The Sun. — London, England, 1830-05-26 00:00:00

taken out of the hands of the Crown, were applied under the control and superintendence of Parliament, and could never be abused for any purposes whatever. The Noble Doke then read a clause from the Act to support his view of the subject. It was clear, he said, from the words of that clause, that the fund was a public fund, and that it could not be abused to any of the purposes which the Noble Marquis supposed when he mentioned spices and cin namon. On these grounds he contended that the measure stood entirely upon its own grounds, and that it could never act injuriously as a precedent. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE made a few observa tions in reply, in which he repeated most of his former asseverations. He contended that no ground had been laid by the Noble Duke for overturning the practice of 170 years. If the sugars paid in lieu of these duties were, as the Noble Duke stated them to be, public merchandise, then, beyond all doubt, they ought to pay public duties. He was induced to hope that this Session would not close without Parliament providing a distinct regulation for the application of these funds.—The motion was then agreed to. On the request of the Marquis of LANSDOWNE, the third reading of the Courts in Equity Improvement I3ill was fixed for Wednesday, on the understanding that it should be brought on at an early hour. The House then proceeded to the examination of wit nesses in the East Retford case, which continued till a Quarter-past Nine o'clock, when their Lordships adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS-(LAST NIGHT.) Mr. lIOBHOUSE presented a petition signed by 7,000 or 8,000 journeymen bakers employed in London, South wark, Westminster, and in different other places within ten miles of the metropolis, praying that the House would adopt some measure to prevent the necessity of their pur suing their worldly avocations on the Lord's-day. Sir T. BARING observed that this petition, coming as it did from a large body of Christians, who felt them selves called on to pray for relief from a Christian Legis lature, deserved serious attention. The custom of break ing and profaning the Sabbath was a greatly increasing evil, and when individuals came to the House and called on the Legislature to enable them to keep that day holy, he thought their petition should be complied with. 'While be was touching on this subject, he could not avoid ad verting to the admonitory letter recently sent forth by a Right Rev. Prelate, which, in his opinion, did that Right Rev. Personage infinite credit. Whatever odium might be attempted to be cast on that Right Rev. Prelate, or whatever taunts might be levelled at him by certain in dividuals, on account of his having written that letter, still he was of opinion that the thanks of every real friend to religion in the community WJS due to the Right Rev. Prelate for his exertions on this occasion. Mr. Alderman THOMPSON supported the prayer of the petition ; and hoped that the Hon. Member for West minster would move for a Committee to inquire into the subject. Mr. HUME saw no necessity for considering the sub ject at all. The master bakers had the remedy in their own hands. They might, if they pleased, shut up their shops on Sunday.—Laid on the table. Mr. Alderman WOOD presented a similar petition, signed between 700 and 800 master-bakers, of London, Southwark, and within ten miles of the Royal Exchange. After a few words from Sir T. BARING in support of the petition, and from Mr. IlumE and Mr. SLANEY against it, the petition was laid on the table. Petitions were presented by Mr. Hobhouse, from Chi ches'er for the abolition of Negro Slavery ;—by Mr. Alderman Wood, from the Minister and Churchwardens and Inhabitants of the parish of St. Mary, Whitechapel, and also front the inhabitants of the parish of St. Luke, against the Scotch and Irish Vagrant Removal Bill;—by Mr. Guest, from Honiton, against the punishment of death for forgery ;—by Sir R. Vyvyan, from the Hundred of Sholton, Cornwall, against the sale of Bcer Bill ;—by Sir M. S. Stewart, from Lanark, against the East India Coin pony's monopoly ;—by Sir J. Newport, from the parish of Glanmore, county of Kilkenny, against the Irish Vestries Act;. --by Mr. King, from the county of Cork, against an incro.se of the Newspaper Duties; by Sir M. Somer ville, f r om the county of Meath, against the Tythe System, and also a petition from the same place against the Vestry Act ; and by Mr. R. Colborne, from the Governors of the poor of the parish of St. George, Hanover-square, against the Scotch and Irish Vagraat Removal Bill. SIR JONAH BARRINGTON. Lord F. L. GOWER brought up the report of the Committee which was appointed, on Saturday, to draw up an address to the throne, praying for the removal of Sir Jonah Barrington from his office of Judge of the High Court of Admiralty in Ireland. The address, after adverting to the importance of the office, and pointing out the malversation of Sir J. Bar rington on several occasions, concluded by praying that his Majesty would be pleased to di,miss Sir J. Barrington from the situation. On the question " That this address be read the second time," Mr. D. W. HARVEY addressed the House in behalf of Sir J. Barrington, whose case he described as one of very considerable hardship and severity. The Hon. Member read several letters from Mr. Lamb (now Lord Melbourne) to Sir Jonah Barrington, dated March, 1828, which letters, the lion. Member contended, clearly proved that Mr. Lamb had negotiated with Sir J. Barrington for the retirement of the latter on the usual pension, Mr. Lamb promising that on this condition all proceedings against Sir Jonah should be dropped. The Hon. Member said, that Mr. Lamb must at this time have been aware of Mr. Pineau's evidence ; and he could not therefore help con sidering the present proeeedings as putting Sir Jonah on lain trial a second time. With respect to Sir Jonah having been go long absent from the country, the Learned Judge said he had a right to absent himself, if he pleased, be cause his patent allowed him to appoint a deputy. This view he could support by the authority of a Learned Gen tleman opposite (Mr.- Doherty) now Solicitor-General for Ireland. The Hon. Member then read a letter from Mr. Doherty to Sir Jonah Barrington, which admitted Sir Jonah's right to appoint a deputy ; but stated, that with out an adequate remuneration, he (Mr. Doherty) could not fill that office. Now, although the Learned Gentle man (Mr. Doherty) was not at the time he wrote thi. letter Solicitor-General, yet his appointment to that office could not, he presumed, have altered the Learned Gentle man's view of Sir Jonah's right to appoint a depoty. Under these circumstances, he thought they ought not to agree to an address which must fix an indelible stain and disgrace upon the innocent descendants of this infirm, decrepit, and dying man. Lord F. L. GOWER could not see very clearly what he could possibly have have had to do with the conduct of his predecessor in office—(Hear, hear,)—even if the Hon. Member for Colchester had made out any case against that predecessor. But the fact was that the lion. Member had made out no case against Lord Melbourne. Instead of it being true that Lord Melbourne had been conversant with the evidence of Mr. Pineau, the fact was directly the re verse. As to the argument respecting Sir Jonah Barring ton's patent, it might be a very good one, if he had made t! e absence of Sir Jonah from the country any part of the ground on which he preferred these charges against that Judge. But he had not. He thought the letter of his Learned Friend—(Mr. Doherty)—a private and confiden tial letter, be it remembered—(Hear, ltear)—which had been produced, contained nothing which was not creditable to his Learned Friend, which at the time he wrote it was not in office. Ile was totally at a loss to discover, in the speech of the Hon, Member for Colchester, any single reason for taking up any more of the time of the House in discussing this question. Sir J. NEWPORT (as we understood) could not un derstacd why a private and confidential letter, written from one friend to another should have been dragged for ward on this occasion. Mr. O'CONNELL thought nothing could be more un just than to attribute any thing improper to the Noble Lord (F. L. Gower) who had conducted this