The Sun. — London, England, 1863-02-06 00:00:00

Lay. ccom- ice. el Da Tees Tees f•past e, Isle ess at led by enter, Edg ace et [ - louse ieral's of the tar of —The ,future Hands, cl Wil -1 about -"De rench other, Dt that [ by a ants of nese of The e been :nlated n inte- atholic ;es to of the knife fall in bt she guilty and of r cold, spirit, in their he Ad- longer bserves anee at her the rnestly Subject ;mpt of he sub- ries for r, think d if the propc on the w that France ly this head of use out- airing d. It is ch rest [talians n gees• ELS their further )pe and ignore fa c' a 8 at Pills with his ;h per to do e Pope and the ties and act that itet von- portion o called feeling Efferent of the choose, are to all Ives into f an ob- m an in 7 all, the the dis vote by the seat ranee if/ e it there ing with hat, first eveal as Uhey are because L do, and conduct states . rless a pitiful ii-official at the ted cor the third the first class, 3 6 ;ether 1 4 purse, the iteamerS• dr France e equive !at sere/ feet of 2 9 contend s call ber Iferior )rding Ler navif .iture fat 000,00 01 ; f that °` n, boas t° ;th. 038 )rgatii o l :he 110 11 t s; and 1 i ; ?rorno te e n propo. s I council: 13°'1.' pu rstli f)s tivity. be" has 4 , 15 1 zl Criw 8 Ch al.3 , e ,: i v UU d r i E ° ill)P13 Fran itrted 1 ° he be e° di n s' of A do ' don of do leaf P r e- 1 a the 116 - li ~a e Ore) - abilv X 0 - tik EY MARKET AND COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE. CITY, TWELVE O'CLOCK'. Tilckz . i is a fair inquiry for discount accommoda tion, and the rates continue easy. As was generally anticipated, the Bank of Eng land return for the week ending Wednesday is of a more cheering character. Subjoined is our usual analysis : Active Circulation .. .. .. £20,070,c45 Decrease .. • • • • • ' 30,625 Bullion .. .. .. .. .. 13,692,136 Increase .. .. • • • • 80,313 Res, •• •• •• .. .. 3,276,320 Increase .• • • • • • • 28,494 Public Deposits .. •• .. 6,351 617 Increase .• • • • • • • 9 31,754 Other Deposits .. .. .. • . 13,3 2,278 Decrease .. .. .. .. 1,062,485 Seven Day and other Bills .. .. 638,609 Decrease .. „. .. .. 31,457 Government Securities .. .. 10,602,879 Decrease . .... .... 19,2 2 . : 9 37 7 : ; 6 1 3,769 Other Securities Decrease .. :: Notes Unemployed .. .. .. 7 ' 394 9 80 Increase .. .. , , , , 107,9-75 The report of the Anglo-lonian Steam Navigation Company has been issued prior to the meeting, and recommends a dtvidnd of 10 per cent. upon the pqid np capital for the nine months, being equal to 13k per cent. per annum. During the last few days there has not been much animation in the Foreign and Colonial Pro duce Markets. At the public sales of tea just con cluded full rates were readily obtained for good and fine descriptions. Sugars sold freely at almost previous quotations, while coffee, cocoa, and rice continued in moderate request without any mate rial variation as regards values. Tal:ow remained inactive, and prices ter ded downwards for both pre sent and forward delivery. It is stated that a memorial is about to be pre sented to the Stock Exchange Committee against any settling day being at present allowed in the shares of the British and American Exchange Bank. Two o'CLocK. The Alliance Bank of London and Liverpool held its first half-yearly meeting to-day. The re port stated that the balance-sheet, made up to the 31st December last, showed an amount of business acquired during little more than seven months in London, and six months in Liverpool, which the directors thought could not bat be very gratifying totheshareholders,—the amount due by the Bank on current deposit and other accounts being £1,019,160 Os. Bd. The net profits amounted to £2,652 16s. 11d., which it was proposed to carry forward, to be dealt with at the close of the current half-year. The chairman moved the adoption of the report, and observed that the meeting had been convened thus early in order that their future half-yearly proceedings may be held at about the same periods of the other joint-stock banks. The balance-sheet was made up to the end of December, and at that date the number of accounts on the books of the establishment was 800. Since that period, however, they had gradully increased, and the business generally was highly satisfactory. The directors might:even at this early date have re commended the payment of a 3 per cent. dividend, and if they had not placed down in the balance sheet the amount due for rebate of interest, but followed the course adopted by other young banks, they might have shown their ability to pay a 7 per cent. dividend. In reply to a question, the c h a i rman stated that no preliminary expenses had y et b een paid, but at a future meeting a moti on f or their disbursements would be submitted. The report was then unanimously adopted, and the retiring directors re-elec te d• Votes of thanks were accorded to the directors, and the managers of London and Liverpool, after Which the meeting separated. At the half-yearly meeting to-day of the Medi terranean Extension Telegraph Company, Mr. 11, Moore presiding, the report, which was unani mou•sly agreed to, stated that the receipts had mate rially increased, and the expenditure had been diminished. The cables continued in excellent order ; the line between Marsala, in Sicily, and Cape Carhonara, in Sardinia, had keen successfully submerged. The chairman remarked that a delay had occurred in the liquidation of the debt due by the Italian Government through the late change of Minis try. The usual dividend (8 per cent. per annum) on the preference shares, and 3 per cant. per a nnum on the original shares, free of income tax, were ordered to be paid. There has been no fluctuation to-day in the Mar ket f or the English Funds, bat the recent advance is ver y .of monetary aff a i rs i s fi rmly maintained, and th e i m p rove d as p ec t buoyan c y promoting indications of Consols are 9211, for transfer, and 921 93 for the account. The New Three per Cents. and the Reduced have improved to 921 93 ; Ex chequer Bills to 2s. and 3s. pm.; Bank Stock is 2 361 and 2,17 ; altd India 5 per Cent. Loan re mains at 1081. A fair amount of business has been negotiated in the Foreign Market, and prices have undergone no important change. Greek Bonds have again been rather actively dealt in at 201 latest price b e i ng 201 ; and the Co , the up to 201 , showin g h eav i ness. Turkish 6 per ons, St 9 Cents., 1854, have further advanced to 891 901 ; do., 1858, to 721 ; d o ., 18d2, 671 681; and the Consolides 401 CI; Mexican Stock is 331 1 ; Moorish 931 ex div. Spanish Passive 271 1; do. Certificates 101 ; and;_Vusieati New Loan, 60,1' ; 61. B ness in the Railway Share Market continued. active,and moderately prices have, in sominstances, shown more firmness. Great Nor h t erns have im proved North WesternB os., and South Easterns 10s. The Foreign and Colonial lines supported pre vious quotations. Joint Stock Bank and Miscellaneous shares were dull, and exhibited little change of importance in prices. BRITISH FUNDS—ONE O'CLOCK. Bank Stock 233 61 71 3 per Cent. Reduced Annuities 3 per Cent. Consols Annuities 92; INew 3 per Cent. Annuities 2 92 5 i 3 2! ndia Stock Ditto 5 per Cent Ditto Enfaced Paper, 4 per Cent .. Ditto 5 per Cent, ................... 105 Consols for Account, March. 5 Excheque r Bills, £lOOO 93 , 21 per Cent.... 3 p m Ditto .E5OO ................ 3 pm Ditto Small ........................ 2 3 pm FOREIGN FUNDS —ONE O'CLOCK. Brazilian 5 per Cent. ............. IrDitto, 1839 and 1859 .......... 101/ papdtioarisTispwei.Ccone solid ate d ............ 161 Ditto, Setond lalaantes . : ............... -- Ditto Greek 5 per Cent 0.824. A . . .. ' ...... ) 9 A 9 , a y$ Cupou ... • ‘ - s '•' 4 2: Mexican 3 per Cent. ..................... 6 Ditto Ac:ount .................... Moorish Imperial 5 per Cent . .....:11*** ,%1 New Granada 2 per Cent ..........• ... Ditto Land Warrants ................ Ditto ex over-due Coups. & Hectare. 13a Ditto Deferred, Ex Hectares ........ renlvi'in 41 per Cent. Ditto 1862 Ditto Account .. 881. Portuguese 3 47/ Ditto Account 47 per Cent., 1853 1862 Ditto Russian 5 per Cent., 1822, £ St. . 9 Ditto 41 per Cent., 1850 Ditto 3 per Cent., 1359 1 Ditto 5 per Ce n t. 1862 Ditto Scrip, £56 B s . p a id Spanish 3 per Cent Ditto New Deferred Ditto Account.... - • • • • "74 I it Ditto Prissive Spanish Cert. of Coup not funded Turkish 6 per Cent. 1854 , 912 89 . 1 ~ ,,omt Ditto 6 per Cent. 1858 Ditto Account 7l Ditte, RA.OI, Bond s 76 Ditto 6 p er C ent. 1 852 il;tio Account .........- Venezuel a , 3 per Cent ........ Ditto Account,.., Ditto 6 per Cent ~ 1862 Dividends on th e above pAyable in London. nut li. 21 per Cent., Ex. 12 Guil - p Ditto 4 per Cent. Certificates Italian, 5 ~r Cent., 1861 , Es. 25r.... .._ Ditto Account Console T WO O 'CLOCK , 'Aloney Ditto Acc0unt.......... 92i 3 The Empa-or NApoleon has just completed the model of a breech- loading rifle cannon, of steel, for service in the navy, which is to bo tried on board the Magenta, or Solferino' SHARE MARKETS—Yesterday. ORDINARY SHARES AND STOOES. Railways. Wol., and b tr. Val Blythe and Tyne. Bost.,Slraf.,andlnid.k_!o Bristol and Excler Caledonian ,Cork and Ban , ion Cornwall ID° A 4 no div tilltipc•pan I/RF Do, k " • - !been pal,' to B. !Dublin & Belfast Juno. I Dun ~ Perth Ab. Junc. !Edinburgh & Glasgow. IGlasg. and S. Western. Great Eastern, Ord. stk Ditto A stock I Ditto East A n.rrlian st iGreatNorthof Scotland Great Northern Do A stock ' Do Bdo Do. £5 shares iGt. S. an I W. of Ireland [Great Western Do Sfr Val gun. stock Lancashire Yorkshire (London and kilackwall (Lon., Bright.,, S. Coast !Lon., Chat., and Dover !Lon. & North Western! !Lon. & South Westernl 1M an., Shef., & Lincoln.! Maryport and Carlisle. Do shares Metropolitan Midland Do New Do Birminz. & Derbyl Mid. Gt. W. of Ireland Do. shares Mid Kent Do Cray Line North British lEdin., Perth, & Dundee (Nth. Eastern—Berwick Do, G.N.P. purchase Do Leeds Do York Do Carlisle .. INorth London I Do New 'North Staffordshire N. and S. W. Junction ;Scottish Central IScot N. 12.,_Aber.. stock Do Scot. Mid. stock ,Shrews. and Welchpoo] !Shropshire Union (South Devon (South Eastern South Wales S. York. and River Dun Staines,Wok.,andWok Stockton & Darlington Do Do New, 1 , 360 Taff Vale.. Doll Do C Ulster Do Do iVale of Neath Victoria eta. and l'im ,Waterford & Kilkenny IWest Cornwall IV. Hartlepool Har.&R West Midland Oxford Do Newport Do Hereford Paid. usi Closing B • Price. ness done. 6 8i f 4 7 86 48 115 116 ei 7 41 43 13 11 861 87 105 107 48 49 44 46 23 24 1266 1276 1301 1314 136 138 1 104 106 67 (74 1091 1091 1 74 76 111 112 42 44 99 096 108 104 41i 121 13 13i 127& 128 96 98 52i 53 25 Si 101 100111 57 f.B FBl S9i 128 130 110 1:2 3 1 p' 16 16i 11 11i 119 121 47 48 104 106 47 49 321 33} 94% 951 6S 70 102 104 38i 111 314 10 104 p 7 8 p 119 151 41 51 21 p 554 5t4 24 p d p E 5 87 110 115 29 31 41 42 34 36 95 n 87i 7 48} k 44,1 5 24 1261 7i 13it 301 66& 7 61 1091 g g 74 111 g 1(4 it xd 9989 1031 131 13 128; 8 52i 101 1001 57i 94 15} BRITISH Pi ISSESSIONS. Closinv Share Railways Paid. Price. Business done 100 Atlantic &St Lawrence all 65 67 -- , tk i Bom.,Baroda&.Cent Ind 100 1041 1054 Gu. 5 percent... 20 Do. New . ...... ••• • 2 - - 204 Buffalo and L axe Huron all 4: 51 I 10 Do. Preference all 74 a 'Buffalo Brant,&Godrich ~,,, 77 SO 100 {l 5 p. ;, Aug. ct. eds. l, 1872 A' • • - 100 Do. do. July 4, 1873 100 71 76 100 Do. do. .Tune 1, li:4 100 73 76 st Uteurta.ar.S.Eastn.i Li. ' 100 I+:3 105 st Cape Town ,0 Dock Scr;l 100 1. , .8 109 stock Eastn. Bengal gu. 6p. c 100 I(sy 1f 6.1 stock ( bast Indian. gu. sp. c. 10') 106 1 0 61 1(64 6 20 Do. do. G Ext 5 4 1 / 1 3 20 Do. do. H do. 5 4 .1 3 stock Grand Trunk of Cana& 100 21 02 214 100 Do. 6 per cent. Pref all 73 75 100 Do. 2d Pref. 6 per et all 63 65 100 Do. 6 per ct. Debentr all 32 34 100 Do. 7 percent. 1862 all 47 50 100 Do. do. 1887 all 32 1 4 100 Do. do. 1872 all 32 24 stock Gt.lndiaPenin.gua.sp.c 100 105 1054 20 Do. New g - us.. Jp. 0 12 f il p 20 Do. January, 1852 4 ff. ti p stock Gt. South.of India (Lim guaranteed 5 per cent. 100 103 105 201 Gt. W. of Canada Sharet. all 121 i 3 13 20 4 Do. New ... .. 18 it 7ti 100 i Do. 6 p.c. '73 with't opt. all 99 101 100 I 'Do. 54 p. c. do. '77-8.. . all , 92 c'4 10 'lndian Branch Limited Z 11 1:p stock 1 Madres guar., sp. c. lOO 142 lu3 1034 stock I Do. 4: p. c. Extensior 100 95 98 stock Dc.4•l do 100 92 .4 20 Do. Fifth Extension 2 - -- stock Nlelb.Corp. tp. o. Buds 300 - -- 50 I nelb. & Hobson's Bay all 52 53 100 Do. 7 p.c. ftlortg. Bds all - - 20 1 ::C i w l ls l . l3 . s c r s , u f s a C v 6 a li p :i c i k i t s a:l C .S g li n a d r ' : all 3 6 20 Do. do. B Capital do. alt 3 b at I !D D o o.. Delh . .. ... .. .. .. ...... P i t : am] , Scinde 106 83 85 • • •• •.....) 2 st O D O o o .. P D u o n . j a . u ., b . . .. .. ... t i 1 . ( 1. ;0 :11!5 0 110(3'415 11h5 103 4: 10 4 4 -P stock I [)o. Indus St Flo. J - Ono ,98 100 COLONIAL GOVERNMENT SECURITIES. - C4n.lior. 6 p.c.J a &July ---' 1877-SI - Do. 6p. c. Feb.l3 Aug. 100 106 luB xd - Do. 6p. c.3far.‘t Sent. 100 106 108 - ' Do. sp. c. Jan.&July. 100 05 96 954 - Do. 5 Inscribed stock) 100 (3 135 - Cape G.Hope. 8 p 0.18731 100 (0 , 110 - Do.Ap &Oct. 1880 100 112 114 1134 - Do. 1890! 100 112 114 - - Do. Jan. & July, 1891.. 100 111 113 - Ceylon, N0v.1861, 6p 0' 100 - - -- N.B.Gov. 0 p.c.d adtJuly 100 1(5 106 - 1./o. 6p. c.Ap. & Oct.. 100 - - - N. S.W. 6 ov. 5 p c., 1800' 100 100 101 - Do. sp. c.,1871 to 1870. 100 995 1005 - Do. d0.,1888 &upwds .100 9) IGO 994 4 - New Zealand 6p. cent.) 100 109 11l - Nova Scotia Gov. 6p. e,. - sterling, 1875 i 100 106 1(7 1064 - Queensland Gov. 6p. c 100 (9 113 - S. Aus G6p.:.%1578.& up I 100 109 11l - Vie. 6 ov. 6 p.c. .Ta..tJ ulyl 100 107 109 -. Do. to 6 Thc. Ap.,ti Mt- ; 100 trol 11041104 BRITISH. MIN ES. 2 ;Cambrian Ccnsol. Gold 1 id in - !Cliflord Amalgamated.. -- 22 24 ; Devon G. Con.. (Taoist.; 1 510 52') - East Bassett (Mogan \.. 30 50 52 1 East Clogau Gold Ltd., ss. p kp - East Car ..... . .... I 2.14.6 485 49/ - East Carn 8rea........ 3.0. 0 114 12 - E. fir'l Russel (Tavistk.) 7.19.0 5/ 51 - - GarnizSt.Aubyn(G wen.) 571 17 19 - GI reat South Toltzus.... 176 64 7 - '3.. Wheal Vor (11elston 40 8 61 51 64 - 3renville .. - [fermi's-Foot 54.1.• 50 52 - Flingston Downs 4. 7.0 21 3 - Lady Bertha - llgrtraret (Guy .Lelant tc, 3i (0 - )large Valley.. 4 myndy Iron Ore (Lim ` 2 ' X Ids pr - New Set un . . 191 140 150 - .North Downs ' ,s 34 2. 9 - - V. Wh 'I Basset (1110 Jam •›..17.0 3 54 - Nritrth Wheal Crotty - ear Consols (t. Blazey; 14 b 6 20 l'rovidence(Unv Lelnt. , 10.6.7 , 1 43 - -1 '8 : - 3 ' . . ° l Cl N. L r t i hr i e nC a ' i hr l ra ' e r da a e n (ri l (I ( " l °L l ').: l C o a : n r e a )e r. 15 t:. 11 1 55 : 9C 1 1 3829755 3 24042( 5 1 ' - Stray Park 5 Tams.r Silv.& Lead Min, 44 4 4 4 10 Tin Crolt 9 154 161 154 16 - West Basset (Illogsn) l4 13 14 134 - W Caradon (Liakeard; 5 35 38 .... ,„ .- _ - Wheal Basset (Mogan' 5 4 75 89 17 W 7;' h hise e eta a 2Bl lL eililt u u: d tl:: • ler ( ...._ Wheal 4 kV heal b s l e a t r o y Y :A t( ................................) 2 2 . 5 . 13 0 80 . : 8 2459 7 1. 4 542 8 9L 5 ,, a ItedruM 4 5 '‘ 75 '85 8 2 5 95 Wheal 'rretav"eY(l' Uni0n........,,.5.) 3 7 .13 r 1 , 74 1581 PREFERENCE SHARES. Great Eastern, E. Counties, 6 per cent. pf., 122 Great Eastern, E. Union 4 per cent. guaranteed, 85 Lancashire and Yorkshire ti per cent. stk., 1:-14 London, Chatham, and Dover 5 per cent. pref., 100,11 Mid. Consolidated, Bristol and Birm., 6 per cent., 128 , - PREFERENCE SHARES AND STOCKS. Great Eastern, 5 per cent. pref., loci London, Brighton, &c., 4j per cent., 1858, loot LINES LEASED AL' FIXED RENTALS. Hull and Selby, 11 FOREIGN RAILWAYS. Bahia and San Francisco (lint.) gua. 7 per cent., 201 Dutch Rhenish, 17 Great Luxembourg, 151 Namur and Lie e, gua. 6 per cent. pf., 201 Recife and San Francisco (lim.), gua. 7 per cent., 19& San Paulo (lim.), gua. 7 per cent., Ditto (all), 231 South Austrian and Lombardo Venetian, 231:1 West Flanders, 58 per cent. pi., 10} FOREIGN MINES. St. John del Rey (lira.), 55, United Mexican (lim), 5 JOINT-STOCK BANKS. Alliance Bank of London and Liverpool (lim.), 24.; 4 Australasia, 784 Bank of London, 1044 4 Chartered Bank of India, Australia, and China, 22 London, B. Ayres, and It. Plate (lirn.), 14 13k London Chartered Bank of Australia, 201 London oi I.ondon Jnd Colonial (lira.), 3 tSt k, mannd W ')4 6 Scinde, puniaub3'.l—Ditto new, 9z. 10i. ottoßankestni`nstFr' " Union of kngland Africa (lint ). 10 Standard ot (' 2) Union of London, 33 Franee (Urn.), 12 MISCRLLANROUS. Australian Agricultural, 22 36 Berlin NVarer W orks, 74 Crystal Palace, 32R6 E •;lisp and Australian Copper, 11 General S earn Navigation, 27} Lon Or!eutal Gas (lirn.)don Gem ral O, new, rambus :3 Companr(lirn.), 11 SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. TAT' ERS ILL'S -LAST EVENING. CITY AND SUBURBAN. 40 to 1 agst Boaehy Head (taken) 50 to 1 agst Argonaut (taken) CHESTER CI:P. 20 to 1 agst Stradella (offered) 25 to 1 agst Anfield (offered) 25 to 1 agst Black Deer (offered) 40 to 1 agst Ben Webster (taken) TWO TITOUSAND GUINEAS. 7 to 2 agst Tiospodar (offered) 12 to 1 agst Brick (offered) 16 to 1 agst Tom Fool (taken) THE DERBY. sto 1 agst Lord Clif,len (offered) 28 to 1 list Notional Guard (taken) I'HE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, _FEBRUARY 6, 1865% LAW INTELLIGENCE—rris Day QUEEN'S B V,NOII. CLALE v. LORDS OF THE ADMIRALTY-PETITION OF RIG TITS. This case concluded to-day. The result was a verdict in favour of the Crown. CENTRAL CRIMINAL COURT.--This Day. OLD COURT. THE CASE OF CAPTAIN RUXTON. The jury this afternoon acquitted Captain Ruston and John Bertie of the charges made against them. POLICE INTELLIGENCE—This Day. MARLBOROUGH-STREET. Peter M'Donald was charging with assaulting Elizabeth Beasley with a poker, in Princes-place, Newport-market. The complainant said, in consequence of a quarrel with her husband yesterday, the prisoner said he would give it her with a poker in the evening, and he kept his word. The defendant said complainant broke his window and knocked him down. The magistrate bound both parties over to keep the peace. AV ESTMINSTER. Thomas Warner was charged with picking pockets yes terday near the entrance to the Houses of Parliament. The time selected for operation was just as the Prince of Wales was leaving the ILmse of Peers. A number of handkerchiefs were found concealed about his person.