The Sun. — London, England, 1833-06-22 00:00:00

nIPER !)kRIAAMENT. HO USE O F LORDS, JUNE 21. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack uaamtm after five o'clock. • The Quakers' Affirmation Bill was read a third time.ft The Bishop of LICHFIELD and COVENTE4YO,p7r:i -rented several p e titi ons , f rom p l aces i n hi s di ocese ,NA slavery. The Earl of ABERDEEN said, frosts room circumstances that had transpired, he felt it his duty again to say a few words upon a subject to which he had formerly raked tire , attention of the House. Sometime ago he had felt it lb be his duty, in consequence of assertioils 'Made else 'where, apparently from high anthority, tout the French had made no engagements Ns to their possession of Algiers, to move for the correspondence between the Governments upon the subject, most of which was now on the table of the House. He would say no thing more at present upon them, than that he was will ing to leave them to be interpreted as such language as they contained had hitherto been done by men of honour, sense, and integrity. There were other papery 'to existence which would clearly show that nositive engagements on the subject had been eonfirrfed not only by the King of the French but by his Ministers. The Noble Earl opposite (Grey) had on a former occasion stated that negotiations on the subject were then going on, but he (Lord A.) had recently seen a statement from which it appeared that :.11 negotiations were at an end. Whatever might be his feelings—whatever might be his opinion upon the eolaject, he wished the .Noble Earl to understand that he dhi not in - Ortil to make a notion—.he gave no notice of a motion—he did not even ask a question upon the subject. The Noble Earl had more than once stated his opinions, in which lie (Lord A.) perfectly concurred, that this was a subject of very great importance ; for although Marshal Clausel .5) ight have ridden his bobby a little too high, when be so tree] the colony of Algiers might he as prodttctive to France as the East Indies had been to England, still it could not he doubted that, in the hands of any' European Power, it naught be of very great importance, but more so in those of France, than (a' any other power in Europe. He had formerly declared his intention of giving all his humble aid to the Government in settling this question, in which not only the honour butt the interests of the tountry were much concerned, That honour and those interests were in the keeping of the Noble Earl, and he would to nclude by expressing his hope, that the Noble Earl would come forward and make full Communication to the House, and prove that neither the interests nor the ho near of the country had suffered in his hands. Earl GREY said, that as the Noble Earl had stated it 'not to be his intention to make any motion, or give any notice of a motion, or ask any question, it might probably be considered totally unnecessary on his part to say any thing, but he took it for granted, from what the Noble Earl had stated, that the cause of the communication he had trade was from wLat hail originally appeared in the Paris papers as the state ment of Marshal Clausel in the Chamber of Depu ties. He had certainly read what had passed, lout when he stated, with that exception, he had not received any communication from the legislature of Paris, he thought their Lordships would feel that it Was not necessary for him to enter into any discussion on the subject. All he would say was, that in this, as well as in all other transactions, his Majesty's Ministers would endeavour, Cis far as they could, to act upon views of good nuhey and government, and to support as far as they could, the honour and interests of the country. 'Whenever the time came that this matter should be further discussed, he trusted his Majesty's Mi nisters would be able to show that they had not been nteglectftul of their great and essential duties.—(Hear.) The Marquis of LONDONDERRY was not at all sur prised at this declaration of the Noble Earl, considering how injudiciously the foreign policy of this country bail been latterly managed. That Noble Earl had laid upon the table the copy of a convention between France and this country. He wished to know whether he intended to originate any discussion with respect to that convention, or whether he would name any day on which the subject might be taken into consideration.—(Hear.) The Noble Marquis complained that Great Britain had not been properly represented at Constantinople. In reference to the occupation by the French of Al. giers, he complained that the House had not been informed why that place was to continue so occupied, nor whether his Majesty's Government had taken any steps in the matter. Indeed, the whole of the foreign po licy of this country had experienced a change, but parti cularly as regarded the treaties of Vienna and Paris. Such a change had taken place, under the present Admi nistration, in our foreign affairs, that England was now become the laughing-stock of the rest of the world. The Earl of RIPON thought it would be only wasting their Lordships' time, if he were to discuss all the topics which had been touched upon by the Noble Lord._ (Hear, bear.) He would not now !rake any observations ou the Noble Marquis's remarks on the affairs of Belgium, or the affairs of the East, or of our domestic policy, because there would be other and more fit opportunities to discuss them. Ile must, however, observe on one or two points : first, he did not conceive that it was incumbent on the Government to ask the House to express any opi nion on the Convention which was now laid on their Lordships' table. Such a course, indeed, had never been pursued ; but it was always competent for any- Noble Lord, either in that or the other House of Parliament, to ask for such an opinion.— (Hear, hear.) It was also competent to any Noble Lord to ask for the opinion of Government on a convention, but the present was not such a case. The Noble Mar quis had made some remarks on time Amba;sador at Con stantinople, and also on the individual who preceded him, and in so doing he stated that which he must either have conceived In his own mind, or have read from newspapers, or have been told by other persons as to what had contri buted to delay the arrival of Lord Ponsonby at oastan tinople, insinuating that he was delayed arriving at his pint, hecause he nay looking out for the higher post at St. Pe'ersburgh. Now, there was nut one word of tt tith in that statement, which was, in fact, perfectly gratuitous, and where the Noble Marquis picked it up he (the Earl of Ripon) could not conceive. With respect to the charge against Mr. Mandevide, the Charge d'Affaires, whether anything had omitted to be done which ought to have been done, or whether anything was done ineffi ciently, it certainly was not that gentleman's fault ; lie submitted whether it was just or fair for the Noble Mar quis to make such observations against an individual filling a most important and responsible situation, and who was not in a condition to defend himself. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY had not presumed to make charges against the individuals alluded to. He had only given the general report and he was very glad to have heard that report contradicted by the Noble Earl. The Noble Earl had not, however, takee the spirit of his observations, which was, that those subjects required the deepest consideration of thelleutooand fromwhat occurred the other evening, it was almost impossible for any individual to luring for Ward a motion on our foreign policy. The extra ordinary missions of Lord Durham and Sir Stratford Canning, and indeed all the affairs, not only in the East, but at Madrid and all other parts, required the attention of their LordshiPs; and surely, when they were drawing towards the close of the session, some opportunity ought to be afforded of discussing those subjects. It the Noble Earl who had just sat down would assist trim—(A laugh) —in bringing forward a motion on the subject of our foreign policy, he would undertake to say that he would demonstrate that his Majesty's Ministers had not only failed, but had o debased the high station on which the country had rested. The Earl of WICKLOW begged leave, before address ing himself to the subject of which he had given notice, to move that the Clerk should read the resolution of the House of Comm Ons as communicated to that House on the 18th of this month. The CLERK was proceeding to read the resolution, but Earl GREY objected to that unusual course of preceed ing. The resolution had not been formally communicated, and he therefore objected to its being made the foundation of the Noble Earl's observations. It was competent for him, however, to presume that such a resolution had passed the other House, and to make any remarks on it he chime. The Earl of WICKLOW merely intended to move the reading of the resolution, in order to save their Lord 'flips' time, and the necessity he should be under of explaining it in a more circuitous manner. He knew it might be said that he was bringing the matter forward prema tnrely, and that the subject should not be discussed, until it had come regularly befor e the House, in the shape either of resolutions or of a Bill. He was ready to admit that that regulation on general principles was good, b ut nit applicable universally. There were cases in which it vv.s not only expedient but very desirable that their Lorehhips should have an opportunity of discussing subjects which were in progress through the other House, in the hope that when the feelings of that House came to be kuown through the ordinary channels of communication, an opportunity might be given of so qualifying the mea sures to be sent up, that there might b e a I otter chance of meeting with a favourable reception in that House. This was more especially applicable to money bills, Which, from the different forms and customs of the two Mouses, their Lordellips, if they objected to their prim•ipies „ a sks., and enactments, must at once reje, t, it being il:apotO sible for ,them to amend. In order to place this saihject”. regularly before them, be heeged leave to call tootle recollection of d - et' Lordships that at the corn- Mencement of Ist 'Session, this subject was considered by iGover:nreent of so much importance, that it was men sterd in the speech by his Majesty from the thi - orUi. Irlias proposed in both Houses of Parliatiint that Com eanointedttees should b e immediateiy anointed to enter upon this important attlaiert 7rivesligate it, e x am i ne witnes s es, an d ' make tbsr'ir sport. The Committees immediately assembled, tohalirienced their operations, and made reports to their ios apective Houses. With respect to the liala or %liege 'rri'n'stl*,e, presented in February, he timold say nothing, as he 'bed an opportunity of adVerting upon it at the time it was pre sented) on account of - a Phrase, which had since been productive 'of terSie'a bloodshed. With 'regard to the second report presented to Parliament, ha raUst speak in terms of the highest comosent%tion. Those reports were determined ~ :,tl, after due deliberation upon all their rietaila. He would take the ?;pert' q reading one short extract, the only one tisith which t.:* should trouble the tion-e. It was from the report made to . tne House of Commons. The Noble Earl read the attract, which recommended a Bill to be beought in For the commutation of tithes. At the 'period this recommendation was given he asked Mitiste'ea if it was their intention to introduce those Bills during that session, and he was answered both by the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Grey) and the Noble President of the Council (Lord Lansdowne) that it was. He was, he must confess ) surprised at this answer; but confiding, as he at the time did, in the honour of his Majesty's GovertsrMsn't, he had no idea until the session was at an end that an in tention so expressed would not haVe been 'Carried iato effect. When the first Pill Was ;ntrbduced he concluded that the object of the tioVernmetat was to facilitate the progress of the two other ineasUrf.s; but up to that moment neither nit them hat; been brought forward, and only one of the then Bills recommended by the Committee had passed through the Houses of Parliament.----(Hear.) He knew he should be told by tome member of the Government that they had a multittoie of other and more weighty business to attend to, for he did recollect the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack rising on a former occasion and with great self complacency enumerating the vast number of measures which the Government had under considera tion, and saying that any one of those questions was greater than any former Government would have been able to grapple with, though the Government with which he was connected would not shrink limn the mighty task, but would perform all this herculean work, and bear this world of labour alone and unsustained upon their own shoulders. It was, however, strange that, although the Government could not find time to bring forward either of the Bills to which he had alluded, they had given them selves leisure to concoct another project embracing every measure except those great and important ones to the in troduction of which they pledged themselves in the last session. —(Hear, bear.) He had now stated the position .in which the matter stood up to the present time, bur, ' without reading the resolutions which had been commu nicated to their Lordships, and to which he referred, would as brie-fly as possible explain their purport. They proposed that the Houses of Parliament should justify the Government in ceasing to enforce the payment of tithes, and concur in advancing a sum of money equal in amount to the property of the clergy for three years, namely, for two years' arrears of tithes, and the tithes which would accrue during the present year. This advance it was fur ther proposed should be repaid by the imposition of a land tax ; hut it was not a little remarkable that in no part of these resolutions was it stated how or from whom the tax was to be levied ; whethr r from the defaulters or plun derers, who had by violence exempted themselves from payment to the clergy of their just dues or debts, or from the proprietors of the soil, who had always supported the rights of the church, and done their duty to their coun try.