The Sun. — London, England, 1854-05-30 00:00:00

learned' gentleman (Sir F. Thesiger) was such as became the occasion, and after the discussion had been carried on for some time in the same spirit, and in the same tone. evincing a desire upon the part of the house to put an end to the corruption out of which these bills had arisen, the right hon. gentleman got up, and made a violent and un provoked attack upon my noble friend the member for the city of London—(hear, hear, no, no, and some confusion) — who, upon that question, had no opportunity of replying, but who did reply, when the question for the withdrawal of the next bill came to be put, in obedience to the order of the house, in a tone of moderation which afforded no gratification whatever for that farther attack which the e ight hon. gentleman has made, with that vehemence of manner and of gesture and with that acrimony of tone and of language, of which he has unfortanately, in past times, given us so many examples. lam not going to follow the right hon. gentleman into an examination of the measures which he calls assaults upon the constitution. I rise in con sequence of the taunt which he has thrown out against my noble friend for occupying the position he does, and for giving to the Government of Lord Aberdeen the benefit — and a great benefit it is—of the high position which he oc cupies in the estimation of the country and of this house - a position which, I am sure, none of the invectives of the right hon. gentleman can in the least degree impair. The right hon. gentleman has accused my noble friend of throwing over his colleagues, and of a tenacity in clinging to o ffi ce, to which I think is past life is the best answer. (Cheers.) I trust tflacwhen the right hon. gentleman has been as long . in e as Parliament, and as long before the country n f r i end friend, he will be held in as great esteem as my n oble fri is now. • I can only say that my noble friend did ree the honour of consulting me, as one of his former colleagues ,l3 when the present Government was formed, an d acceptance of his present position in that Gove rnment had any hearty, and sincere, and cordial concurrence. I felt —and I believe others of his late colleagues felt the same thing—not only that he would shrink from the public dtty which he owed the country , if heallowiendtahneyGpolernvat e e. feehng to interfere with his ta kin g a share ment, but that in consenting to t ake that share he would be rendering an important service to the country. When the right hon. gentleman talks of separation from his col leaves, it is fair to refer to the uniform support which those colleagues have generally given to my noble friend and to the Government of which he is a member; and when he says that the Government of Lord Aberdeen does not possess the confidence of the country, I say it is most degrading to the party of which th e right hon. gen tleman is a member to make these assertions night after night, and to shrink from putting them to the test by ap pealing directly to the house. (Hear, hear.) Colonel PEEL—I trust the house will allow me to say a few words. Unaccustomed as lam to take part in its disci:Lesions, sitting always upon this side of the house, and entertaining Conservative opinions, which render it impos sible for me to give my support to the present Government, I never will be a party to these attacks, made to weaken their power to carry on the war. So far from thinking they have been guilty of connivance or credulity, I, for one, give them my entire support in everything connected with the war; and both in their financial measures and in every other necessary arrangement, they may rely upon receiving every assistance from me. (Hear, hear.) The question was then put and agreed to. On the motion to withdraw the third bill (that for King ston-upon-Hull), Lord J. RUSSELL said, I very much regret that there should be any necessity for my addressing the house again, but after the charges which the right hon. gentleman has. made, and the assertions in which he has indulged him self with respect to my conduct, I feel I cannot be altogether silent when I have an opportunity of replying to the asser tions he has made. Let me say, however, in the first place, that if I have done the right hon. gentleman any wrong with respect to his absenting himself from voting, or to any vote given by him on the subject of Jewish rights, I heartily regret having fallen into any error on the subject. I could refer to a division [so we understood] at which he was not present, according to my memory, upon the subject, but Ido not wish to enter into that kind of controversy. I am quite persuaded that the right hon. gentleman in tended to serve the cause of the Jews in the course that he has taken, and I therefore will not enter into any dispute on that subject. (Hear, hear.) But when he accuses me of factious opposition to Lord Derby's Government, and attacks me for taking part in the present Government, I must be allowed, to question the facts on which the right hon. gentleman relies, and to deny the inference that he has drawn. (Hear, hear.) He, accuses me of making a factious opposition to Lord Derby's Government, and of founding that opposition on the Militia Bill. - (Hear, hear.) Now, sir, far from founding it on the Militia Bill, 1 did not seek the support of any of the party to which I belong on the subject of that bill. (Hear, hear.) I came, with mach deliberation, and after much doubt, to the con clusion that that measure was not a good measure, that it was a far inferior measure to that which I had introduced, and I voted against the second reading, stating at the same time that I should take no part in the committee. (Hear.) I adhered to that determination, and so far from having, as the right honourable gentleman has said, perti naciously opposed the measure in committee, I took no further part in the proceedings than making a single ob servation on a question which arose in the course of the discussion ; and upon one occasion, when there was only a majority of fourteen with respect to an essential part of the bill, I purposely absented ,myself from the house, and did not give my vote. (Hear.) But what I did ob ject to was:the new principle stated and started by Lord Derby—that, not having the confidence of the existing Parliament, he would not appeal to a new Parliament ; and that, for a period of ten or eleven months, he proposed to carry on the Government without the confidence of the house. (Hear.) I objected certainly to that course, and Lord Derby was himself at last obliged to confess that the Parliament must be dissolved. as soon as the business could be disposed of which it was absolutely necessary to get through. Never was there so unconstitutional a prin• ciple founded as that which was at first avowed by Lord Derby, and till that principle was disclaimed in bolls houses of Parliament I denounced, as I had a right to de nounce, his ministry as a ministry standing upon uncon stitutional grounds, and I declared that they were bound either to have the confidence of the House of Commons or not to remain in office. But the right hon. gentleman says, with regard - to the course I took at that time, that I constantly opposed his Government. Sir, I did not often attend the house at that time ; sometimes I voted with them, and that, at times when they were in considerable difficulties ; sometimes I voted against them. But I must tell the right hon. gentleman that that which injured the Government of which he was a principal member was their own conduct. (Cheers.) It was the manner in which they carried on the Government of the country—it was the mode in which they attempted to obtain a majority in Parliament which destroyed confidence in them and finally ruined their power. (Loud cheers.) Well, but says the right hon. gentleman, I opposed his plan of finance on the ground that it made a difference in the impost between different sources of income. (Hear.) Sir, I did state that I had doubts upon the subject, and that the proposi tion was entirely new. Sir, I took no part in the de bate by which his Government was overthrown; but when it was overthrown, a serious question offered itself to my mind, and I was obliged to give a deci sion upon it. The question was—having taken part in connection with other parties in the overthrow of that Government, whether or not I could take a part in the Government which was about to be formed. I do not hesi tate to say that if I had thought a Government could have been formed, either by myself or by other parties, without a junction between different parties in politics, which Go vernment could hope to be strong in the confidence of the House of Commons, I would rather that the Government should have been formed of one party only, than that the Government should be formed of different parties who had not hitherto worked together. But when I came to consider the position in which I might be placed, should her Ma jesty—which from some intimation I received I had reason to think might be the case—should her Majesty have sent for me to ask my advice on that occasion, could I form a Government which was likely to obtain a permanent ma jority in the House of Commons? Could Lord Aberdeen, with the assistance of Sir R. Peel's friends, have formed such a Government ? Lord Aberdeen thought that was impossible. He has frequently declared to me he thought that was impossible. The Government of Lord Derby had just been defeated, after every means had been taken— means, upon the character of which I will not now enter --but after every means had been taken to secure a majo rity, that Government was not able to command a majo rity in the House of Commons.. Was I then to contribute to bring Parliamentary Government into discredit ? (Loud cheers.) Was it not my duty, by every means in my power, to enable Lord Aberdeen to form a Government which would have the confidence of the House of Com mons ? (Loud cheers.) Sir, on this subject I did not act alone. I did not betray, nor desert, nor surrender the confidence of that great party with which was associated (Great cheering.) My right hon. friend who has just spoken has given his testimony to the fact that I did not desert them ; and I may add, that the man whom I naturally went to consult on that occasion, was not one who had con. stantly been my enemy—one in whom I had no political confidence—the man whom I went to consult was my Lord Lansdowne—(cheers)—and I found with him a right hon. friend of mine, as distinguished for his talents, as distin guished for his character, as any member of this house or of his party. I mean Mr. Macaulay. (Cheers.) I think I betray no confidence when I state what passed on that °Z'ha.Bierde°enn. I asked L o rd Lansdowne, supposing that Lord has a summons from her Majesty to form a Go vernment, whethe r he thought that I could be a member of the Cabinet with Lord Aberdeen—whether he thought it was my duty s o and L ord La te. do. We discussed numerous contingen cies,opinion itWas myntsidowne ended by declaring that in his lie, to aceept office under duty which I owed to the pub expressed his opinionndersLord Abardeen. Mr. Macaulay know you are not afraid of