The Sun. — London, England, 1854-03-11 00:00:00

Ittret3 rjtat SPORTING NOTES. SAYINGS ABOUT SALISBURY. The Salisbury meeting, which was brought to the end ing post yesterday, was in every respect successful. The supply of spor:, was ample, and the attendance of business men and pleasure folk was unprecedently numerous. The proceedings, too, were conducted in the most efficient and satisfactory manner by a well-organised and competent body of " officials." The racing was interesting, and was marked by many incidents of extraordinary importance. The leading " features" in Thursday's pro gramme were the Trial Stakes and the Wiltshire Stakes. The first mentioned event occasioned much brisk speculation ; and indeed, it derived its importance mainly from the meeting between Cineas and Orestes. 7to 4 was freely betted on Cineas, whilst his old opponent, Orestes, found few spirited supporters. Both, however, were easily defeated by Defiance, who was immediately afterwards brought under prominent notice for the Northamotonshire Stakes, for which he is handicapped at 7st. 121 b. O res t es beat inem for second honour, an achievement which was long calculated upon by his owner, who made a bet, I believe, during the September meeting at Doncaster, where Cineas beat Orestes easily for the Don Stakes, that their running there would be reversed on their next fair encounter. By the result of this race the "Le viathan bookmaker," it is said, won nearly 3,0001. ! Seven horses started for the Wiltshire Stakes. Pantomime was the favourite, and at the start was backed freely at 2 to 1. He, however, finished a bad third Indeed, for the last half mile the race was entirely between. Cleveland and Trifle, and an exciting " set to" they made of it, the latter winning by three quarters of a length. Although Trifle broke clown at the road, yet he continued the contest with the most extraordinary gameness 4nd pluck. On being pulled up, however, be was very lame, and his off fore-leg appeared to be so weak that it is questionable whether it will ever be sufficiently strong to enable him to run another severe race. A similar accident occurred to him, it will be remembered, last year at Good wood. The fields on the second day wore numerically strong, and the racing gave brisk employment to the b fraternity. The sport, however, does not now require particular remark; the most imrortant incident connected with it was, perhaps, the defeat of Little Harry by St. Spiro for the Queen's Plate. Oulston cut down his oppo nents in rare racing style for the Wilton Park Stakes. He is a fine slashing colt,.andappears likely to train on most advantageously. Frank Butler, the jockey, is dangerously ill. He has for many weeks been under medical treatment, and my letters from Newmarket inform me that slend-r hopes are entertained of his ever again resuming his professional duties. Another Steeplechase Meeting will take place at Epsom on the 7th of April. Whether it be got up for the especial benefit of certain individuals who have of late become so notorious for the daring and impudent manner in which they bring their peculiar " tactics into play, is at present uncertain, though not improbable. The ground will not be the same as on former occasions. The line of country selected is over the Epsom Court Farm. At any rate the undertaking is likely to be profitab e, for it is the intention of its promoters to charge each person sixpence admission to the ground ! . „ A FRESH MAN. March 11. AUSTRIA, PRUSSIA, AND RUSSIA. We have before us three official communications emanat ing from the Governments of Austria, Prussia and Russia, and published by their respective organs in the form usually given to the Ministerial declarations of those Powers. They are all of the highest importance, and throw considerable additional light on the political state of Europe. The language of Austria is not entirely explicit, but, as far as it goes, it is clear and firm. She publicly records the conviction of the Imperial Government that the peremptory summons of the Western Powers to the Court of Russia is founded on substantial rights, and to which Austria has constantly adhered. She adds, that up to this time Austria has endeavoured to reconcile as well as she could the general interests of Europa with the duties which her friendship and alliance with Russia imposed upon her; but that on the declaration of war she shall con sult her own interests, which compel her at once to take measures against the imminent dangers of war and insur rection. Considering the circumstances in which she is placed, and that her diplomatic relations with Russia are not yet broken off, this language is, perhaps, as much as could be expected from the Court of Vienna at this moment, embarrassed as that Court is by the tergiver sation of Prussia and the intrigues of the minor Ger man States. This document is more remarkable for what it omits than for what it says. It does not pronounce the word "neutrality "—it does not profess any hope of reconciliation—it does not threaten to stand aloof in the easy attitude of expectation, and to side with the winning party in Cris convulsion of Europe. The Austrian Government continues its preparations for war with unre mitting activity. Tr3ops are on their march to the south eastern frontier. General Coronini has advanced his head quarters from Temesvar to Semlin, and the Archduke Al bert is appointed to the chief command of the forces. It may here be observed that the attitude assumed by Austria appears already to have had the effect of causing the Rus sians to make a retrograde movement in Little Wallachia ; the troops which were concentrated in the villages round Kalafat are falling back on the Schyl, and the threatened attack on that position seems indefinitely postponed. There cannot be a greater contrast to these measures of the Cabinet of Vienna than that which the language of the Court of Prussia unhappily presents The Prussian Cor respondence of the 7th of March publishes an elaborate official declaration, calculated, as it seems to us, to bear out to the fullest extent the observations we had made on the conduct of Prussia a few days before. Prussia alone, in this great conjuncture of European affairs, renounces all participation in the active measures contemplated by the other Powers. Prussia alone, and truly, boasts that she is bound by no positive engagements to that extent. But by withdrawing her active concurrence from the other Powers she concedes to Russia all that the Emperor Nicho las could presume to ask, and she aggravates the general position of the continent by neutralising the part which the people of Germany were called upon to play. The in dividual forces of Prussia may be of little importance in such a contest, but the effect produced by this abandon ment of the public interests of Europe for the most paltry motives and confused reasons is clearly the result of Rus sian influence over the King of Prussia, and it will affect every man who has a heart for the independence of Ger many with more pain, humiliation, and resentment than we care to express. The importance of this determination on the part of the Prussian Government is considerably increased by the cir cumstances under which it has been formed and published to the world. The German papers have already stated, and we believe with perfect truth, that several weeks ago the draught of a formal treaty, binding the Four Powers to settle the Eastern question on the broad basis of European interests, and providing means for insuring that object, was prepared by England and France, and presented to the German Powers for their adop tion. The Cabinets of Vienna and Berlin were at that time of opinion that such a measure was premature ; but more recently, and since Count Orloff's mission, the project of the treaty has been resumed at Vienna in a manner highly honourable to the Austrian Ministers, and there was rea son to suppose that no obstacle would prevent the comple tion of this important scheme. The obstacle, such as it is, has come from Prussia, and it is in consequence of the pressure applied to that vacillating and feeble Court by the other Powers of Europe that she has put forth the de claration which forms the subject of these observations. She is therefore not only separating herself from the gene ral policy of Europe, but distinctly opposing the measures required and recommended by Austria herself to give effect to that policy. A course more utterly unworthy of a State which is allowed to rank with the Great Powers we never remember to have witnessed ; and the King of Prussia, in his attempt to retain an expect tnt position between the two great interests which divide the world, deserves to draw on himself the hostility and the contempt of both belligerents. We say nothing of the people of Prussia and of Germany; it is for them to notice as it deserves a policy which will make their Government the by-word of Europe. We now arrive at the third, and not the least remark able, of these official productions, which is the answer of the Russian Cabinet, inserted in the Journal of St. Peters burg of the 24 of March, to Lord John Russell's speech of the 17th of February. The Russian Government thinks fit to declare, that whatever might be the grounds of mis trust entertained by other Powers, the English Ministry had no reason to doubt the views of Russia, inasmuch as at an early period preceding Prince Menschikoff's mission the Emperor Nicholas had " spontaneously communicated with the Qaeen of England and her Ministers, for the pur pose of establishing an intimate agreement with them, even in the event of the most formidable contingency which could befal the Ottoman empire." In short, 'we are in formed that in the course of Lord John Russell's brief ad- ' ministration of the Foreign-office —that is, in January, 1853, Sir Hamilton Seymour was requested by the Empe ror, and empowered by his own Government, to enter into a detailed private conversation with the Emperor himself on this subject ; and a correspondence ensued, not of an official character, and the secrecy of which does