The Sun. — London, England, 1830-09-29 00:00:00

expresses his satisfaction at the manner in which the citizens. had, with great personal sacrifices t and neglect of their own affairs; put a speedy stop to the excesses of the ill-disposed. observes,lie that as peace and order are now re stored, it is a tay restore the peaceable citizen to his peaceable Occupation, and put an end to a state of things injurious to business, and troublesome and prejudicial to domestic arrangements. ' As it is no longer necessary that so great a number of the citi zens should be armed, he expresses his confidence that they will conform to the measures announced in a proclamation, w hich announces that it is wished the citizens may continue their services for a few days only, after which there will be a new organiza tion of the Burgher Guard. ST. PETERSHURGR, SEPT. 11.—The number of vessels that have entered the port of Cronstadt, up to the 3tl instant, was 1,071 ; sailed 943. The Noriliern Bee gives an account of the ap. pearance of the cholera morbus in some parts of Southern Russia. It seems to have come from Per , sia, where it rages in s e v era l pl ace; among which is Tabreez. At the end of July, it appeared in Tiflis, where in ten days 579 persons were attacked, and 237 died. The disorder was the most fatal in Astrachan, where in the first two days near 200 per. sons died in twenty-four hours. The disease, how. ever, abated. Among the victims are the civil governor of Astrachan, his son, and eight of the twelve inspectors of police.—St. Pektvburgh Jour nal*, Sept, 11, TIAMBURO PAPERS. HANOvER, SEPT. 14.--On the morning of Satur day, the 12th, papers were posted up here and there on the gates, and in the suburb Linden, which were full of extravagance,: such us the words " Away with the tax Liberty for ever I" About seven in the evening there appeared to be some agi tation, and bodies of 20 or 30 persons proceeded to Frederick -street, where, towards ten o'clock, about :,!00 persons were assembled. From their conversa tion it seemed that they intended to break open the Corn magazine, which was, however, prevented by the dignified conduct of our Chief Magistrate, M. Rumann, The mob only broke the windows of a distiller. The military, who were sent to the spot, remained inactive, anti by eleven o'clock every one went peaceably home. Some patrols were ordered during the night, by way of precaution. The con duct of the citizens on the occasion deserves great praise. SCHWERIN, SEPT. 21.—A mob had formed a project to storm the Mint here, and to steal the money, about 160,000 dollars. In order to attain this shameful object, un Out-Wilding was set fire to the day before yesterday. The guard was very weak, but the firemen, who hastened to the spot, supported it till the garrison arrived. The Corn mandant-General Von Camps exhorted the people to order, but in vain, and he was obliged to fire upon the rioters, who pulled up the pavement, and threw stones at.the soldiers, while they cried " Long live the Grand Duke." The mob was dispersed The garrison being very weak, as almost all the soh Biers are absent on furlough, 000 citizens have thought it their duty to give in their names to the Commandant, in order to act together with the mi litary. Arms have been given them from the Ai sena). Eighty dragoons are come to reinforce the garrison. A battalion of the Guards, ordered from Ludvigslust, has received eounter•orders, us every thing is now quiet. LEtPsic, SEPT. 21.—1 t appears that it is not true that the mob in Altenburg pulled down the Senate-house, 11. , c.; but we learn that the dis turbances began on Sunday, the 12th, and rose on Monday to an alarming height. The streets being crowded with a disor derly multitude, for the most part, as it seems, from the country, who destroyed every thing in the houses of a number of public officers, .and then went to the Palace, where the Duke was obliged to come into the balcony and promise to change his system of government, to abolish the tax on meat, &c., and then to go to the Senate-house and renew his promises. - The storm was not allayed till the citizens united for the pro. tection of persons and property, who were at first obliged to appear us friends of the rioters, to praise them as deliverers, &c. At last some of the ring leaders were arrested and sent prisoners to the fortress of Leuehtenburg. The news of the disturbances at Gotha are un ;landed. STocKnow,.. SEPT. Majesty has re plied to the address of the Storthing, relative to the celebration of the anniversary of the Constitution of Eidsvold. His Majesty, while he declares that be entertains no doubt of the purity of the views which dictated their address, explains at great length the reasons which induce him to differ in opinion. The. Constitution of November 4 founded the union of the two kingdoms, but the. Constitution of the 17th of May was designed against the onion of the two kingdoms, and the . commemoration -of it can only give, occasion to enmity and discord, contrary to the honourable sentiments and interests of the two people. • BARRINGTON AND HIS FRIENDS.—T4c public have already recognised, in the midst of much ge neral entertainment, a feature in this work which, though one of the most important in human concerns, has not yet been fully developed in any story professing to give pie tures of life. The powerful agency of Mow,/ i* the auurce whence the interest of the new novel is made to vein ; a n d its irresistible influence in the foi motion . of character..-.in the preservation of virtue and bvpinol, no less than in the production of vice and misery, 111 illustraied by a th ou . sand living instances. If personality he a., any time justi fiable, it is entirely in the proiecution of a theme like this, which effects the nearest interests of all, from prince to peasant. An atrocious crime was lately committed by a servant girl at Bruges. Having been discharged by her master, to revenge herself, she found means to entice out with her his child, an interesting little girl five years old. The servant proceeded towardp, the church-yard, and threw the child into a deep grave. On the follow ing morning the unfortunate victim was found dead, with her nails filled with mud and gravel, which showed thu efforts she bad made to extricate herpelf. The perpetrator of this horrid deed has been apprehended,—Paris Paper. T, THE X-Kura NR G ---" CHARLES X., x.King, was xtravogantly xtolleti, and is xectated. He xhibited xtraorilinary xeellinuoi in xigem, xeeasive xacerbotion in, xaltation, xemplary in aternals, but 4ftinsle on xotnina- Can ; he wart xtstio under Ithertation, and xtrcrne in *cite spent, and he iftinguistird xtenipore xpression. Ile wee xpariateri for his xeessea, and to xpiate his xtrovagonees nowt xist and xpire in 411e."