The Sun. — London, England, 1863-02-06 00:00:00

wee) and) 8 an from d of • LONDON GAZETTE—This Evening. DUCHY OF LANCASTER, FEB. 3. The Queen has been this day pleased to appoint Sir William Brown, Bart., of Richmond Hill, to be Sheriff of the county palatine of Lancaster for the year ensuing. DUCHY OF CORNWALL OFFICE, FEB. 6. The Prince of Wales has been pleased to direct letters to be passed under the Privy Seal of his Royal Highness, ap pointing William Coulson, of Kenegie, Penzance, Esquire, Sheriff of the county of Cornwall. LORD CHAMBERLAIN'S OFFICE, FEB. 4. Notice is hereby given, that his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales will, by command of the Queen, hold a Levee at St. James's Palace, on behalf of her Majesty , on Wedne s d a y, the 25th inst., at two o'clock. It is the Queen's pleasure that presentations to his Royal Highness at this Levee shall be considered as equi valent to presentations to her Majesty. LORD CHAMBERLAIN'S OFFICE, FEB. 4. Notice is hereby given, that her Royal Highness the Crown Princess of Prussia (Princess Royal of Great Britain and Ireland) will, by command of the Queen, hold a Drawing Room at St. James's Palace, on behalf of her Majesty, on Saturday, the 28th instant, at two o'clock. It is the Queen's pleasure that presentations to her Royal B igbness at this Drawing Room shall be considered as equivalent to presentations to her Majesty. WAR-OFFICE, FEB. 6. The Queen has been graciously pleased to give orders for the appointment of Alick John Fraser, Esq., having the local rank of Colonel while employed on a special mis sion in Syria as the British Member of the late European Commission in that country, to be an Ordinary Member of the Civil Division of the Third Class, or Companions of the Most Honourable Order 'of the Bath. FOREIGN OFFICE, FEB. 3. The Queen has been graciously pleased to appoint Henry Du Pre Labouchere, Esq., now a Third Secretary, to be a Second Secretary in her Majesty's Diplomatic Service. DOWNING-STREET, FEB. 4. The Queen has been pleased to appoint George D. Harris and Timothy Darling, Esqrs. to be Members of the Live Council of the B a h ama Islands. CROWN-OFFICE, Pno. 3. The Queen has been pleased by letters patent under the Great Seal of the United Kingdom, to constitute and ap point George Stovin Venables, of the inner Temple, Lon don, Esq., one of her Counsel learned in the Law. ST. JAMES'S PALACE, FEB. 3. The Queen has been pleased, on the nomination of the Right Hon. Lord Foley, to appoint Lieutenant-Colonel Henry Hardinge, late of the R. fle Brigade, one of her Majesty's Honourable Corps of Gentlemen-at-Arms, vice Major J. T. Craster, resigned. WAR OFFICE, PALL-MALL, FEB. 6. Royal Regiment of Artillery—Major-General William Wylde, C. 8., to be Colonel Commandant, vice General William Greenshields Power, K.C.8., deceased. 14th Hussars—Cornet Francis Shirley Russel, from the 18th Hussars, to be Cornet, vice Egerton Leigh, trans ferred to the let Dragoons. 18th Hussars—Francis Shirley Russell, Gent., to be Cor net, by purchase, vice Thomas Albert Bray Wright, who retires. Royal Artillery— Lieut.-Col. and Brevet-Col. Charles Bingham to be Colonel, vice Col. Henry Pester, promoted to be Major-General; Lieut.-Col: and Brevet-Col. Henry Sebastian-Rowan, C. 8., to be Colonel, vice Morris, retired upon full pay; Capt. and Brevet-Major J. C. Childs to be Lieutenant-Colonel, vice Bingham ; Captain and Brevet-Major George Vanderheyden John son to be Lieutenant-Col., vice Rowan; Second Captain Henry Heberden to be Captain, vice Childs; second Captain Trevor Charles Molony, on the Supernume rary List, to be Captain; Second Captain Henry Lowther Balfour to be Captain vice Johnson; Second Captain George liepple Taylor to be Captain, vice Brevet-Major Charles John Strange, deceased ; Lieutenant Wm. Henry Wardell to be Second Captain, vice Heberden ; Lieutenant Wm. Henry Izod to be Second Captain, vice Taylor. The undermentioned Gentlemen Cadets to be Lieutenants : —George Walter Hawkins, Alexander William Cun ningham, William Vincent Legge, Wm, Payne Georges, Charles Ed ward Beadnell, Matthew Horace Hayes, Francis Roberts, and Houghton Montague J. Feilden, vice Izod. Paymaster John Craven Mansergh, from the 2d West India Regiment, to be Paymaster, vice Ratcliff, appointed to the Military Train; Ensign Jeremiah O'Brien, Un attached List, to be Quarter-Master, vice Wall, who died before his appointment was Gazetted. Royal Engineers—Supernumerary Lieutenant-Colonel Ed mund Yearnans Walcott Henderson to be Lieutenant- Colonel, vice Brevet-Colonel Bainbrigge, who retires upon full pay; Lieutenant Richard Mainwaring Forman Sandford to be Second Captain, vice Henry George Savage, resigned. The undermentioned gentlemen cadets to be lieutenants with temporary rank : Thomas English, Valentine Francis Rowe, William Gordon Ross, Thomas Hungerford Holdich, Frederick Savile Shepherd, Alexander Burness M'Hardy, Frederick Hamley Fawkes, Thomas Gracey, Edmund Joseph Alleyne, Donatus O'Brien, Clement de Beauvoir Carey, William Hans Rathbone, William James Galwey, William Henry Haydon, Cecil Cholmely Muir Mackenzie, John Greive Hall, Alexander Augustus Wil liam Beamish, Henry Hardy Cole, Henry Charles Rey nolds, Henry Campbell Macdiarmid. Military Train—Paymaster (with the honorary rank of Major) Thomas Hanson Ratcliff, from the Royal Artil lery, to be Paymaster, vice George W. Macquarie, placed upon half-pay. 2d Regiment of Foot—Captain and Brevet-Major Robert Crosse Stewart, from the 35th Foot, to be Captain, vice Grattan, 'who exchanges. 4th Foot —John Macleod, Gent., to be Ensign, by pur chate, vice Herbert Munro Long lanes, who retires. 6th Foot—Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas Francis Hobbs, from a Depot Battalion, to be Lieutenant-Colonel, vice Brevet-Colonel Fraser, who exchanges; Lieutenant Charles D' Obree Bowers, from the 2d West India Regi lObthy went, to be Lieutenant, vice Cotter, who exchanges. Foot -- L i eutena n t oo purchase, Le u v t i e c n e a n C Corbel r b c e h t a J rl o e h s n Coventr y, Anthon y Denny,woretires.from the 7th Foot—Thomas Ottiwell Moore, Gent., to be Ensign, 14Cth„Ft 3d West India Rggiment, to be Lieutenant, vice Bluett, Foot exchanges._Lieutenant Henry Augustus Burton to be who mile to be E ieucte Captain, by Purchase, vice Walter Frederick Blunt, who retire s ; Etusi, ase, vice Burton; Ensign Henry Met tenant, b y u fa h lienry Augustus Williams to be Lieu chase, vico'Williamuls. Mills, Gent ,10 be Ensign, by pur toe beas; Adjutant, rL.lVilliani Penny Townley, Gent., who retires- wit ., by purchase, vice Charles Costin, to be Ensig n , b y c avlit; LieutenantLieutenat 19 A th le F x o a o n t d — er Lieut Gordoneuant Godfrey Baldwi n to be Captain, rlirritliet, deceased ; Burton, without purchase, vice Godfrey Lyon Ensign Constantine Charles Barrow' tenant, without purchase, vice Baldwin. to be Lieu 20th Foot—Lieutenant James Nlagenis Lovekin t o be Adjutant, vice Lieutenant Bowlby, who resigns appointment. the 22d Foot—Ensign Haworth Peel Massy to be Lieuten an t, by purchase, vice Henry Edward Harrison, who retires ; Cecil Treville de la Touche, Gent., to be Ensign, by pur chase, vice Massy. 23d Foot—Lieutenant James Harford Walwyn to be Captain, by purchase, vice William Thomas Waldy, who retires; d uibp Ensign William Henry Benyon to be Lieute nant,y purchase, vice Welwyn; Robert Myddelton Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Bid Benyon. 24th Foot—Captain Henry Edward Couper, from half-pay late 64th Foot, to be captain, vice Thomas E. Anderson, who retiree upon half-pay. 26th Foot—Staff Assistant-Surgeon Joseph Johnston, M.D., with. have been dispensed to be Assistant -Surgeon, vice John M‘Letchie, whose ser vices3sth Foot—Captain Henry Grattan, from 2d Foot, to be to b e Ensirrn 37th Foot--Horace Musgrave, Gent., by pur chase, transferred to 66th Captain, vice Brevet -Major Ste wart, who exchan g e s. vice William Lowther Beat tie, Foot. 65th Foot —Thomas Chamley Gent., to be Ensign, by pur- ITIE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 6, 1863. 70t. 5.5 e. Railway Share: higher. The market close 4f per Cents. ...... 98 7 5 Do. end month.... 3 per C en t s ... ... 70 20 Do. end month.... 70 60 New 3 per Cents .. Do. end month.... Credit M0bi1ier....1192 50 Do. end m0nth....1190 , s firm, and in some cases led as follows : Bank Shares 3395 Credit Fonder 1530 Piedmontese Fives Italian Loan — Russian Austrian Spanish Threes 52 50 Rome Debt .. — B.AILWAYS. Cash. Account. Orleans IC93 75 .. 1090 Northern New ditto Lyons and Mediterranean 1181 25 .. 1185 Geneva 422 50 .. 422 50 Southern Western Eastern .... 540 .. 540 Sardinian Austrian T , orrbard North of Spain Saragossa 685 •• 680 Ditto to Barcelona SPAIN. MADRID,' FEB. 4, EVENING. The Ministry having opposed an amendment of Senor Rios Roses to the bill for municipal organi sation, it is asserted that Senor Rios Roses will no longer support the Cabinet. A report is current that Marshal O'Donnell will dissolve the Congress after the discussion of the budget has taken place. PRUSSIA. - The following is given as the correct classifica tion, according to political parties and shades, of the Chamber of Deputies, as composed at the open ing of the Session of 1863. The strongest group is the Fortschritt or progress party, which occupies the left of the Chamber, and numbers 136 deputies; next comes the Left Centre, known also as the Bocknm-Dolffs, from the name of its leader, and consisting of 96 members. The difference in poli tical views between the above two parties is not great, the conduct of the present and last Go vernments has cemented the union between them, and on the Constitutional question, and in oppo sition to a Von der Heydt or Bismark Cabinet,' t hey are likely always to vote together. Com pared to them the other fractions of the Chamber are numerically insignificant. There is the Parlia mentary Union, headed by Messrs. Ronne and Lette, which voted with the Left and Lett Centre on the address. It has only 18 members. The Clerical party, also known as the Centre, and whose leaders are the two brothers Reichensperger, reckons 32 ; the so-called " Constitutionals, or "old Liberals," a respectable set of slow coaches, comprising Schwerin, Patow, Simson, and others of the same kidney, who are for progress with a very heavy drag on, and who are marshalled by Vincke (formeny a determined opponent of the Government to which some of them belonged), mus ter 22. Then there are 23 Poles, 11 Conservatives, nine wild men or savages, as they are called—men who belong to no party, and whose votes cannot be foretold —and five vacant seats. The foregoing analysis will be found useful to remember by per sons desirous of following and clearly comprehend ing the future proceedings of the present Prussian Parliament. THIRD EDITION. SUN OFFICE, SEVEN O'CLOCK. INITERIAL PARLMEENt HOUSE OF LORDS—This Evening. