The Sun. — London, England, 1863-02-26 00:00:00

French Mediation in the United States. WASHINGTON, Thursday, Feb. 12. The Prebident to-day sent to the Senate the fo' lowing despatches : " MR. DAYTON TO MR. SEWARD. (Extract, No. 255.) " Paris, Jan. 15, 1863. "Sir,—A despatch will shortly be sent by M, Drouyn de Lhuys to M. Mercier, requesting him to suggest to you on a suitable occasion the propriety of appointing Commissioners to treat with the South for peace, andlor Union if possible; if not possible, for such terms of separation as may be eventually agreed upon. This communication was submitted by M. Drouyn de Lhuys to the Emperor on the 9th inst., and returned to him by the Emperor yester day. The despatch answers what is supposed would have been the objections to a proposal for an armistice or mediation. " 1. It proposes, it says, no interference of any kind by a foreign Power. "2. It does not require or ask for any cessation of hostilities pending the negotiations; but, like the negotiations of peace in 1783 between the United States and Great Britain, permits everything to proceed as if no efforts for a settlement were being made.—l am, sir, your obedient servant, " WM. L. DAYTON. " To his Excellency W. H. Seward, Secretary of State, &c." M. DROUYN DE LHUYS TO M, MERCIER. (Translation.) " Department of Foreign Affairs, Political Divi . " sion, Paris t Jan. 9, 1863. " Sir,—ln forming the purpose of assisting, by the proffer of our good offices, to shorten the period of those hostilities which are desolating the Ame rican continent, we have to be :guided beyond all by the friendship which actuates the Government of the Emperor in regard to the United States. The little success of our exertions. might chill the inte rest with which we follow the fluctuations of this contest, but the sentiment to which we have yielded is too di ncere for indifference to find a place in our thought, or that we should cease to be painfully affected while the war continues to rage. We can not regard without profound regret this war, worse than civil, comparable to the most terrible distrac tions of the ancient republics, and whose disasters multiply in proportion to the resources and the valour which each of the belligerent parties deve lopes. The Government of his Majesty have, therefore, seriously examined the objections which have been made to us where we have suggested the idea of a friendly mediation, and. we have asked ourselves whether they are truly of a nature to set aside as premature every tentative to a reconcilia tion. On one part has been proposed to us the re pugnance of the United States to admit the inter vention of foreign influence in the dispute; on the other, the hope, which the Federal Government has not abandoned, of attaining its solution by force of arms. " Assuredly, sir, recourse to the good offices of one of our several neutral Powers contains nothing incompatible with the pride so legitimate to a great nation, and means purely international are not those alone which furnish examples of the useful character of mediation. We flatter ourselves, besides, that in proffering to place ourselves at the disposal of the belligerent parties to facilitate between them negotiations,, the basis of which we abstain from prejudging, we have manifested to the patriotism of the United States all the consideration to which it is entitled, now perhaps still more than ever, after such new proof of moral force and energy. We are none the less ready, amid the wishes which we form in favour of peace, to take into account all the susceptibilities of national feel ing, and we do not at all question the right of the Federal Government to decline the co-operation (contours) of the great maritime Powers of Europe. But this co-operation, is it not the only means which offers itself to the Cabinet of Washington to hasten the close of the war; and if it believes that it ought to repel any foreign intervention, could it not honourably accept the idea of direot (pourparlers) informal conferences with the authority which may represent the States of the South ? The Federal Government does not despair, we know, of giving a more active impulse to hostilities. Its sacrifices have not exhaused its resources, still less its perse verance and its steadfastness. The protraction of the struggle, in a word, has not shaken its confi dence in the definitive success of its efforts. But the opening of informal conferences between the belli gerent parties does not necessarily imply the im mediate cessation of hostilities. Negotiations about peace are not always the consequence of a suspension of warfare. They precede, on the contrary, more often the establishment of a truce. How many times have we not seen plenipotentiaries meet, exchange communications, agree upon all the essential provisions of treaties; resolve, in fine, the question even of peace or war, while the leaders of armies continued the strife, and endeavoured, even to the latest moment, to modify by course of arms the conditions of peace ! To recall only one memory drawn from the history of the United States, the negotiations which consecrated their independence were commenced long before hostilities had ceased in the New World, and the armistice was not esta blished until the act of the 30th of November, 1782, which, under the name of Provisional Articles, em braced in advance the principal clauses of the defi nitive treaty of 1783. Nothing, therefore, would hinder the Government of the United States, with out renouncing the advantage which it believes it can attain by the continuation of the war, from en tering upon informal conferences with the Confe derates of the South, in case they should show them selves disposed thereto. Representatives or com missioners of the two parties could assemble at such point as it should be deemed proper to designate, and which could for this purpose be declared neu tral. Reciprocal complaints would be examined into at this meeting. In place of the accusations which North and South mutually cast upon each other at this time would be submitted an argumen tative discussion of the interests which divide them. They would seek out, by means of well-ordered and profound deliberations, whether these interests are definitively irreconcilable—whether separation is an extreme which can no longer be avoided, or whether the memories of common existence—whether the ties of any kind which have made of the North and of the South one sole and whole Federative State, and have borne them on to so high a degree of pros perity—are not more powerful than the causes which have placed arms in the hands of the two populations. A negotiation, the object of which would be thus determinative, would not involve any of the objections raised against the diplomatic in tervention of Europe, and without giving birth to the same hopes as the immediate conclusion of an armistice would exercise a happy influence on the march of events. Why, therefore, should not a com bination which respects all the relations of the United States obtain the approbation of the Federal Government? Persuaded on our - part that it is in conformity with their true'interests, we do not:hesi tate to r ecommend it to their attention, and not having sought in the project of a mediation of the maritime Powers f Europe any vain display of in fluence, we would applaud, with entire freedom from all susceptibilities of self-esteem, the opening of a negotiation which would invite -the two populations to d i scuss , without the cooperation of Europe, the solution of their differences. I reques t you, sir, to give this assurance to the while commendi ng to its Cabin et of Washing ton, wisdom counsels dictated Ey most sincere interest in the prosperity of the United States. Yon are, moreover, authorised, if Mr. Seward expresses the wish, to leave with him a copy of this despatch. " Accept, sir, the assurance of my high conside ration, " DROUYN DE LITUYS." " Mercier, Minister of France at Washington." MR. SEWARD TO MR. DAYTON. g , (No. 297.) " Department of State, Washington, Feb. 6, 1863. " Sir,—The intimation given in your despatch