The Sun. — London, England, 1830-05-27 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS-(LIST NIGHT.) The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack at five o'clock. The Earl of POMFRET took the oaths and hii seat. Petitions were presented by the Duke of Gordon, from Elgin, against the proposed increase of duty on British spirits; by the Earl of Melbourne, from Leeds, against the punishment of death for forgery ; by Lord Calthorpe, from certain dissenters in York shire, against slavery ; by Lord Farnborough, from Northumberland, complaining of distress ; by Lord Holland, from the county of Dublin, against an in crease of taxation in Ireland; by Lord King, from the parish of St. Luke, against the window-tax; and by the Marquis of Lansdowne, from the county of Dublin, against an increase of duty on British spirits; and from Cornwall against slavery. Earl BATHURST presented a report from the Committee of Precedents appointed yesterday.—lt was laid on the table. GREECE.—PRINCE LEOPOLD. Lord DURHAM rose to propose a question re lative to the Negotiations respecting the sovereignty of Greece. He begged to ask the Noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs when he meant to present the remainder of the papers connected with that trans action, because in the present state of the case con siderable prejudice was created in the public mind, which he was convinced would disappear when the whole of the papers were laid upon the table. He also wished to correct a statement which had been made, he hoped inadvertently, by the Noble Earl, when he laid the papers on the table, with respect to dates and facts. The Noble Earl stated on Monday, that up to Friday night his Majesty's Ministers were not in possession of any document which could lead them to believe that any thing was likely to occur in the course of the negociations at all affecting the ultimate result. He (Lord Dur ham) also recollected that on Tuesday, the 18th instant, the Noble Earl, in answer to a ques tion of a Noble Marquis, said that the papers would be produced on the following Monday, not in con sequence of the Noble Marquis's questions, but because the proceeding had arrived at a stage at which the documents could be produced. And yet it did happen that on the 16th, two days previously to that declaration, Ministers were in possession of a document dated the 15th, from Prince Leopold, announcing that they might expect his resignation. In that communication Prince Leopold stated the arrival of a despatch of the utmost importance— namely, a declaration of the Senate and people of Greece, that they would never consent to the ar rangements of the Allies. It was -therefore ex traordinary that the Noble Earl should come to the House on Monday, and tell their Lordships that up to Friday Ministers had no idea of any intention on the part of Prince Leopold to resign. It was time that an end should be put to all mystery on the subject. It should be made known to the country that the termination of the negotiations had no reference to pecuniary considerations. It was a great mistake to suppose that the pecuniary part of the transaction had reference to the Prince himself. The fact was, that it related only to the amount of a loan which was guaranteed by the Allies. With respect to the " pertinacity" with which his Royal Highness insisted on the amount of the loan, it should be known that it was actually the sum re quested by Count Capo d'lstria long previous to the nomination of Prince Leopold or his negocia tions with the Allies. In conclusion, he begged the House and the country to suspend their judg ment until the whole of the papers were before them, when, in his conscience, he believed it would be in favour of Prince Leopold. The Earl of ABERDEEN said, it was impos sible that any one could wish more ardently than himself that every thing connected with the transac tion were already upon the table. A portion of the papers at present on the table comprised the proto cols of the conferences of the Plenipotentiaries of the Allied Powers down to the 14th of May. On the 14th of May, the Plenipotentiaries received the assent of the Porte and of the Greek Government to their propositions. Those papers were trans mitted to his Royal Highness Prince Leopold on the 14th. On the 15th, his Royal Highness sent the Plenipotentiaries three letters from Count Capo &Istria. Two of these letters were dated the 6th of April, and the last was dated the 22d. Those dated the 6th certainly described a state of things calculated to excite great apprehension and alarm as to the success of the work. Count Capo d'lstria undoubtedly represented the state of Greece in a not very encouraging manner to his Royal Highness. But the letter of the 22d announced the adhesion of the Greek Government. He (the Earl of Aber deen) answered his Royal Highness, that he felt that the communication which had been made to him of the assent of the Greek Government to the protocol, must or ought to have dissipated any alarm which he might have entertained from the perusal of the letters of the President of a previous date. That was on the 15th of May. He did not say that up to Friday night he had no reason to expect any change in the disposition of his Royal Highness. Far from it. He said that at twelve o'clock on Friday night he received his Royal High ness's decision to abdicate, but he also stated that, up to a very few days preceding, the whole of the negotiation turned on the point of the loan. The Noble Lord seemed to think that his Royal Highness's last letter ought to have been laid on the table with the other papers. It was too much to expect that that letter should be produced alone, unconnected with any thing which preceded it. It should be re collected that he (Lord Aberdeen) was, in this transaction, the representative of one of three great Powers. Before he produced the letter, it became him to consult with his colleagues of France and Russia whether it would not be necessary to annex the letter to a protocol of a conference. In fact, he was not master of the letter to dispose of it as he pleased; but if he could have done so, it unques tionably was too much to expect that he should lay upon the table a letter which he maintained gave a' most mistaken and erroneous view of the whole transaction. That letter would create a different impression from that which he was confident would prevail when it came before the House accompanied Stith the whole of the papers. He would not now enter into the question of the negotiation of the loan. Though he was not likely often to agree with the Noble Lord, he was much mistaken if the Noble Lord would have to complain of him for want of fairness or candour in the manner of his producing documents to the House. The more the subject should be examined and explained, from the com mencement to the close, the more he (Lord Aber deen) would be satisfied. He would willingly have his conduct, throughout the whole transaction, tried by twelve men from that House, or any other part of the country, and abide by their decision.