The Sun. — London, England, 1854-03-04 00:00:00

coming the Le• %lt tax, prs peat ith the .eyenge ►e plat,- on the n inde- Cholo9 38, and ►in the ow the clock. ed the usage, B then by the 3“enta re the e East firmed of the inister tweed. all the airs of int de Le 21st realtlio 'ranee, en ap• ill ac .anicki rice of e rank Paris mole. me of ve hi/ -trails litarf L part ) Ilia Etoy.sl 161 St. 19i 14 50 20 11i 10 St. St. 20 10 126 St. 50 40 25 25 St. 8i 2e ', St. St. 50 25 100 50 20 St. • 60 St. 16 16 20 20 10 10 20 at. at. ' St. St. all' all all 8 ibo 17t 7. all 100 3i 100 16 all lioo 100 100 100 SHARE MARKETS, (THIS DAY.) BRITISH R AILWAYS. RAILITAT3. Clod= Prices yesterday. Business done this day. 21 1 5 - ••• .. Bi 9 12 —lO d 16 - 18 6i- 514 94 - 96 55i - 56 156 -- 16; 126 ---i 13; ••• ..... • ••• .-... . 44 - 46 71 B'4 ... ..... . i2~ -- ~, ••41" . " • ... -.. . 4 - .68 - 64 g 5 27. • • . 90A - 1 91i 79 81 125 -127 '95 -- 97 79t 804 ••• • .• 92 -- 95 124 -134 p 12 -.-13 p 67i 67i . 6f -- 60 • 'l6 17 ••• •• par 4 P 96a —97 a 102 102 " 3 1 3 g = d 80 --; 81 10 9 d 9 7d ... ..... 1.0 22 - 23 61 - 62 35 - 37 •op A d par 5 4 3 / 4 a 21 -.8 48 50 31 34 ..; 35 8 10 • 6a 7a 52 --55 -- 9P 6 - 4 - 8 32 - 34 • WC- 90 1 1 - 56 stif --• 62 55 60 3 -- 2d 16 ;-- 18 8 —6 9 12 13 3k 3id ~.• 15 - 7 17 63 s— 64 35 36 2 d par 4 . -- 5 ..• , •.• 30 -- 32 ... • •• • •. ..• 2i 16 154 51 - = 7 26 ••• --- •• . 6 --- 7 69 70 8 d 4i --- 50 E SHARES. 50 :.31 Abesdipon Ambg. Nottng. Bost and Batts. Janat Belfast & litallyzasna 1 . Wol:rerh. &, Stour Valley ...... litirkeuhd. Laneah. Cheshire Junet Do. Chesh. & Birk.,{ 5.50 and £25 COILS. Do., Blyth & Tyne original £25 (issd. at £45) Bristol and Exeter... aledoniaa. Cheater & Holyhead. Cork and Bandon... co r rn k, Birk, &Pass Crieff Junction Dublin&BelfastJunc Dundee Perth &Aber &en Junction Do. New East Anglian 0., (.£lB E & 11)., , Eastern Counties Eastern Unicin, A, Stock MDo., B. Stock s Do., New A East Lancashire - 1 Edinburgh & Glasgow it Edinb. and Peebles Edin. Prth. &Dundee Forth & Clyde June. 'Glasgow & S. Western ► treat Northern Stk. Do. , A. Stock Do., B. 5t0ck...... .. Gt. Sth. &West.(lre:), Great Western Irish South-Eastern Lancaster & Carlisle tD , o. ' Thirds Do. New Thirds Lancash.andYorleih.. Do., Fifths .. . '...... Do., \Vat. Riding Un. Leeds Northern • - Liv.Crsby.&Southpt London & Blackwali Loud. Tilb. &Sthend. Loud. Bright & S. Cot. I.Amd..and N. Westn, Do. Fifths Do.lo/. Do. Eighths London and S. Westn Do., £5O Do., £4O. , Lndndrry& Coleraine Lndndrry. & Ennisk . Manch. Sh ef. & Lineln Do., Man. & Lin. Un. Midland Do. Birmn K. &Derby Midld. G. West.(l4.) Do. Half Slaares Newcastle & Carlisle Newmarket Do., Bury Extension Nwpt.Aberg. & Hrfd Newry & Enniskillen Newry Warrcnpoint and Rostrevor... Norfolk Northn. Counties Uzi. North British North Devon, No. 1., i Do., No. 2 I 0., A Deferred ' Do., B Guaranteed North London • 1 1 co. Now £lO I i N.&S.Wstrn. ,Hamp stead, and City dn North Staffordshire North Western. N, &S. Westrn. June Nuneaton, HinciEley, and Leicester Oxford, Worcester, & Wolverhampton Portsmouth Scottish Central , Scottish Midland Shrewsbury & Bit mg - Do. L. & N. Western Guaranteed St eek.' Shrewsby. & Berefd Shrewsby. & Chester (N. W. Min ; Do. Halves, • . Do. Oswestry Shropshire Union .' Do. A, B, CoUD,fullyJ paid up at per -eetit uth Devon Inth Eastern iouth Wales 3. Yrksh. di Rig. Dunl Do. Staines, Wok. & Wok Stockton k Darling. Stockton th Hartlepl. Taff Vale ... Do. £lO shares. Do. Prof., No. Thames Haven Dock and Railway Vale of Nea,ij Waterfd. & Kilkenny, weterfordtcLimerielk West Cornwall West End of London and Crystal Palace West Loudon Wimbledn &Croydon York Newctl.&J3erw. Do. Extensions Do. G.N.E. Purchase York & N. Midland... PREFER: berdoen r B Do. No. 2, 7 p. c. , Blyth and Tyne 10 per c. pref. (idea. at 50/) ris. & Ex. 4 p. c. St. Do. 4 p. c. Shares __ ... !aledonlan £lO .. Chester & Holyhead Guar. 5i per cent Cork &Bandonsip.c Dundee Perth &Aber deen Junction EastAnglian (£3108) 6 per cent' Do. (£5) 7 percent Do. (£7 17s) 7 p. c Eastern Counties Ex tension, 5 p. c. No. 1 Do. No. 2 . Do. New 6 p. c. St. Eastern Union, Scrip Guar. 6 per cent Do. 51., 10 per cent. all all 100 all Do. 101. Debentr.Sh- East Laucash. 6 p.cts. East and West York shire Jane. Pref dinbPrth.&Dundee bi per cent. Glasgow &S.Western Guar. 5 per bent._ Great Northn. 5 p. 4 - , Do. 5 p. c. Redeem.; at 10 p. c. prem Do. 4i p. c. Scrip Gt.N. of Scot. let Pref 100 100 100 6 100 13 all 44 all all 10 100 100 Gt, Southn. &Westin. (Ireland) Eighths) Do. 4 per c. Pref. Sh Gt. Westn. (Berke br, Hants Ex. 5 p. Do, cov. red. 44 p.c. Do. con, red. 4 p. c. Do. irred. 4 p. c Lan. & York. F. .2o Do. 6 p. c. Stock Leeds N. 6 p. o. No. I Do. Quarters, 1848 London and Brighton Guaranteed 5 p. c Do. Pref., 5 p. c. St. 'Do, ConTertible, 5 p. c., 1552 ........ .;... Do. New Guar.6 p.-e; L o u. &N. W., Coy. Nuneaton London & S. Western Con. Thirds Londonderry& Coler 100 100 100 100 100 all 100 15 all all all Sharee Londy. It Ennis. Sh INf . an, , Shof t , & Sl;ares, No. 1 Do. New, £lO Do. £6 siarypt.&Carl.4 Do. 4i per cent Do Mid. Consol.6 p.c.St, Ito. Consol. Bristol & Birm. 6 per dent Do. Pref. 4i per cent Norfolk Debenture Do. Prof. 4 p. c. Stock Do. 5 p. c. Eat Do. 54 per et .pref, Do. Way. Val. 5 p. c, North British ...... North Staffordshire Oxford, Worcester, & Wolyerh.Xls, 6 p.c Do Scot. Cent., New Pre' Shrews. & Birm.N.G. Shrewsby. & Chester (Nor:W.3En), 8 p.c Do. 5 per cent South Devon De. fixed, 4i per cent S. Eastern (Reading Ann.) of £1 Os. 6(1. Do. 4,j per cent. S.Yorksh.4p.c.Guar. Stockton and Dar lington, 4 per eent. Do. do. do. Stockton and Hartle- pool, guar. 5 p. e. till lot July, 1856 Waterfd.4§Kilk.6p.c. York, Nowcastle,and Berwick,4 p.c. Prof Do York&N. tend 8. PurglA....4”. 2 01 6 5 ••••-• ... 99 - 101 e• ... 6k - 6 3 -- 3 4 -- 4 i P 13j --13ixd - ... ••• ••• ... ad 3 i - 3i 1116 —llBxdl 107 —lo9vl par --f pxd ,7i xd 98 - - 1 00 90 - 95 94._ --; 96 Id r ,13 ••• ... ••• "." .., """ ... •;• ••• ••• - ••• x(11 2} —2i xcil ••• ••• - 13 64 7i p 1 10 " L 36 . 138 11 xd 14, I XCLI •.• Xdi xd xd • • • 102 104 -- 1p -- • Of —lO 16i -- 17 10 -10 i 13 -- 15 id -- 23i -- 24 17 -19 • ••. .•• •. 11 d 93- 95=1 3} 4 adi ~~ ~ 100 100 all all all 12 • 20 • 10 St. 25 25 St. 2/ 28 all 17 all ..n 14 all 51s. 100 20 130 100 17 25 LINES LEASED AT FIXED RENTALS. eaia . i RAILIVAYS. Leasing Compans. Closing Prices yestuday. Business. this day. Bedford and Bletchley Bnckghamsh Clydesdale Jc. E. Lincoln gr. 6 per cent. elas. Barr. & Nails. Direct 80. New lstr.& Du. Fr Hrtlpl. Dk. & Railway Hull & Selby Do. Shares. Do. Shares. Lon.&Greenw Do. Preference Lowestoft gr. 4 per cent. Do. 6 per ct. %Inch. B#n and Matlock Hidcllesbro' Redear Aidld.Bradfd Northern and Easternsp.c. Do. 6 per ct. l i Do. Fixeds p e Prest. & Wyrel Do. Shares. Roystn.& Hit. Do.Shepth.St Shef.Roth.and Goole g. 5 p.c. S. Staffordsh. Wear Valleygr 6 per cent: Do Wilts&Somrst London & N. West. 1 L. &N. W. Caledon... Gt.Nrthn. tacionlAn. 10 °.. 'Cit. Weetn irk. New. Ec Berw. Y.S;Nritd Do l l iDo ..... .... S. Eastern, Do I Norfolk.., l L.& N. W. & Midld. Stckton & Darlingt. Aidland.. E. Count Do Do L. St N.W &Ln&Yk Do Gt Northn Do Lancash& Yorksh. M.MClean Ski & Darlingt. I GtWestn, 98 - 163 48 - 50 141 - 143 ii -- ai .•. 104 —lo6xd 52 —53 „ 26 —27 13 136 24h —2s§xd ... ~ - 2i - 3 —id 9f . 3 100 57 - 59 • •• •. • . " '''''' 138 - 140 '2~ = i~~ xd 30 =3l ~ 95 97 2i IL (1 FOREIGN. 7 3 8 2s. 30 all 10 all 12 10 333 all Antwerp&Rotterdam Belgian Eastn. June Beziers to Graissessac Bombay, Baroda, and Central India,Scrip Central of Italy Charleroi & Erqueliri Demerara Dijon and Besancon Dutch Rhenish East Indian Do. Extension Gt. Indian PeninsulS Gd. Junet. of Frarice Grd. Trunk of Canada Do. Debentures Do. do Gt. Central of Fiancel Gt.WesternofCanada Shares Do. Bonds (Ist is. )'57 Hamilton & Toronto Do. 6 per cent. Lola Const. & Basle i Lucca & Pistoja 5 p.c. pref Luxembourg Do. (Railway) Do. Pref Do. (Canal) Do. 6 p. et. pref Lyons and Geneva Lyons & Mediterran, Madras Maria Antonia Do. do. New Melbourne Dk. di Namur & Liege (with interest) . Do. (ex interest) Northern of France Do. 201. 3 p. c Bds (fmy. B. & Ams. Shs.) No rwegianTrunkPref Paris and Lyons Ditto Bonds Paris and Orleans—. Paris and Rouen Paris and Strasbourg ParisCaen & Cherbrg Quebec & Richmond Rouen and Havre Royal Danish Royal Swedish ~..• Sambre and Mouse Do. 5i p. cent. Pref Southerr of France St. Andrew's and Quebee (A) West Flanders Do. 5i per c. Prof Western of France West. of Switzerland Wiesbaden !Zealand JOINT-S' ILinstralasia 'British Colonial Bank and Loan Company' British N. American Chartd. Bank of Asia Chrtd. Bnk. of India, Australia, & China Colonial Commercial of Lend English Scottish and Australian.. Lond. Chart. Bk. o: Australia London and, County.. London Joint Stock.. Loud. & Westminster National Provincial of Do. New National of Ireland New South Wales Oriental Bank of Corporation. Do. New Provincial of Ireland ,Do. New Royal Australn.Bkg. & Gold Imp Co South Australia Union of Australia Do. Now - Union of London , Aubin Coal and Ironi A.nstraliau Agricult.H Australsn .Pcific. Mail Australn. Royal Mail Berlin Water Works Brit. American Laud Brit. cls Coln. Smeltg. and Reduction Co.. 41 ••• - • -- ~ 74 - 76. Canada Crystal Palace Do. New. ........ Crystal Pal. of France Eastern Steam Electrit Telegraph(A) Do. (B) Electric Teleg. of Ir Gen. Steam Navigat General Screw Steam Irish Beetroot Sugar Magdalena St. Navig. Nat. Pat. Steam Fuel Netherlands Laid N. S. W. Coal & Inter 75 - 80 1--- ii .I - 18 ••• ...'' • • • . -- • ... •-.. • • . • ""' • • • • .... • 3 2 d, Steam Navigat. Co N. B. Australasian Do. New par- Nrth. of EuropeSteain Peel Rr. lA. k Mind. Peninsular & Oriental' Do. Do. Portland Iron Co Royal Mail Steam Scot. Austral. Invest South Austral. Land Submar. Telegraph Do. Registered Van Diemen's Land id -- par , • o• i - iP 38 40 1,-pxc pa: 13 14 LLOYD'S SHIPPING.