The Sun. — London, England, 1833-07-31 00:00:00

bad other advantage', and it would be very difficult t unite them both.—(Bear, hear.) In a country like Eng land any system of compulsory education would be viewed by the people as trenching en religious toleration. The Hon. Member had stated the officers whom he wished to sit as a sort of cabinet, and who were to be invested with a considerable power in determining the books to be read in the schools. This might, perhaps, be an excellent re gulation in Prussia and France, in which the systems of Government were totally different from that of England ; but to establish such officers over the people of this coun try, divided as they were by religions of every persuasion, would excite a jealousy which it would be excessively dif ficult to allay. The Hon Member's proposal was to have the Mayor, the country clergymen, and three of the inha bitants of a place to superintend the public education. For his part he did not wish to speak with any disrespect of the Mayors of this country; but a Bill which constituted the Mayors of every corporation as one of the authorities by which the education of the neighbourhood should be regulated he was sure would not give satisfaction, but would provoke opposition.—( A laugh.) Mr. WILKS said that his Hon. Friend the Member for Caine had moved for returns upon this subject more perfect than any that had hitherto been produced, and such as would facilitate the proceedings of the House upon it in the next session. Mr. ROEBUCK thought that the effect of the discus sion of that nieht would be to direct men's minds benefi cially to the subject before the next Session. A more unfounded attack than that made by the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin on the French Government he bad never heard. Such an attack was most unbecoming in a person who professed that he wished to speak in a candid manner. When the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin spoke again on this subject he had much better lave reference to documents than to his own previous as sertions, which the House was well aware were often baz irded and as often retracted. The Hon. Member then consented to withdraw his motion. REDUCTION OF EXPENDITURE. Mr. C. BULLER having risen to make his motion, pledging his Majesty's Ministers to make preparations for extensive reductions in every department of the state pre vious to the next Session of Parliament, Mr. STANLEY objected to bringing forward abstract prepositions, and he was sure that the Hon. Member must see that his motion was of the nature of an abstract proposition, which might very fairly be deferred to the next session. Mr. C. BULLER had never heard of a proposition in that House of a less abstract nature than that of his mo tion, he meant his proposition, as a practical test of what Ministers meant to do next session. Lord ALTHORP perfectly agreed with the Hon. Member's resoluticn, that . all practical reductions ought to be made, with the salvo that the public service should not be impaired. If this was all that the Hon. Gentleman meant, he would at once agree to the motion. Mr. C. BULLER wished Ministers to pledge themselves to further reductions, and it was the duty of a reformed Parliament to relieve the people by diminishing the amount of the public d-partments, and which he was convinced could he done with perfect safety. The time was when the Hon. Member fax Manchester (Mr. P. Thomson) had proposed a reduction of taxation to the extent of seven teen millions, and it could not now be said that the desire of the people for retrenchment hail abated. The people had lost all confidence in the House, since they had seen the present extravagant expenditure supported by such large majorities. He would confess that Ministers had reduced the taxes by more than three millions, and the expenditure by more than two millions ; but the public justly complained that they had not gone far enough. He thought that sinecures, however objectionable, were not so great an evil as overgrown establishments ; and as to the Noble Lord's plea of not impairing the public service, that had ever been the argument of every Minister that ever wished to avoid economy. The expenditure of 1832 was 29,500,000/., with 21,500,0001. over which the House had a direct control. This expenditure might be reduced by at least five per cent. He would point out as departments in which reductions could be made the office of the Duchies of Lancaster and Cornwall. The Lord Lieutenant's department of Ireland and the diplomatic expenditure was but one great job from beginning to end. All communications between the great States, in the pre sent condition of civilization, might be carried on by the agency of the post. He believed that what was called the non-effective branch of the army might be reduced. He believed it was the policy of this country to keep up the skeleton of a regular army. With reference to the payments made to persons for past services he would only ask whether a proper system of economy had been adopted? The Hon. Member then commented on the effective state 1)f the army, and proceeded to enumerate various details in figures relative to the comparative numbers of the army at various periods; and from these details it appeared that in 1823 the numbers were 68,000, while at present ti ey amounted to 89,000. Of the extensive military establishment in Ireland the Noble Lord (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) bad said, in the year 1823, that the necessity of a great army there arose from the faults of the misgovernment of that country: In the year 1820 his Right Hon. Friend (the Secretary at War) had protested against 23,000 men for Ireland. He had said, too, that an inquiry should be made into the state of the colo nies, and especially those which required a large military f orce. He (Mr. Charles Buller) only hoped that his Right Hon. Friend was instituting that . inquiry at the present moment. It was said, too, that ten or twelve thousand men were required to :recruit the army; but could not the army be reduced this amount (as we under stood) for three years? In 1817 Lord Castlereagh, who was the most economical Minister the country had had since the days of Mr. Pitt, declared that it was not neces sary to keep up the navy on a war establishment in time of peace. After adverting to the great amount of the ordinance estimates, the Hon. Member maintained that Ole expense of the househo ld troo p s was much greater than it ought to be. The colonial expenditure was a source of vast profusion, and whenever it was objected to it was always said that they could not keep up an army and navy in the colonies without incurring a heavy charge; but in truth the question was, whether they were bound to keep up such establishments except in such a place as Malta. It was a question whether these colo nies were worth keeping or no. He had proposed this motion as conveying an assurance by that House to the people that great reductions were in contemplation by the House; and he could wish that such assurance to the people should come unrestrained from his Majesty's Go vernment. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by moving— " That it is the opinion of this House that, in order to satisfy the expectations of the people, it is necessary that such extensive reductions be made in the public expenditure as shall effectually diminish the urdens of the country ; and ,that it is the duty of his Majestby's Ministers to make such ar -..