The Sun. — London, England, 1830-09-23 00:00:00

A short pamphlet has been published, with a tickling title, viz.,—The &salt of the General Election ; or what has the Duke of Wellington gained by a Dissolution? 'Were we to answer the interrogative portion of the name by which the au thor has baptized his work, we might perhaps ad mit that, in one sense, it is possible the Duke may not have gained any thing. It is, we say, possiPle —(though we really know not what the fact may be) —it is possible that the Prime Minister may not have increased the stock of his regular Parliamen tary supporters by the late appeal to the people. But, if we understand the Duke of Wellington's position, and if his Grace, ns we trust he doe", re lies upon that which ought to constitute the strength of a gritish Minister in times like these, he will not very closely or importunately scan the party muster-mils-within the House of Commons. lie will look .abroad and rest his hopes upen the recep tion of his measure' at the hands of the nation oat of doors. Having the voice -of the public with him, he may tell the aristocracy to resist those measures at its peril. We are no doubt aware that much embarrassment of an every-day and tormenting kind may be occasioned to a Minis ter by the want of a competent number of ex perienced friends, regularly attending in both Houses of Parliament, who are not only competent to work effectually in their respective offices, but to be ad vocates for the Government of which they form a part, and to explain, defend, and enforce, the propo sitione and policy for which public servants arts re sponsible. The absence of that particular descrip tion of power lies, we once more frankly acknow ledge, been apparent throughout the,two preceding Sessions, and it is precisely the single ground on which, were we authorised to counsel the Duke of Wellington, we might recommend the expedincy of reinforcing his administration. That, however, is not the point which seems to have most deeply cap tivated the Whig vituperator throughout his caustic, sarcastic, scornful, and, we may add, ill-tempered production. He draws up one -list of members of the House of Commons, who, having usually voted for the Minister, have not been re-elected by their constituents; and another, of those who have been substituted for the former, and who, it is presumed (possibly fel no better reason), will be found among the inveterate enemies of the Govern ment; then turning triumphantly to the " book of numbers," ns be calls it, exclaims " was there ever so feeble no Administration as this ?" It is not quite unfair to demand of such a reasoner, whether he has always valued a motion in Parliament by the majority which supported or opposed it ? There is nothing, we dare say, at all contemptible in a mino rity of Whigs. It is time, however, to 'let this writer make his own play with the public; His pamphlet it written, we are bound to state, with no ordinary spirit, skill, and energy. He knows how to -hit, and gives his mind to it; and it we g uess Well at the person of the author, he is one who speaks as forcibly as ho writes, It appears to us a palpable absurdity to dwell with such bitter emphasis_ on the calculation of Parliamentary numbers as a test of the justice with which the author attacks the Duke of 'Wellington; because if, by an accident which not very rarely occurs, the majority should pronounce itself in the Duke's favour, the whole argument founded on the opposite contingency lulls to pieces of itself. 'the result, however, (the pro. spective result) is, that instead of an accession of 113 votes, as was said to have been anticipated by the treasury, there has been an actual loss of 20 votes on the whole. As, nevertheless, there is an argument to be drawn from the success of what arc called Liberal Members in places where the election is popular, it is right to give the following extract:- 0 Never wss there so lamentable a sight of weakness as ere Ministry themselves presented during, and at the close of, the elections. First, we hive the Peel family. Mr. Grant repays the attempt of the Secretary to unseat him by unseating hie brother at Norwich, to keep which the gallant Colonel had almost quarrelled with the discreet Secretary; Mr. Lawrence Peel is turned out of Cocker mouth, to make way, say the Cumherland folks, for an ar rangensent' between the Lowtheris and Broughams, upon which it does not appear that the Peels were mush con. suited ; Mr. W. Peel is proposed for Tamworth, but almost instantly withdrawn ; Mr. E. Peel Is defeated, after a con test, at Neweastk-under-Lyme; and Mr. G. Dawson, being first thrown out of his county, attempts another place, and is forced to drew back, finding the case hopeless, Pere, then, are five or aux &testi to this powerful and popular family in about ten days, The only one of the Wel keley family that comes before the people is the Duke's nephew, and he, after 15 days' lighting, is left at the hot tom of the poll. No other connexions of the Government ventured to show themselves at any plaCe; anti it is a fact unprecedented in the Parliamentary history of England, that not one Cabinet Minister sits in Parliament by the voice of any portion of fits Majesty's subjects, except Sir George Murray, and he for a fieoteli county, which is, like the rest of the Scotch counties, more rotten than most of the English rotten boroughs. " It is not possible to /timid here asking how the great popular seats are filled at the close of the late elections. That no one in office, except Lord Lowther and Mr. V. Lewis, site for any populsr place is admitted ; and of these, the one sits for a tiny Welch county ; the other far the only borough-county in England. Jet us then observe how the Government supporters bear their share in the popular re presentation. " First, as to Counties. There are in England forty Counties. Of the eighty-two Members which these re. turn, no more than twenty-eight are steady supporters of the Ministry ; forty-seven, or nearly double that number, are avowed adherents of the Opposition ; and seven are of a neutral cast, not leaning much to the Government, Did ever Minister yet meet Parliament with such a preponde ranee of the County Representation against him? Of the thirteen great populous cities and boroughs, with hundreds (Lotulon, Westminster, Aylesbury, &c.) returning twenty eight Members, only three-seats are befit by decided Mini sterial raft!, twenty-four by men in avowed opposition. There are isixtyrtwo other places which may have contests --being snore or less open.....they return one hundred and twenty-six Members. Of these only forty-seven are Mini sterial--alt the rest aro avowed Opposition men, save eight, whose leaning is rather more agldnat the Govern ment than for it. Of the two hundred and thirty,eist men, then, returned by elections store or leas popular in Eng lund, only seventy-nine arts Ministerial votes ; one hundred and forty-one ere in avowed opposition, and sixteen of neutral cast. If, therefore, the Ministers are to make head against a force of two to one against them, from every part of the country where the popular voice is heard its elec tions;_ it an only be by moans of the rotten boroughs; and the Scotch Members. Everywhere Woe they mu in air City altogether without a precedent. " But before proceeding to ask whether this nation can goierned by a Minister who has no support from the constituent body of the country, we must look to one or two remarkable looms taught by the Isle general election .