The Sun. — London, England, 1863-07-21 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OP LORDS—Last Evening. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack al five o'clock. PETITIONS. The Duke of ARGYLL presented a petition from Shef field, praying that a ship canal might be made between Lake Erie and the Ottawa River, in order to facilitate the impor tation of cern from the Western States of America. Lord REDESDALE presented four petitions against the Irish Fisheries Bill. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The - Waterford and Passage Railway and Ferry—Peter borough, Wisbeach, and Sutton Railway—Northampton and Banbury Junction Railway—Edinburgh, Dunferm line, and Perth (North British) Railway—and the Had dington Roads Bills were read a third time and passed. NAVY PRIZE AGENTS BILL. Lord CHELMSFORD moved the second reading of this bill, the object of which is to enable captains of all ships of war in commission to appoint standing p r ize agents, by which the expense of realizing the value of ships taken as prizes would be greatly reduced and the captors materially benefited. The Duke of SOMERSET said he had several objections to the bill, but he thought he should be able to urge them when the bill was in committee. The bill was read a second time and ordered to be com mitted to-morrow (this day). THE CANAD AS. Lord LYVEDEN asked whether any, and what steps had been taken, to raise a militia in Canada since tho date of his last despatch to Viscount Monck, dated 30th Dec., 1862? Earl GRANVILLE said he could not give a very satis factory answer to his noble friend. But he would say that, seeing that 25,000 volunteers had offered themselves, and 25,000 more had expressed themselves ready to serve, but had not been accepted, showed a very good and loyal dispo sition on the part of the colonists. It would be best to wait to see what steps the Colonial Legislature would take with reference to their organization. _ FISHERIES (IRELAND) BILL. On the motion for going into committee on this bill, Lord CHELMSFORD presented two petitions from certain parties praying to be heard by counsel at their lord ships' bar against the bill. Lord STANLEY of ALDERLEY was of opinion that the present was not one in which the prayer of the peti tioners should be granted. Lord REDESDALE said he had also presented peti- tions against the bill, and he should like to learn the reasons of the noble lord for refusing to hear counsel. Lord CHELMSFORD then made a formal motion, that counsel be heard at the bar, upon which their lordships ,divided, when there appeared— Content Non-Content 66 Majority The motion was consequently lost, and the house then went into committee on the bill. Several other divisions having taken place, and various amendments having been agreed to, the bill went through committee, and was ordered to be reported as amended. The Drainage and Improvement of Land (Ireland) Bill was read a third time and pulsed. The Fortifications (Provisions for Expenses) 13;11, and the Nuisances Removal Act (1855) Amendment Bill were read a second time. The Harwich Harbour Bill, and the Howth Harbour Bill went through committee. The Metropolitan Main Drainage Extension Bill, the Port Erin Harbour (Isle of Man) Bill, the Prisons (Ire land) Bill, the Alteration in Judges' Circuits Bill, the Greenwich Hospital (Provision for Widows) Bill, the Sav ings Banks Act Amendment Bill, and the Clergymen (Colonial) Bill, were each read a third time and passed. Their lordships adjourned at nine o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS—Last Evening. The SPEAKER took the chair at 4 o'clock. The following bills were read a third time :—Finch Hatton's Estate, Hoylake Railway, London, Chatham, and Dover Railway (No. 1), and Tottenham and Hampstead Junction Railway. LONDON (CITY) TRAFFIC REGULATION BILL. On the motion for the third reading, Sir J. SHELLEY moved as an amendment, " That the bill be recommitted to a committee of the whole house." He contended that the bill owing to its importance, as affecting the whole metropolis, ought to have been brought in as a public instead of a private measure. The bill, if adopted, would materially interfere with the traffic all over the me tropolis, and in support of his opinion he quoted the opi nion of Sir Richard Mayne. On the part of those outside the City he desired to move some amendments, which he should not have an opportunity of doing unless the bill were recommitted. The bill would very unjustly interfere with the heavy traffic, and compel builders and others having business, for instance, with the docks, which were only open daily up to four o'clock, to carry their goods round instead of through the metropolis. Alderman SIDNEY supported'the bill. S The City must do one of two things, either take power, as proposed by this bill, to regulate the traffic, or destroy some of the small streets in order to create more space. Sir J. SHELLEY—Hear, hear. Alderman SIDNEY;said the hon. baronet was a great financial reformer, and perhaps he would tell him where the money to accomplish this was to come from. On ex planation those interested in the large traffic had virtually withdrawn their opposition to the bill. The large timber waggons materially interfered with the traffic of the city, and everyone speed that some additional powers were re quisite in order to regulate that and other obstructive traffic. Mr. AYRTON supported the recommittal of the bill. The whole of the metropolis was interested in the bill, and in order to give them an opportunity of being heard upon it the motion ought to be acceded to ; but he objected to the bill, because it would place an objectionable monopoly in the hands of the city of London. Mr. MASSEY said such powers as were sought by this bill ought not to be granted except in cases of great magni tude and novelty. The object of this bill was simply to give power to the authorities of the City to regulate the heavy traffic, which every one would agree was exceedingly important. (Hear, hear.) The regulation of the heavy traffic, the number of shoe boys to be allowed to ply their vocation at a particular spot, and at what hour coals should be shot into cellars, surely did not need a committee of the whole house to adjudicate upon them. (Hear, hear.) The house, he thought, would do well to confer the reason able powers sought for the regulation of the City traffic upon the corporation. The hon. baronet had had an oppor tunity of proposing amendments in a former stage of the bill, but had not done so. (Hear, hear.) Mr. CRAWFORD strongly supported the bill. Sir G. GREY hoped the hon. baronet would not perse vere with his motion, as the bill had been carefully consi dered in committee, and several amendments introduced solely in consequence of the opposition of the hon. baronet. All the regulations would have to be approved by the Sec retary of State. In his opinion the bill was a good one. The amendment was negatived without a division, and the bill was read a third time and passed. GREAT EASTERN RAILWAY (STEAMBOATS) BILL. Mr. FORSTER moved that standing orders 184, 192, and 220, be suspended, and that the bill be considered forth with. Mr. ickss ty six o'clock moved that the subject b e cons id e red to-morrow at the hon. me m b er for N in consequence of the absence of Mr. ADAMS said orth Lancashire (Mr. Ege r ton). and hop e d the h ebin attended there a t grea t inconveni ence,would be at on ce p rocee d e d w i t h. On the motion being : put, i the house decid e d by a l arge majority of "ay es ' that th taken forthwith. e discusson on the bill should b e Mr. CRAWFORD tee that day two mouths. ved that th e bill b e considered Captain JERVIS spoke war m ly Sir H. CAIRNS strongly ° in favour of the bill. tended that the company p n p e o t sed the measure, and con case for the granting of t hemepowermade out an exceptional merit did not construct the harboLwaught. The Govern view of railway companies reeking it t aw ing with the their boats, which, it was not denied, 8-."ing Point for would ; run at a loss, so as to create traffic, in this case, be Sir H. BRUCE, as a member of the committee the bill had been referred, contended that th e m to which made cut an exceptional case for granting parties h a d th e Powers sought. Mr. M. GIBSON said the question before the house s the expediency of giving a railway company pow- er 7 run boats from the eastern coast of this count ry-.bu to Holland. At this time there was no suc communication, except from London to Hull. (Hear, hear.) That a steam navigation company ran boats from London was beside the question. Private capitalists had not come forward to supply this obvious public want. The house had granted similar powers to other companies ; for in stance, the London, Brighton, and South Coast Company had received legislative pcwers to run boats from Newhaven to Dieppe. The company had made out a strong case why it should be entrusted with the powe rs sought, and he trusted the house, would grant them. (Hear, hear.) Mr. STURT supported the bill. Mr, CLAY, though the chairman of a railway company, and deeply interested in others, felt it his duty to set his face against entrusting railways with such powers as those sought, because with their enormous capitals they could sweep off the seas all ships that now carried passengers on independent principles and on independent capitals. Sir E. COLEBROKE spoke against the bill. The house divided, when there appeared — For the third reading Against Majority The bill was then ordered to be read a third time. REPORT OF INSPECTORS OF SCHOOLS. Lord R. CECIL intimated that next session he should call attention to the mutilation of the reports of the inspectors : whenever the opinions expressed were adverse to those entertained by the committee of council. TIMBER INSPECTOR, DEPTFORD-.IIR. WAYMOUTH. Mr. FERRAND gave notice that he shou to•morrow ask the Secretary of the Admiralty 801310 qa stions with respect to the appointment of Mr. ymouth, as timber inspector, at Deptford, at £ 0 a year, he having previously had £2OO a year at Devonport ; also whether, as the gentleman's age was 68, the rules of the ser vice had not been in his case contravened ? CHURCH RATES RECOVERY BILL. Lord A. CHURCHILL intimated that he did not intend to proceed further with this bill during the present Bessie: di; but he should re-introduce it in the next. THE PACKET VOTED. