The Sun. — London, England, 1854-02-18 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 18, 1854. the Emperor of Russia upti frouti,lrs bordering' on Turkey. On the 9th of February d. Rus , ,ell wrote to Sir 0. Sayiu•Jiir as follows ; notice, not by vulgar rumour , but by their own agents, they were' well acquainted with the state of things—they were bound to have noticed them, and ought to have placed themselves in a condition to meet any events that might. occur. On that part of the subject he humbly conceived he could condemn the Government out of its own mouth. He now came to another point, the Vienna Note. (Hear.) At the time the Government agreed to that note he had saidthey had involved themselves in fresh difficultie , , and with all humility he now submitted that every word lie then raid had come true, and _that it was only the cele brated despatch of Count 'IN esselrode, putting the Em peror's construction on that note, which saved this coun try from committing a most manifest and gross act of in justice. The noble lord at the head of th e Foreign-office said he had forgotten all about this note; he did not know where it was signed—whether it was here or there. He (;dr. Layard) was not at all surprised, after reading the blue-book, and se...ing how all these notes were sent fly.eg about, backwards and forwards, shuttlecock fashion, that the noble lorfl would be rather forgetful of the real merits , of the question. But the point was this—was that note , communicated, or was it not communicated, to the Turkish Minister before it was accepted by us, communicated to and accepted by the Russian Government? He said at the time, that the noble lord the member for the city of Lon don admitted in this house that the Russian Government had accepted the note, and that he (the noble lord) had every reason to hope that the whole question would be settled. What, then, was the position of this country at that time ? Why, that instead of having been the allies of Turkey, we had p u t ourse l ves i n th e p os ition of being the allies of Russia. It had been accepted by one party, and, having been offered by us, we were in a manner bound that the other party should adopt it. And so we should, had it not been for Lord Stratford de Redcliffe's warning. We were on the very verge of it, and it was only on the publication of Count Nesselrode'S circular that we saw the very gross injustice we were about to commit. On the 13th of August there was a despatch from Lord Stratford de Redcliffe to the Earl of Clarendon, stating— " Yesterday evening, between five and six o'clock, her Majesty's steam-vessel Caradoc arrived here (Therapia) with your lordship's despatches of the 2d inst. At an early hour this morning I waited on Redschid Pasha, and com municated to him the substance of your lordship's instruc tions relative to the projet de note already received from Vienna." Then they had a despatch from the Earl of Cla rendon to Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, dated " Foreign office, September 10," in which he writes, " Redschid Pasha appears to complain that the Porte was not con sulted ; and I have to observe that the course previously pursued by the Porte, when a proposal for settlement was submitted to it, appeared to render subsequent consultation inexpedient, as leading only to farther loss of time." Here it was admitted, both by Lord Stratford de Redcliffe and by the Government themselves, that the Porte was not consulted, and yet they had noble lords rising in another place and saying the Porte was consulted—they had reason to say it was. He (Mr. Layard) was persuaded they did not know anythitig about it. He did think, in this matter the Ministry were condemned out of their own months. They made a great mistake, and they do not deny it. It had been said that it might have been all very well to have adopted an energetic course, but that we could not do so because we c mkt not get France to co-operate with us. If the house would bear with him for one moment he would prove the contrary by quoting despatches. He would prove by those despatches that every offer of active mea sures, from the very first junction of the fleets at the Greek waters, to their ultimate entry jointly into the Black Sea, came from France. Lord Cowley's despatch of the 28th of January says plainly that they had received the offer to join the French and sail into the Bay of r Salamis ; and, again, on June the sth, in a despatch from M. Dronyn de Lhuys to Count Walewski, he says : bow, GoAcquaiut yoit that, in a deStratch dated Odessa, ..fau 4 try 24 ) Mr. tlciusul-General Yeames reports that °Alert,: tave.reaeltedzSeixtstopol for the equipment of the fleet, do that it may be ready for sea at a short notice." This showed that her Majesty's Government had positive information, not from hearsay report, that the Russian Go vernment were, in January, 185.3, making vast military and naval preparations. Bnt I cannot help quoting from a despatch addressed by the noble lord (Lord J. Russell) to Colonel Rose, which completely put aside the supposition that her Majesty's Government were not well aware of the extent of the Russian preparation. In that letter I.,rd J. Russell informed Colonel Rose that Prince Menschi koff was about to proceed to Constantinople, and directed him to hold language calculated to bring back the state of this question to its position of February in the last year. The noblerlord added,—"lt is said that the Emperor of Russia will demand the dismissal of Fuad Effendi. On this q ues tion you will take no part, either one way or the oth ear." The noble lord went on to say—" If the Russian trotops should advance to the frontier you must give immediate information to her Majesty's Gov e r nmen t," But the noble lord added, " I trust I need not suppose the case of their advancing beyond the frontier to theattack of the capita 1 (Hear, hear.) But if they did, what was Colonel Rose, to do ? "In such a case (continued Lord J. Russell) V is count Stratford de Redcliffe will be upon the spot furnish ed with the requisite instructions." If, then, so early as January in last -year, the Government had informa tion which led them to believe that the Russian troops were approaching the Turkish frontier, they had reason to believe that a very serious state of things had arisen. When Prince Mensehikoff arrived at Constantinople, Pe lone! Rose 'eat word to the Government warning them. of similar military preparations on the part of Turkey, :and stating that the negotiations with Prince Mensehikoff Thad assumed a phase which was far from satisfactory. Colonel Rose added that he could not, indeed, understand Prince Menschikoff's reply to his observations; that he asked I , he Prinoe to state what he meant by so many warlike prepa rations, and that the Prince replied, "I cannot promi se you that we will disarm." He said the intentions of Rua sia were pacific, but that they would not withdraw their troops. But Count Nesselrode himself had distinctly iin formed her Majesty's Government, through Baron Bi now, that Russia intended to back up any representati on she might make at Constantinople by the presence of an armed f orce . It is all very well to say that, notwithstai id ing this language,Sir G. Seym our rece i ved pacific as; p rances not in accordance with these statements. I should be willing to receive assurances from honouralnle men, but in common life, if a man told you one this ig, and was evidently doing another, it is your duty to I ise you r judgment as to the extent to which his ass:in arwas shall be received. (Cheers.) During that time w hat protest was made on the part of her Majesty's Govetrn ment, while they were without any proof of the final int osn tions of the Emperor ? Why 'lid they not say, " We are ready to believe your pacific assurances if you will w ith draw your troops ?" But not a word of this langu age could he find. (Cheers.) There was ono little thing wl tich he (Mr. Layard) regarded as of great importance. Lori iJ. Russell had hinted to Colonel Bose that Prince Meuschi Ica!' might possibly demand the dismissal of Fuad Effendi, the Turkish Minister of Foreign affairs. The Prince refused to have any communication with that Minister, wh( ► of course immediately resigned. What did Prince Mens koff say of the dismissal of Fuad Effendi ? In a letter Li aim the Prince to Rifaat Pasha, dated April 19, he said :—• " While desiring to overlook the past, and requiring as- re- Paration merely the dismissal of a deceitful Minister and - the public execution of solemn promises, the Emperor was com pelled to demand sure guarantees for the future." But, in a memorandum delivered by Baron Brunow to Lord Clarendon, dated May 26, it was stated— " From the outset of Prince Meuschikofrs mission we felt uneasiness as to its result; but we never doubted that, from the moment when the Government of her Britannic Majesty should share in our apprehensions, common interests, and an equal desire to maintain the integrity and inde pendence of the Ottoman empire in their present con dition would unite the efforts of France and of England for the attainment of the same object. It is in this con fidence, which has been so fully justified, that I drew up, by the Emperor's orders, M. de la Cour's instructions, and that in giving to him, under date of March 22, au thority to call the French fleet to the Dardanelles, I recom mended him, if so important a measure should appear to him to be necessary, to come to an understanding with Lord Stratford in order to combine as much as possible, the move ments of our naval forces with those of the English fleet. His Imperial Majesty's ambassador, M. le Comte, is therefore already provided with all the instructions which are requi site to enable him to take up an attitude absolutely similar to that of her Britannic Majesty's ambassador, and Adm;:ral La Susse wi:l receive at the same time as Admiral Dunols orders to approach the Dardanelles and to anchor in the Bay of Besica." " Russia, never required, as has been falsely alleged, 1:le dismissal of this Minister. . . . The resignation of Ft tad Effandi was voluntary." When the Government had such proofs that the Rus*ci an Government were not acting in a straightforward manrser, why did they not ask for some proof of the pacific char so ter of their intentions? There was one very celebrat ed despatch from Count Nesselrode to Baron Brunow, whi eh was by order of Count Nesselrode, officially communicat ed to her Majesty's Government. It was dated April 7, and in it Count Nesselrode said : " You will assure the Ministers of the Queen, in the im ,st positive terms, that the intentions of the Emperor are sl the same, and that all the idle rummu's to which the arrival of Prince Menschikoff in the Ottoman capital has given rise - the occupation of the principalities, territorial aggrandii 4e ment on our Asiatic fro' tier, the pretension to secure to of tr- Salves the nomination of the Greek Patriarch of Coustan ti nople, hostile and threatening language held to the Porte 'by our ambassador - are not only exaggerated, but even destitv tte Jf any,sort of foundation." (Hear.) And then Count Nesselrode said That was the second, now for the third. On the 13th of July Count Walewski informed Lord Clarendon that he I had received instructions from his Majesty that in the event of Russia not accepting the note or showing itself well disposed, the fleets of France and England should, without delay, enter the Dardanelles; and in September it was again stated, on the part o f th e French Government, that the impression was that we should no longer delay entering the Dardanelles. On the 23d of September it was stated that Count Walewski had informed our Go vernment that his Government, with reference to the crisis which appeared to be imminent, thought it indis pensably necessary that both fleets should be ordered up to Constantinople. On the 16th of December, Lord Clarendon himself thought it time the English and French fleets should enter the Black Sea, and swee• the sea of all the Russians. Where, then, was the excuse that we could do nothing in consequence of the want of French co-operation ? (Hear.) It was per fectly astonishing, when they came to compare the date and