The Sun. — London, England, 1833-07-06 00:00:00

m use )5, 116, 117, 116, 119, 120, and 121, were ur agreed t., with Cr qt verb ainend,nPnts; as were 'vn; IA , and a l ter a short ohgetrodny, in which Mr; eco;:i Wood, Aa r . Stanley, Mr. Shaw, and Lord Althorp en% took part. " 31) ::, The following were then passed with similar amend e 1 "" agents, --Clauses 124, 125, 126, 127, 12 8, 129, 130, Ifotto l _ a , 131, 1 - 32, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137. On clause 138 Y` being read, equal Lord ALTHORP moved that the words from " rent" to '1 commissions" he omitted, as there would have to be reeq ,'",'Aut alteration in the mod e o f va l u i ng the Bishop's leases, cons q ra t ',"" quent upon th e va l u i ng clause having been done awe y with. The bonus of four p er cent. upon t h e !rn°_, e actu a l value would not, t h erefore, be given, as the ""'"' actual valuation would not be ascertained. re , a il Mr. O'CONNELL t h ought this would be an act of in- L IW A justice toward s t h e poorer class of lessees, as they would be übjevj disadvantage ous ly a ff ected by it ; whilst it would make no , 11 f 1 1 7 04 1. difference to the richer, wh o h a d expen d e d more money in proportion in ornamenting or improving the on prorty. tc a lt He entreat e d th e N o b le Lord not to press this amendm pe ent, as the poorer classes of lessees bad ben looking with satis end faction to the boo n for the last week, and it would be un dole?, kind to thr ow co ld water upon it now. Holding out such tP I hope s f rom time to time, and then in a week or fortnight mu° throwing them down, was constantly making their dis :ht ° appointm ent the greater. t P° l _, Mr. AGLIONBY, Mr. StrAw, and Mr. G. F. YOUNG y we' opposed the amendment, and wile° Lord ALTHORP said, that seeing it was so generally re, i" objected to, he would withdraw it. 4e 0 The remaining clauses were then agreed to, the House de, he resumed, the report was received, and the Bill was ordered e 0 0 , to be read a third time on Monday next. er 0 The Parish Apprentices Bill and the Artillery Pensions to the Bill were read a third time and passed. pines° BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE. ions. Lord ALTHORP moved the three resolutions follow ! bee in g :-- First, that d ur i ng t h e rema i nder of the Session this what S ittingst h e between twelve an d th ree o ' c l oc k , i n add i tion to , business alr ea d y appo i nted to be done at those sittings. t Second, th at pet i t i ons shall have precedence of orders of I. It the day on Mondays and Wednesday), and orders of the imenr day shall have precedence of petitions on Tuesdays, Thurs. trade days, and Fridays. Third, that when the House is pro thole ceeding upon the orders of the day, the business before their the Select Committees shall be suspended. if one The resolutions were agreed to. n en' CORPORATIONS. forty Mr. D. W. HARVEY said he observed from the Jour ' the nab , of the House that late last night an address to his unfit Majesty was agreed to, praying that he would appoint a beep commission to inquire into the existing state of municipal Lineal corporations in England, Wales, and Ireland. He aPPre" ie in' tended that the object for which the commission was .ct to required would be defeated by the manner in which it pa* was appointed. There could be no doubt that the cor ny to Porations would throw every possible impediment in the itical 1 ) , of the inquiry, and it was well known that a com rentie mis sion under the sign manual could not compel the as e attendance of witnesses. Under these circumstances, he en it wished to know why the Government had not appointed t was a ~unalnission, under the authority of an Act of Perna they men% which wo u ld b e arme d w i th power to compel the t h e y attendanc e of witnesses, and otherwise to conduct the de in, inq uiry in an e ffi c i ent m inner. tioula Lord ALTHORP said there could be no doubt that cow, voluntary evidence would come before the Commission, the - a nd evidence of this nature was not likely to be favour iot ab le to the corporations. It would, he . believe . d, be found P° that to Ily to e Commission would collect sufficient evidence. axle , ° lr. BARING expressed a hope that the corp tration of d re, London Would come under the supervision of the Com were mission, Considering its power and influence in the were metr opolis, it was i n fi n i tely more necessary that an inquiry they should tak e p l ace with respect to the corporation of the ay itt C h of L ondon than any other in the kingdom. He at the 4 °Ped that out of the investigation some plan would ori cart,' elnate for putting the whole of the metropolis under one be Pniform system of local jurisdiction.—(Hear.) fluty Lord ALTHORP said that no corporation would be ands tzcluded from the investigation of the Commission. , nceer THE CALTHORPE.STREET AFFRAY. s the Mr. ROEBUCK was about to give notice of a motion antes With respect to this affair, when, bees Lord ALTHORP said, that he meant to give notice that Indio O n Tuesday next he would move for the appointment of a .arry• Com mittee to inquire into the transaction, ring ; The Noble Lord shortlftergave the notice accord Akin' ing Air' y g a an d MATTWOOD presented two petitions from thing cheate r and another place, in favour of the Factory ority, Go. The Merchant Seamen's Wages Bill went through Corn leered t nitte......R. , pert o n M onday, s de' L°ll ALTHORP, in answer to a question of the Mar i., be It's of Chandos, stated that it was impossible, in the pre , and Bill1 '101)1d he proceeded with this session. !riga% 1,5:4e• ATTWOOD * presented a petition from White ecamt,numplaining of superior advantages possessed by the her Man in regard to the fitting out, &c., of British whirl' ging. The° R r ' RICE brought up the Bank Charter Renewal Bill. ado"' ' 'ad a first time ; second reading not fixed in conse qUenoe ; n ye' to of the absence of Lord Althorp. fficeo gi 1 ASHLEY presented a petition from Manchester, %,/ Vied b 3 kne Fa vour 3' 0,000 persons, and from 27 other places, in It be Lord oleo the Factories' Regulation Bill. The Noble long eler so presented four petitions from persons (one a o into entittrnau, another a matron) complaining ot the improper beingex am . o f the factory commissioners in iespect of their M r , of witnesses. ouliel fr om VARDY presented a petition (as we understood) awe ° Mr. 'Ran, in favour of the Factories Bill. trade B r HARD POTTER—The Hon. Member ;land' W eat I FTrd says the greatest excitement prevails in the mug° wh en so l ding of Yorkshire. At that he was not surprised, shon' of th e ee na uch pains had been taken to inflame the minds f the !tinted The petition which had just been pte e via ° it w t ool the meeting at Wibsey Low Moor, at which " state ast eteler,,na, 100,000 persons were present, was, he of tb e , 04 7 , got together principally from an address of a ships eioleat an t d ie • Tbat address was couched in the most old n e patiage, ,inflananaatory language. He would read a few eact, the time of reasoning is gone by; for l!hle areunlet Ltsk yetit exhausted every source of fair and tan , ' d Truth h as ever b een v i ctor i ous on our rhhieconnatitwatee,ave therefore no need any longer to trouble Nests" of 61 authorities. It has now become a simple ° b e solved isl._against gold; and the problem now Odies, • will ell y our children's souls and tot soli 2 : 11 . a'i,o sell your s for mill-owners' sold? b ard, "'ell you are to get, but gold for them to kster t o , 4 , 4 _,ft ermards to spend, in binding you still Out firm' "e' murderous car. if you yield, 1 cannot he p land fi heaven will not help you. But