-(THIS DAY.) LONDON, March 4.—Wind this day at Noon, N.E. ; light breeze, and fine, dry weather. PORTSMOUTH, March 3.—Wind, E. to S.E. Arrived — Diadem, from the Mauritius. DARTMOUTH, March 3.—Arrived—Fingfisher, from Sun derland, for Savannah, leaky. OFF PENZANCE.—Culloclen, Mauritius. GLOUCESTER, March 3.—Sailed—Annandale, for Port land, U.S. MILFORD, March 3.—Arrived—Bella Donna, from Car diff, and Bailed for New York. NEW Yonx, Feb. 18.—The Bernard, of. Bath, which arrived hero 16th inst., from Newcastle, encountered vio lent gales from the westward during the whole passage. On the 23d ult., was swept by a sea, which srove bul warks, forecastle, and cabin, severely inruring the chief mate and a seaman, and washed one man overboard. NORDEN, Feb. 28.—The Ramon, from Havannah to Hamburgh, went on shore on the island of Langerooq, during a heavy gale at N.W., 24th inst. The Napoleon, laden with posts and planks, and abandoned, came on shore on the Island of Mist, much damaged. HAMBUROH, March I.—The Edinburgh (a) arrived here yesterday from London, leaky, having been on shore on Borkum Reef the night before, during heavy weather ; three passengers, five sailors, and four stokers took to a boat, and have not since been heard of. (BY ELECTRIC TELEGRAM) LrvimPoor.,, Saturday, 10.30 R.M. Wind, S.E. ; moderate, and fine. Arrived last night—Kangaroo, new steamer, from the Clyde, to embark troops for the Mediterranean ; Kate Howe, New Orleans ; Huron, Charleston ; Robert Preston, Charente ; Mary Ward, New Orleans. (BY SUBMARINE AND EUROPEAN TELEGRAPH.) GRAVESEND, Saturday, 9.40 a.m. Wind, calm ; tide, fou hours' ebb ; fine. No arrivais. Sailed—Apollo, for Grenada ; Tartar, Belize ; Panther (s), Ostend. DEAL, Saturday, 9.27 a.m. Wind, N.B. ; very fine. Passed—Burlington, from Shields, for Havanna ; Phoe nician, for Sydney ; Helen A. Miller, for Newport ; R. Cobden, for New York ; British Tar, for Madras ; Gem, for Genoa—all from Londnn. The French screw steamer Paris and London, from Lon don, for Paris, in landing her river pilot, took the ground near the Deal-pier ;is expected off ou the flood. In our report of the London and Suburban Land Society, inserted. on the 28th ult., an unintentional mis take occurred, viz., Mr. Barnes, one of the auditors, was made to secod the adoption of the report. The motion seconded by Mr. Barnes was the confirmation of the appointment of the manager, 3i_ 3d 1 4i 3id id ••• ••• ._3l 4d 2ip = l'p 5§ - 4143 2i 24 dl 1 -2 p - x#p dis 7 7i - 5 1 1 2i iid i d , part .. - ... .. --- ... 7i -- 7i 61 " " 121 -12 p 42 44 34 —36 ad 28i - 284 ••• —Pm 3 1 d ld par d 8 — Bl .•.: pm --- 3 p ••• d 77 -- 79 ... -- d 2 lid 3 -- *1 i - id ~0 42zd1' 45i -46 i ... - .40 - 42 67 68 7 - 551 4i 5 " 12i 13 vl Wi 90i 88A 90 80 78 „ 125 4 2, 79} 81 94 66 i i I 131 1 81 1 97 61 1011 1 1 6 , 5 i 1 33i 63 2i 15i i 25 115 x d 109 5 i d 10 10 i d dis za 104 28 x d THE SUN, LONTYON;' . !SATITADAYTEVENIrsIIG, MARCH 4 4 1854. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS-(YESTERDAY.) The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on woolsack at 5 o'clock. The Earl of HARROWBY laid on the table a bill for putting bills of sale on the same footing as warrants of attorney. Tne bill was read a first time. The Earl FITZ WILLIAM presented a petition from Yorkshire in favour of the closing of public houses on Sunday. CONSOLIDATION OP TEE CRIMINAL LAW. Lord ST. LEONARDS asked the Lord Chancellor what the Government proposed to do in regnrd to the Criminal Law Amendment and Consolidation Bills. The LORD CHANCELLOR was understood to re ply that if the noble and learned lord had been present in the house the other evening he would have heard what the Government thought it expedient and just to do upon that subject. A discussion then ensued with respect to the compo sition of the committee to which the Irish Land Bills were referred, in the course of which the Lord Chancel lor said his other duties would prevent his attendance on the committee, and Lord St. Leonards intimated that he should be happy to give his advice and assistance to the members in any points of law which might arise. COUNTY COURTS. Lord BROUGHAM said it appeared that the finan cial statement of the Government was to be made in the other house on Monday, and he wished to know whether the Lord Chancellor had received any report from the County Court Commissioners as to the pro priety of paying the judges and officers of the county courts out of the consolidated fund, instead of, as at pre sent, by fees exacted from the imitors ? The LORD CHANCELLOR said he had not re ceived such a report, - but as soon as he did he should give it his best attention. THE NEW REFORM BILL. The Earl of DERBY--My lords, I am induced, in consequence of certain rumours, and perhaps I may say somewhat more than rumours, which have acquired a good deal of force and consistency during the last week, to put a question to the noble lord at the head of the Government, of which I have given him notice in the course of the day, and to which I hope he will have no difficulty or hesitation in giving an answer. My lords, you will recollect that, m her Majesty's Speech from the Throne, her Majesty was advised to recommend to the consideration of Parliament in the course of the present session the law affecting the representation of the people in Parliament ; and that, at a very early period after the delivery of that speech, the noble lord the leader of the House of Commons, gave notice in another place of his intention to bring in a bill for the purpose of effecting a reform in the representation of the people. My lords, both upon the occasion of that first announcement of this intention, and also upon a subsequent occasion, her Majesty's Government were appealed to by friends and by foes, more especially by a noble earl whom I do not now see in his place (Earl Grey), and by various other noble lords—and I believe in the other House of Par liament similar appeals were made—not to introduce, at a period when it was important that all the enerOes of the country shquld be concentrated in preparing for that great and formidable war, in which it was obvious to every one we were about to be engaged—not, I say, to distract the country by introducing a subject of bitter ness and animosity, excitement and controversy, which would divide parties at a time when it was most import ant that they should be united. I believe the answer given in the other House. of Parliament was, that her Majesty's Government brought forward this measure in pursuance of a pledge which they were absolutely com pelled to redeem. Now, if the noble earl and his colleagues had confined themselves to the introduction of the mea sure in redemption of the pledge which they had given— although I might have thought it was very imprudent to fling down before the country a measure of such import ance without proceeding to its consideration—l certainly should have made allowance for the position is which the Government had placed themselves on a farmer occasion by pledging themselves, as one of the points on which they rested their claims to the confidence of the country, to bring forward a measure of reform. But, my lords, her Majesty's Government went further than this • for, appealed to, as I have said, by all sides of this and the other house of Parliament, not unnecessarily to enter into a conflict on so exciting a topic, and having the example set them in the other.house by their opponents, of declining to enter into this matter of controversy, by allowing the bill to be read a first time without opposi tion, and almost without observation, her Majesty's Government thought it necessary to state that they brought forward this bill not only in performance of this pledge, but that they considered the war which threatened to interrupt our foreign relations, not only formed no ground why the discussion, consideration, and enactment of that measure should be postponed, but that, on the contrary, their was a peculiar fitness in bringing it forward at this particular time—(hear, hear)—that it would be a' magnificent spectacle to Europe and to the world to see that, while we were en gagged in a war, which really after all could not be of very great importance with a power like Russia—(a laugh)—we were able at the same time—considering war a matter of secondary importance—to apply our undivided attention to the reform and improvement of domestic institutions. That has been the statement made on the part of the Government both in this house and the other house of Parliament ; and accordingly a day was fixed for the second reading of that measure of reform—an interval, I think, of three weeks or a month from the period when it was first introduced into Parliament—a period certainly sufficiently long to en able the country to form, as I think they have formed, a very decided opinion with regard to the merits of the proposition, and to give the members of the other house of Parliament an opportunity of considering the course they ought to take. But I confess that, although it is with great satisfaction, yet, after what has taken place, it is with some surprise that in the course of the last three or four days I find rumours have been very rife, that a general expectation is entertained—notwithstanding all the peculiar propriety of this time—notwithstanding the little influence which the state of our foreign rela tions need now exercise on matters of domestic policy —(a laugh)—that, after all, this measure of reform, on which the Government rest their claims to the support of the country, and which they brought forward in re demption of a most solemn pledge, given in the face of Parliament, is to be allowed