The Sun. — London, England, 1863-09-02 00:00:00

TEE POLISH INSURRECTION, (From the Speck.? Correspondent of the Times.) NEAR CRACOW, AUG. '24. A German newspaper informs its readers that Mieroslawski is in Podolia, at the head of 10,000 men. If Mieroslawski were in the Russian service this would be impossible enough, but under actual circumstances the possibility of such a thing is not worth dhicnssing. It is said, however, that Mieroslawski is really about to make his appearance again in Poland. This is not mere gossip, for I know several officers who served in his first detachment, and have remained in the insurrection ever since, who are anxiously expecting his arrival, and are convinced that before long the whole military direction of affeirs will be pieced ie his hands. As I have before had occasion to renierk, the supporters of Mieroslawski are by no means numerous, but the moment of despair seems to he approaching for the unhappy Poles, and they may soon have to choose between adopting despe rate measures, such as Mieroslawski is supposed to be peculiarly fitted for, and laying down their arms. It will be nothing new to see insurrection against a foreign Power degenerate into domestic revolution, and a change of this character may be expected in Poland as soon as it is clearly understood that noth ing is to be hoped from foreign intervention. It is a mistake to suppose that at the present moment there are two active parties in Poland. On the one hand there is every small clique of men who believein Mieroslaw ski, and who avow that their number is very limited, and on the other, the great body of what the Poles call " the nation," by which must be understood the nation minus the inert dead mass of the peasantry, intent only on cultivating its fields in peace, or, in other words, about one third of the entire popula tion. I have met many insurgents who approved the Mieroslawski mode of action, but were never theless bitterly hostile to him personally, for the sufficient reason that it is he and he alone who led Europe to believe that the Poles were still tor mooted by their ancient sin at a time when the only sinner in the way of factiousness was Mieroslawski himself. It seems strange that the advent of Mieroslawski to power should be possible when,with very few exceptions, all the thinking and acting portion of the nation is opposed to him. But if there is to be no intervention by force of arms, what are the insurgents to do ? They have no thought of giving in. They ought to continue the war as it has been carried on hitherto—keeping up a slow fire which consumes the forces of Poland without burn ing up those of Russia; or, ought they to aim at a general coefl3gration, of which the effect has not yet been tried, and which, though it would cer tainly destroy a good many of the most highly placed men in Poland, might ultimately clear the country of foreign invaders ? Such a policy as this latter has a touch of madness in it, but the distin guishing quality of the Polish insurrection from the beginning has not been wisdom ; and the best and bravest of the insurgents say with truth that if they had stopped to calculate chances instead of listening simply to the dictates of their own courage, they could not, unarmed, undisciplined, and half frozen in the woods, as they were, have commenced the insur rection at all. If a people is (Liven to madness, we mu et look for madness in its actions, and perhaps, coo sidering all things, the most ronderful thing in the Polish insurrection up to the present time has been the moderation with which it has been conducted. The members of what is called " the cosmopolite revolu tion," who are supposed to love revolution for its own sake, and to take the same pleasure in revers ing the existing order of society that amateur gar deners take iu turning up the eoil, have been solemnly and repeatedly warned off, A certain num ber of these resolutionists have, no doubt, penetrated into Poland, and it is, of course, impossible, at the last moment, for the Polish committees to say to a brave Italian or Frenchman who comes to offer them his sword, " You are a Democrat, a Socialist, and, moreover, an enemy to the Pope ; and we will, therefore, have nothing to do with you." But foreigners, and especially foreign revolutionists, have, as a rule, been discouraged from coming to Poland; and, judging from the thousands of insur gents that I have myself seen during the last five months, bound from Galicia to the Kingdom or to Volhynia, I can say positively that very few foreigners of any kind have come. However, up to the present time the insurrection, begun in sheer despair, has been systematically and cautiously maintained, in the hope that the 'Western Powers would either intervene forcibly on behalf of Poland, or intervene diplomatically, and by doing, so involve themselves in a war with Russia, if not precisely en Poland's behalf at least on Poland's account. Although no one here has any ground for supposing that Prince Gortscha kill' will make concessions to the Poles before the insurrection is suppressed, and although no one can say what coarse the Western Powers will take in case their demands should not be acceded to, yet it is easy to see that the Poles are already preparing for the worst, and are considering what course they must take as soon as it shall appear certain that they are to be abandoned to themselves and to the Russians. Between now and the first days of September we shall hear of several expeditions entering the kingdom, and perhaps of one very important one entering the Ruthenian provinces. These, however, like most previous expeditions that have left Galicia since the defeat of Langiewicz, will be really little more than armed manifestations destined to prove once more to Europe before it decides to leave Poland to its fate, that the Polish insurrection is still alive and as vigorous as ever. Then if the six points (or any greater or smaller number) be offered to Poland, the first act of the drama —or rather the second, if the first may be said to have terminated with the fall of Langiewiez—will be at an end, and the third, with the catastrophe, about to begin. The men of extreme measures say that the true insurrection has not yet commenced, and that we have hitherto only witnessed the introduction. The . " tree insurrection is to be simply a reig n of terror. 1 , lieroslawski's avowed partisans, as well as these m enof extreme measures who, though they hate e_ roslaw s ki for his factiousness, m i g ht approve of his rul e i f he were once called to power—all the extreme Party, in short, say openly that terrorism will S oon be their only hope, and that as it saved France from foreign invasion so it may save Poland from foreign domination, " Poland," they say, " can never be made to live again through foreign aid, nor can it hope to regain its independence ex cept through an effort made by the whole popula tion. But the aristocracy (that is to say, certain me mbers of rich families prope" among the mass of large and small landed who constitute in Poland what , to the confusion rather give is called " the no bilit y") would times t o theirp t a money nts t h e t h a n fight, and would ten rather fight and s acrifice their lives tha n cede l a nd for which those peasants have ti per formed task -work or paid rent." Yet, until l o s t ra ce of task -work is abolished, e nd until proprietor in Russia n P oland, as every th e peasant become s a he is already in Ga licia and in Posen, he will always be the enemy of the nobility, and w i ll always refuse to fight for the independence of his native land. If the peasantry, in a purely agricui. tural country like Poland, refuse to take part in a movement on behalf of national independence, then ne such movment can by any possibility succeed. Therefore, conclude the men of extreme measures, d " the support of the pcasantr7 must, an at all 11,-,zlrds, he obtained, nod if the rich propriOors stand in the way of such an end, we must look - upon them as obstacles to be removed, and treat them as if they were Russians." The reply one naturally makes to such an argu mentas this is, in the first place, that the peasant question is a t en en d , h av i ng now b een so lv e d pre ws.ely in accordance with the views of the extreme I ,. 