The Sun. — London, England, 1854-02-21 00:00:00

this co heighCeii the c and enfor seven mouths of negotiation and (Alicia: responsibility, that Lord Clarendon, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, writes his s3l , inn opinion, that the active interfer ence of England and Frit'lce must ensure the irretrievable ruin of Turkey. Now, I shall proceed, if the house will per mit me, to draw what I consider the inevitable conclusion from the despatch to which I have called the particular at tention of the house. (Hear.) Remember that it spreads over a period of seven mouths—remember that it notices every principal incident—that in January the Russian army was accumulated upon the Turkish frontier- -remember that the Cabinet of Russia is announcing to her Majesty's minister at the Court of St. Petersburg that his court is about to demand measures of compensation in favour of the Greek Church—remember that throughout this peried we have no formal and pacific demand on Russia to express expli citly what are her intentions—remember that throughout this period of seven moieties minister after minister sent fruitless warnings to the Secretary of State—they came from St. Petersburg—they came from Constantinople— they are disclaimed and rejected when they come from a charge d'affaires, they are confirmed and authorised by an ambassador—armies are assembling, vague demands are made, haughty, ostentatious missions are sent - the Primo Minister of Turkey tells you that the independence of his country is at stake, your diplomatic agents simultaneously inform you that the balance of power is at issue ; and all this time, in every form—in letters to Constantinople —in despatches to St. Petersburg—in instructions to its own ministers—in conversations with Baron Brunow and with Count Walewski, there is no expression on the part of her Majesty's Government, that there is no cause for alarm. (Hear, hear.) If there be no cause for alarm, why have you diplomatic agents—why should there be any ambas sadors—why should there be any despatches ? (Loud cheers.) Why have you locked up in some secret cabinet the despatch of the Emperor of Russia—why do you not place it under your pillow and sleep in peace, though you may be responsible f or th e sa f e ty o f th e world ; (Hesr.) Let us try to find out then the cause of this war. What I want in the first instance is that the House of Commons will ascertain this—what is the motive that influenced the Government during these seven months, and during their observance of this strange conduct? (sear.) Lord Cla rendon talks in one of his letters of an alternative, and I shall offer an alternative also—either the Government was influenced by a degree of confidence which assumed the morbid character of credulity, or they were influenced by connivance. (Cheers, and cries of " hear," from the Opposition benches.) I mean a policy which calculated that it was better that the dissolution, in their opinion— in the opinion of the Secretary of State and of the Prime Minister—should receive the compliments of the Emperor .of Russia—a policy that calculated that it was better, on the whole, that the inevitable dissolution of the Turk ish empire should take place by the indirect means of foreign interference, under those peculiar circumstances, than that England and France should go to war to maintain what are called the integrity and indepen dence of the Porte. Now, sir, that is the alterna tive which it is most important to decide. Was it cordiality or was it connivance ? And I beg the house to observe, that on ascertaining that point depends our also ascertain ing what is the object of this war. I believe that the cause of the war has been the conduct in these negotiations, dur ing these seven months, especially of her Majesty's Go vernment. If their conduct has been prompted by credu lity, they may carry on the war with success and spirit. The fact that they are undevided by the word of an Empe ror is a mournful act. It is a lamentable circumstance, but it is an incident to which generous minds may be liable ; and the very fact that they are undeceived may animate them to greater exertions, and to efforts which will indicate their conduct to their country and to poste rity. (Cheers.) If this conduct of her Majesty's Govern ment during these seven months has been influenced by credulity, it is possible that you may have a war—a long . and a severe war -but it will be a war carried out for great objects, and may end in great public benefit. Russia, by her perfidious conduct—if it have been perfidious —may have postponed a struggle which, perhaps, was inevitable. Russia may be forced at the end of this struggle to a posi tion which may secure the independence of Europe, the safety of England, and the safety of civilisation. You may have a war that may restore Bessarabia to the Porte—you may have a war that may convert the Crimea into an inde pendent country, destined to flourish under the guarantee of the great powers—you may have a war that may make the Danube a free river —(cheers)—and you may have a war which will make the Eaxine a free sea ; bat all this is de pendent upon the somewhat humiliating bat pardonable circumstance— the comparatively pardonable circumstance —that her Majesty's Government has seen the consequence of credulity. (Cheers.) But let us for a moment contem plate the results of the alternative. If it has been suggested by connivance, you may have a war; but it will be a war such as will be carried on by connivance—a tyrannous war ---a vacillating war—a war with no results, or rather with the exact results which were intended. (Hear, hear.) It is not a war which will place Russia where we think neces sary for the security of Europe and our country, bat it is a war which will end with some transactions similar to Prince Menschikoff's .note, or to the arrangements of the Vienna Conferenc e . • Now, these are two results so far opposed—so very different —one, I believe, is welcome to the people of this country, the other is so entirely satisfactory, that I think it does become—it is the duty of this house, even if we " potter over blue-books"— (a laugh), to try to ascertain the ti nth of the se i m p or t an t i facts. Sr, I must—late as the hour is I cannot refrain from trespassing a little while on the house—l must do my duty to this subject. (" Oh, oh," from the Ministe rial, answered by vehement counter cheers from the Oppo sition side.) I am not responsible for this debate having been brought forward. On the contrary, I have endea voured to throw no obstacle in the way of the Government obtaining those votes which, whatever may be the opinion of this house, it is my conviction it is our duty to grant. But I feel it my duty to complete a fair view of this ques tion ; and I must remind the house that I, along with my noble friend, are almost the only members who have risen on this side of the house to speak on a subject that for twelve months has engaged the interest and for half a rear has agitated the passions of this country. I cannot, an spite of the groans of gentlemen on the backed of the benches of the Treasury—(laughter and cheers)—l cannot 'brink from fulfilling a painful and a necessary duty. I owe this, not so much to myself, but to those with whom I have the honour and the happiness to act. (Cheers from the Opposition.) I have taken for these seven months important negotiations, ending with a despatch from a etary of State, from which only one inference can be drawn, namely, that under no circumstances ought we to g° to war for the integrity and independence of Turkey. I have offered the stran you the only alternative which can explain decide Nv t: conduct of the Ministry. I have asked you to whether it is credulity or whether it is connivanc e . of the is a But, there passage which I must now call the at tentionsomeexplanatiiieoble lord to, because I think it dem a nd s per mitted to touch upon You k n ow l ast y ear we were not per sometimes a geeu,rn this question. You know last year n ot without r as ked, and the Ministry, perhaps et ‘so think the noble lord is the p , I the last person who ought to com plain of being troubled inconve- question. He must feel that if in wi l t e h ea sn q uiries on this evoul he told the. House of Com mons that it was have to answer questions, in 1254 the creditor be y e : t the right at least to ask that the bargain should is due to the country and th i e ' ll 'ai o - v (Hear, bear.) It he Government of which the noble lord is a member that hear),—which may assist as to a 1 tch itharomevgsooimn: explanation over the circumstances to wh o uld namely, whethe r the 6onducst° solu tion refer—(hear, n animated by emi t & suggested by connivance " 7 has heated lord who takes a great in foreign affairs que:tionso ttheiGovernmentof this g to h th oen e jenwthe ther it has been 25th April, 1853, affairs in another place addressed Secretary of State. The Marquis ofthCels.nricarde adverted —to the alarm recently excited by h k frannouncement of peters burg by the French the special mission of Prince Mensc o from St burg to Constantinople, and Government having considered this mis sion to be of such grave i mport_ ance as to induce them to sen d a portion of their fleet to Salamis, circumstances which pointed to the great i rn nd France. This that could then be made, portanee of a union between E n g land a was the most important inquiry and second only to the interest of the debate which took place at the end of the session, an the motion of Lord Malmesbury. Lord Clarendon expressed a strong opinion ` .l - YespeFt to the obligation to themai,ntam independence with -ItAqf the Ottoman empire. the_ 'salon of Prince M h ensc - He stated ' the evernaie t having made to the French ' Govern- /aain eoace 'ens which appeared to be inconsistent in ecewsiona- viously made to the Emperor of tlio Emperoy f Russia, knowing the great ina- ~. :~~ with revec !and itrbegrii ( r llll.t rd slit inent ceii,4l with c „„ Rwiiia, tii, (Mar, hear.) I say this despatch proves violence and per- I Tidy according to the views of the Government. I say, if it be a fact that the Government were aware of the inten tions of the Russian Government, of course their con( iuct was not perfidious ; but I say, if the statements in this famous despatch prove violence and perfidy, why is it that Lord Clarendon after all this—after Colonel Rose's decla rations had been confirmed by Lord Stratford—after the occupation of the Principalities—after Count Nesselrode had declared, in his vindication, that from the first the English Government was cognisant of the policy of his country and of the intentions of the Emperor—why is it, after all that occurred, that Lord Clarendon says in his circular, " He does justice to the moderation which has heretofore distinguished the Emperor of Russia's policy, and rests the hope of an amicable conclusion on the Em peror's repeated declaration to respect the integrity of the Turkish empire ?" (Hear, hear.) Mind, that is the cir cular of the Secretary f State after the Chancellor of Russia has publicly declared that the English Government were cognisant from the first of the intentions of the Rus sian Government. ' (Hear, hear.) lam obliged to curtail, but if I did not refer to the passages, some one would answer me, "It is all very well, but turn to page so and so and you will find a complete answer." 