The Sun. — London, England, 1854-02-01 00:00:00

_:' • - Til nected with a measure for checking bribery, corruption, and intimidation ; and let mo observe in what spirit I shall consider this large measure, which has been so long . pro mised, and which is now about to be produced. It is, in my opinion, most unwise, especially at the present time, to introduce any measure of Parliamentary reform. Under any circumstances, I should perhaps be disposed to rest upon the great measure of 1832—which, however, I think was in many instances most unjust in its arraßgements with re gard to the influence of the party that was opposed to the Government which introduced it. But the remedial agency of time has remedied a great deal of that injustice, and I should be disposed to place against the advantages of an equitable arrangement of the claims of that party for redress, the immense advantages of tampering with the constitution, and of perpetually disturbing that which, above all, ought to be hallowed by prescription. But if that famous bill—the whole bill, and nothing but the bill —is again to be brought before us, and placed on that table for execution by those who were its prime projectors, and who sailed into power and authority on the heady current of its agitation, then I shall analyse the parties of which this house and the country is ccmposed, with the view of attempting to effect an adjustment among the various classes in the country and their representatives in this house. (Cheers.) I have taken occasion before to point out to the house, when a large measure of Parliamen tary reform was proposed by the hon. member for Mont rose, the extraordinary injustice with which the landed proprietors of the country have been treated with respect to the r epresentation in the house, and all classes connec ter with the land. I have placed before the house statis tics of property and population, and I have shown that the greatest anomalies brought forward by hon. gentlemen op posite in a thoughtless vein are equalled—nay, they are not equalled, but they are infinitely surpassed—if you ap ply these principles and test by these dogmas -- the arrangements for the re: resentation of the inhabitants of the counties of England in the Commons House of Parlia ment. We have lately had some important returns ordered by the late Government, and I am not now going into de tails with reference to them. They only illustrate, by fresh and still more s triking evidence, the principles which I have placed before the we with reference to this sub ject, and the facts which I have before stated. But this is not to be denied—that at the present moment more than one half the population of the country is represented in the House of Commons by a body of 160 or 170 county mem bers, while a population of more than 7i millions are re presented by nearly 400 gentlemen, who are called bo rough members. So much for the facts at the present moment. These are not considerations which would have induced us, especially at the present moment, to come for ward and ask for Parliamentary reform, though we think that great injustice has been done u s b y the p resent arrangement. Thu appeal to the passions, and you dwell upon the importance of what you call the large towns while the fact is that there are vast populations, still larger than the largest towns whic h are re p resented only in a most imperfect manner, and who have not nearly the number of members which, according to your principles, they are en titled to. When we come to this large measure—when we come to this bold proposition, as we have been informed, of disfranchisement—when we have to add them to that horde of forfeited seats which the noble lord has been so long and so sedulously accumulating—we shall come for ward not with clamour—not with that organised arrange ment which is brought into play whenever anything is de manded by what are called the large towns, but we shall come down to the House of Commons and appeal to facts —we shall appeal to principles—we shall ask you to do us justice, but remembering at the same time that if you award to us that which we supplicate you to grant us, you will at the same time add strength and reverence to the constitution of England. (Cheers.) Lord J. RUSSELL—Sir, the Government have no rea son to complain of the manner in which the Speeeh from the Throne and the Address this evening have been treated by the house. On the contrary, I have to thank the house in the name of the Government for the general spirit of moderation which prevailed in the way in which hon. members have declared, with respect to the great Eastern question, on which opinions are so divided, that they are ready to wait to consult the papers which have been laid upon the table of the house, and that not till they have examined them will they b e p re p ared to give their judg ment upon them. If there was anything in the beginning of the debate which may have been considered to criticise the policy of the Government, I am quite ready to rest the answer to those observations on the speech of the hon. baronet the member for Tamworth, who spoke with great eloquence and ability on our foreign relations. (Cheers.) The right hon. gentleman who has just sat down has made some philological observations on the Speech from the Throne, rather than found fault with the policy which it embodies. Of that policy I have only to say that I think it has been carried on with a view to preserve, if possible, the blessings of peace for England and the world, and that it has been directed, in any event, either in a peaceful or in a warlike termination of our negotiations, to preserving the honour and interests of this kingdom. That honour and those interests would not have been preserved if, when we saw the aggressions of Russia on her unoffending neigh bour, we refrained from lifting up our voice in her support, and by demonstrating that, if necessary, we were ready to take other means to prevent the success of what appeared to us to be an unprincipled and an unjust invasion. The right hon. gentleman has alluded to the terms of the Vienna note. That note, as I stated in the former session, was framed not by the English Government, but by the Government of the Emperor of the French. Some addi tions and alterations were made to it by the Austrian Go vernment, and we accepted the note as a means which we hoped would prove for the benefit of Turkey and conci liate her claims with those pretensions which the Emperor of Russia had put footh. It is quite true, I readily ad mit, that when that note arrived at Constantinople, and when the Turkish Government showed that, not in the plain sense, not in the sense affixed to it by the re presentatives of the four Powers, but in the sense that might be affixed to it by her hostile and jealous neighbour, the note might infringe upon her independence, we had then no hesitation in recommending the modifications pro posed by the Turkish Government to the con ideration of the - Emperor of Kussea.--TtleligitWeralNG was MIRTI3, snore all the explanaiions that wee given by Count Nesselrode as to the sense in which the Vienna note was understood by the Government of St. Petersburg, proved not only that the Government of Ru ssia was not prepared to recede from aty of its pretensions, but that to its unprincipled and unjust aggression it added something which I cannot designate otherwise than fraudulent in tho manner in which it pursued its policy. (Loud and long-continued cheers.) I should be misleading the house if I were to ex press any confident expectation that the offer now made will be acceded to by the Emperor of Russia. But this I may say iu reference to the remark of the right hon. gen tleman that he hoped there was nothing contrary to the integrity and independence of Turkey in the terms pro posed—that the terms now proposed are terms agreed to by the representatives of the four Powers and of the Turkish Government, and that the Turkish Minister for Foreign Affairs himself framed and signed the note in which the propositions were conveyed ; so that in advising the Government of St. Petersburg to accept that note, we cannot suppose that we are in any way trenching upon the integrity or the independence of Turkey. (Cheers.) I think it is very obvious from the terms of the Speech that whilst the British Government is most anxious, if possible to effect a pacific settlement of the question, we are not disposed to let the Government of Russia so far take ad vantage of the time that may elapse as that, while she is o w u a l r d l i a l c r e r i p v r e e , p a w r s o t i s o h n o s u , when d b o t f h o e u e n n d d t o o f t t a h l e l y n e u g n o p t r i a o i o a n k u s g h pared. (Hear.) I know no injury—l see, on the contrary, very great advantage—in protracted negotiations, as long as there is a hope that peace may be the result, if we do not allow the consequence to follow that an advantage may be gained by Russia during that time, which an ear lier termination of the negotiations would prevent. (Hear, bear.) When the papers are laid upon the table, I shall have no objection, on any motion that may be made, or discussion that may arise, to go fully into these questions. (Hear.) One thing I may say—that, considering the posi tion of Russia in regard to Turkey, and the frontier which divides them, and that England and France have taken the most active part in opposing the designs of Russia, we have thought that it would be an immense advantage in every point of view, if Austria and Prussia would combine with us for the purpose of preventing a war from ensuing in consequence of the aggression that has been made by Russia. Our endeavours in that respect have not been fruitless. There has been a protocol signed by the Micis ters of the Four Powers, in which they all declare that it is a satisfaction to them to be able to announce that no di minution of the integrity of the Turkish empire will ensue from the war that now, exists between Russia and her neighbour. (Cheers.) That declaration, no doubt, is not complete, that declaration does, not fully meet the views of the Government of Great Britain • but still it is a great advantage that, so far as we can , we shall act together : and when the Government of Austria shall perceive hat war is at length near, that the negotiations in which she has willingly taken part will not be successful in inducing the Emperor of Russia to desist from his efforts, and that no thing but bolder measures and a stronger tone would in duce him to do so—l say . I have great hopes that the Go vernment of Austria, seeing her own interest—an interest much greater than that of England and Franco on this question—(hear. hear) —seeing likewise that the interest of Europe is involved in the settlement of this question—will, with the Government of Prussia, act generally with us, and I have no doubt of the immediate result. (Hear, hear.) I say, considering all these things, that our time has not been lost in our efforts for conciliation, and in doing everything that we could consistently for our honour and interest for that purpose, and in endeavouring to per suade the Government of Austria to take what we think a more enlightened and more successful course. (Hear.) In the course of the debate there have been remarks made upon various subjects—upon some foreign subjects by the right honourable gentleman opposite ; upon some domestic subjects by others—which have been omitted in the Speech. I quite agree in the importance of the treaty to which the right honourable gentlemen refers, and I have had the honour to present this evening, by command of her Majesty, papers connected with that treaty. (Hear, hear.) But really . considering the import ance of some of the principal topics touched upon, there were so many topics contained in the Speech that unless the right hon. gentleman would recommend us to depart from all former precedents, and to frame the Royal Speech of the length of the message of the President of the 'United States—(a