The Sun. — London, England, 1833-10-03 00:00:00

•'-`f!rl.l , ll . fr SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS• Her most faithful Majesty arrived in the Tagus on the 22d ult., and as the whole coast, together with the entry into that magnificent river, is commanded by her fleet under Admiral Napier, there was neither difficulty nor danger n reaching her capital. Though even in the heat of civil war, it must have been gratifying to her Majesty to find herself s urrounded with a loyal and devoted people, —to be hailed as the pledge of their approaching deliverance and future freedom,—and to think that her presence may accelerate the restoration of order and tran quillity in her dominions, by convincing her enemies of the hopelessness of their continued resistance. The novelty of the scene, in which she was to act so conspicuous a part, must like wise have had its grateful influence over her mind. Though she has been for seven years Queen of Portugal, she has never till now visited its shores, and the sight of one of the most picturesque cities in the world, pouring, forth its inhabitants to welcome her entry, could not fail to make a deep impression on her youthful feelings. The enthusiasm of the people was perhaps heightened and rendered more gratifying by the flattering reception given her by her high officers of state, by her naval and military commanders, and by the diplomatic representatives of her allies. Po licy counselled that she should parade the streets to show herself for the first time to her subjects; and a regard for the religion of the state made it advisable that she should offer up her thanks in the Cathedral for her safe arrival and recent triumphs. These political and pious duties she fulfilled on her disembark ation on the 23d ult., to the immense satisfac tion of a loyal and a superstitious people. But a fact more decisive of the success of her own arrival is to be found in the resignation of Bourmont. This officer, with all his French comrades, has retired from the command of the Usurper's forces, and is either about to pass into Spain or to embark for England. Thus La Vendee has separated itself from Portuguese ab solutism, and Don Miguel has in consequence neither a military staff nor a Minister of War to direct him. The immediate cause of this sudden and unexpected resolution on the part of the Royalist French officers remains still unex plained ; but the fact itself seems as undoubted as its effect must be fatally important. It is now known that Don Miguel's forces had sus tained another repulse ( n the 14th ult., and it is stated on good authority that several thou sands of his troops had deserted to his brother's standard. After such repeated defeats, and with such uncertain forces, the French Marshal may have seen that the cause was hopeless, and re solved to abandon a standard under which he could expect to encounter nothing but disgrace. If such was the real motive of his resignation, his conduct gives a verdict against the suc cess of the Usurper, which must be consi dered as solemn and final ; for it is evi dent, that without the military talents ich Bourmont displayed, or the confidence which he inspired, the contest must have ended with the capture of Lisbon, and the repulse before Oporto, in the end of July, or at least two months ago. Don Miguel had then evi dently not an officer of his own on whom he could rely for attempting to retrieve his des perate fortune ; otherwise, having resisted the employment of foreigners so long, he would never have consented at last to intrust a French general with the direction of his affairs as Mi nister of War, and with the command of his troops in the field as Commander-in-Chief of his army. In such circumstances, and after Bourmont has failed, it would be madness in any of the inexperienced native officers of Don Miguel to hope for success. It is very possible that seeing the hopelessness of ultimately retak ing Lisbon, defended as it now is on the river and on the land side, and that refusing to renew a fruitless attack, the French officers may have met with such cause of mortification or disgust on the part of their self-sufficient and ignorant allies, as determined them to a more speedy abandonment of their ill-disciplined camp. This, however, is only conjecture, though it is not rare to find in circumstances like those of the Nliguelite faction presumption vying with im becility, and the jealousy of foreign assistance as powerful as the fear of unaided defeat. Being deserted by the French officers, whose assistance alone has enabled him to collect his forces around Lisbon, Don Miguel must either now capitulate or retire into the interior, and rely for support upon his monks. If he resolves to hold out much longer, and to devastate the country by a guerilla warfare, his sole dependence must be on the " regular" troops of the convents and the cathedrals. He might levy from among them an army of about 25,000 men, and might reckon upon their revenues for the supply of his mili tary chest. On his return to Portugal in 1828, they hailed him as the " Archangel Michael" (Miguel), sent to destroy "the hydra" of revo lution, irreligion, freedom, and freemasonry. With what pathetic lamentations, and even blasphemous reproaches, must their pulpits now resound, when this said " hydra" has got the better of their angelic champion ! In the works of Father Vieyra, a celebrated Portuguese Jesuit, who visited the Brazils between the years 1640 and 1654, and was present during the Dutch in vasion of that Portuguese colony, we find a sermon, which, in spirit and language, will very probably be imitated, if it