The Sun. — London, England, 1831-01-28 00:00:00

COAL TRADE. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Snt,—The letter of your correspondent, " An Observer," upon the Coal Trade has but just met my eye. I .venture to trouble you with a few remarks upon this production, whirls I think called for by the grossness of the attack made upon the Coal-owners and Coal-miners in the north of Engl ind. The violence of your correspondent in the attack upon those individuals sufficiently exposes the motives which in duce the disp'ay of his rancour and spleen. 1 am not ignorant of the endeavour made to throw dust into the eyes of the public, by exciting odium against the Coal owners, in order that the more flagrant spoliators may escape detection. The exactions of the City of London Corporation on coals produce a large income, which it is not desirable it should lose. By diverting attention from an evil of such magnitude. and so near at home, and di recting it to the north, it is hoped that the venerable relic will yet be suffered to remain in aggrandizement of the coffers of the Corporation. Here is the mala fides of the attack, for really the sub ject has been so much discussed in and out of Parliament, that a very strong and powerful motive must have induced any man to commence a fresh discussion upon it. The Coal-owners have never shrunk from an investigation. Their else has been laid before Parliament, and Commit tees have sat upon the trade in coals. The City was on these occasions dragged before the public most unwil lingly, and at one time the reluctance felt by the worthy functionaries of this Corporation to show the amount of revenue derive" by them from coal, was almost the occa sion of the prerogatives of the House of Lords being exer cised with decisive vigour. The openness and candour evinced by the Coal-owners was remarkable, and will secure them from every dishonourable imputation. They had nothing to fe ir. Every unbiassed indivi dual who has inquired into the subject of the regula tions under which the Coal-owners carry on their mining operations, knows full well that no attempt at monopoly is, or has ever been made by them, and that any endeavour to restrict the supply, or raise prices unnaturally, would be ON their part as impolitic as it is iinpoasilile. Every one.who knows any thing of the matter, who knows the extent of the fields of coal in Eng land and Wales, and in Scotland, is quite well aware that any vain endeavour at monopoly, or at advancement of price, by the Coal-owners of the Tyne and Wear, would recoil with dreadful effect upon their own heads. The in vestigations which the Coal Trade underwent before Com mittees of both Houses of Parliament, induced both Com mittees to express a decided opinion that the trade could not be left under a more efficient controul than competition. And what can regulate the price of any article of produc tion but competition ? And can any one pretend that an ample competition does not prevail in the Coal Trade? The idol of your correspondent, the report of the City of Landon Common Council, deprecates the regulations of the north country Coal-owners. This is quite natural. The Coal-owners had given them a vast deal of trouble, and much more, had laidopen the disgraceful system which had been fostered by theta for a series of years in the ma• nagement of the Coal Trade in the city of London, and the enormous sums received by them from coals. This in come in 1828 was 121,8351. Such an exposure was not likely to pass unrevenged. Hence the virtuous indigna tion of the Common Council, and of "An Observer." It is amusing to observe the credit taken by your corres pondent on behalf of the City Corporation, on account of its having seen its error, that is to say, on account of its long •continued maintenance of an outrageous system of fraud and corruption, which, now discovered and laid open, is gently called an error. It is indeed entitled to our thanks for having seen its error, and its reso lution to mend its manners. But how grossly your correspondent deceives the public expectation. The " errors" of the Corporation, that is to say, the disgrace ful system which has for so many years prevailed in the London Coal Trade, will be made the sub ject of legislative interference in spite of the Corporation, and it is good grace in them to yield now. But the " evil" which the Corporation is going to ameliorate, must refer to the income it enjoys, for to be effectual it can refer to nothing besides. Will then the Corporation give up its coal dues, its prescriptive metage, its balliage, and its orphan's dues? This, from the declaration of your correspondent, might have been expected. But let us hear the report of the City Com mittee upon the subject, which is much applauded by your correspondent. This report informs the community that they will consent to any regulation that may leave them the same nett revenue from coals that they now enjoy.— Here is amelioration ! Surely your correspondent is him self a participator in the joyous doings of the City function aries, the expenses of which are, I am informed, expressly charged upon the coal metage fund. Notwithstanding the solemn anathema pronounced by the City Committee upon the regulation of the Coal-owners, notwithstanding the profound knowledge of all matters of trade and commerce which the members of that body mutt, from the nature of their avocations, and of their callings, unquestionably possess, and of which knowledge their reports are from time to time the august disseminators, it does happen that the regulation alluded to is capable of a very sure and safe defence. I shall proceed to remark upon the letter of your correspondent as the subject presents itself to my view. 'With all the respect which I must neces sarily have for your correspondent, and for his talents, I a:n induced to conclude that he has made a sad mistake in his selection of principle, and of necessity in the super structure he raises upon them. He commences by an invocation of " first principl. s." They are very useful things, and they frequently serve for men to appeal to when ail other resources fail them. lam quite aware of their advantage, but then all dogmas, or axioms, with which a man's heal may be crowded, are not " first principles." The hypothesis that the least possible interference with the employment of capital either by the Legislature, or by any self-constituted bodies, is best," is a very different thing from a prin ciple of conduct or of action used in the light intended by your correspondent. How does the hypothesis stand in the abstract ? Clearly open to a thousand, aye tens of thousands, of modifications. Can this be a principle which no man can subscribe to without so many excep tions, that it becomes in fact no &wet nible principle at all? Why, if this be a " first principle," there is no Act of Par liament for the regulation, the increase, or the encourage ment of the node and commerce of the country, which does not invade its sacred limits. But then, says be, it is to be the " least possible interference." It is very well, but who can settle the degree of interference? The in terference has been in all trades, and in all enactments re specting trade, so very considerable, that the principle is utterly lost and abused. Nor is it proper it should be otherwise. It is no principle at all. A principle, the more especially a " first principle," must be precise and determinate in its meaning, bearing intrinsic) evidence of its own force and virtue. The fact is, your correspondent has stumbled upon an hypothesis, which, in order to substantiate as a principle to be acted upon, wi,uld take a letter just as long as he has built upon his unfottunate assumption. He had minas better have taken a principle out of Ad on Smith's" Wealth of Nations," than trusted either to his own ing,nuity in the manufacture, or his own sagacity in the application. But mark the inconsistency of this gentleman. He himself gives the principle to the winds. lie names a principle, merely fur the purpose of laughing it to scorn. It is he who asks for a legislative interference with the co ,l mining operations of the North of England, or he wishes the Act of Anne onfotceil. It is fortunately a dead letter. It is not applicable to the subject, but if it w.