The Sun. — London, England, 1863-01-14 00:00:00

SPriaT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. rlarEs.—The speech of the Emperor on opening the French Chambers was expected this year with even more than -usual curiosity. It was known that he could not help referring to the American war, and, from the proposals made to England and Russia a few - weeks since, there was reason to be lieve that lie would not lose the opportunity of again counselling justice and moderation. This expectation has been fulfilled. The Emperor in leis speech on Monday adhered fully to the policy of M. Drouyn De Lhuys's despatch, and more than intimated that he should renew his attempt at mediation. Speaking of the distress which the war has brought on French industry, he says,— " I have made the attempt to send beyond the Atlantic advices inspired by a sincere sympathy, but, the great maritime Powers not having thought it advisable as yet to act in concert with me, I have been obliged to postpone to a more suitable opportunity the offer of mediation, the object of which was to stop the effusion j of blood, and to prevent the exhaustion of a " coun try the future of which cannot be looked upon with indifference." That the Emperor would retain his opinions on the subject of the war was to be ex pected, but it was not at all certain that he would explain so decisively to his Legislature and the world that his plan of mediation had not been aban doned. The speech of the Emperor is another step in the direction indicated by the despatch of his Foreign Minister. Again the Americans are told i n effect that the w ar w hi c h th e ',North is waging against the South will be without result, that the country is being exhausted in a contest the evils of which are felt more widely than those of any other of the present age, and that Europe cannot remain indifferent to the barbarity which shows itself every day more and more. There can now be hardly a doubt that the French Emperor will take every occasion to urge on the Federals the necessity' of bringing this war to a close. It is probable that the United States' Minister, Mr. Dayton, has already heard all that he can say against the enterprise in which the Federal Government is engaged. The deliberate judgment of Europe has been given by the mouth of the Emperor, and though no formal offer of mediation has yet reached Washington, yet morally a most earnest ieterference has taken place. The speech of Monday is but the solemn reiteration of those opinions which the Emperor has never con cealed from either belligerent. It is a declaration that the progress of the war during the last two months has bat confined him in the wisdom of his former policy, and that the time is approaching when a European Sovereign may fitly interpose to stop the slaughter. What hopes have the Federals of doing better in any . future encounter ? With the passing away of winter they lose one of their best chances, for the difference between good stout wool lens and flimsy cotton, between English blankets and bits of carpet from Southern houses, will not be so great two months hence as at present. The more one reflects on the abrupt close of this last cam paign, the easier it is to understand why the event has caused so much consternation at the North. It is felt that, as far as regards the main armies, the war has been already decided. The Federals can do nothing more than they have done already; any increase of the army will only add to its clumsiness and immobility, and further confuse commanders who, as General Burnside freely con fessed, do not know how to manage such large bodies of troops. The state of affairs in the West is scarcely more encouraging for the Federals. There is skirmishing in plenty, and now one party wins a victory, now the other; but it is quite apparent that the Federals hold only the ground they stand upon, and that no progress has been made in the conquest of the South. Such being the condition of the war, the French Emperor may justly ask whether Europe is to sit still and make no effort to save a civilized and Christian society from the miseries that are coming on it. The exhaustion of the country and the brutalising of the people are the only results which may be clearly foreseen if the war lasts, and the Emperor will do a good work if by any wise and temperate advances he can persuade the Fede rals to desist from their hopeless enterprise. HERALD..—It has been announced with a very great flourish of trumpets that at the close of the current financial year Mr. Gladstone will find him self in the possession of a handsome surplus. It is computed that, thanks to this surplus, to the in crease in the revenue which it indicates, and to the saving of some two millions on the estimates, the Chancellor of the Exchequer will have four or five millions- to the good, and be in a position to make a sensible reduction of taxation. Already half a dozen interests are astir. That there is a boon to be granted they have the assurance of the whole Ministerial press, and even the Saturday Review, which has always pretended to criticise Mr. Glad stone from a very superior economical elevation, and to rate him as a brilliant talker but no financier, gives its opinion that, thanks to the surplus this year, there will be with the economies four millions to dispose of in the next. It is very disagreeable to dispel these pleasant anticipations, but for the sake of those disposed to indulge in them we must do it. Mr. Gladstone, according to all pre sent means of judgment, so far from having a hand some surplus on the current year, will have a serious deficit; and even should he be able to present esti mates reduced by a couple of millions will not have more than a million at the most to devote to the remission of taxation, These coleur-de-rose antici pations of the Ministerialists rest upon a stupid blunder. Our liberal contemporaries have made a ludicrous mistake, and upon it have built up their assurances of a surplus. The revenue returns issued on the 31st of December show an excess on the quarter, Compared with that in the corresponding year, of rather more than thirteen hundred thou sand pounds ; the year closing at the same date shows an excess over the correspon ding one of nearly two millions four hundred thousa nd pounds. Upon these figures is founded that assurance of a surplus which must have ann o y e d M r. Gladstone in tensely his sel, and filled him with th e utmost contemp ti f zealous but ignorant admi rers. The comparison be tween years and quarters does not afford in itself the slightest indication of the correctness of a Mini ster's calculations. It does not even supply any test, except when the year taken is the financial 3 ear, of the buoyancy, as it is termed, of the revenue; and not even then unless all the circumstances calcu lated to affect the results are carefully eliminated. The quarter, for instance, which ended on the 31st of last month, shows a large comparative excess, be cause the collections of revenue in the corresponding quarter were exceptionally small. An apparent increase upon the amount of receipts for the current year, even if a pp ear ing on the 31st March, would be no proof of an actual increase of revenue, inasmuch as very large sums —about a million in all—are this year for the flest time carried to the credit of Mis cellaneous revenue, and disbursed under the head of army expendit ure ; the entry c account h av i ng p r eviously been settled by balance The only way to test the fur a small sum. ac a Chancellor of the Exchequer's calculations and foto estimate the to chances of a surplus or a d ef i cit, is compare state_ his estimates of revenue a s g i ven i n his financial meat with the actual receipts. And if 'we d with Mr. Gladstone, we sh a ll fi n d that the revenue returns, returns, so far from proving his soundness andp ro . raising a surplus, convict him of inaccuracy and threaten a considerable deficit. Upon some branches of revenue he has received more than he ea:et:dated, but the balance is very heavily against him. Thus he obtains from Customs just £650,000 more than he expected, but from the Excise a million and a Stamps and assessed taxes give hi m qua rter less. £550,000 more than he calculated, but Property Tax £900,000 and Miscellaneous revenue a quarter of a million less, the net result being that the re ceipts for the three quarters of the year are a mil lion and a quarter less than three-fourths of the estimate s of revenue. The awkward enthusiasm of his partisans has done Mr. Gladstone ill service. By promising a surplus they have made his task of apologising for a deficit all the more difficult. It will be remembered when he rises to perform that task that he was warned again and again by the Conservatives that his estimates, in the face of the already extending distress, were extravagant, and that his surplus was altogether insufficient to pro of these warn vide for any such mistakes. In spite ~~ __~_.