not con cern the Emperor alone, but which disclo-ed in the fullest conlidence the views of the Court of St. Petersburg with reference to the approaching dissolution of the Ottoman empire. We assume these facts to be correct. We have not now to learn for the first time that before the Emperor Nicholas engaged in these extraordi nary transactions he had attempted at various times and in different forms to lure almost every Court in Europe to share in the plunder of Turkey. As long ago as his own Visit to this country he held the same language, and it may have been repeated in greater detail in the course of last winter. But what answer did he get to these overtures ? What answer did he get when he sounded Lord John Rus sell, of all men in the world, on the subject of an eventual partition of Turkey? We confidently reply, that he was met by an indignant refusal on the part of the British Go vernment. He was told, if we are not greatly mistaken, that this country could entertain no proposal in any form which presupposed the dismemberment of an empire the integrity of which we had frequently engaged to respect and even to protect ; that the British Government strenuously opposed any change in the status quo of Turkey, as a source of danger and difficulty to the world ; and that, as this communication had been made in a friendly spirit, England strongly recommended the Emperor of Russia to abstain altogether and scrupulously from any interference in the affairs of Turkey, which must be productive of great perils to the world. As these com munications were of a confidential nature, and wholly an terior to and unconnected with the affair of the Holy Places and Prince Menschikoff's mission, the Government appear to have thought that they did not properly form part of the correspondence recently laid before Parliament, but constituted a separate transaction This challenge of the Russian Government relieves them from all further uncertainty on that point. Lord John Russell's answer to the Russian overture will do him no dishonour ; and, al though in time of peace it might have been inconvenient to lay bare the pretensions Russia has sometimes indicated, our present relations are not likely to suffer from an " in discreticn" she herself has provoked; and we trust the whole correspondence will be immediately produced.— Times. HYDE-PARS. --The authorities of the Woods and Forests department have caused the principal promenades in Hyde-park to be relaid with gravel and generally re paired for the ensuing season. The site of the Great Exhibition is now entirely covered with grass, and has been reopened for the use of the public. It presents no traces of the ravages effected for the time by the erection of the Crystal Palace. ST. PETERSBURG.—The St. Petersburg letters are to the 2d of March, at which date shipments of gold were taking place upon an increased scale, although there was difficulty in getting it, and a daily expectation existed of the export being suddenly prohibited. The import market, under the increasing apprehensions of a block ade, was extremely firm. The weather was cold, with much snow. MINING INTELLIGENCE. ( From the Xining Journal of this day.) The Mining Share, Market continues dull, and the chief transactions reported are in dividend stocks. Lead and copper are firm, and the former metal scarce, and in de mand, ,„ hich looks well for the lead producing mines. Tin has fallen nearly 61. a ton. A considerable improvement is said to have taken place in Callington Kelly Bray, and also at Whitford Mine, near Holywell. At Wheal Pollard, near South and West Caradon, there is a lode of a very promising description, such as the agent states he had never seen at either of the Caradons at so shallow a depth. At Hingston Down, the first dividend of ss. per share (1,00010 has just been declared. Business in the Gold Mining Share Market, this week, has been virtually suspended, there not being the slightest disposition to operate. Prices are, consequently, little more than nominal ; we do not notice, however, that there has been any further decline ; this is to be attributed to the fact, that as returns from several of the more accre dited Californian companies are anticipated by the next mail, holders in general show an indisposition to sell, hoping that actual results will come to hand. Though these in many instances are confidently expected, yet from the numberless excuses that from time to time have been put forward by the several superintendents of the various companies, great distrust is shown, and the feelings of the shareholders may be said in most cases to he that of almost universal dis satisfaction. The Carson's Creek Mining Company, who, it nity be remembered, despatched a deputation of their body to California, and on their report returned 10s. per share, but considered it so encouraging that they determined to continue operations, are in course of winding up. Some of the less favourable descrip tions are yet holding out hopes to those who have embarked their capital in these dubious adventures ; but the prevalent opinion is, that the interests of all parties would be better served, if previous to frittering away their remaining capital in frivolous expenses, they should make an effort to return their proprietary some of the money which they have obtained from them. There has been no advices, either from Australia or California, and each day they are anxiously looked for. In Miscellaneous Shares, the market has shown a down ward tendency, with little business doing. In iron and coal companies, during the week, the market has exhibited some activity. From a return just made by the House of Commons of the imports and exports of metals for the year ended sth January, 1853, we find that the total imports of copper ore was 37,818 tons ; regulus, 5,226 tons ; unwrought, 2,188 tons ; old copper, 938 tons ; rods, bars, &c., 2,993 tons ; plates and coin, 23 tons ; and copper manufactures to the value of 19,2341. 10s. 6d. Of the unwrought copper 1,098 tons were from Chili, 628 from South Australia, and 225 tons from Russia. The principal copper ore was from Cuba, Chili, and South Australia; and the largest portion of bars, rods, and ingots was from Russia. The total amount of British copper exported was 16,936 tons ; and foreign, 15,099 tons. The amount of tin imported was 2,372 tons, of which 1,571 were retained for home con sumption : the duty amounted to 9,4881. Zinc imported, 18,505 tons ; oxide of ditto, 788 tons; exported, 1,305 tons British, and 5,948 foreign. MARKET NE IVS-(THIS DAY.) COVENT GARDEN. Both fruit and vegetables, the supplies of which were good, moved off steadily, aelast week's currency. FRIIIT.—Pine apples, English, 6s Od to lOs Od each ; ditto colonial, is Od to is 3d each ; hot-house grapes. 8s to 12s; foreign ditto, is Gd to 3s Oil per lb; apples, Gs to Ss per bush ; pears, 3s Od to 6s per dozen ; lemons, Os 9d to 2s ; oranges sOd to lOs per 100 ; almonds, 2s to 3s per lb. ; Barcelona nuts, 24s per bush.; cob-nuts, 120 s to 130 s per 10 lbs ; chesnuts, 2s to 4s per peck ; filberts, Sys to 100 s per 100 lbs ; walnuts, 8d to is Gd per 100. VEGETABLES.—Cabbages, 9d to is 6(1 ; Brussels sprouts, 2s Od to 3s Od per half sieve ; brocoli, 9(1 to is 6d per bund.; greens. 2s Od to 4s Od per doz. bunches ' • FrenCh beans, 4s to 5s 0(1 per 100 ; potatoes, 130 s to 180 s per ton ; turnips, 2d to 4d per bunch ; carrots, 4d to 8d per bunch ; cucumbers, is 6d to 3s 6d each ; celery, 9d to is tid per bundle ; spinach, 4s Oil to 6s Od per sieve ; onions, 2s Gd to 3s tid per bushel ; Spanish ditto, is to 3s per doz. ; leeks, I fld to 2d per bunch ; shallots, 8d to 10c1 : horse-raddish, 2s Od to 4s Oa per bundle ; parsley is Gd to 3s Od per dozen bunches •, rhubarb, is o,i to is 6(1 per bundle ; endive, 2s to 3s Gd per score ; beet, is to 2s Gd par dozen bunches; parsnips, 9d to is Gd per dozen. NENVGATE AND LEADENHALL. Turkeys, 4s Od to Os Od; Geese 5s 6d to 8s each • Ducks, 2s Gd to is; tame Rabbits, is is 9(1 ; wild aitto, 84 to is 24 ; Pigeons, 9(1 to is 2 each; roasting Pigs, 4s to 7s each; Surrey Fowls, Gs Od to lOs Od ; ditto Chickens, 55 04 to 7s 04; barn-door Fowls, is Oil to 7s 0(1 per couple; Capons, 3s to 4s 0(1 ; Chickens, is 64 to 2s 04 per couple ; Pheasants, 3s 6(1 to 4s Od; Partridges, is 64 to is 94; Hares, 2s Od to 3s Gd; Leverets, Os 04 to Os 04; Woodcocks, 2s 60 to 3s 6(1; Grouse, 2s Od to 2s Gd; Snipes, 9(1 to is Gd; Teal Gd to 9(1; wild Ducks, 2s Od to 2s 6(1 ' • Widgeons, 9(1 to is Od; and Plovers, Gd to is each. English Eggs, 7s 6(1 to 8s Od; French ditto, 6s 6cl to 7s Od per 120 ; fresh butter, is ld to is 5d per lb. BILLINGSGATE. Turbots, 5s Od Brills, 3s Od to 9s each ; Salmon 2s 4d to 3s per lb; Cod Fish, 5s Od to 15s Od each ; Soles, 3d to 2s 3d per pair ; Eels, 9d to is per lb ; Lob s t ers , Gd t o 2s 6d. ; Crabs, 6d to 2s 6d ; Whitings, is 6d to 3s per doz.; Doreys, 2s to 7s ; Mullets, Gd to 2s Gd each ; Common Oysters, lOs Od to 16s Od; Natives, 40s Od. to 50s Od per bsh; Mackerel, 25s to 35s per 100; Smelts, is Od to 5s pr doz.; Skate, Gd to Od per lb; Shrimps, is 6d to 2s Gel per gallon; Bloaters, is Od to is Gd per doz. ; Fresh Herrings, 8s Od to Os Oil per 100 ; Haddocks, Gs to 12s per doz. ; Plaice, 4d to is Od each ; Carp, 2s Oil per brace ; Tench, 2s Od to Os Od per brace ; Garnets, 4d to is 01 each ; Halibut, Gd per lb. ; Salt Fish, 2d to 5d Der lb. ; Prawns, 2s Od to 4s 01 per lb. ; Flounders, is to is Gd per dozen ; Sturgeon, Gd per lb.; Pike Gil per lb. ; sprats, 3s Od per bushel. BREAD. The prices of wheaten bread in the metropolis are from lid to 11.',d; of household ditto, £3:Ad to 10. A per 41b loaf. NEIV.PORT. Beef from 3s 2d to 4s 2a ; mutton, 3s 4d to 4s 8d ; veal, 4s 4d to 5s 4cl; pork, 3s 4J. to as Oa per Blbs. WHITECHAPEL. Beef, from 33 Od to 4s Od ; Mutton, 3s Od to 4s 61; Veal, 4s Od to 5s 4d; Pork, 3s 41 to tts 10d per 81bs. by the carcase. HIDES AND SKINS. Market hides, 561 b to 641 b, 21c1 to Od; 611 b to 721 b, to 3d; 721 b to 801 b, 3d to 3 d ; 801 b to 881 b, 3id to 31d ; 881 b to 961 b, 3A to 3id ; 961 b to 1041 b, 3id to 4d ; 104 P to 1121 b Od to Od. Horse hides, Gs 6cl to Oa Od; calf skins, light, 2s Oct to 3s Od; ditto, full, 6s Od to Os Od; polled sheep, 7s 6d to 9s Od; Kents, 7s Od to 8s 6d; Half-breds, Os 6,1 to 8s Od ; Downs, 5s 3d to 6s 6d; shearliugs, is 8d to ls 9d. HAY MARKETS. SAIVIFIELD.