The Sun. — London, England, 1833-06-19 00:00:00

to do it when ti e manufacturers were employed and con tented, than to du it under the pressure of their great dis tress. He would not then enter into the subject ; hut he could not avoid making an observation or two. For ex ample, he pot it to gentlemen to consider for one naorrent what would have been the state of the hand-loom weavers in Lancashire at this time, if the corn trade hid been*Town open and kept open s i nce t h e peace? I t re plain that there would have been a steady demand for the pro duce of their labour to pay for the foreign corn, and they would have been much better off than they now were. If that market had been established they weuld have been continued in employment, and they would not have had the mortification of seeing the raw material —for be could call cotton twist nothing but the raw ma terial, it having u n d ergone on ly one cperation— exported instead of the produce of their labour. With free trade in corn, cotton cloth, and not twist, would have been ex ported. That was a view of the question which was of great importance to these people. He believed, when it was closely examined, it would be proved that the present system was the worst p-ssible. We could not wholly dis pense with foreign corn, hut instead of obtaining a ready supply by means of our cotton goods, continually exported, whenever it became necessary to buy foreign corn, gold had to be sent out of the country in the first instance. The exchange went against us, and there immediately ensued a risk of panic. He bad seen only one, but that was a time which he never wished to see again. It was necessary to keep a supply of precious metals, but the-,e was great danger of that supply being diminished ender the present system; whereas, if there was a regular trade in cotton and corn, the deficiency of a harvest could occa sion no such evil consequences. The landed gentlemen spoke as if they bore all the burden of the poor laws. That he denied. The large manufacturing towns absorbed a large part of the surplus population of the country, and when that population was not employed the town people had to support it. He believed the manufacturing com munity with which he was connected, supported not less than 40,000 natives of the sister kingdom. He was quite ready to go into an investigation of the subject, an I he regretted it had not been brought forward at the time when a subject of far less interest—(Hear, bear)—the Coercive Bill for Ireland, occupied the attention of the House. They might then have had time to do an act of justice to the country, and till that was done, till the corn laws were repealed, all the reductions in expenditure wh ch could be made, all the reductions of taxation possible, would give the country no relief.---(Hear.) Mr. PEASE did not defend the corn laws on principle, but he was satisfied that the present was not the proper time to alter them. He was connected with both manu facturers and agriculturists, and he was convinced that his manufacturing constituents were assured, that if they crippled their agricultural neighbours, they would cripple their best customers. They were also assured that if the corn laws were repealed, it would not be one part only of the land which would go out of cultivation, but the whole. If the manufacturers were willing to take upon themselves the whole burdens of the landlords, they might open the corn trade; but unless they were willing to do that, to open the trade, to allow of importation, even at a low rate of fixed duty, would not destroy a part of the agricultural interest, but the whole. Till the manufacturers were ready to take upon themselves all the burdens of the I inded interest, the protecting duty must be continued. Mr. W. WHITMORE supported the motion. He thought that the v iews of the Hon. Member for Durham were quite incorrect, and that a free trade in corn, far from injuring the lande-1 interest, would promote its pros perity. It would benefit the landed interest by increasing trade and wealth, and supplying food and employment to an increasing population, which would create an increased demand for corn, and be the surest foundation of the land lord's welfare. Mr. BENETT said, that to have an open trade would lower the price of corn in the first instance, then the land would go out of cultivation, then would come scarcity, and then there would be a famine price. Under the free system the people would be continually exposed to fluc tuations—one year starving, and the other rioting in abundance; one year the manufacturers would be plunged in the deepest distress, and the next the agricultural la bourers would be out of employment. A free trade in corn would not be advantageous till there was a free trade in everything else ; and though a good deal was now said about free trade, there was in fact no such thing known. Some persons said it would be desirable to hate our population crowded into workshops. He did not think that; he desired to see the present mixture of maninactu ring and agricultural pursuits, and he thought the Legis lature ought to maintain it. He could say that at present the manufacturers were flourishing, which showed that they were not starved by the Corn Laws. If they did not get adequate wages, that was owing to the avarice of their masters. The agricultural labourer now got good wages, and had not been so well off for thirty years. He had made these observations only to shoW that the Corn Laws did not, as was said, starve the people.—(Hear.) Mr. LEECH contended that Corn Laws could not be a monopoly, for rents were now not higher than thy were forty yearn ago ; and if tlfe Corn Laws were a monopoly, rents would have been doubled. Mr. AGLIONBY would support the motion, as it did not go to put an end to the Corn Laws, but only to modify them. Certainly the present laws had been intended to Protect the agriculturists, and in that light they had failed —(Question.) The House then divided. For Mr. Fryer's Motion.. Against it Majority ._::, OBSERVANCE OF THE SABBATH. On our readmission to the Gallery, it appeared that Sir ANDREW AGNEW had moved for leave to bring i n•a Bill, or Bills, to amend the laws relating to the ob servonce of the Lord's Day in Scotland. Lord ALTHORP did not object to leave being given to bring in the Bill, but advised the Hon. MAnber not to press it, as it would be utterly impossible to get through the subject this Session.