The Sun. — London, England, 1833-07-04 00:00:00

- therefore, determine the question,- although he could not see occasion for furtherevideitce, after.the.conclusive faces that had been given to the C •mmittee upon oath. It was true the Corporation was not repreSented before the Oen mittee, and it might app4l• hard to-itisTiimaise 'them in their absence.—(Hear.) As to the motio❑ of the Noble Lord, he . agreed to the'first part of it, but not to the second, which did not-g 6 the necessary length of disfran chising the borough, as a consequence upon.its corruption. The SPEAKER suggested the postponement of the second reading until Friday, which was an order day. Mi. O'CONNELL . then moved the postponement of the second reading of the Bill until Friday. • BANKRUPT (SCOTLAND) BILL. The LORD ADVOCATE moved the second reading of this Bill to that day six months, in consequence, ae . he said, of the advanced period of the session. EDINBURGH ANNUITY BILL. The LORD ADVOCATE postponed this Bill to this day six months IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT BILL. The SOLICITOR•GENERAL hoped the House would allow this Bill to he read a second time, as he was anxious to get it into Committee for the purpose of filling up the blanks, and so amending the different clauses as to disarm any reasonable objections which might be made to it. The question having been put, Mr. SHAW was not opposed to the whole of the Bill, but he thought it involved a principle too important to he passed without discussion, and they had as yet had none, the first reading having been agreed to at two o'clock in the morning. Mr. O'CONNELL hoped the Solicitor-General would press the second reading of this Bill, for it involved a principle which it was most desirable to establish, viz. the abolition of imprisonment for debt, that peine forte et (hire, the relic of a barbarous code, only exceeded in barbarity by that part of the law which allowed a man to defeat his credi tors' claims by retaining his property, although sent to prison. Both these barbarous anomalies would be removed by the Bill. He hoped, therefore, the House would read it a second time, and discuss every section of it in Com mittee, with that attention which the importance of the details of such a Bill deserved. Mr. BARING only objected to the second reading be cause it would, according to the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin, be establishing the principle of the abolition of imptisonment for debt. He did not say that, after argument, he might not be led to the conclusion th it the change was desirable, but at present he could not come to that conclusion. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL had no objection to the Bill beine. read a second time on:he understanding that its principle might be afterwards opposed ; but be begged to state that it did not in all cases abolish im prisonment for debt. Imprisonment was retakea in ea - c of fraud and, when a debtor wished to abscond, a more more summary remedy was given than now existed. Mr. HERRIES must oppose the second reading, as involving the principle of the Bill. Mr. POTTER was of opinion that this would be a most beneficial measure to the country. He had heard from every quarter that it would he productive of the grt atest advantage to the commercial community, and he earnestly lisped the Solicitor-General would be allowed to press forward the Bill to night through a second reading, that it might be passed into a law this session. Sir F. VINCENT and Lord ALTHORP made a few ob servations, which were totally inaudible in the gallery. Mr. HERRIES said that, upon the assurance of the Noble Lord opposite that no unfair advantage would be taken of the Bills being allowed to pass through a second reading to-night, he would be one of the last to offer any obstinate objection on any technical grounds; at the same time, in permitting the second reading to-night, it would be clearly understood th a that should not import an acquiescence in the principle of the rm•asure on the part of any one in the House. Mr. FRYER trusted the House would not object to the second reading to-night. It was a measure, the bring .ng forward of which did great credit to the Government, and undoubtedly ought to become the law of the land before Parliament broke up. The SPEAKER put the question, and the Bill passed through a second reading without a division. ripen the motion of the SOLICITOR-GENERAL, the Bill was ordered to be committed on this day week. several Bills which stood for to-night were postponed. On the Bill relating to the transmission of property n Ireland having been called or, Mr. LITTLETON said he wished, if the House would permit, that that Bill should be read a second time pro farina, to-night, and ordered to go into Committee, of course with the understanding that no Member would be pledged to its principle or details. A desultory conversation took place between Mr. O'Connell, Mr. Lefroy, Col. Perceval, and Mr. Littleton, but in the end the Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed to a Committee of the whole House to-morrow. THE BANK CHARTER. Lord ALTHORP then moved that the House resolve itself into a Committee on the Bank Charter. Mr. HERRIES wished to know whether the report in circulation was or was not true, that it was the intention of the Noble Lord to postpone, at least beyond the pre sent session, that part of the Bank Charter Act which related to country banking ? Lord ALTHORP said in reply—l had intended before proceeding in the Committee to make the statement I am now about to make. The resolutions which I proposed re specting joint-stock banking companies in the country formed a part of the measure to which I attached great im portance. To that part of it also the greatest objections have been urged—l mean that part which enabled joint stock banks of deposit to be established on a limited lia bility in every part of the country. In bringing the mea sure forward, I certainly anticipated that I should be op posed by a very powerful body of men. In that anticipation I have not been disappointed.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) From every information I could collect upon the subject, I find that they are a more powerful giody than I had imagined—(Hear, hear)—and the pro lability is, that on that account I should not be able to carry that part of it into proper effect, or it ultimately, not during the present session of Parlia went.—(Hear, hear.) With that view I do feel, I may ass his Majesty's Government altogether feel, it would not be desirable to press that portion of the measure during the present session. It is therefore my intention to postpone all the part of the plan which I brought forward relative to country hankers, excepting what required them to cool• pound fur the stamp duties, in order that the country might knew their real circulation. I should be seri) , in making this announcement, if it were supposed that I withdrew this part of the plan because I was con vinced by the arguments adduced that I was wrong.