The Sun. — London, England, 1833-03-27 00:00:00

THE POLISH MEETING . (Continued from our Paper of Yesterday.) Mr. FEARON continued to speak to the following effect : He thought this nation, under such circumstances, ought to feel honour at being selected by those eminent individuals as their place of refuge.—(Loud cheirs:) He happened this morning to put his hand on the Annual Register of August, 179?, above forty years ago, Wherein he found that a meeting of the same character, and having the same objects in view was held at the Mansion House, in the City of London, and at that meeting this resolution was passed Every nation upon earth is interested in the fate of the Polish people ; to participate in their cause is our English senti ment for freedom, is in its nature social and beneficent. ‘. fheir open country may be overrun, but the unconquerable trill must remain in ail its vigour." He need not say how prophetic had been that declaration. The country had been overrun, but the spirit of its people had not been subdued.—(Cheers.) He hoped the English nation would make a distinction between the Exiled Poles and our own . poor—the one was provided for by law—the other had no home, were friendless, houseless and in a foreign land ; he trusted that contributions would flow in liberally, as afford ing a proof of the approval of the English people of the prin ciples which had actuated the Polish nation.—(Loud cheers.) Prince LUCIEN BONAPA lITE then came forward to move the next resolution, and was received with enthusiastic cheers. The Prince spoke in French, and Dr. King interpreted what he had said, to be, that he came forward with pride to succour the bravest nation upon earth ; that being himself a foreigner in a foreign land, he was in a situation calculated to make him feel the benefits of hospitality and kindness, and that he should to the utmost of his power second the laudable objects the meet ing had assembled to promote. The resolution was as follows: 3. I hat this meeting has heard, with the deepest regret, that the Poll-h exiles in Loadon have been in a state of destitution, and highly approve of the means that have been adopted by the members of the Westminster Polish Exile Friend Society to afford them temporary relief, and done all to provide them with some permanent means of support. Mr. DUCKINGHA M rose to second the resolution. That tesolution having been moved by Prince Lucien, gave an addi tional feature of interest to the meeting, by shewing that in this assemblage of men from different countries, speaking diffe rent tongues, placed under different circumstances, all in their hearts worshipped one idol—liberty. It had been truly said that those could least appreciate the blessings of liberty who had witnessed in their wildest forms the caprices and cru. cities of despotism. Therefore it was that these brave Poles, seeing the contrast this country presented with their own, must feel intensely how much they had lost —(Hear, hear). When they saw a meeting of this description, attended 4 the same time by men of high rank, and, also, by ' , nett of humble station—by men who held political opinions almost diametrically opposed one to the other, by ladies as well as by gentlemen, a thing unknown in any country, but England and America,—when, he said, they saw these things, and contrasted them with what was taking place in their own country, they must weep tears of anguish at the loss of that which was the only thing that made life desirable. There was one portion of the interesting speech of Prince Lucien Buonaparte which the gentleman who translated it overlooked. He said, that if Englishmen had been placed in the same situation as the Poles, they could do no better than the Poles themselves had done; for that all that Englishmen could do, would have been to fight to the last gasp in defence of their liberty, and that the Poles had done.—(Loud cheers.) And that, if defeated, they would have sought an asylum in a country where the feelings of the community were most congenial with their own, and as it would have been a reproach to that country to reject them from their shores, so it would be a shame and a reproach to England not to afford them to those, who had acted as Englishman should act in the same circumstances, all the courtesy it, their power. He was no party to the compact that Government politics:were excluded from the discussions of this meeting, but he was bound in courtesy to accede to the agreement which had been observed by others. At the same time, it was difficult, indeed, quite impossible, to speak of Poland, and not be political. He would avoid being so, how ever, as far as he could. It was notorious that the Revolution -in Poland differed from many which had taken place in other countries. It was not the presence of tyranny under an acknowledged system of right, that the Poles rose to resist. Independence was promised, nay, given the Poles, and afterwards invaded. They were as much justified, therefore, in rising against the oppression, as we should be justified in meeting an enemy who had invaded our shores.— (Cheers.) Theirs was not an insurrection, but an act of self defence and self-preservation.—(Renewed cheers.) Hence men of all political parties might agree to pay them • honour, for he must be a recreant, and coward indeed, who could say that a man was not justified in defending his country. —(Cheers.) The Poles had a claim, therefore for the suffer hugs they had endured to preserve their hearths from violation upon the sympathy of every free man.— (Cheers.) They all, doubtless, knew of the cruelties which had been practised in Poland ; but, perhaps, he might be permitted to recall to their recollection this unnatural aggravation to them.— (Hear, hear.) Whilst their wives and daughters were treated with savage ferocity by the hounds of barbs- rians which overrun their country, the helpless Poles were condemned to see their infant children led in • chains and fetters into an exile from which there was not hope of return.—(Cries of " Horrible.") He asked them as! fathers, as husbands, as men, as Christians, Whether in any of • these relations their hearts would not swell in their bosoms be. I yond the power of control, and their hands search for a.e weapon to plunge into the hearts of their tyrants, even though it were the last act of their existence, and the heavens themselves were about to fall to crush them into annihilation. He : was happy the sentiment lie had expressed was so responded . to him. Advertance had been made to a fact l a m en t a bl e t& the French Government—namely, that a national provision had' been made for large numbers of these unfortunates, but the financial difficulties of this country made it perhaps impossible for our Government to do the like ; and although a proposi. • tion to that effect would, no doubt, be received with approbation by a large part of the country, yet: there would be others who would resist it on the ground that it ought to be left to individual charity. Perhaps those who thought so, but properly estimated the reliance which might be placed on the feelings of Enhglismen.—(Hear.) Had they not in the chair a distinguished Member of Parlia ment, whose life presented a continued career of advocacy of liberal principles—(Loud cheers) and that: not merely with the lip worship, so easy even to the lukewarm, but in his purse and munificent hospitality bestowed upon foreigners in distress.—(Loud cheers.) Had they not present also a Noble Lord (Ebrington) who had throughout his life fol lowed the principles which immortalized the name of his dis. tinguished colleague? Looking beyond the Noble. Lord, he saw present also the Hon. Member for Kirkcudbight (Mr. Cutler Fergusson) whom he had known hi India as the advo cate of liberal principles, and who, although he might differ from him in some political questions, had certainly done him self immortal honour by his advocacy of the cause of Poland.