3r ty. As Sagnarelle, in one of Moliere's inter ludes, having to choose between receiving 12 blows and pay ing 12 pieces of money, chooses the blows, but when he has received 10 finds that he can stand them no longer deci des to p a y the money—so the Polish proprietors , aft er su pp orti ng the attacks of the se-called "Democratic" partyandthe ill-will of the peasants for 32 yea rs, rather than make the c mcession proposed to them in the Diet of 1831, now, at the last moment, declare themselves ready to make it. The question of the peasant's right to the soil is rather a difficult one, and, viewed by itself, it would probably be decided by most Eng lishmen against the peasant. Nevertheler,s, the proprietors, under special and pressing circum stances, have admitted his claim, an one would imagine there ought now to be no, difference of opinion on this most important point between them and those whom six months ago they used to stig matize as "Communists." The extreme men, however (the late " commu nists" maintain that numbers of the proprietors, especially those belonging to the aristocracy, are not sincere, and that though they have received no rent for the last •two quarters, they have not yet solemnly and in person sworn to their peasants that the land for which, under previous arrangements, rent or work could be claimed is now theirs in free hold. By not making his declaration in the only manner in which it could have the desired effect, the aristocratic proprietors are accused of checking the national ection, and are therefore called " reac tionists ;" and the men who aim above all at pro moting and extending the national action wish to propose this alternative to them—that they shall leave Cracow, Lemberg, the German baths, or wherever they happen to be, come into Russian Poland, explain matters to their peasants, and en deavour by generous dealing, by patriotic advice, and also by setting a courageous example, to make them fight the Russians, or that they shall be de clared traitors, dispossessed, outlawed, and, if pos sible, killed. There can be no mistake as to the revolutionary character of this policy, and its advo cates would certainly not object to be aided in carrying it out by the members of the " cosmopolite revolution." The position of those numerous proprietors who have left the scene of actual strife in order to avoid all risk of being massacred, and to escape the double pressure sure to be exercised, on the one hand, by the insurgents, on the other by the Russians, upon all who remain, is compared by the extreme party to that of the inzigres at the commencement of the French Revolution. The comparison is not at all just, but it at least lets us into the views of those who make it. If, however, " the true insurrection" were once to begin, many Polish proprietors would really be very much in the position of the emi• grants from revolutionary France, though it may be doubted whether the insurgent chiefs would find L themselves in the position of the French revolt'- , denary Generals. Of course, the so•called democratic party is mis represented by, and in its turn misrepresents, the so-called aristocratic party. The former is accused of aiming at a social revolution, and of adopting a national cry only as a pretext ; while the latter is charged with preferring large estates and foreign domination to smaller estates and national inde pendence. The extreme men not only declare that to look abroad for assistance is useless and unbecoming, and that if Poland was to be free it must conquer its freedom for itself ; they also taunt the moderate men, whose only hope is in foreign intervention, with " want of confidence" in the Polish nation, and deny their patriotism. On the other hand, the moderate mea, who do not believe that the feelings end character of the peasantry can suddenly be changed, and who are quite opposed to all that savours of terrorism and revolution, will not allow any merit whatever to the extreme men, and say that all their talk about appeals to the peasantry merely means that they want to get up a Jacquerie. Probably the sad truth is that one party is right in hoping nothing from foreign intervention, and the other equally right in hoping nothing from the Polish peasantry. Hitherto the difference of opi nion between these two parties has not prevented them from acting in concert, and it is to the credit of both teat this has been the case. Mutual con cessions have been made, mutual forbearance has been shown, and if some of the measures of the es treme party have been adopted, the men who have been appointed to carry them out seem, for some time past, to have belonged to the moderate party. Even at: this moment there is a common pro gramme, which consists in keeping up the insur rection and seeing what Europe will do. But, in the absence of an intervention, a change must come over the movement before long. Besides the insurgents actually in the field, there are too many men com promised by their connexion with the National Government to render it possible to stop the insur rection if the extreme party wish to carry it on, and it is evident that when once all hope of foreign aid has ceased the plan of the moderate party, which was built on that hope, must be at an end. If the negotiations on behalf of Poland should lead to a war, then undoubtedly every Pole capable of bearing arms would be ready to fight. I do not speak of the peasantry, who are Poles only in so far that they happe❑ to have been born in a country called Poland; but at least the peasantry would do nothing hostile to the cause of their patriotic countrymen if the latter once had force on their side. Indeed, the probabilities are that they would assist them as they now assist the Russians, for they seem to be guided in their actions not by likings and dialikings, but simply by fear. In the more probable event, however, of peace being maintained, there is good reason for believing that the energetic and unscrupulous men who first commenced the Polish insurrection will make a desperate attempt to get its direction once more into their hands. Then, as a first step, they will call upon all Poles to join the movement personally and execute the orders of the National Government strictly, and in spirit as well as in letter, or submit to be regarded as traitors, and placed beyond the pale of the law. I know members of the extreme party who assure me that at thecommencemect of the insurrection they formally, and by word of mouth, as well as by writ ing, gave up the farm land on their estates to the peasants, and that after much trouble they succeeded in convincing them that the gift was genuine, and even persuaded a good proportion of them to take up arms on behalf of Poland. How many men have behaved in this laudable manner it would be hard to say, but that some have done so is certain ; and if the proprietors in general did not mean to imitate them ono cannot help thinking that they would have done well to leave the insurrection alone. The object in endowing the peasant was not to make him happy but to make him fight. As it is, the proprietors have given up a third of their income without bringing the peasant (as a general rule) any nearer to their way of feeling than he was before. It is evident that they should either h ave refused to make a cession which the great majority of them regarded as unjust, , o r t o should the persons have dwehiot iu a direct or special manner have s v e e good profited. e proprietors Hungarian o who had just emancipated them a w n e d re th t e p w r h o o fi l t e b c y ou i n t tr a y n d mi b g y h t w race) Hungarianfoa gh t peasantsin 1848 9 ( a o t n e b a e s h t a 1 f th o o s . f e the of and it is possible that the Polishwapheaalslatnhtesirmlaignhdt, also have proved grateful for a gi ft freely and frankly Poland havemade. The certainly m e a n of basis tll for their i e r gn e partye general argument, and the proprietors admitted thtem adopt to be mainly in the right when they consented their favourite measure. 11 , here they are wrong is in attributing base motives to men more cautions, and perhaps also better acquainted with the real state of Poland, than themselves, and, above all, in threatening to carry out their scheme by the bloodiest and most revolutionary means that can be conceived. The extreme patty may yet bring greater ruin upon their country than all the Moura vitas and Belgs of Russia. They say plainly that they wish th e questian:of life or death for Poland to be decided ut once, 4.11 that the result of their terrible experiment would be something very like national death can scarcely be doubted. Full benefit of reduceddvutYobtained by pur at 3s. 4d. and (Formerly 4 s. Bd.), is the chasing Horniman's pure Tea; " Ifigii Standard " at 4s. 4d. eYchoice and Pills.-- 4s. strongest and most deous imported , town supply it in nackets. Agents i n every [ADVERTISEMENT.]