•re, the principle of the enactment is a sufficient gua r tutee of its cons'gnment to oblivion. It might as well be attempted to enforce the yet unrepealed Acts against forestalling and regrating, in which the wisdom of our ancestors is suffieiently apparent. The arguments of your correspondent, Sir, are directly in the teeth of his own avowal of principles, and I there fore know not how to treat him. But his statements may create delusion in the public mind were they to pass alto gether unnoticed. Now, Sir, the Coal-owners of the Tyne regulate but do not restrict. The supply to the markets is regular and ample. The consumption of coals in London increases annu ally, and last year exceeded all others in the amount of its con sumption. This proves that the Coal-owners do not restrict their vends. The import into London in 1830 exceeds that in the year 1829, when there was no regulation. It is quite certain that the regulation can have no effect upon the supply. To use the principle of your corre spondent, " the supply and demand adjust themselves." This is the ground-work of the regulation. The demand, feeble or strong, is ever complied with. Can your corre spo,dent produce a Coal List in which it shall app ear that all the Shi t s at market were sold, and that there was an actual scarcity ? He is well aware he cannot. It is 'impossible to deny that the demand is plentifully supplied. Then, what injury does the regulation work ? If it have no effect in d.itninishing the supply, your correspondent maintains it has upon the price. Now, I meet him upon this question. Under the reg t u h l i a r t t i e o e n n the e in a ii v ig er s ag t e h p L ri o e n e d o o n . the Tyne has never exceededthis rice the Coal-owners find chaldron, free on board . ; they can maintain against.ill cpornpetition, awl this, there fore, is the fair market price—for the market price at all times, an d in all places, means nothing more than the value of any thing, and your correspondent ought to know _ . " The value of any thing, " Is just as much as it will bring." Correct political writers when they use the term public, include all classes of men—Coal-owners, Coal-miners, ship-owners, sailors, and coal-dealers, as well as coal consumers, well knowing that they are entitled to equal protection from a just and prudent Government. Combination does not necessarily imply an association for an unlawful purpose ; on the contrary, a voluntary and peaceable association, is now, very properly, recognized by the law as a justifiable mode by which men may endea vour to obtain the best prices for any thing they have to dispose of, whether labour or goods. A monopoly may he beneficial or prejudicial. It is beneficial when established by individuals underselling their competitors, and when it is maintained by the same means without any aid from Government— of this nature is the Sea-borne Coal Monopoly wherever it exists. A monopoly is prejudicial, or at least must always prove so, wherever it is established and maintained by the interference of Go vernment, in &your of particular individuals. The inland coal monopoly, wherever these untaxed oals exclude the taxed sea-borne cot's, is a striking example of this—it being perfectly clear that in all these our Government, by taxing sea-borne coals exclusively, raises the price of inland coals, and enables the inland coal proprietors and traders to take out of the pockets of the consumers, and put into their own, a sum exactly proportioned to the go- vernment-tax, together with all the additional charges created by the vexatious mode of collecting it, which in no _ _ case amounts to less than one-third, and in many to one half the sum paid by the consumer. The price the Coal-owners sell their coals at, it is clear, defies competition. And in what other way will your cor- ' respondent say the price of an article can be regulated? He complains that the competitors agree amongst them selves. This agreement extends only to the Coal-owners on the Tyne and Wear, and it is a measure in which not only the very existence of the Coal Trade itself is concerned, but every consumer of sea-borne coals in tke kingdom. It must appear to every one dispassionately viewing the subject, that it is highly necessary to secure as nearly an unifiirm price for coals as it is possible. It not only pre vents mischievous gambling, but the unvarying price ena blts a person to calculate with certainty the expense of a manufactory, and equally of his fire-side. I will here quote the words of a very able pamphlet that has lately been published on the Coal Trade, entitled, " Observation, on the Duty on Sea-borne Coal, and on the peculiar Du ties and Charges on Coal in the Pert of London," which I would recommend to the perusal of your correspondent, and of all others who require information upon the subject of the Coal-trade. In page 15, the distinguished Professor states,— " Much has frequently been said of the coal-owners' monopoly ; but we are satisfied, after a pretty careful in vestigation of the circumstances, that no such monopoly has ever existed ; and that the enormously high price of coal in the metropolis is to be ascribed wholly to the various duties and charges laid upon it, from the time that it passes from the hands of the owner, to the time that it is lodged in the cellar of the consumer. What means have the coal-owners of obtaining a monopoly price for their coal? They enjoy no exclusive privileges of any 'sort; they are a numerous body; and the trade is as open as any other to all capitalists to engage in. The number of places on the east and west coasts, both of England and Scotland, and the southern parts of Wales, from which coals are exported, render it quite visionary to suppose that any general agreement to keep up prices can take place amongst the various coal proprietors. And though such an agreement were entered into, it is im possible it could be maintained. The power of producing coal greatly exceeds the present demand ; many new mines have been recently opened, and many others would be brought into activity were the prices artificially en hanced. It is true that the coal-owners of the Tyne and the Wear, having experienced the ruinous effects of throwing a superabundant quantity of coal upon re stricted and already glutted markets, have occasionally met together, and each having named the price he thinks his coal will command, and at which be intends to sell it, they have proceeded jointly to regulate, ac cording to the probable demand, the quantity that each shall raise during any particular period. By means of this arrangement, the supply and price of coal has been kept, during the