---one of the most memorable in the history of Englead. " At no ono place where the public voice could be raised, did any mother of the Government attempt to show hirosell---all took refuge its rotten boroughs ; but not an their antagonists. Mr. Hume was returned for Middlesex with Mr. Ilyng.--no attempt being made on the part of tho Golfer/Orient to oppose him, A Whig colleague was given to Me. in Norfolk ; and another to Mr. Deni son, in Surrey. In Devonshire Lord Ebrington was burns to tits head of the pull on the ;Welders of the people, and was shabled to bring its r;ir Thomas Ael watt , 1 - ' If In Cettilirlilgesliiee, the nutined tinily " ; 1 Inn" superior, and they /tin one of the very family had 12:11 1 1:4 1 43 Cru tl i t e a d t support rho Mks of Welling 4 10 they IP"aa? Their. rata has ireen w i ll' ;: t tr "ter id thitThinveg, anal 4 warning- iewm to 0)1 ' 111" lust Grace of Ituanni possibly raves "!g" 1 " 411 . When hut brother was defeated 1,) , two stench Whigs, hew he hail cad Ins s ame first of ems many thousmae, ag „;„„ the em a k t k, n , s ad then, simply because (;race of Wellington w i lle d i s 0 , had voted against the prayer of hie owls peti. 60 ; 1. Thtie things cannot—no, they: cannot...4m a like tato Aoki now be always Vris4 impunit y . The return of Mr. Brougham for Yorkshire is touched upon as a grievous proof of the hatred of the nation generally for Tory politics. The lessons to be drawn from it, and other Whig elections, both by the people and by Ministers, are put with edi- fying malice. The author then passes over to the foreign politics of the Duke of Wellington and Lord Aberdeen, which he pourtrays and expatiates on in these unrelenting terms : " The aspect of affairs abroad, however, forms the Most gloomy portion of the Duke's prospect. That he urged the wretched Pelignac to his crimes is utterly in credible ; that he helped him to his place a year ago seems ;,hardly to he doubted. His praise of him, as 'by far the ''ablest French Minister since the restoration' cannot be retracted or explained away. Lord Aberdeen, whose opinions are theme of Metternich's very enlightened and Constitutional school, hardly looked to the restoration of the Spanish yoke in South America with more sanguine hopes than he did to the establishment of a ' vigorous' system in France. " But two defences have been set up en this most im portant question by the ' parasitical' tribe :--•-The Duke, it is said, has been ready to acknowledge the King of the French ; therefore he approved of the glorious event which has mode every free heart in Europe leap with joy. In other words, the policy of the Polignaca being irre trievably disconifited, and disgraced, past redemption, in the eyes of all mankind, the step which followed of ne cessity, of allowing that Louis Philip was reigning Sove reign of France, proves our Minister to have rejoiced in Polignac's ruin. As well might it he contended that Nirpoleou'e retreat to Paris, and from thence on ship board, proved him to haVe exulted in the battle of Wa terloo l As well might it be argued that the Duke re joices in the honours paid to the ashes of Marshal Ney, because he does not send forth an army to tear them from the Pantheon, where the hands of his grateful country men have enshrined the victim, of what Mr. Fox justly called ' that worst of revolutions, a restoration No, no ; many things that are impossible will come to pass, and much that is incredible will be believed, before any man of ordinary , observation will credit so vain a tale as, that the Duke Of Wellington ever knew a more bitter mo ment than that is which he read of the summary triumph of the French people,' anti saw in it the triumph of the people's rights all over the world.' • "'The other ground of defence is this :—Does any one it is said, suppose the Duke, with all his hatred of popular rights, and all his love of legitimacy, a mere driveller? Then how could he approve of conduct so insane, an exhibition of weakness so deplorable, as that of Pulp mac and his master? But who ever said that he did ? or ever dreamt that he approved the comae which those infatuated creatures took to gain their object ? It does not follow, however, that he did not wish heartily well to that object : possibly veiling its deformity to his own mind, under the specious phrases of firm Government,' ' legitimate throne,' vigorous support of the existing arrangement,' and so forth. That be may dearly have desired the end, and bitterly regretted the means, it altogether conceivable, without the least impeach-. ment of his honour, or his consistency, or even his good sense. What Pope was it that remonstrated vehemently against our Jaws 11., for hurrying on the reconcilement of England to the church of Rome, with such fatal im patience? What Prelate was it that soon after saw the Royal. fanatic an exile, and exclaimed, "There goes an idiot, who gave three kingdoms for a Miss r But the Pope and the Prelate both wished well enough to James's project, and only blamed or ridiculed him for pursuing it like a fool; nay,. they may easily have set him upon the adventure, and then, like another intriguer, of high name and authority in all .Courts, have grinned at the failure of their victim. " The lessons, however, which the Duke of Wellington may learn front this great event are neither few nor of light account. " First of all, it may teach him that an army is more to be depended on in the field than in the city. Beyond all doubt, be counted on the French troops standing by Charles X. and his insensate Ministersoind was some what staggered when he saw some battalions of those brave men refuse to fire upon their fellow-citizens. Beyond doubt, also, he expected regular troops, when they did fight, to gain nn easy victory over an unarmed rabble. 'Elio finest soldiers in Europe beaten by a mob—the boy. of the Polytechnic School destroying 500 of one regiment, and all the officers but three—streets in half an hour bar ricaded, and every house become a garrison, from which the very women and children fired shot, and poured down huge paving stones upon veteran troops—this is the very irregular, unscientific, untnilitary spectacle which the re cent history of France presents to the tacticians of the Horse Guards, and records, for the encouragement of all freemen and the terror of all military tyrants, in all coun trim, and in all time*. It is also a page of history which will be read with advantage by the soldiers themselves, of 411 ranks; and may have some influence on their minds, when they are poring over that other page, wherein is re corded the great virtue of those patriotic troops, who, in the soldier, forgot not the citizen, and refused to obey the'inilawful command that would have pointed their arms to shed the blood of their unoffending countrymen ! " Next, the Duke of Wellington must now, whether he find it to hie taste or no, lay his Account with the French governing themselves -.