The Sun. — London, England, 1863-05-29 00:00:00

ERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF COMMONS—Last Evening, The SPEAKER took the chair at 4 o'clock. NEW MEMBER. Mr, O'HAGAN, the Attorney-General for Ireland, took the oaths and his seat. The right hon. and learned member was cheered as he took his seat on the Govern ment btmehes, and was introduced by Lord Castlerosse and Mr. C. Fortescue. The following bills were read a second time :—The Anglesey Central Railway, and,Colne Valley and Halstead Railway. THIRD READINGS. The following bills were read a third time :—Charing Cross Railway—Drayton Junction Railway—Horsey Island Reclamation—Midland Railway (New Lines, &c.) —New Milford Docks—Oswestry, Ellesmere, and Whit church Railway—Wrexham, Mold, and Connah's Quay Railway. PETITIONS. By Mr. Packe, in favour of the bill for closing public houses on the Sabbath; Mr. C. Turner, Mr. Forster, and Mr. Whalley to the same effect; Mr. H. Thompson, Mr. Packe, and Mr. Headlam, against the bill for closing public houses on the Sabbath. RAILWAY BILLS BILL. Mr. WHALLEY postponed the second reading till next week. NEW WRITS. On the motion of Mr. BRAND, the Clerk of the Crown was ordered to issue writs for the City of London and Kin sale, in the room of Western Wood, Esq., deceased, and Sir J. Amott, who had accepted the bailiffship of North stead. On the motion of Col. TAYLOR, a writ was also iksued for New Ross, in the room of Mr. Charles Tottenham, who had accepted the Chiltern Hundreds. ROYAL VICTORIA PATRIOTIC ASYLUM. Mr. J. A. SMITH intimated that he intended to post pone the putting of the following question until the even ing of Monday next :—To ask the Under Secretary of State for War whether his att en ti on h as b een d rawn t o the report of the Patriotic Fund, and the causes of the resignation of the majority of the members of the Ladies' Committee of the Royal Victoria Patriotic Asylum, a ppointed in January, 1862; also to notice the admis • e o n of the late Sir George Cornewall Lewis, that a girl of sixteen years of age had been flogged in that establishment, and further that the con duct of the officials who had committed this act was con doned by the executive committee; and to inquire what steps had been taken to prevent the recurrence of such prac tices ? Sir J. PAKINGTON said he was one of the commis glovers, and had this day attended a meeting. The com missioners were anxious to be afforded an opportunity at the earliest possible moment of replying to the imputations which had been insinuated against the institution. Would the hon, gentleman really bring forward his question on Monday ? Mr. J. A, SMITH replied that he most certainly should, and as early in the evening as the forms of th e h ouse wou ld permit. - - PROSECUTION AGAINST THE REV. PATRICK LAVELLE. Mr. HENNESS Y asked the Attorney-General for Ire land a question with reference to a threatened Government prosecution against the Rev, Patrick Lavelle. Mr. O'HAGAN replied that an information had been tendered against the rev. gentleman, his brother and others for riot, but as the magistrates differed with respect to the mode of proceeding, a bill was sent up to the grand jury, and found against the parties for riot. Shortly afterwards the brother, Francis Lavelle, who was the chief offender, died under very painful circumstances, by a fall from his horse. Representations were made to him by the local au thorities to the effect that it would greatly tend to the ad vancement of good feeling in the district if the proceedings were suspended, and he had felt it consistent with his duty to recommend that these representations should be acceded to. (Hear, hear.) TURKEY. In reply to Mr. D. GRIFFITH, Mr. LA YARD replied that the paper in connection with Lord Hobart's'report would be laid on the table of the house this evening, and circulated in the course of to morrow. PACKET SERVICE-SUPPLY. Mr. WALPOLB rose on report of supply to call the at tention of the house to the unusual and inconvenient form ofproceeding, and to move the rejection of all the words after " 1864." The right hon. gentleman contended that the course adopted was opposed to the bye laws of the house, that a persistence in it would cause great confusion and in convenience, would interfere with the relations between the the house and the crown in regard to matters of supply, and altogether alter the relations between that an the upper house. According to the act passed in July 1860, contracts ought to be laid on the table one month before they could be agreed to ; but the new contract had not not been so laid. (Opposition cheers.) He considered that the Government ought to withdraw the vote taken on account of the packet service the other evening; The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER opposed the motion, both on the ground of form and substance, which the right hon. gentleman had set up against the vote, The opposition of the right hon. gentleman, and the argu ments which he had advanced, savoured of political super. stition. (Laughter.) It appeared to him (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) that the Government had adopted a common sense view upon the matter. The proceeding of the horse wag of a regular character, and quite within the powers of the Committee of Supply. The precedents of Parliament for more than 100 years were in favour of the course adopted on the present occasion by the Government. (Hear, hear.) If principle was not compromised, but, on the contrary, was served, by a departure from usage, it would amount to political superstition to maintain that, under such circumstances, usage should be adhered to. (Hear, hear.) But, again, his right hon. friend laid down —in terms the breadth of which alarmed him—the doctrine that no matter of policy could be considered in committee of supply.. Now, from what storehouse of constitutional lore had his right hon. friend drawn his authority for that ass ertion ? He said that nothing but mere questions of amount could be considered in committee of supply. But how could they separate questions of amount from questions of policy ? The doctrine of his right hon. friend was full of exaggeration, and was calculated to leave the house in the greatest difficulties upon future occasions. What he appre hended to be the spirit of the institution of the committee of supply was this—it was intended to leave the hands of the House of Commons, and the power of speech of the House of Commons,as free as possible at the very first step of their being called won M vote money. He knew of no autho rity living or written which had laid down, in an intel ligible.tt manner, what were the propositions which a com er e e handof s_upply was precluded from entertaining. On the this was certain, that an appeal was made to the proper authority in committee of supply,and that he declared there was no irregularity in the course adopted by the Go.. vernment. (" No," from Lord J. Manners.) The resolu tion was declared to be within the province of the committee o f supply, and it had not since been challenged by an P 2eal to the chair. The adoption of the resol u ti on did a no; qualify the assertion, that what had been done in this in stance on behalf of the Crown could be adopted by an in dependent member. That was a question for debate,and the distinction had been overlooked by the right hon. gentle man. Convenience, utility, and public expediency were the tests by which to decide the question. He referred to the proceedings of the house in Jan. 1767, and to a resolu • Lion of the house in 1667,in support of the correctness of the proceeding adopted by the Government, and said that the resolution last passed by the house was a proposal by the Crown to the House of Commons, that a particular person, with rekrence to a particular contract, should be excluded from the performance of the particular service under it. The course proposed by that resolution was not matter foreign to the business of supply, and no other course was open to the Government to take. The right hon. gentleman said he would have submitted to the house whether the contract should have been continued or not, and if not, then to have submitted to the House the substituted contract, and have asked Parliament for the money. That would have a n objectionable course, for, by inserting the name of the person have . di scharged the duty of the executive Government in pointing out by whom that service was to be performed. What the Government had done, and what the house had confirmed, was to point out th e p erson by w h om a c ertain service was not to be Performed, from his having proved himself unworthy in ee he had obtained the contragetl.enTee of the manner in which when T h e state of the public con tracts was most dang erous hen present