The Sun. — London, England, 1854-06-14 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JUNE 14, 1854, third mode of bribery, the payment is contingent on the I return of candidate A. The payment is therefore uncertain and depends upon an uncertain event, over which the indi vidual elector can have no control, except in the rare case of his vote being the casting vote of the election. Conse quently, corrupt electors must prefer the first to the third mode of bribery; and it is evident, likewise, that a much smaller sum of money, to be expended in the payment of votes as soon as they are given, would be far more effica cious in determining the votes of electors than the promise of a much larger sum of money to be paid only in the un certain event of A being returned Therefore the third kind of bribery would be much more expensive than the first, could only be practised by larger capitalists, and, conse quently, by fewer persons. It is supposed, however, that bribery of the third kind would be much practised in the secret voting. Ido not believe that it would be. But if it were, my position is that with secret voting it would be much less efficacious and much less difficult of detection than the ordinary mode of bribery with open voting ; and therefore that the ballot, by putting an end to every other kind of bribery, would do much towards arresting the pro gress of corruption. To prove this position I must institute a comparison between the two kinds of bribery to which I have just referred—viz., between the ordinary mode of bribery with open voting, in which the bribe is paid to the elector who has promised to vote for candidate A as soon as he has fulfilled his promise, and the supposed mode of bribery under the ballot, in which the bribe would only be paid to the elector who had promised to vote for candidate A when A was returned. In the ordinary mode of bribery with open voting, the corrupt bargain is clear, simple, and direct. " Vote for A," says the briber to the corrupt elec tor, " and you shall have a 51. note ; vote for B, and you shan't have a farthing from us." But in the supposed mode of bribery under the ballot, the corrupt bargain would be —" If A be returned you shall have a 5/. note, whether you vote for or against him; and if B be returned you shan't have a farthing whichever way you may vote." Therefore, with open voting, the temptation to the elector to vote for A is the certainty of obtaining a 5/. note ; with secret voting, the temptation to the elector to vote for A would depend upon the elector's opinion of the effect of his vote on the probability of A being returned. If the elector thought that the return of A would depend upon the elector's own individual vote, then the temptation to vote for A would be nearly the same as with open voting, anti equal to the certainty of receiving a Si. note. But if the elector thought that the success or failure of A. was in dependent of the elector's own individual vote, then he would have little or no motive to vote against his convic tions for A, because by the hypothesis in the elector's opi nion the return of candidate A, and consequently the pe cuniary result to the elector, would be the same whichever way he voted. Now, as it rarely happens, even with open voting, that en elector thinks that the result of a contest will depend upon his casting vote, I think that with secret suffrage an elector acting singly and, alone would be little influenced in his vote by the promise of a bribe to be paid in the uncertain event of the bribing candidate being re turned. It is said, however, that with secret suffrage cor rupt electors would not act singly and alone, but in combi nation, and that collective bribery would be substituted for individual bribery. For instance, it is said that a body of electors, sufficient in number to decide a contest, would combine together to be bribed ; that a bargain would be made with then.) to the effect that each of them should re ceive a certain bribe—say 51.—in the event of candidate A being returned; that each of them would perceive that if they acted together and voted together candidate A would ba returned, and they would be paid. Thence it is inferred that they would act together and vote together, and that their temptation to do so would be nearly equal to the cer tainty of obtaining a 5/. note a piece, or nearly equal to what it is in the ordinary mode of bribery with open vot e ing. I will, for the sake of argument, assume the vali , lity of these positions ; but I maintain that such collective bribery would be very liable to detection, and much less less likely to escape detection than the ordinary mode of individual bribery with open voting. For how is bribery generally practised with open voting ? The briber says to the elector, " Vote for A and you shall receive five pounds." Then when the day of election comes, the corrupt elector goes to the poll, votes for candidate A, receives a ticket, takes it to a stranger in a dark room in an out of the way ' street, and receives a five-pound note; there the transac tion ends. It needs only be known to the three persons concerned in it, namely, the briber, the bribed, and the stranger ; and if they keep their own counsel detection is almost impossible. But with collective bribery and se cret voting, the promise of the bribe must be made, not to individual electors separately, for I have shown that an elector acting singly and alone would be little in fluenced by the promise of a bribe to be pai I in the un certain event of a bribing candidate being returned, bat the promise must be made to the body of electors who are assumed to be leagued together for bribery and combined action. Each of them would therefore be aware that many electors besides himself were to be paid in the event of candidate A being returned. Now, it is evident that to procure any effect by this mode of collective bribery with. I the ballot, the promise of a bribe must be made to a con siderable body of electors—considerable, I mean, in pro portion to the numbers of a constituency. For with the ballot it would be no use to promise a dozen or so of elec tors that they should be paid in the event of condidate A being returned. At present, with open voting, even in a considerable constituency, an election may be gained in a close contest by the judicious purchase of a small number of votes. But with the ballot nothing of the kind could be done. With the ballot the only effective bribery must be wholesale and collective. A moment's reflection must con vince any hon. gentleman that if with the ballot he wish effectually to bribe a constituency, he must promise to pay in the event of his return as many electors as, in addition to those upon whose unbought promises he could confi dently rely, would constitute a majority of his constitu ency. For instance, suppose the constituency to be bribed contained a thousand electors —suppose an hon. gentleman could confidently rely upon the unbought promises of 300 —thirty per cent. (a large proportion in a corrupt consti tuency with the ballot)—then to secure his return the hon. gentleman would have to promise tu.pay in the event of his return a body of at least 201. eleators; in the same manner in a constituency 10,000 electors, the hon. mem ber would have to promise to pay, in the event of' his return. a body of at least 2,000 electors. Now a promise made to so many electors, and known by each of them to be made to so many, could not be kept secret from the rest of the bribable class of the constituency ; and then not only those who had voted for A, but those who had voted for his antagonist, would demand payment in the event of A being returned. Then in what a horrible dilemma an hon. member would be placed who had obtained his return in this manner. (Hear, and laughter.) I ask any hon. gentleman who is conversant with this subject—(hear) —to put himself in the position of such an hon. member; to fancy that he had secured his return by a promise to pay a large body of electors; that, having fulfilled his promise, he received applications for payment from a large number of other electors. What would you do? What would you say ? You could not refuse payment to any elector on the ground that he had not voted for you, because with secret suffrage you could not tell how he had voted. (Hear.) If you were to refuse on the ground that he was not one of the body of electors whom you had promised to pay in the event of your being returned, he would probably tell you that it was strange that you had not promised him ; that he was as ready to be bribed as any one ' • that he had voted ' for you • and as you were returned, that he had, as good a right to be paid as his neighbours. If you still persevered in your refusal, you would make an enemy who knew your secret, who had perhaps voted for you, who would be re venged upon you, and who would do his best to have you detected and convicted. On the other hand, if you paid him out of fear, you would have to pay every one of the bribable class of electors in the constituency ; therefore, in some constituencies, you would have to pay all who had voted for you and all who had voted against yon—(bear)— you would be ruined in consequence of the numbers whom you would have to pay, and in proportion to the numbers whom you did pay would be the chance of your detection. Therefore in all cases the chance of detection would be much greater than at present—in many cases it would amount to a certainty. Then you would be convicted, se verely punished, disqualified from sitting in Parliament ; your constituency ought to be disfranchised, a new and pure one substituted, and its purity would be preserved by the ballot. For one of the most beneficial consequences which I should expect from the ballot would be the preser vation of the purity of constituencies that with open voting are in perpetual danger of being corrupted. I firmly be lieve that if the ballot had formed part of the Reform Bill —if it had then been adopted by Lord Grey's Government —many constituencies which have since been a disgrace to our representative system would have remained pure. For I have shown that the ballot would have put an end to every kind of bribery except wholesale and collective bri- , bery. Now, wholesale and collective bribery cannot be introduced at once into a pure constituency. The adage, "Memo repents fit turpis.simus" is as true of constituen cies as of individuals. The history of corrupt constituen cies shows that bribery has been gradually int ro d uce d i nto them. I think su c h gra d ua l introduction of bribery would be impossible with secret suffrage. I will state my reasons for this opinion. If the history of those constituencies which have been corrupted since the passing of the Reform Bill be examined, the origin of the corruption may be traced either to a closely-contested election or to the bri bery of unsuccessful candidates. In the case of a closely contested election the contest was generally decided to wards the close of the poll by the votes of a few electors who were bribed. In such a case parties were nearly equal and animated by strong party feelings. When the day of election came the race between candidate A and candidate B was neck and neck—alternately the one, alternately the other leading. Towards the end of the day nearly one half of the electors had voted from party feelings for A, and the other half from similar feelings for B. The constituency was nearly polled out, only a dozen or so electors remained unpolled—a number sufficient, however, to decide the election ; they were the scum of the consti tuency; open voting made them the arbiters of the con test, and empowered them to determine who should be the representative of the constituency; they were indifferent to the merits of A or B; they might, perhaps, have been influenced by threats, but they were most easily acted upon by hopes of immediate gain. In the excitement of the contest such hopes were held out to them by some friend, or agent, or partisan of A. A was returned, and bribery was introduced into