The Sun. — London, England, 1833-03-08 00:00:00

SECOND EDITION. SUN-OFFICE, Seven o' Clock. THE LONDON GAZETTE THIS EVENING. At the Court at St. James's, the Pith day of March, 1832, PRESENT, THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJERTY IN COUNCIL, His Majesty in Council was this day pleased to appoint Rose land Eyies Egeron Warburton, of Arley, Esq., to be Sheriff cC the county of Chester. DECLARATIONS OF INSOLVENCY. ELI PETIIURST, tailor, King greet, Holborn. JOHN HELLMAN, perfumer, Oxford. BANKRUPTS. JCSEPH TANSLEY, ironmonger, Little Dean.street, West. minster. JOHN GRIFFITHS, confectioner, High Holhorn. PHOBIAS BRIGNALL, innkeeper, South Mims, Barnet. JOSI.PII GLOSSOP, wax-chandler, Piccadilly. JOHN HELLEWELL, worsted-manufacturer, Wadsworth, Yorkshire. WILLIAM DIXON DAVIS, innkeeper, Leamington Priors, Warwickshire. SAMUEL HOBDAY, snuffer.maker, Aston, Birmingham. DANIEL NI ELD, cotton-spinner, Shaw Edge, Crompton ; Lancashire. JOHN WOO LISON, plumber, Leamington-Priors, Warwick. Aire. THOMAS CHAMBERS, builder, Leamington-Priors, War wickshire. WILLIAM PARTRIDGE, wharfinger, Birmingham. FRANCIS LEE BYRNE, wine -merchant, Kingston-upon- Hull. Yorkshire. THOMAS HODSON, baker, Westbrombich, Staffordshire. JOHF BRINDLEY, cement manufacturer, Great Barr, Staf fordshire. JOBN RATTYLL, common-hoewer, Fulhourn, Cambridge shire. IMPERIALPARLLVMENT THIS EVENING. HOUSE OF LORDS. On the LORD CHANCELLOR taking his seat at Five o'clock, several private Bills were brought up by Mr. Wood and other Members. Lord KING presented a petition from the parish of St. Mary's, in the Strand, for the repeal of the house and win dow taxe.. It was far from being the wish of the petitioners to embarravi the Government, but they thought that by a proper reduction of expenditure, the repeal of those taxes, which bore heavily upon the people, might be safely effected. The Duke of RICHMOND presented petitions from Horsham, Sussex, and other I laces in that county, and in the absence of the Duke of Devonshire, from a parish in Fife, for the better observance of the Sabbath. Lord TENIPLEMORE presented a petition from a parish in the county of Southampton to the same effect. Lord BEXLEY presented a petition from the parish of St. Mary, Newington, also to the like effect. The Earl of ALBEAIARLE prepented a petition from Stony Stratford, praying for the immediate abolition of silvery. A illouT Rev. PRIMATE presented petitions from Bat tersea and Ewell, Surrey, praying for the better observance of the Lord's Day. The Earl of ROSEBERY presented petitions from the Political Union of the town of Kilkenny, praying for the repeal of the Union. Also various other petitions from different parts of Ireland against the Coercive Bill, for the abolition of tithes, and for the vote by ballot. The Bishop of LONDON presented a petition from Poi‘itnerr, Suffolk, praying for the immediate abolition of slavery, and the better observance of the Sabbath.— /Hear.) Also petitions praying for the better observ ance of the Sabbath from Sr. Mary-at-Hill, signed by all the inhabitant householders except two ; from a meeting-house in Hackney ; from Walthamstow, Essex ; from the minister and congregation of the Episcopal Chapel, Poplar; from Mill-street Chapel, Perth ; and va rious other places. The Earl of RODEN gave notice that on Tuesday next he e►;ould present a petition respecting the pla❑ of national education in Ireland. Petitions were presented, praying for ►he better obser vance of the Sabbath, by Lord ',ILFORD, Earl GRFY, and two Bishops. Earl GREY preserved a petition from a pa►ish in Ire land, praying for an inquiry into the state of Ireland, be fore the Coercive Bill was passed into a law. The Noble Earl said he presented the petition as it had been sent to hits, but it was needless for him to say that he did scot agree with the prayer of the petition. The House then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS. The Srre:XER took the Chair at five o'clock. Mr. Parkinson brought up accounts of the state of the Suitors' Fund in the Court of Chancery. OXFORD CITY ELECTION. Sir THOS. FREMANTLE brought up the report of the Select Committee appointed to inquire into the validity of the return for the city of Oxford, and stated that they had found that the election of J. Stonor, Esq., was null and void. The petition of Hugh Hughes, Esq., was declared nog to be f 1 ivolous and vexation.c. A new writ was then moved for the city of Oxford, i❑ the room of T. Stonnr, Esq. REPRESENTATION OF THE BOROUGH OF MARYLEBONE. Lord EBRINGTON moved for a rt , w writ to issue for the borough of Marylebone, in the room of E. R. Portman, Esq. The Noble Lord stated, that the House would hear with regret, that the Hen. Gentleman (Mr. Portman) had felt himself compelled to take this step, as in consequence of his ill health be did not feel himself equal to ti.e fatigues of the Ilouse- 7. C . Hear, hear.) Mr. GiLLON moved for a return of the no:1:TH of stipend to the Minister of North Leith. The Hon. Gentleman moved for other returns, but the low tone in which he spoke, and the noise in the House occi_ sinned by the entrance of Members, prevented him horn being distinctly heard. STIRLING BOROUGHS ELECTION. The SPEAKER then said he had to acquaint the Nonce, that James Johrpon, who had presented a petition complaining of an undue election for the boroughs of Stieing had not entered into his recognizance,. The order of the day 'or taking the petition into cen• sideration was accordingly discharged. CLONNIEL ELECTION. Mr. O'CONNELL rose to call the attention of the House to Mr. Runayne's petition, for time to enter into recugnizances on the Clonmel election. With_ out the greatest inconvenience, arising from the time when the assizes were held in that town it would be int_ p o ssihle to call together the witnesses. He did not anti cipate any opposition to the petition, especially as the agent of the sitting Member had been furnished with a copy of it. He, therefore, moved that the order of the day for appointing the ballot on this election :or the 21st of March, be discbergeil, for the purpose of postponing it. Colonel PERCEVAL did not rise for the purpose of opposing the motion, but Daly for the purpose of request. ing, that an early day after the rec. , ss might be fixed fur taking the matter into consideration, in consequence of the expenses that would be incurred. . . Th; order of the day was then discharged, a.2:1 ap pointed for reconsideration an the 16th May. IRISH PETITIONS. Mr., GOLILBURN wished to ask the Noble Lord opposite a question, which was eosinected with the convenience of the House. On a former necasion it was certainly understood that this (lay at least. the early part of it, was to be exclusively devoted to the pre sentation of petitions, with respect to the Bill for pre votinz disturbaoces in Ireland. He (Mr. Goulburn) un derstood that the presentation of petitions on that sub ject had not been concluded on that day. He wished thrrefcre to know whether Monday would be fixed zo proceed with the presentation of those petitions, or wits. therit would be an open day. • Mr. O'CONNELL wished to state, that there were an immense number of petitions on the subject yet to be pre sented—far more in number than the House had hitherto received. Lord ALTHORP observed, that the proposition he intended to submit to the House WWI thi., that in case the debate on the second reading of the Bill be conelttded that evening, the,n he proposed that the House should sit to morrow, to receive petitions. Bat in case the debate on the second reading should not be concluded, the House should sit to-morrow morning for the purpose of continuing the d b a t e , and, in that case , h e should suggest that, on !lion day the came understanding should take place as existed to-day, that no petition should be printed except those that bad reference to the Irish Bill. NORWICH ELECTION. Lord STORPSONT said ha could not avoid address ing the House xi the subject of a petition that had been presented a few days azo, against the return for Norwich. This petitioners in ih4t petition, stated, that many acts of bribery had been corn rinitted, and prayed the House to direct a Commission to '.oxamine witnesses to, ascertain these' ficts. Ile (Lord s.7tormorst) could nut bat 'obserire; that the Bight Hon. Member presenting that petition, had not given him any notice of his intention to do so. He attributed ti at neglect to the Hoc. Gentleman being a youn.