Government came into power to the purity of parli am entary and the proposed an investigation. into the on ;sad the government, subject. The e el fi r st examined into was M r. Churchward's tract select committee decided, by a majority of that a resolution should be adopted declarin g ev th en e to four, contract to be on Mr. Churchward's part corrupt. That placed the Government in a position of some difficulty, but the re scued from it by the motion o f the late Captain Leicester Vernon, an independent Opposition member, which in clear terms challenged the judgment of that committee by calling on the house to reverse and reject that decision. The Govern ment considered the decision of the committee to be a tight one, and gave it their support. Tr, have brought for ward a distinct motion for annulling the contract would have been a most uncalled-for course on t ared arterefore of the they opposed Government a gainst the late Government, th 182 to 117. the motion, which was lost by a majority of That was an indication of the feeling of the house which the Government asked for, and it cast upon them the obligation of doing what they had done, and, if they had done it, they would have broken the pledge given by a Minister speaking in his place in the house. The right hon, gentleman said Mr. Churchward's contract was not before the house, and had not been considered by hon. members; but he reminded them that it was before the house three years ago, an d was then duly investigated and voted upon. The right lion. gentleman also said they ought to have adopted an affirma- . tive vote ; but the consequence of that would have been that they would in all probability have had two contracts instead of one for the same service. Under the circumstances he ,contended that the Government had taken the best course Sor arri'iag at a definite mode of deciding the question. The Government had simply made themselves the faithful and humble guardians and expositors of the declared sense, first of the select committee and then the vote of that diouse in 1860, and they were now asked to repudiate not only those i two decisions, but also the decision of the whole House n committee come to a short time since. If the house wished to retain its power over those contracts it was their duty to set their face against all corrupt contracts. There was nothing more dangeLous than public contracts, and it was essential that they should be well watched, and he called upon the house to protect the rights and powers of the House of Commons. Lord J. MANNERS said he would answer the question of the right hon, gentleman by stating that the object of the amendment was to have justice done between party and party. The house would observe that his right hon. friend had challenged the Government to bring forward a precedent for the course theyjwere now pursuing; and although the Chancellor of the Exchequer had read at length the proceedings which had taken place in 1767, he had wholly failed to make out any justification for the un- precedented course they were pursuing. The Chancellor oe the Exchequer was equally at fault with regard to the deci sion of the chairman of committees the other evening. The decision which the chairman of supplieshad given was, that the course pursued by the Government was in accordance with the forms of the house, but he declined to give any de cision with regard to the form of the resolution. Then with regard to the committee, he (Lord J. Manners), as one of the committee, could state that even the majority had not gone to anything like the length of the right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer. What was the origin of that famous committee ? A general election had just taken place; certain seats had been wrested from right hon. gentlemen opposite. No explanations were thought too vile or too base to account for the change in public opinion. Lord Derby had been accused of purchasing the whole of Ireland by the Galway contract. (Ministerial cheers.) The hon. mem ber for Huntingdon had been accused of purchasing all the Publicans of the country, and of Berwick-upon-Tweed in particular. (Laughter.) The noble lord then read extracts from the evidence of Mr. Churchward, Capt. Carnegie, and Mr. Murray, in whose room jilt the Admiralty the alleged corrupt conversation had taken place; and contended that the evidence of Mr. Churchward and Mr, Murray was alto gether contradictory of the version of the conversation g i ven by Capt. Carnegie. But, making the moat of the case, it only amounted to this, that Mr. Churchward. hav ing sent in his tender six weeks before the conversation took place, and having promised his support to Captain Carnegie, he naturally expressed some anxiety for the renewal of his contract. (Ironical cheers.) But were voters to indulge in no expectations for the future, and were election committees to inquire into the hopes and fears not only of candidates but voters? If this was to be the rule, committees of that house would have plenty of work chalked out for thsm in future. He con tended that it was not just to punish Mr. Churchward for having expressed an expectation about the renewal of his contract, and that the Government did not eonsult the hon our and dignity of the house in the course which they now proposed. (Opposition cheers.) The noble lord then quoted the language of the Attorney-General of three years ago, and contended that the proceedings of the Government were not only calculated to endanger the honour and dignity but also the independence of the house. He therefore entreated the house not to become the accomplices of the Government in an act of pitiful political revenge, originating in the most malignant ingenuity, and intended to effect a most gross injustice. (Oh, and cheers.) Mr. LINDSAY said it appeared to him there had been some doubt upon the minds of the committee, and he thought that wherever there was a doubt in such matters it should be given in favour of the contractor, who was the weaker party. He should therefore vote for Mr. Churchward. Lord R. CECIL said he would admit all that the presen Government had imputed to Mr. Churchward, but ;till he contended it was the duty of every Government to carry out the contracts made by its predecessors to the best of its abi lity. Mr. Churchward had, upon the faith of his contract, laid out about £lB,OOO upon the understanding that the con sent of Parliament should be asked to the arrangement. Instead of that the Government wen now begging the house not to give their assent. In private life such a course would be considered moat dishonourable, and therefore he called upon the house not to sanction it. If Mr. Churchward had been guilty of any crime, let him be indicted ; if he had committed a breach of privilege, let him be brought to the bar of the house; but by all means let them avoid a course which, merely to carry out a feeling of political revenge, would throw a doubt upon all future contracts made by the British Government. Sir FITZROY KELLY, who rose amidst loud cries of " Divide," and was for some minutes quite inaudible, was understood to say he should have liked to have had the opinion of the Speaker upon the point whether the resolu tion in the form reported to the house was in fact within the constitution usage of that house. (Divide, and Bar.) He knew of no case of the kind in the whole history of Eng land. (Divide.) Mr. Churchward had performed his con tract in every way to the satisfaction of the Government and the country, and yet the house was asked to inflict upon him a fine of £30,000 or £40,000. The house then divided— For the amendment Against it Majority The result was received with loud cheers on the Minis terial benches. RAILWAY PASSENGERS' DUTY.—THE TAX ON EXCURSION TRAINS. The House went into Committee of Ways and Means. