The Sun. — London, England, 1831-06-07 00:00:00

SPIRIT' OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. At last we have accounts of the election of Prince Leopold to the throne of Belgium, by such an over whelming majority, and with such demonstrations of zeal, as leave no doubt respecting the sentiments of the National Congress ; and in this case we are persuaded that the Congress fairly represents the country. The Belgic National Convention consists of 200 members. Of these, 196 attended the dis cussion on Saturday, the day of election. As some of them desired to see the election postponed till the question of the limits was settled, 19 probably of this party refrained from voting, and note vote was lost. Thus only 176 gave their suffrages on the occasion, and out of these Ms Royal Highness obtained the support of 1.52, or within 24 of the whole members who 'voted. Even cC these 24 votes, only 10 were hostile to his nomination, as the 14 wasted on the Regent mac be supposed given to his Royal Highness, whose claims the Regent sup ports. We have not yet seen the names of the deputies who voted on either side ; but we have no doubt that the 10 dissentient votes will be found to have been given by the small faction which voted for a republic last November, when the Congress came to a decision on the form of government to he established in Belgium. His Royal Highness has often declared, that 'among other conditions of his choice, his acceptance of the Belgic crown would depend upon the extent of the maj , ,r;ty by whom it should be offered. He had resolved never to become the King of a party or a .crtion—but of the nation, pronouncing its senti ments through its representatives in such a manner as to leave no doubt of its general and cordial, if not universal, predilection in his favour. This condi tion has been realized to an extent which must be highly satisfactory ; for supposing all the votes not united in his favour to be hostile, he has still more than three-fourths of the whole Congress as his sup porters. The case was very different with the young Duke of Nemours, who was elected by very little more than a bare majority of the assembly. As the settlement of this important affair will not admit of delay, the deputation appointed by the Congress to carry their decree of nomination to the Prince may be expected in Landon in a day or two. This deputation consists of the following members : —The President, M. de Gerlsche ; the Vice-Pre sident, M. Destouvellee ; Count F. de Merode, Count Duval de Beaulieu, Baron Osy, M. Van de Weyer, Count Vilain XIV., M. de Brouckere, and N.de Thorn. This last gentleman being member for Luxemburg, and Governor of that disputed province, will present himself to his Royal Highness as a living protest against its cession to the King of Holland. When a similar deputation at the beginning of the year proceeded to Paris with a tender of the Crown to little Nemours, they were received in a style of the most splendid hospitality by his father's Go vernment--offered a residence in one of the Royal palaces, and driven about in the Royal carriages. In short, they were welcomed and entertained like persons who embodied the majesty of the Belgic nation, and who, having a great state dignity to bestow, deserved to be treated with a correspond ing munificence of gratitude and ceremony. The Deputies, who are about to arrive in London, must not expect such treatment front our Government. They will be the guests of Prince or King Leo pold, and not of King William, his Royal High ness not standing in the same relation to the Sove reign of this country as the Duke of Nemours did to the ruler of France. This fact—of which every thing will remind the deputation—ought to con vince the Belgians that the English have but a re mote, or very accidental interest, in their proceed ings, and to disarm the weak and absurd jealousy of our French neighbours, who imagine that this country can derive any peculiar advantage, either political or commercial, from the contemplated set tlement. The same ridiculous suspicions were fos tered and avowed by the French press when his Royal Highness was nominated to the sovereignty of Greece—and that too by parties who, clamour ing for popular institutions, ought to know that whether on a Greek or a Belgic throne, the Prince must cease to be English or German, and become identified with the state n hich he is elected to ad minister.—Times. We do not know whether it may be prudent to notice—we are sure it would be quite otherwise to encourage—any of those schemes of Reform which are circulated, some perhaps with honest views— many indisputably with views the reverse of honest, but all of which discard, in a manner more or less peremptory, the principles of the present or Mini , - terial Bill. Take the thing in the most favourable sense, any very important deviation from the prin. ciple of a measure of Reform, on behalf of which the minds of most men are already, we may say, eager and unanimous, would tend to disturb that unanimity, to unsettle the bearings of the whole question throughout the country, and to overcloud the now cheering and animating prospects of com plete success with which there is no doubt that the understood plan of his Majesty's Government will be immediately attended. But there is no doubt that the great proportion of " schemes," " pros pectuses," " synopses," " outlines," &c., of Par liamentary Reform, which are now afloat, have been launched from Tory slips, and sent into the world on Tory missions. Their purpose is to dethrone the Bill of Reform from its eminence in public opinion, or at least to dazzle and confound the public eye, by presenting many objects at the same moment, in the garb and under the ban ners of Reform, with like pretensions to the Bill, but inviting support to themselves, as mote worthy of countenance from the friends of Re form on the very principles assumed by Ministers of gaining accessions to the constituent body, as well of property as of numbers. All these quackeries ought to be flung aside at mice : they mean nothing but pure mischief—they have no object—they dream of nothing but to defeat the Bill. When women of rank drive about, from house to house, declaring violently that " they would rather see England deluged with blood than the Bill carried," we may guess