The Sun. — London, England, 1854-12-20 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING DECEMBER 20, X 854. be faultless in . e taken care so to scout that idea, we are told so expressly makes an army invincible, and ag tin I warn vou that the consent of foreign sovereigns is to be obtained for drill, become valueless in t unlit Which yon cannot h . ave the enlistment of their subjects, that I shall not argue that not to prefer the one ro qn , fo Y ; that which you have at point; for Ido not know at this moment any sovereign , now without going hear.) ad h m e etnelwdh,o maY Hoping that my remarks ma not who has benefitted by the partition of unfortunate Poland home. (Rear'ear to the patriotic spirit of th h y ouse to whom you could apply with any hope of success for have been distastefulwa of amendraent to the nobh lord's ' permission to form a Polish legion, and to employ it in the I now move, by way tll b read a second time this d • t motion, that this i e ay six war- against Russia. Let me, however , upo n this pout , hs (Loud cheeers.) offer a word of advice to the Government. Whatever is , mont . KTON MILNES l d t • Mr. MONC was g a obe able to avail your present intention, seeing that the intentions of Mi- thef opportunity to offer some remarks in reply sisters are more liable to change than those of mere ordi- ! himself of le h h d • t • ariae speech wic a jus excited so much admiration, • • nary mortals—(a laugh)—if hereafter you should see the ments which ' for- to argu were as sincerely offered as they expediency of enlisting a battalion of Poles or other nn for- were admirably delivered. (Hear, hear.) He beloved the tanate patriots, I implore you to make up your minds be- I . . inmple to be just in itself, because the whole of Europe forehand what are to be the definite objects of this war. k to was engaged in this contest, while the adoption of this (Cheers.) As the war proceeds, if you see your way the , bill would satisfy foreigners that the people of England the restoration of Poland to her ancient rank among ' were not fighting . for_ any . selfish object, but for the liber free States of Europe, say so manfully. (Cheers.) There ties of barrier the world and the independenceof nations. (Cheers.e are few in England who will not rejoice at such a Barra Mr. ADDERLEY to Russian encroachments, and such a reparation for p _ crimes. In that case, the Poles would be more than le h v e i v es ;that necessity the of the present war ; he only questioned the fact had arrived when it had become necessary —they would be our allies. (Cheers.) But, if you i t f E l period d - t prepare, o , or ng an o resort to foreien mercenaries. He doubted no idea of such an enterprise, if you are ho t lent our i too the lord's- • ' declare that one of the objects of the war is o p beforey .. , cogency of the noble reason for proposing the standards upon the citadel of -Warsaw, then pause i bill, viz., that it was always at the commencement of a war l'olish'refugees, or excite ' that assistance was required by this country, though it b you put arms into the hands o f . . (Hear, hear.) Now, i no means followed that the whole means of the country the hopes of distressed nationalities. e troo s elt e th let us look at the number of these forei o n p, to exhausted in the first year of the war. He, however, Wh it is e 't 1 The bill gives you power to enlist ' differed with the noble lord, while he thought prudenee y, 10,000 men at a time ; b u t as soon as you have drilled them dictated that we should make use of all our national i in this country, and d e ; p a tched them to the seat of war, , resources that were p cssibl y available at the ver ee first corn you have the power to enlist and drill another 10,003, and mencernent of war, otherwise the enemy would be apt to so on, without limit. Now, suppose that you were to en- ; form an inadequate notion of our power. We were not list a battalion of Poles, who, when peace was proclaimed, yet reduced to the necessity of havingrecourso to foreigners, should still have no country, what would become of the and he wanted to know why the Government preferred large number of armed men whom you would leave on the , hiring foreign mercenaries to using the national resources ? surface Of Europe? Therefore, I say, f or th e sake of jus- : (Hoar.) Why should we have recourse to foreigners while tics to Poland, for.. the honour of England, and for the j the British colonies were offering to reinforce the army in cause of social order on th e Conti nen t, I implore you, the Crimea? They were assured the Colonial Secretary • before you think hereafter of seeking the assistance of the other night that there was no intention whatever by an y distressed natio na lit y, t o cons id er we ll how far yon this bill to express distrust in the loyalty and attachment will extend the definite o bj ec t s o f th e war. (Hear, hear. of the colonies ; but surely, after the Canadian Parlia- It, will be competent for gentlemen who succeed me to ex- ment had made an offer of its assistance, it was, to say tend the discussion of this bill into a survey of the general the least of it, ungracious to accept this measure in prefe conduct of Ministers with respect to the war. I have no rence to their offer. (Hear.) He was assured upon excel such intention. I have no wish to reiterate former charges lent authority that a letter had recently been received from nor to bring into adroit display every casual error of negli- a Canadian gentleman, stating his readiness, in conjunc genes that may have occurred. (Hear, hear.) I can' as- tion with other gentlemen, not only to raise a Canadian sure the Secretary . e t. - w ar th a t the other night I heard regiment, but to maintain that regiment during the time his eloqu en t s p eec h with great pleasure, and pleasure more it served with the British arm y . (Hear.) hile Eiuch honourable to both of us than mere admiration, for I did offers as these were being made, coming as they did ftom think that he satisfactorily disproved many charges that Canada, which could furnish the beat troops in the world, had been brought against his own department, not, in- did it not convey a feeling of distrust to reject thene in deed, by any gentleman in this house, but which had ere- favour of German mercenaries? It seemed to him to be a • • • tof doors. (Hear, hear.) downright insult to the colony ; and being offered at this ated a painful impression out With regard to the Cabinet itself, I cheerfully recognise time, when the connection between the mother coutitry men who have won that high name in the public service and the colony appeared to be mast healthy and firm, was of this country which gives them a deep interest in its exceedingly unfortunate. Why should we prefer the honour and prosperity. Ido not know that there is one assistance of foreigners to that of our own blood and kin, man in the Cabinet, or in all the Government, of whom I whether in the colonies or at home? The other day the should wish to speak in other terms than those of personal noble lord the President of the Council recommended the respect ; but it is not a discordant combination of able members of the Mechanics' Institute to study the decline men that makes the most worthy Cabinet in times of and fall of nations, and remarked that it would be found peace, while the spirited conduct of war requires a promp- a sure sign of the decline of a nation when it became ntime titude and decision, a rapid and comprehensive foresight, rically inferior to the nations with which it was allied. which can only come from a fixed unity of purpose. and Now, if the noble lord was correct in that view, as no object. -That unity the conflicting spirit of Ministers has doubt he was, it would almost seem from this ; bill notoriously belied. Take the last instance. Compare the that England was in the decline ; but he denied that senguinetone which the treaty with Austria created else- she was numerically inferior to her allies. The nation where with the language and cautious scepticism as to its had ample resources within itself, and in the pattiot important results expressed by the organ of the Govern. ism of its colonies, to furnish its army with plenty of re merit in this house. (Hear.) On a recent occasion the cruits without having recourse to a measure of this chttrac- First Ministerof the Crown assumed that the Government ter. The colonies being enfranchised from political; dis hed been blamed for their reluctance in going to war, as abilities, had begun to feel a warmer attachment towards exhibited by the pre • dminary negotiations. That is not the the mother country, and it would be the height of folly to fact. The Government was not blamed for their reluctance weaken that feeling, by rejecting their offers of assistance ' to go to war ; but what we regretted was this, that the in the present war; rather let them encourage it I now state of public opinion in this country, which so deeply re- when they could do BO with so muc h a d van t age to our sented the first disguised aggression upon Turkish idle- , nationality, or a golden opportunity for still further pendence, had never fairly been represented to the Russian cementing the colonies to the British Throne would be lost Emperor; and we stated that if the language used by pur to us for ever. (Hear.) What troops could we havebetter Minister at the first, without being at all more threatening, than our own, or better than the Canadian Rifles—the had been much more frank and plainspoken, you would first volunteer force in the world, to whom we owe the have had a better chance of preserving peace than you possession of Canada at this moment. (Hear.) The noble could have bycomplimenting the Czar upon his moderation lord had attempted to make them believe that there•wete and fairness, after he had secretly proposed the subdivision precedents for this measure, and that if they rejected this of the Turkish dominions, and after he had deceived your bill, it would be a deviation from the teachings of history credulity by misrepresen tin g g reat militar y p re p arations as but, in p oint of fact, there was not the least appositeness an innocent mode of moral aggression. (Cheers and laugh- in the two cases w hich the noble lord had quoted; the ter.) In prosecuting your negotiations with Austria, I most apposite of the t w o , perhaps, was that ofp ; S ain but entreat you to avoid the spirit which pervaded your nego- did the noble lord think England was reduced to the same tiations with Russia. You have here an opportunity of state as Spain when she called in the assistance of the the most complete success. You have only to consider the British Legion ? Were the colonies of England in the•same spirit of your former negotiations, and to conduct your- position as those of Spain ? Certainly not ; and it would selves in a spirit diametrically opposite. (A laugh.) We be most humiliating to the country, and crushing to her never blamed the Government for not going to war until feelings of self-reliance, if the Ministers on this occasion all parties were prepared for it ; but what we wonder at is were allowed to accept the services of foreign mercenaries this, that the only persons in the three kingdoms who in preference to the noble offers of the colonies. (Hear, were unprepared for tee war were her Majesty's Minis - hear . ) S u c h a measure as this c o u l d be only justifiable in ten; and so unprepared were they that the best excuse for the most urgent ease of necessity ; no such case had been all of them is that they commenced a war which they now made out, and therefore, without trespassing longer upon find to be protracted, and with a most formidable enemy, the house, he thought he had said quite enough to justify with military preparations little raised above the ordinary his voting for the amendment. (Hear, hear.) establishments of peace, and upon the niggardly principle Mr. WATSON - would support this and every other pro that its cost should be defrayed out of our ordinary re- position which was calculated to carry on the war with venue. (Hear, hear.) The public were disposed to receive efficiency. , your tardy assumption of energy at the commencement of Mr. E. BALL, as an opponent of the war, opposed this winter as a partial indemnity for at least your compare- bill, which he thought