— (Hear, and a laugh.) I certainly am not convinced of that. wish rather to put it on its really true ground, that I believe I am not able to carry it—(Hear, hear, and loud Daughter)--I mean during the present session. I beg, therefore, to state, in answer to the Right Hon. Gentle man, that I do not mean to press that part of the Bill, as I have stated, which relates to country banking. Mr. BERRIES rejoiced with the whole body of country 'sulkers in the statements that bad been made by the Noble Lord. He wished to put another question to the Noble Lord. The House had passed a resolution as to the project of in eking the Balk of England notes a legal tender ; he wished to know whether that Noble L •rd in. tended to mike that part of the resolution the subject of a separate Bill, or to include it in the one that Fruit been already introduced. He thought the measure looked very much like an intended bonus for the Bank. Lord ALTHORP thought that the subject w(s an con nected with the whole measure, that it ought to be taken into consideration altogether. No bonus was intended by it to the Bank, and if it were found productive of incon venience, it would be in the power of the House to make any al let aim's. Mr. BARING said he had certainly heard with much pleasure the declaration of the Noble Lord, that he did not intend to abandon that resolution. The House thought the country generally had no objection to that resolution, and that their hostili.y ag :inn the measure venerally was removed by that part which the Noble Lord had given up for this session. But though he approved of the principle, he objected to mixing it up with the feagesi al of the Bank Charter. There were other r, solu • fa:4 61 the same kind. The one relating to the usury laws was not connected with the Bank Charter. He (lid not expect se wu ela from that resolution as some Hon. Gen tierces, but be wee not opposed to it ; but it had nothing to do with the renzeival of the Bank Charter. In the corre spondeace of the Noble Lord with the Bank, it el/9 not stated that these things were part of the bargain; but in the correspondence it was said we a.e going to do and so ; we are going to alter the usury laws; and us the ultimate consideration the country was entitled to have compensation augmented. It was rather too much, there fore, to say that the Bank might not put a veto on the arrangement as far as it was concerned, if the regulation about the usury laws were abandoned. The p. in, iple of making the Bank of England paper a legal tender was too important to form part only of another measure. It ought to be the subject of a specific measure, and nut mixed up with the Bank Charter. . Lord ALTHORP 'stated that the part.of the plan which be had abandoned was undoubtedly part of the lie thought, ou that polar, that the Daub of L bland TPR V might, if it pleased, abandon the bargain. The establish ment of joint-stock banks, not of issue, and with limited responsibility, was proposed to the Bank, and the consent of the Rank was founded in part of that. If the Bank uf England should consider that it had a right to abandon the proposition, it might do a and he should have no reason to complain. He had written a private letter to the Bank, announcing his intention, and if the Bank chose to abandon the bargain, it was at liberty to do so. Sir JOHN WROTTESLEY asked a question, but neither the question nor Lord Althorp's answer was dis tinctly audible i❑ the Gallery. The House then went into Committee, when the Chair man read the fourth resolution. Mr. CLAY considered it the duty of the Members of that House, as guardians of the public purse, to come to the assistance of the Noble Lord, as he was evidently over matched. He had certainly the misfortune of diffiring with the Chancellor of the Exchequer of the 3d of July, but he bad the consolation of agreeing with the Chancellor of the Exchequer of the Ist of April last ; and he believed the proposition he was about to make was identical with that made to the Bank by the Noble Lord at that period. The test by which this question should he examined, as admitted both by the Noble Lord and the Bank of Eng land, was, on what terms would a new Company undertake the business? He was quite convinced a new Company would do it much cheaper ; and, in his opinion, the House would completely stultify itself, if it consented to ratify a bargain founded on such delusive accounts as those pre sented by the Bank of England. Allowing for a reserve of 7,500,000/, the Bank had the disposal in round numbers of 16,000,000/. of money, on which, according to their own showing, they made an interest of 467,875/. ; but from this they deducted 330,000/. Now, of what items was this sum composed ? The first was 147,0001., being 1 per cest. on their capital, in uddition to the 3 per cent. allowed by Go vernment, they contending that they ought to make 4 per cent. This was a most astonishing item, for it was admit ted, that of the 16,000,0001. of which they had the disposal, they could not mike 4 per cent., nor even 3, but only 2!, and yet the Bank had the assurance to insert this item.—(Hear.) Why, give them back their 14,500,000/., and what would they do with it? If they placed it out in the funds, they would not get 43,000/. a year more than Government allowed them.—( Hear.) The next item was most extraordinary. The Bank charged the Government for rent of offices to transact the public busi ness no less than 55,3001. a year. Was not this mon strous? A new building might be erected for the pur pose, on a most liberal scale, for 13,000/. a year. Under the bead of forgery, they charged 40,0001. a year as an average ; but the years which they took to form an ave rage included the year in which the Bank lost 360,000/. by Fauntleroy alone. In 1821 the loss was only 1,8001. So much for this calculation.—(Hear.) Ready, however, as they were to speak about these losses, there was one large source of profit which they had not the candour or honour to notice—he meant the large number of outstand ing notes, fur which they had received fall value, but which they would never be called upon to pay. Of notes outstanding upwards of twenty years there were 280,000/. ; upwards of fifteen years, 95,000/. ; upwards of ten years, 119,000/. ; upwards of five years, 511,000/, the greater part of which they would never be called upon to pay. These were all 51. notes and upwards ; but, in addition, there were 1/. and 2/ notes outstanding, to the amount of 297,000/. ; making, in the whole, 1,234,0001., of which they had not the candour to say one word. They also charged 21,500/. for pensions. Surely they themselves ought to pay the pensions of those men by whom they obtained the twenty millions ; for if they put them down to the public debt, they might as well be charged at once upon the Consolidated Fund. This amounted to 190,000/ a year, which, added to 180,0001. a year, admitted profits derived from the management of the public debt, and the profits on the circulation, amounted to 370,000/. a year total profit derived by the Bin'.; from their connection with Government.—(Hear.) The advantages which the Bank would derive from the new proposed Charter were very great. If the Government paid off the quarter of the debt due to the Bank, and the Bank did not return that to the proprietors, they could still continue to pay 8 per cent. on their Stock, and their Stock would still bear their present price of 2041. or 205/. ; whereas, if they were to cease to be a Company to-morrow, their Stock would not be worth 130!. The difference was the advantages derived by the Bank at the public expense. If the management of the National Debt and Currency were to be offered to a new Company in the City, with a capital of ten millions, the shares would be subscribed to-morrow, and would in a very short time bear forty per cent. premium. The Hon. Member concluded by moving the following amendment : ..