to lie on the table of the other house of Parliament, and is not intended at all events for the present to be proceeded with. I think her Majesty's Government have done very wisely if they have adopted the course of postponing, if not abandon ing, during the present session, this measure of reform. At the same time it appears to me inconsistent with the declarations which they volunteered, and with the strong assertions they made, of the necessity, for their own character, and for the advantage of th e coun t ry , o f press ing this measure forward ; and, under these circum stances, I venture to ask the noble earl opposite whether it is true that her Majesty's Government intend to post pone the consideration of that measure ; and, if it be true, for what length of time that measure is to be post poned ; and whether it is to be considered as a postpone ment or an abandonment of the measure for the present session, or whether at a late period of the present ses sion a question of this kind is to be taken into conside ration by the House of Commons ; and, if passed by that house —of which I confess I entertain considerable doubts—it is to be sent up to your lordships' house at a still later period of the session, and at a time when, in all probability, we shall be engaged in a foreign war. I hope the noble lord will not say this is a question pecu liarly belonging to the House of Commons ; for al though it may peculiarly affect the representation in that house, yet I think that neither the noble lord, nor any of your lordships, will consider that a question of making a material alteration in that house, and in point of fact, of the constitution of the country, is not a matter in which your lordships are as deeply interested as the other house of Parliament itself. My question, . therefore, is whether it is infended to proceed, as was announced, with the consideration of the Reform Bill, or whether that bill is to be postponed ; and, if postponed, whether it is to be postponed to some definite or indefinite period of the present session ? The Earl of ABERDEEN—My lords, although the measure referred to by the noble earl is now before the other house of Parliament, and although my noble friend who has charge of that measure will this night make a statement of the course intended to be pursued by her Majesty's Government, and notwithstanding the bill, as the noble lord observed, relates mainly and entirely to the representation of the people in Parliament, I do not in the least complain of the noble earl for taking the course which he has now thought proper to do. The interest and importance of this subject fully justify him in the course he has pursued, and I have no hesitation in giving him the answer which he desires to have. My lords, your lordships are aware that the second reading of this bill now stands for the 13th day of this month. In answer to the noble earl, on the bench below me, at a very early period of the session, I replied to the ques tion put by him on that occasion, when he asked me whether the bill would be introduced before the army and navy estimates would be laid on the table, by stat ing that it would be so ; and I also added that the con sideration of the measure would not be hastily pressed, so as to interfere with the progress of the public service, in making those preparations which the exigencies of the times [rendered necessary. My lords, in conse quence, the 13th March, although I believe the bill was read on the 13th February for the first time, was fixed for the second reading. It will then have been before the country for a month. - The noble earl has said that the country has had a full opportunity to form an opi nion upon the nature of the measure. I know not what may be the opinion of the noble earl, or what he sup ' poses the opinion of the country may be. But this I say, that her Majesty's Government have had no rea son to be dissatisfied with the opinion of the country upon that measure, SQ far as it has been expressed. eCheers.) I believe it has found favour with the coun t' y —(hear, hear)--that it has been considered as a just, a I,;beral, an honest, and a safe measure. (Cheers.) But my lords, although I admit that the calamity of war must necessarily interfere with all social progress, still I am not aware that it is absolutely necessary that this curse which we are to endure is to impede and utterly prevent all domestic improvement. My lords, when I said, in answer to the noble earl below me, that the necessary measures would be taken to provide for the public ser vice, in contemplation of this calamity then impending, I gave that reason which now it is necessary for me to repeat. I see that the necessary supplies have not yet been passed for the service in which we are about to en gage. TWO Tory night n vote Will be proposed for an additional 15,000 men ; and on Monday, as my noble and learned friend opposite (Lord Brougham) hits oh served, the financial prospects and measures of the year for providing for this increased expenditure will be laid before the other house of Parliament. Her Majesty's Government have thought it right, not only to provide a sufficient force for the great operations in which we may be engaged, but to provide the means by which the expense of that force may be defrayed. This I think it is the duty of Government to do, and this it is which we propose to do. pider these circumstances, therefore, my noble friend who has charge, of this bill, will propose to-night to postpone the second reading of the measure until an early day after Easter—that is, until the 27th of April. On that (lay it is the intention of my noble friend to move the second reading of the bill. (Cheers.) THE COMMITTEE ON THE IRISH LAND BILLS. Lord CLANCARTY, in moving for an addition of five Peers to the committee on the Landlord and Tenant Bill, complained that in an Irish question only two Irish representative peers were nominated. The Duke of NEWCASTLE thought the committee already sufficiently large. He praised the selection of the committee, and the appointment of English members, who would superadd English to Irish experience. Only eight members of the committee, he observed, were un connected with Ireland. Lord EGLINTON suggested the addition of two names instead of five. Lord DONOUGHMORE approved of the suggestion. The Earl of WICKLOW —one of the proposed mem bers—expressed his willingness to undertake the duty. Lord CLANCARTY refused to accede to the compro mise, and the motion was negatived without a division. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF ,COMMONS---(YESTERDAY.) The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a second time, and ordered to be committed :—Derbyshire, Staffordshire, and Worces tershire Junction Railway ; Islington Cattle Market ; Kensington Improvement; Londonderry Port and Har bour ; Devonport and Keyham Tunnel (No. 2) ; Glasgow Bridges. PETITIONS, Several petitions were presented against the opening of public houses on Sundays. Mr. J. 0. STANLEY presented a petition from Chester in favour of the establishment of reformatory schools. Mr. PHINN presented a petition from 1,300 inhabi tants of Bath against the - Oaths Bill, in the prayer of which he did not concur. Also a petition from Liverpool, praying for the repeal of the tax on stage carriages. REFORM OF THE UNIVERSITIES. Lord J. RUSSELL gave notice that, on Friday next, he should move for leave to bring in a bill to make Wilber provision for tho good government of the University of Oxford. CONTROVERTED ELECTIONS. Mr. LIDDELL gave notice that, on an oarly day, he should move a resolution to the effect that controverted el3ction petitions ought to be tried by a tribunal not com posed of members of the house. GRAVEYARDS. Mr. PELLATT asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department, whether proprietors of-private burial grounds recently closed by the peremptory orders of the Government, are entitled to compensation, and, if not, what are the reasons for refusal. _ _ Lord PALMERSTON said the closed graveyards were public nuisances, and therefore the parties interested in them were not entitled to compensation. In reply to a question from Mr. I)UNCOMBE, Lord PALMERSTON said it was at present under con sideration whether building upon closed burial grounds be prohibited. No bodies, however, could be removed, as he was advised, without the consent of the nearest sur viving relative. MENAI STRAITS. Mr. STANLEY asked the First Lord of the Admiralty, if the attention of the Admiralty had been called to the erection of stone weirs for the purpose of making oyster beds within the tidal stream of the Menai Straits, thereby causing obstruction to the free navigation of the Straits. If any naval officer had been sent down to report upon the same, and if any report had been made to have it presented to the house? Sir J. GRAHAM replied that the attention of the Ad miralty had been called to the subject, and a survey had been ordered, which would be acted upon when reported. SHIPWRECKS. Mr. SANDARS asked the First Lord of the Admiralty what orders were issued to the captains of her Majesty's vessels in respect to the assistance to be rendered to Bri tish vessels in distress at sea ; and whether the masters or seamen who do render assistance to such vessels were allowed to make any charge beyond the expenses incurred by them in rendering that assistance ? Sir J. GRAHAM replied in the negative ; except in special cases which were specified by the issued orders of the Board of Admiralty no additional charges could be made. POSTPONEMENT OF THE REFORM BILL On proceeding to.read - the orders of the day, Lord JOHN RUSSELL rose and said—Sir, in rising to ask that an order of the' day should be read for the pur pose of postponing it, I am about to take the unusual course of making