The Sun. — London, England, 1830-03-24 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS-(LAST NIGHT). The Royal Assent was given by Commission to the Pmsion Duties' Bill, the Mutiny Bill, the Marine Mu tiny Bill, together with two private Bills. The Commis sioners were the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chancellor, and the Earl of Shaftesbury. Mr. Alderman THOMPSON, together with several other Members, brought up the Smugglers' Families Main tenance Bill, the St. Katharine Docks Bill, the Swansea Lighting Bill, and two Private Bills, which, on the motion of the Earl of SuArrEsuurtY, were severally read a first time. The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition from the north division of the City of London, of the Jewish religion, praying for the removal of their civil disabilities. The Duke of RICHMOND moved that a Message be sent to the Commons, requesting a Copy of the Report of the Committee of their House, commonly called Lord Stanley's Committee, on the subject of Scotch and Irish Vagrants.—Ordered. Lord CARRINGTON presented a petition from Clare against the Vestry Act. Lord CARRINGTON presented a petition from Chip ping Wickham for the revision of the Penal Code. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE presented a petition from Rochdale, Lancaster, praying a revision of the laws which award the punishment of death for offences against property. - The Marquis of HERTFORD presented a petition from Alceston, praying for the repeal of the malt tax. Lord WALLACE presented a petition from Alston Moor, Cumberland, against the importation of Foreign Lead. Earl STANHOPE v;*resented a petition frin.Kne ow ners and occupiers of land in a hundred in Suffolk, com plaining of distress, awl praying the repeal of the Small Note Act, and the, Malt and Beer duties. The Bills or:, {b e table were forwarded in their respec tive stages, TERCEIRA. ne. Order of the Day having been read, The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said, that the papers laid o❑ their Lordships' table at the close of the last Ses sion were not so ample as might have been expected, and he particularly regretted the absence of one document—he meant the protest of Count Saldanha to Captain Walpole, the Captain of the vessel by which the Portuguese refugees had been attacked. This would have stated the merits of the question more clearly than he could do. But there was enough in the papers before the Home to afford grounds for the resolutions with which he intended to con clude. It might be convenient for their Lordships, before he proceeded further, to show what these resolutions were, end he should therefore now read them. They were these : 4' that these unarmed mcrehant-ships and passengers were l'ircvented by his Majesty's naval forces, sent for the purpose, from entering the harbour of Porto Praya; and that after they had been fired Into- and blood had been spilled, they were com pelled, under the threat of the further use of force, again to pro ceed to sea, and warned to quit the neighbourhood of Terceira, and the teSt of the Azores, but that they might go wherever else they tnlght think proper.' " "'That the use of force in interrupting these unarmed vessels, and preventing them from anchoring, and landing their passen gers in the harbour of Porto Praya, was a violation of the sove reignty of that State to which the island of Terceira belonged ; and that the further interference to compel these merchant ships or transports to quit the neighbourhood of the Azores,' was an assumption of jurisdiction upon the high seas, neither justified by the necessity of the case, nor sanctioned by the general law of nations." In support of these Resolutions it was not necessary for him to enter at large into the question whether neutrality between the contending parties of Portugal was the proper policy of this country: Assuming that it was so, he con tended that the principle of neutrality was violated in this transaction. Their Lordships would recollect that after the defeat at Oporto a considerable number cf the subjects of Dolma Maria sought and obtained an asylum in this coo.ntry. They did not subject themselves to any condi tions or restrictions in availing themselves of this asylum, but remained free as before, to act as their duty prompted them in the service of their lawful Queen. From the circumstances of their characters and extraction they might have expected favour and protection from the Government of this country. He would show their Lordships that so far from being the objects of either, the law of nations was violated in their persons. Soon after their arrival here, intelligence arrived that Terceira had determined to adhere faithfully to its legitimate Sovereign, Donna Maria. They wished to proceed thither, and understanding that an ex pedition had been fitted out by Don Miguel against the Aiknes, they applied to the British Government for a CO!, 'voy. In answer to the application a letter was written by the Noble Duke, from which he would read a passage. It stated that the Portuguese subjects, if they thought proper to make war in the Azores instead of Portugal, they might do so, but that in departing from this country they could only be allowed to act as individuals. It was then ordered that they should be dispersed from Plymouth, where they had up to this time remained together. This order he thought an unwarrantable exercise of power. They preferred emigration to dispersion, and again applied fir a convoy, and a guarantee of their safe passage. The guarantee was however refused, and he thought rightly; and the convoy was also refused, upon the ground that we had no right to deprive the forces of Don Miguel of the power of acting against his enemies in the Atbeitic. But it was surely less justifiable to guarantee Terceira against the approach of the faithful subjects of the Queen, and to make an attack upon them within the wa ters of that island. They had been told that they might return to the Azores as individuals, and they were desirous of doing so. But at last they found to their surprise that obstructions were to be offered to them if they attempted it. The Marquis Saldanha wrote to tje Noble Duke, just before they sailed, and assured him at they were as rnoch unarmed as when they arrived in this country, and that they intended to go, not all together, but at separate times. Now, lie begged to ask how they could more completely divest themselves of the character of a hostile force? They hireel unarmed vessels; they had no arms or munitions of war, and they did not intend to go in greater numbers than six hundred at once, or about the number of persons usually conveyed to Canada in an emi grant vessel. And, notwithstanding this, they were pur sued, sad an act of violence—of murder, he would call it, or, at least, of manslaughter—was committed. He said that they were a body of Portuguese subjects return ing to their own homes, and nobody had the right to mo lest or obstruct them. The Noble Earl had said, in Fe bruary last, that among the six hundred persons going to Terceira, there were three hundred Germans and Danes. He did not know upon what authority the Noble Earl made this statement. But he had some authority for saying that there was not one German or Dane with Count Saldanha. It was true that there had been a vessel in the Downs about this time with foreigners on board ; but their destination was Rio de Janeiro. The Whole of the vessels, however, which sailed from England were stopped, although the vessel which conveyed the Germans and Danes had nothing to do with