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved the following resolution with reference to the duty on railway passengers : " That the exemption from duty granted by the 9th section of the Act passed in the 7th and Bth years of her Majesty's reign, chapter 85, in respect of the conveyance of passengers by cheap trains, shall not extend to any railway train which shall not be a train running on at least six days of the week, or else a train running to or from a market-•town on a mar ket day, and approved of by the Lords of the Com mittee of Privy Council for Trade and Plantations as a cheap train for the conveyance of passengers to or from market." The object of the resolution was, not to increase the tax on the ordinary and regular passenger traffic, but only to apply the tax to what was popularly known as ex cursion trains, and to place them in that respect on the same footing as other trains. Mr. H. S. THOMPSON dissented from the resolution, which was both unjust and unwise towards the railway in terest. It was unjust to impose additional taxation at the present time on railway companies, who had laid out an immense amount of capital that had been more beneficial to the country generally than to capitalists in particular, and to treat them differently from other great financial undertakings, both with regard to imperial and local taxation. He complained that railway companies had to pay income tax up to the last farthing that they received, which was not the case with other commercial specula- tions. The passenger tax was imposed in 1832 and mo dified in 1842, at a time when railways were considered to be mines lof !wealth to their fortunate proprietors, and when it appeared bat fair and reasonable that the State should have a share of those large dividends which were supposed to be bona fide paid. A few years had dispelled those notions, and it was unjust to increase their taxation. Railways suffered greatly from the inapplicability of the present law relative to local rating. It was a usual thing for overseers to rate railway property up to the full amount of its income, and leave the company to fight the question in a court of law. The law of compensation for accidents was a subject for reasonable ground of complaint. The ex cursion traffic was of great benefit to the lower classes, the rate at which they were carried enabling them to travel when they could not afford t o do so even by ld. a mile trains. They were the poor man's trains, and ought to be en couraged by the Government. Passengers were carried by them at the rate of between a farthing and a halfpenny per mile, and they were to be taxed whilst the penny a mile trains were to be exempt. The Chancellor of the Exchequer spoke on a former occasion of the increase of 65 millions since 1862. Th a t h e (M r. T hompson) considered was to be attributed to the facilities given by railways to the develop ment of agriculture and th e extens i on of manufactures an trade. They had a remarkable instance of excursion traffic the other day, when the Brighton Railway Company con veyed an army of 24,000 men to the volunteer review at Brighton on Easter Monday; placed them there within four hours, left them there long enough to fight a gr ea t battle, and removed them afterwards without any accident. That was a great feat, but it should not be expected that railway companies could perform such feats of locomotion except by constant practice. Attention had been directed to the lamentable accidents arising from excursion trains, but he contended that the safety of the public was not one hundredth part so much imperilled by excursion trains as by the poverty of railway companies. He did not mean the Exchequer would consider the to divide the committee, but he trusted the Chancellor o arguments ad vanced in favour of the railway companies, both with re gard to the present position and future adjustment of taxation. y be h S i a r l f F o . f t e h ß o s ° e S w S h L o E r e Y c e i v w e i d s h e a d d van t o t silage aor trips—the wor ki ng population of this country. He remem beredcheap a ti me w h en it was an unknown thing for men to b e absent fro m th e i r work to go upon expeditions of this kind. But of late years it had become a general rule for artisans to ask permission to go to the seaside with their wives and families for a certain number of days in the year, which they could not do but for those cheap trips. He understood the Chancellor of the Exchequer was about to remove those cheap trips by withdrawing the exemption which it was not intended to withdraw from the Parliamentary trains, those which ran six d ays i n the week. He could not see why exemption should be allowed to the penny train, and be withdrawn from those that ran for a farthing or a half penny 2 He hoped the Chancellor of the Exchequer would take time to consider the matter. If machinery a n d i n _ ventions only went to increase wealth, it should diminish in their estimation the value of the mechanical progress of e a c ti l tid ho with the age r . l:t in () w hich c t ic h ey l i saidv e b d 0 . w ( as } e ar, not h at e a r.) but nn was not e th m anufacturing industry of the count ry,. ve a r n g n t 2 tgh more e . exer from en narrow m e and degrading than the clutching of a few h pence o i n f s t e h n e si p b e l o e p t l o e ; th an e gr d h ea e t c L o e fl dfictooncefetil) the working classes, when seeking to enlarge their expe- rience. Mr, AYRTON defended the proposition of the Chan cellor of the Exchequer, and contended that the proposi tion before the house only brought the matter of taxation back to where it had stood originally. The reason why the exemption had been granted for the Parliamentary trains was, that the railway companies complained of them as a grievance, and they said to the Government, "If you com pel us to run those trains you must at least give us some countervailing advantage in the shape of exemption." He did not mean to say but that it might be a good thing to abolish taxation upon locomotion altogether, but when they did not give exemption to cheap omnibuses and to horse traffic, he did not see how it could be claimed for railway companies. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER admitted that there were many important questions opened up by the hon. member for Whitby, but he submitted that they did not bear upon the resolution before the committee, the ob ject of which was simply the adjustment of taxation. He had himself taken a great interest in the reduction of the expenses of railway companies, and he had voted for a motion which would have the effect of saving them five times as much as the amount involved in the present pro position ; and that was that, instead of having to prove their case twice and fee counsel twice, they should have their case at once determined by a joint committee of both Houses of Parliament. But it did not appear that the railway com panies themselves were so desirous of reducing their ex penses. (Hear, hear.) He admitted the great advantage to working men of having the means of cheap locomotion ; but he thought the advantage arose rather from having cheap ordinary trains connected with business than ex cursion trains for the purpose of pleasure. When they did not grant exemption to horse traffic employed for pleasure, how could they, with any show of justice, allow it to railway companies ? And he did not think it would be wise to give a factitious encouragement to rail way companies for the irregular portion of their traffic. Upon the whole he considered that excursion trains were not s lely taken advantage of by the working classes, but were largely used by the middle classes, and, therefore, as they were the cause of considerable interference with the ordinary traffic of railway companies, he thought they ought not to be made the subject of special and factitious exception from taxation. Mr. WALPOLE said the fact was too often lost sight of that there was a vast difference between railway traffic and every other kind of public conveyance, because railway companies made their own roads, and were assessed to the poor upon their whole property, whereas stage carriage proprietors were only assessed upon their stables and coach houses. Mr. WHALLEY said that circumstance was fully taken into consideration by the capitalists who laid out their money upon railways, and he was of opinion that if rail way companies were to reduce the whole of their fares 50 per cent, they would find their regular profits very much larger than at present. (Hear.) The tax proposed was a direct tax, and did not at all interfere with the advantages derived by excursionists, and therefore he should vote for the resolution. The resolution was then agreed to and the house resumed. LAND DRAINAGE (PROVISIONAL ORDERS) BILL. Upon the motion to read this bill a third time, Mr. PEASE moved that the order be discharged, and the bill recommitted to a select committee, to be appointed by the committee of selection in the same manner as in the case of a private bill. The bill was, in fact, a private bill, affecting only certain localities in the county of Durham, and by introducing it as a public measure, its promoters had avoided the ordinary obligation of giving notice to the land owners whose property was affected by it. Sir S. NORTHCOTE said the bill was simply in accord ance with the Lands' Drainage Aet of 1861, and though the hon. gentleman's objections might apply to the gene ral policy of that act, they could hardly be taken as having any weight against the present measure. Mr. BRUCE admitted that the Drainage Act did not afford complete protection to individuals whose property lay beyond the drainage district. He quite agreed with the hon. member for Northumberland, that the danger of indi