The Sun. — London, England, 1831-10-04 00:00:00

in favour of those who were adverse to the present Bill ; but 1 believe there do not exist men more independent than those who have been added to the Peerage. But to return to what Mr. Foster said. He made the statement which I have described. The late Lord Lontionderry got op, and objected to such insinuations being thrown out. Mr. Fm ter replied, " I make no insinuations —corruption and bribery have been practised—money has been p lid—seats have been bartered—is that an insinuation ?-1 am ready to prove the statement." So did that Right lion. Gen tleman speak, and no answer was given. Upon no ground, then, I repeat, can nomination lie called the practice of the Constitution. A schedule, amounting to forty-four bo roughs and one city—to fay nothing of the disfranchise ment of Scotch and Irish boroughs—is to be found in our Parliamentary history; and as to the resumption of a trust, when it ceases to be used for the benefit of the par. ties for whose advantage it was created, I believe that is a position against which no intelligent or impartial man will for a moment contend. But in answer to all this, I am told that the Constitution, in its present form, winks well ; but that rule of working well proceeds too far, for if a despotic Prince happened to be a man of mild and amiable disposition, his subjects should incur the hazard of submitting to his tyrannical successor, rather than de pose biol. Surely that is not doctrine that can ever he a 'opted in a British Parliament. Freedom is the first of h ous i ng s ; when possessed it should he most scrupulously cherished, and where wanting it should be obtained at almost any cost. Has the Constitution, in its present form, It-veers] well ? Has it conciliated or preserved the confidence of the people ? If it be necessary that the re prtoentative portion of our Legislature should aspire to the confidence of the people, I will say of the present system, that instead of working well, nothing could have worked worse. I did not happen to be in this House a night or two ago, when a most valuable admission was made ; but I read the statement in the Newspapers. Of the present representation of Scotland I can say the doom is sealed— it is really so absurd and ridiculous that I only wonder how any one could for a moment imagine the possibility of its continued existence. Its thirty-three counties had but 3,255 freeholders. If we remove from these the num bers who vet, d merely in right of superiority, it reduces the whole number to I,2so—scarcely enough for a small borough. Argyle, with a population of 97,000, had only 130 electors ; there were only 131 in Caithness, of whom but 11 were real proprietors. Renfrew, with 15,000 souls, had only 142 electors. Inverness, with 95,000, possess 'd no more than 90 electors, and of that number but 28 were real proprietors. Bute had but 21 electors, of whom one only was a proprietor. But, my Lords, we ate not now going into the subject of the Scotch repre sentation ; and I only make these statements in answer to the argument of those who assert that the present system works well, notwithstanding its abuses. It g od batiks, industry, respect for property. and in ceeated prosperity are the criteria of improvement what country are they more remarkable than Sc Aland ? Surely that improvement is not to be a , telt-nye,' to the system of Scotch representation, which. as has been acknowledged by a Noble Lord oppo e, is so b ul, that it can no longer be maintained. 1 k ow not, then, by what reasoning it is attempted to at tribut • the prosperity which this country has enjoyed to the def ctive representation, or to prove that the abuses should be perpetuated, because the country has improved notwithttatiding their existence. But, my Lords, lam at a loss to understand tae distinction which has been drawn between those parts of the Scotch representation which Noble Lords opposite condemn, and Gatton and Sarum.— (Hear.) In what way is the mound of Old Sarum or the wall of Gamin Park better entitled to representation than the Scotch superiority, which reduced the constituency of a cotrity to one individual ? I cannot see how it is pos sible to retain one, if you abandon the other—(Hear) — nor can I believe but that the removal of those abuses, in stead of undermining the Constitution, will render it more secure. Nor, my Lords, has it been by this House that the pow tr of nomination to seats in the Commons House of Pair: sent for Note boroughs was enjoyed, but by a few !ttlioiduals, who exercised that power for their own advantage and to promote their private ambition, whilst the cdiatn is thrown upon the whole body.—(Hear.) That p , wer is not exercised for the advantage of the Peers as a branch of the Legislature, nor is it ex elusively possessed by Peers, but :lowed with them by loan c mtractors and attorneys, who speculate in the pu-chase and sale of these boroughs for their own profit. The effect was to diminish the respect of the p.ople for the Peers, and to place entirely at the dis posal of a few individuals those offices of honour and emo lument which ought to be the reward alone of merit. By temovlng a lei, aimaea, you W 11 remove at tile came time the Pe rs from odium, and do justice to the people. Ent:, let ii.e ask, do the Peers themselves gain nothing by the Bill ? lam not one of those who think that it could be for the advantage of the nation that each branch of the Stroe, Flooding upon its own right, should cling to the letter of the Constitution for its own advantage against the interests of the other two. It constitutes the happiness of the Stele in which we live, that all the three orders are an blended together, that each, when acting as a separate body, Is of necessity led to view its own interests as wound rip with those of all the others.—(Hear, hear.) My Lortht, I would by no means deprive the Peers of that natural and useful influence which they ought to possess; at the same titre that I thank God they do not pos sess such immunities and privileges as were possessed by the old French nobility. I greatly prefer that just in fluence which they possess, as landed proprietors, and as Magistrates--by good offices, by benevolence and justice to the people, with whose interests the i r s are identified as mem bers of the same commonwealth. That influence they will etuttittoe to posses), and that not diminished but increase(l after the passing of this Bill—(hear) —for the odium excited Ito theism-dins:6°n boroughs will then be removed ; whereas, should the unfortunate decision of this night be to reject the Bill, I verily believe that the just, and natural, and useful influence of the Peers of this country will be seriously reduced—by reforming those abuses which had become odious in the eyes of the people, and which, amidst the improvements of time and the increasing know ledge of the people, cannot be retained for any considerable length of time by any ezieting, power in this country. The Bill, besides relieving the Peers front the odium cast upon them by their supposed participation in. those abuses, will add considerably to their just influence, by the addition of sixty-five Members to the county representation.