—cf That it is the opinion of this Committee that the allowances and remuneration at present secured by law to the Bank of England for the management of the public debt, and for services performed to the public should cease, and that such services should be gratuitously performed." Lord ALTHORP said it seemed to be thought that the Bank capital was only employed in advances upon Govern ment securities. It was forgotten that it was also employed in a great part in advances upon mortgages. The effect of the repayment of the 14,500,000/. upon these, ought to be considered as throwing so large a sum of money into the market. He admitted the charge relative to the amount of forgeries might not he quite fair, but he thought the statements on the other side also required some modifi cation. He should leave it out of the account, as it certainly was unfair, and he allowed he never considered it much otherwise. In answer to the inquiry whether he had any prospect of establishing another Bank of Issue in the metropolis and its vicinity, he considered it would he impossible to obtain private individuals who would enter into any such speculation ; and to show that, he entered into a variety of calculations. Taking the Bank of Eng land as the model, the average circulation of such a hank of issue would be 20,000.0001. ; of the 7,000,000/. to which the deposits amounted, 3,500,000/. were private deposits, and 3,500,000/. were Government deposits. All these together made 27,000,000/. The surplus capital which would be required for the management of the banking business would hardly be less than 3,000,000/. — making altogether 30,000,000/. They must then have a reserve fund of 10,000,000/. not invested in securities, as houses, buildings, or other things yielding a profit, leaving thus 20,000,000/. as the amount of capital upon which they might expect to obtain profit. For the management of the debt the Bank incurred an expense of 160,000/.-- putting out of the account the amount of forgeries, which might be fairly set cff against the chance of the notes not coming iu ; the expense of the establishment in general was 106,000/. ; that of keeping up the circulation 70,0001. ; that of the banking department 40,000/. —making in all 376,0001.; taking the statement of the Bank, which he admitted to be too high in many parti culars. With respect to the profit obtained on the 20,000,000/., the public securities must be taken as a test. Allowing 14,000/. to be vested in the Funds at 3i per cent.—that would make an income of 455,000/. Six millions, vested in Exchequer Bills, at 24 per cent., would produce 135.000/. Rents, and other profitable securities, would yield 75,000/. The interest of the 7,000,000/. which must be reckoned as lent to Govern ment, would, at 3 per cent., produce 210,000/. ; and the allowance for the management of the Debt would be 248,000/. Thus, the whole income would amount to 1,123,000/. From this sum, in reckoning the profits upon the capital of the Bank, must be deducted the 376,000/. of expenses, as before stated, which would leave 717,000/. for the profits ; but that includes the 248,000/. for the management of the Debt, which it would be ne cessary to deduct. There would then be left 500,000/., or exactly 5 per cal% upon a real capital of 10,000,0001. which would be necessary to be kept. The profits of the Bank on the new scheme would not exceed 6 per cent. ; and it was not likely that any Company could be found to establish a bank of issue upon such terms. When he made a bargain—as to buy a horse or anything else—he al ways considered whether he could not get another cheaper, and he hail pursued the same course with respect to the hank of England Charter. This House, :rum the number of practical men which it contained, was well able to decide whether he had made an improvident bar. gain ; and he entirely agreed with those who said that they were not bound to ratify the bargain of Government. If he had made an improvident bargain, the mischief rested with him. Mr. A'I'TSVOOD observed, that the Hous e was no t the proper place for discussing a question which b ranc h e d into so many details, and be should, therefore, propose another amendment, to the effect, " That a Select Com mittee should be appointed, to consider on the one hand, what the public ought to pay to the Bank for conducting its money transactions ; and, on the other band, to eon eider that other topic, which seemed to be almost lost sight of—what the Bank of England ought to pay to the public for the monopoly which they were about to give it, of banking on a large scale in the metropolis and its vi • cinity." Ia 1780 the amount of circulation by the Bank of England was very different . from wh a t it was a t the present time ; for it, was only six or eight millions. In 1800 the Bank lent Government, as a compensation for the extension of their privileges, eleven millions and e half at three per cent. At that period the ordinary rate of interest was five per cent. The advantage, therefore, to the public was two per cent. on that sum, or 230,000/. Now, however, that the Bank were to lord Govet mnent the same sum at three per cent., it should he recollected that the Noble Lord at the head of the Exchequer might easily borrow the eleven millions to-morrow in ti e money wurhet at ti rte and a halt p.r cent. The benefit, there fore, that the public would derive from the arrange talent would ' i be only a fourth of the benefit derived I from the arrangement of 1800. He could not con. ceive it possible that the Committee would, in the absence of all evidence, agree to a plan which it was clear was not understood by his Majesty's Ministers themselves. Let it he recollected that we were in a situation which called for the utmost economy. They had now a large property to dispose of, namely—an exclusive privilege for a period of 21 years ; and were they to dispose of it in the want of information exhibited by the Noble Lord ? Bat the present proposition bore the same marks of confusion which were stamped upon all the measures of his :Majesty's present Government; upon the Irish Coercion Bill, upon the Irish Church Bill, and upon their various other propo sitions. The compensation to be granted to the Bank of England for transacting the public business was, in his opinion, excessive ; especially when it was considered that the Bank of England bad, on an average, four millions of public balances in their hands. 150,0001. was the highest charge made by them at a period of the war, when the amount of debt was considerably larger than at present. It should be recollected that by the present exclusive pri vileges granted to the Bank of England, the ba.,kers of London lost the advantages which they might derive from establishing a circulation of their own. The benefit that would be enjoyed by the Bank of England in consequence of making Bank of England notes a legal tender, were equal to those of a circulatixa of five millions.