and did not keep company with the expedition— (Hear, hear)—under Count Sakianha. This information was communicated to him by an officer in the service of Donna Maria, whose name he had no objection to commu nicate to the Noble Earl, although for reasons adverted to on another occasion, he did not think it proper to mention it now. If he understood the cheer of the Noble Duke, it was directed to his use of the word " expedition ;" but was the Noble Duke so immersed in military notions as not to know that there were such things as civil as well as mili tary expeditions. He was at a loss to know, however, whether the expedition was civil or military, what right we had to attack them in the waters of Terceira? They were the subjectsof Donna Maria, and it was a violation of of national law to attack them in her territories. The Noble Earl had on a former occasion quoted a passage from Vattel to this effect, that neutrals ought not to aid or refresh the troops of belligerents. But this doctrine he maintained did not bear upon the ease in point. He would now refer to the instructions under which Captain Wal pole acted. They spoke of an attack upon Terceira by these vessels, than which nothing could he more absurd. It was not so easy a thing to attack Terceira, nor was Terceira now for the first time the refuge of loyal sub jects, for in 1581, and the:two following years, Spain had attempted to subdue it in vain by her Command,rs, Val dez and the Marquis of Santa Cruz, with a formidable force under their command iu each instance. And yet this island was to be attacked and taken by four un armed ships, and 600 men, without, he believed, even their side arms. But it was said that the Azores was to be con sidered as one, and the situation in which they were placed as that of civil war. Admitting this, had not the Noble Duke told them that if they liked to carry on war there, they might do so. This led him to inquire into what ap peared to be the source of all the calamities of these unfor tunate refugees. It appeared that they had committed a fraud, and the resentment of the Noble Earl prompted him to send out the instructions, which had produced the con sequences so painful to contemplate. Let them see what the fraud was. The Brazilian Minister had applied a short time before for leave to export a quantity of arms. .This permission was given, She condition being required and extorted that they should not be sent to Portugal. If he ' had violated his promise, this might have affected his cha racter as a gentleman, but he had not done so, for he had a right to send them to Terceira, as articles of merchandize, without.any permission whatever. At' that time there was no order to the contrary, and it was perfectly free for any man to send arms to Terceira. Se had heard that arms were at this time actually sent to Portugal ; but be the fact so or net, it was certain, and this was sufficient for his purpose, that they might have been sent. But why should it be deemed so desirable to prevent arms from being sent to Terceira from this country, when there was no difficulty in sending them from Brazil? But, if he should even allow I that there had been cause of complaint against the Brazilian Minister, what had this to do with the poor unfortunate Portuguese, that we should go and shoot them ? A more monstrous proposition could not be, than that because a Brazilian Minister had misconducted himself, we should therefore have a right to attack Portuguese subjects within their own territory. Thfn something had been said of false clearances ; this at the utmost was only a violation of out municipal regulations, which did not warrant us in pursuing the offenders to take vengeance upon them on the waters of Terceira. The idea could not be contem plated for a moment, that we were thus to enforce our municipal or certain home regulations, in the territories of a foreign State. The law had assigned a suitable punish ment to this offence, if offence had been committed. He did not know that any of our regulations had been in fringed ; but, if they had been so, there was a legal mode of redress. Nothing could be more frivolous and futile than the special pleading which had been resorted to upon this subject. He trusted their Lordships would not sanc tion such conduct as he had described, and that they would show that they were aware of the consequences which must arise if they spurned the opinions he had embodied in his resolutions. There was another point to which, before he concluded, he must briefly advert. They had been informed in 182 S, by a Speech from the Throne, that negotiations were in progress with the head of the House of Braganza, having for their object to terminate the exist ing disputes between the members of that House. They next heard that a British ship bad been firing upon the subjects of one of the parties to that dispute which it had been desired to settle by negociation ; and recently they had been told that the negociation into which they had entered had become hopeless. If that House did not rouse itself to a sense of what its dignity required, it would be.. a party to the whole transaction. If there was one principle which more than any other had universally in fluenced the Government of this country, it was that which recognized the importance of maintaining a good understanding with Portugal. But what was now their position ? They had failed in a negociation which it ap peared the King of France had subsequently taken up, and from a principal they had thus descended to the station of a secondary party. The Noble Lord concluded by moving the resolutions he had already read to the House. The resolutions having been read from the Woolsack, The Earl of ABERDEEN begged the House to bear in mind what was the relative condition of the two court. tries at the time when the Portuguese refugees came to this country. It was one of strict neutrality.—(Hear.) He should not go into the question of whether that neu trality was right or not. That question had not yet been discussed. It might have been right, or it might have been wrong—that was a question altogether beside the one now under discussion. It might be that it would have been more proper to recur to force in the first instance, and by force of arms to sustain the cause of the legitimate Sovereign. Such a course he had heard alleged as the proper one to have been pursued out of the House ; and lie thought it would have been more fair if that dectrime had been avowed in the House, such being the evi dent tendency of all the arguments used upon the sub ject. It might be said to have been right to acknowledge the legitimate Prince; but the cause which his Majesty's Government had thought fit to adopt was that of neu trality; and having adopted it they were bound to observe the obligations which it imposed. For, of all the courses that could be pursued that was the most indefen sible which consisted in suiting their policy to their inte rests, and shifting the principle of their conduct as circum stances might seem to dictate.—(Hear, hear.)