—(lfsar.) The Bill has been hailed by the country with a more una nimous expression of approbation than any other measure upon record ; and this remark, my Lords, has brought tne to the last topic on which it is my intention to occupy you at present. I have said that the country s: as unanimous in approbation of the Bill of which I have risen to propose the second reading. For although it has beer. said that the eagerness of the people had passed away, to strong watt this opinion in the minds of many per sons at the time of the dissolution of the last Par liament, that they tsamfidently predicted that the result of the elections would be unfavourable to the Govern ment which had resorted to that measure. But I need not remind your Lordships of the result el those elections, nor need I remind you of the petitions whkh have lately been preaented to this House, bearing signatures more nu merous than tver before were attached to petitions upon any subject. I may be told that those petitions niust not be referred to, for that the Peers of England must calmly deliberate this great question on its own merits, and with out regard to the desires of any portion of the people ; and that the Peers will do their duty. Again, 1 may be told, that those petitions do not express the sentiments of the people of England; or, that if they did so, the Peers are too noble, too high-minded, too courageous a body to yield anything to intimidation. I believe, my Lords, I should be one of the last Men in this House to recommend it to your Lordships to yield to intimidation. Far from addressing your Lordships in the language of in timidation, I would say, " Do not give way to popular clamour," But Ido nut use menace when I say, "Do not resist the just and liberal wishes of the people unequi vocally expressed."—(Hear.) I do not use the language of the people whoa 1 pray your i-ordships to atteud to the voice of nine-tentbs of the people--too loud nut to be heard, and too plain and reasonable to be mistaken oc denie,d. But, my Lords, do not flatter yourselves into the belief that there is any abatement of the feeling of the people upon the subject of Reform. Do sot believe, that if this Bill he rejected a more limited measure can be substituted with safety or advantage. You must either take this Lill, or you twill be called on, not for this, hut for something which you will think infinitely more dangerous than the present measure, aithoogli perhaps not more dangerous than a second refusal. I would pot re commend it to your Lordships to regard popular clamour, but I would earnestly pray you to consider impartially and at tentively the g eneral expression of public opinion, and, if expedient, to yield to it.—(Bear.) What was it that induced the Noble Duke opposite to concede to the claims of the Catholics? Did the Noble Duke ever state that his opinions respecting those claims had been altered? bins he retract the sentiments and principles by whiet his former conduct had been governed ?--(ilear, hear.) Did the Right Hon. Member of the other House of Parlia ment, who was second only to th e Noble Duke himself in .influence and importance, say that his own opinions had undergone any change ? Did he not rather found the change in his policy upon the exigency of e times and . the altered state of public opinion? Was not the Noble Duke himself charged in this Houle with incon- istency, and with departing from his principle ?--and was not the defenre of the Noble Duke, that he had not changed his opinions, but that he could no longer art. on them consistently with the opinions of the country? -- (Hear, hear.) Witi, cespect to the present measure, I leave not to excuse myself to your Lordships for any change of folm e r o pi n i ons , or for any departure from principles formerly professed. But, had it been otherwise, I should have felt myself borne out by the example of the Noble Dul , :e, in yielding to the unequivocally declared opinions of the people, - and giving them that full, free, and fair re presentation to which they are entitled by those principles of that Constitution which have renderer . ' it the admira- don of the world, and the envy of surrounding nations. I do not, therefore, my Lords, address you in the lan guage of intimidation, when I entreat you to attend to the opinions of the people. But as Noble Lords may dispute that those petitions express the opinions of the people, I will ask, can they dispute that those opinions were ix-- pressed in the results of the dissolution of the last Parlia ment ? When Sir Robert Pecl introduced into the other House of Parliament the Bill for the emancipation of the Roma❑ Catholics, lie stated that such changes had taken place in the opinions of the people, that it would he im possible for the Government to persevere in opposition to those opinions. Now, my Lords, how did the Right Hon. Gentleman make out his proofs that the people had so changed their opinions? He stated that the best cri terion, the most practical and constitutional way to ascer tain the opinions of the people, was to take a considerable number of the principal counties and towns, and to observe in what way the votes of their representatives had varied upon a particular question. On that principle the Right lion. Gentleman compared the voles of the representatives of eighteen counties, which he thought the most impor tant, and finding that of those representatives nineteen voted for, and only seventeen against the etnancipa thin of the Caholies, when the question had been last before the House, be considered that bare majority of two , a sufficient proof that the opinion of the people of England was favourable to that measure. The Right Hon. Gen tleman's assertion of the change in public opinion was still more borne out by the votes upon the Relief Bill, which lie introduced ; for, of the representatives of those 18 counties, 27 voted for, and only nine against the Bill. But how do we stand now ? Every Member for those 18 counties has voted for this Bill. Instead of a majority of twenty-seven to nine, we have absolute unanimity. If hat he not a proof of public opinion, I know not what is. —(Hear.) On examining the division upon the second reading of this Bill in the other House, your Lordships will find that of 82 county Members, 76 . voted for, and but six against the Bill ; being a proportion of more than Thirteen to one in favour of Reform. Again, my Lords, the representatives of towns, which are not inserted in either of the Schedules A and B of this Bill, are 151, and these only 46 voted against the Bill. But in the Sche. Jules A and B things were entirely different.—(Hear, hear.) Of the boroughs in schedule B, 26 Members voted for, and 76 against the Bill ; and of those in schedule A, 78 voted for, and 22 against. Deducting, therefore, from the whole minority of English Members against the second reading those who represented the boroughs in the two schedules A and B, who had a direct and personal interest in opposing the measure, there would remain but 52 against it.--(Hear, hear, hear.) Nor does it stop there." For, besides those boroughs, there ate many close cor porations, such as Bath and Bristol, in which, although the population is numerous, the franchise is extremely limited. Now, the representatives of all those places had a direct interest in voting against the Bill. Now, how does the question stand in respect to those be. roughs? Of the forty-six Members for boroughs, not in the schedules A and 11, who voted against the Bill, twenty. four were appointed by a very small number of corporations. Deducting those twenty-four, there fore, and adding to the remaining twenty-two six county Members, you will find that you have only twenty-eight persons having any pretence to be eonsidereo the representatives of the opinions of the people of Eng land opposed to the Bill.—(Hear, hear.) With such a proof of public opinion being favourable to the measure, I shall only put it to your Lords—is it expedient to rejec. it I—(Hear, hear.) Will you reject it in opposition to so strong and general an expression of public opinion, accord ing, as I think, with the principles of the Constitution and with the best interests of the country ? But, my Lords. we are told that we must not make concessions, because, if we once begin to concede, there will be no end to the de mands. This is an old doctrine, which has led to much mischief in our own times. When was it that concessions overturned a Government? Was it concession that lost the Netherlands to Philip? Was it concession that , brought Charles I. to the scaffold? No, it was his un faithful attempt to resume that which he bad already con ceded. Was it concession that compelled the second son of that unfortunate Monarch to abdicate the throne to which the people had restored his family? Was it not rather his obstinate disregard of their wishes, and his withhold of all concession ? Was it by concession th it we lost America?