—IIoIIoway's Ointment A irequent cave of gout and rheureatima is the tory state of the blood, attended with bad dir ida n t "t general debility. A few doses of these Pilla"tialc-nalt time, are an effectual preventative against gout and taken in - matism, but anyone who has an attack of either should e n% Holloway's Ointment also, the powerful properties S o f which, combined with the effect of the Pills, must infallibly effect a cure. These Pills act directly on the blood, which they purify and improve, they also regulate the secretions and give tone to the stormich, and thus the whole system is invigorated, and put into a condition which enables it to thr)w off disease or th:, , ek its approlch, THE BRITISH ASSOCIATION. NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE, Sept. 1. Yesterday's great excitement was Capt. Grant's appearance in the Geographical Section to give some account of his adventures on the Nile Expedition. This section meet in the Assembly-room, a hand some room of large proportions, but long before the hour it was filled to its utmost capacity, and every avenue was choked by crowds who were unable to make their way into the room. Some adventurous ladies had climbed up to some vantage ground out side, from which they could command a view of the platform through the windows. The gallant cap tain was most enthusiastically cheered, and, after a few general geographical details indicating the route taken, which by this time are familiar to all who take an interest in this subject, ho proceeded to relate some amusing stories of the dealings of the party with the various Royal personages whom they encountered on their route. "Between the coast and the lake district/ said the captain : "We had to traverse many little States governed by petty sultans, who were most exacting in their demands for taxes —detaining us for days palavering—never letting us get away from them without a row, disagreemenr, or threat of attack. As an instance, when I stayed with the old Sultan of Ilkuni, in the Land of the Moon, providing, of course, my own food, showing him and his five wives many kindnesses and civilities, I became so indispensable to his amusement that for three months he would render me no assistance to get away, and on the day of my leaving he drove my porters away with his stick, and took forcible possession of one of my rifles, thinking to exact more pre sents from me, and defeat my plans of getting on. The presents had to be paid, and the rifle I had to wrest out of his grasp. Two days afterwards, while marching at the head of a file of 200 laden men, enjoying the pretty, hilly country all around, a mob sprang out of the bushes, their skin coverings flying like wings on their backs, snaking their spears quiver, threatening us with their bows and arrows, howling and yelling. I smiled at their graceful antics over the high grasses and bushes, thinking they were merely showing their delight. However, bursting in the centre of my followers they broke the line from centre to flanks, seized and ransacked every load, while I was left with but two or three followers. All the property was stolen in an instant and had disappeared on their backs through the cover. The only redress obtained from their Sultan was the condescending permission to leave his Highness's do minions and rejoin my companion Speke. This was not ac complished till another unwarrantable exaction was made by a drunken fellow, who frightened away some of my load carriers by beating his war drums whenever I refused to satisfy his greed for presents. Until a rifle and a case of ammunition, with other presents were given to him, he would not alow us to move from his village, while he brought my men into subjection by prohibiting his people from selling us the ordinary necessaries of life. The Gover nor of TJzinza had next to be passed. Although he had invited us to come quickly, by sending his Royal copper-rod bearer, we did not feel confident that he also would not fleece us, because the Arab traders had reputed him as a ' man whose avariciousness knew no bounds. We were ill Ptoropvai d s s e provided thewith e x cloths corti oh e a r n , sd country,beads, and a b w o led considered front wa s made ad ur selves fortunate in paying only half our stock-in-trade without receiving any article in exchange. Crowds of his retainers wildly welcomed us, the first white men, laughing and ridiculing us as we walked along the path, generally afraid to come near, and sometimes dogging us for miles. Even in camp, under canvass, we were not safe from being stared at. Pitching water over them was found to be most efficacious, making them run away laughing. During the night we had to fire at thieves. Thoy became so bold and daring, throwing stones into camp, stealing the clothes of single individuals while outside, that two or three were killed, which gave the inhabitants a wonderful idea of our power and watchfulness ; also that we must be ma gicians to have killed notorious thieves, hitherto con sidered invulnerable. Nothing was ever said for having killed them. Some instances may be given of the supersti tions of this country. The people, having seen me visit a waterfall alone, reported it to the Prince, and the story went about that we had come to flood the country. Milk could not be supplied to us, as we ate fowls, neither could it be supplied to those who ate the bean of the country. The ruler feared our evil eye, and would not show us anything, neither would he accept a revolver pistol, as he thought it had been bewitched I Our camp was kept two or three miles away from the miserable creature's abode. After ten days we had the good fortune, one midnight, to be ordered forthwith out of his dominions, when we proceeded towards the countries ruled by the three great despotic kings near the Victoria Nyanza. The first, Rumanika, proved aremarkable contrast to the rude barbarians we had seen previously. He received us with a Yambo' (How do you do ?) and a hearty shake of the hand immediately on our arrival. While seated in a tiny room among his sons and brothers, he politely invited us to sit down on the matting facing him. Smiles, inquiries, and welcomes at being so fortunate as to see white men con tinually burst from him. 'Every day do T sea Arab 4, but never white men.' He would say laughingly, Show me that gun, the powder-flask, your hat,' Sec. 'Ten would he look and wonder at our shoes. Did we think the lake big?' treat r H neuoa o swtt w uht ivwedreeewe bean le?a ,nwere like the hills in his country?' How did we s Hepneeoorpsnilseioduh enormously y e ? ' D i sfl fleeced eidh id t jokingly, yy, the himch.i knowingf in U Inft ahcatzt:nwwz we formed b\vga7:irdetihasstb,mailtie t tt h ayef e , nests,oh armmn hours h stt animals,t chwh intelligence.ahi o r mirrlneaiannlnygy anything lying sympathy s p sg i r bcc e rku s o impression i ih o obe n urtr josshw o tag f hani h arnddt i g s semmo g mni gentleness, fit might showedoeiwn: inte rest tnrsessg:, rest me. His people, also, living in the palace vicinity, had imbibed the gentleness of their king, whose greatest de light was in examining pictures of his peasantry, our sol diery, or English men and women as they dressed at home. Strangely enough, notwithstanding these superior qualities, like most Africans, any toy would amuse his un educated mind. I made ajumping-jack for his child, but this ho at once appropriated to himself, and sent me a car penter to cut down a tree, so that a life-size one might be made him. His queens and female relatives fed upon milk, and the consequence was that they became fattened to encr mous sizes, and when seen in motion their excessive obesity obliged them to be supported on either side by a friend, the flesh of their arms hanging down in a flabby mass like the widest of fashionable sleeves, During the five months I was laid up at his palace we were on the most friendly and intimate terms. If his gun was to be cleaned, or his clock to be mended, or his coat to be washed, or if he wanted a particular colour of fowl or goat for rain-making purposes, or a picture to be drawn, he always applied to me. Ordinary criminals he was never harsh with—his brother dealt with them. Thefts were punished by imprisonment (the stocks) for two or three months; for beating with a stick a fine of 10 goats was sufficient; for wounding with a spear all pro perty was confiscated, half going to the King and half to the injured party ; if there was no property he was sent to the stocks. The murderer was variously treated, according to the evidence ; some had their eyes gouged, while the generality were thrown over a precipice, and the body dashed to pieces, the property going to the family of the murdered person. Their dead—that is, those of this Wa!