—(Hear.) In answer to the Noble Lord's question, he could state that he had every reason to believe—and no exertion should be wanting on his part to realize that belief—that all the papers would be produced on the day after to-morrow.—(Hear, hear.) The Earl of MALMESBURY said, that the papers had not yet been delivered to him, and de precated premature discussion. Earl GREY said, that if the discussion were pre mature, it had been occasioned by the ex-parte pro ceeding of the Noble Secretary. The impression made upon his mind by what fell from the Noble Secretary on Monday certainly was, that up to Fr day last Government had no idea that Prince Leo pold would resign the throne of Greece; yet it now appeared that on the 15th his Royal Highness ex pressed his objection to the arrangements, on the ground that the territory to be surrendered to Turkey was possessed by Greeks who must be driven out by force of arms. The Noble Earl had told the House that Prince Leopold's letter took an erroneous view of the whole question. That was the Noble Earl's opinion. His own opinion was directly the reverse. The Noble Earl said it would be unjust to produce the letter; but it could not be more unjust to do so, than to produce the acquiescence of the Greek Government, which bore on the face of it that it was accompanied with a representation from Count Capo d'lstria, and a memorial from the Greek Se nate, which, however, were not prFaticed. The Earl of ABERDEEN said, it was not in , his power to produce the papers alluded to by the Noble Earl. He had no authority to produce papers and confidential letters addressed to Prince Leopold by Count Capo d'lstria. They were not official documents connected with the con ferences. He had produced to the last syllable all that had been transacted at the conferences. — The Noble Earl then repeated that he had never denied having received from Prince Leo pold an announcement that he was likely to at , dicate; but that announcement was founded upon the letters of Capo d'lstria, dated before the assent , of the Greek Government. The assent entirely changed the character of those letters, and that was the reason which induced him to think that his Royal Highness either would or ought (the Noble Earl re peated the word ought emphatically) to have changed the intention which he had formed in consequence of the letters.—(Hear.) Earl GREY said, he did not complain that the Noble Earl had not produced the papers to which he had referred, but only that he had produced the others without them. Why were not the papers produced which accompanied the assent of the Greek Government ? The Earl of ABERDEEN said, he could not have produced those papers, because Prince Leo pold had not thought proper to give them to him until after he had sent in his resignation. It would, perhaps, have been better not to have laid any por tion of the papers on the table until the whole could have been produced, and it was only because he had promised to have the papers ready on Monday that he had done so. Lord DURHAM said that the reason why Prince Leopold did not send in the papers referred to until after his resignation, was that lie did not receive them from the French Ambassador till after Friday. Lord ELLENBOROUGH thought it was impossible to read the papers, without coming to the conclusion that the Greek Government, as a Go vernment dealing with another Government, and not appealing to the universal suffrage of the people which created them, but acting on their own re sponsibility, distinctly acquiesced in the proposals of the Allies. He could not understand the whole of these documents in any other light except that of making Prince Leopold Sovereign of Greece, and of showing that he acquiesced in that arrangement. Noble Lords had discussed this question as if it was one of personal consideration to Prince Leopold and his Majesty's Government. Earl GREY protested that there was no desire on his part to make the personal conduct of Prince Leopold the subject of discussion; but if it had been made a subject, it «as entirely owing to the Noble Lords opposite, who had brought forward such a case against Prince Leopold as made it ne ccessary for his friends to remove it forthwith by contrary declarations. Whatever inconvenience had arisen upon this subject was owing to the incom plete manner in which these papers had been laid upon the table. The Duke of WELLINGTON entreated their Lordships to suspend their judgments until they had the other papers before diem, and had read those which were already on the table. This discuasion had arisen out of a recent practice—very irregular, by the bye—of Noble Lords asking questions of his Majes ty's Ministers, and then making speeches upon them. The speeches so made must be replied to, for if they were left unanswered they might prod uce impres sions prejudicial to his Majesty's Government. He contended that the line of conduct adopted by his Noble Friend, on a former evening, was perfectly justifiable. On Tuesday, the 18th, his Noble Friend thought that he could lay these papers on the fol lowing Monday in a complete state before the House, and having made a promise to that effect to their Lordships, he had felt himself bound to perform it, by placing them on the table upon that day. It was on the intervening Friday that his Noble Friend received Prince Leopold's letter of resignation. It