facts together, to find that every proposal from the be ginning, step by step, from the entrance of the French fleet to Salamis to the entry of the combined fleets into the Black Sea, had come from the French Government. With regard to the conduct of the French ambassador at St. Peteraburgh, he begged to bear his testimony to the ex tremely straightforward 'and honest character of all his proceedings, and also to the straightforward conduct of the French Government throughout all the transactions. Let him also say, ou the part of the French Minister, that never could an Emperor and his Minister have more cor dially acted together. They would find in Lord Cowley's despatches that he carefully guarded himself. They fre quently saw in his despatches that he went to the Mini ster, and, having received such and such assurances, he went to the Emperor, and received assurances exactly similar. In fact, their views and sentiments appeared to have been exactly in accordance. Every step was taken that could be taken by Lord Cowley to ascertain that fact. He (Mr. Layard) would also bear testimony to the extreme ability shown by the French Minister in the State docu ment issued by him. But while he thus spoke of the French Government, he was most glad to express his opinion of another person engaged in these transactions, who, it ' seemed to him, had shown the most consummate ability— he meant Lord Cowley. (Cheers.) If any man had come out of an affair with credit to himself and honour to his country, it was Lord Cowley. (Hear, hear.) His clear and luminous despatches had told us from time to time exactly what had come to pass, and no person could have managed these intricate and diScult questions with more ability and credit to himself. He was glad to bear this testimony, because he could not forget that the appointment of Lord Cowley was considered to have been made in a somewhat irregular manner by the noble lord the member for the city of London. Having thus disposed of this excuse about the want of French co-operation, he came to another point, and what he thought a very important one in this painful discussion. He referred to it because it was one which he did believe had thrown very considerable discre dit on the Government—he meant the unfortunate affair at Sinope. He confessed it appeared to him that that mat ter demanded very considerable expleniations. (Hear,hear.) They were told in a despatch by the noble lord the Secre tary of State for Foreign Affairs that, it was a war between Russia and Turkey, but thatattack was an attack upon the honour of England. The French Emperor had said the same thing. He trusted the house would bear with him while he looked at the dates, as they affected this melancholy affmr. Lord Clarendon wrot.. to Lord Cowley on the 7th of Oct. —the affair Sinope, it must be remembered, took place on the 30th of Nov —in a despatch : It, therefor:, appears advisable to her Majesty's Govern ment that general instructions should be given to the ambas sadors and admirals to employ the combined fleets in whet ever manner and at whatever place they may think neces,tcy for defending the Turkish territory against unjust aggression. If the Russian fleet was to come out of Sebastopol, the fleets would, as a matter of course, pass through the Bosphorus." Instructions were accordingly given to Lord Stratford de Redcliffe on the Bth of Oct., and on that day in a •lespatch from Lord Cowley to Lord Stratford de Radcliffe, they found— " The Emperor desires you, M. le Baron, to thank Lord Aberdeen and Lord Clarendon very particularly in his nano Le, for the salutary impulse which they have recently given to the decisions of the British Cabinet. (Ironical cheers fr orn the Opposition.) The former has on this occasion shown us a uew proof of confidence, of which our august master• is highly sensible." (A laugh.) Then came a kind word !M. Lord Clarendon :—" The lattei with whom our relations has ve hardly yet commenced, thus enters upon them under auspi,:•es which justify us is hoping that they will be one of the mi:,st satisfactory nature." It appeared that the language of Lord John Russell bead not been regarded with so much favour by the Emperor of Russia. But at the cut of that despatch there was a veery carious passage. That despatch was written in Frencih, and it was usual for the convenience of members who (Rid not understand the French language to make a translation of these despatches. He was not altogether satisfied wi the English version of that passage, and ho accordingly turned to the French original. The house must (manse him if he quoted this passage in French. (Hear.) " Sous ce rapport Lord Aberdeen nous semble avoir r faitement compris le beau role, qu'avait h y jouer l'Anglie terre, et nous animons l'en fOliciter, persuadds d'advance Ile l'impartialite mettra Is le remplir." (A. laugh.) To his humble apprehension, the " beau rote" that the noble lord at the head of the Government was stated to have so perfectly understood was rather an ironit sal expression. (Cheers.) Bnt, on referring to the Engli translation, he found a rather more favourable and honor able interpretation of this passage. The translation ran thus—" Lord Aberdeen appears to us to have fully undor stood the ' important part' which England had to play." (A laugh.) After the important part which the noble eeirl had played, it might be thought that Count Nesselrode was justified in speaking of the beau role of England in these transactions. His humble opinion was, that in an early period of the dispute the preparations of the Turkish Go vernment were equal to those made by Russia. The Turks were face to fat* with the Russians with an army of 30,000 men in the principalities, and if Omar Pacha had been allowed to take the step which the Turkish Govern ment wished to take, he believed that he would have be-en able to drive the Russians out of the principalities. He might be told that Austria was not then with us ; but Lord Westmoreland, in a despatch to Lord Clarendon, re ceived so far back as the 22d of June, said— " Count Buol declared that he had spared no efforts in his communications with the Cabinets of St. Petersburg to induce them Co abandon the policy they appeared to have adopted towards the Turkish Government ; he had not con cealed from them the unfavourable impression it had created upon the sincerest friends of the Emperor, and he had still hopes that these remonstr mces might produce their arced:. In replying to these assurances, I communicated to Count Buol the despatch from your lordship of the 7th instant, in which I am instructed to express to him the satisfaction of her Majesty's Government at his views of the Russian pro ceedings, and at the course the Austrian Government in tended to pursue as reported in my despatch of the 30th of may ; and, with the view of bringing more explicitly before him your lordship's sentiments, I read to him the last-men tioned despatch. Count Buol Wes much satisfied with your lordship's expressions ; he desired me to state that he C-co sitlered himself as entirely united with your policy with re spect to the Turkish empire ; he regards the maintenance of its independence and integrity as of the most essential impor tance to the best interests of Austria, and he would employ every means in his power to elbeet that object. He repeated his former declaration that lie would take no engagements with Russia not to oppose her with arms, and he even added that, should he be called upon to carry tent an armed inter vention on the frontiers, it would be in support of the autho rity and independence of the Sultan." This was in June, and this statement of Count Bunt's, which was quite in accordance with the true policy of tho Austrian Government, did that statesman great credit. (Hear.) Up to this mome n t no thi ng more had been ob tained from the Austrian Government than that they would support the independence of the Sub an. Well, the Russians crossed the Pruth. He remembered asking, and almost apologising for so doi ng, whether any formal pro test had been made by her Majesty's Government against this step. He fend no protest whatever in these blue books as having been addressed at the time by her Majesty's Government to the Emperor of Russia against this step. (Cheers from the Opposition.) It was true that there was some talk on the part of Sir 0-. Seymour that this was a very wrong proceeding and that it would not do, but there was no formal protest that he could find. Now, if they did not want to go to war, surely they might have said that this act of crossing the Pruth was a direct violation of treaty and international law. (Hear.) Sir G. Seymour, indeed, on the 23d of September, wrote to Lord Clarenden as follows The chances of a favourable issue are further diminished by the belief indulged (as I know upon certain grounds) by the Rnesian Cabinet of its being impossible that the Turkish armies should hold together until the spring." On all hides the' Government received warnings.; from Lard Stratford they received ,warnings innumerable hear.) Count Nes 4 solrode e however, said of the . • ulAish Government : lieiCount Nesselrode) thought war in sucha case could e u er iug l Yj'e su iltniertaken by the Government of a county pro in the cul l? peaceable intentions, and so manifestly interested tyatee,n pf pettee as England." He wo 'tht not take up the time of the hen Se by reading extracts f rom . doubtless, thethe despatches of Lord Stratford ; they were attention. of hollee h e the despatees which had most attracted the many warn ,_ (hear, hear)—and they contained (Resr.) ' .rgainet the evil effects of vacillatiane. to Lord Clare n d on August 10, Lord Stratford, writing ated • When at a i h t er 8144 e nter the prinelpalitie;od the R uss i an t ro op s were a b out to c r e ased earnestn ess te r ; I implored your lordship with in all its magnitude a t o:ltemplate th e Bastiern question in would sueccesively - enlistnd pursue a cour s e of poli c y w hi c h - a triumphant issue." e verflind of exertion in favour of ( w ee .) The House mint, no doubt exertions were wanting ou th e e _ be satisfied that no Comitantinople to open th e eye ,-4,7 her our ambassador at e &!-Leiesty's Govern ment to the dangers that threatened. Turkish empire. (Cheers.) Great attempts had heyeibt lievoure th . a e t e everything throughout these negotiations to make the countr • Why aid de was going on in a peaceful manner. word did not dared to be out to protect British prop ee t y. n the Government boldly tell Russia why they propert re really in the Dardanelles ? They were not there to protect Bri tish property, for British interests and British were as safe in Constantinople as in any part of Eagian i (Cheers.) Lord Stratford did nit accept this explanation without writing a despatch to Lord Clarendon, w hi c h was almost of an ironical character. • In a despatch from Lord Stratford de Redcliffe to the Earl of Claren don, dated the Gth of October, lie observed--" I am deeply sensible of the interest so liberally displayed by her Majesty's Government i i the pre,servation of British lives and property at Consteritnople;" and he finished the sentence by saying, "I express this sentiment, applying it moreover to that part of those instructions which autho rises me to consider the preseuce of bar Majesty's squadron hero, I thought proper to re.Aniee it, C. 3 intended to em brace the protection of the Sal ein else, in case of need." (Rear'.) He thought' be had said e nongit to show that after these r th • repeated warnings received by her Majesty's Co .:y(7l=mA, and after . the positive facts brought to their " Admiral Dundas ordered to inform. the Russian Admiral commanding at Sebastopol that if the Russian fleet should come out of that port for the purpose of landing any troops, on any portion of the Turkish torritBry, or of committing any act of overt hostility against the Porte, his orders are to pro tect the Sultan's dominions from Ata , Ai., and he will express a hope that no measures will be resorted to by the Russian Admiral that would endanger the peaceful relations between Great Britain and Russia." At that time it was the intention of the Turkish authori ties to send a largs fleet into the Blajck Sea, but, unfortu