—Remanded. MARKETS—This Day. MARK LANE. The supply of home •grown wheat on sale here to-day was very moderate, and the greater portion came to hand in but middling condi ion. Generally speaking, the de mand ruled inactive, yet no change took place in prices compared with Monday. With foreign whcattha market was fairly supplied, In most descriptions a limited business was transacted at pre vious quotations. Floedug cargoes of grain were in fair request at late rates. Malting barley was very firm, and its value was fully supported. Grinding and distilling qualities changed hands steadily at full prices. Malt met with a sluggish trade on former terms. Oats—the supply of which was very small—ruled firm, and good and fine parcels were somewhat dearer than on Monday. Beans and peas were in slow request at Monday's cur rency. For flour there was a very moderate demand, In price o, however, no alteration took place. ARRIVALS THIS NV - ERIC. Wheat. Barley. 11 alt. Oats. Flour. English.— 010 3'o i 720 t I 340 Irish Foreign 6,030 4,740 I 3,100 ; 240 sack. 11,660 brls (Continued from Page One.) I to attempt to follow him i n t o a su bj ec t with which h e i s so much better acquainted than I am ; but there is one point upon which he naturally diet not clivell in the mannerwhich I think it deserved, and that iathe personal contribution which he has himself made of time,and labour, to say nothing of munificeidcontribution, to alleViate the distress in Lan cashire. (Hoar, hear.) It may be said that others have be stowed more time and more continuous labour to that object; but, however that may be, there was one thing desired which the noble earl has supplied. It was to be desired that what ever differences might at other times, and within the last 20 years. have existed between the manufacturing body of Lan cashire and the great landed interest of the country, those. differences and divisions should be effaced by an act which would show the feelings of charity, of good feeling and good will which the landed interest entertained towards those engaged in manufactures, and that the great landed pro prietors should be bound together with the manufacturers and the great body of the working classes in one work of be nevolence and charity. No man's example for that purpose could be more powerful than that Of the noble earl, and I must say I think the country owes him a great tribute of grati tude. (Cheers.) Having now, I am afraid, exhausted all the topics upon which I am happy to agree with the noble earl, I come to those upon which I differ from him, and in respect of which I must take exception to his remarks. He seenis to think that I am disposed to meddle in everything. Now, oildly enough, it happens that, with regard to the United States, when we were asked to give advice, the Go vernment refused to give any advice whatever. Then, as to Mexico, where our co-operation was desired and invited, we declined to continue that co-operation, and are entirely free from any charge of interference or intervention in that country. I may also say, although it is a minor subject, but still connected with the great questions of the East, that during the fights and contests that took place last summer in Montenegro—although advice was given by France, by Russia, by Austria, and by Prussia—yet no advice was given by the Government sf this country. But the noble earl speaks of advice which we gave to Denmark and to the Pope of Rome. Of the nature of that ad vice I will speak presently, but I would first refer to some advice that was given in 1859 by the British Government of that day, if I am not misinformed. Every one who knew anything of the Italians in 1859 knew well that they had made up their minds to this course of policy —that if it. should happen that in the event of a war their Sovereigns should take the popular side and engage in the war against Austria, those princes should retain their thrones, but otherwise they were determined to get rid of their Sovereigns. It appears, however, that advice was given by the British Government to the Grand Duke of Tuscany to resist the popular power, and to the King of Naples, to remain neutral. Both princes lost their thrones, and the Grand Duke of Tuscany went to the Austrian headquarters. The King of Naples preserved neutrality, but he was driven from his country and loft his ' throne. Now, it might not be intervention, it might not be interference, but certainly the advice of the noble earl had in that instance an effect most unfortunate for those to whom it was tendered. (A laugh.) The noble earl seems to think the advice I gave to the King of Den mark was given without any provocation whatever. I must say the noble earl in that part of his speech showed a total ignorance of what has been passing of late years. I den' t blame him for being ignorant of the facts, but cer tainly he has made really assertions and assumptions on that ignorance which are not easily justifiable. It did so happen that in 1861 the German Powers had almost deter mined on an "execution" in Holstein. That would have led them to the confines of Schleswig. The boundary had never been settled, and I thought the occupation by Ger man troops of a boundary t o unsettled, especially with the excitement which then prevailed on both sides, was likely to bring on war between Denmark and . Germany, and that war might extend to other powers. Now, it may be a great fault, but I confess, since I held the Foreign office in vary troubled times, I have felt exceedingly sensitive as to those circumstances that might bring about a rupture of the ge neral peace; and I have endeavoured, it may be unsuccess fully perhaps too frequently, to prevent any chance of war by friendly advice given to one party or the other. My belief is that the advice which her Majesty's Government gavaat that time was conducive to the peace of Europe, because it was settled at that time that, instead of an " exe ci,ttion," instead m of the comencement of war, G ermany an d Denmark should negotiate together and endeavour to come to an agreement on points on which they differed. Towards the end of 1862, when these negotiations had gone on with out conflict of arms, but with very bitter discussions on one side and the other, it appeared to me that there was no chance of an amicable termination of that correspondence, and I proposed what I thought perfectly compatible with the independence and integrity of Denmark. It so happened that they did not like my plan—they did not agree to it. My conviction is if they had agreed to it they would have been in a better and safer position than theyare,at present, keep ing up so vexatious a quarrel, in which the feelings of Ger mans, though not at present very active, may at any time be aroused, and an immense body of Germans might be di rected to solve the question. Then the noble earl finds great fault with the advice he seems to think was very gratui tously given to the Pope. What happened was this :—Mr. Russell, being in Rome in the beginning of the summer, wished to return home before the unhealthy season. Just be fore he was coming away he received an intimation that the Pope wished to see him the next day, appointing the hour, Mr. Russell had the honour of an audience with the Pope. The Pope spoke to him very much of Garibaldi being in Sicily, and, appearing to have considerable apprehensions of the state of Italy, he asked the question whether, if he sought an asylum in England, he might rely on our hospi tality. To this Mr. Russell replied that our hospitality was well known, and that we gave asylum to all who sought it. The Pope afterwards referred again to the subject, adding, "perhaps I may one day seek the hospitality of England." Now, the noble earl seemed very much surprised, but, for my part, I think nothing was so natural, because it was ob vious that if the Pope went to France, Austria, Spain, or any other Catholic country, in the first place there would be great jealousies among other Catholic Powers, and in the next place there is no Catholic Power that would not de mand from the Pope some privilege of appointing a bishop or some ecclesiastical change ; whereas if he went to any of her Majesty's dominions he might be quite sure that we would ask nothing of him from the beginning of the year to the end of it, we should not interfere with his perfect free dom, and he would thereby be more secure, more at liberty, than in almost any Catholic country. Certain it is that appeared to be the impression of the Pope. After that I certainly wrote a despatch recommending that course, be cause I thought it would relieve the Pope from the painful position in which he now stands, in which he, an Italian Prince, is opposed to the almost unanimous wish of the rest of Italy, and at the same time feels himself conscientiously bound to defend all the ancient powers and retain all the an cient territories belonging to the Holy See. I must say, how ever much I may wish the independence of Italy, I cannot help entertaining the greatest respect for th e conscientious feelings of the P o p e , and regret that he s h o uld be exposed to trials to which he cannot conscientiously yield, but which must be painful, though nearly all his countrymen dealt e a different course. Well, I wrote that despatch ; it was taken in very good , part at Rome. Cardinal Antonelli thanked the British Government for the offer, and the Pope after wards personally thanked Mr. Russell for the offer made on the pare of the British Government; and the report made by Mr. Russell was that it had produced the best feeling among those who surround the Pope, and who had hitherto considered us personally hostile to him. " Non obtuse adeo gestamus pictora Peeni." While I could do so without sacrificing the opinions of the Government with respect to the independence of Italy, I was glad to have given to that venerable man the comfort able assurance that he might resort to the hospitality of England. (Hear, hear.) The noble earl appears to think that we have submitted to very strong language from France and Russia in order to give up the candidature of Prince Alfred; but nothing was further from the truth. The fact was we were the first to propose ajoint declaration that none of the princes belonging to any of the protecting Powers should be capable of accepting or wearing the crown of Greece. It was naturally asked at 'the same time of the Russian Government whether the Duke of Leuchtenburg, who had been brought up at St. Petersburg as a Russian Prince, who appeared in their almanacks as part of the Im perial family, and was to all intents and purposes part of it, would be excluded by the protocol of 1830. The answer was there were critical doubts about it. We then said if we were to have a protocol of exclusion, it must not be merely operative against the Royal Family of England, but must also be operative against the Imperial family of Russia. We were not prepared to sign anything which applied to Prince Alfred that did not apply to Prince Leuchtenberg. (Hear/ hear.) 