-angements previous to the next Session of Parliament, re. ..ipecting the effective and non.effective services of the naval, civil, and colonial establishments, as may be necessary for the tainment of Phi object." Sir. BUCKINGHAM seconded the motion. The Hon. Gentleman was proceeding to make some further re patio, when An Hon. Msainza, moved that the House be counted, and the gallery was cleared, when 40 Members being pre sent, the gallery was re-opened. On our re admission to the gallery we found 1... qr. BUCKINGHAM on his legs. Could any man that one fourth of the military establishments might be strna off? There could be no apprehension of danger to the colonie-, because the chances of war were much less than they had been, inasmuch as nations had grown wiser and they had learned to appreciate the value of free• slum in trade, by which they would become more inde pendent of each other. The Hon. Gentleman proceeded at some length to advert to the corn laws and the defec tive state of our taxation, as tending materially to produce much of the evil which now affected the country. Ile thought that some recognition by the House of the prin ciple of this resolution, that some pledge should be given before the House separated in order to inspire the people with confidence. Lord ALTHORP said that the motion of the Hon. Gentleman did not appear to him to be of such importance as that Hon. Gentleman supposed. He seemed to think that the attempt to reduce the expenditure of the country was an object worthy of a good Government, and to this he (Lord Althorp) assented. But though such a motion as the present might be a very good vehicle for making a speech upon, he did not know what else it was good for. With reference to the motion, be would say, if it was of any use, or it it meant anything, it was a motion of cen sure. If the Hon. Gentleman had thought that his Ma jesty's Ministers deserved censure for th e ir conduct, he t h o ught that this was a most reasonable motion; but if it were not meant to be considered in that light, then be really did not think it was necessary to adopt the words of the resolution. If his Mat -sty's Government bad not justified the expectations of the people, their conduct was open to censure. It had been asserted that t b hey had not redeemed their pledges. If they ad not done what they promised to do when they entered upon office, then indeed their conduct would be open to inquiry; but he must maintain that his Majesty's Ministers had done all in their power to act upon a prin ciple of economy; and they had during two years and a half reduced the taxation by 3,000,000/., and they had reduced the patronage of the Government. He felt that the endeavour to keep up patronage was bad in principle ; and he believed that every reduction which was made strengthened a Government more than any thing which could be done. It was therefore the duty of every man to do away with unnecessary expenses. if by adopting this resolution tie people were to be led to expect that some enormous reductions would be made in the next session, be should be sorry to see it adopted, because be was convinced that no Minister could bold out such an expec tation with the slightest propriety. After a few remarks, the Noble Lord concluded by moving a resolution as an amendmenr to .that proposed, to the effect that the House, looking Nolte redactions which had been effected by the financial 4 deangernents of the country, by which three millions of taxes had been repealed in the last and present session, felt it ir,duty again to affirm the principle of a just eceVilty, , iga due regard to the interests of this country. Mr. FRYER : Ueved the Members of his Majesty's Government were honourable and just men ; but it did not follow be should always support them. He did not com plain of what they had done, but of what they had not done. 10 must tell Ministers they ought to have resisted and put down the power of the landed oligarchy. The Noble Lord (Althorp) agreed with him partly in this, but he could not bring his courage to the sticking-place.—(A laugh.) He would resist an income tax to the death— (A laugh)—but was friendly to a property tax. The sugar and the timber monopoly were both bad. They ought to buy their sugar at the cheapest market, and allow the West Indians to do the same, and get what articles they wanted as cheaply as they could. Unless Ministers acted in this way they must resign their situations. They would have been obliged to resign if the church cess clause in the Temporalities Bill has been lost. The Duke of Wel lington must then come in, and if he did, they might depend upon it he would wage war with the oligarchy. He did so before on the Catholic question, and be would do it again: Depend upon it, the Duke must come in— (A laugh)—he must come in. Ministers must then come to dist side of the House, and there they would learn, too late, what they ought to do. They must fight the oli garchy. What was the use of their reform? What was the object of it but to take power out of the hands of the oligarchy, and give it to the towns. It was proved thfore the Agricultural Committee th it the landed interest was now distressed, and that the farmers could not pay their rent. What did this arise from but the bad system so long pursued ? After a few words from Mr. H.L. Bulwer, Mr. Hume, and Colonel Evans, who recommended that the motion should be withdrawn for the purpose of unanimity, Mr. C. BULLER made a few observations in reply, and withdrew his motion. In answer to a question from Mr. O'DWYER, Lord ALTHORP said Ireland benefited by the repeal of the coal duty. The resolution proposed by Lord ALTHORP was then unanimously agreed to. DECCAN PRIZE MONEY. Mr. H. L. BULWER rose to bring forward the motion of which he gave notice respecting Naroba Govind Outis. The following were the facts :—During the war which ended in the subjugation of the Deccan, Naroba held the situation of secretary under the Peishwa, and was made prisoner when the fort of Ryegur capitulated. By the articles of capitulation, be was at liberty to fix his resi dence in any part of the Peishwa's dominions which was subject to Great Britain, and he retired to Poonab, then considered as under British law. In defiance, however, of all this he was arrested, imprisoned, and loaded with irons. By this treatment, he was so broken in spirit that he was' unwilling to submit to any condition to effect his release from prison, and for that purpose be declared that the I property belonged not to himself but to the Peishwa. He exacted a promise at the same time that if any part of the treasure taken should turn out upon inquiry to belong to him, it should be returned. A servant of the Company seas subsequently appointed to investigate the case, who declared that part of the property was Naroba's. He died in the greatest misery. His relatives brought the case before the Supreme Court of Calcutta, who declared that the weight of evidence was against him. An appeal was then made to the Privy Council, and there it was decided that the Supreme Court had no power to adjudi cate, as the Deccan was at that time in a state between peace and war. On this appeal the Privy Council refused to hear any evidence, except such as had before come before the Supreme Court. The case, however, as before tie Supreme Court and the Privy Council was quite a different one, for before the Privy Council the property was that of the Company, and Naroba was required to produce proofs of what part belonged to him. It was impossible he could produce his proofs, for he had pre viously been forcibly deprived of them. It was admitted by the Commissioner appointed by the Company, that six or seven lacks of rupees, or between 60,000/. and 70,000/ , belonged to Naroba. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman opposite (the Attorney-General) admitted that the case was a mysterious one; that the evidence on which the Privy Council decided was unsatisfactory ; and that if so much time had not elapsed since the decision, be would recommend a review of it. The Hcn. Member con cluded by moving an address to his Majesty, praying that be would be pleased to cause the claim of Naroba to be reconsidered, before the distribution of the Deccan trize money. Mr. HALCOMB seconded the motion. Mr. AGLIONBY moved that the House be counted. There were but thirty-seven Members present. Adjourned till to morrow. [After the gallery was cleared on Mr. O'Con. nell's motion, the report of the proceedings was abruptly terminated. We give the following " official account," in continuation of what appeared in The Sun of yesterday, in order to show how the debates are reported by the Speaker. If the Learned Member for Dublin had only this record to trust to for his eloquence, his constituents would be sadly " bothered " to find out whether the " Liberator " was lost, stolen, or strayed.] FROM THE VOTES AND PROCEEDINGS OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.) Lunce, 29° die Julii, 1833. Breach of Privilege—Ordered, That the order for the attendance of John Joseph Lawson and James William Law,on, be discharged. Message from the Lords—That they have passed, a Bill, intinded " An Act to declare valid marriages solemnized at Hamburg since the abolition of the British Factory there." Slavery Abolition Bill—Considered in Committee. Maras, 30° die Julii, 1823. Committee report progress; to sit again this day (twelve o'clock). Commissioners of Lunacy Bill—Committee deferred till this d ty. Lighting and Watching Bill—Read third time ; motion made, and question put, " That the further proceedings on third reading be deferred till this day." The House divided ; ayes 11, noes 25. Amendments made. Bill passed. Bribery at Elections Bill—Committee deferred till this day. Grand Juries (Ireland) Bill—Committee deferred till this day. British Possessions Bill—Report deferred till this day. Registry of Vessels Bill—Report deferred till this day. Customs Duties Bill--Report deferred till this day. Customs Management Bill—Report deferred till this day. Customs Bounties Bill—Report deferred till this day. Customs Regulation Bill—Report deferred till this day. Isle of Man Trade Bill—Report deferred till this day. Ware' ousing Bill—Report deferred till this day. Smuggling 13i1!—Report deferred till this day. Navigation 13111—Report deferred till this day. Church Building Act Amendment Bill—Committee de. ferret' till Friday. Trial of Offence: (Ireland) Bill—Further Consideration of Report deterred till Monday next. China Trade Bill—Committee deferred till Friday. Justices of the Peace Bill—Further Consideration of Re port deferred till this day. Juries (Ireland) Bill—Second Reading deserted till Friday. Supply—Committee deferred till Wednesday. Ways and Means—Committee deferred till Wednesday. London Scivage and Package Bill—Committee deferred till this day. Land Tax Commissioners Names Bill—Committee de ferred till Monday next. Ministers (Scotland) Bill—Second Reading put off for three months. Inland Navigation Ireland) Bill—Seco nd Reading de ferred till Friday. Factories Regulation Bill—Committee deferred till this day. Assessed 'faxes Reduction Bill—Read Second Time, and committed for this day. Uniformity of Process—Act (2 Will. IV.) read ; Biel to amend the same, ordered to be brought in by Mr. Spring Rice and Mr. Solicitor General. Tea Duties—Excise Duties Acts read ; Bill to transfer the collection thereof to the Customs, ordered to be brought in by Mr. Spring Rice and Lord Viscount Altborp. Chancery Officers—Select Committee appointed, " to consider what officers it may be expedient to continue or appoint by the Chanziry Regulation Bill ; what salaries or other e moluments shall be allowed to such officers; what retiring pensions (if any) shall be al lowed to any of such officers ; what compensation shall be given in respect of any offic- •Yhich may be abolished, or the emoluments of which may be reduced ; and out of what funds such allowances respectively shall be paid:" Rice, T. S. Carter, J. B. Rolfe, J. M. Horne, Sir W. O'Connell, D. Warburton H. Campbell, Sir J. Grey, Sir G. Lynch, A. 'H. Peel, Sir R. Estcourt, T. G. B Parker J. Taylor, M. A. Sandon, Lo r d Inglis 'Sir R. H. Pepys, C. Baring, A. Nicholl, J. Scarlett, Sir James Hume, Joseph Romilly, J. Wynn, C. W. Wason, R. Tooke, W. Abercromby, Right Perrin, Sergeant Harvey, D. W. Hon. J. Power to send for persons, papers, and records ; Five to be the auorum. Liverpool Borough Committee—Report brought up, and read ; to lie on the table, and to be printed. Bankrupt Judges Bill—Read First Time ; to be read Second Time on Wednesday, and to be printed. Slave Population—Address for " Copies or Extracts of all Returns of the Population of the different Slave Colo nies which have been received since the last were pre sented ; also, any Reports or Observations on the subject of the Slave Population, by the Registrars, Slave Pro• tectors, or Assistant Protectors, for the same period." —.(Mr. Fowell Buxton.) Labour Rate Bill—First Reading put off for three months. Labour Rate—Bill to regulate labour in agricultural parishes, ordered to be brought in by Mr. Vernon Smiuh and Sir Charles Burrell. Macclesfield Road Bill—Read third time and passed. Chancery Regulation Bill—Petition of James Bird, for compensation ; referred to the Select Committee on Chancery Officers. Uniformity of Process Bill—" To amend an Act of the second year of his present Majesty for the Uniformity of Process in personal actions in bis Majesty's Courts of Law at Westminster," presented, and read first time, to be read second time on Wednesday, and to be printed. Tea Duties—Acts read ; Committee thereupon this day. Labour Rate Bill—" To explain and amend an Act of the second and third years of his Majesty's reign, for the better employment of labourers in agricultural parishes," presented, and read first time; to be read second on Wednesday, and to be printed. St. Pancras Churches—Return ordered, " from the True. tees acting under the Act of 66th Geo. 111., for building a new Parisi► Church and a Parochial Chapel in the parish of St. Pancras, in the County of Middle sex, and for other purposes relating thereto, and an Act of I and 2 Geo. IV., for altering and enlarging the powers of the said Act, of all sums assessed, collected, and received, and of all moneys borrowed, under and by virtue of said Acts, and of all sums paid, and of all moneys now due, for the purposes of the said Acts, from the commencement of the said first-mentioned Act to Lady-day last; distinguishing the amounts borrowed on annuities and bonds, and amount of annuity and interest paid thereon ; and also, particularizing the sums paid in each year in respect of salaries, under the said Acts."—(Mr. N. A. Vigors.) Imprisonment for Debt Bill--Petition of George Todd, for compensation ; to lie on the table. Victualling House Licenses (Holborn Division) Com mittee.