of Jan. 15 (No. 255), that I might expect a special visit:from M. Mercier., has been realised. He called on the 3d inst. and gave me a copy of a despatch which he had just received from M. Drouyn de Lhuys under the date of lan. 9. I have taken the president's instructions, and I now proceed to give. Sou his ideas on the subject in question. It has been considcred-with seriousness, resulting from the reflection that the people of France are known to be faultless sharers with the American nation in the misfortunes and calamities of our unhappy civil war. Nor do we on this any more than on other occasions forget the traditional friends ip of the two countries, which we unhesitatingly believe has in- spired the counsels that M. Drouyn de Lhuys has imparted. He says—' The Federal Government does not despair, we know, of giving more active impulse to hostilities.' And again he remarks—' The pro traction of the struggle, in a word, has not shaken the confidence of the Federal Government in the definitive success of its efforts.' These passages seem to me to do unintentional injustice to the lan guage, whether confide ntial or public, in which this Government has constantly spoken on the subject of the war. It certainly has had and avowed only one purpose—a determination to preserve the inte• grity of the country. So far from admitting any laxity of effort or betraying any despondency, the Government has, on the contrary, borne itself cheerfully in all vicissitudes with unvarying confi dence in an early and complete triumph of the na tional cause. Now, when we are in a manner invited by a friendly Power to review the twenty-one months' history of the conflict, we find no occasion to abate that confidence through which in an alterna. tion of victories and defeats, as is the appointed inci dent of war, the land and naval forces of the United States have steadily advanced, reclaiming from the insurgents the ports, forts, and posts which they had treacherously seized before the strife actually began, • and even before it was seriously apprehended. So many of the States and districts which the insur gents included in the field of their projected exclu sive slaveholding dominion have already been re established under the flag of the Union that they now retain only the States of Georgia, Alabama, and Texas, with half of Virginia, half of North Carolina, two-thirds of South Carolina, half of Mississippi, and one-third respectively of Arkansas and Louisiana. The National forces hold even this small territory in close blockade and siege. This Government, if required, does not hesitate to submit its achieve ments to the test of comparison, and it maintains that in no part of the world, and in no times, an cient or modern, has a nation, when rendered all unready for combat by the enjoyments of 80 years of almost unbroken peace, so quickly awakened at the alarm of sedition, put forth energies so vigorous and achieved successes so signal and effective as those which have marked the progress of this con test on the part of the Union. "M. Drouyn de Lhuys, I fear, has taken other light than the correspondence of this Government for his guidance in ascertaining its temper and finances. He has probably read of divisions of sentiment among those who hold themselves forth as organs of public opinion here, and has given to them an undue importance. It is to be remembered that this is a nation of 30,000,000, civilly divided into 41 States and territories which cover an expanse hardly less than Europe; that the people are a peaceful demo cracy, exercising everywhere the utmost freedom of speech and suffrage ; that a great crisis necessarily produces vehement as well as profound debate, with sharp collisions of individual, local, and sec tional interests, sentiments, and conviction,:and that this heat of controversy is increased by the intervention of speculations, interests, prejudices, and passions from every other part of the civilised world. It is, however, through such debates that the agreement of the nation upon any subject is habitually attained, its resolutions formed, and its policy established. While there has been much difference of popular opinion and favour concerning the agents who shall carry on the war, the princi ples on which it shall be waged, and the means with which it shall be prosecuted, M. Drouyn de Lhuys has only to refer to the statute-book of Con gress and the Executive ordinance, to learn that that the national activity has hitherto been, and yet is, as efficient as that of any other nation, what ever its form of government, ever was under cir cumstances of equally grave import to its peace, safety, and welfare. Not one voice has been raised anywhere, out of the immediate field of the insur rection, in favour of foreign intervention or media tion, or arbitration, or of compromise with the re linquishment of one acre of the national domain, or the surrender of even one constitutional franchise. At the same time it is manifest to the world that our resources are yet abundant, and our credit ade qaate to the existing emergency. " What M. Drouyn de Lhuys suggests is that this Government shall appoint Commissioners to meet on neutral ground Commissioners of the insur gents. He supposes that in the conferences to be thus held reciprocal complaints could be discussed, and, in place of the accusations which the North and the South now mutually cast upon each other, the conference would be engaged with discussions of the interests which divide them. He assumes further ' that the Commissioners would seek, by means of well ordered and profound deliberations, whether separation is an extreme that can no longer be avoided, or whether the memories of a common existence, the ties of every kind which have made of the North and the South one whole federate State, and have borne them on to so high a degree of prosperity, are not more powerful than the causes which have placed arms in the hands of the two po pulations.' The suggestion is not an extraordinary one, and it may well have been thought by the Emperor of the French, in the earnestness of his benevolent desire for the restoration of peace, a feasible one. But when M. Drouyn de Lhuys shall come to review it in the light in which it must necessarily be examined in this country, I think he can hardly fail to perceive that it amounts to nothing less than a proposition that while this Government is engaged in suppressing an armed insurrection, with the purpose of main taining the constitutional national authority and preserving the integrity of the country, it shall enter into diplomatic discussion with the insurgents upon the questions whether that authority shall not be renounced, and whether the country shall not be delivered over to disunion, to be quickly followed by ever-increasing anarchy. "If it were possible for the Government of the United States to compromise the national authority so far as to enter into such debates, it is not easy to perceive what good results could be obtained by them. The Commissioners must agree in recom mending either that the Union shall stand or that it shall be voluntarily dissolved, or else they must leave the vital question unsettled to abide at least the fortunes of the war. The Government has not shut out knowledge of the present temper any more than of the past purposes of the insurgents. There is not the least ground to suppose that the control- ' ling actors would be persuaded at this moment, by any arguments which a National Commissioner could offer, to forego the ambition that has im pelled them to the disloyal position they now are occupying. . _ _ • "Any commissioner who should be appointed by those actors, or through their dictation or influence, must enter the conferences imbued with the spirit and pledged to the personal fortunes of the insur gent chiefs. The loyal people in the insurrectionary States would be unheard, and any offer of peace by this Government on the condition of the mainten ance of the Union must necessarily be rejected. On the other hand, as I have already intimated, this Go vernment has not the least thought of