more strongly. He said, " I 4 nt re e eponsibility—(loud cheers)- -- but you never incurred if you do not le awful responsibility than you will incur, to form a Government on the end your utmost assistance coo Zezit occasion." (Hear.) vsere wh e r f a i i Sir, I consulted others- - I opinion that hon. it wasfriend who has just spoken—and they my duty to form a Government Whi g p a rty with the party of- the remainin g unite the Sir Robert Peel, who Were then ready to na friends of ac s under Lord Aberdeen. (Hear, hear.) With m:l 4 °ffice Aberdeen, I mu st sa y that I have alwa y s been in iitanbkord private friendship . I respected his public ch aracter; a 4 n o l when I had occasion to speak of his conduct in the Foreign_ Sir to his il. laCietelliinlistration, office, in the respectsadministration of said that, though opposed in so m e _ch the honour or the in could not find any occasion on w . inte rests of this country h ad ever been sacrificed by Lord Aber deen. (Cheers.) my p u blic testimony to hi s ` c was opposed to him. The right hO n n: duct at a time w S he u n ch l l* gentleman chooses to sa y . that at the time when I spoke of my noble friend the present Homers ecretary , as not being 1 Aberdeen. Sir I the Minister of Austria, or the Mi ni ster of Russia, or the Minister of Prussia, I alluded to Lon I • st of a coterie of per made no such allusion ; I meant no such allusion ; but per . did declare that in spite of the whis f foreign sons in this country, formed chiefly, I believe, o ere, I thought my noble friend had acted as th e Minister of England, and not as the Minister of a n y fore ig n power, and as such I defended his policy. Sir, I r etain that I sentiment to this present hour. (Loud cheers.) t ray noble friend, as Foreign Minister, did uphold, to _the very highest point, the interests of this country, and as I defended him - in 1849, so I would defend him no w. (Re newed ch eers .) B u t th e question was this : if, as I thought, it Was impossible to form a Ministry composed of the Whig party—if it was impossible to form a Ministry composed of those who followed Sir R. Peel--if it was un wise, if not impossible, to leave the Government in the hands of a party whi c h had not the confidence of the House of Commons, and which, in my opinion, did not deserve to have that confidence—(cheers)—there remained the ques tion whether those men who had acted together on the greatest question that for some years has divided Parlia ment—l allude to the question between protection and free trade—whether the men who concurred on that ques tion might not be able - to concur on other questions, and , enter office _together. To many of my former colleagues 1 office was not Proposed ; to some of them office was pro. posed, and declined. But with regard to all of them— having acted with them through all my life—l felt sure that if there was formed a firm Government-4f these par ties saw what they considered as a liberal course, adopted —if they saw that liberal course tempered with that mode ration which had always characterised the Whigs as a party, and which was acknowledged and declared to be so by Mr. Burke—if they saw that these principles were the principles of Lord Aberdeen's Government—then, whether they held office or no themselves, no consideration would prevent them from as heartily and as willingly supporting the Government as if they . had themselves a partin it. Sir, I have not been deceived in the hopes which I anticipated. I do, indeed, form part of an Administration, from which most of them have been excluded. The administration of Lord Aberdeen is formed, in great part, of those with whom he formerly acted. Since the Government has been formed, on all the general principles of domestic government we have been agreed. I cannot of course pretend, after what has passed to-night, that we have been generally suc cessful in the measures that we have proposed. Bnt I think we are engaged at present in an extremely difficult task, apart from any measures of reform in Parliament— of alteration of oaths—of dealing with corrupt practices at elections. Should. I come to be of opinion that the conduct of the war cannot be safely left in the hands of the present Government—that the Government can not carry on the war with that vigour which makes war successful, and by which peace can alone be rendered safe and honourable to this country—l shall cease to be a member of the Government. 'But, considering that to be the immediate, great, and pressing question to this coun try, no taunts of the right hon. gentleman shall make me leave the post which I at present occupy— a post which, God knows, is one of far more labour and anxiety than of pleasure, profit, or emolument. (Loud cheers.) Unless I were convinced that the present Government is more likely than any other which can be formed to carry on the war with success and to finish it by an honourable peace, I should cease to be a member of the Government. But as long as I remain under that impression, I trust that the house and the country will give a fair interpretation to my conduct. (Cheers.) I rely upon this country, knowing that, while most enlightened on general questions, yet it is occasion ally apt to be misled, now as in format times, with regard to the conduct of public men, yet I rely upon the justice of this country, which has hardly ever failed in the end to construe rightly the actions of public men. (Loud cheers.) Mr. B. OSBORNE—Sir, I am convinced that the senti ments which fell from the hon. and gallant member for Huntingdon (Colonel Peel) have expressed the sense of the house upon those numerous matters which have been dragged into this debate—as Sancho Panza used to drag in his proverbs—by the right hon. gentleman the member for Buckinghamshire, and I shall not attempt, after the speech of the noble lord the member for London, to follow that right hon. gentleman through all those topics. A proper time for that will no doubt arrive, when I shall be able to show the house and the country that the statements of the right hon. gentleman are not so exactly correct as they would appear to be on his showing. But the right hon. gentleman—who has been, to use his own expression, coined for the occasion, the Finance Minister of this coun try—has risen in his place and given an unqualified and unconditional denial to an assertion of the noble lord with respect to a measure on which he is supposed to entertain sincere convictions. I think the right hon. gentleman had better refresh his mind previous to giving these unequi vocal contradictions. What are the facts of the case ? I shall not dilate on the right hon. gentleman's observations with respect to divisions—l shall not dilate upon the right hon. gentleman's studied silence, exce pt upon one occasion —on what he calls his peculiar and mysterious feelings. We have seen the right hon. gentleman lurking, like a guilty spirit, about the lobbies of this house while the de bate was proceeding. I have seen him myself when, to do him justice, he came down to vote for the Jews. But there was an occasion ; we find that in 1849 the right hon. gentleman was absent. That, however, might have passed. I should not have presumed to make a great point of his mere absence. But what will the house say when they find that the right hon. gentleman, who gives such an un qualified denial to the assertion of the noble lord, that on one occasion the right hon. gentleman, notwithstanding his peculiar and mysterious feelings on the subject, voted against the bill ? (Hear, hear.) I shall be happy to re fresh the right hon. gentleman, who is usually so accu rate, upon this subject. It was in 1850, on a motion that the house should pledge itself in the following session to take into its serious . consideration the form of the oath of abjuration as it affected the Jews, with a view to relieve them from the disabilities under which they laboured. That was a pretty distinct motion for the right hon. gentleman ' to vote against—he who complained that the Jews had not ' a form of oath to themselves—who insisted that Christianity was under such great obligations to the Jews that they ought to enter Parliament in a way peculiar to themselves. And yet upon that question the ayes were 142 and the noes were 192 ; and among the " noes" is to be found the name of the Right Hon. Benjamin Disraeli. (Hear.) If the right hon. gentleman has strong feelings upon this subject—which I doubt —(eheers)—he is bound to come down to the house and introduce a measure himself for the emancipation of the Jews. ' But how stands the case? He denies that he was ever absent from a division on the Jewish question. I have proved that he was not only ab sent on one occasion, but that on another he actually voted, against the measure. (" No," from Mr. Disraeli.) If this —(holding up " Hansard ")—is a misprint, then I retract —if it is not, then the right hon. gentleman has been mis informed in giving the denial he did. (Laughter.) I say to him, in conclusion, if he wishes his name to be as clear to the country as he lately told the gazing public the noble lord's was, he had better not again hazard such rash asser tions as this. (Laughter.) Mr. DISRAELI—I do not mean to go again into this ar gument; but I must say at once that I never did absent myself from the house to avoid the Jewish question. The honourable gentleman has referred to one division in which my name does not appear. It is sufficient for me to say that, at that time, owing to a severe 'indisposition, I was absent for some time from Parliament. (Cheers.) Of i course that was not what the noble lord meant to charge against me. His charge was, that I left the house to avoid the vote. With regard to the other point to which the honourable gentleman has alluded, it is impossible for me to rebut the charge without going back to the period. Mr. OSBORNE (reaching forward the volume)—Hand the right honourable gentleman the book. . Mr. DISRAELI—I do not want to see the book. (Laugh ter.) It is easy for gentlemen to laugh, but that does not alter the facts of the case. I remember that at a morning sitting the question was discussed, and there were some twenty divisions, and I voted, I think, on every occasion with the noble lord; but there were some cross divisions, when, it is possible, I may not have voted with the hon. gentleman the Secretary for the Admiralty. I remember very well there were a great number of divisions, and there was one resolution moved, I think, by Vice-Chancellor Sir Page Wood, that Baron Rothschild should now be ad mitted to take the oaths at the table. To that I objected, and, with the noble lord, I voted against the motion. I cannot be sure of the particular vote, but of this I am sure, that if the matter be investigated, what I have stated will be found to be substantially correct. (Cheers.) Mr. WALPOLE—I do not rise to interfere in this dis cussion, but I wish to make an observation on one or two points. The first is with regard to the last obseriation made by the hon. gentleman the Secretary to the Admiralty. I have not looked through the division lists, but having watched pretty closely, and taken my share in all the dis cussions on this question, I