is not exactly copied, by the monkish friends of the Usurper in this their hour of despair and tribulation. Father Vieyra, like the present Portuguese friars, represented the whole of the war then carrying on between the Dutch and his countrymen as a contest between heresy and the Catholic faith, and blasphemously asks the Almighty if lie wishes to desert his own true lie?leving people, and to take the part of infidels? Ile asks, in fact, whether he wishes to be a Dutch God, instead of the supporter of the true religion ? If we had room, we would quote a few passages, which we have translated, as curious specimens of the eloquence which now resounds in the pulpits of more than a thousand chapels, from the Minho to the Tagus,but the following following must suffice : " But since, 0 Lord, you so desire awl ordain it, do that which i s p l eas i ng in your sight. Hand over to the Dutch, Brazil—deliver upthe to them lndies and the Spanish territories (for the consequences which mus• follow the loss of Brazil are not less dangerous)—give to them all that we hold and possesspiyou have h already d given them so great a part)_ac (Mince in ti w hole of the woad—and as for 111, the Portuguese ans the a Spanish, desert us , repu d i a te us , reject and abandon us But I only wishyour Majesty to consider th a t t h e t i me . may come when those whom you now reject and cast off you may want, and not be able to find.—Time s . The revising barristers appointed annually, in virtue of the Reform Act, to examine anti rectify the lists of freeholders, or county voters, are now on their circuit, or holding their courts in every district of the kingdom. The intention of the Legislature in making this provision of a new temporary set of judges was avowedly to secure the purity and comprehensiveness of the roll of voters. The electoral instrument is thus to be kept in constant repair with all its efficiency, and is to be ready for use at any period when a general or partial appeal to the people may require its employment. It is, of course, not only the qualification of the names on the existing lists which the barristers have to determine, on the complaint, remonstrance, or information of hostile parties, but the rights of new claimants to the enjoyment of electoral privileges. People entitled to a vote, therefore, have themselves to blame if, after due notice, they surrender their place on the roll, and thus deprive themselves of an important political power. A voluntary exclusion from the register, when parties have a right to be placed upon it, should be felt as a disgrace—manifesting, as it does, an indifference to the state of the country, and to the chances of serving its best interests, by the discharge of a political duty. The parish overseers, not yet accus tomed to the working of the Reform Act, may at first he remiss or ill-informed with respect to their functions, leaving names on the list which have lost their title to a suffrage, and omitting others which have acquired a new right ; but no neglect of this kind should be allowed to create or to disfranchise an elector ; every man entitled to a vote should himself see that his name is regis tered, and every man who can lawfully dispute the title of his neighbour to the place which he occupies, should take care that the intrusive name is expunged. The law of the land has provided a legal machinery for these express objects. Nor let indolence shelter itself under the shallow pretence that it is unnecessary to look after the registration this year, because a general election is not likely to occur during the course of the next twelve months. In the present state of this country and of Europe, it would be hazardous to become answerable for the result of such an opinion. But though that opinion were right, and though no general election were to occur, may not death, or the Chiltern Hundreds, render a new election necessary in the very place where these lazy voters have neglected to secure their privileges ? It is wise, therefore, to guard against such a con tingency ; and when the requisite security can he obtained at so small an expense of time, labour, or money, it would be inexcusable to neglect the (beans. We observe, that in some districts the motives for indolence, or the feelings of indifference to what we have alluded, have operated to a considerable extent in the diminution of the lists. Nothing, we think, can be more disgraceful. Why did the country, with united voice, demand the Reform Bill, if the privileges which it has con ferred are to be treated with insulting neglect ? Why did we destroy rotten boroughs, if we are, by our carelessness, to allow small juntas to govern counties ? What stronger objection was ever made by the Conservatives to the agitation of the reform question than that the people did not desire, and would not exercise, the privi leges which it was intended to confer ? Yet, by neglecting to register, the favoured voter proves the reproach to be just. Though the Reform Bill had done nothing else than dividing coun ties and populous towns into convenient districts for polling, and establishing registration to se cure a full and a pure list of the parties entitled to vote, it would have conferred important benefits on the country; but these benefits can only be secured or enjoyed by the co-operation of the people themselves with the judges ap pointed to execute the law. Let us, therefore, invite attention to the present duties of the revising barristers, and provide a constituency fitted to serve the country on any emergency which shall occur within the year. Tile very recurrence of the registration annually, is calcu lated to do good, by reminding the people of their political rights, and preparing them for the discharge of their political duties, when an appeal is made to their sentiments or opinions On great national questions.