some explanation to the house of the rea son why I propose to take this step. I think such a course is due to the house after what has passed on the subject of the bill for the amendment of the representation of the people in England and Wales ; and it is especially due to those hon. members of the house who are earnestly desirous of a further amendment of that representation, to explain the reason why I propose to postpone that bill to another day, to be named by me. The house will recollect that when Parliament assembled it was considered most pro probable that we might soon be involved in hostilities, but no statement upon that subject could then be made with certainty. Her Majesty was pleased, in addressing this house, to recommend to our consideration a further amend mendment of the state of the representation of the people in Parliament, and was graciously pleased, in recommend ing the subject to our consideration, to say, " In recom mending this subject to your consideration, my desire is to every cause of jnst complaint, to increase general confidence in the Legislature, and to give additional sta bility to the settled institutions of the State." It was in conformity with that recommendation of her Majesty that upon the 13th of February I proposed to bring in a bill for the purpose of so amending the representation. I will not now enter—it is no part of the subject of to-day—into the merits of the bill ; but I may say that, having introduced the bill, I fixed a day for its second reading, after an inter val in which I thought the house would be able to give its attention to the subject. I did not, however, say that, that was positively fixed, and I of course reserved to my self the discretion of naming any other day. But, how ever, soon after that day was fixed, the hon. baronet the member for East Kent gave notice of a motion, as an amendment to the second reading, to the effect that in the present state of our foreign relations, the proceeding with that bill for the amendment of the representation would be inopportune. I do not know what was the object of the hon. baronet in giving that early notice, but it certainly seems as if his notice was rather one of hostility to the Government than of hostility to the measure proposed, as there is nothing in the amendment which at all implies any disapprobation of the bill itself. When, however, some time had elapsed, her Majesty's Gove rnmen t had to consider what their own course should be, and whether it would be convenient to the house to proceed with th 3 bill upon that day which I had named. Now there are two points to be considered upon this subject, to which I bag to call the at tention of the house. One is, the state of public business ; the other, the state of our foreign relations at this moment, With respect to the public business I conceive that it is the duty of her Majesty's Government after the announce ment we have made, and in the state of cur foreign rela tions, as shown by the despatches laid upon the table of the house, to ask, in the first place, for all the supplies which we might think necessary for the public service at the pre sent time, and in the second, to obtai n th ose " wa y s a nd means" by which we should be able to ascertain how we defray the additional expenditure required. With respect to the first of these requisites, the house has shown such a willingness to vote the supplies which were required, and such devotion to the public service, that there has not arisen any difficulty upon that point, and no time has been taken up greater than necessary for the purpose. With reference to the second subject, we have yet to ascertain — and it will only be on Monday next that my right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer will state the views which the Government entertain of the present state of the finances of the country, and the measures which we think are necessary for the public service and the mainte nance of public credit. Stroh, therefore, will be, in the course of the next week, the state of the public business ; and it seems to imply that the bill for the amendment of the representation could hardly come on that week, con sistently with the object of obtaining both the supplies necessary for the public service and the " ways and means" necessary to defray the increased expenditure. But, al though the bill might not come on upon that day—the 13th of March—it would certainly have been in our power to fix a somewhat later day upon which the second reading might be preceded with, But here I have to ask the attention of the house to that which will in all probability be our position with respect to our foreign relations when that later day should arrive. I can hardly say that I am reveal ing any secret to the house, for it has been announced in the public papers for the last two or three days, that at the end of the last month a messenger was sent with de spatches from the Governments of England and France to St. Petersburgh, with respect to the occupation of Mol davia and Wallachia by the Russians. For a very long time that occupation baa been acquiesced in with the view of carrying on negotiations by which their evacuation might be made a stipulation in any treaty. These nego tiations have, unfortunately, after a very long time during. which they were carried on, led to no result ; and the con ference at Vienna has positively declined the only terms upon which the Emperor of Russia declared himself ready to treat. We could, therefore, no longer permit this wrongful occupation of the territories of Turkey ; and the Governments of England and France have, therefore, signified to the Emperor of Russia that they should consider his continued occupation of the Principalities, beyond a certain time necessary for carrying their eva cuation into effect, as equivalent to a declaration of war. (Hear, hear.) Calculating the time which is necessary for the transmission of these despatches to St. Peters burgh, and supposing that the Emperor of Russia—as has already occurred-will listen to no terms other than those which he has himself proposed, the negative answer of the Emperor will reach this country in about twenty-five days from the time when the message was sent ; and therefore towards the end of this month it will be the duty of the Ministers of the Crown to bring down a message from her Majesty to the two houses of Parliament, declar ing, in the usual terms, that the relations between this country and Russia no longer exist. If such be the proba ble and, I am afraid I must say, the almost certain course which events will then take, I think the Government can• not be wrong in deciding that that particular moment, when such a message may be either upon the eve of being brought down, or may be under discussion, or may be ac tually delivered, would hardly be the time to deliberate with duo consideration upon a question of such grave im portance as that of the state of the representation of the people. I cannot but think that, such being the case, it will be better to postpone the consideration of the Reform Bill to a future day. But when I say a future day, I may here entertain the hope that when that day comes which I shall propose to fix, there may then exist such a state of affairs as will enable the house calmly and deliberately to consider that bill. Upon the other hand, it would be the eight of imprudeno, if j were to PT that upon that par' ticular day which I shall name, the izetiiness must infalli -bir tome a ; and that that state of things might not arise, which would make it necessary again to po s tp one it t o a 1 future day. I can therefore only ask the house t o agree that I should have the power to defer the d a y uport which I shall proceed with the bill to a later period ; and it will then be in the power of the hon. baronet the member for East Kent, or any other hon. member, when that time comes, to interpose any objection which he may think proper to its further progress. The postponement which I shall propose will enable the Government to:mature 1 and introduce the bias with respect to the repr esenta -1 teflon of Scotland and Ireland, before the second readin g of the bill for England. The day on 'Which I shall propose to proceed with the latter measure is the day immediately following the Easter holidays—Thursday, the 27th day of April. I do not propOse an earlier day, because it would be obviously inconvenient to the house to enter upon the discussion of a bill of this sort a few days before the Easter holidays, and then to be obliged to adjourn it till a future period. (Hear, hear.) Sir J. SHELLEY, who on rising to address the house was received with cries of "oh. oh," expressed his deep re gret at the course which her Majesty's Ministers had thought proper to pursue upon the present occasion. He thought it was right the house and the country should know the precise position in which they stood with re. spect to this great question. The house would recollect that upon a former occasion the noble lord stated that the best time for introducing a measure to amend the represen tation of the people was when the public mind was quiet, and not agitated upon the subject ; but in his speech on introducing the bill, in answer to what fell from the lion. member for Liverpool, the noble lord declared that there was nothing in the present state of public affairs, even supposing we were at war, which should serve as a reason for postponing a measure of this kind. But that was not all ; last year the noble lord pledged his word that her Majesty's Ministers, in,the course of 'the present session, would introduce a bill for the reform of the representation of the people. That promise coming as it did- from a man of character and consistency, was believed and con fided in by the country ; but now the noble lord came