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at the usual hour. THE DIOCESE OF RPON. The Bishop of RIPON OC moved for an l amended return of the population of his diocese, to correct some mistakes that appeared in that already made in comparison with that of York.—Ordered. THE VOLUNTEERS. Lord LLANOVEB. asked the Under -Secretary of State for War whether it was the intention of the Government to propose any measure during the present session for the purpose of carrying out the recommendations contained in the report of the Volunteers Commission appointed to in quire into the state of the volunteer force of the country ? In the event of its being the intention of Government ; it was desirable that the same should be done with as little delay as .possible. Earl DE GREY said it was the intention of the Go vernment to propose to Parliament a bill substantially car rying out the recommendations suggested by the Volunteer Commission. Of course the ,requisite sum for that purpose would have to be included in the estimates, and a bill would have to be introduced into Par liament- Ulna not necessary at that moment he should enter into further detail, especially as the subject would come before them when the estimates were under discussion. He thought the announcement he had•already made would be quite sufficient to set at rest all doubt on the point. Lord RARDINGE thought great caution would have to be exercised in dealing with the subject. He thought about nine days in the year for training purposes would be suffi cient. He also took that opportunity of stating that he thou ght twenty- e i g ht d a ys in the year for training would be quite Lord TR sufficient for the militia. U said the report of theoal Commission s tated that th e condition of the voluntee rs was highly satis factory, and he should like to know how it was that a awl ' of m oney was afterwards allo we d. The ex p enses o f the volunteers had hitherto been met by voluntary sub scriptions by the m em b ers o f t h e diff erent corps, and if that was sufficient he could not account for the re commendation of the royal commissioners. The noble lord proceeded to comment upon other portions of the report of the c ommissioners, more especially that which related to the 'Volunteer Artillery. The suggestion that the Volun teers should be more allied with the regular army by join ing in field-days, he also disapproved of, because he did not think the Volunt eer movement wou ld b e at all advanced by a circumstances, because he did no t thi n k , as yet, t h e 'volunteers had arrived at the steadiness which was re quired for such a purpose. Then, with respect to the Cadet corps , the report r ecommene d that these Most interesting children should take part in the COmpany and division drills. No doubt it would be an ex tremely interesting sight to see these littl e f e ll ows w h ee l ing and forming squars, yet he thought more important matter blight have occupied the thoughts of the commissioners. Re thought the result of the recommendation of the re port would be that the honorary members in volunteer corps would rapidly fall away, and the donations to the different corps altogether. disappear. After a few \voids from Lord VYVIAN, iy foap4arl D raups Gi r ß ti E oa Y said thos e corps w hi c h i nten d e d to of to theGovernment the roles laid gr j a d fordo nt wnin th clothing expenses r E a confo rme report. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OP COMMONS —This Evening. The SPEAKER took th e c h air at four o'clock. NEW MEMBER, Mr. BERESPORD took the oaths and his seat for the county of Carlow. PETITIONS. The following petitions were presented : Mr. BRIGHT , from Birmingham, compl a i n i ng o f the public expenditure, and praying for repeal duties on sugar, tea, and coffee. Several petitions were presented against the sale of in toxicating liquors on the Sunday. NOTICES OF MOTION. A PPROPRIA.TION BILL. Lord R. MONTAGU said that on the 24th he should move two resolutions, one being that the bill be printed and circulated before the committee sit thereon. PRINTING. An HON. MEMBER, on Monday, certain instructions to the printing committee of the house. OATHS. Sir J. TRELAWNY gave notice of his intention, on an early day to move for leave to introduce a bill to permit affirmations instead of the ordinary oaths. Colo ne l S YKES INDIAN OFFICERS. gave ttt on future da he should b r i ng forward the notice subje h a ct of the refusa l of the Indian authorities to present the memorials of certain Indian officers to the Home Government. cHußc u RATES. Mr. NEWDEGATE gave notice that on a future day he should introduce a bill to atrange t'or the commutation of church rates. SAILORS' HOM ES. _. Sir H. STRACEY asked the Secretary to the Admiralty if it was the intention of the Government to take under its consideration the subject of sailors homes generally, with a view to aid those whose judgmentmeans are m not adrequdaetsee deserving c he o ir f object, and which in its assistance ? take any addition to the vote except t e Lord C. PAGET replied that h it wasiiot ordinary in t t? 2 o l t d e e s i l o l o sailors in the neighbourhood of dockyards. BRAZIL--WRECK OF THE PRINCE OF WALES. Mr. LAIRD asked the • ty's Government ha d any Under Secretary of State fora Foreign A ff a i rs, w h et h er h er Maps any objecti on t o l ay b e f ore the house copies of all corresponden ce b e t ween h er Majesty's Government and Mr. Christie British Minister in Brazil, be tween. Mr. Christie and the Brazilian Govern m ent, relating to th e wrec ki ng o f t h e P r i nce o f Wales and thera_, a a nd alleged ill-treatment of three officers of H.M.S. Forte by the police o f Ri o Jane i ro ; also of any despatc h f rom the American Mi n i ster in Brazil to Earl Russell respect i ng the conduct of Mr. Christie, or of Mr. Vereker, late her Ma jesty's consul at Itio Grande do Sal ? Mr. LAYARD replied that the papers would be shortly laid before the house. The hon. gentleman entered at some length into an explanation. The King of the Bel gians would kindly act as arbitrator in the matter. The Brazilian Government had offered to restore the value of the Prince of Wales, and the offer had been accepted. CUSTOMS' DUTIES. Mr. F. PEEL intimated that on Monday the Chancellor of the Exchequer would propose certain resolutions on the customs' duties. THE QUEEN'S SPEECH. —THE ADDRESS. On the motion that the Address be brought up, Mr.. BENTINCK adverted to the question of the cession of the lonian:lslands. If he understood the right hon. gentleman the member for Buckinghamshire, he con sidered that in a military point of view, it was vitally im portant that this country should retain possession of these islands, Thirty or 40 years ago he might probably have been of the like opinion, but now, with our screws and naval power, he could not entertain any such belief. Strong places with powerful_ garrisons could alone be of any advan tage ; and most assuredly Corfu wee not one of them. Malta and Jamaica are placed one different footing. These garrisons are indispensable to the English nation. A great change of opinion had taken place in this city during the last few months with respect to American matters. The people considered that it was utter cant to say that the abolition or retention of slavery was not the real cause of the war. The recognition of the independence of the Southern States would be entirely in consonance with the well-grounded sentiments of the English people, They might all read a great moral lesson in the lamentable state of things in America. We beheld the wreck of Democratic institutions, and to a great extent it was the government of a mob, and excluded men of talent, honour, and wealth from office, He attributed most of the distress in the manufacturin districts to over-speculation, and it was the duty of the house to look into the matter in order to ascertain whether this was the real cause of the evil or not. The conduct of the people had been admirable under their sufferings. That there was dire distress in the metropolis, in various parts of the country, and especially Ireland,which deserved relief—one class alone, therefore, ought not to absorb all the munificent ch ar ity o f th e land ; and the more especially as the employers of cotton labour had amassed large for tunes, and were able to assist their own poor. If the dis tress was to some extent attributable to over speculation, the speculators had much to answer for, and should do their best to assuage in. The rural inhabitants of the country had more than their fair share of taxation, and he hoped if the Government were about to make reductions of taxa tion that the claim of those people would be well considered. If they meant to introduce a Reform Bill, those distrtcts should not be overlooked. Mr. LOCKE considered that the Government would do well to introduce a Reform Bill, for