The Sun. — London, England, 1863-02-13 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS--Last Evening. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. ROME. Earl RUSSELL said the noble lord opposite (Nor manby) had a motion on the paper respecting Rome for Monday next. He had to ask him to postpone proceeding with it until the following day, The Marquis of NORMANBY said he had great plea sure in complying with the request of the noble earl; Tues day would suit him equally well. TRAFFIC IN THE CITY. Lord CHELMSFORD moved the first reading of a bil giving to the Lord Mayor additional powers with respect to regulating the traffic in the City of London. The bill was read a first time. HARBOURS OF REFUGE. Lnrd RAVENS WORTH called the attention of Govern ment to the report of the royal commission appointed to con sizkr the question of the harbours of refuge, and asked if any steps were in progress to carry out the recommenda tions of the commission which. are contained in that re port. In doing so he said the subject was regarded with the greatest interest by the shipping and commercial com munity. The report of the commission was of the utmost importance, consideiing that on the average of six years the amount of property lost amounted to no less than 51,500,000, whilst the loss of human life for the same period could not be less than 1,545, and the number of vessels wrecked at least 800. It was the opinion of some that even if the harbours were made they would not an swer the purpose for which they ware intended ; but he should like to know from the noble duke oppcsite whether he participated in that opinion, as also whether the Government regarded the matter in the same light. It was also said that the shipowners regarded the matter with dislike, because it was supposed that these harbours of refuge would afford the seamen opportunities of loiter ing and idling their time away, instead of proceeding on the voyage. It was easy to discuss the question in cold blood, whilst it was not so easy for screw to take it so if caught in a storm off a dangerous coast, where there was not a single port for them to fly to for safety. He did not know a case more in point than the loss of the unfortunate vessel the Lifeguard. A harbour of refuge might have been the means of preventing such terrible disasters. A great deal might be said for the shipowners, inasmuch as they (the legislature) had some years back de prived them of protection, and exposed them on their own shores to competition of foreigners who had the materials for building much cheaper. It was not to be wondered that, to meet such. keen competition, ships not quite sea worthy were despatched on their voyages, and when a storm overtook them the value of a harbour into which they could run for safety would be inestimable. The Lifeboat Institu tion had been the means of immense benefit, and he could not forbear mentioning Miss Burdett Coutts' name for the manner in which she had supported that laudable institu tion. The noble lord then referred to resolutions carried in the Government of 1859, which was to the effect that the recommendations of tit commission ought to be carried out, and remarked that notwithstanding that strong expression of opinion nothing had been done. Now, however, there was a surplus in the exchequer, and hesincerely hoped that something would be done to effect so great a benefit, and thus give some protection to the shipping of the country, and in doing so it might be possible to employ many per sons now suffering great distress in Lancashire in the con struction of these works. The Duke of SOMERSET said the subject was sur rounded with the greatest difficulty, but he was moat anxious that all the security possible should be given to the shipping interests. There were, however, other questions besides those of humanity. It was true that the Royal Commissioners recommended the erection of harbours, but there was another recommendation, that the expenses should be borne, viz:, one-fourth by the Government and three fourths by passing tolls. Subsequently the shipowners ob jected to passing tolls, while the local ports, which were to be made into harbours, objected to being made liable for some part of the expense. In fact everybody wanted the money to be spent, but did not like to con tribute anything. Another question also to be considered was, in the event of these harbours being made, whether it would not be necessary to have them supplied with means of defence, and to do that a great outlay would become ne cessary. By comparing the different parts of the coast on which shipwecks took place, it would be found that it was not at those particular places named for harbours of refuge that the greatest loss of life occurred. The works at Dover, Portland, and Holyhead were fast progressing towards completion, and when they were thoroughly completed he thought they would afford great facilities for the protection of life and property. As to the question of convict labour, Portland was a very convenient place for the employment of convict labour; but some thought that free labour was quite as cheap. A most important recommen dation made by the commissioners in 1858 was that provision should be made for the raising of loans for the construction of harbours. An Act was passed for that purpose, and half a million had been already taken up under that Act. Five places had been already aided by luane, and several others were looking for help and he be lieved a great number wculd avail themselves of the assist ance. He thought it much better that local exertion should bo used than that Government should do all the work. But he did not think that the saving of life would be much. Bad ships ill-found would be sent on voyages in which, harbours of refuge were conveniently situated. He thought the Government had not neglected their duty in regard to the subject, although they could not go the extent the commissioners wished them to go. Lord RAVENSWORTH said that the loss of life on the west coast of Scotland, mentioned by the noble duke, must have been caused by loss of fishermen's boats. There was no trade on that coast. The Duke of SOMERSET had taken the loss of life from the returns, but after all those returns did not give a true idea, for one large ship lost upon a coast swelled up the number. (Hear, hear.) The Wick people wanted only a fishing boat harbour, and he hoped it would be constructed, but he could not pledge the Government to anything. TICKETS OF LEAVE. The Earl of NALMESBURY asked for papers relative to the case of a felon to whom a commutation had been granted. Earl GRANVILLE was understood to promise them. The Duke of MARLB OROUGH asked if his noble friend had ascertained as yet whether Redpath vies a large on a ticket of leave either in this country or in a colony, and whether he can at any time return to this country. Earl GRANVILLE replied that Redpath had been transported to Western Australia. When a rumour reached this country that he was at large, his noble friend inquired at the Rome Department. No answer had been received from the colony as yet, but with regard to Red path's return to this country it was quite impossible. The Duke of NEWCASTLE said that Redpath would not have been entitled in this country, or under the ordi nary rules in a penal colony, to a ticl•:et of leave until about this time. but the governor of Western Australia had adopted a new system of marks of good conduct, by which Redpath, having obtained the number requisite to procure his ticket of leave, had been enabled to get it long before the time at which he might have become entitled under the ordinary system. He might observe, in reply to observa tions which had been made upon the conduct of th 3 right hon. baronet, the Secretary of State for the Home Depart ment, that Sir George Grey had nothing to do with the matter further than that, when Redpath, having obtained the ticket of leave, applied for a conditional pardon, his ap plication came before the Home-office, and Sir G. Grey, so far from granting it, asked how the convict had obtained his ticket of leave so soon. The Earl of DERBY believed that a ticket of leave in a colony left men strictly under the supervision of the Go vernment and the police, whereas in this country it meant quite a different thing. He understood a ticket of leave in a colony was only a kind of secondary punishment. The Duke of NEWCASTLE said that was not the case. The convict was not employed in Government works when he had his ticket of leave. If he were a servant he could not leave his master's house without permission. If living in his own house he should be in before 10 o'clock at night, and he was under the surveillance of the police; but that was all. Redpath was in his own houpe. He was receiv ing from his wife, who was in this country, an annuity of £2_0 .. 