if you will lore proo f and support your rights, then come and add one e ther'''of to those already given of your determination to tett slaves of mill tyrants no longer, and attend the ea t in f at Wibsey Low Moor, near Br.dford, on Monday tea '4l J uly Ist, at ten o'clock, to petition Parliament to ` n eth •1 1 the Ten Hour Bill. Come, fathers, and dl wit . I l i ! , eta you will have it ; nay, mothers, come ; aye, and bit too, and thunder it in their ears— We will have Du °a', my countrymen, what say you ? Will l e le slaves any longer ? Lord Althorp has hilted , e goh after all--he says ten hours are too many !' Lnge wants two gangs under fourteen years—and oust we child of you, who is turned fourteen years, I :4 e r s k /sixteen hours u-day regularly, and have still 'tita ns „„:"'"-, I Will you stand it ? I askyou as ty s o YOU stand it ? I say I will not !If you toor,' n e : e l 7 e and meet me on Monday on Wibsey Low elraet later than ten o'clock, and help me to make I little f. s tremble once more. No, no. Two relays Oder fo"t°rY rood, butrthtne" , horses to please the tyrants ! and then who are a bit bigger—! They want b oa , nY shall not hare it I Next, they will want S of : t aY ' th ." e; S h all , Your money as ' compensation' money ! ' 9l ie to y ou n ave neither ! They have no title, no They i l o t v i. e ti d el r . cink T i oe c tii iildr eit's blood, nor to yours long enough ! They never will be ouraelllall yield. 47.1 is , thirst increases. But they tremble— Another tug, and the Ten Hour (1 child Came, then, fathers and mothers ; aye, liewtaetswith oel'd Meat • me on Wibsey Low Moor, ered, for of ensigns, flags, and banners. They ought field. ra the y have been victorious in many a well- L, `‘" a fe w r i , t Inu4i new °nee to celebrate your new tot tile cheer you on, if you can get it. their own c ause of the different lojges volunteer ? It ties, and shops f L i. ea ve your mills, and looms, and our his hissin g a n d °. °° e day more. Let Old Ned' Is e 4lr machine r i " . n bling din for one day, and give them for once a 8 tune t o cease their tearing—aye, :Ir4lires i t t. iloieday,'—come, as we say in tine men will come 14-'ta.' I know the masons and th ey Wall, , end if the Odd - Fellows' stay at blo ody t yrant be • odd indeed —all those who hate t s p will be invit w did be,there ; and honest, humane Al -1 hen one and all ' come and meet i ll chi/ dr e entleserv e it. I ask it. But whoever .beld or its fatigues, I will not. Hail, lain, or it s p l eas e God I will be there, aye, if I stand alone." 4 1 1, 4 1.4 ,‘ the kind of language used to bring the wotkin ?r q e;e"egtether, and it was calculated to produce the kt e ,:, ' 3 , and to widen that breach which he deeply Pre vailed • betwixt masters and men. The occa- i the KI 01 mute lock , gfieef f int °• r O . lurCh e PO' 'o th e n ote. L ether )e froei L 0 0; rer lUre ti Misr, sion to which he alluded to, was not the first time when 'his person had used such infl tmmatory language. Last 'ummer, Mr. Otstler, in company with a gentleman late a Member of this House, made a public entry into Man chester on the market-day, and passed from one end of it 'o the other ; on that occasion the most abusive, violent, and intemperate language was made use of. Afl tg was carried through the streets before the procession, and on it was the figure of a gallows, which was to denote that the masters were to be hung unless they came into the views of those composing the procession. Excitement might prevail in the West Riding of Yorkshire and elsewhere, on the Factory question, but he trusted that no such feel ing would prevail in the minds of Hon. Gentlemen, but that they would come to the consideration of the question with that calmness and impartiality which its importance deserved. After a few words from some Hon. Gentlemen, the pe. tition was laid on the table. FACTORIES BILL. Lord ASHLEY moved the order of the day for the Committee on the Factories Regulation Bill. On the question that the SPEAKER do leave the chair, Lord ALTHORP rose and said, that in addressing the House be would, in the first place, beg to draw their at tention to the situation in which this measure novr stood, and he would suggest what appeared to him the most rea sonable course to be pursued in order to arrive at the end of passing such a measure during the present session as would satisfy all parties. In the first instance, from the delay which had occurred, and fur which he was not able to account, the large reports upon this subject were not yet in the hands of Honourable Members, and be thought that the House, having agreed to place the subject in the bands of Com. missioners, it would be inconsistent for them now to pro. ceed to legislate at once, even without having time to exa mine what these Commissioners recommended, exc'usive of the vast mass of evidence which could not be looked through. A Committee of the whole House upon such a measure as this, and involving such a mass of details, was not the mode in which he thought they could come to a satisfactory conclusion, and he was sure that the delay in a Committee of this description would be such as to prove that the course would he the very reverse of satis factory. Since be had looked at the provisions of the Noble Lord (Ashley's) Bill, and the report of the Com missioners, it appeared to him that no course would be so advisable, or tend so much to a proper arrangement, as the referring the Bill co a Select Committee. By this he did not mean a Select Committee that should have powers of calling witnesses, and entering into evidence, which would be productive of the greatest possible delay, but he did not think that a Select Committee up stairs, acting under instructions from the House, would be productive of any delay, but, on the contrary, he believed that the reference to such a Committee would have an infinitely greater tendency to expedite the measure than submitting it to a Committee of the whole House. But on looking at the provisions of the Noble Lord's Bill, he could not but feel apprehensive that if the Bill were passed in its present form, it would hive a most injurious effect upon the manufacturing interests of the country. He need not say, that if the effect of legislative inter ference were to increase the power of foreigners to compete with us, so far from being a benefit to the poor people whom it was sought to protect, any measure of this kind would be one of the greatest injuries which could be inflicted on the manufacturing population. He said so, because be need only draw their attention to the state of the manufacturing districts to show, that if any measure had the effect of diminishing the demand for our goods, the result would be to throw the ssliote of the population of those districts out of work, and in consequence pro duce the most miserable rffects. He was not one to say that nothing ought to be done in this case, as, from the general excitement and feeling throughout the country, Parliament must interfere and prevent unfortunate chil dren from suffering under cruel oppression,and being treated with undue severity. But when the measure of the Noble Lord, taking the ages of the parties into consideration, went to fix on the short period of 10 hours, he thought the Noble Lord shortened the period too much as regarded adults, more particularly as all the arguments urged in the House referred to children of 9, 10, and 11 years old, and did not apply to adults, who had au option to work or not as they thought proper. The House had the opinion of the Commissioners, that the protection afforded to children was by no means satisfactory ; let the House, then, limit themselves to this subject, without applying themselves to parties for wilom their interference was unnecessary, as they could choose for them selves. He wished, then, that the Bill should not be altered in this respect, and that the best protection should be afforded to children properly so called. leaving out adults. With this view, should the House agree with him, he would wish to refer the subject to a Select Com mittee, and be would suggest that an instruction to that Committee should be, that children before the farm 'etsth year of their age should not be allowed to work more than eight hours a day.