'Whereupon that negotiation ceased—at least for some time. It appeared to me that the proper course was to leave the Greeks entirely free to take their own course in the first instance, andreserve our objections. The consequence of that policy was that after a time the Russian Ambassador at her Majesty's Court informed me that he was ready to sign a note excluding Prince Leuchtenberg on the one aide, provided her Majesty would exclude Prince Alfred on the other. It appeared to me that to have left matters depend ing upon an uncertain and unintelligible pr o t oc ol would have enabled the Russian Governm ent to propose the Duke of Leuchtenberg, and we might have had complications, but by the understanding come to the princes of all the three families were excluded. When the noble earl comes to the subject of the lonian. Islands, I confess that I differ from him Os Coto both as to his history, his facts, and his principles. The noble earl admitted in the first instance that the lonian Islands were not a part of the dominions of her Majesty; but h e ent i re l y f orgot that fact iu all the rest of his observations. Now, what is the history of this protectorate given to Great Bri tain ? I have heard it orally from a lamented friend of mine, the late Lord Deauvale, who knew all that happened at the Congress of Vienna e and I have found all that he said con firmed in the protocols and treaties of that Congress. As the noble earl has said, six of these islands were then in the ngheld been acquired by her own arms, of Greatd— possession the otherwas temporarily Britain , having by another Power. The Austri an Governmen t offered, as they were in an 'a position affecting the tranquillity of the Adriatio coast, to undertake the government of these islands, securing to the islanders the enjoyment of their own privileges. But it hap pened that at the time the voice of Russia was very power ful. The results of the campaign had given the Emperor Alexander very great influence With the Congress, and Count Capo d'lstrias, a Minister in that Emperor's confi dence, who had a patriotic feeling in favour of the nation ality of the Greeks, suggested, when Austria made her proposal, that the lonian Islands should be maintained in all their privileges as a free State under the protection of Great Britain. He said that the institutions of Austria did not give any promise of freedom to the lonian Islands, but he admired British institutions, and wished the lonians to have the benefit of them. The consequence of that decla ration and that interference of Russia was a treaty in which it was said that Great Britain should have the fortress of Corfu, to give her power in the Mediterranean? Nothing of the kind. It said that the lonian Islands, naming each island, ehould form one single, free, and independent State, under the name of the Republic of the lonian Islands. So that it is by no moans a possession of Great Britain or any part of the Queen's dominions—but is, by that treaty of 1815, a free and independent State. Well, what becomes of all the argument, if I may call it so, about the impor tance of the fortress and the position ? My opinion is, that having adopted a trust, having made yourselves the pro tectors of this free and independent State, you are bound to look to the welfare of the lonians. Above all that you are bound to discharge your duty faithfully and conscien tiously towards that free and independent Republic. I believe the importance of Corfu is very much exaggerated. But if you were to say, " We care nothing about the wishes of the lonian Islands, but what we do care about is a for tress for ourselves, what we do care about is a harbour for Great Britain." I believe that all Europe would cry out upon you for that declaration, and those who gave you that trust would say "You have perverted the solemn trust confided to you, and that which ought to have been treated according to the original terms of the stipulation for the benefit of the lonians you have considered only as a part of the strength of your dominions." (Hear, hear.) Because, that was the whole gist of the noble earl's remarks. He never spoke for a moment about the lonians or their wishes. The Earl of DERBY, in explanation, was understood to say that he had referred to their being consulted. Earl RI) SSELL— .: That is exactly what we are going to do. We mean to consult them. Moreover, this is a matter which also requires consideration from the other Powers. We say first to the lonians, "If you, on the meeting of your Parliament, to be convened for the purpose, shall declare (as once or twice they have irregularly done) that Greece being now an independent kingdom we wish to belong to Greece," then we shall consult the other Powers of Europe who were parties to the original treaty as to what should be done, and whether, it being the wish of the lonian Islands to be joined to Greece they ought not to be so joined. If it is clearly the desire of the Islands, as it is very possible it may be, notwithstanding the symptoms that have from time to time been exhibited, if it is their desire to enjoy the benefits of the protection of Great Britain, which I think are very great, tending to civilisation, then one consequence of this will be that we shall be free from the reproach which is cast upon us from every side—that while in every corner of Europe we profess such liberal principles, while we profess that Italy ought to be independent and free to control its own concerns, we coerce and oppress the lonian Islanders, who wish to be released from our rule. (Hear, hear.) These islands being no dependency of the British Crown and no part of the British dominions, if they fairly and deliberately declare their desire for union with Greece, I maintain, that be the advantages of our having a fortress in the Mediterranean what they may, it does not belong to the character of this great country to say that it will keep them in subjection, although they wish to be free and are entitled to be so. (Hear, hear.) The noble earl may laugh at this whole question if he likes ; but I confess that to see two countries, to which such great recollections belong as Greece and Italy, rising again into freedom, independence, and happiness, is a great pleasure to me—(hear, hear)—and it would, I think, be a great glory to the Government of Great Britain to have contributed to such a result. This is not a new policy, but one that has been pursued by the statesmen of this country for generations. Our conduct in regard to Holland, Portugal, Greece, and Belgium in past times bears evidence to the exertions of Great Britain to wards the establishmentof free and independent communi ties. That is our true policy; and the extension of our em pire is not so valuable to us as this extension of free and independent nations, which, having the support of Great Britain, there is no chance of that single despotic dominion by which Eur;ope has . wore than, once ,been oppressed. (Hear, hear.) ,Your,lordships will be better able to judge of these matters when you have read the papers which will be laid before you. My lords, if the noble earl opposite and my noble friend behind me have been unable to go through this debate:without paying some tribute to the memory of Lord Lansdowne, I feel that it is impossible for me, who had been so long connected with bim in friendship and by political ties, to omit the mention of his name. (Hear.) The recol lection of his life is one of no ordinary character. It is thq recollection of a life pure, honoured, and respected—knowri to this house by combined wisdom, moderation, dignity, and courtesy—known to the public at large by the many ser vices which he contributed to the legislation and the; insti tutions of his country. (Hear, hear.) My lords, I hope that a spirit like his may preside over your lordships' de. iberations. His spirit was this, that while he dearly loved the Constitution he was a friend to every improvement every well-considered advance that could be made in our institutions. So that as a Steadfast friend of the Constitu tion, that Constitution would never suffer in his hand, nor the cause of sound progress be impeded. When your lord ships consider the great measures which have been passed with his assistance and co-operation, some of them affect ing