—(Hear. ) Mr. HUME thought it a pity to waste the time of the House by bringing in a Bill on this subject at this period of the Session, nor did be see why they should legislate on this subject expressly for the people of Scotland—why should there not be one law for both countries. Mr. A. JOHNSTONE said the Hon. Member for Middlesex appeared to think that any measure brought in for England might be applied to Scotland, but he would inform the Hon. Member that the Bill which had already been thrown out, did not go far enough for the people of Scotland.--(0h, ob, and a laugh.) He knew the feelings of the people of Scotland—and he hoped the Hon. Baronet would take high ground. Mr. R. WASON said it was impossible to consider the subject satisfactorily this session, and he hoped the Noble Lord's good nature would not induce him to permit the time of the House to be wasted by the introduction of a measure of this description. Mr. ESTCOURT thought it would be very unjust to pply such a rule to this Bill, unless the ssinc principles were adopted with regard to every other measure proposed to be introduced this ses,ion. Mr. PRYME did not think it desirable that there should be any variation between the laws for England and Scotland in this particulir. An HON. AIEMBER said the people of Scotland lived under the laws in many respects different from th,se of England. The least the House could do was to see what the Bill was before they rejected it. Mr. POTTER said that the Hon. Member opposite (Mr. Johnstcne) hail said that the Bill formerly intionuced by tl e Hon. Baronet did not go far enough hir the people ofScotland, and they all knew what sort of a Bifl that was.—(Loud cries of " Hear.") Front this statement, the House might judge what sort of a Bill the Hon. Ba ronet proposed to introduce now.—(Hear.) Sir ANDREW AGNEW said he did not wish to in. traduce a new law, but to amend existing l a , s . The House then divided, when there appealed_ Tor the motion 73 Against it Majority l3 Leave was accordingly given to bi ing in the lii 1. CORK GAOL—TITHES. Mr. RONAYNE rose to call the attention of the House to the harsh and cruel manner in which prisoners in con finement in the gaol of Cork for offences connected with tithes, were treated. The punishment they endured was greater than that inflicted upon convicted felons. Ile complained to Judge Moore, who had tried them, awl, by his Lordship's request, the slat riff accompanied him to the gaol to examine into the facts. The sheriff confirmed his testimony, and Judge Moore expressed his strong disappro bation at the manner in which they had been treated. He laid the subject before the Government, and waitid day after day on Sir William Gossett, who put him t It wiih plausible pretences till he was at last tired, an d to : 4 him, that as it appeared the Government in Ireland was, weak as not to date to redress their subjects for tear of givin g ctfenee to the Conservative Committee of the gaol Cork, lie would apply elsewhere.—(Hear.) No such conveni ence as a night chair was allowed to the prisoners, though • locked up so loug. He represented this to the sheriff, who gave him permission to send them one from a neighuour- ing hotel, which the sheriff ordered to be put in a separate colt; but (would the House believe it?) the Conservative Gaol Committee interfered, and ordered it to be put in the smA cell along with the prisoners. He concludol by moving for copies of all the memorials to the Iris:, Go. vernment from the prisoners confined in the gaol of the county of Cork, under sentence of the Judge of Assize, at the last Autumn Circuit, for offences connected with Tithes; and of all communications made on the subject of every such Memorial by the Hon. Judge Moore ; and of all letters from the Irish Government in reply to any cash IWmorial, to any prisoner, or to the sherift of the county of. Cork ; and of the letter or letters of such Sheriff to the Irish Government on such subject; and of all communi cations betWeeu the Irish Government and the Gaol Coin mittee of the County of Cork on tha said subject. Mr. F. O'CONNOR seconded the motion. He had visited the gaol, and could confirm the account of his Hi n. Friend. Mr. lATTLETON should have no objection to the production of the documents required, as he Was convinced that they would add to the confidente which the people reposed in the Governnient. lie would, therefore. ac cede to the productiOzt of all the communications required, with the exception of one letter of the Hon. Judge Moore, on the principle, that being on private business, it could have nothing to do with the rase. If the Hon. Member saw the letter, he would, he was sure, agree that it was of no importance, After a short conversation, the production of the docu ments, with the exception of that objected to by Mr. Littleton, Was agreed to. Lora ALTHORP suggested that it would be a great convenience if the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. M. Phillip , ) would postpone his motion respecting the Liverpool elec tion, as it was of the greatest importance that the Church Temporalities Bill should be forwarded a stage as speedily as possible. Mr. MARK PHILLIPS, after observing that there would arise many very great inconveniences from keeping parties in attendance much longer, agreed to postpone his motion to the 4th of July. CHURCH TEMPORALITIES (IRELAND) BILL. The House then resolved itself into a Committee on the Church Temporalities (Ireland) Bill. After a few obs.ito ations from Mr. SHAW, clauses 10 and 41 were agreed to. On the reading of the 42,1 slaws, respecting the rota tion in which the Irish Bishops sat in the House of Lords, Mr. PRYME rose pursuant to notice, and proposed that all the words after the words "Episcopal see," in that clause should he left out, for the purpose of inserting the following amendment :—" And he it enacted, that no Bishop who was not at the time of passing this Act, in possession of an Episco pal see in Ireland, shall hereafter sit in rotation in the House of Peers; and that whenever the number of Bishops who no-v possess sees, shall by decease or de mise, be reduced to twelve, then two Irish Bishops only shall sit in the House of Peers : and whenever the number of Bishops who are now in possession of sees in Ireland, shall be reduced to six, then one Bishop only should sit in the House of Peers; and whenever all such Bishops shall become extinct, then, that the right of all the Irish Bishops to sit in Parliament shall entirely cease; provided always, that nothing in this clause contained shall preju dice the rights of an Irish Archbishop to sit in Parliament." He argued for the amendment on the ground that he con sidered the duties of the church were not exactly connected with legislation. Mr. STANLEY thought such an amendment could not be moved upon such a clause, according to the prac tice of the House, because it was not at all connected with the Bill, the Hon. Member having advocated his alteration on account of a difference from that of the Bill, namely— the want of connection between the business of the church and legislation. The CHAIRMAN having, however, put the question, Mr. STANLEY again rose, and contended, that by the Act of Union, the Irish church was as much entitled to a proportionate share in legislation as that of England was ; and as the Irish Bishops were not entitled to sit in Parli iment, the English Bishops were not.