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER intimated that votes would, before the close of the session, be asked for the packet contracts on the table—namely, the Cape, Brazil, and the Atlantic Royal Steam Packet Service. No vote would be asked this session for the Dover con tract, NEW WRIT-CLARE. On the motion of Mr. BRAND, the Clerk of the Crown was asked to issue a writ in the room of Mr. Calcott, de ceased. POLAND. r Mr. HORSMAN—Sir, the affairs of Poland have for a long time attracted the attention of all Europe, and there is not a Cabinet in Europe in which they have not been made the subject of anxious consideration. The papers laid before Parliament show that the British Government has taken a prominent, if not the most prominent, part in the diploma , tic transactions with Russia and the great Powers. Whether that activity will hereafter be recollected as a cause of na tional pride, or of a national reproach—of pride for great services rendered, or of reproach for our part in great cala mities already too deplorable to be dwelt upon—has yet to be determined. I have read those papers with all the anxiety which attaches to a familiar but painful question, and I closed the perusal of them with feelings of perplexity and alarm. The interest is sustained throughout, and the tone moat modeiate ; but it is impossible not to see that England has placed herself, not only towards Russia, but towards Poland and Europe, in a position of entanglement from which it is impossible to escape. When this war first broke oat, I avowed with feelings of apprehension the conse quences of an irritating policy that could not be operative without being mischievous. Poland has been diplomatised to death, and it is cruelty to the Poles to excite them to re volution by implied promises of support, and then to aban don and betray them. It is clear from the correspondence that the Government have gone too far, or not far enough. If, after having been at such pains to provoke Russia and excite Poland, our Government are to say, " We have done our duty, and we will go no further," then, at no distant day, I say that Parliament will turn upon them, and say. " You have not discharged, but you have exceeded your duty. If you mean to go no further, you have gone a great deal too far, because you have once more deluded and victimised Poland, and by provoking other Powers you may have lighted a flame in Europe beyond your poNver to extinguish." (Hear.) The Polish question com mences with the treaty of Vienna, and from the date 0 f that treaty the revolution in Poland has been one great, grand, growing event. To understand it thoroughly, we must go back to 1815, and refer to the objections taken by the plenipotentiaries at Vienna to the extension of Russia (as referred to by Lord Castlereagh) by the addition of Po land. It was seen that that would enable her to threaten all the other Powers on her boundaries, and to become a stand ing menace to Europe. It was also objected that to unite Poland with Russia by a constitutional bond was impos sible. I beg the house to bear these two objections in mind, because they lie at the root of the whole question. At the same time, I should be guilty of a grave omission if I did not dwell upon the despatch of Lord Castlereagh, written during the Congress of Vienna, and which was characterised by a vigour of language alike honourable to the man and to the nation he represented. The Governments of Austria and Prussia are both very much averse to the annexation Of Poland, but being too timid to do so through their own plenipotentiaries, they got Lord Castlereagh to be their mouthpidce in remonstrating with the Emperor. The right hon. gentleman then read an extract from a despatch of Lord Castlereagh to Lord Liverpool, dated the 19th Octo ber, 1814, to the effect that Lord Castlereagh, believing that the congress afforded Austria and Prussia an excellent ex pedient for making representations to Russia on the sub ject of the annexation of Poland without actually menacing her with war, he had desired an interview with the King of Prussia in order to impress on his Majesty the necessity of Prussia's opposing every obstacle short of war to the proposed arrangement. Shortly after that, Lord Castlereagh was applied to formally to be the champion of the Austrian and Prussian plenipotentiaries, Prince Metternich making the proposal to Count Hardenburg, and Lord Castlereagh accepted the invitation. With those credentials he wrote to the Emperor on the 12th of October, 1814 :—" I do not hesitate to declare my solemn conviction that it depends exclusively upon the temper with which your Majesty meets these proposals—those with respect to the reconstitution of Poland—whether the present con gress proves a blessing or a misfortune for mankind." Very shortly after that, a council of the three plenipotentiaries was held at Lord Castlereagh's house, and a memorandum was drawn up embodying three proposals, which were to be submitted to the Emperor, and of these the first referred to the reconstruction of the old kingdom of Poland. If the Emperor would accept none, it was agreed that the pleni potentiaries should take their stand upon the first. Well, the Emperor peremptorily rejected all three, and Lord Cas tlereagh found himself abandoned by Austria and Prussia. The congress then became a scene of discord and entangle ment. However, the final triumph of Russia was shown by the signature of England to the arrangement which she had so strongly denounced. At the same time Lord Castlereagh did not take leave of the congress without placing upon re cord his views as to the annexation of Poland ; and the lan guage which he then used might be taken without the change of a single syllable, as the faithful history of the last 50 years. Prince Talleyrand states the views of France, and he wrote to Lord Castlereagh on the 7th Jan., 1815, that France shared the wishes of Great Britain for the indepen dence of Poland. To be sure, all this occurred so far back as 50 years ago; but, at the same time, things in Poland had gone on from bad to worse, and from that day to this she has been a standing reproach and an increasing difficulty to Europe. The earnest warnings of Lord Castlereagh, there fore, instead of being weakened, gain authority from time and solemnity from great events. The right hon. gentle man then read an extract from M‘Neile's work on " The Progress of Russia," to show how enormous had been the growth of Russia in recent times, and in order to justify the apprehensions of the statesmen of 1815. I know (con tinued the right hon. gentleman) that some say the strength of Russia has of late considerably diminished, Yes, at pre sent the vast distance of the extremities of the empire from the centre of Uovernment is a source of weakness ; but in a short time, when steam and iron diminish those distances, Russia will stand forth more formidably than ever. The right hon. gentleman then went on to oho,, that by gaining her point in 1815 Russia had in reality reduced Austria and Prussia to the position of second-tatePowers, and prevented them from exercisin g any influence in Europe except that of a perplexing character. And in the next place he recalled the house to the events of 1831, to prove that what was now happening was but a repitition of those events; in a word that history repeated itself. Then, too, there was a joint intervention on behalf of Poland ; but how did the Emperor meet the remonstrance? Why, with the cold assertion that Poland by insurrection had forfeited her right. Poland was then incorporated with Russia. That, however, did not satisfy Lord Palmerston, who pressed hard upon the Rasaian Government. But, thus pressed by the noble lord the Rus sian Minister replied, utterly repudiating the Treaty of Vienna, and closed the correspondence with the somewhat startling and arrogant assertion that the Emperor was thoroughly determined to admit no f ore i gn i ntervention in the question, and he hopedgg i ve it explanationsw ould be the up last on a time j subject wouldt which be called upon him himself alone. The right hon. gentl eman then detailed how the negotiations were finally brought to concerned a close by Lord Palme rston's declaration that remo nstrance was useless, unless the Powers were prepared to supp or t i t by