laugh)—we should not be able to include all the various topics to be referred to. (Hear.) A most impor tant subject has been mentioned by the right hon. baronet the member for Tamworth—the subject of education ; and the hon. member for Montrose has also spoken on that sub ject. There is not one, I believe, more anxious to see a good system of education extended and established in this country than I am myself. But it is necessary to consider the means by which that object may be accomplished. With regard to one part of this great subject, taken as a whole—namely, the question of the English universities — we have taken that subject into consideration, and I hope that during the course of the month of February—in the middle or towards the end of it—we shall introduce a mea sure for the improvement and reform of the University of Oxford. (Hear, hear.) With respect to another depart ment of this subject, namely, education in Scotland, my right bon, friend the Lord Advocate has prepared a bill on the subject, and when it is finally approved of by the Go vernment he will introduce it. Now, with respect to va rious measures relating to education, I would rather that we should wait at all events to see the progress of the nu merous measures we have to introduce before we say any thing respecting them. The right hon. gentleman has spoken of the question of reform in Parliament, and he seemed partly to agree and partly to disagree with his hon. friend the member for Liverpool. The hon. member for Liverpool told us that Mr. Pitt, in the year 1793, declared that he was no supporter of a measure of Parliamentary reform in consequence of the war to which the country was engaged. Now, however great may be the authority re ferred to, for my part I had much rather that Mr. Pitt had at that time refrained from entering into the war, and pro occasion, that the arrangements, which might be considered virtually to have been concluded, were arrangements which with many other advantages he referral to, had this pecu liarity —.that they contained no condition derogatory to the interests or to the honour of the Ottoman Porte. (Hear, hear.) Sir, I need not remind the house that a few days after Parliament was prorogued the arrangement which the Government had referred to made its appearance, and that appearance took the form of the famous Vienna note. (Rear.) That note has since been recognised to have been a proposition identical inspirit, and in many parts of it even in language, with that celebrated ultimatum of Prince blenschikoff which has occasioned so much disaster and dismay to Europe. Now, sir, remembering the tone in Which her Majesty's Ministers addressed Parliament at the end of last session, and the confident hopes which they held out on that occasion of an immediate conclusion of this important controversy, I cannot but refer with some hesitation to the language in which we are now addressed in the present speech. lam not going on this occasion to enter at all into the conduct of the Government dur ing all these prolonged negotiations. The documents which they may place before us will have all the attention they deserve, and I shall not presume at this instant offer any opinion of my own upon any of these transactions, even in cases in which we have been furnished with docu ments .by other Governments, or in that one instance in which we have received a very important paper from her Majesty's Ministers, namely, the despatch of my Lord Clareudon. All I wish now is to remind the house of the tone adopted by the Government when Parliament was last prorogued, and the expectation that was then held out to Parliament of an immediate and satisfactory conclusion of this question, and to contrast the language used on that occasion with the language which is now wider our notice. Sir, I think the house will not fail to observe that we are addressed now much in the same terms as we were then. We are still told that negotiations are going on, a hope is still held out that these negotiations may be successful ; but I think her Majesty's Government, after the complete failure of the expectations which they held out to us six months ago, after it having eventually been proved that the plan which they protected was a plan which they themselves now would not for a moment sanction—l think her Majesty's Government, while they told the house that negotiations are still proceeding, and that they do not en tirely despair of these negotiations effecting their object, ought to have assured us that the object of these negotia tions is not one in the spirit of the Vienna note, which, six months ago, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, in another place, held out to us as an arrangement not dero gatory to the interests or to the honour of the Ottoman Porte. (Hear, hear.) I think, sir, it would have been more satisfactory to the house if the Government on this occasion had advised her Majesty to use words which would have assured the country that if the question can be settled without the fatal arbitrement of which we have of late been accustomed to speak, and to speak too familarly, the settle ment would be one which would maintain not only the inte grity but the independence of the Ottoman Porte, and not one similar to the Vienna note, which, if carried into effect, would in fact only operate as a ruse, giving to Russia an opportunity of effecting those objects which all unnecessary delay and precaution can only aid and serve. (Hear, hear.) Although I shall not on an occasion like this, with so impor tant a discussion of the whole question before us, propose any alteration in the Address to her Majesty, I feel it to be my duty to express my conviction that the language held in this Address is not sufficiently expressive, is not sufficiently firm, and is not so explicit as, I think, the circumstances of the case require. (Cheers.) There is a timidity of tone, I think, in this Address which appears to me not only unwise but also unnecessary. (Cheers.) I think that if we still feel it our duty to support her Majesty's Government in that attempt at negotiation which they may not yet con sider altogether desperate —and I am sure there is no mem ber in this house that will blame her Majesty's Govern ment for still clinging to negotiations if they themselves have a conviction that there is still a chance of accomplish ing the desired end by such means—(hear, hear)—we must yet be convinced that the tone taken in the Speech and Address with regard to these transactions between the Ottoman Porte and Russia should have been of a higher character than that which seems to pervade the documents before us. (Hear, hear.) Sir, I cannot say, with regard to our foreign relations, that the language of this Address is in other respects altogether satisfactory. We hear—and I, for one, hear with pleasure—of the cordial co-operation of her Majesty with the Emperor of the French. I cannot fail, sir, to remember, though I have no inclination to dwell upon the circumstance at this moment, that little more than twelve months ago I felt it my duty to call the attention of the house to the relations that then were sub sisting between this country and France. I thought it my duty to attempt to call the attention of Parliament and of the country to certain expressions and certain conduct of eminent personages who, from their abilities and their sta tion, were able to influence public , opinion—which expres sions I was convinced had a tendency to weaken that good feeling between England and France which, under all cir cumstances, should be cherished, but which, under the then and present aspect of affairs, was doubly desirable and important. (Hear, bear.) I remember that I was told then that my observations were factious observations ; but I appeal for my vindication to the language which is now held in her Majesty's Speech. (Hear, hear.) lam grati fied to find that her Majesty is in cordial co-operation with the Emperor of the French ; and I have no wish, or need, to say any more upon that subject. But, sir, there is a suspicious omission in this Speech, which I think the house ought to notice. Her Majesty is in cordial co-operation 'with the Emperor of the French ; but so far as the Speech from the Throne is concerned, and so far as our Address in answer to that gracious Speech is concerned, there is not the clear and manifest evidence that I for one could have desired—that her Majesty is in cordial co-operation with other powers of very great interest and importance in this question. (Hear, hear.) I wish we could be assured by the noble lord opposite that there is no ground for any suspi cion of that kind. A statement to that effect wouldjbe very satisfactory to the house and the country. I should hope that upon this question her Majesty is not only acting in cordial co-operation with the Emperor of the French, but also with the Emperor of Austria and with the King of Prussia---(cheers)—and if her Majesty is in so satisfactory a position, then I think the language of the Speech and the Address should have been of a bolder and firmer character and one more calculated to cheer the heart of the country at a moment when it may be entering into a trial of so se vere a character. Sir, the whole manner indeed, in which our foreign relations are treated in the Speech from the Throne is very peculiar. One would suppose, for example, that in consequence of the absorbing interest of this unfor tunate struggle between the Porte and Russia, all conside ration for other great Powers and for other allies of her Majesty was entirely overlooked and forgotten. I observed the other day that, in that part of the address of the President of the United States in which he touches on the external relations of the great Republic, he particularly no tices that there are three great questions of policy connected with the Government of Great Britain which are yet unsettled. Now, sir, it does not appear to me that it would have been an unusual, an unwise, or an unreasona ble thin g if there had been some reference in her Majesty's speech on this occasion to those three unsettled questions of foreign Policy with the United States, to which the President had so particularly and so formally referred. (Hear.) There have also been other incidents connected with our foreign affairs, not unworthy I think of being noticed in an Address to her Majesty or in a Speech from the Throne. I remem ber about two or three years ago one paragraph of her Ma jesty's speech informed the Parliament that a treaty had been effected with the State of Equador for the abolition of the slave trade. There were a great many gentlemen in the house—not, Ithink, much to their discredit—who were not quite aware where the state of Equador was (a laugh) —but the paragraph which the noble lord the Secretary for the Home Department, who was then Foreign Secretary, contributed to the Speech from the throneon that occasion was the important announcement of a treaty having been successfully negotiated and ratified by her Majesty for the abolition of the slave trade in the state of Equador. Now sir, there have been treaties this year of still more import ance than that with the state of Equador, negotiated and ratified by her Majesty, referring also to that part of the world, or at least that quarter of theglobe; treaties in which the mercantile interestsof this country are interested, in the successful accomplishment of which they have taken great Pride, and which I believe are of more real value than many diplomatic arrangements of greater pretensions. Why, is there not that important treaty which has opened. to us she navigation of all the great rivers of South Ame rica? (Cheers.) If you want to know what is the opinion of the merchants of England of the importance of that treaty, go to the Royal Exchange, go to Liverpool, and there you will hear men, whose opinions ought to influence the House of Commons. Speak of that successful diplo matic arrangement as not inferior, at all events to the Vienna note. Why was that