0 a year. The house adjourned at 20 minutes after six o'clock. HOUSE OP COMMONS—Last Evening. The SPEAKER took the chair at four o'clock. STANDING ORDERS. On the motion of Col. W. PATTEN, the following were nominated the select committee on standing orders . —Col. Wilson Patten, Mr. Walpole, Mr.llenley, Mr. Wrightson, Mr. Herbert, Mr. Bramston, Mr, Bonham-Carter, Mr. Lefroy, Mr. Dunlop, Mr. Pullen, and Mr. E. Egerton. COMMITTEE OF SELE CTION. On the motion of Col. Wusort F ATTEN, the following C omm ittee of Selection was nominated—Mr, 7A ated --r• Dunlop H e rbert, Mr. Bonh am-Carter, Lord Hotham, Mr. Dunlop, Mr. bray, and the Chairman of the Select Committee on Stand. ing Orders. INDIA. C o lonel SYKES presente d a p etition from Indian ofti• cers complaining of the amalg amation scheme, and praying for inquiry and redress. FIRE INSURANCE DUTY. Mr. DILLWYN presented a petition from the town and corporation of Neath in favour of a modification of the fire insurance duty. NAVY ESTIMATES , Lord C. PAGET brought up these estimates. MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS. Mr. A. SMITH gave notice that to-morrow he should move for leave to introduce a bill to amend the taking of votes at municipal elections. CHANGE OF SURNAMES. Mr. ROEBUCK gave notice that on Monday he should move for a return of the names of all persons who had ap plied for licenses to•change their names since 1810; also for a list of licenses granted, a list of successful applicants, and the names they were empowered to use by Royal license ; also, the principlKwhich the Home-office acts 45/ in such matters, the fees received, and how applied. Also for particulars of the nature of the duties of the officers of the College of Arms of England ; the names of the persons who had applied to alter their arms, &c., &c. PRIVATE BILL FEES. Mr. HODGSON inquired if it was proposed to make any reduction in the scandalously excessive fees demanded from the promoters of private bills: These fees were so enor mous that they were sufficient not only to pay all the expenses of the house, but to leave a large balance, which was paid into the exchequer. He mentioned cases of bills in which the fees had amounted to £l,OOO and more. Col. PATTE N admitted that the fees were far too ex cessive. He meant to ask the house to again appoint a committee on the subject, and was not without hope that he should succeed in inducing the Government to assent to a material reduction in the fees. _ - . After a few words from COL FRENCH the subject dropped. ACCIDENTS ON RAILWAYS. - ----- _ Mr. BENTINCK asked the President of the Board of Trade whether, in consequence of the repeated occurrence of railway accider.ts, it was the intention of her Majesty's Government to introduce, during the present session, any measure founded on the report of the Committee on Rail way Accidents, which was laid upon the table of the house in 1858 Mr. M. GIBSON replied that nothing had occurred last year which, in the opinion of the Board of Trade, rendered it desirable to legislate on the subject of railway accidents. The railway accidents last year to passenger trains were somewhat less than in the preceding year. Comparing 1862 with 1861 there was a decrease of 48 per cent. in the number of passengers killed in consequence of accidents to passenger trains. In 1861 46 persons were killed and 780 persons injured, and the number of passengers carried amounted co 173,721,139, so that one passenger was killed out of every 3,760,000 carried. In 1862 there were 51 ac cidents to passenger trains or 9 per cent. ; 24 were killed and 509 injured. The traffic had not yet been made up, but as more new lines had been opened, and more passengers con veyed, the proportion would be more favourable than in 1861. At present the Government saw no reason for inter fering. DELHI PRIZE MONEY. Colonel SMYTH asked the Secretary of State for War the cause of the delay in the payment of prize money for the capture of Delhi to the troops engaged in that service ? Sir G. C. LEWIS replied that he had no special control in his department over this distribution of pr ze money, but he understood there had been no unnecessary delay. ENGLISH AND IRISH CHANCERY COURTS, Mr. LONOFIELD asked the Attorney-General when it was likely that the English and Irish Courts of Law and Chancery Commissioners would make their report, and what had caused the delay in their so doing ? The ATTORNEY-GENERAL replied that the inquiry was a very large and laborious one, and considering the avocations of the commissioners he did not think any unne cessary delay had taken place. He could not state the exact time when the report would be ready, but there would be no unnecessary delay. PROMOTION OF CRIMEAN COLONELS. General LINDSAY asked the Secretary of State for War if it was true, as reported in a military journal, that he had recently decided to make no alteration either in the position Or prospects of the officers promoted to the rank of colonel for distinguished service in the field during the Crimean war, and who had been deprived of their relative rotation in the list through the action of the warrant of 1858 ? Sir G. C. LEWIS explained that the course adopted had been in accordance with the report of the committee ap pointed to inquire into the matter, and to report thereon. The gallant gentleman, it was true, who was a member of the committee, had objected to that report ; but the War office was of opinion that the course now adopted could not be departed from with advantage. TICKETS-OF-LEAVE-THE CONVICT REDPATH. Mr. BUTLER asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department, when it would be convenient to present to the house the return ordered by the; house on L3d July, 1862, relative to ticket-of-leave prisoners : and, whether he would object to lay upon the table a list of the cases in which the conditions of the ticket-of-leave had been dis pensed with, and the grounds for dispensing with such conditions ? He also wished to know whether the convict Redpath had been set at liberty, and could consequently return to this country ? Sir G. GREY replied that the return had already been laid on the table. As many of the licences were revoked for bad conduct, he did not see that any good could arise from furnishing the information specified in the second ques tion. The convict Redpa h had been sent out under a sentence of transportation for life before the passing of the Penal Servitude Act. He was sent out in August, 1858, to Western Australia, and had since received a colonial ticket of leave. The Colonial authorities had no power to permit him to return to this country; indeed, he could only return on receiving a free pardon from the Crown, which, he might add, he was not very likely to receive. INDIA. Mr. LIDDELL asked the Secretary of State for India whether there was any objection to lay upon the table a copy of a memorandum of observations on the Administra tion of India, presented by Lord Canning before his depar ture by Dinker Rao, member of Council ? Sir C. WOOD was not aware that such a memorandum was in existence, bat would enquire. ARMY ESTIMATES. In reply to a question, Sir G. LEWIS said these estimates would be in the hands of hon. members early next week. FEES ON PRIVATE BILLS. In reply to Colonel W. PATTEN, Mr. M. GIBSON intimated that he should to-night or to-morrow move the appointment of a committee to report on these fees, and if it was possible to modify them. ILLEGITIMATE CHILDREN (IRELAND) BILL. This bill, on the motion of Sir R. PEEL, was read a second time, after a short discussion. DRAINAGE OF LAND (IRELAND) BILL. The house then went into committee on this bill: After some amendments the various clauses (except 55) were agreed to, the house then resumed. UNION RELIEF AID ACT.(1862) CONTINUANCE BILL. Mr. VILLIERS—I have to move for leave to introduce a bill for the purpose of continuing the operation of the act that was passed last session, to enable boards of guardians in certain unions to meet the very serious charge of the re lief of the poor, occasioned by the war in America, which precluded the raw material from the cotton districts, and which had rendered nearly half a million of our fellow countrymen destitute. The bill to which I refer was in troduced under some apprehension that under the ordinary operation of the poor law there would not be adequate means to provide for the relief of the distress that was ex pected to occur. The house is aware that the first resource in all cases of distress is the property of the district where the poor are settled, and from which they cannot be re moved—a resource which was generally available, and but seldom found to be inadequate. It was not alleged in this case that the great and wealthy counties in which the dis tress prevailed were unable or unwilling to discharge their liability of maintaining the poor. This was not alleged on the part of those who represented the interests of those countries. On the contrary, those who represented them emphatically declared that it was the desire of the proprie tors, owners, and occupiers of property in Lancashire to maintain the poor that might be cast upon the rates on that occasion. And I think, generally speaking, it was the opi nion of this house that it was desirable not to depart from the ancient policy of local liability to meet local wants, and that the administration of relief should be left in local hands. There were some opinions entertained by individuals that the maintenance of the poor of Lancashire should be charged upon the Consolidated Fund; but that proposition never received any form or shape in which it could be submitted to this house, and I don't think it has been put forward yet in a manner to require