the constituency. Bribery 'once introduced, A's party could never be confident of see . cess without bribing those whom they had briber! before, and B's party could never hope to defeat A. ee'ethout also having recourse to corruption. A corrupt struggle then commenced ; each party strove to corrupt the electors of the opposite party, and with each suexessive contest the number of bribed electors increased. Both parties, being equally guilty of corruption, ecneally abstained from at tempting to punish each other. - Sow it is evident that in the first instance the motive 'which induced A's party to bribe war, founded upon an exact knowledge of the state of the poll, and that tb.e few votes of the unpolled electors would decide the contest. With the ballot such knowledge woul't not have been possessed, the motive to bribe would not have existed, bribery would not then have been intro duced, and protected by the ballot the constituency might have remained pure. With regard to the corruption of 'constituencies by the bribery of unsuccessful candidates. In this manner many constieuenciee have been gradually corrupted since the passiog of the Reform Bill. At first these constituencies were very pure - they prided them selves upon returning th e i r members free of expense. This then one conduct, however, was distasteful to some persons, we had knowledge or experience of the profits of a cor" ,es r ec e i otrhee money ur lie than election. They determined to get up a contese, of their number —seenereely a low attorneee - --vvent to Lon etep;erhsoenhwauilithtema some richparvenu who aspired to the principle, ienn e t clubsiop l e,tfi search rlelqh f r o e, e r position of a I aeraber of parli amen t. This person—whom I will call the bribing candidate—was informed that there was an opening in such and such a borough for a candidate of opposite opinions to the sitting member; he was invited to hold teaose opinions and to stand, and he.evas told that he might. be returned for a few hundreds: The invitation was accepted; a contest ensued on the first • opportunity; during the contest large sums of money found their ay from the pockets of the bribing candidate leteeeth enysteriops channels into the pockets of •°f• ' tee!) eelectors who elemanifested th s o m e . o f . . . eir approba• ,nl3. political opinions. In the first emitest' he was` defeated , for the great majority of the oleo nf o a t ? eLeya,d° iodma tors were pure ; and being defeated, his corrupt practices, though known, were not punished. Thus the seeds of cor ruption were sown in the pure constituency ; they ger minated repidly, and produced, fruit. Those who had once tasted the fruit of corruption longed to taste it again ; they communicated their longing to their neighbours. In a second contest the number of electors willing to be bribed increased, and the bribing candidate was defeated by a smaller majority. So it went on • in each successive con test more electors were bribed, and the bribing candidate was defeated by narrower and narrower majorities ; finally he obtained a majority, or the opposite party commenced bribing in self-defence; in either case the constituency be came thoroughly corrupt. It is evident that this process of seduction and corruption could not have gone on with secret suffrage; for I have shown that the ballot would put an end to every kind of bribery except that on which the payment of the bribe would be contingent on the suc cess of the bribing candidate, and consequently it would put an end to all bribery by unsuccessful candidates. I have shown that the ballot would put an end to every kind of bribery except that in which the payment of the bribe would be contingent upon the r e t urn o f th e b r ibi ng candi date; that such bribery, to be effective, must be wholesale and collective ' • that wholes a l e an d co ll ect i ve b r ib ery would be very liable to detection, and far less difficult of detection than the ordinary mode of bribery with open voting. Thence I infer that by the aid of the ballot the penal enact ments against bribery which, in consequence of the diffi culty of detecting bribery, have hitherto proved ineffica cious, would become effective in arresting the progress of bribery—a progress which all friends of constitutional liberty must deplore, as it casts discredit upon this house, and saps the foun lations of our representative institutions. As I have confined my observations chiefly to the question of the efficacy of the ballot in arresting the progress of bri bery, I will only notice one objection to the ballot. It is sometimes said that in secret electors would vote contrary to their known opinions from corrupt motives, who would be deterred from openly doing so by the public opinion against bribery, and thus that the influence of public opinion against bribery would be weakened. It would be easy to show that there is no validity in this objec tion to the ballot. But, omitting other answers to it, I will content myself with expressing a strong doubt whether the public opinion that influences the actions of the bribable class of electors is hostile to bribery, or ever will be hostile to bribery, as long as intimida tion is practised by the upper class of electors. The public opinion that determines the actions of particular men is not the opinion of the whole community, nor of the majority of the community, nor of the respectable, nor of the intelligent portion of the community but of the cl'rss or section to whom the men belong Now, the class to whom the takers of money-bribes belong, especially in cor rupt constituencies, do not look upon the taking of a bribe as a blameable or discreditable act. If you converse on this subject with an intelligent man of this class, he will justify his co. duct by specious arguments difficult to refute. He will cite the example of his betters—of his superiors in station or in rank. He will say to you, " Why should I, who am a poor roan, refuse to make a few pounds by my vote, for the benefit of myself, my wife, and my children ? In taking a bribe, is my con d uc t more corrup t th an th at of the shopkeepe r , who votes against his conscience to se cure the custom of his customers, or that of the tenant, who sees in his vote the means of currying favour with his landlord, and p rocur i ng an a b a t emen t of his rent? It is true that I desire to be rewarded for my poLtical conduct ; but so do many others, my superiors in station, wealth, and education ; but so does the squire, who influences half a dozen electors; so does the large landowner, whose fifty pounders are counted by the score ; so does the mill owner, who can put the screw on a hundred ten pounders ; so does the great territorial magnate, who intimidates a whole county. If .I desire money in return for my vote, they expect money's worth in return for their influence. The squireen asks for his dependents potty places in the Customs or Excise; the large landowner wa n t s f or hi s younger s ons a clerkship in the Treasury or an attache ship to an embassy; the rich millowner aspires to gain a social position to be called Sir John This or Sir Thomas That ; the groat territorial magnate desires a peerage, or a step in the peerage—the lord-lieutenancy of his county, a ribbon, or a garter ; and if the expectation of any of these worthies is disappointed, marvellous is the change that sometimes comes over Cis political convictions at the next general election." (Cheers.) It is very diffieult to persuade the bribable class of electors of the fallacy of these argu ments ; in their eyes, intimidation is a graver offence than bribery ; for, say they, the magnitude of an offence is in proportion to the evil that it does to society, and the pain that it inflicts upon individuals. The evil to society from an elector voting against his convictions is the same, whether he does so for the sake of gaining a 5/. note or from the fear of losing one—whether he is seduced by a bribe or intimidated by a threat; but to the individual elector the difference between seduction and intimidation is very great—all the difference between pleasure and pain. An elector seduced by a bribe feels that he is a free man, for he does what he likes; an elector who is intimidated by a threat feels he is a slave, for heacts under compulsion. There fore, I repeat, in the eyes of certain classes, intimidation is a far graver offence than bribery. They ask, " Why should one class bre permitteslto reap the mite of intimidati on , and another class be forbidden to enjoy the s wee t s of bribery ? When you attempt to put a stop to the one, you ought simultaneously to endeavour to put and end to the other." For these reasons lam convinced that you can never pro duce a general feeling hostile to bribery until you have put an end to intimidatiouby the upper class s. L will not tres pass on the house by attempsing to show that it would be absurd and ridiculous to try to p'it down intimidation by means of penal enactments. Yo cannot so define intimi dation as to constituteita punishable offence. Intimidation l i of the most potent kind may be conveyed by a nod, a wink, a gesture, a seemingly casual expression of opinion, nay, even by an invitation to a breakfast or 'a dinner. I have heard of a numerous tenantry intimidated by an invitation to a breakfast. The breakfast was on the polling-day. Those who partook of it, as a matter of course, accompanied their landlord to the poll, and what tenant dared to refuse the invitation ? It is said that intimidation has decreased of late years. I find, however, much difference of opinion on this subiect, A:Me-opinion being held by the intimidating, the opposite hje4hti intimidated elaseers. If you talk to one of the intimidating daises, to a landlord onto a millowner, he will tell you that he never intimidates his tenants, his workmen, or his artisans, and that the ballot is not wanted. But if you talk to one of the intimidated classes, you will hear a different story. The shopkeeper, the tenant-farmer, the workman, and the artisan will tell you, " We know too well the opinions of our customers, of our landlords, of our employers, to dare to vote against them, though they have not positively threatened to punish us if we were to do so. Yet we are afraid to vote according to our consciences, in opposition to their wishes, without the protection o f th e ballot." From these conflicting opinions I arrive at the conclusion that the grosser and more outrageous forms of intimidation have become less common, and in fact theyare condemned by public opinion, but that the milder and more" decent, and not less effective forms are practised to a great extent ; and I doubt very much whether the real influence of intimidation on the vote of electors has much dimi nished. It is notorious that if in an agricultural district you know the opinions of the chief landowners if in ama nufacturing district you know the opinions of the chief millowners, you can tell very nearly what candidate ,gill have the majority of votes in the district. I was much struck at the last general election by an instance of thisde scription with regard to the county which I inhabit—l mean East Cornwall. I was told just before the election that the Free-trade candidate had a bad chance, that all the farmers were Protectionists, and that my ten an t s wou ld vo te against me to a man. I replied: that I had no doubt they were Protectionists, but how did their landlords intend to vote? and I asked the intentions of So-and-So, mentioning half a dozen of the chief landed proprietors of the division. I was told they were with us. Then said I, "Never mind the opinions of the farmers; we shall have a large majo rity," and so we had. (Hear.) But what amused me most was to find that my tenantry, with one or two exceptions, plumped for the free trade candidate. (Hoar, and cheers.) Now I did not use any intimidation. My tenants were only aware of the fact, which every one knew, that I had always been a most determined free trailer, and was a most zealous supporter of the free trade candidate. The result of that