war. Well, the events o f the present f '3l. Either of th ese courses the repetition of the events o year are merely Have the Government might have adop ted, and either of them could be intelligible or even safe. (Hear.) the Go vernment adopted either of these cou rses ? They have not adopted the first, because diplomacy has been renewed, and, 1' , that they 1831. But they have taken up the other Po icy therefore they have abandoned the posit ion the y took in should not speak unless they were prepared to s trike. But it was not a new p o li c y w hi c h th e y have adopted, bu t the old policy w hi c h h a d b een f ormer l y a b a ndoned. But I will let the desp a t c h es te ll th e i r own stor y. The preceden t of 1 831 was for some ti me l onger cont i nuous ly adhered to, and the English Government were determined to protest, and they appealed to Russia to respect the treaty of 1815. The noble lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs could be at no loss for the best form in which to convey the determination of t he Governme n t t o Russia. He had only to look i n t h e pigeon.holea of the Foreign-office, where he would find his predecessor's despatch of 1831, which need only be copied side, had the despatch of Well, after ringing the changes upon and sent off to St. Petersbu Gortschakoff, on his con gress pledges, the correspondence r N i necsas conferencesel ro d e fo r piaan d cguide.on sno min n i c te e ended again with a polite of State would request from the Russian be so good as at attend h to his own busi ness, that the English Secre tarywSnoinsthe noble lord too o k me l little by his corre rnagiessn,ganitd put abroad.do insteadltnded whereo fen c o h u i 8 - spondence, for in the end he found him T s h e f l h a a n d d e a d ver 3 y l th y i e n a g ra ba b t e o f r o irge e before, dy lastotadheoyf failed to b e u B Pa t tohes of the noblechief waslord accomplish any good for Poland ; English diplomacy being more respected, the Pole found the circled more remorselessly ab ou t hi s neck at every fresh trope Was this English policy or E ng li s h l evity ? If levity, after what happened in 1831, it amounted to a crime. Do we ac cuse the Government for it ? I am glad to say that a closer inspection of the correspondence shows a meaning and de sign sufficient to acquit the Government of levity, and at the same time warns the house that there is danger to be appre hended from the opposite direction. A joint intervention with France was declined in February by the Government refusing to take action; and then they adopted a proceeding which appeared to be a deliberate policy, and which was the most judicious and effective proceeding they could heists adopted, by which an entirely new aspect was given to the Polish question. They addressed a circttlar to all the I'otVers who were parties to the Treaty of Vienna, inviting them to address communications to Rustia, and suggested that they should be of the same spirited character which were before addressed by them, And this was the Mont important point in the whole correspondence. an was the turning point in the policy of the 'Government, The right hon. gentleman then read portions of the despatches No. 138 and No. 140, which were written lay Lord Russell to Lord Cowley on the 9th of April; 1" - '063. The two despatches may be taken as one , t en* the second only contained an explanation with re gard to the first; and more especially the purport of a con versation which he had with Baron Brunnow ; and the house will agree with me that in this is to be found the real key to the policy of the Government. Lord Russell then states in his despatch to Lord Cowley that Baron Brunnow called on him, and asked if the invitation addressed by her Majesty's Government to the Powers of Europe was of a pacific nature. To this Lord Russell replied that the inten tions of the Government were not otherwise than pacific; and that, in like manner, their concert with foreign Powers was no other than pacific; but still circumstances might change, the present overtures might be rejected, the insur rection might continue, and if Russia adopted no measures of a conciliatory nature, dangers and complications might arise which were not then contemplated. (Hear.) In the course of the conversation Baron Brunnow said that the intentions of Russia were most kind and benevolent towards Poland--(a laugb)--that there was a project for altering the map of Europe; Russia wanted no territorial changes, and wished to preserve the present map of Europe; to which the noble lord the Foreign Secretary replied that Russia herself was a party to carrying out territorial changes. (Hear.) Did not the tendency of that policy imply, on the part of the noble lord, " We begin with diplomacy, but if this fails, there is something behind of which the Government of Russia should beware." There is a profession of peace, but there is also an unmistakable indication of war under certain contingencies, every one of which has come to pass as if inevitable and predetermined. I have no doubt, as the. oble lord writes, that Baron Brunnow found this the most inte resting conversation he ever held. For at the end of every pacific assurance the noble lord introduced the portentous " but," which must have left a profound impression on the mind of the Russian ambassador that Poland became a ques tion not to be trifled with. (Cheers.) The gravity of the despatch was greatly increased by its immediate publication; for before an answer could be received the despatch was placed in the hands of the parliamentary printer and pub lished to Poland and the world. The early publication of that despatch challenged our opinions upon it. We may assume in dealing with the act of a Cabinet of sagacious men that the effect produced was the effect intended ; for it would be an insult to common sense to suppose that they committed the puerile blunder of not meaning what was ex pressed. I have no hesitation in declaring my conviction that the circular to the European Powers has been a diplo matic victory over Russia; for it is virtually an universal condemnation of the cruel and aggressive policy of Russia towards Poland. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman, after referring to the great part taken by Lord Palmerston in the historical proceedings embraced in the despatches, said that the circumstances of Russia greatly changed since 1831. For example, in 1831 the despots of the North were sure friends, and it was because of their then attitude that France and England were compelled to fall back. But since then great changes have taken place, which may bring the present policy of the Cabinet into harmony with the policy of 1831. That Holy Alliance of the North was dissolved. Prussia was divided ; the nation on one side and on the other the King, of whose abdication any telegram may bring in telligence. (Cheers.) In 1831 Russia was a colossal power, with a large army, a powerful fleet, a numerous population, and flourishing finances. Now her army was demoralised, her fleet gone, her people in the throes of social convulsion, and her finances disordered and embarrassed. Again, in 1831, Poland, though agitated, was not united. The in surrection was the insurrection of the nobles ; but the middle classes were now in in arms against Russia; and if the combination holds together and is well directed, it will be impossible for Russia to it. (Cheers.) Under these cir cumstances, continued the right hon. gentleman, what alternative had Russia but to submit ? But he was mis taken. Russia had a friend that stepped in at the critical moment to rob Europe of its wise policy, and to secure for Russia immunity for the past and endless future opportu nities of committing her worst designs. Austria stepped in —Austria, that was itself the despoiler of Poland—Austria, that had been the chief sinner against the liberty and en lightenment of Europe—Austria, the theatre of whose crimes had been Italy, Hungary, and Poland, and whose modern political history was the blackest in Europe. (Hear, hear.) And yet this was the Power that now claimed equal voice with England and France in the cause of justice and freedom. They were told that that was all changed now, and that the Government of Austria was a wise Govern ment, and was overflowing with sympathy for Poland. If so, why did she not give play to her sympathies nearer home, and give to Venetia and Hungary what she seemed to wish for Poland? (Hear, hear.) No, he should tell his hon. and learned friend the member for Sheffield that so long as Austria continued to play the tyrant and tormentor wherever she had the power to do so—(cries of " Oh, oh," and " Hear, hear")—we could not believe her to be the sincere friend of Poland, and that in allying herself with England and France she must obey and not pretend to dic tate ; ier Austrian Ministers knew that independent action on their part in Poland, or a declaration on the side of Russia, would be followed by revolution and the dismem berment of their own empire. Mr. ROEB CCK—That is all rubbish. (Cries of " Oh, oh," " Order," and laughter.) Mr. HORSMAN continued : Austria was unfortunately admitted to an equal voice in the council, and the result was the production of a document on her part which he could not but characterise as a mischievous combination of politi cal imbecility and