The Sun. — London, England, 1854-06-20 00:00:00

idea-of-the nature and importance of the affairs of - the East; and, if the Court of Vienna had shared her views and her good intentions, there can be no doubt that the plan of the Imperial Cabinet would have been accomplished." I ma y s ay at this very moment, that if the Cabinet of Vienna had shared vthe iews and good intentions" of Prussia some short time back, the object of Russia might have been accomplished. Then, again, Count Nesselrode expresses his opinion in these terms ".Count Pozzo di Berge transmits to us the most positive utterances, which leaves no doubt touching the favourable dispositions on which Russia may reckon on the part of Prus sia, whatever may be the ultimate course of events." I have now stated the opinions which have been expressed by Count Pozzo di Borgo and Count Nesselrode with regard to the different powers of Europe, and as to what Russia had to fear, either from their separate opposition or from their general action, and I think that they afford us a satis factory lesson as to the caution we ought to exercise, and as to the apprehensions we ought always to entertain of the proceedings of the Court of Russia in endeavouring to carry into effect its long cherished object of the annexa tion of the Turkish empire to the empire of Russia. The same system has been constantly kept in view and con stantly acted upon : every precaution has been taken for the purpose of giving it effect in all the instances to which I have referred, and in consequence of the prudent advice and conduct of the Emperor he accomplished in a great measure the object he had in view by the great advantages f he obtained on the termination of the last war by e the unfortunate treaty of Adrianople. there is another important point for our consideration.ust receive We may say we are not to be sacrificed, Now, my lords, e e arity of Thr all effectual guarantee • without such a guarantee we can not be safe, we cannot be certain that the i nraiilee has been . key_will be held sacred ; but when that tguheere n t ee obtained we need be under no apprehwensgiuotantshosft conse quences. But I ask you, my lord s, is to be? (Hear, hear.) We can h ave the guarantee of the Four Powers and that of R ussi a , a guarantee ? The but what will be the consequences and the effect of such united and of the Four Powers, as long as they are be na ant disputes t e le and hold together, as long p a o s rt points, will be Yard no tween them upon other i but the moment this stat e of things comes to a termina tion,l' the moment a quarrel takes place between them with regard to the other matters and other interests, this gua rantee will be perfectly useless. What as surance can you hate that a Power of this character w ill not infringe any neig „ emeu ts, however positive, i n t o w hi c h s h e may enter? For my part, I look upon an engagement with Russia on a subject of this kind as perfectly useless. it wou ld not be worth the paper on which it might be written. (Cheers.) Look at her whole conduct, an d then if any person can be credulous enough to trust in any statement of Russia, or in any engagement into which she may enter contrary to her own interests, all I can say is,. that I admire the extent of his faith. (Hear, and laughter.) Let me recall to your lordships' recollection what took place at St. Petersburg with respect to Sir H. Seymour, our intelligent, active, and able ambassador at that Court. Sir H. Seymour heard that Russian troops were being collected on the Turkish frontier ; he was satis fied With his authority, and he mentioned the circumstance to Count Nesselrode. The Count contradicted the state- . ment he said to Sir H. Seymour—" Do not believe what you hear ; believe only what you see—(a laugh)----all that is. taking place is only a _change in the position of our armies, which is usual at this mason of the year ; I assure you you are mistaken." Sir H. Seymour, however, was too able a diplomatist to be thrown off his guard, and he wrote to the noble earl opposite a despatch in which he deelared the impossibility of reconciling all he heard from various quarters with Count Nesseirode's assurances. Is this the system, and are these the persons, on whose assu rances we are to depend ? (Cheers.) I remember hearing an, eloquent speech from a noble lord on the cross-benches as to the necessity of placing confidence in a person with whom we might be negotiating ; but the speech, though eloquent, was not convincing. As far as relates to the transactions of private life, confidence may probably be founded upon character ; but when great interests are de pending, and when we employ agents to protect those interests, give me leave to say that caution, jealousy, and foreeight are the qu a liti es w hi c h sh ould cha racterize our negotiations. (Cheers.) lam of the same Mind as Charles Fox was when he said he preferred the old Parliamentary word "jealousy," to the modern one, " confidence." (Cheers and laughter.) When the inte rest of millions are at stake—when the liberties of man kind are in issue--away with confidence. (Cheers.) Con fidence generally ends in credulity. (Loud cheers.) This is true of statesman as of individuals. (Hear, hear.) My lertlielthe history of Russia from the establishment of the enapireedown to the preseut moment is a history of fraud, duplicity; trickery, artifice, and violence. The present Rl:ripener hiss proclaimed- 'himself protector of the Greek Church in Turkey, just as the Empress Catherine declared herself protector of the Greek Church in Poland. By means of, that protectorate she fomented dissensions and stirred up political strife in the country. She then marched into Poland under the pretence of allaying tumults, and stripped the kingdom of some of its fairest provinces. We know the ultimate result ; it is too familiar to require more particular reference. Look at another instance of Russian policy of more recent occurrence. Russia agreed to a treaty with Turkey by which she recognised the indepen dCnce of the Crimea. Nevertheless, she stirred up insur rection in that country under the old pretence of protect ing 'one party against another, and when the opportunity , offered, she sent Suwaroff, one of her most barbarous ge nerals into the Crimea, who murdered the inhabitants and despoiled them of their territory, while a line of Russian ships invested the coast and cut off all communication with Constantinople. At the very moment when this was being done Russia was not only at peace with Turkey, but was actually negotiating a treaty of commerce with her. (Lotid cries of " Hear.") The Russian Government is Mailed by all the characteristics of Asiatic barbarism. St. Petersburg is merely a second Tobolsk. When Napoleon was going. to Egypt he took possession of Malta and an mother small, rook -in the- Mediterranean, which caused Pitt to say that there was nothing too vast for the aim of his esploition, nothing too small for the grasp of his rapa city. The remark is as applicable to Russia as it was to Napoleon. Russia has doubled her European territories Within the last 50 years, and yet she is bent on possessing herself of Khiva. The loss of two armies does not deter her from prosecuting this purpose, although the place can liot be of the slightest value to her except as affording her the means of annoying us in respect to our Eastern pos sessions. In this way does Russia go on for ever, Take the most recent instance. While Nicholas was pretend ing to act the part of protector of Turkey, and try ing to cajole the Sultan with professions of friend ship. and esteem, he was at the same time planning the partition of his empire. (Hear, hear.) This is the Emperor with whom you are now dealing, and on whose statements and representations we are to rely ! (Cheers.) When Prince Menschikoff was despatched to Constantinople Count Nesselrode assured our Government that his mission was connected with nothing but the dis pute between the Greek and Latin churches ; but after he had been a short time in Turkey the Prince opened nego tiations with the Turkish Government—which he threat ened with vengeance if it should venture to oppose his views—having for their object the placing of Nicholas in a position in which he would share the government of the country with the Sultan. Your lordships, too, may recol lect hearing at that time that Prince Menschikoff had sent a military' officer to Athens. It has now turned out that that statement was correct, and there is little reason to doubt that the Greek insurrection was the result of the mission. These circumstances should put us on our guard against placing the slightest reliance on any engagements into which Russia may enter. We must have guarantees for the fulfilment of her undertakings. Ido not mean per sonal guarantees—they are worthless. Russia has coined a new phrase of which we may avail ourselves—" material guarantees." (Cheers and laughter.) Russia must give us what she calls material guarantees; and if we hold in pledge or mortgage something valuable which she would not like to lose, we may hope to bind her to her word ' • but as for moral guarantees—as for a pledge of good faith and honour —such things, coming from Russia, are to my mind of no value whatever. But then my noble friend opposite may say,— What course would you pursue? What is your policy ? My reply is, that that would depend a good deal on the events of the war. (Hear, hear.) This, however, I unhesitatingly declare, that in no event, except that of extreme necessity, ought we to make peace without pre viously destroying the Russian fleet in the Black Sea, and laying prostrate the fortifications by which it is defended. (Great cheering.) If we leave Russia that fleet and those defences, we leave her in a position that she will be sure to coerce Turkey, because in that case Turkey must—to use the words I have already quoted—be submissive to her will. I know not what course Austria intends to pursue, but I think I may venture to state that, in this matter, she has far more at stake than either England or France. Should Russia hold permanent possession of the Principa lities, the whole southern frontier, and, indeed, the inde pendence of Austria would be threatened. If this mon strous—l know not what to call it—this leviathan Power, which stretches forth its arms so many thousand miles from west to east, and presses on the northern and eastern fron tiers of Austria, should also succeed in establishing itself on her southern frontier, Austria must be crushed. (Hear.) What course Russia will take if she should succeed in obtaining possession of the provinces of Turkey in Europe it is not for me to predict. That she will not stand still -that she will not remain stationary, is certain. She knows • usethe emphatic language of the Emperor—that sur- Xonuding nations contemplate her colossal power with awe, and know that her vast armies only await the signal for 'pouring like a deluge over the States and kingdoms of the swarld. •My lords, I feel strongl y on this subject, I arbaroui nat believe that if this b ion—this enemy of all ee o t i s ow n tr.,<F, except that which tend s t o s t reng th en an d cense i power—which punishes education as a crime .......ttitne - E e succeed in es t a bli s hi ng it se lf i n th e h ear t o f "'Per it would be the greatest calamity that could befal . thediuman • rase; Sustained cheering.) The of CL A t RENDON—Before replying to the ob servatioes of s e with all due 4ef y er n e oble f r i en d , I h ope he will permit me, gular, and therefo: i!e' to remark u p on th e somew h at irre uwerureuient, course which he has taken u pon the present occasion..