—Report brought up, and read ; to lie on the table, and to he printed. Hamburg Marriages Bill—Read first time; to be read second time on Friday, and to be printed. Coals Exported—Return presented relative thereto (or - dered 24th June); to lie en the table, and to be printed. Cold Bath Fields Meeting Committee—Leave to sit to morrow morning, notwithstanding the sitting of the House. -. Leave of Absence—To Mr. Sheil, six weeks; Mr. Est court, ten days. Adjourned at half-after one o'clock. CHARLES MANNERS SUTTON, Speaker. HOUSE OF LORDS, JULY 30. Lord KENYON laid upon the table of the House the report of the Committee on beer houses. The LORD CHANCELLOR presented a petition from a number of tenants in the county of Perth, praying for a revision of the game laws. They wished that the tenant should have the same right to kill game as the landlord. The Earl of KINNOULL said that he believed the tenantry of Perthshire had no more cause to complain than the tenantry of any other country in the kingdom. The Holyhead Road Bill was read a second time. On the order of the day being moved, The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said he rose for the purpose of endeavouring to execute the task of calling their Lordships' attention to the very extraordinary block ade, upon which there had already been some discussion, and upon which he had endeavoured to obtain some infor mation by questions put to the Noble Earl (Grey). The only paper which bad been laid upon the table of the House with respect to the blockade, had furnished so little information that he was still under the necessity of pressing the Noble Earl to say if there was not some still further document, which had caused him to resort to the singular course he had done. If he were asked whether he expected to derive any advantage from thus occupying the time of the House, he must say that having received every kindness frorn the people of that country, and feeling a deep interest in the affairs of the people of Portugal, be could not, having a legislative voice in that assembly, bear to see his Majesty's Government conducting their affairs, so far as related to that coun try, in a manner contrary to justice. -- (Hear, hear, hear.) The Noble Earl could not deny that Don Miguel was as much King of Portugal, as Louis Philip was of France. He should not venture to argue upon his own information upon this subject, and he bad endea voured to collect some authorities which he conceived to be good, as regarded the course which bad been taken by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. The Nolotle Marquis then tead the opinion of Sir W. Scott, who said that in order to effect a blockade, there must be two things. There must exist an actual blockade, and some notification must be given of such blockade to Foreign States. To be an actual blockade, the sea power must be able to blockade every part of the port. How did that apply to the blockade of my Lord Palmer ston? He had the letter which was stated to be the foundation of the notification, and would read it. It stated that in cons, quence of the victory obtained by Charles de Pooza, which reflected glory on two nations, and two crowns—just as if, said the Noble Marquis, the writer of that letter supposed that this nation was interested in the exploit of such a party of Buccaneers!—(A laugh.) The letter then went on to state that he (Napier) in tended to proceed to blockade Lisbon. But my Lord Palmerston went further than that, for his notification extended to all other ports of Portugal. Earl GREY stated that all ports were mentioned in the letter. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said it was stated that there was a probability of such being the case.—(Hear, hear.) He had thought on the former evening that there must have been something further, some other documents that were not produced ; it looked so like as if it had been made up in this country that if those men in Don Pedro's service should do any thing, then advantage should be taken of it here. The Noble Marquis then read a number of documents to show that Government had not been impartial in their conduct as respected the blockades of Lisbon and Oporto. As a soldier, he was extremely sorry that the Illustrious Duke at the table (Sussex) should have attended a meeting in the City, convened for the purpose of conveying some mark of distinction on a British sailor for having broken the law of the country. No one could feel more regret upon that point, than he did in making that statement. He begged the Illustrious Duke to believe hitn, when be stated that he offered these sentiments only from a feeling of duty as a soldier. It had been staled at that meeting that those who entertained a contrary opinion were a faction ; be begged to deny that, and again be reiterated, that what he stated he spoke only in his character of a i then os nt m dt oloyv,ed Viscountafl o l r c a o c r no Palmerston, p m y u o n f a c a l e t i t o t n e letter soldier. ‘bvyrtt hteen Marquis na h r e tqi N :i o s b st l i e teh l L l o a ifn i ja u u i ; s i row his Majesty's Consuls and agents in Portugal, and from the captains of his Majesty's ships on that station. The question having been put, Earl GREY said, the Noble Marquis seemed to think there was something extraordinary in the course which the Government had pursued; but, although fully agree ing in the principles laid down by Lord Stowell, that a blockade to be respected by foreign States must be effec tual, he (Earl Grey) must still contend that nothing had been done that his Noble Friend (Lord Palmerston) was not bound to do. His Noble Friend had received a commu • nication from a person residing in this country that the port of Lisbon and the other ports of Portugal were to be blockaded, and he acted as he was bound to have done on that information ; for had he not a right to infer that an officer of such skill and intelligence as Capt.. Napier would lose no tinie in carrying forward active opei ations and establishing a general blockade? Little time for that pur pose was required, as his ships had suffered little during the conflict ; and, therefore, as he was in a condition to brief sp ace o f time, and put lteoasveea the asa bay i t o , f y a: Lagos but irne reasonable to infer that a blockade would be established, and that notice of it ought to be given, in order that the commercial interests of the country might not suffer through ignorance of what was going forward. This was the usual course taken on such occasions. When a contest was carried on by two parties, as in Portugal, they were to be regarded by all foreign Powers as two iode • pendent nations; and if examples in proof of what he now stated were wanted he could adduce many.