vidual injury was not altogether chimerical ; and he should therefore, on the part of the Government, agree to the re committal of the bill, though not in the full terms of the motion. Lord H. VANE approved of the determination of the Government, and was of opinion that sufficient cause for inquiry had been made out. Sir. H. CAIRNS suggested that the better course would be to recommit the bill in the House, and to reinsert a clause that its provisions should not affect any person out of the drainage district. Mr. AYRTON supported the motion for reference, and contended that there was nothing unusual in the course. After some observations from Mr. NEWDEGATE, Mr. ROEBUCK said the common-sense way of proceed ing would be to refer the bill to a select committee, as it was evident the house knew nothing about the bill. Sir W. HE ATHCOTE opposed the proposal to refer the bill to a select committee. Mr. PEASE then withdrew his amendment, expressing his willingness to accept the proposal of the Under Secre tary for the Home Department (Mr. Bruce) that certain clauses of the bill should be reconsidered in committee. Sir S. NORTHCO moved, as an amendment, that the bill generally should be recommitted. The house divided— For the amendment Against it Majority in favour of reconsidering certain clauses of the bill in committee., —3B DRAINAGE AND IMPROVEMENT OF LAND (IRELAND) BILL. On the motion for going into committee on this bill, Mr. BAGWELL expressed a conviction that the bill would be inoperative, and recommended that it should be withdrawn, and a new one introduced, devolving all works connected with the arterial drainage of Ireland upon the Board of Works. Mr. F. PEEL said it was not considered desirable that the Board of Works in Ireland should any longer under. take extensive drainage works. The house then went into committee, and the several clauses were agreed to. RELIGIOUS ENDOWMENTS (IRELAND). The adjourned debate on Mr, Dillwyn's motion relative to religious endowments (Ireland), was, after a short dis cussion on the day to which it should be adjourned, further adjourned to Friday, June 5. DISTRICT PAROCHIAL CHURCHES (IRELAND) T}IE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, MAY 29, 1863, Hospital for Consumption, Brompton, The annual general meeting of the governors and sub scribers to this excellent institution was held last afternoon, in the board room of the hospital, Fulham-road, Brompton, for the purpose of receiving the report of the board of management, and electing officers for the ensuing year. The chair was occupied by the Marquis of Westminster, the President of the Society. The Secretary read the report of the committee of manage. ment, which stated that as each successive year since the establishment of the institution had witnessed an increase in the benefits conferred by it, the past year had formed no exception to the general rule, but, on the contrary, a larger number of persons had been treated in the hospital than during any previous year, the number of patients during the year 1862 having been 1,114, while in 1861 they were 1,09 Of the 1,116 treater' in the hospital during the past year, 876 had been discharged very materially benefited, 121 had died, and .there remained in the house on the 31st December last 172. There had also been an increase in the number of persons admitted as out-patients, as during the year 6.019 new cases had been registered, as compared with 5,786 in 1861. The value of that department was, however, most seen by comparing the numbers treated during the past five years, showing as they did an increase in the course of that period from 3,971 in 1858 to 6,019 in 1862. It was with feelings of gratitude that the committee referred to the finances of the charity, as notwithstanding the special claims on the contributions of the country, the receipts from ordi nary sources had exceeded those of the previous year. The annual subscriptions had been £4,456 9s 6d, as compared with £4,408 10s 6d in 1861, while there had been an increase on the donations over those of that year of £204 6s 6d, and in the legacies of £1,354 14s 9d, the sum received under that head during the past year having amounted to £3,340 16s 9d. There was also an increase in the amount realised from charity sermons to the extent of £4Ol 3s Bd. Under the head of extraordinary income was placed the proceeds derived from the performance of the oratorio of the " Creation," at a concert given in behalf of the charity by Mr. and Madame Lind-Goldschmidt, on the 20th May last, which amounted to £899 48 7d, and a further sum of £3OO, the proceeds of a concert given for the same purpose by " the Wandering Minstrels," and which made the gross total of the ordinary income during the year L 13,116 17s 4d, as compared with £11,706 4s ld during the previous year. As the demand upon the resources of the charity increased year by year, and as there was much want of additional accommodation for the out-patient department, it was hoped the committee would be enabled to take steps for obtaining an enlargement of the present part of the building allotted to that department, or erecting a new building on some other portion of the hospital grounds. The balance-sheet showed a total amount of receipts on the year's account of £21,933 19s 7d, and a total expenditure of £21,335 18s sd, leaving a balance in hand of £594 is 2d. On the motion of-Capt. SHAW STEWART, seconded by the Rev. CAPEL MOLYNEUX, the report was unanimously adopted. The committee of management, consisting of 25 gover nors, were then elected, and the 38th rule, which declared that the election of the officers of the charity should be by ballot, expunged, as it was considered unnecesary to have recourse to the ballot for such a purpose. The retiring governors and auditors were next elected, and the proceedings terminated with a vote of thanks to the noble president, for his kindness in presiding. COURT OF COMMON COUNCIL, A Special Court of Common Council was holden yesterday in the Egyptian Hall, Mansion House, the Council Chamber at the Guildhall not being available owing to the alterations and decorations that are being carried out for the reception of the Prince and Princess of Wales. The Lord Mayor was prevented from being pre sent owing to indisposition, and Alderman Sir J. Musgrove presided for him. THE NEW POLICE COMMISSIONER. The TOWN CLERK read a letter from Sir G. Grey announcing that he had :laid before her Majesty the communication that he had received announcing the election of Colonel James Frazer to the appointment of Commissioner of Police for the City of London, and that her Majesty had been graciously pleased to approve of the appointment. (Hear.) The Town Clerk added that Colonel Frazer had that morning been sworn in before one of her Majesty's judges, and all the formalities connected with the appoint ment would very shortly be completed. (Hear.) THE PROPOSED NEW STREET TO THE MANSION HOUSE. Mr. LAWLEY, the chairman to the Special Par liamentary Committee appointed to consider the subject of bills in Parliament affecting the rights, privileges, and revenues of the City of London, brought up a report from that committee, in which they stated in effect that the Government persisted in carrying out the decision arrived at by the select commitee of the House of Commons, that the new street from Blaekfriar's-bridge to the Mansion House should be constructed by the Metropolitan Board of Works, but they recommended that the question should still be agitated, and that the com mittee should continue their exertions to procure the adoption of the proposition they had made to the Government on behalf of the Corporation. The proposition was, that out of the fourpenny and ninepenny coal and wine dues, which the Cor poration are authorised by an Act of Parliament to retain for a certain period, they should pay £350,000 towards the construction of the new street, and re ceive £300,000 from the Government in addition to, and that the work should thus be taken out of the hands of the Metropolitan Board of Works and be performed by the Corporation themselves. Upon the suggestion of Deputy Harrison the correspon dance that had taken place between the solicitor to the Corporation, acting on their behalf, and the Chief Commissioner of the Board of Works in re ference to the subject was read, and it appeared that the principal ground upon which the Govern ment felt themselves compelled to entrust the pro posed improvements to the Board of Works, was, that the Corporation had not shown that it was in a position to raise the funds that were necessary to perform the work, and the proposal made on behalf of the Corporation in reference to this subject was characterised as " shadowy and delusive in appear ance," and that unless the Government carried out the work