—(Hear, hear, hear.) Was it con cession that overturned the old Monarchy of France? I know that it has been said so. But I am fully persuaded, that if the old nobility of France had done that which I now presume to counsel your Lordships to do—( Hear, hear, hear)—if they (tail consulted the wishes of the people, and had aide; their King in granting to the people the concessions which the exigency of the times demanded, the family of that Monarch would mver have been driven from the throne of France. Was it concession that more recently drove Charles the Tenth from the same throne? Was it not rather the fact, that if he had adhered to the Charter to ' which he was bound, the people would have been content with the rights which it gave them? I know, my Lords, that some persons make a different application of those facts of history, and say—" See, what are the effects of concession ; when you offered to the Americans all that they required, they would not accept it." But their re fusal is easily explained. The concession was not made in time. You persevered in resisting the reasonable demands of your fellow-subjects, until at length you drove those colonies into the arms of France. No man can lament more than I do the present unsettled state of Ireland ; not withstanding the c oncession to the Roman Catholics of those rights of which they had been deprived so long, and the withholding of which I have always considered as impolitic as it was unjust. For the concession they were indebted to the Noble Duke opposite; and I repeat that no man can :egret more than I do that the con cession was not followed by peace and tranquillity as had been expected. But what is the inference which ought to be drawn from that fact ? It is not that the concession of just c%).itas is had policy. It is not that it is bad policy to be kind, indulgent, and just to your fellow-subjects ; but that it is most impolitic to de lay concession.— (lle.tr, hear.) The true inference is, that if Catholic emancipation had been granted twenty or twenty-five years before, when all the wisest and most experienced statesmen of the kingdom recommended it Ireland would be at this moment one of the most pros perous parts of the empire. By resisting the reasonabh. claims of the people you rendered their demands more violent. You taught them to know their own power, and when tl:ey did know it, perhaps they were not will ing to lay it down when the occasion for exercising it had passed away ; and when at length you did yield to their claims, you accompanied the concession by a most impo litic measure, of which, at the time, I greatly disap proved, and by which the conciliating effects of your con cession were greatly diminished. I say, therefore, my Lords, concede in time—concede graciously, and not grudgingly—make Reform an act of justice, not an ex forted capitulation.—(Cheers.) Concede in time: look into the state of the representation, and see whether it is not justly liable to the objections urged against it ; adopt this measure at once decisive and eirectual—remove the cause of complaint, and place the fabric of the Constitution 'upon a rock. Again I disclaim the use of any lan guage of menace ; but let us remember that the Bill comes to us recommended from the King, and that it has Oren sent tip to us by an overwhelming majority of all who can be called the veal representatives of the people in the other House of Parliament recollect that it has been urged forward by innumerable petitions, respectfully worded, and from which have disappeated all those topics which formerly gave offence.—(Much cheering.) To all those claims for extravagant change, I know no man more opposed than I am ; but I beg your Lordships to consider whether the recommendation of the Crown.—(Cries of order from the Opposition bencheo.) I refer to the re ' commendation in the King's speech.—(Cheers from the Ministerial side.) I cannot imagine that I am not at ifierty to allude to that, for every body must he aware that the King did recommend Reform to the consideration of Parliament. Is it to be believed, that, through the in tervention of reapensible Ministers, that advice did not come from the will of the is ?—(Cheers and counter cheers.) But if the introduction of that point give the slightest offence, I am willing to abandon it.— (Cheers.) f as, then, my Lords, with an overwhelm ing, an irresistible majority of the real representatives of the people—with that people roused and agitated from one end of the country to the other, and claim• ingby respectful b ut d ec i s i ve p e titions the res titution of their ancient rights, will you, the House of Lords, put yourselves in opposition to the national opinion, by reject ing this Bill, and thus disappoint expectations sojrea sonahly anti ardently entertained, and wishes so strongly and unanimonaly repressed? if this Ramat, do take an attitule of defiance to the voice of the whole country—a situation of things I would fain believe impossible—if it reject this Bili even by a great majority of its Members, or with anything approaching unanimity, still it would not long. be able to oppose successfully the increasing tide of popular sentiment. The consequences may be dreadful to contemplate ; if you cannot stem the tide, and yet re sist it, is there no danger that you may be even swept away by its violence?—(Much cheering.) But let me add, that the peril will be much greater, should this Bill be thrown out by a comparatively small number of your Lordships. What, then, may be your situation ? I say again, do not flatter yourselves that by introducing a less efficient measure you will allay the storm you will have raised, that you will recover the ground you will hare lost, or overcome the alienation you will have p r oduced.—(Hear, hear.) I certainly deprecate anything like a popular cry ; as a citizen of a free state, who fuels that liberty is essentially connected with order, I would resist the slightest approach to violence; as a Mem ber of the Government, it is my duty to maintain I tranquillity; but as a citizen, as a legislator, as a Member of the Government, as a man and as a statesman, I am bound to look at the consequences that may ensue from rejecting this Bill ; and although I do not state, as the Noble Duke asserted of his measure, that the rejection of it would occasion a civil war—for I trust it will produce no such effect—yet I do say that such consequences are likely to result as make me tremble for the condition of my country, and for the security of this House.—(Cheers from the Opposition Benches.) I especially beg the spiritual portion of your Lordships to pause and to reflect .... (11 ,„ Earl Grey turned and addressed himself to the Bench of Biahops.) The Prelates of the empire have not a more firm or decided friend than I am. I acknowledge their purity, anti I maintain the soundness of the discipline of the Church of England, and I know the general estima tion in which those at the head of our religious esta blishment are held in the country; but let me entreat them to consider, if this Bill should be unfortunately thrown out by any majority, or by a narrow majo rity, and that the question should he decided, and the scale turned by their votes, what will be their painful situation?—(Cheers.) Let me remind them that they have already shown that they can read the signs of the times, and that measures of concession have been brought forward in obedience to those signs, as all such measures should he introduced by the leading members of their body. They feel that the eyes of the nation are upon them, and they ought to feel it.—(Hear, hear.) They feel, too, that it is necessary" to put their house in order," in order to meet the growing expectations out of doors.