The Sun. — London, England, 1854-02-18 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 18, 1854. - them. (Hear, hear.) Mr. ROEBUCK, having solicited the forbearance and indulgence of the house on account of his recent illness — a request which was responded to with cheers—proceeded to observe, that the right hon. gentleman the First Lord of the Admiralty, appeared to have fallen into soma mis understanding with regard to the purport of the motion which had been made by the hon. member for Aylesbury. Thedesire of the hon. member it seemed was not so much to incriminrte the Government as to obtain from them some declaration of their intentions. That declaration had not yet !been made by the Government. It appeared to him that much was to be said on the part of the Govern ment upon thie occasion. They had had a very difficult and delicate task to perform. Before them was the anti cipation of a great war. • They were acting on behalf of the English people, and they were to justify to that people the - war, if war should happen. Their difficulty in acting with anything like decision might, he thought, be borne with and excused, for it seemed to him that, if they had rushed hastily into war, the first people to fiud fault with them would have been the gentlemen who now found fault with them em having adopted the very opposite course. (Hear, hest.) They had to satisfy the people of England that they were in the right, and that they had exhausted all means of peace before they undertook war. Now, he was as great an enemy to war as any member of the Peace Society, but he objected to those who were members of that society in supposing that every person who differed from them was either a knave or a fool. (A. laugh.) The danger in this case was immediate. The Government had to decide whe ther they should at once accept the war which was pre • anted to them, or whether they should attempt to solve the difficulty by means of negotiation. He did not mean to - say that the statement which had been made by some hon. gentlemen was not the fact, but they had no actual proof that this would not have Happened if the Government had taken a more decisive course, or that the Emperor of Russia would have been stopped in his course if the Government had said, " Upon pass the Pruth we shall send a fleet to Cronstatit, and we shall consider your crossing the Pruth as an act of war, and shall declare war upon it. They had, however, to decide upon the conduct of the Government, not upon a minute examination of blue-books ; but they must look at the situation of the Goverment, at the situa tion of the people of England, and at the very difficult circumstances under which the Government acted. Above all things, they ought to make the world understand that upon this subject the people of England were united. Above all, it was necessary to let the world understand that all parties in this country were united in their deter mination to resist the aggresaion of Russia, and not merely to content ourselves by taking hold of the coat of the Go vernment for the purpose of complaining of what hiei been done. We ought to tell Europe by our conduct at this crisis that we really, and in earnest, meant to stop the Em peror of Russia in his career of spoliation, and that, in order effectually to do so, we intended to act as one man. (Loud cheers.) If Government would speak out upon this subject it would be well, and then, if what they proposed was satisfactory, all parties would come forward and assist • them in their efforts. At any rate, it seemed to him that our duty at this time was not so much to look back and cavil about what had been "done, and could not now be helped, as to look forward and consider what was the wisest thing to do. We ought to examine carefully the demands of Russia, and at the same time ask ourselves of what we were afraid. To this question, however, he could never get a clear and decisive answer, but merely a general one, and a faint whisper about our " honour" being at stake, about which latter expression he always felt a cer tees a mount of jealousy. What we are afraid of, in fact, appesred to him to be that if we left Turkey to herself tle Emperor of Russia would get possession of Constan teople, and, having such possession, would soon assume to himself all the right and privilege of making laws for the Turks and doing with them as he pleased— (hear, hear)--and, having obtained these advantages, the next thing he would do would be to extend his operation to Egypt, and so to g o on step by step in his encroachment. As far as the mere question of war was concerned, it ap peered to him that, if such were necessary, we might be 'called upon to undertake the same at some future time un der circumstances not half so favourable as the present ; and it.wonld be the height of folly , in us —merelylater for the sake of avoiding such a war, which soo ner or must inevitably take place, to allow Russia and Turkey to settle this matter by themselves, no w we had been forced so far intoit. What would be the consequence of so doing? Why the consequence would be this—that when Russia was once in non of Constantinople — a s she wont, • virtual ly be e would have the use and command of tl revsnel; she would shut up the Black Sea , a nd, by pnting our channel of approach, would effectual l y extend her posses sions in India and the East (Hear.) Now was, in fact, the time to go to war, because now we had a close alliance and good understanding with France, such, as from circum stances-over which we had no control, might be severed at some future time, or, at all events, might not be so cordial seat present. He was quite willing to payhis ready tribute of admiration to the French Emperor for the good faith with which he had acted throughout the whole agitation of this question - ; yet still, at the same time, it would not b e politic in this matter to follow his advice, and let Rus sia get a footing in Turkey. (Hear.) This was a war which we ought to remember, we should not put away entirely, but should merely defer; and, that being so, we ought :d -ivot; to be more careful of watching our opportunities and ta ki e g every advantage of any favourable circumstances tha t might present themselves. If Government are desir ous to g o to war, or rather, if they have exhausted all means of preserving peace, and thus are compelled to have recourse to war—(Hear, hear)—we ought to assist them with all our might, honestly and truly. (Loud cheering,) Stith Or appearing to be the general impression, be wou ld ask the house how such assistance was to be given ? Not by finding fault with Ministers, since do ing so would only benefit Russia, and give her further opportunity, by ai giv a i g n gr g e h ss e i r o t n i . me-- su ( c h h ea: ;o h ce e e a d r in a gs w w ° it r h ki r n e 4 - out her system fercure - eo her Majesty's present Government he had no hesitation in saying, at the present time, would be nude eersed, and therefore unjust, since Government, in the steps they had taken, had infringed upon no public laws, arid hail the usages of England to support by precedents ,h a t they had done. (Hear, hear.) He did not mean to follow the noble lord the member for Marylebone through certaiuly, very able but somewhat garrulous speech— (a iamb), but he quite concurred with the propriety of what he had said as to the policy of some member of her Government Ppesking out ; and therefore, as he inoilweee ~ felt too weak to speak much longer, he wouldiconclude by calling on her Majesty's Government to state candidly to the house what they intended to do, and the course they were advised to pursue in reference to the present impend ing war, in order that all parties in and members of the house might know how far they could support the Govern ment, and, knowing this, could come forward manfully and honestly to tender all the assistance they could give, and offer such suggestions as might appear to them both salutary and useful on the present unhappy emergency. [The hon. member, who spoke in a very low vo ice, was listened to throughout with the greatest attention, and resumed his seat amid loud cheers.] Lord J. RUSSELL—Sir, after the very generous and, I must say, the very wise speech of the hon. member for Shef field, I can have no hesitation in rising to give the house that information which he so properly asks in reference to so grave a question. [Hear, hear.) However, with respect to my right hon. friend the First Lord of the Admiralty, and the statement which the hon. member supposes him to have made relative to our position, I think the hon. member has fallen into an error, because it was not my right hon. friend, but the hon. member for Aylesbury who mistook our position. The events which have taken place seem to have hastened us toward war, and we ask you to assist us in our preparations for the same, but at present do not ask you to vote the estimates. There appears to me, at the period at which we have arrived, to be three courses which the house may adopt with propriety, according to its particular disposition or inclination. It may say, first—Wards impending, but you, her Majesty's present Ministers have committed so mady errors that we cannot allow you any longer to have the conduct of affairs upon so momentous a question. The second course is to say—as 1 understood the hon. member for Sheffield to say--" There may be errors in the course you have pursued ; we think that at one point you should have acted with more decision ; or that at another, you should have made more sure alliances ; but these are questions of difficulty, upon which it is not easy to come to a decision ; we will wave considerations of this kind, and vote further estimates which you ask for." The third course is to say, without entering into the question of the ne gotiations at all , "We will look entirely forward ; we ;will give our confidence to the Government, but we will watch their proceedings, and if they enter upon war we will see that it is carried on with all the vigour and judgment necessary to bring it to a successful conclusion." Any one of these three courses the house might take, and any one would be fitting for the occasion ; but my hon. friend the member for Ayles bury has taken a course which I must say, if not satisfactory to the Government, I think can hardly be satisfactory to the house, because, after stating certain facts which, he main tains, prove the Government to be entirely in error, he says— " Although I have made out my case, I will, in my magnani mity, excuse you ; I will pardon you for all the errors you have committed, and giving you a lame and limping confidence, I will allow you to take the votes for the estimates." That course can hardly be deemed satisfactory. I say, with my right hon. friend, let us know whether you censure us or give us your full confidence. One of these courses we ask the house to pursue. I am not arguing in favour of any particular course ; but I say that any one of those I have referred to it would befit the House of Commons to adopt in this grave and arduous crisis. In speaking, as lam obliged to do, of the negotiations which have taken place, I wish to refer as little as possible to particular documents, and will endeavour to confine myself to a general outline of the course of those negotiations My hon friend the member for Ayles bury says, and says truly enough, that as long as it was a mere question bt tween France and Russia respecting the Holy P aces, it did not con cern our Government to ascertain who was right or who was wrong ; but as soon as a menace of force was hoard, and preparations began to be made for calling fleets and armies into requisition, the matter became one of interest to the Government of Great Britain. But, if any censure is merited in reference to this point, it ought to fall upon the Govermnent of Lord Derby and the foreign adminis tration of Lord Malmesbury rather than upon us. I cast no censure upon the late Government ; but I say it was perfectly evident that when Lord Malmesbui y was at the Foreign-office ' threats of force were used, and, indeed, that the preparations of Russia were founded on the pretext that the ambassador of France had threatened to have recourse to force in order to compel the Sultan to agree to demands which Russia said were incompatible with engagements into which the Sultan had entered with her. I myself was informed by Lord Strat ford de Radcliffe, in answer to a question I put to him, that M. Lavalette had declared that unless his requisitions were complied with he would immediately send for the French fleet to enforce them. When such threats were held out, it became a question whether the English ought to seek for au explanation from France. lam bound to say that the French Government met us in the fairest and handsomest manner. (Hear, hear.) It desisted from pretensions which it declared to be founded on treaties and in justice, but which, as they might bring into play opposite pre tensions on the part of Russia, and thus endanger the peace of Europe, it voluntarily abandoned. (Hear, hear.) Such was the state of the case when Lord Aberdeen entered office. Lord Malmeshury had written a private ,otter to Lord Cowley, calling his serious attention to these circumstances. I took the same course. On the very day on which I accepted the seals of the Foreign-office I wrote to Lord Cowley, calling his serious attention to the subject. I felt that one of the first, if not the first thing to be done, was to induce France to desist from her pretensions, because, if France and Russia ha I gone to war on the question of the holy places, not only would the peace of Europe have been broken, but the independence of Turkey would have been at an end. Well, as I have already said, the French Govern ment behaved with the greatest fairness. They felt that their ambassador had gone further than was intended—that he had exceeded his instructions and conducted himself in a manner which was oppressive and alarming to the Sultan - and accordingly they withdrew their ambassador, and ab stained from insisting on their pretensions, and, in conse quence, the question of the holy places was very soon settled in a way which left no party any ground of complaint. From that moment we gained this great advantage, that we acted with France in the cause of Turkey. (Hear, hear.) Do not let my hon. friend imagine that this is a matter of no hn portance. Let me again state what had been and was the case when we entered office. It was this :—France had claims upon Turkey in respect of a treaty made in 1740 ; and, although she felt—as she does to the present hour—that those claims were founded on that treaty and in justice, we found it impossible to abet France in enforcing these claims, and therefore we felt it to be of the utmost importance that the question of the holy places should be settled immediately, in order that England and France might act cordially together. I am bound to declare —and I am ready to repeat it over and over again -that for the settlement of this question we are greatly indebted to Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, who having a perfect knowledge of the affairs of Turkey—having great in fluence with the Turkish Government and great power, the result of his eminent abilities, of enforcing his opinions, aided most materially in bringing about the desired result. (Hear, hear.) I now come to consider the conduct of Russia. The allegations .hich the Russian Government made to us—and made over and over again for several months—the allegations which it made to Sir G. Seymour—the allegations which it made to Lord Clarendon—the allegations which it made to the noble lord at the head of the Government, were to this effect—namely, that the concessions made to France by the Sultan were at variance with solemn engagements be tween Russia and Turkey—were at variance with the plighted word of the Sultan, and such as Russia could not allow to take effect. Russia, therefore, said that she required things to be placed in statu quo, as they existed a few years before, and to obtain security, that the status quo should not be again disturbed. During the whole of this time—during several months which elapsed—Russia never at any time sug gested or gave us reason to suppose that it was her object and intention to gain anything in respect to the general pro tection of the Greek subjects of Turkey—oho never said that she meant to require anything further than security in re spect to the question of the Holy Places. (Cheers.) There were concealment and deception on the part of Russsa towards the Government of this country ; but, while we gave credit to the assurances of the Russian Government, we were not blind to the possibility that it might be deceiving us. (A laugh.) Under these circumstances I wrote a despatch to Colonel Rose —which my hon. friend quoted, for what purpose I cannot understand —charging him to give immediate intelligence to his Government if Russia should advance towards the fron tiers of Turkey, and informing him that when Lord Stratford de Redcliffe should arrive at Constantinople he would be fur nished with more stringent instructions as to the course he was to take in the event of the Russians menacing an inva sion of Turkey. As regards Prince Menschikoff's mission, while it was pretended to be a mission having for its object the settlement of the question of the Holy Places, and while it was stated over and over again, both by Count Nesselrode at St. Petersburg and Baron Brunow here, to be a conciliatory mission, it was, in fact, as afterwards ap peared, a mission to endeavour, by some means or other, to give Russia complete supremacy over Turkey, and to make Turkey, for the future, the vassal of Russia. (Hear.) When the Emperor of Russia an l his Ministers say that it is not the policy of Russia to destroy the integrity of Turkey, I believe that declaration to be sincere to this extent—that the object of Russia has been not at present to force on the conquest and partition of Turkey, but rather to delay that conquest and partition, and to endeavour in the present year to degrade Turkey still more than she has been before degraded by suc cessive wars and treaties on the part of Russia, and it was hoped that by means of force, or of costly and lavish diplo macy, to obtain terms from the Sultan which would render him completely subject to Russia, so that, if at any time he should attempt to throw off his chains, his prostrate and help less condition would make the conquest of the country an easy task. (Hear.) Such I believe to have been the policy of Russia ; but when Prince Menschikoff endeavoured to carry that policy into effect, we had sent to the scene of his opera tions the person best qualified in all Europe to meet such pre tensions, and counteract such efforts. We had sent the noble man to whom I have already alluded -- Lord Stratford de Red cliffe -to Constantinople— hear)—and, let me observe, that if we had meant to be subservient to Russia, and to compli ment away the independence of Turkey, as my hon. friend seems to suppose—if we had intended to defer to what might ultimately be the will of Russia, we should not have sent to Constantinople a nobleman who was distinguished beyond all other men for his attachment to the cause of the independence of Turkey; who had always given her the wisest counsels, and endeavoured to impart to her that internal strength which would enable ß her to rescue herself from the state of dependence on Well, to which foregone circumstances had reduced her. set e h ntsto d o e k tßheedecioiuffizerawihoicth,hfaiv•oembtehene expected.character a o r otes f hrs esLohoso:erteogr Menschikoff n e e Stra tford n v es u l i k a nt o:f fi t ao e ti m a n dl i ae n i d s g t e t, t h os e w n otb e ht ao d ui e ndt m a otro n ei dnngda acceptance after that a r n a dno which, makingt h o e f r , t Iha th i n k, themai n y k s , em by he was bound to do towards Turkey—without sayng these are the stipulations which we shall bo glad to have from you, but we have no right te quarrel with you if you refuse them —if you consider that they trench upon your independence , a nd we have no right to demand the concession of them—in stead. of that respect which not only all men of other nations, but even, I believe, many Russians think it would have been more right to evince towards Turkey—Prince Menschikoff determined to break off his relations with the Porte, and to go back to the Russian territory. But it has been said most strangely that when this took place—when the Emperor of Russia threatened to occupy the Principalities, no protest was ma le against it by the British Government. But, sir, not only was the , e a protest—not only was there a demand made for explan Akin in the very able despatch of my noble frieed Lord Clarendon —but there was that which was of ten times the value —namely, that within a week, or rather within ten days at least from the day when Prince Menschikoff left Constantinople, there was an order to Lord Stratford de Redcliffe to place at his disposal, for the purpose of coming to the neighbourhood of the DarclaneLes, the British fleet, a ia d d ni t ir h a e i re w D on a d s a an s t therd order neighbourhood g nr ß h ri o t o i d s f the Admiralty p ar d t a o u send os y hon. friend the member for Aylesbury has talked in a part of his speech a,l if there was a pretence made that . this fleet was sent to kote,t British interests, ,eanfideetno:astospeniottaereet the Sultan, but the purposes far w hich vtry clearly set forth in the despatch of Lord Clarendon of ti e 31st of May ;-4 1" Nevertheless, t i tle departure of Prince Menschikoff, fol- IvAved by the mare Russian mission, is a fact in itself of sUch grave importance, the military preparations of Russia oi4 the Turkish frontier are upon a scale of such vast magni tilde, and the dangin: *hick threatens the Porte may be so iniminent, that it iapPears indispensable to take measures for the protection cif tale,sultan, and to aid his Highness in F~ i repelling any attack that may be made upon his territoryS I have accordingly to inform your Excellency that, by her Majesty's commands, the fleet now stationed at Malta is placed at the disposal of your Excellency, and that orders will be sent to Admiral Dundas to conform to the requisitions he may receive from you, and to repair to such place as you may direct in the event of your considering the presence of a British force absolutely essential to the safety of the Turkish empire." Now, sir, could any written despatch have protested in more eloquent words, or with greater firmness and decision, than the transmission of such orders to Lord Stratford de Red cliffe and to the British Admiralty. I stated at the time to the House that the fleet was sent to the neighbourhood of the Dardanelles in order to prove the interest which her Ma jesty's Government took in maintaining the integrity of the Turkish empire. It was therefore clear to Russia as it was clear to all the world, that in case Russia persisted in her unjustifiable demands, and iu enforcing them by her