time it has existed, comparatively steady. Common prudence prompts and justifies such an ar rangement; but it also suggests the necessity of reducing the price of coal to the lowest level that will afford the customary rate of profit. For were the price de manded by the Northern coal-owners raised above this level, new mines would be opened in Durham and Nor thumberland, the imports from the Tees, whence excel lent coal is at present brought, would be augmented, and fresh competitors, from Swansea and several other places, would come into the field and undersell them. Govern- went should encourage and promote this fair competi tion ; but it ought, at the same time, to do equal justice by all the competitors. It is not to lend assistance to, or remove burdens from, one set of adventurers, which it does not lend to, or remove from others. It is no part of its duty to say how coals, or any species of produce, shall be carried to market. It is bound to give every reasonable facility for the op ning of new channels or modes of conveyance between all parts of the country; but it is glaringly unjust to lay a heavy tax on the coals conveyed by a particular channel, from which those con veyed by other channels are exempted. This is not to en courage competition, but to suppress it. Such a system necessarily diverts the capital and industry of the country into unnatural channels; and establishes monopolies in favour of certain classes, to the extreme injury of others, and of the public. " Instead of the business of coal-mining being, generally speaking, an advantageous one, it is distinctly the re verse. Sometimes, no doubt, large fortunes have been made by individuals and associations engaged in this busi ness; hut these are rare instances. The opening of a mine is a very expensive and hazardous operation, and of very uncertain result. Collieries are exposed to an in finite number of accidents, against which so caution can guard. The chances of explosion have, it is true, been a good deal lessened by the introduction of Sir Humphrey Davy's lamp ; and some mines are now wrought, that, but for the invention of this admirable instrument, must have been entirely abandoned. But besides explosions, which are still every now and then occurring, from the care lessness of the workmen, and other contingencies, mines are very liable to he destroyed by creeps, or by the sink ing of the roof, and by drowning, or the irruption of water from old workings, through fissures which cannot be seen, and consequently cannot be guarded against. So great, indeed, is the hazard attending this sort of pro perty, that it has never been possible to effect an in surance on a coal-work. " Mr. Buddle, of Wallsend, a coal-owner and engineer of the highest respectability, and intimately acquainted with the state of the coal trade, informed the Committee of the House of Lords, that ' Although many collieries, in the hands of fortunate individuals and companies, have lien perhaps making more than might be deemed a rea sonable and fair profit, according to their risk, like a prize in a lottery; yet, as a trade, taking the whole capital employed on both rivers, he should say that certainly it has not been so.'—(First Report, p. 56. )—Again, being ,asked, What have the coal-owners on the Tyne and Wear, in your opinion, generally made on their capital employed?' 11e replied, According to the best of my knowledge, I should think that by no means ten per cent. has ,been made as simple interest, without allowing any eitra interest for the redemption of capital.'—(p. 57. )" I think I may leave the subject here. An impartial and reflecting public will judge very differently from your correspondent, "An Observer." His attempt is to throw an unjust odium upon a certain body of Co miners. He accuses them of " uniting for some certain purpose." What does he mean by this inuendo? Ilas he not himself stated their purpose, and is it concealed ? I have a word to say upon the subject of great profits. This is a point which many are too apt to think the in evitable concomitant of a coal mine. It is founded in the greatest delusion. It is criminal in any man to excite odium against individuals upon an assumption which he knows to be false. I repeat it is a wicked attempt. I do not wish to impose upon the civility which has admitted these remarks'of mine into your Journal, Sir, otherwise I could enter into a disquisition upon the effect of the regulation of the Coal-owners, proving that its ces sation could not confer any benefit on the sea-borne coal con sumer, but that it would inevitably end in a firmly established monopoly of a reduced number of Coal-owners, concluding vastly to the injury of the community, anti to the practi cal refutation of the theories anti statements of your cor respondent. To this task I now defer, and shall simply refer to the evidence of Mr. I3uddle before the Committee of the House of Lords in the year 1829. It is the evi dence of a practical man, and from the high character of Mr. Middle for integrity and professional ability, entitled to every degree of respect. The evidence in question, I need not say, contains abundant proofs of the unfounded nature of the attacks of " An Observer," and that were dlii his wouldcompeers indeedin t i h m e o c f i t a y, fr carried t i ti n e t 0 ideas effect, of the consequencesmself, n nature. In concluding thi3 letter, Sir, I must beg leave to take notice of one part of your correspondent's letter, which almost tempts me to imagine he, is one of the counsellors of Mr. Daniel O'Connell. That worthy patriot of the sister isle is holding out a threat of creating a run upon the Irish Banks, and your correspondent, acting upon the same finely-wrought impulse, sagely recommends the ship-owners to carry no more coals. The analogy is re markable, and I have no doubt that the results of the different pieces of advice would be pretty similar— ruin and confusion. But, says your correspondent, we shall have coals cheap. I shall ruin the coal owners, and the ship-owners, and I shall take care that no one gets any more profit from coals. And pray, Sir, what would be the effect upon the market were such a sapient resolution to be come to by the ship-owners? Does your correspondent think the price of coals would fall? The effect would necessarily be an immediate and extensive rise, and this precious manoeuvre would fall with redoubled rigour upon the unfortunate consumer. However, I dare say the public need not be alarmed that the shin-owners will follow the advice of " the able and sound Report' of the Committee of Common Council, or of any of its retainers. It is too palpable and laughable an artifice. Drowning men catch at straws—the tug at the ship-owners will avail them little. I am obliged, Sir, for the space you have afforded me. I am, Sir, with great respect, Your very obedient servant, VINDEX. TO HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON, K. G. B. , &c. &c. MY Loan DUKE,-The defence of your Grace in the House of Lords, when charged with having made a pro vision for your two private secretaries at t 6 public ex pense, as a compensation for their services daring your short but lamentable career as Prime Minister, presents a striking contrast to your Grace's conduct on a previous occasion, when you thought proper to reduce the perma nent staff of the militia, (the greater part without any re niuneration,) in direct violation of the several Acts of Par. liament, which guaranteed a retired