The Sun. — London, England, 1830-10-16 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP TIIE PUBLIC JOURNALS. We insert to-day, under tbe head of " French Periodical ,Pressi" a:letter which appeared in a Paris jacobinical journal last week. The: author, M. de Cormenin, .was, under the. Mertignitc - Ministry, a , Counsellor of State and Member of the Chamber of I)eputies. Doting the existence of the Polignac Cabinet, he was again 'returned to the Chamber, and voted for the hostile address in: the famous ma jority of 221. On the dissolution of that Chamber, he wits a third time elected a- Member of the ex. fisting Chamber, hut resigned his seat, on the ground that, being rettirned under the old Charter and the Bourbons, he had not received from his constituents any euthority to' cashier a dynasty, to - elect a king, or to make a Charter. Being a liberal of the first water, his constituents are likely to forgive his re pudiation of their favour, and to place him again in the Chamber, with powers to sanction proceedings in which he thought himself not entitled to co•ope rate. M. de- Cormenin had probably a right to act on his own individual opinion or to indulge his own personal whim; but what would have become of public order and national freedom in France, had all its chosen representatives, in the moments of anarchy and danger, adopted his caprice or been guided by his principles ? It will be observed by his letter, that the :x-Deputy is ultra-liberal with respect to the Press, and it may be stated that be speaks the sentiments of a large body of those who brought about the late revolution. From the power displayed by the Press of France before the ex pulsion of the Bourbons, it might be inferred by those unacquainted with facts, that the French peri odical Press was entirely free from all the restraints of fiscal law and alt the burdens of the Treasury. Nothing could be snore ,erroneous. In the first place, before the Martignac Ministry, no journal could be published without an authoritative licence from the Ministry, who were not likely to grant such a privilege to persons disposed to question their integrity, or to criticise their measures: in the second place, up to the end of July, and to this very day, no political journal can be published without a deposit of money, or an offer of security to a large amount. Nothing could have a greater tendency to create a monopoly in favour of existing Journals, or in favour of rich proprietors, than such a regulation. In the 'third place, the limitation of printers to a certain number who: enjoyed patentes or licences, created a mono poly in favourof ,that class, and thus not only in crease the expence of, printing Journals to all, but doubled the obstacles to the publication of free opi nions to those who choose to indulge in a greater la titude of political discussion. In some cases 'such licensed printers created themselves into unlicensed censora of the Press, and from a pretended fear of being liable for its excesses, refused to'print Jour nal; till compelled by the order of a Magistrate: In the fourth place, the Treasury came in for enormous &thee, exceeding in amount the price of the paper, of the printing, and of literary labour put together. Lastly, the journalists accused of libel were degraded by being brought into the tribunals of correctional police, and subjected to the treatment of petty thieves, swindlers, and pickpockets. Yet, with all this additional expence—all this monopoly, and all these vexatious, the Daily Papers actually became a power toe strong for the iWonarchy; and, under the name of journalism, prepared and liccornplislied the late Itevolutieri. In considering this circumstance, along with the narrow basis of the French electoral system, which, though far from being popular, has operated such popular wonders, we are more , than ever struck with the fact, that the Bourbons bad no hold over the minds or feelings of the present race , of Frenchmen; that . they were entirely isolated from the nation ; and that their system of govern ment could never again have been naturalized in the country. .A Pries soburdened and alutekled as we have described, end , a Chamber -of Deputies re turned by in electoral , oligarch) , of 80,000 voters, had become too powerful for the BOurbon Monarehy, because ..the Bourbon Monarchreitui an exotic, which had not fixed its routs in the nation, and de rived,support frotu no large class of:tlie people.-- Vows. A. good 'proportion of our paper yesterday was accupied with the proceedings of parochial meetings, called together for purposes not quitelrieridly to till' continuance of the New Police. There is no doubt that, whether frotn the paint taken to get up a SVC cilic opposition to, this establishment, or from the existence of a real feelin; of dislike ,to it in the muds of the public, the, merits of the police system, *renew so much canvassed, and with so much heat and pertinacity, as to make it elmost inevitable that some attention should be given by Government to the question, whether the JpresenVeonstitution, or adaninistration of the police force, might net attrnit of improvements so considerable,as greatly to dimi nish thii burden of supporting it, without impairing( its efficiency as a conservative power. We have al ways defended the principle of the New Puliee: of the objections now - made•to it, some do not affect its principle, and of those which do, the greeter pro. portion ate not tenable in reason. The parishes complain bitterly of the increased expense entailed on them by' this establishment. If the business of preserving the public peace, : and of securing perion and property, was badly executed by the ancient watchmen, and if much of the ineflicecy (at least toward any good purpose) of those confederates with thieves end vagabonds, wait easily traceable to the wretchedness of their pay, it follows that all who regard the peace of society, and the protection of life and goods, as things worth paying for, at the nuirket j price of severe labour, can ground no fair ob jection to the . ' police, merely on the rate of their wages being higher than that of watchmen's. It is otherwise, if the, extra taxes levied on parishes be snare than sufficient to defray the itdditional expellee, The communication of a correspondent—Who pro ceeds,.we suspect,. on good authority—informs us that the extra charge for the last twelvemonth ought to have been levied out of the poor rate, and ought not to hive exceeded Bd. in the pound.. If; 'there fore, there be parishes. in Or about London where the charge occasioned by the pollee, as compared to the watch, amounted to' the difference between 2,300/. end 1,4001., or between 1,700/. end • 900,., we can only 'regret that such foul play should have been committed, and protest against the abases of perochial administration being laid to account of the neeesiary charges for police. It is alleged that there are too few policemendistributed over certain dis tricts, and too many 9thets ; that also is a . defect of administration, 164 in no mintier addueible as an objection to the system itself. It is said that it greater number of robberies and j ilisorders are com mitted now, than under the superintendence of the ancient watchmen. 