1 must, there fore, repeat the case fairly and completely as the despatches give it. (Hear, hear.) But after all this Lord Clarendon writes a despatch on the 4th of July, which, I am bowl to say, is a very sensible and spirited performance . ( laugh.) Several pages are expended in proving th at h e has been taken in. (Laughter.) I will not make any com ment upon it. I would have quoted some passages in his favour, but the impatience of hon. gentlemen opposite will not permit me—(laughter)—and I refer to them for his vindication. (Hear, hear.) Allow me to remind you, sir, that I have now gone over the negotiations from January till the end of July. I have reviewed those negotiations until we approach the Vienna note. There is only another important despatch which I am a summary o f the bo und to notice, f or it is of the utmost importance. It i s seven months' negotiations. Lord Clarendon was appealed to by Lord Stratford to take a more decided course, and Lord Stratford said, " that in any case nothing c an b e worse than a hesitating, unealenlating course." L or d Stratford then tells the English minister "to look an evil if evaded, will return ;" and what is in the face, which, the language of Lord Clarendon in the l as t d espatch which am going to read ? On the 28th of July he says—" No doubt that France and England, if they se t t o wor k in but ear nest, may certainly cripple Russia, Turkey may be wholly and irretri evabl y rui ned , and peaceful negotiation is the only course to pursue." If that were an argument then, it is an argument now. If it were a good argument during tbo whole course of these negotiations, it is now an ar gument fatal to the policy of the Ministry who recom mend. war. (Cheers.) If the inevitable consequence be the irretrievable destruction of Turkey, why go to war at all? (Hear, hear.) What, then, becomes of this war for the integrity and independ ence o f T ur k ey ? (H ear, h ear ) Well, sir, Count Waleweki proposes that we then go to the Dardanelles, but Lord Clarendon objects ; he says it is a hypothetical arrangement, and he reads to CountWalewski his despatch to Lord Btratford, in which he states tha " in case of further afsgre,sion or undue delay on the par . of Itus , ia, the Government will be pr pared, in conjune tion with France, t take wore active measure 3." \Vhih he objects to he :►dvoca.t hypothet laud and FraT:co Tet:l; pinion, that if EL tb;3 .I,tructiou Turii,7: c•;ret that tho gr,!nt aposti, irrtliev ) I T "I - Pence who colotc.l to-night the inst try of St ) her 31 ons Of the €.stcro r, to prOve that or energy Tarke also. It :nin[;tinn his ca,.e pietur his Iv THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 21, 1854. est felt by the Greek population in the holy shrines, de termined upon sending Prince Menschikoff on a special embassy; and that prince was ordered to arrange that mat ter of the holy shrines, and to place, it on a permanent and satisfactory footing. Now, at the time when Lord Claren don made that statement, he was fully aware, to put it very briefly—first, that great military preparations were Russia, and secondly, that Prince Menschi koff madeh ad spoken bby of the question of the holy places as a bei n question which he did not understand; and that, from Colonel Rose's despatches, which he had received more than a month, he was also aware that the real object of the mission of Prince Menschikoff was the se cur i ng a t rea ty with the Porte, which was inconsistent with the interests of England and France, and with the independence of the Porte itself. He was aware that Prince Menschikoff having failed in his object, had left Constantinople. I ask the house was Lord Clarendon justified in making that statement to the House of Lords and to the Par liament of England, when he was in possession of that in formation? What is the condition of the forbearance of the two Houses of Parliament towards Ministers? It is that they should be at least met in a frank and candid spirit ; that if the Minister ri ses an d says it i s i nconven i en t to t h e public service that an inquiry should be answered, a patrio tic and proper feeling renders every member silent ; but there is a clear understanding that no Minister should rise in his place and mislead the Parliament of this country. And I ask the noble lord, or any of his colleagues that may follow me in this debate, did they, or did they not, think that Lord Clarendon was justified in the statement he made on the 25th of April in the House of Lords—that statement briefly that Prince Menschikoff's mission was to arrange and dispose of the question of, the holy places— when he had information that Prince Menschikoff had ab solutely left Constantinople, and that his object was to obtain a secret convention—secret as respects England and France—and inconsistent with the independence of Tur key ? (Cheers.) But we have been told that we have enough of information on this question. We must not " potter over blue books." (A. laugh.) A year ago we made inquiry of the Minister in his place in Parliament— which of all places in the world should animate a man to a noble fulfilment of his duty—and we are met by the usual answer that the inquiry is inconvenient ; but information is given, which information we did not find to be fraudu lent until we had the blue book to "potter over." (A laugh.) I this* that the Parliament of England have been treated li a Secretary of State in a harder fashion than they were treated by the Russian Minister. I will give no opinion on the alternative; but what I want hon. gentlemen to do is to apply this alternative to all these documents—to apply this alternative to the representation made by the Secretary of State when he was in possession of Col. Rose's despatches; and I ask you whether that re presentation made by Lord Clarendon was influenced by credulity or connivance ? That is a question which I think should be asked. Well, sir, it is impossible for me not to notice the Vienna note. That is the next phase of these transactions. The noble lord has noticed it, and I shall probably be able to treat it as briefly as any gentleman who ever spoke on so difficult a subject. But the most remark ahlu thing is the language of the noble lord on this remark able document. Here aro all the diplomatic wiseacres of Europe—(a laugh)—asseinbled at Vienn in a conference; and they draw up a document which Turkey and IZl:Nsia both agree in ascribing the same meaning to—(hear)—and . . . vino is the ono not intemied by any of the ministers or diplomatists of Europe. That is the first re ,earkable circumstance. But the most curious thing is, that the Vicnma note, to men of common understanding, in the ex.ict spirit, and almost in the exact shape, if re jecto.i by Prince Menschikoff, was at once to be considered 7ts a cases belli. Is that a species of connivance or not? Is it also a species of connivance when this- note is first hich sent to the Emperor of Rusda and accepted by him, that it is then hurried to Constantinople and. offered to the Sultan, with hardly a moment's time for consideration, becanse time is precious, and providentially rejected by him ? How does the noble lord treat this? Upon the hypothesis of connivance—but I express no opinion, I speak only of facts—it is very easy to understand it. Hav ing intended from the first that there should_be no real niggle for the independence and integrity of Tu'rkey--- having intended, from the first, that the ultimatum of Prince Menschikoff should have been accepted, they would have been very glad, by means of a Vienna note, to have obtained their purpose. Bat the other hypothesis—that of credulity—is very difficult to apply to the case, because I can hardly imagine that any man could be so credulous as to suppose that Turkey having rejected the ultimatum of Prince Menschikoff, would have accepted the note of the Vienna conference. But what was the language of the noble lord with respect to this note? He said, "I do not know whose note it is—it is none of our children. (Ex pressicns of dissent from Lord J. Russell.) I understood the noble lord to say that her Majesty's Government did not draw up the note, but he believed it came from Paris. At all events, the language used by Ministers in another place with reference to it was to the effect that the Govern ment were formally responsible for it, that it came front Paris, that everybody touched it up a little, and that ulti mately this failure took place. At the end of the last session, when the country began to be somewhat alarmed respecting these transactions in the East, when the noble lord the member for the city of London was pressed in this house upon the subject, he answered, I admit, fairly and frankly enough. But what was the reply to the question by a minister much more peculiarly responsible, and more par ticularly qualified to give an answer to such a question ? Lord Clarendon did not speak of this note at all in a de preciating tone or manner. On the contrary, he was most sanguine, and in reply to the question of Lord Malmesbury, he said tkat, in point of fact, the Vienna note had brought the negotiations to the point of a satisfactory conclusion. He said also that the note originated with the French Go vernment, that it was slightly modified by us, and it con tained nothing derogatory to the independence or integrity of the Porte, and could see, therefore, no difficulty to its acceptance by the Porte The note, then, it appears, was drawn up by'one of the most able men in Europe, the French Secretary of State—it was sent to all the other great Ministers of Europe ; it came here, and had the ad vantage not only of the full consideration of the Cabinet, but of a Cabinet of all the talents. (Laughter.) What is to be thought, then, of the termination of the discrimina tion used in this ease? This Vienna note was probably one of the most important political documents ever drawn np since the treaty of Vienna. You had the peace of Europe depending upon the question—you had these great statesmen concentrating their energies and intellect upon the question—and they ultimately produce a note which they themselves admit to be the greatest failure on record. (Hear, hear.) But I look upon this matter in another spirit. I give no decided opinion upon it, but Icannot believe that some of the ablest and most eminent men in England, whom I now look upon, and those most able and eminent men whom I might look upon in another place, could have produced such a failure or such a docu ment. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) But if from the first there was a foregone conclusion—l do not say in the whole Cabinet, but in the majority of the Cabinet— for I think I may be able to adduce evidence hereafter that upon many points the Cabinet were not united—but if, I say, there did exist a foregone conclusion in the minds of the Cabi net, or a majority of it, that the independence and inte grity of Turkey was a farce, and that by a conscientious connivance the affair might be settled by means of this note, then we can account for its production and its failnre. (Hear, hear.) I have examined the seven months of nego tiation which elapsed from January to July much more briefly than I could have wished to have done, and now let me ask the house to bear in mind the alternative which I have suggested as a means of explaining the cause and throwing some light on the object of the war. After the failure of the Vienna note, up to the affair at Sinope, there occurs a dreary interval. What was her Majesty's Government doing in this important time ? I will not refer, as some one has done, to articles in a jour nal which Emperors read, and to which it is said Prime Ministers contribute, as absolute evidence of the feelings of the Government. lin no way impute its representations to the Government, but certainly during that period there never was so depreciating a tone taken with respect to Turkey as in that interval ,which elapsed between th e failure of the Vienna note and the crossing of the Danube by Omer Pacha. We were told that we might mediate for Turkey, but we must not do more—that we might do a little, but not too much—that Turkey was in fact "used up "—(a laugh)—and that in fact the thing might be settled in some way or other without England doing any thing like going to war. I do not say that that i s ev id ence; but we have the evidence of one of the most distinguished members of this house—of one who forms a part of her Majesty's Government, and who is supposed to be pecu liarly in the confidence of the First Minister of the Crown. The right hon. gentleman made one of those progresses which public men make sometimes through the country. He found himself in a city second only in importance to the metropolis, and while there he found time to give his opi nions to an interesting assembly upon the state of foreign affairs. How did the right hon. the Chancellor of the Ex chequer then view the Turkish question ? Tile Chancellor of the Exchequer, who will probably have to propose new taxes in due time to carry on the war undertaken for the integrity and independence of Turkey—the Chancellor of the Exchequer said that the integrity and independence of the Turkish empire was a very different thing from the in tegrity and independence of England or France, and they must not in any way confound this sovereignty of Turkey full of anomalies, full of misery, and full of perplexities, with that of the two countries he had named. Now I want to know what that means. If the independence and integ rity of Turkey are different from the independence and in tegrity of England and France, I would advise the house —if that is the opinion of her Majesty's Ministers and of the Finance Minister—to think twice before they enter into this war. What is the case of Russia? Why, the case of Russia is exactly that described by the right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Russia says to you, " We are prepared to respect the independence and integrity of the Porte." You have, you tell us, the per sonal assurances of the Emperor to that effect. (A laugh.) But, according to our opinion, the integrity and independ ence of Turkey are very different things from the integrity and independence of England and France. Therefore, let the Sultan be at Constantinople—let him still possess his side of the Danube, but let us govern three-fourths of his subjects. And why not ? It is, you know, a " sove reignty full of anomalies, full of misery, and full of perplexity." Why, Count Nesselrode could not have made a better plea—more fraudulent if you please. (A. laugh.) Then the right hag. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer made a speech at Manchester, at a time when Parliament was not sitting, when every man was anxious to receive some cue or some intimation of the opinion of her Majesty's Government. (Hear.) Well, about this time, the end of the autumn, it was thought that the cause of Turkey was hopeless : for myself, however, I be lieved that there were one or two virtuous men who might save this " beleaguered city." They were in the minority; but it was understood that they had done their duty, that their recommendations were right, and had been adopted six months after the proper timer. (A laugh) Certainly nothing could be more gb omy than the state of Turkey at the time when the Chancellor of the Exchequer was stating the political views of the Cabinet at Man chester. What was it that oh inged the aspect and fortunes of Turkey? What was it that gave a new impulse to the public mind ? It was not diplomacy, not the Vienna note, not instructions to ambassadors, de preciating the energy of the land they effected to save— not that accumulated mass of trifling, or worse than trifling which we have upon our table— no, but the energy of the Turks themselves, The valour and patriotic spirit of the people whom the hon. member for the West Riding libels and reviles—it was the energy, the patriotism, and the en thusiastic vigour of a " sovereignty full of anomalies, full of misery, and full of perplexities," which Europe witnessed anil admired, and which among all classes in England met with a ready and generous sympathy. The Danube was crossed, the battle of Oltenitza was won ; Russia, which had been accumulating her menacing forces, was put back by the very men whom your very minister and ambassa dor had counselled for months to forfeit their independence and to let their country fall to the ground. (Hear.) But no sooner had the first flush of this good fortune passed over, and a little re-action occurred in the public mind, when, little accustomed to the unexpected incidents and changes of the fortunes of war—no sooner had there been a lull in the public mind, than the policy of credulity or of connivance was at its dirty work again, and the Turks were told that since they had shown themselves capable of fighting successfully for their country, "Do not for God's sake disturb the neace of Europe." Give over this fighting. Respect the feelings of the Emperor of Russia. We are going to send yon some new propositions almost as good as the ultimatum of Prince Menschikoff, and more successful, we trust, than the Vienna note—(laughter)— and certainly there never was a more disgraceful fraud either for diplomatists or for Ministers than when the Sultan was repeatedly asking us to prove our sincerity by entering the Black Sea, which we as often declined to do. It is as disgraceful for France as for England. Ono day we are told the admiral quarreled with the ambassador; another day the ambassador quarrelled with the admiral ; then the two admirals disagreed, and then the two ambas sadors ; at least we are told so if we " potter over blue books." (Laughter.) Bat my opinion is that all this time there was a great diplomatic conspiracy going on, which was to settle this affair in a manner which, if it had suc ceeded, would only, as Lord Stratford de Radcliffe tells us, have postponed the evil day, and forced us to a solution of this imperial difficulty under circumstances of much difficulty under circumstances of much aggravated disad vantage. Well, as the battle of Oltenitza saved the Turks once, the slaughter of Sinopa operated again their favour. Then we were obliged to enter the Black Sea ' • but when we entered the Black Sea what did we do ? Was that a policy of credulity or a policy of connivance ? When I heard of the return of our squadron to Constantinople, I could not help recalling the words of a great orator when he was addressing an assembly not less illustrious than this ; when he said, "Oh ! Athenians, the men who ad minister your affairs are men who know not how to make peace or how to make war." (Cheers.) Well now, sir, having expressed my opinion that the cause of this war is the conduct of the ministry, or at least of a powerful ma jority in the ministry, who influenced the negotiations for the past seven months, I have a right to express my fear that if it has been a poicy of connivance which has only been baffled by events, it will lead, after perhaps a disas trous war, to an ignominious peace. (Hear.) I come now to the last point, to the preparations which the Govern ment have made for the future. Sir, the First Lord of the Admiralty has given us a catalogue, though an imper fect one, of some of the advantages which we now enjoy— though otherwise we should not have possessed them—to meet the difficulties which we have to encounter. And first of all I was glad to hear from the right hon. gentle man, that they have not done much in the interval ; they have succeeded in cementing a good understanding and alliance with France. The right hon. gentleman ought to be a judge of the importance of such connexions. (Hear.) About a year ago an alliance with France was not in such favour on the Treasury benches. I remember it was im puted as a great fault to a noble friend of mine, who was once Secretary of State, that he was too fond of an alliance with France ; and when I remember the acrimony, the vituperations, the ignorant impertinence with which Lord Maimesbury was assailed the first moment of his entering office, and contrast the feeling of public opinion towards that nobleman at this moment with what it once was, as his colleague then, as his friend still, I rejoice at what has occured. The public now recognises that he was a man ot sagacity and a mini ster of unswerving firmness ; but this time last year the French alliance, since h.ippily cemented by her Ma jesty's Ministers, was not so much in vogue as at present. Far be it from nag to allude to past debates, nor should I have done so had I not found that so discreet and expe noticed a Minister as the loader of the hAise thought it expedient that this year our debates should he again en livened by abu , in , -* another Emperor. Last year the Em peror of the French' was a pirate; this year the Emperor of Russia is a butcher. (Laughter.) After the trial of Dr. Sacheverel; Sir Robert Walpole said that the Whigs had had quite enough of roastinc , a parson. I should say th a t her Majesty's Ministers had had quite enough of roasting an emperor, and I should not be surprised that, if the war is shorter than some imagine, perhaps by this time next year they may have succeeded in cementing a peace with Russia., (Laughter.) What the character of the Emperor of Russia may ba then I cannot say, but I have no doubt that the First Lord of the Admiralty will do justice to it. (Laughter.) BUt we are told by the noble lord that we have entered into a mutual alliance with France to prose cute this war. That is a most important declaration, and I wish the noble lord had favoured us with more details upon the subject. The noble lord was somewhat vague in his description, or rather