—(Hear, hear.) It was, however, obvious that the tax was not to be raised from the occupier or defaulter, and that the debts due to the Crown were still to be en forced, but under another name, and that, too, for no better reason than a desire on the part of the Govern ment to conciliate certain p trties to whom they had long been crouching, and for whose approbation they might in vain seek. But surely it ought to have been set forth in the proposition by whom the tax was to he paid, whether by the lord of the soil, the into landlord, or the occupying tenant. But the measure had been introduced in a crude, undigested, unformed shape, like every other proposition brought forward by the Government. He would take the case of individual landlords who had acted under the provisions af the Bill of the last Ses sion. By that Bill every landlord who took the burden of paying the tithes upon his own shouldera was entitled to 15 per cent, for the risk he would incur in collecting the arrears due by his tenants; but before he had an Op portunity of enforcing his claims these resolutions were adopted, and orders sent over to Ireland by the Govern ment, directing all proceedings under that Act to cease. This was nothing more nor less than a declaration that tithes were a nuisance. But what provision was made for the protection of lay impropriators, now that tithes were to he regarded as a nuisance that should no longer exist ? This was a point on which a Noble Marquis now sitting on one of the cross benches was interested, and which might induce him to vote with those who opposed the measure, for the Noble Marquis would not, he thought, fail to recollect that this was not the case of Don Pedro against Don Miguel, hut of property against spoliation. But, passing over the situation in which the landlord and the lay impropriator were to be placed, he would ask what the position was in which the clergy themselves would stand if the proposition of the Government were acted upon ? He would defy any man who reflected for a moment on the provisions of the measure to deny that its operation would be most in sidious as regarded the Church Establishment, or that its object was, by offering a tempting bribe, to induce the clergy to surrender up their vested right to titles, which were as stable as the soil out of which they arose, and [ouch more ancient than the titles by which their Lord ships enjoyed their respective estates. But he begged it might be understood that he did not attribute the attack which ti.e Government had made on the Established Church to malevolence, or that his Majesty's Ministers we•e not desirous of maintaining the Protestant ascen dancy ; but what he intended to say was, that if, when as suming the reins of power, the Members of the Govern ment had conspired to overthrow the Protestant religion in Ireland, they could not have taken more effectual measures for that purpose.—(Hear.) From the moment they entered office the system of attack which had b. , en made upon the Church had gained rapid ground; and now that the clergy were deprived of their property, and had been reduced to the last extremity of conceivable dis tress, was the moment chosen for making them an offer of three years' income, in order that they might be induced to sacrifice their right to tithes, and become mere eccle siastical pensioners of the State. At the period the pre sent Administration came into office the resistance given to the payment of tithes was hardly perceptible. He (Lord Wicklow) was prepared for the taunts which his observations might draw forth from Noble Lords on the Opposition benches ; but, even if he were to stand alone in the endeavour, he should, whenever the necessity occurred, boldly and fearlessly rise in his place in that House, or elsewhere, to vindicate and uphold the rights of all chassis of his fellow -countrymen.—(Hear, hear.) If the proposed measure were to benefit the clergy, he for one would not sanction it, because he thought it w ould be un just; but when he knew its ohject was to delude them out of their rights by means of a bribe, anti to violate the laws of property, he should feel it a duty of conscience to give it every resistance in his power.—( Hear, hear.) He might almost say that as yet he was the only person who had raised his voice against the proposition of Mi nisters, for had not these resolutions been carried in the other House of Parliament by a large majority ? Now he wished to profess all due respect for the wisdom of the House of Commons. When they decided upon the atm. lition of the malt tax he respected their vote ; and be equally respected their vote when, in a night or two after, they declared that the malt tax should continue.—(Hear, hear.) In short he respected alike all their votes. But he must confess he was surprised that no person possessing property, and notwithstanding the Reform Act there were still in the House of Commons persons of property, had risen to protest against this Bill. The Noble Earl concluded by moving for a return of all sums of money collected under the provisions of the Act of the last session passed for the purpose of facilitating the recovery of tithes in cer tain cases, and fur the relief of the clergy. The question having been put, Viscount MELBOURNE ruse, not to complain of the Noble Earl's availing himself of that opportunity to state his objections to the resolutions, but to deny that the word "extinction" contained in the Report of the Com mittee on Tithes had produced either evils or bloodshed. That word merely rebrred to measures on the subject that %sere in prospective. It was undoubtedly true that only one of th e three Bills recommended by the Commit tee bad been passed; but was there not a very ample ex• cuse for the delay that bath taken place when they con : t i t e e r eodf Ireland postur e re With i p t h r l e ic s .t p a ee ff : i t r o s t i h n e c ß o i n i i n e fo c r t i o e s n t a w b • i t s h b i t n ?: g e ecclesiastical corporations, he begged to say that the Go vernment did not mean to persevere in that part of the plan, because upon inquiry they had found that the clergy themselves were opposed to it. The Noble Earl had talked of the complaisance of his (Lord AL's)Noble and Learned Friend on the Wools , ck; but he (Lied Alelliourne) woAl knot enter upon a warfare of sarcasm with the Noble VP, although, talking of complaisance and self-eatisfacolon; the Noble Earl seemed just es ratitt.:aed araul delighted with the varied.powara 1:e had developed on that occasion as Vat'Oisaos was when, on looking at the reflection of his lace in the fountain, he found it more beautiful than he imagined it to have been.—(Hear, and a laugh.) Bttt be. ( Lord Melbourne) would poraue the conduct of a Certaiii ancient, who, being abased by a talkative fellow, said, J will not 'ente'r tilpo'n a conflict of words with yoU, for the Cont e st Would lie unequal, as you Met:ely use to other the langUage .that is used towards yourself."— (Hear, hear.) The Noble Earl had complained that the Bill of last session took away from the clergy their rights ; but that was not the case, for the remedies which the common law furnished were still open to them. Under the Act of the last session a sun of la,oool. was due to the crown for arrears of tithes, but of this amount only 1.?„000t. hay been r ecovere d, a l t h oug h th e ex p enses i n _ carred in levying even so much greatly exceeded the sum received.—(Hear, hear.) Well, then, taking this matter into consideration, and that tenants at will, tenants front year to year, and leaseholders under twenty one years, would be relievell- The Earl of WICKLOW—That was not so. Viscount MELBOURNE—At all events a great part of the occupying tenantry would be relieved from the payment of tithes; lint whether the plan was wi,e or prudent one thing was certain, and that for the as,tha ti t in i e t h b a l met with alm os t u n i versa l approbation, arrived when disputes respecting tithes must be pat an end to altogether. The Noble Earl had asked what was become of the landlords who had undertaken to pay the tithes themselves ? Why, they would remain in the situation they were in at present, and have their remedy against their tenants as in all ordinary cases of contract. He denied that the clergy would give up their rights, or that the safety of the Protestant Church would be en dangered ; but lie at the same time could not think the right to tithes as stable as the land itself with such facts as he had before him. The time had arrived for putting a stop, if possible, to the disorders existing in Ireland, and bringing this question to a satisfactory adjustment; but, though he wished to s-e all disabilities removed from Roman Catholics, he was a sincere friend to the church, and considered that Protestantism should he the esta blished religion in Ireland.