—(Hear, hear,) He did not wish to alter the laws regarding cotton-mills as respected persons older than that. It would he for the Committee to decide whether the Bill should be applied to other species of ma nuractures ; but be roust observe that there was one de scription of manufacture—that of silk—which had not been inquired into. Every one was aware that the labour in silk mills was less severe than that in other manuf s tories; and it was also certain that a greater number of children were required in this than in other departments of manufacture. This fact would cause a necessity for the Committee to consider whether it would not be right to make a distinction between silk and other manufactories, or whether there should be any inter ference at all. The great object urged by the Noble Lord (Ashley), and one which every man would wil lingly give his aid to, was to give children the benefit of education, which it was impossible they could enjoy while they were compelled to continual labour through out every day, and he (Lord Althorp) therefore thought that erre should be taken that the children should have this advantage during the intervals which occurred in their labour.—(Hear.) The great difficulty in every case was, how to carry laws which were passed into effect, for it was well known that although the law restricted the labour in cotton-mills, it remained almost a dead letter. It was known that many would practise evasions, and therefore no provisions should be made without securing means to carry them into effect, for the consequences of not doing so would be to give an unfair advantage to those patties whom no one would wish to benefit—that is, to those who would evade the law and do what the Legislature had stamped as both cruel and unjust. Upon this ground, therefore, he thought a provision ought to be made for the inspection of mills. Having expressed these views, he thought by carrying them into effec , the Legisla ture would do all in its power to protect children. If they were to go further and declare, as the Noble Lord (Ashley) wished, that for the effect of any accident in a mill which caused death the penalty of manslaughter should attach to the masters upon the representation of a coroner's jury, we should place them in such a situa tion as could not be tolerated. The Noble Lord (Lord Ashley) had gone out of his way in this instance, for, by the law as it stood, any culpable negligence in this respect was a crime. To say, then, that a coroner should issue his warrant to apprehend a manufacturer, not only did not af ford him adequate protection, but was even worse than absurd, for it was unjust. He wouid not go at any greater length into this question, but would conclude by moving, as an amendment to the motion of the Noble Lord—" That the Bill be referred to a Select Committee, with this instruction—that ;be Committee should make provision in said Bill that no children who had not entered into their 14th year should be allowed to work for more than eight hours a day, and that in the intervals of their labour care should be taken for their education, and that inspection of the mills should take place, in order to secure the operations of the above provisions." Lord ASHLEY said, that as the only question now was, whether the Bill should go before a Committee up stairs, there was no necessity for his entering at large into the subject. It was only for him to say, that if there were inconsistency in legislating without having the evi dence taken before the Commissioners, he (Lord Ashley) would be pronounced a guilty party, because be had pro tested against the course pursued, and pointed out that should this be followed, it would be impossible to legis late. But he now asked the Noble Lord (Althorp), would he hold to the guarantees he had given—for, if not, it was odd that he (Lord Ashley) should have been put off from day to day as be had been. Lord ALTfIO. P said the inconsistency would be the going into legislation upon this subject without having all the details before them, whereas a Select Committee could with ease enter into them all. Lord ASHLEY said that if ',7. ',dile Lord would affirm the principles of his Bill, he might do what he pleased with the details; but he was, nevertheless, opposed to the course proposed, because he knew that its effect would be either to delay the Bill to the end of the session, and make its passing impossible, ox that it would come down so changed from the Committee that he could not recog nise a single feature of it as his own. With respect to the inspection now proposed by the Noble Lord, he (Lord Ashley) would have introduced such a provision had he not feared opposition to it, and this he would therefore support. He also had no objection that children uader 13 years should work no more than eight hours, Neither had he the slightest objecti on to t h e compu l sory system o f education mentioned, for it was a deep source of reeret to him that there should he so many thoulands in this country deprived of that blessing. It was becoming in the Noble Lord (Althorp), as a Mini-ter of the Crown, thus to come forward ; and if lie elm, to go further, he would find in him (Lord Ashley) a zealous supporter; and should the Noble Lord extend his bounty in this way, not merely to factory children, hut to all who were desti tute, he would be not only the best benefactor to the country but the most glorious Minister that ever existed. —(Hear, hear.) But when the Noble Lord complained of the machinery of his (Lord Ashley's) Bill, and of his provision against injury by machinery in mill., he must only refer the Noble Lord to the report of his own Cem • missioners, which it would appear lie had not read. The statements made by those gentlemen were rather curious. (Here the Noble Lord read an extract from the report of the Cominis,ioners, speaking of fatal injuries inflicted by machinery, as well as of serious accidents from the same cause, with the addition that the greater were the number of accidents the less was the sympathy with the sufferers; that the wages of the parties thus in. jured were stopped, no medical assistance was furnished, and no compensation made to the sufferers.) He thought that before the Noble Lord (Althorp) reprobated his Bill, he ought to have considered this passage of the report, and so long as there remained any consideration for men and fellow -creatures in the House, and that there were any to feel with him, he would never consent to withdraw that clause. Besides this difference, he would ask, what was there to have prevented the Noble Lord (Althorp) from saying heretofore all he had said that night ? Why did he not do so on the second reading, .instead of having kept him (Lord Ashley) and his supporters in a kind of fool's paradise by his promise of no opposition? They had not anticipated any resistance, but now it appeared they were to be turned out of the House and sent up stairs. Unless, therefore, the Noble Lord would affirm his Bill, and concede the ten hours principle, he should oppose this amendment; but let that be once admitted, and he gave up d etails. Several of the clauses in the Bill, as it stood originally, he had withdrawn, because they were ob noxious to others, although he was convinced of their being beneficial ; but to gain a great object he was willing to sacrifice his own impressions. And now, when the Noble Lord said that children under their 14th year were not to work more than 8 hours a-day, what was that but to leave all children who were 13 years and a day old out of the pale of all protection ? Did not the Noble Lord know that a vast proportion of those children were females; and were he and the House prepared to leave females of this most critical age subject to work perhaps 16 or 18 hours ?