—Having stated the resolution of his Majesty's Ministers, and the obligations by which they conceived themselves bound, he would briefly proceed to reMpitulate the circumstances as they occurred. Their Lordships would recollect that after the defeat of the refugees at Oporto—he ought rather to call it the flight, for there was no contest—that body took refuge in Spain. Here it was that the first good offices of this country were called into action in their behalf. Through the intervention of the British Government with the Spanish authorities, the period limited for their stay was prolonged, and facilities for their embarkation afforded. They wanted to persuade the British Government to fur nish them with vessels to carry them. But this was not accorded, although every accommodation in the country was promised and afterwards given. They arrived at the end of August, and here was the first and only error corn mitted upon this subject by his Majesty's Government, who omitted to insist upon the dispersion of their troops, for they were in reality a body of foreign troops. It would not, however, be pressed upon Government as a serious charge, that in the miserable condition of these men they had acted in a spirit of kindness rather than the reverse. Accommodation had been provided for the refugees at Portsmouth and Plymouth, but they preferred remain ing together at Plymouth. There, in point of fact, they remained for four or five months, officered, paid, and dis ciplined as troops. About the middle of October the Marquis de Barbacena applied to his Noble Friend (the Duke of Wellington) to allow him to send a party •of troops, as he called them, to the Azores. At that time, it was to be observed, Terceira was the only one of the Azores which was doubtful as to the cause it meant to espouse. It, however, followed the example of the others, and declared for Don Miguel. The troops of the citadel threw off the yoke of the Govern ment of Miguel, and rose upon the Governor, declaring themselves in favour of Don Pedro, or Donna Maria, he did not exactly know which. But the inhabitants were universally in favour of Don Miguel. This was the state of things when the Marquis de Barbacena made the ap plication to which he had referred ; and it was in the same state at present, and had been ever since. The Noble Duke instantly answered the application by declaring that he knew nothing of the existence of foreign troops in the country—if there were any that they must disperse ; and that certainly they could not be allowed to proceed to the Azores, or to any other part of the dominions of Portugal. On the 10th November the order for their dispersion in the neighbouring towns of Plymouth was issued, and they were given distinctly to understand that their union at Plymouth could not be permitted. Against this order a protest was made by the leaders of the refugee troops ; and at length, by means of false clearances and other tricks they contrived to sail for Terceira. Under all these cir cumstances it appeared to biro a clear point that, during the four or five months that they had been embodied at Plymouth, there was a manifest breach of the neutral cha racter on the part of this country. He held it to be no part of the business of a neutral to look into the right of a quarrel between the belligerents. He looked upon Ter ceira in the same light as Oporto; and if Oporto had declared for the Queen, this Government would not have allowed the body assembled at Plymouth to depart for that place, the possession being at that time extremely doubtful.- , --(Hear.)—Upon this principle then, after ob . • taining the knowledge of arms having been provided for the body upon their arrival at Terceira, his Majesty's Govern ment could nit possibly allow them to proceed there. The chiefs of the body had full notice that a detachment of his Majesty's navy was stationed off that island to divert them from landing. The question was this, were these people to be allowed to take advantage of their own wrong, accom plished by every species of fraud and artifice? He thought it was impossible to answer that question otherwise than in the negative. Had the British Government, with a full know ledge of the intention of the parties, allowed a hostile arma ment, prepared on British ground, and equipped in a Bri tish port, to sail against the possessions of one of the belli gerents, the disgrace of insincerity would have fallen, and justly, upon the name of his Majesty. The principle so much questioned by Noble Lords had already been acted upon, and with the assent of those who now found fault with it. He referred to the case of the Portuguese refu gees in 1826, who, having fled into Spain, were prepar ing to return into Portugal in hostile array. In that case it was not pretended that there was a single Spaniard in the ranks ; hut it was contended that as the refugees had been comforted, aided, and equipped in Spain, their inva sion of their own country would be a breach of neutrality on the part of Spain, and an act of foreign aggression upon the soil of Portugal. Spain denied having abetted the ex pedition, but she was not believed by this country, and a force was dispatched feom England to repel what was termed " foreign aggression." When the body which had passed the frontiers of Spain had retired, this Government insisted upon their being dispersed, and sent for into the interior. Now, had this country allowed a hostile expe dition to sail from Plymouth, Don Miguel would have had the same right to complain as we had in 1826. As the Resolutions, although embodying many parts which were perfectly true, were intended to cast censure upon his Majesty's Government, be should certainly give his nega tive to them. Lord RADNOR thought the Noble Earl seemed to have aimed only to make out a sort of debtor and creditor ac count between the parties, by which it appeared that the Government had really broken the neutrality, not only with one but with both of the belligerents. Thus he breach to seemed to thi n k t h at having permitted the Portugese regi mentsremainPlymouth, by way of a set-off to that e fN e utralit y, neutral balance li ewa ty s ) bo c u h n e d eing to equili briumrthesetmoreetthTeerceira of the And pursuing them with a hostile force on the high seas. The Noble Earl had attempted to make the refuge of the Portuguese in Spain and their return armed into Portugal a parallel case. But to do so he must show that we should have been justified in following them into Spain, and there knocking them on the head. Lord CLANRICARDE replied. If the House rejected his resolutions, it would certainly be without having beard them satisfactorily replied to. He should certainly enter a protest on the Journals of the House upon this subject. The LORD CHANCELLOR was about to put the questions upon the resolutions, when Lord HOLLAND said—Where this painful subject first came before the House, the Government appeared to be panting and longing for an explanation of the whole of their conduct ; yet now, neither in the speech of the Noble Earl, nor in the defence put before the House, on which the Government rested their case, was one word said directly or indirectly on that branch of the subject which farmed the principal ground of the motion of his Noble Friend below him. It had been the custom when the laffairs of Portugal were introduced in that House, to elude the question, by professing an unbounded love of peace, a strict and austere adherence to the terms of our conven t tions with other countries, and a most unbounded respect for the opinion of the people in them. It had been found, for instance, in the present case, that in the unanimous opinion of the people of Portugal (by what magic the Noble Earl had taken the exact poll of the people of Por tugal it was hard to say), the Government of Don Miguel was to he preferred to the Charter accorded by Don Pedro. The Noble Duke at the head of Isis Majesty's Government sometimes shewed that he understood tactics as well in de bate as in the field ; and though he had spoken on these questions, be had not done so much to the purpose of the questions themselves, but had obtained this advantage, that he had contrived to impress the public with the belief that those who found fault with his Majesty's Government were in fact doing nothing more than urging an unnecessary i interference in the aff drs of another country, and prompt ing this Government to impose by its will upon another people a Government which they disliked.