The Sun. — London, England, 1833-05-11 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS The Stafford Election Indemnity Bill was read a second time last night, and ordered to be committed on Monday next. The manlier in which some of their Lordships approach this subject is not a little amusing. Few of our readers are such green-horns as not to be aware that a Bill having for object to put an end to the bribery of a particular borough, will be unpo pular with certain parties—exactly in proportion as it is likely to be effective for that object. Du ring the discussions on the Reform Bill, it be came necessary to throw off all disguise, and to declare in so many words that the Government eould not be carried on without venal boroughs. But a little more management. is now necessary. The great point now is, to affect an extraordi nary hatred of bribery, and to allow no one who has had recourse to it to escape the consequences of his guilt. It is a master-stroke of policy to be able to shelter a corrupt borough, by the very intensity of the hatred of corruption. If the ex clusion from indemnity of the very persons who can give the evidence, can be made to assume the guise of a love of impartial justice, so that the corrupter as well as the corrupted may suffer, who would think of attributing such impartiality to a love of bribery ? What a step would be gained by criminals, if, in the penury of evidence, all participators in crime should be rigidly excluded from indemnity ? Lord Lyndhurst and Lord Wynford were the actors last night. Lord Lyndhurst, cool and crafty, seems quite aware of the necessity of moving with great circum spection— " Willing to wound, and yet afraid to strike ; Just hint a fault, and hesitate 4 ‘ He must," he said, " make an observation or two', arising out of the Bill. It was not like other Bills directed to a similar object. All other Bills of the kind were only to indemnify the persons examined, but this Bill proposed something altogether different. It was a Bill to indemnify all persons examined as witnesses— candidates, and all others who had violated the law and been guilty of bribery in the election of burgesses for the borough of Stafford. This was not an accident, for the first clause corresponded to the title. It was to the effect that every person whatever, guilty of bribery at the election of Stafford, whether examined as witnesses or not, should be entirely and completely indem nified.' " The question whether A or B has been guilty of bribery is, as every person of any judgment must see, of very inferior moment, compared with the question whether a place which has always been notoriously corrupt, and always will be corrupt, shall be deprived of that which allows the possibility of the guilt. The great point for which penal law is instituted is the prevention of crime. By disfranchising Stafford, we do what is of ten thousand times more importance than punishing the individuals who may have offended, which is only of conse quence in so far as it might deter others from bribing (and experience proves that bribery cannot be put down by penalties), we reach at once the source of the evil. We amputate the diseased lima of the constitution. Lord Wynford is not so good a tactician as his brother peer. He goes more directly to work. "He would (he said) allow indemnification only to those who really were examined ; and he would except the can didates at past elections and their agents. He had been much misrepresented on this point, for there could not be a greater enemy to bribery than himself; but he wished to do away with it in the most effectual way, by punishing the principals who corrupted ; and if any were to escape, let it be the unfortunate misled wretches who were seduced into the offence. If there were not some alterations made, the prime movers of guilt would escape." This is admi rable. The unfortunate misled wretches, like certain other unfortunates, will have no dealings but with those who are willing to mislead them. Innocence and purity must not approach Stafford. When certain other impure places draw down on them the indignation of the vicinage, the ques tion is not what is to be done with those who seduced the unfortunate misled wretches, but to prevent wickedness from being any longer perpe trated in that place. As there must he two parties in bribery—the briber, and the bribed—it is of little consequence to the public whether the briber or the bribed be the most guilty ; but it is of great consequence that there shall be no more bribery; and Lord Wynford is not so simple as to suppose that candidates and agents will be such fools as to produce evidence which may subject themselves to personal consequences. The condition, therefore, that the candidates and agents, as well as the bribed, shall suffer, is declaring, in so many words, that there shall be bribery in all times to come. All this affected hatred of bribery—all this anxiety to punish the whole of the guilty parties—will deceive no one. It means this, and only this —we will take care that no one shall be punished —we will take care that bribery shall flourish, by excepting from indemnity the only persons by whom the dis closures can be made. The whole is a farce, and the plot is thread-bare. No one can be deceived. John Bull is not such an ass as to be the dupe of such obvious trickery, He who wishes the end must wish the means. Don' tell us of your hatred of bribery if you exclude the only means by which it can be struck at, without supposing candidates and agents the greatest idiots that ever existed—noodles anxious to effect an object which can be attained at the expense of the most ruinous consequences to themselves.—Morning Chronicle. 