attention. (Hear.) What I understood was the demand last ses sion, when the matter was brought before the house, was that there should be some amendment or modification of the Poor Law as it existed, in order to enable the guar dians to feel certain of possessing the means of relieving this vast mass of poverty that was unfortunately daily in creasing, and, if possible, mitigate the pressure upon the rates of those who were required to contribute. The house probably remembers that this subject received considerable discussion last session, and that there was much observa tion made upon the scale of rating for the poor in Lanca shire, and it ,vas said that the rating was extremely l ow , compared with that of other parts of the country. It seemed to be very far below vhat was known to exist in other places, the almost normal state of rating, in which probably exceeded what would be attained under the greatest state of distress in Lancashire. It was not denied that this was the case, and that the rating appeared to be very low, and that there were many places in the country where for many years the rates had been higher. But it was said then, and with great truth, that any rate in the pound which might be levied for the support of the poor was not a fair crite rion of the condition of the people in the distressed districts. These districts are peculiar. They are unlike many other manufacturing districts, where other businesses are con ducted, and where there is a greater variety of property, and unlike great and populous towns which are not depen dent upon manufacturers, and yet have a large number of poor to maintain. The peculiarity of what are called the \ cotton districts is, that they have sprung up with the cot. ton trade itself ; and these districts, whether we view them with respect to the condition of the people or the value of the prosperous, displaying property, t, really do vary with the state of the trade ; and it afterwards sutierinthge, be quite possible at one time to observe these districts almost beyond w ealth and capacity to bear bur dens any other districts in the country; and very shortly andsam e in d c i a str a i t c l t e s m o a f y be observed ctfl'iarbgeesdetphraetsoserddinarily attached to incapable of beyond all other places. (Hear, hear.) The consequence is that, though meeting ge you see a very large estimate of rateable property in these districts, and you imagine there is much wealth from the population and the p ro p ert y , yet when the trade becomes much depressed and stagnant there is a large portion of the property which is available for rating that becomes utterly va l ue l es s. The fear is tha t b y ri g orousl y enforcing - the l aw in collecting the rates you may press into the ranks of the , destitute people who ha ve contributed to the rates before and who may have bee n in a good condition, and thereby THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 13, 1863. add to and aggravate the distress of all. I think any one acquainted with these districts must see from their appear ance that there is s mething peculiar in this respect, that so large a proportion of the population consists of the opera tive class, compared with other classes. Any one passing through these districts may see miles of dwelling-houses occupied by the working classes, and hardly any other building but the mills. There is hardly any intermediate class between masters and men, except some shopkeepers, who are the tradesmen of the operatives. It becomes, there fore, a necessary result, that when trade is depressed an enormous amount of people require relief, and only a small proportion are in a condition to contribute ; so that a district is less able to bear the burden when the burden is greatest. This seems to me to show that it is hardly fair to judge of the capacity of these districts to support a very heavy charge for the poor simply because you find the property estimated at a large amount, and that you are not to suppose it is equally available when a heavy burden falls upon it. It therefore seems to me that it was a reasonable demand which was made in this house, and was proposed and suggested by those who represented the interests of Lancashire, that there should be some means devised under these circumstances to make the guardians feel quite that they would be able to collect a sum suffi cient for the relief of the people, and protect the rate payers from any undue pressure that might be put upon them. My attention was invited to these facts with the view to proposing such an amendment of the Poor Law Act as would meet the exigencies of the case. There were two suggestions made upon that occasion which seemed to me to supply what was required. One was to give practical effect to the old principle and policy of the Poor Law of this country, namely, that when a township or parish becomes burdened in excess for the support of its poor, it is en titled to call upon the neighbouring division of the county for relief. This is quite as:much a part of the Poor Law as that which casts upon a particular district the charge of its own poor. This provision of the Poor Law has been held sacred for three centuries, and in the great revision of the Poor Law system in 1333 that provision in the original Act of Elizabeth was retained. There is, therefore, no novelty in the proposition so far as the principle is con cerned, and it seemed rather to meet the circumstances of the district. But, owing to the new division of the county into unions for the relief of the poor, there was difficulty in giving practical effect to the original provision in the Act. Therefore one portion of the measure which I submitted contained a clause which carried out that principle. It was very easy to be effected now, and it seemed to be, inasmuch as it was consistent with the ancient practice of this country, the most appropriate remedy that could be proposed. The leading feature of the bill was to give power in those districts that were burdened in excess to call upon other unions of the county to contribute in proportion to their property for their relief. There was another proposition, which seemed more sine• ple, and was more popular, namely, that those unions, when they found the charge upon their property become exces sive, and, after it reached a certain limit, should have power, with the sanction of the Poor Law Department, to borrow as much money in excess as wa needed for their purposes; and the bill contained these two provisions, which were meeting pretty much the requirements of the time, and what was alleged to be required. And though it was not easy at first to see what amendment could be made in the Poor Law to meet the object in view, I believe it was almost impossible to find two schemes or devise a bill which was more happily suited to the purpose and condition of these districts. With respect to the borrowing, there is no danger of the guardians being encouraged to be lavish in their expenditure, because it was their object never to reach the limit at which they are entitled to borrow, and inasmuch as the guardians are notoriously averse to borrowing when it is certain that they must repay the money. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) There was a clause in the bill that the money was to be repaid by annual instalments within a given period. Considering the wealth that existed in the counties of Lancashire and Cheshire, and considering that it had been increased of late years by the cotton trade, there was something like equity and propriety in calling on those districts which, though not engaged in the trade, were benefited by it, to contri bute somewhat towards the distress of the unfortunate operatives. I believe that no person regretted the passing of the Act, and that it found favour with the country. I was astonished to learn that the hon. member for Southwark had asserted the other night that the Act was only applied in two cases, and might be considered in operative. He made a mistake in that respect. There are no less than twelve distressed unions that are in a condition to avail themselves of the act. Seven have done so a lready five have borrowed money, and four have lesrrowed money and called upon the county besides. There has been no difficulty in applying the Act. I understand objections have been made on the part of unions called to contribute in aid of a particular union embarrassed. There are numbers who paid their quota and made objections, but they were teehni cal rather than against the principle of the bill. Chester was alleged to be a county in itself, and therefore not in the county of Cheshire; and some other unions alleged thatthe distressed union was not is Cheshire, but Lancashire. I believe I may state that nothing has occurred which can alarms the counties in continuing this bill with the view to further contributions. (Hear, hear.) I think the contribu tions in aid for Derby is one farthing in the pound, for Cheshire two farthings, and for Lancashire I am certain it has not exceeded a penny in the pound. I have taken some pains to ascertain how this act is viewed by the boards of guardians in the distressed districts, and I find that gene rally they are favourably disposed towards it as a resource to which they may refer in case of need. Those