__ ings, Mr. Gladstone persisted in assuring the house that his estimates were quite safe. The house was compelled to accept his assurances, and it will have to tell him again that his statements have, as before, proved utterly untrustworthy. He cannot excuse himself by the Lancashire distress: It was inevit able when he proposed his budget. POST.—On the first day of this year President Lincoln signed the formal death -warrant of the condemned United States. His proclamation of a servile war must extinguish the last hope that lin gered in the breast of his most enthusiastic sup porter. He has proclaimed the freedom of the slaves in twelve States, and has invited them to take military service against their masters. The recom mendations to them to labour for wages, and to ab stain from violence, unless in self-defence, are ab surd, since he knows that wages will not be given to them, and the daily infraction of the liberty i sof interpret which he bestows on themitseli, forsuffic i ent f t a actsof warrant, if they so choose to violence in self-defence. T he proclamation would be a terrible act were it no t sure to be wholl y in operative. Mr. Lincoln's decree is as useless as if it were addressed to the people of some other con tinent. It is in vain for him to raise the voice of authority when his broken sword is as of little power as the goosequill with which he signs his name. The pen is his only weapon, and he uses it for the utter violation and destruction of the social pact which he has struggled to maintain. Secession has al ways been a fair debateable question, with two sides to it. The seceding States have ever urged that the Constitution allowed of the step which they chose to take by virtue of their individual State Sovereignty. But no one can pretend that the President has not acted in direct contradiction to the written and simple words of the United States Constitution when he assumes to set free the slaves and to partition States. The admission of Western Virginia as a new State is an act of high treason to the Constitution, so also is the Decree of Emancipation. There is no longer any pretence of legality. The war is one of Despotism, aiming at Empire. These last and desperate measures appear to be the offspring of an impotent rage. The Federal arms are paralysed. Their manhood is beaten. Their legions are too numerous and too huge to be destroyed, and the remnants are therefore rejoicing in a degree of " safety." It is pitiful to see a generalissimo of defeated grand armies losing the attributes of a Christian, a warrior, and a man, and shrieking with feminine passion for the aid of slaves, invoking servile massacre, and the " gracious favours" of that God who has been appealed to as the "God of bat , ties," but who never yet was blasphemed as the Providence of crime and the dispenser of murder. Mr. Lincoln's proclamation will no doubt strike all neutral observers as very wicked and very silly. How are his " military and naval authorities to maintain "the freedom of the slaves?" Where are his grand armies ? How far have they advanced upon the soil for which he presumes to dictate laws? Twenty millions of white men cannot conquer the South—can hardly make an impression on it. It is hopelessly impregnable. How ridiculous, then, for the foiled besieger to issue laws for the regula tion of the interior of the fortress. The intelligence from the scene of war conveyed to us by the same mail which brings the news of Mr. Lincoln's de plorable decree is of the usual uncertain description when fighting is concerned, A great battle, lasting three days, has been fought at Murfreesboro'. The Federals claim the advantage, as they always do. They admit their losses to be enormous, four regi ments being mentioned as having lost half their men. Experience teaches us to wait for a few days before forming any conclusion as to the result. As there is no bragging of victory, we shall probably be soon informed of the real extent of the defeat. Fighting has taken place at Vickskburg, on the Mississippi. The Federals appear to have assaulted the place on three successive days, and to have been repulsed on each occasion. In Virginia nothing has taken place except the successful return of General Stuart to the south side of the Rappahannock, after having ridden round General Burnside's army, and having cut his telegraph lines, and accomplished other damage. Commercial men do not seem to like the aspect of affairs, if we may judge by the rise of the premium on gold to within a fraction of thirty five. The war is reaching a crisis at which some effort will, we trust, be made to put a stop to it. The thinking men of the North, utterly deceived in their expectations, will surely at last lend an ear to the suggestions of peace. America.--News from the North. The following private letter from Baltimore has been kindly placed at our disposal:— " Baltimore, Dec. 26, 1862. "Dear Sir,—Having a few leisure moments I pro pose to drop you a few items as I pick them up. I am careful of whom I take information, so that I may be sure it is as reliable as can be obtained in these excited times, when falsehood and deception are the main weapons of this Government and its demoralised press. " I saw yesterday an intimate friend of Chase, the Secretary of the Treasury, a gentleman of great financial talent, with whom the Secretary often consults. He assured me that the debt is now 2,200,000,000 dollars, and that they have as yet fixed on no plan to raise money to carry on the war, simply because there is no plan feasible or likely to be successful. Chase admits to his confidential friends he cannot see his way clear. One-half this enormous amount is still due and unpaid, being in the shape of certificates of in debtedness and sums due the army. Many have not been paid for twelve months. Enormous amounts are due and unpaid for the navy and other matters. The same informant assures me, that the losses cf Burnside at the battle of Fredericksburg, including desertions, will not fall short of 60,000 men. Of the North Carolina affair, under General Foster, I have the information from the captain of a transport, who left Newbern on the 22d. He informs me that the army of General Foster was driven back with great loss, and that Foster himself immediately took Passage in a steamer for Fortress Monroe (where he has since arrived). An expedition of six gun boats ascended the Neuse two days before Foster started, but had all returned to Newbern partially disabled, having been attacked by batteries and Confederate sharpshooters all along the banks of the river. He describes their speed in descending the giver as very great. The captain said they were in great danger, and were fortunate to get back. This expedition consisted of about 16,000 men. The troops are in a state of demoralisation ; a revolt had occurred at Roanoke Island, and a force sent to quell it. Cause, no pay for twelve months, and little to eat. The captain also reports on his leaving that all the supplies at Newbern were being loaded into transports, and his opinion was that the Federals were about evacuating the State. With the defeat of Foster they cannot hold New bern, and the sudden exit of Foster to Fortress Mon roe may be for this object. It now looks as if the ovement is on hand, but from d from the leaders the time ~A tile action of the They await redemption of the old No r t h state was n ear at hand, re volutionary m has what notl c y a e n t u e e n m d understand sten Democratic governors, proximo. We shall then see t who c l om L e ine in o t ln o p ea o n we e r ar l r s y t out his abolition program me without a revolution in the N ort h . Money i s p l en ty (greenbacks) and the masses think times very prosperous, and many are willing to let the war go on because it makes and are t fe e ed e r them the em business lively an d money plenty. Nwb i ng n F w ed e e ll. rals have 3,000 nearoesl whenever there i s a scarcity of food the negro must have his f u ll quota and tMheysoi l nf d ioerrmmast S t a a ys k e , the short ration. So much for the war for the Union, the constitution, and the enforcement of the laws, NINE MONITORS FINISIIED.