The Sun. — London, England, 1830-06-16 00:00:00

in the same period was 2,434 pipes. Before he quitted this subject, he should mention one or two facts with regard to the proceedings of this Company. The first was, that the wines of Portugal had never been reduced in yoke in the foreign markets in rrlaive proportion to other wines, since the formation of this Company ; and the next was, that this Company having enjoyed, in the first instance the monopoly of the trade of Brazil as well as Portugal, when the trade of the latter country was thrown open, their trade there fell one-fourth below what it had been, and that it never since had exceeded that amount. • This Com pany shipped last year, to all the world, except to us, and to Brazil, 1,230 pipes; and they shipped to us 17,157 pipes. In considering this case as connected with the commerce of the country, be could not avoid reverting to what bad been the line of policy pursued by this country in this respect for a long period of time. It wee important in this place to advert to those restrictions which for a long period had been maintained in this country upon the im portation of French wine under the treaty of this country with Portugal. There was reason to believe that in former times the wines of France formed a common beverage in England. We read of them in the old chronicles as selling at no higher price than 6d. or Bd. per gallon. We read in them of large fleets of 200 sail going out to Bordeaux for this wine. We read of 400 pipes of wine consumed under Edward IV., and of the Earl of Shrewsbury's family con suming four pipes of this wine upon an reveragein the year. Many persons appeared inclined to attribute the change which afterwards took Our with regard to the consump tion of this wine to a change in the taste of the country, but that was not the fact. Let them look to what took place at the time when a. change of the duties was made. The last time that the trade in this respect with France toes free was from 1686 to the year 1695: The annual average importation of French n ire during that time amounted to 13,400 tuns, and of port wine to 433 tuns. It ap pearel from the statement of those who made a still more advantageous calculation, including the importations into Scotland and Ireland, that the average importation of French wines amounted, during that period, to 18,000 tuns. In 1703, the treaty of Methuen was entered into and the importation of French wine then fell to 1,139 tuns, while the importation of Port wine rose from 433 tuns to 8,445 tuns. That was more than a century ago, and he quoted this return to show t h at since that period the consumption of French wines had' not increased, not withstanding the increase which had since taken piece in this country in wealth, in population, and in luxury. The consumption then was 1,139 tune, and the average con sumption of the last nine years amounted only to 1,361 tuns. It was plain that this non-consumption of French svine had been effected by this Treaty of Methuen. In con sequence of that treaty we had been obliged to substitute for a wine Which was good and cheap, a wine which was dear and bad. That treaty was intended to secure to us the markets of Portugal. The Treaty of Methuen was a reci procity treaty, our woollens for their wines was the princi ple on which it was founded. The limits to which he was restricted would cot permit him to go into detail of the va rious obstructions which had been thrown by Portugal in the way of the due and fair execution of that treaty on her part. It would be supposed that under such a treaty we shouli be supplied with the best quality of wine from Por - gal, and to whatever extent we required ; but the reverse was the fact. They limited the quantity supplied to us, and they deteriorated it in quality. We supplied them with our best manufactures, And on the cheapest terms they could get them,-..we nearly excluded the wines of France in favour of them,—indeed, he might almost soy that we put an end to the total trade of this country with France for their advantage, and the return which we got for all this consisted in contemptible obstructions thrown in the way of our trade, which was insulting to the na- Cone, honour, and the commission of direct frauds,which must appear at least nettling to our national vanity. But he grOunded this motion upon higher principles than any that had reference to the treaty of Methuen. Still it was neeeoi iry for him to advert to that treaty, as it had been principally levelled against our commerce with France, and the result of it had been to prevent a more extended com merce on our part with that country. His object was to return to a more extended commerce with that country. Here he should call the attention of the House to the state of our trade with France. He should state, for the pur pose of comparison, the average annual amount of our trade with all parts of the world since the peace, and the average annual amount of our trade with France during the same period. Our annual average imports for the fif teen years since the peace, ending the sth of January, 1829, from all par's of the world, amounted to 34,233,0001.; our tverage annual exports during time same time amounted to 52,938,6891. During that period our average annual imports from France amounted to 1,883,8441., and our exports to that country to 1,227,8871. Now he would, just by way of comparison, state the amount of our trade with another great power during that period. He would take the United States as the instance to which he should refer the House. They had as well as France numerous restrictions upon our commerce, and yet the average amount of our imports front the United States was 3,936,0001., and the annual average amount of our ex ports to that country was 6,556,4741. This return showed that our imports front the United States were three times greater than our imports from France, and:that our exports thence were sii times more valuable than our exports to France. In this small island, the amount of inanimate power applied to manufactures alone was treble that so applied in France and all its territor y . France offered peculiar advantages for trade with ti iis country. It was only divided from us by the British Chan nel, and was nearer even than Ireland to our shores, and yet the amount of our trade with France was what he had gated, and that after the expiration of fifteen years of peace. France had since 1814 imposed considerable duties upon the import of iron and other articles of our manufactured pro.luce there ; but we had no right to blame France upon that ground. We were the first to commence the re strictive system, by the imposition of almost prohibitory duties upon the importation of her wines. Now wine formed the essential basis of her commerce—there was five millions of acres devoted to the production of it; the cultivation of the vines and the manufacture of the wine gave employment to one-tenth part of the population of the country ; and the annual product raised averaged 21,000,000/. The question was, who was it began with the imposition of restrictions, the French or ourselves ? The French commenced in 1814, and we commenced so ter back as 1703, with the Treaty of Methuen ; so that as we were the first to commence the system, we should lead the way in putting an end to it. Why should a Treaty like that of Methuen be allowed to continue a ndechievous barrier to the extension of the commerce of the country. Portugal was no longer what it was at the date of the Treaty ofMethiten. It was then united with Brazil, dis seminating European refinement throughout Brazil, arid bringing back the wealth of America to Europe. it was now