-My noble f r i en d h as ma d e a loog, able, and mostlnt eres t in epeecb.—(hear, hear)—with e the view of directing year lordsb: ipe attention to a docu ment which is not before Yen, of w hi ch you can h ave cognisance/ and which has not been com u no for this reason, namel y, nicated to the Government, that Powers Governrn make known to foreign entscor aseued t . do not relative to the ir ca ionswhich . pass between them ere own affairs Your lord ships may or epee n ot, as my noble f r i en d au l'l x u'ess have . seen this document when it was published some months ago ; but I contend t hat you are not in a position to pass. judgment on a paper, the c ontents of which, I believe, for the first time. i moist 'of - yell have heard to-n ig ht into a precedent for makin g this proceeding should be drawn Governments thesub jectthe communications between f ore ign I fear we shouldbe exposed of discussion in this hou se, to the inconvenience of arriving at decisions upon incon sistent and erroneous data, and expos e ourselves to remon : strances from foreign Governme nts on acc ount of the con . elusions at which we may arrive. The document to which iv my noble friend has referred conta ins mere ly a recap lan tul d ~- tion of transactions in which the fo ur powers—Ens ed, and it France, Austria, arid Prussia—were concern ed, powers the four states; as my noble friend observed, tha t ce of the - were unanimously agreed upon the maintenaen h Sultan as - integrity of Turkey and the independence of t This document essential to the equilibrium of Europe. was transmitted by Austria and Prussia to the mem bers of the Germanic Confederation, who had felt aggrieved at , having been excluded from the negotiations relative to these transactions, which materially concerned the interests of Europe. This was a matter with which her Majesty's Government had nothing to do, and no doubt the Cabinets of Berlin and Vienna h a d su ffi c i en t reasons for not do , viating on this occasion from the mode of proceeding usually observed in similar cases. These Powers, fore - seeing that the aggressive policy of Russia might reu der war inevitable, 'conclud e d with each other an offen , sive,and defensive treaty, and then arose the necessity , of communicating it; net only . for the purpose of securing, the union of Germany against acommon enemyeand a ,coense mon danger, but also for securing the support of the large armed force which the Confederation was always willing to employ in aid of German interests. Under these circum declaration made by Austria an stances, it was not only natural . bdutpirnudsissipaeenhseaubllde b t a h v a e t the declaration made by Austria and Prussia should have re nets of Berlin and Vienna informed to German interests alone, antdh,etcheerneffeodreer,atthieenCtabbait terial and even t e poll was inconsistent with the ma , the continued military occupation of the Lower Danube D b anub . e t t i h c e a l mt,e interests oppose o f a G g e t r a m t ea of f y t , quo,_ though somewhat bainu d ga ap w p h e i a e l h ed m w u i s t t h p e r o e n ve fid fa en ta ce l t o o ambiguouslyt he m . reB"fereu3nce solely to German into eaillpurseiossnecito, has s e The greatly obstructed the free dom of the Danube. That Danube by i rests on the Lower Danube.a The occupation of the Lower the correct meaning to the declaration is I have attributed dom of com it m u eroe ss a h which states that a vast • from the paragraph field is evident a n industry in the East, and that it is and tahlerenaav opened for Ge t he outlet by the mouth of the Danube ' essential that the great should not be o b s t r ucted. The object of the de c l ara ti on i s announce that the contracting Powers would not consent to to e. toriad changes in any of the great States of Europe which would injuriously affect German interests. That is not an unnatural declaration to proceed from two great German Powers to the minor Powers whom they invited to cooperate with them for a common object. There is no• thing in the document to alter the assurance which we have received from Austria. After the philippic which my noble f r iend has pronounced against th e wor d " confidence," I am a lmost afraid to venture on a declaration of my confidence in Austria. But I think lam justified in saying that we should look at Austria as an independent Power, carrying out her own policy, having some internal dangers to appre hend and many German difficulties to contend with, and that, under these circumstances, fall allowance is not made for her difficult position. Bat, my lords, as the alliance of Austria is of great importance to us, and as far as the inland operations of the army of Austria are con cerned, I consider them to be essential to us, I think it may not be out of place if I advert to some past proceedings, and state to your lordships the facts upon which I found ray confidence in the assurances which Austria has made to us. Such a course will, I think, be more practi cal and more useful than that of following my noble and learned friend in his history of Russian aggression, the character of which I need not say is such as I must neces sarily condemn, but which, in my position, and speaking under a greater degree of responsibility than my noble and learned friend, I think it better that I should abstain from commenting upon, and confine myself to matters which may be more practically useful and more interesting to your lordships. (Hear.) I will, therefore, proceed to state what are the grounds upon which I feel confidence in the assurance of Austria. My lords, about three months ago I ventured to state in this house my belief that Austria could not remain neutral in this great contest, and that for the very reason stated by the noble and learned lord opposite, namely, that her interests more than any other power were concerned in the issue of the war, and that the menace that was held out was greater against her than against any other Power. Nay, I will now go further, and say, that if the German Powers—Austria more especially — had stood alone, they would have been compelled by every consideration of policy and self-interest to protect Turkey against the aggression of Russia. Because, if Russia remained in possession of the principalities • and, in spite of resistance on the part of Turkey, advanced to Constanti nople itself, if her fleet retained the entire command of the Black Sea, and she closed the mouths of the Danube, the commercial prosperity of Germany would be entirely de stroyed, and Austria would become, not the ally, but the vassal of Russia. True it is that there are some German Powers who still look with awe at the imaginary omnipo tence of Russia, and who seem to wish to derive a guarantee from her for their future existence ; but Austria n has not, shared in this ignominious feeling. Had_ sheem must . ) a s v o e , tleeean trality would not have been her line. MI t n not I repeat , as an compelled to take part with Russia, , Prussia too, Prus • inde pendent ally, but as a vassal But Austria, and was made on them by Russia by repelled the demand that way of convention, and from th a t moment a separation took place between Austria and Russia, which is a matter of no small importance , b eca use it has always been a sup posed that Russia, having claim on the gratitude of Aus _ taaa, would possess that influence over Austria which my noble and learned friend described. But Austria did not yield to any such influence. She had gone with us. She had declared that she agreed with us, and she supported our summons to Russia to evacuate the principalities. Therefore, I think that there was no reason to apprehend that Austria would remain neutral in this contest. But I know that it has been said that Austria has not moved with that vigour and rapidity which was called for by our intervention and by the possible necessity of the case. But I would only call upon your lordships to place your selves in the position of Austria, and to remember that up to the close of the year 1853 she did not believe in the'pos sibility of a war. She trusted to the assurances and to the friendly feelings of Russia. She believed that her wishes and her interests would not be disregarded by Russia, and that the Emperor of Russia would not turn a deaf ear to her entreaties. She did not think that the Emperor of Russia would abandon his conservative character, and be himself the disturber of the peace of Europe. We must re member also the personal feelings which entered into these considerations—that the Emperor of Austria had a strong personal regard and respect for thejEmperor of Russia, and that he had to weigh, with reference to the future, the consequences to himself and his people between the con clusion of a treaty of alliance with Russia on the one hand, and a treaty of alliance with the Western Powers on the other. We should also bear in mind, that an alliance with the Western Powers was, on the part of Austria, nothing less than a complete revolution—a change of policy so great as was not to be expected. But, as I said before, Austria readily concurred in all the changes and in all the onward movements which had been made, and when the Emperor came to deal with the inadmissable propositioni of Russia, and was not able to discover in them any assurance that the object of the Emperor of Russia was peace, he gave orders that an army of 30,000 men should be concentrated between Transylvania and the borders of. Wallachia, and he formed a treaty with the Porte that he should send troops into Servia if the Russians entered into the principality. At that time, indeed, the Emperor of Austria was disposed to act more vigorously ; and he would have concluded a convention between the Four Powers, but obstacles which were insurmountable prevented him from doing so. He, however, did agree to the protocol of the 9th of April, which embodied all the terms that had been agreed upon by the other powers. About the same time Austria and Prussia agreed to a treaty of alliance offensive and defensive, which had re ference solely to German interests, affecting, therefore, the other States of Germany, whose support and assistance it was intended to invite. But there was an additional article which accompanied that treaty, and which was of a more extended view. By that additional article the two Powers bound themselves to demand that no onward move ment should be made by Russia in sending forces into the Turkish territory. Lord LYNDHURST asked whether that additional article had been laid before Parliament ? The Earl of CLARENDON—I am not aware. I believe it has not, and that the reason is that it was not commu nicated to the Conference. The treaty alone had been com municated to the several Governments, but it was not thought right by Austria and Prussia that that which had been withheld from the conference should be communicated to the Governments. The reason the additional article was withheld was that it had reference to matters beyond what immediately concerned Germany, but at the same time a