for ward at the last moment, within seven days of the time fixed for the second reading of the measure, and announced his intention to postpone the bill, or rather to do that which really amounted to a virtual abandonment of it. Such, at all events, was his opinion of the course which the noble lord had pursued ; and he did think the house and the country had some right to complain, and were entitled to ask the noble lord whether it was really his in tention to take the sense of the house upon the bill in the present session. Nobody seemed to object to the principles of the measure. The'noble lord had very truly said that the amendment of the hob. member for East Kent did not refer to the merits of the bill itself, but merely set forth that the present was not a proper time for going into the question of Parliamentary reform. There could be only one reason, therefore, for the refusal of the noble lord to proceed with the bill, and that was, because he was afraid of being placed in a minority in that house. (Cries of "near, hear," from the Opposition benches.) Now, he would take the liberty of saying that it was the duty of the noble lord, after the pledges he had given, to proceed with the bill, let the consequences be what they might; but should the noble lord persist in breaking all the pro mises he had made to the house and the coun try, it would be difficult to believe that the whole thing had not been a sham from the beginning to the end, and that the reformers of England had not been completely bamboozled by her Majesty's Ministers. (Cheers and laughter from the Oppo sition.) There were principles in the bill which the refor ' mers of the country had hailed with great satisfaction. It did not go far enough for some of them—(a laugh)—but it was, not a step, but a stride in the right direction, and those who had advocated the cause of Parliamentary re form fer years, could scarcely, he thought, be satisfied with what would be universally regarded as a virtual withdrawal of the measure. When he was told that there had been no excitement in favour of the bill, his reply was that the excitement and agitation should have come from the other side. If it was true, as avowed by boa. gentlemen oppo site, that a large portion of the nation objected to the prin ciples of the bill, why did they not pt up public meetings against it ? He could tell them, that if they had done so, there would have been plenty of excitement in favour of the bill. It seemed to -him, however, that the country, unlike the noble lord and her Majesty's Ministers, had pur sued a straightforward and dignified course. The people had shown confidence in the Government, and bad never doubted for one moment that the noble lord would fulfil the pledges he had given. For his own part, up till yes terday he firmly believed that the noble lord would move the second reading of the bill on the 13th inst., and he never supposed for an instant that the noble lord, after all that had occurred, would give up the measure, in order to avoid being placed in a minority in that house. Did the noble lord imagine that the country would be satisfied with so trivial and paltry an excuse as that ? If the noble lord was afraid of being placed in a minority by those members whom the bill deprived of their seats, why did he hesitate to appeal to the country, and ask their opinion upon the subject? He was convinced that, if the noble lord persevered in the course he was pursuing, the country would lose confidence in every one who was placed in the position of a Minister of the Crown. (A laugh.) He should like to ask the noble lord, in the name of the re formers of England—(cries of "oh, oh !" and laughter) — whether he really meant to proceed with the bill alter the Easter holidays, or whether he would then come forward with another excuse for a further postponement of the measure? Upon the answer given to that question would depend the confidence which was to be reposed in her Ma jesty's Ministers. (Laughter.) Sir E. DERING—Sir, it was not at all my intention to have trespassed upon the attention of the house, but I must ask leave to make a few remarks, in lonsequence of the observations which have fallen from the noble lord. The noble lord, in the explanation which he has just of fered to the house, stated that he did not know what in tention I had in placing the resolution of which I have given notice upon the paper. Now, sir, I am ex tremely anxious that the object of that resolution should be clearly understood. So far from having any desire to obstruct the progress of reform, there is no man in this house who is more ready or more willing than myself, at the proper time and opportunity— (hear, hear)—to consider in a liberal spirit a largo and—provided it be sound—l care not how comprehensive a measure of Par liamentary reform. (Cheers.) But, air, tie object of the resolution of which I have given notice is this—to draw the attention of the house to the time at which and the circumstances under which that question is about to be introduced to our notice. The objections which I enter tain to this bill would be equally applicable to any other large measure, of whatever character, that should be likely in its progress through the house to give rise to serious and violent differences of opinion. (Hear, hear.) Sir, I shall bring forward this resolution upon public grounds alone ; and I wish it to be distinctly understood that I bring it forward as an independent member, totally unconnected with either of the great political parties in this house. I may add, sir, that I feel greatly encouraged to persevere in the course which I have considered it my duty to pur sue in consequence of having ascertained before hand that that course is strictly in accordance—whatever my honour able friend the member for Westminster may say—with the wars of public opinion both within and without the walls of this house. (Hear, hear.) It may perhaps, sir, be convenient to the house that I should take this oppor tunity of stating that, when the noble lord moves the second reading of his bill, it is my intention to move as an amend ment a resolution to the same effect as that of which I have already given notice. (Cheers.) Lord A. LENNOX apprehended that the statement of the noble lord the member for the city of London would be received in the country with feelings of the liveliest satisfaction, and that no considerable class of the commu nity would regret that they were to be spared that irrita tion and dissension which must necessarily have accom panied discussions upon so important a subject as Par liamentary reform. For, although he believed it was fully admitted on both sides of the house that great apathy existed upon this question, yet it was idle to sup pose that a subject involving so clearly the interests of all classes could fail to produce that excitement which they all professed so much to deprecate. He trusted the Government, with all the dignity and responsibility which ought to be attached to it, would not trifle with the country and with Parliament in this matter ; because it was needless to remark that an agitation caused by itine rant agitators was a very different thing from an agitation with the Government at its head. He looked upon the proposed reform as the result of a compromise of principles which, in Government phraseology, was named coalition. The tone of the speech of the noble lord in introducing the bill was also that of a funeral oration. (A laugh.) The bill had lain in state now for nearly three weeks—its obse quies had that night taken place—the noble lord the mem ber for the city of London had attended as chief mourner, and probably the noble lord the member for Tiverton would act as mute at the mournful ceremonial. (Great laughter.) The only inference he could draw from this new system of postponement was that the Government were aware that, like a spinning-top, if they stood still they would fall. (Continued laughter.) When he consi dered the nature of the measures which the Government had introduced; and their manner of introducing them, he did not wonder that in this proposed Reform bill her Ma jesty'i Ministers should have endeavoured to make their appeals to their constituents few and far between, and themselves as irresponsible as possible to public opinion. (Cheers from the Opposition benches.) Mr. LABOUCHERE—Sir, I am induced to trespass upon the attention of the house for a few moments in con sequence of the speech which has been addressed to them by the honourable baronet the member for Westminster. Sir, I believe I have been a reformer quite as long as he. I believe I have had opportunities for observing the con duct of the noble lord the member for the city of London much more nearly, and much more closely than the hon. baronet ever had ; and if he will permit me to use the privilege of age and experience in giving him any advice upon the present occasion, I would say that, if he values the cause of reform—if he really wishes practical suc cess to reform measures, and not merely to make them the themes of declamation and agitation—if he wishes to see those measures carried into effect, let him follow the guid ance of the noble lord the member for the city of London, who has' been our captain, and has led us to victory in many a well-fought field, and who I believe to be not wavering or dissenting on the present occasion, but cautious and ju dicious. (Cheers.) I confess, for my own part, so far from agreeing with the hon. baronet that the cause of Parlia mentary reform has suffered by the course intimated by the noble lord, my belief is that no policy could have been imagined more fatal to that cause than if the question had been forced upon an unwilling House of Commons, and an unwilling public, by the noble lord on the present occa sion. Sir, the