representation was the proper basis of all taxation. The Rating Bill of last session, which gave parishes in the county power to borrow money when the rates reached 3s. in the pound had not been put in operation b y the g entr y , as he believed was generally anticipated when the bill wa s 3 p e a . ss io ed t . he M p e o v f en the m p o o r o e r r t e h t an te o an un y d p . ar rt h w es as in th?e n q d u o a n liz p a a t i i d on only, but that would work a sound cure in rating, and he trusted the subject would be folly ventilated in the present session of parliament. Mr. G. 1) OFF admired the conduct of the Government on the American question, and trusted that there would be a great reduction of expenditure, and likewise several remissions of taxation. He hoped this session the inter minable church rate question would be set at rest for ever. Mr. NEWDEGATE rejoiced if the French treaty had tended to benefit any class of the community ; but he mas sorry to say that it had fallen with peculiar weight upon his constituents ; a blow had thus been aimed at them from which he feared they would never recover. (LEFT SPEAKING.) VICTORIA CROSS. (From the London Gazette of this Evening.) WAR OFFICE, Feb. 6. The Queen has been graciously pleased to signify her in tention to confer the decoration of the Victoria Cross on the undermentioned seaman of the Royal Navy, whose claim to the same has been submitted for her Majesty's approval, for his gallant conduct at the capture of Fung-wha, in China, as recorded against his name; viz. : George Hinckley, able seaman of her Majesty's sloop "Sphinx"—For volunteering, while under the East Gate of the city of Fung-wha, to carry to a joss house, a hundred and fity yards distant, under a heavy and continuous fire of musketry, gingalls and stink-pots, Mr. Coker, Master's Assistant of the " Sphinx, " who had been woun d e d i n t h e advance to the gate ; i n hich object Hinckley succeeded: On his return to the gate, under a similar fire, he again volunteered, and succeeded in carrying to •the joss house Mr. Bremen, an officer of Ward's force, who had been also wounded in the advance on the gate; and he again returned to his post under the gate. ohase, vice Villiers Butler, promoted; Payma ster, with ' the honorary rank of Captain, Robert Hamilton Simpson, from the 2d Foot, to be Paymaster, - vice Paymaster, with the honorary rank of Major, John Williams Marshall, who retires upon half-pay. 66th Foot—Captain George Watson to be Major, by pur chase, vice Webster Thomas Gordon, who retires; Lieu tenant Alfred Trigge to be Captain, by purchase, vice Watson; Ensign Ambrose Benjamin Humfrey to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Trigge ; Ensign William Lowther Beattie from the ;)7th Foot, to be Ensign, vice Humfrey. 68th Foot—Lieutenant John Blood to be Captain, by pur chase, vice John Cassidy, who retires ; Ensign George Fowler Caldecott to be Lieutena nt, by purchase, vice Blood; William Frederick Woodward, Gent., to be En sign, by purchase, vice Caldecott. 90th Foot—Capt. Lawrence Nicholas D. Hammond to be Major, without purchase, vice Major and Brevet Lieut.- Col. William Pattison Tinling, &ceased ; Lieut. Wm. Rennie to be Captain, without purchase, vie Hammond. 95th Foot—Edward Matthew Howard, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Albert Cecil Robt. Drewe, who retires. 3d. West India Regiment—Lieut. Duncan Donald Darroch Cotter, from 6th Foot, to be Lieutenant, vice Bowers, who exchanges. 3d West India Regiment—Lieutenant Henry P. Bluett, from the 10th Foot. to be Lieutenant, vice Denny, who exchanges ; John Shell, Gent., to be Ensign; by pur chase, vice Charles Anthony Denny, promoted. CAVALRY DEPOT (Maidstone).—Captain Thomas E. Anderson, from half-pay late 24th Foot. to be Adjutant, vice Captain Emanuel Bradbury, let Dragoon Guards, whose appointment has been cancelled. DEPOT BATTALION.—Lieut, Col. and Brevet Colonel Robert W. Macleod Fraser, from 6th Foot, to be Lieu tenant-Colonel, vice Hobbs, who exchanges; Lieut.-Col. Ed ward Newdigate, from half-pay, late Particular Ser vice, -to be Lieutenant-Colonel, vice Brevet-Colonel Robert Newton Phillips, who retires upon half-pay. UNATTACHED.—Captain and Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel Frederick Browne Russell, from half-pay 3d Dragoon Guards, and Staff Officer of Pensioners, to be Major - without purchase ; Lieutenant John Cusack, from 24th Foot, to be Captain without purchase. MEDICAL DEPARTMENT—Deputy Inspector-General of Hospitals Archibald Stewart, who retires upon half-pay, to have the honorary rank of Inspector-General of Hospitals ; Staff Surgeon-Major Henry Frank lin from half-pay to be Staff-Surgeon-Major, vice John Thomson Telfer, placed upon half-pay; Assistant-Surgeon James Robert Crawford, from the 69th Foot, to be Staff Assistant-Surgeon, vice Joseph Johnston, M.D., appointed to the 26th Foot. The Com mission of Staff Assistant-Surgeon George Palatiano, M.D., to be antedated from August 18, 1868, to April 8, 1857, such antedate not to carry back pay. BREVET. 'Colonel Henry Joseph Morris, on the Tetired full. pay list, Royal Artillery, to be Major-General, the rank being honorary only. Brevet Colonel Philip John Bainbrigge, retired upon full-pay, Royal Engineers, to be Major-General, the rank being honorary only. PaymaEter Walter Morrison, 9th Foot, to have the honorary rank of Captain. The following promotions to take place consequent on the death of Gen. W. G. Power, K.C.8., Colonel Com mandant, Royal Artillery, on the 23d Jan., 1863 : Lieut.-General George Turner, K.C.8., Colonel-Cora mandan.t, Royal Artillery, to be General, Major-General Henry Alex. Scott, Colonel-Commandant, Royal Artillery, to be Lieutenant-General. Colonel Henry Pester, from Royal Artillery, to be Major-General. MEMORANDA. The retirement upon full pay, and the consequent pro motion to the honorary rank of Colonel, of Captain and Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel Frederick Browne Russell, half-pay 3d Dragoon Guards, and Staff Officer of Pen sioners, which appeared in the Gazette of Jan. 16, 1863, has been cancelled. Major and Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel Frederick Browne Russell, half-pay, late of the 22d Foot and Staff Officer of Pensioners, has been permitted to retire from the service by the sale of his Commission, under the ccndition of the Horse Guards' Circular Memorandum of the 15th Feb., 1861. Lieut. Thomas Barrett, half pay 3d Foot, has been per._ mitted to resign his Commission. ADMIRALTY, FEB, 5. The - following promotions, dated the 30thult., consequent on the death, on the 29th ult., of Rear-Admiral of the Red Christopher Wyvill, have this day taken place :—R.ear- Admiral of the White John Kingcome to be Rear-Admiral of the Red ; Rear-Admiral of the Blue Thomas Matthew Charles Symonds, 0.8., to be Rear-Admiral of the White ; Captains Andrew 'Drew and James Vachon Baker, to be Rear-Admirals on the Reserved List ; Captain Hastings Reginald Yelverton, C. 8., to be Rear-Admiral of the Blue. The under-mentioned officers on the Retired List to have the rank and title expressed against their names, under the Order in Council of 7th May, 1858 :—Edward Igguldert Parrey, and Charles Keele. BANKRUPTS. That portion of the Gazette containing the bankrupts had not arrived when we went to press. Course of the Exchange--This Day. Amsterdam Ditto Rotterdam .. 11 171 11 17i Antwerp. — 25 45 25 50 Brussels — 25 45 25 60 Hamburgh — 13 7} 13 71 Paris Ditto .. 3 Months; 25 50 25 55 Marseilles Frankfort on Maine — 119 1191 Vienna Trieste Petetsbuigh —35 h Berlin ..- -- Madrid Cadiz Leghorn — 25 65 - - 5 -70 Milan — 25 65 25 70 Genoa — 25 65 25 70 Naples Palermo .. 25 67} 25 721 Messina . .. 25 67i 25_721 ___ Lisbon —52 - 521, Oporto — 52! 52i Foreign Gold in Bars (Standard), per oz £3 17 9 Mexican Dollars - - 0 5 6 Silver in Bars (Standard) South American Doubloons 0 0 () SPORTING INTELLIGENCE. CITY BETTING.—Tats EVENING. LIVERPOOL STEEPLECHASE. 16 to 1 agst Master Bagot (offered) 20 to 1 agst Northern Light (offered) 25 to 1 agst Brewer (taken) 30 to 1 agat Frank taken) 33 to 1 agst Medora (offered) CITY AND SUBURBAN. 25 to 1 agat Queen of Spain (taken) TWO THOUSAND GUINEAS. 100 to 8 agst Michael Scott (taken freely) ANOTHER OVERFLOW OF THE THAMES.—Yester day afternoon, at the three o'clock tide, another overflow of the river took place, flooding many of the streets, wharves, and premises on both sides of the Thames. Per sons wishing to pass from Lambeth Palace to Westminster were compelled to avail themselves of the New Lambeth bridge, or the boats which were plying at the foot of, the bridge, during the short time the flood prevailed. An elderly gentleman, in stepping into a boat, slipped, and fell into the river, but fortunately he was rescued without in jury save a ducking. It is somewhat remarkable that there should have been so many overflows of the river lately, but no doubt they are caused by the terrific storms of wind and rain which have prevailed. The damage done yesterday must have been very considerable, as the tide rose much higher than usual on these occasions. The surviving sufferer, Miss Hunt, remains in a state very favourable to the hope of recovery, no adverse symptoms having appeared. GREAT NORTHERN RAILWAY DIVIDEND.—The directors of this company have determined on re commending the proprietors at the general meeting on the 21st inst. to declare a dividend, for the half-year end ing the 31st December last, at the rate of £8 10s. per cent. per annum on the original stock of the company, giving for the half-year £4 ss. per cent. to the original stock, £3 per cent. to the B stock, and £5 10s. per cent. to the A stock. These rates will make the dividend for the whole year 1862 as follows, viz.:--£6 10s. per cent. on the original stock, £6 per cent. on the B stock, and £7 per cent. on the A stock. GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY DIVIDEND.