The Sun. — London, England, 1833-03-22 00:00:00

Ite 11°"e e would ieli yer, he 11')n. d. ihoelo , ith any ed there ,413, r portarl e , l , this (t t yith e ,t had hr4 o 4 ' in a fai r, appe ared 0w etde it by a r ut wa 9 OtereStilirocit, duty. mil li, in itinn ' d it ty° an 0 40 1) ; for' ora ll y , l ie, L vily , j ecoram eo • [on. nareo b et i , wise i n . te iN f the ago, halo d °! % per of a dvice 3e _ rhan , trr,, D'.4 after to to , e e wi e s he ju ike • a ioe :rat of 31 ' k ol wa+ o'l o ,lo' be 6%ed ;„ it e," Irish v.- oo tice O f n'"1 ,0 0 l g h 0 0 .. o f the Clon, 310.; 0, tlio , f 1 0 1 r 3 l er d the ~:ofec' alittee on JNI g r IC day t who le li c ' be 0 :d) 1 1 '1 0 7 *Poise for so much misery ? Had they aind fort?, ri . avers4r? No, they were reduced to such a g ate s that t Ia kicked a nh l'g to stand will, and allow themselves to he Th err ataut 1 a a• • b y State in Europe. t pun -tten every th e 7 w ere Wotan able to look even their meanest enemita in Ite - a :',,,—(llear, hear.) He had beard that a statesman t al e i , ° " . that House, that this country would never . `^ go to W ar . • • no t a degradation to 1.41,..., again. 'V as it H e . i 'll , When a statesman would venture to rise in that i begin , aria state such an opinion?—(Hear, hear.) n t ow , into the state of the people of this country, dia re , id a t heY find them divided ? Into a ffl uent and , thaeery ' n ''' 6, u o . l. The affluent fundholders, who h ld had f their capital raised to 901. were di . „,,AY Prosperous class. The landholders were ta'er;,"ell their properties had been martgagtd during ett u a l ar l and those mortgages hail increased so that they 441 41) ,t Ire cleared off, and the landholders were conse• ID ~,!' ' l a , tat e of ruin. They could not, therefore, go Int r • The traders were in a state of ruin, and could a - ,,,P 1 Y the taxes, which a war would necessarily occa totad aciFhere were, then, none but the fundhnhi . ers who i Nu e , 4 d to en to war, and they would not ; for it . would ..,,t-tati tap'' 90/. stock to 60/.—(A laugh.) England pr at .... l'", suffer herself to he kicked about from pillar . to Etai . e „ , ( .A laugh.) Ile thought, that when they ilt; th e 1.1a.1,41 Committees sitting, planning how to get nil n the tPlum Population, and Corn Law Committees regu it the qaantity of corn to be admitted into tbe country. oes thi til i ne to examine into the cause. which rend-red such !lad 0,-4' inquiries neceasary. He thought that the time th e e , fi t n come when they were bound to inquire why, a t n trae,_,,i4 seventeen years of profound peace, they were i a l). ' state than after an equal period of war. H e at :;,..." it t ° the change Made in the currency, and th e k gi"Ment admitted that in that measure they corona t e e d Th, v 4a . 4,tie error, but that it was now too late t retrea 1 . , `estatea.rotted that they had brought the countr y y . to suc e ,,,_ by thit measure, that it would nnw he ruin to re. Attirlin t o go forward, and ruin to stand still. He (Mr. h al i 4n(l ) had said the same thing fifteen years ago, and stilt, i i i t e t :"ld them at that time that such would he the re adtih turd e,ehangc. Even the Hun. Member for Taniwor 1 i eeith , teat the country was in such a state that it con i H at' 4 hear the disea , e nor the remedy for it. After th, tt g h that much, it was hardly neces•ary for hi m . ta s t a r i'l,rtlii:.:Liiqt4yltil::::s9 one which required deliber ation and of di f e , At presen t tire whole population was in . prospered—the mass of thelab our delli.le ball class remunerated, and consequently discontent— al c r i me , e ir ; o4l ruin were in the hearts of milli( ns. Mean slartair4e• the u ual attendant on misery, increased to i a a n . hour, ng . tigree• But two years ago the agricultura l i4 g a ti il a it ! a great part of England were in a s!ate border Z y t t t h *r ei a r s 3 a u t rr ie e a c s t t ill:l; pa b il u ia t tit, r ,e , e. i i . ai i,,,, iy was taeir exc i u s e , They were g round do wn taor,e Mestere, and at last were obliged to it was °,l4lYh'y foe re fress, and he was sorry to say, that . - ..tet, for -(444 that the rople mil,' generally obtain . re d to i. tik . their grievanceaP The farmers had been oldige ''4l4 ttl I ,a he W agea of the lahnurera, but how were they 4•n4 ta e •' Pay those increased wages? By diminish -1 al ' lt r at eit hlitah The consequence of such a sy.- til ined l" necessaril b that the farmers w . ould b Itql • IQ "hi t the wages e vi, ,, ould again f ell to their f . o e rrn .a er . /tli'llireeriethaPs below it. It might be said that th while i.,,"Ye:,;(lh'rvrd punishment for those excesse*, but w to . "' i ll thea,"'n'd the acts, they (the Members) t4 , l t , st u ,' l r , i n aee..Unt of their misery ; and t hey the i t 'llt tiuei /0 telieve that misery. If, then, lab b ourer s ought ,,naht to ~e , iai tl to break the law they ought he 'O ' hot t o I Speaking of crimes, . beat got h , )5 punished. tkad rata e 11) illuilingno longer to C''ttil' Ln g l and ; a t n o ti ti re could tell of b il e ei r G i ::, i l i e e v v e i l r o ' n o e t m h e ti n 'i r n e t allirY-oef'tllew'Y to diulini'h crime 7as ,iss y ible to prevent 4;4 Where ,people. I t would he imp ar i'44„et tape misery was so great as it at present was I t t ge i t , t°' kingdom. Crime wool.. continue to in "aral,Prillottion to the increase of misery, 61 at .laawcit tram,'" .aequire such a height that .. t o h w e n a . rm of tire I 114 - ' 4 4 4t There were Itit liy j o u r ,i e "trong eno ug h to put i t their miseries, to that ga te ilt, ' C.OUntry reduced, by i htle es W s hi ch the murderers in .31acteth described a ' ii Plarwed...._ a vh 2,1 Murderer—l ant one, my liege, Ka, the the vile blows and buffets of the world 1 ~_v 5 t 0 I ncens'd, th at I am reckless what o spite the world— so:...lst t M urderer— And I another, .. ortune, Thte: with disasters, tugg'd wit r II To ~. wonld set my life on any c h a nce , . e esu, arena lt, or be rid on't." tlitl4 °far, u t i o a „ N ' r e them that th a was but the true d r e w s: e r n ip t - . e tt 'it t aa a , b tfl u i l t tlY of the lab"uring classes at p 4 11 1 ' It i a 4 small part of the evi l ~, i i , l , raio rtunateiy carried discord . . 't h h its tr a i n P r and i" eiiby discontent p n fats Odi aa • It had bred discontent in the bre ,, a o s o ts tatiav tab of thous 'oda of the agricultural and m -,,,4Y C*4l,h"nrers It h a d roduced a state front which s d e 4 n t'a\'llt mash tu . ge in . the P grave, by which others i were ,he. ea i4g theirt:u..es, others endeavoured to escape ty h,s,"lie,sr !tomes and taking refuge in other count ries, , tarn u , hilt f .r the state of the kinachim, 1, ' 0. 41 a„a ° de„, era, „a'a prosperous citiz ns. might have t a ,;i 4 tad4hlarriwarth had spoken, as he thought, that t ls 'e. t at ' , 4 nly result to be feared from poverty an h:t %v at , "e could tell the Right Hon. Ba ronet ho tl f %a - t th 'i l q trl night i4illione who envied those who adde d, 14 1 '1, fa ti , 4 and day for the support of themeeolwvoeta earnand l et 'len t f ' and still found that they could o gee ths a .4 their support. He would not detain them of tie oce"rinile he atate l a few f Lihre f tva ll . non he had given fac ts h, state to thesohfow t c h:: I, truth y t h . 4 01 44 t5 a` t Y 4 ago a deputation of the trad esm en Lord opposite,an d i o- ti °' ondon waited on the Nob l ein silo. t , , kt,!El east v.1.1144u_ the trade of the metropolis was con'.