copy of the additional article was communicated to her Majesty's Government. This additional article of which I speak gave a more extended view of the parties, and it pro vided that the two powers, Austria and Prussia, should require Russia to suspend all warlike operations within the Turkish territory ; that a definite answer should be de manded on these two points; and that if such an answer was not returned as should give complete security and sa tisfaction to the two Powers, then Prussia pledged herself that she would have her army in readiness to co-operate with Austria, and, if the principalities were attacked, then Austria and Prussia together were to take the offensive. At the beginning of this month a summons by the Austrian Government, announcing that determination, was sent to St. Petersburg. - In anticipation of the answer being unfa vourable, the Austrian Government, after communicating with her Majesty's Government and with the Emperor of the French, proposed a convention with the Porte by which Austrian troops were to be permitted to enter the principa lities, in order to occupy them as long as was necessary. Austria having stated to the English and French Govern. ments that she was determined, however much her assist ance might be required, not to permit an Austrian soldier to enter the Turkish territory without having previously obtained the consent of the Sultan. At the same time Aus tria placed, at the Porte's disposal, any number of troops that might be required for reducing the insurrection in Montenegro. She also offered that her ships should co- Operate with ours in order to suppress the Greek in surrection. And, my lords, my belief is that at the close of this month, or at the beginning of the next, the Aus trian aimy, organised and fully equipped for active ser vice, will amount to 300,000 men. Now, my lords, under these circumstances, I think we may feel some confidence in the assurance of Austria, that her object and views are the same as our own, and that in the prosecution of this object we shall ,always find her. Nor can I believe that after the knowledge which Austria has acquired of Russian policy, and after the experience she has had of Russian friendship—that after the vast expense she has incurred, and the great risks to which she might be exposed—l say, I cannot believe, as the noble and learned lord would seem almost to infer, that she would be so wanting to her in terest and to her dignity as to conclude such a peace as that to which the noble and learned lord has adverted — (hear, hear)—which could be nothing but a short, hollow truce—(hear, hear) —and to which England could not be a party—(loud cheers)—a peace which could afford Austria no guarantee for the future, but would leave her entirely at the mercy of Russia, and leave Europe for ever after wards subject to the pernicious influence and oppressive policy of that Power. (Hear.) My noble and learned friend has asked what were the terms which would be pro posed for effecting a peace with Russia. My lords,- I can not possibly say, any more than my noble and learned friend, upon what terms peace can be made. That must depend upon the chances and the contingencies of war. And indeed, my lords, if I did know upon what terms we alone would be prepared to make peace—if I was prepared to say that we would accept no other terms than those which the noble and learned lord him self would accede to—l assure your lordships it would be the most imprudent course I could possibly take. (Hear.) But this we know, that the policy of Russia and the power she has hitherto possessed of carrying it out, have been and are dangerous to the peace and well-being of Europe, and that both are adverse to the cause of progress and of civilisation. And we also know that the object and interest of Europa must be to curtail that power and to check that policy. We know that the means of doing it are now so great and effectual, and that the opportunity is 19 wonderfully favourable, that if we were now to neglect it, .we should i n va i n h ope for its return. All Europe i s not to be disturbed, great interests are not to be injured, L'a People ar e no t t o have fresh burdens imposed upon abru , p great tor n and commercial relati ons are n o t to be Europe are nasunder, and all the grea t es t P owers o f not result. I thiukto be united in arms fur an insignificant postpone the n you must agree that repression will only in —(The lastaawzr,oand that safety can alone be found cheers that followed t f he the noble earl was lost amid the The Earl of DERBY rose e s f e of his speech.) brie or two observation& The e r the purpose of making only noble ear l h a d en t ere d i nto tho question with hi s wonted vigour and e • rspicuity but ' still ho thought that the terms of the treaties which had been signed and commented upon by his noble and lear ned serious friend were of a c h a r acter to cause most se • apprehen sions n with regard to the course which might be pursued by t w o great Powers of Europe — Austria and P russ i a. W ith out knowing what were the precise terms of the additional article of the treaty between those two Powers, he could not with any certainty as to the policy which had bee speak He thought the noble earl had been n adopted by them. in less usual s attempt to explain the non-pro fortunate than oftreaty. The nobli portion the earl had duction of that of the treaty between Austria and as if the terms spoken been s imilar to what had been assented to by had England and France. If that hap been the case, his noble and learned friend would have had no cause to complain. put _:~_ . the case put forward by his noble and learned friend was this—that a document purporting to be the result of a con feren9e between Prussia and Austria had been submitted to the Government, by which those Powers declared that what ever .might be the result of the war in other respects, the whole object they had in view was that the integrity of Turkey should be maintained, but that being done, so also should the territory of Russia be maintained, thereby lead ing naturally to the inference that if the territory of Turkey were to be secured, or rather if an engagement could be en tered into that the principalities should be evacuated, then there would be an end to all the efforts on the part of Aus tria and Prussia. If after that England and France should go further, and still continue the war, then Anstria and ' Prusia under the terms of that agreement, would have a right to step in and say—" No ; we have said, whatever may be the result, the territory of Turkey should be main ;Pained inviolate ; it has been so maintained ; if you proceed further, and make an infringement upon the Russian ter titory, that is more than you have a right to demand, and we cannot go with you. Su far as the evacuation of the principalities is concerned, you can reckon upon our al liance, but no further." The noble earl has passed lightly over this which was the pinching part of the statement of his noble and learned friend—the more pinching because it threw a doubt up the intentions of Austria and Prussia. Ry the terms of their treaty they would put a limit to their obligations. If Russia evacuated the principalities, they offered no security for the future independence and integrity of Turkey. They give no material guarantee for its security as an independent nation. But, according to the interpretation put upon the agreement by his noble and learned friend, and by any rational man, Austria and Prus sia might in such a case naturally stand aloof—and, still more, they might take part with Russia against any of the allied Powers, however opposed it might be to the peace and tranquillity of Europe. Hie noble friend (the Earl of Clarendon) insisted upon the sincerity of Aus tria. There was no question raised about the sincerity of Austria—the only question was, what was the inten tion of Austria ? Austria, no doubt, was sincere in de claring the necessity of Russia evacuating the princi palities, and of her not attempting to pass the Balkan. But the question was not as to the sincerity of Austria. The question was, what was the real meaning of Austria, and how far could England rely on , her co-ope ration in the event of the Emperor Nicholas so far coin ' plying with the terms pressed upon him as to evacuate the principalities, and then subsequently declaring that he would retain all his existing possessions ? It had been very satisfactory to him to hear the noble earl state again what he had stated on a former occasion—that as we were now embarked in this war, it was pleasing to know that we were not embarked in it for any private object ; that there had beeu forced upon us a great question, which had been growing 'up for years - that the solution of that question , having been so forced upon us, must be settled once and for ever, finally, conclusively, and effectually. (Hoar, hear.) He was rejoiced more than be could express on hearing that declaration repeated by the noble earl, because mire he was that the people of this country, greatly as they might be indisposed to enter upon a war at all, much as they might feel the pressure upou their interests, much as ehey might recoil from all the dangers and all the horrors that would be incurred, their disinclination would be infi nitely greater to arrive at the conclusion of a shameful and a dishonourable peace—(cheers)-- and a dishonourable peace he was confident they would declare that to be which would not effectually check the growing ambition of Rus sia, and restrain her not merely within her existing limits, but rescue from her those portions of her conquests which rendered her so arrogant and overbearing, and take from her those territories which should afford a material guaran tee against a renewal of those ambitious projects by which . any further disturbance of the peace of Europe might be effectually and permanently prevented. (Cheers.) But this he would say, that the people of this country, having expendeh very large sums of money, having made incredible exertions, and being prepared to make still greater exertions and meet all the inconveniences of a war, he was convinced they would not he satisfied unless the Government resolved that from henceforth there should be security takon for the independence, not of Turkey alone, but of the neigh bouring States of Russia against Russian aggression. But above all, as his noble and learned fried had said, one great object with them ought to be—as well in point of honour as of policy—not to desert that gallant people—(cheers)— whose course we hap advised, and who had so valiantly pursued that course—not to make our own terms, and then finally leave them to the vengeance of Russia when she had no other enemy to deal with. (Hear, hear.) Were we to adopt such a course, we should be guilty of a base betray al of our duty. (Cheers.) For the future it was impos sible to permit that the Black Se should be a Russian lake —(cheess)—or that the Danube should be a Russian ditch choked with mud and filth. (Cheers.) We must have a material guarantee for the peace of Europe, and te re joiced in the language which had been held by his noble friend on the part of her Majesers Government. That language would give perfect satisfaction, and he trusted that the country would see it followed up by the whole of her Majesty's