The Sun. — London, England, 1854-05-16 00:00:00

ncome of 1853 there were deducted 5,500,0001. income tax, the net revenue would be 49,000,0001., derived from the same sources of Customs, Excise, and assessed taxes, being 2,000,0001. more than before these reductions of 16,000,0001. sterling, of which the hon. gentleman (Mr. Newdegate) complained. (Hear, hear.) The effect of the alteration in the sugar duties proposed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer would be that, instead of being equalised at 10s., they would be equalised at 12s. Where there was a difference—and no doubt there would be a slight one—it would not be of a protective nature, inasmuch as it would apply just as much to foreign as to West India sugars ; and, indeed, he should be deceiving the West India interest if he threw it out as a boon, for he was disposed to let them know all the truth—it would apply in larger proportion to the Manilla and Brazil sugars than to the West Indian. So far, therefore, as the principle of protection was concerned, he denied entirely that anything of the kind was to be found in the present measure. The hon. gentleman who had just sat down had said that the Go vernment, having last year repealed the duty upon soap because it was an Excise duty, were now acting diametri cally opposite to their own principles, inasmuch as they now proposed an increase in an Excise duty ; but hon. gentlemen who had listened to the debates in that house must be well aware of the distinction between removing an obstruction altogether and adding to a duty without causing an addition to the obstruction which already ex isted, and that was his reply to the taunt of the lion. meznef ber when he charged the Governme nt with gettangrid one Excise duty one year and increasing another the next. With regard to the question, which had already been worn so threadbare by discussions in that house, as to who paid the tax, it was one which be had hardly expected would have been raised on the present occasion. They really did not require argum ents on such a subject, for he asked who had already paid the tax ? What had been issued by all the metropolitan brewers that morning ? Was there any reduction in the price of malting barley ? If there was, the Mark-lane market showed none, for it was quoted that day at from 38s. ,to 41s. per qu ar t er, an d he asked, was not that a fair price ? But had they not an increased price of beer? Was it not true, as had been stated to the house by an hon. member, that the brewers had issued a circular raising the price of that article to a sum that rather more than covered the increased duty upon malt ? The duty upon malt was to be increased by pm., but the increased price of beer was 3s. ; and, therefore, the brewers not only repaid themselves for the increase of duty, but charged somewhat more for the in terest upon advances. (Hear.) The whole question of who paid for the increased duty was at an end, for the Mark-lane quotations had told them the producers did not, and the brewers circular that the public did pay for it. What, then, was the use of discussing speculative opinions upon this subject, or the conclusions based upon such opinions ? (Hear.) This question had received the earnest consideration of the Government, and he assured the house that the principle was adopted with an honest view and a full determination of laying the duty on the consumer in the fairest p oss ibl e way, so that it should be distributed among the whole community in a manner that would in flict the least injury upon the industry and trade of the country. This duty had been selected above all others in order that the whole community should contribute towards the taxation in the fair proportion in which they consumed the article. (Hear.) Mr. SPOONER contended that this tax was unjust and unequal, and that an import duty ought to have been sub stituted. Asserting that the peasants were the great con sumers of beer, he made fight for that fluid in answer to Mr. Crossley, and told him to ask a wearied labourer whether he found no nourishment in it. One of his objec tions to the tax was, its depriving the peasant of his whole some homebrew, and driving him tothe public-house. He dwelt upon the value of malt (not given dry, but as a sweet wort) to cattle. Mr. Wilson's Mark-lane argument he ridi culed, saying that the barley market was over just now, but let them see what the result would be at a future time. He indignantly denied that there was any unwillingness to support the Government in the war, but said that the wcrst way to carry it on was to make the hardworking peasantry feel that they were unjustly treated. Sir C. BURRELL, who was nearly inaudible, supported the amendment. Mr. SANDARS contended that it would be in favour of the barley growers to continue the tax, as the foreigner, who produced an inferior kind of barley, would be the more able to compete with the home producer if the trade were thrown open. His own opinion as to the war was, that it might have been avoided, bat being in it, supplies must be found, and he saw several advantages in this par ticular tax, which required no fresh staff of collectors, and all of which went to the Exchequer. It had been his duty to bring various grievances of the maltsters before Govern ment, and he was bound to state that they were in course of removal. Mr. FLOYEP, combated the view of the preceding speaker, taunted the Treasury bench with its silence— which was hardly courteous, considering the magnitude of the interests involved—and contended at some length that the proposal of Government was oppressive. There were loud cries for a division, and strangers were ordered to withdraw, but at length Sir B. LYTTON, who was received with cheers, spoke to the following effect :—I cordially concur in the desire expressed by all gentlemen who have risen on this side of the house to assist the Ministers of the Crown in providing the necessary means to carry on with vigour and effect the war in which we are unhappily engaged, and as all that may weaken the Government by party disputes on matters of domestic policy would, in my judgment, be injurious to that aspect of moral power which this country should pre sent to Europe, I rejoiced when the noble lord the member for London, much, I think, to his credit, and with the re spectful sympathy of the house—withdrew from discussion a reform bill which must inevitably have roused the most determined opposition. I did hope that opposition itself might remain dormant during; the rest of the session. I was not prepared to expect that the dispute which the leader of the Government in this house so patriotically forbore, would be forced upon us in another shape by the Chancel lor of the Exchequer. That right hon. gentleman is too experienced a politician not to know that he has delibe rately introduced into his budget the very item that must revive the most bitter resentment of the class against which it operates, and that most of us on this side of the house would be traitors to our constituents if we sub mitted to it without a struggle. (Cheers.) The issue of that struggle may be against us, but I fear that the very proposition of the right hon. gentleman will materially weaken the hands of the government in the &ting conduct of this war, because it elaborately tends to create the deepest dissatisfaction iu that very portion of our people on whom for the endurance of war all governments must proverbial ly depend. (Hear.) I shall imitate the example of those who have preceded me, and refrain from discussing the ge neral propositions of the budget With respect to the pro posed duplication of the income and property tax, however, I must at least enter a strong demur against the assertion glibly made by the right hon. gentleman, that it was im possible to reconstruct it upon a more equitable basis; but whether this be or be not possible, I say that a direct tax in which the whole mass of the public complain of anoma lies and injustice, not rendered more tolerable by your as sertion that they are not susceptible of mitigation, and avowedly to be continued for the whole duration of the war —maintained, as it were, upon that tenure—is precisely that tax which the Emperor of Russia will rejoice to hear that you have doubled. (Hear.) However, there is at least this consideration left to those who have to pay the income and property tax—its inequalities and injustice are respec tively divided between all the wealth and industry of the community whose incomes reach the limit of 1001. a year; while the right honourable gentleman then proceeds to select a single article of home production, and with a complacent eulogium on the principle of fair dis tribution, calculates to raise from the additional tax --which, if finally paid by the consumer, especially affects one single department of industry—a sum a third in amount of all which lie calculates to obtain from his fresh demand upen the united property and income of the en tire community. (Cheers.) The right hon. gentleman thinks the malt tax a duty which combines all those fea tures that should determine his choice in selecting it. " You can raise it," he says, " without additional expense, and collect it without additional machinery." But in this the hon. member fur Westbury has followed him through a variety of small arguments. I think the hon. member for the North Riding has rather proved the contrary; but, grant that it be so, the reasons alleged are very well for a mere tax-gather, or even a Secretary of the Treasury, but there are other reasons—reasons of policy and justice— which should weigh more with a gentleman of such lofty pretensions to the character of a statesman. And I say that all such reasons combine to make this tax one of the very last you should have thought of. (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman in proposing this additional malt tax, spoke only of making the general consumer pay his fair share of the burdens necessary to carry on the war. He spoke only of the general consumer • not one single word did be con descend to s a y o f th e effect of the tax upon agriculture. (Hear.) He spoke as if there were no persons in this coun try engaged in the cultivation of land—he seemed to ignore their existence. (Cheers.) But the right hon. gentle man neetnot have looked deeper than into the familiar pages of rre.M'Culloch,--whom he afterwards quotes with deserved respect as a high authority—to have known the injury to agriculture which the malt-tax, even without an addition, evidently inflicts. What says Mr. 31`Culloch ? " The malt tax, like other taxes on commodities, falls wholly on the consum er ; s till, h owever , it mus t be ad mitted that it is, indirectly at least, if not directly, espe cially injurious to the agriculturist. Barley is a crop that is peculia r ly su it a bl e to light lands, and may be introduced with the greatest advantage in an improved rotation after ,f green crops. B u t it i s o b v i ous th a t , b y i mpos i ng a d u t y 20s. Bd. (that is the present duty) per quarter on malt ( t t h h e e d P e r m ud a uc l e into which barley is almost wholly concocted) the farmert for the latter is materially diminished, and ley, where, but consequence prevented from sowing bar suitable than a for this circumstance, it might be more estimate the ny other variety of corn. It is not easy to malt tax injuryinflicts