The Sun. — London, England, 1833-02-12 00:00:00

tho,ooo 4 o h al „ persons, ou t o f a popu l at i on o f 75,000, lolf penn v not more than f rom two to twopence r itlsj a y , h p e r day to live on. The district to which I °lithat;•,ol,of Huddersfield , i n Y or k s hi re . These per h,lenght to k now w h at Government mean to ,lo It le ott, _" a right t o an d expect some recommen d at i on, :,efliat.... t he( l ', r u he part o f t h e Ministers, of measures f or the i r U"use at this period showed great symptoms called an d sever a l M em b ers on th e Mini s t er i a l 41 bett tot Question, ques ti on " on which M r . You, git)i,ut'd to the S pea k er, an d sa id)-I appea l to go u 4 0 1 , I have not a r i ght to he heard ; please to be ma r us, th atlll g e Keep order (Lau ht r• ) You'll not silence ly 05 Renewe laughter.) ou uRp, "m i f you do n not hear me, d I shall adjourn Y the Put d, s wan , , si , rne 11 . rt, 1 .e prepared for this, and am not to be • t , tir e ,, d, l 't• The people, I say, expected that some ' th rn tetml n uld be proposed by Ministers for their relief „ n ' l viti z „ wh ich they ask the unconstitutional power of ;: u gliini,;" People into dungeons.-(Great confusion, toted! untthesnt.--( ad' mid 1 gr oans -) If lam not heard, I shall move Cries of " Go on," " Question," &c.) a th a 1 ,, ?are you 'one word. The people expected Za:ati:f:rtlste,rs should recommend some measures for 44i ve ,je3' expected them to recommend that those h , the earnings of the people, and de nothing d " 4 ould h deprived • • N o a y ou 6 e of their unjust emoluments ; itut ' 4 lll e No I n d any such recommendation in the speech? reeo, l l) e have no such consolation. They find `e mea ns! th• a atti te „t n euded in all respects harsh and oppressive, as an Irisluost; 001 01 : th ee e of all feeling for their wretched situation. ad been said pe e slcowftplained of, and they have a right to coun t detain th e - ith h I have an amendment to move to the ail . k e I shall read ; and when I have read it, I 'uldGreetnnt3ler'h'3°lol: Pr i pata e ,i n tg . ia 't the reasons which induce me to think it a on, , ore' Nit) "'"'" to his Majesty srcive lneA - ht 4, 11,, 11 :- . en d et rian ohs e 0 Gr, 4 l 8 11b ,:'°" , SOVEREIGN,-WC, your Majesty's dutiful the „jib! ,i t so u , ri tai '"ts, the Commons of the United Kingdom of sp For g s . 4 ~J e 4 and Ireland, in Parliament assembled, express to , hear.) NAa B tt3i otlr humble thanks for your Majesty's most explain their W e Peech from th th were v" 1 4i . t th a . e rone. it they w it 41 1 1' h a , ° h i' Your Majesty for the information which your I observatiohi t ,09 th . :_ch graciously pleased to communicate . to us bent as s ,i ‘ ; No'lliti tu : e Proceedings which your Majesty, in virtue of s were in i ° „t. w it , s `umal and just prerogative, has caused to be oercive 11 010. U eg o t ete ! pe, k ;regard to Portugal, Belgium, and Holland; and, of Clare tWo t otk assured that every act of your Majesty with ildiery on the 4 , ,j 7 , th e .„'"hi ch t " . countries will proceed from that anxious soli. 1, t iLttr hts )our Majesty has constantly evinced to promote n being reP air , th ak t , lti ogd % l Your dutiful people, and to maintain the honour res were r e d dir r e vem t 'asei n- -s• we give your Majesty our assurance, that we reland, but t do . l a '. ti ta with th , The re u ti ts , to u , e greatest respect, and shall bestow our mar.) s d j o , ty s to th sedulous attention upon, those various papers re iiversity 01 11 4 . i ilih e " fr airs of Holland and Belgium, which your Ma_ P; otestant tN i e r n graciously ,pleaseda to intimate that your Majesty not sly th :00 tet sr i Ve eetion s to h before us. O'Connell) eh' sh a n' t the Bane Your Majesty, that, with regard to the Char milch Coo l , „1 ) , " blishkter With of England and the East India Company, we the'"" i i ith care and diligence on a revision of those esta ere called, a rl 1.1 % , 5; I . CI that the best of our endeavours shall be sof thriviog' 'ateOto his ° se cure at such a decision as shall be best calms e. roe kin he 'e real and solid public credit, as well as to pro_ 'g le P ea° re ge ' " general prosperity and power of your Majesty's anion of th e e 4 l eek th k ."Wing, and most acutely feeling, the sorrowful culi'abet,' Present mode of maintaing the Clergy of the 11441 Y grit Church, both in England and Ireland, we are pe- N ki ni e , flll to y our :%lajestY for having suggested to us ear i , very great and extensive alterations with regard shaptr,e, s Pora lities of that Church ; and it is with peculiar te Ote N e t t hat We beg vour Majesty to be assured, that we 11 )4,2 411 th 4 °O the task . with all the patience, all the dili kh absence of passion and of prejudice, which the t• th •mo o; k w , and - momentous subject so imperiously demands ; a1)1 t - '" ih fidently hope, that the result of our consulta this alt4 re e 'd to th e goo d o f t h e Ch urc h, t h e sa f e ty, h onour , °Lit, t4 N',.„ °f Your Majesty and your kingdom ; and that tqittltPortant matter will be so ordered and settled by r4ti e4, 1 1 z ,, 10 4 ' . % that peace and hppiness, truth and justice, ", • P i ety, may be established among us for all gene fur th i Vll4 Yo tn m t we humbly present to your Majesty our most grate- N,, i 4 ltJ eat i4 having been graciously pleased to assure us that eton 4 11 has dir ec t e d t h e E st i ma t es f or th e serv i ce o f th e , , le % , 10 be framed with the most anxious attention to ITNN:end while we assure your M a j es t y t h a t no thi ng s h a ll lh od ° our part t o rewar d h a bit s o f industry and pro -4444 h 44 er amongst the l a bourin g classes of the comniu kret„Y, QO -4n den duty to our constituents, as well as to your to til 'sat ni Pels us to ex p ress t o y our M a j es ty ou r deep re sr,i4 tte tt t o ur Majesty should not have been advised graciously try 44 t1h Lis to c ons id er o f t h e means of lightening t h e nume tl4ktl,44vY burdens which are a discouragement to that indus- ENO; n n so cruelly oppress those meritorious and suffering h at e a1:1; 1 ve assure your Majesty that we will, with all dili at4Na-eal, proceed to an investigation of the causes which 4 4 ,1' th ' r ed those burdens and their consequent suff,rings, .. -.l l: t : ti ti °lltion of measures which shall, in our judgment, kit,.. 11 11 t ° Produce e ff ectual and permanent relief. Yo l , 4 "Qi tt :'neerely do we participate with your Majesty in that \sitt, ko hl Y°hr Majesty's paternal solicitude for the welfare of kli e t l 4 ,,, e has induced your Majesty graciously to express t t , rk , to the disturbances in Ireland ; and we assure your I l i si44lll., " e a 4 t we shall be ready, at all times, to adopt any consti.. th e _ures that may be necessary for controlling and pu -4,oNgthulsturtiers of the public peace, and for preserving ` lo , l ll )l , r4 mg those ties which connect the two countries in S t : l ,. a l. l (ls of loyalty to your Majesty, deeming, as we pe l n of the two countries to be fraught with destruc- N l , 4 t,d , : ie e , .security, and welfare of your Majesty's domi ktiy Attwohvinced as we are that nothing but unjust and a rrive" l' j 1 1, 11.1 4 ' 1 1, r nt of our fellow-subjects of Ireland can ever induce yet „ or et r at Omi t , th em to desire such separation, we most so mw too .o e You r Majesty that we will never give our sanction you collie t° ';01 ti h ein . ale tif ith thee treated with injustice and cruelty, and that we m will he sMallest possible delay, proceed to the considera ce r tft la 'it e alis of in ter ; t y ha redressing those manifold grievances under hers may turf " ve solo A so k lei s „, - Pg been suffering, and which are, we are please, 5 0- r ., a rt4 tine real cause of the present unhappy dire - or m y own r o ds te trb Set ; s , after the : t o ., I think this a proper address, and I am de ale Lord ovr,,to d4 1 , ',J. }4 is fu t ake time sense of the House upon it, and to ne has bee ° ." rit a n d who against it.