The Sun. — London, England, 1864-07-11 00:00:00

TEE Cl 7. WAIL IN AMERICA, (Fro vt the Times Correspondent.) NEW YORK, June 28. General Grant's prospers seem to grow blacker every day. He has lost `....55 per cent. of his army at the lowest computation. His reinforcements, how ever loudly the contrary may be asserted by the brave non-combatants of the press and the platform —who whistle to keep up their own courage and that of the people—do not replace in numbers, much less in soldierly quality, the slain, disabled, and captured heroes whom he has sacrificed or lost in the pursuit of a victory that appears to be as remote as ever. And, worse than all, if the great problem is now to be solved, Mr Lincoln has no more reins forcements to send, unless he shall immediately order a new levy of 300.000 or 400,000 men as he is advised to do, and the 300,000 or 400,000, or the half of them, shall respond to the call. The mere enrolling, equipping, drilling, and organising such a vast assemblage will occupy from three to six months, and in far less than three months, if Gen. Lee nee his time and energy to the same purpose as during the last 50 days, he may effectually consign Grant's invasion of Virginia to the page of history, to rank with those of M'Clellan, Pope, Hooker, and Burnside. Already Grant is compelled to act on the defensive, and his position in every respect leeks so gloomy that the Secretary of War, having no good news to tell, and no hopes to express one day that the facts of the morrow may not scatter to the winds, abandoned for the greater part of last week his func tion of telegraphic historian, and ceased to send de spatches to Gen. Dix. Even the telegraphic wiees from Washington to New York were smitten with and refused to convey Ines. es. temporary paralysis , sages, either because the news was bad, or, as the friends of the G o vernment alleged, because recent thunderatorma and the torrid heat of the weather had in someway or other bemuddled the ele c t r i c ity. To-day, however, Mr Stanton has unsealed his an d communicated two despatches—the one from General Grant, the other from General Sher man, and neither of them favourable. His previous telegram informed the world that " the greatest movement of the war was in progress." The nature of the movement was not divulged, but is to be read in the newspaper accounts of Grant's defeat in the attempt to make it. His design, it appears, was to cut all the railways connecting Richmond with the South, and was to b 3 inaugurated by the seizure of the line from Petersburg to Weldon. The effort was not fortunate, and cost General Grant 2,000 prisoners and as many killed and wounded men, besides four pieces of artillery. Its failure made it impossible for him to carry out his plan of seizing the other two lines, that from Petersburg to Lynch burg, and the other still more important from Rich. mond to Danville, The result placed him in a position of considerable peril, and compelled him to make a retrograde movement to his old position near Petersburg. His head-quarters were in that immediate neighbourhood yesterday afternoon, at which time he was engaged in no operations except in firing into the bridge which spans the Appo mettcx between that city and the suburb of Poca hontas, with the view, apparently, of preventing the communication of the Confederates on the north of the river with the city itself. Mr. Stanton adds that all the railroads leading into Richmond had been destroyed, "and some of them badly," asser tions which are contradicted by every newspaper correspondent in the field, as obviously untrue on General Grant's own showing. Unfavourable news from General Sherman hos for some time been anticipated, but not exactly in the shape in which it has at length appeared. It was thought that Johnson, having retired or retreated to the point to which he wished to allure his too adventurous enemy, would suddenly turn and offer battle, while General Forrest, advancing on Sher man's rear, would place the Federal army between two fires, and either defeat it with great loss, or compel its surrender. Bat it appears that Sherman was the attacking party, and that at 8 o'clock yesterday morning he w stulted Johnson's formid able intrenched position on the Kenesaw Mountain, near Marietta, in two divisions, the one under Gen. Macpherson, the other under General Thomas, and that both were repulsed with a loss of nearly 3,000 men and several general officers. General Sherman does not claim to have inflicted a corresponding or even a heavy loss upon the enemy, inasmuch as Johnson kept behind his parapets, and had the ad vantage of an immensely strong posiion. As Gen. Sherman is particulerly sound upon the negro question—as sound as Wendell Phillips—his rash assault and signal failure are lereinatly dealt with by all tho philosophical papers, and excite but little The State of Maryland, by the constitutional actien of the people, provided for in its laws, has formally end for ever abolished slavery. The insti tution long since ceased to pay in New York and New England, and was conseqaently abolished as a wasteful, as well as an inhuman, system of labour. It began to be unprofitable in Maryland nearly a quarter of a century ago, and has ever since been slowly but surely dying out. Neese there remains no vestage of it, except the social degradation of the negroes, which it will take something stronger than an Act of the Legislation of Maryland to re move. Bat has Maryland for this reason become reconciled to political partnership with the North, and for ever turned her back upon her Southern friends ? No one who knows anything whatever of the state of popular feeling in Maryland—rural or urban--sad especially in the great city of Balti more, can assert or believe anything of the kind. 'Meryland sympathises with the South—when wholly free—as intensely as she sympathised with it when partially a Slave State. As it is very generally held in England, and loudly maintained by the Federal and abolitionist party in the North that slavery is the sole cause of the war, and that if it were abolished there would be nothing left to breed disunion, it may bs well to enquire why it happens that this and other Border States, where slavery is disappearing, for commercial and other reasons, are so persistently Southern in all their hopes and aspirations. Slavery in most of the Border States has long been nominal. Mau pro prietors of negroes, having no uses to put them to, have been urged to send them south for sale. They have refused on the groand of humanity. They in. herited them with their farms and felt bound to support them, or, if they were poor and unequal to the burden, they allowed them to gain their own subsistence as they pleased, and in a majority of instances to enjoy the fruits of their earnings. In thousands of cases the slaves were allowed to work out their own manumission; in as many more th e y were freed by their masters. Sometimes, though perhaps, not often, they refused to accept lib er ty either us a gift or at a price. So loosely was the institution maintained, and so lightly was it valued, that if it had not been for the Northern crusade against it, and the infringement upon the principle of State rights with which it was accompanied, slavery W ou ld h ave died out as Surely in those re. gions as in New York or Pennsylvania. Missouri, Kentucky, and Tennessee are even now prepared,to abolish it, not by Mr, Lincoln's o f military necessit y , b ut by d s eree on the p' the, legitimate action of their own Legialatures. Yet if the military pressure were removed from those States, a truce agreed upon, and the People allowed to decide freely whether they would unite With the North or the South, they would vote themselv ss members of the Southern Confederacy by an overwh e l m i ng map . ' rity. Slavery may have embittered the animosities that ultimately found relief in war, alit if slavery had never afTeted the land the disruption o r th e Union would none the lees have occurred in the fulness of time, Social, commercial, and political causes of disunion were net work from the very moment of the eatablislaraent of the Republic, a n d slavery, though it may have expedited the event, was b u t one of a score of agencies, any one of which was sufficient to produce it. The friends of Mr Chase talk of a foreign loan to be negotiated in Amsterdam in addition to the 