nately, Lord Stratford de Redcliffe dissuaded them from doing so. In a despatch to the Earl of Clarendon, dated Nov. 5, 1853, from Therapia, lie said-- " I have succeeded in dissuading thc Porto from sending a detachment of line of battle ships and sailing frigates into the Black Sea at this moment, and also ill obtaining the trans mission of orders to Omer Pasha to postpone any attempt which lie may have in contemplation to pass the Danube at the head of his army ; and to Selina. Pasha, on the Asiatic frontier, to keep as much as possible on the - defensive for the present. But I cannot answer for the strict execution of these repressive instructions; and I am not without appre hension that such interference with the plans of the com manders-in-chief may embarrass their proceedings, and give au unfair advantage to their opponents. It is impossible not to view with regret and anxiety this prolonged state of vacil lation between peace and war. (Blear, hear.) However well meant our efforts may be, it is Impossible not to deny the embarrassment which they occaision to the Porto under its present circumstances; and it is therefore to be hoped that some manifestations of reluctan co at the Porte to con tinue in a state of such dangerous inotecisiou may be viewed with friendly indulgence." Lord Stratford do Redcliffe, like au. honourable man, did what be was commanded to do, and obeyed his instruc tions to prevent the Porto from sending out a fleet which might have presented the affair at Si nope, but he set out by renouncing the responsibility of may such act, and warned the Government it might lead to some dreadful acts. After that there was, on Dec. 12, a despatch from Lord Cowley to Lord Clarendon. in w hich he said : " Both the Emperor and his Minister arc of opinion that the instructions sent to the ambassadors and admirals would have justified them in giving material support to the Turkish squadron, bad any French or English vessels been near enough to do so." Lord Stmtford do Rodeline wrote to :Uord Clarendon, under date Dec. 4, 1853: " Two frigates, under Ottoman co'iours, one of them be longing to the Turkish Navigation Company, have been cap tured by the Russians." They would see, by referring to the despatches, that infor mation of the Russian fleet being• in the Black Sea was communicateii on the 29. l of Novem bor, again on the 25th, and a third time on the 28th ; consoouently there was full time to have sent out the fleets and prevented the catas trophe. As far back as October the. admirals were placed in a position to have gone out and defended the Turkish " Rumours of Russian ships of the lino being at sea have occasionally pre vailt: d for some time. Uncertainty of in, I. ' llllla-11 °n, a wish to avoid as long as possible the chances of . to a decision ae, to sending collision, the arrival of a new French ambassador, and the state of the weather, were natural eamses of demur in cnniong t at'thli4 time of the' year." It f s o e r e m ra n e t t n to , the squJAlronluto the Black. Sea ITi Te 7 t er le y ap e ateheon li t ' imn Asy to AV e srt_fut ssteazuer for " Our first thought Wa s t o s f mcj out a sufficient foree to Sinope with the view of delivering the town and port from whaLwerportion of the Russian squadron might have re mained thcre after the action." Now they came to an extremely important sentence :--- ` 0 The extreme probability that such a measure would have led to war with Russia, a result which her Majesty's Go vernment are anxious, if possible, to avoid, inclined us to take the preliminary step which I have stated above." He asked what ii.7,e were our instructions to defend at all cost the Turks, if her Majesty's Government had inteseled to preserve them, they would not have allowed their fleet to be destroyed. What on earth was there to have prevented our sending out instructions to Admiral Dundas which would have completely averted the catastrophe ? The Earl of Clarendon wrote to Lord Cowley on the 6th of October that a strict inquiry should be instituted into the affair at Sinope, but had he written in time to Lord Cowley that catastrophe might have been averted. He (lid say the house and the country ought to have some explanation from her Majesty's Government. The Russians were at war, and we knew it—they (lid not tell us they were at peace, but, in truth, that they were engaged in hostilities with Turkey. They had a right to take advantage of every occurrence that might inflict a blow on their enemies. He could not justify, for one moment, that most barbarous affair, which Lord Stratford had told them was disgraced with the most dreadful cruelty ; and he (Mr. Layard) would mention an anecdote which showed the extreme blood thirstiness of the Russians in that transaction :—After they bad sunk these miserable ships and were going away they espied a few miserable wretches clinging to some spars and endeavouring to save their lives, when they manned boats, went to them, and took them off the wrecks ; after which they conveyed them to an island near and deliberately shot them, loading their guns with small shot for that purpose. What a contrast did that afford to the noble conduct of the Turkish commander—(cheers)--who when he saw no chance but death or dishonour, gave leave to those who wished to leave the vessel, and be himself went to the powder maga zine and blew himself up, in order that the vessel might not fall into the hands of the enemy ! Talk about this 1 being a war against Christians! It was not hard to say who behaved most like infidels. (Cheers.) He had now gone through the principal points of the question, and he believed the house would agree with him that he hadi made out a case. The Government had themselves admitted that every step they took was a mistake, and that the greatest of all was their suffering the affair at Sinop. to take place. Having thus passed in review the conduct of the Government, he now wished to obtain information of a most important nature. What are they going to do? (Hear, hear.) They were told that they were not at peace, and not at war, but in a neutral state. The noble earl at the head of the Government had told them this state of things was by no means novel, and that it existed at the time of the destruction of the Turkish fleet at Navarino. That was a most extraordinary expression. Ask any man in his senses, if Turkey had been a stronger power, would she have accepted that insult - -the destruction of her fleet, without declaring war? Were not the great powers, then, united against her to commit a most unwarrantable act ; and therefore she dared not do so? (Hear, hear.) It had been said, at all events we were not the party who ought to declare war, and much had been said of the desire of her Majesty's Government to preserve peace. In that desire he most heartily concurred, if they could obtain a peace honourable to England and consistent with her dig nity. But what were the terms on which it could be ob tained? That was the point. (Hear, hear.) What were the terms which were proposed ? Wi, that there should be a simultaneous withdrawal of the Russian troops from the principalities and the fleets from the Black Sea, and that Russia and the Porte should treat alone. But that involved the very principle for which they had been fight ing all along. This country, by the entrance of the fleet into the Black Sea, was not in the same position es Rus sia, as the Emperor insisted on, because they well knew the claim of Russia to negotiate alone with Turkey origi nated in the relations between Turkey and Russia, and the house must be aware that Russia had contended from the earliest period that she had a right to interfere in the affairs of Turkey, and that no European nation had that right but her. Having referred to despatches on this point he continued—No doubt Russia would have given the Porte better terms if she had consented to treat alone, and long ago the question would have been settled. She would willingly have received a plenipotentiary at Bucharest. Probably they might have taken a long time to arrange the terms, but there was no doubt they would have been most disadvantageous to Turkey, and if we had resisted them, we should have been forced into that very war which we are now described as shuffling out of. It was desirable, it was said, to obtain the status quo ante bellum, but the terms on which this status quo ante helium could be ob tained would have been very disadvantageous to England, and lie hoped that after all the sacrifices we had made, all the blood that had been shed, all the inconvenience which we had suffered, and all the inhumanity caused by the Russian aggression, her Majesty's Government would not permit her to negotiate with Turkey alone (Cheers.) The i treaties of the status quo ante bellum have given rise to the present state of affairs. Count Nesselrode had stated that they were the bases on which Russia's demands were founded, and placed what construction on them he liked. Was this country going to give Russia the power of placing on these treaties what construction it liked ? What was this status quo ante bellum ? It gave to Russia the power of interference in the Danubian principalities—the power of excluding all but Russian vessels from the Black Sea— making it a mare clausum—the cutting off of Circassia in a most unjustifiable manner, and the monopoly of the Danube. (Hear, hear.) Now that he was on this question 1 he could not help remi n di ng th e h ouse that he c a ll e d th e attention of the noble lord the member of the city to this last year ; he then, as an humble member of that house, asked the noble lord whether the information was correct, as to Russia's having impeded the navigation of the Dan ube. He (Mr. Layard) did not ask this from any desire of signalising himself, but because he knew it to be part of a great system, and would prove that Russia had a great plan in view. The noble lord replied, that it was very true that the navigation had been impeded ' • there had been an overflowing of the wa t ers , but that Russia had nothing at all to do with it. An hon. member on the other side of the house, not satisfied with this answer, afterwards put-the question to the noble lord the member for Tiverton—(cheers)—who, in a few sentences, ins mas terly manner, gave them the history of the whole transsc '- tion stated that they were remonstrating with Rusdia, and that Turkey endeavoured to keep open the mouths of the Danube, and that Russia was doing, in fact, what the noble lord the member for the city denied. He thought that when questions were put by hon. members-- of course if they were idle questions they justly received idle an swers—but if the questions had something in them, he considered the best course was to give a straightforward answer to straightforward question. (Cheers.) If her Ma jesty's Government assented to the status quo ante bellum, all would be placed in a worse position than ever. The demands of Russia ever went on increasing, and, because this last was worse than all others, and had arrived at such a pitch of badness that it was thought Russia could not go further, her Majesty's Government seemed in clined to accept it. This should not be done, after all the blood that had been shed, after all the sacrifices that had been made, lest they brought that blood on their own heads and made all these sacrifices prove idle. If they en gaged in the war, they were bound to carry it to a suc cessful issue, and have from it some tangible results. (Hear.) These could not be effected or a favourable state of affairs brought about until Russia was no longerallowed to interfere with the internal adminstration of Turkey. Until the Danubian principalities, Servia, Wallachia, and Moldavia were released from Russian , interference ; until the Danube was thrown open to European commerce ; until Circassia had also been thrown open, and until the Caucasus, that high road to India, was cut off—for, as long as Russia possessed this high road into Persia, Asia Minor, and the centre of Asia, the Indian dominions of England were at her mercy, as she could bring her influence to bear on the population of India, and prevent this country from ever holding it otherwise than by military tenure —until the