- ruma race—are deposited in the cow fold, sown up in the skin of a cow, or, as in the case of a young prince while I was there, put among the rocks on an island in the lake. Burial grounds are never seen in the country; the bodies of the peasantry are thrown into Little Windermere. The next Equator king was named M'tessa, a fine young fellow, pas sionately fond of all field sports. Very exaggerated reports had come of him—i.e., that he would take no presents, that Speke had to shoot 100 cows daily for the Kings plea sure, that my arrival there would be celebrated by the massacre of a great number of people, that he abhorred slavery, that no sick person could enter his territory, &c. I was consequently very anxious to reach Uganda to test these wonderful reports, and soon found that he took the most enormous presents we had yet made—daily shot a few cows, u fa p hr 2 i o c O atioo. mile s, T s h o o the meat of which the men got—no human sacrifices made inb honour of my arrival; slaves he had in immense num mbenlotsokwmerge ers, and he sent a carrying party to bring me, an invalid, thatfirst timethe report Speke tookp roy m e d e t o theres om to e call extent up a n him he presided_. at an immense levee (the most theatrical p a u p t e o r n fe ve ct ith fop the aud affair), dandy—albeit car e a n d neatness with overweening and contemptuous air. His clothes and head not a hair was out of place, and greatest evidently had spared no pains in his toilet. Two hoirs three female soothsayers, called Witchnesee, sat by his side to and m h a i his wine cup, or brush off a speck should it fall on the King; m they appeared to exercise some sacred functions about the Court, and were supposed to divine every event. They dressed fantastically, and, lik e every individual present, exquisitely clean and tidy, with natural wreaths of flowers, stuffed lizards, shells, heads, or seeds, dresses of salmon tinted buck cloth reeching to their ancles, aprons, perhaps two or three of the shining black, white, or red skins of a , kid. For hours they would sit in this state patiently upon the King, until he choose to terminate his leave by retiring. Many curious barbarous customs prevail at Uganda. One is that if a page does not convey properly the King's poor boy has his intellect orders, or mieconvoys them, the sharpened by having one or both his ears cut off. Maimed boys and handless men, not seemingly disgraced, were therefore not at all uncommon; and on his seeing my hind it at once struck him that I had been a page, for he asked me. He punishes by fire,torture , o r death. The lives of men and women ate taken for:the most trivial offences—a bn common saying being that he never looks b ri g ht or no e.v einess can he done till the day has commence d with a being led to execution. Not a day passed withou t our, miserable f bear ing of or actually seeing some poor victim. A young girl or handsome woman from the palace gates mi g ht be seen walking down the road, perfectly alone and unheeded by passers •by, wailing in the most bitter, agonizing tones, perhaps bleeding from a spear wound, and mournfully fol lowing a single palace guard,walking 50 yards in front of her, to the place of execution. Others would have a whip-cord round the wri s t, an d f o ll ow th e man a l ong lik e a d og, w hil e otherspull most reluctantly against the cord by which they are being led to death, screaming most cruelly. Princesses by birth had several privileges ; they could not be executed THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 2, 1863. like others, and the King's sister, the handsomest girl in the palace, had the privilege of also being his wife. He re turned my call the day after the first interview. I heard the sound of a rushing mob outside the fence of our hut, when in bounded the young king, bareheaded, clearing the fences, dressed in an open chintz jacket, no shirt, and loose white trousers trimmed with red, and looking, not the swell of yesterday, but the picture of a negro blackguard. He was followed by 20 lads and boys, his brothers, carrying guns, sticks, dead vultures, and other birds which be had shot. One or tWo were heavily ironed, feet and hands; another had a wide-a. wake of leather on ; all were as jolly as only Africans can be. Giving him a chair outside the hut, he rapidly turned over the leaves of a sketch-book, stared widely about, asked whether his likeness had yet been done, whether we had seen the birds he had shot, ordered me to show my head uncovered to his brothers, who squatted round him, tearing at sugar-cane in the most ravenous manner. You are the guest of the Bing,and must never pay the people for anything, and every house must be deserted instanter on your arrival. In fact, it was a villanous system of oppres sion, but no redress could be had, as these were the orders of his Majesty —to eat and take whatever you liked, but not pocket or carry away, Pay ment in cloths, guns, and other presents for one hav,ng thus plundered his peasantry was made to him alone. The villages in the vicinity of the palace, being occupied by the favourites of the Court, were alone exempt from this taxation," Sir R. MURCHISON, in thanking Captain Grant for his entertaining paper, said that though his distinguished friend had spoken of one of those kings whose quick eye observed that he had lost a portion of one of his hands, with the modesty that so peculiarly characterised him, he did not tell the meeting that he had lost it while serving with his regiment in quelling the Indian mutiny. When the gallant Havelock was advancing to Cawnpore his rearguard was harassed, and suffered great losses through the proximity of a gun served by the rebels. This gun did immense mischief and occasioned con siderable loss of life both among officers and men. Capt. (then Lieutenant) Grant was accordingly sent to silence ic. Fortunately he was a remarkably good shot, and succeeded in killing one of the artillerymen at the first discharge of his rifle. His men supplied him with a fresh rifle, and that brought down a second man, and in a few minutes four out of the five artillerymen were put hors de combat, the piece was silenced, an d the rearguard was saved ham any further annoyance from that quarter: No doubt had General Havelock lived he would have taken care that Captain Grant's services on that and other occasions should be brought under the notice of the proper authoriti es , and that he would receive what he so well de serve d —the Victoria Cross. Sir W. ARM STRONG, in a few complimentary re marks, which were warmly supported by the audi ence, welcomed Captain Grant to Newcastle, and Commodore Maury expressed a hope that the Go vernment would give him the Victoria Cross, which he so well deserved. discoveries. 0 mtiaeSpuesgvheerifiatiAl Africa, sa er papers were also read on the Nile a Venetian M ri\l AR ; A l explorer er also of n vo o n t some th hiseneaamstee tracesronn side a t G ° e l f d tamarindt9h Gondokoro. ,nraeeanlvddaoasnsbh:eisArtlermx. John Hogg, on the old the bfiluents of the Nile. exploration of B ce a r r t o a n i r w ea n d orn a letter eur t f r r a o v ni el l‘ le l ;s ll l l o i n an n i d , he e n ht t that e a mt saida n mentioned w hadwas c o u n t by Speke and Greet was on the western side. He also pointed out several other ot er matters in which he asserted the geography of the explorers was at fault. Captain GRANT said that the mistake of M. Miani with reference to the side of the river on which Captain Speke and himself discovered the tamarind tree arose from hi s h • avina. seen an erroneous map. M. Miani'e explorations were b ridiculed at Khartum, where he was represented as a very old man, with a . v treeerl:whwihhs while large white beard, travelling along on the back of a donkey in search of the Nile. He was prepared to stake his reputation that not a single lati tude laid down by Captain Speke and himself, from Zanzibar to Gondokoro, would be found half a mile out of its proper position by any geographer. Observations taken in a foreign country could be verified at home; and, therefore, it would be easy to put their statements to the test. Mr. GREENFIELD said that the Assistant Astro nomer Royal had tested all the observations as to latitude and longitude made by Captains Speke and Grant, and had forwarded the results to the Royal Geographical Society. The rest of the day in this section was consumed by the reading of a paper by Mut u Coomara Swamp, a Clog alese barrister, on the Ethnology of Ceylon, referring especially to its Cingalese and Tamil inha bitants. Ia the Economic Section there seems to be a growing tendency to slip away from pure science into the domain of politics, and not unfrequently, drooping into the room in the middle of a discus. sion, a stranger might fancy that he had got by mistake into the House of Commons in