-, Alembtr, and not acquainted with the practice in that resp:et was true that he (Lord Stormont) was aware that such a petition was in the coursa of signature, but he considered it of so ab•urd a nature that no Hon. Member would be found to present it. AQ, however, the Hon. Gentleman had un dertaken that task, and as he had presented the petition to the House at a time, in consequence of having no notice, when those against whom it contained calumnies, had no opportunity of refuting them, he had thought it right thus far to bring the matter before the attention of the House. When, however, the petition was brought under conside ration, he entertained no doubt he should be enabled to refute all the calumnies which it contained. Mr. GROTE could assure the Noble Lord that his not having given him notice, had arisen from pure omission. In future, however, he would take care to he more careful on that point. GRAND JURIES (IRELAND) BILL. Lord ALTHORP mm•ed the order of the dad• for the second reading of the Disturbances (Ireland) Suppression Bill. On the question being put, Mr. STANLEY rose, and said he hoped that no ob jection would be made to permit the Grand Juries (Ireland) Bill to be read a second time without d iscussion, in order that it might be forwarded a stage, and he fully discussed hereafter. The second reading could be done at once before the other Bill came on for the secotiel reading, and he should propose to refer it to a Select Committee. Mr. O'CONNELL thought that the course suggested by the Right Hon. Gentleman with regard to a Bill of that kind was the best that could be adopted. Every Hon. Member was agreed in one point that the Irish Grand Jury Laws required amendment, and the proper course to he pursued would be, to discuss it in Committee. ;: He was, however, of opinion that the Bill, as it was at present prepared, would not effect all the good objects that were intended, and that it would require consi derable alteration to make it a❑ efficient measure. Mr. LALOR urged upon the Right Hon. Gentleman the. necessity of appointing on the Select Committee such Members as were acquainted with the circumstances attending the present Grand Jury Laws of Ireland, and who were likely to understand the nature of any sug gestions that might be made. Mt. SHAW thought the proposition of the Right Hon. Gentleman a very convenient one, but while he, and many other Members, felt obliged to that Right Hon. Gentleman for the pains he had taken on tl.e subject, many persons better acquainted with the Grand Jury Laws than himself, had very serious objections to some pats of the Bill. He (Mr. Shaw) begged that it would be un derstood, that, while he and others nff•red no objet• thin to the second reading, they did not consider that they were bound to offer no opposition to the Bill. After a few words frtm Mr. ROCHE, which were in audible in the gallery, the Grand Juries (Ireland) Bil was recd a second time. Mr. STANLEY, in moving that the Bill be referred to a Select Committee, stated that he had placed on that Committee gentlemen indiscriminately from all parts of Ireland anti of all parties, for he could assure the House that his Majesty's Government had a sincere desire t.) ob tain information from all quarters.—The Select Com mittee was then appointed. SECOND READING OF THE IRISH COERCIVE BILL. Mr. HITME, on the Order of ti e Day being moved for the recond reading of the Irish Coercive Bill, rose and addressed the House. He was anxious to take the first opportunity of addressing the House upon this important Bill ; and never did he rise with greater regret, or with more pain, in that House; regret, that he had been called upon to oppose his Majesty's Ministers, with whom he had been so long acting—(Hear, hear, and laughter)— and pain on finding them forget all the principles which they had been acting upon for twenty. five years, and bringing forward a Pleasure which no set of Mini sters on the opposite side of the House would ever have ventured, or dared to bring into that House.—(Hear, hear.) No measure had ever been brought in to attempt such a breach in the Constitution of this country as this Bill. No Bill by so great and so universal a sweep had ever at tempted to deprive a large part of the country of its con stitutional rights as this Bill had done.—(Hear, hear.) It was on that ground he addressed the House, because he feared the consequences likely to arise from per severing with this Bill would be as injurious to those who had promoted it, as it would be detrimental to the best interests of the country.—(Hear, bear.) It appeared to him that the House had been very limited in the view hitherto taken of this important Bill, and whilst he stated candidly that no man could be more willing than himself to concur in giving his Majesty's Ministers all necessary powers to put down disturbers, and those who defied the laws in Ire land, he thought, before this was done, those who came fisrward to ask for any such addition I powers ought to make out a case, showing that the ordi nary law was not sufficient, and that the extraordinary pawers were requisite.—(Hear, hear.) On the first night of the session, he could not restrain himself front expressing his regret at the language used in his Majesty's speech—language which, instead of being con ciliating, and holding out a prospect of remedy, was of a coercive nature—the old hackneyed phrase which hail been used towards that country for years and years past, and which, in his opinion, had brought Ireland into its present state of distress.—(Cheers. ) If his feelings and his language had been singular, he would perhaps have doubted the correctness of his own judgment, but when he looked back, and found that the policy of every body who had been advocating liberty and re dress of the grievances of Ireland was :iirectly opposed to this course of proceeding, he could not suppose his judgment was erroneous. If Ministers could have made out that no grievances existed in Ireland—if they could have contended that the people of that country were riotous and lawless without a ground, then it would lie easy to say that he, and every man in the House, consi dering that this country never could he prosperous while so large a portion—no less that eight millions—of his Majesty's subjects were in a disturbed and distracted state—that he ought to concur in any measure cal culated to repress those disturbances.