-- Taller. A GRAVE Jox.E.—Mrp. GAnnwert was a lady of extravagant habits, and hail involYed herself In Dublin in a manner which the conduct of her manager was no excuse fur. Receiving a letter front the (lay. market, to say that her services were required, the season being about to open earlier than usual, settlement with her creditors was out of the question ; and to obtain their per.. mission to depart without a settlement seemed equally hopeless; whilst under the present circumstances of the Theatres, a benefit would but have involved her. But she had some friends in Dublin, who, if they would not enable her to pay her creditors, were willing to desist her in eluel;. ing them. A scheme was accordingly concerted for her deliverante, and carried into effect in the following man ner z--Rarly one morning, Mrs. Gattuteert was pro. "meal to be very unwell ; by breakfast-time she was warts; at noon she was quite dangerous; at evening past recovery; and at night—dead. No one was permitted to approach her during this time, but persons concerned in the eonspirsey, and certain grave gentlemen, who by the weMpowdertsl wigs, black breeches and '4oc:binge, and gut'. beaded canes, passed far physicians, The next Clay, the mournful intelligence was promulgated in the tter"l 3 Persr to the dismay awl regret of numerous trades riten and money-lenders. An wnlertakee having been l t r i r ta i n itzl li V4al t i t et w i n l i n t , b l 4 n t att th e n ne cessary faneresi • prepa ra remain, tables, GAtom itlt Y w * com state, the ostensible sited in the," tondo of all tbo ' gi c l tied (.Qlll' and deP r of mourners, who carried nnienrari9iennetibilet'deiwrhit,it'rtlaandhErac:tiat, whilst a lady, who very much her passage over-night It! a Holyh oo d p,o,t nd .ry en days afterwards was drinking to Mrs. flatitn; a tt' "") in lodgings near the Strand.—lie rnarc h p a g re : i r e r i l' (if Mg Magth DINNER TO MIL I3ROUGIIAM AND LORD MOlll'olll AT SHEFFIELD. MONDAY NIGHT. The dinner was held in the Music Hall, the gal lery of which was appropriated to the ladies. About 230 gentlemen sat down to dinner,at which Lord Milton' presided, having Lord Morpeth on his right, and Mr. Brougham on his left hand. In front of the gallery was placed a portrait of Lord Fitzwilliam, and at either side of it flags were suspended, bearing inscriptions appropriate to the oc casion. A military band was placed in the orchestra. On the cloth being removed, the customary toasts having been drunk, Lord Mtt.ToN rose, and was loudly cheered. He then addressed the meeting as follows : Gentlemen, you probably anticipate the toast which I um about to call upon you to join me in drinking, that of the health of the two distinguished individuals who have done us the honour to he our guests upon this occasion.---(Cheers.)--I am sure that never upon any occasion has this town, as part of this great county, had greater reason to be proud than this day, on which is celebrated the return of my Noble and Learned Friends as Representatives of this great county. My Noble Friend on my right, front whose station and connection with the important interests of the county we have an earnest of his desire to maintain all those institutions which are really useful, has already in Parliament given an ample proof that, although he is desirous to main tain those institutions, yet lie is not blind to the de. cts which have crept into them, nor afraid to apply to them the proper remedy.—(Cheers.)—He is not one of those who think that the desire to improve means to destroy.--(Loud cheers.)—ln my Learned Friend upon the left you behold a person who is long known to you—nny, to the whole empire—not only that, but to the whole civilized world.—(Great cheering.)—ln him, gentlemen, 1 am satisfied you w►ll have an advocate for any thing which can tend to improve the condition'of mankind, whether of those races which already enjoy liberty, or those whom the hand of oppression hits reduced to a state which is not in accordance with Christianity.— (Great cheering.)--I feel, on the subject to n kich allude, that there are greater difficulties in the way than many people anticipate. But, gentlemen, if the difficulties be great, there must be a great advantage in grappling with such difficulties, in having the assistance of such a person as my Learned Friend.—(Loud cheers.)—l am sure lie will him self admit that there are difficulties; but that is an argument that we should send to Parliament persons fit to grapple with and overcome them.—(Cheers.) —1 am, gentlemen, aware that some people say that my Noble and Learned Friends have no connection with this county. I argue with those persons that this is an evil—indeed, one of the greatest evils in Parliament is, that in many cases the Members have no local tie with tile place for which they are legis lating. With respect to my Learned Friend, I look upon his electitin rather as a splendid excep tion to the rule than as an example to be followed hereafter. His viitues and his talents will make him nu exception ; yet still I will not say it is a rule which should be often deviated from.—(Cheers.).-.- Blli in my Learned 'Friend, though lie has not any immediate local connection, yet, by Isis connection with, and his ability to improve, mankind, he may be said to have a local connection with every por tion of civilized society,—(immense cheering.)—On this occasion, gentlemen, and on this only, I must request you to join with me in cheering whilst we drink the toast. The toast was then drank with great enthusiasm. Lord MottPETti then rose, and was received with great cheering, lie spoke to the following effect : —lie said they would easily believe that it was with feelings of no common gratification that he rose upon that occasion to express to them his acknow ledgments for the compliment they had paid to his eminent colleague and himself—still more grateful as it was coming from such a company. He MS aware that he bore a very disproportionable—a very slight, he regretted, but still something of a share, in the object which had brought them together. Indeed his sentiments of gratification would not allow him to forget that he was invited as one of the liberal Members for the county of Yorkshire. As such he had accepted of their hospitality ; and that he should prove himself such should be his care and study ; and if he did not do so, it would be their's to provide that he should no longer remain their Representative.