relinquishing the trust which has been confided to it by the nation, under tics most solemn of all political sanc tions ; and if it had any such thought, it would have still abundant reason to know that peace, pro posed at the cost of dissolution, would be imme diately, universally, and indignantly rejected b 3 the American people. It is a great mistake that European statesmen make if they suppose this people are demoralised. Whatever, in case of an insurrection, the people of France, or Great Britain, or Switzerland or of the Netherlands, would d o t o save their national existence, no matter how the strife might be regarded by or affect foreign na tions, just so much, aeer d tain . ly no less, the people of the United States will for the common benefit the regionif n v e c h el i s c s h a riys bounded, t o by the Pacific and Atlantic coasts, and by the shores of the Gulfs of St. Lawrence and Mexico, co mmon navigation of tthogeeßthioerowraitnhdet, he m f i r s e s e ou a r n i d , Arkansas, Mississippi , Ohio, St. Lawrence , Hu d s on, Del aware , Potomac, THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 26, 1861 and other national highways, by which this land, which to them is at once a land of inheritance and a land of promise, is opened and watered. " Even if the agents of the American people thus exercising their power should, through fear or fac tion, fall below the height of national virtue, they would be speedily, yet constitutionally, replaced by others of sterner character and patriotism. I must be allowed to say, also, that M. Drouyn de Lhuys errs in his description of the parties to the present conflict. We have here, in a political sense, no North, no South, no Northern, no Southern States. We have an insurrectionary party, which is located upon and is chiefly adjacent to the shores of the Gulf of Mexico ; and we have, on the other hand, a loyal people, who constitute not only Northern States, but Eastern, Middle, Western, and S ou th ern States. " I have, on many occasions, heretofore, submitted to the French Government the President's views of the interests and ideas which are at the bottom of the determination of the American Government and people to maintain the Federal Union. Tll. Pre sident has done the same thing in his Messages and other public declarations. I refrain, therefore, from reviewing that argument in connexion with the existing question. M. Drouyn de Lhuys draws to his aid the Conferences which took place between the colonies and Great Britain in our Revolu tionary War. He will allow me to answer, that aetion in the crisis of a nation, must accord with its necessities, and therefore can be seldom conformed to precedents. Great Britain, when entering on that negotiation, had manifestly come to entertain doubts of her ultimate success; and it is certain that the councils of the colonies could not have failed to take new courage, if not to gain other advantages, when the parent State compro mised so far as to treat of peace on the terms of conceding their independence. "It is true, indeed, that peace:must come some time, and that conferences must attend, if they are not allowed to precede, the pacification. There is, however, a better form for such conferences than than the one which M. Drouyn de Lhuys suggests. The latter would be palpably in derogation of the Constitution of the United States, and would carry no weight, because destitute of the sanction neces sary to bind either to the loyal or disloyal portions of the people. On the other hand, the Congress of the United States furnishes a constitutional forum for debates between the alienated parties. Senators and representatives from the loyal people are those already fully empowered to confer, and st ats:are also vacant and inviting the senators and representatives of the discontented party, who may be constitutionally sent there from the States in volved in the insurrection. Moreover, the con ferences which can thus be held in Con gress have this great advantage over any that could be organised on the plan of M. Drouyn de Lhuys—viz., that Congress, if it thought wise, would call a National Convention to adopt its recommendations, and give them all the solemnity and binding force of organic law. Such conference between the alienated parties may be said to have already begun. Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri, States which were claimed by the insurgents, are already represented in Con gress, and are submitting with perfect freedom, and in a proper spirit, their advice upon the course best calculated to bring about in the shortest time a firm, lasting, and honourable peace. Representa tives have been sent from Louisiana, and others are understood to be coming from Arkansas. There is a preponderating argument in favour of the congressional form of conference over that which is suggested by M. Drouyn de Lhuys,—viz , that while accession to the latter would bring the Go vernment into concurrence with the insurgents in disregarding and setting aside an important part of the Constitution of the United States, and so would be of pernicious example, the congressional confer ence, on the contrary, preserves and gives new strength to that sacred instrument, which must continue through future ages the sheet-anchor of the republic. "You will be at liberty to read this despatch to M. Drouyn de Lhuys, and to give him a copy if he shall desire it. To the end that you may be in formed of the whole case, I transmit a copy of M. Drouyn de Lhuys' despatch. " I am Sir, your obedient servant, WM. H. SEWARD." " s W. L. Dayton, Esq., &c." FRANCE AND AMERICA. The follos ing is a translation of M. Mercier's despatch of the 13th April, 1862, which has caused so much sensation at Washington . " THE FRENCH MINISTER AT WASHINGTON TO THE MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS. WASHINGTON, April 13, 1862. " Monsieur le Ministre,—ln the last interview which I had with him, Mr. Seward, under tho impression of the sa tisfactory news which ho had received from the west, deve loped to me all the motives which he thought he could count upon for a proximate re-establishment of the Union. While conversing, I happened to say, by chance, that I regretted that I could not go myself to see how matters really stood at Richmond. Mr. Seward immediately replied that i could very well go there—that I had only to send for one of our vessels to take me to Norfolk ; and that he was quite disposed to give me a pass for that visit. "As I had no intention of provoking such a reply, and not having anticipated it, I said I should think it over and send him an answer. Having considered the matter, it ap peared to me that, from the moment I undertook that jour ney with such an explicit acquiescence of the Secretary of State, almost, as it appeared, at his request, it would be easy for me to prevent, with a little prudence, any inconve nience arising from it, and that, on the other hand, besides giving me the advantage of an opportunity of acquiring valuable information, it might also be the means of prepar ing the way for having recourse to kind offices as a means of facilitating the pacific arrangement, the want of which is so strongly felt. I therefore resolved to accomplish it, but I deemed it indispensable on my part not to leave my col league of England in ignorance of my departure; and I lost no time in informing him of my intention, tolling him that in communicating my resolve to Mr. Seward, I should take care to tell him that I had only made up my mind to do so after having consulted my colleague. " I therefore waited upon Mr. Seward, and I said to him that the Emperor being always disposed to load his good offices to the Federal Government, I thought I was acting up to his views by deciding, if the Secretary of State saw no objection to it, to start for Richmond. It was natural, moreover, that I should have the desire, under actual cir cumstances, to place myself in communication with our Consuls to form my own judgment on the state of affairs, availing myself of the privilege granted to foreign Ministers residing in the United States to visit