—Meadow huy, 2/ 15s to 5/ Os ; clover ditto, 3/ 15s to 61 Os ; and straw, 1/ 16s to 2/ 2s per load. Supply good, and trade rather dull. LLOYD'S SI3IPPING.-(T1IIS DAY.) LONDON, March 11.—Wind this day at Noon, S.W. ; light breeze, and cloudy. The letters received from the Baltic report the weather to be very unsettled, but there are evident indications of the winter breaking up. Letters received from Swinereunde state that there are several Russian merchant vessels in that port, which intend to re main there until the warlike appearances have ceased. A letter, dated Rostock, the 7th, says—The river is now free of ice ; no Russian armed vessels have made their appear ance in this quarter. FF MARGATE, Match 10.--" Symmetry, from Ceylon. COWES, March 10.—Wind, S.W. Arrived—Eric, from Baltimore. RAMSGATE, March 10.—The Oriental, from London, for Port Philip, has a leak near the water's edge, but it can be stopped as she is. PORTSMOUTH, March 10.—Wind. W. Arrived—Vasto de Garna, from Antwerp, for New York, leaky. FALMOUTH, March 10.—Wind, W. Arrived—Lyme Regis, from Callao. PLYMOUTH, March 10.—Wind, W.N.W. Arrived— Buono Guilliana, from Antwerp, for Savannah. YARMOUTH, March 10.—Wind, W.N.W. The Hareb has arrived with loss of bowsprit, &c., from contact with the Filey, of Shields. DARTMOUTH, March 10.—Arrived —Princess Royal, from Palermo, for London, with loss of foremast, &c. PARIS, March 9.—The Jane, from Newcastle to Lou logne, got on shore west of Calais harbour, but came off without much damage. (BY ELECTRIC TELEGRA.PII.) LIVERPOOL, Saturday, 10.30 a.m. Wind, W.S.W. ; fresh breeze, and fine. Arrived.—Palatine, from Calcutta; Great Western and Siddons, from New York; Raistrian and William Jackson, from St. John's, N.B.—the latter with PO:; feet of water in her hold ; Louisa and The o d ore , f rom New Orleans ; Lady Hobart, Charlestown; Victory and Spy, from St. Michael's ; Hermann, from Antwerp. Off port.—Weatherall, ship; and Kipler, barque. Sailed.—Africo, Royal mail steamer, for New York. The Pantheon, from New York for Liverpool, is ashore in Rhosmoygen Bay, below Holyhead. She lies broadside on to the beach, inside a reef, with part of her keel and deadwood cur, and fills with the tide. If the weather keeps niodertte it is expected that the eargo will be saved, but it is feared the vessel will be a total loss. QUEENSTOWN, March 9, Wind, S.W. . _ Arrived—Sorciere, from St. Michael's, for Cork ; Beal lincurra Lass, Leghorn ; Harebell and Riverdale, Callao ; Britannia, Mauritius ; Kin, Mauritius. (BY SUBMARINE AND EUROPEAN TELEGRAPH.) GRAVESEND, Saturday, 10.15 a.m. Wind., Westerly; tide, 4 flood; fine. Arrived, 10 th.—Stagbound, from Terceira ; Endeavour, Guernsey ; Pacific, Nassau ; Kate, Tercira ; Missionary, Ceylon ; Volunteer, St. Michael's ,• City of Boulogne (s), Boulogne ; Leith (s), Hamburg ; Ocean (s), Havre ; Seine (s), Boulogne ; Belgium (s), Ostend ; Antwerpen (s), Antwerp. Sailed—Queen of Sheba, for Madras. EA Wind, W.S.W. ; fresh, and fineL,. Saturday, 9.19 a .m. Anchored —Copse, from Leith, from Jamaica. Pas ,, ed—Jane Morrison, from New York, to London. Sailed—Granite City, Abergeldie, Golden State, Celes tial, Florida, and Itapide. CANADIAN GRAND TRUNK RAIL WAY .— A very large emigration of 'masons, carpenters, quarrymen, engine drivers, engine fitters, and other artizans, is taking place for this railway. Between four and five 'hundred have already left England, and all the third class accommoda tion in the Canadian Screw Company's vessels which leave Liverpool this and next month has been secured by the contractors for these men. Great numbers are seeking this employment, tempted partly by the high wages offered, (in many instances double what they receive in England and Scotland,) and partly by the comparative cheapness of provisions in Canada, and the certainty of every industrious man becoming a possessor of land within a very few years. Arrangements have likewise been made for sending out large drafts of " navvies," and other labourers, in sailing ships during the spring. Constant employment, has been guaranteed by the contractors to steady men for five years. The passage money of those who cannot pay it, as well as of their wives and children, is defrayed for them, on con dition of the men being under stoppage of a shilling a clay each until the debt is liquidated. This is a light infliction, inasmuch as the lowest rate of pay for unskilled labour is 4s. a day, and it ranges up to Bs. and rts. a day for me— chanics and artizans. If the conduct of these latter has been good during twelve months after arrival, each is to receive a bonus of 21., and under similar circumstances each labourer is to receive 11.—.1Zerapatles Tournat. THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MARCII 11, 1854. SHARE MARKETS. THE CHARGE OF CORRUPTION AGAINST IRISH MEMBERS. over. I published tho disclaimer of the bishops next day. You were dissatisfied with the manner in which it was done, and I don't think we have since spoken till we met in this house. (THIS DAY.) This committee sat again yesterday- The proceedings began by tho examination of Thomas Woodham, publisher of the Standard, who pro duced a copy of that paper of Wednesday, February 22, containing the following letter : TO THE EDITOR OF THE 'STANDARD.' The committee sat this forenoon, when the editor of the Standard was examined. The room was crowded with auditors yesterday, as on former days, and there is always a large attendance of hon. members, principally Irish. BRITISH RAILWAYS. " As a tribunal has been appointed to give the Irish mem bers an opportunity of clearing themselves from the imputa sions of having received pecuniary benefits for situations obtained through their interest in the Government, I think it an act of justice to one of our county members to state that a report is very general, and believed, that he received a sum of 2,0002., by the satisfying of a judgment to that amount against his property, from Mr. --, who had been his solicitor, and to whom he was unquestionably heavily indebted, for procuring his appointment to the lucrative situation of --. These facts have been stated to Mr. Butt, and other members of the committee, and I do hope they will not be cushioned. "AN ELECTOR OF THE COUNTY OF -." He also produced the manuscript of that letter, which was signed in full, "An Elector of the County of Cork," and contained the name of Mr. Nagle, as the " solicitor," and also the name of Mr. Burke Roche, M.P. These names had been scored out before publication. Witness was en tirely ignorant of the individual who wrote that letter. It was inserted in the columns of the Standard on the autho rity of Dr. Gifford, the editor. Mr. Lucas was next called upon. He said that a case of place-selling was mentioned to him by Mr. Napier, M.P., the late Attorney• General for Ireland. It was communi cated subsequently to witness's speech in the House of Commons, and was quite unaccompanied by any injunction of secrecy whatever. Mr. Butt then read quotations of some length from the Tablet, which Mr. Lucas admitted to have been written by him. They contained the case he mentioned in the House of Commons, and went on to say that the writer could mention dozens of similar cases. The Chairman—Will you mention any of those cases ? Mr. Lucas —No . Mr. Butt—Do I understand you to say that you decline to communicate to the committee any one of those dozens of cases which are now present to your mind? Mr. Lucas—l do. Mr: Butt—ls it the fact that several such cases are now present to your mind ? Mr. Lucas.—lt is. There are at least three. I entirely refuse to communicate any one of them. Mr. Bright—Your refusal is grounded on your personal ignorance of the truth that may attach to those cases, and on the confidence of private intercourse in which they were communicated to you? Mr. Lucas —Yes. Lord Barrington—Yet you think yourself entitled to publish them in the Tablet ? Mr. Lucas—No, not to publish. Lord Barrington—Generally to publish ? Mr. Lucas—Yes. Mr. Butt—But you go on to say, " The facts themselves are true." Mr. Lucas—That refers only to my belief. I have a per sonal belief in their truth.—The witness then went on to say that he was perfectly able to state the names of mem bers cf Parliament and others who had mentioned cases of the kind to him. Their names he had already refused to communicate. 