—(Cheers.) What his principles were every portion of his constituents had an op portunity of knowing, for he had declared them both in that town and in the Castle of York. He felt that he was the subject of u Constitutional King, but he was at the same time the zealous advocate of the liberties and privileges of the people.---(Loud cheers.) lie felt that he was a member of the Established Church, but he was, at the same time, the firm supporter of the most unr e stricted lib er ty of conscience.--(Great cheers.) He was a member, also, like his Noble Friend on the left (Lord Milton), a member of the Aristocracy, but, like him, he was a friend of the rights of the many.—(Cheers.) lie was aware when he mentioned the word Aristocracy, that it was one that was not calculated to excite feelings of the most splendid character ; he would, therefore, hazard a few short remarks on that head. He was, by the accident of his birth, a member of the landed and hereditary Aristocracy of England ; they perceived that he drew all the articles of im peachment against himself, but he was not one jot the less confident in presenting himself before the Mallll - commercial community of the county. — What, then, was the ground of this, it might be said, presumptuous confidence ? It wits time he was opposed to those invidious distinctions which tended to make the Aristocracy an object of distrust and ill will with a great hotly of his countrymen.-(Cheers.) —lie was no advoeftte for exclusive corn laws. lie wanted no feudal game law—(lmmerisacheer ing)--and be wanted no obsequious rotten boroughs'. —(Great cheers.)—Nor did he want any hereditary descent of pensions, or prescriptive quarterings on the public puree, tinder the name of sinecures.— (Cheers.)-11, instead of advancing in knowledge, the Aristocracy alone should remain stationary, they will deserve to, and will, lose the consideration to which they otherwise would be entitled, and which they have heretofore exercised in the body politic. They might assist in extending the boundaries of science, in promoting the walks of literature, and opening the path of freedom* —but they c ou ld no t cheek the large and rapid development of human intellect, nor the consequent improvement of the world. lie entertained, however, a just confidence that while England was England, the Aristocracy of the country would maintain not an mijuit prepoe &ranee, but a proper influence in society, and that the future would present a picture in which every one in the State would help to build the fabric of liberty, and combine in the promotion of its renown. In recording the achievements of the Makes and the llowards, they would remember those of the Rus sells anti the Ilampdens. It was not in the presence of his Noble Friend (Lord Milton), nor in the neighbourhood which had been gilded by the long life, end which was still gilded by the age, of the venerable Lord Fitzwilliam--(Entbusiastic cheer ing)—it was not there that he would further plead the cause of constitutional Aristocracy.--.(Cheers.) Seeing, us be then saw, and reflecting on the daring enterprise anti talent which distinguished the town of Sheffield, he could- not help thinking that recent events in the county would bring forth abundant fruit to benefit its inhabitants through long and prosperous generations.—(Loud cheers,) jjeoutAtAst then rose, and was received by .loud and long-continued acclamations. He begged leave, he said, to thank them warmly for the sin gular kindness with which they had received him on that, as well es on many other occasions. The present, however, was the first time on which he had appeared before them in the character with which they had lately clothed him--as their Repre sentativa.--(Cheerso lie need hardly add that, in all Stews, as long as their connection might last, which would be gratifying to him to appear before them, so the reasons which occasioned his appear once before them that day were peculiarly delight ful. He alluded not merely to the vast weight and importance of this city in the county of York, nor did he allude to the reception he had met with during his sbott canvass ; but they would permit hint to say, in the language of commerce, that it was most gratifying to him to find himself at Sheffield, because that connection was not one of yesterday. —(Cheers.) He had for years what might be termed a Sheffield connection.—(Laughter.) He had had dealings in Hallamshire.—(i‘i v il . a l hle aughter.) Since 1812 he had been connected siu wi thtthen formed a partnership in Hallamahire, and did what might be called a good stroke of business.— He well remembered that in that adventure they had risked their all, while he had only risked work and labour, and if not us first clerk, as junior part ner.—(Laughter.) It was a matter to him of pleasing remembrance, because it was immediately preceding his first Parliamentary success. They had then laid down the principles of that commer cial prosperity and liberality which had since over spread the country, though they never would have done so had they not here obtained the patronage of some great minds ; and he grieved to say that the master mind which had chiefly promoted them, had been withdrawn from them by a melancholy accident, which had for ever deprived the country of his services. He broke through the trammels of prejudice; he had brought his reasoning powers to the test—he agreed with them, and by back ing them, he eventually made those principles triumphant.—(Cheers.) They had then able advocates in Parliament, and none more able than his Noble Friend on his right haird.-- (Lord Milton.) It was impossible in Sheffield, one of the most important cities in the kingdom, whether as to its members or as to its wealth, to speak of one without remembering other parties also who had been the gratuitous advocates for remedy,. ing the defects in the Constitution, which gave . no Members to Birmingham and Manchester.