—Three of our iron clad men of war were launched on Saturday, one at Boston, the Nantucket, and the Catskill and Keokuk at New York. The Lehigh, one of the small Ericsson batte ries, is also reported ready to launch at Chester, Pa. This will complete Mr. Ericsson's contract with the Government for nine vessels like the Monitor. There are now in the neighbourhood of New York five impregnable ships afloat, all preparing rapidly for sea, and some 12 or 15 are on the stocks.—NeW York Paper. THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JANUARY 14, 1863 Sir C. Wood and Mr. Stansfeld at Halifax. HALIFAX, TUESDAY EVENING. Sir C. Wood addressed a crowded meeting of his constituents at the Odd Fellows' Hall in this town. (Mr.o rossley) occupied the chair, The and o rof Halifax opened the senior member to address the meeting. Sir C. WOOD commenced by observing that it was now 30 years since he first represented Halifax—a longer period than most members had sat for any borough, and certainly longer than any minister had represented one particular constituency. Since the end of last session many questions had arisen on which there had sprung up differences of opinion, and he was only happy to take this opportunity of explaining some part of his conduct, which had been censured, as far as regarded his own department, and to which recent circumstances had given an unusual interest. It was only last June that he had in his place in Parliament fully explained his views with respect to the Government of India, and nothing had occurred since to entertain any doubt that the policy he had adopted was doubtful or injurious. Blame had been imputed to him in no measured terms with re spect to Indian affairs, and he complained that state ments should have been made in the public papers, which he had had no opportunity of answering, but were not worthy of credit. Before he entered on the question of India he wished to say a word upon the general conduct of the Government. He admitted that this Government had not carried a Reform Bill, but the fact had been that the country had been so occupied with other subjects, and particu larly with foreign affairs, that the warmest advo cates for Reform must admit that the general in difference manifested in the country evinced that the present was not the time when it was advisable to bring that question forward. He pointed, how ever, to the fact that measures of great importance to the interests of the country had been passed by Parliament, which had rendered great service in improving the Tariff. The whole nation, but par ticularly the West Riding, had been largely bene fited by the opening of new markets, in conse quence of the Commercial Treaty with France, which had compensated in a degree for the closing of the cotton market, which had produced so much misery in Lancashire, but which misery would have been greatly augmented if there had been no such compensation. It was most satisfactory to find that although the excise revenue had fallen off in conse quence of the diminished consumption arising from diminished wages, yet that the produce of the Customs, stamps, post-office, and other departments connected with the general trade of the country, had been as progressive as in pet years, which he attributed to the enlightened policy in commer cial matters which had distinguished every suc ceeding Government within the last twenty years. With respect to the increased expendi ture upon our national defences he was convinced that it was forced upon the country by the succes sive improvements in shipbuilding, which had ren dered it necessary to adopt the armour-plated ves sels, the cost of the smallest of which was greater than the largest of our old men-of-war. The foreign policy of the Government had met with the almost unanimous approbation of the country, and it might be described as a policy of non-intervention and the preservation of the peace. They had sympathised with all nations that were struggling for indepen dence and self-government. Their sympathies had been given to the Italians, struggling for a united Italy free from foreign bayonets and oppressive Go vernments, but the Government had not thought it their duty to draw the sword in their behalf; they had done their best to induce other Governments to withdraw the obstacles they interposed to the unity of Italy, but they had not, and in that they had the unanimous concurrence of the country, thought fit to go further than to give them advice, thus affording a moral support to those who were struggling to maintain freedom and constitutional liberty. (Cheers.) In the case of Greece, it was not an un expected event that the late King should have been forced to abandon his throne, or, rather, should have been quietly dismissed in the most peaceful and tranquil manner that ever befel a Sovereign in the world. They had said the Greeks should be suffered to take their own course, without any other restrictions than that which provided that no mem ber of the royal family of the three great Powers should be Sovereign of Greece. With that restric tion they might choose whom they pleased to rule over them ; and with respect to the lonian Islands, of which we were constituted a protectorate for the benefit of Europe, the British Government had ex pressed its entire willingness to cede them to Greece as soon as any sound and firm Government was established. There was one subject which deeply affected our domestic interest, and that was the state of America. Two sections of a great and hitherto happy couutry, akin to us in language, liberty, love, and feeling, are engaged in a most unnatural internecine war, and exhibit a spectacle which they must all, for the sake of humanity alone, deeply lament, quite independent of the conse quences which it had entailed upon this country. With respect to that war, the Government had deemed it its duty to observe the most perfect neu trality and impartiality. We had been, as m i g h t have been expected, blamed on both sides —namely, by the North for what had been called a too early re cognition of the belligerent rights of the South, and by the South for not recognising them altogether. He believed the British Government were right in both cases. In the first place it was not done as a fa vour to the South, but because it was indispensable for them to define the position in which vessels of the South stood towards us. Either they were bellige rents, or they were pirates, and hardly any man in England would say that a vessel holding a com• mission from 7,000,000 or 8,000,000 of people, who formed a de facto state, could be treated as a pirate. (Hear.) On the other hand, when the French Government invited the British Government to interfere between the North and South they felt it to be their duty to decline, not because they did not sympathise with the amount of human struggling in the country, or shrunk from anything that would hold out a seasonable prospect of success in putting an end to the contest now raging, but that they believed that any offer of mediation which they made at the present time would be sure to be refused, and prevent taking such a course in future when they might think that they had a chance of suc cess. That a better feeling might arise he could not but hope, in which the Government would hold itself perfectly free at any time to take a step which it might think would be acceptable to both parties for the sake of terminating this dreadful struggle. He wished that he saw any symptoms of the abate ment of bitterness on either side, or any prospect of speedy termination of the war. Neither party seem to make much progress ; after a struggle which had lasted a year and a half both parties stood very much as they were at the commencement. The attacking party was always repelled, and even, as on the last occasion, the utmost gallantry being displayed u, on the part of the assailants, one could not but shudder at the spirit in which the war was being carried on, and would to God that public ex pression of opinion