through the instrumentality of the Metro politan Board of Works, the important improve ments referred to would be postponed for an inde finite period. The hon. member, in moving that the report be agreed to, said that he should defer making any observations upon the subject until the close of the debate. Deputy FRY opposed the motion, and went at con siderable length into the subject, expressing his opi nion that it was perfectly useless for the Corporation to go on any further witt , their opposition to the mea sures of the Government, as they really were unable to raise the necessary funds, and he said that unless the new street was constructed by the Board of Works, it would not be made for a hundred years to come. He complained of the course that had been taken by the Special Parliamentary Com mittee in reference to this question, and said it ap- peared to him that they had by that course materially damaged the credit of the Corporation, and this was the first time that any proposition that was made by it to the Government had been characterised as shadowy and delusive. (Hear, hear.) He concluded by proposing an amendment to the effect that as the Special Committee had failed in their endeavours to induce the Government to consent to the proposition they had made, that all further opposition to the measures now before Par- liament should cease. The resolution also embodied an opinion, signed by the Recorder and the other Ir,w officers of the Corporation, in reference to the subject which the hon. me mber was about to read. Alderman and SberiffJ. C. LAWRENCE, however, interposed, and said that the opinion referred to was never intended to be made public, and that it was given upon that understanding. Several other members of the Court having con firmed the statement made by Mr. Alderman J. C. Lawrence, Deputy Fry abstained from pressing this portion of his amendment. Mr. RowE seconded the amendment, and he said that the Corporation had, in his opinion, already done a great deal more than was necessary, and that they had been signally defeated in Parliament, as they had not made out any case to justity their in terference. He hoped, therefore, that the amend ment proposed by Deputy Fry would be agreed to, and th at t hi s i mportant improvement would not be any long er d e l aye d . Mr. RUDRIN admitted that a good deal of damage of tine had bee n d one to the interests of the Corporation by some emseumsebeorfs Commons,of i t, wh and h had those e n wevide nce before the R spoken i n that assembl • and he particularly in stanced the speech that had been made upon tim, questi on by one of the aldermen, which he described as most damaging, and of a character which he confessed he was surprised to have heard delivered by a gentleman who to a considerable extent owed the position he held to the Corporation. (Hear.) Alderman SIDNEY said that as he had been so specially referred to by the last speaker, he could not refrain from stating that notwithstanding the position he occupied in connection with the city of London, he should always claim the right of acting as an independent member of the House of Com mons. (Hear.) In tho debate that took place, and which had been so often referred to, it appeared to be the fashion to describe the Metropolitan Board of Works as a foreign "oody ; but he denied that there was any justification for giving them this ap pellation. He wa s quite certain that the Corpora tion were not in a position to spend £300,000 to do a work which would be done by another public body in a manner that would meet all the require ments of the public without costing them a farthing. (Hear.) As to the question of a foreign body com ing into the City, he really thought the observation amounted to nothing, and they might just as well apply the observation to the different railway com panies whose proceedings, and particularly those of the London, Chatham, and Dover Railway, were, in his opinion, calculated to inflict most serious injury upon the city of London. (Hear.) He listened at tentively to all the arguments that had been made use of when the question was discussed in the House of Commons, and finding that by the prolongation of the term for which the Corporation were to be entitled to receive the fourpenny and the ninepenny coal and wine dues, to which, the Court should re member, a great many persons thought they had no legal claim, and by which they would receive some thing like a million of money, he thought the Cor poration had obtained a great advantage, and that the proposition of the Government was one that ought to be carried out, as best calculated to further the interests of the public. Deputy JONES supported the amendment, and said he could not see what object could be gained by any further opposition. AU that could be done was to go the House of Lords, which was not likely to be of any avail. (Hear.) Alderman and Sheriff J. C. LAWRENCE supported the original motion, and said that if the Metropoli tau Board of Works were once allowed to carry out improvements in the city of London, they might depend that they would very soon claim to be en titled to the fourpenny coal dues, as being only granted for that purpose. (Hear, hear.) Mr. J. E. SAUNDERS also supported the motion, and expresSed his opinion that the real question was, whether the city of London were to be allowed to retain their ancient privileges, or whether they were to be entirely deprived of those privileges. (Hear, hear.) If the Metropolitan Board of Works were to be permitted to come into the city and make their streets for them, and to carry out those im provements that had heretofore always been made by the citizens themselves, it appeared to him that there would soon be an end to those rights and privileges that the citizens of London had always endeavoured to guard so jealously, and that although they might retain the privilege of giving feasts and pageants, all power in real matters of importance would be taken away from them. (Hear, hear.) He, therefore, considered that a great principle was at stake, and he hoped that the Corporation would resist the attack that was made upon them to the very utmost. Mr. Deputy HARRISON supported the amendmen He said if the Corporation were entrusted with the making of the new street, they would be obliged to borrow £350,000, which would be required, and the interest on this would be very large. It seemed to him that the old ship—the Corporation—was going aground, and he, as one of the old sailors, would put his shoulder to the wheel to try and save it. The law officers of the Corporation had been appealed to, and they would say that it would be unwise to enter into such an obligation. The bonded debt of the Corporation was, as it was, £1,418,600. Mr. LAWLEY here interposed upon a point of order. He thought his friend was indiscreet. The CHAIRMAN ruled that the hon. member was in order. Mr. Deputy HARRISON—And the Corporation were under obligations, first for the new market, which was estimated at £665,000; the new bridge, which was £250,000, and £320,000 the Holborn valley; making together £1,235,000. He believed that if they went into the financial part of the ques tion they would find themselves in such difficulties that they would be paralysed and totally unable to proceed. When the hon. member talked about foreign members being introduced, it was not the first time the Metropolitan Board had been intro duced into the City. They had contributed towards various improvements, and since 1855 they had in truded to the extent of £116,537 15s. 6d. The general precepts of the board amounted to £36,236 4s. 9d., and in 1851 the main drainage works amounted to £80,301 10s. 9d, so that it was not at all a new thing. There had been interference from that board for some time in the City. He asked the Court to look with caution into their financial position, and he said it most confidently, that it would be a most calamitous thing for the Corpora tion. If they attempted to borrow money and in vest large sums of money while they had not got it for public works, it must fall on the heads of the Corporation, and he thought the policy of the Cor- poration should be to withhold all opposition in the House of Lords. Mr. Alderman PHILLIPS was of the same opinion, and thought it would be most unwise and unsafe to carry on the opposition. At the same time he asserted that the Corporation was in a very safe and firm position to liquidate all claims made against them. The hon. member who had pre ceded him forgot when he alluded to their oblige ' tions in regard to Smithfield, that they had power to raise tolls, and also power over the fourpenny tax for a period of ten years, in order to effect the improvement of Holborn valley. He hoped the Board of Works would not only have the power of carrying out