appeared from the papers already printed, that the Prince had departed from a similar intention before; and when his Noble Friend made his declaration in that House, he did not know that the Prince might not recede from it again. He had therefore laid the papers on the table on Monday night, without that letter. He could assure their Lordships that this last transaction was completely distinct from all the rest, as they would see • whe; they read the papers. Indeed, from what had occurred that even ing, he much doubted whether any of their Lord ships had read the first set of these papers. Lord HOLLAND admitted, that the practice of asking questions of the Ministry might be incon venient to the Noble Lords who composed it; at the same time he felt it necessary to remind them, that it was an inconvenience to which all their Noble predecessors had submitted. If he were called upon to select any period when there had been an uncommon forbearance of the practice of asking these questions, he would say that it was during the ad ministration of the Noble Duke. Indeed, the Noble Earl had thanked their Lordships for the forbearance which they had displayed upon this very subject, and had said that it had proved very conducive to the settlement of the question. What he complained of was, that the Noble Earl should have laid papers enough upon the table to create an unjust impression against Prince Leopold, and should have withheld those which were cal culated to remove it. Those Noble Lords who had such a horror of ex-parte statements when made by Prince Leopold, appeared to have no hor ror of ex-parte statements when made against him. It appeared to him (Lord Holland) to be essentially necessary that the House should be put in posses sion of all these documents. He did not intend to express any opinion upon those documents at pre sent,—indeed he had none,—for he had not even read the voluminous papers already presented to their Lordships. He must say that the Noble Lord at the head of the Board of Controul was much mistaken if he supposed that because this conversation had occurred about the omission of papers relating to Prince Leopold, the Noble Lords on his (Lord Holland's) side of the House intended only to discuss the personal objections of Prince Leopold, and not the conduct of the Government, over which the Noble Lord had hung a panoply which he con sidered spotless. He could assure the Noble Lord that he was mistaken, if he supposed that the conduct of Government was to pass off with such impu nity. He thought that there never was a Govern ment which had placed itself in a situation more lu dicrous to the world, and more injurious to the country, than his Majesty's present Government, not merely on this part, but on every part of their foreign policy. He knew that the Noble Lord (Ellenborough) was fond of discussion; and he could assure him, that before the close of the Session he should have abundant opportunities of showing his in genuity in defending the conduct of himself and his colleagues upon this particular subject. Lord ELLENBOROUGH observed that the mere fact of the Noble Baron's having condemned the conduct of Government without having read the papers in explanation of it, was sufficient to show the fairness with which he would form his opinion upon it after he had perused them. The conversation then dropped. SUITS IN EQUITY BILL. The LORD CHANCELLOR having moved the order of the day for the third reading of the Suits in Equity Bill, Lord ELDON begged leave to trouble the House with a few remarks on the subject. It appeared to him that it was advisable to be more deliberate on the present question, in consideration of the great changes which it was understood were projected in the administration of justice in England and Wales. It appeared to be in contemplation to appoint an additional Judge in the Court of King's Bench, an additional Judge in the Court of Common Pleas, and an additional Baron in the Court of Exchequer. Now he was of opinion, that according to the pre sent constitution of the Court of Chancery, even if the changes to which he alluded were not carried into effect, an additional Judge in the Court of. Chancery would not be necessary; but that if they were carried into effect, and there were four Puisne Barons in the Court of the Exchequer, that then an additional Judge in the Court of Chancery would be absolutely necessary. Having been nearly five and twenty years at the head of the Court of Chan cery, he had some experience, and might, perhaps, he excused for offer;ng his opinion on the subject. When he had first the honour of a seat on the wool sack, appeals were made to the Court of Chancery on writs of error from Courts of Common Law, and the Chancellor had the benefit of the advice of the Judges. Before the union with Ireland, the only appeal to the Court of Chancery fi•om Courts of Equity were from Courts of Equity in England. But the union brought to the Court of Chancery all ap peals from Courts of Equity in Ireland. Those appeals came also in a shape which rendered it difficult for an English Chancellor to hear them unless he had had some previous experience on the subject. In addition to this, there was a great accumulation of appeals to the House of Lords. In the year 1807 or 1808 a change was made in the jurisdiction of §cotiand. The Court of Session was divided ; which added to the business of the Court of Chancery, as there were then appeals from two Courts of Session instead of from one, Yow this might be a good provision for the lieges of Scotland, bt;t it was the cause of much delay and inconvenience to the s4itor9 in the English Court of Chancery. For some years after the ep .l pointment of a Vice-Chancellor, the appeals from his Court added considerably to the business of the Court of Chancery. lherp seemed to be a general indisposition at that time to be satisfied with the decisions of the Vice-Chancellor; and yet there was no man more eminent for legal knowledge than Sir Thomas Plomer. He was happy to beer, however, that was not the case at present ; and that the in : disposition to be satisfied: with the decisions of the Vice-Chancellor had greatly abated. What was the judicial constitution of the Court of