Portugal property, and its condition was such as to render its commerce of little advantage to any country. Her population amounted to only 3,000,000, and he be lieved it was actually diminishing. Her internal commerce was at a stand, and she had no navy to protect the trifling foreign commerce which she possessed. Was it for such a country that we were to sacrifice the advantages which might be derived from a more intimate com mercial intercourse with France? Whet could we im port from Portugal exclusive of wine ? It appeared from Parliamentary returns that the whole value of our imports from Portugal last year, not including wine, amounted only to 112,0001. That was not equal to the trade of one of our smaller colonies, and were the national interests to be sacrificed to such a paltry trade as that ? The treaty with Portugal had been always defended on the ground that it afforded a market there for our woollens. Now he would just, as illustrative of the effects of that treaty, state the amount of our ex ports to Portugal previous to that treaty, and compare that amount with our present exports there. He would in the first instance take the average of the four years previous to the conclusion of the Methuen treaty. The average amount of our exports to Portugal for the four years previous to 1703 was 728,5851., that was before the conclusion of this treaty, which was so much to benefit our woollen trade. Now the total value of our exports of woollens to Portugal was, in the year 1828, according to the Parliamentary re turns, only 164,9261., so that the average amount in value of our woollens exported to Portugal previous to the Me thuen treaty was four or five times greater than it was now, after that treaty had been in existence for a century and upwards. He did not deem it necessary to dwell upon the importance to the manufacturing and commercial inte rests of this country of extending our markets upon the Continent of Europe. He argued this question in a corn mei cial point of view. He should not on the present oc casion go further than his motion went, though lie hoped upon sonic future occasion to invite the attention of the House to the necessity of adopting some decisive measures for extending our trade with France. The Hon. Member concluded by moving for copies or extracts of the report of the Lords Commissioners of Trade with respect to the wine company in Oporto, and its monopoly, in the year 1767 ; also a copy of the remonstrance of Lord Strangford to the Court of Brazil, in 1813 ; also copies of all diplomatic cor r:spondence relating to this subject; and likewise for returns of the imports and exports of Portugal, and the imports and exports of Brazil, from and to this country, from the year 1800 to the present time. Mr. COURTENAY did not rise to defend the Methuen Treaty, or to controvert the statements, to the greater par ..:n:...see. tee ...pot than his opposition. tie (Mr. Courtenay) should not go in the details of this subject on this Occasion. He belies the Hon. Member himself would acknowledge, that though his motion might be in itself unobjectionable, and though it might be tOefut td call the attention of the House to the at to of our trade with Portugal, it would be incon venient for his Majesty's Ministers, at this period of the , Session, to enter into a detail of their views as to the va rious topics connected with this subject. lie (Mr. Cour tenay) was of opinion that there was no doubt that this country was at perfect liberty to revive and re-consider the Treaty of Methuen, and he would say further that Govern ment was disposed to undertake that revision so soon as the state of our political relations with Portugal would af ford an opportunity for that purpose. He would further assure him, that, whenever the discussion regarding this treaty should be renewed with the Portuguese Govero ment, the just causes of complaint to which he had re ferred would not fail to be Urged as they deserved.— (Hear, hear.)--He should not oppose the production of the greater part of the papers moved for by the Hon. Member. He was willing to accede to the production of the report of the Lords of Trade, the remonstrance of Lord Strangford, and the import and export returns ; but the diplomatic eorresponCence for which he moved the Hon. Member must see could not at present with pro priety be produced, as it might have reference to many public transactions and negociations at present in progress. Ile would repeat, that in a great portion of the statements of the Hon. Member he perfectly concurred. Mr. ROBINSON saw clearly that the statement of his Hon. Friend had made, and had very justly made, a con siderable impression on the House. lie should follow the example of his Hon. Friend, in not dwelling upon the present state of our political relations with Portugal. His Hon. Friend had designated the Treaty of Methuen as one under which we had the misfortune to live. He could not join his llon,Friend in the opposition which he had offered to the continuance of that Treaty, nor in the statements which he had made respecting the disadvantages of our present commercial regulations with Portugal. He ad mitted that our regulations with Portugal might be at tended with disadvantage in a political point of view ; but he contended that in every practical point of view they were of greater advantage to us than any which we had contracted with any other European nation. His Hon. Friend had said, that the import of all articles from Por tugal, wine excepted, did not amount one year with ano ther to 100,000/. ; but his Hon. Friend hal forgotten to notice in his statement what was far more important, that in 1829, (so the Hon. Member said, but it is evidently a mistake) a period antecedent to the interruption of the commercial regulations between Great Britain and Porto. gal, the amount of British and Irish imports to Portugal exceeded 2,500,000/. Unfortunately he observed in the official returns of this year a diminution of no less than . 750,000/.—a diminution which undoubtedly woos much . . to be regretted, but which was to be attributed to the di3turbed and distracted condition of the internal re- lations of Portugal, rather than to any want of de mind for the consumption of British manufactures in that country. liis lion. Friend repudiated the trade of Portugal, but invited that of France. Now if his Hon. Friend had been kind enough to inform the House how that trade was to be obtained, he would have conferred a great boon not only upon the House, but also upon the country. Until the Government of France changed its present system of commercial policy, it would be impos sible for us, however willing we might be, to extend our commerce with that nation. He admitted that the mono poly of the Oporto Wine Company was a monstrous evil. It was one to which the Government of this country was perfectly alive, and on which be believed that it had made frequent representations to the Government of Portugal. As however the Treaty of 1810 was now at an end, the fifteen years of its continuance having expired, and as the Government of Portugal had given our Government notice that that Treaty must now come under revision, he trusted that, in fomning the conditions which our Government might be induced to demand of Portugal, the circumstances would not be overlooked that Portugal was almost exclu sively supplied with British manufactures. The wines of Portugal were the favourite beverage of this cos try, and in more general consumption than the wines of any other nation ; and he would assure his Hon. Friend that if ever the wines of France were as generally drank here as those of Portugal, both would be liable to the same adulteration. He must, notwithstanding the impatience of the House to press on to the other business of the evening, advert to one other subject connected with this question, which he considered of great importince. He took, as the House must have seen, a deep interest in the welfare and prosperity of one of our colonies, which carried on a flourishing trade with Portugal--he meant the colony of Newfoundland. That colony absolutely existed in consequence of the low rate of duty at which British fish was introduced into Portugal; and he said that if Ministers should not be able, whenever the Treaty with Portugal was revised, to secure the same advantages fur the introduction of British cured fish into Portugal, that colony would decidedly be lost to this country.