which this indirect influence of the an inj ur s y u r e u agriculture ; but 'the fact of its in flictinguasndeniable. Suppose such a high duty were laid on on b e r p ead r esumw e ould lessen the demand for wheat, would any to a griculturists t 9 ° say that was not especially in juriouslaid on calicoes and broadclothOsuppose a high duty were would be a serious injury to tI is it not clear that it that loch goes further; for, on it ?" (Cheers.) Nay , Air. wee it engaged while he thinks, nevertheless, you might mere it be a tax in case of necessity which . even as it now exists, he thinks it entitles the fare s Z r y s e , compensation. Free Trader apee And what is the compensation this emineant pressure of the insists on ? Why, he says, " the peculiar malt tax upon land gives the agriculturist —though all claims on account of tithes were abolished__ to to have a certain fixed duty imposed upon foreign corn:' (Hear.) "It would be unjust, says Mr. hi'Culloeh, "see ing that the malt tax, by narrowing the demand for barley, and obliging the farmers to adopt imperfect rotations, is especially inimical to their interests, to expose them, with out any corres ponding protection, to the competition of foreigners. Perhaps it might require a fixed duty of l e. 6d. or 2s, a quarter to counteract the unfavourable circinu stances alluded• to " That is the malt tax ! So that here, after you have abolished all duties Cu foreign wheat, you select the very burden which, according to political eco nomy, entitle the grower to home protection, and acid to it 50 per cent. (Cheers.) The hon. member for We stbur y con ceives that an Excise duty on malt is very different in effect from au Excise duty on soap, lie can reduce the duty on soap and yet increase the revenue. On malt, ,tu the other band, he thinks he camincreace the duty without dimiaishing consumption. tut the facts of the past are apinst hi in there. We know that, note ithstanding the iuerease of wealth and of population, the cousuesption oi malt varied little for 100 years, until the duty on malt was reduced in 1822—when even before the beer duty was repealed, it rose from more than 20 ,000,000 bushels in 1821 to more than 30,000,0 00 bushels in 1828 ; and since the repeal of the beer duty in 1830 it has risen to more than 40,000,000 bushels. (Hear.) Now, I am opposed to all taxes that fall more upon one class of industry than ties of war compel you to violate this strict rule, and some class must be partially affected by your burdens, we might regret it less if it were that elass who have a paramount interest in bringing the war to a speedy close by vigorous and effective military operations. What is that clash?. Why, obviously the mercantile and manufacturing—the class engaged in foreign interchange, which war, in pro portion as it spreads, must impede and cripple. (Hear.) The produce of land which is consumed at home, not ex ported, the domestic exchange in retail trade, the profits of professions, are not so vitally interested in the suppres sion of a distant war as those sublime departments of in dustry which distance itself the more developes, and which enrich the manufacturer and merchant wherever they can find a friendly shore and an open sea. (Hear, hear.) One might suppose, then, that the Government, if it bo unhappily compelled to call upon any class more than another to contribute to the expenses of war, would look naturally to that class to whom the restoration of peace is so essentially important. And it would do so, in this case, the more reasonably, not only b ecause o f the comparative wealth of those great members of the cor porate state, but because no class during the 40 years' peace thus abruptly terminatel has been so largely bene fitted by fiscal reductions. (Hear, hear.) No one can deny that the main spirit and effect of all our reliefs since the Reform Bill, and even before, have been to favour our mercantile and manufacturing interests in reference to any other. The class which has most benefitted by the reliefs afforded in peace may well be expected most willingly to co-operate in the means necessary for the termination of war. Yet it is not to this class the Chancellor of the Ex chequer looks for the burdens he resolves to impose. Out of the whole community he selects for a special infliction the special class which has had the hardest struggles, has had the slightest share in the mitigation of taxes, has re cently been mulcted of a large portion of its capital for an experiment, mainly intended to promote the success of manufactures, and, according to frank avowals of the Chan cellor of the Exchequer himself, frank avowals by the noble lord who leads the Government in this house, was entitled to some compensation, if compensation could be found. Now, this is the compensation you give them. They asked you a year ago to reduce the malt tax ; your reply is to add to the malt tax two millions and a half. This is not all ; besides money, there is something else which a people must contribute to the dreadful necessities of war. They must contribute their sinews and their blood. The heaviest tax of all is that of human lives. Now, of all classes, which are here spared the most? It is surely the population of great mercantile and manufacturing towns. It is not there that the recruiting sergeant beats for recruits. It is in the agri cultural districts, it is in the rural population, that you principally find the soldiers that man your armies ; it is there that fathers will most mourn their children. But this is the class to whom the Chancellor of the Exchequer goes hand in hand with the recruiting sergeant. The one asks for money, the other for life. In the ordinary laws of con scription for military service, if the man decline service, ho is bound to find the money that provides a substa tate. But these laws you reverse ; you press into the military service the inhabitants of the rural districts, and from the rural districts you take, again, the money that is to find substitutes for the denizens of manufacturing towns. (Cheers.) I cannot conceive a greater injustice than the one you propose in the malt-tax, nor one that—under all circumstances, all the recollections, embittering class against class connected with the repeal of the corn laws— will be more gallingly felt, both as an injustice and as an insult, by the agricaltural body, upon whom it will mainly fall. It will affect that body in all its gradations. 'The hon. gen tleman who moved the amendment treated the question in a very able manner ; but there were one or two points that he only partially touched upon, with regard to which I will make a few observation. Of course the increased price of beer will tend to diminish the demand for barley ; but it will do something more than that. Already the high price of bread has diminished the consumption of beer, and has, therefore, tended in some degree to check the cultivation of barley ; and now comes your new tax to discourage altogether the cultivation of the ordinary barley, for your tax falling alike on all qualities of barley, the price of the inferior barleys will sink much below the present proportion to the superior barleys, and there will therefore be a tendency to cultivate none but that of a superior quality. Again, your tax necessitates theincrease of capital by the maltster, and whatever neces sitates increase of capital tends to restrict trade and brings fewer purchtisers into the market. There is another and a stronger reason against the selection of a special tax bear ing so markedly upon a special class. Upon entering into this war, which, no doubt, does require all our united energies, it certainly would be wise to forbear whatever tends to create or reopen all class grievances and all class contests among ourselves, and this would be the more espe cially wise with regard to the agricultural class, because you know perfectly well that an angry excitement has long existed in that class in consequence of that change in your commercial policy as to which I will not now argue whether it was right or wrong; and you mustremember that the only boon or mode of conciliation proffered to that class was the proposition for the reduction of the malt tax. (Hear.) Upon the failure of that proposition, a party supposed to be very friendly to the landed interest, came into power, and now your attempt to add 50 per cent. to this tax, which the friends of the agricultural interest desire to reduce, will be regarded as a fresh blow, as a new humiliation ; it will exasperate those feelings which it was desired to extin guish, and, by damping the ardour with which the war should be prosecuted, it is calling in the exciseman to be the ally of Russia. (Cheers.) Farmers, like all other Englishmen, will readily submit to taxes, however onerous, provided you can convince them that they are fair, but I ask you whether any farmer can upon any principle look upon this tax as a fair one? (Hear, hear.) You force on him free trade, by which you concede that he has been a sufferer ; you refuse to retrace your steps by a single import duty, and when he asks you for free trade for himself to enable him to cultivate that crop which he prefers, you not only refuse his request, but add fifty per cent. to the tax upon the only article in which he conceives that free trade would be desirable to him. (Cheers.) Why did we decline to proceed with the Parliamentary Reform Bill ? It was not so much because we could not find time to deal with it on account of our being occupied with the details of the war ; it was not so much because the public mind was distracted from all such considerations by the idea of the war, as it was because your bill contained pro visions affecting agricultural constituencies, which could not be discussed at a popular hustings without re-awaking the division of classes, without raising the mischievous cry of " Town and Country ;" but what you could not effeet by your Reform Bill you are resolved to effect by your budget. (Cheers.) For where you proposed to in crease the franchise of the great towns, you now propose to exempt them from all partial burdens, and to throw those partial burdens upon the agricultural constituencies, which you proposed by your Reform Bill to enfeeble and deluge with an inundation of urban voters ; so that it does seem as if you desired to justify the suspicion that you have some determined hostility against the agricultu rists of the land. (Cheers from Zr. Osborne.) Oh ! you grant that. The hon. and gallant gentlemen has the courage to avow what his superiors disguise. (Loud cheers and counter cheers.) You have a determined hostility against the agriculturalists of the land, and you carry on a party warfare against them now against their political influence, now against their pecuniary interest. (Cheers.) I must say that the whole proceedings connected with this war and with this war budget do invite one to inquire whether we have really gained so much by that stupendous sacrifice of private inclination which the public virtue of our Ministers induced them to make when they consented to share among them the disagreeable seals of office. (Laughter.) Most Governments have been formed by the combination of opinions, bat this Government was formed upon the grander principle of the diversity of talent. Great men, long rivals and hostile statesmen, consented to act together. Lord Aberdeen