election showed that without the ballot the hon. gentle man opposite (Mr. Kendall) would not have the slightest chance of being returned again for East Cornwall, if he be opposed. (Hear, and laughter) It appears to me that there are only three conceivable modes of preventing inti midation. Take, for instance, the case of a customer and a shopkeeper. To prevent a customer from intimidating a shopkeeper you must either conceal from the shopkeeper the opinions of his customer, or you must forbid the cus tomer from ceasing to deal with the shopkeeper in conse quence of his voting against the opinions of the customer; or you must conceal from the customer the vote of the shopkeeper. You cAnnot conceal from the shopkeeper the opinions of Ms customer, unless you prohibit the customer from ever expressing his opinions —an inconceivable prohi bition. Secondly, you could not prevent a customer from ceasing to deal with a shopkeeper in consequence of hi s voting against his customer's opinions, unless you were to pass an enactment forbidding any customer from ever ceas ing to deal with any shopkeeper who had ever voted against his easterner's opinions —an impossible enactment. There fore, there remains only the alternative of concealing from the customer the vote of the shopkeeper, and that alterna tive is the ballot. Similar.y in the cases of a millowner and his workmen, of a landlord and his tenant. If you wish to prevent a landlord from intimidating his tenant, you must either conceal from the tenant the opinions of his landlord, which would be impossible, or you must pre vent a landlord from ejecting any tenant who had ever voted against his landlord, in which case the tenant who had voted against his landlord would have a perpetual holding; or you must conceal the vote of the tenant from the landlord by means of the ballot. Therefore, it appears to me that any serious attempt to put down intimidation by means of penal enactments would give birth to laws of such intolerable vexation and severity, that all the intimi dating classes would cry aloud for the protection of the bal. tot. But even if by means of penal enactments an end could be put to intimidation by the upper classes, suchenactments would not put down intimidation by the lower classes. To protect the elector from the violence and the intimidation of the mob you must conceal his vote from the mob. It is said that there is one kind of intimidation which the ballot could not put an end to ; that, for instance, a landlord who suspected that with secret suffrage his tenants would vote against his wishes would prevent them from going t o the poll ; that this kind of intimidation would be much practised in Ireland, where, in consequence of the wide dif ference between parties, it is more easy to foresee how elec tors would vote than in this country ; that, for instance, Protestant landlords would sometimes compel all their Roman Catholic tenants to abstain from voting. Ido not deny that acts of gross and outrageous intimidation of this description might be practised under the ballot ; but, in consequence of their very grossness, they would be rare. They would only be ...e practised by the most un scru p u l ous intimidators ; and, as I have already observed, pulein. nion condemns the grosser forms of intinijlee::on likewise observe that a landlord who . ~,. should would prevent his tenants from s" ....a *egret eoffreee voting, compel them to ss - .erense vethild ) WWI open Now, it is a greater ee •eer• Ikg&ttllki their oonee c en eee. pain to an elect - e ill to the conttnunityi And a ireAtet victims, te• ese to be compelled to dote Whist hi eon gethee ean to be compelled to abstain from voting alto + Therefore, even if the ballot were not to pat 4. stop as this ki n d o f i n timidation, it would fetbetittite a lesser evil for a greater one, and that would be a gain to the I community, Moreover, for a landlord to f or bid hie tee nantry to vote, would, as I have already Nei& lie Au net of gross intimidation of so outrageous a character, that if any act of intimidation could or ought to be punished, that act could and ought. But I should doubt the eepetliency of making it a punishable offence. I should leave it to be put down by the force of public opinion, which, under the ballot, would become very strong against acts of gross and flagrant intimidation. For the ballot, by putting an end to all the ordinary and mild modes of intimidation, would much diminish the number of persons who could or would intimidate. But only a few persons would possess the means of intimidating and be unscrupulous enough to us e sl am and only th ose f ew wou ld a p prove of the employment' of such means in the outrageous manner in question'-and the •' conduct of those who did-employ ea Ch means weelrl with the condemnation of all the rest of the community both of the inti m id ated classes and of those who, in conseq;a of the ballot, had ceased to belong to the intimilat' classes, and who would, therefore, be loudest in the con demnation of the exercise of a power of which they had been deprived. It appears to me, therefore, that the bal lot, by diminishing the number of persons who could bribe or intimidate, would tend to create a strong public opinion both against bribery and intimidation. For the position of Hudibras, that men " Compound for sins they aro inclined to By damning those they have no mind to," is equally true of sins which men have no power to com mit. I have now stated my reasons for thinking that the ballot will put an end to every kind of bribery except gross, outrageous, and wholesale bribery, which might easily be detected and punished ; and also that it would put an end to every kind of intimidation except gross, outrageous, and wholesale intimidation which public opinion would severely condemn. I will refer briefly to one of the arguments of my noble friend the Home Secretary. (Ironical cheers.) He said the elective franchise is a trust (it is a very com mon objection to the ballot), that the elective franchise is a trust confided to an elector for the public benefit—the trust being to choose a representative. It is said that the elector is responsible for the exercise of his tr - st, and therefore that he ought to vote openly, in order that the public may judge of and pronounce a judgment upon his choice of a representative. Why so ? To affirm that an elector ought to vote openly, in order that the public may pronounce a judgment upon a choice of a representative means, if it means anything, that the elector ought to be influenced in his choice of a representative by the opinion of the public. (Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) But for what reason ought an elector to be so influenced? The only reason that can be assigned must be that the public aro better judges of who ought to be chosen than the elec tor is. But if the public are better judges of, they are fftter to choose, a representative ; and if they are fit to choose, they ought to choose, and therefore they ought to have votes. (Loud cheers.) But who are the public whom you consider fit to choose a representative ? The whole community, or a portion of the community? If the whole community are fit to choose a representative, then they ought to have votes, and the suffrage should be uni versal, for to vote for a candidate is so simple an act that there is no reason why it should be done by a delegate or representative. If, on the other hand, you consider that only a portion of the community are fit to choose a repre sentative, then you affirm that the other portion are unfit to choose. It is evident that only those who are fit to choose ought to have the franchise, and they ought to be able to choose freely ; therefore they ought to be protected in their choice of a representative from the influence of those who are unfit to choose, and the only means by which they can be so protected is the ballot. (Cheers.) There fore the arguments upon which the doctrin - of the respon sibility of the elector is based may lead to an extension of the suffrage or to universal suffrage, but they are not in consistent with - secret suffrage; on the contrary, they show the use of the ballot in protecting those who are unfit to choose one. (Hear ; hear, and cheers.) My noble friend used another argument which I have often heard pro duced before, which I shall hardly trespass on your time by noticing. (Ironical Opposition cheers.) He says, if the elector has the ballot you ought to vote by ballot in this house. 'cannot discover any analogy whatever between the two cases. (Cheers.) An elector selects as his representa tive the man whom, on account of his political opinions, he considers most fit to sit in this house. Therefore he has a right to know whether by his votes his represen tative justifies that opinion, and if the representative changes his opinions on any important question, it is his duty to resign his seat. (Hear.) The elector has a right to know whether his representative has fulfilled his pro mises, end whether he is acting on the principles on which he was returned ; but the elector has promised nobody, it being his duty to choose, without fear of punishment or hope of reward, a representative of his opinions iu this house. (Cheers.) The last argument of my noble friend to which I shall refer is one which has been often used. The ballot has often been denounced as a democratic measure. Now the term " democracy " has two siguifications—one good, and the other bad. In the good sense of the word democracy simply means popular government ; and in this sense of the word I admit that the ballot will be a most democratic measure, for I believe that it would con duce more to good popular government than any other insti tutional change—then any reform bill that can be devised. (Cheers.) On the other hand, democracy in its bad sense means the government of an ignorant and violent mob. But in this case I maintain that the ballot would be a most anti-democratic measure because it would protect the elector in the exercise of his franchise from every kind of intimidation, and especially from the intimidation of the ignorant and violent mob. (Cheers.) In fact, if the term conservative be used as the opposite of democratic in its bad sense, the ballot would be a most conservative mea sure, for it would enable an elector to preserve his prin ciples whilst giving his vote. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) In conclusion, I must say that my firm conviction, founded upon the fact that your penal enactments against bribery, though repeatedly amended, have always failed, is that youyo u may n p e a v t chand e r arrest mend th those progress corruption to all eternity, t r u n t i an end to intimidation till you try the experiment of the bal lot; and if, contrary to my expectations and convictions, that experiment should fail, you will not be worse off than at present, but you would have the satisfaction of ;mowing that you had tone your best to cure great and crying evils, which, be assured, cast deep discredit on this house, and tend to sap the foundation of your representa tivesystem.anTd prolonged herighth a o p n pn hon. la ba s r e. onet resumed his seat amidst loud Mr. I. BUTT condemned the ballot, as inadequate to the repression of bribery or intimidation, as un-Bnglish, and as deteriorating tothe national character. Mr. P (JINN, amid continual interruption, took the con trary view from that of the last speaker, and declared that the ballot must eventually be carried. Mr. KENDALL, in answer to some remarks of Sir W. Molesworth, instanced his own election success on Protec tionist principles, and in opposition to free-trade landlords, as evidence of the uselessness of the ballot. _ _ _ Mr. BERKELEY made a few observations in reply, but said that an answer from him was almost unnecessary, the subject having become a Cabinet question. Mr. MA.GUIRE, as a Roman Catholic, urged that the ballot, by protecting the humble Irish voter, would pre vent the interference of the priests; by rendering their as sistance wank - big:oT. - The house divided, after about five hours and a-half of debate, and the numbers were— For Mr. Berkeley's motion Against it ALijority against 37 IRISH CHURCH TEMPORA.LITIES. Mr. Sergeant. SEIEE moved for leave to bring in a bill to alter and amend Oa laws relating to the temporalities of the Church in Ireland, and to increase the means of reli gious instruction and church accommodation for her Ma jesty's Irish subjects. He declared himself bound over in recognisances nut to do anything det►imental to the Pro testant Church, and said that he cheerfully accepted that restriction. He entered at excessive length into a discus sion of the question, his speech being interrupted by an unsuccessful attempt at a count out. He proposed, by various reductions of episcopal and other revenues, by grouping benefices, and other economical arrangements. to obtain an income with which he desired to improve the condition of the Presbyterian and Roman Catholic clergy, and he urged that he did not intend to injure the Estab lished Church, but to allay the differences and heart burnings which its existence in its present form occasioned. Mr. P. URQUHART seconded the motion. Mr. BROTHERTON moved the adjournment of the debate. Mr. NAPIER begged that before the debate was re sumed members would read the answer made by the Arch deacon of Meath to all Sergeant Shee's statements. He considered the proposition unconstitutional, and contrary to the oath taken by the learned sergeant. Sir J. YOUNG announced that ou the resumption of the debate he should meet the proposal with a decided negative. NEWDEGATE charged Sergeant Shee with tak ing a course incompatible with the oath he had taken. The late hour alone prevented a complete answer to his speech. Mr. J. FITZGERALD protested against Mr. Newde gate's interpretation of the Ronian Catholic oath, and also charged the " whips" with having tried to empty the house. Mr. LUCAS said that his complaint was, that Sergeant Shee's proposal did not deal in a sufficiently sweeping manner with the Irish Church, which had been endured too long. He refused to accept the interpretation of the Roman Catholic oath. Sergeant SURE denied that the book to which Mr. Napier had referred contradicted his statements. He warmly protested against being charged with perjury, and requested Mr. Napier to be civil. Mr. WHITESIDE begged to say that when the learned sergeant brought forward a motion he must expect to hear it criticised, and argument met by argument. (Heir.) With regard to the book which hail been referred to by his right hon. friend being a refutation of what had fallen from the learned sergeant. he could only say that no man who had written a book was willing to allow that the facts contained in it had been refuted. The debate was adjourned to Monday next. On the motion of Mr, BROTHEBTON, the house then ad journed at 25 minutes past 12 o'clock. SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE. NOTICES. RUSSIAN FLEET IN THE EASTERN SEAS. (Extract of a letter dated Calcutta, April 28, 1854.) "We beg to bring to the notice of the committee for managing the affairs of Lloyd's, the unprotected state of the eastern trade, The British vessels of war in these seas aro few, and of small size. By tht last steamer from. Singapore we leave i n t e lli gence of a Russian squadron o f considerable force b e i ng i n the neighbourhood of that port, awaiting, it is supposed, intelligence from Europe of a de claration of war, "JAMES COWELL an d CO., " Agents for Lloyd's, and the Liverpool " Captain G. A. Hal Association of UnderwritArs. sted, R.N. Secretary Lloyd's." --- LIVERPOOL, June 13.—The schooner Albion, hence to Banff, in beati ng ou t yesterday through Channel, missed stays in a squall, and ran upon Great Burbo. She came off on the flood, and shortly after sank in the fair way.— The Wildfire, from Quebec, at this port, passed large quail* ties of ioe from the 16th to the 23d ult. STORNOWAY. June 7.—The Swallow, from Shields, for Cape Breton, is at anchor in the Sound of the Island of Taransay (west coast of Harris), having sprung a leak in the Atlantic, on the 234 of May. bq wilt kW tg • dergo repairs, - - • • --..)bIARTY, June 10.—The William and Jane, of this port, went ashore about a mile beyond the North Suton, on the Bth of June, but was waisted off on the flood, with out damage. CARTHAGENA, June 4.—The Nairns, of Shields, has put back to this port, with considerable damage, having been hi contact with a foreign barque (name on. quarter-deck " Venus"), on the Ist of June, iktotril bearing S.W. by S., distant 25 rnilen, TIIRSQUELLINQ, June 6.—The Fortuna, from Hartlepool for Oberndorf, i 4 139 W PA shore here; crew saved. The cargo (coals) will be lost PiMmta i . .51 4 7 2.—The,Helvellyn, sailed hence for Lon don on the 26tie Of April; has put back on the 28th, leaky. ADELAIDR, March 10.—The schooner Thistle, at anchor on the night of the 26th of February, was caught by a heavy squall, capsized, and went down in thfee fathoms of water ; crew and passengers supposed to be save, , from Havre PARIS, June 12.—The Canteleu (lighter )d to Rouen, with sugar, cotton. and citrons, struck upon a stake at the Grand Quai at Havre, and sprung a leak ; she discharged cargo, part of which was much damaged, and has been laid on the Gridiron to repair. Nxw Mzy 3L--T te Thomas Wright, from Ma tanzas for London, with sugar, sprung a leak when four ' days out, ii;ntl„ in making f,or Savannah, struck on a g l om ' libeut 12 milep,offOsiairtw Georg,in.. on tilt! 25t1 f Iptving it4ont ,- teo,t WILI•tr- h.. 401 , 1, i nlQ,lnetl; the ship anal 9ige were expected to become a total wreck. ' Aeggt 54 . qhip Z•Teleue, .from Ptlelbourne ;-Mt%rch 15, • S(Rear,) He knew that his hon. friend below him (Sir J. the ballot. He would give his cordial su pp ort to the mo helley) not long since got into sad disgrace for using the tion. .., Word •.‘ sham." Awed by that example, ho (Lord D. Mr. FORSTER felt bound ee t io r . eper ll o l n eg th is i l s at o i c o c n as s io g n ai t n h s e t St uar t) would be more cauti ous —(l aug ht er )—b u t he yet vote which he gave last session. wo uld venture to say that h e cou ld no t un d ers t a nd how bribery, from 1831 down to the prdeaeespentd upon time, it that hasl resulted - any Government, earnest in the cause of reform, could say in failure, and the house might one word against the ballot. (H ear , hear.) Since the good would be accomplished truonutilea timeslthey a of thedoptedthreevobiaul.- motion was last discus se d i n th e h ouse h e had taken the lot In France, during opportunity of speaking to several Americans upon the tion, the ballot triumtpharntipryopfersesvioanilseda,gaainudstifhliriohne.rymsenrad i subject, and amongst others, to the late American Minister hers were sincere n their ' at this Court, a most distinguished and able man. (Hear.) intimidation at elections, on t s h , is they would not hesitate set t eh o naet v s o ho t e e f The reply of the American Minister to his inquiries was for the introduction of voting an y this, that although th ere might be different grades of opi- Sir J. FITZG arising outEßALDhadwit of nesse o d pe so n In nion in the United States on the subject of the ballot, yet oppression in Ireland he believed that if it were proposed to abolish it, every felt constrairinapdtopesd, up ra po a r i t tr t e h at e e, motion.dandcoerced There erced thehy he t ele i c r - American would refuse to be a party to such a measure. tors were k landlordsto their wishes, an d th a t f act to vote according (Hear.) He thought as all former means of staying cor- ruption and intimidation had failed, it was only just to I aon the elector the protection of the ballot. Why, since the country and to the house to give the ballot a trial. It givehis e l e ction he had received letters from s ome o f hi s con as un-English. He would not pretend to say whether it was endeavoured to set people against it by crying it down statuents imploring him to interced e w ith th e i r l an dl or d s . ce t o prevent their being ejected, in con sequence o f th e i r was a most " gentlemanly" one. (Hear, hear , an was English or not, but he certainly thought the practice a b a y in g voted in his favour, whil e i n many p l aces i n Ire laugh.) Whenever any set of gentlemen were called u p on land the landlords had had recourse to th e a id o f th e mi litary to compel electors to v o t e aga i ns t th e i r w ill . S ure l y, Since last year a striking instance of this had occurre d to vote they invariably used the ballot. (Hear , hear) n then, the best remedy f or th ese a b uses was the b allot, n • the Christ Church School election. There the candi.which he hoped this sess i on t o see carried. d a tes were persons occupying the most dignified posi- Mr. BRIGHT, in supporti ng th e mo ti on, sa id, that bri tions—the one th e c hi e f m ag istrate of the city of London bery and intimidation, especially the latter, had greatly in and the other a prince of the royal ? bloo o d f . Did the creased of late, and that the difference between boroughs and governors of the charity vote openly co urse not, counties was, that in th e f ormer th e e l ec t ors h a d j us t in the nn-English, but nevertheless, almost universal, dependence enough t o i ns i s t on se lli ng th e i r vo t es, o w f h i i n l d e ep in end th e e nce l , at a te n r d t t h h e e y la h n a d d ow n n o e t rs ev re e t n urn th ed at th a e m m o e u r t . practice of the ballot prevailed. (Hear , was a passage in the address of Lord John h ß e u a s r s . e ) ll t T o h t e h r e e electors of the city of London which showed that the noble bers. He declaimed vehemently against the Ministerial lord still remained an opponent of the ballot, and hence opponents of the ballot, and cited the names mem the opposition of the Governmen t was to be looked for on bers of the Administration as were in of Ruch nclined to it as evi the present occasion. The noble lord boasted that there deuce in its favour. He repudiated the leadership of there was no vote which he had not given openly. Of men who refused to the majority of that side of the house course that must be so while the ballot was not the law of the smallest concession, and he declared that those who the country. He (Lord D. Stuart) was not however quite deemed this question of vital importance ought to apprise without a hope that the noble lord would yet have to give Lord John Russell and Lord Aberdeen that they must a secret vote, for he trusted the day was not far distant take up the ballot and carry it, or else understand that when the House of C ommons would a g re e with him in they were not to rely on the support of the Liberal party. thinkine that the ballot was the only way in which the Those who did not like this course were not doing their voice of the people of this country could be fairly and duty to their constituents. After dilating upon the abso . f r e ll e 1 Mr- lvR heard. A (Cheers.) lute necessity of the ballot, and contending that legislation WARNER (whose observations were almost totally would be ineffective to repress bribery or intimidation, he ' inaudible in she calla for a division) considered the ballot expressed his conviction that if the advocates of the ballot afforded the only means of putting an end to the wide- resolved to have it, they could succeed by the means he • spread and disgracethil corruption which prevailed amongst had pointed out. the electors of this country. Mr. WHITESIDE, in opposing the motion, said that Lord PALMERSTON. — Notwithstanding the impati- the ballot would lead to the destruction of constitutional e nce of the house (a laugh), especially in reference to a freedom. He urged that in Ireland, even if the ballot pro subject which has been so frequently discussed, I trust I tected the voter against the landlords, it would not pro may be permitted to st a t e i n a f ew wor d s t h e grounds on tect him against the priests. He considered that the con which I intend to give my vote against the motion of my stituency of the country was already