-(Cries or " Divide, tithe tt that division shall not take place till I have e Lord is rir.jl f irl4 lip e xplain my reasons for proposing. lam sorry that this f t :Y 4(1 0,. ° , 11 1ch of time time of the House, but I think I beg 0 00 ',,d - e to iny country to state fully my reasons with high ' t ip e th. la wi g this amendment. I can, however, easily ancient that 'tes td la t mann er it w ill b e rece i v .d, an d wh a t will son t ..corol°lll' agii N s ' tw o of the vote upon it, espe..ially as it is evident ,i s m a jestP l , o oo I h it ' th e factions of Whigs and Tories have united from the tad . In uit I ,ghl ' eti li" P l e• I early foresaw that it would be so. ,ich shor t torsi west oroi Lectures in most of the principal towns- House 'ist l P,,ii l ia , ,, r ik o n ti g' in the Isle of Wight, to the towns in the pare one's ' e ra s' 111 .1 5 4 4 y ' l nd, and before two hundred audiences, and I $ p the I th s • . • •would mink soh" „,c A o tt t that these two fa ctions unite, Le House, "'" "utt u Pls.. "isters proposed something or the good of Plo °',,' and now finding that they had no such in. ajesty. , to t 0,1 that they were resolved to do nothing for It was sin raeh*,,fot.'tce.y. have united : this is quite natural to .teak upoh 3 to e! ~h t t h., } know that it is impossible for them to t was ig e d l o alil. • Ili e e _P, , e e ° Ple but in conjunction with each other. 0; yet I „at' a, tj7 t b y r then read an extract from the speech er un th e tt t ° , ll teNtroth' i ty l ion . . Member to time electors of Middle that retith• o • „, which he had seen verified in his own re. tith e ti a cd 4 ti that of nerly less 01 / . a t h to a ; • person said, that when the leaders m m • for it '' nl "eil, it was never in favour of the people, address; %;k .t 6 te Wa s t day bei °re „ l ld L, A shdal he people who had to pay the price of eque ntiy e °- 1, , 4 to,„„"us reconciliation. Had it not been lor li, - the l e ' e a nd o il m ild,,,:, l l ' . l ation, the people would never have vasout ils d d f t ( kit o,l iet ttix `tie house and window tax, the soap tax, ),,e, or t he s c t aj t : 4 2 arid e l s ( e ) Which ground them down to the earth.- mme ao urce ms' e ar th NIN t. „ I - 1 ( 1 cries of " Question, question.") to the sP ee t ;; t li r , "CH would recommend to the House to c id W t .,V+,,lember.-(Cries " Order.") tat the 10 ,ter b b l mno t , 4 4th ' 4 \.ER rose, and said that he would exert r O i r u e r e se o f el ii .t , ti4 4 llbie O r i ty power to keep order. If the he ct a, the 4/ 1 1 1, tmouthe M embers had been longer Members of that mid t hat the I wo W nail not have hem so sensible to any occa -1 " 1, f t i t 41 ' t hms with which they might meet in the e l s intere - f .e d eb ;„, 1t rte a ~e r it ae t . • ste•--- whole hear.) He could say, that he m atte t lN ,• ° go a ° ", na the course of his Parliamentary fficient 1° abler' ha t te t4 to I ,altZ i : five . days' debate to . which there was such i t A t , IN • ° givev or in which the sjeakers met iger la o ce f ta co tt o ! hi4t Al t; 1 11 05 " ;4 1 ir titer rtipt i on ' as in the course of the late de ' P VP ° IM Y t " k s - --(Hear.) at any ras,‘'' h • Lo r tf ,, T then resumed Ile had a very sacred oaratory 11 „,o if es t , ti rht, Whet' j ! 0 , day, ;ty, 'at 5i ~ " it the House was determin ed not to , r 1 I s hoo'', 0 01 et a , at a O4 , ile would certainly bring it forward - ' e r' j 4 041 't tilt. him the next me forst' , . m j y would not lea' . en di sf . ; and tmo 11tm bring it fo rward th e day after. The • by the ti t at th 4t .4.1 It) . rh o , say to l 'he u °l),, , l vith, ` n uke, and lie was determined to make n tb of Pe ohl g, on ti , t , any considerable interruptiots-(Cries but sti ll Joe l , t "' Oti f i ts ) He was proceeding to show that ut by' ths4the u " cim u •di' i ned, it was in order to oppress the e d 10,0 ,he SIN f our r emembe r the coalition between Pitt terinin _ ,u r . „„ „ s itto° r ef, 'nat i o the principal leaders of the Nings p. -p- •, r t • to ~,C1 Lime karts " fiat was the first result of that ? • out 0 0) o I '. O l/ 1807'stie'41'111,54, which cost this country more than five no . o.e gei,/ si n , of time nat . • I Then there was th t i o o l lona debt . le Irish h tli' S tu a ,. I' 4 t . w as , , between the Whips and Tittles in , h e ' the act from them on that occa on.) a , no tst , h it th, first lo io '"oti o 'et ti cume Tax from 6i- to 10 per cent. •o tic ole 00 , ter ; t , t. ';icepensiye German war-and to increase j, ge n tj t „.„.. , a ins" fr 6 't d u al v tu " aryl amide pension to an unprecedented Wh a to 4 ' l C anninP-itne d oor 0 td i 124, ho t h e g vas a n , rst „ d th h , r coalition, which, being short, did done , ' a l .et 'ie ,arrn a s their ° s r e if o ,i b W aYs uwat t o % hl gs do , those he had mentioned. But cot ie r 41 )4° , 0 on that occasion ? Their very g sw er i t ) ; t ~ (n o , tt . mon the Catholics, to whom they ha d •I t F.IP, uer n , . ro p 1 e t , t t , eIVtS friends while they had it not the „ e st'S , ff. t h at „ ot t „ assist th tr.- - 4 .mo, th e them . And now they had to pty ing a L at vto • acand „ a t l os/ 4,1 paid 41 1 Si on, ous coalition, for they were i o ar' the j o bs psi d utirden' no s inecures, no taxes were to taken Pfi t tth ; ,a, th 4 , Huddersfield to remain as time were. He sae no rms ji ; ) herat) ) 4ls hod l4 Huddersfield there ‘ y vere 40,000 it cow' oe ;1, hot r , hY ti °a r 4 e. t ore than 21d each r d to su iliac the t o . • Pe ay I oj;a a h.‘ town of Leicester things seemed to 1 - 0 01 rlet v Iled the atte • a dist 7 ntlon of the Hou se w hile that day re 7t) ) t he death L., Learned )art of the ponc`., thing ; a-- the police. .0 .r's verdic t on :0 ed of a W ul f ▪ h'e the exercise a to , onnecten . . withlol, • wer e empaaa'; d i f , Jurymen bolo, rds inquir e ' ) ua t if tbeY g a i i e o; i be at th e P er 00 1 is only t he rts of Ire l3 '2 u cn mockery of )pert( ten were .cl..e.trer wer e unwl i : Th e coerniv T o• o , nanded wer e d for was coucerne.4oo them. The r i ing did greatert.° 0, le repeal q ue ' I t he ere it not fur tne j Hon. and t e( ' , er ea he show" ) e understo od) e lo hes, the IP d ttered W as 80 noVi l e was not t .--„0„ 1 - 6 us e - - and r ec T,o titration of gb e way in dai3gereY r, and for ti lsL t brif Minister; ' l3 of For the cod° Irish e aec o e peplo Majesty's eul9 nl it e in the hear t " o re that coustY ! of The existiogl us in Ireldp to the ,o 'l 0 / ht Hon. Se‘ r 'o4. last six tor! o pti e lie in'v!, ▪ but he dyuro perpetratt d di d ears. He e last soc last yea.. e s to art 410° f V in the nat oe - o o ft Governme°/ the id liberties °,e030 the most soot le e‘illed tif'•, t o t to buocti°' v if, that °'e an atnerlO e rt; early par' to t vistaed ilovi he read the report of a Committee in that town, which showed the situation to which the people were reduced. They would then see whether the prosperity described by the speech was borne out by the fact. If the Ministers were aware of the distress, it was most barbarous of them to put a statement into his Majesty's mouth which led to a belief of the prosperity of the country ; if they were igno rant of the distress, they were not fit for the situation of King's Ministers. The speech said, that in this part of the United Kingdom, with very few exceptions, the pub. lie peace had been preserved. They might well be peace able, for their rulers took good care to keep them peace able. The Hon. Member then read a part of the report from Leicester, which stated, among other cases, that William Hazlitt, a weaver, received only 6.. 6d. per week for his labour, that he has! to work 18 hours per slay, and when the charge for framing, &c., was taken off, all that he pocketed for his week's labour was 3s. Yet these people were peaceable, and did not say a word. At this rate of payment, the sinecure of Lord Grenville alone would support 1,084 persons. The Herries family received as much as would support 271 families, includ ing their living, and the bringing up of their families. The First Lord of the Admiralty, when on the opposite side of the House, had applied for returns, from which it appeared that the one hundred and thirteen persons who are members of the Privy Council receive among them the enormous sum of 650,0001. a year, enough to maintain 163,220 persons. One gate-way was proved, from returns made to that House, to have cost as much as would have supported 9,000 persons. Would they say that all that was a laughing matter? It might he so for those that had money. It put him in mind of the expression made use of by St. Paul " to the Heathen"—words used not while he was a persecuting, blaspheming Jew, but after he was converted to Christianity. The Hon. Member then adverted to the affairs of Ireland. He denied that the Hon. Member for Dublin had begun the attack upon Ministers. Their own Mover of the address had attacked that Hon. Member. He had accused him of fomenting civil discord for the purpose of attaining the repeal of the Union. He (Mr. C.) thought, that as the Hon. Mover of the address was dressed in uniform, and wore a sword, he should have handed over the address on the point of his sword to the Hon. Member for Dublin. The Hon. Member then said, that the Seconder of the address bad, a year before, assisted at a public meeting, at which re solutions were put and agreed to, that the Church pro perty in Leland should be resumed by the Government, and now that Hon. Member came to the House and se conded an address which called on them to give to the Government the power of throwing the advocates of the freedom of Ireland into dungeons. He could not repeat the word " dungeon" too often. He could not conceive why the Members of his Majesty's Government should have such an aversion for the Honourable Member for Dublin. He did not understand what great spite they bore him.