would mitigate the horrors of a sanguinary struggle between members of the same race and the same family and of the same name, in which one party is struggling for what, as far as one could judge, seems to be hopeless, viz , the re constitution and re establishment of the Union. Would that he could say the sufferings arising out of this horrible war were confined to them, but the con sequence of their hostility has entailed an amount of suffering here fearful to contemplate. He must say that that distress had been borne with such fortitude, such freedom from compl int, as had rendered the people of Lancashire the admiration not only of the country, hut of the world, for there never had been ar instance in which such an amount of suffering had been endured w ith such p atience an d such resignation. He m ust say, that whatever other causes had been at work, he believed the education which the working people no w received and the means which had been g iven them of becoming ac quainted w i t h a l l t h at passe d, and so enabled them to appreciate th e diffi cu l t i es o f those who were placed in a high er station in life that they knew that no o ne i n this country was to blame for what consequently bor e had occurr e d, and they their suf ferings with a fortitude wh i ch was most honour - ' able to them ;nor cou l d they refuse to acknowlcdge • with approval the exertions made by the employers, and, indeed, by the whole people of England, to mitigate the distress. He could not doubt that the effect would be to knit together in firmer bonds all classes in the country, because in this instance it has been shown that the sympathy of the rich was gratefully extended to the sufferings of those who, in consequence of circumstances entirely beyond their control, had been deprived of their ordinary means of support. The cause of that distress has been, as they knew, the withholding of the Ameri can crops of cotton, the consequence of which had been that great interest had been shown in respect of cotton supply from India, Of late years six sevenths, or nine -tenths, of the cotton used in this country had come from America, but it was only of late years that this supply from America had superseded that from all other countries. Many causes had been assigned why the supply from America had superseded that from other countries, but he believed that its main reason was that its price had been very far below the price of cotton of equal quality produced elsewhere, and there had, consequently, not been in India sufficient induce ment to grow in sufficient quantities to supply the wants of tLis country. It was about 10 years since he first commenced with the administration of India, and he had hardly been installed in the office of President of the Board of Control when the ques tion of cotton supply was brought before him. On that occasion he consulted Lord Hardinge, who at once saw that it was a simple question of price, and that if it was rendered worth while to the root to grow itlin India he could do so to almost any extent. Everything that he had since heard or seen con firmed that opinion. When the danger of relying on America solely for raw cotton first attracted the attention of the people of this country, Govern ment made several experiments with respect to the capability of the soil of India to the cultivation of the cotton plant, and they demonstrated both that the land would grow it and that the ryots would cultivate the plant if remunerative; but it was also demonstrated that the manufacturer would not pay the price for it which was necessary to render it re munerative, and the Government gave up producing it, in the first place because it was not the duty of the Government to grow cotton at a loss; and, secondly, because, although Government work was often very good, it was remarkable for never being very cheap. Subsequent experiments have shown that cottcn could easily enough be grown in India if there was sufficient inducement to do so, and last June, at the very time that the Lancashire distress was exciting the attention of the House of Com mons, the price of cotton was falling at Bombay. As soon, however, as it became a certainty that the prices in this country would rise and be maintained, every available hundredweight of cotton that could be obtained in India was sent to this country, and India was so drained that native manufacturers bit terly complained that they could not get raw mate rials for their industry. About a month ago he had heard from a gentleman of high authority in India that he had been through various districts of the country, and had found the ryots plough ing up green crops a foot high in order to sow cotton, and he (Sir C. Wood) saw by the papers that the cotton cultivation of India would be increased by at least one-third in the course of the year, though, as they had no system of collecting agri cultural statistics there more than here, it was diffi cult to imagine how the result had been arrived at. The laws of producing were regulated by demand. Thus, indigo was produced as long as it paid, but when the price of other commodities rose they raised the price for the cultivation of opium, and they had no difficulty whatever in procuring a sup ply. The same might be said with respect to the production of jute, li nsee d, a nd other agricultural produce. Therefo re , it was plain that if it were made worth the while of the ryot to grow cotton it would be grown. It bad been suggested to the Government to place a premium on the exportation of the cotton from India ; to do so on the ground of policy; and it was justified because, as he had said, every pound of cotton that was possible to send had been sent from India. He had also been asked to apply for a vote of public money for the relief of distress in Lancashire, but he felt that as the money would have to oorno from tho English, and not from the Indian Exchequer, the proper Minister to be applied to in such a case was the Chancellor of the .Exchequer. What he had to con• sider in the government of India, was not the welfare of the people of Lancashire, or even of the 50,000 Europeans in India, but the 180,000,000 natives— (cheers)—and in this respect he held the doctrine of the greatest benefit hew as to nugmebveerr.n IndiaTh t was the true poli c y , and on just principles it was his duty to look to the happi ness of the great majority of the people whom he had to govern. A proposal had been made to exempt land in India devoted to the cultivation of cotton from the land revenue, but that would be simply to divert a portion of the revenue of India, because half the re venue of India was derived from the land, and he could never be a party to such a proceeding. With regard to the public works in India, they were pro- gressing at a most astonishing rate, and there was ever y crop of reasonto e believecot t on te n was ready therethethatbythetiwmeeuldbe at next year's least two main roads completed and available for its transport out. between Of £ll,ooo,ooothe small and revenue,lllndtan,ooo,o no less a sum than would be this year expended in public works ; and such had been the liberality of the Government in rendering assistance of that description that when it had been found that there was, in consequence of some miscalculation, an excess of three millions in the Indian Loan, and he had sent out directions that it could be applied to public works, the reply that he received from the authorities in India was that every available labourer was employed who could be properly superintended, and that, notwithstand ing the ravages of fever in many districts, there were no less than 7,000 persons employed daily on public works; so that it was perfectly plain that the Government had done all that could be done to foster and encourage them. With regard to the charge that had been made with respect to the changes in the resolutions of Lord Canning respec ting the sale of land, ho explained that the changes were merely changes of detail, the principle being being land s n e d d Transfer uniform, ho rt hm should lt Bill t bsl instead h e r on s u d evebf b e put before India, t e phb ueytprice guipv it it nogeafu w waste t io a n s. land con veyed, The o - b e title, had encouraged th e investing a n o i f nd ß e rfeitaissih capital to a surprising extent, and he thought that no one could doubt that the many reforms intro duced