„' h.'4 us 'Rate, that it was impossible they could con et of 1)(1 ' the assessed taxes, yet they received nn r t i il t ,, iir areei,li_e4f. frOM . the Noble Lord. At a nice i th e i l t er, 41),1,::4 of nine parishes of the ciry of West. wan st ited that tf 'Mew. "l o ut three menths clears ty , 'e Metropolie had been earned on for a series di Was vas ith nut any profit. A resolution d to m th e e n a r a e i s n i e_ il ' i a i t , ti P4'sed at a large meeting of the tra a ta t , 4 se. th ie . Ward of Cheap. On the Royal E change z (luring a tt :tr, e i , td of the wealth appeared that app eared acted }i ( e r W 44 there one-third of the buai , ites , s i tra_n_s „. em Y t e eauld state it as a positive fact, w h ich he ur w " ~,olli,lttyi.attrlto,ve, that 100,000 persons were t h en out to node, ti lt - I . t 14 the metrupolis alone, who were ilir dirn t i. tot to tillere lthat•l e to get it. Wages liiid been men were Ti ii ii t 'le 15 ' l l a degree, that the most e ffi c i ent i buttit_ll.:' a4:t fh ill , or e than Ss. svh th o e fo ia r h in u e u i r y r e ._ arT H d ., l a 3 r. s ) . a shop ,I 1 ment to suppor t . 4,, O ne of ti l be allowed to live by h is lab••ur. That t et t ,' iki ciet a i : treat bonds of society, without Ir sa lt diic o h f , G ir o i.. ets"ent t " ` 4 41c1 mit exist ; arid it was , do v : et 01),,1 i. 4 e that it was maintained l ,:o h h r e a i d t could not laid , ° by tas ks from the people. i?-li'sre stone, that obedience was due ff to idei rs i rufq'teetj,-;'4lt only as long as the Governmen t a u one 1N4,, 11 to th e p eo pl e. He considered that this was iiP"eiee . the Learned Cowmen 44 tt i 444 t ha t f protection mean tb y th, •-pa protection in this m nner was as great a duty W h - i l'el , piert°,ftlie Government, as obedience was the d d t u h t e y n o ). f hNI I lie as long as the Govern ment o p ld iot b e e c e te e t he „ W as speaking of crimes, leave fr t , o r u tn,4 tt id; te re rl d tir:n of s t t h at e e ll o ou t r e y of as lre i l n a t r i i of f se t E h t n a o u t t i l :c n e , r i l u s . t :t r A m — ately to g ',e With he the state t at , 1 th ' ed there r Y '44 twhich showed the state ca o se f thheadfereel -4044, 4 People. A man who had commi ted several a , t ar ed h an d had at last to suffer for them on the scaffold. 11, 4 t" C' in re his execution, that he was reduced to such ' t )t.4t " h h d ng to hope fur but in reve g . t4 ar e Y e a D a l es It showed that 1 11 y t,,,,, sentence spoae vo um . foe' Iliahttild drive the people to desperation . and cr o im o e a . ; 4 " . - li nn • AI inter for Tarnworth had said , i'ae't'' i'ti'ietil,ng,.thatehe blamed the landlords for the ou .- 41 s '(ll' 4i nd. He (Mr. Attwood) thought th v a i t nt u im n : t he % : 1 t1 0 , 1 04 5 r ) hear.) The landlords were but the .444,4'4 partena--( Hear, hear)—which had reduced to,, it 't the nod uee of Th o e . ne e" i l lf: metoe eft th I ea, N A e Mortgages as tbe h y eir we e r s e t . ates t , 1 ,-. },til that they could not reduce their ren ts t ° o q tOt ruined. They lookeild to the middle "PptlieliPireta jilt: re ined, a n d the middle- men ~,""t! the te nant s to obtain them. were ea class oblig ed Ale t 4 the clas s immediately below them h , e a ß n i , g l h t t h H e r o e o .. \ ''hier i , i ' lite ,41,'"erit state of Ireland. InTentrus 441dit, "ouhiedatnwarth's name was conne T eted with a Bill tira.rei foo t , " every rent in the kingdom, instead of only '4'114% tint f or cent• to it, as was presented. It was, sattieill,s it he the Right Hon. Baronet to . blame the their t ime he had 1; - d a measure which, at tbe f r ent, ti : saes t tha t it reducede the value of the produce o ther e ' .4asti, g o de-holf, would have likewise reduced the ( se r e 1, all their other burdens in proportion, bad gi a i a ' ta e ,olnething to say ; but his measu re *thout t a d 1' th e i'lllue of th e i r means ni pay i ng ren t, wi - Mist th. I t kiv ver to reduce the rents themselves. He con_ ala iri ! ' otra 4l „ " i h 'ute was as bail in its effect, as if an ext; N atal aut th ; "'ld been driven through the country. H t he ata i ' l 1 40 D e l ( ail e of a landlord who, during the war, h d ad t a o We e " i unt ' i . i,,1131. year but which was mortgage t lani e l i 4,l"eretl 1,-,;°A°o/. a-ye'ar. If the rents on that estate Il ligli ° t r- „ w "ala' - t° Per cent., which they ought to be, the sha aiti r `"ihl t trly have 4 ,0001. to live on. Some people tiea of the changer e'mlleat ti,,llaooo/. might be su ffi cient, but promoters Woola i rti _ e a t i;_ P'• auple were deceived by the nut, or e `, currency into a belief that Lute i a tk a . t ' that matters would gradually return to their former state. Thousands were deceived by that. and kept up th.ir former expensive erablishm-nts, till by the accumulation of mortgages they found themselves ab eolutely ruined. The consequence was that the law of pritnogehiture had become a curse, and he had known many elder sons who .were ruined by sueceeding to their properties. This was a state not to he borne. All classes required relief; the working classes more especially would require it, and if the higher classes chose to destroy themselves, that was no reason why they should he allowed to destroy the working classes. If they waited another year, they might find it was too late to retrieve them selves. At three different perEods had the people raised a cry for relief, but each time had their cry been alto aether unattended to. In the years 1822, 1827. and 1829, th e business of the House had been delayed with the multiplicity of peti ions on this subject—to none ef which aas the slightest attention given. He himself had been, in 1821, called to give evidence before a Committee appointed to inquire into the agricultural distress then so severely f, lt, hut when he wished to speak on the sub ject of the currency, he had been stopped by the commis shiners, who sail that the only purpose tor which they s a t, was an inquiry into the causes of agricultural depression. He said, in vain, that he wished to express his opinion as to the origin of the distress ; they would not hear a word. In the years 1821, 1822, 1827, and 1829, the House refused, with equal determination, to bear any thing hearing on the currency question. By this course of obstinacy they were getting deeper and deeper into the mire, like the drunken man. who, though fallen into a pond, obstinately refused all assistance, and so was drowned. If the House still refused to investigate the matter them selves, it would be investigated elsewhere, and they would find that the demands of the people would then he still stronger than they were now. In 1829 there had been a petition presented from Birmingham, bearing 27,600 signatures, but still all inquiry was refused by the House, who asserted that none was necessary, and that the people were very well off. For him self, he attributed the whole oistress to the state of he currency. He was certain, moreover, that effectual assistance might he afforded to all classes, wi'heut in jury to any. He was, however, open to conviction if it could be proved that the cause of the distress was any other—if it could be shown that it was the church-rates, or poor-rates, or the national debt. When the change took place in the currency in 1819, it was set forth that it would only cause a difference iif four per cent. in the value of money. hut he would assert that the difference occasioned was 57 per cent., and if this would not account for the distress, he did not know what would. He ascribed to the same cause all the outrages of the Whitefeet in Ire -I.nd, and all the late agrarian outrages in this country. lie himself was an agitator, he was proud to say— (Hear)—but lie had no desire any more for that of inter fering with the institutions of the et-marry. He had been impelled to become such, from having for fifteen years waited in vain for the revival of the fallen energies of the country. Not finding this done, lie had thought it his duty to become an agitator and forward the good work. With reference to this question, he would read two resolu• tions of the Birmingham Political Union, passed on the 25th of January, 1830, and signed by no less than 20,000 " geed men and true." The Hun. Nlember then read these resolutions, the main allegation of which set forth that in consequence of the resumption of cash payments, a depreciation of cent. per cent. had taken place in the value of all articles; and