The Sun. — London, England, 1830-07-07 00:00:00

4.+w. St:e~I:~ Williams atniinst din : stamp duties an modininet.;.i: - Tbe petitioner did not complain of the amount ofduty charged, hut she law being in au uncertain a stale it rendered inedielal practitioners open to very vexatious prosecutions , . The Hon. Member hoped the Chancellor of the Exchequer aveuld t 'lce the subject into Ids consideration. Colonel surrnonli said the present was an awful I moment, when they were abont to be sent to their con.. stituents to render an account of their conduct—therefore, as be did not wish to be found wanting--(A laugh)—Le hoped the Chancellor of the Ex hequer would inform bin, if it was the intention of Government to bring forward ;, any -measure to put a stop to mock auctions, with whirl, the country was now so inundated. I. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, he thought it was desirable something should be done ; but, at the present moment, he did not feel warranted in giv ing any specific pledge on the aubjeet. Mr. WARBURTON . presented a petition from a num ber of surgeons and physicians, praying the House to take into its consideration the difficulty of obtaining subjects for dissection. The Hon; Member said, if he should have the honour of a seat in the next Session of Parliament, it was his intention to take an early.opportunity of bringing in anOther Bill. relating to the subject of anatomy. The Beer and Cider Duties Bill was read a second time and ordered to be committed. • Sir R. PEEL brought up his Modesty's most gracious answer to the Address voted on Wednesday List. His Nlajesty thanked his faithful CoMmons for their loyal Address, and felt persuaded they would lose no time in providing n temporary supply for the public service, until the meeting of a new Parliament. REGENCY. Mr. R. 011.04 T rose and addressed the House nearly in the following terms :—Sir, in calling the attention of the Houle to the proposition of which I gave notice the other evening, I trust it will be unnecessary for me to repeat what I then said and now feel, that the question is one of great magnitude, and that there are ereat difficulties attending it, which I make so bold as to charge myself with bringing forward. I am aware that it is impossible, under any eircutnatances, even taking it as an abstract question, that a - subject so intimately connected with the well-being of the monarchy, sointimately connected with the Constitution, and in which the feelings of all loyal subjects are interested, should be otherwise than deeply interesting.. But, in addition to all that belongs to it as an abstract question, there is one circumstance which gives it a peculiar and sorrowful interest when introduced to this House, namely, that a measure of this kind is founded on it conjectural anticipation of an event, which God avert! ' and which, when it occurs, would fill the nation with sorrow,—an event which on reflective man could think upon without serious ness--which no citizen could kink forward to without deep concerns—and which no loyal adherent of the family which- now occupies the Throne can contemplate with other R otimeiits than those `ref the most ainful nature. Sir, having thus stated the nature of this su bject, I may be asked why I thought it necessary to bring forward the question before this Houfe—why the 'attention of the Heise should he occupied with the .subject at all—and still more, why I should take upon myself the charge of recommending it to your attention. With respect to the subject itself, it may be enough for me to say, that whatever be the difficulties, the delicacy and importance connected with it, all those ch.. remittances, and all the embarrassments which may arise from a discussion, would he multiplied ten demand fold in the events of the contingency which I wish the I lame to provide against. In this view of thin case the difficulties which I contemplate, and which cony he urged as a reason against the discussion of the question, so far llom operating with me as a ground for postponement, only furnish additional reasons for taking it up with the utmost promptitude, and pursuing it with suck celerity as is consistent with the importance of the eulijeet. With respect to myself, Sir, in calling the at tention of the House to the subject, I recollect that my province is not to enter into a discussion of the embar rassing questions which belong to the subject ; but, or, the contrary, I think that I should not discharge my duty, if I did more than press the subject on the, House, without offering any opinions of my own upoix the difficulties which surround It. I therefore mean to confine myself to preissing the subject upon the consideration of the House, and not to ask the House to peanounce any opinion upon it, AN/ugh I sun at the memo time aware that this House is ;perfectly competent Cu take upon Itself the devisingi any measures to be adopted, in the event of the contingency width I am anxious to provide against. But I at the lame thno thesught that it would be more agreeable to usage, more eonsistent with precedents, and more con ;tenant with thoso feelings which we all entertain towards the Royal Vanity, to roan° myself to this point, namely, that the Crown should, by an Address front this Hulse, be , invited to originate a measure of this description. I therefore feel it nsy duty to content myself with stating my reasons for Unlacing this House to implore the Crown to originate this measure, and that it would be incunsistent with my duty if I were rashly to enter into a discussion as to what ought to lie done..-4Hear.)—ln the remarks which I am about to address the Route, I wish to keep clear of all personal and political allusions, which at all times I wish to avoith bat the more so on a subject of so, much importance, AS to induce US to re lish, (tout giving way to ordinary political feelings; lunch inure du I tosb to disclaim from the bottom of my heart, the introduttim of any topic which could encroach in thin slightest 'tepee upon those feelings of reverential attachment to the Royal Family, with which every good subject ehould approach a diseteslon of this kind. Sir, folly aware that the question is one widen involves matters of great delicacy, I yot feet that it is impossible, without the Latium caution to treat it, without encroaching in seine degree upon the Roney mad seclusion of the Royal Household. I know that by the Constitution the Royal Household is, as it were, placed as a house upon a bill, and its affairs are in some measure excluded from domestic secretly men Relation. But upon this occasion I think the Royal household ought to lie embittered as exempt front intrusion as any private homichold in the realm. I may be asked why I think it necessary to bring forward this dito eussioe, es the House already had its attesition directed to it, and it may he said although the discoid-on was without notice ( . :t that measured attention lied keen for wake together ' so directed to the subject, es to preclude the necessity of a specific notice. Upon that part of the sub fret I say, and I see Politica in saying it, by the observations of two or three Honourable alembris, that although his Majeatyos Povernment stay hoe directed their attention to the sul4eet astir some time, that it was not until two or three days After the demises of the Crown Che t the public had nny notion that _ it' was the intention of °averment to submit to the House that the question of the Regency r should let potoponed for the present Session. , " Sir, in considering Rot deceits of this question, it will per. kepi be expected, or ought to have been expected, that some notion should be taken of those precedents that may hit cotteidered applicable to the subject furnished by means a history. I beg to soy, (hut although I have perused with come care, as of course it was illy duty todo, w hatever evidernse