'We shall not touch here upon the personal dispute which has taken place between Sir John Hobhouse and one of his opponents, Colonel Evans, except to say that the affair ended ami cably and honourably for all parties. But Sir John Hobhouse has been beaten on the poll by a trifling majority of much less than a third part of the general body of electors, those who ab stained from voting being, ,no doubt, indifferent to the dispute. This indicates a lamentable state of the public mind in the city of Westminster, the vast majority not caring to trouble themselves with such a conflict ; and of those who did vote, the greater part, as we decidedly think, voting erroneously. The Tories, we presume, are no less gratified than the Radicals, or Destructives, that the temperate Reformer has been defeated; and Mr. Escott consequently congratulated the mob, that though he himself had failed, Sir John Hobhouse was not the successful candidate. LVIr George Dawson exhibit e d hi msel f on the hust ings ; but if we trust the re p ort ( as we are as sured we may), copied from Th e S un, he strove to excite the angry feelings, which, if he had pos.,' sessei any influence, he should have endeavoured to control. His abuse of ourselves made us smile ; it was natural for an ex-placeman to suppose w e must be paid for our services. Let that pass : we certainly do not think it worth an answer. But are the T or i es , w i t h M r . G. D a wson at their. head, wise in the. course they are now pursuing!! Because they were not suffered to continue their career, they endeavour to throw all things into [confusion : they had better join with the legal authorities in restoring good order. Ministers ' might, perhaps, have lent Sir John Hobhouse some assistance ; but there has been a delicacy throughout, somewhat approaching to fastidious ! ness, which is but little calculated to triumph in the stormy field of politics. The Conservatives, less scrupulous, have declared that they cared not who came in for Westminster provided Hobhouse were thrown out ; and yet, though malignant, they have been feeble in producing the mischief, for, at last, how few voters have they been able to bring forward, either for the support of their own candidate, Escott, or for the overthrow of him to whom they are most hostile. They hardly broke ground on a soil in which, if they were to succeed in digging a pit, they must be the first to fall into it themselves. We suspect, indeed, that the day is not very distant when the Tories will bitterly regret the triumph which they have assisted in accomplishing for a party whose hatred of them, notwithstanding the present monstrous coalition, is deep, malignant, incur able. The aristocratic opponents of the con stitutional party in France made a sad blunder when they lent their aid to the Marats and the Robespierres in order to overthrow the Giron dists. The success of the poor dupes was some what greater than they expected : they did indeed destroy the real friends of liberty, but " ere their shoes were old" they were led to the same seal fold by their Radical a lli es , w h o wante d no longer to be encumbered by their patronage,— far less valuable than their magnificent estates. We do not say that any consequences so frightL.ul are to be looked to as the immediate result of the sudden friendship sworn between the Con servatives and Destructives, but we are sure that such is the natural tendency of that alliance. And who does not see in Mr. G. Dawson all those qualities which make a man the easy in strument of his own ruin in the hands of cool and daring men ? His good-natured credulity, his impetuous temper, his want of discriminate reflection, and consequent want of judgment,are like so many leading-strings already prepared for the grasp of his worst enemies ; and who but must pity the simple vet kind-hearted victim, eagerly and unconsciously assisting at the pre parations for his own immolation. For his sake, even for the sake of his party, we trust that the victory will soon be converted into a defeat. The people of Westminster will soon shake off; some their sloth, others their delusion, and im mediately address themselves to the task of reco vering that station in public estimation which for a time they have lost. We learn that a petition is in preparation to set aside the elec tion, for some informalities : should this be the case, we have no doubt that in the interval be tween this and the next election the most deter mined spirit will be alive to secure a triumph for the cause of rational liberty.—Times. The present Ministers have had more than " three warnings " of the fate that, sooner or later, attends those who have climbed upon the shoulders of the people into power, and then have attempted to kick down the ladder by which they rose. The last and greatest warning is the result of the Westminster election. If eat does not open their eyes to the folly of ieir conduct they must be blind indeed, and nothing can prevent their rushing on political perdition. If the present House of Commons —which is so complaisant to power, that it hastens to rescind its own votes at the command of the Chancellor of the Exchequer—were im mortal, Ministers might console themselves for the indignation of public opinion out of doors by the votes of servile majorities in Parliament ; but as the " collective omnipotence " of the House must one day expire, and each individual Member be called upon to give an account of his stewardship to the people, Ministers had better look to some more substantial and per manent support than the fleeting triumphs of Treasury influence in Parliament, or " set their houses in order," and resign themselves to the fate which they have provoked. The time is past when the people of England could be made the blind instruments of keeping this party or that in power, for the benefit of any set of men who seek their own aggrandizement by the sacrifice of the public interests. Things have been brought to a crisis when the nation must either have cheap and good government, or be prepared for the worst calamities. We know there are vir tues, industry, mind, and energy in the people of England sufficient to restore this country to a high pre-eminence among the nations of Europe, and to bring back much of the internal prosperity which it has lost ; but to give free scope to those means of national regeneration, there must be men at the head of affairs who rely more upon talent than trick, and more upon honesty than either. It is curious enough to observe that the same servile journals which flattered the Duke of 'Wellington to his destruction are doing the same " friendly" office for the Ministry of Lord Grey. Those journals dare to bully, to abuse, or sneer at the people for any act of indepen dence which they may exercise for the protec tion of their own interests. They would have the Reform Bill, which the nation was thrown al most into a convulsion to carry—they would have that Reform Bill which was to bring all the blessings of good