The Sun. — London, England, 1831-08-08 00:00:00

ssoch ade gee is now almo impossible,—that the 'two legislative bodies coare to an understanding in the House of Commons,—that the great party; Poetics are there fought,—that victory is there de cided, and that the House of Pers in extreme •cases is only called upon to concur with the verdiot pronounced by its friends in another place, `or record a judgment on which they had alreals , pronounced. We are far from saying that this is the true theory 'of the Constitution, but it is both the theory and the practice of the boronglimongers. It is the env! swer which they give to those who talk of an etrial balance of the three Powers in the Legislatures— the reply which they make to veasoners like Delotme and other foreign writers who have adopted too literally the military dements of our constitu tional system. The alleged prettier seems esta blished by recent facts and " modern instances,' Do we not see in the present discussions of Re form a noble army of occupation, sent into the other House from the Peers, in possession of the strong places of the Commons, and there contest ing every inch of ground with the rerssentatioss of the nation for their mere - private advan tage? What are all the nomination boroughs in the hands of the Lords but so many commanding positions, from which they defend their alleged rights without creating the necessity of any 'rupture yr misunderstanding between the two Houses ? Surely the same party who contended for " virtual representation," and who assured us that untepee sented Manchester wits represented by the Members for represented Liverpool, will rest deny that the Peers are more than virtually represented in the Commons by their sons, their brothers, theiv eon sins, and other relatives, or by the abler agents whom they nominate to sit and vote for them within its walls. We shall not libel the Members for 80 , 1 roughbridge by hinting that they are less able than the Duke of Newcastle to defend the interests of their patron. "Van any body who founts the votes, or reads the speeches of Lord Chandos, doubt that the Duke of Buckingham has a representative in the House of Commons, of as much activity if not its much weight as the Noble Duke himself in the House of Peers? Has not the Earl of Isonsdale still re presentatives in the Commons House, though he has lost some of his former nominations ? h not the Marquis of Bath fully represented in the Lower House of Parliament by his two suns and his brother, the three Lords Thynnsss To go over at length the list of those Noble Lords who have " legislatorial attornies" in the House of Commons. would be almost equivalent to an enomeration of the patrons of the boroughs in schedules A and B, together with the other places not in the said con demned categories, It is enough for our purpose to have shown how the system works in some cas:s—how the Lords fight their battle on neutral ground ; and we may refer to the exami nation of the late majorities by our correspondent " Radical" for fuller information on the details. It would seem an almost irresistible conclusion from there facts, that the House of Peers will not at tempt to reject " the Bill"—that they will consider it as having virtually received their own sanction when it has passed the ordeal of discussion by their relatives and agents in the Commons, and that thus a collision between the t we Houses will be pre vented by the very state of the representation itself, which has transferred the arena of contest to St. Stephen's, and assembled within its walls the champions of the Aristocracy as well as the guardians of the popular interests. This meeting of the nomi tiers of the Peers and the Members chosen by the people has, on great questions which are long dis cussed, and where each tries their strength, some thing like the appearance of a conference between the two Houses. A conflict is prevented which a vote could not decide (because the two bodies claiming equal power, neither could gain a majo rity), by another kind of conflict, in which a majo rity is easily obtainable without the danger of civil commotion. But if this theory of the Constitution (which we beg again to repeat is not ours) is not enough to remove the alarms of one party, or de stroy the hopes of another, respecting the fate of the Bill in the House of Lords, a better version of the same Constitution—a version allowed by all parties to be correct and authentic—bus placed in the hands of the Chief of the State the means of restoring harmony between its Legislative bodies, consistently " with the privileges of both Houses, and the maintenance of the just rights of the people." To these means his Majesty will not scruple to resort should the emergency require it.—Times. The foregoing observations leave us little room for a history of the proceedings on " the Bill" on Saturday. It made as much progress as the wrang ling propensities of its enemies, and the shortness of the time allotted for the discussion, would allow. Though a debate, as usual, got up on point of form, occupied some of those valuable hours which the business of the country exclusively demands, the re tnainder of the boroughs in schedule D were disposed of, and received one Member each. These were Kendal, Walsall, and Whitehaven. Some of the most important clauses of the Bill have now received the sanction of the Committee. After a debate upon the ten-pound qualification, which has already been sufficiently discussed, the remaining provisions of the measure need not occupy much time, as they consist chiefly of regulations or modes of execut ing the principles and objects previously agreed to. Indeed, the two kinds of clauses might have been separated without any injury to either. The Bill • will then be sent to the House of Lords, and whe ther it passes by the admitted theory of the borough mongers explained above, or by a necessary ad dition to the House of Peers, of members whose sentiments accord with the spirit of the age and the' interests of their country, there cannot be the least question of its unobstructed success. Neither can there be any doubt of its tendency and effect to pre vent that state of things in future from which it now forms our only means of escaping. We are happy that on this point we can rely on better authority than our own opinion—an authority on which our usual opponents will allow all the force,—the au thority of one of the chief opponents of the Bill_. Mr. Alexander Baring. In reply to Lord John Russell, that Hon. Gentleman said on Friday, with a frankness which almost made Sir R. Peel's hair stand on end,—" I will tell the Noble Lord how it will work. It will work the entire extinction of _ _ _ the Tories—indeed they are already almost at an end ; and if the Bill passes, there is no political party in any country that will be so completely de stroyed. 1 will Venture to say, that in five or six years there will be hardly a Tory gentleman left in England." What a calamity !