The Sun. — London, England, 1833-02-07 00:00:00

s~~ .... 'l l, a , u te a t ti na _itOnal feeling can eirculite—(Hear, hear, beat ) t h , with a reciprocity of inconvenience, and irritated . t i on• comnion inconvenienc es resulting from our junc fo, t ,e, , C h eers.) H ow, t h en, could the Hon. 'Weather fir st h e e s 'Wee in thi s metaphorical tool-apropos At r 'ea . Sheil) could not account for it, but on ap eger oo he recollected that the Hon. Member hail an -B.4ris 1 ,,, b e speech o f t h e distinguished author of " the his Politicaleins." His h a bi ts as a cr i t i c i nter f ere d w i t h ''f 111, 8 Pose, an d t h e i mage pr,sented by the work li e _,ulwer was so m uc h presse d on h i s memory, t h at into a simile that refutes his argument, and fur- wi th the best picture of our melancholy condi the fo (Cheer '') The Hon. Gentleman had referred to br a y conferr e d on Ireland by the Whigs.—(Hear, tlirai)aolle (Mr. Sod') was most prompt to recognise vie ey h "' Shoes all, to offer his homage to the vast set , de,„tha fri Y Lord G rey, who had always proved himself the , en 'l of Ir e l an d . ir. 0 CONNELL—No, no. s ionof, B l ll , l L--At all events, he was so at the discus- Grey (de union -Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") Charles little du e between Lord Grey and Charles Grey there was evils th l : r t "' N 've) opposed the Union. He predicted the of t h e 8, would result from it, and almost drew a picturo, far, th e nes 'vhich a ps bef , re our eyes. So L ord c e r r : fb re, fa mu dissenting from the panegyric . on bite wi t h ), every Irishman should concur in encompassin , g . sak e, ~ encomium. What a pity it is for Lord Grey b he he e tn ' t the Memb er for Leeds is so young a man ; bad ur ol,ll, beside•u ;99, be, of course, would have 41 him t has adv,c, convincing effect, all the arguments -hav a e Ivith such 'force and Lord Grey would never With go.'"en utteran ce to language so entirely at variance ,D ais"e opinions of the Member for Leeds. The fol- P I Y e l el ls an extract from his speech, which does not a.p aoti ir o „ ° "` iv elY to the past, but is prospective , and supplies l'ehth;vnent,for repeal. Lord Grey said, on the '7(11 of 'Att e (it is reported in page 338 of the 34th . a to° Hansard)—. What I most heartily wish for is, tooneth° uetwten the two countries. By union I . mean lialb e „'"g Inoue than a mere word—a union not of Par 13tit"t"' but of h t ff•ctions and interests—a union h ur, of ardour, and for the general welfare of the tha t ea h et4i re• It is this species of union, and this only,. aud g t end to increase the real strength of the empire, r neo lth e it security against any danger. But if any aucl the' with the name only of union be proposed, io tendency of which would be only to disunite . oaly 4-eate disaffection, distrust, and jealousy, it can 13f thi e tt h ti t ° weaken the whole of the British empire. ce ! , -a ttire d o I take the present measure to be. D is fruit% t t -a s re jealousy, and suspicion, are the visible 104 1 4 it aiready. If you persist in it r se . ntment will tooloaiand although you should be able, which I doubt, the ki s eeming consent of the Parliament of Ireland to an opiei"ure, yet the people of that country would wait for s ay ii.?,rtunitY of recovering their rights, which they will t he taken from them by force."--(Lotol cht els froin the f .'"kernbers.) Is not this prophetic ? Is not this I) „ °t tin r ; gt i l , a ,ge of a man anticipating bell repea, and almost i s How can this language econciled to the `'Set,'' the gentleman who spoke from the Treasury a nd, what is far more important , to the speech Lard Grey has been supposed to dictate to his Ma entire ond what does that speech recommend ? An enaa46°Ppression of all reasoning nn the subject. It ( -„ l' 'Pesl„ %il ence. It says, not only shall you not have r k tPt, l ",, ut You shall not dare to demand it. The Habeas ',“'etty ' : re ke t is to be susp e nd e d—th e principles of Br . itish . to he timnpled under foot—the prerogativ . e by 'eiigthened tb sceptre is to be laden with iron s o l „ t a' tarried Weo p rruption is to be secured . tio 'Tress' M. - „, ° °;--nay, more, the boast of Bratons— tlo the sustainment—the ornament and the prop dear coustitutiof all that we hold valuable and Goo,jc,the trial lac i J n u ' r is to be at an end.—(Loud cheers.) t't likf',° lll h it Lord y Grey, just fresh from the triumph ther e ""in, who recommends this? Oh, no!—there is, C ale be some superior spirit of domination in the : v la exercises a fetal ascendancy, and is the evil Iteland.—(Hear, hear.) But he (Mr. Sheil) "Ile with appeals to the authotity of Lord G . rey. t actie,, Pleasurable to refer to him. Lord Grey in the Yos i ▪ t ,;°,eech say s " Look at the history of Ireland, an. nfit'„ L hi find, that had it not been for British councils and ar e te." intri gue , noe, or at least few of the evils which s o f tyo,,, Si much felt there would have taken place, e n v ow. Nit h ° Cover t nt is the parent, and which are . ft etti l t a Le reason ' Por e taking away all semblance of liberty eta 'e„ (Cheers from the Irish Membtrs.) e I rish r e-, • • answers to our present 4 4 14 see how far this position .. "ittit e ,: e ' and our crimes. How is the . Government con- There is not one Irishman in the Cabinet of 44,:The Lord-Lieutenant, the Under .. Secretary, 'vate Seer tary the Commander of the Forces, the . teri,tehnt-Gefierael, and' above all, the Cabinet Minis , . so interior ' 4 ') P l ay , a part to Lord Anglesea, are ',a' thin House there is not a single native of he at), ;:"° repre,erts n Irish county or borough, who has O a a ti e d r i k wi h h e a affairs of his country. You have not (o. hur e t I between the Irish representatives of Ireland C r oli 'd e V ". The late Member for Limerick represents " ; the N o b le Lor d , t h e l ate M em b er for Kil etiVelwesents North am pton. It may be said that the b ' a tifl 1.7 f or Dungar y on (Mr. Lamb) is in office. Ire honour of his birth. By the way, the ti e 0, ',' 1 " lan, on the hustings, remanded by the pa ll' w ould i er inen who r e turned bite, declared . that though ep tivi not make the repeal pledee, his mind was ope . n and he would give the subject every consi eatol'44l* It is to be presumed that the King's speech has i i° 4 l ,, d nee ' l bill], and he will now consider his engagement h . ' th e ' s tut, to revert to more important matter, who Minedtfy, ectetary of Ireland? A man who was lie a n c°4ll iiitte e of this House, and declared that he i t °thin g of Ireland.—(Heir, hear, and cheese.) and ignorance 4h ust t° be charged with ignorance, a ar l Off • - LI is blind, and is to lead, or rather g, ence. o i e en ee r e 'and on the edge of the gulf. What . sort of de ofeutht,ifirints:lofnedcid he yesterday make ? Did he tel G l us v ta 4 ntio hy nu- °' 2 6 stipendiary Magistrates named by this o tholie was appointed?—(Hear, hear.) tell us wh y a the Government gave no hint to the t eief,,f. lab °° ges (not la Saurin to Lord Norbury,) but a s n . 'SO4I4"I°, Rot to otrage the Irish Caocs by . fru Cath o li c emanciu pation ? But he says li he cannot () )., f t he Judges. What when too chief Judges are e he nomination.—(Cheers.) But wherefore did i i ' : l) 4 ' , lt ive tb re e . inri es at the late Clonmel Assizes ? Has hoitilistou. that? How stand the facts ? A Jury Bill t i Nit t Th e Chancellor of . the Exchequer pledges tn , t ° it. He cannot carry it ; and then, in . ospop,otusin i'ledt; the Principles of that Bill, in violation of a 1 e f °4 4:,, th e Juries who try the tithe combinators are picked ti ~ l i o ."' en in the worst spirit of sectarian exclusion; the - ' 1 51 4- 1, of the Roman Catholics are outraged, the most d ll4 ' it ' of ascendancy are revived, and our tribunals t alit 'graded into a factious and exasperating instrum a 7- . o od t o marry a ver di ct a t an y cost o f p r i nc i p l e , an d y t t , uf result (Cheers.) IleShell) old defy o . ri this head. He asserted that the Crown with el aside 36 Catholics, and ernpannelled three Juries, th 12 P rotestants in one, and 11 Protestants in each of tae C r tW O .. ..