—(Much cheering.) They must remember that many important questions are now in agitation, to which a favourable or unfavourable direction may be given, as their votes may either ensure success to, or may defeat a great political measure upon which the national feeling has been so gene rally and unequivocally expressed.—(Cheers.) I will not press this point farther ; but I entreat the most serious attention to it. With respect to myself, and the Admi nistration of which I form a part, the fate of this Bill is a matter of comparative indifference. 1 have said, and I sin not a man to recall what I have said, that by this measure I must stand or fall.—(Continued cheers, especially from the Opposition side.) The question of my continuance in office, even for an hour, must depend upon pry seeing a reasonable prospect of being able to carry into effect this measure, to which I am pledged, as I think, by every tie of private honour, and by every obliga tion of public duty, both to my Sovereign and to the people.—(Hear.) I wish your Lordships distinctly to understand (as I have already said, and the sentiment was received with some apparent eagerness), that it is my deli berate conviction, that the dangers to be incurred by the rejection of this Bill cannot be obviated by any measure of less force and efficiency. If such a plan be proposed, it is not by me that it will be supported : I never will con :eta to hold out to the people a delusive measure of Reform —I am convinced that they have a right to expect Con stitutional Reform to the full extent of the Bill upon the table, and their earnest wishes in its favour have been zealously expressed. I have set before your Lordships ex amples which should teach you how to avoid perils, which in my view must inevitably follow rejection. I advocate this Bill as a measure of peace and conciliation; and in the words of the prayer we daily offer, I hope that Providence ,vill " Prosper all your consultations to the advancement of his glory—to the good of the Church, and to the safety, honour, and welfare of the Empire."—(Much cheering.) I am aware that I have already too long detained your Lordships, but I cannot conclude without expressing a hope—would I could say a sanguine expectation—that this measure may receive your sanction : I entreat your Lord -thips to take into view the situation of the country, and I trust that you will then see the necessity for confirming by your vote a measure calculated not only to produce immeasurable good, but to prevent incalculable evil.— (General and reiterated cheers.) The question was then put from the Woolsack, that the Bill be read a second time. Lord WHARNCLIFFE spoke as follows—Your Lord ships will readily believe that on this occasion I feel sen sible in my own person of the difficult situation in which I am placed, as well as of embarrassment of the position ynur Lordships occupy. If I thought that we were in difficulties More I heard the speech of the Noble E trl, I tin doubly impressed with their existence after it. H e has told us that by this Bill his Government is to stand or fall ; he has told us, too, that if we do not accept this Rill now, we roust hereafter take something worse.— Cheers.) I am called upon to judge how far this Bill can be adopted with safety to the Constitution, and if the House agree with me, I think we are bound to reject this Bill. It is very well to say that this of all measures is the one we must consent to, and it is very well to accom pany that statement with another, toot we must not mu tilate it—we must not alter it—and the whole tone of the Noble Earl's speech was to this effect :—" I have produced this Bill—the only measure to save the country under its present difficulties—accept it as it is, or take the conse quences of breaking up the present Government."— , (Cheers.) " Nothing less will do (said the Noble Earl), and I advise you to take this or worse." Earl GREY interposed, and observed that he had said the country would not he satisfied with a less efficient plan of Reform. Lord WHARNCLIFFE—It is singular that the whole of the Noble Earl's speech consisted of abuse of the present Constitution, but he di-1 not say one word in defence of his proposed alteration of it.—(Hear, near.) But sup pose your Lordships could be brought to adapt this nevi Constitution, 1 assert, as far as I am able to judge, that the present form of Government could not he preserved-- that the three estates of King, Lords, and Commons, could not co-exist, and that one branch of the Legislature must he prepared to submit,—(Cheers.) Therefore the Noble Earl was bound to show not only that great abuses and corruption have crept into the elective system : not merely that the state of the Scotch representation, which I and others have given up, ought nut to be maintained, but that the plan before us would remedy all defects, without being liable to objections at least as insuperable. It is true I have admitted, and now admit, that the Scotch repre sentation is in srch a state (not from corruption, for there she Noble Earl is mistaken), that tine whole is in the hands of a few, and that there is no such thing as popular elec tion. I think that this loudly calls for some degree of Reform ; but we must take the whole of the representation of the kingdom together. Scotch representation may have many vices, but joined to the English representation, both may form one House, and together form a Constitution amply sufficient for the protection of our interests and the safeguard of our liberties. Then as to nomination boroughs, I hope the Noble Earl will do me the justice to re member what I said on a former occasion. I have not defended the nomination boroughs because they are pure and independent ; but the use of them is this — that they act in the House of Commons as a wholesome check, and prevent popular violence by an over balance of popular representation.—(Cheers.) I cannot deny that in nomination there is something difficult to be defended, but the question to be asked of the people is this there nut sonic good belonging, to the system, and some advantage in the working of it, which it would be disad vantageous to abolish from the Constitution? At the same time I will not go so far as to say that it is not ob jectionable, and that other modes might not be found of checking the popular influence. I contend, that by this Bill you are going to bring into the House of Commons a great accession of popular power—that by so doing, and by removing the check of nomination boroughs, you will so completely change the state of the representation that all power will be absorbed by, and will centre in the Commons, while this House will become a mere c ypher, and even the prerogatives of the Crown will be endangered. —(Much cheering from the Opposition Benches.) But is that my opinion only? Will your Lordships only observe what is passing round you, and listen to the harangues of those who are clamouring for Reform? They plainly tell you that this plan is yielded to their wants and wishes—hut that it is not by any means all they want or wish. This Reform once obtained—the check once removed—they vviii go further, until they find athast that this branch of the Le gislature is not at all necessary. They tell you this over and over again, and will your Lordships be deaf to the warning and blind to the design? The words of Cromwell, after the battle of Dunbar—" The Lord bath delivered them into our hands" have already been quoted against the friends of the Constitution—the enemies of this Reform ; and we know that in this country there exists a party of violent men, who are earnestly wishing for the establish ment of a Republican Government. When this Bill shalt have passed, and when we shall have relinquished all power, suck men may inderd exclaim, " The Lord bath delivered them into our hands."