armies, England in couj unction with France meant to oppose such persistence, and to repel such force. (Hear, hear.) I must add to this that, when this took place, so far was the Russian Court from thinking that we were acting in complete blindness with regard to their designs, that they complained in a circular transmitted throughout Europe that we had made a threatening demonstration by the move ment of the fleets to the neighbourhood of the Dardanelles, thereby showing that they clearly understood at least that movement, and, though they had applied most unjustifiably and most untruly the argument derived from it, they proved most undoubtedly that they understood the intentions of the British Government. (Hear.) The next question that arose was, whether the entry of Russian troops into the princi palities should be considered as a cause of war, and acted upon as such by Turkey and her allies ? Well, sir, upon that question we can have no better authority, as I conceive, than the authority of Lord Stratford de Radcliffe. We thought here that if Turkey, unprepared, was at once to provoke hos tilities with Russia, and to use her undoubted right to declare that the ente y into the prin ipalities was a casus belli—we thought, I say, that in that case Turkey would be exposed to great danger. (Hear, hear.) We must not conceal from our. selves, all along with respect to this argument, the relative conditions of the two nations—the power and force of Russia, on the one hand, as it had been collected, organised, and disciplined for many years, about half-a-million of men kept constantly under arms, trained with the greatest skill and diligence, and the position of Turkey, on the other hand, as we all know it to be, weak in the state of her fiannces, in the composition of her armies, and in the disaffection which she might have to fear from the activity of Russian emissaries. Under these circumstances, therefore, we could not conceal from ourselves that if Turkey unprepared were to rush into that war, it could not but be a very unequal con test. Lord Stratford de Radcliffe took the same view. Know ing the position of Turkey as she then was, he said that for two purposes—first of endeavouring to negotiate a peace, and in the second place for the purpose of preparing her forces— it was advisable for Turkey not to declare war upon the entry of the Russian forces into the principalities. Would it have been wise in us—only allies in the case, who were not ex, posed to the danger of Turkey—to advise her to expose herself to those dangers when her best friends thought it unadvisa ble ? Such, we conceived, was a sufficient declaration that, not immediately proclaiming that we would precipitate hostili ties, we should warn Russia that war must immediately follow if she did not recede. It is easy to say; with regard to any part of these negotiations, that, if you had taken a different course—if you had told the Emperor of Russia that you would at once go to war if he occupied the principalities, he would have hesitated before doing so. Nothing Is more easy than to say that if you had done so and so, such and such a sovereign would have done so and so ; but nobody has attempted to give any proof that such would have been the case, or to show that the Emperor of Russia, in the position of his great power, would not have considered this such an affront that he would at once have entered into war without further delay. Then came the negotiations after the entry into the principalities ; and here I must say a word with regard to that Vienna Note which my hon. friend the member for Aylesbury says every body has admitted to be a mistake. lam not going to defend the phraseology of the Vienna Note—(hear)---as my right hon. friend near me has said, it was no note of ours; but with re spect to the spirit of that Vienna Note, and the intention iu which it was framed, lam quite ready to defend both. To take an illustration—if you have a friend of your own, of no very great means, about to enter on an expensive law-suit with a man of 50,000/. or 100,0001. a year, I might very well say to him—l see your rights ; you very possibly may be able to show that you are right ; but it is possible that while your opponent has the means of carrying on the contest you may be ruined ; and, therefore, I should advise you to make some concession of your absolute and strict rights in order to come to some agreement. That was the spirit of the advice of the Vienna Note, and, for my part, I say, looking to the dangers to which Turkey was exposed, it was good and wise advice that she should consent to those terms which she was not absolutely obliged to grant. (Hear, hear.) But, sir, from the moment that Count Nesselrode had fixed the meaning of that note—from the moment he showed that if the Vienna Note had been signed, it would have been considered equi valent to that note which was presented at Constantinople by the Russian Ambassador—from that moment we not only ceased to press upon Turkey that she should agree to that note, but we took the m: re vigorous step of supporting by force the independence of the Sultan. (Hear, hear.) The fleet was go to the Bosphorus, and on the Bth of October orders were given that the fleet should protect the coasts of Turkey in the Black Sea, on the European and Asiatic coasts. I come now, sir, to the next step in these negotiations, or rather in these transactions—l come to what occurred on the 30th of November at Sinope. The orders given to the am bassador were what I have named, and the ambassadors thought it advisable that a certain number of ships should go into the Black Sea ; that they should visit Varna and the mouths of the Danube, in order that they should take means of observing what was going forward in the Black Sea. It so happened, however, at that moment, that the French Go vernment had displaced their ambassador at Constantinople, and had sent another, General Baraguay d'Hilliers. Under these circumstances, the French admiral declined to take the order of an ambassador who was leaving Constantinople, and the ambassador who followed did not think it advisable to take the course which the English ambassador had desired to have carried out. This was a misfortune, and we know that ships were left at Binope, and that they were in consequence exposed to that dreadful calamity which befell them. But I do not think that, under the circumstances which took place, there was any party much to blame in the affair, because I do not believe it would have been possible to provide against every occurrence which might take place in that state of affairs. It would not have been consistent with the safety of the fleet to have dispersed it in various parts of the Black Sea; for, if it had been so sent out, some attack might have been made at Varna. It was a matter for the exercise of the dis cretion of the ambassador, and I do not believe that he was in fault in not insisting upon his orders when they failed to obtain the concurrence of the French ambassador an" admiral. The disaster which took place at Sinop° was one at must have affected every man in this country with the most painful feelings. (Hear, hear, hear.) Sir, I must say I was greatly surprised at reading the congratulations addressed by the Emperor of Russia to his officers and his admirals upon the receipt of the intelligence of the destruction and the butchery at that so-c filled victory—(cheers)--a victory of some six or seven large line-of-battle ships over six or seven frigates of very inferior quality—(hear, hear)—a victory pushed to the extent of the most dreadful carnage, and with no sort of generosity shown. (Cheers.) That the advantage of a large and superior force like that should be a source of glory to the Russians, and a reason for the congratulations of a sovereign to his subjects, does, I own, afflict me with a feeling of the greatest disgust. (Cheers,) Sir, that event was as deeply felt in France as it was felt here, and in con sequence orders were given to the ambassadors at Constan tinople that the English and French fleets should take th% command of the Black Sea ; that they should not only pro tect the coast of Turkey, that they should not only protect the flag of Turkey, but that they should likewise prevent reinforcements being sent from one Russian port to another, and that wherever they found a Russian ship of war they should send it back to Sebastopol or to the nearest port. It is impossible to deny that those orders amounted as near to warlike preparations as possible. (Hear, hear.) There have been, in the course of the last 20 years in Europe, transactions somewhat resembling this the blockade of the Texel and of Antwerp, the French occupa tion of Ancona, the battle of Navarino, and various other transactions carried on without a declaration of war ; but from the nature of the orders given by the French and Eng lish Governments no one can be surprised that the Emperor of Russia should withdraw both from London and Paris his ambassadors. And this leads me to our present situation, which lees been justly described as !,eing on the brink of a war. I have stated as shortly as I could, without argument and without quotations, the general course which the British Government has pursued. We have now to consider the pro spect before us and what remains to be done. With regard to diplomatic correspondence respecting terms of peace, there were terms proposed by the ambassadors of the Four Powers at Constantinople —terms very nearly assented to, at least assented to in such a manner at Constantinople as to be sent to Vienna by the represent :dives, and adopted and approved at Vienna by the Conference of the Four Powers. Sir, it does not appear to me that those terms were derogatory to the dignity of Turkey, nor were they such as were at all unbefitting the Emperor of Russia to accept. Yet, what course did the Em peror of Russia take ? Be it remarked that he is reported to have said at Olmutz that he had been asked to agree to the Vienna Note; that it afterwards appeared Turkey her self did not agree to it ; that he thought it unreasonable to put him in such a position, and that he hoped when the next terms of peace were proposed they would be such as Turkey herself would agree to. The four great Powers had exerted themselves in order to obtain peace, and I must say that considering those Powers—England, France, Austria, and Prussia—represented all the great Powers of Europe, and that the terms they proposed were proposed with a view to prevent a bloody and costly war extending all over the world, the course adopted by the Emperor of Russia showed a total disregard of the peace of Europe—(hear, hear)—an utter con tempt of the opinion of Europe, and a disregard of those sovereigns with whom he had been allied. (Hear, hear.) Instead of the acceptance of those propositions other proposi tions were sent to Vienna, which shall shortly be laid upon the table of the house, containing very much a repetition of the original demands and the addition of other terms, one of which was, that the refugees in Turkey of different nations should be expelled from that country. That article was in tended, no doubt, to weaken Turkey, as it would have been a perpetual source of continued remonstrance, and would have occasioned war at any moment Russia might think fit. Count Buol, the Austrian Minister, in communicating those terms to the Conference, declared expressly that ho did not recommend them for adoption. (Hear, hear.) I was asked, yesterday, whether a letter, represented to have been