The Sun. — London, England, 1830-03-05 00:00:00

profession (not even excepting that of the law) in which the merit of particular individuals would so long linger on in ohscnrity. He could take upon himself to state that there was every disposition in the Bench of Ireland to bring forward and remunerate the Curates of that country. —(Hear.)—For the reasons which lie had stated, he should, in the Amendment which he was about to propose, agree with every part of the Right lion. Baronet's motion, which would tend to enlighten the House by information, and enabling them to judge more accurately of the real state of the Church of Ireland. He was convinced that ii would be wrong to attempt to wrap the situation of that Church in mystery—(Hear, hear)—and he was confident that he spoke the sentiments of the heads of that Church, when he said they were ready to afford the fullest informa tion on every particular connected with it.—(lleari)._ There was one paragraph in the Right Hon. Baronet's motion to which he must offer his opposition. The Right lion. Baronet proposed that the House should recommend to the consideration of his Majesty the propriety of sus pending the appointments by the Crown to any dignities or benefices which hereafter may be vacant, and in the gift thereof. In proposing this, the Right Hon. Baronet !eel certainly proposed what was within the power of the Crown to do; but when he went on to propose, that in the event of its being necessary to build or repair any of the Churches, his Majesty should be pleased to appoint the revenues arising from such dignities or benefices, after de ducting what may be necessary far the celebration of divine service, and the discharge of the customary duties, it was not within the Crown to make this arrangement—for he apprehended, that although, when benefices became vacant, they might remain so, it was obligatory on the Bishop to sequester the revenue for the use of the next incumbent. He therefore had a distinct legal objection to this portion of the proposed Resolutious ; h, sides which, he thought it improper to mix up with a motion for information, any thing an like a radical change of the present state of the The Noble Lord then concluded by moving, by way of Amendment, a series of Resolutions, to the effect that an Address should be presented to his Majesty, pray ing for the appointment of a Committee to inquire into the state of the parish benefices of Ireland—into the annual value of the eee end parishes—into the contingencies of their respective churches and chapels—into the possibility of dissolving the existing unions—and into the several other details. Mr. C. MOORE—He should support the Hon. Mem ber for Oxford's amendment in preference to the others. The Right Hon. Baronet had stated, that in one district there had been an alerming decrease of Protestantism ; and on that ground had insinuated, that the sante circum staneess extended to the whole of Ireland. The Hon. Baronet would find, that by the last census taken—he be lieved in 1824—there had been of late an apyroximation between the number of Protestants and the number of Catholics, and that now the latter did not exceed the former in so great a proportion as they did some yeeis back. There were, he believed, now 2,000,000 Protes tants to 5,000,000 Catholics. It was stated that the Irish Church did not reform abuses; but in that Church, and particularly in the Hierarchy, there watt a great dis position to reform abuses. During the last twenty years, net less than 132 beneficed Clergymen had been added to the Establishment, by the dissolution of unions. During the same twenty years also, there had been a great number of pluralities dune away; so that the 600 beneficed Clergy_ men, of which the Establishment formerly consisted, were now converted into 1,200. Something had been said by the Right Hun. Baronet of the Bishop of Ferns, when Bishop of Limerick, not having promoted a deserving Curate. Of that particular case he knew nothing; but he knew that the Bishop of Ferns, since he had been in pos session of his present See, had shown a great disposition to promote deserving Curates. He had promoted fifteen, from livings of 1501. to livings of 5001. a year, though he had no other acquaintance with them than that which lie lead formed by becoming acquainted with their services. Mr. HUME was glad to hear these sentiments from the Hnn. Member, and should found on them a claim to hie support, when he should make a motion for a Committee to inquire into the. state of the Irish Church.—(A laugh.) —At the raise time the lion. Member's statements were quite inconsistent with his vote. The proposition of the Right Hon. Baronet was but a milk-end-water one. It wee high time that the whole establishment of the Irish Church should he inquired into, revised, and reduced, so as to accord with the state of the country. He should vote for the motion of his Right Hon. Friend ; but he did not do so from supposing that this motion was adequate to the circutnetances of the country. Inquiry must, in his opinion, go much further—(Hear, bear)—and he hoped to see the establishment reduced to two or four Bishops. —(A laugh.)—lle should like that sixteen or eighteen Bishops were swept off at once—(A laugh)—and he heartily believed that, in this respect, the population of England and Ireland would go along with hint. Instead of repairing the cathedrals, if they could not be converted into parish churches, he would pull them down. Why should the people be compelled to keep structures of brick and mortar of which they made no use? Instead of appro• priating the revenues of benefices, as they became vacant, to clerical purposes, he would cause them to be paid into she Consolidated Fund.--(A laugh.)—.That would he of some benefit to the people. He would support the mo tion of /14 Right lion. Friend, though he thought it wholly inadequate, being persuaded that if the Adis of the Irish Church were inquired into fully, a great reduc tion might be made with great advantage. When he brought forward his motion on the subject, he should ex pect thee support of the lion. Member for Dublin.—(Bear.) Mr. I.IOORE was understood to say that when the lion. Alen:her made a motion for inquiry, he would second it. Mr. S. RICE thought that of the motions before the House the preference was due to the Amendment proposed he the Noble Lord. The Members of the Irish Church did not participate in the Hon. Member's views; and though disposed to resist every change, they had now become sensible that changes were not necessarily injuries. They had at first opposed the Tithe Composition Bill, hut they had afterwards assented to it, and they found that much good had resulted from that Act to them. The Vestry Act was another Act of the same kind. Whatever charges had been made against that Act, and a great many bad been made, it hail never been said that it was inimi cal in its results to the interests of the Clergy. If the Hon. Member for Oxford looked at the Acts of the Legis laterc, he would know that the right of the Legislature to interfere with Church property for Church purposes was recognized by tnany Acts of Parliament, and acted on. The Legislature might therefore again interfere with it to rare the stipends of curates, as it had before. The lion. Member also seemed to have confounded parishes with benefices ; but in Ireland they were not the same. If the previous question should be carried, he hoped that then they should all concur in the proposition of the Noble Lord. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER expressed his surprise at the amendment proposed by the lion. Mem ber fur Oxford ; and be wait still more surprised that the amendment was supported by the Hon. Member fur Dub lin, who thought inquiry would remove false impreteioes concerning the Irish Church, and be a full refutation to the charges brought against it. The Right Hon. Cent. concluded by requesting the lion. Heather for Oxford to withdraw his amendu:_ent. Mr. TRANT maintained that the Church of Ireland was not to blame—it had no abuses, it was in the moat progressive and satisfactory state of amendment. If the Church of England was to be pulledilown, let it be pulled down by honest hands. Mr. PEEL presumed that gentlemen who had just enters d the House, and had not been present at the debate, mus t, from the speech of the Hon. Member for Dover, suppose that some formidable proposition was under con sideration for the destruction of the Church of Ireland. The course of proceeding that the Ili& Hon. Baronet proposed was, that the Crown should be advised to appoint a Commission to examine into the state of the Church of Ireland with reference to the union of benefices—that it should inquire into the value of each parish which consti tuted such union, and in the proceedings adopted to sever such unions, as well as for the purpose of facilitatiag the ap pointment of a greater number of Ministers of the church of Ireland, as for the purpose of the better performing of the sacred duties of the Ministry. It was proposed that a Commission, composed of Privy Councillors, should in quire into the grant of faculties, or dispensations, by which pluralities were had. A further proposition was, that the Crown should not appoint to any benefice in whis.!) there was a deficiency of a glebe house, a church, or cathedral and that the profits of such benefice should be appropriated to the building of such glebe-house or church, or to the re pairs of such cathedral. His Noble Friend objected to that, and the Right Hon. Baronet bad submitted to the validity of that objection; and tlus whole proposal, as it nowstpod, was for a Commission to inquire into the state of the Union of Benefices, and to facilitate a greater appointment of ' working Ministers, and to prevent the holding of plurali ties. Did the Hon. Member for Dover (Mr. 'grant) pro fessing his anxiety to maintain the interests of rgligino, conceive that he could impose upon any man by his cry of the Church in Danger.—(Hear, hear.)---Did the Hun. Member not know—was he so totally ignorant of all that was passing around hint as not to know that the Crown had already appointed a Commission to inquire into the whole state of the Ecclesiastical jurisdiction of this corsntr}•? That Commission had not yet extended to Ireland. He (Mr, Peel) would venture to say that the Church of Ire isad was gaining in strength, by adoeini moderate And well considered reformation. For that Church he pro !osed as sincere a respect as the Hon. Member for Dover ; and he could affirm, from his own knowledge, that, for twenty-five years, great efforts had been made by the Church to improve its condition ; and, at this moment, the Church of Ireland could present a Ministry, speaking eollectively, as devoted to the discharge of its spiritual functions as the Ministry of the Church or Ecclesias tical establishment in any country. If the time should ever arrive when an attempt should he made to deal with the property of the Church upon other prin ciples than with the property of other establishments, then would be the time for the exertions of those who dreaded the subversion of that Church. The Honourable Member for Oxford could not mean to push his doctrine so far as others that night hail pushed it. He could not mean to say that any part of the revenue of the church, such as the stipends of Curates, was beyond the reach of the law. With r:.ferenoe, however, to the appropriation of the reve nue of the Church the question ought to be approached with the utmost delicacy, and an enlarged view ought to he taken of the effect of an unequal distribution of that re venue upon the promotion of learning and religion. When any attempts were made upon the revenue of the Church, he would resist them; but he would not permit the impu dent sarcasms of the lion. Member fur Dover to prevent his acceding to a motion, whick, he believed, was not couched in the spirit of hostility to the Church, and which would tend to pro7 , te its best interests. Mr. SADLER had not been present during the whole of the discussion, and he should address himself only to the observations of the Right Hon. Secretary opposite. Ile must say that the proposition came with a peculiarly bad grace from those who refused all Commissions of Inquiry into Civil Establishments. It would as well heroine the House to attend to Cis it pluralities, which were evils as crying as the Ecclesi tstical ; and in many cases civil plu ralities were held which were totally incompatible with each other. Sir C. WETHERELL said that the Right Hon. Secre tary had argued that there was no harm in granting this inquiry quoad Ireland, because it was already granted quoud England.—(Cries of " No, no.") If the Right Hon. Gen tleman's argument was not so, why it was not so.— (Laughter )—lf this was not his argument, wh stover he said about the Commission in England ought to be struck out of his speech; and if it was his argument, he (Sir C. W.) would take the liberty of saying it was no argument at all. The Ecclesiastical Commission in England was confined to the nmelioratiton of the Ecclesiastical Courts and every bo* well knew that that branch of the admi nistration of justice in England, like all other branches, re quired in a certain time to be rebuilt. But the present Commission was to address the Crown to carry into effect the grossest violation of the law, if bishoprics were to be kept vacant where Cathedral Churches wanted repair.— (Interruptions, and cries of No.)—He wished his friends would set bin] right, and not set him wrong.—(A laugh.) He did not mean to say that there were not provisions to prevent pluralities which the Crown might carry into ef fect, though, generally speaking, this was out of the power of the Crown. Two-thirds of the Address called upon the Crown to violate the Law and the Coronation Oath; and therefore, when Ministers approved of part of the Addres., he did not think their approval was in very good company. This was not the mode in which the inquiry ought to be admitted. Every gentleman who had spoken from the Ministerial Benches had given arguments against that part of the motion which they were disposed to support ; and why ? Because there already existed in the Privy Council a right to do that which was to be done by this Com mission. If the Privy Council of Ireland had violated its duty, that would have been a good argument forithis inquiry ; but instead of this, Ministers said--" We don't object to inquiry, although there exists a com petent authority to make the inquiry, and which is unimpeached." This was to stigmatise the Privy Council of Ireland for not performing its duty, and yet the Right Hon. Baronet had not been able to state anything against the Privy Council of Ireland. Under these cir- eumstanees, he did feel Limself disposed to support the motion of the Member for Oxford. On neither side of the House had there been suggested any reason why the powers of the Privy Council of Ireland should not be called into action. He never could approve of any address which called upon the Crown and the Government to com mit a gross infraction upon the rights and property of the Church ; and though he concurred in the Right Hon. Baronet's object, he could not concur in the mode of at taining that object. Where sits the Government ? (Laughter)—There sits the Government—(pointing to the Opposition benches.)—that Government opposed every thing proposed by this side of the House, whilst every thing they proposed was enacted by Ministers. There resides the initiative—(Pointing to the Opposition-- loud laughter)—they are the persons who look after the agricultural and manufacturing distress; they put their proposals on the table of the House; they are the active, efficacious agents, who bring under the con• troul of Parliament those great practical measures ' which the necesssities of the country called upon them to discuss.