would only add . • •to the calamities of tire indolence during the previous months of summer and the war. autumn ; but who could foresee that one of the gigantic Mr. 11. GIBSON said the noble lord (Lord J. Russell) . efforts of your collective patriotism, reserved very - made a important announcement at the commence 'Prise so pressing and prodigious that it is the main reason vent of his speech, and which was to the effect that, if this . - why we are summoned together, although there was not abill were defeated, the Government would feel it necessary wore *hoot- it in the - s each from , the 'eta ,________ o J r. _Throne would be to resign their offices. After tleat announcerne t the loan`,Z,",,,; l6 r7:Nr e tt pei T eo rr ia Ot 10,000 foreigner's? question before the home must ► be — approached with :l cons' Isere all ins mentarei aeneeemblea in haste, in derable difficulty by hon. gentlemen, and he (Mr. Gibson) ' e . the troops are so numerous tis.J.3llaeerainister took upon himself to protest against that system of over et to do with them. Another -ui,i,te. d oes not awin g 7.7 , 7g , the deliberate sentiments of the house by telling eeild have a million, nil' .lied we are waiting ' tiv..t_iie,:lweLad., upon a few hours' notice ) ; make ett ‘--" te'Oef... ilelieter, out come s this ridicu- tire measure—the Govor un . that, too, upon an importantlegisla aLa this creeping. this crawling proposi- liberty to retire from office. He coulr fat ie tintWa-t vine third-rate power for the loan of 1.0,0ee why resignation was to be the consequence of the defeat of ers and laughter.) It reminds me of the story this bill. (Hear, hear.) Had not hon. members seen in turer who was boasting o to an acquaintance he the course of last session how measures of domestic policy ip in a coffee-house of the enormous wealth he involving great principles were defeated, although intro distance. Ho spoke of his castles in Corn- duced by the Government, and how that Government did _shire, of his copper mines in one coun try not think that those defeats rendered necessary their retire eamond mines in Peru, and when he had ment from office? He maintained, then, that it was not :is friend to the highest pitch of expectation as fair, upon a measure of this character (which was, after might reasonably expect from the munificence all, but a minor proposition with reference to the proposals •••- of such boundless resources, he suddenly that had been made for the carrying on of the war), for e.wl . upon his breeches pocket and said, " I the Government to threaten that its rejection would cause 'Lose nice there at at the bar, have you such a a break up of the Ministry. Whichever way he should esent you as 10i.l. !" (Great laughter.) Well, vote upon this measure—(laughter)—he should vote • with repeat there is no parallel case or precedent for this reference to its merits and his own conscientious convic - e 1 will presently show; but let me call the attention tions, and not to the threat of the Gov r e nment, for he felt souse in the first instance to an opinion given upon that it involved a ri ciple of far more imp or t ance th an Abject by a great man, which must have this highest. the resi g nation or n l3 on- n resignati • ' on of the Cabinet. at and authority with gentlemen opposite. I will What was the measure before the house? Byi t they were a what was said on a similar occasion to this by Mr. invited to enable her Majesty to enlist foreigners gners in the .ray, afterwards Lord Grey. (Hear, hear.) That great British army, to fight the battles of this country, . . and to Man once said, " I cannot doubt that occasions may arise become the enemies of Russia. He wished to know whe whenw it would be proper to introduce foreign troops into ther it was consistent with a sound view of public la this country, but it should never be done except in cases that Parliament should make provisions enabling the Ca of extreme necessity, and never should bo suffered to be binet to communicate with the subjects of some neutral clone without being watched with that constitutional State? Ought, not Governments to communicate with jealousy which is the best part of the character of this Governments? He appealed to any hon. member in that house, and the best security of the rights and liberties of house to say whether or not it was sound policy to se pa the people. " Now, I appeal to the candour of the majority rate peoples from t• • S • P' their Sovereigns, and to give power to of gentlemen opposite, if these words of Mr. Grey do not her Majesty to communicate with the individual sub ' at least justify us in the jealousy with which we regard this Sects of neutral States • without,?" - all recognising the bill— anti whether we are right or wrong in that jealousy,Governments le of those States 9 es ogoe rlear, hear, hear.) or whether it is , ' overstrained or not, I appeal to them to What would be our feelings if rfforelgn state should at say if it does not amply vindicate us from the unworthy tempt to enlist men from England without the consent of charge that we aro obstructing the necessary preparations the Queen ? It was not consistent • with sound principles of the war. Mr. Grey went oe 'o " Fur the say, purpose for our Government to attempt to enlist men from foreign of our own defence wemust ' sometimes employ foreign States without the consent of their Sovereigns or Govern troops ; but still I cannot help thinking that the wisest monts, and at a time when they were at peace with that course for us to pursue is to rely the courage and power with which we were at war. And yet it appeared He Where is your to etirn that that was the very policy of this bill. Not a case of urgent or proved necessity for ' tgismasure ? Why word was said about any treaty having been entered into it has not been urged as a case of nece ss it y , ble lord said not a word about the se forii because the no- with any foreign Government. Not a syllable was said gn troops bein g about any alliance, or any understanding, but simply that, required for the safety of the nation. (il ear, hear.) No, by this bill, her Majesty would be empowered to go by sir, he was too much of an En g lish man for that, and u means of her recruiting officers to foreign countries—to the only urged it at the most a s a q uestion o f convenience. T i l l ie territories of neutral States—and to raise forces there for • bill is required for the con venience of drillin g t he troops in the purpose of being engaged in the war with Russia. this country. Well, then, it being a mere question of _Either that was going to be done with the consent of those convenience, I say the conve nience is not worth the pur - neutral States, i o r was going to b© done without their con chase. It has not been unsea sonabl y asked elsewhere, s ent or knowl e( ge. Ifit were to be clone with their con how will the enemy regard this proposition? (Cheers.) sent, then they forfeited What a pretext you give to the Emperor of Russia to re- prepared toexercise that their hel neutrality. As they were present to his subjects the correctness of the estimate which they must also be prepared tolig d erent right against Russia, he had, formed of the power of the British people. Olean But, if they were so prepared, le e t clze o war against Russia. hear.) Well may he now refer to the braggart talk of the the face of Europe. (Cheers.) Let t ' i (: e o it openly, and in l euter into au House of Parliament—their boast of the popular enthn- alliance with this country, an d sen d aem siasm—their willingness that the best blood of the nation their contingents in support of the common .' ciaarYs forces as ) should be spilt in the struggle; well, I say, may lie refer. That course would be straightforward, and con a si e st . e ( t e ' r. • to all theseethings, and compare all this talk with the sine. the public law of Europe. But, if it were to be done without nvith plc fact that in the first year of the war we are compelln l the consent of these States or against their wishes , then the t-) go som ew h ere e l se for the loan of 10,000 bayonets. And British Parliament ought not deliberatelyto sanction upon nt what pretence do they seek this assistance ?ho will such course of public policy. (Hear.) The Governments a urally ask. Why, he will say, by their own confession of Switzerland and of other countries had pissed laws to besauee they are not a military nation, and have ' prevent the system of carrying on wars by means of mer timenot had since the commencement of the war ' to drill canaries. The noble lord(Lord J. • a suffi- cane . Russell) might quote dent numbei of recruits for that army which at the battle to the house precedents of past times—he might go back of Inkertaten could only muster 8,000 men. • (Hear hear.) to the middle ages—he might quote to them the precedent Sir, I, as an Englishman, am not trinity , . thatthe should stand thus before the emeth , s enemy. (Cheers.) tomahawks; but, irthe present war was to be carried on Still less am I wilding to s e l i am before the eyes of our as war had t-ten; carried on by the nations of Europe ally—(sheers)—while'l do not think it is the best mode to in recent Ii• • the plug proposed by this bill could remove the timid hesitation of Austria and Prussia. not be adopted by the house, (Cheers. lam convinced, in spite of all your omissions, iu in on warbbecause the system of carry spite of all your delay, that we have men still sufficient ai downed g by the means oie of mercenaries had been utterly mu thiscon- moment to fight our own wet (Cheers.) y ou tell nicipal (Cheers.)sTh cou rse _ of public treaties and of law, lt might be contended that every • its that you sent ample reinforcements to the Crimea a foreign Power might allow this • ' ' week, nay, a month, ago ; and I say you have had plenty jeans to make war upon Russia, and yet neu of time and means since for preparing and raising and dill- trality ; but that, he submitted, Wa maintain c i its angerous princt ling more. I say you have had an ample field for raising pie to lay down, for it would justify a the Government of a sufficient number of troops in the over-crowded popula- the United States in permitting Russia to hi tion of the country. (Hear.) I d en y altogether the idea that to fi g ht against us in the p resent contest. ( e r ind cries of if you draft off in that way the labouring population of the hear, hear.) He had heard it said that a country might rural districts you will disturb the operations of agricul- lend its troops to carry on a war in another country with ture, because the suspension of th e ordinary industrial oc- out forfeiting its neutrality, if there wereexisting cupations of the •if labouring classes, espe ciall y in railwa y treat y or understandin g to that eff ect Bat see that .we were works, caused by the war, has released a lar g e number of the case, ho wished to know with what count r y had a the most able-bodied portion of our populat ion. I believe, treat y of that nature? A little dili gence would , soon moreover, you might employ to advantage in y our arm y able the Government to inform him wha t was the nameeno-f the large number of marines stationed at Chat ham and that countr y , and he ho p ed that the G overnment would ether places. Try every other means before you reso rt to a tell bins in what country it was that we were enabled on Irsci to bill like this ; and if I were to presume to offer you adv ice, enlist men for the p ur p ose of carryin gthe war with I Would say to you, "Go into the best market for your re- Russia ? (Hear, hear.) He believed that thus . bill would (hiettswhere bark.this country incourse of • noe . e you can get spirit and strength." That mar- em a policy moat dangerous Ze i riere at home. Go there, then, and get the best ma- to its future interests, and calculated to multiply wars b e . lone s o n can, at any cost—it will be the cheapest in the pond all bounds. (Hear.) If this country, by enlistment „ r he um. . (Cheers.) Sir, I remember in the year 1779, of men the subjects of foreign States, should involve those hostile elii; rts of France and Spain were bristling with States in war with Russia, it would ' devolve upon thi s Channel witilaind American privateers were cruisingin our country to aid those States against Russia. (Hear.) H o sentatives of I m ee l' a u a ettee , Lord Hertford