(Loild cries of "Hear" ) — and who did this? tZ s ' r osvti The Law Officers confessed it. They 511 all the merit as their . own. Is this supportable'.' pe t s t° he endured ? Is this consistent with the pun l'otie- Professed by Lord Brougham, when he pres . ented t th i e s e utt i .°° l, of the Irish Catholics, detail ng enormities of practices 4 i od s°° When he denounced these detestable pract • . I .'tio tl ; ° You wonder that Ireland is in this frightful con fetalthhiAnd wi 1 y ou repress th e consequences of your I'sle t i f , rt i.,le with your offensive, insulting, and . tyrannical 3ut ou have measures ot relief. Church is i t u tl e l'''•••43(tLiuotid chee y rs.) Of s . vhat kind? The Church is I\ 4 he 1 . 4 ,, °• Has the Irish .? Secretary given way ? 1 . 4 le L m'Ainced his principles. fl v do he and the all 4 , t , te ts be (the them of the c F la o t i i ' m rc s e , s) ,, never I will tliese een Lein T he one exclaims , ed fur 4 . 1 ' Property to be touched . The other virtually how do these ai 'ta le its confiscation in 1824. " ell' Look Yokoh s themselves to t ether ? th e to, it now comport 1- o s tt uth a pleasant pictut e—(Loud laugh ter) — Zeds they on their . f r legs as the :Member for f 1 ; 4 41 11 , 4 it (ta lo a ou t the zoology of o ffi ce), 14 4 atg, thi - ; quadrupeds in . e oti l , t 'd tL ''. n ot by the vile . ligature of office, but t hei r try to 'leo. amiable fraternity by noble love of that Rte„affe ot; w hose benefit they so much contribute by Itsol; Pulo t . ",.ate coalition. But how will they settle the former difference? The Member . for the loCi i eet . , .47 5 indulged in a natural curiosity on t It Ch ' s „ ilk asked, " When we see the penalties , . tell us, li,h4helst,o,e, what is to he the relief—what wall . you E do 4, 111 lay r „ Wait," is the answer; and trill ng -.! 'or the redress of grievances which they .con t,::4o.447:o:ll:otuitpseitat,teinthe infliction of punishment tot the wae's-let, tel they have themselves excited ? He had l ea t ,Litt ii:)ne word more: the speech deprecates • Portugal. Englishmen . do not . s hed ,sYnapathies to your allies. We . are you h r , jus t i Pon a ',. ° Ur blood is precious as any which can t, on e :' of h it ui stant shore ! save, save us in the . name of ins c° Vet I " 4 nity, and of the obligations which y tb 'Pp° u r tala Poo Us, by wise and timely redress of our e grievances, from a war which will be worse :" the ‘ tatie ' and to which the hoarded wrongs of centuries, °l.laotiohi,°24l of religious hatred will lend their infernal w.tQ. 4t°Antribution.—(Cheers.) °tut fe d , of NT said that no person could, he asserted, ' contradiction, feel more truly those ap peals which the Honourable and Learned Gentleman bad made to their sympathies on behalf of Ireland than lie had done. He much admired the speech of the Honour able and Learned Gentleman; but he could not but re mark how well he had practised that of which he acetic d others in this debate. The Honourable and Learned Gen tleman said, that the Right Honourable the Secretary for Ireland had remarked on the speech of the Honourable and Learned Member for Dublin, that in it the particular topic of the Union with Ireland had been avoided. The Honourable and Learned Gentleman had given a specimen of equal skill and dexterity, when he contrived to refer to the speech of the Honourable and Learned Gentleman who had preceded him, and yet to avoid the difficulties in which that speech had placed him. His Honourable and Learned Friend had placed the question on two grounds ; and he did not know how the Honourable and Learned Member could meet that speech, or could meet the great and overwhelming arguments with which his Honourable Friend had supported his view of the question. What was the mode in which he had done it ? He had admitted that the speech was an able speech ; but had asserted that the question before them was not one of the Union with Ire land. With great submission to that Honourable and Learned Gentleman, he (Mr. Grant) must say that the questien was a question of the Union. They had heard of doubtful and evasive phrases; and they were told that they must not be carried away by words ; and on those grounds it was that he called on the House to recollect that this was, in fact, a question of the Union,. It was in vain to attempt to evade that question ; it was one on which the opinion of the House must be given. Well did he know why the Hon. and Learned Gentleman had departed from it ; it was because that Hon. and Learned Gentleman had found it difficult, if not impossible, to meet the arguments of his Hon. Friend. Departing from that subject, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman went on to dis cuss questions, some of which were scarcely worthy of his eloquence or talent; and which related chiefly to the per sonal opinion of the Members of the Government expressed on former occasions. The Hon. and Learned Member had referred to the speech of the Noble Earl (Grey) delivered before the Union. Any man capable of common reason ing, must know the difference between the opinions ex pressed three years ago, before an event took place, and those which were stated now, after it had been for 30 years carried into practice. What were all Governments, and what all Constitutions—what was the Constitution of this country itself, if, after an event had taken place—after its effects bad been consolidated—an establishment was to be overthrown, and the institutions of an empire resolved into their elementary principles, because of such an apparent contradiction in the opinions of one man.—(Hear, hear.) What was the consistency of that man who would say that because lie had resisted a measure thirty years ago— though under that measure a great empire had grown into strength and flourished—he was now bound by what he had then thought ; and that, on account of his former opinions, formed on theory, and not veri fied by experience, he was compelled to unravel the web that had been woven, to disunite the links that bad been formed, and to destroy that nob'e and glorious fabric which others had seared, and which he now admired and approved of, but which, before it was completed, he had deemed to be objectionable.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The Hon. and Learned Member had adverted to the sufferings of Ireland. He could assure that Hon. and Learned Member that no person could speak of the sufferings of that country with more feelings of sympathy than were excited in his bosom. He had always been most anxious to promote the prosperity of Ireland, and to avert from that country the infliction of laws of a violent description. He had always resisted those laws, and always should re sist them, unless he saw them called for by an imperious necessity. But, however fearful these laws might be— however terrible their infliction—he could not deny that there might be an exigency which required that, for the safety of the State, the Constitution should put forth all its powers.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. and Learned Member bad invoked them in the names of justice and humanity. He (Mr. Grant) also appealed to them in those two sacred names, and asked them whether it was justice or humanity to any man who entertained the notion that he lived under a protecting Government, to leave him ut terly without that protection which he had a right to ex pect, and without which neither his property nor life was secure.