business. Allow hint, as a Member of the Irish bar, to protest against the production of that confidential letter which !dad been read by the Hon. Member• for Colchester. He agreed that the contents of that letter were creditable to the Hon. and Learned Gentleman who wrote it; but why had it been produced ? Did it prove any thing with re gard to this case ? No, it did not. He had read the report of the Commissioners and the Select Committee. If he had found any thing in them creditable to Sir Jonah Barrington, he should have been glad to have brought it forward, but he had found nothing. He heartily compas sionated him, but he could not vindicat.a. him• Air. D. W. HARVEY, in explanation, said that with respect to the letter of the Host, and Learned Gectleman (Mr. Doherty) opposite, he had t 0 1.4 both that Hon. Gen tleman and the H on . Member for Clara O'Connell) that he bad the letter, and meant to read it: neither of them objected, and he thought, therefore, that tie non. Member for Clare had gone not a little out of his way to protest, after it was too late, against the production of such a document. Mr. DOHERTY could assure the Hon. Metaiher that he did not object to the production of that letter. When gentlemen considered the distressing situation of the in dividual in whose possession the letter was, how could any one object to the production of it, if that individual fancied it could do him any good? When he first joined the profesaion, Sir Jonah Barrington was at the head of his circuit. Sir Jonah had always treated him with a degree of kindness and friendship which he could not f get—which made him rejoice that he was not called upon to take any very active part in these distressing, but, he must add, just and necessary proceedings. On the question that the address be agreed to. Mr. D. N. HARVEY said he had a petition to present from Sir J. Barrington. It expressed the petitioner's re gret that his Counsel at the bar should have confined him self in his speech to constitutional grounds, and prayed that he might he allowed to offer evidence at the bar. The address was then agreed to ; Lord F. L. Gower to carry the same to the Lords, and to desire their concur rence thereto at a conference. Mr. D. W. HARVEY had a question to put to the Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir R. Peel) opposite. An ad dress for the removal of Sir J. Barrington had been agreed to, and a Noble Lord was now on his way to the other House to request the concurrence of their Lordships to it. Suppose both Houses sanctioned the address, then the Crown would have, on deliberation, to determine whether the request contained in the address should be granted. The question, therefore, which he had to ask, and he asked it merely fir information, arose out of the very de licate matter which had last night been communicated to the House. Would his Majesty exercise the Royal consi deration with respect to this address ; or, was it intended that the persons who were to be appointed in consequence of the message of last night, should exercise the Royal de liberation as well as the performance of the mechanical office of signing public documents ? Sir R. PEEL said, that the Hon. Member appeared to him to mistake altogether the object of the message of last night. His Majesty was perfectly capable of exercising discretion and deliberation, and the message of last night merely stated that bodily indisposition made it inconve nient and painful for his Majesty to sign with his own hand those public instruments which required his sign manual. No Minister would presume to attach his Ma jesty's signature to any document upon which the pleasure of the Crown had not been taken ; touch less to an instru ment for the removal of a Judge. His Majesty's pleasure would be taken upon this, as it was taken upon every other case ; for he had the satisfaction of assuring the House, that his Majesty was at that moment as compe tent to exercise mental discretion as he had ever been at any other period of his life.—(Cheers.) Mr. D. W. HARVEY then presented the petition from Sir Jonah Barrington, which was read at length, and or dered to be printed. Sir J. BRYDGES presented a petition from the mer chants and other inhabitants of Coleraine, against the in crease of the stamp duties in Ireland : also a petition from that town and its neighbourhood, against the duty on coals. The lion. Member expressed his cordial concurrence in the prayer of both petitions, which were ordered to be printed. CASE OF SIR JONAH BARRINGTON.—CON- FERENCE WITH THE LORDS. Lord F. L. GOWER reported, in answer to the mes sage to the Lords, desiring a conference with their Lord ships respecting the address agreed to by the House for the removal of Sir Jonah Barrington from his office as Judge of the Admiralty Court in Ireland, that their Lord ships had agreed to the conference, and were then ready to meet the Commons. It was then moved and carried, that " a committee be appointed to mange the conference; the committee to consist of the Members appointed to draw up the address for the removal of Sir Jonah Barrington, to which were added some other Members." The committee then left the House, and after a lapse of twenty minutes returned, when Lord F. L. GOWER reported, that they had had a conference with their Lordships ; that they had delivered the address agreed to by the House, which their Lord ships promised to take into consideration. Mr. TALBOT (we believe) presented three petitions from the distillers and others of the county of Perth, and from the Agricultural Society of the same place, against the increase of the duties on corn spirits.—Ordered to be printed. Mr. BYNG presented petitions from Paddington and St. George's parish, against the Irish and Scotch Paupers' Removal LEAD. Sir JAMES GRAHAM presented a petition from the lead miners of Annandale and Alston, in Northumber land. In consequence of the measure formerly introduced by the Right Hon. Member for Liverpool, the value of lead had fallen 50 per cent. since 1824. It was true that since that time the Spanish mines had come into opera tion—(Hear, hear)—but the petitioners did not consider that that alone had brought the value of lead ho low. For merly the price of lead was 241. the ton, but now Spanish lead could be brought into this country for 121. 10s. a ton. The petitioners thought that they had at least a right to expect an equalization of the duties on lead, tin, and copper, which at present were very different. Mr. LII)DELL supported the prayer of the petition. Mr. HERRIES said that this question was now under the consideration of the Government, and the greatest attention would be paid to it, as it embraced conflicting principles and interests. As lie hoped in the course of a week to have a better opportunity of addressing the House on the subject, he would forbear saying anything further on the subject at present. Mr. WARBURTON hoped that nothing would be done to give advantages to lead miners beyond the regular course to trade. Mr. HUSKISSON said that the lead mines of this country not only supplied the home consumption, but sent some thousands of tons abroad ; of course the price abroad must be settled by foreign competition ; but as long as the miner supplied the home consumption, it was all that he could claim or pretend to ; and, indeed, unless they could shut up the Spanish mines altogether, the price in foreign countries must be regulated by competition. Lord MILTON said, that the root of all the mischief was in the high protecting duty o❑ corn, which in one way or another amounted to from 40 to 50 per cent. ; and it was obvious, that whatever raised the cost price of labour must materially injure the manufactures of the country. Lord W. POULETT complained that the lead ore had never been sufficiently protected Mr. A. BARING did not see that the petitioners suffered any peculiar hardship, although be regretted their distress. Mr. HUME said that in the last six years the country had expended 59,000 tons, being an average of 10,000 tons a year. The Hon. Member said that the quantity produced was 45,000 tons a year; and, therefore, he could see that nearly one-fifth was sent out of the country. That quantity, of course, regulated the protecting duty, and the only way in which the lead owners could hope for relief was by persuading the Government to lower the price of labour, and so put the English