400,000,000 dole. which he hes just been authorised to contract at home. As it is the main recommenda tion of all Nile Chase's loans that the United States bind themselves to pay the interest in gold, it is well for the foreigners, if any such there be, who meditate the investment of their superabundant money ire Amsriceu securitiee, !:o confddar whether the promise is likely to be kept, and whether, at some future day, they may not receive the interest in depreciated greenbacks, if, indeed, they are for. tunate enough to receive any interest a 11. " Re- pudiatioa" is a word that has ao terrors cn this side of the Atlantic— or the Legislature he State of New York would not so coolly have r efrauded its foreign as well as domestic creditors by insisting that greenbacks are and ought to be legal tender or the payment both of principal and interest of all debts, public or private. To show that Con. press itself is not much, if any, better in this re. spect than the local Legislature at Albany, it is only necessary to read the debates that took place in the House of Representatives on Friday last. Mr. Chase's new loan was under discussion, when no less a person than Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, the leader of the house, and chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, asserted, in answer to several previous speakers who had expressed contrary opinions, that the issue of legal:tender paper money had been the salvation of the country—that no sys tem ever worked better—that specie payments would not be resumed for ten years to come—and that whoever looked for a speedier return to hard money was not wise, and had studied history to little profit. He added that "he deprecated the present policy of paying the interest of the debt in gold, and expressed his opinion, if such policy were persisted in, with an increase of debt at the same time, the Government would fail. It was a fatal policy, which rested like an incubus upon the nation, and gold would continue to rise, as he long ago predicted, until it would become impossible for the Government to prooure the coin," Mr. Davis, of New York, agreed with Mr. Ster ens, bul refused to vote with , him, in opposition to the wishes of the Secretary of the Treasury. The Com- mittee of Ways and Means, fascinated or convinced by the eloquence or the arguments of its chairman, adopted an amendment based upon his speech. The house afterwards refused to concur in the action ol ;he committee by a vote of 80 against 50, and Mr Chase's Loan Bill of 400 millions, bearing interest at 6 per cent. in gold, was passed, and only awaits the signature of the President to become law. The discussion shows not only that there is a large, bu an influential party in Congress who will make no scruple, should public necessity seem to urge that course, in repudiating that portion of their liabili ties which makes the golden and not the paper dol- .ar the reward of the creditor for the confidence he has placed in the Government. Americans in their lost of empira and their passionate desire for the restoration of the Union may lend their money to the Government, subject to the risk of such partial repudiation, but foreigners, whether is Amsterdam or London, having no such lust or passion, and only desirous of good and safe investment, will be very unwire if they do not ponder carefully the speech and action of Mr Stevens and of those who agree with him before they part with a stiver or a pound sterling. If, after such an exposition, they choose to pin their faith upon the American Congress, pre- sent or prospective, they will have no right to cry out if, instead of an annual income in gold of 60 sovereigns for an investment of £l,OOO, they receive but 300 doll. in greenbacks, worth perhaps no more than se. or 10c. each. The uncertainty whether Grant will not be added to the other military failures of the war unsettles the politics of the War Democrats to such an extent as to deprive them of a Presidential candidate. If Grant would but capture Rich mond he would be their man—at least they suppose so, for he is so little of a politician that few people know his opi nions. If he would but fail, rued fail as ignominiously or completely as present appearances indicate that he will, they would unite upon Gen. M 'Ciellan, and run him against Fremont and Lincoln. Unfortunately for the Democrats, who are all more or less friendly to the South, and to the principle of State sovereignty, which underlies and justifies secession, they are like the Republicans broken up into two hostile sections. The Republicans are divided by the pre tensions of their present chief magistrate; the Demo mats are severed by a principle, A large, and it may prove the more powerful, section of the Republican party insists that Lincoln is incapable, dishonest, devoid of high prin ciple, and that it is high time there should be a change if the country is to be saved from destruction. They propose to pat General Fremont into his place, and will undoubtedly make a strong fight for their nominee; even although the friends of Mr Lincoln should wield all the immense patro nege in the President's hands to defeat ur buy off opposi tion. The Democrats, less fortunate than the Republicans, cannot at present select an available man, for the all-suffi cient reason that they cannot agree upon a fundamental principle, The War Democrats insist upon the vigorous prosecution of the war—to the last man and the last dollar —if both have to be expended for the restoration of the Union. The Peace Demorats, more consistent with the principles of their party—the only principles on which as a party it can continue to exist—declare that the war is not only a crime, but a blunder; that it never can, and never ought to, restore the Union ; that it ought to cease imme diately; that the independence of the South should be re cognised forthwith ; that a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, ought to bo made with it, in support of the Monroe doctrine; and that this, with such a commercial Zollverein as might be mutually advantageous, would cer tainly enable the two Republics to live harmoniously to gether, and might in the course of years lead to a restora tion of something like the old feeling—if not to a virtual reconstruction of the Federal Union, on a broader or more solid basis than before, The War Democrats have a candi date ready to their hands in General M'Clellan, provided always that Grant be placed hors de corneal by his antici pated failure before Richmond. The Peace Democrats have no candidate. There are thousands of able, con scientious, accomplished, and far-seeing men whose hearts yearn for peace, and would cheerfully follow the lead of any bold champion who would run the risks, not alone of unpopularity, but of persecution in his advocacy of the cause; but the champion does not declare himself. If, like a village Hampden, or a mute inglorious Milton, he exists somewhere or other in the depths of social or political obscurity, ha has not the courage to declare himself. The fear of being accused of treason to the Union, a crime in American eyes far greater than treason to any King or Emperor who ever breathed, deprives him of the civic courage without which in its citizens no nation ever became great and powerful. Under these circumstances the two sections of the Democracy have had a consultation, and agreed, in view of tho military situation, to postpone for two months the Chicago Convention which was summoned for the 4th of July, as well as the great peace meeting which was to have been convened in this city on Wednes day next. Thus both of them await events, the War De mocrats living in the hope that the Democratic soldier actually victorious will turn up during the next few weeks, or, in his default, that M'Clelian, who might have been victorious if he had been left alone by the marplots and im beciles of Washington, will become the man of the hour and carry everything before him. The Peace Democrats, in the hope that victory or defeat will alike serve their sacred cause, and that a man worthy of being their leader, and with courage and intellect sufficient to make the voice of Peace heard throughout the land, will arise to relieve the principle of Republican self-government from the disgrace of failure that attaches to it, and prove to the nations that au educated Democracy is something better and more