—(Laughter.) Under these circumstances, be should take the liberty to say, that if the Ho nourable Member for Oxford carries the previous question to a division, he would vote for it ; and if, after wards, the Right Hon. Baronet brought forward his mea sure in better company—not to address the Crown to de molish and despoil the Irish Church—(Merriment)--if that cheer comes from an Irish Lawyer— Mr. O'CONNELL—No, no. Sir C. WETHERELL—I, then, am in the wrong, and the cheer comes from an Emeritus lawyer (Mr. M.A. Taylor), who sits behind him—(Laughter)—however, some person sarcastically cheered my statement ; or if no persons sarcastically cheered, why then I ant in possession of my statement.—(Laughter.)—But he was to be put down not by cheers, but by arguments. Mr. PEEL rose to explain. He must confirm the just and striking observation of the Learned and Hon. Gent., that if a certain argument was not his (Mr. Peel's) argu ment, why then it was not. He (Mr. Peel) had never represented the Commission in England as precisely the sante as that now proposed for Ireland, but he did doubt if the Commission upon the whole Ecclesiastical Jurisdic tion of England, and upon the controul of the Bishops over the Clergy, were not as important and as extensive as the Commission now proposed. Mr. M. A. TAYLOR had certainly felt very indignant at his Learned Friend's expression of the spoliation of the Church ; and he (Mr. Taylor) did express himself more loudly than he ought to have done. He would, however, say that the imputation of a wish to despoil the Church against those who only wanted to reform it, was un founded and unjustifiable. He looked upon the Church Establishment of England and Ireland with veneration; and he considered that the only effect of. the proposed Com mission would be to put the Churches of England and Ireland on the strongest footing. Mr. BROUGHAM rose amidst cries of Qacation, and turning round and shaking his finger at the criers, he said, " You will have Question in proper time." He could not let the observations of the Learned Gent. pass without some explanation ; for, without any explanation, he might be supposed to give his vote upon grounds which he re pelled as much as any man. He bad never heard a more complete misrepresentation, even in that House—(A laugh) —than that of the Right Hon. Secretary's speech by the Learned Member. The Hon. and Learned Gent. must surely have forgotten all that had taken place during the last three years. He must have forgotten, at that moment, that a Commission was issued in this country for inquiring into matters connected with the Church Establishment.— But then the Hon. and Learned Gent. would say there was a difference between this English Commission and the Com mission moved for by his Hon. Friend the Member for Waterford ; inasmuch as the latter referred to Ecclesia stical property, and the former to Ecclesiastical Courts of Judicature. But if there was any one thing which the Church was anxious to avoid, it was any interference in their administration of justice. There was no one right or privilege so dear to the Church as that administration. For ages the Church had most zealously defended it.— By whom were the Judges in those Courts appointed? In whom was the patronage veatcd ? One of the highest of the Judges was appointed by a Bishop, and another by an Archbishop. If the motion bad been for an inquiry into t11:1 Ecclesiastical Courts of Judicature in Ireland, it would have been more objectionable to the Church than an inquiry into their property. In no way what ever, however, did his Hon. Friend'z motion deserve the name of a spoliation of the Church. The lion. and Learned Gentleman had declared that nine-tenths of the motion cunk4ggd of illegality, and that it was contrary to the Coronation Oath, Were it not fur his knowledge of the extraordinary vivacity of his Hon. and Learned Friend's imagination—were it not that he knew his Hon. anii Learned - Friend's imagination sometimes superseded his uw;ory of the fact, he should have been exceedingly surprised at tli;s last assertion. What was the case ? That at the end of the motion came a little clause which certainly did appear to cad upc.r. the Crown to exercise a power not justified by the law. To that clause an objec tion was made, and his Hon. Friend (the Memb,:r fpr Waterford) naudidly consented to withdraw it from his motion. He (Mr, 'Brougham), however, objected to the application of the phrase "spo►;ation of the Church," even to that small part of his Hon. Friend's original mo tion. All the rent of the motion was mere inquiry. It had no tendency to any charge. It went to examine— not to (41 ' 4 That alone—that mall part—calling upon the Crown to order the suspension of certain eccle siastical revenues until certain repairs of the Church were carried into effect, was the objectionable pas sage. But who, except his Honourable and .Learned Friend, or one of equally inflated imagination, could consider this as an attempt at despoiling the Church. So far from being for the spoliation, it was for the protection and improvement of the Church.— The same thing had been (lone by Act of Parliament, in the case of the Cathedral at Litchfield. But his Hon. and Learned Friend, in his indignation against his Majesty's Ministers for acquiescing in the substance of the present inotiJn, charged them with constantly adopting the mea sures of their political opponents. But that was no more their practice at present than it was (luring the period when his Honourable and Learned Friend sat on the Minister ial Benches. Why (lid he not then say that Ministers took their measures from their opponents, who were the real efficient Ministers? Never did anything of that sort drop from his I'lon. and Learned Friend until the Catholic Ques tion had been carried; and yet there had been many mea sures adopted by his Majesty's Government which would have been Elide to a similar remark. There were the Free Trade measures, the Commissions of Education, the Orders in Council, the CJmniissions for Judicial Inquiry, the Irish Census, and many other measures which proceeded from his (Mr. Brougham's) side of the House ; but which, W ith great candour and bounty, were adopted by his Majesty's Government ; although never, until now, had a charge for doing so been brought against Government by his Hon. and Learned Friend ; and yet there was no man of more honour able feelings, and who had shown himself more disposed to speak his undisguised sentiments, at whatever sacrifice of personal advantage. To return, however, to the ques tion before the House. I❑ the first place, it was said to he an interference with the power of the Privy Council in Ireland. That he denied. They had the power, by the Act of George the First, of forming unions, and dissolving them, in particular cases. But he had yet to learn, that by either common or statute law, the Privy Council had the power of sanding a roving commission all over Ireland. In the next place, it was said to involve a censure on his Majesty's Government. It did no such thing. What ! Was every Address of that House to the Crown to issue a Commission, which the Crown had a right spontaneously to issue, to be considered a censure? It amounted to no more, in all cases of the kind, than to this—that the House advised the Crown to reuse into action a power which it possessed, but which was dormant. He altogether denied that the Motion was conceived in a spirit hostile to the Established Church. The Hon. Member for Oxford had told the House kand a new kind of legal doctrine it cer tainly was), that there was something so peculiar in the cha racter of church property, that it was not competent to the House of Commons to interfere with it. That was denying the supremacy of Parliament. That was maintaining that the Church was not only sacred, but that it was sacro-sanct. He had frequently heard of Church and