The Sun. — London, England, 1830-11-02 00:00:00

SPIRIT or THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. We shall endeavour to fill up the short interval during which curiosity might otherwise have no thing to prey_ upon, between the publication of our Journal and the delivery of the King's speech to. day, by some slight allusion to its topics. The state of Ireland will, in all probability, hold an important place in it. That state may be offered to, and pressed upon, Parliamentary consideration : but the specific twine of the measures to be adopted or recom mended—if, indeed, any other measures beyond the firm execution of the laws already in existence he contemplated,—cannot, of course, be specified in a Royal Speech on the opening of the Session. We have before spoken of conferences to be opened by certain Plenipotentiaries of the five great European Powers, on the subject of the dreadful scenes now acting in the Low Countries. We hope the King of the Netherlands will not conceive from these conferences any hope of armed assistance from abroad in the settlement of the disturbances, or the restitution of his severed dominion. Should he cherish such a hope, he will be miserably deceived. Yet the great states may advise reconciliation, end propose, us arbitrators, terms of adjustment. We did as much between Spain and her trans-Atlantic _possessions; but we did not, therefore, take part in the dispute. The greater proximity of Belgium may give more force to the representations of the leading Powers of Europe. Our reorolute abstinelico from interference in the internal a ff airs of other . . countries will, it may be e:pprebended, evince itself as relates to Portugal in the cold recognition of a Sovereign and- a Government, which stative (14- contents, however well founded, have not been able to set aside. A full amnesty will probably, how• ever, be stipulated. The commercial arrangements With the United States, an account of which will be found in our extracts from the American Papers, will also, we dare say, form a leading topic of the Anyal address. Our own domestic concerns must of course be touched on in the speech. It is un necessary to state bow important a part of these the construction of the Regency Bill will form, and fm possible at present to point out all its provisions, The law reforms, whatever may be their merit, will, We believe, be continued : there can be no harm in moving water which is already muddy and unwhole some, with a view to its future purification. Of the retrenchments we know as yet but little: those in the diplomacy are the most prominent. It is said they cannot be made to amount to more than 30,0004 a year.--Times. The Brussels Papers of Saturday carry us a step farther than any previous information, in enabling us to judge of, the final result of the Belgic insurrec tion. The new facts of importance which they con tain are, the complete occupation of the city of Antwerp by the Belgians, with the anticipated sur render of the citadel, and the promulgation of the new Belgic Constitution by the Provisional Go vernment; No sooner had Prince Frederick made • Ms unsuccessful attack on Bruns ls , and beers re pulsed from its barricaded street, (however ill- Judged the attack; or weak the resistance), than all the world (with the exception, perhaps, of a few Dutch courtiers) saw that the union between 1101- land and Belgium was for ever severed, and that the retention of the latter by the lute King of the Ne-. therlands could no longer be dreamt of. The feel ing of national animosity became from that moment so exasperated by the cruelties mutually inflicted on each other, or the atrocities which each ascribed to the other, that any hope of bringing them again under the same sceptre seemed for a long time, it not for ever, cut oil'. - The quarrel between the Go . vernment of the Hague and the Brussels insurgents from, that instant changed its character. It be came a Ivar of nation against nation, for final conquest or unconditional _submission, instead of being a partial and temporary revolt of turbulent subjects against their Sovereign, for the redries of civil and , political giievunces. The towns and the country—the citizens and the pea gritty of Belgium, rose upon their legitimate autho titles as foreign enemies; and all the civil and mili tary agents of the King were attacked, not because ;hey had abused their powers, but because they were Dutch, or connected with Dutchmen. The strongest fortresses fell into the hands of the insurgents, be cause garrisoned by troops composed of the two na tions, who differed on the political questions at issue; and the ranks of the new Provisional Govern ment were filled by enthusiastic volunteers, who, though they could not, perhaps, understand any abstruse question of administration cr liberty, could at least comprehend that.the Hollander had no busi ness to command south of his (likes and entails. The Dutch Government should then frankly have de cided on the evacuation of Belgium ati its only ehanee of recovering the cherncter, which it had lost, or• • • rendering _.available the contingent claims of the Prince of Orange to the new crown. The situa tion was, no doubt, embarrassing ; but some defini tive resolution ought to have been adopted. By ,evacuating Belgium entirely, the King would have surrendered all the pledges which he held in his possession for obtaining favourable terms for but at the same time he would have allayed that irritation which was the greatest obstacle to their success. His Dutch Majesty unfortunately could not take a decided part, and has thus continued more and more to darken the proapecti of his son and to embarrass the task of his allies. Having given the Prince of Orange a commission to administer the Belgic pro vinces, and his Boyd Highness having, in v►rtue of that commission, entered into certain engagements for the evacuation of Belglum, his Majesty recalls his authority and annuls the acts of his son. If he wished to retain the fortresses of Antwerp, Minn tricht, and Venloo, for hostile purposes, or for open ing a way for the invasion of Belgium from Holland or Prussia, We might have soma reason to dispute the good sense of his son in proposing to surrender them; but the time vas gone by for altering his policy, or revising his proclamat►ons. The Belgic, part of the garrison of Aomori) could not be relied upon, and was, therefore, very properly disbanded ; hut how could it be supposed that a small corps of Dutch troops could long maintain such an extensive fortress, not only against a besieging army with out the walls, but a hostile