not noticed in her Majesty's Speech ? Why was not the house and the great mercantile community of Great Britain gratified by an announcement in her Majesty's Speech of that important treaty having been concluded ? I will not believe for a moment that it was because the negotiations had been mainly carried on, and the policy had been entirely recommended, by the predecessors of the present Ministry. That I cannot for a moment believe ; but no one will deny that it is a most important a rrangement—no one will deny that it is highly appreciated in this country—and allow me, sir, to tell the house — allow me to impress upon the merchants of our great manufacturing and commercial towns that they ought to be very thankful that that important treaty was success fully concluded; because, unless I am misinformed, when the despatch of the distinguished officer who uns letiu ccessfullf hisy ne gotiated that treaty, announcing the completion o mis p sion, was transmitted to this country, it crossed instruc tions coming from the Secretary of Stateat home, recalling him from his post, an a nd telling him no longer to wasteen terpr the tless i public time and money upon so frui (Cheers.) Now, sir, having obtained such a success under such hazardous circumstances, I think that it is an addi tional reason why we shoul d have been informed ssfully in her Majesty's Speech of such a t reat y having been su concluded. (Hear.) Sir, I shall not, as I have already said, attempt to touch upon th e important question which probably will soon engage all our consideration. I am per fectly prepared to give her Majesty's Ministers credit for the most sincere desire to avert from this co untr y the great calamity of war. (Cheers.) That is an admission which I am sure requires no affectation of candour on any man's part to make. It must be so clearly their interest as well as their duty to maintain peace, that I am certain now no considerations but those of that paramount cha racter which should influence statesmen will ever induce them to take a step so vast in its character, and so enormous in its results. (Hear, hear.) But, Sir, although I am ready to give them that credit I shall expect to find —and I am sure every member of the house will agree with me in this—that they have been the faithful guar dians of the honour of the country. (Cheers.) I say the faithful guardians of the honour of the country, because I cannot dissever the idea of the honour of the country from the interests of the country. I utterly deny that in this great question, which concerns the balance of power in the East—which, I think, has been unwisely sneered at to-night—l deny that there is what has been called a sen timental portion and a political portion. I deny that there are things which are impolitic to be done, but which our honour requires us to accomplish. I say, on the contrary, that in every instance it can be made manifest that what our honour requires us to do you will find the interest of the State sternly demands. (Hear.) If there is one thing more than another which, notwithstanding the gloomy prospects of the country on this important matter, still in clines me to hope that there is some chance of an honour able peace—it is the ample means which her Majesty's ministers have provided for the occupation of the time of Tarliament at the very commencement of the session. (Hear and laughter.) I can hardly conceive that a body of men who are about to embark in —I will not say a great European struggle —though that is the common phrase — which in fact is not on l y a European question, but an Asiatic question—which in fact may stretch into a third 'quarter of the globe, for Russia has not only European an d Asiatic but American territories --I say I c conceive that a body of statesmen, who Wiwi() that we are about to =bark in such a conflict, who aro preparing to meet such an awful conjuncture, such an indefinite combina tion which they must be prepared to encounter under such circumstances--I cannot believe that any body of statesmen so placed would have asked us not only to reform the whole of our civil service, not only to reform the ecclesiastical courts, not only to: reform the poor law, but even to reform the House of Commons. (Cheers and laughter.) Sir, I came down here to-day with the sane fear as many of us had, of some awful disclo sures, of some terrible announcements that were about to be made to us. I thought , we were to make war with the Emperor of Russia. I find we are only to make war upon ourselves. (Laughter.) I agree with my honourable friend the member for Liverpool (Mr. Liddell) in the abstract ob servations he made as to the very inopportune season in which the Government is about to bring forward their measure of Parliamentary reform. Certainly if we are about to go to war, when all the energies of the nation should be collected and absorbed in a struggle which con cerns so nearly our honour and our interests, it appears to me in the hthest degree unwise and unstatesmanlike that we should dissipate our energies—that we should di vert our feelings to another quarter, and to a question of an entirely different charrcter. In the general and ab stract character of his observations therefore I agree with my honourable friend the member for Liverpool. I agree with him that a period of war is not favourable to the ar rangement of a great commercial change. But I cannot agree with my honourable friend the member for Liver pool that his observations apply to the position of the pre sent Government. Think that the present Government have done only that which they ought to have demo in meeting this question of Parliamentary reform. Let us look at relations of the Government to that question. We have had two Prime Ministers, both of them members of the present Cabinet, who have formed their Admini strations on the principle of the necesity of such a change —that being their great political dogma. We have them maintaining the same opinions and taking the same course under circumstances of various kinds. When two Prime Ministers have given their opinions on a subject of great public policy—one which ought to engage public attention —and when they have announced a measure with respect to it, I feel that it is utterly impossible that such a ques tion can be laid aside. The noble lord, three or four years ago, after anxious meditation on the subject, came down to this house, and not only gave his opinion that there should be a measure of Parliamentary reform, but in the year after he produced such a measure, he being then the Prime Minister of the country. Little more than a year ago a colleague of the noble lord, now Prime Minister, formed his Administration on the clear understanding that there should be a large measure of Parliamentary re form • and we know that another memb er of the Cabinet, a distinguished colleague of the two noble lords, made Par liamentary reform the condition of his accepting office. It is clear, therefore, whether we have regard to the public character, or to our belief in the political truth of the statesmen who have taken this decided and matured course we cannot believe—not because I believe it is inconvenient to them to felfil the most solemn pledges of their public life, but because I believe it will be felt as inconvenient by their followers and partisans—that they will now take a different course, and maintain that the principle which they have so repeatedly, formally, and politically recom mended, is one that is unwise and impolitic to be pursued. They cannot avow that but at the expense of all their sa gacity as public men—with the confession of how little prescience that they have foreseen what was required for the honour and the interests of the country—if they now come forward and say—" True, four years ago I announced Parliamentary reform on the principle on which my Go vernment was to be carried on — true , the year after I brought forward a highly finished and comprehensive mea sure in unison with that declaration—true, that I quitted office and, on unexpectedly returning to it, I renewed all the pledges and repeated all the recommendations which I had given to Parliament and to the country—true, that I am now acting with those who more formally and solemnly reiterated the same declaration," and, having placed themselves in this situation I ask what will be thought of them as statesmen and men of sagacity if they now come forward and say, 'We spoke idly—we thoughtlessly gave in to the cry of the day—we meant little, though we said much—(cheers)—we agitated the public mind by holding out to them fallacious hopes ; but now we are placed in a grave and responsible position—some of our own followers do not agree with us ; and, even at the risk of destroying our character as public men for ever, we now tell you that Parliamentary reform is not necessary—that it is not de sirable to consider the question, much less to legislate upon it ; and that there should be a tabula rosa of all those principles on which two eminent statesmen founded their declarations and formed their Governments. But it may be said, and has been said to-night by my hon. friend the member for Liverpool, " Look at the case of Mr. Pitt." Mr. Pitt was a great statesman, though a young man—he was pledged to Parliamentary reform at least as much as those men who, though eminent, yet they will forgive me for saying, are not so eminent as Mr. Pitt. Mr. Pitt was pressed with a foreign war before he had fulfilled his pledges with respect to Parliamentary reform ; and though I believe he was quite sincere in first making them, yet, in the consequences which followed, he discarded them. Bat I venture to remark that that illustrious in stance will not apply to the present advisers of the Crown. It was only last year that the present Administration was formed on the principle of a large measure of Parliament ary reform. It is a very short time since the noble lord chose to renew and to reiterate all the pledges, and to repeat all the measures on this most important sub ject, which he had previously expressed to the coun try, and he was wise in so doing. But look at the circumstances of the case. You—l do not say the noble lord—l know that he will not attempt to excuse himself—l speak to his friends who wish to find an excuse for him—you are about to embark in a war which, in your opinion, ought to change your views of pressing a measure of Parliamentary reform. But you thought of Parliamentary reform last year. Were you not then in danger of a war— nay, of worse than a war—were you not in danger of invasion ? Yes, it was then that you founded your Government on this principle, and you ap pealed to the electors on this very ground of Parliamentary reform ; and yet at that time you thought, not only war was impending, but that invasion was immediate, instant, and urgent, was the doom of this country. (Cries of " Oh, oh.") Why is it not notorious ? Ido not wish to dwell upon the topic ; I passed it over lightly, but their was one Cabinet Minister who, the moment he was appointed, left the Cesbeeet ceeseen, and went- down to the huetings, where he told the people that we were not only to be in vaded, but invaded in a peculiar way—by bodies of about 10,000 men, who, without any previous notice, were pirati cally to be thrown upon our shores. Did he not say to them, how are you to answer for your wives and daughters under these circumstances? (Laughter.) This is the posi tion of the Government of which I am a member ; we are about to take steps to protect you, and not only to protect you, but to give you a measure of Parliamentary reform. (Laughter and cheers.) I think, therefore, the house will agree with me that there is no possible excuse for the noble lord, or the right honourable gentleman, or the Prime Minister who founds his Government on a large measure of Parliamentary reform, in the circumstances of the case as they read circumstances—to evade their solemn pledge. Do I suppose that the noble lord contemplates evading his pledge ? I know