King ; and he knew that under that name many abuses had been com mitted, and many false principles maintained. But he had never heard the most wild or fanatical supporter of Church and King principles place the claims of the Church on a level with those of the Sovereign. But the Hon. Member for Oxford went much further than this. He declared that the Church was higher than the King, that it was higher than the Parliament. According to the Hon. Member, Parliament had no power to interfere with the property of the Church. But had they never so interfered ? Why they had done nothing else for centuries. Did the Hon. Member for Oxford recollect the Stipendiary Curates' Bill ? Did he recollect that in old times—in good old times, as the Hon. Member would call them, in good old Catholic times—that interference with the property of the Church was by no means infrequent? Did the Hon. Member recollect the statute of Richard 11. on the sub ject? The Hon. Member for Oxford maintained that it was not competent to Parliament to interfere with the property of the Church. By that statute, a fourth of the proceeds of a living were set aside for the Bishop, a fourth for the repairs of the Church, and a fourth for the support of the poor. If his Hon. Friend (Mr. Hume), or any other Hon. Member were to propose the revival of that statute, of course the Hon. Member for Oxford would call the proposition a spoliation of the Church. Yet it would be only a return to what had been the law on the subject. He confessed, however, that he was surprised to hear any Hon. Member at the present day urge the old and ex ploded doctrine that inquiry weakened the authority of any establishment, or sapped its foundation. They who really valued an establishment, and highly estimated its privileges and authority, were in his opinion called upon to promote and not to discourage inquiry. The time had passed by when the character of any establishment was considered venerable in consequence of the obscurity by which it was enveloped. Let the light shine upon all our institutions. On that principle he was prepared to vote for his Hon. Friend's motion. So long as the object was to inquire into the existence of abuses, that object lie was prepared to support ; although he would be the last man in the House to retrench eighteeen Bishops, and pull down the walls of the Irish Cathedrals. Sir J. NEWPORT, after what had been stated on the other side of the House, would withdraw his motion. Sir R. INGLIS, to save the time of the House, would withdraw his Amendment. Lord LEVESON GOWER then moved the Address in the terms which he had described in his speech. The Motion was agreed to; and the Addles 3 wa or dered to be presented by such Hon. Gentlemen as were Members of the Privy Council, PORTUGAL. Lord PALMERSTON said, that as the debate on the motion of the Hon. Member for Waterford had listed so long, and as another important question was about to be agitated, he would postpone his intended motion, alth oug h he was desirous, for reasons which must be obvious to all, to bring it on with as little delay as possible. He hoped he should be able to make his motion on Tuesday next. his only reason for doubting it arose from the circum stance that a motion of great iasportance, by an Hon. and Learned Friend of his near bins, stood for that day ; an d would probably give rise to a long discussion. H e wou ld , however, put it to his lion. Friend, if another day might not equally suit Isis purpose? Mr. WILMOT MORTON expressed his readiness to oblige his Noble Friend, but could not consent to postpone his motion. Lord PALMERSTON then deferred his motion to Thursday next, the 11th of March. SUPREME COURTS of JUDICATURE at BOMBAY. Mr. STEWART (of Beverley) rose to move for certain Papers referring to the interference of the local Govern.. ment with the administration of justice in the Supreme Court of Bombay. In 1774 or 1775, the ex tortion s and oppressions of some servants of the East India Company were found to press so very heavily, that Government was implored to come to the assistance of the people ; and in consequence of the petitioners setting furth their grievances, and stating the necessity of their having some tribunal to protect them, were this and other Courts of a similar nature established. He also had to observed, that in 1782, Sir Elijah Impey was impeached for a dereliction of duty, and called to answer for having accepted office in one of the Company's Courts, he being at that time Chief Justice in a Supreme Court of Judicature ; and from this be argue,' that the Government at home had recognised the inde pendence of these Courts in India, and acknowledged their right to exercise a controul over the local authorities. But lately, he continued, notwithstanding this establishment of the independence of the Supreme Court of Bombay, the Government of that Presidency had taken upon it self to exercise an authority over its proceedings that must prove altogether fatal to its independence. The Go vernor had addressed a letter to the Judges of that Court, telling them that they were not to use their own discretion in the case before them, whatever might be their opinion of the law. This letter was addressed to Sir John Grant. Ile would read it to the House.—[The Hon. Gentleman then read the letter, which has been already before the public. The object of this communication, it will be recollected, was to put a stop to farther proceedings in a case wherein a native of high estate was summoned to appear before the Supreme Court, and had pleaded in return the privilege conferred upon him by the promise of the Government, which exempted him from such attendance.]—The Hun. Gentleman resumed. The question respecting the juris diction of the Court came on in regular course betbre the Privy Council, and it was decided that the Court was wrong upon the point of law. But the Privy Council had not said whether the interference of the local Government was or was not right; or if it was right, whether it was made in the most advisable manner. The correspondence he moved for might perhaps show the Go vernment was right; and if it did, this would be a great satisfaction to the country ; for decidedly a strong feeling had been excited by some most extraordinary language which had found its way into the newspapers, and which was attributed to the Noble Lord at the head of the Board of Controul. This occurred in a letter stated to have been addressed by that nobleman to the Governor of Bombay. In this he (Lord Ellenborough) said, " I believe there is but one opinion in this country as to the conduct of the Supreme Court." He differed with the Noble Lord in this. He apprehended also, that between him (Lord El lenborough) and the lion. and Learned Gentleman, and the Judges of our Courts, a very serious difference would prevail upon thi s question. lie doubted if the deeilion of the Privy Council would be enough to set the matter at rest for ever-,—he doubted if the question would not again arise in India—be doubted if future Judges would Le guided, or consider themselves bound by the decision of the Privy Council. Some declaratory Act of Parliament was, he thought, necessary. But, perhaps, in speaking of this " one opinion," the Noble Lord merely alluded to his own opinion, fancying that he was the only man in the country competent to form an opinion cn the subject— or, perhaps, he alluded to the " one opinion" which was alone permitted in the Cabinet, all others being com pelled to vanish before it. The Noble Lord then pro ceeded to say— " Their law is considered bad law; but then errors in matters of law are nothing in comparison with those they have committed in the tenour of their speeches from the bench. Had Sir C. Chamber; lived, I think he must have been displaced.