- choosing their own Kings and Mi nistersmaking such constitutions us they think proper for their own country—in short, managing their own of- Airs without ever consulting him, or throwing away a thought upon him, any more than if there were no such person as Arthur Duke of Wellington in this world of vexation, of folly, of rash presumption, and of disappoint ment. France will be free, and great, and have all the right of free States, and all the influence of a powerful one, whether it like him or no. The French can see nothing whatever in him that gives him a claim to their deference or respect ; because be is wholly ignorant, nar row-minded, inexperienced in State affairs, and, as be said himself two or three years ago, nothing but being stricken with rnadnem could ever account for his trying to be a Prime Minister. Moreover, his arbitrary principles of government nre not to their mind ; and there are pas• sages in his life (we allude not to them) which have by no means won their confidence. This lesson of his utter and absolute insignificance in French affairs, is one which he will be expected to learn speedily, both by France and by England, should any miracles keep him longer in place (power he has none) among ourselves. Again, the Duke may extend his views to other na tions, and mark how vain a thing it is for hint to expect his principles any longer to maintain their ground in any port of Europe. His friends, Metternich, Ferdinand, Miguel, are all at a sore discount; freedom can no more pervade all France and not cross the Rhine, and the Alps, land the Pyrenees, than the knowledge which gave it birth can be hemmed in by the stream and the mountain. The principles of the Holy Alliance are, therefore, doomed to deetruction, and they who maintained them, and embattled their legions to uphold them, must be prepared to retrace their steps betimes, and tomato just concessions soon, lest, by ill-advised delays, they suffer all to be wrested from their greet)." The expedients to which the author condemns the ' Duke and his colleagues, us means of maintaining themselves in dice, are next with greater brevity dekribed. 130 t in passing, we should be astonished to hear, on good authority, that, so far al regards the Duke of Wellington at least, he would be at the trouble of , walking across from his own door to the Green-park for any such ambition But let us turn front the consideration of foreign af faire,-19 which, by the way, the Duke of Wellingtou'ii failures, concluded as they have been by the expulsion of the Bourbons from Frame, are so numerous and so coins ;dem at fairly to balance big military successes—and reflect for a mointot on the domestic prospects of him and his as sociates. The question is, what will be do next—to what expedient will he resort to conceal his hopeless debility, and to strive to keep himself in place for another Session ? Ile cannot dissolve again, like his , pupil Polignae ; still less dares he try now any such coup didifit as those whichliave damned to everlasting fame' the previously obscure mane of his unfortunate friend. But something be must do to gain applause; and, by yielding to the wishes of the people, to disarm, for the moment, opposition. Will he touch tire tithe ?--hardly yet. But probably he may pro pose some mitigated measure of parliamentary reform — such as giving Members to the great manufacturing towns. It is true that Sir Robert Peel and all his other colleagues are deeply committed against this; but not more so than they were upon the Catholic (motion. Or he may make the King, his only friend, his victim; and come down with a proposition fora Civil List reduced below even the utmost wishes of the most s inguitie economists ; or perhaps the. East India Company may be offered up a sacrifice on the altar of popular feeling. Let no one, therefore, be stir, prised if eueli be the topic of his Mejesty's speech---if he • be Made to implore lila faithful Common!' to be as perm rinse towards himeelf as posSible;—or call down their Veoroice upon the monopolizing rulers of Leedenhalle " It would be easy to find an abler man than the Prime Minister; but impossible to name any one less popular, whether with the Aristocracy, the Church, or the Com munity at large. Civil experience be has hardly any— poltical knowledge none—his talents lay in war, and with the peace they have ceased to be of any more use than an old matchlock or a battering ram He was of some ser vice while the King's personal prejudices and unsteadiness required the controul of a strong hand ; with the life of the late Monarch, that use too has ceased. If he has any other claims to his station, except his extravagant estimate of his own universal genius (a new light since his me morable self denying declaration), neither the Nation nor the Parliament have, as yet, been able to discover them. Let them be plainly brought forward, however, by any one who is quixotic enough to maintain them, and they may be fairly discussed. . _ The Lord Chancellor Lyndhurst has notoriously dis. appointed, by his indolence, all who had formed uny ex pectations of him. He is, by common consent, the most inefficient Keeper to whom the Great Seal has been en trusted since Lord Bathurst—whose heir at law would make as good a Chancellor as either his Noble and Learned ancestor, or his Noble and Learned Colleague. No doubt, as far as personal weight and consideration goes—the dig nity derived from consistency, steadiness of principle, and all that goes to make up public virtue, the present Ministry may boast a share in the person of its First Law Officer, such as nono other ever had, and such as it would be ab solutely cruel to examine in detail. " Among his colleagues the Earl of Aberdeen stands distinguished (bold as the assertion may, to some, ap item) foe that union of feebleness with presumption—of incapacity in every other marls eyes, with all-stifficiency in his own---which constitutes the ridiculous in character. It is from such originals that the pencil of Cervantes drew the Baratarian Government of Sancho Panra, that of Sheridan his Lord Burleigh, and of Swift his Gulliver, drawing upon the King of Brobdignag. Mankind have yet to learn one single ground upon which this Lord ,! should affect to bold any other given Lord cheap ; and yet he never opens his mouth but to try some clumsy sneer. He is supposed to have studied under Mr. Pitt, who had some right to indulge in such supercilious demeanour.