large, intelligent, hon. friend. I amnot at all insensible to th e a d van t a e e and upright enough to exercise the desirable influence. . swhich would accrue from any system which would create Sir W. MOLES WORTH next rose to address the house, an effectual remedy against intimidation and bribery, or and was received with loud cheers. The right. honourable • against the exercise of undue influence over the electors, baronet said—My hon. friend the member for Manchester • But, in the first place, my opinion is—and I must say, • that it is an opinion not lightly formed, but of long stand- has appealed to me in courteous terms, and I cannot refrain ing—that the ballot, which is proposed by my hon. friend from addressing the house on this subject. (Hear, hear.) s •as a remedy, would utterly fail in accomplishing that se- Tho hon. and learned gentleman who last addressed the - crecy upon which is founded all the results which he pro- house supposed that I had been converted by the speech of . poses to effect. No man can persuade me in this country that you can devise any means by which the people of this my noble friend near me. I listened to that speech as in country will keep to themselves the political opinions duty bound, but though I always admire anything that which they profess—that men would not tell to their comes from my noble friend, I must say Ido not think . . friends and companions the political opinions by which hi s argumen t aga in s t the ballot was very convincing. ' they are animated, the preference which they have for (Cheers and laughter.) In fact, it was nothing more than particular candidates ; and that on the day of election it would not be known as well with the ballot as with open the stock argument, which we have heard over and over voting the way in which the great majority of the electors again ad nauseant. (Hear.) Since the period when my - had given their suffrages. (Hear, hear.) I say there is friend, Mr. Grote, made his celebrated motions in favour no mechanical contrivance, no legislative enactment which of the ballot (one of which I had the honour of seconding Parliament can devise which would prevent the opinions eighteen years ago), that question has been repeatedly and - ' and votes of the great majority of electors from being ably discussed in this house, and I think I must have known under the ballot as under the present system of open voting. We have been told a great deal about heard every argument urged that can be urged either for the example of other countries. Ask any citizen of or against secret suffrage. The result has been to strengthen the United States whether the ballot does produce my conviction that no measure ever can, or ever will be, that secrecy which we are told is the essential really effectual in checking either bribery or intimidation ' foundation of all security. It is perfectly well known which does not contain a provision that the votes of that it accomplishes no such result—that the votes of men - at elections in the United States are as well known, and electors shall be given in secret. (Hear, hear.) As I have ns ostentatiously avow e d, as i n an y p ar t o f th e United never heard any argument of any force in refutation of Kingdom—that men go to the poll with the ballot-ticket the position that the ballot is the only legislative measure in their hats, and with coloured papers indicating the par which could put an end to intimid a ti on , I will conf ine my ticular candidate for whom they are going to vote. They ' hive the same blood in their veins which flows in ours, observations chiefly to thequestion of the efficacy of thebal. They are too honest and too manly not to avow their opi- lot in arresting the progress of bribery. (Hear.) This is anions --(hear., hear)—and to support the candidate with an important question at present, for every one admits that whom they have identified themselves. Away, then, with bribery has prevailed of late to such an extent as to corn is I the nonsense—away with the delusion which prevails in promise the character of this h ouse , an d t o cas t some dis the public mind, and which is utterly inconsistent with all credit upon the representative institutions of this country. known facts and all previous inferences—(hear, hear)—for (Hear). Both Houses of Parliament have, therefore, in the great bulk of the electors there would be no secrecy— 'reply to the Speech from the Throne, declared th a t it i s they would scorn it. (Hear, hear.) It would b e re p ug . necessary to take ne w an d more effectual ' precautions leant to their personal feelings, and at variance with their against corrupt practices at elections. (Hear, hear.) Now, phlitical predilections. With some, no doubt, it mi g ht h e what ought those ne w an d more e ff ectual precautions to be? secret. The shopkeeper, the tenant, or a few individuals Ought they to be analogous to the old ones, which, who are under the apprehension that their vote would be after so many amendments have proved unsuccessful, or productive of some injury to their own condition and for- ought they to be of a new and different description ? That tune and hopes—these might take care in giving their is the question at issue between the friends and the oppo -votes was to whom their vote was given. But what must be will ever prove effectual in checking bribery which &toes the condition of that man during the interval between the not contain the ballot is founded upon an examination of commencement of the canvass and the giving of the vote? the reasons why the laws which have been passed against Would the ballot prevent him from being solicited by the bribery have failed. (Hear, hear.) That those laws have . person who has influence over him to extort from him a failed both sides of this house admit, for both sides have promise to give his vote? (Hear, hear.) It does not follow brought in a bill to amend those laws. (Hear.) Why that because a vote is to be given by a twisted piece of have they failed ? I attribute their failure to the fact that paper, put in a hole, that a man who thinks he can corn- they are merely penal enactments, the object of which is mend the vote will not use that screw which my hon. to deter persons from giving or accepting bribes through friend has dilated upon to obtain a promise from him. fear of the punishment to be inflicted in the event of de- The promise may be given or Withheld ;ifit is given, and tection and conviction. Now, it• appears to me that a a man votes according to his promise, of what use is the penal enactment can only fail from two causes—either from ,ballot? If he gives a promise, and breaks it afterwards; the inadequacy of the punishment threatened, or from the . what then becomes of your argument as to the improve- difficulty of detecting and convicting the offender. (Rear.) mint of the people? (Hear, hear.) You are, in fact, de- To which of those two causes is the failure of the laws moralising the people, instead of raising them in the scale against bribery to be attributed ? Not, certainly, to the , of moral and civili s ed m en . (Rear, hear.) If he refuses„ inadequacy of the threatened punishments, for they are Why should he refuse except he means to vote the other severe, consisting of pecuniary penalties varying from 5001. way. No man will persuade me that the person who has to 1,000/., accompanied by disfranchisement or disqualifi power over an elector will not act towards him exactly as cation. If the severity of these punishments were to be he does at present, if the elector has given a vote against the increased, the public would probably consider them to be wishes of his controlling superior. The ballot in either excessive and out of proportion to the moral turpitude of case would be a perfect nullity for secrecy or for protection. the offence; then judges and juries would become more The first objection to the ballot is that it would not ac- unwilling to convict than they are at present, and the re . complish the purposes for which those who propose it put suit would be increased impunity. And, indeed, there is • it forward for the acceptance of Parliament. I object reason to believe that the public consider that the punish to it because it would not succeed. In the next place, reents at present attached to giving or taking bribes are I object to it because it might succeed—(hear, hear)— excessive, because, though hon. gentlemen a re some ti mes and laughter.) The objecti o n ma d e t o th e P re t en d er was, un sea t e d by committees of this house for bribery by their that he was not the son of James. And then, when the agents, yet they are rarely convicted, and generally ac friend to whom such an objection was made said, "How quitted, of any knowledge of the bribery, and I do not can you be so illiberal and unreasonable as to give currency remember any instance of an honourable member haying to such a report ?" the other replied, " I object because he been convicted of bribery by a court of justice; yet I is the son of James." (Hear, hear.) Now I object to the think there can be no reasonable doubt that, after every ballot if it were to succeed, because I think secrecy in a general election, there must be many hon. members in this matter such as that of voting for members of Parliament house who are morally guilty of bribery. (Hear, bean) would be an entire change in the social habits of the people. I think the impunity which generally attends bribery ~ I think that you cannot debar them from those manifests- should be attributed to the difficulty of detecting the tions of their political predilections and antipathies which offence and convicting the offender. That difficulty arises , are vital elements of the British constitution. I think t o from the peculiar nature of the offence of bribery, which compel mankind to hold within their own bosom all is very different from that of the great majority of offences. political preferences and opinions would l.e a great national Generally speaking, when an offence is committed, there calamity. I think, if you succeed in making the ballot is some overt and patent act which manifestly inflicts sell . entirely secret, and that the result would be only known Bible wrong upon some person, as, for instance, when a •by a majority of votes on the poll, you would lose a great man is robbed or assaulted ' • then the injured person kn ows - element of political virt ue . N ow , sir, there is anoth e r o b- that he is injured, feels that he is wronged, an d i s p romp t e d jection which I h ave t o th e ballot. 'think, if it succeeded by his knowledge and feelings to seek out the offender and. ' in accomplishing the purpose for which it was proposed, to bring him to justice. Not so when the offence of bri the ballot would be a great evil as bearing on the political bery is committed. In that offence there is no overt nor organisation of this country. I think that upon p r i nc ipl e pa r ten n. tactFwohritchhemoaffneinfeesetolyfihnriflhicetiy sse c n o s n i s b i l s e ts wr si o m ng pl u y p i o n n any as well as theo r y, th a t it is an error. The vote given at an Peso election is, I must contend, a trust exercised by the elector transfer of money or money's worth from the briber to the for the benefit of the country at large. It is a trust not bribed ; that act need only be known to the two persons only within the limited range to which the vote extends ; concerned in it, who are not injured by it, but who have but, even if that measure were carried, which I say is a mis- strong motives to conceal it. strong in propoi tion to the nomer—if universal suffrage were carried—if everyman of a punishment threatened for it, and if they keep their corm •ertain age were to vote, still I should say that it is a trust. sal, the person injured by the bribery can never know that f every man, woman, and child had the right of voting, he has been injured nor feel that he has been wronged. ill it would be a trust which each individual would exer- (Hear, hear.) This essential difference between bribery .4 e for the benefit of the nation at large. I hold that, ac- and the generality o f o ff ences was clearly pointed out by 1 ding to the spirit of the British constitution, every man my noble friend the Lord President when he introduced fit 9 possess political rights and performs a political duty his bill to amend the laws reiatine to bribery, treating, cit ht to exercise that right and perform that duty openly and undue influence at elections. My noble friend justly cot , e face of of his fellow-men. (Hear, hear.) My hon. remarked that it was a veep difficult task for the Legisla wh . 