— Sir J. Grant seems to have confined himself more strictly to a legal argument. He may have been led by his erring Chief: still there is much to censure ni his conduct, and al though I think it will probably not he considered necessary to recall him, his case is by no means decided upon. I our to have some conversation upon it with the Chancellor in a few days. We are so much occupied with our Roman Catholic Relief Bill at present, that we have little time for other matters, however important : to this circumstance must be attributed the delay which has occurred on the part of the Law Officers. There was none in sending the case to them. In the meantime the King has, on my recommendation, made your Advocate-General (Mr. Dewar) Chief Justice. 1 advised this appointment, because that gentleman appears to have shown ability arid discretion during the late conflict with the Supreme Court, and because he appears to take a right view of the law, and be on terms of confidence with you. I thought the putting him over Sir J. Grant's head wou d do more to notify public opinion than any other measure I could at once adopt ' • and you have him in action two months sooner than you could have any other sent from here. 1 hope this arrangement will be satisfactory to you." Now it might be difficult to discover the writer's drift; but if there was any meaning in the passage, it was this— I send you a fit person to answer our purposes, he will at once succumb to your authority, and would willingly make his Court the instrument of oppressing the people. He hoped, however, the Noble Lord would be disappointed iu the opinion lie had fornred of this gentleman, who, he trusted, would not suffer himself to be influenced by pri vate feelings or Government patronage, but would distri bute justice from his seat with honour and independence. Next the Noble Lord said " The Puisne Judge appointed in the room of Sir C. Chem_ hers, is Mr. William Chambers, of the Chancery bar. The Lord Chancellor has a very good opinion of him ; and generally, I think, he appeared to have higher claims than any other candi date. lie is a gentleman in his manners, and a man of cultivated mind. He seems to ha, e right notions of his duty, and of the law which has been so strangely misinterpreted. 11e will rather support Government than use the authority of the Supreme Court as a means of raising opposition. At least, if he is not all this, I have been deceived in him. He will embark in less than two months. He will probably be knighted before he sails; and as it will not be right that the Chief Justice alone should not be knighted, we must consider in what manner that can be best ef fected. I believe it may be done by patent; but my present idea is, to empower you, as Governor, to confer the h o n our o f Knighthood on Mr. Dewar. This will evidently place the Go vernor above the Court. It will mark you out as the King's re_ presentative : you may make the ceremony as imposing as you please. I have written to the Herald's Office, to know if the tiring could be done according to precedents." Was not this, he would ask, opposed to the express in tention of the Legislature, and contrary to the Constitu tion, as concerning the Courts in this country ; and con trary to the practice of all provinces in which justice was fairly administered ? The Supreme Courts in India had been made independent of the local authorities, by the Government at home; and he hoped they would be re stored to that independence by a vote of the House. An Hon. Gentleman (Mr. G. Bankes) had stated, upon a far mer occasion, that in one of the succeeding paragraphs the principal word was, in a copy of the letter sent from India, review, and not renew, the Charter. He could only say, that in the copy he had received from India the words stood as they had been originally published in this country-. In his opinion, however, it was no matter which of the two words was used, since the sense of the passage evi dently was that the Government had made up their mind. to renew the. Charter. " As we may not impossibly renew the Charter next year, we may take that opportunity of rectifying the expressions of the Act of Parliament, should they require it. Many persons think it would be inexpedient to open a discussion on Indian matters this year, if it could be avoided. But as I tell you, no decision is yet come to, you will see that there is no intention of desert ing you. You have acted with much firmness and prudence. I entirely agree in the view you have expressed of the dangerous consequences which would result from the extension beyond the limits of the Presidency of the powers clai.ned by the Supreme Court. Orders have been given for expediting the patent of the Chief Judge. It is with deep regret that I have heard that the Company arid the country are to soon to lose your services in India. I could not ask you to stay one hour to the danger of your valuable life ,• but I am confident you will stay till you have re established the authority of Government in the opinion of the natives. I trust, indeed, that the unbending firmness you have displayed, will have prevented much of the evil which might have been expected to flow from the conduct of the Judges. I feel satisried that you will act with the same firmness sander all circumstances, and at the same time with moderation and dis cretion. You may thus depend upon the sup, ort of tine Board of Controul, which I have the honour of presiding over." Now he would say, after reading this, that it was quite clear from the context that the Noble writer meant to give Sir J. Malcolm to understand that the question respecting the East India Company's Charter had been already decided by the Administration. In conclusion, he pressed upon the House the necessity of an inquiry. Ire then moved for the " Correspondence between Ilia Majesty's Commissioners for the Affairs of India, or either of them, and any of the Authorities at Bombay, respecting the interference of the Bombay Government with certain proceedings of his 3la jesty's Supreme Court of Judicature at that Presidency, in the months of August and September, 182 S, or at any sub sequent period." Lord ASHLEY replied i❑ an extremely low voice. It appeared Sir J. Grant had issued a writ, summoning a Na tive Chief, a man of high birth, being nearly related to the late Pcshawiah, to appear before his Court. The man, in return, pleaded his exemption from the necessity of ap pearing under the promise of the Government. Sir J. Malcolm was, consequently, forced into collision with the Court, as he could not violate the pledge which had been given. The result, however, of the dispute between the Government and the Court was, even for the length to which it proceeded, extremely dangerous. Our empire in India being altogether founded on opinion, which could not fail to be shaken when any division amongst the authori ties were observed. As it was, the Rajah of Guzzurat re fused to pay a loan in which he was indebted to the Go vernment, and appealed to the Supreme Court. The Go- vernment was, in consequence, compelled to sequestrate his property to convince him its authority had not altogether passed away. There was another instance of the ill-effect of this collision in the case of the Rajah of Eaturra, one of the mott enlightened men in the country, who, when about to visit Bombay, in arranging the programme of the cere mony of his entrance, war anxious, not how he should meet the Governor, but how he should meet the Chief Justice. This was not all. There was yet another case, a native, named Morogeorant, heti been convicted in one of the Company's Courts of embezzle ment (for which be would have been probably hanged here) and sentenced to two years' imprisonment, but after a month's confinement he was brought before the Supreme Court and dismissed, free to rosin about the Deccan, and extol the power of the Chief Justice, as greater than that of the Governor. It might, perhaps, be fancied the natives took little interest in these proceedings—quite the con trary—they had persons in the Court for the purpose of