the Bill go into the Committee, where the objections to its machinery might be considered and retnoved. It might be fit and proper thus to give the Noble and Learned Lord the opportunity of (l a t u n e e s n u d o i n n , g b i e h s e h i o n u e l a d su o r n e l . y o S b Le r h ve be t i h n a g t, hi w s i general vif e d w e fe o :e t n h c i e s and respect fir the Learned Common Law Judges, they were not exactly the best persona to decide what was fit to be done in equity; and that though, generally ape eking, he should say that their authority was great and overpowering when it was in favour of any measure for the alteration of the practice in their Courts, yet although it was still to be list-ned to with reverence, it was not, when opposed to such alterations, to be deemed of such overpoWering weight. That arose, no doubt, from their excusable wish not ti sanction changes that were not ab solutely necessary. With reference to the present Bill, he thought that, upon the whole, it would be the most ad visable course, especially as a Bill of a similar nature had twice brittle passed this House, not to awee to the amend ment, and throw out the Bill, but to allow it to go into the cummi tee without pledging the House to any particu lar course afterwards with respect to it. Lord WYNI ORD said, that if there were objections to the machinery of the Bill, though he by no means ad mitted was the work of t h e Com won Law Commissioners—it was not hi s. The Bill t h,reiiire, entitled to say, tha t t h e J u d ges were i n f avour 7rhad justice, he was bound to say i n h i s own that that machinery been rec ommen d e d b y them. He was, „I" it, for most of them w ere now J u d ges. He did not w i sh ,i ,i a ltogether gne,:e their to interfere with the Courts of Equity, but to enable the Cotnintin Law Courts to do their own business, and be denied that the plan he pioposed would increase the ex pense to the suitor. On the contrary, if that which now required the suitor to go into a fresh court, could be dose C wiA L T ut n ill h t de e r y be4l :t u li n e a o r s et greatwi n o n would was taabev:e saving g u e h ;oft and s i lt ; Pi ten rues 11 : 1 1 , 1eraP°11gliel clod); division. W. undetstand that none t()ok phict4 the amendment was agreed to, and the BM °": 0 0, 0 was read a secoad time thi - d a y six months.--Adj°ll COURT CIRCULAR. __--..--- pi et a Their MAJESTIES arrived at St. James's rneoet a a i minutes past two o'clock , yesterday aft.e P.- Palace at W,ndsor. 14. he KING ave a rand dinner last eleta Knights Grand g g Crosses of the Oder of the Batil'Ael The Knights app , ared in full C he ou re c e dess. her enrelirjoi Collar and Star of the Order; they us State Rooms, which weae brilliantly illumiPartA Dinner having been served, his Maassn's Pr A 01 , s II the Treasurer and Comptroller of the Houseloi":00f1 Mr. Pearson, the Exon in Waiting) , way through the Portrait Gallery (tvhich irs o f party of the Yeomen of the Guard, under the con i . .l guished guests room. The KING wore an Admirsi's uniform, 11,0 Insignia of the Oider • ihe Duke of Custaxel))i, Duke of GLOUCESTER, ' f WELLlr4f°' the Duke o 0 the other Knights, according to their senlflrill',o,' Tee in band of the First Regiment of Foot Guard' , ante-room adjoining the Binqitetfifig-r,°L to the 13 4(170 ' God save the King" as his 11111.1ESTY alle .' of In t v e a r is :a d i: e l f nn ov e fe u rty : o : hhattahhaksm.The di° s. , ryed at a long t tile in the middle of the Di,' e room, with a cross table at one end. EPer4° passed into the roo m ' guilt, embellished with different alleg .rical doll" arranged with candelabras, containing scir li : curious workmanship. This wa 4 go t since its renovation been given 1 ece d . The band of the Guards played cal P' seve A "74 t'hnethPel4l3lo:l;el course of the evening. The following were the Knighs Pre'e rit " ... estet , o The Duke of Cumberland, the Duke of Gloilc 9 1 Saumarez, Lord Howden, the Duke of VVellingt°:::icest, H. Barlow, Bart., Viscount Strangford, Sir X u t, ipdr o count Beresford, Lord Lynedoch, Sir Edward rase D elco de Rothsay, Sir George Nugent, Bart., Sir J : S it iji the Marquis of Londonderry, Sir Alexander ..