that he will honestly attempt , to fulfil-it. Ido not speak of the noble lord or of his col leagues, but I speak of the devoted and ingenious friends of the noble lord who are so interested in his position that they are quite willing that he should retain it at the ex pense of his personal honour and his political sagacity. I dare say that on the 13th of next month we shall have that large measure of Parliamentary reform which has been so long promised introduced to our notice. I say that the present Ministry, in the present circumstances of the country, have no excuse for not introducing a large measure of Parlianientary reform. It may be unwise that Parliamentary reform should be introduced under any circumstances ; it may be madness to introduce it under the present circumstances ; but the present Ministers must bring in a large measure of Parliamentary reform. (Cheers.) When that large measure of Parliamentary reform is proposed to us, I and my friends after di gesting it, as we shall digest the blue-books —(laughter) — will take leave to offer our humble opinions upon it. And here I must be permitted to say at the outset, that I entirely protest against the adroit arrangement which would of necessity connect a measure for the purification of the Parliamentary constituency with a measure for a reconstruction of our electoral system. (Cheers.) I hold that there is no necessary connection whateverbetween them. We all know that long before the great measure of 1832, in all cases of delinquent boroughs, where boroughs were proved guilty of organised and absolute corruption, you disfranchised them, and gave the seats thus vacated to other constituencies. That happened frequently before the bill of 1832, but you gave those seats to other electoral bodies formed on the known principles of the constitution. You took the seats from the places so punished, and you gave them to other bodies ; but whether you gave them to c ounties, or enlarged the area of the boroughs themselves, you still conferred the right of sending members to Parlia ment upon constituencies framed in the recognised spirit and in the ancient forms of the constitution. (Hear, hear.) I shall be as ready as any man in this house to support the most comprehensive and the most stringent measures to put an end to bribery and corruption. (Cheers.) Ido not say, indeed, that any-than can intro duce a measure that will of itself put an end to bribery and corruption. I know that, for that end, you must look to influences higher than mere Acts of Parliament. You have put an end to the vice in classes higher than the constituent body, not by Acts of Parliament merely, but by giving them a higher tone of feelings by educating the minds of those classes, by evoking in them a sense of pub lic duty, and by a system which cherished and cultivated a feeling of self-respect. The same in fluence which pre vents judges and statesmen, and members of this house, from being bribed, and flagrantly bribed, will in time, if it be cherished, beneficially act upon constituent bodies too. But I also agree that by legislative measures we may do something to check bribery and corruption, and I will support any law, however stringent, which is at the same time wise and practical for that purpose. It may be in the recollection of my honourable friends that only last session I introduced a measure, in conjunction with my right honourable friend the member for Midhurst, for this• very purpose. I must here repeat what I have often stated, that there is no class in the country less interested in bribery and corruption than the landed proprietors. BstintbuetrYes facolardloccoa influenception ; and an in d flu th e o n s c e es w w h h o ic h h a a v r e e grsuebat prdl local influence are exactly the class who ought to look w ith the greatest jealousy on every measure which n would en e e substitutewhich theyillegitimate mayproudly y influencesexerei exercise. that local oncoatl say that there is not an instance where local influence has not been abused, as everything has been abused ; but there is no class who have less abused the exercise of their local influence than the landed proprietors on both sides of the house. (Cheers.) Local influence has its source in the spirit of neighbourhood, in the principles of good feeling and kindness ; and those influences are sufficient to place them in their eminent position without having recourse to those influences which were originally directed against themselves, and from which, from the days of Sir Robert Walpole to the present, they have been the greatest suf ferers. (Cheers.) I say, then, in the first place, that I will not connect a measure efficiently to check bribery and corruption with a measure for the reconstruction of the electoral bcdy. There is no necessary connection between the two subjects ; they are put together to confuse our ideas, and to prevent us from seeing those measures which ought to accompany them. We have been told that re cent experience has shown how necessary it is to take effi cient precautions against the evils of bribery and corrupt practices at elections. But why are we to limit our exer tions to bribery and corruption only? Why is intimida tion to be passed over ? (Cheers and counter-cheers.) I want that question to be answered. Great complaints have reached me as to intimidation at elections. I have had many cases brought before me of intimidation —I will not inquire now in which kingdom they took place. (Hear.) But if we are in the spirit of purity, to put down bribery and corruption, I protest beforehand against this limita tion of our labours, and I would suggesq, the introduction of the word "intimidation." Ido not mean formally to move it—(laughter)—but I make the suggestion to the noble mover, and I trust he may avail himself of it. I shall for a moment suppose that we have a large measure of Parliamentary reform before us, and that it ii not COW • ' , - . - ' E SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 1, 1854. Prince so near the throne ; but, recollect, lam now speak ing in defence of one who has been injured by anony mous slander—(hear, hear) —and this is the first opportu nity on which he has authorised any communication to be made in reply to those slanders. (Hear, hear.) His Royal Highness, therefore, continued in this position, giving advice to her Majesty when it was expedient to do so, and stating to her his opinion when he thought assistance was necessary, but the most constitutional deference was paid to the advice of the Ministers—(hear, hear)—and be it ob served, that though it may have been the case during the reigg of the House of Hanover that Ministers may have been obliged to resign because they could not agree to something which the Sovereign proposed, or because they were willing to propose advice that was not acceptable to the Sovereign, the administrations of the Queen have always ceased in con sequence of a vote of this house. (Cheers.) Well, sir, during my administration there occurred a case in which his Royal Highness had to consider his position, and to determine what he should do with respect to a proposal that was made. (Hear.) I had some correspondence with the Duke of Wel lington at a time when the office of adjutant-general was vacant. The Duke of Wellington went to Windsor, and he there informed Prince Albert that it was his opinion that it would be of great advantage to the army if after his death his Royal Highness were placed by her Majesty in the po sition of Commander-in-Chief. His grace said that he had thought much upon it—that all his feelings and wishes were for the good administration of the army—that the army peculiarly belonged to the Crown—and that he did net think its interest would in any way be so well cared for, as by Prince Albert consenting to be his successor. (Hear, hear.) He said he wished to have a decision upon the subject, because he would make such arrangements with respect to the office of adjutant-general and other offices at the Horse Guards as would give his Royal High ness all the assistance that he could give him. (Hear, hear.) Prince Albert could not but feel that it was a very great compliment to be told by the Duke of Wellington that he was a fit person to succeed him in the command of the army, but after some reflection he informed the Duke of Wellington that he considered that his place was to be always near the Queen—(cheers)—that he thought he ought to identify himself with the Queen— with her position and with her interests—and that he would depart from that po sition if he had any separate office of his own, more espe cially an office of the importance of Commander-in-Chief, and thereby became responsible for other duties, and for the exercise of other powers beyond those which her Ma jesty had to exercise or perform. (Hear, hear.) Imme diately after having given that an s w er, I had the honour of an interview with his Royal Highness, when he read the letter he had written to the duke, and it appeared to me, and I immediately expressed my opinion, that his Royal Highness had judged most rightly—(hear, hear), — and that he had exactly viewed his own position. (Hear.) I think there were other reasons why his Royal Highuess should not take the office of commander-in-chief ; it is quite unnecessary to state those. reasons—those which his Royal Highness himself stated were quite sufficient, and they showed that, while he considered that he ought not to be commander-in-chief, he likewise considered that, 'when ever he could be of any aid or assistance to the Queen — whatever difficulty she might feel—whatever decision she might have come to—he was bound to give the whale of his intelligence, and zeal, and wisdom to the considera tion of that question. (Hear, hear.) I regret that there should be charges made against his Royal Highness. (Cheers.) Many of them are too frivolous to notice ; many of them are mere stories, which disappear the next day ; but having explained now the general constitutional position of the Prince—a position of the greatest import ance—l shall mention with regard to two different branches of the public service the sort of charges that have been made. (Hear, hear.) With respect to the army, in par ticular, it has been said that his Royal Highness is in the habit of constaatly interfering. Now, I would say that when the Dukr of Wellington acquiesced in the decision of the Prince, he said at the same time that as it was not likely that the Queen would again personally enter into details of the military service, he hoped his Royal High ness would always give his attention to anything that af fected the state aid efficiency of the army. This his Royal Highness has done with regard to any general question which he thought affected that state and efficiency. (Hear, hear, hear.) With regard to the ordinary business of the Horse Guards, he has never in any way interfered ; with respect to patronage, he has never at all interfered—(hear, hear)—and I think the house will agree that, having had this request from the Duke of Wellington, and seeing that it was not likely that her Majesty would attend to those points which the Kings, her predecessors, had attended to, it is but right that his Royal Highness, with respect to general questions that might effect the army, should pay attention to those questions. (Hear, hear.) Sir, it so happens tkat a short time ago a circumstance occurred which was so perverted that I must take the liberty of stating what were the real facts of the case. The adjutant general and quarter-master-general are appointed by the Sovereign, and not by the commander-in-chief. But the Sovereign, as it may be supposed, usually takes the advice of the commander-in-chief in making those appointments. A difference of opinion occurred between Lord Hardinge and Sir George Brown with respect to the weight that the soldier should carry, and with regard to other points of military detail and arrangement. Sir George Brown, whose correspondence has been shown to me by Lord Hardinge, wrote