—(Cheer ing.)—Otie of the first efforts by which he would endeavour humbly to prove his gratitude to the county . of York would be to introduce into Parlia ment his plan of reform. lie had not done so here tofore because he felt that, as a Representative with out constituents, Ito could not have the necessary in fluetice to render it successful; but now, whatever. fault be might commit in advocating it, he was no longer, God knew, without constituents. He should now at length bring forward his plan, after keeping it back twice the time, he would not say of statute. able, but of critical limitations, as they were laid down by an ancient critic. He would now state his plan of Parliamentary reform. In the first place he would give to great populous cities, such as Man chester, Birmingham, Sheffield, and Leeds, Mem bers to represent them in Parliament.--s(Cheers.)— Sheffield had a large interest in this first part of the plan, but scarcely larger than in the next. Those persons who resided near York went In the morning to give their votes, and clone away again at night, without being obliged to submit to the degradation of being carried to exercise their rights as free-born Englishmen by the charity or interest of the candi date, as if they were passed from one parish to an other, like paupers.—(Cheers.)—His second propo sition was, that the polls should be taken on the same day in every part of the county, so that the people of Hallarnsinre might vote without being car ried like paupers to the city of York. As to Scot land, it might be considered altogether as a rotten borough ; the people were all able, intelligent, and well educated. In Glasgow alone there were 100,000 inhabitants, and yet the Representatives were chosen by one or two Magistrates; and in the county one or two families running a race of wealth for its re presentation, seeking, in fact, to succeed by length of purse, in manufacturing the greatest number of freeholders.—(Cheers.)—Charl e s Fox had said that twenty moneyed men in the city could return all the forty-five Members for Scotland, and not one of the two millions of its population could interfere to prevent it. To remedy this abuse would be the third part of his plan ; what booted it that Lord Morpeth, Mr. Bethell, Mr. Duncombe, and himself, should go down to the House early, of what conse quence was it that they would accept of no bribe, and be deterred by no threat—of what consequence was it that they could not darken the doors of the Minister, nor be seen banging about the doors of the Treasury, or more deeply darkening the benches of the Treasury in the House of Commons—(lm mense cheering)—of what consequence was all this, if forty of those forty-five members of Scotland, who had no constituents, could overthrow any pro position they could bring forward. He had only opened to them those parts of his plan which were connected with their local interests ; when the or casion came ' be would make them acquainted with it all. He knew in what he was about to do that he should expose himself to a host of adversaries. He knew also that he should not be run down one tenth so much by the adherence of the Treasury, or by the sons and active daughters of corruption, as by those who were really the honest and useful advocates of Parliamentary Reform.—(Cheers.) — They would say, that it was a mock reform, or that it was no reform; but let them only say, that it was a slight improvement, or a bettering of the present system, and he cared not. lie was a practical man, and he knew that a grand and practical effect would be produced by it in the improvement of the Parliamentary constitution. lie was willing to go farther than this in reform, but he did not think that he should reject a moderate good which was in his reach because he could not obtain that which was still more desirable. He did not think that he should have much opposition from the Ministers; the nation was already obliged to the Duke of Wel hewn for his concession to the Dissenters. Now he knew something, and he would tell them, but it was a secret, and he hoped it would go no farther. —(A laugh.)—The Duke of Wellington repealed the 'Pest and Corporation Acts, as much us Charles the Tenth preserved the Charter, and placed Louis Philip on the throne of France. The Duke of Wellington was a man of sense, and hated flattery, arid be would be absolutely furious if he heard it mentioned by any parasite that he had repealed those laws. Such men as Chatham, Burke, and Wyndham, would have offered a very different op position to those who advocated the cause of the Dissenters ; but they had only to contend against the eloquence of the Duke of Wellington in the one House, and of Mr. Peel in the other; they op. posed them, and it was no fault of th e i rs t h at t h e i r opposition lid not succeed. They did their utmost, us far as their power of eloquence would permit them. But it was no fault of one that he could not thunder like Wham in the one House, nor of the other that he could not shake the nether House.— (Cheers.)—They were defeated,and he could assure them they took their defeat with very bitter faces. He (Mr. B.) closed the debate on that occasion, and he thanked the Ministers, because when they were defeated by a majority of forty, they gave in with the best grace imaginable.—(Cheer s and laughter.) fsir Charles the Tenth gave in when he was de feated by the people; -and so lik ew i se Polignac also gave in when he was bound in chains in Vin cennes, after succeeding in nothing but massacreing the people.—(Cheers.)—lie did not titanic them, however, except for shortening a Struggle which might have 'proved more protracted. It was a very great satisfaction to him that a very importaet personage of his Majesty's Government had recently visited Manchester, where he had learned a very important lesson, namely, that Manchester was the centre of a great commercial connection. There certainly was no proposition more clear than this. The same Noble Personage has since been in Birmingham, where he learned, no doubt, that that place also was the centre of a great commercial connection ; arid should he visit Leeds, he worth' discover that it was similarly situated. lie trusted t h at i n Man chester he was told they were without representa tives, and he trusted that he would be therefore prepared to listen to his prayer..