people of this country are desirous at the present moment of uniting heart and hand in prosecuting a far greater war than any in which England has yet been engaged; and I must add, that I believe this house, faith fully representing the feelings of this country, is not dis posed to seek for occasions of party differences ; and does not desire to see matters of party struggle brought forward but at the outset of this formidable contest is inclined to believe that the duty devolves upon it of presenting a united aspect and serried front to the nations of Europe I con e ve i i i s a a d which are closely watching our actions. (Hear, have seen it stated in the newsp a p ers that, in hear) ion upon one occasion, the Emper or of Russia said h fear o w h a t for the a sp pleased e c a e s eodf to E u e a r o l I p a e , because bourge h o se % H be o l u i s e e ved ol C tti o a ra n t . , mon s, would never support the Government in a great and I t s h o i o n n kthe demeanourpatrioic course o f this of hi actio n house con vince him of his mistake. (Cheers.) Sir, upon that ground I heartily rejoice at the course which the Government have pursued. I think they are right not only to postpone the bill upon the present occasion, but I think they would act extremely wrong if theypledged themselves to bring it for ward at any time—(laughter from the Opposition benches) —or under any circumstances, when their sense of public duty may tell them that, as conscientious men, they are not discharging their duty to the Crown and to the country by introducing it to Parliament : and I hope that nb taunt or sneer will drive them from that which I hold to be the course of public duty—namely, not for any minor conside ration—not for any consideration of an unworthy descrip tion in the least to waver from the position of judging of events as they arise, and not to commit themselves prema turely to any course which, when the time came, might be contrary to their sense of public duty. We are told we are on the eve of a war. It is true there is yet a pos sibility that war may be avoided, and if so, one or two months hence, may be a very proper time to consider the Reform Bill ; but my anticipation is very different. lam afraid that before the 27th of April we shall be involved in an arduous and severe contest, and therefore my opinion is that it would be a most unwise course to urge the Go • vernment to introduce the bill at that time., (Hear, hear.) One word more and I have done. The hon. baronet, the member for Westminster seemed to call upon the country to agitate upon this question. My belief is that the coun try is too sensible and patriotic to adopt that policy. Sir, this not a time for internal dissentions of any kind, and I will say that, although I believe there is a great body who would like to see a practical and well devised scheme for improving the representation of the people, yet this house as at present composed is, I believe, in the opinion of the country fully abl e to represent it, and to conduct its affairs either in peace or in war. (Hear, hears) There is, there fore, no reason whatever why we should, at all costs and hazards, urge upon Govornment this question of Parlia mentary reform. I will conclude, sir, by saying that I for one am content to leave the question with entire con fidence in the hands of the noble lord the member for the city of London. I think the course he has recommended is a wise and patriotic course ; and I hope that neither he nor any other member of the Government will be in duced to give a pledge of any kind which may in the slightest degree embarrass that free action and that liberty to judge of events as they arise which Ministers of the Crown ought always to possess, but especially at such a time as the present. .(Oheers.) Colonel SIBTHORP'iraid the course pursued by the noble lord was no more than what he expected from the beginning. (A laugh.) He had witnessed so much vacil lation on the part of the noble lord, particularly of late years, that he had no doubt, though the noble lord would not awn it, that the whole thing had been planned on the first day. The noble lord had produced a variety of things, but had done nothing, and it might safely be pre dicted that the house had seen the last of the new Reform Bill. Mr. PHINN observed that, though he represented a constituency which had always stood boldly forward in the cause of reform, he could not but tender to the noble lord his mead of approval for the course which he had taken, (Hear, hear.) The honourable member for West minster—perhaps he did not intend it—had used language of a somewhat ungenerous character—(hear, hear)—and which he could not - help thinking must have occasioned pain to the noble lord, as it had unquestionably done to those who had always looked to him as one in whom the reformers of the country confided. (Hear, hear.) No one could have heard the statement of the noble lord without seeing most clearly that there was a great struggle in his mind between his sense of what was due to himself, to his personal honour, -and to the pledges he had given to the house and the country, and what it was necessary to yield to a stern sense of public duty. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord, however, must see at the present moment that, what ever pledges he might have given, he could not control the force of circumstances,- nor urge public opinion beyond a certain given point. For his own part, he confessed he was very much of the opinion of the honourable mem ber for East Kent, though, had the Government in spite of all resistance resolved to carry the bill through the house, he should have given them his humble but earnest support. Unless, however, they were prepared to say that the ques tion reform could be disussed without injury to our fo reign policy, he would not advise them to proceed with the bill ; for, most unquestionably, if affairs had arrived at such a crisis that the united energies of the four Powers were required to bridle the ambition of Russia, the first thing which this country bad to do was to bring the war to a speedy termination, and then it might turn its atten tion to internal organic reform. Such was the universal opinion out of doors . ; and ha should consider himself false and dishonest if he used , one language out of the house, and then, for the sake of pandering to some low feeling, came down to that house and used an opposite and contrary lan guage. It was all very right for hon. gentlemen to wish to stand well in the opinion of their constituents, but they had often a higher and nobler duty to perform ; and that was to sacrifice some temporary popularity to what they felt to be the great interests of the country. He hoped the house would consider what was a very material point in this matter. If the Reform Bill was to go on, they were to ask certain hon. members to sacrifice themselves on the altar of public duty; others were to be placed in a posi tion where one of two was to be thrown overboard ; while a third section were to have each an additional bedfellow on his couch of down. That was not a desirable situation to place these hon. gentlemen or their constituents in, be cause, if the bill was to be urged through the house, what acquiescence were they to expect on the part of the dis franchised, and under what circumstances of irritation and discontent would a dissolution of Parliament be forced on the country, not upon the question whether there should be a'reform or not, but upon the mean and narrow question whether this was a proper time to introduce such a mea sure. He would not trespass longer upon the attention of the house, but would conclude by again expressing his regret that the honourable member for Westminster had permitted himself to use language which seemed to put an ungenerous construction upon the conduct of the noble lord. (Hear hear.) Sir J. PAKINGTON—Sir, I do not object to the post ponement of this Reform Bill. (A. laugh from the Minis terial benches.) In my opinion, to have preserved in that bill at the present juncture would have been dangerous and unwise. But Ido object to a course of conduct on the part of her Majesty's Government by which the country has been excited and misled. (Hear, hear.) Sir, I think that the explanation we have this evening heard from the noble lord is humiliating and discreditable to her Ma jesty's Government. (Hear, hear.) Sir, the noble lord has said nothing which, in my mind, can save himself or the Government from this censure—namely, that if the Reform Bill ought not to be persevered in, it ought not to have been introduced. (Cheers.) You have laid on the table a bill which has excited the hopes and the fears of large classes of the people, and I hold that you are not jus tified as a Government in so submitting that bill to Parlia ment unless you are prepared to press it forward with all the might and with all the influence which the Govern ment of the Crown can use. (Continued cheering from the Opposition benches.) Sir, the noble lord has told us to night that he postpones this bill on account of a message vrbion boo boon cont to tha Emperor of Russia. Will the noble lord tell the house that on the day when he moved for leave to introduce this bill he did not contemplate sending that message to the Emperor of Russia ? (Cheers) Is there any one respect in which the position of Parliament, the position of the Government, or the position of the coun try is different to-day from what it was on the day upon which this bill was introduced ? (Cheers.) Sir, the noble lord has said that this bill ought not to go forward, because we are on the point of war. Has the noble lord forgotten what he himself said on a former evening upon this very subject. (Hear, hear.) Has he forgotten that he told the house that the very fact of an