population within ? The Dutch force, from the time -that it left Brits ash), on the 20tb.of kieptimber, had been continti. any harrassed in its retreat, or in its stations, till it reached the walls of Antwerp on the 24th or 250 ult. The. Belgic :volunteers arrived before that place on the 26th. The townsmen within, in league or in sympathy with their countrymen without, had disarmed. a detachment of Dutch troops, after u . - considerable resistance and had made themselves masters of several of their military pests. On the 27th ult. the 'contest between the inlinbitarits awl the garrison was renewed, and the former succeeded in opening one of the gates to' the Brussels valuta ' leers. The troops appear then to have retreated to the citadel, on a convention that they should not b. molested In their occupation of that tomes* or'of the arsenal. Though it ni,perhaps lacy to make en army, under a regular syetern of discipline, observe strictly, treaties, conventions,:or cvpittilatiOns; the conduct of ardent volunteers, erne tv levies, cannot be so rigorously calculated upon. However, this may be, it is evidtmt from the admissions of the Baleen* themselves, that the,' volunteers were the aggressors, atter agreeing to a cessation of lirtri, —"that they.broke faith. with the garrison, t li o t tbey. consequently, are answerable hit all the etirlitirptere:eiriirtfieir aektiowledged perfidy, M. 't/ii 4 epetlaux, the agent of 'ef3e PrnVisiffiral Uo serriment, a person not likely ttl palliate the vices of soldiers, or emblazon the errors of Belgic volueteers, tells us " that the Doti+ troops were' provisionally to occupy the citadel, and preserve the arsenal, but that it appeared that about two o'clock in the afternoon route votunteert attacked the latter -past, and that then (Awl ii it till then) the Dutch retreated to the citadel, end commenced the cm nomule." The caliunities which follow e d areiaill ~ iet. ing to every humane mind, and will probably be lamented by the King of the Netherlands itti much as by any other man in Europe. One of the most flourishing cities on the continent has, in time of general peace, suffered more from the troops of its Sovereign than it did formerly from hostile armies. But who was the cause of this terrible catastrophe ? Not the King, who is called " a barbarian' on account of this cannonade r —nOt the General, whose duty was to retain his post and to protect the lives of his men at every hazard,--but the undisciplined bands of volunteers, supported by an infuriated rabble ' regardless of all ties , and disposed to break through all engagements) As the time draws near for the meeting of the National Congress, the Provisional Government has not only been exerting greater activity and vigour to free the country from its enemies, but to prepare for it the project of a new Constitution. A copy of this Char ter, sutkiect, of course, to the revision of the Con gress, is published in the Brussels Papers of the 29th and :19th ult. Projects of this kind have of . late been so commonly manufactured, that any school boy, tolerably acquainted with such lore, could fabricate one in a forenoon. The present at tempt embodies of course all the approved doctrines on free government, and is probably neither better nor worse than the great majority of such constitu tional sketches. Its most striking characteristic, after what we know of the republican notions of M. de Potter, is its declaration in favour of an here ditary monarchy, with a hereditary chamber of nobility. If adopted by the approaching National Congress, the Belgians will only have to call in the Prince of Orange to complete their political hierarchy, and reconcile themselves to the regular Govern ments of Europe. Many of the articles of this pro ject (which, by the way, is about twice as long as the French Charter) will no doubt be modified in passing through the hands of the national represere tatives; but others are nearly the same es in their present fundamental law. The most striking inno vations are the establishment of direct election, Ministerial responsibility, and the restoration of jury trial.— Times. A pamphlet has just been published on the sub ject of Parliamentary Reform, in the shape of " a Letter to Henry Brougham, Esq.," which deserves the serious attention not of that gentleman only, but of the Legislature, and of the country. Some of its•conclusions are, indeed, sufficiently startling, and others of a nature in which we cannot join ; but it exposes, with great accuracy and attention to facts, the evils of the present state of the repre sentation, and proves to demonstration that what ever that state may be, it is one which was never contemplated or intended at the time when the franchises were bestowed upon our different cities and boroughs. " The point," says the author of the letter, in ad. dressing Mr. Brougham, "to which you have directe.l your attention in the existing system is, after all, only a sin of omission. It is a defect, and nothing more. And defects, though not to be disregarded, are sometimes corn. paratively harmless. Sins of commission, on the contrary, —the workings of venality and profligacy—can never be harmless. These, if suffered to remain in the system, are vastly more hurtful and injurious than a thousand defects. Were the number of large towns which are without re presentatives, twice as great as it is ;—were Norwich, and Leicester, and Bristol, and York, all unfranchised,—etill, were all the remaining open boroughs in the kingdom freed from bribery, and rendered the scenes of pure and free elections, we should have a far better and a far more useful Parliament than any of modern times ; and Leeds, and Manchester, and Birmingham, though continuing un represented, would speedily feel the beneficial influence of the change. 