in the same state as the Spanish labourer. Mr. P. THOMSON hoped that the duty would be reduced, rather than increased, so that the country might have tha benefit of charging other countries with the profits of its labour. The petition from Annandale and Alston, and the adjoining parishes in Northumberland and Cumberland, was then read and ordered to be printed. . ... . Mr. LIDDELL presented a petition from the tobacco manufacturers of Antrim, complaining of the measures pursued with respect to native grown tobacco. Mr, O'CONNELL presented a petition from Cork, com plaining of corporate monopolies and abuses. The lion. Member intimated his intention, if he bad the fortune to be a Member of the next Parliament, to bring the whole question of those abuses under the consideration of Par liament. Mr. lIIMIE expressed his pleasure to hear that the sub ject would be investigated, and hoped the measure of the Hon ; Member would extend to England and Scotland, where the abuses were as great as any where else. Mr. O'CONNELL presented five petitions from the county of Cork against the Vestry Bill. Mr. O'CONNELL presented ,7. petition from the Mem bers of the British Association for pronicting co-operative knowledge, assembled at the Mechanics' Institution. The petitioners complained o the encouragement given to ma chinery over human labour, and prayed for Parliamen tary Reform, & property tax, and for the abolition of the laws of primogenituce, The Hon. Member did not con pig in all that was desired by the petitioners, but he was gratiked at being chosen to present the petition, and thought it _worthy of attention, as a proof of the views entertained on tiw.ce subjects by the working classes of the country. Mi. O'CONNELL moved for s .:•,epv of all letters re lative to the iiiii;o6tion of any additional D u ties on Spirits issued from the Treasury subsequent to 15th of March last, and for other Returns connected with the orders issued to Excise officers relative to the Duties on Spirits, and also fir the Amount of Spirits which hid paid duty since that period.,-.-Ordered. CO-OPER4-TIVE SYSTEM. Mr. 1-IPME presented a petitiop from the First Lon ' don Co-operative Trading Association, meeting at Greville street, Hatton-garden, complaining of distress, and pray ing the House to take measures for carrying the plans of that b.enevolent philanthropist, Mr. Owen, into eaect. The Hon. Member, in presenting the petition, said he was not aware, though he had studied the subject, of the advan tages of Mr. Owen's plan, which might probably be ( iving t o his stupidity ;but nut being aware of them, he could not support the prayer of the petition, though he had thought it his duty to present it to the House.—Petition laid on the table. FOUR AND A HALF PER CENTS. The HON. MEMBER then moved that there be laid before the House an account of the quantity of Sugar brought into the country, since March 25, 1828, in dis charge of the Four and a Half per Cent. Duties ; and the amount of duty which would have been paid thereon, if there had been no minute of the Treasury directing it to be brought in free of duty.—Ordered. The HON. MEMBER postponed his motion relative to Sierra Leone, from the 27th instant to June 15. SLAVERY. Mr. PENDARVIS presented a petition from a town in Cornwall, praying for the Abolition of Slavery. DRAMATIC CENSORSHIP. Mr. LENNARD rose to move for leave to bring in a Bill to repeal the third and fourth clauses of the 10th of Geo. 11. c. 28, which empower the Lord Chamberlain to prohibit the acting of any new play or entertainment on the stage. The Hon. Member said that the Bill of which he wished to repeal some of the clauses was passed in Sir Robert Walpole's Administration, and was then opposed by the Earl of Chesterfield, in a speech that was a model of eloquence, and an ornament of our language. The Act was also severely satirized by Dr. Johnson, and he believed it had at all times been condemned. The part of it to which he chiefly objected was that which gave power to the Lord Chamberlain to license plays and dra matic writings. He did not think it necessary, in bring ing the subject under the notice of the House, to go into the origin of the Lord Chamberlain's jurisdiction; it was sufficient for his purpose to acknowledge that this officer had exercised such an authority long before the Act was passed. It was exercised with out any rule, very arbitrarily, and very often with great caprice. He admitted that it was readily sub mitted to by the actors ; but, considering what was their original condition, that was not to be wondered at. They were persons put out of the pale of the Consti tution. The present law had another vice about it. It was passed at a period of great political excitement, and was intended only to remedy a temporary evil. But when other laws were passed under similar circumstances, it became a general restriction, and having once got into the Statute Book, there was a great difficulty in getting rid of it. He might, perhaps, be allowed to compare it in this respect to the Six Acts, which were passed in a state of temporary ferment; and as the Attorney-General had announced his intention to bring in a Bill to repeal one of them, he thought he might with great propriety follow so good an example. The Act conferred, too, he might ob serve, a most unconstitutional power on the Lord Chain bertain, quite as bad as that conferred by the Six Acts.— He should be able to show by example, both in former and in modern times, that this power had been exercised also in a most unconstitutional manner. He would beg leave to allude to the circumstances under which the Act was passed. Sir Robert Walpole, at that time, was exposed to many severe attacks, and in particular he was attacked by pieces produced in the theatre. Just at that time a play, call d the Golden Rump, was sent in manuscript to Sir R. Walpole, by the manager of one of the theatres, in which he was most severely handled. He was much irritated ; he called it sedition, and, rising in his place in the House of Commons, he read some of the strongest passages; the Members were all excited ; the Bill was immediately brought in, and it was passed almost by acclamation. This was the origin of the Act.— This Bill was passed through the House of Com mons, though it established a power unknown to the Constitution—a power greater than was possessed by the King—a power that was an infringement on the liberty of the subject and on the liberty of the Press. This Bill, that was equal'y condemned by general principles—by its practical results—was passed through the House of Commons without as much discus sion as was usually given to a Turnpike Act. By this law, not only no new play could be performed without a license, a song could not be sung on the stage, nor a new passage, no, not even a word, could be introduced into a play, without the permission of the Lord Chamberlain, or the Lord Chamberlain's Deputy. For granting this license the Lord Chamberlain's Deputy exacted a fee of two gui neas; while the power to exact this fee made the Deputy very vigilant, so that nothing whatever, neither a play, nor a song, nor an addition to a play, cou ld b e sung or acted, without the payment. The Deputy Licenser hail even extended his power to prevent a lecture on astronomy being delivered in a theatre without a license, or rather without paying him his fee. The Hon. Member quoted the permission which had been given by the Deputy Li censer to deliver such a lecture on payment of the fee to confirm his statement. The practice of exacting a fee was perhaps not authorised by the law; but the managers of the theatres submitted to it, and the reason was this : In consequence of the extensive powers of the Lord Chain- ' berlain, it was impossible for the managers to escape his power—they were continually liable to forfeit their patent privileges, and this made them submit to the Lord Cham berlain's Deputy's exactions. As a specimen of the power of the Deputy, he would mention that a few years ago a clown was prevented from adding the words " roast beef." The most innocent or trifling additions by a Grimaldi might subject the manager to forfeit his privileges. It became, necessary, there fore, for them to follow the directions of Hamlet— " Let not your clowns speak more than is set down for them." The slightest neglect or omission on their part might subject them to