—(The Noble Earl referred to the blockade of the ports of the South American States and of the Ottoman empire to show the course which the Government had taken on these occa sions.) The Noble Earl opposite (Lord Aberdeen) had also acknowledged the blockade of Madeira, and, therefore, notwithstanding complaints were made of the line of con duct pursued by his Noble Friend at the head of the Fo reign Department, he must say it was sanctioned by all previous precedents. He was prepared to contend that his Noble Friend had only discharged his duty in commu nicating the letter he had received from the Chevalier de Lima to Lloyd's, and if he had failed to take that course he (Earl Grey) should like to know what Noble Lords opposite would have said of the Government for withhold. ing such information. The Duke of WELLINGTON quite agreed in the pro priety of recognising the neutrality of the blockade, and that notice of it should he promulgated, in order that the ships of foreign States might not be subjected to the lia bility of being captured wrongfully and without warning. There were, however, different ways adopted by different Powers of giving this warning, but the most authentic was, that the Government, whose vessels of war were employed in the blockade of any particular port, should declare its object to the other Powers who intended to take no part in the contest. As soon as a Govern ment received such a notification they were bound to communicate it for the protection of their own sub jects. But had anything of this sort been done in the present instance, or had his Majesty's Ministers up to that hour beard from any quarter on which reliance was to be placed that the port of Lisbon was in a state of blockade by the squadron of Oporto ? He begged their Lordships' pardon, but, on looking at the communications of the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs to Lloyd's, he found that the blockade there alluded to was not confined to the Tagus alone, but included every other port along the Portuguese coast.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") But could this be done by a single seventy-four, and a few other damaged ships. Surely such a force could not even be considered capable of making an effectual blockade of the single port of Lisbon.—(Hear.) He was very ready to admit that Captain Napier was as competent an officer as any in the British navy, and if he had not been of that opinion, he should not have asked the question he had respecting that officer the other night. Admitting, however, the capa city of the individual who commanded the squadron of Oporto, he still doubted very much whether, with all that officer's skill and courage, he would ever have the power of blockading the whole of the Portuguese ports from the Guadiana to Yana. He had seen a letter recently which, he must say, was not only most extraordinary, but the contents of which ought at once to have raised doubts in the mind of the Noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs with respect to its authenticity. At the date of that letter it was impossible that any correct information could have been received in this country respecting the determination of the Government of the Regency. The Birmingham steamer left the bay of Lagos on the 6th of July. On reaching the Oporto roads she put the account of the action on board a transport, having no communi cation whatever with the shore, and arrived at Falmouth on the 12th ; so that it was not until the 14th that the news was read in London. It was, therefore, morally impossible that the statement with respect to the blockade could be true. There was one observation at the end of the letter, to which he wished particularly to call the attention of their Lordships. It was said by the writer that the result of the action added glory to the two crowns, and when this letter came to be published, it would be seen that the Chevalier de Lima actually con gratulated the British Government on the achievement of this officer. This was a point which he could not pass without observation.—( Hear, hear.) The 'Earl of RIPON contended that his Noble Friend (Lord Palmerston) was bound to notify, as he had done, to the commercial interests of the country that the ports of Portugal were in a state of a blockade.—(No, no.) That was done by the Noble Earl (Aberdeen) opposite in the ease of Madeira. Had his Noble Friend neglected to inform the British merchants of the information he had received, and if the letter of the Chevalier de Lima had not been acted upon, would not the Noble Lords opposite have vociferated against the Government for their neglect of an imperative duty?—(Hear, hear.) But were not these mere flimsy complaints? It was nor, however, unusual for Ministers to be attacked in this way ; but he must deprecate the mixing up personalities in a question of this kind, as the Noble Marquis (Lord Londonderry) had done. The Earl of ABERDEEN said, it had been said that the Chevalier de Lima was an authoriz d agent of the Go vernment of Oporto. Now he meant not to doubt the respectability of the Chevalier de Liass, but he must deny that he filled any official character which could be recog nised in this country. He knew nothing of the Dan Pedro Regency. This country had no treaties with that Regency, neither could his Majesty's Ministers regard it as the Government de facto of Portugal. The Chevalier de Lima had no official character in this country, and, after all, the whole object was to promote the stock and the scrip of the Portuguese Regency ; and which had caused fluctuations, in their tendency causing the ruin of many people in this country. He well knew that the sounding words of liberty were very catching, hut he would say that such sounding words were but a mere prostitution for the worst of purposes. When a few months ago the blockade of Oporto was announced, was there any declara tion made by the Government until it was extorted ? (Hear.) The letter of Chevalier de Lima announced the blockade of Lisbon; but that was only a presumptive do cument, and no one at this hour could say what port or ports along the coast of Portugal were at present in an actual state of blockade.—(Hear, bear.) The present was altogether a very unusual case, although its character was materially altered by the notification of his Majesty's Government, and that without any just or official infor mation connected with this blockade. The Duke of SUSSEX having listened with attention to the course of this discussion, was not surprised that hia name had been introduced into it. He had his feelings and opinions as other Noble Lords had. He was answerable for what he said and did, but he would not be dictated to.—(Hear.) He felt that there was some honour due to a British sailor who had achieved one of the most splendid victories in modern times; and that was the object he had in view in presiding at the meeting to which some Noble Lords bad been pleased to direct their remarks, and, with all due respect, he would say, their u njustifiable attacks.—(Hear.) All he could again assure their Lordships was, that if another such a gallant action was fought he should repeat that admira tion which he felt to be his duty upon the late occa sion. —(Hear, hear.) The Earl of ELDON sail that, without any intention of giving offence to the Illustrious Duke who had just addressed their Lordships, he would fearlessly say that, while Captain Napier had subjected himself to dismissal for disobeying the laws of the land, those who supported him were directly counteracting the wishes of their Sovereign, arid that in so far they were not discharging their duty to their Sovereign or their country.—(Hear.) The Duke of SUSSEX in the part which be bad taken was not counteracting the wishes of his Sovereign. If he and others had praised the bravery of Captain Napier, were there not Noble Lords at the other side of the House of whom it was at all events reported had assisted Dun Miguel?—(Hear.) Was it not generally known that a large steamer bad been engaged in this country by the agents of Don Miguel? Whether they were Lords or Commoners he would not pretend to say.