—Tinies. If the assurances which we receive from certain quarters be well founded, that the King of Holland has not been countenanced or encouraged in, com mencing hostilities against Belgium by the King of Prussia or one of his brother despots, we are at a loss to conceive why the King of Belgium should think it necessary to call in the aid of a French army to repel the Dutch invaders. Surely he does not wish the world to believe that the Belgians have become less capable of coping with Dutch valour now that they have a King to lead them to battle than when they were without one. Did not the Belgians drive the Dutch out of their territory (with the exception of the citadel of Antwerp) when they had nothing to rely upon but their own man hood and prowess ? And have they not over and over again declared that they would like nothing better than to fight out the quarrel single-handed with the heroes of the Dutch King ? We thought at the time that they ought to have been al lowed to fight it out. Th e two nat i ons are in size and population a pretty fair match—though the advantage is on the sid e o f B elg i um. If they had been permitted to settl e th e i r di sputes between themselves—if the " great Powers" had allowed them " a clear stage and no favour," in stead of pushing both aside to com i commence le a ri n ce ro th b ez selves a paper warfare of protocols,. *r of p fight lit) , the belligerents, after baying enough time, aud ing, would have shaken hands by this have settled their differences without . putting the peace of Europe in danger of being disturbed. The Belgians Were ab!e to achieve their own 'indePen debee, and to chase the dvnasty cii! the King of Holland from thefr s'aA under the most adverse cir cumstances- 'they had no assistance from France then , --the feeling of the existing Government of England was against them, as well as of all the despotic Powers on the Continent, who regarded them as the most ungrattfut of rtvoltd subjects, and William of Orange As the Most ill-treated of enlightened and paternal rulers ; nay', there are London journals that now call out for the extermi - - nation of tote butch which echoed the sentiments of tPe bulce of Wellington on this, subject, and again and again described the King of Holland as a most virtuous and " enlightened" Sovereign, and the nel g ians senseless of benefits conferred, and stthed with the turpitude and crime of ntiseless re bellion. In spite of all this bbstility on the part of Governments nod the Press of various countries, the Beigi'art; Won their independence at the point of the 'Sword, by their own unassisted courage and energy. Why then are they nor, at the present moment, able to del'ltnri that independence against Dutch inve,ion without calling in the aid of trench troops? If Prussia has thrown off the mask, and promised the King of Holland the support of her bayonet!, wt_%, can easily understand this. France would, in that case, be bound to take the field, whether called on or notl—but if, as those who affect to be deeply versed in the secrets of Cabinets, inform os, the tyrants who are steeped to the lips in the unavenged blood of oppressed, and ph'indered,and desolated Poland, have prudently declined to give any assistance to the Dutch King, there is no just or mound mason why either France or England should interfere in a war between the state■ of Holland and Belgium. In such a case it la unworthy the Majesty of either Power to fall upon the petty state of Holland—and, indeed, the interference of either may furnish a pretext to the despots to take the field on the other side, and thus bring about a general war. For our part, we never concealed our opinion of the weak ness and imprudence of Lord Palmerston's policy, of which we predicted that there could come no thing but mischief. Our Government declared for the principle of non-intervention on coming into office, as well as before; and if they had only ad hered to their own avowed principle, in regard to Belgian affairs, we should not now be in danger of being involved in a war, with a national debt and a pressure of taxes on the country almost beyond en durance. If the Dutch alone attack Belgium, why does not King Leopold seize the opportunity of showing that he is placed upon the throne as much for use as ornament, by driving the invaders off the Belgic soil, at the head of native troops, without calling in the aid of foreigners, who might eventually take a fancy to the country for themselves ? But whether Belgium alone, or Belgium and Fiance to gether, enter the field against the Dutch, we hope our Government will have good sense enough to keep this country out of war. We can hardly think, indeed, that the King of Holland would he so rash as to enter the lists without assurances from greater Powers; but, whether or not, that our Government should wholly abandon the Poles to their fate, and entangle the country in a war about Belgium, would be " too bad."—Morning Herald. The German Papers we receive allude with such apparent reserve to the transactions of the few Le gislative Chambers beyond the Rhine which have been permitted to assume something like a popular form and character, that little information can be gleaned from the scanty and obscure accounts which are given of the sittings of these assemblies. Many of our readers may perhaps require to be reminded that the Governments of Bavaria, Baden, and some other German States, have been considerably modi fied by the introduction of constitutional codes.— Though these constitutions are far from satisfying the extreme gauche of German liberalism, their superiority over the former arbitrary systems is too manifest not to exci.e great interest in the States which have obtained them, and a strong desire in others, particularly in Prussia, for the possession of similar institutions. The scheme of representation which prevails in the German States, being entirely the work of their respective Governments, has, as might well be expected from such an origin, a very narrow basis; but as it is not complicated and corrupted by any thing like the vicious and ano malous machinery of our rotten boroughs, the mem bers of the legislative assemblies feel the influence of public opinion. Under that influence, a party disposed to canvass the measures of the Court soon arises, and the first object of the incipient opposition is to recommend themselves to the country by advocating economy and popular rights. The view here taken of the tendency of these in stitutions is corroborated by the accounts given of the business which now occupies the Bavarian Legislature. From the imperfect and confused re ports of the proceedings, which requires some pa tience to decipher, it appears that a great point of contest in the Chamber of Deputies is a proposed diminution of the civil list, from 3,000,000 to 2,000,000 of florins. To resist this diminution is not the only difficult task imposed on Count Von Armanspeg, the Finance Minister ; he is also called upon to account for the expenditure of 800,000 florins, for which no vote had been obtained. He is besides threatened, on the part of the opposition, with a refusal to pass the budget until certain po pular claims be taken into consideration. The ()- position have brought forward a proposition for making the military take an oath to the Constitution, and this motion has been the subject of warm de bates. Several Deputies contend, that in a consti tutional Government all authorities are bound to swear to maintain the Constitution; and that if a like oath is not taken by military officers, no money ought to be voted for the army. The difference of opinion on the military oath is not confined to the Chamber of Deputies. The question is eagerly dis cussed by the public, and divides the ranks of the army. Colonel Von Heidegg, who served in Greece, has published a pamphlet, in which he vehe mently condemns the proposed oath for the Bava rian army. Several copies of this pamphlet having been sent to each regiment, a number of officers held a meeting, and signed a letter addressed to Heidegg, in which they call upon him to explain without delay—" Who authorized him to put himself for ward as the organ of the whole army, and to say in the name of the military, We will not take the I constitutional oath ?' " The latest reports we have of the proceedings of the Bavarian Legislature are dated the 20th and `2lst of July, when the Cham ber of Deputies held its 60th and 61st sittings.