—(Hear.)-- The Noble Earl who had spoken this evening Was wrong in supposing that lie was charged with any pusillanimous love of peace—on the contrary, the charge was, that lie had shown a love for pusillanimous war—not any squea mish dread of interference, but interference where even less than squeamishness ought to have stopped him—not any extravagant love of popular liberty and of the will of the people, but that he had been guilty of a violent out rage on the people of a country most nearly and dearly connect d with Great Britain.—(Hear.) —Let them look at the detail of facts as laid before that House. In the first place, what had been said by the Noble Secretary of State was true—that the question must be considered as a whole. He had no objection to consider it, provided he was net obliged to cut it up as it was cut up in the minds of the Noble Lords opposite. It was ,necessary to trace those periods in which this Government went in a regular progress from cold-hearted indifference through suspicion to continued ill temper towards these persons ; and finally proceeded to injustice—aye, and to actual war. That was the charge against them. Let them see how it was made out. It was necessary to see who were these persons. They were the subjects of a country most nearly allied to Great Britain—persons who adhered to a race, and pro fessed allegiance to a Princess whom he had recommended and recognised, and whom his present Majesty, with that degree of generosity which belonged to him, had received with more than common interest on the soil of Great Bri tain. These persons attempted to raise the standard of their Sovereign at Oporto, and failed. When after this they looked to this country for a kind and hospitable recep tion—could they have supposed that their opponents would have received every advantage, and that they should have been denied all? He had a list in his pocket of 30 of these brave men and noble men, whose wealth, family, and talents, had suffered in the cause of Donna Maria.— They were names dear to this country, as having been always foremost in maintaining the connection of England with Portugal. Need he name those with whom they were all acquainted—the Marquis of Palmella—whom the Duke of Wellington knew, who had acted so prominent a part in the settlement of Europe, who, though admitted at the Congress as the representative of Portugal only at the recommendation of this country, had, by the splen dour of his talents, by his address, his integrity, and his zeal in the service of Portugal, put himself upon a level with the representatives of the most powerful States of Europe ?—( Hear, hear, hear.)—Need he name the Count Funchal, whose talents and temper were calculated to enliven every society, and who, as he (Lord Holland) could declare, from a knowledge of him for the last forty years, was a strong patriot, and who considered that the interests of kis own country could only be advanced by a close connection with England ? Need he name Villa Real, who he believed to be a most consistent friend of that Constitution, and who had done his best to cement the union between the two countries? He named these men, and called on the House to judge what must have been their feelings at the statement of the Noble Secretary. It was true that this Government might give or refuse its permission to arms being taken from this country ; but if it did not exercise that right equally on both sides, there was an end of its neutrality ; and if it did not exercise the right at all, it was no breach of neutrality. Even if the Brazilian Government had been a belligerent, instead of a neutral, it would have been no breach of neu trality. There were fifty instances of it, but one was enough for his purpose ; that was the case of the Russians, who, in 1770 or 1771, when making war on the Turks, were permitted to arm and victual their ships in our ports, without our being considered as guilty of a breach of neutrality.—(Hear, hear, hear.)--_, The Noble Earl had certainly taken great liberties the with his Noble Friend, and he accordingly expected th at, when he was reluctantly compelled to acknowledge him, h Am bassador would be instructed to address him not as his most faithful Majesty, but as his most false, faithless, cowardly, and cruel Majesty.—(Laughter.) —lt was ar gued that Terceira was not to be considered as a whole, because it was in a state of civil war. Yet the Azores were to be considered as a whole.—(Hear, bear.)--The Noble Earl had laid the papers respecting these matters be , fore them, but they were garbled, and the inference he I would draw from them was directly the contrary to that which had been already made. Besides, looking to their past conduct and former policy, what would be the infer ence? Candia was in a state of civil war—it had been so for a period of about seven years—but then it was replied, that all the forts were in the hands of the Turks, and, therefore, it should be regarded as a whole. When, how ever, they proceeded a little westward, they turned over the leaf of a new chapter, and conclusions directly contrary were arrived at, and conduct altogether different was pur sued with respect to Terceira. With respect to the four ships alludedlto, he would take it on himself to say, that there were no Germans or Danes aboard. The Noble Lord opposite had entitled the departure of those unfortunate persons from the country—an expedition, and this term was loudly cheered, and he had asked how they were to be divested of their character of troops? But he, in return, would say, what right had Ministers to consider them as troops, or, considering them as troops, what right had we to stop them at Terceira, which was an island under the rule of Donna Maria, an independent—no, he could not say an.. independent Sovereign—but one at that time living under the grace, protection, and hospitality of this country, and who had, therefore, a higher claim upon our courtesy, our justice, and our good feeling 7—(Hear, hear, hear.)—The Noble Duke, in alluding to the claims of Donna Maria, had stated that other countries had not done their duty ; but what was the meaning of this, or why was it that a British Minister should come before their Lordships with such an assertion ? It was odd, too, that the Noble Earl had stated in his assertions respecting Don Miguel, be would be borne out by public opinion, whereby he must, of course, mean the opinion of all Europe, and he had, at the same time, indulged in some strange liberties with his name. And, in addition to what had fallen from the Noble Earl, it was curious to remark that the argument which the Noble Duke seemed anxious to address to Don Pedro was to this effect=. It is very true, you accuse your brother of being a murderer, and what not be sides ; but if you are not quiet we shall open our budget, and prove that you yourself are little better." This, he submitted, was indeed a strange manner of re conciling two parties—to displease both—to lower both, and then say, you must make friends, for fear of worse consequences.—(Hear, and laughter.)