think I may say, from recol lection, that the vote of my right honourable friend, to which the hon. gentleman alluded, was with reference to the question whether Baron Rothschild should then take his seat in the house. (No, no.) I cannot be sure of the exact occasion ; but I am bound to say this, whatever may have been the actual division, I know, certainly,' that no one in this house is more sincere than my right hon. friend in his desire to obtain for the Jews admission to this house. I know that, in private as well as in public ; and though I have been opposed, and unfortunately shall be always, I am afraid, opposed to my right hon. friend on this question, yet I know and am bound to declare that if there is one thing more than another for which my right hon. friend is entitled to the respect of both sides of the house, it is for tho manly and honourable way—(cheers) —in which he has come forward in the support of the Jewish race ; and I am bound to say that, if it were not for the manly support which he has given to that question, his position, if he had consulted his own interests, would have been higher—if it could possibly have been higher— than the position which he now occupies. (Cheers.) But his friends have lost confidence in him because he stood by his principles, though they do not agree with him on that particular point, and they never will withdraw their confi dence from him if he pursues his course in the same manly and honourable way which he has hitherto done. (Cheers.) The other point on which I wish to make an observation is with reference to a sentiment which fell from the noble lord. The noble lord said that the reason why he opposed Lord Derby's Government was because that Government had acted in a manner which was unconstitutional, and in a different way from that in which any Government had previously acted in the history of this country. The noble lord, I think, will bear in mind the first debate which took place after Lord Derby's Government came into power. On that occasion I made a few remarks, pointing out the pe culiar position in which we stood. It was acknowledged that we had not a majority in the house at that moment ; and I said then what I say now, that the reason why Lord Derby was in power was, fit st, because the noble lord opposite had resigned; and second, because there was no other party strong enough to take the reins of power except the party of Lord Derby. I remember that I added—and I thought the observation was acquiesced inand approved of by the noble lord—that if the house had no confidence in Lord. Derby's Government they might bring that question to a vote, and that it would be for us to consider, in case we were defeated on that vote, whether it would be incumbent upon us to resign office, or to take the sense of the country by a dissolution. I am sure I added that Lord Derby and his colleagues had no interest in remaining in power for a single moment, unless they had the confidence of Parliament. But I stoutly contended that the question of confidence had never been Put to the house ; that we had pursued our measures, and that we had obtained majorities on every important occa sion ; that we were therefore doing nothing contrary to the constitutional responsibility of Ministers—that we were acting from a sense of what was duo to Parliament and to the country ; and that we had no intention of holding office in any other manner than as the constitution prescribes. I believe the noble lord and his colleagues thought, down to the very time when the vote of Parliament was recorded against us, that it was a doubtful question whether we had the confidence of Parliament or not. Whether or not we deserved the confidence of Parliament during the limited period e we remained in office, whether we conducted our st!oenvsetsitlai:mviallnnsearythat has or has not been beneficial to brought I thcio;trY, histerY t a h l a o t ne w w e ill determine; but this house, against( eaet and a s . walked in the paths of the ) that the charge which the noble lord has us is a charge which we have not de served. Mr. BRIGHT —I shall not detain the house for many minutes. The discussionas has been m o r e lively than it has b b e ee tw n e f e o n r Bsome n ti o n b e le ilt lord and the ri g ht h on . mem b er f or ina consequence of the encounter Buckinghamshire. I will not though I think the nobl e lord hassaY who has had the best of it, not come out of the discus sion, without some scars. (Cheers and laughter.) I agree en tirely with what the noble lord say s as to the NothingintivesN vith which he took office under Lord Aberdeen. has happened , or c an ha ppe n, will make me believe but that that the noble lord acce p ted office from the influence of motives which were hig hl y honourable to him. At the same time it is impossible to disguise the fact that the elements of the Government were such, and to this day continue such, as to prevent the formation of a Government that can act for the welfare of the country. I recollect an ingenious gen tleman, and one too who was a great friend .of the noble lord, expressing his opinion if tha tb t e t y he bn p l r y ese a n y t oi G de o d ve p r o n l m iti e e n s t would get on admirably _ (Laughter.) And that is the course which the Govern- . ment has pursued. One yearsgreatquesdtiiovnidhe(aispbearetniesseitntletti—a a question which had for free trade, all those_ country—l mean the questifne of free trade, and all hose questions that turned upon it, ouch ao related to the repeal THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MAY 30, 1854. of taxes whenever there was a surplus. Accordingly, on all such questions as those the Government succeeded ad mirably in their administration, because there was no dif ference of opinion in the Cabinet ; the questions had been thoroughly settled, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the last session, and even in the present session, had, upon the whole, been very successful. I do not refer to those measures which have been so much talked of in the City, but on all questions that relate to taxes taken off or taxes imposed. On all these subjects the Chancellor of the Ex chequer was the salvation of the Government ; and as far as his measures have been submitted to the house this ses sion, he has carried them by large majorities. But on all other matters the Government has been unable to advise, or to lead, or to control the house. (Cheers.) It is clear that the noble lord, who by courtesy is called the leader, does not lead this house, and the house does not follow him. (Laughter.) The legislative measures, which he has offered to the house have not been accepted in a friendly spirit, though many of them are good measures, they have, unfortunately, been kicked out by large majorities. With regard to the last measure of the noble lord which was rejected—the Oaths Bill—l agree entirely with the noble lord` I thought the bill he ihtroduced an admirable bill—of course, putting aside my own particular objec tions to oaths of all kinds. I am amazed that any mem ber sitting on this side of the house should have voted against that bill. (Cheers.) I think it is a discredit to their intellect and judgment. The oath which the noble lord proposed to substitute appeared to me to include everything which the most greedy lover of swearing could wish to be included in it ; but, notwithstanding, it is true that the bill was thrown out. The noble lord cannot, then, in any sense in which the term was bestowed upon his pre decessors, be considered as the leader of this house. (Cheers.) But if the Government of Lord Aberdeen, which I have no doubt was formed on the most patriotic principles—if the noble lord who, Ihave no doubt, entered that Government with the most honourable views, finds, after seventeen months' experience, that it is a failure—if he finds that the whole promises which were held out with regard to what was to be done in Parliament for this coun try by a union of men who had hitherto been separated in politics— if all these promises have failed, then I am not sure if it is not the duty of the noble lord and his collea gues—who are, doubtless, as patriotic now as they were sixteen months ago—to form other combinations, which may be more successful. (Cheers and laughter.) The right hop gentleman the member for Buckinghamshire has made a fair defence of his Government, I must say, though I voted against him when his budget was overthrown, and when the ministry, of .which he was so distinguished a member, fell—yet I gave my vote, and I have never con cealed my feelings either in public or in private, with great reluctance, not because I thought the budget of the right hon. gentleman was fair in itself; but because I did not see in the then circumstances of the country any direct ad vantage that would result from the overthrow of that Go vernment. But the Government was overthrown, and the first adverse vote was followed by their resignation of office. But if the right hon. gentleman bad only been reckless enough to involve this copntry in a labyrinth of interminable negotiations, or in negotiations which were only terminable by the calamity of a war that were more interminable still, the right hon. gentleman might have been Chancellor of the Exchequer at this mo ment. (Cheers.) On the theory of the noble lord, the majority of 19, by which the Government of the right hon. gentleman was overthrown, was not more decisive than that which threw out the late measure of the noble lord ; but if they had involved us in war—if they had undertaken the responsibility of this great calamity—it would then have been the duty of Government, and the noble lord would himself have said, As you have got us into this 'war, you must get us out of it if you can—you must take the respon sibility of the war on your own shoulders. That is the con dition to which we are driven. We have a Government which is far from advising, or leading, or possessing the confidence of the House of Commons ; and I am extremely sorry for it, because many pf their measures are wise and just •, but still they tell the House of Commons that it is absolutely necessary they should remain in office, because they have involved this country in war, and that it is very inexpedient in the present state of things that they should quit the service of the Sovereign. (Cheers.) Well, I do not say there is no force in this argument, that when men have involved the country in war, it is fit that they should have the responsibility of conducting it. But see what a pernicious principle that is to advance in the House of Commons. Because, let a Minister be ever so reckless, ever so unprincipled, ever so unpatriotic, yet by a course of concealed and misunderstood diplomacy, let him involve this country in difficulties with a foreign country, and then we are told that the majorities of this house go for nothing —that reform bills, corruption bills, oaths bills, settlement bills—all that in ordinary times were thought necessary for the welfare of the country—all these are to go for no thing now—we may not be able to pass a single measure except those which have reference to the imposition of taxes—but as we have led this