rea sonable than the sanguinary despotism of old time and the Eastern hemisphere. In the meanwhile Gen. Fremont, who has officially accepted the nomination of the Cleveland, and Mr. Lincoln, who has accepted that of the Baltimore Con vention, are the only candidates in the field. The Peace party—gloomy as its prospects were a twelvemonth ago—has, however, grown so steadily in public favour, and has so vast a fund of reason and policy on its side, to say nothing of Christianity, that a very crushing defeat of the Northern arms, followed by a commercial crisis, would infallibly strengthen its position, and perhaps compel General Fremont to become a convert to its views. The real duty of the next President, whom sever it may be, will be to let the South go, and lend all his energies to the mighty task of preventing a further dis integration of the North. ea LLANELLY RAILWAY AND DOCK. -- A special meeting of the shareholders in this company and the Swansea and Carmarthen lines, was hold on Friday at the office, 34, Great George-street, Westminster ; Mr. R. Biddulph in the chair, when it was unanimously resolved, " That the directors be authorised to pay on the preference and deferred shares of the Swansea line a dividend in per petuity of £5 per cent. per annum, but such shares not to confer the power of voting." It was also resolved, " That the directors be authorised to issue in preference and de. ferrcd sharo3 the remaining capital of th e company, su bj ect 18, such shares not t o con f er the power 110 kCn ip t a l n gny.' s , A to the terms and conditions contained in th e Ll ane ll y Rail way Act'64 vote of thanks to the c h airmax closed the proceedings. of o voting." [AMEILTISEMENT. I —Holloway's Pills.—Potent Puti fi'"."-litlaredS of causos contribute to render the blood impure, and thus to produce man's besetting maladies. These admirabl e Pill s a ddress themselves at first to expel the taints from the viral fluid, and in the second place to restore regularity and harmony throubhout the organs of assimilation, secretion, and Excret i on . Holloway's Pills dually give it str engt h enough fairly improve the di gest i ve capability of the s t omac h, and gra ordinary food when W h olesome in quality an d mo d era t e i n to appropriate any quantity. These Pills act beneficially on tho liver, kidneys, and bowels, and so constitute themselves the " Protectors" of the dysp:ltic, nervous, low-spirite,d, and debilitated. 13111,1 , 9 digestion be occasionally e )rreetec t by such means, the blood cannot be pure. Horrible Murder on the North London Railway. One of the most atrocious crimes that probably ever disgraced this country was rerpotrated late on Saturday evening in a first-class carriage of a passenger train on the North London Railway, when a gentleman, Mr. Thomas Briggs, connected with the banking establishment of Messrs. Robarts, Curtis, and Co., of Lombard street, was murderously assailed, plundered, and thrown out of the train, and by the time these details meet the eye of the public death will hive terminated his shocking sufferings. The unfortunate gentleman, Mr. Briggs, was upwards of sixty years of age. He was a fine, tall, hale man, and resided at No. 5, Clapton-equare, near Hackney Church. He held the office of chief clerk in the above bank, and was most highly re spected and esteemed by a very large circle of friends. On Saturday afternoon, about 3 o'clock, he left the bank for the day, and proceeded to his niece's residence in Nelson-square, Peckham, where he dined. There he remained until half-past eight o'clock, and was seen into an omnibus in the Old Kent-road by the husband of his niece, a Mr Buck ham, and then appeared in his usual good health and spirits. Before parting with his relative he intimated that he would proceed to the City, and then take the train from Fenchurch-station for Hackney. He was almost a daily traveller on the line, and was well known by the railway servants. From the time of getting into the omnibus in the Old Kent-road until his body was discovered on the line of the North London Railway, between Old Ford Bridge and Hackney Wick station, nothing has been gleaned of his movements, or whether any one was in his company. The atrocious outrage was discovered somewhere about a quarter or twenty minutes past ten o'clock on Saturday evening. On the arrival at Hackney of the 9.45 train from Fenchurch-street station (which was several minutes late in leaving town), a gentleman called the attention of Haines, the guard, to the state of a compartment of a first class car riage, No. 69, in the train, He had opened the door at Hackney with the intention of getting in, and had placed his hand on one of the cushions' which he found to be covered with blood. The guard, on looking in, found such to be the fact. Not only were the cushions, but the floor, sides, and window were besmeared with blood ; in some places there wes quite a pool. He also found inside the clrriage a gentleman's hat, a walking-stick, and a small leather beg. The guard at once took charge of the articles, and locked up the door. Some ladies, who were in the adjoining compartinent, here called the attention of the guard to the circumstance that blood had been spurted through the carriage window on to their dresses as the train came from Bow. The guard at once telegraphed the discovery to Mr Keb ble, station master at Bow, and at that time an im pression was entertained that some one had com• mitted suicide, and had thrown himself oat of the window of the carriage on to the line. Almost about the same period the above discovery was made, the driver and stoker of an engine which had been working the Hackney-wick and Stratford traffic, were returning from the 'Vick station to the Bow locomotive works on the North London Rail way. As they were approaching the railway-bridge over Duckett's Canal, by the side of the Mitford Arms tavern, which fronts the Tower Hamlets Volunteer Parade-ground in the Victoria Park, they saw something lying on the six-feet way, the space between the up and down line. At first the driver, Eakins, thought it was a dog, but his mate, the stoker judged it to be a human being. The engine had passed the object, but stopped near where the railway r saes over the mein drainage works. The stoker, Brinck)oy, got down and went back along the line with a lamp, and on coming up to the spot discovered it to be the body of a gentleman, Sall rated in blood and apparently dead. The stoker insiantly hailed the driver and ran down the em bankment into the Mitford Arms publichonse, be longing to Mr. White. Several persons in the house, with the landlord, at once returned with the stoker up to the line, and steps were immediately taken to remove the unfortunate gentleman to the adjacent tavern, but in doing so the men who were assisting in the melancholy task nearly lost their lives by a passing down-train. When got to the tavern and laid on a couch suspicions of foul play were at once aroused, for his head seemed to have been battered is by some sharp instrument. His clothes were covered with blood, cad the broken link or hook of a watehchain was hanging to a button-hole. No watch or the other part of the chain being found, at once led to a supposition that he had been plun. dared. The landlord immediately gave information to the police, and sent for medical assistance. Mr, Bristow, surgeon, of Old Ford, soon arrived, and was followed by Mr H. Garman, surgeon, of Fairfield-road, Bow, and Mr V. Cooper, of Coborn road. These gentlemen at once proceeded to examine the wounded man. He was in a perfect state of collapse—quite insensible. On the left side of the head, just over the oar, which is torn away, was found a deep wound ; the skull was fractured, and the bone driven in. On the base of the skull there were four or five lacerated wounds; there were more blows on other parts of the head, and the medical gentlemen expressed their surprise that the unfortunate sufferer should be alive, the wound over the left ear being alone sufficient to cause death, Stimulants were applied with a view of restoring consciousness, but to no purpose. On the arrival of Mr Kerressey, of the K division of police, from Bow station, measures were taken to ascertain whether the sufferer had any papers which would lead to his identification. la his breast coat pocket were found a bundle of letters addressed "T. Briggs, Esq., Messrs. Robari;s, Curtis, and Co., Lombard street," upon which a messenger was immediately despatched to the bank in the City to learn where the gentleman named on the address lived. In his trousers' pocket were found £4 10s. in gold and silver, and a silver snuffbox in his coat pocket. The messenger, on reaching the bank in Lombard -street, found that the description given of Mr Briggs an swered that of the gentleman found on the railway, and communicating the fact to Mr Inspector Ker ressey, he at once despatched an officer to the ad dress given by the people at the bank, 5, Clapton square, Hackney, who broke the melancholy intel ligence to the son of the unfortunate gentleman. Owing to Mrs Briggs being an invalid and in deli cate state of health, the fact of her husband having met such a fearful fate was withheld from her. Mr Briggs, jun., with other members of the family, and Mr Toulmin, the family doctor, proceeded to the Mitford Castle Tavern, and put an end to all doubt as to who the unfortunate sufferer was. It was a very painful scene. Only once, it is thought, did the unfortunate gentleman show any signs of sensi bility. An old female domestic called him by name, and a slight trembling movement of his frame and a gurgling groan seemed to indicate that he knew the voice ; but it was only a momentary reaction. The landlord of the tavern made every arrangement he could for the sufferer, but on the news of the outrage spreading the house was besieged by a large and eager crowd, and it was deemed necessary to remove him to his residence. Mr. Toulmin, Mr. Garman, and the other modidal gentlemen remained in attendance nearly the whole night, and in the course of the morning the sufferer was removed in a litter from the tavern to Claptonssquare. Through Mr. Briggs, jun., the police ascertained that when his father left home on Saturday morn ing ho wore a gold watch with an Albert chain, and gold eye glasses attached to a hair guard. On examining the waistcoat it was seen that a watch had been torn from the waistcoat pocket, and the chain had been broken off the link or hook which still held to the waistcoat pocket. The gold glasses were also missing, and subsequently Mr. Brigge, jun., identified the hat, stick, and bag which were found in the compartment as these belonging to his father. The police havi ng th us ascerta i ne d t h e & scr i ps Lion of the w a t c h an d glasses, and forwarded it by route to all the police stations in the metropolis, with the facts of the outrage, they proceeded, - with Mr. Kerressey, t o exam i ne m i nutely the carriage in r ig o us crime Camden s was at icoonmm thati committed. e n d ,. g . hOt thehe t w fi h e ic tr h a t in he re m a u c r h d in € railway oflieiats directed it Smaresaietely to brought back to Bow, and the carriage in question was at once uncoupled and placed in a shed, which was sew-red. The carriage has three first class COMIMAMICIfIa tS. On opening the door of the com partment the interior ? Rs beforo stated, was found in all directions to be besmeared with blood, with clotted pools on the cushion and on the floor. There was ample evith.sneo of a deadly struggle having taken place. The unfortunate man, it will be remembered, was found in the six foot way. On inspecting the outside of the carriage, which would be the off-side, of a train going to Camden, the body of the carriage was seen to be besmeared with blood, as if it had been spurted on as the train flew by. The window was down, and on the brass handles were marks of a bloody hand, leading to a belief that the door had been opened to throw the unfortunate gentleman out on the line and then closed. On the step beneath the door were found a portion of the hair guard attached to the massive gold glasses, and on the floor of the compartment was discovered one of the broken links of the watoh chain. Allusion has already been made to some ladies complaining to the guard at Hackney station that some blood had been spurted through the open window of their compartment when the train was passing near Victoria Park. The medical gentlemen aeceunt for this by suggesting that in the struggle when he was forded out of the door of the carriage, one of the arteries in the wound on the side of the head burst from the frightful exertion, and so would spurt in the manner as the ladies described. At present, however, we are unable to state whether they heard any noise or cries at the time or before. It is certain that Mr. Briggs must have been lying on the line at least 20 minutes before he was flies covered. The train in which ho rode left Bow at two minutes past 10, and in another two or three minutes the deed must have been perpetrated, for the train was due at the next station, Hackney wick, five minutes after leaving Bow. An up-train passed the spot about 10 minutes afterwards, and saw nothing, but it was evident that it must have escaped their notice. The spot where Mr. Briggs was thrown out of the train is, singular to say, about the same place where a similar outrage was committed some four or five years since, but not with such deplorable results, when the thief jumped out of the carriage and endeavoured to escape through he marshes, but was captured and transported for life. It would almobt seem that the murderous as sailant's object after the attack on Mr. Biggs was to throw him into the canal. He was found on the bridge, and it is conjectured the villain or villains made a mistake in the door, and threw the un fortunate gentleman ou the permanent way, instead of over the bridge. Up to the time of this being written the detec tives, under the direction of Mr Inspector Kerres sey, were instituting every possible inquiry, with a view of capturing the guilty parti,29, and it is hoped that before long some clue may be obtained which will lead to their apprehension. _ _ MONDAY, 1.15 A.M. Mr Briggs expired at a quarter before 12 last night. The hat found in the railway carriage turns out to be that of the murderer. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS, THE " SATURDAY REYIEW" ON THE DEBATE.— There is almost always something of what is ealled forensic oratory in the opening speeches of a great debate. The several speakers are to a certain ex tent in the position of advocates, and have rather to state a case effectively and carefully than to unfold the real merits and approach the central interest of the question at issue. Both Mr. Disraeli and Mr. Gladstone spoke on an artificial platform. They were t tnein r b t oa o ti both hampered an te teeerso,noto b e aya s they ie They yhe memories r both tth but t s a pa n so d k ie t t h oi e st h c a o h n i con venient to view them for certain diplomatic or Par. liarnentary purposes. They both showed that they were aware that there was an inconsistency between what they said and what they knew. Mr. Disraeli hinted that the old theory of the balance of power was obsolete—and Mr. Gladstone, after setting up a plausible case for the Government, and trying to make out that the Cabinet was willing and almost bound to go to war to uphold the Treaty of London so long as it had any hope of support from its allies, ended by saying that England could never have gone to war to force on the Duchies a Sovereign of whom they wished to be rid. As the epeeches of advocates, both were skilful and effective—but both, es tho speeches of statesmen, were failures. Mr. Disraeli showed, great adroitness and power, that the Government had threatened Ger many and encouraged Denmark. He made the most of the errors and the vacillations of the Cabi net ; but he was speaking not only to damage his opponents but to win office, and he entirely failed to say anything which could inspire a belief that he was capable of devising or carrying out an ori ginal and effective line of foreign policy. He had nothing to recommend but that England should lean on the reed of Imperial France, and that, if her hand were pierced, she should smile and pretend to like it. Mr. Gladstone triumphantly replied that the very charge against the Government was that it had been too humble and too persistent in its application for the material assistance of France and Russia. On the other hand, when Mr. Gladstone unfolded the defence of the Government, and explained that the Cabinet was really determined to fight for the Treaty of 1852, and wrote and spoke as it did because it was really bent on war, until the