his reference to the condi tions of this alliance. I think the country and the house have a right to know what are these projected engage ments as to not disturbing the territorial arrangements of Europe ; for that I infer was one of the conditions of this projected alliance. I think if the noble lord and his col leagues have entered into any engagement of that nature, they have entered into one of the most Unwise and most unnecessary engagements possible. We have heard a great deal— Lora J. RUSSELL—I did not say that there was an en• gagement, or anything like it. Mr. DISRAELI—The noble lord's tone was somewhat low and diplomatic when he referred to the treaty. I am, however, glad to find that he has not recommended that arrangement. The hon. member for Surrey and others have referred to the balance of power, and some gentlemen have spoken of it with ridicule in a manner that I will not imi tate. But, sir, I never will confound the maintenance of the balance of power with the'maintenance of the present territorial distribution of Europe. They have nothing to do with each other ; and if we confound them, this country will be involved in great danger and difficulty. We all know— at least those who, like the noble lord, believe in the absolute existence of a balance of power—we all, I say, know what it is. It is at Madrid, it is at Belgium, on the Adige, and at Constantinople ; but thou .h this is true, it is not true that the distribution of territory sanctioned by the treaties of Vienna has anything to do with the ba lance of power. And we had a proof of that in 1848, when the greatest changes in Italy were sanctioned by the most illustrious statesmen, even by Prince Metternich, as not in any way disturbing the balance of power. I impress this on the house, because the future of Italy mainly depends on the appreciation of that truth. But we are told by the noble lord that, in order to strengthen our position at this moment, we have entered into an alliance with Turkey. And I may be allowed to say that, admitting that alliance with Turkey to be at this moment not only expedient but necessary, my astonishment is that that treaty was not en tered into many months ago. It is a notorious fact that dur ing the last eight weeks there have been repeated attempts to negotiate directly between Russia and Turkey. It is known that in one instance the attempt was nearly success ful, and I should like to know what would have been the position of the noble lord if he had had to come down to Parliament to say that Russia and Turkey had succeeded in settling this affair between themselves on terms fatal to the independen3e of Turkey and injurious to the interests of Europe, because her Majesty's Ministers had omitted at the proper time to bind Turkey by a convention not to compromise the interests of Europe by such a course ? I should say they would have been in almost as compromis ing a position as they would have been had Turkey signed the Vienna note ; and I believe that would have been a position which for dismay, disgrace, and disaster was never equalled by any statesmen. I am sorry that when the noble lord gave us this information with respect to the treaties with Turkey and France, he did not in any way confirm the flattering statement of the First Lord of the Admiralty with regard to the German powers. The First Lord of the Admiralty, in his catalogue of the great achievements of her Majesty's Ministers, and in his an nouncement of their successive labours for the welfare of the country, told us to congratulate ourselves on having drawn the German powers into union with England and France. But I observed with deep regret—though I believe the statement was perfectly justified—that the noble lord distinctly seated that neither Austria nor Prussia were bound in any way to interfere if war continued. But, sir, I think it was the duty of her Majesty's Ministers to demand from those Govern ments a distinct and categorical answer as to what they intended to (its if war proceeds. I think, too, that that is a subject on which her Majesty's Ministers are bound to give information to Parliament. On Friday night the noble Lord said that; I had made a most important observation because I rose with the concurrence, indeed at the request of the gentlemen on these benches, to state that we should make no opposition to the vote of men which the noble lord wished immediately to pass. The noble lord was pleased to say that that was an important declaration. I confess myself that I was rather surprised at the somewhat exag gerated view which he took of these simple words. For whatever might be our opinion of the conduct of the Go vernment in the management of those transactions which have led to this terrible conclusion, I cannot suppose that on these benches there could be any difference of opinion as to the duty which we have to fulfil, to support our sove reign and to maintain the honour of our country. I can assure the noble lord that so long as the opposition benches are filled by those who now occupy them, he will at least encounter men who will not despair, under any circum stances, of the resources of their country. The noble lord has great historical information and great experience of this house. I cannot but believe that the noble lord must have drawn his opinion of those who sit opposite him from his recollection of other and preceding oppositions. (Cheers.) I do not know whether, on the part of the noble lord, it was an effort of memory or of remorse. But this I can say—for this I can answer on the part of myself and my friends, that no future Wellesley on the banks of the Danube will have to make a bitter record of the effects of a British opposition that depreciated his efforts, that ridi culed his talents. (Cheers.) We shall remember what we believe to be our duty to our country; and however protracted may be the war, however unfortunate may be your councils, at least we shall never despair of the republic. (Cheers.) Lord PALMERSTON then rose, and was greeted with cheers from the ministerial side. The noble lord said— Late as the hour to which this debate has been protracted, tshould feel that I was not discharging my duty which I owe to this house and to the Crown if I were to permit the debate to close without making some observations in reply to, and in consequence of, the speech of the right hon. gentleman. I am ready to admit that we are met here on one of the most important and solemn occasions upon which it can fall to the lot of Parliament to deliberate. The country, by the admission of the responsible advisers of the Crown, is, I am afraid I must say, upon the verge of war. (Hear.) The house and the country have a right to know what has been the conduct of Government, and what has been the course which has led us to this position. We have laid before Parliament the papers, which show what the conduct of Government has been, and we have pro duced these papers for the express purpose that Parliament might have the opportunity of considering and of reviewing that conduct, and of expressingitsopinioa thereon. (Hear. ) But I must confess I did not expect to hear from any mem ber of this house that which has just fallen from the right hon. member who has just sat down—(hear)—because, I think, that if I were to be of opi nion that a Government, in the direction of its public duty, in consideration of great and important negotiations upon matters involving not only the interests of this country, but the peace and wel fare of Europe, had been justly chargeable either with credulity or connivance, I think that if I felt those were the only alternatives upon which the house could be called upon to pronounce its judgment, I certainly think I should feel there could be no other course open to me and to the house than to withhold from them the confidence of Parliament. Yet we are told that the Government in relation to which this house has only the alternative of condemnation for credulity or condemnation for connivance, is to receive the confidence of Parliament by the supplies which may be ne cessary to carry on the war ; and that the gentlemen who sit opposite are ready to entrust to such a Government the fortune of the war. (Hear, hear.) Well, then, a Govern ment standing in the position in which we stand has a right to expect' at its conduct wi:l be scrutinised to the bottom. Thegfire many charges that might be brought against us. In the first place, we might be accused of hav ing rashly, imprudently, and without due regard to the heavy responsibilities which weighed upon us, brought the country to the condition of being obliged to draw the sword and rush into war. That charge no one has made against us. That charge would indeed have been a heavy charge ; and, if proved against us, would have manifested us as deserving of the severest condemnation of the country. (Hear.) That charge, however, no man has, as yet, in timated could be alleged against the conduct of the Go vernment. Well, another charge might be, that by delay, by credulity, by absence of sufficient vigour at the proper time, we had allowed matters to come to a pass at which they would never have arrived had we pursued a different , course. Now, I think that neither is this, a charge which can be rightly brought against the Government ; and, on the contrary, I am ready to maintain that the moderation and forbearance by which our conduct has been character ised are such as to enable us to stand well in the opinion of the country. (Hear, hear.) If it is said that we have fore borne to the last moment, th it we have exhausted every means of negotiation, that we have clung to every hope of terminating the disputes Which threatened the peace of Europe by amicable adjustment, that we have trusted those who were not deserving of our trust, that we have believed assurances which events have shown were untrue, that we have postponed to the last moment the deci sion which it may now appear we must come to, these are not, in my opinion, charges against the Govern ment, but rather as a proof that we have clone all in our power, and up to the latest hour, to avoid war, will in duce the country to rally, as one man, round the Govern ment, seeing that war, if war comes, is a necessity which could not be avoided; and to make every sacrifice which the war, so forced upon us, despite our utmost endeavours to avert it, must inevitably entail. (Hear, hear.) We are accused of credulity ; I say, that the despatches in these volumes justify us in having for a considerable period reposed confidence in the assertions of the Russian Government. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman has accused my noble friend, the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, of having misled Parliament, on the 25th of April, by declaring, at that time, that the Russian Government asked for nothing but the settlement of the question of the holy places, whereas, says the right hon. gentleman, at that very time Prince Menschikoff had left Constantinople, and the English Government knew perfectly well that he had been urging a certain treaty on the Porte. What are the facts ? Prince Menschikoff did not leave Const .nti nople till the 22d of May—(hear, hear)—and, as to the latest declaration which, on the 25th of April, Lord Claren don had received from the Russian authorities, its date was the 28th of March, on which day, in reply to a ques tion from Sir Hamilton Seymour, whether the settlement of the question as to the holy places would arrange every thing between Russia and Turkey, Count Nesselrode with his own lips assured him that it would—(hear, hear)--and that nothing thereafter would remain to be settled between the two Powers but some petty points connected with the Chancery, wholly unimportant, and unconsequential. (Hear, hear.) That statement was repeated on the 30th of April, when Count Nesselrode declared most positively to Mr. Hamilton Seymour that the arrangement which was negotiating at Constantinople contained nothing beyond that which had been already made known to the British Minister at St. Petersburgh, and by the Russian Minister at the Court of St. James's to the English Government. (Hear, hear, hear.) Sir, when such positive assertions ai these are made by the Government of a great country like Russia, I say that the Government to which they are made is enti tled to place confidence in them. (Hear, hear.) It is said, that we heard of military preparations on the part of Rus sia, and we ought to have inferred from this that some other demands were on foot. We were told by the Russian Government itself that such preparations were making but we were also told by the Russian Government that their sole object was to counteract the menacing language which had bJen need by France, and that they bore solely and entirely on the question of the Holy Places. (Hear.) We were told also, it is quite true, that Russia required some proof of confidence, as well as some reparation from Turkey, for offences which she had committed in connexion with the changes that had been made in the question of the Holy Places, and that the security was to be in the form of a treaty confirming the Sultan's tirmans for the settlement of that question. But we had never any in timation that any such treaty was to apply to other mat ters. (Hear, bear.) When, therefore, Count Nesselrode asserted, at a later period, that our Government had known from the outset what were the whole demands of Russia upon Turkey, he asserted that—l am bound to say it-- which was utterly at variance with the fact. (Hear.) It is painful to speak of a Government like Russia in terms of censure or reprobation, but I am bound to say, on behalf of the English Government, that the Russian Government, by itself and its agents, has, throughout these transac tions, exhausted every modification of untruth, conceal ment, and evasion, and ended with assertions of positive falsehood. (Hear, hear.) I ask, however, has anything been loft by the forbearance with which the Government has conducted this question ? I say, that if in the last summer a course had been taken by us which would have brought matters then to the point at which they now are if we had found ourselves in June or July last on the point of a rupture with Russia—our position would not have been such as it is now. It may be said, indeed, that the present result would never have arisen—that Russia would have given way, if we had shown greater vigour at first. (Hear.) That is a plausible opinion, and one which a person may be jus tified in holding; but, after all, it is but an opinion, and, had matters taken the course I have assumed, and turned out wrong—had Russia, instead of submission, urged us on then to the point at which we now stand—we should have been justly chargeable with a grave political mistake. (Hear.) There were a great many reasons why forbear ance was desirable. It was of the utmost importance, in a matter affecting the great interests of Europe, that, though England and France have been from the outset acting to gether, heartily, entirely, and cordially, they should en- deavour to obtain also the concurrence of Austria and Prussia. (Hear, hear.) We know that these two countries have interests in this matter far more direct than those of England and France. To Prussia and Austria it is a mat ter of vital existence, because, if Russia were either to ap propriate any large portion of Turkish territory, or even to reduce Turkey to the condition of a State. merely de pendent upon Russia, it is manifest—no man can doubt it who casts a glance at the map of Europe and looks at the geographical position of those two Powers with regard to Russia and Turkey—that such an immense ap propriation of geographical power on the part of Russia must be fatal to the independent action of Austria and Prussia. (Hear, hear.) Well, it was of great importance to get these two powers with us as far as it was possible to obtain their counsel and advice ; but neither of them could be expected to risk lightly a rupture with their great and powerful neighbour. The reasons which might lead Prus sia not to wish to risk such a rupture—the reasons, I would rather say, why those who wished well to Prussia —her well-meaning allies—would not have wished to press her forward singly, are obvious to any man who looks at the map of Europe. Austria, we know, was under great obligations to Russia. It was natural that she should be unwilling to break with Russia as long as it was possible that matters could be arranged by any amicable adjust ment; and if Austria, seeing that England and France were hurrying matters on, and precipitating a war when she (Austria) thought that by more forbearance, by her influence at St. Petersburg, and by diplomacy, negotia tions might have been carried on and war avoided, Eng land and France, under these circumstances, would not have been entitled to expect her active co-operation in the war. (Hear, hear.) It was therefore of great im portance to avail ourselves as much as we could of that influence which Austria possessed, or imagined she pos sessed, at the Court of St. Petersburg, and to convince Austria that we consulted her position as well as our own, and that we were willing to give every possible oppor tunity for an amicable settlement of the difference. if by any means it could be effected. (Hear.) I believe I am not overstating the facts when I say that the conduct of England and of France in this respect has been fully a.p• preciated by Austria and Prussia, and that whereas, if war had been entered into and carried on in the course of last summer, we might have had no reason and right to expect their co-operation—l cannot per suade myself but that, if matters go on to the point I fear they are likely to go to—the conduct of Austria and Prussia will be different now to what it would have been under those different circumstances. • (Hear, hear.) Well, then, I say that the conduct of her Majes ty's Government is not blameable either upon the ground of precipitation or upon the ground of too much forbear ance. The house, I think, will agree that the great ob ject of preserving peace was one which justified every possible degree of forbearance short of the sacrifice of those interests which it was our duty to maintain. But it may be said, "Is the object, then, for which you are making the country now to go to war—is the object one of suffi cient magnitude to justify the efforts which you require the country to make ?" I might answer that question by saying that the opinion of the Government that the object is worthy of those efforts, is an opinion shared by France, by Austria, and by Prussia—that all these powers have recognised, in the most solemn and distinct banner, that the independence and integrity of the Turkish Empire is an essential condition for the continuance of the peace of Europe, that it is an essential element in the balance of power, and that it would be a calamity to Europe if any attempt were made to destroy that integrity and inde pendence. Why, even Russia, while she is pursuing a course which is acknowledged by all the Powers except herself to be fatal to that independence, and that integrity —even Russia does not venture to deny the principle that the independence and integrity of the Ottoman empire is an essential element in the condition and welfare of Europe. Why, Sir, it is manifest that if Russia were to appropriate to herself those territories, which now lie under the sway of the Sultan, she would become a power too vast and too gigantic for the safety of the other states of Europe. (Hear, hear.) If she were to bestride the continent from north to south possessing large naval power both in the Baltic and in the Mediterranean, enveloping the whole of Germany, commanding regions full of every natural resource, and a population of enormous extent, she would become dangerous to the liberties of Europe, and her power would be fatal to the independence of other States. (Cheers.) I say, therefore, it is the duty of the other countries of Europe to prevent such an enor mous aggrandisement as that which would result from such a change of possession. I shall be told, very likely, " Yes, but Russia don't want any accession of territory ; she don't pretend or profess to take permanent possession of any ter ritory that belongs to the -Sultan • she merely holds these principalities as a maternal pledge for concessions which she requires to be made—concessions which she says are essential to her dignity and honour." What the Turkish Minister replies to that is a true statement of the danger. He says that it would be better that Turkey should have a limb cut off than that poison should be slowly but surely infused into her whole body corporate, which would surely soon destroy her energies and lay her prostrate at the foot of her powerful neighbour. (Hear, hear.) That which Russia dem mnded was nothing less than the sovereignty over 12,000,000 of Turkish subjects, because the power which was to protect them in all the affairs of life, both religious and civil, would have been the power to which those 12,000,000 persona would have looked, andlthe Sultan would have been no longer anything but the nominal ruler of those subjects. (Hear, hear.) I say, therefore, that that concession was one which the Sovereign of Turkey was jus tified in refusing, anti which every . other power—which England, France, Austria, and Prussia—united to declare could not be granted without an abandonment of the inde pendent sovereignty of the Sultan. (Hear.) Well, I say, then, that the object for which we are contending is one which a clue regard for the interests of this country, and a due regard to the welfare of Europe and to the peace of the world, justifies us in 'contending for. (Cheers.) We are told, however, that, setting aside the abstract principle of preserving the balance of power—which some gentlemen profess to treat with great contempt as a matter wholly undeserving the care and attention of statesmen— we are told that, setting that aside, there is something in the condition of the Turkish empire which