sent by the Emperor of the French to the Emperor of Russia, was a genuine document. No doubt that letter is a genuine letter, and it is an attempt made by the Emperor of the French and the Government of France to induce the Emperor of Russia to reconsider the course he has adopted, to evacuate the prin cipalities, which he has wrongly occupied, and to draw up articles with a Turkish plenipotentiary which shall afterwards be submitted to the conference of the Four Powers. For my own part, I say that, at all events, there is no concession to Russia in the proposition thus made. I will not attempt to say I entertain a hope that the Emperor of Russia will accede to that proposition, or that he will abstain from enforcing, with all the power of Russia, those unjustifiable demands which he has hitherto made. (Hear.) What, then, must be our course ? There can be but ono, and that must be upon the side of Turkey, defending her against the power of Russia. If I am asked further, before we enter upon the Committee of Supply, what are the means we look to, and, in the terms of the hon, member for Inverness (Mr. Baillie), what neeo tiations we propose to make, I should say, in the first assistance F.ugl e andto Turkey,France, promisingand declaring to o c n o place, that there has been an exchange of notes between Pow e y rs ol le p at ow n ot o . , s is elfi s s o l ltah in t tei f • o es r t . s and (Cheers.)no increase s o i f s ter ritory ntPeheratpeartinofgibvointhg i:laitdaiepreenodfootohoe o p f osition in which the two great Powers now toshtuaetnra(dii.gpeiciTamheaytoifaieled i t on h hi a : t ee t ii.. h ss : cause is one, in the first place, of the re sisted firmness lvith cou I and .age a Turkey —a power which has been most cruelly o-faßuPsoswiae,la• nywdhaich Powerhas N r v e h s i i e s h te h d a wi s r th e. wi od th sk g iu re i a n t t a h b o ili fi t eld th t e h u e nujnuistteddelmaeginonsds of R Russia. sais ( t l : l o e Ud wa e n h t e o e u r S. disturber peace a Europe, of which the Emperor of is to mankind the But, sir, the cause is still more. It - (cheers) -and..it e is for ma - kind to throw upon the h ea d o f that distur b er the consb queuces which he has so flagra n tl y, and, I believe, so imprii- dently evoked. (Cheers.) And it is to mankind the inde pendence not only of Turkey but of Germany, and of all Euro pean nations. The state of Germany for the last few years has been one, if not absolutely of dependence upon the Emperor of Russia, at least one in which independence has not been very loudly asserted. (Hear.) I could not but think, on reading the transactions that took place last year at Paris, that there was too much acquiescence on the part of the German Powers in the unjustifiable pretensions of Russia. (Cheers.) This house is aware, and I have had occasion to relate it with that commendation . which I thought was due, that, when the Earl of Malmesbury found that the Emperor of the French meant to be faithful to the engagements of the coun try over which he was called to reign, and that his object was to maintain the peace of Europe, on the part of this country, the willing recognition of the Queen was declared to the new form of government. But the Powers of Germany thought it advisable to wait until'the Emperor of Russia had declared his mind on the subject, and the mind of the Emperor of Russia was, that the Emperor of the French might be acknowledged; but that, not having descended from a line which had for cen turies occupied the throne, he (the Emperor of Russia) could not call the Emperor of the French his brother. (Laughter.) The Emperor of the French had too much good sense to attach any very great importance to whether he was called "my good friend," or "my brother." (Laughter and cheers.) But it was understood that the Powers of Germany, one and all, desired their representatives to wait at Paris, and not to recognise the Emperor of the French • until they were assured that the unusual form of recognition of the Emperor of Russia had been received, so that if the Emperor of the French had chosen to say, as he had a full right, " I will stand upon established forms, and I will not have those forms departed from," not one of those powers of Germany, who were all ready of themselves to recognise him as Emperor of the French, and were, moreover, ready to call him their brother, not one one of those Powers would have recognised him. I say, sir, that that shows the state of Germany not so inde pendent as one would wish. (Hear, hear.) I cannot but think—and there are growing symptoms of it every day— that this violent attempt on the part of Russia—that. these acts in violation of all right and justice have at length aroused both in Austria and in Prussia, a sense that they must con sider the welfare of Europe before consulting the will of the Emperor of Russia. My belief is, therefore, although we have no engagement with them—and I state it plainly to the house, that that they are not bound to us to resist in any manner the acts of aggression on the part of Russia—still, my belief is that both those nations, constituting the great empire of Germany—divided as Germany is into separate so vereignties—will be too much impressed with the growing importance and position of that empire—. of its 35,000,000 inhabitants, of its enlightenment, of its civilisation, and of the importance of maintaining its independence— not to take care that the aggrandisement of Russia does not become so formidable as to threaten the independence of that great Germanic Rower. (Hear, hear.) I be lieve, therefore, that in undertaking this contest, even though we should not have the immediate assistance of those two great German Powers, yet they would look on with a view, not to aid Russia—not to engage themselves to Russia —but, on the contrary, to use all their influence, and, if neces sary, their arms, to stop her in her attempted progress of con quest and of lawless force. I have said that we have an en gagement with France. We have now proposed to make an engagement with Turkey by which we shall be sure, besides other things which are necessary on such occasions, that Tur key will not agree to any peace with Russia, while we are giving our aid and assistance, without our consent and concurrence. That engagement with Turkey has not yet been formed ; but I have no doubt that, considering the manner in which the affairs of Turkey have been lately conducted, that she will willingly accept the aid and assis tauce which England and France can give . her upon the condition I have stated. And, Sir, I beg here to say that, in entering upon that contest, we shall have the greatest confi dence in, and reliance upon, our French ally. (Loud cheers.) The conduct of the Emperor of the French during the whole of the transactions, has been so open, so frank, and so straightforward, that it is impossible not to place the utmost reliance in him and in his Government. (Great cheering.) With respect to the exertions it may be neces sary for us to make, without at present speaking of the efforts that we may hereafter be called upon to use, but confining my self to what, at the very beginning of this struggle, it will be incumbent ou us to adopt, I beg to state that we shall think it necessary, in the estimates for the year, to add no less a sum than 3,000,0001. of money to the amount that was asked for last year. It may be said that this is a large increase of our naval and army establishments. But, I say again, as the right hon. gentleman has said, and which I also stated in the beginning of my speech, that these resources are necessary ; but at the same time, if you think that the direction to be given to them can be .better confided to other hands, declare that to be your opinion by some early vote, and place the direc tion of the resources of this empire in more skilful and abler hands. But if you do not take that course, and you confide them to us, then we shall expect your confidence in allow ing us to carry on these transactions according to the best of our judgment, without which confidence no success can possibly take place. (Hear, hear.) Recollect that success in war depends upon secrecy—depends urou combination, depends upon rapidity, and that it is inconsistent with success to explain your operations. (Loud cheers.) I am not asking too much, therefore, when I ask you to adopt one or the other of those alternatives, and either place the govern ment of the war in Other hands, or, if not, then to give to us that confideuee which is necessary successfully to carry it on. It is not to be forgotten that war brings with it increased burdens. Let no man suppose that we can enter upon a struggle with, the Emperor of Russia in support of a power comparatively feeble without making considerable efforts, and without calling upon the people to bear burdens greater than they have had to sustain during.a time when we were at peace with all the world. If they are not prepared to bear those burdens, let them not enter into this war ; but let them, if they do enter into this war, endeavour to carry it to a suc cessful issue. (Cheers.) For my part, if most unexpectedly the Emperor of Russia should recede from his former de mands, and at the sight of all Europe disapproving his con duct, and of two of the most considerable nations of Europe being prepared to act in arms, if necessary, against him, he should acknowledge the independence and integrity of the Porte in the only manner in which it could be sa tisfactorily done—l shall, and we shall all rejoice to be spared the efforts and the burdens of a conflict. (Hear, hear.) But, if that is not to be, and if peace is no , longer consistent with our duty to England, with our duty to ' Europe, and with our duty to the world,—if the ambition of this enormous Power has got to such a pitch that even its moderation is more ambitions than' thee ambition of other States,—if Russia will not be contented with anything less than the subju g ation of the whole empire of Turkey and the pos ' session of Constantinople itself,—if such are her feelings and such are her objects then we can only endeavour to enter into this contest with a stout heart. (Cheers.) May God defend the right I and, for my part, I shall willingly share the burden and the responsibility. (The noble lord resumed his seat amid loud cheers from both sides of the house.) Mr. CROSSLEY expressed his thanks to the Government for having done all that it was in their power to avert war, and he trusted that in their future course they would lose no opportunity of coming to a right understanding. Deprecating war as a great evil, still he agreed with the noble lord that, if they went to war at all, they must do it with all their might, and the people must be prepared to endure heavier taxation to sustain the war with .vigour. Mr. BAILLIE moved the adjournment of the debate, amid cries of " no" from the Ministerial benches. Lord J. RUSSELL—I hope the house will upon this occa sion vote, before separating, the number of men required for the navy estimates—(cheers)—becaus e any debate may be had on any other occasion. lam sure that no member 'of the Government is at all disposed to shrink from the discussion of this subject, but I do feel _that it is of great importance that we should go into committee of supply to-night, and I trust the house will agree to the number of men to be voted for the navy. (Hear, hear.) Mr. DISRAELI—We, on this side of the house, are not re sponsible for the debate that has taken place this evening. (Hear, hear.) My opinion was