'But among their number there were some members of the present committee, and their names he would communicate if he was given to understand that the call made upon him to communicate contained a waver of the confidence under which the cases were stated. ()n this the room was cleared for a few minutes. On the doors being re-opened, The Chairman said—Mr. Lucas, I am directed by the committee to inform you that it is their opinion that you must answer the questions that are put to you. (To the Shorthandwriter)—Read the last question. The question was then read as follows :—Can you name any member of this committee, or any member of Parlia ment, who can give us any information on the subject of this inquiry ? Mr. Lucas—l can. _ . _ The Chairman—Will you name him ? Mr. Lucas—l cannot, unless I receive his permissionto do so. I take the same course with reference to this case as to the others. I absolutely decline to answer the qwzs tion, and I think it is a great act of courtesy on my part to do so. _ . The room was then again cleared. On our re-admission, The Chairman, addressing Mr. Lucas, said—The com mittee do not consider you are bound by any consideration of confidence to any member of this committee, and it is their opinion that you ought to answer the question, and they now say that you must do so. Mr. Lucas—l have not now the least difficulty in answer ing the question. I think the hon. and learned member for Youghal (Mr. Butt) could give the committee some information. (Laughter.) I have also had a conversation on the subject of this inquiry with the hon. member for Manchester (Mr. Bright). (Renewed laughter.) After a third short clearance of the room, Mr. Lucas was desired to go on to state anything which had been mentioned to him connected with the inquiry by a mem ber of the committee. He then said that, in conversation with Mr. Butt on the subject of the constitution of the committee that he (Mr. Butt) had moved for, he objected to the name of the Solicitor-General for Ireland, and re quested that the late Attorney-General might be inserted as a member on account of his having a certain degree of information and belief on the subject. Mr. Butt, how ever, persuaded him to wave his objection by saying that the member of committee in whose place he (witness) wished to substitute Mr. Napier could mention a dozen such cases. He would leave it to Mr. Butt to communi cate that hon. member's name. Some months ago the hon. member for Manchester spoke to witness of a case affecting Mr. Somers ; but Mr. Bright could explain it much better than he. Mr. G. E. H. Vernon—l believe you have mentioned in the course of this inquiry that you think Mr. Keogh stands in the pesition of being principally accused. How do you make that out ? Mr. Lucas—All this arises out of speeches made at Tunm, which had reference to a system involving dis honourable conduct of every degree. Mr. Vernon—Pray define your meaning a little more accurately when you apply such terms to Mr. Keogh. Mr; Lucas—l mean making promises and taking oaths which were deliberately broken. (A laugh.) Mr. Vernon—l wish you distinctly to inform this com mittee whether you now apply the term " corruption" in any sense of trafficking in places ? Mr. Lucas—l refer to it in that sense in which the com mittee understood it when they went at great length on two days into the case of Dr. Power, of whom it was alleged that ho sold himself for a place. Mr. Vernon—Then, the term " dishonourable conduct and corruption" is to apply to every hon. member who takes office under a Government which you disapprove ? Mr. Lucas—Nothing of the sort. Mr. Vernon—What, then, do you charge ? Mr. Lucas—l charge a gentleman with making promises and taking oaths which he has not kept. Mr. Vernon—From corrupt motives ? Mr. Lucas—l charge corrupt conduct. Mr. Henley—What corrupt conduct? Mr. Lucas—l mean taking a place in December, 1852, after Mr. Keogh's antecedents. Mr. Vernon—Then it does resolve itself into taking a place under a Government which you disapprove, such a course being inconsistent, as you believe, with antecedents ? Mr. Lucas assented. Mr. Vernon—What do you mean by antecedents? Mr. Lucas—l could not explain that without going at great lenghth into Mr. Keogh's career, both public and private, Mr. Keogh—There have been three categories of cor ruption defined in the course of this inquiry. The first is selling places for money. Do you mean to say that, directly or indirectly, you ever charged or insinuated that I was connected with such an offence as that ? Mr. Lucas—Certainly not ; I disavow any such imputa tion against you. Mr. Keogh—The second category is giving votes cor ruptly, to obtain patronage from the Government Mr. Lucas—l do not mean to charge you with that. Mr. Keogh—The third is giving votes corruptly, to ob tain places for themselves. Did you mean to charge me with giving votes corruptly, to obtain a place for myself ? Mr. Lucas —Well, I have difficulty in answering that question. I have difficulty in saying whether you voted in December, 1852, from a corrupt motive or not, Other gentlemen voted in a similar manner from pure motives. Except from your subsequent conduct, I have no means of saying what were your motives in giving the vote which got you your place. (A. laugh.) Mr. Keogh—Then, in point of fact, neither of these three categories will accurately express your meaning as to . the charge you mean to snake against me ? Mr. Lucas—No ; I mean to say that, in taking place, you acted corruptly, and have acted corruptly ever since. (Laughter ) Mr. Keogh then proceeded at some length to question the witness about his authority for attributing to the late Mr. Sheil (in the Tablet, as we understood) cer tain sentiments and expressions tending to tarnish the late Ambassador's political character. They were to the effect that on the occasion of any great politi cal debate, if the Government found themselves hard pressed, they sent circulars to Irish members, saying that such and such a place was vacant, that they (each of the members) had been recommended to it, and that it was not yet filled up, &c. ; that Lord John Russell had calculated everything minutely, and that a certain person connected with the Treasury (Messrs. Tufnell and Hayter were Treasury Secretaries at the time) held all the Irish members in the hollow of his hand. Mr. Lucas refused to communicate the name of the person on whose authority he had attributed these expressions to a deceased gentleman, and ho thought himself justified in so refusing. Mr. Keogh—lt is now about 15 months since I took office. Had not you and I very strong personal disagree ments long before that period ? In fact, did not I once describe you, in your presence, at a large public meeting at Athlone, as one who would plunge a dagger in a man's back, but would never dare to do anything to his prejudice openly in his presence ? (Confusion in the committee room.) Mr. Lucas —I do not recollect that you used those ex pressions. You charged me with being a calumniator, using the strongest language which could easily proceed from human lips, and I said that whenever a coalition was formed between Whigs and Tories Mr. Keogh would accept the ,lace of Solicitor-General for Ireland. Mr. Keogh—Did not you solicit rue, after using that language to go to the office of Dr. Gray, of the Freeman at Dublin, and strike that identical passage out of the report ? Mr Lucas— I will give you a distinct reply Mr. Keogh. You called me to account the morning after that speech was delivered as having charged you with conduct most dishonourable, base, and disgraceful, when I said that, I if a coalition were formed, such as that which now exists you would take the office of Solicitor-General for Ire land. You insisted upon four Catholic bishops. then present, disclaiming any participation in that charge, because (you said) it was so disgraceful to you that if You remained under it without getting the imputation disclaime,l by the bishops, you could never enter a room where Catholic politics were being discussed without a scowl upon your countenance. The result of the conversa tion that morning was what, I think, I may properly de scribe as a reconciliation, and before we left the town of Athlone you and I shook hands. It was agreed that, as the report of that meeting would contain strong expres sions of mine against you, and as it was desirable, after we had shakers hands, that there should be no record of differ ence, it was agreed that everything on both sides that had an angry character should be struck out of the report, and that was accordingly done. Mr. Keogh—Did you not make an application to me to go to the Freeman's Journal office, and strike out those paragrophs. Mr. Lucas—l said that I was going there to do so by you, and I asked you to do the same by me. Mr. Keogh—After that took place, is it not the case that you and I were on bad terms? Mr. Lucas—After that took place you and I were not on any terms ; we ceased, to be on any personal terms what- RAILWAYS. Aberdeen 100 ttinbg Nottug. Bost. and Eastn. Junct Belfast & Ballymena Binning. Wolyerh. & Stour Valley ...... Birkenhd. Lancsh. dt Cheshire Junct Do. Chesh. & Birk., £5O and £25 Cons. Do., £20. .. Blyth & Tyne original £25 (issd. at £45) Bristol and Exeter... Ca1ed0nian............ all Chester & Irolyhead. l all Cork and Bandon all Cork, Black, & Pass 12 Cornwall 4 Crieff Junction 45 Dublin&BelfastJune all Dundee Perth&Aber deen Jungtiou . all Do. New East Anglian.... Do., (XlB E & H) Eastern Counties Eastern Union, A Stock Do., B. Stock , Do., Now A East Lancashire Edinburgh et Glasgow Edinb. and Peebles Edin. Prth. &Dundee Forth & Clyde June. Glasgow& S. Western Great Northern Stk. Do., A. Stock Do., B. Stock all 113 2 100 114 all Gt. Sth. &West.(lre.) Great Western Irish South-Eastern Lancaster & Carlisle Do Thirds Do. New Thirds Lancash. andYorksh 'Do., Fifths D 3. Wst. Riding Un Leeds Northern 100 42t Liv.Crsby.&Soutlipt London & Blackwall Lond. Tilb. & Sthend. Lond. Bright & S. Cst. Lond. and N. Westn. Do. Fifths Do.lo/.5h.,M&8...cl Eighths 100 3 100 London and S. Westn. Do., £5O Do., £4O Lndudrry& Coleraine Lndndrry. & Ennisk. Ntanch.She f. & Lindy Do. , Man. & Lin. Un Midland Do. Birmng. &Derby Nlidld. G. West. (Ire.) Do. Half Shares Newcastle & Carlisle Newmarket 11 isl Do., Bury Extension. Nwpt.Aberg. Newry & Enniskillen Newry Warrenpoint and Rostrevor. Norfolk . Northn.Counties Un North British North Devon, No. 1 Do., No. 2 21 2s 100 100 100 100 Do., A Deferred Do., B Guaranteed North London ...... Do. New £lO N.&S.Wstrn.,Hamp stead, and City Jn North Staffordshire North Western 2/ 2s 16 100 8 100 20 N. & S. Westrn. June Nuneaton, iiinckley, l and Leicester 17 all all 14 51s. 100 20 13 100- Oxford, Worcester, & Wolverhampton , Portsmouth Scottish Central Scottish Midland Shrewsbury & Blinn Do. L. & N. Western Guarante ad. St Shrewsby. & Ilerefd Shrewsby. dr Chester (N. W. Min ;.. Do. Halves,l a. Do. Oswestry Shropshire Union Do. A, B, C,& D,fully paid up at per cent. South Devon. South Eastern iouth Wales . S. Yrksh. d; Riv. Duo Do Staines, Wok. & Wok Stockton & Stockton & Hartlepl.; raft" Vale . Do. £lO shares. Do. Pref., No, Thames Haven Dock and Railway.. Vale of Neath.. IVaterfcl. & Kilkenny Waterford&Limerick West Cornwall West End of London and Crystal Palace West London Wirnbledn & Croydon York Newctl.&Berw. Do. Extensions Do. G.N.E. Purchase York & N. Midland , Closing Prices yesterday. 20i -20 i 4i - 5 8 9 12 —lO dis 16 - 18 6i - sAti, 92 - 94 51 - 551 15 - 16 10 • 12 42 - 44 7i - 8 124 -- 13i1 36 -- 40 - 26 63 - 65 58 - 60 23 - 24 ~ '"". ..