censure ; and he be lieved, that there was not one of the great patentees of the theatres who was not liable to forfeit his license fifty times in the course of the season. Under such circum stances they would naturally submit to pay any fee ; and if the Lord Chamberlain's Deputy were to appoint a De puty's Deputy, he might also exact a fee. He was aware that the Master of tl.e Revels formerly did exact a fee ; but the Act under which the Lord Chamberlain exercised his power gave him no authority to exact any fee. By selecting him, the Act placed the power in the hands of a person of distinction, who was to be responsible for its proper exercise, and who was never expected to make use of it as a means of levying a tax on the managers of the atres. He, however, was unable to read the productions intended for the stage, and he deputed his power to an inferior officer, who exacted the, fee without any authority whatever. The fee Mr. Colman exacted, however, be was bound to say, was not greater than was exacted by his predecessors. What he contended for in principle was, that the ordinary laws of the realm were sufficient to re press the licentiousness of the stage without the power of licensing stage performances. If anything blasphemous, seditious, or libellous, were produced on the stage, it might be punished as a libel. The Act which he wished to modify only imposed fetters on the stage without pro ducing any good effect. But it was said that a printed libel had not the same effect as a representation ; that the eye was more readily affected than the ear, and transmitted a more powerful impression on the mind. " Segnius irritant animos demissa per aurem, Quain qua' aunt oculis subjecta dielibus." But supposing this true—supposing that the theatre might be made the means of promoting party politics and per sonal attacks—he must still contend that the common law would he sufficient to repress this licentiousness. In order to meet this objection, however, he should be ready, if he obtained le we to bring in the Bill, to agree to vest that power its Commissioners or Magistrates which was now exercised by the Lord Chamberlain. If such a power were deposited anywhere, it ought not to be in an officer of the household, but in some responsible person, who should not delegate his authority to others, to be used as a means of levying fees. He would illustrate the effects of this authority by example, and in order not to wound the feelings of any person, he would go back a little from our own time. A play, for example, of Mr. Gay's (Polly, we believe), was prohibited on account of its political ' tendency. Another case was Thomson's play of " So phonisbu"—a play iu which there was nothing objec tionable ; fur of that pet it had been justly said that he never wrote " one line which dying he would wish to blot ;" yet that play was objected to, and a license refused, because some of his sentiments, in his poem of Liberty, had given of f ence to the Minister of that day. A farce of Foote's, also, was suppressed, because it contained some satirical allusions to that moral lady, the Duchess of King ston, who was in favour with the then Lord Chamber lain. The Hon. 11lenilk!r quoted another example, in which a character, called " Rakeall," who was repre sented as au army officer, somewhat of a swindler, and a good deal of a coward, was ordered to be suppressed, because it reflected on a high class of society, and was de rogatory to the character of of laugh.)—He was sure the Right Honourable and Gallant Secre tary did not nee d an y such protection for his pro fession, Ile had sever al specimens before him o f Mr. Colman's p runin g , who seemed, f or example, not to like that angel.: should be mentioned in rea d a ps , ssa ge whi c h contained tbe words " M Y a play, which be deacribed as i n d ecorous. Th e Hon. Member angels divine," and the licenser wrote Blot out the an gels." This was an excess of nicety in the author of "Broad Grins. Angelic and heavenly were words to which lie seemed to have a great antipathy. The rim" Member quoted several other specimens of the licenser's fastidious pn ,„4, and among others lie said that he bad taken Royalty under his peculiar care, and wishing not to frighten heirs apparent, he ordered tlao following correc tion :--A play was presented to him, in which were the words "all the fatigues, cares, and tediousness of Roy alty," and the licenser's directions were "strike out the words 'and tediousness.' " The only effective opposition which he expected was from those who thought that if the motion were carried, it would produce an injurious effect on the minor theatres; by exposing them to prose cutions from the patentees of the regular theatres. But that was a consequence which he did not apprehend. The Hon. Gent. concluded, by moving for leave to bring in a Bill to repeal the third and fourth clauses of Act 10 Geo. 11. c. 28, which empowers the Lord Chamberlain to prohibit the acting of any new play or entertainment on the stage. _ _ _ Mr. G. LAMB argued that the proposed change was wholly unnecessary. _ . . . Sir R. PEEL concurred in the observations which had fallen from the Hon. Gentleman who had just spoken. Looking at the state of the stage before and after the pass ing of the Act, there was nothing to induce the House to remove the censorship. He confessed he had not the con fidence which the Hon. Mover had in the good taste of the public ; and was by no means satisfied that but for the censorship immoral and blasphemous dramas would not be received with applause. He was the more induced to entertain this opinion from the manner in which the cele brated murder by Thurtell, with all its dreadful details, was presented on a minor stage, almost immediately after its occurrence. The Hon. Member for Maldon had al luded to Lord Chesterfield's speech. There was one part of that speech to which he beggad the particular attention of the Hon. Member, namely, that part of it in which Lord Chesterfield had objected to bringing in the Bill at so late a period of the Session. Lord Chesterfield had predicted that the passing of the Act in question would, in its con sequences, be injurious to the liberty of the Press. The result, however, had shown that the Noble Lord was en tirely mistaken on that point. The Deputy Licenser, Mr. Colman, had been charged by the Hon. Gentleman with fastidiousness; but was the Hon. Gentleman prepared to say that the dramatic taste of the people of England was so pure that it might be left without controul? And what was the substitute for that authority recommended by the Hoc Gentleman? A Committee of Magistrates—of Police —or at best, County Magistrates ! For all these reasons, but especially because he objected to bringing in such a Bill as the present at so late a period of the Session as the 25th of May, he must oppose the Hon. Gentle man's motion. Mr. O'CONNELL could not understand why the stage was not to he supposed to have become sufficiently purified to be left without censorship. In all other branches of literature a purification of taste had taken place. Of this the celebrated novel of " Torn Jones" was a proof. No such work would be tolerated in the present day. After a few words from Mr. MoNcx, a short reply from Mr. I.nrtNA an, and an intimation by Sir ROBERT PEEL that he would not object to the Hon. Member for Maldon's bringing is the Bill at as early a period in the next Session as he might think proper, the motion was negatived with out a division. Mr. LABOUCHERE wished to ask on what day the Right Hon. Gentleman would fix the next reading of the Beer Bill. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—As soon as he knew the day, he would give notice of it to the Hon. Member, so that ample time should be afforded fur the discussion of the Bill. Lord J. RUSSELL said a few words, which were in audible in the gallery. CANADA. Mr. LABOUCHERE begged leave to call the atten tion of the House to the state of the Civil Government of Canada. In doing so, he felt bound to offer his humble tribute of applause to the excellent character and conduct of Sir James Kemp, who certainly had done all that he could as an individual, to render the administration of the Government as little objectionable as possible. But the evil was in the form of the Government itself. The com position of the Legislative Assembly, and the part they had taken in the affairs of the province of Canada, had oc cupied much of the attention of the Canada Committee. It appeared that the same subject had engaged attention at a much earlier period. In the discussions on the Bill of 1791, which gave to Canada the Constitution it now possessed, the composition of the Legisl itive Council had become a matter of great debate. In those dis cussions Mr. Fox said that there were no materials in Canada for an Aristocracy, and that the principle of an elective Government must be introduced. All that had since occurred, confirmed the opinion of that great man on that important point. Mr. Pitt thought otherwise; but he and Mr. Burke, and those who supported that side of the question, agreed in declaring that the Legislative Assembly of the Province should be so constituted as to preserve its independence. He would chew the House how little that opinion had been adhered to in practice. Out of the twenty-seven Members who sat in the general Legislative Assembly for Lower Canada, eighteen were placemen and but nine independent Members. Among the placemen seven were Members of the Executive Coun cil, and but nine of time placemen were native Canadians. The rest were men who had gone out thither to make a fortune, and who having succeeded in that object would feel no further interest in the colony. In the seventeen Members of the General Legislative Assembly who sat for Upper Canada, twelve were placemen and only five were unofficial men. Under these circumstances it could not he matter of surprise that the body uniformly sided with the Executive Government ; and as their Acts had been frequently opposed to the feelings and interests of the people, the Legislative Assembly, that ought to represent the popular wish, had, in fact, been opposed to the opi nion of the great mass of the nation. This composition of the Legislative Assembly had been complained of at the time it was formed, and the House of Assembly in Lower Canada, which he believed really to represent the feelings and wishes of the people there, had very re cently expressed the same complaints—for so late as March, 1830, on going into a Committee of Supply, they passed an unanimous resolution, declaring that that House only consented to inter into the consideration of the said estimates in the hope that the grievances of which complaint had so often been made would be re dressed, and that measures would be at once taken to se cure the independence of the House of Assembly of the Province, and to improve the state of Judicature, by di vesting the Judicial Officers of functions totally uncon nected with their judicial duties. There was a time when a great jealousy existe f between the French and English inhabitants of the colony ; but in consequence of the Bill passed last Session that jealousy was now at an end, and both were willing and anxious to co-operate in the most efficient manner for the common good. The second point to which he wished to call the attention of the House, was the present system of the administration of justice.— To that point he particularly called the attention of the Right Hon. Secretary opposite; for he could not think, after the many improvements that Right Hon. Gentleman had made in the administration of justice in this country, he would consent to leave the people of Canada in as bad a situation as ever.—(Hear, hear.) The first point in this part of the subject, eves the tenure of the Commissions of the Judges. They were not the same as in this country, nor in Jamaica, nor as in many other of our possessions, commissions during good behaviour, but the Judges were removable at pleasure. At the time the Bill for creating these Courts passed, Lord Grenville said the measure was only to be temporary ; and in effect the Government had given up the principle of it in 1826, but the form was still continued. It was not his intention to recommend any alteration exceeding that which the Committee had proposed. The Judges now depended for their salary on the annual vote of the house of Assembly. He did not wish that Judges should court popular ap plause, but equally unwilling was he that they should seek Ministerial approbation. Yet they were obliged to do so in Canada; and as long as the Judges re mained dependent on the pleasure of the Crown, the House must and would retain that as the only check on their conduct. The Judges were consequently in a situa tion of necessity, which made them in acting and feeling political partisans. In the first place they were members of the Executive Council. He should but waste their time if ha attempted to argue on such a fact. But besides that they were members of the Legislative Council, there was a strong feeling in this country against such an union of opposite duties—a f ee ling that w as p ower f u lly mani fested in Lord Ellenbotough's case. He would give one instance of the practical effect of this system of judi cature. The Court of Q ue b ec , t wo years ago , was occu piedwath a numb er o f prosecut i ons f or lib e l. Th e Chi e f Justice of the Court was the Chairman of the Executive Council, and the Speaker of the Legislative Council. Two of tile Judges were members of both Councils, and the remaining Judge was a member of one of them. The Jury were appointed by the Sheriff, who was a salaried officer of the Council, and he happened at that time to be the son of the Chief Justice. The Attorney-General, by whom the prosecutions were instituted, was the colleague of the Chief Justice in the Legislative and Executive Councils, and thus all the officers concerned in the ad ministration of justice were connected politically together. There was at that time a feeling all over the country that the prisoners Lail not the least chance of justice.—(Hear, hear. )—But even tvlig he hail stated did not compre hend all the grievances of which the colony had to com plain. What he contended for was, that Parliament ought to give the co l on i s t s th e opportunity of redressing the evils they felt. They should have a good Legislative Council, an improved sycein of judicature, and then they might upset all the Acts now passed to support the Go vernment of Canada. The Canada Committee, in a re commendation given to the Government, stated that one of the most important subjects of inquiry with them had been the state of the Legislative Councils, and they recommended that the Legislative Assembly should be made more independent, and that the Judges should not he Members of the Executive Council. Under these cir cumstances, adopting their opinion, he should move a re solution, declaring that the House concurred with that opinion of the Canada Committee, and stating, secondly, that it was the opinion of that House that the majority of the Legislative Council ought not to be eomposed of officers of the Crown, and that every measure, having for its ob ject to connect snore intimately that branch of the Consti tutional aovernment of Canada with the interests cf the colony would be beneficial. He should propose, in the third place, to declare, that it was not expedient to fill the judicial seats of Upper and Lower Canada with Members of the Legislative and Executive Councils. He should have been unwilling to have raised that discussion, if he had not been compelled to do so by a sense of justice. At the same time he could not help observing the situation in which we were placed. In a very short time that House would he called on to vote 200,0001. for military works in Canada, which would be quite useless if the Go vernment would do the little that was required to secure the hearty attachment of its inhabitants. He entreated the House not to neglect that cheap and constitutional safeguard which was to be found in the hearts of a grate ful and affectionate people. He then moved the resolo tiona he had before read. Lord SANDON seconded the motion. On the question being put, _ _ . Sir GEO . MURRAY addressed the House in vindica tion of the conduct of his Majesty's Government. He began by complimenting the Hon, Gentleman by whom the resolutions were moved, on the moderation of the tone in which he brought them forward, and the manner in which lie pressed them upon the adoption of the House. It had been contended on the other side that the recotn mendation of the Commissioners was not acted on, but he thought the most decisive answer to that would be found in the papers laid upon the table of the