at the bitterness and inveteracy of spirit with which certain portions of the old Tory coterie regard this great amalgamating measure. The fact is, that the effect on society, as well as on State policy, will be most renovating. Every description of exclusiveness—all sorts of coteries—the Almacks of office, as well as of fashion—it will destroy. Fashion, which follows power, will no longer be monopolized, where power ceases to be monopolized. The vices and follies which have hitherto been no impediments—if they have no-, indeed, been faci lities—to success in high but narrow circles, will be laughed at or spurned when the circle in which they exhibit themselves shall be that of public opinion. The men of upper life be;tig, competitors, which they never yet have been, for popular or national favour, must cultivate those qualities which nations (not coteries) approve. This will spread to their wives and-daughters, and the moral character of the whole aristocracy will be mended. A paper has been sent to us, displaying a plan of Reform formed on popu lation merely—the taxed population ; but our vote is engaged by Lord J. Russell. We cannot hence forth change, and we trust the country will remain unshaken.—Time,.. Our correspond en t, 0. P. Q., for has, .in a letter in formidable Fiance.idable bill of this day's Chronicle, d rawn up indictment against the Governm en t o admit that there is a foundation fo r any of ‘ 11 1'. s charges. The Government has undoubtedly be en very culpable, and we should think very foolish, in its crusade against the Press. It seems very . hard ' that a Frenchman should not have liberty to educate his child as he thinks fit, and that the controul of instruction throughout the country should be vested in the University of Paris. 3lonopolies in trade are as bad as monopolies in instruction, and there seems no reason why bakers and booksellers should be obliged to purchase the right to make loaves and books. The seizure of newspapers is still worse than prosecutions. Again, the franchise is confined to a small number, for it is difficult to suppose that ad vantage will not be taken of the limitation. Sine cures, Pluralities, and an enormous Civil List are all great evils. But %hat has not been done in 1831 will be done in future years. With respect to the change in the constitution of the House of Peers and the Law of Election, it would, perhaps, have been as well had it taken place as soon after the Revolution as possible. But the organical changes having been once effected, we rather think the Go vernment entitled to credit for its determination to execute the existing law, whatever it may be. The law, for instance, investing corporations with a eentroul over industry, is, no doubt, exceed ingly absurd ; but we question much whether the people of Freacse are sufficiently enlightened to see its absurdity. We know that there are no people in Europe more narrow-minded than the French in matters of commercial legislation ; and we have always understood that even the Polignac Mi nistry were disposed to be more liberal in setting in dustry free than was acceptable to the nation. The Lihersl Journals, with few exceptions, were very illiberal in their economical views. The truth will ultimately prevail; and when the people are prepared for the change, then the law may enact it. With is spect to education, we have no doubt that it will scon be placed on a better footing. It is probable that this will be one of the subjects with which the Chambers will be first occupied after they meet. What the French have gained by the revolution is of inestimable price : they have now a Government, which may err unquestionably, but which is depen dent on the nation, and which can only hope to exist by the support of the nation. The Government which was destroyed in July was imposed on the nation, was in a constant conspiracy against the no titre, and looked for its support to the despots of the surrounding countries. It was a Government which endeavoured to revive exploded superstitions, as a support to projects for restoring the ancient anti-na tional regime. But if the present French Government is chargeable with sins—if Louis Phillippe has shown himselfavaricious,and a lover of tbe worst part of Mo narchy—namely, its costly extravagance—the Libe rals, also, are not without their faults. The foreign policy which they recommended would unques tionably have plunged all Europe in war. Now, in the case of Belgium, it is far better that France should rely on her own strength than seek to revive the old policy of rounding her tr rritories, and ac quiring natural boundaries as they are called, and thereby inspire all Europe with alarm. She has done wisely in not yielding to the temptation. As to Italy, we are far from justifying an endeavour to conciliate the favour of the great Monarchies by treachery towards the Revolutionists, for of this Louis Philippe is accused. It may also be true that it would be much more for the interest of France to be surrounded by Constitutional than by Abso lute Governments. But would the Government of a country which had just terminated a revolution, and was of course exposed to a variety of dangers both front within and without, have been justified in expending the treasures of that country in a war for the support of the Revolutionists of Italy ? To interfere in the internal affairs of another country is at all times a questionable policy. In the case of Italy, it is pretty clear, that though the most enlightened individuals might wish a change, the people in general were not prepared to .second them. The people shewed no disposition to fight; and in a country so strong by nature as Italy, the people might have easily maintAined their ground for a length of time. But if we once admit the principle of one nation giving relief to a party in another country, how are we to be sure that the consequence of that relief is not to do violence to the majority of the population ? We may thus lay a foundation for interminable civil war, for the majority will, of course, rise on the withdrawal of the foreign aid. Upon the whole, the foreign policy of the French Government seems to us less liable to objection than its domestic policy. Europe has too much at stake in the continuance of the existing Go vernment of France, to wish to see that Govern ment rashly committed to an European war. It is quite clear that no Government will think of at tacking France. France, by adopting a warlike policy, might overthrow the existing Governments; but she would become again probably a military monster, a foe to the repose of the world. We dread armies—they are the pest of humanity. The nation which possesses a large army must find work for it, arid the head of the army soon discovers that there is no power but his own in the State. We see that Russia has been a constant pest to all her neighbours, from the necessity of giving her army something to do.