into India within the last few years would do much to produce a happy and prosperous and contented people, while India would become a source of wealth as well as a glory to the English nation. The right hon. baronet resumed his seat amidst loud cheers, having spoken nearly two hours. Mr. STANSFELD was greeted with loud and en thusiastic applause. He said, the four years since that town elected him, very much on trust—(cheers) —had been years heavily laden with events of ab sorbing and sometimes painful interest—years tell ing greatly upon his mind, and during which it so happened that he had not been once called upon to address his constituents on subjects which now lay nearest to his own thoughts; hence not merely readiness, but eagerness, on his part to have the opportunity of doing so, (Ch eers. ) Going back to the commencement of this Parliament, the first in which he had sat, they were returned, if he re membered aright, to pass a Reform Bill. (Cheers.) He feared it was not in his power to say to-night that they had exact l y fulfilled their mission. (Much laughter.) H e did not know that he felt able to congratulate hi s au di ence upon the progress which had been mad e . li e could say, however, what he conceived to b e th e causes of failure, and what he thought of the f uture of that great question, for which a soluti on must yet before long be found. The Governm en t had not redeemed its the Liberal pa r t y i n did not hold it to pledges, and the House those pledges. 'WI, • -.Q 3 . thi s Parliament assembled several parties h a d b een bidding against each other on this questi on . Still it seemed we had only to decide wh a t we would not accept. (Hear, hear.) We exercised th at r i ght of choice upon the bill of Lord Derby, b u t i n doing so we forgot the element of motive powe r , T he Consorvativo party h a d no sufficient any tE c- interest in being reformers after that rejection, and the dead weight of their passive resistance was a new obstacle, which neither in the Liberal party in the House of Commons nor even in the country itself could there be discovered motive power enough to overcome. Reform collapsed, and, collapsing, left a stain upon the Libel al escocheon which there was no future for them until they wiped away. (Cheers.) In these days two things were necessary for re form : first, popular will, whereas now the popular attention was diverted to events abroad ; and, secondly, the sincere and earnest application to the solution of the question of the cultivated and the influential thought and intelligence of the country. The noble conduct of the working classes of Lanca shire was a lesson which would have its effect when the time of action returned, for which he longed with unabated though tempered zeal. (Cheers.) He strongly approved the foreign policy of the pre sent Government, for which Italy was grateful. (Cheers.) Ho regretted to see the new light that had been thrown upon the Emperor's policy in that country by the disaster of Garibaldi. Instead of taking that opportunity to retire with dignity, as it was sometimes called, from Rome, the Emperor had declared he would hold Rome in the interests of the Pope at all cost against the Italian nation. (Shame.) Another ground of confidence in our Government was the cession of the lonian Islands. The Turks were an anomaly in Europe, and gradu ally relaxing their hold. He was not blind to the danger of a precipitate dissolution of their empire, and could understand what had been our past policy in the East. It had been to defend Turkey rather than the Turks. (Cheers.) But the peaceful revo lution in Greece, which gave signs of a fitness to become the Piedmont of the East, gave hope of a new and safer development of our policy. His reasons might not be those of our Government for ceding the islands, but they were the reasons of the Conservative opposition to it. (Hear, hear.) The most momentous event since this Parliament began was the American war. He would not attempt to grapple with that subject to-night. He entered not into the merits or demeeits of the various parties in America, but he should leave the platform with a sense of duty unfulfilled were he not to say that he regretted with a profound grief the current of public opinion, as inter preted by society and the press for the Southern cause. The successes of the South would be a triumph for our day and generation of a system of society founded on slavery. (Cheers.) The state of sympathy that had been shown was not creditable to this country. (Cheers.) Whatever might be its explanation, it was assurenly not the child of charity, nor the offspring of any principle, nor of any faith. (Cheers.) Sir Charles Wood had not felt at liberty to touch on the subject of national expenditure. He (Mr. Stansfeld) had long regarded the question of retrenchment as one which, in the logie of events, must become prominent, when other recent measures, such as the French commercial treaty, had been accomplished. The crop of amend ments producedby his motion last session abundantly justified that opinion. (Laughter.) Both the Pre mier's and the Conservative amendments pledged them to economy. (Cheers.) He adhered now to the course he then took, and upon the path he then entered he should unhesitatingly proceed. (Loud cheers.) Report said that some retrenchment was now in prospect. He did not claim all the credit, but as there were "ennobling statutes," so his mo tion had been an " ennobling motion"—(cheers) — rendering economy more easy of attainment. He disagreed with objectors who would have had him look to economy solely, and be indifferent to all other questions. He had not refused the support of the Conservatives for his motion, except by denouncing the terms on which it was offered. He could con ceive of no system of party tactics more shortsighted or more fatal than a system which would allow the question to be put as the leader of the Opposition had wit enough to desire—namely, as an alternative between a liberal foreign policy, necessarily accom panied by extravagant expenditure and a large economy, at the price of retrogression abroad. Mr. Stansfeld sat down amid great cheering, having spoken for an hour. Several questions having been put to the members and answered apparently to the satisfaction of the meeting, a vote of thanks to the hon. gentleman was passed unanimously, and the meeting broke up at a quartet-past 11. Mr. Kinglake, M.P., and his Constituents. On Monday evening Mr. A. W. Kinglake, one of the members for Bridgewater, addressed a crowded meeting of his constituents at the Town-hall. Mr. J. L. Sealy pre sided, and, in a brief address, introduced the hon. gentle man. Mr. KINGLAKE, on rising, was greated with loud applause. He said,--Gentlemen, this excellent habit of ours of occa sionally meeting between the sessions of Parliament is one of the features of the British Constitution which has never, I think, been understood by foreigners. Not long after I had an opportunity of addressing you last year I witnessed an instance of this deficiency on the part of foreign nations that are most desirous of imitating our institutions. After my last address to you it came to my knowledge that the observations I had then the honour to make had been, through the wonderful agency of the press, conveyed to people who were labouring to complete their representative institutions at a great distance from this country. 