allowance after a spe• cific period. Notwithstanding your dictatorial fiat on this occasion, to carry this measure per fas et nefas, several officers who had served from ten to eighteen years ventured to memorialize your Grace, setting forth the unprecedented nature of the reduction—their long services, and the dis tress and privation with which many were overwhelmed from being deprived of their appointments; but these ap peals to your Grace's justice and humanity were made in vain ; a brief negative to the prayer of the petition, or a reference to the Secretary at War, whose reply was equally repulsive, was the only answer the various applicants for redress received. Similar representations made to Sir R. Peel met with a like result, but softened down with the most jesuitical reasoning ; and the plans sent into the lion. Secretary for keeping up an efficient militia staff, at a much less expense than is incurred in their present INEFFICIENT state, were treated with silent contempt. Had these suggestions been attended to, the staff might have formed the nucleus of a con stabulary farce, which could with the greatest ease have been organized in each county in a few weeks, and have rendered essential service ac the late momentous crisis. But his late Majesty's Ministers, after mature de liberation, adopted the wise resolution of dismissing the corporals, who were young effective soldiers, and retaining the serjeants ; men, generally speaking, worn out in the service, and only fit to be paraded before a medical board, as they severally completed their period of service which entitled, them to a pension. Notwithstanding the Bill for the reduction of the Militia Staff was introduced into the House of Commons under the specious pretext of relieving the burthens of the country, strong suspicions existed within the minds of the reflective portion of the community (to whom your poli tical bias was sufficiently manifest even at that early period of your Administration), that your Grace's real object was to crush the national force of the country, in order to transfer the patronage of the Lords Lieutenants to the War-office, in the event of any increase of the military force being required. In consequence of this reduction the prospects of 80 Militia Staff Officers (who had been compelled to reside at the head-quarters of their regiments from eight to fifteen years) were suddenly blighted, without the slightest con sideration for their past services, and their petition to be placed on a retired allowance was sternly refu.ed; yet shortly after an attempt was made, with the most un blushing effrontery, to reward the Herculean labours of a Bathurst and a Dundas with a sinecure of larger atnount than the SO Militia Staff Officers hail in vain solicited, and to which they had a just and equitable claim. It was the policy of your Glace's Administration to sacrifice officers, both civil and military, without scruple or remorse, or the slightest reference to past service, pro vided they had not sufficient interest to uphold their claims. This policy, worthy of the source from which it emanated, had a two-fold object in view ; it enabled your obsequious colleagues, the Right Hon. Secretaries for the Home and War department, (par nobile fratrunt,) to make a vaunted display in the House of Commons of their economy and retrenchment, and in secret to increase their Parliamentary influence by bestowing the incomes of which numerous officers were deprived on a few sinecurists. Happily for the country, this Administration, unparal leled for its imbecility and obstinacy, has ceased to exist— unable longer to, still the voice of public opinion, which had become too loud and indignant to be trifled with, your Grace and colleagues terminated your disastrous career as Ministers of the Crown by tendering your resignations, an event which was bailed with the most enthusiastic de light throughout his Majesty's dominions. It is a subject of congratulation amongst all classes that the present Ministers have adopted a line of conduct dia metrically opposite to that pursued by their predecessors— without committing any breach of faith they have abolished useless appointments—reduced the emoluments of office where they were disproportionate to the services performed —and, to effect a salutary Reform in the House of Com mons, they rest their claims for support on the British nation, which will not fail them in time of need. I have he honour to be, my Lord Duke, Your Grace's most obedient humble servant, A FRIEND TO CONSISTENCY. Jan. 24, 1831. Mr. SAURIN is understood to be decidedly of of opinion that the late arrests were illegal, and it is said that Mr. O'CONNELL is likely to have the benefit of his assistance, if his trial should take place.—Dublin Morn ing Register. Mr. SATJRIN has been offered a brief, with a fee of 100 guineas, on behalf of O'CONNELL, but, as the Learned Gentleman Las given up his bar practice, he de clined accepting the offer. This proves, at all events, ,that the infallible Member of all Ireland is not so confident in his own construction of the law as his letters and speeches would seem to signify.—Morning Paper. A rumour, - which we ardently hope is with out foundation, prevailed throuth town very generally yes terday, that Mr. Mortars, agent of Lord GORT, hid been murdered on Saturday, while collecting rents on the estate of his Lordship.—Dublin Register. LITERARY LIVIIM CIIARACTERS.—We are requested to state that the second Number of the New Monthly Magazine for 1831, to appear the Ist of February, will be embellished with a beautifully engraved psi trait of the Hon. Mrs. NORTON, authoress of the " Scrrows of Rosalie, the Undying One, and other Poems, " which have lately so much attracted public attention. The same number will comprise also a Sketch of her Life and the following original papers :—The English Bar ; No. '2— Sir EDWARD Socors—The Three Days of December in Paris—Observations on the Ballot—Vicissitudes in the Life of a Lawyer—The Legacy of a late Poet—After Dinner Chat by the Author of " Paul Pry " —My Sine cure Place, by T. H. BAYLY, Esq.—Speeches and Speakers in Parliament ; Sir J. MACKINTOSH, Lord JOH N , RUSSELL, Mr. WYNNE, Mr. POWLETT THOMPSON, Mr. ROBERT GRANT, and the ATTORNEY-GENERAL — A n Adventure on the Mer de Glace—Poems by Mrs. HEMANS —BYRON'S last Biographer—On the Principles of Pro perty and the Poor Laws, by Jonr: GALT, Esq.—Remarks on Mr. NARES' Life of the Great Lord BURG HLEY— Mirror of the Month, or Comments on Men and Things for the Month of January—The CHANCELLOR and Sir EDWARD SUGDEN.—DA N. O'CONNELL and the Rationale of dignity—Thurorr and Sir HummaY DA VY—Public Economy—Smuggled Newspapers—The Recorder of Nor wich—Lord BERKELEY—The Theatrical Monopoly, &c. BRUTAL ASSAULT.--At the Sessions room, Lawford's-gate, on Thursday last, JAMES CLARK was convicted in the penalty of 51. for having actually bitten off the nose of JAMES Bayawr !—Bath Chronicle. MARCH OF MORALITY AND ECONOMY UNITED !—A written request, signed by a considerable number of the rate-payers of Boston, has been presented to the overseers of the poor, requesting them to publish a list of all bastard children chargeable to the parish, with their ages, residences, and the names of their parents, with a view to a reduction (if possible) of the enormous item " Bastardy" in the parish accounts, last year amounting to upwards of four hundred pounds ! The people of Boston seem to be in earnest. Other reforms are L talked of which are little expected.