that colossal improvement, but he hoped they would have the management of it, and more, he hoped they would like it. Mr. LAWLEY replied, and he maintained that the course which the committee had recommended was the one to be adopted ; and he thought that the cor- poration ought to uphold to the utmost the principles of local self-government, and take the management of their own affairs ; and he urged upon the court the necessity at all risks of continuing their opposi tion in Parliament to their introduction Info the City, and to their taking any control over the work. Mr. Harrison had forgotten that they had power to levy tolls which would cover the expenses incurred in the erection of the new market, and that by act of Parliament they had the control of the fourpenny coal duty for the year, and that one million of the bonded debt was covered by surplus land, The funds of the Corporation were ample to meet all lia bilities, and he should not like it to go forth that their income was in such a condition that in a few years they would have a deficiency instead of a, surplus. He hoped the court would agree with the committee in their report. Upon a division the amendment was negatived, and the original motion was carried by a majority of seven. THE PROPOSED VIADUCT ACROSS LUDGATE-HILL. Mr. Deputy FRY brought up a report from the Improvements Committee upon the reference to pro secute the petition in Parliament against the Lud gate Station and Junction Railway Company's Bill, and also recommending that a petition be presented against the London, Chatham, and Dover Railway Company. Mr, F.y said the company had with drawn the London Stations Bill, and they had now another bill before the house, in which they asked for additional borrowing powers ; and the committee recommended that they should present a petition against, that bill, that they might have a locus stands there, and be enabled to watch the improvements. He had that day seen a plan of Mr. Greenhill's for a compound bridge across the Thames, which he thought was very feasible: and he moved that the report should be agreed to, and that the Improve ments Committee and Bridge House Estates Com mittee be authorised to take into consideration a plan suggested by Mr. Greenhill, C.E., for a rail way and road communication between the north and south sides of th e r i ver Thames, and which has for its object to obviate the necessity for the proposed viaduct across Ludgate-hill, which contemplates crossing the bottom of Ludgate-hill, and also Hol horn -valley ; that their committee he empowered to confer, if considered expedient, with the several authorities interested, and to report thereon. Mr. ELLIOTT seconded the motion, which was agreed to. After some routine business had been disposed of, the Court adjourned. BILL. On the motion for going into committee on this bill, Sir H. CAIRNS first stated the object of the bill. By the present law, there was no power to let pews for manual rents in district churches in Ireland, though the law was disregarded, and pews were largely let in those churches ; but the rents could not be legally recovered. The Irish Ecclesiastical Commissioners were forbidden to render as sistance for the building of proprietary chapels ; and there was con: iderable d;fficulty in endowing district churches, but not so private chapels. The bill passed through committee. EXECUTION OF DECREES' BILL. Mr. BUTT moved the second reading of this bill. The ATTORNEY -GENERAL concurred in the motion, stating it was desirable there should be a sort of intercom.. --- mullion between the nodes of executing the decrees of the two countries, Ireland and England. ADMIRALTY COURT (IRELAND) BILL. Mr. MAGUIRE moved that the house go into commit teepro forma, in order that he might move that the order be discharged. The hon. member also called up on th e At- torney-General to state whether the Government would undertake to deal with the question. The A rTORNEY-GENERAL said the Government were not at present in possession of sufficient information, but he hoped a bill might be prepared in the course of next session on the subject. He agreed it was only the Govern ment that could deal with the question. After a few words from Mr. WHITESIDE, Mr. MAGUIRE said he would move the discharge of the order on Monday, and expressed himself quite satisfied with the statement of the Attorney-General. MARRIAGES, &c. (IRELAND) BILL. The Lords' amendments to this bill were considered and agreed to. ROYAL NAVAL RESERVE. Lord C. PAGET obtained leave to bring in a bill to esta blish officers of Royal Naval Reserve. The bill was subsequently read a first time. PASSENGERS' ACT AMENDMENT BILL. Mr. C. FORTESCUE brought in a bill to amend the Passengers' Act. The bill was read a first time. The house adjourned at 11 o'cleck. EXTRAORDIN(irRYCOCONDUCT OF PRISONERS IN Ga ß poalris ß k. CORRECTION.— afternoon t w e Wednesday en t w o YORK HOUSE ners in the York City afternoon a sudden outbreak On be o l ccurred amongst the priso and three o'clock several the yards of the gaol under the cares w f ere at work in one of the a h taskmaster ; and as the latter was about to open one ofa gates a bucket of water was thrown over his head, and fiveerushed out and made for the governor's house. prisonersbe thy broke open the provision stores, and helped being absent, to eggs, butter, bread, &c., and then they paid attention to th the wine and beer cellars. Having filled the mse l ves to the utmost with liquors, &c., they returned to the work yard in an intoxicated state, and amused themselves by throwing missiles at each other until the arrival of a body of the city police, when they immediately c ame to "attention," and quietly walked into their cells without committing further violence. No attempt was made to break out of the prison. ...... _ brinrg blittethartctahusoe abte levers and other contagious comp of the Pills are the best correctives Holloway's purifying To feet ,_ clear blood. No shouldone [ADVERTISEMENT.:J—HoIIoway ' s Pills:—When system and the surest cleansers of the Permit any disordered action to continue when it be so e : si eli lrec ? titl eft e n d by these Pills; even one day's delay can n u b ! 4 r d y e in fi i definite admi nis tering in f st:u rd c o r io inssiyoung a n a and 'ac e no danger from taking Holloway's medicine, and no s eto rue that slight neglect. There bo • , for taking these Pins, 'which will prevent or arrest diseases even whoa doubtful, complicated, or obscure. sufficient itoffi envelopee the ie n t woeach SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS, TIMES.—The solemn pomp of a public funeral, and the universal demonstrations of sorrow and re spect that have accompanied an illustrious soldier to his grave, stand out in dark relief amid the poli tical confusions of the last Ataerican 44 Since the death of Washington" such a deep and mournful impression has never been produced by the loss of one man as by the fall of General Jackson. From that single event the hest of the contests in which he led will long be specially remembered. It will be difficult for the future historian of the Ame rican War to give much distinctive character to the descriptions of the numerous battles which resemble each othe' in so many features. All the great en gagements have been alike in duration, the large numbers brought into action, the obstinate fighting, the enormous loss of life, and the negative results of the conflict. An advance attempted, checked, rolled back, the invading force retreating and again declared to be " safe," will form the substance of most of the narratives. But in the record of these great fights rather than decisive battles the second " carnage-covered field" of Fredericksburg will be mournfully distinguished for the Confederacy by the death of its ablest commander. We may have still much to learn of the effect of this last defeat on the army of the North. Present discouragement it must be, and, according to past experience, future demo ralization of the troops is a very probable result. But, for the moment, heavy as the loss of the Federals has been, it is not irreparable. Their slaughtered thousands may he replaced, as the shattered ranks of their army have been filled up before. Tempted to enlist by money, or compelled to serve by force, the numbers may be found. But by the death of General Jackson the South has lost a great and controlling mind—one of those born leaders of men who can infuse their own spirit into all around them. Such a commander is the soul and strength of a cause when it asserts itself in arms. The combination of sincerity and enthusiasm with the professional skill that amounted to a genius for war, is rare indeed. Power cannot evoke, nor can the wealth of em pires create it. The adherence of such men to a cause or