that the only reward leaped by the hard-working man for his industry was poverty and misery —while the idle reaped wealth and comfort as the reward of their indolence. These resolutions would show the quo an, imo which had originated the Birmingham Po litic,d Union, and also all the other Political Soci-ties over t e kingdom. If the measure passed in 1819 had not been adopted, and its consequent evils not been felt to such a ruinous extent, Political Unions had never been heard of. If this distress had not existed, the name even of Political Unions would never have been known; but when the men who formed those Unions found how little they could trust to the Legislature for the redress of their maddening wrongs, they were driven to lo •k to their own heads and arms as a more certain means of redress. There had been a great deal said about political agitators, and many insi nu itions thrown out as to their motives ; he, himself, might he rolled a political agitator, bay God knew how far any selfish views were from his mind in becoming line ; his intentions and wishes, in his small way, were as little open to his p• rson as those of the great Hampden when lie became an agitator. So far from any advantages, he had set toy in the full expectation of many dangers; the bayonet, the gaol, the staff Id, were before his eyes; he had made up his mind to all these petits—to the secession of his friends—the direst animosity of his foes ; and the only motive and desire which led him on was the hope of being instrumental in forwarding the happiness of his country.---(Hear, hear.) He must remind the House, that the peop'e of England hid for some time past exhibited a remarkable degree of patience—(Hear, near)—which entitled them very much to the considera tion of the House and of the Government. In reviewing the history of this country, he must confess he had not round any one instance in which the people had got much good front patience; however, he trusted that the pre sent Government would turn over a new leaf, and give the people a cerrespondine return for the forbearing pa tience and generoes qualities they had so eminently exhi bited. But if the people were disappoin•ed in the hope and expectation they so naturally entertained of a return to prosperity, what might the House expect—or rather, what might it not expect !rem their desp ? Unless the House proceeded in their efforts for time amelioration of the people, the Reform Bill, which they had passed six months ago, would be worse than useless ; it would have given liberty without prosperity, and would but serve to preci pitate anarchy. He had on a former occasion told the Ali. eistry so ; he had told the Noble L. rd at the head of that Ministry, if he merely passed the Bill without acting upon it, he would he the Neckar, and not the Saviour of his etaintry. The Ministry bad appeared very busy in giving mo• Berate relent) to Ireland ; they had talked about reform ing the Irish Church—about the Church seas. and ewe or three other such reforms ; but would these moderate re forms strike at the root of the evil which paralysed that unhappy country? Would thy relieve the people of Ireland from the overwhelming weight of their grinding . . . . . . misery ? Was this misery hi ought upon the Irish by their own fault ? Was it owing to their ,t ant of either industry, perseverance, or economy? No, for undoubtedly tney were possessed of all these qualities in an eminent degree. No, the real cause of all their miseries wag, that their industry was nut allowed to be exercised. The relaxation and idleness of their hands was not their own—it was forced upon them ; it was not that they would not do anything, but that they were not allowed to do anything. Let them be suffered to bring their faculties, their industry into action—let there be cultivation equal to the popula tion, and there would no more be beard of any necessity for legislative enactments ag iinst them. What they w,,nteil was legislative enactments fur them, not against them. But during the discussion on the unhappy condi tion of one part of the kingdom, he had not heard a word about the miserable condition of another por tion of the realm of England. Not a syllable had he heard of what was proposed to be done as a remedy fur the dreadful state of distress and misery. Surely the glorious tree of reform had not been planted with so 'north labour without gathering fruit from it! He greatly feared that the people, if they saw no fruit from this tree, would cut it down as useless ; and deeply grieved should he be to see that day, for he expected glo6 us fruit from such a tree. He was a Reformer—u moderate, rational Reformer. What he wanted was universal suffrage, tri ennial Parliaments, and the vote by ballot. (Hear.) And his object in these wishes was, that the people might enjoy true liberty, prosperity, and happiness ; he wanted 'hem to have beef, bread, and beer; and if the Govern ment would let them have this, be was one of the last to vish for any change; but if they did not, he could nut at all see how a change could be avoided. Every honest m in, whether Whig, Tory, or Radical, ought to vote for this motion, for its object was to give a deserving people happiness.—(Hear.) As he had before said, every lore. rest was at present in a state of the most appal ing dis tress, and embarrassment, and danger. The extent of misery was such as to have turned into gad and bitterness the very milk of human nature in the breasts of millions. To remedy such a dreadful state of things, something ef• feetual and immediate must be done. He therefore im plored every Member in that House to agree in the reso lution which ha should propose, as they roust see how closely the result of it was connected with the happiness of the people and the security of the Throne. His mu ,ion was, that " a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the causes of the general distress existing among the industrious classes of the United Kingdom, and into the most effectual means of its relief." Mr. GILLON seconded the motion. He should be failing in every duty if he did not promote an immediate inquiry into the dreadful distress of the people. If that House did not immediately have recourse to the most ef ncient legislative enactments, to remedy such an appalling state of things, it would be impossible nut to expect that a change must take place, which no one would regret in.,re than himself. The people had raised their despairtm. voices to former Parliaments, but the Hon. Houses bad declared this cry against taxation was uncalled for and fri volous ; and the petitions which flowed into the House wine ordered, one after another, to be laid under the table ss unworthy of notice. As he had formerly stated, till' state of depression was so dreadful, that some of our best manufacturers, working fifteen or sixteen hours a day, could no earn more, after deducting all the necessary ex penses, than ss. 1:1. a week. To show the dreadful de pression, he would instance the fall in price of one articl, —pullicats. In 1814 this article was worth 9d. a yard in 1815 it fell to 7.1. In the three following years it fell to 4d. After a rise in the next year to sd. it fell so low as 4.1. and 3d. ; and now, in 1833, it has fallen to 21e1. H. would only ask Hon. Memb•rs to look at this dreadful Tae in price from 9d. to 2.0., being just the querter of the price in the year 1814. Could there be a more dreadful instance of the depression of trade? He had been waited on the other day by a deputation from a Society of Scrittisl , Wease•rs, who, under the pressure of their extrem e dis tress, had resolved to peti•ion the Legislature to interf e re, by appointing a sort of Boird of Trade, by whom a mini mum of waees might he fixed. He had told these unfor tunate men, whose once ruddy facos were now p a llid b y pure starvation, that, in his decided opinion, any inter Terence of the Legislature between workmen and their masters would be productive of