— That as-embly was then chiefly engaged in the dis cussion of amendments proposed by a Committee on a law project for modifying one of the sections of the Constitutional code which relates to elections. It appears that the election of certain descriptions of persons are not valid unless they are ratified by the Government. The Chambers resolved, by ninety-six to five, that with regard to the prin cipal Magistrates of towns, and retired or pen sioned . officers, if under no obligation to return to active service, no such sanction for their admission as Deputies should be required. In the course of the debate, the Minister Von Sturmer, in speaking against concessions to the popular party, quoted the German proverb—" He to whom a finger is given, wishes to have the whole hand;" upon which the Deputy Von Closen observed, that the representatives of the people were certainly most de sirous of obtaining the hand of the Government, and cheerfully offered theirs, with a view to union and co-operation in the country's welfare. But he assured the Minister that the Chamber was not a child to be pleased by having a finger dipped in sugar put into its mouth. The order of the day for the 20th included a motion by the same Deputy; Von Closen, on the means of securing personal liberty against the excesses of military and police authorities, which was to be taken into considera on n a secret sitting, but no account is given of the result. Th ese tra i ts of public spirit in the re presentative body are the more remarkable when contrasted with the charges of arbitrary actswhich are made against the executive authorities. The Press is in particular the object of severe measures. Whatever good effects the Muses, which the King of Bavaria courts, may have had on his Govern ment, it appears that their influence has not yet been sufficient to render fret discussion a business of safeq , in his Majesty's dominions. A case hi point has just occurred :—The editor of a journal, entitled the German Pribune, proposed to pub lish an occasional paper, or pamphlet, to be called the Bavarian Opposition Skeet, but the first ncinber, which appeared on the 19th ult., was imme diately seized by the police. The editor, H err Wirth, has addressed a complaint on the subject to the Minister for the Home Department, which he means to follow up by a representation to the Chum bers Ile contends that his publication does not fall under the law respecting periodicals,—that the attempt of the police to impose a penalty of fifty dollars for printing it, and also the demand made upon him to submit to the examination of the censor articles on domestic policy previously to their inser tion in the T, i6une, are proceedings in direct viola tion of the law on the Press. Whether the editor will obtain the redress he claims remains to be seen. In the mean time we have thought this state of things in Bavaria not unworthy of some notice, for though the scene of the disputes to which we have adverted is narrow compared with that on which the juste milieu and the movement contend under Louis Philippe for supremacy, yet the interest attached to the events is not confined to one member of the Teutonic confederacy, but is shared by the whole of the intelligent population of Germany.--Tinter. It has already, we think, been clearly and conclu sively demonstrated that the true and only principle of the Reform Bill is that of securing a permanent Whig Ascendancy in the country. All the disgust ing inconsistencies, all the shameless partiality and injustice, of the Bill might be ultimately measured by this rule; all the pertinacity of Ministers in main taining those inconsistencies and partialities may be traced to this source. Honest Reformers (we speak by comparison) cannot much longer remain blind to so contemptible a manoeuvre, exposed as it has been again and again. It is obvious enough to all intelligent men of this class, and we are happy to ob serve that Colonel Davies has set the example of instructing those whom the term " Reform" has deluded into a support of the Bill. C-)1. Davies has addressed the following letter to the Radical Union of Worcester in answer to a command, from that learned body, to abandon his proposed amend meets. In this letter he explains and justifies his intentions; and if such an c.rpose from an undoubted friend to Reform do not undeceive the radicals of Worcester, and of all other places where it may be read, they will prove themselves to be deficient in the ordinary sagacity of reasonable men. If they are possessed of common sense as regards their own supposed interests, they will undoubtedly, with one accord, pronounce this Reform Bdl to be the most shameless imposition that ever was attempted as a cover to mere party aggrandizement :- 8, Chapel-street, South Audley-street, July 21. Sia,—l have this morning received your letter of the 19th, containing a request that I will withdraw the notice I had given of certain amendments to be proposed by me in Committee on the Reform Bill. Although I shall at all times be most anxious to consult the wishes of my constituents, and have the highest opi nion of the political integrity of the members of the Wor cester Union, yet, as my proposed alterations of the Re form Bill are the result of a close and anxious investigs tiun of its provisions, I cannot consistently with my sense of duty consent to withdraw them. I will not now enter at large into the discussion of the Bill, but the members of the Union may rest assured that unless the amend ments I shall propose are adopted the Bill will be wholly inefficient as a remedial measure, and will place the re spectable middling classes of society completely under the controul of the Aristocracy. • You state that the Union deprecate any amendment whatever of the Bill. Have they forgotten the fintaus provision of the Bill which, by precluding from voting all 10/. householders whose rent might be payable mote fre quently than every half year, would have disfranchised nine-tenths of the householders throughout the kingdom ? 