The Sun. — London, England, 1854-04-01 00:00:00

able to the Russian alliance." Yes, his grace, was favourable taken—whether the tone which was adopted by the Go to the Russian alliance ; and why ? For the same reason that vernment at certain periods of that negotiation was the he always thought me to be favourable to it—because he best fitted to secure that honourable peace .at which we always thought that alliance was favourable to the interests aimed I shall endeavour rather to point t o th e course . of England. N o one mo r e d eeply regrets the rupture of that alliance than I d o , th oug h we are forced into a war which I which Russia has pursued, and to show that, unless we f consider under the circumstances inevitable,l neverthe- are content to submit to the further aggrandi was less deeply regret the severance of those relations of amity that power, and, possibly, to the destruction of Turkey— between this country an d R uss i a, which have so long existed, whose integrity and independenc e h ave b een so o ft en de ns I believe, to the a d van t age of both nations. Not only was his grace always favourable to the Russian alliance, but I be- clared essential_ to the stability of th e s y s t em o f Europe— lieve and h o p e every man who has at heart the interests of his we have no choice left us but to interpose by arms. (Hear, country was equally favourable to that. alliance. But it would hear.) Sir, in referring in the first place to the affairs of not do to criticise the Duke of Wellington's Government on Turkey, I should beg the house to remark that a great that account. No, that honour is reserved for me. But this change has taken place in the internal position of Turkey journalist continues :—" Sir Robert Peel, full of tariffs, was during the last twenty or thirty years. We are all ac entirely governed, with respect to external polities, by Lord quainted with the system of violence and misrule which Aberdeen. It was definitively settled in 1544, between the used formerly to prevail, and those who have watched the Emperor of Russia and the English Government, that the conduct of Lord Stratford will be aware what has been the partition of Turkey, when it became necessary, should be advice which he has given, and what the beneficial effects transacted by Great Britain and the two imperial courts, that haveiflowed from it. (Hear, hear.) Long acquainted without France." The writer of this article, my lords, with the affairs of Turkey, having deeply at heart the main knew Sir R. Peel well when he talks of his thinking of tenance of that empire, he has constantly said (not yester nothing but tariffs. But my lords, I have already said that day nor the day before, but during a long series of years), the Duke of Wellington's opinion as to this memorandum was " The independence of Turkey cannot be maintained with shared i n by Sir R. Peel, and I humbly endeavoured to act out the assistance of the other powers of Europe; that with them, and to this hour it is my endeavour to profit by assistance cannot be maintained unless Turkey shall adopt the precepts and examples of those eminent men—(hear, with regard to her subjects in general, and with regaial to hear)—in all things it is my wish to be governed by the her Christian subjects in particular, those general rules of example of their lives and to act upon their principles. (Hear, justic.e and fair treatment which are established by the hear.) My lords, I confess for myself I have no intention for public opinion of Europe." (Hear, hear.) That advice, a moment of contending with the noble earl in respect to the though not immediately nor fully adopted, has yet been numerous topics he had adverted to, hut as regards this me- so far followed that there has been a great improvement morandum havine the sanction of these two gre it statesmen in the treatment of the subjects of Turkey —that the —and though of drawn up—yet sanctio ne d a n d approved Christian subjects of the Porte, in particular, have de by them, I care very little what may be said by or what may rived great advantages from those changes—that they have be the opinion of others. (Hear, hear.) I think, my lords, enjoyed the free exercise of their religion, that they have I have said sufficient upon this point—(hear, hear)—and I prospered in their trade, and that their welfare has greatly have only need to add that being now engaged in this War, I increased under the Government of the Sublime Porte. shall think it my duty to press it forward with all energy and (Hear, hear.) Sir, this is a very essential and important vigour, and with all the power of the Government ; and I part of this question ; becau se , if I am not mistaken trust we shall mee t w ith no opposition in our endeavours to —and it is no new opinion of mine, for I have held it carry it on in suc h a manner as shall enable us t o b r i ng it t o at l east from the commencement of the discussions that which is the only legitimate end of all wars, viz., a peace of last year—it is not the prospect of the decay of based on justice, and therefore likely to endure. (Cheers.) Turkey, it is not the fear of her immediate dissolution, My lords, I may add that even at this moment Ido not think which has incited the Russian Government to demands in it inconsistent with our position, or with my duty, to say that consistent with her independence and to aggrandisements , my first object, my grea t d es i re, i s peace. (Hear.) The re- subversive of her territorial limits—(Hear, hear)—but it attainment of that great blessing is never out of my thoughts, has been the fear that the old system of Russia, of making and Ido not think that, in entertaining that desire and en- progress gradually, of depriving Turkey of her dominions deavouring to accomplish it by all honourable means, that I one after another, of interfering more and more with her am acting at all inconsistently with my duty of carrying on internal government—(hear, hear)—would not be success the war with energy and vigour. (Hear.) Your lordships ful—it has been the fear that the Ottoman Government, will recollect that most virtuous character in our civil wars instead of declining, has exhibited to Europe a Govern -the man who, perhaps, of all others was most d evo t e d t o meat of internal concord within and of strength without the cause in which he was engaged, while arming himself for —it h as been th i s f ear w hi c h h as i mpelled Russia to what the combat, still murmured to himself th e wor d s " peace, " I believe will be found an unsuccessful, and what I be " peace!" Peace is the desire always uppermost in my heart, lieve Russia herself will consider a premature, attempt sad while I hope that we shall be supported in our determi- against the Ottoman Empire. (Cheers.) If, sir, we l oo k ntion to carry on the wa r w hil e i t continues with all the to Russia, we shall observe that while all the powers of spirit and energy that becomes this great nation, still my Europe leave been, during this interval of peace, with hope, and I fervently trust that hope is shared in by every more or less success, attempting to improve their internal one of your lordships, is peace. (Cheers) organisation—while they have considered questions of The Earl of MALMESBURY expressed his regret at the commerce, questions of legislation, with a view to improve tone assumed by the noble earl, and contended that he had ment, with a view to the future welfare of their subjects, not answered any of the objections made to his policy. After it has been almost the sole object of the Government of some explanations as to the memorandum of 1844, w ith the Russia to form an d t o ma i ntain an over powering army— view of showing th a t th e l ate Government did not approve of to complete her military organisation, and to be ready on the policy which it disclosed, the noble earl said he should any occasion to throw the sword into the balance in her offer no further observations upon the question, but as a loyal transactions with the other powers of Europe. (Hear, subject he should cordially support the address. hear.) We have therefore, which present moment, with- After a few observations from Earl Geatervreae, out even the immense effort has been made during Lord BROUGHAM expressed his opinion that the contest the past year —we have an immense military power on the would neither be short nor easy, part of Russia, prepared, and as we have heard within these Earl GREY was disappointed with the terms in which the two days, already commencing an attack upon the terri address was framed, and said that, as his opinions on the sub - tories and upon the existence of Turkey. On the other ject of Turkey were unchanged, he could not gie . e it an unre- side, if we have not at the present moment the material served support. At the same time he did not think sufficient assistance, we have at least the moral approbation of all means had yet been provided for bringing the war to a sue- Europe, approving of the efforts which have been made cessful termination ; and ,be intimated - that in the course of to resist the aggression of Russia. (Cheers.) We have, next week he should bring this subject under their lordships' joined together in arms, to resist that attempt, the consideration, most powerful sovereigns at the head of the civilised The Earl of HARDWICIKE expressed some fears as to the I nations of Europe, which have tested—by conflict strength of the British fleet in the Baltic, and hoped too in arms, by livelier in peace the great qualities much would not be expected from it at first. Besides the which each possesses, and we have learnt from that con feree in the Baltic, we ou g ht t o h ave a rese rve of twenty sail I flict and that rivalry, the honour, the courage, and the of the line- We should find seamen enough to man them if patriotism of both. (Cheers.) Sir, I will now proceed to they were well paid. state, not in detail, because the house, having had the op- The Marquis of LANSDOWNE expressed his regret at the portunity of studying the papers on the table, and having mode in which the policy of the Government had been criti- debated the greater part of them on past occasons, is cised. Taki ng hi s s h are of responsibility, he d en i e d, on th e i r fully informed with respect to those details—but I will no w behalf, that they had shown a want of appreciation of the proceed to state the great outline of what has occurred difficulties of the contest, or of the means necessary to carry with respect to the question now under the consideration it on successfully. They had certainly felt it their duty to of the house. I may as well, however ust say first, that endeavour to avoid war by m eans of negotiation; but from in treating of this subject I shall kee wholly out of view the moment it became evident that th e maintenance e e peace the dispute which has furnished, not a l) cause but a pretext was doubtful,, it could n o t be s h own th a t th ey h a d not acted for the Emperor of Russia. (Hear.) I shall keep out of question of the holy places. I will not touch as became the Government of this country. Without saying vi ew th e anything of the terms upon which peace would be made, he upon the silver star, or the Ley o_ f the great gate, or the was strongly of opinio n th a t th e a ggran di semen t o f Russia key of the little gate, or any of those questions which were could not be carried further without danger to the peace, put forward as a matter of dispute. All these matt t ers too o_f g dispute, whether they de happiness, and safety of Europe. The war might be a lon one, but it was satisfactory to think it.was neither a dynastic place about them or not, deserved settleedcrtettion that ofk nor a religious war, while we. were ind e bt e d t o the Emperor all the powers concerned. What I hav y e t e o agr tre e a e t m of are of Russia fora combined acti on b e tw een Engla n d and France, other questions and other matters. Now, sir, in referring which would hereafter be attended by the greatest blessings to the relations between Russia and Turkey, we must al to the world. ways keep in view that the Empress Catherine, after a The address was then agreed to. successful war, obtained from the Sultan