and cheap government in its train, to be nothing more than an elaborately-en grossed piece of parchment laid by among the cu riosities ofthe Cabinet, or rolled up in the hand of Lord Grey when he sits for his portrait, and as barren of any practical results as a scroll of Egyptian papyrus in the grasp of a mummy. But the Reform Bill was not worth a straw, unless as the instrument to bring about what the public are now demanding -7—retrenchment, economy, relief from overwhelming taxation, and a wise and honest administration of the affairs of the State. We are glad to see that the reformed House of Commons is again to be put to the test on the subject of the assessed taxes. As to the impossibility of IVlinisters being able to dispense with them without sub stituting a property tax or some other, it is a mere political fiction. If the House of Com mons were to assert it a thousand times, it would be just as true as the famous resolution of Vansittart, which an unreformed House of Commons placed upon its journals—that a one pound note and a shilling were equal in value to a golden guinea, at a time when the guinea, as compared with the note, was at seven shillings premium. If the House of Commons, at the command of a Minister, were to deny that a guinea and a feather would gravitate an equal distance in the same time, in an exhausted re- ceiver, or that the three angles of a triangle are equal to two right angles, would the denial of a law of nature, or a mathematical truth, be the less absurd and ridiculous because it was made by the House of Commons ? Ministers, when out of office, held it as certain as any mathematical truth, that the assessed taxes and others could be taken off without the necessity of substituting a tax on property. Now they are living on the taxes, they have altered their opinion ; but the result of the Westminster election will go far to con vince them that the people have not changed theirs. Will Sir Francis Burdett resign ? is now the question. That he will be called upon by ;his constituents to do so, as well as the other :delinquent Members of the metropolitan !boroughs, we believe. Indeed, if Sir Francis Burdett were sincere in what he said at Ito former electi o n, it mus t be more gratifyi ng to his own feelings to go out than to stay in ; jfor he said he "would rather be turned out with Hobhouse than be returned with any one else." He has now the opportunity of proving the fidelity of this Siamese attachment. It will save i him from the unpleasantness of listening to any i more of those motions of what callshe sr i" Johntwo penny-halfpenny econom y." `What Hobhouse said the other day about " scratching I out a pension, earned by public service, with a dash of a pen," lets in some light upon the !facility with which Ministers might dispense with pensions not earned by any public or honest service. In conclusion, let us merely ask, why is it, if Sir J. Hobhouse had bona fide resigned his office, that no Secretary for Ireland has yet been appointed ? Westnzinster has, however, accepted his resignation.-111orning Herald. Westminster "is itself again." The fetters of a tyrannical faction have been broken asunder —the true principle has triumphed, despite all opposition ; and the man of the people —the candidate whose cause we advocated—is one of the representatives of Westminster ! Of this glorious result we are truly proud, and we thank, with all our heart, the people of Westminster for it ; not because they have chosen the man on whom we had set the seal of our approbation, but because they have done justice to them selves, have thrust from among them one who had deceived them, and, by their decision, given a great moral lesson, not only to all Members of Parliament, but to the whole country. This is the great source of our triumph ; not that we do not consider Colonel Evans a most fit and proper person to represent the people of West minster, or of any other place standing in need of a representative, but because we deem the punishment of one who has been deemed to have betrayed his constituents to be infinitely more useful as an example to the Government, and to the community at large, than the triumph in an election contest, of the best man who could, by possibility, have pro posed himself as a candidate for West minster, or for any other place. The lesson is important in two respects—first, as demonstrat ing the determination of the people not to be imposed upon by political quacks; and, se condly, as evincing their unequivocal desire that the taxes on houses and windows should be repealed. As against the Government the deci sion of yesterday is only important as a warning ; but it is, nevertheless, most important in that respect; and, under feelings of the purest friend ship to it, we do hope and trust that it will take warning from it—that it will, at length, discover that the times are altered, and that men and things are altered with it—that the Government of the country cannot be earried on upon the old principle of buying support from those who, contrary to the spirit of the constitution, had support to give, and made as regular a market of it as there is of cabbages in Covent-garden, and that no Government can possibly exist in this country which is not based upon a consi deration of the people's welfare, and is deter mined to make that welfare its first, its last, its only consideration.—Morning Advertiser. We yesterday recalled to the recollection of our readers the circumstances in which the holders of %Vest India property are at this time placed. The most distinct admissions have been made of the expediency and necessity of an in quiry into the state of the colonies ; but the West India body have been absolutely cheated out of that demand for inquiry which, if it had been•put forward, not even the effrontery of a Whig could have resisted, The appointment of a committee having been refused, and the Government having determined to act upon its own responsibility, there was but one way in which the refusal could be justified and the de termination approved. The plan to be proposed to the House of Commons should have been founded on such accurate knowledge as to make it manifest that inquiry was wholly unnecessary, and it should have been framed on so equitable a principle as to vindicate the temerity of those who, instituting no investigation, relying