--(A laugh.) He did not mean to assert that the English Bishops were not entitled to sit. He should be sorry to make such an assertion. He was of opinion that such a proposal should not be introduced as an amendment on a clause in this Bill, but as a separate measure. Mr. SHAW said, that considering the grounds upon which the amendment was advocated, viz., that the duty of the churchman and the politician ought to he kept distinct, he .thought the proper course was to take it as a separate measure. Mr. HUME observed, that the ecclesiastical duties of a Bishop must certainly be interfered with by political duties. He wished to ask the Right Hon. Gentleman whether the Act of Union was not to be taken in favour of the abolition of anything injurious to Ireland ? Of this he was cute, that the Act of Union with Scotland had never been allowed to stand in the way of any improve. ment in the state of Scotland. It woubt do good to place the Bishops in the best possible situation wits reference to their flocks. To remove them from the House of Lords would so place them. It would have the effect of doing away much prejudice which now existed against the Bishops. But why not do this at once ? Why postpone what was calculated to be so useful ? It might be asked also, why not do the same good for England as for Ire land ? For his part, be was prepared to confer the same benefit on both countries.—(A laugh.) He strongly re commended the Hon. Mover of the amendment, therefoie, to propose that his suggestion should be carried into effect forthwith; or at any rate at the end of the present Parliament. Colonel PERCEVAL, in answer to the observation of the Hon. Member for Middlesex, that political were in compatible with religious duties—(No, no) —remarked, that in that case no political man ought to attend reli gious duties. No one could doubt the sincerity of the Hon. Member in his wish to uphold the church. The present was the first direct attempt to exclude the Bishops from the House of Peers ; and lie trusted that the Committee would treat the proposition as it deserved. Mr. WYNN asked, on what the right of the Irish Bishops to sit in the other House of Parliament was founded ? On a solemn compact entered into between the two countries. Twenty-two Irish Bishops, having a right to sit in the Irish House of Peers, the Union was agreed to on the distinct understanding that they should be represented by one Archbishop and three Bishops in the Imperial Parliament. What right had they to de• prive them of their seats? Lord ALTHORP said, that a much snore important question was involved in the amendment of the Hon. Member fur Huntingdon than appeared on the face of it. It was quite clear that the real question was whether Spiritual Peers should sit in Parliament? The Hon. Member had brought the subject forward, as if it were merely a question affecting the Church of Ireland : but that was not the case—for no one could say, that if it was improper that the Irish Bishops should sit in the Howe of Peers, it was proper that the English Bishops should sit there.—(Hear.) The proposition, therefore, went to effect a complete alteration in a very important p art of the constitution of one of the Houses of Parlia ment. Now, was it expedient or fitting that such an al teration should be proposed in the shape of an amendment to a clause in a Bill having other objects in view ?—(Hear.) If such a proposition were made at all, it ought to be made in a more serious manner—as a separate and distinct sub ject of consideration. For his own part, however, he should be extremely sorry to see any such charge effected as that which the proposition tended to produce. He hoped and trusted that, whatever raight be the wish of individuals, the time would never arrive when the general feeling of the House and of the country would he that the • Church of England should not be represented in the House of Lords.—(Hear, hear, hea-.) There might be those out of doors who indulged in sarcasms upon the subject; but he was sure that no man who valued the Constitution would consent to so great a change in that Constitution, without much stronger reasons for it than any which had hitherto been advanced. Let the Coin. mittee consider the precedent which the adoption of the Hon. Member's amendment would furnish, and he was persuaded that they would not accede to it.—(Hear.) Sir E. KNATCHBULL had listened with infinite satisfaction to the sentiments of the Noble Lord, who, as the organ of his Majesty's Government, hag declared that the representation of the Church of England in the other House of Parliament was an indispensable part of the constitution.