—(Muth cheering.) I know it has been said, that because we have some connec tion with close boroughs that we are defending our in terests, and exposing ourselves to odium. For myself, I may say, that I have comparatively little connection of the kind ; but I protest that in that connection there is, and has been, nothing unworthy—(Cheers)—nothing that I may not openly avow. Your Lordships know me—my life as a public man has been for many years before the country, and I appeal to my character whether it is likely that I should he girlty of any act of corruption ?—(Cheers. ) I believe that many of your Lordships are in precisely the same situation ; but whatever be the nature or degree of your interests, you would be as ready as my Noble Friend at the table to lay them at the feet of your countrymen when once it has been established, first, that they are injurious ; and, secondly, that the substitute is safe.—(Hear.) I will not follow the Noble Earl through all he has stated upon this subject, it is not my business to defend the circumstances in which particular boroughs may be placed ; but I will take the liberty of endeavouring to show, that of all the delusions ever practised, there never was a greater than to attempt to show, by an appearance of liberality, that something is given as an equivalent for the privileges of which your Lordships would be thusdeprived.—(Cheers.) In the first place, I will consider the alteration with re spect to the right of voting in boroughs. The Bill, in order to attract the approbation of a large class of persons in populous towns, professes to give the elective franchise to householders of 101. a year. In my opinion this was spreading the net far too widely, especially recollecting that the 101. householders are only to he, in fact, occu piers of houses paying at the rate of 3s. 4d. or 35. 6d. a week.--(Hear, hear.) But lam quite sure that the Noble Earl and his Noble Friends in another place have become frightened at the monster of their own manufacture. Everybody knows the story about weekly payments of 3s. 4d. or 3s. 6d., and an attempt was made to get out of the difficulty; but there were other parties looking on—a powerful Peoss—and no sooner was the thing done than it was denounced by the Press, and Ministers were left to extricate themselves as well as they could from their dilemma.—(Cheers.) Then, said the supporters of the Bill, "We never meant it—it was an inadvertence."— Good God ! my Lords, are we to be told that the Go vernment of this country, making so essential a change in the Constitution, has been guilty of an inadvertence?— (Cheers.) It was the duty of Ministers, before they introduced such a Bill, to consider and weigh every line, and every word of every line, and not to come to the country, and declare that really they had been guilty of an inadvertence.—(Hear, bear, hear, and a laugh.) If not competent themselves, they should have employed others who were competent, although they were respon sible. This is one of the several and great changes the Bill has undergone since it was originally brought forward. As it stands, the ten-pound franchise is so surrounded with rents, periods of occupation, and other ambiguous diffi culties, that I will venture to say that one• tenth of the persons entitled would not be able to establish their right of voting. I know it may be said that this ought to be no objection to us—that the more difficult it is to obtein the franchise the better ; but I do not like to take it in that way. If I thought it right to give the ten-pound franchise, I would give it intelligibly at once. I would take care that there should be no complaints afterwards that it was surrounded with difficulties.—(Hear, hear, from Earl GREY ; and Lord WfranaicurrE excited sem laughter by himself repeating the cheers.) If I thought 101. a proper franchise, I would state it in the plainest and most indisputable words ; hut my assertion is, that no man can enjoy it under this Bill who has not been re sident in a house for at least fifteen months, and, perhaps, for from twenty to thirty month'. Besides, if by any acci dent during that time the landlord gives the tenant notice to quit, the franchise is lost by removal. If such a fran chise were given fairly, I should say that it was exceed ingly low, and that it would amount very nearly to uni versal suffrage. I object, also, to the number of great towns to which the right of returning Members is to be communi. cated—and it shows that the principle of the measure is not property but population. This principle once esta blished, it can never be destroyed, and it must lead to future and endless changes. I allow that these great towns possess much wealth—that large capitals are em ployed in manufactures—that important interests are thus created, and that they have some claim to representation. But are we on this account to establish a principle, that whenever the population of a place amounts to a certain number (say 20,000), it shall be entitled to send a Mem ber to Parliament? I deny any such right. In the county of Lancaster, and in the West Riding of Yorkshire, with which I am particularly acquainted, certain trades and manufactures are carried on, which employ large capitals ; but are we, therefore, of necessity, to say that every large town there shall have its representative? Then as to the delusion of the landed interest; admitting that the Noble Lord opposite, acting on a fair principle, really thought that something must be given as a counterpoise for the overbearing influence of the manufacturing interests ; this counterpoise was to be given by additional county Mem bers—to some counties two, and to others one. But if Ministers had really wished to give an equivalent to the landed interest, instead of giving additional Members to populous manufacturing counties, like Yorkshire, for in stance, they should have selected agricultural counties.— (Hear, heir.) Besides, no man can tell what the effect of giving these Members to counties may be. The Bill declared that the counties should be divided by Commis sioners, and those gentlemen had already begun their labours, although it was at least a question whether the measure would be read a second time.—(Cheering.) These Coramissii;ners are to divide the counties according to their discretion ; and in Yorkshire I know that a line may be so drawn as to give four Members to the manufacturing interest. The same remark will apply to Warwiekshire, in which Birmingham is situated, and with which I do not profess to be so well acquainted. Therefore I say, before you call upon the landed interest to approve the plan, you should have afforded information to enable them to judge whether the measures to give the landed interest weight would be effectual. There is one other point about these changes to which I wish to call your Lordships' attention, anal that is with respect to the voters within these towns. In the first place, the intention of this Bill is, that persons who vote for towns should not, in respect of the same freeholds, vote for the counties in which those towns are situated. Th it, at first sight, appears designed to balance in favour of the counties the advantiges given by the other parts of the Bill to the manufacturing interest in the creation of the constituency of 101. freeholders. It is perfectly true that this restriction will to a certain degree diminish the number of votes that the inhabitants of towns will be able to throw into county elections ; but at the same time I am satisfied, that when the provisions of this Bill come to be known, the ease with which these restrictions can be evad. d will be discovered, and they will afford no protection whatever to the agricultural interest.