--The directors of this company have decided on recommending to the proprietors, at the ensuing half-yearly meeting, a dividend at the rate of 3 per cent, per annum, leaving a balance of about £17,000 to be carried forward to the next half-year. MIDLAND RAILWAY DIVIDEND.—The directors go mpan gredov y leedr ci., h av e , , tii:a de .te cided on recommending to the pro prietors a dividend on the ordinary stock of the company, for the half-year ending the 31st of December last, at the of this rate of £6 10s. per cent. per annum. LANCASHIRE AND YORKSHIRE RAILWAY DIVI DEND.—At a meeting of directors of this company, held en Wednesday, it was decided to recommend the proprie tors, at their next meeting, to declare a dividend for the half-year, out of the net revenue, at the rate of 4 per cent. per annum, less income tax. BRISTOL AND EXETER RAILWAY DIVIDEND. — On Wednesday the directors of'this company decided upon meeting to declan a dividend, for the half year ending e e D oef e n c mt .. a 3 : l Br , iaa a nu t ai t :a li t e : rate of 5 per cent. per annum, carrying xrl forwards e i e oiG i 5 recommending ntbaei,dbinignlaentcloiefofprxo2p,r2i7e9to.rs at the ensuing general The Giant's Causeway, from Geelong, has brought fpettt3l ;: fv ae t q h u e itt e d. wSoiuthththEe o m Ben te u li rn Railway stock will be at the rate of 6 per sentenced to 18 months' the forthcoming dividend on three foreign sailors charged with Clinton, has been found guilty ment. The other nexpto policeman a il l Court issali.d, has granted a imprison ment. Countess v h . a t rs h b e e Earl ebees d i s o .. f decree l'he nisi Judgein thoe Limerick. Some important evidence , it covered relative to the murder of the It will be brought forward on the' examination of the prisoners. Importing Tea without colour on the le a f pre vents the Chinese passing off inferior leaves as i n the usual kinds. Horniman's Tea is uncoloured, therefor e , a l w ays • god alike. Sold in packets by 2,280 agents, LAW INTELLIGENCE--This Day. QUEEN'S BENCH. CLARE V. LORDS OP THE ADMIRALTY-PETITION OP RIGHTS. This case concluded to-day. The result was a verdict in favour of the Crown. CENTRAL CRIMINAL COURT.---This Day. OLD COURT. THE CASE or CAPTAIN MINTON. The jury this afternoon acquitted Captain Ruxton and John Bertie of the charges made against them. POLICE INTELLIGENCE—This Day. MARLBOROUGH-STREET. _ - - Peter M'Donald was charging with assaulting Elizabeth Beasley with a poker, in Princes •place, Newport-market. The complainant said, in consequence of a quarrel with her husband yesterday, the prisoner said he would give it her with a poker in the evening, and he kept his word. The defendant said complainant broke his window and knocked him down. The magistrate bound both parties over to keep the peace. 'WESTMINSTER. Thomas Warner was charged with picking pockets yes terday near the entrance to the Houses of Parliament. The time selected for operation was just as the Prince of Wales was leaving the House of Peers. A number of handkerchiefs were found concealed about his person.—Remanded. (Continued front Page One.) to attempt to follow him into a subject with which he is so much better acquainted than I am ; but there is one point upon which he naturally did not dwell in the mannerwhich I think it deserved, and that is the personal contribution which he has himself made of time and labour, to say nothing of munificent contribution, to alleviate the distress in Lan cashire. (Hear, hear.) It may be said that others have be stowed more time and more continuous labour to that object; but, however that may be, there was one thing desired which the noble earl has supplied. It was to be desired that what ever differences might at other times, and within the last 20 years, have existed between the manufacturing body of Lan cashire and the great landed interest of the country, those differences and divisions should be effaced by an act which would show the feelings of charity, of good feeling and good will which the landed interest entertained towards those engaged in manufactures, and that the great landed pro prietors should be bound together with the manufacturers and the great body of the working classes in one work of be nevolence and charity. No man's example for that purpose could be more powerful than that of the noble earl, and I must say I think the country owes him a great tribute of grati tude. (Cheers,) Having now, lam afraid, exhausted all the topics upon which I am happy to agree with the noble earl, I come to those upon which I differ from him, and in respect of which I must take exception to his remarks. He seems to think that I am disposed to meddle in everything. Now, oddly enough, it happens that, with regard to the United States, when we were asked to give advice, the Go veinment refused to give any advice whatever. Then, as to Mexico, where our co-operation was desired and invited, we declined to continue that co-operation, and are entirely free from any charge of interference or intervention in that country. I may also say, although it is a minor subject, but still connected with the great questions of the East, that during the fights and contests that took place last summer in Montenegro—although advice was given by France, by Russia, by Austria, and by Prussia—yet no advice was given by the Government this country. But the noble earl speaks of advice which we gave to Denmark and to the Pope of Rome. Of the nature of that advice I will speak presently, but I would first refer to some advice that was given in 1859 by the British Government of that day, if I am not misinformed. Every one who knew anything of the Italians in 1859 knew well that they had made up their minds to this course of policy—that if it should happen that in the event of a war their Sovereigns should take the popular side and engage in the war against Austria, those princes should retain their thrones, but otherwise they were determined to get rid of their Sovereigns. It appears, however, that advice was given by the British Government to the Grand Duke of Tuscany to resist the popular power, and to the King of Naples, to remain neutral. Both princes lost their thrones, and the Grand Duke of Tuscany went to the Austrian headquarters. The King of Naples preserved neutrality, but he was driven from his country and lost his throne. Now, it might not be intervention, it might not be interference, but certainly the advice of the noble earl had in that instance an effect most unfortunate for those to whom it was tendered. (A. laugh.) The noble earl seems to think the advice I gave to the King of Den mark was given without any provocation whatever. I must say the noble earl in that part of his speech showed a total ignorance of what has been passing of late years. I don't blame him for being ignorant of the facts, but cer tainly he has made many assertions and assumptions on that ignorance which are not easily justifiable. It did so happen that in 1861 the German Powers had almost deter mined on an "execution" in Holstein. That would have led them to the confines of Schleswig. The boundary had never been settled, and I thought the occupation by Ger man troops of a boundary t o unsettled, especially with the excitement which then prevailed on both sides, was likely to bring on war between Denmark and Germany, and that war might extend to other powers. Now, it may be a great fault, but I confess, since I held the Foreign office in very troubled times, I have felt exceedingly sensitive as to those circumstances that might bring about a rupture of the ge neral peace ; and I have endeavoured, it may be unsuccess fully perhaps too frequently, to prevent any chance of war by friendly advice given to one party or the other. My belief is that the advice which her Majesty's Government gave at that time was conducive to the peace of Europe, because it was settled at that time that, instead of an " exe cution," instead of the commencement of war, Germany and Denmark should negotiate together and endeavour to come to an agreement on points on which they differed. Towards the end of 1862. whey these negotiations had gone on with out conflict of arms, but with very bitter discussions on one side and the other, it appeared to me that there was no chance of an amicable termination of that correspondence, and I proposed what I thought perfectly compatible with the independence and integrity of Denmark. It so happened that they did not like my plan—they did not agree to it. My conviction is if they had agreed to it they would have been in a better and safer position than theyare at present, keep ing up so vexatious a quarrel, in which the feelings of Ger mans, though not at present very active, may at any time be aroused, and an immense body of Germans might be di rected to solve the question. Then the noble earl finds great fault with the advice he seems to think was very gratui tously given to the Pope. What happened was this :—Mr. Russell, being in Rome in the beginning of the summer, wished to return home before the unhealthy season. Just be fore he was coming away he received an intimation that the Pope wished to see him the next day, appointing the hour. Mr. Russell hid the honour of an audience with the Pope. The Pope spoke to him very much of Garibaldi being in Sicily, and, appearing to have considerable apprehensions of the state of Italy, he asked the question whether, if he sought an asylum in England, he might rely on our hospi tality. To this Mr, Russell replied that our hospitality was well known, and that we gave asylum to all who sought it. The Pope afterwards referred again to the subject, adding, "perhaps I may one day seek the hospitality of England." Now, the noble earl seemed very much surprised, but, for my part, I think nothing was so natural, because it was ob vious that if the Pope went to France, Austria, Spain, or