on no report, presented it as the production of their own labours and the test of their own sagacity to the country and to the Legislature. The plan is published. We present it in another part of our paper to our readers. We shall ex amine it in detail on Monday. For the present we must confine ourselves to a brief expression of indignation for the outrageous robbery it per petrates, and disgust at the abominable wicked. ness and despicable folly in which it has been devised. It takes from the slave the tasks which as a slave he performs ; it leaves to the slave the advantages which as a slave he enjoys. It deprives the owner of the property which the laws have secured to him ; it enforces upon the owner the liabilities which the laws have imposed upon him. It proposes to raise from the English people a larger sum than the Eng lish people are willing to give ; it proposes to pay to the West India planters a less sum than the West India planters are entitled to demand. It succeeds in the subversion of every principle ; it fails in the gratification of any prejudice. It is miserably weak in its policy ; it is monstrously gigantic in its iniquity. One merit only it has; let us be just and state it fairly. That merit is its utter impracticability. There will be no compro mise upon this matter; no tampering with plain right, no sacrificing of the manifest interests of the empire. The W est I nd i a b o d y w i ll meet the proposals of the Government with the defiance which a bold man opposes to a footpad. Petitions to the King, the Lords, and the Commons will be presented without delay. One will set forth the rights of property in the dtoby the Legislature t o the be inf r i nge d b ut w i t h t h e p li l e a g n r t o e , r, g a u n a d r a n n t o e e t planter's consent. Another will state, on the part of the merchants who hold mortgages on colonial estates, that in some cases exclusively, in all cases principally, their mortgage is on the negroes, not on the land ; and that their mort gage deeds are waste paper so soon as Mr. Stanley's measure shall be carried. A third will express the alarm already felt by every man inte rested in the trade and the commerce of London ; the conviction entertained by merchants, bankers, shipowners, that the failure of the West India slaves would bring with it a crisis which would make the distresses of individuals forgotten in genera l ruin. These things are already medi tated ; and we speak of them as certain, because remonstrances such as these are the necessary comments upon a scheme of spoliation, the like of which was never yet propounded by the must democratic assembly, in compliance with the wildest excesses of popular frenzy.—Morn. Post. The Westminster election has terminated in the return of Lieutenant-Colonel Evans. The greatest exertions were made during Thursday night and yesterday morning, by the friends of Sir John Hobhouse, to induce Mr. Escott to withdraw from the contest. When these endea vours failed, an assertion was falsely put forth, that he had done what they had vainly besought him to do. Sir John Hobhouse had the effrontery to represent himself yesterday as the only Conservative candidate—the candidate for whom all should vote who had anything to lose —the candidate whose cause all should espouse who were opposed to convulsion ! We shall here after examine at greater length the history of a contest which we regard as one of the most im portant events of our time ; let us say, for the present, that we remain of the same mind in which we remarked upon the struggle yesterday. Mr. Escott acted well and wisely in maintaining his engagements and fighting out his battle. He had nothing to do with the pretensions of Sir John Hobhouse, nothing to do with the pretensions of Colonel Evans ; to him both were, for different reasons, unfit to be representatives of West minster. Persevering in the struggle, he " fought for his own hand ;" retiring from it, he would have ranked himself among the ad herents of Sir John Hobhouse. What apology can any Tory make to his own conscience for supporting that most unfortunate man ? Was , he entitled to the support of Tories on political grounds ?—because, differing on slight points, on more important subjects he agreed with us ? Sir John Hobhouse has been, in our sense, a rebel for fifteen years. Was he entitled to the support of Tories on personal grounds ? because, separated from us by inflexible principle, he tempered the bitterness of political animosity by the amenities of courteous deportment ? Sir John Hobhouse has poured forth upon ths( motives of the most honourable men the most shameful and odious calumnies, through a long series of years, which yesterday for the first time he was anxious to blot from our memories. Did General Gascoyne, did Lord Sandon, did Sir Henry Cooke express, by their vote yester day, their opinion that Westminster could be properly represented by this retired demagogue ? We cannot believe h.—Morning Post. ,WESTMINSTER ELECTION, MAY 10. Towards three o'clock, and from that hour until four, when the poll-hooks closed, the greatest, alai, indeed, we may soy, the most painful, anxiety was manifested by Sir John Hothouse's friends to make a last effort, and endea vour to place him if possible at the bead of the poll, and the inset extraordinary exertions were making to effect that ob ject in the various districts. It was, however, evident that their efforts would be vain, and but few came up to vote for hint, and those among the groans and hisses of the crowd. The people began to congregate in large mosses in Covent- garden, and at the close of the poll tie whole of the area at the western end was crowdtd to excess. At four o'clock, Mr. SMEDLEY, the Deputy High Bailiff, ordered the poll-books to be closed, and stated that he should announce the state of the poll to-morrow at two o'clock. Colonel EvAws then came forward amid loud and long continued cheering, and addressed the assembled electors as follows :—Gentlemen, independent of the great result of this day, it is delightful and most gratify ing to me to see the deep and undaunted spirit which animates the great and powerful body of people who are now assembled. It proves the people have awakened to their own cause, to the interest which they are bound to defend, promote, and support—it proves that West minster is itself again.