—Times. Our opinion on the subject of the assessed taxes is too well knownto allow it to be for one moment supposed that we are not as anxious for their repeal as any one of the members of the va rious associations for their abolition. We have all along contended that the house and window taxes were peculiarly objectionable, from the partiality with which they were levied. The Aristocracy, from their influence with surveyors and others, have contrived, throughout the country, to have their mansions rated at sums quite dispropor tioned to their value, while the middlp classes in the great towns, and more especially in the metropolis, which alone pays one-half the house tax of the whole kingdom, are rated at the full value of their houses and shops ; and sometimes, when held on leases, at considerably more than their value. The assessed taxes ought to have been among the first repealed. We showed that their continuation was particularly injurious to Government, and that no iVlinistry, in a country like this, could afford to incur the unpopularity which persisting to raise these taxes must occa sion. We maintained, too, that the sort of arguments by which the low rating of the man sions of the nobility and gentry were justified-- namely, that these mansions could not be let for more than the sums at which they were rated —was felt by the middle classes as an insult to their understandings, and only added to their determination to make every effort to get rid of the house and window taxes. But Lord Aithorp pledged the Government last session that these obnoxious taxes should be repealed next session. The reasons which induced the Government to give this pledge last session have lost none of their force, so that, the cause con tinuing, we have no reason whatever to despair of the effect. We condemn the house and win dow taxes, and they are condemned by Minis ters themselves ; but they still form part of the revenue of the country, and till they are repealed by law they must be levied. We could have wished that, under these circumstances, the taxes might have been borne with patience by all de scriptions of people till their repeal next session. It is with deep regret, therefore, that we see numerous associations fortned in this metropolis to set the law at defiance. Where is this to stop ? Among the legacies left us by the Oli garchical Government which has been overturned, is the notion, that the laws being made not in the interest of the people, the interest of the people is not sufficient to procure the repeal, and the only resource left to the people is passive resistance. The Government, instead of being identified with the people, has been too often considered as something separate. The Govern ment)ep itself l fully justified th e o pinion of the people, shamelessly avowing that it con sneunotuedslytomysiitsatlerrefaosrures, morew htichlainhaad been stre not beca use t h e members f that Governmenthad beco me conv i nced b o i f e t i l o ie ng m e e r a t s o ur r e e s, sis b ut h because e°mf. the wisdom or policy il i w et Duke e i o rn f p \ o v s ,e s i i : linEton and Sir Robert Peel, in holding this lan guage, plainly told the people that they who governed were inclined to evil, and would only do good as Balaatn spoke the truth of compul sion. This open avowal of the Duke of Wel lington, that the people must expect no good but from a demonstration of their force, in opposi tion to the Oligarchy, was quite sufficient to introduce universal anarchy, The Irish Catholics were told a religion must be imposed on them— not for their advantage, but as a mark of their subjection to an ascendancy of Protestants. The Irish Catholics in consequence resisted tithes. Before the Duke of Wellington's insulting de claration against Parliamentary Reform had roused the nation against him, all the symptoms of the most destructive anarchy were manifesting themselves. The peasantry of the home counties had risen en masse, and Sir Robert Peel told the alarmed owners and occupiers of the soil, that they must protect themselves as they best could, as Government could afford them no as sistance. l'he Magistrates, intimidated by the mobs, themselves recommended to the farmers to destroy their thrashing machines. The inha bitants of towns were looking out for political storms. People had a presentiment of danger, and began to purchase arms. The rumour of an intended attempt on the Duke of Wellington led to the advising his Majesty not to be present at the City festival. This state of things could not last, and we obtained a Reform Ministry. But here again the people could only attain their ends by a demonstration of physical force. The oligarchy of this country refused every thing to justice, and yielded every thing to fear. At last we obtained Parliamentary Reform, and in Parliamentary Reform a secure guarantee that henceforth the laws must be in the interest of the people. But the people cannot so soon forget the pernicious lessons taught them by the oligarchical govern ment which has been destroyed. They retain under a reformed Parliament, the principle of action, which destroyed, it is true, the unreformed Parliament, but which, if per sisted in, must equally destroy all Parliaments whatever. The principle of associating to resist the law, instead of endeavouring to obtain the repeal of the law through the means pointed out by the Constitution, is at once proclaiming anarchy. They