who think the act has not operated to the extent that was expected might be reminded that there was this very obvious reason why it has not been so acted upon, viz., the munificent con tributions that have been forwarded to the distressed districts from all parts of her Majesty's dominions—(hear)—which could not have been expected when the act was passed, From that source alone one-half of the recipients of relief have been relieved—from voluntary contributions ; and the house, from that fact, could judge of what benefit the act would have been but for the munificence of the public. (Hear.) Those contributions, which have been flowing in so constantly, must be about to diminish ; and if that is the case, it makes it the more necessary that a bill of this kind should pass. Perhaps its operation is about to become more important than it has been. The contributions that have been for warded to the distressed districts have been stimulated, as was to be expected, by the admiration with which the pub lic have seen the patience and forbearance—l might almost say the patriotism—with which the people have borne their sufferings—(hear, hear)—and also by the manner in which they have been administered. (Hear, hear.) The following unions have made use of the powers of the act, and an enu meration of the figures will give the house some idea of what will be required for the future : Preston borrowed for the Michaelmas quarter £3,800, and Blackburn £3,500, making a total of £7,400. During the Christmas quarter there has been borrowed by Ashton £8,000; Blackburn, £10,000; Glossop, £1,000; Haslingden, £1,000; Preston, £7,000 ; Rochdale, £B,OOO ; and Todmorden, £l,OOO ; mak ing together about £36,000. Add to this the charges on the counties, for Ashton, £B,OOO ; Glossop, £1,700 ; Haslingden, £2,000 ; Preston, £7,000 ; making £19,570. The total bor rowed and charged on the counties was £63,675. I am afraid that it will be some time before we can expect any great change for the better in the condition of the cotton operatives, and that an enormous number will have to be supported by charity, Since the act passed last session 160,000 persons have received relief more than the number at that time, and the expense has increased to £20,000 weekly more than it was then. We have answers from twelve of the principal unions favourable to the renewal of the act, and the chairman of the Preston board of guar dians, in a letter to the special commissioner, Mr. Far nall, states that, in his opinion, the provisions of the act are most useful; for by it Preston has been able to do with a 2s. 6d. rate, which otherwise would have been increased to ss, in the pound. (Hear.) The only union that has petitioned against the bill is one where the poor are few, and which is not likely to be benefited by its operations ; and, with that exception, all the unions in Lan cashire and Cheshire are favourable to the renewal of the provisions of the Act. I have put forward this measure as the best mode of meeting the evil that exists, or at least to prevent the evil extending, of which there was great appre hension, of an undue pressure on the rates. I do not pro pose the bill as striking at the cause of the evil. Nor is it my province to express any opinion on the prospects of the termination of what might be called the cause of this de pression. That must be the subject of discussion on a future occasion ; and all I have to do to-night is to state what I consider reasons for renewing this bill. I trust the house will consider them sufficient. (Hear.) The Government is perfectly alive to the evils that exist at present. They are also well aware of the enormous danger attending large masses of the population remaining out of employment, and they know what distress and sacrifice of property is daily taking place owing to the present state of things. It is well deserving attention, and might be the subject of considera tion by the house. I do not wish to underrate the distress that exists or the evils to be overcome, and, after a careful consideration of the subject, I do not hesitate to ask the house to extend the powers of the present Act for twelve months longer. Should a happy termination to these diffi culties take place before that time, the Act will do no harm, because in that case its provisions would be inoperative. (Hear.) The right hen. gentleman concluded by asking leave to introduce the bill. Colonel W. PATTEN had listened with great interest to the statement of his right hon. friend, who had no doubt made out a case for the renewal of the Act. The right hon. gentleman laboured under a mistake when he said the present Act gave entire satisfaction to all the unions. He had information of a different kind, and would take an opportunity of communicating it to hi m when the proper time arrived. The chief pleasure he had derived from the statement just made was that it afforded ample justification of the course pursued last session in urging upon the Government to adopt such a measure to meet the awful calamity it was believed then was co min g on the country. Under circumstances which he considered slightly better, the bill had been again introduced, and he looked upon it as conclusive that they were right in sug gesting it when things presented a very gloomy character, and when they could not anticipate the enormous amount of relief that had flowed in in such a munificent manner, n v o a t rt o o n t ly th f e ro 7 m o t r h ld e . people La of this Last tsession c t o h u e ntry, b representatives ut fmr o o e f v er they manufacturing districts were severely handled by the mem bers for the south of England, who stated that the north was more favourably situated with regard to poor rates than any other part of the country. They said the normal state of the rate in the south was 4s 6d in the pound, and is 6d in the manufacturing districts, and how, under such cir cumstances, could the north come to that house for aid ? The members for the north of England tried to show that such an amount was not to be compared to a rate of small amount suddenly 'increased on the parties who had to pay the rate. It had been fairly described by a friend of his. The 4s 6d was paid by the owners of property, tut the small . _ rate increased on an emergency had to be paid by the occu- pier, and not by the owner ; and the result had been that, in more than one instance, the rates , n Lancashire had gone up to 11s 6d, 3h the occupier had had to pay. (Hear, hear.) The hon.4entleman then gave a list of places where the rate had increased. In Todmorden the rate was 7 times what it was before ; in Stockport it was 9 times the original rate ; Rochdale, 9 times ; Preston, 7i times ; Oldham, 10 times; Manchester, 6 times; Ashton-under-Lyme, 19i times ; Bury, 6 times ; Blackburn, 7i times snore than the usual amount ; and there were other places which the hon. gentleman mentioned where the rate had increased in the same proportion. Its result was most disastrous to the occupiers who had to pay the rates, and more especially when it came at a time that the ratepaying class were deprived of the means of doing so. (Hear, hear.) The consequence of such a state of things was that it had brought destruction and ruin on a great body of them, and he was informed that within a fortnight 2,000 of these persons in Oldham had changed from rate-payers to rate-receivers. (Hear, hear.) Mr: HIBBERTL-4,000. (Hear, hear.) Col. PATTEN continued—To that body was to be added those who were allowed time, and another large body who were excused the rate. The house could have very little idea of the state of the small tradesmen in the manufactur ing districts. They were destitute of trade, from the wages on which they depended for their business having ceased to the extent of eight millions sterling a year. (Hear, hear.) These persons were now as depressed as any portion of the community, and to them were to be added the owners of small cottage property, and those who had invested their savings in the difterentlbranches of industry. (Hear, hear.) They required more attention than others, yet, from their position, the relief committees found it almost impossible to deal with them without an abuse of the funds confided to them for distribution. (Hear.) It had truly been said, what would have been the case had it not been for the magni ficent munificence of the public, which, according to a cal culation he had made, came within the sum of .