— ( Hear, hear.) But was there to be no comfort afforded to the Irish ? What had been the language of his Majesty's Ministers ? What had they avowed one after another, not this session but last session, with regard to the condition of the people of Ireland ? Hail the Right Hon, Secretary, in bringing in a measure, afforded additional powers in the collection of tithes, not stated that sorious grievances existed, by which the inhabitants of Ireland were subject, amongst other things, to prosecutions of the most aggravated nature, for even the trifling aunts of 3d. and 4d.—(Hear, bear.) When those things were admitted last Session, it was stated that means would be taken to correct the grievances which prevoiled throughout the country, but no such measures bad yet been brought forward, and carried into operalion. When a measure was brought forward in the collection of tithes, dispensing with the ordinary forms of law, no donbt those who were then in the House, and even few Members would recollect what the statements were tha were made by the Right Hon. Secretary and the Noble Lord. He (Mr. H.) could never forget the plain and candid state of the Noble Lord when it was proposeel to establish an unusual measure for the recovery of tithes. He said he admitted it was deviating from the law—he said it was an extraordinaty - mersure, and one which nothing would sanction but the extreme exigency of the times, and the fact that there would be an ample redress m ide up by affording great and substantial relief to the people of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) Was it the way to afford that great and substantial relief for his Majesty's Ministers to make hie M.ij-sty himself the Tithe Proctor General of Ireland. Those who ob jected to take from the tithe payer the protection which courts of law afforded, were induced to forgo their oppo sition to the measure, by the full declaration so can didly made by the Noble Lord, that he would bring forward those measures of relief which were stated would he calculated to give satisfaction to the distrci:aed poeople of that country,—( Hear, hear.) . . . It was well known that in July last Inland was in a greater state of tranquility than for a considerable period previously. He (Mr. Hume) bad, within a few hours' conversed with an Hon. Baronet, a Member of that House, who assured him that the peaceful state of Ireland at the period mentioned was well known to Ministers ; for that Hon. Baronet had written to them after his arrival in Ireland, last August, and stated to them that the country was never known to be more tranquil.—(Hear, hear.) What wag the answer given to those Honourable lernb.ns, who in the last Session had opposad the passing of a measure which turned his Majesty's Ministers into tithe-procters ; hut that there was a necessity that it should he passed whilst the country was in a state of profound peace.--(Hear,.) Major George Brown, of the Kilkenny police, had declared in evidence that, up to that period, the introduction of the Ministerial tithe measure, Kilkenny had been in so quiet a state that a single policeman was competent to the performance of any ordinary duty in any part of the county'. He had declared al•o, that a single policeman could execute a warrant without fear of the slightest molestation.—(llear, hear.) And that, in most eases he (Major Brown) preferred sending one policeman to employing four or five to do any common duty. He entreated the. House to look to these facts; and be thought the House ought to be put in possession of the causes- which led to ;he change in Ireland from tran quillity to outrage..--.(Hear, hear.) An Hon. Member had read the addresses of Judges and Magistrates for fi err or six succeeding Assizes, and each of these bore witne-s to the state of tranquillity existing in Kil kenny up to the time mentioned. And even the subses quent outrages in Kilkenny alone, did not warrant the passing of the preposed arocioue Bill.—([ - Tear, hear, hear.) For three years Major Brown said that the country had been tranquil, anti it wae only now al leged to be disturbed by the outrages of the Whitefeet. They were told that the Whitefeet had acquired such a power that there was no security for life or property. For the sake of the argument, he would admit that disturbances and outrage existed to a consider able extent. But who was it had produced these outrages? Who was it had effected the change they all deplored ? He said that the Right lion. Gentleman, the Secretary for Ireland, was the cause of all these outrages; and what was more, he was told that last year, before the Bid passed, that such would be its effect if persevered in. fie begged to remind Hon. Gentlemen that when the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin was accused of being an agitator, he—(Mr. Hume)—had said, that it was the Right Hon. Gentleman who was the agitator, for that it was he who inflicted injustice on the people of Ireland, anti was the cause of the outrages of which they complained. He did not mean to say tha it was not truly stated that Ireland had been disturbet for ages. It was true, but Ireland bad been op. pressed for :ages, and he had hoped after the great change which took place last year that oppression would have ceased, and the long deferred hopes of the Irish peo. pie fulfilled. Indeed the people both of England and Ire land were told by the Right Hon. Secretary opposite last year, that he came to give them a boon, and proclaimed the intention of His Majesty's Ministers to extinguish tithes for ever. Such was the language used in this House; but " Hope deferred in iketh the heart sick," and the people of Ireland having long wonted this relief—hay. ing long wanted the fulfillment of the promises made to them, naturally became impatient, and broke out into out rages. lie did not mean to say that all the outrages which had recently taken place in Ireland had tithes fir their immediate cause, but undoubtedly it was to tithes all the present evils of that country might eventually be traced. -was it surprising that the Right Hon. Gentleman should have succeeded, acting wrier the law passed last session, in overturning the, tranquillity which had beem enjoyed for nearly three years. He had himself given a reluctant consent to the Bill of last session, but it was on a pledge of relief which had been now forfeited. He asked the House to go with him to the source of the present die. ceders, for he thought he should he able to demonstrate they nripinated in the Right Hon. Gent. Ifso, they ought to pat. a Bill to prenat that Right Hon. Gentleman having t ossei dulling in the affairs of Ireland, in teed of passing a lull to put down the outrages which originated in his conduct. They ought to advise his Majesty to remove a counsellor whose evil advice had cast the peacea'rle county of Kilkenny from a comparatively comfortable state into one of the greatest distraction. Whch was better, that they should see the Right Hon. Gentleman removed from his seat, or have a military despotism established in Ireland. That Right Hon. Gentleman had led the people of Ireland to believe that this odious impost would be removed ; but instead of that, thousands, aye, even tens of thousands of arrests and actions, supported by squadrons of cavalry, battalions of infantry, and parks of artillery, swept away the property of whole parishes for the arrears of tithes. He would only say that this Bill was more than human nature could bear. It was virtue to resiet.