— There was a consumption in Portugal of one-third of the fish cured in Newfoundland, and the fish cured there was admitted into Portugal at a rate of duty 10 per cent. lower than that paid on the fish cured by any other nation, so that the fish cured by the French and Americans was ex cluded from the Portuguese markets, and we were left to supply them entirely. In that point of view alone there was a very extensive and beneficial trade to this country carried on between Portugal and our colonies, as regarded the amount both of capital and of shipping engaged in it. Should unfortunately any commercial dispute occur by which Portugal should lose the advantage of having its wine introduced at a rate of duty lower by one-third than the rate of duty imposed on the wines of other countries, Ministers might depend upon it, that the Government of Portugal would admit into that country foreign manufac tures and foreign goods at a lower rate of duty than it did at present. We night be insensible to the value of our trade with Portugal, but France was not. France was jealous of our monopoly of trade with Portugal ; and France, that very country, which his Hon. Friend asked them to trade with, though he did not vouchsafe to inform them how they were to do so, was anxious to secure to it self those advantages which we seemed so anxious to throw away. He concurred with his Hon. Friend in all that he had said respecting the injurious consequences of the mo nopoly of the wine company at Oporto. He concurred with him in thinking, that if Government could devise any mode by which they could obtain an admission of its commerce into Francs, the trade of Portugal might be given up without regret. Mr. HUSKISSON would not detain the House at any great length upon this sul jest, after the very able and perspicuous statement made by his Hon. Friend behind him respecting our commercial regulations with Portugal since the signing of the Methuen Treaty. He would be content with saying that we might put an end to that treaty—he would say that we ought—(Hear, hear)—and that too, for this reason. The only privilege which we obtained as an equivalent for those which we extended to the Portuguese, was the admission of our woollens into that country. Now, for many years past, the prohibition on the admission of woollens, the production of other countries besides Great Britain and its dependencies, had been removed ; and, therefore the woollens of Great Britain stood in no favour, so far as the policy of the Government of Portugal was concerned, over the woollens of other countries. The permission therefore to import the wines of Portugal at a duty, only two-thirds of that imposed on the wines of France, was a permission granted without consideration, and ought therefore to be withdrawn. He differed a little from his Hon. Friend as to the policy of the treaty into which we entered with Portugal in 1810. He thought that if in the Methuen Treaty this country had made an arrangement disadvantageous to Brit'sh interests, it had by the Treaty of 1810, in conse quence of its relations with the family of Braganza, then exiled from its European dominions, obtained concessions and privileges highly advantageous to at, and greater perhaps than were just to the other contracting party. By that treaty the Methuen Treaty was contr nued—we gave to Portugal the privilege of importingits wines at two-thirds of the duty imposed upon the wines of any other country, and Portugal bound itself to us to receive all artic'es, the manufacture and produce of Great Britain, at a rate of duty not exceeding 15 per cent. on their value, whilst the same articles, Leing the produce of other countries, were to pay a duty of 25 per cent. — (Hear, hear.)—Now, when we bound ourselves to grant to Portugal an inequality of duty upon one article only of its produce, it was scarcely fair to demand from Portugal that she &mill I receive all articles of our produce and ma nufacture at a rate of duty so much less than that which she imposed on the same articles when imported from other countries. He was of opinion that, in all treaties of com merce, the great object should be to establish a complete reciprocity between the two nations who were parties to them. He agreed with his Hon. Friend in the condem nation which he had passed upon the wine monopoly of Oporto. The Company engaged in the monopoly was a Company of great power. All men of consideration, in fluence, power, and wealth in Portugal were members of it. They had made it a great engine of State, by which they had raised the wines of Portugal in a very undue manner, and in a very unfair degree. He believed that re should not overstate t h e amoun t to which that Compaq l had raised the price of Portuguese wines, when he said that they had raised it to the amount of at least 151. for every pipe. The English trader could not buy any wine in Portugal, save that allotted for him by the Company. His Hon. Friend had stated that since the 15 years, for which the Treaty of 1610 was to continue, had expired in 1825, that Treaty was now open to revision. It was true that that Treaty was open to revision, bat not true that it was at an end. That Treaty was r rpetu :1, sub ject only to the right of being revised by both parties, if they so thought fit, at the eXpiratitio of 15 y , ..'area 1825 that period of 15 years expired. It was no sooner terminated than negotiations commenced for the revision of the Treaty. He (Mr. Huskisson) was at that period President of the Board of Trade, and those negociaiions were conducted by the late Mr. Canning and himself with the Portuguese Ambassador in this country. The Treaty was almost satisfactorily arranged, when political events prevented its termination, In those negotiations his Ma jesty's Government never lost sight of the abuses arising out of this monopoly: Provision was made in the prnjet of Treaty, and was almost agreed upon, for putting an end to them. He must therefore put in his claim to have one of these alternatives agreed to by the House—" Either place the two countries upon a footing of equality, or, if we are to have the exclusive privilege in Portugal of im porting our cottons, our woollens, our silks, our hard ware, at duties one-third lower than those imposed on the same articles imported from other countries, in common justice allow, not only wine, but all the pro ductions of Portugal, to come into our dominions on the same terms." He would not give any opinion at present as to which of these two plans be considered best, though, certainly, upon the principles which he bad always advocated, he was inclined to think that it would be best to act on the principles of reciprocity. The Hon. Member for Worcester had stated that if we gave up our present advantages in Portugal, we should have every reason to fear the competition of France. For his own part he believed that there was no occasion for us to be in any such