-- (" No," from Lord Althorp.) Yes, but it must be so, they were left without any protection. It was to be re collected that all the medical men in their evidence, and particularly Mr. Elliotson, had declared that making females of this kind work even ten hours was not only in tolerable but was absolutely horrible. A Bill so import-. ant as this the House ought not to abandon from under their own jurisdiction, and confide to a Select Committee. Did the Noble Lord (Althorp) suppose he would in this way stifle the complaints that were made, and give satis faction either to the labourers, the manufacturers, or the country ? As far as he (Lord Ashley) could judge, such a proceeding would only excite entire and uncontroulable disgust. An HON. MEarsca—Strong language this. Lord ASHLEY said, with all deference to the Hon. Member, he would use such language as he pleased, and the language he now used was not a jot too strong for the occasion. The House was fully competent to all the de tails of the measure, and he thought it their bounden duty to reserve to themselves the decision of this subject. As to having two sets of workmen, all the evidence de clared it to be impracticable, though the Commisioners were in favour of it. They could not be procured by the manufacturer, and the injury to the children and their parents, by cutting down wages, would render them more miserable than they were even at present. He im plored the House to enter upon this subject publicly, and not to a!low it to be refereed to any private tribunal. Mr. JERVIS said that the noble Chancellor of the Ex chequer had admitted the principle contended for, and only wished to refer the details to a Committee.—(Cries of " No, no.") He was sure that if the choice of the manu facturing population were taken, it would be in favour of the proposed reference to a Select Committee ; but he hoped that the Noble Lord would not fetter the Committee by an instruction. Sir SAMUEL WHALLEY objected to a Select Com mittee, and contended that the Commission had been a useless waste of the public money, without any practical result. The effects of the factory system ought not to be coolly calculated with reference to the prices of commodi ties for the foreign market. The cruelties of the English factories had rendered it odious in the eyes of Europe, which had been fixed on the atrocities which the evidence had proved to have been perpetrated there. Mr. WILBRAHAM would vote for a Select Committee. He had no means of judging of the evidence on the other side. His objection to the resolutions was the difficulty of carrying them iota effect. Other Bills had been passed already for regulating factories ; amongst the rest, Sir J. Hobhouse's Bill, which had been carried into effect at Manchester by the master manufacturers themselves. He was a warm and sincere advocate for the interference of the House in favour of the factory children under present circumstances; but if he were to be a member of the Com mittee, he should go into it without prejudice or bias. Sir R. INGLIS observed that the volume on the ta,ble had not yet been delivered to the Members, and except in the hands of an Hon. Friend, who he saw carrying it in the sti eets as a burden a few days ago, he had never seen the outside of the volume till now. Yet it was on the con tents of this volume that the House was required to legis late. The difficulty, however, was reduced by the recol lection of a smaller volume, the Report of the Factory Labium Regulation Bill.!3 If be knew no more than the evidence of tde medical men, contained in that volume, he should accede to the general proposition, that a given quantity of labour,—say 14, 15, or 16 hours, was greater tban the human animal could undergo, whom it was the object of his Noble Friend's Bill to protect. Lord MORPETH would be sorry to leave children above 13 or 14 without any regulation to protect them from excessive work. The regulations of Sir John Hob house's Bill should be applied to all branches of manufac ture, which would be advantageous to the woollen dis tricts. It was desirable to regulate adult labour, and to give both descriptions the opportunity of obtaining a mo derate degree of instruction. Whatever painful cases of abuse might have been proved to exist, he had always objected to the fierce and indiscriminate attacks made upon the manufacturers of England. At the same time, he did not think they had any very high responsibilities imposed upon them. As the factory system had added to the wealth and population of the manufacturing district., under good management he thought it might be so conducted as to add to the moral and religious improvement of the swarming population which it reared.—(Hear.) He thought that, in the present state of the session, there was not time for a Select Committee; but whether there was a Committee upstairs or below, he was happy that the question would be entered upon without that acrimony and irritation of mind which had polluted this great and righteous cause elsewhere. Mr. O'CONNELL observed that there ought to be no more delay; their object ought to be to put an end to all delusion.—(Hear.) There were two questions—first, as to the principle; secondly, whether the evil existed. With regard to the principle, the law took all persons under the age of 21 under its protection ; if they bad property, the Lord Chancellor took especial care of them. These chil dren had no property but their labour; and if the machi• nery of the Court of Chancery was too expensive, the House was bound to act as universal Chancellor, and to protect them. The only question then was, did the evil exist? But it was admitted to exist. Then, why not legislate at once? On one side was the number of chil dren slaughtered in a year; on the other, the possibility of the loss of the sale of a certain quantity of calico. The protection ought to last till 21 ; at all events till IS. Let all delusion on this subject be put an end to. Let it be stated that the House did not intend to legislate at all on the subject this session, and then it would be under stood ; or let the House now go into Committee and report progress, and by Monday any man of humanity would have got through the contents of that great book. He repudiated drawing the line at 13 or 14 ; let it be fixed at 18 till next Session, when the Legislature could relax that rule if it was for the benefit of the children to do so, and not else. Mr. BROTHERTON said, that all persons were agreed that some legislation was necessary. That was making a great progress, for twenty years ago, not a single master would allow that legislative interference was necessary. Now the public, the masters, and the working men, all agreed in appealing to Parliament to make regulations for the h.bour of factories. They had different motives for demanding it. The masters demanded it because they desired to prevent some amongst themselves from working too