that, considering the import ance of the occasion and the interesting documents that have been laid upon the table of this house, it was impossible the Government should not suppose that some discussion would (Hear, hear, from the due to the house, to the take ;rini s p t la e r c ia e l upon benc t h l e i e s s o e t f ir •a n ns a fact, c o i n t s i . s country, and to her Majesty's Government, that some discus sion should take place. Sir, had this discussion been more under my control, I should have consulted the conven i enee and disposition of the Gov:elment as to the momen t at which it should take place; and if the honourable gentleman (Mr. Layard) had not brought forward the ready mode y tto and meet t the subject, while I shou ld hav e thought it my duty to state he m y conviction that a discussion .. should take place; I should o ce f vf ettnhhie discussion. Bat, evening. noble lord (J. oe withtleman whom circumstances havehave no t thecha h n g o e d ih n 0 rto act in public life, and with whose intentio ns I h ad no ma les of being acquainted until he himself anno unced them, has - brought forward the Russell) have as be t e o n th r whole question in a speech entirely worthy of the occasion, and one which justly commanded the attention of the house. But how was that speech met by the Government ? (Hear, hear.) Ido not refer to the speech of the noble lord (J. Russell), which was worthy of himself and of the occasion. I differ from the nobl lord in many of the' positions that he has laid down, and in ma n y of th e conclusions that he drew, and I shall be ready, upon the proper occasion, to show that I am justified in thus differing from him. But the tone of the noble lord was one worthy of the occasion, and he p a id due respect to the honoumble gentleman who introduced the subject to our notice (Hear.) But how was the question met by the Minister of the Crown who first rose to open the debate ? (Cheers.). The first ob servation of the First Lord of the Admiralty Was to cast con tempt and contumely upon those important diplomatic do cuments that have been placed upon the table. Now how was the house graciously addressed by her Majesty on the opening of the session? It was said by her Majesty, with all the solemn emphasis of the occasion, that after negotiations had been carried on for a whole year concerning the most im portant events of human nature, the results of those negotia tions would be laid upon the table. Her'Majesty deigned to state that the papers connected with these negotiations would be communicated to you without delay. What was the object of communicating these papers without delay? (Cheers.) And yet the right hon. gentleman ( J. Graham) gets up and tells you you are not to " pother" over blue. books. (Cheers from the Opposition.) Why are there such things as blue-blooks ? What i,9 the intent of those State secrets and important documents being placed upon the table if upon the first occasion on which you are asked to offer an opinion on them a Minister of the Crown rises and tells us we are not to " potter" over blue-books? (Ch eers.) The question has been brought before us in a manner not unworthy of its importance. The noble lord has just offered to the house a speech which in tone and intellect, as 1 have said, was not un worthy of the occasion. But that speech was full of fallaci ous statements, and took up a fatal position, and as there must now be a discussion of the whole subject, I think it had bet ter take place continuously. The noble lord says he wishes to take a vote for the number of men. I should have wished that this vote had been taken, and, had it rested 'with me, I should have interposed no obstacles in the way. (Cheers from the Ministerial benches.) But I think, as matters now stand, it will be more convenient to the house and to the Government that the discussion should be concluded before we enter upon the Committee of Supply. (Hear.) le e f ar as the influence of our debates can extend to foreign nations, they will learn from the tone of the British Parliament that there is no difference of opinion—(cheers from all sides of the house),—as to the number of men to be voted, or as to any thing that may be requisite to support her Majesty's Go vernment in the prosecution of a just war. (Cheers.) But, after what has occurred, the motion of an hon. gentleman that the debate should be adjourned, in order that it may be concluded on the next night of our sitting, does seem to me only a fair and reasonable one. (Cheers.) Lord J. RUSSELL The determination just announced IT the right hon. gentleman is most important. (H ome ) The right hon. gentleman has announced, for himself and for those who sit on his side of the house, that there will be a general feeling in favour of supporting the vote for the in crea-sed number of men, and the measures that will be neces sary for the public service. After that declaration, I have no objection to accede to the adjournment of the debate. (Cheers.) The debate was then adjourned until Monday. Sir B. HALL (in the absence of Mr. Tufnell) moved for leave to bring in a bill to 'abolish the property qualification of members of Parliament. As he understood that no oppo sition on the other side of the house would be offered to the measure, he would not trouble them with a speech at that late hour. Leave to bring in the bill was given. On the motion of Sir J. YOUNG, Mr. Granville Vernon was Added to the Committee of Privileges, to whom is referred the complaint of the paragraph in the Times newspaper. Returns were ordered, on the motion of Mr. Gaothug, of various fees payable to the Secretary of Bankrupts in the Court of Bankruptcy in Ireland, annually, from July, 1836, to December, 1852. The house adjourned at 20 minutes past 12 o'clock. PARLIAMENTARY DIVISION. HOUSE OF COMMONS-FEB. 17. SUPPLY. Order for committee read ; account of Exchequer Bills (presented 10th February) referred to the committee : Motion'made, and question proposed, " That Mr. Speaker do now leave the chair e —Amendment proposed, to leave out from the word " that" to the end of the ques tion, in order to add the words " whereas the house passed a resolution on the Bth day of April, 1850, to the effect, 'That the accommodation provided for assistant surgeons on board her Majesty's ships of war is inade quate and insufficient for securing the full benefit of their professional services,' the Admiralty regulations, since the passing of the aforesaid act, have not been in the spirit of, nor have they fulfilled the intention of the said resolution, —it is the opinion of this house, that the above resolution should be forthwith carried into effect," instead thereof :—Question put, "That the words pro posed to be left out stand part of the question." The house divided ; ayes 216, noes 104. AYES-216. A'Court, C. George, J. Otway, A. Anderson, Sir J. Gladstone, W. Packe, C Atherton, W. Glyn, G. Paget, Lord A. Bailey, Sir J. Goddard, A. Paget, Lord G. liWnes, Rt. Hon. M. Geulburn, H. Palmer, Roundel' Ball, J. Gower, F. Palmerston, Visct. Baring, Sir F. Graham, Sir J. Patten, J. Barnes, T. Greene, Thomas Peel, Sit R. Barrington, Viscount Gregson, S. Peel, F. Barrow, W. Grenfell, Chas. Philipps, J. Beamish, F. Grey, Rt lion Sir G. Plullimore, J. G. Beaumont, W. Grosvenor, Ld. R. Phillirnore, R. J. Bell, J. Hadfield, G. Pinney, ►V. Bentinek, G. Hankey, T. Price, Sir R. Berkeley. Admiral Harcourt, G. Price, W. • erkeley, Hon. C. Hardinge, Hon. C. Repton, G. Bethell, Sir R. Hawkins, W. Ricardo, 0. Biddulph, Col. R. M. Headlem, T. Rice, E. Biggs, W. Herbert, S. Robartes, T. Bland, L. 11. Herbert, Sir T. Roche, E. Bonham-Carter, J. B ervey, Lord A. Roebuck, J. liouverie, Hon. E. P. Heyworth, L. Rolt, P. Boyle, Lt.-001. Hogg, Sir J. W. Russell, Lord J. Brotherton, J. Horsman, E. Russell, F. W. Brown, W. Hughes, W. Sadleir, John Bruce, Lord E. Hutt, W. Sawle, C. Bruce, C. L. C. Ingham, R. Scobell, Capt. G. Buckeley, Gen. Jackson, W. Seymer, H. Burghley, Lord. Johnstone, J. Seymour, Lord Byng, G. Jones, Capt. T. Shelourne, Earl Cardwell, E. Keogh, W. Shelley, Sir J. Caulfeild, Lt.-Col. J. Kingscote, Capt. R. Sheridan, R. Cayley, E. Kinnaird, A. Smith, M. Cholmondeley Lord Knatchbull, W. Smith, R. Christopher, Robt. A. Labonchere,itt.Hon.H Smyth, J. G. Christie, Samuel Laing, S. Spooner, R. Clay, Sir W. Bt. Langston, J. H. Stafford, A. Clinton, Lord C. P. P. Langton, W. H. P. G. Stanley, W. Clinton, Lord R. R. P. Layard, A. H. Starkie Le G. Cocks, T. S. Lewis, Sir T. F. Stirling, W. Collier, R. P. Liddell, H. G. Strickland, Sir G. Compton, H. C. Locke. J. Strut t, E. Corry, H. T. L. Lockhart, A. E. Stuart, Lord D. Cowan, C. Lovaine, Lord Tancred. H. Cowper, W. F. Lowe, R. Thornely, T. Craufurd, E. H. J. Lowther, Capt. H. Thornhill, W. Crook, J. Luce, T. Trollope, Sir J. Crossley, F, Mackie, J. Tudway, R. Crowder, R. B. Mackinnon, W. A. Tyler, Sir G. Davie, Sir H. R. F. Macgregor, Jas. Vane, Lord H. Davies, D. A. S. Mantis, R. Villiers, C. Denison, J. E. Mangles, R. D. Villiers, F. Bering, Sir E. C. Manners, Lord G. Watkins, Col. Divest, E. Majoribanks, D. Wells, W, Drummond, H. Marshall, W. Whatman, J. Duckworth, sir J. T. Martin, J. Whitbread, S. Dundombe, W. Massey, W. Wickham, H. W. Dundas, F. Masterman, J. Wilkinson, W. Dunlop, A. Matheson, A. Williams, M. Du Pre, C. Mall, E. Willoughby, Sir II Elcho, lord Miles, W. Wodehouse, E. Ellice, E. Milligan, It. Wood, Sir C. Elmley, Vis. Mills, T. Wortley. J. A. Emlyn, Vis. Milner, W. Wyndham, Gen. Fagan, W. Molesworth, Sir W. Wyndham, H. Feilden, M. Mon crieff, J. Wynne. W. Fitzroy, Hon. 11. Monsell, W. Wyvil, M. Foley, J. Morgan, 0. Young, Sir J. Forster, C. Morris, D. Forster, Sir G. Mowbray. J. Forster, J. Mundy, W. Fox, W. Mare. Col. W. Fuller A. O'Connell. D. Gardner, H. 0 borne, H. TELLERS Hayter, W. Mu'grave, Earl of Adderley, C. Arehdall, Bane, H. Ball, E. Bennet, Capt P. Blackett, J. F. B. Bla r, Col. J. H. NOES-101. Hamilton, Lor 1 C. Hamilton, G. A. Harcourt, Col. F. Hastie, ilex. H tsttP. Archd. Herbert, P. Htlyard It. C. O'Brien ' P. Pella tt, A. ' Pilkington, J. P,Bard-Urquhart, W. Pugh, D. Robertson, P. Rushout, Capt. G. Sandars, G. Seymour, W. Sibthorp, Col. Smijth, -dr W. Smith, J. B. Smith. W. Smollett, A. Stinky, Lord Stuart, H. Stunt, 11. Sullivan. Michael Taylor, Lt.-Col. J. Thompson, G. Townsherid, Capt. J. trance, J. Vansittart, G. Vyvyan, Sir K. Vyse, Capt. it. Waddington, H. Walmsley, Sir J. Walter, J. Whitmore, H. Williams, W. Woodd, B. Brady, .T. Horsfatl, T. Brisco, M. Hudson, G. Buller, Sir J. Hume, J. Burke, Sir T. Hume. W. Butt, (4. Jocelyn, Viscount Butt, I. Jolliffe, Sir W. Cairns, H. Kelly, Sir F. Carnac, Sir J. Kennedy T. Challis T. Kershaw, J. Cobden. R. King. P. Cubitt, W. Kinr, J. Davi.on, R. Knox, Col. B. W. Duff, J. Lacon, Sir E. Duke, Sir J. Lam ton, 11. G. Duncan, G. Lennox, Lord A. Egerton E. Lock!iart, W. Evans, Sir D. Lacy Lucas, F. Erelyn, W. Maddock, Sir T. H. Filmer, Sir E. Maguire, J. F. Forbes, W. Mandeville, Franklin, G. Meagher, T. French, F. M eux, Sir H. Geach, C. Milnes, R. Gilbson,T. Michell, W. Gilpin, Col. H. Moore, It. Goderich, Viscount. Mailings, J. Green, Capt John Murrough, J. Grogan, Edvrard Napier, J. Hall, Col. J. Newdegate, C. pair at Deptford Dockyard, has been brought down to Wool wich to be completed for service. It is satisfactory to be able to state that a sufficient number of young men have applied to be allowed to enter the Royal navy as third class engineers. Mr. Trickett, assistant to the chief engineer at Woolwich Dockyard, left the factory for Devonport to superintend the fitting of the machinery and boilers of the Algiers, 91, screw steam-ship, putting on board at that port. It is expected that Mr. Trickett will shortly be appointed chief engineer at the new factory at Keyham. Several young men, working engineers, have been taken on at the factory here, to make them acquainted with the na ture of the Government works previously to their being sent to work at Keyham. THE LONDON GAZETTE OF LAST NIGHT. BUCKINGHAM PALACE, FEB. 16. This day had audience of her Majesty :—General d'Oxholm, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipoten tiary from the King of Denmark, to deliver his credentials to which he was introduced by the Earl of Clarendon, K.G., her Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and conducted by ,Major-General the Hon. Sir Edward Cust, K.C.H., Master of the Ceremonies. CROWN-OFFICE, FEB. 15. MEMBERS RETURNED TO SERVE IN THE PRESENT PARLIA- M ENT. County of Devon.