The Sun. — London, England, 1863-04-21 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT s Ga s s ee ß o i n ll d time :—Hoylake Railway Bill, and Yarmouth The following bills were considered and ord red to lad read a third time :—Cheitenham Roads, Rusth ,11 Manor, Staines and Woking Junction Railway, and Sowerby Bridge Local Board. THE PRISONS BILL. The Sheriffs of London appeared in their robes at the bar and presented a petition from the Lord Mayor and Corporation in common council assembled against this bill, on the ground that the ministers of all religious denomi nations were freely admitted, on the application of those in carcerated, to all the prisons in the City. The petition was read by the Clerk at the table. ROYAL ASSENT—MESSAGE FROM THE LORDS. Col. CLIFFORD, Deputy Usher of the Black Rod, appeared at the table, and summoned the Speaker and the house to hear the Royal assent given, by c ,, rurnission, to several bills. On the return of the Speaker at a quarter .past 4 o'clock, the right hon. gentleman read the titles of the bills. PETITIONS. A large number of petitions were presented against the Prisons Bill ; a few from Catholic churches in its favour. IMPORTS AND EXPORTS. On the motion of Sir S, NORTHCOTE some voluminous returns from 1840 to 1862 were ordered. EAST INDIA. On the motion of Colonel SYKES, several papers were ordered, with respect to a memorial of certain retired mem bers of the Indian civil service, seeking to be relieved from income tax. HOUSE OF LORDS—Last Evening. The Lord Chancellor took his seat at the usual hour. ROYAL ASSENT. The I' al assent was given, by commission, to the following bills : Salmon Exportation. Births and_Deathe Registration (Ireland). Mutiny. Marine Mutiny. The Lords Commissioners were the Lord Chancellor, Lord Sydney, and the Earl of St. Germans. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a second time:,--The Den bigh Water—the Market Harborough and Lolighborough Road—the Queen's Road (Battersea) Extension—the St. Asaph Road—the London and North Western and Lanca shire and Yorkshire Railway Companies—and the South Staffordshire Railway. The Cambridge, St. John's. lane Stoppage, &c., Bill was read a third time and passed. DISTILLATION (IRELAND). On the motion of Mr. VANCE, a return of all detections of and commitments for the offence of illicit distillation in Ireland for the last three years respectively, ending on the 31st day of March in each year, was ordered. DISTRESS IN IRELAND. Mr. GREGORY asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether any reports from the Poor Law Inspectors had reached him as to the state of destitution in the western dis tricts of Galway and Mayo ; if so, whether he would lay these reports before the house ; if not, if he would order the inspectors to report as to the condition of those districts? Sir R. PEEL replied that reports were certainly sent in from the Inspectors in all parts of Irelan , /, which had been printed. The recent reports treating of the increased dis tress in the country he had no objection to lay on the table of the house. BANDA AND KIR WEE BOOTY. Mr. ANGERSTEIN asked the First Lord of the Trea sury, whether the law officers of the Crown had been con sulted and pronounced their opinion on the subject of this booty, and whether there was any objection to communi cate their opinion to the house ; whether it was the inten tion of the Government to recommend the distribution of this prize money according to the opinion of the law officers of the Crown; and, if the preferential right of the actual captors had been established, whether there was any other cause for delay in di-tributing this prize money ? Lord PALMERSTON replied that no final decision had been arrived at, and that the subject was still under con sideration. Only lately he received a counter statement from parties claiming a share of the booty, The question for decision did not turn upon a matter of law, so that the matter did not rest with the law officers of the Crown, but with the Crown itself, The decision must be entirely governed by principles of equity and justice of the circum stances. Mr. ANGERSTEIN asked the noble lord to name a day when he could repeat the question with the prospect of ob taining a reply as to when the booty would be distributed. Lore PALMERSTON could not at the present moment distinctly fix apon a day. MEXICO—ARMS AND AMMUNITION SENT IN AN AMERICAN SHIP. In reply to Mr. PEACOCK; Mr. LAYARD stated that the granting by Mr. Adams, the American Minister, of permission to an American ship to carry arms:and ammunition toMexico,was under the consideration of the Government. No communication had yet been made to Mr. Adams. THE POLICE FORCE. Mr. KEKEWICH asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether the sum voted by Parliament for the police force in counties and boroughs was calculated on the net ex penditure, after deducting the amount of the superannua tion fund, rent, fines, and stoppages; and, if so, for what reason the Government objected to repay one-fourth of the whole amount expended for the pay and clothing ? Mr. F. PEEL explained the principle pursued in this matter. A deputation had attended the Treasury, with respect to the statements which were now under consi deration. THE LOSS OF THE ORPHEUS. The Earl of ELLEN BOROUGII called attention to the wreck of the Oi pheus and the loss of upwards of 200 hands. The ship was not sailing against the directions of the Admi ralty charts, but in accordance with them. The telegraph flag was flying to cross the bar ; the ship did attempt to do so, and was lost. The chart was dated in the year 1853, but since that time the sands had shifted three-quarters of a mile, and the ship, instead of going into the open sea, ran immediately into the sand. He wished to knew what steps the Admiralty had adopted to ascer tain the changes that took place in the shoals and sand banks, and what means were taken to convey the informs, tion to commanders of ships. The Duke of SOMERSET said the subject was indeed a very painful one, and that feeling would be increased if any carelessness could be proved against the Admiralty. The change in the chart of 1853 was brought under the notice of the Hydrographic officer, and the necessar y corrections were noted, and copies of the notice was sent to the New Zealand station. Not only was this done, but the Orpheus had a copy furnished to her, and in the Hydrographer's Department at Portsmouth there was a receipt from the ship for it at the time it was furnished. The noble lord was also understood to say that, from infor mation supplied by one of the survivors from the wreck, the captain had a copy of the corrections of the chart in his hand when the ship struck. The noble lord made vari ous other (illusions to the steps taken by the Admiralty relative to the keeping of commanders of vessels well ac quainted with alterations in their charts, and resumed his seat by paying a very high tribute to the bravery of the crew who perished with the unfortunate ship. DRAINAGE OF LAND (IRELAND) BILL. The report of amendments on this bill was brought up, and, after a short discussion, agreed to. ILLEGITIMATE CHILDREN (IRELAND) BILL. On the motion for the third reading of this bill, Lord CHELMSFORD objected to the bill, on the ground that it was merely a declaratory act, which gave an erro neous construction to the one that was already the law. After a short discussion the bill was read a third time and passed. COURTS OF INQUIRY. The Earl of HARDWICKE rose to put a question to the First Lord of the Admiralty in reference to courts of inquiry in her Majesty's service. The noble lord said the system of administering justice at present in existence in the Royal navy was of the most objectionable nature, and one which it was of the utmost importance should be im proved as speedily as possible. There were three modes in which, in the navy, it had been the practice to carry on pub lic duty with reference to justice. First, the appointment of certain officers, where the crime was not culpable, to meet and ascertain whether there were grounds for trial. Such a court usually consisted of three officers, who sat very much as a grand jury, took one-sided evidence, and reported that evidence to the Admiralty, If the Admiralty thought there was ground for trial, there was then a court-martial ordered, consisting of certain officers, before whom the prisoner was brought, and the case was heard. In a court-martial the prisoner had the opportunit y of examining and cross-exa • mining witnesses, and making his defence, before sentence was passed on him. He regretted, however, to state that a practice was growing up which in the interests of the ser vice required checking; it was that of turning a court of in quiry into a court of trial and sentence. The Admiralty also now took upon themselves the power of setting aside the sentence of courts-martial to such an extent, that some interference on the part of Parliament was required. The consequence of this interference was that the respect which the naval service had entertained for these courts had very much abated. In support of his proposition of the despotic character of the Admiralty, the noble earl quoted