long. The adults rNuired interference as the only means of preventing them from being overwo.'kecl; and the public required the inter:erencc of .he Legislature to protect the children. He Caought that there should be some r e striction, and that the : - estr:etion should estaLlish one uniform system. He knew that some mills were now working for fifteen or sixteen hours a day; and he knew that infants of a very tender age were so employed. The Hon. Member quoted two or three cases, we believe, from the evidence of the Commissioners. The Ten Hours Bill would. he admitted. he a arP;IF rhanap frmn the 7, ) C / / 11 present system ; and he wished that the protection could be forihrt extended as to age. He wished it extended 6'l the ige 11 twenty-one Indeed, unless the labour of the adults was regulated, it was impossible to protem the children. He was anxious to make the Bill effective for its objects. The masters of Mancheste-, be believed, only wished to labour sixty-nine hours a week, and the Noble Lord's Bill proposed 58. Now if the par ties were brought together, he thought they might come to some agreement ; and he, therefore, was of opinion, that, in order to make a good Bill, it should be referred to a Select Committee. At the present moment the children were so much part of the machinery, that they must work the whole time the mill worked, or starve. The masters would not otherwise employ them. Their labour, then, was not free labour. They must be there at the time, and they must stay the whole time, without ever going out. Would not the Members of that House feel it:a great hardship to be confined there the whole day ? He knew what those hardships were, for he bad worked in a factory himself till be had reached his sixteenth year. He had worked twelve and fourteen hours a day, and had under gone all the privations which factory children endured.— (Cheers.) For these young persons he felt the deepest sympatby—(Cheers)—and though he bad been raised to the highestbonoor which man could confer on him—that of sitting in the British House of Commons, he could never forget his station.—(Cheers.) He did feel much for their sufferings, and must stand by his order—(Repeated cheers)—and if he could, by his labours, ameliorate their condition, be should feel that he had not lived in vain.— (Continued cheering.) Mr. HYETT had abstained from opposing this mea sure in its previous stages, although it appeared to him there were many difficulties and defects contained in it as regarded the children whose condition it was the object of the Bill to improve; and because, if even its object should succeed, its inquisitorial interference with the ma nufactures of the country would strike such a blow at the manufacturing interests of the country that not only would the rich suffer but also those whose condition it was now sought to remedy. He was thoroughly convinced that such would be the effects if the details of the Bill were carried into effect. If the House legislated at all on this subject, be hoped at least it would not do so partially, and not for one description of labour, but for all. In this respect, however, there was an inconsis tency even on the face of the Bill' itself, which struck him very forcibly. The Bill professed to be a Bill for regulating the labour of children and young persons em ployed in mills and factories in this kingdom ; but the Bill confined its provisions to silk, cotton, and woollen manufactories, though 'it was notorious that children were employed in the much more injurious manufac tures in iron, lead, and copper in mines, night and day —nay, even from that until the completion of the finished article; in short, exposed to the damps of the mine, and subjected to the scorching heat of blasts and fur naces.—(Hear.) To these no sympathy was extended under this Bill, notwithstanding the large assertions to which he bad alluded contained in its title and preamble, —(Hear, hear.) But even with reference to the classes of children to which the Bill was intended to apply, if a parent and a master should conspire as it were against a child, there was nothing in the Bill to prevent it; indeed, such a provision would, in his opinion, surpass the ingenuity of the Noble Lord who had intro duced the Bill, and the wisdom of Mr. Sadler. The proposition in the Bill, for a time bill to be kept in every manufactory, would materially tend to drive the respect able manufacturers away, and they would but give place to less scrupulous and less humane individuals. Again, the adult labour was much interfered with by this Bill, and he hoped the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Ashley) was well acquainted with the effects of restriction of labour upon the manufactures of this country. Had the Noble Lor4 borne in mind, when be introduced this extensive measure, bearing upon a most important subject, that Americans in cotton, the Lyonese in silk, and the Belgians in woollen manufactures, were fast treading upon the heels of this country, and that, if these nations once got the start, this country would never reach them ?.—(Hear.) The people of England would not starve, and if the manu factures were interrupted for a single weeL, prices would drive back the population of this country from the ad vanced state of civilization to which by its manuf ctures it hid arrived, into a statt, of immediate misery, if not ultimate barbarism.—(Haar.) While he admittad that there existed a great amount of suffering among the chil dren employed in factores, yet it did apperr to la!rA that this amount had been considerably magoified, and he alluded particularly to the instances as to the comparative duration of life mentioned at the end of Mr. Sadler's beak of the evidence. These tables showed the number of death under the ages of 20 years and 40 years, in every 10,000 deaths in the large manufacturing town, as com pared with certain other places, and the show appeared most alarming as against the manufacturing towns. But his (Mr. Hyett's) opinion as to these tables was, that the comparison had not been fairly drawn, and that rural towns had been select:l which it was unfair to put in comparison with manufacturing eistricts. The compa rison ought to have been made between large densely po p-alated manufacturing towns and large densely po pulated non-manufacturing towns. Such, however, was not the case. In the last class be had mentioned he would put Liverpool, and on a comparison between that town Maccla,field, Wigan, Bradford, and Manchester (we be lieve), it appeared that of those who died under the age of 40 a majority of from 300 to 500 died in Liverpool over these manufacturing towns. The tables relied upon Essex as a marshy, and consequently unhealthy, county, and yet it was found from the population returns that there died in ir, under the age of 20 years, 4,269 persons, while in other counties i❑ England the average of deaths at that age was 4,514. I❑ the island of Ely, which was the most marshy district in the country, the number of deaths under 20 years of age, were 5,328, while in manufactur ing districts the deaths under the age of 40 years averaged the same number to within one. So that as many die under the age of 20 in Ely as died under 40 in the manufacturing districts. He mentioned this to show the erroneous principles on which the tables to which he had referred had been formed. Besides this, there were other considerations with reference to this subject; and he would principally maintain that it would be extremely difficult to bring the whole question properly before a Committee of the whole Hou-e. He rejoiced that amidst all the chivalrous spirit in the Noble Lord