House; from them it could not but be apparent, that those recommen dations had been fully acted upon so far as circumstances allowed, and where insufficiency of information stood in their way, they had had recourse to the Governor to supply that want, and were then waiting for further in formation from him. As a proof that his Majesty's Go vernment at home were not influenced by any undue desire to fill the Legislative Council with persons holding office at the pleasure of the Crown, he should just mention the fact, that three vacancies had recently occurred in the Legislative Assembly, and those vacancies bad been filled up with the names of three Gentlemen, not one of whom held Office under the Crown—Gentlemen recommended by the Governor as persons who, from their rank and station, their characters and abilities, were well qualified for the honours and privileges appertaining to a seat in that Assembly ; and he begged to offer the fullest as surances to the House, that in future vacancies would be filled up in a similar manner. He fully admitted that the Judges, with the exception of the Chief Justice, ought to be excepted from the list of the Legislative Council, and lie was enabled to state, that recently Gen tlemen appointed to the Bench resigned their places in the Legislative Council. Again, it was rather hard to censure the manner in which seats in that Assembly were filled, without making allowance for the difficulty of finding an Aristocracy in a Colony settled under such circumstances as that of Lower Canada, or, indeed, in any Colony at all. Besides, that difficulty arose out of causes that now he hoped had passed away. There had been a period whets the feelings and conduct of the Government at home had been guided by considerations which he hoped hereafter would have no influence. He alluded to the differences on religious matters, which, until very recently, produced im portant effects upon all the political proceedings of this country. Those feelings naturally spread themselves outwards towards our Colonies. There were, besides those impediments to im provements of the Institutions of that Colony, the difficulty which arose from the population of the Colony being made up both of French and English. He concurred with the Hon. Gentleman opposite that the appointment of Judges during good behaviour was very well, as a general principle, and ought to be adhered to wherever practicable; but he much doubted the advantage of carrying that principle into full operation in Ca nada. He must be allowed to say that all his experience respects ing that Colony and others led him to that conclusion. There was extreme difficulty in getting Judges for that Colony —men whose fitness could be regarded as certain. They were, accord ingly, often compelled to send out persons scarcely qualified for those situations ; and if, upon trial, it was found they were unfit, it was highly important that the power of removing them should be vested in the Crown. In the mother country the case was different. There it was easy to secure the services of Judges well qualified, and the independence of such persons was highly to be desired ; but in the colonies the case was altogether dif. ferent. In order to show that the Legislative Council was not so dependent upon Government as had been alleged, he instanced a late case in which considerable opposition was raised to the measures of the Government, and the Council was divided into the supporters and the opponents of the Executive. He should oppose the resolution of the Hon. Gentleman opposite, for he thought the situation of the colony did not call for any such ex pression of opinion on the part of the House ; he should oppose them too as conveying an implied censure upon the Govern ment. The second Resolution went to stigmatise most unjustly the Legislative Council; and as to the third, he must say that his Majesty's Government had lost no opportunity of improving the Judicial body in that colony. He concluded by moving the previous question. Lord HO WICK supported the resolution. Mr. W. HORTON hoped that the Hon. Gentleman would not press his motion to a division. The wording of the second reso. lution he thought highly objectionable. Lord A LTHORP ihought the way to preserve the important line of coast which we possessed in Canada was, not by fortifica tions, but by conciliating the i eople. Notwithstanding what might be said to the contrary, he would maintain that those re solutions were founded upon the report, and for that and other reasons they should have his support, for he thought it most de. sirable that the House should adopt them. Mr. 31. FITZGERALD conceived that the House ought to be satisfied with the assurance given by Ministers. Mr. E. DENISON expressed a hope that the Hon. Member would persevere in his resolutions. Mr. C. GRANT thought that the thanks of the House were due to his Right Hon. Friend for the manner in which he had shown his willingness to carry the resolutions of the Committee into effect. It was essential that those resolutions should be fol lowed up, in order to show that there was no intention of having one Government at home and another abroad; and he trusted that they should never again hear it contended that the colonies were not to enjoy the principles of our Constitution. He main tained that it was one great principle of that Constitution to keep those possessed of the judicial function severed from the legisla tive body. Three measures, however, which had been touched upon that night were deserving of their eulogy, viz.—the relaxa tion of the commercial policy of this country with regard to the Colony, the appointment of the Committee of the House, and the appointment of Sir James Kemp. With regard to the reso lutions of the Hon. Gentleman, he was glad that he had intro duced them, though for himself he was satisfied with the decla rations that had been made by his Right Hon. Friend on the sub ject, for he could not entertain a doubt that those declarations contained a pledge with respect to future Governments ; and he should be glad to know who that Secretary of State would be, who should hereafter conic forward and avow that he was pre pared to deviate from those declarations. If, therefore, the Hon. Gentleman should think it right to withdraw his motion, he for one was prepared to accede to such a course; but if he thought it his duty to persevere, he, on the other hand, would certainly vote for the motion ; and he might observe, that it would, per haps, have been more convenient if the Government had itself, last Session, proposed some such measure.—(Cries of " Ques. tion, question.") Mr. STUART WORTLEY—He took that opportunity of expressing a hope that no more time would be lost, for every moment that was now lost reduced the chance of doing good. With respect to the Right Hon. Gentleman, however, he thought that it was but justice to say, that he seemed to have done everything that the time would permit.—(Loud cries of "Question.") Mr. HUME rose amidst acclamations of " Oh ! oh !" and " Question, question." He hoped that his Hon. Friend would press his motion to a division, for the purpose of satisfying the people of Canada that there was a party in that House that took an interest in their welfare. He said this, because he knew that the eyes of the people of Canada were turned on that House.— (Loud coughing, and cries of" Question.") Some Hon. Members might not take that interest which he and others did in this matter, but as he held in his hand an address from Canada, complaining that nothing had been done towards satisfying them, he; thought that the House was bound to give this subject its most serious attention.—(Renewed cries of " Question, ques. Lion.") He resisted the idea that Government had done anything; on the contrary, they had lost two years in carrying into effect the-recommendation of the Committee—(Fresh cries of" Ques tion")—andlin addition to all their other grievances, he thought that this country slid wrong in pressing upon Canada a dominant Church. The Canadians, however, were roused to a sense of the injustice that had been done them, and he trusted that they would never quit the agitation of the subject till they obtained their rights.—(Loud cries of " Question.") Lord MILTON trusted that his Hon. Friend would persist in his motion.