any other Catholic country, in the first place there would be great jealousies among other Catholic Powers, and in the next place there is no Catholic Power that would net de mand from the Pope some privilege of appointing a bishop or some ecclesiastical change ; whereas if he went to any of her Majesty's dominions he might be quite sure that we would ask nothing of him from the beginning of the year to the end of it, we should not interfere with his perfect free dom, and he would thereby be more secure, more at liberty, than in almost any Catholic country. Certain it is that appeared to be the impression of the Pope. After that I certainly wrote a despatch recommending that course, be cause I thought it would relieve the Pope from the painful position in which he now stands, in which he, an Italian Prince, is opposed to the almost unanimous wish of the rest of Italy, and at the same time feels himself conscientiously bound to defend all the ancient powers and retain all the an cient territories belonging to the Holy See. I must say, how ever much I may wish the independence of Italy, I cannot help entertaining the greatest respect for the conscientious feelings of the Pope, and regret that ha should be exposed to trials to which he cannot conscientiously yield, but which must be painful, though nearly all his countrymen desit e a different course. Well, I wrote that despatch ; it was taken in very good part at Rome. Cardinal Antonelli thanked the British Government for the offer, and the Pope after wards personally thanked Mr. Russell for the offer made on the part of the British Government ; and the report made I by Mr. Russell was that it had produced the best feeling among those who sun ound the Pope, and who had hitherto considered us personally hostile to him. "Non obtusa adeo gestamus pectora Peeni." While I could do so without sacrificing the opinions of the Government with respect to the independence of Italy, I was glad to have given to that venerable man the comfort able assurance that he might resort to the hospitality of England. (Hear, hear.) The noble earl appears to think that we have submitted to very strong language from Franoe and Russia in order to give up the candidature of Prince Alfred : but nothing was further from the truth. The fact was we were the first to propose a joint declaration that none of the princes belonging to any of the protecting Powers should be capable of accepting or wearing the crown of Greece. It was naturally asked at the same time of the Russian Government whether the Duke of Leuchtenburg, who had been brought up at St. Petersburg as a Russian Prince, who appeared in their almanacks as part of the Im perial family, and was to all intents and purposes part of it, would be excluded by the protocol of 1830. The answer was there were critical doubts about it. We then said if we were to have a protocol of exclusion, it must not be merely operative against the Royal Family of England, but must also De operative against the Imperial family of Russia. We were not prepared to sign anything which applied to Prince Alfred that did not apply to Prince Leuchtenberg. (Hear, hear.) Whereupon that negotiation ceased—at least for some time. It appeared to me that the proper course was to leave the Greeks entirely free to take their own course in the first instance, andreserve our objections. The consequence of that policy was that after a time the Russian Ambassador at her Majesty's Court informed me that he was ready to sign a note excluding Prince Leuchtenberg on the one side, provided her Majesty would exclude Prince Alfred on the other. It appeared to me that to have left matters depend ing upon an uncertain and unintelligible protocol would have enabled the Russian Government to propose the Duke of Leuchtenberg, and we might have had complications, but by the understanding come to the princes of all the three families were excluded. When the noble earl comes to the subject of the lonian Islands, I confess that I differ from him in tole b o th as t o hi s history, his facts,he first and his principles. Th e no bl e e arl admitted in instance that the lonian Islands were notirea par t of the dominions of her Majesty; but he ens. ly Now,forgot t that fact in all the rest of his oblvrvaent t i to onG reat Bri what is the history of this prote ctorate tain ? I have heard it orally frkonmew all a lamlamented friend of mine, th happened at the the late Lord Beauvale, h Congress of Vienna, andwlheave found all that he said con firmed in the protocols and treaties of that Congress. As the noble earl has said, six of these islands were then i n the possess ion of Great B ritain, having been acquired by her own arms, and the other was temporarily held by another Power. The Austrian Government offered, as they were in a position affecting the tranquillity of the Adriati c coast, to undertake the government of these islands, securing to the islanders the enjoyment of their own privileges. But it hap pened that at the time the voice of Russia was Very power fol. The results of the campaign h a d g i ven the Emperor lAlexander very great influence with the Congress, and Count Capo d'lstrias, a Minister in that Emperor's confi dence, who had a patriotic feeling in favour of the nation ality of the Greeks, suggested, when Austria made her proposal, that the lonian Islands should be maintained in all their privileges as a free State under the protection of Great Britain. He said that the institutions of Austria did not give any promise of freedom to the lonian Islands, but he admired British institutions, and wished the lonians to have the benefit of them. The consequence of that decla ration and that interference of Russia was a treaty in which it was said that Great Britain should have the fortress of Corfu, to give her power in the Mediterranean ? Nothing of the kind. It said that the lonian Islands, naming each island, should form one single, free, and independent State, under the name of the Republic of the lonian Islands. So that it is by no moans a possession of Great Britain or any part of the Queen's dominions—but is, by that treaty of 1815, a free and independent State. Well, what becomes of all the argument, if I may call it so, about the impor tance of the fortress and the position? My opinion is, that having adopted a trust, having made yourselves the pro tectors of this free and independent State, you are bound to look to the welfare of the lonians. Above all that you are bound to dischaige your duty faithfully and conscien tiously towards that free and independent Republic. I believe the importance of Corfu is very much exaggerated. But if you were to say, " We care nothing about the wishes of the lonian Islands, but what we do care about is a for tress for ourselves, what we do care about is a harbour for Great Britain." I believe that all Europe would cry out upon you for that declaration, and those who gave you that trust would say "You have perverted the solemn trust confided to you, and that which ought to have been treated according to the original terms of the stipulation for the benefit of the lonians you have considered only as a part of the strength of your dominions." (Hear, hear.) Because, that was the whole gist of the noble earl's remarks. He never spoke for a moment about the lonians or their wishes. The Earl of DERBY, in explanation, was understood to say that he had referred to their being consulted. Earl RUSSELL—That is exactly what we are going to do. We mean to consult them. Moreover, this is a matter which also requires consideration from the other Powers. We say first to the lonians, "If you, on the meeting of your Parliament, to be convened for the purpose, shall declare (as once or twice they have irregularly done) that Greece being now an independent kingdom we wish to belong to Greece," then we shall consult the other Powers of Europe who were partips to the original treaty as to what should be done, and whetivir, it being the wish of the lonian Islands to be joined to Greece they ought not to be so joined. If it is clearly the desire of the Islands, as it is very possible it may be, notwithstanding the symptoms that have from time to time been exhibited, if it is their desire to enjoy the benefits of the protection of Great Britain, which I think are very great, tending to civilisation, then one consequence of this will be that we shall be freo from the reproach which is cast upon us from every side—that while in every corner of Europe we profess such liberal principles, while we profess that Italy ought to be independent and free to control its own concerns, we coerce and oppress the lonian Islanders, who wish to be released from our rule. (Hear, hear.) These islands being no dependency of the British Crown and no part of the British dominions, if they fairly and deliberately declare their desire for union with Greece, I maintain, that be the advantages of our having a fortress in the Mediterranean what they may, it does not belong to the character of this great country to say that it will keep them in subjection, although they wish to be free and are entitled to be so. (Hear, hear.) The noble earl may laugh at this whole question if he likes ; but I confess that to see two countries, to which such great recollections belong as Greece and Italy, rising again into freedom, independence, and happiness, is a great pleasure to me—(hear, hear)—and it would, I think, be a great glory to the Government of Great Britain to have contributed to such a result. This is not a new policy, but one that has been pursued by the statesmen of this country for generations. Our conduct in regard to Holland, Portugal, Greece, and Belgium in past times bears evidence to the exertions of Great Britain to wards the establishmentof free and independent communi ties. That is our true policy; and the extension of our em pire is not so valuable to us as this extension of free and independent nations, which, having the support of Great Britain, there is no chance of that single despotic dominion by which Europe has more than once been oppressed. (Hear, hear.) Your lordships will be better able to judge of these matters when you have read . the papers which will be laid before you. My lords, if the noble earl opposite and my noble friend behind me have been unable to go through this debate without paying some tribute to the memory of Lord Lansdowne, T feel that it is impossible for me, who has been so long connected with him in friendship and by political ties, to omit the mention of his name. (Hear.) The recol lection of his life is one of no ordinary character. It is the recollection of a life pure, honoured, and respected—known to this house by combined wisdom, moderation, dignity, and courtesy—known to the public at large by the many ser vices which he contributed to the legislation and the' insti tutions of his country. (Hear, hear.) My lords, I hope that a spirit like his may preside over your lordships' de- iberations. His spirit was this, that while he dearly loved the Constitution he was a friend to every improvement every well-considered advance that could be made in our institutions. So that as a steadfast friend of the Constitu tion, that Constitution would never suffer in his hand, nor the cause of sound progress be impeded. 