Black Sea was no longer a mare clausum, and until Russia was compelled to give up its pretensions to the right of interfering with the Christian subjects of the Sultan--to nothing short of this could England submit or assent to without disgrace. He had been told that it vas impossible that the Mussulman shoal i rule over a Christian popula tion. If by this were meant that a smaller race, differing from a larger race, should not be allowed to rule over it, what then became of the dominionof this country overlt.dia! The argument appli e d equa lly t o b o th cases . If h e were to , ' understand by this argument that the Mussulman was placed beyond the pale of law, and that they could do what they liked with him because he was not worthy of being considered a human being, what became of the de clamations of a noble lord, who had often advocated the cause of the Burmese and others, speaking against putting them to death, if this argument held good ? As a ' . small work that he (Mr. Layard) had published bad been cited in favour of this argument, as to the Turks-being un worthy to govern; he might, by way of explanation, men tion that the massacre alluded to in that work was not committed by the Turks, but by rebellious tribes. The Turks had often engaged in wars at great cost, to enforce the rights of the Christians. The Albanian war was un dertaken in defence of the Christiana, and in Bosnia Omer Pasha, the present commander-in-chief, carried on a war to a successful issue i I order to compel the Mussalman to admit the Christians to those rights that had been accorded to his subjects by the Sultan. No doubt, acts of aggression had been committed by the Turks ; he himself had been witness to some, and no one was more anxious or would do more than he to prevent their occurrence. Yet, when ever such acts were brought under the notice of the Sultan or his Ministers, immediate redress was afforded, and no i one who had been in communication with the Sultan or 1 his Ministry could doubt his humane or enlightened cha racter or his desire to place all his subjects on the same footing. (Cheers.) What enormous improvements had taken place in Turkey within the last 15 years? The house would remember the flaming description that the noble lord the member for Tiverton had given of this. Great had been the improvement when they considered that the Turk ish Government had to deal with people of different races, differing also in religion and language. Talk of Russia ? It had been ever since the time of Peter the Great effecting these improvements. Turkey had done more in 15 years than Russia had in 150 years, notwithstanding that it had had better material, a people with no great difference of religion, and an emperor who was regarded as a god upon earth. With regard to the trade of this country with Tur key, he begged to call the attention of the house to the almost incredible increase that had taken place. He could not compare it to any other nation. It had increased from a most insignificant amount to nearly 3,000,0001. He was told that part of this was derived from Asia ; but what was this owing to but to the liberal tariffs of the Turkish Government and the encouragement given by it? And if the Sultan was supported it would be found that the commerce would continue to increase in a similar ratio to what it had done of late years. With respect to the religious arguments that were advanced, Lord &rat ; ford de Redcliffe had stated that one of the objects of Prince Menschikoffs mission was to prevent the spread of Protestantism in Turkey. He was glad that his noble I riend had confirmed what he (Mr. Layard) had stated last year—that one of the great causes of the mission was to cheek the progress of religious opinions; be did not mean Protestantism only, but also Catholicism. They were told that they ought to put the Greeks in their place. If they , were to do this, they must carry out the same principle with regard to other sects. It was not that he approved of their religion that he spoke thus, but because he stood there as the advocate of truth, and he thought when that was at stake they ought not to be influenced by a man's religious belief, be ho Mahomedan or of any other religious denomination. Others argued that it was a gloat pity that this country had interfered at all, and said it was against the law of nature that a despotic power could exist, it must fall to pieces of its own accord. If this were admitted, where were they to stop ? Was Russia to be allowed to go on until it had taken the whole world ? If he could have lived at so remote A period, and been asked the question with reference to the Vandals and Gotha, he would have answered they could not bring their barbarous system into Europe ; but they overran it, and deluged it with blood. He dlid not mean whplly to apply this argument to Russia, but they.must remember the evils that it might bring upon i Europe, and the blood that it might cause to flow. He would take for example the occupation of Wallachia and I Moldavia, apcl2esk whether it would not have beep better , for the inhabitants of those provinces had they never been 1 . born than to have endured what they have suffered from the Russians during the last few months ? He thought this argument as to their not interfering, most dangerous, and one to which if there were no limit put, would lead to incalculable evil. Before concluding, he felt bound to allude to a delicate subject ; they were going to engage in a great contest, and there ought to be no concealment. They were warned to avoid this by the remembrance of the ill success th-d attended one period of the Peninsular war, and the struggles that took place between Wellington and others. He alluded to a subject that had cussed him lately to put a question with reference to it to the noble lord the member for the city. He saw by the blue-books that a disagreement had unfortunately taken place be tween the admiral commanding the English fleet and the English ambassador. He did not say this in any invidious spirit, for he perceived that the same stare of things ex ited between the French admiral and ambassador. He thought. however, that this country had a right to ask that these disagreements should not occur again, and that the instructions sent to those in the di rlomatic or naval services of the country should be distinct. He perfectly agreed with the noble lord when he stated that their duties ought not to clash, and that the admiral had certain duties to perform of which he might be deemed the best judge as to how he could fulfil them. But, as he hail heard from private letters, and from persons of all parties, that these dissensions had got—he must use the word—to a most scandalous extent, he thought, in justice to this country and the cause in which they were embarked, steps ought to be taken to prevent the occurrence and existence of such dissensions. (Hear, hear.) He apologised to the house for the great length at which he had addressed them, and thanked them for the attention with which they had lis tened to him. He hopes► that some member - f her Ma jesty's Government would now rise and remove all further doubts. He believed that the country was prepared to support them, (Cheers.) He believed that there was but one ft eling among all classes, arising—not as his hon. friend the member for Manchester had Paid, from an innate bellicose spirit, but from higher feelings—that they were engaged in a struggle for the maintenance of liberal prin ciples, in which the material interests of this country were concerned as well as those of the world at large. (Cheers.) It was this spirit that had animated those men who had lately marched to the place of embarkation, followed by a crowd that greeted them with unprecedented en thusiasm. The men felt they were marching to the per formance of a great act of duty, and the crowd cheered them on, thus expressing their approval of their conduct and the policy pursued by the Government. He was willing, to forget past events if the Government would, without vacillation, embark in a policy worthy of their country. If they would do this, he would give them his most cordial support. (Cheers.) , Sir J. GRAHAM.—I rise to answer the call of the hon. member ; but, before I address myself to the topics of his able speech, I think it my duty to answer those observations that he made jusebefore he sat down. I, on the part of her Majesty's Government, am not disposed to throw my self or my colleagues on the forbearance and indulgence of the house. I appeal to its wisdom and its justice; and if we, on our part, are prepared to perform our duty, I hope the House of Commons will not fail to perform its duty. If we have forfeited the confidence of the House, that has not been attempted to be shown on the question of going into committee or by any sidelong indication ; but issue has been fairly joined on a great crisis in public affairs by which we shall ascertain whether we possess that confi dence that will enable us to carry on the affairs of the coun try satisfactorily. I beg leave to state that lam extremely glad that, before we proceed to vote the estimates, 1 am not now called upon, as in an early part of the evening, to discuss as to whether or no assistant-surgeons ought to mess in the wardrooms. lam not called upon to discuss as to whether ruin or whisky is the more healthful spirit er the most palatable to the men employed on board her Majesty's ships. It is not a question of this kind, but one to which attention has been drawn in a very able speech on a great crisis in public affairs, and on which questions have been raised as to the conduct of Government as to what has taken place, what their intentions, and what their policy. (Hear.) I must say that I consider the tone of the hon. gentleman's speech enthusiastic. He said repeatedly that he had made oat his case—(hear) —and went on to say that, if the Government had adopted a more straightfor ward policy, it would not now be in the position it is. (Hear.) He talked of excuses he thought we should use. lam not Prepared to offer such excuses, nor am I prepared to admit that our vacillation, as he terms it, has placed this country , in a position of danger or risk. I say that the Govern ment has done its utmost to perform a solemn duty- to to preserve peace, if they possibly could attain that great ob ject consistently with the maintenance of the honour of this country. Up to the present time they have succeeded in preserving 1 eace, and have maintained it with honour to this country. Now, sir, the hon. gentleman has alluded to the state of affairs in the early part of last year, and has referred particularly to a despatch written by the noble lord the member for the City. I wish to call the attention of the house to the policy pursued by the British Govern ment at that time. The dispute at Constantinople turned on a question arising between Russia and France in respect of privileges claimed by both. It did not appear that it was incumbent on Great Britain to take an active part in this dispute; but my noble friend wrote a despatch which I think worthy the attention of the house. I will not trouble the house with quoting the words ; but my noble friend, in writing, said that it was a grievous sight to see two Christian Powers on the verge of being involved in war, and raising a dispute on the sacred spot where peace and goodwill to man had been declared in so solemn a manner. It was clearly not the policy of England to have interfered at this time ; but it is very remarkable that, by the influence of the British ambassador, Turkey was per suaded to make arrangements which were satisfactory both to France and Russia with referrence to the matter in dis pute. It was the influence of England that determined this controversy. After this matter was adjusted, but be fore Lord Stratford de Redcliffe had arrived, a message was sent by Russia to Turkey so menacing that it caused Colonel Rose to entertain very serious apprehension with reference to the intentions of Russia. Colonel Rose accordingly sent to Admiral Dundas, then command ing at Malta, summoning him to hasten to the Darda nelles. It is alleged that then there was some hesi tation on the part of England in coming to the rescue of Turkey. How does the matter stand ? Admiral Dundas, exercising, as I think, a very sound discretion, did not at once obey the summons of the British envoy at Constantinople. And did Turkey suffer any in convenience, or was it subjected to any danger by this hesitation on the part of the British admiral ? So far from it that, within a very short period afterwards, Colonel Rose himself, who had summoned Admiritl Dan das to the Dardanelles, expressed his satisfaction that that admiral had not obeyed the summons ; and Lord Strat ford, on his arrival at Constantinople, received an assur ance from the Turkish Government that, so far from re gretting the delay of the British fleet on that occasion, the absence of that fleet had been conducive to the advantage of the Turkish State. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman proceeded to observe that too much reliance had been placed on Russian assurances, and in terms, I think, of censure, he seemed to imply that the head of the Govern ment was more particularly responsible for this misplaced confidence. Now, I assure the house that there is not one of the colleagues of my noble friend, Lord Aberdeen, who is not prepared fully to share all the responsibility of the course taken. It would be most unjust to my noble friend if I hesitated to say that. (Hear, hear.) It is true that confidence is not of rapid growth ; but, at the same time, dark malignant suspicions do not rapidly take root in a generous heart ; and it cannot be forgotten that for a long series of years Ru s sia has been the ally—the faithful ally—of this country; that she has shared in our dangers and participated in our councils, and on many great occasions has taken part in the struggles and vic tories which have been conducive both to the honour of England and to the security of the peace of England. Hear, hear.) Therefore it is not unnatural that, while we received assurances from Russia of pacific intentions, and of the absence of any desire on her part to invade the in dependence and integrity or Turkey, we were willing to place confidence in those assurances. But how stand the facts with respect to dates? Prince Menschikoff left Con stantinople after having assumeds tone and made demands there which were utterly inconsistent with the indepen dence of the Turkish Government. From that mo ment the suspicions, and more than suspicions, of the British Government were roused, and, if you look to the dates, von will find that the English fleet was ordered to Bosika Bay on the 31st of May, while the prin cipalities were not entered by Russia until the 7th of July. Were we, then, always lagging behind events ? for such is the nature of the accusation preferred by the hon. gentleman. When was the fleet ordered to Constan tinople ? On the 23d of September, and the Porte did not declare war until the 26th of September. The order from this country for the fleet to proceed to Constantinople was actually given in London before the Porte bad declared war. (Hear.) The hon. gentleman has dwelt on certain expressions in the despatch which contained the order for the entry of the fleet into the Dardanelles. Now, the hon. gentleman is perfectly well aware that, under tke obliga tions of the treaty of 1811, it was not open to the British and French fleets to pass the Dardanelles until the Porte was actually at war ; but, feeling the urgency of the case, and believing that the presence of the British fleet was ne cessary at that time for the protection of Constantinople, an order was given that, if the Turkish authorities were willing to admit the combined fleets, the responsibility of requiring the British fleet to enter the Dardanelles should be undertaken by the British Ambassador. (Hear, hear ) Now, let me refer to the order for the ships to enter the Black Sea. The hon. gentleman has dwelt on the disas trous affair at Sinopo, and he thinks it might have been avoided if the combined fleets had entered the Black Sea at an earlier period. He also said that every step in ad vance was always taken at the instance of France, and that this country never moved actually and decisively on her own account. How stands the fact ? The order from Lord Stratford to Admiral Dundee to enter the Black Sea was given, if I mistake not, on the 11th of November. Most unfortunately, at that period M. de la Cour, the French ambassador at Constantinople, who concurred in the order, was about to leave that city. Some hesitation then arose—a perfectly justifiable hesitation—on the part of the French admiral, on account of the change of diplomatic authority. He demurred to obey the order of the French ambassador, and declined to go into the Black Sea at that time. General Baraguay d'Hil- Hers succeeded to M. de la Cour, and, on his ani val, communications took place between him and the French admiral ; but the French admiral, not then on account of the change of authority, but on other grounds purely naval, refused to enter the Black Sea, though Admiral Dundas was perfectly willing at that time to obey the order of the English ambassador. The hon. gentleman says that the whole disaster at Sinope is to be ascribed to the want of energy on the part of the naval powers. How stands the fact, and who is to blame in that case ? The authority of Lord Stratford will pro bably be held conclusive on the point. Lord Stratford, writing from Constantinople on the 17th of December, 1853, says— • - - , .. " I cannot, indeed, conceal from myself that the late de struction of so many Turkish vessels at Sinopo would pro bably never have occurred if the ships of England and France had been sent thither at an earlier period." (Hear, hear.) But what is Lord Stratford's next observa tion ? That noble earl proceeds thus : " Not that I would throw the blame of this Sinopo disaster anywhere but on the Porte and its officers. They alone, or their professional counsellors, were cognisant of the miserable state of the land defences of Sinope. They alone are answer able for the obvious imprudence of leaving so long in helpless danger a squadron exposed to attacks from hostile ships of far superior force. But, referring to the simple fact, irrespective of its causes, I am naturally anxious that the loss of the ex ample should not be added to that of the ships." Now it is quite clear that Lord Stratford, himself the highest authority on this point, says distinctly that the disaster at Siuope is to be ascribed to the imprudence of the Turkish authorits, who disobeyed and neglected the warning given them, to the effect that the continuance of their squadron at Sinope could not fail to be attended with ..... .~i;._. ...~ L. very unfortunate results. The hon.gentleman, referrng to a topic much dwelt on elsewhere—viz., the Vienna Note, ascribed great blame to the Government for the readiness with which that note was adopted by the British Cabinet. Now, let it be observed that that note was not the suggestion of the British Government, but the sug gestion of the French Government. It was readily taken in consideration by the Conference at Vienna, and, after some alterations sire !eetecl by the British Government, finally adopted. It is said that this course was taken with out any reference to Constantinople, and I will explain why that was so. The dates are before us. On the :'th of July it was known that the Turkish Government, acting by the advice of Lord Stratford, had consented to a form of note framed partly of a portion of the note of Prince Mense7likoff, which had been as a whole reje. tea, and partly from the answer given to it by the Turkish Minister, and these two notes, so combined, had been adopted by the Turkish Governmeet as entirely satisfactory to them, and containing all they desired. Now, if the note so com pounded were compared with the Vieuirs Note, as sag geeted by France and adopted by England and the other Powers, it would re-piire a very nice observation indeed to discern any substantial difference between the two propo sitions. We /lid not therefore adopt the Vienna Note before we knew that the Turkish Government were pre pared in substance to adopt a note, almost, as we thought, identical. But the moment certain expressions in that note, which might be of an ambiguous character. had as sumed the interpretation Count Nesselrode placed on them, the English Government at once said they could not for another moment allow them to remain, that it would be unworthy of this country, since Russia had put that inter pretation on the expressions, to press that note either in form or substance on the Turkish Government. They ac cordingly repudiated it absolutely, and acted at once on the conviction that the intentions of the Russian Government were hostile to the independence of Turkey, and that, un der the pretext of seeking the headship of a large portion of co-religionists, Russia really sought a civil protecto rate inconsistent with the independence of Turkey. (Cheers.) What was the consequence ? The order of the Bth of October was issued, which placed the fleet abso lutely at the disposal of Lord Stratford, to defend the territory of Turkey, and, if necessary, the fleet was em powered to papa through the Bosphorus into the Black Sea, for the purpose of protecting the Turkish territory against Russian aggression. (Hear.) The affair of Sinope fol lowed. What, then, was the course taken by the British Government on the 24th of December? They sent an order to Lord Stratford, extending the protection from the territory to the flag of Turkey. They gave a further order —namely, that no Russian ship of war should henceforth be allowed to navigate the Black Sea ; that any such ship found navigating the Black Sea should be desired to re turn to Sebastopol, and if that desire were not complied with, then that force should be used. The disaster of Sinope happened, I think, on the 30th of November. The account was received in England on the 17th of Decem ber, and the order for the fleet to enter the Black Sea for the protection of the Turkish flag and territory was issued on the 24th of December. (Hear, hear.) [Here Mr. Lay ard made some inquiry about the dates.] It was on the Bth of October that the previous order was issued to Lord Stratford to employ the fleet, but that was confined to the protection of the Turkish territory. However, after the receipt in London of Count Nesselrode's interpretation of the Vienna Note, when the mask was thrown off, and there was no longer any doubt of the real intention of the Russian Government to establish a civil protectorate over the subjects cf the Sultan—immediately on that interpre tation being received in England, the delusion—if it can be called delusion—arising from false assurances, ceased, and a peremptory order was issued for the protection of the Turkish territory against Russian aggression ; and after the affair of Sinope the order was carried one step further, and instructions were given that no Russian ships of war should any longer he permitted to navigate the Black Sea. (Hear, hear.) The honourable gentlemen asks us what has been the result of all these transactions ? I tell him, in the first place, that we have avoided war up to the last moment—(cheers)—and, in the next place, that there has been established a cordial union with France. (Renewed cheers.) Here I cannot neglect the opportunity of bearing testimony to the perfect good faith of the French Government, and more especi ally of the Emperor at the head of it, throughout the whole of these arduous transactions and complicated negotiations. (Cheers.) I hold it to ho only discharg ing a debt of justice to express this opinion, and to state that we have not the slightest grounds of complaint in any particular against France. (Cheers.) We have teen ce mented the union between France and England. Have we done nothing more ? We have also succeeded in conibin ing Austria and Prussia with us in many most important transactions. (Hear, hear.) There has been some doubt thrown on what Wai the exact meaning of the Vienna Note. This is immediately connected with another sub ject on which the hon. gentleman touched; and the ques tion arises, what is the true interpretations of the old treaties? What were the engagements of Turkey under the treaty of Kaivareji? Turkey, in