£1,400,000 ? (Hear, hear.) With poor rates, and the relief given by local committees, the sum of £658,000 had been spent, and the poor-law guardians had spent £260,000, making together the sum of 1908,000 spent in the relief of the poor since the passing of the act. The contributions to the relief of the distressed had been double what had been contri buted with great pressure by the poor rates. The central relief committee had taken every precaution possible, and they found with regard to the future the most deplorable prospect. The reports they had received from the most sanguine gave an average of three days' work per week for the next 12 months, whilst the less san guine were of opinion the average would not go beyond two days weekly. (Hear, hear.) The central committee had been subjected to much criticism; at one time they were accused of being profuse, and at another of being niggardly. He did not believe that either charge was well founded. No doubt enormous abuses had occurred, but generally speaking the administration of the committee had been as discreet as possible. (Hear, hear.) On the part of the committee he offered his warmest acknowledgments for the valuable as sistance afforded to them by the board over which his right hon. friend presided. Mr. Parnell, who had been sent down to Lancashire by the board, had been most devoted to his duties, and without the assistance which he gave it would have been impossible for the committee to have fulfilled their task. Mr. Adamson and Mr. Jones, two gentlemen also sent into the district by the board, had been most useful in enabling the committee to check abuses. It was asked whether it would be necessary for the public to continue their subscriptions. All he could say in answer to that in quiry was, that Lancashire might still have to rely upon the benevolence of the public. Hcwever, the committee would publish every month a statement of the distress, and by that report let each man judge for himself whether fur • ther subscriptions were necessary. It was impossible that such a system of relief could be continued for such a lengthened period without considerable detriment to the working classes in the districts in question ; and therefore it was that the committee were moat anxiously consider ing how a system of labour might be enforced upon the recipients of relief. (Hear, hear.) But do what they might, men must make up their minds to the fact that great de moralisation must ensue from the measures necessarily taken for the relief of distress. At the same time the evil was not wholly unmixed. There could be no doubt that throughout the whole of the manufacturing dis tricts the charity of the public was thoroughly appre ciated. (Hear, hear.) To one class of contributors he was particularly desirous that the gratitude of the commit tee should be acknowledged—he meant the contributors from foreign countries. (Hear, hear.) They had received subscriptions from the United States, from Madeira, Russia, Brazil, Gibraltar, Spain, Holland, Italy, Egypt, Turkey, France, Germany, the Cape, China, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Australia. (Hear, hear.) From Australia alone they had received a sum of £46,600. (Hear, hear,) He could as sure the subscribers one and all that their gene rosity would not be lost upon the working classes of the manufacturing districts. (Hear, hear.) Mr. ROSE (the Lord Mayor) desired to caution the , house against the I ossible effect of the hon. and gallant gentleman's remarks. It was true that most munificent contributions had been forwarded from all parts of the world in relief of the distress ; but he must warn the house that the time was coming when those voluntary contribu tions could not be depended on, and that the provisions of this bill must be brought forcibly into operation. He was bound to inform the house that the collection of funds for the relief of distress in the manufacturing districts was operating most prejudicially on other charities ; and his ex perience led him to believe that the time was rapidly ap proaching when the resources derived from voluntary sub scriptions would be cut off. It was, therefore, most impor tant that the machinery should be at once got ready to sup ply from reliable sources of income the want that was so soon to be created. (Hear.) Mr. HIBBERT said the country was bound to acknow ledge the manner in which a .noble earl in another place, and the hon. and gallant gentleman opposite (Colonel W. Patten):had devoted themselves throughout the recess to the work of relieving the distress. (Hear, hear.) Within the last nine months rates to the amount of Bs. in the pound had been levied off the ratepayers of Oldham. The guar dians of Lancashire did not entirely approve of the Act of last session, and before the second reading of the bill many communication" on the sub j ect w o ul d be addressed to the right hon. gentlema n. There was a strong feeling that the time for repayment ought to be ex t en d e d f rom ten to twenty years, and it was likewise thought that the Exchequer Loan Commissioners might be empowered to raise money for the guardians. Sir B. LEIGHTON considered that upon the owners of land in the manufacturing. districts some of the burden ought to be made to fall. The value of their land bad been enormously increased by the establishment of manu factories within their district. It was not fair, however, that the landowners of South Cheshire, for example, should be made to contribute to the relief of the landowners of the other division of the county. He did not believe that the credit of Lancashire was so low as that it would become necessary to call in aid the assistance of the Exchequer Loan Commissioners. The guardians ought to be able to borrow money at 4 per cent. He could not see why the principle of this bill should not be extended to other parts of the country. In the metropolis were several parishes paying rates to the extent of ss. in the pound ; and why Ishould not a similar rule be applied in their case? If the principle was not universally applied, it could not meet with his approval. Lord STANLEY said—l rise to offer a simple sugges tion, viz., whether it might not be as well for the right hon. gentleman to continue this bill for six months, in stead for another twelvemonth, as he proposes. Six months will early us over the session; we shall have an opportunity of reconsidering the subject in general, and shall be able to make such provisions for the recess as may be required, having had the advantage of that period for observation, to consider any modifications in this measure. My reason is this. You are proposing to legislate for the relief of Lancashire up to February next, when neither the right hon. gentleman nor anyone else would undertake:to say what would be the state of Lan cashire distress by that time. As all are in the dark, and no two men's conjectures agree, is it not wise to commit ourselves as little as possible ? There are various altera tions which have been proposed in the bill, such as giving power to townships to borrow, extending the time for repayment, empowering Government to lend in certain cases. I do not see that any one of these ought to be enter tained, because they ought all to be maturely discussed, and I am quite sure we shall all be better prepared to deal with the question towards the close of the session than we are now. What I should suggest is a simple continuance of six months, and then another discussion on the subject be fore Parliament separates. (Hear.) Mr. Alderman SYDNEY said the subject was one which required the gravest consideration of the Legislature, not only as regarded Lancashire, but as regarded the general state of the poor laws. If the Government allowed the pre sent session to pass over without attempting more legisla tion to remedy the inequalities in the present poor laws, he thought there would be well-founded causes of great dis satisfaction. They were meeting this question as though Lancashire was quite exceptional to the general state of the country; while the fact that a rate of 3s. 7f d. in the pound over the whole of Lancashire would not only have furnished the one million which was required for relief from Lady-day 1862, to Lady-day, 1863, but would have provided £400,000 in addition, which was about the average rate for poor. law relief in Lancashire. He doubted whether the distress was greater in L ancas hi re t h an i t was i n B e thnal -green or i n Coventry, As a temporary measure he thought the bill a wise one ; but h e t oo k th a t o pp or t u nity of expres sin g the dissatisfaction with whi c h h e s h o uld learn that the Govern ment had no intention of carrying forward legislation on the present inequalities of the poor law. Mr. POTTER said it would be wise to bear in mind that there was no reasonable expectation of there being a less pressure on the poor rates during one year than there had been. There had been a loss of wages in Lancashire to the I extent of something like £8,000,000. They could not do with less than one-third of that amount. The amount of subscriptions had been £700,000 or £BOO,OOO, so that they would have to supply £1,000,000 or £1,200,000 out of the rates. They must not abstain from legislation under any idea that a less amount would do. Unless a more com prehensive measure therefore were brought forward, the poor rates of Lancashite would collapse under the pressure. He did not object to the passing of the present bill ; it would be useful for a time, but after the next six months the rates would be four or five times the amount of what they had been before. Mr. COBDEN then rose and said—lt is not my intention to go into the question at large, but I wish to say that I have been struck with the suggestion of the noble lord the ' member for King's Lynn, and I think a word or two may be added to his reason for considering the question only for the shorter term. t think we must consider on the present occasion that the great difficulty we have to apprehend be fore us will arise towards next winter, assuming the war to go on, which probably' may not be the case. All depends upon whether