--( Hear, hear.) No doubt it was the duty of every free man to obey the laws: so long as they were properly administered and imposed with a due regard to the Constitution of the Country ; but when the steel was forced into the seal, then it was the right and duty of every man who bore the name of freeman to resist the oppres sion. Was it not perfectly notorious that for the arrears of a few shillings of tithes, the cow, the pig, which were worth fifty times the amount of tithes due by the prior man, were driven away and sold for a merely animal price; and then, out of feelings of wantonness, they were destroyed.—(Cries of 'r No, no.") A statement had been made in that House of a stack of hay having been seized, sold for a few shillings, and, to satisfy the malignant feelings of those who had seized it, the stack was set on fire and destroyed—that statement had been made in that House, remained uneontradicted, therefore he had a right to take it as a fact. Was It not well known to the House that pigs, cows, geese, had been sent to barracks for protection, having been violently seized for that odious impost—tithes ; and all this to sup port the darling system of the Right lion. Gentleman— to support a sinecure church, and its odious accompani ment, the attrocious system of tithes. Sorry was be to see tire Noble Chancellor of the Exchequer, whom he knew to be one of the most honest and candid of men,—grieved was he to see him dragged at the chariot wheels of the Right Hon. Secretary for Ireland, as a sacrifice to his ambition. That he who had been the friend of the people—who had been the protector of his Majesty's subjects, should be now dragged along and obliged to give his reluctant consent to a measure of this sort, was most melancholy. He relieved that, the outrages in Kilkenny began because of the seizure of the effects belonging to a Catholic clergyman for tithes, LEFT SPEAKING.) IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. ROUSE OF COMJI OAVS, MARCH 7. Several Members complained that they had petitions to present against the Irish Coercive Bill; hut, according to the present arrangements, they feared they should he un able to present them until perhaps after the Bill had passed.—(Hear, hear, hear.) One Hon. Member slid that he stood 171 on the list ; another, that he was worse off, for he stood 474.—(Laughter.) Col. Williams said he had several petitions, and another coin. phoned that he was at No. 185. Lord ALTHORP admitted that it was a great griev ance to be unable to present the petitions, and he suggested that as to-morrow was fixed fur the second reading of the Bill, no other petitions should be presented up to the time when the second reading was called on, except those which related to the Bill.—( Hear, hear.) Mr. LITTLETON said he had a number of petitions upon various subjects ; hut if the suggestion of the Noble Lord were acceded to, he would willingly wave his right to present them.—(Hear, hear.) He thought that by that mode the House would get through a large propor tion of the petitions. Mr. COBBETT suggested tliat all the petitions should be printed. Mr. ATTWOOD had eleven petitions against the Bill, and he suggested to the Noble Lord whether it would not be better to extend the period for the second reading, and confine the whole business of the House to the pre sentation of petitions for a few days.—(oh, oh ! and laughter.) _ An HoN. MEMBER proposed that all names on the list, of Members having petitions to present against the Bill, should be ellled over in rotation.—(Hoar.) Lord ALTHORP thought there was no difficulty in the case; the names could be called on without striking any off the list, so that it be understood that no petitions be presented except those rel iting to the Bil On ti,e motion that the petition before the House be laid on the tble, Tile SOLICITOR-GENERAL thought the Hon. Member who had presented the petition would have done better had he refrained from the observations which he had used. He (the Solicitor-General) contended that the House could not grant a commission to examine witnesses at Norwich. re bad been a aeries of attempts made to prejudice the public mind respecting that election. Mr. O'CONNELL said that nothing could be a greater grievance than the enormous expense of Committees of that House. He hoped, if any new law was to be intro duced on the subject for England, it would not be the same absurd and clumsy law which affected Ireland. There had been one instance in which a Commission sent to Ireland had lasted during the whole of the session. There was a part of this petition which was of very great consequence, namely, that part which complained of the extreme grievance —the enormous ex pense of the Committees. He believed that expense very often to be the propelling motive to petition the House ; and he trusted Committees and the House in future would be more firm than they had hitherto been in declaring petitions to be frivolous and vexatious.-- (Hear, hear, hear.) Nothing could be more grievous t h an that a Memher who had been regularly re turnel to the House as duly elected, should he subject to going through the expense of a Committee, and after wards, when his return was declared by the Committee to be proper, he should not be able to get one shilling of his costs. Sir W. W. WYNN disclaimed having had any thing to do with the formdtion of the Bill under which commissions were sent to Ireland. He agreed with the Honourable and Learned Gentleman who had just sat down, that it was a most clumsy and ex pensive Bill. He had ah , tained from proposing any al teration respecting it, in the expectation that some Gen tleman from Ireland would bring forward the sub ject. He agreed also with the Honourable and Learned Gentleman, in considering the hardship immense, of Mem bers having to go through the proceedings of the Committee of that House as regarded the expense. He thought it would be well to have the law to be that in all Cases in which the petition might he cleclired to be frivolous and vexatious, the party petitioning should pay the costs, unless the Committee reported specially in favour of their having been sufficient grounds for petitioning.—(Cheers.) Mr. B. LENNARD thought it a serious defect in the law, that the whole expense of prosecuting a case of bri • bery should be thrown upon the party who seeks to punish the offender•. For his own part, he was disposed to give Committees of this House the power of giving the pro. secutor, if he might so call the person who brought in a ease of bribery before them, his costs. This practice was followed i❑ courts of law, and he thought that justice, as well as policy, required that it should be done also by that House. Mr. WARBURTON then said he would, without reference to the particular case brought before the House by the petitioners, state a circumstance, applicable to the general principle, which took place last session. The Hon. Member for Dorsetshire had his return peti tioned against. That Hon. Member rose in his place, and stated that he believed himself in fairness and justice to be entitled to his seat ; that he had been legally elected, but that he should be obliged to resign his seat on account of the expense its defence would entail upAn him. He (Mr. W.) bad rather taken the side of the petitioners as far as a Member of Parliament could take