opposite and Mr. Sadler, it had not been ventured to make an attack upon the fulling mills of his (Mr. Hyett's) dis trict; on the contrary, the Bill contained a special exception in respect to them. Colonel TOItBENS objected to the Bill going to a Committee up stairs, with such instructions as had been proposed by the Noble Lord (Althorp), for in such case, he was of opinion the Bill would do more harm than good. Mr. HUME said that though it was an establi•ied principle or rule, that r.ny restriction or regulation of labour or wages was mischievous, yet he thought the case of children was an exception to that rule. He had voted for a commiszion of inquiry on the grounds of the com plaints a. to the allegations preterred against that impor tant interest, the manufacturers of this country ; but he was of opinion that now, when so strong a feeling had been raised in the public mind, the Bill ought to be discussed, clause by clause, in a Committee of the whole House, in order that the public might know all the bearings and principles of the Bill. Such a course would afford satisfaction to the country, and believing it to be the best for all portions of the community, he should support the motion for going into a Committee of the whole. House. Mr. M. ATTWOOD concurred in a great degree with the sentiments expressed by the Hon. Member for Salford (Mr. Brotherton), to whose good feelings he gave every credit. But much had been said, in the course of the present discussion, upon the excited state of feeling per vading manufacturing districts upon this subject, and he (Mr. Attwood) could not but think that feeling would be much increased by the proposition which had this night been made by his Majesty's Government. He would ask the House whether the course of proceeding which had been proposed was or was not a course to which the people could give any other interpretation than that it was a desire on the part of the House to evade answering their just demands by a tnancouvre unworthy the Legislature? He felt satisfied the proposition would cost the confidence of the people. Mr. G. W. WOOD rejoiced much at the manner in which the feeling address of the Hon. Member for Salford bad been received by the House, and though his Hon. Friend had pointed out a middle course to be pursued on this question, yet he (Ml'. Wou•i) feared, from the tone and temper manifested by the advoca'es of the Bill, there was but little chance that a middle course would be adopted. H e , however, hoped the House would not rroceed to ad judicate lightly upon this important question. The ex isting law had not been proved to be ileffective, and until it was shown that the proposed prohibition or restriction would be so, great caution should be used. The Hon. Baronet (the Member for Oxford) had made a strong ap peal to the feelings, by calling upon the House to afford protection to young women under eighteen years of age, by passing this Bill ; but he would remind the Hon. Ba ronet, that in such en event as the Bill passing with its present restrictions, those females under 1 S would be dis charged by the master, and those over 18 years of age, whether unmarried or marriad, would be employed; an ; if the latter, the effect upon the stati of society would be inßt nreindie;al. 1 1 r r - ,i‹ Lord STORMONT said that he believed the purpose of ;ntroducing the amendment was to throw out the Bill of his Noble Friend altogether. He had no doubt that more could be done in regard to furthering the object in view in two days under the original proposition, than in two ►uanthv in its amended form. Mr. P. THOMSON denied that the proposition for referring the matter to a Select Committee was brought forward with any view to delay the settlement of the question, and contended that the Bill of the Noble Lord (Ashley) was infinitely more calculated to delay its adjust ment. With every feeling of re.pect to the N Lord's motives, he could riot help think , ng that the obj ct he h id in view could be better attained by refe:ring the matter to a Select Committee up stairs. The most beneficial i.ffects, in his opinion, would result from the adoption of this course, and as he had before stated, they would be produced in a far less space of time than by the proposi tion of the N , ble Lord opposite (Lord Ashley). • Mr. COI3BETT said that the question, absolved from ill the cumbrous intricacies which were attempted to be imposed upon it, resolved itself into this—the contention of mammon against mercy. He had no doubt, however, of the issue of the contest, and expected to see mercy prevail over mammon. H e o bj ec t e d to the proposition of referring the subject to a Select Committee—a propo sition he conceived fraught with every species of delay from the voluminous nature of the evidence. He would be sincere at any rate, and boldly declare that when 300,000 of the most helpless of human creatures were calling upon the House for mercy and deliverance from their wretched condition—the worst state of slavery—the Noble Lord (Althorp) rejected their prayer, and turned a deaf ear to their remonstrances. Mr, SHELL said, that it would be better for the House at once to resolve itself into a Committee than to consent to the appointment of a Select Committee, which course, in his opinion, was directly calculated to create a procras tination assuredly beyond the present session. Mr. STANLEY observed, that the real object of ap pointing a Select Committee was that of approaching the question with a greater degree of calmness and temper; the true bearings of the subject, besides, would be more expli citly developed in the investigation of a Select Committee, than in that of a Committee of the whole House. Mr. HARDY knew many of the Commissioners per sonally, and was convinced that they were incapable of unfairness in the prosecution of their inquiries. But they had undertaken them at the wrong period of the year. They went forth in the month of June, when the factories were newly whitewashed, and when every thing in the way of comfort that was attainable by the wretched inmates was accomplished. They ought to have gone in the winter season to make their examinations and their inquiries, and then they would have observed the wretched and desolate condition of the poor inmates of the factories. He agreed in the opinion that referring the subject to Select Committee would occasion delay in its settlement. In fact, he saw no reason for the adoption of such a course, and was convinced that it would not only be a saving of time, but also a satisfaction to the country, to allow the measure to proceed in the way in which it was originally proposed. Mr. SLANEY recommended the Noble Lord (Ashley) to make some concession in his propositions for the pur pose of carrying them into effect. He really was at a loss to discern the difference between the two propositions before the House: the one was that all children under 18 years of age should work but 10 hours a day, the other that all under 14 should work but 8. Surely the difference between these two propositions could be better settled in a Select Committee than by any other plan of investigation. In case the motion of the Noble Lord (Althorp) should be carried, he (Mr. Slaney) trusted he would be prepared to bring in a Bill during the present session, founded on t' e report of the Committee, whose , ppointment depended on the vote of the House this night. After a few words from an Hon. MEMBER (whose name we could not learn) in opposition to the Right Hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The House divided, and the numbers were— For I,ord Ashley's motion Against it Majority —23 The announcement of