announced himself as a Liberal Conser vative ; the noble lord the member for London was a Con servative Liberal ; but until we saw these great men acting together we should no more have supposed that a Liberal Conservative in one house was the same thing as a Conservative Liberal in the other, than that a horse chesnut was identical with a chesnut horse. (Laughter and cheers.) But what has this talent done for us— where and how have these wonderful capacities, this extraordinary experience of public affairs, been displayed ? The First Lord of the Admiralty evinces his remarkable sagacity and foresight by entering office with a vehement invective against the Emperor oeFrance, whose flag now sails beside our own. (Hear.) The Ministers who under take our foreign affairs can only exonerate themselves from the charge of having taken in th 6 Emperor of Russia, by lamentable complaints that they were egregiously taken in themselves. The domestic genius of this incomparable Cabinet is shown in the preparation of a Reform Bill, for which you are compelled, even before war was announced, to own the ungrateful apathy of the people ; and your ex perience in practical affairs is thus evinced by being as blind to the temper of the Englisn public as you were to the designs of the Russian enemy. (Cheers.) And now, in that department of finance, on which the right hon. gentleman has been so severe a critic upon his predeces sors, from William Pitt to Lord Monteagle, from Lord Monteagle to my right hon. friend the member for Buckinghamshire—(a laugh)—what have been all your fiscal operations ? A series either of fallacious promises or costly blunders. Where was the stateman's prophetic eye when last year the right hon. gentleman based all his cal culations upon the removal of the income tax in seven years, when he would not listen for a moment to being told of the possibility of war. What became of that cheer ful complaisance with which he replied to that inquisitive clerk who complained of his income tax; and what was at least one-half of the right hon. gentleman's speech the other night composed of ? Why, an eloquent vindication of what the world still believes to be mistakes. Now, sir, I do not pretend to be a competent judge o f th e right hon. gentleman's financial schemes. But lot mo put an ana logous case more in my own way, If I were to publish a new book, and I prefixed to it a preface that would occupy three or four mortal columns of the Times newspaper, tending to show that the three books I had last written were not the notable failures which, whether through ignorance or malignity, the public had been led to suspect—(laughter) —sure I am that I could not give a greater triumph to hostile critics or take a course more likely to make the friendly infer that I had some misgivings on the subject myself. One thing is clear—success never needs an excuse. (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman was pleased to flavour the compli ments that he bestowed the other night on Mr. Pitt with a sarcastic reproach on the errors of that Minister. lam not Mr. Pitt's apologist. Errors he may have committed, no doubt ; but, of all defects, what is that which the right hon. gentleman selects for his censure ? Why, that Mr. Pitt did not see the war at a distance ; that Mr. Pitt was short-sighted. And this charge comes from a gentleman who was the only man out of his own Cabinet who could not foresee the war which he has now to provide for—from a gentleman who converts stocks, and can't foresee the results—who has one budget in March, and another in May—this is the gentleman who sneers at Mr. Pitt as short-sighted ! Sir, whether Mr. Pitt did or not commit an error by his sy s t em of loans is not that very easy ques tion to decide, which the right hon. gentleman presumes it to be, on Mr. AlTulloch's authority. Mr. M'Culloch was no authority for the right hon. gentleman with regard to the malt tax ; but, Sir, whether as a political economist Mr. 1 1`Culloch be right or not in censuring Mr. Pitt's financial policy in the first year of the French war, there are other and grander views than those of political kind anYd and s finance afety involved nations. n (Hear, Government hear o lug into warsuapiptohseadfotroidable power, Mr. Pitt m no ay feinn h t n ae v nr e : the people by at it was not wise to discourage reasonably I man and a patriot, that ma y reet thought, as an English first instance. Heonerousl.x measures i of taxation in the duty was to maintain the spirit of his countrymen, and fu that Posterity would pardon the loans he raised in return ample remuneration of interest seeured--remuneration an extended em pire, to ignieuted commerce, imperishable honour. (Cheers.) t er a • t l e ien in a t t h t a h t e Eureose of the war emergedeoitthr eretrurnA E A n n g d l an ' sew e r had freed and delivered, and to lightly shook Europe e ff fiero armsh shoulders the burden of these loans you have the ungrateful f e u r arrogance to condemn that every year throughout the a peace we have increased in wealth and resources, and since 1831 almost every year has seen some vast diminution of taxes accompany the payment of the debt. (Cheers.) s e much has been said about our not saddling posterity that it seems as if it were intended to insinuate that this is not a war to be waged on behalf of posterity, but for some fleeting and selfish purpose of our own. If that be so, I call on our ministers to recall our fleets, and to disband our IMO THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MAY 16, 1854. armies—a war which is not for posterity is no fitting war for us. (Cheers.) But, surely, if ever there was a war waged on behalf of posterity, it is the war which would check the ambition of Russia and preserve Europe from the outlet of barbarian tribes, that require but the haven of the Bospho rus to menace the liberty and the civilisation of races as yet unborn. (Cheers.) It is not our generation that need fear if the flag of Russia waved to-morrow over the ruins of Constantinop!e. The encroachments of Russia are proverbially slow . ; it would require a quarter of a century before she could recover the exhaustion of her own vic tories and tame into convenient serfs the brave population she had conquered. It is for all time that we wage the battle. It is that the liberties of our children may be secured from some future Attila, and civilisation guarded from the irruptions of Scythian hordes. On this ground, then, we might fairly demand the next generation to aid us in the conflict we endure for their sake. (Cheers.) Into that question in all its bearings I will not at present enter ; it is complicated and difficult ; but, at least, my plain common sense makes me sure of this—that if you desired to make the people as reluctant to proceed with the war as you were slow and blind to prepare for it, you could not could take more effective means than by such speeches as the Chancellor of the Exchequer delivered at Man chester, and such taxes, derived, at the very first com mencement of military operations, from sources the mos t direct, palpable—odi ous i n th emse lves, and unfair in their assessment—as you propose by this budget to create. (Loud cheers.) Mr. DRUMMOND had quite approved of the bold and manly budget of Mr. Disraeli, which was intended to carry out the principles which the present Government had falsely inculcated. (Great Opposition shouting.) Bet this was not the question. All sides had cheered on this war, and now it would be said that they shrunk as soon as its realities were felt. Could a tax be proposed that the stupidest man in the house could not object to ? Were they going to raise money or not ? If they were, the only question was, whose pocket should be picked ? He thought that the terms Mr. Gladstone used towards Mr. Pitt were an indecent sneer, and if the former i n t en d e d t o li ve t o th e termination of the war, he had better be tender of Mr. ' Pitt's reputation. In the course of a sarcastic address, he expressed a wish that we had a Foreign Minister who could write as good despatch es as M. D rouyn d e Lh uys, and he intimatd that the Emperor of France was begin ning to believe that we should not support this war and there was an enormous camp forming at Boulogne, which some people were good enough to believe was to watch Prussia. He advised that we should form three great militia camps, and, so far from thinking of getting off the malt tax, be thankful if we escaped with a doubled malt tax, income tax, and house tax, and so saved England from being the battle-field of Eurc.e. Sir J. PAKINGTON, who rose amid loud cries of " Oh, oh," and "Divide," from the Ministerial side of the house, mingled with cheers from the Opposition, said that he begged to assure those hon. gentlemen who not only then, but during the last few hours, had endeavoured to stifle the discussion and to interrupt the debate by more inde corous and unseemly conduct than he believed he had ever seen in that house, that he should not stand for many mi nutes between them an I the division for which they pro fessed to be so anxious. He had risen principally to express his astonishment that a Government which had asked for 2,500,000/. of taxes had not condescended to rise to vindi cate their proposition. (Oh, oh.) The objections to this tax had been stated at the beginning of the evening in a most able and elaborate speech by his hon. friend the mem ber for the Ndrth Riding. It was true that his hon. friend had been answered by the noble lord the member for Ports mouth and the hon. member for Norwich, but he did not think that the house had heard from either of those hon. members any very forcible reply to the speech of his hon. friend; and he thought that even the arguments of the hon. gentleman the Secretary to the Treasury, such as they were, had been more than disposed of by the able and powerful speech of his hon. friend the member for Hert fordshire. (Hear, hear.) He contended that they had a right to call upon the Government to answer those powerful arguments which had not' been met, and that they were justified in expecting some explanation of the reasons why they had selected this tax, which had been shown to be most unjust in its operation, as one of the modes by which they intended to defray the expenses of carrying on the war. Were they deterred from entering into that expla nation by the speech which had just been made by his hon. friend the member for West Surrey? (A laugh.) What the vote of his hon. friend would be he found it difficult to collect from his speech. He confessed he did not know; but a more severe censure of a tax than he had passed upon that now proposed by the Government he had never heard. (Hear.) When his hon. friend, however, went on to say, after passing a most just censure upon that propo sition, that he felt in the present condition of the house that whatever tax might be proposed, whether it were A, B, C, or D, objections would be raised to it, as they were now raising objections to their proposal for increasing the malt tax, he must say, that he thought his hon. frisod had not fairly met the question before the house, or done justice to the motive by which the Opposition were ani mated in the objections which they now made. He felt the painful position in which he and his friends were placed in having to oppose a means of carrying on the war, but the