country into a war, Parlia ment must support us, and all other measures must be de ferred. (Loud cheers.) Sir, I have a liberty to speak on this question because • I have from the first denounced the course which the noble lord has pursued, and which has ended by involving us in war. Lord Stratford de Redcliffe in Constantinople, and the noble lord and his colleagues in this house, have led us into these difficulties, and it now appears that not only legislative measures, but our very Parliamentary system itself, is to be the sacrifice. (Loud cheers.) I do not want the noble lord to resign. I do not want Lord Aberdeen to resign. No man has ever heard me say a single word against Lord Aberdeen. I believe that if that noble lord had been at the head of a Cabinet partaking in his own views we should have had no war. (Hear, and laughter.) And from all I have seen of Lord Aberdeen since he took office, I have never seen but that he is as liberal in all matters of internal policy, and in all the measures which he is inclined to lay before the house and the country, as any other member of the Cabinet. Be lieving, as I do, that this war is unnecessary and unjust, and fearing that while it threatens to undermine and de stroy the constitution of Turkey, it is likely to destroy also the constitution of this country, I cannot think that the question which has been raised between the hon. gentleman and the noble lord is as onesided as some members on this side of the house appear to think. (Cheers.) I confess, look ing to the future, I can see nothing clearly defined as to the foreign policy of this country. We are engaged in a war for objects on which the Government has never yet conde scended to enlighten us, and as to the terms on which peace is to be procured no one has any idea—we have an ally who was denounced by members of the present Cabinet not more than 18 months ago, and who is in possession and will shortly be in possession, of no fewer than four Euro pean capitals—Paris, Rome, Athens, and Constantinople. (Hear, hear.) And seeing that all this has been brought about by what I believe to be the mistaken and mischievous policy of the noble lord and his colleagues, I see no ground for the noble lord calling for the confidence of this house, or for the continued support and approbation of the country. (Hear, hear.) Sir J. PAKINGTON—I do not rise for the continuance of this debate, though I agree with the hon. member for Manchester that the noble lord had come out of it but not without scars. (Cheers.) I shall not, however, continue the discussion, but, as a member of Lord Derby's Govern ment, I am content to leave the question where it is— thanking my right hon. friend the member for Bucking hamshire for the able, spirited, and, I think, triumphant vindication of the Government of which we were members. (Loud cheers.) I must say that I think a very small por tion of the house will agree with the hon. and gallant member for Huntingdon, who spoke of the attacks made upon the noble lord. I think that all who heard,' and all who may read this debate, will feel that the attacks were from the noble lord himself—(cheers)—that the attack was made by the noble lord, not only on the Government of Lord Derby, but upon my right hon. friend personally, in consequence of his having made, in language temperate, but which the occasion justified, some observations on the extraordinary position in which the noble lord and his Government were placed, having abandoned half their measures, and being defeated on the other half. (Hear.) I think the country will feel the full force of those obser vations which have fallen from the hon. member for Man chester, that the noble lord and his Government now condescend to stand in a position, with respect to every question which now arises, which the•noble lord appre hended might come in 1852, and which he thought was deserving of consideration, whether the Parliamentary system of this country was not in danger of being brought into discredit by it. I will here leave the duel between the noble lord and my right hon. friend, in which I think that the hon. member for Manchester is right in saying that the wounds have been sustained by the noble for 1. My immediate object in rising— nd I must request the attention of the house to that object—is to make some ob servations upon this ungenerous, unjust, and absolutely unfounded language of the hon. Secretary for the Admi ralty—(hear, hear)—with regard to the personal conduct of my right hon. friend, Mr. Disraeli. The house is always just in personal questions, and I am quite sure that they will not now refuse their attention to the few words which I am about to say to them--not arguments of mine, but appealing to unanswerable facts with regard to the charge which .the honourable Secretary for the Admiralty has endeavoured to cast upon my right honourable friend. I hope that honourable member is in his place. The division to which the honourable gentleman referred took place on the zah August, 1850. The motion submitted to the house was this : " That the Baron Lionel Nathan de Rothschild is not en titled to vote in this house, or to sit in this house during any debate until he shall take the oath. (" No, no ; that is the amendment.") Honourable gentlemen will be kind enough to be patient. I can easily understand they may be very sorry to have this little phantom that has been raised upset—(no, no) ;—but if they will do me the favour to listen to me I will undertake to show that I am right. This was the motion submitted to the house, and this was the main subject of discussion : "That the Baron Lionel Nathan de Rothschild is not entitled to vote in this house, or to sit in this house during any debate, until he shall - take the oath of abjuration in the form appointed by law." Upon that motion an amendment was moved. I found that. at least three divisions upon the general question took place, and the last was upon a motiou made—l apprehend resulting from the failure of the first motion submitted to the house—the motion ultimately was this : " That this house will, at the earliest opportunity in the next session of Parliament, take into its serious consideration the form of the oath of abjuration, with a view to relieve her Ma jesty's subjects professing the Jewish religion." The house divided, "Ayes; 142;" ," noes" against this proposition binding the house to a given proceeding in the next session of Parliament—" Noes, 106;" and amongst the noes I find the name of my right hon. friend the member for Bucking hamshire. The house will observe that the motion against which my right hon. friend recorded his vote was not a motion for their admitting the Jews to Parliament—not a motion even then relating to the state of Baron Lionel-de Rothschild—but a motion pledging and binding the house to entertain this subject in the next session of Parliament. Well, sir, I have already stated to the house that this divi sion took place on the sth August, 1850. Will the house now permit me to read an extract from a speech which was de livered on that day—that very same morning —by my right hon. friend near me (Mr. Disraeli). My right hon. friend spoke at considerable length. Of course I wi ll not trouble the house with snore than an extract bear in g u p on the point upon which I am now speaking. My right hon. friend found fault with the course which the noble lord's Government had taken upon the subject of the admission of Jews to Parliament. My right hon. friend then pro ceeded in this language. I am very sorry to see that some hon. members are not attending. (There was some con versation going on in the house.) I think in a spirit of fairness they ought to do so. I must beg the attention of the ho use t o the exact language, which I am about to read. On the sth of August, the day of the division, this was the languag e o f my ion rig before the house has been the ht hon. friend — " I have, . I may whe n the quest re moval of th e disabilities now in discussion , give n the mea sure for suc h removal my unhesitating and unvary in g sup port. I h ave, indeed, been sometimes accused of not ac companying the exercise of my suffrage with an expression of opi n i o n on the subject itself. That accusa ti on has, if I remember right, b een renewe d t o -d a y. I. re member that I the noble lord at th e b aw l o f the Gtovernniont did, not in a very generous, certainly not in a very constitutional, way, last year remind me that my vote was a silent vote. Sir, if I thought that anything which I could say would have tended to accomplish an object dear to my heart as to - my convictions, my vote would not have been a silent one ; but inasmuch as I believe that my opinions upon the subject are not shared by any member on either side of the house, I thought that it was consistent both with good sense and good taste that after once unequivocally expres sing the grounds on which my vote was given, I should have taken refuge in. silence, which at least would not of fend the opinions or the prejudices of any hon gentleman • on either side. The opinions I then expressed I now re tain. They are unchanged ; and were it not presumptuous to speak of our opinions as being immutable, I would ex press my belief. that they are unchangeable." (Opposition cheers.) Now that speech was delivered on the day on which the hon. Secretary for the Admiralty has charged my - right hon. friend . with having voted adverse to the admission of Jews. The honourable gentleman the Secretary for the Admiralty also used an expres sion which I believed he meant for a quotation from the language of my right honourable friend when he spoke of his peculiar and mysterious opinions." I be lieve that I am right in stating that the word " mysterious" was never used by my right hon. friend—(hear, hear) — and that he gave a public contradiction to it. It is need less for me to say more. lam not surprised that my right hon. friend should not have condescended to answer in de tail such an attack so made. But justice should be done. I think that the extracts I have read, made from a speech delivered on the day on which the vote in question was given, must show conclusively to the house whether or not upon that occasion my right hon. friend meant to give a vote at variance with opinions and with conduct from which it has been, my fate, like my right hon. friend the member for Midhurst (Mr:Walpole) always to differ, but which have been adhered to by my right hon. friend the member for Buckinghamshire with a decision, a. boldness, and an honourable consistency which, I believe, has tended to win him the confidence and regard of all men, whether they differ from him or not. (Cheers.) The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—I do not wish, sir, to enter in any degree into the controversy of this debate, and I am glad it has fallen to my lot to offer the few words I have to say by way of explanation to the house at a time when the heat, which was at the moment certainly considerable, has, in a great degree, cooled down. It seems to me that, in a controversy of this kind, hon. gentlemen can differ, and, no doubt, conscientiously differ, even on that question which I had thought so clear—the