—(Load cries of " Name, name.") He would not name ; he alluded merely to reports of such enga g ements . The steamer did n ot proceed on her voyage , and luckily she did not. The Earl of ELDON would fearlessly tell the Illus trious Duke that if anything he said in any place was in disobedience to the I icv and the wishes of his Sovereign he the (Earl of Eldon) would be always prepared to re sist it. The Duke of BUCKINGHAM felt it his duty to call upon the Illustrious Duke (for whomh e L ore felt h tlie r lo rr st ed u unto feigned respect) to ask him what Noble , c t h a e n a t r, hear.) He ofl y compelled to depreca te the doctrine Il lustrious Duke. t H r e e a l u r laid down by the as being one ththeepagueknetsooff Buckingham) i. A kn l g i h gu atn el attack ha d been made u p on him. The Duke of SUSSEX was of o p inion that a ver y un fair Lor d ELLENBOROUGH said that from the observa tions of the Illustrious Duke it would appear that some Noble Peers at that aside of the House had induced per• sons to enlist in the service of Don Miguel. Now all lie (Lord Ellenborough) wished to know, was, who were these Noble Peers to whom such allusion had been made ? The Duke of SUSSEX—I never said any such thing as the Noble Baron has imputed to me. The Noble Baron has put his question in a judicial form, and I shall an swer him that I merely said " reports" were abroad, and very generally believed, to the eff,ct which I have stated. Earl GREY said that looking practically at the sub ject of neutrality, no one could deny but that the people of this country had interfered, by subscriptions and other wise, in the cause of Poland and of Greece, in quite as extensive a degree as they were now interested in the struggle between Don Miguel and Donna Maria. Assist. ance had been rendered t qually to both parties by British subjects, but in both cases without and breach of what could be strictly called neutrality. He would merely a dd, that in cases where no effective blockade could be esta blished, it would be a violation of neutrality to admit it. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY would much rather that the Noble Earl would at once get rid :of the motion than treat it in the manner which he had done upon this occasion. The Duke of CLEVELAND would express his admi ration upon the foreign policy pursued by his Majesty's Ministers in all the cases alluded to, inasmuch as it bad preserved the peace of Europe. After a few words from the LORD CHANCELLOR and Lord Wvicronn, the Marquis Of LONDONDERRY with drew his motion until to-morrow. IRISH CHURCH TEMPORALITIES BILL. Earl GREY moved the third reading of this Bill. The Marquis of HEADFORT was desirous of express. ing his conscientious approbation of the Bill before their Lordships. He conceived it to be a Bill founded on wise, just,Conservative principles. Upon wise and just principles, because it was in accordance with that sound and liberal policy adopted with regard to Ireland, too long delayed, but not too long to effect a great and permanent good. It was a Bill founded upon that wise and liberal line of po- licy which, happily, had replaced that exclusive govern ment under which Ireland laboured for so many years, when that country was ruled by a party but too much listened to by the Administrations of the time, being a party which gave place, power, and emolument to itself, but denied those advantages to another class of his Majesty's subjects as unworthy, or dangerous to be trusted with the rights of citizenship. The Noble Lord considered this Bill as a Conservative measure, because instead of weakening or diminishing Protestant influence, it would sustain that due influence which Protestants ought to possess as chief proprietors of the soil. It would strengthen and uphold the Protestant Church, and preserve it in purity and dignity, by re moving those jealousies which at present existed in Ireland against it, occasioned by the unnecessary magnitude of the establishment of that church. He did not hear any ar guments from Noble Lords at the opposite side of the House, in the course of these debates, convincing to his mind why the Protestant Church Establishment should continue upon the great and extensive scale in which it existed at present, and had existed for so long a time. This Bill had been termed a " Bill of Spoliation," which, if carrie f into a law, would lead to other and far greater spoliation and innovation. If it was a measure of spo liation, it was a deserved one : if it should lead to further innovation, he would not object, provided such innovation was required for the well-being and safety of the State. It had been asserted that the Catholics de sired the downfal of the Protestant Church Establishment. The Noble Lord believed they did not contemplate any such event, however, they had just reason to complain of the magnitude of that establishment, and the consequent burdens it brought upon the people, nine-tenths of whom were Catholics. The Catholics of Ireland are not, as they were fifty years ago, a humilated and a proscribed race; they are now possessed of property, of influence in the State, of much information ; education is making rapid strides in their schools, and it cannot be denied that great and extensive talent is common to them. They have an undoubted right to complain of the grievance of being obliged to contribute so largely in support of a church at variance with their own, in undue profuseness and splendour. The Noble Lord considered that many of the evils of Ireland had been remedied by the pursuance of a wise and equitable line of policy, but much still re mained to be done, and he conceived this Bill eminently calculated to remove some of the greatest to be deplored evils which afflicted Ireland. The Noble Lord considered it would be unnecessary for him to enter into the details of the Bill at that late stage, it having been so amply dis cussed by so large a proportion of the talent of the House, and so amply set forth by the Noble Earl at the head of his Majesty's Government. He would only add that as he conceived this Bill, if carried into a law, would confirm and maintain the Protestant Church, to which he felt siucerely attached, considering it to be the best and purest in the world, that it would further the work of conciliation in Ireland, by weakening all sources of dis cord and imaginary grievances, which could alone have power and weight to do mischief, by the existence of real and substantial grievances, he would give his decided support to the third reading. The Earl of ELDON spoke from the experience of a long life when he said that the prosperity of this country was inseparably interwoven with the maintenance of an established religion. The destruction of the Church could not be effected without the consent of Parliament, and he for one would never give his consent. He hoped the ar gument that this was a measure calculated to strengthen the Church by its liberality would not prevail in that House. He held religious belief to be a thing between God and a man's own conscience ; but, on the other hand it must be allowed that a man having acquired the liberty of his own conscience was not therefore permitted to dis turb the national peace and the national cousctence.Now his first objection to thisßill was,tbat it removed the payment of the vestry cess, and placed it upon a different class of per. sons. He objected to this as taking from the country the liability to give that support to the Church which, he contended, every man was bound to give.