who associate to resist one tax levied by law, may associate to resist all other ' taxes levied by law. We at once boldly and unhesitatingly proclaim that the whole property of the country is at this moment in imminent peril. What security has the State annuitant that his interest shall not be arbitrarily withheld ? The taxes of the country are mortgaged to large classes of the people, and constitute a large share of the available assets of these classes. Where are we to stop if we allow individuals to orga nise themselves in this open manner to resist the law ? He who at a time like this is not for us is against us—there is no middle course. These associations must be met by counter associa tions of men determined to support the law, or we may be assured that we shall soon have no law but the law of the strongest shoulders and arms. The Government must be supported. We call, therefore, on every man who does not wish to see all confidence shaken, and open violence the order of the day, to rouse himself to a due sense of the danger with which we are threatened by those anarchical associations. Let the enemy be at once met at the threshold. If he be allowed to enter one step we are ruined. This is not a time for standing with our arms folded. If men will be such Sybarites as to shrink from all difficulties in times of crisis, they are doomed. The Government of this country has no force independent of public support, and that support it is entitled to claim at a time like the present. Arouse, then, men of influence and property, and prepare at once, by combining in support of law, to crush this monster in its cradle. Many weak and silly people, not aware of the extent of the danger, have been thoughtlessly led to take part in these associations; but when they see the spirit and force opposed to them, they will return to a sense of their duty. We have used strong language; but the time calls for it ; and we have no idea of trifling with duty. Nero fiddled when Rome was burning; but let us trust that Englishmen know that serious times demand to be met by a serious and deter mined spirit. What is easy to-day, may to morrow defy all our efforts. We shall be ready to support the people in their just claims, and to impress upon those who govern the necessity of consulting in the laws the feelings and wishes of those through whom alone they can receive force; but we must in the mean time insist o n putting down all attempts at anarchy.—Morning Chronicle. Obsta principiis is a sound maxim in morals as well as in medicine. We have not spoken unadvisedly in saying that symptoms of the revival of bubble speculation are observable. One fact alone, which the Courier has stated, would justify the apprehension that, notwith standing the instructive lessons of 1825 and 1826, there is still sufficient public credulity to offer the prospect of a fresh harvest of plunder to the enterprising contrivers of daring and in genious frauds. We have seen things peeping forth in prospectuses and paragraphs which bear too strong a family likeness to the bubble pro. jects of seven or eight years ago, not to be re cognised as being the offspring of the same prolific genius that covered this island at the time we mention with the locust brood of schemes which were more destructive to the fruits of the regular industry of man than any of the plagues of Egypt. Prevention is better than cure, and we are determined that, as far as in us lies, the return of the epidemic fraud, which scandalised the commercial character of England, shall be averted, and the public shall be put upon their guard against the recurrence of those schemes of enormous robbery for which the law has pro vided no punishment whatever. We do not desire to see great or little thieves hanged ; but if the latter are, the former ought to be. Our legislation is too exclusively against the lower classes of offenders. A child breaks a pane of glass in a shop window after nightfall—he steals a cake--the offence is called burglary, a word of alarming import ; lie is sentenced expiate his offence on the gallows I A set of legislators who pass such laws, con spire together with some needy projectors to cheat the public out of hundreds of thousands by means of a joint-stock scheme ; they issue a prospectus, concocted in fraud, and obtain insertion for paragraphs in venal newspapers to ass ict the delusion—they get up the shares to a large premium, sell out, and leave their dupes to w rue the day that they were ensnared, by the charm of lofty names, into the moonshine speculation. For this crime there is no gallows —no hulks—no treadmill —magisterial indigna tion visits it not with its di s pl easur e—it d oe s not prevent the delinquents from enjoying or rising to high offices in the State—or being dispensers of justice. Such a state of things is characteristic of a land where the poet Goldsmith, though of Tory politics, long ago described the equal spirit of legislation by the line " Laws grind the poor, and rich men rule the law." There was a punishment once, as we stated yesterday. The enormous evils produced by the South Sea scheme caused the passing of the Statute called the Bubble Act, which rendered the guilty parties in joint stock frauds liable to the penalties of a prentunire. Those penalties are, according to Sir Edward Coke, " that, from the conviction, the defendant shall be cut of the King's protection, and his lands and tenements goods and chattels, forfeited to the King, and that his body shall remain in prison during the King's pleasure." These were as severe penalties as well could be, short of taking life—a punish ment which we always deprecate