re porting them, so that the information was spread to the most remote parts of India. The Noble Lord concluded, by recommending those who were anxious for the intro duction of British laws and British institutions into India, to innovate gradually in order to innovate well. By adopting that course they would best secure the prosperity, the happiness, and the independence of that people, who were the just and rational objects of their anxiety. Mr. R. GRANT said, that with regard to the Judges, to one of whom he was united by the ties of friendship, and to the other by still closer bonds, he was of opini on , th a t, . . . . , placed in a difficult and delicate situation, they had not acted with all the caution and moderation which circum- stances required : he might even go further, and admit that they had mistaken the law. It was said that Sir J. Grant had used contemptuous expressions from the bench with respect to the Zillah and Sudder Adaulut Courts, and declared that he knew nothing of them. If these expres sions were used, Sir J. Grant must have referred to a ju dicial knowledge of these Courts, which he probably did not consider himself bound to recognize, as their autho rity had not been properly set forth in a return laid before him. Making the admissions which he did with respect to the Judges, he felt also bound to say, that the situation of Sir J. Malcolm (who was a most meritorious and honour able public servant) was an extremely difficult one, and in that situation he had made more and greater mistakes than the Judges. There was one position which he ventured to take up—namely, that Sir J. Malcolm ought to have taken a public course (whether by proclamation or other wise) at whatever risk, and that he should not have sent a private letter to the Judges on a subject which was by fore them in their public capacity. This act of Sir J. Malcolm might be morally, but was not legally, justifiable. However, the Government at home might extend to the Go rernor of Bombay the same indemnity upon this occa sion as the Government of the day extended to the Bengal Government in 1731, when it resisted the orders of the Supreme Court by force, on the ground that though legal they were not strictly justifiable. With respect to the letter of the Noble President of the Board of Control, be would not take advantage of those inaccuracies which might easily creep into a composition hastily written ; but must observe that all that was substantial in that letter had been fully and deliberately adopted by the Government. It had been offered as an excuse for that letter, that it was written in answer to urgent communications from Bom bay. How, then, he asked, could we come to a right conclusion or, the subject of the letter, without having those documents before us, and being thus enabled to see grounds which gave rise to it ? It had been said that nothing was more visionary than the idea that any attempt bad b:en made ut• contemplated to interfere with the lode- pendence of the Judges in India. For his own part, he did think there were indications of such a desire in the letter in question. With respect to the jurisdiction of the Court, the letter so often alluded to clearly intimated that the Governor was to define its limits. The house of Com mons, however, had formerly come to a reso!ution against all that should tend to place the Supreme Court in a state of dependence to those whom it was intended to con troul ; and it was under this resolution that Sir Elijah Impey narrowly escaped impeachment. The terms of the articles of impeachment, which were drawn up, but not preferred, were that Sir Elijah Impey had de • graded the Supreme Court by staking it dependent upon the Governor, and that he was therefore guilty of high crime and misdemeanours.—(Hear, hear.)—This letter certainly tended to degrade Sir John Grant and 'the Court, and was therefore contrary to sound policy, and in viola tion of this resolution. He would wave the law of the case; but he must be allowed to observe, that it was not fitting even for so high an authority as the Privy Council to set aside well-kn •wn and general decisions of the Courts of India. But the letter went on to say, that Sir John Grant might have been misled by his erring chief,—mean ing Sir Charles Chambers. Now ke knew Sir John Grant ; and every body who was acquainted with• that Learned Gentleman would agree with him when he said that Sir John Grant was far two just to throw a burden upon others which he knew to be his own, and far too conscientious to be drawn front the performance of his duty by the opinions of others.—(Hear, hear.)—With re spect to Sir Charles Chambars, the manner in which be had discharged the functions of his office would for ever endear his memory to the natives of India.—(Hear, hear.) —And if Sir Charles Chambers had perished at the stake, it could not have been more truly said of hint than it could be said now, that he died for his opinions on this subject. —(Hear, hear.)—Distress of mind, produced by the cir- I cumstances of this case, had brought him to the grave— (Hear, hear, )—and yet the friends of Sir Charles Cham bers were to see his posthumous fame tarnished and dis graced by it being said, that if he had lived he must have been driven from his situation..(Hear, hear.).— In conclusion, he begged to remind the House of the opinion+ of Sir W. Jones, respecting the Judges of India. The words of that great writer were—" Whatever might have been the reason for the first establishment of the Su preme Cuurt, of which I ant not perfectly apprised, I will ! venture to say that it has been continued for one obvious reason—namely, that an extensive dominion without a complete and independent judicature, is an anomaly of which this world does not offer one example." Colonel GRAHAM contended that the provincial Courts enjoyed an independent jurisdiction, and that the attempt of Sir John Grant to establish the authority of the Supreme Court in the manner he had done, and his dis charge of a convicted person was contrary to the letter of the law. He believed that no one had ever denied that Sir J. Malcolm had done his duty in openly resisting an authority which he believed to be illegal. Mr. HUME moved that the question be adjourned, and said he should be ready to allow the adjournment to stand for any time that might be the most convenient to the House. Some discussion followed as to the time to which the question was to stand adjourned, when it was finally settled thut it should be adjourned till to-morrow (this day) ; but that the motion of the Hon. Me►nber for Thetford, upon the subject of East Retford, should take precedence of ir. SALE OF BEER. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER was ex tremely desirous that no time should be lost in the appoint ment of a Committee to inquire into the Laws, relating to Beer; and even at this late hour (a quarter past one) he should proceed to move for its appointment. He would, however, occupy the House only for a few minutes, while he stated the general reasons on which lie founded his pro position. The subject of licences to public-houses had been often brought under consideration, and sufficient had been said on former occasions to justify the institution of an inquiry. It had been already shown that the present system of licensing had given rise more or less to a degree of monopoly in the Beer Trade which had produced two evils:--1. a deterioration in quality-2. an enhancement of price. Both these he hoped to remedy, but he begged to he understood as not at all yielding to the imputations thrown upon a wealthy and respectable class of individuals engaged in the manufacture and sale of beer; the fault, if fault there were, was the fault of the law. His view was, that by ex tending the means of consuming beer no injury would be inflicted upon the brewer, while an important benefit was conferred on the public; and he was convinced that the