Committee of Supply, or on the provisions of some Bill. Colonel Sykes read here a long paper "On the Bud gets of the French and English Armies for 1863-4," in which he drew a comparison between the two, very unfavourable to the economy of the British ser vice. The French effective and non-effective service, of 400,000 men, cost £43 9s. 4d. per head, while the British service, effective and non-effective, number ing 147,118 men, cost £94 ls. lid. per head. The gallant colonel e xpressed his belief that greater economy would be secured, if the Government, in stead of manufacturing all their own materiel, would make more use of the services of contractors. In the discussion which followed, Captain Galton said that much of the difference pointed out in the paper might be explained away. Dr. HANCOCK read a paper on the "English and Irish Poor-law," in which he advocated the exten sion to Ireland of the English system of relief. Mr. Purdy, on the other hand, wished, if there was any assimilation, that the English system should assimilate with the Irish, and other gentle men who spoke on the subject deprecated any en largement of out-door relief. CHARLES DIBDIN'S SEA-SONGS. (From the Athenerum.) Dibdin embraces his subject heartily, and grips, so far as his reach goes, with the real smack of a sailor's salute. He is true to certain qualities of the English nature, whioh lie, with their mineral strength, at the heart of all who are worthy of wearing the English name,—that superior sense of being English which alone has often served to grapple us together, rich and poer. as with hooks of steel, and served us nobly when peer and peasant have gaily galloped the death-gaps horse to horse, or swept up to the deadly breach shoulder to shoulder, and on many a hard-fought field lain down aide by side in a peerless brotherhood after turning the tide of battle,—that singleness of purpose which puts the whole heart into the act,—that union of gentleness and strength which produces our favourite heroes, the darlings of the national heart, who solve Samson's riddle for us, and show the honey of sweetness hidden in the lion of their strength, as in Nelson's noble and tender type—he who struck such a blow as left our country without a rival on all the seas, then, like a noble boy going to bed, said, "Kiss tee, Hardy," and fell asleep, or, as Dibdin sings,- 1 heard his last words, that so grieved each bystander, Words sounding so mournful and sweet ; 'Twas his "Love and farewell"—Damnte I there's a com mander ! —To each brother tar in the fleet. Dibdin caught a glimpse of the right kind here. His sailor has a tender heart underneath the coarse, rough strength of his character; a spring of fresh water welling and sweetening the great salt ocean of his brute force. In his foretop moralising mood he considers, after all, that piping your eye and a wet pocket-handerchief are about the best things to bring you into port at last; although his mode of soothing his sweetheart at parting is anything but comfortingly sequential : I said to our Poll, for d'ye see, she would cry, When last we weighed anchor for sPa, What argufies sniv'lling and piping your eye P Why what a d—d fool you must. be Can't you see the world's wide and there's room for us all, Both: for seamen and lubbers ashore ? And if to Old Davy I go, my dear Poll, Why, you never will hear of me more. He does not wear the soft heart on his sleeve, and is glad of any excuse for keeping the mother down from his throat : Just hear the Chaplain's story, glowing With all that's good and wise ; lle swabs his bows while tears are flowing— The scuppers are his eyes. He talks in terms to melt a lubber; And then he'll preach and pray So moving, one could almost blubber, But, that's all in his way ! Still, choke it down as he may, the tenderness is there. There is still always a soft corner, and a woman in it, in Jack's heart; or else little child Ingers are playing on it as an instrument. He has the true English feeling for home and its joys, albeit he may have strange ways of showing realising hi s o wn commentary on Jove : W devil that god was for following the gals —When a domesticity, atsea he likes to think of his Nancy, with all her losing works and household ways ; and thoughts, and images, and feelings, come crowding all sail on his soul, ► till, as he says, " nothing but Nancy." Living a life that is passed in a fluctuating world of change, he tries to be true to Nancy. Amid the trials and temptations of foreign ports how hard he strives to be constant, and he fails, why it is only because Nancy or Poll will assume so many shapes:-- Some with faces like charcoal, and others like chalk, All ready one's heart to o'er-haul; " Don't you go to love me, my good girl," says I " walk; I've sworn to be constant to Poll." From far away his heart will be running home like a very Gulf-stream, brightening and enriching some little green spot where he hopes to set foot and empty a lot of shiners into Poll's lap, dart into her arms like the ball from an Armstrong, get married and launch a young navy to repay the sea and country for his own desertion! It is in a lower range, however, that Dibdin shows his greatest force of portraying the British tar. His most suc cessful painting is done by very broad handling, a thick brush and a coarse touch. His delight is the jolly Jack Tar, who will stick like pitch to friend or sweetheart, and, come weal, come woe, come friend or foe, it's all one to Jack, He goes at everything broadside on, with heart sailing too fast even for his generous h .nd, making his head swim to keep his heart from sinking, pushing the grog about from year's eni to year's end, too fond of sounding the bowl, making the can go round, and relying on grog aboard and girls ashore as the sailor's sheet-anchor. This now is a neat and lively picture of Dibdin's sailor-life: - We sing a little, we laugh a little, And work a little, and swear a little, And fiddle a little, and foot it a little, And swig the flawing can. The worst of it is that Dibdin's sailor cannot be thus mo derate. Why, in the one article of loyalty alone, he is rich enough to ruin himself. He will drink so many healths to Majesty that he quite forgets his own. Dibdin is true enough to the sailor-nature in its love of fair-play, a stand-up fight, a clear deck, and no favour; its desire to make mincemeat of an enemy, and its gentleness in binding him up again with a sert of motherly c are and tenderness ; its equal readiness to savo as well as to damn ; its fair, open front, and broad, honest back never turned on danger. True, likewise, to the national habit of brag, which show . s our de scent from the great worshippers of the god Brags, every lad in the land that has played one to three at "English and French" will understand this image of Nelson fighting the foe with only one arm : Thus with one of his precious limbs shot away, Bold Nelson know'd well how to nick 'em ; So as for the French, 'tis as much as to say, We can tie up one hand, and then lick 'em. Dibden has also given us the philosophy of the sailor's frank fearlessness and his rough-and ready welcome to whatsoever lot may befall. This is how he can look at life and death : Why now, if they go for to talk about living, My eyes—way a little will serve: Let each a small part of his pittance be giving, And who in the nation can starve? Con'ent's all the thing—rough or calm be the weather The wind on the beam or the bow. So if honestly he can splice both ends together, Why then, damme if Jack cares how I And then for a bring -up, d'ye see, about dying, On which such a racket they keep, What argufies if in a churchyard you're lying, Or find out your grave in the deep ? Of one thing we're certain, whatever our calling, Death will brio g us all up—and what then ? So his conscience's tackle will bear overhauling, Why then, damme if Jack cares when. These things Dibdin has done, done well, once and for ever. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS, the law and the facts touching the alleged building of men-of-war in this country for the Confederate States are equally plain, we confess that we have little hope of either fact or law making any impression on the persons for whose information our remarks are principally intended. They are so much under the influence of passion that they can hardly be expected to listen to reason. Mr. Cobden himself has told us that when people are at war they are as little amenable to reason and facts as " mad dogs." We have just been assured by an authority well informed on the subject, that Americans in the Northern States are " mad for war" with this country. At all events, they cannot be considered quite sane and sober, ac• cording to Me. Cobden's dictum, touching their own internecine struggle for empire, or anything relat ing to it which may tend to help the weaker party. Let us, then, see what the law of nations upon this subject is, and let us take our precedents from the history of the United States. In 1822 a case came before the American courts where a man-of.war had sailed from the United States, armed and equipped for service, to the Government of Buenos Ayres, when at war with Spain. This man-of-war had originally been built and equipped as a war vessel for service against England in the war be tween this country and the United States; and she had been actively engaged in that war. Ia 1816 she was loaded by her American owners with arms and ammunition, she carried 12 guns belonging to her original equipment when fighting against Eng land, and, under the command of a captain named Chayter, who was a native born citizen of the United States, she sailed out from the port of Baltimore, and proceeded to Buenos Ayres for the use of that Power. The Government of Buenos Ayres, directly they came into possession of her, hoisted their flag at the masthead, and Chayter, the American citizen, pro ' duced to his crew his commission from the Buenos Ayres Government to act as captain of the ship and make war upon Spain. This American vessel of war, therefore, was sold and transferred, already armed and equipped, commanded and manned by citizens of the United States, and, under the name of the Indepeudencia, began at once to serve as a public man-of-war of the Government of Buenos Ayres against Spain, a friendly Power, with whom the United States were at amity and peace. When this case came before the Supreme Court of the United States, the highest tribunal in that country, the presiding judge, Justice Story, an authority of the highest eminence, after the ma forest delibera tion, pronounced the decision of the Court, that " there was nothing in the law of the United States, or in the law of nations, which prohibited American citizens from sending armed vessels, as well as munitions of war, to foreign ports for sale." The judgment pronounced by Justice Story is so com plete and exhaustive that we deem it right to ex tract from it a passage of some length. "The ques tion," said this celebrated judge, "as to the original illegal armament and outfit of the Indepeentethncaita may be dismissed in a few words. It is asppearndwas sent though equipped as a vessel of war, h to Buenos Ayres as a commercial adventure, contraband, indeed, but in no shape. saptured by a violating our laws or our national neutrality. It Spanish ship of war during the voyage she would have been justly condemned as a good prize, and for being engaged in a traffic prohibited by the law of nations. But there is nothing in our laws or in the law of nations that forbids our citizens to send armed vessels, as well as munitions of war, to foreign ports for sale. I t is a commercial adven ture which no nation is bound to prohibit, and which only exposes the persons engaged in it to the penalty of confiscation." Story ." Justice also , sta t e d expressly that there was no pretence to say the original outfit for the voyage was illegal, or that a capture made after sale was, for that cause alone, invalid." An d this decision was in strict co nformity, with what had been always held by A mer ican jurists and statesmen to be the principle and practice of the law of nations, and of municipal law so far as might b e applicable to the point. For instance, so long ago as 1793, the American .Go vernment held " that the purchasing and exporting from the United States, by way of merchandise, articles commonly called contraband, being gene rally warlike instruments and stores, is free to all parties at war, and is not to be interfered with. If our own citizens undertake to carry them to any of these parties they will be abandoned to the penal ties which the laws of war authorise." In 1812 the same Government solemnly declared that " it is not the practice of nations to undertake to prohibit their own subjects from trafficking in articles contraband of war. Such trade is carried on at the risk of those engaged in it, under the liabilities and penal ties prescribed by the law of nations and particular treaties. This was illustrated by reference to the case of Texas—" If American merchants in the way of commerce had sold munitions of war to Texas, the Government of the United States nevertheless were not bound to prevent it, and could not have prevented it without a manifest departure from the principles of neutrality." Again, we are, authori tatively informed by the American Government that " the laws of the United States do not forbid their citizens to sell to either of the belligerent Powers articles contraband of war, or to take muni tions of war or soldiery on board their private ships for transportation ; and although in so doing the individual exposes his property or person to some of the nazerds of war, his acts do not involve any breach of national neutrality; nor do they of them selves implicate the Government." Such are the principles and a few of the precedents furnished br the American Government itself. Let us now look into the acts and practice of America with particu lar reference to England. During the late war be tween Ru s si a an d t hi s country a vessel of war called the Ankriea was built, equipped, manned, and sen out from the United States, for the service of Russia, under the command of a lieutenant of the American navy, named Hudson. When the America arrived at Rio de Janeiro on her way from New York to Petropaulowski, the English men-of war wanted to stop and examine her, one of her crew baying given information to the British Con sul, but the Brazilian Government would not allow this to ba doae in their waters. The English cap twins, therefore, determined to watch for her and atop her after she had left. But here the kind offices of an American man of war came into play. Copt. Salter, who commanded the United States squadron at Rio, ordered his own ship, the Savannah frigate, to be taken in tow by the America, and thus secured her impunity. These facts are vouched by an officer on board the Savannah, When Lieut. Hudson arrived at Petropaulowski he heard, to his great disappointment, that peace had come, "as the America was only one of a whole fleet that were preparing and equipping in the United States for the service of Russia, and in the event of another year's war they would have swept the Pacific of English merchant vessels." A British naval officer saw the America lying in the Peiho for weeks in the spring of 1858. At the signing of the Treaty of Tien-tsin she had the Russian flag flying from her masthead, and an American eagle on her stern. The Foreign Enlistment Act was based upon an ancient common-law principle whereby the Sove reign is entitled to the services of a subject. Accord ing to this principle the subject has uo right to give his services to any foreign Power. The ancient common law, and the Enlistment Act that grew out of it, had reference to and created relations exclu sively between the subject and the Sovereign of this country ; they have nothing to do with the relations between the Sovereign and foreign Powers. This latter class of relations is governed by the law of nations and by treaties, not by muni cipal enactments. No foreign State has any right to interfere in the relations between the subject and the Sovereign of another country. It is interna tional law and treaties which can alone afford to foreign States ground for interference. While we observe these they have no pretence for remon strance or complaint, And that we do observe them is proved by our readiness to stop the Alexandra, in a case so doubtful that the Court of Exchequer pro nounced against the Government. TIMES.