—(Cries of " No, no.") Did those Hon. Members who cried " No, no," mean to say that the Bishops did not hold their seats in the other House of Parliament by indefeasible right? By what tenure did the Irish Bishops hold their seats there? By the same tenure as the Irish lay Lords—the Act of Union. It would be impossible to deny that Ireland would be treated with the greatest injustice, if a successful atempt were male to remove the Irish Bishops from the other House of Parliament. Tiie Committee had been truly told by the Noble Lord, that if they entertained the present proposi tion, they would in fact entertain the proposition that toe Church of England shouA be altogether unrepresented in Parliament. He had been delighted with the Noble Lord's distinct declaration on the subject; and he congra tulated the country upon it. Mr. HUME, in reply to the observations of the Hon. Baronet, that the Irish Bishops held their seats by virtue of the Act of Union, observed that one Act ef Parlia ment was good, and ought to be obeyed, until it was le scinded ; and no longer. Two Acts of Parliament bad declared.that Bishops should sit in the other House of Parliament. If an Act should be pasted declaring that they should not sit, that Act would be as legal as its predecessors, and ought to be as implicitly obeyed. The oble Lord had contended that there was no wish what- Ater for such a change—_ Lord ALTHORP observed that what he said was, that be was persuaded the general feeling in the country was against any such change. Mr. HUME, in conclesion, expressed his conviction that ere long the Noble Lord would find that he had been deceived on that point. Mr. ESTCOURT admitted that, to a certain extent, there was such a feeling in the country as that described by the Hon. Member for Middlesex; hut attributed it to the lessons which the people had received from most un worthy and enjuetiflable instructors. With respect to the amendment, the Hon. Mover of it was entirely mis'aken in one respect, for he seemed to consit-r that the right of the Bishops to sit in the House of Peers was founded nut on consideration of public good, but on persenal consi. derationa merely. That was a great error. The Hon. Member proposed that the right should cease as those who at present enjoyed it dropped off. Now he (Mr. Estcourt) agreed with the Hon. Membet for Middlesex, ill it if it was unfit that the Bishops should sit in the House of Peers, the best course would be, instead of allowing them to die of, as the Hon. Mover of the amendment pro posed, to sweep them all away at at once. The Hon. Mover of the amendment treated the subject as if it were one of mere personal gratification to the Bishops themselves. Now that was not the view taken of it by the Act of Unions The Act of Union provided that the representatives of the Irish episcopacy should sit in the House of Peers for the public benefit, not for their own personal gratification. If the Irish Bishops were to be excluded, there could be no reason why the Irish Lay Lords should not be excluded also. Perhaps the Hon. Member would include them in his proposition. They stood upon an equal footing. They all sat in the House of Peers, not for their own gratification, but for the pub lic benefit. Mr. GISBORNE recommended the Hon. Member for Huntingdon to withdraw his amendment. Of this he was quite sure, that by dividing the Committee upon it, the Hon. Member would not do justice to himself. He himself (Mr. Gisborne), although he would not say what his opinions might be if the question were brought sepa rately and distinctly under die consideration of Parlia ment, could not vote for the proposition thus irregularly introduced. Mr. PRYME briefly replied to the arguments which bad been urged against his proposition; but, as he found that the sense of the House was against its being brought forward in its present shape, expressed his disposition to withdraw it. Mr. SHAW protested against the argument of the Hon. Member for Middlesex, by which the Act of Union was treated as if it were an ordinary Act of Parliament, and maintained that it could not be violated without leaving all the parties to it as free as they were before they agreed to it. If the Act of Union were broken, he, as an Irishman, would refuse to join in legislation until the question of union were again referred to Ireland as a national question. Should the doctrines of the Hon. Member for Middlesex be maintained, they would do more to shake the Union between this country and Ireland than all the proceedings of the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin. There was much mole of n itional feeling than the House seemed to be aware of; end he confessed that lie thought it was unfortunate that the consideration of the proceedings respecting the Irish Church should be chosen as the opportunity of treating the Act of Union lightly. The amendment being withdrawn, the clause was agreed to; as were also clauses 43 and 44. After some verbal amendments, the 45th clause was agreed to. The 46th and 47th were agreed to without observation. The 48th clause to the 53d inclusive were, after a slight but uninteresting discussion, agreed to. The 54th clause was, on the motion of Lord AL THORP, postponed ; the 55th was agreed to ; and the 56th was, on the motion, we believe, of Mr. F. SHAW, postponed. Clauses 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, and 63 were then, as amended, agreed to. Clause 64 was postponed. Clauses 65, 66, 67, and-68 were agreed to. Clauses 69 to 90 were then agreed to, and the Chair man having reported progress, obtained leave to sit again to-day. THE NATIONAL DEBT BILL. Lord ALTHORP moved that the House should resolve itself into a Committee on this Bill. On the question that the Speaker do leave the chair, Mr. PEASE asked the Noble Lord if there was any foundation for the report that he had abandoned his in tention of proceeding with the proposed Bill for regulating country banks, daring the present session ? Lord ALTIIORP replied, that it was his decided inten tion to press both Bills through during the present session. Mr. PEASE also wished to know if it was the Noble Lord's intention to require from private bankers, either issuing their own paper or Bank of England notes, a cer tain investment in Government or other approved se curities, in like manner as had hew proposed in the case of joint stock banks? Lord ALTHORP had no intention of interfering with private banks. The only direct interference with respect to them he contemplated, was to compel them to corup:und for their stamp duties. Mr. STRUTT inquired what the Noble Lord's motive was for placing joint stock banks in so unfavourable a position as regarded investment of securities in relation to private hanks. Lord ALTHORP, in reply, said, that it would be in convenient then to give the explanation required by the Hon. Gentleman, but when the proper time arrived, it should br furnished to the nous?. Mr. STRUTI' had made the inquiry from no curiosity of his own, hut rather because of the interest that it as generally felt on the subject. The House then went into Committee, and the Bill passed through, and was committed. . . - The Spi4A, Wine, and B-er (Ireland), and Notaries' Public 1111 s, were respectively read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Friday, APOTHECARIES BILL. Mr. G. LAMB, in moving the second reading of this Bill, said that he would not have brought it forward at that late hour, if he bad thought it would lead to any discussion. There were several amendments, however, agreed upon by the different parties connected with this Bill ; and he, therefore, should only propose the second reading of it, and commit it proforma. The Bill was then accordingly read a second time, com mitted pro forma, and the report was ordered to be taken into further consideration on Monday next. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at a quarter before two o'clock. LIST OF THA Who, on the 18th of June, v leave to bring in a Bill to form Act which requires t! by electors previous to du qualififd to vote. ENGLAND. Bish, Tl , omas—Leominster Buckingham, J. S.—Sheffield Evans, Colonel—Westminster Fenton, John—Rochdale Fielden, John—Oldham Fryer, R.—Wolverhampton Gisborne, T.—North Derbysh. Hume, Joseph—Middlesex 1 Molesworth, Sir William—East E MINORITY, vote , / with Colonel Evans for repeal that part of the Re !' e payment of rates and taxes teir being registered as duly ENGLAND. Rippon, C.—Gateshead Warburton, H.—Bridport Williams, C.i.—Ashton IRELAND. Blake, M. J.—Galway Co. Butler, Hon. P.—Kilkenny Co, Barron, P.—Waterford City ('Conner Don—Roscommon Fitzsimon, C.—Dublin Co. O'Connell, Daniel—Dublin O'Connell, John—Youghall Ronayne, D.—Clonmell Ruthven, Edward —Kildare Vigors, N. A.—Carlow Cornwall Parrott, J.—Totness Pease, Joseph—South Durham Philips, Mark—Manchester Pryme, George—Cambridge Tennyson, Right Hon. C.— Lambeth Mr. SCHOLEFIELD, Mr. •C. K. TYNTE, and other Members, who would have voted with Colonel EVANS in the minority against the payment of rates and taxes as an electoral qualification, were abut out when the doors were elcsed for the division. LIST OF TILE MINORITY, Tellers included, who Voted for Mr. Fryer's Motion (on the 18th inst.) for leave to bring in a B:11 to Alter and Amend the present Corn Laws:— For the motion ENGLAND m u 74 i 5 - 12 D 4 e r . b y Against it ENGLAND. Attwood, Thos.—Birmingham I Strutt, E d i tg e li k o i n n b g y ila t , A J ..— S C_oc s k h e e r iti m e o l u d th w ,S r h hh e aiai p ekink pa enpr r et, d sois , nte._ ' , l ß . B — . :r y‘ o vmige:n Whalley, SGi.r_SA.—:t Buller, E.—North Staffbrdshire'Whitmore, W. W..—Wolver- Bish, T —Leominster Brotherton, Joseph—Salford Wedgewood, J. —Stoke a on rylebone Cornish, James-1 Collier, J.—Plymouth m Evans,in. er Wm. De Lacy—West- Williams, Forster, C. S.—Walsall Fielden, John—Oldham SCOTLAND. Colquhoun, J. C.—Dumbarton shire ;Ewing, James —Glasgow 'Kennedy, T. F.—Ayr, &c. Maxwell, Sir J.... Paisley ;Oswald, Richard —Ayrshire Sharpe, Ge neral—Dumfries, &c. Wallace, Robert —.Greenock , Gasket I, D.—Wakefield Grote, George—London Hughes, Hughes—Oxford i Hawkins, J. H.—Newport, Isle{ of Wight 1 Hill, M. D.—Kingston-on-Hull Hume, Joseph —Middlesex 1 Hyett, W. H.—Stroud Hornby, E. G.—Warrington Lushington, Dr.—Tower Harnl.l Lloyd,. J. H.—Stockport Morrison, J.—lpswich Philips, M.—Manchester Potter, R.—Wigan Richards, J.—Knaresborough ! Rona illy, E.—Ludlow I R ippon C.—Gateshead Scholeield, J.—Birmingham Scrope, Pou'ette—Stroud . IRELAND. Evans, G.—Dublin Co. Ronay ne, D.—conmel I Ruthven, E. S.—Dublin Wallace, T. -.Carlow TELLERS. Fryer, R.--Wolverhampton Warburton, H.—Bridport situr OUT. Evart. W.—Liverpool OBSERVANCE OF THE SABBATH. LIST OF THE MINORITY Of 60 on Sir Andrew Agnew's Motion, " That leave be given to bring in a Bill to provide for the better ob servance of the Lord's My in Scotland." .. . __ Hawkins, J. H. Rippon, C. Heathcote, J. Roebuck, J. A. 11 , 11, M. D. Romilly, E. Kennedy, 'l'. F. Ronayne, D. Lalor, P. Ruthyen, E. Lament, N. Ituthven, e 3. S. Lloyd, J. H. Scholefield, J. Lynch, A. H. Scrope, P. Maxfield, W. Sheppard, T. Maxwell, Sir J. Strutt, E. Morrison, J. Thicknesse, R. Mullins, F. Walker, C. A. Ord, W. Wallace, R. ()Wald, R. A. Warburton, H. Parrott, J. Ward, H. G. Perrin, Sergeant Williams, G. Peter, W. Williamson, Sir H. (Phillips, M. 'Potter, R. Pryme, G. Rickford, W, Aglionby, H. A. Attwood, T. Barry, G. S. Benett, John fish, T. Blake, J. M. Buckingham, J. S. Chapman, M. L. Chaytor, Sir W. Childers, J. W. Mier, J. Cornish, J Davies, Colonel Evans, Colonel Evans, G. Mart, W. Fielden, J. Finn, W. F. Fitzsimon, C. Fitzsimon, N. Grote, G 1 TELLERS. Hume, Joseph Wason, R. PRICE , OF STOCKS 'MIS DAY A'T ON , o'ci.ocK. Bank Stock 3 per Cent. Red. -.89 8% 9 8741 India Stock 3 per Cent Cons shut, Ditto Bonds 29 31 pm. 356 per Cent. 96 j South Sea Stock Ditto Re' 9514 6101 d Annuities B6'A New 334 per Cent. 3 per Cent. Ann. 1726 ... —j3 per Cent. Ann. 1751 .... 4 per Cent. 1326 Bank Long Ann. to expire Ditto 500 5l 52 pm. Jan. 5, IPlp l7 1-161;31tto Small Oct. 10, 1459 — j Ditto Commercial 51 pm. Jan. 5, 1860 — Ditto Advertised — pm. Jan. 5, 1880 -- -I Bank for Account 204% 5 5 4 5 April 5, 1880 lndia for Account ,Tan. 5, 1870. ......... Cons. for Opening ......90 % 90 PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS THIS DAY AT ONE 0 CLOCK. Austrian Bonds 96lPeruvian Bonds 1914 Belgian Bonds 9134 % i Portuguese Bonds Ditto Account 111 N Ditto Account 6O Brazilian Bonds .....675.3 8 1 .4 8 j Regency Scrip 2k dis. 'Ditto Account 67% 814 81 Ditto Account 2H dis. Buenos Ayres Bonds 25 4 54 Prussian Bonds I Ditto Account — Ditto Bonds, 182, 103% Milan Bonds ....... • ;Russian Bonds, 1822 lO4 Ditto Account 25b4 Ditto Account lO4 Columbian Bonds 20% 15( New Loan crW., Ditto Account Spanish Bonds,lB2l '9' Ditto Bonds, 1824 Ditto Account 'SIA i Ditto Bonds, 81.3 Danish Bonds 7 4, Ditto Account 17 1 4 Ditto Account — French Rentes, sp. c. 1031 . 75c. Greek Bonds. 32t , ---- Exchange ...... 25f. 80c. Ditto Bonds, 1825 Ditto Account —•----- Exchange ...... —f —c. Mexican Bonds, 5 per cent 29% , , Dutch, 21 p. c 49 4 9 Ditto Account j Ditto Account 4914 934 Ditto, 6 per cent ...... —135% t 4 1 Ditto, sp. c 9 O IA 9U Ditto Account 15% I Ditto Account 9O Neapolitan .921, :French Scrip 454 pm. FRICES OF SHARES THIS DAY AT ONE O'CLocE. Paid. Per Share, Anglo Mex. Min. Co. (iss. at 5/. pm.) XlOO 1156 Bolanos Mining Company £l5O 135 Brazilian Imp. Min. Co. (iss. at 5/. pm.) £2l) so Ditto National 17% Ditto St. John Del Rey Ditto Cocaes 5 British Iron Mining Company £so Columbian Mining Co. (iss. at 5/. pm.) 505! English Aiming Company 12% General Mining Association l2 Mexican Mining Co. £46 !teal del Monte Mining Co. ...,... United Mex. Alin. Co. (iss. at 2/ Ditto New Scrip Alliance Fire Insurance Comp , Protector Insurance Comp. Australian Co. Canada Company General Steam Navigation Co National Provincial Bank of En Provincial Bank of Ireland., 94 24% 8% 7% 28% 27% 28 pm.) 40 11% ~ 5 14% 10 10% £2 £1 7 0 20% 18 17N ... l7 55% 13 11% 41and ._ 5 pm. 35% 2:, COURSE OF EXCHA . Amsterdam CF. 12 3 Ditto, at sight , 0 ii Rotterdam . U 12 3.1 Antwerp 12 S Hamburg M.B. 13 15 Altona '3 15 Paris, 3•days' sight ` , 5 85 Ditto . U. 26 5 Bordeaux 0 610 Berlin Frankfort on - Maine, Ex. 51.154 Petersburg!), ruble, 3 Us. 10 0 Vienna, effbetive fl. 2M. 10 6 Trieste do .. . ......10 8 Madrid 37 Cadiz 17%, i3ilboa 37 Barcelona 37 Seville 37 Gibraltar.