the case of Lord Elphinstone, who was in 1862 in command of H.M.S. Vigilant. In October of that year, while in charge of a pilot, the vessel got on shore on the Gunfleet Sand at the month of the Thames, under circumstances reflecting no blame on the captain or master. The Admiralty directed a court of inquiry, before which the captain made his statement. He was not, however, allowed to hear the evidence brought against him, although the court sat for five hours. A few days afterwards he received a memorandum from the Ad miralty informing him that the Vigilant was placed in the third division of the reserve at Sheerness—equivalent to being dismissed his ship—and nine days later he received a severe censure for having got his ship ashore under cir cumstances with which their lordships were highly dis pleased. Such a method of trying, sentencing, and execut ing a man he would venture to say was unheard of in Bri tish jurisprudence. The noble earl proceeded to criticise the Autther proceeding of the Admiralty in the matter, who, whe n applied to by Lord Elphinstone for a court-martial, replied that before acceding to his request they would for ward to him a copy of the proceedings of the court of in quiry, wLten, if he thought he could controvert any of the statements therein contained, the court-martial would be granted. Knowing that the courts-martial were as rotten as the courts of inquiry, Lord Elphinstone had declined the offer on the ground that a court-martial could not restore to him his ship or remove their lordships' censure. The Duke of SOMERSET disclaimed in the fullest man ner. any desire or intention to make a quarrel with Lord Elphinstone, and proceeded to justify the finding of the court of inquiry. Nothing could be more clear than that, with a pilot on board, with officers supposed to be superin tendino, the course of the ship, with charts showing the po sition of the bank, and with a lighthouse and signal buoys within sight, her Majesty's ship Vigilant had been run upon a 'honk in the broad daylight, where, after remaining for 11 hours, she was so injured as to require very extensive and expel sive repairs before she could be sent to sea. It was an act that the merest novice of a yachting club would be guilty of. A court of inquiry had been held in the ordinary way, and when Lord Elphinstone had written demanding a court-martial, a copy of the depositions before the other court had been forwarded to him, with an offer that if after reading them he still desired it, a court-martial should be held. His lordship, finding he should not be able to answer the case brought against him, with much judgment declined the court-martial. Singularly enough, he was not satisfied with what had been done, but appealed to the House of Lords, which was not the most convenient place for offi cers ha the navy to come to have their characters whitstned. (Hear, hear.) The fact was that in years gone by the custom had been, in cases of that description, to throw all the blame upon the master, and let the captain go free. Public opinion was very properly opposed to a continuance of that system, and the general idea was that the captain should be compelled in a cas: of that kind to share the blame. The Marquis of TOWNSIIEND thought that Lord Elphinstone was right in not going before a court-mar •tial ; and The Earl of COLCHESTER said the court of inquiry 1928 not a very well constituted tribunal for the purpose of eliciting truth. The Earl of HARDWICK E said the captain ought not to be held responsible when there was a pilot on board, and he , could not approve of the noble duke's having again CE tamed Lord Elphinstone in that house —a censure ich he was confident did not find an echo in their lord ships' hearts. Et xrl GRANITILLB thought Lord Elphinstone had most cause to complain of his own injudicious friends, lookin g at all the circumstances of the case. The Earl of DERBY wished particularly to call atten tion to the fact that Lord Elphinstone had never bees heard in his own defence. Lord CHELMSFORD (referring to a comparison that bad been instituted between the court of inquiry and a grand jury) said he did not think a prisoner would have much chance if the judge were t o say, "Now, Pr i soner, I have read all the evidence, and I am persuaded you are guilty; but you can have a trial if you like." Lord CRANWORTH thought the court of inquiry system ought to be got lid of as soon as possible, even though Lord Elphinstone might have no particular reason to ,complain. (Hear, hear.) After a few words fr'm Lord DENMAN the subject dropped, AFFAIRS OF POLAND. The earl of SHAFTESBURY said, as he had been in formed by the noble F ore i gn S ecretary that he had not yet received the answers to certain despatches, he would p6stpone his observations upon this subject to the ear ent date after the answ ers h ad b een received. Best conveni COURTS OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. Their lordship; adjourned at 25 minutes past seven. HOUSE OF COMMONS—Last Evening. The SPEAKER took the chair shortly before four o'clock. THIRD READINGS. The following bills were read a third time :—Aberga venny Roads—Central Wales Extension Railway—Cleeve and Evesham Road—Evesham and Redditch Railway— Farness and Midland Railway—Hamilton Water -I(n9ghton and Central Wales Railway Companies—Lla aell: ;Railway and Dock—Marshland Smeeth and Fen ...... a . :le—liorthampton and Banbury Junction R ailwa y Pence and St. Just Roads. SECOND READINGS. Tre followin g bille r as amended by the Lords, were read IRON PLATE EXPERIMENTS. Mr. LONGFIELD asked the Secretary to the Admi ralty if the Iron Plate Committee had made any report on the subject referred to them ; if so, whether he had any objection to lay the same before the house? Lord C. PAGET explained that if the results of the ex periments at Shoeburyness were simply communicated to the members of that house there could be no great objec tion, but it was not advisable that all the experiments should be made generally known. (Hear, hear.) WICK HARBOUR. Sir F. SMITH gave notice that on the Ist of May he should call attention to the correspondence with the Board of Trade with respect to this port. DISEASES OF SHEEP AND CATTLE. Mr. HOLLAND gave notice that on Wednesday, the 29th inst., he should move for leave to bring in a bill to amend by extending the 17th Vic., to prevent the spread of contagious dis-ases among cattle, NEW WRIT,—NEW RADNOR. On the motion of Mr. Brand, the Clerk of the Crown was ordered to issue a writ for a new election in the room of Sir G. C. Lewis, deceased. PRISON MINISTERS BILL. Sir G. GREY, in moving the second reading of this bill, explained at some length its provisions. It appeared from a return moved for last year, that no less than between 3,000 and 4,000 Roman Catholic prisoners were incarcerated in the prisons in England and Wales, independently of between 1,400 and 1,500 in convict establishments, and he was afraid that the number at the present time was somewhat larger. It was only right that these unfor tunate persons should have the benefit of the ministrations of the clergy of their own religious persuasion. The prin ciple had long received the sanction of the house in regard to the military who were Roman Catholics, for whom chaplains were provided at home and abroad, and paid out of the sums annually voted by the house. The bill was one which would carry out in an unobjectionable manner those principles of civil and religious liberty which had now for many years characterised the bent of legislation. The bill was not hostile to the Church of England. He trusted the house would see the expediency and propriety of acceding to the second reading of the bill. Mr. G. LANGTON rose to move that the bill be read a second time this day six months. Col. BARTTELOT seconded the amendment. Mr. HENLEY wished to say a lew words in explanation of the vote he intended to give. It was admitted by the hon. gentleman who seconded the amendment that there were certain grievances under which Roman Catholic prisoners laboured, and therefore no measure could be uncalled for or unnecessary which proposed to remedy those grievances. The returns of the prisons in England and Wales showed the average number of prisoners to be 130 in each, and they could not expect, however kind-hearted a person might feel towards his co-religionists, that be would go into a prison to attend a hundred or two hundred without remuneration for it. He thought the provision in the bill for furnishing Roman Catholic priests with an extract from the books of the religious persuasions of the different prisoners should be sufficient, and that they ought not to have access to the books. He had no hesitation in saying:that the bill meets a grievance admitted by those who opposed the bill, and he should therefore give it his support. Mr. SELWYN said he was unable to understand what were the particular grievances which called for the innova tion proposed by the bill, or how it would remedy such grievances, if they existed. He objected to the bill on va rious grounds. It was opposed to the rights and principles of the Established Church, and also the rights of individual conscience. He also objected to the proposed