history supplies AS applicable 1,0 the loth jset, it ii not my totention to trouh!,l the House with the tiet die, or even with a 001400 of the precedents, that pre mole the middle of the last estattiryi I do not mean to , say slow cone of the precedents supplied by earlie r h istor y Ara tiny way applicable—or the contrary ; hut recollecting that the Conesitntion'wee not settled in thole days as at present, teeing that many of thee-affairs of State, conducted ' now se they were then, would be anomalous, I cer tainty do not conceive that many of the itrecetlents I have poked at, are any thing', like so full of utility as ,- anti have been expreted—therdo,re I pats over them, : anti come to the two preeedents which have cutup. red tiara the middle of the. lest rentery—prece dent* whit I conceive to be of the uttmat im portance. The first of these, which I think the. teed important (4, that which occurred in the year MI. George the Second, at that time being greatly advanced in are upon the death of his son the Itrinee of Welt*, and recollecting that the children of that Prince were then in a ettets of minority, thought it necessary to send a Message to both !Unarm of Perlin meat, earnestly calling upon them to make a proviaion by the appointment of a Ilegency, adapted to the peculiar entergetsciteof the coo. The Mange to both 'Totowa was , sent on the tilth April, MI. ibis was followed by a wand message to the House of tkriiii on the pith of :they, respecting stone of the dettils, sod on or about the ',ad or 2114 of Ably, about - Ow weeks ,ft front the date of the first Message the Regency Bill passed ~ 4 , both Houses, and received the Renal Assent. 'the more . , iniPottSot pets eifect however, is that which look .., piece in 170. (eorgian, at that time having been upon the 'flame ;about four yew, in the very prone of life iMr he was then, I believe, sbout 25,) alarmed I,y an Walt witieb, thetogh I believe In itomS degree se vere, we know, from the hest authority, pat to have, been .;, darigertoon—thooght it necessary, not tiy, the usual course 1)f a Mebeige, but by hie own personal appearan c e in this !louse, to call on Parliament to take into tomtidera , , t belonged ,, , aim in* casualties twatitl+ eis exalted station &hove i ,I) others, and to make some plAVISinn ' for a suceesseir for els tiatone by the appointotatit of s Regent, The' .ir o r 4*io wideh that Monarch k expreeted himself were t to the ell'eet, that the tender concern he felt fin . •_, loss i sithful ouhjecte, made hint extremely anxious to protrude for oyery possible event width might Nitre their future happiness or security. His late indisposition, although not attended with danger, had led him to con shier the situation in which his kingdom and his family would he left if it pleased the Almighty God to put a period to his life while his successor was of tender years. It was his earnest desire to take every precau tion to preserve the Constitution of Great Britain un disturbed, and the dignity of the Crown unimpaireil,•and which bad itelneed hint to lay the subject before Raba went. Such were tie words of that revered Monarch No far as related to tint only point now before the House. They certainly were uttered by the advice of hits Majesty's responsible Ministers, and which I ant perfectly satisfied must have met with a most hearty response in the breast of his Majesty. He was speaking with a Kingly firmness in looking forward to that event which would terminate his life. He was therefore desirous with Kingly heart and conscience to bring forward the subject with all its difficulties before Parliament that the country might not be disturbed—thut the Constitution might nut be agitated, and that full satisfaction might be done to the rights of the Crown, and the demands which the interests of his subjects required in case of his demise. Now, Sir, re. verting to this question, which the House is called on now to consider, and looking forward too future event, which I am obliged to look forward to,—the very contemplation of which must cast sorrow into the mind of every men— I say, looking forward to that event with all the feelings that belong to it, I ask whether I am preposterous in supposing, or should be mistaken in fancying that the Ministers who advised this speech 10 ado by George 111., hail they been now the Counsellors of his illustrious descendant, would have cordially advised the same subject now to he brought forward. I may be allowed to say that thu Kingly feelings which George the Third exhibited on the occasion, are such Us never could be alienated from , the hreaats of any descendant .of that August Personage. Sir, I humbly conceive that there would have been a pe culiar propriety in the Act to which I have referred, bad that application been renewed by the professional advisers of the Crown ; I say. they would have done well in counselling their Royal Master, immediately on the conclusion of the payment of respect to the mortal remain. of the' departed King, to have followed the example of his Auguat Father, making his public appearance in this House, and calling on it to consider the occasion and provide fur its exigencies. Sir, I have considered deeply the Act of George the Third, anti I have drawn from it those general inference's which seem to we to he natural, always remarking the circumstances atten dant on that Act. lie was a young monarch in the prime of life, with every prospect of a long and happy reign; then if, under such circumstances, an Act of that nature was considered necessary, how much more so was it in the present instance; But, Sir, I should not do my duty if I did not beg leave to look . a little more particularly into the difficulties against which I have been imploring the llonse to join in making provision, Sir, in so doing, I am obliged to say 'once more, and presume to think the good feeling of the House will approve of it, that this subject presents topics from which I intend ab. staining as much as possible. Though I may allude to and found arguments upon them, yet I only consider it necessary to touch upon them. But I trust the House will not measure the importance to be attached to them in consequence of the notice which I shall, or shall not, take of them. But the House, I hope, will exercise its own opinion of the real nature of them. Sir, in the event of the lamented de• wiles of the Crown taking place after this Parliament shall be dissolved, and before the writs are returned for the new Parliament,—in that event, Sir, we must look forward to the possibility of two contingents. Either that of the Queen being enceinte at the time of the King's death, or the accession of an infant Princess. Now, Sir, it is well known that by the Act of Anne, upon the death of the Sovereign, the Privy Council must, under great penalties, immediately meet, take the oaths of allegiance, and proclaim , the new Sovereign. Now, Sir, I am bound to put to the House, what would be the consequences resulting in case of either of the contingencies happening to which I have referred. The Privy Council would assemble for this purpose of taking measures for the Proclamation, which must be prefaced by the taking of the oatlor of Alle giance on their part. To whom, Sir, I would ark, are the oaths of allegiance to he taken, or who is to heproclaimed ? By the , same Act the existing Ministers of the Crown are to be continued for six months, unkse they are discharged by the person who succeeds to the throne. In the care I have referred to, Sir, whoie Ministers are they? . To whom are they responsible? By whom are they to be discharged ? The Parliament, Sir, so dissolved are to asitemble again, but Such Parliament most he commenced either with a speech from the Throne, or by commission from the King. Under the cireum. stances I have referred to, in whose name is that commis. .ion to be made? The first act that Parliament