offered the repre- believed that two great countries like-England and France, e nemy of makewageradescent upon their coast- - What war with Russia without having recourse to the dangerous refusal. (Cheers.) me t4thZas a manly and independent course proposed by this bill, namely, the employment of a potent to -defend ourselves without f 3o we are not perfectly com- diminutive ' supply of mercenaries. (Loud cheers.) In worthy o f being defended at nil. t foreign aid, we are not conclusion, the right hon, gentleman said he would vote Came there presentatives of Ireland,Sir. if that answer be- against the second reading of the bill, to which he would the unitßuret it unbecoming ed Parliament of the would not be offer every opposition in his power. L e t me ask you tow eet __ o _entire_ kingdom. Mr. J. G. PHILLIMORE also opposed the bill as in (Cheers.) at the armaments of Russia, an Lore with e i rse who (lashed volving a calamity and a degradation to this country. and intrepidity the sufferings and calani. _osequal fortitude Mr. SIDNEY HE RBE EtT said—Sir, in the speech the n ri 0 •tne3 how iti of disease ant we have just heard from the hon. gentleman the member the fatigues of ' then, the many of those were new for Manchester (Mr. M. Gibson) he complained that her recruits'.' (Cheers.) Why, material of le British army in the Crimes consiste es still towich the Majesty's Government, in the speech 'of my noble friend of this country • be found the Lord President of the Council, acting as the mouth amongst the labourers ,i ~.. a n d these are thepiece men ,you should look to f or yi) rre si i eite men \l4lO like of Government, had assumed a tone which their brothers an fellows in the Crimea, weeei e 5 was not justifiable, inasmuch as he had attempted by le ee threats decision patient of their own eefferines as they were h ereetTe • to (h of resignation to force this house into a the wounded. (Loud cheers.) That . is the kimi of ma. I ear)—contrary to his own opinion and conviction. Sir, terial your army is, and should centinue to be, wi le of e in a , ie i rt vi re of those who hold at a high value the rights of You may, draw troops from GeIIUfLIIY, from Switzerlane, in this individual members of Pailia.ment. I hold that every man from Sweden, from Poland, when the absolute neceseity exert etre has a perfect right to act in every case on his opinion of its ' for it come-, but I say this is not the moment when you firence t o any 1 ....tits, if ho so chooses, without re ought to set aside our own willing and a ble-bodied; stout- in the merit ;ef a tt e e ri°r consequence. I have that confidence hearted countrymen, in order to arm foreigners for our forward, that I ask and which I am about to bring • • th ey will accomplish her of this house, nd challenge for it, from every mom defence. (Cheers.) Depend upon it, i soldiers, who merits, e, more for you than whole hosts of foreign ''`iers have been reluctantly trained to arms under the sway of likewise true math : , six 1 ) 7 yof the case. But it is e 5..., 4,. p.,, The foreigner may to take whatever course heya' • y which consists of men free ~ e , eee—e_n__etasePotic constitutions. (Hear, hear.) t f t' not be like upo n • any question, there --: - ee lea well disciplined, his training may have been per ee lenv must an exeePtion still le - - , o-e, Int he will stilt lack that strength in his own right arm Ito be her Majesty's Gove ' ss that this exception is • e •-- has-always been the ehafactoristio- of the British •to fir o. . ea 4 _ - 4 e ... 1.. . 14.w. that poli rnment —none must be c c Y wh iAbetheX thiult eital to thoempelled •• -....• ntiftire - r. (Cheers.) Without that feeling which alone interest, and 139120 D 14114 )10 compelled to d._ . public 0 that Whach they ~. ~.. know to be fatal to the public interest, because other gen tlemen choose to take a different view of what is or is not for the public interest. Now let me attempt to discuss this measure in perf,ct fairness. I do not mean to insinuate against any gentleman who differs from Government that his motives are factious or hostile to Government, even if they appear to me to be founded on prejudice or misrepre sentation of the measure. I think that there is both in the House of Commons and in the country a desire honestly `0 give the utmost effect to the war which her Majesty's Government are now carrying on. Well, I think that I may make every allowance for differences of opinion, but I ask you to listen to the arguments which I shall lay before you, and which seem to me to be conclusive, first, as to the danger which it' is supposed will threaten the constitution ; and, secondly, as to the danger which it is supposed will threaten the British army from the ad mixture of foreign troops. Sic, with respect to the danger which it is supposed will threaten our social state if we seek for aid in the prosecution of the war--which is not an English war, but eminently a European war (hear, hear)—the hon. baronet who moved that this bill be read a second time this day six months made great use of some arguments with reference to the precedents which exist for a bill of this kind. I will not delay the house by going into this subject at length. The precedents which were adduced by my noble friend who moved the second reading of the bill were not, he said, instances in which we were engaged in treaties offensive and defensive, but were mere pretences. Now, sir, as far as this question is concerned, I want to know if ever there was a case in the world in which a European quarrel was entered into which could not by common consent be called a German quarrel also ? Do you mean to lay down this principle—that if the law of nations be broken through —if some great and vio lent injustice be committed by a strong state upon a weaker one, are nations like France and England, who pro fess to be the leaders in civilisation, who profess to be in a great degree the arbitrators of the conduct of other nations — are they to abdicate their high functions—are they to say that injustice may be committed, that power and might are to make such inroads over Europe, so that at last, when it comes to their turn, they will find themselves unable to re sist it? (Hear.) I tell you that throughout Germany you have sympathy with you in the war, and is this sympathy of Germany to pass awayand bear no fruit whatever. Hon. gentlemen say that "you have no instance of raising an army in countries not in strict alliance with you. You may go to Hanover, for Hanover is Hampshire. Yon may go to Prus sia, because Prussia is in alliance with you." These, how ever, are not all the precedents. Ia 1813 an act of Parlia ment was passed which appears to me not to be so chary of al liances. It appears to me that it is thought right at the end of s war, and not at the beginning of a war no atone should be left unturned ; but what happened in 1813 ? An act was passed to enable his Majesty to do what ? If we had come to the house and said—if we had come to Parliament and proposed to introduce foreigners into English regiments, I must say that in my opinion such a proceeding would have been unwise ; bat do you think we have not prece dents for asking men to come and serve in our regi ments which former Governments have not introduced ? What do yon think of the act of 1813 ? We proposed to raise the 60th Regiment to ten battalions ; the Bth, 9th and 10th battalions were to be added to the 60th Regiment ; and orders were issued to the officers not to recruit the battalions in Russia or in Prussia, but to recruit them from foreigners generally, and to get foreigners from any country they could. You wanted precedents—you have got precedents—but I confess that if you have no prece dents to go upon, where you see a menacing and crying necessity, I say do not let us stand upon mere precedents, but exercise what is far better—our own common sense. If you see the means of getting assistance and have the op portunity of getting ready trained troops, I say, in God's name do it, and do not talk about precedents. (Hear.) The hon. gentleman who has just sat down has asked what magic is theme in being a German or a Swiss which the English recruit does not possess? I say that this is the magic. I say that the English recruit makes the best soldier in the world, and, instead of being made in five months, has been made in three months. You can make a soldier in three months, but can you convert a boy into a man in three months? (Hear.) Honourable gentlemen ought to have read the letters of the greatest military commander that the world ever saw—l mean the Emperor Napoleon, that great master of organisation. You will find him saying, when he wanted reinforcements in conse quence of the immense consumption of men—you will find that he wrote constantly, and said, " Pick me out older men ; do not send me boys who consume my rations, im pede my marches, and encumber ray hospitals." (Hear, hear.) I think that you have had experience of this. (Hear, hear.) I will state one fact. We have com• milted errors in sending out reinforcements. The house will feel that in operations of this description after a long peace our armies may be exhausted. Now, the great mass of the recruits which come in are, comparatively speaking boys. The youngest age is 18, and the greatest difficulty 'is felt in preventing them from passing them selves as 18, when they are much less, so that the greatest mass of recruits come in at the earliest age. Is this the best ago for soldiers ? Young men in the higher ranks of life, who have been well-fed and well-lodged, are much more advanced towards the strength of a man-than lads taken from the plough, who have had scanty supplies of food and meat not more than once or twice a week. What is the consequence of this ? Ween they are put into rations for a short time you find them to be growing lads. You say that in 1803 or 1804, when the war broke out—what did you do in 1804? For the first five years you acted on the defensive. So long as the army is kept at home well quartered and well-fed, so long as it is kept in such a posi tion as this youth does not tell against it ; but at the first d exposure to hardship and privation the constitution of young lads are not strong enough to bear up against them. consumed, reinforcements, , e e e r Tn 7t hto h e n en r e ,n d constant to ytua.armarches o hey e s ailaire,jumer e xposur e azdt t h e re cognise the truth which the Emperor Napoleon ut tered, vriacalrasassie 'vela"! he was talking about "I say y ou make a soldier in three mouths, but can you convert a boy a into a man in three months?" I have stated withent re serve the difficulty under which we labour. It is asked, what is the magic by which the German is excepted from this difficulty ? I think I can easily explain that matter. In Germany all the peasantry are subject to military con scription or military service in some shape or other. Mili tary service expires, generally speaking—l am not allud ing to any state in particular, but in most German states military service expires when the peasant has approached the ago of 26 or '27. The German Governments will not give the peasant permission to emigrate until he has com• pleted the period of his military service, and he therefore o trinot leave the country until he is 26 or 27 years of age. We have German emigrants passing through England to the United States, to Canada, and to Australia, to the amount of 30,000 souls every year. Throughout Germany provisions are high, and there are in those states something like the feeling which exists in Ireland of thededre to emi grate to another hemisphere. The amount of emigration to the English colonies is very great. It would be greater bat for this circumstance, that as they are persons of small property, and possess limited funds, they are obliged to take by preference that passage which costs them the least. Therefore the great mass of emigrants have gone to Canada or the United States, but if they had the means I have no doubt they would have gone to Australia in preference. Again, you should recollect this circumstance. The Ger mau Government gives the peasants permission to emigrate as soon as they have satisfied the Government that they have performed their military services. That gives a power of denaturalisation. In England we have no such power. Some hon. gentlemen have