refusal of France and Russia, towards the end of January, changed every thing, and convinced the Cabinet that war was not to be thought of, few of his hearers could have be lived that this was the real history of what had happened. The reply that, if at the end of January the Cabinet had definitely abandoned all thought of war, it should have said so, app ears u nanswera able. It is true that there was no overt encourage ment to the Danes after Schleswig was once in vaded. But the Cabinet knew perfectly well th at the Danes still looked for support from Engla nd, that the threats to Germany still remained on re ctoordb,eto day and that England from frollid quarrel. a It is only the afterthought of an advocate arranging a good legal defence that the Cabinet, after the end of January, weighed the cost and determined that it would not go to war. It was still divided in itself, still ham pered by extraneous influences, still expectant that expected France might change her mind, still apprehensive that the war feeling in England might gain heat and strength. Mr. Gladstone's speech wa s not badly devised as a puzzle to Opposition speakers, but it failed to explain to the country w hy, since the beginning of February, we h ave been passing through five months of uncertainty a nd humilia tion. When the independent members began to address the house, the controversy passed from the region of artificial into that of real polities. Lis teners ceased to be told, as they had been by Mr. Disraeli, that there was nothing but a petty in surrection in the European revolution of 1848,which has since produced such fruite as the freedom of Italy, and this very national movement in Germany,which persons who applaud th e Be i g iaas for wishing to be separate from Holland, and Venetia for wishing to join Italy, term an inexplicable mad ness. They ceased to hear such statements as that of Mr Gladstone, when h e ca l m ly aasured the house that it was not Russia, but Lord r a lmerston, who induced, :the German Pc wers t o baffle the hopes of the German Liberals, and crush out the hopes of the insurgents in Schleswig Holstein by the signa ture of the treaty of 1852. jrA Cobden had the merit of being the fi rs t speaker who invited the house to consider, not th e imaginary, but the real politics of Europe. HE ointe d out that the t rea ty of 1852 was intended tc p ut a bridle on the aspira tions of Germany for nationality, a nd that what we had really to consider wag, whether it was for us to send Englishmen to t e killed in furtherance of such an object. He had the satisfaction of showing that England ought no; to do this if she could, and could not do it if she would. An ()cony of the traditions of the Foreign Office could scarcely have a better opening then wh en he has an opportunity of showing that English diplomac To tY ha h s e been hosepofe surpri leasly pursuing a WrOng, obice• most of his hearers, and perhaps to the admiration of some, ho wont on to hint the.t, with all his theo retical devotion to non-inter ference, he could scarcely bring himself to regard with philosophical that was done to indifference the gigantic wrong Italy and Venice by th e treaty of Vienna. These are the thoughts, whatever maybe their value, of real persons and parties on the Continent; whereas the thoughts of professional E n glish statesmen are the thoughts of no one out of England. Mr Roe buck gave utterance to nnother set of ideas in fashion among a Wholly different sot of continental thinkers, when ho declared that, in his opinion, every attempt at national independence ought to be sternly repte,saa . d; and he was probably the only mem. bar who could have been found to declare that we ought to have forced the rule of Denmark on the duchies, because we try very unsuceessfully to per. suede Welsh boys field girls to learn English at school. Certainly these wain: views sufficiently diverging from each other anal from the:ground occupied in his opening attaek by Mr Disraeli. But throughout every speech on TuvedNy night there was cue can. necting link, There was one source of universal harmony which gave an admirable unity to the de bate. Whatever the speaker thought of the Treaty of 1852 or of German nationality, of the duties of i tt iseferettee Pr Pe • daties or notaniu:e'L c e pr erico , of the titaidkLy or the digni.aea reserve of France, be was sure to be like these who followed and those who preceded him in one respect, and to heap un sparing and unmitigated abuse on Lord Russell. THE " SPECTATOR" ON THE TORY ATTACK.—It may be difficult, from our point of view it is impos sible, to defend the attitude assumed by the Go vernment towards Denmark, but it is at least as hard to comprehend that of the Opposition towards the Government. On this, as on every other occa sion of late years when no ecclesiastical interest has been involved, the Tory party is at variance with itself. It is a rope of many strands, which do not strengthen, but horn their different degrees of hard , netts cut each other at every strain. The silk severs the hemp, and the wire tears both, till the thinnest of the three becomes the measure of strength of all. Even setting aside Mr Newdegate, who in his con' sistent pluck sad zeal for the honour of his country may, if the party like it, be considered an anomaly in the Tory ranks, and his wild seconder Mr Whalr ley, who represents nothing except the pet theoloe gical hatred of a class, we have still three distinct and mutuallydestruclive lines of policy visible in the Conservative speeches of the first days'debate. There is Mr Disraeli, followed by moat of the rank and file, who considers war with Germany almost an in sanity, yet moves the condemnation of the Govern ment which has not gone to war; there is General Peel, followed by Lord R. Cecil and his friends, who holds that peace is nothing when compared with honour, and that honour has been sacrificed; and there is Lord Stanley, nearly alone, bat still a power who proclaims from the Tory benches doctrines which, if they do not involve peace at any price, do involve a logical formula of non intervention. All three have made up their minds to vote against the Government, but no two of them are agreed as to the alternative course whieh the Government should have pursued. The whole drift of Mr Disraeli's speech, though his meaning is not concentrated in any one sen tence, is an argument that the - Foreign Office should have conciliated France and followed Napoleon's lead ; but this is precisely what the Cabinet argue that they tried in vain to do. So long, they say, as they believed France would assist them they were reedy and eager for war, went even the length of a formal despatch proposing active ope rations if France or Russia would but enter tiae lists at their side. It was not till France had dis tinctly refused a formal proposal of active alliance that they came to the conclusion that war for Den mark was in itself an act not required by the en gagements, or honour, or interests of Great Britain. So strongly do they put this point that Punch, which always expresses the popular im pression, accepts it as the key-note of their defence, and represents John Bull as remonstrating not with the German Powers but with his own allies. That proposal may not have been honest, they may have been aware from the first, as we believe, that the Emperor of the French intended to abstain from interference in Denmark, or they may simply have misunderstood both his policy and his temper, but the offer is by itself an answer to Mr Disraeli. On the other hand, it strengthens General Peel's ease, for his speech is simply a declaration in many words that our honour required us to fight, but we didn't fight, and the honourable obligation was not and could not be affected in any degree by any proceeds ing or omission on the part of the Emperor of the French. Lord Stanley, on the other hand, advocated a policy of non-intervention as " safe, respectable and honourable," without any reference whatever to the attitude France might think fit to assume. So that while Mr. Disraeli would not fight Gera many, but would follow the lead of France even if fighting Germany, for otherwise all his criticisms on the Polish affair are vaio,—General Peel would fight Germany without reference to France, and Lord Stanley would not fight Germany on any conditions whatever, What sort of a policy is it which England may