has toper. form is to swear allegiance to its Sovereign ? To whom is it to swear allegiance? What, Sir, is the state of the country at home and abroad? Whose subjects are the polarise. lion of the empire? For whom are the Oldie prayers to be offered up. I could multiply questions of this kind almost to infinity. There is a great mars of other difficulties, to which, however, I *hill not just now revert. The other proposition to which I have referred, is that of the demise of the Crown, and the succession devolving upon an infant niece. Questions of difficulty arise in this point of view, mush as who shall be the Regent. Wero the House con tinued the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, to adopt the doctrine held by Mr. Fox and Lord Loughborough on the unfortunate emergency of 1788, that the next heir in blood has as strict, as paramount, and as indefatigable a right to the Regency as lie would, in case of the then Sovereign's dying, have to the throne? Or were they to olopt the doctrine held by Mr. Pitt and Lord Eldon, that however august the name of the heir apparent might be, he lied no muse right to the Regency than any other sub ject in the kingdom?. Take either supposition you please, es to the party claiming the Regency being either heir apparent or heir presumptive,—and Mr. Pitt thought that it made all the difference in the world, whether the party was heir apparent or only heir presumptive,—must we say that er heir presumptive this party is entitled to the Re. ttencY, or, that is the claim of the heir apparent is deferte ible, be must not succeed to it as of right? Let theM de cide that question as they might, how would they ripply choir decision whin the heir presumptive, having become by the death of the reigning Sovereign King of another country stood before them in the capacity of an alien King? licar.)—Were they to say, that 'because the Presumptive fieir, though an alien King, would in the death of the infant eiovereign succeed as of right to the English throne, his possession of a foreign Throne would form no obstacle to his luting Regent here?—(Hear, hear.)--Were they to set aside ell the presumptive heirs to tiro foreign Throne as unqualified for the situation of Regent? anii were they to look for some individual mem bers of the Royal ho.ue who were not in the course of sue. cession to that foreign Throtic , -4 consideration which would confine the Regency to the illubtrious Princesses, t e e s i s t er s of his Majesty? Or were they to let in the question whirls member of the Royal house was fittest for the Ramey, without considering at all what title they had to the soteeeealon? These were questions, all of w hieh must he decided on the occurrence of this second contingency. He was surmised that any set of men could, in speaking of this subject, trout it as one of no difficulty. He presumed to press it upon the Hoose-e-not because it was an easy, but because it was a 1111 7 601dt StAbleq. lie wished the House to consider the difficulties of is ornt, rather than when they had become aggravated in another Parliament. Even these difficul• ties, which he had offered as a sample, were not all nor oven the chief difficulties with which they would have to contend. The whole question was still behind, whether they weerld hive a sole Regent or a Council of Regency; and never would he disguise it, either from himself or the House, that that aver a qtreetion of great. difficulty. The House would ore, that from ;new delicate considerations he bed entirely abstained; Lot if auf pf the question/ which lie bad mooted should edge, that ehetinenee Tepid he imposeible ; for they would be forced ripen public ettert tion, in spite of any wish which they might individually have to prevent it. If the House would only recollect the compleints made fp the year 1788, that all the private details of the King's situation wens hawked about the streets, and placarded on the walls, they would psmielpecure they declined taking this matter into present consideration, ;t might be said that these were difficult questions to be taken into consideration at this period of the Session, and Clint it was hard that Jtreinbers of Parliament should be kept here in these dheuasions, whibit their more fortunate rivals were misty rout to the oonetituent hoily : Put if it were to he considered as it ewe question of eoovenience, the in• convenience which would ariae hem taking the discereiors now would not hear comparison, even for a moment, wide a tenth port of the inconveniences , which would attend the actual occurrence of either of the contingencies which ho had mentiorwd. Besides, in such a crisis as the pre sent, they ought net to consider their personal incon venience. but. should meet tie difficulty of it fairly and at once, If the Government we;uld pet. What, then were the ofieotioos to the tonne which lie recommended? Having ninety disposed of the objection derived from the plea of convenittrice, lie would new proceed to state that the other oi74ms rsonsiSted iii tinder , .rathig the probability of these contingeneies happening, and in un derrating the difficulty of dealing with them when t',,y should happen. Let the House consider fur a moment the object of these propositions. The event to which he always referred with sech painful feelings, could the House leave it so entirely out of its consideration - as the Go• vernment appeared to wish ? Could Parliament forget the instances of casualty which it hid witnessed of late years? Take, for instance, the case of. the late Earl of Liverpool, who hail taken a leading part so long in its deliberations, nod who hail been the first to propose the grant which was made to his present Majesty on his mar riage, in which he (Mr. Grant) had most cordially jOisied. Could they forget that, though_ he was one day full Of animation and vigour, and as likely to live as any man whom he had then the honour of addressing, he was the next struck to the earth by a calamity which they all lamented ? Could they forget the case of Mr. Canning, who led their debates with ouch happy and successful brilliance,and who had raised himself, by the force of his commanding talents, to such a pre. eminence, not only in this country but in Europe, that friend of his, alluding to an old classical story, said to him of his illustrious friend, " Die Canning, for thou can'st not be a God ;" and yet, within one short fortnight after wards he had followed as a mourner at his grave? Even in the illustrious family of the Sovereign, did they re member whet had happened within a few short days? Did they recollect the demise of George III.? Did they recollect, that the Duke of Kent, who, had he now lived, Would have been heir-presumptive, was lying a corpse at the same time with his revered father ? Did they recol lect, that at the very same moment the late Sovereign, George IV., was only saved from the same melancholy donut by the bold measures of his physicians ? Indeed, had it not been for those bold measures, they might have had three members of the Royal Family all at one time unburied. Might not that, which they were afraid would have happened, actually take place? It might indeed he said, that 1,000 years had occurred without our history elfin-ding us a single ease in which the Omen had de scended upon a posthumous child. But if they were arguing probabilities, it should be considered, on the other band, how *Odom a British Monarch had died in that time leaving it Queen without issue. It had ()corned only twice since the Conquest, once in the case of the Queen of Charles 11,, and again in the case of that of Richard I. Besides, there was an instance in a neighbouring country, where the Crown was now in a direct course of descent to a poathu. mous child, lie meant the Duke of Bordeaux. The lion, Gentleman then proceeded (but in a tone of voice which, owing to its alternate elevation and