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Cobbett) differed from that Hon. Member on some points—be differed with him especially on the subject of the poor laws in Ire land, but be did not consider that a ground of quarrel. In his opinion it could he fur no other reason, but merely because that Hon. Member was beloved by the people of Leland, and because great confidence was placed in him by a large portion of the people of that country. He seemed to wish to destroy that Hon. Member, but he could tell them, that if they were able to destroy him to-morrow, they would only be the more heartily detested in Ireland. They were detested because they hated the Hon. Member for Dublin—and the more they hated him, the more would they be detested. They failed in their arguments regarding the state of Ireland, until they proved that the export of all the produce of that country was of no dis service to it, for it was notorious that Ireland was drained of her produce. This he considered one good argument in favour of the Union. He remembered, in 1817, when the same cry of dungeons rattled in the ears of the people of England, but that did not prevent a million and a half of persons from petitioning for Reform. And so it was at present with regard to Ireland. There was a man who, at the period of the Union, did all he could to resis• it, and was one of the moat powerful opponents of it After saying everything he could against the Union, he continued, that he would resist the Legislative Union to the last gasp of his existence ; and, when the hour of his dissolution came, that he would, like the father of Han nibal, draw his children together, and make them swear never to forgive the invaders of their country. And who did they think this was who was such a vio lent opposer of the Union, and who was so deter mined never to become reconciled to it ? No less a man than the present Lord Chancellor of Ireland. Well, but where are all the young Hannitials? In the first place I will begin with the Dean of Durham, who bas united six parishes under his spiritual cure. There is a pretty shepherd. He is riot content with one flock—he must hove six.—(Laughter.) Next comes Hannibal the second, who is Crown prosecutor fur Munster, and has 1,7001. a . year. So much for the second Hannibal. The next Hannibal is the Hon. Patrick Minket, Secretary to the Bankruptcy Commission, &C. &c. 3 900/. a-year fai ths third Hannibal. The next is the Hon. William Plunkett, with 4,700/. a-year. I consider him ill used. He is the Vicar of Bray.—(Great laughter.) (The Hon. Member here made some remarks, the import of which we could not ascertain.) He then proceeded to enume rate various offices enjoyed by members of the family o: the Lord Chancellor of Leland, including that of Mr. William Corbyn, a Secretary, with a salary of 2,000/. a year ; a Mr. Caiveley, with 2,0001. a-year; a Mr. Erasmus Smith, Solicitor to the Society of Benchers, and Law Agent to the Board of Charitable Bequest. Alto. (,Tether, this Hannibal had 1,3001. a-year. Thus 22,2331. were divided among these ten Hannibals. Mr. Cubbett then made several remarks on the apostacy of certain individuals. The nation, he said, was in the hands of gorged apostates. It was the duty of every hones: man to pray that the nation might speedily be delivered front them ; and it would not be in the power of any one long to delay that delive ranee. He then referred to May's History of the Long Parlia ment, and to the famous apostacy of Wentworth. He (Wentworth) also had taken measures which tended to oppress Ireland ; and he was confident that the result would be the same in the present case as it was then. All things were then in the hands of gorged apostates. Still, unless the people came to the aid of their faitlifto representatives, unless they exerted themselves for the purpose of obtaining that relief which was absolutely necessary, no redress of their grievances would be obtained. Time reform of Parliament would turn out to be of no use. They might be told they had got Reform, and what more did they want? Reform was of no use unless this House did its duty ; unless it looked to the complaints which were made to it ; unless it resolved to put a stop to the system of plundering which hail so long prevailed in the country. Ali ! say you (continued the Honourable Member) but they have got 10,000 soldiers in Ireland ; but these ten thousand soldiers will not protect the paper money, on which an attack is threatened to be made. if in May last the run upon the banks had continued for forty-eight hours longer, they would have been completely knocked up. If the least insurrection takes place, away goes the paper-money as you would blow off the down of the dandelion. After giving his opinion about the King's speech, about the gorged apostates, and about the in q s.y spent on the aristocracy, he said he would divide the House upon his amendment, and the House might divide as it pleased. Mr. FIELDEN, in seconding the amendment, ob served, that the increase of production had invariably been accompanied by an increase of inisery. He could speak with respect to a circuit of twenty miles round Oldham. He was sure, if the Government were successful in carry ing measures for the coercion of Ireland, that their nest step would be to adopt measures to coerce England. The Hon. Member hem mentioned a district containing it po pulation of 120,000, among whom 20,000 were without bread.—(Cries of " Question.") A MEMBER, whose name we could not learn, observed that the Hun. Member for Oldham wished to divide the House in order to ascertain what the opinions of the Mem bers were on the topics to which he had a lvei ted in his amendment. It was not by vague declamation that the sufferings of the people could lie relieved ; nor was it by the efforts of individuals that these sufferings could be alleviated. The only method of accomplishing the object proposed was by intrusting it to the Members of his Ma jesty's Government ; and lee trusted that it would be shown, when their plans were brought forward, that their intended reforms much exceeded, instead of falling short of what was expected from them. But the coininence ment of the Reformed Parliament was far from auguring well to the just expectations of the people. Four slays had been occupied in the discussion of one subject. For his own part, he was willing to give a large share of his confidence to his Majesty's Ministers ; and he should cer• tainlv vote for the address. He had no doubt that any measure intended for the good of Ireland would meet with the immediate concurrence of the House. The Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin had, he had no doubt, entirely mistaken the feelings of the House ; and should he (Mr. O'Connell) bring forward any spe cific plan for the benefit of his country, he was sure that he would find the British Parliament ready to assist him, as far as was in their power; but when agitation was conducted systematically—when, under the pretence of public objects, private views were aimed at—(Great cheering)—it could not be expected that they would sup port the views of any individual. Upon certain points, the lion. and Learned Member for Dublin would find English Members disposed to go as far as he could wish. No Englishman, indeed, would refuse his eo•operation in any plan for the good of Ireland ; but at the same time he was not sorry that the amendment of the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin hail been negatived by so sweeping a majority. Mr. T. ATTNVOOD then rose, and spoke to the fol lowing effect :—No man cm be more grateful than I am for the benefits which we have derived from the present Administration ; but the events which took place before we carried the greet objects for which we had long con. tended, ought to prove a warning never again to lead the people into similar circumstances. In my conscience, I believe that we are now proceeding in a course of error. We are met here as a Reformed Parliament, for the first time in our history ? Why did we make the Re form? For two reasons ; first, to relieve the people from the insupportable distress under which they labour ; se condly, to restore and confirm the liberties of the people. What, then, must have been my surprise on hearing the speech from the throne, that the first measure recom mended to this House by his Majesty's Ministers, is a measure to restrain the liberty of the subject, and perhaps establish arbitrary power in Ireland.