a letter in exceedingly suitable terms, saying that as there was a considerable difference between Lord Hardinge and himself, and as his own opinion, formed upon what he had heard from the Duke of Wellington, was unshaken, he thought it was better that he should resign the office of adjutant-general, and he, therefore, begged Lord Har dinge to place his resignation before the Queen. Now, it has been represented that this resigna tion was somehow produced by the interference of Prince Albert. That story is totally false. It arose entirely from the difference of opinion I have stated. Lord Hardinge immediately laid Sir George Brown's resignation before her Majesty, and reeommended that Sir George Cathcart should be appointed the successor to Sir George Brown, as he considered him a very distinguished officer, and of an age that would enable him to perform actively the duties of that situation. Her Majesty acquiesced in the advice that Lord Hardinge gave, but she said she hoped that General Wetherell, who was next in that office of adjutant-general to Sir George Brown, would meet with every consideration from Lord Hardinge. Now, it should be mentioned that General Wetherell was the son of one who was in constant attendance upon the Duke of Kent, and I am sure that the house will not think it wrong that her Majesty—recollecting the services of General Wetherelrs father to her father — should wish that every consideration and kindness should be shown to that distinguished officer. Lord Har dinge said that he was quite ready to pay every conside ration to the merits of General Wetherell, that he thought very highly of them himself, that he performed his duties in Canada very well, but that ho (Lord Har dingo) did not think he would be so efficient au adjutant general as Sir George Cathcart; that ho was, however, quite ready to propose some method by which it should be shown that no disapprobation was shown towards General Wetherell. Upon this an equerry of her Majesty, who was likewise in attendance upon his Royal Highness, came to London to express to General Wetherell the Queen's sense of his services, and that it was not from any s li g ht to him that she had taken the advice of Lord Hardinge,, General Wetherell, as mi ; ht be expected, expressed his grateful sense of this mark of her Majesty's condescension and kindness, and made no complaint of the appointment which was made to the office of adjutant-general. Pre sently, however, it was said that General Brown had been spoken to by Lord Hardinge, and had said—but perhaps I had better read the letter in which this assertion is con tained ceeded with the Parliamentary reform. (Cheers.) But I do not think the precedent is applicable to the present time. If it were so, indeed, it would be no slight post ponement of the question of reform, because that reform which Mr. Pitt postponed in 1793 was not adopted by Par liament until nearly forty years afterwards, and I certainly cannot consent to postpone reform for that length of time. (Hear, hear.) But, sir, it is to be considered whether the excuse was a good or a bad one. What Mr. Pitt was engaged in resisting, or counteracting, was the spirit of republicanism and democracy, and he thought it unwise to allow that spirit to display itself by supporting any measure of Parliamentary reform. (Hear, hear.) That was, in fact, the tendency, spirit, and object of his war. At pre sent we are in a totally different position. Whatever complaint we may have to make of the Emperor of Russia, it is not •that which Mr. Pitt made, namely, that he is engaged in supporting the pestilent doctrines of democracy abroad. (Hear, hear.) We cannot say that the 'Emperor of Russia has issued any decree of fraternisation by which he hopes to support republicanism. (Hear, hoar.) There is, therefore, no likeness between the cases, but I own. for my part, I do not agree in the cogency of the argument, even without the precedent which my hon. friend (if he will allow me so to call him) the hon. member for Liver pool has used. It does not appear to me that this is at all an unfit or improper time for introducing the ques tion of Parliamentary reform. (Hear.) I know to those who do not like the measure a fit time is always wanting. Mr. Wyndham, who was a great master of illustration and delusion, when a measure was introduced in a time of public quiet and peace, said, " You are like the man in the Spectator, who had every symptom of the gout except the pain (laughter) ; you are going to deal with a disease that causes you no inconvenience." Times changed, and there was a vast deal of commotion, and agitation, and excite ment, and Mr. Wyndham still opposed reform ' saying " Surely you will not repair your house in the hunting season." (Laughter.) On both occasions he was ready with an illustration, and so it is with many of these who now say that this is not the time to introduce a measure of Parliamentary reform. I cannot but refer to a pledge which 1 gave on this subject in the year 1848, a time evi dently when a great democratic revolution was flying through Europe. I thought when the honourable member for Montrose then proposed a measure of reform that it was not advisable to introduce a measure of that kind at that period. I said " Although I cannot concur with your pro posal at this time, or with the exact grounds of your pro posal at any time, yet my opinion is that when this fit has passed away, and when Europe shall be tranquil, so far as regards those democratic movements, that will be the time to consider further improvements in our representative system." I cannot think that there is any danger in discus sing the question of reform during the excitement of a foreign war, but the time that really is dangerous for such a discussion is the time of great popular excitement and dis sension at home. (Hear.) It is said there is no feeling on the subject—that there is a complete apathy about reform. If that be the case, is it not the proper time to discuss the question of reform? (Hear.) Lest in the course of war there should be times and periotis of distress, when the people should become excited, and large meetings should be assembled in every town , p artl y crying out more wages and cheaper food, and partly crying out for an in crease of political power—is it not wise to forestall any demand of that sort? (Hear.) Supposing we have the calamity of war, and have with it the necessity for in creasing the public burdens, is it not a fitting time to en large the privileges of the people when you are imposing upon them fresh taxes (hear), so that the House of Com mons, in imposing taxes upon the people, may, as far as possible, impose them upon those who have elected them ? (Hear.) When the bill shall be introduced, the right hon. gentleman opposite will have an opportunity of making his criticisms upon its character. I own the right hon. gentleman somewhat surprised me. After saying that it was unwise to introduce a reform bill at the present time, he ended by suggesting that perhaps he should have a reform bill of his own. (Laughter.) If that is in troduced, I shall listen to the righthonourable gentleman's proposal, and see if we can borrow anything from the stile —(a laugh)—which he has no doubt given to his bill. (Hear, hear.) I remember about two years ago, when the right hon. gentleman held the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer, he spoke then of the expediency and propriety of giving the franchise to the working men. (Hear, hear.) That was his doctrine at that time, and we shall see when this bill is .introduced whether he has departed from or maintained that doctrine. (Hear.) After having stated generally the views which I entertain with regard to the several topics of the Address, I have to call the attention of the house to a subject of very great importance, but one in speaking of which I hope I may not overpass the bounds of due discretion. (Hear, hear.) I rejoice that I have not been wrong in supposing that no member of this house would in any way adopt or countenance the calumnies that have been spread abroad with respect to a royal per sonage (loud cries of hear, hear, and cheers) the Prince Consort. (Hear, hear.) And, sir, if those calum nies were like ordinary calumnies, I might be disposed to leave them without notice topass away in the course of time ; but they affect so much the highest interest of the State, and there has been so much of honest delusion, as well as of violent calumny, that I do feel it is necessary to make some statement with regard to the position of that illustrious Prince. (Hear, hear.) I may just say , tha t while the charge is generally one of unconstitutional inter ference on the part of his Royal Highness, it is generally admitted—admitted throughout the country, and by all parties, that there never was a Sovereign who has acted more strictly than her Majesty in the spirit of the consti tution and in the exercise of her high prerogative. (Loud cheers.) Her Majesty has accep ted the Ministers whom she found were approved of b y the House of Commons, and she has given them her whole and entire confidence. (Hear, hear) On her accession she found Lord Melbourne Prime Minister, and he had her entire confidence. (Hear, hear.) Lord Melbourne was succeeded by Sir Robert Peel, 1 and Sir Robert Peel had the entire confidence of her Ma jesty. (Hear, hear.) It was my destiny to succeed Sir Robert Peel, and during more than five years, in which I held the honourable position which I then held, I can say most truly that I received from her Majesty every support—(cheers)—and every mark of confidence that a Minister could expect. (Cheers.) I cannot but express towards her Majesty my gratitude for the kindness with which I was treated, and for the attention with which all my representations were listened to by her Majesty. (Cheers.) Well, then, is it not strange that it should be said—is it not incredible that her M a j est y , durin g a great Pari-ofth"--f-imaro‘-nla have lies consort by her side, and that while the whole of the conduct of her anvernmeut has been most constitutional, it should be possible that the Prince Consort during that time should have been acting in an unconstitutional manner. (Hear, hear.) There is something absurd and contradictory on the face of it— (cheers) —but Ido feel it is necessary, owing to the honest delusion which I have said has prevailed, to enter some what into what is the position (not much defined in any of tbo law books or by precedents) of a Prince Consort in this country. (Hear, hear.) When her Majesty came to the throne, being then only eighteen years of age, and of course inexperienced, Lord Melbourne considered what it became him to do when her Majesty was pleased to say that he should continue in the post of First Lord of the Treasury. (Hear, hear.) It seemed to Lord Melbourne that it was his duty to advise her Majesty on all subjects with regard to matters of domestic interest - with regard to the arrangements of the palace, as well as to perform the ordinary duties of Prime Minister. (Hear, hear.) But, doubtful as to whether he had come to a right opi nion, he resorted for advice to the highest authority he could obtain ; he went to the Duke of Wellington. (Cheers) The Duke of Wellington entirely agreed with him, and said that if he held the office of Prime Minister, he would take exactly the course that Lord Melbourne had pointed out. (Cheers.) Three years after her Majesty's accession her Majesty espoused Prince Albert, the present Prince Consort. The position in which Prince Albert should stand was likewise a matter for'consideration. He was, as the house knows, naturalised by Parliament, and naturalised in such a manner that he could be a member of the Privy Council. (Hear.) Some doubts have been stated on this subject, but anybody who looks into the subject will see that he was not only enabled but fully authorised to sit in the Privy Council. (Hear, hear.) Lord Melbourne asked nie what was my opinion as to the course that should