—(Hear, hear.) When the shopkeepers of Regent-street waited upon the Noble Lord to complain of distress, and to urge the repeal of the shop and window tax, tho Noble Lord appealed to the poverty of the Exchequer as a reason why it was impossible to comply with their wishes. He ought to have done the same to the Directors of the Bank of England. It the Hun. Member for the Tower Hamlets would withdraw his amendment, he (Mr. Att wood) would move a resolution to the effect, that it was the opinion of the Committee that a Select Committee be appointed to inquire anti report what ought to be the amount of compensation from the Bank of England to the public for the renewal of their Charter, and what ought to be the amount of compensation from the public to the Bank of England for the transaction of the public business. Mr. CLAY was quite prepared to withdraw his amendment, in order to make room for that of the Hon. Member for Whitehaven. He perfectly agreed with the Hon. Member that the House were not in possession of adequate means of deciding the important question tinder consideration. Lord ALTHORP observed, that even if the Hon. Member for the Tower Hamlets were to withdraw his amendment, the amendment of the Hon. Member for Whitehaven could not be proposed in the Committee. A Committee of the whole House must dispose in one way or another of the business before it, and could not refer that business to the consideratien of a Select Committe. Ile only cAirse to take would be to move that the Chair man do leave the Chair, which, if the Committee agreed to that proposition, would give the Hon. Member for White haven an opportunity of moving for the appointment of a Select Committee. Mr. CLAY accordingly withdrew his amendment, and Mr. ATT\VOOD moved that the Chairman do report progress, end ask leave to sit again. Mr. ROBlNSON—Although he certainly thought that the terms obtained by the Bank were too advantageous, begged to ask whether it was likely, if the Select Com mittee decided that the offer to the Bank should be consi derably diminished, the Bank would consent to such an arrangement? It had been supposed by the Hon. Memher for the Tower Hamlets, that to obtain a renewal of their Charter, the Bank would he ready to do the public busi ness for nothing. It appeared in the evidence before the Committee, however, that any such readiness had been de nied by one of the Bank Directors. He confessed that he was not inclined to disturb the existing bargain. It had been contended by the Hon. Member for the Tower Ham lets, that there would be no new difficulty in making a new arrangement with a jeint-stock company, to whom privi leges should be given similar to those now enjoyed by the Bank of England. He did nut think that a plan of that kind would he so easy. Although he thought the Noble Lord—(he would not say had hesn outwitted in his nego tiation with the Bank, for he really was not of opinion that that had been the case, but, on the contrary, thought the Noble Lord had been too candid in his adMissions on that subject)—had made a disadvantageous bargain, he be lieved that one great cause of his having done so was, that the question had been driven off to too late a period ; and that the Noble Lord had thought it absolutely necessary that the arrangement with the Bank should be concluded in the present session. Looking at the whole question, although he believed the Bank had made a bargain advan• tageous to themselves, and somewhat unfavourable to the public, he thought it would he an inconvenient course to adopt the proposition of the Hon. Member far Whitehaven. Mr. WALLACE, upon the whole, should express his approbation of the plan ; and though the arrangements were not, in his opinion, of the profitable nature for the country that they might have been, still there seas so much sound principle in the measure as to deserve his support. There was, however, one part of the measure that he should watch ; he wished to see both Ireland and Scotland receive the benefit of the legal tender clause, should that part of the plan appear to work well. Mr. BARING agreed with the Hon. Member for the Tower Hamlets, that the Noble Lord had made a bargain with the Behls, and submitted to conaitio es that he would not have acquiesced in had he had more time to show his firmness on the question. He admitted that the bargain was not so profitable to the country as it might have been; hut then there was some necessity that the bargain should be made; and if it had cost the country 50,0001., or even 100,0001. more than it would now cost, he should not think the money thrown away in preserving the country tram the shock to public credit that would have been given, had a different course been pursued. He believed that in this bargain the Noble Lord had been too much influenced by the fear of being obliged to establish a second Bank of England. He need not have feared that so much, for the Bauk would hardly have driven him to such a course. The Bank, as a private bank, would be acting under great disadvantages. Ile wile perfectly convinced that if the Noble Lord had made a proposal which the public had thought reasonable, the holders of bank stock would have made their Directors consent to it, and the moneyed interest of the country would have supported the Government in the arrangement. He did not altogether approve of what the Noble Lord hail done ; but he cer tainly objected to the motion of his Hon. Friend, the Member for Whitehaven. Mr. CA YLEY thanked the Noble Lord for the conces sions he hail made to the country bankers, and should withdraw the motion of which he had given notice on that subject. Mr. P. THOMSON was not called on to contend that the sum fixed on in the arrangements between the Govern. merit and the Bank was altogether what, under all possible circumstances, should have been settled between them ; but the question was, whether the Government and that House were to run the risk of the refusal of the Bank, supposing them to take exaggerated views of their own interests and of the profits and loss of this arrangement, to accede to the proposed plan ; and if such was to be the case, whet would be the condition of the public? With regard to the proposition of the Hon. Member for Wititebeven, he must say he agreed most fully with the Hon. Member for Essex, that to adopt that motion would he improperly to delegate the powers of the Executive to a Committee of that House. It would be to establish, at least, a most inconvenient precedent, and it would have the effect of putting an end, for the future, to any power of the Exe cutive to enter upon any arrangements or have any dealings with any great corporate body. Suppose the Government bad stood out on the terms sought by the Bank, what would have been the condition of the country, or what would now be its condition, in case of the consent of the Committee to the proposition of the Honourable Member for Whitehaven? Thet Honourable Mem• ber, in making his motion, had used strong lan guage when spsaking of the conduct of the Noble Lord. He sl.ould not comment upon that part of the speech which related to the Noble Lord. The House must have felt the injustice of the charge, when it was said that his Noble Fiend had forgotten the duties of a Chancellor of the Exchequer to ok to the revenue of the country, and had placed himself on the side of the Bank of England, and that he had no interest at heart but theirs. Such a charge as that ought never to have been made within the walls of that House—(Hear, hear, hear)—all the Mem bers of which must he sure that the Noble Lord's sole ob ject had been to settle the question for the advantage of the country.