—([fear, hear.) If the House would only take into consideration the difficulties and embarrassments against which the Government had to contend, Noble Lords would be at once convinced that in proposing and acting upon those resolutions the Govern ment had acted wisely, and deserved approbation instead of censure.--(Hear.) The Duke of WELLINGTON said that the explana tion or speech of the Noble Lord who had just sat down %seas perfectly unintelligible to hint, and, he believed, to most of their Lordships. With respect to the arrears due in 18:30, the Noble Lord was mistaken in supposing that they could be recovered by the clergy. The fact was not so, and unless the 'Act of the last session was repealed those arrears might be considered as extinguished. He complained that the Noble Lord had not stated whether or not the Act of last session was to be repealed. That was a point upsn which information was absolutely neces sary, and none whatever had been given. According to the report which had been laid before the House`, the tithes in Ireland for the most part did not exceed Is. an acre, and in no case hardly went beyond 2a. an acre. He was speaking of the effect practically. Now, there were among the Noble Lords opposite some of the largest landed proprietors in Ireland, and he should like to know from them how they would like to be called upon to pay, not Is. or 2s. an acre, but 6s. or 7s. an acre, and that for the last three years?—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) Then, again, how were the landlords to col• lect the tithes for which they were thus to be made to pay in a land tax ? Were the tithes to be collected as rent, or were the landlords to be invested with the legal power which had heretofore belonged to the Clergy? These were all important points, and they were all among those matters upon which the Noble Secretary of State had given no explanation. Then the Noble Secretary of State had adverted to the difficulties with which the sub ject was beset. He admitted the exis'ence of these diffi culties, but he contended that they were mainly to be attributed to the neglect of the Government during the first year it was in office.—(Cheers.) At first the oppo sition to tithes was actually nothing, but it was allowed to go on until it became serious; and that result was to be attributed to the conduct of the Government. If the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, instead of pardoning the per. sons first convicted of creating an unlawful resistance to the collection of tithes, had suffered the law to take its course—(Hear, hear)—and if the Government, instead of promoting and encouraging the person who was called the great Agitator of Ireland, had inflicted on that person the punishment the law awarded to hint ; and if the Government haul not pardoned those whose avowed and notorious objects was to defeat, to obstruct, and to subvert the law, then there would have been no necessity for the hard measure the Government now called upon the House to deal out to the Irish landlord.— (Hear, hear, hear.) If their Lordships wished to learn to whom the conspiracy against tithes was mainly to be attributed, he referred them to the evidence of the Arch bishop of Dublin, anti he did so the more readily because he believed that the Government placed much confidence in the opinions of that Right Rev. Prelate; and he cer tainly ought to be considered as an authority. The Arch. bishop of Dublin attributed the disturbances against tithes mainly to the Roman Catholic clergy—(Hear, hear)—par ticularly to one of that body whose name was mentioned by the Right Rev. Prelate.--(Hear, hear.) The sam e authority also stated that the opposition to tithes did not arise from distress among the people, but from the hatred against tithes by the Roman Catholic clergy, tithes being regarded as a !lure maintenance of the Protestant clergy.— (Hear, hear.) The first tithe disturbance occurred in November, 1830, and very soon after it was known, in January, 1831, he reminded the Noble Earl (Grey) that the Proclamation Act would expire at the close of the then session. The Noble Earl said that that Act should be renewed. It was not, however, renewed, for the Par liament was dissolved in April, without the Government having taken any one step to renew it. The Parliament was again assembled in June. Even at that parsed not a word was said about there being any conspiracy against the payment of tithes, although at the very time when his Majesty's speech was delivered the affair of Capt. Graham had occurred, and was known to the Government in this country. Not a word, in fact, was said by the Govern ment upon the subject until December, 1831, when that unfortunate paragraph was inserted in his Majesty's speech which had called forth so much discussion and regret. Now he asserted, and wou'd maintain, that if the Go vernment had set seriously and earnestly to work to put an end to the conspiracy the moment it was discovered, they must have succeeded, for a Government was always strong against a conspiracy —(Hear)—the property would have been safe, and the Legislature would not have been reduced to the necessity of giving compensation to one class of holders of property for property destroyed at the expense of another class of holders of property.—(Hear.) He entreated their Lordships to bear constantly in mind, and to impress the fact upon all with whom they came in communication, that if one man conspired to deprive an other of his property he must, if he succeeded, eventually be despoiled of his own.—(Cheers.) He hoped to hear from some Member of the Government an explanation, at least more clear, if not more satisfactory, than that given by the Noble Sec etary of Sate. - Viscount MELBOURNE explained. He had ❑ever charged the Protestant gentry as a body with having as sisted the conspiracy against tithes, but he had said, as was the fact, that Protestant gentlemen bad presided at anti-tithe meetings. Earl GREY said that to the motion of the Noble Earl he had no objection to offer; he could have none; but to the speech of the Noble Earl he had every objection to take. But the Noble Duke complained of the indistinct ness of the explanation of his Noble Friend (Viscount Melbourne), but be must say that neither the speech of the Noble Duke nor that of the Noble Earl was remark able for clearness and precision ; and that circumstance is as the almost necessary consequence of the mode in which the discussion was originated. If the Noble Duke had awaited until the fair and proper time had arrived for the discussion of the measure, there would have been no ground for his complaint, or at least the censure of the Noble Earl and of the Noble Duke, if it had been called for, would have been justified.—(Hear.) Thus cir cumstanced, he could not at that moment pretend to go fully into the measure ; to discuss its details without the Bill before hint would be impracticable, and therefore, like his Noble Friend, he might fall . under the censure of the Noble Duk e . F rom the recent 'ul (lat e; th a t suc h a thing had nev e r been heard of until l ate l y. The speeches their Lordships had heard f rom the Noble the Ea oppositionrlaod th to tithes eNfble Dukew,a: of it would be im ag i ne d t h at con trary, however, was the case. There h a d l ong b een a set ions oppo s ition to the collection o f t i t h es i n Ireland, and he appealed to those who had resided longest and were the hest acquainted with the condition of that cottony, to confirm him in that stitement. The oppo sition to tithes there had not commenced during the existence of the present Administration ; but it had gone on for a long series of years accumulating, and it was the lot of the present Government to have to deal with it.