state of alarm. He had no doubt but that we should find that even with the most enterprising spirit of competition, our manufactures would still meet with the same preference in Portugal as they now met with in every other country. As to the trade with Newfoundland, on which the Hon. Member for Worcester had laid so much stress, it would be placed on the same footing as the trade. in fish of other countries. Though we might not retain all, we should still retain great part of it. He much doubted whether monopoly did not in all trades lead to expense, indifference, remissness, and negligence on the parts of those who possessed it. Give fair competition to the British fish-curer, and he (Mr. Huskisson) should not be afraid of his being able to meet his rivals in the Portu guese markets with complete success. Be that, however, as it might, it was not their province at present to dis cuss; but it was the province of his Majesty's Govern ment to arrange with Portugal, as soon as the political arrangements of the two countries would permit, the foot ing on which the trade between them ought hereafter to be permanently settled. All that he contended for at pre sent was this—that we should not exact from Portugal conditions which we should not ourselves be willing to grant. He stated it to be his deliberate opinion that the trade of Portugal would he most efficaciously promoted by its not being placed under the care of Government as to its details. Mr. SLANEY had every reason to know that there was a most anxious desire in all the manufacturing classes of the country to have fresh markets formed, to which they might send the produce of their industry. The motion was then put and agreed to. SIERRA LEONE. Mr. HUME said, that in rising to bring forward the motion of which he bad given notice on the expediency of withdrawing the settlement of Sierra Leone. The rea sons which convinced him of the propriety of withdr ming this colony arose at its very first commencement, and were found in existence at every period of its subsequent pro gress. The principal objection to the continuance of the colony was the frightful mortality which Welt place there. Sir Granville Sharpe sent out 450 persons to Sierra Leone. In the same year in which they arrived at the colony their number was reduced by death to 276, and in the following year to 130. He believed that now there was not one of those persons in existence. In 1791 the first Charter was granted to the Company who undertook the management of the colony. Subsequently to that period a considerable number of persons had been sent to the colony at various times, the greater part of whom had been prematurely swept away by death. In 1792, 1,130 blacks were car ried to Sierra Leone from Nova Scotia; but so ungenial was the climate, that in the course of the first year one tenth of them died. In 1802 the Commissioners re ported that there were only 224 families of these blacks then existing, and he believed that the whole number of individuals now remaining was 500. That result alone might have the effect of discouraging ordinary intrepidity; but as the Company consisted of influential individuals, who set their hearts on effecting the object which they had in view, they were not to he deterred by ordinary dif ficulties. In 1800, 580 Maroon settlers were sent to l i Sierra Leone. In 1802 their timber was considerably reduced, but still those settlers appeared to be the only persons who could hold their ground against the climate, for in 1826 they were more numerous than in 1800. In 1817, 1,220 men, belonging to the African corps and the West India regiments settled at Sierra Leone with their families. As usual a large portion of these persons perished in a short time. The Company which had ma naged the colony for twenty years at length found their capital exhausted, and they induced the Government to relieve them from the burden of supporting the colony. It was unnecessary for him to state the various measures adopted by Government for the purpose of maintaining the colony. He might safely declare that no colony had ever had so much money laid out upon it. He had therefore brought his mind to the conclusion, that if a private corn party, possessed of zeal and capital, had, after 20 years' trial, failed to make the colony flourishing, and if Go vernment, after 20 years' further trial, with all the re sources and power which it commanded, had failed to arrive at the same result, it was now time for the House to consider whether the colony should not be given up. It appeared to him that it was impossible to improve 'the condition of the population beyond a certain point, on ac count of the barren nature of the soil. It was found that the soil would not produce after the second year of culti vation, and it therefore followed that a great portion of the li'!erated blacks landed at the colony must remain with out employment. The soil would produce neither sugar nor cotton. Ile believed that a little rice was all that ha:l been raised from it. The Hon. Member then proceeded to state the sum which had been expended in supporting 'the colony, which, as we understood, had amounted to upwards cf 3,000,0001. sterling in 1826. The annual expense of the colony was now, by the economical measures of Government, reduced to about 40,0001. It might be asked why he would not allow so trifling au expense to he continued ? He would answer, because he was not sure that the expense would not be again augmented. He then again adverted to the mortality which had oc curred in that colony. To establish that point, he stated, that the population in 1825 amounted to 17,000 persons, including soldiers. Since that period the number of liberated blacks landed in the colony amounted to 9,000, and yet the population now was only 16,800. Thus in five years upwards of 9,000 persons had disappeared from the gross number. It was said that the colony should be maintained for the purposes of commerce. Now, he would argue, that in a commercial point of view, the settlement of Sierra Leone presented no advantage in any degree equivalent to the loss of human life which the pestilential nature of the climate occasioned. The Hon. Gentleman then pointed out the advantage of substituting the island of Fernando Po as a settlement for liberated Africans instead of Sierra Leone. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by moving, " That it is expedient, at the present moment, to adopt measures for withdrawing the settlement of Sierra Leone." Mr. F. BUXTON observed, that if the unhealthiness of the place were a good reasen for giving up Sierra Leone, it would in his opinion afford an equally good rea son for abandoning our West India islands; because it was at times neatly as unhealthy there as at Sierra Leone.— (No, no.)