as irrational, barbarous, and ineffective. Great difficulty did we experience, however, in endeavouring to procure the repeal of some of the statutes inflicting the punishment of death for minor offences against property. Serious obstacles had enlightened legislators, like Mr. Attorney- General Denman, Mr. Ewart, Lord Suffield, Mr. Lennard, and a few others, to encounter in procuring the repeal of some of our capital statutes, under which petty knaves most usually suffered. But as to the Bubble Act, which did not touch life, but made great and rich offenders liable in their personal freedom and property for their acts of sweeping robbery, it was repealed without hesitation by the Government itself at the commencement of the era, which a kw years ago brought back the national disgrace and misery of the South Sea schem e . The Standard says," The Bubble Act was repealed in defiance of the strong remonstrance of Lord Eldon, who has so often stood in the gap to stay the plague of frantic innovation." We are not of that class who allow our political opinions to influence our estimate of moral character—we do not limit the existence of public virtue to a particular circle, and seeing nothing outside of it but reprobate qualities of mind and heart. Opposition to the political principles of Lord Eldon does not make us less disposed to honour him for the honest and manly resistance which he gave on that occasion to those members of Government who were opening the sluices by which the tide of joint-stock fraud overflowed the land. We well recollect his prophetic denunciations, in his place in Parliament, of those ruinous schemes, which both Mr. Canning and Lord Goderich, but especially the latter, described as the pouring forth of a current of prosperity on the nation which was to saturate it with riches. We recollect also that Lord Eldon declared he would oppose every Bill for a joint-stock scheme of which a certain portion of the necessary funds, we believe three-fourths, was not actually paid down. If his warning voice had then been listened to there would not have been so many viciims of those nefarious contrivances in which no small portion of persons moving in the higher circles of society were implicated, who enriched themselves with the portion of the widow and the orphan, and drove numbers to beggary, desperation, and suicide. Having such an ex perience of the bitter consequences of those schemes before our eyes, we wish never to allow such things to get to a head again. We would crush the cockatrice in the shell. It is enough for us to see that the act of incuba tion is going on without waiting for the brood to be hatched. The Standard seems to think that the very act of putting the public on their guard against joint-stock bubbles might create a panic. Our object is to prevent a panic by removing its cause. The panic of 1826 was caused not because those schemeS were crushed in the beginning, but because they were allowed to grow to that magnitude that their bursting inevitably spread tremendous ruin and confusion on all sides. While the public confine their enterprises within the limits of sober and regular industry, and enter into no projects but those of solid utility and needful improvement, there will be no material for panic—but we must qualify this by saying that a rage even for things sub stantial and useful in themselves may be carried too far. Houses are useful and substantial things as well as rail-roads and joint-stock banks; and yet towns may be over-built, and a rage for building may be, and has been, as London itself, and some of our watering-places, can testify, the ruin of the speculators. Among the multitude of rail-ways projected some will be a good investment, and some, as in the case of canals, will be miserable failures. The Standard is also of opinion that it is impossible a spirit of vicious speculation can be revived so soon after the memorable scenes of 1826, and that such speculation is not necessarily connected with a change in the currency. With the latter pro position we perfectly agree. The instance of the South Sea scheme, as the Standard itself shows, affords a practical refutation of a change in the currency, and a spirit of fraudulent specu lation being connected, as cause and effect. Wherever society is in a diseased state of morals from inordinate cupidity, and the vices which extravagance and luxury brine in their train, there will always be the predisposing causes to dishonest speculation whatever may be the state of the currency; but we do not assent to the other proposition, that it requires a great number of years to resuscitate a spirit of wild and fraudulent enterprise after it has brought about some great explosion. It was within a few years after the great South Sea bubble—namely, in 1731, that the British public were gulled and plundered by the Chari table Corporation bubble, which was something in the nature of an equitable loan company. The Directors of that Company robbed the unfortunate purchasers of shares of half a mil lion sterling. " Many persons of rank and qua lity," says the historian, " were concerned in this infamous conspiracy, and even some of the first characters in the nation did not escape censure." Geo. Robinson, then Member of Parliament for Marlow, was a principal in the fraud into which a Secret Committee was appointed to inquire; and the result was, the discovery of a most ini quitous scene of fraud which had been carried on by that person and other Directors, for em• bezzling the property of the shareholders. Was this infamous robbery of the public caused by a change in the currency ? No such thing— there was