makes it utterly unworthy of our support, and that, because it is not in such an advanced state of civilisation as this country, it ought therefore, to be conquered by Russia, and blotted out as an independent nation from the face ofEurope. I was asked by the hon. member for the West Riding (Mr. Cobden) whether I still maintained the assertion I made last session that there was hardly any country which bad, in the same period of time, made such material progress in its internal arrangements as Turkey has done. Sir, I abide by that assertion. (Cheers.) I am satisfied that any man who looks into the condition of Turkey now, and compares it with what it was at the time referred to, will admit the truth and justice of my assertion. It is quite true that Turkey now is far behind England and France, but we are not oa this account to forget how much further advanced it is now than it was in the time of Sultan Mahmond. Any man who knows anything of Turkey will know that in re spect to internal navigation, in respect to her army, her navy, and justice or political administration, great and im- mense progress has been made since that period, But I Turkey, forsooth, is not worth defending, and does not desire to be defended, because the Christian subjects of the Sultan are not in all respects placed upon a footing of equality with the Mussulinans. I believe that, legally speaking, the great distinction now between the two races is, that the Christians pay the kharaj, and are exempt from conscription. There is also an inequality as to their evidence in civil cases; but, I believe, in respect to crimi nal cases they are now placed upon an equality with the Mussulmans. But, sir, if the fact of any race in a coun ; try being upon a footing of civil and political inequality is any justification for considering that, country as undeserv- ; ing of independent political existence what would have been said by the hon. member for th* West Riling, if he had lived not very long ago, when there prevailed that penal code in Ireland, which placed our Catholic fellow subjects on a much worse footing than that on which the Christian subjects of the Porte now stand. (Hear, hear.) I fancy that in those days, when this country produced many men eminent in all matters of literature and science, they would have been very mach surprised if they had been told that they were a set of barbarians, and deserved to be conquered by France in order that the Catholics should be put upon the same footing as the Protestants in this country. (Cheers.) Well, I say then, that the condition of the Christians is no reason whatever why, upon great political grounds, this country and France—ay, and Aus tria and Prussia too—should not combine to maintain the Turkish empire in its present geographical position. I be lieve that the internal progress which has commenced in Turkey will be continued, and that the Christian and Mug sulman subjects will be placed on the same footing of equality. I can assure the house that it has been the anxious object of the Government to bring about that re sult, and not only of the present, but also of former Ad ministrations. In the year 1816, when I had the honour of being Secretary for Foreign Affairs, immediately upon assuming the seals of office I sent for Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, who was then in England, and urged him to re turn to Constantinople, assuring him that there was no one in whose ability, sagacity, and knowledge of Turkish affairs the Government could place greater confidence. Isird Stratford replied that he would go upon one condi tion,—which was, that he should be tillnwed to exert all the influence which his position as British ambassador would give him to induce the Sultan to proceed with in ternal reform, and to place his Christian and Mussulman subjects upon an equal footing. We aro now told by some that our interference in the internal affairs of Turkey is similar to that of the Russian Government as explained in the Menschikoff Note; but the great difference is, that we interfered only by advice, which the Sultan was at liberty to refuse or accept, as he thought fit. We demanded nt, pro tectorate over his subjects ; we only counselled him to im prove the civil and political condition of a portion of his subjects, that they might be bound by closer ties to his Government, and so become more useful citizens. Our interference was very different from that of Russia, who .lemanded a protectorate over some 12,000,000 of the sub jects of the Sultan—so that if one of them felt himself ag grieved he was to repair to St. Petersbuigh and trust to the protection of the Emperor of Russia rather than to thejustice of the Sultan. (Hear, hear.) The object we have at heart is one of great importance, and one deserving that the efforts of the country should be made to attain it. What, let us consider for a moment, is the nature of the adversary we shall have to cope with ? Th re are two things equally dangerous in matters of this kind. The one is to overrate our adversary ; the other is to undervalue him. To overrate an enemy is dangerous, but I must say that I think that there never has been a great State whose power for external aggression has been more overrated than Russia. (Hear.) We have seen that Russia is powerful for defence, and have inferred that she is therefore powerful for aggression, but the very circumstances which render her powerful within render her weak with out. (Hear.) The vast distances which invading armies must traverse, and the dangers of the march, all operate against an attacking army; but the same causes operate to prevent Russia being herself powerful in attack. There is also a vast difference between an army on paper and the actual number of men in the field of battle. An army would be much reduced in one of these lonf , marches from its original strength. The acc o unt s of the Russian troops in the principalities estimated them at a very large amount, but it seems that the Russians never had any very con siderable force there, and that is proved by the fact that in all the encounters which have taken place they have had the worst; and the endeavour to force the passage of the Danube never has succeeded. We have seen, on the other hand, that the Turks have shown a vitality which they were not believed to possess, and what the Russians call their fanaticism we ehould call a public spirit of patriot ism which leads them to defend their Sovereign and their country. (Hear.) As an instance of this spint, I may men tion that in one district, where the contingent required for the army was 1,000 men, on the day of muster 4,000 men appeared, and the 3,000 who were disappointed said that if the Government would accept their services they would ask for nothing in return but rations and arms, and they would supply themselves with clothes. The Turkish forces may be deficient in officers, but is evident that Omar Pasha has conducted the campaign in a manner which evinces great military talent. (Hear.) My opinion is that any one. great Power like England or France, possessing 13 issue; cause o b f u Tu w l e e n y, t ti se ng tw t e be ee c t tu u such naval and military resources, could, if it took up atrrreesl combined n success fule tae up the cause, I maintain that the chance of the Emperor of Russia is entirely `desperate. (Hear, hear.) We are entitled to expect that, if the war should continue, Austria and Prussia will not remain passive spectators. They will feel it due to themselves to take 'some part in the Contest, for, if they do net, Austria must h a ve ind e ed for gotten all her established policy, and must be ignorant of all her own interests ; and the same is the case with Prus sia. I therefore say that, with England and France acting as supporters of Turkey, with the opinion of the whole of Europe opposed to the Emperor of Russia, who will have not a single ally to support him in his career of injustice, I have no doubt as to what may be the result. (Hear.) It is a noble sight to see England and France, two countries which have long been in rivalry with each other, united in a course of action—(cheers)—bound be a reciprocal engage ment to seek no territorial advantage to themselves, but standing forth in the defence, not of their own interest and welfare alone, but in behalf of the interests of Europe. It is a worthy sight to see those fleets and armies which have hitherto met in deadly contest ranged side by side in per fect amity, not armed for the purpose of conquest, but armed in a noble and generous cause to defend right against might. (Hoar, bear.) lam willing to lay the c ase o f th e Government before the country and before Parliament, convinced that the peoele of this country will be satisfied that we have not recklessly and without cause involved them in a war of which I do not wish to underrate the con sequences, but which I think will be a very different war from all others in which this country has ever been involved. I feel no hesitation iu applying to the country for assistance to enable us to carry on with vigour the contest in which we may be engaged ; and I say that if it be the opinion of the people of this country or of Parliament that we have shown weakness and credulity or the infamy of connivance, let them take the conduct of the war from the hands of a Government incompetent to carry it on, and place it in the hands of those in whose ability, judgment, and sagacity they can place greater reliance. (Cheers.) Col. SIBTHORP declared that he had no confidence in the Government, and placed no reliance on France or Aus tria. He hoped this country would not be humbugged, but would rely on its own resources ; and he, as an humble individual, holding the position of colonel in the militia, would be ready to give the Executive all the assistance in his power in prosecuting the war. (Hear, and laughter.) The house then resolved into Committee of Supply. On the motion of Mr.WILSON, 16,024,1001. wel e voted to defray the charge for outstanding Exchequer-bills. NAVY ESTIMATES. _ --- Sir J. GRAHAM s a id th a t, considering the lateness of the hour (2 o'clock) he would defer any statement with re• spect to the estimates till the next opportunity. On the present occasion, however, as the discussion on the policy of the course purs ue d by the Government might now be deemed closed, he would take the votes for the number and pay of the men. (Hear, hear.) The votes were accordingly proposed,—viz., the number of seamen was fixed at 41,000; boys, 2,000; mai lima afloat, 8;1000; and marines ashore, 7,500; total, 53/00; 2,192,67 i/. were voted for the pay, and 870,324/. for the victuals. Col. SIBTHORP expressed his concurrence in the votes, and his readiness to increase the number of the men. ' The house then resumed. Lord J. RUSSELL—I beg to state that, on Friday next, I propose to take a vote for the number of men in the army before we go into any further votes for the navy. On the motion of Mr. I. BUTT, documents= relative to the construction of Ballycotton harbour and pier were