fault was with the Government that had made such a selection. The Opposition had' met Government in the fairest spirit throughout the session, had concurred with them in the justice of the war, and in the doctrine that its expense should be met, as far as possible, from the ex penses of the year; but they had a right to a fair taxation and one from which there was a reasonable hope that the expected amount would be realised, and the malt tax was deficient on both points. He denounced the proposed im position as most impolitic at a crisis when unanimity was so desirable. He again called on the Government to an swer to the powerful arguments which had been advanced that night. Lord J. RUSSELL--I cannot let this debate close with out declaring that I think the question now before the house is a much wider one than the right hon. gentleman opposite, and those who preceded him on the same side of the house have been willing to admit. They have said, and I admit the justice of the allegation, that, with regard to measures calculated to carry on the war which they think and we think just, they have given their support to the present Government, although differing with them on many points of public policy. lam ready to acknowledge that support and generally to thank them for it. But really the question upon which the Government were likely to m3et with difficulty, and upon which they were to call on the patriotism of this house and to appeal to the spirit and feeling of the country to support them, was in reference to the taxation necessary to carry on that war. (Cheers.) I cannot believe that it is a con sideration of the nature of this particular tax which really induces honourable gentlemen opposite to reject it. (Dis approbation from the Opposition.) Will they tell me, when we are engaged in a just war with a mighty power, which now threatens to swallow up the dominions of our allies, and which is moving mighty armaments over the face of Europe in contemplation of the impend ing conflict, and when, therefore, we are in readiness to make an effort to preserve to this country its character and its station, and to render great service to Europe, that they are ready to incur an immense sacrifice, but that ls. 3d. a bushel upon malt is really too great. (Cheers and laucshter.) Why, sir, the right honourable gentleman (Sir J. Pakington) and the honourable baronet the member for Hertfordshire (Sir Bulwer Lytton) really speak as if the whole of this taxation was to be laid on the land. (Hear, hear.) But the right hon. gentleman and the hon. baronet reminded us of what the question was when we had to consider the income tax last year, and the consideration we ought to bear in mind this year. What the right hon. gentleman the late Chancellor of the Exchequer proposed when in office, and what the honourable baronet the mem ber for Hertfordshire said when out of office, was, that we should make a discrimination with respect to incomes, and that a discrimination in favour of trade, in favour of g rea t incomes derived front commer ce and professions, adverse to the land. (Hear, hear.) So that fortunes of 20,000/. or 30,0001. a year derived from commerce were to pay at a less rate than persons having an income of 2001. or 2501. derived from land. That was the proposition which came from the opposition side of the house, and against which we protested. And my right honourable friend the Chan cellor of the Exchequer, who is represented as so hostile to the laud, said if you made this distinction, although it was adverse to you in a time of peace, it would be come far more adverse to you in a time of war to increase your income tax, and that the difference of 7d. or sd. would become a difference of 14d. or 103., and so on as you proceeded; and I venture to say that if yen once begin - with such a distinction, that it must be carried fur ther, and that to the prejudice of the land of the country. I believe no more dangerous proposition to the land was ever made than that which was made by those who de clared themselves to be the friends of the land and of the farmer at that time. We have preserved the income tax such as Mr. Pitt framed it, and such as it was continued throughout the war; but my right hon. friend said, after all, an income tax cannot be carried to the lowest incomes; there must be a point at which you must stop; but are those who have a less income than 1001. a year to be free from taxes which are to be borne for the honour and cha racter of the country? He said he thought that was un wise, and he proposed to tax consumption. And when once you come to articles of consumption, which are at the same time articles of necessity, you inflict great injus tice and hardship on the community at largo. Therefore the rule, if possible, should be to impose such taxes on articles of general consumption, but, at the same time, which are not articles of necessity. ; and I know no articles to which that description more applies than the articles of spirits and malt. (Cheers.) They are both of them articles which are of very general consumption, upon which you are sure to raise a very considerable revenue, and upon which there is not likely to be any very great diminu tion of consumption—(hear, hear),—and yet which no man can say are such articles of necessity as salt, candles, soap, and the like, the duty upon which we removed last year. If this is the case—if you are to add to your income tax, there can bo no better argument on which you can impose some additional taxation on the article of malt, and that addition to your taxation is only to raise that taxation to one-half what it was during nearly all the latter part of the last war, and is not much greater than it was in 1775, when Adam Smith pointed out the policy of taxing beer and malt. There was another point which the hon. baronet the member for Hertford shire quoted, and to which also my hon. friend the member for Surrey referred, and which, having now reason to ad dress the house, I cannot omit to notice, namely, the ob servations made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer upon the policy of Mr. Pitt during the first year of the war. Nothing could be snore unjust than to say that those ob servations were without necessity, or without intending to have a most important bearing upon this debate. (Hear, hear.) My right hon. friend pointed out that a large Shin was collected in loans during the first year of the great revolutionary war, and not more than 480,0001. was im posed in taxes. He said that course was pursued till you had added very greatly to your debt, which then amounted to 200,000,0001. ; and that in the course of Mr. Pitt's proceedings you raised no money for the support - of the war, and that the cost was inscribed on the debt, and that that was the stuu for which we were now paying. He pointed out that that was a most im politic course. Can anything be more true than that the loans which Mr. Pitt contracted wore at 4,5, and in some instances 6 per cent.; and that that six per cent, was to be payable for over? My right hon. friend pointed out that that course was ruinous to the country, and he hoped that this house would not repeat it Not that my right hon. friend attempted to pledge this house, or pledged the Government,r ; bu t Sile r o t rt t o r f a t i li se e w to c to on m tra a c k t e lo a an g s n re i at e 10,000,000/ , and to add that sum to the revenue of the never that year, was not too great an effort for a country about to be engaged in a great war, and that such an effort might nave you from a debt like that which was so improvidently contracted by Mr. Pitt. lam not a very great admirer of Mr. Pitt, but I think, after the efforts he made in 1777 and 1778, that his conduct is worthy of admiration, and that if y ou are to make the war, you ought to snake an effort in o r d er t o susta i n tha t war b y t axes t o b e pa i d during the year in which it is being waged, and thatit,is., not fit to leave to posterity the Wholo burden of the ix, pense incurred in carrying it on. This is, in fact, the question now before us. Do not tell me that the malt tax is a tax so objectionable that you would be ready to vote all other taxes if you could get rid of this. Do not tell me that the landed interest in this country cannot bear fifteen pence additional duty on malt. Tell us rather that which I should be sorry to hear, but which would be more fair, manly, and candid —tell us that though you are in favour of the war—that though you are ready to vote army and navy in support of it, you are not ready to vote the necessary taxes—[" Oh, oh," from the Oppositionj—that you shrink from the unpopularity which belongs to the proposal of considerable burdens upon the country, and that you would wish to escape that obligation by means of loans, or any other means by which you can avoid those burdens ; but do not tell me that this small addition to the malt tax is really the obstacle which prevents you supporting the Govern. ment on this occasion. Only imagine what would be now your position if, when on are asked to make a great effort to raise, not 2,500,000 L, but 7.000,0001. for the purpose of the war, your first vote should be to reject that proposal. Would not the effect be throughout Europe, that you did not mean to engage heart and soil in the project— (cheers)—that you meant only to give it your temporary support —that you shrunk and escaped from it the first opportunity you had—(shouts of "oh, oh," from the Op position)—that you were ready to forego the declarations you had made, to abandon the opinions you entertained, and to involve your country in the necessity of a disho nourable peace ? (Cheers and disapprobation.) lam not telling you that that is your intention ; but I am asking you whether such would not be the effect of such a vote as I have supposed. I would venture to say that no pro position could be more clear or more indisputable—that no person would believe that it was merely on account of raising the malt tax from 2s. 9d. to 4s. that you refused this bill. They would say you refused the taxes necessary for the support of the war ; and nobody would think this war would be carried on with vigour and perseve rance. That certainly is my impression. With regard to the malt tax, w e h ave d e b a t e d it f or th e last ten years. Its merits and its demerits have been canvassed over and over again; and Mr. M'Culloch says, even in times of peace, the malt tax should be imposed, as being a tax pe culiarly adapted to a good system of finance ; but whether it be the malt tax, or be it anything else, I say if the House of Commons mean to support the war—if they mean to support us in endeavouring to maintain the dignity of the Crown and the welfare of the country, they will support the second reading of this bill. (Cheers.) Mr. DISRAELI—I have listened to the remarks which have fallen from the noble lord who has last addressed the house with great regret and with some surprise. The noble lord has just laid down one of the most extraordinary doc trines of finance ever expressed in this house—that an Op position, if it approve a war in which her Majesty's Go vernment is engaged, is bound to vote every proposition for new taxes which that Government may propound, with out criticising and without cavilling, at the expense of its patriotism if it objects. (Cheers from the Opposition.) I myself am a supporter