registration of the religious persuasion of the different prisoners in the mode proposed. The numerous petitions which had been presented against the bill showed the opposition it had met with in the country. The bill introduced last year by the hon. and learned member for King's County he considered the more preferable one of the two, and he l oo k e d upon the present measure as one of com promise. The object sought by th e bi ll was to give to s seeking Roman Catholic priests that . recognised not ot werenow enjoy.ki (Hear, hear.) He considered g status and position by the Government mem ber for King's County wished by his to do directly. Thi s nment whichthethey Government did to do indirectly by this bill what the h o n. a nd learned was a measure so contrary to the constitution of the country, that he should g i ve it hi s o pposition. Lord E. HOWARD supp or ted the bill. He denied that of a p o li ce measure that it had been introduced by the this was an ecc l es i ast i cal measure ; i t was mor e in the char acter Home Secretary, and he thanked him for it. The necessit y of the bill had been proved by persons of great authority. The noble lord at the head of the Government had declared that, if they would reform a criminal, they must appeal to hisheart through language to which he had been accustomed. The late lamented Sir George Lewis could not see how a principle which had worked so well in Ireland was inad missible in England. The opinions of the right hon. mem ber for Oxfordshire (Mr, Henley) had been heard that Even ing in favour of the bill ; while the bill itself was a sufficient index of the views entertained by so high an authority as the Home Secretary. Well, surely so happy an admixture of authorities could not but have its legitimate influence in favour of the bill. The noble lord then proceeded at con siderable length to demonstrate that not only wis this measure demanded by a sense of what was due to the poorest and most defenceless class of the community, but it was im peratively called for in the interest of the ratepayers of the country. Mr. P. WYNDHAM said there was no analogy between the case of appointing Roman Catholic chaplains in the army and that of gaol chaplains, and he thought the passing of the bill would tend to create much exasperation among the the middle classes of this country. Mr. LYSELEY thought that the worst principle of the bill had passed unnoticed, and that was where it was pro vided that, independently of the appointment or non appointment of the magistrates, a priest could intrude himself into a prison without the knowledge of the magis• traces, for which he would be entitled to remuneration. Colonel W. PATTEN said he was anxious to say a few words with reference to the vote he intended to give. He had the honour of being one of the representatives of a county where there was the largest body of Roman Catho lics, and he was anxious to show that there WEI 9 an errone ous impression in the minds of those who said there was no grievance which could be complained of as regarded their gaols. In the county he had the honour to represent he was in the habit of receiving constant representations of the hardships to which Roman Catholic prisoners were sub• jeeted by the present law. He was bound to say that these representations required the serious consideration of the house. He did not approve of the bill, and in committee he would seek to improve it ; but, knowing that grievances existed, and that Roman Catholics were the largest and least educated portion of the prisoners in the gaols in Lan cashire, who were entirely left without any of the religious instruction given to other prisoners, he would support the second reading. Mr. E. BAINES, though in general an advocate of the voluntary principle, both in education and religion, yet he could not refuse to admit the justice of the present bill. The bill appeared to him to be based upon two principles—that it was the duty of the State to see that persons received re ligious instruction; and secondly, to uphold the rights of conscience. Mr. DISRAELI—Sir, I am unwilling for a moment to stand between the house and their natural impatience for a division. (A laugh.) I will do so only for a few minutes, and I do so from a conviction that the decision on this question is one at which the house ought not to arrive in an impatient spirit. (Hear, hear.) I believe the country will not be satisfied if it believes that we have come to a conclusion on this question without that due deliberation which the importance and gravity of the subject demand. (Cheers.) Sir, the objections to the bill are not of a light character; and, on the other hand, the arguments in its favour recommend themselves not on the ground of expe diency, but of justice. (Hear, hear.) Therefore, in making some remarks on the question, I shall claim from all who take part in this debate the exercise of a spirit of forbear- ance. There are two great objections which have been urged against this bill. One is that it affects injuriously the status of the Church of England. Sir, if I thought this measure had even a tendency to impair the authority of the Church of England I should oppose it. In this age, when the elements of Government are diminishing, when the power of governing nations is every day weakening, it would be most unwise to impair the influence of an institution tha has contributed in so eminent and beneficial a manner to the formation of that English character which, after all, is the best security for the preservation of that we most value. (Hear, hear.) And, Sir, I cannot conceal from my own conviction that the time may come, and is even nearer than many imagine, when in our peril and per plexity we may find a guide and guardian in that insti tution, which by the services thus rendered to us will establish fresh claims to the confidence and gratitude of the country. (Cheers.) Happily, in my opinion, for this country, the still exieting privileges of the Church of Eng land are great and manifold ; but this should always be re membered—that the privileges of the Church of England, entirely in theory, and greatly still in practice, embody and represent popular rights. That is the source of their strength. (Hear.) I cannot myself see what popular right is represented by the Church of England exercising an arbitrary power to prevent the captive who is not in her communion from enjoying the consolations of his religion. (Hear. hear.) Sir, I say that, on the contrary, such a policy is injurious to the Church of England. It is the in terest of the Church of England—it is the interest of all ecclesiastical institutions, and indeed of all religious bodies, —to favour the development of the religious principle, —to cherish, encourage, and nurture those spiritual influences which hitherto have controlled and regulated man,— "Placed on this isthmus of a middle state, A being darkly wise and rudely great." (Cheers.) I am told in this instance that there is a wider and deeper objection, if such there can be, against this bill—that it is antagonistic to the interest of the Church of England. We are told by the hon. gentleman who moved the amend ment that he looks upon the measure as dangerous to the Protestant spirit of this country. Sir, there are many gentlemen in this house who are in the habir, of enlarging upon and exalting the Protestant spirit of England. In my opinion, it is not easy for them to use language that can ade quately describe the strength and power of that spirit. lt is fervent, it is profound, it is general. But, of all the subjects of her Majesty, the Roman Catholic subjects of the Queen are the last who ought to have a doubt as to the power and strength of that spirit. Why, it is comparatively only re cently that they have experienced bitterly the power of the Protestant spirit of this country. It is a fact that at this moment there is only one member of the House of Com mons among the numerous representatives of England and Wales—l believe I may say of Great Britain—who is a member of the Cat holic Church, and that one is re turned to the house by the traditionary friendship of his neighbours, bearing as he does an illustrious name, and the member of a family dear to all Englishmen, whether Pro • testant or Roman Catholic. (Hear, hear.) Of what is this remarkable state of things a consequence ? It exists be cause those who advised the Catholics of this country took a course into the merits of which I am not now dis posed to enter, but which was supposed by the Protestant spirit of this country to be aimed at outraging or cunningly circumventing the Protestant feeling of this country. (Hear, hear.) Are we to fear for the Protestant interests of this country if the bill now brought forward should be sanc tioned by the house ? What does it propose to do ? It pro , poses, in the matter of the appointment of Roman Catholic chaplains, to trust to the discretion of the natural leaders of a people who, it may be from exaggerated, but certainly from profound and sincere convictions respecting the con duct of the Catholic party some 10 or 12 years ago, have returned so many Parliaments to Westminster in which there has been only one Catholic member. Why, if there be