Government, by acts as vigorous and deci sive as the language of the noble lord. The Earl of ABERDEEN said—My noble friend has so fully expressed the views and intentions of her Majesty's Governmen that little remains for me to say. At the same time I cannot help making a few observations on what has fallen from my noble and learned friend opposite. I think the speech of my noble and learned friend would have been somewhat more appropriate and in place three months ago than at the present moment. At that time it might have been, perhaps, necessary to stimulate the in dignation and martial feelings of this country against a Power with which we were not thed yet at war, but having now engaged in war with Russia, I think it was not requisite to indulge in that eloquent and protracted phillipic which my noble and learned friend has de livered in detailing the policy of the Russian Govern ment for many years past. My noble and learned friend's fpeech reminded me of old times. I recollect, 25 years ago, having had the pleasure of making known to him, then sitting on the woolsack, the French Ambas sador of the day, a man of lively imagination and much wit, and the ambassador's observation to me afterwards was :—" Chancellor, do you call him? Surely, he is a colonel of Dragoons." (General laughter.) Now, it seemed to me that my noble and learned friend's speech to-night partook of the characteristic thus ascribedto him. lam most happy to see that my noble and learned friend retains all his vigour and martial energy—(laughter)--and I only beg to observe that I think his speech would have been more appropriate before we had entered into war than after we were fully engaged in it, and when wo do not re quire those incentives to hostilities which otherwise might have been needed. As this war at its commencement was so strictly of a defensive character, I can fully understand the cause of that apparent ambiguity in the expressions to which my noble and learned friend has referred. Your I lordships will recollect that, throughout, the object was to resist the unjustifiable aggression of Russia against the Turkish territory. Such was the declaration of her Ma jesty when publishing to the country the cause of war. Her Majesty declared that the purpose of the war was to protect an ally against an unjust aggression, and, through out, the integrity of the Turkish empire and the independ ence of the Sultan were the main objects—the objects put forward, I say, exclusively, as the cause of war. There fore, it never occurred to provide against Turkish con quests on the Russian territory. Our object, and that of Europe, in all these protocols and engagements was to preserve entire the territory of Turkey and the independ i once of the Sultan. Consequently, in reciting these ob jects, there might be, no doubt, an ambiguity in confining the objects of war to those points to which I have ad verted, and in not having in view the possibility of any en croachment on the Russian territory. But that does not follow the least in the world from any engagement to which we are parties. Austria is an independent Power, and most happy have we been that Austria has engaged with us so far as she has done; but if Austria refuses to go fur ther than those engagements, to whibh we all four have been parties, what power have we to compel her to do so ? Austria is acting now both with a view to consult her own interests and the general interests of Europe. Austria is now listening to the advice of that veteran and able states man—(hear, hear)—whom my no bl e an d l earne d f r i en d eu logised, and' have no doubt will be guided by him, and bya due regard to her ow n i n t eres t s an d th e great interests of Europe. Therefore I attach no weight to the apparent am biguity to which my noble and learned friend referred. As to the conditions with which we should be satisfied, on the conclusion of war, and the objects which we should have in view, it would bo both premature and unwise to pretend now to decide. My noble and learned friend, to be sure, has given the Emperor of Russia due notice that he had better lose no time iu fortifying Sebastopol, for my noble and learned friend has already announced his desire to lay his hand on that stronghold, and I dare say his Majesty the Emperor will follow my noble and learned friend's advice. (Laughter.) Butthe conditions for the termination of hos tilities are, I say, those wnich can only be described by the expression—" a just and honourable peace." Now that must depend in a great measure on the progress of the war. If it should happen that you find the Russians at Constantinople it is perfectly clear that the conditions of peace may be very different from what they might be if the allies find them selves at St. Petersburg. Therefore, the whole course of negotiations must be based on the progress of events. All I can say is, that at all times I shall advocate an honourable peace, though bent on obtairing, the great objects we have in view—the security, integrity, and independence of the Porte, and, as far as reasonable, what is called the security of Europe which, however, I cannot say I feel to be very much in danger by the chance of Russian aggression. For let me remind mynoble and learned friend that when that disastrous treaty of Adrianople to which he refers, was con cluded, at a time when the Russian troops were within 50 miles of Constantiimple—a treaty, I admit, to be most onerous and disasterous—still no acquisition of Turkish territory was made by Russia. (Intimations of dissent.) Two or three small ports in Asia were taken possession of by Russia (hear, hear), but not an inch of territory in Europe ; and the principalities were evacuated. [An ex clamation of "the Danube ."] The Danube?—No doubt, I have already expressed my . opinion in this house with regard to the treaty of Adrianople ; and no one has ever descritted the disastrous and onerous nature of its condi tions more ttrongly than myself. (Hear, hear.) But I say, considering , the position at that time of the Russian army, which was almost at the gates of Constantinople, that treaty did not show any great desire of territorial ag grandisement. And what htppened since that treaty was made, 25 years ago ? Sinee that moment hfis Russia ac quired a single inch of Turkish territory ? Has Russia any hostility to the with Turkey at all ? Nona in the world. The only interference that Russia has had with Turkey has been to save the existence of a Turkish empire by sending a Russian army to Constanti nople to protect it against Egyptian invasion. That is all that has happened since the treaty of Adrianople. There has been no war, there has been no aggressian, but only a single service, rendered to Turkey by Rus sia. I think that if we can secure tranquility for 25 years to come we shall not do amiss ; and that ought !to be the object wo should have in view. I quite agree with those who, notwithstanding they may have been led away by the excitement of the moment at the commencement of hostilities, still think that we ought never to close our to the voice of peace ; and I, for one, so long, or as soon as ever I see the prospect of a just and honourable peace in view, shall most certainly endea vour to attain it. Now, this may not suit the spirits of those who are more bent upon hostile measures ; but it must not be taken as implying that I am in different to the conduct of the war. On the contrary, I venture to say, that those who most desire peace may bo most prepared to carry on war with tho utmost vigour and determination—not to wreak vengeance on an enemy for whom personally we can feel no hatred but to obtain with more certainty and security such a peace as we ought to desire. That is the reason and that is the motive which will induce me to carry on the war with the utmost possible vigour —(hear, hear)—and I do trust that in carrying on war, animated by these feelings, which ought to inspire all Christian nations, we may look for the attainment of the great object, peace, in a shorter time than many noble lords think probable. (Hear, hear.) Lord BEAUMONT contended that the apparent mean ing of the documents was, that the view of the Four Powers . were the same, and that this country was evidently bound, under the circumstances, to respect simply and purely th© •_ .:.r ,t~l THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 20, 1854. present territorial arrangements. He did not see why in the world this country should have anything to do with the treaty between Prussia and Austria. But, however clear and positive the language used byAustria and Prussia appeared to be, and however much confirmed afterwards by the Bamberg conference, yet ho could not but allow that the speech of the noble Foreign Secretary went a great way to remove the impression produced by the documents; and that advantage, even if it were all that the noble and learned lord had obtained by bringing this subject before the house, was not to be despised. If the debate had ended with the speech of the noble Foreign Secretary, there would have been every hope that the peace to be obtained would be a pease that would cripple Russia ; and a peace, which did not cripple that gigantic Power and tend to strengthen its oonstant and mortal enemy, Turkey, would not be anything like such a peace as this country ought to be satisfied with in return for all the sacrifices it had made. But his hopes on this head had been somewhat cooled by the calmer language of the noble earl at the head of the Government; and when the noble earl spoke of the treaty of Adrianople as not giving any territorial power to Russia, he almost feared whether a peace giving Russia, if, not increased territory, increased moral power, would not be considered a necessity of the time. The noble Foreign Secretary hal alluded to the offer of Austria to send troops into Montenegro and the northern parts of Albania to put down the insurrection. Now, if any papers had been com municated to the Gobernment, showing what had passed between the Porte and Austria on that head, he should like to have them laid on the table of the house ; because, not long ago, before the war with Russia broke out, Aus tria did all it could to protect the rebels in Montenegro. He should like to be assured that it was the fact that, under no circcumstances whatever, Austrian troops would enter any Ottoman territory without the positive demand of the Porte ; and he repeated his request that all papers referring to the matter might be laid on the table. The subject then droppet The Customs Duties Bill passed through committee. The Excise Duties Bill was read a third time and passed. Their lordships adjourned shortly after eight o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS —(YESTERDAY.) The SPEAKER took the chair shortly before 4 o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Lords' amendments to the Hamilton Waterworks Bill were considered and agreed to. The following bills were read a third time and passed : —Dublin and Wicklow and Dublin and Kingstown Rail ways ; Farnworth and Kearsley Gas ; and Stourbridge and Bridgnorth Road. PETITION. Petitions were presented by Col. PHIPPS, from the Mayor and Corporation of Bridgewater, against the Police Bill ; Sir T. WINNINGTON, from Worcestershire, to the same effect; Alderman CHALLIS, from Finsbury, praying for the