the rights of Protestant Dissenters, Roman Catholics, Jews, and relating to matters of religious belief; others, like free trade and the repeal of the Coln Laws, deeply affecting material interests; others, like the Reform Act, affecting the balance of political power in this country—l think you will admit that the spirit which animated Lord Lansdowne is the spirit which ought to animate all who take part in the proceedings of your lordships' house. (Hear.) The Earl of MALMESBURY cordially agreed with the last words of the noble lord in reference to the lamented nobleman who had been so recently taken from them. He hoped that all future leaders of the Government in that house would attempt to imitate the late Lord Lansdowne as nearly as possible. It would be superfluous for him to enter into the feelings already expressed with respect to the auspi cious event announced in the first part of the Speech; and lie would not have trespassed at all on their lordships if it had not been for some observations of the noble earl in an swer to his noble friend on that side of the house. Before, however, he alluded to those observations, he wished to say that he entirely agreed in the noble lord's policy with re gard to the American war. He entirely agreed that he could not recognise the Southern States without going further, i and insisting on raising the blockade. But though he en tirely agreed in that part of the noble earl's policy, he could not go so far as to think that his policy was right as to the offer of mediation by the French Government. He thought it was our duty as a Christian people, as a Christian nation, being of the same religion and of the same blood and speak ing the same language as the Americans, to do whatever was possible to stop the struggle which was going on, pro vided we did not place ourselves in a position of risking our neutrality, or incurring any dishonour. He could not con ceive, if they recollected what the proposition of the French Emperor was, that any harm would have arisen to the Go vernment of this country, by joining in that proposition, If it had succeeded it would have been to the everlasting credit of this country; it would have been a most credit able page in our history. If it had failed, if the Northern States had refused our proposition he did not see why that should have been attended by detriment to this country. Even if it had been received with insult, no in sult ought to be cared for which did not bring with it dishonour. (Hear, hear.) It would not have brought dishonour with it, but credit; and notwithstanding what the noble lord had, said, he did not feel convinced that it would not have succeeded. I t seemed against common sense and probability that in a country inhabited by millions, anti cursed by tho misfortunes and horrors of civil war, there should not be hundreds of thousands,forra r , ing a peace party in that country, who would not welcome peace if they could get it with honour, who would even be glad of excuses, and who sacrifice a little pride if you would only hold out a hand and give them a chance of grasping it. This, he thought, was common sense, and he could not think why the noble earl could not have joined the French Emperor. The Emperor of the French had adhered t ) his purpose. Alone, and of his own aecord, he had renewed the effort to stop the war. If he succeeded he would have plucked from us one of the greatest opportunities we ever had for distinguishing the Government of this country. He would express his sincere hope that the noble lord, though he had been baffied—and he knew he had been baffied—in treating with so extraordinary a people as those of the United States, or rather the Government, wouldln the end succeed. He knew he had attempted by his advice, and the progress of public opinion in this country and Europe, to mitigate some of the horrors that were going on. He had no doubt he had done so, and that he would be able to show it by the papers which he would lay on the table. But with out distressing their lordships by enumerating some of the horrors, unparalleled even by barbarous nations, he should like to know whether the noble lord was aware of what was a diabolical act of cruelty on the part of the United States Government. That Government, contrary to the common law of war, and all precedent, even in the remotest times of ignorance and barbarism, had declared that all medicines and surgical instruments were contraband of war, in plain Eng lish implying that a wounded enemy was still an enemy, and that they were not justified in mitigating his tortures, or seeking to save his life. (Hear, hear.) That was so horrid an act that it required the public condemnation of every civi lized Government in Europe. He now came to that part of the noble earl's speech in which he taunted his noble friend behind him, who had properly rebuked him for t the 0111 i cious advice h e gave on a ll an d every oc casion,wi h having done the Fame thi ng himself. He taunted hli o a tig noble in gfirviionngd with having been equally fidgetty and officious advice on every possible occasion, and heclu to ote th d e ash,i King of the advice given by his Government which he said amounted war or em of Naples and the Grand Duketkoef pTaurstcainnya,ny amounted to this—" D di o s n p ' broils yourself in any ttotlbetween Austria, Piedmont, dispute at home governing your I and France, but quietly subjects and not meddling with others." In the first place he did not recolleet.Nseuneh advice being given to Tuscany, but Naples. He thought it was but he knew it was gi n , sound advice to tell . a y one to look after his own business that of other people; but there " and not interfere a great difference between that:and the advice gtvento, and Denmark, (Hear, hear.) Besides, the t h e Pope, - frig of Nap l es asked for their advice, which mode a great dif g . ference. (H ea r, hear.) The advic e w hi ch the government of which he was a member gave to the Italian sovereig ns wa s given in the hope of forming a congress of powers 8 in Europe. (Hear, hear.) That c ou ld hardlybe called an officious act, whose object was by the most to avert war. But the ad v i ce g i ven to thei °e lZ.in ea g o e flj e a u l ! mark was not only unasked but it was extraordinary, be cauco it Was contradictory to the advice tendered to Den 1 mark before. In a despatch dated Dec. 8, 1860, the noble earl acknowledged that Schleswig was a Danish duchy, and that the German confederation had no right to interlere in its administration; but now he adopted the German view of the question, and gave advice to Denmark which would alter the whole coestitatioa as regarded Schleswig_ H e also di sagree d with the style in which the noble lord had addressed Denmark. Denmark was an independent coun try, it was a mere ancient country than ours, some of its monarchs having sat on the English throne, and through all changes it had maintained its independence. Such a country ought to have been treated with great respect by the noble earl, but h e h a d not treated it with respect. Rye had used one language to Denmark and another to the Pope. With regard to Greece, he was astonished at the course which the government had taken on that subject. If diplo matic contracts existed which prevented the acceptance of the throne by Prince Alfred the government ought to have immediately declared that such was the case. (Hear, hear.) That would have been more respectful to the royal family of England and to Greece. By not at once making that declaration they acted unfairly and cruelly to the Grecian people, because every day's delay was equivalent to a day's anarchy in that country. information received from Greece showed thatanarchy was beginning, and if the question was not quickly settled it was impossible to say what would oc cur. With respect to the lonian Islands the noble lord spoke very boldly, and he confessed he heard him with con siderable fear, if not dismay. He said he was going to give up the lonian Islands because we had beau taunted by the various nations of Europe that England held them for hellish purposes. Now Corfu was one of the best ports of the Me- , diterranean,and the strongest fortress ; and if the noble earl 0 was to be influenced by such taunts, the same thing might be said of Gibraltar and Malta. (Hear.) Corfu could not be defended by the Greeks, and if given up by England would inevitably tall into the hands of France or Russia. Bec a use they and their predecessors heti mismanaged the islands that was no reason for giving them up. Earl GREY said he did not share the regret of the noble earl opposite that the Government did not accept the overture of France with regard to mediation in the American war. The South insisted upon independence, the North insisted upon the restoration of the Union; and it was obvious that any proposition which could be proposed would be rejected. Nothing could be gained by the propo sal; and, on the other hand, it would excite greater hosti lity towards this country. (Hear.) With regard to the cession of the lonian Islands, he did not agree with the noble earl that:there was any necessity for the consent of Parliament to the measure. He thought if anything was better understood than another it was that the Crown had an undoubted right, to make treaties with foreign Poivers. It had been observed that the surrender of the lonian Islands might, in the event of war, entail great disadvan tages