be pursued with respectto the despatches that shoul l arrive, and all the secret communications of the Minister ; I said that I had no doubt whatever that her Majesty should communicate them as she thought fit to the Prince-Consort—(cheers) —and that I did not think, in his relation Majesty, it would be fair to have any concealment (Loud cries of hear, hear, a nd c from recollection, and do not very whether Lord Melbourne at that distinctlyheers . oo ) In h r e a the mrecollect, c onll oetcts,sure r subject. e time mentioned the subject, but I am sure that Lord Mel bourne and I‘ thought it our duty to advise that that should be the conduct with regard to public despatches add communications. (Hear.) I think that any other ad vice would be foolish and unbecoming. (Cheers.) It could Prince, after his marriage, should A i l n a f j orma y tio ( n from the news that hea—and notdiscub he sh ould sh ouldp übliu blic hap pen e ov t ne h lu a yt t sg t wa h ti e ht her his papers or public statements, while her Majesty had all the despatches and official information before her, would not only be an absurdity, but it would be impracticable. (Cheers.' Well, then, sir, such being the position of the Prince, it is quite evident that there is no truth whatever in the colour which has been attempted to be placed upon his Royal Highness's relation to her Majesty in e this re spect, on nt he statement that Lord Melbourne constitu tionally debarred the Prince from a knowledge of those State affairs, and that Sir Robert Peel was the first person who introduced the practice. (Rear, hear.) Why, sir, I believe it is true, that in Sir Robert Peel's time, it first happened that his Royal Highness was present during the interview with Ministers, but the house will at once see, that if his Royal Highness, according to the advice of Lord Melbourne, was informed of all that was going on, and knew as well as her Majesty all that was taking place, his mere introduction into the closet when the Ministers had their communications with her Majesty, was merely a con venience, and es tablished nothing beyond the principle that had been adopted. (Hear, hear.) If the Prince had not been present when the Ministers were with her Majesty, her Majesty would have communicated with him. That would be a circuitous report of what the Ministers had said, and would be a less convenient mode of proceeding than if his Royal Highness had been present ; for in the one case, as in the other, his Royal High ness h av ing, I need hardly say, the intellect—(cheers)—the information, and the general knowledge—(h e ar, hear)—which belong 1 0 him, it would have been quite impossible that her Majesty would not have spoken to him on every matter of great importance that would arise. (Hear, hear.) lam now speaking generally of their relations, without any refer ence to the constitutional relations which subsist between the Sovereign and her Ministers, because, as I have stated at the commencement, there has never been any com plaint that those relations have not been properly recog nised. (Hear, hear.) It was Lord Melbourne and I who advised it, and we thought we were acting entirely and in the spirit of the constitution in giving that advice, that his Royal Highness should b ar, e fully informeddid LordM with respecel t to all that had passed. ( hear.) But bourne consider that there was no advantage in her Ma jesty taking that counsel. (Hear, hear.) Be it remembered that he had taken upon himself on her accession, during the youth of the Queen, to give her advice upon every sub ject. At the time that Sir Robe r taeel assumed the reins of Government her Majesty been already mar ried. It was in the beginning of September, 1841; and on the 30th of August in that year Lord Melbourne wrote in those terms to her Majesty— " Lord Melbourne cannot satisfy himself without again stating to your Majesty in writing, what he bad the honour of saying to your Majesty respecting his Royal Highness the Prince. Lord Melbourne has formed the highest o pinion of his Royal Highness's judgment, temper, and discretion, and he cannot but feel a great consolation and security in the reflection, that he leaves your Majesty in a situation in which y our Majesty has the inestimable advantage of such advice and assist ance. Lord Melbourne feels certain that your Majesty cannot do better than to have recourse to it when it is needed, and to rely upon it with confidence." That was the opinion which Lord Melbourne had fofmed of his Royal Highness's ability, and I may say that no one who had any intercourse with his Royal Highness could form any other opinion —(hear, hear)—but must appreciate the judgment and the ability of this amiable prince. I should be sorry, without necessity, to refer to the affairs of " Great Stanhope-street, Jan. 20. " Lord Hardinge presents his compliments to Sir George Brown, and requests his attention to an article in the Morning Advertiser of the 18th of January, which des cribes Sir George Brown as having onion° occasion replied with great emphasis to Lord Hardinge that he was aware that he had. sworn allegiance to her Majesty, but that he could not recognise the authority of the Prince in any matter connected with his office at the Horse Guards. Lord Harding° desires to be informed whether, in the transaction of the official business of the Adjutant-Gene ral's department, any such conversation as that described ever took place between them ?" The reply to this letter was as follows : " 61, Eaton-square, Jan. 20. " Sir George Brown presents his compliments to Lord Hardinge, and in reply to his note this moment received, begs to assure his lordship thathe has no recollection what ever of ever having received orders from him as emanating, from Prince Albert, and that consequently he never could have expressed himself in the terms he is represented to have done in the article extracted from the Morning Ad vertiser, transmitted with his lordship's note." With regard to the other statements respecting the Horse Guards, the same contradiction could be given if it were worth while. I believe I have described accurately the state of the case, and of the relations which do exist between Prince Albert and the commander-in-chief. When the Duke of Wellington was commander-in-chief, these com munications were frequent. They have been less frequent of late, but they all relate to the general efficiency of the army. There is another subject, with respect to which a specific assertion was likewise made. It was said that upon questions of foreign policy, and more especially upon that Eastern question which at present absorbs to so great a de gree the attention of the country, Prince Albert had taken a course to thwart the advice of her Majesty's responsible Ministers, and that in the attempt so to thwart their ad vice he was in the habit of writing to foreign ministers on these subjects. Now, on that point I will read the following letter from the Earl of Westmoreland " TO THE EDITOR OF THE MORNING ADVERTISER. " Sir—my attention has been called this day to a para graph in the Morning Advertiser of the 14th inst., which states That if these noblemen (Lord Stratford de Red cliffe and Lord Westmoreland) were called on to state what has passed in writing between an illustrious personage and themselves, relative to the Eastern question, and to produce the correspondence, we have no'doubt that disclo sures would be made which would startle the people of England from their propriety:: " I lose no time in informing you that there is not the slightest foundation for the supposition therein contained. I have not had any c ommunication, directly or indirectly, with the illustrious personage' alluded to since I first came to Vienna. I never received a letter from the Prince containing one word upon politics, public men, or public affairs. The only letters with whiCh his Royal Highness has honoured me have related to matters of art and bene volence. "I feel satisfied that you will take an early opportunity of giving publicity to this contradiction of the report cir culated in your paper. " Your obedient servu.nt, "Vienna, Jan. 22, 1854." • " WESTMORELAND." Thus, whenever these allegations took a specific shape, it is obvious they could be at once contradicted, and that in a manner the most decided. His Royal Highness has never been in the habit of corresponding with foreign ministers. There was one instance, and I believe one only, in which it happened that a minister at a foreign Court wrote to him, undesired and unrequested by him, and his Royal High ness immediately sent the letter to the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and desired to know what answer he advised him to return. With respect to the Court of St. Petersburg, I believe that the only communications that have passed have been on matters of ordinar y courtesy and civility, and that is some time since that took place. On another occasion, when a near relation of her Majesty, 'being the representative of Austria at the Court of St. Petersburg, was afflicted by a dangerous illness, Sir Hamilton Seymour, our M inister at that Court, wrote repeated accounts from day to day of the healthous al of thata relation. I have thu s g one through th ileg gations quite .as far as it is proper and becominouse g that t I should do so. I need hardly appeal h consider, but I hop e that the country will consider, what must be the position of the Prince as relates to her Majesty. We have had two female sovereigns be fore, both of whose reigns were great and glorious in En glish history. Queen Elizabeth, no doubt, feeling that she would not like to divide her power, and that her mind and her fortitude 'and her ambition were fully equal to the conduct of all the affairs of this realm, never married as the house knows. Queen Anne was married to a prin ce of no very distinguished intelligence, and we all know that while the policy of Marlborough prevailed great victories were gained; but that, owing to a change of influence at C''.- .~r' _.,. s , , the palace, to one lady supplanting another, these victories gave place to the convention of Utrecht. Her present Majesty is in a different position to either of these sove reigns. Her Majesty is married to a prince of singular attainments, and their domestic life is as good an example to all the Queen's subjects as her constitutional conduct is a model for all sovereigns. (Cheers.) Would any man believe me if I were to say that, while thus united, the Queen never consulted with the Prince Consort—whose eminent qualifications I have described—with respect to affairs that nearly interest her Majesty, that interest her fortunes, and the fortunes of her crown, the welfare of her people, the happiness of her interior life, and her rela tions with many of those who are dear to her? No one would believe me if I made such an assertion. I say, then, that I hope in future there will be no delusion upon the sub ject. There is no harm in telling the wholetruth withregard to this matter ; in saying that her Majesty spathe Prince are inseparably united, and that with regard to public counsels as with regard to private affairs, they have no greater com fort than to communicate with one another. (Hear, hear.) And when the people of this, country, always just in the end, have reflected upon these matters, I think that the result of these calumnies, base a they are, and of these delusions, blind as they have been, will be to attach the people of this country still more strongly to the Queen of these realms, and to give a firmer and a stronger founda tion to the throne. (Loud cheers.) Mr. WALPOLE—Sir, I am sure that the house and the country aro indebted to the noble lord for the manly, honourable, and able manner id which ho has vindicated the Prince Consort from charges as calumnious and, in my opinion, as extravagant as ever were urged against any man, It would be presumption in me to add much to the state ment of the noble lord ; for, with regard to the specific charges brought against that illstrious