— The Hindoos have an apologia of a dwarf, who used to keep company with a giant, and seeing hint always look down upon the crowd, got the habit of looking down when he saw men whose middles he could just reach stand ing upon tip-toe. " The other Members of the Cabinet it is really diffi cult for any one, not having a peculiarly retentive memory, or, as Mr. Brougham would say, not being good at proper names,' to recollect. One, indeed, Lord Ellen borough, is remembered, not from the possession of any shining or statesmanlike qualities, but on account of cep. tain awkward passages in his history. This individual !mirage(' himself at (Efferent times the follower of Lord Lansdowne and of Lord grey ; but he left them all upon the first hint of a place front the Duke of Wellington, and he accepted it with an Amendment to the Duke's Address ready written in his pocket, which he had had the imprudent vanity to show to several persons. To the Government he joined brought a weight of personal unpopularity, which it rarely falls to the lot of any one so little conspicuous as him self to acquire. And if to this disadvantage is added an over weening conceit—overweening apparently in proportion to the absence of merit—a total want of judgment, and a singular faculty of attracting the derision of others, it will he easily granted that his co-operation is, in fact, a griev ous misfortune to the Administration which is encumbered with it. " Of Lord Bathurst, lives there the man so unfeeling, so lost to all the softest emotions of our nature, as to speak in en enumeration of Statesmen fit to administer a great empire? If ouch there be, and of heart so flinty, then the same might also view unmoved the sorrowful plight of Mr. Onulburn, and weigh the merits of that good sensible man and most able Quarter-Master-General, Sir George Murray, as a Parliamentary Chieftain. Whether or not Lord Francis Leveling Gower be a Cabinet Mi nister, may be a question ; it can be none that in such u Cabinet nature has well qualified him to hold a plate, and a prominent one. But though he may rival Lord Aberdeen in hopeless debility, he falls so in finitely short of him in presumption, that it would be a shame to speculate upon the amount of his gain by his late removal from Ireland. Ile was found to be perfectly unfit for the Parliamentary con flicts of that department; seine change of climate was absolutely necessary to preserve his existence. So he is to battle the Estimates night after night against Mr. Hume for six or eight weeks of the next Session, by way of having an easy lift, and a task he is fit for. "Of Sir Robert Peel we have not spoken. He is a man of respectable talents, moderate acquirements, un questioned propriety, undeniable self-complacency, and brilliant and boundless wealth. Whether these, added to the possession of as much unpopularity as ever fell to one man's share, be exactly the qualifications that will fit him for leading such a House of Commons as is just returned, and against such an Opposition, may he a different thing. He is supposed to have so deep, so devout a veneration for himself (testified among other things by reverently drop. ping the voice upon naming the object of his adoration), as rather to have enjoyed standing alone last session. He probably is now hugging himself in the hope of a like en joyment at the approaching meeting. If so, it may be as serted with great safety, that, though his portion of bliss be not the greatest, it is at least the most unenvied ever yet bestowed upon mortal."—Tinies. One of the executors of Mrs. Burke, by way of rebutting a statement in the Manchester Advertiser that the reversionary pension paid to Mr. Burke and his executors was granted, and has been applied for the purpose of paying off a debt contracted by Burke to the Fitzwilliam flintily, has sent a letter to a Morning Contemporary, in which it is said that neither Mr. nor Mrs. Burke ever had any pecuniary transactions with Lord Fitzwilliam, and that the pen sion was bequeathed by Mrs. Burke to her own nephews and nieces, and the niece of Mr. Butke. By way, however, of throwing light on the circum stance which had led to the statement of the Man cheater paper—namely the debt due by Mr. Burke to the Marquis of Rockingham—this executor of Mrs. Burke subjoins a copy of an original letter in his possession, written by Lord Fitzwilliam to Mr. Burke, in reply to a letter of condolence with his Lordship on the death of the Noble Marquis. (COPY) oc 3d July, 1782. uMy Daaa FRIEM),..-It is not all lorrow. Your labours have succeeded, and his wishes for his country have prospered. Your Hill," they tell me , i s carried with ft high hand in our House. His spirit is, then, still living. Whatever treachery, whatever business may have medi tated, his virtue has prevailed. My friend, I write in a melancholy triumph : our common misfortune touches my inward soul, and I must hare time to feel myself But why do yow write to me so ? I can never emulate his character. I will imitite, as I ought to do, at an awful distance. You know my wishea for the public weal, and you know my inability to further it more than by the great and venerable name I now, with Sorrow, bear : but I have still courage. I have confidence that his virtue has spread its seed so far and wide, that there is stock of growth sufficient to make honest men respectable, and worthless ones ineonsiderable. 4' I must recoiled myself. It Was my duty to have in- * Economical Reform, " Wednesday evening." " FITZWILLIAM." Burke and Sheridan are striking instances of the misery which is the portion of all men of talents in this country, who are so foolish as to enlist in the service of the Aristocracy, from whom, in return for the prostitution of their powers to the propping up a demoralising system, they experience constant mor tilications, while the necessity of keeping up an ap pearance of wealth compels them to have recourse to the most discreditable shifts. The author of " Government without Whigs" seems almost to make it a matter of reproach to Mr. Brougham that he did not split on the same rock. " Mr. Canning (he says) throughout the *hole of his negociations with the Whigs, never lost sight of the ne cessity of keeping his own peculiar party together, and in office ; and the consequence was, that lie bad no place at his disposal at all suitable to the desires of Mr. Brougham; for he, with a Scotsman's foresight and prndence, was de termined not to sacrifice a profession from which, tho Ugh fir from being at its head, he derived a very considerable income, for the possession of a place, the tenure of which was exceedingly uncertain ; and there was unfortunately no office vacant, the acceptance of which would not have involved either that sacrifice, or one still more to be dreaded —Alt of his parliamentary influence." Mr. 