—(ltenewed cries of " Question.") Sir ROBERT PEEL—He had been asked whether lie did not think that the Judges ought to be independent of the Crown This was a difficult question to answer in general, as much depended on the nature of society, on the state of the colony, and on the nature of the inducements held out to men to accept judicial situations. The great point to be aimed at was, a pure and impartial administration of justice in the Colony. The mover and geconder of the resolutions that had been pro posed to the House, supported them in a manner as it' to indicate that it was necessary to force his Right Hon. Friend to adopt the recommendation of the Committee ; but it had already been pointed out by his Right Hon. Friend that he had not only adopted the principle, but had actually carried it into practice, by seizing the opportunity afforded by three vacancies to appoint the successors in accordance with the suggestion of the Com mittee. As - the resolutions were meant to apply a stimulus to the Government, which Isis Right Hon. Friend had shown that the Government did'not need ; that was, he thought, a sufficient reason why the House, which must under such circumstances wish to avoid the appearance of censuring the Government, should not adopt the resolutions. There were, however, two other reasons. First, as the resolutions referred to the exercise of the prerogative of the Crown, the House ought to proceed by addressing the Crown to abstain from exercising that prero gative, and not by coming to the proposed resolutions. The Act regulating the Canadas gave the power to the Crown, and if the House wished to restrain that power, it svould be proper to pro. ceed by a legislative measure. To the resolutions of that House the other House could not boa party ; and, therefore, what was intended to alter the prerogative should be done by a measure to which the whole legislature could be parties. Another reason was, that the Crown had exorcised its prerogative and had ap pointed a Conned, and in that Council were several persons dependent on the Government, as well as Judges; and a resolu- tion of that House, condemning the formation of that Council, would not add to its respect in the Canadas. He thought it would not be wise, therefore, for the House of Commons to come to such a resolution. He desired to see the Colonies prosperous ; and he was convinced they would long be of use to the Mother- Country, by remaining connected with her by the ties of affec tion ; and it was only by those ties, which he wished to see strengthened, that we could secure their assistance and good-will. Mr. LABOUCHERE, in reply stated that he thought the C oun cil might be immediately made tip of persona independent of the Crown. He was also of opinion that the measures pro posed by the Right Hon. Secretary of the Colonies might be car ried into execution in a shorter time than he contemplated. But at any rate, the evils of allowing the. Judges to have gea. tl in the Council were so great, that the Government ought I ', mediately to say to them, that they mu s t g i ve up t h e i r seats r e the Council, or their situation as Judges. For these reasons " felt himself bound to press his motion to a division. The House then divided, when there appeared— For the previous question 94 Against it Majority against putting Mr. Labouchere's motion TOBACCO DUTIES. On our re-entering the gallery we found— Mr. CHARLES CALVERT on his legs, moving thaat tte. petition from the Tob a c co M anu f ac t urers of London, Ws' minster, and Southwark be referred to a Committee. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER oppo sed th e motion. After a few words from Mr. CALVERT, the gallery cleared ; but we understood that the motion was negatived With out a division. FORGERY PUNISHMENTS' BILL. Sir A. GRANT brought up the Report of the Forgery Punish ments' Bill. On the motion of Sir R. PEEL, who expressed his wish that. the subject should undergo anoth er di scuss i on, t h e R epo rt µ'a" agreed to, and the third reading was fixed for Monday, with an understanding (of course) that the Bill should not be proceede d with until after the holidays. GALWAY FRANCHISE BILL. Mr. SPRING RICE moved the thi r d rea di ng o f t h e Galway Franchise Bill. d- Mr. J. DALY opposed the Bill, and moved, as an amen ment, that it be read a third time that day six months. Mr. SPRING RICE argued in favou r o f th e Bill ; an d L'A • TRANT and Mr. NORTH against it. The House then divided— For the amendment 59 Against it Majority —lS The Bill was then read a third tim e an d p asse d ; and t other Orders of the Day having be e n di s p ose d o f , a t Half-Past One o'clock this morning the House adjourned. PAPERS RELATINU TO GREECE. (EXTRACTS.) COPY OF THE ANSWER OF HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCE LE'''. FOLD OF SAXE-COBURG TO THE JOINT NOTE OF THE pLEN , " - TERTIARIES, OF THE 3D OF FEBRUARY, 1830, DATED CLARE" - - MONT, FEBRUARY 11, 1830. The undersigned received on the 4th of February the I ,,e t , t i e , r e which the Plenipotentiari e s of th e th ree C our t s, who signed `: to treaty of the 6th of July, 1827, did hi m the honour to write him and by which, in virtu e of th e pro t oco l o f t h e 3d of Feb" the hereditary , igerstoovehriem,nitny of Greece.thenameo f the High Allied Po wers, The undersigned is profoundly - sensible how flattering to Win is the honour which the Allied Powers are pleased to do him, in choosing him to carry into execution their generous intentionS with regard to the new Greek State. He hastens to accept the useful and honourable career which the High Powers have opened to him. Nevertheless, he conceives, that he would ill return the con fidence which they are pleased to place in him, were he not , in giving his adhesion to the protocols Nos. 1,2, and 3, of the 3d of February, 1830, to submit to them the following obser vations :- 1. That the Allied Powers who signed the treaty of the 6th I f ; July, 1827, may be graciously pl ease d t o gran t t o th e new Or° State a complete guarantee, a s we ll as th e p rom i se o f succ our- , case of foreign aggression. 2. That the Greek inhabitants of the islands of Candia Samos, who are to be restored to the Porte, may have their civil and religious position fixed and ame li ora t e d i n suc h a man ner by the intercession of the High Powers, as well as by a b b „ e , ral application of the treaty of the 6th of July, that they e be secure from all vexation, and protect e d aga i ns t a ll acts culated to lead to an effusion of blood. On this subject, whic h is purely in the interests of humanity, the undersigned still re serves to himself fuller communications with the Plenipoten tiaries of the august Sovereigns. 3. That it may be agreeable to the High Powers, that the new frontier to the west should be fix e d i n suc h a manner as to con tinue to ascend the left bank of the river Aspropotamos, as `" r ~i as the limits laid down to the n or th as th ose o f t h e can ton Vlochos, following from thence towards the east the natur al boundary formed by the mountains which join Mount (Eta- 4 frontier indispensable for the security of this important portion of the new state. 4. That the High Powers may be pleased to assure to the new Greek state, until its own resources may have r ecovere d the l . r , vigour, pecuniary succours proportioned to its wants; since is notorious that the Provisional Government has only been ab le to exist up to the present time by means of the subsidies whic h have been furnished to it by the generosity of the High Power'' 5. That the said Powers may b e pl ease d t o grant an aid of troops to the new Sovereign of Greece, until such time as it shall have been able to organize those which will be necessary the him. That they may be pleas e d to agree w ith hi m as to number of those troops, as well as with regard to the time which they shall remain at his disposal, and to allow him some latitude: should he see himself under the necessity of keeping them beyon d the appointed time. . _ The undersigned takes this occasion to offer to the Plenipotel , ' tiaries of the High Powers the expression of his must disti' guished consideration. (Signed) LEOPOLD, P.S.C.G• COPY OF THE ANSWER OF THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 01 GREECE TO THE NOTE OF THE RESIDENTS OF THE THREE COLTETA DATED NAPOLI, APRIL 4 (16), 1830. The Provisional Government of Greece has received the officid note dated