The Sun. — London, England, 1854-04-12 00:00:00

tail I have now introduced to the "notice of the house and of the coun try." Now, I think that it is very inconve nient that any Miniater should bring forward a measure of such vast importance, upon a subject of such general in e• reet--that he should have the importance of introducing t, with all the advantages which not only his abilities but his station give him, and that it should never be subjected to the slightest criticism. The principles on which it is founded may be most fallacious, and I think the principles on which this measure is founded are most fallacious; but still no opportunity is given to the house to express an opi nion upon it, because when the exposition of the measure takes place a future day is fixed by the Government for the discussion of its merits ; and then that opportunity thus promised is never giv en . Well, then, I wish to know whether this opposition, or rather this indisposition, which the noble lord finds to his Reform Bill, is an indisposition on his own benches —(cheers)--I will not say on the Trea sury bench, because we now have it on the highest with°. • ity that the Government is a Government of sincere Re ormers—but I suppose that it is not impertinent to ima gine that the indisposition may be on the benches behind the noble lord. At any rate, I venture to say that there has been no opposition on these benches. An honourable gentleman, who is a general supporter of the Government, has spoken of the opposition to this measure as if it had proceeded from us. And no doubt it is not at all impos sible that you would have received an uncompromising opposition from the benches opposite to you. But you never gave us an opportunity for discussing the measure, and therefore I beg the country to remember that the indisposition to Parliamentary reform in the present House of Commons, so far as we have any evidence of it, is confined entirely to the noble lord's own side of the house. (Cheers.) Bat I beg the house to remark that the noble lord has not met the difficulty of his case, that all the reasons that he has given for relinquishing his measure to night were reasons that existed in equal force at the meet ing of Parliament, and on the 13th of February when he introduced this bill. I deny that any member of the Ca binet can advance the present state of the country as a reason for not proceeding with this measure. The noble lord has very properly vindicated himself from the absurd po sition in which it is the i nterest of some parties to place him as being the only Parliamentary Reformer in the Ca binet, and as if it was entirely to vindicate his own per sonal honour that this measure had been introduced. The noble lord has v ery properly recalled the attention of th e house to the fact that the Government of the Earl of Aber deen was founded on the promise of a large measure of par liamentary reform. Nor was it merely in deference to the noble lord that the Government of the Earl of Aberdeen was founded on the principle of parliamentary reform. A very distinguished member of the Cabinet made a large measure of parliamentary reform a condition of his joining Lord Aberdeen ; and Lord Aberdeen, in his speech when he made an exposition of the principles upon which his Government was founded, unequivocally pledged himself t o a large measure of parliamentary reform. Now, I want to know what were the circumstances under which the Government of Lord Aberdeen made that pledge ? What were the circumstances under which the First Lord of the Admiralty made the concession of a large mea sure of parliamentary reform, a condition of his adhesion to the Government of Lord Aberdeen. Were they circum stances of less peril than the present ? Were they less seri ous ? Was the conj ec t ure l ess menac i ng th a n at present ? Why, we seem to have forgotten the circumstances under which Lord Aberdee n acce d e d t o p ow er. - why, after an inteval of between thirty and forty years, what had the house just done ? They had armed the people ; they had absolutely called out the militia ; and were arming and training and disciplining 100,000 men. A few months be fore Lord Aberdeen entered office, the late Government had considerably increased the naval estimates ; but no sooner had the First Lord of the Admiralty come into office than he doubled the estimates. Nor had the present Government been four months in office before they formed a project—which they subsequently executed—of having a m ilit ary ca mp at Chobham. It was well known that the Government then believed that not merely war but inva sion was imminent. Now, sir, no one will pretend that a war with France is not a much more awful affair than a w ar with Russia ; and yet with a war with France in their opinion impending, they formed their government on the principle of a large measure of parliamentary reform. (Cheers.) And did the adoption of that statement not serve them ? Could they have formed their Cabinet unless that had formed the principle upon which that Cabinet was established ? Could they have carried on their govern ment for six months unless that had been the principle upon which the Government of Lord Aberdeen had been established? Could they have possessed, not merely the great administrative abilities of the First Lord of the Admiralty, but the profound statesmanlike attributes even of the Pre sident of the Board of Public Works? Could he havegiven to the Government the fruits of those studies which Bentham had inspired and Grote had guided? How did they carry on the administration ? Why, only a very few months after wards we had the financial measures of the Chancellor of the Exchequer brought forward, which, according to th e noble lord's statement to-night, was the excuse for not proceeding with parliamentary reform in the first year that the Government held office. A tax extremely odious in the mode in which it is levied was introduced to this house, it being known that there was an absolute majority against the imposition of that tax, and that the most powerful as sailants of this tax—the income tax—were to be found on the benches where the supporters of the present Govern ment most congregate. Did not these gentlemen say that they disapproved of the unmodified income tax, and only Toted for it in consequence of this promise of parliamen tary reform. And, therefore, I say that parliamentary reform was the principle upon which the Government was founded, that without it the Cabinet would never have existed, and that without it the administration of affairs could not have been carried on. I say also at the same time, that the pledge to give a large measure of parlia mentary reform was made at a time when the state of pub lic affairs, as far as oar external relations, was not less me nacing, nay, I think much more perilous than it is at the present time. Myself opposed to the measure of the noble lord, I am glad that the Government has relinquished it. But what is the moral that I think we should draw from all these circumstances ? I think we should at least come this conclusion—and it would, in my opinion, be a salu tary one—though no one can question the honour and the sincerity of the noble lord who has been identified with this great question and this great cause—who will go down in history as connected with it—though no one, I say, can doubt his sincerity, and though I do not for for a moment care to question the sincerity of others— still I must say that there does appear to me, and I think there will appear to the country, that there has been too much levity, for party purposes, in dealing with ques tions of organic change in the constitution of this country. (Cheers.) Well now, I think, if we can, under the pre sent circumstances, when there is no party feeling on this question, and when all parties and.sections of this house seem pretty well agreed to assist the Government out of the predicament—l think, I say, that if we can arrive at that conclusion, every man, wherever he sits, will consider probably longer than he might have done two or three years ago before he makes pledges on a subject of this im portance. Because we should find that if a Minister per sisted—which the noble lord has wisely and magnanimously resolved not to do—in consequence of a pledge of this kind, in carrying measures not required by the necessities of the country, great public evil must occur. And if, on the other hand, after having pledged his sagacity as a states man for the necessity and expediency of such a measure, he finds it necessary to relinquish it, then, although great public mischief may not occur, thero is at least this disad vantage—that the confidence of the country in the men they look up to must be proportionally lessened and die minished. Nor does it seem to me that a time of war, which we are told may be very serious and protracted, is a time when, I do not say this want of confidence, but this diminished confidence in our principal statesmen should be encouraged. I hope, therefore, that the noble lord will not proceed in the course of which he has given an indication to-night—of postponing for a short but in definite time his plans of Parliamentary reform. I think it would be much better for the noble lord—who has made two attempts, which, ho says, have not been sanctioned by the country—and which he feels aro not required by the country, to allow this question altogether to drop, and not to embarrass himself by another pledge. (Hear.) What has the noble lord done to-night ? After all this somewhat bitter expe rience, he has absolutely embarrassed himself and all his colleagues by promising to take as early an opportunity as possible to introduce this measure. (Ministerial cheers.) I think that that cheer is most unwise, and that those who cheer will be probably the loudest iu opposing the measure when it is brought forward. I confess, sir, Ido not un derstand this getting rid of reform by instalments. You who are always asking for measures, and taking them by instalments, s h ou ld h ar dly favour this new system, by which reformers are to get rid of their pledges by instal ments. (Laughter.) It would have been better for the noble lord to say, " I have made a considerable attempt. The Cabinet stood by me. This measure is the result of our united deliberations. But the country does not require it, the times are perilous, and though I think that the fact that this is a time of war is no good cause why a measure of Parliamentary reform should not be carried if it were required, still it is not now absolutely necessary, it would involve a great struggle, and, therefore, for the present I will say farewell to Parliamentary reform." Honourable gentlemen opposite would have then had just as good a chance of getting Parliamentary reform when the time ar rived as they have now by retaining the vain pledges of a Minister. Surely , the experience of the last two years must have taught Parliamentary that you are not one whit the nearer a m neere of Parliamentary reform because you have the pled es of statesmen that they will give it to you. Here you have statesmen who have pledged themselves, and who were most sincerely anxious to fulfill their pledges, but you sueen o t o b tain your obje c t. You can never obt a i n a change such as you lee until the great preponderance of public opinion demands the Government with it. Well, then, why embarrass noble lord we er nth % constant pledge of this kind ? The been more stateeparm me n i for saying that it would have will say, after ,all h e basf, after all he has done, and, I to-night to place confidence suffered he asked the house by the manner in which t in his