every point of the ter ritory of the Union. "As regards the language I should have to hold, it was easy to divine it. As the war was doing considerable da mage to our interests, I came to ascertain what chances there might be to put a speedy stop to it; if, on this sub ject, overtures were made relative to the recognition of the Confederation of the South, I should reply that it ought to be understood that, in my position, I could only speak of the re-establishment of the Union; that our general interests always made us look upon separation with regret, and that our interests of the moment ought to make us desire, above all things, the termination of the war which interrupted our commerce; that, considering the disposition which the population of the North seemed to labour under, the recognition would not decide the Federal Government to raise the blockade; that, for us, peace was the only desire we could entertain, and that we, conse quently, should be inclined to do everything in our power to effect it as soon as possible to the convenience of the two parties. It was, moreover, agreed that I should only report to Mr. Seward that which I was authorized to repeat to him. "Mr. Seward observed to me that I might add, when I should find a fitting opportunity, that, in his conviction, the North was not animated by any sentiment of revenge, and that, as tar as ho was concerned, it would give him pleasure to find himself again in the Senate in the presence of all those the South should wish to send. "After this interview, I sent a message by the telegraph to the Commander of tho Gassendi, which was at Fort Monroe, requesting hint to come and take me on board as soon as possible, either at Alexandria or Annapolis, and I requested Mr. Seward to forward that message. " I hope, M. le Ministre, that our Excellency will not have to regret the step I have taken. (Signed) " MERCIER." [ADVERTlSEMENT.]—RoyalArtillery—Holloway's Oint ment and Pills.—A sergeant in the Royal Artillery writes on December 12, 1862, from Posnamatteo, Madras Presi dency, that his right leg from the anclo to the calf, was a quagmire of disease and corruption, that he was on the hospital roll for 12 months without any improvement in his case; that he, as a forlorn hope, resolved to try Holloway's celebrated Ointment and Pills. These soon gave ease, expelled the bad humours from the limb, healed the ap parently incurable sore, and restored him to sound health. Soldiers and sailors are earnestly recommended to have recourse to th ese i nva l ua bl e me di camen t s f or curing old wounds, sores, arisen from imprud ence and acorn incurable. or ulcers, more particularly when they have RAILWAY INTELLIGENCE. NORTH-WESTERN. The ha!f-yearly meeting of this company (now leased to the Midland) took place in Leeds on Monday; Mr. H. Alcock in the chair. A dividend at the rate of 3 per cent. per annum was declared, for the payment of which £12,664 was available. The chairman anticipated a more favourable state of the accounts when the traffic returns were received from the Midland Company in March next, in consequence 'of the Exhibition and other summer traffic. ABERDARE. The half-yearly meeting of proprietors was held yester day, at Bristol; Mr. J. Poole in the chair. On the :motion of the CHAIRMAN, a dividend at the rate of 10 per cent. per annum (less Is. ld. pershare for expenses of management and 9d. per share for income-tax) was de clared, payable on the 6th proximo. The retiring directors were re-elected, and Mr. J. Jones was elected a director. LONDON AND NORTH-WESTERN. The adjourned half-yearly meeting of this company was held yesterday at the Euston station, to receive the result of the poll on Mr. Wrigley's amendment to the adoption of the report. Mr. R. Moon, the chairman, presided. The CHAIRMAN read the report of the scrutineers, from which it appeared that 115 personal notes were given in favour of Mr. Wrigley's amendment, representing £439,708 stock and 1,517 votes, and 1,913 proxies, representing £3,28,750 stock and 16,253 votes, making together in favour of Mr. Wrigley's amendment 2,028 personal votes and proxies, representing £3,728,458, and 17,770 votes. Against,the amendment were recorded 160 personal votes, representing £946,286 stock and 2,684 votes, and 4,065 proxies, representing £8,578,579 stock and 36,237 votes, making together, against the amendment, 4,225 personal votes and proxies, representing £9,524,865 stock and 38,921 votes ; the majority against the amendment being 45 per sonal votes and 2,197 proxies, representing £5,796,407 stock and 21,151 votes. The report of the scrutineers ac knowledged the valuable assistance they had received from the officers of the company, without which it would have been impossible for them to have completed their report in a satisfactory manner. The scrutineers were Col. Bigge and Messrs. Gartside, Morgan, Fitzgerald, Goez, and Beloe. The CHAIRMAN then declared the amendment lost, and moved that the report of the directors, together with the statement of accounts, be received and adopted. Mr. J. P. BROWN-WESTHEAD, M.P., deputy chairman, seconded the motion. Mr. E. SMITH, of Sheffield, said he had a resolution to propose which he thought embodied the material portion of Mr. 'Wrigley's amendment, and therefore he proposed it as a peacooffering. He thought they were all pretty well agreed as to having no more extensions, and he thought the resolution he was about to propose would sufficiently ex press the views of all the proprietors. He did not intend his motion to be put as an amendment to the report, but as a substantive motion. The CHAIRMAN then read Mr. Smith's motion, which was as follows :—" That while, in the opinion of this meet ing, it would not be expedient for the proprietors to deter mine that they will refuse their sanction to measures from time to time necessary for the development of the traffic or for the due accommodation of the districts occupied by,their lines, this meeting hereby records its strong objection to any addition being made to the capital account not abso lutely necessary, or to any enlargement of the liabilities of the company by leasing, guaranteeing, or subsidising com peting lines; and this meeting further expresses its desire and confidence that the policy of the Board will be in con formity with these views, and that they will continue to direct their attention to the efficient, profitable, and econo mical development of the vast resources of the undertaking. Mr. W. RUTSON, of Thirsk, seconded the motion. The report as amended by the resolution of Mr. Smith was then unanimously adopted. A dividend of £2 los. per cent. for the half year ending the 31st of Dec. last on the consolidated stock of the com pany was declared payable on March 3. The directors were authorised to expend £282,000 for ad ditional works to accommodate the traffic, and to carry £3,739 expended on certain improvements of the permanent way to capital. Mr. J Bancroft, Mr. H. C. E. Childers, M.P., Mr. H. Earle, and Mr. P. Williams, four of the retiring directors, where then unanimously re-elected. Mr. GARTSIDE proposed that Mr. J. T. Chance be re elected a director of the company. Mr GOEZ proposed that Mr. Z. Walker be elected a direc tor, and Mr. TAYLOR proposed that Mr. G. Sheward be elected a director. On a show of hands 78 were held up for Mr. Chance, 71 for Mr. Walker, and 16 for Mr. She ward. The chairman announced that the to o former gen tlemen were elected. Mr. TAYLOR, demanded a poll, upon which Mr. Taylor and Mr. Gartside were appointed scrutineers. Mr. Crosfield, the retiring auditor, was unanimously re elected. Mr, GARTSIDE said it was his pleasing duty, in the name of those who held the £3,500,000 stock in the company he then represented, to move a vote of thanks to the chairman for the very handsome manner in which he had conducted the proceedings of those meetings. The motion was carried unanimously. The CHAIRMAN acknowledged the compliment, and the proceedings terminated. GREAT WESTERN AND BRENTFORD. The half-yearly meeting of this company was hold yes terday at the offices, Great George-street, Westmindter ; Mr. P. Davey in the chair. The report stated that the tonnage on which the specified rates of tolls had been charged exhibited an increase in each description of traffic compared with the corresponding period of last year, but the actual amount of toting° due to the company under the terms of the Leasing Act had not yet been definitively ascertained. Debenture bonds origi ginally bearing 5 per cent. interest had been replaced by others at 41 and 41 per cent., and as others fell due the directors expected to be able to deal with them in the same manner. The balance of revenue account was sufficientfor the payment of a dividend of 5 per cent, upon the preference shares and 2 per cent per annum on the ordinary shares, leaving a balance of £lOO. The CHAIRMAN moved the adoption of the report. Mr. H. G. DAY seconded the motion. Mr. DARVILL expressed his disappointment at the small• ness of the dividend. He recommended that the capital ac. count be closed without delay. The CHAIRMAN said there were only two items outstand ing, and, as soon as they could be arranged, the capital ac. count should be closed. The report was then unanimously adopted. Dividends were declared in accordance with thejrecom mendations of the report ; the retiring directors and auditor were re-elected, and the proceedings terminated with the usual compliment to the chairman and the board. NORTH AND SOUTH WESTERN JUNC'T'ION. The al at h of this comp an y was h e ld yes terday Euston Station, Mr. H. Tootall the chair. h t fi e c oarlffieyea m,eEetuain A dividend of 3 per cent. for the past half year was then declared payable on the 21st proximo, and the outgoing di rectors and auditor having been re-elected, tho proceedings terminated. STRATFORD •ON-AVON. The half-yearly meeting was held at Stratford yesterday, Mr. R. Greaves in the chair. The report stated that, after providing for all interest and preference charges for the half-year, there was a balance of £941. The directors attributed the decrease in the passenger traffic returns to temporary causes. They recommended that a dividend of 6s. per share be declared upon all the ordinary paid up shwas. The CHAIRMAN stated that an agreement had just been come to with the Great Western and West Midland Rail way Companies with respect to through traffic and other matters. The report was adopted. A resolution for a dividend of 5 per cent. on the preference shares, and one of per cent. on the , ordinary shares was adopted. OSWESTRY AND NEWTOWN. Yesterday the half-yearly meeting was held at the offices, Bridge-street, Westminster; Mr. G. H. Whalley, M.P., in the chair. Mr. TANNER, the secretary, read the report, which stated that the dividend for the half-year would be at the rate of 5 per cent, per annum. The traffic was steadily increasing, and an additional improvement might be locked for on the completion of the extensions. The Newtown and Machyn lleth was opened on Jan. 3, and was worked in harmony with this company. The working under the agreements with the London and North Western was satisfactory, and a bill for their confirmation by Parliament was being pro moted in the present session. A bill hal been introduced for a closer alliance between all the railways of this district, and bills for further capital and other objects had been also introduced. The report of Messrs. Piercy, the engineers, stated that the Llanfyllin and Kerry branches wore nearly completed. The revenue for the half-year had been £12,273. The total receipts on capital account had been £681,419, and there was a balance of £1,301. The CHAIRMAN, in moving the adoption of the report, said the line formed a most important section of the Mont gomeryshire system, which might be said to commence at Crewe and end at Merthyr-Tydvil, in South Wales. Capt. JOHNS seconded the adoption of the report. The Earl of Powis, after drawing attention to the large amount expended on the formation of the line, said he did not doubt the capability of the company to pay all its lia bilities, but considered the amount excessive. The report was adopted, and Capt. Johns and Mr. Gart side re-elected directors. The meeting was then made special, to confirm the for feiture of share and the agreement with the Oswestry and Whitchurch, and th an k s h av i ng b een g i ven to t h e chair man, the meeting separated. LLANIDLOES AND NEWTOWN. Yesterday the half -yearly meeting was held at the offices, Bridge•street—Mr. Whalley in the chair. Mr, HOWELL, the secretary, read the report, which stated; that the dividend on the ordinary shares would be at the rate of 5 per cent. per annum, the rate fixed by the wm king arrangement with the Oswestry and Newtown. The work ing arrangement with the London and North-Western was satisfactory, and bill for amalgamation and other measures had been introduced into Parliament. After some discussion, Messrs. Penson, Morris, Pritchard and Rees were re-elected directors, and the meeting sepa rated. MiD-WALES. The half-yearly meeting of this company was held yester day at the offices, Bridge-street, Westminster—Mr. G. H Whalley in the chair. The report stated that great progress had been made with the works since the last half-yearly meeting. The line from Llanidloes to Rhayader would be completed and ready for public traffic in July next. All the preparations for the speedy completion of the line between Rhayader and the junction with the Brecon and Merthyr line had been made, and would be vigorously proceeded with. Nearly the NI, hole of the land required for the railway had been obtained. Arrangements had been completed with the Brecon and Merthyr Railway Company, under which the exchange of running powers had been made with both companies. Two bills were before Parliament, one for the purpose of raising the additional capital required to carry out the contract with Messrs. J. Watson end Co., and the other for the pur pose of making a branch to the Manchester and Milford, at Llangurig, and to carry out the arrangement made with the Brecon and Merthyr Company. The CHAIRMAN moved the adoption of the report, and stated that the cost of the line per mile would not exceed that of the Oswestry and Newtown line, which was paying 51 per cent., and as it would traverse a country three times as populous, there could be no doubt of the line being remu nerative. Capt. JOHNS seconded the motion, which was unani mously agreed to. The outgoing directors and auditors were re-elected, and the proceedings closed in the usual manner. COLNE VALLEY AND lIALSTEAD. The half-yearly meeting was held on Tuesday at Hal • stead, Mr. J. Brewster in the chair. The CHAIRMAN, in moving the adoption of the report, an abstract (if which has appeared in The Sun, expressed regret that it had hitherto been found impossible to come to terms with the Great Eastern with regard to the joint use of the same station at Haverhill. He hoped, however, that a parliamentary committee would see the advantages which would result from the two companies working together. Although the opening of the line to Haverhill had been de layed, the works were progressing favourably, and a pas senger train had that day for the first time traversed that portion of the line. The traffic receipts of the past half-year had been £2,689, against £2,150 in the corresponding half of 1861; but he never expected that the line would pay until it was opened to Cambridge. Mr. Brewster and Mr. Greenwood were re-elected direc. tors, and the proceedings closed with thanks to the chair• man. WHITEHAVEN JUNCTION. The report of the directors stated that, notwithstanding the continued depression in trade, the revenue of the com pany for the past half .year exhibited an increase of £2,124 over the corresponding period of 1861, while the expenditure showed an increase of only £315. The traffic receipts amounted to £18,476, and the expenditure to £8,554, leav ing a balance of £9,912. The sum of £BOO had been appro priated out of revenue towards permanent way renewal ac count. The balance, after payment of interest on loans and preference shares, was £5,228, out of which the directors recommended a dividend at