the worst consequeucee. He hid added, however, that there would shortly he firmed a Committee of Inquiry into th..ir distress, and the best means of remedying it, which he hoped and expected would tend to promote the happiness of the people by re moving their riverwelming load of distress. What tea. he to tell those poor men when they next c-tm'. ? Was he to tell them that their just prayers were refused— that their distresses were to meet with nn compassio n —no relief? He trusted not; he trusted that ever% M em b er of that House would wand forward and reliev; , their oppressed countrymen. He was sure th a t it could easily be done ; for nothing would persuade him but that many of those taxes which n, , w weighed so heavily — se overwhelmingly on the people, could be taken off. What. ever might he the cause of this dreadful and general pres sure, whether it arose from tie weight of the demands of the Church. frorn tithes, from poor-rates—whatever was its cause, he implored the House to de away with it . —to legislate for the starving poor, for the industrious classes, for that portion of the community upon which depended the security of the whole. If they did not, he, for one. could not answer for the safety of the state. He could very clearly see that there woul I be an instant demand for still fu.ther changes—for universal suffrage—when the people found that they could not hope for justice in the present state of things. If the present House of Com mons did not respond to the people who had looked up to them with so much confidence, that people would direct their energies to the merits of obtaining such a Parliament as would.—The motion bring read, Lord ALTHORP, in objecting to the motion, was far from objecting to the fullest discussion on the question to which that motion mainly related. With respect to himself, his opinions on the subject were pretty well made up ; but it would be necessary that there should be a fail and fair discussion on the point in the House. He wished to leave the matter entirely to the consideration of the House. II- saw on the notice book another motion of the Hon. M 'other, to inquire into the monetary system. A notice, too, had been given by the Hon. Member for Yorkshire, which was quite in accordance with the views of the Hon. Member for Birmingham, and that motion was to inquire into the distress of the country. He would appal to the candour of the Hon. Member for Birming. ham, if the obj , ct of all these motions was not the same as his—and if that was not, that the distress of the country was caused by the monetary system. He was aware that the opportunity to enter into the question of the state of the country, in ma!;ing objections to the appoint ment of a Committee, was no , . so favourable as he might find other opportunities, but he could not allow the speech of the Hon. Member to pass without observa tion. Though the Hon. Gentleman had stated that the change in the currency, in 1819, was the cause of the distress in 1833, he had not stared what would be the remdey for that distress.—(Hear.) He was not sati►fied that any alteration whatever in the monetary system would remedy the evils of the people. However, when gentlemen came to discuss this question, and charged the evils on the principles followed on regulating the cur reney, they were bound, in his opinion, to state what their views were as to the remedy, and what change was de siraide.—(Cheers.) There was a great distinction between gentlemen seating the alteration in the currency was a gener +I cause for distres., and pointing out how that dis tress might be remedied by some alteration in the cur rency ; hut unless they did the latter, it was difficult to iy in what respect an operation on the currency would affect that distress of which they complained. The Hon. Gentleman stated several times, as a matter of complaint, that his Majesty's Ministers had not put into the King's speech any allusion to the general and deplorable distress; hut on- reason for that was that the Ministers did not be- lieve in that distress.—(Cheers.) He knew very well that there was nothing which he or any other gentleman could say which produced so much odium in the House, as to asset t that any class or description of men were prosperous. (Hear.) He believed, thereore, that there was no more dif ficult or delicate subject to discuss. He was quite aware, in • deed, that there was great distress among the lahouring classes, but it was not grester now than it had been some time before. He beli,ved, on the contrary, from the infor mation lie had received, that the great mass of the labour ing classes were in full employment, and that there were fewer persons out oi work now, and less general di, tress than at several former times.—(Hear, hear, hear ) Among one class of the people, and in one part of the country, he knew that there was great distress, that no thing could exceed it; that thy' distress was grievous, and that it was, at least he was afraid it was, increasing rather than diminishing—he meant among the hand-loom weavers. They constituted a large and numerous class, and were in a state of great destitution. But that was not owing to the currency—it was owing to the competition between them and machinery, and must therefore, he was afraid, increase. He was aware, too, that in many parts of the country, the agricultural labourers were in a state of great distress ; but he did not think that was caused by he state of the currency. It arose from other causes, to which the Parliament must apply itself, and was bound to apply itself, in order to relieve the distress of the la bourer. The Hon. Gentleman had also stat d that dis tress bad produced great demoralization among the people, that they looked with avidity fur the death of each other. that they might obtain from the dissolution of their friends the means of subsistence. 'When the Hon. Gentleman said that the people wished one another dead, he could not rielii ve it. How could it b.? Or how could that change benefit the paupers, to whom the Hon. Gentleman was alluding ? What advantage could the death of others be to them ? But it was in vain to argue this question from reason ; his feelings showed him that it was impossible. He knew enough of the feel ings of the English people, to he quite sure that no . . Englishman, or at least no great body of Enelishmen, ever let such a wish as the Hon. G.ntleman said enter their heads.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman said, that by the sweat of their brow they could not get bread, be cause, he said, there was now no remuneration for labour. At the same time, the Hon. Gentleman said that the la bourer produced four times as much as was necessary for his own consumption. If that were the case, the country should be in a state of prosperity; but to have general prosperity from that, it supposed that every labourer was employed, and produced four times as much as he con sumed, which appeared to him impossible. The Hon. Gentleman also slid that he knew that for several years past the tradesmen had been living on their capital. Th .t was scarcely possible ; for if all tradesmen had been living for seven years on their capital, all trade must before now have come to an end.