any class of men who can be said to faithfully represent the feelings of the country, it is that composed of the magis trates in counties, cities, boroughs, and corporations. They must be the chief men of the counties and towns, and they must adequately represent the feelings of the country; and who can suppose that under this influential representation there can possibly be any misrepresentation of the Protes tant sentiments of the country ? I cannot share in any ap prehension on the subject. And when we are told, as we have just been told, that one of the objections to this bill is that it throws on the magistrates assembled at quarter ses sions, and on similar occasions, the weighty responsibility of considering the question of the appointment of a Roman Catholic chaplain to a gaol, I must say that I cannot under stand why men who have been appointed magistrates—why men intrusted with the exalted duties of such an office — should not bear the burden of such a responsibility. (Hear, hear.) Are we to lie told that in the case of those gentlemen honour is nct to be attended with responsibility? (Hear.) I think, therefore, that, whether we look at the influence of this bill on the status of the Church of England,or whether we look at its probable influence on the Protestant spirit of this country, or on the Protestant character of our institu tions, it is but forming a mean conception of that Church, it is but taking a poor view of that influence, if we suppose that the bill before us can possibly endanger the one or diminish the other. (Hear, hear.) That is an opinion which I cannot for a moment entertain or sanction. We must look at this bill in its real character, and not in the light of those visionary apprehensions which have been raised by some gentlemen and which are not only not sanctioned by fact, but cannot be entertained with a due regard for the real in• terests of the Church. (Hear, hear.) As my right hon. friend the member for Oxfordshire said, it is a bill to do an act of justice. It is said the Roman Catholic prisoner has never required the assistance which this bill proposes to ex tend to him, but the objections which have been raised to it on that ground appear to me to be founded on a complete fal lacy. This is a bill to do justice, not merely to the Roman Catholic prisoner, but to the Protestant community. On what possible ground, after having adopted those principles with regard to the treatment of criminals which have been confirmed by a long series of legislation, can you justify that legislation to Protestant England if you say that there shall be in the gaols of the country a considerable portion of the penal population whom you will take no care to reforrr, and whom you are prepared periodically to let loose again on the country, unreformed by the influences of religion ? (Hear.) Great fault has been found with this bill because it was a permissive bill. But the same speakers who have urged that objection tell you at the same time that the circumstances of the case, even if the policy were admitted, only require a very limited application of it. They say that in all the gaols of the country interference only is necessary in some eight or ten. It is a permissive bill, therefore, because the evil to be remedied is limited in its character. (Hear, hear.) You can not make it compulsory in courts of quarter sessions to ap point Roman Catholic chaplains to gaols where there are no R ismsa C anena limited,tenirmC a en, t a h ynw o od l uh i bseprison. secure utahrlleisot e uh r br s ai tl el l ie t ral yi you meet dmi d o m aenep i itp t st carried aa t t h nr o a en t tdh t w h oa e nth grievance c h Aalone tl tnlpracticalthe is required, while you avoid that partial legislation which is always a blot. (Hear, hear.) You have a bill brought forward which is ge nera l, and that is the basis of all sound legislation, but you have made the application limited in Practice because the necessity o f th e case only requiries it. You have provided a remedy for the evil and inconvenience, while you have not violated the sound principle that your legislation should be general and universal. That there are no Dissenting criminals who require the consolations of their particular pastors is a fact of which the hon. member' for Sheffield may be justly proud—C" hear, hear," from Mr. Hadfield)—and I congratulate him upon it; but if I were a Dissenting criminal I think I should require the consolation ofsh my allfi m nd ini thatster this iasn is d n a o p d r i o v u i l b e t g w e h w e h n i c t h h i w s i b l Il b e h a e s x e p r a c s i s s e e d we . I hope the house will pass the measure. It is a measure in harmony with all the legislation which this house of late years hashyaesasarnsbcebteeinoennelaodentgoednauc wl t pk h on e n s o es el u df bjects. (Hear, hear.) I am told that it i ntroduces a new and dangerous pr i nc i p l e. wh several years I ask, i s t h e new principle? The principle is one presence the g t h e d e ' s a ta n t of s o d u R wh o f ymiet willc(Hear, be equally Imperilled by their pr esence i n a regi thee h a n hasC C h a u t h r forc o h of England be imperilled by chaplain s i n a gaol, surely hear.) If the presence of a Roman Catholic chaplain m tm English gaol THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, APRIL 21, 1861 be dangerous, surely it is equally dangerous in an Irish gaol? (Hear, hear.) It is too late to take such high ground. (Hear, hear.) The speech of the hon, member who moved the amendment was an excellent speech for the time before Catholic Emancipation or the repeal of the Test and Corporation Act, but it will not do now. (Hear, hear.) In my opinion the strength of the Church of England does not depend upon devices of that kind, but on deeper grounds and on principles which are of a much more enduring nature. (Hear, hear.) The privileges of the Church of England represent popular rights, and as long so they re present popular rights national sympathy will always rally and that great institution. The power of the Church of England and the Protestant feeling of the country will not be supported and maintained by a course of action inconsistent with all our previous legislation, which by placing obstacles in the way of that great scheme for ame liorating the character and condition of our criminal popu lation, will prevent its entire fulfilment, and must thus pro duce consequence injurious to society at large. (Cheers.) Lord PALMERSTON—I am unwilling to detain the house, but, as I have been much alluded to in the course of the debate, lam anxious to state shortly the ground on which, in full consistency with what I have done and said on cormer occasions, I shall give my hearty support to the second reading of this bill. (Hear, hear.) If this question were that which it has been represented to be by many who have taken part in the debate, a question between Pro testants and Roman Catholics, I, who am as sincere a Pro testant as any who oppose the bill, and who, in a fair and honourable sense, am as much an anti-Catholic as they, should undoubtedly oppose a measure which I thought in consistent with the interests of the Protestant Church. But my view of tho bill is entirely different. (Hear, hear,) I think it is a question, not between Protestants and Catho lics but between sound sense and most respectable and honourable prejudice. (Laughter.) There are no prejudices which are more lasting in men's minds than those founded on the perversion of honourable and reasonable opinions. (Hear, hear.) The perversion of the best is often produc t.ve of the worst results. I was in hopes that all preju dices on these matters had been dispelled some 34 years ago when this house resolved upon the longest deliberation,and in consequence of discussion lasting for years, that distinc tion of religious opinions should make no distinction in civil, political, or social condition. (Hear, hear.) Parliament, when it repealed the penal laws ; affirmed substantantially the principle that no danger was to be apprehended to the Protestant faith from the intercourse of Catholic priests with any part of the community. We have affirmed the principle that there is no danger to the Protestant religion in the access of Roman Catholic priests to those who in this and the other House of Parliament are intrusted with the duty of voting on matters which deeply affect the welfare of the nation. (Hear, hear.) We see no danger to the Pro testant Church from a Catholic priest having intercourse with officers and soldiers who bear arms in the service of the country,and on whom the destinies of the nation may depend. Are we, then, to be called on to say that there will be danger to the Protestant Church and the Protestant religion if a Roman Catholic priest have access, not to men within these wall or who bear arms in the service of the country, but to men confined in a prison suffering for their crimes, and whom it is the duty of the State, if possible, to reform ? (Cheers.) To reject this measure would be to act in oppo sition to everything which has been the foundation of the policy of this country for the last 34 years. It has been well argued that it would be a reversal of the policy which has