• 91 92 80 81 124 - 126 89 - 91 78 - 794 92 -- 95 12i -- 13 12 --13 a. 66i -- 67 4 6k -- 60 13 1;4 par—gyp 96 —97 1011 • 102 Ad— ip par t 6 d 78 80 11 10 [0 9d 21i -- 22 COt - 61 34 - 36 d par 5i 4:to 2 24 6 8 47 - 49 3# 3i6 33 ... 31 8 10 us 76 52 55 a 68 - 5 74 - 7i 31 - 33 83 90 54 - 56 58 - 60 55 60 3 2d 16 -- 17 8 -- 84, 12 -- 13 3i - 3ikt 14 16 62 63 35. 2 d par 4 5 29 L ii 21 15t 15i - 24 - 26 4 - 6 6 - 7 674 68; 8# 7id 4A 4 d 474 -- 441 !Paid•l 27i 22 25 812s1 26f 13h 20 20 St. 10 St. 25 15} PI 68 7i „ 48 71 JO PP FOREIGN. 10 7 Antwerp&Rotterdam 36, 3 d I 5 3 Belgian Eastu. June. 1 16 20 8 Beziers to Graissessae 4i —36 d 20 2s. Bombay, Baroda, and Central India,Scrip ad p pm . . Central of Italy — 20 all Charleroi & Erqueliß 173 all Demerara ..• 20 14 Dijon and Besancon p 20 8 Dutch Rhenish 36 3 d 20 all East Indian 2i 3 p 20 2 Do. Extension 5 all Gt. Indian Peninsula p 5 20 10 Junet. of France 25 10 3rd. Trunk of Canada 4t 100 30 Do. Debentures 100 all Do. do 6— 4d 20 10 Gt. Central of France 3 d 203 all Gt. Western of Canada Shares 221 —22 i a Do. Bonds (Ist is.)'s7 8 10 2▪ 0 157_, Hamilton & Toronto 1i —2 p 171 100 all Do. 6 per cent. 20 5 Lake Coust. & Basle 5 all Lucca & Pistoja 5 p.c prof . dis 20 15 Luxembourg '6l 7 7 10 10 Do. (Railway) 4l 4i 5 2 Do. Prof l— 1 A 5 3 Do. (Canal). - 14 10 5 Do. 6p. ct. pref ll ia 20 8 Lyons and Geneva 20 12 Lyons & Mediterran 20 10 Niadras — par 33A 333 Maria Antonia 10 all Do. do. New 20 2 Melbourne Dk. & Ry. ,„ 20 all Namur & Liege (with interest) 7l 7i 20 all Do. (ex interest) 16 all Northern of France : 291 —29 29i Do. 201. 3 p. c Bds. 20 all (fmy.B.&Ams.Shs.) 10 all NorwegianTrunkPref 74 8, 1 20 10 Paris and Lyons l2 —122 p 40 all Ditto Bonds ... 10 all Paris and Orleans 42 —44 20 all Paris and Rouen 34 —36 xd 20 all Paris and Strasbourg 284 - - 281 20 10 ParisCaen &Cherbrg. pm 10. j 10i Quebec & Richmond 3 1 d 20 all Rouen and Havre 20 9 Royal Danish id par 5 2 Royal Swedish — d 20 all Sambre and Meuse 8 8i 6 Do. 56 p. cent. Pref 20 6 Southern of France _p m 20 6 St. Andrew's and Quebec (A) — 81 all West Flanders 3l 44 3i 10 all Do 54 per c. Pref d 20 10 Western of France 2i 3 p 10 7 West. of Switzerland d 20 2 Wiesbaden 20 15 Zealand MISCELLANEOUS 5 all Lubin Coal and Iron ... 25 171 lustralian Agricult .39 41 39Z 40 20 14 kustralsn.Pcific.Mail 10 8 lustraln. Royal Mail 10 4 Merlin Water Works 50 381 3rit. American Land 74 76 5 1 Brit. & Coln. Smeltg. and Reduction Co 100 321 Canada 75 80 5 5 Crystal Palace l4 y 5 4 Do. New.... ..... 4 2 Crystal Pal. of France p 20 3 Eastern Steam •• • 25 20 Electra Telegraph(A) 17 IS 25 all Do. (B) — ..• 1 1 Electric Toleg. of Ir — 15 14 Cen. Steam Navigat — 20 18 General Screw Steam 20 7:1 Irish Beet:oot Sugar 20 10 Magdalena Navig. 1 all at. Pat. Steam Fuel 10 • 3 Netherlands Laud._ 3 2 d 2 1 N. S. W. Coal & Inter. Steam Navigat. Co. 1 all N. B. Australasian — pm 1 4 Do. New — .• 20 10 Nrth.ofEuropeSteam 5 all Peel Rr. Ld. & Minni d 50 all Peninsular & Oriental 50 30 Do. Do. ... 2 all Portland Iron Co 1.00 60 loyal Mail Steam 1 all Scot. Austral. Invest lip 25 25 South Austral, Land 36 33 1 all Submar. Telegraph Ad . p x(l' all Do. Registered. d par 100 28i Van Dienaen's Land Business done this day. 17i 12f ad 59 8 92 1 3 „ 80i 80 „ 125 i „ 91i 90 „ 79 i 3 f 961 101 i 1 lf, i 791 221 61 605 6 xd 62 35 THE EASTERN QUESTION. The Preussischi Correspondenz gives the following article, which is to be considered as an official state ment, in a prominent form : " The nearer the decisive crisis of the conflict in the East approaches, the more reason have we to congratulate ourselves that Prussia, thanks to a policy as honourable as it is independent, is placed beyond the immediate influ ences of a dispute which, in spite of every attempt at me diation, threatens to increase in importance and extent. " Whoever has followed impartially the progress of the late negotiations cannot deny that the policy of Prussia — and this insures her the national sympathy—has been characterised by an independence against which all pres sure from without has been powerless. But Prussian policy, however national it may be, has not escaped the suspicion of foreigners, because it proclaims openly its ob ject and its tendencies. To preserve the interests of Ger many and the equilibrium of Europe—those are the two objects which she cannot lose sight of, but, on the con trary, she must consider them as intimately connected. " Prussia has clearly marked out her position in regard to the disputing parties by her participation in the con ferences of Vienna. That position she will maintain when the latter shall have ceased to exist. In accord with Aus tria, she held out her band to the Western Powers, in order to insure by an arrangement as well the possessions and the independence of Turkey as the rights which be long to Christian worship in the Ottoman empire. " Although the conferences of Vienna did not lead to the result which they . had principally in view, they afford testimony of the united efforts of the four Governments to maintain the balance of power and the peace of Europe. The effect of this unity between them is not confined within the limits of those endeavours which have not been crowned with success. " But, however sincere may have been the intention of the four Governments, so far as relates to the basis of an honourable compromise between Russia and the Porte, the protocols of Vienna do not compromise any engagement respecting an armed intervention in the Oriental quarrel. On the contrary, they leave to each of the Governments interested the liberty to employ the means most appro priate to its position, with the end of maintaining , that line of policy which it had traced for itself. According to our opinion, the great German powers are, above all, not bound to acquiesce, entirely in all the measures which the two western governments have put in execution from their own decisions, whether in the course of the conferences at Vienna, or when those conferences failed in their object. If latterly inconvenient doubts arose regarding the inde pendence of Germany, the present appears to us to be the proper time to furnish from all sides the proof that such independence is perfect. "In spite of their attachment for a Government which has been their ally for many long years, the German Go vernments did not hesitate to defend with all the weight of their moral influence the independence of the Porte against the great pretensions of that ally. But it is allowed to them to leave to the powers whose influence is decisive at Constantinople and whose fleets command the Black Sea the charge of giving armed assistance to the threatened Ottoman empire, while by their atti tude they reserve to themselves the right, when cir cumstances may be more favourable, of making the words of conciliation heard by both sides. We entertain the sin cere hope that upon the basis of this independent policy the union so happily maintained hitherto between Prussia and Austria may be consolidated more and more, and in order that sho may also show it when, under the influence of other events, the interests of Germany and the balance of European power may require that a more deci sive attitude should be assumed. " As regards Prussia in particular, under present cir cumstances, her neutral attitude between the disputing parties is alone capable of preservin g the peace of Central Europe. From the moment that sh e might raise her arms either for the East or for the West, she would infallibly create war on the banks of the Danube, the Rhine, or the Vistula. This is what neither Germany nor the rest of Europe can desire. For these reasons we hope that the Government of his Majesty will recollect the duties it has to fulfil as a great European Power, as well as the respon sibility which the private interests of Russia and Germany impose upon it." The St. Petersburg) t Journal of the 2nd inst. says : " We have just received a report of the sitting of the House of Commons of the 17th of February, and the speech which Lord J. Russell made on that occasion. It is not here the place to repeat brutal outrages of which every faithful servant of the Emperor will preserve the recollec tion, but which do not reach the august person to whom they are addressed. We shall confine ourselves to re marking that the Parliamentary annals migbt be searched in vain for an example of such intemperate language from the mouth of a Cabinet Minister in reference to a Sove reign against whom the country of that Minister has not yet declared war. What are of importance in this speech are not the invectives of the Minister, but the nature of the determinations of the Government which the speech reveals. It must be very evident henceforward that the peace of the world does not depend upon chance only, but that war forms a decided element of the plans of the English Ministry. From this cause has necessarily arisen that fatal distrust which in the Eastern question was the origin of all the previous difficulties, and which will lead at last to the most deplorable result. " That such distrust may have been entertained by France—that it may up to a certain point havefound a place in the mind of a Government still recent, which has not had time to acquire by long experience of former relations with it an exact idea of our real intentions, and abandon ing itself almost involuntarily to the almost traditional opinion which has been formed of Russian policy in the East—that may easily be conceived ; but on the part of England, which is aware of the antecedents and the cha racter of the Emperor from a connexion of long date, an opinion of such a nature justly excites surprise. Less than any other the British Government should entertain such suspicious. It has in its hands the written proof that there is no foundation for them, for long before the present position of affairs, before the questions which led to the mission of Prince Menschikoff to Constantinople had assumed so serious au aspect of difference, before Great Britain had adopted the same line of policy as France, the Emperor had