—Southern Division.--Lawrence Palk, of Haldon House, in the said county, Esq., in the room of Sir Ralph Lopes, Bart., deceased. BOARD OF TRADE, WHITEHALL, FEB. 14. The Right Honourable the Lords of the Committee of Privy Council for Trade and Plantations have received, through the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, a copy of a despatch from her Majesty's Consul at Acapulco, re porting that the Supreme Government havo made the fol lowing reduction in the tonna_ e dues upon all vessels ar riving in that port laden with coal, and consigned to any Steam Boat Company, having a depot of coals in the har bour, viz.: 4 reale, or 2 shillings per ton, instead of 1 dollar 4 reals, or 6 shillings, as formerly. WAR-OFFICEIFEB. 17. Ist Regiment of Dragoons—Lieutenant Henry Sykes, to be Captain by purchase, vice Sibthorp, who retires; Cornet Thomas Beane Fitz Gerald, to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Sykes ; William Edmund Curtis, Gent., to be Cornet, by purchase, vice Fitz Gerald, Feb. 17. 3rd Light Dragoons—Jacob Camac Murphy, Gent„ to be Cornet, by purchase, vice Vyse, promoted, Feb. 17. Scots Fusilier Guards—Major' and Colonel Henry Lord Rokeby to be Lieutenant-Colonel, by purchase, vice Colonel Henry Colville, who retires upon half-pay ; Captain and Lieutenant-Colonel and Colonel George Morton Eden to be Major, by purchase, vice Lord Rokeby; Lieutenant-Colonel and Brevet-Colonel the Honourable Charles Beaumont Phipps, C. 8., from half-pay unattached to be Captain and Lieutenant-Colonel, vice Eden; Lieu tenant and Captain Henry Percival de Bathe to be Cap tain and Lieutenant-Colonel, by purchase, vice Honour able C. B. Phipps, C. 8., who retires; Ensign and Lieu tenant Roger Mostyn to be Lieutenant and Captain, by purchase, vice de Bathe ; Ensign and Lieutenant the Honourable George Grey Dalrymple has been permitted to retire from the service, by the sale of his commission ; Battalion-Surgeon Thomas ' Richardson to be Surgeon- Major, vice William Henry Judd, who retires upon half pay; Assistant-Surgeon John Ashton, Bostock, M.D., to be Battalion-Surgeon, vice Richardson ; Assistant Staff .... Surgeon Arthur Gtiy Elkington to be Assistant-Surgeon, vice Bostock, Feb. 17. 2nd Foot—Captain George Wolfe, from 87th Foot, to be Captain, vice Mathias, appointed to the 54th Foot, Feb. 17. 19th Foot—Ensign Edward Robert Ward Bayley to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Beadon, who retires ; John Henry Kirke, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Bayley, Feb. 17. 28th Foot—Lieutenant Henry Robert Crew Godley to be Captain, by purchase, vice de Winton, who retires ; Ensign Thomas Lynden Bell to be Lieutenant, by pur chase, vice Godle ; Charles David Ingham, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Bell, Feb. 17. 41th Foot—Ensign Bradford Smith Hoskins to be Lieu tenant, by purchase, vice Richard Fitz Richard Eyre, who has declined purchasing, Fob. 17. 54th Foot—Captain Frederick Mathias, from the 2d Foot to be Captain, vice Fane, appointed to the S7th Foot, Feb. 17. . _ . 57th Foot—William Jesser Coupe, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Johnson, who retires, Feb. 17. 87th Foot—Captain Francis Fine, from► the 54th Foot, to he Captain, vice Wolfe, appointed to the 2d Foot, Feb. 17. - - 91st Foot—Lieutenant Alexander Watson Mackenzie to be Captain, by purchase, vice Bayly, who retires ; Ensign Lloyd Henry Thomas to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Mackenzie ; William Prescod Gurney, Gent., to be En sign, by purchase, vice Thomas, Feb. 17. 97th Foot—Richard Stovin - Warburton, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Nash, who retires, Feb. 17. Ist West 'was. Regimeut—Ensign Henry Francis Luke, to be Lieutenant, by - purchase, vice Stokes, promoted; John Tryon, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Luke, Feb. 17. UNATTACHED.—Lieutenant and Adjutant Thomas Beck with Speedy, from the 7th Foot, to be Captain, without purchase, Feb. 17. MEMORANDIIIII.—The Christian names of Ensign Brooke, of the 40th Foot, are " Charles Francis," and not Charles Frederick, as previously stated. OFFICE OF ORDNANCE, FEB. 17. Royal Regiment of Artillery-Captain Edward Fitz- Herbert Grant to be Lieutenant-Colonel, vice Walker, re tired upon full pay ; Second Captain John James Brand lin to be Captain, vice Grant ; First Lieutenant Edward Taswell to be Second Captain, vice Brandling ; Second Lieutenant Arthur Lister Kaye to be First Lieutenant, vice Taswell ; Second Captain Alfred Romaine Wra,gge to bo Captain, vice Lempriere, retired upon half-pay ; First Lieutenant John Singleton to be Second Captain, vice Wragge; Second Lieutenant Jones Julian Smith to be First Lieutenant, vice Singleton.—Feb. 17. OFFICE OF ORDNANCE, FEB. 17. Royal Regiment of Artillery.—To be Colonel-Comman dant—Colonel. John Edward Jones. To be_Colonels—Lient.-Colouels Poole Valiance) , Eng land, vice Jones ; Irwine Whitty, Henry Lewis Sweeting. To be Lieut.-Colonels—Captains John Wray Mitchell, vice England ; George John Beresford, vice Whitty ; Robert Fitzgeraltl Crawford, vice Sweeting; John St. George, William Robert Nedham, Edward Charles Warde, 1 Henry Coope Stace. To be Captains-- Second Captains William Haultain, vice Mitchell ; Frederick John Travers, vice Beresford ; ' Mathew Charles Dixon, vice Crawford; Henry Rogers, 1 vice St. George ; John Turner, vice Nedham ; Augustus Charles Lennox Fitzroy, vice Warde ; Edward Henry Fisher, vice Stace ; Robert Frederick Mountain, Samuel Cleaveland, Samuel Rood Stovin Inglefield, Edward Mou rier Boxer, Charles Scudamore Longden, Wm. Alexander Middleton, Roquler John Cannon, James Robert Gibbon. To be Second Captains—First Lieutenants Wm. Edmund Moyses Reilly, vice Haultain ; Wm. Boyd Saunders, vice Travers ; Charles Hodgkinson Smith, vice Dixon ; Henry Terrick Fitz Hugh, vice Rogers ; Whaley Nicoll Hardy, vice Turner; John Lawrance Boulton, vice ,Fitzroy ; George Henry John Alexander Fraser, vice Fisher ; ,Thomas Lambert, vice Mountain ; France James Soady, vice Cleaveland ; Edward Eldon Robert Dyneley, vice Inglefield ; Frederick Hervey Bathurst Phillips, vice Boxer ; Joseph Godby, vice Longden ; Dominick Sarsfield 'Greene, vice Middleton ; Philip Francis Miller, vice Can non ; William Wigram Barry, vice Gibbon ; George Hat ton Colomb, Thomas Henry Harding, Philip Davies Mar ,. ' esson, Mervyn Stewart, James Frederick D'Arley Street, Archibald Motteux Calvert, O'Brien Bellingham Woolsey, Alfred Wilks Drayson, Cadwalladar.William Elgee. ' To be First Lieutenants—Second Lieutenants Eardley Maitland, vice Reilly ; Maurice Edward Covey Stocker, vice Saunders ; William Arnold Burrowes, vice Smith ; John Lardner C!arke, vice Fitzhugh; Algernon Purling iJoy, vice Hardy ; Henry Thornhill, vice Boulton ; Arthur I Thornton Gratwicke Pearce, vice Fraser ; Thomas Primula Carey, vice Lambert ; William Francis Walker, vice iSoady ; Geoffrey Joseph Shakerley, vice Dyneley ; Henry ..fames Alderson, vice Phillips ; Alexander Hadden Hutchin - eon, vice Godby ; Francis Temple, vice Greene ; Frederick ,George Ravenhill, vice Miller; Thomas Henry Pitt, vice Bang ; Frederic Lee Hopkinson Lyon, vice Colomb ; 'Charles Lennox Tredcroft, vice Harding ; George William Holmes, vice Margesson ; John Edward Ruck-Keene, vice tewart; Henry Archdall Doyne, vice Street; J. Theophilus Daubuz, vice Calvert ; Robert Hodson, vice Woolsey ; i'amest Courtenay Vaughan, vice Drayson ; Frederick Sid ey Maude, vice Elgee ; Francis Towry Adeane Law ; jor Francis Downes ; Albert Charles Hugo Light ; . 7 rancis Henry William Nisbett ; Falkland George Edge !worth Warren ' • Henry Clement Swinnerton Dyer • ' Thos. Lloyd Still ; Joseph Hanwell; Joshua Frederick Betty ; Francis Wm. Eveleigh Savage ; John Kelly Holdsworth ; William Frederick Moore; Maurice Henry Fitztnaurice ; Wilbraham Digby Miltnan ; Arthur Richard Robinson ; Henry Richmond Martin, Feb. 17. OFFICE OF ORDNANCE, FEB. 16. Corps of Royal Engineers—Second 'Captain Frederick Edward Chapman to be Captain, vice Frome, placed on the Seconded List ' • First Lieutenant James Frankfort Manners Browne to be Second Captain, vice Chapman ; Second Lieutenant Wilbraham Oates. Lennox to be First Lieutenant, vice Browne, Jan. 7. OFFICE OF ORDNANCE, FEB. 17. Corps of Royal Engineers—To be Colonel Commandant —Lieutenant General Sir Henry Goldfinch, K.C.B. To be Colonels—Lientenant-Colonel Philip Barry, Bre vet-Colonel Sir William Reid, Lieutenant-Colonel Wiliam Redman Ord. To be Lieutenant-Colonels.—Bevet-Major Henry Ser vante, vice Barry ; Henry Owen Crawley, vice Ord ; John Twiss, John Walpole, Thomas 'Aiskew Ltrcom, Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel ' Edward Vicars ; Brevet-Majo'rs, St. Aubyn Molesworth, Edward Frome ; Captain Charles Edmund Wilkinson. To be Captains.—Second Captains Thomas ' r e a nsv l i e c v k, ; vice Servante ; Gother Frederick Mann, vice w Spencer Westmacott, vice Twiss ; Charles Avrceonirßicraorkse; vice Walpole ; William Collier Menzies, Robert Michael Laffan, vice Molesworth ; Arthur Henry Freeling, vice Wilkinson Harry St. George Ord; David • William Tylee Hampden;Clement Blamire Moody, John Linton Arabia Simmons, George Second Captains Philip John Richard Tyldon ; A rc hibald Leach ' Brevet- Major Stapleton Barry, H en ry Arthur White , Paul Bernard Whittingham. . ITo be Second Captains—First Lieutenants Fitzroy Mo erset, vice Fenwick • Horace Wil lyneux Henry vSire Mann ; Valentine Thomas Mairis, liam Montagu, vice Westmac ott ; Frederick William King, vice Broke ; Francis Fowke, vice Menzies ; Charles Richard Binney. vi Laffan; Frederick Henry Rich, v i ce Freelm. g; F ran cis Racwedon Chesney, vice Ord; Thos. Andrew Lums- 1 den Murray, vice Tylee ; Herbert Newton Penrice, vice Moo d y; Wm. Lawtie Morrison, vice Leach ; Anthony C. Cooke, vice Tylden; Thomas Inglis, vice Barry; Ben Hay Martindale, vice White ; Charles Scrope Hutchinson, vice Whittingham; HeiFyWray, Chas. Pasley, J. Stokes, Andrew Clarke ; Francis Du Cane; Robert Dandas Kerr • John Yerbnry Moggridge ; Francis Roe. To be First Lieutenants —Second Lieutenants Arthur Leaky, vice Somerset ; Edward Loftus Bland, vice Mon tagu ; Charles Edward Stuart Baynes, vice Mairis; Charles Le Gallais, vice King ; Anthony William Dnrford, vice Fowke ; Donald Augustus Frazer, vice Binney ; Harry George Teesdale, vice Rich ; Thomas Molyneux Graves, vice Chesney ; William Christian Anderson, vice Murray ; Edmund Frederick Du Cane, vice Penrice ; William Cross man, vice Morrison ; Willoughby D. Marsh, vice Cooke ; William James Stuart, vice Inglis ; John Clayton Co well, vice Martindale ; Robert .Hawthorn, vice Hutchins on; Gerald Graham, vice Wray ; Charles Elwin Harvey, vi ce Pasley ; Rob er t William Duff, vice Stokes; George Phi lips, vice Clarke ; Ch ar l es Nassau Martin, 'vice Du Cane ; Francis Edward Pratt, vice Kerr ; Alfred George Goodall, vioe Illoggridge ; John Mervin Cutliffe Drake, vice Koe ; Edward, Renouard James, William Bailey, Frederick Ed ward Blackett Beaumont, Charles George Gordon, Oliver Haldane Stokes, John Henry Stockman Carter William J ames Bevan Edward s , J o h n i Frederick GM retchville T Dyku Donne y, John Edwin Cornea, Thome Graves TELLERS, Boldero, Col. H. G. Chamber:, M. NAVAL IN T EL;LIGENCE. THE COMMAND OF THE BALTIC FLEET. In inserting our Portsmouth correspondent's letter yester day, referring to the report that Sir Charles Napier had been appointed to the command in chief of the Baltic fleet, we in advertently omitted the introduction, which was to the effect that it was still held in many quarters, likely to be correctly informed, that the puffing admiral would not have the com mand ; but that a certain rear-admiral that we have already named is the candidate most likely to have the chief command of the force.