an article which The Earl of ABERDEEN having announced that her Ma- st jesty would rece i ve i t on Monday at three o'clock, their lord- is couched i n th ese terms with respect to the Christians ships adjourn e d, also, that of the S u lt an ' s empire. We must recollect, so, that some territory was given up by the Empress by that treaty of peace, and that she declared to her subjects that the peace was glorious and successful because she had ob tained an assurance of protection for those who belonged to the same religions community as herself. The seventh article of the treaty of Kainardji runs thus :—" The Sublime Porte promises to protect constantly the Chris tian religion and its churches, and it also allows the Ministers of the Imperial Court of Russia to make, upon all occasions, representations as well in fa your of the new church (which is spoken of in Article 14) at Constantinople, as on behalf of its officiating ministers." That is the whole of what is con tained in the seventh article of the treaty of Kainardji. We perceive at once the promises that are made in the former part of this article—first, that, there is an assurance that the Porte will protect the Christian religion of its subjects. And if there had been any persecution of that relic on —if the Christians had been deprived o f th e p ower Ohfeernesianritiitrnegdtaontdhesilrainplaces becauseof Dthi:yinheewldorsthhew,riefligthioeny, thehad Emperor of Russia might justly have complained of the infraction of the treaty. But there is another thing like wise vary obvious, namely, that there is no especial detail with regard to any privileges or immunities which the Christians held—no interference stipulated for with the ordinary administration of the affairs of the Sultan in his territories. (Hear, hear.) There is a protection stipulated for, b u t it i s a protection of an exceptional kind, and not to be used without some special cause, some great neglect, or some maltreatment of the Christian subjects of the Porte. (Hear.) Now, sir, coming to the events which took place last year, the house will have perceived that no sooner was the question of the Holy Places settled than farther :demands, which had already been put forward, were insisted upon by the ambassador of Russia. In the first place, according to rumour, these proposals had taken the shape of a treaty offensive and defensive. They after wards took the shape of a convention. After this there was a formal document requiring the Sultan to give certain pledges to Russia. Again, a note was insisted upon, but a note which was to be an agreement with Russia, a stipula tion with Russia that the privileges and immunities which the Christians held in the Turkish empire should be enjoyed for the f u t ure w i thout molestation. The Sultan's Ministers had at first refrained from asking the opinion of her Ma jesty's charge d'affaires, and afterwards of her Majesty's ambassador, with respect to these proposals. They had been alarmed at the manner in which the proposals were made, and the threats which were used in case the proposals were not adopted. And here, sir, I cannot but refer to the statements that were made at a particular date by Count el l esselrode in a despatch written by him to Baron Brunow, a7switt Constantinople, length hno g f t oxaccording Governmenteonr April,nw i aftert o h her enumerating Majesty's Government. various and which was communicated by the desire of the Rus gatlr o s rumourfa ywisaying, gi which h "that Counth a d al been Nl t e sh m es ea rumoursi r d o e d byo derelativen Russia iss , h a e t other demands O n to the hostile and threa tening language held to the Porte by our ambassador are not only exaggerated, bat destitute of any sort of foundation." On the 9th of April, two days after that date, Lord Stratford writes, saying, with re spect to the Tarkish Ministers, " This combination of alarm, seeking for advice, and of reluctance to entrust me frankly with the whole case, is attributable to the thrat ening language of Prince Meneehikoff, and to the character of his proposals." (Hear, hear.) I cannot Lord Stratf or d' s assertions were perfectly ll doubt f d dthat I cannot do u bt th at the language - - we elm e used to the Porte during the whole of th a t m i ssion of Prince Mensehik o ff was of 'a threatening character—threatening, in the firstplace, • case the proposals should be divulged, with, t," at the same time, great and tempting offers of n rt th • '!ppo reatemng in case th e P reposa 1; in a later p er i o d o f the mission, that were refused,. that gr ea t ca l amities would ensue. (Hear.) Therefore, sir, in stating to Lord Clarendon, on the part of the Russian Government, that the rumour of the use of hostile and threatening language was a report wholly des titute' of any kind of foundation, Count Nesselrode did bat pursue that system of deception and concealment which has unfortunately been the character of Russia in these negotiations. (Hear, hear.) But at the same time that these proposals had been made at Constan tinople--proposals, as I have said, in the first instance of a tempting character, and offering the ships and the troops of Russia in aid of the Sultan, if the terms of Russia were agreed to—the language held to her Majesty's minister at St. Petersbur g was of a very different character. (Hear, hear.) In speaking of the conduct of , the Russian Government o n a f ormer occasion, I certainly I used very strong language of reprobation. I do not now think that that language was at all too strong. (Cheers.) I cannot —although the words were uttered in debate--I cannot, upon reflection, say th a t th e t erms I then used at all exaggerated the character of th e t ransac ti ons to which I then alluded. (Cheers.) But these appear to have excited great indignation at St. Petersbur g , e and the Emp eror o f e Russia has done me the very great honour of ordering an a rticle to be inserted in the Journal of St Petersburg, in which reference was made, not very fairly, and certainly v ery unexpectedly, to the confidential communications which had taken place between the Emperor and the Bri tish Minister. Such was the nature of that article, that it made an i mpression —an impression which was eagerly seized by the abettors of Russia 'in the different Courts of Europe —an impression that the English Government had been some party to or had listened favourably to proposals for the partition of the Turkish empire. It therefore be came necessary that we should lay before Parliament and this country what really had t a k en place. (Hear, hear.) And to the divulging of that which out of regard for a foreign Sovereign we had not before thought ourselves . justified in producing. We have to regret the publication of that co ve no reason, sir, From p ° (Cheers.) From that correspondence, it appeare that the Emperor•of Russia having in the year 1811 declared that the time might come when the dissolution of the Turkis empire might take place, and that in th a t case he shouldbe the desires and view s o f E ngland upon atrelesusubj to learn ect, in 1853, insisted, and in s i s t e d against all reason that the mo ment of the dissolution of the Turkish empir'e ara and that it was ne cessary th at the English Gov s et hand en should agree with hi m as t o what was to be donerintntra t t case. The answer which her Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs gave to that overture is before the world, and it is in substance that we could not be parties to any project of the kind. But, at the time that that correspondence was taking place, I took occasion, in this house, because there were symptoms in this and in other countries that men's minds wore all tending in that direc tion, that the dissoluti on an d f a ll o f T ur k ey was at hand, I took the occasion of decla r i ng , i n answer to a noble friend near me (Lord Dudley Stuart), that to such a partition of Turkey as might be imagined by those who had taken e part in other partions, England would never be a party. Lord 'Clarendon, who succeeded me in the office which he now fills with so much ability, replied to the same effect. In spite of what then looked like an offer of part of the Turk ish territory for ourselves, he replied in terms' as decided that our policy was to maintain the Turkish empire, to support her independen ce, nd her integrity, and that we had no wish to share in her downfal, (Rear, hoar) Now, HOUSE OF COMMONS--(YESTERDAY.) The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. PRIVATE BUSS. The three following bills were red s a third time and passed : Enniskillen Waterworks ; North London Rail way; Whitehaven Junction Railway. PETITIONS. Mr. BROTHERTON presented a petition from Swan sea, in favour of the establishment of Reformatory Schools. Mr. HINDLEY presented a petition from the Fisher. men of Faversham, complaining of the dues charged by the corporation of the city of London, OR oysters brought to London by sea. Mr. MOWBRAY presented a petition from Durham, against the Oaths Bill. Sir J. V. SHELLEY presented a .petition from Mr. George Bailey, of Wrexham, complaining that the Board of Inland P.evenue had refused to stamp a local monthly publication, and praying that steps might be tak en to compel that board, to admini s t er the law impartially. Mr. HADFIELD presorted a petition from the legal profession, praying the Courts at Westminster might be removed to the immediate vicinity of the Inns of Court. Mr. L. KING presented a petition from Kinston, com plaining of the toil charged for crossing Kingston bridge, and praying that steps might be taken with the view to its abolition. Mr. WARNER presented a petition from Norwich against the Oaths Bill. Mr. C. BRUCE presented several petitions from various places in Scotland against the Education (Scotland) Bill. Mr. BRIGHT presented a petition agreed to at a meet ing, held last night in the Music-hall, Store-street, com plaining of the secresy observed in our Foreign Affairs, and praying for a committee to inquire into the conduct of Foreign-office with reference to Turkey, and that hostili ties be suspended until such committee should have made its report. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Mr. CRAHFORD presented petitions from Cheshire and Lancashire against the Medical Practitioners Bill. Sir J. V. SHELLEY presented a petition from a public meeting of stone-masons against the fourth clause of the Friendly Societies Bill. Sir B. HALL, presented a petition from the Society for the Protection of Trade in favour of the Judgment, Execu tion, &c., Bill. DUNGARVON ELECTION. Mr. NAPIER brought up the report of the Dungarvon Election Committee, declaring Mr. Maguire to be duly elected, though bribery an d t reat i ng were carried on at the election in 1852, but without the knowledge of the sitting member. The committee also reported that a peti tion was presented against the return of 1852, hut it was subsequently comprised, and the enquiries of the com mittee had, therefore, been only of a limited character. The report was ordered to lie on the table. NEUTRALS. Mr. PHILLIMORE gave notice that after Easter he should call the attention of the house to the doctrine which the Government had adopted with regard to neu trals, with the view of eliciting a declaration from the house that the maxim, free bottoms make free goods, was inconsistent, as a general rule, with the honour and in terest of the country. - MAD DOGS. Sir .T.V. SHELLEY said a memorial had bean presented to the Home-office, from the Royal Agricultural Society, pointing out that mad dogs were greatly on the increase in the neighbourhood of the metropolis, and requesting that additional precautions might be taken for protecting the inhabitants against such rabid animals. He wished to know a r. FITZROY sid, what has b een done in this matter ? the M noble lord at the head of the equence Home Office this had given ial in- in cons of memor, structions to the police to keep a vigilant look out for all dogs of suspicious character or vagrant habits. (A laugh.) ROYAL ESCORTS'. Mr.WARNER asked the Secretary at War, whether the Government are willing to consider the expediency en trusting the ordinary escort duty of her of Majesty to the