'Brougham has followed the only course which MI individual not possessed of great wealth can with safety follow—he has stuck to his profession, and preserved his independence. We do not mean- by this to say that a state of things, in which the affairs of the nation •are consigned to the children of wealth and luxury, aidettby professional men, who give an, occasional hour of leisure to the public, is one on Which any unbiassed Englishman can look with com placency. We were some time ago furnished by a distinguished correspondent with some particulars of the history of Burke, which are sufficiently in structive : " As a farmer (said our correspondent) I lived, many sears ago, at a abort distance from him. I have employed several of his servants. The following facts will amuse you. His smith still lives, ninety or upwards. Burke ruined him ; for years he was unable to pay his black smith's bill, and thus drove him to bankruptcy. The smith's hopes were fed with the prospects presented to Burke's own fancy, a tellership, or something similar. He in:IA have been very poor and very proud. The wings of the house he occupied (Butler's) would each have con tained four times over, Milton's cottage, still standing near Chaffont. From the report of his carters (ploughmen) as well as his smith, he must at one time have farmed on a very large scale. I have no doubt he attempted in this manner to secure that independence of a . proud Aristocracy, for which Horner (and now Brougham) looked to his pro fession ln my own opinion, taken for all in all, Burke's name (in spite of his manifold infirmi ties) ranks as high as any other in the History of the House of Commons. His reflections generally were his own : sometimes deep, always specious, dressed up in a way comparable to no other except his models. There was a kindred fate of these two accompliabed men in a slight degree. Both of them objects of admiration and of trust with the aristocracy; both of them champions against desperate Toryism, or tyranny, or deluded Re publican factions; both of them drinking of th e bitt eres t cup of adveraity ; for Burke's poeerty broke his heart and impaired his intellect. You are aware of Sir Philip Francis's opinion ; that he would never have preached a crusade against France bad he possessed 30,0001., an inde pendent fortune." We have often said, that the Law of Succes sion and Institutions of this country throw the contrail' of the national affairs into .the hands of persons the least fitted for it. It is utterly impos sible to have a rich Aristocracy and good Govern ment at the same time. The middle classes of this country are distinguished for their energy; and when it happens that a man from these classes ac quires independence before he is overtaken by age, as in the case of Mr.. Hume, he works wonders among the Lord Johns. Mr. Hume said in his speech at Glasgow, that the.. Dandy Legislators looked on him as an intruder. Would that there were a dozen such intruders! There were some ex cellent observations in a late number of the Scots man, on the injury which the country sustains from the Law of Succession, throwing public affairs into the hands of men unfit for the management of any affairs. " To persons in this country (says our contemporary) who know nothing about any aristocracy but our own, it does appear exceedingly droll, to find a Peer, wearing a lofty title, salaried with a sum which would be thought inadequate pay for a banker's second clerk among us ! In the thing itself, however, there is nothing absurd or laughable. Our unnatural Law of Primogeniture accu mulates immense wealth in the hands of a few persons ; but in the Netherlands, where property is much divided, the Peers partake of the general mediocrity of condition. Does this make them less fit to deliberate' and decide on the great interests of the country? Quite the reverse. Intellectual activity, knowledge of business, and, we will cads pure morals and high honour, are generally sumeiated with mediocrity of fortune, and are comparatively rare among men of inordinate wealth. A merchant, tradesman, or small landholder, with an income of a thousand a year, finds his status depends in no small degree on his moral and intellectual habits, and would be ruined by vice and f o llies which are not thought scandalous in a Nobleman with a rental of 50,000/. ! In point of prin ciple we hold the practice of giving salaries to legislators to be wise and rational. The maxim that the labourer is worthy of his hire,' holds true with the Peer as well as the peasant. The workman who has no pay will either neglect his duty or remunerate himself by frauds which cost his employer much more than a fair and opea compensation. In the Netherlands a Peer has VOL per annum, and for this awn gives regular attendance, and does his duty in a business like manner. In Britain a Peer gives only one day's at tendance for eight or ten which he ought to give; and while he professes to be acting without remuneration, is selling his vote to the Minister for places and pensions to his family. Let any one look at our sinecures, our Irish Church, and our Pension List, and then say whether gra tuitous services are not the dearest of all ! The example of the Americans is decisive on this subject. In the Fe deral Legislature, and in the lour and twenty State Legis latures, the practice of paying Senators and Representa tives (their Peers and Commoners) is universal. In Con gress the Senators have the same pay as the Representa tives, namely, eight dollars a-day, which, for a Session of four months, amounts to about 2361. per annum—ante of remuneration nearly on a par with the Belgian." The people of England are beginning to be aware of the nature of the injury which they sustain from the law favouringthe accumulation of property in the hands of individuals. Why is it that a French man with is moderate income is independent, and an Englishman with three times the same means is miserable and a Slave ? Because property is more divided in France, and individuals are not, in order to escape the contempt which is the lot of poverty in an aristocratical country, stimulated to acquire great wealth. A certain amount of property is ne cessary to comfortable• existence; but the demands of luxury are as insatiable as the grave: Burke, with his talents and his industry, in France, at the present day, would have been a first-rate man, with out the necessity of ruining his tradesmen, and oc cupying an immense building, in order to associate with the Aristocracy: M. Destutt de Tracy well observes— _ _ -_ "The multiplication of our means of enjoyment is a very good thing; the too unequal distribution of them is a eer y b a d thing, and the source of all our evils. Th e interest of the poor is the interest of society. . . . I shall be asked, perhaps, is the inequality of wealth NO gre at an e vil ? I answer boldly, yes ; f or , i n t h e fi rst place, producing inequality of instruction, capacity, and influence, it tends to bring about an inequality of power, and consequently to overturn