1 think this ought to induce the Union to pause before they object to any alterations of the Bill. By the present provisions of the Bill counties are to be divided into two divi•ions in all cases where the number of Members is increased to four. By another clause, in all cases where there are not in a borough 300 persona oc cupying houses at 101. a year, the Commissioners are to incorporate with the borough the adjoining district. By an examination of the clauses connected with this you will find that as far as that incorporation extends the county constituency will be nearly annihilated; and in the ease of Cornwall, which contains eight boroughs that are to re main, seven of which wilt have an insufficient con stituency without the incorporation of the adjoining dis tricts, and as those districts will extend to seven miles in every direeion front each of the seven boroughs, th e county constituency will be cut up by the roots. The joint effect of dividing the counties, and breaking into their constituency by the incorporation of portions of them with boroughs, will be to place nearly the whole of the counties in the hands of Peers or great landed proprietors. But this is not all. After all this incorporation and destruction of the independence of counties, the inde pendence of the boroughs will still be in jeopardy, as , unless the owners of freeholds within their limits anti the occupiers of houses at 51. are in all cases allowed to vote, where there are not 300 householders of 101., sixty-four boroughs, returning 147 Members, will be either under direct nomination, or, at least, under the influence of any Peer or great landed proprietor in the neighbourhood, a s scarcely one of those boroughs will contain 300 electors. The state of the representation, if the Bill is passed without amendments, will be a■ follows: Present number of Members for Counties in the United Kingdom lB7 New ditto 63 Total County Members - '250 Ninety-four boroughs in which the number of electors will not exceed, and, in many cases, be under, 300, returning Total of what are likely to be returned by the Aristocracy 397 Total number of Members in the House, as proposed by the Bill ti."ll; Deduct returned by the Aristocracy Total number by the People - 229 Returned by the Aristocracy 397 Ditto by the People 229 Majority in favour of the Aristocracy I propose by my amendments to secure to boroughs a sufficient constituency without encroaching on the counties, by which means, and by objecting to the division of counties, I trust that the independence of both w ill be secured. I hope that these explanations will be satisfactory ; if they are not so, I shall regret it ; but being conscious of their accuracy, I shall most unquestionably persevere in my original intention, and endeavour to carry my pro posed amendments. I remain, Sir, your very obedient servant, —Morning Post. 11. DAVIES. We cannot suffer the petition presented by Mr. John Wood in the House of Commons on Wed nesday night last, on the subject of public footpaths, to pass without notice. We have long marked with regret the unfeeling manner in which the humbler classes hare been robbed,;by truckling Justices of the Peace, of these their rights, and, in truth, - if long prescription can confer any property, their posses sions ! For in most cases the poor have had their footpaths, before the owners of the contiguous fields, or any of their ancestors, have had their lands. The law at present is in a most detestable state, and the mischiefs that have flowed from it incredible. Two Magistrates, after some slight form of notice, can stop up any footpath, upon almost any pretence, as that it leads no whither—that another road is nearer, or almost as near—more convenient, or almost equally convenient—themselves or the friend whom they wish to oblige, being the judge both of distance and convenience T. And there is an appeal to the quarter sessions—that is, in fact, there is no redress to those who are without money or without friends. But on the subject of distance and convenience, let it be permitted us to say a few words; they are not the only points which ought to enter into consideration in ''turning paths and by-roads Why, to send a poor ma - ti about, or rather to send a whole parish of poor men about, and add to the fatigue of their wearied limbs as they go to, and return from, their daily la bour, is.so barbarons, that we should think the act could hardly even be contemplated, much less exe cuted. But this is not the only use of a foot-path : the aged and infirm have a right to them for secu rity, and the young for recreation : and all for the evening stroll and the sabbath-day walk, whether they are the shortest way or not; whether they are or are not, as mathematicians define a right line, " the nearest road between two given points." If improvements of the nature now reprobated continue at the rate at which they have been recently carried on, the humbler classes will be obliged to make all their movements on the highways; they will not be able to stir out of them—to take a step but from their cottage-threshold into the public road; where, parti cularly in the vicinity of populous towns, persons drawing towards one extremity of life (the old) are every day more and more exposed to the danger of being run over, from the increasing rapidity of public conveyances, and persons at the other extre mity of lie (the youthful) have their ears assailed, and are liable to be corrupted by the foul language of drovers, waggoners, and pig-jobbers. The green fields will be interdicted to the poor, except it be to sweat and toil in them. Ye mighty owners of the soil ! What a pity it is ye cannot also interdict to them the light of Heaven, and the air that fans their weather-beaten brows! But we warn you that you have no right, by your dirty obsequious tools, to stop up foot-paths, and then insolently to tell those against whom you stop them up, that another road is " more convenient"—" shorter"—" leveller !" If you cannot live except alone,—if you and your mansions may not be approached by the sun-burnt sons of labour—your toiling fellow-creatures—seek solitudes, do not make them ! above all, do not make them in England where the poor have, till within the last half-century, been as flee to range almost as the native birds. But we know from whence, in a great degree, this anxiety to stop up foot paths proceeds. Your game is accessible from them ! When every foot-path in our estates is ex tinguished, then the hapless wanderer may be seized and interrogated, " What were you doing here ? There is no road or path 1 What business could you have ?" But we will tell you, grand Seigneurs, what your dullness cannot discover— that when you have succeeded to the utmost, and prevented all approach to your domains, they will then just become the places where murders may be committed with impunity, where a gamekeeper may be shot without the risk of evidence. Perhaps s metimes the more criminal master may also drop. You are drawing a cord tight, which will at length strangle yourselves or your posterity. The French Noblesse excluded their poor peasants from their chateaux ; but they approached them with a ven geance at last ! Where are they now—the chateaux with their folding gates and their lofty walls ? and the home park, and the deer park, and pheasant preserves, and hare preserves? How are they all vanished ! There are paths in abundance in France now. In truth, there is hardly a hedge or a fence from Calais to Nice. We will add to the above remarks, the observation that the subject particularly deserves consideration at present, when a general commutation for tithes is contemplated. There is nothing which has tended so powerfully to exclude the poor from a flee passage across lands contiguous to their place of labour, as partial com position for tithes. Where the tithe-owner had access to draw his tithe, the peasant had access like wise. But in many parishes where a composition for tithes has long prevailed, the very roads by which they were carted to the tithe-barn have become almost obliterated, and are distinguished with diffi culty. If a general composition take place, it will require great care to mark out and define and pro vide for the perpetual maintenance of the roads.