Queen's Guard of the Hon. Corps of Gentleman at Arms, instead of employing' a cavalry regiment? Ur. S. REIRBERT said in consequence of having re ceived notice of this question, he had caused inquiry to be made into the subject, and as he found that the corps re , ferred to had pot been in possessio n of horses for the last 150 years—(aking a laugh)—he was af ra id it was incapacitate from undert the duty w hi ch was perorra nc e a d pac b l y ta t tf i d Guards, e IRISH REFORM BILL. Mr. T. FRENCH asked the noble lord the member for the City of London when the house might expect to receive the Irish Reform Bill. Lord J. RUSSELL said the bill was in an active state of preparation, but he was afraid it would not be ready in sufficient time to admit of its being laid on the table before Easter. - - HE OATHS BILL. In reply to Mr. T SPOONtIi, Lord J. RUSSELL said it was not his intention to pro seed with the Oaths Bill until after Easter. (Hear.) WAR WITH RUSSIA. —ADDRESS TO THE QUEEN. The SPEAKER having read the proposed address to the Queen, Lord J. RUSSELL said--Sir, in rising to move an an swer to her Majesty's most gracious message, I have a deep sense of the solemn, I may say the awful importance of the motion that I am about to make. It is now more than half a century since a message of a similar import was brought to this house. It is nearly 40 years since this country has been in the enjoyment of the blessings of peace. Those blessings have been never more widely nor more extensively felt. The privileges of the people have been increased, their burdens have been diminished, and, with an increasing and prosperous commerce, wealth has been diffused throughout the country. We have had lately an exhibition of the pride, Nml) ofdan circumstances of war; but it i s impossible to think war without thinking at the same time of the bloodshed that it causes, of the prosperity that it inter "44B' of t he misery that it induces. (Hear.) It is, there fore, sir, O nly from a paramount sense of the necessity that 'we this ho should engag e i n this war that I appear ))ere to advise use to reply i n to her Majesty' terms of assent and encour agemen t performing thisstamsko st l gracious message. (Hear, hear.) In will endeavour to avoid, as much as I am able, consistently with d o i ng j us ti ce to the subject, —I will endeavour to avoid those questions which we have discussed on former nights of debate—questions with re gard to the conduct of the Gove rnment—whether more or less of protracted negotiation.* ehould, bay ° been under. THE &UN, LON'DOLN, SATURDAY EVENING- APRIL 1 1 ' 1854. sir, it might be that the Emperor of Russia from his ob servation of Turkey, had arrived at the opinion that the fall of Turkey could not really be prevented, and that it was advisable, in order to prevent war, that some arrange ment should be entered into with the great Dower of Eu rope. That may have been his intention. But I think the natural impression was that which Sir Hamilton Seymour evidently derived from the conversations which he held with the Emperor of Russia—namely, that if the Emperor of Russia appeared to be so convinced that the fall of Turkey was at hand, he contemplated that the fall of Turkey should take place. But be that as it may, whatever was the real meaning of the Emperor of Russia in these conversations, her Majesty's Government had hoped that when England entirelyrefused to be a party to any such pro ject it would have been relinquished by Russia, and that she would certainly calculate the consequences of having all Europe opposed to her in case she should proceed to an armed aggression. (Hear.) I will now again refer to the mission of Prince Menschikoff. Prince Menschikoff ended with a de r mend for certain privileges and immunities for the Chris tians. The Turkish Minister, in alarm, had recourse to the Ministers of the Four Powers at Constantinople, ask ing their advice and assistance. Lord Stratford was dis posed to agree with the Turkish Government, that these demands were dangerous to the independence of Turkey. But the four representatives came to the decision that it was a question which so nearly touched the free action and the dignity of the Porte that it was not proper for them in their then situations to offer any advice or instruction. When that decision was communicated to the minister of the Sultan, he declared that the Porte had already come to a decision, and that that decision was adverse to the claims put forward by Prince Menschikoff. Prince Men schikoff having, as I said, pronounced threats of the cala mities that would follow the rejection of his terms—threats, by the bye, totally inconsistent with the language that he had before held to her Majesty's Ambassador—Prince Menschikoff having pronounced these threats, proceeded with great state and ceremony to leave Constantinople, and returned to the Russian territory. Upon this intima tion, her Majesty's Government, thinking that the time had arrived when there was "danger to the independence of the Porte, directed that her Majesty's fleet, then at Malta, should proceed to the neighbourhood of Constantinople, and her Majesty's Ambassador was directed, if it should be necessary, to bring the fleet up to Constantinople. Now, sir, I think that step was an irrevocable proof of the desire of her Majesty's Government-to support the independence of the Sultan. (Cheers.) If terms had bean obtained which were honourable to the Sultan—which would have maintained the independence of his authority and the integrity of his dominions—the fleet would pro bably have returned to Malta ' • but whilst de mands were insi s t e d upon which could not be sub mitted to, while those demands were to be enforced by arms, still more was it impossible for her Majesty and the Emperor of France, in concert with whom her Majesty aced, to withdraw their forces from the support of the Sultan. (Cheers.) I lay the more stress upon this circum stance, because it was at the time a matter of inquiry in this house. A fear was expressed —a fear in which I did not participate—that a sudden invasion would take place, directed immediately-against Constantinople. Bat this at all events was clear, that the house approved of the de monstration which was then made, and approved of the declaration which I made at that time—that it was a proof that her Majesty was determined to support the Sultan against unjust aggression. (Cheers.) Sir, when the intel ligence arrived at St. Petersburg that the last demands of Prince Menschikoff had been refused, it was decided that a message should be sent, conveying a letter of Count Nesselrode's demanding in the most peremptory terms that Prince Menschikoff's note should be signed within eight days, and annonocing that, in default of such signa ture, the Principalities, part of the Sultan's territories, would be occupied by Russian troops. It was quite im possible for the Sultan, with any regard to his honour, to assent to such terms. The invasion by Russian troops im mediately took place. The question then arose, what was the Sultan to do under these circumstances ? Lord Strat ford— as I have always said, the truest and best friend of the Porte—(hear)—advised the Sultan not to exercise his right of making it a cases belli, but recommended hirnto renew negotiations, in she hope that honourable terms might be obtained, and in the mean time to strengthen those places by sea and land the defences of which during peace had been greatly neglected as well as greatly dimi nished. That advice was taken by the Porte. It was in conformity with the opinion of the four powers, of Eng land, of France, of Austria, and of Prussia. Fresh nego tion accordingly took place. The Sultan sent, by the ad vice of his Ministers, fresh terms of peace. These terms arrived at a moment when a note had been agreed upon representativesbytheerefore,the Sultan's softas terms w the o four powers set aside, and Vienna and, therefore, and the other proposal was sent forward. The Sultan agreed to those terms, with some modifications. lam not going to enter into verbal niceties as to the question of the Vienna note. Bat what is perfectly plain—thatiany one who reads it will, I think, admit at once—is, that the Vienna note, as modified by the Porte, as altered in some respects by the Porte, conveyed to th e E mperor every se curity he could have wished as to the privileges and im munities of the Christian subjects of the Porte. The Sul tan said that he considered it due to his own honour to maintain unimpaired and unviolated the privileges and immunities of his Christian subjects. He was ready to make this declaration in a note to the Minister of the Emperor of Russia. Therefore the sole difference, and yet a difference upon which all these subsequent demands of Russia have been made—the difference was this, that, ac cording to the proposal of the Sultan, the Christian sub jects of the Porte would have enjoyed all their privileges and immunities—they would have had them under the sanction of solemn documents, confirmed by the Sultan, as their Sovereign ; they would have had them under the sanction of a declaration that it was due to his own honour to preserve them ; they would have had them under the sanction of an assurance given to all the great powers of Europe—to all the five powers of Europe —to Russia also, but to Russia no more than to any other power. (Hear, hear.) The Russian proposal, on the contrary, was, not for increasing the immunities and privileges of the Chris tian subjects of the Porte—whose privileges and immuni ties had not been diminished, but increased of late years —but that all those privileges and immunities should be confirmed by a special treaty with Russia, and thereby the Russian Minister would have had the power, on every question of spiritual, nay, on every question of civil privi lege, of interfering between the Sultan and 12,000,000 of his subjects. (Hear.) Therefore the question was not, as the Russian Government has repeatedly put it, a question of a religious desire on the part of the Emperor to protect the Christians of his own community in the Sultan's domi nions. (Hear, hear.) That was not the question. That security was afforded—that security was amply afforded. But the question was, whether the sovereignty of these 12,000,000 of people should be transferred from their own sovereign, the Sultan, to a foreign sovereign who possessed -an overwhelming force. (Hear, hear.) Sir, the position which was taken by her Majesty's Government at that time is stated so clearly in the circular of Lord Clarendon, dated the 13th of June, that it is one of those few documents which I shall take the liberty of reading to the house. My noble friend says :—" The repeated assurances of the Russian Government, given both to the Government of her Majesty and to the Fionch Government, that Prince Menschikoff's mission to Constantinople bad reference solely to the Holy Places, had led her Mejesty's Government confidently to hope that the satisfactory arrangement of that long-pend ing question would have removed all grounds of difference between Russia and the Porte. But, under the plea of confirming ancient treaties, further demands were put for ward by the Russian amhissador, involving a protectorate of the Greek Church in Turkey, not only as regards the spiritual, but also the civil rights and immunities of its members. Every concession which could be made was offered by the Turkish Government, who, throughout these trying negotiations, displayed a most moderate and conciliatory spirit; but it would have been impossible for them to have complied with these last demands without derogating from the sovereign rights of the Sultan, and virtually surrendering the independence of the Ottoman empire ; and her Majesty's Government have, therefore, entirely approved the advice given by Lord Stratford de Redcliflb to the Porte. In these views and opinions there i s a complete agreement between her Majesty's Government and the French Government; and the English and French fleets, which have been ordered t o approac h the Darda nelles, will act in concert under the orders of the respec tive ambassadors of the two countries. In taking this step her Majesty's Government