1 quoted a passage from a work of ahighly respectable ture effectually to arrest the progress of bribery. I believe 'dual, Mr. Grote, to show that these objections were that tho Legislature will never accomplish that task by oug in ti. ed upon a fallacy. With all due deference I must means of penal enacteetents alone. For we cannot by such Viola et I never heard a passage containing more fallacies enactments so alter the nature of the offence of bribery as -India. -at which my hon. friend has quoted. I think it is to render it less d'..fficult of detection, and if we were to found• ' upon words, and not an argument addressed to endeavour to coemterbalance the hope of impunity arising sa y tie on. I say it is a trust which every elector has from difficulty of detection by threats of the severest than a .in when he votes for a representative to sit in punishment, our Draconic laws could not be enforced, a play , e. And it appears to me to be most essential and our threats would prove vain. (Hear.) Th ere f ore, if m th e re v man who has a political function to discharge we want to arrest the progress of bribery we must not rely t o perfos -'sisal act to do, should discharge those fungi- only upon penal enactments to deter men from com m itti ng this hout - perform that act subject to the responsibility. that offence, but must try to combine with su c h enact that ever -perform o them. Bat lam told that there is -no re- meats measures calculated to take away the moti ves t o and a re' Well, t then, who is to judge ? Are the commit bribery, by diminishing its efficacy, and by run times and , deem the Whigs, and the Whigs the Tories ? daring it less difficult of detection. I think the ballot is attac hing iil responsibility, and which every man of a measure of this description. My position is, that it sponsibility. suds—namely, to public opinion—to the good would diminish the efficacy of bribery, and put an end to Tories to e° ll 3 neighbo urs , an d o f th ose w ith w h om h e ev er y ki n d o f pos iti ve b r ib ery except th a t w hi c h i s t h e I say there i. _ , whose opinions he v alues, and which e x- least effectual an d th e l eas t difficult of detection. (Hear, sens e underatt and governing influence on the mind of hear.) To sustain this position, I must observe that opinion of h i ' • - . in. And Ido not wish to deprive any positive bribery may be divided into three kinds, accord commonly acts excises a great . eider to k ee p hi m i n the right course. If ing to the period when the payment of the brib e i s ma d e . every honest nu Id be so arranged that all the voters could The first kind is, when the bribe is paid before the elector . pa .„ ol o f the • :f_ . without any man knowing how they votes, on his promising to vote for the bribing candidate, secretevotlng"eva • . that you would lose an inestimable ad- whom I call A. The second kind is, when the bribe is paid -vote set electives • • alive those feelings of political right after the elector has voted, and in consequence of his hay voted, I saitherl think are so essential to the well-being ing voted for candidate A. The third kind is, when the vantage ha heeP l ee lti the country. On what ground is all bribe is paid after the return of candidate A, and in con sod wrong In. ,— say every man should be protected in sequence of his return. The first kind of bribery, namely, an f ana proipe rety ss O ffrage. I say that if a man has a po- when the payment of the bribe is contingent only on the -this argued 1,., Y ., _ ?IA . of m e tee in t gh . t to make up his mind to suffer Promise of the corrupt elector, is rarely and never wil the exercise„ e., that het might arise from its discharge. By lingly practised by skilful and experienced agents, even lities4 "g - th ew , the . t you enable a voter to give his vote with open voting ;for when the bribe has been paid before- eneen v ,e c ason i ng th 2, • of members of this house give their hand, the briber has little security that the bribed will fulfil the Ba ta ? ' s eem -should le ? o i rs t is . in all countries where secret his dishonourable engagement—(hear)—and not sell his in secret , --9- • AA& 3 is established. In France it vote for a second bribe to the opposite party ;in fact, the 'er t • • it • tee in Pe - t the dee\ s ries where there is given to the briber has no security except such as may arise from a votes o e gs n , vo ting in ma ny con I „t° be the protection of secret ' feeling of false honour on the part of the bribed, or fear of . ss a n t i , s _ suppose( nyotan g is observed in the leis- being reproached for not keeping his promise. (Hear.) It is ev• e s ebse he . if justice r_equires it in the one is evident that the strength of these feelings would be very , electors the ss ueeseereeT ° ' 4e other, _Ti.le members of this much diminished and in many cases entirely destroyed, by voting , " t • therose lv ": i bOal e u s ires it a lse In as \ ti Y a l a be P a o ri li n t_ical privileges, and secret suffrage. ' With the ballot corrupt electors would, ea se, it tecl interested an g e q lettere 0 are have out year of the consequences Au. . vn i i s upon e the general when they could, take bribes from both sides, and then he best I ke . n, should not vote honestly according to their convictions. or corrupt . hone tions e the aim judgment and electors have frequently- strong political opinions, for which their f u , ne , interests' os to t• they are willing to make considerable pecuniary sacrifices; weal and ow oe ording „ , with ',or ? 'eat grievance to be feeling _ mem ber / . _ ns ectioes e i ee , ho has a propewr will tell me and it is a well-known fact that corrupt electors will often he has given just as m tad of times vote fora popular candidate for a less bribe than for ' conscientious c" i i s e the ~, 1 d , at:et:es to ~if displeasuretthish ertr agout,sort to, o e S i f ao i I much f as we ho es° us • am anti-popular one. (Hear.) I think, therefore, that with to hi re sel , if ,,,,. o f this k it ts g% secret voting the first kind of ribery, namely, paying be that a n ieta - Janet, thin , ye t ea fore the vote is given, will bersrely if ever practised, and I tien f °r the (dear curl t the n ext ' e-ec who has n stnabition, "Nu, - s, A u ., when practised that the result will frequently be honest h a case to be grossly - g• (Hear.) The second kind of bribery which I have the trAu esina dlord- ll, .°llthe fact e being ascertained that the corrupt elector has .3.l3sin which tradesmen 1 that they are menmentioned is when the payment of the bribe is contingent his I t al.' the Van ° • •ery Van ' o es I be - ass. ,customer or .e l ec t l oj v f e ro suo. . In i• - • • le e ' wledge g • Te eny voted ter the eifore—(laughter)--- "Of bribe bribing candidate. This ie the ordinary mode as MY •ne m a I believe in e v ote hat which should.' which Yee the most business-like and economical one, in exaggerate . , victims of their 1 their own im r „ the least money gees"furthestfor mono ' I 'd yl3 On yipai profess toga "tne been damagedtes t pu- when it is known that votes .a havehave been actually given. their votes of e loses from his (Freer.) The definition of t • whose fortune 1 . 0e upon door , his kind of bribery shows that. and that the," P s. placed at the ,_ a eee. t the accounts it must necessarily cease with open rly be . k that what ma T admit there last kind of bribery to which I voting. The third and ze more proPe 1 I thin d s a nd the that the-payment of the bribe • would call attention is where e -•elence, In gener? , _ from his f r ien ~ . eh think t , . is contingent the A ituou e , - te he gains fr et both. ea - I -a clamour the bribing candidate. It is e • upon return of 6 ' I aaPPan* 3n between yets evident that this kind of , ~a te f air ly balanced • h A buses prevail, „ ra __ , r. B ut b r ie, ley might be practised with secret es wellwith s in which isa great deal . el f t ie out- votit ig, but with this most im rt • as open ' Isa The caa° ' ' te, there llll3l/31,1011 G Po ant difference, that with T e ; a lma in the eggrega there is real fo tated t,. 1 the open voting, in the event of the bribing candidate being ,s.: . eass ee,about them than house an y 10nge r ...4 bave s . objections te - To- esetui •red, only those electors mmalii be paid whe had ful l" ' tick to, detein. the ee the ballots . p is ff tire to I. he filled their promise of voting for candidate A, but with esa linos)! my objections would not rove e Mire voter from t , . the ballot the electors would have to be paid, whether 'ballot - are these—that it we itwould not protect the it did Pr°' I they had performed their promises or not. It would s duce secrecy—that and even if . t a great, i Mr first thoughts that this kind of bribery wonldeebe c onsequences of his political bias t world thereby laic , - -nost advantageous for a bribing candidate, for he duce secrecy, I think that it constitution. (Hear , / hear. _, • n.. +he, -- i ' mi i *ei,ve to pay when the object of his wishes was i n jury upon the British con ces . ra l 0., ted that the install 01 would shed, and his return obtained. But with open - J. WALMSLEY regret . m e e this S r Si r friend who m ht be very i t 4 " (7421P - . e rarely, if ever, practised; and the reason is quoted by by his hon. titnidation quo the noble lord. It mig . s . . .. ,Atinz °en "----' I It holds out fat less temptation to the • had had no effect upon who were in an mete. v i ous on r efle c t i on. the ordinary mode of bribery'. F or i n bon n oble lord and those ci ti ng , but . 1 f the m pt elector than , . ' ,well or 'tion to contend in _favour of open v . . t 1 t 'paid f h' •- r man. " c Til- • ode the corrup eec or _la .or aveng ;:elet ~.P° B! ''' to thew° . ~ el had prayed nipsts oppreaseve . - . __ s e e ., the ordinary m ndiclate A ; and as the J:ie.lnfetit le blehtliegent, ' il 4 lat syste 1 felt that tfie ballot should acev,iseteeee onl'of • 713 .te1l fbr . Ca the power'of 'the elebtrik Vie pay ment It, was universe Y h f chise and that any extolls% . • upen'an acct within rills) it, On the other hand, in the ion of t e ran , ld b mere memory. . . if the elector N an eaten . thout the ballot wou e . thout is ce the franchise wi fore would be eetisfact 4T Y s in No reform hill, there , iftftwrim I.LU - r ~: _ r _ - sailed in company with Lady Peel and Gullinear for Callao, and Winchester for Calcutta. Sailed, March 3, Stebonheath, for London; March 5 Birmingham, London June 5, exchanged signals with brig Lntt, Port Philip, London, lat. 49,30, long. 25.10, left in February; June 5, barque Stirlingshire, Launceston, London, 115 days out ; ship In vestigator, Colombo. VESSELS SPOKEN "WITH. The Asia, from Liverpool for New York, June 1, in lat. 41 N., long 70 W. A Black Ball liner, June 2, in lat. 42 N., long. 65 W. The Ni,gara, from Liverpool for Boston, June 4, in let. 45 N., long. 53 W. The Arabia, from Liverpool for New York, June 7, in let. 53 N., lon g . 