— (Continued cheers.) Although, then, we fell behind France, as far as the Government's assistance went, that was a good reason for hoping that we should as much ex. ceed th m in our private munificence, as we did in the greater extent of our wealth and of freedom of sentiment which pervaded all classes of our population. If the Government gave relief to foreigners to which he had to contribute a crown, he should feel much less pride and satisfac tion, than he should feel in giving half-a-crown volun tarily from his pocket. He doubted not, therefore, that the friends of freedom in this country would sieze the oppor tunity afforded them of gratifying their feeling by a voluntary contribution to the humane object they were met to promote. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by seconding the resolution which he observed he did with hearty good will. The resolution was then put to the meeting by the Chair man, who declared it to be carried unanimously. The Cux'aMa then read a letter front Prince Adam Czar toryski, in which he regretted his inability to attend the meeting, in consequence of ill health, and begged the Chairman to express to the meeting how deeply gratciul he felt for the kind interest the people of England had taken in the misfortunes of his country. The Prince also begged to call the attention of the meeting to the school established in France, for the education of children of Polish The CHAIRMAN, in rising to propose to the meeting a Pole, who was renowned for having, during a long life, advocated the struggle for the liberties of Poland, felt no small gratification. That Noble Pole had now attained the age of nearly SO years. He had been wounded in the field of fighting for the liberties of Poland under the great Kosciusko. He had been taken prisoner, and imprisoned for ten years in the dungeons of St. Petersburgh. He trusted that the course the English nation were now pursuing, would not only alleviate the sufferings of the unhappy Poles, but would assist in forwarding those views which had been pointed out by the Prince Czartoryski in his letter. This country had shown itself foremost among the nations of the earth to vie with the French Government in relieving the sorrows of Poland ; and he felt no hesitation in saying, that it would be a great gra. tification to the unfortunate Poles, even if this country should not be able to afford them that assistance which would extricate them from their troubles, to know they had done so much. The Hon. CHAIRMAN, after admitting that he was rather wrong in stating that polities should be left out in the dis cussion, introduced to the meeting NIE WER.VOIEZ, Senator, Castellan, Poet, Director of the Chancery of the Polish Diet, who, on coming forward, was re ceived with the most deafening applause. He begged to convey to the meeting, in the name of his countrymen, the sentiments which they felt towards the people of England for the kindness they had experienced from them. The language of this country being but imperfectly known to him, and his feelings being so strong upon the subject, he trusted the meeting would pardon him if he did not render himself perfectly understood. It was to him a most glorious sight to see in the chair one who, for half a century, had been the constant supporter of liberty, not only in this country, but over the whole globe. He had heard speeches that day, expressing senti ments of sympathy in the wrongs of Poland, which were most flattering and delightful to him. Such had been the state of Poland that upwards of 300 Polish youths had for saken their schools and colleges in order to enlist in the army and fight to the last for the liberty of their countrymen. Those youths were now in France, and it would be a most happy era in his life to know, by the exertions of England, their wishes were likely to be perfected. He thanked the meeting a n d the people of England for the exertions they had made in the cause of unhappy Poland, and he prayed the Almighty that the great, the free, and the powerful England—(tbud cheers) —might never experience those woes which now ground Poland to the earth.--(Loud cheers.) TURII, Chancellor of the Polish. Diet, came forward to ad. dress the meeting arhidst loud and long continued cheers.-- Gentlemen, I hope you will excuse me, if, from want of proficiency, I am brief in returning my thanks, I feel my utter inability to express anything like a due acknow ledgment, because your sympathy with our ill fate, and the kind offices in alleviating, it, are such as to be more easy to be felt than to be expressed. However,' our common feeling will, I hope, become more evident, if connected with senti ments expressed by a Polish mother when writing to her exiled son abroad, in answer to one of his letters, in which, for the sake of not causing her any pain, it was said that her son needed nothing, although in fact he was in distress and misery. Here is the extract of that mother's letter, whose name I must forbear telling, as it might expose her to prosecu tion. These are the feelings of a Polish matron of 60, worn out by grief, and the vivacity of whose feelings are chilled by advanced age. You may then imagine what must be the fervour of gratitude of those who are young wives, sisters, and daughters. Still I beg to consider that these are the feelings of a feeble sex—of the Polish women. Our gratitude—the gratitude of men—shall be manifested in another manner. There, in the fields of battle--in the struggle of liberty against despotism— in the defence of the rights of man—there we shall endea vour to prove the greatness of our gratitude. He then read the extract to which he alluded, and which was as follows : " The hopes, my son, you hold out of a speedy return do not in the least alleviate my grief, for they have often proved trea cherous to us! Still the news of the excellent r c,ption you everywhere meet with abroad is a real consolation to your afflicted mother. During your stay in Germany I used to write to those who had stretched their helping hand to assist you. I then was happy to know their language, and I thought by my letters I have been augmenting the num. ber of your benefactors and friends. This was, then, the only means left to your mother for benefitting you. But at pre sent I must forego even that advantage. Now in England, since I can neither be read nor understood, I beg to tell, that no greater consolation can be afforded to an afflicted mother, whose age had placed near the brink of her grave, and who in her unhappy country every day finds fresh motives for new sorrow, than to hear of her son's misfortune meeting with cheer. ing and soothing compassion. My gratitude must be as great as the consolation affbrded is soothing, and my blessing as sincere as my prayers to Heaven are ardent." Captain KORGTKO addressed the meeting in the Polish language, and M. DE LA GARDE, Chamberlain to the late King Stanislaus, proceeded to translate the speech to the meeting, which, as near as we could catch it, in consequence of the low tone in which M. De la Garde spoke was nearly to the following effect :—lf ever unfortunate Poland was relieved from its present misery, it would be owing to the example and kindheartedness of England, that country of liberty. Poland was once a large. happy, and free country, but the hand of despotism had been laid heavy upon her from many quarters. He did not doubt but she would have been supported by England had she not been surrounded by a host of enemies. It was to be hoped that as soon as England had it in her power she would step for ward and assist poor Poland once more into the scale of nations. Even now the only cry of her exiled sons to the English people was gratitude—gratitude—gratitude. Mr. CAMPBELL then rose to propose the next resolution In so doing, he would assure them that after all that had been said, he would he brief in the observations with which he would preface the resolution. There had not been a meeting of the Literary Polish