of the policy, so far as the war is concerned, of the Government. I do not want to go into the causes or the merits of that war at present; it isenough that we are involved in that war, and it is our duty to support her Majesty in its prosecution ; but Ido reserve to myself, and I should hope that gentlemen who are members of this house, and not merely sitting on the benches behind me, always reserve to themselves the means of criticising the mode in which you are proposing to carry on that war, even if we be unanimous in thinking that that war ought to be prosecuted with vigour and effect. But the noble lord says this is a course which is no longer open to you ; you have given in your adhesion to the warlike policy of the Government, and therefore you are bound to give an un compromising adhesion to every financial proposal that they bring forward in order that that war may be prose cuted. " What is 15d. a bushel upon malt ?" asks the noble lord. (A. laugh_) Does the noble lord forget that in considering the incidence of taxation there is something more than the amount of the burden that a statesman ought to think of ? That the justice of the principle upon which a tax is devised is a consideration which must enter into the contemplation of the House of Commons, and that it is one which, if neglected by the House of Commons, will certainly not escape the reflection of the people. It is, in my opinion, an unjust claim which is made by the Government, and it is for that reason that I venture to oppose it. The noble lord has, for a moment, attempted to withdraw the consideration of the house from the subject before it by referring to the question of the in come tax. That question must come before the house shortly, and I think it a much more convenient time to discuss it when the resolutions of the Chancellor of the Exchequer with respect to the assessment of the income tax are on the table than on the present occasion. I could not see what was the point of the noble lord when he referred to the proposition of the late Government with respect to the income tax ; but since he has introduced the subject, he will pardon me for briefly refer ring to it. The noble lord has said that the late Govern ment, in their scheme for the assessment under the income tax, acted unjustly towards the land, and that it is the present Government who are devoted to the interests of the agricultural class. The late Government, in the scheme for the assessment of the income tax, which they never had an opportunity of proposing to the house, but which they indicated in the general exposition of their policy, did not attempt to devise a plan which would be favourable to one class or another. They attempted as far as lay in their power to make an arrangement which would on the whole be just to all with reference to the whole scheme of our taxation. They were not called upon to decide, and they did not ask themselves, what would be to the advantage of the land or of trade. They were called upon to decide whether in the assessment of this tax the difference between permanent and temporary income should be recognised, and resolved that, so far they were concerned, it should bo recognised. But in introducing their scheme with reference to the in come tax—(on which I wish now scarcely to dwell, because the Chancellor of the Exchequer is not present, and it is painful to me to enter into a controversy in which he is con cerned in his absence, and therefore I refrain almost entirely from the subject)—they stated that they brought it forward with reference to the whole system of our finance. The measures they brought forward were avowedlyonly a portion, and a small 'portion, of the changes they thought should take place in the whole system of our finance ; awl it was as much a matter of policy as of justice that in asking the trading classes to join with us in a comprehensive revision of our system of taxation, they should declare that they thought the time had arrived, was ripe and opportune, when a difference in the assessment of temporary and per manent income should be recognised by the Legislature. It has been said in the course of the debate that the malt tax is not an unjust tax, as we on this side of the house complain that it is. We contend that it is unjust towards those who pay it, and that it is impolitic on the part of the state unnecessarily to have recourse to it. Let the house calmly consider the character of our finances. Our ordi nary revenue is at this moment supplied to the extent of one-fourth part by what is virtually a tax upon a single crop of the British farmer, and it is to increase that enor mous tax..tion that at this moment supplies one-fourth of your revenue, that you have now a bill upon the table which is greatly to aggravate—in fact, to the extent of 50 per cent.—the amount of that taxation. Well, never for get, when you are asked to discuss the question of the duties upon spirits and upon malt, that these duties furnish one quarter of the ordinary revenue of this country. But then it seems that you may raise from a single article, and that not the principal crop of the British farmers, a sum as large asthe revenues of important empires, and yet not produce the slight est ill effect upon theirfortunes, upon theirprofits, upon their employment, upon their industry, upon their property. (Hear, hear.) .But this is the - greatest reaction from po litical economy that I have ever heard of. I have seen many s ymptoms and numerous evidences of late that there is a c onsiderable reactiou from those stern opinions that have been so long prevalent and predominant in this house. But I did hardly believe I should live to hear that an in crease of 50 per cent. of a tax that now produces one fourth part of the richest empire in the world, would be no aggravation of the burthens and no increase of the im post, that could diminish profit or embarrass the farmer. (Cheers.) A little while ago, if any gentleman on these benches ventured to refer to the burthen of taxation that pressed upon the productive classes of the country, he was treated with jeers. Then we were told that the consumer —the great consumer, as he was described by a distinguished member opposite—was the person who should alone be considered ; that the consuming power was the basis of modern finance; that that was the consideration that should alone influence the Treasury, and that no tax was now to be considered but with reference to his interests. And now we are told with a nonchalance that is admirable, and with a sang froid that is sublime, that this immense • t is not for a moment to be considered because it is manes only a consumers' question. Well, I think it is something to have brought them to that. I think that after all the panegyrics we have heard for years upon the consuming power—that after those who uttered them have succeeded in abrogating the laws that protected the industry of Eng land too successfully—that we should now have it ac knowledged that the plea upon which they advanced their doctrines was fallacious—that the object they wished to cherish was in fact an unworthy one—that the great point which they wished to enhance was not worthy of being ac complished ; that I think is a result which we may look to not without gratification. But then, when hon. gentlemen on this side of the house demand for the British producer the benefits of that unrestricted competition which both sides of the house have now accepted as the principle of our commercial code, we are told that the question of un restricted competition cannot affect the fortunes of the cul tivator of barley, or the manufacturer of malt, and for what reason forsooth ? Because he meets with no competition. It may, indeed, bo true that foreign malt may not compete with English malt, but the question is whether the bever age he manufactures is not met in competition in the mar ket by other beverages, which may please the p a l a t e an d claim the attention and patronage of the people. Why, the competition to which the minuficturer'of beer is exposed is that which he receives from the import of tea. You know very well that there is no article that comes more in com petition with beer than tea • then it is that you find th e immense tax that you are placing upon the manufacture of malt, and of course of beer; then it is that you find that fo reign competition from which you say the home manufac turer is entirely free. You must, therefore, look to the amount of the tax on malt, in comparison with the taxes on beverages with which it comes in competition. Why, it was always a most difficult thing to deal with the tea duties because it was impossible justly to deal with them unlessyou dealt with the malt tax; and that difficulty had always pre vented the minister of finance from dealing with the tea duties. The late Government undertook, however, to deal with both the malt duty and the tea duty. The present . ..overutnent_dealt with the tea, duty, but neglected that upon malt. Of course that increased the severity of the competition between tea and malt, and now you increase greatly:the duty upon - malt at - the very time when you are carrying on a system which every year greatly decreases the duty upon tea. Why, is that justice? (Cheers.) And it is at this very moment that you come forward and say— " Great as may be the impost upon malt, it is not a ques tion of free trade or of unrestricted competition, because malt competes with no similar article • and great as is the tax upon it, it can bear it, because it no rivals in the market." It has rivals in the market, and you are dimi nishing the taxes upon them at the very moment you aro aggravating the impost that crushes the manufacturer of malt. Well, there is another point which the house should consider with reference to this question, and that is the local taxation of the country. Every one knows the effect of that local taxation which has recently been re ferred to. It has been acknowledged by the highest au thorities on both sides of the house. I can point out Mi nisters of State ; I can even refer to the Chancellor of the Exchequer as having acknowledged the peculiar burden of that speciesof taxation. Well, there was an attempt to coin promise the question by diminishing the duties upon malt ; and now how are you tending to revive that controversy —a controversy which must at all times be embarrassing and Tqinful, and especially so when you are increasing the general taxation of the country ? (Hear, hear.) There is another remark which the noble lord made, which is so sin gular, that,,as.ranimose hesis still the reader of the Whig Party, I cannot pasolf over on this occaoion entirely ?fa, out notice. I shall advert to the subject as lightly as I can, because the Chancellor of the Exchequer is absent, and in his absence, so far as he is concerned, my lips are closed. The house has not forgotten an .l the country will long remember the manner in which the right Eon. gentle man referred to Mr. Pitt. It has been alluded to to-night, and the noble lord, with unhappy chivalry, came forward to vindicate the right hon. gentleman. What did the noble lord, of all men in the world, say? The noble lord quite consistently disapproved of the policy and, of course, of the financial policy of Mr. Pitt. The noble lord approves only of that financial policy which doubled the income tax, to which he referred with so