---(A laugh.) Whe ther he would take the bread out of his month, and bring forward the measure himself, without saying anything to any person on the subject, as he.did in the case of the Catholic Emancipation, be knew not ; and that, by the way, was one of the greatest services which ever the Duke of Wellington,.co vered with laurels as he was, had ever rendered to the country. If he should bring it forward, he would, at all events, receive his (Mr. B.'s) cordial support. They might think that the Duke of Wel lington was only one in the Cabinet, and all the rest were against him, but that one was like that which was on the left of the ten figures, the instant he held up his little finger, all those other honest Gentlemen would do as they did on a former occa sion, which would be to support him.—(Laughter and cheers.) He hoped for the support of the Duke of Wellington, and he had no doubt of hav ing all the other nine to himself.—Mr. Brougham sat clown amidst tremendous cheering, and we re gret that time will nor permit us to give the re mainder of his speech, in which he advocated the cause of Parliamentary Reform ; and passed some high encomiums on the conduct of ancient families of the county, in the revolution of 1688, and from that period to the present. Several other gentlemen addressed the meeting, and conviviality was kept up to a late hour. IMPEACHMENT OF THE LATE 11INISTERS EXPRESS FROM PARIS. (From the Gazette de France dated Tuesday. ) CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES, SErr. 27. " The business of the Chamber was this day of great interest—namely, the debate upon the report of the Special Commissioners, arraigning for high treason the ex• Ministers. All the lobbies of the Chamber were occupied at an early hour by strangers. Among them were several English ladies. At twelve o'clock, when the doors were opened, it re quired the intervention of a Captain's company of the National Guard, to secure proper order in the admission of those who had tickets for the diplo matic tribunes, and those belca.ging to the other public functionaries. All the places allotted to strangers were at once filled. " At one o'clock, the President, Lafitte, opened the sitting of the Chamber. The attendance of Members was considerable. " M. Devaux (du Cher), in the name of u Special Committee, sanctioned the Bill sent by the Cham ber of Peers for the abrogation of the law against sacrilege. The debate on this Bill was then fixed for Wednesday next. " M. Matiguin's proposition for an inquiry into the state of the nation has been admitted by more than three bureaus or sections. " This proposition will be discussed after that of the bill of impeachment against the ex-Ministers. " The President then announced the order of the day for discussing the report of the commission from which this impeachment emanated. " M. de Martignac first ascended the tribune. He was the late "Secretary of State for the Department of the Interior in the years 1827 and 1828. He spoke with great solemnity, and was heard in pro found silence. Indeed the President, at the opening of this important business, entreated that no inter ruption should take place in a discussion of so grave and serious an import. M. de Martignac spoke to the following e ff e ct 44' In the month of August, 1829, the Prince de Po- lignac overthrew the Alinis'iry, of which I formed a part. Separated from him by a political misunderstandin4, out raged by the writers who appeared to be the organs of his opinions, I have not had since any communication with him. At a moment when a capital charge hangs over his head, when his life is menaced, he thinks of me, and calls me to his assistance. Y,sterday he applied for the aid of my counsel before the judges who will soon pronounce upon his fate. I was moved and surprised at this proof of his confidence, but I did not consider the danger of the task to be so great as he suppo,es; I have followed the dictates of my heart,—l have promised all my efforts,--1 will keep my promise ; but I must not take part in this discussion. The explanations that I have given are necessary to make you understand my position.' " During the speech of M. Murtignac, M. Mau• guin entered the Chamber; he ascends the tribune, and reads his proposition, which is thus conceived : —A Commission shall be formed of nine members, to collect documents, and make a report on the situation of France. This proposition will be dit— ctissed to•morrow, but not until after the debate on require eolflfta.lelditesedaaiitucied',uv?egrtaoi" the Act of Accusation. " M. Gaetan de la Rochefoucalt—Gentlemen,— Were it not that I am profoundly impressed with the sentiments of my duty, I should not dare appear at this tribune. This is not an ordinary discussion, it is an accusation—a prosecution of men whom you are going to accuse of crimes which subject the cri minals to capital punishment. I see the criminals— I behold their crimes with horror—l have long re flected within myself upon the course I am bound to follow. The report which has been presented to you requires that the Chamber of Deputies should accuse of treason the old Ministers for having com mitted crimes provided against by the 91st, 109th, 110th, 120th, and 125th Articles of the Penal Code. After having examined all the facts of the case, I am convinced that they ought to be accused of the crimes provided against by the articles 109, 110, and 123, but that no prosecution can be founded on the 91st and 125th Articles.