principle makes the difference between success and failure to the side they select. Had his last victory been more complete it would not have compensated the South for the loss of General Jackson, whose fall has thrown such a dark shadow over the memory of the day. The national feeling of England recorded the victory of Trafalgar as dearly purchased by the death of Nel son. A similar feeling pervades the South for the loss of " Stonewall" Jackson, the first great soldier of this war whom the " choosers of the slain" have struck down in the shock of battle. The ablest commander of the Confederacy has fallen whil e the contest is still undetermined. " We could have better spared a division" is the first expression of the grief of those he led. But the loss of such a leader cannot be estimated by any scale of num bers. There may be no compensation for it. The South will be exceptionally fortunate if it find another man with all the qualities and capacity Gen_ Jackson possessed. It is only a just tribute to his memory to admit that the cause of the South has received a severe blow by his death. His fall was untimely, for he was still young, if age is reckoned by years, and the work to which he had devoted his life is unfinished. He might have done his cause mare service, but he had achieved a full measure of fame. Rarely has so brief a period esta blished such an unquestioned military reputation. But his short term of intense activity had been pre ceded by a life of professional study and reflection. He was a pupil of the Military School at West Point, and up to 1852 an officer of the regular army of the United States. Among his opponents throughout this conflict were several of his com rades at the academy. M'Clellan was his class mate ; but the divisions of a civil war placed the two friends on opposite sides, as they have done thousands of others. Jackson had served in the Mexican war with credit, but not with more distinc tion than fell to the lot of inferior men. He resigned his commission in 1852, and when his State se ceded from Vie Union he was a quiet Professor in the Military Institute of Virginia, at Lexington. It was not without a severe mental struggle, and at last an earnest conviction that he was doing his duty, that he again drew his sword on the side of the South. What he has done for the cause he adopted is known to all the world; but a great career is suddenly stopped, and others must be found to carry on his work. The " Cromwell of the Cavaliers" fought vi ith the same religious en thusiasm as the old Puritan leader, but was not destined to see the conflict ended by a battle to which the description of a "crowning mercy" would apply. What conceivable day of carnage might not be accepted as a " mercy" to mankind. if it would really terminate a struggle which begins to be little more than a monotony of slaughter ? The natural grief of the Southern army for the loss of its great captain is deepened by the circum stances of his death. It is truly said that he fell by a " cruel chance," for it was a casualty not in cluded in the ordinary risks of the field. General Jackson, it is stated, received his mortal wounds in the confusion of a 2nele'e from the fire of his own troops, " all of whom would have died for him." The fatality is very explicable, and not unprece dented. Oa similar incidents many military legends connected with celebrated commanders have been founded. The bullet which killed Charles XII., it is said, never crossed the trenches of the " petty fortress" he was besieging, and the " dubious hand" was one not far from his side. Tradition, if not history, ascribes the death of Gustavus Adolphus to some treachery in those around him on the field of Lutzen. But these Commanders were also Kings, and had political and religious enmities at work against them in addition to the chances they en countered as soldiers. The Confederate leader was a soldier only, and as an officer had won the confi dence and affection of all ranks under his command. We fully believe that to have averted the fatal shot thousands would have died for their General. The Commander-in -Chief, before it was known that Jackson's wounds were mortal, told him, "if he could have directed events" he would have chosen to be disabled in his stead. The conflict may be training Commanders worthy to rank with Jackson, Lee, and Longstreet, who have held the supremacy of talent ft om the outbreak of the war ; but the South may well fear that in losses among their first group of able Generals the waste of the conflict will begin to tell seriously. The North has never yet found such decided military ability for its high commands as the South commenced with. The Federals are trying to arrive at a great general by a tentative process. All their commanders have been experi ments. They have changed often and tested many, but so far the range of candidates has been through a descending scale of merit. The North has ex pended three armies in trying four generals, and the last has failed more signally than either of his predecessors. This process of possible discovery is fearfully expensive both in money and life ; and should any of the names not yet drawn from the political lottery prove the prize required, the long sought ability may come too late to be of service. But against these contingent commanders, for the selection of whom the field is almost without limit, the South must stake the lives of generals whose ability cannot be questioned, and whose number such casualties as that by which Jackson has fallen may too soon diminish. And it is by this gradual loss of men, eminent by qualities and skill, that the South may prove most vulnerable. More Southern victories over other generals as rash and incompe tent as Hooker may be as dearly bought as that in w hich Jackson fell; and what nation is rich enough in military genius to purchase many triumphs at s uch a price ? POST.—The House of Commons last evening, by 250 votes by 191, confirmed its previous resolution rescinding Mr. Church ward's postal contract. The story of this contract has now been brought before the public upon three several occasions. The first was in 1860, when Mr. Leicester Vernon submitted to the House of Commons a resolution to the effect that the agreement entered into with Mr. Church ward by Lord Derby's Government for the extension of his postal Contract from the year 1863 to the year 1870 should be carried into effect. The second oc eisiou Was ab ou t a f or t n i g h t s i nce, when Mr. F . Peel, on the part of her Majesty's Government, proposed to the House of Commons it should make no provision for the payment of Mr. Church ward after the 20th of June next, the time at which his original contract will expire ; and the third occasion was last night, when Mr. Spencer Walpole moved the omission of the clause intro-1 duced in accordance with the resolution of the com- mittee on May 18, and which limited the payments to be made to Mr. Chnrchward, in regard to time until the period at which his first contract would expire. Tne issue raised on all these occasions was, however, practically the same —namely, whether the contract entered into by the Conservative Go vernment in the year 1859 should be ratified by Parliament. The questions which were involved in this issue were extremely curious, and illustrated in a remarkable degree the operation of Parliamentary Government, and the relations subsisting between it and the powers lodged in the Executive. In all cases of Government contracts it is the heads of ticular departments who in the name of the Crown I bind themselves towards the opposite contracting parties by the E01211:1 legal obligations which are en tered into between private individuals. As such contracts are made in the name of the Crown, fbeY are of course during the period of their subsistence binding upo❑ all those who for the time being ad minister public of Lirs; nor can a Ministry repu diate the contracts entered into by that which pre ceded it in office, even though such contracts had been disapproved of by its members when in oppo sition. One Government has thus an undoubted right to bind a Government which succeeds it. But although it is not open to one Administration to repudiate the engagements entered into by a previ' cue one, the House of Commons reserves to itself the power of setting aside such engagements if it should think proper. The Government concludes the contract, but the Ilouse of Commons, which keeps the strings of the public purse, grants or withholds at pleasure the sums to be paid in accor dance with its conditions. Last evening, in a house containing 400 members, exclusive of the Speaker, a motion that the resolution previously carried should he omitted from the report of the committee of supply was negatived by the small majority of 14 votes. Whatever difference of opinion may sub sist on the question of Mr. Churchward's conduct, there can be no doubt that in common consistency no other course was open to the House of Commons than that which it adopted last night. Four years ago a special committee bad condemned the con tract entered into by the Conservative Government in 1859. A year later the House on a division re fused to give it its sanction. A few days since, when the question was again raised in a substantive form, the House refused to appropriate the necessary supplies for the payment of the contractor. Having, therefore, on every occasion when the matter was brought under its consideration refused to ratify the engagement entered into on the part of the Executive, it would have been strange indeed if at the eleventh hour the House of Commons had on the same facts reversed its previous decisions. It may be a great hardship upon Mr. Churchward, but it was impossible under the circumstances for Parliament to act otherwise. HERALD.