—(Hear, hear.) It that question had been left unseitied—it the Noble Lord had not made the exer tions, which, in fact, lie had used to settle it, the Mem ber for Widtei,aven would have employed still stronger language for the neglect of duty that he would then have charged on the Noble Lord fair leaving a question of such vital importance undetermined. The advantages which were likely to acm e to the Bank had been greatly exag gerated. For his parr, he would say, that although Go vernment might have had a right to expect a better bar gain at the hands of the Bank, still, under all the cir cumstances, it was all Government could get. The Honourable Member for Whitehaven, among other severe attacks on the Chancellor of the Exchequer, affirmed that that Noble Lord stood forward as the ad vocate for the Bank. This was not the case. The fact was, that his Noble Friend was called upon to justify the hatpi n which he had tirade--which, although perbap unfair and illiberal on the part of the Bank, still it was the best which it was found passible to make, and there fore, in justifying this to the House, the Noble Lord might, as it were, appear to def.nd the Bank, though such was far from being the case. The Hon. Member for Whitehaven had attempted to make out that the public had made a much better bargain with the Bank in 1800, but he (Mr. P. Thomson) utterly denied that such was the case ; indeed, there was no parallel between the bar gains ; on the contrary, the cases were wholly different. It had been triumphantly asked whether it were likely that the Bank, rather than accede to better terms, would have sacrificed the immense advantages they derived by their exclusive privilege? He would say, yes; that it was extremely probable ; indeed, he was well assured that the Bank Directors, had Government hazardously attempted to force better terms from them, would utterly have rejected them. It was asked, "What would have become of them, then ?" Why, they would have been a chartered private bank, with a capital of at least seven (or ten) millions, without the power of issue certainly, but still of unlimited credit. After paying the proprietors one hundred and forty-five or one hunched and fifty pounds each share, tl,e Bank has seven millions of deposits, which it has in deposit as a private banking company. Matturs appeared under very different aspects than they did a few years ago, for then the Bank Directors con - duczed business under regulations which effectually tied them up from acting as a private body. But since the year 1825 they changed their system altogether, and at the present time they had private deposits to no less amount than seven millions. When relieved from their public labours, he would leave the House to imagine whether, with such a capital as this, such a good will and credit as theirs, the Bank was not likely materially to in crease its private business, so far from diminishing it— whether, under these circumstances, the Directors would not choose to risk the getting rid of Government and public business, and trust entirely to their own private re sources, rather than submit to any further reduction. They had the concurrence of Parliament in the vote the other ❑ight in their continuance as the sole Bank of issue, and be (Mr. P. Thomson) did not believe that the Committee would consent to any other delay in this great and momentous question by referring it again to a Com mittee up stairs. Mr. BARING thought that, however severe the Hon. Member for Whitehave❑ might have been upon Ministers, they had been still more despitefully entreated by their Hon. Friend who spoke last. I: was poor backing of friends to talk so complainingly of the bad bargain they had made for the public. Mr. P. THOMSON explained, that however he might have blamed the-Bank for insisting upon such hard terms, he had at the same time expressed his conscientious belief that his Noble Friend, after using even persuasion and argument for better tern's, had closed with toe present bargain, as the best which, under existing circumstances, could be made. Sir HENRY PARNELL said that it clearly appeared, that not only were it people in general extremely dissa tisfied with this meastoe, but that not a Member of that House—not even Ministers themselves—seemed to have any very favourable notion of this bargain. Was that House, then, to allow itself to be embarrassed by a mea sure which none appr. ved of? Were they to succumb, merely because the Burk chose to appear obstinate? In point of fact, the real way of doing justice to the people— which was their only ousineas in that House—would be to make the Bank pay the public, instead of tl.e public paying the Bank. He therefore trusted that the Com mittee would not come to any rash or premature resolu tion, but refer the matter to a Committee above stairs. The habit of leaving such momentous things as these to Ministers had already produced most unhappy results in several instances. The labours of the proposed Commit tee would not occupy above a fortnight or three weeks ; and then, whatever opinion they came to, he had little doubt but that the House would adopt it without further discussion. He could imagine no possible way in which this delay could affect the commercial or other interests of the country. Indeed it appeared to him that every inte rest would suffer from hurrying such a measure as this over in the present session. Mr. GROTE was also disposed to support the motion of the Hon. Member for Whitehaven, but on quite diffe rent grounds from those stated by the Hon. Baronet who had just sat down ; fur he (Mr. Grote) believed that the postponement of this momentous question altogether would be productive of the greatest mischief.—(Hear.) It appeared to him, however, that the appointmeat of the proposed Committee would not necessarily postpone the whole question, for that would only have to inquire into the terms of the agreement. It was essential that the whole House should be made thoroughly acquainted with the real nature of this agreement ; but at present he doubted there was but a very small portion capable of giving any practical opinion on this most momentous question. He was not altogether disposed to make the sweeping reduction proposed by ti.e Hon. Member for the Tower Hamlets (Mr. Clay) ; but, at the same time, it was agreed on all hands, and almost in so many words by the Noble Lord (Althorp), that the proposed bargain was most unfair to the public, and, therefore, the House would not be doing its duty in ratifying an agreement con fessedly so disadvantageous to those they ;:presented. He thought that the proper way for investigating the true nature of this bargain, would be by referring that part of the matter to a Committee up stairs. When the matter was really understood, it was likely that the public voice would force the Bank to come to better terms. Nothing would grieve him more than that the Bank, so pre-eminently useful as a Bank of issue, should lose its popularity by insisting upon any hard or unjust bar gain ; by insisting upon making any undue profits by its monopoly, or demanding too great a remuneration for its public services. It was expedient to guard against the possibility of the Bank acquiring any unpopularity by the management of the currency, or to leave any chance of its hereafter forfeiting its privileges at a time when it might be of the greatest service to the public. He repeated, that he did not think the inquiry into the terms of the bargain would operate hi delaying the measure as a whole. At any rate, it would certainly do no harm. He appre hended, that though the statements of the Hon. Member for the Tower Hamlets should not be fully borne out as to the profits of the Bank, still they were large, and a diffe rence of some thousands might be made in the bargain be tween it and Government. The profits