—(Hear.) The Protestants of Ireland never would have given their consent to the Union if they could have anticipated such an attack upon the Established Protestant Church. This Bill, he contended, was a direct fraud upon the Pro testants of Ireland ; he could give it no other name. —(Hear, hear.) His next objection to the Bill was that it laid a tax upon the clergy. Nothing could be imagined more unfair or more destructive to the Church than such a course. An established church, as he had already explained, was a prop to the State, and if that prop were taken away the State itself would sink. He could not help looking hack to the Bill of 1829, the Catholic Relief Bill, introduced by the Noble Duke near him (the Duke of Wellingtonn, as the cause of the present measure. He had opposed that Bill with the utmost sincerity. With the same sincerity he opposed the present. Looking at the present state of Ireland, and especially to the number of Roman Catholic Bishops in that country, he must say that be would rather increase than diminish the number of Protestant Bishops.—(llear, bear.) The Earl of LONGFORD admitted that the Bill when it came into the House had many good points in it, and that it had since ben considerably amended and improved. Yet still he saw enough in the principle of the Bill to justify him in opposing it. The Duke of WELLINGTON ahould not follow his Noble and Learned Friend (the Earl of Eldon) in the discussion which he had introduced upon the subject of the Roman Catholic question. His Noble and Learned Friend had been pleased to say that the measure then t.efore the House was to be attributed to the measure of 1829 which had been introduced by him (the Duke of Wellington). He thought it useless upon this subject to go into a consideration of the effect of the Catholic Relief Bill. Many events had passed between 1829 and 1833 to account for the measure then before the House, with out referring to the Bill of 1529 as the cause of it. The Bill then before their Lordship+ had been materially im proved upon some of its most material points by amend ments made in it both in the Committee and upon the bringing up of the report. Still it contained much ob jectionable matter, and lie was opposed to the principle of it.—(Hear, hear.) In the first place he objected to the repeal of the assessment for church purposes. He doubted whether any change should have been made in this impost excepting in the mode of levying it.--(Hear, hear.) He knew there were difficulties in the way of its collection, owing to the conspiracy existing in Ireland, and which had been going on for some time, against all kinds of church property.--(Hear, hear.) If the cess were put an end to as regarded the people, it ought to be placed upon the land.—(Hear.) He next objected to the provision respecting Bishops' leases, which be thought had a ten dency to deteriorate the property of the church. He thought that some dioceses in Ireland might be put an end to; but he thought this was proposed to be done by the Bill to a greater Esn pNde e rxß strongtnoei ntßthooi tranquillityanG t n ioot itn w ow a il s ot rfheehl opposedai totnhhi withhold hnht n ee needful ew e e a d s oss f siu u et llyn, measure l o t o r sfatadvis able.oysohtmhaee immediate measure containing some of the provisions of this B gi i v l .L l eo w sre o de ß u u l u Et d i t tL n y :o a t i third reading. If asked whether this Bill was likely to that was a question which it was not for him to answer. be cause it was a Bill of injustice, and would conciliate no one. They were told that the sentiments and principles of the Government were a protection for the interests of the Church. This, he confessed, he could regard as no security when he saw the course which the Government had pursued towards the West Indies.—(Hear.) The Bill was a Bill of humiliation to the Protestants and a Bill of triumph to the Roman Catholics; and when did the latter employ a triumph but for the advancement of their power and influence? He implored their Lordships to make their stand for the church and the institutions of the coon try on the ground where they now stood. The Duke of GLO UCESTER felt it his duty to oppose the third reading.—(Hear, hear.) The Duke of BUCKINGHAM wished to know on what grounds the measure had been brought forward? Th e y were told that it wa s to support the Church of Ireland, but the Church of Ireland shrunk from the measure. They were told that it was required by the interests of the Protestants of Ireland, and the Protestants of Ireland 'eschewed the measure. Then they were told that it was for the benefit of the Church of the United Empire, and the Church of the United Empire rejected the measure.—( Hear, hear.) What single petition bad come before their Lordships in favour of the passing of this Bill from either of those parties, he bad yet to be told. He hie, repeatett .41 ob j ecte d ha because —a o 0 a prelim, authority \ to. He it Ireland, th ey the same England? The Dissenters do soon tell then tuat'they would not pay church rate° '.. o ct ...t) thhaedy b e en too to refuse much t 5 : 11 : 1 71d Catholics were to be relieved from it. Nay, the rests t oil had already begun ; in the very metropolis it was ° to o moment in operation. Combinations bad been effect bee entered into to prevent the payment of rates, and; id the principle should have been sanctioned by the 1,, T0 s of the Bill , to what an extent it must soon spread. these grounds be should move that the Bill be read $ time that day six months. est ° The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said, the P r e a, measure, as far as it related to the removal of church s which the Noble Duke had called spoliation, pursuance of reports made by Committees of t bt Lordships' House, founded upon evidence from the rh::oddne oprhaseseodatuh et s p o liation, ut e, t o 0 111 : 1 11 authorities which could be found. He defended the Ir . sure as necessary to the support of the Church. Lord WYNFORD expressed his determinatio n oppose it. f The Earl of HADDINGTON said the provisions o 1 0 Bill did not appear to him to involve a violation I . lf f Act of Union. He admitted that it altered the fif t h so i tide, but he contended that the alteration was not s td as to '4ll for or justify the setting up of the A s o Union as a bar to the passing of this measure. , course be had taken in the Committee clearly show ed by opinions of the Bill. He regarded it as unjust, o n 'io and unnecessary. Undoubtedly he concurred in 0 0 01 that some of the great principles of the Bill were desi ss oi but he contended that they were most injuriously ell; e 0 into effect. It was true that the Bill might brie e el worse; that it might have contained an attack upon ° , to interests ; that it might hare applied the property 0 , 1 Church to other than ec c l e siastical purposes, and ' l O doing have become a most dangerous precedent for I s A ° l1 j terference with all private property.—(H ear .) 1 0 ", 4 1 bad contained any such provisions, h e was q uite o 'o would have been rejected.—(Hear, hear.) Th e .0 then was not so bad as it might have beep' it was had enough to induce him to reject it :: 0 1 been presented in ordinary times. They, be _ml lived in times when reason was to be without r A i —when they were called upon to reason and to 1 5 a measure, not because in their judgment they approsn it, but because it was laid before them.