hypocrisy, and as to which it was diffi cult to say whether the House of Commons should regard it with shame or humiliation. There was nothing in the smallest degree practical in the points which she submitted, na don tdt beenig] sTupde eohi and had they been adopted by England and France they would have been as delusive to the Poles as ruinous to Europe. It wastherefore fortunate that Earl Russell added a postcript, and insisted upon three other conditions—the acceptance of the six points, the proclamation of an armis tice, and a conference of the Powers that signed the Treaty of Vienna, These last conditions made England safe, and not only preserved her the vantage-ground in the negotia tions, but were a protection to Poland itself. They had now the Russian answer, which was an unqualified rejection of everything that England had proposed ; and accordingly the question they had to decide was brought within the nar rowest possible compass. They made the Emperor of Russia King of Poland under the conditions of the Treaty of Vienna. They recognised no title to sovereignty but what that treaty gave him ; and if he were not King of Poland by treaty, he was not King of Poland at all. The Emperor, on the other hand, claimed to be king by conquest; but, as he was no more king by conquest than was the Pope of Rome King of Italy by marriage—(laughter)—the result was that there was no King of Poland at all. It would be impossible for the Emperor of Russia to draw a dis tinction between his Russian and Polish subjects ; for were not the landed proprietors and townspeople of Luthuania, Podolia, and Volhynia as much Polish as the Polish kingdom, and would they not remain in a chronic state of insurrection unless the same advantages were given to them as were given to Poland ? And so far from the papers and protocols settling the question of Poland, he looked upon them as dishonest invitations to Europe to per petuate her calamities and dangers. Indeed, they might save themselves a great deal of trouble, for the Emperor of Russia had told them that he would not have their con gress kingdom, and he had told them what they all knew, that he could not and would not rule Poland different to the rest of his kingdom. By telling the Poles they were justi fihtehedusiasdinsasiiadts.atiking up arms against the sovereign we had given them, they had irritated Russia. They had advised the Poles to treat the Russian amnesty with the same con tempt as the Emperor of Russia has treated their constitu tion, and they had followed it—and how, he asked, did her less,phaohad a n Majesty's Government intend to follow that advice up ? —t the applying u p l ct y r ionwgn whichetdo The Poles were fighting for their nationality and nothing distinction—that eo r t baGn in h r. .o e oaov y u i ft peghilnhaen nationalities thti mean oe they light hr give tocil nai proclaimed Ids t newmlh Italy—but byy y Government ta latterit i considered w b a y s divine madethethey did overdi i i dg absolutely bt good ooi t t ewwlyoi work with Austria, R while Poland was only entrusted conditionally to with reference to recent events in Italy, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer always referred with pride to his belong ing to a Government that came in at the eleventh hour to secure Italy for the Italians. No doubt they did a good work then, and they deserved and had obtained a lasting gratitude for it; but could he not inform them that the case of Poland was much stronger than that of Italy, which was delivered by foreign armies, and not by treaties? Poland was, indeed, a theme sufficient to inspire the elce quence of a just and generous statesman, who united a love for freedom with respect for laws, He believed there was not a Minister whose conscience had not told him what every reflecting man feels, that Poland was the ward of Europe, and England her legally constituted guar dian ; and how then, he asked, could they as a Christian Legislature, without committing a fresh crime—gre a t er than any that had preceded it—deliver up Poland to the hands of that Power whom their experience had or just for told them no oaths could bind, (Hear, heart) e God suffering could move to mercy. forbid that by such a crime committed totvards Poland our Government s hould efface what they had - done in Italy. No, let them ra ther recognise in Poland, as in Italy, an historic though fall en nation, preyed by suffering, elevated by patriotism, taug ht b y the past, and aspiring to a new and better future ; and as the y had gained some credit to themselves and done some service by pro claiming Italy for the Italians, so let them not be wanting now in courage, virtue, and wisdom to proclaim Poland for the Poles, and so make some reparation to her in her rising by welcoming her back into the brotherhood of nat t (Rear.) lons. Much, however, as he desired it, and ar dently as he advocated it, he should not have ventured to suggest anything so bold if her Majesty's Government had not led the way, The manner in which they had expanded our alliance with France into a great European combine ion had bee t n most able and masterly ; but the despatches left only one logical deduction is lie dratin from them, viz., the i rasteration of Roland as the adopted policY of the Cabi net, which would be speedily and gladly accepted by the people of England. The question whether it was possible to accomplish it without hating recourse to war was not difficult of solution, nor was it discouraging. It, however, in his opinion, depended solely on Austria, and whether she would or would not make restitution of Gallicia was the one question on which every other eventually depended. If she would come forward boldly, wisely, honourably, and freely and make restitution of Gallicia, Russia must, on the same grounds, relinquish Poland. (Hear.) Mr. ROEBUCK—That's not very likely. Mr. HORSMAN—His hon. and learned friend said that was not very likely, and no doubt he would say, How could they expect Austria and Russia to give up territory without equivalents; but what could they require better as equiva lents than being placed in safety ? Was it, he asked, no gain to a monarchy like Austria to have her territory more guarded and secure, her commerce freely and uninterrupt edly developed, to have the constantly recurring danger of the Eastern question diminished, and her status resumed as an independent power in Europe. On the contrary, he thought the advantage to Austria, politically, commer cially, and nationally, arising from her being relieved from the Russian incubus, would be so great that, instead of asking for equivalents, Austria would be only too glad to purchase them by the relinquishment of territory acquired by such crimes. No Government in the world had more interest than England in maintaining Austria as a strong power in Europe ; but that could only be acquired by her becoming liberal and progressive. (Hear, hear.) But if Austria refused to do so, what then ? There were some papers in the despatches which he grieved to say led them to that view of the question; and there were others from which they might infer that the English Government might think that Austria would be justified in doing so, and to some extent in countenancing her in that course ; but, if so, would England adhere to Austria and leave France to follow her own councils? (Hear, hear.) So long as Austria holds her grip on Gallicia, so long she for bids the solution of the question. And should England falter by the side of Austria, what France would do no one could venture fortosapye,rorof France the beat of did no alllreasot knns, be causeow perhaps the Emperor himself what he would do—(hear, hear)—but in that very uncertainty consisted the danger. (Hear, hear.) No one could possibly tell what public opinion in France might require the Emperor to do. It was our Ministers who had fanned the flame, for Europe would never have moved in the matter if England had not given her countenance to the movement ; and he besought them to remember that the Polish question united all parties in France ; for their love of Poland they would make it a holy war, and they would unite all liberal Europe in support of that champion who came forward to battle in behalf of Poland. The combination against Russia was the work of England, and he hoped her Majesty's Govern ment would keep their position at the head of the movement; but if England abandoned Poland they might rely upon it that, when the time came, France would be compelled to take it. The answer to the question could only be given by the noble lord at the head of the Government, who had made it especially his own property, and the old spirit of 1831 unmistakeably pervaded the despatches. It was to the noble lord that they must look to correct that feeble utter ance, and to counteract the mischievous hallucinations which appeared in high places. A saying had lately been attributed to our Foreign Secretary, of so ignominious a character that those who knew that noble lord when he was in that house deemed it to be incredible, viz., that, however much the honour and interests of England demanded it, or the safety of Europe required it, England would on no ac count draw the sword for Poland. (Hear, hear.) Another statement, equally incredible, was attributed to a noble earl who had been, and might hope to be again, Prime Minister of England, that