abolition of church rates ; Mr. CHRISTOPHER, from landowners in Lincolnshire, praying for alterations in the Drainage of Lands Bill ; Mr. OLIVEIRA, from the corpora tion of Pontefract, against the Police Bill ; Sir G. PECHELL, from the mayor, aldermen, and council, to the same effect; also a petition from Rye, praying for the total abolition of church rates ; Mr. HADFIELD, from the corporation of Sheffield, in favour of a decimal coinage; another petition from Sheffield in favour of the claims of Poland; by Mr. HoRRFALL, from the corporation of Liverpool, against the new Police Bill ; by Mr. HENLEY, to the= same effect, from Oxford ; by Mr. MILNER, to the same effect, from the corporation of York ; by Colonel PEEL, from the corporation of Huntingdon, to the same effect ; by the Marquis of GRANBY, thirty-seven petitions from places in Yorkshire, in favour of a ten hours' factory bill; by Mr. MACKINNON, from the cor poration of Ryde, against the Police Bill ; by Lord HOTHAM, from the corporation of Hull, to the same effect; Mr. MILLIGAN, from Bradford, to the same effect ; Mr. ATHERTON, from the corporation of Durham, to the same effect ; Mr. THOS. CHAMBERS, from the corporation of Maldon, to the same effect ; Mr. DIVETT, from the corporation of Exeter, to the same effect ; Mr. M. GIBSON, to the same effect, from the corpora tion of Manchester; Mr. FORSTER, to the same effect from the corporation of Walsall ; Lord DUDLEY STUART, from the parish of St. Pancras, in favour of a bet ter supply of water to the metropolis; Mr FORBES, from places in the north, in favour of a ten hours' bill ; Mr. CALEY, from the North Riding, against the Police Bill; Mr. MILES, from the Rev. Joseph Ditcher, Vicar of South Brent, praying that such an alteration may be made in the law relating to the trial and punishment of ecclesiastical offences as may remedy its defective machinery, and the excessive expense which attends the prosecution of any suit tending to repress the teaching of erroneous doctrine, or the enforcement of the due obser vance of sound discipline in the Established Church. On the motion of the hon. member this petition was read by the Clerk at the table. Mr. CHALLIS from the mayor, aldermen, and citizens of Salisbury against the Police Bill ; Mr. E. BALL, from the corporation of Cambridge, t 3 the same effect; also several petitions in favour of a Ten Hours' Bill. LIFE RAFT. Mr. OT WAY asked the First Lord of the Admiralty, whether he had any objection to lay on th© table of tba house the report made by Sir Baldwin Walker, in the month of March, 1854, on the Petent Tubular Life Raft, invented by Mr. Parratt. The hon. gentleman advertedto the recent loss of life in the Europa, which ho and others attributed to the want of sufficient boat accommodation on hoard this ship. Sir J. GRAHAM demurred to the hon. gentleman's statement of facts, but there would be no objection to the production of the' report. The Board of Admiralty had decided against the boat. O❑ the motion of Mr. °TWAY the report was ordered to be laid on the table. THE TIGER. Sir G. PECHELL asked if any provisions would be made for 'muting the comfort of the prisoners of war who had belonged to the ill-fated Tiger. Sir J. GRAHAM replied in the affirmative. Arrange ments would be made through the agency of an ambassador at St. Petersburg of a friendly Power. MINISTER OF WAR. In reply to Lord D. STUART, Lord J. RUSSELL stated that it was proposed to take a vote for the expenses of this office. MR. STRUTT. Mr. STRUPT entered into an explanation of the circum stances which had led to his resignation of the office of Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancastr. In the first forma tion of the present Government he was unexpectedly requested by the . noble lord the President of the Council to accept that office. He was at the time unacquainted with the duties of the office, but he knew they were light, and he accepted the office upon the under standing that the whole of his time should be at the dis posal of the Government. Ho afterwards discovered, how ever, that the office imposed no Parliamentary duties whatever upon him, and he more than once requested to be ralieved from its responsibility long before he had an opportunity of resigning it. Shorly after the Whitsuntide recess he received a communication which induced him to wait upon the Lord President of the Council, from whom he learned that arrangements had been made for re-orga nizing the Government, which only waitedhis concurrence. In point of fact he was told that the completion of these ar rangements would require him to resign his office, and he at once in reply to their appeal tendered to the Crown the resignation which he bad held since the first formation of the present Government. Reports had gone abroad that he had either been a party to these, arrangements, which ho disapproved of, or that he had attached a condition to his resignation, but he cou ld assure th e house that there was no foundation for such reports. He had been no party to the arrangements which his noble friend' referred to, nor was he driven into the resignation of his office ; but after hearing the statement of his noble friend he immediately, without consulting any one, ten dered the resignation of his office. This was a simple state ment of the facts of the change which had taken place in the Government with regard to himself. (Cheers.) POLICE BILL. Mr. P. MILES wished to know if it was intended to bring in the second reading of the Police Bill to-night. Lord J. RUSSELL said certainly not to-night, nor on any day this week. Probably it would be taken next woek, and he would give due notice of the day. AFFAIRS OF GREECE. Mr. COBDEN asked the noble lord if he could afford him a day for bringing under the attention of the house the papers relating to the affairs of Greece ? Lord J. RUSSELL said if the hon. gentleman would give notice of any motion he might wish to submit to the house on the subject, he should be ready to consider whethor any day could be given for bringing on that motion. OUR AMBASSADOR AT TURKEY. Mr. BRIGEIT remarked that there was a rumour abroad that the ambassador from this country to the Sublime Porte had been recalled, and he wished to ask the noble lord if there was any truth in that statement ? Lord J. RUSSELL had not heard the report, bat there was no truth whatever in it. (Cheers.) OXFORD UNIVERSITY - BILL. The committee on this bill was then resumed. Mr. PH INN moved the insertion of the following clause : And whereas it is expedient to prevent credit being given to persons studying at Universities and schools who have not attained the age •of twenty-one years, be it en acted, that from and after the passing of this act, no action or suit shall be commenced or maintained in any court of law or equity, for the recovery of any debt or de mand contracted or incurred by any; person under the age of twenty-one years, who at the time of contracting or incurring such debt or demand, shall be a student in any university or college, or a pupil in any school or insti tution for the purpose of education, or who shall be a pupil residing with any tutor within the United Kingdom, nor upon any deed, bond, or obligation given as a security for any such debt or demand so incurred by such pupil while under the age of 21 as aforesaid. That from and after the passing of this alt, the Court of the Vice-Chancellor of Oxford shall in all matters of law be governed by the common and statute law of the realm, and not by the rules of the eivil law : That it shall be lawful for any three of the judges of the superior courts to make such rules as they may deem fit for the regulation of the procedure of the said Court ; and that tho said court shall proceed in all matters subject to the said rules in conformity with the mode of procedure established in the County Courts : That all all persons duly admitted to act as counsel or attorney in any court of law or eqUity shall be admitted to practise in the said court ; and that no person in Holy Orders shall be permitted to practise therein as advocate or proctor." Mr. HENLEY objected to the clause. The CHANCELLOR, of the EXCHEQUER thought the principle of the existing law was sound, though means had been found for defeating its spirit. At the same time ex ceptional legislationiwas objectionable, and he could not re commend this clause for the adoption of the committee. After some further discussion the clause was withdrawn. Mr. EL A.CKETT moved a clause prohibiting the adminis tering any oath on admission toany office or emolument in the university or the colleges. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER opposed the clause, and argued that the authorities of the univer sity should have the decision of the question. On a divisionthe motion was rejected by 109 to 71. Mr. JOHN PHILLIMORE moved a clause to the effect that, after the Ist December next, no person should, on account of hie rank, be permitted to pass his examina tion or take a degree sooner than any other undergraduate. On a division this motion was rejected by 67 to 66. Mr. BOWYER moved a clause, the object of which was to.restore the study of civil law and jurisprudence in the university by making it imperative upon the candi date for the degree of doctor of civil law to undergo a legal examination. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER urged that the committee was not engaged in framing a system of studies for the university. The motion was withdrawn, and the bill at last passed through committee, and the report was ordered to be brought upon Thursday. - - NEWSPAPER STAIIP. Mr. GIBSON said that he wished to put a question to the hon. gentleman the Secretary for the Treasury, in the ~ .A_ absence of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The question I had reference to the postage on printed matter up to a certain limited weight. There was a Treasury order which permitted printed matter of a certain weight, not being of the character of newspaper printed matter, to go through the post for one penny. Ho wished to know whether there would be any objection to lay that Trea sury order on the table. It had been brought under his notice within the last few days that the Board of Inland Revenue, acting under that order, required per sons to make something like a false declaration, in order to obtain the privileges which the Treasury accorded in this respect—that the required persons to declare, in order that they might be able to send printed pam phle!,s through the post, that these pamphlets were newspapers, when everybody knew, the Board of In land Revenue themselves included, that they were not newspapers. (Hear, hear) Ho would give an instance of one of these false declarations. There was the case of a publication called the " Quarterly Statement of the Society for Promoting the Employment of Ad ditional Curates in Populous Places." That could not be a newspaper because it was published quarterly, and could not in any respect come under the description of a news paper. Mr. R. Clay, of Hornsey, was called on to make this declaration :—" I solemnly declare and say that I am the printer, publisher, and proprietor of a newspaper called the `Quarterly Statement of the Society, &c.,' and I make this solemn declaration, conscientiously believing the same to be true, and in pursuance of an act