'This assertion is best met by a positive contradiction. There is a 'striking contrast between the security of house and person fat present, and- while the parish govern nsenta jobbed their Watchmen: very few rob fieries, comparatively, are brought 'forward, and as we may be certain that none are concealed, it is reasonable to conclude that twiny arc prevented. lint the grand argument—the " constitutional" sr gument....as it is desctibedte be by some constitu tional wiseacre, goes to the minium of leaving the police under the direct controul of his Majesty's Go-. rernment. Now, we really_ wish to tisk, what is, the meaning of this objection? or has it iiny ? the ativocateerfor II return to the'old system believe that-the SeCretory of State has toy interest in mak ing an attempt on the natiotial liberties by means of the police constebice? If on that score the pariah potentates are to be' set up as, preferable to the au- flunkies of the stat e ,- l e t the case be carried, as it snntiit to he, a little further, end give up the corns j pawl, of the King's troops to the ' I pans les ; since i they, undoubtedly, are instrument, far more dar 1;1011.‘ to freedonvin the haudsof Oo ethan "( Pe 4 " .44 Emertir *boa t ve y nun 1 14 wily tam*. our apprehension, the e e4 p* or their dfivieney of the service, de ends mai nly sits mplicity maid subordinate to a central me t eo r r w hi c h the Home-office is the bead. - t';Oneuthnt o lO w s' - tias - 71 are too Wien coliJiktii)g — ones. There - :06ritict-iur,t bcrless instances formerly, where watchmen have ' refused to follow thieves beyond their own. beat, or ont;of their own parish—" because, indeed, it was not their business. So complaints against watch men were often set aside by their worthy patrons in ithe respective parishes; whereas no charge against a pelice-conitable ever fails to meet With re dress. We shall be glad to see the question of the police brought forward, and abuses remedied if any are proved to exist; but it would give us sincere conceru to find the system itself abandoned.—Thecs. Our readers will find, in another column, an ac count of the Mayor's Feast, at Lynn, in Norfolk, on Wednesday, the 22d ult., which we have received .from a gentleman in this metropolis, personally known to us, who vouches for its authenticity. On this occasion Mr. Coke is reported to have said— if The Almighty will soon send me to my grave ; but,' Ithank God ! I have lived td see an end put to that system first begun by a nun in this kingdom, anti afterwards continued in a neighbouring kingdom by the infamous Boorbons. The picture of that man is in this room:— There it is —(Mr. Coke here pointed to a full-length por trait, hung over the Mayor !)--the worst man that ever eat on a throne—George the Third, that bloody King." According to the account".'.. These words were no sooner uttereel than loud and continued hissing proceeded from various parts of the Hall. The disapprobation evinced evidently arose not from Any personal feeling of disrespect to Mr. Coke, but froM the heartless injustice of gratuitously raking up the remains of a venerated Sovereign, so long cold in his tomb." We would here observe, that if Mr. Coke believed thet George the Third was the worst man that ever sat on a throne, his expressing this opinion could not be heartless injustice, for to him he could not be a venerated Sovereign; and, as for being " long cold in his tomb," we should like to know when the truth is to be told of Sovereigns? The question is not that George the Third is in his tomb, but whether his memory ought to be venerated? The company at the Mayor's feast think that it ought, and Mr. Coke thinks otherwise; and the company conceived that all who do not think as they think are heartless. When a Sovereign is alive, lie is al ways the best of Sovereigns; but it used to be thought, that after death the character of Sovereigns belonged to history, till Mr. John Hunt, the pub lisher of The Vision of Judgment, was thrown into prison for " raking up the remains of George the Third," soon after their consignment to the tomb. The crime then was raking up soon after he was laid in his tomb—the crime now is long after he was laid in his tomb. The reel truth is, that the em ploy would have had no objection to raking up the . remains of any man obnoxious to the higher ranks of this country ; of Tom Paine, for instance, who was a Norfolk man; but to speak unpleasant truths ofeven a dead King, came in collision with that slavish deference for rank which is so distinguish ing a characteristie of too many of our countrymen. We are no admirers of George the Third; and readily concede to Mr. Coke that he greatly contri buted to the ruinous wars with America and France, from the burdens caused by which we are now suf fering so severely. Mr. Coke during the whole of his parliamentary career opposed the system which he now consistently condemns. But let us be just. The war with America was supported in the House of Commons by majorities of as nearly as possible three to one. Mr. Fox's resolutions against a war with France were negatived by a Majority of 270 to 41. George the Third was a man of a weak un derstanding. The published letters on .the subject of time Coronation Oath prove that ho was utterly incapable' of reasoning. His capacity, according to the accounts of those charged with his education, was exceedingly weak; and he owed so little to education that there is hardly a mechanic in London who would not express himself in more correct language than that of the King in the . correspondence above alluded to. How happens it, than, that a King, confessedly so weak in point of abilities, should be able to carry the measures reprobated so much by Mr. Coke by such overwhelming majorities ? The truth is, that the measures which Mr. Coke condemns are the measures of the Aristocracy. Whet) we see a ma jority of 270 to 44 , , we must allow t h at time King only shared the feelings of the body of which he was the