any side ; but he thought it fair to say that had not some of the electors of the country taken the matter up, the Hon. Mem ber would have been obliged to resign his seat, al though the Committee afterwards decided that be was duly elected. This injustice, as he was now bound to call it, would have been inflicted merely because the evidence, instead of being taken by commission on the spot, was taken orally from the witnesses, who were brought up to the metropolis at a great expense. Mr. \VASON said a few words, which were inaudible in the gallery. Mr. WYNN apprehended that when the Committee decided that the sitting Member had no ground of defence, and pronounced his defence to be frivolous and vexatious, he should then bear all the expenses of the proceedings. Mr. GROTE made some observations on the petition, which was then ordered to be laid on the table. Mr. O'CONNELL had a petition to present from Mr. D. Ronayne, who had been returned a Member for Clonmell. The petition against his election was of un usual length. Part of it went into the right of voting of a number of voters who were duly registered by the proper officer. Mr. Ronayne had objections pend ing against many of the voters on the other side, and altogether, the case presented considerable complexity and difficulty, and the Committee was fixed for the 21st day of March. Now it happened that the assizes for Clonmel were to be held on the 15th of March, and they would continue at least ten days. Under these circumstances those witnesses who were, perhaps, the most respectable, and whose evidence would be of the greatest weight, would be engaged at those assizes. And if they were to leave Clonmel immediately on the conclusion of the assizes, they would arrive here at the time of the recess, and the expenses of their return or stay in town would be exceedingly great. The prayer of the petition was, that the ballot might be de ferred until after the assizes, and he would move that the petition should be printed, and taken into consideration to•morrow. He (Mr. O'Connell) would take care that the agent of the petitioner should have a copy of the peti tion ordered to he printed, and the motion for its being taken into consideration tomorrow carried. SPECIAL JURIES IN IRELAND. Lord ALTHORP said h. had already stated in that House, that he considered the pledge be had given last year, that the Jury Bill should be sup ported by Government, was a pledge which remained unredeemed, and which should be performed. He had now to state to the Hilt. and Learned Member for Dublin, that it was the intention of Government to bring forward, en as early a day as possible, in the other House of Parliament, a Jury Bill in sub stance the rime with that which had been introduced in that House (the Commons) in last session. The reason which had induced the Government to bring forward the measure in the other House, was the great press of busi• ness, which would prevent, necessarily, its speedy progress. It would then be brought down (tom thence to that House, when the Hon. and Learned Gentleman might, if it were not satisfactory, make any amendment he thought fit. He (Lord Althorp) merely threw this out to him freely and frankly, in order that be might, if he thought proper, withdraw his motion for the pre sent. If, however, the Hon. and Learned Gentle. man was inclined, notwithstanding this announcement, to persevere, he (Lord Althorp) would not object to his motion, reserving to himself, however, his right to propose at a future stage such alterations as he should think were called for. Mr. O'CONNELL said the Noble Lord (Althorp) might rest assured that he placed unlimited reliance on his intention to redeem the pledge he bad given. The only objec tion he bad to the course recommended was, that he consi dered the measure introducsd last session radically defective. It seemed to him (Mr. O'Connell) that the Bill should proceed much further—it provided for the cure of only one evil, and left another enormous one untouched. He was anxious to make a simple statement of the extent to which he wished the measure to go, and if, after that statement, Government would promise to take the whole matter into its consideration, he would immediately with draw his motion, and leave it entirely in their hands. The motion which he should make was for leave to bring in a Bill, according to the terms of the notice, to amend the law relating to special juries and juries in criminal cases in Ireland. He need not detain the House on either branch of the subject. As to special juries, his statement should be extremely short. By the Act 6 George IV., the jury law was altered and substantially amended. Up to that period the power of selecting Special Jurors was vested in the Master of the Crown-office, in the Court of King's Bench. By that means he had the alas solute control over Special Juries, and it was com plained that he, by that means, packed them.— (Hear, hear.) The question was at length brought before the Court of King's Bench, in Ireland, when their Lordships stated, that if packing juries meant electing the jury, the officer had certainly that power. The subject was afterwards brought before that House, who took the power of selection froth the officer, and enacted that a special jury list being once made out, every juror in future should be drawn by ballot. All that he required was, that the law, as it related to special juries, in Ireland should be assimilated to that in England. As so substantial an improvement had taken place in the law on that subject in England for the last six years, lie thought the people of Ireland bad now reason to com plain that it had not been ere this adopted in Ire land.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Iu making that statement, he did not bring any charge against the present or the late Administration, for he knew per fectly well that obstacles were raised against those im provements in other quarters in Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) One of the Judges, Mr. Baron Pennefather, w , supposed to have opposed the adoption of such a measure, but upon his (Mr. O'Connell's) inquir ing of that celebrated and Learned Judg e , h e f oind' that it was altogether a mistake, that he only objected to some minor details, and, on the whole, was highly in favour of such a Bill. He (Mr. O'C.) thought that even if all the Judges were opposed to the measure, the House was, it seemed to hitn right, not to attend to that opposition. What, lie would ask, was the office of juries ? Why to check the judges, and to take care that they did not render themselves absolute. It was some what singular that the Legislature in Ireland had attempted to cure the evil, in the making out of special juries, but had not been able to effect it. It was sufficient, however, for him to know that the grossest abuse existed in the selection of special juries in that country; and if any Hon. Member doubted that fact, lie (Mr. O'C.) would only refer them to the 15th Report of the Commissioners upon it. In one instance, the Under-Sheriff of the county of Mayo had stated that he believed on one trial, in select ing the jurors he hail consulted the interests of one of the parties at the trial ; but the great complaint was with respect to special juries in Dublin. The corporation there had the nomination of the Sheriffs, who took care to put upon the jury list corporators of politics assimilating with their