— SECOND EDITION. SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock. IMPERIAL PAR LIAM ENT THIS EVENING. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Shortly after Three o'clock the SPEAKER took his seat. CITY OF DUBLIN ELECTION. Mr. R. GORDON brought up the report of the Com mittee appointed to try the merits of a petition against the return for the city of Dublin. He had to inform the House that Robert Harty, Esq. (the Lord Mayor of Dublin) and Louis Perrin, Esq. were not duly elected; that the last election was ♦oid, and that the petition, and the opposition to it, were not frivolous or vexation.. He was further directed by the Committee to acquaint the House that the Committee had come to the following resolution ,, , viz.— " Resolved,—That Robert Harty, Esq., and Louis Perrin, Esq., were, by their agents, guilty of bribery and treating at the last election for the said city of Dublin. " Resolved,--That it appears that certain persons, holding °di_ cial situations in Ireland, or considered to be connected with the Irish Government, did at the last election for the city of Dublin, in contravention of the resolutions of the House of Commons, use undue influence in favour of, and aiding and assisting in, the return of the sitting Members. " Resolved that the Chairman be instructed to move that the report and the evidence be printed and laid before the House. The Hon. Gentleman then moved that the report be ' brought up and ordered to be printed, which was agreed to; the evidence was also ordered to be brought up and printed. He then moved that the Speaker do issue a new writ for the city of Dublin in the room of Messrs. Harty and Perrin. Mr. HUNT said, that as the proceedings of this Com mittee, of which he was a Member, were now at an end, he had to state that it had been his intention to op pose the issuing of the writ, or to move for its suspension for a week, in order that the evidence might be in the hands of the Honourable Members of the House, and that the House could then consider what ulterior proceedirgs should be adopted. But as the majority of the Committee were opposed to such a step, he did not now consider himself justified in moving to suspend the writ.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. C. PELHAINI thought that sufficient had already appeared in the report of the Committee to make it as strong a case for inquiry as that of Liverpool.—( Hear.) In this case Government officers were implicated, an ! the House ought to protect its own rights by at prm sent sus pending the writ.—;Hear.) He, therefore, moved that " the writ be suspended for a week." Mr. O'CONNELL seconded the motion. There was something exceedingly loose—indeed, he might almost say unsatisfactory in the report respecting persons "supposed" to be connected with the Government having interfered in the election. He wished the House was in possession of the facts connected with the granting the freedom of the city of Dublin ; for if public fame were not a public liar, there had never yet been a contested election which had not been interfered with by some persons "supposed" to be connected with the Go vernment. The franchise was given by the Corporation to persons solely for party purposes, and not less than 4,000 persons had been voted the freedom of Dublin at one sitting. At the late election he believed it would be found that a very considerable sum from a fund,—he be lieved, the Tory Fund—had been conveyed from Lon don to the Committees of some of the candidates.— He hoped the writ would he suspended, that evidence might be received at the bar of the House, so that the House would be able to institute a full inquiry into these proceedings. The House was, perhaps, not aware that there was a plan kept up at an enormous expense to retain the corporation of Dublin in the interests of Government. The Police Magistrates were also removable at the pleasure of Government. The whole of these things ought to be e nquired into, and he was happy in seconding this motion. The SPEAKER suggested that the best way would he to alter the amendment for the adjournment of the debate to this d my week, and Mr. Pelham agreed that his amend ment should stand " that the further debate on this ques tion be adjourned until this day week. Sir C. BURRELL hoped th it no proposition to hear evidence at the bar of this House would be agreed to (for it was a very unsatisfactory mode of ascertaining the truth) until the House had the power of administering the oath to witnesses.—(Hear, hear.) He had found in such cases very contradictory evidence, which had been rendered void when the question was carried to the house of Lords, or before a Committee. Mr. LEADER agreed that there were strong grounds for adjourning the question until the evidence was printed, but he objected to receiving evidence at the bar of the House. Mr. CRAMPTON said there was a great distinction between this case and that of Liverpool. In the Liverpool case there was a resolution of the Committee reflecting great blame upon the voters, and stating that gross bribery and corruption prevailed ; then there was a good cause for suspending the writ. This report, how ever, cast no imputation on the electors of Dublin. He was glad the motion had been made, for lie was not adverse to any inquiry into the proceedings at the late election, feeling satisfied that the charge against his Majesty's Government in Ireland, " that certain persons considered to be connected with the Government" had eseicised an undue influence at the election, would be found to lest on as slight grounds as any charge possibly could. lie should at present say but little upon the subject, but he begged to state that he should have a petition to present from a a gentleman of high respectability and honour, he alluded to Mr. M'Caston—(Loud cries of hear, hear,)—who con ceived himself greatly injured by the Committee having allowed hearsay evidence to be received highly injurious to his character. Sir R. INGLIS slid, the ordinary practice was, that the Chairman of the Committee should move that the writ do issue, and unless the Chairman announced that there were special circumstances, the writ issued almost as a matter of course. In this case there teas no reason to depart from that rule.