'When your lord ships consider the great measures which have been passed with his assistance and co-operation, some of them affect ing the rights of Protestant Dissenters, Roman Catholics, Jews, and relating to matters of religious belief; others, like free trade and the repeal of the Coin Laws, deeply affecting material interests; others, like the Reform Act, affecting the balance of political power in this country—l think you will admit that the spirit which animated Lord Lansdowne is the spirit which ought to animate all who take part in the proceedings of your lordships' house. (Hear.) - - - - . , The Earl of DIALMESBURY cordially agreed with the last words of the noble lord in reference to the la mented nobleman who had been so recently taken from them. He hoped that all future leaders of the Government in that house would attempt to imitate the late Lord Lansdowne as nearly as possible. It would be superfluous for him to enter into the feelings already expressed with respect to the auspi cious event announced in the first part of the Speech ; and he would not have trespassed at all on their lordships if it had not been for some observations of the noble earl in an swer to his noble friend on that side of the house. Before, however, he alluded to those observations, he wished to say that he entirely agreed in the noble lord's policy with re gard to the Americaa war. He entirely agreed that he could not recognise the Southern States without going further, and insisting on raising the blockade. But though he en tirely agreed in that part of the noble earl's policy, ho could not go so far as to think that his policy was right as to the offer of mediation by the French Government. He thought 1 it was our duty as a Christian people, as a Christian nation, 1 being of the same religion and of the same blood and speak.. ing the same language as the Americans, to do whatever was possible to stop the struggle which was going on, pro vided we did not place ourselves in a position of risking our neutrality, or incurring any dishonour. He could not con ceive, if they recollected what the proposition of the French Emperor was, that any harm would have arisen to the Go vernment of this country, by joining in that proposition, If it had succeeded it would have been to the everlasting credit of this country; it would have been a most credit able page in our history. If it had failed, if the Northern States had refused our propos ition he did not this why that should have been attende d b y detriment to . country. Even if it had been received with insult, no in- i sult ought to be cared for w hich did not bring with it dishonour. (Hear, hear.) It would not have brought dishonour with it, but credit; and notwithstanding what the noble lord had said, he did not feel convinced that it would not have succeeded. I t seemed against common sense and probability that in a country inhabited by millions, and cursed by the misfortunes and horrors of civil war, there should not be hundreds of thousands,form ing a peace party in that country, who would not welcome peace if they could get it with honour, who would even be glad of excuses, and who sacrifice a little pride if you would only hold out a hand and give them a chance of grasping it. This, he thought, was common sense, and he could not think why the noble earl could not have joined the French Emperor. The Emperor of the French had adhered to his purpose. Alone, and of his own accord, he had renewed the effort to stop the war. If he succeeded he would have plucked from us one of the greatest opportunities we ever had for distinguishing the Government of this country. He would express his sincere hope that the noble lord, though he had been baffled—and he knew he had been baffied—in treating with so extraordinary a people as those of the United States, or rather the Government, would in the end succeed. He knew he had attempted by his advice, and the progress of public opinion in this country and Eulepe ila tS mitigate some of the horrors that were going on. He no doubt he had done so, and that he wouldbeieabLeutot wieehthow. it by the papers which he would lay on thetabl - - 15 out distressing their lordships by enumeratingiMiens, be should horrors, unparalleled even by barbarousas aware of what was some of the like to know whether the noble lord w p tof the United States a diabolical act of cruelty coarntrary to the common Government. That Goveronnnitheyneetn; in the remotest times of law of war, and all precedent, had d eclarede that all medicines and ignorance and barbarism, re contraband of war, in enemy his w e t a ° tortures 1 h r e: r , surgical instrunient 6 _ w ou e n d e d enemy was still an eand lish implying thata 7 ) atin T g hat that they were notlirtiff(Hedeainr, hmeiatirg. horrid seeking to save his - the public condemnation of lizedan act that it require d in Europe. He now came to Government that part of the noble ear h . h ls speech in w ic he taunted his noble friend behind him, who had properly rebuked him for the offi cious advice he gave on all and every occasion,with having done the same thing himself. He taunted his noble friend with having been equally fidgetty and officious in giving a dvice on every pos s ibl e occas i on, and he quoted as an instance the advice given by his Government to the King of Naples and th e G ran d D uke of Tuscany,which he said amounted to this—" Don't t a k e part in any war or em broils yourself in any - dispute between Austria, Piedmont, and Prance but quietly remain at home governing your subjects and not meddling with others." In the first place he did not recollect such advice being given to Tuscany, but he knew it was given to Naples. He thought it was sound advice to tell any one to look after his own business, and not interfere with that of other people ; but there was a great difference between that:and the advice given to Italy, the Pope, and Denmark. (Hear, hear.) Besides, the King of Naples asked for their advice, which mode a great die. ference. (Hear, hear.) The advice which the government of which he was a member gave to the Italian sovereigns was given in the hope of forming a congress of powers in Europe. (Hear, hear.) That could hardly be called an officious act, whose obj e ct was by th e most peaceable means, .„0„, to avert war. But th e a d v i ce given to the King or x , e mark was not. only unasked but it was extraordinary n- I L b De cause it was contradictory to the advice tend ered to t MARKETS—This Day. MARK LANE. The supply of home •grown wheat on sale here to-day was very moderate, and the greater portion came to hand in but middling condiion. Generally speaking, the de mand ruled inactive, yet no change took place in prices compared with Monday. With foreign wheat the market was fairly supplied. In most descriptions a limited business was transacted at pre vious quotations. Floating cargoes of grain were in fair request at late rates. Malting barley was very firm, and its value was fully supported. Grinding and distilling qualities changed hands steadily at full prices. Malt met with a sluggish trade ce -former terms. Oats—the supply of which wad. "very small—ruled firm, and good and fine parcels were somewhat dearer than on Monday. Beans and peas were in slow request at Monday's cur rency. For flour there was a very modorate demand. In prices, however, no alteration took place. ARRIVALS THIS WEEK. : Wheat. Barley. Malt. Oats. Flour. :gnash— 910 1 320 i 720 I . 340 Irish.. — 110 - - Foreign.. .. , 6 ,030 4,740 3,190 240 sack . 11,660 brls NEIVGATE AND LEA.DENHALL. The supply of Scotch and town-killed meat on offer is moderately extensive, but the trade rules firm, and prices are well supported. Per 81b. by the carcase. s aßd Inferior beef .. 2 6 2 10 diddling do. .. 3 0 3 6 Frirne large do. 3 8 3 10 Do. small d 0... 4 0 4 2 Large pork 3 6 4 0 Inferior mutton. 3 2 3 6 Fided Middlingmutten 3 8 4 2 Prime d 0....... 4 4 4 6 Yea) .......... 3 8 4 4 Small pork 4 2 4 6 Lamb ........ 0 0 0 0 BOROUGH SOP. Our market is extensively supplied with American hops, for which the trade rules heavy on easier te rms . O t h er foreign produce is a dull inquiry at droopi/tg p r i ces. A s re gards home-grown qualities, the demand is mostly confined to the best samples at late rates, whilst inferior descriptions may be had at reduced quotations. Mid and East Dents 7os to 180 s per cwt. Weald of Dents Sussex . B os to 140 s Bavarian American B4s to 105 s 77 )1 COLONIAL. TEA,---There has been a fair demand for most desetip tions, and at the public sales which terminated yesterday, full rates were obtained for good ,and fine qualities. SUGAIL—The market has continued moderately active, and previous prices have been fully sustained for good grocery descriptions. In the refined market there is no material alteration to report. COFFEE.