passed in the reign of William IV., for reducing the duty on news papers. Mr. R. Clay was thus required to say that he conscientiously believed this to be a newspaper when he knew that it was not, when the Board of Inland Revenue knew that it was not, and when every one else knew that it was not a newspaper or anything like a newspaper. (Hear, hear.) If it was the intention of the Treasury to allow such printed matter to go through the Post-office for one penny what sense was there in requiring persons to go through this preliminary form, which approached to some thing very like a falsehood. He was sorry the Chancellor of the Exchequer was not in the house, because he perceived that the right hon. gentleman was a member of this very society, and therefore, to a certain extent, a participator in the sys tem of makine , loose declarations ; and what for ? He would not say it was for the purpose of absolutely defraud ing the revenue; but it certainly tended to lessen the charge which these publications would otherwise have to pay. If the act was strictly complied with these publica tions, not being newspapers, would have to pay according to weight, and would, therefore, h e an a dditi on t o the public revenue. It was not for him to &fen' the public revenue, but both on moral and financial grounds the sub ject was worthy of attention. He therefore asked the hon. gentleman to let them see the order ; and he wished also to know if it allowed these publications to go through the post for a penny, and at the same time fettered it with the condition of requiring a false declaration? He was desi rous to receive an answer to these questions because he was acquainted with a gentleman who was anxious to avail himself of the privilege, but did not wish to make the false declaration that the publication was a newspaper when he knew that it was not. (Hear.) lie wished to ask whether, if the Government were not prepared to deal with the larger question, they would not settle this ? Mr. J. WILSON said that his right hon. friend accused the Board of Inland Revenue of calling on people to make false declarations, but his right hon. friend did so under a misapprehension of the real state of the case. It was true that the Treasury, on the representation of the Post-office, had so far relaxed the regulations as to permit pamphlets to be stamped as newspapers, and, being open at both ends to pass through the Post-office. But the Board of Inland Revenue had nothing to do with the matter. They said to applicants, "If you call your pamphlet a newspaper, here are the conditions attached to its publication ?" It was for the applicant to define it and for the board to affix the stamp. It was quite true that various publications passed through the Post-office under the character of newspapers. NOthing was more common than for private commercial firms to call their trade circulars newspapers ; have them so entered at Somerset-house, and so obtain their passage through the Post-office. When a person went to Somerset-house, all the Commissioners of Inland Revenue had to do was to see whether it was proper that permission should be given to affix a stamp, and that the party applying made the declaration as required by law. The person applying, declared not only that the publication was a newspaper, but that it was his property, and that he conscientiously be lieved that all he stated was true. It was not for the board to doubt the man's word, but the best course would be to lay the correspondence between the Treasury and the Post-office on the table, as the right hon, member required. Jilr. BRIGHT thought the hon. member for Westbury had not been at all suecessful in answering the question of his right hon. friend, bat ause it was quite clear that the officer at Somerset-house must have known that the pub lication in question was not a newspaper. It purported to be the quarterly account of the society for providing ad ditional curates in the church of England, a society of which the Chancellor of the Exchequer and both arch bishops were members. A pamphlet published quarterly could not come under the class which our ill-defined news paper law defined as newspapers, nor under the definition given last year. The fact was that the Board of Inland Revenue treated different people in a different manner. In this case the society could stamp, suppose 500 pamphlets for country circulation under the pretence that they were newspapers, while at the same time they were permitted to circulate their unstamped publications in town. How came it then in other cases, the Board of In land Revenue did not allow parties to act in that manner, but required a person living in the next street to stamp all his issue of what they defined to be a newspaper. It ap peared that there was one law and two applications of the law. He (Mr. Bright) thought it but fair that in all these fiscal matters where taxes were levied, they should be levied without distinction, and that the board should not exercise a kind of censorship under which publications of one class were allowed to go part stamped and part un stamped, while others were obliged to bear a stamp on every copy. The hen. member for Westbury said that the board had nothing to do with the matter, that the party applying made a declaration, and the board was obliged to receive it as valid. But did he mean to say that if a pei-- son brought a pair of boots to Somerset-house and sought to pass them through the post with a penny stamp, the officer would take his declaration for granted ? (A laugh.) In such a case he believed that the officer would open his eyes a little and come to the conclusion that the boots were not a newspaper. There was another point to which he (Mr. Bright) wished to call the atten tion of the Government—he meant the case of the Penny Commercial Journal, published in Dublin by Mr. Shaw. When he had last put the question to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that right hon. gentleman said that the verdict in Mr. Shaw's favour was a bad verdict, and should undergo further consideration. But on the faith of that verdict persons were publishing who would be liable to prosecution if it should be overturned. He hoped, there fore, that if Government intended to take any further steps in the matter their course would be explained by the At torney-General. - The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that the matter was not in his department. It was an Irish prosecution, and of course in the hands of the Attorney-General for Ireland. It had not been brought before him, and, in the absence of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, he could not say a word on the subject. Mr. M. GIBSON reminded the hon. and learned gen tleman that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had said, that as the verdict in question effected a number of Eng lish periodicals it had been referred to the English Attor ney-General. The house then went into committee of SUPPLY. On the vote for the sum of 164,165/. for the maintenance of prisoners in county gaols and lunatic asylums, Mr. SCHOLEFIELD moved the reduction of the vote by 1001., being the salary for chaplain, on the ground that the same rule laid down by the committee ought to be ex tended to all creeds. Colonel GREVILLE complained of the insults that were offered in that house to the Roman Catholic creed, and urged the committee to take a wider view of the question. Mr. CHAMBERS contended that the State could make for prisoners only the same religious provision that it made for those who had not forfeited their liberty. Sir G. GREY said that the sum in question was given between the Roman Catholic and the Protestant chap lains, and that if this vote were refused the unhappy indi viduals in the asylum would be deprived of all religious consolation. Mr. H. DRUMMOND said that the Government had no right to provoke such discussions while blowing hot and cold on the subject of Catholicism and Protestanism. After some observations by Mr. Phinn, Mr. Adderley, and Lord Seymour, Mr. SPOONER declared his conviction that for a Pro testant nation to support a Popish priesthood was a sin. He denied that he had abused the Roman Catholics, or had said anything than that he believed them labouring under a dangerous delusion. He justified the course he had taken on a previous night in oppositing a new vote, and said that he should support the present proposition of Government. Lord PALMERSTON said that the vote proposed the other night was not a new one, and that no decision of the house had ever occasioned more painful feelings in his mind than that which was then given. He could not have believed that, in the present age of enlightenment and liberality, such a vote could have been arrived at. It re minded him of the decay of the Eastern Empire, when, Constantinople being besieged by the Turks, the foolish Greeks, instead of uniting againsi the common enemy, were fighting among themselves upon the most trivial mat ters. Here we havice, profligacy, and infidelity against us, and, instead of grappling with these enemies, we were squabbling about petty differences and refusi ng t o mise rable wretches the instruction which might convert them into useful members of society. But the proposed amend ment exceeded that of the other night in peculiarity. He dwelt energetically upon the cruelty of making the un happy people in gaols the victims of our religious dis sensions. Mr. LUCAS complained that both Church of England and Dissenting teachers were paid, while Roman Catholics were not, and he characterized the decision of the other night as a shabby one. Justice was not done in our pri sons to the Roman Catholic prisoners. The present system was one of torture. Mr. S. HERBERT admitted that the present proposal was the logical sequence of the vote of the other night. After a tribute to the voluntary principle, to which he said the Church was indebted for much of her present strength and energy, he urged that this was a question between Christianity and Heathendom. In further refer ence to the preceding vote, he demanded why Mr. Spooner and those who supported him had not pushed the question further ? Why had they not refused the grant for Roman Catholic instruction for the army, for which there was not so good a case as for those whose interests were now in question ? The reason was that they dared not. He hoped that this amendment would be rejected, because the having clone injustice to one portion of the population was no reason for doing injustice to another, and for refusing the religious instruction necessary for the salvation of all, but especially of those whom we had shut up, as was al leged, for reformation. After some observations from Mr. NAPIER, Mr. SPOONER declared that if any specific grant for Roman Catholic chaplains for the army was asked, it had escaped his notice ; but it should not do so again. Mr SIDNEY HERBERT rejoined that 18,0001. a-year l w a a in s v o.t wereed fo r r h t e a s p t la an i t n a s , a a n n h d d t t h e a t o t t w h n o r - s t h w i r e d r s e o f ß s o u i n c h a n c ha Ca tholics Mr. JOHN O'CONNELL, though feeling that injustice which had been done to Roman Catholics, refused to de prive his Protestant fellow-subjects of the consolations of religion. The committee divided, and the numbers were— For the original vote 246 __ For Mr. Scholefield's amendment The CHAIRMAN then put the vote in its original form. In answer to a question by Colonel DUNNR as to certain allowances made to Ireland for county rates at the time of the repeal of the oorn laws, The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said he was quite unable to inform the hon. and gallant member as to the disposal of moneys long antecedent to his assumptiat of OftCO. J3e would ouggest to the box., and gallant gentle. man the propriety of moving for a return of the moneys voted for the pu r p oses alluded to, and the manner in which they had been disposed of, and then he would lay the foundation for any further proceeding s which he might think it necessary to t a k e . Th a t wou ld be much more convenient than renewing discussions of this kind without the house being in possession of any information whatever on the subject. Colonel bUNNE said he would move for the appoint ment of a committee at the first opportunity. After a few remarks from Mr. Macartney, Mr. W. Wil liams, Mr. Fitzroy, and Mr. F. French, the vote was agreed to. A vote of 92,765/. for the expenses of transportation of convicts was agreed to. On a voto of 312,702 for convict establishments in the colonies, Mr. G. DIINDAS desired an explanation of the disparity between the cost of convicts at Gibraltar and in Western Australia, the latter being more than double that of the former. Mr. PEEL said it might, perhaps, be accounted for by the fact that in Western Australia large numbers of con victs were in service, but at Gibraltar they were in con• finement, and provisioned by the Government. Mr. AbDEALEY thought that was a reason why the cost in Western Australia should be less and not more than in Gibraltar. Mr. PEEL stated that provisions were much dearer in Australia, and considerable expense had been incurred in the construction of prisons. After some further explanations, the vote was agreed to. The next vote of 4,0421. for civil establishments in Ber mudas was agreed to without observation, b u t it a pp eare d members had been unable to follow the Secretary of the Treasury, and there was a general exclamation of Where are we 1" ➢ir. WILSON said it was the first vote of No. 5, the education votes, No. 4, having been postponed for a few days, as stated by the noble lord (Lord John Russell). Mr. WILLIAMS complained bitterly that they had not been told that the votes were to be taken irregularly. He had intended to objoct to the last vote, and could only say the Government had carried it " downright surrepti tiously." (A laugh.) The hon. member proceeded to ask explanations on some matters connected with the vote just passed, which were afforded by Mr. Peel, though some what out of order. On the vote, of 7,5471. for the clergy in the Bahamas and North America, Mr. ADDERLEY inquired whether or not the Colonial Clergy Bill was to be proceeded with this session ? Lord J. RUSSELL said that he could not give a decided answer to this question, as this point had not been finally determined. He, however, promised to give a more ex plicit answer upon a future day. Another vote of 9,9381. for the Indian department of Canada was agreed to, after which, upon the motion of Mr. BROTEIERTON, the house resumed, and the Chairman reported progress, and obtained leave to sit again. PUBLIC REVENUE AND CONSOLIDATED FUND CHARGES BILL. The house having gone into committee on this bill, Mr. CRAUFITED rose to move an amendment of the schedules by which the salaries of the sheriffs and sheriffs substitutes in Scotland might be removed from schedule A and placed in schedule B, thus making them subject to the annual vote of Parliament. Colonel DUNNE moved the adjournment of the discus sion upon this bill. There were several important amend ments which could not be properly considered at that late hour. Mr. WILSON hoped the discussion would be delayed till Thursday, when he intended to move the third reading of the bill. He had prepared a clause to meet the objec tions of the hon. members opposite, and ho would propose its insertion on the third reading. Mr. V. SCULLY supported the motion for an adjourn ment. He intended to propose an amendment to the effect that the English judges should be placed on the same foot ing as their Irish brethren. Mr. NAPIER also hoped that the farther consideration of the bill would be delayed. Mr. HENLEY said it had been understood, that when the house met at noon no discussion would be entered into after midnight. It was now half-past 12, and really, if the debate was allowed to go on, he would advise hon. members to bring their beds with them. (A laugh.) Lord J. RUSSLL—That arrangement was only to be enforced when the house had a morning sitting. Mr. HENLEY—WeII, we are to meet at 12 o'clock to day. Mr. WILSON said there was one class of estimates to be laid on the table of the house which it would be impossible to dispose of until this bill should have passed into law. Mr. J. BUTT saw no good reason why the bill should be urged forward at that advanced hour. Lord J. RUSSELL then consented to the adjournment of the debate till Thursday, and the debate was adjourned accordingly. WARWICK ASSIZES BILL. This bill was read a second time, and ordered to be com mitted on Thursday. VICE-ADMIRALTY COURT (MAURITIUS) BILL. This bill wag read a second time, and ordered to be com mitted on Thursday. VALUATION OF LANDS (SCOTLAND) BILL. This bill was committed pro forma, and ordered to be re-committed. PAROCHIAL SCHOOLMASTERS (SCOTLAND) BILL. This bill was read a second time, and ordered to be com• m itted on Tuesday. POOll LAW. Mr. BAINES obtained leave to bring in a bill to con tinue the Poor-law Commission in England and Wales, and also to bring in a bill to continue an act of the 17th of Victoria, for charging the maintenance of certain poor persons in unions in England and Wales upon the common fund. The right hon. gentleman brought in both his bills, and they wero read a first time. YOUTHFUL OFFENDERS. Viscount PALMERSTON obtained leave to bring in a bill for the better care and reformation of youthful offen d...l. Th. bill Ira° road w firat tirao. POOR LAW (SCOTLAND). Mr. E. ELLICE, jun., obtained leave to bring in a bill to promote the more regular administration of the poor law in certain parishes in Scotland. The bill was after wards read a first time. The house then adjourned shortly after one o'clock. RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS. LIVERPOOL, JUNE 19. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The market has been buoyant to day, closing firm at the quotations. Caledonian, 31i ; Dublin and Belfast, la dis. ; East Lancashire, 15 11-16; Lancashire and Yorkshire, 644 ; Lancaster and Preston, 1111. shares, 9h prem. ; Leeds Northern, 15i ; London and North-Western, 103 2i ; ditto, Fifth Shares, par ; ; North British, n ; South-Eastern, 19i. MANCHESTER, JUNE 19. STOCK EXCLIANGE.—We have had a much larger busi ness done to-day than for some time past. The account, day is approaching, and there has been a very general de mand for stock, which is by no means plentiful. Leeds shares have been very largely dealt in ; Dovers, London and North-Western, and Midlands have also sold freely. Higher rates have been given, and the market closes firmly at these increased quotations. BIRMINGHAM, JUNE 19. STOCK EXCIIANGE.—The railway share market was much excited to-day, and a considerable amount of busi ness was done in private, but not renorted. Some stocks went up 3/. per share. London and North-Western, which were quoted on Saturday at 991, stood this afternoon at 102 A to 103; Oxford, Worcester, and Wolverhampton, at 321. [ADVERTISENENT.I—Du Barry's Delicious Revalenta Arabica Food invariablyrestores health, without medicine. inconvenience, or expense, as it saves 50 times its cost in other remedies. We extract a few out of 50,000 testi monials of cures, which had resisted all medicines. Cure No. 180.—" Twenty-five years' nervousness, constipation, indigestion, and debility, from which I had suffered great misery, and which no medicine could remove or relieve, have been effectually cured by Du Barry's food in a very short time.—W. B. Reeve, Pool Anthony, Tiverton." Cure No. 4,208.—" Eight years' dyspepsia, nervousness, debility, with cramps, spasms and nausea, have been effectually removed by Du Barry's delicious food in a very short time.—Rev. John W. Flavell, Ridlington Rectory, -Norfolk.' Cure No. 1,784—" Not expected to live six days longer. I wan cured by Du Barry's admirable food. —Magdalena Purvis, Moffatt, Scotland." Cure No. 51,416. —" Fifty years' indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nervousness, asthma, cough, constip a ti on , fl a t u l ency, spasms, sickness at the stomach and vomitings, have been removed by Du Barry's excellent Food.—Maria, Jolly, Wortham, Ling, near Dies, Norfolk." Cure No. 3,900. " Thirteen years' cou g h, i n di ges ti on, and general debility have been removed by Du Barry's excellent Fot d.—James Potter, Athol-street, Perth." Cure No. 81.—" Twenty years' liver complaint, with disorders of the stomach and nerves, have been perfectly cured by Du Barry's Revalenta Arabica.— Andrew Frazer, Haddington, East Lothian." " Trevagler, Gulval, near Penzance. Feb. 20th, 1851.—Eighteen years' nervous debility, Violent palpitation of the heart, throb bing of the temples, violent pains in the left side and back, shortness of breath, coughs, numbness of the extremities, cramps ' spasms, flatulency, retching, and such general weakness, that I was Constantly fearful of falling when on my legs ; all these symptoms have been removed by Du Barry's excellent Food.—Mary Gilbert."—ln canisters suitably packed for all climates, and with full instructions —llb 2s. 9d. ; 21b., 4s. 6d. ' • 51b., lls. ; 121 b., 22 5. ; super-refined, 11b., 6s. ; 21b., 11 s. ; 51b., 225. ; 101 b., 335. The 101 b. and 121 b. carriage free, on post o M ce or d er. Barry du Barry and Co., 77, Regent-street, London; Fortnum, Mason, and Co., Purveyors to h er M a j esty, Pic cadilly; also at 68, Cornhill; 60, Gracechurch-street 330 and 451, Strand, 63 and 150, Oxford -street ; 55, Charing-cross ; 4, Cheapside. [ADVERTISEMENT.) —Her Majesty's Royal Letters Patent, for valuable and extraordinary improvements in the most powerful and brilliant Telescopes, Camp, Race course, Opera, and Perspective Glasses, to know the die tances of objects viewed through them—of great im portance to the army, navy, and others. Messrs. S. and B. Solomons, opticians, 39, Albemarle -street, Piccadilly. Observe—opposite the York Hotel. --These telescopes pos sess such extraordinary powers that some, 33 inches, with an extra eye-piece, will show distinctly Jupiter's moons, Saturn's ring, and the double stars ; with the same tele scope can be seen a person's countenance three miles and a half distant, and an object from 12 to 14 miles. They are of larger and all sizes, with increasing powers accordingly.