— (Hear.) Nor was that the fact only with respect to tithes. Of many other questions the same might he said; end he Shooid have occasion to advert more fully to the point, when the various matters came under considera tion. But with respect to tithes. When the Noble Duke was in power an attempt was made, a Bill was introduced, to set at rest the disputes abort tithes in Ire land, but the Governor~ tit ;;eased assistance; and the Bill wag out. this oppo - sitinn.S - --this Cohspiracy now eXttting, began lOng before the Noble Duke left oflice The Duke of WELLINGTON --No; it began in November, 1830. Rail GREY—In the beginning of November, 1830. The Duke of WELLINGTON—,No; on the 28th of November, 1830. Earl GREY sail, that hotvever that might be, there could he no doat that on various occasions opposition had been given to the collection of tithes before the pre sent Government came into office. The fact was, that Ireland was divided into two parties, and because the Go vernment, would not give the supremacy to either it was opposed by both.—(Hear.) fie asserted that the Go vernment, in its attempts to maintain tranquillity and the law, had not been more opposed by those the Noble Duke called agit itors, than it had been by those who might have been supposed to hive been interested in taking a very different course. He had a right to make that complaint, for a similar one had fallen front the Noble Doke when he Was compelled to admit the good results lie had fondly anticipat e d from the Roman Catholic Relief Bill had not teen realized. He denied that any favour or encourage ment had been shown by Government to the individual alluded to by the Noble Duke. That that individual pos sessed great influence it waa impossible to doubt, and he again regretted that that influence and the eminent talents with which he was gifted should not have been used to promote the best interests of his country. The charge, however, now urged by the Noble Duke, had often before been stated and refuted. The fact was simply this—the individual alluded to had not been punished because, in the opinion of the law advisers of the Crown, there was no law existing under which he could be punished. He admitted that the Noble Duke had asked him, in 1831, whether or not it was intended to renew the Proclamation Act, and in reply lie had stated it was ; and such then was his intention, but a prorogation was suddenly found necessary, and the renewal did not take place. When the Parliament aeain assembled, there were of er and highly important matters pressing for consideration ; an i besides he was ready to admit, that he ha-I hoped the state of Ire -1 tnd would not hove rendsied the re-enactment of the dropped measure necessary. But unjust as that accusation was, what was it to the accusation of the Noble Eail, who asserted that every measure the Government bad brought forward had for its object to conciliate the indi vidual referred to? Was the Coercion Act, as that mea sure was most improperly called, of that description ? Or were any of the subsequent measures? If they were they had produced a very contrary effect, for the only return they had product d was that of this individual taking every opportunity to designate the Government as a brutal, bloody and corrupt Administration.—(Hear.) Now he was prepared to encounter the enmity of that person, to gether with that of those who, though opposed entirely to him in politics, appeared to agree in an attempt to over throw the Government, and in doing so to form a combi nation in a total disregard of all those principles which they proposed to hold to he essential to the safety of the State ; he was prepared to meet the combined enmity of th e two parties, and still to persevere in his efforts for the public good. The Noble Earl had complained that the recommendation of the Tithe Committee had not been en forced. One recommendation, that ofa fair and compulsory composition of tido s, had been enacted; and it would be one of the objects of this measure to extend to the end of the year the option of the landlords to take upon themselves the collection. The second reconunendation was given up, be cause on consideration it was found to be so objectionable as to be worse than useless. The third recommendation it was true was delayed, but no it convenience would arise om the delay, and it would be persevered in. He then came to the resolutions. The Noble Duke shortly de scribed it as extinguishing one class of property, and com pensating for the extinction by laying a tax upon another class of property. In his view it was no such thing. And in that description he found another proof of the propriety with which the Noble Duke might have waited until the measure was fairly introduced before he commenced his attacks on it. What was the class of property to he abo lished ? Surely not tithes. There were three years of tithes due, and the Bill proposed not to abolish tithes, no, hut to insure the payment of what was due by another mode of proceeding. His object was, not to deprive the Church of any of its rights, but to secure those rights as fairly as and in the best way possible. Well, the Church had a clear indisputable title to the payment of tithes, and it was to insure that payment the Bill was devised. Ile confessed that it was au evil step from the ordinary course of law for the security of any property, but under the cir cumstances he thought the deviation not only justifi able but necessary. He had hoped that the measure of last rear would have succeeded, but it had not ; for, as his Noble Friend had stated, out of 104,0001. due for tithes only 12,0001. had been collected under the Bill, and that at an expense exceeding the amount received. He had said the Bill of last session had failed ; in proof of that he would refer to an abstract lie had in his pocket, and it would clearly show the correctness of his position. That abstract was drawn from Returns laid before the other House of Parliament. It gave a summary of the law pro ceedings under the Bill of last Session, and when the result was heard, and it was also known that at. the present moment a process could not he served, a notice issued, or a summons delivered without the attendance of a body of police or of troops, he thought it would be admitted that the Government had taken the only course properly open to them. He would ask the Noble Duke—(Here the Noble Earl highly eulogised the Duke of Wellington)—as a friend of the army, whether it was desirable it should be employed in enforcing the payment of tithes ? But to the abstract he had mentioned. The Returns were up to February, 1833, and it appeared that up to that time there had been 30,000 decrees, 1,258 attachments, 236 proclamations, and 52,826 summonses. He was not one of those who wished to disparage the powers of the law, and under any circumstances to admit that it was incompetent to effect its purpose, but in this matter there was much to prevent perseverance. The cases in which the amount claimed was not more than Is. were no less than 4,684, and the aggregate of the money claimed in those cases was 1151. 