the rate of 7 per cent. per an num on the original shares, leaving £1,500 for the contingent fund and £229 for the next account. The expenditure on capital account during the half year amounted to £1,150, and the total from the commencement to £279,000, CHAMBERS OF COMMERCE. The representatives of the various Chambers of Commerce of the United Kingdom continued their sittings yesterday, at the Westminster Palace Hotel, Mr. Sampson S. Lloyd presiding. Mr. FORSTER, M.P., opened the proceedings on the subject of commercial treaties, which was an expression he thought had better be avoided, as it laid them open to the reply of the Government that they could not be going about bargaining for trea ties. He thought their beet course would be not to act on absolute free trade principles in dealing with foreign Governments, but to approach them as nearly as possible. On the motion of Mr. JACOB BEIIRENS, the fol lowing resolution, after a brief discussion, was adopted :—" That the rapid changes which the dif ferent Governments of Europe are making in their respective tariffs call for vigilant and intelligent action on the part of her Majesty's Government, in order to prevent such changes being made to the detriment of British interests, and in order to pro mote that movement towards free trade which has been initiated on the Continent by the commercial treaty between France and England." The following resolution, moved by Mr. ALL HUSEN, was also agreed to ;—" That the associated chambers of commerce have individually and collec tively reason to complain of the absence of watch fulness over the changes which periodically take place in the tariff of other nations." The mover commented on the manner in which their interests had been neglected by Government. Messrs. Dixon, Atkinson, Jackson, Fellowes, and others took part in the discussion. On the motion of Mr. CARLISLE, it was agreed that a deputation should be appointed to wait upon the President of the Board of Trade, for the pur - pose of conveying to her Majesty's Government the above resolutions, and impressing on him that the commercial community could not be satisfied till some official remedy be provided, by which this branch of the public service might be conducted in a more satisfactory manner. A discussion on petty import and export charges, introduced by Mr. Lamsden, followed, and a reso lution that a deputation wait on the Chancellor of the Exchequer in reference to the desirability of abolishing the charges imposed by the Customs Act, 1860, was carried. It was agreed, after a brief discussion, that the Foreign Office be memorialised to prevent, if possible, the reimposition of the Scheldt dues on British shipping. Mr, WIIITWELL then brought before the meeting the subject of belligerent rights at sea, when, after considerable discussion, it was resolved that the subject he referred to the various chambers of com merce for their consideration before any action be taken upon it by the Association. A resolution, introduced by Mr. JOWITT, to the effect that it was desirable greatly to reduce the duty on fire insurances, and that it should be ex tended to all insurances without exception, and that petitions be presented in favour of that object to both Houses of Parliament, was next agreed to. After some further business had been transacted, princi pally of a routine character, Mr. DIXON moved a vote of thanks to the chairman for the manner in which he had presided during the present conference. Mr. JACKSON seconded the motion, and it was carried unanimously. In the evening the representatives of the Asso ciated Chambers of Commerce of the United King dom dined together at the Westminster Palace Hotel—Mr, Sampson S. Lloyd in the chair. About forty gentlemen sat down to a most admi rably served dinner. The CHAIRMAN having given the usual loyal toasts, which were duly honoured, called upon Mr. ATKINSON, the vice-president of the Hull Chamber of Commerce, who proposed " The two Houses of Parliament." Mr. ADDERLEY responded, and in the course of his speech recommended the members of the associa tion not to bring forward so many questions of general importance at their annual conference, but to obtain attention upon special subjects, and thus obtain the information of the Government and Par- liament upon practicable subjects. Mr. A I.MIUSEN, of the Newcastle-on-Tyne Cham ber of Commerce, proposed the toast of "The Pro gress of Commercial Intercourse between All Nations," coupling with it the name of Mr. Forster, M.P. for Bradford, who, in the course of his speech in acknowledgment of the toast, reviewed the state of trade and treaties of commerce between this country and France, Spain, Italy, and Belgium, and concluded by giving "The Associated Chambers of Commerce of the United Kingdom," and with it the ,‘ Health of the Chairman," who briefly responded. The other toasts were " The Cotton Trade," pro posed by Mr. Lupton, and acknowledged by Mr. Baines, of Leeds, in the absence of any representa tive of the cotton manufacture. " The Woollen and Worsted Trade," proposed by Mr. Stansfeld, M.P.; and responded to by Colonel Ackroyd. " The Iron Trade," proposed by Mr. Hatfield, M.P. for Shef field; and responded to by Mr. Bcecroft. "The Hardware Trade," proposed by Mr. Jackson. " The Shipping Interest," proposed by Mr. Battley ; and responded to by Mr. Soames, M.P. " The Social Science Association," proposed by Mr. J. S. Wright, and responded to by Mr. Hastings. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TimEa.—There are indications that the control of war and peace is about to pass out of the hands of Mr. Lincoln and his Cabinet, so that the sentiments of individual Ministers will soon cease to be matters of importance to any one. That which careful ob servers have so long foreseen is at last coming to pass. The Federal Government is utterly discre dited by its uniform ill success, by its flagrant viola ' t ions of that very Constitution through which alone it pretends to dispose of the lives and fortunes of the American people, by its promotion of men incompe tent or discreditable, and by its truckling policy and futile attempts to conciliate the good will, or at any rate to disarm the hostility, of irrecon cileable factions. The States which have been fighting so desperately to convert the American Republic into a single military Monarchy have all at once recollected that they are, after all, only the members of a federation. That right and independence of State action which they have so earnestly denied and so heavily punished in the South, they suddenly find to be indispensable to their safety. The votaries of secession are no longer to be found exclusively south of the Ohio. The Union is resolving itself into the elements out of which it was originally constructed. The public mind has become familiar with the conviction that the great fabric which existed two years ago exists no longer, even in name, and it seems very probable that a separation far more extensive than that which is accomplished between South and North must take place before affairs in Ame rica settle down from the fearful convulsion of the last two years. The great State of Illinois, with its large population and unrivalled fertility, the future home, it may be, of many millions of the human race, no longer trusts its foreign affairs in the hands of the Government of Washington, but has undertaken to transact them for itself. Its Legislature has appointed Commissioners to meet next month in order to confer with the delegates of other States, and what makes the step more significant is that the appointed place of meeting is Louisville, the capital of Kentucky, a State still thrilling in every nerve with the ex citement produced by the Proclamation of Mr. Lincoln. Still more ominous is the fact that pro minent among the Commissioners is a supporter and friend of Mr. Lincoln, who finds himself thus driven by his sense of public duty to a step which, in the language of the North, is treason to the authority of the Central Government. Kentucky herself has appointed Commissioners to attend at Louisville, and it is believed that her example will be followed by most of the middle and Western States. The Assembly of New York have invited General M'Clellan, whose name is the watchword of constitutional opposition to the President and a moderate and conciliatory policy towards the South, to be the guest of the State at Albany, the political capital. Resolutions have been introduced into the Legislature of Indiana demanding an armistice and a convention of all the States, including the South, to be held in Tennessee on the Ist of June ; and, most important of all, the New Jersey Legislature has appointed Commissioners to proceed to Rich mond and invite the Southern States to join in a general convention. If the Federal Government submit to this step—and we know not what means they have of preventing it—the power of war and peace has escaped from their hands, probably never to return to them. Thus at last there appears a ray of hope. The States desire peace, and, find ing a Federal Government unwilling to give effect to their desire, have superseded its action, and thus commenced the second stage of this tremendous American Revolution for themselves. HERALD.