—(No, no ; and loud cries of " Hear.") Ido not know what the words mean unless they mean a suspension of the Constitution. I believe that the Hon. Men who conduct the Government of the country, would be merciful, lenient, and mild in the administration of tyrannic power; but I will never con sent that my constituents (and constitutionally speaking, I consider the Irish as my constituents, or at least that I am bound to legislate for them as such)—(Hear)—l will never consent that any portion of the inhabitants of the British empire shall be delivered over to the despotic power of any set of men, however pure, wise, or upright. —(Hear, hear.) Nothing but the very last necessity shall ever induce me to give my consent to such a measure. Another object of the Reform has been altogether over. looked—the distress of the people—the long-suffering, miserable people.---(Hear, hear.) What will be the feeling of the people of England if this House agree to an address which does not contain one word about their unbearable sufferings? Now I have an amendment which I wish to propose.—(A laugh.) It is very short. It is at once suaviter in modo, et . fortiter in re. As it is so small an amendment, I hope the Noble Lord, who is so celebrated for his candour and true patriotism, will see reason to consent to it. I will read it at the proper time, brain the interim I hope the House will excuse me if I make one or two remarks—l shall not trouble them -,vith more—on the speech from the Throne and the address. There was one expression in that speech which struck terrier into my heart, and which, I fear, will strike terror and indignation into the hearts of the people of England. The expression to which I allude is that which calls upon us by ;ill practicable means, to promote habits of industry and good order amongst the labouring classes of the people of England. Why, have we not on the table of this House, or elsewhere, a Bill to prevent them from working themselves to death ? Is not this an industrious, meritorious people—and is an insinua tion to go forth that this people want stimulants to in dustry ? Are not millions of them going from town to town, and place to place, begging for employ ; and then, too, we are called upon to preserve good order among them? Have they not, I ask, already proved that they are orderly—(Hear)--with what good order have they not conducted themselves? I have seen 200,000 of them as semble together in times of great excitement as peaceably as lambs, and I have seen them also return as peaceably as lambs—(A laugh, and cheers)—without committng any, the slightest insult. Many of those men were earning only 3s. or 4s. a week, as has been already stated by the Hon. Member for Oldham ; many had, perhaps, walked twenty miles to attend that meeting, and afterwards went home as peaceably as lambs. And is good order to be recom mended to these orderly, patient, suffering men? Such an expression is more than unnecessary, and I think it can do no good.—(Hear, hear, hear.) I wish to say just one word upon another subject—l refer to unhappy Ire land. It is sail th it agitation does all the mischief in Ireland. I firmly believe that it has nothing to do with it. It is extreme poverty and misery which has made agitation, and not agitation the misery and poverty.— (Hear.) I deprecate the application of force. It is a wrong remedy, and will not have any other effect than that of exasperating the Irish nation. Poverty, stinging, grinding poverty, is the cause of the discontent that exists in Iceland ; and the more poverty is coerced the more it will increase. Poverty has already made them madmen ; by coercion you will make them devils.—(A laugh, and cries of " Hear.") 1 deprecate, therefore, the application of unconstitutional power to coerce the unhappy, mi serable people, who are marked out for its objects. Every man who listened to the speeches of the Hon. Member for Leeds and the Hon. and Learned Member for the Uni versity of Dublin, tnust feel that both those Hon. Members led the House considerably astray from the real ques tion in discussion before it. Tate Honourable Member for Leeds has made a very eloquent harangue against the repeal of the Union, but I do not understand that question to be now under the consideration of this House. The real question is this—Will the representatives of the people intrust tyrannic power in the hands of the Govern ment?—(Hear, hear.) I am no friend to the repeal of the Union.—(Cheers.) I wish to try what a Reforming House of Commons will do to relieve the distresses and ameliorate the condition of Ireland. And trust that this House will not he found wanting in the application of efficient remedies to those evils by which she is afflicted.-- (11-ar, hear.) In that case lam no friend to the repeal of the Union—but if I find that this House wants either the power or the will to apply these remedies, then I shall declare ms self a friend to repeal. I hope, therefore, that you will regard the people of Irel end with a more in dulgent eye, and at last show a wish to adopt a conciliatory course. The Hon. anti Learned Member for the Uni versity of Dublin complained that the Irish were guilty of horrible crimes. Ii he had endeavoured to prove to us that the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act would put down crime, then, indeed, he might have induced us to consider the subject.—(Hear, hear, hear.) But I feel assured that neither the suspension of th e Habeas Corpus Act, nor the sending over militia re giments—neither cannon balls, bullets, nor bayonets, will have any effect in putting down crime and outrage in Ireland. Guilt is the child of misery, and until misery is relieved, guilt will continue to increase. I beg to remind the House of what took place at the dangerous period of 1776. I beg to remind you of what took place at that dangerous period when the complaints of America were brought before this House. America had one real grievance—lreland has now a hundred.--(Cheers frost the Irish Members.) The strength of the Irish discon tent, is tell times g: eater than ever existed in America in 1776. The danger of outraging such a people is now very great, and I hope you will pause before you approve of coercion, and that you will shrink from exa , perating it people whom the sufferings of many years have made to but n with fierce and indignant passion. The state of the English mind also is, in my opinion, not in a condi tion to justify extreme measures against Ireland ; and if extreme measures be resorted to, nut only will the people of England not support the Government, but I am not certain to what extent they may not carry their re sistance.—(Hear.) Let the House retnember that the very elements of society are in a state of disunion— the hearts of the working men are dislocated in their bosoms—(A laugh and cheers)—and it would lee throw ing a lire-brand into a magazine of gunpowder to send a tyrannic commission into Ireland. I warn the Noble Lord of the consequences of such a proceeding. I do it with great respect, and solely from a desire of prevent ing insurrection; and should the house consider it its duty to grant the required powers, I entreat his Majesty's Ministers on no account to use those powers, unless some terrible and overwhelming emergency should arise.