—Some years ago he moved for a return with respect to the mortality amongst the troops in the West Indies, and he was told, that if it were granted it would create great alarm amongst the friends and relatives of those who were sent out there; but on his declaring that he would persevere, he rere:ved from Sir Het beet Taylor, an acknowledgment on this subject, with permission to make it known on any case of emergency. Sir H. Taylor's language is this :—" We are ready to admit, that it may be shown that, with respect to Jamaica anti even Ceylon, the mortality has been nearly equal to that of the coast of ! Africa, in proportion to the number of persons." The Hon. Gentleman concluded by recommending the whole subject to the consideration of a Committee, instead of de ciding upon it by a vote of this nature. Mr. BERNAL denied that the climate of Jamaica was such as had been described. Could the Hon. Member tell him, that six successive Governors had fallen victims to the climate of Jamaica? Could he say that Secretary after Secretary, that Chief Justice after Chief Justice, had perished, as at Sierra Leone, by miasmata, at Jamaica ? He was well aware that malignant fevers did, at times, commit ravages in the West Indies ; but, from the pre cautions latterly taken with respect to the troops, by the introduction of ken bedsteads, and by the institution of barrack canteens, by which the men were saved from the deleterious effects of intoxication, the evil was very much :ated. He thought with the Hon. Member for Wey- 'sleuth, that a Committee would be teat adapted to inquire into the subject. After a few worth from Mr. S. WORTLEY an d Mr. W. Sir G. MURRAY said, in entering upon the career of humanity which we had essayed, we had found competitors who, lie was sorry to say, were not willing to go along with us to that degree and extent of noble emulation neces sary to effect the gaeat object 'f our endeavours. But it did not appear to him that that circumstance afforded a sufficient reason far us to abandon so great, honourable, and laudable an e ndeavour ; and if we resolved to perse vere in this object, it was impossible for us to do so with any prospect of success, without some station on the coast of Africa where liberated negroes cou'd he placed under the protection of this country. With respect to the station of Sierra Leone, he saw nothing to induce us to consider it as being more objectior able titan others that might be selected. On the contrary, the reports of several medical gentlemen led to the conclusion that it would not be easy to discover a more eligible s'tuation on the coast of Africa. There were no longer any European troops on the station. Arrange ments had been made for creating a native force and establishing a militia, so that the mortality that had existed among European troops at Sierra Leone could not again occur. The Right lion. Gentleman proceeded to refer to documents showing that regulations were adopted tending in various ways to promote the health of the colony and improve the conditions of the residents. Having made these statements as to the present condition of the colony, he would offer a few observations with regard to the views entertained on the subject of its future prosp cts.— Black regular troops and militia would be employed, and it was his intention to effect such a change in the adminis tration of the colony, as should cause all civil situations to be gradually filled by persons of colour. The King's advocate was at present a person of colour ; and he en tertained no doubt of the possibility of placing the whole superintendence of the settlement under people of colour, who would not suffer in health from a residence there. Thus the waste of human life would be avoided. Pursuing the system further, be did not despair of seeing Sierra Leone, after the lapse of no great length of time, in the situation of a free black settlement—a circumstance that would afford one of the fairest openings for the successful introduction of the blessings of religion anti civilization upon the vast continent of Africa. Under such circum stances, and on all these grounds, be saw no reason for acceding to the motion of the Hon. Member for Aberdeen. With regard to the suggestion of the Hon. Member for Weymouth, to the effect that the question ought to be in vestigated by a committee, he owned that such an inquiry did not appear to him to be necessary, but he left the matter in the hands of the House. General GASCOYNE had beard no argument to sa tisfy him that the subject should not be inquired into. Dr. LUSHINGTON was satisfied that such was the favourable condition of the liberated Africans, that with a small force of coloured soldiers the colony might be kept in a state of tranquillity. We must have some settlement of the coast of Africa, and no other place could be fixed upon which was so favourable. Sir R. INGLIS defended the settlement from the re proach of insalubiity t the statements of the mortality there had been exaggerated. He agreed with the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, that the slave trade could not be put down unless we had some settlement on that coast, and Sierra Leone was healthier than any other place. Mr. HUME, in reply, deprecated mixing the question of the slave trade with the subject before the House. He would, with leave of the House, withdraw his amendment, and propose " that a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the present state of the colony of Sierra Leone." He had put down the names of the Committee he proposed, in which there was no West Indian or abolitionist. On the question being put, the gallery was cleared for a division, but none took place, and the Committee was (we understood) agreed to. On returning to the gallery, we found Lord MILTON upon his legs, endeavouring to fix some day for his re solutions on the corn laws, which were fixed for to-night. He at length named Tuesday the 22d. A long desultory discussion then ensued as to the ar rangement of the business before the House, in which Sir R. Peel, Sir C. Wetherell, Mr. Brougham, Lerd Milton, Colonel Sibthorp, Mr. Stanley, the Chancellor of the Ex chequer, and Mr. Fergusson took part. Sir R. PEEL proposed, and it was, we believe, as sented to, that on Thursday the debate in the Court of Chancery should be resumed ; that on Friday evening, at half-past five, the Bill for the Reform of the Courts in Scotland should be debated ; and afterwards the subject of the general administration of the law. The Right Hen. Baronet remarked that nothing showed more com pletely the state of the public business, than that the mea -1 sures connected with the administration of justice, which had been recommended in his Majesty's speech at the open ing of the Session, were standing still. Mr. P. THOMSON wished to know what was pro posed to be done with some important Bills which stood in the orders. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER was anxious to bring on the Sale of Beer Bill on Thursday. The discussion of the Chancery question on that day would perhaps render it hopeless to bring it on early, but if any circumstance with respect to the debate should enable him he would bring it on that day. Mr. STANLEY wished to know whether the Right Hon. Gentleman would go into the Committee of Supply on Monday, as he (Mr. Stanley) would wish to fix his motion fir that day. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER would go into the Committee on Monday, if possible; and if the Hon. Member wished to take his chance on that day he might ; hut if he wished to be more certain, he had better wait till Friday week. Mr. STANLEY said that, preferring certainty, he would name Friday week. After a few remarks from Mr. FERGUSSON, Mr, HER MES, and Mr. S; RICE, referring (as we understood) to the state of other business of the House, but the noise in the House was such, that a very accurate notion of the details of what was passing could not be obtained in the gallery, Mr. W. WYNN wished to know what was to be done with a measure which had been introduced by •the Right Honourable and Learned Member for Knaresborough, re specting the Registrar at Madras. It had already gone through two stages, and, as important public interests were concerned, it was of importance that some progress should be made in it with as little delay as possible. Some day, be thought, ought to be fixed for its next stage. Mr. HUME wish-d to know what day could be fixed for the discus , ion of the Canada Bill. Sir G. MURRAY said that it was, amongst other or ders, waiting for its turn. Sir