—Stamford Champion. FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. FRENCH PAPERS. (From the Moniteur of Tuesday, Jan. 25.) Nam, JAN. 24.—The Senior of the Faculty of Medi cine at Paris has sent to us the following document, in forming us that having been deposited by some one of the students on the bureau of the faculty at one o'clock, it was signed within two hours by 344 names. " PROTEST. " The Pupils of the School of Medicine having learned from the Journals the scandalous scene which took place at the Sorbonne on Saturday last, and which is attributed to tlse students, hastened to protest against, and to declare how much they disapproved such disorders. Young men who have always shown themselves the faithful and con stant friends of liberty and public order, are not capable of conduct so opposed to their sentiments."--( Signatures. ) The Minister of War has addressed a circular to the Lieutenant-Generals commanding the military divisions, stating that he has been informed that there are a great many vacancies in the regiments of infantry, because many officers who are appointed delay repairing to their desti nation. He therefore desires them to signify to all such officers that they are to set out within eight days to join the regiment to which they are appointed. Those who neglect this injunction, unless they can immediately prove that their compliance is impossible, will be considered as renouncing the employment assigned them in the army, and will not be called into active service, and others will be appointed in their room. - - From the Messager des Chambres, dated Jan. 26.) PARIS, JAN 25.—1 t has been -reported in the course of the day that the Council of Ministers had decided c,n the union of Belgium to France. This report is incorrect. The fact is, that the Council is very much engaged on the Belgian question ; that there are frequent conferences and very active correspondence on the subject ; but as it is not for any Government thus to judge to itself the sovereignty of a people, and as the French Government is less dis posed than any other to such acts, we must believe that nei!her the citizen King nor his Ministers can entertain a thought of deciding by themselves on the fate of Belgium. The report of the union with France originates in several articles published in several French and Belgic journals in favour of the union, Such a result is probable, aid the only one which is reasonably possible. The fol lowing, however, are the obstac:es to the union, and the several chances of solution which the Belgic question may have :- 1. Re-union with Holland. 2. A partition—viz. to Holland, the provinces of Mors trect and Antwerp; to Prussia, the provinces of Liege and Luxembourg : to France, those of Brussels, Mon, and Namur. _ . _ 3. Belgium independent, with a native King. 4. Union with France, without Luxembourg, which would be given to Prussia; and without Antwerp, which would be a Hanseatic city, under the protection of Eng land, France, and Holland. We repeat, that this last solution is the best for all in terests, those of Belgium, as well as those of Europe. But France will take no step to force or even to accelerate this result. It dapends on the Belgians,—on their national Congress. It is for that nation itself legally to declare its wish for the union. _ _ Belgium never has been independent. It belonged for many centuries to Spain and Austria. It has had no na tionality except with France ; and a fraternity of glory, of legislation, of interests and misfortunes, which subsisted for 25 years, still lives in the hearts of the two nations, whose language, religion, and ideas are the same. This fraternity will never perish, whatever efforts and whatever combinations may be attempted to dissolve it. Europe will therefore never be at peace till Belgium shall have been placed in the situation which nature assigns it. Thus European diplomacy, even Prussia and England, will resign themselves to the union, because they are con vinced that the force of circumstances will inevitably lead to it sooner or later. The obet ides to the proclamation of this wish in Belgium are founded in the opposition of the people of Brussels, who desire that their city should retain tha rank of the capital of the kingdom. 'We have already said, that to appease the clamour of Brussels, which desires the Duke of Leuchtenburg, the Congress had resolved to proceed to the choice of a sovereign on the 28th. But this is a very short time, for the debates will begin the day after to-morrow. All the politicians in Belgium are on the bustle on the eve of so great a ques tion ; and it is not surprising that there are more frequent conferences with the French Cabinet, which is the only real security that Belgium has in Europe against the re turn of the Dutch dominion. The independents and the citizens of Brussels will redouble their exertions in fa vour of the Duke of Leuchtenburg. Antwerp will de mand the principles of a Hanseatic city, or the Prince of Orange. Mons and Namur will require the uncondi tional union with France. Liege will desire a native king. Thus the Congress will be divided among half-a dozen opinions. For the provinces whose commerce is ruined by the independence of Belgium, between four lines of custom-houses, will resist the claim of Brussels to remain a capital city ; and the Deputies of each province will form in Congress so many groups, each having its own plan and its own candidate. It is difficult to foresee by what a bias the pure and simple union with France will arise from the chaos of multiplied pretensions, but it is impossible not to perceive that Belgium, France, and Europe will never be able to solve all these difficulties, except by the union. This opinion has generally prevailed since the late sittings of the Congress. (From the Constitutionnel of Tuesday,) • - FRONTIERS OF POLAND, JAN. 10. It is announced that the Russian army is concentrating itself in a tract of 16 miles in extent, and that it has taken up positions between Bialystock and Brz.sc,-that is to say, the right wing extends to Bialystock, where Field-Marshal Diebitsch has his head-quarters, and has near him the centre, which leaves a lsirge interval on the left. The reserves are expected. The corps of General Witt, which are to form the extreme, has arrived at Lucke and has received orders to advance, by forced marches, to Bizesc. The force of the Russian troops now assem bled is estimated at 80,000 men; that of the reserve is not known. Preparations are making in particular for numerous bridges, whence it is suspected that it is intended to oppose only one corps to the Polish army-to match directly to the Vistula, with the main body-to cross that river, and to attack Warsaw on the west, turning Praga, which is the only fortified point. Very good measures have been taken for the supply of the troops. The cavalry, however, is not so well furnished as the other corps. Indeed, it excites surprise that the Russians bring so large a force of cavalry into the field, since the Poles have at most but 6,000 cavalry. It is affirmed that there are already 12,000 regular ca valry and 12,000 Cossacks with the Russian army, and that the number will shortly be doubled. People think they see in these preparations a very different o!sject from the bare submission of Poland, and that when the Polish campaign shall be ended, most important questions will be brought for ssaud. In general the spirit of the people in Poland is very animated ; they are irritated at the idet of returning under the yoke af the Russians ; on the other hand, many declare for an accommodation and a speedy submission. There may therefore be many desertions on the commencement of hostilities.