spontaneously explained himself with the most perfect candour to the Queen and her Ministers, with the object of establishing with them a friendly understanding even upon the most important result which can affect the Ottoman Empire. Since the year 1829, his Majesty followed with great atten tion the march of events in Turkey. The Emperor could not shut his eyes to the consequences of the changes which were, one after the other, introduced into that State. Ancient Turkey disappeared from the time when it was sought to establish those institutions diametrically opposed as well to the genius of Islamism as to the character and usages of the Mussulmans —institutions more or less bor rowed from modern liberalism, and consequently entirely opposed to the spirit of the Ottoman Government. It be came evident that Turkey was undergoing a complete transformation, and that these experiments, at least doubt- , ful so far as regarded the re-organisation of the empire, seemed rather calculated to lead to a crisis which would overturn it. It seemed likely that a new order of things would arise which, although indefinable, would at all events destroy that which existed. "To these permanent and increasing causes of dissolu tion recent complications have been added, resulting from the affairs of Montenegro, the religious persecutions exer cised in several Christian provinces, a difference with the Austrian Government, considerable financial embarrass ment, and lastly, the important affair of the Holy Places, to which the imperious demands of the French Ambassador at Constantinople were beginning to give a serious and menacing character. These complications, which created sullen excitement among the Christian population, were likely from one day to another to bring about a sudden catastrophe which it was urgent to prevent. " Penetrated with the extreme importance of such a re sult, and having at that period almost reached the region of the possible, if not entirely of the probable—convinced of the disastrous consequences which might result from it, the Emperor thought it necessary to assure himself before hand whether the English Government shared his appre hensions. He wished more particularly by a frank pre vious understanding to remove every subject of misunder standing between Great Britain and himself. It seemed of the highest importance to his Majesty to establish the most perfect identity of views with the Government of Great Britain. " With this view the Emperor engaged the English Minister at St. Petersburg to cause her Majesty to be in formed of his anticipations with respect to the danger, more or less imminent, that menaced Turkey. He requested on this subject a confidential interchange of opinions with her Britannic Majesty. That was certainly the most evident proof of confidence which the Emperor could give to the Court of St. James; and thus did his Majesty most openly signify his sincere wish to prevent any ulterior divergence between the two Governments. "Sir H. Seymour acquitted himself forthwith of the im portant commission which the Emperor had impressed on him in a long and familiar conversation. " The result has shown itself in a correspondence of the most friendly character between the present English Minis ters and the Imperial Government. "It is not permitted to us to divulge the contents of non official documents, which do not concern the Emperor alone, and which contain the expressions of a mutual confidence. What we are permitted to say is, that in examining the cir cumstances more or less likely to affect the duration of the status quo in the East,—an examination undertaken from the conviction respectively entertained that every effort should be made to sustain that status quo, and to prolong it as long as possible, there never was any question of a plan by which Russia and England might dispose beforehand, and between themselves, of the destiny of the different provinces which constitute the Ottoman empire • still less of a formal agreement t obe co ncluded between them, with out the knowledge and unassisted by the counsel and in tervention of the other courts. "The two parties were limited to a frank and single con fidence, but without reserve on either side, to communi cate what might be adverse to English interests, what might be so to Russian, so that in any given case hostile or oven contradictory action might be avoided. " In looking over the different parts of this confidential correspondence —in recalling the spirit in which they themselves had interpreted it, the Ministers with whom at the time it was carried on, and who since have per mitted themselves to be swayed by prepossessions to be regretted, will be able to decide if those prepossessions are just. Let Lord John Russell more especially reperuse that correspondence, ha which lie was the first to take part, before ceding to Lord Clarendon the direction of foreign affairs. Let him consult his conscience, if the passion which leads him astray permit him to recognize its voice. He can decide now whether it be really true that the Em peror has been wanting in frankness towards the English Government ; or if rather his Majesty has not unbosomed himself to England with as little reserve as possible ; if there exists the least reason for believing that we have ambitious or exclusive views on Constantinople; or, if on the contrary, the Emperor hes not explained himself in a way to remove all doubt as to his real intentions on the subject of the political combinations to be avoided, in the extreme case which he at the time pointed out to the fore sight of the British Government." CONFESSION OF MOSES ITATTO.—An official commu nication has been made to the local press of Aylesbury that Moses Hatto, convicted of the murder at Burnham, has made a full confession of his guilt. The magistrates to whom the confession was made have at present felt it their duty to withhold the particulars. It is in the form of a written document, and its publication will be looked forward to with considerable interest in the neighbour hood on account of the mystery which still surrounds the crime. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS--(YESTERDAY.) The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at 5 o'clock. The Earl of HARROWBY presented a petition in favour of the establishment of reformatory schools. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE presented, on behalf of the Bishop of Durham, a similar petition from the city of Durham. Lord BROUGHAM laid on the table a bill for assi milating the bankruptcy and insolvency laws of England and Scotland, which he stated had obtained the general approval of the mercantile classes of Scotland, as well as of the Scotch judges. On the motion of the noble lord, the bill was read a first time. COUNTY COURTS. Lord BROUGHAM, in moving for a return of the fees received by the County Courts, deprecated the system of paying the judges and officers of those courts out of fees paid by suitors, instead of out of the conso- lidated fund. He stated that no less a sum than 125,0001. was extorted in one year from the suitors for that pur pose. CHRISTIANITY IN THE EAST. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY, in rising to move for a paper in continuation of those formerly presented on the state of religious liberty enjoyed by the Christians under the Turkish Government, said that a few days ago there appeared in the public papers a document purport ing to be a manifesto from the Emperor of Russia which contained this portentous assertion, that England and France, siding with the enemies of Christianity, had de clared war against Russia, which was combating for the orthodox faith. It was not surprising that England and France should resent such an imputation, and should require an explanation, and that all Europe should do so ; but more particularly those who had been engaged in administering the affairs of some portions of the reli gious societies which existed in England and upon the continent, and who were prepared to give and would give the most positive contradiction to this assertion of the Czar. He would undertake to prove that Turkey had done everything to advance, and Russia everything to suppress the progress of Protestant Christianity among millions of mankind. His firm belief was that from first to last there never was one particle or atom of sincerity on the part of Russia in the negotiations which had been carried on—(hear, hear)—and if the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs had been an angel of light he would not have brought those negotiations to any other issue than had been arrived at. (Hear, hear.) There was but one dominant feeling in the mind of the Czar—which was, to obtain absolute dominion over the Turkish Em pire. (Hear, hear.) This was evident from the haughty assumption of protection over the rights of Christians in the East, and the haughty rejection of the me diation of the Four Powers. It was also evident after the production of the Menschikoff note, and th e style and tone of the despatches of the noble lord con ferred the greatest honour upon the Government, and added to the dignity of the country. The Emperor of Russia was not the first man who had laid to our charge an unholy alliance with the Mussulmans ; he had taken it second hand from an accomplished member of the other house, only adding that he was combating for the orthodox faith. He did think it surprising that a gen tleman of sagacity and knowledge like Mr. Cobden should have treated this subject as if an alliance with Mussul mans was a thing unprecedented with Christian powers. We had had not only defensive but offensive alliances with Mussulman princes in India. The hon. gentleman talked as if Indian history had never been written, and as if we had never been united with Musselmans for the recovery of the power of Egypt. There was a very wide distinction between an alliance with any power for the assertion of a great principle and the maintenance of order, and an alliance with that power for the purpose of aggrandisement. Law, justice, and order were things so sacred in the