hope to obtain from a Ministry which to act must reconcile those three opinions ? A policy which shall fight when our honour re quires it P Lore Stanley will none of it. A policy of peace at any price ? General Peel calls that dis graceful. Or finally, a policy looking to peace, but looking to it through subserviency to French plans whica may end in war ? That is Mr. Disraeli's, bat not Lord Stanley's and not General Peel's, and it differs from that of the Government only in this, —that while the latter is equally pacific, equally dishonourable, and equally haphazard, it eliminates the element of subserviency to Napoleonic France. Is that the precise addition which would in the judgment of England sweeten the nasty mess she is now swallowing down ? The arguments em ployed by the Conservative leaders are almost as diverse as the half-hidden drift of their opinions. I General Peel, in his most affective party speech, denounced the Government because, having violated their pledges, they had, as he aptly quoted, " made us the open shame of our enemies, the very scorn and derision of all that are round about us." He avoided the diplomatic history of the affair, but repeated the promises which he contended had been made to Dena - lark, and which had been broken " till it was norne to this, that the declaration of the Prime Minister in the British House of Commons was looked upon as a mere idle menace to be laughed at." Those pledges he indeed said ought not to have been given, but being given they ought to have been maintained. Nothing can be more distinct than this accusation :—" There are only two principles on which the foreign policy of this country can be carried out. If you choose to make yourselves the arbiters of every people, you must be prepared to fight for them, for there arc other countries as proud as yourselves who will not sub mit to your dictation. If, on the other hand, yon have made up your mind not to go to war at any time—if peace at any price is to be your object, silence and non-intervention must become a portion of your policy. One argument which occasionally I have heard made use of by a noble lord in another place is that this country is so prosperous that nothing in the world is to be allowed to interfere with that prosperity. But what would be said in private life of a man who refused to defend his honour on the ground that he was too rich to be shot ?" Lord Stanley, on the other hand, declares that the only blunder lay in taking Denmark under our protection. He would not fight in any case. "No consideration, he spoke for himself and many others on his side of the house, would induce him to give his support to a policy of war ;" but " what I say is, that when you take a man's or a nation's affairs, out of their own hands—when you assume the duty of advising, managing, directing, and when that is done by a very strong Power to a very feeble one—you incur a moral responsibility towards those who take your advice, and may be held to guarantee that they shall not suffer by taking your advice, unless you have given the fair warning beforehand, as France did, and as you might have done, that you meant to interfere by mediation and advice, but meant to go no further." General Peel decounces the promises, but would maintain them, while Lord Stanley admits the promises, but would not maintain them, and Mr. Disraeli, blaming the promises and blaming also the breach of them, still announces, quite sincerely we believe, that he and his friends are altogether for a policy of peace ! The censures are from all points of the compass— for promising at all, for promising and refusing to accept the hazard of performing, and for promising and not fulfilling without the promised war; and the proposals are a mere hotchpotch—peace, war, and subserviency 'to France all mixed up together. Each speech coming from its speaker has a force of its own, and those of General Peel and Lord Stanley are in themselves, and from opposite points of view, statesmanlike and logical; but read as the speeches of a party—and it is as a party that the Tories must come in--they aro incoherent beyond example. Nothing whatever can be gathered from them except the speakers' conviction that they would have gone to war, or maintained peace, or refrained from both, and in any of the three alternatives would have done better than the existing Ministry—an assertion which may be true or false, but is comforting only to those who believe that Conservatives must in the nature of things be abler diplomatists than Whigs. It may bo argued that all three speeches cover one single moaning—an expression of want of confi dence in the Ministry in power ; and that is in one sense true. If it only implies that Conservatives prefer Lord !Derby to Lord Palmerston, Lord Malmesbury to Earl Russell, and Mr Disraeli to Mr Gladstone, it may be accepted without much argu ment. TILE " LONDON REVIEW" ON THE PALMERSTON COMPANY, LIMITED.—If it were not for the number of its shareholders, and the manv classes which have contributed towards its support, the joint-stock Government that has so long lasted would, before now, have broken down. Like Burke's famous tesselated Cabinet, the present Ministry has been whimsically dovetailed together, and never could be said to represent much beyond a compromise between the Liberals and the semi-Liberals of the country. The stormy meeting at Willis's Rooms, which precsded Lord Palmerzton's ad. vent to power, was not unlike the agitated and tempestuous gatherings which frequently take place whenever railway shareholders resolve, in spite of the backslidings of their directors, to give the old lot ono more trial. The old directors have now being tried again, and they have certainly not done much better than before ; it may even be doubted whether they have done so well. They ure divided among themselves, they are at log gerheads with the world without, and their policy seems drifting steadily in the direction of political I bankruptcy. Med.dlo lnd muddle is not a sound system for a joint stock company. After several years of it, the country seems as badly off as the Great Western eharehold er, when—after learnin g that he has been running bra;'7lch lines everywhere —he finds his dividends preternatued2lv low. The - I ; 3 :etterston Company, Limited, has either' been too en terprising,or not enterprising enough. The short-,sighted courses is to play an au worst o f all au dacious game timidly, Either operations ought to have been on a smaller scale, or they should have been pushed to the end with vigour. The personnel of the company does not improve with time. The manager's health is hardly as buoyant as it was, and the worry of keeping unruly subordinates and dissatisfied shareholders in order is enough to tell even upon a more youthful constitution. Nor, despite the popularity of Lord Palmerston, can the nation avoid seeing that he is daily widening the breach between the various sections of his own party. By playing consistently into the hands of the Conservatives, for the time he smooths his own road, but be is making the road almost impassable for any Liberal successor. Nevertheless, Lord Palmerston's name must command confidence and popularity abroad and at home, even if his energy is daily lessening. Nor can fault be found with the auditing of the company's accounts. They have an admirable financier, who knows what he is about. However extravagant the expenditure may be thought, the books are certainly well kept. But the Secretary ! With the beet intentions end most honourable principles—for among all the members of the present Cabinet there is not one whose honour and integrity stand higher—t;: at copious and excellent letter-writer has made the company's position very hot. He has committed them to twenty schemes, and broken off negotia tions at the eleventh hour in each. He has put his hand to the plough so often that the bystanders begin to smile. Abroad, the credit of the concern, the businesslike character of the concern, and the punctuality of the concern is dwindling. Outsiders are heard muttering that the Palmerston Company Limited, dues not meet its bills. But the promis sory notes of England cannot thus continue to be dishonoured. When Rome repudiated the contracts of her unsuccessful generals, she sent the generals back with halters round their necks into the camp of the enemy whom their unauthorised promises had