'While, on the other hand, if Manchester and Sheffield, and Leeds, and Birmingham, be all supplied with Representatives, while the profligacy of a hundrsd other boroughs remains without correction—small indeed will be the eubsiLintial public benefit derived from the addition. " And if the removal of this great positive evil he, on the other hand, more important than the cure of a nega tiVe evil of defect,•—it is, I fully believe, on the other, quite as easy a task for the band of the statesman. The oppo sition to the remedy proposed cannot, in either case, be at all formidable. If no solid reason can be opposed to the enfranchisement of the great unrepresented towns,—still lest can any plea or defence be offered in defence of that system of notorious bribery which now reigns in nearly all our open boroughs. All that concerns the originator of a remedy in either case is, to see that in the measure he proposes, be introduces nothing, nonessential in itself, which may he used to defeat the proposition. Let his plan, well matured in all its parts, contain nothing bearing a semblance of injustice to any individual. Let the sup. pressiou of profligacy, aril the putting an end to those enormous expenses which at present belong to borough elections, be the only object, and it will be difficult to frame even a decent pretence fur opposition to such a plan," Of the origiuul intent of the Charters the author observes-- ' 0 Unquestionably, it was meant that the inhabitants of the place so chartered should elect for themselves repre• eentatives in Parliament. It was Hot, however, intended that this should be ►lone by an universal-suffrage scheme. Nothing can be plainer than that the mere day-labourer, uneducated,. anti ignorant of all political doctrines, and also necessarily exposed to the influence of his employer, was intentionally left out in conferring this important fran chise. Nothing can be more clear than that this class was passed over, in bestowing the right of election. The franchise is always found to be vested, distinctly, in seine defined and ss•lect class of the inhabitants—in the freemen, or the free burgesses, or the free barons, of the place so chartered.---clearly showing, that it was intended to place the elective power• in the hands of the middling classes of each town. This would have been more effec tually done by enfranchising all who were assessed upon a certain value to the poor-rate ; but these charters were given before the poor-rate book wart brought into use ; and therefore the only means that then existed were adopted, of confining the franchise within the desired limits. Oc casional residents in these boroughs were not meant to be included,—therefore it was stipulated, that the elector should have acquired his freedom, which generally ren dered a certain servitude necessary, and ensured his being a lona fide inhabitant and denizen of the town. The labourers of the place were not contemplated,..--and there fore, for it seetuld reason the franchise was made to at ' company the freedom ; the princiid object of obtaining which, at that period, was to enable the poseeeeer to be come a reaSter-trader, and to do business on hii own ac cotunt." Of the mode in which the system now works we find the following account : " Matters of this - kind are best illustrated by example. A deputation of keen eleetioneerers came up, on the last occasion, from Barnstaple, to search for two candidates who were willing to spend some money, and also for voters, either in existence, or who might lie manuc4c. mud. Having found their candidates, they also met with a young man, whose employer I well know, whom, with many others, they proposed to snake into a voter. Ue had only completed his twenty-first year three days, when he was carried down to that borough ; hie freedom granted tai him, the cost being paid by the candidates; his whole 'espenees defrayed ; and be - wu sent hack to town with from 101. to rd. clear profit. He had never before seen Barnstaple, nor had lie any interest in the place, or any knowledge of the candidates or their principles. Whet, then, was his claim to become an elector of that borough? Vesely this, that his father had possessed the freedom, and that his descent, therefore, entitled him to he ad mitted to it. Anil this was no solitary ease. Scores of similar votes were manufactured in that very plies, on that same occasion ; and many thogsantle in the various open boroughs similarly circumstanced. " This system is making the most rapid strides; indeed it must 40 so. This Barnataple youth might be only one of many sons, all ennally entitled ; And each of them con. ferring the same right upon all his male offspring. Thus, at Mahlon, - in Ewe, several thousand wrong thins enti tled, have been admitted to their freedom, and become legal voters, w itbin the last few years. And so, in a greater or less degree, at all other places which have been of late contested. " Nothing can be plainer than that voters thus made, will he, in a great majority of c►see, venal voters,--men whose only object and purpose is to make money by their franchi►e. -Thus, in July les►, a reprobate youth assaulted his father, and ,was taken hefOre a London Magistrate, to whom his defence. was, that, his father bed refused to take ,the necessary steps to obtain for him the freedom of Ito- Chester, which freedom, be said, '‘ would be worth sixty pounds , to him." Why worth sixty pounds? Because he would be able, every fifth ur sixth year, to plunder some East India Director or Lord of the A.dmiralty of liOt. or $Ol.-fer his vote, 'wider the-name, of course, of, expenses. And this youth, too„Wati not .a Rochester inalh-.be was London journeyman, totally unacquainted With the wants and unconcerned in the interests of tl►at town. But yet, by the law, he was rutitle►i to be made an elector of Ro chester, while scores of respectable inhabitants of that place, supporting its trade, bearing its burdens, and inte rested in its welfare, bad no legal china to be admitted to that franchise. " The natural consequence of the elective power being thrown into the hands of this class of men is now begin• fling to be clearly seen. Statutes against bribery may be multiplied ad infinitum, but as long as nine-tenths of the voters consist of labourers and mechanics, who come to the poll without a ►overeign that they can call their own —and as long as candidates and their agents are found to slip into their hands bank-notes for 101. or 201.,—50 lung, in defiance of five hundred anti-bribery statutes, will the most extensive venality flourish. I passed through several boroughs, at the period of the late election, and heard every where the same open confession of the proceedings then going on. At Nottingham, one gentleman confessed to having paid away, in the election of 1826, above 3,000/, in bribery in a single day. At Leicester, the voters, in anticipation of a contest, expressed their hope that the price of votes might rise to 101., as they said it commonly did, if the struggle was severe. At Hull, one of the sitting Members dared not appear before his con stituents—not for any defalcation of duty in Parliament, but because he had not paid " the polling money" for the last election. At Shrewsbury, and at Maidstone, and at Eve'hatn, and at Bristol, the same kind of language showed clearly that the price of votes was in every case the prevailing idea in every elector's mind." These facts are as notorious as the sun at noon day—Corruption in the shape of money, or money's worth, is universal, and the question no longer is, not, what it ought always to have been " what are the principles and integrity of the candidate" for Parliamentary honours, but what influence does be possess—what places has he to give away—how much money can he afford to spend ?