eye of God that they must be respected, and Turkey happened to be the battle field, and the Turks happened to be the immediate object of this principle. It was not a question whether the Turks should remain at Constantinople, but whether we should uphold an empire said to be in its dotage, and maintain the rights and independence of the weaker power, and whether we should put a limit to the encroachments of an ambitious power that seemed dis posed to darken all that was light and subject all that was free. (Hear, hear.) As far as he had heard he most heartily wished the Russians were well north of issued (Hear, whence they never ought to have (Hear, hear.) And the Turks were well on the eastern side of the Euphrates. But since we were called on to say which we preferred, he declared that he infinitely preferred Turkish to Russian dominions, for under the Turks they possessed facilities for the progress of the civilisation of mankind which were utterly denied within the territories of Russia. He would attempt to describe the growth of civilisation and Christianity, and the de velopment of the intellect, and the increase of wealth, with all the accompanying advantages which had taken place in the last 20 years in the Oriental provinces sub ject to the Turkish empire. He did not deny that in the Turkish dominions, notwithstanding what he had as serted of the greater freedom allowed to the Christian population and the great progress which they had made, that there had been occasional outbreaks of violence ; but they had been local and not general, and had been caused by some ill-conducted fanatics and never autho rised by the Government. The great enemies of Chris tianity in those provinces was not the Turk, but the Christian himself'. A large proportion of the spoliation, torture, and imprisonment to which Christians were subjected, had been instigated by Christians against Christians, or else had been the work of the Greek priesthood, with a view to obtain power over the laity of their own community. He would detail the gradual growth and progress of intelligence and civilisation in Turkey during the last 20 years. It was stated upon the authority of all those most conversant with the subject, and could be proved by records, that the diffusion of the Bible had been almost incredible, and that had been the precursor of civilisation and free in stitutions. 'Wherever the Scriptures had free course, and were freely admitted into the minds of men, there civilisation was sure to exist, and longings and aspira tions for liberty. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Layard made a statement in the House of Commons which had been confirmed by the American missionaries—namely, that there were 40 towns and villages in which there were distinct congregations of protestant seceders from the Greek church. Twenty-five years ago not a single seceder was to be found, but now there were 65 regu larly appointed protestant teachers ; and in Constanti nople alone there were 14 schools belonging to these se ceders. The consequence of this had been that men's minds had been set to work, and there had been an in crease of intelligence, accumulation of wealth, and great aspirations for truth. The efforts of the laity to eman cipate itself from the thraldom of the priesthood had been strenuously opposed, but it had been nevertheless very successful, and was going on rapidly at this mo ment. Now, to what was all this to be attributed ? Why, to the singular, to the unprecedented liberality of the Turkish Government. (Hear, hear.) In Turkey free scope was allowed to every religious movement, and there had been no hindrances except from. the Greek and Armenian priesthood. Associations, open and recognised, were permitted for religious purposes. Printing presses were allowed in Con stantinople, Bucharest, and other great towns, where the scriptures were printed in every Oriental ' lanouage, in the Turkish language , and for circulation among the Turkish people. There were forty Bible depots in Turkey, where Bibles were freely sold ; and colporteurs were allowed to perambulate the country and circulate the Scriptures. Now, let him contrast this with what was done in the Russian dominions, and from that they might infer what would be done if Turkey fell under the sway of Russia. No colporteurs were allowed to enter Russia—no scope was permitted for re ligious movements, and no printing presses were per mitted for printing the Bible. There were no versions of the scriptures allowed to be imported into Russia, ex cept those in the English, French, Italian, and German tongues, not a single copy of the Scriptures in the mo dern Russ, the language of the people, was allowed to pass the frontier. Copies of the Scriptures in that lan guage were forbidden to be imported under the severest penalties ; and since 1823-4 there had not been printed in Russia a single copy of the Scriptures in the modern Russ. (Hear, hear.) There were no colporteurs or other persons allowed to perambulate the country as re ligious teachers ; and he might mention another in stance of remarkable bigotry. Although the Emperor of Russia had 2,000,000 of Hebrew people in hisdo minions, he did not allow to pas s hi s frontier for their use, one single copy of the Scriptures int . h e Hebrew tongue. If this was the spirit in which the Emperor governed Ru ssia, what might they not expect if ho obtained possession o the Tur kish provinces ? But thi s great autocrat who com batted so fiercely for " the orthodox faith " was no t more favourable to missions not missions to disturb the belief of the members of the Greek church, but missions to the heathen in his own domi nions—the outcasts of his own provinces who were sun k to the lowest depths of idolatry and ignorance. He be lieved that no missions had been sent from the Greek Church to the heathen in the wilds and steppes of Russia. The Moravian brethren, as everybody knew, presented the best specimens of Christian missionaries, and in 1823 they sent a mission to Russia, but th ey were no t a ll owe d to baptise any of their converts, in consequence of -an old law that no heathen should be converted to Chris tianity, except b y the Greek p r i es th oo d . Th e London Missionary Society undert oo k a m i ss i on i n Siberia and on the frontiers of Chinese Tartary, iu which undertaking they received the countenance of the Emperor Alexan der ; but in the year 1841, atter 20 years' expense and labour, their mission was supnressed by an order of the Russian Government, that Government conceiving that no man ought to be converted to Christianity, except through the medium of their own priesthood. On the other hand, th e T ur k s no t on ly g ave full liberty to mis sionaries, but by the promulgation of edicts allowed every one to follow those religious views which he believed to b . e right. H e w ou ld sa y a few words upon the manner in which Russia had exerted its influence in the Greek Church. The house should bear in mind that the autho- rity in that Church possessed civil as well as eccleasias tical powers—acting, indeed, to a certain degree as civil magistrates. In relation to this, Mr. Consul Wood, in one of his despatches, spoke of the cru e lt y an d i n t r i gues of the Greek priests, who, said he, were instigated by the Russian Consul-General. So again Mr. Welles ley wrote in 1846 to the Foreign Minister, complain ing of the injuries inflicted iupon, and the hardships endured by Greeks, through the persecution of their own Church. Yet this was the state of things which the -~--.-- , -- Emperor of Russia was desirous of intro:hieing aka warn s taining in Turkey. The endeavours of Russia could not be mistaken ; they were traceable step by step throng+. . 2 a series of years. In 1845, the ambassador at Constan tinople wrote to Lord Aberdeen, stating that the efforts of the Consul-General of Russia—who, by the way, complained of persons seceding from the Greek Church —had, in conjunction with the acts of the Greek priest. hood, led to certain consequences. To this Lord Aber deen very properly replied that, if the Russian Consul complained of the effects of the teaching of the mission aries, he ought to abate somewhat his own religious zeal. On a subsequent occasion Lord Aberdeen expressly stated that remonstrances must be made against these religion:l persecutions. In Sept., 1846, Lord Palmerston was in office, and Mr. Wellesley wrote to his lordship, detailing the atrocities perpetrated by Greek against Greek. It was true, said Mr. Wellesley, that Sir S. Canning had ob tained a promise from the Greek patriarch that the pen alties of excommunication should not affect the civil rights of parties, but that promise was constantly vio lated. After this time Lord Cowley obtained from the Turkish Ministry a Vizierial edict of toleration, which was forwarded to Lord Palsnerston, by whom a copy was laid before the late Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London. Of this document, the latter prelate spoke in terms of high approval, saying that it was a full concession of their rights to all denuminats of Protestants. When was snob. a docu ment obtained from Russia ? (Hear, hear.) A cir cumstance which happened in the latter ena' of 1846 was too important to be passed over. The authorities of the Greek Church cited a large number of per. sons to appear before the patriarch, and they did so appeLw one by one. Those who would not give in their adhesieln to certain views then advanced were treated with the gr.eat est severity. Under the measures then taken, many Christian women and children were put in a state of excommunication ; bakers were prohibited from selling' them bread, and water-carriers were forbidden to give them water. At that moment, when matters had reached their height, support came to them from a quarter from which, perhaps, but little was expected. Red.schid Pacha, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, summoned the patriarch before him, told him that liberty of conscience was the rule of the Empire, and that he must desist from the course which he had been pursuing. He (the Earl of Shaftesbury) would here ask the house to permit him to turn from his main object to say a few words in praise of the noble lord who represented this country at Constantinople. Mr. White, one of the missionaries who had been in Turkey, bad said of the noble lord that it mattered not who was the victim of persecution • for, be he who he might, the noble philanthropist was always ready to fly to his relief. To his exertions many of the measures which had for their object the alleviation of the condition of the inhabitants of Turkey was to be traced. (Hear.) Nor did his efforts cease until he had obtained a firman from the Turkish Government, whereby religious liberty was effectually secured. Up to the time of which he was now speaking, the various edicts which had been obtained were vizierial ; the measure to which he now referred was an imperial edict, under the sign-manual of the Sultan Abd-ul-Medjid himself. He begged the attention of the house to the contents of this firman, the terms of which were as complete as it was possible for them to be. It ran thus :—" To my Vizier, Mahommed Pacha, Prefect of Police in Constan tinople, when this sublime and august mandate reaches you, let it be known that hitherto those of my Christian subjects who have embraced the Protestant faith have suffered much inconvenience and distress. But in ne cessary accordance with my imperial commission, which is the support of all, and which is manifested to all classes of my subjects, it is contrary to ray imperial pleasure that any one class of them should be exposed to suffering. As, therefore, by reason of their faith, the above-mentioned are already a separate community, it is my royal and compassionate will that, for the facili tating the conducting of their affairs, and that they may obtain ease, and quiet, and safety, a faithful and trust worthy person from among themselves, and by their own selection, should be appointed, with the title Agent of the Protestants, and that he should be in relations with the Prefecture of Police. You will not permit any. thing to be required of them, in the name of fee, or on other pretences, for marriage licenses or registration. You will see to it, that, like other communities of the empire, in all their affairs, such as procuring ceme teries and places of worship, they should have every facility and every needed assistance. You will not per mit that any of the other communities shall in any way interfere with their edifices, or with their wordly mat ters or concerns, or, in short, with any of their affairs, either secular or religious, that thus they may be free to exercise the usages of their faith. And it is enjoined upon you not to allow them to be Molested an iota in these particulars, or in any others ; and that all attention and perseverance be put in requisition to maintain them in quiet and security. And, in case of necessity, they shall be free to make representations regarding their affairs, through their agent, to the Sublime Porte." This, then, was the whole secret of the movement of the Russian Emperor. He saw that the circulation of the Scriptures and the recognition of the rights of conscience which was going on in the Tarkish provinces would lead to the recognition of civil rights and freedom. He could not'place a cordon sanitaire along his frontier, and a thought occurred to him to demand that things should be remitted to the status quo ab antiquum. He (Lord Shaftesbury) believed that if this demand had been ac ceded to, all the advantages for which Sir S. Canning had so long and so well contended would have been swept away at one blow ; he could find no reason for wonder at the imperial indignation which had been ma nifested against that ambassador, for by his acts 11,000,000 of the human race had been placed beyond the schemes of the Russian Emperor. He felt con vinced that the Emperor had set his heart upon the object at which lie now evidently aimed from the very beginning of his reign. His predecessor, Alexander, was a very different man ; the Emperor Alexander did all in his power to curb the Greek church, the Emperor Nicho las to stimulate that church for the purposes of his own agzrandisement. Alexander went so far as to issue an order that all letters upon the business of the Bible socie ties should pass free, and that the Bibles should be con veyed without coat, In addition to this he gave a sum of 15,000 roubles to the Bible societies. Ina' remark. able speech upon the formation of the Moscow Bible So ciety, the Emperor Alexander expatiated on the benefits of these societies, of which he had enrolled himself as a member. In 1826 Nicholas mounted the throne, and one of his first acts was to suppress the Bible Society. Had Turkey ever done anything like this ? Undoubtedly not. In truth, within the last twenty years Turkey had done more for the advancement of Christianity and civi lisation than Russia had done during the 900 years of winch the emperor made so great a boast, He (the Earl of Shaftesbury) was convinced that if Turkey had done less in the cause of civilisation and freedom Europe would never have heard of the Menschikoff note or of the invasion of the Principalities. (Hear , hear.) Though we were not going to war primarily for these objects, yet we were not undertaking a war to establish a state of thing s adverse to all improvement. He felt quite sure that th noble lord the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs would do his utmost to support Lord Stratford in his exertions on behalf of the Christians of Turkey. He could not sit down without saying that he thought the forbearance and reluctance manifested by her Ma jesty's Government to push matters to actual hostilities had been productive of the most beneficial results. (Hear.) It had secured the sympathy of other countries, above all, of that country which he (Lord Shaftesbury) always desired that England should stand well with— the United States of America. It had shown also what I we thought of war—that we were anxious not to rush into it thoughtlessly, and that, even in our fallen state, we looked upon it as a last resource. But, in addition to all this, the course which had been taken showed that England came to the contest with a determination to take measures to prevent its future recurrence. (Hear.) Seeing, then, that the country engaged in this war for no selfish purpose, but for the assertion of a great principle, it was the duty of the house, and of the nation, to ffer up prayers to Almighty Provi dence to bring the contest to a speedy, a certain, and a prosperous issue. The Earl of CLARENDON—My lords, I shall oconpy your time but for a few minutes. I rise in the first place for the purpose of telling my noble friend (the Earl of Shaftesbury) that there is no objection to pro duce the returns for which he moves, and, in the next place, to express to him my thanks for the interesting, the important, and the opportune statement which he has just made to the house with even more than his usual ability. (Hear, hear.) My lords, there is no mart either within or without the walls of this house, entitled. to speak with the same authority upon the subject as my noble friend, whose whole life has been devoted to the diffusion of the knowledge and the attendant bles sings of Christianity ; who is not a mere subscriber, or sa general patroniser of the religious societies to which he has alluded, but is their vivifying support and their practical and laborious superintendent—(hear) —who is therefore well acquainted with the proceedings of the persons sent forth, and to state facts which are conse quently unimpeachable. I say that the statement of those facts is most opportune, and is morever calculated. to allay the doubts and fears to which the noble earl alluded, and to stamp with its true character the con test in which we are about to be engaged. My noble friend characterised in proper terms the manifestos to which he alluded in the beginning of his speech, when he said that the charge brought by the Emperor of. Russia against England and France—that they were taking part with the enemies, and against the pre eminence, of Christianity —was calculated to raise the doubts and anxieties to which he alluded. But those charges are only consistent with the course which has been pursued throughout the transactions of the last twelve months. Nothing, to my mind, has been more culpable, but, on the other hand, nothing has been less successful, than the attempt which has been made to give to this war, which Russia has forced upon Turkey, a religious character. War, under any circumstances, was a grave, :m unmitigated calamity ; but a religious war—a war in which men fight for their faith, in which they bring themselves to believe that their deeds are acceptable in the eyes of their Creator, is, as the experi ence of history teaches us, always accompanied by a spirit which rouses the worst passions of human nature, and affords palliations for the greatest acts of barbarism and ferocity. I say this, my lords, that it is in the last degree urjustitiable to give to this war a religious aspect, to mask the truth with religion, and to invoke the bless ings of heaven upon such deeds ; but, as I said before, I believe that this course has been attended with the fate it deserves. There is no man out of Russia npon whom it has imposed, and I believe the result has not been far different in Russia. I believe that these ex• citing a ppeals have met with but a feeble res p onse in Russia, not on account of want of the fo rce of kn. pal swsiian, for that is universal, not for lack o f re li g i ous eru zeal, for no nation possesses more or carries it to greater length—almost to the length of superstition—* kVPEfI 1.. e.: :, , ‘..- - , k' .' ! ~ ..• - i ',...,._: .. . f'• 4 Itioa mrse ekes. weep Is on r are The d on stern altic. diens :bind the fleet wing C eva efore Id of an the the itive the ches, Ilow von scree )om- Joan 14th lave !cut. r OUr' L at 354 ; the 2 on ods. Lt In are St. and men it is will the ro neW the St. oc aost pro lave bat- riel, the ting yes eror cunt no ng 110 )0. 7