Association since that meeting had been called, but he believed that he might take upon him self to return thanks of the association, to those who then sat before him. That association had been instituted for the purpose of expressing and keeping the wrongs of Poland before the public, and he would tell the Imperial Kidnapper that if he would give no amnesty to the Poles, then the friends of Poland would grant no amnesty to him, but show him up in all his native wickedness. The motion was seconded by Lord DUDLEY STUART, which was to the following effect : That this meeting earnestly recommend the benevolent and liberal of all classes of the community to contribute, as far as their means will allow, to so laudable an object, and while they invite the co-operation of all parties and conditions of English men, they a , so respectfully and confidently solicit the Ladies of England, to aid and as ist in so truly Christian a cause, feeling assured that benevolence and compassion are the distinguished attributes of the female heart. Sir Francis Burdett and the other Members of Parliament then left to attend their duty in the House. The Chair was then taken by Mr. G. EVANS, who an. flounced a subscription from Colonel De Lacy Evans, of 51. (Loud cheers.) Dr. KING then proposed the 6th resolution. That the thanks of this meeting are due, and are hereby given to the Polish Literary Association, particularly to I. Campbell, Esq., its President to Mr. Bach, is late Secretary ; rand to R. C. I. ergusson, F—sq. M.P., for their able and disinte rested advocacy of the Polish cause ; as well as to the conductors of the public press, and all those who have exerted themselves for the reli.•fof the Polish exiles. Mr. CARPUE seconded the resolution, which was put and carried unanimously. Thanks were voted to Sir Francis Burdett and to the pre. sent Chairman, as well as to the Polish Committee. Several additional subscriptions were announced, and the Meeting separated. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF COMMONS, MARCH 26. In cons• quence of there being ballots for Committees on the Southampton, Coventry city, and Nippon borough Elections, the gallery was not opened till ten minutes after five. The amendments to the London and Birmingham Rail way Bill were read a second time, and ordered to be engrossed. The Sheriffs of the City of London appeared at the hat of the House, and presented a petition from the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons in Council assembled, on the subject of the house and window taxes. Mr. Alderman WOOD moved that the petition be read. The petitioners stated th ,t , hey relied with confidence on the determination of h s Majesty's Ministers to reduce the public expenditure, and relieve the burdens of all classes of the community. They felt that the house and window taxes were unjust in principle, and unequal in operation, and pressed with great seve►ity, partly from the vexatious surcharKes occasioned by them on the in dustrious classes. The window tax especially, they con siders, most injurious to the public health and comfort, and they, therefore, humbly petitioned the House that both :taxes should :forthwith be repea!ed. The Worthy Alderman supported the prayer of the petition, and moved that it do lie on the table. Sir JOIIN KEY also supported the prayer of the pe tition, and trusted the Noble Lord (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) would give that effect to it to which it was entitled, as the petition of the corporate representatives of the first city in the empire. The house and window taxes pressed most injuriously and unequally on the in habitants of the inetrop who paid the largest portion of those most obnoxious taxes. Sir HARRY VERNEY presented a petition from Buckingham and its vicinity for the better observance of the Sabbath. Sir THOMAS FREMANTLE supported the prayer of the petiti , ,n, but he hoped that in any Bill which the Hon. Member for Wigton intended to bring in, there wuuld he no clause that would interfere with the recreation of the poorer classes. Mr. WILKS presented petitions from the Wesleyan Methodists of Birmingham, of the city of Lichfield, and Che - -terlcy in the county of Stafford, complaining of the grievances under which they laboured in being obliged to pay church and poor rates, not only for their own resi 'knees but for their chapels, although they paid the ex penses of their own places of worship, and supprted diem own poor He also presented petition. from two congregations of Bapt•sts in the Old Kent Road, Surrey, tnd in Charhs-street, Berner,- street, Commercial-road, tor the betoer observance of the Sabbath. Mr. HUME thought that a great deal of time would be saved, and the necessity of petitioning upon the subject to which those petitions referred—he meant re- Ming to the parochial registration as it aff eted the Dissenters—would be done away, if some Member of his M jesty's Government would consent to take it in hand. Mr. WILKS objected to that course as he bad given notice of a motion for a Select Committee to consider the subject nf general registration, which he thought it would be better to dispose of before the marriage ques tion was brou g ht forward. Lord ALT HORP made some observation, which was not audible in the gallery. BRIBERY AT LIVERPOOL. Mr. BANNERMAN moved that the order of the (1,1, requiring the attendance of Elizab , th Robinson, who hid iefu,ed to answer questions before the Liverpool Elec tion Committee, be read. The order of the day having been read, Elizabeth Ro binson was brought by the Sergeant-at-Arms to the Bar. Mr. SPEAKER—What is your name? Witness— Elizabeth Robinson. sir. SPEAKER—You were summoned as a witness before the Liverpool Election Committee, were you not ? Wonem—Yea. Mr. SPEAKER—You were asked 'questions by that Committee, which you declined to answer, were you not ? Witne.s—Yes. The SPEAKER—What was the reason you declined to answer the question ? Witness (crying)—Because I am in danger of iny life. Tue SPEAKER—Do you say you were in apprehen sion of personal risk, it you answered the question put to you ?—( l'he witness hesitated to answer, but continued io cry, and the question was repeated.) Witness—l was afra;d of my life. Mr. SPEAKER—You did not decline to answer the question with any wish on your part to conceal what you knew from the Committee ?—I was afraid that if I an swered what was asked of we, I should be in danger. Mr. BANNERMAN, after what had now been stated, would move that the order be discharged.—(Cries of " No, no.") . . Mr. SPEAKER to the witness—Have you the same feelings of alarm it you were now to answer the question ? Sir, I have had from the first; I dare net answer it. ROBINSON--Have you been threatened by any one, „Or_ what. reason have you to suppose that you will be in any danger ? have been threatened by nobody, hut one person. Mr. ROBINSON—WiII you state who that person is who has threatened you ? Witn .ss--I dare not tell. The witness was then ordered to withdraw. Mr. BANNERMAN then moved that the further at tendance of the witnesses should be dispensed with. Mr. BENETT second-d the motion. Mr. HUME wished to know whether the information which could he given by the witness was of importance. Mr. BENETT thought not. Lord HENNIKER considered it material that the wit ness should he pressed to answer the go-stions put to her. The witness had been produced to prove bribery to the amount of 31. odd, and he submitted if her presence be dispensed with, justice could not be done. An Host. Mesrum considered that the plea on the part of the witness was not sufficient to induce the House to a low her to persist in not answering the question. All that the witness stated in justification of the course she had adopted was, that she had been threatened by one party; now he considered that if•even that state ment was true, the law was sufficiently strong to protect her from the consequences of that thrett. It appeared to him that the Committee should be made acqoainted with the person who had threatened the witness—the name of the culprit ought to be known.