— (Hear, hear, from the Ministerial Benches.) The wishes of the people of England ought to be in some degree con sidered. 1 trust you will not go to tar. Let me remind you of what took place in 17 0 8. We were then told that the state of things required strong measures; but the mea sures which may be adapted to one state of society are often very ill suited to another. The state of society in Ireland—the state of society in England—and the state of society in Europe, was then very different to what it is now. Measures may lee right at one time and not at an• other. What has since transpired On the continent of Europe has given new lessons to she world. I call on you as Statesmen to bear those lessons in rewernbrance. if, unhappily, you should be led to adopt coercive measures in Ireland, and the Irish people resist, remember they are no longer an undisciplined mob. You cannot mow them clown with your artillery as you did at Vinegar Hill. Upwards of 100 towns would be converted into fortresses in a few hours. You must sacrifice armies to put down an insurrec tion in Ireland, when a few years ago a few regiments would have sufficed. I shalt not address you further on this sub ject ; but it is lily most earnest tv ish to call the attention of the House and of the Government to the too probable consequences of the course which his Majesty's Ministers semi determined to a d o pt.—(H ear , her.) It has been said that the Government must be feared before it can be loved. If Ministers hope for quiet in Ireland—if they wish for the love of the people of that country, they must with misgovernment. Surely the way to first do away commaed love is not by sending the destroying angel forth over that land. It had been said by Burke that England never sent out the angel of peace, but the de stroying angel was sent with her. In this instance his Majesty's Ministers are about to send forth the destroy ing angel—but no angel of peace is to accompany her --/ - 7 footsteps. They open the Pandora's box and let out a flood of evils on unhappy Ireland, whilst even Hope is not found behind.—(Cheers.) I recommend this to your most serious consideration. Remember, also, that Ireland is not capable of being reduced to a state of fear. Despair knows no fear, a nation goaded to madness by long suffering laughs to scorn the bayonet and the cannon. Give them something to lose—surnething to make life desirable, and then it is possible to make them fear.— (Hear.) Under present circumstances, then, I urge you rather to soothe than to exasperate such a nation. I have heard the Irish people accused of idleness and indifference to ditties. No remark is more unjust. I have known these upright and valuable men walk hundreds of miles, and cross the sea to labour bard in England. They ex hibit enterprise, industry, and economy—a most remark able combination of remarkable qualities. They save their earnings during the summer, in order to carry them back to their families. A nation thus enterprising, fru gal, and industrious, ought never to be accused of any kind of idleness or unwillingness to work. It is the duty of this House to place labour in their hands. They should inquire into the cause that has for one hundred years past denied them the opportunity of labouring in their own country—that has, as it were, broken their right hand, and deprived them of its use.—(Cheers.) It should be ascertained why it was, that whilst they had the power of obtaining by the labour of their hands more of the comforts of life than they or their families could consume, they had no opportunity of using to advantage the power, and disposition which nature had bestowed upon them. One remark more— (Question)—only one remark, on the foreign subjects of the address. I wish that his Majesty's Ministers, instead of exhibiting their courage in Ireland, had turned their vengeance on the tyrant of Russia. —(Order, and loud cheers.) Why have they not used one single word of ,commiseration towards unhappy, he roic Poland?—(Hear.) I assure them, that if they do not think of it, the people of England will think of it. His Majesty's Ministers seem to forget that such a nation as Poland was ever heard of ; but I trust this House will not ; and I am sure the people of England will never con sent that such a nation as Poland shall remain in its pre sent miserable condition.—(Cheers.) I will trouble the House with one other point.—(Question, and hear.) His Majesty's Ministers appear to have found friendship where they expected hostility, and hostility where they expected friendship. The Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Tarnworth, has given them his support. lam not sur prised at it—but I am surprised how they could imagine that he, or any of his party, would ever become their friends. He has fallen from his high and palmy state for neglecting the wrongs of the English people and shutting his ears to their prayers for relief ; and the object probably next his heart is to see those disgraced who have been the occa sion of his fall—(Order, order)—to see them identify themselves with those very principles which have led him to destruction. I ant surprised that the Ministers have not acted on the principle of tinted Danans, whatever measures he supported, ought at least to have excited their suspicion, and have made them pause, lest they should be acting contrary to their honour and their welfare. There is one other remark that I wish to make—only one.—(A laugh.) I wish his Majesty's Ministers would learn to distinguish their friends and their enemies. They know that the aristocracy are against them—that four-fifths of the gentry, the whole of the clergy—three-fourths of all the professions, are opposed to them, and that their only real support is in the good opinion of the people. To the honest and industrious people they should look for strength and popularity ; and their conduct in disregarding the distresses of that people, and in acting in a manner far from consonant with their wishes, excites both my surprise and regret. If the Noble Lord thinks it not inconsistent with his duty, I hope that he will consent to the adoption of a very short amendment— an amendment which will carry balm into the wounded hearts of thousands of the industrious people of England and Ireland, which will light up their bosoms with joyous hope, without compromising that justice which Ministers appear determined to uphold. I shall not vote in favour of the amendment of the Hon. Member for Oldham, but I feel that I cannot support this address.—(Hear.) Mr. H UNIE rose amidst loud cries of "Question, ques tion ;" " Divide, divide." As soon as he could be heard, he was understood to say, that however much he might regret and feel himself bound to oppose the system of coer cion which his Majesty's Ministers seemed determined to pursue towards Ireland, yet that the House bad already once divided on that question, and the amendment before them was substantially the same, he hoped the present amendment would not be pressed to a division.