society. Besides, in consi dering it only in an economical point of view, we have seen that the fund from which. wages are derived, is the revenue of all those who have capitals, and that among the latter, they who embark in any industrious enterprise alone aug. ment their wealth, and consequently the wealth of the nat i on . Now the possessors of great fortunes are precisely the persona who are idle, and who only pay lahonr for their pleasure. fleece, the more great fortunes exist, the more the national wealth diminishes. The example of all times and all countries supports this theory; for, wherever you see excessive fortunes, you will there see the greatest misery and the greatest stagnation in industry. To judge of the exaggeration of certain fortunes we must keep pro portions in mind; for there may be -rich Englishmen, equally rich, and even richer then the greatest Russian or Polish _Lords ; but they are in the midst of a people among whom easy circumstances are much Inure genetal, and consequently, the disproportion ; though real, is much less We have seen, however, that the law in England favours that which it aught to be rather the object of law to prevent. We witness the effects in the arrogant and exclusive character of an Aristocracy on the one hand, and the servility and immorality of the inferior classes on the other.-111ornine Chronicle. The report gains ground that Prince Talleyrand is charged with a mission from the Government of France to the Ex-King, which has for its object the obtaining of a new act of abdication from Charles in favour of Louis-Philippe, thereby establishing his title on the principle of legitimacy. We do not believe it. Such a proceeding would argue a de gree of mental weakness in the present Ruler of France which would almost rival the imbecility of Charles X. himself. No King raised to the throne by the choice of the nation can afford to be so silly us one who governs by " right Divine ; " and Louis-Philippe is too wise not t o k now hat the power from which he derives his title, and which alone can defend it, is the national will—the power that has .expelled the elder branch of the House of Bourbon—and smote legitimacy with the lightnings of its vengeance ! Louis-Philippe, like our William the Third, is a King elected by the people, with hereditary succession. If he seeks to supersede that title by a grant from the discrowned fugitive, whose former act of abdication was treated as a nullity, and to rest his throne on the parchments of a degraded Sovereign, instead of the free choice of a regene rated nation, he most miserably falsified that charac ter for good sense and sound judgment for which the world has given him credit. Besides, the title which he bears is contradictory to such a confirm ation of it. He is" King of the French," and as such, the first of a new . dynasty. This title is not the one which Charles forfeited. The Ex• King cannot give away that which never was in Ins possession. Arid then as to the Duke of Bor deaux, if lie has a legitimate claim to the throne, who can resign it for him? Nut Charles, who might, undoubtedly, lay down his own title in pos session—not the Duke of Angouleme, who might, as certainly, have renounced his own claim in re version—not the Duchess of Berri, for she is not invested with any authority either to make or un make a King—not the Duke of Bordeaux himself, for he is a minor, and has no copeck) , to per form legal acts that shall bind him when his non-age expires. There is nobody,,then, whe can resign for the Duke of Bordeaux any legitimate claim which he may have to the throne of France, and, conse quently, any act of abdication by Charles in favour of Louis-Philippe, would, on this ground alone, be utterly null and void as far as the rights of the in fant Prince are concerned. It is impossible, we con clude, that Louis-Philippe can contemplate any thing so absurd as the report of the negotiation in question implies. What would have been thought of William the Third, after the glorious revolution of 1688 was achieved, if he had sent an Ambassador to St. Ger mains to negotiate with the exiled James the Second, for an Act of Abdication in his favour, to the ex clusion of the young Prince, who, but for that revo lution, would have ascended the throne of Great Britain ? It would have been said that lie was solicitous to weaken, or rather to subvert his own title, by performing an act which implied that the people could not, on a forfeiture of the Crown, settle it anew upon whomsoever they pleased, in full sove reignty, by virtue of a national compact. But William 111. did not think of any thing so foolish, and it is not to be supposed he was more enlightened in the seventeenth century than Louis-Philippe is in the nineteenth. We therefore look upon the report as a malicious fable, invented by the enemies of the present Government of France, with the insidious purpose of exciting the jealousy and distrust of the people towards their Constitutional King.—Morning Herald. Though confidently stated to be the case, wes nevertheless, trust it is not true, that the Rev. Divine, who has been so recently translated from the See of Gloucester to that of 'Exeter, is about to make another change, by transferring the scene of his pious labours to the more profitable See of Bangor. A Bath paper states the translation to have actually taken place; but such cannot be the case, as the Gazetting of the ange d'elire is the neces sary and unavoidable prelude to the fact. There is nothing which brings such disgrace upon the Church, and, of course, thereby so melt injures the cause of religion, as the practice of episcopal translation, by which the world are led—and, we fear, but too truly—to believe that Churchmen are to be found who worship Mammon in preference to God. That the Archbishop should be taken from among the existing Bishops is, perhaps, excusable ; but, beyond that, we know of no good or proper motive which can be assigned for taking a Bishop from the super vision of a flock to which he ought to be attached beyond all earthly considerations. The times are not such as to admit of the continuance of abuses such as these; and we confidently hope that the good sense of the public will lead them to consider those the best friends of the Church Establishment who boldly decry them. What is thought of the husband or the father, in private life, who desert s his wife and family to devote himself to some new and unhallowed connection ? and how less criminal, in a strict sense, is he who, wedded in the holiest bonds to a Christian family, meanly deserts it, for the sake of a better house and more ample domains ? Of course we use the argument generally. The practice has been too long countenanced to make its application personal. But we would earnestly call upon those who must see the mischief it is cal culated to produce, and who have the power to avert the danger, to set their faces against the conti nuance of an evil, which has been one of the blessed fruits of favouritism and borough patronage on the one hand, and of a servile cupidity on the other.