if Poland obtained her independence it would not only be without the goodwill, but contrary to the judgment, the wish, and the desire of England. (Hear.) The first observation was so unstatesmanlike that it must be a libel on the Cabinet; and the second was a libel on that nation whose generous character he was believed to represent—(hear) —and therefore he must look to the noble lord at the head of the Government to vindicate the national policy and the English character, by publicly repudiating, in the name of the Cabinet and the country, these ignoble sentiments. (Hear, hear.) Thenoble lord's career as a Mini ster of the Crown had been one of unexampled duration,with a constantly acquiring popularity,and he called on him to act on this occasion in a manner that would crown his career with laurels rather than a wreath of cypress. (Hear.) No doubt the question was surrounded with difficulties and complications, but there was no true-hearted Englishman who did not wish the noble lord success, and there was no lover of freedom in the world who would not bless him for his exertions in establishing the nationality of the Poles. If, therefore, to advance was difficult and surrounded with danger, to re treat was absolute ruin, for there was no middle course, and the Government could not halt between two opinions. (Hear, hear.) Knowing as they all did the difficulties, the responsibilities, and the anxieties that surrounded the task her Majesty's Government had undertaken, he felt bound to do his utmost to support them in it. After a most care ful and critical examination of the papers, he had come to the conclusion, which was shared in by others whose oipaitnioionnss, taken were as a more whole, valua had been blethanh so conductedisown,thatt th hen s z o tif her Majesty's Government did not now abandon them them selves, they ought not to be and would not be abandoned by Parliament or the country. (Hear, hear.) He moved " That, in the opinion of this house, the arrangements made with g y the v er n n r e e n a t t y o e f f V i e n n Poland a o h r a v t h e e f p a e i a e o d e oft of s r e e e g u a r r e d t t o h P e o g l a o n o d d Europe ; and any further attempt to replace Poland under h o a f r r a that e t n r t e a a t dmust dangercause E c a u r l o a es to t he Poland conadnitdioenms The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—My right hon. friend has addressed the house in a speech to e Government e r l e n m e e a s y , s a y towards th a t i , t s e x e c l o e s p e t , i t n o the e which I have listene d with dee p int erest , and on behalf of her Majesty's shortlanguage but v h e e r y supposes was uttered by E ar l R usse l l in ano ther pace, I think we can have no reason to complain, so far as we are concerned, of the spirit in which has discussed this question. But it appears to me that on the whole it partook of too sanguine, and, therefore, of too speculative a character, In the latter part of his speech the right hon. gentleman grappled with the question What is Poland,and what it ought to be ; and that if Austria only surrendered Gallicia, then everything else would follow. In another portion of his speech my right honourable friend re ferred to the all-powerful effect of the monosyllable "but" introduced into the middle of a sentence. There was another monosyllable which, it occurred to me at the time, would be just as omnipotent, and that was when he spoke of the surrender of Gallicia by Austria. But, supposing that happy expectation were realised, then, says my right hon. friend, the surrender of Posen by Prussia would follow as a matter of course. That may be clear to the mind of my right hon. friend, but I confess it is not at all certain that it is so clear to the mind of Pr ussia —whether by that name we re fer simply to that King of Prussia whose abdication the ight hon. gentleman again —somewhat sanguine, as I think—expects from day to day, or to the whole Prussian people. (Hear, hear.) But I think my right hon, friend is equally sanguine when he supposes that upon the sur• render of Gallicia by Austria and of Posen by Prussia there would be a reconstruction of the Polish nation. (Hear, hear.) it seemed to me that there were parts of the speech of my able and eloquent as he was, didnotricgohhterhe°ll withfrioetnhcie which, rparts. When he spoke of the strug gles of Poland and the wrongs done to the Poles by the Russians, he seemed to limit his views to the portion of Poland within the duchy of Warsaw ; but when he spoke of the reconstruction of Poland he seemed to speak of all those portions of Europe inhabited wholly or in part by the Polish race, I confess when I look to the whole of his speech I am amazed at the sanguine expectations of my right hon. friend. To detach Gallicia from Austria, Posen from Prussia, to sever the whole mass of the Polish provinces from Russia, would be a task so gigantic as to be not only beyond the scope of the powers of any Government, but beyond even the scope of political speculation as understood in this house. My right hon. friend has given us an interesting review of the history of Poland; but, however that picture may rouse our feelings of horror, shame, and indignation, we must also consider that the position of the Emperor of Russia deserves some consideration. (Hear, hear.) I cannot think that the house has forgotten the words of my noble friend at the head of the Government on another oc casion, wbo said that we ought to feel some consideration for the Emperor of Russia, who had had the misfortune to in herit an empire of triumphant wrong. (Hear, hear.) When we look at the courage with which Ile has faced political problems of the highest order, and the success which had attended his efforts, we cannot but feel regret that he should have been brought into a position so unhappy as the pre sent. But when the historical review of my right hon. friend reached 1831, he put a construction upon the policy of Eng land which, I think, was not altogether just. We did pro , test against the annexation of Cracow, but without the aid of armies, However, if I understood my right hon, friend rightly, our course should have been war or nothing. Now, when he gave us his opinion about Austria, he should re member that upon Austria and the German Powers we must depend, if we wished to force from Russia what we believe to be just and right. I have also heard what he has said of the Emperor of the French and his intentions ; but I think I have heard him allude to the Emperor, in this house, in somewhat different terms. If France is a Power dangerous from her ambition, is it not dangerous for him to recommend a great combination of the Powers of Europe, in which our chief dependence must be upon Austria,Prussia, and France? It is only by combination such a war can be carried on, and it must be prosecuted in perfect unity of purpose and une quivocal abnegation of selfish purposes. That was the un derstanding during the Crimean war, and it was honour ably adhered to by France. How does France stand now with Poland ? A war with Russia would be a war over all Europe, and it would require the courage of my right hon. friend himself to take even a mental view of the dan gers that beset the very first stage in the course of re-esta blishing Poland by military force. The giving up of the Duchy of Warsaw by Russia would not much help the cause of Poland ; but if the right honourable gentleman meant that Russia should give up all herßusso •Polish pro vinces, then I say his intellectual boldness alarms and con fuses me. (Hear.) The social amalgamations produced by several goner ations of alliance lead to relationship so close that a severance becomes extremely difficult; so much so, that T do not think this Government, nor any which may succeed it, would attempt t }rine it dent. rhea comes his other alternative, that if we did not go td at we ought to have done nothing, and said nothing. That would not have been consistent with the policy of England since 1831, and would have been altogether impossible, having regard to the state of public feeling both in this country and in France. The right honourable gentleman said that the time taken by Russia for her reply showed the importance at tached to the message ; but that very circumstance, I think, justified the action. We have adopted the policy of Mr. Canning when the French invaded Spainin 1823, and when he confined himself to diplomatic interference. It has been admitted that every party to a treaty may interpret it in the way most conducive to his own interests. But my right hon. friend likewise adverted to a despatch of Earl Russell dated the 10th of April, as making a great change in the policy of the Government. He took that as a starting point from which the contingency of war was first brought into view. My right hon friend describes the despatch as a menace to Russia ; but to my mind it bears no such interpretation. My right hon. friend draws a very broad conclusion from very narrow limits ; what my right hon. friend calls a menace of war, I call a wise reservation of discretion, ab solutely necessary under the circumstances. Who was to answer for it that the Polish question could be confined to the limits of Poland t Who was to answer for it that the festering sore should not spread over a much larger portion of the body of Europe? (Hear, hear.) We