R. PEEL, referring to what fell from his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. \V. Wynn) as to the Registrar at Ma dras Bill, suggested, that as the Bill was something in the nature of a judicial proceeding, they should follow the example in another case of the present Sessien s sod sit cn Saturday, at twelve, to dispose of it. Mr. BROUGHAM, the SOLICITOR- GENERAL, and Mr. W. WYNN, concurred in this suggestion, which was left as an understanding, but no order was made upon it. COUNTY COURTS. Mr. BROUGHAM, referring to the Bill which he had moved for some time back, respecting the establishment of county courts, said that some difficulties had occurred as to matters of form ; it requiring the sanction of a Committee of the House for the salaries to parties not paid by fees. It was his intention to move the Bill through a Committee on Thursday, for the purpose of filling up the blanks, so as to put the House in possession of the details of the Bill. CANINE MADNESS. Mr. Alderman WOOD moved the second reading. Sir R. PEEL suggested that it would be better to allow the Bill to go to a Committee up stairs. The power which the Bill proposed to give to Magistrates ought not to be given without due consideration, and in its present shape he thought the measure too crude and vague to be adopted, for instance, the clause which said that dogs should be con fined in a district, parish, or place, was too indefinite. And then there was another clause, authorizing persons to seize hold of any mail dog, or dog suspected of being mad, and deliver it to a police-constable.—(Much laughter.)—lt would be better to send the Bill for consideration to a Com • mittee of practical men. Mr. Alderman WOOD said he had taken up the mea sure on public grounds, and was ready to submit it to a Committee. The Bill was then read a second time, and referred to a Select Committee. LIBEL LAW AMENDMENT BILL. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL moved the second reading of this Bill. Lord MORPETII would not oppose the Bill; but he gave notice that in the Committee he would move a clause to reduce the security given by proprietor; of newspapers to the original sum. Mr. FERGUSSON expressed his intention of moving for the repeal of that clause which authorized the Court, on a first conviction for libel, to direct the seizure of all copies in the hands of the publisher, or others in trust For him, and to break open doors, if necessary, to get at them. Mr. O'CONNELL gave notice that be would in the Committee move a clause allowing evidence to be given as to the truth of allegations in cases of libel. Sir C. WETHERELL said the Hon. Member bad N., 44, given notice of a Bill on that subject, anA V Would not be fair to introduce his Bill in that way. Mr. O'CONNELL said that his object wai fo sllow the proof of the truth of the allegations-.-not as a defence, but to show the intention of the . party. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL hoped the Hon. and Learned Member would postpone that subject to a more convenient opportunity. Mr. HUME said, the Bill was a disgrace to the Statute Book, and ought to be removed. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that any Hon. Member could propose any amendment he pleased in the Committee ; but the present stage was not the proper one for discussing such amendments. The Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Friday. USURY LAWS BILL. Mr. P. THOMSON moved the further consideration of the Report of this Bill. Sir C. WETHERELL and Mr. FIEATHCOTE objected to the Bill at that hour, and moved that the matter be ad journed to Friday. On this the House divided, when the numbers were— For the further consideration of the report 49 For the adjournment Majority 4l On our return to the gallery, we found the House en gaged in conversation on the report, which, with some al terations, was then agreed to.—Bill read a second time, and ordered for a third reading en Monday next. The other Orders of the Day having Leen disposed of, the House adjourned at Two o'clock. LIST OF THE MINORITY OF FORTY-SIX, WIIO NOTED ON MONDAY LAST FOR LORD 110 WICK'S -.- ---- - ____, MOTION, To reduce the proposed Vote of 16,1801. to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in the British North American Co lonies, and other parts, to one-half, with the view of reducing the other half next year. Althorp, Viscount Grattan, James Rice, T. S. Benett, John Guest, J. J. Robinson, Sir G. Calvert, N. Harvey, 1). W. Rumbold, C. E. Cholmeley, M. Hume, Joseph Smith, W. Clive, E. B. Jephson, C. D. Smith, Vernon Davies, Col. Knight, R. Stanley, Hon. E. G. Dawson, A. Labouchere, H. Thomson, C. P. D.:nison, W. J. Lamb, Hon. G. Tufton, Hon. IL Dundas, Hon. T. Lumley, J. S. Warburton, H. Dundas, Hon. G. Marshall, W. Western, C. C. Dundas, Hon. Sir R. Maherly, J. Whitbread, W. H. Easthope, J. Marjoribauks, S. Wood, C. Fazakerley, J. N. Monck, J. B. Wood, John French, A. O'Connell, D. Wrottesley, Sir J. Gordon, R. Ord, W. TELLER. Graham, Sir J. Price, Sir R. Howick, Lord Mr. Birch's name i Vote for reducing thi ras omitted in the Mil Grant for Prince Ed, Lnority of 78 upon the hoard's PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS. HOUSE OF COMMONS. ORDERS OF THE DAY FOR, THIS DAY. I. Ways and Means—Committee. 2. Supply—Committee. 3. Ecclesiastical Leases (Ireland) Bill—Further Consideration of Report. 4. Newborough Church Bill—Third Reading. NOTICES GIVEN YESTERDAY: 1. Mr. O'Connell—ln Committee on Libel Law Amendment Bill, to move a Clause to allow defendants prosecuted for Libel to give in evidence the truth of allegations of fact, in order to negative criminal intention. (Frid ty, June 18.) 2. Lord Viscount Morpeth-1n Committee on Libel Law Amend ment Bill, to move that the amount of recognizances and securities proposed to be raised by lON. should be reduced to the original sums. (Fr day, June 18.) 3. Lord Viscount Milton—Resolutions relative to the Corn Laws. (Deferred till Tuesday, June 9.2.) 4. Mr. Wihnot Horton—Motion on transportation to New South Wales as a secondary punishment. (Deferred till Thursday, July I.) FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE. FRENCH PAPERS. (From the Moniteur.) EXTRACT OF A REPORT FROM ADMIRAL BARON DUPERRE TO THE MINISTER OF THE NAVY AND COLONIES. On board the ship Provence, at Sea, to Leeward of Majorca, June 2. Monseigneur,—The fleet weighed anchor in the hay o Toulon on the 25th of last month, when a breeze from the W.N. W. sprang up. It consisted of '75 ships of war. One of the divisions of the convoy which accompanied it consisted of 55 sail. It proceeded in compact order, when, during the night betwen the 27th and 28th, it was as • sailed by a strong gale from the E. and E. S.E. off Minorca and Majorca. I conducted it under the lee of these islands, where it found shelter. The weather grew fine ; and, after having collected the squadron and the convoy, and having made preparations for the departure of the landing flotilla from the bay of Palma, where it had put into, I steered for the roast of Algiers. In the evening of the next day, the 29th, I got fully in sight of the land. The wea ther was fine, the wind being at East, though somewhat fresh. The fleet manoeuvred during the night, in such a manner that it found itself, at daybreak, on the 30th, close in with the shore. In fact, at four o'clock a.m. on the 30th, it was to the northward of Cape Cazine, within five or six leagues'distance at farthest; but the coast was covered with clouds, the horizon was gloomy, and the violence of the gale increased gradually. Every thing in dicated bad weather. The fleet, tacking to the northward, stood off front the land with the