much pride, and upon the memory of which glory reposes my Lord Lansdowne. (Laughter.) The noble lord says, "Mr. Pitt may have had his errors, but he was still a great man. In 1797 Mr. Pitt had a twinge of remorse, a salutary repentance," and, fol lowing the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the noble lord absolutely recalled the attention to the important fact that, in 1797, there was a salutary change in the policy of Mr. Pitt. Now that the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who was bred and educated a Tory, and who, in moments of rhetorical emotion, may still fancy himself a Tory— (laughter)—should criticise, but still, as he informed the house, with a feeling of veneration for Mr. Pitt ; and that by an adroit arrangement of periods he should endeavour to harmonise his criticisms of Mr. Pitt's finance with his appreciation of Mr. Pitt's policy and patriotism, is very intelligible. But what are the facts ? What was this year 1797, which the noble, (as I should think to the astonishment of the Fox Club to-morrow) has chosen for the subject of his ealogium ? What, I say, was this period, when, as the noble lord has told us to-night, Mr. Pitt's eyes were at length opened to the sin of his previous ways? (Laughter.) Why, I suppose the house has heard that this was the time when, in patriotic disgust at the conduct of Mr. Pitt in raising those terrible loans which we have recently heard so much deplored from the Trea sury benches, Mr. Fox, followed by Charles Grey, after wards the great Earl Grey, and the principal leaders of the Whig party, left the House of Commons in hopelessness to save the country, and for a long time remained absent from it. But it so happened that when in 1797, on the very night referred to by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Pitt's eyes being at last opened to the error of his ways, he came down to the House of Commons, where he ex pected only to meet his followers and his creatures, with a large proposition for a measure of direct taxation ; such was the indignation of Mr. Fox, such was the indignation of Cherie% Grey, such was the indignation of those sixty brilliant and eloquent men who had for a long time seceded from their places in Parliament, that —awful apparition ! they suddenly re-appeared in their places before the asto nished Chancellor of the Exchequer. (Cheers and laughter.) Mr. Fox felt that, painful as was his re-appearance on the scene he had relinquished, it was his duty to the great his toric and traditionary party of which he was the recognised leader, even in its adversity, to come forward in the house and to denounce the new principle of financial policy brought forward by Mr. Pitt. And it wa ; upon that oc casion that he delivered one of the most eloquent, most thoughtful, and most memorable speeches, in which he laid down what ho called the sure and permanent principles of Whig finance—principles utterly opposed to the repentant policy of Mr. Pitt—(cheers and laughter)—principles which Mr. Fox never deserted nor relinquished, and which, not withstanding the comparative degradation of the post which the noble lord opposite (Lord J. Russell) now fills, I did not believe that, in deference to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, or to my lord Aberdeen—(cries of "Oh, oh," and cheers)—he would have relinquished in this house. There is yet another point to which, notwithstanding the clamour of some hon. members, I feel it my duty to call the attention of the house. I bject to this tax which we are now called upon to vote, not merely because it is an unjust tax, which I believe restricts industry, cripples the profits, and in every way injures the agricultural inte rest of the country—not merely because it is a grievous burden on the consumer, for I know that in time of war the consumer must be prepared to bear his share of the burdens—but I object to it on account of its grievous im policy. (Cheers.) I think there was nothing more impo litic than at a time when you were selecting a tax you should select one which, in my mind, does grievously, and in their opinion does grievously, press upon the industry of the cultivators and the interests of the general proprie tors of the soil. Though lam ready to give credit to every class of being ready at a moment like this to do their duty to their Sovereign, I ask, without fear of successful con tradiction, whether it is not a fact that from the nature of the circumstances--from the character of your constitu tion, and other causes, you have been obliged peculiarly to appeal to the patriotism, to the resources, to the exer tions, and to the energies of the landed interest of the country. We have heard recently many sneers against the territorial constitution of our country, but I ask you in what country could you 'have found those means of self defence which you have recently found in this country, except under the influence and immediate aid and agency of the landed interest? In what country in Europe could you have raised such a militia, or having raised it, could have entrusted it in such hands as those in which you have placed the newly-raised force ? But you have so managed your finances that the only odious tax which you put forward is- a tax which more or less affects the in dusirs.of the soil. I call it impolitic to re-awaken a con test which, if not for ever dormant, would never at a time like the present have been aroused by this side of the house. You have demanded a great tax to the amount of two millions and a half, and not a Minister of the Crown, but by extreme compulsion, has condescended to express a word in favour of the proposition. What was your motive for this ? Did you shrink from discussion ? Did you think, at this moment, a debate upon the ways and means of the war was impolitic? or that it would create a bad impression abroad if the House of Commons should have a discussion and division ',upon the subject of taxation ? If that be your feeling, do you not think that the credit of the Government and the resources of the country have been much more injured in the eyes of other nations by the way in which you have attempted to raise a loan ? (Cheers.) Is it not more calculated to injure the credit of the country, and to diminish the idea of your resources, that your minister of finance cannot go into the City and obtain two millions at four per cent. than that the House of Commons should by natural and frank deliberatian consider the taxation which you propose to lay upon the country? It is better even that our foe should see that a large sum such as this now sought to be raised—a sum larger than could be fur nished by many of the provinces in the kingdom of your imperial foe, should be frankly discussed th a n th a t h e should see the churlish, undignified, and unmanly attempt of the Government to filch this amount of money. Is it not better that the foe should see that we are determined to exercise our functions to-night as the representatives of the people, and that while we are prepared to support our Sovereign, and even a Government which a e should other wise oppose, in a war which the country approves of, we will do our utmost, in duty to our constituents, to provide that the ways and means should be provided according to the principles of eternal justice? (Cheers.) The house then divided, when there appeared— For the second reading 303 For the amendment Majority for the second reading —lOB The announcement was received with loud cheering. Mr. ELIOT YORKE gave notice that, on goinc , into committee, ho would move that the additional tax p be limited to one year. EMBODIMENT OF THE MILITIA. The SPEAKER announced that the following message was sent to the house by her Majesty :—" The operations of war in which her Majesty is engaged with the Emperor of Russia having rendered it necessary to send a large part of her Majesty's regular forces abroad, her Majesty deems it proper to provide without delay additional means for the military service of the country ; and in pursuance of the act of Parliament enabling her Majesty to call out the militia, her Majesty has thought it right to make this communica tion to the House of Commons, in order that her Majesty ►nay cause the said militia, or such part thereof as she shall think necessary, to be forthwith drawn out, embodied, and disposed of as occasion may require." Viscount PALMERSTON—I shall to-morrow move that her Majesty's gracious address be taken into conside ration. HOSPITALS (IRELAND) BILL. Sir J. YOUNG moved for leave to bring in a bill for the extension of hospital accommodation in Ireland. Colonel DUNNE said that a short time ago a similar bill was introduced by the right hon. gentleman, but was with drawn in consequence of the opposition which the measure received from the Irish members. The object of the bill was ♦iewed with great suspicion by the people of Ireland. Mr. BALL hoped the house would allow the bill to be introduced. He did not know what its details were, but the object at which it professedly aimed was one which it was very desirable to carry into effect. After a few remarks from Lord NAAS, the motion was agreed to. - The bill was brought in and read the first time. Sir W. MOLES WORTH moved for, and obtained, leave to introduce a bill to enable the trustees of Portland Chapel, Oxford Chapel, and Welbeck Chapel, in the parish of St. Marylebune, to augment the salaries of the ministers of tho said chapels. The house adjourned at ten minutes to one o'clock. NENV CANNON BALLS.—The Leeds Times believes that a Government order, for cannon balls of a new shape is being executed by a local foundry. They are long, three-sided, and terminate in a three-cornered point. It is conjectured that they are intended to be used against fortresses, but nothing positive can be pronounced on this head, as the casting of them has been kept as secret as possible. [AD VERTISEMENT.]- Holl o way's Ointment and Pills the most effectual remedies for Gout and Rheumatism. —Extract of a letter from Mr. Thomas Wyborn, drug gist, Eton, dated April 26, 1852:—" To Professor Hol loway. Sir,—A case has lately come under my notice which I think should be publicly known. It is that of a poor man, who suffered so dreadfully from chronic rheumatism, that he lost the use of one side and en dured incessant pain. He was under different medical treatment, and at Westminster Hospital the faculty pronounced him incurable. However, this was not the case, for by the use of your ointment and pills, he has been restored to health and strength,"—Sold by all druggists, and at Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand, London. [ADVERTISEMENT.)—Her Majesty's Royal Letters Patent, for valuable and extraordinary improvements in the most powerful and brilliant Telescopes, Camp, Race course, Opera, and Perspective Glasses, to know the distances of objects viewed through them—of great im portance to the army, navy, and others. Messrs. S. and B. Solomons, opticians, 39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly. Observe —opposite the York Hotel.--These telescopes pos sess such extraordinary powers that some, 33. inches, with an extra eye-piece, will show distinctly Jupiter's moons, Saturn's ring,. and the double stars ; with the same tele scope can be seen a person's countenance three miles and a half distant, and an object from 12 to 14 miles. They are of larger and all sizes, with increasing powers accordingly.