are actuated solely by the desire to uphold the independence of the Turkish empire --an in dependence which the Great Powers are deeply interested in upholdine, and which has been acknowledged by them as necessary to the balance of power in Europe." (Cheers.) Such, sir, o w v a e s re t m he ee p te o . sit N io o n w t , ak w e h n eo up th b e rt o h o e te E o n f g v li si h enannad French , modified in the manner I have stated, reached St. Peters bure, the Emperor, who had agreed to the original note, no bi i l n on London, a l t o e n r. , and had agreed to it even as altered with a vi ew t o refusedmake accede of to ot thatmor e clear to the tCe.a Notnet modified that which the despatch, Russian he o v et which r nm e u had d ( s le t c h la er r e ea ed ap t p ob red aconfidentiale s o p u i g r h i t t i n n o t w t h o i c have e bee ti Russian c o n fi G d e o n v t e i r a, n l ment becausewere e i t showedprepar e d the to agree to the Vienna note—it showed that, while they ac eceenpeteet w l e h v i e c li r y w w a s o radffioxfe affixed hat to i no o h t y e , a u they the dirt Fo o n r o p t o a w ffi e x r e t ( i h t e t a h r e ) —they did not affix to it the sense which the English Go vernment in particular had affixed to it--and therefore the intention of the Russian Government clearly was, accord ing to their own explanation of their intentions, to accept the terms according to one sense at Vienna —according to one sense in London, in Petersburg, at Vienna, and at si wastt to confidential, be e signed, i Constantinop le. gn b e ( ut w t h a y Berlin—and afterwards to enforce them in another sense (Hear,s i h n o t u e hea r.) lrdp i n agreeing to sign that mte, if such was their intention, whom they were treating , ) And, therefore they not only ought not to have made their explanation of Why, sir, I say that, note, knowing perfectly well under whose sanction this note a ci m Itr h he. t a teta v it e n n o t told hmteh themselves propositionl powers pvuteotstuhsignpato upon it. k ( 1 In knew, w ar; what e h a a r t . was the sense nixed to it by the four powers, and especially by the English Government, and a ffi x i ng another sen se t o i t themselves, w hich they meant to keep secret, but no doubt to make use of against the Turkish Government afterwards—(hear, hear)-_I cannot call tha t proposition th t proposition anything l ess than what I described it to be in ) has been attaclAd— a fraudulent interpretation. the speech to which so much blame this interpetration was given in a note should say that (Chee re rs ° . Nesseliode. It is said to have been Itsigned by Count nate in the Foreign -o ffi ce at St. Peterrhen by a subordi- Nesselrode has assumed its responeibiliis urgh, but Count fied note having been thus rejected bRY;i S u' , the the modi arose whether any further effort at nego tia tio n e 'question made. Even then the Sultan's Government w ere sh f ould be being adverse to a settlement of the question , Bu t f ar from event occurred of the utmost importance. A step u an , taken by Turkey from which she thought she could n o longer refrain—l refer to the declaration of war by Tur ke y. (Hear, hear.) Sir, it is always in the power of tyrannical Governments to endeavour to impose upon others unjust terms; but it is not in their power to pre vent that attempt exciting the indignation and provoking the anger of the party against which the attempt is directed. (Cheers.) Such was the effect of the attempt of Russia against Turkey—such was the effect of the invasion of the Principalities, containing four millions of the subjects of the Sultan. The fanaticism, if you choose to call it so— the enthusiasm, as the Turks would call it, of their nation was roused ; they hastened to the standard of the Sultan, and thousands of men appeared in arms on the banks ors the Danube to resist the aggression. The Sultan had from the first moment of the entry of the Russians into the Principalities a just cause of war; encouraged and excited by his subjects, he thought he could no longer—after this first proposal of peace had been rejected, he thought he could no longer refrain from a declaration of war. Well, sir, it is hard for us to blame the conduct of the Sultan in that respect. (Hear.) The wrong was with Russia ; the wrong arose from the conduct of the Russian Govern. ment. It might be imprudent in Turkey at any time to resist that force of Russia; but, sir, it was an impra deuce which we must all honour—it was an imprudence which arose from a just sense of independence, and resent ment of the wrong which had been done. Sir, when that war was declared, of course the negotiations beco me more and more difficult ; still, terms of great moderAtioxt and great fairness, which were recommended by the four re pre& intatives at Constantinople, were adopted by the Porte, and transmitted to Vienna as the basis of negotiations. Up( en considering these terms, the representatives of the fov.r powers at Vienna, including the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Austria, were entirely agreed with respect to their moderation, and they were forwarded to St. Peters burg, with a recommendation from the Austrian Govern moat, in the name of Austria, and in the nam e o f th e o th er pow ere, her alli es , requesting the assent of Russia to these fair terms of peace. The first impression at St. Petersburg was, that no answer should be given to this request. The step actually taken was little short of that determination. It was setting aside all these proposals recommended by the four powers, to propose other terms, those terms con taining in substance the Menechikoff note which the Porte had originally rejected, and containing, besides, an article, regarding refugees whi c h h a d not hitherto been proposed. The Vienna Conference assembled, and they declared that these terms were inadmissible. Still Count Buol, anxious —and to his honour it should be said—anxious for the preservation of the peace of Europe, suggested to Count Orloff that other proposals might be made, that prelimi naries of peace might be transmitted to Vienna, might be there considered, might be modified according to the views of the four powers in conference with the Russian Mini ster, and. might be transmitted to Constantinople for the assent of the Sultan. Well, this proposal was not assented to, but preliminaries were sent—pretended preliminaries of peace, preliminaries as inadmissible as the former, although the article referring to the refug ees was not contained in them , and it was no t insisted th at the Turkish plenipotentiary should go to St. Petersburg or to the Rus sian head quarters, but, in all other respects, terms which could not have been assented to. Again the conference rejected .these terms as inadmissible, and declared that they could not transmit them to Constantinople. We have, then, the agreement, not of England and France, but of all the four great powers of Europe, that with respect to this dispute between Russia and Turkey, Turkey has proposed and is ready to assent to fair and moderate terms of peace, and that the terms of peace proposed by Russia are unjust, intemperate, and inadmissible. (Hear, hear.) I think, sir, after this, considering how much connected Austria and Prussia have been with Russia now for many years, that the three northern powers were connected on many occasions of European difficulty —I think that it will not be denied that in this contest Turkey must have been greatly in the right in order to have such an agreement of the four powers. (Hear, hear.) The moderate proposals of Turkey on the one side, and the inadmissible proposals Russia on the other, seemed to preclude all hopes of an amicable termination of these negotiations. The remain ing question was, therefore, whether or not we could any longer maintain the position which we had maintained—a position showing our interest in Turkey, and our sympathy with her in her struggle, but at the same time taking no active part in her support. Sir, it is obvious that, after the court of Russia had rejected those terms, it must intend to prosecute the war. The intelligence we have now received put" that intention beyond doubt ; but there was moral evi dence of it without such intelligence. We therefore con sidered with the Government of France what step remained for us to take. We came to the decision that we might propose to Russia to evacuate the principalities within a certain number of days, at the same time informing her that her refusal to do so would be considered equivalent to a declaration of war. That step we have taken ; but of course no one would expect that the Emperor of Russia, having refused reasonable terms, would yield to a summons so peremptory. He has declined to give any answer to that proposal, and it remained for her Majesty and the Emperor of the French to consider of any other step, and what, re mained. They considered that no course but war did re main. (Hear, hear.) They considered that, having held forth a promise of assistance to the Sultan, they were bound to fulfil that implied promise of aid. They consi dered that the safety of Europe depended upon the main tenance of the equilibrium of which the integrity and in dependence of Turkey form a part. They considered that it would be impossible to hope to maintain that integrity and independence if Russia was allowed unchecked and uninterrupted to impose her own terms upon Turkey. It was therefore decided by her Majesty's Government at once to address thlahouse—to advise Majesty to send down a message to the Houses of Parliament, and at the same to issue a declaration of war. That declaration of war has been issued. We can none of us be insensible to the gravity and importance of such a declaration—(hear, hear)—we should all have been glad to avoided it—(hear, hear)—but I hold that, consistently with our position, consistently with our duties to Europe, consistently even with ithe general interests of this country, we cannot permit the aggrandisement of Russia to take any shape that her arms might enable it to assume. Sir, there are, I imagine, but few in this country who think that any oth er course was open to us. Th ere are, I know, some who think that this country might remain altogether apart from the conflicts of other European nations ' • that we might be indifferent , when the indep en d ence of a power is assailed, when a country may be obliterated from the map of Europe, and some power already great may obtain a fearful preponde rance over the others. These persons, indifferent to the triumph at one time of democracy, at anotherof despotism, and to the aggressions that are made in the name of one or the other, think it right to say, like the philosophical husbandman of Vigil, Illum non populi fasces, non purpura regum Flexit et insides agitans discordia fratres; Ant conjurato descendens Dacus ab Istro: Non res Romance, perituraque regna." But we, sir, who ar e f o ll ow i ng t h e maxim which, since the time of William 111., has governed and actuated the coun cils of this country —we who have believed that we have a part in the great question of the liberties and independence of Europe —we who believe that preponderance cannot safely be allowed to any °lie power —we who believe it is our duty to throw our weight into the scale in these con fficts —we who have seen our country rise to power, rise to reputation, rise, I may also say, in moral greatness, by the assertion and maintenance of those doctrines—we who have seen the country support burdens and incur sacrifices in the maintenance of these maxims—maxims which I believe to be connected not only with your honour and your dignity, but with your very safety as a nation—we are not prepared to abandon our position in Europe, and we ask you, by agreeing to the address of to-night, to be firmly 'prepared to maintain it. Sir, I may be asked two questions, sup posing that the house is prepared to assent to this address —questions which I will not deny the privilege of any mem ber to ask—to which I should be glad if I could give full and satisfactory answers, but to which I can only give such answers as my duty will permit. I may be asked in the first place, with what allies are we about