Chancery at the present moment ? The Master of the Rolls now sat five mornings in the week—an arrangement highly advantageous. The Vice-Chancellor, he was told, used great despatch in the business of his Court. The Lord Chancellor had the power to avail himself of a Commission of Assistants, com posed of two Masters in Chancery, and a Puisne Baron of the Exchequer. Lord Thurlow had palled in the aid of such a Commission. Although the Masters in ,Chancery were not treated as high judicial characters, yet it was well known they dis- posed of more important questions in the course of the year than any of the Puisne Barons. In his opi• nion, therefore, and with reference to all these con• siderations, the business of the Court of Chancery might go on very well without an additional Judge. In his humble opinion also, if a fourth Puisne Judge were appointed in the Court of Exchequer, he ought to be a man fonversant not merely with common law, but with equity ; in order that be might de cide in what was called the outer Court, in cases not between King and subject, but between subject and subject. The history of the Court of Exchequer proved the advantages which would result from such a measure ; and it would tender still less necessary the appointment of an additional Judge in the Court of Chancery. He would not now say that he finally objected to that appointment, but he thought the appointment, when it was not yet decided whether there should be nine or twelve Judges, premature ; and for that reason he would move, as an amend ment, that the Bill be read a third time on that day fortnight. The LORD CHANCELLOR observed, that his Noble and Learned Friend had allowed the Bil to go through all its previous stages without remark, but that now, in its last stage, he rose to oppose it. The delay in his Noble and Learned Friend's oppo sition was attended with this inconvenience. On the introduction of the Bill, he (the Lord Chancel lor) had detailed the grounds on which it rested. The postponement of his Noble and Learned Friend's opposition until the present stage of the Bill ren dered it necessary that he (the Lord Chancellor) should trouble their Lordships with a re-statement of those grounds. The great delay of the Court of Chancery had always been the subject of blame. The fault was not in his Noble and Learned Friend, but in the system; and he (the Chancellor) had therefore felt it his duty to propose a remedy. He would relate one instance of this delay. While he was sitting in their Lordships' House the other day, he received a letter from a young man on the banks of the Mississippi, which stated that 33 years ago the writer's father came over to this country to re cover a legacy to which he was indisputably en titled. The executor for his own protection applied to the Court of Chancery ; an amicable suit (as it was called) was instituted, and at the end of seven years the father quitted this country, the suit hay, ing then had no result. On his return to America he married; the writer of the letter was born, the father died, and the son wrote to know whether he had now any chance of getting the money to which he was indisputably entitled.—(Hear, hear, hear.)-,, His Noble Friend had recommended a Commission of Assistance for the Chancellor; but as that Com mission must be composed of a Common Law Judge and two Masters in Chancery, the Court of Common Law would suffer from the loss of his services, and the Senior Judge of the Court of King's Bench had this day told him (the Chancellor) that that Court had no hope of getting through its business, The Common Pleas could not do more than it now did, and the only hope was in new modifying the Exchequer, by corn pleting it as a Court of Common Law, and sepa rating Equity business from it. The addition of another Judge to the Court of Equity, the measure he now proposed with regard to the Master's Office, and the new regulations regarding the Registrars, were the only things he at present saw capable of relieving the country from the evils of the existing system. He had proposed them in accordance with the Commissioners' report, and he trusted the House would adopt them. 'the Earl of ELDON explained, and added, that he understood the opinion of the Vice-Chancellor to be that no new Judge was necessary in Equity. The LORD CHANCELLOR said that it was very strange that the Vice-Chancellor should have expressed such an opinion without intimating it to him. When the Vice• Chancellor was before the Commissioners, he was asked whether three Judges were sufficient for performing the business of the Court of Equity ? His answer, now existing in his own hand-writing, was, "Not three angels." The Earl of ELDON was understood to answer that he had received a letter from the Master of the Rolls, stating that lie and the Vice-Chancellor thought a new Judge in Equity was not necessary. Their Lordships then divided on the third read ing of the Bill: Contents ll Non-contents.. •••• 4 Majority against Lord Eldon's amendment.: --7 Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS—(LAST NIGHT.) The House went into a Committee on Shaker ley's Divorce Bill. Counsel were called in, and Mr. Adam was heard on behalf of the petitioners for the Bill. Witmesses were examined in proof of the preamble. took occasion to ask wh en t h e H on. Ci v ili an i n - Sir W. GUISE, on the House bring resume d , tended to bring on the general subject of the Law of Divorce, in order that it might be amended ? Dr. PHILLIMORE replied that he hoped to be able to introduce the question on Thursday. LEAD. Lord W. PAWLETT presented a petition from certain miners and owners of lead mines in the county of Durham, praying protection against the importation of foreign lead. After a few words from Sir H. PARNELL, Sir J. GRAHAA 1 said th at w hi le a duty was im posed upon corn,it was but just that protection should be given to the other prod'Llee of the soil on which human labour was expended. The petition`was laid upon the table. Mr. MOORE presented a petition from The Rev. Sir H. Lees, who prayed the House to provide for the security of Ireland, and recommended them to recollect the example of the House in 'the reign . af- Geo. 1., when the Habeas Corpus Act was sus pended, with a view to public security. Mr. JAMES GRATTAN said, that he did not think the Rev. Baronet was much affected by the dangers to Ireland, for last Thursday he saw the Rev. Baronet, who was then quite well.