—( Hear, hear.) He regretted, for the sake of the people of Ireland, that these excesses had been committed, and lie regretted it especially as he knew what advantage would be taken of them. He regretted them, too, because he knew that in the progress of national improvement there was no interruption so fatal as that which resulted from the commission of these criminal excesses,—(Hear.) The Hon. Member for Lincoln had said, that in using these arguments, they were but resorting to the argu ments which they bed used in the Reform Bill. He admitted the fact, and he avowed that, among the great objects of a Legislature was the necessity of cultivating a sober feeling among the people, and of extending among the people at large the sentiments of the thinking portion of them. He admitted that, when there was that feel ing, the Legislature of a free country were bound to take it into their most serious consideration. But would any one say that the same argument applied to the feelings of a portion of the people who seemed to wish the Parlia ment to dissolve the bonds of society—to put an end to political union, and thus to destroy political strength, merely because those who urged them to do so professed their readiness to trace their footsteps in blood, and called on the Legislature to act in themidst of the stormy discus sions of those men, who could never be said deliberately to have taken what they recommended into their consi deration ? When he was told, in this debate, that it was impossible for the friends of Ireland to hesitate about the matter ; when lie beard it asserted by the Honourable Member for Meath, that no man could vote for these strong measures who felt for the wrongs of Ireland—he must say that he did not admit the truth of the assertion ; and he trusted that there was no man who would not give him credit for those feelings, although he should vote in favour of those measures ; but when he was told this, he must say that he perfectly denied the truth of the asser tion. He denied, in the most positive manner, his want of sympathy for Ireland ; and he appealed to those great men who had been justly deemed examples for all patriots, to justify him in his opinion. Who were those that, in cases of necessity, had avowed their support of measures of violence ? Those immortal patriots whose names the Honourable and Learned Gentleman had mentioned, and whose memories he (Mr. (:rant) loved and reverenced ; whose talents had shed a light on their country; who were ardent lovers of its liberties and privileges ; and who had always struggled for the improvement of Ireland, and who had always ardently desired the advantage of the people. What was the course which Mr. Grattan, the roost illustrious of these patriots, had pursued in 1789 ? Iu the speech on the violences then committed in Ireland, and on the Whiteboy system, he said, " Let us recollect what are the laws. On ithis occasion, I ask, do gentle men know what are these laws? Do they know the ex traordinary prerogatives given by the law—the Whiteboy Act, and others of the same kind ? Do they recollect that these Acts were consented to because the blood of the country was flowing, and the strings of justice nearly broken ? Do I condemn them on that account ? No -1 for I have voted for some of them under the exigency of the times, in order that temporary coercion may enable us to administer a suitable remedy to the necessities of the State." Why did he dwell on this? Not that he thought that any man ought to follow the Honourable Mr. Grattan under all circumstances whatever; but be cause he believed that the example was a convincing proof that it was possible to feel an ardent sympathy for the wrongs of Ireland—a zealous desire for her improvement, and at the same time to think that lawless violence ought to be suppressed, and that it was a part of the duty of all men to abstain from violence and blood ; and that if such a course was not abandoned, the Government were imperiously called on to afford protection to those who had a right to demand it at their hands.—(Hear, hear.) The Hun. and Learned Gentleman, having adverted to some other points, entered into the details of some transactions which had recently taken place. He en tered, too, into the question of the tithe-system, and into that of the Reform of the Irish Church. Why, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman was aware that the whole question would, on a future day, and that at no distant period, be brought before the House ; and if he delayed the consi deration of it a few days longer, he would have an oppor tunity of regularly expressing his opinions on it to the House. He (Mr. Grant) would not do more now than advert to these great questions—nor waste the time of the House in di-cussing questions that must soon come regu larly before them ; but he must make one observation. All the mischief which it was said bad fallen on Ireland, was attributed to one man among the Ministry. As a Member of that Cabinet, he denied the assertion, and was ready to take his share of the blame. He scorned a com pliment to himself, offered at the price of saving him self at the expense of others. He would state the tea. sons which had induced him to be a party to these measures, and lie would at once declare, that with what ever reluctance he had approached the question, and whatever were the feelings of reluctance which from his heart he felt upon it, he could not but be convinced, that when called upon by necessity it was a duty for them to act decisively; and that it was a duty which they owed to the unfortunate persons, the victims of ee lueion, who created the disturbances, as much as to the rest of the country.—(Hear, hear.) It was said that the • people of Ireland were not of themselves apt to violate the laws of order—that if they did so, it was the re sult of their misfortunes, and that it was an aggravation of those misfortunes, and of their distress, which excited them to commotion. It iniiiht be that this statement was true; but be did not think that even in the most distant way there should be any encouragement held out to them to mix up crime( with misfortunes, and to destroy the peace and security of the ceuntry at large. (Hear, hear.) A notice of motion had been given by an Hon. Member, which brought them to the question of what was the cause of their misfortunes, and whether they were to be attributed to the Union? In his opinion they were not—(Hear, bear)—and further he would say— for it was impossible not to have made up the mind on the subject—that the separation of the Legislature was in fact the separation of the Crown.—( Hear, hear.) Ireland had already proved that it could not be otherwise. History showed that it must be so, and there could be no doubt that the attempt, if successful, would have no other effect than that of renewing the system of corruption and iniquity that formerly prevailed.—(Hear, hear.) What was the remedy proposed by the repeal ? The return of the old Parliament to Ireland. What must be the feelings of any Irishman who really felt for his country, when he thought of the old Parliament of Ireland—the instruments, the slaves, the panders of every tyrannical Government?._ (Cheers.) Yet that Parliament was said to be the fair creation on which the imagination of Irishmen delighted to dwell. It was figured as the personification of excel lence, when it ought to have been held up as an image of loathing and of scorn ; it bad been most corrupt, and it was destroyed. " The lambent flame played round each object of desire ; And its foul spots were purged in funeral fire." What was it hut the old Parliament, that had agreed to that anti-communion code—(Hear, hear)—that anti. Catholic code, which had made the greatest part of the population hewers of wood and drawers of water? And would any one tell him, after this, that that Parliament was a body which it was either for the honour or the welfare of Ireland to recall into existence?