deceived. The secretary of the joint-stock com pany feels no desire to make any each sacrifice of himself. The paper which bears his signature may net be met by his employers when due, yet he holds on steadily to his post, and issues more. Of one thing England may rest assured, that she cannot re pudiate Lord Russell's notes et' hand half as fast as he will circulate new ones. Nor does tits peculiar temper of Lord Russell permit him inoffensively to discharge less onerous duties than that 6! threatening peace or war. The secretary's business is clearly to correspond. Lord Russell's pen is unfortunately co hard and sharp, that every piece of correspondence sounds like a hostile mea -1 sage. The result is that the English Foreign-office, as regards other Foreign-offices, is undergoing a sort of political quarantine. The arrival of a letter of Lord Russell's at a continental court creates the same sort of consternation as the arrival at Malta of the yellow flat. Nobody likes to touch the terrible mit sive. At last some secretary bolder than another ventures to take it at arm's length to his chief, who reads it, trembling lest he should be insulted before he gets to the bottom of the page. It lies on the table, the centre of diplomatic observa tion, regarded by all officials with a dreary awe and horror. This is hardly the work that a national secretary is designed to turn out, and if Lord Rus sell would but pass from the Foreign Office to some lean controversial department, and instead of rough ing emperors, conten t himself with roughing colonial governors oe country magistrates, the Palmerston Company, Limited, would be all the batter for the change. The real defect al the Ministry at present is, that it has no common policy at heart. Each director represents a certain section of the share holders, and represents, therefore, both a limited interest and a very limited liability. Not one of the chiefs of departments pretends for a moment to identify himself with any other department but his own ; nor will he consent to be responsible, except indirectly, for the general conduct of the concern. The result is, when we come to a vital question, such as the DanosGerman question, everyone is at logger heads. Lord Palmerston, like Belial, probably stands for open war—only, unlike Belial, he does not venture to say so. Perhaps Lord Russell may conceal within his literary bosom a similar opinion. But the Manchester school have their director, the City has its director, the Peace Society has its director. These will have nothing to do with any responsibility beyond their own immediate interests. As for the general honour of the country, it is an argument that does not touch a body so constituted and so minded. But it is not a satisfactory situa tion for the cabinet of a great nation to have no common principle but that of holding together as long as possible. It is just the principle which leads a railway board to oppose its own dissolution tooth and nail. The members of the board hate one another but they dislike the prospect of a fresh board more. Nor does the country, little as it trusts the present board in Downing-street, look forward to the alternative board with any other feeling than that of discomfort and despair. One obvious solution of the difficulty might be found if the Palmerston Com pany would only act in character. In a limited com pany the faults of the Foreign Office ought to be en by the Foreign Office itself, without assistance from the Treasury or the Board of Trade. The interest being limited, the responsibility should be limited also. That the country is thoroughly dissatisfied there can be no serious doubt; and unless some change of the kind is made at the Foreign Office, the end of the Whigs is nearer than they think. The " EXAMINER" ON THE WAR IN NEW ZEA+ LAND.—We really can't afford it. Rich and strong as we are, there is a limit to the wusto of life and treasure and reputation which we cannot allow our Colonial Government to overpass. We are spend ing ten thousand pounds a day smart-money for the greedy and insolent bad faith of certain folks in New Zealand, who cajoled Downing Street into a rash promise to back them up in their attempt to monopolise the soil of that prolific but unpopulated country. It was bad enough to embruo our hands in the blood of native tribes when we ought to have been able long since to have taught to trust us, or, if not, to fear us Stffi ciently to keep the peace. We have taught them to do neither. The civil relations of certain classes of the colonists with the natives have been maintained upon so ill a foot ing that the latter have rushed into desperate and deadly war, sooner than submit to what they re• gard as wanton injustice sanctioned by British authority; and the military measures taken to suppress the revolt have been so blunderful that they are calculated really to inspire the poor semi barbarous tribes with hopes of an eventual triumph beyond their roach. All this is roost derogatory to our character as a civilized and powerful people. Our neighbours who hear of these things do not and cannot be expected to discriminate between the culpable errors of en effete administrative system and acts sanctioned by the national will. Considering that we boast of being governed' ; by a free Parliament, and with a free press, it is certainly not unfair to charge upon the na tional conscience misdeeds which in a healthier and more active state of political feeling would he impossible. The truth is, we are beginning to find out the price that must be paid for the plea. cures of political apathy. The country is commer• cially and financially so prosperous that we are threatened with a fatty degeneracy of the national heart ; and in the region of the head kindred symp toms have for some time been observable. Mr. Cardwell won universal praise by putting a sum mary end to a preposterous war with the Ashen tees. He would have obtained ten times the credit were he to bring the disreputable conflict in New Zealand to a termination, Botwere begun by his predecessor in office; and while 0 one else is, un der present circumstances, disposed to disturb the sick chamber by accents of reproach, 19 intelligent persons out of 20 would thank the present Secres tart' of State for the Colonies were he to suppress, with a high and humane hand, the guerilla prac tices which threaten to become chronic in New Zealand. Every mail brings us tidings of fresh encounters ending in positive disaster or inglorious success. The outnumbered natives are palpably fighting better than our men. They are better marksmen. They show more activity and adroitness in moments of exigency •, and they are obviously guided by a species of rude but ready generalship that puts our starched strategy to shame. It is cer tainly rather too bad, considering all we are com pelled to pay for ammunition and arms, that we should cut such a pitiful figure in the face of a IVtaori tribe. The cost of transport from the seat of Government at Auckland to the remote scone of operations is in itself enormous; and looking at the map of the island, its capabilities and its incapabi_ lities, it does seem incomprehensible why we should have any difficulty in securing to those who dwell for all an therein the blessings of industry a n d There is room enough and to spare '-;-3;:rgeotrielneg. itlmliartheyinscihtiosutlidT'waehdtoleevr(l,l(a)gistPpii:e:llietees. of domestic filibustering w hi c h oven the meric of being its own rapacious way, but whichhas not into a scrape, insists uponwhenever it figgeht fight being called out to save it fr h o o m r those whom it has wrong e d, and to ith make Majesty'sv en examplesg e nt re troops P° sf of those who have had the ob st i nac y and temerity to hold their ancient own ? It is time the mother et country washed her bands ' com plicity in such transactions. Putting it on the lowest ground, that of expense, we really can't afford it. Au expendi ture at the rate of ignominy of befilid al temp ' ts to st i3soo 000 a year for sake of the ore mud forts and to take stockaded pahs is rather more than the thing is worth. We might agree to give the money to escape the disgrace, bu 4, it is vavl ►er too bad to pay for enduring it. Address to King Christ Tan. COPENHAGEN, 4TILIy 6. The following adtlress to the King has been agreed to by the members of various parties in both 1 tousts of the Rigsraad : "Most