36 W. The Richard Cobden, from New York for London, May 17, in let 42 N , long. 58 W. The Lancaster, of Brunswick, from Calcutta for London, May 11, iu let. 41 N., long. 30 W. The American Congress, from New York for London, May 25, in lat. 38 N., long. 68 W. The Evangeline, from New Orleans for Liverpool, May 26, in lat. 39 N., long. 71 W. The Annie Armstrong, from Liverpool for Sydney, Feb. 22, in let. 41 S., long. 84 E. The Jeremiah Garnett, from Hamburgh for Sydney, Jan. 15, in let. 33 S., lorg. 26 W. The Adventurer, from Loudon, Feb. 14, with 340 barrels of oil—out nine months. The Artetue,sia, from London for New Zealand, Jan. 27. The Stirliiigshire, from Leunceitun for London, and the Investigator, on the same day as the preceding. The Suffolk, from New Orleans for Liverpool, April 26, in let. 24 N., long. 85 W. The John Hancock, May 2, in let. 26 N., long. 79 W. The Champion, for Liverpool, May 5, in let. 29 N., long. 78 W. The Constitution, May 26, in let. 43 N., long 45 W. The Hortense, for Liverpool, Nov. 9, in let. 50 N., long. 13 W. LONDON GAZETTE OF LAST NIGHT. At the Court at Buckingham Palace, the 12th day of Juno, present the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty in Council. _ . Her Majesty in Council was this day pleased to dziclare the Right Honourable John Russell (commonly called Lord John Russell) Lord President of her Majesty's Most Honourable Privy Council, and his lordship took his place at the Board accordingly. Her Afajesty having been pleased to ad , point the Most Noble Henry Pelham Duke of Newcastle and the Right Honourable Sir George Grey, Bart., to be two of her Ma jesty's principal Secretaries of State, they were this clay, by her Majesty's command, sworn two of her Majesty's principal Secretaries of State ac-ordingly. DESERTERS FROM BRITISH MERCHANT SHIPS. At the Court at Buckingham Palace, the Bth day of June. 1854, present, the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty in Council, Whereas by the "Foreign Deserters Act, 1852," it is provided, that whenever it is made to appear to her Majesty that clue facilities are or will be given for recover ing and apprehending seamen who desert from British merchant ships in the territories of any foreign Power, her Majesty may, by Order in Council, stating that such facili ties are or will be given, declare that seamen, not being slaves, who desert from merchant ships belonging to a sub ject of such Power, when within her Majesty's dominions or the territories of the East India Company, shall be liable to be apprehended and carried on board their respective ships, and may limit the operation of such order, and may render the operation thereof subject to such con ditions and qualifications, if any, as may be deemed expedient. And whereas it hath lagen made to appear to her Ma jesty, that due facilities will be given for recovering and apprehending seamen (not being Hanovarian subjects) who desert from British merchant ships in the territories belonging to his Majesty the King of Hanover : Now, therefore, her Majesty by virtue of the rowers vested in her by the said " Foreign Deserters Act, 1852," and by and with the advice of her Privy Council, is pleased to order and declare, and it is hereby ordered and declared, that from and after the publication hereof in the London Gazette, seamen, no:, being slaves (and not being British subjects), who desert from merchant ships belonging to subjects of the King of Hanover within her Majesty's dominions or the territories of the East India Company, shall be liable to be apprehended and carried on board their respective ships. And the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of her Majesty :a Treasury, and the Commissioners for the af fairs of India, are to give the necessary directions herein accordingly. Wm. L. BATHURST. OFFICE OF ORDNANCE, JULY Royal Regiment of Artillery—John Thomas Cochrane, Gent., to be Veterinary Surgeon, June 9. COMMISSIONS SIGNED BY LORD LIEUTENANTS. James Henry Porteus Oakes, Esq., to be Deputy-Lieu tenant, June 9. Royal Perthshire Militia—Henry Maurice Drummond, late Captain in the 42d Highlanders, to be Major, vice Gardiner, deceased, June, 8. 3.1 Regiment of the Duke of Lancaster's Own Militia— John Motherwell, Gent, to be Ensign, June 6. Ist Cornwall Rifles Militia—First Lieutenant James Rennell Rodd to be Captain, vice Trick, resigned ; Second Lieutenant Viscount Valletort to be Lieutenant, vice Rodd, promoted, June 3. The Essex Rifles—George Stuart, Esq., late Captain in the 75th Regiment, to be Lieutenant, vice Lister, pro moted, June 9. East Kent Regiment of Militia—Wyndham Knight, Esq., late of the Rifle Brigade, to be Captain, vice Warre, resigned, June 7 ; William Henry Kebbel, Gent., late 66th Foot. to be Lieutenant, vice Mount, retired on half pay, June 6; Frederick Dickeson Bourne, Gent., late Bth Foot, to be Lieutenant, June 7 ' • Thomas Mspleson Fitz patrick, Gent., late 30th Foot, to be Lieutenant, June 8 ; Robert Annesley, Gent., to be Ensign, June 7. BANKRUPTS. Samuel Potts, carpenter, Hovah Villas, Sussex, to sur render, June 20. at twelve, and July 20, at two, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Johnson, official assignee, Basing hall-street ; Jones, Quali , y-court, Chancery-lane. George Butler, auctioneer, Nicholas-lane, June 22, at half-past one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Johnson, official assignee, Basinghall-street ; Butler, Tooley-,street. William Adam, merchant, Great Tower-street, City, June 21, at eleven, and July 19, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Stansfeld, otfieial assignee ; Lawrance, Plews, and Boyer, Old Jewry-chambers. James Rivkin, wholesale clothier, Liverpool, June 26, and July 17, at twelve, at the Liverpool District Court. Morgan,- official assignee, Liverpool; Anderson and Col lins, Liverpool; Sale, Worthington, and Shipman, Man chester. Hugh Barclay, commission agent, Liverpool, June 26, at at twelve, and July 24 at eleven, at the Liverpool District Court. Morgan, official assignee, Liverpool; Yates, Liverpool. William Wilkinson Ra,wling, Samuel Bawling, and John Bawling, curriers, Manchester, June 23 and July 12, at twelve, at the Manchester District Court. Hernatnan, official assignee ; Barker, Huddenfield ; Bellhouse and Bond, Manchester. John Allen, grocer, Courthorpe-terrace, Bermondsey, and York-place, Kent-street-road, June 22, at eleven, and July 20, at half-past one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Johnson, official assignee; May, Princes-street, Spitalfields. William Speller, ailder, Warwick-road West, Padding. ton, June 19, at two and July 19, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Stansfeld, official assignee ; Vaughan, Por teus•-road, Paddington. Tho:eas Stone Bosley, grocer, Tiverton, June 22, and July 2', at one , at the Exeter District Court. Hirtzel, official ass ioee, Exeter ; Partridge, Tiverton ; Head and Venn, Exeter. Obidiah Willisms and Henry Rawson, manufacturers, Leeds, June 30, and July 28, at eleven, at the Leeds Dis trict Court. Younj. 3 fficial assignee, Leeds ; Payne, Ed dison, and Ford, Leet...s. Thomas Robinson Wa=rd, scrivener, Wisbeach Saint Peter, Cambridge, June 23, and July 28, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Cannon, official assignee, Alder manbury ; Chubb, Deane, and Chubb, Gray's-inn ; Wat son, A isbeach. John Greatwood, confectioner, Birmingham, June 27, at twelve, and July 20, at ten, at the Birtoingham District Court. Bittleston, official assignee, Birmingham; Brown, Birmingham. DIVIDENDS. July 4, T. Booth, Halifax, innkeeper—July 6, M. Long, Bristol, hotel-keeper. CERTIFICATES TO BE GRANTED. July 6, H. J. Rogers, Callington, Cornwall, surgeon and apothecary—Ju:y 5, F. W. Robinson, Southport, printer, bookseller, and stationer—July 6, T Hughes, Wednesbury, Staffordshire, innkeeper, plumber, glazier, and painter-- July 13, H. Winton, H. J. L. Winton, and E. Winton, Birmingham, agricultural implement makers. CERTIFICATES. June 10, J. Bergtheil, Ahchurch-lane, late of Winches ter-buildings, City, merchant (first class) -Juue 5, H. Groom, Bray, Berkshire, miller (second class)-Nov. 30, W. Rhodes, Aldersgate-street, grocer (second class)-Juue 10, P. Emery, Brighton, licensed victualler (third class)-- Juno 8, W. Turner, Crewkerne, Soznereetshire, currier (second class)-Juno 8, J. F. Thynne, Tayistock, dealer in musical instruments (se -ond class)-June 9, I. Steaue, Coventry, ribbon manufacturer (third class)-June 8, S. Meredith, Birmingham, draper (third class). INSOLVENT DIVIDEND. J. Davies, late of Caeca Dutton, Denbighshire--div. of in the pound, on and after July 3, at the County Court, Is. ! I d. `,yrexham, Denbighshire. RTNERSFIIPS DISSOLVED. 1) - w - Clayton, Leeds, tobacco manufact urers G. MosleY & -)gate, Mary-street, Harupstea I •-Tom I -E. Earl and W. W. Richardso , vy C. D. Blood carpenters and builders - A.. '. La inbetlT n worth, 3ear-yard, High - stree... , a po t tters -A. F. Jacob and I. A. Smith , Liverpoo., auctioneers-G Casten and H. Viekerman, Howard's•buildh.l"' Brick-lane, St. Luke's, wire workers-J. J. Mountie aim j' Ross, George - s t r eet, Manchester-square, church de cora t ors - H W. Carr and A. Kegg, Birkenhead and Seacombe, coal ia -erchants --W. Freakley and J. Farrall, Shelton, Stitt:tom: 4 ' i " , earthenware manufacturers--M. Lindner WA C. Cart: Birmingham, Merchants--J. and J. Walmsley, Chowbent, Laneaehite butchers-E. Mayo and Hollick, Binning ,"..,Ueldrrekers and auctioneers-J. Kcep and W. Hinc kley.; Birniinghatn, merchants anti factors-. 0. Illingworth, A. fliingWorth, and H. Illingworth, Bradford, Yorkshire, W'dfe..t.4l eninveres nisi stuff manufacturers, as tar as :egards D. Illingworth- , /, H. Ormerod, and L. Or merod, Newchurch, Lant*ehire, manufacturers and me:!' - chants, and Manchester commission agents, as far as re gards J. Ormerod-J. Kirkham, TAiiricham, R. Kirkham, and B. Kirkham, Livesey, near Blackburn, power-loom cloth manufacturers-J. Travis, J. and T. Kay, and H. Pickup, Green-bridge, Forest of Rossndalo, Lancashire, woollen printers-E. N. Fourdrinier, and J. aud. W. Hunter, Witford, Oxfordshire, paper manufacturers (as far as regards E. N. Fourdrinier)-J. Smith and A. Shop hard, Bradford, Yorkshire, worsted spinners. DIVIDENDS DECLARED. J. Archer, Old King-street. Deptford, baker-first div. of 111 d. in the pouud, Thursday, June 15. and three sub sequent Thursdays, at the office of Mr. Stansfeld, Basing hall-street. W. Hollamby, Hustpierpoint, grocer, miller, and farmer -first div. of lid. in the pound, Thursday, June 15, and three subsequent Thursdays, at the office of Mr. Stansfeld, Basiughall-street. R. George, Parker-street, Drury - la ne, sta g ecoach maker final div. of Isd. in the pound, Thursday, June 15, and three subsequent Thursdays, at the office of Mr. Stansfeld, Basinghall-street. T. Ballinger, Birmingham, confectioner and baker first div. of 2s, Id. iu ;heel.% aoy _h e lotilev of :l ore, Birmingham. SCOTCH SEQUESTRATIONS. William Wilson, general merchant, Dundee. How:knoll and Paterson, wrights, Glasgow. COUNTRY MARKETS. LIVERPOOL, JUNE 13. At this day's m ar k e t th ere was a small at at Ina, buyers, and the bu s i ness d one qu ite in retail. W" lowe' be quoted ld to 2d p er 701 b , and flour 6d per barrel cried since this day week. Oats * and oatmeal barely their value. Barley, beans. and peas were sale" ° D alin told per ~ 01b., and Is per qr. undei- last currency r. for corn in very limited •tleinand at 40a prime yellow, and 39s to 39s 6d p er q r. for best whit to 40s 6 ,1 p er l e. IPSWIthi--JUNE 13. but a 0 1/ We get nothing to market but, wheat, and on quantity of that. Parish after parish, in whi'ell 0 average of years would have many licks standii V s op " yards, have not one left ; hence until the new secured we cannot get any addition to the supplY• t lO millers bought sparingly, but prices remain steady a week's rates. 0• CO PER QUARTER P ER GOO Wheat, red (old) 77s to 80s Barley, grinding ..• 005 to 16 t) t 5 Ditto (uew) 4ts " i Ditto, white (new) 82s to 86s; Peas I Ditto (old) - th al • Barley, malting - AVERAGES FOR TUE WEER ENDING JINE 13, :851. Wheat Oats Bears Barley Peas HULL--JUNE 13. There was a short supply of f a rmer s ' wheat at thi s ' b a t ,o market, which met a fair sale at 79s to 803, being a i l'o the prices current last Tuesday. A retail dernati..,l- foreign wheat, and fine qualities ale in small c o l; More inquiry for grinding barley. The stock of ITl ce , corn, owing to recent shipments to eland, is much renutil The linseed market continues dull, but a good consul:l3lLnc demand for cakes. No alteration in rapecakev '- are only dull sale. 8 Wheat, English, red 78 to 811 Ditto white B2 to 86 Dautzie and Konigs- _ rPeas, grey and black 45 tA ) 65 !Linseed, Black Sea 67,, to 6S 66 Ditto Petersburgh 6 ' l ' Ditto Riga and Arch - wss angel Ditto Konigsberg and Moine! -- To . • Por A . 