—(Hear, hear.) He should like to see that Parliament return in proces sion, headed by the Hon. and Learned Member who ad vocated its renewal ; but if it did, be should be surprised it Ireland would not require more from it than it could or would ever grant. There was a moment of enthu siasm, when Grattan breathed forth a flame of honest pa triotism, that for a moment hallowed the Parliament in which it had been warmed into existence ; but even that fire met with nothing to feed its vestal flame, hut dis solved away in the rottenness and corruption of the atmo sphere in which it had been in vain excited.—(Hear, hear, hear.) And that was the Parliament which we were now called on to bring anew into life, with all its corruptions and stains upon it.—(No, no—hear, hear.) It had been said that the speech bad closed the discussion of the question of the Union. Indeed ! why here the House had been for two nights discussing that question alone.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He (lid not mean to say but that Ireland deserved all the attention which the House gave it; but it was strange after all to hear the Hon. and Learned Gentleman speak of the silence of the House on that subject—(Hear, hear, and a laugh).—and complain of that silence. The Hon. and Learned Member said that this silence struck down Irish Members. What was the degree of latitude he desired, it was impossible to ima gine; but the fact was, that when others had entered into the argument, he had, by placing some other agreeable topic before them, diverted their consideration from Ire land to other matters. Under such circumstances, it was impossible not to say that he treated this great subject with somewhat more of levity than it deserved, and he (Mr. Grant) should now add no more than the declara tion of his positive conviction, that when they profes-ed themselves doubtful of the Union, they would profess themselves doubtful of the security of the empire.—(Hear.) Mr. D. W. HARVEY said, what was the question now before the House ? Ministers had not stated to Par liament what were the plans they contemplated, when they suffered the constructions that had been put upon that part of his Majesty's speech which related to Ireland, and seemed to recognise by their silence, that it was in the contemplation of his Majesty's Government to declare Ireland out of the range of the Constitution, and to ask the Parliament to declare war against that country, and to make that declaration on the confidence placed in them alone, and from no other proof of the necessity of adopting such a severe step. lie believed they would find that that degree of confidence was not placed in them; that it would not be given to every set of men ; and that most certainly the Parliament would not consent to destroy that palladium, the trial by Jury, and to infuse sectarianism into the Jury box, and make each Jury act upon the feel ings of Catholicism and Protestantism, in opposition to each other. The great question had been discreetly nar rowed to one of party attack, in which more than one-half of the time of the House had been already wasted. Mr. Emmett and Mr. M`Nevin stated in 1793, what were the grievances of Ireland. Would the measures now contem plated by the Ministers he effective—if not accompanied by the remedies which they suggested? When Emmett was ex amined before the Privy Council, he was aired whether Ca. tholic emancipation and reform were the objects of the com mon people? He replied, that Catholic emancipation was not, and that Reform had not been, till they thought that by it they could get a removal of their grievances. " Arid what are the grievances which they wish to be removed ?" was the question. " In the first place, and principally, they complain of the tithes."—(Hear.) In the next they complain of the system by which they were go. verned, and Mr. Emmett, said, that if that were altered, they would be more respected by their superiors, and their superiors more esteemed by them. Lord Dillon asked whether they wanted more—he was told they did not. Lord Glentworth said, " Then you wish to destroy the Church ?" " Pardon me, my Lord, not to destroy the Church, but to overturn the establisbment"—(A laugh.) " I suppose you would have it as in France ?" " No, as in America."—(Hear, hear.) These quotations, from the manner in which they were received, seemed to be consi dered favourable to the other side. If so, he hoped they would be instructive. They allowed what were the opi nions of men who, in that day, were prepared to make, and did make sacrifices for their accomplishment. He complained that the Government did not now state what were the legislative measures they meant to introduce. He hoped they would be such as would meet the expectations and desires of the Irish people. If so, were they to be told that the only way to prepare men for these benefits, was to place them in bondage, and to make them slaves ? If the Government meant honestly—if the . ) , intended to give Ireland such blessings, and such boons, they would not resort to natural law, and employ force, but would en deavour to calm excitement, and soothe the feelings of the people. Could it be said, that a man might commit mur. der in Ireland, and escape the punishment awarded by the laws with impunity?—(Hear.) Were the criminal laws of the two countries different—was there one law for this country, and another for Ireland ? And yet they were told that seventy criminals in that country had evaded the laws; and that those that wished to have the laws executed were surrounded by the friends and parti sans of those criminals, and prevented from causing the laws to be executed. This be believed to be a mere in vention ; for he never heard such a case substantiated. He was old enough to remember when a Noble Lord came down to that House, and demanded from it the ex tram di Lary powers which were now about to he required ; but then, as now, no proofs were adduced that such strong powers were requisite. But let it be granted that crime ha 1 increased :—whence dill it spring, and who were the real, original cause of the misrule so loudly corn plained of ? Why, the present Government ; who never, by their acts, showed that they were inclined to favour that unhappy country. In the very document they had put into the King's mouth, they had shewu their dis inclination; for, instead of distinctly explaining the measures they meant to adopt towards the ameliora tion of that country, they had put forth their most eloqurnt champions to blazon abroad that nothing but a repeal of the Union could satisfy the dissatisfied Irish. It would have been much more politic if they had recollected the words of the Right Hon. Member for Cam bridgeshire, asi expressed in 1S S, when he said, with reference to Ireland, that if a greater spirit of conciliation was infused into the English Government—if they were guided by justice and economy, they might easily enlist in their favour tl e feelings of the Irish people without having recourse to farce and coercion. Th e po licy of the present Government of which the Right Hon. Gentleman was so distinguished a Member, was not at all framed after such sage advice, for it thought that the best way of calming the complaints of the Irish would be to place them beyond the pale of the laws. The speech from the Throne seemed to have been so framed as if the feelings of no one were consulted, and as if its framers cared not whether they insulted the feelings of a whole nation.