1 allude to a place called Pola, on the other side of the Adriatic. In one part of my speech I had spoken of a conversation I had had here with some of my friends on the Cornhili. Well, this struck these foreigners as the most extraordinary thing in the world. They said,—" Now we see where Mr. Bing lake gets his:opinions from. It seems, after:all, that he does not get his opinions from books, like our German profes sors ; he does not even get them from his own blue-books, but he gets them from his constituents, from the borough of Bridgewater," and they said, what they want is a few places like the borough of Bridgewater. (Hear, hear.) Well, gentlemen, the last Session of Parliament has not been what is called a " showy" Session. There have been a number of useful measures passed, but I think I should weary you if I were to attempt to give you a :catalogue of the bills passed, and I believe I shall best perform what is expected of me if I touch on one or two of the most prominent. (Hear.) Of all the subjects which engrossed the attention of Parliament there was none, I think, which, upon the whole, was more exciting than the old question of church rates. (Hear.) There was, gentlemen, as you know, upon the discussion of the subject, a very full House of Parliament assembled, there was a very close division, and in the result we were beaten, lam sorry to say, by a majority of one. You must recollect that we were ranged under the banner of a pri vate member. A more excellent leader than Sir John Tre lawny could not have been selected in the House of Com mons ; but we were not a party such as could have been ranged under the Ministry in power, or under the leader of the Opposition. It is very well known that we did not in the slightest degree whatever desire to destroy the Estab lished Church of England, but to get rid of an impost which we believe to be a wrong one. (Applause.) Well, but gentlemen, we were not met by antagonists who fought us at all upon that principle, but by antagonists who came ranged against us with the whole strength of the Conserva tive party —nay, more, with the cry of ic The Church in danger," and you may well conceive, when that old appeal is resorted to, it must give a great advantage to those who rely upon it. (Hear.) We all know in the great game of politics certain implements are required to play with. As in the game of cricket, bats, balls, and stumps are neces sary, so in the great game of Conservative politics you re quire " The Church in danger," and it was brought out ; but if you reflect for a moment you will, I think, come to the conclusion that for an anxious and timid Churchman it was not so very pleasant as he might at first think it to be to find that that great institution was, according to his way of putting it, saved from destruction by a majority of one. It was my fate during the last session of Parliament to be almost a constant supporter of her Majesty's Government. You well know, for I have proved it by the steps I have taken since I have been in Parliament, the support I give to her Majesty's Government is not a servile support, nor has it been given merely because they are the Government in power. It was my fate on one occasion to take the very first step which expelled the present Prime Minister from office, and therefore it may well be supposed that I am not a person who would unworthily and unjustly be a sup porter of the Government of which the noble lord is the head. I have been a supporter of her Majesty's Government on principle. (Hear, hear, and applause.) During the last session of Parliament there was only one occasion upon which I bad the misfortune to differ from her Majesty's Government. Those who have done me the favour to ob serve my humble career in the House of Commons will have noticed that if there has been any one thing more sure to rouse my attention than any other it is that which occurs when a British subject suffers wrongs at the hands of a foreigner. (Hear, and applause.) You will have observed that from the days of the Cagliari clown to the present time I have never asked to what party a British subject so in jured might belong. It is enough for me that he is a fellow subject of mine. (Hear, hear.) I have never pat forward any claims which I believed unjust or exaggerated, but when I have found a British subject suffering any wrong I have done my best to obtain for him justice. (Hear, hear.) In the last session of Parliament we wore 'compelled to know that an English gentle man h a d been deprived of a great k, deal of property through the insurrection in Italy. There was for several hours an animated debate upon the subject, and the Government for some time firmly resisted the claim which I and the gentlemen acting with me put for ward on behalf of this injured British subject, but I rejoice to know that notwithstanding the resistance which was made by several members of the Government, Lord Palmer ston, who is seldom wrong upon a question of this kind, at length said that justice should be done. (Hear, hear, and applause.) Therefore, gentlemen, any difference with the Government did not last longer than the period of the debate. (Hear, hear.) Of all the events which have oc • curred since we last met there is none that has so great an importance as the terrible dislocation of industry which has been brought about in the north of England, partly, it would seem by the failure of the supply of cotton, partly by a loss of the accustomed markets, and partly, as T be lieve, by the excessive overtrading which had preceded the existing crisis. But, gentlemen, how grandly the crisis has been met. (Hear.) Look at the patience with which those severe sufferings have been endured. I don't speak merely of the bountiful supply which has been pouring in to re medy the disaster from every corner of the land ; but I would speak rather of the wonderful energy, skill, and firmness with which the country has looked this evil in the face, has probed it, and found out its full extent, without for a mo ment exaggerating it. See how the press has dealt with this subject. The organs of the press have sent their com missioners into the suffering districts; and these gentle men have ascertained exactly the amount of distress there is in those places, and have thus saved you from the great calamity which results from a disaster being exaggerated. (Hear.) Gentlemen, there is one subject which must neces sarily be deeply interesting to all of us, and that is the present amount of the public expenditure. (Hear.) It appears to have been the result of those changes which took place many years ago that a good deal of expenditure is habitually incurred by the State for what I may call civil purposes as distinct from military and naval pur poses. It has been an increase which has taken place with the full assent, nay, more, at the earnest instance of the people of England themselves. There are other portions of our expenditure of a more questionable kind. I say that until the matter has been looked into there are few matters, on which the people of England would less like to spend their money than upon fortifications. (Hear,) But when 'we come to consider that which I call the home of the navy, then it is a very different question. You all know that our very existence depends upon our navy. We cannot be come a second rate Power. (Hear, and applause,) We must be what we are, or perish out of the face of the world. (Renewed applause.) Well, you know that ships of war don't spring out of the ocean, but come from places called ports and arsenals; and therefore it is necessary that these places should be rendered perfectly secure. (Hear, hear, and applause.) It is a mere spot you have to defend—a few hundred acres out of all England ; but these few acres it is absolutely necessary should be rendered perfectly se cure. The mass of mankind agree that that must be; and then comes the question how they must be fortified. One man says, "There's nothing like leather," and you have a multiplicity of suggestions how this is to be done, When I have heard these questions discussed in the House of Commons I have ventured to say what I now repeat, that where a variety of sugges- tions come, some from artillery, some from naval, and some from military, some from clergymen, some from all por tions of the community, I must have somebody to decide, I cannot decide ; no member of Parliament can decide. I say I must submit to the judgment of a proper man, and I do not know any person to whose judgment I would more confidently submit than the noble lord who happens to be at the present moment the Prime Minister of England. (Hear, hear, and applause.) I must admit to you that in the expenditure for naval purposes there has been a consi derable misdirection of the public money— (hoar, hear) — and I hope that I shall not be regarded as saying any thing paradoxical if I proceed to tell you what my opinion is—namely, that no blame is attributable to our public men on that account. A great transition has taken place in naval architecture. There are, again, some matters in which a quiet, despotic ruler can steal a march of two or three months, and possibly of years, on a free State, as, for instance, in the matter of invention. Compare the situation of the Duke of Somerset, who is at present First Lord of the Admiralty, with that of the Emperor of the