— Morning Herald. EMOLUMENTS OF THE MIDDLESEX The most important were to the effect, that a dis tinct opinion should be expressed for or against the great question of separation; and that within a period of some days after the presentation of the address, the persons exercising authority in Belgium should be summoned to return to order, end that in default of so doing, they should be outlawed, and de►slt with according to the laws of the State. The address was not decided on in this sitting, and on Sunday the sections again assembled for further de liberation. On Monday it was to be submitted to the general commit tee.—Tintes. the Lowthers, they will et least have the comilation of re. Electing that their conduct was consistent, and that they forced the dictatorial Minister to bend, and suffer them to vote as they had previously done upon the great question of the day." street ;—or advise the restoration of the Constitution by means of a reform of the Commons House of Parliament. Such things are possible, nay, probable; some one of them must indeed almost indubitably he resorted to, to give his Grace even ar chance of continuing in the situation of Prime Minister. Then will Sir Robert Peel, as we have already heard him do upon other memorable occa sions, declare his own opinions to be o entirely unchanged,' but that he yields to the exigencies of the State or the cry of the people. But by whatever subterfuge or sophis try he may endeavour to disguise that always unpleasant operation, known in common parlance by the expression of eating his own words, the nation cannot fail to be the gainer by the popular measures he may thus be compelled to support, peradventure to propound. But what will the Aristocracy say to such proceedings? We fear they must submit; and at the same time let them rest fully assured, that if annual Parliaments, universal suffrage, and vote by ballot, could, for ever so short a time, prolong the Duke of Wellington's power, he would support them, and oblige his colleagues to do the same; which colleagues, their opinions remaining entirely unchanged,' would yield a ready and' a cheerful obedience." The pamphlet concludes with a grand procession of the dramas personw of the present Govern ment, who are all introduced for the ungracious pur pose of being, as it were, pelted off the stage. It is needless to say that we are fur from acquiescing in the general truth of the sketches of character which follow : " Personal topics may be invidious; but when the question in—Whom shall the King trust, and the nation be ruled by? the matter ceases to be merely personal, and rises into the highest public importance. Can any one, then, doubt that the following sketch paints to the life, those weak but presumptuous men who affect to adu►inister our affairs? formed you that certain bonds are cancelled by a codicil of his will. He felt merit as he ought to have done, and he never did an action in his life more acceptable to " Your sincere friend, decided. The perfection of society would then be to in crease u much u possible our wealth, by avoiding its ex treme inequality." _ _ CORONERS. The following account, extracted from the official documents in the custody of the Clerk of the Peace, of the amount paid by the county to each of the re spective Coroners for the discharge of the duties of their office during the year ending in April last, will surprise those who may have been led to infer, from the severity and heavy expense at which the elec tion to the recent vacancy was contested, that the office was an extremely lucrative one. The allow ance made to the Coroner is fixed by Act of Par liament, and consists of IL for each inquest,and 9d. per mile travelling expenses from his residence to the place where the inquest is holden. No allow ance is made for the homeward journey; but, in the event of the inquest being adjourned, the charge of 9d. per mile is allowed for each adjournment. The account of Mr. Stirling is as follows : Front April to July, 1829, holding 133 inquests 160 18 9 July to Oct 127 149 0 3 Oct. to Jan., 1830 ll7 139 9 3 Jan. to April..... . . 133. 163 8 3 Tottd 516 £6l2 16 6 That of Mr. Unwin, for the same period, was-- From April to July, 1820 126 imposts 138 15 9 July to Oct Oct, to Jan. 1830 ..... lOO lO9 17 3 Jan. to April ... .. .... 70 77 3 3 Total 405 £446 3 6 At the request of a gentleman who had thoughts of presenting himself its a candidate, a reference was made to the accounts for the last seven years, and, on striking the average, the annual receipts of Mr; Unwin were found to be below the amount for the year above given, being only 4241. odd. Be sides holding inquests, the Coroner has the exe cuting all processes which may be directed against the Sheriff Certain fees are attached to the dis charge of this duty, but, as they are paid by the party at whose instance the process issues, their amount cannot easily be stated, The execution of COUNTRY CORN MARKRI'S DURINU Wheat. Barley. Oats. 1 2e2: . .. Per Quarter. a. to s. a. to s. s. to a. 4 . 4 . 4 55 MI 32 38 21 32 6 , 2 55 65 22 4 2 0 23 Birmingham..,,.,... 56 66 S 2 38 28 3 0 "" 54 Nridport 56 74 32 30 26 3 0 "'" Cirencester 48 65 20 37 18 23 •-• 54 86 36 40 26 3 9 , 43 Guildford 48 74 24 35 20 ,3, 1 . Henley m 83 30 35 20 60 Hereford 64 84 38 45 36 40 54 Highworth 02 80 92 42 *** 51 Maidenhead 65 St 39 3° 42 Oakingham 56 76 30 38 18 3 2 "":„ 4 $ Reading 48 80 18 41 25 56 68 27 37 40 Southampton 54 76 37 40 68 , 44, Stroud 64 74 34 3 8 22 St . " - 44 Tewkesbury 65 78 40 43 30 4$ Uxbridge 48 74 21 32 19 g i 40 , 43 Wantage--. 56 73 26 35 w' 0, Warminster 52 76 30 36 29 „ „.,'" 40 48 84 26 34 I g' 0 Worcester........--- 60 ea 32 36 Clii ---------iI LTENH4I4 MA REET..-844. • d. to a. Per Bushel. s. d. to s. d. Per . U ). 5 6 Wheat .......•"." 7 0 9 0 8ief.........i........ 5 d Barley ...* 4 0 5 6 Mutton ...... 5 Oats Beans ........... .., 0 Pease 5 0 8 0 Pork ................. Hay ...... ........ 3/. IN. to 3i. um. per too__:___,. HULL MARKET.—Pt- 1 ' There have been several days of good h a rvest weat l,er during the past week, when part of the Wheat olvo se cured ; this morning, however, notirithstand in g heavy "1! has fallen, the business passing is only to a lituited es r" ' in any branch of the trade. The show of New Wheat is to a fair extent to-day, but the condition i s g enerally verY soft and tender ; the farmers demanded en advance of th 21. to 3s. per spatter, but this was not acee dtil to, awl , buyers Selected the best samples at Is. to 2s. more money than last week ; the soft s l u mp sam ple. are bail to quit ss last week's prices. Old Wheats, although not m uch hew news is passing, may be noted Is. to 2s. per quarter Jester than last week. Not many good 'nettling Oats offering, been realized. These was a sample of New the general run are Danish and Prussian ; the trade however better, and on the business done Is. mo re bat ley of good quality offered at 405., but it met 0 0 b u y ers ' Beans and Pease are each Is. per quarter dearer. n seed and Linseed fully support prices, but very little o the former offering. Wheat, Old ..... —a. 60s. COL Nov .. 