— Morning Herald. NAVAL APPOINTMENTS. Commodore and First Captain Michael Seyniour,Capt.John Kingcome, C.R., and all the officers of the St. George, 121, guard-ship of ordinary at Devonport, have been turned over to the Royal William, 120, at Devonport, as the St. George is required for active service at sea, as one of the ships of Baltic squadron. Captain Harry Eyres (1841) is appointed to command the St. George, 121, commissioned yesterday at Devonport for active service. Captain Edward Scott and theofficers of the Neptune, 120, guard-ship of ordinary at Portsmouth, have been turned over to the St. Vincent, 102, at Portsmouth, the Neptune being required for active service. Captain Henry Smith (1846), at present in command of the Simoom steam troop-ship, to command the Neptune, 121, commissioned yesterday at Portsmouth for active service. Commanders—Wm. Boys (1846), from the Coast Guard to the Fisgard, slag-ship, at Woolwich, for transport service at Deptford; Henry May (1854), recently promoted from first lieutenant of the Leander, 50, to the St. George, 121, at Devonport ; William Henn Gennys (1853), to the Neptune, 120, at Portsmouth. Lieutenants —George Stratton (1849), from the Excellent, ' gunnery ship at Portsmouth, to the Monarch, 84, at Sheer ness ; Hon. Oliver W. M. Lambart (1844), to the Ajax, 58, screw steam guard-ship, at Cork, additional, for the purpose of raising men for the navy. Paymaster—John Nott (1835), from the Poictiers, guard ship of ordinary at Chatham, to the Neptune, 120, at Ports mouth. Clerk—William H. Turner, paymaster of 1852, to the Nile, 91, screw steam-ship, at Devonport. PORTSMOUTH, FEB. rj. Bad weather seems set in, which will damage the progress of the work going on at this port and arsenal, preparatory to war. Vice-Admiral Sir Charles Napier, K.C.8., was in the dockyard yesterday, and taking a survey of the ships fitting out, and their state of advance for use. There is no doubt but he will hoist his flag as soon as the gre it steam-ship Duke of Wellington arrives from the Western squadron. Rear-Admiral Chads' flag-ship Edinburgh, 58, is progress ing most notably with her refit, and will be quite changed in character in another week. She has received the best of the riggers of the dockyard, and Captain Hewlett has been ap pointed flag to Rear-Admiral Chads. The accident to the Princess Royal, 91, is in course of re pair at Spithead, and will be done in a day or two. The depot-ship Neptune, 120, discharged 250 Coast-guard men into the Caesar, 91, yesterday, and that ship has got her lower rigging in a forward state. Provisions for the fie •t, we are informed, to an enormous extent, are being got ready at all the victualling yards, as many as 200 bullocks a week being slaughtered collectively, and baking biscuits and salting down going on to the extent of 100 tons of bread and a corresponding number of barrels of meat weekly. The Simoom and Vulcan, iron troop-ships, are nearly ready for the Rifles, of whom a large number came into garrison yesterday and this day by railway, from the quarters of the first battalion at Dover, who join the second battalion and go out in the Vulcan on the 24th. This ship had her steam up to-day, and made a trial of her machinery. The Boseaweu, 70, and Juno, 26, at Spithead, will be paid advance to-morrow, when those ships will be considered ready for service. The crew of the Blenheim screw, 60, have received pay ment to-day, and have been granted short leave. Heavy winds have come on to blow since yesterday, which will not favour the outfit of ships exposed to weather and its in fluences. The Queen's yacht, Victoria and Albert, has been removed to-day from out the steamer basin, having replaced her en gines and fitments (at an enormous unnecessary expense), and the war-steamer Scourge has been undocked to make room for the royal vessel to complete her repair. The ships of the Western squadron are expected home daily, and are to be re-victualled for six months in every essential, as will be, we believe, all the members of the Baltic fleet. CHATHAM, FEB. 17. Rear-Admiral Berkeley, C. 8., one of the Lords of the Admiralty, and Captain Henderson, C.B. Comp t ro ller of the Coast Guard, visited Chatham to-day for 'the purpose of in specting the seamen and marine pensioners of that division of Kent. WOOLWICII, FEB. 17. • The Janus steam-vessel took on board her coals yesterday, and to-day embarked one sergeant, one corporal, and sixty five privates of the Woolwich division of Royal Marines, under the command of Captain Herriot, for a p.sqq.ge to Sheerness, to join the Majestic commissioned at that port. The Janus will remain at Sheerness, to be used as a gunnery vessel for exercising the ma of the Royal Naval Coast Volunteers. The Zephyr steam-vessel, in charge of Master-Commander Henry William Allen, of the Lightning, is under orders to convey back to Portsmouth the riggers of that yard who were employed in navigating the Talbot round to Deptford. The Minz steam-vessel, having uudorgone a thorough re- country that Turkey should be maintained. Our commerce 'with that country was increasing to an enormous extent, and it was no answer to say that it was a commerce of transit. If Russia had possession of the country no such commerce of transit would be allowed, because, instead of the liberal policy of the Sultan, they would have the pro- hibitory tariff of the Czar. Then, if Russia once got to Constantinople, and held possession of the Dardanelles, she would become a maritime power of such strength sad im portance that the whole independence of Europe would be threatened. Russia had progressed since the d hewn a of Per the Great to an enormous extent , as was amply own in a pamphlet entitled, " The Progress and Present Position of RUMS in the East," written 20 years ago by one of the greatest diplomatists this country ever possessed, the work being ascribed to Sir John Macneil, formerly Ambassador in Persia. He believed there was not a. statesman who better understood the question of Turkey, or who was more anxious to defend the interests of England as connected with it, than Lord Stratford, and he stated that " Turkey had exhibited a spirit of self-devotion, unaccompanied by any fanatical demonstration ;" and that the Sultan " ap pealed with perfect success to the zeal of the Mussulman, and the loyalty of her Christian population." What he (Lord D. Stuart) saw in the country agreed entirely with this de scription. The Turks were accused of fanaticism, but he maintained they were showing the greatest patriotism. If any attempt were made by a foreign power to interfere with the internal affairs of this country, especially upon any sub ject connected with religion, would not the Protestants of this country rise np as one man to repel the intruder? And would they then be told that all their zeal and desire to de fend their right and honour was nothing but fanaticism. (Hear.) Though the "lurks had come forward to defend their Sovereign, they had exhibited no fanatical conduct. There had been no insolence offered to the Christians, nor any disturbances whatever that could be referred to reli gious feeling. When he was at Constantinople, in Decem ber last, there was a series of emeutes, but they were occa sioned by a number of the younger portion of the popula tion, the students of law, as they might be called—the aoftas—who had got the notion that the Government was going' to make concessions to Russia, and sign an inglorious and dishonourable peace. But there was no disturbance whatever. They declared at once that they had no desire to interfere with the Christians or their privileges, and no person was molested. He had himself been walking about and had passed the greater part of the day in the bazaars in that part of Constantinople which was more particularly inhabited by the Mussulmans. He wore a French dress. and he met with no annoyance, and he did not believe that a single Christian had been injured upon that occasion. He was glad to state that the Turkish army was in extremel good order. The troops were fine men, who were well formed well equipped, and well cared for, both in barracks and in hospital. Under Omer Pasha, at all events, they were also well commanded, and he trusted that they would be able to give such a good account of theb enemy as would continue to.do them honour and would suffice to defend their territory until they should receive the succour of this country and France, to which they were entitled by their valour, the nature of their cause,. and the con.lutt, which had been pursued by their Government. (Hear hear.) He could not Altogether omit making an observation with re gard to that most disastrous affair of Sinope, which would never be forgotten, and which, he feared, reflected no credit upon the arms of the allies of Turkey. Our Ambassador had stated that, if our fleet had been in the Black Sea, this dis aster never would have occurred ; but the right hon. gen -, - tleman said that the Turks were alone responsible for it, because they alone were aware of the defenceless state of _ Sinope. _For himself he could not reconcile the fact of our fleets not being in the Black Sea with the instructions in the blue books, because it appeared to be clear that they had been ordered to protect the Turkish territory. The disaster of Sinope was, indeed, Is most melancholy and most barbarous affair, and it had been well described by the hon. member for Ayleiliury. Russia had declared that she would commit no aggressive act upon Turkey, and then she attacked that Turkish fleet, lying peaceably in Turkish waters, and attacked it with a force so superior that it would have been no disgrace to the Turkish commanders to have struck to them at once. In a very short time the Turkish fleet was put completely hors de combat ; but not satisfied with that, the Russians continued, with excessive barbarity, to fire upon them until they were utterly de stroyed. He had heard the Turks speak of this matter, and he found that, like himself, they did not exactly un derstand the kind of limited war that was going on. He had heard them say that there was no dishonour on ac count of those proceeding either upon Russia or Turkey, for they had done their duty ; but they considered that the dishonour rested with other flags. The noble earl at the head of the Government had said that we, too, had had our Sinope. We had had our battle of Navarino, it was true , to which we could never look back with satisfac tion. It had been described as an untoward event,,And so it was ; but he was not aware that in that action we vio lated any agreement into which we had entered, or any proclamation which we had made, or committed any of those barbarities, or occasioned those useless murders and unnecessary bloo dshed, which had disgraced the affair at Sinope. In fact, the two cases were in no respect upon a par. (Cries of " Divide.") He contended than the Go vernment were not justified in putting their hands into the pockets of the British people if they were not going to do something better than to establish the status quo before the war. Were they going to drive the Russians out of the Principalities ? Were they going to make her relinquish her demands ? Were they going to compel her to pay an bdemnity to Turkey ? And, above all, were they going to place things upon such a footing that this country, Europe, and the world should not again be exposed to danger arising from unscrupulous Russian ambition ? If they , were about to do that, and to obtain from Russia solid guarantees that she would not disturb the peace of _Europe, then they would be justified in their proceedings, and the end for which they strived would be worthy of Lowry, William Meredyth Somerville, Alexander D Conrcy Scott, Carew Lewis Augustus O'Grady, Hon. Ca meron Wrottesley, Feb. 17. ADMIRALTY, FEB. 17. Corps of Royal Marines.