—Arid what is the consequence ? Why, that the interests of individuals and districts are attended to, but not the interests of the public—that large and unne cessary public establishments are kept up which might be dispensed with—that the people are heavily taxed, and the public income voted away, night after night, without that rigid inquiry into the uses of, or necessity for, it which ought to be instituted by the representatives of the people. Proofs of these facts lie thick in all directions, and we do not in consequence know a more imperious duty on the part of the Legislature than that of putting an end to such a state of things, pregnant with so much evil, by a thorough reform of the Commons House of Parliament—we do not mean a reform including universal suffrage, the ballot, and annual Parliaments, but such a reform as will give to the middling classes of society a share in the election of those who saddle them with taxes, and have the direction of their use. Such a reform would strengthen the bulwarks of the Con. stitution—satisfy every rational person, and keep at a distance from the country those deplorable intestine divisions to which the nations of the Continent are now a prey; but we repeat it, nothing less will be of any use, or save the country in the long run from similar visitations.—Morning Advertiser. Gregory King, who took such pains to obtain art accurate acquaintance with the resources of this country, compares England, France, and Holland, with respect to income and taxation, at the two periods of 1688 and 1695. In 1688 the taxation of the English was per head 7s. 3d,, that of the French 155., that of the Dutch, 21. 3s. Rd. On the other hand, the Englishman consumed to the value of 71.41., the Frenchman, 51. Os. 9d., and the Dutchman 51. Already, in 1695, the Englishman was close on the Frenchman in point of taxation.— The English paid in taxes 1/. 4s. per head, the French 1/. .55., and the Dutch 3/. Is. 7d. The Englishman consumed 71. 35., the Frenchman 4/. 18s. 2d., and the Dutchman 41. 13s. 9d. The industry of this country hits made an astonishing progress since that time, and resources of which our forefathers could hardly have dreamt have been developed. But, unfortunately, taxation has more than kept pace with our resources. An extravagant expenditure is the great disease of the country.— There are no means of checking that expenditure, for the body which ought to controul it is interested in its increase. It is observed by an able writer, that " Property is the machinery by which self interest is worked. It is a collection of the neces saries, conveniences, and luxuries, for human use; und, as long as mankind are subject to their pre sent wants, desires, and vanities, those who possess property must possess the means of influencing the conduct and commanding the services of those who have none. Hence the laws which mono• polize property, monopolize power also ; hence the direction which the laws give to the de scent of property, the freedom or restraint with which they admit of its transfer or sale, influence the nature of Government." The above may serve as a key to the Government of this country. The laws by which the descent of property is regulated, give to a comparatively small number of individuals, possessed of large properties relatively, which, however, form but a small part of the aggregate property of the country, the power of making that aggregate property subservient to their views, through the instrumentality of taxation. The great body of owners of property are unable to help themselves. The small number of individuals name majority of the body which has the regulation of taxation. The author of a Letter to Henry Urougham, Esq. on the present state of the English Representation, tells us, what is very true, that— " Our modern corruptions of the Constitution have thrown the power into the hands of those who cannot he independent. Omitting (he says) from our calculations the freeholders of the counties, and the 'lectors of London and Westminster, it may be safely asserted that of the whole remaining body of the electors of England three fourths are of the labouring class is. And it may with equal truth and safety be asserted, that nearly the whole of these three-fourth,' are in some way or other bribed. Let any man who doubts this fact inquire in any of the large boroughs as to the ordinary practice. Let hint amk at Nottingham, or at Leicester, or at Hull, or at Evesham, or at Shrewsbury, or at Warwick, or ut Stafford, or at Bristol, or at Malden, or at Maidstone, or at Liverpool; and he will find that in every instance bribes are uniformly paid to all who will accept them ; in other words, to all the voters who are of the labouring classes. But will not com mon sense tell us, without inquiry into the facts of the case, that matters must always take this course? How run a poor man vote independently ? A seat in Parliament is An object so coveted, that the strongest efforts are always used to gain it. And when these efforts are brought to hear upon the day labourer, or the mechanic toiling his fourteen hours for the present wages of the weaver, how are they to be resisted ? First, there is his landlord—he who ean tura his family into the street ; then there is his einployer—he who can deprive his family of bread t and if these cannot be efficiently used, then there is the ten pound note to a man who has not five shillings in the world, and whose rent-day, perhaps, or his wife's confine ment, is near at hand." All this is very true. But all this is better known to those who have the power than to others. They. will not, with their will, consent to abandon the ad vantage the/ have. Parliament is the last place to think of. The first point is, that the mass of the owners of property ss ho have an interest directly at variance with that of those who mune the majority of Parliament, 'should bestir themselves, The sub stantial power is with them, and when they are seen to be in earnest, Parliament, in its prudence, may deem it necessary to attend . to them. Tril a demon stration is made, Parliament assuredly will not yield one jot. We hold all plans of reform in the present stage of the business as comparatively unimportant. Give