—(Hear.) Having already divided with his Hon. Friend the Member for Lambeth, and he not being called upon to support this amendment, thought nothing bad occurred in the course of the debate which in the slichtest degree altered his opinion. —(Continued cries of " Question, question.") The Earl of ORMELIE rose to reply, but amidst the repeated cries for a division, be was quite inaudible; and, after attempting to speak for a few minutes, he gave way to the wish of the House. The House was then cleared for a division, and the result was announced to be— For Mr. Cobbett's Amendment Against it 1.23 Majority for Ministers —3oo On entering the Gallery, we found Mr. ATTWOOD proposing his amendment, viz., that instead of the words " to promote habits of industry and good order among the labouring classes of the community," there should be in serted, " to promote such improvements in the condition of the agricultural and manufacturing classes, as may secure good order and happiness among them." The SPEAKER having put the question, Lord ALTHORP said, that the original words did not imply any tendency towards disorder or idleness in the labouring classes, not even though legislative remedies should prove ineffectual to remove their distress. He would th-refore, support them, as in reality less liable to be con strued in an offensive sense to the people than those pro posed by the lion. Gentlemen. The amendment was then negatived without a division. Mr. ATTWOOD then proposed, as an amendment in the last paragraph, that before the clause commencing with the words " salutary precautions," there should be substituted the following words We pledge ourselves to adopt such measures as may seem best calculated to re move the grievances, relieve the distress, and re dress the wrongs of the Irish people. But should such measures prove ineffectual for putting down crime, and should disturbances continue, we will be ready to adopt such other measures and salutary precautions, &c." The amendment was negatived without a division, and the address agreed to without further opposition. The SPEAKER announced that he would conic down to the House this day at 11 o'clock, to wait his Majesty's pleasure touching the reception of the address. The LORD ADVOCATE give notice that he would bring in a Bill for regulating the Corporations in Real Scotch Bur4h. The House theta adjourned at a quarter to or.e. HOUSE OF LORDS, FEBRUARY 11. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack shortly after five o'clook. Lord TEYNHAM presented a petition from a parish in the county of Mayo, praying their Lordships to relieve them of the burdens which they laboured under with respect to tithes, and to consider how the property of the Church of Leland might he converted ioto a purpose both useful and national. The Noble Lord, in presenting the petition, observed it was our of very great importance. It was signed by upward, of 1,700 inhabitants of the parish, almost all of whom were tenants of the Noble Marquis, who was Lord •Lieutenant of the county. The petition had been got up without any of those agitations which usually attended subjects of that nature. lie (Lord Teynh int) had learned that in another place to-morrow night the intentions of his Majesty's Government relative to the Church of Ireland would be explained. He had always felt the greatest confidence in the Noble Lord at the bead of his Majesty's Government, and he trusted that his expectations would not be defeated, and that liberal measure would be brought forward, as he was confident that the measure talked of for the commutation of tithes was complete nonsense. He could express himself in no better way. lie trusted that the petition which he had presented would meet with that attention which it deserved, as he felt confident that unless something was done ; and that shortly, no power vested in the Constitution could ever give that wretched country peace, or incline its inhabitants to be obedient to the laws. The petition was ordered to lie on the table. The NOBLE LORD then brought forward his motion rela rive to the conduct of the Lord Lieutenant of the county of ;111y0. In doing so he felt great regret in bringing forward a question in that House, relative to the conduct of hi, Nude Friend, the Lord Lieutenant of the county of Mayo; but the conduct pursued by hint and others, relative to the Barony of Gallen, imperiously demanded that he should do so . It was necessary that he should first of all make a state ment of facts, which he had reduced to writing, in order that he might not be in error. By the proclamation o f the Lords Justices of Ireland, the barony of Gallen, in of May o , h a d been declared in a state of in- It app e ared that the Noble Marquis Lieutenant o f that county (Sligo), without any application hiupwre Lord prl c k o e,at u rit n ii t . iin to the resident Magistrates of the barony, or without any application from them,as far as he was informed, and without any application from the managing proprietors of the barony—the Noble Marquis gave notice to the coon' v Magistrates that that part of the barony was in a state o insurrection. The Magistrates assembled in great num bers at Castlehar on the 22d of last month, and deliberated with closed doors. Many of those Magistrates were uncon nected with the county, and their information was only what was afforded by the Noble Marquis. The grounds of the Noble Marquis's proceeding were the proceedings that had taken place at the contested election in that part of the country, and the Noble Marquis's conduct certainly did no credit to him. Their Lordships bad in that House all the energy and determination requisite during the last session to effect a Reform in the House of Commons, to get rid of nomination boroughs, and to deprive landed proprietors of the nomination of Members of Parliament. But the Noble Marquis must go over to Ireland and say, " Oh, bu , that does not apply here--.the county of Mayo is my Old Sarum, and any one coming here to rescue try power from me is an enemy, a disturber of the public peace— is, in fact, one of O'Connell's gang."—(Laughter.) Who was it that came forward to contest the repre sentation of the county of Mayo ?—( Hear, hear.) Sir William Brabazon, a gentleman of ancient family, of great influence and property in the county. Their Lord ships might read in the history of that House, that the Lord Treasurer Brabazon, in the time of .-lenry the Eighth, came forward to settle the liberties of the coun try, and on the occasion now referred to, Sir . William Brabazon Caine forward to uphold the rights of Irish men. Who was the man opposed to him ? He was a man certainly of respectability, but of no pro perty in that county, but he was,the relative of the Noble Marquis. Ever since that election, deep and malignant had been the feelings of the people there. Two men bad actually been murdered on Christmas-day by the police, for merely looking at the High Sheriff.—(Cries of " Oh, oh.") The Noble Lord repeated that it was true, and the Coroner's Jury returned a verdict of justifiable homicide. Was there any thing in the nature of Irishmen which re quired that they should be hunted like wild beasts? No thing; and he would venture to say, that if the inquests on the peasantry who had been shot in Clare had been held in any county in England, the police would have been found guilty of murder.—(Hear.) He trusted this subject would not be got rid of by any side wind, for it was one of great interest to every friend of liberty throughout the empire. If justice were done to Ireland there would be little occasion for military, for the hearts of the people would be with us, and how little the military had been wanted even in the barony of Gallen might be judged of by the fact that the very week before it was declared in a state of disturbance requiring extraordinary measures to be applied to it, all the military it had up to that time were withdrawn from it. He would move for co pies of the proclamation of the Lord Justices of Ireland, de claring Gallen, in a state of disturbance ; of the memorial of the Magistrates and Catholic Clergy of Mayo to the Lords Justices thereon ; of Sir William Brabazon's memorial to the same ; of a list of the chief constables its the county of Mayo in July, 1832 ; of the committals for offences in the barony of Gallen in 1830, 1831, and 1832 ; of the number of persons in confinement at the present time for offences committed in the barony; and lastly for a copy of the ap pointment of Joseph Burke, Esq., as Coroner of the county of Mayo, as he understood some irregularity had possibly taken place with respect to it. The question was theo put. The Marquis of SLIGO trusted that as the Noble Lord who had just sat down had referred to him in so personal a manner, the House would favour him with their attention for a few minutes.—(Hear, hear, hear.) If the Lord Chancellor of Ireland, or the Right Hon. the Secretary of State for that country were in that House, they could have informed their Lordships that the barony of Gallen had been the cause of great annoyance to him. That barony had, till very lately, been a proud exception to the general disturbances which existed it, Ireland ; but latterly such a spirit had been infused into it, as to make it necessary to resort to the extraordinary means of which their Lordships had heard.—(Hear.) If there had been nothing el-e in the case, be (the Noble Marquis) should have thought that old recollections would have induced the Noble Lord to refrain from the statements he had made.