—(Hear.) Sir HENRY lIARDINGE said that there was nothing to justify the House in arresting the writ ; if there had been, the Committee would have so reported; and with regard to the other part of the question he conceived it unjust to make observations until the evidence was printed, and i❑ the hands of the Members.—(Hear, hear.) Ile should feel happy when the time arrived that a full expla nation should be given upon this subject on the part of the Gentlemen connected with the Government of Ireland. Mr. GRATTAN spoke in favour of the adjournment of the deb ite until the evidence was printed. Mr. HUME was surprised at so army objections being urged to the suspension of the writ. It appeared to him that if bribery be proved to such an extent as to deprive Members of their seats, and that certain offi cial persons had exercised an undue influence in the elec tion, the House should refuse to issue the writ, and not give those persons another opportunity of immediately exercising the sime undue influence again. Tht re were quite suffi cient grounds to suspend the writ until the evidence wis before the liouse.—(lfenr.) Mr. C. FERGUSON hoped the adjournment would be agreed to. Mr. R. GORDON observed that hereafter he would probably adopt some ulterior measures, but the -e would he in his capacity, not as Chairman the Committe., but as an individual of the House. The issuing of the writ had nothing whatever to do with any nieasure he might hereafter adopt against the official persons complained of.—(Hear.) Respecting the acts of bribery, they had undergone much discussion, but the Committee did not think it so gross as that of Liverpool, and therefore they did not feel justified in resorting to any such measure as was adopted in the Liverpool case.—(Hear.) Mr. MABERLEY said this was a case in which the suspension of the writ was not justified. If bribery was a reason for suspending a writ, then every case in which any bribery was proved would be attended with that re sult. It was only in cases where considerable bribery was proved that the House had suspended writs. In the case of the Evesham elect'on considerable bribery was proved, and the House suspended the writ until by the dissolution of the House a new writ was ordered to issue. In this case undue influence exercised by certain individuals in the service of Government might be a ground for ulterior pro ceedings against those individuals, but it was no case for suspending the writ. —(Hear. ) Mr. \VILKS said the suspension of a writ was one of the most extreme constitutional measures that could be adopted, and nothing but the most gross misconduct in the voters could justify the House in resorting to such a step.—(Hear.) In this case the Committee had proved themselves superior to all party or political feeling—(Hear)—and any recom mendation emanating from them should meet with great consideration.—( Hear.) That Committee had not feat that the constituent body of Dublin were so implicated as to recommend that the electors should be deprived of the immediate exercise of their elective franchise.—(Hear, hear.) The wi it ought to be immediately issued, and then, with cqu tl alacrity let the charges against individuals be in vestigated, and it guilty, let them meet with punishment. Even the suspension of the writ for Liverpool, for so long a period, he considered a very hard measure.—(Hear.) Mr. R. COCKRURN said that the Committee never contemplated the suspension of the writ.—(Hear.) Mr. LEFROY, jun. supported the issuing of the writ, leaving the rest of the report to be hereafter fairly discussed. Mr. H. HUGHES wished to understand whether the Hon. Chairman of the Committee had given notice that he would adopt some ulterior proceedings. Mr. R. GORDON wished to have an opportunity of reading the whole evidence. It was probable he would adopt some ulterior proceedings, but he would not pledge himself to do so. Mr. F. BARING thought it great injustice to a re spectable body of freemen, if the House delayed the writ one moment Mr. HUNT said that he could not allow so many observations to pass without stating that it came out in evidence that there were at letst one thousand five hundred which he would call fictitious votes.—(A cry of " No, no, no.") Not that they had full proof of it, but that there were 1500 freemen, every one taking a false oath, and then receiving bribes for his vote. He hail no hesitation in saying that the very head of the Go vernment in behind was implicated. And if the Ho nourable Chairman of the Committee did not bring this important subject forward, he woulti. When the evi dence was printed, the House would see it was imposible to allow such things to pass without adopting some ulte rior measure. Lord UXBBIDGE could assure the House he should not have intruded on their notice, bad it not been for the expression of the Honourable Member for Preston, that the head of the Government was implicated. He was certain the head of the Government wished the fullest inquiry. And he was perfectly sure that the result would free him from any such gross charge. After some further observations from Mr. hunt, the Speaker, Lord G. Lennox, and Sir C. Forbes, the House divided, when there appeared, for the amendment, Ayes Noss Majority for issuing the writ.... 25 Mr. HUNT presented a petition from one of the Man chester Political Unions, praying the House to pass the Re form Bill into a law without delay, as a means of prey, nting irritation, and probably convulsion, in the country. The petitioners prayed also fur the protection of the ballot, and hoped that if any alterations were to be made in the Bill, that the ten-pound franchise might be decreased. After some observations from Sir T. FREMANTLE, Sir R. Iwcus, and Mr. HUNT, the petition was ordered to be printed. The How. MEsiliErt also presented a petition from the National Union of the Working Classes of the Metro polis, complaining of the Corn Laws, and praying for the repeal of the transportation, population, and starvation laws, which had the effect of forcing persons to transport themselves. it. Coi Mr. HUME begged to correct the latter statement of the Honourable Member. There was no intention, nor did he believe the laws referred to would have the effect anticipated by the petitioners. Mr. PORTMAN bore testimony to the statement of the Hon. Member for Middlesex, but he thought every Government was bound to facilitate the removal of their subjects from one part of the world to another. Mr. BUNT, in moving that the petition be printed, thanked the lion. Member far Middlesex for putting him right if he was wrong, which he did not think he was, for he had no doubt those things to which the petitioners referred would be the means of forcing transportation.