us only such a franchise as shall represent the mass of property, and will undertake to obtain Au thor improvements in time. As was well observed by a contemporary (the Scotsman), the principle of a Government determines its conduct. At present the conduct of the Government must be oligarchical. Let property in the mass have the ascendancy, and the new principle will gradually work its .way to perfection,—Morning chronicle. We can, an the best authority, inform the public of this country, and more particularly with a view to caution the people of Bruss e l s , an d t h e B e l g i a ns generally, that the author of v ar i ous ca l umn i es w hich h a ve appeared in the column s of certain of our public prints, reflecting on the conduct and character, and calculated to injure the - cause of the Belgium!' in the eyes of Europe, is one Mitchell, who received his education in Germany, and became a follower of the Napoleon School, and who, latterly, has edited the News from Howe (an English news paper), which appeared three times a week at Bros s s.-2116:71 ing Chronicle. This day the first Parliament of the new reign will meet : and circumstances both of an external and internal nature combine to give it an interest seldom, if ever, accompanying the same event. The time present generally appears to be on some ac counts the most important; and this is too often magnified by public writers in a way which events do not justify. The era at which we, however, are now arrived may, without any hyperbole, receive this designation. Never, we believe—not excepting even the period of the Revolution—was there one at which the British Legislature were called toge ther under circumstances so truly important as those which must now arrest its attention. Our next publication will inform our readers, in the King's Speech, what the view is which Ministers take of our situation—a situation, the awkwardness and untowardness of which have not been a little en hanced by their own blindness and indifference here tofore to the signs of coming danger. Most gladly shall we hail the Duke of Wellington if he now turns out to be the man who can rescue the country from her present unenviable state. But we doubt it—for his own honour we doubt it; for, if the Duke possesses the skill or the secret of our national deliverance, he would have exerted it long ago, be fore the danger arrived at its present appalling height. Ou the other hand, if his Grace is really unequal to the task, how can he justify to himself the occupation of a station for which, both by anti cipation and subsequent actual experience, he has found himself unfit ? At any rate, affairs have :ar rived tat a crisis on which the Legislature can no longer tamely look. Those whom the country have so recently and solemnly deputed to guard their in terests will be highlr criminal indeed if they do not wring from the Ministry an immediate attention to the people's complaints, and a speedy redress of their grievances. No one need despair of the coun try, or of seeing its prosperity and tranquillity speedily restored, if the task is set about Tromp tly and in earnest. Th ose w h o l oo k u p on Downing street as their world, are never likely either to dis cover the disease, or understand the remedy. But even the most purblind of these must now be com pelled to look abroad beyond the narrow confines of their selfish territory; and, looking abroad, they must see, partly of their own creating, tokens which even self-preservation must teach them no longer to despise.—Morning Herald. Although a reduction in the Civil List, like every other practicable reduction in the expellees of Go vernment, will be acceptable to the country, yet it can be of little avail in diminishing the pressure of taxation without reductions of a still more important and extensive nature. Though the English people justly feel indignant at the vast sums of money that are taken out of the revenues of an over•taxed na tion to be lavished on sinecurists, pluralists, and other pampered favourites of power by whom it is not fairly earned, they are not disposed to be parsi monious towards their Sovereign. They know that, though the expenditure of a King should not be extravagant, yet the Royal establishment should be kept up on a scale becoming the grandeur and dignity of the office. But indeed the whole of the Civil List forms but rc small portion of the public expenditure which the taxes are raised to defray; and that every person will admit who is aware that nearly thirty times the amount of the sum settled by Parliament on the King, and out of which so many pensions are paid, is required to pay the inte rest of the national debt—the price of our past am bition for military glory. It is true the Civil List need not be by any means so high even as the pro posed reduction will leave it if the Crown lands had been properly managed, and we hope this subject of the Crown lands will be rigidly investigated in the present Session of Parliament. The manage ment of those lands has been proved to be in farmer years a prolific source of the most dis graceful jobs, by which the Crown and the people were defrauded; what it is now, in other hands, remains to be seen, and we shall be glad if, upon an inquiry such as the importance of the subs ject demands, it shall appear that the system now adopted can, in every respect, be advantageously contrasted with that which hail formerly prevailed. The full profit which those lands can fairly return ought to be ascertained by Parliament, with a view of seeing whether they may not be made available in the great work of the reduction of taxation. We know that in several of the minor departments of Government a rigid system of retrenchment has been carried, or is about to be carried, into effect ; but we wish to see the pruning-knife of reform ap plied to the loftier and more luxuriant branches of State patronage. While the nation grudges not Fair remuneration to hard-working men, it is not equally satisfied to ace the wealth of the State la vished upon those who are not labourers in the vine yard. The catalogue of luxurious idlers who fatten upon the taxes of the country must be cut down.