—He, how ever, would conjure their Lordships to adopt a contrary line of policy. He saw in other countries a strong dispo sition to support the cause of liberty and legitimacy throughout Europe ; and in the great struggle now going forward in France, whichever party might prevail, he thought a considerable influence would be exercised on our connexion with Portugal. Ile sew that in Greece, the Mediterranean, and the coast of .Africa, the French were likely to reap an abundant harvest of profit and of glory, while England was fast sinking into a secondary power. The position of the country was, it must be acknowledged on all hands, much altered from what it had been in 1827. There were then only two Powers in Europe --the military power of Russia in the North, and the moral power of the notions in the West. He thought that the latter power had fallen off; and feeling as he did that the motion of that night was calculated to retard the fatal event of its destruction, he would give that motion his most cordial support. The Duke of WELLINGTON would say, that the neu trelity was the only course we could pursue; and if there was any doubt on the subject, it must have been removed by the affair of Oporto, which decidedly determined the f let, that the only way to establish Donna Maria in Por tugal would be by the agency of an armed force. And he was convinced that if at the time a proposition to this effect had been made to this House by the Administration, they would have indignantly rejected it ; while it must be evident to every man of sense and information that since that period there was no chance of restoring Donna Maria, because all Portugal was against her, with the exception only of those persons who were compelled to abandon their country in consequence of their attachment to her cause. Why was it, then, that the Noble Lords opposite pronounced a censure on Ministers for pursuing that course which all must esteem the wisest, in preference to one which could have only entailed difficulties and cala mity on this country? They, accordingly, he would say, had determined on acting as best became them—they decided on remaining neutral ; and having done so, what line of conduct were they to follow respect ing those military adherents of Donna Maria who sought refuge on their shores? They should have re ceived them, and so they did, in the best manner pos sible ; but they should not and did not receive them as troops. Still, however, it so happened that they were regularly officered and disciplined, and in all things con stituted as regular troops, except that they were unarmed, and this actually under the guns of one of his Majesty's Naval Arsenals. There, too, they remained for four months altogether, and for two months after the Ministers had been informed, by persons best qualified to give the information, that they were a body of troops. —(Hear. ) Now the first proposition respecting these men was, that we should give them a convoy to go to the Azores ; but they were told by him, in a paragraph of his letter, which might certainly have been as well left out, that they might go as individuals if they pleased, but that they could not be permitted to proceed as a body of troops. And next, after he had received that information which was given on the 15th of October, he had further intelligence laid before him, describing the manner in which these men were paid, and also declaring that soldiers were raising in great num bers in Germany and the Low Countries, to join those already in Plymouth ; and under these circumstances, he confidently asked their Lordships if it would have been proper for Government to see these forces assemble under the guns of one of his Majesty's forts, with the purpose of making war against Portugal, and yet take no measures on the subject? The Ministers thought they ought to have done something, and they accordingly removed these persons from Plymouth.— The next point to which he should direct their attention, and upon which both the Noble Lords who took a promi nent part in the present debate laid considerable stress—he meant the notice given to those parties. He would request Noble Lords to look at the papers which bad been laid upon the table of the House, and it would there be seen that on the day on which orders were given to go to Ter ceira, and prevent the execution of their scheme, notice was sent of those orders to the Marquis Palinella ; distinct and positive notice was given, and repeated and earnest entreaty was addressed to them, not to carry that project into effect. He begged Noble Lords to bear in mind that they left Plymouth under false clearances; each vessel, as it went out, stated that she was going to Rio Janeiro. They were told that if they went to Terceira, they would be intercepted—that if they went to the coast of Portugal, they would be intercepted ; to that their answer was, that they had no intention of going to either—that they were going to Rio Janeiro. Under circumstances such as these, Noble Lords came forward, and said that they (the Govern ment) should do nothing to prevent their carrying their hostile intentions into effect. Was there any thing, he would ask, of reason or inconsistency in such a view of the question ? Notwithstanding the frequent debates which their Lordships had had upon this subject, he confessed he was yet without having the good fortune to hear anything which proved that his Majesty's Government could have done otherwise than take the step which they bad taken. The question resolved itself shortly into this—was the in vasion of our neutrality such as to warrant the course which the advisers of the Crown had adopted ? Looking at the subject in another point of view, be would observe that there was no point which could be occupied by any body of troops more likely to prove inconvenient than Ter ceira, if occupied under the circumstances and with the views with which those troops were proceeding thither.— Ships belonging to every part of the world, coming either from the west or from the south, touched there. He could scarcely name any point so important as Terceira ; and it was further of importance that that place should not fall into the hands of a power or force such as then sought to possess themselves of it. Viscount GODERICH observed that it was perfectly true that the British Government would be fully justified in saying to the troops taking refuge in this country, that the neutrality which they desired to observe required that they (the troops) should walk out of the country; but, owing to our insular situation, the Government of this country could not say to any refugees, walk over our fron tier —we could not say that to the troops of any bellige rents towards whom we wished to observe neutrality.