— 47% NOR YESTERDAY. Leghorn 47 Genoa 26 5 Milan 3l Venice 47 Naples IPaletmo per oz. 120 U Lisbon Oporto 46% Rio .laneiro Bahia q 2 Bueno , .. Ayres Corkin, 21 days' sight 11% BULLION, PER OZ. B. d. Portugal Gold, coin 0 0 0 Foreign Gold, in bars 3 17 9 New Doubleonq 0 0 0 New Dollars Silverbars, standard 0 4 10} ?kicks C? IRISH STOCKS, DOBLIti, JUNE 15. Bank Stock 20914. St. Patrick Instil.. (par Share) Consols, 3 per cent Gov. Stock, :.1.1 per cent. 95% gational Ditto Ditto, New 95% .' Patriotic Ditto I per Cent - 1 Hibernian Bank i,ov. Deb. 31;; per cent.... 88% Provincial Ditto .... ......... Royal Canal Stock 39% Royal Irish Mine Grand Canal Stock - • Imperial Mine City Deb. 4 per cent. - !Mining Co. of Ireland Ballast Office Deb. 4v. c. - .Commercial Buildings HIGH ATE LO .H A KI.L.C2E To-Moltauw.. Hurtling ...56 minutes after 3. I Evening...l3 Minutes after 4 LO STUDIO. Price 6,1. NOTICE is hereby given t o th e S u b scr ib ers to LO STUDIO, that on Wednesday next, and every alternate Wednesday, the size, will be increased from Sixteen to Twenty-four Royal Octavo Pages, to contain Reviews of Music and Theatrical Criticisms, in addicion to the " Fine Arts," the price remaining the same. Frederic Lawrance, Publisher, Penny National Library Office, 369, Strand. Just published, in 1 vol. post Bvo., price 10s. boards, SKETCHES of CANADA, and the UNITED STATES. By WM. L. MACKENZIE, Member of the Legislative Assembly of Upper Canada, for the County of York. Effingham Wilson, 88, Royal Exchange. MR. THEODORE HOOK'S NEW NOVEL. This day was puldished, in 3 vols post Syn. THE PARSON'S DAUGHTER, By the Author of " Sayings and Doings," &c. " One child he had: a daughter chaste and fair, His age's comfort, and his fortune's heir, They called her Emma." Paton. Richard Bentley, New Rurlington.street, (Successor to Henry Colburn, ) r ;04/A7O SZ.4, nit) LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JUNE 19, 1833. We understand, from good authority, that Ministers have no uneasiness as to the disposi tion of the KING on the subject which now engrosses the public mind, and that his MA JESTY omits no opportunity of exerting his influence for the prevention of a hostile collision between the two Houses of Parliament. To a creation of Peers, however, for the avowed purpose of carrying any particular measure, the KING is still supposed to entertain great objec tion ; and it is understood that two Members of the Cabinet have equal repugnance to such a mode of proceeding. It is urged, that as not less than sixty new Peers would suffice to secure a majority to Ministers, and that, as in the event of a change of Ministry, the Tories would create at least thirty new Peers, if the Whigs should have previously created sixty, the aristo cracy would have a much more prominent character in the Legislature than was ever intended, until, with successive changes of ad ministration, they would outnumber the House of Commons. If new Peers be not created, however, and the Tories should persist in their opposition to Lord GREY on all matters of reform, there will be no alternative between some forcible act of legislation by the KING and the Commons, without the concurrence of the Lords, or the resignation of Ministers, and an almost immediate convulsion in the country. The serious consideration of this view of the subject is said to have shaken the resolution of some of the opponents of Ministers, and there fore it is by no means improbable that the Lords will content themselve s with some unimportant mo difications of the Iri s h Ch urc h R e f orm Bi ll, and allow it, so modifi e d, to pass i nto a law. We have received a file of the Oporto Papers , 0 t h e Bth inst. They contain no notice of the illf.ess of SARTORIUS, and are entirely silent as to t h e operations of the belligerents. There are i n them, however, a great many orders of the day, and other official announcements indicative of an intention to move early. In a number of ►he Chronica we find a long account of the pre tended flight of Don MIGUEL, founded upon nothing more than his temporary absence from his usual place of residence, for the purpose of communicating with Don CARLOS. Captain NAPIER had seen Don PEDRO very frequently, and met with a most gracious reception. Sir JOHN MILLEY DOYLE, of whom we have heard but little here lately, appears to be in con stant attendance on Don PEDRO, with whom he is evidently a great favourite. Several ves sels, laden with naval and military stores, which had been sent out on speculation, had arrived off Oporto. Since writing the above, we learn that private information has been received from Oporto, that on the 12th inst. the troops had began to embark to the number or 6,000 men under the command of Don PEDRO, in steamers, and other vessels of the squadron. The EMPEROR proceeds with the expedition to Lisbon, and their determination is to take that city by a coup de main. General SOLIGNAC, during their ab - senc e, remains at Oporto to defend the city in case of an attack by the Miguelites. We are assured that we may place confidence in the above information. We understand that there is some difference of opinion among the leaders of the political unions in the north as to the course to be adopted in the event of a hostile collision between the two Houses of Parliament on the Irish Church Reform Bill—the most influential and respect able portion are determined to support Ministers against the Tories whatever may have been their disappointment hitherto, and there is every reason to believe that, in order to maintain the appear ance of union, this policy will soon be acted upon by all who have the slightest degree of influence over these political associations. There is an anecdote in old Hierocles, (well known to every school-boy) of