head. The exception of two or three con scientious men, like Mr. Coke, only makes the guilt of the body more conspicuous. The struggle be tweet] the Crown and the Aristocracy terminated with the Revolution of 1685, which gave the vic tory to the latter. A new era commenced. The defects of time Parliament did not appear during the struggle. Even in the reign of Charles the Second, When loyalty was at its height; and Church and State prtnciples were in the ascendant, the [louse of Commons was niggard of its money. Mr. Carte proves that " all that was raised upon the people of England by all manner of taxes whatever, in the twenty-four years of King Charles's actual possession of the Government, cloth not, one year with another, amount to full one million three hundred and lifty.three thousand, ninety-five pounds a year." " The world (he adds) will be, perhaps, surprised, after all the clamours and calum nies thrown out of late against his person and reign, to find how little King Charles cost this nation, and with how inceusiderable an expcitcc for so rich a people he maintained all his wars, and c arr i e d on all the affairs of Government." But when the King of England became a mere tool in the hands of the Aristocracy—the carver nut of good things for them, without whose aid they would have fallen by time ears, a new reading of the Constitution was given. Already in 1698, Trencherd, a staunch Whig, con trasting the period of time Stuarts with the period since the Revolution, says— " The places in the King's gift were but few, and most of them patcot places fur life, and time rest great Offices of Stile, enjoyed by 'tingle persons, which seldom fell to the abate of the Commons ; such as the Lord Chancellor, Treasurer, Privy Seal, High Admiral, &e., and when these offices were pouseised by the Lords, the Commons were severe inquisitors into their actions. In those early days the art was not found out of splitting and multiplying places • as,inatetul of a Lord Treasurer, to have five Lords of time Treasury ; instead of a Lord Admiral, to have seven Lords of the Admiralty ; to Lave seven Commissioners of the Customs, nine of the Excise, ten of the Stamp-office, eight of the Prize. office, sixteen of the Commissioners of Trade, two of the Poet.office, fair of the Transports, four for Hackney Coaches, four for Wine Licenses, four for the Vietualling-office, and multitudes of other offices which are miles , ,t to enumerate. I see no reason wby they may not be made twice as many, and so ad infinitum, unless u the nmber be ascertained by Parliament ,• and what danger this may be to out Constitution I think of with honor. Per if in ages to come they should be all given to Parliament men what will become of our so much boasted liberty i• What :hall be done when the criminal becomes the Judge, and the malefactors are left to try thermielvea ?" About the same time time honest and indefatigable Daniel Dc Foe explained the conspiracy against the people, with a view to plunder, which had grown up through the jobbing of Boroughs. Sales were then as well understood as now. Ile gives us as a specimen the following notice " If Sir E. F. G. IL will dispose of his interest in the town or—a--., I can help him to very good terms." " We think, (lie observes), 'tie no tartan misfortune to the Eng-1 lish Consthotitire that so great a number of Members are chosen by the Corporation,' of England ; and according to our weak npinione, it seems' not equal, that all the free holders of a county ehould be represented only by two men, and the towns in the same county be represented by above forty, as it is lu Cornwall, and near the like in other coun tiet. Again, in some of their Corporations, where the right of voting it in the Mayor and durata ; in some, the Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council; in others, time Mayor, Aldermen, and Capital Burgesmea ; in others, the Bailiff and Jurats, and the like; the right of voting is re duced to so few, and those No mean and mercenary, that they are easily prevailed with to choose such as they know not, but are recommended by others. " And what is worse, saute towns, whose charters ra main, though the towns themaelves seem to he dead, are so mean and contemptible, that nothing remaitte of them but a despicable village, with the ruins of what they have been. " We think it would be but reasonable that the charters and privileges of town. should die with the towns; and that whereas when they were poi - where and rich they were represented in Parliament because they were so, when they are deperlated and desolate, there can be no need of any peruses to them. What eau the Member/ who have saved the town of Winchasea answer, ;f they Were asked whom they represent? They must answer, they represent the ruins and vaults, the remains of a good old town now lying in heaps ; as for the inhabitants, they are not to be named among the most despicable endships, or villages in the county. Bramber, in Sussex, Old Sarum, Stockbridge, Oat ton, Queenborough, and multitude* of towns the like, who send up gentlemen to represent beggars,. and have bad more money spent at some of their elections than all the land in the parishes would be worth if sold at a hundred years purchase. " While, on the other hand, a great many good towns in England, being of more modern rise in tbe-werb4 are not permitted to choose at all; and the City of London itself, though some say it bears a proportion to six parts of the kingdom, sends but four Members of itself, and but eight in the whole circumference. " This inequality, we humbly conceive, opens the door to the fraudulent practices which have all along been made use of in elections, buying of voices, giving freedoms in Corporations, to people living out of Corporations, on pur pose to make votes, debauching the electors, making whole towns drunk, and feasting them to excess for a month, sometimes two or more, in order to engage their voices. " The truth of it is, 'tie a paradox, a riddle, that we countrymen cannot understand, nor never could, what makes our gentlemen so fond of being Parliament men ; we do not very well understand what the business is at the Parliament. Only we are swingingly taxed, and they tell us 'tie done by the Parliament; but we never understood they' had any of the money themselves, we always thought the money was for the King, though they had the giving of it." The Author of " The History of the last Parlia ment, began the 10th of February, 1700," pub lished in 1702, observes that the friends of our liber ties while afraid of attempts from abroad— " Were so continually alarmed