—(A laugh.) Mr. C. CALVERT presented a petition from St. Saviour's, Southwark, against the Scotch and Irish Pauper Removal Bill. Colonel GRANT presented a petition from the Magistrates, &c., of Elgin, in Scotland, against the increase of duty or} corn and spirits ? The same 1 - 1111 , 4 1. MEmnEn presented a peti tion from the same place against the increase of stamp duties. Mr. DENISON presented a petition from New ington, Surrey, against the Scotch and Irish Pauper Bill. Colonel BARNARD presented a petition from the freeholders of the King's County, against a com pulsory assessment for the poor in Ireland. Sir W. GUISE presented a petition from Mr. Balls against a clause in the Friendly Societies! Act. Colonel BRUEN presented a petition from the inhabitants of the town and county of Carlow, against the increase of the stamp duties. Mr. BYNP presented a petition from the parish of Paddington, in the eounty of Miadl eseAt , against the Select Vestry Bill. The Hos. MEMBER presented a petition from S. Leonard's Shoreditch against the Scotch and - • Irish Pauper Removal 1301. Mr. E. DAVENPORT presented two petitions from Cheshire against the Bill for taking away the Lopid Jirisdiction of that county. Ordered to be laid on the table, Mr. E. DAVENPORT then expressed a hope that the Bill, miscalled the Amendment of the Ad ministration of Justice in England and Wales, might not be brought on to-morrow, but would be post- poned. His object in making that recommendation was, that tooporrow had generally been considered a holiday, as it was the d a y on which th e Derby was run for.—(Hear, and a laugh ) Mr. C. WYNN presented petitions from Mr, Dixon, of Dumbarton, complaining of the votes of the Committee on the Clyde Navigation Bill, and praying that the matter might be referred to a Se lect Committee of seven Members of the. Hope s under the authority of certain Standing Orders. These petitions were ordered to be taken into further consideration on Friday next. The consi deration of the Report was fixed for the same day. Mr. PROWNLOW moved for Returns of the Duties on Glass in Ireland during the last ten years. —Ordered. In answer to a question from Mr. R. GORDON, The LORD ADVOCATE stated that he in- tended to go on with the Scotch Judicature Bill, and added that he should aoon name a day for pro.- ceeding. Mr. - E. LLOYD presented a petition from per sons interested in Lead Mines in Flintshire, praying for protection to British Lead Mines.—To lie on the table. Mr. LAWLEY presented a petition from Rugby, in Warwickshire, against the Punishment of Death in the case of Forgery.To lie on the table. Mr. A. BARING presented a petition from Ga briel Davy, of Gloucester, praying for protection to British Mines, Sir T. D. ACLAND moved for leave to bring in a Bill to protect stage coach proprietors from their present liabilities in respect of parcels sent by their coaches, where undue concealment was prac tised by the parties sending them. He was willing that they should be made generally liable in all cases to the amount of 201., without special notice. Wherever the value was above 201., the burden of giving notice should rest upon the parties sending the parcel, After a few words from Sir T. FREEMANITE and Mr. N. CALVERT, the motion was agreed to, Mr. G. DAWSON moved the Order of the Day for the third reading of the Four per Cents. Dis sents' Bill. Mr. E. DAVENPORT rose to move, as an amendment, that the House, at its rising, do adjourn to Friday next. Mr. R. GORDON seconded the motion, but at the suggestion of some Hon. Members near him, Mr. E. DAVENPORT postponed the consideration of the question of adjournment till the Orders of the Day should have been disposed of. The Bill was then read a third time and passed. The report on the Beer and Bigg Duties' Act was brought up and agreed to. Lord STANLEY moved the second reading of the Scotch and Irish Paupers' Removal Bill. He merely wished that it should be read a second time, and submitted to a Committee. Mr. STURGES BOURNE was not opposed to the principle of the Bill, but he had an objection to one of the clauses. He confessed he felt some surprise that such a Bill should have been brought forward in the absence of the Secretary for the Home Departmenr. Mr. HOBHOUSE said it was quite certain that the Bill could not pas in its present form. Mr. Alderman WOOD said, that when those poor persons came to the parishes they must be relieved. Now the effect of this Bill would be to give them no relief, and, therefore, against such a Bill he con ceived that every sort of opposition was perfectly fair. He was resolved to divide the House. Mr. DENISON hoped the Worthy Alderman would take the sense of the House. Mr. N. CALVERT said, that in the parishes with which he was more immediately connected, they were often put to an expence of several hun dreds a year for the removal of these paupers. Mr. LITTLETON saw no reason why the more distant counties should not have the bensfit of the Act—the Bill ought to place all upon a footing of equality. Perhaps it might be found advantageous to try the experiment of leaving those paupers without any parish relief; if due notice of such a system were given, it would be found that their numbers would materially diminish. Mr. JAMES GRATTAN thought, that if a sufficient provision were made for the Irish poor, such a Bill as the present would be unnecessary—it was in effect a Bill to deprive England of the bene fits of Irish labour. Mr. RICE understood the object of the Noble Lord to be, to have the Bill read a second time, and submit it to a Committee for the purpose of seeing if any measure of relief could be devised. Sir E. KNATCHBULL anticipated, that in the course of the next Session some provision would be made for the Irish poor, but he thought that the present Bill would have the effect of imposing a heavy burden upon one part of the country at the expence of another; it might be as well to wait a little, and see what measure the necessities of Ire land might make necessary. Sir