— What the petitioners wanted was not to be taxed with the expences ot the emigration of others. The SPEAKER then asked who seconded the motion for the printing of the petition, and no Member rising to signify his intention, Mr. O'CONNELL rose—He tru•ted the House would allow the petition to be printed. There might, however, be nonsense in it, but there was nothing dero gatory to the House. The petitioners stated their distress, and their belief that it was occasioned by a parti cular arrangement, but they were wrong in the principle which they adopted. Lord ALTHORP observed that the House was always anxious to receive petitions respectfully worded. The present petition was far from being so, and it was signed by only two persons. Under such circumstances he thought the House would be justified in not allowing it to be printed. Mr. HUME was prepared to subscribe to a great part of the petition. He should have no objection to see all the sinecurists transported out to Canada. The SPEAKER—Do you second the motion ? Mr. HUME—No, the terms in which the petition was couched would not, in his opinion', add to the character and dignity of the House by allowing it to he printed ; the same effect might be conveyed in much more objec tionable language. If, however, the Hon. Member would allow the petition to lie on the table till to-morrow, he would read it, and see if he could second its being printed. Mr. HUNT had no objection. He then presented a petition from the Westminster Union, which was signed by two persons relative to the grant to Princess Victoria. It had been stated in the House when he opposed that measure, that no man with decent feelings would have made objections to it. Ile was sorry the Hon. Member for Westminster was not in the House, as it came front a great body of his constituents. He begged to call the attention of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to the proposition made by the petitioners, which was that instead of granting this money out of the pockets ot the poor people, they would take it from the untneritol wealth of the Church.—(Laughter.) Sir R. INGLIS oppos d the petition, which, afterso o further discussion, was ordered to lie on the table. , Mr. HUNT also presented a petition from the We'' I minster Union, complaining of an unjust War now 0 4 on betwem Russia and Poland, st sting that the,' had presented a memorial to Lord Palmerston, inr a aCCOI THE GA W, PRE orks of 11 , -1 -r l.l Oll , -)Pro Daily, fron Frocof.rlovatillysenrt bPAthn in , I, iik,fougt;..::::ins iwat ye:al aerce, lea presentee a memorial to Lora raimerston, e" - ' 6 , ng him to adopt some measures for the protect', , f Polanl, which memorial the Noble Lord treated te'" Just ,_' ' lisrespect, and praying his dismissal from the Coaecilge'[ AL a s, ~Putilisl , 4 , GIDI ,is Majesty.—(Great laughter.) Lord PALMERSTON observed, that it was not fro"ival tish , cIIEN fly disrespect toward the Westminster Union that he I' l l Wi t h a enders c leclined giving any information relat've to the war bel Kitst, en- gard en ween Russia and Poland. tlittd ' 11 y GE Mr. HUME observed, that although this was a ROT vhich was treated with levity by some, it was one whi cl °Y JOHIN he whole of the country felt great anxiety about, s° ' li s i n t r narY to tl t appeared to him fit on his p art to put this questio°' ()f w r for Lon mow far his Majesty's Alinista re had interfered in any " r !: A n 1 7, 41 „, may 1 my remonstrance or otherwise, with regard to the ease ' of B OTANY I RODI he unfortunate Poles up to the present moment the 11 0 " I4 01P IS ' vas in utter ignorance upon the subject. 8 i 1 , ° trill . ° Lod PALMERSTON did not make any reply, -r - A NY NE 0 he petition was ordered to lie on the table. Mr. HUMS supposed that the Noble Lord ( 14 ; '----------32—S y, Idtiontah2ne NEW nerston) was silent in answering his question, bees,' SIR '1 HC me 1)3.4 not made or seconded any motion then before 7 Is louse. He never rose fur the purpose of seconding t . .., notion that the petition be printed, and be rej eatei l'" git, " o, A, piestion to the Noble Lord. 1 !I ' his . .. Lord PALMERSTON observed, that it witaswans o l t ik " eiptii t4 ,l.lj t e n c e o i teso,ool . rlo ) ,Et e i n eT t i t ., 5f any disrespect to him (Mr. Hume) that he had o ','''"rk i s • t c t ime metimal tn•wered his question, but he re ally from what passel '' ,l ;he a 1 use of the Hon. Member's former address, consider b Th, t merely in declaration of his opinion. In answer • PARIS'S L ;he Hon. Member he could only say that he was s , ' e it ; we , o44 \_‘ it 'it o h Dai l aßient. ,, , :umstanced that he could not, consist-only oi t , 1): v A durable m xis pub is duty, enter into any of the explanati"' rsi:eal, but this he would say, that whatever assists"' a cis Majesty's Ministers were bound to give, they were ° "Jt T H ill times willing to do. Mr. O'CONNELL supported the prayer of the pet til,,,t t lliYe,titleißeeleso.nTG E D. E le A. good dead of sympathy had been expressed in th,, l lvi t hv fi ee Edition, House for Holland and Don Miguel, but not an atom t w ca An portrait ;he unfortunate Poles. hzi ornament Sir R. INGLIS objected to the printing of the petitileEt;elneY Colburn an the ground of its calling the war between Russia 0 iii----___________ Poland an unjust anal iniquitous war. Mr. RoBINsoN also objected to the printing of tilt CAVEDL Su( t, Wmthout I' caution, which, on the suggestion of Lord Aertioar) i l g o i ' rtuli. tweiNgsteineEr: withdrawn by the Hon. Member for Preston. Colonel EVAN S, in consequence of seeing se should not he able to make his motion concerning il e e l 1 em s p _ ose Pa ronaq aal Powers in relation to Poland, postponed it till IC e ltea •' 'r, BLOT aesday. Mr. DIXON presented a petition from the West )lerchants of Glasgow against the Sugar Refinery 0 14 MARCH OF THE FRENCH ARMY. „ sc e , , l it 'l i i r,tl ; l „ 4 ' tA ' ioN r i e lE ' o P fu e s Lord G. BENTINCK wished to know whether a 43 b , k ,,qtn - ment that he had seen was correct, namely—that French Government had given -to the Arnbassads°, 4 ls,%llty England, Prussia, Austria, and Russia, an assurance t"oeth i, °f Loathe as soon as the Dutch invaders of Bslgiurn had been I' l4 , t i Peilli tme( pelled, the French troops would be withdrawn ? F u rthe , : ill e , 4 ts or pre whether it was true that the French Government assured those Ambassadors that not a single soldier should enter any other territory than thoreitrttOse,,e or Belgium ?—(Hear, hear.) These inquiries he for the purpose of ascertaining that the honour and i l/1 0, ,i, grity of the French Government was maintained, as vo'' te e he p ae that of the high character of the English diplomacy. Lord PALMERSTON rose and said—Sir, to the qua stion put to me by my Hon Friend, I can of abort Perk() e of i se - , that the report to which I believe he alludes, 4 . ll sta i tin , on M which I have seen, is substantially correct. On al ttA., t ningha t eet, Lean nesday, the day on which orders were given by the Fre; e l in rie:6,ll. o tult of ti Government to get the French troops in rad i i CO to march, the Ministers of the French G overn ment ir, sum vited the Plenipotentiaries of England, Austria, Il u ,sves t ; SELF-INJ and Prussia to meet, and communicated to them the o ":,,lint s " 1 and cant which that Government had given, and the reason of thr oin's namely, the advance of time Dutch troops into Belg i .' i ska p and the application for assistance which had been recr'oaath al l Parts of y th by the French Government. This communication ` vt tri sth. his Materials. accompanied by an assurance that the advance of the Fr e w th s „ e ' that he • troops had no other object than that of maintaining spat ill try naturewol the fine Powers had bound themselves to maintain, n't' i t !O sk4t° Permanen the neutrality of Belgium ; and that as soon as the D o °,lh i, i*et he should' troops should be repelled back into their own territ .r 4l i ,„' tried and tin the French soldiers should he withdrawn within the frvia4r,ratus, sehich tiers of France. A further question was asked by A, }, 4 ' NrSOn s o f English Ambassador respecting the frontiers to be tspir si c°‘ ', ls in a re mar occupied by the French, to which the reply was 4 4 c Water only l the French troops would only pass through such frontie r :lil ts '"°s or taut i e lay- in their road, anal were necessary to be passed thr° in ' ntld )- I th e other d in advancing upon the enemy. , o thst; i Apparatus Sir R. VYVYAN wished to know whether the 1% std ;`• " infir m Lord had received any further official communication a pl. ° ld by J . R i t : a c the subject? 