depression, prevented us from bearing more than half of every sentence) to notice the argument that us George 111. had never mooted the question of a Regency for the rust four yeare of his reign, though there was then an infant heir apparent, so neither ought we to moot it present. To him it appeared that the precedent afforded an argument on the other side. If George IIL, when calling upon Pediment to constitute a Regency, admitted that lie had been guilty of a culpable omission In postponing so long his application for it, were they to be told that they should not only copy the example of re pentance which he had set them, but also the culpable negligence which had produced it ? Then, if they could not bring themselves to underrate the chance of these things happening, they were told that even if they did happen there would be no such great difficulty as was pre (fleeted. And why ? Because the two Houses of Parlia ment would meet immediately and settle the law upon the point, the Royal assent being supplied by the infant Sove. reign, in order to let all things run on smoothly as before. Thus, reversing the natural order of events, Parliament was advised to conclude that the difficulties of its situ*. lion, if it coped with them now when they were contingent, would ba great, but that they would be nothing when they were no loner impending over it but actually ar rived. He called up•m Parliament to consider the serious proposition which was involved in this last argument. The Parliament that was convened, without knowing to whom its allegiance was due, would be, to all intents and pur poses, a Convention Parliament ; it would be quite 113 much so as the Parliament which acquired that name nt the time of the Revolution. Was, then, a Conven tion Parliament to be considered as a mere ordinary bu siness of State ? When the two Houses met in con vention, and gave to their Acts the same force which they would have were the third estate present with theM —was that an event that they were to designate as a com mon occurrence? Or was it a phenomenon, a calamity, an evil, scarcely less lamentable than the demise of the Crown ? He said it wits a most deplorable event, when this nation was reduced to such a state as to be compelled to do an act which disaffirmed itself—(Hear, hear)—and when Parliament was called together without a third estate, and filled the Throne with a nominee of its own in order to supply its presence. Nothing but a necessity which makes a law of its own—nothing but a necessity in which all other laws are suspended, and in which all constitutional ' maxims lose their force—could justify the having resort to in anomalous and dangerous a precedent. But then it was said that an infant Sovereign was no minor, that he could give his assent legally to any Bill, and that under his assent so given, all the Ministers of the Crown coulJ after wards constitutionally act. Ile thought that the objat which Parliament wished. to ensure by constituting a' Regency was the prevention of any act of royalty being performed by the infant; and yet the very first thing which the infant Sovereign under this arrangement would he called upon to do, would be to pass a meastne suspond ing for a time his own constitutional existence, Lord Mans field, in MI, expressed himself as Billows, in the debate on the Regency Bill From the whole of this debate, I find Gentlemen do not enough consider, that the wee sity of such a Bill as this proceeds from a most glaring, and, indeed, tremendous defect in our Constitution ; for, with respect to the Sovereign, the law acknowledged no such thing as a minority. A child of two or three days old may, by our Constitution, come to be our King or Queen ; and the moment the father dies, that child is by law invested with the whole sovereign or executive power of the Government—so that whoever gets possession of the person of that child, whether by fair. or forcible means, becomes of course possessed of the Government, and all the prerogatives belonging to the Sovereign." !low different was the state of opinion in 17ft1 and 1830. At the former period, a great lawyer was of opinion, that the defect be bad pointed out was a reason for introducing a Regency Bill, whilst, in 1880, another great lawyer. cited the same defect as a reason for not introducing a similar mea. sure. There existed the possibility of two evils occurring— namely, the meeting of Parliament in the manner of a convention, without a sovereign, or the having of a sovereign without his being capable of executing the duties of his office. In the reign of Henry VI., a'proelamation was issued which had the same Act as an Act of Pm Lament, declaring thaton.account of the King's inability to direct in person the concerns of the realm, he:appointed, with the assent of the Lords and Commons, the Duke of Bedford, and during his abesonce'beyond seas, Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, to be Protector of the Church of England, and of bis Majesty's countile. The cause of Henry's incapacity was his tender age, fur at the time the proclamation WAS issued he was exactly ten months and a half old. Was it fitting that the Parliament of the prevent day should run the risk of such a state of things again °cent-ling ? 'Why should Parliament, with its eyes open, rush into the danger? Pediment had it now their power to settle the question in the ordinary mode of legislation, hi; stead of waiting until the dreaded contingency happened,' and then apply anomalous remedies, which were only less glievous than the evil itself. He called upon the House to consider the question well. Whatever blame might attach t o th e house of Commons for not having got through more public business during the course of the present session, he was sure they would abandon all eonsiderations of personal convenience in order to consider the great question which forced itself upon their attention. If the House should resolve to adopt the suggestion which he had thrown out, and take measures fur the appointment of a Regency of Some sort, ha would greatly rejoice. He Would not pre sume to may that by so doing Pediment would obviate all difficulties, but at least they would possess the conscious ness of having performed their duty, vindicated their character, established an important precedent, and set an example of confidence and courage which would elevate them in the eyes of the country. if, on the other hand, p a rli o ni e ut ►OllOOl neglect the present occasion, and make no provision fur the exigency which mi g ht occu r, peaailiy with the aggravation of difficulties to which he need not more particularly refer, he was sure it %Maid be full that they had criminally, or, to use less strong language, culpably negleetul the discharge of the duty which they paved to themselves, the duty which they owed to their constituents; to whom they were just about to render up their trust; the duty whichthey owed to the M ona rchy, for whose constitutional rights they exercised their legisla tive trust ; the duty which they owed to the Monarch, for whose well-being they Iva" all d ee ply concerne d a nd interested ; the duty which they owed to thei r coun t r y ; ney, further, the linty they owed to th e G reat B e i n g whom they ventured to propitiate at every meeting of the House, beseeching him to prosper their councils for the safety, honour, mad welfare of his M e i esty and his domi nions,—(llear, hear.) The Hon. M em b er conc l u ded with moving—" That an humble Address be p rese nted to his Mejesty, assuring him that the House was deeply af fected by the gracious declaration made by his Majesty on his accession the Throne of his attachment t o t h e cnneti lotion of these realms. That his Majesty's faithful Ono mons felt that they ;timid fail in the perfermance of their duty, if, amidst their general feeling of gratitude, mingt d with ardent prayers for the