upon this country. He, on the contrary, thought the retention of them would be injurious to Great Britain. The period which had been referred to had no application to the present time. There had been no steamships in those days, but now troops could to conveyed and concentrated at a given place with astonishing rapidity. He had heard nothing said of the advantage that would be conferred on the islands by having them merged in the new kingdom of Greece ; for it should be remembered that the islands had been entrusted to this country for their benefit, and not for the benefit of England. (Hear, hear.) This country received no tribute from the lonian Islands. But his noble friend the Secretary of State had told them that the cession was only to take place under certain conditions, and under these circumstances he thought it very desirable that they should be ceded to the new kingdom of Greece. (Hear, hear.) The Earl of CARNARVON hoped that the cession of the lonian Islands would not be completed without further consideration. The noble earl (Russell) based the policy of the cession upon the wishes of the lonians, making little of the importance of the harbours which these islands afforded to Great Britain. But the modern improvement in shipping rendered coal depots very important. (Hear, hear.) They were bound to have good reasons shown for the cession. It was not justifiable upon economical or political grounds. He contended that it was not competent for Great Britain to resign the trust to the people of the lonian Islands. The Government was bound to resign the trust into the hands of the great Powers who had placed it in the keeping of Great Britain. The lonian Islands were described as a single, free, and independent State in the treaties which placed them under the protectorate of this country. But what would they be if ceded to this unknown, uncreated, impal pable Power 'which was called Greece ? (Hear, hear.) Would that cession be agreeable to any Power ? There were many who believed that it would rather be a cession of Greece to the lonian Island than of the lonian Islands to Greece. Would Turkey like it ? Would it not rather look upon such an accession of power to Greece as a throat and a danger? In the late correspondence with the Russian Government the noble earl started a candidate of his own. Earl RUSSELL—I beg the noble lord's pardon. I never started anybody. (A laugh.) The Earl of CARNA RVON said that probably the noble 1 earl did not actually put forward a candidate, but he cleared I the way for a British prince to be put in nomination, and it was by that means he compelled the Russian Government to come into his views. (Hear, hear.) Then the Bing of Portugal was put forward with ou t any a tt emp t b e i ng ma d e to find out whether or not the King of Portugal would ac • cept the throne. Upon his Majesty's refusal the Prince of Saxe Coburg was put forward, and now it seemed that he also would not accept the gift. Lord WODE I.I.OUSE said that the noble earl had scarcely stated the question fairly. He thought there was a very distinct difference between our tenure of the lonian Islands and the tenure of possession which we had in colo nies and dependencies of the British Crown. It was quite competent for the Government to get rid of a protectorate which was onerous whenever they could properly do so ; and he thought they acted quite wisely. Undoubtedly it would be nedessary to obtain the consent of the other powers who signed the treaties, but he understood from the noble earl the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs that the consent would be _ought for before the cession of the Islands took place, There was one point upon which he differed from his noble friend the Secretary of State fcr Foreign Affairs, and that was the difference between Den mark and Germany. He thought that the case of Holstein and Leuonburg stood upon different grounds from that of Schleswig, and the duchy of Schleswig should bo preserved to Denmark. Upon one other matter of great importance he agreed cordially wi h her Majesty's Government. He thought they had acted moat wisely in not' interfering in ' , the American war. Lord EBURY laid a bill on the table* to amend the Act of Uniformity. The Address was then agreed to. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS—Last Evening. OPENING OF THE SESSION. The members began to assemble about one o'clock. Among the earliest arrivals were Admiral Walcot. Sir C. Douglas, Col. Gilpin, Mr. Briscoe, Mr. Walter, Mr. Locke King, Mr. J. B. Smith, Col. French, Mr. White, Mr. Coningham, Sir F. Trelawny, Mr. 6. Hatfield, Mr. Milnes, Sir H. Willoughby, Mr. Powell, Alderman Sidney, Sir E. Bowyer, Mr. R. Knightley,. Major Gavin, Mr. Mills, Mr. Bentinck, Mr. Packe, Mr. Stanfield, Sir J. Shelley, Mr. Dillwyn, Sir J. Paxton, Sir F. Crossley, Mr.W. Wil liams, Lord Robert 'Montagu, Mr. Evart, Colonel Sykes, Mr. Lindsay, and Mr. Roebuck. The first member connected with the Government that entered the house was Mr. Knatchbull-Hugesson ; shortly after Mr. C. Gilpin and Sir Wm. Dunbar took their seats on the Government bench. The Speaker entered the house at a quarter to one o'clock and took his seat in the Chief Clerk's chair. The right hon. gentleman was warmly greeted by the members, the majority of whom passed up the house and shook hands with him. At five minutes,past two o'clock Sir Augustus Clifford, the Usher of the Black Rod, entered the house, and sum moned the Speakt ( r and members to the House of Peers to hear the Royal•Cemmission and the Queen's Speech read. The SPEAKER and nearly all the members present, num bering about 100, immediately proceeded to the Houso of Lords. At 25 minutes after two the Speaker returned. The sitting was then suspended until four o'clock. The SPEAKER again took the chair at four o'clock. NEW MEMBERS. The following new members were sworn in :—Alderman W. A. Rose (Lord Mayor of London), for Southampton, in the room of Mr. Wilcox, deceased ; Mr. Pender, for Tot nee, in the room of Mr. Mills, deceased ; Mr. Alfred Seymour, for Totness, in the room of Earl Gifford, deceased; Mr. C. P. Grenfell, for. Stoke-upon-Trent, in the room of Mr. J. L. Ricardo, deceased ; Mr W. Cubitt, for Andover, in the room of Mr. H. B. Coles, deceased ; Sir E. Dering, Bart., for Bast Kent, in the room of Mr. W. Deedes, deceased. SESSIONAL ORDERS. The SPEAKER read the usual sessional orders, and they were agreed to. NEW WRITS. On the motion of 11Ir. BRAND, a new writ was ordered to be issued for Devonport, in the room of Sir M. Seymour. On the motion of Col. TAYLOR, a new writ was ordered to be issued for Cambridge, for the election of a member, in the room of Mr. Steuart ; also for East Kent, Somerset shire, in the room of Mr. C. Mundy; also for the county of Cambridge, in the room of Mr. E. Ball. RAILWAYS. Mr. WHALLEY gave notice that to-morrow ho would move for leave to introduce a bill to diminish the expense of passing railway bills. ___ BOST-OFFICE SAVINGS BANKS. Mr. BRAND gave notice that the Chancellor of the Exchequer would to-morrow move that a committee of the whole house be appointed on those banks. ELEC LIONS. Mr. BRAND gave notice t hat on Monday the Secretary of State f o r the Home Department would introduce a bill to prevent corrupt practices at e lections. MILITIA ESTIMATES. Mr. BRAND gm «) notice that a bill would be introduced on an early day with respect to rendering these estimates. COTTON (INDIA). Mr. J. B. S3IITII i gave notice that he s h ou l d on Tues day move for papers n respect to the production of cotton in India, and the . quantity likely to be available. CHURCH RATES. Sir J. TRELAWNY gave notice that to-morrow he should introduce a bill to abolish church rates. BIRTHS, DEATHS, &c. (IRELAND.) Sir R. PEEL gave nolico that on an early day ho should move to inntroduce a bill on this subject. ENFORCED LABOUR IN EGYPT. Mr. D. GRIFFITH gave notice that on the 20th, on going into coruraittee of supply, ho should ask if the Go vernment intended to support Ismael Pasha in his deter- Mination to abolish enforced labour. GAME LAWS. Mr. PAUL gave notice that on an early day he sh'Aild introduce a bill on this subject. THE MARRIAGE OF THE PRINCE OF WALES. Lord PALMERSTON (who was much cheered on Com ing his seat) laid papers on the table relating to the merge of the Prince of Wales with the Princess of Denmark. NEIVGATE AND LEADENHALL. The supply of Scotch and town-killed meat on offer is moderately extensive, but the trade rules firm, and prices are well supported. Per Sib. by the carcase. s d Inferior beef .. 2 6 2 10 Middling do. .. 3 0 3 6 Frime largo do. 3 8 3 10 Do. small do. .. 4 0 4 2 Large pork .... 3 6 4 0 Inferior mutton. 3 2 3 6 sdsd Middlingmutton 3 S 4 2 Primed* . 4 4 4 6 Vea). . 3 8 4 4 Small pork 4 2 4 6 Lamb BOROUGH HOP. Our market is extensively supplied with American hops, for which the trade rules heavy on easier terms. Other foreign produce is a dull inquiry at droopi ng p r i ces. As re gards home-grown qualities, the demand is mostly confined to the best samples at late rates, whilst inferior descriptions may be had at reduced quotations. Mid and East Kent; Weald of limits Sussex Bavarian American B4s to 105 s COLONIAL. TEA..—There has been a fair demand for most.descrip lions, and at the public sales which terminated yesterday, full rates were obtained for good and fine qualities. SUGAR.