any cotton comes from America, because all other hopes of alleviation under this great trouble are futile within the next two years, unless we do get cotton from America. Assuming the present state of things to go on, I think the condition of the cotton districts will be much more serious, much more difficult, next winter, than it has been during the past. In the first place, you will not have, I am afraid, that munificent private benevolent subscription to rely on. Next winter will find you under the necessity of relying entirely on the poor rates, at a time when the large majority of the ratepayers will have become insolvent. You will have a far greater claim upon the rates when benevo lence has ceased, and at a time when your rateable property will drop out of the assessment list. This becomes more apparent when you call to mind how much has been contri buted by charity and by rates in the manufacturing dis tricts themselves. I wont say a word in derogation of those noble contributions and the world-wide benevolence which has flown into Manchester ; but it is ge nerally known that, after all, the greatest propor tion of this great fund has come from the cotton districts themselves. The honorary secretary of the relief committee says that the amount raised locally, to be dispensed by local committees, and not remitted to the central fund in Lanca shire, has been £245,000, while the amount raised in the cotton districts and remitted to Manchester amounts +o £350,000. Now I will give an estimate of what lam sure is under the mark—of the sum which has been given by individual millowners, manufacturers, and landowners at their own doors, to the working people, and not published in any subscription list at all. Individual millowners are giving to their workpeople at the rate of £20,000 to £30,000 a year—(hear)—and I estimate that, in the whole of the cotton districts, the amount so contributed will reach within the twelvemonth to £250,000. The mixed contribu tions to the relief of the cotton districts amount to £845,000; and, assuming that tho whole of the voluntary subscrip tions from all parts of the world amount to a million and a half, more than half comes from the cotton districts them selves. It is quite evident, therefore, that you cannot look for such a result again, because the parties well be weakened by the progress of the distress. I find that the pour rates levied in the 27 distressed unions, in excess of the average 1 of former years, are at the rate of £600,000 a year. But that . . is but a small share indeed of the pressure which is borne in those districts. The estimated loss of wages by the operatives is aboat eight or nine minims sterling per an num, Taking the loss for the year of wages, and deduct ing from that loss what is given to the operatives in the shape of relief, I take the loss of the working classes to be £6,000,000 up to Midsummer next. But that is not all, for there is an enormous loss going on of the capital of Lancashire. I estimate the loss of the capitalists from loss of interest, depreciation of fixed capital, the non-payment of rent of cottages, not including the loss of profits, to be at the rate of five millions for the year up to neat Midsummer. That makes a loss of eleven millions of wages and capital. The amount of subscriptions is £845,000, the amount of in creased rates is £600,000, giving a total of £12,446,00 h. The whole amount of voluntary subscriptions, great and almost unprecedented as they had been, would therefore hardly amount to Is. in the pound upon that which has been contributed and lost by the manufacturers and la bourers of Lancashire. These facts will show how cumu lative the pressure and distress will be next winter, pro vided the cause continues. It is evident that the prostration of this district must be much greater than it has been, and the right hon. gentleman the President of the Poor Law Board must take it into consideration. The wisest heads in Lancashire are those who take the gloomiest view of the prospect for the neat twelvemonth. All this may be miti gated provided the war comes to an end in the course of the spring; but would it not be well, under all the circum stances, to take into consideration the suggestion of the noble lord in recommending the passing of the measure for only six months ? for in June or July next we shall be much better able to know what the prospects are for the ensuing year. (Hear.) Mr. PULLER was of opinion that the Government had acted wisely in proposing to renew the bill for a twelve month. He thought that altering the period of operation from twelve to six months would be an error, because those who had to carry out the provisions of the measure would nut use the same energy over it as they would if it were for a longer period. At the same time he could not see why the districts where the distress existed should not maintain their own poor by availing themselves of the borrowing powers of the act. Another particular disadvantage was, that the matter was left entirely in the discretion—the caprice, he might almost say—of the boards of guardians, which was an arrangement generally unsatisfactory. People felt that the liability to support the poor of the district was a broad question, that ought to be decided by Parliament. Mr. M UNDY ,thought there should be some better method adopted for making the pressure more equal upon the ratepayers. Glossop, for instance, was a town fifty miles away from the scene of distress ; but because it was within the boundary of the county it would have to pay, while other parishes close by escaped, because they were just outside. He thought there should be a clause to make conterminous counties liable. Mr. J. B. SMITH suggested that the Act should be re newed for six months only, and that in the meantime a commission or committee should be appointed to obtain further information upon the subject than that which was now chiefly derived from boards of guardians, Mr. VILLIERS—I have heard with respectful attention the suggestions which have been made by several hon. mem bers, and in order to give them due consideration I propose to postpone the discussion of them for the present. We will, therefore, take the second reading this day week. TELEGRAPH COMPANIES' BILL. Mr. M. GIBSON obtained leave to bring in a bill to re gulate the exercise of powers under special Acts for the construction and maintenance of telegraphs. The bill was to consolidate into a general Act all the special clauses that had recently been inserted in telegraph companies' acts, and would have a future, but not retrospective, operation. NEW WRIT. Upon the motion of Sir S. NORTHCOTE, a new writ was ordered for flevizes, to elect a member in the room of the late Captain Gladstone. The honee adjourned at a quarter before eight. Address of Victor Hugo to the Russian Army. The following spirit-stirring address to the Russian Army from Victor Hugo has just ap peared :- 4 , Soldiers of Russia, become men again. That glory is now offered you; seize it. Whilst it is still time, listen. " If you continue this savage war ; if you, officers, who are noble-hearted men, but whom a whim can degrade and cast into Siberia ; if you, soldiers, serfs yesterday, slaves to-day, violently tom away from your mothers, your be trothed, your families, subjects of the knout, ill-treated, badly fed, condemned for long years and an indefinite term to military service, more severe in Russia than the hulks in other countries ; if you, who are victims, take a part against the victims; if at this holy hour, when venerable Poland rises, at this supreme hour, when the choice is given you between Petersburg where the tyrant is and Warsaw where liberty is ; if, in this decisive conflict, you are unmindful of your duty, your only duty, fraternity; if you join against the Poles, with the Czar, their executioner and yours ; if, being oppressed, you have learned from oppression no other lesson than that of supporting the oppressor ; if, from your own misfortune, you work out your sham e ; if you, when armed with the sword, place your blind and deluded strength in the service of despotism, an unwieldy and weak monster that crushes you down, both Russians and Poles ; if, in stead of turning round and facing the butcher of nations, yot cowardly overwhelm by the superiority of your arms and your numbers those heroic an d despairing populations, claiming the first of all rights, the right to their country; if, in this 19th century, you consummate the ssassination of Poland ; if you do tho se things, know ye, a men of the Russian army, that you will fall, which appear impossible, even lower than the gang s of the Southern States of Ame rica, and raise against you the execration of the whole civi lised world I Crimesa committed by might remain crimes ; p u blic horror is a plty. " Russian soldiers, let the Poles inspire you ; fight not against them. What 3ou have before you in Poland is not the enemy; it is example. " VICTOR HUGO. Hauteville House, February, 1863," FLOGGING IN THE ARMY. —By a return yester day issued it appears that 168 persons were flogged in the army in 1861, and none in the militia. Of 8,325 lashes ordered, 8,204 were actually inflicted. [ ADVERTISE MENT.]—HoIIoway's Pills.—Advice to Fe males.