` Aerl de Murray, Sir W. Clinton, Sir James KeraPt, Sir ligi i 'I o w er, to, tli c l o Sir J. Drummond, Sir George Townsend bury, Sir John Malcolm, Lord Howard of it i tb,Sit i of Rosslyn, the Duke of Gordon, Lord Farnlo77. 1000 Bagor, Sir George Martin, Sir Edw. Thornton, ' .. 1 ".,,,, At, Bart., Sir John Oswald, Sir Edward Thorn Ili Fane, Sir E Codrin,;ton, Sir T. B. Martin, Si t Ly ii . : 1 1 : A g tt rri e s Whitshed, Sir R. Stopford, Sir Henry George,.,ah'4 gusson, Sir Henry Warde, Sir Thomas W ill.— 00 Hargood, Sir William Lumley, Sir D. Gould. fbe A Attendants, a ßO n a t ifit s i the Gentleman U•her, Mr. Pulman, the °W I 0 4 no. the s'w - classes. 0 0 '0 The Officers of the Household presenS,,,,,oloo Treasurer, Comptroller, and Master of the Pi' l His MAJESTY gave an audience Yes tercisi d'OmerEDA, the Hanoverian Minister. the V' The QUEEN paid a visit yesterday to tu g GLOUCESTER, at Gloucester House. Arms,secte Secretary ye toR egistrar l eer o f 1 f yo! with Mr. Secretary STA NLEY The Princess Sorit IA visited her Ml. 00 i Mr. BURGE, the Agent for Jamaica , b ad 111) the yesterday, :ceKorosidnltohthte.e Or der present, were :••••04 o. Office. IS MEETING AT GUILDHALL .-- k ltv PO OR LAWS FOR I 10 0 0,- • The Lord Mayor was accompanied to to e , he rr e John Key, Mr. Alderman Wood, and several of Sir PETER LAURIE, in opening the pro ceerli ° l o 4 sa e ing, said it was one of the utmost import an t, 11 :, of might be supported by men of all polit cal Pa r ""„ re . pri ew r p there could be no difference of opinion on th e , 5 0 0 i." blishing poor laws for the distressed pcaple 0; it ",, e ald i :f Without such laws in this country no pro perty " re f e ge . d (Hear.) Without them there would be 11° . oplcr be who were willing to work, but were withow' 0 00 (Hear.) The giving of poor laws to Ir eland meting equal justice to that country.—(HearLot dal`into a comparison of the mode of living in a n-- ,„sre e° , the present, shewing that the uncertain e l lP';orsiea present day called for that assistance for the o ct, o ' d o which was not the case with servants, of go od c ttiel l ,,pe for life. He considered that man the greatest Pat"iicarr for his country by voluntary contributions ,01 tinction of pol.tical term—whether Whig, n o lea t would detract from the patriotic efforts of he n (Hear.) But the misers—the unwilling ---tl f„ cor - 10 to be compelled to contribute their portion, `"revogSetod the benevolent min.—(Cheers.) IHe would, longed for this day, and he hop:.d the people o' 00" rouse themselves one man, and prevent the ; ego ) continuance of an English army in Ireland. --4 _,0 9 1%, JOHN ROSSON, Esq. rose to propose the first r`" hoped that he would le able to impress upon th , t e Ra t feelings upon the subject of the absolute nee for for Ireland that he was himself impressed with, O cP l , fectly satisfied that even the interests of Englan% u ir e of humanity imperatively called upon the L e . .. „ n g t. laws for the support of the Irish poor. It would D'-terti; this as in all other things to take the lead in a niSi 1100 portance, for then, no doubt, the country Wnt i lb: good cause. When it was found that ball "10_4 under the operation of poor laws and toe other ; 0 0s I induced many labourers to flock to where a I nl ogO l t for them, the burden then became so great 0105, brought to think that the whole system Wail , those people did not think deep enotign, toeho, when Henry the Eighth seized the In t l n i el :pee l ', de r number of people were thrown out of elnl e f i l d rse74 f i t this country showed the same scenes as now 0 1 ,1 and be, being ill advised attempted to coerce t--0,0,0i several severe enactments, in one of which b e pe!:.sef gular words—" valiant beggars." Now wi la „ te e r h t, was the meaning