French, We will suppose that both of them see at the same time the advantage of iron- cased vessels. Do you imagine that they can both carry out the idea at the same moment. The Emperor of the French has ample means, he has an unbounded command of the public purse, he is able to command secrecy, and he can at any time, and at once, cause to be tried all the costly experiments of seeing whether his invention will hold good or not. He keeps on hand an engineer whose duty it is to be always studying how to steal a march upon the English navy. (Hear, hear.) Suppose the Duke of Somerset tries to do the like. Suppose he comes down to Parliament with a new idea that he proposes to carry out. He is met by men, each of whom, perhaps, is practically equal to him as regards know ledge of the matter, and they tell him that his proposal is merely a crotchet. The consequence is that a year or two elapses before it is seen whether it is a valid contrivance or not. (Hear.) Therefore, you must not be too ready to complain of your public men for not bringing forward these contrivances for the destruction of the human race, whioh have been more rapidly brought to perfection in a neighbouring State. (Hear, hear, and applause.) We are not upon an equality, and it is best to confess it. We have not the secrecy which they have on the other side of the water. (Hear, hear.) We have not the pecuniary resources for testing the value of any new contrivances. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, when I last addressed you I had occasion to congratulate you upon the thoroughly noble attitude in which you stood at the time when the outrage of the Trent was suffered. (Hear, hear, and applause.) I am now able to congratulate you upon the result. (Applause.) Unfortunately, the state of affairs in America has not improved since then. Our Go vernment has been abstaining from action in this strife. The Government has done nothing in it, and Parliament has been helping Government—(hear, hear, and a laugh)—as you may say; but I think you will, upon consideration, be induced to say that our Legislature has not been wrong in the course which it has taken. (Hear, hear, and applause.) If you look at what is passing in the United States of Ame rica, you will, I am sure, be inclined to agree with me that the Government has not erred. (Hear.) Many, I know, are anxious that the States of the South should be recog nized. (Hear.) Well, gentlemen, lam one of those who would not refuse England's recognition of the Southern States merely on the ground that recognition might be dis pleasing to the States of the North, (Hear, hear.) The States of the South claim the whole of the State of Louis- Tana, including New Orleans, which is in the possession of the Government of the North, and there is conse quently a great cavity, so to speak, in the entirety of the Southern States. The principle to govern a recognition of the Southern States is to suppose them to be in pos session of the whole of the Southern States. Then there is the question of mediation. (Hear.) That is a question which arises to all who love peace and desire to stop the terrible extermination of a race which is going on on the other side of the Atlantic, but for it to be a success ful mediation you must have the goodwill of both the bel ligerent States. (Hear.) That is unfortunately what we don't possess, but I think that is no fault of ours. (Hear.) We have the goodwill of the Southern States, but we have failed to gain the goodwill of the people of the Northern States. They have been indulging in language which, had it been used by a State in Europe, would undoubtedly have brought about long before this an interruption of diplomatic relation between the two Powers. (Hear, hear.) But, after all, there is a sort of cousinship between us, which pre vents us from taking these things in too serious a way. I am inclined to think that, much as we have heard of the declaration of independence of 1777, that independence is not complete. (Hear, hear.) I find them looking per petually to England. An American gentleman is conti nually searching through the peerage in the hope of find ing himself connected with some English nobleman. (A laugh.) Other American gentlemen there are who go to our Herald-office and trace a pedigree for themselves, and you know that they are as partial as we are to our Royal family. (Hear, hear.) But, on the other hand, nothing can be more abusive than the language which they now fre quently employ as regards this country. But we know they are out of humour with us, and that is the reason why we treat them as we do. We have had in the course o: this year a great and fortunate escape. I allude to the expedition to Mexico. There were certain money demands which this country, Spain, and France had against Mexico, and these three States agreed to go there together and enforce them. Well, gentlemen, the three States sent out together an ex pedition, but no sooner did that expedition arrive on the coast of Mexico than it appeared that France had enor mously exaggerated her claims, and that instead of seek ing just money demands from the Government of Mexico, she was intent upon establishing there a monarchy, and setting up there a monarch of her own choice. (Hear.) It appeared that a gentleman not high in the diplomatic service, but, as it fortunately happened, a man of high cou rage and great honour, immediately detected this wicked fraud on the part of France. Spain did the like, and the result was that France was left alone to carry out her base intentions. (Hear.) That was no more than justice, and I rejoice to say that justice h as h a d i ts reward, because it seems that the terrible nature of the Mexican climate, which had not been known before, ihiow well known to the Em peror of the French. I think you will agree with me that it is a good subject for congratulation that we are now free from everything connected with that affair. (Hear, and applause.) There is now, I think, only one other subject upon which I need trouble you with any observations, and that is the proposed cession of the lonian Islands. I must own to something like surprise when I awoke ono morning and found that her Majesty's Government had taken steps for ceding a part of what I will venture to call her Majes ty's dominions. These islanders had, at least, since 1815, enjoyed our protection, and we had constituted for them a sort of House of Commons. They did not like the drudgery which we have to perform in our House of Commons, so they each year obtained a sort of notoriety by saying they would like to be annexed to the neighbouring state of Greece. I don't know whether what Government has done is to be regarded as a kind of practical joke upon these people, but it appears that they are to have their prayer granted; and now that it is so I think I see on their part signs of a desire to retract the petitions which they have year by year pre sented to the English Crown. In the document sent to them it was also distinctly stated that when they were an-. nexed to Greece they were not to embark in any aggressive policy. I see, however, the other day they had a sort o Te Ileum, a sort of jubilate celebration of the event; but at the celebration they specially mentioned that they were to have a crusade against all the enemies of what they call the Hellenic race, very clearly showing, to my mind, that tney did not mean to accept the terms of the Government of this country. My notion is that this is really a military and a naval question. The lonian Islands were intrusted to us, not merely as a feather in the English crown, but as a means of enabling England to maintain that naval dominion which, give me leave to say, is not necessary to the life and honour of England, but to the honour and safety of Europe. (Hear, hear.) It was intrusted to England for that pur. pose, and must not be lightly parted with. (Hear, hear.) I repeat, in my opinion this cession is to be justified only upon the ground that this State is not necessary as a naval or a military station. I trust her Majesty's Government may show that it is so, and if it be, I shall gladly support them, because the cession will save something from the public expenditure. (" Hear, hear, and applause.) Well, gentlemen, these are the views —(A voice—" The Game Laws.") lam glad that a gentleman has reminded me of the Night Poaching