question which was the assailant and which the defender in this passage of arms—and that is a warning to me not to enter, without necessity, into the discussion. I will therefore confine myself to an endeavour to set straight, in a temper, I hope, of perfect calmness, one or two points which it appears to me do not stand quite correctly before the house. I think my right hon. friend the mem ber for Midhurst did not state with accuracy the position /assumed by the Government of Lord Derby at the out set of his Administration, or the circumstances which gave rise either to the position or the' objections to the Government in that house. He stated, very truly, that an agreement was come to that the necessary business of the session should be wound up, that Parliament should be dissolved, that a new Parliament should bo called before the close of the year, and that the judgment of that Par liament should be invited with regard to the question of confidence or no confidence in the Administration of Lord Derby. I don't mean to say that he stated the whole of these points, but he must be understood to advert to them when he says that was a perfectly constitutional basis for a Government to stand upon, and in that I perfectly agree with my right h on . f r i en d ; but he will allow me to remind him, I hope without any kind of acrimony, that that was not the original profession with which Lord Derby as sumed office. The profession with which Lord Derby as sumed office, and the declaration which fell from him in the most explicit terms, was to the effect that what we had to do was, not to consider whether the Government that had been formed was supported by the confidence of a majority of the House of Commons concurring with him in political opinions, but, on the other hand, a totally dif ferent matter—namely, whether the time was not come to set aside the discussion of political and party questions, and to apply the attention of the Parliament to what Lord Derby then, I think, described as questions of usefil prac tical reform on which no difference of party need prevail, and which would find employment for the Government alike \ diether it had or had not the confidence of the House of Commons. That was the original declaration upon the strength and upon the terms of which the Go vernment of Lord Derby, by the mouth of Lord Derby in the House of Lords, proposed to administer the affairs of this country. To that, undoubtedly, objection was taken, and I cannot be surprised the noble lord the member for the city of London felt great objections to such a proposal. Intima tions wore made with which, I have no doubt, many hon. members now present are acquainted, which led to a diffe rent state of things; but the Government (lid come to what may be called an understanding in Parliament. A declara tion was made, both in this and the other house, which went clearly to the effect that the business of the session was to be wound up, that a new Parliament was to be called, and that the opinion of the House was to be taken upon the want of confidence in the Ministers. Ido not think that the right hon. gentleman was quite justified in his reference to the " sanctimonious eloquence of the Chancellor of the Exche quer, and I think his own conscience may give him a little twinge on that subject. The " sanctimonious eloquence of the Chancellor of the Exchequer," as he calls it, was exer cised for a particular purpose. When a distinct under standing had been come to by a majority of Parliament—l am not speaking of any breach of faith on the part of Lord Derby's Government—bat when a distinct understanding had been come to by a majority of the house to effect the necessary business to which the session was to be confined, they were perfectly entitled to protest against the under taking of that which was no part of the necessary sessional business, but, as the right hon. gentleman has described it to-night, a spice and specimen of Parliamentary reform. It was against that portion of the operations of the Govern ment of Lord Derby that the "sanctimonious eloquence" was used, and, sanctimonious as it was, it had the effect of persuading a very large majority of the house not to take -any step towards hamperins , the Government of Lord Derby or towards impeding the fulfilment of its engagements, but of confining it entirely to the discharge of that necessary business. (Cheers.) The other point upon which I wish to touch is in reference to what has fallen from the hon, gen tleman the member for Manchesterr I should be very sorry indeed that a misstatement so important as that into which he has, no doubt, unintentionally fallen, should, after having been made in the presence of a member of the Go vernment, go fel th to the country' without any contradic tion or explanation—l mean that misstatement which was, no doubt, founded entirely upon a misapprehension of the language which was made use of by my noble friend the member for the city of London. The hon. gentleman the member for Manchester said—l don't quote his words, but I hope I shall represent their effect clearly—" The noble lord admits that, for all legislative purposes, the Government have lost the power of guiding the House of Commons, but he makes a claim of this nature, that, although the Go vernment have lost the confidence of the Parliament for the business of legislation, yet, inasmuch as the Government have likewise succeeded in involving the country in a dan gerous war, the House of Commons must hold itself de barred from its right to withdraw its confidence in the Governmeht, and its tenure of office shall be prolonged from this period until the war is finally settled." Such doctrine as that undoubtedly never fell—l will not say from the lips of the noble lord—but I never heard doc trines so absurd propounded by any hon. gentleman, how ever little noted or distinguished in this house. To make an announcement that any gentlemen who haie got posses sion of office have nothing to do but to involve the country in a war, and then to say they shall thereby acquire a lease of power which shall last until that w a r i s conc l u d e d, really implies a height of impudence and folly to which, I think, no one yet gave his assent. The doctrine of my noble' friend was, if I understood him rightly, of a different character entirely- (" Hear, hear," from Lord J. Russell.) Ho stated that in many measures of ordinary legislation it was undoubtedlytrue we ha w d hi f e a h ile a d t d t u h r is ing pe t ri h o e d present session of Parliament in p er suading the House of Commons to adopt our view , b ut, he sai d , there were other questions of extraordinary magnitude, trans cend all questions of ordinary legislation ; he did not say that those were matters upon which the House of Com mons had no right to pronounce —that those were matters upon which the House of Commons had no right to give their confidence or withhold it—what he said was, there were great questions connected with peace, and war which were now the direct and primary questions which threw' all others into the shade, and with respect to those great given the t the Government m ost u n primary questions the H ou s e of Commons had not thought ht to withdraw- its confidence from, the Government, a o e r h i t o y n .. m I e ra h h o e p r e : Si I n t o l b s u i s t s a h k a : a l bl e up su o p n pe e r v t er t y o t o li cc e pasiootilicy of ear the house that the doct rines of m y noble friend are entire ly different from what the h on. me mber supp o s e d them to be , haveil the made sha i t of perfectly a t r iumphant and I join with him in protesting against a supposition that we were capable of propounding or entertaining such a notion as he then descri bed. With regard to a hostile review of the measures of a former Government, than which rknow that nothing can be more invidious is members of an existing Administration, my noble friend, as it appeared to me, confined himself in a tone and temper the most calm and dignified to saying as little with reference to that question as was absolutely extorted from him by the attack. No such necessity is incumbent upon me, and I shall, therefore, not enter upon the subject. But I may, perhaps, with great humility and great .deference to the hon. gen tlemen who have spoken, bo permitted to say that I do not think the case of legislative impotence has been so fully made out against the Administration of Lord Aberdeen. The Administration of Lord Aberdeen has hold office just one session and a-half. The session of the present year has been a session in which there has been an extraordinary disturbance of the public mind. If we are told in the House of Commons that we have not been able to make that progress with legislative measures that might have been anticipated, and might ha ve been desired, I think it is fair that those who so exercise the office of critics shoul d recollect what is the effect of a European war upon the mind of the nation and the disposition of Parliament itself. (Cheers.) I think that those who, naturally enough are disposed to impute this want Of progress to the Government should go back to the period of former wars, and should see what amount of progress in pacific legislation has been made by strong Administrations in periods when the public mind was once excited, absorbed, an d exhausted by the necessity of the efforts for w a r. But, if I may be permitted to advert in defence of ourselves to the last session of Parliament, I do not think there will be found a recent session in which a greater number of substantial and important measures were brought forward and successfully carried. (Cheers.) lam sure, sir, I am the last man who has any re ason or an y dis position to complain of the hon. member for Manchester as to what he has said, but I am bound to appeal ishis sense of justice wh en I say I think what he stated is not a strictly accuratoor true description of the occurrences of last session. He will remember that measures of great political import ance and difficulty, such as that relating to the Canada Clergy Reserves, and that measures of great complication of details, such as that relating to the government of India, were introduced and carried through Parliament during the last session, and I think I can further appeal to him, when I say that I do not at this moment recollect a single case of an important first-class bill which was withdrawn from the House of Commons or the House of Lords during last year with one exception, namely, the Education Bill of my noble friend the member for the City of London, which was withdrawn for the simple reason that it was impossible to bring it into discussion until we had overpassed the limits of an ordinary session, exhausted the patience of the house, and made it absolutely necessary that some recreation should take place. These matters ought not to be men tioned otherwise than in self-defence, but I trust it is not improper to mention them ; for, after all, it is impossible to separate, in a question of this kind, the question of the credit of the Government from the question of the credit and character of the House of Commons. It was the feeling of the House of c9/1112a0118 that enabled the Cieverunzent lad OXFORD UNIVERSITY BILL. The house having gone into committee upon this bill, The CHAIRMAN p:tt the 26th clause. DUBLIN CARRIAGES. This bill was react a second time. COAL MARK Prices of Coal per ton at tt e. MT.