T. FREEMANTLE—Even if they did wait they still might be left without relief. Mr. BYNG said that he looked upon the Bill as so injurious to the metropolis that he should vote against it. Sir JOHN WROTTESLEY said that he thought it a very fair proposal of his Noble Friend that the Bill should be sent to a Select Committee. Colonel WOOD was convinced that the large populous p parishes of Middl esex h a d very unneces -- sa rily taken alarm at the Bill; and if it was sent to a Committee it might be shown that no such evil would accrue. Sir R. INGLIS said a few words, which were naudible in the gallery. Mr. MAXWELL said that though he would not refuse to give his consent to the second reeding, yet he was desirous that it should have reference to the kingdom at large rather than to any particular parts. Dlr. A. DAWSON said that they ought to in- quire into the cause of the evil—that cause Vna the want ofwmployment . ; and by finding them employ ment th - F,evil wo u ld be :m H ,removed. ch , aa ore wished country 'geniketrien 'eve their to dovernment making grants .in Scotland and Ireland, for the purpose of employing- the poor. C. BURRELL footed fault withrhis brothesr Magistrates for not putting the Vagrant Act in force : he contended that sending vagrants to the House of Correction, especially in cold weather, was no punishment at all. With Duke Humphrey, in Shakspeare, he said that it was much better to adopt a little timely rigour to make the blind see, and the lame walk. Mr. Alderman WOOD persisted in dividing the House, The gallery was cleared, but there not being above thirty Members present, the House adjourned at seven o'clock. LIST OF THE MINORITY CiF NINETY-FCIVE, Wito VOTED ON TUESDAY LAST * FOR MR. LA ROUCHERR'S RESOLUTION, " That it is the opinion of this House that a majority of the Members of the Legislative Councils of Upper and Lower Ca, nada ought not to consist of persons holding otßecc at the pleasure of the Crown ; and that any measures that may tend to connect more intimately that branch of the Constitution with the int,rest; Pc these Colonies would be attended with the greatest a4irantage. l ,' Althorp, ViscoUnt Howick, Lord Baring, Sir T. Hume, Joseph Baring; F.' Hollywood, W. P. Baring, W. B. Huskisson, Rt H on , Bernal, R. . W. Benett, John Heron, Sir R. Blake, Sir F. Hobhouse, J. C. Blandford, Marquis Jephson, C. D. Brownlow, C. Kemp, T. It. Brougham, Henry Killek,n, Lord Carter, J. • Knight; R. ' paiyendish, W. Kenbedy, T. F. lyert, C. Lambert, J. S. Carew, R. S. Lennard, T. B. Cholmeley, M. Lamb, Hon. G. Clifton, Viscount Lawley, lA. clo (5 , L 13 .. . " Martin, John Cromptoii, S. Marshall, W. HaWson, A. Milton, Viscount Denison, W. J. Macdonald, Sir J. Denison, J. E. Morpeth, Viscount Ducane, Peter Maxwell J. pDundas Hon. Nr R. Monck J, J. 'Ti. andas; Hon. . Normanby, Viscount undas, Hon. . Ord, W. .asthope,' J. ' O'Connell, D. Ebrington, Viscount Ppynka, W. S. '111 , % P 4. H. Phillimore, Dr. Eergu son, 'Sir R. C. Protheroe, Ed. Fazakerley, J. N. Philips, Sir G. Guise, Sir W. Ponsonby, Hon. W. Gordon, R. Ponsonby, Hon. F. Graham, Sir J. Phillips O. R. iirant Rt. Hon. C. Parnell, ' Sir H. Grattan, Henry Price, Sir R. Howard, Henry .Ve-Narve§ i t. W. Rumbo/d, C. E. Russell, W. Russell, Lord John Rice, T. S . Robinson, G. R. Robarts, A. W Stanley, Lord Stanley, Hon. E. G. bilnith, Vernon Stewart, J. Stewart, Sir M. S. Thompson, T. B. Thomson, C, V. Townshpd, Lord C. Webb, E. Western, C. C. Wood, C. Wall, C. B Wilbraham, G. Wilson, Sir R, \WA, . 1 ,4 1 1 Warburton, ff. TELLERS. ILabouchere, H. Saildon, Viscount PAIRED OFF. Ponsonby, Hon. G. Beaumont, miw,i Davenpqrt, Tina. G. A. Grant, R. Guest, J. J, Birch, J, Whitbread, W. H. rWood, Alderman LIS' ON MONDAY LAST, AG, OF THE MINO THE GALWAY FRAN• M, W. Y. rereeval, S, Rao, Rt. Hn. Sir W. Trant, W. H. Trevor, Hon. R. Wetherell, Sir C. Wilson, J. TELLER a. Daly Knol, lion J. H. ITY HIED READING OF TILE SDAY LAST. Owen, H. Prendergast, M, G, Peel, W. Y. reel, Right Hon. R. Planta, J. Perceval, S. Ross, C. Rae, Rt. Hn. Sir W, Saunderson, A. Sihthorpe, C. D. Stopford, Viscount Scott, Sir W. Spottiswoode, A. Sturt, H. C. Twiss, Horace) Trench, Colonel Trant, W. H. Talmash, Hon. L Vyvyan, Sir R. Wortley, Hon. J. S, Dl TEM,ERF. , J. North ) J . ,INST THE REPORT OF CHILE BILL. Atkins, Alderman Dundas, Bankes, G. Fylor, T. 13 . Campbell, Archibald Goulburn, lit. Hon. Clerk, Sir a H. ourtenay, Itt. Hon. Gower, Lord F. L. T: P Grant, Sir A. Croker, Right Hon. Hart, G. V. J. W. Hill, Rt. Hon. Sir G. Doherty, J. Inglis, Sir R. H. Drummond, Home Peel, Rt. Hon, R. Us' OF FIFTY-NINE WHO r OF THE MINOR: TOTED AGAINST THE TI tANCIIISE BILL, ON TUE Fremantle, Sir T. Fitzgerald,Rt.Hn.M. Garl, es, Viscount Gordon, W. Grant, Sir A. GOulbUrn, Rt. Hon. H. Hill, Rt. Hon. Sir G. Hardinge, Rt. Hon. Sir H. Herries, Et. Hqn. C. Hodson; J. Inglis, Sir R. H. Jones, J. Knox, Hon. J. Lowther, Viscount Lewis, Right Hon. F. Martin, Sir T. B. Maitland, E. F. Moore, G. Murray, Right Hon. Sir G. GALWAY Fl Beresford, li, Bernard, Thomas Bankes, G. Burrard, G. 1414? W: pourtgnay, ut, Hon. T. P. Croker, Right Hon. J. W. Corbett, Panton Campbell, Archibald Cust, Hon. F. F. Cust, I oli. E. ockburn, Right Hu. Sir G. Clerk, Sir G. Calvert, John Dtmdas, Hon. H. DruMmorid; HOMe Dawson, G. R. • Doherty, John Estcourt, T. H. S. B. Fyler, T. tt. 21634% 3 u 92 1% 2 1 ,i er Cent. Red. 3 per Cent. Cons. 02%%7 3 ~i per Cent 1 Ditto Fed. ... - 9 0 %u % 4 per ank Cent. Stock y ES OF STOCKS THIS B shut Ditto, 1826 — sank L,. Ann. Ditto 30 years Ann. ......,..7 Ditto 50 Yegl •!,'""&i . q 242 India Stock Ditto Bonds 85 pm. DAY AT ONE O'CLOCK. South Sea Stock lO O4 Old Annuities 914 New Ditto Ex. Bills, Sl,OOO 2d. 78 79 pm. Ditto lid. 78 79 pm. 2d. 78 79 pm. Ditto.." Ditto Small 04. ys 79 pm. Ditta lid. 78 79 pm. Bank for Aecount.... ...... 