own ; and in such way special juries were appointed in that city, and it was to be remembered that property of the greatest value depended upon the verdict of such men. It was right that the House should know the present method of selecting criminal juries in Ireland. Practi cally, they were chosen by the Sub-Sheriff at each Assizes, according to his own discretion and caprice, and that in spite of the statute 12 Geo. 1., cap. 4. By the 16th sec. of that Act, it was enacted, that at every Michaelmas term the Sheriff should take an inquest of what freeholders there were in each barony, and make a return of them as a grand pannel, out of which all the juries might be taken at the assizes. At present, the practice was for the Sub- Sheriff, according to the extent of the county, to return four, five, six, or even seven hundred names, which, in the result, gave the Crown the absolute choice of the juries. If it were a capital case, the prisoner bad a right to twenty peremptory challenges. In cases of felony, the Judges had taken away from the prisoner all right of peremptory challenge, unless the punishment was capital. Now, he swished to introduce a clause into this Bill, which should assimilate the law in Ireland upon this subject to the existing state of the law in England. The Sub-Sheriff having selscted the pannel, and the prisoner being put upon his trial, he might challenge twenty jurors; but the Crown had the unlimited right of challenging seithout assigning any reason whatever. So long ago as the roga of Edward 1., it was enacted that the Crown should not have the right of peremptory challenge ; but the Judges, in fact, repealed this Act. The manner in which they did it was this. They gave the Crown the unlimited right of setting jurors aside, that was, of standing by till the pannel was exhausted. Now, the pannel was never exhausted, for the Judges had the power of making the Sub-Sheriff enlarge the pannel. The Crown has, there fore, the power of setting aside ad infinitum. When the prisoner has exhausted his twenty challenges, the Crown might go on setting jurors aside till a jury of its own choice was obtained, and instances had been known in Ireland of the Crown in one trial Setting aside 130 jurors. Private prosecutions had the same advantage. The frightful ex tent to which this claim was put would be sufficiently il lustrated by one anecdote. A solicitor of the (',curt of Chancery was indicted for a conspiracy to evade the Bank rupt Laws, and the prosecutor set aside all jurors who were not members of a society to which he belonged, called the " Friendly Fellows," and ultimately had 11 of his brothers of the society on the jury. —(Hear.) Was it not a strong case that when a man was convicted of a conspiracy he should by the Act of the Lord Chan cellor inquiring into the circumstances, have had a free pardon granted to him, and been restored to his profes sion ? This could not have been a case to go to a jury, otherwise the Lord Chancellor would not have interfered. The conduct of the attorney could only have been an ag gravation of the offence, and he ought to have been pro secuted for it. He thought the House would agree with him that this state of the law ought to be altered. He pro posed to alter it upon a principle that already existed. Since the reign of Edward the Third, the ballot had ex isted in Ireland on the civil side, and he meant now to pro pose that the ballot should he introduced on the criminal side also. He meant to propose that the ballot-box should be on the table, and that the gentlemen whose names were called over, should on their answering be chosen, just as special jurors in this country were, the prisoner having the right of challenge. Ile would, if possible, do away with the Crown's right to challenge. He would revive the power granted by Edward the First, and take away from the Crown the right it now possessed of set;ing jurors aside. There could not be anything more complete than the oath that was taken by jurors, well and nu!) , to try the matter in issue, and if it happened that any one of them had got a bias either way, to preserve to the parties the power of getting rid of that person. He proposed to assi inflate the system of the ballot in all cases in Ireland to that adopted in England. He would now move for leave to bring in the Bill ; he should be happy if the Noble Lord (Althorp) would say that his Mitjest's Government would take those points into their consideration, particu. larly the latter ones„ before the Bill was introduced i❑to the House of Lords, and then he would withdraw his mo tion, or if, after be got leave to bring in the Bill, the No ble Lord would consent to his proposition, he would, even then, withdraw it. The Hon. and Learned Mem ber concluded by moving for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the laws relative to Special Juries and Juries in Criminal Cases in Ireland. Lord ALTHORP thought the statement of the Hon. Member went further than assimilating the law in the two countries. He would not, however, oppose the motion, hut he begged it to be understood that he reserved to him• self the right of opposing any part after he had consulted with his c(.llea2ues. Mr. LEFROY could not allow this Bill to pass through a stage without expressing his alarm at the mischievous consequences of such a revolution in our institutions as must necessarily be effected by such a measure. The Bill not only proposed revolutionary changes in Ireland, but went farther than any thing that was proposed or con• templated in England. The right of chall e n ge wa s an ancient and useful - prerogative of - the Clown, which had b, en retained for wholesome and wise reasons. It was in vested in the Crown for the benefit of the people, and there could not be any reason to suppose that such a pre rogative would be used for any other purposes. He was really sorry to observe the frequent attempts made in that House to bring those who administered the law in Ireland into contempt. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said that every attempt to assimilate the laws of England and Ireland should have his hearty good wishes, and he was bound to observe that Juries °elected by an officer of a Court would never com mand the respect of the public —(Rear, hear.) Having said thus much, he took leave to suggest to the Hon. and Learned Gentleman that he had better confine him self to a byre assimilation of the Jury laws in Ireland and England, and not to attempt anything likely to meet with serious opposition. Mr. SHAW could not agree with the Learned Solici- tor-General that it would be desirable in all cases to assi milate the laws of the two countries. The Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin had said that Judge Penne father was favourable to the principle of the Irish Jury Bill. Now he (Mr. Shaw) took upon himself to say th,t that Learned Person, as well as all the Judges in Ireland, were opposed to the principles of the Bill. - Mr. C. FERGUSSON said it was pet fectly clear that the Crown ought to lie limited in its challenge, but it might he right to consider that the Crown ought to have a chal lenge as large at the other party. Colonel — CONOLLY felt it right to call upon the House to regard this measure with the greatest caution, for the twelve Judges in 'rebind had distinctly stated that it Was incompatible with the administratio❑ of justice. Mr. O'DWYER said it was on record