been pursued in regard to the improvement of the con dition of the cr iminal population. There is nothing which has more occupied the attention of men than the means of reforming the criminal during the period of his confine ment. And are Catholic prisoners to he less the objects of our attention than Protestant ? (Hear.) Or is it that you consider the Catholic so hopeless a criminal that nothing can redeem him, and therefore you would let him go out of prison in the same moral condition as he entered it ? That is not the opinion of men who have devoted themselves to the moral improvement of the criminal. (Hear, hear.) But, then, it is argued, he can have the advice of the Protestant clergyman. (Hear.) But will any man who knows any thing of human nature tell me that the advice of the Pro testant clergyman would be as effective as that of the mi nister of his own religion? (Hear, hear.) What are his earliest impressions ? He may forget the precepts of good, but he will not forget the impressions instilled into his mind when he was told that there was something in the Protes tant religion which he should avoid as inconsistent with his salvation. Well, th a t i m pression will remain when the Protestant clergyman comes to give his spiritual advice. Give him, then, the benefit of having advice and consola tion from a man who approaches him with all the advan tages derived from early associations. (Hear.) But, then, I am.told there are complaints. Yes, but complaints which are founded on facts are more powerful than .complaints which are founded on prejudice: We know there are a great many Catholic :prisoners who cannot have access to ministers of their own religion. We are told they do not ask for them. (Hear.) Yes, the man who wants religious in struction most is the very man least likely to ask for it. (Hear, hear.) The very fact that he does not ask for it is the most conclusive proof that he stands in need of it. (Hear, hear.) You might as well say that an ignorant boy at school did not ask for a lesson. (Laughter.) Why, the more he stood in need of instruction the more he would like to go to play and avoid his lessons. (Hear, hear.) So it is with the criminal, the more he needs instruction the less likely is he to ask for it ; and the religious instruc tion which he would receive from a minister of his own faith is that which is most likely to go to his heart, to improve his mind, and to send him out of prison a better man than he was before. (Hear.) There is nothing, I think, unge nerous in endeavouring to take advantage of the compulsory seclusion of a criminal in order to sap the faith in which he was born. (Hear.) I am for all being Protestants—(a laugh)—and if it were possible to conceive such a thing that every Roman Catholic in the United Kingdom should rise up to-morrow a Protestant, I should say that it would be a blessed thing for the country. (Laughter.) But don't let us attempt making proselytes by taking advantage of the seclusion of criminals in a prison to which they have been consigned as well for improvement as for punishment. (Hear.) I hope, then, the house will not go back, as I think they would do by assenting to the rejection of this bill, from that course of policy which we have so long pursued. but that hon. members will feel that, so far from the bill being a danger, it will be a source of strength to the Church of England, by removing a subject of obloquy and reproach. (Cheers.) After some observations from Mr. NEWDEGATE, and a vain attempt of Mr. WBALLEY to obtain a hearing, The house divided, the numbers being— For the second reading ................ 152 Against it Majority ---30 ASSURANCES OF REGISTRATIONS (IRELAND) BILL. On the motion for the second reading of this bill, the de bate, which had been adjourned from April 16, was resumed by Mr. WHITESIDE, who begged the house, before pass ing the bill, to take into consideration its size. It related to the whole kingdom of Ireland, and not only to the land, but to all charges upon the land in that kingdom, He be lieved the Parliament of Ireland had passed the bill of the 7th of Queen Anne because they understood what they were doing. They had passed a bill which had worked well in the kingd o m for the general registration of assurances, and shown sense and discrimination when they passed the law which the house was now called upon to subvert. The complaint he had against the present bill was that it revo lutionised a state of things which had existed in Ireland for a century and a half. The Act of the Irish Parliament pro vided in the clearest manner f.r the registration of memo rials of deeds, and moreover required the registrar to give a very large security against negligence. Why those excel lent regulations were to be abolished he could not under stand. The right hon. gentleman then went through the several acts that had been passed since the Union, and de clared the bill objectionable on two grounds—first, that it was a bill to create Government patronage; and, secondly, that it would enable a " black list" to be drown up by any parties so disposed, in the same way as lists of judgments, &c., were published in England, The hon. and learned gentleman referred to the passing of the Act of the 11th of Victoria, which had proved to be fatally futile, inasmuch as nobody ever resorted to it. In Ireland people had more 1 reliance on a search made at their own request, and for which they paid, than one which had been made in past times. It was upon this mode of registration that a system of jurisdiction was built up in Ireland which had existed for upwards of a century. Every word of the statute of Queen Anne had been expounded by the ablest men who had sat upon the Irish bench, and it had been expounded in the old Irish House of Lords. His great objection then to this bill was that where they had a law settled, ascertained, and adju• dPated upon by the very highest authorities, it was unwise and impolitic, unless there was an overpowering necessity for it, to change the law that was thoroughly understood and well paid for by the gentlemen of Ireland. In defence of the Registry Office, the hon. and learned gentleman challenged the Chief Secretary for Ireland and the S elici tor-General to state a single authenticated instance of irre gularity or neglect on the part of that office. He admitted there were delays in consequence of the vast mass of busi ness cast upon it, but this was all that could be said against it. The hon. gentb-man never made a more unfortunate misstatement than when he said the office was in a state of confusion. On the contrary, the care, precision, and accu racy with which the business was conducted was beyond all praise, and the only man who had imposed on the court by the committal of forgery was the late John Sadlier. The court had arranged one million of memorials with so much care and precision, that any one of them might be found in a very short space of time. The other work was kept up close, and the arrears was a myth, and he considered it was impossible to construct an office that would do the work more safe, secure, and perfect than the one in existence. The right hon. gentleman, alter certain lengthened intro ductory remarks upon what might be termed the history of the case, proceeded to state seriatim his objections to the bill, which were very numerous. He objected to what he described as the patronage clause, under which the nomi nation to some sixty appointments in the new registry office would be vested in the Lord Lieutenant, instead of in the Treasury, and then to the superintendence and management of all the departments being devolved upon the judges of the Landed Estates Gourt. He also refused to assent to the appointment of some thirty or forty temporary clerks being given to the judges of the Landed Estates Court, and likewise to the power of dismissing the registrar and assistant-registrar conferred upon them. The right hon. gentleman went into a Most minute exami nation of the plan according to which registration was to be effected, and pronouncing it dangerous, illusory, and impracticable, called upon the house to reject it. The right hon. gentleman then referrel at some length to the injury that might arise from an erroneous registration of the name of the townland in which mortgaged property was situated. The mortgagee would lose all his money and the attorney might be ill-A for misdemeanour, and no remedy whatever was provided. Considering that in Ire land there were many towns of the same name (in one in stance 13), such mist„kes were very likely to occur. The house divided, the numbers being— For the third reading Against it Majority Sir E. GROGAN gave notice that, when the bill went into committee, ho should move that it be referred to a select committee. After some observations against the bill by Colonel Dunne, Mr. - Whiteside, Colonel Dickson, and Mr. V. Scully, and in its favour by the Solicitor-General and Sir G. Grey, the motion for committing the bill on Monday was agreed to. GARDENS IN TOWNS PROTECTION BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. CHURCH BUILDINGS ACT. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL obtained leave to intro duce a bill to consolidate and amend the Church Building and New Parishes Acts, and the bill was subsequently read a first time. MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS. On the motion of Mr. W. MARTIN, leave was given to introduce a bill amending the laws relating to municipal elections, and the bill was subsequently introduced, and read a first time. The house then adjourned at twenty-five minutes to one o'clock. Mr. Glaisher's Tenth Scientific Balloon Ascent. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN. Sir,.—My short letter of Saturday last informed the public of my intention to make a balloon ascent on that day. Mr. Cowell had partially filled his bal loon the previous afternoon, and resumed the opera tion on Saturday morning, in co-operation with Mr. Ohren, with a view of starting before noon. The at mosphere was thick and misty; the wind on the earth was N.E., but the clouds were moving from the N. with an estimated velocity of 40 miles an hour, and circumstances were not favourable for our reaching an altitude of 5 miles. In all my expe rience I find it takes an hour to reach 5 miles high, and I like an hour to descend, and therefore I want a base of at least 80 miles, with air moving at the rate of 40 miles an hour. About midday a pilot balloon was sent up, which showed the wind to be due north. Mr. Colwell proposed an hour's delay, as the breeze appeared as if it would veer to the north-east, which would afford a longer journey than if we travelled towards Brighton. At 1 p.m. the ascent was determined upon, although it was evident the voyage could not be one of long dura tion, unless we crossed the Channel, but Mr. Cox well said it would not be prudent to do so, unless the balloon were filled, alleging as a reason that excessive elevation is incompatible with great dis tance, and that to cross the Channel it would be necessary to make other and distinct arrangements. We left the earth at lh. 17min. ; within 2 minutes afterwards we were 3,000tt. above the earth, and at lh. 23m. we were one mile high ; the second mile was passed at lh. 29w.; the third at lh. 37w.; the fourth at 2h. Om. ; and the highest point was reached about 2h. 30m. at the height of 4 miles nearly. At 2h. 36m. we passed below 4 miles; the next mile downwards was passed at 2 h. 40w., and at 2h. 46w. we were two miles from the earth, which we reached at 2h. 50w. as presently will be described. Just before leaving the earth the tem perature of the eir was 611 deg.; at the height of one mile the thermometer read 41 deg., but we had passed up so quickly that it is most likely that this reading was higher than the true temperature ; at the height of two miles the reading of the ther mometer was 32 deg.; at three miles the tempera ture was 21 deg.; at four miles, 16 deg., and at the highest point reached was 12 deg., which was the lowest temperature we experienced. The results generally confirm the law as found by the combina tion of all the preceding experiments, viz.:—•' That the theory of a uniform decrease of temperature with elevation must be abandoned." The air was dry before starting, and extremely dry at the height of four miles, as found in all the preced ing ascents. Clouds were reached at the height of one mile, and on passing above them a sea of shin ing white clouds, extending to the horizon, was, as usual, very fine. From 2h. 15m. to 2h. 31w. I devoted myself almost entirely to observing the black line in the solar spectrum. Between these lines the balloou was revolving once in five minutes. I succeeded in adjusting the slit of the apparatus to the sun, and kept my eye to the telescope whilst the balloon completed three revolutions. When the ,ight entered the slit from the sun itself the lines in the spectrum were innumerable; all those I saw before leaving the earth were visible, and many more. The nebulous lines (H) were both seen, and the spectrum a good deal lengthened at the violet end ; at the red end (A) was visible. When the light came from the sky in the immediate vicinity of the sun the spectrum was shorter, but all lines were visible from B to G. On passing from the sun the spectrum shortened very quickly, and when opposite to the sun there was no spectrum—in fact, no light at all. For the purpose of learning something of the action of the chemical rays of light I took slips of sensitised photographic paper, having arranged that similar slips made at the same time should be ex posed at the Royal Observatory, Greenwich, and the amount of colouration in one minute noted every five minutes, so as to have some simultaneous obser vations with experiments I might make in the balloon. The paper in the balloon was exposed to the full rays of the sun, and with this remarkable result, that when above three miles high the paper did not colour in half an hour so much as it did in the ground of the Royal Observatory in one minute, At lb. 47w., at the height of 33,- miles, the solar radiation thermometer accidentally fell over the car, from the sudden displacement of one of my instru ments. I should be obliged by anyone who may pick up its remains informing me whereabouts it fell. We were nearly at the time over Reigate; but as the instrument was enclosed in a vacuum tube with a globe at one end, from which the air had been exhausted, it would not fall very rapidly, and may have fallen between Tunbridge and Reigate, or south of a line joining these places. As the Crystal Palace remained some time in view, it was at first expected that the upper current was not so swift as the lower ; after reaching the height of four miles, and we had determined we were moving directly towards the coast, Mr. Cox well continually applied to me for the reading of the barometer, and directed our companion i s Mr. I.) to keep a sharp look-out for the sea. Immediately after we attained an elevation of 41 miles, Mr. Coxwell let off some gas, and said he felt assured that there was not a moment to be lost in getting within view of the earth. Mr. Coxwell again let off gas rather freely, so that we descended a mile in four minutes. At 2h. 46m. we were two miles from the earth, the bat o meter reading 21.20 inches, when Mr. Coxwell caught sight of Beachy Head, and exclaimed, " What's that ?" and then the coast through a break in the clouds, and exclaimed, " There is not a mo. went to spare, we must descend rapidly and save the land at all risks." It was a bold decision, but we were in a critical position, and I do not see what else could have been done. Mr. Cox well now used the valve with a degree of freedom which would have alarmed any one who had not perfect confidence in his skill. I was requested to pack up my instru ments as quickly as possible, and then to assist in getting ready a large amount of ballast to throw away at the last moment. On breaking through the clouds we appeared to be already over the water, but as the ground came up to us, or seemed to do, we found there was land beneath. Mr. I. rendered important service in letting up the neck lines, and in clearing the ballast far immediate delivery, so as to lessen the violence of the descent. When orders were given to put out sand we did so simultane ously, which gave a favourable check, and as the lower part of the balloon itself assumed a para chute form, the shock was nut so bad as might have been expected. Mobt of the instruments, however, were broken, owing to their delicate construction and my attention being drawn from then, yet, strange to say, two large glass vessels of air, col lected at the highest point for Professor Tyndall, remained uninjured, as did some bottles of lemon ade which Mr. Coxwell had placed in the car. We descended the last two miles in four minutes; and had we had done so less rapidly, the land would have been missed altogether, and we must h ivc fallen into the sea. The descmt was within half a mile of the railway station at Newhaven. Mr. Coxwell's decision and expertness were put to as severe a test as it is possible to imagine, and certainly he is entitled to my best acknowledg _ ments.—l am, &c., Blackheath, April 20. JAMES GLAISTIER. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—Among the general public, as well as in political circles, much interest has been felt in the appointment of a successor to the late lamented Sir G. Lewis. One man surveys the Cabinet or scans the list of Parliamentary veterans to discover whose talents, or length of service, or connections, or sta tion, or influence are likely to enforce his claims to the vacant post; another reflects on what is re quired of a Secretary for War, on the special and almost scientific knowledge which he must apply to his work if he would perform it fitly, on the para mount importance which the office may at any time acquire in case of war, and he asks himself who is the able and laborious Minister who is worthy to be trusted with such great interests. This will be the question that will occur to the world in gene ral, but it is not that which usually suggests it self to party politicians. The fitness of a man for a particular post has generally been little considered. Parliamentary talents, political convenience, or the necessity of rewarding past and encouraging future services, have generally had more weight than mere administrative skill or technical know ledge. In the present case there has, we believe, been some difficulty in coming to a conclusion. The Parliamentary have been balanced against the administrative functions of the states man, and it is only after much consultation that the latter have been allowed to prevail. ThelateSir • G. Lewis, while at the War-Office, was little of an administrator. It may have been that the old theory that any man will do for any post was carried some what too far in his case, for though he had a natural turn for official business, though he made a vary good Chancellor of the Exchequer after having filled with credit several minor posts, yet he seems never to have applied himself congenially to the labours of the War-office. He was to the last, from his general ability and his high reputation, of the greatest service to the Government, and one of its main supports in the House of Commons; but mili tarily details had no attraction for him, and during nearly two years that he presided at the War De partment he was content to leave to his subordi nates all but the most general supervision. Per haps one great reason of this disregard was the con sciousness that in his Under-Secretary he had one to whom he could intrust the whole business of the department. Lord de Grey had some experience of the War Department under Mr. Sidney Herbert before the appointment of Sir G. Lewis, and had made himself so thoroughly acquainted with the details of administration that it may be said the department hardly required its ministerial chief. Such ability as Lord de Grey has shown, however, has not been generally held to merit an immediate reward by promotion in the department where it has been displayed. Statesmen, of course, do not forget such services, and at anyperiod Lord de Grey would have been held to have established his claim to a place in the Cabinet at an early opportunity. But the promotion of an Under-Secretary in his own department has not been the traditi on of Englishparties. On the death of Sir G. Lewis the question arose who should succeed him. Mr. Cardwell would probably have filled the place ably, and being in the House of Commons, it would have been especially convenient to confer the office upon him ; for to find a Secretary of War in the House of Commons has been the chief difficulty of Ministers. The Government is already disproportionately repre sented in the H o use of Lords. The Admiralty i s presided over by the Duke of Somerset, and it is, to say the least, inconvenient that the two Depart ments which between them absorb thirty millions of the public revenue should be represented only by Under-Secretaries in the House of Commons. To make a Peer the Secretary for War would be to transfer another first-class Minister from the Com mons to the Lord s , an d to l eave the two great arms of national defenc e w ith on l y m i nor representatives in the popular branch of the Legislature. But it seems to have b een th oug ht t h at M r. C ardwell ' s political claims did not out weigh the technical know ledge that was to be found in another quarter. Then there was an arrangement which was a good deal discussed out of doors, though we do not believe it was ever seriously entertained in the Cabinet. This was to take Sir C. Wood, who has come to know a good deal about India, from the Department which he has learnt to administer, and place him in the War-office, of which he knows nothing. The Duke of Argyll was then to succeed to India, of which he has had no experience, and Lord de Grey, taken from duties which he understands perfectly, would have the Privy Seal, which fortunately does not require knowledge of any kind. But from this ela borate plan for destroying the efficiency of the pub lie service the country has been spared, and two chief Departments of the State will still be administered by those who have gained by experience a perfect acquaintance with them. To make . the matter short, the Government, after consulting fully on the matter, has determined to postpone Parliam en t ary considerations to the exigencies of the publi c ser vice, and Lord Palmerston will recommend her Majesty to appoint Lord de Grey Secretary for War. We are disposed to think that this arrange ment is the best that could under the circumstances be made. It is certainly to be regretted that both the Secretary for War and the First Lard of the Admi ralty should be in the House of Lords, but the im portance of keeping at the War-office a Minister who has made himself master of the work has been felt to outweigh this inconvenience. The successor of Lord de Grey in the Under-Secretaryship is, we understand, th e M arqu i s of Hart i ngton , w h o will thus, after a very short apprenticeship, leave the Admiralty Board to represent the War-office in the House of Commons. Lord Hartington, it will be remembered, moved the celebrated Resolution which decided the fate of the last Derby Adminis tration, and we have always regretted that he was not at once initiated into official life. He speaks well, and enjoys, besides, the great advantage which high rank and an ancestral connexion with the Liberal party always confer in Parliament. In finding a successor to Lord Hartington, the Govern ment will probably be anxious to invite the co operation of one of the independent Liberals. Should this bo the case, there will, we hope, be no difficulty in obtaining a man fully competent for the post among those who are habitual supporters of Lori Palmerston, without belonging immediately to the Whig pArty. On the whole, we think we may congratulate the country both on the appoint ments we announce and the policy they represent. Lord Palmerston has rightly estimated the import ance of the War Department when, in spite of parliamentary inconvenience, and in spite of the claims of older and not less able politicians, he has advised the Queen to place at its head the Under Secretary, who has had four years' experience of its duties. We are glad, too, to see again what in these latter days has been a rare phenomenon—a Secre tary of State who has scarcely yet reached middle age. It was time that the ranks of the Ministry were recruited from the generation which has arisen since the Peace of 1815. POST.—Our anticipation respecting the . reception which the late proclamation of the King of Den mark would meet from the German Powers has been fully realised. The Federal . Diet hae protest e d against the assertion by the Danish Crown of its sovereignty in the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, and already rumours of a th reatened " execution" have begun to circulate. It iS now apparent that the interests of the Ifolsteiners d o not alone enlist the sympathies of the German Powers, and that a ground for i n t er f erence by the Diet is suppliedin every region where the German language is spoken, The ordinance o f th e D an i s h Ki ng granting a special constitution to Holstein was intended by the Danish Government to fix a line of demarcation between Schleswig and Holstein which might prevent the possibility of any further interference by the German powers, and for this very reason it has of course met with the disap proval of the Diet. Not alone as the Duke of Hol stein, but al so as S overeign of Schlesw i g, i s the Danish King deemed by the great Council of Ger man potentates to be amenable to their jurisdiction, and on such an assumption the grant of certain pri vileges to the inhabitants of the former duchy which are denied to the latter is of necessity con condemned as inconsistent. An issue is now raised which is clear and intelligible, and which must ere long be defini tively decided. So long as the population of Hol stein could show a cause of grievance, so long the interference of the Dii- t in their behalf cGuld at least be jusiified by a reference to the engagements en tered into by the several powers constituting th e i Confederation. It might beindeed that the Duke or Holstein could with justice remind Austria of her misgovernment in Hungary an d V enet i a, or twit the Prussian King upon his novel interpreta tion of constitutional government at home, but still he could not divest himself of obligation formally ,Ind deliberately undertaken. As a matter of fact, the world knows that the great German Powers, though sticklers for constitutional government in , the smaller States of the Confederation, treat their own subjects j oat as they choose. As Duke of Hol stein, therefore, the Danish. King was at all times ' amenable to the decrees which issue from the Nal. - sersa,9 lof Frankfort. In granting to ti - .e. riolsteiners everthing they asked, and everything which the Diet could demand in their behali, the Danish Go' vernment hoped, by removing all pretext for cote' plaint, to render the jurisdiction of the former nuga tory. The Diet have now, however, formally pro ' tested against the assumption by the Danish Sore' reign that by granting to Holstein a liberal constitution he has acquitted himself of his Federal I obligations. The inhabitants of Schleswig must be placed on the same) footing with those of Holstein, and the protectorate of the German Confederation in the foe mer province be unreserved lyacknowledged. ft