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman used, too, an inconsistent sort of argument : he said that one thing, which was formerly worth 4s. was now worth Bs. ; and another, that was formerly worth Ss. was now only worth 4s. That only showed that one thing had got dear, and another thing bail got cheap. The Hon. Gentleman warned the House not to refuse the Committee ; but the question was not so easily decided. It was propo-ed to appoint a Coto mittee to inquire into the distress of the country ; and every gentleman, before he voted, was bound to ascertain whether granting the Committee would increase or di minish the distress.. If they thought the Committee would increase the distress, the Honourable Gentleman sad no right to say that they did not feel for the distress of the country in voting against the Com mittee. He was satisfied from the statements and argu ' ments which it was supposed the Committee would ap prove of, that were it ap ointed, it would increase the dis tress a hundredfold. He begged gentlemen to consider what the effect would be on every creditor, public and pri vate, should a Committee be appointed on the notion that it was necessary to make a depreciation in the currency. Why any gentleman, whether a Member of that House er not—any man who owed money, would have to pay it immediately. If they were not prepared to discharge all their mortgages in the next week, and wet prepared to p every thing they owed, what would be the necessary con sequence ? Why they must expect that their creditors wool t not be willing to lose b: f the depreciation, and they would demand iminedia'e payment. That would be the tendency of the Hon. Gentleman's motion if complied with. The effect of the appointment of the Committee would be a general stagnation of credit in the country. The Hon. Gentleman had said, if the Committee were not granted, they ought to consider what would the conse quence be, for the people were prepared to require general alteration in the cut rency. The Hon. Member bad spoken of the honesty of the people of England, and in that honesty he put the fullest confidence. He confided in their good sense, and he was glad that he was able, from that confidence, to give them Reform. Ili should, how ever, have hut very li , tle confidence in their honesty if he could believe hat all the debtors of the kingdom were ready to deprive their creditors of part of what was due to them. He did not apprehend that there was any such feeling among , he people. He knew that the people expected from the Government every practical remedy for every practical accuse; he knew that the people expected every possible reduct . on of expenditure and of taxation consistenly with the ho nour and good faith hf the country; hut he did not know .nd did not believe that the people expected the Ministers to commit an act of injustice. After the currency had been settled on its present footing for so many years—after so many contracts hld been made since the period of the d e preciation of the currency, the effeet ~ f going hack to a depreciated currency would be to throw things into con ru,iou and commit injustice'. That was, he thought, as good an argument as could be given against the motion.— • ( Hear, hear.) For these reasons, though he had not en tered into the question fully, and having only wished to make a few observations on the speech of the Hun. 'Mem her, he must say that it was quite inconsistent with his duty to give his consent to the motion--(Ch eers , an d call's of `° Question ") Mr. COBBETT, if the Committee were proposed to change tie currency, should vote against it. The only proposition was, that a Committee should be appointed to inquire. It appeared to him, as the Committee was not to make any change, but only to inquire into the distress of the c ountry, that there was no reason for refusing the Committee. It was acknowledged on all hands—nobody now denied, that a great error was committed in 1819. A monstrous act of injustice was, in fact, then committed. The Hon. Member for Birmingham thought the decision was wrong, and was open to revision. The Committee 'night inquire, and might agree to the lion. Member's opinion, or might not. The Committee might make a report, and yet not recommend a change in the cur rency. If the Hon. Member divided the House he should vote w i t h Cr ies of " Question.") Mr. E. LYTTON lIULWER wished to state shortly why he should vote against the motion of the Hon. Member. Whatever arguments might be stated, and however plausible, in favour of not altering the cur rency, if the Committee were appoirind, the country would not believe them, and would suppose the currency wasto be altered. That was the common sense view of the matter ; and were they to run the risk of shakiag con fidence thougbout the country? He believed that the ap pointment of the Committee would increase the distress. The distress, he admitted, was great ; there was great po verty and great demoralization, part of which arose from the use of baneful stimulants. A great many evils arose from the administration of the poor laws. The commis sioners appointed to inquire into them had made many things apparent, and the administration of those laws must be amended. If that were done, and the law of settlement were altered, he should rely on them and on emigration to remove the distress.--(Calls of " Question.") Mr. SCHOLEFIELD was understood to say that the whole business of the country was carried on upon credit, and the great mass of the tradesmen were insolvent. He did not like to speak of himself; but there was no pre sumption in it, and he would say, that though he used all his energies, he could not now make any species of pro perty pay. He thought it was their duty to inquire, when the Noble Lord himself admitted that the class of hands loom weavers were all in a state of distress. He was much interested for the middle and lower classes, and saw them going fast to decay. He had made some inquiries since he came to London, and he was informed, that from Charing-cross to the Royal Exchange, three-fourths of the tradesmen, on both sides of the way, would be in a state of insolvency, if they were called upon to produce their accounts. He believed that, and he thought a Committee ought to inquire into its causes. He did not believe that the distress could be remedied by a change in the cur rency, unless it were accompanied by a reduction of tax ation. '1 he dem.rralization of the people was great, and it was making, he was afraid, :a rapid progress. The Hon. Member proceeded to read two letters from Birmingham, describing the amount of poor-rates in that town, the number of poor, and various details, concluding by saying that the amount of poor rates in Birmingham fur 18:32- 1833 would not tie less than 80,0001. He believed that if the Government refused inquiry, fearful consequences would be the r e sulr.--(Qoestion.) Mr. MAXWELL would ask the Government to ad journ the consideration of the question, if he had any influence, for he considered it of great importance. An act of great injustice had been committed against all the debtor people of England. It was a breach of good faith to them. They were ordered to take a one-pound note and a shilling for a guinea—thr y had done so, and hid contracted debts in a depreciated currency. The State itself had borrowed a large sum in what was now called rags. The Government had not returned, by the Act of 1819, to the ancient standard of gold and silver, but to the gold standard only. The people had not had justice done them, though it was the duty of the Government to he the arbiter between the parties, and not throw its weight into the scale of either debtor or creditor. The distress, poverty, and crime, which existed in the country, were adequate and ample reasons fir not refusing the Committee. They ought not to turn a deaf ear to the people's complaints, and they ought to grant the Committee, which might, perhaps, by its inquiries, satisfy the people that the regulations of 1819 were right —(Qiiestion.) Mr. G. F. YOUNG was well acquainted with the state of the working classes in the neighbourhood where he re sided ; and during the last twenty years had never known distress so generally diffused amongst the labouring classes as at present. Nor was it confined to the labouring classes alone, but extended to, and indeed in some measure, arose from, the distresses of their employers. The shipping in terest of this country, with which he was especially con• nected, was wholly unproductive to the shipowners.