Act. (Hear, hear.) My impression is that that change in the law was one of the most arbitrary kind, for it interfered unduly with what I may call the liberty of the subject. (" Hear, hear," and applause.) It gave any policeman, and, indeed, I believe anybody else, the power to search a person on the mere suspicion that he had game upon him ; and besides being so obvious an in vasion of the liberty of the subject, this act was so clumsily and so preposterously worded that I came to the conclusion that it ought not to pass into law. (" Hear, hear," and applause.) I think I may without much hesitation assure you that that bill will very soon have to go before Parlia ment for amendment, and when it does it will be dealt with in a very different spirit from that in which it was dealt with at the fag end of the past Session. ("Hear, hear," and loud cheers.) A vote of thanks and confidence was passed to the hon. gentleman, and the meeting separated. COUNTRY MARKETS. ,b. , LIVERPOOL-TUESDAY. At our market to-day there was a fair attendance of the town and country trade, but few buyers from a distance. Only a retail demand 16r wheat, but holders insisted upon full prices. A dull business in flour, at late rates. Oats and oatmeal sold at former rates, with a moderate demand. Barley, beans, and peas in retail. Indian corn firm, with a good consumptive business. MARKET HARBOROUGH—TvEspey. White wheat, 48s to 54s ; red, 46s to 50s per 36 stone. Barley at 36s to 40s per qr., grinding 30s to 32s per 30 st. Oats, 28s to 325; new, 20s to 24s per 24 at. ; beans, 38s to 45s per qr. SHEFFIELD-TUESDA Y. The supply of wheat and other grain was an average t and the attendance was moderately good. The best qualities of both old and new wheat realised an advance of 6d per load. Good malting barley advanced is to 2s per qr, but grinding sorts were dull. Good oats at late rates, inferior almolit unsaleable. Flour ld per 141 b higher. Red wheat, per load of 3 imperial bushels...2os Od to 21s Oa White /7 i ...22s Od to 24s a New red , , ...16s Od to 18s OA New white „ 7, ...20s Od to 21s 6a Beans f, 9) ...15s 6d to 19s 6d Peas, per qr s6s Od to 60s Od Grinding barley, per qr 28s Od to 325 Od Malting ditto, „ 34s Od to 40s (lci Oats 9l _ 22s Od to 30s Od Floni, is 9d to 2s 2d per stone. LE E D S—TUESDAY. To-day at our market there was a fair inquiry for wheat, at fully late prices. Fine barleys also as dear. Oats and other articles unaltered. MELT ON MOWBRAY—TUESDAY. The following were the currencies :—New white wheat, 508 Od to 56s Od ; new red, 456 Od to 52s per 36 stone ; beans, 45s for old; new sorts, 34s to 38s per 38 st. ; barley, 35s to 39s for malting, and 28s to 30s per qr, for grinding; oats, 23s to 34s Od per 24 stone. DUBLIN-TUESDAY. s. d. s. d. Wheat, white 26 0 to 28 6 Do., red 23 0 to 26 0 Do., new Barley Oats Do., black lO 0 to 12 0 d. s. d. s. Beans.. ..... 24 0 to 27 0 Bere Rapeseed 0 to 0 Oatmeal l3 6 to 15 0 Bakers' flour Indian corn Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. AuKralia and Mauritius, via Southampton. Jan. 18 ....... via Marseilles Brazil and Cape Verds, by British packet. Feb. 3 Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena. , Feb. 1. China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton. Jan. 16. via Marseilles ...Jan. 12. Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton J an . 10. India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton.. Jan. 1 8 . via Marseilles Jan. 1 2, India (Bombay), via Southampton • • •• via Marseilles ..Jan. 20. Portugal.... Feb. 3. Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Jan. 10. via Marseilles Newfoundland Oporto and Vigo U. S. and British N. America, by Brit. packet.... Jan. 15. by U.S. packet.... by Canadian packet. Jan. 16. W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe Jan. 10. Bahamas, via New York Jan. 15. Mexico ... . Jan. 28. All parts of West Indies, including Chili, Peru, 1 Jan. 13. California, and British Columbia. AN OLD A NGLo - PARISIAN.--Almost all the old English residents in Paris, and very many friends ill England, will learn with deep regret that Dr. Gunning is dead. I call him Dr. Gunning because that was the appel lation by which he was best known, but he always reply' dieted the title. He was the oldest member of the College of Surgeons, but had not a physician's degree. The sad event occurred at 9 o'clock on Sunday morning, at his house No 52, Rue du Colisee. John Gunning, C. 8., who has just been removed from this world after attaining the great age of 90, was a distinguished army surgeon. He was on the Staff as long ago as 1792, and his name must be familiar to the ear of many an old soldier. At Waterloo he held the rank of Deputy-Inspector-General of Hospitals, and on that battlefield it fell to his lot to cut off Lord Raglan's arm. He came to Paris with the Duke of Wellington's army, and has resided here ever since, universally beloved and respected. Hi s h ouse was a j oyous ren d ezvous f or hIS own countrymen, at which he delighted to mix with young people and promote their amusement. There was scarcely anything of the old man about him. His sight, hearing, memory—all his faculties, indeed —were perfect to the last, and his friends confidently predicted that he would live to a hundred. On New Year's-day he had a dinner party; and cards for one of those little friendly dances which b° loved to see were issued so lAely as last week. An attack of bronchitis prevented him from receiving his friends on the day expected. His medical attendent, Dr. Davison, thought it serious ; but it got better, and within the last twe or three days he was considered out of danger. On Sun day morning, he expired in his arm chair without pain, and with scarcely any previous symptoms to denote an approach' ing end. His daughter, Mrs. Bagshawe (the wife of fhe Queen's counsel), and two of his granddaughters were with him at the time of his death.—Gatignani. [ADVERTISEMENT.] Holloway's Pills.--Restorative Treatment.--It has been confir me d b y th e experience °i thirty years that th ese Pill s const i tute the best alterative and tonic medicine hith er t o ava il a bl e by the public. It le enough to say that a short course of these purifying Pills has in numerous cases been marked by the most grati:ying results when the invalids were daily becoming weaker and worse, though no particular disease could be detected. Holloway's Pills purify the source of life, rekindle the fading energies, revive the sick and delicate, and raise up the broken down. This medicine is especially irom: mendable because it is so well suited to the community s'; large, and its innocent na t ure p rec l u d es t h e possibility 61 its causing mischief under any circumstances whatever. Births. CHITTY.—On the 12th inst., at 45, Blandford-square, the wife of J. W. Chitty, Esq., of a son. CLERK.—On the 11th inst., at Astley Castle, Nuneaton , the wife of John Clerk, Esq., of a son. FRY.—On the 11th inst., at Mitcham, the wife of Walter J. Fry, Esq, of a daughter. VERNON.—On the 12th inst., at Cotgrave Rectory, Not' tinghatn Rectory, the wife of the Rev. E. H. Harcour t Vernon, of a son. Marriages. A BtIICROMBIE-HENDERSON.- On the 13th inst., at Lang; bank, Renfrewshire, N. 8., John Abercrombie, Esq., of London, to Emma Musgrove, eldest daughter of Peter Henderson, Esq., Sheriff Clerk of the county of Rea" frew. WILKS—SLATER. — On the 12th inst., at Chislet, Mr. jY• Wilks, of Ashford, to Mary Anne, eldest daughter of B. Slater, Esq., of Chislet. Deaths. ALLNUTT.—On the 12th inst., John Allnutt, Esq., of Clap' ham-common. BILLTNG.—On the 13th inst., John Billing, Esq., of 12/ Abingdon-street, Westminster, aged 45. BRIDGE.—On the 13th inst., at Leamington, George John Bridge, Esq., late Captain, King's Dragoon Grds., aged 32. CORYTON.—On the 13th inst., at Woolwich, Lieut.-Col. George Hunt Coryton, R.M., aged 75. GUMMY.—On the 11th inst., at Paris, John Gummy, ESCII C. 8., aged 89. SHAKESPEAR.—On the 13th inst., at Brompton, the BO' Arthur William Shakespear, LL.B., aged 80. SOMERSET.—On the 30th ult., at Gibraltar, Cecily Caroline, the only daughter of Colonel Poulett Somerset , C.B. and M.P. London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDREWS' of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE SUN Office, No• 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the Coun t / Midd l esex.— Wednesday, January 14,1863.