—A moderate amount of business has been done in both plantation and native Ceylon, and prices have been steadily maintained. The Law of Contracts in India. Contracts in India are, of course, precisely what contracts are in England, with two very important exceptions. Every native workman is always under contract, ane not one workman in 60 can read the contract he signs. The sys tem works in this way. Suppose an employer wants a dozen chairs, or a few thousands of bricks, or a few hun dredweight of rice, he calls up the carpenter, or brickmaker, or peasant, and offers him a set price, to produce at a future time the article required., haggling foi a few hou rs the wor riedto_mst liathe former case, asks an " advance" in cash from his would-be em ployer. He has no capital, or says he has none, to buy wood or find firing, or live while his crop is growing; and if he had it would be contrary to his principles to trust any body's promise to pay. The employer agrees, pays the spe cified sum, usually half value, an agreement is written, but not read, and the peasant departs to spend the money re ceived on a quasi-religious, quasi -domestic festival. Ha ving spent it, he, if inclined to work, borrows some more from the native money •lender, pledging his " job" as se curity, and saves the interest by using inferior wood, or half -burning his bricks, or putting a little sand into the weight of rice delivered to his employer. Very often, how• ever, particularly if the contract covers a little period, he is disinclined to perform it, wearies of working a dead horse, and puts his employer off with stories which, if ad dressed to a native, display a wonderful fertility in lying, or, if addressed to a European, are always intensely pa thetic. The employer, whose trade depends upon punc tuality, scolds or threatens, or, if a wonderfully reasonable man, asks for his money back. The workman never dreams of refusing or resisting, or even demurring, and promises the money with delicious unction, but never pays or intends to make an effort to pay. Pincers would not squeeze the money out of him ; he had rather, if he must, perform the work, but till he must, he will placidly decline doing any thing, and call all his gods to witness that his house was burnt down last week, and his wife gave him twins yester day. The remedy for conduct like that in England would be very speedily applied. The County Court would amerce the defaulter in the amount of his debt, plus damages plus msts, and there would be an end of the matter. But in India there are in the interior no County Courts, the Judge's Court is usually 40 miles off, and the system of pro cedure is the old Equity system in England—a judgment on written pleadings (all written on stamped paper), the Indian Government selling justice as dear as it dare), and an easy case takes about six months to decide. During that period witnesses have to be conveyed over the distance perhaps ten times, lawyers to be fed, and the police to be conci liated, or they will worry the witnesses into absconding; then a second suit must be instituted for the execution of the judge's decree, and then —the workman has assigned all his property to his brother-in-law and disappeared for a year. Imagine a cotton -grower with 6,000 suits like that ! The Anglo-Indians, official and otherwise, resolve to remedy this state of affairs, but not precisely after the English fashion. Englishmen would have made County Courts cheap and common, and coerced defaulters into honesty by fear of a mild but inevitable application of law. There was not the faintest objection to this course, as the six or eight county courts already established work admirably and already pay their expenses ; but this did not suit either the colonial habit of violent thought or the Home Government's dread of expense. It was resolved, for the sake of at once display ing energy and maintaining thrift, to cure a boil by actual cautery. A bill was introduced giving the magistrates sum mary jurisdiction over every workman who broke his con tract, with power to imprison for six months, and then make him work the agreement out. Very satisfactory that, thought the employer, and so it might be in England, where courts are always honest, and workmen can usually read. But in India no one workman in a thousand can read; he is wholly in the hands of his employer's writer, invariably a rascal ; he has no power of resisting advances any more than a parrot has of resisting sugar, and he is subject to the very worst gang of scoundrels known to exist upon earth as an organised body—the Indian native police. There is :ao language we can employ to describe this body which will exceed in severity the language used by their own Go vernment, Sir F. Halliday, for instance, affirming in an official report that they committed more than half the crime of the country. To make breach of contract penal is there fore to place a workman, for violation of an agreement which he cannot read, binding him to pay sums with which he was tempted, in the hands of men armed with the whole strength of the Government, corrupt beyond all experience of European corruption, and cruel as they were described to be in the official " Torture Report" of Madras. It is serfage and nothing less which such a law would produce, and Sir Charles Wood in angrily prohibiting it did his duty as completely as he neglected it when he failed to authorise adequate County courts. The Indian Government obeyed, of course, but proposed a new bill. We cannot find the draught of this measure, but, from the language employed in debate, it appears to have provided a civil procedure, but levied the resulting damages by criminal process. In other words, it abolished the swift certainty of the first law, but still handed over the people to the tender mercies of the polio and Sir Charles Wood prohibited that also. He was right. We say deliberately, writing lem swetitthfuelnl t in India,belieinth it is better necessity th for that rt such Indian e encouragingle Europeanment should e n d, our Indian trade decay, or ou sett Empire perish, th an th at any such law s h ou ld remain five years upon the statute book. At the en d of that time a hu ndred millions of labourers now free would be simply slaves, and a war of vengeance, to which the mu hwaorulleds N b V e oo o d rg h a a n s is dinisgplayed the instinct in every district. tlinn irejecting ai it j s o i k r e c , which belongs to the statesman of a free people, as well as the humanity which ou g ht to be the first principle of a Go vernment so terribly resistless as that of Inclia.-speetak r • mark before. In a despatch dated Dec. 8, 1860, the nob Ie earl acknowledged that Scbleswig was a Danish duchy, and that the German confederation had no right to interfere in its administration; but now he adopted the German view of the question, and gave advice to Denmark which would alter the whole constitution as regarded Schleswig. He also disagreed with the style in which the noble lord had addressed Denmark. Denmark was an independent coun try, it was a mere ancient country than ours, some of its monarchs having sat on the English throne, and through all changes it had maintained its independence. Such a country ought to have been treated with great respect by the noble earl, but he had not treated it with respect. He had used one language to Denmark and another to the Pope. With regard to Greece, he was astonished at the course which the government had taken on that subject. If diplo matic contracts existed which prevented the acceptance of the throne by Prince Alfred the government ought to have immediately declared that such was the case. (Hear, hear.) That would have been more respectful to the royal family of England and to Greece. By not at once making that declaration they acted unfairly and cruelly to the Grecian people, because every day's delay was equivalent to a day's anarchy in that country. Information received from Greece showed that anarchy was beginning, and if the question was not quickly settled it w as i mpossible to say what would oc cur. er Withvery respect eabro,l fly, not and to dismay. he the confessedel iean he said heard him lslandsheea wasr the go innogh with noble gi‘e l or . d con siderablespok spoke ev up the lonian Island s b ecause we had been taunted by the various nations of Europe that England held them for selfish. purposes. Now Corfu was one of the best ports of the Me diterranean,and the strongest fortress ; and if the noble earl was to be influenced by such taunts, the same thing might be said of Gibraltar and Malta. (Hear.) Corfu could not be defended by the Greeks, and if given up by England would inevitably fall into the h an d s of France or Russia. Because they and their predecessors had mismanaged the islands that was reason for giving them up. Earl GREY said he did not share the regret of the noble earl opposite that the Government did not accept the overture of France with regard to mediation in the American war, The South insisted upon independence, the North insisted upon the restoration of the Union; and it was obvious that any proposition which could be proposed would be rejected. Nothing could be gained by the propo sal; and, on the other hand, it would excite greater hosti lity towards this country. (Hear.) With regard to the cession of the lonian Islands, he did not agree with the noble earl that:there was any necessity for the consent of Parliament to the measure. He thought if anything was better understood than another it was that the Crown had an undoubted right to make treaties with foreign Powers. It had been observed that the surrender of the lonian Islands might, in the event of war, entail great disadvan tages upon this country. He, on the contrary, thought the retention of them would be injurious to Great Britain. The period which had been referred to had no application to the present time. There had been no steamships in those days, but now troops could be conveyed and concentrated nt a given place with astonishing rapidity. He had heard nothing said of the advantage that would be conferred on the islands by having them merged in the new kingdom of Greece ; for it should be remembered that the islands had been entrusted to this country for their benefit, and not for the benefit of England. (Hear, hear.) This.country received no tribute from the lonian islands. 