—Morning Chronicle. If Special Commissions and sanguinary punish ments were the Lest means to subdue the passions and correct the habits of a people, there is no reason why Ireland should not now be the most peaceabtle and the most civilized country in the world. No people on the face of the earth have had more of the discipline of rigorous laws, and few have had so much—and no people are more ready to act upon warm and impetuous feelings, under a real or imagi nary sense of wrong, without any regard to the con sequences of an intemperate or illegal vindication of what they consider their violated rights. Last year Cork had its Special Commission—this year Limerick and Clare are undergoing that " fiery ordeal" of justice; and we suppose the avenging sword of the law will presently be bared in a simi lar way in Galway, the Queen's county, and some other places. The majority of the offenders to be tried are charged with outrages and crimes punish able tinder the " Whiteboy Acts," which outrages have their origin in disputes about the rent of land and the payment of tithe—matters that have been, for a great space of time, the exciting causes of the most bitter contention and deadly animosity between the rich arid the poor; the former being backed by the laws of the land, which are truly vindictive ; and the latter by the no less sanguinary laws of the noc turnel conventions of Agrarian legislators. In charging the Grand Jury at Limerick, the other day, Mr. Justice Jebb is reported to have said, " The offences which have led to this investigation are of such a nature as to justify me in describing them as a species of warfare between the peasantry and the proprietors and occupiers of land. The object of this warfare is to deprive the proprietors or occupiers of the power of disposing of their property as they shall think fit, and to dictate to them the terms on which their estates shall be deilt out to the peasantry of this country. The means by which this object is sought to be ob tained consists of every species of crime, accom . parried by violence, by injuring of property of every kind, and by ascending, in regular grades, from ordinary trespass to murder in its worst and most hideous forms—cold-blooded premeditated assassi nation, so cunningly contrived, so secretly plotted, and so timely executed, as to baffle, and escape, in many instances, the pursuit arid diligence of the mesa active and persevering individuals to whom are - ntrusted this branch of the Administratioe of the awe of the land." Vie believe this description is not exaggerated : it is no more than the melancholy, the afflicting truth. What is worse, the moral dis- ease which has stricken the peasantry of Ireland in creases from year to year in violence and malignity. The Judge looks only to the crimes in the calendar, for the purpose of their punishment; the Govern ment should inquire into their causes, with a view to their prevention. Whatever the causes may be, we can assert with confidence, that it is not mild and temperate punishment which has led to the contempt of the laws, which Judge Jebb so forcibly describes ; never were laws framed in a more exter tninating spirit than the White-boy Acts; they have since the first year of their enactment, which was in 1787, been applied from time to time with an unsparing rigour, congenial with the temper of the tierce legislation that called them into existence. What is the consequence ? They have not tamed the wild passions or subdued the exasperated feelings of the peasant r y ; on t h e contrary, they have rendered wild passions more savage, and exasperated feelings more vindictive. Inst ea d o f i ntroducing discipline, they have increased disorder. Wh ere they found the peasantry discontented they have made them despe rate; they have aggravated the evils which they pre ended to cure, until we have seen the peasantry be c)e as they are at the present day habituated to outrage, as a familiar practice, and, dreadfully familiar with the shedding of blood. This statement of the increased and increasing demoralization of the Irish peasantry, while such sanguinary laws hang over heir heads, is confirmed by Judge Jebb, who says, " The character of the people, once remarkable for their warmth of feeling, and for strong and sincere attachments, has become changed; their morals are now perverted, and all the principles of religion dis regarded." ft is quite clear, therefore, that front the year 1787, down to the present day, Special Commissions, with the terrible spectacles offered to the public eye by the rigid execution of vindictive laws, have done more harm than good. When a people become more savage and immoral, the laws, which ought to be a great source of civilization and morality, must be essentially wrong. Under the Whiteboy Acts, a threat of violence to induce a man to enter an unlawful combination, or to induce him to do injury to the lands of another , is punish able with death. Leaving the morality of such an enactment out of the question, we are of opinion that its impolicy requires its abolition. Where no distinction is made in the punishment which the law assigns to threats of violence and actual murder, the perpetration of the latter crime will become of more common occurrence than it otherwise would be. When a man knows that he may be hanged for a threat, or other indication of violence, and can only be hanged for putting that threat in execution, to the destruction of life, he will the less hesitate to gratify his revenge by destroying an enemy, or to consult for his safety by putting a witness out of the way. Under such laws we are not surprised that revenge should so frequently terminate in homicide. In Clare, the number of persons charged with mur der, to be tried at the present Commission, are forty one—rather a strong illustration, we think, of the unhumanizing influence of violent laws. We observe that two persons—namely, Michael Devitt and Michael Stovin, have been capitally convicted at Limerick, for feloniously threatening one .Harlin Kelly with the words " I'll break your head, and split your skull," to induce him to join an illegal as sociation. We trust we have shown cau=e why the law should not be carried into execution in those cases. The law which confounds violent words with sanguinary deeds is in barbarous opposition to the first principles of justice.