—We sincerely trust that the report of the House of Peers upon Lord Derby's philan thropic appeal will arouse a temper and decision in every quarter of the metropolis to insist upon a proper regard for the comfort and general well being of the inhabitants of each vicinity, and will call into action a vigilance and resolution not to be bought over or juggled by the thousand and one arts and temptations of railway capitalists and their mercenaries in and out of Parliament. We sincerely trust that some respect and conside ration will be paid to our sense of sight and sound, in the permissive conditions which Parlia ment will have to lay down for the direction and control of the projectors of the metropolitan ap proaches to the great network of railways which we have quietly permitted to interlace the choicest parts of the country. But it needs to be up and stirring, or even the present session may leave ns remediless. We are in the very thick of conflicting nuisances on all aides. Take the following illustration, which is of a more matter-of-fact kind of annoyance. Out of four schemes in the parish of St. Pancras alone, there comes a demand for no less than 3,150 plots of land and houses required for the construction of railway extensions iu the north-western districts of Lon don, likely, it is considered to necessitate the re moval of a population amounting to considerably over 30,000 souls. We need not dwell upon the grievous loss and interference with the smaller trades and business of the quarter implied by such undertakings and their needs, carried on by classes who rarely obtain adequate compensation for dis location and the nonsequent ruin in which they are too often engulfed. Surely it will strike the most selfish observer of such a chaos of right and wrong as any great railway invasion brings with it that there should exist, either in the parishes, or the Government department to which the parishes are directly responsible, some remedy or means of Alle viation for the grievances of the poor and helpless, quite as accessible as compensating juries and Par liamentary committees to us with better filled purses. More than once another very forcible con sideration has been commented upon, as affecting the parochial assessments of the neighbourhoods to be seized and taken possession of by the metropoli tan railways. It has been asserted, upon very just grounds, that in the above-named parish of St. Pancras, " nearly one-eighth of the rental for as sessment of the parish" will be absorbed" if the same principle is permitted by Parliament to be the guidance for the assessment of the projected com panies" as was exercised in the assessing of the North London Railway. So we have several very valid and sufficient reasons for sound:rig the toscin of alarm in the ears of the residents of our metro polis, to keep their attention and give constant heed to the railway enterprises which are to batter down our houses, occupy our most pleasant spaces, and turn out of doors thousands of our most hard. working people, at the same time that the eyes and ears of those who are astir in our streets are doomed to be annoyed and dismayed to a deg ree even not yet attained in the 'turmoil and hubbub inevitable from the running to and fro of some millions of inhabitants. DAILY NEWS.—The first and essential principle in the Royal Navy is, that the men who enter should be not only the ablest men, but drawn from all ranks in society. The British Navy is essential to the greatness of the country; it is a service which is thoroughly popular, and both the men and the officers ought to be drafted from every rank. There should be no monopoly. Whilst the noble and the wealthy should be permitted to serve the Queen, the humblest and the poorest should not be excluded. Let anyone read over the lists of those who now-a days succeed in obtaining appointments in the In dian Civil Service, in the Artillery and Engineers, and on the foundations of the great institutions for education, such as Oxford and Cambridge. He will find that lads . born in all parts of the British Em pire, and in every rank of life, obtain such prizes, and are furnished with sufficient means to enable them to live in the society to which their merits have raised them. The same principle should be ap plied to the officers of the Royal Navy. To obtain a naval cadetship should require neither the patronage of the powerful nor the money of the millionare, We re . peat there should be no monopo l y . Th e conclu sion obvious : every officer in the navy should be furnished with a sufficient amount of pay to enable him to serve his co u nt r y w ith ou t incurring d e bt or trenching upon his private means. Here, then, is one of the mos t i mportant po i nts w hi c h must b e in vestigated by the committee about to b e a pp o i n t e d. It is most confidently alleged that officers in the navy cannot live upon their pay, and that therefore the area of selection is improperly restricted. Every body has heard of the sardonic captain who left one side of his ship unpainted because there was not a sufficient supply of paint furnished by the Admi ralty, and it is notorious that in some cases the cap tains and commanders are obliged to contribute something like £lOO a year for the supply of this necessary commodity. Moreover, Sir John Paking ton stated a case in which' a distinguished officer was obliged to refuse to take the command of a ship because he could not afford to do so without dipping too deeply into his own private means, and so doing injustice to his children. Is this true or is it not ? Is it a special case, or are such cases common ? If they are, it is obvious that the British Navy must be a monopoly, and that only those who are wealthy and powerful can ho pe for advancement in that nobl e p ro f ess i o n. It is posi tiyely asserted by Sir John Hay and others that the pay of the office rs i n th e B r i t i s h N a vy is infer i or to the pay not o n ly o f o ffi cers i n t h e American but i n the French Navy. And it is a remarkable circum stance that Lord Clarence Paget did not deny this assertion, To the argument that the pay of the British naval officer was inferior to that of the , British military officer Lord Palmerston made a Sin gular reply. The Prime Minister admitted it, but he accounted for the difference by the fact that in the British army the system of purchase prevailed, whereas in the Navy that system was unknown. " It must be borne in mind, ' he said, " that the commissions in the military service are purchased , and that the officers embark 's considerable capital to rise to any high rank, whereas in the Navy the same practice does not prevail." The conclusion he attempted to draw was that therefore the pay in the Navy ought to be lower than that of the Army- But why ? No doubt if the naval officer must possess some private means, and must therefore possess a private income derived from private in vestments, a lower amount of