217 India for Account Cons. for July 21 ^ itS"Vi'Fir.t...mit 4411 4 . Et* *44 LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, MAY 27, 1830. HIS MAJESTY'S HEALTH. The following is the Bulletin issued this day 4, Windsor Castle, May 27. " The KING slept well last night, and his MAJESTY feels himself rather better to-day. (Signed) " HENRY HALFORD. " M. J. TIERNEY." Summonses were issued late last night to the Cabinet Ministers, and all the Privy Councillors in town, to hold a meeting at the Council Office this morning. In consequence of which a meeting was held at one o'clock, and was attended by the Duke of WELLINGTON, the LORD CHANCELLOR, and the other Cabinet Ministers ; also by the Archbishops of YORK and CANTERBURY, the Bishop of LONDON, &c. &c. We understand the object of the meet ing was to take into consideration who should be proposed to Parliament this evening, to be ap pointed to affix the Royal Sign Manual to official documents. German Papers of the 20th instant contain the following with regard to Greece, Prince LEOPOLD, and the intrigues of CAPO D'ISTRIA, who seems to be in a fair way of gaining his ambitious object. War has recommenced in Candia with its usual barbarity : The Courier de Smyrne of 18th April has the following from Syra APRIL B.—lt has been reported for some days past, and is confirmed by letters from Napoli, that Count Capo d'lstria being sensible that the latest resolutions of the Allied Powers, re specting the nomination of a Sovereign of Greece, would soon be known to the public, convened the Senate, and announced the speedy arrival of Prince Leopold, who had been chosen by the Sovereigns. The members of the Senate, convinced that their personal merits and preceding conduct would not prove any particular recommendation to the successor of the Presi dent, and chiefly from fear of losing their privileges and salaries, which they enjoy to the detriment of the people, expressed their lively sorrow, and assured the Count that he might depend on their entire devotedness, and that they were ready to do every thing to prevent a measure which they conceived to be so dangerous to the interests of the country. His Excellency had, therefore, only to communicate his own view of the case. Several petitions, signed by great numbers of the inhabitants of the provinces, with expressions of attachment to the President, and violent invec tives against the Allied Powers, who had given a Chief to Greece without consulting the nation, were drawn up by the interven tion of Colocotroni, Nikitas, and other influential Members of the Government. The President is reported to have previously expressed his opinion on this subject, and to have said that he depended on these petitions, and the eflbct they might produce. The means previously employed are of a different nature.— On the first report of the nomination of Prince Leopold, an application was made to the rapacity of a certain person, to whom a bait was held out, which was made as tempt ing as possible. Count Capo d'lstria did in haste what he had before said he could pot do till the political fate of Greece should be finally settled, he alienated a part of the national domains, arid a decree of the 27th of February assigns to the national bank the vineyards of Corinth, &c., valued at 538,733 talaris, as a se curity for the shares which, by this decree, are limited to 539,333 talaris. A decree of the 13th of March orders that the funds of the Bank shall be chiefly employed in favour of the marine of Hydra, Spezzia, and Ipsara. Why should these islands be spe. cially favoured ? Because they were before particularly offended, and he now wants to gain them over to his party, But what. ever the President may do, Prince Leopold is impatiently ex. pected, and may depend on being received by, the nation with open arms. The Florence Gazette, under the head of Leghorn the 10th of May, says, " A Greek ship that left Syra on the 20th of April brings letters, which state that Prince Leopold has written to the President of Greece, expressing his satisfaction at the wisdom with which he had conducted the Greek affairs; and adding, that relying on his co-operation and judgment, he has accepted the offer of the Greek throne, inviting him to continue to de vote the same prudent attention to the affairs of the country,- It is affirmed that the President will not retire from the Admi nistration, but fulfil the wishes of his nation in that respect." The hostilities between the Greeks and Turks in Candia have recommenced with unparalleled acrimony. The cruelties lately exercised by the Turks have so exasperated the Greeks that they proceed in the same manner. VIENNA, MAY 15.—Metalliques 101% ; Four per Cents. 96%; Bank Shares 1,347. The following is the Address of Admiral DV PERRE, the Naval Comaaander-ln-Chief to the fleet 'composing the expedition destined to attack Algiers It is tame, but short : (From the Motiteur. On board the Provence, May 1 8 . ORDER OF THE DAY. " VICK-ADMIRAL DUPERRE, C OMMANDER-IN-CHM? 01 THE NAVAL FORCES. " Officers, Subalterns, and Soldiers,—.Being called np ( with your brethren in arms of the Army of the Expoth" tion, to share in the chances of an enterprise which honour and humanity command, you will also have to share ua the glory of it. It is from our common efforts a nd out perfect union that the King and France expect the reps' ration of the insult offered to the French flag. Let ►'s collect the reminiscences which, on a similar occasion, uu r fathers bequeathed to us. Let us imitate them, and our success is certain. Let us depart. Vive Roi " UPER" FRENCR FUNDS.--PARIS, MAY 24.--Five per per Cents., RE . lOU 65c. 60c. 55c. 50c. 55c. 40c. ; Four per Cents. 10If. ; Certificate', of the Loan (Four per Cents.) 100 f. 50 c. ; Three per Cents., 81 ', Sc. 81f. 80f. 90c. ; Rentes de N a pl es , Sif. 80c. 90c. 80e. 9 0 e.' Royal Spanish Lo an , 87 ; R entes Perpetuelle d'Espagne 770 78% % 78, E xc h ange on London—One month (paper) P 50c, ; Three months (paper), 25f. 35 c. ; money, 25f. 30c.-4.0 0 ' . 