the Bth of April, which the residents of the Alliet Courts have done it the honour to address to it. It has meditated with deep attention upon the Act of the 3d d February, as well as upon the explanatory observations wits which the residents have accompanied their communication of it. Deeply impressed with a sense of its duties, and with th! sincerest desire to discharge them in such a manner as to justifi both the confidence of its countrymen, and that with which tin august. Allied Sovereigns are pleased to honour it, the Govern. ment has endeavoured to appreciate the great and generous cle• sign of the august founders of the new Greek State ; and in th! second place, it has sought how it might b e a bl e t o t a k e its shar* in accomplishing it, by conforming (as is required of it) to tht act of the conference of London, and to the special resolution which the residents have brought to its knowledge. In declaring that Greece shall form an indep en d e nt state, tht Allied Powers have fill e d th e measure of her legitimate wishes, and of the numerous benefits which they have deigned to she 4 upon her. Considerations of high political interest have doubtless in' fluenced them in placing her destinies under the safeguard of monarchical and hereditary Government, and in fixing their choice upon a Prince who might become the organ of their gene rous intentions with respect to Greece, and thus give a pledge for the stability of the wo r k of p eace, o f w hi c h th e a ct of the 3d of February has laid the foundations. This immense task is henceforward intrusted to Prince Leopol d of Coburg, and his Royal Highness, in accepting it, has given a proof to the civilized world, that Greece also would find in th e eminent qualifications which distinguish him, and the noble sell' thnents by which he is characterized, a pledge of that futurity which is already assured to her by the rights which she has ae", quired at the cost of her long mi s f or t unes an d o f h er sacr ifi c es °' blood, and by the institutions which her representatives have i 1 principle, adopted, and by which alone the enjoyment of that r l .l' turity can be guaranteed to her. Considered in this general point of view, the lot which 01 august Allied Sovereigns, in their wisdom and their benevolence , destine for Greece, imposes everlastingly upon her the duty d unlimited gratitude and confidence. In proportion, however, to the earnest desire of the Covert? ment to be the faithful interpreter of these sentiments, is the sincere regret which it feels at its inability to acquit itself of thit honourable mission in the forms prescribed to it by the acts of the last National Congress. The residents of the three Courts were present at Argos durini the session of the month of August, and the first decree of t in assembly must without doubt have attracted their attention . They cannot, then, be unaware that the definitive arrangeinen ti which arc now in question ought to he previously submitted to the Deputies Plenipotentiaries of the nation, andto be ratified b , them. The first step, therefore, which the Government ought to take. would be to assemble them at the present moment; nor would it have hesitated to comply with this regulation, if some of the 3' tides of the act of the 3d of February, and the tenour of tht note of the residents, were not calculated to subject the Deputies Plenipotentiaries of the nation to the painful alternative, either of disregarding the instructions which they have received from the provinces, or of confining themselves to once more declaring respectfully the wishes which they cannot but form, that th e magnanimous intentions of the Allied C our t s ma y a t l eng th he realized. The orders, however, with which the residents are furna • heti admitting only of the strict execution of the arrangements agree" upon, no other course remains for the Government of Greb e than to declare to the residents, after h av i ng co ll ected the opin ion of the Senate— 1. That the official notification of the armistice which exist; de facto, is contained in the circular of which the enclosed is a copy, which the Government addresses to the commanders of '" forces by land and by sea. 2. That the evacuation by the Greek troops and squadrons, e all the countries, pl aces, an d i s l ands w hi ch, according to the act of the 3d of February, are not to form part of Greece, is a me - sure in which it will be the duty of the Greek Government to concur, so soon as the Turks shall retire from Attica and Eubce 3 ; It is moreover of urgent importance that the commissaries of the three Powers should, by their presence on the spot, pre' vent, or at least mitigate, the unfortunate consequences will will probably result from the establishment of the new line ° boundary; and that the Government should be enabled to assur e the means of subsistence and a suitable lot to those numerou s families who will come to seek a home in the new State. 3. That the Mussulmans who are at present in Greece ellia not only perfect security of person, but also a portion of the pro perties which, upon their application, the Government had rea dily caused to be restored to them. With respect to the provisions, in general, of the acts of the Conference of London, and to the special decisions mentioned in the note of the residents, the Government reserves to itself to place before the Sovereign Prince of Greece, together with t! ld n c o o p t y l o e t a ' v t l e m s him onroatnet, wi th t r ou o t b s b e e r t v r a a t y i i o u n g s i o t f s w d h i i t c t h y i t t o I.l c , o a ti r Greece and towards his Royal Highness himself. His Royal Highness is the depositary of the entire confidence of the Allied Courts. They will not then refuse to entertain with favour the steps which his Royal Highness may take in fa your of a country, the welfare of which he is called upon to wort out under the auspices of a durable and solid peace. The Provisional Government of Greece avails itself or this ftP' portunity of offering to the residents of the three Allied CourtSt accredited to it, the assurance of its high consideration. The President, (Signed) J. A. CAPO DISTRIAS. The Secretary for Foreign Affairs and Navigation, (Signed) J. RIZO. CIRCULAR ADWIISSED DV THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT ° I GREECE TO THE COMMANDERS OF THE LAND AND SEA FORCES The reports which we have successively received from re,' show that hostilities between the Mussulmans and th e G r eer,: have entirely ceased since last autumn, and that the Turkis h commanders have given evidence of the confidence with which you inspire thorn. you have received orders to hold friendly relations with them" and the manner in which you have hithert o di sc h arge d thi s dui; affbrds a guarantee that you will fulfil w ith scrupu l ous exac tness the more precise instructions which we now transmit to you. , The Allied Courts have resol ve d th a t t h e G ree k G overn ine o : and the Porte shall publish officially the armistice which exis t s de facto. On our part we conform to this decision, by directing you no t only to maintain the existing armistice, but to consi ler any in: fraction of it by the troops und e r your comipand as an °dello; piiiishable according to the rigour of the law. the relations ofpeace and good neighbourhood with the Turk s being once established, you are enjoined to cultivate them, with' out, however, suffering any violation of the sanatory regulation s. Napoli, April 4 (19 1830, I'he President, (Signed) J. A. CAPO DISTRIAS' The Secretary for the Navy, (Signed) V. CAPO DISTRI AS. The Secretary for War, (Signed) RODI US. REPORT OF THE DRAGOMANS OF F RANCE, GREAT BRITAIN, ,s 0 RUSSIA, OF THEIR CONFERENCE WITH THE REIS EFFENDI, 0 ' THE 30rn OF OCTOBER, 227, The undersigned, in consequence of the joint instructiOy dated the 29th, from th e R epresentat i ves o f F rance, Gre w Britain, and Russia, ha v i ng yester d ay presen t e d t h emse l v es, the Porte, without being able to see the Reis Effendi, on well° • of th who narno then: 44 Fran Hi tion At the orde are ; char The COTII and rebe fleets can I troth adm . Port dare !efu: igno: a wo whey kGssi cisio just th a t has deui ; reset cute were rang he e But so de be tr our CIIt ZIT! of? and inch 39th east Sf her( con I fro feet, a de free etial bey, Grc sibk A tori met ries Wit' lik va Pei gel me th, pr du Pe 1111