the numbers was received with continued cheers. The House then resolved itself into Committee on the Bin—Sir R. Inglis in the Chair. Some conversation took place with respect to the day when the Committee should sit again, which it was ulti maLely arranged should be on Monday. The House thca resumed, the Chairman reported pro cress, and the Committee was ordered to sit again on Monday. Mr. ROTCH moved for the appointment of a Select Committee to cansider the best mode of regulating the conduct of the drivers of cabriclets, hackney-coaches, omni base., and stage coaches. Mr. HUME opposed the motion, and said that the ex isting law worked excellently. Lord ALTHORFaIso opposed the motion. Mr. Alderman WGJD said that the law provided suffi cient penalties for improper conduct on the part of the drivers of public conveyances. Mr. G. YOUNG said the present motion was a speci men of that prurient itch for legislation which distinguished the present Parliament. Mr. ROTCH said that he did itch to see business done in that House properly. All the business which had been done in that House during the present Session might have been gJt through in a month. The motion was then negatived. SLAVERY. Mr. STANLEY brought in a Bill for the Abolition of Slavery throughout the Colonies, which was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Wednesday. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at half-past one o'clock. SAXON NAMES OF THE MONTHS.—De comber, which stood first, was styled " Mid-winter naonath." January was " Aefteryula," or after Christmas. February " Sol-monath," from the returning sun. March " Rhede, or Rhede monath," rough, or rugged month. April " Easter monath," from a favourite Saxon goddess, whose name we still preserve. May was " Trimilchi," from the cows being then milked thrice in the day. June " Sera monath," dry month. July "Mw 1 monath," the tneads being then in their bloom. August was " Weod monath," from the luxuriance of weeds. September " Hwrfest monatb." October they called " Winter ()flab," from winter approaching with the full moon of that month. And lastly, November was styled " Blot monath," from the blood of the cattle slain that month and stored for winter provision. VERSTEGAN names the months somewhat differently. THE TRADE WITH RUSSlA.—Mercantile advices were received on Thursday by the Dutch mail from the Russian capital down to the 21st ult. They state that the following official order bad been issued there : '"The Department of Foreign Trade informs the mer chants that the prohibition to the importation of woollen manufactures with the slightest white specks (mixtures) is not limited to black alone, but extends to dark blue cloths, and to all greens darker than grass green clothing, half cloths, drabs, ladies' cloths, cassimere, sateens, Vigonia, and shawls, carnblets, table-cloths, &c., made from any of the above materials." There was a great deal doing at the Russian capital. From the commence ment of the season up to the date of the present advices there had arrived 161 British ships, and 45 had sailed. In the same period there had also arrived at St. Peters burgh 203 foreign vessels and 17 Americans. THE WILDS ON AMERICA. Captain At.ExANnEn, who has just published his " Transatlantic Sketches," it appears, traversed no less than 16,000 miles, and all this in the space of a twelvemonth ! The mere catalogue of the places he visited is astounding. On the coast of Guiana this intelligent traveller remained for some time with the planters, then journeyed into the inte rior to observe life in the wilds, and amongst the !nighty forests of that sublime land. The journey through the back woods is full of curious things and reflections. A K..ntucky. lawyer's description of a Kentucky duel is worthy of HACKETT in his best vein. The volumes abound with anecdotes of the most amusing description, and have numerous characteristic illustrations. A PUBLIC BREAKFAST.—A correspondent, seeing several carriages, &c., in the road leading to a villa, a few miles from London, at seven o'clock on Wednesday evening, asked a little girl, whom he met, what was going on there ? to which she very simply replied, " A public supper, Sir." The Memoirs and Correspondence of the late Mrs. INCHBALD, have attracted great attention, par ticularly among the iadies. Independently of the high c: , ;:racter of her genius as a ncvelist and dramatist, and the universal estimation in which she was held as a woman of the most unimpeachable private character, a certa'n celebrity is thrown around her by the number of those public characters whom she had captivated by her wit and beauty, and from whom she had offers of marriage. Scarcely any other lady could boast so many conquests. Her life, indeed, in its varied and striking incidents, fur nished as complete a romance as can be found in those admirable fictions which her imagination gave to the world. No wonder, then, that her biography ahoul,l W1441.L-, ITYS INE SS OrrMi9Mg OFCOMMONS I From the Potes and Pr.croii..v of the House of Commas. Joris, .5 ,, die 18:33.) Resolved,—That during the remainder of this Session, th;q House will proceed upon Orders of the Day, at the Sittings I)2:ween twelve and three, in addition A* the 'busiliess already ap2ointed to be done at those Sittings. Resolved,—That petitions shall have precedence of the Orders of the Day on Mondays and Wednesdays, and that )rders of the Day have precedence of petitions on Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Fridays. Resolved,—That whenever this House shall be proceeding upon any Order of the Day, the business before the Select Corn .littees shall be suspended. BRIBERY AND CORRUPTION. MAjC Of 168 (Tellers included), Phillips's Motion, for Inq Corruption at the. last Ele . ENGLAND. Astley.SirJacob—West Norfolk A ttwood, T.—Birmingham Aghonby, A.—Cockermouth Blake, Sir F.—Berwick Blamire, W.—East Cumberland Bouverie, D. P.—Salisbury Bainbridge, E. T.—Taunton Bewes, T.—Plymouth Barnard, E. G.—Greenwich Brougham, J.—Kendal Buller, C.—Liskeard Brigstock, W. P.—East Somer. setshire Bulwer, E. L.—Lincoln Brotherton, J.—Salford Burrell, Sir C.—Shoreham Briggs, R.—Halifax Briscoe, J. I.—East Surrey Beauclerk, Aubrey Wm.—East Surrey Biddulph, R.—Hereford Cayley, Sir G.—Scarborough Carter, J. B.—Portsmouth Calley, T.—Cricklade Clayton, Col.—Marlow Clay, W.—Tower Hamlets Chichester J. P. B.—Barnstaple Denison, W. J.—West Surrey Dykes, F. L B.—Cockermouth Duncannon, %rm.—Nottingham Dawson, A. E.—South Leices tershire Donkin, Sir It. S.—Berwick Davies, Colonel--Worcester Ellice, E.—Coventry Ellis, W.—Leicester Evans, W.—Leicester Fenton, John—Rochdale Ferguson, Sir R.—Nottingham Fielden, John—Oldham Fellewes, H. A. W.—Andover Fielden, W. J.—Blackburn Glynne, Sir S. R.—Flint Gordon, R.—Cricklade Grote, George—London Gaskell, Daniel—Wakefield Howard, F.:G.—Morpeth Hall, Benjamin—Monmouth Hoskins, K.—Herefordshire Heathcoat, J.—Tiverton Handley, Benjamin—Boston Handley, Henry—Lincolnshire Hutt, Wm.—Hull liaise ' James—St. Ives Hurst, R. H.—Horsham Hyett, W. H.—Stroud Hawes, Benjamin—Lambeth Handley, Wm. F.—Newark. upon-Trent Heathcote, G. J.—Lincolnshire James, W.—Carlisle Jervis, J.—Chester Keppel, Hon. G.—East Norfolk . Key, Sir J.—London Kennedy, T. F.—Ayr, &c. Kerry, Earl of—Caine Lambton, H.—North Durham Lloyd, John—Stockport Lee, J. L—Wells Lushington, Dr.—Tower Haml. Lamont, Norman—Wells Leech, J.—West Surrey Murray, J. A.—Leith Moreton, Hon. H.—Gloucester Marjoribanks, S.—Hythe Madocks, J.—Denbigh Mills, J.—Rochester Maxwell, Sir J.—Paisley Ord, W. H.—Newport, Isle of Wight Pryse, P.—Cardigan Parker, J.—Sheffield Phillip's, C. M.—North Leices tershire Phillpotts, J.