—(Hear, hear.) But it may be said, that there are other matters which will afford them. protection. I know not what they are ; for you do not exclude persons residing in towns from having freeholds out of the limits of those towns, and within the limits of the divisions of the counties, and from vot ing in respect to those freeholds for the county in which they are situate. What I have said is fully made out by whit we hear at this very moment. In one of the divi. sions of the county of York a canvass has already taken place, in expectation of the changes to be effected by this Bill; and there is one remarkable thing in that canvass, remarkable, too, as fully making out what I have stated as my opinion, and that is, that the great towns will, un der this Bill, so far influence the elections for counties, or divisions of counties, as to deprive the landed interest of the power they ought to possess in those elections. The circumstance to which I allude is, that one of the great towns of the West Riding of Yorkshire, the great town of Leeds, his already named two candidates for that Rid ing—a Noble Lord who now sits in the other House as a Member for the county, and an Hon. Gentleman of ex tensive influence there; and in that very town in which you s ay this Bill will destroy the influence of the manufactur ing interest, except so far as the town is concerned, have the townspeople first begun a canvass for the county re presentation—ited, as they say, begun it with every cer tainty of success. —(Hear, hear.) These persons, my Lords, know well the power and influence of the freehol ders of their town—they know that that influence will be sufficient to decide the contest for the county—and they know that the provisions of this Bill are not such as to prevent them from obtaining the object of their canvass, or deprive them of enjoying the means of voting at that election. I say again, my Lords, that the provisions of this Bill are attacks upon the influence of the landed inte rest, and that they will acquire but little addition to their power in respect of these restrictions, but that in the manufacturing counties the landed interest will be com pletely overpowered. Then come the other provisions with respect to the increase of the number of electors in coun ties, the provisions relating to the cliyholders, the lease holders for twenty years, and the tenants at will. I ad mit to the Noble Earl that the imposition of this last clause—the giving the elective franchise to tenants at will .--did not come from the Noble Earl himself, as part of his measure : I admit that it was imposed on the Noble Lord by a Noble Lord in the other House; and I say only of that fact, that it makes the thing far worse..—( Hear, hear.) The reason airy I say en is that prima facie, that clause appears to give additional influence and weight to the great landed proprietors ; but the working of it will he very different; the working - of it will he, that if a landed proprietor exerts his influence with his tenantry lie will excite the strongest animadversions upon his conduct, such as had been made upon others who had ventured to exer cise what they thought to be their rights with respect to their tenants.—( Hear , h e ar. ) I ga y , m y Lords , t ha t together with the provisions relating to householders, and those which affect to he t t h he es t e en p - ro p v o i u s n io d ns restrictions on the too great influence of the manufacturing interests, and those which place curtain tenants at the mercy of their landlords, show mat clearly that you flatter yourselves in v if you believe that this Bill will be satisfactory, or will produce the benefits the Noble Earl seems to anticipate.—( Hear, hear.) There are other mat ters in this Bill that will produce consequences which do not seem to be anticipated. If you pass this Bill. you will mal:e every election in populous towns throughout the em pire of such a character, that I say the only w a y i n w hi c h a quiet man—a man in every other way fitted to be the representative of the people, but unused to public speaking, and shunning the crowd and confusion of a contested elec tion, can hope to be proposed with any possibility of suc cess, will he by resorting to the vote by ballot. But if you resort to that mode of voting at elections, 1 say that that, together with the other circumstances to which I have alluded, will be sufficient altogether to overthrow and put an end to the system and the Constitution of this country. Then conies another ground, which is entirely new. This measure is now put forth by the Government, and the assertion has been repeated this night, that the measure will be a final settlement of the question. I say it cannot—(Hear, hear)—l say it is impossible.—(Hear, hear.) I have already told you that we ought to he warned by the openly-expressed sentiments daily put forth on this subject—put forth by those who are the most cla morous for this measure—by those who are the principal defenders of the Bill, and who have distinctly told us that it is not so. We cannot disbelieve them when we hear their opinions and their wishes ; and when we turn to the Bill and observe its complicated provisions about re gistration anti voting, and a variety of other matters, that the lest consideration will teach us must give way,— ( Hear.) But that is not all. In the other House of Parliament, in the course of the debates upon this matter, that point was given up, and the Noble Lord who then in troduced the Bill admitted fairly at once that it was not final. The question, therefore, my Lords, for us to con sider is, whether the people will be satisfied with this measure? for if not, where is the use of passing it, since they will immediately afterwards ask U 9 to- go farther—to open wider the door to popular influence —asserting that we have admitted their right to have, and that they are determined to have, what has been called a full, fair, and free representati,m of the people in the way in which they understand that question.—( Hear, hear.) These are the objects of the people in demanding the passing of this measure. In what way, too, do they demand it ? We have been told by the Noble E trl opposite, and we have been told by the peti tions. that we must not mutilate this Bill.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble E irl has told us, at least, that we must not make any alterations in the Bill in the second reading. Why not ? Have I a chance of making an alteration in it afterwards ? The Noble Earl nods, as if I had ; he will allow me to say that the country and the Parliament— at least if his assent expressed that of the Parliament—have very different notions on this subject. The same sort of hope was held out to those who opposed the Bill in the other House; and I believe that many gentlemen voted there for the second reading in the belief that they should have the opportunity of altering the Bill in Committee, but when it got into the Committee any alteration was strenuously opposed. Every body knows that in a Bill brought in by the Government, with a strong party back ing them, it is a mighty difficult thing to make any altera tion, at least to make any material alterations. I believe that without these alterations the Bill would be a most dangerous measure ; but then how am I to make these alterations ? how can I he secure that I shall be allowed to make them—a great portion of the people who support the Bill asserting that such alterations are not to be permitted? The Noble Earl opposite tells us to look at the petitions of the people. lam always inclined to treat with the greatest spect the petitions of the people. I have long been connected with the people, and I have done what the Noble Earl recommends—l have looked at the petitions of the , people ; and my view of these petitions is, that the object of the people is not to have this Bill, but to have Reform in Parliament.