—It is quite within the bounds of pro bability that France may be driven, by domestic necessity, induced by reasons of policy, or provoked by the affronts she receives from the Government at Washington, to recognise the Southern Confe deracy; and such recognition would not improbably lead, before very long, to the abandonment of the untenable and hopeless claims of the North. Again, despite the pacific tendencies of the English people despite the abject and servile complaisance of Lord Russell, events are happening every week which forbid us to feel sure that the North may not at any moment choose to make war upon England so openly and avowedly that it will no longer be pos sible for England to forbear; and in that case a period of six months would probably witness the termination of the struggle, by the withdrawal of all Northern pretensions to authority in any State south of Mason's and Dixon's line. Nor can we be certain that some such extraordinary revul sion of feeling may not take peace in the Northern States as was seen in April, 1861. Until Fort Sumter fell there was a general determination in favour of peace; on the day after its surrender every one was clamorous for war. It is possible, though not likely, that some signal and crushing disaster might bring about a counter-revolution in public feeling, and restore the ascendancy of the Peace party. With these contingencies in view, we will not say that the war may not be ended before Christmas next, even if the G overnmen t o f this country should persist in its refusal to recognise the Confederacy. All that we can say is, that there seems to be no reason why it may not, and great reason to fear that it will, last very much longer. It can be te r mi na t e d on l y b y t h e resolution of the North to desist from its hopeless and wicked enter prise; and we confess that at present we see no signs of such a resolution, and no tendencies likely to lead in that direction. The finances of the Union are no doubt in a state of utter confusion/ and national bankruptcy is impending. But as 5 14 gold is only worth half as much again as the paper trash emitted by Mr. Chase; and so long as that trash retains any value at all, its depreciation is not likely to have much effect upon the policy of the Government. War can be waged, and successfully waged, with a bankrupt exchequer, by a Glavern" ment which is thoroughly indifferent to law, to equity, and the sufferings of the people. It is true that, independently of all merely financial conside rations, the United States can ill afford the immense annual destruction of capital which is the sacrifice really represented by its war expenditure. That destruction renders the nation, and the vast majority of the individuals composing it, poorer year aka year. But while millions are growing gradually and slowly poor, hundreds make rapid and enor mous fortunes by the war ; and the strong, concen trated, and cle arly - perceived interest of the few in ritesstporofttie manyraletion , outweigh the evenly-diffused inte minany d its te o rm no i t na b t e i c o o n m , s e o to lo o n i g nt a o s le t r h r e , sufferings of th e ble to be forgotten even in the heat of patriotic passion. By our costly, though necessary, war with Napoleon, as by all wars, a few classes were enrich e rs at the expense of th e commun i t y ; b u t the murrelive of those who w ere i m p ov erished wo u ld h ardly been loud enough to be heard had not the corm s : oial position of the country inflicted on certal trades a disproportionat e amount of the gener a l burden and made thei r m i sery too severe for their patriotism. In the United States, whose foreign trade is littl e a ff ected by the war, the loss inflicte d by the annual withdrawal and unproductive expen diture of some hundred and fifty millions sterling (for the peculations and profits of contractors pre; vent Government from wasting all that it expends ) falls pretty even ly on a ll c l asses, and is not yet Wit as an intolerable grievance by any. We fear, there" fore, that a long time must elapse before the ex haustion of the resources of the North will be 0 0 painfully felt as to operate powerfully in behalf of peace. COUNTRY MARKETS. ----- MANCHESTER—MAT 28. Our market this morning was quite of a broken charac ter. Holders of wheat asked rather higher rates, but buyers operated cautiously. Flour in moderate demand, but firm. Oats and oatmeal dull. English beans fully as dear, while Egyptian declined 6d to is per qr. In Indian corn no material change was observable, BIRMINGHAM—MAY 28. There was a small show of wheat to-day, with a dull de" for both English and foreign. Barley held for more monet, —English wheat was so ld a t 48 s to 66s for white and I tn " to 50s per 36 s t one f or re d , Barley, new malting, 328 300 42s per qr ; grinding, 24s to 28s Oats, old, 24s to per 30 stone ; Irish, 22s to 258. Beans, 388 to 44 8. per Peas, 36s to 44s per 36 stone. EDINBURGH GRAIN —MAT 27. „At A fair supply of farmers' wheat to-day, which bro about the prices of last week. Wheat on the top 2s 3d d0wn....... average Os 8d UP. Barley on the top Os 6d up ........ .average O s lOd up- Oats en the top Os 3d up............ average Os 6d down. Beans on the top Os 6d up ..... ......average Os ld down. Wheat Total Supply and Sale s . .. 652 qrs Sold 543 qrs 8ar1ey........ 272 qrs Sold 227 qrs Oats Beans 4B qrs Sold 25 qrs Flour sells as follows :—Whites, 43s Od; extras, 41s Od; superfine, 39s Od ; fine, 37s Od. DERBY SMITHFIELD —MAY 26. A shorter supply of fat beasts to-day than has been O f some time; high er p r i ces were as k ed, and a clearancet effected. The number of sheep and lambs in the Pqit was large. Fat an d s t ore ca l ves were i n demand, " the supply not so good. Fat pigs were scarce. Hides, 3d6itdet4oi7c:;d calf u Po s r k k i . n 7d Beet 6id to 7id Veal. .......... 61d Odd Mutton ... to 01 Lamb . .5 ... ...... ... 9d to 10d Rough fat, 3s 9d per ot°3l-. Full benefit of reduced duty obtained by Pi; chasing H orn i man ' s pure Tea ; very choice at 38 4d- 01 4s. "Hi g h St an d ard " at 4s. 4d,. (formerly 4s. Bd.), is the strongest and most deli c i ous i mported. Agents in every town supply it in packets. Births. BURN.—On the 27th inst., at Claremont•place, Brii ten ' the wife of Geo. R. Burn, Esq., of a daughter. GRANT.—On the 27th inst., at Midd le Deal, Kent, the wife of Lieut -Col. W. D. Grant, of a son. HARRISON.—On the 28th inst., at 52, Hamilton-ter race ' the wife of H. Whitmore Harrison, Esq., of a son. o f LUDLOW.—On the 27th i nst., at Hastings, the W if e Major-General Ludlow, of a son. Marriages. B a varia r! BERTRAND—CAVARRA—On the 28th inst., at the , r , cm Chapel, Warwick-street, Amilee Bertrand - R 2 ',„ . 'rray Lyons, to Sarah de Cavarra, widow of Count de ‘ - ' 9 o f 2? and daughter of the Late James A. Moore, Esq•' - Tenterden-street, Hanovpr-square. Tinria seat RINGROSE—MARSHALL—On the 27th inst., at - 1- L";bire, John Ringrose, Esq., Cottingham-grange, yor% sq ., to Ann Elizabeth, only child ot Richard Marollall' of liornsea House, Yorkshire. i 3 street, iel i t t M , BALDING 7 m Thomas Balding, Ile 1" aagryedle6b3o.n aged e,:tht D hin e .7 7 .t hs r . , BLEW' ins ~ at Ram' CAMPION.—On the 27th ' B C. CaulPi°33' Inst., at Exeter, R. Esq., aged 87. treet, DUNSMURE.—On the 27th inst , at 44, Bryanstows oar Margaret Lindsay Dunsmure, of Corstorplune• Edinburgh. Perth - TENNENT.—On the 27th inst., at Dumbarnie House, o f shire, Christian Rainy, wife of Hugh Tennent, Esq./ Wellpark and Errol. -----••••••" ham, Essex, bra• London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM 112, ' of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TIE StriNT Dike. 141°' Gt Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the County giddlesex.—FridaY, 28.1803.