4,1 1 P1i a n .,.!'" 8 and ( Lord PALMERSTON said he had received no on' ) , Inkil l °" , or by 1 intelligence oaf any march of the French troops. Ile Ite nni . -- -Thos e p received this morning a despatch from Lord Gren'',lo ter l ng Agents, inclosing a note from the French Government, cen6 0 4 ,10 t , n3 as liberal the communication which he had verbally received be' !'t th t hough, pert (LEI!' SITTING.) 'e tt ,,,, r own out as m Iti ' 'lnd ' 4O radar staZOI __ ~ e vender HOUSE OF LORDS. '''Ze:? ...._.__ The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat at Five 0 . ' 4 1 Loral WYNDFORD postponed the bringing in bid,4 CH for the Composition of t -,ay Tithes, until mhe Bill bred,, (From the in by the Archbishop of Canterbury was consider& 1 Committee. ° KONIGSBER te, . . Lord GOWER presented a petition from a 01, p originating Staffordshire, praying for the repeal of the New Beer asses,ers in il tic Lord CARBERRY presented two petitions from j A that and one from one Bandon, praying that no alteration rt"ki.l'R their elm] be made in the grant to the Kildare-street Society. . 'eeselff A % leerS we On the motion for the second read;ng of the Coal 'ila b se o f The Duke of WELLINGTON said, that in there trot the PI" sence of the Noble First Lord of the Treasury, he °l4t.ttorarps were rig to of reserve his observations till a future stage of the Bil l '4Pres e the Noble Earl (Grey) would be in his place to-nOriettlir, flied to ha it might be fixed for then, if not then, Thursday ° ad h g the 'jots 1 1 'eeo named. ,L 4 ivarrester Lord GODERICH was perfectly ready, if the P.', 1 111 ' 11 "l'Ati fr Duke had gone into his observations to-night, starch ' 829 0 t o , parse to have answered them, or have adopted them. ~,,,0 s 00 3 had r ever, as the Noble Duke seemed to wish a postritam r e yttm , ment, he thought it would probably he the hart plan' Ip ed t case s of ,Itc among discussion was then fixed to come on to-morrow. . 0 0 1 , ilig th g t The LORD CHANCELLOR begged to move thl'f .e p r e eOrde order of the day for the committal of the IlankrupteNll b o jt ve d fatal might be discharged. He did so in consequence "it ,Per sn ls ' r zte, c continued absence of the Noble Lord Chief Justice ° f i t ,., 4 1 ti; r 's Were 1 King's Bench, who had not yet returned from his Cl rkere taken He was of opinion that on Friday lie would be readY % I St i,",en ill, I . on with it. ,Aite: io Were ' Lord ELDON thought there hat been some irreg l 74 l , Sinc e with this Bill. The usual course was that the 'neer 1 todividu the a Bill should be discussed on the second reading. / A t 4 , 1 11q A, o is The LORD CHANCELLOR—The principle ° ,tp: 4 ble ta " amidt Bill was the very same as the one intrv u l f - " l ied -' 1 . by him last Sessions, when he opened upon its merlt; tt t t J Ass fully. He also hoped his Noble and Learned r Nikrtitts, had the would acquit him of blame, when he told ol lt,s My a ' 14 ( 1 fall that it was only because of his great anxiety' I' t o 'b it 4 11 4th .PPears, ll lose any time that the Reform Bill had o r ttieui.,ll.4, wheel read a second time without discussing it. But be e'lk, 11l d I Y in B r not tell the Noble and Learned Lord that lay rules n' io lPla r bEss A al Houses discussions could take place on the cominittyrZe 6e continues Bill, and even on its third reading, and on this 0. et) 4 a gihni,,,, e ! second reading only took place on an understan 44 J4: 44 3'. se of discussion should take place oil a future stage. „e"ki,..' i tL, Ja i Loral ELDON was perfectly satisfied with the eh Ict 4l .`"titil , u IY ! lion of the Noble anal Learned Lord on the WoolscAo' 6r, tiled C°srlay The Bill was then committed, and ordered t:)e lop, Y the j et i ser a committed on Friday next.—Adjourned. le lite 5 "Y ./ el l dex ed ---- A 40,„ , an , BIRTHS. %, 0 Ohre ,„.! SUsp' ci • On the 27th inst. in Montagu-square, the lady of ,'" i . 'I ' , III . 1 - Esq., of a son. „1, 0,, er e i , 6 0011 On the Ist inst. in George-street, Hanover-square, to' ~,, t r „ -in) be ~ Dr. Seymour, of a daughter. ,ti. ,,, lth 'tir f r llttl On the 2d inst. at Sinton-place, Suffolk, the lady of '''' 4 qi.i Thk °Wier h Esq., of a son 1 'CI• ' , "I s sCiOo' q ir e d • tra tme On the inst. in , St. James's-street, the la , ly of C. - ni a s of Southampton, of a daughter. e lltti tta ,Lgain „ t MARRIED. rieo oN Ptil 0 "'ng hi ; On the 3d inst. at St. Pancras, S. Heycroft, of Be f,. 4 1 tv Il p • Esq., to Sarah, the relict of the late Thomas Norris , .41 4 ,i th 4, rlis s j, Holborn. I z'o6ol n 4 1 44 ' l ge 4 ble On the 2,1 inst. at Chiswick, Wm. Bond, Esq. of --,'1,„1.1, fall it s i„ V to Cecilia, youngest daughter of the Rev. S. Curteis, -, t ry 1k rag. ogle 1 Turnham-green. def t ' Alli li ghtP l" g Sun ! On the Ist inst. at Cheltenham, Capt. Jones, of the , e jI , , 1, , t h • ment Bengal Native Infantry, to Mary, relict of the ll' t Zt . ,,-e ti„ , 18 Co. pester, Esq., of slonkton-house, Somersetshirc. ? Olitt, 'V 1„ '' fate ~r Ou the 2d inst. at St. Catherine Cree church, Pr. ~... 1. 4,4%%; del ~ - s'. Liverpool, to Mary Ann, third daughter of the hate ''' ~n , .ar, ti ' 4 e 01 , royd, Esq., of Leadenhall-street. of V ji t lti s 111 i es.; 5 ,, , , n On the '2d inst. at Finchley, Mr. George Rawso,p , t o, to Mary, the youngest daughter of the Rev. John Oa/ A of London. iilik4' le i & ~ ' DIED. ~0 „ ,e!, 11 6 kti 4 c ' 'ral)le On the 3d inst. E. Tomkins, Esq., of Norwood, ' 0, 4 41 , e‘y• d late of the Bank of England. ore° . 4 h a "hn,, • S YB a On the Ist inst. Matilda, eldest daughter of Mr. if• s Ai nal, s'tion • the Strand. • grac lir l4 4 4 ; " / ; "1 At Bradford Colliery, near Manchester, Richard - i ,p4, .r.,,,, , )e.n g tilt 105th year. IV' "te ' t nat actedCe- "Arm l'ist °led; she On the 3lst ult. at his re:idence, Temple-pl •, hp -t ri , Is patchy Belson, of the Royal Marines, universally resp I, Cl )1. 1 th. . p. yI, On the 28th id'. Mr. G. J. Reed, of Itosoman.st, e ,v In . 'Ming v ery to rt , nsm e i a , well, aged 51. i , ,, S po t ti 4 3 I PRINTED AND PUBLISHED av MURDO Y0U.,t,!11 ii”. t en b - e's ''''' l :s al SUN °FMB, STRAND, 112, Lozioo l . o wl. par 'ilie NI t r,lE.prlCr{o:ietAilDsFL., Fruit ,i ue