with petitions and com plaints of undue returns, and corrupt elections, that they were justly sensible that were in no less danger of being condemned at home. They were rightly apprehensive that such sort of merchants looked upon their House only as a place of traffic, and that they bought only in order to sell, and that if they did not immediately •strike a bar gain for us, it was only because they wanted a chapman or expected a better market. They were convinced that this trade bad long been driven, but that the nation was never so openly stock-jobbed as now. They saw that if they suffered these practices to be continued much longer, no man would be able to call his freehold his own ; but that all the free estates in England would become the mer chandize of a number of small Boroughs, most of whose inhabitants had none of their own to dispose of . . . . This evil was grown so familiar, that, in divers corpora,. lions, men were chosen, whose faces had never been seen there, and their names scarce heard of, till the bargain came to be driven. Societies and companies set up men at the charge of the common stock, and private persona, who had any point to drive at, spared no expense to pro cure themselves or their creatures, or both to be elected. It is easy to guess what sort of representatives these Would prove, who came thither only as solicitors of particular affairs, and perhaps resolved to sacrifice all the refit to those few points they aimed at." • We have seen the average taxation in Charles the Second's reign, in Which there were six ye a r s ' war with Holland, and wars with Denmark and France, not to speak of wars with the Moors, Alge rifles, &e., amounted only to 1,353,000/. ~year ; but when Parliament, from granting money to the King, became sharers with the King, things as sumed a very different complexion. During the 28 years of peace, from 1715 to 1742, besides the in terest of the debt, never less than two millions a year, the average expences of Government exceeded four millions a year. And how should it have been otherwise ? The English Constitution is merely a piece of machinery for enabling a certain number of rich individuals to take from the people as much as their patience will suffer to be taken, As long as the King wished to have the exclusive mas tery, and the proprietors of boroughs and the people had a common interest, the Constitution might answer. But the moment the Crown and the Aris tocracy combined, the people were utterly without protection. From thenceforward the Constitution was utterly worthless—existed • only in name; for the check upon power at present is the same as that which the people of every country-1 possess—the knowledge that the physical power is with them. Directly the people can effect resist ance to no demand; indirectly they may awe their rulers, and that is all. Carte says the proportion of the number of representatives for counties, great towns, end lesser boroughs continued fair enough " till the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's reign ; be tween which time and the death of Charles I. that pro portion was gradually altered, till at last it was en tirely destroyed by the addition of 250 representa- Lives of poor inconsiderable boroughs; the venality whereof bath exposed us to all the evils- of a gene ral corruption, the greatest grievance that any na tion can possibly labour under, and which cannot fail of being the ruin of this country, if not speedily remedied."lhe tendency of such a Government as ours is to go on continually taking more nod more money from the people. The very growth of the resources of the country necessarily adds to the core option, because a greater number of influential individuals must be gained over. The proprietor of a borough is but the head of a company of jobbers, with the various members of which he must distri bute, according to some understood principle, the share of the taxes accruing to the place. There are claims of all sizes which must be attended to. From the government of a colony, a living in the Church, down to the place of a tide-waiter, all must be job bing. And yet there are people who are astonished the science should decline in England, that the Church should be shared between haughty Arista (late and paltry canting psalm-singers, displaying neither the learning nor the talents of a twiner period. The Quarterly Review, published the other day, admits that the Clergy of the present day do not possess learning enough to understand the la bours of the German Divines, and advises them to acquire sufficient knowledge to say whether they are to be praised or condemned. But why should they ? Livings are not given to learning—the Minister would be a fool that gave livings to "canted men. The Standard asks why the Rev. Mr. 11. Horne Should be condemned to the drudgery of porters' work at porter's wages, he being one of the most learned theologians in England ? But if it Clergy man possess interest, why should he trouble him. self with learning ? And if he do not possess inte rest, why should the Minister trouble himself with him ? So long us the Aristocracy disdained the Church, it might be as well to encourage learning; but from the time they crept into it, which War. burton, in one of his letters to Hurd, says was about the middle of last century, adieu to all but Parliamentury influence. The very increase of the revenues of the Church adds to the evil. In no other country in Europa do the parish Clergy belong to the Aristocracy; because in no other country of Europe do the tithes of parishes form a temptation to the gentry, all plans for giving r e p resen t at i on to two or three towns to be the mere tub s th rown o u t to the whale. The evil is, that those only are rep resente d w h o have an interest in plund er i ng the We hold people. The :ammeter of Parliament cannot in the least be af fected by an addition of one or two Members honestly ,returned to a body, the great majority of which.ure - nominees of those who have interests at variance with the interest s o f_ th e people, As to Mr. Brougham's plan fo r diminishing the expences of County Elections, we question whether, if carried, curt J it would not be injuriou s . I t wou l d mere' give rich landlords a greater facility in cu ingaunty Elections. At present the popular Memb ers have disinterested voters, end the Aristocrats must pay for the conveyance of theirs to the poll. Whatever assists in breaking up overgrown Aristocrats is it benefit to the country. Allow them to poll in dis tricts, end if the tenants of the Ariatocrucy are not protected by the ballot, they will be obliged to vote for their Member withc n st any expellee to them, which would give the candidate of the Aristocracy a positive advantage over the popular candidate. At present a popular man can, at little expence, put the aristocratical Member to a very heavy one. But re form of any kind, however inadequate, is an admis sions that the Constitution is defective, and in this light alone, is any thing which will. be proposed in WWI? A representat i on this Session of -the least Mitch is named by a *mall fraction or a nation, must as necessarily spoil that nation as sparks fly upwards. But one amendment, .however inadequate, does not exclude a future amendment.