had to consider the attitude of Prussia, and it was im possible not to see that the attitude assumed by Prussia might involve other Continental Governments in the struzgle. Under these circumstances, was it not wise, in giving a pacific assurance, to assert that that assurance had reference to the then limits of the question ? Still my right hon. friend thinks that great results have followed in Poland from the diplomatic action of her Majesty's Government, and that the anticipation of the Poles of aid from without has been altogether founded upon the proceedings taken by the British Government. (Hear, hear.) Well, but that inter pretation of my right hon. friend is unsupported by anything in the nature of evidence ; can he produce any authorita tive authentic declaration to connect the prolonged resist ance of the Poles with the proceedings of her Majesty's Government ? On the other hand, he knew that the expec tation of foreign aid is the very first feeling to propagate itself on the weaker side in all struggles. For example, he knew that it influenced the outbreak of the great struggle. But, so far as that species of vague encouragement went, it did not depend upon the Government to decide whether such encouragement should be given. We saw committees formed and subscriptions made ; we heard of motions—nay, debates took place in this house—which were much more calculated to stimulate hopes of foreign intervention than anything said or done by her Majesty's Uovernment. With regard to the position in which we now stand, my right hon. friend has not pressed the Government for any declara tion of our future intentions. I think he has felt that, an important despatch having been laid upon the table this evening, it is obvious that any further development of our future policy at such a moment would be inappropriate. Acting as we have done, in concert with other Powers, it is the absolute duty of the Government to take counsel with those other Powers as to what should be our decision in the matter. But my right hon. friend invites us to make a solemn renunciation of the treaty of Vienna. Well, to condemn the treaty of Vienna may be the first step on the road on ehich we are invited to travel. Still, it is a very lame, impotent, and inadequate declaration on the part of Parliament. Limited as the motion is, it is not one which it is desirable for this house to adopt. Whether the case of Poland is parallel to that of Italy, I will not under take to say. All I will say is, that her Majesty's Govern ment have pursued the same course with regard to Poland as they did with respect to Italy ; that is, by intervention strictly diplomatic, we used our good offices to serve the cause. But whether the possibilities of the case are the same, that is another matter. What we have in view with respect to Italy has been this :—We felt that no Govern ment ought to commit itself in a cause except where it was righteous, and that no cause was really righteous in regard to its being taken up by a Government unless its objects are practical and attainable. That is a most important modifi• cation ; and, in the case of Italy, I do not think that the Government recommended anything which was not strictly practical. But would any benefit be conferred upon Poland by condemning the treaty of Vienna ? Are we to regard the treaty of Vienna as something injurious to Poland ? If we were to surrender the treaty of Vienna, the result would be to leave the Poles subjects of Russia by conquest; and we should depart from the only ground according to which we have a right to address Russia on the subject of Poland. For that reason I trust the house will be disposed not to adopt the motion. It may be little that can be hoped for in this question from any intervention, diplomatic or other. wise. Its intrinsic difficulties, which my right hon. friend seems to regard as light, are, I fear, enormous. The con sequences of former misdeeds dog and follow not only those who have inflicted the wrong, but those who have suf fered it. To undo and repair political crimes—especially after long subsistence—is in many cases beyond the power of man. If in Italy there might be redress for wrongs inflicted through a long course of generations, that might be perhaps a happy and peculiar case. In the case of Poland, I trust that no British Government will ever shrink from any effort to obtain by practical and legitimate means whatever is possible for that gallant, un happy, and long suffering people. (Cheers.) But, with these feelings, it would be a betrayal of our duty were we to accede to a motion which, brought forward as it undoubt edly is by one of the ablest and most enthusiastic advocates of Poland, would really rather told to weaken her position, by depriving friendly Powers of the only basis of right to warrant future efforts in so righteous a cause. (Cheers.) Mr. HENNESSY said it might not be fair to ask the Government what their intentions were with regard to the Russian reply ; but it would be fair to ask what the wishes of the people of England were with reference to the ques tion of Poland. Upon very many questions of foreign policy that house was often in advance of the people of Eng land ; but the case was very different as regarded Poland; for iu everything that concerned the prosperity and inde pendence of that country, the English people were more in terested than Parliament. This was known by the nume rous petitions sent to both houses, and by the speeches and resolutions at public meetings in all the large towns of the kingdom. He would turn to Austria, and upon this point he was compelled to differ from his right hon. friend who opened the discussion. He denied that the Austrian people and Government were opposed to Poland. There was a party there, no doubt, unfriendly to Poland ; but a large portion of the Government and people, and he believed he might include the Emperor with them, were favourable to Poland. But it was necessary that Austrian statesmen should act with caution, for he could inform the house upon reliable data that there were no leas than 100,000 Poles in the army of Austria, including infantry, cavalry, artillery, and miscellaneous corps, The hon. member then showed, by reference to official documents, that it was a mistake to suppose that the treaty of Vienna only included the Duchy of Warsaw ; the Russian provinces of Poland were also comprised within the terms of the treaty. He believed that no war in the present century would be more popular in France than a war for the independence of Po land, and he equally believed that the Emperor of the - French would not make such a war the pretext for terri torial aggrandisement. He could not agree in the praises lavished by his right hon. friend upon the noble lord at the head of the Government for his policy in 1831 with regard to Poland. At that time Louis Philippe applied to the noble lord to mediate in favour of Poland, but the noble lord re fused to do anything but write despatches. The hon. mem ber then read passages from the last reply of Prince Gorts chakoff, in which the prince tauntingly refers to the foreign element in the Polish insurrection—but he denied the as sertion, and showed that the Russian Gazette itself stated that the movement in Poland was made up of small far mers, the lower class of officials, students of the universi ties, and the artisans in towns. The hon. gentleman then defended the Polish national Government, ,and after dis claiming the cruelties which were laid to the charge of the Polishinsurgents he claimed for that nation justice and freedom. Mr. KINGLAKE thought that the hon. gentleman op posite (Mr. Hennessy) had not done much for the cause he advocated by exalting the anonymous Government of War saw. It was the, great difficulty of the British Government that that Government was nothing but a vast secret so ciety, and nobody knew who it was we were supposed to deal with. With regard to the remarks of the right hon. member for Stroud (Mr. Horsman) as to the history of Poland from 1815, he seemed to forget that at that period the Russians were the strongest party to the arrangement, and that Lord Castlereagh used his best efforts to modify the treaty. It had been a treaty, however, without gua rantees, and he thought it very unreasonable now to com mence a proposal for a triple alliance, by calling one of the parties imbecile and hypocritical, and asking her to dismember her empire. It was a very remarkable fact, however, that the Gallicians themselves were ta ot by any means anxious to be separated from Austria to join a secret society. (Hear, hear.) (The hon. gentleman then read some extracts from a speech of Chevalier Krocoski, the member for Gallicia in the Austrian Parlia ment, to that effect.) Altogether he condemned the policy of finding fault with the treaty of Vienna just now, seeing that was the only chance left to go upon. Mr. PEACOCKE said there was not much in the right hon. gentleman's resolution, but there was a good deal in his speech, and if be had meant all he had said in his speech about going to war he ought to have put that into his roso lution. The hon, memb er th en argued that some of the conditions embodied in the six points were not such as Russia could accept, and he called on the house not to ac cede to the motion, but to throw the whole responsibility of relieving the