—(Hea r.) great deal had been said against their Lodships thing which might render it necessary for the hi i i ° t d to resign office. Upon that subject too much 10 0 0 said. The matter had been pressed too far ---( / o d Indeed it had been carri e d to such lengths as to bac e o rl doing anything prejudicial to the political existennej present Ministers an offence. To plan, to eonsr:, o 4 King's di ath was high treason ; but now a new dr s l had sprung up, which was that it was a political nr w- i destroy the political existence of the pr esen t Minillsl) (A laugh.) Their Lordships had a l s o been told 1) S great danger of a collision with the House of Cods and that the rejection of this Bill would lead to °, ,; ( 1 collision. Few men were ready to sacrifice more i d than he was to avoid a ll suc h collision, for he was d e• t o I of giving to the new C on stitution a fair trial; p it would Dever consent to the abandonment of great mental principles for the accomplishment of that ld That House must be independent—that House no u e V, consent to be degraded.—(Cheers.) From what said, it was impossible for him to utter " contentrei Bill with which he was not content at all ; and the 1 when the question was put, he should shelter 1 14 1 01 1 although it was a course he would never follosgo, extraordinary occasions, behind the Noble Lord woolsack.—( Hear, and a laugh.) • itti Lord BEXLEY considered the Bill as highly :o the Established Church, and therefore he oppow - re Y Their Lordships then divided, when there aliP es Contents, present 65 Proxies Non-Contents, present Proxies Majority for the third reading .......•• The Bill was then read a third time. 61 A clause, on the motion of Earl GREY , wag ' of rider, added to the Bill, which was then passel' The House adjourned until Thursday. -_ - - SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE-(THIS FROM LLOYD'S. DES.I, Juror 30 —Wind E.N.E.—Arrived and sailed the Burrell, Metcalf, for the Mauritius ; Fr" for the South Seas; and Rawlins, Marr, for Jamalc*ot PORTSMOUTH, JULY 30.—Wind E., fresh.—Saile d Raffles, Pollock, for Bombay. W:- • Arrived PLYMOUTH, JULY 29. Wind variable.—n. Simpson, from London, for New York. Sailed the 1.1f:r0 port, for New South Wales; and the Signet, JoneOr FALMOUTH, JULY 29.—Wind variable. t V LIVERPOOL, JULY 29.—Arrived the Walter Sco tt ' A son, from Mobile. 0 7 LONDONDERRY, JULY 29.—Arrived the Arether" from Antigua; and Elizabeth, Younger, from Mirritil DUBLIN, JULY 28. — Arrived the Thames, Sialit"topli) badoes ; Emerald, Pringle, from Quebec ; RubY , St. Andrew's, New Brunswick ; Amity, Stone, "" and Charlotte, Searle, from Memel ; P PENTLAND FRITH, JULY Z.—Arrived the Ouriall— from Quebec. BRIDLINGTON, JULY D.—The Duke of We llinbOE from London to Aberdeen, run on the rocks 0 2 0 1 11 rough Head this morning in a fog, but was got e n ing tide, and proceeded, apparently without datuag e. WHITEHAYEN, JULY 29.—The Pandora, Courn a ,;ll l verpool to Newfoundland, which put in here the 'OOl leaky, has been thoroughly caulked, and proceeded The Cora, from Havannah, arrived at Laguna and was ordered off by the Board of Health. S - DAY'S THE FUNDS.—(THIS __....—_ ° CITY, TWELVE O' C A I / At length we have an arrival from Lisbon ansl..we the vessel that has arrived, and the place where W it olt despatches, are still secrets, as well as the infornzar i° , o All we can announce to the present hour, i s , ths' t pers have been received at the North and SO t e l , Coffee-house to the 2:3d inst., which confirm Whit i yesterday in our private letter from Lisb on, th:, ,d had not advanced so rapidly towards Lisbon es l ir The Lisbon papers contain a decree aPr4 the 14th, General Bourmont Fi e l d Marshal 'a ar mies, therefore the report of his hasi ill, the command was incorrect. They also st ste ral Mollellos was in Beja ; and the guerillas dr, 7 tinez, consisting of 200 men, have been defeatediti to fly partly into Spain, where they were di sa oot 1 Spaniards. Some were taken prisoners, en d ; /1 Alagre. The reception of these Lisbon P a P e)' that Lisbon had not surrendered on the 22d 110 i THE FUNDS. 0 UP9I °l' la ? The news from Oporto is as yet a secret. re , the information is not of so favourable a natu 00" pected ;in consequence of which, Portuguese i ceded to 101. c 9; A great bustle prevailed this morning in the 0 Stock Exchange, to ascertain the news fr ° _al 0 0 Oporto, but to no effect up to the present houry hear as yet of any private letters. It is pre' ° Government despatch. iler i P d Consols, which left off' yesterday 89 1 4 ' p Thf r t i 89 1 4 % for the Account, owing to the majo r in the House of Lords. It is settling day in the Foreign Market. 'r ile 0 jobbers are busy in settling their accounts. e iff HALF-rA s' v s / We have now ascertained that the desper c ,, it i„, and Oporto have been brought by the Africaaro I'll 11l mail and letters will not be in town till te-1 0 0 11 / i i Lisbon on the 23d and Oporto on the 26th ..cuts mation brought by her is now in genera l et' e r 'Change, that a general attack was made on icii P 25'h inst. by Marshal Bourmont, and in O f 0 % ) j pletely defeated. One of Don Pedro's me° : 4 r V enga gement entered the Douro, and render /Id to Don Pedro's army. ~ 00 ci Admiral Napier's fleet on the 22d was sP`,,,Der dr previous to which it is said he landed a n ii ~ 04 St Übes. *.e soO v ill i ? We do not as yet hear any news from ti' ott 04 Consols continue at 89 y, % for the M c° 1 , 0 0 014 ,f ing. There has been a great fluctuatio n in ea tw& 0 , 'ti in the previous part of the morning it had recololidV which, owing to the favourable news frons . ti es ley proved to 15 prem. In other Foreign Seeu,rl tt , THROP a t Consols for the Account, 89 IA %. ,7 5 118 0 ,ill Or Mr. O'CoNNELL.—This exr,,v8,,#0 4 Howe c o o N f f ,N s E accuses the reporters of the Times of 11. 0 1 ettl i f falsified him. Query—Did he " de si %, r 0 0 Commons, Ir.o o hundred scoundrels?" , ut iv , 0 r ig lo i SERGEANT gn d 11 ~ the present one, is a rank Tory, -- OP R. PEEL.—Birmingham Journal. soli NOT IMPROBABLE.--" The 41 ° b li DON has a great dislike ta skittles a n , re? the bowls have punch in theill, EheAnNhTe......calluled_ : , ,f of,i Greenock Intelligencer. 0 PLATT TWI Ile subjoined of handling, graceful coin' expression that we did at r egain f rom i n hs were nev ler, who thorc ' ll at Wor k on kat to ever ' lit edly become I II!, however, w att o f ° i ce ,. .: ~,,i _ ii net, mares that he up on i t, h touching his pi )baring do wn th extilplocz a nen teatiO 1 all ietttbhililUeaaldn:allt )Irvaa, airCni ghOUt I' 'more task a ‘1 k i n th , eare since Mr, Zie gant • ' % z _ 42 L a 1 4ant iz A %aste r h; the 'r e ces wi aPpropriate Vc on R. C OB "4'B Deco( r "I b e i t in i-ra( of ti leePly regr e t " k I Noteand in g ' After of th at su 1 Poa Publie and !? tau () Public a i n eitai: --t he feu d I lacer retu rned r Der a : t e the fee l? I th e fi l tr w ho Ivere n Th. e of the 1. - etee r nnest er C I r,_ts an inflie'i ine AS4ociatti thole, t , n te v j , v ' er nei nude a s of the ca and rib a Z o er dil l 'eatest n telt a . th e W t g ; ac en ed th a lt t.ensurell!..ghola „ r•shf 4 9 : . gild ' L ie la n Ch a k rier e u sPeei( thi s b:,... Let , e t pl If "--f e , ,_ or n n tin ned it eve this ass P 0, At 't a d L ee f s ad irate d ' bew I ta the pre bat es in p th il more impose da i inpor !. has hit conn e 'a Earl 01 ?ontlenee h iterar Y eve] Fre ss . with llit4 elf; tii till a ealli tit tle has Da ~t h e etaled Weliiegravi I ta given ti grieve to el 'elf Riven y r eollious h ey are c Co In POSitio Prince of The oa r ' of Africa F. W. d, C ornmissi, most tacit tim es. ~ severance Pride s i ts the store mu st in tensivel that ne edu cat i almo st land RI genius. Arm recent] Greater Vita We all His bc matter Bider Lif e b aps ever ladi e hi g h li st aro u wh o frolic Tt Quit Pea s tour