of those words, but that Wilo tit" pricked by the sharp thorns of hunger they ° oat 7 0 11 first punishment in that reign for begging 05 44 1 should lose the upper part of his ear, and if foll" r fect l, t to suffer death as a felon. But such Acts wer e . l4 ol,l 9l fli from their very severity. In the time of f' d. t iie cP :„" and good Sovereign, it was found out that olvog quiet the people was to feed them, or Malt: doily -them. It was not, however, until the 4 ,sti L l osrl e ' o f people e hwtao two na f , aaddst sroc great Elizabeth yr,inlseeoyetadnutcturahetiphieosdei nnpt country passing dd t etiain t ttbig h rnpey a ftero t ooefnurfl:n b ctti iehh e vai s aitt s itiup t ios t ;A:rbl. tcvua S i ,tet civilizations dhyc u nel e t e 4 17 asof I f coon;441111 to 1:4, I that glorious Statute abuses had crept, bu t it iite f t ° fi 3' m duty of the Legislature of the present day t ° _ t : nt la ° de e d l happy Ireland. He would refer to a paraPh when et g ca l ~l they were once admitted into the pale of t He could not conclude, without referring t ° "f old Political Economy, Dr. Chalmers on the °Op, Martineau on the other. The former bad th,ge ward the exploded doctrines of Malthus, til;01117:, - 0 et , doubled itself every fifteen years. Now th° 6 - 410,110 l e to be untrue by Mr. Sadler, and it Wt . , much harm. As to the skill profe P 7 d rao„, tineau, he would merely read a few e- „, caw-' t writings, in which she would abolish 11 %0 n y laws, but even private charity. iie her the advice given by a learned doctor tot ,Ise,tl,o she had shown gross ignorance on a subjec :;0„ - ge e He, ordered her to go and help her mother ` vib etit All they wished from Parliament was or C P- 0 0! tt s ih h te o un w d ep n r t ow h pi a ot t hs e d E w n g ah l ir a ce n hs d o he w uet o i o u h to be e de b e a n bt e oh fl ye t e e t meet' d f re ce by ,r; ad Mr. STEVENS complimented the Lore 14c / an ° Pi .ad of progress of calling the meeting he (Mr. S.) pe o l,ol , ' tunity of ascertaining the feelings of th e t he T re lsOf gentleman had refused, when a sked, to silt le i If the present Administration meant to c`; o ol , nte gge ) would enact Poor.laws, as a test of thel, m gt rt r il were not fond of bloodshed and of r"";;..0° or, they had been—(Hear, hear)—sheer sta r fald had driven them to those acts other Ine n ,;:gr,) :VS° mit under similar eircumstances.—(Hears alone would promote equal justice ; an d t ilear , : B o, 1 Ireland stood not on an equal footinfl• --- 1 trie l nally present system introduced the ernpluyint ° P", 100 the prejudice of Enlish labourers and . 11 .1 L u di t l a c rn o r i d t s, and murder.b at H i g entsa e g (m r . , s a . c would) o n v ict illioatdtOua.:,;soce ow ept,F:oo hat a man might do what he would wit" — o f turn - 0 ,1), never admit that a landlord had the rig ht ere oil y lf tenantry off an estate to starve for hi s gone!,0 01 / 1 ( Hear, hear.) As far as his experieneCe Act ltev o o l f a t w h s e ; 43 b s u i t o fh Elizabeth as sure th admit that great abuses existed in all the ners,:oeli gt° the the political economists.—(Hear, hear.) ,„ be gore they vi e " are obliged to sustain the Poor , aQ Py them. He seconded the resolution, an d 111 15 Mr. ELLIOT rose to oppose the resolu ion . 11 4 when our Reporter c$ „ lo ck ROBBERIES IN THE L°"" ..st to o o r/ Co U RT. —On Alonday, about. ba ll ,- p ast .1. A. Fitucruoso, of No. 69, I . ", estakins ter 4 0 1/F. l , che Lord Chancellor's Court, w maker's " me t* d P it / robbed of a plain gold watedi, m old seal , 113 r oO l d Strand, with a gold cut b chaM o ,.. , 4 2 10! &ached. Cipt,in WILLIK,an , n i " the co ne . C 3 eso l 110 , y place, about the value dale, a I w atch , L. 0 0 vhich a black ribaud, With ag .. . 1 , ! . . 7 14 , s ~,c i ct keys were attached. Captai n _, 1 • 0 sow tied of a red silk purse, containing •inp keys. noneys, and a bunch of patent urniag would rceotnu 1 f the p ohb..d of a valuable gold iu jo. 0 11Au t ai 1 1 lo ki A(