—If we may trust an announcement which appeared yesterday in two French papers generally well informed, the Polish question is about to take a very different turn from what hae lately been feared. It is said that the Emperor contemplates measures which would go far beyond all that the three Powers have asked from him, and, indeed, be yond any hopes that they could have entertained. According to these reports, the Emperor had con ceived the project of a new and liberal Constitution for the whole empire, and was about to lay it before an Extraordinary Council. His proposal amounted to the grant of a regular Constitutional Government. There would be two Chambers —one, the Senate, consisting of 300 members appointed for life, and the other a representative assembly of 450 members elected under specified conditions. These two would constitute a central representation for the whole empire; but, besides these, separate and indepen dent Constitutions would be granted to the pro vinces. Thus the Kingdom of Poland, while send ing representatives to the central Government, would have an independent internal organisation, and would have its own Diet sitting at Warsaw for the regulation of its own affairs. The same plan would be adopted with regard to Finland and the other great provinces of the Empire. The plan would therefore be a distinct abandonment of the system of forced military centralisation which was the lifelong idea of the late Emperor, and would be an attempt to give independence and life to the dif ferent national elements of which the empire is com posed, and to trust to their possession of a common Sovereign and a common representation for their natural growth into one great whole. It is said that intimations of this intention have been already com- municated to France, and that they have influenced the recent French Note an the quiet course of the present negotiations. If such a project be really con templated by the Russian Emperor, it is not difficult to understand its significance. The course of events in Poland during the last few months must havebeen placing the Emperor in a position of extreme diffi culty. The course marked out for him by the traditional policy of his family and by the imme diate example of his father was to crush out the insurrection by the sternest and most unrelenting violence, to stamp out every trace of opposition, and to grasp the whole of his empire with the iron force of a military despotism. But he must soon have seen that the different circumstances of the times would make it impossible to repeat in 1863 his father's course in 1831. The changes in the material conditions of public life since that time have brought very different feelings and interests to bear upon such questions as the Polish Insurrection. By the increase in the means of communication and the universal diffusion of intelligence all such questions are brought to the ordeal of a public opinion more or less free in every country, and Governments are therefore influenced, if not decided, by general popular considerations of honour and public in terest. Any such course, therefore, as the Emperor Nicholas pursued towards Poland in 1831 would at once be brought face to face with the national con science of England and France, and would be sure to rouse a tremendous storm of indignation, which might force at least the more excitable of the two countries into a war in defence of liberty and mercy. The press brings all the acts of cruelty and injustice which such a policy must involve into the light of day, and the Emperor must feel that if he continued in the course be has commenced in Poland he would soon be isolated from the pale of European civiliza tion, or compelled by a coalition of the great Powers to adopt a more humane and just policy. On the other hand, ho must, of course, have felt that if he abandoned this policy he would have no alternative but to change the whole traditionary character of his Empire, and to enter upon a totally different method of government. It would be obviously im possible for him to grant a Constitutional Govern ment to Poland while the countries around it were still governed on the principles of the most arbi trary military despotism. It would be impossible to sew that piece of new cloth on the old mantle of Nicholas. A Polish Constitutional Kingdom esta blished in the heart of the Russian Empire would be an anomaly, a sort of foreign body, per petually convulsing the whole constitution of the Empire. It would be necessary for the Emperor, it he abandoned his old line of policy, to change the whole character of his Government. He must be prepared to give up the old principle entirely, and to introduce Constitutional farms into every im portant province of his Empire. In short, he was on the horns of a terrible dilemma. The extremity of the case left only two courses open to him—either to maintain the hard despotism of his father at any cost of blood, cruelty, and dishonour, and to brave the public opinion of Europe ; or to grant the Poles a really liberal and Constitutional form of Govern ment, and to give it a fair chance of existence by assimilating the government of his other dominions to the same system. The question, in short, per haps amounted to this--whether Russia should spread her barbarous institutions over Poland, or Poland should spread its comparative civilisation over Russia. We do not wonder that the answer to somomentous a question should have long hung in the balance, and even if the news we refer to should be well-founded, and the Emperor should himself have made up his mind, he will, no doubt, have to face a determined and violent opposition before he will be able to carry out his plans. Such a resolu tion would be in harmony with the high reputation with which the Emperor ascended the throne, and which he seemed to deserve by his great measure for the liberation of the serfs; but it could not fail to be extremely distasteful to a large and powerful party in his kingdom. When Constitutionalism makes such slow strides even in such an enlightened country as Prussia, it will require a bold and firm hand for the Emperor Alexander 2o introduce it in so comparatively ignorant and superstitious an em pire as his own. Every good wish, however, ought to go with him in so wise and courageous a resolu tion, and even if he were only partially successful he would do more than can be done by any other means to advance the cause of Constitutional Go vernment in Europe. Russia hitherto has been the great feeder of despotic ideas. She has been a sort of support on which every arbitrary monarch of Germany felt himself sure of being able to depend ; she hag formed a basis for the reactionary party in every German State. The present arbitrary Ministry in Prussia was thought to pursue a natural instinct when it allied itself with the great Northern des potism. But if Russia adopts Constitutional Government, while Austria is endeavouring to in troduce the same principle, there will be no foot hold for despotism left on the Continent, and the great Powers of Germany, free from the attraction of so vast an Empire, will fall inevitably into their true and natural liberty of government. If this concession is really to be made, we trust it will not come too late for the Poles to accept it. Long op' pression and cruelty have roused so bitter a feeling among theta that, to judge by our present informa tion, it is not likely they will ever be content with less than absolute independence. But such a step on the part of the Emperor would cut away every possible ground for foreign interference in their behalf. Indeed, if the Poles were to continue their insurrection after the promulgation of such a gene ral reform, we are confident they would lose all public sympathy in this country. We should feel that they had got all that under the circumstances they could possibly expect to get, and sufficient to give them the opportunity for ft prosperous national existence. So long as the Emperor proposed to grant Constitutional Government to Poland alone, there was some reason in the objection that a Con stitution surrounded by a military despotism could never be anything more than a p retence. and at least would be always insecure. But if the Emperor Alexander offers to change the whole system of his Government in deference to the necessities which the Poles have raised, they will no longer have any ground in reason for refusing to accept hi s terms . It is idle attempting to resuscitate a state of things which has, by whatever means, been destroyed for so many year s. Nations are not like counters which can be broken up and pieced together nein at will. They are living organisms, the growth of wh i ch never pauses, and no treaties or armies can bring back a condition in their existence which has once passed away. For right or wrong, for good or ill, Poland has no w b een p ar titi on ed t o o long for it to be possible to undo the work. It is of no avail for the Poles to rush upon baycnets because they can not get all they want. They must be content with anything in reason, and such a proposition by the Emperor of Russia as we have been discussing would be more than reasonable. If they can secure a liberal representation, a tolerably free press, fair administration of the laws, and security for lire and property, they have no right to convulse Europe for the shadowy advantage of a distinct Sovereign. We earnestly hope that it will not be their obsti nacy which will prevent the Polish question from receiving so sltisfactory a solution. EEALTH OF