apprehensions felt by many persons interested in the pre sent system would turn out to be unfounded. He was quite sensible of the advantage of extending the sale and con sumption of beer; but, at the same time, he did not mean to put out of sight the necessity of keeping a vigilant su perintendence by the Magistracy fur the preservation both of the public peace and of the public morals. The ad vantage resulting from opening in some degree the trade in beer, lie thought, had been already established ; and although it might be said that the plan had not answered its purpose, he was greatly mistaken if that fact could be proved. The reason, probably, why that plan had not succeeded to the fullest extent, was that it did not go far enough, and that the interference with the existing mo nopoly had been too limited. If riot and disturbance had in some instances occurred, they had been occasioned by the circumstance that houses for the sale of beer were not sufficiently numerous, in consequence of which people were congregated in masses, one part of which might be liable to conic into conflict with another. The increase in the consumption of beer would be beneficial to all, and not least to the people themselves, both in health and morals. The Right Hon. Gent. moved, " That a Select Commit tee be appointed to inquire into the Laws regulating and restricting the Sale of Beer." Mr. SLANEY highly approved of the motion. Mr. C. BARCLAY regretted that this important subject had been brought forward at so late an hour that it was impossible to enter at all into the real merits of the ques tion. He agreed that the Members of the Committee had been fairly chosen, but could not agree that any such in vestigation was necessary, or that it would be produc tive of any benefit. He believed that the present Chan cellor of the Exchequer would find himself, like his predecessors in office, entirely mistaken as to the consequences of a change ; and did time allow he was pre pared to show that the anticipations of Lord Goderich, when, in 1825, he brought forward the Intermediate Beer Bill, had been wholly disappointed. The sale and manu facture of beer was not so restricted as the Right Hon. Gentleman imagined. It was by no means a monopoly, and a great portion of the trade was free. Property to a large amount would be seriously affected by the change, not of the large brewers, for they were out of the ques tion, but of a very respectable class of the community,— the owaers and occupiers of houses independent of any brewer. He h )ped that the Chancellor of the Exchequer would note and recollect his (11r.C. Barclay's) words, when he said that the proposed alteration of the law, allowing the sale of beer in shops, would only operate as a tran.fer of the trade from one class to another, without at all in- creasing the consumption of the article. If the Right Hon. Gent. wished to induce the community to drink more beer. the only effectual means of doing so was to lower the duty ; for the price, at the present cost of ma- terials, could not bear reduction. The real and great evil was the present amount of the tax. After a few words from Mr. BENSON, expressive of his opinion that the inquiry would be attended with no advantage either to individuals or the public, the question was put and carried, and the following Committee was named : The Chancellor of the Exchequer, Lord Viscount Al borp, Mr. Slaney, Mr. Estcourt, Mr. Bingham Baring, Mr. William Peel, Mr. Western, Mr. Kekewich, Dawson, Mr. Robert Palmer, Mr. Alderman Wood, Mr. Charles Barclay, Lord Granville Somerset, Sir Edward Knatchbull, Mr. Calcraft, Mr. Ridley Colborne, Mr. Ross, Marquis of Douro, Mr. Archibald Campbell, Sir John Wrottesley, Mr. Charles Calvert, Lord Nugent, Sir George Clerk, Sir Thomas Fremantle, Sir Robert Wilson. The other Orders of the Day were then disposed of, and at Two o'clock the House adjourned. On Monday afternoon, as the Duke of WEL trriurox was passing down Parliament-street from Charing-cross towards the House of Lords, he was ac costed by a stranger, who annoyed him with questions all the way as far as Bridge-street. Hie Grace remonstrated with the man, and desired him to pass on in vain ; at last a police constable, seeing the disagreeable situation in which his Grace was placed, went up to the stranger ; and on his refusing to discontinue his interruption, the con stable took him into custody, and conveyed him before Mr. 'WHITE, at Queen-square police-office. On being in terrogated by the Magistrate, he said he said his name was JOHN DRYDEN, of No. 15, Salamanca-place, Lambeth. Mr. WHITE asked him why he had annoyed his Grace in the manner described by the police-man ; the defendant in reply, said he had seen the Duke when he was at the City of Durham on a visit to the Marquis of LONDONDERRY, and he was merely asking his Grace about the post-duties and other parliamentary business. Mr. WHITE said it was extremely hard that his Grace could not walk the public streets, but must be forced to ride in his carriage, to avoid such persons as the defendant. He was then ordered to find securities for his better behaviour, and in default was committed to Tothill-fields prison....llfurning Paper. IRELAI\ D. (Front a Correspondent in a Morning Paper.) DUBLIN, hlarterr 2.—Mr. Serjeant Lefroy, I under' stand from good authority, has thrown up his presidenci in a pet. Your readers are to understand that there se e only three serjeants in Ireland, and that the practice of thee, high officers is by no m eans aseimilatod to the duties 4 ' charged by the eentletneu of the eoif in the Court of 0 111 :, mon Pleas at West m i ns t er H a ll . H ere t h ey pract i se i n Pi the Courts, but particularly before the Lord Chancellor...." Mr. Serjeant Lefroy scarcely ever went out of Chancel , The principal practice of Mr. Serjeant Blackburne is CO' fined to the same court. Mr. Serjeant Goold, being an Cl' cellent common-l aw l awyer , h as an extensive practice in the Court of King's Bench ; and, indeed, in other courts, which in Dublin are nut so restricted vi't regard to business as sonic of yours are. In Ireland the seijeante are considered, next to the Attornel and Solicitor-General, the most important law ar pointments at the Irish bar. The puisne Judges se! almost constantly selected from their number. It l e ,. considered a slight to pass them over, and, in point fact, I believe the selection to fill vacancies is alwaY, l l confined to the c h osen th ree . M r. S er j eant Lefroy, ° is understood, refused, more than once, the offer of a sell on the bench. Latterly, however, he is understood to have got over his scruples, and he has been sent se vers', times as going Judge of Assize in place of one of the Judge" or of the Attorney or Solicitor -General. He was a condi' late for the latter office on the elevation of Mr. Joy toth° Attorney-General s hip, an d h a d t h e patronage of Lo o Manners ; but the interest of Mr. Doherty was too posy erful, and he was obliged to fall back. Had he not reo; tiered himself obnoxious by his no•Popery polities, it ° I the opinion of several that be would have succeeded. . 41 a Judge, Mr. Serjeant Lefroy was obnoxious to several' upon what grounds it is needless to state. On the pre-o° l occasion he was passed over by the Crown, and Mr. Se' jeant Blackbarne chosen to go circuit in the place of Bar o S APCleland, who is still indisposed. Hine illce lachrynoe' Mr. Lefroy remonstratesi—angrily, it is said—witis th e Government, but tise Duke of Northumberland was 1( 1. exorable, and the resignation followed. This is an event of some importance in our circle, ad d is a subject, I must say, of great pleasure to the Liberal, Mr. Serjeant Lefroy was the Brunswick candidate in College, having been put forward by the Visitor, th e Most Rev. Dr. Magee, and supported first against Plan' kett, and then against North, by all the Orange power of our University. He still persists in his pretension ( ' and the Orangemen even talk of putting up his son, wh o has only just attained his majority, for the representatio n of the city of Dublin. Mr. Wallace, it is said, will be the new Serjeant ; s better selection could not be made, nor one likely to g ill more satisfaction to the public or the Bar. WATERFORD.