said they do not know what number the Government can get, or where they can get them. Never was anything more truly said. I think the Government must be endowed with wonderful powers of prophecy, if they can tell how a measure will work when it is necessary to obtain the sanction of Parliament to that measure before they can put the proposition in any shape before the parties to whom it will be necessary to apply. (Hear.) It is obvious that the Government cannot pretend to say how many men they will get, or where they will get them from. We may have reasons for forming au opinion on this subject from the statements which have been made to us by persons who have been accustomed to deal with Germans ; but we cannot pretend to say that we are going to take 30,000 men, 35,000 men, or any other number of men. (Hear.) The number, of course, is left very much to the option of honourable gentlemen opposite. The hon. baronet opposite took the case in both ways. He spoke of 10,000 men as something so insignificant as not to be worth mentioning ; but when he thought the objection would be altogether fatal, he magnified the number into 30,_00 or 40,00, and said that the worst part of the mea sure was that there was no limit. (Hear, hear.) There certainly is no limit in one sense. But there is a Parlia mentary limit. I apprehend that year by year the esti mates must be submitted to the house, and they must con tain the maximum number of men, which the Govern ment will have no power to exceed. (Cheers.) The- Par liamentary limit is therefore in your hands. There is no other limit, except that of the willingness of the parties to come. What we ask you to do is to try the measure. We think if it succeeds that it will be of the utmost value. We tell you we can get recruits faster than we can train them and make them soldiers, and I hope we shall continue to do so. (Cheers.) But this I know that if we have the means to enable us to spare these men until they are fit for service, we should make soldiers of them not merely to meet the enemy the first few days after their arrival, and behave as our recruits did at Alma and Inkerrean, but we should have men who would be able, besides fighting a battle, to undergo all the hardships and privations which they may have to endure before meeting with the enemy a second time. (Cheers). When you pro duce a recruit able to meet the enem y in battle, you have not made a soldier of him • and what you have to do is, to o vercome the di ffi culties Which I have mentioned. I say, any Government, knowing the nature of these recruits, and knowing their extreme youth, knowing the risk to which they are exposed, knowing the certainty of their being laid up by fever or dysentery, inconsequence of their inability to stand the fatigue and the change of climate—l say that if any Government, knowing these facts, should, in order to meet the prejudice or a vote of the House of Commons, neglect the moans which they may have in their hands for providing at xiliary forces, whose services may give our men time to recruit themselves, that Government would be highly culpable. (Loud cheers.) Well, are we degrading our army by sending out foreigners to combine with them in these operations ? I can imagine the feeling entertained towards men who would fight for either Eng land or Russia, and I wish the hon. and learned gentleman would make himself the agent of the Emperor of Russia, and try his eloquence in Germany for a few days. (Laughter.) Do you think that the men of Germany will come to our standard for the sake of nothing but a shilling a-day ? They will not come to those w ho p a y the most. There exists throughout Germany a great sympathy with the Western Powers. (Cheers.) Arc you going to deny to other countries all share of honest feeling against unjust encroachment ? Do you suppose you have tho monopoly of that feeling ? Would our army be degraded by having such men fighting by its side ? Did our army feel de graded when the troops of Germany fought along with them ? No, you may say, because these states were in alliance with us. But do you suppose that the privates in our ranks entered much into the consideration of di plomatic relations I Do you suppose that Sir Colin Hal kett, who is now at Chelsea in comfortable retirement, felt degraded. when he was identified with those men who under the greatest difficulties rendered him such es sential services? (Cheers.) I cannot read the debates of 1801 without seeing that the identical arguments were then produced which are now used, and without a feeling of hu miliation that those arguments have not Lunde one atom in :olvance. The hon. baronet says we were in alliance with Germany. But the army then raised was the most motley army that over was seen, and was composed of very many nations. (Hear.) But, it is said, you are letting these m supersede English soldiers. Now, if you will show me an army of English soldiers consisting of seasoned menaly_h will" ad oh clangors of a campaign in a pestilential country, t ime you may safely send to a foreign clim e to undergo 11 t w dt ad mit there is something in your argu ment. Bat yout attempt to do that. *hen you talk o f superseding he tish soldier by the German, you assume that the English soldier is a man of years sufficient toe insure the stamina of his constitution, and you . assume the Gerinan to be a -mere boy... But_ Lhavet wn you, and I hope satisfactorily, that that is en error—that the English recruit is a boy that the difficulty is not to make him a soldier but to con vert him into a man—and that the German is not a boy, but a soldier and a man. (Cheers.) I have no doubt that in the course of a few years you might raise up a great army. You might de so if you were to stand on the defensive for four or five years. But we want to operate before that time. (Cheers.) Are you prepared to wait until these lads have become men ? We want to do that now which you wish to have done when it may be too late. That is what we propose to do by this bill. (Cheers.) I do not pretend to say what number of men will come to our assistance ; but we shall he culpable if we neglect the opportunity of get ting every man we can. (Cheers.) The right honourable gentleman says you have no right to complain, because you have got as your ally the most powerful military nation in Europe, and therefore you need not make any great effort to secure men to be produced at the shortest notice. France, as the right honourable gentleman justly says, is a very powerful military nation, but it is not the most power ful military nation in point of numbers, because, as far ae numbers are concerned, Russia is the most powerful state 1 i n Christendom. But you must take into consideration not merely numbers. W. will take the French army at 400,000 non. But does France consider a foreign legion such an annecessary thing ? Does France acknowledge the supe riority of Russia, and hero-,vn weakness, in admitting foreign legions into her service ? France from the earliest days has been in the habit of employing foreign troops, and in the days of Turenne she employed Irish, Scotch, and Swiss regiments. France has now in her pay a legion composed of foreigners as an auxiliary to her troops. The right hon. eentleman spoke of the march of civilisation, but I confess that my views of the march of civilisation are not com patible with the system that is proposed, of neglecting the means of effectually carrying out our views against that Hower which does its utmost to prevent the march of civi lisation. I ask those hon, members who consider that we can raise any number of troops, and render them effec tive in a moment, to answer me this question—What is the number of British troops, be they 150,000 or 200,000, or be they more, which would not be stronger or better for the addition of 50,000, 40,000, or 30,000 foreign troops ? (Cheers.) Success in war, after all, is in a great degree, after skill is considered, a question of numbers, and therefore, if you wish for success in this war, you must not neglect any means at your disposal to swell your battalions against the troops of Russise(Cheers ) Some persons say you have got the Turks at your disposal. I know we have, and they are troops who fight extremely I well under certain circumstances. The Turks fought very I gallantly at Silistria.' (Cheers.) I wish those gentlemen who talk of the use of mercenaries to recollect how many mercenaries, and German mercenaries, are engaged in.. the present contest. Who was it that organised the army of Silistria ? A Prussian officer. Who organized the whole Turkish artillery force ? Prussian officers. What has become of them l' Have their Governments recalled them to their servile, ? Not at all. Who is Omer Pacha himielf ? Omer Pacha is of Austrian extraction. (Oh, oh.) Ho cer tainly is not a Turk. In the Russian army there are many German officers. I mention these facts to show that we are not introducing a new system, but acting upon one which is in existence at this very moment. But you ask, how do these Turks behave ? What is said of the Turkish army ? It is said of the Turkish army that it is an army which fights very well behind walls. Now, what is the meaning of the expression, " fighting well be hind walls ?" Why, it is a cautious method of saying that it is an army which will not fight except behind walls. And, therefore, if you wish to strengthen your army, you must strengthen it by men upon whom you can depend. New, I have a thorough conviction of the gallantry of the German nation, and I deeply regret to hear them spoken of as the scum of Europe. (Hear, hear, and no, no.) These are not terms which ought to be used to a nation which is manifesting the greatest sympathy with us, and which must ultimately join tin. I Depend upon it this great war cannot be carried on without the intervention of auxilia ries. Whatever may be your dislike to a bill whieh has excited the prejudices of many gentlemen, we must beware how we attempt to fight the whole battle by ourselves — how we use language and express opinions which may deter other nations from coming to our assistance. (Hear, hear.) This is a European quarrel. Those who talk lightly about the German nations forget that they are in c oee proxi mity to Russia. We may have taken the most generous course, and may have been the first on the field ; but they must be forced into the field, and it does not' become us to disparage them. (Cheers.) I have endeavoured to explain why we want assistance—l have endeavoured to show that, although we can get men, we cannot produce them in an effective state. I have shown that the assis tance of these German soldiers would be invaluable. I ask honourable gentlemen to vote for this measure upon its merits. lam not afraid of their decision. I tell you you have a right to vote for it. Each member has a right to vote for it, according to his own impression of its merits. All I claim for the Government is, that if you entrust us with the duty of carrying on the war, you will net censure us if we use our best efforts to do so effectually. You will not say, " We chain ysu to the oar—we do not care what is your opinion of what is right—we are the best and only judges, and it is for you to follow our behests with obe dience." That is a position which no Government can be placed in, and if any Government would consent to accept such a position it would forfeit all public confidence. • We have explained our objects. We think that this bill is necessary. It may fail, but if it fails we cannot reproach ourselves, as you will not be able to reproach us. If it succeeds, it will be of incalculable assistance to us ; and believing that to be the case, we urge it upon the house as a measure which is necessary to the publicinterests. (Loud cheers-) Lord STANLEY said—l am generally unwilling to ad dress the house, and to-night I should be glad to leave the question under our consideration in the hands of the hon. baronet near me, whose speech was one worthy of his literary eminence, and of the cause which he undertook to advocate. I came up to this meeting of Parliament, as I believe almost every gentleman upon this side of the house \did-, with the sincere hope that we should separate for the Christmas hglidays without the occurrence of any citeuin ,,,t.,„... w a1, 24 . e oold tend an,diudurb the unanimity which at