sincerity, and to show, honour was hi s wor d s t o -night, that they thought his told them that it was much bet ter w a s intact not to e ; and had then mbarrass the pledges Government any longer withon this subject, but that they might be confident that when the time was ripe brought for w ard measures by any minis that were dematndedwhl ha ppened then to be in power. Ido hope that the noble lord will at least draw this lesson from the past—not to embarrass himself with which he knows not when he can pledges, par ty purposes, and to calm to who must now fulfil, merely for feel, that, after all, measures of this great national impor tance depend upon something more solid than the word of any individual, h owever sincere or however gifted, (gear.) Sir G. GREY sa id that, having been long attach e d t o the noble lord privately and publicly, he could not allow the discussion to close without expressing his gratification at the unanimity of feeling which had been shown as to the course which his noble friend on the part of the Govern ment had announced his intention to take. His noble friend had especially appeale ' d to members on that side whose de sire to see a sound measure of Parliamentary reform car ried was unquestioned. His noble friend had elicited a gratifying testimony of the confidence which had been placed in him, and which was fully justified by the long and consistent career which had so identified his name with measures for the amendment of the constitntion. The noble lord had also elicited the generous testimony of the uncom promising leader of the large party on the other side. He thought his noble friend had completely vindicated the sincerity of the Government, and their desire to redeem the pledge given when the Government was formed. The right hon. ti genemee opp o site dissented from the course proposed to be taken, and did not think it right for his noble friend to give a new pl o on the subject of re form. Ho did not understandhis noble friend to give any ne w pledge on that subject, but merely to say that, if the circumstances which rendered the postponement of the measure advisable should be removed, he would again lay on the table a bill for the amendment of the representation of the people. gi g noble friend had taken a course, he would not say consiste n t with his per se hone for of that then could bq no doubt, but a course dictated by the highest sense of duty, and by a deep regard for the interests of the country. Differing as he did from the hon. member for Manchester as to the necessity of the war, he could cordially concur in the opinion which he had expressed that the war might speedily be brought to an honourable con clusion, and that they might be left free to resume the consider ation of this important ques tion of the amendment of the representation of the people. The hon. member had truly said that no disposition had been shown in the present session to occupy the house on nights devoted to private members with business that was not of a pressing nature. He trusted the noble lord would press rapidly forward all measures of really practical im portance, feeling certain that the house would be ready to discuss them without delay, and that it was their desire not to prolong their sittings to a late period of the year—a practice of which of late great complaint had been made. Mr. S. HERBERT said that r. Disraeli bad misre presented Lord John Russell, and he denied that the con dition of the country at the time of the accession of Go vernment to office did not materially differ from what it now was. In further reply to Mr. Disraeli, he said that tranquillity was one thing and apathy another, and that the mind of the country was not capable of taking in two great excitements at once. The whole heart and mind of the nation was divided between the Baltic and the Danube. In answer to an observation of Lord Jocelyn, Mr. S. Her bert said that in taking office under Lord Aberdeen he himself had made no compromise of his principles on the subject of parliamentary reform—he had ever desired to see such reform, he had given his cordial approbation to the present bill, and he hoped at some future time to see either that or another measure carried, with which Lord J. Russell's name should be connected. Sir J. PAKINGTON, after a few words in vindication of Mr. Disraeli, said that there was no man on any side of the house who was diposed to question the honour of Lord John Russell, and if any person could possibly have enter tained such a feeling, it must have been removed by his speech of that night. But nothing that Lord J. Russell had said had impaired his (Sir J. Pakington's) opinion, that if the Reform Bill were not to be proceeded with, it ought not to have been introduced. Mr. JOHN MACGREGOR, in answer to a remark of the right hon. member for Taunton, said that he admitted that the people of Scotland were occupied with other questions than Parliamentary Reform. He had not re• ceived from his constituents a single letter or petition on the subject of reform. (Hear.) He did not think that the Government were indifferent on the question of reform, but that they considered the postponement of the measure more advisable than the throwing of the country into a state of excitement for a general election. He thought the noble lord the member for London deserved the gratitude of the people for the magnanimous way in which he had acted. (Hear.) On the question being put for the adjournment of the house to Thursday the 27th, Lord J. RUSSELL said that he rose not to enter into the discussion of any of the arguments that had been used, but merely to express to the house his grateful sense of the manner in which they had received his statement. The motion was then agreed to. BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. Lord J. RUSSELL then moved that during the re mainder of the session orders of the day should on Thurs days take precedence of notices of motion. If that motion were acceded to he should propose that the Oxford Uni versity Bill should be committed that evening pro forma, and that it should be recommitted on Thursday, the 27th instant. Upon Friday, the 28th, he hoped that measure would have passed through committee, and his right hon. friend the President of the Board of Trade would then, on the Ist of May, ask the house to go into committee upon the Railway Bill. With respect to the Poor Removal Bill, which stood fixed for the 28th inst., he should state, upon the part of his right hon. friend the President of the Poor Law Board, that it was not his intention to ask the house to proceed with that measure during the present session. (Hear, hear.) His right hon. friend, however, proposed to move for a select committee to take into con deration the provisions of the existing law with respect to the removal of Irish paupers from England to Scotland, and also with reference to the removal of Scotch and Eng lish paupers from Ireland. (Hear, hear.) The question having been put, Colonel SIBTHORP, in the absence of an hon. friend of his (as we understood), moved, by way of amendment to the proposition of the noble lord, that the word " Thurs days should be omitted, and the words " every alternate Thursday" instead thereof introduced into the motion. Lord J. RUSSELL said that he did not ask the house to give precedence to Government orders of the day; but, simply, that orders of the day generally should be taken before notices of motion. Mr. DISRAELI observed that the most important mea sures of the Government had already been abandoned for the present session, and that being the case, he did not think that the pressure upon the Government in carrying on the business of the house was likely to be such as to render it desirable that independent members should relin quish any of the privileges which they now enjoyed. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER would remind the house that the miscellaneous estimates yet remained to be laid upon the table. The consideration of those estimates would occupy a great deal of time, and during the (Emission which must take place upon them, the utmost possible facility would exist for putting any questions which honourable members might desire to put to the Government, or of making any motion with reference to the conduct of her Majesty's Ministers, which it might be deemed advisable to make. He should add also, that the miscellaneous estimates during the pre sent year would be upon a much larger scale than usual, inasmuch as the Government were for the first time, about to submit to the consideration of the house estimates with regard to the expenses attendant upon the collection of the revenue, and the usual facility of putting questions to Ministers, to which he had alluded, would, of course, be proportionably increased. Sir B. HALL hoped the house would assent to the mo tion of the noble lord the member for the city of London. Mr. WALPOLE did not altogether approve of the mo tion of the noble lord. He should have no objection that precedence should be given to Government orders of the day, but he was by no means desirous that that course should be taken with reference to orders of the day relating to business of which independent members had the charge. After a few observations from Mr. Williams, Mr. Spooner, and Mr, Cardwell, _ _ _ Mr. DEEDES said he wished to ask the noble lord the member for the city of London what course he proposed to take with respect to the bill which had been introduced affecting those constituencies in whose case a report had been made by recent commissions, and who were not at present represented in that house ? He also was anxious to learn from the noble lord the Secretary for the Home Department if it was his intention to call upon the house to legislate, in the course of the present session, upon the subject of the general police of the country? Lord PALMERSTON—It is. _ Lord J. RUSSELL. in reply to the question of the hon. gentleman opposite, would state that in his opinion it was extremely desirable that they should proceed during the present session with the bill to which that question re ferred. After a few words from Mr. LALNG, Colonel SIBTHORP withdrew his amendment, and the original motion was then agreed to. BLEACHING AND DYEING ESTABLISHMENTS. Mr. COBBETT gave notice that on Tuesday, the 2d of May, he should move that a select committee be ap pointed for the purpose of inquiring into the working hours, the mode of payment, and the general condition of those persons who were employed in the bleaching and dye ing establishments of the united kingdom. ORANGE RIVER SOVEREIGNTY. Mr. SPOONER, on behalf of his hon. friend the mem ber for North Stafford, gave notice that on Tuesday the 9th May, his hon. friend would submit to the consideration of the house a motion upon the subject of the abandonment of the Orange River Sovereignty. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, APRIL 12, 1854. LAW OF PATENTS. Mr. J. M`GREGOR was understood to give notice, on behalf of his hon. friend the member for Ryo (Mr. Mac kinnon), that it was his intention on Tuesday, the 2d of May, to move for a select committee to take into conside ration the expediency of forming regulations upon the sub ject of disputed patents. - NEUTRALS. Mr. J. G. PHILLIMORE gave notice that on Tuesday, the 2d of May, he proposed to call the attention of the house to the policy which was pursued with respect to neutrals. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY said that on Thursday, the 4th May, he should ask the Secretary of the Treasury why the accounts of last yearrelativo to Woods and Forests had not yet been laid before the house ? PRESTON LABOURERS. Mr. T. DUNC'OXBE gave notice that it was his inten- tion to move, on Tuesday, the 9th of May, that a select committee be appointed to inquire into the complaints of the industrial and working classes of the borough of Preston. THE PERIODICAL PRESS. Mr. M. GIBSON gave notice that he should, on Tues day, the 16th of May, call the attention of the house to the present unsatisfactory state of the law affecting the perio dical press, and that he should also move the followingre solution :—" That it is the opinion of this house that the laws in reference to the periodical press and to newspaper stamps are ill-defined and unequally enforced ; and that it appears to this house that the subject is one which demands the early consideration of Parliament." COAST DEFENCES. Mr. BENTINCK. wished to ask the right hon. baronet the First Lord of the Admiralty whether it was the inten tion of her Majesty's Government to commission any addi tional ships, or to take any other immediate steps to pro vide during the continuance of the war for the present de fenceless state of the coasts of Great Britain and Ireland ? Sir J. GRAHAM would very gladly allay the appre hensions which seemed to be entertained by his hon. friend, and, in reply to his question, begged to inform him that almost every day the Admiralty Board did commission some additional ships of war. He had also to announce to his hon. friend that considerable success had attended the efforts of the Government to raise a body of coast volun teers, whose especial duty it would be to defend the coasts of this country, in case invasion were threatened ; an event which, however, he by no means apprehended. H e did not anticipate that we should see upon our coasts any foreign vessels of war while the Engine was strictly blockaded, and while his gallant friend Sir C. Napier con tinued to command the Baltic fleet. (Hear.) ABOLITION OF CHURCH RATES. Sir W. CLAY was understood to give notice that he would make his motion for the abolition of church rates on Tuesday, the 23d of May. TURKEY AND GREECE.—THE PRESS. Mr. M. GIBSON—I wish to put a question to the noble lord the member for the city of London, in reference to a statement that has appeared in the public journals relating to certain demands that have been made by the Turkish Government upon the Government of Greece. lam anxious to learn from the noble lord whether the English ambassa sador has been any party to the demands in question, and also wh e th er those demands include the request that those Greek newspapers should be suppressed which give expres sion to any sentiment s or opinions adverse to the Govern which the right hon. ment of Turkey? Lord .1. RUSSELL I cannot answer the questions precise as I could wislage — nnan has put to me in terms so the Tlrkislite the Turkish minister upon The demands which were made by Greek Government were concert upon the subject with he made by order of Government, without any however, Majesty's Minister. After those demands had been made ' were under consideration, the representatives while they , which they submitted to tYi l e — G m re et i and of the four powers—England, France, Austria, and Prussia —met, came to a resolution Go vernment, and which was to the effect that that Gove rnm ough t to return an answer to propositions which in themselves were were reasonable. The explanation which the minister at Athens gave with respect to the article about the press was to the same effect as that of the Turkish minister_ namely, that the Greek Government would not in their own newspapers have articles inserted tending to excite rebel. lion aga inst Turkey in the Turkish provinces. M r . BRIGHT said that upon a former occasion the noble lord had stated that the feeling which existed in Greece was not spontaneous. It appeared, however, that in the lonian Islands Sir H. Ward had been obliged to prorogue the !senate, aimed immediately after they had met, ua order to prevent any expression of feeling upon their part in favour of Greece. Lord J. RUSSELL said he hoped to be able shortlyafter the Easter recess to lay papers in connection with the sub ject upon the table of the house. WITHDRAWAL OF THE PRUSSIAN MINISTER. Mr. DISRAELI—I wish to ask, with respect to the al leged withdrawal of the Prussian Minister from the Court of St. James's, if the Government can inform the house whether any communications upon the subject have been made to her Majesty's Ministers? Lord J. RUSSELL—I am sorry I cannot give any in formation either to the right hon. gentleman or to the house upon the subject to which his question refers. I saw my noble friend at the head of the Foreign Depart ment to-day, but I had no conversation with him upon the matter. OXFORD UNIVERSITY BILL. This bill passed through committee pro forma. PAYMENT OF WAGES BILL. Mr. C. FORSTER moved that the following hon. members should be appointed to serve upon the select com mittee on the above bill :—Mr. Charles Forster, Mr. Henry Austin Bruce, Mr. Fitzroy, Mr. Cheetham, Mr. Moffatt, Mr. Craufurd, Mr. Booker, Mr. Peto, Lord Stanley, Mr. Baird, Mr. Coffin, Sir Henry Halford, Sir Joshua Walms - ley, Mr. Wickham, and Mr. Gardner. Sir H. HALFORD proposed that the name of Mr. T. Dune,ombe should be substituted for that of Mr. Cheetham. - kr. FITZROY opposed the amendment. ------ Mr. HUME was sorry that the bill was about to be referred at all to the consideration of a select committee. Mr. BRIGHT said he thought that that great manufac turing district, South Lancashire, ought to be represented on that subject, and yet the only one of its members on that committee was the hon. gentleman (Mr. Cheetham), whose name it was proposed to remove. Mr. F. FRENCH wished to see the committee consist of gentlemen who could not be considered as mere parti sans taken from either one side of the house or the other. Mr. C. FORSTER said he thought that the committee had on the whole been fairly nominated. Sir H. HALFORD said he would not persist in his motion. The motion of the hon. baronet was accordingly with drawn, and the committee was constituted as originally proposed. On the motion of Mr. MOFFATT, it was ordered, after a short discussion, that the committee should have power to send for persons, papers, and records. FINANCIAL STATEMENT. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER (having laid the balance-sheet for the year upon the table) said, — Sir, I have to move that that paper, being an account of the income and expenditure for the year, do lie on the table. It is my intention to make a statement in some de tail with reference to the subjects which I have included in the notice that appears in my name on the votes—viz., to make a statement respecting the revenue for the year now closed, the condition of the public balances, and the condition of the unfunded debt; but the right hon. gen tleman opposite, the member for Buckinghamshire, has to night moved for further information upon a variety of points connected with these subjects, and I therefore think that, so far as the matter of argument is concerned—or matter with respect to which there may be differences of opinion—l shall do well, so far as lam a party concerned, in postponing any reference, whether as to the objections or defences, to topics of that nature. My intention, there fore, is to confine myself entirely to statements which may be called statements upon matters of fact, and my reason for my making statements of this kind to the house at the present period is, that in the first place I have not yet had the opportunity of presenting to the house a complete account of the income and expenditure of the past year ; and, in the second place, because it is exceedingly import ant, at a moment of alarm and excitability like the present, that the public should be in possession of the most au thentic information on points on which they naturally desire to be informed. At the same time, considering the nature of the discussion which we have been passing through during the principal part of the evening that has elapsed, I shall endeavour to be very brief in the particu lars which I shall lay before the House. Those members who have examined the account of the revenue of the country published on the 6th of April will not have failed to observe, or, at least, to infer from that ac count that it is a more favourable return than on the 6th of March I had given the House reason to expect. The improvement, in fact, on the 6th of April, as corn , pared with my estimate of the 6th March, was no less than 749,0001.; but it must not be supposed that so considerable a difference is to be accounted for byany substantial change of circumstances. I spoke to the house at that period of the necessary uncertainty attending the collection of the income tax in Ireland, and of the extended income tax in England, as to the precise period when that amount would come into the Exchequer, on account of the variety of new circumstances which the revenue department had to en , counter. However, that department was enabled to reduce very greatly the amount of arrears which I then thought it safe to estimate would be carried over to the present year. If there is any difference as regards the ultimate receipt, it is merely a difference as to the time of the money arriv ing at the Exchequer; but the difference between the esti mate I submitted on the 6th March with reference to the income tax and the amount received is 417,0001. (Hear.) Another portion of the difference to which I have referred was under the head of Customs' Revenue. The Customs' revenue has been subject to the action of an exceptional cause on account of the anticipation of the reduction in the tea duties. The effect of that reduction was necessarily to diminish, to a very great extent, the number of entries for the payment of duty on account of tea for delivery from the warehouses during the past quarter, and therefore there was a great loss on that account. But the operation of that loss has been recovered, because, parties being anxious to deliver the tea at a very early hour on the morning of the 6th April, this to a certain extent involved the payment of duties on the previous day, the sth April, and thus a large sum of money came into charge on that day, which, pro perly speaking, belonged to the next quarter. These are the two main causes, and indeed the only causes, to w hi c h I may refer as accounting for the excess of revenue received on the sth of April as compared with my estimate of the 6th of March. (Hear.) The house will observe, in examin ing the balance-sheet on the table, that the excess of in come over expenditure on the year ending the sth of April last amounted to 3,524,0001. The excess of income over ex penditure for the year ending the sth of April, 1853, was 2,460,000/. The estimate I had made on the 6th of March of the excess of income over expenditure was 2,851,0001., that of course being increased in consequence, as I have shown, of the receipt of money between that period and the sth of April, which I should not have been warranted by the revenue department in admitting among my calcu lations. This gives me the opportunity of observing upon one among many elements of uncertainty—though they are all confined within certain limits—that attach to our pre sent system of accounts. If the balance of the present year had been found precisely in the same manner as the bal ance of last year—if the same sums had been paid out of the Exchequer for the purpose of supplying the Paymaster- General's accounts for supply service, the balance would have been less by fully 500,0001. In making a comparison, therefore, between the surplus of the present year