prolongation of a reign an auspiciously commenced, they omitted to make known to his Majesty the anxiety felt by his Majesty's loyal subjects at the possibility of a misfortune which might deprive them of the blessings of his Majesty's paternal reign, and in its consequences endanger the best interests of the monarchy. That they were therefore induced to lay the expression of th it anxiety at the foot of the Throne, from the deep at tachment which they felt towards his Majesty's uugust family, and from the conviction which they entertained that the safety of the state and the stability of its institu tions essentially depended on the unimpaired exercise of the powers vested in the first of the three classes composing the constitution of this limited monarchy. They therefore approached his Majesty with the dutiful assurance of their readiness to take into immediate consideration any measure which his Majesty might be graciously pleased to realm mend, in order to guard against the possible hazard which was to be apprehended from the demise of the Crown in the prevent circumstances of the country." The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said he should oppose the motion. In his opinion it was founded on the con templation of an event that could not happen without casting a shade of sorrow over the whole country. It would be his attempt to show that this question had been introduced without that paramount necessity which could alone justify its being brought forward. The Hon. and Learned Member had stated, that if they looked at the difficulties of this subject now, they would see that those difficulties were of a nature that would increase four-fold if the consideration of them was postponed. It would be his attempt to show that no such consequences would follow .from. its short postponement. It might not be out of place for him to refer a little to what was the constitutional law upon this subject. Our ancestors, who, in remote times, had much more experience of infant Kings than we had in more modern times, had never thought of providing for such an event before it happened. When the natural body met, as it must (so Lord Cake said), the hotly politic, the smaller body, that is the hotly naturally merged in the larger body, that is the body politic, and though the hotly natural might be an infant, yet the effect of the body politic upon it was to change its condition, and there was no minority at all. The fact wag, that the So vere'gn, however young, was competent to do all acts of Royal authority, and in every document from the time of Henry VI. in assistance of whom the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, on account of the want of capacity of the infant King, were formed into a Council, his authority was ac knowledged, and with reference to his Kingly capa city, be was the same as if he had been in his ma jority. It appeared, therefore, that with all the diffi culties which had been so much talked of, it bad been thought more prudent to leave the constitutional law to pro vide fur the case, rather than to attempt to prevent the evil by an anticipatory measure, If it were not so, how happened it that up to this moment no one general measure bad ever been introduc e d into Parliament? How happened it, that Lord Mansfield, whose opinion, as expressed in 1751, load been quoted to them, had never thought the meeting th e tremen d ous ev il s o f minora King by any general law relating to a Re gency ? How was it that that Noble Lord had not even attempted to remove from the laws of England the tre mendous evil he was represented in the debate to have painted out? He must have been convinced of the impossi bility of making any general law that would have applied to every individual case. The law, therefore, was left to be provided in every eve in which circumstances might occur to call for it. It was but recently that Parliament had thus been called on to provide for an emergency not before expected. Within a few days since, Parliament had pro vided a measure against the difficulty arising from the ploy. sical impossibility of the late King affixinghis signature to public documents, and the measure load not been attended with any great difficulties. In the same manner, whenever the event now spoken of might arise, Parliameut would be ready to provide for it. The common law did not provide for our physical difficultios of that sort on the part of the Sovereign, always supposing him competent to do those acts the right to perform which was vetoed in him. Whenever they looked to cases in which the infant had not had time to acquire the capacity of acting for himself, or to those in which from illness or extreme old age that capacity had pasted away, they would see that in neither the one nor the other had any provision been made by the Constitution of the country. He thought that in the present, as in other in stances, it would be most wise to leave the settlement of this matter to the constitutional law of the kingdom, when ever Circumstances slioidd arise to call for its interkence. The want of any general law, as he had befOre observed, had arisen from the circumstance, that every man had found it impossible to make s law that would adapt itself to all califs ; and people had, therefore, thought it better to leave the matter to Parliament whenever the ease should happen to mite. Re made that olemreation with reference to the point which the Hon, and Learned Gentleman had so much relied on. The great force of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman'a argmnent rested on the possibility of an invisible child, which might succeed to the Throne. That case hail not been contemplated for the first time this night, and yet et all times it had been passed over without any one pretending to create a general remedy for the evil. The case supposed had not, indeed, occurred in this country; but it had happened in a neighbouring king dom, and yet no mischief even there, and in the early times in which it did occur, had followed from it. St. Louis bad died leaving a pregnant Queen ; the child wee born, the Rnyal name was conferred on it, and it died within a short period afterwards. As far, therefore, as a precedent did exist, it was against the presumed necessity for this motion. He could, indeed, imagine that pro viding a Regency beforehand, might increase the difficul ties of the case, instead of diminishing them. 'ln the first place, he would ask the Hou•e whether theY would run a race wi►h death—whether they thought no risk was to he encountered in life—whether nothing was to he left to chance—and whether it was possible for them to go into the Royal House of mourning--into the Paiute of the Sovereign, and while be was lamenting the death of his _ . beloved brother, they could state to himthat the llouse of Commons anticipated his own demise, and therefore called on him to concur in a measure which every man must feel, and nothing but a present necessity could justify? They were not discussing whether the subject ought not to be considered at a fit opportunity, but whether that was the moment in which to present his Majesty with an affec tionate and humble Address on such a subject, and to tell him tl►at they expected his demise, and that be ought to consider and prepare for it. If they believed that the ap pointment of a Regency would entirely disentbarrase the country from all difficulties, they were mistaken. The Regent himself might not survive, It was a contingency whether he would or not. In a few weeks he might prove to them that the provision they hail made was useless. It was o►,ly the balance of One life against another. But was there no other danger—might there net be another Court, and tnight not other interests be excited ? Were all the benefits on one side, and were there no diawbacks on the other ? The question would arise—who was to he Ile gent, and what were to be his powers. From the atten• tion he had paid to the former debate, he did not find that any two gentlemen had agreed on these questions. Some were for an unrestricted Regency, others for a Re gent with a Council. Ile had understood, too, that one lion, and Learned Member had declared that the Heir Presumptive had an undoubted right to succeed to the Regency, and that so Mr. Pitt had considered it. iIROUGHAM said his statement was, that the Heir Presumptive possessed not a right but s paramount claim. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL continued- Air.. Pit had never so considered it. In that part of the debate Mr. Pitt had only said that the claim of the Prince of Wales was one which was deserving of serious consider,. tion ' • but he denied that, in any part of the debat e , M r . Pitt had ever treated it as a claim—that he admitted di tectly or indirectly to be unanewerable. Mr. Pitt had only put it on the ground of expediency, whilst Mr. Fox (lie must say with every respect for that greet man's ta lents) had put forward the most extravagant doctrine that bad ever been promulgated on that subject, either in or out of the House.—(Setne symptoms of dissent Were here ma nifested by the Opposition, and the Hon. and Learned Member accused them of a want of courtesy.)—He must repeat that a more mischievous doctrine, and one lessjus. tified by the principles of the Constitution, he had never lietrd, in or ant of Parliament, than that which treated the Prince of Wales as having a vested right to the Re gency. Mr. Fox afterwards changed his ground, and said that the right existed, but must he adjudicated upon by the ttvo Houses of Parliament. Mr. Pitt met that claim of right, and denied it as a constitutional doctrine, and said that the Prince of Wales had'no more right (what. ever might be the case with regard to expediency) than hid the meanest subject in those walls to the Regency. There was one other question. Its asked the House whether in its present tone and temper it was fit for the diseustion of this question? Where, too, were the Members who had left town on the Address being agreed to ? Were they whose paramount ditty it was to, remain, or those who had felt it convenient to do so—were they alone to deride this question? A time more inopportune never had pre. rented itself. There were but a few precedents of even similar casts. They were in the reigns of Henry 111., Edward 111., Richard II , Henry VI., and l?alivarcl V. In the first four a provision had been made by Parliament after the Crown had tietteinded on a minor, end the fait was hardly a precedent, on account of the particular cir cumstances of the usurpation that attended it. Our Constitution was so utterly and completely blended is all its parts, its spring and energy were so great, that it would save us from all anticipated difficulties. There were but few precedents at all relating to this cue, and that circumstance which had been urged as an argument for conceding this motion, was rather a reason why the House should avoid being guilty of any hasty legislation. Ulm Statute of William 111., which provided for the as sembling or re-assembling of Parliament on the demise of the Crown provided against any dangers whatever, and would enable tl4at House itself to prevent auy serious in conveniencee arising from such an event. Suppose an in fent Sovereign did succeed to the Throne, that infant might do many things ; and among others, it might dis miss the Ministers found in possession of authority; but before it dissolved the Parliament another Ministry must beappointed, and then the dissolution of Parliament would be directed on the responsibility of that Ministry. Was there any man who gave credit to the existence of serious difficulties, or who believed that any bold aspiring individual might get possession of the Royal infant's person, and engross all authority to himself? Before he could do this, he must annihilate the two Houses of Parliament, and must destroy the loyalty of the people; for the Royal infant would be cradled in the arms of the people, and in their hearts would find a sanctuary and re fuge from every possible calamity. The child in the womb . was a living being in the eye of the law, and nobody doubted that it could be time Sovereign of these realms.— (A slight laugh.)—There might possibly appear some thing ridiculous in these statements, but they were neces sary to the full understanding of the question. Beyond all doubt such an infant would be the Sovereign of these realms. The Statute of the 6th of Anne provided for tire difficulties of which his Hon. and Learned Friend had spoken, and declared bow, on the demise of one Sovereign, the other should be ascertained and declared. His Hon. and Learned Friend hail asked, who was the Sovereign, and if treason was committed, against whom was it corn - mitted ? But how singular it was, that with all these dif ficultiee which had always existed—as much at the time of parsing the Act as at this moment—with a married Queen upon the Throne, and with the probability of issue, that Parliament did not think of providing a remedy. Mind, capacity, and physical power were wanted for the Acts to which he was alluding, and the difficulty was, therefore, just as great with a child of a month old, es with a child not yet born ; and yet the Statute of Anne in no way met the difficulties. Then, as to the se cond branch of the ease of his Learned Friend— for he had dwelt quite as much upon the second al tentative as upon the first—by the Act of Anne, a Regency was expressly named—the attention of Parfias inent was called to the appointment of a successor, and yet no. Regency was provided against the minority of the issue of the Queen. The Regency was named in 'case the Queen herself should die without issue, and yet she was not of an age to render it unlikely that she should have children. Having glanced at these early precedents he came next to consider whether his Hon. and Learned Friend was right in the mode of proceeding he proposed. The two instances on record were those of 1751 and 1765, in the one of which there was a Message from the Crown, and in the other the King himself came down in person to Parliament : fire attention of both Houses was there. fore directed to the subject from the Throne itself; and he could show front occurrences of a!late date in history, that in cases of greater difficulty than now prevailed, that no Parliament had called upon the Monarch to provide for such a contingency, much less in open defiance of a pre vitals vote of the two Houses. The precedents, in fact, were all ono way in the case of James I. no person had ever dreamt of providing a Regency; yet upon his acceil Bien to the Throne he was the father of boys of a tender age. He travelled through a long reign without any body, certainly not Parliament, even requiring him to provide against these supposed and imminent dangers. lie said nothing of the reign of Charles the First, in consequence of the state of the country and the prevailing discordance between the Court and the Parliament ; but time case of Queen Anne, he submitted, was much stronger than that now before the House, and a Regency against her issue had never been provided. His Honourable and Learned Friend had dwelt more particularly upon the events of the years 1751 and 1765, but an examination of the facts, as regarded the first of those periods, he (the Solicitor-General) apprehended would not .upport the argument of which they were brought in aid. The question then arose upon the more inoilern precedents; whether they warranted, at this early period after the demise of the Crown, an Address to the foot of the Throne, requiring it to make provision fur the demise of the Crown. Looking at time circumstances of the year 1751, he was astonished that it should be deemed a pa rallel case; in 1751, there was something