of the Bank, he considered, afforded a fair field of inquiry to a Committee of that House, and he was certain that the result of such an inquiry would be satisfactory to the country, inasmuch as it would show that the Members of that House were anxious and able to perform the duty they owed the pub lic on such an important subject. He would not trouble the Committee with any further observations, hut he hoped that the Committee would be agreed to. Mr. M. ATTWOOD replied. He said that he was always attentive to the interests of the public, and he did not see why they should lose so large a sum as 120,0001. The Bank, instead of receiving that sum from Govern ment, should pay Government for the privileges that were allowed to it. He was surprised that the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (the Vice-President of the Board of Trade) should have, in hie reply to the Right Hon. Mem ber for Tamworth, applied to so large a sum the epithet of paltry. Mr. P. THOMSON denied having made nse of such an expression in his reply to the remarks of the Right Hon. Baronet. What he had said related to the opposi tion of Hon, Gentlemen opposite, who seemed inclined, for some paltry consideration, not to allow so great a question to he settled. Mr. M. ATTWOOD said that his impression was, that the paltry consideration was the sacrifice of 120,0001. The question, he thought, should be dealt IN ith in refe• recce to the d istress that prevailed in the country, rather than in reference to any other circumstance. At any rate, theßight Hon. Gentleman treated the sacrifice of a few hundred pounds very lightly. Now, he denounced the principle of sacrificing any sum at all, and particularly on this occa sion, when the reverse might have been the result of the bargain with the B ink. He condemned the Noble Lord, the originator of the measure, fur having postponed it until so very late a period, when the subject could not meet with the due consideration it deserved, and when large stuns of the public money would be squandered away, lest the measure should be lost and the Government be thrown into a dilemma, since they could not effect exactly what they wanted. The most important considerations were overlooked, and a s ecrifice of about 240,0001. a year was made ; because, at firmer periods, an amount nearly similar was obtained from the Bank for the renewal of its privileges. He had t ken down the words of the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. P. Thomson); and, according to his own showing, his Noble Colleague hail not made a good bargain, since the Right Hun. Gentleman admitted that they hail not obtained from the Bank all they might have obtained. He would ask one question. Where was the clang , r of allowing the settlement of this great question to stand over until the next session ? Was it proved that that House meant to deal hardly with the Bank ? 'Would a Conunittee of that House deal unjustly by it? Why, there were two Bank Directors Members of that House; they would be placed on the Committee ; and certainly they would protect the interest of the Bank. In one week, if the subject were referred to a Committee, the terms might be brought to a close—the country and the Bank might be satisfied—and a saving of several hundred thousand pounds might be made. Lord ALTHORP wished ; once more, to state to the House, that he never felt as personal anything that really was not intended to be so. It was very natural for the Hon. Gentleman who last addressed the Committee, to express himself strcnJy, as he was politically opposed to the present Government, and as he, besides, considered the Bank of England injurious to the prosperity of the country. He was not surprised for these two causes, that the Hon. Gentleman should express himself strongly, but he considered, however, that the Hon. Gentleman hail not the slightest intention of annoying him personally. The Hon. Member for Essex had stated how dangerous it was that a contest should be kept up between tie Govern ment and the Bank. He thought so too, and felt consi derable apprehension as to the effect on the country of such a contest. He had made a❑ offer to the Bank which it could not accept, and, dreading delay, he thought it better to come to terms with the Bank, when it made what to him appeared something like a fair offer. It had been stated that he had not waited long enough.—(Hear.) If Honourable Gentlemen looked to the dates of his correspondence with the Bank Directors, they would see that a considerable interval elapsed since the date of his first letter and his last, and that be held out until he was fully convinced at last t`, at the Bank would not agree to his terms. With respect to the appointment of a Committee, he thought that the matter would not be settled in a few days, since there were two parties to please ; and though one of them might he satisfied, the other—the Bank—might not. At no time was it con templated that the question of a bargain should be referred to a Committee, and he thought it an extremely bad pre cedent to reject a bargain, unless there was the greatest cert inty that great advantages would be the result of referring it to a Committee. He was of opinion that the bargain should be adopted, and if there was any censure, it should fall on the man who made the bargain. He would not delay the Committee with any general ergo. merits, as the question bail already been so long and so fully discussed. Sir H. PARNELL thought it perfectly competent in a Committee to suggest such conditions of the bargain as it should think proper. Mr. M. ATTWOOD assured the Noble Lord that he had never ascribed the calamities of the country to the Bank Directors. Those calamities would have been greater were it not for their prudence. What he complained of was, the connection between the Government and the B ink. Mr. RICHARD POTTER said he considered the amount which was to be paid to the Bank for the ma nagement of the debt, and the payment of the dividends, far too high. In France a much smaller sum was ex pended. This was shown by a report made to that House of the "Public Accounts of France," prepared with great care by Dr. Bowring. At page 5, in that document, it is stated :—" The interest of the national debt is now paid by the Paymaster, who are correspondents of the Treasury, in any part of the kingdom where the claimants may choose to receive it, by an application to have their names transferred to the. departmental lists. The ma nagement of the rational debt is estimated to cost 250,000 francs per annum, or 10,000/, sterling. The French dividends amount to about ten millions sterling per an num, which are paid in every city, town, and village in France, at the cost of ten thousand pounds. The divi dends here are about twenty-eight millions, and the cost to the country was 150,000/. annually. In proportion to the cost in France, the Bank ought only to be allowed about 28,0001. Why should this country pay so much more than is done in France ? Mr. LYALL objected to the appointment of a Com mittee, and said that much had`been said about the inte rest the Bank got upon its capital. Certainly, in the market, money was lent at a lower rate of interest ; but he did not think that any capitalist would allow his capital to be shut up for a period of ten or twenty years at a less rate of interest than 4 per cent. He considered that there was no danger of a new hank, since he thought it impos sible that even the sum of 10,000,0001. could be