or dered to'be laid before the house. The house adjourned at about about five minutes past two o'clock. NAVAL INTELLIGENCE. PLYMOUTH, F. 20. Her Majesty's frigate Pique, 40, Captain Sir F. Nicol son, had a narrow chance of sinking at her moorings in Hamoaze yesterday morning. It appears that on Satur day the wash-deck cock was omitted to be turned, and on the Sunday morning it is said there were nearly 14 feet of water in the hold, by which a quantity of bread and some of the ships slops have been injured or de stroyed. The crew of the Pique were unaware of their perilous position until apprised by the warrant officers of a neighbouring ship. Admiral Berkeley is expected here this evening to in spect pensioners. The 93d Regiment (Sutherland) Highlanders, have ,not yet received orders to embark. Mr. Menzies, as sistant-surgeon, joined the regiment on Friday, and 18 volunteers from Chatham. SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE. VESSELS SPOKEN WITH. The Regina (Dutch barque) bound South, Dec. 21, tat. 22 S., long. 28 W. The Heloise, of Bor.leaux, bound to Monte Video, Jan. 5, lat. 3 N., long. 23 W. The Margaret Gibson, from Liverpool to Port Natal, the same day. The Holyrood, from London to Australia, the same day. The Mermaid, from Liverpool, Jan. 7, long. 46. The Laura Estelle, from Gironde to Calcutta, Jan. 7, lat. 7 N., long. 24 W. The Screamer, from New Orleans to Liverpool, Jan. 26, lat. 30 N., long. 79 W. The Oscar (barque), of Stockholm, from Hartlepool to Pointe de Galle, Dec. 27, lat. 2 N., long. 19 W. The Valliant, from Bordeaux to Melbourne, Dec. 28, lat. 3 N., long. 20 W. The Bergman, steering to the southward, Dec. 29, lat. 3 N., long. 21 W. The Ariol (Swedish barque) showing an orange coloured flag, with 55 on it, same day. The Queen (barque), of and from Glasgow to 'Valparaiso, Jan. 2, lat. 6 N., long. 23 W. The Charlotte Ann, for Bristol, Feb. 4, lat. 43 N., long. 13 W., 20 days out. The Czar, from Bristol, Feb. 5, lat. 45 N., long. 12 W. The Betty and Emma, from Liverpool, same day. The Panama (American ship), from Liverpool to New York, Feb. 9, lat. 47 N., long. 20 W. The Baltic (s.), from Liverpool to New York, Feb. 10, iat. 52 N., long. 15 W. The Thomas Rowell, from Canton to London, Nov. 27, lat. 34 S., long. 27 E. The Bate, from Bristol to Charlestown, Feb. 13, lat. 38 N., long. 11 W. DEPARTURES FOR AUSTRALIA.—The departures from the port of London for the Australian colonies during the past week show an increase. They have comprised altogether 7 vessels—four to Port Philip, with an aggre gate burden of 3,180 tons; two to Adelaide, with an ag gregate burden of 1,101 tons ; and one to Sydney, of 1,022 tons. Their total capacity was consequently 5,303 tons. No material variation has occurred in the rates of freight. ~iriir`.~i ourth-72bition SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT, HOUSE OF LORDS-(THIS EVENING.) The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the wool. sack at 5 o'clock. The Eirl of EGLINTON presented a petition from some place in Ireland in favour of the unrestricted read ing of the Scriptures in the national schools in that country. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY presented a petition from Vi-count Ebrington, complaining of the suspension of the writ for Barnstaple, and praying for some modifi catio❑ of the manner in which petitions are tried by erection committees. Lord BROUGHAM bore testimony to the necessity of some legislation on the sulject. The Marquis of LANSI)O XNE admitted that a case of grievance was presented in the petition, and hoped the law would be rendered more effectual to meet the evils compl4ned of. Their lordships adjourned at half-past 5 o'clock. HOUSE OF COMINIONS.—(THIS EVENING. The SPEAKER took the chair at 4 o'clock. PRIVATE BILLS. The following bills were read a second time, and ordered to be committed :—Bradford Corporation Waterworks ;East Suffolk Railway ; Edinburgh Roads ; Hertford, Ware, and Welwyn Ju,ction Railway ; Hull and Holderne3s Railway ; Manchester Corporation Waterworks ; (Word, Worcester. and Wolverhampton Railway (Chipping Norton Branch) ; Portsmouth Rail way, and Winchester and Petersfielfl Road. CHELTENHA M WATERWORKS BILL. On the motio❑ for the second reading of this bill, Mr. MULLINS moved as an amendment that the bill be read a ,econd time this day six months. Mr. G. BEitg..ELEY said this was nothing more than a continuation bill. It was intended to improve the sanitary state of Cheltenham by giving it an ample and wholesome supply of water. Mr. BO UVEItiF; saw no reaion whatevt , r for with holding this hill from the cousideration of a select committce. The bou,c then divided when there appeared For the -! , .-!eond reading .......... 85 Ag;omt it B3-2 The bill was accordingly read a second time and or dered to ho committed. SUNDERL A.ND AND SOUTH SHIELDS WATERWORKS BILL. On the motion fir the second reading of this bill, Mr. H. G. LI DDE L L moved that the bill be read a second time this day six months. Mr. MGM - SE Y AOUR supp!rt , .:(l the bill. Mr. BOUVERIE said the bill di,l not involve a question of fact, but it was intro,iticed for the purpose of repudiating a parliament:try contract entered into no further back than two years ago. Mr. ATHERTON 'cont,nded that the contract re ferred to was brought about by fraud and deception, and the house should therefore pause before it rejected the bill on the sec and reading. Mr. SPOONER opposed the bill. The house then divided when there appeared, For the second reading 27 Against it The bill was consequently thrown out. RECRUITING IN IRELAND. Mr. S. KNOX wished to ask the Cnief Secretary for Ireland, whether any reports (constabulary or otherwise) have been received, to the elf .ct that the Roman Catho lic Priests in the county of Kilkenny, as reported in the Times newspaper of Thursday, the ltith day of February instant, have, from the altars of their chapels or else where, recommended volunteers not to enlist in her Majesty's service ? Sir J. YOUNG said, since notice had been given of this question, the fullest inquiry had taken place in the county of Kilkenny, but no information could be ob tained of any such denunciations. Of course, it was out of his power to say absolutely that none had been made ; but so far as the constabulary of Ireland had been able to ascertain, he was induced to believe that no denunciations whatever could be traced. But whether any had been made or no, this he could assure the house, that the enrolment of volun teers had been highly successful in Ireland. (Cheers.) PP.IVATEERING. Mr. HORSFALL wished to ask, whether the treaties with foreign nations, or the steps which her Majesty's Government are prepared to take in the event of war, are such as will effectually prevent privateers being fitted out in neutral port, to interfere with British shipping? Lord PALMERSTON—Sir, I am sure the hon. gen tleman and the house will feel that that is a question to which, in the present state of thingi, the Government cannot give any-explanatory answer. (Hear, hear.) IRISH CONSTABULARY FORCE. Mr. R. MOORE wished to ask the Chief Secretary for Ireland if it be the intention of Government to in troduce any measure, or take any steps, to increase the nay of the officers and men of the Irish Coustabluary Force. Sir J. YOUNG- -Yes, sir, the subject has been sub mitted to the Lords of the Treasury, and is now under their consi ;oration. MANCHESTER AND SALFORD EDUCATION BILL. Mr. ADDERLEY moved the second reading of the above bill. It was a bill by which the ratepayers of 'rtauche,ster asked Parliament for leave to rate themselves to support an education for all classes in that great city. He regretted it was a private bill, but he would take care, as far as in him lay, when it had passed a committee upstairs lie would move for its re-committal, in order to the full discussion of the bill. (Hear, hear.) He regretted, for the sake of the country, that it was the only bill for national education in England, and he felt he could not appeal in vain at all events, to her Majesty's Government on this subject; but in moving this bill, he was moving a bill drawn up by a body of Manchester gentlemen, who, he thought, deserved well of the house and the country for the tin , wearied pains they had taken in this question. This was the third time this bill had been brought before Parliament, very much at the instance of the right hon. Lzentleman the member for Manchester (Mr. M. Gibson), who in 1851 hail it thrown out by moving for a select committee. The noble lord the member for the city of London (Lord J. Russell) had also thwarted the mea sure by his own promised but yet will-o'-the-wisp scheme for - national education. This was not the stage of the bill for going into the details, therefore he trusted the house would allow him to treat it now only on the general principles, and leave all discussion of details to the committee. (Hear, hear.) The promoters of the bill proposed to omit all religious questions in the measure, and that secular education should alone be provided by the proposed rate, and the voluntary principle was to be adopted. (Hear, hear.) It was clear, from the experience of many years, and from the advatitageS of the fervour of a religious rivalry, that private charity was unable to cope with the subject of education for the great mass of the people. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman (Mr. M. Gibson) who was to move an amendment to his motion, was the mouthpiece in this house of what was called the National Society. He (Mr. Adderley) did not quarrel with titles, but he thought the title of that class of peo ple to be called national, was in about the same ratio as Tooley-street was to be taken as representing England. (Hear.) The higher classes in this country reserve to themselves exclusively the religious education of theirchil dren, while they send them to schools and colleges, and lectures for their secular education, an argument which he contended told strongly in favour of the separation in our national schools of the secular and religious elements of education. As to the Sunday schools, they had it on the best authority that they were wholly inefficient. The advocates of the denominational system in this country invariably refer to the services of that system in America ; but, from the evidence of Mr. Twistleton, the principle most vital in America is not that of the de nominational system, but what be (Mr. Adderley) hoped would long remain there—the strong religious feeling which they have derived from the pilgrim fathers of England. [LEFT SPEAKING.] THE LONDON GAZETTE (THIS EVENING.) FOREIGN-OFFICE, FEB. 20. . The Queen has been pleased to approve of Mr. Edward Reimers as Consul at Hong Kong for the Free Hanseatic City of Ham burgh. WAR-OFFICE, FEB. 21. Brevet—Lieutenant-General Fitz Loy James Henry, Lord Raglan, G.C.8., to be Commander of the Forces about proceeding on a particular service, with the rank of General while so employed. Colonel Henry John William Bentieck, of the Coldstream