approaching war would involve in creased taxation—that increased taxation required increased confidence on the part of the people towards their repre sentatives—and that, therefore, this was the time above all others preeminently fitted for a reform bill ? (Hear, hear.) How does the noble lord reconcile the language of that day with the language which we have now heard ? Sir, I am sorry to say that I think the conduct of Government has been such as greatly to impair the position in The eyes of the country which it is most desirable they should oc cupy at such a moment of public excitement and national importance. By the vasillating conduct of the Govern ment they have involved us in a war with Russia. (Cries of " no, no" and cheers.) Sir, I will not shrink from adopting the opinion which I believe can be demonstrated and proved, that the timidity and vacillation of the Go vernment have mainly led to the war with Russia. (Hear.) That is proved by the papers which you have shown us ; but the Government must admit—the noble lord himself has this night admitted—that we who dissent from the policy of the Government have met them in a patriotic spirit. We think them right in the vigour at which they have at last arrived, and we are willing unanimously to support them in the war they are about to enter on. But, sir, this policy requires unanimity, and makes ft most im portant and desirable that we should act as one man in facing our enemies ; and I think it renders the conduct of the Go vernment gravely reprehensible that they endeavour to agi tate the country and Parliament by a measure upon which they know it is impossible for unanimity to exist. (Hear.) Sir, the Government have only proposed to us two measures of importance this year. One of these measures they have now postponed, and with the other it appears they dare not proceed. The one is a bill to amend the representation of the people, and the other a bill affecting deeply some of the most grave constitutional questions and some of the most important constitutional guarantees for the religious liber ties of this country. Such is the present position of the Government. I repeat I do not object to the postponement of this bill; on the contrary, I think the Government would have been deeply reprehensible had this bill been persevered in ; but I cannot refrain from expressing my strong and emphatic condemnation of their conduct in bringing forward a measure which, if it ought not to be proceeded with, ought never to have been introduced. (Cheers from the Opposition benches.) Mr. HUME—Sir, I for one have heard, undoubtedly with deep regret, the determination of the Government to postpone this bill, because I fear it may excite in the minds of the people a suspicion that they wish to give up the measure altogether. Now, sir, I have sufficient confi dence in the noble lord and the Government to which he belongs, to think that they cannot be guilty of that which is charged against them. I believe they are sincere, and it is because I believethey are sincere that I have given them my hearty support in the measure they have introduce will not say that the reasons they ha ve urg ed fo r post poning this bill appear to have been sufficient ; but I am not on that account to declare that th_ey re n extending the period for considering the abill,portojvui s d t d fi d t hy allow plenty of time, in dealing o wi e t with that obtehthefoor e n t g h e e nt e l n e d m o o n f the session. It was to be_e_xpct se and say seed y app r on the Opposition side should n of the postponement of the o bill ; but for progressive re formers—for those who desire to see the grounds of dis content removed from among the people of this country —for such men to throw doubts into the public mind . with rega rd to the intentions of Government is bad. (Cheers.) The honourable baronet th remeirlaybe f o r estkuinster speaks of the reformers of En; land. What does he know of t he reformers of England ? (Cheers.) I think I kno vas much of them as he does ; and I can only say that every communication I have had from the country speaks favourably of the bill as a whole. (Hear.) There may be points which, when it comes into committee, might be modified; but looking to it as a mea sure which gives a share of representation to large classes of the people, which—bringing them within the pale of the constitution, tends to remove discontent—l say, this appears to me to be a large and comprehensive measure. Every man who sits here as a reformer ought to embrace, and not find fault with it. I will not form so base an opi nion of the Government as to think they will not apply their whole force to carry it through a second reading. I agree with the right hon. baronet opposite (Sir J. Paking ton), that if they were not determined to go through with it, they ought not to have introduced it. Having intro duced it, with all the obligations which the Government have incurred, ano after the speech of the noble lord upon that occasion, I never can form such a base opinion of them as seems to have been formed by some who call them selves refo rmers . (H ear , hear, and a laugh.) I advise all , such men to pass from the ranks. (Laughter.) I can guard against those who call themselves my enemies, but not against those who mill themselves my friends. (Cheers.) I Though it should be lost —though the Government should be placed in a minority upon this question—it would only tend to rouse.the spirit of the country in its favour. I 'orant 49 petation, The people have perfect confidence in • • lli i 10/ 2i 61 i 41 58 • 21, a 38 4 ri .-- 7 ,.....,........ 1 the Governm e nt, th a t after two yeas' nrOi lly • ,- having brought in a measure so benticil ~ , r :.:7 , they will give a fair chance of carryng it • throt igh In ':‘l l\ success. (Cheers.) Sir G. GREY said—l rose immddatelY after ishe right , hon. member for Droitwich to expixs my entire dissent from that estimate which, with `l§elf-coinplisisanc.e, he has formed o f th e part wile h,. : and ilx4. so on ,s A .' grl, whose behalf he speaks have takes un I'A present bikcnin- ~,, stances. He claims for himself aid his pa theNighesda patriotism ; and on what groundr? BecalisT, nigM ofthe night, they have offered no oppostion in voting largely in creased estimates for carrying on A war into which I believe we have been inevitably dragged not by the timidity and vacillation, but by the determined ambition and encroach.- ment of a most ambitions - powe.-. (Cheers.) And what is the patriotism of the right hon gentleman ? It is that he and his party are ready to place the means of carrying on a war, which every onevadmits will be a struggle of a most serious character, and the termination of which no one can foresee, in the hands of a Government which he taunts as weak, timid, irresolute, aid vascillating. (Cheers.) If the right hon. bart. really :retains those opinions, it is his duty to take the sense of the House of Commons, and to use his best endeavours b place those means in the hands of men not characterised by those grave defects which inca pacitate a Government for carrying , on war with effect. (Cheers.) If he does not retain those opinions, or if he shrinks from bringing them to a test in this house, then I say it is anything but patriotic to get up night after night to make insinuations, to depreciate its endeavours, to weaken its hands, and to lesson it in the opinion of the country. (Load cheers.) I believe that the opinions which have been expressed by the right honourable gentleman are not shared by the country. I believe the country does think that the Government has acted with caution, witk prudence, and with the serious desire of avoiding " peace. - (Great laughter on the Opposition side was occasioned by this mistake, but the right hon. baronet immediately cor rected himself)—avoiding war and maintaining peace, in those negotiations which have been carried on ; I believe the - country is prepared to confide in the vigour, ability, and efficiency of the Government in conducting the war, should we unfortunately he finall y forced into it. (Cheers.) With regard to the question immediately before the house, I may be allowed to express my opinion that the Government have taken a prudent, wise, and judicious course in postponing it, and I do not concur with the right hon. baronet in thinking—after the pledge to in troduce a Reform Bill, after the general expectation had been raised th a t a Reform Bill would be introduced—that it would have been for the Government to have refrained from paying that bill before the house and country. (Cheers.) Those, no doubt, who wish to see no change in the representation of the people regret that a bill of this character should be submitted to the people. I do not share either their feelings or their objections, but this I say, that any Government would be seriously to blame if it pressed for the consideration of a bill of that kind while any measures are pending in this house which Parliament is bound to take for the vigorous and efficient prosecution of that war on the brink of which we are standing. (Cheers.) lam quite content to leave it in the hands of my noble friend, and I ask no pledge that on a future day this bill shall be forced on, irrespective of the circum stances in which we are then placed. I think the course which my noble friend has taken entitles him to increased. confidence, showing as it does that, irrespective of per sonal feeling, he will not prejudice the interests of the country by prosecuting a measure when the interests of the country might be injuriously affected by the discus sions likely to arise out of its consideration. (Cheers.) With regard to the feeling of personal honour, I cannot conceive that the personal honour of my noble friend is in the slightest degree affected. (Hear.) , Any pledge given by