no change had taken place ; but it is accounted for by the historian, not on the ground about this time. Noweklrieei „f• t h e abundance of the circulating medium amo ng am t o h i e lg pe t o b p e le h , theas wiealclkasofthmorality r celvaesnses. He says, " A spirit of avarice and rapacity had infected every rank of life Sir It. Sutton, and George Ro binson ar a li c a ts »zen o t f s a s ve e r t y xb — paenl S les i d r ix f A oMr rc et h hn i e l frauds in the management of b b t d s s t G oi s fro o a sordid i , P t d heir t h e charitable corporation scheme ; Dennis Bond and Sergeant Birch for a fraudulent sale of the late unfortunate Earl of Derwentwater's large estate ; and, lastly, John Ward, of Hack- , ney, for forgery." He then emphatically adds —" Luxury had given birth to prodigality, and that was the parent of the mean arts of pecula tion." Thus, it appears, such frauds are the result of corrupt morals in the higher classes of society, whose example has so much influence on the public, whether for good or for evil. Wherever similar depravity exists, and the sordid passions are too strong for the feeling of honour or the sense of shame, such frauds will occur or he attempted. The gambling-table has more to do with their production than the state of the currency. Parliament, however, as a col lective body, had more regard to its character in 1731 than in 1826—the boasted nineteenth century. It, in the former year, expelled six of its fraudulent Members ; in the latter it did not expel a single one, though several richly deserved expulsiori, and something worse, if justice were impartially dealt out to the rich and the poor.— Morning Herald. The African steamer, Lieutenant Harvey, arrived at Falmouth on Tuesday morning. She has brought Lisbon Papers, describing the land ing of Donna Maria and her mother, and asserting that they had been en th us i ast i ca lly received. The official account of the affair given in the Chronica Constitutional will be found amongst our foreign intelligence. Besides this news, our Contemporaries and their Fal mouth correspondents report " private" accounts of the surrender of Marshal Bourmont and 160 of his officers. Our readers will not have for gotten that similar private accounts brought by the Echo last week treated them to the " capi tulation" of the whole Royalist army, with the King at their head. The papers received are of the same date as these accounts, and no men tion is :nade in them of any such event having occurred—an omission they are not very likely to have made either by accident or design. With the experience we have had of the means by which this ccntest haS been carried on, we must venture to doubt that it has come to so brilliant a termination for the Pedroites without the knowledge of their official organ, until we have some better foundation for the facts than that on which the " capitulation" of Marshal Bourmont and his army rested upon the previous occasion. Amongst the hundred other reports, it is still asserted that the Royalist army was defeated in an attack on the lines on the 14th ult. If these matters have any truth in them, the conductors of the Pedroite press must be all too much employed in fighting to find time to record their own victories.—Morning Post. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MANSIO N-H O USE. PREPARATION OF BRITISH LEAF.—Yesterday being the day appointed by the LORD MAYOR for hearing arguments and evidence upon the question whether or not the immense quantity of British leaf which had been seized by the Excise upon the pre mises of Mr. Heale, the British leaf manufacturer, should be burnt, a multitude of people collected about the gates of the Mansion-house, and the LORD MAYOR was obliged to station officers in all the avenues to the Justice-room to prevent the in convenience which would have been otherwise felt. Mr. Adolphus attended upon the part of the Ex cise, and Mr. Sergeant Bompas and Mr. C. Phil lips came to argue against the proposition to burn the " British Leaf." There were several scientific men present ; and Mr. Phillips stated, that persons extremely well qualified to judge of the nature and quality of the article to which he laid claim as the property of Mr. Heale, were in attendance, to give evidence that there was nothing noxious in the pre paration. It was even asserted, that ever since the publication of the case, Dr. Birkbeck had drunk an infusion of the British leaf, and derived great benefit from it. Sergeant Bompts said that Mr. Heale had ap. plied at the Excise Board for samples of the British leaf which had been seized, in order that scientific men might examine its nature and quality by anali zation. It appeared, from a communication made by Mr. Daniels, of King's College, that, as the samples had not been got till Monday last, the ex periments could not be properly made for some days. It was therefore necessary that the case should be postponed, as the Lord Mayor's object was, if the article proved to be pernicious, to de stroy it, but if it was proved to be innoxious, to restore it to the manufacturers. Mr. Adolphus said that, in the present case, the proceeding was not against the person, but against the thing. The question was whether the article should be destroyed, and he had evidence to show that his Lordship's decision should be, that the British leaf should be destroyed. He did riot care whether the stuff was pernicious or not. That formed no part of the inquiry. All he cared about establishing was, that the British leaf was manufac ture(' in imitation of tea. If that fact were demon strated, the Lord Mayor had, according to the Act of