Gracious King,—.Your Majesty has stAte I in your message to the Itigaraad that the war no , v devastating the country was `orced upon you, no! withstanding that you had done everything in you power to avoid it. The people recognises, and hit I. tory will testify, that an unjust in\ vasion has con A polled Denmark to fight for her exit Itence and lie r freedom. This consciousness has strengthened tea people in its unequal struggle, and in its readin tss to bear the sacrifices demanded. " The negotiations which were to put an ent'L to this violation of European law have not achir,ved their object, but have ultimately afforded mar iifest proof that the object of the war is tilt i dismember ment of the Danish kingdom. Expose+ I to th e pain ful necessity of making sacrifices for t he re-attain• ment of peace, your Majesty has been ready rather to give up some of the rights of the C town than to consent to the formation of a Schles wig-Holstein, by which the rights of the Danish people would be st ill mere grievously infringed... This is a pledge to um that the Object of all future negotiations will be a free political existence independent of Germany. " With this conviction the. Landuething (Folke thing) promises your Majesty ill the support in its power to give." The Ministry of War publis bee the following this morning— " Reports received by the Government from the corps in Jutland announce that an attack wris made upon the enemy upon the 3d inst. at Lun d bye, S.W. of Aalborg. In the engagement which ensued Capt. Hammerich and Lients. Beitztielz and Grave were wounded. Our loss in men amounted to 8 killed and 39 wounded. One Prusilian foot. soldier was captured. Later reports state .that after the engagement the enemy retreated by way of Liadenborg upon Hobro, taking with him a few prisoners and wounded. Nothing new is reported from Fuhnen." Election Intelligence, EAST GLOIJCESTERSIIIRE.—Sir Michael E. Hicks Beach, Bart., has returned from the continent, and the requisition to him to become a candidate for the Eastern Division, in the place of the late Sir W. Codrington,having been presented he has consented, and has issued a brief address. Sir IVlichael says he is a Conservative, yet, while he is desirous of maintaining the institutions of the country, he will give full consideration to ..ny proposal for their improvement. With respect to continental affairs, he deeply sympathises with the Danes in their gal• lant resistance to German aggression, but would not advocate, under present eircums lances, armed inter vention on the part of Great Britain. The Sheriff has fixed the election to take place Cit the Shirehall r on Tuesday morning next, at half.pgct ten. COUNTRY MARKET NORWICH-SATURDAY. There was a fair supply of wheat to-day, and tt.e demand being good prices must be considered at an advance of 18 to 2s per qr, particularly for the finest qualities. White wheat. 46s to 478 1 Red wheat 42s to 441 Malting barley ...35s to 36s 1 Chevalier barley 33s to 34s Distilling d 0..... 298 to 30s 1 Oats.. 243 to 264 Flour, 28s Od to —s Od per sack from the nu ter, YORK- , -SATURDAY. A small supply of wheat, which Auld at prices fa vouring sellers, Barley very scarce, and the little offered f ;hanged hands at extreme rates. Oats also scarce, and ratl ler over late rates. Beans firm, at advancing prices. Wheat, red 3Ba to 42s Oats.... 2o's to 2. , P White do .42e to:46s Beane ...35 ato 38g Barley .24e to 28a Peas • ......--s to —s Malt, 58s to GOs per qr. ; rye, 34s per qr. ; flour, 30s to 33s per sack. GRANTHAM-SATURDAY. A middling show of wheat, for which an adTance of is per qr was made. Barley scarce. Oats met with a firm sale at about late rates. Beans in request, and 6d .to is up. —Old white wheat,'4ls to 46s ; red, 37s to 42s per 36st. ; new white, 45sito 49s - red, ,39s to 445. Malting barley, 33s to 36s per qr ; grinding, 28s to 30s ; oats, old, 248 to 265; new, 20s to24s; beans, 37s to 40s; peas, 34s to 38s. ~ LEICESTER-SATuRDAY. A middling show of wheat, and a steady business done at is per qr advance on last week's rates. Barley came to hand sparingly, met a moderate demand, and prices 6d advance. Oats in moderate supply, with a ready sale, at prices in favour of the soll3r. Beans brought advancing prices. —New white wheat, 434t0 43s ; red,ii39s to 44s per 36 stone. Old red, 38s to 42s per 36 stone. Barley, malting-, new, 32a to 34s per qr.; grinding, 26s to 28s; old oats, 27s to 295; new oats, 20s to 24s por 24 stone. Beanfl, old, 40s to 42s per 38 stone ; flour, 25s to 30s per 20 stone. NOTTINGHAM-SATURDAY. A moderate show of wheat to-day, with a firm demand at is per qr over late prices. Barley very limited in supply, and late prices were supported. Beans were Gd higher. —White wheat, from 45s to 50s; red wheat, 39s to 425. Barley—malting, 30s to 378 ; grinding, 27s to 295.1 Oats, old, at 24s to 30s Od ; new, 198 to 255. Beans sold at 385 to 428:per qr. ; new, 35s to 38s. Flour, fine, 29s to 31s ; super, 83s to 38s per 20 stone. DUBLIN A moderate supply, and Irish and foreign grain at la —FRIDAY. Ln improved demand for both e quotations. s. d. s. d. Wheat, white 24 0 to 26 6 Do., red 2l 6 to 24 0 Do., new 0 to 0 Barley Oath Po., 0 to 0 a. d. s. Oatmeal lO 0 to 13 0 Beans.. Bere Rapeseed - 0 Bakers' flour 14 oto2o 0 Indian corn Foreign. Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Australia and Mauritius, via Southampton Suly 19. via Marseilles July 13. tirazil and Cape 'fiords, by British packet. Aug. 4. Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena July 29. Chine, Penang, and Singapore, via Southamptou.Suly 19. via Marseilles July 14. Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton July 12. India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton July 29. via Marseilles July 14. India (Bombay), via Southampton .. July 11. via Marseilles July 18. Portugal.... Ang. 4. Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via So u th ampton J u dy 11. via Marseilles Newfoundland .. July 20: Oporto and Vigo U. S. and British N. America, by Brit. packet.... July 14, by U.S. packet.... by Canadian packet. July 8. All parts of West Indies, including Chili, Peru, y 14. California. and British Columbia.. THE NARCISSUS frigate, bearing the flag of Rear-Admiral Sir Baldwin Wake Walker, K.C.8., is now more than six weeks out from Simon's Bay, and may therefore be hourly looked for in the Channel. Th e Narcissus will at first call in at Spithead. She will there land the Admiral and his family, and then proceed to Devonport to bo put out of commission. The Narcissus hoisted the pendant on the 20th of December, 1860, and left England on the 2d of March, 1861.—Army and Navy Gamete. Births. JzKvis.—On the 7th inst., at Lawrie-park, Sydenham, the wile of Lieut.-Colonel Wm. Jervis, of a daughter, still born. LBECH.—On the Bth inst., at Bank Hall, Stookport, Mrs. John Leech, of a son. PILKINGTON.—On the Bth inst., at Chevet-park, Lady M. S. l'ilkington, of a daughter, Marriages. GAD — DAELMAN.—On. the oth inst., at the Hotel de Ville, Ostend, and subsequently at the Roman Catholic and English Churches, William, eldest son of Frederick Gado, Esq., of 6, llighbury-partt N., London, to Isabelle, second daughter of Colonel Daelman, Commandant la Place d'Ostende. Roans—BnowN.—On the 7th Inst., at Preston, Lanca shire, Captain George Lamont Hobbs, 45th Itegt., to F ranc es Margaret, youngest daughter of the l a t e R9bert Brown, Beg., Winckley-square, Preston. Deaths. O E ozE . — 0 f 0 1 n 9, th u o pp 6th r inst., in s a t t Holloway, re et,Blooln Tbuhr3o,,maagse aged Goode, 1. ILkuouAvE.—On the Bth inst., at his residence, in Stoke Newington, Bickerton Hargrave, Esq., aged 31. Je a lt g . e — d o 74 n . the sth inst., at Bury Si. Edmund's, Mrs. Jay, 011.11SBY.—On the 6th inst., at Black - wall, Mr. Charles Ormsby, late Commander of tho ship Walmer Castle, of London. PAYNE.—On the Bth inst., at Brooksby's•walk, Homertou, Ru F s r s e E d i e l.o Frederic Payne, h yn t e, e h l B a t te of the t, Stockat`27,7, Exchange, aged 35. Chester-terrace, Re gent's-park, George Cooper Russell, Esq., aged 62. London : PrlnZed and Prblished by WILLIASI ANDREWS, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at Tres SUN Office 71 2 , in the Pre c i nc t o f th e 'liven :n the cett , l' V of Strand, 'li e f3eX,-I[ o nd a y, July 11, 180#, THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, JULY 11, 1864.