—The market has continued moderately active, and previous prices have been fully sustained for good grocery descriptions. In the refined market there is no material alteration to report. COFFEE.—A moderate amount of business has been done in both plantation and native Ceylon, and prices have ken steadily maintained. The Law of Contracts in India. Contracts in India are, of course, precisely what contracts are in England, w:th two very important exceptions. Every native workman is always under contract, anC not one workman in 60 can read the contract he shins. The sys tem works in this way. Suppose an employer wants a dozen chairs, or a few thousands of bricks, or a few hun dredweight of rice, he calls up the carpenter, or brickinaker, or peasant, and °Mrs him a set price, to produce at a future time the article required. After haggling for a few hours the workmen accept Or re'fases the price, and in the former case, asks an " advance" in cash from his would-be em ployer. He has no capital, or says he has none, to buy wood or find firing, or live while his crop is growing; and if he had it would be contrary to his principles to trust any body's promise to pay. The employer agrees, pays the spe cified sum, usually half value, an agreement is written, but not read, and the peasant departs to spend the money re ceived on a quasi-religious, quasi-domestic festival:Ti 77: ing spent it, he, if inclined to work, borrows some more from the native money .lender, pledging his " job" as se curity, and saves the interest by ilaing inferior wood, or half -burning his bricks, or putting a little sand into the weight of rice delivered to his employer. Very often, how - ever, particularly if the contract covers a little period, he is disinclined to perform it, wearies of working a dead horse, and puts his employer off with stories which, if ad dressed to a native, display a wonderful fertility in lying, or, if addressed to a European, are always intensely pa thetic. The employer, whose trade depends upon punc tuality, scolds or threatens, or, if a wonderfully reasonable man, asks for his money back. The workman never dreams o w o ir efforthr ed delicious c i n ipo g auy , s. o u r nr e c v ti nieoncn:rdsbeumwtuonruerlvidnegrn,poaatnyssdqouprerieonzmteeintshde the to make e r e m f a on s e n a y n g money out of him ; he had rather, if he must, perform the work, but till he must, he will placidly decline doing any thing, and call all his gods to witness that his house was burnt down last week, and his wife gave him twins yester day. The remedy for conduct like that in Engl an d would be very speedily applied. The County Court would amerce the defaulter in the amount of his debt, plus damages plus costs, and there would be an end of the matter. But in India there are in the interior no County Courts, the Judge's Court is usually 40 miles off, and the system of pro cedure is the old Equity system in England—a judgment on written pleadings (all written on stamped paper), the Indian Government selling justice as dear as it dare), and an easy case takes about six months to decide. During that period witnesses have to be conveyed over the distance perhaps ten times, lawyers to be fed, and the police to be conci liated, or they will worry the witnesses into absconding; then a second suit must be instituted for the execution of the judge's decree, and then—the workman has assigned all his property to his brother-in-law and disappeared for a year. Imagine a cotton-grower with 6,000 suits like that The Anglo-Indians, official and otherwise, resolve to remedy this state of affairs, but not precisely after the English fashion. Englishmen would have made County Courts cheap and common, and coerced defaulters into honesty by fear of a mild but inevitable application of law. There was not the faintest objection to this course, as the six or eight county courts already established work admirably and already pay their expenses; but this did not suit either the colonial habit of violent thought or the Home Government's dread of expense. It was resolved, for the sake of at once display ing energy and maintaining thrift, to cure a boil by actual cautery. A bill was introduced giving the magistrates sum mary jurisdiction over every workman who broke his con tract, with power to imprison for six months, and then make him work the agreement out. Very satisfactory that, thought the employer, and so it might be in England, where courts are always honest, and workmen can usually read. But in India no one workman in a thousand can read; he is wholly in the hands of his employer's writer, invariably a rascal ; he has no power of resisting advances any more than a parrot has of resisting sugar, and he is subject to the very worst gang of scoundrels known to exist upon earth as an organised body --the Indian native police. There is no language we can employ to describe this body which will exceed in severity the language used by their own Go vernment, Sir F. Halliday, for instance, affirming in . an ffi ocial report that they committed more than half the crate of the country. To make breac h of contract penal is there fore to place a workman, for violation of an agreement which he cannot read, binding him to p a y su ms with which a a d n e d qu n i o tt t o h he was tempted, in the hands of men armed with the whole strength of the Government, corrupt beyond all experience . fraught be is the official " Torture Report" of Madras. It is serfage of European corruption, and cruel as they were described to words, it abolishendg Charles Wood in angrily prohibiting it did his duty as c°m P l etely as he neglected it when he failed to authorise n o g u l n e t s y s r ocourgt which s such e,rhea Indian would Go produce, and Sir still handed oVer tlao Government obeyed, of course, but find debat., it a measure, but, from the language employed or th i P a posed a new bill. We cannotthe levied the re illitiars to have thedaruages by criminal process. In other provided a civil procedure, but European settlement prohibited t halso. n right. We say del iberajl d swift certainty of the first law, but years upon rp millionsaon theof stator® labourers book.itrho that any police—and sit Charles to the tender mercies of the perish, than our Indian trade necessity for encouraging is better that such settlement India, it writingL with full belief in the free would At the end th y e d in tstrmt. oshf oi decay, uhled t or tr u ea r ian Indianhfiuvn five yr such law be simply slaves, and a war of vengeance, tinies were a joke, would be crganisiog in every the mu"' In rejecting it Sir Charles Wood has displayed which belongs to the statesman of a free people, as well as as the humanity which ought to be the first principl e o f a Go vernment to terribly resistless as that of Ittdie,—Avecivo.. THE ADDRESS. Tho SPEAKER having read the Queen's Speech, Mr, CALTHORPE (who wore the insignia of a deputy lieutenant) then rose to move that a gracious addresa presented to her Majesty in reply to the Speech delivered this day by commission in the House of Lords. The mar riage of the Prince of Wales could not fail to give the ut most satisfaction to all classes of her Majesty's subjects. A marriage of mutual affection like this could hardly La to bring much happiness. The constitutional farm of Government which prevailed in this country led other nations to look to us as an example of the bcA kind of Governnment. This it was that had led to the offer of the Throne of Greece to Prince Alfred. Probably when Greece had selected and obtained a constitutional king that country would become happy and prosperous. After the expression of feeling on the part of the lonian Islands, no doubt the Government would deem it well to cede these islands to Greece. (Hear, hear.) The unhappy distress that had prevailed had been fully met and assuaged by all classes of the people. (Hear, hear.) It was a pleasing thing to know that .a ship was on its way to this country f ront A mer i ca loaded with feed for Lanca shire. (Ch eers. ) T his testified unmistakably the good feeling of flp, people ofAmerica towards this country, though the . press of th e N ort h tried hard to set the one people s a u g e a h ms a t ie l n h g e t o ti t f la i c i 2 t, r. l That th ere should be a surplus during period of distrm , —with half a million of people out of work, and rnany'of them ou the verge of star vation —testified that the monetary affairs of the country had been well managed. He hoped a modification of the in come-tax would result from the surplus. (gear, hear.) It was satisfactory to find that the French treaty had worked well ; and he had high hopes of the result of the new treaty with Belgium. He feared that the proclamation of Mt. Lincoln would result in much outrage upon the negraes and not lead to the results professed. It was, indeed, difficult not to entertain some feelings of contempt for the Federal Government. Freedom of the press and of speech had been sadly outraged. Corruption and extravagance existed to a ruinous and shameful extent. At the outeot of the war General Scott had counselled a peaceful separation. It was to be regretted that independent Americans had not been found to endeavour to stem the torrent of popular frenzy. (Hear, hear.) On the contrary, the , South bad shown great. courage and excellent strategy, and managed their affairs in a noble and excellent manner. (Cheers.) Yet, though this country had paid £20,000,030 to abolish slavery, we had driven our free trade notion