-Augsburg Gazette. Psotts, JAN. 21.-The Ghatnber of Deputies, in its sitting of the 24th, continued the discussion of the at tidies of the project of law relative to the taxes on persons, on furniture, doors, windows, and patents. In the course of the debate M. Mauguin said,-" I shall take this opportunity to acquaint the Chamber that it is my intention to call upon the Ministers on Thursday next, for explanations relative to the affairs of Poland and Belgium, and on the state of our affairs in general : the circumstances are so important that the Chamber will doubtless excuse this digression."-(Sensation in the As sembly, and on the bench of the Ministers.) (From Galignani's Messenger.) We learn from Madrid that the question of the bonds of the Cortes is now upon the tapir, and that the conse quences of the events in France have induced the King to call near him several persons, who had always been of opi nion that the said bonds should be acknowledged. ' FRENCH FUNDS.-PARIS, JAN. 25.--Five per Cents., 93f. 50c. 55c. 50c. s::c. 60c. 65c. 03f. 7Cc. 75c. 70c. 65e. ; Four per Cents., 78f. 75c.;_ _Three per Cents., 61f. 60c, 65c. 7 0 c. 7.5 c. 85c.; Bank Stock, 1,500 f. ; Rente de Naples, B:3f. 10c. 25c. 30c. 50c. 70c. ; Rente d't:spagne, 14°(; Royal Spanish Loan, 61q 1 .i ; Rente Perpetuelle d'Eipagne, 46y 2 fiV 2 %. Exchange on London, one month, 25f. 10c.; three months, 25f.-Comrs Autkentique. GERMAN PAPERS. FROM THE FRONTIERS Of POLAND, JAN. 12 --We are informed by travellers that the Russians have laid bridges at several points over the Bug, and are passing that river. It was believed that they would enter the ter ritory of Warsaw by the 16 th i nstant, but the general wish at Warsaw was, that the Poles might be the to commence hostilities, and by a bold attack cause the Rus sian Polish provinces to revolt. Urgent representations r a rsta, he towards avo t i h d : have been made to Gene ral Chlopi:ki on this slic übject and , but h e seems to be guide d b y a more exalted poy, to cherish hopes of an amicable arrangement, as, without step ever n t h e egl p yep which mi g ht more deeply implicate the cause of e c o t; e n s g . to Ale p a r n ep ti a tu re e the for army has e advanced a brave resistance, frontier of Lithuania, and a moveable column, composed of I several regiments, traverses the country to excite the people's minds, and to induce all those to join it who are capable to bear arms. This column showed itself in the vicinity of Brzesc to the Lithuanian corps, which manifested estraordinaty joy, so that General Rosen hastily retired into the inte rior, and without delay removed the officers, who are mostly Poles, and put Russians in their places. If the Commander of the moveable column had ventured to profit by the favourable opportunity,—if he had boldly advanced towards Brzesc, the fidelity of the Russian army would have been easily shaken, and its defection would have been a great advantage to the cause of the Polish insurgents. The omission of such an attempt is much blamed by the Poles, who wish to have the fault repaired by a bold and rapid decision of the Dictator. The opinions respecting the e All a mount of the Polish force vary : s ome sa y that th e r egular troops are 6,000 ) . c ac counts I ry numlr agree as to the amount of the arm y en masse—it is othersp s state 0 30 0 w, oaoto at infantry, double the to be 180,000 men. VIENNA, JAN. 16.—Bank Shares, 1,040. —Allge /mine Zeitung, Jan. 21. IRELAND. From the Dublin Morning Register of Tuesday.) COURT OF KING'S - BENCH, DUBLIN, JANUARY 25. THE KING V. DANIEL O'CONNELL, ESQ. AND OTHERS. All the avenues leading to the Court were nearly as crowded yesterday as on Monday ; but, owing to the ex cellent arrangements of the police, under the command of Mr. Farrell, Chief Peace-officer of Arran-quay division, admission was etsily obtained by all who had business in Court. Shortly after the Lord Chief Justice had taken his seat, George Blagrave Snell, one of the short-hand writers, brought specially from London to report the proceedings at public meetings in Dublin for the Government, together with Peace-officers Hartley and Holland, were sworn and sent to the Grand Jury, to whom the bills of indictment had been previously sent up. About one o'clock great interest was excited in Court by the appearance of the Grand Jury in their box. The foreman, Alderman Montgomery, addressed the Court and said—My Lord., myself and brother Jurors wish to have explained to us why, in the several counts laid in the in dictment, the proclamations issued, as well as the meet ings, are all laid as in the parish of St. Andrew's, not withstanding that Home's Hotel, Ott which some of the meetings were held, is not in St. Andrew's parish ? The LORD CHIEF JUSTICE—II is quite immaterial in what parish. • The Jury then retired, and at three o'clock returned into Court. , The foreman handed down the bills to the Clerk of the Crown, and the greatest anxiety was evident in every countenance. The Clerk of the Crown then proceeded to unroll the bills, which were very voluminous, and read aloud—•a true bill ; and this you say for yourself and fellows ? Foreman—• Yes. The Grand Jury thereupon retired, and _ _ _ • The ATTORNEY-GENERAL rose. My Lords, I now wish the parties who are bound in recognizances to be called upon to appear. Mr. P. COSTELLO, the Solicitor to Mr. O'Connell, and the other gentlemen, addressed the Court, and said that the parties had been in attendance all day, but were not at that moment in Court. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL--J shall have no objection to their appearing in person to-morrow, but I must have their appearance entered as of to-day. Mr. COSTELLO—They'II appear by their agent. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL—That won't do. I shall be satisfied by the appearance of any person competent to answer for those gentlemen, but I'll require their appear ance to be entered as of to-day. Mr. Costello said, that ih such an important ease he could not, in the absence of his Counsel, or those more immediately interested, take upon him to decide. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL—Then call the traversers to appear upon their recognizance. The Clerk of the Crown—Crier, call Daniel O'Con. nell, Emq., to come into Court, and appear upon his re cognizance. Mr. Costello then prayed their Lordships would allow him half an hour, for the purpose of consulting with the parties or their Counsel, as to what he should do. The ATTORNEY.GENERAL..--I have no objection, my Lords. The LORD Ctuar JUSTICE—WeII, go on with the case which you were arguing, Mr. Perrin; and, in the mean time, you, Sir (to Mr. Costello), can consult your Counsel. In about ten minutes afterwards, Mr. Costello returned into Court with Mr. Holmes, and stated, that he ap peared for Mr. O'Connell, and the other gentlemen against whom the hills were found, and undertook that their ap pearance should be entered as of that day (yesterday.) ATTACHMENT AGAINST THE FREEMAN ' S JOURNAL. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL then addressed the Cour and said—My Lords, in the case of the King again! Daniel O'Connell, and others, I em, on babalf of the Crown, to apply for a conditional order for an attachment against Patrick Lavelle, for a contempt of this Court. The affidavit, on which I move, states the fact of his being the registered proprietor of a newspaper published in this city, entitled the 1 reeman's Journal. On Tuesday, the 18th January, the traversers were arrested, and held to bail to appear in Court this term, and bills of indictment have been found against the several parties who had en tered into recognizance. On Saturday, the 22d January, there was a publication in the Freeman's Journal, which was a gross contempt of the authority of this Court. I shall read it, my Lords : it purports to be a letter, signed Daniel O'Connell, and addressed to his constituents. It commences with some poetry. I may divide the letter, and its matter, under three distinct heads, relative to this prosecution. First, the object is to traduce and vilify the motives and conduct of those at whose instance those proceedings have been instituted. Secondly, to over awe and controul this Court in the discharge of its judicial functions; and, thirdly, to prejudice the pub lic mind and to endeavour to prejudge the merits of this case, by setting up the utter impossibility of an honest and intelligent jury convicting the parties of the offence with which they are charged. The Attor ney-General then proceeded to read Mr. O'Connell's letter from the Freeman's Journal of the 22d January. The letter was addressed " To my Constituents," and dated 21st January, 1831. The Attorney-General pro ceeded to observe upon the following passages :—" The charge against me in the silly warrant is split into two parts. They are, as usual with absurd charges, contra dictory of each other. The first is for having disobeyed the proclamations ! ! There is a charge for you on which to arrest the man who has the high honour of being the chosen representative of your county. The second is for having evaded the same proclamations. Now if I dis obeyed the proclamations, it is clear that I did not evade them ; and if I only evadetl the proclamations, it is equally clear that I did not disobey them." Here, my Lords, this :publication takes up a point that has served as a text for the newspapers for the last week, assuming that I had the absurdity to charge Mr. O'Connell with having evaded the law, but which is evidently a misconstruction of the warrant. " The second answer is, that even if I had disobeyed any or all of the proclamations, I should not have been guilty of any offence, unlesa 1 came within the terms of the Act called the Algerine Act—which, observe, it is not pretended cr alleged that I have done." This, my Lords, being the fact to which the attention of the grand jury was to be directed, and on which they were to find the bills, if they believed the witnesses. " I would wager any man a thousand pounds to a shilling, that one of the legal advisers of the Crown ferretted out a passage in the work of a modern barrister, and without examining its slender foundation, nor the palpable manner in which this banister contradicts himself—they have instituted the pre sent prosecution upon no better authority, with a hope of reviving nothing less than the Star Chamber Law." I should say, my Lords, for myself, that I am not the bar rister alluded to, nor can I say to whom it alludes. ' 6 This is not the place to quote passages of law, but I cannot resist quoting here the abstract of Lord Coke's opinion as given in a work of the highest authority, called Comyn's Digest. Here is the passage :—‘The King cannot create an offence by proclamation ; and, therefore, nothing will be pnishable a ft er a proc l ama ti on w hich wa s not so before." I need not say any more to show that it cannot be punishable as an offence to disobey a proclamation. I therefore laugh to scorn the charge against me of ' disobsying a proclamation,' and I could d e fy the powers of human ingenuity to create a scrap of 6 Judgemade Law' to suit this occasion." Now, my Lords, I think it impossible that any human being, guilty of writing such a commentary, could have any other object in vietv than this—not to prejudice the determination of this Court, but to have it believed by the public, and from whom the Jury was to be taken, that the charge was utterly illegal, and therefore not entitled to any sort of at tention. " The Act which enables a Lord Lieutenant to use arbitrary, and indeed despotic power over all meetings, is in its nature sufficiently severe and sufficiently uncon stitutional not to have it extended one iota by construction. It is really most monstrous to talk of extending its effects by will shortly arrive any construction, and I trust that the day when the real advisers of this prosecution, and of the p . mations, will meet the punishment they so justly "Ird' thequaint language and latinity of Lord Coke , i t is 113. nil indictments conclude contra leaem et consuetudin! contra leyes et statuia. But never was seen 11° ,0 1 meat to conclude, contra reqiam proclamationem• r with respect to the extension of this law, I co ° . Vie writer, that " it is not to be extended ene c instruction ;" I know and feel that is a law it power at variance with the principles of the O"; justified only by the circumstances of its origina l is c . e warranted by the anticipation or a necessity W",,ie since arisen, and only to be put into execution eolis imperative obligation of those whose peculiar dutY preserve the institutions of the country, and, t e e order of the Community renders its adoption lu ° ,,r, t It is, my Lords, somewhat too bold and daring , , proiecutions are instituted, when his Majesty's Wylie are upon the point of submitting the c harge r apd tribunils, to attempt to poison the public Illin u l,; / 0 of any Jury that may go into that box, by 61 " 1 , — „, 0 to make them believe that the person, by W ",b - e proceedings are directed, were actuated 1,0 1 and most corrupt motives; and that the on le of the persons who issued the proc!amati onss procure for those persons against whom P ro o o. printer of the Freeman's Journal , my have been taken, punishment, whether they be P o r not.. For this act upon the part of the pr o p conditional order for an attachment for the i r con% this Court. If authorities are required 1 0111 pared, my Lords, to do so, although I might cult to find another instance in point of en° rnli t he libel se gross, or so well calculated to pei l i t l i e ig sources of justice; certainly such another instal be found amongst the decided cases in the 1 0° - - COURT—Take a conditional order, Mr. Attern:o Clerk of the Crown—Do you seek the against the proprietor and printer ATTORNEY GENERA L—Only against Pato-- aPplicition to the proprietor. Mr. Costellue applied fur a copy of the inforo which the Attorney-General assented. MORE INCENDIARISNL To the EDIT OR of the MORNING 1 16111 01 Sia,—l have just received intelligence of 661.6 60 11 1 occurred on Monday night at the farm of Mr. „ called E.;ley, about two miles from Woking, , S t, r • first broke out in a barn close to the house, Wn e— of lc had In en cutting chaff all day, and had not left Iliarei than an hour when the flames were discoveredl the barn, which, with cow-house, stable, I g o i houses were completely destroyed ; two calve!' 