—(Hear, he er.) Mr. S. RICE considered that the House would not discharge its duty, and would encourage timid ' itnes-es to be timid overmuch, if they acceded to the request. It they acceded to that request, they did more than any Court of Justice could do, anal would declare themselves to be totally unfit to conduct such an inquiry. Sir R. PEEL said that the House ought to assure the witness that if she performed her duty the House would orotect her ; but it she refused to answer the questions put to her, the House had no other alternative than to re start to the extreme powers, which the House, as well as the Court of King's Bench, enjoyed over witnesses who ob. structed the course of public justice, by refusing to answer the questions put to them. Mr. BANNERMAN, as Chairman of the Committee, begged to say that the Committee had gone as far as the y could in assuring the witness that the law of the House was competent to_protect her. Mr. HUAIE ,gged that the witness should be re manded till to-morrow, which would give the oppor tunity to some friendly adviser of urging upon her that she must tell he House the truth. I.: was clear that, it the House yielded in this case, it would hereafter have constant refusals of witnesses to answer questions. He was sorry that any female should be placed in this Si tua.ion---.hot she must be clearly given to understand that she must answer the question to-marrow. Lord ALTHORP was understood to express an opi nion in favour of oliPaininz an answer from the witness ; but was with great difficulty heard in the gallery. Mr. D, W. HARVEY believed that this was a wicked contrivance to defeat the ends of jus , ice. The witness must be told that she must answer eery question. Sir T. FREMAN FLE conside eel that it was neces iry to exert the authority of the House is this in stance in some way or other.—(Hear.) He considered that it was necessary to compel an answer to the question, giving the woman at the same time the full protection of the House. He thought the only way to afford that en tire protection, would b • for tie House to order the man to be taken into custody as soon as the woman gave his name. Mr. W. W. WYNN apprehended that when the House appointt-d a Committee to act in matters for the House, the House would resent any contumacy offered to the Committee in a refusal to answer just as it would a contumacy offered to itself. In the case of Sir Abraham B. King, the House refused to enforce fur ther compulsion, from the imtnateriali'y of the answer endeavoured to be obtained to the point that was to be in quired into ; but here the refusal to answer was with respect to a question essentially affecting the inquiry, and, there fore, it was absolutely ne• essary to compel an answer. Probably it would be a sufficient protection for the wit ness to order the man to attend at the bar, when his name should be given, and if he refused, that he should then be given into custody. In calling in the witness again, it miztit be as well to caution her, that unless she answered the question she must go in . o custody. An HON. Alcmßen observed that she had given her evidence, as far as it went, with the greatest candour ; that she laboured under much excitement on refusing to answer this question ; and that if the House could con sistently relieve her from answering, he was sure it would be a great satisfaction to the Committee. Mr. SHAW thought as they were now acting on prin ciple, it was necessary to compel the witness to answer the question. The SPEAKER considered it to he the feeling of the House, that the witness should be called to the Bar again, and sdnionished to answer, upon an assurance of having the full protection of the Hous e . _ _ On the witness being called in ag tin by the Sergeant, Mr. SPEAKER told her that the House had listent-d to the excuse she had offered for not answering the question put to her, which the House did not consider satisfactory. That the House ex pected that she would answer to the Committee any ques• tion put to her, and that she might depend on the justice and entire protection of the House on properly discharging her duty. That the House .were sa•isted in admonishing her, presuming she had acted under a mistake ; but that if she persisted in her refusal. she would be in danger of being committed into the custody of the Sergeant-at-Arms, for a breach of the privilege of the House. That she might therefore rely on the full protection of the House, the House being satisfied that she would act as a faithful, honest, and upright witness. The witness was then ordered to withdraw, and attend the Committee to-morrow morning. Lord ALTHORP rose for 'he purpose of requesting the Hon. Member opposite (Mr. Robinson) to postpone his motion, of which he had given n..tice, for the appointment of a S,lect Committee to consider and revise the existing system of taxation, with a view to a repeal of those burdens which pressed most heavily on productive industry, and the substitution of an equi table tax on property in lieu thereof.—(Hear, hear.) He thought that the Hon. Member's object would be much better served by waiting until he (Lord Althorp) had made his getter fit - 14116a! statement. Mr. ROBINSON hoped he could show to the satis faction of the Noble Lord and of the House, that it was his (Mr. R.'s) imperative duty to ascertain the sense of the House before the Noble Lord made his financial statement. He hoped toerefore the Noble Lord would not consider him as actinz contrary to the Government, if he telt himself obliged io persevere in his motion. SIR E. CODRINGTON AND SIR R. PEEL. Sir R. PEEL said he was perfectly prepared, having looked at his papers, to make the statement called for by what took pl ice in the House last night, whenever the House and the Gallant Member thought it most conve nient. Mr. M. ATTWOOD postponed his motion on the monetary syst , m of the country till Friday next. Col. HAY (we believe) hoped that at an early period the Noble Lord (Althorp) would take the excise laws relating to that part of the kingdom to which he be. longed (Scotland) into consideration. He had great confidence in the commis.don appointed by the Noble Lord, but he hoped the subject would be brought forward on an early day. ' 'EAST INDIA CHARTER. Mr. WYNN begged to ask the No le Lord opposite whether he nad any obj ction to lay the correspondence between the Government and the East India Company, and the other papers which were read at the meeting of the East India Proprietors on Monday, on the table of the House before the Easter recess. It was his wish, and the wish of many other Mernbe , s, that they shoo d have those important papers as early as possible, in order that they might have all possible information on the subject before entering into consideration of the changes which the Government proposed to make in the charter of the East India Company. Lord ALTHORI ) did not think that there could be any objection to their being laid upon the table previous to the recess. PROPERTY TAX. Mr. G. ROBINSON then rose t., bring forward his mo• tion. In doing so, he felt convinced of his ina ,, ility to in•roduce the important subject of which he had given notice, and should shrink from the task, did he not con sider it his duty to bring the subject forward. Hon. Members were to be found in the House of all diversity of opinions. There was hardly a shade of opinion which did not find its representative ; and there were few subjects on which they all could concur. On one suhj.ct, however, they did agree—namely, that in order to afford relief to the people, it was necessary to diminish taxation. Go vernment had accordingly been assailed on all sides to remit taxes. The Gover nment met the complaining— and be admitted with great truth—by saying that it was necessary to maintain the national faith, and to support the