Parliament, no alternative than an immediate consignment of the articles to the flames. The case was to be illustrated by the supposition that Dr. Solander's sanative leaf was made in imitation of foreign tea. If that were the case, and the doctor proved that his tea had all the sanative properties ascribed to it, that it was as beneficial in its effects upon the system as common report declared it to be, still the imitation would be an injurious violation of the law, and the Excise Board would most un doubtedly prosecute. Sergeant Bompas expressed some surprise at hearing that it was not material to the inquiry that the article was pernicious or otherwise. It was to be inferred, from the course taken by Mr. Adol phus, on the first hearing of the information against Mr. Heale, that the great point sought to be esta blished was the pernicious quality of the ingredients of the British leaf beverage. 'Why, if that were not the case, had a chymist been called and asked hii opinion ? The palpable object was to create a prejudice in the public mind in favour of the pro ceedings of the Excise Board, by exciting a suspi cion of the injurious nature of the British leaf. The Loin MAYOR—It was I that called Mr. Faraday, with whose skill the world is well ac quainted, and my motive was certainly to benefit the public by an exposure, if I found that the ingre dients were noxious. Mr. Phillips could prove by a great variety of witnesses that the British leaf was not in the slightest degree injurious; that, on the contrary, it was serviceable to the constitution. The LORD MAYOR—I have interested myself very much about this question, and I have never been able to find out any place in which it is sold. Mr. Phillips—lndeed. ft is, notwithstanding, a fact, that it is sold in a great many shops in the me tropolis. Sergeant Bompas said the article was sold as Bi itish leaf, and was extensively used by persons who preferred it to foreign tea, as a more wholesome beverage. He thought the Excise could not in fair ness refuse to postpone the case until the samples shoul.l be properly analysed. Mr. Adolphus- 7 You might have had the samples long before you applied for them. However, wo have no wish to go on, if you are not quite pre pared. You shall have t►me to make the best de fence you can. Mr. Mayow, the solicitor to the Excise—Will Mr. Heale acknowledge his writing on a certain do cument which I have here ? Mr. Heale—Most certainly, I shall acknowledge any writing of mine; no doubt of that. Here the document was produced, and Mr. Heale, without hesitation,admitted that the writing was his. The LORD MAYOR-4 can have no objection to a postponement. Whatever he the result, th e public can sustain no injury ; and as I sit here tti represent the public, I shall adjourn the case. I should wish to know whether th e L earne d Counsel mean to plead their patent? Sergeant Bompas—Most certainly we do. a It was then determined that the case should fit° over till next week. STREET MUSIC AND DANCING.-IViffia7n Bon y ; flein and John Clarke, th e one a v i o li n player, fil e other a horn blower, w ere c h arge d un d er the fallow' ing circumstances : A police officer stated, that as he was undi t ' ri g in Moorfields, the defendants, who were ac c°riv panied by two other musicians (a bass violoneell°' player and a flut e -pl a y er ) stoppe d to perform. 1.23de moment they struck u p, a crow d co ll ecte d ; 1 - d two Irish labour ers , w h o were h a lf drunk, Iti",,,ef off k their brogues, and b egan to due. The danc ; — 7 caused a greater c row d, an d at l engt h t h e s't ee , was completely blocked up. The witness, thintl; it would be less d angerous to attempt to c h e ck`,. nuisance by exp e lli ng t h e mus i c i ans t h an by ipr fering with th e Irishmen, requested that the for nl- ; would shift th e i r quar t ers , or at least play some ela 0 tune that would not be so likely to inoculate penr t „ heels. This request, h owever , seeme d to inalli; the sons of Orpheus with greater spirit and enerP,' and they scrap e d an d bl ew i n suc h a manl ier t l9l the whole crowd, men, women, and children, s e rtE) " shuffling and s h a ki ng t h e i r di rty d u d s. " As th"Ne horn-blower made th e mos t no i se , t h e po licettle' t went up to expost u l a t e w i t h hi m seriously; be instead of m a ki ng any i mpress i on upon hi m of t"hu right kind, he received such a salute as convincri ; him that there were more ways than one of son° ing the horn. O n rece i v i ng t h e bl ow, h e o f coo l ' laid hold of hi s assa il ant , an d b ot h d e f en d an ts re upon him and tore his coat. The music, therefore, suddenly stopped, and the Irishmen danced off t° the next public-house. The LORD MAYOR---Did they positively caus e an obstruction ? for if they did not, you were wr° 4 4 in preventing th em f rom p l ay i ng, as i t i s their 01/ of getting bread, and keeping themselves from th e lazy ignominy of a poor-house. The officer said that the obstruction caused Di the Irishmen, who certainly would not have dance d but for the musi c , was very great . N o b o d y could pass without getting a kick on the shins at leant , or perhaps in the face, they capered so high.- - (' laugh.) The horn blower declared that the officer Ita" saulted him first, arid assured the Lord Mayor that there was no o b struct i on cause d . I t was true ti lti the people be g a n t o dance, but that he considered to be a good effect of his music, which never failed t° enliven arid invigorate even those who had hungrf bellies. He had travelled through France, and or es convinced that music made all the difference be tween that lively people and stupid John Bull."' (A laugh.) The LORD MAYOR—HOW long a re yo u tha t ' musician ? Horriblower--Ten years, my Lord, b ° we pick up ver y l itt l e; although we are able t 0 t make a crowd s h a k e their heels till they oil ground, we c an ver y se ld om s h a k e anyt hi n g e ° of their pockets.