— (Hear.) There was an abstract proposition before the House, whether or not the industrious classes -a-ere in a state of distress; and admitting that they were, then, whether the House was willing to investigate its cause, with a view to applying a remedy ? If, in the course of the discussion, the question of currency should arise, the House would deal with it according to its wisdom. Lord ALTHORP was aware that distress prevailed amongst the employers, though he did say he did not think the distress was so general as it was. Sir J. WROTTESLEY rose amidst calls of " Ques tion." He fully concurred in what had been stated of the evidence of great distress amongst the labouring and middle classes of the community. He had, in common with the Hon. Member for Birmingham, great facilities for ascer taining the state of the trading and agricultural interests, and he knew the greater part of those statements which had been made by that Hon. Gentleman were not exagge rated. As to the alteration of the standard in 1819, it was impossible to deny that it produced effects the most extraordinary that ever existed in any country.—(Hear.) The Hon. Member for Birmingl.atn had stated—what many persons who only viewed the matter superficially mieht not believe, namely—that capital was generally sinking away from its possessors. Reverting to the tn-a sure of 1819, he certainly wished that some alteration had been made in the wandard—not that which was made— hut something more approaching to an equitable adjust ment. In 1626, he thought they had committed a great fault. The alteration made then was an aggravation of th it of 1819. Still he felt that, in looking at thes, circumstances, they ought to regard them with the view of providing a remedy ; hut he could not bring himself to believe, that the propositions i , f the Hon. Illember fa Birmingham would produce that desirable resuit. —( Hear. ) If, indeed, he thought the investigation into the distress would nut go forth to the country mixed up with other circumstances, he should have great pleasure in voting for the appointment of a Committee ; but he was convinced, from the opinions expressed by various gentlemen, that it a Committee were appointed, and that Committee a !elect one, they would ht: the means of holding out hopes to the country which they would be unable to realize.—(Hear.) With great respect for, and defetence to, the Hon. Member for Birmingham, he thought the means by which that Hon. Gentleman had attained a certain degree of celebrity, for which, no doubt, his talents well qualified him, had, unintentionally he believed, produced such a result. He must say one word for the country generally, regarding the assessed taxes, respecting which so great an outcry had been made. He admitted the in. quality with which they were levied ; but if the Noble Lord (the Chancellor of die Exchequer) should find himself in a situation to propose the reduction of taxation, he hoped lie would continue the intern hitherto pursued, and begin by relieving those who were most entitled to commiseration—the working and poorer classes—in preference to tradesmen in towns, and particularly the metropolis..—(Cheers.) They had taken off four millions of taxes in pursuance of this system. They had taken off the taxes on beer, coals, candles, and printed cottons—the dress and necessaries of life of the lower classes. He hoped they would proceed on the same plan, and that they would begin by taking off the tax on soap, which would be highly beneficial in a fiscal point of view, and prove a seasonable relief to the poorer classes of the community.—(Hear.) Mr. CLAY, if he saw any hope of deriving a practical advantage from appointing a Committee, would support the motion , but the inquiries of such a Committee would necessarily he of so general a nature as to render the dis covery of practical !medics impossible. The Hon. Member for Tynemouth spoke of the shipping interests-- the Hon. Member for Birmingham of the =Petit . ) system and the working classes—others of the distresses the agricultural, the trad na, and the manufacturing par the community. An inquiry which was to embrace al these various subjects was, in his humble opinion, one o , the wildest schemes ever propo=ed. Mr. CAYLEY hoped the Hon. Gentleman would con sent to a postponement ; at the same time, if he presser his motion, he should be prepared to support him. Mr. BARING considered that mueh of ►the distr e s which now prevailed ought to be attributed to the in fluence of the spirit of change, anti the uncertainty tha in ccv.sequence prevailed. So many and suc't variuu• schemes, for instance, were ent••rtained with relation rg the West Indies, and the country was in such a , uncertain sta.e, that no person would risk his ca - ,ita' there. If 61 turned to the East Indies, no perm, l:ne•.v what was about to he done—no person knew wk... rher the trade was to he thrown open or carried or I, y a monopoly of private individuals. Similar uncer tainty existed with regard to the Dutch and Canadian trade, and this uncertainty and want of security was, it. his Opinion, one of the most prominent causes of 'be pre. vailiog distress. But disttess was incident to huma' nature. We ought to look abroad and examine the state of other countries, and we should then find from th. comparison some cause for gratulation. An Hon. Membet had referred to the state of Paris, as exhibiting proots of a less degree of distress than existed here. But what were the facts? Upwards of one-third of the populating there died in the poor house and the hospi•al. Ont of 21,000,000 of deaths, 8,000,000 had taken place it, poor houses and hospitals. This was a great proof of distress; and if they !doled to the state of morals there, they would find that out of 25,000 births, 10,000 wen Itgitienate, and upwards of one-half of tho•e latter were toundlings. Him objection to going. into Committee was. and he could not shut his ey s to the fact, that they would in reality go nto a Committee to consider the props fiery rt depreciating the stan lard, and not to consider the retned for the distress. He could not imagine how any per•ot could conceive the distresses of the country wool I be rune died by an alteration in the currency, money being the mere measure of commodities. How midd the wealth of tIo• country ein any shape increased by alterin2 its measure? He had no objection to go into a Committee upon the monetary syst.m, to see if it could be improved, but not to go into a Committee to lower the stint! trd. It was his opinion, and also the opinion of m any other gentle men, that we had committed a great m•stake in taking the single metal of gold as a measure of value.—(He,e.) He was ready to go into a Committee on the question of the currency ; and with a silver currency, and an altera tion in the payment of country bankers, he was not pre• pared to say that they might not with safety and advan tage allow the 11. notes to be re-issued Mr. M. ATTWOOD said there was no doubt but that the greatest distress existed among the labouring classes. Could any thing he more wi d !ban the supposition that this House would refuse to inquire into the na ure of that distress—that this House would not devote itself entire') to the subject ; even if it should be necessary to neglect every thing else? Whether the distress arose from the state of tt•e currency, or any thing else, it was their duty to inquire; for why should they excite expectations, as they had done, without doing something to justify them ? Mr. BARING explained. Mr. W. BEAUMONT would refuse his consent to the motion, only because be had such confidence in Ministers, that he believed they would do everything that was ne cessary in the state of the country. . . _ Mr. FIELDEN said no doubt could he entertained of the fact, that great and almost unbearable distress existed in the c.)umry, and they were bound, at least, to inquire into the nature and causes of that distress. He contt seed the state of the manufacturers at the close of the war with their state at the present moment. He was himself a pro prie,or of power-looms. Let me, said he, he restored