—MAT 29. ,he close of the market :-- Wallsend, &c. Howard's West Hartley Wallscind, &o. Hilda 17 0 Hodley 17 0 Riddell l7 3 Braddyll lB 3 year to conduct the legislative business of the country, and if, during the present year, the results have been different, I appeal to your sense of justice to wait a little, to consider whether it is owing to carelessness, or neglect, or -want of competence, or whether it is owing to that profound change which seems to pass upon the temper of the people and which passes upon the temper of the Legislature, which you may trace every night in every discussion of the house, when the energies of the country have been drawn upon for a tremendous external struggle, and when the means so ap plied have been diverted from peaceful purposes, as in for •mer years they have been, but which in future years God grant they may never be again. (Loud cheers). Lord HOTHAM said that, having been intrusted with some important petitions to present, he should consider it his duty to present them, notwithstanding the bill was to be withdrawn. They. w ere from a solicitor, a merchant shipowner, and other highly respectable persons at Hull, disclaiming all knowledge of bribery there, and praying to be expunged from the schedule. He also had another peti tion to present, signed by 400 persons connected with the port and town of Hull, who declared that by proclamation the commissioners had promised that those who should give evidence should be protected from all consequences whatever, not only of a penal character, but all disabilities; that in consequence of that assurance they had given their evidence without hesitation or restraint ; they therefore conceived that a compact had been entered into between themselves and the commissioners, which had been repu diated by the bill ; they declared that such a proceeding was contrary to the first principles of English justice, that no individual ought to be condemned without a hearing, and they therefore prayed to be allowed a hearing by coun sel at the bar of the house. The order of the day for the second reading of the Kings ton-upon-Hull Bribery Prevention Bill was then discharged, as were also the orders of the day for the reading of the Malden and the Barnstaple Bribery Prevention Bills. THE EXCHEQUER BONDS (6,000,0001.) BILL. Upon the order of the day for the second reading of this bill, Sir H. WILLOUGHBY urged the absolute necessity of taking some precaution that securities created under this bill should not be converted into permanent funded debt without the authority of Parliament. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, this subject was a very large and complicated one, and in his opinion, the powers intrusted to the person who held his office required the deliberate conside ration of the house. He did not anticipate the necessity of creating funded debt ; but he could not give an unconditional pledge, inasmuch as it might be the duty of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to create debt without the sanction of Parliament. After some remarks by -Mr. Hume, Mr. Thornely, Mr. Williams, Mr. Glyn, and Mr. Henley, the bill was read a second' time. The resolutions already.agreed to in committee of ways and means were brought up, and reported to the house. EXCISE DUTIES. The house then went into committee on the Excise Duties Bill. Several additional clauses were brought up, and the bill, as amended, was ordered to be reported. INCOME TAX (No. 2). The Income Tax (No. 2) Bill, as amended, was consi dered by the house, and ordered to be read a third time on Thursday. - CONSOLIDATED FUND (8,000,0000 The Consolidated Fund (8,000,0001.) Bill was read a third time, and passed. CUSTOMS DUTIES (SUGAR AND SPIRITS.) On the motion that the Customs Duties (Sugar and Spirits) Bill be read a second time, Mr. RICARDO said, the bill had only been that day delivered at twelve o'clock; and as a discussion was ine vitable, he hoped the opportunity would be given of having ono on the subject. He understood the resolutions before the house were in possession of the Chancellor of the Exchequer when he made his financial statement ; but that right hon. gentleman had made no reference to the circumstance, and therefore the trade were taken by sur prise. He hoped, therefore, the bill would be postponed until after Whitsuntide, to give an opportunity ior consi dering these resolutions. Mr. WILSON stated the views of the Governmenbupon the subjects to which the bill related, and explained its details. He justified the adoption of a new scale of quali ties of sugar, and detailed the reasons why the Govern ment intended. to prohibit the refining of sugar in. bond, and the regulations by which bonded refineries were to be come free refineries. He then explained the course pro. posed to be pursued with respect to drawbacks, which be came necessary on the prohibition of refining in bond. The Government, he said, had been asked to permit the use of sugar and molasses in breweries ; but, after mature consideration, it was found utterlyimpossible, consistently with the interests of the revenue, to allow either sugar or molasses to be used in breweries. Lastly, he stated the alterations made, in the way of compromise between the refiner and the importer, regarding time and rate of duty, in the original scheme with reference to foreign refined and foreign raw sugars. A long discussion ensued, chiefly as to the day when the bill should be committed. The bill having been read a time, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER proposed that it should be committed on Friday. Mr. MOFFAT moved to substitute " Friday week." He argued against the bill, protesting against the re arrangements made in it as unjust. The amendment was negatived. - STAMP DUTIES BILL. The Stamp Duties Bill was road a second time, after some objections raised by Mr. Hadfield, Mr. Vance, and Mr. Hume. Sir J. PAKINGTON hoped the noble lord would con sent to the postponement of the discussion upon the bill, as the clause under their notice was a very important one, with reference to which several hon. members had given notice that it was their intention to propose amendments. Mr. GOULBURN concurred in the wish that the dis cussion should be postponed. Mr. EWART also urged upon the noble lord the expo diency of deferring: the discussion. Lord J. RUSSELL expiessed his readiness to comply with the suggestions which had just been made, and moved that the bill should be postponed until Thursday next. The motion was agreed to. PUBLIC LIBRARIES BILL. This bill passed through committee pro forma. MEDICAL GRADUATES (UNIVERSITY OF • LONDON) BILL. On the order for going into committee on this bill, Mr. MO WBRA.Y moved that it be an instruction to the committee to have power to extend the provisions of the bill to the University of Durham, which was agreed to. After some observations in support of the bill from Mr. Bell, Mr. Thornely, and Mr. Mowbray, the committee was deferred for a fortnight. SCHOOLMASTERS SALARIES (SCOTLAND) BILL. The LORD ADVOCATE rose to move for leave td bring in a bill to regulate the salaries of parochial school masters of Scotland. He saw no reason to be discouraged in this question by the result of the vote of the other evening. The bill which he now sought to introduce would simply continuo the conversions of 1828 down to and including the 11th November, 1855. The people of Scotland now saw that the real difficulty in the way of an education scheme was not a religious difficulty, but the peculiarly exclusive privileges of the Established Church ; and it might be depended upon that the people of Scot land would not long tolerate that exclusive principle. If public opinion did not remove, it it would sooner or later fall by the force of public experience. It had been said that this measure was concocted for the benefit of the Free Church party, but, a more unfounded and inexcus able statement was never made. After a few observations by several hon. members, leave was given to bring in the bill. ADJOURNMENT OVER THE "DERBY-DAY," On the motion of Lord J. RUSSELL, it was ordered that the house at its rising to-morrow (this day) should adjourn till Thursday. The house adjourned at one o'clock. s. d, Netherton 20 01/letton l9 0 Redheugh Main 16 0, Russell's Hetton 18 3 . Taufield Moor flutes 18 3; Stewart's l9 0 Walker Primrose .... ..... 16 3 Hough Hall . 17 9 South Kelloe 17 9 Tees l9 0 ,Thoruley 17 6 Birchgrove Graigola 25 0 Cowpen 2O 3 [ADVERTISEMENT.]—Du Barry's Delicious Reva lenta Arabica Food invariablyrestores health, without medicine, inconvenience, or expense, as it saves 50 times its cost in other remedies. We extract a few out of 50,000 testi monials of cures, which had resisted all medicines. 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" Thirteen years' cough, indigestion, and general debility have been removed by Du Barry's excellent Focd.—James Potter, Athol-street, Perth." Cure No. 81.--? Twenty ' years' liver complaint, with disorders of the stomach and nerves, have been perfectly cured by Da Barry's Revalenta Arabica.— Andrew Frazer, Haddington, East Lothian." " Trevagler, Gulval, near Penzance.- Feb. 20th, 1851.—Eighteen years' nervous debility, violent palpitation of the heart, throb bing of the temples, violent pains in the left side and back, shortness of breath ; coughs, numbess of the extremities, cramps, spasms, flatulency, retelling, and such general weakness,. that I was constantly fearful of falling when on my legs ; all these symptoms have been removed by Du Barry's excellent Food.—Mary Gilbert."—ln canisters, suitably packed for all climates, and with full instructions —llb., 2 s . 9d . ; 21b ., 4s. 6d. ; 51b., lls. ; 121 b., 225. ; super-refined, lib., 6s. ; 21b., lls. ; 51b., 225. ; 101 b., 335.. The 101 b. and 121 b., carriage freo, on post office order. Barry du Barry and Co., 77, Regent-street, London; Fortnum, Mason, and Co.,purveyors to her Majesty , Pic cadilly ; a l so a t 68 Co;nhill; 60, Gracechurch - street ; 330 and 451, Strand, 63 and 150, Oxford-street ; 55 Charing-cross ;4, Cheapside [ADVEßTlSEMENT.]—Holloway's Pills for Invigorating ' the Weak, and Strengthening the Debilitated.—These wonderful and efficacious pills are the only medicine adapted to invigorate weakened constitutions , persons of low and nerv ous habits, of:those who are suffering from bad digestive organs, or those whose health has become deranged by bilious affections, disordered stomach, or liver complaints. Those affected with coughs, colds, asthma, or shortness of breath, should have recourse to these invaluable pills, as their mighty powers will be found a ce r t a i n and efficacious remedy for all these com plaints, imparting, at the same time,-strength, new life, vigour, and buoyancy of spirits to the afflicted, and may be taken with perfect safety at any period of life.