country from a position of difficulty and danger upon the shoulders of the Government. Sir F. GOLDSMlDconciem — ;d the course followed by the Government, and went into a variety of facts to prove that the Jews of Poland, who might be counted by millions, were heal t and hand in the national movement. Mr. NE WDEGATE said, as a general opponent of the Government, he was prepared to leave the negotiations in their hands, and he came down to the house for the purpose of opposing the resolution of the right hon. member for Stroud. No power in Europe had done more for freedom in the present century than Russia in the emancipation of her serfs. Lord H, VANE approved the course taken by the noble THE SUN, LONDON, tiESDAIi" EVENING, JULY 21, IfM, lord the toreign Sec.etary, and he thought the Government were justified in urging the six points upon Russia, but in common with others he dJubted whether Poland would be satisfied with them. Mr. C. BEAUMONT, who rose amid loud cries for Lord Palmerstcti dtnounced the cruelties of Gen. Mouravieff, but declined to slippc?t the motion, lest it should be re garded as a want of confident in her Majesty's Govern ment. Lord PALMERSTON—Sir, my right hon. friend who has made this motion made a speech marked by his usual ability, but as he went along it appeared to me that it was not consistent with itself, and still less with the mo tion with which he concluded. It struck me that the gist of the speech was that mere diplomatic representations were unavailing unless followed by force—(hear, hear)—and he seemed also to me to deny the power of public opinion. Now, I have always thought, and the praise which he gave to my noble friend for having obtained the concurrence of most of the States of Europe in representations to Russia, implies that he thinks also that the force of public opinion is often almost equal to the force of arms ; and there is no doubt that the force of public opinion is a most powerful engine upon the conduct either of men or governments That which has happened is a striking proof, because in the discussion which took place in 1831-2, the Russian Govern ment of that day denied that we had any right to remon strate upon the affairs of Poland. They said that Russia had conquered Poland alter the revolution, that that con quest annulled all the engagements of the treaty of 1815, and that we were then interfering in a manner which con - cerned the internal affairs of Russia, and had no right to meddle with that which belonged to the empire alone. Now, the ground taken by Russia is entirely different. Yielding, no doubt, to the joint opinions of so many of the different Powers of Eur , pe, Russia says she is willing to enter into a discussion of the affairs of Poland within the limits and upon the ground of the Treaty of Vienna. I say that is a great step gained in the discussion with Russia, and that it does afford a prospect of a better condition of things in Poland than the former ground taken by Russia entitled us to expect. The noble lord then referred to the mode in which Russia became possessed of Poland in 1815, and the unsuccessful revolution of 1831, and continued : We are told that there is no alternative now but either remaining perfectly passive, or insisting upon the establishment of Poland within its ancient limits. Well, if all the Powers of Europe were prepared to immediately go to war with Rus sia, to compel her to restore everything which has been taken from Poland, then I could understand that it might be thought desirable that the object of such combination should be the establishment of the kingdom of Poland ; but it is quite clear that that cannot be accomplished by I,ersuasion, and can only be accomplished by force. But the only ground upon which we, or any of the other European powers, are entitled as a matter of international right to speak to Russia in regard to the treatment of Poland, is the Treaty of Vienna. That treaty entitles us to require that certain arrangements shall be established within Poland ; but the moment you go beyond it, and re quire Russia to constitute Poland a i.eparate kingdom, you throw down the Treaty of Vienna. You have no right on which such a demand can be made, and it can only be enforced by war, and successful war. But the Powers of Europe are not prepared to take that course, though the right hon. gentleman's speech goes to the length, as I un derstand it, of urging such a course, and does not tally with his resolution. The resolution wishes us to declare that the Treaty of Vienna is at an end, which will dispossess ourselves of the right of remonstrance with Russia; and how we are by that to assist Poland I am at a loss to un derstand. We are now entitled to represent to Russia that she has not fulfilled her treaty conditions towards Poland, but the moment we say the treaty is at an end, Russia will accept it and say that Poiand is hers by conquest, and that she has as much right to govern Poland in the way she thinks best as she has any other part of her great empire. (Hear, hear.) So far from that being of any advantage to the Poles, it would only hand them over tied hand and foot, to be dealt with according to the pleasure of General Mouravieff. (Hear, hear.) It would therefore be a most " lame and impotent conclusion" to agree to the right hon. gentleman's motion. It was impossible for her Majesty's Government to remain silent and do nothing for the Poles. The opinion of this house, of the country, and of Europe called for some remonstrance to be made, and I hold it is at variance with the ordinary transaction of human affairs to say that you will not ne gotiate or remonstrate unless you are prepared to have recourse to arms if you do not obtain by negotiation the object you are endeavouring to accomplish. (Hear, hear.) Much, however, was to be gained without having recourse to such an extreme course. Her Majesty's Government had done that which was required by public opinion in this country, and the necessity of the case. We did what we had a right to do under the Treaty of Vienna, and obtained the concurrence of the other States of Europe in urging on Russia a milder course with regard to Poland. It has been said it will be no satisfaction to Poland if that result is at tained, but I cannot see any great foundation for that state ment, because her condition must be very much improved if we establish that condition of things which existed before the treaty of Vienna. It has been said that we suggested an armistice that was impracticable; but can any one look and see the cruelties that are being committed on both sides, and the loss of life that is occurring, and not wish to see an end put to those hostilities ? If Russia had agreed to it, I think there would have been no difficulty about the matter, because the Polish revolutionary party, who wished to be represented at the Congress could, no doubt, have been treated with for an armistice, and I cannot but think that if an armistice had been agreed to by Russia it would have resulted in a cessation of the effusion of blood. (Hear, hear.) I feel eertain that the right hon. gentleman did not expect her Majesty's Government to state what course they may think it right to follow in this matter, and the only thing I can state is that, as we made our communication to the Russian Government with Austria and France, it will be our duty to communicate with them upon the answer which each of the three powers has received from the Russian Government ; and I am persuaded that the course we may take—whatever that may be—will be such as will meet with the approbation of the house. (Hear, hear.) After some remarks from Mr. HORSMAN in reply, who said he considered it would be unreasonable then, in con sequence of her Majesty's Government having just received the answer from Russia, to state their intentions upon it, and that a wrong construction had been put upon the terms of his motion, he asked to be allowed to withdraw it. The motion was then withdrawn. SUPPLY. The report of supply was bruught up and agreed to. WAYS AN MEANS. The report of Ways and Means was also brought up and agreed to. TELEGRAPHS BILL. The Lords' amendments to this bill were considered. Upon the motion of Mr. GIBSON, the Lords' amend ments to clause 9 were disagreed to, and some other amend ments were added. The following bills were read a third time and passed : The Railway Clauses, Waterworks Clauses, Turnpike Acts Continuance, Expiring Laws Continuance, Petty Sessions (Ireland), and Poisoned Grain, &c., Prohibiti , ns Bills. The Anchors and Chain Cable Bill was withdrawn. Several other bills were advanced a stage. THE CHIEF CONSTRUCTOR OF THE NAVY. Mr. FERRAND moved for returns of the age and length of service of Mr. E. J. Reed, who has been appointed chief constructor of the navy. The hon. member looked upon the appointment as a gross job, and as one that was injuri ous to the old officers of the dockyards, Lord C. PAGET refused the returns, and defended the appointment. The house divided. The motion was rejected by 23 to 14. On the motion of Mr. FERRAND, seconded by Mr. HENNESSY, leave was refused to the Government to bring in a bill to reduce the duty on spirits to be used in arts and manufactures in the United Kingdom. A bill to provide superannuation allowances for Poor-law officers was brought in by Mr. Villiers. The Appropriation Bill was also brought in, and the house adjourned at half-past two o'clock. WASHINGTON IRVING'S CALL TO THE BAR.