54 . 6 2.1, Foreign 60s. 665. ln bond... . ••••• """ Oats, Poland —4 ......... Small or Feed —s. 4 205. 241. . ..... ............ "4. Foreign "NI .... . ..... Barley, Norf. & —s. 30s. SU. 'Line. & Foreign Beans 38s. 40a. 425. Pease, White —s 40s. 4•25. Grey........... 7.7 Tam —s 361. 36i. F0reign......... ogt Rapeseed, la bond none. Free, per last Norfolk Bar. --- DUMFRIES MARKETS. --Sept. 15. sd• l il a s.d. 6. el. A' 01e0 • Wheat, Imp. Bush 79t0 9 3 Butter, 1601..... ..... .. v 0 0 Barley Oats ... ... ..... ....... . 4 4 1 4 ) E Beef, gg d pe ° r z u lb. n . ....... ................ 0 ° 0 ° 5 -4 Flour, .141 . b. . 2 4 3 0 Mutton ................••• 0 1 0 0 Oatmeal ... ......... Potatoes, cwt. -----,-- It is stated, in a recent work by Mr. DWI t . that the age of salmon is marked by circles in the We, bone, as the age of trees is by the conce ntric rings ill w e heart of the tree ; for every year there is a circle. A public meeting of some of the inhabitotts and visitors of Gravesend was held on Mon. l4 Y , 1 .„ 1 1 Town-hall there, for the purpose of considering& Pcr7P°,, for the erection of a new pier, which should eii'l"cli;ith steanssvessels to embark and disembark esloenger:Tbo out the intervention of boats or the aid Of wAter aur " . proposal contemplated the e stablishment of fund for benefit of the watermen out of the pier dues ; au d the Pr 4 poser contended that the emolutneets °f would be much increased thereby. The watenteo,ll°,o*- ever, could not lie made to believe this; and the/11k the wateriness much interruption to the proceedings, that, inil ead° s eete proposal being carried into effect, the proP ler „„ the hissed, hooted, and, in some instances, assaulted' meeting was dissolved without having come to 01 " . e urination. The Middlesex Grand Jury have nude 'ghee sentation on the subject of the New Police , in wh''"ialit mate, from tie general character of the evideete oriSet before them in the present Sessions, their conilelittbto the system was of great public utility ; that the Me"' t of of it were a far snore intelligent, as well as efficient teoro men than the old parochial nuilimitiel, behlic,stbefe more fearless and snore disinterested in the 014$0 of their duty. They admit that there ar c f being in the system, but none that are not capable t' roo d easily remedied. The mode in which the 10" 4 , ae ,:i,fie. , their testimony was in alinoat cases clear e nd I ,o e sp it tory to the Grand Jury, who entertain no doubt oe f,- being made, within a short period, rie elfeel us „ ,l l; guard fur the public peace as eau be devised. ' tlis nion having been expressed to the Chairotaa b, Middlesex Seseions by the foreman of the Gro ld i j liee e remarked, that lie thought it desirable, so 01°(/;,,,01.1 feeling existing at present on the subject, thss make a declaration of it in writing. This'iThe Jura ingly done, and it wise signed by the whole °' It will be presented, of course, to Sir IL Pl itt ' Up MYSTERIOUS DISAPPEARANv" Hotiaa ilm Co.-111,tt of our readers will have 100 °, ' e esl of a very active officer of the Manchester Peiliee' re v :Ow Bratecur, from our having had frequeut oecaeioVmdef tion hint in o ur p a p er . O n Thursday las t 3 hi° ' ll ll ‘ *bli his, about twenty months old, was lost iu A "01 manner. /31ANcnt has a lad of rather Amu ) tai between ten and elev e n years of age, who gr i er ll o 4 0'? nut the child i n t o t h e s t ree ts to play sod morning, About eight o'clock, be earned it out',6 accompanied by ano th er little girl of n l°l'lll ' l o g ill four years of age. S o on after eleven o'clock the W oo s came home crying, and told her mother a"' 11 n , sr {d; had taken the child from off some stepi ' " and added, " You will never see it evict. 07(00 woman, a neighbour of Illarscas, and to b 11 ,! oo . i hOrld" S yo was known, was yeste r d a y, about noon , thestolen,. market, the pla ce f ro n t w h e nce the chil d was , girl , she sate the c hild in the arms of a dirty 105,1 about fifteen years of age. She instatly ePr z t h e op''' one of the street-keepetr, who chalicesd to be 0'4:06 toe and he took the girl into custody, restoriog. who time the child to its anxious parents. The g ir ' O OO herself Masts Garuostr, refuses to give avt.hi We herself, or how she became poasessed of the el° e i p Oil We the description given of the woman who 10 11 Ile It 4 steps with the child they cannot be the oa however, beenascertained that she took hodgloced i b h ieb day night in the house of a poor withai ; b u t W steel WCAItTY, i n Tlimnuor,..atieet, Saa r ' re visit ° 1 , she left on Saturday morning. Sts parsecs„ weidis`•,,' that the child was her sister's ; that its pir e° ;„ and that she was endeavouring to get a ow : w ill be order to leave the child with her friends. ii:„,,,,ory• nosed before the Magistrates.--Mirnehester On t n be ch l:3 Es th q i . r. is T i tr ß i T n ------ glo t tetiu sre of a d btc ,4 0. : the loi ' D. Din • Aug r. f L )10 1 ' 11 On the 19th inst. it Liverp ool the lad y ° . Esqi, of a son. * . n t (TO "' On the 18th inst. at Edinburgh, the C a— 64 t ton,: of a daughter. eke ° On the 19th inst. at Cumberland -terrace, Eee" M. H. Douglas, of a daughter. ' MARRIED• 0 01 ,,,' On the 2I st inst. at All Souls the ro be Ri,:ts C. '' M.A. to Sarah. youngest daughter of '- Bond, of Margaretting, Esser. s, 4 lED. ri, S. ilsol‘ On the 22d inst. in her 74th year, I"' Nicholas-lane. hi5k104416,12:a gtt t hh h : e tyl2 2 77 o lrbs t .: h it It ; s u e t.s widowt . a : I F l r r e e s . ~r~ oliiir. of Woodforil-bridp, Esse:. r..misrolg On the 21st inst. at Little Sbelford, .7. James, Esq., aged 91. --"'""""""'-- oT•frtb:ealattertteer:Jii.ii'ellr:..lll.;s4:l3::::P;l47‘l: ..~' 0 Pal I _ 4 _1) IND PV134189 7" lir STRASO AIVAD O SUN 0111 C 1-111 X LOPIP° these processes generally devolved npon Mr. Stir. ling, within whose district the Sheritrs:Oiliee i$ situate. THE M. COAL. MAR Adalr's 325. 64. ogloww••• 31 6 Dean's 31 6 Hetgaurn Main 34 0 32 9 Killingworth 34 0 Liddell's 30 6 Peiaw Percy 8en5ham......... 33 6 South H01ywe11......430 0 30 9 Wylam Walls End Boundary., 30 9 Ditto Blake 31 6 Ditto Clarke and C 0... 32 0 Ditto Cram Huston.... 30 Ditto 35 9 ships at market, 4:1—.--Ship RKETS. ,N MARKETS DURING THE KET.—Sept. 71. Walls End Hatton ..... 9d. Ditto HIM* ....N..* %I ' Ditto H0t5pur..........* 34 3 Ditto Northumberland 33 t Eden Main .V 0100.11.1110.1. 34 It Walls End Lambton.... 37 Walls End Ly0u5........:35 9 Walls End Stewart's 37 9 W. E. Itiissell'slletton 37 9 Walls End Tees M 3 Mil nes and Co. Flocton 30 d V 6 31 3 Wall's End Elgin.... 90 d W. E. Haverland«...... V 0 91 0 Hebburn small 91 0 u sold, 374 --..Unsold. 4%. PEEK.