—(Here th e speaker entered into a discussion on the nature of the facts of the case : he distinguishes them into those anterior to the 20th of July and those subsequent to that period, and then he continue•)—•ln order to con demn the accused it isnot suf fi cient that they should ap pear culpable ; it is necessary that a previousjudgment should not have been passed upon the very same men for th e same crimes. Now, I ask, why has Charles X. been driven from his throne and the country ? Was it because the Ministers tampered with the elec tions? No, certainly. Charles X. has been driven from his throne because his Ministers . signed ordi nances hostile to the institutions of the country, and which brought about a civil war. Remark, gentle men, that the Charter said the King was inviolable —the Ministers are • responsible; but you have thought, with reason, that the responsiblity of Mi nisters did not suf fi ce. You consider that if you respected this responsibility you would acquit Charles X. ; on the contrary, you have rendered him re sponsible for the crimes of his Ministers. They signed the ordinances—you have dethroned him; and by such a line of conduct you did away with the rule laid down by the Charter. You have taken up the ordinary principle* of legislation —you have seconded th e degrees of responsibility—and you have reached the summit of the King himself. Sen tence has then been passed; the crime bus been judged and punished; and you have, by the act it self, acquitted the intermediate criminals. Without doubt you do not intend to re-establish the inviola bility of the old King, of which the responsibility of his Ministers is the essential consequence • yet you intend to revive both for a moment, in order to condemn Ministers whom you have already judged and punished by the destruction of a throne which ought to have subsisted as long as they were respon sible. Yes, gentlemen, th e evident consequence would be to acknowledge the inviolability of the Ex-King. The illustrious man who saved France in the crisis through which we have passed has said—' It is worthy of our revolution to distinguish itself from the first moment by great acts of humanity.' You have now, gentlemen, an opportunity of performing one of these great acts of humanity; and, after having adopted the generous proposition of M. de us, by ‘a% saying thatu tpronouncehe people Sentenc ev Should I stop to answer those who dare to threaten t i on . If the people required it, I am sine you would refuse it; but the people have given the lie to this assertion. You know that these young m tfullo theof soul and goefnerou the i rs isieorflotirttnuerse, petition against the Fe that they could not render a more worth homagej judged execution y took than a b c y e s a igning on his sp o e f ec k h 4 t)y Proposing the n spot where it t l l ll4 i , e ci, r d , ye : f; ei r ricei l iii i speaker eath. terminates attloitielrd{cteo‘piwgreievretihrtteheetl"tedlieitialzivbeotneusrrai—twitsot.V. itiafe;hle.ngeleacbtitoisteisd, or their civil rights; 2d.,. of having menaced and dismissed public functionaries for theitpinions. " M. de Bricqueville maintained that no doubt is entertained in the department of which he is repre sentative, that the late incendiaries of Normandy were excited to their criminal proceedings by the fallen patty. He hoped that the authors of such heinous climes would be discovered and punished. " M. Berryer next ascended the tribune (pro found silence). He proceeded to express himself in these terms :—The imposing silence with which the report of your Commission was listened to, seemed to indicate that there existed in this Cham ber such a feeling of adhesion to its conclusion, that it must appear to most of you a species of temerity for any one to approach this tribune with the pur pose of combatting the resolution with which the report terminates. But it is particularly in such circumstances as the present, when all minds seem to be united in the same opinion, that it becomes the duty of the courageous man to express with more than ordinary determination the sentiments which his conscience dictates to him, much as they may be in opposition with those generally prevail ing. Ido not conceal from myself that the posi tion such as I have alluded to, difficult at all times, becomes peculiarly so for me. My voice must be suspected at the present moment. The friendship which for many years past united me to several members of the last Ministry is known to all of you, and probably I shall only be listened to as one ad vocating the cause of the accused, either in con,e quence of the circumstances of any position or of any agreement with the parties themselves. Cer tainly I shall not abjure in the day of their misfor tune sentiments which are of another time—but their defence is confided to an abler and graver organ. Believe me, then, when I say that in this solemn deliberation, faithful to the feelings which have induced me to remain amongst you, I shall be able to rise above private feelings, and fulfil loyally the duty of a Deputy, and the high functions of jus tice which are this day imposed upon us. 1 shall enter into a discussion of the details of the report of your commission. The examination of a great part of that production will require the lights and the meditations of posterity. I shall only submit to you some general reflections respecting the resolu tion relative to the last administration. ' France,' says your reporter, ' felt the necessity of laying be fore the world the grounds of complaint it had against the last administration. All the people of Europe have their eyes fixed upon us.' Let us maintain, gentlemen, this elevated position, and, in the presence of this immense auditory, legislators, and judges, let us restrain the emo tions which may arise within us, and which will naturally be more violent because they are more recent—let us put aside all resentment and regret—let us forget what we may have suf fered—and let us hold a language and observe a conduct which may be approved at all times and in all places. This is an essential part of justice, of which the rules are eternal and immutable—a violent struggle arose between France and her King. War has pronounced the finial decision,' says the report. This Prince, to whom the Depu ties of the nation said, a few months since, the sacred rights of his crown were the surest guaran tees of our liberties,—that the succession of ages had placet) his throne, for th e h a ppi ness o f F rance, in a regioh inaccessible to storms,—this Prince lost, in a few hours, his throne anti his country, with his royal posterity. He has been conducted to the land of exile. War has pronounced the final decision; and it Is proposed to the conquerors to accuse and jedge the Ministers of this abolished government, A similar spectacle has been offered to the world in several countries, and at several periods, amidst the sad course of human dissensions; but always the equity of history has condemned, and will ever con demn, such judicial displays made by the victorious party. Here, gentlemen, I express a deep feeling which is engraven on my heart ; and pardon me for saying that I hare some right to express myself with this