and the surplus of the past year, the house will do well to estimate the present surplus at 3,000,0001. instead of 3,524,0001. It may be asked why was there this difference ? Why, under the same system, have we not received the sam e p aymen t s as during the last year for the same period ? The reason is this, that, under authority vested in the Treasury by the House of Commons, a certain amount of Exchequer-bills-- half-a-million- was about to be issued at that period, and under a fiction of law—for I really cannot call it anything but a fiction—in which the manipulation, if I may so call it, of these operations is conducted, thore is no choice as to the mode of bringing the Exchequer-bills to account, and you cannot realise the proceeds in the Exchequer, which, so far as I am able to judge, might be clone by a more ra tional mode of procedure, but they are issued to the Pay master-General for supply service, thus passing by the Exchequer altogether. If, therefore, this half-million, which stood to the credit of the Paymaster-General on tho sth of April, had stood in lieu of an equivalent sum which would have been issued to his credit from the Exchequer, and, if these Exchequer-bills had not been issued at the particular period I have referred to, this amount would have been fairly included in our surplus. For the reason, I have stated, however, half-a million ought to be deducted from the whole sur pl us ; and therefore the actual surplus of income over expenditure for the year may fairly and safely be stated at 3,000,0j0/. (Hear, hear.) I think the house will be of opinion that this is a very satisfactory result, so far as we have seen, with respect to the indications which it affords as to the state of the trade and industry of the country and the con dition of the people, though that trade and industry must necessarily have undergone some contraction, or, at any rate, some retardation in its increase in consequence of political events and the obstruction of trade both in the Baltic and in the Levant. (Hear, hear.) It is a more satisfactory result still, when it is borne in mind that the sums which I anticipated I should receive within the year from the increase of taxes proposed during that year have been less than we anticipated. Last year you remitted, in round numbers, 2,600,0001. of taxes, and you laid on taxes which ultimately were to produce a large annual amount; but, while 2,600,0001. had been given in relief, the addi tional taxes laid on during the last year had only brought into the Exchequer by the sth of April the sum of about 700,0001. The whole remissions have been in operation, and the substituted taxes have come very partially into play, and therefore, speaking in round numbers, while you remitted 2,000,0001. of taxes more than you laid on, you have a surplus of 3,000,0001. in your income. (Hear, hear.) That is all I think it necessary to state with respect to the revenue of the past year. I now come to another question, with respect to which it is desirable the house should be informed, and that is, the state of the public balances. And here I shall most sedulously avoid reference, in the way of defence or discussion, to the mode in which the state of the public balances has been brought about, my only object at the present moment being to pro vide the house with trustworthy, real, and accurate information. On the sth of April, 1853, the ba lance in the Exchequer was returned at 7,859,000/. ; on the sth of April, 1854, the balance was returned at 2,778,0001., showing a decrease of 5,081,000/., or, in round numbers, something over 5,000,0001. Then it is right that you should perceive how that reduc tion of balance has been brought about. How public funds have been applied daring the year over and above the ordinary methods of expenditure, under the following heads and to the following extent :-8,048,0001. of funded debt has been paid off; 716,0001. have been paid away in advances under the head which is known as that of public works, over and above the ordinary expenditure under that head ' • and this amount of 716,0001. does no t i n di ca te or be long to any extension of the scheme of public works, but it has arisen under the Metropolitan Advances Act of last session, being a mere transfer of money, and having nothing to do with any public w o rks that have been performed. (Hear, hear.) Besides that the unfunded debt was reduced between the months of April, 1853, and April, 1851, by 1,718,0001., so that the reduction of debt and the payments we have made under these three items amount altogether to 10,482,000.. (Hear, hear.)i. is represented shownsphraevseentedin t the decreasehatefthis 10,482,000/. about 5,000,0 00 of balances in the Exchequer; but, besides that, those was r a sum of 1,274,000/. of stock createdlin the name of the Commissionersespect of the had purchasedheNationalD andebtin t o Exchequerfo the billsredu cti which n they cancelled ; and there was likewise an amount of about 420,0001. of altogether new debt in the name of Exchequer bonds. Putting together, therefore, the diminution in the balances, the new funded debt created in the name of the National Debt Commissioners and the Exchequer-bonds, we come to a sum of 6,775,000/. against the 10,482,0001. of which I have already spoken. The remainder, 3,707,0001., is chiefly accounted for by the surplus revenue. The ba- UM in the Radnor, se it *lvens is the kelehoe-eked, is 2,778,000/. 9 • and now it is desirable that I sh ou ld ma k e a statement to the house with reference to the manner in which that balance is brought up to the amount necessary to cover the charge upon the quarter just gone, being the largest during the present year. The amount of the charge, consisting as it does of the interest in the permanent debt and the terminable annuities, and of the amount to be applied to the sinking fund in respect of surplus revenue, is, of course, very much larger, as will be sent on the 6th of April than on the previous year. In the statement which is published regularly the probable amount of deficiency-bills required to meet the charge of the last quarter is stated at 5,852,0001. It is not unnatu ral that some uneasiness should prevail in the public mind—deluded and mystified as I must say it is by our system of public accounts—when anything called by the name of deficiency appears to reach such a formidable amount as 5,852,0'20/. However, according to ordinary usage, some deduction must be made from this sum, and the actual amount of deficiency bills brought to charge in April, 1854, was 5,472,0001. This, howe v e r , makes no material difference; 5,472,0'0/. is a very large sum of money to have the ugly word "deficiency" attached to, and I confess I do not wonder that gentlemen who are not aware what the figures really mean should be astounded at the idea of demands being made on the Bank of England from the public for temporary accommodation to so large an amount. I wish the house to understand what the amount of this accommodation really is, and, if hon. mem bers will follow me, they will find that the figures which 1 have just quoted bear no rational relation to it. In the first place, it may be observed that even in April, 1853, when the balances in the Exchequer were extremely low, and the apparent amount of deficiency bills to be issued 1,407,0001., a large sum of public money was i n p ossess i on of the Bak of England. But of this sum of 1,407,000/., not more than 300,0001. was chargeable with interest. The sum brought to charge in April, 1853, then was 300,0001, while, in April, 1854, the present quarter, it is 5,472,0001, being an apparent increase of 5,172,0001. The house and the public will naturally be desirous of knowing what has occasioned this increased amount of deficiency bills and accommodation from the Bank. The fact is, how ever, that the figures given in the accounts as now drawn up indicate anything but the real state of the account of the public with the Bank; they do not tell the truth to the public, but leave persons to draw false inferences, and, therefore, I think it material to state the facts to the house, the more particularly, because I perceive that even the best-informed persons out of doors are under the belief that the amount of deficiency bills, stated in the account published on the 6th of April last, really represents a similar amount of accommodation given by the Bank of England to the Government. The way in which these sums are calculated is this—it is reckoned on the assump tion that the whole of the charge which has accrued against the public, which the public is liable to pay, and which the public will be called upon to pay in the course of the in coming quarter, will be effectively charged at the com mencement of the quarter, although it is evident from ex perience—and experience is sometimes more certain than demonstration—that it will not be so charged at the com mencement of the quarter, but that a large portion of the money represented by the figures will remain in the hands of the bank until the calls of the public have been over taken by the growing revenue of the quarter. This is the way the discrepancy arises. What does the house suppose is the amount of the discrepancy ? We have heard state ments from hon. members—and I do not impute blame to them on this account—of the great amount of accommoda tion which the Government had obtained from the Bank at the opening of the present quarter. Four, five, or six millions were spoken of as the amount of this accommoda tion. The 'real amount is very different. Having taken advice as to my competency to do it, I have deemed it my duty—not so much with a view to any pecuniary saving, as for the removal of what I conceive to be, at this moment a mischievous and dangerous apprehension—to regulate the issue of those deficiency bills in point of time, with some reference to the coming demands on the Bank ; that is to -my, to apply to this particular part of the public service the self-same principle which is applied to every other branch of the public service, the principle—namely, of charging the account only in proportion to what are known to be the coming demands upon it. By the adoption of that rule, the total amount of deficiency bills chargeable against the public is reduced from the formidable figure at which it stands in the papers before the house, namely, 5,852,000/., to the much more moderate figure of 2,803,0001. The sum of 2,808,0001. represents the amount of deficiency bills chargeable against the public yesterday. lam not able to state what the amount is to clay, but I believe it is not more, and probally it is less. 2,608,030/. was the amount of deficiency bills chargeable yesterday. Let it not be supposed that the deficiency bills have been reduced to this amount by unduly starving the public account, and running the risk of exposing those who have just claims to receive the answer, "No effects." On the contrary, the balance on the audit roll or dividend ac count yesterday, when the business of the Bank termi nated, was 679,0001. The actual amount of accommoda tion afforded to the public yesterday was 2,129,0''01. lam not about to enter into details connected with this subject at the present moment, but I confess my opinion is that if we were at peace, if we had not a growing expenditure, if there was not the risk that the expenditure may possibly grow with greater rapidity, and at the same time with greater uncertainty than in ordinary times, 2,129,0001. is not an extravagant sum to receive in accommodation from the Bank, when we look to the amount of the quarter's revenue, and the mode in which it accumulates from the commencement of the quarter to its close. This, in my opinion, has reference to ordinary circumstances, not to those of the present moment. At the present time it must obviously be our desire to take security against chances which at other times it would not be necessary to take into consideration. I speak, therefore, of this 2,129,0001. as an amount to be progressively reduced, as I doubt not it will be, without the smallest difficulty. What I wish to impress upon the house is, that the sum in question re presents the actual amount of accommodation afforded to the public bo the Bank, and that the sum of 5,842,0001., which appears in the quarterly account, really has reference to no actual transaction. [ir. DISRAELI.