the present moment it is so desirable should prevail. No man who has the interest of the country at heart, or who possesses one particle of public spirit, can desire, at a period of great public emergency such as this, to throw any impediment in the way of the Government. It is per fectly obvious that any one who in such a crisis finds fault with any measure of a military character, whether offen sive or defensive, which her Majesty's Ministers may pro pose, does not merely expose himself to the customary and inevitable attacks of those who are the supporters of Government, but, what is of infinitely more importance, that he runs no slight risk of being misapprehended and misunderstood by tho public at large. (Hear, hear.) There is therefore good reason why we should enter into this discussion with every feeling of reluctance and regret. (Hear, hear.) For myself, at all events, I may say that there is eearcely any measure connected with the conduct of the war, except that under our notice, which I should not bait been reo t willing to pass over in silence. Mea sures might have Leon brought forward which we could not have thought judicious, which WO could not have thought, the best calculated to secure the objects for which they had been framed; and under ordinary circumstances we might have been willing to content ourselves with pro testing against such measures, with fixing the responsibi lity of their adoption on the Government, and with that protest we might have suffered them to pass without any further oppositions Bnt in this instance the act of the Government precludes that unanimity which we desire. engaged, they wished t o secure a v i ctory over hei Majesty's political (Hear.) It wo uld seem as if, af ter all their professions of the necessity of union in the great struggle in which new lopponents by comp e lli ng t h e i r opponents to surrenderdiscretion to their commands. That is the only hypothesis thesis ou which I can expl a i n th e po li cy w hi c h her e ' d Ministers have here th oug ht proper to pnr• t w are eisott 81.10. They are anxious to show thet they have such a superabundance of strength that they can afford to pro voke the universal hostility of the country. (Hear, hear.) , e jects discussed in the course of this year, had In their endeavours to accomplish that object, they have originated a measure which, among all the multitudes of originality is certainly paute. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) But what nmeivlietra,ryl &have, been suggested in any quarter—they have originateddisput©. under which this bill is brought measure of which the as we were, for the purpose only, we a rbeyonde the before us ? It is certainly somewhat singular that, sum moned as w e were to consider measures connected with the Speech from the Throne the slightest intimation of f en intention on the part of the Government to bring onward su c h a measure as this. (hear.) Yet that Speech was not filled with allusions to to one subject, a multitude of topics; and to one subject reference; only, did it contain any two bills and her Majesty's Mi nisters introduced two only have war annodt arueemewivendedin the have tionthe Christmas recess. One of these bills the was otteurded to in the Speech Even the Throne ; in .'and not the less im portant, passed over ..absolute silence. When one means insignific e recollects the by no . and the mode in which it has been brought under before we are to separate l for measure, as tempted to entertain a • • •ust or suspicion—J unjust, founded or unfounded—that smuggle the bill your object was to . hastily through the Legislature before the country at large could have had time to take into consideration—(cheers)—and so to extort from Parliament in a moment—l will not say of panic, but in a moment of emergency — athe notice of Parliament, one Sanction to its provisions, which the deliberate judgment of the nation must hare 'ls s ho it t t h h o at ug t h h t e — m lo.: y refused. (Hear.) But what is the reasoning by which Oils measure is defended listened .to the noble lord he you argued u g e e d t while submitting it to the favourable consideration of the house with that respectful attention which he is always sure to command, and I certainly thought—and I was not I believe, the only person nraue g l h in this country ? Is it that you you c n no have t ge t n omtemne in n e t n i like one who was performing a distasteful duty. But what are the grounds on which this bill is defended ? Is it that are not of an eligible class ? Or is it that, all these con siderations apart, you consider the measure necessary on some general grounds of policy ? The noble lord says that there is now a pressure on this country, and that that pressure is always felt by us at the commencement of a war. I have no doubt that such a pressure must exist whenever, in the midst of profound peace, a nation is called upon without warning to engage in a great war. But what was your case? Had you no w arn i ng ? (Loud cries of " hear, hear.") For upwards of a year —I will not say before any hostilities broke out--but for upwards of a year before any hostilities broke out in which you were engaged, was it not—l will not say certain —but was it not more than probable that the English army would have to enter the field ? (Hear.) And if that were the case —if you were not taken by surprise —if the severe pressure of which we hear so much ought to have been mitigated by more than a year allowed for preparation, and if of that time for preparation you did not adequately avail yourselves, there are but two possible explanations of your policy—either—which I belie re to be the case— either the Government voluntarily declined to employ the resources whi c h the public placed, or were ready to place, at their disposal; or else (that which no one asserts---that which no one contends for) there was a deficiency of zeal on the part of the country. Has there been the slightest backwardness manifested by the public to prosecute the war with vigour—has there been the slightest indication of a want of enthusiasm on their parts? (Hear, hear.) I think that to that question there will be no difficulty in finding' at °nee an answer. We are all aware—whet I never for a moment doubted to be the caso—that there wes in this country a vast amount of latent public spirit ready to be called forth whenever the emergency of the moment might require it ; but I confess I did not antici pate the general—the more than general—the universal enthusiasm with which this war has been taken up by every class of the people. (Hear.) When we read such stories as that whichl saw only the other day in the newspapers —when we read of poor labouring men coming forward and contributing the carefully-hoarded savings of years to the Patriotic Fund--(cheers) — when we know, as I know of my own personal knowledge, that operatives in Lanca shire, a portion of our people certainly not the most disposed to warlike pursuits, not boys, but men, earning 255. or 30s. a week in the manufacturing towns of that county, have left their homes to share in the ill-requited perils and fetigues of a soldier's life in the Crimea—l think we have sufficient evidence—if evidence were wanted—that the country is willing and ready to devote its best energies to the successful prosecution of this mo mentous contest. (Hear.) If we wish for documentary evidence upon the subject, we have only to look at the statement made by the noble duke the Secretary of War in another place. According to that statement, as soon as it appeared evident that the siege of Sebastopol was likely to be protracted, and that the undertaking was likely to be one of greater hazard than had at first been sup posed—from that moment the number of our recruits bad gone on increasing week by week until the last week,when it had mere than doubled that of any preceding week since the commencement of the war, and when we had enrolled six or seven fold the number of men we had enrolled six or seven weeks ago. (Cheers.) That is the evidence we have with regard to the state of public feeling upon this sub ject. I say, that looking at these facts, you need not fear but that you will be able, in the long run, to obtain in this country ample supplies of men for your armies. The noble lord spoke of the drain on the population of 28,000,000 to keep up an army of 200,000 men ! (Cheers.) I believe there aro not at this moment in the United King dom less than 6,000,000 or 7,000,000 of male adults—that is to say, of men above 21 years of age. But will it be said that, large as that number is, you are withdrawing men from other occupations in which they might be more ad vantageously employed? Well, I meet that argument by a reference to a simple and notorious fact which the noble lord=not accidentally, I think—overlooked. I meet it by a reference to the reports of the emigration commission ' ere. You tell me of German emigrants—well, I tell you of English emigrants. (Hear.) It is argued that there are many thousands of able-bodied persons passing through this country every year whom it is desirable that we should employ in prosecuting the war; but I say, on the other hand, that this very year, and up to this very time, you have had not thousands, but hun dreds of thousands of able-bodied Englishmen and Irish men emigrating from our shores. (Hear, hear.) I deny, then, that we have any insufficiency of men, or that by recruiting among our own labouring population you would necessarily be diverting to military pursuits men who would otherwise be more advantageously em ployed. But then it is said, that although we do net want a sufficient number of men, it is impossible for us to get our men ready in time. Now, upon that subject there is, I think, a little discrepancy in the various statements we have heard from the supporters of this measure. We first heard from an hon. and gallant member opposite a good deal about the time necessary to make a soldier. But the right hon.-gentleman the Secretary at War set aside that argument, and told us that it was an antiquated superstition to suppose that one year or two years were required to make a soldier. According to the right hon. gentleman three or four months would be sufficient for that purpose. We have here a high authority upon such a point. Bat that authority does not stand alone. Two years ago our militia were embodied, and before they were embodied they were drilled for 28 days ; and at the expiration of that period of drilling a military instruc tor, who went about to examine and report on the state of the militia regiments, complimented them on being almost equal in efficiency to troops of the line. Here we must no doubt make some allowance for the language of compli ment, but still it could not have been so exaggerated that those men must not be supposed to have acquired a con siderable amount of military discipline. But I am in formed, on good authority that if you bring your soldiers from abroad you will not save as much time as you seem to anticipate. I pass over that question of the enlistment of intending emigrants passing through this country, because, after all, the depth of winter is not the time at which emigrants leave their homes. lam much mistaken if, at this particular period, we have among us any very large number of foreigners who propose to emigrate to some more distant land. (Hear, hear.) I assume, then, that you will have to send over to the Continent for the foreigners whom you propose to employ in your Majesty's service. You will have to recruit these men, you will have to bring them here, and large bodies are not to be so brought in a day, and even when all that shall have been done, it is evident that the Government do not rely on securing the service of trained soldiers, because they insist on having a further period—a period unlimited in point of time--during which they are to drill and train those men in this country. (Rear. hear.) The question then arises whethep 'the rawness of the English labourer, unfamilia risee4e4e has been with the use of arms, will be produc tive of more delay in preparin g him for foreign service than the delay which you must have to incur in the case of a foreigner, who must be brought here from Germany, and who, after having been brought here, must undergo a certain amount of drilling and training. That brings me to the