him or by the Government cannot be in such absolute terms as to deprive them of the power, as members of this house, if not as Ministers of the Crown, of considering whether, when the time comes, it is right to submit to consideration a measure of import ance. The personal honour of any man is best consulted by taking that course which, either as a minister or as a member, he believes most conduciv e t o th e permanent in terests of the country : That- is the course which has been taken by my noble friend, and, as I said before, it only en titles him to increased confidence. The SPEAKER having read the motion, Mr. DISRAELI rose and said—l wish to make some observations to the house 'before this motion is agreed to. I do not understand the reasons alleged by the noble lord in favour of this motion, which I shall certainly not op pose. I understood the noble lard to say that the supplies had been granted byall parties in this house with a facility and spirit which is commendable, and therefore I con clude, when the noble lord made his statement in intro ducing the bill of projected Parliamentary reform before the house, he had of course calculated all the circumstances connected with supply which could affect its second read ing.. Although I conclude the noble lord had taken into consideration the time necessary for granting supply, he had not taken into consideration the time necessary for ways and means. That appears to be one of the reasons why the noble lord thinks it expedient to postpone the consideration of the second reading of this bill of Parlia mentary reform, which was fixed for the 13th of this month. It appears to me somewhat strange that the noble lord should have omitted to take into consideration the time necessary for ways and means, as well as granting supply; though that appears to me, so far as I could follow the noble lord, the most efficient argument introduced to the house in favour of a change of his ope rations. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord, in estimating the time which would elapse with respect to those financial operations, could hardly have supposed that so small a space of time would have been required for supply as has turned out to be the case. I think the noble lord. himself voluntarily expressed his satisfaction with the conduct of the House of Common's, and I am sure every gen tleman present will agree that supply was never voted with more alacrity. (Cheers) I know I myself attended yes terday morning, in order to lay one or two matters before the consideration of the house, and I found half a million had been voted in the time I was taking off my great coat and walking to my usual seat on the bench. (Laughter.) When the noble lord made up his mind to come down to the house and propose a great project, when he estimated the time which must elapse before the decision of the house upon its merits could be taken, he could hardly have sup posed that voting of supply would have taken so short a time as it dial. (Hear.) It, therefore, appears to be clear that the noble lord dill not take into his calculation the necessity of the house considering ways and means, as well as supply. (Hear.) Ido not know whether the noble lord will find as great facility as he has with supply. I am rather alarmed at the intimation the noble lord gives us of what awaits us next Monday. (A laugh.) But a second reason given us by a noble lord is also in my mind of not so satisfactory a nature as for the sake of the noble lord I could have wished. The noble lord says we are still nego tiating with the Emperor of Russia. The noble lord was; of course, aware of that when he introduced the bill on the 13th of last month. (Hear.) The noble lord then, of course, calculated the time which would necessarily or pro bably elapse before these negotiations could be brought to an issue, as well as th e tim e th a t wou ld b e requ i red by the House of Commons to vote supply and the ways and means. I want to know why the noble lord, having these means of forming an estimate of the time necessary, and having for its purpose more experience than any member of the house; why the noble lord has taken the step he did, of introducing this measure, of fixing a day forthe second reading, when it appears, from the arguments which are offered us to-day, he was not justified in the course which he then took, and is consequently obliged to postpone fora considerable period the time when the decision of the House of Commons can be asked on this measure, and when he very w i se ly de clines to pledge himself that even on that distant day the decision of the House of Commons shall be demanded. (Hear, hear.) I cannot help thinking—looking to the very great importance of the subject—looking also to the pecu liar circumstances in which we found ourselves involved, it would have been better if the noble lord had met us openly when the house first met, and told us that circum stances did not justify him in bringing forward so soon as he intended a measure for Parliamentary reform ; that he felt himself pledged to introduce a measure of that kind as soon as circumstances admitted it—probably this session —but that, until he clearly saw he had the power and op portunity of proceeding with the measure, he would not detail to the house the scheme of reform which he meant to introduce. (Hear, hear.) I think that would have been the wisest and Most discreet course which a minister could have taken ; because, sir, we mint remember that this is a question which has not been hastily taken up by the noble lord and his colleagues. (Hear, hear.) It is now for several years that the noble lord, as minister and as independent member, has been announcing to the house and to the country that he intended to propose a further reform of the House of Commons. The noble lord had the advantage, as First Minister, of proposing a measure for the reform of Parliament. It was laid on the table—not a single objection was ever made by any gentleman who sits on this side of the house—no opportunity was eve r ) given to us of discussing that measure. f(ReaNriehra r ve Well, a considerable time has now elapsed. re which has no resemblance to the one navolaTcha ea was i n t r oduced two years ago ; and, therefore, whic different it erent the noble lord cannot allege that in conse quence of the hear.) ow we are in a p os iti on o pp os iti on at that time , or No the e r si ssototally criticism af forded, (the me rs li aeuirel he now ff east a prospect of th e secon d R eform Bill n ill evh o ha f ier t h achettehrere noble lord not proceeding. It is postponed to a distant day. Its projector announces that even he will not • p l e dge himself on that distant day to bring it forward. (Hear.) Its projector may be perfectly justified in the course which he has taken, but in my opinion he ought never to have brought forward the measure in detail, if he w atl n n t o t t he se h e o a use fai to r p e ro on s e p id ec e t r othif andvpaonicnitngaisiot.. that the Ministry o f the coun t ry s h ou ld P i s it ee f rs or .) the l a l) l u w b a l i y e s a b d e v a n l a t y ag g as it were, to its constitution. (Hear.) It is a very fair thing for a member of the House of Comnions, who thinks there ought to be a great change in the State, to bring forward his ideas by way of motion to this house. He generally gets defeated by a considera ble majority. He renews his efforts frord time to time; If public sympathy is sluggish, his project sleeps; if circum stances allow him to bring forward with more advantage, his project advances; it may in time be crowned with suc cess. He carries on a constitutional and not dangerous agitation. The greatest evil which he has to encounter— the very greatest misfortune he has to experience —is for the house to be counted out—(Laughter) —as it once was counted out on parliamentary reform itself. That course certainly operates ili - no manner which is not beneficial to the public : but it is a very different thing when a Minis ter announces that he is an agitator against the institu tions of the country. The noble lord may be perfectly right in his views on this question—not that I am enter ing now, in any way, into the merits of his measure —but it is a great disadvantage that the Minister of England should be Avowedly one who disapproves of the institutions of the country, an d who does not change them only because he h as no t th e p owe r. (Hear, and cheers.) Whatever may be the merits of the views of the noble lord, one great advantage in the constitution is, that it is athing settled. We live under an institution, and the essence of its excellency is, that it is something which is established. (Hear, hear.) Now, I want to know what is the position of the House of Commons—of the reformed House of Com mons, when within the last four or five years tho most eminent man in our assembly, justly poss essin g the confi dence of a great party in the nationt,hhasis institution announced; that that t he disapproves of the character of b inatemate rial salbs of which it is formed ; that he thin he disapproves of all its elem ks en m ts e , a o s f theures should h. . h as which !should greatly change its character, which should I greatly affect its influence-10 yet is unable to I measures, and does remain Minister of that cou nt ry .pls (Hear, hear,) Th er e are a great many gentlemen in thi s addressed house like th e member for East Kenttwho ns l to-night, who are, they tell us, and we have n o reason to ) fol. .6thrs [led tho roe ntil at.. log ost his -Ith St e l 20i 22 25 St. 10 Bt. 25 20 20 no 20 St. 20 St. 15 10 10 6 10 2$ 10 1.0.( 10 all 14 all 14 1311 20 20 100. 50 12i St. St. 25 20 25 100 100 20 203 20i 100 20 20 10 20 40 50 50 100 100 all all all all all 100 12 100 100 181 9i all 20 10 20 35 10 22 all all all all 2i 10