16s. 7d. Then he asked whether it was advisable to continue such a state of things, or at once to seek to substitute a better ? Under these circumstances the Go vernment thought it right to stop proceedings ; but it could not do without seeing how the debt should be paid. The measnre was not one of choice, and if any Noble Lord would propose a better he should be ready to adopt it. There was no property extinguished; but there being this debt, on whom ought it to fall ? Could it fall upon any one with so much propriety as upon the landowner ? And he staked the Noble Earl, who professed to regard the main tenance of the church as a sacred duty, whether he would begrudge the trifling charge which this measure would throw upon him in order to support that Church ? He proposed that the Government should pay the money due to the clergy, and that the Government should be repaid by a land tax. Of course various provisions would be necessary to carry that into effect, which he should be pre pared to go into when the Bill was before their Lordships. The land tax for this purpose was to he paid in such a way as to give to the landowners five years to repay the amount now due to the clergy on account of tithes. It might be said, if the clergy could not get the tithes how was the landlord ? But Le thought that a land lord had much more likelihood of being success ul than the clergyman. It might certainly happen in some few cases that the party who ought to pay the tithe was gone, but that would be the case equally with the clergy man, and he thought a per centage ought to be allowed by the clergy to the landowner on account of irrecover able debts. These were the outlines of the measure, and although he was not one of those who presumed to con• elude that his own forethought was faultless, still he trusted it would be found not to be so imperfect or so ob jectionable as to require the Legislatur e to reject it. When referring to the abstract he should have stated that the total number of proceedings which had been taken was 83,364 ; that there were 20,931 respecting which no proceedings whatever had been taken, and that the charge for proclamations alone was 7,367/. 14s. He hoped that no party or personal consideration would weigh with their Lordships in the discussion of this measure, or prevent them from giving it that favourable consideration to which he thought it was entitled. Time Earl of RODEN could not acquit his Majesty's Ministers of being, in a great degree, the cause of the resistance of the payment of tithes in Ireland. They were greatly to blame for many of the measures which created disturbance in that country. Had they not al lowed to continue in the commission of the peace those who had presided at anti-tithe meetings, and had they not by such conduct encouraged such meetings ? The Noble Viscount said that the Protestants of Ireland had not at their meetings said anything about tithes, and it had been inferred front that circumstance that the Pro testants of Ireland were opposed to them. This was not the cave; and so tar from its being the case, there were no persons who would go further in support of the clergy, and in maintaining the !awe, than that very body to which the Noble Viscount had alluded. The Marquis of WESTMEATH thought it was a mistake not to have given the Tithe Composition Act a general and permanent operation. It was a mistake to suppose that the amount of tithes in Ireland was the cane of hostility to them. The amount was not so touch felt as the appropriticn of them waa obnoxious to the Ca ,who entertained an inveterate hostility to titlys. The LORD CTIANCELLOR should not have risen if it were not for an ,alluaion which had been made M his Noble Friend (the Lord Chancellor of Ireland), who had been accused of having given promotion to a certain proaeinent member of the Itisli bar. So far was he from shrinking from the ,defence his ,Noble and Learned Friend that he challenged iriniry, and claimed hia share of the responsibility of having ccnferred such promotion. It was not an act of Government favoir, but an act of justice, or, he would rather say, a matter of right. Any member of the legal profession who was this tinguished by his talents and the extent of his knowledge had a right to precedence, and withholding such promo tion from such a person would not only be an act of in justice to the individual but to the profession at large; and to the clients attending the Courts. The Duke of WELLINGTON had always understood that professional prometioh or adVancement *as the gift of the Ci a and Was a matter of grace and favour. In this opinion, it would appear, front the statement of the Noble and Learned Lord, he was mistaken, and that the advancement was a mere matter of course and a right. Their Lordships now had the statement from a person more capable of judeing than he was, and he presumed it must be taken as an authority. The LORD CHANCELLOR said, the Noble Duke was tight in thinking that the professional advancement was partly a matter of fivour. But in such a case as the one referred to, when a man stood at the head of his profession, it was so much a matter of course that the withholding it would be an act of gross injustice, not only, as he had said before, to the individual himself, but to the profession, and to the public, who, as &kilts, had a right to the services of their advocate, and that that ad vocate should be placed in such a position as his talents and practice entitled him to. Lord WYNFORD, who was almost inaudible, was uuderstoo I to say, that 170 professional merit would en title an objectionable person to promotion at the Bar. The Earl of WICKLOW replied, after which the mo tion was &A re, d to. LOCAL JURISDICTION BILL. The order of the day for going into Committee having been moved, Lord LYNDHURST thought it necessary to have the whol e of the Bill printed and in possession of their Lind ships before they proceeded to any farther discussion of its details. This Bill was recommended to their Lordships for its simplicity, but they had no means of judging of its merits unless they had the whole Bill before them. He should have no objection to a recommitment of the Bill pro forma, by which course the schedules might be re duced and printed for their Lordships' use. The LORD CHANCELLOR thought it a most in convenient and irregular course to postpone the discussion of the B II merely for the purpose of printing the schedules which formed no essential part of the Bill, and which did not in the most remote degree affect its principle. There was no principle whatsoever involved in these schedules, and he had some doubts in his own mind as to the neces sity of including them at all in the Bill. One of them merely suggested a form of judgment, another prescrit,ed formula of pleading ; in fact they were all rather of a directory than a compulsory character. The particulars cf these schedules would be explained in Committee, and would come in, as all schedules did, at the end of the Bill. Satisfied as he was that they did not involve any principle of the Bill, and that they might be left without impairing its efficiency, he hoped their Lordships would proceed to the discussion of the Bill. Lord WYNFORD hoped his Noble and Learned Friend on the Woolsack would consent to the postponement of this Bill until the schedules were printed. Lord LYNDHURST said they were about to discuss the details of this Bill without having these details printed, or even known to their Lordships ; and he appealed to the experience of their Lordships whether such a course had ever been adopted in that House Earl GREY thought that if the schedules were deemed necessary to the Bill, it was only in Committee that they could he propcseil. _ . Lord ELLENBOROUGH sail the Nob!e Earl seemed to forget that they had already been in Committee on this Bill. His Noble and Learned Friend had no objection to go into Committee pro .forma, with the vies' to having the schedules printed; and surely it would riot beton much for their Lordships to expect that they should be printed before they were to be discussed. The LORD CHANCELLOR said the Noble Baron was qui•e right in saying that they had been already in Com mittee, and that was a reason why they should go into it again. It would be a matter for his (the Lord Chancel lor's) consideration, whether he should not so frame the Bill as to render the schedules unnecessary. In