—(hear.) I repeat that the people have told us in very intelligible language what they mean, when they say they want Parliamentary Reform ; but I deny that they have shown by their petitions that strong feeling which is supposed to prevail in favour of this Bill. If I doubted that before there are some circumstances at tending these petitions that would convince me. Meeting after meeting has been held upon this subject, both before and since the introduction of this Bill ; I ask your Lord ships whether the meetings that have been held since the introduction of the Bill have had the same character as those held before? I have taken the pains to inquire into the subject, and I can boldly answer in the negative. There are some parts of the public press that have trum peted them forth as meetings of great bodies of people ; but stone of those so triumphantly proclaimed, have, I will undertake to say, been such utter failures, that men have been ashamed to have their names connected with them.— (Hear, hear.) My Lords, we nix with the people, and we know the people, and we know their opinions and feelings. Our rank and our privilNes, thank God, have not removed us from the people. We mix with them ; our character here does not prevent us from mix ing with them out of doors : and I say, my Lords, that it is impossible for any man of us to walk the streets, and rot to see that this Bill is deprecated by the people.—(Hear.) I would ask the Nair Earl to walk with me through any street of this town—down Bond-street, for example—CA . laugh)—or down St. James's-street—(A laugh)—and to inquire of the people there,—l do not mean of the pas sengers he may accidentally meet, but to go into the shops and ask the respectable tradespeople what is their opinion of this - 13ill ; and I will venture to say he will not find more than a very few persons indeed who will not say that they are afraid of this Bill—that they think Parliament requires some Reform, but that they are afraid of this measure of Reform.—(Hear, hear.) Where petitions are signed by the people in favour of any measure, I am fir from undervaluing their importance ; but the signatures attached to the petitions must not he taken as evidence of the consent of the people of England to, this measure; but, in nine times out of ten the persons who signed these petitions are those who have followed the question for party views for years past. In the county of York, for instance, I am acquainted with a great number of very respectable people who have signed these petitions; but that makes no difference in my opinion on the subject, fur I know them to be the same men with whom I have been fighting all my life upon this question—whom I have encoui.tered upon it in public and in private.—( Hear, hear.) It is not always agreeable to be engaved in these encounters ; but I have been so engaged, 1 know, and re.pect many of the individuals who have opposed me ; but know ing them as my constant opponents, I do not see in the circumstance of their signatures any great feeling in favour of the measure. When I say this, I admit we must take care that, in talking of the petitions of the people, we are not deceived with respect to them ; but that c tution ap plies equally to both parties. But, says the Noble Earl, let us leave the consideration of these petitions and look to other circumstances ; and then what does he say to the result of the dissolution of last Parliament ? I ant ready, my Lords, in answer to that question to confess—indeed, no man in his senses can deny it—thitt on that occasion the supporters of Reform were most triumphant, that the Reform candidates were almost everywhere successful in populous places, and that in such places Anti-Reform candidates could hardly for a moment stand a contest. — (Hear, hear.) But even in that great event we have not a perfectly fair specimen of popular favour towards the present Bill. I will not again allude to the circumstances attending the act of that dissolution—(Hear, hear)—but I must say, that the circumstances occurring in the elec tions that followed that dissolution were such, that, so far from looking upon them as a fair and unbiassed judgment of the people, I believe that matters were so confounded, his Majesty's name—(Hear, hear)—was so much and so improperly used on that occasion, that I am convinced the struggle was believed to he between the boroughmongers (of whom I am accused of being one) and the King ; and that consequently many loyal people in the country, with their opinions thus acted upon, gave their votes in support of a imasure they would other wise have received with less cordiality.—(Hear, hear.) I now proceed to show the reasons for the opinion I enter tain, that when once the representatives are selected in the manner proposed by this Bill, the effect will be, in the first place, to diminish, or rather cramp, the prerogatives of the Crown, and in the next place to create in the House of Commons a body of such force, and so irresistible, as to make the decisions of this House perfectly useless.— (Hear, hear.) In the first place, this Bill will cramp the exercise of the prerogative of the Crown. The first pre rogative of the Crown is the choice of its Ministers. Now, when 111:nisters are chosen by the King, they must sit in Parliament ; I think I need not argue the necessity of their doing so. If the Minister thus chosen by the King is not rich ; if he is not rich enough to be able to stand an expensive contest-01u, with all the machinery of a 0; 14 tills Rill, Leavy exrnce will still continue to " e l e o to on the candidate)—l say, if he is not in a si° ilo be bear this expense, or- if he happens to be unrr o ag e will have no means of going, as is now usual, t e a boroughs. What will be the consequence? 1 b ave a tr all the Ministers, since I began a politicaloeneafta,rer,ee;lr;t:itarit:iio9;o„otitst; course to these boroughs ; but now they can d° 00 e ,j V thing, unless some of these boroughs are preser r . a ill b t lßv h eio, a iye t tanhl p at i thp i r m po o s s e t . of The the resultKiog Ring ' s Ministers N tl i i i i n s measure , isters to, s t t , h o e a f e l f , a e r ` cea s t lo; liei tbi Peers; eretio{g a fia n pit d iev eo i f n oci t lt h inn a b t me () m ini msariiitnseeder.n, titrlheleyfoderextilpelenri:soat) popular election, and when there is no P° sli . bl ate d sitting in that House but by popular election, the' op will become the actual imaae of the will of the Pe rfa t and when it is so, it will he impossible that three ottho hundred titled and privileged I . • m n,al(ftßtvieli..,it:iy,,l a h—,cee,,,, y ,arn.tn,wtai?tni w e,,nitiii soisi( i d,i,o s in)uei h ßf\e,,sispeoi.,ite;leiholei3O:efv,ytf L iihiheoltta e Heceuoi,i t y.eoreoaaw i emih i vNni,hq s eisamaoleove l id o hibne(rs, t alt i neoae k tdf_sclio i lp t clu t .oef t in h ii:tt e imi i, etirport;eosise.tneco_nttiitpn:astniiitsaas : b o i l s t 1 13 ' 1 n l i e (I , I i t e I P the w a c r i e rc n u o n w ist t a u n id ce , circumstances allsurround hli liberty e u r t s y ? How tree Te, P a of of things—you will obtain in the House of Co°7o , delegates of a party ; they will have no power aa aei l a ce p lion e ''' : sl o 'bt'i r,i l e 'l : o i t h lg a h v t e t o before blei,al a l d lbe m essc i o t on t in e d et t ot o ou l o i s e p, i nt n hu t ,a . r et o r d fbu t y l l a fetodhriwithout theßili re th at tlo' Commons -• and you will not be able to resist their dellet:::;(lelliee3ft• hear, hear.) lam not aware, my Lords, that I h ' ea dea they objections to state upon this subject. 1 ' ha v e b e ' voured to show that Ido not obiect to the 81l or e cause it deals with nominations, but because it Earlgig e toJ than I think it ought. I admit when the Noble a I ' office he was called on for some measure of it ea ' a r a ,lo/i offer no opinion with respect to the nomination I)°r".:ver' •.,1.. , hut with respect to the rest of the Bill, I consider!ii adopted sal of the Constitution ; a proposal against whic self, 0 4 be neither this House, nor even the Monarchy i,; s '`' able to stand.