to undertake this contest? Now, sir, in the fi rs t pl ace , we h ave, as I h ave repeatedly assured the house, acted throughout these trans actions, we are acting in this last and final step, which ends negotiation and begins war, in cordial concurrence with France. I have not been able to lay upon the table any formal agreement. We had proposed a formal agreement to France ; in the then state of affairs, another form of agree ment was thought by the . French Government to be pre ferable—that was only a provisional agreement, and there fore I cannot lay anything in the shape of a convention before the house ; but the two Governments are agreed that their concurrence should be put in the shape of a con vention, and I hope before long to lay a formal instrument of that nature upon the table. (Hear, hear.) But while I say this with respect to a formal document, the house may rest assured that with regard to the spirit of the ag reement, with regard to f r i en dl y i ntercourse, with regard to frank communication, no two Governments were ever more allied than the Governments of England and France are at this moment. Then, sir, we have to consider the position of those other two powers with whom we have agreed in the negotiations —with whom we have agreed, not only in tke protocols that have been signed, but so far that the Go vernments, both of Austria and Prussia, recommended to the Emperor of Russia to accede to the terms that were proposed, end to e vacua t e t h e principalities at our demand. I But, sir, must say that I can add but little to the state ment I made on a former occasion—that while it is per fectly clear to us what the interests of these great German powers demand, we have no document, no formal agree ment that we can lay before the house, or even an assurance that these two powers will take part in the war against Ru ss i a . At the same time, the communications made by the Emperor of Austria and his Government have been most frank and direct. They have expressed an entire agreement with us as to the necessity of maintaining the independence and integrity of Turkey ; but when we asked, as I think we were bound to ask, some short time ago, what, in case of a rupture, would be the conduct of Aus tria, the answer of Austria for the moment was of a satis factory nature. It reserved an application to the Govern ment of Prussia, and my belief is that if the Government of Prussia had acceded to the views of Austria, I should have been able now to make a most satisfactory communi cation to the house. It did not appear to the Prussian Go vernment that they could accede to our proposals, The Prussian Government has stated to the world its views upon this subject. I must say, those views at present seem to me to be too narrow. (Hear, hear.) I had always thought that Prussia was a European power—l had always considered her as one of the principal powers of Europe ; but in the document to which I refer, allusion is made Ottly to Getman interests, and the duties of Prussia to wards Germany, and there is no allusion wh a te ver to her duties towards Europe. I trust, however, that a short time may bring us communications of another kind. I cannot but think that if Prussia means to maintain her position in Europe, distinguished as she has b e en distin guished as she is, both in arts and in arms, she can hardly allow that the disturbance of the balance of power of Eu rope, and the immense aggrandisement of Russia which would ensue, can be matter of indifference to Germany, still less to Europe. (Hear, hear.) But, sir, I state the case ta_the house as it is—that negotiations are still going on, and that even the passage of the Danube by the Rus sian troops has not brought from Austria an immediate declaration that she will be in arms to oppose Russian aggression. I have stated that I think she would have been so prepared were it not for an apprehension that, Prussia not concurring in her course, danger might sur round her if she proceeded to that tap ; but I repeat again that which I have always thought with respect to this subject—that it is impossible that this war should prooeed, and that the great German powers should not feel that it is their bounden duty—that it is their interest, fully as much as it is the interest of England, to assert their independence, and to check this nnjust and unprin cipled attempt. (Hear, hear.) Such, sir, is my belief— such is my hope on this subject. The other question which may be asked of us is with regard to what we ex pect as the object and termination of the war. (Hear.) Now, sir, I have said that I can state no more than that which I consider it my duty to state, and I consider that I should be departing from that duty—grossly departing from that duty—if lat all restricted the Government of England from at any time assenting to terms of peace which that Government thought honourable and just. For my part, I should not, think any terms honourable and just that did not provide for the security of the Turkish empire ; but with regard to the manner in which that security is to be provided, we all know what are the chances and contingencies of war, we all know how quickly the aspect of Europe may change from one month to an other, and I think it would not be right, it would be a course not only wanting in prudence, but in justice to the people of this country, if I were to specify the details of any terms that were to be procured as the terms upon which peace would be concluded. (Hear, and cheers.) This house well knows that if terms were agreed to which it should think insecure and dishonourable, this house has it in its power to rebuke and censure the Ministers who should make such peace. This power has been exercised —whether wisely or not is not the question—but this power has been exercised, and the Ministers who signed a peace eensured by this house were driven 'from office for agreeing to such terms of peace. I think the house may be satisfied to leave the question in this position—that, having taken up arms from necessity, for the sake of sup porting an ally, our first object must be resistance to the aggressor and protection to the ally, and that we shall continue in arms so long as that ally is threatened by his formidable opponent. I know not, therefore, sir, that I can add anything to the statement which I have made in respect to the course which these negotiations have taken with respect to the causes or the war and to its object. That object is plain and simple. An ally, one of the powers whose integrity and independence (are sanctioned by the public law of Europe haahad his provinces assailed and endangered, and itkroquizod to alga dishonourable terms of peace as the price of the evacuation of these provinces. He refuses to agree to these terms which he considers dis honourable ; we go to his support in resisting that aggres sion. We have already agreed to a convention with Tur key, a convention which, not being ratified, I am sorry that I cannot lay before the house, but which provides that Turkey shall not make peace without the concurrence and consent of England and France. The convention does not contain—l think it would have been very wrong if it had contained—any stipulation with regard to the internal Government of Turkey. (Loud cries of " Hear.") We have proposed no such convention to the Porte. We have proposed to her a convention in the nature of a mili tary convention, and which, when it is laid upon the table of the house, I think will be sanctioned by the ap provl of the house as well as of the country. Well, then, I leave the case as it at p resen t s t an d s i n t h e h an d s of this house, fully convinced that the great majority of this house have at heart the honour and greatness of this country; that they will all lament, as I do, that the ne cessity of war should be brought to us, but convinced also that they will not be disposed to shrink from a con test which is honourable to us, and which I trust will end in securing the independence of our ally. The noble hard concluded, amid loud and continued cheering, by moving the following draught of an address : " Most Gracious Sovereign,—We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons of the United. Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in Parliament as sembled, beg leave to return to your Majesty our humble thanks for your Majesty's most gracious message, and for the communication of the several papers whien have been laid before us in obedience to your Ma jesty's command. We assure your Majesty of the just sense we entertain of your Majesty's anxious and uniform endeavours to preserve to your people the blessings of peace, and of our perfect confidence in your Majesty's disposition to terminate the calamities of war whenever that object can be accomplished consistently with the honour of your Majesty's Crown and the interests of your people. That we have observed with deep concern that your Majesty's endeavours have been frustrated by the spirit of aggression displayed by the Emperor of Russia, in his invasion and continued occupation of the provinces of Wal lachia and Moldavia—in the rejection of equitable terms of peace, proposed under the sanction of the four principal powers of Europe—and in the preparation of immense forces to support his unjust pretensions. These preten sions appear to us, your faithful Commons, subversive of the independence of the Turkish empire ; and we feel that the trust reposed in us demands on our part a firm deter mination to co-operate with your Majesty in a vigorous resistance to the projects of a Sovereign, whose further aggrandisement would be dangerous to the independence of Europe." Mr. LAYARD might say most unfeignedly that no man in that house had listened on morethan one occasion to the noble lord the member for the city of London with more pleasure, with more satisfaction, indeed, he might say, on some occasions, with more enthusiasm, than he himself had done; and if the noble lord would not think him presump tuous, he would say that on the three occasions upon which the noble lord had addressed the house upon this most momentous question they had heard speeches worthy of the occasion, worthy of the noble lord's great reputation, and worthy of a Minister who ought to have, at such a moment, the affairs of this country under his direction. (Hear.) He had listened t 3 the sentiments so nobly ex pressed upon all these occasions with a pleasure which would be unmixed were there not other considera tions at the same time forced upon him. He (Mr. Layard) was bound to inquire whether these sentiments were the individual sentiments of the noble lord, or whether they were the sentiments of the Ministry with whom he was acting. He was bound to ask whether, at this moment, in another place, the noble earl at the head of the Government was not expressing sentiments, if not diametrically opposed, at least very strangely at variance with the sentiments which they had just heard in this house. He was bound to ask whether the right hon. gentlemen on the very .bench occupied by the noble lord participated in that noble lord's sentiments. He regretted to say there were good grounds for his asking that ques tion, and, "were there not, he should not have obtruded himself on the attention of the house on the present occa sion. He felt the solemn responsibility under which he spoke at the present moment, but, at the same time, he had a duty to perform from which he could not flinch. When a man was convinced that he had a right course to pursue, and did not pursue it, then it almost invariably happened that he found cause for regret. He made this remark, because under similar circumstances to the pre sent he, last year, yielded to the advice of those in whom he had great confidence, and at the request of the Govern ment refrained from pressing on the question relative to Turkey and Russia. He, however, now solemnly believed 'that the discussion of the question at that time might have evoked an expression of opinion in that house and the country, which, perhaps, would have gone far to prevent the unfortunate result to which the negotiations had now led. (Hear.) At nearly the beginning of the session it was his painful duty to review