—(Loud and long-continued cheer ing.) Gentlemen, I wish it was in my power to express myself in any way remotely approaching to the importance and interest of this scene, but I feel it impossible. How ever, Gentlemen, it is necessary that I should make one or two remarks on what I stated on these hustings yesterday, as it is my duty in candour to do so. On that occa sion I alluded to a report that the Marquis of Exeter, who possesses large property about Westminster, had interfered in this election.—(Loud cheers, and cries of " It's true.") No, no, Gentlemen, no ; I only spoke of the report, and at the same time I will leave every one present to judge of that; I did not use one word in depreciation of that Nobleman—(Loud cheering)—and I was extremely gra tified to-day on seeing the agent of that Noble Marquis, a Mr. Walford, who manages the whole of his estates in this neighbourhood, when he told me, on his word and honour, that Lord Exeter had taken no part whatever in this election—(Great cheering, and cries of " Bravo")-- that, for his ow❑ part, he had canvassed during the elec tion, that in that canvass he had not made use of the in fluence of Lord Exeter„ but on his failing to obtain votes for the candidate he supported, he had invariably asked, as a secondary favour, that the votes should be conferred upon me.—(Loud and long continued cheers.) Gentle men, I think it but justice to state the adoption of this conduct on the part of Mr. Walford.—(Loud and repeated cheers.) Gentlemen, at the moment of pub lic triumph—of a triumph of a peculiar description— of a triumph of the greatest importance, in my humble opinion—one which the public interest re quired, it would ill become me to detain you by any de tails, or by any strictures or attacks upon the conduct of those whose proceedings have occasioned the present unne . cessary contest in 'Westminster—a contest, happily, no longer existing : thanks to the votes you have given ! (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, our enemies have done their best and their worst.—(Continued cheering.) All that we need now say of them, or do towards them, is to leave them to their own reflections. Let them chew the cud of their own dissatisfaction as long as they please.—(Cheers.) In farmer times the city of Westminster was almost the only one in the kingdom—(Here the Gallant Colonel was interrupted by the arrival of a procession of his friends, by a band of music which continued playing for some time.) At last silence was restored and he proceeded-- Gentlemen, it was the peculiar glory of Westminster in former times to triumph over the two great factions which divided the State, to stand formidably in the midst and divide both parties—the Whigs and the Tories. For some few years it has been labouring under a sort of epidemic, or sort of influenza, I suppose, but with the return of t},e fine weather you have thrown off your enemies, and advanced the public interests. It is you that have placed me in the enviable situation I now hold—you, unassisted by organization, by large sums of money, or by any overwhelming influence and power-- it is you ,by your patriotic virtue, that have achieved the noble and useful triumph.—(Cheers.) It is true that I stand in a proud situation, but you will not do justice to me if you suppose that it is on that account that my feelings are at this moment those of triumph. No; I hope you will give me credit when I say, that the pride with which I am now inspired is of a nobler kind, and is not because I am now in the proud situation of your re presentative, but purely from public grounds.—(Great cheering.) I have only a very few words more to say to you, n .mely, if ever I become a recreant to the emi nent distinction which you have now bestowed on me— if I appear to hesitate in my straightforward duty, all that I wish, and I sincerely wish it, is that you will serve me in the very same way as you have now done my opponent. --(lmmense cheering.) In conclusion, I have only to beg that you will give all the candidates, if they are present, a fair hearing. The Gallant Colonel then concluded, when the cheering, which had been kept up all the time he spoke, was most deafening. Mr. EsCOTT then came forward and spoke as follows : —Electors of Westminster,—The great contest in which we have been engaged for the support of the different principles which the candidates profess is virtually ended, and to-morrow the state of the poll will be officially de clared ; but I do not hesitate to say, that all hopes of my success are now at an end.—(Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, I shall not now enter into a lengthened statement of poli tical opinions, because tomorrow, when the official decla ration is made, we must be again here, and that will be the most proper time for such a statement. But one or two circumstances have occurred to-day, which make it my imperative duty to come forward and explain them. It was stated to me in the early part of this day, that a report was in very general circulation that I had resigned the contest; I was told also that the report had been put up in large and conspicuous letters in one of Sir John Hobboume's committee-rooms. However that may be, it is certain that those persons who made such a charge, either made it from malicious motives, or, if they had an honest intention, they had little knowledge of my character....(Cheers.) Before I undertook this contest, I well considered whether it would be my duty to persevere to the end, and, having made that determination, I should be ashamed to look any honest elector in the face if I had not redeemed it to the very letter.—(Cheers.) How was it for me to know how the honest electors of Westminster would consent to vote, unless I gave them the opportu nity at the poll of recording their sentiments? I know that many held back from doing so, and that if those had come forward who I had a right to believe were well in clined to me, I should have been in a different situation ; but I also believe that he whom you have elected, what ever difference of opinion there is between us (and no doubt that difference in great) will never do any thing to forfeit your confidence.