—Gloucester Pease, Joseph—South Durham Paget, F.—Beaumaris Peter, W.—Bodmin Potter, R.—Wigan Parrott, Jasper—Totness Romilly, E.—Ludlow Romilly, J.—Bridport Stanley, Hon. E. G. S.—North 2RI T Y , who voted for Mr: Mark piling into the Bribery and :tion for Liverpool. Scott, J.W.—North Hampshire Tancred, H. W.—Banbury Troubridge, SirT. E.—Sandwich Tennyson, Right Hon. C.— Lambeth Tooke, W.—Truro Talbot, C. R. M.—Glarnorgam shire Tayleur, W.—Bridgewater Torrens, R.—Bolton Trelawny, W. L. S.—Cornwall Thicknesse, R.—Wigan Turner, —Blackburn Vernon, Hon. G. J. V.—South Derbyshire Warburton, H.—Blidport Whalley, Sir S.—Marylebone Wood, 'C.—Halifax Walter, John—Berke VVilbraharn,G.—South Cheshire Walker, R.—Bury Williams, G.—Ashton Wason, IC—lpswich Wilks, John—Boston Williamson, Sir H —North Du r ham . Wood, T.—Brecknockshire Wood, G. W.—Lancashire - Whitmore, W. W.—Wolver. hampton Young, G. F.—Tynemouth Yelverton, Hon. W. H.--Car. marthen SCOTLAND. Abercromby„ Right Hon. J.— Edinburgh Adam, C.—Clackmannanshire Bannerman, A.—Aberdeen Dunlop, J.—Kilmarnock Fleming, Hon. C.—Stirlingsh. (anon, W. D.—Falkirk, &c. Hay, C(.lonel—Elgin, &c. Johnston, A.—St. Andrews Oswald, R. A.—Ayrshire Ormelle, Earl of—Perthshire Oliphant, L—Perth Oswald, James—Glasgow Sharpe, General—Dumfries, &c. Traill, G.—Orkney Wallace, R.—Greenock Lanashire Blaney, R. A.—Shrewsbury Strutt, Edmund—Derby Shaw., R. N.—East Suffolk Seale, J. H.—Dartmouth Spry, S. T.—Bodmin Spanxie, Mr. Serg.—Finsbury Smith, J.—Buckinghamshire Schclefield J.—Birmingham IRELAND. Acheson,Lotd 7 —Co.Of Arm tgh Browne, D.—Mayo Bellew, R. M.—Louth Barron, Pierce— WaterfordCity Chapman, M.—Westmeath Evans, G.—Dublin Co. Finn, W. F.—Kilkenny Fitzgerald, Thos.—Louth Co. Ferguson Sir R—Londonderry J Galway, J. M.—Waterford Co. Macnamara, W. N.—Clare Co. O'Connell, D.—Dublin City 0 Connell, Morgan—Meath O'Brien, Cornelius—Clare O'Conner Don—Roscommon O'Callaghan, C.—Tipperary O'Grady, S.—Limerick Co. O'Dwyer, A. C.—Drogheda O'Connell, John—Youghall Roe, James—Cashell Ruthven, Ed.—Kildare Ruthven, E. S.—Dublin Stawell, Colonel—Kinsale Staveley, T. K.—Ripon Sullivan, R.—Kilkenny Vigors, N. A.—Carlow Wallace, T.—Carlow Walker, C. A.—Wexford PAIRED OFF. Berrll, R.—Rochester Buxton, T. F.—Weymouth Lynch, A. H —Galway Tynte, C. J. Is..—West Somer. setahire Miller, Wm. H.—Newcastle. under-Lyme Perceval, Colonel—Sligo Co. Ridley, Sir M. W.—lieweastle upon-Tytte Stewart, R.—Haddington, &c. TELLERS. Hume, J.—Middlesex Philips, M.—Manchester AGAINST. Ross, C.—Northampton Nicholl, J.—Cardiff' MINORITY Of 36 (Tellers included) who voted on Thursday nigh against Mr. Mark Phillips's Motion for the Reappoint ment of the Liverpool Committee. I:NOLAND. IL all, G.—London Anson, Hon. G.—Gt.Yarmoutill Mangles, J.—Guildford Arbuthnot, Gen.—Kincardine-1 Manners, Lord R. North Lei. shire cestershire Ashley, Hon. H.—Dorchester Marshall, J.—Leeds Baring, F. T.—Portsmouth Maxfield, W.—Grimsby Bentinck, Ld. G.—King'sLynu Ossulston, Lord—North North. Berkeley, C. F —Caeltenham umberland Brodie, W. B.—New Sarum Palmerston, Lord—South Hants Bruce, Lord E.—Marlborough Pigot, R.—Bridgewater Buller, J. W.—Exeter Powell, Colonel—Cardiganshire Bulteel, J. C.—South Devon Rice, Right Hon. T. S.—Cain. Calcraft, J. H.—Wareham bridge Chapman, A.—Whitby Russell, C.—R ea di ng Curteis, E. B.—Rye Sandon, Lord—Liverpool Darlington, Earl of—South Scarlett. Sir J.—Norwich Shropshire Smith, 11, V.--Northampton Dillwyn, L. W.—Glamorgansh. Stanley, E.—West Cumberland Duffield, T.—Abingdon Stanley, E. J.—North Cheshire Dugdale, W. S.—North War- Stormont, Viscount— Norwich wicksh ire Stuart, Lord D. C.—Arundel Egerton,W. T.—NorthCheshire Thompson, P. B.—East York. Estcourt, T. G. B.—Oxford Un. shire Fancourt, Major.—Barnstaple Wall, C. B.—Guildford Finch, G.—Stamford Wedgewood, J.—Stoke Gaskell, J. M.—Wenlock Welby, G. E.—Grantham Gladstone,W.E.-Newark.upon- Willoughby, Sir H. P.—New- Trent castle-under-Lyre Greene, T.—Lancashire Wood, Grey, Sir G.—Devonport Wynn, Right Hon. C. W. W.— Grimston, Visc.—Hertfords h ire , Montgomeryshire Grosvenor, Lord R.—Chester ' Halcomb, John—Dover Halford, Henry—South Leices. , . tershire Hardinge, Sir H.—Launceston Hodgson, J.—Newcastle-upon. Tyne Hope, H. T.—Gloucester Houldswort: , T.—North Not tinghamshire Howard, P. H.—Carlisle Inglis, Sir R. H.—Oxford Uni. versity Irton, John—Cumberland Jermyn, Earl—Bury, Suffolk Jerningham, H. V.—Pontefract Langdale, Hon. C.—Beverley Lennox, Lord W.—King's Lynn Lowther,Viscount—Westmore. land Lowther, Col.—Westmoreland SCOTLAND. Bruce, C. L. C.—lnverness, &c Ewing, James—Glasgow Gordon, Hon.W.—Aberdeensh. Hay, Sir J.—Peebles-shire Maxwell, J.,Lanarkshi re Ross, H.—Montrose, &c. IRELAND. Bateson, Sir K.—Londonderry Christmas, W.—Waterford Corry, Hon. H. L.—Tyrone Co. Ferguson, R.—Dysart, &c. Jones, T.—Londonderry Co% Shaw, F.—Dublin University Young, J.—Cavan TELLER& Nichol!, J.—Cartlitr INTERVIEW WITH LORD ALTHORP— Susan REFINING MAlM—Yesterday a deputation of the tradesmen and others interested is the welfare of the Sugar Refining Trade carried on in the Tower Hamlets, headed by Dr. LUSHINGTON and Mr. CLAY, had an in terview with Lord ALTHORP on the subject of the dis tressed state of the above trade. Lord ALTHORP said that although satisfied of the propriety of an alteration being immediately made, and that it could be made without injury to the Revenue or the West India interest, yet that it having been understood between hinaself and the West India body, at the commencement of the session, that no alteration should be made in the sugar trade during the present session, he was not himself prepared to introduce any measure of that nature. The deputation replied, that a petition for immediate relief had been si, : ned by 12,000 inhabitants. It the Government were determined to sacrifice the inhabitants of the Tower Hamlets to the West India Interest, they tnust beg a grant of a few mil• lions to enable them to emigrate to where they would be protected in the employment of their capital and industry ; and the deputation lett his Lordship under the impres sion that an immediate appeal should be made to the H ruse of Commons, as relief could not be further delayed without irreparable injury to the whole of the district. Mr. GALT'S new novel of Eben Erskine" has been considered far more interesting than any of his preceding productions, from the circumstance of its being a detail of his own adventures in his early life, which is known to have been singularly chequered. On perusing "Eben Erskine" the reader will be inclined to coincide with Lord BYaoN as to the merits of this author. His Lordship remarked that " there is a quaint humour and observance of character in GALT's novels that interest me very much, and when he choo-es to be pathetic he fools oae to his bent, for I assure you that the be guiled me of some pardons of watery t tears, albeit unused to the melting mood.' vil .c ha h a perfect knowledge ad mire particularly in GALT'S works is that, w a i nd leger-de knovvledge of human nature and its frailties which can main tricks, he shews a tenderness of heart in the right place, and he bee a sly con vinces one that his is caustic humour that is very amusing. DUE MEETING GP THE THE CAM I3III TION FOR. THE PROMOTION OVP SCL. BEITIsH ASSOCIATION SCNCS.—Of this interesting Meeting a copious aueunt will hum tura ; y_cep appear in the. Literary liazete of to-oic•rrow, descrip tive of the scene, and detailing toe scieutifi," proceedings. It is intended to be a picture of the pl_ce, with its influx of 1,200 visiters, its entertainments, Sc •, ; as well as a digest of the progress and state of science is e, cry brauch •