— Students for admission to the bar had in New York the excellent habit of giving a supper to their examiners, at which the names of successful candidates were read over. Those who officiated at Irving's call boggled a little, con scientiously, when they came to his name. " Martin," said one to the other, " I think he knows a little law." " Make it stronger, Joe," was the reply--" damned little :" with which compliment he passed.— Quarterly Review. 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In all chronic and constitutional maladies Holloway' s pill s s h ould be administered internally, while his ointment is applied externally. The one then assists the other, and as the out ward deformity disappears the general taint is al so b an i s h e d . Holloway' s treatment is reliable, gentle, purfying, and eminently restorative. In old ulcers, which are wearing out their victims, these remedies exert an almost magical effect. The ointment cleans the wound and braces its re laxed vessels; the pills invigorate generally. Naval and Military Intelligence. THE NAVY. Yesterday Commander Francis S. Tremiett, of the Impregnable, 78, Admiralty inspector of brain log ships, made an official inspection of the Welies boy, 72, training ship at Chatham harbour, in wh ict • he was occupied the whole day. He examinee' every portion of the ship, and inspected the bop and lads in the various operations of splicing, knot ting, &c., after which they were exercised for some time aloft. They were teen inspected in cutlass and gun drill, and also exercised in the boats. Commander Tremlett also inspected the schools on hoard, under the superintendence of the Rev. J. H. Lang, chaplain and naval instructor, and expressed himself highly satisfied at the result. After leaving the Wellesley. Commander Tremlett visited the dockyard, and transacted official business with Capt.-Superintendent Fanshawe. Four of the largest description of bower anchors ever forged for the English navy having been re ceived at Chatham dockyard for the iron frigate , Achilles, 50, 1,250 horse power, the operation of testing them was completed yesterday, under the pup rintendence of the officials of the establishment. The anchors were forged at the establishment of Messrs. Brown and Lennox, who are the contrac- tors for the manufacture of all the largest descrip tions of anchors used in the navy. On being re moved o the testing-house, each of t'ie anchors was tested by hydrauiic pressure from a slow strain , which was gradually increased until the maximum pressure of 72 tons to the square inch was attained• Under this enormous pressure no signs of any de fects were observable, while the elastic force of the iron did not exceed the usual allowance. Each of the anchors weighs 5 tons 11 cwt. Before they are finally approved they will ba subjected to another tt st, which will be made when the anchors have been heated to red heat, in order to discover any flaws not otherwise discernible. The arrangements for the admission into basin of the Caledonia at Woolwich will, it is feared, be considerably retarded, in consequence of the escape of the entire structure of the coffer-dam erected at the entrance to protect the works. Having been raised from its position, it was found floating ill one mass at high water. The dredging of the basin and enlargement of the entrance have in conse quence been delayed, the latter work being practic able only at low tide at present. The process of bending the iron slabs of the Caledonia will be finished in a few days, nine only remaining to com plete the total number required. After this has been done the Caledonia will be again floated into the river, and as early as possible into basin to re• ceive her boilers and machinery. Her masts and rigging have been despatched to Sheerness, where she is ordered to be forwarded in order to be fitted out for service. The following appointment was made at the Admiralty yesterday : W. H. Sennett, assistant-engineer, to the Indus, as supernumerary. THE ARMY. About 140 volunteers from various regiments have arrived at the camp at Colchester to join the 103 d depot. It is probable that Brevet-Major Vacher, of the 22d Regiment, will succeed Major Baldwin, of the 31st, as Brigade Major at Col* cheater. COUNTRY MARKETS. 4. 6 - GLOUCESTER-JULY 18. The show of wheat to-day was very limited, with a small attendance of farmers. English wheat, with a free sale, at late rates; and foreiga also sold at previous rates. Bar" ley, oats, and beans very dull. COLCHESTE. •JULY 18. - - - --- -- - - --- Wheat, white ..465 ~ 56s Beans, Mazagan .. 10s 3 33 red ..42s 52s middle & small.3ss 4 9 9 Barley Oats 20s 26s gray 35s 39 CHELMSFORD—JULY 17.. At this corn exchange to-day there was a very thin attendance, and the small amount of business done Nvg o at the prices of last week. Wheat, old white 30s 52s new 34s 49s old red 36s 47s new 34s 44s Barley 28s 36s Chevalier ..28s 40s Grinding 22s 31s Malt. 6ls 67s Chevalier . 64s 69s Oats 20s 28s Peas, Partridge 37s 40 0 White 39s 400 Boiling ... 40s 43 0 Dun 358 38 0 Ditto new -s .--s Beans, Tick, old 348 390 new --8 - -4 Harrow Ticks 358 40$ new —s --6 Mazagan . 3os 385 KIRKCALDY GRAIN—Jinx 18. We had small supplies of grain to-day. Sales read'' , and prices were about 6d advance on last week. Wheat. Barley. Oats. First....34s Od I 30s Od I 24s Od Second ..41s Od —s Od 25s Od Third....—s Od —s Od —s Od COAL h. friaea of Coal per Ton ai 8. d. .ARKET. the close 01 the market. Byass's Bebside West Hartley ...14 9 Davison's West Hart- e. d. ley ..14 9 Bates' sWest Hartley 14 0 Carway and Dutiryn Malting , 19 6 Eden Main l5 6 alker Primrose 12 6 West Hartley 14 9 rantield Moor Butes l3 3 Holywell 15 6 Waldridge Gas . l3 0 Wylam 15 6 Walls End. Ha5we11....... ..18 0 Walls End. Heugh Hall 16 3 South Hetton 17 6 Hartlepool.. l6 9 Trimdon Hartlepool 1 6 South Hartlepool... l5 n v East Hartlepool • l7 Kelloe South Kelloe. ... .16 'R Tunstall ...... 15 0 - Hetton 18 Framwellgate.. l5 Wharneliffe .. l5 3 Braddyll's Hatton l6 6 16 3 CassvP James . .. • . l5 0 Russel's . Hetton l6 6 ...... . Ships at market, 104 ; sold, 77• Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Australia and Mauritius, via Southampton. . July 19 via Marseilles Aug. 1 3 * Lira:al and Cape Verds, by British packet. Aug, 4. Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena July 29. (nna, Penang, and Singapore, via Southatupton July 19. , via Marseilles July 27* Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton July 19 • India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via South am pt on J u ly 19. via Marseilles July 2 27. India (Bombay), via Southampt on J u ly 6 ' via Marseilles July 2 0 ' Portugal. via . .. Malta, Egypt, and Ade n , v i a S ou th ampton July 19 . via Marseilles Ju ly 20. Newfoundland Oporto and Vigo .. ........ .... 22. U. S. and Briti s h N. America, by Brit. packet.. • • July by U.S. packet. •!• J u ly 24. by Canadian packet'Aug. 10 W.C. of Africa, M a d e ir a , an d Teneriffe ......... July 30. . Bahamas, via New York ... alvir ,9, J ~ Mexic0.. All parts of West Indies, including Chili, Peru, 1 Ju ly 29 , California. and British Columbia.. Full benefit of reduced duty obtained by put• chasing Horniman's pure Tea ; very choice at 3s 4d• gol d 4s. " High Standard" at 4s. 4d. (formerly 4s. Bd.), is the strongest and most delicious imported. Agents in ev e ' town supply it in nackets. Births. BEAUCLERK.—On the 19th inst., in Bryanston-square' the Lady Am e li a W entworth Bvaaclerk, of a d au ght er ' BAYLY,—On th e 18th i nst., at Glasgow, the w if e o f Lieu" - Colonel John Bayly, of a son. ife LENNOX.—On the 19th inst., at Camp, Aldershot, the li b. of Lieut.-Colonel Wilbraham Lennox, R.E., of a daug ter. wife ELLICE.—On the 18th inst., at 17, Chesham-place, th e of Brigadier-General Ellice, C. 8., of a daughter) IE4 bora, Marriages. sa i n t ALDRIDGE—BROADWOOD.—On the 18th inst., at f James's, Piccadilly, Major John Aldridge, eldest sou c' l' Robert Aldridge, Esq., of St. Leenard's Forest, S usse' to Mary Alethea, widow of Thomas Broadwood, sci" of Holmbush. BRETT—POYNTZ.—On the 16th inst., at Tidenham , gV: cestershire, t. ommander Sp encer P. B re tt, R.N., to I ‘ - `,7i' youngest daughter of th e l a t e C omm ander Newd i g - ° Poyntz, R.N., of Netherop, Tidenham. Deaths. COOPER —On the 19th i ns t . , Richard Cooper, Esq ., PL. f a l lo 5 ! Earl's-terrace, Kensington , and 6, Gutter-lane , C ue ' side, aged 46. d CRAWFORD.— On the 18th inst., at Great Berkharns + .c ' the Rev. J. K. Crawford, M.A., aged 46. e ar CARTEL—On the 16th inst., at Kennington Hall, 11, Ashford, Harry William Carter, M.D., F.R.S.E., c'e.' aged 76. COATES.—On the 15th inst., at Easingwold, Yorkshire, 1' I Hunter-street, E t e w r Jonathan Coates, Esq., aged 79, Tstr O ee n t WHITE.—On the 18th inst., at his residence, Islington , t the v 1 8,3 t r h r i o n a s d t ; Horace White, Esq., aged 44. t inst., Mr. wGareokr,gaegFectite6hle.w, of n i, daughter of Leonard C. Wyon, Esq. WYON.—On the 19th inst., at St. John's-wood, the infiln London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM A.NPIOLIC, of No, 112, Strand, Printer, at THE Sufi Office, No- 112 : Strand, in the Precinct of the savoy, in the COuuty 9' 341ddlesea•—TuesdaY , July 21, 1863.