—MoNnsAr. Barron has resigned : his friends say he will petitiou , The Beresforil party laugh at the threat. The Court-1)0" e has been occupied all day by the speeches of the eandidatee Mr. Henry Barron, Mr. Lawless, Mr. Ronayne, and Mt' Kenny. It is not the intention of Lord George's friend° t• chair him. eat srixss, TWO O ' CLOCK• Mr. Barron has this moment resigned, and Lord G e org° Beresford is to he declared the sitting member to-morro ei morning. The numbers at the final close of the poll are :•"' For Lord George Beresford 461 For Mr. Barron 3lB Majority for Lord George Beresford —l43 Mr. Barron has pledged himself to petition against the re' turn, on the grounds of bribery, undue influence, and cosreioe. Yesterday the adjourned meeting of the sub' scribers and others interested in the revival of Hunferfota Market was held at the Crown and Anchor Tavel' , Strand. Mr. COURTENAY, the Chairman, said the Cool" posed ero i enmmd t akenaaodns etdfflatteringceaarmor s h a resr edu nt ehdsauttpotphotr warrantt, and the conclusiont h e daily mittee had received from several distinguished individus lt, e appreciated by the public. The number of shares that he 5 8 7 ;11 s ßee hou o l l d ut b io e n :m w m e e r d e ia th te e l n y pr e pared, and presented to Parliament on Monday next. p th p a li t ua th ti rplan tbsit A meeting of the Noblemen, Freeholders Commissioners of Supply, and Justices of the Peace, i the county of Dumbarton, was held on Monday, to con eider the propriety of petitioning the Legislature to WO into serious consideration the distressed state of the country' and to adopt such means as should most etßeiently relied it. Sir JAMES COLQUIIOUN, of Luse, Bart., Convener; was in the Chair. A series of resolutions were propose* and after a very lengthened and somewhat deoultory:convec nation upon the questions whether distress of any kin existed, and whether one county was at all interested the general prosperity and depression of another, it WO carried, by a majority of fifteen to seven, that distress P e vaded the country, and that the Meeting should petitiot' Parliament for adequate relief. An amendment, whirl was proposed to the Meeting by Mr. Smottnrr, praying #1 such a reduction in taxation as would consist with the dOI performance of the public service, and without a violatiOl of existing engagements, was then put and agreed to, four teen voting for, and nine against it.—Thanks were mo to Sir J. COLQUEOUN for his conduct in the Chair, at the Meeting broke up at fire o'clock. JOHN WEBSTER'S PLAYS, &c.'—The print of the Plays and Poems of this noble old EngliO, Poet, which has j us t a pp eare d un d er th e editorial care ri g' of the Rev. A. arca, is a very valuable addition to it dramatic literature of this country. Among our old play writers there is not one, not even SuArrsirsa,an himsel! who possesses greater or more masculine powers, or w il l takes a more vigorous hold of the imagination : he has a l Mammies strength, with tione of his more c oarse sr vulgar violence. His best pieces are undoubtedly the se torious tragedies of Vittoria Corombona, and The Duchil of Malfi ; and the two most excellent and laughable CO i medics of manners, Northward Ho I and West ward It In the two last he had an able coadjutor in Dzurea. his prefatory matter matter Mr. DYCX has given all that' known regarding his author, and has clearly proved that was not the writer of th e Academiarum Examen (whi was given to him by the Puritans), but that it was wr itte' by a very different matt—Joun Wansura, of Clithere Mr. DYCX seems to have taken it for granted that Mr.. l " P. Cowie, in his Poetical Decameron, meant to mairi tain that Joins Wzasxea, the dramatist, was the audit of the Examen; but in fact Mr. CoLuza does little ! d i than mention that it had been imputed to him, without all asserting the correctness of the imputation. As, ho l _, ever, Mr. DYCX was reso l ve d t o h ave a contest, h e cres tr for himself an adversary. The four volumes of Witasf%!, range precisely with Mr. DTCX'S edition of PEXI' Works, one of the most accurate books in English. INVERNESS, FEB. 24.—0 n Saturday even' ing Mr. SMITH, Supervisor of Excise, Beady, was po i :. seeding h ome , f rom a survey at F ort A ugustus, an d, save a distance of 16 miles, he took the hill-road fro', Drumnadrochit to Beauty. The road was conipletell blocked up, and indiscernible amidst the waste of s nos o and in this dilemma Mr. S. thought it best to let his hoe/ choose for itself. The animal made way, though slowl, till coming to a gully or ravine, near Glenconvent, he horse and rider suddenly disappeared in a snow wreath, o r veral fathoms deep. Mr. S., on recovering, found O lt ; self nearly three yards from the dangerous spot, with b faithful horse standing over him, and licking th e sno o from Lis face. He thinks the bridle must have been $ tached to his person. So completely, however, had hell, all sense of consciousness, that beyond the bare fact, stated, he had no knowledge of the means by which bf made so striking and providential an escape.—lnvero e Courier. DUBLIN, FEB. 28.—A young woman,grad # niece to Lord KILWARDEN (who was slaughtered so in o ; manly in one of Our streets at the time of the Rebellk) in 1803), fell a victim to the affects of arsenic, which o i l took in despair from a disappoint men t i n l ove . H er $ 8 ,, 1/I ,li was ELIZABETH ANNE Worsts, a most interesting ,/ beautiful-looking girl, about twenty three years old. P h i father held a very lucrative situation in Dublin Castle, ' l # contrived to lose it by some means or other, and he has si ° j been reduced to the necessity of working at a Inechan i ;i trade, to which he never was reared, in order to supPA himself and his family. The daughters lived with r: ja aunt, who keeps several extensive fancy warehoused e s different parts of the city. It appeared on the incl u f that the girl took the d isappointment in love to heart If ; m ir much. The day for the marriage was agreed en, I .) ° came to her aunt's ears that the Romeo was a Cat",..°, and, being one of t h e High Church, she would not C O3- 0 1 s e nt to the match. On Thursday l as t s h e d ran k t he a t dose, about ten in the morning, and was dead about fol i in the afternoon. She wrote three letters, which µ'e , found after her death, but destroyed by one other sister s ' they were directed, one to her aunt, saying she was t'", cause of her death for putting an end to h er h opes ;---°/'/ to her step-mother, declaring that her d a y s were f e w, 41 ', leaving some of her little effects to her ; and the was to her sister, to the same effect. The contents of t'.) stomach, on being analyzed, clearly proved that poo l.ad been taken ; for, on being sublimated, the arse' was found in a metallic state. The Jury found a 1 4 1 diet to that effect, and that she lai4oured under insanity the time. ...Mu. Anglo lirazili Unltod Bank Consol Goy. 8 Ditto Go,„ Per t _Wand Lay D FR Arrive O , O ] O] O( 1 1 O ] O I o To tbi Ti tenne to repr silence, ' ll PpOr In o nounee politic; 8,0 wal desire 1 to in a 1 tried, a Befo politics prornis: reducti the din rancon, taxes, at least iwposil Candle exclusi' We dischari this imi preach Meet and by County . the hol ineeriol your ah Cold The vi pleted, a formed t Toview from s mit of Oricig To view To ♦iew The who N. R— each) are •"------. -,. .~~ _~ J ,__ The ceived. Speech, the nios the Cha would I did our followin " Whi that the el ,"ite an to retnark 11 1 3 Parentl anthentic Premed h of the Gi remark ( Yoa wi. : te si i t n il tion pt odt. .. 3r . tit erda Vvpre . Political r " r °Yed b !'ken io• se v Y ttvi i