—(Hear.) But as the Noble Lord had chosen to bring forward such direct charges against him, it became his (the Marquis of Sligo's) duty to show their Lordships that the barony of Gallen was in such a state as to require the adoption of the extraordinary measures which had been pursued. He had not brought from Ireland a single document, but lie had put down on paper a few of the outrages which had taken place in that barony. The first occurred in the month of September, concerning the possession of a house by two brothers. The excitement had risen to such a pitch that it was necessary to make applications to the Govern• ment at Dublin to place a military force in possession of the house, in order to prevent an effusion of blood.— Shortly afterwards a body of 1,200 persons marched into the town, where the policemen were stationed, in regular military order. They went to the chapel, and were ad dressed by the Hon. Baronet whose name had been intro duced by the Noble Lord: he meant Sir W. Brabazon. He (the Marquis of Sligo) afterwards saw the Hon. Baronet, who assured him that the accounts as to the apprehensions of the inhabitants had been greatly exag gerated, and that the people only wanted his opinion respecting tithes. He was, however, told that the Hon. Baronet had himself exhibited signs of apprehension, and had addressed the people from the pulpit of the chapel, in order to induce them to return to their dwellings. Feel ing that it was necessary to have some active person as a Magistrate at the town where the party had marched in iu military order, he wrote to the Lord Lieutenant, at Dublin, and the result was that Mr. Jones, an English gentleman and Stipendiary Magistrate, was sent down to the spot. After being there a few days it was found that the military force was not sufficient to carry into effect the law, and a party of men belonging to the 27th regi ment, under the command of Colonel Hare, were sent. Mr. Jones, with 40 police, and about 110 or 120 military, went out to protect the lives of persons who bad been attacked, and were compelled to fire. After this he (the Marquis of Sligo) was informed that an ap plication had been made on the subject to the Eng lish Government, without first applying to the Irish Government. He ought to mention to their Lordships the fact of the Magistrates of the district having signed a " round robin," as it was termed, addressed to him, declining to act under the law to enforce obedience as respecting tithes—(Hear, hear.) Soon afterwards Mr. Jones and the troops returned; and he (the Marquis of Sligo) was informed that between 300 and 400 persons were nightly seen in the county marching to and fro, alarming the people. The election subsequently came on, and the excitement of the people continued, nay, increased, so that it became necessary to have an increased force. There were stationed in the barony 600 soldiers, 360 police, besides three troops of the 10th Hussars, for the protection of the people. The Noble Lord had spoken of two men being killed, merely for looking at the Sheriff. — (Hear, hear.) But what was the fact ? Why the Sheriff was attacked by an election party, and the men were killed in the fray, they being of the party who made the attack.—(Hear.) Outrages of an infamous character were committed in the barony—houses, barns, and turf stacks were burnt. In one instance, as a man named Clerk was riding into Castlebar, the town where the election took place, and to which he had mile alreadyileor two t referred h the town,everal h e t t w m a e s s c a r n y d i il w . t h r :a n t e C d l e;rakndwasos ferocious were the monsters, that not satisfied with that, they actually' impaled his horse—(Hear)—running a stake into his body until it came through it. A few days after this, as a policeman was passing along the road to Westport, his mare fell with him, and he was hurt. A party came up at the time, and believing him to be incapable of defending himself, they began to ill use him. The man, however, fired upon his assailants, and succeeded in effecting a secure retreat. He was told by some of the party that he might provide himself with his coffin, for they would have his life. About the same time an outrage of no ordinary character took place at Swin ford. The daughter of a respectable tradesman, whose political opinions were not in unison with those of the dis. turbers of the peace, were forcibly carried off; and so power_ ! ful were the party, that no one dared to assist the poor crea ture. The place of her concealment was sonic time afterwards discovered, and she was restored to her friends. He thought, under the circumstances which he had detailed, that he was perfectly justified in applying to the Lords Justices of Ireland, in conjunction with other Magistrates, for their aid. When a meeting of the Magistracy for that purpose was held, which meeting had been duly announced in the news papers, even the very Magistrates who had signed the " round robin" requested a week's delay in the application, in order to see whether by that time the people would re_ turn to their allegiance. Was not this a proof, at least, that even these Magistrates considered the barony in a state of disturbance ?—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Marquis then read extracts from two letters, addressed by Magis trates of the barony to him. In one of these extracts the writer expressed an opinion that " were additional forces granted, the Repeaters would be foiled." The other extract showed that great agitation extsitd ; that serious apprehen lions for the preservation of life and property were entertained, and that " the smith dare not shoe the horse, nor the miller grind the corn," of those whose political opinions did not co. incide with the agitators. The spirit of opposition to tithes had increased, and it was next to impossible to enforce the l aw s. With respect to what the Noble Lord had stated, as to the removal of the Sessions, he knew nothing of that circum. stance until the present moment, and therefore be could not offer any remark; but as to the verdict of which the Noble Lord had complained, he must say that the Noble Lord had entertained a very different opinion from the Jury, who had solemnly inquired into the facts. Had the Noble Lord read the evidence ?—(Lord Teynham here said he had gone through the whole). The barony of Gallen, before the excitement took place, as to the repeal of the Union, had been proverbially quiet. No disturbance had taken place in that barony before that cry was raised. The Noble Marquis then read an extract from one of the local ne‘,-p.;,, , r,, which it :v.:, stated that all those who voted in -um.), tof the candidate who was op. posed to the repeal of the Union, should have their names placed upon a list, inserted in red. A system of exclusive dealing was proposed upon the same principle, and in the article recom mending it the following was to be found, among other inflammatory passages:—" The freeholder who votes against repeal votes that you should remain in your present miseries." Further on, mothers, wives, and daughters, were urged to use their influence on the part of the repeal candidate. On the 19th of December, the very day of the election, this paper was circu lated throughout all the neighbouring districts, and on the 9th of January a list of the freeholders was published, specifying the manner in which they voted. It might be supposed that the Noble Baron, in moving for a list of the Magistrates assembled at Castlebar, had nothing particular in view, but it would not be questioned that the manifest object of it was to show that they acted under his . "(the Marquis of Sligo's) control, though lie could assure their Lordships that nothing was furtherfront the fact.—(Hear, hear.) Lord TEMPLEMORE bore testimony to the excellent con duct of the Marquis of Sligo as Lord Lieutenant of the county of Mayo. Lord MELBOURNE had no objection to the motion, but it was quite impossible for him not to guard himself against any supposition of giving the slightest countenance to the course adopted by the Noble Baron. The Marquis of CLA NRICARDE maintained that the con. duct of the Irish police was in general not only exemplary, but most admirable. It would become any Noble Lord to be pre pared with more specific propositions before he advanced charges of this nature. Lord TEYNHAM replied. The motion was agreed to, and their Lordships adjourned at seven o'clock. Nir. FINCH gave notice in the House of Commons last night, that on Monday, the 6th of May, he would bring in a motion for the suppression of poll.. tical unions. A public meeting to petition for the immediate abolition of colonial slavery, is in contemplation, at Hud dersfield.