—Merning chronicle. The Paris journal, Le Temp:, which so honour ably distinguished itself in vindicating the liberty of ' the Press against arbitrary power, uses the follow ing language, as copied into our paper of Tuesday, relative to the affairs of Belgium :—" The English journals, among whom the national spirit is the first moving principle, had at first considered the affair of Brussels as a mere riot, and, whatever may be the divergency of their opinions, had called for rigorous measures against the revolters. However, notwithstanding their unanimous desire to see the Low Countries preserved to England, as a point of support against France, they have all changed their language since." Now upon this subject Le Temps is somewhat in error, and we must, in justice to ourselves, set it right. Any person who will take the trouble of looking back to our comments upon the disturbances at Brussels, from the very com mencement of the Revolution there, will find that we were neither so ignorant nor venal as to consider, the first indication of that national spirit, which has since shaken the dynasty of Nassau, as a mere riot. On the contrary, we described it in express terms as " revolutionary;" for which we brought on our selves either the direct or oblique attacks of nearly all the London journals—as well those who were in the habit of merely echoing the sentiments of the Treasury, as those which affected no moderate zeal in defence of popular rights. Indeed we do not know on what occasion so great a went either of in telligence or integrity was shown by the London Press in general. One Morning Paper informed its readers, and persisted in the statement for several days, that the rioters, as it called the people of Brussels, were completely put down in the first in stance by the discharge of a few rounds of mus ketry ; and this, too, at the time when the troops, so far from being able to disarm the people, had thought proper to evacuate the city—and the Burgher Guard held all the posts under the Brabant flag, which had supplanted the colours of Orange. An Evening Paper called the people of Brussels, who had succeeded in expelling the troops, a " rascally rabble," and described them as a pack of drunken coward. The Paper that arro gated to itself the title of the " leading Journal," ridiculed the Brussls insurrection as a " weak imita tion of the revolution at Paris ;" and led its readers to believe that the ebullition would evaporate like the fumes of the liquor which had inspired • it.— Against this mass of passion, prejudice, venality, and ignorance, we had to contend in giving the people of England a right view of the matter, not' only as to the events themselves, but to the causes which led to them. We stated what we knew historically of the character of the inhabitants of Belgium for courage and energy when roused into action. We referred to many instances of their heroism, to show that they had the warlike instinct of which the Dutch have been of late years re markably deficient. Still the Journals to which we have alluded endeavoured to carry on the delusion which they had created relative to what they were pleased to describe us the contemptible nature of the Brussels insurrection. If the Dutch Govern ment were influenced by the opinions of the English Papers, they must have supposed that it was easier to reduce Brussels to submission by force of arms, than to pacify the insurgents by a redress of grievances. Such was the course which those Pa pers in general suggested. It was fatal advide, and in an evil hour did the House of Orange adopt it. Thus do the flatterers and parasites of Kings, by concealing and distorting the truth, lead them on to their ruin. We would have saved the Government of the Netherlands from the embarrassments in which it is now involved, by letting it know the ex tent of the danger, and advising those constitu tional concessions which the Belgians at first de manded, and which, without compromising the Kingly principle, were necessary to the: protection of the Press, and the establishment of the liberties of the people.—Morning herald. A great deal is said by some writers in the Daily Journals about the pacific and conciliatory proceed ings of the King of the Netherland', and the anxiety which he evinces to bring about that sort of arrange ment with the Belgic people which they themselves proposed originally, but which, since their recent triumphs, they seem no longer desirous to obtain. Those writers accuse the Provisional Government of being influenced by the most ambitions or the most unpatriotic motives, and the people with being inflated with all the insolence of success in prefer ring the establishment of an independent State to a federative union with:Holland. it is not our ob ject at present to• • enter into a discussion of the policy of the measure which seems to please the majority of the Belginns—of the fighting Belgians, at least; but we cannot avoid observing, that whatever diffi culties beset the King of the Netherlands, they are of his own creating. "If," to use the language of Junius, " his bed be a bed of torture he has made it for himself." Without mitering into the original causes of the discontent in Belgium, since its compulsory annexation to Holland, such as the continuance of the odious Van Mermen in power—the' prosecution of the Press—the refusal of the responsibility of Ministers—and the Trial by Jury, let us confine ourselves to the conduct of the King since the breaking out of the disturbances, and let us see whether he lies acted like one who is entitled to the credit of sincerity or wisdom. What was his conduct when the people of Brussels rose against his troops, and demanded, with arms in their hands, a redress of grievances ? Did he pro claim them as rebels—call forth his legions— and order them to return to their allegiance be fore ho listened to their remonstrances ? Ile did no such thing. On the contrary, he sent his sou, the