rejecting the Vienna Note, put her construction on those engagements, and Russia, by Count Nesselrode's comments on that note, in timated her interpretation of them in an opposite sense— an interpretation clearly inconsistent with the rights, in dependence, and integrity of Turkey. Well, then, is it no advantage that there should have been the concurrence, of Prussia and Austria in addition to that of France and of England in placing that interpretation on the obi trea ties which Turkey put on them, and in absolutely repu diating the Russian interpretation ? (Cheers.) That we have ,uceeeded in doing while maintaining peace. Nay more, we have in the conference in Vienna obtained the consent of Austria and Prussia to the declaration that the terms offered by Turkey are reasonable terms, and that those terms ought to be accepte.l by Russia. (Hear hear.) Still further, we have the concurrent declaration of the Four Powers that the counter-project of Russia rejecting them is inadmissible. (Hear, hear.) Thus we have in sulated Russia, and she now stands alone. That which was at the beginning of the year 1853 a quarrel between Russia and Turkey has now assumed the aspect of Russia contending against Europe united—(hear, hear)—and I must again repeat that to obtain this result with war not yet declared appears to me to be, I will not say a diplomatic triumph, but a great advantage. (Laughter.) Such may not be the opinion of hon. gentlemen opposite ; but let me entreat therla not to deal with this question as an ordinary matter before going into Committee of Supply. (Hear, hear.) Let them raise the question, if that be their opinion, that the negotiations have been misconducted, and that the honour of this country has been sacrificed. This is a question which, I repeat, ought not to be trifled with—and if we are not fit to conduct this affair further, then let that be distinctly declared, and let not the matter any longer be left in the hands of an Executive unfit to manage it. (Hear, hear.) Well, now let me proceed, and state further what we have done. I say we are ready for war—we are prepared for war. France, too, is prepared for war. Russia has not yet crossed the Danube ; and not a Russian ship of war can navigate the Black Sea, which Russia has hitherto treated as a mare clausum. (Hear, hear.) France and England are determined that the prin cipalities shall be evacuated. (Cheers.) Austria and Prussia have stated that they agree in opinion that the independence of Turkey must be maintained, and that the occupation of the principalities by Russia is inadmissible. Therefore that which was before a mere Turkish quarrel is now a European one, and the settlement, like the quarrel, must be European. (Hear, hear.) Let me now ask, what will you - the House of Commons.—do ?We are prepared, if you support us, to do our duty. (Hear, hear.) We are ready to go into Committee of Supply, and to ask you to place great means in our power. We ask you to add 1.0,000 men to the navy estimates, and 10,000 men to the army estimates. We ask you to make great sacrifices on the part of the people, and to add to the expenditure an amount of nearly 2,000,0001. Is it, then, on an occasion of this kind that you should pother over blue-books, and minutely criticise complicated negotiations, with the risk of sowing the seeds of disunion ? (Hear, hear.) Ido not believe that the House of Commons will take that course. If you have ground of complaint, put us on our trial. Let the matter be discussed fully, and have it decided whether we have done wrong; and, if we have done wrong, say so. If we have been right, encourage us by your approbation—the highest approbation a Government can receive, and consti tuting, in a great emergency, the etrongest encouragement to us to make exertions. (Cheers.) But let the machinery of the Government move on ; for you cannot arrest it at the present time without p u bli c d anger; an d , if you w i s h this committee of Supply not to be opened without the opinion of the house being pronounced on the policy of the course pursued by the Government, not a moment's time ought to be lost in arriving at that result. (Hear.) The hon. gentleman says he has made out his case. That case was a case of accusation ; and it was miserable after that that the only issue should be whether or not the Speaker should leave the chair. (Hear.) Surely, it would be more for the honour of the house and the safety of the State if the issue were taken in some more substantive and direct mode. These papers have now been some time in the hands of members, and a great discussion, with respect to them has taken place in the other House of Parliament, and yet no direct motion on the subject has been made. (Hear.) I thought we should probably have beard of some notice of a direct motion from that quarter of the house where the opinion strongly prevails that the negotiations have been mismanaged; but, at last, all that takes place is a miser able discussion on the question whether the Speaker shall leave the chair; so that, in point of fact, no opinion of the house can be pronounced on the subject discussed, and the country, consequently, can have no opportunity of know ing whether, in the opinion of its representatives, a great mistake had been made by the Government. (Hear.) I must say that, as after all this discussion no clear or sub stantial decision can be come to on such a motion as that the Speaker leave the chair, I am almost ashamed to have trespassed on the time of the house so long. (Cheers ) Lord JOCELYN said, he felt that, in following the right hon. baronet, he might be considered somewhat presump tuous in doing battle with so able and so ingenious an an tagonist, but he must say he had known occasions on which the weapon of the right hon. gentleman had been keener than it had been to-night, and when he might well have ' shrunk from encountering him on the field. He (Lord Jocelyn), for one, thought that the hon. member for Ayles bury was perfectly justified in the course he had taken. He thought it was due to the dignity of the house that, when her Majesty's Government laid papers upon the table as reasons for calling for increased estimates from the people, that house should discuss their policy. and that the repre sentatives of the people should have an opportunity of pointing out where they thought errors had been commit ted. He considered, indeed, that such a course was only just to the Government itself. He wished to take that opportunity of stating his dissent from opinions that had been expressed by friends of his in that house and in ano ther place as to the course that this country ought to have pursued in the present instance. He also wished to ex press his dissent from opinions that had been expressed upon platforms by an hon. gentleman, a member of the peace party—sentiments in hich he thought the people of this country did not coincide, but sentiments which, in his opinion, even if the people did coincide in them, would tend to tarnish and dim the honour of the country. H e owned it was with some astonishment that he had read the sentiments expressed by the hon. member for the West Riding to the people of Manchester. He thought that hon. gentleman had not read rightly the chapter of English history, or he would have found how the liberties of this country were achieved and maintained. He (Lord Jocelyn) would give way to no man in the horror he entertained of war. He had had some opportunity in early life of seeing the evil consequences of war upon a peaceful and indus trious population ; but he thought there was something worse than war, and that was to see a peopl e l a b our i ng under oppression, to allow ambition to have its will, and to permit the weak to be crushed by the strong. It has i been said by the noble lord at the head of the Government, with great amiability, that all war was sinful. He (Lord Jocelyn) must deny that war was sinful when it was just (heir) —and he considered th a t no war was more just than one in which people were engaged in fighting fer their own' liberties, and in which strong and powerful States were found taking the part of the weak and the de fenceless. (II er.) He thought the title-page of the blue book was rather calculated to draw the public attention to the old quarrel, and not to th e ac t ua l ques ti on a t i ssue. a l together reputliated that proposition. __ (Hear, bear.) ' The question before them was a question of the interne- Now, did Minister s k now w h a t A us t r i a wou l d d o ? (Hear.) tional police of the civilised world ; an d h ere h e would bear.) They were told, indeed, that Austria and Prussia ask hon. members of the Peace Society what would would be neutral ; but even so, that was all Plat was to be the result if their views were carried to an ex- be expected. He was prepared to assort the conviction treme ? He considered that the consequence must be, that Austria and Prussia would have gone, at least, that the advance of civilisation would be stopped, and quite as far with us as they would now had we in the out that the world would return to that period of barbarism , set exhibited the energy that should have been mani when might am.' strength were the only law. Time first fested ; so that, in this respect, we had gained nothing quarrel between Russi a and Turkey was, is his opinion one whatever by delay. O n th e o th er h an d , b ut for that most which might have been settled by neg o ti a t: on and arbitra- deplorable delay on our part, certain it was that at this tion, but the question now before them wes one in which moment the Turkish flotilla, so cruelly destroyed at Sinope, the liberties of Europe were involved. From the moment would have been safe and entire in some Turkish port, for, that the Emperor of Russia crossed the Pruth—from the unquestionably, had the English and French fleets pro moment that Prince Menschikoff made those insolent de- ceeded in good time into the Black Sea, not a single Rus manila upon the Porte, which, if complied with, would have ei in ship would have quitted Sebastopol. (Hear.) He rendered the Sultan of Turkey little better than a puppet came now to the more serio es question— still, a question in the hands of Russia—from the monaent.that the Emperor not answered by the right hen gentleman—what were we of Russia demanded a protectorate over 10.000.000 of the suing to do, and what were our troops and navy to effect ? subjects of the Porte—the question ihic law one in which Was it propo ed merely to re-establish treaties, which had it was the duty of the western po e ers to in, erfere, and one become mere waste peter, or were we going to put a check in which England and France were vitally interested. and a limit to the munition and aggression of Russia? If (near, hear.) It had b een argu ed in another place that this the former was the intention of Ministers, they might rely was a question of no impertence whatever to England. He uoon it that the people of England would not go with .denied that that was t h e f ac t. He saw that it had been them ; but, if the latter, then the people of England would stated by the hon member f or the West Riding, out of go with them heart and soul. 