—(Laughter.) fo The LORD MAYOR—You must get this officer coat mended. 6 The Horriblower—l offered to mend it mr. e " l 4 •but he wouldn't consent; and I think his 0 1 '3' 4 ' was to get th e very t hi ng, h e re f used to let us out of us —money. The officer declared that he would not t", 1 , i ., e 5 money from an itiner ar y mus i c i an , w h o , in ", opinion, was very lit t l e a b ove a b a ll a d s i nge r or beggarman. The Hornblower—Th at ' s b ecause you have no etif for music. I've o ft en bl own men i nto good hurnoe t : ° c but whatever way y ou g i ve hi m the horn I doesn't signify, he's dissatisfied —(L a ughter.) , t The LORD MAYOR, finding that the officer though t nothing of the awkward m an ner in which he vie s l made to contribute t o th e s ound of the horn, desir e ; the defendants to ge t the man's coat mended lo proper manner, and discharged them. BOW-STREET. INDECENT EXPOSURE OF THE PEESON.---T Vi t ° , men of dirty appearance, who stat e d th e i r na mes `- be Alexander and L es li e , were p l ace d at t he bat before T. HALLS, Esq , charged with indecendY posing their persons to two young women in Exeter' street, Strand, on the previous evening. Correction d e fo l f e rdr three antswe m re on c t o hs. mmitted to the Hou se o f MARYLER ONE. n Of SIIOPLIFTING.—Last night a young womu- h , very lady-like appearance, s pl en didly attired, witale beautiful infant in he r arms , w h o gave her 1111- Elizabeth Dazes, was charged with shoplifting. t. Thomas Baugh, shopman to M r s. Eli za beth er , ter, linen-draper, of Rathboue-place, Oxford-streii; stated, that about six o'clock that evening the P e l soner entered the shop, and r e qu es t e d to loo k some ladies' fur boas; she went aw a y w ithout btj d 1, ing any, and on her d e p ar t ure a b oa w as mis ge o ; the defendant was followed, and the article feu i n ,bor her. She then went on her knees, and begge d she might not be exposed. The defendant, who said she was in affluen t d i f ) cumstances, and that she lived with her hush° Duke-street, Bloomsbury, was remanded. e of A distressing scen e t oo k pl ace , i n consequel le- t of the infant being, acco r din g to th e ru l es , ta ken s' from the defendant. UNION-HALL. o d ' Yesterday John Wood, alias James Under° id • ii ij alias Charlotte Ritchie, th e accom pli s h e d 1) 1, 1 0 1 Inter-writer, whose first e xam i na ti on too k pal -- „ 0 , Bow -street, was brought t o thi s office, an d C mitted for three month s t o th e H ouse o f Correct t‘ir for having endeavoured to obtain money from Herbert Taylor by means of a pathetic letter, Peo porting to be writ ten by a y oung l a dy w ho had I) seduced and deserted by her betrayer. sta te, Letters received in Paris from F ran kf o rt t be that instead of returning directly to St. Pctersburr, to Emperor Nichol a s h a d procee d e d f rom M unc iaengr 3 ! be 3 Berlin. The Russian Minister at Dresden has Pub il : ot the names of 83 inhabitants of the Govern'p en i tic° Minsk, found guilty of participation bit the late r ev° p u ei l l of Poland—they are principally nobles, whose P 1 e?o has been confiscat e d by th e A u t ocra t. S o me 'l e per victims of imperial v en g eance are , h owever , sito 11 1° sante. The Second Chamber of S irony adopte d ° 16th, the Prussian law of customs for Germany MARRIE, D. 6 8 0 . : 6 On the 24 inst., at Great Dunmow, the Rev. Jan 1,09%, champ, rector of Crowell, and vicar of Shirburti, Oa."' ofir ' to Margaret Sophia, second daughter of the late TWO ° moot, Esq., of Buck M land, Surrey. G ust o Pl l the 24 ipst., r. 4. T. Powell, Ohl); Majest9', s . •% • Llndon, to Miss Mease, of Congresbury, near Br isto/. , sol' On the Ist inst., at Great Milton, Oxon, Hecto r glopit i t late of the Hon. East India Company's service, t ° L incaT4 eldest daughter of the late Charles Fowle, Esq., °f fticg r Inn, Barrister.at-law, and granddaughter of the late , A 0 04 ' Townsend, Esq., of Newbury. h r..- „le, On the 2d inst., at North Ockendon chure - ,'„ TeleJ,; youngest son of Thomas Pinkett, Esq., of the Mid d "" 0 . e 7 ' to Caroline, eldest daughter of the late Francis J0h1 . r... -• of.the Stock Exchange. DIED. 30 h er coP , On the 30th ult., at Kildwi ck-h all, Yorkshire, oril, hes' , I year, Sophia Louisa Emerson, the wife of M att- ofo s Esq., jun. At Gorgate, near East Dereham, aged 77, the It e : 13 4 0 1 :y. ' 4 ` Czowe Munnings, M.A., rector of Beetly cull , r"", P eog erlee e t • of • 'Mr. John Shallis, of Finsbury, aged 50, suddeul On the Ist inst., at Ampthill House, Bc ds, the r h , Wi fe ~ hdr father, Joseph Morris, Esq Elizabeth Mart , ',. Dpid Powell, Esq., of Russell-square, aged 21 ' l O 4l :On the 2d inst., in Percy-street,. C i p t a in Newt on, ___----- -11111 l'IlINTS1) AND . PUBLISIig DBYIFV'E. I) 0 Y 0 1 . 7 • * - Sum Ornias, 112, &mom Q R E Cap 84 ms:efts kLlciror _ ~ g BIRTHS. Of P. On the 30th ult., at Woodmancote, Sussex, the lady ef, Caton, Esq., of a son. daillo,lo On the 23d ult., at Brighton, Mrs. Jasper Hall, of 3 . , t he' On the Zth ult., at Lennard.place, St. John's.wo ou, t , of Captain John Luard, of a daughter. . eu teri ° On the 30th ult., in St ra tt on . street, the lady o f L el Colonel Sir Wm. Herries, K.C . H ., o f a son. f gad h On the 9.d inst., at Croydon, Sur r ey, th e lady °- Harrison, jun., Esq., of a daughter.