raised in the city of London in opposition to the Bank of England. He did not understand the system of banking so well as many gentlemen, but he had lately made inquiry among the bankers of the metropolis, and it seemed that a new light had broken in upon them, because the result of his inquiry was, that they were favourable in their opinion as to the present measure. With respect to the limit of a week's delay, he thought it would be impossible to satisfy the Directors and the Proprietors i❑ so short a time. A better bargain, perhaps, might have been made with the Bank, but, taking into consideration that the question had now been entered into, and taking also into consideration what would be the consequence of delay, he was decidedly for supporting the measure. Mr. WALLACE said a few words, which were lost to us amid the cries of " Hear," and " Question." Mr. CLAY replied. Not one word had been said which could be regarded as a reply to what be had stated. He repeated, the whole of the Bank papers which he had re ferred to, and on which he had rested his case, were gross delusions. He had withdrawn his proposition, because he was informed it would be more fair to refer his statements to a Committee, than to call on the House for an instant decision on those statements. If the Noble Lord had insisted on the terms he at first proposed, he was con vinced the Bank would have yielded, or, if it had not yielded, the Government would have got the money to pay off the Bank in one week.—(" One day ;" Hear.) He lad done his duty to his constituents, but the House would not do its duty if it confirmed the bargain which the Noble Lord had made with the Bank of England. He begged to inform the Committee, that the question on which they were about to divide was, whether or not the Chairman should report progress, and the House resume, in order to move afterwards for the appointment of a Select Commit tee to inquire into the proper terms for renewing the Bank Charter, as the forms of the House would not allox the matter to be referred from a Committee of the whole House to a Select Committee.—(Question.) Lord J. RUSSELL wished to ask, whether it was in tended to appoint a Select Committee to take the place of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and make a bargain with the Bank of England, or was it intended that the Committee should lay down the rules and conditions which were to bind the Chancellor of the Exchequer in his negotiation with the Bank—he reporting from time to time the state of the negotiation, and referring to the Committee for further instructions—or was it intended that the Committee should come to a resolution to set aside the bargain made by the Chancellor of the Excheythr, and see that the Chancellor of the Exchequer made a bargain according to the wishes of the gentlemen opposite ? He wished to know which was intended, because this was an entirely new precedent, and a precedent which they might expect would have high and important consequences on their future proceedings. He felt that it was necessary that the House should know distinctly what was really proposed, as this precedent would be of importance even in its constitutional bearings.—(Calls of " Question.") Mr. WASON supported the motion for a Committee, but amidst so much noise, that it was not possible to make out what the Hon. Member said. Alr. ATTWOOD, in reply to Lord John Russell's question, whether it were intended to usurp the functions of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, said that the object of the motion was to call ore the Noble Lord (the Chan cellor of the Exchequer) to form a Committee to consider of the whcle of the terms for remunerating the Bank on the renewal of the Charter. He wished to know in what such a Committee differed from the Committees that were continually apointed to investigate accounts, and appoint ments, and all other things ?--(Question.) Col. TORRENS said that the Noble Lord had asked, whether the House of Commons meant to usurp the functions of the Chancelhir of the Exchequer ? He would answer that question by askin2 another. Did the Noble Lord (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) mean to usurp the functions of that House ?—(Laughter; calls of " Question !" and " Divide.") The Committee then divided on the motion, that the Chairman do report progress -00 Ayes Noes 176 Majority The resolution was then agreed to ; as were the sth and 7th resolutions. The Chairman was then or dered to report progress, the House resumed, and the re port was ordered to be brought up on Thursday (this day). The House then resolved itself into a Committee on the Scotch Burghs Police Bill. When the clause relating to the burgh of Hamilton came under consideration, Mr. GILLON proposed to restore the borough to its ancient limits, and wished in that proposition to include all Scotch burghs. He therefore made a motion to that Ect. bi the case of the borough of Hamilton, the inha bitants he.d a great hardship to complain of, for the Com missioners under the Reform Act had so fixed the bounda ries a 4 to exclude the Palace of Hamilton; yet at the time it was distinctly declared that the limitation was only to he for the purposes of the Reform Act, and not by any means to apply to any future local assessments. Upon that the Committee divided-- For the original clause For Mr. Gillon's amendment O7 Majority On our return to the gallery, we found the Committee engued apparently in discussing the question previously heft)! e them ; but it was understood that the former amendment was intended to apply to burls generally, whereas the present tvas limited to the borough of l'f° milton. The House. aftor a short conversation, divided, when there appeartd— For the amendment 27 Against it 42 Majority for the original clause —ls The Bill then went through Committee, the House re• sumed, and the report was ordered to be received this day , Mr. KENNEDY brought up the report on the small Debts' (Scotland) Bill. After a long conversation, the amendments were agree , ' to, and the Bill was ordered to be read a third time op Al nday next. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, al the House adjourned at half -past one. LIST OF Tlll Of 22, who voted that Hamiltor of Hamilton, should be liable town for Police purposes. ENGLAND. E MINORITY a Palace, being within the tow to the burdens imposed on th; Aglionby, A.—Cockermouth Attwood, T.—Birmingham Dykes, F. L. B.—Cockermouth Grote, Geo.—London Guest, J. J.—Merthyr Tydvil Hardinge, Sir H.—La u flees ton Jervis, John—Chester Lowther, Col.—Westmoreland Pryse, P.—Cardigan Walter, John—Berke Wason, ll.—lpswich Wood, Alderman—London Young, G. F.—Tynemouth SCOTLAND. Hay, Sir J —Pceble-shire Maxwell, Sir John—Paisley Oswald, Richard—Ayrshire Pringle, R.—Selkirkshire Wallace, R.—Greenock IRELAND. Ronayne, D.—clonmell Ruthven, Edward —Kildare Vigors, N. A.— Carlow Gillon, W. LE.L7lal.kirk THE MARKETS. COAL MAR Per Tori. Beaumont— Chester Main . 11 9 Felling Main.---.----......, 12 6 Holp.vell --- l3 0 Newborn _ Fontop Windsor —...—.... 14 0 Shipeote--- 12 9 lantield— _ 15 9 Townley ........—. 13 0 Ships arrived since ET.—.July 3. Per Ton. West Hartley 13 . Wylam Walls End 8r0wn'5....... 13 ~'' Walls End Hilda. l4 ", Walls End Riddell's —...., 14 '„ Hartley Llangennech Coat . 25 u Merthyr 20 1 ", Tanfield Trader 15 last market-day, 2. CoUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING THE WEE Wheat. Barley. OatF. Beans. Per Quarter. s. to s. js.to s. s. to .. 