personage, they are disposed of completely; and, with regard to the constitu tional position occupied by his Royal Highness, I have no hesitation in saying publicly what I have often before ex pressed in private with reference to these calumnies—that I conceive there is, according to the constitution, not only no reason why every public and private matter should not be communicated to the Prince Consort by the Queen, but that it would be contrary to all good feeling to suppose that such communications should not take place. The only point which I wish to add to the statement of the noble lord is this I—the noble lord has assured the house that her Majesty the Queen has, according to the constitu tion, invariably reposed the utmost confidence in the ministers of her choice, beginning with Lord Melbourne, going on with Sir R. Peel, and ending with himself. I hope I may be allowed to supply the only omission in the noble lord's statement. On my honour, I positively assert, on behalf of Lord Derby and his colleagues, that the same confidence was as frankly and as fully confided to them by her Majesty. I will add no more on this point, because the noble lord has so completely disposed of the whole of this case. I will not be supposed to flatter the Prince ; but still less' will L from fear of stating what I believe - to be the truth, detract one iota from the high and just praise which the noble lora has given to the consort of the Queen, whose intelligence, capacity, and conduct since he has been in this country, entitle him to every possible respect and esteem from all her Majesty's subjects. (Hear.) Having disposed of that part of the speech of the noble lord, perhaps the house will allow me to recall its attention to the commencing passages of his speech. The part of his speech to which I refer related to our foreign policy.' In these passages the noble lord has to my mind supplied a great omission, which would otherwise have been remarked upon in the country, with respect to certain matters connected with Russia and Turkey. In the first place he has assured the house, and k think it will be satisfactory to the coun try to hear the assurance, that the last efforts at negotia tion which have been going on between this country and foreign powers have now brought the matter to an unani mous expression of opinion on the part of the four great powers, and as I understood the noble lord, with the assent of Turkey. (Hear.) I conclude he refers to what is called the collective note, which, to my mind, whatever may be my opinion of the former parts of the transaction, has put the matter on a proper basis—the vindication of the inde pendence and integrity of Turkey. Another satisfactory part of the noble lord's speech appeared to me that in which he supplied an omission in the Speech from the Throne. I mean the passage in which he referred to the disposition of the other powers. I understand from his statement, that we may now expect, if not as certain, at least as possible, that the Emperor of Austria and the King of Prussia are concurring or likely to concur, with France and England in the views they take on this question. That also was a communication which I was glad to hear from the noble lord. The noble lord made a third observation equally important, though I cannot agree with him on the conclusions which he drew from it. He told us that he thought it was not only not detrimental, but that it was advantageous to this country and to Europe to protract negotiations as long as possible, if by these protracted ne gotiations peace could be secured, and the interests of the parties were not in the meantime impaired. I hope the noble lord will forgive me for reminding him, in connection with this part of his speech, that it was while former nego tiations were going on that the Pruth was crossed, in order to obtain " a material guarantee for peace"—a new term, I believe, in European diplomacy. And we should not shut our eyes to the fact, that it was while these negotiations were proceeding that the principalities have been occupied, that contributions have been levied, and that martial law bas been proclaimed there. Now I agree with the noble lord that negotiations should be continued so long as there is a chance of peace being preserved, consistently with the security due to Turkey. And I hope that negotiations will not be continued if no better protection can be secured to Turkey than she has met with in the occupation of the principalities and the disaster of Sinape. (Hear, hear.) And now, sir, I cannot refrain from making a passing ob servation with reference to the remarks which fell from the noble lord on the subject of the Reform Bill. My right hon. friend (Mr. Disraeli) pointed out to the noble lord the extreme inconvenience of discussing a measure of this kind I which may give rise to great difference of opinion while we should be endeavouring to unite every person in this country, hand and heart, to stand by an ally unjustly at tacked, and to prevent any further injustice being wrought against Turkey. I think the observation of my hon. friend was a just one ; but at any rate I hope that the noble lora, on proposing his Reform Bill, will take the advice given him by my hon. friend in a previous observation—that he will not confound electoral purification with Parliamen tary reform or the reconstruction of the Commons House of Parliament ; and that in the bill to be introduced care will be taken not to give to any class in this country an undue share of the representation. In my opinion, the noble lord has hazarded a great deal in introducing this Reform Bill ; and I should have thought it would have been safer, notwithstanding the pledges which the Minis ters of the Crown have given to propose some reform, not to have proposed it in the present state of affairs. And I must say that I have considerable doubts, and always have entertained considerable doubts, as to whether any further reform in the representation of the people is either desired, or is likely to be bene ficial. Nay, more, I will go on and say that if you pro pose a reform bill, you must prove two propositions before you can expect the Parliament of this country to adopt it. One is, that you do not make any unnecessary changes, and that you do not make any unless you are convinced that there are grievances and abuses which cannot be re dressed without a material alteration in the constitution of the State. The second proposition is, that when you make that representative alteration, you do not by the change introduce greater evils than those that you propose to re form. But as I have already said, Ido not wish to anti cipate the discussion of this question. lam sure that when it is laid on the table of the house, it will have the consideration which it deserves ; but I frankly own that I neither think the time convenient for the proposition of such a measure, nor do I think that the measure its_lf is at all required. I most say that I doubt very much whe ther the constitution of the Commons House of Parliament will be improved by further tampering with the distribu tion of the franchise. (Hear, hear.) The Address was then agreed to. The SPEAKER informed the house that he had received from the Parliamentary agent a communication, stating that the petition against the return of the present members fq a the borough of Liverpool would not be further pro cesßed with. The house then adjourned at ten minutes before eleven I o'clock. Lg << ~, ~.. LAST _NIG:HT. _, - DON DOWNING-STREET, JAN. 30. The Queen has been pleased to appoint Anthony Nue grave, Esq., to be Colonial Secretary and Clerk of the Crown for the Island of Antigua. Her Majesty has also been pleased to make the following appointments for the Island of Malta, viz. :--Doctor Paolo Dingli, to be President of the Court of .A.ppe ; Doctor Antonio Micallef, to be one of her Majesty's Judges; and Doctor Adrian() Dingli, to be Crown Advo cate. THE MURDER AT ACTON. VERDICT OF THE JURY. Yesterday Mr. Wakely resumed, at the Goldsmiths' Arms, East Acton, the thrice adjourned inquiry touching the death of Richard Medhurst, aged 14, who was found murdered in a ditch in Friar's-lane. The facts of this barbarous case are so fresh upon tha public mind that they need no recapitulation. The inquiry was adjourned on the last occasion, in order that the coroner might apply to the Secretary of State for the production before the jury of a person named Wildbore, who had been arrested, charged with the murder ; but in consequence of the subsequent acquittal of that person by the police court, the coroner did not consider it necessary to apply to Lord Palmerston. It being expected that Mr. Wildbore would appear before the coroner yesterday, much excitement prevailed in the neighbourhood, and a number of persons collected outside the Goldsmiths' Arms, in the expectation of catching a glimpse of him. On the re-assembling of the jury, the summoning officer having, in answer to the coroner, said there was no fresh evidence forthcoming, the coroner, after making same cursory remarks as to the extraordinary nature of the case, proceeded to charge the jury. He said he felt that it would be useless to adjourn again, as, although he considered the guilty parties would be eventually discovered, yet that would not be in all probabi lity for some time to come. He hoped, in conclusion, that the police would use their utmost endeavours to dis cover the guilty parties, for it was a fearful an d fri g htful thing for the public to feel that their children could not go abroad without being kidnapped and used for some abominable purposes. Sergeant Earthy said the police were using their utmost endeavours to discover the guilty persons. The Coroner remarked that he was sure the perpetrators of the diabolical deed would not long escape the punish ment which their crime demanded. The jury then retired , and after a brief consultation, , returned a verdict of " Murder against some person or persons unknown." After the verdict had been recorded, Mr. Fairman , soli citor, of Bishop himself on behalf of and sa id thathis client was so down Mr. Wildbore, by the groundless c harge brought against him confined to a bed of illness, and was therefo re w h olly un able to attend the inquiry, al though he wast most anxious to have done so. But if the coroner would adjourn the investigation, Mr. Wildbore would be enabled to attend on a future day. The Coroner said that not a tittle of evidence implicating Mr.Wildbore had been adduced bet ore him. He thought th a t the police ought not to be too hasty in making an -ar rest, where the evidence was so slight against the accu , ecl. The jury fully acquiesced in the coroner's observations ; after which the witnesses were bound over in the usual recognizances to appear if rewired to prosecute in the m atter, and the inquiry terminated. SUMMAR, FOR DESTITUTE AND CRIMINAL CHILDREN.— A. memorial has been presented to Viscount Palmerston by a number of inhabitants of Hull, urging the necessity for immediate legislation to provide at the public ex pense, in all populous districts, industrial and reforma tory establishments, where all destitute and neglected children shall be educated and trained in useful habits, and where in a separate ward or establishment, and un der classification, those convicted of crime may he like wise trained until of an ago to earn their own subsist ence, the parents of all such children in the meantime being liable for the expenses incurred. The Duke and Duchess of Roxburgh have arrived at the Clarendon Hotel, Bond-street, from Brighton. Lord and Lady Falmouth have also arrived at the Clarendon, from Mereworth Castle, Maidstone. try th at s in the )een re' It ought that no ?.se war, sh war ? o advise , ought efficient whether ;mice, to d to part securing ht come vould be 3sistance on. But Sussed in as of the Id insist 3 eir ope- e discus• protest Govern reign po- ch, which :ch of the nium ga ed up by niquitoue no opp?