—(Hear, hear.) What folly, particularly at a time when the whole of England was upon the stretch to learn what was to be done by a Reformed Parliament. —(Hear.) From that :Parliament the nation did nut expect vague praises and indefinite plans of measures in perspective ; but it expected and cried for useful and in stantaneous concessions. Unless those concessions were prominent, well defined, and likely to be accomplished, the people would abandon all hope in the Admi nistration based upon Reform. The people required that the finances of the country should be looked to, and dealt largely with, so far as regarded their diminu tion. Taxes should be reduced some millions, and a pro perty tax should be substituted, so graduated that it }mud' reach large possessors unsparingly, and touch small roprietors with a tender hand. When this was done, net only this country would he satisfied, but it would not he necessary to declare actual war against Ireland, and it would he giving a testimony that Ministers were really possessed of a spirit of Reform. With respect to that part of the speech which attempted to unfold the Reforms of the Church contemplated, he would say, that if the same Church Reform only was extended to England which wrs promised to Ireland, the English people would not accept it at all. Let both countries be equally dealt with, and let a candid statement be made of the value of the entire Church property, after which let a Christian-like distribution take place, and the surplus be applied to tl e benefit of the nation. If Ministers thought that dividing two millions of money among a number of lesser plun derers would satisfy the nation,they laboured under a great and dangerous delusion. When he entered his protest against the address, and supported the amendment, he did not do so because he wished for a repeal of the Union. Yet, if be were an Irishman, and saw that a larger por tion of happiness would accrue to his country by such a separation, he would not be deserving the name of patriot if lie did not contend for it.—(Hear, hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL, however he might differ in opi nion from the Hon. Member who had just spoken, sri'l gave him credit far his candour. When he reflected upon the King's speech, and the questions mentioned in it, he felt the most unfeigned surprise, that certain Hon. Mem bers should have so erroneously misinterpreted its tenor, and distorted it from beginning to end. It had been said that its principal feature was that which recommended coercion as the only means to tranquillize Ireland, and that its best promises scarcely exhibited in the distance the tardy hope of redress for the evils complained of. How incorrect was such a statement ! For the truth was, that the speech from the Throne held out a near pre - spect of Reform with respect to tithes, the abuses of the Church, the B ink and East India Charters, and other seriorts matters. It also distinctly and separately de dared that a Reform in the Church of Ireland was contemplated, and would be especially taken into con• sideration ; for though the two countries were by law united, the Church of the one claimed peculiar attention.— (Hear.) When such improvements were contemplated by the present Government, and promised in his Majes ty's speech, how could any impartial person say that Mi nisters were enemies to Reform, and that they desired to stop the progress of public opinion towards solid and ra tional improvement? The very reverse was the case, as most tie irly appeared in the face of that speech so much railed against; and how could it be otherwise, since those who advised that speech hail nothing more at heart than the speedy and thorough promotion of Reform? " But then (said the Hon. and Learned Member who had just rat down) if such be the truth, why net explicitly state your measures, expose your plans, and show us tan gibly what you mean to do for the people ?" This, he must confess, was an extraordinary request—it was ex acting from a Ministry what they never could with pro deface grant. All that a Ministry could do, and all that ought to be asked of them, was to state generally their projects. Yet, when such a self-evident axiom of go vernment ought to be known to every one—not to say every senator—the Hon. Gentleman who last spoke, put forth the monstrous proposition of demanding from Mi• nisters definite explanations of all their views and inten tions. Nay, more; it was required that there explana tions should be given forthwith, even in the course of sine single debate. It was really too much that gentlemen should expect that all questions complained of should be disposed of in the brief space of a few hours.—(Hear.) Had Ministers, through the medium of the King's speech, put forth anything disadvantageous to the liberty and prosperity of the people ? If they had, let it be proved : but, if it could not be proved, why endeavour to shake the confidence the people reposed in Ministers, and why not wait until they could seasonably and satisfactorily explain and develop the measures they had in contemplation for the benefit of the nation ?—(Hear, hear.)—He would confess that the speech contained a passage which was not drawn up with out great pain on the part of the framers of it—he al luded to that part which called for fresh powers, in order to be more fully enabled to execute the laws in Ireland. The House may be assured, that it was not without great repugnance that the advisers of the Crown proposed a remedy which they scarcely thought according to the spirit of the Constitution. Extraordinary occurrences demand unusual measures; and though the laws of co• ercion should be construed in the worst sense, it would be found, that when those laws were placed in the hands of responsible persons as a means of terror, the effect would be salutary, and satisfactory to every impartial and reasonable person. Let the means of terror that exist now be contrasted with the powers Ministers ask for re sponsib'e persons, and the difference would be most strik ing. At the present time the quiet and industrious farmer in Ireland was considered guilty for obeying the laws, and when deemed guilty of such an offence, was punished by those who now were the possessors of the means of terror. What! could anybody prefer seeing those means in the power of the ruthless midnight ruffian rather than in the hands of the educated, who could only wish to apply them in behalf of humanity, civilization, and good government? Let those means of terror still re main where they were, and they would everlastingly be found accompanied with acts that the blood curdled at, and whose bare mention excited the most thorough-felt horror. Perhaps it might be thought that he was exaggerating, but he would refer to the statement lately made by the Hon. and Learned Member fur Dublin, in which he unfolded with a laudable purpose the tortures and cruelties practised by one part of his fellow-countrymen over the other. The crimes he enumerated were various and of the deepest dye, and great and small were the victims of them. When such was the statement of the Hon. and Learned Member with respect to his own country, how could any one, with the slightest idea of legislation, object to the powers Ministers wished to have placed at their disposal? It was well known that very large, and, consequently, very tempting rewards had been offered for the discovery of malef rctors, yet on no occasion could any criminal be found to be so far seduced as to betray his colleagues in guilt. Now he boldly asserted, that if there ever was an occasion which imposed upon Parliament the exercise of its powers—if ever it had a great and important duty to perform.