like indisputed succession. In 1751, the country had just escaped from a rebellion ; in 1751, the Monarch had been long seated mt the Throne, and he was himself advanced in years. At that date, consequently, there were many reasons why, a Protestant King should endeavour to preserve a Pro testant line of succession to the Throne; and it might be expected, that on the Message to Parliament, he would speak of that necessity. At this moment, he begged to ask, if the Protestant lino was in danger He believed that no man entertained such an opinion. Looking to the facts, the House would see that in 1751, Parliament did not go to the foot of the Throne, and tell the King, " You have reigned a long while—the Protestant succes lion is in danger—it is probable that you will die in a short time, and therefore you must provide against: that danger ;" but the Prince of Wales having died on the 26th March, 1751, the King sent a Mese le to the two Houses on the 26th April, and the Bill was passed, I think, on the Ibth May. In that instance there was no indecorous haste, but at this time scarcely a week was to be allowed to elapse—for his Hon. and Learned Friend thought that the Regency ought to have been pressed on the former occasion—before even the funeral of the . late King, on an imaginary case, and a supposed exi gency, Parliament was to rush to the fuot of the Throne, and to require the nomination of a Re gency. He (the Solicitor-General) did nut mean to argue that in the due season some provision of the kind ought not to be made; but he contended that the present was not that due season; and in 1751, six weeks were allovied to transpire before any thing was done. But the case on which his Hon. and Learned Friend seemed most to rely, that which he made his sheet anchor in this wild voyage of discovery, was the precedent of 1765 ; and how did time case stand ? Although the Monarch had been afflicted with illness, it never occurred to Parliament to send an Address to the foot of the Throne to desire the Monarch to provide against an impending calamity. Oa the birth of our late Sovereign had anybody thought of providing for the passibility of such a case? Did not the King him• self allow several Sessions to pass after the birth of his first child, before he sent a Message to Parliament? The late King was born in 1762, and it was not until 1765 that a Message was sent to Parliament. Where then was time precedent to justify the House in the course recom mended? He could find none; and that such a resolution had never been agreed to Iva beyond all question. Ilut it would put the matter in a stronger light to examine the provisions of the Act of 1765. His lion. and Learned Friend would, of course, be content to he bound by the precedent he had himself cited, and on which be so much relied, and what was done on that occasion? The whole that was dune was to leave it to the uncontrotiled power of the King himself to appoint whom he clines to be Regent, only pointing out a particular line. Suppose George 111. had never exercised the power thus entrusted to hitn, what would have been the situation of the country ? On the demise of the Crown there would have been no Regent. The facts, therefore, did not bear out his Hon. and Learned Friend—et least to the extent he supposed; and if precedent were to govern, there was nothing , in history to warrant the step now recommended. He did nnt mean to argue that danger might not be so imminent, and motives arising from that danger so powerful, as to call upon Parliament to disregard all precedent, but he argued that no such danger and no such motives existed here, and that there was no specialty that could not be found in all other cases where nothing of the kind had been attempted. There was no instance upon record where the Queen Mother had been Regent excepting upon usurpation. Here there was a double difficulty—fur, as he apprehended, it would be impossible to provide against the ease of the Heir Presumptive without providing also for the case of the Heir Apparent. What might be every proper appointment of a Regent in the one Case, might not be a proper appointment in the other ; hence the diffi culties to be coped with were the greater, and yet the House WAS called upon to arrive at a decision on a sudden. He deprecated very much the discussion of abstract prin ciples upon this question, and in any future discussion he should hold himself at trill liberty, when the provisions were brought forward, to take whatever course appeared t 0 00 be eu r eg s e p l e d, die o n r t. upa l l i w upon what as n t e o r t Ri n g o : h consideringto uched w h othose points incidentally while arguing the only material ques tion now at issue--whether this was the proper time for adopting the proposed motion. The situation of time Royal i required no such haste. There was a Royal Mother, Famil y eron s o f whose custody the Heir Presumptive was not to be taken, and no danger was to be appre• hended that could not be duly provided for in the neat Parliament. As to time other case of posthumous issue, the character of the Queen Consort is a petted gua- imiriuAigiroglkil ranter that no di ffi culty could arise tribal men of the world, the Members of the Hot circumstances—they must balance : the diffic— the balance exercise a sound and sober judgment. 'of the world, then, he asked them where - was and from whence was it to arise ? The Coast ciently provided for any events that were likel and in the meantime nothing should be done berate consideration. It was impossible for the a question of this sort, not to advert to what • ready done. The majority must bind the miner former decision must be considered th e gent:._ House, and if ever there was an instance in whit be injudicious to retrace steps already taken, it, now before the House. After a gracious : received from the King, an Answer bad been foot of the Throne re-echoing the senti Message, and declaring that it was not the Parliament to proceed to the discussion of This very day an answer to the Address bad I at the bar, merely pointing out the desireof the to terminate the Session without addressing', or to any other question. In what situation. the Monarch and the country be placed, if the tire Throne now moved were to be adopted? be, but to tell the King, "We came to ahi few nightsago--we have revised our proceed now come to tell you, that the danger issuch. ing, that it is absolutely necessary that we . 1 to the discussion of the Regency without a Such would be a most inauspicious con.., new reign, and it would not be that kind of fectionite proceeding with which the House would be desirous of hailing the accession of reign. The di ffi culties also of the present -House could not be overlooked. How was the present state of public business, and ‘ preaching elections (for it was of no use i out), to enter properly into conviderations of ject. Ile might reasonably envy Members whatever cause, confident of being returned, sion to look after their constituents. lie was happy condition—he should be obliged to go' his electors, and he believed that nut a few a similar, he hoped none were in a worse . should lament, not indeed for airy assistance he that this great question should be discussed his absent*. If the subject were commenced, almost interminable—at least no one could r.. elusion, and it would have to be considered at a the few who could attend would be unable' calmly or to decide deliberately, to the either of the Crown or of the people. due, also, he would ask, to the feelings -trious- individual who filled the Throne? ing him with the Addrets now moved would upon him to consider not only the possibility 1 bability of his own demise. Having just the Crown, his Royal Brother yet unburied, fairs yet unsettled, and before he had en consulting the wishes of his Queen, or the • Member of his family, was it fit to demand immediate consideration