—lialifax Express. CITY REPRESENTATION.—PUBLIC MEET ING OF THE FRIENDS OF GEORGE LYALL, ESQ. —The only matters of importance that transpired at this meeting, were stated in The Sun of yesterday; nothing of any con- ' sequence took place after our Reporter left. • STATE OF PARIS.—The Annuaire du Bu- . reau des Longitudes for 1833 states that there were con- ,umed in Paris, during the year 1831-776,781 hectoli tres of wine, 28,573 hectolitres of brandy, an•i 112,359 Le..tolitres at beer; 1,161,1361 b. of grapes, 61.670 oxen, 14,389 cows,, 62,567 calves, 288,203 sheep, 76,741 hoes and.boars, 996,369 kilogrammes of cheese. Paris also consumed in the srme year oysters to the amount of 702,180 f. ; fresh-water fish, 477,6101. ; sea fish, 3,115,159 f. ; poultry and gawe, 426,281 f. ; butter, 9,117,0911. ; and eggs, 3.901,387 f. From the trifles . of mortality we learn that nearly one-fourth of the children born in Paris die within a year, and that one-third of them do not live to complete their second year; that only one-half reach 20 ; and not more than one-third live to the age of 45. In 1831 there were born in Paris 15,116 males and 14,414, females, making a total of 29 530 children, of whom 10,378 were illegitimate. The num ber of marriages was 6,654, and of deaths 25,996. On an average there are a greater number of males added to the population of Paris than females, and if the total in crease, which is about 179th part per annum, is main tained, the population will in 16 years be augmented one tenth, and in 31 years two-tenths, in 44 years three tenths, in 57 years four-tenths, and in 69 y.ars one-half. On the same scale it will take 117 years to double the present population. In 1831 the total population of France was 32,560,931 souls. CORPORATE REFORNI.—One of the first measures of Reform will be an assimilation in the mode by which the judicial authorities of all corporate bodies are in future to be exercised. Printed circulars from Government have been sent to several Corporations, Pe tersfield amongst them, demanding answers to certain in terrogatories, with a view of ascertaining how far it is requisite that the judicial should unite with municipal . authority. We have heard the inten;ion is to grant a ju dicial power, or in fact a corporation, to all places that return Metnbers to the Senate; and further, that it is intended the Magistrates of these several places shall. be chosen by election by the same parties and in the same , manner as their Representatives in Parliament are elected, . but with the difference that their power will remain for life, unless, as in the present system, they make them selves liable to dismissal by misbehaviour. The Ports mouth Corporation, hitherto close, but always respectable, we know contemplates some great changes in the way of . admitting several of their townsmen to the honour of wearing a black gown. The arrangements are nearly com plete, and on Monday next the Aldermen, at a full con vocation, will promulgate the result of their deliberations. —Hampshire Telegraph. A MORE THAN SPARTAN BREVITY OF. SPEECII.-It is one thing to write a good speech and an other to speak one. This fact was illustrated some years since in a neighbouring county, in which a regiment of yeomanry cavalry had resolved on presenting their Colonel with a splendid silver porter jug, through the hands of the ' Adjutant. The day of review came on, when the present was to be made—the Colonel bad got a hint, and had prepared a splendid oration to return thanks. The Adju.. tant's presentation speech was to be unsurpassable; the troops were drawn out in line, all eyes were turned to wards the Adjutant, as he advanced before the soldiers, holding the glittering gift in his hand, and the Colonel waiting to hear the address of the giver. All ears were in tent to hear the speech and reply. Alas ! memory in both individuals had proved a treacherous guardian of her treasures. The Adjutant appro..ched, extended his hand, presenting the donation, but all his speech . was—" Cor net, there's the jug ;" and what was the equally oblivious officer's reply,—" Aye, is that the jug."—Scotsman. . . A COURAGEOUS ACT.—In a late number, we gave an account of a most daring attack made upon a a young gentleman, named ARMSTRONG, as he was seated at his parlour fire, after dinner, in the town of Banagher, and the gallant and successful resistance which he made, single-handed, against an armed party which entered the house in search of arms. On Monday week, while walk. ing down the street of Banagher, he observed a fellow who wore a large great coat entering a public-house, and having followed, soon recognised him as one of the vit. lanous gang that had attacked himself and his dwelling. Ile immediately seized the fellow by the collar with one hand, while with the other be presented a loads , . pi*tol, which he threatened to fire if resisted. In this manner he was proceeding to the police barrack, when a large body of persons followed, evidently with an intention of rescuing the prisoner. Mr. ARMSTRONG turned round, and, beckoning the mob off, swore be would shoot the first moan that approached him. This had the desired effect, and the fellows kept at a very civil distance, while he, without molestation, lodged his prisoner in the hands of the police, and swore to an information that. he was one of the party who struck him with a gun on the night of the attack on his house. The fellow was forthwith trans, matte.] to Tullarnore gaol, to abide his trial at the assi:pes, —Cork Constitution. CONFLICT BETWEEN THE POLICE AND A PARTY of WinntFEET.—Some of the Irish journals have lately stated that a Whitefoot was shot in the county of Wexford, but the particulars, which are very remarka ble, have not been mentioned. They are as follow :—On the night of Saturday, the 26th ult., as the Clourocha police were on their usual patrole, they came in contact with a party of Whitefeet, about thirteen, who were re turning from plundering arms in the neighbouiLoal Although the night was dark the police were enabled to observe their course, and at length came up with them at the ford of Ballough, between Enniscorthy and Ross, The Whitefeet being challengai and called upon to sur fender, soon gave way—in fait, they ran off after the first fire, leaving one man dead ; and it is supposed, from the traces of blood, that several others were severely wounded. Is consequence of the extreme flail:- ness of the night the police were unable to make pri soners. The deceased was found in the stream, where he cad fallen upon his oven gun (a fowling.piece ; , which was lying under his body. In his pockets were found a quan et i e t l y a o f f gle n a n d p , o n •d o e , r ly tie in d el u t p ,d in an a d l b ia r t o n k l small p , tia zr k: The wretched man, whose name was THOMAS Gavoofty, was but lately married, and lived with his mother upon, two or three acres of land, a short distance front the spot where lie lost his life. An inquest was held on the body till Alonday, before the county Coroner and several Magis trates. The Jury, which was composed chiefly of Roman Catholic farmers, after a close investigation of the facts, were unanimous in returning the following verdict ;-- " The deceast d came by his death fiom gun shot wounds, inflicted on him by the police, in the execution or their duty, on the night of Saturday the 26th, or morning of the 27th, deceased being at the time armed, :m a : i n e,u ! ss i edtelcilaeu have appa rently on unlawful business." This verdict, thus fear by L i he ' I ) b beat effect er( l s t h h o e w ing theci 'neighbourin g d no e t l: nt , h i t ed ei f i l ln ‘ r v i c t r o t el l,: t ut r yt e i s t i pt ' t e ry. s ;n t in e p spirit tra n o: u intimidation illity. v oiu , m oa u r s y t t t i : n lo s sv t i o ' mined exertions of all classes interested in the restoration until of t r h a e g e in a v r p e e i r r y e i . n lately, pg his o f b been moan'