—S o ld by all druggists ; and at Professor Holloway's establish ment, '244, Strand, London. A? 0, P 4'*lfi l lVt4:o l l '72or A • , V,.. gi d `• 4 + , w SUN OFFICE, Severn o' Clock. EPSOM RACES. (THIS DAY.) (BY ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH.) SUMMER HANDICAP. Dead heat with Axwell and Hazlenut. Axwell walked over. MANOR PLATE- Roebuck Hazlenut Miss Bolton Thirteen ran. HORTON STAKES. Remnant New Brighton Six ran. HEATHCOTE. Ephesus Austrey Domino Six ran. LATEST BETTING. DERBY. 2 to 1 agst Dervish. sto 1 agst Andover. 10 to 1 agst King Tom. 12 to 1 agst The Trapper. ]2 to 1 agst Wild Huntsman. 20 to 1 agst Marsyas. 30 to 1 agst The Early Bird. 40 to 1 agst Canute. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS.—(THIS EVENING.) The house met at five o'clock. • PUBLIC PROSECUTOR. Lord BROUGHAM called attention to the impor tance of appointing a public _prosecutor. Lord CAMPBELL poinfed out the difficulties of at taining that most desirable object, but promised to give his assistance to the noble lord in devising some means on the subject. RAILWAY AND CANAL TRAFFIC REGU LATION BILL. On the motion for the second reading of this bill, Lord CAMPBELL, again entered his protest against the measure. He had consulted the learned judges with reference to it, and they were unanimously of opinion that it would impose upon them duties which were not of a judicial nature, and which a great majority of them declared they were perfectly incompetent to perform. Under the bill judges would be called upon to decide what were reasonable facilities for traffic on railways and canals—what unreasonable preference to any parties —and what unreasonable obstruction to the public ? all which were questions which they could not satisfac torily determine. It was not his intention to move any amendment, but he thought it right to point out the obstacles in the way of carrying out the provisions of the bill. All the judges, with one exception, entertained the same opinion, that exception being the Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, who thought the bill could be worked satisfactorily, and believed that he would be able to deal with the particular class of cases that would originate under it. The LORD - CHANCELLOR did not think there would be any practical difficulty in working the bill. He was ready to yield so far to the opposition against it as to confine the duties to the Common Pleas, where the judges were pre-eminently learned and able, and where there was not such a mass of business as in the other courts. (Hear, hear.) If the bill turned out contrary to expectations it would be the duty of the Government to seek for something better ; in the meantime, however, it seemed to him to be founded on a very sensible principle, viz., that a violation of right should be ascertained by a judicial tribunal, and a remedy enforced in the manner therein provided. Lord STANLEY' was glad to hear that the noble and learned lord (Lord Campbell) did not intend to move any amendment. There would be no objection, as the Lord Chancellor had just stated, to limit the duties that were objected to, to the COmmon Pleas, the Chief Jus tice of which had expressed his competency and readiness to discharge them. After some further discussion, the house went into committee, when the consideration of the clauses was proceeded with. [LEFT SITTING.] HOSE OF COMMONS-(THIS EVENING.) The SPEAKER took the chair at 4 o'clock when there being only 36 members_present the house was adjourned until Thursday. THE LONDON . GAZETTE. (THIS EVENING.) FOREIGN-OFFICE, MAY 29. The Queen has been pleased to approve of M, Ewing Pye Colquhoun as Consul at Sydney, for His Royal High ness the Grand Duke of Oldenburgh. DOWNING-STREET, MAY 27. The Queen has been pleased to appoint William Henry Wright, Esq., to beChief Commissioner of the Gold Fields, and Frederick Armand Powlett, Esq., to be Chief Com missioner of Crown Lands for the colony of Victoria. Her Majesty has also been pleased to appoint Alan Ker, En., to be Chief Justice for the Island of Nevis. Her Majesty has also been pleased to appoint Thomas T. Watt, Esq., to be Landing Surveyor at the port of Hobart Town, Van Diemen's Land. Her Majesty has further been pleased to appoint Lieu tenant William P. Jamison R.N., to be Port Captain of Table Bay, Cape of Good dope. WHITEHALL, MAY 27. The_Queen has been pleased to place the undermentioned. Officers of the Artillery Company of London, on the Re tired List, viz.:— Captain Edward Ellis, Captain Thomas Hall, Captain Joseph Moreland, and Captain John Richard Lambert Walmisley. BOARD OF TRADE, WHITEHAI L, MAY 29. The Right Honourable the Lords of the Committee of Privy Council for Trade and Plantations have received, through the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, a copy of a French Imperial Decree, fixing the duties to be levied on the importation of every kind of grease (that of fish excepted), at the same rates as those chargeable upon raw tallow by the Imperial Decree of the sth March, 1851 BOARD OF TRADE, WHITEHALL, MAT 29. The Right Honourable the Lords of the Committee of Privy Couticil for Trade and Plantations have received, through the Secretary of State for Fot eign Affairs, a copy of a despatch from her Majesty's Charge d'Affaires at Paris, inclosing a French Imperial Decree, with the ac• companying Ministerial Report (translations of which are subjoined), abrogating certain restrictions imposed by the French Ordinance of the Bth February, 1826, on the im portation into France, in British vessels, of the produce of Asia, Africa, and America. I.—REPORT TO THE EMPEROR. Paris, May 100.854. SIIIE,—The Treaty of Navigation concluded , between France and England on the 26th January; 1826, has for its basis an entire reciprocity. In order to insure the ex ecution of the Treaty, an Ordinance issued on the Bth Feb ruary of the same year, prohibited, in an absolute manner, the importation for consumption in France of merchandise the produce of Asia; Africa, and. America, laden in Eng lish entrepots. The same ordinance prohibited the importation, under the British Flag, of European produce, except from ports of the United Kingdom, or of her posiessions in Europe. These restrictive measures were only introduced ihto our Custom-honse system in return for corresponding mea sures which in virtueof the Navigation Act of 1666 figured in the maritime code of England. . . . . These restrictions have been ever since their existence the subject of strong remonstrances on the part of com merce and industry. On several occasions the Government has departed from the rigour of the provisions of the Ordinance of 1826 ; for instance ) an Ordinance of the Bth July, 183 k, removed the prohibition to the importation from England of raw silks, foulards, India cashmeres, rum, and tatia. Quite recently, and pursuant on the enquiry as to the situation of the cotton-spinning industry, your Majesty, earnestly desirous of affording greater facilities to that in dustry, made a decree, on the 30th of December last, abolishing, in the case of that textile material, the restric tions prescribed in the ordinance of 1826. At the same time your Majesty ordered mo to examine if it would not be desirable entirely to abrogate that prohibition. The, examination to which I have devoted myself, in concert with the departments of Foreign Affairs and Finance, has convinced me, sire, that no interest demands the further maintenance of prohibitions which have lost all character of utility. In consequence I have the honour to propose to your Majesty to approve the subjoined decree, the object of which is to replace our maritime and commercial relations with England on the footing of common right. Commerce and industry will applaud, Sire, a measure which bears witness once more to the interest which your Majesty takes in all which can contribute to the prosperity of the country. I am, &c., (Signed) P. MAGNE. Minister Secretary of State to the Department of Agriculture, Com merce, and Public Works. Napoleon, by the grace of God and the national will, Emperor of the French, to all whom it may concern, greeting : . _ - On the report of our Minister, Secretary of State to the Department of Agriculture, Commerce, and Public Works, referring to the Treaty of Navigation concluded on the 26th January, 1826, between France and England ; refer ring to the ordinance of the Bth February, 1826, respect ing the execution of the aforesaid Treaty, we have decreed and decree as follOws : Art. 1. The dispositions contained in the third article of the Ordnance of the Bth Feb:, 1826, are hereby repealed. Art. 2. Our Minsters, Secretaries of State to the Depart ment of Agriculture, Commerce, and Public Works, and Jo the Department of Finance, are charged, so far as con cerns their respective departments, with tho execution of the present decree. Done at the Palace of the Tuileries, the 10th May, 1854. (Signed) NAPOLEON. By the Emperor, The Minister Secretary of State to the Departure of Agriculture and Com merce, and Public Works. P. MAGNE. BOARD OF TRADE, WHITEHALL, MAY 29. The Right Hon. the Lnrds of the Committee of Privy Council for Trade and Plantation have received, through tlae Secretary`of StAe for Vreign Affairs, a copy of ado. spatch from her Majesty's Charge d'Affaires at Paris, in closing a French Imperial Decree, with the accompanying Ministerial report (translations of which are subjoined)' modifying the duties hitherto levied upon raw wool in 2; ported into France, i n French bottoms , from the Cape (3 Good Hope, and from cou n t r i es s it ua t e d b eyon d th a t CO. and beyond Cape Horn. 1.-REPORT TO THE EMPEROR. Paris, 12th May, 185 4 • . SIRE,—Tho development of the commercial and marl' time relations of France with the countries situated beyond , Cape Horn and the Cape of Good Hope, especially Wit h Australia, has always b een th e o bj ec t of you Majesty'. solicitude. With this view a Decree, issued on the NI March, 1852, reduced from 20 to 15 per cent. the duty levied upon raw wools imported under the French flag from the countries situated in the zone above indicated : But this measure, as I have reported to your Majesty, bit° has not produced all the effects that might have been ex pected from it. The difference between the general duty on wools and the special duty established on Australian wools had not sufficed to induce shipments, which are always very expensive, and the results of which are long 1 1 developing themselves. On the other hand the system 0' ad valorem duties was not well suited to transactions with Australia. Your Majesty had ordered me ,to devise a combination' which, without prejudicing the interests of our agriculture , might be more adapted to operations which it is so import . ant to encourage. It appears to me that I should fulfil these conditions by proposing to you, Sire, to substitute for the tariff specified ill the Decree of the sth of March, 1852, a duty according to weight, calculated at the rate of 10 per cent. on the value of Australian wools in French ports. no classified, the Tariff will be of easy and simple pores!'" tion, while the difficulties which arise between the Custom' house and the trade on the subject of the correctness of the values declared at the period of importation of the met' chandise, would disappear. It appears to me, moreover, that the benefit of the mew sure should be extended to Cape Town, which is the seat of a considerable trade in wool. Such, Sire, is the object of the decree which I have the honour of submitting for the approbation of your Majesty. I am, Ste. • (Signed) P. MAGNE, - Minister Secretary of State to the Department of Agriculture, Commerce, an d P u bl ic Works' IL—DECREE. Napoleon, by the grace of God and the national will, Emperor of• the French, to all whom it may concern, greet' iug On the report of our Minister, Secretary of State to the Department - of Agriculture, Commerce, and Publip Works, referring to article 34 of the law of 17th December, 1814, referring to our decree of sth March, 1852, we have de creed and decree as follows : Art. I.