—After indefatigable perseverance and long-con tinued scientific research, this excellent remedy ,was dis covered and brought to perfection. From no invention has the other sex derived greater benefits ; health and ease are the chiefest blessings, and these are secured to them by these noble medicaments, which are available at all ages. They remove all impurities from the system, by correcting and purifying the blood, and their curative powersdi • play th emse l vea w i t h equal certainty, safety , and facility upon the young, the middle-aged, and the old, in every country, while their cheapness places them within the reach of all. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TlMES.—Whether it be that the evenings are ' gradually becoming lighter, or that the masters of the art have been seized and convicted, or, more probably that the predatory classes have a whole some dread of Parliamentary interference, it is cer tain that we have heard less of garotting of late. It is highly probable that this immunity from mur derous throttling will continue so long as the Com mission on Penal Servitude and Transportation continues to sit, and that during that period the interests of the public and those of highwaymen will be felt to coincide. The knowledge the latter possess of human nature, upon the weaknesses of which they live, teaches them that, when once a nuisance has begun to abate, the reports of it when it was rampant may be made to appear " exag gerated." They have confidence in Sir Joshua Jebb and the Home Office, and are conscious that their own comparative impunity is bound up with the existing system. Above all, they hope that no one will go into the statistics of reconvictions, that credit may be given to the loose official assertion that they are, after all, rare, and that since garotting has almost passed into a bugbear, the reports of criminal trials will not be studied so closely. Such we conceive to be the natural and almost venial wish of those who prey on the lives and property of their neighbours. Whether it be shared by any who with the best intentions have the same horror of vigorous remedies against crimes of violence, we cannot say. If it be, we must pre pare ourselves for making two sets of enemies at once, for our purpose is no less than to thrust prominently forward exactly what the habitual felons would like to have concealed. Nothing can be simpler than the process by which we propose to do this. We have before us a record of the cases tried at the Central Cri minal Court, the Middlesex Sessions, and the police courts during the last few days. From these we propose to select a sufficient number of examples to prove that the belief in the frequency of out rages by old offenders is no mere fancy, though they may often be committed after the ticket of leave has expired. To begin, then, with the 30th of January, a chemist named Worthy was commit ted for trial by the Lord Mayor on a charge of far gery, after two former convictions, one for a similar offence, another for larceny. On the same day a hunchback named Vimpiny was committed for coin ing, after a previous sentence of ten years' penal servitude, five of which had been remitted. Upon his trial it appeared that he was connected with Cummings, recently indicted for participation in the Bank forgeries; that he had " a collection of the most expensive instruments," and carried on his ope rations on a first-rate scale. On the following day a man who was committed for a daring highway robbery at Camden-town was proved to have been " a thief from a child, several times convicted of felony, and the companion of notorious thieves," and to be cohabiting with a well-known female thief. On the 2d of February a woman was con victed before the Common-Sergeant for a second larceny from her master, into whose service she 1-eemed to have entered " for the primal. object of robbery ;" and a general dealer was committed for trial by Mr. Barker for larceny from the person after, at least, two previous convictions, (Jn the 3d of February four burglars were tried and sentenced by the Recorder of London and the Common-Ser geant. One had " again and again been summarily convicted ;" another had " a numerous list of con victions" against him ; a third " had been convicted only once before." Three boys were found guilty, the same day, on various charges of stealing, all of whom had been imprisoned before, and one had been sent to a reformatory for three years. On the 4th of February a female pickpocket, who was convicted before Mr. Baron Channel!, was described as " one of the oldest and most expert omnibus thieves in the metropolis," and had been imprisoned many times for this practice during the last seven years. On the same day a coetermongee was com mitted for trial by Mr. Barker, who " had been a thief from his childhood." Nine months' imprison- ment in 1857, six months' in 1858, nine months' in 1859, three months' in 1860, three months' again in 1861, three months' more in 1862, besides narrow escapes, were among the antecedents of this veteran pilferer. A ferocious negro sailor pleaded "Guilty" the next day to a charge of burglary after a former conviction, and one of the most desperate members of the "Field-lane gang" was brought to justice after a long series of robberies. The present week has been scarcely less fruitful in cases of equal aggravation. At the Middlesex Sessions, on Tues day, two servants, who had robbed master after master, but had managed to elude the police by constant change of names, at last met with their deserts. Another prisoner, who was found guilty of stealing fowls, was proved to have suffered im prisonment for burglary and many other offences ; and another prisoner, George Jones, had the follow ing list of sentences put in against him :—" Three months in 1844; three months, 1847 ; two months, 1848; nine months, 1850; two months, 1854; three months, 1855 ; 21 days in 1860; six months, 1861; and six months in 1862"—making nine con victions in all. As a pendant to this biography we may give that of George Seymour, contained in our impression of yesterday :—" March, 1850, 12 months' hard labour; June, 1852, six months'; April, 1865, 18 months', for burglary ; Jury, 1858, five years', for burglary, but before this sentence was expired the prisoner was lib,. rated on a ticket-of-leave. He was again con victed in September, 1862, at Bow-street, as a rogue and a vagabond, and sentenced to be imprisoned for three months." Four other cases of reconvictiou are recorded on the same page as this, and in three the prisoners bad undergone penal servitude. These facts and figures tell their own story. All of them came to light within less than a fortnight in London alone. Doubtless, there were other prisoners whose identity as returned convicts could not be proved, or who had come into the hands of magistrates in distant parts of the country. It is well known that the police often fail to obtain evidence of previous convictions, and that many acts which pass as first offeeces are really the last fruits of a long training in crime. There can be no "exaggeration" about such a list as this; on the contrary, it represents but a trifling percentage of the results which flow, directly or indirectly, from the system of punish ment as it has too long been administered. Had anything like a sound principle prevailed in award ing and carrying out sentences on old offenders, the career of many of these scoundrels must have been cut short. There are many theories of punishment, but we never heard of any which did not recognise the policy of punishing hardened criminals with increasing severity. Yet here we have shorter terms of imprisonment succeeding longer, and the judge becoming more and more lenient as the culprit becomes more and more incorrigible. It was high time that the Home-office should step in with the mild suggestion that cases of relapse should be treated with somewhat less indulgence, and that the penalties incurred and solemnly awarded should be actually inflicted. This is something gained, but it is not enough. Now that the public is made aware that the majority of atrocious crimes proceed, not from temptation, but from habit, a closer sur veillance of those who have once stood in the dock will be dictated by common sense. It is a great misfortune, no doubt, to be a marked man, but it will be better for all when it is understood that the only way to avoid being a marked man is to abstain from felony. POST.