—Second Lieutenant James Conway Travers to be First Lieutenant, vice R. G. Halli lay to half-pay. ADMIRALTY, FEB. 16. The following promotions, dated the 11th inst., have this day taken place, consequent on the death, on the 10th inst., of Vice-Admiral of the Red Honourable George Poulett : Vice-Admiral of the White Charles James Johnston to be Vice-Admiral of the Red. Vice-Admiral of the Blue Charles Sibtherp John Haw tayne to be Vice-Admiral of the 'White. Rear-Admiral of the Red Honourable William Gordon to be Vice-Admiral of the Blue. Rear-Admiral of the White Sir John Gordon Sinclair, Bart., to be Rear-Admiral of the Red. Bear-Admiral of the Blue Henry William Bruce to be Rear-Admiral of the White. Captain John Leith to be Rear-Admiral of the Blue. BANKRUPTCY ANNULLED. John Edward Loader, builder, Mile-end, Middlesex. BANKRUPTS. Henry Erkine Wethered, linen-draper, Pimlico, to sur render, March 3, and April 6, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Johnson, official assignee, Basinghall-street. Depree and Austin, Cheapside. Benjamin Parfitt, stone mason, Bermondsey, March 3, and 31, at half-past eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Cannan, official assignee, Aldermanbury ; Butler, Tooley street. Valentine Henry Gay, tailor, Blackfriars-road, March 1, at two, and March 28, at eleven, at the Court of Bank ruptcy. Stansfeld, official assignee ; Greville, Lombard street. John Rodway, victualler, Gloucester, Feb. 28 and March 28, at twelve, at the Bristol District Court. Acraman, official assignee, Bristol ; Smalridge, Gloucester. Edward Banks Green, ironmonger, Bilston, Stafford, March 7, at twelve, at the Birmingham District Court. Christie, official assignee, Birmingham ; Smith, Wolver hampton ; Motteram and Knight, Birmingham. Henry Whitmore, tailor, Stockport, March 1, at one, And April 19, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Pennell, offi c i a l assignee, asinghall-street ; Tilleard, Son, and Freeman, Old Jewry. Thomas Gately, iron merchant, Derby, March 7, at twelve, and M arc h 30 , a t e l even, at the Birmingham is trict Court. 'Whitmore, official assignee, Birmingham ; East, Birmingham. Richard Keily, commission agent, Ladbroke -terrace, March 1, at two, and April 19, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Pennell, offici a l assignees , Guildhall cham bers ; Lawrence, Plows, and Boy er , Ol Jewry-chambers.i Samuel Bircham Alpe, milliner, Duke. street, Manches ter-square, Feb. 20, and April 5, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Nicholson, official assignee, Basinghall street ; Linklater, Sise-lane. John otherwise Jonas Bergthiel, merchant, 33, Abchurch lane, Feb. 22, at one, and March 22, at half-past eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Nicholson, official assignee, 24, Basinghall-street ; Reyroux and Iromehead, 35, Old Broad-street. _ _ John Corner Blacklock and Thomas Robinson, drapers, Birmingham, March 4, and April 1, at ten, at the Bir mingham District Court. Bittleston, official assignee, Birmingham ; Wills, Birmingham ; Hodgson, Binning ham. SCOTCH SEQUESTRATION. James Cooper, currier and leather merchant, Aberdeen. BANK OF ENGLAND. An Account pursuant to the Act 7th and Bth Victoria, cap. 32, for the Week ending on Saturday the 11th day of February, IBM. ISSUE DEPAITDIENT. Z Notes isemeil ........ 29,466,190 Government debt.... 11,015,100 Other securities...... 2,984,900 Gold coin and bullion 15,466,910 Silver bu11i0n........ £29,466,910 , -- L 29,466,910 MARSTIALL, Chief Cashier. Dated the 16th day of Feb., 1854. BANKING DEPART3fENT. Proprietors' capital .. 14.053,000 Government securities Rest__ ....... 3,44;0.11 (includg•Dead Weight Pabiic deposits Lin- Annuity) .... 12,941,664 eluding Excheiner, Other securities...... 13,415,280 commiFs,oncrs Notes • • .. . 7,358,340 Na Vona! 1 it, Say- Gold and silver coin.. 736,618 inn's Banks, and Dividend Accounts) 1,951,907 (WWI :14357,045 Seven Day and other . . 1,119,31 4;3,451,9(11 1 ,433,461,904 MARS MALL, Chief Cashier. Dated tha .6th day of Feb., 1t154 PRICE OF SUGAR. The average price of Brown or Muscovado Sugar, computed from the returns made in the week ending th e 14th day of Feb., 18.51, is 235. Hid. per hundredweight, exclusive of the duties of Customs paid or payable thereon on the im portation thereof into Great Britain. SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. THE METROPOLITAN STEEPLECHASES AT HARROW. FRIDAY. The Selling Give and Take Plate Steeplechase of 3 sous. each, with 20 added. Mr. Higgin's b m rountess, lOst 71b (0 sovs) (Weaver) 1 Mr. Field's Harefinder, lOst (c. 1 Ost 21b) (50 sovs.) Bale) 2 Bettiug-4 to 1 on Countess, who made all the running, and won in a canter. The Handicap Hurdle Race of 7 sovs. each, 5 ft, and only 2 if declared, with 30 added. _ , ----. Mr. Hif„rgin's The Old Rake, 9st (c. 9st 21b) (Weaver) 1 Mr. Barling's Union Jack, 9st (Eatwell) 2 Mr. Pooie's President, 9st 41b (J. Poole) 3 Mr. Harris's Edward of York, lOst (c. lOst 31b) (W. Archer) 4 Betting-5 to 4 agst The Old Rake, 3to 1 apt Edward of York, and 5 to 1 agst President. The Optional Selling Hurdle Race of 3 sovs. es7e - h — , with 25 added. Mr. Land's Theodine, lOst 71b (30 sovs.) (Green) 1 Mr. Harriss's Reindeer, lOst 71b (30 sovs.) Mr. Leigh's Beresford, lOst 71b (30 sous,) (Eatwell) 3 Betting-3 to lon Theoclinc, who made all the running. The Metropolitan Steeplechase of 10 sovs, each, h ft, and only 2 if declared, with 100 added, . Mr. Delarnarre's b g Flying Buck, Bst 121 b (T. Donaldson) 1 Mr. S. J. Wellfit's Robin Hood, 9st 21b (H. Lamplugh) 2 Mr. Golby's Ploughboy, list 41b (Twiddy) 3 The following also ran :—The General, Jupit er , and Everton. Betting-7 to 4 agst Ploughboy, 3to 1 agst The General, and 4to 1 agst The Flying Buck. After the race Lady Ar thur, in the saute stable as the winner, was backed for the Liverpool Steeplechase at 20 to 1. The Optional Selling Steeplechase of 5 soya. each, with 30 added ➢ir. Land's b m Blue Stockings, lOst 71b (30 soya.) (Green) 1 Mr. Goodman's b m Widow Machree,lost 7st (30 soya.) (Salt) 2 Mr. Allen's g Nom de Guerre, lOst 71b (30 sovs.) (Fredericks) 3 The following also ran :—Rob Roy, Pin Wire, and Gulnare. Betting-5 to 4 agst Blue Stockings, 3to 1 agst Gulnare, and 4 to 1 agst Nom de Guerre. SHIP - PING INTELLIGENCE. CUSTOM HOUSE, FEB. 17. ENTERED INWARDS.—The Furet, from Gravelines ; John Ritson, Amsterdam ; Johanna, Antwerp ; Catharina, do. ; A dmiralaclo. ; Anna Meta, do. ; G. 0. Bigelow, Bermuda ; 'Union, Louvain. ENTERED OUTWARDS FOR LOADING.—The Maria, for Harburgh ; Freak, Anti g u a ; G. 0. Bi ge l ow, T ur k' s Island arid Nassau ; Peninsula, Cadiz ; Tre Brodre, Memel ; Ann Peat, Elsinore and Memel. CI :EARED OUTWARDS WITH CARGO.-- The Odessa, for Demerara ; Brazilian Packet, Cadiz; Protector, Trinidad Empress, Cape of Good Hope ; Mary, New Orleans. VESSELS SPOKEN WITH. The American two-masted steamer, Feb. 4., lat. 47 N., long. 40 W. The Canada (s), from Liverpool to Boston, 9th, lat. 52 N., long. 17 W. The glahteree, from London to New Zealand, Oct. 19, lat. 37 N., long. 42 E. The Elenor - Chapman, from Liverpool to Valparaiso, Jan. 9,lat. 8 N., long. 35 W. The Ceres (brig), from Falmouth, Jan. 24, let. 13 N., long. 41 W. The Laurie, from London to Launceston, lat. 8 N., long. 18 W. The Admiral von Hemskerk, from Loudon to Sydney, N.S. W.. Oct. 21, lat. 22 8 , long. 23 W. The Holyread, from London to Geelong, Jan. 5, lat. 4 N., long. 20 W. COUNTRY MARKETS. LIVERPOOL-FEB. 17. There was 'a somewhat better feeling in the trade this morning, but prices scarce y equalled those of this day se'nnight. The finer quality of white wheat was not to he had at any easier rate. American Your, in an instance or two, was 6.i.per b.irrel 13wer. Indian corn declined 1 s to 2s per qr., and ratlrir neglected. Oats, oatmeal, bar- EF l i t , ley, a nd beans were each dull and rather c h eaper. air7lev, bit slim t of A moderate arrival lVAK of wheat an ' b other grain. The wheat trade was heavy,, and holders do not feel disposed to give way in price. In or d er t o e ff ec t sales rather lower rates - must be submitted to. Barley without alteration. Beans s per qr. cheaper, but those out of condition almost unsaleable. Oats and shelling again recede in value. EXETER—FEB. 17. CATTLE.—Prirne beef, 10s 6d per score ; cows and calves, 9/. to 11/. ; butchers' calves, Od to Od per lb., rearing calves 00s to 00s each. Sheep, 6d to 7d. Lambs, Od to Od per lb. Store hogs, large size, 40s to 50s each ; slips, 20s to 26s ; small, 16s to 18s. Rough fat, 5d per lb. Pork carcases from 9s 6d to 10s 3,1 per score. CORN.—In our market wheat may be quoted from 8s 9d to 10s Od. Malting barley, 4s 6d to 5s Od ; grinding do., Os Od to 5s Od. Oats, 25s Od to 28s Od. Beaus, 56s Od to 58s Od. Peas, OOs Od to OOs Oil. FLOUR. —Fine, 59s Od to 60s 0(1 ; seconds, 57s Od to 58s Od per sack. INVERNESS.-FEB. 14. MEAL.—Oatmeal, per imp. boll 22s Od to 23a 0.1; ditto second, 00s Od to Os Od ; harleymeal , 15 s Od t o 'Os Od peasemeal, 15s Od to Os Od ; bran, per stone, Os 7d to Os Od ; Ist flour, per 2801 b, 54s Od to 56 s Od ; 2d ditto, 4is Od to 49s Od ; oatmeal, best, per st. of 141 b imperial 2s 11 to 2s 4d ; ditto second, Os Od to Os cm • barleymeal is 4 d to is 6d ; peasemeal, is 6d to O s ; Ist flour, 2s 9d cash, 3s Oil credit ; 24 ditto, 2s 3d cash, 2s 7d credit. BRISTOL SUGAR-FEB. 17. A very languid market this week, arising less, however, from any indisposition on the part of grocers and mann factureis to purchase than from the fact that the brokers' offices are completely bare of samples The refined trade experiences a slow demand at about former currencies. :ET.—FEs. 17. be close of the market : 1 Wa"leen& &c. COAL MARK Prices of Coal per ton at tl s. d. Buddlo W. Hartley 23 0 B. d • Hasting's Hartley 0 3 0 Levenson 21 0 Holywell 25 6 ifaswell 27 0 Old Adairs 2l 0 Stewavvg 27 0 Stobart's Hartley 22 6 CassoP 25 6 Tanfield Moor ‘ .23 0 Hunwick. ..................22 0 Tanfield Moor Butes .23 0 Tees 27 0 West Hartley . ............ .23 0 Low Bitchburn .., 22 Ships at market... 471 I Sold .......... 71. :',': , • a p