heir-apparent, who affected to treat in an amicable spirit with the armed citizens, received their statement of grievances, and pledged the ho nour of a Prince to submit their demands to his Royal father, for the discussion of the States-Ge neral. Well, 'the promise was kept in much the same mariner that Jesuits keep promises when they think it their interest to violate them. The States. General were convoked—the demands of the Bel. gians were submitted to them—but, in the midst o f the discussions, the King orders his second son, whom he had appointed to the chief command of the forces, to concentrate the available troops in the vicinity of Brussels; and, when all was prepared, he summonses the citizens to lay down their arms, and enters the town at the head of his troops to compel them. Does history, Ire ask, afford any ex ample of Royal perfidy greater than this ? We know o f none ; nor do we know any instance of treachery practised by the chief of it nation on his subjects that has been more signally avenged. Are we, un der t hose circumstances, to wonder that the Bel gians, having succeeded in repelling this perfidious attack, decline to place any more confidence in the promises of the Klng ? By what obligations ran they bind one who has so grossly violated his faith ? Ily what authority can they hold him to an observ ance of his engagement? Can they trust in the honour svhich he has tarnished ? Can they rely on the Royal word, which he has so wantonly broken? They now believe that his actions cannot b e con trolled by a sense of justice or by a feeling of mora lity, but that superior power alone can bind him to t h e observance of his solemn promise s . trust sl proureiseiy th e King o s f . Wer eg ret this state of things—but, wherever em b arrassMents the Belgic affairs may throw in the way of th e pa. coteNreeltaltiejarus 7li o s f is r e sp o nsible w sible for them.—Ar orning Verdi/. DOCTORS DISPENSED the hos. p i t o .1 tiu! nunnery there were several sick ; and, on our inquiring for the doctor, and asking whet remedies were usually employed, they pointed to the image in a corner of the b apartment, and said, "T hat i s our doctor ;e done? if it is (arm's ~ill the ? si " Qk %(‘iiiiilbreeicriogvearsked; if not, wh at ' s to , " If a person breaks a l a g, what's to be done ?" the reply was, " If it is Gon's pleasure, it will become straight again !"...Alexander's Travels in Atasia. PROCEEDINGS AT ICBM-IRELAND. We have received from our correspondent at Kells an account of further proceedings on the Common, in the neighbourhood of that town, of even a more extraordinary character than those which were noticed in his previous communications from thi same quarter. Our readers are already aware, that after the Magistrates bad deemed it prudent to liberate the eighteen persons taken into custody, the poor people returned to the Common on Wednesday morning, and busily employed them selies in the completion of their humble habitations. The open unenclosed portion of the Common, upon which the huts were first erected, was soon found insufficient to accommodate the numerous claimants, and in consequence they entered upon the remaining part of the Common, which had been fenced in, and the entire plain, con taining five hundred acres at least, was soon laid out for houses, half an acre being allowed for each family. The miserable people (who are represented by our correspondent as in a state of utter destitu tion) occupied themselves in this ►ay, without interruption during Wednesday and a part of Thurs day, when it was ascertained that the Marquis of Headfort again made his appearance in Kells, and it was understood that he had been in Dublin for the. purpose of obtaining legal advice to regulate the course of the corporation, and also the opi nion of Government upon his own conduct regard ing the proceedings at Lloyd. On his Lordship's arrival all the freemen were summoned to the Sea sioos House, where they remained in consultation until about four o'clock, when they proceeded in a body to Lloyd, accompanied by a strong detach ment of the police, the military remaining in town. The police stationed themselves at a con venient distance, whiles some of the corpora tors attacked the small cabins, and unroofed the greater part of them, without the slightest opposition having been offered by the people. The Reverend Mr. M'Evoy was on the spot, and under his advice and direction they abstained from any act of vio lence which the intemperance of the freemen might be calculated to excite. Determined not to break the peace, they remained passive spectators of the work of destruction, until the corporators left the ground, when they quietly returned to the Com mon, with the intention of resuming their employ ment on the next morning, and repairing the injury sustained in the best manner they were able. About two o'clock on Friday afternoon, how ever, the Lancers and the police were called out— the corporators assembled and hurried away to Lloyd, escorted by the military and pollee, and on their arrival there, burned all the habitations that had been erected. The people did not offer the slightest opposition, or betray any disposition to disturb the peace. The above facts have been communicated by our correspondent, who says—" It is due to the soldiery and police to state, that they did not in any manner interfere ; nor should I omit to mention that the Marquis of Headfort took every possible precaution in having the people removed, lest any of the hap less creatures should perish in the confligretion. On this occasion, our correspondent adds, five or six men were taken into custody. Having been handcuffed, they were conveyed into 'Cells upon a dray, as it was supposed, for the purpose of being lodged in Bridewell until next tiny, when the Magis trates sitting in Petit Sessions might dispose of their case. They were, however, hurried off in a moment out of the town, and were sent, escorted by a troop of Lancers, to the county gaol at Trim, It appears that this summary proceeding excited much surprise and dissatisfaction. The people, all through, mani fested the most peaceable disposition, and no danger whatever could be apprehended from adopting the ordinary course—that of giving a fair and open hear ing of the case before the magistrates, who, if they thought it expedient, might accept bail for the ap pearance of the persons charged. The people in the neighbourhood were in a very excited state, but the Catholic clergyman, the Rev. Mr.lll4.lvoy, was using the most strenuous exertions to preserve good order, to appease the minds of the people, and in