LONDON. (From the Registrar-General's Weekly Return) The deaths in London, which reached 1,514 in the lest week in July, declined to 1,334 in the week that ended Sa turday, Aug. 29 Those of persons under 20 years of age decreased from 870 to 798 ; and those which occurred at 60 years of age and upwards fell from 246 to 173. The average number of deaths derived from 10 corresponding week, viz., the 35th week in each of the years 1853• 62, with the omis sion of deaths from cholera in 1854, and with a correction for increase of population, is 1,191. The actual number in last week, therefore, exceeds the average by 143. The deaths from smallpox in the four previous weeks were successively 43, 49, 45, 39, and last week 31. Tho average for the corresponding week in the last 10 years was nine. The deaths from measles were 11; from scarlatina and diphtheria, 141; from whooping-cough, 29; from typhus and other fevers, 49; from diarrhcea, cholera, and dysen tery, 194; from phthisis, 124; from pneumonia, 31, and from heart disease, 61. At 20, Dartmouth• terrace, Rotherhithe, on Aug. 23d, the wife of an engineer, aged 37 years, died of premonitory diarrhcea (two days), Asiatic cholera (27 hours) sporadic." The medical attendant states that the air of this otherwise open and healthy neighbourhood is frequently poisoned by emanations from a fish-manure factory. Last week the births of 865 boys and 840 girls, in all 1,705 children, were registered in London. In the ten correspond ing weeks of the years 1853 62 the average number (cor rected) was 1,859. • At the Royal Observatory, Greenwich, the mean height of the barometer in the week was 29-52 in. The reeding of the barometer decreased from 29 88 at the beginning of the week to 23-30 in. by 9 p.m. on the 25th; increased to 29-38 in. by 9 a.m. on the 26th ; decreased to 29.23 in by 9 a.m. on the 27th; increased to `..9.52 by 9 a,m. on the 28th; decreased to 29-48 in. by 9 p.m. on the same day, and was 29.69 in. at the end of the week. The mewl temperature of the air in the week was 60 0 deg., which is 0•I deg. below the average of the same week in 43 years. The highest day reading of the thermometer was 74.6 deg., and occurred on Sunday. The lowest night reading was 50.3 deg , and occurred on Tuesday. The range of tempera ture in the week was, therefore, 24.3 deg. The difference between the mean dew-point temperature and air tempera • ture was 7.5 deg. The mean degree of humidity of the air was 77, complete saturation being represented by 100. The wind was daily in the south-west. Rain fell chiefly on Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday. There was thunder on the evening of Tuesday and Friday. COUNTRY MARKETS. LEEDS—TUESDA.Y. Now wheat was in moderate supply to-day, and the cur rencies of last Friday were not materially altered. Less inquiry for old. LIVERPOOL-TUESDAY. At our market to-day there was a good attendance of millers, and wheat experienced a moderate sale at full prices- Flour (American) scarce, and rather dearer. In dian corn rather difficult to purchase. MAR,KET HARBOROUGH-TUESDAY. White wheat, 45s to 49s ; red, 42s to 47s per 36 stone. Malting barley at 34s to 38s per qr.; grinding, 29s to 33s per 30 st. Oats, old, 26s to 30s; new, 20s to 23s per 24 st. ; beans, 37s to 40s per qr. SHEFFIELD-TUESDAY. We had a tolerable supply of wheat, and the demand ruled more active, with prices quite as dear. Barley very steady, and the same in price as last week. Oats a lair supply, but sales dull. Beans no lower in price. Red wheat, per load of 3 imperial bushels...l6s Od to 17s Od r White r) ...18s Od to 20s Od New red , .18s Od to 19s Od New white „ ft ~..198 Od to 20s Od Beans ft 11 ... 15s 6d to 17s 6d Peas, per qr 4ss Od to 565 Od Grinding barley, per qr Malting ditto, „ 34s Od to 38s Od Oats 22s Od to 27s Od Flour, is 7d to 26 Id per stone. MELTON MOWBRAY-TUESDAY. Wheat was in liberal supply, and the demand was better. —The following were the currencies :—New white wheat, 448 Od to 60s Od; new red, 43s Od to 48s per 36 stone; beans, 37s to 42s for old; new sorts, 37s to 38 sper 38 st. ; barley, 36s to 39s for malting ' .and 30s to 32s per qr. for grinding; new oats, 23s to 26s Od per 24 stone. DUBLIN-TUESDAY. We had a slow market to-day, and no change to quote in the currencies of old grain. New wheat is and black oats 3d to 6d lower. Oae sample of new barley at ma rket,. for which 16s was obtained. The following quotations of grain are per barrel:-- s. d. s. d. Wheat, white 21 0 to 26 0 Do., red 22 0 to 23 0 Do., new 0 to 0 Barley Oats Do., black — 0 to 0 s. d. s. d. Beans.. . 0 to 0 Bere Rapeseed Oatmeal l2 6 to 14 0 Bakers' flour Indian corn Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Australia and Mauritius, via Southampton. Sept. 18. via Marseilles .. Sept. 12. Jrazil and Cape Yards, by British packet. Sept. 3. Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena.. Sept. 28. China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton. Sept. 1. via Marseilles ...Sept. 1. Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton Sept. 1. India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton Sept. 1. via Marseilles Sept. 12. India (Bombay), via Southampton Sept. 10. via Marseilles Dept. 4. Portugal.... Sept. 3. Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton Sept. 1. via Marseilles Sept. 4. Newfoundland Oporto and Vigo . 1 IL S. and British N. America, by Brit. packet.... Sept. 2. by U.S. packet.... by Canadian packet. Sept. 4. W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and Tenerife.. Bahamas, via New York .... Sept. 24. Mexico All parts of West Indies, including Chili, Peru California. and British Columbia.. ........... Sept. 13. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—Consumption, all nervo us, bilious liver, and stomach complaints, in every stag e , are on l y ag gravates p A e r r a c i 0 l , a l y F curable s bya proved D u B b a Barry y t h ' s o health u sands r o e f s t c o a r s i e n s g itv v c a h l e and accelerated by drugs of every description, b u t been considered hopeless. We quote a few.—Cu re N o. 62,914. Miss Lange, 18 years of age, cured after the m e di ca l men h a d abandoned all hopes of her recovery from the la s t s t a ge of N heihnatd pulmonary consumption, with fearful cough, expectoration, exhaustion, spitting of blood, perspirations, hollow cheeks, emaciated to a skeleton. She is now, thank God, a perfectly healthy, blooming, fleshy girl.—N. Lange, Commissaire de Police. Cure, No. 46,270. Mr. James Roberts , of Frimley Surrey, of thirty years' diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver derangement, and partial deafness.—Cure, No. 47,121. Miss Elizabeth Jacobs, of extreme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, low spirits, and nervous fancies.—Cure, No. 54,816. the Rev. James 'l'. Campbell, Fakenham, Norfolk. of indigestion and torpidity o f the liver, which h ad resisted all medical treatment. In tin s, llb, 2s 9d ; 21 b , 4 s 6d ; 5 1 b lls ; 121 b, 225; 241 b, 405. Barry du Barry and C o., No. 7 7. Regent-street, London ; also Fortnum and Mason ; and all grocers and chemists in every town of the United Kingdom. Births. ANNETT.—On the 31st ult., at 4. Somers-place, Hyde park, the wife of T. A. Annett, Esq., of a son. FAIR. —On the 29th July, at Buenos Ayres, the wife of John Fair, Esq,, of a daughter. LONGFORD. —On. the Ist inst., at 24, Bruton-street, ill° Countess of Longford, of a daughter. POLLARD. —On the 30th ult., at Edinburgh, the wife of Commander E. J. Pollard, R.N., of a daughter. Marriages. 1341,11.NARD—MARTIN.—On the 31st ult., in London, Ea" ward, son of Mr. T. Barnard, of Epson], to Victoria, the third daughter of Mr, John Martin, of Clapham , Surrey. MARBRALL—CIILLNIERS.—On. the 29th ult., at Holy Trinity Cburch, Brompton, William A. Marshall, EFAI of Lee park, Blackheath, to Emma, elder daughter of Robert Chalmers, Esq., of Thurloc-square, South :lien' aingten. Deaths. OLTMAN.—On th© 30th ult., at High Wycombe, Mr. .1" T. Coltman, aged 57. _ Euttun.—Oa the '22d ult., at Mile-end, Mr. Thos. Fairlief aged 48. GREENS,—On the 25th ult., at Ampthiil, Mr. T. Greco aged 61. MARJORIBANKS.—On the 31st ult. , at Bushey-gro vo) near Watford, Stewart Marjoribanks, Esq., aged 59 . MORANT.—On the 30th ult., at Guildford, Augustus 11. Morunt, Esq., of Brixton, aged 31. Purtay —Oa the 29th ult., at Poplar, Mr. Thomas PurdP aged 79. BURGH.—On the 31st ult., at Farnham Royal, near Slough, David Roxburgh, Esq. • , J4IVS Lon o d f on N : o. Pr l i l n 2, te, s d rr a a n n d d l:u p l"y r l i i a sia c e r d , ; 111 T V I I IE LL s f u t31 0 A t r ic Strand, in the Precinct of the 'iavoy, in the CourtY 0 Wednes l ai, September 2, 1t.63. /