'Hear.) When such was doors, that it mattered little whether the flag of Russia the question on which so much depended, the hon. gentle waved supreme in th e City o f C o n s tantinople or not. That man was fully entitled to require a full and distinct an hon. gentleman stated that this was a question of comrner- swer. (Hear.) The representatives of the people were vial jealousy - -that we were afraid of Russia obtaining ad - called upon to vote many thousand additional forces, naval vantages equal to those possessed by E n gl a nd, and that and military, and to grant an additional sum of 2,000,0001. this was the real ground of our in telt ference. He (Lord The representatives of the peopleiwere not only entitled, Jocelyn) could only gay, wh en h e l oo k e d b ac k to the past b ut a b so l utely b ound, to know what specific purpose these history of Russia, that he regarded this as a question in increased armaments and these increased grants were des which the liberties of Europe were concerned. He found tined to fulfil. (Hear.) The Government would have the that either by fraud, by violence, or by treaties, Russia full support of the house in all measures for the mainten hid, in the course of the last half-century, absorbed a tract ance of the na'ional honour, but, at the same time, they lof to ritory and a population equal to one-third of her do- must expect that they would'be closely watched, and that mini, as in Europe. He found that in the ccurse of that their ections would be continuously canvassed, and none time she had absorbed Poland, Bessarabia, Mingrelia, the the less strictly, they might be assured, on account of the Crimea, and Georgia. He found that wherever her con- policy they had hitherto pursu d in this matter. The quests had extended the energies and ac ti v ity o f th e p eo - cause i n w hi ch we were now embarked was a just and. pie had been diminished, and that she hail carried with righteous cause, and, reverently confiding that the Provi her those despotic principles of government upon which donee which watched over the fate of armies would protect her own government was based Wherever her armies had us in this righteous quarrel, he would say, in the language gone she had crushed every aspiration of liberty, and, of our old chivalry—" May God defend the right." (Hear.) although it might he said that the institutions which she Lord D. STUART had never come down to the house found in Poland and elsewhere could not be deemed of a with a more earnest desire than on this occasion to give popular character, yet they were the germs which might his support to the Government, because he felt that we have grown into popular institutions, for they were simi- were at a juncture when the safety and happiness of wide lar to those which were planted in our own country in spread nations might depend on the course that should be feudal times, and which bad since produced that glorious pursued by our Government ; and that it was of the ut tree under which they now lived in liberty and tranquil- most importance that the Government, in the course it lity. If he looked to the commercial policy of Russia, he seemed inclined to pursue, should receive the unanimous found that she had established a restrictive code—a system and unhesitating support of the house and the country at of high tariffs ; and, when he looked at the vast artery large. (Hear, hear.) His feeling on the subject had been which nature had provided as au outlet for the confirmed and augmented by the speech of the noble s p e ech P of the fertile plains of her southern pro- of the house in introducing the Reform Bill—s, speech vinces, he found that every difficulty had been thrown in which showed that, while his noble friend, predisposed, on the way of its navigation. If he looked to the influence the one hand, to remedy and remove, so far as he could, exercised by Russia over neighbouring countries, he found internal abuses, was prepared not •to falter in resisting that it was most baneful. e.;ven at the present time Aue- manfully our foreign enemies. He was satisfied that the tria did not assume that decided attitude which she ought Government, acting upon these principles, would meet to take, but, although the power in Europe most interested with the heart-and-soul aid of the people. (Hear, hear.) in preventing the advance of Russia, she was still vacil- Having, however, expressed this feeling and this convio lating. Well, he turned to that country which he was told tion, he could not refrain from declariag, as a represents was possessed by an effete and failing race—he meant Tur- rive of the people, that he had never been more surprised, key. He found that in that country public opinion was ee would say sh eked, than at the language which had gradually—he would not say rapidly—gaining ground. Hr been used by the right hon. gentleman, a Minister of the found that, in that country, since the establishment of Crown, on this occasion of proposing the navy estimates. tanzimats, popular institutions were gradually rising ; and Hear, hear.) He had always thought that, if there was that in her commercial policy she reciprocated our own, en occasion on which the representatives of the people seeing and recognising the advantages of free trade. He were especially called upon to seek explanations-and infer ' was told that hr people were an effete and failing race. rnation from the Government, it was when they were called but he found the same spirit and energy which beat in the upon by that Government to vote away the people's money. bosoms of the Osmanli 400 years ago, when they came (Hear. hear.) He was sure that his noble friend, the great twice to the gates of Vienna, manifested at the present authority in that house upon all constitutional . questions, day, on the banks of the Danube, by the troops under would confirm this proposition—(hear, hear).;--and he Omer Pasha. (Hear, hear.) He would now proceed to felt equally satisfied that the proposition would be sane ' ' consider the course of policy pursued by her Majesty's timed, on this particular occasion more emphatically, Government; an I, while he entirely agreed with the right b y ano th er no bl e f r i en d , a l so on the Treasury bench, who hon. gentleman that it would be for the advantage of the had laid it down as a clear principle that the members of world that this'questien should have been solved pacifically, that house were not only entitled, but bound to insist ho quarrelled with the Government, not for their desire to upon that full information from Government which obtain that pacific solution, but because the course they would enable them thoroughly to comprehend all our had adopted had, as he believed, prevented a pacific solu- foreign affairs. (Hear, hear.) Yet the First Lord of tion from being attained. He found no distinct or direct the Admiralty, because an hon. gentleman had ventured, policy on the part of her Majesty' s Government indicated in very moderate terms, to ask for reasonable information, in the blue-I.ooks which had been printed. There was only and to criticise, to a certain extent, the policy of Govern one distinct line of action apparent, and that was a wish, merit, had treated the hon. gentleman's questions and his at .11 hazards and at all risks, to conciliate the Emperor of .)bservations with con t emp t, as a lik e unworthy of the oc- Russia. (Hear, hear.) He found, in the whole course of casion and undeserving of answer. Now, it appeared to conduct of the Government, vacillation, want of energy, him (Lord D. Stuart) that his hon. friend had quite done and feebleness of action, where there ought to bay, his duty in putting these questions, and that the house been vigour, firmness, and determine , ion. He found would not be doing its duty if it did not obtain full infor that, while her Majesty's Government were, through their sation on all points connected with this most important ambassador at St. Petersburg, expressin g ; their reliance question. (Hear.) It was in the highest degree ineum -1 and confidence in the Emperor of Russia, and receiving; bent upon the representatives of the people to know upon coraphnentary messages in return, they were being out- what the people's money was to be expended, and whether I witted at Constantinople, and, as the hon. member for '.his enormous increase of their burdens was to be really Aylesbury had shown, they were being outwitted while in app li e d t o some spec i f i c and adequate purpose. (Hear.) i the possession of facts which showed that they were so out lie trusted that some other member of the Cabinet would witted. (Hear, hear.) It appeared from the bluebook supply the information which the right hon. gentleman that her Majesty's Government were informed in the month tiad chosen to refuse. With regard to the past policy of of April, by their own consuls in the South o f R uss i a , th at t h e G overnment on this question—its over-condescension Russia wee arming. The British Consul at Sebastopol to the Russian Autocat—its hesitation and vacillation, stated that orders had been received to prepare a squadror omposed—to adopt an expression from his noble friend— 'i to effect a landing upon the Turkish coast; that intima of one-part cowardice and three-p srts discretion, it had tion was reiterated by Colonel Rose, and it was confirme. teen described by the right hon. gentleman as due to by Sir G. Seymour on the 19th of April. Sir G. Seymour, Russia in the character 'of our old and faithful ally." in alluding to a conversation he had with Count Nessel- Admitting that Russia had been an old ally, it was not to rode, said— ne admitted that she had been, by any means a faithful " With respect to the armaments, the subject was one upon illy; and it was not to be endured, in any case, that she which it was manifest that the chancellor was unwilling to bt was to treat this great country and our allies with the questioned, and that, as I really believe, because he was uu- greatest conceivable arrogance and injustice. (Hear.) It able to return a satisfactory an swer . was not the fact that Ru ss i a h a d b een " our f a ithf u l a ll y. " " Het Majesty's Government kn e w, th e ref ore , i n th e mon th She had been utterly, grossly f a ithl ess t o h er a lli ance w ith us, and to our treaties with her, ove r and over &Ohl, and violation of his assertions to th e con t rar y. Wh a t, th en , of April that the Emper or o f R uss i a was arm i ng , i n di rec t on: the most signal occasio n —i n th e case o f P o l an d, s h e had violated her allian ce , s h e h a d v i o l a t e d h er t rea ti es, was the course which they ou g ht t o h a ve p ursue d a t th a t time ? They knew that they h a d a f u l crum by w hi c h th e she had violated the sa cre d oa th t a k en b y h er E m - Emperor of Russia might be moved, but th e y l os t th e mo - peror before God and the Holy T r i n ity. I n th e ment when they might have succes s f u lly use d th a t p ower . case of Adrianople, her vi o l a ti on o f a lli ance an d o f Sir G. Seymour, writing treaties had been equally fl agran t— equa ll y s h ame l ess ; to Lord Clarendon on the 7th of April, said— in the case of Cracow her violation of treaties had been °'The three points which app ear t o me t o b e es t a blished by so glaring th a t h er M a j es ty h a d b een a d v i se d b y her Ministers to den o un ce it i n th e speec h _ from the throne,- the paper of whi c h I h ave o ff ere d your l or d s hi p a summary, are—first, the sati s f ac ti on f e lt b y th e E mperor at the proof of in the case of H ungar y h er con d uc t ha d been marked with confidence in his word manif es t e d by h er M a j es t y ' s G overn - a perfidy scarcely l e ss mons t rous . F a i t hl essness, in a word ment—this is express e d i n pl a i n wor d s ; secon d , w hi ch is had been the characteristic of this " faithful ally," yet the plainly to be seen, the apprehensions entertained by the Rus- Gov ernment of this country had persisted in receivi ng assurances of the Aut ocra t an d hi s Mi n i sters with 'ng most the the sian Cabinet of an allian ce , h av i ng f or it s o bj ec t a j o i nt action , . upon the affairs of Turkey b e t ween E ng l an d an d F rance; and credulous confidingness —with the same confidingners, as third, the almost equally evident desire of proving that such the noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs himself expressed an alliance must, from th e o pp os i ng i n t eres t s o f t h e two par- it, that he sh ou ld h ave rece i ved the assurances of an Eng , ties, exist more in appearance than in reality." fish gentleman, whereas all the antecedents of the present ruler should have warned the noble lord from an such Now, with this inti ma ti on i n th e i r h an d s, th a t w h at credulity. Had the E m p eror ' s former conduct been y such the Emperor of Russia most dreaded was a cordial all' to give him a right to their confidence ? In the admiration ance between France and England, what was the course which had so often been expressed of that potentate, he, pursued by her Majesty's Government ? Fortunately this for one, had never joined. He had always thought that matter was made clear, for by an order of the French Go- the Government of Russia, and the Prince at the