— it was now, when it bad to provide, that the loyal and well-disposed should not become the easy prey of the law less. The Hon. and Learned Metnber for Dablin spoke of resistance to unjust laws, and approved of it. He cited, in support of his approbation, the example of the Americans, when they resisted the mother country ; but was there a single Member of that House, who had the slightest knowledge of history, that could compare the legitimate resistance of the Americans to the out rages of the Irish ? The one resistance was made by great patriots, led on by a Washington, the other by a band of ruffians, excited by their bad and devouring passions. He consequently thought that as far as that part of the speech went, Ministers were teat demanding too much, when they required extraordinary powers, without specifying their extent. The country might he assured, that whatever powers Parliament granted, the present Ministry would not abuse them. There was a question to which Parliament should pay the most wakeful attention —to that question, for not subscribing to which, Lord Killeen lost that seat to which his talents and virtues so preeminently entitled him ; he of course meant the ques tion of repeal. It was to a promise of advocating that measure that two Hon. and Learned Gentlemen had been elected—th e one f or D u bli n , th e o th er f o r Tipperary, without ever having shown any just grounds for agitating it, The Hon. and Learned Gentleman who represented the capital of Ireland, must mean by repeal, absolute se paration, since those who were for the litter measure were the especial objects of his eulogituns. Wolfe Tone was one of those the Hon. and Learned Member lauded -a man who, in the little book he left behind him, openly . . declares his wishes fora separation of the two countries. Tone and his associates hod at least one merit is hich called forth respect; they were sincere in their wishes, since to accomplish them they did nut refuse to lay their heads on the scaffold. Separation being the object of those who called for repeal, he thought it a most fit occa sion for Mi n i s t ers t o a pply t o Parliament to invest them with extraordinary powers, and Parliament ought to concede those powers, making them as unlimited as pos sible. Honourable Gentlemen might recollect, that in 1688, men of the came spirit with those who agi• ated Ireland at present wished for a separation of the two countries, and proposed to themselves a separate King in the person of James the Second. What, at that time, was the first•act of the English Parliament? To suspend the Habeas Corpus Act, and to grant extraordinary powers, in order to maintain a well-regulated Government in Ireland. That Parliament acted prudently, and he trusted that its example would not be lost on the present one. He co n t en d e d, th a t a r e p e al of the Union meant nothing inure nor less than a separation of the two coun tries, and a separation most distinctly meant a desire to confiscate all property held by Englishmen in Ireland ; to subvert from its foundation the Established Church, without leaving a vestige of it behind ; it meant that, in stead of obeying the laws of the British empire, a Local Parliament should be established, of which the Hon. and Learned Member opposite was to be necessarily the head. The great talents of the Hon. and Learned Member would indubitably cause him to shine, and obtain a conspicuous situation in such an assembly; but certainly they would enable him to do little more. If those talents were an hundred fold more ample, and directed by the same in crease of knowledge and sagacity, they would not Is at upon him the power of carrying on the local governm 're of his country for one single year, without involving that country in a war with England, the effect of whii h oar would be the conquest of one country, and the degrt da ion and diminution of the power of the other. He wolf conclude by saying, that while his Majesty's speech promised, on the one hand, salutary Reform, it a ka promised that crime and murder should he repressed To do so, Parliament were asked to intrust Ministei s with Powers they could not possess without such constitiiti inal assent, and Ministers would confidently assure Parlia !tient and the whole country that they would m tintain inviolable the Union of Ireland and England, and establish for a permanency, if any Ministers could, tranquillity in the former country. He and his colleagues required no more than this at the hands of Parliament to restor.- Ireland to that state all good patriots must wish to see her in. When his Noble Friend who sat beside him brought forward the measure of Church Reform contemplated for Ireland, the House would have an opportunity of advising those measures which were most likely to benefit that dis tracted country ; and the House might be assured that Ministers would pay the most serious attention to it. counsels. He begged to entreat Hon. Members to be careful how they voted on the present occasicn, lest, by incautious votes, they should induce the nation to imagine that that House favoured a repeal of the Union between Great Britain and Ireland, which, as his Hon. Friend truly said, would lead, and that speedily, to a total dis memberment of the two empires: (During the delivery of this speech the Noble L rd was continually interrupted by cheers from the Ministerial side of the House.) Mr. EWART felt assured that it was not by coercion that a proper feeling was to be reinstated between England and Ireland. He was sure they could not effect a peace in Ireland by a system of terror.—(Hear, hear.) They might gain the battle by the force of numbers, but would they gain a victory? No; hut they would insure for themselves a perfect and mortal hatred in the part of the whole Irish nation. They should recollect another thing in all the measures which might be proposed on account of the state of that country—that the measures should be based on sound and enlarged principles, and not dealt our in petty and paltry portions, which could never he ex pec:ed to give satisfaction to the parties intended to be benefitted. He recollected that at the time when Catholic emancipation was granted, it was declared to be a final measure; but he was convinced, even at that very time, that it could not be final ; for as long as thete was a predominant Church in Ireland, the people of that coup try would never consider any measure a final one which left that Church predominant, with which not one six teenth part of the inhabitants coincided in belief.—(Herr, hear, hear.) There were other subjects of great im portance which required attentive consideration—he meant that of free trade to India, to which the people ol this country had an unquestionable right.—(Hear, hear.) He hoped the time was fast approaching when that trade should be thrown open, and a regular representative of the British nation should be established in China. The Hon. Member then alluded to the proposed Corporation Reform, which, be said, was much required, and from which he anticipated considerable advantage. Sir ROBERT INGLIS said, that little had been said in the course of the last two nights' debates, on any other subject but Ireland—a stranger coining into the gallery, would he apt to think that they had met to consider the darling question of the Hon. Member for Dublin—the repeal of the Union ; and that they were then sitting in deliberation on College-green.—(A laugh.) Now, though he did not deny that Ireland was entith d to a fair propor tion of consideration in that House, he denied that it was entitled to a monopoly. They had heard the errors of the Government, and the misery of that country discussed in detail; and they bad heard remedies for these evils discussed, without knowing anything of what the Government pro posed to do in regard to them. Now, he thought there were other most important subjects, which likewise dein inded the attention of the House. There was espe cially that of the Church Establishment in this country. All who heard the sentiments expressed by several Hon. Members must see that the Established Church is in danger. He would have believed it impos Bible, that such a system of spoliation could ever have been meditated as he heard argued by several Members during the present and previous night's debate ; and more especially by the Honourable Member for Lanark. Such a system could never be pursued regarding either branch of the Church without shaking it to its very foundation. It would be the prelude of the destruction of all property in tithes, whether ecclesiastical or lay. The result, he felt convinced, would be, that no stop could be put tu the spirit of innovation till there was an Agrarian Law introduced. He thought he had good reason to feel alarm when he saw his Majesty's Ministers submit a proposition to