in the documents of that Hou-e that a jury might be purchased with as much facility and with as much certainty as a pound of tea or a yard of calico. Mr. O'CONNELL replied. Colonel VERNER made a few observations, which were so imperfectly heard in the gallery, as to render it impossible to report them. He was understood to defend the Protestant juries. After a few words in explanation from Mr.O'CONNELL, the motion was put and agreed to, and the Bill ordered to be brought in. MASTER OF THE REPORT OFFICE. Mr. HUME wished to know from the Noble Lord (Althorp) whether any step bad been taken with respect to the office of Master of the Reports in Chancery. Lord ALTHORP said, that upon the office of the Mae. ter of the Reports becoming vacant the Senior Registrar claimed the place as a matter of right. The Lord Chan cellor thought differently, and considered himself entitled to make the appointment. Upon inquiry, however, it appeared to have been the regular practice for the Chief Registrar to succeed to the office, and therefore the Lord Chancellor gave way. His Noble Friend, however, stated to the then Chief Registrar that a Bill was in preparation by which the office of Master of the Reports would be abolished, and that if, with that information before him, the Chief Registrar chose to take the office, he might have it. The Chief Registrar under these circumstances accepted the office. it bad been attempted on the death of the late Master, Mr. Weeks, to do without filling up the office at all. That, however, had been found to be impossible without other arrangements; for at present the Accountant-General of the Coui t of Chancery could pay no money whatever without the order of the Master. The matter then stood flaw —A person had been ap pointed to the office with a knowledge on his part that it was to be abolished, and a Bill was preparing for that purpose, and would be ready in a few days. The case, however, of the person who had accepted the office was a peculiar one. The office of Chief Registrar had been filled as a matter of course by the second Registrar. The office of Chief Registrar was a laborious one, while that of Master gave its possessor little to do. Now, if the office of Master was abolished, the present possessor of it would have nothing unless provided f,r, and therefore it was intended that he should have a retiring allowance.— (Hear, and a laugh.) He perfectly well understood that cheer, but he thought the course ptoposed only proper. The present Master had been forty-seven years in the pub lic service; and he might, considering his state of health, had he been so disposed, have retired two years ago on the retiring allowance apportioned fur a service of forty five yeats. He therefore could not think thet there would he any extravagance in allowing him now a retiring allow ance. The public would certainly not be losers by the arrangement. An office worth 4,0001. or 5,0001. a year would be abolished, and a retiring allowance would be given to a person who had been in the public service 47 years. Mr. ROBINSON hoped to see these offices abolished altogether. GRADUATED REDUCTION IN SALARIES, &c. Mr. HUDSON moved a resolution to the effect that there ought to be a graduated reduction in the pay and salaries of all persons employed in the public service, and in all superannuation allowances, half-pay, and pensions, of five per cent., when the salary was under 5001. a year; ten per cent. when it was above 500/. a year, and under 1,000/. a year ; fifteen per cent. when it exceeded 1,000/. a year and was under 2,000/. a year; twenty per cent. when it exceeded 2,0001. a year, and was under 4,0001. a year; and twenty-five per cent. when it was above 4,0001. a year. Mr T. ATTWOOD felt it his painful duty to second the motion.—(A laugh.) He was very well aware that h the holders of places and p ens i ons would feel it a great to be depriv e d o f any of their present receipts, but he was also well aware that, during the last seven years, the manufacturers and the merchants had possessed ao income only through the decomposition of their capital. He was well aware that for tLe :ant az.•:l years the productive chases of the country had been destitute of , therefore those in place could not o bject t e o,3 ,„ptC: to a certain extent in a shriller way. There ty of persons employed by Government f , ,,`•: ‘, foug ht .4 the comforts of life ; their means had been , r i e b l e l. 6 ;ui l great resiect—he meant the military. 11 ',/,. nut, , t h e y did battles of their country, and they, if the present system was persevered in e ,. sso 61. 1 to a reduction. Their pay had been rais effeso day to 13/d. a day, and, unless some change wag that pay could not be continued. hair. The motion was then put from the C twice ,ffirr Mr. HU3IE said that the House hid blic serss the principle that the salaries of the pi , pro of should be made, as much as possibl e ' t rr a s . P ror i/t to the circumstances of the country. '"" of the Honourable Member, however, 'vac ticable, at least with anything like j ° t i t ro e s , ish ir were returns upon the table of the I• l °° e ' e i y ieg f ' e t it was evident that there were persons tee tb3 , the or 4001. a year who ought to he paid more,: 3 ec e 4 , were persons receiving 1,500/. or .2,0001 ought not to receive half so much ; and th a ' t w he o persons receiving 3,0001. or 4,000/. a year tedta. to have nothing at all. He therefore sugi'se9„rser Hon. Friend, that no general rule like that now the $, with propriety be adopted. If, bore" ; Iro df i h; Member would propose that the principles be down should be carried rigidly into force, the " ises ol ' most happy to support him. He knew tha t 0 w hen had taken stops for reducing the salaries in ca! , 5 to les increase had been given, and he was atilw a v i spr't whether that system was still persevered in,' 0 14 4. ciple bad been admitted by the Treasury, an u . 4 4v, but the only way to put it tliorimehly in a t ' ''. 't Nn Of fib If' be to inti ust its assertion to a Committee If Hon. Members would refer to the third reP" l r ei d doh' Finance Committee, they would find it broadlY d oily; that every officer ought to be adequate l y P e 3 ,, l s icri c°° ; more than the lowest price at which equal ago g $ s be obtained. One of the first ditties of that '' ,3t to' to do away with retiring al.owances. There i ° t : l ibe ll l no such thing; they were a great burden. ' n , ou str u b ; office, for instance, the retiring allowance' 9-- e OO l , , 25,000/. ta: 30,000/. a year, and many o f tbe possessed them were as well able in point of serve the public as he was. se ll , ;„ ri i Mr. RICHARDS was iwimately arclu a- te feelings and the wants of the industrious cla'se''lsboll 83 from great experience. The state of the o t sad ? classes w as dr ea df u l. Th e who l e h ea d was whole heart was faint. It might be very W'l o r t to President of the Board of Trade to come daooreeperi' House with hi s o ffi c i a l returns, and ts 1 1; of $ relie f ; which did not ex i st ; b ut t h at wou ld afford a " toil! suffering ind us t ry . Th at Ri g h t H on . Gentleo3ooltiplk produce a lar ge mu l t i p li can d , b ut t h ere was sat fi b —(Hear.) There might be an immense tra u : a ' t were nu profits.