— Any plan of retrenchment which does not touch the sinecures will not be satisfactory. Will Parliament reduce the income of the King, and not touch the sinecure salaries of such men as Lord Ellenborough and Lord Arden ? If so, the country will hare great reason to complain. It is a grievous thing that the productive industry of the many should be op pressively taxed to support the pampered idleness of at few. It may, indeed, be said that sinecurists have a " vested interest" in the portion of the public spoils which they enjoy —but, as it is money received without what is legally called a considers don, we presume the contract comes under the de scription of what lawyers mean by a nudunt pactunt, which is null and void. At all events, if it have any law on its side, it must yield to a still more of public necessity—for not idly powerfulltsitbti e h rraid th ,‘ a: Saltas populi suprema eat lex." Faith has been frequently broken with the tax pay t rs, inasmuch as taxes have been kept on long after the period of time, or the happening of circum stances, to which they were originally limited —as, for nstmee, the window tax. Inde ed the whole of the assessed taxes were originally laid on es war i taxes, and yet we see them still enforced as rigidly as ever in the fifteenth year of peace ! We are inclined to believe, however, that our stutes 6mtrenalaYill find the productive industry of the country cannot rally from its present state of de pression, sinless relieved by the repeal of the as sessed taxes; but, as we are advocates for keeping f a i t h w ith the public creditor an long as the country is not reduced to absolute insolvency, we think it may be found necessary to impose another tax iii their place, which tax must be, as the fairest and least oppressive of all, u property tax. But first we would insist upon the Government carrying into execution a plan of real retrenchment and economy, by abolishing all useless offices and all sinecure ap pointments, that no other taxes may be retained or imposed than dime which are absolutely requisite to defray the just and necessary expenses of the State. —Morning Herald. On Saturday morning the celebrated female elephant, 'Mademoiselle Jeck, who, since her perform ances at the Adelphi Theatre, has been makiog a tour in the'provinces, entered the London Docks, and embarked on board the Ontario New York packet, bound fur America, where she is engaged to give the Yankee. a taste of her quality. The sagacious beast, previous to going on board, tried the strength of the platform erected from the quay' to the vessel, by first placing one foot upon the boards, and striking against them. She then placed another foot on the platform, pressed it, and, after care fully examining both sides of the wooden erection for several minute*, finding all secure, boldly . marched for ward, and took up her quarters in a *pactoos apartment on deck, made for her reception. Her Siamese ladyship afterwards amused the passengers by partaking of bisc u i ts end grog with the sailors ; an d, at eight o'clock, the ship kit th e dock, and, with the huge elephant, was towed down the river by a snowier. An iromenie concourse of persons were assembled in boats on the Thames to witness Mademoiselle's departure. LAW INTELLIGENCE. COURT OF KING'S BENCH, Nov. I. WELSH V. STRACEIAN AND OTHERS. This was an action by Mr. Thomas Welsh, for merly of the Argyll-rooms establishment, against the assignees of Mr. Rowland Stephenson, to recover the value of certain pictures which bud been depo sited for safe custody with Mr. R. Stephenson in 1823, on the occasion of the plaintiff's going to the Continent in that year. Mr. BROUGHAM Stated the plaintiff's ease, and called witnesses to prove that the plaintiff was the owner of the pictures, amongst which were Harlow's celebrated picture of the iambic Family, Mr. Kean, in Sir Giles Overreach, Ferren, Jones, and Farley, in the Clandestine Marriage, and Miss O'Neill, in Constance; and that they had been deposited with Stephenson, who ,had acknowledged from time to time, up to within a short period before he quitted the country, that they were the plaintiff's property. Amongst the witnesses called was a pupil of the late Mr. Harlow, who stated that the plaintiff employed Mr. Harlow to paint the picture of the Kemble fa mily, and that it was finished and paid for in 1817. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL, for the defendants, admitted that the case had been made out with re spect ,to the principal pictures, and it was agreed that a verdict should be taken for the damages laid in the declaration; to be reduced to nominal da mages on the delivery up of all the pictures except those two. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MANSION-HOUSE. John Smith, who was some days ago brought before Sit' P. LAURIE, charged with having robbed numbers of public-houses, was examined again. It was generally supposed that it would be matter of great difficulty to make out a ease against him, as is no instance except one had he ever been appre hended with any of the stolen property in his pos session. Very much, however, to the satisfaction of the licensed victuallers whom he had visited for the purpose of stripping their beds, this one excep tion was forthcoming on the day it was feared the prisoner would have been discharged. Mrs. Lee, the owner of the Coopers' Arms pub lic•house, Tower.hill, stated, that, on the 12th of August, the prisoner walked into her house and en gaged a bed for the night, and paid for it. He thmt went out, saying it was possible he might not return, but he did return, and went to bed. At about five o'clock in the morning witness heard a noise in the next room, in which one of the other lodgers slept, and she tapped at the wainscot, immediately after which she heard a scuffle on the stairs, A man, named Necker, stated, that he heard a tapping at the wainscot, and put his hand over to the chair for his watch, to see whether it was time to rise. He was surprised to find that the watch was gone, and that some silver had also been taken out of his pocket. He started up, and going to the door, which was standing open, saw the prisoner sneaking down stairs, seized him by the collar, and accused him of the robbery. " Here it is," said the prisoner, returning the watch and money. " Don't say a word about it. It is all right."— Witness, thinking that it was impossible for the pri soner to get out of the house, went up stairs to put on his trousers; but the prisoner slipped out at a window and escaped.