—Morning Herald. Since the gratifying news which we published yesterday respecting the success of the Polee, arid the defeat of the Russians on almost every point, and in every renconnter, we have received the official dispatch of the brave and skilful Commander-in- Chief of the Poles, containing all the particulars of the actions of which we were yesterday only enabled to gi re the heads. The dispatch not only bears out everything contained in the Hamburg Papers, but confirms us still more strongly in the opinion which we gave yesterday, that the Russians have now no chance with the Poles, and that the great battle so long threatened and expected, is put off for a much longer period than either party imagined. The Russians have, in fact, been driven out of Poland, and not only driven out, but given up, without firing a shot, a fortress which the Polish Com mander-in-Chief deems to be of the highest im portance, and whose strength will now be turned against the invader, should he attempt to make a second irruption among the Poles. In inquiring into the causes of this extraordinary success, the reader will be at no loss to discover them : first, In the sickly state of the Russian army,—secondly, in its disorganised condition in consequence of secret disaffection,—thirdly, in the superior gal lantiy and activity of the Polish troops,—fourthly, in the great military talents displayed by the Polish Commander-iii-Chief,—and lastly, in the hostile spirit of the population. One of these positions, according to a French journal, which gives the merit of the plan of the campaign to a French General, we have no right to claim ; but the Polish Commander-in-Chief evinced superior abi ' lities long before there was the slightest inti mation of French cfficers having tendered their services, and we are, therefore, inclined to give to the former, until more authentic accounts to the contrary have reached us, the merit which, it appears to us, so justly belongs to him. It is easy for any one to lay down a plan of campaign, which, under given circumstances, must prove success ful; but it is equally evident, on the other hand, that that plan can be of little use under altered circumstances, and that in a case like that of the Polish and Russian war, where there have been so many changes, no in structions from Paris could be of much use except in a general point of view. Another question arises, not for the first time with us, for we were the first to s:ir it, and that is, what is now to be done with Poland ? When Charles X. was expelled from France, the English Government hastened to recognize the new order of things—when the Bel gians drove the Dutch from out of their territories, a virtual recognition, in the shape of amicable mediation, between the contending parties, was tendered; and Poland is now in the same, or rather a more noble and exalted position. Is she not to be recognized? Are the Russians to be permitted to carry on a war of extermination a gainst her people, after they have so nobly vindicated their right to incorporation with the independent States of Europe ? Are not France and England to interfere by remonstrance in their behalf, and if remons.rance will riot do, force of arms ? We have no wish for war either here or elsewhere; still less have we any desire to embroil the great powers of Europe; but it appears to us that there never was a clearer case for recognition than that of Poland at the present moment; and that as both France and England disgraced themselves by allow ing the infamous partition of Poland in former times, now is the time both for retrieving their ho. nour and doing justice to a gallant and much -injured people. The regard for Poland formerly evinced by Lord Grey, encourages us to hope that he will per mit no delay to interfere in doing every thing that justice demands; and it may be noted as a fact on the other hand, that in any steps which he m ay take in behalf of the Poles, he will be seconded to his heart's content, not only by the people of the United Kingdom, but by the whole population of France. The two countries combined in one com mon cause are irresistible, more especially in the present state of public opinion throughout Europe; and never will they exert their great powers in the vindication of a nobler cause than that of Poland. Morning Advertiser. An Evening Contemporary takes us to task for asserting that the present system in bankruptcy worked well. We repeat our assertion; and we will take upon ourselves also to assert that the change which is meditated in the administration of the Bankrupt Laws is the reverse of useful or just. There are plenty of good-natured friends who are gaping for places, and fifty new ones at one dash is no small Godsend to a minister, who has the cravings of so many to satisfy- There is a story, too, on foot, now, that Lord Lyndhurst means to give the measure his support. We doubt the assertion). We believe that a very intimate friend of his Lord ship has succeeded to the appointment of King's Counsel in the Duchy Court of Cornwall ; but to say, as we have heard it said, that therefore Lord Lyndhurst will support the Lord Chancellor's Bankrupt Bill, is, in our opinion, to libel that Ho nourable Gentleman. He knows that the present system works well ; and that, with some regulations as to a few points of practice, and with, p r obably, some curtailment of the number of the Commis sioners, the present plan and the existing Bank rupt Laws are much better calculated for prac tical benefit than all the new-fangled notions of his Majesty's Attorney-General or Lo r d High Chancellor. The Solicitor-General has admitted the utility of it over and over again in his examination before the Chancery Commissioners; and as he was himself for many years a Commissioner of Bank rupts, must have been perfectly cognizant of the subject of which he was forming an opinion. 