wind at E. and E.S.E , without, as I imagine, having been perceived, on account of the haziness of the weather. The expediency of keeping so large a number of vessels of different descriptions well collected together, and in good sailing order, and laying as close as possible to the wind, became at last impracticable. We could therefore no longer maintain ourselves in the meridian (or longitude) of Algiers. The reserve, consiqing of gaharres, and of other vessels of inferior sailing quality, fell to leeward. The convoy, which I had the foresight to station several m il es to windward, kept their ground pretty well ; and the wind continuing to blow fresh for three days from the E.S.E., this circumstance left us no hope of fetching the coast of Algiers. The only thing that could be done was to collect the reserve and convoy in the Bay of Palma, and to keep the squadron under the lee of the islands, and to wait for the weather clearing up, whilst the convoys joined and reorganised themselves. That which sailed on the 27th from Toulon, and which was to have joined the squadron on the coast of Africa, was, onits departure, dis persed by a violent gale from the N.E. I have collected several of the ships belonging to it, and made them join the convoy, which accompanies the squadron. Others have been directed by my look-out ships to proceed to the Bay of Palma, where the general rendezvous will be. I trust to succeed in putting the squadron in a condition to resume operations. This will not require much time. I have taken measures to call the landing flotilla back to Palma, which had sailed already to join me at the point where the operations were to commence. 1 have hid no tidings of it; but the weather has not been sufficiently bad to give any uneasiness respecting it ; it consists of good boats, fit to keep at se,-, and to resist the prevailing winds. I have found the elements adverse, Monseigneur, and to these I could only oppose human efforts. From my zeal and devotedness to the King's service 'I derived those re sources which assisted me in preventing misfortunes ; but they could prove no protection against a delay of the exe cution of the projected operations. The squadron is in good health ; its spirits and divosi tions are the same as at the moment of departure—that is to say, perfect. REPORT ADDRESSED TO TILE MINISTER or MARINE BY TIIE ADMIRAL BARON DUPERRE. On board the Provence, at sea to the Leeward of Majorca, June 2, 1830. I have the honour to send you the report of M. d'Assigny on the shipwreck of the brigs Aventure and Sylenc, on the coast of Africa. You will find in it details which make one shudder with horror. That officer (M. d'Assigny) and M. Bruat, who com manded these two vessels, are in the number of those who escaped from the massacre, and the list of which is sub joined. M. d'Assigny has forgotten to sign the REPORT ADDRESSED TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE MINISTER OF NIARINE AND COLONIES, BY 31. D'ASSIGNY, LIEU. TENANT IN TILE NAVY. The Bagnc (Slave Prison) at Algiers, May 23, 1830. Monseigneur,—l have the honour to give an account to your Excellency of the loss of the brigs Aventure and Sylezze—a fatal event, in which fortune has taken plea sure in loading us with all her rigours ; a shipwreck by night, in dreadful weather, on a hostile land, peopled by ferocious men, dreaded even by the Turks, who cannot traverse their savage abodes without trembline. Since my return from Tunis, I bad sailed in company with the frigate Belkna. On the night between the 11. th and 15th of May, at two o'clock in the morning, the wind blowing rather fresh from the N.E., being on she starboard tack, with the ship working in a heavy sea, I caused the second reef is the topsails to be taken in ; during this operation the Bellona, which bore S.S.E. at a considerable distance, suddenly disappeared. When day light returned I thought the frigate had tacked about; and the breeze having changed and gone round to N.N.E., at five o'clock we ran on the N.E. tack. I continued thus till ten o'clock, when a vessel was seen to the leeward, but forming only a mass which was hardly distinguishable, as the thick haze and the cloudy weather prevented us from distinguishing:without great difficulty, objects removed cram ui evert by a small distance. Notvever, having; come ne tree to this vessel, we discoversl that it was an English merchant brig. A moment after another vessel SVIS distinguished a little ahead. Perceiving it to be a von) of war, I hoisted my number, and this brig, which was the Sylene, made signal that she was corning from Mahon, from which she had sailed the 11th May ; that she carried a packet far M. ; and lastly that the evening before, having passed the roads df Algiers, she had seen an English frigate in the anchorage. After having made signals that I believed M. Massieu to be in the r:-.4.E.it was now afternoon), we continued to 5: my topsli!s. The Sy E. , keeping the two reefs still in 4 to the N E. till a bout one o'clock, when I tacked to the /vie r. Mowed us to the windward at having a shdrt distarice. At half-past 11.7' run 23 miles we approached to the S.E., the breeze - having fallen n e arer to earls cittiet, rind having naked hes•. j•hserva reckoning, I was answered that at tenon, according' to a goon tion of the preceding evening, she Wag in fret. 37. ' long. 0. 15. (from Paris) E. I had also had at nono r an obervation of the preceding evening, lat. 37 deg. min., long. 16 min. W. We communicated these longi tudes by the speaking trumpet, and we thought our reckonings agreed in con .equence of our having corrected :he terms East and West, so that, re-assured by the pro bability that our situation was good, I bailed the Sylene . to say that my intention ws to steer to the east. I in tended to run down to the longitude of Algiers, and then keep as close as possible to the starboard, the lielloUbs, ker ping habitually on that meridian. The Sylene, which had followed us pretty close, hay ing in the squall lost sight of the Aventure, continued the wane course, when the Captain was informed that breakers were seen very near. M. Bruat, having come on deck, ordered the ship's head to be turned to the wind this manoeuvre having been performed very slowly, the fore topsail h tying remained masked a long time, the Yes+ eel made much stern way : at the moment that the 7 werw. making fast the mainsai!, to prevent her from rolling tow much, and to give inure freedom, the vessel gave the first; heel, and the next set stranded her completely. The Captain causal his mainmast to be cut, preserving still fnic a short time his fore-mast, to enable him to approach the. land, and also ordered his crew to remain on board; and the brig having leaned to the land side was not doerttll till day-hre.l : before quitting her only one man had brew washed off by the sea. The greatest order prevailed dur ing this difficult operation ; the sick were landed first, the rest of the crew afterwards; at last M. Bruit came to me that we might consult together what was most proper to be done in these calamitous circumstances. Having col— lected the officers of the two brigs, we laid before them. the two means of safety which presented themselves naturally to , us—the first, to arm ourselves and keep close to thee brigs till the weather would permit the vessels of war to come and save us ; the second, to make no resist— ance, and to be conducted by the Bedouins to Algiers. We• decided on the last course, our powder being wet, and the sky and the sea being in a state which was far from giving us hopes of being able to distinguish our vessels all day ; having therefore collected all our men, and taken some