duce them to place full confidence in the law. It is said that the . poor people will endeavour to pro cure a legal decision of the question. We have given the facts above detailed without comment. But a most melancholy reflection must arise from a perusal of them, To what a condition must the country be reduced, when, in a single district, no less than one thousand families, the in tended occupants of the Common, are reduced to such a hopeless state of destitution as to seek for a miserable abode, and the scanty means of supporting existence which half an acre of common could supply, under the perilous circumstances described by our correspondent ! It is not our purpose to canvass the right of the Corporation of Kell& to the possession of the Common in question, or to defend the course adopted by the peasantry; but we cannot without feelings of the deepest pain contemplate the existence of such hopeless misery. —Dublin Morning Register. MARKET INTELLIGENCE. LONDON MARKETS. (From the London New Price Current of yesterday.) SUCIAL—The demand for Muscovadee has rather reed. vercd, there is more business doing; the estimated salev for this week are 2,000 hhds. and tees. ; the prices are without variation since Friday last. The Refined Market in in a most unsettled state, purchases of low lumps being reported at a fall of 34. a 50. ; in Lumps they hare been sold at 655. 61, 661. 6d., and 68s. At a late hour the Market is in a very unsettled state, and scarcely any sales of shipping qualities have been effected, as the Refiners generally are holding out for from es. to 3n. per cwt. above the prices the merchants are offering; in one or two instances, however, some purchases have been made from small houses as low as 665. for large lumps of inferior qua lity, and 68s. for small, which will enable the buyers to put them on board rather under the quotations, although they will only receive the 'lima bounty. This evening there were buyers at these prices, but no sellers could be found; the quotations, therefore, of all shipping descrip tions must still he considered as the only nominal, except. ing for the parcels placed in bond, of which very few sales have been made, although they could be bought rather under the prices that were asked last week. • In the fine Grocery descriptions there has bean also rather less doing, and prices are a shade lever. EAST TROIA SUGAR...-.Of 12,659 bags Bengal Sugar soh( chiefly for home consumption, the middling from 6d. to Is. lower. White, fine, 31e. 6d. a 84s. ; middling, 27a. a 295. ; low white and fine yellow, 265. a 275. 6 d, M public sale, 6,219 bags Mauritius, an ordinary parcel. and sold Is. lower than last public sale, much about the depression of the Sugar Market; brown 44a. a 464. ; great part washed Sugars sold 48s. a 495. 2,007 bags Simn, yellow and brown soft 17s. 6d. a 225. 6d. ; white, low to middling, 21.. 6d. a 28a. 6d., good 30e. This day 987 baskets Java, GOO bags Manilla ; 'the whole said rather lower. Java, good white, 295.; grey, 26a. a 26a. Gd. ; yellow, 24a. ; brown, 20s. 6tl. a 21s. Manilla, 235. a 23a. 6d. for the sound ; 221. for the washed. FOREIGN SUGAL-There Is no business to report in foreign Sugars, the prices are entirely nominal. 13y public sale this forenoon 362 hbda., 36 tierces, 69 barrels Porto Rico Sugars; the great proportion sold about Is. lower 17s. a 24r, CorroN.—The Cotton Market is steady, hut without briskness. —The purchases fur the week consist of 160 Bengal, ord. to good 48d. a 68d. ; 640 Suratr, ord. to fair, 4id. a bid. ; 650 Egyptian, fair, 80. Corrait..—There have been considerable sales of Coffee brought forward this week, particularly of Jamaica dent ip. tions, which may be quoted fully le. per awl. lower. The sales this week have been abont 1 ) 000 casks Jamaica Coffee, and of other British Plantation about 150 p tckages, 88 bags ordinary Sumatra, 265. 6d., 178 bales ordinary to middling Mocha, 691. to 78s. By private contract large parcels of St. Domingo are reported to be taken at 32e. a 345. 6d., and of Brazil and:Lagnayra, 335. a 355. This day by public sale 216 casks 306 bags British Planta tion. Nearly the whole sold at, the reduction we .have stated. The market is very dull. Rum, llaaithr, atm HoLLANns. —The Rum Market is heavy and lower; proof Leewards to two over sold at Is. Bid., and one parcel under proof, Is. Sd., but the latter cannot he given as the criterion of the market. Brandy is again higher, ss. Id., s*. 24., and s*. 3d. being paid for the first marks, 8.. 2d. for Boardeaur. la Geneva there is no alteration. 'LIMP, FLAX, AND TALLOW...The kill 111) of the Whale tlstery at Davis' Straits Ida given a great impulse to Tat , low, the price is advanced to 30s. and there is still greet hriskness. In i ii m e or Flax there is no materiel alter4l.4l ll Tenn Pnovityly*.is—ln Beef or Pork there 're' alteration. Buttle4vaeced early in the week 4 s. to O l t best marks 90r.,;_i Market hae a tendency to a fa*: improvement. aeon also continues more in' denuturis''''' Ott..—The loss of 19 ships in Davis' Straits, eadtk failure of the fishery, have given a great impulse to , the prices generally are IQ/. per tun higher; tbe establishing the advance are, in Greenland Oil, 484 1516 r' Oil, 43/. ; Cod Oil, 421. 1 0 s., in Linseed, extensivelp' ,, 38s. and 394. Sperm Oil, 80/. and 811. Teas.—Boheas are POW at Sa. 9 i d., duty paid• 4"1.•••.: is no other alteration in the Tea Market. Rim—The demand for Rice continues; few` or at parcels of Bengal White Rice otTer at 14e. This do et public sale 5,773 bags Java Rice, all ordinary, and sold at fair prices 10s. 6d. a Ile. Gd. Feurr.—The first cargo of new French Fruit RN 104 by public sale on Toes lay, at the following paw new Imperial French Plums in quarter chests 841. a 854. in small boxes 1155., small boxes in easels 110,..a cartoons in cases 6/. a 8/. 55., half cartoons in Cass , 10/., quarter ditto in cases 8 /. 101.: privately, aline parcels of old Trieste Currants have been sold at 660 , a 685., but generally there is very little doing. No further arrivals of new Fruit have taken plate this week. PRICES OF 110p9,—.0ct, 15, Kent rockets 6l la. 104 0410'0 pt. 0/. 15s. Suosex Ditto • 71 . Os, Or.to lissez Ditto lO,. 1 0 s , -- 'X W. PRICE or WU Refined ...let 0 Rape Oil, brown 10 Linseed Oil - 1 0 Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill, per tbousand.,..... — 4 6 Rape Cake, per ton • WII ITECH A PEI. HAY IlAnKero-Set , H •—•—••• 55'4. Ott. to 90a. Od. lylover um. te ' " PRICE OF t•I 1 • r0viT0.......---0„.. 06• New Potatoes - 91. RAW iIIDSS. e . 