- ddress In was pre- Govern. ession he people ent delay 'ennui of ion, with had given discrimi r capacity commerce n. (Hear.) live of the le was pre" isideration. the Speech moment , hick it WAS ieved at no had Parlia ravity, and nsequences , Lim to find. )rnment for night regret settlement ose colossal ious to pro' ;antic forces hear.) if f the house, the power time of the him to call to the con' ;o bring into r Archibald Lssian army?' 100 cavalr9l e to refer to ose, first, to ssia to bring be delay b 9 this countri `, they mei Hear, hear.) :I done ; but was nierell ed her Me' as even noir had fallen. disturb the 'dress moved s glad to see iced, but 11e Lat he cons - I the Royal ision to Ire' on. baronet e assurance. 'nod gentle on that her ure of land' )asis of their Ind learned r hesitate to ititled. Io great care, to the into' )f the right se of Lords, d he trusted rued gen tle ition of pro , legislation the Govern* intention to When the dom of men e marine of ble not only lent, but to .ess of ship' lerland we re [and having Lose of Nevi tion tended their s hip?. he Wear in essels in the ie inference give an im id to attract tend of the 11 called out r these ships natural pro he manage' lem in a pc , ' ar as ship ,tection had auspices of ierving tL e pire abroad, A well as an RILLIMORgo ion to which ussion with which now nment have le, is a very attempt in .me time it ty makes a pass unno• , sir, I nia9 1 prorogued d reason to nment wore 3s, and even Lry of State 30, the cha ild achieve u*e the pro ter that the -sy between d so much , was in fact mory of the but I think 4 1 on that Half WHITEHALL, JAN. 31. The Queen has been pleased to direct letters patent to be passed under the Great Seal of the United Kingdom. of Great Britain and Ireland, granting unto Wm. Courthope, Esquire, Rouge Croix Purs t uvant of Arms, the office of Somerset Herald, vacant by the decease of James Cathrow Disney, Esquire, late Somerset. OFFICE OF ORDNANCE, JAN. 30. Royal Regiment of Artillery—Colonel Richard Jones, to be Colonel Commandant, vice Major-General Oliver, deceased ; Lieutenant-Colonel Francis Healtain, t o b e Colonel, vice Jones; Brevet -Major Henry Joseph Morris, to he Lieutenant-Colonel, vice Haultain ; Second Captain Arnold Thompson, to be Captain, vice Morris ; First Lieu tenant Armine Dew to be Seoond Captain, vice Thompson ; Second Lieutenant Raynsford Cytherus Langley to be First Lieutenant, vice Dew, Jan. 12. Corps of Royal Engineers— Second Lieutenants with temporary rank to be Second Lieutenants with permanent rank—Charles Nassau Martin; Francis Edward Pratt, June 18, 1851. ADMIRALTY, JAN. 30. In consequence of the death, on the 26th instant, of Rear-Admiral of the Red Charles Sotheby, the following promotions, dated the 27th instant, have taken place : Rear-Admiral of the White Robert Wauchope to be Rear-Admiral of the Red ; Rear-Admiral of the Blue Sir William Edward Parry to be Rear-Admiral of the White ; Captain Alexander Thomas Emeric Vidal to be Rear-Ad miral of the Blue ; Captain John George Graham, on the Retired List, has also been promoted to be Retired Rear- Admiral, on the terms proposed in the London Gazette of Ist September, 1846, without increase of pay. COMMISSIONS SIGNED BY LORD LIEUTENANTS. County of Worcester—The Honourable Frederick Lygon to be Deputy Lieutenant, Jan. 24. County of Cornwall—The Honourable Edward John Cornwallis Eliot, commonly called Lord Eliot, to be Deputy Lieutenant, Jan. 24. Ist Cornwall Rifies—Second, Lieutenant Ernest F. Peel, to be Lieutenant, vice Trick, promoted ; Richard H. S. Vyvyan, Gent., to be Second Lieutenant, vice Sole, resigned, Jan. 24. County of Gloucester —The Ron. Wm. Middleton Noel to be Deputy Lieutenant, Jan. 26. BANKRUPTCY ANNULLED. David Farrar Bower, flax scutcb.er, Rawcliffe Yorkshire • BANKRUPWS. Henry Chancellor, tailor, Great V:armouth, to surrender, Feb. 7, at eleven, and March 9, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Bell, official assignee, Coleman-street-build ings ; Storey, Southampton-buildings; Chamberlin, Great Yarmouth. William Charlton, grocer, Basingstoke, Feb. 13, at one, and March 14, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Lee, official assignee, M o orgate-street • Lamb, Brooks, Son, and Challis, Basingstoke ; Johnson, iVeatherall, and Son, Inner Temple. Louisa Matilda Rachel Smith, dealer and chapman, Strand, Feb. 10, and March 17, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Cannan, official assignee, Aldermanbury ; Linklater, Size-lane. Francis Faxon, scrivener, Bloomsbury-square, Middle sex, Feb. 7, at one, and March 16, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Johnson, official assignee, Basinghall street ; Linklater, Sise-lane. Thomas Watts, cattle-dealer, Cassington, Feb. 10, at half-past twelve, and March 17, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore, official assignee, Basinghall street ; Field, Smithfield. John Bennett, licensed victualler, Manchester, Feb. 10 and March 3, at twelve, at the Manchester District Court. Pott, official assignee, Manchester; Wilson, Manchester. James McColm, rope manufacturer, M a nchester, Feb. 13 and March 8 , at t welve, at the ilanchester District Court. Fraser, official assignee, Manchester ; Whitworth, Manchester. tallow and chandler, Solihull, Henry Preston Goodwin, Warwickshire, Feb. 13, and March 4, at ten, at the Dis trict Court of Bankruptcy. Bittleston, official assignee, Birmingham ; Thomas, Ely-place, Holborn ; Hawkes, Cherry-street, Birmingham. John Pointon, inn-keeper, Monks, Coppenhall, Cheshire, Feb. 15 and March 6, at eleven, at the Liverpool District Court. Cazenove, official assignee, Liverpool ; Broughton, Nantwich. Joseph Vince, boot and shoe maker, Great Yarmouth, Norfolk, Feb. 8, at two, and March 22, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Pennell, official assignee, Guild hall-chambers ; Andrew, Featherstone-buildings, Holborn, Chamberlain, Great Yarmouth. W.m Chesworth, merchant, Manchester, Feb. 16, and March 9, at twelve, at the Manchester District Court. Pott, official assignee, Manchester ; Sale, Worthington, and Shipman, Manchester. Henry Purcell, hosier and laceman, Dudley, Worcester shire, Feb. 11 and March 4, at ten, at the Birming ham District Court. Whitmore, official assignee, Birming ham ; Coldicott and Canning, Dudley ; Hodgson, Bir mingham. Mier Levy, clothier and tailor, Little Alie-street. Good man's Fields, Feb. 8, at half-past twelve, and March 22, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Pennell, official as signee, Guildhall-chambers; Linklater and Linklater, Sise lane. DECLARATION OF DIVIDENDS. -- - Joseph Beaumont, formerly of 6, Lemon-street, White chapel, engineer, third dividend of 2s. 6d. in the pound, payable at 76A, Basinghall-street, on Thursday, February 2, and three following Thursdays. Michael Canfield, of Basinghall-street, City, woollen walehoußeman, first dividend of 6d. in the pound, payable at 76A. Risinghall-street, on Thursday, February 2, and three following Thursdays. John Earn. of Uttoxeter, Staffordshire, brewer, first dividend of ss. Old. in the pound, payable at 7, Waterloo stree , Birmingham, on any Thursday. Thomas Davies, of Aberavon, Glamorganshire, grocer, first dividend of 3s. 43. in the pound, payable at 19, St. Augustino's-place, Bristol, on any Wednesday. Joseph Craven Reeves. of Long Ashton. Somersetshire, paint manufacturer, second dividend of 64d. in the pound (together with the former dividend of 6s. Bd., upon new proofs), payable at 19, St. Augustine's-place, Bristol, on any Wednesday. Thomas Townsend, of Bath, hat-manufacturer, first di vidend of 6d. in the pound, payable at 19, St. Augustus place, Bristol, on any Wednesday. Edward Emerson and Barnabus Fenwick, of Stella, Durham, ironfonnders final dividend of 13. 44d. in ths pound, payable at 21, Royal.arcade, ewcastle-upon- Tyne, on any Saturday. Matthew Davison, of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, draper, final dividend of 14d. in the pound, payable at 21, Royal-arcade, Newcastle-upon-Tine, on any Saturday. Andrew Hall, of South Shields, upholsterer, a 'dividend of ss. in the pound, payable at the County Court-office, South Shields, on or after Thursday, February 9. Hugh Doherty, late of 9, Melina-place, St. George's fields, Southwark, Surrey, cornet on half-pay, in her Ma jesty's late 23d Regiment of Light Dragoons, a dividend of 20s. in the pound, payable at 5, Portugal-street, Lin coln's-street. Morris Paddon, late of 237, Albany - road, Camberwell , Surrey, clerk in the General Post-office, a dividend of ss. 6d. in the pound, payable at 5, Portugal-street, Lincoln's inn. John Smith, of 230, High-street, Poplar, inspector of coal ships in the Port of London, a dividend of ss. 9d. in the pound, payable at 5, Portugal-street, Lincoln's-inn. Godfrey Fothergill, of 8, Northampton-place, Old Kent road, Surrey, clerk to a corn chandler, a dividend of 3s. 10c1. in the pound, papable at 5, Portugal-street, Lincoln's inn. Edward Firth, late of Oldham, Lancashire, licensed victualler, a dividend of 4s. W. in the pound, payable at 5, Portugal-street, Lincoln's inn. COUNTRY MARKETS. LIVERPOOL-JAN. 31. AVERAGES FOR THE WEEK ENDING JAN. 31, 1854. Wheat Barley Oats Beaus Peas At this day's market their was a fair attendance of the town and country trade. Wheat a slow sale at a decline of 6d per 701 b., and 2s per barrel and sack on the prices of this day week. Oats and oatmeal were quito neglected, and id per 451 b. and Gd to is per load lower. Barley and beans must be quoted 2d per 601 b. and Is per qr. lower, with little doing. Indian corn in limited request at 50s 6d to 51s 6d per qr. IPSWICH—JAN. 31. The market was cheaper to-day for wheat, and the sup ply middling ; but the condition was so bad that millers would not buy it without the millers submitted to a reduc tion of 2s and 3s per qr. Barley may be written as having experienced a similar decline ; and the samples appeared to be shown about more than we have noticed for some time past. Beans and peas maintain high prices. PER QUARTER. PER QUARTER Whoat, red (old) 78s to 82s Barley, grinding ... 36 QUARTER. Ditto (new) 0 4 8 0 6 0 s s s t° t to o 8 0 4 8 0 3 sss Pe a sDi t tos t o 40s Flour, (white)pe r °th t O 550 0 f ig s Ditto, white (new) DBarittoley(,olmdLt.i.n.g....... .. HULL-JAN. 31. A very moderate supply of wheat to-day from our far mers, who were unwilling sellers at any reduction. Infe rior sorts 2s to 3s lower. In foreign no alteration. Bar ley remains more sluggish than was expected. Oats are held firmly for the late advance, and comparatively cheap. Beans and peas are quiet. Indian corn supports the late advance. Linseed without alteration, but cakes in more demand. Nothing doing in rapeseed or cakes. Bones are reported as sold at 1265. s s Wheat, English, red 84 to 48 Ditto white 9O to 92 Dantzie and Konigs berg Pomeranian aud Hain - burgh Danish, Holstein, and I. Peas, gray and black 50 to 52 Linseed, Black Sea 60 to 62 Ditto Petersburgh 4B to 58 Ditto Riga and Arch angel _ 85 to 90 8t) to 84 !DittOKonigsberg and 42 to 46 Per Ton. Ling. e.,11u1110/ 15s Od tooo/ Os ,Ditto flue for. 91 5s 01 101 5s !Ditto inf. for Ol Os Od to 0/ Os illapeseed OO/ Os to 00/ Os 'Rape cakes 130 s Od to 00s Tares, English oos to 003 Ditto foreign Guano 4/ lOs SI to 12 / O s Bones l2Bs Od to Os Od 1 Rye Meal .................. none Friesland. 75 to SO) Russian and Odessa 70 to 7:4 Oats, English Ditto Danish Ditto Friesland Ditto Russian 26 to 28i Barley, malting Ditto grinding 36 to 40 _ . Memel Beans - v 54 to 61 Ditto foreign Peas, white and yel 54 to 60 RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS• LIVERPOOL, JAN. 31. - - . STOCK EXCHANGE.—The marke t t to-nay has been dull and. quiet. Prices at the opening ere about per cent. under last night's quotations, closing without ani ma ti on, and with a downward tendency. Caledonian, 25i ; Lanca shire and Yorkshire, 614 ; London and. North-Western, 1001; Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincoln, 21a ; Midland, 601; North pritish, 7 ; *olltal•Eastorn and Dover, 17i. =di MP