—(Hear, hear.) Nor was ttbstttp, wretched was the st a t e c f t h e l a b our ing class° - „ a e ee'll ar o , only with difficulty they could procure the hat e i T e beliei l of life; comforts they had none. Indeed her e a" / that had it not b een f or t h e p o or laws- - " (1. : 3 lot,; English labourer would have been reduced to (Oe'h even a lower, state than the Irish labourer wst'oileit:tll hear, hear.) And he went further; and b e ue re; attention of the House to the fact, that if system continued, it would pull down the uhl A u til :aelr ,b , to the condition of the labouring. The n i s i "; 11 0 :s were now loyal to their Sovereign, and wislieu s " e Cotir' s , upper chases; they had no desire to destroY b' e tof t ',f St. James's to give the predo m i na nce to the, C° lt u s r e Giles's ; but nevertheless they must be relieved' the Right Hon. Bart. (Sir Robert Peel) in I ;e s f. e ,' ing the currency , h a d d one i mmense Iniscez"l- 011 ,4 ' admirtd the eloquence of that Right 1 4 ° ° ,' t er ; but no man who aspired to the character 0 ' 7 4 , :hr . ( ' had done more mischief by an interference wl""etildeol, rency th in he had. He hoped that the subj ect t only be eiscussed, but that the Right Hon. Baron:oil either confess his error, or, throwing aside al l , ' e ) i t talk to plain men in a plain way.—(Hearr , uP i r cordially supported the motion, and be w ea e r all such motions as long as the Ministers s hove) 4 , sition to maintain a low scale of prices.---( llea Pite o e il y Lord ALTHORP sa id, t h at hi s H on . Frien a mea t fr• ber for Middl e s e x h a d as k e d hi m if t h e GOO o'4 desirous of pursuing th e syst em l a id d o wn by s t cr o t O tt Committee ? When he a n d hi s co ll e agues "•,i o otef upon o ffi ce they submitted th e ir s a l a ries to I.o'l, one of the reasons why they did so was, tha t they bes s. with the clearer justice revise the salaries of at e bt la agreed to the prin c ipl e th at govern ment o 'o , served as cheaply es po ss ibl e . H e was atr s L e ers i° ; salaries in the Government departments higher than those in private establishments; s a d 4 not ao high as those in public companies . ' l l "°; the salaries in the East India House an in t ' sl l- 0 1°.11 • - itta Companies were greater than those in the s' A -I s t e sh •• departments. The plan at present recognit" ad e s e ( ' that the salaries of the public officers were to ° at ! portionate to those enjoyed before the alteratioato f a ds sequence of the depreciation of money; and te n Ctl' t li ject a report had been made respecting t h s e i i t 'll Having adopted the principle he had allud e ", 4 o4 bl er k been the inclination of his mind that the reP°' et 4 1 once to be acted upon, and the salaries re duced " f ., stw acute with it. He found, however, on making ft ,"tp te to carry his resolution into effect, that the pero3ri'd up s ed made so many difficulties—(A laugh) ea ts so many strong remonstrances against the aPr ' g ate the proposed reduction to their salaries-4 1 ' 3° ,1 u el° ie cheers) —that he found it impossible to procoi aes e s ot intentions, as he found the Government tw °ol ,7 f it• all these persons unwilling and discontented he r •:serl' l , would perform their work negligently. f ie ' e t ° f fi t! gave up his plan, d ur i ng t h e ti me t h at the firl e „ to held their app o i n t ments w i t h t h e d eter minau e ",,o 3 it into effect on every new appointment "Vseeded ,7 He thought the resulto f "" Is' a general scale would he that many officers, who at present had to 5, adequate'y remunerated for the dutis they bi' th° e r charge, would neglect those duties, and the''f the s ' o t! public would !.use in the diminished efficiencY,°„, vice what they gained by the proposed reduc t°• o 4 ,e, the principle of superannuations was bad he 8 01 be r( , but still he put it to the House whether it wa' a se sohl: o e in all ca se s wh ere o ffi cers were f o und °° c oa t ' to reduce them, subject to retiring pensions, thaasolls3o them at the full rat e o f s a l ar y.—(H ea r, heart) n aole, r ie the subject of reductions he wished briefly t ° e i t(la v ! f te those which had been effected since the presentee, tration came into office. In the first P la rs is er i git Commissioners of Excise had been altogethe sr e - ,t,le Y s o (Hear, hear)—aud on the resignation of a '''', ec loc e f f one of the Commissioners retained upon that t ' h i, 'IL" his place had not been filled up.—(Hear.) goO considerable saving had been effected, and be ',, s e '„", de / c i" that ere long another Commissioner in the same "''d'. ter be reduced.--(Hear, hear.) So far Ministers ' ta t be eally evinced every disposition to economy; ~ ,,b t iu s e th e happy to have it in his power to inform the 110 ",enil e o si ', was shortly inten led to appoint a Commission bat that appointed some time since, to ascertain tion could be effected in the revenue departr°e" duty it would be to constitute a rigid iu'l° i si tl eft e , s ee constitution pf the Board of Excise, with a I n e s - 0 be r " t li ing what reductions were practicable; and w'" e r - ,e °, l ' et sti tinned that the individual selected to take cb a '' '•'e sir „,„.11 Commission was his Right Hon. Friend i o Parnell—(Cheers)—a gentleman who, wisp - s ch' e tal get root t so men', had always advocated economy and he thought lie would be offering bes t P O le os the , Ministers were sincere in their rofessi°e'roo" Olt hear.) It was not, however, merely by redu; t cue bell Government contemplated effecting a saving ed dy dt e ' penditure o f t h e country. They b a d see tueesi able to co nso lid ate some of the Boar d s , and he afecte j t il before long, further consolidations could t eas that it ph '4O • (Hear, hear.) Indeed l •h he =get mention e ste ce • t , under • • consideration whether the hoards ) 13, 1 5 r, taxes might not be consolidated.---(Hear , h eav e ) all! t !"/ means one officer would have to diecbarge t "„ - Sj present reposed in the distributor of etaair a t " f th e lector of taxes—a change which, indeP eade i a • loco duction of a number of commissioners re ee ," s s y s n r.) :s tr, laries, would effect an immense saving. -- "L — s - :stt'' s ej Government, he could assure the House, tva' possible to meet the wishes of the country reg n ee d no q u jeJ trenchment, and in satisfying those wishes kitte n is be efera tic i rj e patronage or motive of self interest would —(Hear, hear.) With reference to any cons' o , o ilf - t v! every P ore , that of giving satisfaction to the people duction would be effected; and, what was ' a Ohre ) 14 0°. should be effected immediately.—(llesr, he. ar i ! the a- tf a: that the statement be had made would sans . be .r ,, wish that he would conclude by expressing a •sotion•-"-‘ sal Member would not persevere in his 13 vee , 1 , 0 ! The effect of the reduction which it had in i t , : t 0 , 41 : 00 1 both unequal and p trtial. But it wia! i o ab l e . g fe, grounds alone that he considered it object' d n e _ as i o , a reduction in the salaries of officers be m b a e °Y d u ties so o'd dusted scale, and without looking to t . io sis t they had to perform, the effect would be the s_"_'; ep ue 7 .0 0 f —and he might in particular mention thrL, l igen i i( —to hold out a strong inducement either too!„,ert",si fraud.—(Hear, hear.) He repeated that no,trpos for effecting reductions should be lost, a _l thdi so pledge he trusted the motion would be be his_ t ia• (Cheers.) If that were not th e case it wow" ebtatrrieutt to oppose it ; and out of doors there was everY ss , oo such an opposition might be construe d into a -es