— The Royal Exhibition, 1851. - Valuable, newly invented, very small, powerful waistcoat-pocket glass the size of a walnut, by which a person can be seen and known mile distant ; they answer every purpose on the race-course, at the opera-houses, country sce nery, ar.:l ships are clearly seen at 12 to 14 miles. They are invaluable for shooting, deer-stalking, yachting, to sportsmen, gentlemen, gamekeepers, and tourists. ()ero, race-course, camp, and perspective glasses, with wonderful power; an object can be clearly seen from 10 to 12 miles distant. Newly-invented Spectacles ; immediately the) are placed before extremely imperfect vision, every , object becomes clear and distinct; the most aged, de fective sight is brought to its youthful, natural, and ori ginal state. Deafness—New Discovery—The Organic Vi brator, an extraordinary powerful, small, newly-invented instrument, for Deafness, entirely different from all others, to surpass anything of the kind that has been, or pro bably ever can be, produced. Being of the same colour as the skin, is not perceptible ; it enables de a f persons to hear distinctly at church and at public as semblies ; the unpleasant sensation of e:nging noises in the ears is entirely removed; and it affords all the assist ance that possibly could be desired.--39, .Albemarlo-street, Piccadilly Olvoryo s opposito the York llotell E PARLIAMENTARY DIVISION. HOUSE OF COMMONS—MAT 15. EXCISE DUTIES BILL. Order for second reading read. Motion made and question proposed, " That the bill be now read a second time." Amendment proposed, to leave out the word " now," and at the end of the question to add the words " upon this day six months." Question put, " That the word 'now' stand part of the question." The House divided —Ayes 303, Noes 195. AYES-303. Aeland, Sir T, Graham, Sir J. Otway, A. A.'Court, C. Gr. enall, Gilbert Owen, Sir J. Artair, 11. Or -elle, Thomas Paget, Lo:d A. Anderson, Sir J. Gregson, Samuel Paget, Lord G. Atherton, W. OreillelL Charles Fairer, Bounden Barshaw. J. Grey'lie, Colonel F. Palmerston, Viscount Baines, Rt. Hon. M. Grey, Rt. Hon. Sir G. Patten, J. Ball. J. Grey, It. Pech,ll, Sir G. Baring, H. G - osvenor, Ld. R. Peel, sir R. Baring, T. Grosvenor. Earl Peel, F. Karns, T. Hadfield. George Peel, Col. J. Bass. M. Hall, Sir Benjamin P.,11 tt, A. It. , amiftil, F. Ilaiikey, T. Terre, Sir E. Beckett, W. Hamner, Sir John Philipps. J. Berkeley, Adm. Hare curt, Geo. Pin limore, J. G. Bethel!, Sir R. Hardingc, lion. C. Phill more, It. J. Biddalph, Col. R. M. Hastie. Alex. Phinn, 'r. Biggs, W. Hastie, Archd. Pigott, F. , Blackett, J. F. IL Heard, J. Pilkington, J. Bland, L. H. Heathcoat, J. Pinney, W. Bonham-Carter, 3. Heathcoate, Sir W. Ponsonby, A. Bouverie, Hon. E. P. Henehy, D. . Portman, Mr, Bowyer. G lieneage, Geo. F. Price, Sir R. Boyle, Lt -Col. Heneage, Geo. H. Price W. Brand, il B. W. Herbert, 11. Pritchard, J. Brocklehurst. J. Herbert, S. Ramsdell, SI r J. Brockman, E. D. Hervey, Lord A. Ricardo, J. Brotherton, J. Heywood, J. Meant°, 0. Brown, H. Hey - worth, L. Rice, E. Bruce, H. A. Higgins, G. 0. Rich, H. Buckley, Gen. H nilley, C. Richarlson, J. Butler, C. S. Hogg, sir J. W. Robartes, T. Byng, G. lI.C. Borstal', T. Roche, E. Cardwell E. Horstna . E. Roebuck, J. Castlerosse, Vii. Howard, El n C. Rum old, C. Cavendish, CC. Howard, Lord E. Russ. 11, Lord J. Cavendish, G. C. • Hughes, W. Busse.% F. C. Challis, T. Hume, J. Russell F. W. Chambers, M. Hut.fhins, E. Sadleir, James Chambers, T. Hutt, AT. saitleir, John Cheetham. John Ingham, It. Sanders, G. Christy. Samuel Jackson , W. Sawle, C Clay, Sir W. Rt. Jermyn, Rt. Iln. Earl Scholetield, W. Clioton. L•rd R. It. P. Johnstone, J. Scobell. Capt. G. Cockh rn. Sir A. J. E. Johnstone, Sir J. Scrope, G. Cogan, W. H. F. Keating, K. Scully, F Collier, It. P. Keating, 11. Seymour, Lord Cowan, C. Kersit tsv, J. Seymour, H. Cowper, W. King, P. Seymour. W. Craufurd, E. H.J. Kianaird, A. Shafto, R. I 'roisley. F. Labouc , ere,lit.Hon.ll Shelley, Sir J. Cu r-ie, Raikes Laing, a. Santo, J. A. Dairyinnle, Viscount Langston, .i. li. Smith, J. B. Dashwood, Sir r'4. 11. Langton, 11. G. Smith. M. Davie, Sir El R. F. Laslett, IV Smith, R. Denison. H. B. Layard, A. 11. Smoi lett, A. Denison. J. E. Legh, G C. Stafford, Marquis Dent, J..D. Lemon Sir C. Stanley, W. Di vett, E. Lewis, Sir T. F. Startle. Le G. Drumlanrig, Vic Lindsay Lt •Col. J. Stirling, W. Drummond, H. Lindsay, W Stria, E. buff, G. Locke, J. Stuart, Lord D. Duff, J. Lowe, R. Sutton J. Duke, Sir J. Luce T. Talbot, C. Duncan, G. Mackie, J. Tancred. 11, Dunlop, A. lal acK innon, W. A. Thicknesse, It. Egerton, W. M'Cann. J. Thom son, G. Egerton E. MAO 4regor Jas. Thorne' v.. T. Elcho, Lord MacGregor, J. Thornhill, W. Ellice, E. McTaggart, Sir J. Towns end. Capt. J. Ellice, E., jun. Mangles. K. Tynte, Col. C. Elliot, J. E. Marjoribanks, D. Uxbridge, Earl Emlyn, Vis. Martin, J. Vane, Lord H. Fsmonde, J. Massey, W. Vernon, G. Euston, Earl Mast erman, J. Vivian, H. H. Ewart, W. Matheson, A. Vivian, J. H. Fagan, W. Matheson, Sir J. Wahusley, Sir J. Feilden, M. Mall, E. Walter, S. Fergus. J. Milligan, R. Warner, E. Ferguson, Lt.-Col. Mills, T. Waterpark, Lord Ferguson, J. Milner, W. Watkin , , Col. Fitzgerald.Lt..G.Sir J Milnes, R. Wells, W. FltzGerald, J. Mitchell, T. Whatman, J. Fitzgerald, W. Moffatt, G. Whitbread, S. Fitzroy, Hon. H. Molesworth, Sir W. Wilkinson, W. Fitzwilliam, Hon. C. Mona, Viscount Willcox, B. Fitzwilliam, Hon. G. Moneri,ff, J. Williams, M. Foley, J. Monsell, W. Williams, W. Forster, C. Montgomery, Sir G. Wilson, J. Forster J. Norris. D. Whinington, Sir T. Forteseue. C. Mostyn, E. Wise, A. Fox, R. It owbrav, J. Wool, Sir C. Fox. W. Mulgrave, Earl of Wortley, J. S. Freest un, Col. Mure, Co.. W. Wrightson, W. Gardner, R. 31 urrough, J. Wyndham, W. Geach, C Norreys, Lord Wyvill. M. Glyn, G. Norreys, Sir D. Young, Sir J. Goderich, Viscount North. F Goodman, Sir G. 0' Itri. n, Sir T. 800 d, W. O'Brien, C. Goulliurn. H. O'Connell, O. Gower, F. O'Flalierty, A. Grace, 0. Osborne, R. NOES-195. Adderley, C. Forbes, W. Na' ler, J. Alexander, J. Forester, Col. G. Neeld, John Annesley, Earl of For,ter, Sir G. Nceld, Joseph a rchdall. M. Frewen C. Newark, Viscount Bagae, W. Fuller, A. . Newdegate, C. Bailey, Sir J. Galwey, Sir IV. Newport, Viscount Bailey, C. Galway, Viscount Noel, G. Baird, J. Gaskell, J. North, Lt.-Col. J. Bablock, E. George, J. Oakes, J. Bankes, Rt. Hon. G. Gilpin, Col, IL Ossulston, Lord Barrington, Vist. Gladstone, Capt. J. Packs, C. Barrow, W. Gooeh, Sir E. Pakington, Sir J. Bateson, Capt. T. Gore, W. l'alk, L. Beach, Sir M. Graham, Lord M. Palmer, Robert Bective, Earl Granby, Marquis of Parker, R. Bellew, T. Greene, rapt. John Percy, J. Bennet, Capt. P. Grogan, Edward Pollard-Urquhart W. Bentinck, Lord H. Gwyn, Howel Pugh, D Bentinck, G. Halford, Sir Henry Robertson, P. Beresford, Rt. Iln. W. Hall, Colonel John Holt, P. Bernard, Viet. Hamilton, G. A. Scymer, H. Blair, Lieut -col. J. H. Hamilton James, H. Shirley, E. Botdero, Lt.-Col. H. G. II anbury,Capt. ion.C. Si bthorp, Col. Booker, r. W. Harcourt, Col. F. smijth. -ir W. Booth, Sir Rt. Gore Hawkiiis, W. Smith, W. Brainston, T. W. Hayes, Sir E. Somerset, Capt. E. I.trooii e, sir A. B. Heatheote, G. Spooner, B. Bruce, C. L. C. Henley, S. Stafford, A. Buller, SirJ. Herbert, Sir T. Stanley, Lord lurke, Sir T. Hilyard, It. C. Stun, H. Burrell, Sir C. M. Hill, Lead A. E. Sullivan, Michael Burroogbes, li. N. Minis W. Ta for, Lt.. Col. T. Butt, G. M. Irton S. Thesiger, Sir. F. Campbell Sir A. I. Joiliffe, Sir W. Tolleinache, J. Comae, Sir J. R. Jones, i). Toniline, G. Cecil+, Lord Kell , Sir F Trollope. Sir J. Chelsea, Viscount Kerrisei, Sir E. Tod way, It Child, smith King, J. Tyler. Sir G. Christopher, Robt A. Knatchbull, W. Tyrell, sir J. Climt , n, Lord C. P. P. Knightley, R. Vance, J. Clive, it. Knox, Lt.-Col. B. W. Vane, . ord A. Cobbett, J. M. Knox, W 5. Vansittart, G. Cocks, T. S. Luffan, Capt R. Vernon, Capt. L. Cod•ingun, Sir C. W Langton. W. II P. G. Vivian; J. E. t a., H. B. Len 'ox, Lord A. F. Vys ~ ;apt It, Colvile, C. R. Lennox Lord H. G. Waddington. D. Compton, 11. C. Le-lie, C. P. Waddington, H. Como ly, T. Liddell, IL G. Walc , tt, Rear-Ad. Cotton, Major W. Liddell, it. T. W a pole. s. Davi,on, R. Lisburne, Earl Walsh, Sir J. Deedes SV. Lockha , t. W. We:l3,), Sir G. Hering, air E. C. Long, W. We.t, F Devereux, J. T. Lovaine, Lord Whitmore, A. In:smell, Rt. lion. B. Lowther, Capt. H. Willi ms, I'. Dod, J. W. Lytton, sir E. Willoughby, Sir H. Duncombe, Hon. A. Macartney, G. Wo dd, B. Duncombe, lion. °). Malins, K. Wyndham, Lt.-Gen. Dunne, Lt.-Col F. Mandeville, Viscount Wyndham, ii Egerton, Sir P. Manners, Lord G. Wynn, Capt. H. Elmley, Via. March, Earl of Wynne, W. Evelyn, W. Maunsell, Col. T. Yorke, E. Farnham, E. Meux, sir IL Farrcr. J. Miles, W. Fellowes, E. • Michel, Dr. W. TELLERS. Filmer, Sir E. Montgomery, H. Floyer, J. Mundy, W. Carley, E. S. Follett, B. Naas, Lord Stanhope, J. TELL EU . flayter, W. Berkeley, G. SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE. NOTICE TO MARINERS. FLINDERS LIGHT, GABO ISLAND. The lighthouse on Gabo Island, off Cape Howe, is situated in lat. 37 deg. 34 min. 20 sec. S., long. 149 deg. 54 min. 40 soc. E. It was completed and lighted on the 28th Nov., 1853, and a light will in future be exhibited from sunset to sun. rise. _ _ _ The lighthouse is a skeleton timber erection, painted white ; the roof and framing of the lantern painted red ; awl the ventillating ball painted yellow. It stands nearly in the centre of the island, about three quarters of a mile from its southern point, upon a sand hill 157 ft. 6 in. above the sea. The centre of the light is 21 ft. 6 in. above the sand, making a total of 179 ft. above the sea. The following magnetic bearings are taken from the light-house :—Cape Town, N. 32 deg. E. ; Rain Head, S.W. ; variation of compass, 11 deg. E. The light is a fixed white light, of the first class, con sisting of 24 catoptric lamps in two ranges, illuminating the whole horizon. The light is eclipsed by a small range of sand hills from S. 15 sec. E. to S. 4 deg. W. (in all 19 degrees), to a dis tance averaging about two miles out to sea. It is estimated that the light can be seen 20 miles dis tant in clear weather. Colonial Secretary's Office, Sydney, Dec. 29, 1853. CUSTOM-HOUSE, MAY 15. ENTERED INWARDS. —The Elora, from Callao ; Johanna, Nice ; Hotspur, Calcutta ; John and Isabella, Dantzic ; Australia, Rotterdam ; Enterprise, Hamburgh ; General Lest, Amsterdam ; Fayal, Dorcit ; Thalie, San Juan de los Renedros ; Maria Christina, Santander; Argo, DentziF ; Robert Peel, Stettin ; Margaretha, Httmburgh ; Islambatl, Odessa ; Jacobs, Rotterdam ; Athalia, Sennesund ; Re bocce, Nordschleuse ; Catharine, Memel ; Pizarro, Seville ; Carl, Leer. ; Regalia, Grenada ; Twe Zusters, Worcum ; Diamond, Bruges ; Familien, Drammen ; Nordstgernan, Dram ; Graf von Armen, Memel ; Korwars, Dantzic ; Charlotte Caroline, Stettin ; Maria, Praestoe ; Margherita, Toronto ; Argente and Bertha, Callao; Soderhain, Go thenburg; Norske Klippe, Drammen ; Prins Hendrik, Amsterdam ; De Vrouw Trientje, Ditzum ; Vrouw Renske ' Douerodder ; Anna Sophia, Helsingborg ; T re V enner, Konigsberg ; Jury, Dantzic ; Emelie, A nc l am ; E nge li n ; Manderdina, Groni.igen ; Enigheden, Christiansand ; Abucht, Schiedam ; Gipsey, Melbourne and Port Fairy; Catharine, Ystadt ; Cygnet, Demerara ; Erp intz Frede rick Auguste, Porto Rico ; Aurora, Emden • Frau Gebke, Schulperseil ; Gossepore, Calcutta; Fier Gebruder, Wor den ; Carolinida, Cherbourg ; Jersey Lass, Monte Video ; Emilio, Bandholm ; B e tty, P or t au P r i nce. ENTERED OUTWARDS FOR LOADING. —The Ceres, for Oporto; Maria Christina, Santander; Marie Julie, Mel bourne ; Jambe, Port Adelaide ; Medetublik, Barcelona ; Snake, Mogadore ; Pioneer, Hamburgh ; Rod Rose, Mau ritius. CLEARED OUTWARDS WITH CARGO.