—The condition to which the Polish nation have been reduced since the partition of their State between Russia, Austria, and Prussia, affords per haps one of the most striking examples of the vicis situdes to which nations, like individuals, are subject. With the decline and fall of the greatest nations of antiquity history has made us familiar but in all the annals of the past no case at all analogous to that of Poland can anywhere. be found. Poland po ssesses what might be fairly termed a constituti ona l go vernment at a time when in every other St a t e i n E u rope despotis m was only oyfie their lded thinly veiled u n d er the form of monarc hical govern ment. The law to which the polishonuateijoin obedience were made by the great oi n nobles ; and to such an extravagant degree was their notion of political liberty carried that a single dissentient voice was sufficient to prevent the pro. mulgation of a law. The lsberum veto, by which a Polish noble might effectually prevent any measure being carried out which he conceived adverse to the interests of the State, led to much abuse ; but the enjoyment of such a prerogative in Central Europe before the time when Allgna Charta was signed at Runnymede testifies to the early instincts of the Polish nation. Geographi cally considered, Poland formed the bulwark which defended Christendom from the inroads of the Muscovites on the east, and of the Moslems on the south. The absurd extent to which the Polish aristocracy pushed their privileges, and the jealousy which made them prefer an elective to an heredi ditary monarchy, doubtless occasioned great evils, and ultimately made their country an easy prey to their formidable neighbours. But the liberties which they enjoyed for centuries under their elec tive kings, the high order of education which pre eminently distinguished their nation, the services which they rendered to Western Europe by stem ming the torrent of Eastern invasion, all marked them out for a destiny far different from that which for now close on a century they have been called upon to fulfil. It may be no great hardship to treat a savage as a slave, but to oblige those who have tasted of the sweets of liberty, whose traditions tell them of a time when education was fostered, when the rights of individuals were respected, and when the nations of Europe vied for the honour of supply ing the chief who should preside over their councils —to compel such a people to live a life of servitude, to see independent thought crushed, and to witness every one who dares to raise himself by his talents or his genius above the level of his fellows torn away like a noxious weed, and flung to the utter most parts of the earth, is to impose a yoke which it is not possible for human nature to bear. Success far beyond the expectations of those who initiated the present insurrection has attended the efforts of the insurgents; but still the situa- tion of Poland forbids us to hope that ere they lay down their arms they will have vindicated their freedom. It is not with Russia alone, im mense and powerful as she is, that the contest must be waged. Poland was partitioned amongst three Powers ; but, although the kingdom was divided, the nationality remains entire. Even though the natives of Prussian and Austrian Poland may have but little cause to quarrel with their masters, they would not witness their compatriots in the Russian dominions establish their independence without endeavouring to follow their example. The insurgents have all the sympathies of their fellow countrymen in Prussia and Austria, and may ere long have their assistance. These two Powers have, consequently, an interest only less than that of Russia in crushing the present revolt. They cannot afford to see an independent Poland, which would inevitably swallow up those portions which now acknowleage their rule. Poland is literally surrounded by enemies, hemmed in on all sides by those who have the power as well as the will to oppress her. Austria and Prussia may, and we feel confident do, condemn the monstrous tyranny which is practised by Russia, but still they cannot permit her rule to be overthrown. It is one of the votitical necessities consequent on the commission of that great crime, the partition of Poland, that none of the fragments shall be permitted to become an independent State. Poland is only nominally merged in the three great Powers. In the minds of the Polish nation she still exists in all her origi nal integrity. Bat though Russian Poland will not in all probability establish her independence, she may possibly place herself in a posit on to make terms with her rulers. Although but little faith can be placed in the promises of the Czars, still it will scarcely be possible for the Russian Go vernment to repeat the enormities which have occa sioned the present outbreak. If this insurrection should be crushed by Russia, Europe will have a right to demand for the Polish nation something at least remotely approaching to constitutional government. COUNTRY MARKETS. .1.- MANCHESTER—FEB. 12. There was an average attendance at this morning's mar ket, but the proceedings were of a quiet character. The finest descriptions of wheat and flour were not obtainable en lower terms, but inferior sorts ruled in favour of buyers. Oats and oatmeal were quiet at previous rates. Deans and Indian corn were steady. BIRMINGHAM—FEB. 12. English wheat was sold at 48s to 568 for white, and 40a to 568 per 36 stone for red, Barley, new malting, 33s to 42s per qr ; grinding, 24s to 28s. Oats, old, 24s to 300 per 30 stone ; Irish, 22s to 255. Beans, 40s to 44s per qr. Peas, 40s to 48s per 36 stone. PLYMOUTH-FEB. 10. ____ ...._. .._. White, 56s to 60s; red, 54s to b6s per qr ; Dantzic, 570 to 58s ; American, Ms to 55s ; ppanish, —s to —s ; Rus sian, —5 to —s. Barley at previous rates-34s to 38s per qr for malting ; grinding, 27s to 288 ; oats, 238 t 0278; and beans, —s to —8; flour, 38s to 418 Od. EDINBURGH GRAIN—FEB. 11. A good supply of farmers' wheat to-day, which met a slow sale at the prices of this day week. Wheat on the top lOs Od down. average is 4d down. Barley on the top 2s Od up average Os 8d down. Oats on the top is Od up. average Os 4d up. Beans on the top 6s Od up. average Os 2d dowi. Total Supply and Sales. Wheat ... 697 qrs Sold 506 qrs Barley... 1270 qrs Sold 816 qrs Oats Beans 268 cgs Sold 125 qrs _ __ Flour sells as follows :—Whites, 46s0d ; extras, 438 6d; superfine, 4Us Od ; fine, 37s 6d. CORK—FEB. 11. The following were the quotations this morning :_Red wheat, 68 dto 9s 6 , 1; white, 7s 6 d to I.ls ld , barley, 6 8 6 , 1 t , , 7e 4d ; oats, 5s 6d to Be Od. ; new bere, — 8 Od Co —3 Od. DERBY SMITHFIELD—FEB 10. A moderate supply of fat beasts to-day, but quite 010 1 to the demand. The number of sheep was about the ave' rage, and good qualities brought high prices. Fat pigs I n good supply. Calves were scarce. Beet 6d to 6id 1 Veal . 7id to 8d Mutton .... 7Act to Bid Pork . . 5d toad Lamb --d to —d Rough fat, 4s Od per stone. Hides, 3d to 41d; calf skins, 5d to 6d. Foreign Mail racket List• - _ u MAID D E. Ar„raita and M a uritius, via t o a t e a il m ie p s to . n . 1 1 2 8 ; Jrrehil and Cape- Verde, by British pachet.. ..... . Mar. 6 Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and Si. Helena. Mar. 3. China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southarupton.Feth 18. via Marseilles ...Feb 12. Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton Fob. 18. via Marseilles Feb. 12. India (Bombay), via Southampton Feb. 10. via Marseilles Feb. 20. Portuga1.... Malta, Egypt, and Men, via Southaroptor, .Feb. 10. via Marseilles . .Feb. 10 Newfoundland ..Feb. 18. Oporto and Vigo U. S. and British N. America, by Brit. packet.... Feb. 12. by U.S. packet.... by Canadian packet. Feb. 13. W.C. of Africa , Madeira, and Teneriffe Feb. 10. Bahamas, via New York Feb. 12. Mexico ....Feb. 28. All parts of West Indies, including Chili, Peru, 1 Feb. 13. Palifornia. and British Columbia.. __....... Births. Cunliffe, jun., - -- --- Esq., of a son. CUN LIFFE—On the 12th inst., at Leyton, the wife of R o g er DAY.—On the Bth inst., the wife of Captain G. F. Day, V.C. Royal Navy, of a daughter. DONALDSON.—On the 11th inst., at 22, Rutland-gate, the wife of Sir Stuart Alexander Donaldson, of a son. FREMAN TLE.—On. the 11th inst., at 22, Cheeharn-place, Lady Augusta Fremantle, of a son. Marriages. ALEXANDEn—SrEnts—On the 12th inst., at St. George% , in D a o t iset, to Elizabeth, th e Hanover-square, Lieutenant -Colonel Claud Alexander , Clark, Grenadier Guards, to Eliza, only daughter of the late at Wellingborough , Alex. Speirs, Esq. V AA youngest—}, C. Van,L . it Esq„ — h t o e or n f ef r the Ta nh b l o 0 0 mr t n h a se Esq., of Welling borough, Northamptonshire. Deaths. BEAcir .—On the 11th inst.. Edward Beach, Esq., of 1 Grove-road, North Brixton, and Lime-street, city, ag es 62. COLE.—On the 10th inst., at Kew Cottage, Kew, Captain H. R. Cole, aged 82. DASIIWOOD —On the 10th inst., at 9, Seamore-place ,2l , fair, rancia Dashwood, E aq of Ha 11-p lace P' - '" Kent. Ho ar w e E d s B. .- 2 0 n the 9th inst., Mr. John Howes, of Stamford, L.lOllO- w ~ HuGy7 3 .mssTT t .— liOntuhgerletlt, aged 5 11th inst., b. at 106, Sussex-roa d, e wick LawTox.—On th e 6 t h i ns t., at Leicester, Edwar d D Lawton, Esq., aged 98. Sop hia, W ife POLAND. --On the 11th inst., a t Blackheath, Sop of Sir Will iam H. P o l an d, aged 63 . London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDP,"I/7.0. of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE SUN 01110e,uuty 112, Strand, in tne Precinct of the Savoy, ill ti le " of Ikhldlesex.—Friday, February 13, 1863 pRC The 2 held on The I The A The 1 t 4) th e E.C. ' , TR' Ineori tries` A( pressly Dm ment. Three C John E' street, Thomas Aen y Thomas E.C. It is p seven, b poFely 1 Voice in C. P. Greshat James To the Gem (or sec Will al and I] nqrnbe sum they b, Comps of Amp S . O men's xella Eannw, Rive n shall E will in Ant such i i Writte The Mess rebru (Whe ./ ....... A' trom 1 tor th ltilita the us tollou I.ji 2. I; Barra, end litoo 200 1 3Ter lbs. e. 2 8 t can( Corn lb a. ha . ir post 250