to the state, with respect to the manufacturers which I have to do with, in which I was placed at the close of the late war, and then I shall be able to give my labourers the same wages as I did then. Let them do away with pen sioners and sinecurists, who were the b ine of the country who drink and swallow up all the industry of the country. Without some measures to remedy such abuses as these, reform was useless. The people bad hitherto been waiting, with the full conviction that the Reformed Par. liament would do them justice ; and if justice were denied, h e trembled for the consequences. Mr. PEASE observed, that the task which they would have to impose upon the proposed Committee would be almost Herculean, and he should not feel inclined to sup. port the motion merely on abstract principles. [At this time a dog made his way into the body of the House, and excited a good deal of merriment among the Members, as well as in the gallery. In the latter great anxiety was testified to obtain a view of the " Hon. Member for _hark shite," as a wag tbougkt proper to designate the intruder.] Mr. I'ease continued (after the expulsion of the unautho rized visitant)—lf the Committee were to be composed entirely of economists, of one particular sec', he should oppose it; but the cry against former Parliaments had been, that they did not represent the feelings of the country. Were the R.-formed House of Commons justified in relusing to go into a Committee to inquire into a sub• ject of so much interest to their constituents ? If they dill so, the country would think, and would think justly, that there was no disposition in that House to listen to the complaints of the people in this Parliament any more than in former Parliaments. lie believed that a Commit.. tee of the nature propo , ed would collect a mass of valuable information, and would probably bring forward some very important suggestions fur the improvement of the condi tio❑ of the labouring classes. He was certainly of opinion that it would be better if the motion were withdrawn, and put into a different shape : hut he would never refuse an inquiry into those distresses, which were allowed on all hands to be great and grievous, and he feared almost overwhelming. Mr. WARBURTON said the present discussion was the most desultory which he had witnessed since the open. ing of •he present Parliament. When a motion of a simi lar nature had been proposed on a former occasion, during a former Administration, it had been argued ag.inst such an inquiry, that it would not lead to any practical good. On the same ground be would vote against the inquiry at present, because be not only considered that it would lead to no practical good, hut that it would produce much practical evil, and would greatly augment the distress, tu relieve which was its professed object. If the motion were carried, in his opinion it would be the duty of the Administration to quit office to-morrow.—( Cries of " No, no.") The House of Commons itself was th proper Committee for inquiring into the grievances of the country. If any gentleman considered that there was any particular grievance which deserved to be inquired into, he had it in his power to state his reasons to the House, and it Ras then fur them to krant a Com mittee to inquire into the particular grievance. Hr agreed with the Him. Member for the county of Durham, that the task of such a Committee would indeed be Herculean. He thought that this House would never make itself party to so monstrous a system of injustice as that of bein e instrumental in breaking all contracts entered into ho fifteen years, merely bee tulle a similar injustice had been committed at two former periods—and because the cur rency bad been depreciated in 1797, and appreciated in 1819. The gre test injustice would again be perpetrated. by a change which would break contracts to an exten touch larger even than the former violation of them. the Legislature w. re to agree to any such proposition, thee he would say, indeed, in the words of Chatham, quoted by an Hon. Gentleman the other evening, that " discord would reign." It would, in fact, be a revolutionary measure, and would be destructive of the foundation of all property. Mr. O'CONNELL said, it appeared to him that the only propelling motive of the country to induce them to wish for a reformed Parliament, had been the wish to get a Parliament that would investigate the causes of the public distress. In a reformed Parliament, he should have thought that such a Committee as that moved for by the Hon. Member for Birmingham, would have been had for asking for. If, indeed, the distress of the country were denied, then he could understand the reason for refusing inquiry ; but as it was admitted by all that there was sum. distress (anti he, for one, was ready to adduce evidence of a great deal of distress in this country, and of over whelming distress in Ireland), he thought that a corns plete case had been made out in support of the motion, provided that no mischief could result from it. And what mischief could possibly result from it ? If the people entertained delusive hopes of relief, let it be shown that their hopes were delusive; if, on the other hand, there were remedies in existence, which might at least miti4ate the evil, the House would neglect it, duly if it did not adopt the best me ins of endeavouring to discover those remedies. When the Hon. Member for Bridport talked of the evils that would ari,e from an alteration of the currency, he spoke of only half the case. Many ann great were the evils which had arisen from the conclusion of contracts during the period of depreciation. In Ire land especially, those evils were so extensive, that thet had effect.d more mischief than a social revolution. On. of the great evils of I re l an d was, t h at so many of t i n landed proprietors resided out of the country. The te nants with whom they had made contracts were, by the change of the currency, actually p.iying 50 per cent. more than the bargain. The Hon. and Learned Member instanced several cases of extreme hardship in this respect, which were all to be traced to the enhaneeraent of th. value of the currency.. The great thing was to put labour io motion ; to increase the generator of labour. Now 'hey would do that if they extended the currency so as to reach labour in all in; various and minute branches. If a bickwoodsman in America were to determine not to cut down a tree except with an axe of gold, be would he treated as a madman, because be was enhancing the value of the generator of labour. But by enhancing th value of the currency in this country, they had enhanced th e value of the generator of labour. What. ver mieht be bought upon that subject, however, an inquiry ought to oe instituted inm it, to ascertain the balloce of good or vie which might result film any change. At a time when the empire was in such great diatr,ss, when one I nib of it was convulsed, and desolation and poverty stalked through 'he I:nd, was it not the most sacred duty of a reformed Parliament to inquire into the practicability of remedying 'vile so reolorable ? He was ;wend of is reformed Parlia tient which had introduced the Hon. Member for Oldham row a class which he so well knew, to describe the evils they were enduring. A most useful class th it class was; trot it was one of the proudest ho 4515 of the country, th it a fon that class a man might raise himself to the higliast oation in society. The representative of ihat valuable lass, the presence of that H m. Mernher, ouelit to he en idditional motive to the House for appointing the oroposed Committee, in order that he might hive an opportunity of xplaining his views, and that the Commit ee might refute him if he were in error, or concur with him if his opis Mons should appear to be just. Mr. W. HARVEY wished to say a few words. in order 'hat the vote which he was about to give might not be mistaken. To appoint a motion which had fur its object in inquiry into the distress of the labouring classes, care .