— You have not stated the amount of requirements.] I thought I had done so. My object has been to show that the nominal amount of deficiency bills which appears in the quarterly statement represents the difierence between the amount of requirements and the balance actually in the Exchequer on the sth of April, and that the amount of accommodation from the Bank, which really is an accruing and approaching charge, is given in the same statement as if it were an actual charge. I will now refer to another point which has not been noticed in this house, but which has been the subject of a considerable observation out of doors. It has been supposed that large and unusual demands have been made by the Government on the Bank of a character calculated to reduce the amount of capital in the market available for commercial purposes. If we were going from year to year with the expenditure exceeding the income, which it was necessary to make up by deficiency bills, or even if it should be found necessary to issue deficiency bills in consequence of this house not having provided adequate funds to meet the public expen diture, I can understand that, pro tanto, the effect would be to withdraw from commerce some portion of those re sources on which commercial men rely for carrying on their transactions; but there never was anything so ludi crously erroneous as the statement that, in the present case, the demands of the Government have withdrawn from the general purposes of the London money-market either the large sum set down in the quarterly statement under the head of deficiency-bills, or the smaller sum which I have mentioned as the correct one, or, indeed, any sum at all. Exactly the contrary is the case. The truth is, that every farthing of the large disbursements which the Government pays out goes into the money market, and is available for the purposes of commerce. The supposed amount of loanable . capital withdrawn on the sth of April was 2,129,0001,, but on the 7th the Go vernment paid out into the money-inarket 2 000,0001. What became of that sum ? It was not like 2,000,0.)0/. consumed in an excess of expenditure over income. It was paid to the holders of stock. They did nut tie the money up in napkins and put it away. (Hear.) No; they either employed it in commercial tiausactions or purchased other stock with it, and in either case the money was just as available for the purposes as if it had remained iu the balances of the Bank. This was the case as respects the present quarter, but look at the last. In January 6,018,000/. was in like manner paid out of the Government funds of the Bank into the money-market and added to the loanable capital of the country. That whole amount added to loanable capital by these payments from the balances and by deficiency-bills has been, in round numbers, 8,000,000/., while the whole amount withdrawn from the market by accommodation from the Bank amounted up to yesterday to the sum of 2,129,00 J/. These are matters of fact which admit of no ai gutnent, and I think they show that the Government have not, in the pro cess of liquidating stock, withdrawn from the money market any portion of the funds which, under ordinary circumstances, are applied to purposes of commerce. I must shortly refer to another point, because it is one which is supposed to involve a breach of faith. An idea is entertained by some persons that in 1844 a compact, not written but understood, was entered into between the Government and the Bank—l do not mean to say that this notion is countenanced by any persons connected with the Bank—according to which demands for deficiency-bills were not to be made upon the Bank, under the charter then granted. Of this compact no trace can be found, but a written compact exists, drawn up in very express terms. The terms of the contract were fully discussed at the time between Mr. Goulburn and the then Governor and Deputy Governor of the Bank, and the agreement arrived at was this—that when the public balances should be below what at that time was their usual amount the Bank should have a claim for interest against the Government, and, on the other hand, that when they should be above the usual amount the Government should have a claim against the Bank for a share of the profits arising from the deposits. On a future occasion I may feel it my duty to enter more fully into this subject, which has some important considerations connected with it ; I now refer to this compact only for the purpose of showing that the assumption on which Mr. Goulburn and the Governor and Deputy -Governor of the Bank proceeded was, that the public balances, and, conse quently, the amount of deficiency bills—for they are cor relative—were to remain in future as they stood at that time. The question then arises, what was the state of the public balances and the extent of demand for deficiency bills at that time ? If I were to refer, as I might, to the amount of deficiency bills and public balances in the year before the compact was entered into, I should almost ap pear to prove too much. What I purpose doing is this— to take the two quarters immediately preceding the ar rangement entered into between the Government and the Bank as a measure of the usual state of the public balances and demand for deficiency bills, because these two quarters make the best case for the Bank, as showing the largest amount of balances. In the quarter ending the sth of January, 1844, the amount of balances was 6,462,000/. ; and on the sth of April, 1844, it was 3,967,000/. Let us compare this with the account for 1854, which is supposed to present such remarkable features. On the sth of Janu ary, 1854, the balances were :3,711,000/. ; and on the sth of April, 1854, they were 5,472,0001. The average of the two quarters of 1844 was 4,714,0001., and the average of 1851 was 4,591,0001. Thus it appears that the average of 18.54 is less' by' 123,0001, than the average of 1844, when the Government entered into the compact with the Bank. I now turn to the question of Exchequer bills. The amount of those securities was, in 1833, 17,742,0001., and the minimum point attained during the year was 12,897,030/. The present amount of Exchequer bills is about 16,600,0001., while the amount which Parlia ment has authorised to be issued is 17,774,0001., and therefore the actual issue is 1,174,0001. short of that authorised. It is probable that some portion of the re maining amount may be issued from time to time, as the exigencies of the service may require, but I have no reason at present to expect that it will be necessary for me to apply to Parliament for a further grant of Ex chequer bills during this session. A few words more on a matter immediately relating to the unfunded debt. I beg to assure the house that in what I have said or may say I am influenced by no merely personal considerations; all I am/anxious for is the maintenance of those sound prin ciples on which the security of our financial system depends, and by an adherence to which alone we can hope to meet all demaids whieh may be made cm the Bzehequer. The , present state of public credit is not unsatisfactory. About being about to make a statement had caused a great a fortnight ago something, which I will not designate a deal more alarm and apprehensiou than had eakted before. panic, or even alarm, but only apprehension prevailed. No (Hear.) It was bruited about that they were to have a people in the world have more self-command and know- loan, that a frith income-tax was to be proposed—in fact, ledge of their own affairs than the people of this country. ell' sorts of rumours were abroad, and it turned out at last In times of trouble and disturbance the imagination is ac- that all the right hon. gentleman wanted was to compare tive, and men sometimes take an erroneous view of their the state of the French and English funds, and to tell the position, but in this country the public mind soon recovers h ouse th a t th e E ng li s h f un d s were not so low, and the do from any temporary aberration of this kind. Let us look ficiency not greater than it was in 1844 —a period following at the matter as it stands. Perhaps the best way of esti- the enactment of Sir R. Peers income tax, which was in mating the present condition of public credit is to compare tended to correct the very evils which he (Mr. Baring) was the price of public securities here with the price of corre- afraid were now arising. (Hear.) He certainly should not spending securities in the most favourable foreign couutry. have thought it necessary for the right hon. gentleman to and secondly with their price in this country at a former enter into so long a statement for the single purpose of re period. I will therefore compare the state of our public moving any apprehension which he might think existed. credit now with what it was twelve months ago, and with He could see no cause for Alban] or apprehension ; the the state of the public credit of France. On the Ist of only mode in which any cause could arise would be by mis- April, 1853, the price of the French Three per Cents. was management. and he trusted that after all that had passed, 79f- 25c- ;on the Ist of April, 1851, they were 62f. 60c. ; the Chancellor of the Exchequer would, in his future so that there was a fall of 16f. 65c., or nearly 2l per cent. financial proceedings, show more p ru d ence th an h e was I will now take English Consols.. On the let of April, afraid had been displayed during the last year. (Hear.) 1853, they were at 99k; on the Ist of April, 1854, they Ho had certainly heard with great regret that the right were at 861. Thus there was a fall of 133, or a decline of hon. gentleman recognised as the basis of his system that about 14 per cent. in the value of those great securities in he should not provide for the expenditure which he had to England, compared with 21 per cent. decline in similar se- meet by the incoming revenue, but that he should rely curities in France. (Hear, hear.) Now, compare the pre- upon the subsequent accruing revenue, and meet the deli sent price of Console with what it was 20 years ago—and ciency by Exchequer-bills. He quite agreed that the Go- I trust the house will remember that we are in the midst vernment had a very fair claim for accommodation and of an European war, and that we are called upon to pro- ' assistance on the Bank of England, seeing that no private vide extra armaments for the purposes of the war. Ido credit could be maintained in this country if the slightest not propose to go back to years of war in producing my suspicion were thrown on the maintenance of the public standard of comparison ; but I assert, that compared with faith. The Government had the first claim on the Bank no years of peace, the present state of the public funds is not j doubt, and that' assistance under ordinary circumstances altogether devoid of material for satisfaction and congra- might be rendered by the Bank, not only without damage tulation. There are six, within