4460ezatique. The Parliamentary Papers just printed, relative to Greece, are so very voluminous, that we ate compelled to defer our remarks on them till to-mor row. The first part consists of 332 pages, being copies of the Protocols of Conferences held at London between the Plenipotentiaries of Great Britain , . France, and Russia, from the 12th Ju1y,1827, to the 14th May instant, the date of the last Conference when the adhesion of the Porte, as well as that a the Provisional Government of Greece, to the reso lution of the Allies, was placed on record. Th e second part comprises copies of the Protocols of the Conferences held at Constantinople by the Plenipo tentiaries of the Allies between the 16th August and 4th December, 1827, and occupies 223 pages. The third part consists of Documents and Corre spondence relating to the Convention of Alexandria, the Blockade of the Dardanelles, and the raising of the Greek Blockades. The whole of these p a pers are not less interesting under present circumstances to us, than they will be to future times as the ma terials of history. The small Majority of 15, which has defeated Sir JAMES MACINTOSH'S Amendment to the ForgerY Bill, should encourage the Right Honourable Gen' tleman to persevere in the Motion to the same effect on bringing up the Report of the Committee. I t is clear that the Bill is inconsistent with the genera l feeling of the country, and not that alone, but op posed to the wishes of the very persons whose pro' perty it is designed to protect. The Government can hardly persist in defiance of the Petition of thousand Bankers, presented on Monday night by Mr. BROUGHAM, in addition to the numerous Petitions which have been signed by Bankers with other per" sons—and in the teeth of the fact that not o ne Pe• tition in favour of Capital Punishment has yet been presented from any Banker or other individual. The sense of the country has never been expressed more strongly on any subject, than it has against execw tions for forgery. On a comparison of the convictions for forgery with the executions for a period of seven years, the proportion has been as about ten to one. Hoyt then can it be said that the terror of death has ope rated as a prevention of forgery, when there are ten chances to one against a man's being hanged after conviction ? Forgers, as Mr. BROUGHAM well observed, are the men of all others who calculate chances, and it is most unreasonable to suppose they will be deterred by a punishment from which the chances of their escapingare so considerably in their fa vour ; whilst, on the other hand, if they do not calcu late, there is an end of the question, for the punish ment is then utterly inoperative as a prevention of crime. The efficiency of a penalty depends upon the certainty of its infliction more than on any other circumstance incident to it; and if a penalty is so severe, that humanity, in nine cases out of ten, for.. bids its infliction by the administrators of justices it becomes a piece of wanton cruelty to allow it to take effect in the one case remaining. The folly of taking away men's lives .for forgery, is, therefore, quite on a level with its wickedness. According to Sir ROBERT PEEL, solitary and lengthened imprisonments are more formidable than death itself, although, as he thinks, their severity will not be sufficiently feared, for want of obser vation. It requires, however, little observation, and little reflection in a forger, to make hint dread a protracted or perpetual loss of liberty, as the severest calamity that can befall a free agent. Let such punishment be inflicted with invariable certainty, and it cannot fail of its effect. But nothing that fell from Sir ROBERT PEEL affords the slightest justification for the sanguinary system, which, in spite of his fame as the mitigator of the general severity of our laws, and of the discernment which with regard to criminal jurisprudence he cer tainly possesses, he has descended to advocate and uphold. Sure we are, however, that that system is near its end; for the intelligence, the sense of humanity, and the religious feeling that have been aroused throughout the country, cannot much longer tolerate the existence of penal laws which are alike repugnant to social justice, to sound morals, and to Christian duty. The purchases of stock by the Bank of Eng land are proceeding, and it is understood that in yesterday's market they extended to full 100,0001. The intention of the Directors is said to be to invest to the extent of about 2,000,000/. Times. The quantity of mackerel brought to this city during the last week was great beyond all precedent, not lees than seven waggon-loads having arrived in one morn ing from Weymouth ; and they have in consequence been selling as low as six for Is.—Bath Chronicle. LONGFORD REPRESENTATION.—We Un derstand that Mr. LEFROY, son of the ex-Sergeant, in tends to contest Longford with Lord FORBES. But the curious part of the affair is, that he avows his determina tion to contest it on out-and-oat popular principles.—Pilot. It is stated in a letter from Odessa of the 30th ult., that two gentlemen from the house of Row's- CHILD at Vienna, had arrived there, and taken shipping for Constantinople, with the view, as was believed, of attempting to enter into a negotiation for a loan with the Grand Seignor, to the amount of between 3,000,000/. and 4,000,0001. sterling. It appears by other accounts with which we have been furnished, that the SULTAN'S credit in regard to finance stands high so much so, that there is likely to be a competition for the loan, should he be disposed to engage in one. An objection of a rather unusual nature is such cases is said to have been taken in one quarter, which is, the very short period within which the SULTAN proposes to repay the whole loan, being only three years. The parties to whom this refers would per haps like better the approved Spanish method, as better suited for speculation. DESTRUCTIVE FlRE.—Yesterday morning, between two and three o'clock, a destructive fire broke out in the back parlour •f the house No. 27, Earl-street, Finsbury. The house was completely burnt down, and no part of the property was saved. A number of people who were close to the DAUPHIN, at a review of the garrison of Dijon, cried ~ Vive la Chang." " Yes, my friends," said the Prince, ~ Vive la Charte, say I, as well as you. We love the Charter too." *1;, . Barl Lam good ,fron eion and Mot SAL Opt Porte, geocc on bo Arm( offer howe 7 80 (I( tract( taken view been i Let are in the 1 Pleted they Capt. By 1 receiv 2d of winds has et Afo; April. Ext spirit and t nothil Con for th, doin g att ent Cel l Th€ Zani 'ter'Per Ditto Aral Chili Col o R ani Fr ei , Ditt4 Tha 5 6 pot O FOr Bari [rife Seco Prin Prin Infe Seco Coat Sout slow With .....___ Beef Mutt Coat New thef Fine Clov Oat Sin at thi