—The import tariff for raw wool is modified al follows : Wool in masses, imported direct by French vessels frail countries situated beyond Cape Ho rn an d th e Cape o f Good Hope, including Cape Town— The Kilog. Undressed Cold dressed—entire fleeces ' 71, waste 2sc. Hot dressed—entire fleeces , f , waste 3oc. Otherwise imported, the present duties. Art. 2.—Our Ministers, Secretaries of State to the DO' pertinent of Agriculture, Commerce, and Publi c Woilnt, and to the Department f Finances, are charged, so far aS concerns their respective departments, with the execution of the present decree. Dons at the Palace of the Tuileries, May 10, 1854. By the Emperor. NAPOLEON. The Minister Secretary of State to the Department of Agriculture, Com merce and Public Works. P. MAGNE. BOARD OF TRADE, WHITEHALL, MAY 30. The Right Honourable the Lords of the Committee of Privy Council for Trade and Plantations have receiv4 through the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, 'a cop)" of a despatch from her Majesty's Secretary of Legation at Naples inclosing a copy of a Neapolitan decree, extend ing to tho end of the year 1851 the free importation of grain into the Neapolitan dominions. OFFICE OF ORDNANCE, MAY 30. Royal Regiment of Artillery—Captain Arthur J. Taylor' to be Lieutenant-Colonel, vice Tylden, retired on full pap;- Second Captain Somerville lll'Donald Calder to be Captain,' vice Taylor; First Lieutenant Alex. John M`Dougall to be' Second Captain, vice Calder; Second Lieut. Robt. 13itidulph to be First Lieut., vice M`Dougall ; Capt. Geo. Maclean to be Lieut.-Colonel, vice Shone, retired on full pay; Second. Capt. Henry F. Strange to be Captain, vice Maclean; First Lieut. John Spurway to be Second Captain, vice Strange; Second Lieut. Wm. Stirling to be First Lieutenant, vice Spurway. COMMISSIONS SIGNED BY LORD LIEUTENANTS. Hampshire Regiment of Militia George Robbins, Esq., late West Essex Militia and. Captain 17th Lancers, to be Major; Ensign William S ewar d L e F euvre to be Lieu tenant, May 22. King's Own Light Infantry Regiment of Militia—Lien' tenant Thomas Candy to be Captain, vice Taylor, de- , ceased; Ensign Frederick Solly Gosling to be Lieutenants vice Candy, promoted, May 27. 4th Regiment of West York Militia—John Hickin•-' botham Chambers, Esq. (late of the 46th Foot), to b 0 Captain, May 3; John Robert Tennant, Esq., to be Cap-• tain ' • Matthew Wharton Wil son, E sq., to b e Captain Is May 4 • Henry Blake, Esq., to be Capt ain , M a y 17. Ist West Regim en t of orkshire Yeomanry Cavalry- Robert Nicholson, Gent., to be Cornet, vice Smith, pri r moted, May 22. The Lord Chancello' has appointed the following gel tlemen to be commissioners for administering oaths in th High Court of Chancery : John Harrison, New Boswell-court, Lincoln's-inn. Henry Kitson, Wolverhampton. Richard Jessop, Holmfirth, Yorkshire. William Shapland, Dex onport. William Curtis Burt, Reigate, Surrey. Charles Holt, Guildford-street, Russell-square. ' BANKRUPTS. John Nicholas Smith, provision merchant, Jewry-street Aldgate, to surrender June 12 and July 20, at twelve, al the Court of Bankruptcy. Bell, official assignee, Coleman. ' street-buildings ; Ashurst and Son, Old Jewry. John Lloyd . Bullock, manufacturing chemist, Rodnel wharf, Battersea, June 13, at two, and July 12, at twel• re , at the Court of Bankruptcy. Stansfeld, official assigner 1; Moss, Moorgate-stroet, City. John Lawrence Gadd, draper, Whitechapel-road, jtu 0 13, at half-past two, and July 18, as twelve, at the Cou tt of Bankruptcy. Edwards, official assignee, Basingha street • Reed, Longford, and Mar s d en , Ch ea p s id e . Hugh Lapraik, draper, Harrison-street, Gray's-inn-roa. 1, June 6, and - July 11, at two, at the Court of Bankrnptc) r• Lee official assignee, Mo o r ga t e - s t ree t ; C a tli n, El y - p l ac Holborn. Joseph Lakin, linen draper, St. Mary-le-bone, June 1 A, at half-past one, and J u ly 11, a t one, a t t h e Court '64 Bankruptcy. Lee, official assignee, Moorgate-stree Brewer, Philpot-lane. George Win. Merington, draper, Edgware-road, Ju rro 14, and July 8, at twelv e , a t th e Court of Bankrupt( Pennell, official assignee, Basingball-street ; Reed, La - Ng: ford, and Marsden, Friday-street; Sale, W or thi ng t on , a ,va ' ihipman, Manchester. Thomas Adkins, grocer and draper, Bedworth, June 1 ic 17, and July at ten, at the Birmingham District Cot gt• Christie, official assignee, Birmingham; Kirlup, Covent Motteram and Knight, Birmingham. Henry Claridge, tea and spice dealer, Souldern, Oaf( Itlf June 9, at one, and July 14, at twelve, at the Cow 101 Bankruptcy. Canaan, official assignee, Alclermanbt .11; - Parker, Rooke, and Co., Bedford-row. William Henry Wearn, &neer, Southsea, Southamp Wri June 9, and July 14, at half-past eleven, at the Cour tOf Bankruptcy. Cannan, official 'assignee, Alderuianbu J. and J. H. Linklater, Size-lane ; Stigant, Portsea. David Halsworth, draper, Liverpool, June 12 and July I', 01 : at eleven, at the Liverpool District Court. Morga V l4 official assignee, Liverpool; J. and H. Sweeting, Livef pool : _ _ Richard Gribbell and Richard Luscombe, merchan tti 4 Tavistock, June 13 and July 6, at one, at the Exeter L trict Court. Hirtzel, official assignee, Exeter; Lit tL. and Woolcombe, Devonport. John Hadfield, grocs,r, Dukinfield, June 12 and July 1 0 at twelve, at the Manchester District Gourt. Pot it 4 official assignee, Manchester ; Sutton, Manchester. SCOTCH SEQUESTRATIONS. Rawl, Warrax, draper, Montrosa. Alexander Simpson, merchant, Macduff, Gamrie, Bani shire. Alexander Jamieson, tea merchant; Aberdeen. Richard Curtis, musical instrument maker, Edinbtu•A • Owen Jones Rowland, manufacturer, Dundee. COURSE OF EXCH Amsterdam ............ 11 16% Ditto, three months .. 1 1 18 4 4 Rotterdam .. .... 11 18% Antwerp .............. 25 25 3cu5?.013 25 2 5 Eihniburo ............ 13 6% Altona Parts _ 25 2% Ditto, three months • • 25 30 Marseilles. ..... .. • • .... 25 32% Bourdeaux ............ Frankfort-on• Maine .... • 119 Berlin . ...... • ....... Vienna .. • • ............ 13 44 Trieste ..... • ... 13 48 ".tiadrid •• •• •• •• •• •• •• 50% Cadiz •••••• •• .. Barcelona •• •• •• . • •• •• •• • • •• • • •• ANGE-THIS DAY. Gibraltar .............. Leghorn .............. 30 1 a Genoa •.•.••••• • • • • • • • 25 it ) Milan .• ••••• • • • • • - Venice • • . • • • • • • • • • •• •• Palermo ••••••• •• • • • • I : 21 '., Messina, ... 27 M , Lisbon •.••.••• • • • • • • • • 5 3 , , Oporto .............. 5 3 74 Rio Janeiro • • • • • • • • • • • • Buenos Ayres .......... New York, 00 days' sight Philadelphia .......... . PRICES OP BIILLIOI, PER 07. . Foreign Gold In Bars £3 17 9 Portugal Gold Coin .. 0 0 0 %lexicon Dollars 0 5 I New Dollars 0 0 0 Mivt:r in bars ...... 0 5 1' Is MARKET INT ELLIGENCE. ( From the London New Price Current of this day.) SUGAR.—To-day a good demand was experienced fo British Plantation. Barbadoes sold at 355 - to 395, for mia ; to fine yellow; Demerara crystallised, fine 40s to 425,. ord , to good 368 to 39s 6d ; Grenada, brown 31s 6d to 33s 6d. ord yellow 34s to 34s Gd ; St. Kitts, brown 33s to 345; and St. Vincents, ord and mid yellow 34s 6d to 355. OlLS.—Prices are lower for Sperm supply being nor r equal to demand, and 1041. to 1071. accepted for mid A ' fine quality. Cod remains in good request, and with dif culty to be obtained under 40/. Seal is wanted. To-d Linseed Oil was dealt in with more freedom, and prit ; 6 ' 4 are firmer, ruling at 37s 3d to 37s 6d on the spot. TALLOW.—Although reduced prices were taken last wet ?lc for Russian, yet speculators and the trade were reluctan It to do business. The currency was 60s to 60s 6d on th 9 spot for first sort P. Y. Canole, and 62s for Au- • gust delivery. Opinion increased that about 50,000 casks will be received indirect during the season. Of home melted supply exceeds demand, and prices are lower ruling at 58s 6.1 to 59s cash. Other sorts of tallow were not mueh required, and there was a decline; Aus tralian, beef seling at 53s to 565, mutton 55s to 60s, and South American 55s to 60s per cwt. Stock of tallow is more than last year by 13,000 casks ; and. deliveries 11,000 less ; still rates are 16s per cwt. above. For auction • an Friday several parcels are declared. To-day there was 1 a more adtive demand for tallow, and prices advanced first sort P.Y. candle on the spot selling at 60s 6d to 61 1 " and 63s for August delivery. MA RRIED. At St. George's, Hanover.square, by the Rev. Geor t Earle Welby, the Hon. Montague Peregrine Bertie, onl brother of the Earl of Lin.lsey, to Felicia Elizabetha, sol, surviving daughter of the Rev. John Earle Welby, of Hareston, Leicestershire. L3NDON : Printed and Published by MUItDO YOUNG, *' of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, No. 11 2 1 Strand, in the - Precinct of the Savoy, in the county of Middles.); Tuesday, May 30, 1854. EPSOM Los - Dc Thur,da' Wes, will run and from Epsoi tin from Lond4 f rora Epsom fr nekets Will be On the Oaks and 2d class f 44 d from Epsor lan from Lonc xl)Som to Lond or vice versa., 4s 11, ge can be gu London Tenn .Pso T he . ordinary rn will ue large nun 'Ps° n Strttion losable fares. PSOM LOND "sn, order to ' a nts have In and at the Nir , TattersaVE fl u a.m., tin non. At v ersal.efli„ er ", A Th ,ur and at 4004. s ay 0 London-brid statiai Fa r ,. li ti EVENI ',tails, 3s. (whi OND( RA.ILW *.-ukIION, 11] 111 artive•at oenerai m a , 1 4 :0 N "A- 3 (ETS iss Iva' benvlla' General Ma LO X I ! and 111 f London tonoat, Lovadhai It)kcashaw, in% on SA' t ine 9, Indus Z ai ns on any aY Tickets by .Arress T ltatious to Lo tUston Sta qREA , EXCI: 44 2illgton o Fue eveninl vi Z's, Bristol Y 8 I obtai Cheap, . Strand ; XFO li ; 1 / 4 " 1 a.O A N lass I or ester, a E uston Static tiZveYed the 10., - a.m. WorCester, THE th.AN tidz t At e the ( Sir The folloN) 4 _ 4 :hat the r retei 4. „That a div deeL —4 sx Mont 1 tat Sir 'noretire h That Mich of the C omp That the Mrettora fa VIVE CON st reet, Str ZriPt one of ei!aHire Per Ce Vanee rat 511 foot], '°rA Plet ' ed quan er the number en ves 14 b. t Ment l u ghts. 4 er a s he u. Month t cira `• al of s Lluite dO p t i o , La of STE A •ru , 1 to c p. G eneral S. the on t voyage to :°° burth InaCkw I)4s 'enger. steam shit Will load a t tld ot , A.RI 2 ' —VI.; teas of reftt Exl ot the it kitid. for I and. G e., .ca, Tavern,;Sze. `oadon,‘ X - 1.1 ph ar , far( ~ Y ste ! f rect Of a 18 th l 'hfCll "ItO Ears, '42 a 4 150,