establishments of the country, which they could not do if those taxes were abolished. The conse quence had been that taxes had been raised in many in stances in order to meet the exigencies of the Govern ment, or at all events had been but in very few in stances remitted. For the three years during which he had bad the honour of sitting in that House, he bad paid considet able attention to the subject of taxation, and the conclusion to which he had arrived was, that as no great amount of taxation could be remitted, the only way in which relief could be communicated to the labouring classes, was by a commutation of the taxes. He was aware, that unless he could make out a strong case for the adoption of his opinion, he could not expect his Majesty's Government to wake so extensive a change in the whole system of taxation. He could assure the Noble Lord, that in bringing forward the suggestion, he was satisfied of its expadiency, and he pledged himself to prove to the Noble Lord, and to the House, that an absolute necessity did exist for making the change which he advocated. He did not make the suggestion as the result of his own opi nion alone; he was supported in it by some of the ablest statesmen who had ever sat in that House; and he be. lieved he should he able to show that the Noble Lord (Althorp) himself had at one time concurred in the pro priety of the adoption of some such measure as that which he advocated. He would not detain the House to dilate upon the distress at present existing in the country. They had heard those distresses most ably stated on a former evening, when the Honourable Member for Birmingham brought forward his motion on th e state of the nation ; and they were such as were well calculated to harrow up the feelings of those who heard them. He could not, however, help admitting freely, that the statement made by the Hon. Alenaher was greatly overcharged, and that his eloquent descriptions were no , borne out by the facts which he had adduced. Y t enough it p aced then, and was known to all who consi. sered the situation of the country, that such was the wretched condition of tie labouring class e s, that it he came the imperative duty of the Muse to take the subject into its most attentive consideration, in order that by their collective wisdom they might endeavour to devise some remedy for an evil which threa•ened destruction and ruin to the whole nation. Time Noble Lord had been assailed by every class for th repeal of the taxes which pressed peculiarly upon itself. Ile had, within the last week, been waited on by several deputations of mercantile men, who prayed for the repeal of the house and window taxes and the other assessed taxes. And in the same manner he had at other times been assailed by those interested in agriculture, for the repeal of the malt and hop duties. He (Mr. R mbinson) thought that the Noble Lord had acted prudently in abstaining from making any promises of a re mission of taxation, and, indeed, in having declined to give any information as to his financial plans, till after the E mster recess, when he should be able to state fully the plan which the fi ances of the country would enable him to adopt. It might then be asked why he should hring forward such a inetien—why not leave it to Government to propose it if they thought t at it was fi ting it should be adopted. His at s•ser was, that it was nut to be expected that Go vernment should propose such a commutation of taxes as he then proposed. Were the Government to propose the adoption of a property tax in lieu of their present taxes. it would be an avowal on their part of the inability of the country to support its institutions according to the press nt cyst-m, and that in fact the whole system was rotten to the core._( Hear, hear.) He therefore did not blame Minis ters that they did not originate such a motion—he should not even blame them if they opposed it until such time as it should appear by a resolution of the majority of the House, or even by the expressed opinions of a respecssble numerical minority_(H ar, hear)—that such a memsure o as necessary. If such an opinion were once expressed, no Government could withstand that and the strong feel ings known to be entertained on the subject throughout the country; and the result would be, that mhe Noble Lord would he forced to change the whole financial system of the kingdom. He (Mr. Robinson) had stated on a former occasion that great distress existed in the country, and he had then, as now, to complain that such inquiries were coldly received by the House, and a refusal given to all inquiry on account of the exaeg.rated statements in which Hon. Members indulged. It was to he regretted, that on account of such statements the House should re fuse to inquire into the real distresses which were known to exist, and that the country should be disappointed on such an account of the redress which it required and ex pected. The people said—" Will you grant an inquiry to ascertain the real amount of our distress, and promise a remedy ?" He hoped th mt the House would do so. At all events, he trusted that they would endeavour to trace the evil to its source. It was idle to say that there was no remedy. It only required firmness and promptitude on the part of the Government, and patri otism on the part of the Members of that House, to dis cover it. The people did not complain of the taxes themselves, so much as they complained of the injustice with which they were laid on. They complained of the inequality of the system, which pressed upon the indus trious classes with undue severity,and bowed down these who contributed most to the support of the country. He thought that there was an easy remedy to be found for that evil. He thought that a commutation of the taxes, and the substitution of a property-tax in lieu there of, would in a great measure effect that remedy. And if it were adopted, it would prevent the country being ruined by a system of taxation, which, if persisted in. would lead them into diffisulties from which the Go• vernment could never expect to extricate them. He would read an extract from the speech of a late eminent statesmen, whose opinions had always. as they deserved, met witn every consideration from the House ; he meant that of Mr. Huskisson, as it showed what his opinions on time subject then before them was. When the motion was brought forward on March, 18, 1830. for an inqury into the state of the na - ion, he said—" I wish for a much greater reduction of taxation. This reduction is rendered necessary by a variety of circumstances. First, there is no other country in Europe, where so large a proportion of the taxes is levied on consumption. In the second place, in no other country in the world does there exist so large a m mss of wealth, belonging to that class who do not directly employ it in bringing forth the produce of labour. In the third place, in no other country in the world is so large a proportion of the aggregate public re venue mortgaged to pay public incumbranees, thereby rendering it unwise not so to distribute taxation as to di. minish the weight on that mortgage. In time fourth place, from no other country in the world does so large a proportion of the wealthy, but not productive class, emi grate to spend their incomes in other countries. It has been said, that if absentees were charged with taxes, they might take away from the country, nut only the increase of their capital, but the capital itself. Most of these in dividuals, however, are so circumstanced as to render that impracticable. It has also been said, that an absentee tax is more fitted for a time of war than for a etre of peace. I am of the opposite opinion. I have dwelt upon these subjects at greater length than I had intended ; but I have done so because I have thought it my duty as an uncon nected Member or Parliament. to state what are my views re specting them. I know how difficult it would be for Govern. went to carry their views into effect. I