the last 20 years of peace, to the commercial body, but also with profit to itself ; but in which the price of Consols has gone lower than it now the right hon. gentleman must remember, before calling for is in the midst of war. Those years are-1847, when the that assistance too often and too systematically, and be price was, 793 ; 1848, when it was 80k. Four other years fore making deficiency-bills the basis of his system, that preceded—years of peace—when Consols still went down. circumstances might arise which no Government could In 1841 they were 87k ; in 1840 they were 87 ; in 1836—a foresee, in which that assistance, if demanded from the year of great prosperity—they declined to 86i; and in Bank, could not be afforded without interfering very 1834, a year of uniform prosperity, they were only at 87i. largely, under the present banking system, with the con- It appears, therefore, that you have not always been able dition of the banking community. His right hon. friend to keep up the price of Console. What is the state of our the member for Backs had alluded to the evidence of the public securities now—in the midst of disturbance and hon. member for Kendal, but it would be seen that that menace—compared with France, or with a few years ago hon. member, when giving evidence and advocating the in this country ? On the Ist of April, 1853, Exchequer- course taken by the Chancellor of the Exchequer of relying bills in England—l am going to institute a comparison be- on deficiency bills, had very shrewdly remarked inimedi tween Exchequer-bills and similar documents in France, ately afterwards that in that case the bill of 1844 must be Bons de Tresor —stood at 1k per cent. ; on the Ist of April, altered. Without entering into an argument on that sub -1854, they stood at 3 per cent., being an increase of up- ject, he might say that if the act of 1844 was to be fairly wards of 1 0 per cent. in the rate of interest. On the Ist tried, the Government must not resort to the system of of April, 1853, corresponding documents in France bore a keeping small balances, and obtaining the aid of the Bank rate of interest varying according to the terms—according by deficiency bills. In fact, a shrewd opponent of that act to echanges—from 1k and 2to 3 par cent., the mean rate could not take a course more likely to damage it than to being 2i per cent. On the Ist of April, 1854, our bills advise the Chancellor of the Exchequer not to provide for stood at 4 5, and 5t per cent, the mean rate being 5 per his deficiency, but to rely on the aid of the Bank of Eng cent. While we, therefore, have an increase of from 1k to land by means of deficiency bills. He was convinced that 3 upon 1001., the French increase is from at to 5, or very great injury would arise to public credit if this system of nearly 122 per cent. I have, therefore, shown that the relying on what were in point of fact advances from the rate of interest is lower in this country than in France, Bank were resorted to, and it was on that account that he and that the rate of interest in several subsequent years is desired to enter his protest against it as a policy fraught lower than it is in France. This is the whole statement with danger to the financial security of the country. In with which I think it necessary to preface the motion France the system had been too much strained, and great which I have to make. I have confined myself strictly to difficulty had been felt in consequence, and the right hon. matters of fact, although I might have had much more gentleman, too, might find it not so easy to get out Exche to say—altogether warranted by the importance of the quer-bills as he would have found it toikeep them out at a subject —upon this very subject. No doubt, many oc- reduced rate. He might _find it, too, not so easy to borrow casions may arise on which this portion of the manage- money from the Bank of England, and then, probably, lie ment of the debt may be discussed. I trust I have would be driven to apply for a loan at a much less favour shown that, taking all circumstances into consideration, able moment. He would not, however, be supposed to be it is needless to view with any alarm or appre- of opinion that the country was not and ought not to be hension what has occurred within the last few weeks. able to raise a loan without the least damag e to the future With respect to the unfunded d e bt, it i s mo d era t e, an d prosperity of this country, and he thought the right hon. likely so to continue, which is gratifying under the diffi- gentleman in his budget speech took a very narrow view cult and menacing circumstances in which this country of the subject when he stated that our great debt threw and the whole of Europe are placed. Having said thus impediments in the wa. of our raising a loan. Pr o v e much, air, I will only move that the bal a nce- s h ee t b e l a id the war to be just and necessary, and every effort would be upon the table. made by the country to carry it on, and although it might Mr. DISRAELI—WhiIe I agree with the right hon. be very well to say that so long , as they could they should meet the expenses of the war by taxation in the ye a r, y e t gentleman that the occasi o n f or l a yi ng th e balance-sheet when those expenses were changed from 2,009,0301. to upon the table is n o t a convenient opportunity for discus- 20,000 0001., they would not be able, neither would it be sion, still it must be admitted that the Chancellor of the just; to raise such a sum as that 'from the annual taxation, Exchequer has opportunities to collect and compare his from the capital, in fact, of the country. If they attempted such a course capital would be driven out of the c oun t r y facts and statements whi c h I h ave no t. I accept t h e pro the resources of the country would be impaired, and pos mise of the right hon. gentl eman , th a t h e wou ld ma k e no terity would feel its effects quite as much in proportion as observations beyond those naturally and necessarily educed the present generation. (Hear, hear.) from his motion upon the paper. The returns which I Mr. LAING agreed with the Chancellor of the Exche quer that great good well be dme by disabusing the public have moved for have no referenc e t o th e presen t ma t ter i n dispute. I confine myself, therefo re ,, t o ma tt ers o f f act ; mind of the statements which laid be e n put f or th withregard to the great amount of the deficiency-bills. He and I beg to remind the house, in vindication of previous believed there was nothing whatever in the present state statements of my own, of one or two circumstances which of things to justify anything like alarm or apprehension. should not be forgotten—l mean, first, as to the probable From the figures before the house it appeared and our amount of balances in the E xc h equer a t th e en d o f the f i nan. balances in the Exchequer had been dimi n i s h e d by some 5,000.0 0/. or 6,000,000/. below the amount at whi c h th e y cial year; and, secondly—a very impo r t an t point —as to the would otherwise have stood, end that that amount had amount of deficiency bills. I s t a t e d th a t, so f ar as I could been employed in pitying off the South Sea Stock an, other form an estimate, it appeared to me that th e balance in funds. He went with tbe right hon. gentleman in mak the Exchequer, upon the sth of April, would not exceed ing that experiment, but he thought that when it was 3,000,0001. The right hon. gentleman upon that. occasio n f oun d a mistake had been made, it would have been the said, that he had the misfortune to differ from me I beg Wiser course to propose a conversion of a large proportion to remind the house that my estimate was not prepared of the stock into ordinary stock, offering some "mall bonus with the data which the right hon. gentleman has at his to the holders, which might have induced them to take the command ; still, the present balance, which is not more, I stock instead of being paid in money. The wisest mode believe, than 2,800,0001., affords a proof that my estimate o f replenishing the balances, lowered by this operation, is more accurate th a n hi s . It appeared to me, also, that would be, he thought: by a loan, and it would be better the right hon. gentleman would requi re 6,000,0 )01, of lee- for the Chancellor of the Exchequer to propose it now; ficiency bills. The right hon. gentleman said th a t the tie - when he could get it under favourabl e conditions. ficiency bills would nut exceed 4,0,40,0001. or 4,500,000/. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY would only say, upon the ques- I said '6,000,009/. It now appears that they amount to tion of balances, that in his view it would be better for 5,412,003/. I think, therefore, that I was much more the right hon. gentleman, by some means or other, to re accurate in my estimate of the amount of deficiency bills store his balances, if necessary, by a direct loan. than the right hon. gentleman. I did not collect from the The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, the right hon. gentle can, but I gathered from what he said two or three weeks ago, that the state of the consolidated right hon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) and, still more, the fund was— hon. member for Huntingdon (Mr. T. Baring) had entirely The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER.—It doesn't misapprehended, and, consequently, had mis-stated to the in any manner affect my statement. What are called the house both the language he had used, and the principles Consolidated Fund Bills are bills lent by the Bank, but and opinions he had expressed. The right hon. member not held by the Bank ; but held by the public or, through for Buckinghamshire said, "It won't d o for t b you o ean the public, by the Commis s i oners o f the National Debt. habitual borrower upon the Bank ;'• and the hon. mem b er They amount to about 750,000/. Mr. DISRAELI continued —Having advert e d t o these for Huntingdon declared that he (the Chancello r o f th e two topics, I must make to the house one or two observe,- Exchequer) made the use of deficiency bbl's the- keystone tions upon the subject of deficiency bills. I confess that to o f his system of finance. Now, he had never used any such me the statement of the right hon. gentleman is not antis- language, and had never done any such thing. What was factory. The right hon, gentleman acknowledges that the public requirements exceed the resources at the end o f the the truth about his being an habitual borr ower ? Wh y, financial year to the amount of 6,000,0001., but he says this was the first quarter he had borrowed at all—(hear) — that he did not require to borrow that amount from the and, under such circumstances, it was very hard to be Bank—the revenue came in, and he managed to get on, but charged with being an habitual borrower. He had been he could not conceal from the country that he was at that furnished by the Bank with a statement of the amount of time deficient to the extent of 6,000,0001. Th e right hon. deficiency bills issued and brought to charge during the gentleman may put off the evil hour ; still the fact remains last quarter, and the result of this statement was, that there that the public Treasury is minus 6,000,0001. The right were only eight days during the last quarter—during the hon. gentleman treats very lightly, and I mus t say that he previous quarters he believed there was not any at all—at very ingeniously glozed over, the very important subject which the Bank was in advance of the public balances, to which lam about to refer. I sh a ll f o ll ow his example, and upon those eight clays the amount of