the mean time, they might go on with the discussion of the other clauses, and he should put his Noble and Learned Friend in possession of the schedules, which would enable him to pre pare himself for their discussion. He hoped his Noble and Learned Friend evou!d not oppo.e the going into Committee. Lord LYNDHURST said his first proposition was to go into Committe, pro forma, with the view of getting the schedules printed. Earl GREY—Then why not go on with the other clauses? Lord LYNDHURST—Because I, for one, am unable to discuss those clauses without knowing the effect of the schedules. Others may be en %bled to go on to their own satisfaction with the discussion of the clauses without the schedules ; I confess I cannot. Their Lordships then resolved into Committee. The LORD CHANCELLOR said that if he then consented to a postponement of the clauses it would be with a distinct understanding that no further postpone ments should take place. He would not propose that the schedule of fees should he insisted on. Lord LYNDHURST said that his Noble and Learned Friend could not make the alteration now, because the schedule formed part of the Bill, which was not yet printed. The LORD CHANCELLOR said that this was the very stage in which any alteration might be made. After a few words from Lord Lyndhurst the Bill was committed pro forma, and ordered to be further con sidered on Monday next. 'flir House then adjourned at a quarter past nine t Monday next. HO USE OF COMM ONS, JUNE 19. The SPEAKER resumed the chair this evening shortly after five o'clock. A message from the Lords brought a request that the Hon. House of Commons worth' communicate to their Lordships the reports of the Special Committees which b at in It;31 and 1832 on the Elk India affairs. The Marquis of CHANDOS brought up the report of the Sale of Beer Committee. In laying it upon the table, he slid he would accompany it with an earnest recommen dation to the Right Hon. Gentleman, the Under Secretary of State, to take the report of the Committee into his earliest consideration. Mr. G. LAMB said it was already late in the session, and he could not pledge himself to any immediat e mea sures. He was assured that the Committee had paid every attention to the subject, and from what he had been informed, believed their report would exhibit evidence that would more strongly call upon the Government to in ike some amendment in the law. The subject would he re verted to as soon as possible by his Majesty's Government. Mr. SLANEY could say, as a member of the Com mittee, that the evidence would be found fully sufficient to call for a very early alteration in the exist ing law.—(Herr, hear.) He would add his strenuous recommendation to that of the Noble Marquis, that his Majesty's Government would take up the matter without delay. The nirquis of CHANDOS then presented petitions against the Irish Church Reform Bill, from the Archdea• cowry of Buckingham, and the clergy of Cork. CHAPEL REPAIRS. Mr. HUME presented a Bill to amend the law re• lating to the repairs of chapels. Read a first time, and to be read a second time on Wednesday next. CHURCH TEMPORALITIES (IRELAND) BILL. Mr. Secretary STANLEY moved the order of the day for the House going into Committee on the above Bill. Mr. FINN wished to ask whether there was any truth in a rumour that had got abroad, that the Government had entered into a compromise with the Tory oppositio n upon the subject of this Bill, by agreeing that all the pro perty should be appropriated exclusively to ecclesiastic a l purposes ? - Mr. LITTLE FON said that as they would soon have the clause of the Bill relating to that point before them, the Hon. Member would perhaps wait till he came to it for the gratification of his curiosity. The House then resolved itself into a Committee on the Mr. BERNAL put the 119th clause with the follow ing amendment, that after the words " Archbishop or Bishops," the words, " and other Ecclesiastical Corp°. ration's," should he inserted. Mr. G. EVANS ItA.l given notice, that after the %lords " Archbishops or Bishops," the words, " and Dean and Chapter of Christchurch," should he insert, d !htougio ut. Mr. STANLEY thought the Hon. Gentleman's in. tention was better fulfilled by the words of the original I e° amendment, because, as th ey i nc l u d e d a l- Corpor l tions, they would of necessAy 11, amns and The clause, ail Originally tiniended, was them tai Clauses 120, 121, 322, and 123, were 4 amended verbally, without any discussion. ii, o l The 124, 125, 126, 127, 12 8, 12 9 , 134 clauses were ;h, n agreed. to, O fot On the 152 d cimise king moved, which le ip mode of valuing the land under Bishops' les' o to sell it, and which prequibes. that i m prove on-the land shall, : he taken into considerationfr,, Lord OXMANTOWN moved an ainen4o2 4 ing that the valuation should be made ac com ot custom of the dioc ese —th e o bj ect o f w hi c h 'c v vent impr o v e m en t s ma d e on t h e l and—suc h planting, being included in the valuatioa• On this amendment, a long and desultory took place. Almost all the Members for Irela ° ing bo'h Mr. Sh aw an d M r. O' Connell, s "Pr , amendment. Mr, St an l e y, t h e S o li c i tor G' Dr. Lushington opposed it. The Committee divided_ Ayes . Noes 4a that ly Lni,r i 1 ": 11 th thew them e the Hi Majority The amendment was, we beli?ve, carried. 0 The clauses Of th e Bill f rom 133 to 117 'Cee' after som e ver b a l amendments, agreed to, with ti: 1 , lion of c l auses 136 an d 138, which were struc li° o i Mr. STANLEY sa id the I , Oth clause was e l l t objected to on the core of principle. When ° t. to the 110 h c l ause ( a post !toned one), he 011 ...0 that the effect of it Would be bere'elleiel to Ireland and to the support of the Protestant relig i o knew that with re s pect ti , t h e 147th clause, in ;Id disposal of a sum of money was c incerned, the" iii a great difference of opinion on both sides of tb e ,„..p and there were some of his own frietids who e l l.) it, as they considered it involved an alienation vt ut i proFerty,—.. Hear, hear.) Th e construct i on be P the tenden c y o f t h e c l ause was very different, f° r . l y ,( Hot see that it involved in any way the alienatic ° property. What was bona fide the property It chi c:i was n:.t at all touched. T• ei e was, b e J both in that H ouse an d out of it, a se ong feeling: i sect to the ali enat i on o f c h urch property.—( lllr o aed No, no.) Th e y wou ld h ave to consider tchto be the purch a s e money ar i s i ng out of the sales ° et tuitits—whether the surplus would amount to Olel ex ens, and to see 1101 V it could be applied. With rltoi tb., disposal of money, he could not help inentionial prise that a cl arse, involving stuns to the arnotint or four hundred thousand pounds, should be PI east ly the other night. The clause relieved the Ireland of a debt to that amount. It was the first on the purcha se money o f perpetuities. If the lessees did not a vail t h emse l ves o f the o ff er hely th •rn, things would rema i n as t h ey were. Butei, plus money a ll u d e d to i n t hi s clause would be alWildd c..trtein Parliamentary purp oses ; b ut no one cool that it would be Applicable to the army or navy ' s ' or the general expenditure of the country. Not ';,1 1 as possible it w ou ld b e app li e d to the purposes o f testant Church—at least to purposes incidenta l , Church—to the promotion of the established relig l d ), of education in Ireland. However, it might 1'e,. 0 0. 1 ! whether any large sum would be realized ; and j' i jd interference of Parliament with respect to it tv °D d ej i matter of no very great importance. He knew' ' o pt portance of the less of such a question as the P re Wi this particular time—that loss would involve th e o d other meas ures , an d wou ld i nvolve consequences he would not specifically allude, but which evert of that House was afraid of.