that House of a more equitable disttibution of the property of any class of his Majesty's subjects. Whatever the result might be, be could not but consider that a bad omen of the future. He would not follow the Hon. Member for Dublin in the detail into which he went on the subject of the Church of Ireland, because the whole subject would be fully discussed in the course of the week, but he (Sir R. Inglis) hoped that the House would not think that the assertion made by that Honourable Member could he maintained, that one Irish prelate derived the tithe of 90,000 acres. Mr. O'CONNELL corrected the Hon. Baronet. He had said 96,000 acres. Sir R. INGLIS was glad to he corrected by the Hon. Member, as it showed he did not speak without premedi tation; but he (Sir R. 1.) cautioned the House not to believe that the amount stated by the Hon. Member, as being the revenue derived by the Prelate in question, was correct. The Hon. Baronet considered it singular that no allusion had been wide in his Majesty's speech to sub. jecta of a domestic nature, which be thought should net have been omitted. Nothing had been said of our having got rid of that dire scourge, the cholera morbus—(A laugh)—or of the abundance of time late harvest. He, however, felt grateful to the Noble Lord opposite for the form of prayer which had been introduced in refe rence to these subjects. However lengthy the speech might be considered, he thought there were ample ma terials of importance omitted to have at least doubled its ngth. As soon as the Hon. Baronet sat down there were loud ctirs of " Question! question !" from all sides of the House, in the midst of which Mr. HUME rose, and moved that the House do ad journ. —(Loud cries of disappro .ation, and "Don't ad journ," " Go on," and " Adjourn." Mr. O'CONNELL—There are twenty to speak to the question yet, who cannot possibly all speak to night. _ . Lord AiTHORY made some observation across the table, which was not heard in the gallery—on which, Mr. O'CONNELL suddenly rose, and, striking his hand on the table, emphatically said to Lord Althorp— We are not to be gagged yet..--(Cheers and confusion.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL hoped that the Hon. Member for Middlesex would not persist in his motion. Mr. HUME—There is an Hon. Member from Ireland who has never been beard in this House, and who, in the present temper of the Hou..e, cannot get a fair hearing. I therefore put it to the Noble Lord, whether we are not in fairness bound to give that Hon. Member an opportu nity of obtaining a hearing ? I must persist in my mo. tion that the House do adjourn. Lord ALTHORP hoped that the Hon. Member for Middlesex would consent to withdraw his motion. Mr. HUME could nut consent to withdraw his motion. Strangers were then. ordered to withdraw, but Mr. Hume having at length agreed to withdraw his motion, the House did not divide. Mr. BARRON, in justice to his constituents, thought it necessary to say that the disturbed state of Ireland was greatly exaggerated. —(Hear, hear, from Mr. O'Connel.) He lived in that part of that country which was most disturbed—in the county of Kilkenny—where he had been a Magistrate for twelve years, and he could say from his own knowledge that Irelind was several times during the last ten years in a more disturbed state than it is at present. In his Maksty'sj speech it was stated that " a spirit of insubordination and violence bad risen to the most fearful height, rendering life and property insecure, defy.. ing the authority of the law, and threatening the most fatal consequences if not promptly and effectually re pressed." He agreed so far in opinion with the senti ments expressed in the speech, that the insubordination and ♦iolence had risen to a most fearful height ; but b denied that it was greater than it had been for the las eighty years—that was for many years before the great Agitator was born, to whom all the violence in Ireland was attributed. At the time the Whiteboy Act was passed, the violence and insubordination had risen to a still greater height than at present, but was it carried on by agitation ? No, no—but they would hive such insubordination in Ireland till they had done justice to that country. It was justice which the Irish wanted, and he begged of the House to grant it. He begged of them not to take the ipse dixit of any man on the, present state of Ireland. The causes of the discontent were bad laws, bad government, and three hundred years of oppres sion and misery.—(Hear.) And yet they were taunted for all their sufferings. Were they to be trampled on by an ill-organ:zed police, by an overgrown Church, in which not one sixteenth of the people believed, but which they had to !toppers, while at the same time they bad to support tie Ministers of their own religion ? Were not all these sufficient to cause discontept land violence?-- (1/5 - ' (Cheers.) It was only by agitation that tiFii!,atiant;;*s ss4 able to obtain any e'u cessions. --(Hear, hear.) The concession made to them was in 1782, when there wer4' three hundred thousand men in arms; the next was at thi s , commencement of the French Revolution ; and the I ist,,", s ,i! es* when they obtained Catholic Emancipation from the of Wellington's Administration, and which they never. should have obtained but for the violence and discontent ire the country.—(Hear, hear.) Was it possible that they who had been fighting for the cause of the Whigs, and who had assisted them in their worst days, were now to be put down by those very Whigs? lie trusted that the House and the country would identify the acts of violence and insubordination to which he had alluded with the question of the repeal of the Union.—(Hear, hear.) He, who had always lived among the people, could say that no two questions had less to do with each other, or were less identified with eaeh other in the nsinds of the people of Ireland. If there were to be a war at present in Ireland, it wool'! he a war not between Ireland and England, but a war with starra.tion and misery.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Member then alluded to a threatening notice cent to him, which purported to be from "the Gentlemen Regulators, who called themselves Conservatives;" and called tiport him to dismiss Mr. Millar, Now Mr. Millar's only fault was that he was a Seotchman ; but they were determined to have no Scotchmen or other foreigners among them. The reason the) gave for sending the notice was to prevent alarm—(Laughter)— but they hoped he would send Mr. Millar away before any blood was shed, or massacres committed, besides many other depredations.—(Laughter.) The petition was signed by Captain Whitefeet, Lieutenant Whit-feet, and several others. The Petition throughout created con siderable mirth. Under the present circumstances of the country, it was proper that the English Members should be made fully aware that the present corroding system of insubordination has no connection with any sectarian parties ; it was for the purpose of proving this, that be hid produced this document. He would entreat the Hans House to remember, that the County of Clare had beets in a much worse state—(Hear, hear)—not five nor fous' years ago ; but the disturbances had been pot down by vigour and determination, exerted by the existing laws— (Hear, hear)—but no recourse had been made to extraneous measures—such as the suspension of Juries, or of the Habeas Corpus. No ; every disturbance had been put down by the prompt and vigorous putting into effect of the existing law, and the existing law only. So it was in Limerick at a later period—so in Tipperary—so in Cork at another pe riod—and so in Waterford at a still more remote period, The pretent disturbances could be as well put down by the same means as those he had mentioned, which were fa!' greater and more atrocious, and under a very different Go vernment. In making these observations, he had no pri vate passions, no personal feelings to gratify. He was a simple country gentleman, living on a small estate ; and in speaking his sentiments, he trusted that the Hon. Mem bers for England and Scotland would do him the justice to believe that he was no factions advocite of his country's liberties.