4 to a Per Stone. a. I. to s. 41. I rmi lO g * 0 Rest Heil ers & StaeraS 0 3 2 ur°""" ° " glh M idntlings 0 2 watt Polled Downi— SKINS. es. OA. to S 01. HEEP Shel 1110111...• dd. to*. thl. 2 0 I Liaab5......." PRICER OF Per lb. d.tod. Matti ')0 to 661 b.... 16 23 Ditto:.«... "- -.60 to 661 b.— 25 2 Dressing 14 19i Fine Coach Hides 16 15 Crop Hides, 35 to 4011). 13/ 15 451 b. 15 171 Ditto PRICE OF TALLOW, SI Town Tallow ad. Yellow Itussia. M. Ai. 39.. Soap Ditto W.A. a Melted Stuff' 295. 0.4. Ditto Bs. a LEATH It Per Ib. Ltod. T a nned Horse 511deu• 15 17 Sonish Ditto gli Per dosen. Calftlidna..llsto itib, 15 Ditto to 701 b. 90 Ditto to 9019. 19 Small Seals. Ureenland 18 24 Ar Lc. pit 1121b.r.0ct Yei lw hfott o ler 7-17-: " .. " ^ " , 0004 , Garay. t a ns Illlt''' 01. PRICE OF RAW FAT. Pe" 44 Oct 3 Pricy of Tallow (as stated by the • - PRICE OF CAN*l35', j i falloiriL"' The price or Store Candles, in the regx . ,,,"""5-, .... 9 ' 6 "`" Candles, per dos. 7s. Od. to N. Od. COAL MAN Adalr's - Da. 6d. Charlotte 30 6 tielAiurn Main 34 0 liolywell 32 0 Killingworth 33 29 3 Ord'* lledhugh SV 0 Percy Bensliam..—..—. 33 0 Poniup 30 0 'Pantield Tanficld 30 31 6 Wylam Wall* End Bell and Co. 34 6 Ditto Hell Robson &Co. 34 9 Ditto Bcwiekaand Co.* 35 9 Wall* End Brown's —..... 33 3 Walla F.nd Boundary .... 31 0 Ditto Burraton 33 6 Ditto Cidlerton 3l 0 Wails r.nd Carr and Cu. 32 6 Ditto Clarke and Cc... 32 1) Ditto Cramlington....... 30 Ditto Go.fortli 36 0 Ditto :15 6 Ditto Hilda 33 81ilus M market, 16444.....31)1 Kt:S.44oft* 11 t h 54149 d. Walls End lenntar _ Ditto Nortburaberland ; Fearetb........ Ditto Ditto It id& 0 t Larnbton Walls End Hatton 0.011 Walls End I.atobtoo.o a Walls End 14 01i12441,. 6 Walls tad Sterrit,,`". 0/. 0 E W. E. Russell..orr.: 05 6 Ditt o Russell's 54 0 Di t to Norwood', /6 Di t t o Adelaide .o' l° sy .0 B arns l e y New.... 00"" is 0 Hartley I.langennerb Coal tt i • Barton° Field a , 0 old Etlierley p' 0, Walla End 5e1bf...4101 0 Tantield Trader...loe 1 0 D Callerton Ellison mall , 0 000brth pnat..;—,40.0 ,„: Hebburrt 110301 Ire Smith small . e se 5 0, N\ ails End Una ths add, 601(....40 0014 7 " ;1 Tiff Wlol°).' aaCas:PibnUetugl:rit)::::...w.:o:iirfB......r.74,t7s:Sl---h retii:1611:330.0,1041 D:3:111114202700:11:j17,2'" 7 Bridgewater -.—.... 172 94 in ." ' 1 ' ' Bristol (i9 66 3 A ." , •• P ....' C Lit he v s ix te ea rne .r......... ld —.... : 70 70 , 35. ! : I t , •: -, 4 1 . - 3 : herby ............—........... 70 74 .• 4 L 21 , 4 ` - 1 Dolie.uter ....-........... 60 NS aw. fel SI 0 ~ l Darchester.---. 48 ril Wi --- 02 it- . B x.ter 72 74 IS w 21 4 Hungerford ............. 61 SO 3 3 .. ..... Leice5ter................ 82 -- ..,,w ea 23 ._ , PA ' Newbury,........... 42 70 3 0 . 1 ' • ii $0 ~...--,.. ; i Homsey ...................-.. 32 0 zo ---„, 0 ---- • 4 Shaftesbury 61 "'"' ..io ..... 34 " Sheptou Mallet ~ 49 94 VS - al - 91 40 '. • Sherborne—..... Ail 68 91 -- 9 ? 28 , e. Taunton ........-.......-.. 43 76 22 4 0 i t 00 111; ...4 Yeovil a 9 •` Per Bushel. a. d. s. 11. 4. de l" 1, & 0 7 4 ~) Shrewsbury .......... 9 6 II 0 39.6 ^4 .' ' ' .. • . , .?; Aft • % 0 ' 1 1401 - - ------ SCOTCH IdAIIKETS. 4- EDINBURGH MEAL MARKET?"4°_6‘,„;:fel: We had a large supply of Oatmeal at Ffr", ; :;: g which rset with • dull sale, although i t feit.' ft ' iie, • sack, and 2.1. per stone. Passe l :leg ana far Same as last wren. Oatmeal f gi3olb lmp, Per Stone , i t,o , 4 First Second ditto ll7 0 Second ditto ....""" p, : B Pe t as rie lia m a ta al* **********.. " 1 11 1 ° o Pe l t e r n m e511:7145,..1 : 4- : 0 ; 1 .7 .1 . I I ' . . 00. Pot Barley—No. I, per cwt. 14s.—`•M► 160."'"' _.....__—•—...•---"'Ir: 7, - ,;,,t,'"' GLASGOW CORN MA RKET.--0 0 a oi t i , A moderate hominess doing is Wimit - dadS silk 1 0 ' 7 nearly former prices. Oats have had a da" . - , conaiderable decline in prk e. teitt 51141 b. t. Wheat, per 2-1014 s. d. s, ,1. data, pet 10 3 a sse : British, 01,1 o'2 Ato3; 0 Irish ......... •••••••••• , 0 —.-- new 96 030 0 British ..•••••••••=,,. , ~ , A1 Canada, free....• 31 0 33 0 Beans, Per '...,0 . 640 • • Irish Barley, per 2,g)1b. '29 0 32 0 English .. ..... •••••• ~, A g 3 Scottish ...• .......... 7,: i _l,l, ,Ellaliali ........ --tti.h Irish 260 37 6 Flour. Per OHM" The third volume of Sir TttogAs 00 Corre!pondenle, just published, which completaa ihatrioal of the a more perfect picture than haa tilal h i: hi /3 0 04i the workings of that remarkable inairiaa.' ri l ltsdo Some of the first letters which he ever *rote ? to o' and will be read by all claws with the' c aille ri Pei Igi e li a • His communications to the Duke of 0 - - S ,„4 4l ticts °* to forte first time obtained, are full of c arioua t o lls my proedings of tu• greattie tt;rof hi Lor ilitar d HASTIN ce GS AbOtlllll with statesman -AO „ 401, more familiar corre.pondence with hie famy sir s st i'As Jortx MAt.cocu, Mr. Et.rattxrroxa, Monas, Mr. Klarstear Ftst.s.Y, and othirrl7--i *re WA, humour, lively description, aryl as 4—r-ti.:11;e14.142' are quite prepared to owe that popular aa MP ' in 0 0.- gheneerableleynr,etaldwansudpapdlemmeirendt.ary volarne will h e 111".' 'reokfr. .j # " b. - On the 15th inst. at Audlerendi J' 4 # of a son. # 4ltreit' On the 15th inst. Mrs. 11. Lake of , - daughter. t " On the 15th inst. in Bedford-plaort t * llnngetnnnt, Esq., of a son. rhslbt° 44l On the 15th inst. Mrs. Bousfield, `"--- of a son. MARRIED. fit+s On the 14th inst. at Sherfield ► .T. J. Viughl* ef t " 13. A., of Merton-college, oxford, and &Jo w. rv i l lio Lion. Mr. Baron Vaughan, to Lucy, elcill s , I—ig.slo: daughter of P. Pigott, Esq., of Arehtr-loolls comity of Southampton. stnnef V1.1,°,1' On the 14th inst. at Bismsgate, E. D. foot+, .., ~ Ii Bedford-street, Bedford-square, sou of Iht 7 1 ,,, E . Me Moore, of Langford, Berko, to Mario, ',outgo' ","_:Lks. of E. Owen, Esq. of Kingland, and liopetout4 "I;i00, On the 15th Mat. •t St. Pancras, Mr. W M ' ti n lll. o * # of Fire"treet, to Miss Anne Satchel', of New .—. ii •-• hr . street, youngest daughter of the late nr. Statist...l merly of Kettering, Northamptonshire. DIED.PhOriI On the ISth inst. in 13oltott-street,,r` —toll Agmontlisham Vesty, Esq. of His MajestY% ~.,"'"'" A tot only surv:ving son of the late Major-Georld `11" mondishani Vesey. Sisa u4 On the 14th inst. at his residence, Claptollo • . is tihileYbw2stirdyseaErs..qi. his o f age. St. Dunstan's-bill, Vw er 4"1" ,ep O h n ii t i l i l e t ie l t sl , t E h og in . st o . f JLeostetpwith, ienldteshet cosuorLityinogi rileireic/0.1i: On the 13th inst. in Charlotte - street, 11loorosbry, 0Y Harrison Lontridge, Esq. a ged 56. I/Allan) A-SI) Ptllll,lsl{gp isy SUBD, Lasvo* O YOO" TUX SUN OFFICL 119, ittAAsp