—. But though tide country was entitled to require their im mediate departure, yet we were not entitled to pursue them all over the world. Suppose a civil war arose in France, that some of the troops of one party took refuge in the dominions of the King of the Netherlands—he desires them to pass onwards, but the King of Prussia refuses them ingress ; and what then was the King of the Nether lands to do? Was he to drive them into the sea, and after wards pursue them throughout the world ? He scarcely imagined that any one would contend for such an inter pretation of the law'of nations. But the Noble Duke told the Marquis Barbacena that they could go as individuals, and, with the candour which usually characterized him, be admitted that that was an unfortunate expression. The Duke df 'WELLINGTON—I did not say unfortu nate-4 said it might as well have been left out. Lord GODERICH resumed—The difference for his purposes was not very material—there could be no doubt that it was an unfortunate expression—it was hasty, ill considered, and irregular; for they received no informa tion as to the sense in which those words were used—they were not explained—they had no means of judging what was meant by their going as individuals. They did not go armed, and in their manner of going they violated no part of the municipal !aw of England. The Noble Duke, towards the conclusion of his observations, adverted to one point, in a manner which gave a new character to the discussion. He seemed to say that it would be a great misfortune if the Emperor of Brazil were to obtain pos session of any of the ancient dominions of Portugal. He would not enter into any abstract speculations upon ?hat question. Perhaps, in the abstract, he might agree with the Noble Duke ; but the only reason he had for calling their Lordships' attention at all to the question was, that he conceived it to be perfectly possible that views of that sort, much more than any feelings about neutrality, might have influenced the course pursued by his Majesty's Government. The LORD CHANCELLOR said that so far from de serving the condemnation which from some quarters had been pronounced upon the conduct of his Majesty's Go vernment, they would, had they pursued a different course, have merited severe censure. He would assume, as a matter conceded on all hands, and taken for granted, that the neutral policy observed by England was the most wise and expedient—whether it was so or not formed no part of the present discussion—that it was so, he thought himself fully justified in assuming; and he should there-' fore say nothing in vindication of that line of policy. Its correctness was not denied ; if so, then its legitimate con sequence could be shown to be, that the conduct pur sued towards the Portuguese refugees was what their cir cumstances, and those of this country, demanded.— This country afforded a refuge to persons who had been u nfortunate in the civil dissensions of their own—had af forded them a sincere and hearty refuge, not only when they arrived were they afforded shelter when they came, but even on their arrival they were afforded every possible f a cility—whereupon they formed a considerable establish szient at Plymouth. At first Government had not thought it necessary so to make themselves acquainted with the proceedings of those persons as fully to be aware of their objects or inteations. At length they discovered that 3,000 Portuguese had established themselves at Plymouth, were organised as a body of troops, were paid by the Mar quis Palmas, out of funds supplied by the Marquis Bar bacena. General Stubbs went down to Plymouth to take the command of that body, and general orders were issued in the name of General Stubbs. His Majesty's Govern ment at length thought that the time had arrived when they should interfere. They said they knew no such body as Portuguese troops in this country, and they required them to disperse or leave the country. Was the Govern ment, or was it not, en ti t l e d t o pu t f or th suc h a requ i s iti on ? If the principle of the British policy was to be neutral, could the Government have pursued any other course con sistently with its own dignity or security? How could they allow troops to form 'themselves within the limits of this country—to collect their strength here—and proceed to Terceira under clearances professedly for Rio Janei:o ? How could they suffer all that, and lay claim to be con sidered as neutrals ? They most distinctly declared their wish and intention of going to Rio Janeiro—they asked for convoy and guarantee—the former was granted, the latter refused. They positively pledged themselves to go to Rio Janeiro, and we had a right to hold them to that engagement, and to compel them to keep to it, even if they were found on the high seas---(Hear, hear, from Lord Holland and othert )—He repeaked, notwithstanding the cheers of the Noble Lords, that we had a right to compel them to hold to their engagement, though we met them on the high seas. The question lay within the narrowest com pass, for it came to this, whether we had a right to com pel them to conform to their pledge. He maintained that we had. We received them, when refugees, with the greatest kindness, but they had no right to call upon us to violate our principle of neutrality in their favour. Lord HOLLAND, in explanation, alluded to two points. The Noble and Learned Lord bad said that we had a right to keep them to their implied pledge. So we had, as long as they were in this country; but this had nothing to do with the legality or illegality of attacking them on the high seas. Then the Noble and Learned Lord and the Noble Duke opposite had said that notice had been given ; but the notice had nothing to do with the legality or ille gality of the proceeding. Suppose the Noble Duke had sent notice to Mr. Alexander not to libel him, and Alex ander did libel hint notwithstanding, would that entitle the Noble Duke to take the law into his own hands ? The Earl of CAERNARVON denied that the Marquis Palmella had given any distinct pledge that the troops were not to go to Terceira. On the contrary, it appeared that the Marquis had acted throughout with perfect can dour and good faith. The real question had been always blinked by the Ministers ; for that question was niit what you had a right to do generally, but what you had a right to do when they were in your own country. While here, Ministers might have a right to controul their proceedings and 'notions ; but what had that to do with the act of driving them, by a hostile attack, from their own shores? That was the point in which Ministers had violated the law of nations. He was one of those who thought at one time that this question of neutrality had been sufficiently discussed, but he thanked the Noble Marquis for bringing it forward again ; for it was now so manifest that the neu-. trality had not been preserved that the question might be considered as at rest for ever. The Duke of WELLINGTON explained, stating that he was only apprehensive of the consequences in case the troops had refused to obey the order to disperse. He had twice given them notice that they must not go to Terceira. The question was then put that the Resolution proposed by the Marquis of CLANRICARDE be agreed to. Not Contents Proxies ... 65-125 Contents 2O Proxies Majority Adjourned at Ten o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS-(LAST NIGHT.) Immediately after taking the Chair, the SPEAKER, ac companied by some Members, proceeded to the House of Peers. On his return be stated that the House had been to the House of Peers, and had heard the Royal assent given, by Commission, to several public and private Bills (see Lords' Report.) A person from the office of the Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports, presented the annual account of surplus rates of pilotage, appropriated to the provision for superannuated pilots belonging to the Brotherhood of the Cinque Ports. The Ellenborough Divorce Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed to-morrow se'nnight. A petition was presented from James William Fresh field, stating that Lady Ellenborough ii - rtt present abroad —that she had been served with a copy of the Divorce Bill previous to its second reading in the other House— that she there appeared by Counsel—that her Ladyship's agents are Messrs. Bateman and Jones, of Lincoln's•inn— that Mr. Jones, of that firm, attended at the Consistory Court of the Bishop of London, on her behalf—and that Messrs. Bateman and Jones possess full authority to act as her agents. It was then decided by the House that the order for the commitment of the Bill should be considered good notice to her Ladyship, the saiiib as if it had been personally served upon her. Sir M. S. STEWART begged to present petitions from the trades-house of Glasgow, from the incorporations of dyers and bonnet makers, of tailors, of haannermen, of cordwainers, of masons, of bakers, of maltmen, of coopers, of skinners, of weavers, of barbers, of fieshers, and of wrights, making the whole fourteen incorporated trades of Glasgow, who all unite in praying, that the Glasgow Royalty Extension Bill may not pass into a law, and that they may be heard by their agents and counsel against this (to them) obnoxious measure. Mr. WARD moved for returns (as we understoo3) during the last five years, of all fines imposed in the Court of Exchequer upon licensed spirit dealers, for frauds or violations of the provisions of Statutes. Also similar re turns with respect to wine. Sir JOHN WROTTESLEY presented a petititioir from the Protestant Dissenters of a place in Stafford shire, against West India Slavery.