pay will place him on an equality with the military officer whose capital has been invested in purchasing his promotion. But what is the naval officer to do if he has no private means? If the pay of the military officer, calculated upon the principle-that he has bought his promo tion, is not too high for his position, in what way is the naval officer, who hai no private means, and has a lower rate of pay, to maintain his position ? The necessary result must be that those naval offi cers who have no private means must be excluded from the service, and that the Navy, like the Army, must be more or less of a monopoly. Now, this is precisely the result which every true economist ought anxiously to avoid. It is said in th, Duke of Somer set's memorandum that the applications for nomina tions to naval cadetships are far more numerous than the vacancies, and that therefore the griev ances alleged by naval officers must be greatly exaggerated. It is impossible to deny that there is much force in the fact that all classes of the com munity, including naval officers themselves, are most anxious to place their sons in the navy. But. on the other hand, it would be interesting to know whether the persons from whom their applications proceed are of tolerable fortune, and especially how many of the boys who are sent into the navy at 13. by their patriotic parents have been content to re main in that profession. As to the recent altera tions, it is somewhat remarkable that, according to the Duke of Somerset himself, the list of lieutenants during the last six years has been steadily decreas ing. In 1857 the number was 1,138, in 1863 the number is only 807. In fact, the list of lieutenants is scarcely large enough to supply the requisite number of officers. Lord Clarence Paget said" We have not at this moment sufficient lieutenants. If we were called upon to man a squadron of 10 line of-battle ships I do not know where we should find the requisite number of lieutenants, although we have 800." This is no doubt a serious matter. But if the difficulty arises from the fact that young men abandon the profession between the time they enter as cadets and the time they are made lieutenants, because their pay and their prospects are so unsatis factory, the difficulty vanishes. These questions lie at the very root of the whole subject of the condition of the British navy. They deserve the most serious attention, and therefore the appointment of the committee in question is an act not only of prudence but of ebsolute necessity. The country cannot afford that the officers of the navy should suffer under any proved grievance. COUNTRY MARKETS. V- LYNN—Tu MAY. White .. 50s to 53s Barley. 3Bs to 398 Rod.. 49s to 51s Grinding ..328 to 33 8 Beans .34s to 38e Oats .2os to 248 New. —s to —s I Peas —s to --81 HULL--TUESDAY. Wheat.... Old white.... per qr sos Od to 63s Od Old red 1, New white .. „ New red .... , Dantzic, Konb , &c. old white 52s Od to 57s Od Dutch, Belgian, and French. 68s Od to 62s Od Baltic and Hamburg, red 49s Od to 518 Od St. Petersburg and Riga, old sos Od to 52s Od Barley.... English malting 36s Od to 43s Od Grinding 27s 6d to 29s Od Saal and Oderbruck Holstein and Danish 2Bs Od to 29s Od Grinding 2Bs Od to 31s Od Oats English, old 26s Od to 28s Od Archangel and Riga, per st osl2 1d to 13d Friesland and Dutch oBl3d to osl3ld Swedish and Danish 04121d to osl 3d Beans ....English, old, per qr 4ss Od to 46s Od New pigeon 42s Od to 44s Od New tick. 4OB Od to 42s Od Egyptian Peas Foreign boilers .. ... 36s Od to 38s Od Grinding Tares .... Spring. —s Od to —s ocl Indian Corn Linseed, feeding crushing .. 4os Od to 52s Od Linseed cakes (Hull) £lO 6 0 to £lO 10 0 Foreign Bl5 oto 9 0 0 Rape cakes 6 5 oto 610 0 Bones 5 5 oto 610 NEWARK.-WEDNESDAY. White wheat new, 50s to 64s ' Barley, grinding.. 29s to 318 Red do. 4Bs to 52s Oats, old, .. 27s to 300 Old white s7s to 62s New do 21s to 249 Red do. 52s to 56s I Beans. 42s to 449 Barley, malting.... 38s to 42s I Beans, new 38s to 400 Peas, ....38s to s. COAL b Prfoes of Coal per Ton at ARKET. the olose of the market. 8. d. Byass's Bebside West -- Hartley ....14 3 Lambert's West Hart ley l4 3 Davison's West Hart ley 14 6 North Melton Gas. 13 0 Carway and Duffryn Anthracite 2O 0 Carway and DulTryn Malting 22, 0 Tantield Moor 12 6 Tanfield Moor Buter 12 6 Ships at market, $. d. Wylam 15 6 tiolywell 16 6 3 Hastings Hartley l4 Walls End. Kelloe Hartlepool.. l6 3 South Hartlepool 14 6 Ttitudon Hartlepool l6 3 Franiwellgate 14 6 South Hetton .. 17 ~! Hetton l7 0 Whitworth. l4 6 162; sold, 80. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Aus:ralia and Mauritius, via Southampton .. Mar. 21. via Marseilles . . Mar. 15. brazil and Cape Verds, by British packet. Mar. 6. Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena.. Mar. 3. China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton. Mar. 4. . via Marseilles ...Feb. 27. Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton .................. Feb. 25. India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton.. Mar. 4. via Marseilles.... Feb. 27. India (Bombay), via Southampton via Marseilles .. Feb. 20. P ortugal ......Mar. 6. Malta, Egypt, and Men, via Southampton Feb. 25. Newfoundl an d via Marseilles F e b. 20. Oporto and Vigo U. S. and British N. America, by Brit. packet.... Feb, 26. by U.S. packet.... by Canadian packet. Feb. 20. W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe Mar. 10. Bahamas, via New York Mar. 12. Mexico.. All parts of West Indies, including Chili, Per; California, and B r iti s h C o l um bi a ... }Feb. 28. The Sentinelle du Jura has the following re marks on the weather in that part of France :—' " Hitherto the winter has been exceedingly mild in the plains, the vine districts, and the first plateau of the Jura. The higher parts of the mountain only are eovered with deep snow. We should certainly have preferred a sharp frost to the frl quent rains, cloudy skies, and mild damp atmosphere which we have had throughout November, December, and January. February seems likely to bring us more seasonable weather. For the last week a northerly wind and frost have had the effect of hardening the soil and arresting vegetation, without preventing our farmers from working in the fields. Wheat, rye, and other winter crops generally look well, but are perhaps rather too forward." Births. DAVIDSON—On the 23d inst., at Barnard's-green, Mal vern, prematurely, the wife of Duncan Davidson, Eq. , of a daughter, stillborn. MARSHALL.--On the 24th inst., at Milton House, High bury, New-park, Mrs. Matthew Marshall, jun., of a son. PLUMBE,—On the 24th inst., at Maidenhead, the wife of Dr. Plumbe, of a son. Marriages. EVANS--WEDGE.—On the 24th inst., at Boro'-green, near Newmarket, Hugh Robson Evans, eldest son of Hugh Robert Evans, Esq., of Ely, to Jane, youngest dau g ht e r of the Rev. Char es Wedge, ALA., rector of Boro'- , -- --- green. SKINNER--HEWETT.— On the 23d inst., at East Farleighp Kent, Mr. William Skinner, of Boughton Hall, Bough' ton Monehelsea, Kent, to Annie Sharpe, daughter of Mr. Joseph Hewitt, of Oaklands, East Farleigh. Deaths. BULLOCK.—On the 25th inst., at Hastings, g Thos. Bullock, E nst. f L ou is Castri, of Philpot-lane, aged 21. E DGE LL —On the 22d inst., at Chum ', ; Alexander Edge' s a T q n . , , a lateo f t gh 9 t o E sq ., of Gray's-mn. son o h que i 2 n. t 4 cA h FRESHFIELD.—On the 24th inst., Lieut.-Colonel John S. Frealafield, late Ist M a d ras Cavalry, son of James Wm' Freshfield, Esq., of Mynthurst, near Reigate. GENOE.—On the 23d inst,, Mr. George Gen the ge, known vocalist, aged 42. MOREWOOD.—On th e 2 3d inst , Palmer Morowood , Esq., of Alfreton-park, Derbyshire,. and Ladbroke.hany Warwickshire, aged 82. Tonix.--On the 21st inst., at Exmouth, Devon Gene ral J. W. Tobi n , Commanding 3d Brigad e of thoßoyal Ar' tillery, altd senior officer of that corps, aged 97. London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDREWS' of No. 112, Strand, Printer, a TAE Surf Office, l q° ' 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the County of AticidlOOM—Thursday, FeinvarY 26, 1883 ~1 t-