—(Loud cheers.) If it is told me, that, standing as I do on the principles of preserving, and being conservative of, every thing I believe to be good, I ought not to make such a declaration, allow me to tell you, in refutation of any such charge as that, that in my opinion the most destructive of all principles are those which urge a man to sacrifice his pledges and his promise., and, having excited the hopes and expectations of the people, to disappoint them.—(Great cheering.) 1 think there is a paint above politics— there is a higher consideration, the grand question of political morality, and that the man who deceives and betrays you, can never be conservative of any good and honourable principles.— (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I shall not detain you longer under the great heat and pressure to which you are sub jected, but I will tomorrow attend here, and make to you fearlessly, candidly, and openly, such declarations as appear to me to be required, and also in relation to future events, which, perhaps, at no great distance of time, my again occupy the attention of the electors of Westminster. — (Cheers, laughter, and cries of " Old Glory's turn next.") I thank you, from first to last, for the good-humoured maneer in which you have received me—(Laughter, and a cry, " Remember the cabbages")--and I hope I have not proved myself unworthy of your kindness.—(Cheers.) Mr. GEORGE DAWSON came there as the friend of one of the unsuccessful candidates—(Hootings, and cries of " Who for ?" " Explain")—for Mr. Escott— (Applause)—not as a friend of Sir J. C. Hobhouse. He came there as an elector of Westminster, regretting that, by their votes, they had rejected his Hon. Friend. He wished they had elected Mr. Escott, but not having elected him, he congratulated them on their having elected Col. Evans. There was no comparison between Sir J. C. Hobhouse and Col. Evans, for the Colonel had always done his duty, but the Baronet's conduct had been most dis graceful. (Loud cheers.) His duty was pledged to the crown and the people ; but he had degraded himself by not doing his duty towards either. He was astonished the Baronet was not there that day to tell the electors why it was that he had not done his duty to either. He ought to have told Lord Grey that, however much he regretted it, he must give up his paltry office, and do his duty towards those who had elected him. He ought not to have permitted birns lf to be the tool and the pander of Goverennenr.—(Loud cheering.) Their votes of this day had secured the resignation of their representative. —(Loud applause.) If he knew any thing of the matter, they would soon have another opportunity of exercising their franchise; but they need not be alarmed for the Hon. Ba,onet, because he might be made comfortable by a seat in the House of Lords. What was the conduct of their representatives? Why, they were renegade democrats. They bad inflamed the people to madness, and then they became renegades to the principles they professed. What had not the Whigs to answer for ? Hod they not promised the people to reduce their taxes to such an amount, as they knew in their hearts, as sensible men, was utterly impossible?—(Great confusion, and cries of " That wo'n't do.") The probability was, that in this day they were possible. But this was open to a difference of opinion, and as a fellow-subject he might claim to differ with them ; for his object was not popular applause. He knew well the party he belonged to was not popu!ar.— (Loud and continued cheering.) He differed in opinion with Colonel Evens, hut w.tild bear testimony to his honest performance of duty in the House of Commons. He was both a gal!ant soldier, as he firmly believed, and an honest British senator.—(Loud cheering ) Whatever their principles might be, he gloried in those whose honesty of purpose towered above the ser vility and base hypocrisy of some of their political opponents. —(Vehement cheering.) Sir Jelin Cam Hobliouse had been supported by a base Governm en t, nd a still baser press in the pay of that Government. He had been supported by the Times and the Courier.._. (Loud cries of " Hear," and cheers.) It excited his indignation beyond all bounds to read the columns of the depraved and unprincipled Times—to contrast the declare tione of that paper on the Reform Bill, and its recent support of Sir J. C. Hobhouse. The supporters of the system of brick-bars and bludgeons might excite the people to make victims of those who stood up and exposed the system of hypocrisy and hum bug of the Government; that would not deter him, or any of his party, from attending such meetings, and declaring their honest impressions, and yet he hoped that when Burdett sent in his resignation, a Tory would come before them again.—(Load cries of " No Tory—no Tory.") Mr. T. DUNCOMBE assured the meeting that he had not come there with the slightest intention of taking a part in any discussion which might ensue, but he could not leave uncontradicted a speech which he bad heard.— The noise at this moment was so great, that Mr. D. W. HARVEY claimed attention to the speaker, or he declared he would not himself address the meeting. Mr. DUNCOMBE appealed to his votes in the House to prove that he was a friend to the people, and would have gone on to explain his reasons for seconding the nomina tion of Sir J. C. Hobhouse, but the disinclination to hear him was so general that be was obliged to stop. Mr. D. W. HARVEY congratulated the electors on the choice they had made in returning Colonel Evans. The speech and conduct of one of the defeated candidates was a splendid example of British courage which could not be broken by defeat. But he would warn the electors from being influenced by one of a party, who had considered that countless acres would constitute a wise acre—(Hear, hear)—and who attributed power to money not to mind.—(Loud cheering.) The English constitution bad been crucified between two thieves— Whig and Tory, and he was glad now to see they had defeated the one, and bestowed their kindly commiseration on the other. Theirs was a great triumph, not confined to their locality, for the torch they had that day lighted would illumine tens of thousands of patriots in the remotest corners of the country.