—To lie on the table. Sir GILBERT HEATHCOTE presented a petition from the county of Rutland, complaining of general dis tress. He bore testimony to the respectability of the petitioners, and urged upon the House the necessity of effecting a reform in the representation of the people.— To be printed. Mr. HUME presented a petition from Wooton-under- Edge, complaining of the general distress, of the monopoly of the East India Company, and of the practice of burn ing widows in India.—To lie on the table. Mr. HUME presented a petition from the Clothing District of Bentley, in Yorkshire, praying for a free trade to India.—(To lie on the table.)—The same Hon. Mem ber presented a petition from Carlisle and its vicinity, complaining of the state of the law, and praying its re vision. He remarked that two attorneys bad signed the petition. Justice, the petitioners said, should be speedy and cheap ; and not sold, as it was, at an inordinate price Mr. O'CONNELL supported the petition.—To be* printed. Mr. HUME presented a petition from the Northern Division of the Metropolis, praying for the Removal of the Legal Disahilitios affecting the Jews.—To be printed. The same Hon. MEMBER. presented a petition from an individual, named John Sheehan, an inhabitant of the City of Londonderry, in Ireland, stating that the Corpo ration of that city ought to he wealthy, but that its funds had been dissipated ; that in 1814 a sum of 15,0001. had been advanced to them out of the Consolidated Fund, to be applied to the improvement of the quays, and the building a bridge; that this money had never been properly accounted for, nor any considerable portion of it repaid. Sir GEORGE HILL said the petitioner was a stranger in Londonderry, and that the petition was not signed by any one else. Mr. HUME did not move for the printing of the pe tition, till returns upon the subject were before the House, for which he moved accordingly, and which were agreed to. Lord G. SOMERSET presented a petition from Chep stow, against the Hawkers' and Pedlers' Act. Sir J. LOWTHER presented a petition from Carlisle, praying for free trade with India. Mr. DUGDALE presented a petition from Birmingham, against the punishment of death for forgery. Mr. RAMSDEN presented a petition from Midden field, praying for retrenchment and economy in every part of the State. Mr. CAVENDISH presented a petition from some parish in Sussex, praying for a repeal of the Malt Tax, Mr. MONCK presented a petition from some place in Ireland, praying that Parliaments should be held in Ireland every three years. Mr. MONCK presented a petition from certain persons of the Jewish persuasion resident in London, praying that they might be allowed to take all civil oaths as permitted in Courts of Juitice, on the Old Testament ; also from a Roman Catholic Gentleman in Ireland to the same effect. The 11larquis of CHANDOS presented a petition from Buckinghamshire, complaining of the state of the poor, and praying for the means of emigration. Mr. WILMOT HORTON said that it was his inten tion on a future day to bring in a Bill to that effect, in order that he might take the sense of the House upon the subject. Mr. PORTMAN said that the Government ought to take up the subject, in order to make it effective. A Committee would be advisable, in order that the facts of the case might be fully ascertained. Sir T. FREEMANTLE supported the petition. Mr. PEEL—As to the question whether parishes should be allowed to make rates to encourage emigration, it was a very difficult subject. He would not give an opi nion one way or the other. He thought that no Com mittee was necessary, as the subject had already been fully investigated. He was glad to hear that his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. W. Horton) intended to introduce a specific motion on the subject. He should not prejudice that by saying one word more further on the point at present. Mr. ,R. COLBURN—There was no getting out of the point that there was excessive population, and therefore the subject was beset with difficulties. Colonel WOOD—That distress which existed in the southern parts of the country was not to be found in the northern parts. He anticipated the best results from the Right Lion. Gentleman's Bill. The petition was then ordered to lie on the table. EMANCIPATION OF-THE JEWS. Mr. ESTCOURT was anxious that the Hon. Gentle aaan R. Grant) should consent to postpone his motion on this subject, as the adjourned debate on the distrt* the country stood for this evening. Mr. PEEL expressed a similar wish. Mr. 11. GRANT was willing to postpone the motion, if the House would consent to let the Bill be read that night a first time pro forma, and fix the debate for the second reading. Mr. ESTCOURT could not consent to this arrangement. Dr. LUSHINGTON could not advise his Hon. and Learned Friend to consent to postpone his motion, unless an arrangement were made by the Right Hon. Gentleman to give his Learned and lion. Friend an opportunity to bring forward his motion on some open day before Easter. Mr. Secretary PEEL could not then fix any day; but he would certainly make an arrangement, as far as de pended on him, to allow the Hon. and Learned Member to have an open day before Easter. _ _ After afew words from Air. Husxissom and the CHAN"' CELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, the motion IT U . indefinitely postponed, on the understanding that as soon as an arrange— ment could lie made by the latter for appropriating a notice day to it, the motion should be brought before the Boise.. DISTRESS. Admiral SOTIIERON presented a petition from the owners and occupiers of land in the county of Nottingham, complaining of great distress, and earnestly praying, for a reduction of taxation. Mr. S LUMLEY supported the petition, which WU brought up and read. Mr. D. W. HARVEY presented a petition from Col chester, complaining of distress, and praying that the sys tem of indirect taxation might be abolished, substituting for it a graduated property tax. The petitioners also prayed for a reform in Parliament, and the commutation nf tither.: The Hon. Gentleman cordially concurred in every part of the petition, except tbat part which prayed for voting by ballot, to which he was opposed. Mr. HUME supported the petition, particularly that part of it which requested that voting by ballot might be the principle of reform. Mr. O'C ONNELL also supported this-part of the peti tion, because he knew tradesmen were frequently obliges! to vote against their wishes. Mr. BATLEY objected to the proposition for voting