—Fully committed for trial. Several other licensed victuallers recognized the prisoner as a customer who paid his shilling, ac cording to custom, for a pair of sheets, and departed early in the morning. LAMBETH-STREET. Two common informers, named Lea and Gurdon, were yesterday charged before Mr. WALK.RR with extorting money from Mr. Richard. Gregory, pota toe-salesman, of Spitalfields. Mr. WALKER, on being informed that the, pri soners, although they had demanded, had not ob tained any money, said he could not detain them, and they were ordered to be discharged, Mr. WAL KER observing, that he wished the inhabitants to understand that common informers would never be countenanced at this office, for the new police and the officers of the old establishment were quite suffi cient to lay all the informations necessary to prevent any nuisances that might exist in the parish. UNION-HALL Yesterday John Campbell, a young man of re spectable appearance, was brought up on the fol lowing complaint : Jane Wilson, a smart-looking waiting-maid, in the service of a lady of fortune, residing at Camberwell, stated that she had some slight knowledge of the 'defendant, having seen him repeatedly pass her mis tress's house. He was in the habit of nodding at her (complainant) if she happened to be at the window, which was generally the case when he came that way, and she thought there was no harm in returning the salutation. On Thursday night, soon after she had retired to rest, she was much alarmed on bearing three gentle taps at her bed-room window, which is on the second floor at the rear of the house. She hastily got up, and throwing her flannel petticoat over her shoulders, approached the window, and was startled on seeing the defendant, who had raised himself up to that height by means of a ladder which was kept in the back garden. The moment she beheld the defendant in such a situ ation, she threatened to alarm the house if he did not instantly descend and go away. Instead, how ever, of doing as she wished and supplicated him, he implored her to open the window and let him in, vowing that be would not injure is hair of her head, adding that he was a stran ger in Camberwell, and far from his home, and still urging her to take pity on him, and save him the trouble and inconvenience of being compelled to walk all the way to Kensington at that unseasonable hour of the night. In this manner he still continued on the ladder outside the window, and finding that he was likely to persevere in his attempt to intrude himself into her chamber, she walked hastily to wards the door, with the view of calling the man , servant ; but before she had opened it the defendant descended into the garden, and took the ladder away from the window. Under these circumstances she was unwilling to disturb the inmates, and rather than make any fuss about the matter, as she then believed the defendant was gone, she get into bed, and had hardly closed her eyes before she was again surprised by a tapping at the window, and on rising again saw the defendant in the same situation out side. He again reiterated his promise of behaving as quiet as a lamb if she let him in, but she was inexorable, and on threatening to call the police, he got down and then went away. Hoping that the defendant would not make his appearance there again, she did not complain of what had taken place the next day, and at night, as soon as she had got into bed, the defendant again made his appearance at the outside of the window, and commenced urging, in very strong terms, to be admitted into the room : he kept boring her (she said) until at length she threatened to alarm the house, and not until then did be descend, and on going down the ladder she heard him declare that he would call again the next night, and obtain admittance to her cham ber, by hook or by crook. In consequence of the threat, she mentioned all that had happened to her mistress, and the police having been apprized of the intended visit, a watch was set on the house, and as the clock struck twelve, the defendant was secured in the act of placing the ladder against the waiting maid's bed-room window. The defendant was sincerely attached to the com plainant, and although it might appear that his in tentions were bad, yet he could assure all Who heard him that be meant nothing but what was truly ho nourable, and if now rt leased, he would take care and never be seen near the house. The Magistrate said that if the complainant was satisfied with the defendant's promise, the matter might rest there, hut if she was at all under any ap prehension of his attempting to enter her chamber again, he should be held to hail. The complainant said that she was not anxious to have the defendant punished if she'th‘ght itm keep away from her bed-room windovi.: • The defendant having given 'the.waltittliffl solemn assurance that he would : ,never, eater her bed-room again, was dischargedi. • A young nian, in a letter to 'a - frietidLill' describes the March of Physic in a certain iillip!ha vonshire:—" My brother JAce is getting on tarofl as if be were impelled by a ate/re-engine. A K gen appear to yield to his treatment, and death, Willi and the undertaker, are totally unemployed." , The Athenaeum states, that: the Destti Chapter of WESTMINSTER exacted . fron; , Lial ,,; % before they would permit a tablet to plicediti ti ' to record the death of her husband, SielleatheiDS one hundred and twenty pounds as a fins. POI pounds as half burial free, although , th is eminent pher died at Geneva. 'The Learned'Detin,Whe kitty! his! for his wealth, and the love of , it, can t hoitnerol l sionally be generous. A few days before the detail I late War. Gtvronn (who seas a stepping-stew to i's good fat livings, and advancement of Dr. lastatro lel Church), the venerable Dean waited upon IlindYintr il ° and critic, at his house in James-street, Buokleghelpf and requested that his friend would permit hie *IL* be deposited in Poets' Corner, where 11 pi* WM", served for him, and where the ceremony sitinikLPFT, tended with any charge. GIFFOR ha Pre,,_,Twg„ . pressed a wish to be buried in south d r, " where ANNA lies," but the prestinl'Or r „„ 4 i; I liberal friend the Dean prevailed , u pon, - 17 " -- I cede to his wishes. Girronn died worth . tbinT ' pounds! A MANUSCRIPT NiWSPAPElid.otlliV PAPER INFANCY.—Our newspapers 'Nttg r *" l3 , 4rr i; the diurnalia of the Romans, and . filiffnlen" °;" rills of that singular people have beeWhictideilditen to t but what are we to say, in the yestlB3ol 0 4 ,: l t s „ 1 per, not only composed after the asos i stodsl o pcl". diurnalia, but circulating by the mantl.nini llll Ti ii ; our readers may have observed a notice et *Or: i been established at Freemantlei on the Swill lulTtay. Ifirst number is now befere no. lt is entitleti ' 04 . 