—(Hear.) My Lords, we are naa,: ge ying tuation to give way at this moment without e o " a one opt the Constitution. Hitherto that Constitutioha`a gtaa and England has flourished under it. It may e a u t ede d ' it may have anomalies : if it has so, let them be r e _ t hese it l ri s ei l oo t it. l ys l , i n sb o ot t ot o db p oe po en s xo e etm t h lpe e lti l fio l e e sd a b— a r e m omn o o f ldve t i h i it e chhe Ci ag i n n r o s etoixtopt dt e t too ii°o:hcoici,airt: be made. My Lords, we have the King, Lo rci:;1701 'la timtahhoaemntysow,tshoatirnnistinketlemislaloavi:yi e n nh g ta t p l l t pa e en n ng t . , u a w gl e ev, o e u ta g hr l a i et t take t t ot ; dis not lose them.—( Hear.) We are told, m y Lorrha t a p n ot e af f the Lords do not vote the Bill—to usebilayitliPhi:l::::::e:s4; sio n—th e people can mdproa:"Vaii)itelhsoaiusbtlieitohtientHhaeouse of Pri ! j t t l i l i a e n sy th st e em Ho t t:s a e t o tni f : L wy ords can do without the P °P e e til d° , ~ o tNv i w), i ooa t en : ; : yi rtuoytuiiestrti notilswi bgee l ?or n i tthi t eralsi l ::tie t ii( e )sne l f v l eetaa t hr h i yle e eg t (r n ide , aaa yntt betteralttno; measure,lgilivataii anomaly; e ;w y s c obtio b io d uf :i t r eis t . t tte ll ihi t t9 :: s_ Y t ie t ti v a vi v e oneo i ; 1 0 : pro : rel ,:i 'f , 1 , pent the day on which they adopted such a I°- t icif t- f has safely conducted this empire to the prese rl i t time' e redit ri l Peerage. Have they ever been the enemies of t h e a 00 1 : the c f l' i kind employed towards us. In a late ntonli ev : t ati ' Westminster Review, it is said :--" Th e ( l a ti L e asist / ( Cheers ofri.oßmevtohluotioonppiossihtiaosote,nainngsorteoraedraPirl "calit by Cbe: 0 • 0 - e t ha the Ministerial Benches.) The Reformers bitac i a to stir duty at the elections ; they will be equallY L r ea 1 ) :1 e", port the cause by arms, if the Tories 8 0 L 1 ,, .( 00' to turn over that page in a nation's history i 0 ,,,5t il; hear.) I take leave to say, my Lords, that yo it iS S' , •isfy yourselves that tbis Measure is safe; tb at i d t h3 a for you to pass this law : but if you are not sat 's o ,, e oot'a ' ' this is the case you must do your duty to v ery 00r 0 11 I. ; and reject it —(Hear, hear, hear.) It was dto , ° l ; e talk of this House as a Legislative .Assein h/ Y r a'a a at 0 14 ,0 that it may pass measures of experiment. a' w ith - , e very well with respect to a Turnpike Bill, but ant is b ee s' measure it is different. As the House of C°° - to og • are s fe t , odti; thought fit to change their constituency , to the change? As Peers we are h ou nd to do r 1 t hee P to to stand between the prerogative of the King °l a lie a ite hand, and between popular excitement on the ote tw o give to each their proper weight ; and if r he d a se a : 14 proposed to us is not to our satisfaction safe, ta r „,,le tha l' a assent to it.—(Hear, hear, hear.) If the P e 'ro 07 0 that they can do without us, let them say so o, i „ f ' ) name, and We are ready to walk out--(N n t 11 `, l a , e n o frt e if the Ministerial benches)—but I say that tithe tbiaa wishes no such thing ; it expects the Peers "' p ope , duty—that duty is to consider the measure n°lloosciearli; to vote on that measure according to their C aof ' ) calnotodvniiltflryftohlfo.yinil.d,sootyothtihas,,lclehrahtvaaeivnen.noeotx(tfleeonaort:ttlhhiaiestirth:xeliall°o:rP 1 0ti e .0 3 ,0, , r• {, The Noble Earl has addressed the ben ch aia le• 'a i / that it is true they are Ministers of Peace , bill t ber it il ad ills 00i their task to bring peace among all men' beach' aa of retort:ll) , r for whit purpose they sit on that intemat the Church, for itirheehs,a,kse whichof tlie u t i h s e e l y v e a s alone, re ierobbue r t s fo ; r t r i.e e ilo b e s; Ej lei interests of that Church in their bands, let w h e t yet ~ a what is their duty with regard to it• Vir-' e 'lid duty is, let them not flinch from its dischargebieep o t v the principle on which 1 shall act. I br ae reig li a ; lr into this House by the kindness of the sill potaaa honour I have received from his hands I w l ,'•,11 11° ,0 1 quish ; I will not do an act unworthy of th e . a a l , P ladl i°- a! I will nor, by a base vote of mine , f ive up '-- w it 10 o r have received, and which I almid to tran%jeedi i d posterity. I will not debase the title 1 havefrreca-etigoaa will I allow my posterity to blame Ine f o r set' manner unworthy of my titles and 11° , 1 1 naaja''' hear, hear.) No man will deny that tbi' is " aloe " t og' struggle. I call on your Lordships , a a Y °l' o ' : ' ve o' '' tuation in which you have been placed bY Yostors, ova ii or which you have inherited from your ance.riateids tad the people that you will do your duty, noon a l Wil l a da e l threats—not guided by interest, but that Yla o e P e ,. duty as you ought ;do your duty, and re Y o t° to e ' sense of the people, whom I have never Ina ° co t b e o bad i man for the conscientious perfortnance °I a 1 . , ‘ e r ", 1 1(.0; c_ tea r e c : eit( v vo e gie d ;tatot t iiri o :sieta,o l nn i d e a:eirni. a ca i y)en s ( ( t . :I I I : : oitt:yim;:.le;ovsytage:fievttatelle;aifnytenrtiog,ittl::lotitioy.ii_iistniei,aseantislinittfilde,yeii,rtilb,Bll,3rtafebYiui,,,,:ei,ri,r,.d, . te)sristeoeiicetio o ter:fe ' tiderorio, t a.notgosol, l ,: t it; f ji ~r. The Earl of MULGRAVE could mot beerean ° ti osil e ins a few words in opposition to the "u s iaa J °Pala', had been addressed to them by the Noble,,vervottio°lsol:, The greater part of that Noble Lord" a a d t'''a eftaa been directed to the details of the Pil l ; t , the l' e , f a 0", Lord had observed, that the Noble Fea rl a',. the ' ',oil" Government had increased by his argliao,en'sverd sov;3siii in which the Government were placo' i a n ot ' tit c 00: plain consideration why that House sboa'..e' p „ae °` ma ll' reject the measure ; and that was, that.; ot i o ritY' it 0 0 mons had passed it by a very consid ‘ , 1. :: eoP le. ileW l' ,, ; had received the unanimous assent of of those 1)-(1. evident that no one denied the necessity ' foa l yea lo. all admitted it, and that admission differ° Wast e to tl , ` sitive denials that had formerly been of fao3 a s 00 of B e ' ' le a 1 0 formerly bean said by the opponents to that 0 t a forine rs a a ja ta a a e Ob . want of agreement among the 1 1 ' n gNcoo o ot s t t. il • ,n,lie t t u oo r Li n ,t(il e s)lr d ,ed , and it could no 101 l gea I c e b • e et. 1 " f t ll6 Reformers were agreed on the some at d ie d t e li r;l ir. i i ° , l l .l e t r , i t : Lord opposite had addressed himself r? . an d c ' rl' a lb . measure, otat, l ( butnot ti,eE „r to i o t f h e moie principlera,,e) s o h f ov i o t ei 'a n t, re;r l o, :e r P s o e f a to l ?, I)( t e, o o:ni i i v am i t t lie l t i t il tt r ei a :e w rfeo, h r i a s read a second time. The Noble Lol a ~, a , a y to g!aa! people asked for Iltform, and it Was 'u aot all that t t a,, of that demand to say that this BO! leas ,.e . ' d one tn• I f '' t d er : required. o isi o :t s i w i: t le' e ls n a : a t c i t li Tiel O: , in t f e l og a Bond-street luar::itliefe:Ntipc°Lastis),:t..():ltPied:Ltii:nicilill'illairrori:ildivi--sti:gcr(::eigel4llditelki;tra)::l,re:ne,N.te3.lloll,:::a::llls'sib:atil'hhiev.;roe(3ll:ill less fashionable place-- 11 j l : ri t ' e a o t ee lei r : i i g t o ug let e , • il aca i t'itrii:h';:'';:dtloetair:l:ll,ll‘l't:dv°f(ll°,)ev(basitei tili,elioitr:lnifihi:enoeeleglirissiosiat(if°,:tti::)olleac!:::dallste,:e}'hl'rell:ijcielrettYc-aPi nt, t (N i ii : ll) tr °ll , l e t : a ;: t 3 i° i o eril:rj-::lo.l;.e,'oet:svich'ritnilaelit(trurthi'ine,ieht:enallt)hllei v ae t i t i : i i b t: : : : s s t a ir re i ' l, i ; ► e boroughs in the hands of the Aristocracywilolt,l ov a 1,0 , Reform as u N Ole ,00 an y one to introduce such , The ~a c e , minds,,po ,e of f f th t , l e i the i p ffi e c o t p il l t e y . , — . f ( HfieriTngllse,a:art:: 0 for f nalloiile'!.` dt ,i : e a f r ) , tcolifieentrheton'ritir:rrtenleceo;rnalactlnn.—edntdi:eicritehtte'l'iieni'rateln:(alsiPirl::: I"' I r i t e l a t, t ' o °ll o .e l : l ' - i ti : e mr le uu c cg t i i i: o s t b i ef followed forehtilep ul :le l: c o t : 1 election) ;n solution,aTnhtthaebrig'rtuel""Uhl : el tnivtaPist a : , lar g e ° iority In fa , the 1an , , , -,u l; fully nay