—(Hear, and cheers.) He was sorry the late M.P. for Harwich was not now in the House to see the miserable figure Toryism now cut there. He would entreat them not to be led away by the syren allurements of this Tory out of place, but fill up whatever vacancies might occur with men who had no other political principles than those they derived from the people. A representative should be as a mirror to the minds of the people. He should be governed by the impress of their opinions, and not be the puppet of any political party. The Hon.Alember then went into several statements, tending to show the extreme pressure of tax ition on the industrious classes and the disproportionate amount paid by the nobility, and concluded by emphatically saying that he hoped they would consider the victory of that day as a boon bestowed by righteous Heaven on abused man.—(Enthusiastic cheering.) Mr. FINN, M.P. presented himself to the meeting, but could not obtain a hearing, until it was declared that he was a son-in-law of Mr. Daniel O'Connell. He gave the meeting most hearty thanks for electing Col. Evans, as they had thereby sent into Parliament a man who would fearlessly maintain, not only their rights, but the rights of the Sister Kingdom.—(Hear.) He did not think it necessary that a property tax should be established to make up the deficiency of the assessed taxes ; for if his Majesty were informed of the distresses of the people, he would no doubt give up 2501. out of his 500,0001. a-year, and thus set an example of economy which, if proportionately followed, would more than make up for the presumed defalcation in the revenue. Dr. WADE announced that the state of the poll was as tollows -- Colonel Evans 1,822 Sir J. C. liobhouse Mr. Escott ... 695 being a majority of 188 in favour of Colonel Evans. This announcement was received with long continued cheers, and, after a short time, the meeting separated in the most perfect good humour. THE MURDER OF MISS ELMES AT CHEL SEA.—The inquiry into the circumstances connected with the murder of Miss CATHERINE ELIDES was resumed yes terday. After the examination of a multitude of wit nesses the jury returned a verdict of " Wilful murder against some person or persons unknimn." DOUBTFUL BENEVOLENCE. ---Th e influx of Bavarian broomers (" buy a broom ") into England this year has been greater than in any preceding one ; no less than 750 men, women, and children, have disembarked at Dover ; besides 140 itinerant Italian minstrels, image carvers, &c. As the whole of these people may be consi dered beggars, is it not wrong that the masters of the steamers should bring them from Fiance to England at the very low rate of fare of two and three shillings per head, when other passengers pay 10s. 6d. each ? and is it not absurd for Englishmen to support them by buying their brooms —while there are English paupers to be em ployed and paid by the householders of England ? MARKET INTELLIGENa: LONDON MARK. (From the .‘ London New Price Cu) SUGAR.—The Sugar marke thas bee) in many instances prices a shade high) but the purchases are not extensive, as the holders have withdrawn their Sugar ticipation of higher prices when the res) Ministers as to the question of slavery si• the afternoon the particulars of the plans ing the West India colonies transpired, a calamitous description to the planter, bery, that the greater proportion of the withdrawn from sale in the anticipation as the destruction of West India prof meats being carried into effect appears actions in the Refined market are not but the prices are firm and rather higher for Lumps, 295. for Crashed. There d( alteration to notice in the prices of Refli Refiners continuing very firm, and the scriptions being only limited ; the busin) for the home trade. EAST INDIA SUGAR.—There prices of East India Sugars; the sales ; This day 1,285 bags Sugar from Singal fine white 295. to 30s. MAURITIUS SUGAR.—The publi bags Mauritius went off at the prevloi any animation. This day's Public sal Sugar went off with great briskness at al FOREIGN SUGAR.—There is no Sugars, for middling yellow llavannah 235. good white Pernams nominally 245. a WEST INDIA MOLASSES.—Thee sales of Molasses, fair quality Demerai 255. and 255. 6d. ; fine Dominica 'is. COFFER—British Plantation Coffee in the week, since which the Market good ord. Jamaica sells at 83s. and 845., tine fine ord. and mid. 87s. a 945. 87s. a 89s. ; good mid. Berbice, 935. a has been dull at the decline in the pi last publication ; the sales are ord. 4Ss. a 51s. 6d. Foreign Coffee main+ very good St. Domingo, 575., common, zil, 58s. has been refused for a large pan sales 135 casks 391 bags British Plautatioi sold rather higher than early in the weeJ looks more firm. here RUM, BRANDY, AND HOLLANDS.- - ' g jew teration in Rum ; the sales ar e c hi e fly in Ja tlx at the late currency ; L eewar d s nom i na lly 0°- Brandy or Geneva there is no alteration. as t ' TALLOW.—This day by public sale 6 or 0 Tallow, 435. 3d. a 445. 3d. ; 35 ski ns Cape .1311° sold rather brisk. eig, g I IRISH PROVISIONS.—The arrivals of — 1; r 1 since Monday have been upwards of 6,00 0 C3s „ ' , 11 40 i tl have not been any of either Irish Butter or 1 33 % 0 t l' s po of the finest Friesland Butter at the quay ° L .- gefr: over 80s. per cwt., and as for Irish, prices arc 3 ' 1v 0Or: 0 1 nal. Since the weather set in warm and so un— bee l 'p the curing of Bacon, the holders in general W e for an improvement in price, and an advance ° ut cwt. has been obtained in so me d escr i p ti o ns tierce Middles, Hams, Bladder Lard, Beef or not been any alteration in price or demand sin ce „°. ye , FRUIT—For Currants there has be en more i n :".100 0 holders yesterday required higher p r i ces , old CO' s l 4 ' I held for 645., New Zante 665., and new Patras 635 ' of the latter sort there are ver few selers. ,cti' e j TEA.—The market remains somewhat ".'n in a somewhat .' n V the transactions are confined to a few purchases re Congous at a shade of premium o n l as t sa le's P il Lo C r ,/ COCOA.—About 200 packages British Planta . . 0 0 reported sold, ordinary Gren a d a an d T r i n idad 545 p 00 11 4 C which is a reduction of 2 s . p er cw t. Thi s dall 113 bags of British Plantatio n C ocoa , me t with 0" „ were all bought in. 10 0 "01 1 SPICES.—About 1,000 package s Pimento ." ' 411 0 ,0 this week at former prices, middling to good 434 4 a, 0 nary 4 1 ,4 d. a 4%d ; 1,795 bags half heavy In l4— e , best l rates, good 33d. a 3 %d., ordinary 3 %d.; 2 , 1 °• 11 ;,;li e Lignea have been offered a t p u bli c sa l e, an d 0 ' 7 1 ,6 0 ' 0 0 sold at firmer price s , or di nary to m idd l i ng 67 5 . a COTTON.