the conduct of the Mini sters in regard to the Eastern question. He disagreed to tally with their policy, and he felt also that that policy was carried on in a way not worthy of the diplomatists and statesmen of this country. At the conclusion of his speech on that occasion, he stated that if the Government would only adopt a policy which he (Mr. Layard) believed to be equal to the occasion and worthy of the circum stances in which the country was placed, then he would give the Government his most cordial though humble support. Since that period, however, circumstances had materially altered. Documents of an important na ture, which had thrown an entirely new light on these transactions, had been published ; and ho, there fore, felt bound at the present moment to recur to the subject. Upon the occasion to which he had just alluded he was taunted with not bringing some definite question before the house, and therefore he would at once state what it was his intention 'to do. He would be the last man, on such an occasi on as th e presen t , t o pro pose any amendment or take any step which might in the slightest degree impede the general expression of loyalty to her Most Gracious Majesty, or have a tendency to show that this country was not united as one man in supporting the Crown in the struggle about to commence. (Hear.) Bat if it should be the feeling of the house, after what b-e should state to them, that the conduct of the Ministers should form the subject of a Parliamentary inquiry or dis cussion, he, humble as he was, should not shrink from the duty thus imposed on him, and he should bo ready to ask the Ministers to fix an early day on which the matter might be brought forward. (Hear.) The noble lord had stated that the papers on the table had been so often dis cussed that it was scarcely of any use to recur to them. It was very true that the papers first laid before Parlia ment had been discussed, but nothing had as yet been said with respect to the most important papers subsequently laid on the table of the house. He believed that those documents would go far to prove the justice of the views he should submit to the house when those papers should come under discussion. In 1829 the noble earl, now at the head of' the Government, was Minister for Foreign Affairs in this country. At that period, as at the present moment, Russia was engaged in a war with Turkey. The troops of Russia succeeded in crossing the Balkan, and the Porte was obliged to make a di sas t rous treaty with General Diebitach. The noble earl at the head of the Government claimed, within the last few days, the honour of framing that treaty on which was mainly based the pretension which Russia put forward for privileges and rights in re spect to the Greek population in Turkey. (Hear.) In 1842 the same noble earl was at the Foreign-office, and at that time a most important revolution took place in Ser via, the governor of that country being expelled in con sequence of Russian intrigues. The Porte at that time had the undoubted right to confirm the nomination of the prince of that country, and to perform other acts, but Russia upset that order of things. France at that time was willin g to go along with thi s coun try, but the noble earl now at the head of the Go vernment, approved the conduct of Russia, abetted. that Power in all its acts, and made the most extraordi nary statement, to which he had alluded on a former occa sion, that Russia had a right to put her own construction on her own treaties,—an assertion which would justify fully and completely every step taken by Russia in the present war. (Hear, hear.) In 1844, when the noble earl was again at the Foreign-office, it was not surprising that the Emperor of Russia should have visited this country, and taken the opportunity of proposing to the Government of this country a scheme which was part of the hereditary policy of Russia. (Hear, hear.) The visit of the Empe ror of Russia ended in a certain agreement between him and her Majesty's Government, which agreement had now been laid on the table of the house. It was not now the time to discuss that agreement, but it contained some monstrous propositions, involving all the principles now contended for by the Emperor of Russia ; for it was stated that the policy of Russia and England would be to main tain the existence of Turkey as long as possible; but in case it should be foresee n th a t the fall of Turkey must come to pass, then that the two countries should enter into a previous concert relating to a new order of things. He did not know whether that memorandum was accepted as a true statement in this country ; but it so happened that near.the beginning of last year a change took place in the Government of this country, and the noble earl (Aberdeen) found himself at the head of the Administration. The moment the Emperor received intelligence of this change of Government he renewed those proposals which he had opened in a former visited to this country. (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Layard) intreated the att en ti on o f the house to very important documents laid on the table, because he wished to show the extraordinary divergence of opinion then and now existing between different members - of the Government. The first proposal was made on the 11th of January, 1853. The Emperor of Russia congratulated Sir H. Seymour on the return to office of a nobleman for whom he felt a great regard, and had had an intimate acquaint ance with for 40 years, and almost in the very next breath was mentioned the plan for the partition of Turkey. (Hear, hear.) It was not explained very dis i tinctly on that occasion, but it was a few days after brought to Sir H. Seymour's notice in plain and positive terms. Sir H. Seymour in communicating this extraordinary proposition to the Government, pointed out very ably the dilemma in which the Go vernment would be plaCed if they received the proposition or took no notice of it. In the one case, he observed, they would be called on to take part in the proceeding, and in the other they would h ave it i mputed to them that they had tacitly sanctioned the- policy of the Russian Emperor. That deipatch was received in England on the 6th of Feb. last rear, and on the 9th of Feb., three days after, the date was important, the noble lord who had just spoken return ed an answer, which, though perhaps not equal to what might have been expected, was quite sufficient to make the Emperor of Russia believe that the English Government could not entertain his proposal. Consequently, in the next despatch from St. Petersburg, it was stated that the Emperor was very sorry to see that the English Government would not listen to his proposal, but shortly afterwards Sir H. Seymour had a most important and interesting inter view with the Emperor. On that occasion the Emperor explained his views very fully on the subject, and made an offer in order to induce the English Government to join in his nefarious project, Sir H. Seymour lost no time in send ing to England an account of this interview, but, though a former despatch had been answered within three days, no answer was returned to this despatch for 19 days, nor was it submitted to the Cabinet until the 13th March 1853, be ing 7 days after its receipt, But what did the noble earl, now Secretary for Foreign Affairs, say in answer to that despatch ? Instead of rejecting the proposal, as the noble lord his predecessor had done, the noble earl began his de spatch by stating— " I need not assure you that the opinions of his Imperial Majesty have received from her Majesty's Government the anxious and deliberate consideration that their importance de mands ; and although her Majesty's Government feel compel led to adhere to the principles and the policy laid down in Lord J. Russell's despatch of the 9th Feb., yet they gladly comply with the Emperor's wish that the subject should be further and frankly discussed," When the Emperor received this intimation, he expressed real and sincere satisfaction—and no wonder. (Hear.) The result was, that that memorandum to which he (Mr. Lay ard) had referred, and which he conceived did contain da- InniDg Aditii46ollo l WAR presented, (ioar,) He had heard that house some talk of a policy of connivance or credulity. As an Englishman he should revolt at the appearance of connivance, but the circumstances of the case were so ex traordinary that he could not understand them, unless it was that, as there was two opinions in the Cabinet, there had been both connivance and credulity, and that out of that unnatural union was begot the bastard policy which had brought the country to war. (Hear, hear.) He was going to refer to the Times newspaper, but not for the opinions of that journal, because if there was any o pi n i ons, he might q uo t e th em on all sides from hour to hour ; but when be found the opinions expressed there were those of two members of her Majesty's Government, an importance attached to them which could not be denied. (Hear, hear.) This was a momentous question, and he did not wish to exaggerate it, but he would undertake to prove that these secret and confidential despatches were communicated, if not the very day after their arrival, at least two or three days after, and furnished materials for leading articles in the Times. They were not c ommunicated by any clerk in the Foreign-office, because they could not at the time have gone beyond the knowledge of one or two members of the Government of this country. (Opposition cheers.) There were, however, evidently men in this country endeavour ing to bring the country to consent to the nefarious tran saction to which he had alluded. In February and March, last year, there appeared an extraordinary series of articles in the Times newspaper, declaring that the time for the dismemberment of the Turkish empire had arrived, and that it was necessary to take into consideration whether some arrangement could not be come to relative to the partition of that country. He remembered being particu larly struck with those articles, which came out without any purpose that he could make out, nothing having oc curred to lead to them ; but when these secret papers be came known, he recognised in them expressions which had appeared in the articles published in the Times. Together with a member of that house—a dispassionate man, but not agreeing in his (Mr. Layard's) views—he referred to the Times, and, to their astonishment, they found, in an article published in the commencement of last year, the very same words used by Lord Clarendon in one of these despatches. If this were so, the question --was one of the utmost importance, for the interests of the empire were at stake if the secrets of the Cabinet, which could not be divulged to the House of Commons, were to be made use of to defeat the friends of the true interests of the country, who were struggling to maintain its interests as well as the interests of Europe. (Cheers from the Oppo sition.) The first of these secret despatches was received in this country on 23d Jan., 1853, and on the 26th of the same month appeared in the Times the first of those articles to which he had referred. The next despatch was receiver on 6th Feb., 1853, and on the 11th of the same wont.,, four days afterwards, there appeared an extraordinary article in the Times, from which he would now quote. In one part of the article it was stated— " We do not suppose that it is the intention or the policy of Russia to accelerate a catastrophe in the East, and the good offices of this country will again be employed to lessen the perils of a situation which is becoming critical. We cannot, however, forget that the attempt to prolong the brutal and decrepit authority of the Turks in Europe is purchased by the surrender of fine provinces and a large Christian popula tion to barbarous misgovernment ; and we shall rejoice when civilisation and Christianity are able to repair the injuries of the Ottoman conquest." Again, it was stated in the Times on 23d Feb., 1853, after various comments on the exhausted state of Turkey : " With the utmost political cadacity, with a total want of ability and integrity in the men who are still its rulers, with a declining