'ILA. fully burnt; the horses and fat cattle were 9 57 0 0 flames were prevented from getting to the ric l :;itfi!) other barns, by pulling down a cart-house. F el e time was quite still, or every thing must ha ve e n Mr. C. was from home at the time. There o ' 3 lo o l about 500 persons, shouting, " Burn it ! Let' ibe the ground !" &c. The dwelling-house, duriogoitorl, flagration, was robbed of a great quantity of fuiottl: I am, dear Mr. Editor, an old admirer of Pu r iii, Manchester-street, Jan 27. INQUEST on the RIGHT HON. PITT, LORD RIVERS. Yesterday afternoon, at four o'clock, Mr. Coroner, and a highly respectable Jury, a sselob Fox and Bull public-house, adjoining the Cantin lE o s, Kn'ghtsbridge, to investigate the circumstanc e dl', with the death of the Right Hon. Horace Pitt, Vito aged 54, who was found drowned in the SW ° Hyde Par on Tuesday afternoon. The Jury k, having been empannelled and o i , cee led in the melancholy discharge of their dull the body of his Lordship, which lay in as tbe chamber. The Jury were much struck Ott handsome appearance of the corpse. No marks 4).„01 were visible, and his Lordship, who was a peared in a profound slumber. fel°l . . Mr. John Ambrose, his Lordship's steward-j o ,,+ Mistney, Middlesex, was the first witness exa100:, stated, that on Friday last he received a 'ed ct , ipr - Lordship requesting Lim to come to his Lor"v0l0 residence, No. 10, Grosvenor-place, on th e „ ii tt. i Tuesday, for the purpose of paying over the rl o l e, 1 arrived there about three o'clock in the arterial)! fl purpose, and was much surprised at finding P, e iis and family in the highest state of alarm and, Riled On inquiring the cause, he learned that Lor d - ri l o tii been absent since Sunday evening, and o°' t init ej o ;i f standing every search and inquiry had been in s ; 'Il,. tidings could be learnt of his Lordship. On he 1 111 :;giV that persons were then actively engaged in u ,,, r ;'V,', Serpentine River, in expectation of finding ' - '",,lll'i,' repaired thither. He found the men dragging:, 0 0 Ole d' end, near the waterfall, and in about five minu,t,l,9 of his Lordship was raised to the stuface an",;fPilt The body was about two or three yards from t',ici) It was immediately conveyed to the house in tt' d flit , were assembled. There were no signs of life, e u „ t ! appeared to have been immersed two or three dal; of Juror—Did the deceased live upon good ter Lady and family. Witness—He did, and aiW' i , C , most happy in their society. ~,Dic" 14 Juror—Do you know of any occurrence ~-, to possibly have deranged his Lordship's minl,:pot'i caused him to commit suicide. Witness-- I ol oo t ` v ( the contrary, his Lordship's affairs were in the 4 0 perous state, and he lived upon the most aff ectioP _ a i:1 11 . with Lady Rivers. Juror—When did the deceased nobleman g itc‘P- e oll" title and estate? Witness—To the best of MY fe- - ~..1, in 182 S ;he was never married but once. h is '''' , Juror—Had his Lordship any defect in i o b e ; Witness—He was very near-sighted, so as n i ' s helr ii to discern an object at any distance without t''... e bee ° glass, which he always carried with him, and " , c l l° . ing he always wore spectacles. . d e , , ~.0. Juror—Might not his Lordship, from th is :„ r' ) (;, vision, have fall e n off the footpath into the r`' e l 1 1 ''' dent, and thus have been drowned ? Witnes s oe , extremely probable; for a more unlikely per"_ ° I' bes t self-destruction I never saw than his LordeP'r 1 so remarkably happy and contented. AO bbl Colonel M'Leod, one of the Jurors, her e ' 'soi ° ,,f) had lately called the attention of the Cotn it i ' i l e fc ° ,;/11 Woods and Forests to the dangerous state Of t . 0 0 1 :0t) or causeway at this end of the river, which %°,,cci J ; o l ! that any person might fall into the water by c og night without a chance of being saved, there b .1. 6rir j r or fence. ,rlloe t r, ? James Batten, Superintendent of the 1 10 -- „ jet ',it Receiving-house, deposed to finding the bowia OVA sence of the last witness; and produced er a, ied,ho'l watch, with the appendages, and 1/. Sc. ' V 1?, which he took out of his Lordship's pockse9.o4, ness added, that this part of the river Nee- 4 1 8 1 .0 11. 0 4 dangerous, that no less than ten persons fe c i i sre r causeway one foggy night, a short time ago, ° l ' $ t t , i e i r f, difficulty saved. gil I, '. John Baker, a footman to Lady Rivers, ‘ c " At rP , a 0 atnined. He said that his Lordship dine hteroJ'' Rivers and his family, consisting of two daub fi 1 j0 1: son, on Sunday afternoon last. He aPr is 3 i f t ti ta t o l' usual, and witness observed nothing about ' 0 foe to gr' of aberration of mind. He left his resilience e . ce t nine o'clock on the same evening, which O P , with him, anti witness saw him no more all 1 'I his being the whole of the evidence, he The CORONER addressed the Jury , e he o'sl l from the evidence it appeared to him that . 1.0 the i occurrence was purely accidental, arising fr° thi e out state of the path. torli J .t 0 1 J The Jury, after a short consultatio n, ee be pelf lowing verdict :—" Found drowned nenr. t der ed ' i t? at the head of the Serpentine River, cone' 0 01 gerous for want of a rail or fence, wh ere have lately fallen in." 'l, llle • 1 The sum collected for the natioo3 DANIEL.Esq., up O'CONNELL, to F ia° trts i ' 1 . 0 111 7,603/. Os. 10d. ers , r(jo 00 EDINBURGH, JAN. 24.---The e reside within five or six miles of this eitipoori,p being grievously annoyed by the D U ' 1C o f ‘ l fre who hourly enter their dwellings, and i'l-00,' food. These unfortunate and miserable verh-at means the lame, the blind, and the aged', young and strong persons , male and fonine, ff no employment. itA co During one of Sir STAMFOSPhrotigI tours in Sumatra, his coolies, in passing ; th e ;„A came upon a tiger, crouched in the 1 ,3 t r," of ti ,e' diately stopped, and addressed him terr:ying tion, assuring him they were poor people , c i s ,J 13asar (great man's luggage), who WO O ' e an, with them if they did not arrive in t ini „, i 'cl c vl ,,to .c ; they implored permission to lestation. The tiger, being startled at their o f 1 is got up, and walked quietly into the &P t 4 4 ' . 0 ,fi and they came on, perfectly satisfied that , a 1 0 sequence of their petition that eY.P Raffles' Memoirs. pass quietly -e,r ,pir;e :T~"~~ N*, 4,0 Ce4t. Clat. w ed •••• ....... —•••• per cent ez 4'u" e e J ilt tin to ;I to, 1850 F J mh. 5, 1880 141 , 6, isao 4 4 14 V 1 15, 1880 41 1. 5) 1870 lets or v.zezcal k,m44ltzist uon s 447,4:A '''a° ° 5: gaUi~byt , e i s Bonds l°r4htst7;n4;Cra.......: 1,0104170 A bitto n. 48 lJ loleaatnds "'"'"' IP RE BALI ' 4 g, that the Peole tP p o intment p of Bis 'll4'ver they have in hall b Y sUppressi n qAt 'TIE S. g published at the Edited q-i„, PRIDAy EV] sovernm ent j rn d this more u la F Y have founC and the o Q. : at conference r por Powers el gn Office. It NI ,- th at Guul d a " ( r e overnm e r 43 of putti ng i ' t B P ctab le f oot 8 u atinn of aft °r o es Would se( Our disposal i ale effect oat tt.‘rlaY be fow l( .cause the patri o ti c of Polani i l u i r °Pe and Er giota. Let h jeriere in fikvc L:a.ll gener a l E u O DLAs ov it ( -- ll not be e; w he had the Ad a to Belgic Z u horn cond beaks pretty scenes. If th France a tit heir pow 14 13 e Worse tha th fl ower of it e ruins of • V h!ernembered 40u7 more fol iti _ 4 (l policy wati "'d of freeC lt allow, Reform a pub ittr iteform a °ad are the The follon tel P° 4 dent, vv; C q umour rnr "ges is ord r 4 ii a fi ne heal! 1, sup posed The ship t o f - 'e "i no Aar tt fora h'g at Toul b ' e Mediterra qu ss i ans in 14. 4 ' Th e itj ht fr om (4; 6 T he Tz t 1 t , (1 . 4114 the 2 la Station] . 44 /I , pixer 1