1,1 hen the new plan shall have undergone the criticism it is destined to meet with from that leatned person, Sir E. B. Sugden—when Sir James Scarlett shall have exposed its anomalies—and when Sir Charles Wetherell shall have shewn it properly up—we shall be glad to see the effect produced upon the House by the eloquence of those who know nothing of bankruptcy or bankrupt practice, but who, never theless, presume to say that the present law and practice in bankruptcy are wrong. The Commis rnissioners of Bankrupts have been very ill used by lie Lord Chancellor, and have never been properly defended in the House of Commons. We hope, however, that justice, though tardy, may at length be dealt to them, and that they may be shewn to the commercial world in particular, and to the public in general, not to be that place-hunting, fee-seeking, meeting-making, mischievous race which the tongue that talked of " compensation, for fear of turning useless drones into stinging hornets," misrepresented them to be.—Morning Post. THE GENERAL POST-OFFICE, DUBLIN. The inconveniences which have arisen to the public from recent changes in this establishment are, we regret being obliged to state, much greater than we even anticipated when we com plained of the removal of Sir Edward Lees, who was perhaps in his station one of the most efficient public officers in the empire. We do not here intend to enter into the grievous hardships sustained by individuals, who, after holding situ . ations for several years, and becoming perfectly ' acquainted with the business of the office, were suddenly removed, either to save the Exchequer some forty or fifty pounds a year, or to make room for strangers totally ignorant of the duties imposed upon them. One very general com plaint against the Post-office is unprecedented irregularity in the transmission of newspapers. — The revenue arising from the postage of letters containing complaints on this head is in itself considerable. We do not attach any blame to Mr. Godby for this; we verily believe he is sin cerely anxious to discharge his duties satisfac torily ; but so much confusion has been intro duced by various alterations and substitutions that it is impossible, for some time at least, to expect regularity. With perfect respect for Mr. Godby in his individual capacity, we do not hesitate to say that the removal of Sir Edward Lees was a most injudicious, and we will add, a most injurious step. Increase or saving of revenue seems to be now the only object, and for that, it is much to be apprehended, public ad vantage is frequently lost sight of. We shall instance a particular case. A registry kept at the Post-office window has been abolished—the expenses attendant upon it were three hundred pounds a year—as it is alleged that it did not afford a security equivalent to that expenditure. It is true it did not afford a positive security even for post-paid letters ; but there was a species of security to individuals who took the trouble of registering their double letters, and demanding a receipt for them, for the Secre tary was enabled to trace the loss of a letter to the individual, by whose negligence, or other impropriety, it was lost. Now there is no registry kept, nor is there a receipt given for any letter. It is said that it was useless to disc.)ver the loser of a letter, as the late Post-.\l asters-General, Lords O'Neill and Rosse, decided on not hold ing the individual accountable. But, we ask, would it not be a wholesome check, that any person handling money-letters should be aware that any loss occasioned by negligence or impro priety on his part, would be certainly discovered, and followed, at least, by instant dismissal ? Although the money might be lost to the owner, certain ruin would await the negligent or fraudu lent clerk, which in itself would be a security to some other portion of the public. These obser vations respecting the registry office have been elicited by a case of peculiar hardship which has been submitted to us. A poor man named M'Donald, a dealer in fruit, put two letters into the Post-office on the 26th of last March, and paid the postage of both, but was refthed a re ceipt, and both were lost. One of the letters contained a whole Si. note, and the other a whole 30s. note. M'Donald took the numbers and dates of both, and he has since discovered that the Sl. note was paid in the bank on the 30th of the same month. Is it not quite obvious that the letter containing it never reached its destina tion ? and yet the poor man has no redress. The 30s. note has not yet been presented, but the un fortunate man has, we apprehend no chance of recovering it. A similar case occured on the 25th of March. Mr. Stephen Doyle, of Great Strand -street, put in a letter containing 2/. notes, paid the postage, got no receipt, and lost his money. These are circumstances well worth the serious attention of the proper autho rities, and they will, we trust, deter the public from remitting whole notes under any circum stances. The Post-office is accountable for no money lost through it ; no matter under what circumstances.—Freernan's Journal. DESCRIPTION OF A BOROUGIIMONGER.- At the Malmesbury Reform Dinr.er, Mr. Pou LETT SC ROPE, the Chairman, gave the following description of a borough monger It was an animal of unclean habits and vicious propensities ; like the swine, fond of wallowing in mire, with the voracious appetite of the wolf, the cunning of the fox, and some few redeeming touches of the ass about it. The inhabitants of the country, however, in which it was found, were now so thoroughly alive to its wolfish charac ter, that just as, eight centuries back, under good King Encalt, they hunted out of the island the breed of four footed wolves, so now are they banded under King NVIL- Laksi to extirpate the race of these two-legged, but equally mischievous animals." Colonel S -E, of the Royal Marines, was always distinguished for the perspicuity and brevity of his speeches, of which the following is a specimen, which was delivered when going into the battle of the Nile :—Sir Jamxs SAUMARE3I, who commanded the man-of-war to which he belonged, had, in a lengthened speech, wound up the feelings of the sailors to the highest pitch of ardour for the fight , by reminding them of the duty they owed to their King and country ; and, though last not least, he desired them to call to mind their families, their parents, and sweethearts, and to fight as if the battle solely depended on their individual exertions. lie was answered by looks an d gestures highly expressive of their determination ; when, turning to cur hero, he said, "Now, S---E, I leave you to speak to the Marines." Captain S--K immediately directed their attention to the land beyond the French fleet, "Do you see that land there?" he asked. They all shouted "Aye, aye, Sir !" " Now, my lads, that the land of Egypt; and, if you don't fight like devils, you'll so on be in the house of bondage." lie was an swered by a real British cheer, fore and aft. PETTY OFFICIAL TYRANNY.