—(Hear, hear.) He had great confidence in Hon. Members' liberaity and sympathy. He had still great confidence in them. He still expected great things from them, but he earnestly wished that something more distinct had been stated in the King's speech.—(Hear.) He had earnestly wished for something definite to comfort his suffering countrymen, and to give them hopes of that relief which they had so long and so anxiously been look ing for, and which they had been so touch encouraged in expecting from the last speech from the throne. —(Hear, hear.) He wished to see them relieved from that ferocious code which had so long desolated the coun try. They had given them the R lief Bill ; but they were, from long and sad experience, unable to place any confidence in the laws, because those laws have never been made for them, but against them. Only of late had there been any law made for them; but the lion. Gen- , tleman opposite must be aware that that Bill had been of no service to the poor of Ireland ; it had given no :neat to the hungry, no clothing to the naked. He entreated Hon. Gentlemen not to permit that the first declaration which went from the Reformed Parliament should be such a fierce declaration against this unfortunate people. If they did, what could be expected front a nation so justly exas perated ? What could be expected but the most direful results ? Ile was no revolutionist, nor were the people of Ireland ; for centuries had they been honoured, and often suffered, for their devotion to the Sovereign—for their loyal adherence to King Charles I. Half the wealth of the country had been confiscated to the use of strangers, and long and deeply had they felt the effects of it. In the late great struggle, too, what had not the Irish people done for the Reformers of 1832 ? It was by a majority of Irish Members that the great Bill of Reform had been gained ; they, therefore, now called upon the English Members to right them. They asked it nut as a favour merely, but as a right ; they did not ask to be separated from the English nation, to whom they were bound by many ties. No; all they asked was, to have their own local and domestic affairs managed by a local Parliament, as was the case b. fore the year 1782. The English Par.. liatnent had no time to delicate to the proper manage ment of Irish affairs, which could so much better be looked to by men possessed of the requisite local knowledge. They did not wish to have such a Parliament as existed previous to 1801 ; it would be better to let things remain as they are; but they asked fur a Reformed Parliament. 'this House was perpetually perplexed by a recurrence to Irish affairs ; and he contended that it would be much better for all that the Irish should be left to manage their own affairs, whiob he was sure they would do with clearness, coolness, and calmness, whatever might be said to the con trary. The Irish had to complain of every grievance—of loss of trade—of absentees—of heartless agents. With re spect to absentees, he would put a parallel case to the Hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer ; what would that Hon. Gentleman, whom he understood to be a first-rate farmer—(Laughter)—what would be sty if all his far mers in Northamptonshire were to rob his lands perpetually, to carry off the fat of the earth, and leave no manure be hind in return ? Exactly parallel to this was the conduct of absentees ; and he implored Ministers and the House to redress these and all other grievances of whicliunfor tunate Ireland so loudly and justly complained.—( Hear.) Mr. HUME moved that the House be adjourned. The question was accordingly put, and the House ad journed at twenty minutes past twelve. ; y? • • ere) tO ~! .~ht FROM THE LONDON GAZETTE, FEB. 5. (Omitted yesterday for want of room.) Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Anglesea. Royal Anglcsea Militia. _ C. S. Jones, Esq., late Captain in the 39th Foot, to be Adju tant, vice Crotty, deceased, Sept. 13; Adjutant C. S. Jones to have the rank of Captain, Nov. 27. Commission by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Inverness. 10th or Inverness.shire, &c., Regiment of North British Militia. Ensign J. Gray to be Lieutenant, vice Dunbar, resigned, Dec. 20. DIVIDENDS. W. Youatt, druggist, Nassau-street, Middlesex' Hospital, March 4, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. It. Taylor, jun., bookseller, Liverpool, Feb. 26, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. J. Barry, wine-merchant, Mincing-lane, Feb. 26, at two, at the Court of Bankruptcy. J. Williams, linen-draper, High-street, Newington, Surrey, Feb. 28, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. W. Reeves and G. King, jewellers; Ludgate:street, Feb. 23, at half-past eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. e 1 e J v . e N h c a h t o t l s h , e fa C r o m u e r t r t of t , inch ing 6 Bankruptcy. elii, N. Kirwin, merchant, Riches-court, Lime-street, Feb. 27, at Essex, Feb. 27, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. J. Crow, tailor, Bedford-court, Covent-garden, Feb. 27, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. A. Lopez, M. J. Iglesia, and F. Gonzalez, merchants, Copt hall-ccurt, Feb. 21, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. E. L2efe, coal.merchant, Queen-street, Worship-street, Feb. 28, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. W. Butterworth, cotton-spinner, Oldham, Lancashire, Feb. 23 at nine, at the Star Inn, Manchester. J. Dobson, merchant, Liverpool, Feb. 27, at twelve, at th e Clarendon-rooms, Liverpool. J. White, chandler, Higham, Derbyshire, Feb. 29, at eleven, at the King's Head Inn, Derby. A. Edwards, spirit-retailer, Oldham, Lancashire, March :2, at three, at the Star Inn, Manchester. J. Barnes, builder, Portsca, South hampton, March 5, at twelve, at the office of Mr. 11. Cruikshank, Gosport. J. Pearson, mercer, Portsmouth, March 5, at two, at the office of Mr. Cruikshank, Gosport. W. and G. Nichols, coal-merchants, Crown and Horse shoe Wharf, Upper Thames-street, Feb. 2t5, at two, at the Court of Bankruptcy. CERTIFICATES.—FEB. 26. J. E. Rose, linen-draper, Bath. NV. T. Godfrey, miller, Wolverton, Buckinghamshire. W. Jarvis, victualler, Peterborough. J. Jeffries, worsted-stuff-manufacturer, Leeds. S. Carter, surgeon, Farnham, Surrey. T. Stoner, jun., miller, Berwick-in-Elmet, Yorkshire. J, Leech, victualler, Ludgate-hill. J. Surr, jun., dealer, Belfast. G. Ball, artificial flower-manufacturer, Wood-street, City. T. G. l'anson, woollen-draper, Aldgate. J. Ramsay, master-mariner, Devonport-street, Commercial road. PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. T. Wynter and G. W. James, surgeons, Westbromwich, Staf. fordshire. W. and J. Boone, grocers, Liverpool-road, Islington. R. and H. Cappe;, - tea-delers, Strand. - E. Edwards and J. Fullaway, cordwainers, Southgate, Mid d'esex. J. Barber, j un., and W. Davey, dressing-case.makers, Catea t on. street. A. Green and J. Conway, plumbers, Leicester. J. Walker and A. Bower, merchants, Manehestue . r r eh-st rect. W. Naish and H. Blenkinsop, hosiers, Gracee Greenwich. hii, h Suffblk. C. Beaufoy and W. Green, grocers, Hav er- 4.. shire. . . ... ts Miles-lane, London. C. and W. Webb, wine merchants, G. Harman and P. Francis, builder., ' : Lewes, Susses - .. T. Dewhurst and Co., cotton-manufacturer s,• Preston, Lanca. S. B. Jackson and J. Blackwell, tea-dealers, Liverpool.: S. a . i C rr . J. M. Boxter and E. Hutchins, attorneys at law, Thornburv, Gloucestershire. • aitA3an'edgraCov.'setahvoeornln;akseetePresr,s Liverpool. T. Blackwall and Co., linen-drapers, Manchester. IX Chapman am! Co,, Cotton-yammanufacturers, Gla,gcw„