next argument employed by the right hon. gentle man the Secretary at War, when he said that the question was not so much as to the number of men whom you could obtain, or the length cf time that would be required for preparing them to take the field, as the amount of hardihood which they might possess for enduring the la bours of a campaign. Now, I speak with diffidence on military matters ; but it does not seem a very recondite solution of the problem thus put before us, if your rules for enlisting are such that you cannot take men beyond a certain age—it does not seem a very recondite solution of the problem that you should for the mo.nent relax these rules. (Hear, hear.) Why should you not admit men into your army of somewhat more advanced years? Why should you not admit men who, I quite agree with the right hon. gentleman the Secretary at War, will gain in point of endurance more than they can lose in point of activity ? Relax your rules and the difficulty of which you now com plain will disappear. There is another statement of the right honourable gentleman which I venture to dispute, although I must dispute it with some distrust in my own knowledge. He spoke of the landwehr system, with which we are all acquainted ; and I understood him to state, with sufficient distinctness, that the foreigners whom the Government proposed to employ were men who had gone t trough their term of service abroad, and who were no longer liable to be called into the field in their own country ; that was to say, you were to select as recruits expressly on the ground of superior eligi bility the very men whom their own government reject— not- absolutely, but as less fitted than younger men for military serviee—(hear, hear)—not as unfit for service—l do not wish to indulge in any exaggeration—but as being past that age at which men are considered to make the most efficient soldiers. (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman spoke of the age of those men as being about 26 0r27 ; but I can state on high authority—l may say on high diplo matic authority—that instead of 26 or 27, the average age of those men is about 33 or 31 (hear, hear)—or very nearly the age at which the English soldier retires from active service. (Hear.) It has been carefully impressed on us that this was merely a provisional measure, intended to guard against a temporary emergency. But if you want to meet such an emergency, I think you have resources at home of which you have not yet availed yourself. Ido not admire the system of subsidies. I can very well under stand that it would be very unpleasant—that it would be injurious to our national honour to be taking into our pay the troops of France ; but if this is really a question of 10,000 men for a few months, I ask what possible objection can you have to call for that number of troops from the French Government, which, by your own admission, will be perfectly ready to grant them ? (Hear.) It may, per haps, be urged that the French Government is not able to spare that number of men, or would refuse to send them ; but the noble lord himself sail that the only difficulty the Allies experienced was the difficulty of conveying men out to the seat of war. If that is the case, however, I would ask whether it would he loss difficult to send out Germans than to send eut Frenchmen ? And I would further ask her Majesty's Government why they have not long since applied to that great ally who has, with so much cordiality and sincerity, supported us throughout the whole of those proceedings ? (Hear.) Why have they not applied to him for temporary assistance in order to meet a temporary emergency ? Why have they not addressed to him a demand, which would have been granted without the slightest injury to our national honour, and which it would bo perfectly easy for them to repay at some future time in one form or another? This question has not been argued as a question of cheapness, for no one asserts this the employment of foreign troops would be more economical than the employment of our own troops. I believe we are all prepared to admit that in a great undertaking there would be no real economy iu em ploying second-rate materials. (Hear, hear.) After all, the pay which you give to your own soldiers is hardly wore than sufficient to supply them with the necessaries of life ; and you could not offer a lower sum to foreigners, to whom even that sum could afford no great in lucement to enter your service, and whom it would he your interest to place as much as possible on an equality with the troops of this country. Nothing, therefore, can be gained by this measure in the way of economy. Then comes the question of the military capacity of the foreigners whom you would enlist in the Queen's service. Upon that point we are still at a loss to arrive at any very definite conclu sion, notwithstanding the admissions of the right hon. gentleman the Secretary-at-War. Her Majesty's Minis ters were asked in another place where the new troops were to come from, and to that question the only answer which they gave was, that the Emperor of Russia would be very much obliged to any one who would furnish him with that information. But I confess that that statement appears to me a very insufficient answer. Speaking from conjecture I must say that I imagine you are prepared to treat, not with individuals, but with some foreign government. In considering that question it is impossible wholly tb lose sight of the Polish question ; but that question is a very grave one, and I perceive that no member of her Majesty's Government has shown any inclination to introduce it into this discussion. I believe that to expect that we could afford any effectual aid to Poland by employing in our ser vice Poles who have for the last 20 years been exiles from their native country, would be one of the wildest dreams that ever entered into the head of man. If you wish to restore the nationality of Poland, you must adopt a policy of a character far more decisive—yon must adopt a policy in which you cannot but expect the sympathy of the most powerful of your present allies; and, above all, you must adopt a policy from which there will be no receding. I confess, therefore, that I shall be glad to find that that question is not introduced into the present debate. Is it, then, Swiss or Germans which you mean to employ? lam given to understand that in Switzerland you will not at present find any large supply of men prepared to enter your service, for there is at present a considerable demand for labourers in that country y; s and I believe besides, that the Swiss Government has of late years passed a law, not pro hibiting altogether, bat in many ways restricting, the en listment of their people in foreign armies. With respect to Germany, I must observe that I do not wish to outer into a discussion of that most invidious topic—the military character of the people of that country. But this I must observe, that 40 years have elapsed since the Germans have had any practical experience of war, and that the events of the years 1813, 1814, 1815 can hardly afford a fair trial of their military character. Throughout that period they unquestionably displayed groat national enthusiasm in the prosecution of the war which they waged against the Em peror Napoleon. But in that war they had to fight, for the most part, against raw levies, and they possessed iu general an immense superiority in numbers over the enemy. And yet, notwithstanding these advantages, they were not uniformly or oven generally successful ; and no thing can be more striking than the contrast afforded by their chequered fortunes and the splendid career of the Duke of Wellington throughout the same period at the head of the English and Spanish army. All he contended for was that they could not answer for the conduct in the field of those ..leruatin troops (we understood). But the ques tion was, What would be the moral effect of this measure? The noble lord at the beginning of the debate said, no doubt it would be a lamentable thing if they depended wholly on foreign mercenary troops; but, he added, number asked for was so small that no injurious effects could be produced. But then he (Lord Stanley) asked, What effect would this measure have on the public mind? Ho would consider what-would be said hore if a similar step was taken by the enemy. H the EmperOr in of Itussia was at this moment advertising for soldierses.it He would everyEuropeau market what would be the r esult ma say that he have every newspaper and - every public driven to his last resource. (Hear.) man tht he was that the was beaten, that his cause was unpopular, an What he a t hought would b e sa id, a nd not untruly, in the present case, wag, that we were only able to bring into the field a !small army f th d e oin g g en e i t u s s t o ili f ty tce country was not for war , and we had no means--orb—uetffitchiaetntasitnhecoanrcmluyctwaansd bcuatpasbmlaelol means to a large extent=of repairing our losses by war 1 the kingdom. The Crown has rower to do that withott without the aid of foreign mercenaries. With regard to 1 any new law. All we ask of Parliament is that which the the general question of ewployingmercenaries, he approved I constitution requires Parliament should sanction—the in of the principle of allowing the war to go on with as little ' troduction of foreign troops into the kingdom, because it interference with commerce as possible. Wo had a good lis contrary to the law and constitution—(hear, hear, froz cause; we were embarked in war for the noblest objects, the Opposition)—without the approval of the Legislature. but iwould be a degradation if we made war on trade (we Well, then, gentlemen, by the most extraordinary coif 1- understoed.) He would not press that argument ;he sion of mind, say that, because the introduction of foretell would content himself with saying that we ought to be troops without the consent of- Parliament is contrary to the last to restore that systerp. which Europe was fast the constitution, therefore their introduction is evidently abandoning. Then came the question as to German neu- unconstitutional without such consent of Parliament tralities. What was proposed by the measure? Was it Ministerial cheers)—and therefore the bill is a violation intended to make foreign alliances by its aid ? Should, of the constitution, as it permits something which is nob foreign Governments object, even though foreign soldiers 'allowed by the constitution. (Cheers and counter might be willing to enlist, he was very much mistaken if cheers.) Well, then, it is:seid my right hon. friend hes Government would obtain any large number of soldiers shown the greater value of the recruits that will be from foreign states. But was this the way to carry on the obtained from Germany in consequence of being ,men war? Suppose the case of a small state, who might sym- of well-formed constitution, and in a manner capable pathise with us and who might at the same time be afraid of supporting those fatigues and exposures which of the power of Russia—what would become of its nen- aro necessarily incidental to carrying on the war. But trality ? If there was auy heatird in inchrring the hostility gentlemen turn round and add—" Why, if these men are of Russia, why, that hostility would be incurred as much such as you describe, and are trained soldiers, do you by allowing the enlistment of soldiers as by declaring war want power to bring them into this country to train them?" against Russia. (Hear.) What he suggested was that (Rear.) It is then observed, " They are already trained." we should not refuse foreign troops if offered, but if (Hear.) Now, that is a very go o d civilian argument this offer was made by independent states it (laughter) — ba military men, like my gallant and learnt's should be made without aid or assistance from us, and friend who has just spoken (Mr. Watson) knew very well foreign states should do this at their own expense, and that if we get a great number of d r ill e d me n, they require share the honour and danger with us. (Hear, hear.) But being organised or formed into regiments, made acquainted this measure appeared to him nothing less than the revival with their officers, clothed, equipped, and armed, and that of practices during the American war, when foreign cut- this force is essentially necessary to convert