9to s. Abingdon 62 81 31 43.22 30 P. 50 61 24 28 Birmingham 56 58 30 40 16 22 91 flridport 56 74 32 36 26 30 54 Cirencester 44 56 21 30 16 26 38 Faringclon--.. 54 86 36 40 26 34 46 Guildford 48 74 23 32 26 35 . 45 Henley 54 83 30 35 20 30 --. 40 Hereford 64 68 32 34 22 28 46 Highworth 62 80 32 42 28 34 _ 56 Maidenhead 56 68 34 44 22 30 36 3 1 64 68 32 36 24 28— 41 Reading 40 66 22 36 14 26 34 38 Salisbury 44 54 23 27 18 24 36 5 4 Southampton ... 54 58 33 40 28 32 46 Stroud Tewkesbury —, 65 74 30 42 30 38 44 Uxbridge 48 74 26 34 20 26 46 Wantage . 58 80 27 43 17 23 34 40 Warminster 44 57 24 31 17 24 34 46 Windsor — Worcester 50 57 30 32 22 23 5 6 LEWES MARKET.—JuIy 2. White Wheat (per quarter)...........£2 18 oto .E 3 3 0 Red ditto 2 6 0 2 14 0 Barley 1 2 0 1 4 0 LEWES MARKET.- White Wheat (per quarter).,....,,.. £2 Red ditto 2 Barley Oats, New Pease Oil Cake, New.. [uly 2. 18 oto .E 3 3 0 6 0 214 0 201 4 0 17 0 0 18 6 13 0 114 0 0 0 per thousand. M A RKET.—JuIy 2. Per lb. Beef Mutton Veal Pork Lamb to 31. 15s. Od. per ton KETS.—June 26. d. to cl• 6 GI I 0 / 0 0 s. d. O'' ' ' . Eggs, 2 - 2 , OO 8 0 t° °1 °9 Butter, 160 ... z........... Beef, per score ...... —.B 0 9 Mutton, per lb 0 51 0 Veal 0 4 0 Q artern Loaf 0 7 0 - CHELTENHAM Per Bushel. s. d. to s. d. Wheat Barley 4 0 5 6 Oats 4 0 4 3 Beans l'ease 5 0 7 0 Hay Si. 103 DUMFRIES DIAL s. d. s. d. Wheat, Imp. Bush 6 8 to 7 0 Barley Oats 1 9 2 0 Flour, 141 b. Oatmeal Potatoes. cwt. THE PARSON'S DAUGHTER.—In speaking of this Novel, the _Monthly Review says, " Since the demise of the illustrious father of the Waverley creati o there is not a disciple of his celebrated school to whom " I should sooner look for the inheritance of his mantle, than the very individual who has written the present nove l ' We never were less disposed to doubt the truth o f this impression, which has long rested on our minds, than after the perusal of the Parson's Daughter,' a work in whic h the most exalted attributes of the novel-writer shine 00 with a lustre which certainly no contemporary competiO r will be able to eclipse." This, though in spirit a .o' l tribute to the genius of Mr. THEODORE HOOK, s eems be not very happily illustrated. The author o f The Parson's Daughter" may be said to inherit rather tbe mantle of FIELDING Or LE SAGE than of Sir WALTO SCOTT. HOOK'S novels are conversant with "that Wbieb before us lies in daily life," and this he invests with an interest exclusively his own. " The gods had made Si r WALTER poetical." HOOK, on the other hand, is the og e tirist of the parlour awl the drawing-room. The Frankfort Diet is proceeding in GermaNY with its counter revolutionary projects! Prussia is deavouring, through various channels, to convince th e Germans that the smaller States should he united to th e larger ones—that the Constitutions which have here granted are not suitable—that the inhabitants of th e smaller States would be much happier if under the go' f vernment of the King of Prussia or the Emperor °, Austria—lnd, in fine, that the last European arrangerne e of Germany must be disturbed ! Austria, on the otl3!‘ hand, is artfully engaged in getting up disturbances is ( Germany—in encouraging the repetition of the scenes O t Frankfort, Hambach, and Tubingen —and thus causing to be felt and admitted that a new Holy Alliance must L'` formed—and that the most violent measures must be take 4 against that country. Prussia and Austria are fully agre e that it is not enough to put down the Liberals—to est s : blish a strict censorship of the press—to dissolve all pow tical Clubs, Associations, and Secret, Societies—to cl° ° : Universities and to arrest students ; but that Germany 1 0 ,!, he placed under the surveillance of a perpetual and bers!'j tary Holy Alliance, which shall be ever occuee in devising means and measures to prevent the spre ° ,, of education, journalism, and patriotism. Prue ° , thinks that to divide would be to conquer, and die, if Austria should be allowed this state, and Prussia th, other, and so on, that this would be the O A effectual plan which could be adapted for rooting ° 0 of Germiny the love of Constitutional Governale li and liberal institutions. Austria entertains no ditte' i a th e( p m re n v teenr vll rence of opinion as to the principal of this measure; b,, tl ; only as to its working, as Austria would be fearful of t' increasing influence and territory of the King of Pru ssi° Their object is, however , the same. They do not differ as to the end, but only as to the means. Both are fir m ' , a re n s d ol n v o ed t . on er a e t ly tem to p r t e in st g, c, i m f t p e o n s t s e i i ble w , press of liberty, but to aim at securi ng t h e succe - s a nd tu: perpetuity of despotism. The Diet of F ran kf urt i s at 01 ' 1 moment occupied with this question. It i s vast a nd i fji : i portant. Can it succeed ? I believe n o t ! G e rmaci b . / aware of the intentions of her oppressors—and though t v Germans are slow and cold and calculating in their re si ' ance—yet their resistance is sure, well-measured, perse lv,,, ing, and decided.— 0. P. Q. . 0: 1, t r i e ng o t t il to i r: l ,;c.; BIRTHS. On the Ist inst., in Grosvenor-square, Lady Charlotte thorpe, of a daughter. On the 26th ult., at Park-hill, near Totness, Devon, the of J. It. Thomson, Esq., of a daughter. On the 2d inst., the lady of Mr. Josh. Kisch, surgeon, 1 3 i street-buildings, of a daughter. On the Ist inst., at Walmer, Kent, the Lady of Captain H. C. S., of a son. MARRIED. ,tt On the 27th ult., at the parish church of the Claines, " cestershire, John Wrothe Thomas, Esq., of the 80th RegiM er . eldest son of the late Lieut.-Colonel Thomas, of the :Nth 11 1 , ment, to Marianne, only daughter of the late Richard 114 11 Esq., of the White Ladies, in the same county. tO . On the 27th ult., at St. Ann's Shandon Church, Corlic,, Rev. Isaac Harris, domestic chaplain to the Right Hon. the P; ‘ , of Bantrey, and afternoon preacher at Portman Chapel, 13 3 ,4 street, to Margaret, youngest daughter of the late Anthony 4 /yip nell, Esq., of Cork, barrister_at.law, and recorder of Kinsale' said county. On the 3d inst., at All Souls, Marylebone, Simon Kelly, of Dublin, to Anne, daughter of Mr. Dawes, of Oxford-stly' DIED. On the 2d inst., in Chapel-street, Belgrave-square, t' e e the eldest son of the late John Milaud, Esq., of Mount-W. Berkeley-square. lii i‘ On the 20th ult., at Belmont, the Rev. William Car ei Rector of Sutton, Derbyshire, and Perpetual Curate of IPs t°P Staffordshire, aged V. On the Ist inst., at Nova Scotia House, Ipswich, Rich Hall Gower, Esq., aged 6.5. d On the 2d inst., George William Salmon, Esq., of the Inn Temple, barrister-at-law. On the 27th ult., John Coates, Esq., or Hamilton-terr ace, John's Wood, aged 44. WO Ol On the 3d inst., at his residence, Bedford-row, James • Esq., e 2 mP h lt ie u - t., at Denmark -terrace, Camberwell, 0 - t o °C4 the widow Ithe fT 4t o of Mr. Walter M a t t h ews, N ewga te-street, aged PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MUR DOYO LJ N AT SUN OFFICE 112, STRAND, LONDON. SE E The Kin jarnin D'U Chief of ti 3d Begin Cornet, by Dragoons, 9th Ligh giment of Broadhead Ist Regil permitted I .To b e C t Light Dr au July - A. Stewa of Hospital vic e Nl`Gri ~ The date . eliment c WtLLIt BILLING' drap ers BLACK,W WILLI/ 1 1 e (3 : , — E —atn° twelt EDWAe,IttoG street, offic Shlpston.uil eleven, at t Mipston-ui London. 11%1 ') 'The Ott bon front theatres rn Chanatlerl Til e D, Path for I Lord