—The cotton market is steady, P ut t ati' prices of this day are scarce l y supporte d . The A r o. pape 1,000 Surat, ord. to good fair 4%d. a 5 Nd.; 5, 8430 7 ord. to good mid. 4 •U d. a 5 %d ; 350 M a dras, 14' ,c - fine 5 %d. a 6d. ; 60 Manilla, good 716 d. a 7 !,id• PRICE OF SUAR. The Average Price of Brown or Mu G scovado Stg s 'l i ' v ~ from the Returns m a d e i n th e wee k en ding 7 h c itit! , , o May, 1E4:33, is 265. 90. per Hundred Weight, Duties of Customs paid or payable thereon on thereof into Great Britain. ! • PRICES OF HOPS.—May 10. 1Q3 to A v Kant Pockets. 5l 1:21. 71. : 91•1 a' to 01 1 ' 5e sex Ditto ,5/ ss. 6 1 . '''to 31 Y 01. Os. osex Ditto O l. tO 0 1 . lil —. Farnham Ditto, Fine Ol. Os. 12/. ~.1 :0 1 , I 11 0 Seconds —0/. Os. 101 lA' t o ,5/ les. 71. „,°' to '',t 01. Os. 01. '22 0/ 01. Os 01. 06 " ,' PLUCE OF OIL. .41 Rape Oil, brown 6s. Refined 0 Linseed Oil Linseed Oil Cake at tlitt Mill Rape Cake, :r thousand per ton rtilCE OF eoTA 1 OEs —May O' per VY Kidneys (York) Scotch Red. 31. Os. to 3/, 10 , •ap , 3/. 10s. to 41. As. 3 ,tto• -. 21. 10i to 3/. 03' Marsh Chain] Oxnobles an( ;haws lO r WHITECHAPEL HAY MARKK-• .t.te 503. Od. to EO3. Od. 1 Clover 245. Od. to 28s. 0,1- cIY LEATHE ,hR. per .9 English Horse 141'/. Spanish Ditto 0 Per doz e :ONO Calf Skins., SO L s' 601 0 ' 19 Ditto 40 t o op I / Ditto 7 0 t0 ,,111P 11 Small Seals, Large ditto--e- SHEEP SKINS Oa. ° u.or _—. 5 5 ' A Down, SOAP, 81c. Pe r ,.."l o 'o Yellow Motie 11 White Graves Good Dregs s tope2, (oll ° CANDLES. le retail shops, .' O - 1 81) ,-- Moulds, per a .ET.—may it. n , per Walls End Gos 101:.„," Walls End Hilda Walls End Ho r t s i:ji 7% , % s WaDittolls Walla ll Il: market-daysKEc i nn l ng s i o tci e e ," l , " Walls End N evo'o,llP d alls End Ditto NorthunPeo : IWalls l / 4v. Cowpen flartley C°' " Silkstone Field a, • fl At the Etc: IV 7 1 )' til t Au ANlp li w , e h)u Li EL c In lii v C o , 11 4 ,AL , v N 'Ot ' I RI t tzr h On Ü bli%l T hi,t , ll ar TV rtkt''', ;ETS. te rg I rrent,, of l'ef, CI; flan , ' nAL een rely 0 her have bee t LAIN a 6 a gr eat r ' inY t b , llll, llSt a rs from s" e ,„' e s 4/ to t i ex ult of the - act fa shall transPir e :,,, To ns ans of 3finist°, , nd they P oi r, and of 01,0'4 IT T° be ti t e sugars 3 1( rtio n , o of much T oo 9, ap erty upontitir tc h inevitable:lV A on an e , -L. A 414 en ' ier, Os. 6d. 10_ , •:, of treat der toes not apPe!,,, it tri f Y, r fined this aftT ,tv or stock on " n ti ti Iti t d : L e . " 1 less done , of t}7 ace, Aan is 00 aiter ar e quite in, c f qin n ten ' , " spore sold I ha ke 0 c a rj t°l : :e ol ,g i e 2l ariha ss e aS iig : , as. c. dio a t i dta s P ia 'l o d eV a l E fi rr v a c .Ei ra sew e i C r i i bfh .e '°g it: t ::11 0 '' p . : 5 151 I lags : : b 1;: a1114 : Et oh : : (1 13 : Ea : N : S i h t s : : 01,56c . t tr n a : oi s. c i lac.. n eg n is: df ;t fe vie t h d oehh e r,ie l di ei:O ri :: : 1 6, iiio!cels Kent SUSS. PRICES 0 Per lb. d. tod. Butts, 141 22 Ditto, Foreign 14 19 Dressing 11i 15 Ditto i3 15f Ditto, light Crop Hides, light 12 131 Ditto 40 to 50Ib. 12k 15f Ditto l3l 17 • ~, •—• Middling Polled 5 0 6 6 PRICE OF TALLO' fawn Tallow 51s. 6d. Yellow Russia 47s. Oti. White .455. 6d. Soap Ditto-- . 445. Od. Melted 375. Od. Ditto Rough t2ls. Od. I'lllOE OE RAW t Price of Tallow (as stated by th PRICE OF The price of Store Candles, in th Candles, per doz. 7s. Od. to Bs. Od. COAL MAR Per Top. s. d. Adair's « 15 6 Beaumont l4 6 Charlotte flolywell Hebburn Main Kenton West 13 6 Ord's Redhugh 13 6 Pontop Windsor 16 0 17 6 14 6 West Hartley Walls End Brown's,.. l3 6 Ditto 12 0 Walls End Callerton 12 0 Ditto Clarke and Co.—. 13 6 Ships arrived since I COUNTRY CORN MARKE r e t, COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING 0 Wheat. Barley. Per Quarter. Ashburn 54 60 28 32 2 0 0 , , 56 Basingstoke 50 60 22 27 1? 24 4 0 Bath 4O 56 24 34 1 8 24 54 Bridgewater 48 58 25 28 J 9 VO Bristol 48 56 28 32 1 " Ou Chesterfield „, 0 40 44 52 26 32 94 i Derby 56 62 24 33 18 Doncaster 0 9 5 _, it 48 60 20 30 ;' 2 3 _„, Dorchester - 49 57 21 26 17 • 2 0 Exeter 46 62 24 34 1 4 0 9 4 Gloucester 40 56 23 33 1 4 91 Hungerford 46 58 20 32 14 0) 50 61 29 Newbury 46 59 22 29 15 • 20 Romsey 56 62 24 26 1 ' 1 7 30, 4 Shaftesbury 54 25 2 3 9* '4 Shepton Mallet 48 54 24 32 16N , _, 2 6 9 4 Sherborne 5O 56 24 28 f,,Y, Taunton 57 63 32 36 -:' 8 1 5 !F Yarmouth 46 56 24 30 I. 02 0' ' 1 Yeovil 54 56 28 at 18d. 5‘ 5. 8 6 o ° cl Per Bushel. s.d. s.d. s. . s.d. 5 Shrewsbury 8090 4 0 5 0 .*play O, Di DEVIZES CORN MARKE.I. • s. 6t o pl Per Sack. s. d. s. d. Per Quarter. ... 0 0 i Best Wheat 26 oto 29 6Barley. .......... 17 0 01 Second 25 0 26 6 Oats ... ......... 19 0 ej DEVIZES COHN MARKE"' Per Sack. s. d. s. d. Per Qi Best 'Wheat 26 0 to 29 6 Barley Second 25 0 26 6 Oats ........... Thirds 22 0 23 0 Beans (Per ).. 1382 Sacks of Wheat sold) 3 25 Flour (Pe r at the average of 9 Bread (per Pavan , AND PUBLISHED BY MU It DO Y° SUN OFFICS, 112, STILAND? LONDON ■4l TxV' V MAIL OVALS 9 iou, ga the average of Bread / 1 1 BIRTHS. h , EA' ler On the 10th inst., the wife of JamesMorra co y Sloane-seet, of a son. On the 9th inst., at Albourne, the lady of the 'leg' op, Crawtord, of a daughter. At Tenbury, Worcestershire, Mrs. Hollue s GC4U daughter. oU At Tenbur, Worcestershire, Mrs. ra,,---- daughter. . Cd r ' MARRIED. o 0 Der • i I, On the 7th inst., at St. James's New Churcb, ,_ Sio vrej r Richard Lawrence Fennings, of Burr-street, w Schlotel, of Grange-road, Bermondsey. , Rev. t / On the Sth inst., at St. James's Church,_ the Ito ber Sterky, M.A., to Marion, daughter of the late Esq., of Ipswich. Ggi ill.A , to Marion, ditughter of the 1. , .- Sterky, Esq., of Ipswich. 6 1 DIED. e t Sit I P On the Bth inst., at his house in 13olton.stre , 9 4 , Francis Hampson, Bart. aged 46. , c - f u rl On the Bth hist , at her ' residence in Lansdol,l O,O De A. .4 4 Dorcas, last surv . iving (laughter of the late Sir, ft geciff," wood, Bart, of Ballyleidy, county Down, it ,„ ) ,p f t, At Islington, Anne, wife of Mr. C. Chatfiela, " 0 fly T hroniorton-treet. ger" On g the Bth i s nst,at his house in Susscx-nlace , i, el , 0 11' Robert Ludgate Esq., a Magistrate and DePutY f t a the county of Buckingham, aged 60. f All) e ' On the 10th inst., in Foley - place , Maria, wife ° f is: nard, aged 4 7 . , f 4 4° . ', C( bp,F