a number of throats were sent to our colonies. It was impossible to troops, however well trained they may be, into regiments expect by this measure to cement a union with Germany. fit for service, which must be performed somewhere, and And if the foreign troops should not be found equal to to perform it anywhere buthere is amatter otitipessibility. French or English troops their contempt would be added But although you limit the number to lu, 'OO in this to the existing odium.' Ho must object to the measure on bill, the number of the troops engaged on the field is only several other grounds, and on the ground especially of limited by what may be sanctioned by Parliament in the public morality, and because sufficient necessity for it had estimates evhen they are presented by my right hon. friend not been shown. They were told if the measure were not There is no limit in this hill except as respects those passed Government would not retain office. He would say foreign troops that shall at the same time be within the one word on that. He never doubted the noble lord's sin- United Kingdom. But you say, " You don't tell us wher • cerity ; but during the period he had been in that home you mean to get the men." (Hear, hear.") You have a . he never recollected any Ministerial measure of importance great curiosity to know that. There is some mystery ill being threatened with defeat that that probability of de- all that. (Hear.) Why. sir, my right hon. friend hare well feat had not been ,net with a menace of resignation or et stated that, until the Government knew whether -threat of dissolution. (Hear.) Now, in his opinion, this Parliament would permit them—(cries of oh, oh) —We did not appear to him a question on which, if Ministers could not engage in negotiation *ith foreign governments were defeated, they ought to have a dissolution ; nor did for the raising of these troops. (Derisive cheers.) I should a defeat necessarily call for a resignation. For he recalled like to know what those great constitution reverencers -- to mind what had happened last session. In the Queen's (a laugh)—would say if they were able to get up and ex- Speech, promises of Parliamentary reform, and public tract from Government that we had been in negotiation education, and other reforms, were made, in all of which with foreign governments for the levying of these men -- Government failed, without considering it necessary to re- (aiinisterial cheers)—previously to the sanction of Perlin' sign ; but now it was declared that, if 10,000 German meat being obtained for the purpose ? Those who corn' mercenaries were refused, Ministers wouldresign. (Hear,. plain now would, in that case, have had goodright to cora hear.) He had no wish to embarrass Government by any plain of our having violated the principles of the constitu. vote he might give—they had the conduct of the war in tion, and they might then heee adopted, if they chose, their own hands, and it was better there should be no the doctrine of the treble lore , iney might have punished divided responsibility, and that Government should be the Government as he proposed to punish us—(a laugh'' allowed to carry on the war. But if the right hon. gen - which wasnot exactly in the manner of the volunteer vino tleman, .the Secretary at War, claimed the right to resign, wished that Divine justice, if resolved on visiting the Go' • if defeated, he must have a word to say to the right vernment with vengeance', might punish us, net by send honourable gentleman on that subject. He did not doubt ing us to the infernal regions, but by keeping us to our or dispute the right of any man to guard his own honour, posts. (Laughter, and cries of oh, oh.) I say, sir,. then but was it a patriotic or public-spirited course for Minis- we have no other course to pursue. Mystery there is none ters to say, if you assert we have made a mistake, it you with us, except what you only are able to solve ; how it do not admit our infallibility in every respect, we will happens that those who are the first to "taunt the Govern' embarrass the country by resigning. (Hear, hear.) He ment with deficiency of vigour in carrying on the war, recollected something of thecircumstancesunder whieh that should object to the measures for giving us ampler moans political party now at the head of affairs came into office. - for prosecuting that war. (Cheers and counter cheers.) They laid down the principle with great eloquence, and That is a mystery on the other side, and not on this, thereby they gained no small share of public applause, and, therefore, I hand it over again to you. (Chee rs that when any national difficulty or important public mea- and laughter.) I say again, sir, that this proposed ad' sure required any sacrifice of individual opinion—he did dition of Germans, or e hatever other nation it Ina)* not say of political character—that it was not only lawful, be (for I shall preserve that mystery)—(a laugh)— (to but necessary in a moment of national embarrassment to leave the Government in the most perfect freedom to make that sacrifice in consideration of national interests, get good soldiers wherever they can), it is obvious to (Hear.) Ail he would say was, if they were in earnest in any one who dispassionately applies - his mind to the the avowal of their principles, now was the time to prove matter, that the acquisition of 10e000, 20,000, 30,000 or it. They had made a mistake. Their own organs of the 40,000 well-disciplined and trained Germans or other foe press said so, and so did their own supporters in private reigners, or whatever number which the Parliament, upon circles. If they persevered they would rouses feeling which the estimates being shown thein, may be pleased to sane would, doubtless, be fatal to their tenure of power, and tion, such an addition would be of the utmost value to prove dangerous to the country. Admit for once they were our countrymen now engaged in that arduous service. wrong, and in the frankness and honesty of that atonement. (Cheers.) I think it is due to them to give them that as' the people would forget the folly of the design. (Cheers.) - sistance. (Renewed cheers.) Deeds have been performed Sir J. FITZG BALD, in a few words, justified the not only by our troops, but by the Allied army—for I wisdom and expo iency of the measure from his own ex- speak of the French and of the English as equal in distinl• perience in the p uinsular war, and on the ground that tion, each runnin g to t he assistance of the other—each tit' the Emperor of Rosie was already having recourse to a rivalling the other —I say, sir, their deeds, their gallantry , similar step in raising an auxiliary force. . their bravery, the achievements of the Allied army, surpass anything which we read of either in history or in ro mance. Lord PALMERSTON and Mr. DRUMMOND rose to (Loud cheering.) But, then, these brave men deserve g but though there were loud calls from the Opposi- something at our hands. (Loud and continued cheering tion for the latter, he gave way. The noble lord said—Mr. from all parts of the house.) Aye, they have shown, as Speaker, I confess I never was more disappointed, and, I has been well stated by the right hon member for Buck' may a former occasion, that the increasing progress of 11 19 may say, surprised, when I learnt the course which the lisation, the augmentation of wealth, everything which party opposite had thought it their duty to pursue with conduces to the progress of a country, and the long con" regard to the present m e as ure, We h ave h a d f rom them tinuance of peace, does not enervate the British nation, the most unreserved, and, I will do them the justice to but like a field that has lain fallow, has only rendered it believe, the most sincere declaration that they admit to more fruitful of the qualities which distinguish a natioh the fullest extent not only the importance of the object in the pursuits of war. (Great cheering.) So many 01 the highest rank and the most ample fortunes, with ever/ for which the present war was begun, but the justice and inducement which could detain them at home, derive d , the necessity of that war. (Hear, hear.) The Govern - from the advantages - of birth, of wealth, epd ol relent has been reproached by their organ, and frequently rank, have abandoned all under a sense of public by members of their party, of not having conducted duty to their country in the field. (Hear, hear, 450 0 .) the war with sufficient energy and vigour (loud We have seen the humbler classes rivalling the chivalry I those who led them. (cheers.) We have seen such how ironical cheers from the Opposition) — of not having curable emulation, as made it impossi bl e t o say w hether employed all the ineens_they might have employed for that the leader or the led most deserves the applause and the purpose — (renewed Opposition cheers) — and then, sir, gratitude of the country. (Ch eers. ) Well, sir, I say again when the Government comes to this house, and, for the that these brave men deserve that we should do whate ver we can to assist them. What is the enemy with whom we first time—(prolonged cheers from the Ministerial side of have to contend? It is a Sovereign who has, com paratively the house)—asks this house to relieve the Government speaking, unlimited means of filling the ranks of his army from the difficulties which prevents us employing those We have seen the blue-eyed children of the North, along means of vigour to which we attach importance , they favour . the Baltic coast, coming, division after division, to sell his army in the field ; and are we to allow the limit ed us with disquisitions on what the consider constitutionhl principle, with the reproduction of antiquated arguments means of England and of France, pitted against these la . belongingto agesgoue by—(cheers) — and we are refused the creasing numbers ; to remain unassisted, when we can sen d power to employ an instrument which we think — and with thorn men to their assistance. I say would be a cruel r eason and justice—conducive to carrying on the war with mockery to pursue that course; it wou ld b e a n abandon' y', vigour - and success. (Continued cheering.) Now, sir, if ment of our duty, a viol a ti o n o f w h a t we owe th e c ountry, what we ask were something altogether new and unheard- if we tie up the hands of the Government from furnishing of ; Hattie . measure we propose for the purpose of adding to our fellow-countrymen with the means of rendering their our resources for conducting the war were such as had services with more vigour. I say, therefore, if there be ill never been practised by any Government or nation before, the house any who have friends and relations exposed to I could understand that objections would be raised by the dangers and fatigues of this war—l say if there be any gentlemen astonished, for the first time, by a proposition who mourn friends and relations who have fallen victims to which was likely to.serve the purposes of their opposition, their duty, that they should not allow these friends and that they might object to the bill on the ground of its and relations to have shed their blood in vain, or t 0 novelty ; but, so far from this measure which we now have sacrificed their fives to no advantage. (Cries of "oh, propose to Parliament being a novelty, it is a matter which oh," from the Opposition, and cheers.) I say, that those. has been practised, not only by a ll f ormer G overnments who entert a in a d uo sense o f w h a t i s ow i n g to the nationa l in this country, for the purposes of war, but practised by glory will not refuse their sanction to this measure fot almost every other nation w h en engaged in a great and carrying on the war with more vigour and greater ch ance arduous struggle. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the con- of success. But you say to us, " Why did we g• to Sebarse duct of this country, it is a matter of perfect notoriety, a topol ?" Why go to Sebastopol ! Because Sebastopol vr ° : has been explained in d e t a il thi s even i ng . b y my noble the central point of Russia on those waters where we way friend the President of the Council, and my right hon. to defy his encroachments. If, instead of going to Sebes friend the Secretary at War, that the Government of Ens- topol, we had given battle in the plains of central Russise land, with the consent of Parliament, in the great war in we must have fallen into a great mistake. But why oe v which we were engaged with France, employed a greet wait a year or two? Why, if' we had waited but one yeaT , number find variety of foreign troops in aid of, or as auxili- we never should have taken Sebastopol. Any delay 1° aries of the British troops. We had th e G erman L eg i on, that expedition would have frustrated the object which we we had the Brunswickians,lweihad: Portuguese, we had had in view, and that object, if it is to be gained, require! Spaniards .we had the Corsican Rangers, we h a d Si c ili ans, a sufficiency of means. I say again, air, we have engag ed and wo had the Chasseurs (Vitali°. I saw, my se lf, num - in a great war with a great power for great objects—(hear' hers of the latter in British uniforms descending the hear)—and it is not becoming this country, it is no! southern slopes of the Alps, at the conclusion o f th e peace, suited to the interests or the honour of this country, tha v • on their way to their Italian home'. Sir, th ese men ac. this war should end in small and insignificant results. quired credit and distinction in conjunction with the Br- (Hear, hear.) To obtain results adequate to the contest, tish troops, and their services were duly acknowledged by and conformably to the interests and honour of the the Government in w,hose cause they had fought. But, country, recourse must be had to great efforts. (Cheers.) sir, the French at the present moment, as has been well Let not the house deceive itself; it is not by small (lo dated, have foreign troops in their service. What was tachments and insignificant forces. (Great cheering from even the practice of that. great commander Nap o l eon , w h o the Oppositi o n.) If th a t c h eer means a nything, you w il ! bad command over all the resources of the French nation, vote in conformity with your cheer. (Counter cheering .) which was devoted to his cause, and rea dy t o support But I say that the results which alone befit the circurne' him in all the wars in which he was engaged ; oho had stances in which the country is placed require gre it and the power of conscription to dra w from every province of continued - efforts. We are making those efforts at home; France any men he chose to have? Why, his army was we shall add to our great army in the East every rein full of foreigners, fighting side by side with his ow n legione, foreement which—having, as I will yet say we hav e, e ° (Cheers.) Could it be said he was degraded by su c h em - noble reserv e i n th e B r iti s h na ti on —th e people will afford ployntent of those foreigners? (Cheers.) Why, sir, the re us in sufficient numbers and condition to be effectual on is no reason why England should not adopt this system, and the field. But iu a case of this sort, every effort, ever! obtain supplies of foreign troops in the beginning of the addition which can be made to our available means, it is war. Foreign Governments differed from us in the prac- the duty of Government to make, if Parliament will give tice they adopted in an important matter with regard to them the power; and I should be sorry to think, in the thi s subject. In the first place they maintained largo nei present condition of this country, in the circumstances. 1 ° litany e stablishments in a time of peace—they are prepared which we are placed, of a Government th a t would shrill: when war breaks out with adequate forces to meet the from proposing to Parliament and from asking such menu s first exigencies of the public. In England, on the con- as they should think, upon their responsibility, nowise*" trary—and Ido not dispute tire wisdom of the practice— to the, vigour of the operations of the war. 'But a sorry as Parliament insists, on the conc l us i on o f a war, on a re e ee _ I would b e to belong to' Government that would abstain tion of our military forces to the lowest amount consistent from that duty, still more sorry . should Ibe to belong to with the duties and exigencies of a p eac e, W ar , th ere f ore, a majority of Parliament who would referee the mean-' d finds us with a peace establishment — with an establishment carrying out the very principles which that majority ad' calculated, not, as in continental countries, on the chances vocatee. (Prolonged cheering.) of war. Theo, the noble lord' who spoke en the other side of the house said, that as we had foreseen the war, we Mr. DISRA.ELI—The noble lord the Secretary of S' Al ought .to have been prepared to meet it. Why, sir, if, for the Home Department, in a tone of bantering whieh.he when negotiations were going on which might have l e d- wall knows how to assume. when he has a early bad caus e ' to an amicable settlement, the Government had come has commenced a reply to the very grave and welleeoll' down to Parliament and proposed a war augments- the sidered arguments made use of by my noble friend tation of the army, what would Parliament have said to such a proposal? (Cheers.) Well, sir, in another respect member for Lynn in terms of good-natured abuse, and I t o the also foreign Governments stand iu a different situ a - am only surprised that the noble lord, in alluding tion from us. They have the power of conscription—they arguments made use of on that side of the house did hot , can issue an edict for any given number of troops—these call them "antiquated imbecility." (Laughter and cheers troops must come within a specified period—they must be of the ages and description which the Governm en t s choose from the Opposition.) I agree, and I 'think every gentle 'to direct ; and, - in this way, these foreign Governments man will agree, with the noble lord that the country is ill . ° have thus the power ,to make an augmentation of their Position of extreme difficulty and danger, and that it is armies within the shortest possible perichl. We, on the necessary that it shall make exertions commensurate with contrary, wisely, and advantageously in the end, I think because it makes our army of infinit e ly b e tt er s t u ff th an , that position, but we are to decide to - night , not wh ether England would wish the house to make efforts equal to an army composed of Conscripts- - -(Opposition cheers)—we trust to voluntary enlistment when w e wan t t o increase the emergency, but whether the measures which th e Go ' the number of oar forces. (Renewed cheers from the Ope The introduce are well vernment have thought . roper to such as to erit its a pprobation. (Cheers.) position benches.) But, sir, that advantage must be ob tained at a certain sacrifice of time. (Cries of " No, no.") ' a u s the Lord President of the Council, has unwisely entered into the general conduct of the war. The noble lord, as We go into the labour market to compete against the in well as the Lord President of the Council, has told us that dustry of the country. We have been just told that shave England is a great naval power, and that their efforts must a population of 26,000,000 to 28,000,000. It isknown that be devoted principally to maintaining the supremacy of the one-fourth, on a general statistical calculation of the popu country on the ocean. Of course sir, they allude to the l in " lation, are males, fit and able to bear arms • and you say portant services of the Baltic fleet. (Laughter, and OW' to us, " Why don't you get 6,000,000 or 7,000,000 of men t s h it e io p u re e p h e e s e a r l s.) uf T t h he e Secretary of State, having to defend . of an age fit for military duty? Why not at once send to troo p s an(the enlistment the Crimea any number of men whom you may want to , 1 • a enter the service?' Why, sir, my answer is this :—These. en n t is o t f r f y ore fo ig r n . for military service the conduct of the Government in attacking Sebastopol. It m th e e re l e e ti vr e g e. v oi n f d se u g men who are of an age andconhition fit is therefore perfect] to refer to such eircurn y open to me are employed in all the various branches of industry in the compete with that stances connected with that operation as I may wish I ,°. country. You have to go to market and indu s t r y, an d ev ery 1,000 you take out _o a l b t o h u e r, market, an d dwell on and I hope neither of those noble lords will beceuse it shrink from the discussion of the merits of the' question enlist into the army, raises the price of 1 and thwhich limiting the supply; increases the demand by process of voluntary enlistment, a power which the ministers at length admit to be a mill. proposed. Well, sir, we are at war with fore it is obvious that the while it gives you an ID • finitely better soldier when you tart' power of groat impOrtance—(aar)-;--and lam bound get him, must necessarily render more slow and gradual tation of the to say that, although that conviction seems to haveereacnced. army which their minds somewhat late, they lose no opportunity. i , .1 :Well, then, I say this practice of imparting it to the country. I believe the great fault 1 any great and sudden augraeu em. may be re wire d , playing foreign troops in conjunction with your own i of all I may say, by the example' is a their conduct hitherto has been that they have been carry' practice consecrated., a. in tens country a d d intotal ignorance of the circumstances . with which they leee on the affairs of the country for a considerable period ' former Governments , li a opted by the our allies. (Hear, hear.) But it is said, have had to contend. (Laug . he oble lord Governments of be a very good thing, but you should keep for the constitution further than to remark that t n hter ) I shall say °ken that may hear.) • to me to have op 1 of the war. (Hear, Now, if ever there was the President of the Council seems. than is i___;, it end of putting the cart before the 1 is withmuch less reverence of the constitution than usual an instance horse, that rely it. (Laughter and cheers from the Government with ban—(laughter)—but I, will say shall be ea ssuupporters.) Why, sir, it is in the beginning of a war, agreeable to the country that foreign troops um her of 10,000 w h en we aro starting with a peace establishment, anti listed and trained' in this country to the.ntut ona . awy 1 ers, very little of hav i ng with that peace establishment to provide for the itself. Ido is a question to be decided, not by ex igencies of a large great and arduous campaign, that but by the feeling and wishes of the ches ego ident of the Conn you want a sufficient force, and not after the lapse of a not suppose the noble lord the LordhPie Rome Department certain number ofcif or the Secretary of State fore con t utiy i 1 years, when you have, by voluntary enlistment, recruited your ranks and are able to oppose ss the arrange. , would wish the time had arrived an army of your own equal to the demands of the service country weie called upon to, bill, nor would they wit' - te d whinete people of this to be performed. (Hear.) It is true that one of these merits contemplated in this ,f acts was passed at a latter period of the war, but it which are calculated, in i was when the war assumed a new development and required for they are not circum s st this, to excite such emotions, al ness them with 'feelings aoueesexultation orr, satisfactior, all of a sudden a greater augmentation of the means by a free country like t which it was carried on. Now we aro toid, "Oh, this edwell on that topic. But the of State, with a conscious mountain has brought forth but a mouse; you make a I shall not, therefore noble lord the Secretaryerwhich has fallen to the Government great figure of this measure, and you only ask for 10,000 men, and you seem willing even to take a smaller amount Lees of the great of which he is mwemkber —namely, that they are to conduct greatest military Power, much greater, if the house should refuse that number." Why, that is a a contest f w nii h na st b h e e rs , as the Secretary of War has impressed perfect misrepresentation of the measure we propose. All in point s o than either England or France with whom w i e l who are versed in the constitution and the laws of the upon us, yet to ask himself for the means by w hic h country, know that 'the Crown wants no authority from aro allied —has they propose to attack the enemy. The noble lord 567 0 i Parliament to employ any number of foreign, troopa 00 of ' f !I ;I ).TYcti? `~:.~ ~ti~~ •- ~-.. . t-•r :. ).