1 , 4 ' mantle Journal and General' ildesilisiK Ili t ''i " Fieemantle, Feb. 27, 1830 ;" the price israirk° 6 l 6 „,, and the leading or editorial erticle cottonante! ra t ', "The present is unquestionably in loony 1.0 1 1) 04 r ,:r he called a liberal age. The editor of the,Fresigtelk 01 eel trusts that liberal encouragement will la girsitl hazardous undertaking he bas commeneed, Ile , , under extreme difficulty, in being obliged hi Intridenti.! journal in manuscript !" And in 011101134Tiet Erni: the whole of the number, and for any Shill Mat " ' all the numbers that have yet issued front the Pretin io l i press. There are internal as well as esternal Inn u 1 in this singular journal. All lette r e sad 40,01-1,,,r,.. to be addressed to the editor'" at the Stich!, excellent gilt for a gentleman of th e Pen. - 0°1 ,,,'"' „mg states that the brig Thomson wil l sail I 1 v" -- bi ir . of . P Bea(asncgeeaod:sly.satnanddiTwfreesiigbdhloet:bpsihronejltid:e:offreartil:nle:7ll.72l4o..4l: 11444 oil voted) , that he has no opeeches, routs , Su r to line fiubionstale occurrences, to fill his coluoins) to s iii l i r,r g , able ewe, whom some villian * had 'astsull eg a pe vously injured, the editor midi, ~ Hi :A . RP, t ti ii IN reports are current, but this is autbentte.:,: iis 4 l, pose it is with reference to these reports that o til dent—for the journal has half it dollen a * lt t r aTill though only advanced to its first putaber - " 41$ 11 lai r gi MARTIN'S Act for cruelty to animals 4,1 'll4O in force in the colony." There is one lettairli o oil extract, for it is short, and to the Parria ,l '.." s t i f haps you will be able to inform me in yotir re names of the magistrates authorized to 44 it . : 1 0 1 luny."—Another correspondent,* farmer. linltT im s right that strangers should milk his Cnt a llVeti leave; And adds, " In England this is fe100y, ,, ,L., : 5, 5 .4.11 to be noticed here." We think it ought. . '!I A L'i mantle Journal contains *even advertisenniooo7o, date brig Thomson. In one of themen P . J.71,101 Lawis Wren for sale an elegant tisiortment.T„, ! plaice, ladies' combs, guns, pieta% Ind ihotO g ! to editor of the frsemantle journal sign/ 0 1 ,;,.; paper as an independent editor should 'Jo. , centemporaries must IDLY. often - Men rtlin.... s o JAMES GARDINER. Th e owner belonirett ei!...r.7441 thatjeborious ciao of .indbridlieli; tirnaid'Ziolk men. The present DI not the first time Tr . 7 10 co tione have passed under our oriew , hl.' s .,.r i f ' o. befo p re tT u ß e L in B so z i T tri w po s si o a: a nitnP• t ie f are ' -' " .:. . • ••- Sic ritcalsililinriPt ,r 1,... • itsgAtz.—The famous' d!ei-1.11-lu'e-14:wne•-----AC.llllll::sl.C4:filAl4ll:AeCi TAIGNERAIE, WAS the its; sifilioNr es oi , ,, d i . Nutt reign. They had both been P i g, don s peat* I FRANCIS I. CHATAIIINERAIS,WAS '', ,„,i lO l kr to quarrel, skilled at his Weapon. ann. r!9 1 7 , ...i 14 hardihood ;' be excelled in those' rude ettu 10 1 .4 0 0 cises which the Dauphin Ilssai, losedonllntispetri quently a favourite with him. JASCtt/; void was a beau, given to pliontry, and fond il.eviod gance ; a taste which be inaalgea 0 We / 10A apparent means. It happened that is i m ie, liznar, CHATAIGNERAIE, CODtelaniAg. .siirdiO4 such a mode of life, asked JA lINAC. t ote ,;, 1 ! I sources for such ezpence ? JAitnAni . s,ii i ,et I although his father was liberal in , his al owl": i . b el be bad obtained an increase-Of POPO: tkr: ) !Soptil mother, with whom be had wade blown a 4 t o, tro This passed ; but CDATAIGNERAIE C. OOl /rj 04 if ef JARNAC into an insinuation that bee tt,,,,eds of his step-mother in a criminal: ie :.,;(---ipio this to HENRY, who repeated it VI 1 314 ! 4 .,4111:i 10 The calumny circulated in whispers, and st r_„,,, g d, the ears of JAnNA 01 father. The SDP 10011:re0.- horror lie disavowed the crime, sod lu.eq!'_., b e fareit, 3l l himsel f.—He followed this up by apPe 4 l,o,who r n in the presence of the Conti, and declaring• u br i s i,! given birth to such a report, "lied 11 111 1 . p 0, W ill DA urn; x took this deadly insult to hitsw ..i iii ;siiitl could nut come forward. The rude C-I 4 T h t 01 .10 a bebo n yen d utrh as ileteoo s , e aw r n t iat e n d astgithmo t n h eaaitse t etos h in" e ,stoiettih h au si peh l nni, h c:ie e ns e put r :, d psidn3 .l e .t oFfi n tlic i i id a r : cf!io bolg st_r it io l o4 4 : 4 ooo o•o l o: issue of which was to decide the guiß ° A , &tie JaexAc. FaaNcts, however, forbid ° a l; ibi t, or 0 averse n ew , d to his th e e ha abi lle i n ird ge p a r n in d ciple o'r iodic° c .. A been thn : how much the imprudence of hie son b•?_. p.. 0 sion of the quarrel. On flituaY'e sec 0.7 1 .,, s al —the lists were prepared darSlintt.j.Ge'tirtnii,neitni.";oHrilVisteshi-'ll. his Court were wituesser. When the,' jo ts OIL. the enclosed field, the slender JannAci. r ifted be: resist the powerful CIIATAIGNOSAIE : Pe ton sil , WEI blows, covering himself with hie bilnigl et .' n oe Onto' opportunity he wounded his adrernirc.,,“tetert„,.,o leg, and completely di s abled biol. _,:, iiked r', ~:ii spared his adversary . Havini in "Li u staillaL y-- Name to recal the calumnies thiasbe,-",„.iheuli advanced towards the Munerch;;Annejileal; _go tee of placing it at the Soeireign.• titittnwl„„ils right to hie enemy's life. '[lie 111:10birnrig-ise scorned to be thus 'spared : be :, r?"': h ,e 14,1 b rfeit even tore his wminds open why". ''' "bit s i r h in and died. Such was the judieisr nv ll dw a,ares;:;:i 1, be said to have originated the Me til i , being " 7. ncr's Cabinet Cyclopedia, Vol. l'''' ' d the History of France. _.....#1' PAINTED AND mums," nig Sur; Orrics, 11 9 1 &OW, Pitli‘L' tff 510r=wi!e__ ._.___...r.„...5 .,,.....-o - __i,,,,00v -- . BIRTHS. Likijist On the 80th ult. at North Euac t9° ' h."- -01 Gurney, of a daughter. . 4 On the Ist • . u o St• J 411161 mot. In —llTy-Streen ' r' i _...l of 11. C. Teed, E.eq , oda son• hi liai On the 31st ult. * at WeatMill, net+ , $"- Rev. 11. Pepys, of a son. s. 011 On the 30th ult. at Brighton, Dinh - 11. a, t iro Kennington, of a (Laughter,. . ~a Ls. On the 31st ult. in Alders:W.loolkt iv'''. of a daughter. ' 1 MARRIED' ll , ei On the 30th ult. at Waltrorth, F. Jt Si d : ili? worth, to Emma, only surviving MOW° Esq., of the Bank of England. T 1,101 4 5 1.4 Oa the 30th ult. at Grantham, R . '', IL I,lot l Bishop's Cottle, Shropohire, shiest son 0 ' 'roar of Llannerbrockwell, ISlontgotsua.yebire, ... tot fail vard, fourth daughter of the latot Heal .". Loudon. DIED. Tot er a t On the 31st ult. in Bury-street S t ' ~i'• , ' General George Hill, late of thee 3d GUIS, * iriV Oa the Ist inst., in New Bridg-one°, "-- e i Fag. in hit 70th year. •• rid lOW' On the 31st ult. at Stamford - broom, •---I ~ wbaite Freer, Esq. aged 78. rat ° II° On the Ist inst. Mr. Jobeph Holdstro_. • , •, 7 bam..court-road, in the 65th year of hillogte On the 31st ult. at Claret), Mr. . 14 ''' cock, aged 59. ______..---> Oa ° nnil