—(Cries of " No, Iw : d ,i e t !' " Nu" cam e f rom th e Hun. Mettther for Oldfr' he was glad Cu see t h at t h e Hon. Member it only exception in that House.—(Cries of "Ite Mr. O'Conn e ll, an d f rom other Opposition Ales' and " There are twenty of us.") H e m uch f o f that there sh ou ld b e s o many as twenty Membelleell Howe who did not regard what would be the del the loss of the present meastire.--(Hear.) At al they were determined to make no sacrifice of P ri d tg they would give up nothing that they were bo°, ° l o principle, h owever H on . Gentlemen opposite tors , t.nd th a t th e y were making a s acr ifi ce o f p r inciple words he int e nd e d t o su b st i tute for the wor d s at f of clause 147, wou ld not i nterfere with the r i g ht: , Lament to the surplus money, if any there shoulo,o (Laughter and Oh !) He hoped that the good feel s ' the House would sanction a declaration that was ;0 ,0 , to Ltd to practical results. The 54th clause tO f bo ish vestry cess, and the produce of the . sale pet uities was intended to extinguish future mstal.tlo; vestry cess, and to pay off the debts already' i i un Tl i r t e ,c re e fize . , ,, w t l i ir t itTiesturl words have the such h p r p o u p r o p s o e se t s o;b e r t ment, &e.," to the end of the clause, be struck c ti li the words " vestry eels" added. When that ryas.exactly'he contend e d th a t t h e surp l us fund was left ex,' same state in which it was originally.—(Laughte r e :i and cries of " N o , no.") 13y the present pror,s, plication of the fund, a great relief would be graW the Irish pe o pl e; th ey wou ld b e re li eve d f rotn t he cj i vestry cess, and from the instalments already dat',el object was to make a sacrifice of principle; and bbl fore, in the spirit of conciliation, entreated Hon. v l t men not to b e l e d as t ra y, an d not to contr ib u t e CO of the present measure , w hi c h i nvolved so maul ful consequences. His object was to incorporate tb l c 6 iel anti, in the first instance, to make it applicable 10 purposes in preference to any other. cerr Ali.. O'CONNELL said that the Right ID g. .. i ch" tary's amendm en t did not at a ll surprise or diaaOn fro since he k new vetseven what was to b e expec t i, e , one who put hi mse lf so f orwar d i n passing t "00 Coercion Bill. Mi n i sters were going, for the first their lives, to concede the principle of affording fe 0"' Ireland, and the Irish people. They were aboO le it , cede such a p r i nc i p l e , w h en t h ey were leaving e cc i , ft cal property t o th e di sposa l of Parliament.—(g lee 't hear.) H e ca ll e d upon t h at P arl i ament to ree ° ,: I t promis es o f re li e f h e ld out by Ministers, when th wantel to carry their coercive measure—L e be to recollect their boast, that they would stand both measures in their integrity.—(Hear, then talked of courage, and seemed not at shrink, or give up a principle. When they the Coercive Bill, that side of the House taunted him with his vexatious opposition. said, " We are not going to injure your count' to prepare it, in order that we may be able practice the beneficent principles on which is fur the future to be governed." Toey said to establish a great principle with respect to perty in Ireland—that no part of the people taxed to pay a church from which they recei% gtous benefit—and that the anomaly of a chuff a people should be (lone away with. Well, side the House said, for the concession of au , ciple, "Let us support the Government coereivi But now that the promised principle was violate ask the gentlemen who voted then, on the fail rinse, whether they would now support the Secretary?—(Crest of " No, no;" and ch e ers. an act of treachery as Ministers had been guilty him God, lie had never heard of.—(Cheere.) had given up the only good principle in the nit had given it up through fear of corning into col a party that they vaunted they hid nut dread. there had been a loud talk of a contest—it was by the most valiant soldier tr. - the age--ao Gentlemen opposite repeated, that they did not r iV;f 4, 4 the contest. B u t they (lid and do d rea d i t—t h e 'at .t° had be the principle of th e present Bi ll was a proof t; h b: r , bi tli keythi n were complet e ly sh r i n ki ng f rom t h e contest.---( 11 of ti ) 'seam cheers.) If it were written on the wall in lett et :vet:e t i i tb ettech, it would elldnot be more legible. —(H them stick ear, and tdi es 4 46 e1y , let them keep their places—let eattsio 1 % , r,HUB as long as they were wort h k eep i ng, but let t4outtl f e \ II more f Look to what will be thought of them by tbe l, C l ib e Gave l . when it will lie seen that to k ee p th e i r places t lea o , \ct; cover sacrificed their principles, and violated their ,fir \ t tar, h e; Could the high-minded gentlemen of England, vi d 4'tl,,,teeurit' ported them on a former occasion on account It ) ,'"ent me promises, continue to support them when those ,Ppri a gj d t , , o 4 light were broken, and when they abandoned the 0 1' 1 ,,,e, that plo of the present Bill? He appealed to that 13° , - 10 j 7 Li t asked if there was any other great principle in dory tight except that which was now about to be a" o c r : ° ,o 1 4t At 'At E There was something, to be sure, in the arrange °) . o - l it Wa s n 4 rive to vestry cess, but that was not sufficient t i.e l the peopl e o f I re l an d. Wh a t was i t to hint to l` l o L Government were knocking o ff ten Bi s hoOse --, ? .C . + N uver n were playing at nine pins with the Irish 1 3 's b irel. ,'04)04% slat, cared nothing about that, it would do no good t 0 Oe :•-wee, and he should be quite content to see 2 6 e d. 03 b Ireland, to see the same number there as in .E0g 1 , 4 0: was no enemy to the Protestant Church ; wh at - n e try' P 'iJ o °old. was that !chief should be granted to his 0 ° t ber 1 0 re but Ministers by this plan upset ten Bishops , e rre) Lt, )41 1 . 4 Ch t not take one shrilling off the burdens of the Iris" P tbe b 34 netio they did not the shgliteet thing to dinlin isb i . be ; 0 ' h 44 ght of tittles under which Ireland groatied.--( 11 7 0 ;e e lro tr i "eip They sin{ something last yea r ; they Ina" Bi promises about tithes ; but what had they clo n e ' eir p of Nuti I were the promises fulfilled? He begged there . t bef oi, yes, they had advanced 60,000/. to the c ' 14,1 end arrears of tithes. But how much of the arlr,sool., as r'''p 4 , Sri et collected ? By th e i r own show i ng on ly yv Yof t v t : d o t r h n t of in g t e e tiN, eptin B gate his 4 rned I " li n!ster 'en ti ema a. _ * ch he 14 6 "0-1 ~ en e t a l i e ° sp in l ' ie C a ndti l t to b i hid telce Peoph th e pr( awa -1 101, ti to, th e e r3 PN't i : t e i S t tf e 1t ) h I wand ohnox 44 ghter tt .) h s more a._ Red ' 44 ) be ir A„ equa t;.rioteetant 5, 'l.-1 tP begge°, 11 t i f IlOoCtille, Chi Id or 'sVie/ )b t 'n ne any t L all ) all liV o id it ,cCleing 1 we re P' o ilf l'i l ta nsider , ,e i eP" OfsNee4t he he . Tbri o ,i,k hi t , the I r y.--- 01 0 , i$ t l)le w, le t° P ip 'tlp r • O'c r c o o 3 4 t of a b you OO i o w , ( J tbeY i 1 , 1 !',),, t , wha I char ° ', i , 1,1, it e s hoo ! c ii'l ; ti e nt fro 0 r ;; r, fired it c l i o, t it% ST, arch f il 0/' l l l er ira ' 4l ' 1 1 11 rn ent the/ c or, m t Non. t ueb $ ' I A °! e ' . y e r0e554,,?4,. "se V prelitt, i() s rl a , j i b o f $ t pry„ 4 , 1 , tanie Ilig h ` t/i4Yruer wo S ° cIA i n the ~1 A ll ! I ty o fg ov J . ,t , D anner f tbil 1,,,, What : i ti e , 4 r ' cheer leasure;" „'lcip . • 0 0 :ollisioe be e ‘, , ki ti Gent E,lse v jei i t , 4 Whic bra (4 th to be g L.t,,t,. e fu nd, i ,d 1 ,4 * l O O • ) li ) c drel o , tli,:,ol,iintkeoi