know what mistaken notions various interests would take up concerning them All I can say is, that I have suggested propo.itions which I most sincerely believe would, if adopted, be beneficial to the coun try. I do not complain that others do not take the same view that I take; but, if at any future day his Majesty's Government should entertain the same views, t ey shall have my most cordial support, not only in smoothing the difficulties which may present themselves to the carrying their views into effect, but in conciliating the feelings of all who might be averse to their adoption," He had thus shown that the opinion of that great man had led him to the same conclusion to which he (Mr. R.) had arrived— namely, that from the decreasing capital of the country. and the diminishing wages of the working classes, it ware impossible that the present system of taxation could stand, and he concluded by expressing hie willingness to support the Government in any future period, should they enter tam the same views which he Now he (Mr. R.) would ask, what had happened since 1830, to show that there was less ground for such a measure at present than there was in 1830? Had the state of the country not got worse ?—( Heir.) Had the state of the working classes not declined ?—( Hear, heir.) Had the distress not in creased? Had our burdens—our navy and our army— (inctuding our dead weight) not increased ? And were not the people less aide to pay those additional burdens now than they were then? He said that they were. That was the real state of the case, and it was useless to evade or conceal it. Taney ought, therefore, at once, seri , ously to inquire into the causes, and devise remedies for suet, evils. The inquiry ought not to be delayed. Time w as pressing; and the longer the delay, the greater the diffisulty in which they would find themselves involved. He did not mean to say that the country could not stand, or could nut pay the necessary expenses for its government and defence. Far from it. He merely said, that a change of system was necessary to enable it to do so. He would no t go into long details on the subject; but he would cite one or two individual cases, which would show the House the deplorable state to which the poor were reduced, and the necessity there was for some relief being extended to them. He found that the poor rates in England and to 8,339,0871. ; and for the year ending Wales amounted, for the year ending on the 25th of 1832, to 8,683,4611. Increase, . Bt , h3 b l e o in f g s at r a e v h e i rage of 4 per cent. He would ask 3o i l : n4i t a l tilh a c3eh t ; d 24 i lsl d not show the condition of the country was be coming progressively worse ?—(Hear, hear.) '1 he only three English counties where there had been a decrease in the poor rates, were Bedford, Cornwall, and West moreland. The greatest increase was in the counties of Somerset, Southampton, Surrey, and Sussex, where they had increased from 7 to 8 per cent. In Wales there bad been a decrease in Carnarvonshire of 2 per cent. only. In Anglesea and Cardiganshire the increase had been 9 per cent., and in Glamorganshire II per cent. He found, too, that since 1825 there bad been a gradual increase in crime in the country, and there could be no doubt that the increase of crime was the effect of misery and priva tion. The number of criminal prosecutions in Eng land and Wales, in 1825, was 14.437 ; in 1826, 16,164 ; in 1827, 17,904 ; in 1828, 16.564 ; in 1829, 18,675 ; in 1830, 18,107 ; in 1831, 19,64.7 ; and in 1832, 20 829—50 that there was a gradual increase of more than 50 per cent. in seven years.—(Hear, hear.) He found, too, from a Parliamentary paper, that the amounts paid into the saving banks in England and Wales, from the 28th Jan., 1832. to 9th Feb., 1833, was 761,3681., and the amount paid tout 1,261,118/. That w.s an excellent criterion of the real state of the country, and an undoubted proof that the distress was great, and was increasing; and he thought that Govern. ment could nut avoid inquiring into the causes, and de vising a remedy for it. He admitted that it undoubtedly was the duty of Government not to take too gloomy a view of the state of the country, or to alarm the people none cesserily ; but it was likewise their .duty not to conceal truth, or, when distress did really exist, to attempt to palliate it. He trusted, too, that the House would net endeavour to evade or postpone the consideration of it. He large, d of them not to think that, by postponing or evading the consideration of it, it would come round, or that the di-tress wan merely temporary. He admitted that, Burins the spring, there might be rather more work than usual ; but he hoped Hon. Members would not de. ceive themselves by thinking that such temporary employ ment betokened any permanent improvement. He was sure that, as soon as the spring work was over, the country would fall into its wormer sluggish stave, and that if they did not take means to relieve the labouring classes, they would find the same distress to prevail as formerly. It was impossible that the people, whether they belonged to the trading, manufacturing, shipping, farming, or co lonial classes—it was impossible, he said, for them to en dure the weight of the taxes. He would, therefore, ask the Government what they intended to do towards their relief. He believed that the Government were disposed to give every relief in their power; and he admitted the difficul ties with which they had to labour in affording that re lief. He (Mr. Robinson) had supported the motion of the Hon. Member for Birmingham on a former evening, hut he could not but give credit to the Government for the motives which induced them to oppose the motion. The opinions of the Hon. Member for Birmingham we re so well known on cone subjects, and those sentiments were so mixed up with his motion, that the Government could not support the one without in some degree recog nising the others, and be therefore admitted that they were justified in having opposed the whole motion. He (Mr Robinson) hardly expected the support or the Govern ment in favour of his motion: but whether they decided on supporting or opposing it, he was determined to divide the House upon it. The Right lion. Gentleman oppo site (the present Vice-President of the Board of Trade) had, in March, 1830, :submitted a motion to the House, which was in substance the same wiih that which he (Mr. Robinson) now proposed. That Right Hon. Gen tleman moved—" That a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the expediency of snaking a revision of the taxes, so that the means of paying the sums voted by the House, and all ether charges for the Fluidic service, m,y be provided fur with as little injury as practicable to the industry and improvement of the country." The R ght Hun. Gentleman proposed a revision of the taxes. He (Mr. Robinson) now proposed a com mutation of them. The Noble Lord said—" I cannot give up taxes—l must meet the necessities of the country." He (Mr. Robinson) did not ask him to give up taxes, and he disapproved of the system into which Hon. Members had fa.len, of bringing forward motions for the repeal of millions of taxes, which they knew could not be dispensed with ; he merely wished that the same amount of taxes should be raised from a different class of the people. The Right Hon. Vice-Piesieent, when lie brought forward his motion, which he did in a most able speech, as supported by the Noble Lord, and by must of the Members of the present Administration, with the exception of the First Lord of the Admiralty ; and though he expected that the Noble Lord would act on the present occasion in the teeth of the opinion which he had formerly stated, still he (Mr. Robinson) did not mean to say that he would do so from inconsistency, but merely from a change of the circumstances in which he then stow+. He hoped, however, that the Noble Lord would excuse him, if he quoted his opinion upon that occasion—not for the purpose