so far that we had virtually fostered the slave trade. For instance, we admitted slave-grown sugar at the same rate as free. (Opposition cheers.) It was not the fault of the South that they had engaged in this unhappy war, which could only have one result--complete and entire separation. (near, hear.) The end, however, of the war would result, he believed, in the thorough abolition of slavery, but the proclamation would assuredly not have the effect proposed to be intended ; neither was it heartfelt and honest, and the Democrats, when they again came into power, would com pletely nullify its provisions. Mr. BAZ LEY (who likewise wore the uniform of a de puty-lieutenant) rose to second the address. The hon. member, wlio was much cheered, expressed his satisfaction at the Speech from the Throne. Ho hoped the peace ad verted to would long continue. (Hear, hear.) The Royal marriage promised to be not only a very happy one, but would give the utmost satisfaction to the country. The Prince was the worthy son of a worthy sire. (Hear, hear.) In common with his fellow-countrymerrhe deeply deplored the distress in Lan cashire, and he feared it would continue yet for some time to come. But that distress was borne with the utmost heroism. (Hear.) They had, too, now to look for other markets for their goods, as one of the chief was closed to them. He read some recent figures from Mr. M'Clure, the Secretary to the Relief Fund, showing the recent amount of relief awarded. Altogether, the enormous sum of £760,696 had been spontaneously subscribed for the relief of the distress in the cotton districts. (Hear, hear.) He regretted that the distress was on the increase, as people were now seeking relief who up to a recent period had been able to maintain themselves. He trusted the Government would do their boat to get cotton from Australia and India. The fact that the probable supply of cotton would most probably not enable the manufacturers to give more than a quarter of a week's work, if that, this year, would, he hoped, stimulate the Government to do their best to promote the production of good cotton in our colonies and elsewhere. (Hear, hear.) The exports last year of cotton amounted to £36,000,000, against£s6,ooo,ooo in 1861, testifying how the trade had fallen off. He congratulated the Government on the recent commercial treaty with Belgium, and trusted the principles on which it was based would be extended to other countries. The French treaty, to some extent, compensated for the loss of the American trade. They were touch indebted to the hon. member for Rochdale (Mr. Cobden) for the care with which that treaty was matured. (Hear, hear.) Sae- Mg that they were at peace with all the world, he Impel the national expenditure would be reduced as much as possi ble. The surplus of the revenue would, he hoped, be applied to the reduction of taxation on articles of general use. He was not, too, without hope that the time was at hand when there would be a large extension of the franchise, for it was justified by the spread of education and the good de meanour of the people. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) The SPEAKER then read the Address. Ur. DISRAELI rose and said—Mr. Speaker, I am aura that there is no passage in the speech of the Lords Com missioners which will be read with more complete and more cordial sympathy by this house than the persuasion which is in that speech expressed by the command of her Majesty that this house will sympathise .with the sentiments which her Majesty feels in so interesting an event as the marriage of the heir apparent of these realms. (Hear, hear.) Sir, o th fv er o e il \ t v ic a i s an a ß t , inie when /Loyal marriages were the perplexity and it was supposed that by the adroit nego ciations of such transactions you might even change,!und certainly that you might affect in some degr- .. .n the balance of power. These times happily are , . . passed away. (Hear, hear.) But it would be, I ; l'' 4e, a great error to believe that in a country like England, where happily domestic affections are cherished end venerated, Royal, marriages may not conduce directly to the power and influence of a Prince. (Hear.) We have seen in ore time and in this country what may be the effect in this respect, of a Royal marriage. His sovereign parent offers to his Royal Highness the Prince of iVales an exam ple which, if followed, will, I am sure, endear him to the hearts of,all Englishmen. (Hear.) And lam equally con fident, that, at this moment, he will not forget that other parent, whose loss a year ago in this house we had to mourn —(hear)—who built up a Roj al house upon the principle of household love, and who yet, by his refined and profound intelligence, elevated it above the majesty of thrones. (Hear.) Sir, there is also another topic in the Speech in which this house must deeply sympathise—with the com munication which has been made this day by command of her Majesty from the throne—that is, with regard to the feelings of sympathy which we must all share with that 7or tion of our fellow-countrymen who have been subjected of late to so great a vicissitude in their fortunes. (Hoar.) But when we remember the fortitude with which they have en countered that great visitation—when we remember the spirit - with which our suffering fellow-subjects have been sustained—l think that there is, if I may so express it, some moral compensation arising to the country for their material losses; and if so, it may prove, as I hope and trust it will prove, that ultimately these trials may conduce to the sounder and more permanent prosperity of that commu nity. I hope we may be justified in treating this great visitation rather as a misfortune than as a calamity. (Hear.) Sir, I will not stop to panygeriso the conduct of any parti cular class, I will not offer now a needless though perhaps it might be a wholesome tribute of admiration and approval to any particular body of her Majesty's subjects, but in this perilous trial there has been a good cheer for England, and that in my opinion is a convincing proof furnished us of that mutual trust and that entire affection which subsists among all classes of her Majesty's subjects, and which indicates, whatever may be the form of our Government, the existence of a real commonwealth. Sir, if even that question had nos been touched upon in the Speech of the Royal Commissioin,aerrf to-day, it would be impossible, on the re-assemblingatof liameut, after such events, to avoid the inquiry, what __. pros pect there is of the cessation of these gtvaitnak,;effferitni7ets to Her Majesty has not felt herself justified termination of the causes Parliament any prospect of any ; erra l know that there is of nothing thes more v (H etnh e ta a so r , , to ascertain the precise charac terthough all persons will admit of contemepaorakr:owe ledge more valuable to statesmen and that there is politicians. (Hear.) For my own part, I am bound to sa y, Ifrom the first—and all that has subsequently occurred has only confirmed me in my conviction—l have always looked upo n that which is occurring in America in th e li g ht o f a revolution —and of a great revolution. (Hear.) Great re volutions, whatever may be the alleged causes of them, are not likely to commence or conclude with precipitation. Be fore the civil war commenced the United States of America .were colonies; and we should not forget that such commu nities do not cease to be colonies because they are indepen dent. They were not only colonies but they were colo nising, and they existed under all conditions of colonial life except that of mere political dependence. But for several years I think that all unimpassioned observers must have been conscious that in that community there were smoul dering elements which indicated the possibility of a change, and, perhaps, of a violent change. The immense increase of population—the still greater increase, perhaps, of wealth, the introduction of foreign races in large numbers as holitoih zens, not brought up under the laws and customs r w feoti7 were, perhaps, adapted to a more limited and. ca a l cPoenstitu homogeneous race—the character of that tion which, in its practice, in co nseque t n h e o t r r i :f lit th l tiou, because almost impracti d ea a bh. d—educated intellects of theory of ambition to the ri a , i t i o n d e absence ithis i a t o r f o dauncy the public morality, and, a dic t a e t r e t the country, which detcriorbovethaelnlr the e e s i p n i e r r i e t a a s n i d ng low in e fi re u d . d an th es em of o E re a t r h ° a " n e once —theseo f them,cx.Unitedeau circumstances States in politicalth w e . hieh ht suddenly and viol possibility that the mere colonial character of these cora ently be subverted, and munitics nt,g , those political c haracteristics appear which seem to be the destiny of man. (Hear , hear.) I cannot conceal from my self the conviction that when those who in this house may be young enough to live to witness the ultimate conclu sion and consequences of this civil war—l cannot but believe that the America which they will then r ecognise when the wate rs h ave su b s id e d w ill be a differ ent or America to t h a t w hi c h was k nown to our forefat i lf , even to this ge nera ti on , o f w hich we have had so m uch of ex perience. (Hear, hear.) It will, I believe, b tirmiee; it will be an America of diplomacy; an iit will be an ._ ~ ar Share 13.14 6.4.0 19.16.4 12.10