Mussulman population, and an exhausted trea sury, the Porte unites, as if by way of derisory contrast, a dominion over some of the most fertile regions, the finest ports, and the most enterprising and ingenious peeple of southern Europe. . . . It is hard to comprehend how so great a positive evil can have been so long defended by poli ticians as a relative good; and, though we are not insensible to the difficulties attending any change in the territories of so huge an empire, we are disposed to view with satis faction rather than with alarm the approach of a period" --How did the Times know the period was approaching I— " when it will be impossible to prolong the domination of such a Government as that of the Porte over such a country as that which is now subject to its authority. Perhaps that period is less distant than is commonly sup posed ; and it may be the part of wise statesmen to provide against such a conjuncture, which it is beyond their power indefinitely to postpone. We do not believe, andowe do not mean to imply, that any combination of Austria and Russia, hostile to the territorial claims of the Ottoman empire, is now in existence, or is likely to be formed without the knowledge of the other European rowers. We have strong grounds to believe"---When the Times says that, we know what it means —" that Prince Mensohikoff is sent from St. P.tersburgh to Constantinople upon a special embassy, for the express pur pose of declaring, in the name of the Emperor Nicholas, that as head of the Greek church he cannot submit, or allow the Eastern church to submit, to the conditions of the firman recently obtained by the French ambassador with reference to the Holy Shrines in the Holy Land." Now, the first intimation of Prince Menschikoff's mis sion was contained in Sir H. Seymour's despatches, re ceived February 14 and February 21. It was important to observe that on the 6th of March, 1853, arrived the despatch giving the whole of the Emperor of Russia's plan for the partition of Turkey. The answer to it, as he had before said, was not returned before the 23d of March, and no Cabinet Council was held until the 13th of March, though certain members of the Government had seven days previously received the Emperor's proposal. That proposal was net submitted to their colleagues till the 13th of March, but it had been previously submitted to the Times, for on the 7th of March, the morning following the receipt of the despatch, which then could not have been known to more than two or three members of the Cabinet, and which could not then have been seen by any clerk in the Foreign-office, there appeared a particular article in the Times. (Hear, hear.) The article said, among other things, that " The state of the Turkish empire and the relations of the European Powers to the East are subjects on whieh it may be useful for reflecting politicians and the independent press to form and express opinions, though the consummation to which these opinions point bo still unwelcome and remote. Statesmen, bound to transact the business of the day, and to recognise at every turn the obligations of what is called State necessity, are restrained within narrower probably be unable to give effect to any novel and original con ception, if it had not previously been entertained by the mind and reason of the public." He entreated the noble lord to mark the words which fol lowed, for they referred to the objection which he had offered : " We are therefore Iby no means surprised that, in ad verting to the differences which have lately taken place in Turkey, especially on its European frontiers, Lord John Russell should have expressed his dissent from the opinions which have been recently put forward on this subject, and should have repeated in his place in Parliament, speaking under the weight of official responsibility, the old story of the integrity and independence of the Ottoman empire. We ourselves, however, are not affected by similar considera tions." How did the writer know that the noble lord dissented ? (Hear, hear.) The article proceeded : "We do not, therefore, concur in the opinion of Lord J. Russell, that no greater calamity could occur to Europe at the present time than the necessity of considering what ought to be done in such a case as the dismemberment of that empire. It would, we think, be a far greater cala mity"—mark these words, because they occur in the Em peror's communication—" that the dismemberment corn menced before any such consiiieration took place." Again, he asked the house to mark these words, because they oc - cur in the Emperor of Russia's communication. Why this remark about the dismemberment having commenced, was that the Emperor told us himself. The article went on to say :—" And here we must be allowed to express our surprise that any statesman should, for an instant, confound the policy which it might be proper to pursue in the event of a dissolution of the Turkish empire with that which led to the partition of Poland." The next article appeared on March the 10th ; and what does it say ? I will give you the exact words :—Prince Menschikoff arrives in a more strictly diplomatic capacity, and we have reason to believe"—the house knows what that means (Laughter) " we have reason to believe that his instruction are more conciliatory than those of Count Leiningen." Now I find that on March the 6th, in the despatch of Sir H. Seymour, sent to the Earl of Clarendon it is said:— " His Excellency (Count Nesselrode) wished to assure me that the instructions withwhich Prince Menschikoff would be provided were of a conciliatory nature." No Cabinet Council was held till the 19th, when the dispatch received on the 9th was discussed and an answer returned on the 23d March. That answer commenced with the following words :—" Although her Majesty's Government feel com pelled to adhere to the principles and the policy laid down in Lord John Russell's despatch of the 9th of February, yet they gladly comply with the Emperor's wish that the sub ject should be further and frankly discussed." To the hon our of the British press, although it could not command that brilliant and epigrammatic pen which almost shook a colonial minister from his place, it rejected with indigna tion the nefarious proposal that the Times wished it to ad vocate. Well, after the appeal of the Times to the public mind, we have, the very same day after the despatch that had been kept back from the Cabinet Council for seven days was sent to St. Petersburg, we have it announcing that the proposition for the partition of Turkeyhad failed— (Murmurs.) I would read all the articles on this subject, and if I did it would only add to the strength of my case ; but surely, surely--(a laugh) —no man in this house will tell me, after what I have read, that the person who wrote those articles was not acquainted with these despatches. Well, putting aside the charge against the person who made these communications to the newspapers, I ask what must have been the effect of these articles in Russia, where the greatest care is taken to examine every shade of opinion in this country ? Again, do you think that Baron Brunow was not aware of these conversations between Sir H. Sey mour and the Emperor of Russia, and of what passed at St. Petersburg, and what must have been his surprise to find almost every day after the receipt of these despatches that the information and opinions contained in them were re-echoed by the Times? (Hear, hear) 1 may be told that after all, alth oug h thi s information is of such a nature as almost to preclude any doubt as to its origin, that it is only evidence of a mere coincidence. I confess, sir, that no doubt whatever rema i ns u p on m y m now endeavouring to show that there were two Mark, I am twoparties then in the Cabinet, and that there are two parties now, and tti that these discordant elements have been trying to coup e ract the influence of each other, and that one of these par ties wishes to pursue a policy which I, and I believe the country, most completely concur in. (Hear.) A very carious thing occurs with regard to the speech of the Earl of Clarendon, on the 25th of April last, in the House of Lords, when the Marquis of Clanricarde asked a question with reference to the alarm that had been excited at Con sta ntinoplo by the demands of Prince Menschikoff. The noble earl said, after he had received all these despatches, secret and otherwise—"lt is not for me to say that the Emperor of Russia is to be blamed for not keeping the public informed with regard to his envoy's proceedings. There is no disguise on the part of the Emperor with re spect to his embassy at Constantinople, and no hesitation in answering our questions. I ca n only say th a t h er Ma jesty's Government feels precisely the same confidence as my noble friend in the honour and integrity of the Em peror of Russia." This was after all these secret commu nications ; and the noble earl added---" Exaggerated re ports of recent events have been circulated during the last four days which are calculated to excite alarm, but your lordships will be pleased to hear that her Majesty's Go vernment have recently received a de patch from L ord s Stratford, dated on th e d ay after his arrival at Constan tinople, in whi c h h e states that he has great reason to be lieve that the views of all parties upon the question are such as to ensure a satisfactory result." allude to Now, I want to a very extraordinar fact. The date of the de spatch has been changed. But I s uppose there is some ex planation of the circumstance ; but the Earl of Clarendon made a mistake, and Morethan country. Doe s L or d Stratford de that, he deceived the Redcliffe assert that all parties believe that the disp 9u t es between Turkey and Russia will b e b rought to a ver y satisfactory conclusion . He says the very contrary. I suppose it was the despatch that Lord Stratford sent on the day of his' arrival at Con diwatinoplo that Lord Clarendon meant to quo% but ho certainly quoted the despatch received on the day after be made his spe ec h. Th e d espatch written on the day a Lord Stratford's arrival consisted only of half a dozen lines, and was written before he could have had an oppor ttmity of seeing anybody. Well, did the despatch justify Lord Clarendon in the confidence he expressed ? After announcing his arrival that day, .he says I have only to add that while the Turkish minister intimated a strong sense of anxiety and alarm as to the. eventual in tentions of Russia, the impressions of the Austrian legs' tion, founded on the language of the Russian ambassador , are favourable to the existence of moderate views on the part of that power, and to a friendly solution of the peed' ing question." I ask what must Russia have thought, what must have Baron Brunow thought ? Why, that there was a party in the Cabinet who were screening hind and his Government—a party keeping the country i n the dark. (Hear, hear). There was a very remarkable feet! whilst all this was going on, on the 22d of March, Lord Clarendon, writing to Lord Cowley, expresses his regret and condemns tho French Government for sending their fleet, and says that her Majesty's Government were die' posed to place reliance on the Emperor of Russia and in his solemn assurances that he would uphold the Turkish em pire, and that if any change took place in his intentions, he (the Emperor) would communicate it to her Majesty's Government without reserve. And yet her Majesty's Go' vernment had received all these secret despatches. H° goes on to say :—" No such communication having been made, her Majesty's Government were bound to believe , until they had proofs to the contrary, that the mission of Prince Menschikoft was not of a character menacing to the independence and integrity of Tutkey." On the 23d of March he says, writing to Sir H. Seymotr—" Her Ma jesty's Government have felt no alarm, and have not shared the apprehensions which the facts above alluded to (the reports current about Prince Menschikoff's mission, .