of pointing out any inconsistency, but merely because he con-idered the opinion of the Noble Lord as the leader of a powerful patty while out of office, and of a still stronger parry now that he was in, as deserving of great attention. The Noble Lord "admitted, that in 1819 he was opposed to a property tax ; but he had now reason to believe, that it was the ill-arranged state of taxation which had created a pressure upon the people, and he therefore raised his voice in favour of a revision. The Committee would deeply be engaged in discussing the principles of taxation, and would have little evidence to hear. He would support the motion, because be was of opinion that the labours of such a Committee would I e beneficial " He (Mr. R.) could not have a more able advocate than the No le Lord; and he would again beg to ask what had happened since, to induce the Noble Lord to oppose a motion to the very same effect at the present time, as he was sure he would? He lamented— and had reason to lament—th it because he brought for ward a motion in which the Government did not coin cide, it should be said that be did so in opposition to Go vernment; or that if they should be left in a minority upon it, they should be obliged to quit office. That latter doctrine was one against which he protested. So far from wishing that the Government should resign, or that he brought forward his motion in opposition to them, he hoped, that should the House decide upon adopting the motion which be was about to make, they should confirm the decision of the House by acting upon it.— (Hear, hear.) He hoped that the Government would be lieve that he did not bring the motion forward in order to embarrass them, but that, on the contrary, his only wish was to take steps that would lead to an investigation of the causes of the distress, and to a cotninhtation of the taxes, as the best means of relieving the people from that distress. He thought that at all events the appointment of a Committee on the subj-ct would be of advantage, as it would show the people that the reformed Parliament were determined to loves igare into the causes of their distress, and to adopt means to rid them of their burdens. When the proposition was made by the Right Hon. Vice- Presi dent, in 1830, it was eppased to it by the Government of that day, that it was an invasion of the duties of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. But he (Mr. Robinson) thought that it was the right of every Member to make such a proposition. If they allowed the foundations of the prosderity of the count.) , to be sapped, they would bring it into such a situation that the question would at length be, not whether property should pay its proportion towards the expenses of the State, but whether property should remain in the hands of its proper owners? Dr. Smith, in his " Wealth of Nations," had advocated the adoption of a property tax. He s lid that " the dis advantage of indirect razes was, that the people paid more than the Government got;" and he therefore said that they ought to be relieved from indirect taxes, and that a property tax should be laid on. He hoped that, with these testimonies in favour of the adoption of that measure, they would nut object to the appointment of the Committee. He anticipated great good from it in many ways, hut more especially on account of the moral effect which it would have upon the people, who would thee, he repeated, see that the reformed House of Commons were determined to relieve the distresses of the people, and instead of doing nothing but speak there, they had at last determined to take the burdens of the State off those who had so long borne them, and to place them on the shoul ders of those who ought to bear them. The Hon. Mem ber for Oldham bad, on a former occasion, made out a strong case of the unequal anal unjust pressure of taxes in the instance of the stamp duties. He (Mr. Robinson) would only add, that the whole of the present system of taxation tended to break down and disable those who ought to be the greatest support and stay of the Govern ment. One of the greatest difficulties which it might be anticipated this measure would meet with, would be on the part of gentlemen connected with the landed inter at, who, he believed, entertained an idea that their property would net admit of the additional burden of a pro perty tax.—(clear, hear.) This idea he considered altogether fallacious. He believed that the landed in terest would be in reality benefited by a property tax; and he would explain his reasons for this belief directly; but on this point be could not do better than to read to the House the opinions expressed` in favour of a property tax, by a gentleman whom the House would at once acknowledge to be a very first-rate authority ; this gentleman was Mr. Banker, who on a motion brought forward on a former occasion similar to the present, expressed himself as follows : " The Government adroit they cannot go further without a substitution of taxes. To this I think we must resort if we want to relieve the distresses of the country. Io considering this subject with the view to a commutation of taxes, we should endeavour as much as possible, to spare the poor, and lay the burden upon the opulent. I give this motion my support, being satisfied that there is no way so ready to relieve the distresses of the country as to commute a large portion of the taxes, by laying a larger opitrr.opporlorntpiemornytyoontpaixtnhio;osnaentidinitisefrwetshotisuldihs ahtteosabtreebdeboentiseot:latelbtbieygootg..::erlio:it: olitnee done the better. I say, that we should lose n?. circumstances of the country are urge nt ; the dietr_loie mitted on all hands to be great, and I hoe Moo j lif whether the country can go on tinder the present 5: .1 7.31. taxation. That an income or property tax is a peealjOt sure on land-cl interests I believe to be an error; 7: hf W every gentleman of large landed property would sO7O. because, though it be apparently a hea v y tax oPal'i duals, there is no doubt that it would produce a:4 alteration in the condition of the country, and , ° P . ';ai for the good of the whole, the landed propriett!roi have his share of the ge neral advantages. " This jpi rj opinion expressed by Mr. Banker, "end he did 0.,". but it would have its due effect on the H awse. Robinson) could hardly call himself a l ar g e la 4 prietor, but he possessed land as weal a s other pro? ° e He had been obliged to reduce his rents 20 or so cent. in consequence of the pressure of the titneet the same time trade and commerce ware in a gil l pa et condition. He should be far from saying that a t ie re l teller class of property should he fixed upon as t for the proposed tax, bet he should propose a ttl ote li realized property of every description. lie 00 0 substitution of the present unequal taxation, and he 0 ,0 feel great curiosity to hear what arguments the,;so Gentleman opposite (Mr. P. Thomson) would 01701 of against this prop asitien, when he called to iniod i strong language that Right Hon. Gentleman, er si l in sti ago, when not in office, supported a motien Pr l A ti n ot° the same as the present motion. Lest this Sh °ll ' . , within the immediate recollection of the 11° V loP would read the m oti on i tse lf; which was ward in March, 1830, and was as folleays Select Committee be appointed to inquire into Pe w e d diency of making a revision of the taxes, so that theido of paying the sums voted by the House, a nd 5 f01,.00 charges for the public service, may be provided as little injury as practicable to the industry amlnv hi (ti l went of the citatory.. Th e mo ti on was neg ate d b 1 majority of 89, after being very strongly suPrrted,,,l,!l4. folowiog gentlemen :—Mr. C. Grant, Mr. R. Howick, Lord Belmerston, Lord J. Russell, Mr. Stttifi'ct a Mr. Stanley. The Tellers were Lord Althorp an d '" r 6eoll r Thomson. It thus appeared that the Right Hon: , fio tic* man opposite had ht en one of the Tellers on btu It would