confidence. In 1815, then, penetrated with sentiments which will influence me during life, when political passions were in every respect more ardent and exciting in my temperament, from the warmth of impetuous youth, I said, ' A prisoner, a public robber, a parrcide, are always criminals, and ought to be condemned in all times and in all countries. It is not, however, the same with state criminals— hand them over to other judges, when time calms conflicting interests, modifies passions, and then their lives may be in safety, perhaps in honour.' It was with these sentiments, gentlemen, that I sat next my father for the defence of Marshal Ney, and that I also assisted, at least, in saving the lives or Genes rids Debelle and Combronne. In the present day a completely new revolution has worked in the centre of our system: the people in combatting have taken a signal vengeance upon those who had reigned over them—all the power of society have at once passed into the hands of the opposite party—opinions at tached triumphantly, wounded interests rule, and you think that the best measure of dignity which liberty, the guarantee of justice, can have, is in the infliction of rigorous excesses against the authors of the political acts which have preceded the late im mense change. It is wished to accuse the Ex-Mi nisters of high treason. Towards whom —towards the King who has been hurled from the throne, or towards him whom you have called to be his successor—against the order of things which the people have destroyed, or against that which you have now created ; against the Charter of which you have yourselves overturned the fundamen tal principle, changed the character, and modified the dispositions ? No, gentlemen, when on the 7th of August you wrote on the front of your declaration, that in consequence of the violation of the Charter, the throne of Charles X. was i n f act and of right vacant ; and since the day when commissioners chosen horn the midst of you conducted this Prince and his family to the shores of France, you have abandoned the right of accusing the Ministers of that King for these same facts for these same viola tions of the Charter. Here permit me to recall to your recollection, in my turn, the constitutional law, of which the consequences have struck every mind. The Charter says, ' that Me person of the King is inviolable and sacred—that his Ministers are alone responsible.' fhese two principles are correlative, mutually dependant, and inseparable. The reepon sioility of Ministers is :the guarantee of the inviola bility of the King. This inviolability of Royal per sons is the responsibility of the agents of their power, so that the responsibility of Ministers —the inviolability of the Prince—becomes a convenient pretext, and an easy road to tyranny. Without the Royal inviolability Ministerial responsibility opens a career of perpetual disorders and incessant anarchy. The exercise of the right of accusa tion by virtue of the responsibility of Ministers is both legitimate and necessary in the natural course of a constitutional government, in the circle of the regul ar mot i on o f pol i tical laws. But it is unjust anti exorbitant, after th ese v i o l ent commo tions, where the whole order of the state has been changed, where the laws have perished, and where the sceptre has fallen from the hands which held it. In declaring the throne vacant; in striking at the King !Jensen, by the overthrow of his laws: in even striking at him through hie posterity, you have as sumed that he had willed his own acts, commanded their exigency, and you cannot afterwards punish his Ministers f or t h e i r obedience. The revolution which you h ave consummated has abolished the political order whi c h t h e i mpeachment of Ministers could only intend to maintain and avenge. I will not here stop to examine what might have been the re sult of inquiry into the rights exercised by the Go vernment which is no more, or into the legal conse quence of the principles expressed in the proces verbal of the Charter which you have suppressed— in this 11th article which you have modified—in these still subsisting depositions in our laws which qualify the crime of an attack against the privileges which the King derives from his birthright. Still less will I hold the thought of regarding these Mi nisters free from reproach; and the too legitimate complaints which are raised against them are not those alone of those who call for their condom tion. The fairest crown in the universe has hl from the brow of the heir of so many kinss-ei compromisedchar de l ivered acter of a loyala o and humane a ton e such e Prince s s r o io gr us ie s : Lions---the long peace and immense prosperity el great people menaced with so many desolations' disasters. Yes, these Ministers are culpahle,..l you cannot become their accusers, and jean no judges for them upon the soil of Free In fine, gentlemen, to whom can you subi this accusation. Who is to pronounce upon di fate. The House of Peers. But is this tribal which is founded upon the basis of high:l litical justice, the same House of Pe which it eras when oerweeiredvi:t .110h._ig re:ial:. the et of which you complain ? Is it eves the saw upon the day when you originated this accusatil Since that time 93 Peers of France have been you despoiled of their rights of peerage. Wh that accusation was pending you have altered t tribunal for its trial, and precipitated from tit seats a number of its judges. I am not about combat over again what you have done, and whi , was, perhaps, an event consequent upon your revi lotion; but does not the fact itself demonstrate tis after this revolution, so vast in its results, yes ea' not, without a violation of all -tooraijoicedr,m tiounce an accusation for anterior acts, sod tie ,refi" it for trial to judges whom you hsseSee it ' tihe- It is impossible, Gentlemen, that thesereflectiot have not before now presented themselves to yon ought iit i o: i )g r ii i : : : li toi . ttfo l l jaisf f rei : i l l ' or ! al : lid:to l l d l o. e er l ii i e, b tE e ha ra liesf t er l y G eil n iliirg l a h rfo ie r h hyuo i m n u i n O ta c i l t ;_ w il i must penetrate your soul; the gm ion ceisideritie. ought to operate upon w hich yo serious attention, in the high station ill are placed. This your able reporter wisely indica , ti before he descended from this tribune—J.)llT nut