Guards ; Colonel Sir Colin Campbell, K.C.B, upon half pay Unattached ; COlonel Richard Aird, upon half-pay Unattached ; and Colonel William Eyre, C. 8., of the 73d Regiment of Foot, to be Brigrdier-Generals while employed upon the Statr of the Forces about proceeding upon a particular service. The above commisSions to bear date Feb. 21. ADMIRALTY, FEB. 16. Corps of Royal Marines—First Lieutenant and Adjutant Thomas Forrest to be Captain, vice T. B. Gray, appointed Paymaster; Second Lieutenant Frederick Lewis David to be First Lieutenant, vice Forrest, promoted. ADMIRALTY, FEB. 17. Corps of Royal Marines—First Lieutenant Andrea Wylde to be Captain, vice Charles Miller, to half-pay ; Second Lieutenant James Stirling Mould to be First Lieu tenant, vice Wylie, promoted. ADMIRALTY, FEB. 20. The Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty do hereby give notice to all lieutenant- , in the Royal Navy, now on half pay, of and below the seniority of 1841, inclusive, that they are required immedintely to transmit their addresses to the Secretary of the Admiralty ' - and that such lieuten ants as may think themselves unfit for service, are to tran smit a medical certificate of their inability, and the cause of the same. The half-pay of all lieutenants neglecting to reply to this notice, on or before the Ist of March next, will be suspended. All mates and midshipmen, second masters and masters assistants unemployed are also to send their addresses, on or before the Ist of March, or they will be considered as ceasing to belong to her Majesty's service. By order of the Board, R. OSBORNE. COMMISSIONS SIGNED BY LORD-LIEUTENANTS. let Reg i men t of King's Own Stafforchibire Militia _ _ Colchester Harwich Leigh Maldon I 4 20 - - GU 4 3:1 - 186 771 554 - :!7 -- 844 274 132' -, 40 7'B 141 - 765 205, 4131 - 17'0, 84/ 980 COAL MARKET.—FEs. 20. Prices of Coal per ton at the close of tho market :—.. s. d.; Wallsend, too. Buddle W. Hartley 23 0 ' R. d. Carr's Hartley 23 Leverson .......21 0 Dean's Primrose .........21 t, Bell . fluting's Hartley 23 0 Belmont ......................25 0 Holywell ...... ........... 25 6 1 lIaswell , ...................... 27 8 Hartlepool West Hartley 2 ) OiSt3wart o ...................27 0 Old Adairs 2l 0 Cassop ............... —....25 6 Stobart's Hartley 22 6 Flunwick ........... _.....21 6 Taufield Moor 2l &Tees .......... . ....... .27 0 Taufield Moor Butes 2l 6 Whitworth ........... .....24 0 0 West Hartley 22 0 r. , ow Bitehburn 2l ..... Ships at market._ 470 I Sold .......... 53 BIRTHS. OF A SON. On the 18th inst., at Haven-house, Ealing, tlo wife of John Fenton, Eiq. On the 20th inst., at Lower Clapton, Mrs. T. T. Curwen, OF A DACGFITER. On the 19th inst., at Brixton -hill, Mrs. Henry Evil. MrsOn Mthaelaren e 17th inst., a t 5, Rectory-villas, Shacklewell, . . MARRIED. On the 12th ult., at the Byculla Church, Bombay, F. T. Cornewall, Esq., H.E.I C.S , son of H. Cornewall, E.g., of Delbury-hall, Shropshi re , to Eliza 4usan Annabeilla, (laughter of M a j or Edwarde;, K.H., late of the 3d Light Dragoons. On the 20th inst., at St. Mary Abbotts, Kensingt on , Major H. Stamford late of the Bombay Army, t o Il e , only daughter o f R. Wesbrook, Esq., formerly of Win chester, Berke, and Fauham's-hall, Herts. DIED. On the 7th November, at Melbourne, Victoria, S. Cary • Esq., M.D., awed 43. On the 1 7th ' inst., at Queen's-square, Bath, Mary An ne Boddam, daughter of the late R. H. Boddam, Esq., for merly Governor of Bombay. LONDON: Printed and Published by MITRDO YOUNG, of N c . 112, Str tnd, Vrilitor, at ;he odice, No. 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the county of Middlesex, Tuesday, February 21,1854. ••+......w a a a r Charles Edward Elliot Welchman, Esq., to be .Agaistant. Surgeon, vice Astle, resigned, Jan. 23. j Shropshire Regiment of Militia—William Fleury Nic• coils, Gent., to be Ensign, Feb: 16. POSTAGE STAMPS OF SIXPENCE. Inland Revenue, Somerset-House, Feb. 20. Notice is hereby given, that the Commissioners of In land Revenue have provided a Stamp for denoting the duty of Sixpence for Postage, and that such Stamps will be issued to the Public on and after the Ist of March n ext. By order of the Board, THOMAS KEOGH, SeCretar.r. BANKRUPTCY ANNULLED. Walter Scammell, shoemaker, Waterford-terrace,. Ft al• ham. BANKRUPTS. David Allen Ramsay, builder, Kensington-park-terr s ,ce, Notting-hill, to surrender March 7, at eleven, and A pril 13, at half-past one, at the Court o! Bankruptcy. Johns on, official assignee, Basinghall-street ; Robinson and Hay t tea, Orchard-street, Portman-square. Augustus Rizzi, looking glass manufacturer, Lea do, March 6 and April 4, at twelve, at the Leeds Diskict Court. Hope, official assignee, Leeds; Bond and Barwi ck, Leeds. Dobson Ul!yea, draper, Sheffield, 4th and 25th Mars It, at twelve, at the Leeds District Court. Brewin, oho ial assignee, Sheffield ; Sale, Worthington, and Shiprrism, Manchester ; Richardson and Gaunt, Leeds. Edward Banks Green, ironmonger, Bilston, Staf tord shire, March 7 and 30, at twelve, at the Birmingham Dis trict Court. Christie, offi.dal assignee, Birmingb atm ; Smith, Wolverhampton ; Motteram and night, Biro ring ham. Frederick Scudmore Robinson, dealer in patent rnindi. tines, Bloom,bury-square, March 1, at eleven, and Ai oril 12 at two, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Pennel, offit :ial assignee, Gui!dhall-chambers ; Lawrance, news, s and Boyer, Old Jewry-chain hers. Thomas Evans, ironmonger, Manchester, March 8 3 tnd April 3, at twelve, at the Manchester District Cot trt. Fraser, official assignee, Manchester ; Higson and Rol) 'in • son, Manchester. Charles Clarke, maltster and brewer, Norwich, M: trch 1, at twelve, and April 12, at one, at the Court of B: nk ruptcy. Pennell, official assignee, Guihiliall-chaint 4sro; Jay, Bucklersbury; Jay & Pilgrim, Norwich. Stephen Carlton, harness manufacturer, Darlington, Feb. 27, at twelve, and March 31, at one, at the Newer' Ede. upon-Tyne District Court. Wakley, official assig Newcastle-upon-Tyne ; Hartley, Bloomsbury ; Brit pal, Durham. Donald M`Gregor, travelling draper, Chorlton-n Liman- Mealock, Lancaster, March 9, and 30, at twelve, at the Manchester District Court. Hermann, official aseig Manchester; Neill, ?rltnchestor. SCOTCH SEQUESTRATIONS. James Graham, S.S C., of Leitchtown. John M'Cuwan, cot tonmill furnisher, Gla.s7,ow. COURSE OF EXCHANGE—Tura DIY. ‘m5tertun............ 11 Gihr.sltar ............. •i - Ditto, three months .. 11 16th ..eghorn .............. 30 •70 riotterdain ............ i 1 1634 Genoa ................ 1;5 .5734 &r•.t.werp .............. 25 22 ko Milan 13rasAel , 25 2.0,4 Nrenice ................ . Ilainbureh 13 5 2 Naples ..... •.. • • 4' 2 Paris •• • • .... 25 2 ) / 4 dlcssina .............. 1/ 7 Ditto, throe months •• 25 3' Lisbon ................ ti 34 Marseilles. .••.. • • ...... 25 32 Oporto ................ 3% Boardeaux • • .. Rh. Jaheiro ............ .• - Franktort-on- Maine 118% ituenos Ayres - Berlin . .............. New York, oio days' sight - Vicuna ..•• ............ 13 10 l'hila,lelphia Trieste ............ •• .. 13 15 f PRICES or istmmox, PER ar. Pe , ersburgh • • •....... 36 IForeign Gold in Bars .13 17 9 _ . Madrid ................ 50 1 ,{ I Vortugal Gold Coin .. 0 0 o Cadiz .................. 50% Mexican Dollars .... Barc-lona— Sew ;►oilara Seville ................ 4ilver In bar 4 0 5 0 0 ir 0 0 SP ORTING INTELLIGENCE. TATTERSALL' S.-YESTERDAY. Speculation took a somewhat extensive range, s tad two or three movements of interest and imports nee masked its progress. The transactions, ho wever, on it lost of the handicaps specified below were only on a sni tall scale. LIVERPOOL GRAND NATIONAL.-6 to 1 wag takegin,,to various sutns about Miss Mowbray. and 7 to 4041). wards of 1001. about Bourton ; La Gz.zza Ladra l ls.#glob advancing tendency ; Cockcrow had tv...) or three fr4tnds apparently full of confidence ; and 25 to 1 was tak en to 751. about Oscar, after a couple of bets of 300 to 10 ~each had been booked. THE Two THOUSAND.-700 to 200 wag taken about' Ruby, the taker offering to go on. Very little done a4bout Phaeton. The DERBY.-500 to 100 was betted against Autos Tat, and although something was whispered about " heal ;ing money," yet it was quite clear that his position ws .s a little shaken ; 7 to 1 would have been taken to a co nsi derable amount about King Tom, but scarcely 13 t o 2 was obtainable ; 5 to 2, to fully 1601. in the aggreg ate, was taken about the couple. A strong disposition to lay against Dervish was manifested, particularly towards the close, when 16 to 1 was betted, and afterwards offered. 2,000 to 90, 1,100 to 50, and finally 500 tio 25 taken about Ruby ; 625 to 25 about Acrobat ; and 31,500 to 30 about Bessus. Closing prices : LIVERPOOL STEEPLECHASE. 6to 1 agst Miss Mowbray (taken). 7to 1 agst Bourton (taken). 12 to 1 agst La Gazza Ladra (taken). 12 to 1 agst fla;f-and-Half (taken). 20 to 1 agst Lady Arthur (taken). 25 to 1 agst Cockcrow (taken). 25 to 1 agst Abd-el-Kader (taken.) 25 to 1 agst Oscar (taken). NORTHAMPTONSHIRE STAKES. • 12 to 1 agst Red Lion (taken). 20 to 1 agst Marc Antony (taken). 25 to 1 agst Daniel O'Rourke (taken). 25 to 1 agst Diotnedia (tal<eu). METROPOLITAN STAKES. 18 to 1 agst Vingt-un (20 to 1 also Ldi). 18 to 1 ag,t Ariosto (taken). 20 to 1 a(rst Lindrick (taken). GREAT NORTHERN HANDICAP. Bto 1 agst Aquila. 20 to 1 ag-t Lough Dawn (taken). 20 to 1 agst Virago (taken). CHESTER CUP. 18 to 1 agst Newminster (take 20 to 1). 18 to 1 agst Star of Surrey (offered). 30 to 1 agst Peggy (taken). 1000 to 30 agst Tom (taken). 1000 to 25 agst Marc Antony (taken). 2,000 GUINEAS. 7to 2 ag , t Ruby (taken freely), Bto 1 agst Phaeton (taken). DERBY. sto 1 agst Autocrat (taken). 13 to 2 agst King Tom. 16 to 1 agst Dervish (taken and offered.) 20 to 1 agst Ruby (taken). 25 to 1 agst Acrobat (taken). 50 to 1 agst Bessus (taken). sto 2 agst the two leading favourites (taken). OAKS. Bto 1 agst Omoo (taken). • COUNTRY MARKETS. CHELMSFORD—FEB. 17. Prices to-day were as follow :—Wheat, white, old 7041 to 85s Od, new 708 to 85s ; red, old 58s to 80s, new 61.41 to 80s ; barley, 28s to 365 ; chevalier, 35s to 405 ; grind ing, 21s to 30s ; malt, 61s to 65s ; chevalier, 64s to 70s; o ate, 22s to 29e ; peas, part r id ge , 40 s t o 45 s ; w hit e , 48% to I iOs ; boiling 55s to 61s ; dun, new, 41s to 44s ; beans, tick, 40s to 42s ; Harrow ticks, 38s to 44s ; Mazagan, 38s to 41U . COLCHESTER -FEB. 18. Prices to-day were as follow :—Wheat, white, 80sto llOs ; red, 76s to 848; barley, 40s to 469 ; oats, 289 to 32s ; beans, Mazagan, 40s to 44s ; midtlle and small, 44s to IsB2 ; peas, white, 60s to 64s ; grey, 46s to 50s. Official Statement of the Quantities of Corn, &0., received in the port of London, from the following parts, from the 13th to the 18th February, both inclusive. , • p ; ca• ,A pr~irr 1 •• • , ... EYE Tam whicl o'cicx has 1 BROI —Tk tat CELI Danc Ysc TL Fe LEC' DES Stn drill of A Wal but da S tom site unb irri and and sigr the the Per nee for ma; ma eth are Oct sta to i ham tin sof Pei m 1