--A well known crier of " fine and young, young and green water cresses, fine spring water-creases !" whose musical notes have for so many seasons amused the inhabitants of this town, being forbidden to follow his occupation by the overseer, in a fit of despondency cut about three yards from a cart rope, with which he suspended himself; but b e i n g observed by a man who wa also an inmate of the sme house, he was speedily liberated. When recovered from this " rash act" he attempted to drown himself, but was also prevented ; and he has since t a k en t o hi s b e d , and a ppears inconsolable. What appears the more severe on the part of the parish officer is, that the person who con tracted to maintain the parish paupers, and who is en titled to their labour, is quite agreeable that this pauper s hould, by the sale of water-cresses, obtain his pint of ale an d pipe of tobacco, which, to an old soldier, are truly valuable, and which it appears hard to deprive him of, as be is unfit to labour in any ether way to the least advan tage of his employer.—Bedford (casette.; THE WHITEHAVEN RIOTS. (From the Carlisle Journal.) PUBLIC MEETING TO TAKE THE DIS TURBANCES OF SATURDAY NIGHT INTO CONSIDERATION. At an early hour on Monday morning the follow ng hand-bill was generally distributed about the own . _ " PUBLIC MEETING.—A meeting of the inhabitants of the town of Whitehaven will be held at the Black Lion Inn, this day (Monday, the 30th of May instant), at twelve o'clock at noon, to take into consideration the measures proper to be adopted in consequence of the disgraceful pro ceedings which took place in this town on Saturday last, and especially the propriety of presenting memorials to the Lord High Chancellor and the Lord Lieutenant of the County, for the appointment of a more efficient Magi stracy.—Whitehaven, 30th May, 1531." By twelve o'clock the Assembly-room of the Black Lion was filled with the most respectable gentlemen and tradesmen in the town. The meeting was, in deed, more numerously attended than any previous meeting held in Whitehaven for many years. At the lower end of the room were a number of re spectable mechanics, who were no doubt anxious to show, by their appearance amongst their fellow townsmen, that they had had no participation in the dreadful scenes of Saturday night. ISAAC LITTLEDALE, Esq. having been called to the chair, said they had met to consider one of the most disgraceful transactions that had ever occurred in Whitehaven. G. HARRISON, Esq. (banker), said the proceed ings of Saturday night must be viewed with indig. nation by every man of right feelings ; and it became the duty of every one to come boldly forward and express his opinions freely upon the subject.— (Cheers.) Such proceedings as those to which they had been witnesses, he was bound to say, had never before occurred, under si:nilar circumstances, in any part of England.—(Cheers.) There was no necessity to multiply words upon the subject, and he would only now ask, was it not proper that they should net upon such a subject, and adopt such measures as would show they were not to he inti midated by brute force from the performance of their duty ?—(Cheers.) Capt. ROBT. WALKER, R. 1., hoped the meeting would allow him to say a few words on a very selfish subject—namely, what had occured to him self on Sunday night, after he had retired from the field of battle.—(clear, hear.) When about to step into his carriage, several kind friends came about him, and begged of him not to go home by the Bransty•road, for parties of colliers were there lying in wait to murder him. Mrs Walker was with him, and became alarmed by their remonstrances, and also urged him to go by Hensineham ; and pro bably it was fortunate she was there, or he might have been fool-hardy enough to have gone amongst these fellows. Discretion, however, was probably the better part of valour, and by taking the Hen singhatn road he had deprived the blood-seekers of their prey.—(Cheers.) He had frequently ven tured his life in the service of his country—in de fence of the lives and properties of such men as the Earl of Lonsdale, whil,t they were sitting at home at ease ; and he thought it would be not a little in glorious to fall at the last by the hands of his Lord ship's colliers.—( Much cheering.) Mr. 1-lonsoN (solicitor) begged to address a few words to the meeting, to show the necessity of adopting some strong resolutions. Mr. Blamire, one of the representatives of the county, had been at Whitehaven paying his respects to his constituents, and had dined at that house with a convivial party in celebration of the King's birth-day. The party was broken up by a general attack upon the house by the colliers of the Earl of Lonsdale—(Shame, shame) — and for several hours neither Mr. Blamire nor him self could leave the inn without endangering their lives.—(Shame, shame.) These facts alone were sufficient to show the necessity there existed for the people of Whitehaven doing something to se cure themselves for the future.—(Cheers.) MILIIAM HARTLEY, Esq. (banker), said —Gentle men, I am not a stranger amongst you—(Hear, hear) —for I have lived in Whitehaven tifiy years; and I am certainly at a loss to conceive what I have ever done that my life should he sought to be taken by the agents of the Earl of Lonsdale.