provi,ions which the sea had thrown upon the coast, we walked along the beach towards Algiers. It was now about four o'clock in tie morning ; hardly ha , ' we proceeded so quarter of a league when a troop of armed Bedouins fell upon us. Among the men who formed the crew was a rsialtese s ta!:en off Oran by this brig, in a fishing-boat. This NUM knowing Arabic, and having long sailed with the sailors, f the Regency, devoted himself, as I may say, for then safsty of us all. Recommending to us not to contradict• what he wa s going to advance, he protested to these en raged barbarians that we were Englishmen. Three times , t'ley put the danger to his breast to try to frighten him, and to judge by his emotion if what he advanced was true. This firmness imposed upon the Arabs, and, although they were not entirely convinced, it threw a doubt in their minds which contributed in part to save the crew. Under pretence of conducting us to Algiers by a nearer mid, they caused us to take the way through the moun tains. After a quarter of an hour's march, having arrives at a village compsst d of a small number of dwellings, they began to pillage us at first slightly, afterwards with the most barbarous crueltl, leaving us without shirts, exposed to tde wind and threw:Ad showers from the north. After having prVeded about four leagues in the moun tains, causing us now cad then to make halts, dosing which they tore from us the rest of our clothes, we ar rived at a pretty considerable village (nearly on the me ridian of Cape Dellys), where they caused us to stop, aus distributed to some of us a small quantity of bread. Here the history of our misfortunes becomes more corn- plicated. Every village, every house, pre , eated to us dif ferent scenes ; but as I should be afraid of tiring you with so many mournful images, I shall confine myself to what passed under my own eyes. Having arrived at the house of the Bedouin who ba(t taken us afterwards under his protection, It's wives at first refused to receive us. We were repulsed also at an- . other house ; they were at length moved at our fate, and the house at which we had at first been repulsed, became our asylum. On the evening of the 18th, the frigates of the division. and some brigs, having approached the stranded vessels. sent boats to reconnoitre them. These arrangements for disembarkation spread terror in all quarters. All the Arabs armed themselves and came down howling from the mountains ; the women put their children on their back* ready to fly. We, unhappy prisoners ! were shut np in the strongest houses, and threatenel with death on the least movement to endeavour to save ourselves. We were on the point of being butchered. A cannon shot which we heard appeared to all of us the signal of our massacre; for, to whatever side fortune might turn, the Bedouins (conquerors or conquered) would avenge them selves upon us for all their losses, or, elevated by their successes, would add us to the unfortunate victims of their fury. Happily things turned out more favourably than we could hope ; the frigate recalled her boats, and all was restored to its usual order; but it was net so in the ~:~ mountains. M. Bruat, whom I had left with 23 men, including the Maltese and six officers, was lodged at first in the same hnu'e with his companions ; but, as it was not large enough for all his people, they caused him to leave it, and pieced him in a sort of mosque, open to all comers, which exposed them to painful inquiries and ill treatment. The two first days the Arabs who bad captured them told them each morning that the river Bouberak, swelled by the rains, did not allow them to conduct them to Algiers.— On the third day, though their intentions appeared still more hostile, the lives of the men were safe ; when the son of a Turk, havirig passed the river, came and told in the villages that the officers of the Dey were on the other side to protect them ; but as for them, they were very silly still to take us for Englishmen. The Maltese thought his presence would hasten the as sistance which we expected, being more qualified than any one to explain our dreadful situation. At his request M. Bruat caused him to set out, recommending the greatest diligence. . • • ♦ • • M. Bruat, while swimming across the river, lost his clothes, which were carried away by the violence of the current. On arriving 6n the other side, a Turk stripped himself to clothe him. Thence being conducted to the tent of the Effmdi, and not finding any one who under stood French or English, he was interrogated in Spanish, and received the strongest assurances of the safety of all of them. Two officers were immediately despatched into the mount sins. He was even permitted to write a letter to his second in command, to give him the same assurance!. The Effendi, though testifying much humanity to him, asked several questions of him concerning the disembarka tion. He asked him if it was true that the troops set out against their will? M. Bruat replied, that the conduct of our soldiers after they should disembark would prove to them the falsehood of that assertion. As to the spot or time of the disembarkation, he observed that circumstances. alone could decide. They insisted particularly on knowing what had bee come of his despatches. Upon his answering that he tore them some minutes after his vessel ran aground, he was informed by a Turkish officer who had just arrived, and who spoke French, that if he could deliver them u p to him he would immediately obtain his lil e ty. His reply teas, that even if his life was in jeopardy he should not hesitate to refuse them to him. All appeared quiet in the mountains; the fate of our comrades seemed to be secure ; but about nine in the even. ieg great cries were heard on the other si 'e of the river. It wee said that the squadron had approached the wreck of Cie brigs ; that tie Bedouins had been wounded by eel tire of the artillery ; that, finally, several Frenchmen, has' ing escaped to the mountains, bad won , ded a women there. These causes combined were probably the elle" t.ives for the massacre. The Effendi turned pate when he heard this news, and complained to M. Bruat that the presence of these vessels had exasperated the Arabs with' out being able to render us any service. Next day M. Bruat was despatched to Algiers, accord' ing to the Dey's orders, and arrived there in the morning of the 20th. He was conducted to the house of the Aga' who put again the same questions as had been put before. A letter which was shown to him, dated Toulon, proved to him that he received information of every thing that was passing. Next day, after M. Bruat's depirtur4 rr .m the =nil. has, 10 the riv ediate] :rie:toAfrlatashhtse:, 11 ",, Ple, col ol ouberak, o fficers, tvi t unate in e tir eady hee l IQ greater heart, and ieet of our Cape Altai' evening, wt abd follow t before the I ° f our m i s l The head- !* P° Veetacie o t6 Y condi found twel, with whoi Which I ha Wreck. The Col audience of et their In) to atter,. 4 41 eu, and The Col funds twee have settle itrnner The, be erticlqs Zvi . - I have t Of Ensign of the first sign for the care o never cease Lastly, advanc tre wst The Alz hoble eeni Xzeellenel of P. S._ ‘vhen one !eeded in first mom, Li said to assassinate having loi t he still it to flight, several da, they cam( hands of Mruhieted I thin: *mild nril * t , 11 03 besi tn e i r pre , tterved tb4 The OE (Pierre) The of Lautp e ), Were the bagnc of 79.) THE I change tl fered at first prig and With this quot 25 c., an the house and close rose mu opened a mooed Theti importa n with m u ready nu En A do t th his Brit t um delayed i Bence th, Admiral /Lips of to Algie deatinati TL yesto