by ballot, and declared he would always strenuously oppose,it. After a few words from Mr. HARVEY, the petition was laid on the table. Sir T. FREEMANTLE moved for certain returns rev lative to the quanti of butter imported. Sir T. BARING presented a petition from Chipping- Wickham, praying fur improvements in the Criminal Law. Mr. WESTERN presented a petition from the Hundred of Blackclore, Norfolk, signed by 500 persons, complaining of distress, which they attributed to the_Bill of 1819. Mr. BERNAL moved for certain returns, to show the sums received by the Corporation of the Trinity House, under the Act of the 4th of Geo. IV. Lord MORPETH brought upthe Report of the Commit. tee appointed to inquire into the state of the northern roads. Mr. DENISON presented a petition from the county of Surrey, agreed to at a public meeting regularly convened, and respectably attended. The petition complained of.. extreme distress arising from excessive taxation ; and it prayed for a great reduction of taxation, declaring that what has been already done was not sufficient—for great retrenchment in all public departmentsi and for a Parlia mentary Reform. The Hon. Member entered into a view of the causes of our present distress, ascribing it to the vast sums we had expended during the late war,,and to the Bank Restriction Act of 1797. We were now paying - the price of those proceedings. He did not join with some or his friends near him in wishing to have thecurrency again depreciated, though he thought that was a subject which wanted further investigation. When he considered the great liabilities of the Bank of England, he was rather fearful what might be the consequences should any con vulsion, of which there were not wanting signs, occur ors the Continent. He hoped, therefore, that the Govern ment would take the subject into its serious consideration, dering the recess, for the sooner it was discussed the better. 4'l= Mi. C. PALLMER bore his testimony to the respectabi lity of the petitioners, and stated that he fully concurred in every thing which had fallen from his colleague. He supported the prayer of the petition. Mr. C. PALLMER presented a petition front the labourers of Barn Elms Farm, in Surrey, complaining of the public expenditure, and praying the House to reduce the Military Estimates.—Laid on the Table. Lord STANLEY presented a petition from the inhabi tants of Bury, against the Free Trade in Beer. Sir HENRY PARNELL, in consequence of the Noble Lord (Lord L. Gower) having intimated his intention to beioz,Al2 , a .. 8i1l on the subject of the Fisheries, moved fo' . pl44.sullaof.lll2Hey expended on the pi . i at,Britain for each the last five yew * to * ef Hill the Expenses of the Establishments coo -1 nected with then-I.—Ordered. Sir M. W. RIDLEY presented a petition from New castle-on-Tyne, praying that small tenements may be assessed ft the Poor Rates. Mr. CA* . fig'rl presented a petition from Samuel Mil lar and ot te,r . s, complaining of "an, undue return of a Member for the Port of Rye.--Laid on the Table. Mr. WARBURTON, in presenting a petition from the Physicians, Surgeons, and others,. residing and prac• tising in the town of Sheffield, praying_that a law might be enacted to favour the science of anatomy, said that his opinions on the subject. were unchanged, and his only. reason for not renewing the Biil'of last Session was,. that he hoped a.measure would be introduced into the other House, so as to get, rid of some .of the obstacles which had proved fatal to the Bill in that House. Mr. R. GRANT gave notice of his intention to move, on the sth of April, for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the Laws relating to the Jews..--(Hear.) • The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, oa the part of the Government, that he was willing to allow the Motion of Isis Hon. Friend to take precedence of the. business which stuod for that evening; and he hoped that if it should be found necessary, the House would, in that case, pardon his taking some public business on the suc ceeding Wednesday.—(Hear, hear.) Lord NUGENT presented &petition from Mr. Thomas Wilson, an architect, praying to be heard at the Bar•of etlriceetHinnounsfe anin i f m av n o l u en r se of a pyra p m la i t: l, l . lo had calculated d omp t id o ete ho f ld or the five millions of bodies. This building would, as he alleged, prove both ornamental and useful, and afford occupation - to the living, as well as a place of secure interment for the (lead. The petition was ordered to be printed. LoH L. GOWER brought in a Bill for the better en couragement of the Fisheries of Great Britain. Mr: HUME begged to know if the Bill repealed the Bounties ? Lerd L. GOWER said it merely continued the laws at,. present existing to the end of the Session, for and prepa ratory to the adoption of other measures by his Majesty's Government. The Bill was read a first time. MISREPRESENTATION. . On the Order of the Day for resuming the debate on the Distress of the Country being moved, • Mr. HUSKISSON hoped the House would pardon hint for alluding to a matter personally interesting to himself, '2" although he thought it was one in which the character of the House itself was in some measure concerned. He ; knew, and the House knew, that the greatest exertions were made by the public press to convey the speethes Of the Members to the country, within a very few hours of their delivery. That arduous task was on the whole, he believed, both impartially and honestly performed ; but under all the difficulties of long protracted debates, crowd ed houses, late hours, and hasty composition, it Was im possible that tome inaccuracies should not occasionally be found in the reports. On any erdinary occasion there was no man who would feel less disposed to advert .to any of these inaccuracies than he was; but in consequence of a m ierepresentation—through inadvertency, he was stire-e: he had been reported to have given utterance to kiri Oh= servation which was calculated to affect character,' and he was therefore compelled to repeat what he did say. Tbe• expressions of which he complained were to be found in a report of the debate on the affairs of Portugal ; and it was only recently that the misrepresentation came to his know- • ledge, through a communication from anotheicountry, because he had not attended at the time to the manner in , which the speeches on that occasion were.given to the •, public. He recollected that he rose late on that evenilitt's and that after comp arin g the present Ruler of Portngario -• Richard the Third, he expressed himself nearly Ito the fol lowing effect :—" That in the event of any struggle in Portugal between the present Usurper —the uncle of the reigning Queen, and the party supporting the rights of that Queen—the rightful heiress of the thione, be should not feel sorry that the parallel might by a•sitnilar iisue be rendered more complete ;" and he remembered that he added, " that with the satisfaction of seeing right tritneph ' over wrong, he should not regret that a life of wicked ness might be closed by a death of courage." He was ' sure these were the expressions he used.; and he wee the more confident of it, b ecause h e f oun d that lie con cluded that part of his speech by saying he was relieved from the imputation of having expressed himself too unkindly of Miguel, because he had been openly stigma. tised elsewhere Ite being cowardly as well as cruel. Now, it so happened, that in a newspaper Of • the following day, from which it was afterwards copied into other papers, the whole passage was summed up iu the words, " that