a " Scholastikos" or " foolish fellow," who, when the vessel where in he happened to be embarked was labouring in storm and tempest, with breakers right a-head, and the rest of the crew were each laying hold of masts, beams, casks, and other floating sub stances, caught fast by the anchor, in the saga cious hope that it might be the means of float ing him safe to shore. Lord ALTHORP, we regret to say it, is just now pretty much in the predicament of this " foolish fellow." The Bishops are the anchor to which he clings as a protection from the hurricane which is whistling about his ears ! He thinks—good, easy man— that by lashing himself to the Episcopal Bench he will be flaated triumphantly over all his diffi culties ! Never was so extraordinary an instance of hallucination. The political influence of the Bishops is confessedly one of the greatest griev ances under vatich the country labours, and no Minister can attach himself to their interests (at least in their capacity of legislators) without sinking with them. However deep be the sea, on whose troubled surface Lord ALTHORP'S crazy vessel now floats, let him but lash himself to the anchor, and he will be sure to find the bottom. A tom-cat, with a big stone tied round his neck, would sound the depths of a horse-pond with far less celerity. We regret—deeply, bitterly regret, his Lord ship's declaration last night. To say the least of it, it is ominous of ill consequences. He cannot but by this time be aware that the Epis copal Bench are the deadliest and most perse vering enemies Reform ever yet had to en counter; that they are Ultras in the most obsolete and obnoxious sense of the term ; and that any attempt to make them converts to ecclesiastical reformation, is as hopeless a task as to wash the blackamoor white. When Lord ALTHORP can extract sun-beams from cucum bers, then may he hope to make sincere prose lytes of Bishops. The continuance of this clerical body in the House of Lords is a scandal on the Protestant religion. It is impossible that bigoted politi cians can make good Christian pastors. It is at variance with every principle of common sense that those who have so many temporal duties to attend to, can properly discharge their spiritual ones. They cannot serve both God and Mammon. They cannot touch pitch and not be defiled. They cannot mix themselves up with the meanness and rancour of party spirit, and not feel themselves disqualified thereby for entering on their aposto lie duties in the fitting Christian spirit of humi lity. It is essential to the interests of true reli gion that the Episcopal Bench should experience the doom (as we care not how soon) of the money changers in the Temple. The House of Lords should be disembarrassed of their presence forthwith. What has occasioned the late unprecedented spread of dissent . throughout the country ? What, but the negligence of the heads of the Established Church, who, instead of en couraging the clergy of their dioceses, by their constant residence among them—instead of personally superintending the interests of the vast flocks committed to their care— have been for years in the habit of figuring among the aristocratic circles in the metropolis, declaiming as politicians in the House of Lords, and throwing the whole weight of their influence into the scale of intolerance. The con s equences of this evil example are obvious. The inferior Clergy make a point of alleging the negligence of their superiors as an excuse for their own, and their flocks, thus deprived of the privileges for whiCh they so dearly pay, are ready to throw themselves into the arms of the first dissenting pastor who may present himself to their notice. But though scarcely heard of beyond the walls of their own palaces as active labourers in the apostolic vineyard, the Bishops are known to all the country in their character of Ultra politicians. Here their notoriety is spread far and wide. The people are well aware that they are—ever have been—and ever will be, the firmest, because the most self-interested, supporters of all intolerance ; that they can swallow a Tory camel, though they would strain at a Whig gnat. Are these then the men on whom Lord ALTHORP would fix his ready grasp ? This the anchor to which, in his extremity, he would lash himself ? Will he who has only one " loaf " and " five small fishes" to give away, delude himself with the hope of being able to satisfy the cravings of that bench which has so long fattened upon Tory rations ? Why, th e attempt of Don to seduce Sanch o f rom C a - Qu_ macho's " flesh-pots" by the bribe of a pleasant evening ride, was reason itself compared to this insane project ! But it will fail, and so Lord ALTHORP will find, and this at no distant period. Between the Whigs and the Bench of Bishops a gulph is fixed, which one party, at least, can never pass with safety. There can be no lasting alliance between two classes, where neither is sin cere. The Bishops may succumb for a time ; but it will only be for the purpose of reserving their energies for some more suitable They will crouch, but it will only be tiger in the jungle, to make ready for spring. Whatever they be as men, as there can be but one opinion respect!; Were• they even to be so inclined, cannot change their nature. AWh sphere—like a polar region to one bo the tropics—is too inclement for thei Lion. They were reared under a Tory and under a Tory climate they must live Colonel EVANS brought forward last night for the repeal of the 27th the Reform Act, which requires the pi rates and taxes up to a certain period elector can give his vote. The reasons in support of his motion were that it many people from voting, that candidal the rates and taxes and thereby torrid voters, and that it gives undue power to lectors of rates and taxes, who are persoi to interest themselves in election tactics. respect to the first objection, it is a simp! But so it is, true to say, that the ReforUl does not give universal suffrage ; but ti assertion of that, truth is no argument for away with the qualifications required by d For ourselves, we are desirous of seei establishment of household suffrage; are persuaded that the qualifications requi the Reform Act, exclude many of our citizens, particularly in country towns, the enjoyment of rights they are most corn to exercise. But we should require sot more than merely being in a house to ei man to vote. A trun ‘6O sy" pa' and tlxes, and am therefOre entitled to the election