accommodation and adhere to facts, but not enter into any arguments varied from 29,0001. to 125,0001. The sum of 125,000/ was upon the subjects, although I must observe that the views the largest amount of accommodation from the Bank dur which the right hon. gentleman expressed up on th e subject jug the last quarter. There was, he repeated, no founda are not the views which are ent er t a i ne d b y men o f busi- tion for the statement that he was an habitual borrower-- tress, who, I believe, daily experience th e e v il s o f the sys- far less that he had made the issue of deficiency bills the tern which he proposes to encourage. See, now, what was keystone of his system of finance. Nothing which he had said upon this subject before the Di s t ress Committee in ever said, and nothing wh.ch he had ever done, bore the 1848. I shall not cull an answer h ere an d ther e , but I slightest correspondence with the statement of the hon. shall quote evidence which I believe will be undeniable— member for Huntingdon on this point. He lied, indeed, I mean the evidence of the hon. member for Kend a l. H e said—an d t hi s was a matter no doubt open to discussion— was asked : that a moderate and limited use of deficiency bills was, in "By the returns before the committee, it appears that in his opinion, a good and prud en t p ract i ce October, 1841, there was a demand for 4,800,000/ . ;i n O c- M r. T. BARING—I did not attribute to the right hon. tober, 1812, for 4,900,000/. ;in Oct., 1843, for 3,700,000/. ; gentleman the use of the expression that the issue of defi iu October,'lB44, for 2,500,00) ; and in October, 1845, for ciency bills was the keystooe of his financial system. I 829,0001. Subsequently to that, the Exchequer balances only said that was the tenour of his argument. (Hear.) becoming full, that demand ceased ; but supposing that in The CHANCELLOR of the EXtellEQ UER continued — October, 1817, there had been a demand upon the Bank of How was it possible that any such deeuction could have England for advances for the public service to the extent of been made from what he had said, when his argument went three or four millions, what , would have been the cone- only to the extent that you might within narrow limits, go quence of such an advance in the then state of the to the Bank for advances which might be taken up within a reserve ?" week or fortnight of the quarter's revenue? The amount His answer was— of deficiency bills was the result of the extraordinary de " Either the Government must h ave b een re f use d , or t h e mends made for the liquid a ti on o f s t oc k. B u t a more directors must have limited the commerc i a l di scounts, in important point than this w a s, th a t th e ri g ht hon. gentle order to meet the demands of the Government, or they must man• and other hon. gentlemen were under the impression have sold stock to draw in the notes and advance them again that a deficiency of this kind, once created, was not to be upon deficiency bills." restored without the use of some extraordinary measure. The examinatioh went on. Now, he might tell the hon. member (Mr. T. Baring) what, if he might say so, was the keystone of his system of "It is unnecessary to pursue the consequences of refusing fi nanc e. It w a s invariably , to' ask this house to provide an the demand of the Government, which would have been the i ncome w hi c h would more than meet the expenditure of refusal of the means of paying the di v id en d s , but, passing to the year. (Hear, hear.) That, in his opinion, was the the second alternative, what do you conce i ve wou ld h ave keystone o f fi nance, an d hi s secon d ary d octr i ne was this— been the consequence f limiting the commercial accommoda- that the question of having a large or small balance at the tion, at that period, to that extent ? There would have been Bank was a question open to discussion, but it was a an enormous increase to the pressure. It would have been matter of no great moment provided you kept within nar almost the ruin of the commercial world to have refused dis- row bounds, and provided you always adhered to the prin. counts then. If two millions had been the amount of the ciple of avoiding a deficiency upon the year's account, of deficiency bills, Ido not think the Stock.inarket would have avoiding a fictitious surplus, and of having an income which borne the sale of two millions of securities at that time. At would always more then cover your expenditure. (Hear.) any rate, it would have occasioned almost equal pressure at The right hon. gentleman the member for Buckingham. the refusal of discounts, and a great depreciation in Govern- shire had stated that he trusted he (the Chancellor of the ment securities, That period of p r essu re was relie v ed by the Exchequer) would devise some means of escaping from his issue of the letter of Lord J. Russell and the Chancellor of present s it uat i on i n respect to the public balances during the Exchequer. the recess. Now, the statement which he (the Chancellor "Do you consider that the effect would have been the of the Exchequer) had made to-night was, with the s am e i same with respect to commercial credit if the letter had be en except i on, w h at he had stated about the issue of Exche quer issued, not for the purpose of re li ev i ng commerc i a l pressure, bins—it was a retrospective statement. He had admitted but in order to obtain an advance for Government purposes ? that, although he did not consi er there would be any- I think it would have been a danger ouu ex p er i men t f or th e t hi ng inconvenient or alarming in the present amount of Government to have issued a letter for the purposes of Go- accommodation under ordinary circumstances, yet that, vernment, they would not have had much sympathy on the under present circumstances, the case was not exactly the part of the public. same. (Hear.) He admitted that at such a period as this " Then in the event of circumstances happening which, we ought to take what iu ordinary phraseology was called either by increasing the expenditure of the country, or by more elbow-room, with reference to the provision of means limiting the revenue of the country, would have the effect of for the public service. (Hear.) Upon that subject it would reducing the balances in the Exchequer, is there not, as a be absurd to enter into a discussion at the present moment. consequence, an impending necessity of borrowing upon defi- It might be his duty to take a further view of the demands ciency bills to pay the dividends ? Certainly. of the public service for the year, anti, if he was unfor " Then, in the event of any circumstance reducing the tunately compelled to do so, then would be the time to banking reserve to the extent to which it was reduced in state to the house the means by which he proposed to place October last, do you see any mode of extrication from that the Exchequer in what he believed to be a safe and satin difficulty at such a period Not any mode of relief from factory condition. (Hear.) that difficulty upon an application made by Government to The paper was then ordered to be laid upon the table. the Bank at any period. I c once i ve G overnment might h ave 'ORDNANCE OFFICE. been relieved by a loan." Mr. MACARTNE I moved for copies of all correspon- But, says the right hon. gentleman, you had in 1844 and deuce with the officers of Ordnance referring to the decision 1845 to meet an amount of deficiency equal to that which of the Board of Ordnance refusing to entertain the com- I now call upon you to provide for. But what was the plaint against a senior clerk in the department in rortioolaintisotig state of the balances in th e E xc h equer i n 1844 an d 1845 ? tote an i nqu i ry into his allege d m i scon d uc t, They were much more considerable than they are now. the rules for the guidance of the civil service, *hereby There is an 'opinion which ought to influence the house he became liable to dismissal. upon the subject of Government borrowing upon deficiency Mr. MONSELL opposed the motion, considering that it bills. The right hon. gentleman did not advocate the habi- would be most injurious to the public service if a prece tual borrowing upon deficiency bills and we are unable to dent for interference of this kind were established. Th e gather what the wh o l e amount o f the deficiency bills is likely motion of the hon. member referred to a gentleman (Mr. to be. But the appeal of the hon. m e mb e r for Kendal is Garrett), who had been for 25 or 30 years in the publi c not the only one. I myself was a member of that corn- service, and who, on account of his merits, had b een pro mittee, and I reme m b er th a t we h ad before us one of t h e moted over the heads of 10 other clerks in the office, upon principal partners in the house of Baring and Co.—l mean a strong recommendation of the chief clerk; laud, because Mr. Bates. What did Mr. Bates say? Mr. Bates attri- he had been thus promoted, persons who were his infe buted the panic GT April, 1847, to the fact of the Bank riors in ability and in business habitosnitnhdeucgerdeuannd thhoent: being called upon to a d vance h eav il y upon d e fi c i ency bi lls, member to make a t n he at o ta r c a k oe u n p o o e n o h ili bi o l e, he had transacted,l want the house t o cons id er t hi s. Are we now i n a posi- while engage d in tion which forbids our believing that a panic may ever some business as acveyancer. The fact was, that Mr. occur again; and is it advisable that we, with the prospect Garrett was not _prohibited by the rules of the Ordnance not merely of an European war, but of a protracted war, office from trans acting his busbies as a conveyancer out of should pursue habitually the much-to-be-deprecated sys- that o ffi ce, and th e complaint against him was founded on tern of borrowiug upon deficiency bills ? I cannot assent the circumsta nce th at he had sometimes answered ques to the statement of the right hon. gentleman so far as the tions upon le gal points in the Ordnance -office, alai that he balances in our Exchequer are concerned, or as to the mode hail there referred to certain papers connected with the by which he proposes to replenish them—namely, by habi- wills of deceased clerks in the same offic® for whom he was tnally obtaining loans from the Bank on deficiency bills ; acting a s executor. Mr. G arret t had in; no single instance nor can I think it one on w hi c h th e coun t r y can be fairly negle cted his public duties; but, on the contrary, had congratulated. If th e r i g ht h on. gentleman pursues th a t arrays dischar ge d th em in a most exemplary manner, and coarse he will find him se lf u lti ma t e ly i n groat di ffi culty. he (Mr. Monsell) hoped, th erefore, that the house would I would much sooner th a t h e s h ou ld, during the recess, not assent to the mot i on. devise some means by which he could put an e nd to that I .r. MACARTNEY wished to state that he had not been necessity, and then, w h en th e next financial discussion linducedI induced to bri ng thi s subject forward in consequence of takes place—which I suppose wilt be of a more cont er any rep resentations from the clerks in the Orilnanoe-office, sial nature than this—the right h on . gen tleman wou ld be but from i n f ormat i on he had obtained from other soueces. in a position which would inspire th e co untry with mu ch Mr. HUME observed that he had been furnished with more confidence than it at present possesses- (Hear Mr. T. BARING was certainly very much surprised to offices who also. acted as directors of banks or companies, find that the right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the and who , in