&c.) might appear to justify, for on more than one occa sion they had releived personal assurances from the Ern' peror of Russia that it was his determination to maintain the independence of the Turkish empire, &c." Thus ills' tifying the whole proceedings of Russia, and screening her. I may be told that, although the despatches jest published show grounds for distrust in Russia, yet that the assurances in the secret despatches given by the Env peror, on the word of a "gentleman," were such as to re' move all apprehensions. But I find in the secret de spatches, tte well as in the public, that Sir H. Sey m our re' peatedly warns the Government' of the double-dealing of Russia—warns them that she is preparing the dis solution of Turkey. The word " fradulent" has been used with regard to the conduct of the Emperor of Russia; and if I had not seen these secret despatches, I should have said his coneluct was fraudu lent. But I do not wish to screen the deter , and I say that he has been guilty of gross fraud. But then that is the policy of his country, and a policy that has been pursued by Russia for years,. and almost for centuries, as every' body who knows anything of the policy of Russia must be well aware. But what I complain of is this misleading of the public in a solemn manner before the most august as sembly in this country, the House of Lords, and th e put ting forward of opi n i ons di rect l y contrary to ' the facts. I will not press the same argument from the conduct of the Government during the recess, when great er l a tit u d e i s perhaps used, and thi ngs said that a Minister would not always like afterwards to be bound by. But I remember reading the speeches delivered by the noble lord (Lord J. Russell) in Scotland, and by the rightthon. gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer in Manchester. The noble lord's speech , led everybody to believe that the integrity and independence of Turkey would be maintained, but the right hon. gentleman expressed a diametrically opposite opinion ; and there was the greatest difficulty in coil d ing what was the policy of the Government. acme then were the eminent members of the Government giving opinions of a diametrically oppo - sitb nature on a euestion of the most momentous importance. I might contiene this line of observation up to the present moment. Het Ma jesty's speech at the beginning of the session was a Seen ment almost unworthy of the occasion. It spoke of the quarrel as if it involved no great principle ; but the noble lord (Lord J. Russell), in the debate upon the address, made a speech to which I listened with intense plea sure, and I thought after all it was perhaps better not to place in the mouth of the Sovereign any strong expres- I glens of opinion and that the no bl e l or d' s speec h was to be taken as indicating what the Royal speech meant. There fore, I do not rise to move any amendment or make any remarks on the address. But my astonishment was un bounded when I found that thenoble earl at the head of the Government, in another place, had quite different language —stating that we were at peace—that he hoped to maintain peace—and that peace was the policy of the Government. The true policy of a great country was neither peace nor war, but the maintenance of its honour and its interests. Similar declarations were made by the Premier at the Mansion-house and elsewhere about a policy of peace. (A. laugh.) But the question was —were we at war ? If one noble lord says we are at war, and another noble lord says we are at peace, who are we to believe ? Ido not want to hear any inflated proclamation • but let th e p eop l e of Eng land be told plainly that they Wave great i n t eres t s at stak, and tell them what we are going to war for. Let them know that this is a question not only of civilisation, but of our material interests, and that if it is not taken up now, it will have to be taken up by and by, and that in the meantime it may lead to disasters which nothing that we' can do will be able to avert. (Hear, hear.) Early in thee, session, when I expressed my opinion of the mismanagemen, of this great questi o n by h e r M a j es t y ' s G overnment, the right hon. gentleman at the head of the Admiralty got up and admitted all that I had said. He said, "It is very true we marlave been vacillating ; but see what we have done ? Why, we have got Austria and Prussia with us." (Hear.) That was the triumphant result of all their tem porising. But where are Austria and Prussia now ? What has the noble lord told us to-night ? No man can count upon the armed neutrality of Austria, which means no thing at all. (Hear, and a laugh.) But wer e we everjus tified in believin g that Austria would join with us. In the memorandum of 1844, long . before Austria was under her present obligations to Russia, the Emperor of Russia said, that between Russia and Austria there exists alre a dy an entire conformity o f principle with regard to the affairs of Turkey. This is repeated distinctly in two, or three, or four despatches of Sir H. Seymonee, in all of which be tells us that he suspects there exists a distinct underetandtpg be neseeeetesesie and the Austrian Governnx•nt I beliefft such an um lerstauding existed as early as 1842 between Austria and Russia, with regard to the manner in which they would jointly deal with the Turkish empire. Anti what have we got now? In one of the last despatches that have been placed on the table, which is very important in some respects, I find a most extraordinary paraeraph : It is to this effect :—" I wrote on the 18th of last month about these measures (the accumulation by Austria of forces on the Turkish frontier), upon which tranquilising assurances were given to. the Porte that they were not of a hostile nature, but were intended t o p reserve th e f rontier from in sult and to prevent the contagion of insurrection from spreading; and that even if armed intervention on the part of Austria became indispensable, it would be carried out with a firm intention to preserve, in all respects, the status quo of existing treaties between Russia and the Porte." I ask the Government, have they agreed to any such proposal ? (Hear, hear.) Are we, I ask, to go to war to restore old treaties and the status quo? (Hear.) Is that the understanding we have entered into with Aus tria? (Hear, hear.) But observe the dangers into which this divergence of opinion has led us. If it were merely confined to debates in the Cabinet, it might be all very well; but look to the state we are in with regard to our preparations for war. (Hear, hear.) In making these re marks I make them with a deep sense of the responsibility that I incur in making them ; but I can state, for informa tion I have received within the last two hours, that in Con stantinople no adequate preparations have been made. Not a sack of corn has been got, not a horse has been got to assist in the moving of the troops. (Hear.) And at Malta we are told that the troops are living fourteen to- gather in a small and miserable garret, not fit for the ac commodation of one or two men. (Hear.) From the ac counts that have arrived, we find there are small canvas tents, in which fourteen or fifteen men are living together. Why, I ask, should they expose fine men, with prospects no way brilliant, to the damp and dew. (Hear.) Then an account is given of the rain falling upon the High landers, and how they are suffering; and it is asked if there be no ordnance or hospital board to see how these men are lodged? Then look to the fleet. Every day I see in the papers that the fleet is at Beycos Bay. (A laugh.) What I ask, is the fleet doing at Beycos. (Hear.) We hear of the Russian fleet going out to sea, and landing troops and stores on the Circassian coast. It is true we are told also that they are not at sea ; but then we have heard a report that the men have left the forts—that the Russian forts have been set on fire—that, very wisely, they have taken away from them the garrisons that would become an easy prey; and snore than that, we are told that they have landed troops and stores, while our fleet is at Beycos Bay. Then I am told that our fleet have no coals. Why, they have been lying there these two months doing nothing, and telly should they remain for two months without co: ls. (Hear.) I said, on a former occasion, that we should have some ex planation about Sinope, and the right hon. gentleman the First Lord of the Adiniralty on that .ccasion contradicted me when I said that under the instructions of the Bth of October the fleet could have acted. I say now they could have acted under those instructions ; and if they could not have acted under them, I ask why the Government told us that we should have an explanation? (Hear.) I see a des spatch which contains a communication that was made by the British Minister at Constantinople to the Ottoman Secretary of State, to whom he puts eategoricsl questions respecting the fortifications at Isinope, and the sending of the fleets there. It is rather curious language to use to a Prime Minister. He asks the Prime Minister for informa- Ceti on these subjects—he asks to be fully informed on these points ; and begs, if Reschid Pacha cannot give him the required information at once, that he will take steps to get it. I want to know where, after that communication, is the independence of Turkey ? He asks who is to blame for sending the fleets there ; but (lid that justify our fleet remaining in the Bosphorus while the Turkish fleet was destroyed? He asks who sent the Turkish fleet to Sinope, but that is not what we want to know ; we want to know why our fleet did not prevent the massacre at Sinope ? But what has been the consequence of all this delay ? The Russians are crossing the Danub e . (Hear.) The import. ance of the position of military i s misunderstood—it is of politibal as well as of military i mpor tance. It is import ant to prevent th em getting at Servia, for if they get to Servia they may raise an insurreceion. Th e Russians are bound to ke e p a large army at l e a l a f a t, f or if i t be success fully attacked, and if they defeat Omer Pacha, Constanti nople will be in the hands of the Russians in three months. (Hear ' hear.) It is stated t hat we are going to m a k e an entrenched camp a t GalliP oli to save th e cap i tal ; but when * c apital. It is said th a t L ord Stratford has b een haul all Turkey is i n the hands of the Russians, w h ere i s the use of saving Merii2g the out of the unf or t unate Turks con cessions in favour of the Christians, but is that generous. them to it fair, for th e ass i stance we (Hear, hear.) conces • give era them 81011 s in favou r of the Chris , to get out of Chris tans ? ( B ear , hear.) Is it politic, I ask ? (Rear, hear.) Yougot at the head of th e T urkish Government the haveni g htened of Turki s h Mi n i sters. He is a man who will most make concessions ; but give him time, otherwise you will undermine his authority and strengthen the fanatical party in Turkey, and the result may be that you will have i, rebellion in Turkey. (Hear.) I read a letter from Con stantinople in which it i' stated that some delay has oc curred in the signing of the convention between England, France, and Turkey—that the conditions were protested against—that it was said that they had better give way to the Russians at once, for then they would only have one master—that no doubt it would be mortifying to them, but that submit they must. I ask, is that politic? I say you are doing all you can to prevent these Christians having these privileges. (Rear, hear.) You are asking the Turkish Government to put the Christians into the army, and to submit them to conscription. If you desired to check the progress making by the Christians, and to render them miserable, you could not devise a better plan than that. (Hear.) What will be the result ? You may not take advantage of these conventions and articles, but the French and the Austrians will do so, and you will find persons going to the French and Austrian ambassadors, and seeking their intervention; and we shall have no end of interventions every day. Then it is said they must abolish the capitation tax ; but remember the great mass of revenue you Oil 11 1 ) 911 the Turkish Government to nee; hy 1 i Zt it, ha. , . , to rt in( ii - haN Wit 1 and . . co x , )• 11" wai kr th e as i 4a7 tr ala, l ae ha( the 1 tt I , Sev ha , iii We th( Pei WI , tot WI I'. w / MI