'But his noble friend the Secretary of State had told them that the cession was only to take place under certain conditions, and under these circumstances he thought it very desirable that they should be ceded to the new kingdom of Greece. (Hear, hear.) The Earl of CARNARYON hoped that the cession of the lonian. Islands would not be completed without further consideration. The noble earl (Russell) based the policy of the cession upon the wishes of the lonians, making little of the importance of the harbours which these islands afforded to Great Britain. But the modern improvement in shipping rendered coal depots very important. (Hear, hear.) They were bound to have good reasons shown for the cession. It was not justifiable upon economical or political grounds. He contended that it was not competent for Great, Britain to resign the trust to the people of the 'lonian. islands. The Government was bound to resign the trust into the hands cf the great Powers who had placed it in the keeping of Great Britain. The lonian Islands were described as a single, free, and independent State in the treaties which placed them under the protectorate of this country. But what would they lie if ceded to this unknown, untreated, impal pable Power which was called Greece ? (Hear, hear.) Would that cession be agreeable to any Power ? There were many who believed that it would rather be a cession of Greece to the lonian Island than of the lonian Islands to Greece. Would Turkey like it ? Would it not rather look upon such an accession of power to Greece as a threat and a danger? In the late correspondence with the Russian Government the noble earl started a candidate of his own. Earl RUSSELL—I beg the noble lord's pardon. I never started anybody. (A laugh.) The Earl of CARN A RVON said that probably the noble earl did not actually put forward a candidate, but he cleared the way for a British prince to be put in nomination, and it was by that means he compelled the Russian Government to come into his views. (Hear, hear.) Then the King of Portugal was put forward without any attempt being made to find out whether or not the King of Portugal would ac cept the throne. Upon his Majesty's refusal the Prince of Saxe Coburg was put forward, and now it seemed that ho also would not accept the gift. Lord WODEHOUSE said that the noble earl had scarcely stated the question fairly. He thought there was a very distinct difference between our tenure of the lonian Islands and the tenure of possession which we had in colo nies ftnd dependencies of the British Crown. The Address was then agreed to. Lord EI3URY laid a bill on the table to amend the Act of Uniformity. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS---Last Evening. THE A DRESS. (Continued front The Sun of last Evening,) The SPEAKER then read the Address. Mr. DISRAELI rose and said—Mr. Speaker, I am sure that there is no passage in the speech of the Lords Com missioners which will be read with more complete and more cordial sympathy by this house than the persuasion which is in that speech expressed by the command of her Majesty that this house will sympathise with the sentiments which her Majesty feels in so interesting an event as the marriage of the heir apparent of these realms. (Hear, hear.) Sir, there was a time when Royal marriages were the perplexity of politicians, and it was supposed that by the adroit nego tiations of such transactions you might even change, and certainly that you might affect in some degree even the balance of power. These times happily are for ever passed away. (Hear, hear.) But it would be, lam sure, a great error to believe that in a country like England, where happily domestic affections are cherished and venerated, Royal marriages may not conduce directly to the power and influence of a Prince. (Hear.) We have seen iu our time and in this country what may be the effect in this respect of a Royal marriage. His sovereign parent offers to his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales an exam ple which, if followed, will, I am sure, endear him to the hearts of all Englishmen. (Hear.) And lam equally con fident, that, at this moment, he will not forget that other parent whose loss a year ago in this house we had to mourn —(hear)—who built up a Roy al house upon the principle of household love, and who yet, by his refined and profound intelligence, elevated it above the majesty of thrones. (Rear.) Sir, there is also another topic in the Speech in which this house must deeply sympathise—with the com munication which has been made this day by command of her Majesty from the throne—that is, with regard to the feelings of sympathy which we must all share with that por tion of our fellow-countrymen who have been subjected of late to so great a vicissitude in their fortunes. (Hear.) But when we remember the fortitude with which they have en countered that great visitation—when we remember the spirit with which our suffering fellow -subjects have been sustained—l think that there is, if I may so express it, some moral compensation arising to the country for their teand if so, it may prove, as I hope and trust it a will rin prove, h e s ounder and more permanent prosperity of that commu mpl losses; ve, that ultimately these trials may co n d uce t o t commu nity. I hope we may be justified in treating this great visitation rather es a misfortune than as a calamity. (Hear.) Sir, I will not stop to panygerise the conduct of any parti cular class, I will not offer now a needless though perhaps it might be a wholesome tribute of admiration and approval to any particular body of her Majesty's subjects, but in this perilous trial there has been a good cheer for England, and that in my opinion is a convincing proof furnished us of that 1 mutual trust and that entire affection which subsists among all classes of her Majesty's subjects, and which indicates, whatever may be the form of our Government, the existence of a real commonwealth. Sir, if even that question had not been touched upon in the Speech of the Royal Commissioners to-day, it would be impossible, on the re-assembling of Par liament, after such events, to avoid the inquiry, what pros pect there is of the cessation of these great misfortune Her Majesty has not felt herself justifiedin n offering causes of Parliament any prospect of any terminationow of that there is of these difficulties. (Hear, hear. Persons will admit charac ter of contemporary events, though own part, I am bound to say, /me more valuable o sta and nothing more difficult than to askrtailnpthet precise at has . subsequently . occurred has the first—mod that conviction—l have always looked pthoalittitchianeres.i,s(Hnoeakrn.r i.,...-;.emy that which is occurring in America in the light of a upon lution—and of a great revolution , o fr nl om y confirme d . (Hear.) Great re volutions, whatever may be the alleged causes of them, are not likely to commence or conclude with precipitation. Be fore the civil war commenced th e U n i te d States of America be colonies should because forget indepen dent. u n -_, c ; e a a s n e d to w b e n w t e t r i e e s c d o 1 0 0 n n i o e t s dent. They were not only colonies but they were colo nising, and they existed under all conditions of colonial life except that of mere political dependence. But for several years I think that all unimpassioned observers must have been conscious that in that community there were smoul dering elements which indicated the possibility of a change, and, perhaps, of a violent change. The immense increase of population—the still greater increase, perhaps, of wealth, the intreduction of foreign races in large numbers as citi zens, not brought up under the laws and customs which were, perhaps, adapted to a more limited and a perfectly homogeneous race—the character of that political constitu tion which, in its practice, in consequence of this introduc tion, because almost impracticable—the absence of any theory of ambition to the refined and educated intellects of the country, which deteriorated the public spirit and lowered the public morality, and, above all, the increasing i n g u . 1 enco of the United States in the political fortunes of Eur n2a —these were all circumstances which indicated the more tha n possibility that the mere adonis,' character of these com munities might suddenly add violently be subverted, an d those politica l c h ar acteristics appear which seem t o b e t h e destiny of man . (Hear. hear.) I cannot c oncea l f rom my self the conviction that when those who in this house may be young enough to live to witness the ultimate conclu sion and consequences of this civil war—l cannot but believe that the America which they will then recognise when the waters have subsided will be a different America to that which was known to our forefathers, or even to this generation, of which we have had so much ex perience. (Hear, hear.) It will, I believe, be an America of armies; it will be an America of diplomacy; it will be a 1 VI I 14 . dere the Ara- k by that the that ight has con- Dree. 5. cart ;ury. 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