consequence of their engagements in conn ec - Exchequer should have thought it necessary t o introduce tion with those companies, were frequently absent f rom the paper which be had laid on the table with so long and the public establishments. He thought the question fairly elaborate a statement. (Hear.) If he had understood him arose, whether men who were receiving pay from the pule aright, the object of the right lion. gentleman in so doing , lic ought to be allowed to engage in these private under was to remove any cause of apprehension which might takings. He had already moved for a retuere on the sub exist out of doors; but Vat very nOtiOo he had given of ject, and he reeernmeaded the hon, neentber fQX Antrim to witharaw his mott thAt rotrirn waa Mr. SPOONER suppnrte.l the motion. Sir F. BARING thought it was most , undesirable that the house should interfere unnecessarily with the manage ment of the public•ofiices, and opposed the motion. Mr. I. BUTT jcined in requesting the bon. gentleman not to divide the house. He thought that for the house t° interfere in such trifling matters would be to establish A bath precedent. Mr. S. HERBERT wished to state that as soon as the subject to whi.h the hon. geatlewan had referred was brought under the notice of his hon. friend, the Clerk to the Ordnance, he had interfered in the matter. The motion was :,hen withdrawn. POWER OF SUMMONING WITNESSES. . Mr. I. BUTT moved for leave to bring in a bill to enable the superior courts of common law in England and Ire land to issue process to compel the attendance of witnesses resident out of their jurisdiction, and to give effect to the sarvice of such process in any part of the united kingdom. Sir J. YOUNG had no objection to the bill being brought in, or to the general scope or object of it. The details , however, were matters for further consideration. Leave was then given, and the bill was brought in and read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Monday, the let of May. The bills for the prevention of bribery in the borouthscl Cambridge, Hull, M a hlo n , B arns t a bl e, and CanteT were brought in and read a first time. The house adjourned at 10 minutes to 11. SHIPPING INT ELLI GENCS. CUSTOM-HOUSE, APRIL 11. ENTERED INWARDS.---The Lionne, from Gravelines; Lion, ditto ; Paris and London, Rouen and Paris ; - Ver y Ears, Venice ; Isabella Little, Rochester ; Adonis, Amste r ' dam ; Newport, Axel-, ; Sampson, Jersey; Wave, Medernlr lik ; Moselle, Antwerp ; Hoop, Worcum ; Willem 111., Rotterdam; Newcastle, B ruges; M ar i a Stetta, Nan t e s; Hawk, Antwerp ; Caroline Susanna, Danzic ; Neptune , Gravelines; Haabets Anker, Kragrove • Titian, Antwerp; Mary Watki ns , G a l atz ; Fortuna, Christiana; Marth* Be_guejada. ENTERED OUTWARDS FOR LOADING.--The Paris ( 1 . ), for Rouen ; Patriot, Alicante; Rhine (s.), Rotterdsui Tiger (s ), Hamburg; Walton, Valparaiso Barbauh Madras; E ag l e ( s ) , B oulogne; Ebenezer, Dunkirk; 040 0 Queen, New York ; Gezina, Stettin. ' CLHADIII3 OUTWARDS WITH CARGO.—The Ruckers, Demerara; Margar e t, M arse ill es ; Anna, Geelong ; Racer," - Sydney; Lona Monberg, Horsens; Anna Margie, Copsil; bagen ; Britannia, Buenos Ayres ; City of Loudon ( 00 • Dunkirk ; Belgium, Ostend ; John Bull, Hamburg ; Seis e (s.), Boulogne; Rhine and Diana, Rotterdam; Magnet/ Atusterdim. VESSELS SPOKEN WITH. The Mary, from London for Port Philip, March 6, il l lat. 4 N., long. 21 W. The Henrieh, from Hamburg for New Orleans, Moral 12, in let. 2) N , long. 84 W. The Western Empire, from Mobile for Liverpool, Mare 11, off Tortugas. The Golden Eagle, from Mobile for Antwerp . March 121 tO mil rs N.W. from Tortugas. The Milton Galveston, March 14, one day's sail north of D. 11. Shot Keys. The ship. Rawlins, steering west, on the 16th of Decoar ber, in let. 39 5, long. 137 E. The Maria Jacoba, from London for Melbourne, Mrire 2, in let. 6 N long. 20. The Henry Moore, from the Clyde for Melbourne, in let• 37 N., 1,):Ig 23 W, The Devonport, from Havre for New York, in let. 49 long. 7 W. COUNT RY MARKETS. LIVERPOOL, APRIL 11. This morning's market was very fully attended by 011 0 " try millers. Besiness opened with briskness, whicb, C° ll^ tinned thr o u g h ou t , and we closet! firmly at an advae° 6 over Friday' s p r i ces o f 2d per bushel oa wheat, and le Pe 1, barrel on flour, hut we did not recover all the decline that day. oats scarce, and id dearer. A fair demand for oatmeal. Indian corn in demand, without any partie l : ll6r change of price. Egyptian beaus is per qr. dearer. IPSWICH —APRIL 11. Thera is no great increased supply of wheat. The tog!' as contrasted with that of Lac week, was dull, and to e , gro arers were disinclined to submit to a reduction in - pri ce ; but where sales were made 2s to 3s per qr less money Iva realised. The cold weathar has induced malteters to keep on steeping. There was a li ttle barley at market, which brought within is and, in some cases 2s per qr less than last week ; and we mus t note the very .snr.ll quantity ° • PER ctl74lNrsgic; wheat on this week's return. PER QUARTER.I Wheat, red (old) 76s to 78s Barley, grinding 32 s to ov, , -•• 48s t ) 00, Ditto (new) Ditto, white (new) 84s to 88, Peas . Ditto (old) Barley, malting ... 3tis to 38 s 1 Flour, per sack °° °6l AVERAGES FOR THE WEER ENDING APRIL .11, 1854, Wheat Barley Oats Beans Peas ,' 4°2: Odd ~ 44s Od 32 10 " HULL —APRIL 11. A fair supply of wheat to-day, the farmers clemanfli l . s fully late rates, and where not obtained buttoned up their pockets, and made short work of it. Holders of fovig l l wheat resisting a decline, business is limited. The Basel and oil m ar k e t i s more subdued in tone, while cakes Mee more general inquiry. Th e t ransact i ons in bones limited, and 2s 6d per ton cheaper. 8 8 I Wheat, English, red 82 to 83, Ditto white ' B6 to 9i , ' Dantzie and lionigs l berg Pomeranian and Ham- s. I Peas, grey and black 48 -to P Linseed, Black S ea 63 to 6 5 Ditto Petersburgh 52 to 6 ' (Ditto Riga and Arch ' angel 'Ditto Konigsberg and Memel -- burgh — 75 to 80 Danish, Holstein, and Friesland 7O to 76 Russian and Odessa 66 to 72 Oats, English Ditto Danish Ditto Friesland ' Ditto Russian 2.; to 28 Barley, malting Ditto grinding 3l to 36 Beaus Ditto foreign Peas, white and yel 52 to 56 48 to 5° Per c.,Hull 11l Os ed to 'Ol Oa 'Ditto fine for. 0/ O s Od 'Ditto inf. for O/ Os 0d to 01!!! 'Rapeseed ON Os to 0,51/ Rape cakes 13lls Od to , °°„: Tares, English (Ws to , '- 'Ditto foreign Cian() 4/ 10s 8/ to 1 i% /„'",i 12 s 0 i to 1254 , "" la one , :ones Rye Meal BAIL WA Y 6/L1 R6' MARKETS. LIV ERIOOI,, APRIL 11.. STOCK EXCHANGE. ---The share market opened this m& ing 2 per under yesterday. adedonian, 26 ; East Lanci'; shire, 1 ; Lancashire and Yorkshire, 60. ; Lon.lon 41 11 ° North-Western, 95; ; Manchester Sheffield, and Lincoln' 19i ; Midland, 58k ; South-Eastern and DcATer, 17if ; York' Newcastle, and Berwick, 164. COURSE OF EXCHANC4E—YESTERDAY. A ma - ordain Il i 34, Gibraltar ••• • • • Ditto, three Yotterdain months .. 11 15% • ,rghorn •••• • • • • •,'" r,7)4 ...... 11 1.".% thoa •• • • •• • • 25 - Antwerp .......• .... 25 17 •-• • • ••• • •• Brussels ........• • • 25 174, Venice •• •• • • llamburgh 13 4 • Altona .......... •• . • Palermo .. . ••• • • Ditto, throe months .• 25 35 'Lisbon .. Marseilles........ ••• • .. 25 35 . , rporto ...• ........ •• Bourdeaux •••• • • 111.1 . Janeiro ........ •• • • BFranktort-on• Maine .• 118%1 tueilos Ayres ....... erlln • • ............ • • INew York, !i0 days' si4ht Viorina ••• • .. 13 46 Phila.lelphia ...... •• • • Trieste .. •• ••..t3 Si PRICES OP BULLION PER 07 . ;„ Petersburgh........ •• •• 32 y 6 Forelgii Gobi in Ban xi 17 7 } CMadrid • • .... 50% 'ortugal Gold Coin .. 0 " 4 1 1 A adiz ............• • ... 50% N'exican Dollars 0 5 Barcelona.. •• Seville ;goy Dolls.ry ...... 0 0 11. r. 5 53 b3)O [ADVERTISEMENT.] —lioiloWay's Pills the gr eatest wonder of modern times.—Tney correct bile, prevent flatulency. cleanse the liver, purify the system; renovat e the debilitated, strengthen the stomach, increase, the appetite, invii;orate the nerves, promote health, and re' instate the weak to an ardour of feeling never before 0' perienced. The extraordinary daily sales of these 5 0 ' valuable pills in all parts of the globe astonish e%erbodit convincing them that there is no other medicine in es" b.tence equal to Holloway's pills for removing the cow plaints wftich are incidental to the human race ; thef are, indeed, a blessing to the afflicted, and a- boon to tho - se who suffer from any disorder, internal or external. —Sold by all druggist, and at 'Professor Holloway'e. Establishment, 244, Strand, London. [ HVERTISEMENTI—A most interestin reetmry front a vast coil , ' plleatio •of I.esees, without the aid of medicine, tee rded in WO to lowing letter : " "Bridgehouse, Friml ey, 3d April, 1854. Grateful for the benefit I have &rived from flu Barry's 1, °1 4 1 lenta Arabica Food. I feel it my d u t y t o express to you my in feta: , thanks for the invariable kindness !have met with at you , . hands' My case l. an extra rdinary o ie, sivi as it may berrefl; of er ' ll l ferens I think it but right to place its details at 3 our disposal!, g have suffered these 33 veers continually Irani diseased lungs, !call . of blond, liver derangements, deaftie‘s, singmg in the cars c°lt potion, debility, shortness of breath and cough, and durithr that period taken so ranch rn dicine that I can safely say I have laid a l up war's of a thou san 1 po,inds at the h chemist's and doctor'a• 113 p (Ft actually worn out two medical men during my ailments whhout on, ing any improvement in 14 , r health . Indeed I was in utter desed i o and never expected to get ov r it, when I was fortunate enough ~,, ttaining. My lungs, become acquainted with your Revalenta Arabica, which, Heaven 7i prasepraid, r.stored ale t , a state of health which I long since desP ap ,,t, my blearing perfect, and my recovery is a marvel to all my acelha i ,., tances.— I am, respecubl's , "JAMES RomaTs, Wond Me cbat i ;_, liver, stoma , h, head, and ears are all r i iT ii .. , In canisters, suitably packed for all climates, a 'd with full instriye, tions-1 lb., 2s 9cl; 2 lb., 43 6dlb.,super t o fined, 5 lb., 22s ; 10 lb , 335. The In lb and 12 lb. carriage fre e e ' rit , receipt of Post-otlice order Larry, Du harry, and Co., 7 7 . itt;g e If and Co., purveyors to her Ma) '4l street, London; li ortnum, Mason, I ccadilly; a'so at 63, Bishopsgare.street ; 4, Cheansi e, d • 330 and 481, Strand. Oxford-street; 61, Gracechurch-street ; --E, .1 3 R2' II OF A soN. On the On the th 10 inst., a th t Jeßrse ight Hon. L a d y Rayle i g h. Le Hardy, H.E.I C.S. 6th inst.ey, the Wife of M a j o r C. F. OF A DAUGHTER. On the 10th inst., at S omerset-place, Stockwell, ° 11) wife of J. B. Loyer, Es q, Of On the 11th inst the lady of Captaiu Starkie Bence/ Kentwell hall, Suffolk. MARRIED. On the 11th inst., by the Rev. Travers Mclntire, Chap, 11 a Noon, Esq., o f L e i cester, to Lucy, daughter of Jo— cock, Esq., of Syston, Leicestershire. DIE. On the 10th i nst., at Camden- D Cott re Montage V A ei" non, eldest son of Vernon Abbot, Esq., 3 of Upper G o lde r street, Bedford-square. On the 10th inst., • at 7, Hyde-park-terrace, Colons f Powell, L or d-Li eutenant and late M.P. for the countY °f Cardigan. . • On the 10th inst.., Baker Morrell, Esq., of St. Oxford, aged 76. On the 11th inst., at St. James's-square, Harriet, widow of the late George Byng, Esq., M.P. for Middlesex- LONDON: Printed and Published by MIIRDO YOUN G ' of No. 112, S trand, Printer, at The Sun Office, No . 11 . Strand, in the P rec i nc t of the Savoy , i n th e co'unt ° i Wedneeklovy, April 12. 180.