of those who are to dispose of taxes," cannot reasonably quarrel with t' which requires that he should show, voting, that he really has paid his rate& taxes. We think with Lord ALTHORP there are few who, in future, will be unal vote from this cause alone. With regard to the second objection we observe, that the voters who require a.bt 4/. or 5/. before they give their vote, wily trive some other means of obtaining it from didates willing to give it. The old lowed the rates to be paid at the very of the election, which certainly tempted didates to pay them ; but now that thi required to be paid some time befori we think the objection altogether removed is to say, as far as any objections, resting the willingness of candidates to bribe au electors to be bribed, can be removed witho' adoption of the ballot. We now come last objection urged by Colonel EVANS. must confess we are utterly at a loss to see peculiar power is given to the collectors of I If parties comply with the provisions of the the rate collectors are utterly void of to molest them in any way. If partit not pay their rates, the collectors have no power over theta under the Reform Act. for rate collectors having it in . their povvel influence electors, by granting them the i. genre of time, it is clear that that p o wer 11 , continue, wh e th er th e payment o f taxes b e a c( ) ; i dition of v o ti ng or not . I n d eed t h e pro d sions of the Bid curtail the power o f grantteb , the indulge nce o f t i me an d , o f course, t h e infia ence of colle ctors . We are surprised that c lone) EVANS and the twenty-three gentl eni , wt.° voted with .. . kiln' did not- see that the en cif his proposition, would unreality be to i n o • the discretion, and therefora the power of t ile . officers of the revenue department. We ' e . they lost si g ht of stilestantial advantages to grasping at a shadow. - Colonel EVANS has, we see, given notice ~ a fresh motion to change the word " Octohe r ..i t for " April," in the 27th clause. As eel') people who, from temporary circumstances, Ss' not have been a bl e to pay t h e i r rates up : late a p er i o d as i s now requ i red, this may bole; relief, and, a s f ar as we can see, w i l l not be Itsl/,: to the obje ct i ons we h ave urge d aga i nst the vas Lion of last night. Another blow was aimed last night at the iv'' q;itous monopoly of bread, by Mr. FRYER, the Member for Wolverhampton. His motion to repeal the present Corn Laws, with a vie/ t° the establishment of the duty of 1791, wh e :/, as the Hon. M em b er o b serve d , the value .111 money was about what it is at present. It the people by th e way , t h at - as the numbers of t e people have incr ease d, an d o f course as IP (' want of more food has been felt, our sellers ° food h ave b een care f u l to exc l ude supplies from' abroad. Th e reason i s obvious. T he re d was nothing t o b e ga i ne d b y pro hibiti n g the entrance of foreign corn into England, long as corn was cheaper in this country o° l was abroad, an d we were, o f course, exporte'',, ;' but directly population began to press hard tie rs the home s u p p l y t h e pr i ce rose. The cultival ° saw that th e reason o f t h e rise in price was t bs comparative scarcity of supply, and that t he 9 had only to restrict the supply to raise the Pr l o still further. Having the power, and scruples of conscience, our landed P, 1 1,! prietors at once commenced their 0106 ing experiments. Their ignorance, howev e ir being in exact proportion to their knavery, th h e s ,, operations were f or some t i me counteracted wot causes, the op era ti on o f w hi c h t h ey had ;A I foreseen. At l engt h, h owever, they sueceeueo in raising the duties so high that corn rose g° starvation price. The people, however, thatl ls ks to buy it, tho ug ht t h at t hi s was carrying the icin. too far, and accor di ng l y b egan to show srlirir'. toms of au in c li nat i on to k noc k the sellers °lv.: the head. With a s i g h, t h e landowners c°o4 sented to redu ce th e d ut i es , b ut framed tiled upon a nice calculation of what d e gree b , , starvation the consumers of corn would 513 ' mit to. John B u ll i s a Jong-snarl4s() brute : it takes much to move him 01 1, action ; and his m as t ers h ave reape d the fe:-.1.00 of their cunning in t o l era bl y quiet submissies,; to their last d ecrees . W hen h e grunwqee' they call out against " unsettling the Vi t a tion," in so loud a t one , t h at h e is qur. bewildered. H e thi n k s " unsett li ng t h e V o l, tion," must mean something dreadful). is , though he cannot exactly make out what 't, When he c omes t o find out t h at t h e "set lit meat" means stinting him in hi s allowancelbet will resolve to overturn it, an d h ave allot which will permit him to have his bellyful'. 4 d To drop metaphor, Mr. FRY ER ' S motion ", $ ) however,; and, a question majority moved eof b7y2L to s , Met as that of his colleague (M r . W Hl Tsfola had been. He was told ther e was n o time , attend to the matter this ses s i on , an d t h e pre/ 1 ; 4 ! j 7. ALTHORP As usu 117 ca orer rv and, of course, the st rengt h o f t h e argu ° lo . ; was on the side o f t h e a b o li t i on i st s. deed, that worthy Conservative, Col. W099:,' the name sufficiently characteri s tic of that part 01 vd tio i 'PtAKE. I , I ° RORG QANDi St Bit lad ui t 4 - e z;;; lver sever ir t 1.113._ m ade to 0 With 0 1 ° far Lan of Cl.prov It w e t . c t o 'es e , but b i go to a b t k "ALL) tiVe th e t ° inc that %f gni ist obj %% ea of te lldtd t I it4 CIE CI 4 Irish he E~Bland 1 11) ,cribe It It c coup Ik t vietv b "I l PPost e ' gettiCes be re r entur ec thr. n . e ° P Ron. tcharged 'h a L 'ead, )0 t r . the c h i eiresP, "'e it r Gentl E vend'' all ude( tru t h alte : f e e to rdsPuacil::CettitblegeatiSeri ‘llll.lloo:::.preP:herhtle.°aiw'oslidfu'lic" 'ar cei ' 1 ; t , o ,he ;so n moi . , h . ►letrU'i he 01 fora/ P has the result for d i t he A l i o aitate t ;eeieg 7 Ilpo ; f o r e 'red Percei ar fell° in e l, nu) f re the oroPt e L Babb ometh t "ve t entit' e 'Y pay re : Prope ) vote I wi t of t " I th a t the k ept. be ° the des 1 , B to RP, / laid cable ‘4,,,5. u P'z'o t 1 ye WO Pov ve bribe him vill c.' .orti c$ 11 . 1 : law " -a re au ry i 4 the Led c to em they t :d re ; h t hsl ! W el -e a a t i tr e l: r ; ,g ups l8 math and a ble tc rout /r 40 co tthl e to o , mu , 1. ti p accept ;e0 W th e rti th em he kd °tem rtieS V tlll art al no oe Publi c h over PE - D wit THis