-ied with it the appearance of disregarding what every oats must feel was a subject entitled to the most sericoe mention. But the Hon. nonber :or Birmingham riu,lit to have brought forward his motion uud r more realm' able orcuinstances. It was not just thus to place Nlemb-rs ui a false p isition. No one but the Hun. Member him self could have anticipated this sudden introduction Of one if the largest questions to winch the attention of Raba.' neat could be directed, and on which ever, one ought te prepare his mind before he ruck a tat in its consi , lee ration. He opposed the motion because its effect would iie to shift the responsibility on the suhje...t from the shoulders of his Majesty's Goverom-nt. N r Irian was mare sensible than he was of the depth of the g- n oat distress, and of the necessity of ado sting some for ins for its relief. But while agreed on that point, no one could doubt the mode in woieli the to lief should be afforded. Toe evil was the magnitude, and still more the unequal character of the tax ition of the country. He should he sorry, therefore, to acquie.ce in a motion, which would divert from M ,jesty'a Government their respon sibility on that point. He wished first to see the Noble Lord's budget, and to see what relief he was prepared to afford, both by the remission of taxation and the introduce lion of changes into that which remained. For, he re peat al, it was ni t more the burden then the inequality cf taxation which was oppressive. After the taxes which bore pirtially had been modified, and after the most rigid eco nomy had been enforced in every minute department of the public expenditure, then further relief must be obtained by the remission of taxes bearing on industry, and the substi tution of a well-gradueted property tax. As to the ques tion of the currency, that was the greatest fallacy conceiv able. There was plenty of money in the country ; all that was wanted was the mode of applying it. The worst of it was, that the money was in heaps and masses. There was but little scattered over the country ; but it had been drifted, as if by accident, into large shoals. The way to disperse it, was to make those contribute the most by taxa tion who were possessed of the greatest means to do so, Mr. ROBINSON rose amidst loud cries of " Quese tion," but expressed his hope that as it had been inti • mated that the Irish Bill would not be proceeded with that night, the House would listen to him for a few minutes. Of all tile arguments against the motion, that of the Hon. Member for Bridport seemed to him to be the most extra ordinary—namely, that if the House consented to go into the inquiry, his Majesty's Government would he bound to abandon their places. That was an extraor dinary argument indeed, to be used by an independent Member of the House of Commons. The appointment of the proposed Committee had been opposed by the same line of argument which had been urged on all former occa sions of a sitntlar nature. The inquiry was always too general, or too particular. Some said that there was no definite object; others that there was a definite object, but that it was an erroneous one. In the present state of the public mind, it would be a great misfortune if the H ruse refused to agree to the motion of the Hen. Member for Birmingham. For that motion lie should cent iinly vote ; not that he bound himself to adopt that Hon. Member's particular opinions, but on the ground that there trait great distress, and that the causes of that distress ought to be investigated. Mr. TOOKE—lntending to vote in favour of the Com mittee as on an abstract proposition, I would wish to guard my vote by stating that I differ entirely from the avowed collateral and ulterior motives of the Hon. Mover. I know, however, that distress exists ; I believe that that people of England expect from us an inquiry into the cause of it ; I am sure they are entitled to that inquiry, and having perfect confidence in their good sense, I feel assured that they will be satisfied with a well conducted investigation, and an honest report of the result. The House then divided— For Mr. Attwood's motion.... l9B Against it Majority [The announcement of the numbers of the tninorit was received with repe.tt d cneers THE SABBATH. Mr. TOOKE prseented a petition from the rector, churchwardenq, and inhabitants of the parish of S. George, Bloomsbury, for the beter observance of the Sabbath. CHURCH REFORM. The SOLICITOR•GENERAL, in presenting a peti tion from Du•iley, in favour of Church Reform, expressed his hope very soon to sea the day when ye rty cess would he repealed throughout England as well as Ireland, a', in his opinion, it was a real grievance on the Dissenters. The Hon. Member pros-nted a similar petition from a congregation 01 Protestant Dissenters, at Wolverhampton. THE JEWS. The SOLICITOR GENERAL presented a petition from Dudley, f.r the removal of the disabilities uuder which the Jews laboured, in the prayer of which he most heartily concurred. He was proud in having been instru • mental, on a I tie occasion, in ob aining for a gentlein ,n of that p-r-uattion his ailinission to the Btr. Mr. RICHARD POTTER, as a D.seenter, begged to offer his most grateful thanhi to the Right Hon. and Learned Gent! min for the mann rin which he tad ex pressed himself towards that import ,nt and iisfluelitial body, ill Dissenters. Toe speech of the Learned Gen lethal would be received in the country with the gr±atest pleasure and satisfaction, and he was sore that the entire •iody of Dissenters would feel the gre &test gratitu ie ro oim. The circumstance detailed respecting the doinission a gentleman .ot the Je•tittl persuasion, gave hint the nost heartfelt pleasure, and r.flected the hiJies , honour the legal profession. He (Ludt regretted the op position of the Honourable Member for Oldham to the •mancipation of the Jews. At one time the Hun. G ntl man entertained a strong prejudice against the Unitarians, to whom it was his happiness and privilege to oelong ; but the Hon. Member's acquaintance with his -olleague (Mr. Fielden), who also was a Unitari in, had, ne hoped, convinced him that Unitarians could be good masters, kind friends, and tiischar4e the duties of good eit zens in as great a degree as any other sect. Mr. WILES and Mr. PETER concurred in the prayer of the peti►ion. Mr. A. JOHNSTONE opposed the prayer of the petition, and hoped never to see the English Legislature other than a Cnristian one, which it would be the moment a Jew became a Member of that House. SEPTENNIAL ACT. Mr. FRYER presented a petition from Bilston, [for the repeal of the Septennial Act: and also one from the same place, in favour of the vote by ballot. The same HoN. Maxims presented a petition from the township of Billiton, against the House and window tax. Mr. Sergeant PERRIN gave notice that on the 27th of March he should move for leave to bring in a Bid to re peal Roc . laws as made it penal for Roman Catholic priests to celebrate marriage between a Protestant and a Catholic. Mr. O'DWYER presented a petition from Drogheda, against Church rates. Mr. WARBURTON presented petitions from Queen borough, spinet the corporate abuses in that town ; from the overseers and other parish officers of Bridport, against Mowing beer to be sold on the premises; and from the licensed beer retailers of the metropolis, praying that they might be put upon the same footing with the licensed v ctualers. Mr. W. WHITMORE presented 1 petition from Wol verhampton for the vote by ballot. ijor MACNAIIIARA presented two peti.ions fro .n place• in the county Clare, against ti.e Limb Coercive Bill. The other orders of the day were tben disposed of, and he House adjourned at a quarter before one o'cloLli. It has been calculated that the Speaker has uad occasion to address the present House ofieher dormg the abort period of its present sitting, than has occurred clueing the whole prerii f klul erio4 of holding hie high