vengeance,' said he, ' this is the cry' wu tc , rises from every heart.' Deign at this inemeel_: consider the political combinations, the cond o interests, the passions which are now in of the I invoke you here, in the name of the justice evereit"i eternally moral laws, always powerful, sod :__ sense of my own personal honour , good time avenged upon earth. o t ,,‘v l , i i iih i it, s ici ICsht, affectionh l r i %% a i, se m ,r:b:se,eprrahee,noedcow speech highie% vv t wi l et i tr e hra eoshauoosdtryoneeonfoireli.upia:snon and • i I to arrestl e i r a t e ° ui(innti oirY;l° I, :r • hPlll°" f i r°l°l3c : ' r * I hit, pose under these circumstances this nropoSlue. , accusation; I do it upon deliberate considien _. t o bi mence; it was at times interruptea nY :V., tb liberal party, who called out ' Silence.' ,_ et late advisers of the Crown' rota " M. de Podenas said that the Sete Of t ne l " M. de Lardemel said that he did not ". • • treason. They probably consider the mset !„ e r , t hl ing right in consequence of the interpretel:"-her gave to the 14th article of the Charter. he t fore voted against the itnpeachment. WW I " M. Enauf supported the accusation, pn on account of the fi res in Normandy. that if " M. Arthur de Labourdennaye said, " i d 0 same dynasty still occupied the throne he would I, hesitate to invoke the utmost rigour or the against the late 'Ministers; but in con tit 0 , intended sill! the change which had taken place, he support the proposed accusation. M. de Tin " After some further discussion, swerrd the speech of M. de Berryer. ~ of i " M. de Persie proposed that the questios_...ii ,Eoetcittheod Onoiy7,. cusation should be put separately with ree l each Minister, beginning with Prince Parts., " This was opposed by M. de Villernain, but ! ultimately adopted. * ' terms ‘‘T w he i t P r esid ent h which eludes, viz. "fhe Chamber of Deputies lc' high treason M. de Polignac, for,' Emil* tb , ffs " These several resolutions were pet Too i seriatim, and were carried, fi rst by the 111 ',..6 1 000 cording to their usual mode of rieir4i st h / 71, 0 10 tho th r e e n port put o f t thheeqcuoesnitmilin& when an immense majority, inclediqr I e or t of ti the bench of Ministers, app take in gupP and the propositions. A ballot was then taken, ilitte 0 appeared on the scrutiny 244 soffregel w ham, I joriry against 4 7 in the minority; eit o m e course, was M. Berryer. a to at " To-morrow the Ch amber will rate t o fli cuss the cases of the other Ministers,__tha de Pnlignac being the one determ ined to.tit t o " That of M. de Peyronnet w ill be the " to-morrow. 11 h•ifisl i " The Chamber did not adjourn ti o'clock." Brussels a d s a s N s , at o aire ` r u inc u e t . telegraph is given:- - got " The e% Journal nuhei:seAn,FFAlßE; OF BELGIUM. following intelligence received Pi Friday y rk m s of attention ." fitrt . "TELEGRAPHIC DESPATCH racut Waif 11 " Brussels is still blockaded by the Dutch tr le ti count .o According people are arming and assembling to Mme !lo w e of ti toPwanPrsTithesdilerleagiacthi erdefuPgeedroia-- ti st V ingto they th psaassmethepyaupeericeejjelcroise:llo or th French volunteers, who left Pll' o , 4, soo day for Bel • order. Wherever rum, were met beyond Sone gybing no Belgians and ahlavdeureaturninemed rtcoethietairtei,e7o; Sonvbsa,r i t , u , I , entrely in the P liseeil l the v °ll 1, of 01 t a g i people; but the Palace, the Rue IleyolePeT, toot tigipt i a s s quarter were successively taken k ill e d,ane. an it reported that Prince Frederick is I that 1 800 A t h e peop of , Belgium soldiers had P ine " ' Brussels. ..! nerCenl6 FRENCH FUNDS .— PARIS, SEPT 21 --rive r- 0 971 ' 35 c. 30c. ' ' . et. :)°'' • 25c. SOc. 971. 961. 95e. v.- 97 25 c. 806. 26e. ! Ceettl toe. ; Four 40e. ; Lad pricer—Feet OP ''' 15c. 45 our per Cents., 87f. ; Three per ""'', dieee c•• b o e. 40c. 15e. SOC. Sbe. 40e.; It s ` ( ) A Three pee Rentes de C ents ., 61f. 40c. ; Bank Stoc - 0 ": : nest i.Es Naples. 68f. 'Mo. 90e. ant 68( ' l' c 'sl bli ItenLigne' 19 Pi i ; Royal Sriebl'era' , tiger, 11, perpetuelle d'eAnat 40 40 iv; i i Loan, 3801.—Ex 1 ' —ne 'r ' oath ill e Inge on L on on, on, ,00 25f. 45c • • , three months, (par). 96° g°4l. A uthenli _ .F ., u o s EL i °I V ° 414.41 o cr f i . ti: iffe t r i e A nt rt m , just published, treet-Wrctitv'tilbefilli4l:::: of t h e in e h ,n6r b ect: on.........tfiodriees...cystoth --------.- . ~ _,:,, gr_ o aad oil Ka a ee I afford tsi p rogress. i g :l r eea e rnse t d 3 e ( M T : pres ent a uf o l s t et hl e t sl r yta: . ,‘ valuable wteato s uo v rtdf b yh i a ri Spectator" ye i t iw t rl f h il a D e tt t instruction. observes Ued h e her e.ifi n lr 11 : Utt:11(11:13 0 1:1;;; Ii i ti.: l l r abi:l i lll:j t;s ne:::::::: (1:I: : :1:IC :I' i t throw a stronger light upon the gloriou l , 00 101Wth the Fleet Prison. on the bv.i► ' wider basis, and a more lofty standard , by ''l e~• c., . pt* 1 te the merits of various degrees anti , q tiellence." belt' s ' On Monday . t wAs tf evening ult ituitteS rigo. roan, axed 48, late a commi;dore in the Royal +,' ," 0 had heellabent six months a prisone the Flett 'frid s prisoner in Coot it t for or' I a, a surgeon, stated that he was see r peers ' last, and found the deceased in a high state °t wirl thil pulse beating 130 . i, a minute . on the folio s lot when visited by the wham, he had beeoo34:°3l4crwaril won* , and gradually sunk, and died 0 104 , it jp 0' afford t 0 r.tevervhcAltealliorii- The Jury, when they viewed the bodYtiotteueojed pp an extremely offensive state, that they aPPri l l bie dell danger in performing that necessary Pi' . 0 0 104 01 The Coroner, after the return of 'the Jur? 0 wo e all room, asked the surgeon .if be thought there woe danger of infection after death? The oleo 7. p ro° some cases there were, but there was none illy/001°11 ease; and he hoped the gentlemen of the Jur).' j uror s ° I their minds easy in that respect. One of tti ar o ti served, that there was itiu , It appearance ef Wu"' a :id, st body, and asked the occasion cif it. The ottrgon. ell 'eh there deceased had died ef putrid fever, after vein_ , an d tt generally a very rapid deixunposition of th e r aw Y ' NO disculouration observed by the Jury l e a 001 0 quence. .It appeared from the evidence ~, to sha de other persons, that every attention had beep P * 2, „ No stil ceased, and the Jury returned a pt v ' Death."