is, of course, only against Holstein that the "execution" would he directed, but if hostilities once commenced there can he no doubt that its operation would be extended to Schleswig. We consider it as most improbable that the oft-repeated threat would actually be carried out ; but the cu.. cumstance that it is only in Holstein that the Diet assert the right of vindicating their jurisdiction by force of arms ?roves how utterly untenable would be their grounds of interference. Unless Austria or Prussia took part in the movement, the minor German Powers would never attempt to declare war against Denmark. Austria, however, feels too little interest in the Danish Duchies, and is too far removed from the scene of action, to interpose otherwise than by the protest of her representative at Frankfort. Prussia, who has always placed her self in the van of Danish persecutors, may no w be said to have her hands full. At a meeting of the Chamber of Deputies on Friday last the attention of the Government was directed to the ordinance of the King of Denmark. The deputy who introduced the subject demanded on the part of the Ministry a declaration that the engagements entered into by the Danish Government of 1851 and 1852, having been infringed by the late ordinance, should be declared null and void, especially those regarding the succession to the Danish Crown entered into by the protocol of London. Although, however, Herr von Twesten was willing that the protest on the part of Prussia should be formally made, he opposed any attempt to give it a practical effect by an ap' peal to arms. The internal dissensions of the country, he said, rendered war impossible, and the Chamber vehemently applauded his assertion that the House would oppose the employment of force. Count Bis' mark's reply was what might have been expected. An opportunity of having a fling at Denmark, and at the same time of snubbing the Chamber of Depu ties, was not to be thrown away. He considered that the proclamation of March 30 did infringe the assurances previously given by the Danish Govern ment, and that Prussia would forthwith concert with the Federal allies as to the proper course. to be taken. She had already, together with Austria, forwarded notes to Copenhagen, and the Government would take care that the national honour should be vindicated. Aa to the question of enforcing the protests already made, if his Majesty's Government thought it expedient to embark in war, it should so without the assent of the Chamber of Deputies. There is really something positively ludicrous in a Prussian Minister telling the repre sentatives of the Prussian nation, in a breath, that his Sovereign will go to war in order to compel a foreign potentate to respect his constitutional en gagements, even although by so doing he violates in the most outrageous manner the rights of his own subjects. The end justifies the means, and the great champion of constitutionalism in Prussia in" sists on giving political rights to the Danes, even though in his own kingdom he should trample under foot every vestige of civil liberty. Is charity, the King of Denmark may well ask, the only virtae which ought to begin at home ? Notwithstanding , however, the braggadocio of Count Bismark Schott" hausen, we entertain but little apprehension of see' ing the peace of Europe disturbed in consequence of the recent vindication of his sovereign right by the Danish Monarch. The Polish insurrection gains la proportions every day, and the publication of the imperial amnesty has had no other effect than that of swelling the ranks of the insurgents. The Polish question must be settled before that of Schleswig" Holstein can excite anything more formidable than the indignant protests of the German Powers. However divergent may be the opinions of the seve ral German States on other points, there always exists a surp r i s i ng unan i m i ty w h en the su bj ect 0 the Danish Duchies is put upon the tapis. For the present, however, circumstances prevent any et' tempt to enforce claims which all, except the Ger man Federation, agree in considering preposterous. It is not impossible that Prussia may, ere long, b e forced into a war very much against the wishes both of the representatives and of her Government, and she would do better to consider with attention the critical position in which she is placed than seek groundless quarrels with unoffending States. Be; if at any time a Federal execution were determined on, the German Powers would do well to recollect that neither France nor England, nor for that matter Russia, would remain inactive spectators of an at tempt to dismember the Danish monarchy. BY his recent proclamation the Danish King has, in the opinion of every impartial State, more than fulfilled his Federal obligations as Duke of Holstein. M the Sovereign of Schleswig he owes no allegiance to the Diet of Frankfort. It is absurd to say that by giving to the Holsteiners a constitutional govern' ment, and thus doing the very thing which the German Powers demanded at his hands, he be g violated th e engagements entered into 11 years ago respecting the Government of Denmark and the Duchies. Groundless altercations are proverbially termed " German quarrels," but it is not for I: dispute referable to this class that the peace 01 Europe can be wantonly disturbed. COUNTRY MARKETS. COLCHESTER—APRIL 18. At this corn exchange to-day there was a fair suPPY of wheat, which sold a t l ast week ' s prices. Barley nom.10" Beans and peas scarce, and in little demand. Wheat, white ....... 46s 52s Beans, Mazagan..3oB 33° , red ........42 s 48 s m id dle & small.3ss ,„ Barley ....... 35s 42s Peas, white 408 act 4 2: Oats ........ . ...... 20 s 26s gray 35s R—APRIL . To-day there was GLOUCESTE a moderate supply of lB English whea t from the farmers, which sold at the prices of last wee I t; with a fair t ra d e. F oreign wheat in retail demand, at 18 prices. Barley, oats, and beans dull. du 10. Trade very du HE LM 11. No improvement SFOßD—Arnm in last week's prig for any kind of grain. Wheat, old white...3os 53s new ..35s 49s old red....37s 46s new 35s 448 Barley 2'4s 36s Chevalier 2Bs, 39s Grinding ..22s 31s Malt.... 6ls 67s Chevalier . 64s 698 Oats 20s 28s s FeWhas' Partridge '' .. :3 3 9 7 : 41: .Bing ...... 431 35s 38° Ditto new —s Beans, Tick, old 34s 39 : new —s Harrow Ticks 3ss "" 0 new —s ‘,„ Mazagan 3os ov" KIRKCALDY GRAIN —APRIL 18. We had small supplies of wheat, barley, and oats to-dgr: Sales ready. W heat fully is per qr dearer. Barley ratio' higher, and oats much the same as last week. Wheat. Barley. Oats. First....3os Od I 23s Od I 21s Od :Second ..40s Od 26s Od 24s 6d Third ....—s Od —s Od —s Od A PIP [ADVERTISEMENT.] -- Holloway's Ointme n t and - 0 counteract most diseases.—C auses w hi c h determine tie`i health or sickness of l arge commun i t i es sh uld be carefil investigated, and, when possible, they should be rano' Where this is impracticable their baneful effects s h o uld ~."; mitigated by such well-kn own pur ifi ers and healers 7i; Holloway's pills and oint men t. Th ey prove in the he9mt of all sufferers the grea t est b oon when health is the obje e ' of search, and when i mme di ate restoration is the only safe' e . guard against c o nti nued indisposition. Holloway's medies will succeed under the most unfavourable circl i stances in casti ng out all impurities, strengthening ev i o weakness, and regulating any disordered function. medicine can equal them for advancing the public health and protecting delicate persons from unnecessary pail Births. BARTON.—On the 19th inst., at Tottington, Norfolk, P l. George Barton, of a son. FrrzmAunien.—On tha 16th inst., a t Southsea, the wi f e of Lieut. the Hon. James T. Fitzmaurice, dommanch" H.M's.S. Sealark, of a daughter. HARRISON.—On the 19th inst., at 2, Byng-place, Gord° l3' square, Mrs. Thomas Harrison, of a son. WiLsoN.—On the 17th i ns t ., at Blackheath, the wi f e Of Captain John J. Wilson, R.E., of a daughter, Marriages. DATIIAN - -.CUNNINGHAM.— Ou the 18th inst., at St.lqar/ Church, Kingst on , P ortsmouth, Joseph G. Dathan, _ R.N.. to Emma, youngest daughter of th e l a t e Mr. " Cunningham, of Portsea. YOUNGE— rsl aBARKER,—On the 16th in s t., a t H u dde Charles Frederick Younge, Esq., of Thurcroft Yorksh re, and of Forest Side, Westmoreland, to kil3°,lld only daught er o f th e l a t e Willi am Barker, Esq,, of A' derstield, Deaths. CAVENDTSH.—On the 17th inst., at Chiselhurst, the - 11 : 8 1, b , Louisa Cavendish, widow of th e l a t e Wi l li am C a Venu . Esq., and mo th er o f t h e D u k e of Devonshire, age d 8 4 . CARTHEW.— On the 19th inst., a t 64 , B a k er -" Tea, Lon don, Jemima, wife of Major-General M.4,len CartheWf aged 52. DixoN.—Or. the 19th inst., Willi am Di xo n, Esq., 2, percY place, Clapham• roa d, age d 4 2. LUCAS.—On the 18th i nst., at Hightteld, Derbyshire, B. Maynard L ucas , E sq , aged 71. SNVANSTON.—On th e 19 t h inst., at Holly House, Twicken ham , Clement Tudway Swaaton, Esq, Q.C., F it " S.7 aged 81. London : Printed and r ',dished by WILLIAM ANDREI'S' S of No. 112, Strar, Printer, at THE Sox Office, No. 112 Strand, in the A : A I .xinct of the Savoy, in the County 0 1 11111.1t1lesex.—WV a y, Ap r il 21, WI