—The Rangoon, for Madras ; Alert, Oporto ; Eliza Sharp, Antigua ; Marieta, Cadiz and Seville; Joven Anita, Cadiz, Malaga, and Va lencia ; Woodstock, Jamaica. SMYRNA, May 3.—ln consequence of the increase of piracy in the Archipelazo, it is considered unsafe for ves sels to leave this port without convoy. SWANSEA, May 12.—The Etienne brig, of Vannes, Hol land, from Llanolly to Libourne, was fallen iu with yes terday off Lundy Island, with a signal of distress flying, by the Cornelia steamer, from London to this port, which bore clown and offered to take her in tow, but the master declined, stating that the vessel was sinking, when he left, with his crew, and came on board the Cornelia, bringing two boats, clothes, nautical instruments, and some pro visions. The mate and three of the steamer's crew then went on board the Etienne, and succeeded in stopping a leak under the lazzaret hatch, and getting the water under by baling, the pumps being useless, when she was taken in tow by the Cornelia, and brought into this harbour this morning. BOMBAY, April I.3.—The Hosannah barque has been wrecked on the Maldine Islands, and the Hamoody barque, of this port, INA been wrecked on the Oaccadive Islands; crew mad. - - CRICKET. • TWO SELECT ELEVENS OF THE MARYLV4 CLUB WITH TWO BOWLERS ON EACH Sw This, late as the weather.and other arrangemen ts thrown back the event, was the first match for the 1 0 1 of 1854 of the Marylebone Club, and the play exhibite4o the occasion went to prove that, although cold and 05 4 winds have prevailed for many weeks, there are those " 01 have not failed to take much practice. The shies:lt headed by the Earl of Winterton, and the honorall",ry tary and treasurer of the Marylebone Cricket Club. t; score was as follows : MR. EY"ASTON'S SIDE. d W in / First Innings. Second S. Taylor, Esq., b 0 c• c Wilson, b 11 Captain Davies, b Pollett E. T. Drake, Esq., b Follett._ 32 H. Vernon, Esq., b Royston 23 R. Kynastou, Esq., b Pollett lB ..... A. De Bourbell, Esq., b Royston 4 b Haygarth ..... W. Christie, Esq., c Haygarth, Royston li A. Torrens, Esq., b R o y ston Yie St tt7l) bll aY a g str ! R. Grosvenor, Esq., b Follett 3 not out ............... Dakin, c Haygarth, b Pollett Nixon, not out 6 , Byes 6, legs 3 9 byes 2, legs 2 , ; wide Total. Total 113 EARL OF WINTERTON'S SIDE. i g g ' First I nrjll 7 - - Mr. C. Scott, b Nixon . Mr. W. Wyugard, b Dakin ..... Mr. A. Campbell, run out ........................ Mr. A. Haygarth, b Nixon Earl of Winterton, c Bourbell, b Nixon Mr. J. 31. Fuller, b Dakin Mr. R. Bateson, b Nixon Mr. A. Wilson, b Nixon ...... Mr. G. W. Barker, b Nixon. Mr. Royston, b Nixon Mr. Follett, not out Byes 15, legs 5, wile 1, no ball 1 ......... • •• • •• .......... T0ta1...... lOl Mr. Kynaston's sid e th ere f ore won b y 12 runs on a l° innings. THE MARYLEBONE CLU B WITH THREE P LA YERS e Vollls SURREY CLUB WITH THREE PLATERS.— f his mat h played at Lord's on Monday, the 29th inst. COUNTRY MARKET& CHELMSFORD--MAT 12. Picked sampl es o f w h eat b arely maintained lastool prices. To effect sales of inferior qualities an 6 10 04 of is to 2s per qr. was necessarily submitted to. corn unaltered in value, with little business doing. 6 6, Prices to-day were as follow :—Wheat, white, 01d 564° to 84s od, new 66s to 81s ; red, old 54s to 80s, n ew •ilitl' 80s ; barley, 27s t o 35 s ; c h eva li er, 33 8 to 38s ;g i . co, 21s to 3Js ; malt, 61s to 65s ; chevalier, 64s to' 0 , 1 91 ' 26s to 32s ; pea s , partridge, 39s to 44s ; white, 47 0 0 ,0 boiling 54s to 6 s ; d un , new, 39 s t o 4 1s ; beaus, t: 4 3i, to 43s ; Harrow ticks, 33 s t o 46 s ; M azagan, 39 5 to COLCHESTER —MAr 13. A very limited supp'y of wheat, and for v 7 -1 scrip week's prices ware excee d e d b y I s per qr. on all de bo ol tions. Barley nominal, the malting season novr bd fairly closed. Beans and peas were not so ready 00 holders were firm in their demands. toS B'; Prices to-day were as follow :—Wbeat, white, .7 63 beo red, 72s to 84s ; barley, 34 s t o 38 s ; oa t s , 32 s to 34 , ;. Mazagan, 42s to 44s ; m iddl e an d sma ll , 44 s t o 483' white, 56s to 60s ; grey, 42s to 445. -..._. Official Statement of th e Q uan titi es o f Corn, Sze., re cera in the port of London, from the following ports , the 7th to the 13th May, both inclusive. .. ; 8 5 I t . .. .4 , ..' m ' 74 ti P 4 4 1 i Colchester Harwich Leigh Mallon ,11 , ' 59 - 6001 166 - 483' 374 138 J - 632 WO ; 93. KIRKCALDY-: Y 13. 19, 43 , o ,lr 1 285 Wheat. 1 Barley. Oats. 1 13 ° pi First Second Third 66s Oct I—s Od 34s lid 1 Oatmeal, per bag of 2801bs imperial, 50s Oct to 5 2 s " COAL MARKET.-MAY 15. Prices of Coal per ton at the close of the market' s 8. d.: Wallsend, it c * e• Ravensworth Hartley 2O 6 00 17 9 Hatton ..................... 00 Tanfield Moor Taufield Moor Butes 17 9 Haswell ..................... 19 ILambton ..... j o IRussell's Hatton .......... 00 _ Harton lB 0 Stewart's .................. ' l 6 Hilda 17 9 Heugh Hall . ............... go Hodley Johnson l7 9,Derwentwater HartleY. g i Bell's Primrose 16 6 Grey's West Hartley •." Braddyll l9 6j Wallsend, &c. SEABORNE MAILS. (N , igniftes thlt the mails are sent from the General rot' by ths night—and M by the morning --despatch.) e t Vib il , Day when made u From wna COUNTRIES. in General Fog- 1 Port 6u, tl4' Office, London.. Disoatcheo En America( hyltrit.pack)N Every Friday .... Liverpool ~ „ 14 America (by United Sts. packet) N May 2 Liverpool llal lo America (by U States Austral ia packet) ( N !April ...... S'outhamptoni via South ampton) .......... 31! ! May 4 isoutharapton Ditto (via M amines) N, May 8 . ......... Dover .. Ditto (via Cape of t1ood! r I A IO lic . Hope) N'.Tune ..... • • Al' C r 4 il Africa (West Coast) N l93d of the month . Plymouthl Alexandria.......... NlB, 4., 24, & 30 of tii :Dover .. • • 49 Alexandria..........N 4th & 20th of too!, iSouthanipto ;: y . 1 Bahamas 3l'l7th of the mom I S , mthamPt. ' „ , m ay Belgium N 1 tally Brazil —sl.9th of the month.. iiouthamploi •"Z i 16 Buenos Ayre5........ !itth of the month S'out /lamp. , 31 Cape of Good (lone N!l4th of the mutt Plymouth • • Cape of Good Hope ..N iilth of the month. Soutbamnw • Cape de Verds of the month Southampton 31solt Ceylon (see India) Ai: t1 1 1 .!4• 1 t '• Ceylon N 14th of the month Channel Isles N Mott., Wed.,&Frid couthampto; r M 2d &17 th of moat , Southamptot China (see India) il Constantinople N 7,14,17,21,&27 ofm. Dover • • A-pr - -,of Constantinople ........ i 4th & 20th of mo n Sou t h smP :. Cont. of Europe M & N Twice daily Dover ... •• • ' " Egypt (see India) Tc6l 11 France ........ M & N ! Twice daily Dover f 6 Gibraltar 7, 17, '2O, 27 of m. Suuthamptot SI A • Greece (see India) I 1 Greytown .......; M.2nd & 17th of mon. Southampton Hamburgh N! Tuesday & Friday !London ..... „ e l Havannah M '2nd of the moritidSouthamptoi Holland M!Dally !Dover Honduras 31'17th of the montli.lSouthamnio :;:"; 20 P . India (vlaSouthampt.)M 4th & 20th of mini. Plym uth • • „O, India (via Mareeilles)M Eth&2lth mouth Dover ..... l'o lonian Isles (see India) 7, 17, &27 of mon Dover.... • • '!lced4 Ireland & ! Twice daily ..... Hotyliedd . 1 6 9, 17, &270 f m. Southamwo tlsi 16 Madeira of the month Southatripi o • 11AY u 6 Madeira .... N 123e1 of month .... Plymouth .Apr Malta (see India) f April /9 Malta 7.17,19,77, 30 of in.:Dover ..... • Mauritius (see India) 1 Mauritius Nll4th of the month pri ll6 M ex i co „ .2nd of the month . ,S outhampto , 1 Naples .. . N s tht 3 th2sthofmon !Dover • • • %1 „ 3 *"„, I m New Granada M !2d & 17th of montli!Southampto , N' t c e rtt.'" New Zet1and..........DY private skip .. Various poll ‘ , 11 „,,, I Papal States Isth 1 s th2'qhonnon. Dover .• ' 6 •• • • Mai Peninsula ~ •„ ! ittil 7 th2Btholmon. Southampto 'u s: I Peru . . Port Natal ..........Nil4th of the month I'lvmoui h I Sicily isth I sthVitholmon, Dover .... I Tuscany ...........,N •s o.lsth2sthoimot.. Dover ..... 1 Venezuela „Ai '2d & 17th of month Southampto. x" . Van Diemen'sLand (see! Australia) . . West Indies .... 11412 d 17th o month I Southamptot! If. 511_,../6 I 6 Southampter, , of 1 ll 1). * When any of thes e d a t es f a ll o a iunday, the nisll3 i despatched on the following day, with the exception of the l" d ej Southampton), and the Malta, both of which will be despatc h day preceding. Salmon are now rarely met with in the rivers l ea and Itchen, in Hampshire. Formerly they we, re asir plentiful there that insertions used to be made le i a li a os tures that Hampshire apprentices should on ly be t salmon so many times a week. h ° CRUELTY TO LAMBS. - N ear l y 20 , 000 la e l ,: cf Ar e annually exported from th e I s l e o f Wight. Teefraill, nearly all sent to the L on d on mar k et. These o' fo ot are treated with great barbarity. They are take ° es e the ewes on Saturday morning and driven (Alecto° oe dozen miles i n th e d ust and heat to Cowes, from wh a e r dea they sent to South am pt on in t ow -b oa t s an d forty See' by rail to London. They reach the metropolis coping, day night and are driven to market the next re er Tbei and on Monday night they are usually killed• osoe rarely taste any food after Saturday morning., d if animals waste gr e atly, whi c h cou ld b e prevenbe Tbel little humanity were observed towards them' thei r ought to have food at the railway stations, wh ere stop some considerable time. BIRT II S. OF A SON. ..tre"' On Monday, the 15th inst., at 10, Great Stanhope-, Mayfair, the Lady Am.() Tufnell, of a son and heir• ivito of On the 12th inst., at Aymestry Vicarage, th° the Rev. J. Rogers. OF A DAUGHTER. 0 01 On the Bth inst., at Kingsbridge, Devon, th e ili Commander Selwyn, R.N., I. C. Coast Guard. Docile On the 13th inst., at Woodlands, Isleworth, .ra-r s ' C. Le Souef. MAI?IED. fteir On the 11th inst., at St. Gile ß s's, Camberwell, .11oter dal], Esq., of the Middle Temple, and Fellow' 0 ! ~ „r e oce College, Oxford, to Fanny, eldest daughter of - 1 -'"" t the Desborough, Esq., of Grove-hill, Camberwell ; and , I t : , of same time anti place, Edward Drosier Itudge , ter Fakenham, Norfolk, t o A nna L ou i sa , second d au g 3 the above-named gentleman. On the 14th inst., at the house of John Clementson, Abingion.street, Westminster. Sir William Arncothri"ttso_.,e, gilby, Bart., o f Ripl e y- cas tl e , Y o rkshire, and Kettle park, Lincolnsire instalcted 70. toir i On the 9th , b at Camp bill, Birmingham, w9'Pown W. A. Mainwaring, of the 3d - Regiment of Ring's Stafford Militia, and late Captain 79th Highlanders•eiliog, On the 12th inst., Matilda, the wife of Mr. C. A. of the R.M.A., Woolwich, aged 41. LONDON• Printed and Published by 3117ED0 1 ° °14 1 1:, of NO. 112, Strand, Printer, at 771 e Sun Otfice, NG' of Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the CO un t / ldiddlutz, Tuoidairciiiiwy 16, a% Ph. ~~ 8q _ E tlllt, next Post beu at bi for pi aqui gtll3 LIV REI Of c i Live Stan Lim a, P . TI of d and triet tire tto n Bri! trea ages tra ( tort Thar (wt aide