—(Loud cheering, and cries of " Shame, shame !" " Dis graceful !" " Horrible !" &c.) I have never been opposed to the interests of Lord Lonsdale ; I have been, indeed, on friendly terms with him, and have frequently dined at his table—(Hear, hear) —and what the offence may be that has created the wrath of his agents, I can't say.—(Cheers.) After the first attack here in the evening, I went to see one of my sons, who had gone into the crowd, it was a boyish trick of him, and I don't defend it—though it showed there was some courage in the lad to face such a mob as were assembled there.—(Hear, hear.) I found him with his skull cut.--(Shame, shame.") We got into our carriage, and when we came near the archway,* I found about twenty colliers waiting to attack me ; my coachman whipped forward, and had it not been for him, it is my opinion that I should have been killed.—(Strong expressions of horror and indignation burst from every part of the meeting.) They were not able to stop the coach ; and they then struck at my man upon the box, and attempted to strike me.—(Shame, shame.) The coachman drove too quickly for them to do much mischief, and when they could do no better, they threw their bludgeonsat us.—(Shouts of indignation.) Captain WALKER—The ends of the bludgeons were filled with lead.—(Shame, shame.) Mr. HARTLEY then read a series of resolutions amidst much cheering, and repeated shouts of indig nation. After reading the resolution respecting the ap pointment of additional Magistrates, Mr. HARTLEY said, with repect to this resolution I wish to say a few words. About twenty years ago, my Lord Lonsdale did me the honour to put me upon the Commission of the Peace; but I never qualified, for I could not act on that Bench.—(A voice in the centre of the room, " No honest man could;" much cheering.) lam a peaceable man, and wish to live in quietness amongst my neigh bours; but if my blood is to be shed, I will not shrink from doing my duty.—(Repeated cheers.) Mr. H. concluded by moving the adoption of the re solutions. Mr. R. FORSTER seconded the resolutions. The CHAIRMAN then put them seriatim, and they were u nanimously adopted. When the resolution alluding to the distribution of ale by one of the Magistrates was read, Mr. IL FORSTER inquired if it would be proper to adopt such a resolution without making some farther inquiry upon the subject ? A Gentleman present 'aid, he had heard one of the agents of the harl of Lonsdale, who assisted in distributing the ale, state that part of it was given by Mr. John Harrison, a Magistrate.—(Hear.) , Mr. It. FOR STER sa id h e was per f ect l y sat isfied. The names of the persons to be recommended as new Magistrates were moved by different persons in the room, and each was received with loud cheering. The Committee having been appointed, Mr. HARTLEY again addressed the mee tin g . He said there c o uld b e no doubt whatever but the riot of which they had to complain was premeditated — that it had been arranged and planned out long since. —(Hear hear.) The conduct of the police on Sa turday night had been most shameful. They had been in the midst of that crowd for hours, and now, when called upon to identify some of the actors, they declared they knew none of them—that they had never seen any of them before.—(Shame.) Mr. G. HARRISON tho u g ht it highly proper that the Trustees of the Harbour should be called upon to investigate the conduct of these men ; and if their conduct had really been such as was generally be lieved, to dismiss them. Mr. HOBSON thought Mr. Harrison's suggestion highly proper, should have his warm support. r A person was a io n is d • in the room who saw Green, the policeman, go i nto a public-house at two o'clock o n The entrauce to the town. Sunday morning, and treat son►c of the most active of the rioters with liquor.—(Cries of " shame.") Mr. HARTLEY should like to know if any one ever before heard of the colliers being treated with 1r;n1; on a King's birth-day ?—(No, no, no.) The town, he knew, was anxious for peace ; but if the colliers were to be incited to riot in this way, bow _ was it to be maintained ?—(Cheers.) Mr. HonsoN said the Magistrates had even yet taken no steps in this affair.—[Captain WALKER " They ought to have been here to-day."]—lndeed, instead of taking steps to investigate the matter, they appear to take credit for what had been done, and to exult in their shame.—(Cheers.) He should therefore move, that it be art instruction to the Com.. tdltee to make such investigation of the affair as would bring some at least of the perpetrators to justice.—(Cheers.) R. BARKER, Esq., merchant, seconded the mo- tion. He considered that the lives and properties of the Blues were no longer safe in the town. — (Cheers.)—The motion was carried unanimously. Mr. J. GIBSON, for one, was glad that the last resolution had been adopted. It was due to that meeting—it was due to the town at large, that the offenders should be brought to justice with as little delay as possible.—(Cheers.) It was due also to their h;ghly-respected and public-spirited townsman, Mr. John Hamilton, who, in defending the door of that house from the ruffian assaults of the mob out- side, had received a desperate and dangerous wound. —(Much cheering.) A poor boy had also been struck on the brad with a pick so violently, that his life was in danger.—(" Shame.") It was the imperative duty of that meeting to see justice done. to that poor boy, whose father was a poor man— and bring the perpetrators of the diabolical deed to jastiee.—(Cheerso At the meeting held in That - house on Saturday evening, no party emblems had been shown—scarcely even a blue watch-ribbon had been exhibited. Many of the gentlemen present were prsons who approved Lord Lonsdale's raea- sures, and one of the very last toasts they drank prior to their room being assailed, was the health of the Countess of Lonsdale.—(Cheers.) At the same time they were determined to do their duty, and, spite of all threats, meet where they pleased to celebrate his Majt•sty's birth-day. _ Mr. HARTLEY--Gentlemen, one word before we part. I understand that the Earl of Lonsdale will visit Whitehaven this afternoon. Let me beg of you when lie strives, "that you receive him with that ri spect due to a Nobleman."