top o f it, vernment the despatches of M. D rouyn d e L'H uys to the ought never to have been trusted. The whole conduct of French ambassador at Constantinople had been published Russia, for centuries past, had been marked by treachery, in the Moniteur. [The noble lord here read an extract and pervaded by the most inordinate and unscrupulous from the instructions addressed by M. Dronyn de L'H nys ,on ambition—(hear) ; and with regard to the Prince now on the 22d of March,to M. de la Cour, the French ambassador the throne, if his conduct was ex am i ne d, b o th as regar d e d at Constantinople, with respec t to t h e c i rcumstances under his own subjects and the Poles and other nations, it would which the French squadron was to enter the Dardanelles.] be found that he was not worthy of crest, because he had How did her Majesty's Government proceed at that time ? never been stopped either by the faith of treaties or any They had information that a cordial union between Eng - other obligation when his interest required that they land and France was what was most dreaded by Russia. should be disregarded. (Hear.) He thought he had now Shortly after the communication he had just read was a right to remind the house of what he had said on former written, Prince Menachikoff opened his demands, and int- occasions, and to ask whether the estimate he then formed mediately upon that circumstance coming to the knowledge of the pretences of the Russian Government, had not been of l'4. de la Cour, he summoned the French squadron, proved to be accurate. Her Majesty's Government, it ap. which appeared in the Bay of S a l a mis. Si m il a r informa- peered, believed in the assurances of the Russian Govern tion had been received by Colonel Rose, wine applied to ment, notwithstanding the information of a contr a ry c h a . Admiral Dendas for the English fleet, but the admiral re- rector a ff or d ed them by their own agents, and, amon fused to com ply w ith th e r e qu e st, an d h er M a j es ty' s G o - others, b y Lord Stratford, who told them on one occasiong vernment approved his conduct. But .vhat did the British that Russia spoke peace, but that her acts were the acts of Government do besides? They intimated to Russia that war. (Hear.) No doubt they were desirous to maintain they, having prevented their own fleet from coming up to peace, and the object was a laudable one. He would yield the Dardanelles, as Colonel Rose had requested, had dis- to no man as a defender of peace, and he would honour approved of the acts of the French Government, and they the Government for any course of concha they might thereby proved to the R uss i an G ov e rnmen t th a t th a t cur - pursue calculated to preserve peace, so long as it _was dial alliance did not exist which was so much dreaded by consistent with the honour and interests of the country 1 the Emperor of Ru ss i a . If, th en , h er M a j es ty' s G overn - but he firmly believed that the course adopted by the Go. ment, having that opportunity in their own hands of prow- vernment during its quarrel with Russia had not been ing that a cordial alliance with France existed, showed the such as to secure peace—(hear, hear)—but, on the contrary, Russian Government that such a cordi a l allian c e did not that it was the best that could have been devised to bring exist, was he wrong in saying that they lost the best oppor- about a war—(hear, hear)—and now were they not on the tunity of preserving peace ? (H ear , h ear .) H e now Caine brink of a war, after having already been exposed to many to the question of what the British Government ought to of the evils of war by their peace policy ? (Hear, hear.) have done. He thought it would have been a course Had not large sums been spent? Had not commerce been worthy of British statesmen, if when the Russian forces interrupted ? Could they calculate the amount of loss ex had crossed the Pruth, and w h en th e Porte was released perienced in the different countries of the world by the from the treaty of 1841, the French and English fleets, interruption to trade created by the uneasiness and uncer i acting in combination, had entered the :Dardanelles, tainty that had prevailed ? Could they tell how many taken possession of the shores of the Black Sea, lives bail been sacrificed, how many torrents of blood had and declared that they would destroy the fi rs t Russian been shed, during this interval of negotiations for peace? ship that appeared out of the harbour of Sebastopol In (Hear, hear.) Were they not chargeable with all this loss that position they might h a v e dictated those terms to and all this blood that had been cruelly shed ? (Hear Russia which they c ou ld no t o bt a i n i n any o th er manner. hear.) If it was true, as was the gen ral opinion th r ough - Now, what were the vi ews of th y French Government out Europe, that a bolder policy would have prevented upon this question, and how w ou ld th e y h ave ac t e d ? H e that had mourn I during the last y ear , surely our Go all vern found those views expressed by M. D rou y n d e Lhuy s i n a 'flout had much to answer for, as it must be he'd respo despatch of the 31st of May to C oun t W a i ews ki i n f an - sible for all the disasters that occu rre d , (H . eair I s - a ; guage worthy of the g alla n t r y o f th e F renc h na ti on . M. The whole questi on l ay i n a nutshell. Drouyn de Lhuys said-- Russia were no t f or t h e am The denaiideas ea r. ) of a , but for " Monsieur le Comte, as I have already s evera l ti mes men - that which must have infused putatio poison n into the limb whole sys tioned, there is by the side of diplomatic negotiations another tern, and Turkey could not possibly submit to them. action to exercise, and it is the attitude assumed by the Cabi- Russia then committed the unwarrantable act of taking net of St. Petersburg itself which has shown the necessity of possession of Trakisit territories. Now, the right course it. When we knew that the army cantoned in the south of ' for the allies of Turkey to have taken, whenever they.as Russia was on a war footing, that it was provisioned as on cer t a i ned this to be the intention of Russia, was to have the eve of a campaign—wen the fleet at Sebastopol was informed her at once, and plainly, that such an act would ready to weigh anchor—when considerable purchases of be treated as an act of war. (Hear, hear.) The general wood were made for throwing bridges over the Pruth and th© opinion of those with whom he had an opportunity of oon- Danube—if all this did not indicate that hostilities were de- I versing on the continent was that, if the attempt of Russia dared, it at least showed that they were approaching, and I had been met in that way, it would have been nipped in that their commencement only depended on a word. Who ' the bud. (Hear.) 13ut, more than that, it was the gene could guarantee us that, under the influence of a first move- I ral opinion that if England had not been governed by a ment, that word would not be pronounced at St. Petersburg, ' Minister who,right or wrong, was supposed to have a strong and that, if it had been, that Constantinople would beiprotected 1 leaning to Russia, and who, by former acts, was under from a coup de main ? It was a danger of this kind that we stood to show a great desire to comply with any of the de feared, and as, if it were to he realized; the game would be , mends of that country—it was the general opinion that if, lost at the outset, prudence imposed on us the duty of doing instead of such a Minister, we had had one of a fi rmer everything to Prevent it. In p o se could such a measure of character, not only would the Pruth never have been foresight more resemble a provocation than did the armaments crossed, but that the demands of Russia would never have of Russia herself? Why should not France and England, for been expressed. Wherever he (Lord D. Stuart) had gone the object of maintaining the treaty o f 18 41, have the right he had heard but one opinion on the subject, and that one of doing that which one of the Powers which signed that con- opinion had been pronouncedinasin o te ha na t m d e e — scri P p a t trut io 7 :, vention was doing with such very different designs? Such s t on . "If you had had a Minister are the considerations which determined us to send our fleet i was the almost universal expression of every statesman to Salamis, and which we now recommend to draw closer to and politician that could be talked with on the continent, the Dardanelles, not to take the initiative in an aggression, " nothing would have happened." The Braperor of Ens not to encourage Turkey to refuse, every arrangement, but to sia had long fixed his. eye on Turkey. It had been the secure her against an immediate danger, and to reserve in traditional policy of Russia ever since the time of Peter case of need to diplomacy the resources which it would no the Great to get possession of Turkey ; and no doubt she longer have if it had to struggle against faits accomplis." thought the time was come when this country was ruled These were the views of the French Government, and could by a statesman that she expected would be her friend, and it be said that the whole action of the French and English when she did not expect that the cordial union would subtrist Governments had been similar wheu they thus found what bTehtewyehen.dEsitilr.slcaneoeftdlteah,n.isdinFreramncoevwinhigcfhromhaltiphale, we now saw. were the opinions of the French Government ? This de -1 country a statesman wh o had al of yr t e h y e s spatch, he thought, clearly showed that action must have foreig n beenan aff t a obstacle at been repressed wholly by the English Administration. of notice affa h i , so long as that minister was at the head of They were told last year, when it was asked, " Why did affairs Europe,yet pass wereoften of Europe was no longer in that position, they made a cams bell'? (Hear, hear) Then they had heard f ß ou ut nd no t w he , m w s h li e v n e .1 b e e n the brink of a war, of which no one Ministers argue in another plat e " Oh, but Turkey was unprepared, and Russia mi g ht h ave marc h e d u p on C on s could calculate the consequences. This country was First of all, we to act for the defence of Turkey. atantinople." What was the fact as to the Russian arm or ? .? bound in every Way that, by were bound in honour, because, if there Why, thr.t there were in May last only 40,000 cocen were no treaty be deniedaty engagements to that effect, it could net trated together, and that 20,000 only passed the . Pruth, b.eh When it was recollected that in 1828 Marshal Die its offlc a speeches from the throne and by crossed the Danube with 60,000 Russian troops, of whom • 1 assurances given in many ways for a great many only 15,000 reached Adrianople, by the aid, at that time years, Turkey had been led to expect our assistance, practicable, of t h e Russian fleet, which 15,000 troops , on and to rely o n our a i d whenever she should be their arrival, were utterly inefficient from exhaustion, engag e d her in a just quarrel. (Hear, hear, hear.) There Majesty's Governnien t need not ha ve bee nso extremely afraid I were persons w h o thought we shou l d not inter ofl the Russian troops, who, though powerfu in defence, fen; inthis quarrel at all, but in that opinion he were notoriously weak for external action. (Hear, b ear .) coal(' not pa r ti c i pate. Turkey h ad unquestionably justice On the other hand, the Turkish army, which Minister s on her side. Russia could not point to any specific griev spoke of as wholly unprepared, were, as recalled to defend ance of whi c h she had to complain against Turkey, but put the passes of the Balkan, perfectly piepered, unde r O mer 1 firth generally a claim to the control of a portion of the Pasha, to preclude the possibility of th e Ru ss i an army subjects of the Porte, and• in attempting to enforoe this forcing those passes. The right hon. gentleman quid that claim she was committing the grossest atrocities in the pre the delays of her Majesty's Government had effected the , vi uce of whickshe had taken possession. It was unneces alliance of all' Europe against Russia. He (Lord Jocelyn) - sary to show how much it was for the intermits' of this K.' CI