and decision of such With the near prospect of a dissolution' of • which bbd been promised by the Crown, was it rush to the foot of the Throne, end to ' " Haste ! we acceded to your wishes, but we we did so—time presses--we cannot wait; ' are waiting for a measure to settle the Beget other hand, by postponing the question, .. country to fear ? An event might happen, and necessary for his Hon. and Learned Friend to t dents and cues to show the uncertainty of all that lived must die, and no man could ' that was no sufficient reason for proceeding rous and injurious speed. It did not follow mankind must die once, that every thing once. Moral, and not mathematical crania that could be acted upon in such matters, and titular the advantage of delay was . obvious : would be mere mature—better calcu'ated to dignity of the Crown, and to preserve the people. After what had passed, it would breach of that affectionate regard due to the if the House consented to recall and contra& vote ; but in so saying Le meant not the el action against his Hon. and Learned Frie A, f a o vc r e w Ac a uo r nL d suu this question, was, n° tented by as pure feelings as those witieh him (the Solicitor-General) to resist it. He' proposition spurrop pre irs eti tom becauseethfo ercsp eec ho n s yl it i de re e,uiro i i v tfi ndi a lge s x i s tef a ai : etlie i l s hi ofignenegut.selbsaaottdinfiroadlottil.ittelei listen' s , who had just resumed his seat, in which forget the great, paramount, and permanent people. The Hon. anti Learned Gentlemao of the delicacy d ue to t h e new M onarc h, a nd ment all would sympathi se ; but in his point be omitted to advert to the circrunteen re l %, racy was as much violated by th e d ec i s ion of , t ,'` - night, as by the now-prop ose d reso l u tion. : think (continued the Hon. Member) that Wne ll lion. Secretary, on the former night, with' and due decorum,. opened tire subject, be , violated the delicacy with which tire CroWn environed, as my Hon. and L ea rned Friend' the Address we are no w cons id er i n g. mdse'' decision, is mo re i n d e li ca t e , ' to me, that to discuss th e ' quest i on with"' than to debat e least the prospect of a d e t er mination. We a re lect that Kiugs are not like common 41W placed alone and aloft to be the objects regard, and they cannot expect to enjoy which is the delight and luxury of ti At the very birth of a Sovereign tire Great' are present, and the public solemnization of a riage is in some respects a scene of grossness The House of Commons addressed Queen Ate leer to form a new matrimonial alliance at th e inent when her husband was lying dead. Si whomever these proceedings may seem indelit one person in the country to whom they will so : whatever pain might thus be given to & ' Ptinctelike James 11. or Louis XV., the . Illustrieus Ileum, which it is our boast to have the Throne of these Kingdoms, will be above fn' suffering t , s. The Hon. and Learned Gentlemen a to show that its the cases of interference tha t . pened there had beers a suspension of the . 0 00 tions, that these extraordinary provisions becson' e c, and that no alarming consequences had Weeded should wish to ask the Hon. and Learned Ge n t lie conceives to be the end an d o bject of Per" - i d L ia .o n m ey m ; un a it n y d ni t y is The history of our hereditary form of Goeerr i , not present us with any certain security for the or virtue of the Chief Magistrate. The din tl `", s e batedva "' ample themes to the satirist rind the "w„,,0 Look, be and ent o r t u h s e ted r ctoontiebrieuetebise bA..I at this moment, at the enormous s' extent of power confided to the heredit er Y lel hie whether an infant or an adult: the P„,,P I : o f governs is scarcely less than 120,000,00" ,I aspersed over the world, from th e Meditevrja rt % i Indian Archipelago—from the extretne reed Western to the extreme South of the Distern '' r ed, an authority so vast • and so intricate, the, 14. 000! even of those who have the task of guiding re! the Sovereign are fully aware of its extent els' il Yet this enormous empire, with all its non l P ' rests, may be placed under .the contreul of a $ hay or girl. For a child, unable to walk o r 1t.,. 4ituplest wish in its mother tongue, the 0 0 ' . Generals and of accomplished Statesmen a re Senates pay it homage, and by the years of its 011,0 numbered and public Acta are dated. To reent; t 4 may appear, if not absurd, unressonebli; B ° l , l f ie l answer? Why in this enlightened age d o " o f ita would oppose even with our lives any 0 10 14 0! tem? What is the advantag It may e that counterPo'ol ,serous and admitted evils? .vord--certeinty.—(Hear, licar.)—Fer this n . 0 1,0 this alone, we are content to forego all the 1 1 . 7 0 egi , night result from " securing to the realm A la u 1 40 Chatham, and of Meriboroughs." Under .. / I ', st e I be dcsiii!!" o , 0 Government the Royal authority passel vi sli o or!' n on 0 ,41 from one Royal depository to another, in whom the right to the Supreme magistrerY $ . O -0 this certainty be of more value than wisdonb o f t public servicoa—if it he paramount to ever t: $ 10. 'oration, then, I ask, what becomes of 011, 0 11l til ls rf the Hon. and Learned Member ? Ile ~ 0 1 her than to choose soon ; but if we foliose` 1 0 : 000 1 in the appointment of a Regency, and to sir". forego the only advantage of our hereditsq ,J s ,„ IA vernMent—its certainty. Not only he, b!,, pa ssii hereditary Monarchy in their speeches its effort assert that the aff iv oi4 that the evil of an elective Monarelly.i! e . ', 1 0 „Ibis ' •tvii, We are to run the most fearful risk ! o _, ) , 0 ion can be expesed—we are to be left in e d,,n' ts ,li *mon on whom tire supreme power of ti n r'l rh o side—we are to incur the danger of a a nt 'rho is au unimportant. 1 1' 1 01 r disputed succession rather tsars-sevbe i t ' OOl MI .hat Hon. Gentlemen shall stay in 14° . st es e, lays, and incur heavier charges. for ribairs wool (Much cheering.)—ls it the wish of T o e i . a, lonarchy of this country should be el"' ._. . •, - bat quiet` , loose must Beahies, told dgment. At was the dol Constitution t likely to 01 lone withouti for the Ho** vhat had tot minority, Pt .eneral stvestr, in which it 01 . leen, it wolf, 1 Message hulk teen carried 0 sentiments cf.f, t he intentio } a of this cut? bad been ce 4 . eof the So ing hi mse lf to I ation On : if the Add ed ? What of a hasty MO nir tren ding!, 1 - such and so Pil we should l o ` a Inomedil nCentO t )mine d ad of lord * o _, louse of Coo!' to of I% eel; of position was it pool and with tilt 4 Übe not to Sr i ons of such I L albetti WV er rued, had 0 le was Well's o go (loos/ rw othette° rse situsti* • ace he cola sed sold do need, it w . , 1 old forego :: , 1 'ed at I tio osbia 0 liE fg is : I e gg . thel o V f al is tl i i ie: 1 rone? API) ~ 'Would bo Pi I bili t y butt' 1,1 just suet'sop Tied, hill e 'lci. on opporttk.,,, t he YIeWS #1,.; !Mend of I ti f so ab ii,,',T ot of bat h PI; was it deal 1 to tell th.. but we re r' _ .. 4 nit; eat t,,gency.” it .ion, what ) "; d P e " )en , an 4 ad to quatalii ity of bog' . tt aid 84 40°, 'ho . ''' hog t r ill, x i follow, bel oi l g must be ...1 cer tainty, !7,, re, and in t ry rious: the lel ited to sutilli Intracliet it* 1 " - , the slighten.n Friend, 11°1 e , no . drw ::? which 4 0 t Ile oPP „Al it this seo) „Al 1 1 . ~1110 listened $ l 4 h3Diitlitete,oCiUlhnontha Learned l eeldntoot And hi. $ a r r . ea i, ; :: :: :, r b. t „ os , , et !', ~,, , ,„„„„ , ...,.„ ,ion . o' i 0 , 7 , 16 ; 1! b e t w 1 , i p with g re :„rte triCrown &a . of F r iend w lrD e a til, : n d v : 1 idi e e te : et3 o l it l e : , 'ir , itr i, li t ' i so saes obj• ts ° l ' 4 ects r ro, enjoy tlist so of the ir ,41/ 'eat Office r ' h ti ion of a itto mess and le l '? eels Anne , 4 toe v :e at toe , • id. Sure to t indelicatett'd le y W ill o: l fit )( a to & p A ' o t! the Ifea"..ns4