1 01 Lins. c ., Flulllo/ Os Od to Oi Ditto flue for. 8/ lOs 91 Ditto iuf. for O/ Os Od te a , 'tapeseed OOl Os to 0610 . tape cakes sl2ds Od 0 00 raves, English ... .. . fins t f, 00 ! iitto foreign ...... 00s w o , ► ;nano 4l 108 81 to Pod tones l2os OJ to ' tye Meal .................. berg - 80 to 84 Pomeranian and Ham - burgh Danish, Holstein, and Friesland 7O to 76 Russian and Odessa 6 1 to Oats, English Ditto Danish Ditto Friesland Ditto Russian 32 to 34 Barley, malting Ditto grinding 34 to :3C Beans Ditto foreign Peas, white and yel s•i to 5 SEABORNE MAILS. (N signifies that the malls are :.ent from the General Post•' )3 , the night—and M by the morning—despatch.) by the night—and 11 by the morning—despatch.) wie Day Whin mat. i 4 Froot •,••• ••• COUNTRIES in General Pot.- Port `'7 1 0 1 ., ()Mee, Lonlon.• tn.: _ ;••••--- ac• l America(byltrit.pack)N Every Friday .. Liverpool rE America (by United Sts. 12 packet) .......... N .. ... ./ Liverpool , gine America (by 17 States packet) ..........N Southampton; Australia (via South.! •Tall 4 ampton) .......... M June 4 ..... Southampton - Ditto (via llarseilles) N May 8 . Ditto (via Cape of Goad rt ori Hope) ............N June 1.• - 6 Africa (West Coast)..N 13d of the month . Plymouth Alexandria..........N 8, 14, 24, &30 ot m Dover .... & 20th of mon. Southamptor Bahamas . ..... M :17th of the mon , Seutti.imPlor l Belgium ............N• I tally Dover .. ••• • ' .1 6 Brazil M 9th of the month..Southam mo p 'JO- 1 6 Buenos Ayres ...... M 9th of the month.. Southmnotts. June Cape of Good Hope ..N : l4th of the moot i rlymouth .• Cape of Good Hope .. N 14th of the month. 'Southamolon . Cape de Verde ......N il4th of the month Southampton, Ceylon (see India) 1 .1 . 11 01 50 Cey10n.......... N 14th of the monti , VP Channel 15ie5...... ..N; MOT! Clouthamptou .16 & 17th of mont Southamptot ,: Ju i " China (see India) Constantinople N17,8,17,21,&27 am. Dover • • Constantinople ........'4th & 20th of moo Southompto , /0 91 0 (font. of Europe NI & N Twice daily Dover .... • • i ,Tir Egypt (see India) ei r " France ........ hi & NlTwice daily...—. Dover .....• Tip 6 Gibraltar ..........M : 4, 7, 17, 20, 27 of m Southomptoi. Jnu Greece (see India) c ae 1 6 Greytown ..........M 2nd & 17th of mon.,Southamptot.... - v flamburgh ...........N,Tuesday & Frid (London •• Savannah.. M 2nd of the most: !soothatnyol J O I,, Holland ............M • . Dover .. :•16 Honduras 111 . 17 th of the mouth Sou, tiampto J ane (ndta (viaSouthampt.)M 4th & 20th ot m n Plym uth •• Jun ; in ita (via Marseilles)M Bthfe2 Ith of moo Dover ..••••1 !lonian Isles (see India) 7, , 7, &27 of mon Dover.... • • - i c ..0 1/1 Ireland ........M & N,Twiee Mtn) 11.15 he...,• 16 Lisbon M 7,9, 17, & 27 of ni.:Southampto. Jo le , 16 Madeira 9th of the month SonthatitploP , 0." 1 6 Madeira 123 d of mouth ....'Plymouth ..- M.alta (see India) I Malta • •• •• .• .N '7.17,19,27, 30 of m. 'Dover ...... Mauritius (see India) Mauritius 14th of the month I la I Mexico 2nd of the month. i Southamptot' J Naples . bthistli2sthofmon Dover ...• •• 1 6 Yew Granada TO 12d & 17th of month Southatnptoi , New Le nand „ ;By private skip .. Various port .I) ' Papal States .... • • I Peninsula ..........M'7ol7th2Bthotinon i Southatnpto , i a l6 Peru • • Port Natal ..........N 14th of the month:Plymouth .. Puscany ...• •• 16 Venezuela Peru .. ..M & z7th of mon Port Natal ..........N 14th of the month ........ N l 5 th 1 : , th2Athonnon, rugcany ....N th Ihth 25 tholmo Venezuela 17th of nontli Van Dietnen'aLanc (gee Augtralla) . Jane 4 6 J une West I n.ites i. 4 17th o. month 'South emote!, • When any of thane dated fall o:t a ionday. the 111 , 1' despe.tchel on the following day with the eaceptlon of the t td iouthainoton). ar.d the Anita. both of which will be despaten'" • day preceding. [ADVERTISEMENT.]-Du Barry's Delicious Rev" 1 1 1 : 1 e, Arabica Food invariably restores health, without mem% is inconvenience, or expense, as it saves 5,/ times its eq9esti. other remedies. We extract a few out 50,0 00 menials of cures, which had resisted all medicines. 00, No. 180.-" Twenty-five years' nervousness, constir, ro t indigestion, and debility, from which I had sufferell,g e o, misery, and which no medicine could remove o r reo ver f have been effectually cured by Du Barry's food in 6 short time.-W. B. R ee ve, P oo l A n thony, Tive"f e ss, Cure No. 4,208.-" Eight ye a r s ' dy s p e p s i a , neryou s ;oo debility, with cramps, spasms and nausea, have c ol effectually removed by Du Barry's delicious food ju 3 torP short time.-Rev. J o h n W. Flaxen, Ridlington Be e c if Norfolk.' Cure No. 1,781-" Not expected to li le f o oa . days longer. I watt cured by Du Barry's admirable ;0 , -Magdalena Purvis, Moffatt, Scotland." C ure 51,416. -" Fifty years' indescribable agony from dYsllffor nervousness, asthma , cough, constipation, iW tl be 4s spasms, sickness at the stomach and vomitings, 11 1 0 111' removed by Du Barry's excellent Fool-Maria 900/ Wortham, Ling, near Diss, Norfolk." Cure No. 3 ',„eels l " Thirteen years' cough, indigestion, and b - ,118 13 debility have been removed by Du Barry's O e- car . , Foci. - James Potter, Athol-street, P e rth. ° w ith No. 81.--" Twenty years' liver complaint , VP disorders of the stomach and nerves, have,,, ;0 . 1 perfectly cured by Da Barry's Revalenta Ara b lets Andrew Frazer, Haddington, East Lothi a n." Trev , es r , o Gulval, near Penzance. Feb. 20th, 1851.-Eighteabreo' nervous debility, violent palpitation of the heart , bing of the temples, violent pains in the left side an` ; 4tiOl shortness of breath, coughs, numbness of the extre ll3 ;ers' cramps, spasms, flatulency, retching, and such g', 0 0 13 weakness, that was constancy fearful of falling w li b ; my legs ; all these symptoms have been removed ~'ter, Barry's excellent Food.-Mary Gilbert." -In ean l- tiali / suitably p eked for all climates, and with full instrueo, ; -11 b., 2s. 9d.; 21b., 4s. 6d.; 51b., lls. ; 121 b ., super-refined, 1113. 6s. ; 210., Its. ; 225. ; 101 1 :w r jar' The 101 b. and 12ib., carriage free, on post offfe 9° oo; Barry du Barry and Co., 77, Regent-street, Lou Fortnum, Mason, and Co., purveyors to her MajestY,', o o ol cadilly ; also at 68, Cornhill; 60, Gracechurclys'; , 330 and 451, Strand, 63 and 15U, Oxford-street Charing-cross ; 4. Cheapside. [ADVERTISEMENT.] ASCOT RACES. - S r° 3 1 ' 1 ' " MAN.-Her Majesty's Roy a l L e tt ers P aten t , for 1 00 0 able and extraordin a ry i mprovements i n the us e powerful and brilliant Telescopes, Camp, Raw,f° tit Opera, and Per s p ec ti ve Gl asses, to k now tances of objects viewed through them-of gre 2l " portance to th e arm y, navy, an d o th ers. M ess rs. 5 0 ' IV' B. Solomons, opti c i ans , 39, Alb emar l e - s t ree t, Ple a Of Observe-opposite the York Hotel.--These telescoPes seas such extraordinary powers that some, 3i int.:lo 6 %o lo f an extra eye-piece, will show distinctly Jupiter's 133 te!, Saturn's ring, and the double stars ; with the sal: 10 scope can be seen a person's countenance three ,ilt* and a half distant, and an object from 12 to 14 They aro of larger and all sizes, with increasing ig,ble; accordingly.- The Royal Exhibition, 1851. - Vsl‘e newly invented, very small, powerful waistcoat -1)Q , glass the size of a walnut, by which a person can be r e And known mile distant ; th e y answer every 1? . .., u ece; on the . ra ce-course, at the o p era -h ouses , country rite' nery, and ships are clearly sees at 12 to 14 miles . tv are invaluable for shooting , deenstalking, yaatirter'll sportsmen, geLllemen, gamekeepers, and tourists. ie rfo' race-course, can.'ll, and perspecti ve g l asses , with syl i pil° power; an object can be cl ear l y seen f rom 10 to 1' tle) distant. Newly-in vented Spectacles ; i m mediateli c od are placed bef ore extremely i m perfect vision, e , cit s : object bec omes c l ear And distinct ; the most aged oil' fective eight is brought t ‘ ." its y s- outhful, natural, 333 ,` '0 ; ginal state. DeafnesNeve' Discovery-The Ore n ! /I t& brator, an extraordinary powerful, newly-in v , instrument, for Deafness, entirely different from all oreo i; e , to surpass anything of the kind that h as been, e j . ; 1 31, bably ever can be, produced. th Being . of es colour as the skin, is not perceptible ; it enables public „9- I persons to hear distinctly at church and at semblies ; the unpleasant sensation of singing nol:ist, the ears is entirely rearioved ; it affor,„ ante that possibly could be desired,-39, Albemarle - Piccadilly. Oh4,..rve. the York B 1 RT f 1,... - -- - -- OF A SON. 6 1011. On the 11th inst., at Hawthorn-cottage, Strand , ~,,te rsh ;. r e, the wife of W. A. Preston, R ig . „, , ,P ls ' On the 11th inst., at Addiscombe - road, East Lir" M rs. F ranc i s Herbert Secretan. OF A DAUGHTER. Br ig tO4, On the 11th inst., M rs. J ohn Kemp Welch, •'-' oh rise. wife On the 12th inst., at Sydenham-park, Kent, the . Chaljto Barry, Esq., jun. ~" ___..---' --- e MARARIED. 1 , 0 e ll , On the 10th inst., at the parish church of St. 0. 141, bone, Gregory Lewis Way, Esq., bite Major in t uel: t ,o 29th Regiment, to Mary H a y, secon,d d aug hter oft e I. William Macdowall,. Esq., a- A l graud-dau. o h ter of tolm Sir William Dunbar, of Dun, Bart. -nrovii i 0 On the 12th inst., at Holy Trinity Church, 99,,, ' 1, Francis Campion, third son of Henry 1 1 .6 - a il p k e ir E s S o t, P 5-1 Mary Ann, eldest daughter of Henry of 38, Brompton.square. -... e f ' DIED. 10 fo f e At 80, Minori es , on the 10th inst., Mary Ann e ' Cre °- F. R a wl e , E sq., surgeon , on ly d aug hter of the lat ~ Eachus, Esq., surgeon, Saffron Walden, Essex. ~,a‹. On the 11th inst., at his residence, 3 1 , Mo ut:LWWD John William White, Esq., late Captain of the ' . went 'f Warwickshi , e Militia. .. Le+NDl/N : , of No. 112, Strand, triutet, The ° Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy , in the C° Wednesday, June 14,1554. ,- ; • at 'el''.''lttibtoe l .......... 4:l.l7 t eetv" l eae h dels)Rts ; Prfe T salta n 2 inv i a ßEed , ii .:P ß ele,A; w aas eg C2ucl a bt9; i ( 4 '' !_ 011 ; and at SI late of the Tra ASCOT dington t hey have arr/ v ,' I3.B ES to w ^ESTERN co nveniently p crthe severall go that p ar ti es that conveyed .._ , ctirse and Be Zednesday, Jt T hursday, Jun „ n.—Ticke be delivered to *lll be marked tickets cannot tigers to outs line tickets are A SCOT Contrt tNt Horses, F „ obility and ( e grriages and Various Trains 43 1 N etfully re ntild be addr Windsor. whiel 14 t he Paddin ""tuned. Thu Wednesda. Thursday, Friday, Ju OUTH RACES ST ATION t o N ~,,, 'nursdaY, 1511 der the Raw fitnale Jou Double Jot Double Jour the 12th. at ' u niversal Oft m eet; t Blossorr .freer, City ; Si sheet;Z Cio'den 7ect ; and at ' 4 311 excepted) Carriages am " 137 aspect Windsor 'ware Horse II O mnibuses sy Z u Derior Conve to convey psrt °Ptn Carria,, Waterloo Stt 70tei, Windsor A SCOT eirtgeo: and arses, on api "'given : Carriage at Do. • Do. r. Carriage al Do. Do. 1 For- the accoi NVOinted Omr Zara at Windsc ltrparlf, read Pares, there and Friday Each Omnib tle raen ma, ea: tonveyed then %arse half-an• Tickets, wit , delivered tc ;all be marked "zets cannot 1 tars to the outs Tit outside ai Jur THE Pr L. _ .tiosexoc itite un heal tll te, ettil h ece ( 7Qety, will be oelV next at ek. ALDER Establi gran -,44 ehoid, and AIETRC COIITAIt .tibltrated by kW Edition, 'RE SECI , .44 publlshe E h „.., " Sperm more success diat^lSterri °bt 0 , i ng uishin variet 9il e tw Se ent a y cc ? tr e rvous Del e adde9 C cri the import 3 7, B - - , ,tor of Af, nr4h, Hoi +. 4 :: ntlate s tqtiencerni Bi ch have c nd pr tu class c Aar ticularly iT,!IT heath setitled. absol I, l c l Ples of th'urring gr heyday 1014 47 be inn' t hat how ti" atp_thore th7gelnen ss.. Author C. Le tice ortUnate Kl u t p h ri" ' In thel 11: 1 0 ,,XRVOI A t wen sz sl 4ll . 38, ( the A i u. horn- 1