be, therefore, curious to hear whatthe Rig — o f tY Gentleman would now adduce against the princiP i :eloa mitaeure which he then so strongly advocated. ill;sttpli Gentleman (Mr. Robinson) then proceeded to sa y t y e doc" iwt:rxicr, re—t h e 7 w tti h e c s il of pr oposedps: the tsashouldslet:s assessed d h a e p et r ar t x :p e e s a , led "t , 4 et the rob,tsta 101 ( si t stn on' d ae stone bottles ; one half of the sugar duties, of the duties on tea; the duties on cotton sv" e °l ',,, e an A ll taxes on newspapers and advertisements, and to"le-boii.rief these were taxes bearing meet heavily on the . It 00 0 classes. There was also that most grievous tt l ' a iate' most necessary of all necessary articles of coosutr a jitr i hr ; for he considered the corn laws to be in i i ottel tax on bread ; but he was not going to enter into g" i,lO l que•tien at pr , sent, except to obe-rve how inspeva t n e'or upon the Hous• to tak it into their most s 0- 0 *l 4 } s.deration ; for, by the operation of the corn 0'4,-for ate informed in Sir Henry Parnell's most exc,'llen;lsoo; on Financial Reform, a tax of not less than twel' e ; r e and a half is levied upon the people. These " De ar° taxes upon the necessaries of life. It did trot al) ,."Jed l i him that any effectual relief could be safely 05° ' or j the people, :wept by the levying of a property f','„,fse he really did not think it would be long ere thertent it; this tax would themselves acknowledge the bens re erg/ for, while he proposed this, h e at th e same time o f of the alt lition of the assessed t axes an d the repo l ° ; o ' other taxes, besides a very large reduction in taXat' ° tif making a large reduction in the cost of colleVif taxes. At present, ac c ordi n g t o th e computation° 01 . 's Henry Parnell, the co s t o f t h e co ll ec tion of ta ae-l eev Itaapeosnr- property peh t ae h i .rat a te: n yreoau n ti tiail e sodx a hn r ew l fl g t l o hbt u ihte r , ehwme doneee ti l c i ob o ianse n we. s taiaGa ; ykie:wn s ns u i.: c teih h mni n; s adi n niaeeen e ut,dh n i hfor theen ' a it c o d, a vo : pe r: e_ r ep 0 st d. Ireland, where the people of the lower class e ste miserably destitute as t o h e una bl e t o pay their ta.vetai' so well as the people of the same cl as in thi t me Surely this dreadful state of things ought to he r e forth The great landed proprietors ther e ought to be tna—,aie, support of that cuuntiy, an d not b e t h u s allowe dt , °-- 019 der the money derived from their lands therell,°i, 001 countries. e ould now proceed to state Wb at ; o m in: k a el nyn:a.watvgt away ye e v ht o eet no t voted plan 'neatg el] adopted, olt p , h t a e e f d t e , : w ic o t ui e d x premisingtaeinotn alone strike thatt r burled ,eePpeLtlhe s tt : . ] hisshouldpikhi principle po e a lfti aclntat n,eltauen:yspt the iot au:rroL:fte i g l oo ; ad :: the amount must, of course, be left to tltele-B,gph'e.: e to T A he lions s d a cw n ar d orui a al b dg o ,e v ,,h, e e p a d l ow l g : ss t , l ' e l i r._ t i a s o" .o l , * „ of Twhi i t eo n i Noof bthele people. L..os H er e w do i p s t vi p h a ce e ,x id m ei , s l t i : e e i l filfj root of :tffhcutree:l3,l:lweyil__ooU odious and unequal impost, the house and b e W ind° su re, ino w , vinc.d of the necessity of repealing this tax. surge, 3, 0 naerahle petitions which h been presented againttoa don'tpotn:sx numberless meetings, and the stron feeling e° l° Nod to you intend anisn this t dt the different deputations who had w!ited on 0 : octmionoingdtiaeortni armorial oee t xr o iaca n siikt ehedb: bearings, n r ßt t g l iu: s i h ts Lord on the subject of this great grievance, tu u : st „,. o 4 -.l l e d i t, re r oaflsacorwithyrnlr inequality ir,,ebqttigu r nederhheuetetheet t etitaya h hrthhal ee;wft o pe3srrayuseiip t r. saom9tketo?enhaooewi repeal dna ' Iwel ' Tite.aoiravheeirerfa;hlnhe:vnaesduioetßa ll ockevhenrh nhoseyue o et,i, tigaypahl ; rxutetgireshean:e l shouldsurpilapday,eitet,tienateroshnxt:tfveyhaßi tnhaiteoßHoißedfordshire. enmi ft, houses neln,hve, t rpar.s(e.w h f, dtgrei GeAr, prevailed, loalvhsytecitwainerrpiacodtsqlesoaelent.etudiehnal aryeerbs:.oetaceolerhev,oninaiate i yntnehoteec steteiiiutno::enrst ys _oteigl, ecoooheb:sottoirei g these taxes, at least, are levied upon people welt ho oli ti m dealt with in a good spirit With respect to t he l be stance o w u pth e e i with several other instances. In the county of Pr p r foo:7, that there were only four houses rated at above I°-1 :1 0 .:, Hon. Gentleman, atter citing several other t ° , l; whole of the assessed taxes were about 4,000, 0° ' - n ersl. pealed, taking into con e :: taxes, and the other taxes he had mentioned, °' t ier lhtteeoarlV-1416 mast disadvantageously on the poorer classes, an d °P ee E r , By the repeal of the malt rindy e t et a mraw x axi tisit e cteh s hhuo p ei ue e ti c ythn i , etiaduhlulsfsbter:rif)elireopiqctueitts:is)iinrche htt°7beeoo:oo, derive the greatest etm a dh ol eav v i antages, moral and phr ie: ::tl iel.' would then be able to brew good wholesome bee I- 00 1 ick A s, dd t i i n ie g s, tog g e la t s h s e , r hthopesr malt,oun o p f lip th e a r : e io4l perd d ow ut n ies ho o u n se b s ; starch, and stone bottles, the t .tal deficiency th e ' .. t b r ottr i e would occasion would be 7,000,0001. He likevele t e eioa' that the greatest advantages in every point of vie w tig sf / be derived from the repeal of half the duties 0 0 s- n i an article which might be considered a necessary ;fen!: In this article, the amount taken from th e would be 2,100,0001. He also considered ele° santial to reinl one-half the duty on tea, which 1:110: a necessary of life. On this head the revenue v 4 : ll e . f loser to the amount of 1,600,0001. The repeat "( te" die article would become doubly necessary in the W rit ° anticipated opening of the trade to China; other t lle#, b erggling, &c., would be carried on to a dreadfu l e- f He should arepeat of the duty would obviate every fe ar 61 0 1 . 1 also propose the repeal of the duty ( ton wool : he considered a tax on the raw material as h e to all good policy. The d e fi c i ency i n t h e revestlet,"'dool would be 360,0001. He also proposed to repeal u selfiA`7 on newspapers and advertisements, on prion a . r iP 4 :ol l ,l' had been repeatedly laid down in that House. r le ; - eta were the organs for disseminating that k n owledg_ i e r - m ili e,,ni the people which was indisp•ns able to their WP;i r r - , 0 ought not to be taxed ; and he considered tha t were the chief sufferers by the advertisement dut)6.oo°', this article the less to the revenue would be 6 0 11° ; ot a te l i bst Altogether, the loss t o th e revenue wou ld appear the la Housetols,7lo,Onoiigolh.t subtractßut fro a large tehrigseamsuomun,tolatie c i a u le r u ....eit )ll prc'ep.," that the diminution of taxation on articles Would Peso an increased sale of those articles. If the tax we: t o o/ I tiff any particular articl e , the poor man would, o h 3s f or not only be able to purchase a larger portion of t ~olo ° ticular article, but would be also in a co ndition to budibeti other necessary, which, by reason of the tax , be la ne tn i been incapacitated from doing. He had taken sotat,.,; 11 0 in making a calculation of the probable addition:v.oo, revenue by the alterations he cont em plated. Thi.„bpre apparent amount of the loss to the rev enue, bY 14 "' t biff pun repeal in taxes, was 15,710,000/. From h ob, 1 1 by his calculation, might he reduced in the collecti:111,1 ' e taxes. Another sum of 500,0001. be calculated rt• cult from the increased consumption of sugar, 0 7, 0P hoer ever, they must deduct the sum of 600,0001., , sum of 400,0001. from the increased consumptioo of and a fourth sum of 310,00/, which would arleckddleg the increased consumption of other articles. I ' d slr° sum of 1,710,0001., which, deducted from the so/2:610 these four sums together, there Would lOa" total loss to the revenue of 15,710, 0 0 04 1 would be prodnolfwel