—(Hear, hear.) I understand that a person went off this morning to stop his Lordship, in consequence of these proceed ings ; but I hope he will not succeed in his errand, for I should wish his Lordship to see this house with his own eyes. But let me again beg of you to treat him with respect. The meeting then separated. The Earl of Lonsdale is the Lord Lieutenant of this county. He strived at Whitehaven on Moo day last; and it was natural to expect that, holding the high station that he does, and being the em ployer of the men who had excited so much alarm in the town, he would take some step to show his decided disapprobation of the proceedings. He has chosen another course : he retains all his agents, and he refuses to interfere in the business ! On Wed nesday a deputation of gentlemen, consisting of Isaac Littleton, Esq , George Harrison, Esq , and Messrs. W. Perry, C. Hobson, P. Fisher, Jas. Bell, and John Thompson, waited upon his Lordship, and pre3ented him with a copy of the resolutions agreed to at the public meeting on Mcnday; at the same tune detailing to hint the occurrences of Saturday. His answer was returned in the afternoon. He de clined to interfere, and referred the town to the Lord Chancellor for a remedy Comment would be superfluous; the facts are sufficient. " ltragis trolus indicat virum," is the motto of the Noble Earl, and by that !et him be judged. We have furnished the facts: let our readers draw their con clusions. But this we say—that if the Ministry overlook this affiir, and continue the Earl of Lons dale in the Lord Lieutenancy of Cumberland, they will most grossly neglect their duty to the public. To all the consequences that are likely to result from this premeditated riot, we have neither time nor room to allude at present. It has, however, de stroyed what little hold the house of Lowther had upon the affections of the non-expectant part of the people of Whitehaven; it has roused the indigna tion of every thinking man in the town; it has shown the danger of any longer upholding a power that has proved itself capable of acts such as were last Saturday exhibited ; and has roused every man to a sense of independence which was before but imperfectly understood. Out of evil comes good. The line of distinction between the parties is now drawn ; and few but the profligate, the debased, and the expectant will be found to hesitate on which side to range themselves. An occasional correspondent of ours, whose veracity is unquestionable, wishes to state, by way of ex position, that oxalic acid is not unfrequently used in the cleaning of tripe, entrails, &c. He learnt this by mere accident. Happening to be in a druggist's shop, not a hundred miles from this town, a little girl came in to put. chase some oxalic acid, and, as it is well known it is a strong and deadly poison, the natural and very prudent inquiry was made by the tradesman, " What do you want it for ?" The answer was, "My mother wants it to scour tripe." It is used to make tripe white. The druggist took care to give the girl but a small quantity after such an explanation. Several persons were taken ill, and one died at Bedford last year, in consequence of eating the inside of animals.—Bedford Gazette. _ _ We learn from the most unquestionable au thority, says the Salisbury (N. C. ) Western Carolinian of the 11th instant, that from 75 to 100 pounds of gold (the precise quantity not known) were lately found upon a tract of land in Mecklenberg county, about twenty miles east of Charlotte, belonging to two gentlemen in Virginia, whose names were not recollected by our informant. Se veral pieces weighed from eight to ten pounds. —New York Paper. —0 rare Jonathan ! THE MALTHUSIAN SYSTEM SUSPENDED. —Among the many curious returns to the population papers. on Monday, there was one in Sloane -street, pro bably unique. The return gave twenty-four females, Itches, servants, &c., in one house. A rather whimsical dialogue ensued between the maid and the astonished col bctor :—" What !" cried the latter, looking over the paper, "twenty-four women all in one house, and no man among ye ?"—" Yes, Sir," replied Sally, " it is too true ; hut mistress has set it down as if upon oath, and I arra ready to take my oath too, if you doubt it."—Literary Gazette. On the 21st ult. ELIZABETH BROWN. aged 42, was committed to the county gaol, charged with the wilful murder of THOMAS WILLIAM BROWN, her infant child. We are informed she threw the baby into the air :is high as she could, caught it in her arms, and then dashed it on the stories in the mat ket.place, at Gravesend. The unhappy woman was first sent to St. Luke's as a lunatic, but was subsequently committed for trial.—Kent Herald. BI RT El S. On the sth inst. the Kitchiner, Esq. of Wilton_ crescent, Belgrave-square, of a daughter. On the 4th inst. at Cheltenham, the lady of Charles Prideaux Brune, of a daughter. On the 6th inst. in Bernard-street, Russell-square, Mrs. F. G. Francis, of a son. On tke: 6th inst. the lady of J. Neilson, Esq. York-terrace, Regent's-park, of a son. On the 3kt inst. at Herriot-row, Edinburgh, the lady of G. Dickson, Esq., of Belehester, of a son. On the 6th inst. in John-street, Berkeley-square, the lady of the Hon. G. Talbot, of a daughter. MARRIED. On the 28th ult. at St. -- Salwell's, Exeter, by the Rev. John Abbott, Jos ph Barnes Sanders, F:sq., to Emily Mary, only daughter of Captain Francis St,,nfell, On the 24.1 inst. at St. Bride's, Mr. G. Ritchie, of Gracechurch. street, to Anne, second dau g h ter of the late r. J. Reynolds. On the 4th inst., at Brighton, C. Rawlinson, Esq. of Doughty. street, to Louisa, daughter of the late M. Burnell, Esq. of Great Corarn-street. On the 31,A ult. at Brinny, county of Cork, the lion. W. S. Bernard, brother of the Earl of Bandon , to Elizabeth, only daughter of Lieut.-Colonel Gillman. On the Ist inst., at Fulham Church, by the Rev. Mr. Jones, Peter Brune, Esq., of liainmersmith, to Ann Finch Ruff, widow of the late H. Ruff; Esq., of Turnham Green Terrace. DIED. On the sth inst. at Greenwich, Mrs. Mary Millington, aged 70. On the sth inst. at Newington-green, Mrs. Parker, widow of the late Mr. R. Parker, of Doctors'-commons, aged 70. On the 4th inst. at New Lane, Lymington, Hants, in her 91st yea!, Celia, relict of th e l ate Phili p Bromfield, kaq„ of Boldre, Hants. On the 6th inst. in Welbeek-street, R. Fullerton, Esq., late Governor of Prince of Wales's Island, Singapore, and Malacca. ---- PHINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO YOUNG, AT SUN OFFICE, 112,STk AND, LONDON. 4