— The Royal Exhibition, 1851. - Valuable, newly invented, very small, powerful waistcoat-pocket glass the size of a walnut, by which a person can be seen and known 13 mile distant ; they answer every purpose on the race-course, at the opera-houses, country sce nery, and ships are clearly seen at 12 to 14 miles. They are invaluable for shooting, deer-stalking, yachting, to sportsmen, gentlemen, gamekeepers, and tourists. Opera, race-course, camp, and perspective glasses, with wonderful power; an object can be clearly seen from 10 to 12 miles distant. Newly-invented Spectacles ; immediately they are placed before extremely imperfect vision, every object becomes clear and distinct; the most aged, de fective eight is brought to its youthful, natural, and ori ginal state. Deafness—New Discovery—The Organic Vi brator, au extraordinary powerful, small, newly-invented instrument, for Deafness, entirely different from all others, to surpass anything of the kind that has been, or pro bably ever can be, produced. Being of the Caine colour as the skin, is not perceptible ; it enables deaf persons to hear distinctly at church and at - public as semblies ; the unpleasant sensatioe of singing noises in the ears is entirely removed ; and it affords all the assist ance that possibly could be desfred.-39, Albemarle-,street, Obiserve, opposite the York Hotel. SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE' LIVERPOOL, JUNE 19. The Niagara, for New York, which was on shore nes t Wexford, has been towed back to Liverpool. The hull of a vessel, fresh- painted, lying on her broad. side, and apparently no t l ong i n th at pos i t i on, was 11'3° June 3, lat. 36 N., long. 31 W. Great quantities of wreck have been passed betwee n the Western Islands and Cape Cl ear . The Amazon arrived from Para, sailed on the 11 t 11 , the and left the Isabella Scott about half discharged, an d Octavia loading for Antwerp. )11/ The Melbourne, from Quebec, a t thi s p or t, sailed the 21, passed Bic, May 24, and St. Paul's, M a y ;on our sth and 6th of June, in lat. 46, l ong . 48 t o 46; n'a?„ rounded by large icebergs and great quan titi es of drift on a wash with the water. On the 12th she passed ars foremast and bow-sprit of a ship, a b ou t I , OJO tons, 0 1 3 with hoops, mast-head bl ac k a nd t o p w hit e. No barn° lo on them. The Madawaska arrived to-day. Sailed from Live ll s l . June 4, 1852, for California, put into Now York In tress, discharged cargo, and has come back for rePs' with a light cargo. VESSELS SPOKEN WITH. The Huron, May 9, lat. 25 N., long. 85 W. The Susan G. Owens, May 18, lat 35 N. long. 02 A O., The Planet, from Cuba for London, May 19, lat" long. 40 W. • DO/ The British Queen, f rom L on d on f or Mirarainht , 24, lat. 45 N., long. 42 W. one The Jessie Miller, fr om Li verpoo l f or N ova Scotit% 2, lat. 52 N , long. 30 W. 29 V II The Wilhelmina Mari a , Ap r il 24, l a t . 22 S., lonk The Alan Ther (barque), May 1, lat. 9 S., long. 29 gel The Maria Hardy (brig), f rom T o b ago f or L o ndon, 10, lat. 26 N., long. 58 W. A French frigate, bound S., lat. 48 N., long. 9 W 81Q, A large ship-rig ged scre w a t earaer , l a t. 48 N., lougiong, The Maragana (English barque), bound for Hong lat. 48 N., long. 7 W. 7 lit. The Plantagenet, bou n d t o Syd ne y, N.S.W., MoY ' 5 N., long. 19 W. anh The Duke of Lancaster, from Madras for London, 19, lat. 4 N., long. 87 E. The Minden, from Madras, for London, March 3 1 , la S., long. 85 E. COUNTRY MARKETS. CHELMSFORD--juNii 1.6. „ An o Towards the close of th e mar k e t t o -d ay th ere w 0 pa improvement, and prices slightly advanced. Of 0 P — corn the supply was short, and little business done. 01 Prices to-day were as f o ll ow : —Wh ea t , w hit e , old 6 4 9 a to 84s Od, new 64s t o 85 s ; re d, o ld 52 s to 80 s, n ew 89s ; barley, 27s to 35s ; chevalier, 33s to 38s ; 21s to 30s ; malt, 71s to 75s ; chevalier, 74s to 78e; 9 ; 26s to 33s ; peas, partridge, 40s to 45s ; white, 47 0 o '4lo boiling 54s to 6fs ; dun, new, 40s to 42s b eans , tick, . to 44s ; Harrow ticks, 39s to 47s ; Mazagan, 40s W 445' COLCHESTER —JUNE 17. A small supply of wheat, but the trade was langui last week's prices. In spring corn th ere is scarcely 11131. . thing doing. 86 13 ; Prices to-day were as follow ' :—Wbeat, white, 76 9 -- ..,, red, 72s to 84s • barley, 345 to 385 ; oa t s , 30s to 333 ; L':; •• libzagan, 42s to 44s ; middle and small, 46s to 60 a ; white, 56s to 60s ; grey, 425 to 445. Official Statement of the Quantities of Corn, &c., r, o f r 01 in the port of London, f rom th e f o ll ow i n g par° o the 11th t 6 the 17th June, both inclusive. --- .4 ce A 1 4 ' ) , PI t rs Colchester Harwich Leigh 490 la 3 196 - 1945 9 KIRKCALDY-31am 17. , s a rot d Here to-day we had a fair supply o f w heat, In- --. .,,1ci of oats, and a few sacks of b ar l e y. Wh ea t a nd 05t0,70 raadily at an advance of 6d t o i s p er qr .. Barley o°' last day's rates. reau o ' Wheat. 1 Barley. 1 Oats. I -- Oct First Second I I Third 6os Od 348 Od 3ls Od I Os Oatmeal, per bag of 2801bs imperial, 50s Od to 52 5 °d. COAL MARK: Prices of Coal per ton at t ..—Juris 19. Le close of the market :-- Wallsend, &c. ( 1, ' 18 Bell ............. . ............ . 0 9 Belmont .................... Braddyll ................... 6 Hetton ...................• • 2 0 r $ Haswell. ................... 19 9 Kepler Grange ........... Lambton l9 9 Pensher ................. 1 9 Russell's Hetton ......... South Hettou ............... :,' a Stewart's .................. Cassop ... . .................. Hartlepool ............... "f,`; Wallsend, &c. Heugh Hall . .............. Acorn Close lB 9 Hunwick .............. . ; 1 9 9 . Gosforth lB 6 Kelloe ... ..... . ........ . 1 9 it Harton lB 6 South Martlepool ..... ••. e a 7 Riddell l3 6 Tees ... Wharnclille lB 6 Cleveland Tees ..... 6 Bell's Primrose 15 0 Cowpen .18 6 ... a Eden Main 19 3'Derwentwater Hartley. I° 6 Lambton Primrose 19 3 Ilamsay's Cannel ......•• .20 s. d. Buddle W. Hartley lB 6 Burnhope l6 0 1 Carr's Hartley lB 6 Cragwood's Hartley l6 6 Hasting's Hartley lB 3 Holywl .... .' ...19 0 Howard's West Hartley _ Netherton 18 6 Tanfield lB 0 Ravensworth Hartley lB 6 Tanfield Moor lB 0 '➢anfield Moor Butes 18 0 Wylam . 19 9 SEABORNE MAILS. (N signifies that the mails are sent from the General rost-a by the night—and Ai by the morning—despatch.) Day when made u, From what '{ph f e p a o, COUNTRIES. in General Post- Port du den Office, London.* Dispatched. t • Esc , ' A.merica(byßrit.pack)N Every Friday I.iverpOT.7. )I°l* America (by United Sts. • packet) ........ N America (by U. States packet) .......... N •• • • ...... Southampton Australia (via South ampton) M June 4 ..... Southampton AO' 4 Ditto (via Marseilles) N May 8 .. Dover .... Ditto (via Cape of (3oodj uneert o Hope) ...... • ... —N,June Africa (West Coast) ..N,23d o f t h e month. Plymouth .. ,JalY 6 • Alexandria.......... N'B, 9, 24, &30 of in. Dover .... • Alexandria.. ... • ....M 4th & 20th of mon. Southampton Bahamas ..... • • ....M 17th of tbo monti. Southampton Belgium 'Dover ......, 1 6 Brazil ..............M , 9th o f t h e month.. Southampton Jai,' 4 Buenos Ayres ........ I#l,9th of the month.. Southampton June Cape of Good Hope ..Nll4th of the moats Plymouth .• Cape of Good Hope ..N 14th of the month. Southampton Cape de Verds ......1•7114th of the month So u th am pton Ceylon (see India) Ceylon of the montt Channel Isles ........NlMon.,Wed.,&Frid. Southampton Tu,Tll4 Chi 11........ • .......M 2d & 17th o f mont# S out h amp t oi , JO. I 4 China (see India) Constantinople ......N 7,8,17,24,&27 of m. Dover .. ...• Constantinople ....I 4th & 20th of moo Southamptonlf Cont. of Europe M& N T w i ce d a il y Dover ..• • • Egypt (see India) a " France . M& N Twice dai1y...... Dover .... •• - , m-y;ce Gibraltar .... 3l 4, 7,17, 20, 27 ofm Southampton' Greece (see India) Greytown M.2nd & 17th of mon. Southampton Julie 16 Hamburgh N Tuesday & Friday London tlavannah 2nd of the month Southampton Holland Daily— Dover Honduras ..........M, 17 tit of the month. Sont ampt on June so India (viaSouthampt.)M,4th & 20th o f mon. Plym uth •• Jun e India (via Marseilles)MB th& 24th of montl Dover lonian Isles (see India)7, 17, & 27 of mon D0ver.....• Ireland ........M &N, Twice daily „ „ Holyhe a d Li5b0n.............. MI, 9, 17, & 27 of m. Southampton 'Jou: 46 io Madeira ............Mj9th of the month Southampton Jun 1 6 Madeira .... N 23d of month .... Plymouth 'June Malta (see India) Malta ..... • ~N 7,17,19,27, 30 of m. Dover Mauritius (see India) Mauritius 14th of the month Mexico ..,.........M2ll#l of the month..Southampton!Julf 1 Naples .• •,.. •.......N i khlsth2sthofmon. l Dover .... • • New Granada .... M 2d . & 17th of month 'Southampton Juno 16 „Ay J, New Zea1and.......... By private ship .. Various punt cer` -- Papal States ..N ethlsth2sthofinon. Dover Peninsula 7thl7th2Bthoftnon. Southampton 16 Peru „ M 2cl & 27th of mon. Southampton June Port Natal 14th of the month Plymouth Sicily „ „,,N,sthlsth2sthormon, Dover Tuscany ..........ksthltith2sthofmon. Dover Venezuela. .. ....... m ; 2d er, 17th of month Southampton 16 Van Diemen's Land (se e ' Australia) .. West Indies ........M 2d& 17th of month SouthamptenlJulY * When any of these dates f a ll on a S un d ay, the malls despatched on the following day, with the exception of the India tite Solithampton), and the Malta, both of which will be despatche d day preceding. [ADVERTISEMENT ] —Holloway's Ointment a nd .1 / 1 ° effect Extraordinary Cures of Bad Legs —Mrs. of Steel-str ee t, Dublin, suffered for many . years %T: fearful bad l eg , w hi ch broke out soon after her co mer ment ; ther e were several wounds in it and the svre"!— ng was enormous. Sh e en d ure d the M ost excruc iatioi pain both day and night ; and the general opiej" 9 .l the medi ca l atten d ants were that it could not be eur-i. therefore amputatiOn was the only remedy ; 11°17eIree: - bad as it was , Holloway's Ointment and Pills were sorted to, and these miraculous medicines soon producew a wonderful cha nge f or t h e b etter, and u ltiinet e , effected a sound and perfect cure.—Sold by all gists ; and at Professor Holloway's Establishment, Strand, London. BIRTHS. OF A SON. :re 0 On the 15th i ns t., a t H eav it ree, near Exeter, the w ife the Rev. H. A. Box. th On the 16th inst., at Freeland-lodge, Oxfordshire' wife of W. E. Taunton, Esq. OF A DAUGHTER. On the 16th in s t., a t P enn ' s R oc k s, Withyham, Su-- us e% the wife of John Pryce, Esq. t'll On the 17th i ns t., a t 4, St. George's-terrace, liege" park, the wife of William B. Eastwood, Esq. _....... MARRIED. aro On the 17th inst., a t St. Georg ,2 e's Hanover -vigil Frederick Granvill e . E sq., late Major in the 23d it o • 1 1 0 , Welsh Fusilier s , t o I sa b el, daughter of the late Ea "or Ralph Charles Sheldon, Esq., of Brailes-house, is county of Warwick. DIED. At Finchl e y, on t h e 3 7th inst., Ann, eldest daughter of the late J. W. Pouncy, Esq., aged 67. ti t/ On the I s t o f M ay, near Dharwar, East Indies, Cillpiog Henry Penning, 21st Regiment Bombay N. 1., late .Age. L' a Collector at Hyderabad, &iliac), in the 42d y th e of hi! is On the 17th inst., Miss Martha East, sister of " Right Hon. Sir Edward Hyde East, Bart. _.. LONDON : Printed and Published by MUltDo YO id- 1 ,, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, No. l' o f Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, iu the county 11 4t1dOistx. TuetsdAyi Juno 20, 1851. • S ° CrETY t,limyENT 'OF 1 b),12 4 ? 11 WEDNI 16.,„ - 7Ent-street- kl u ers and th . Ar 7 44, by the Rig Blp -141 ). RAYI 2, Flan . h h lt • 110 1 FLEET -1 IPTIo N , tio t ,°r 11 ?aturel fey be clistin ,ktiy t .." 1 , 111 -never et w letr' 3l ever be atbat ee t 4 of roots bsi ,th that ' a titatioryeAtion. 52, Fr.T~;~ L. RYAN app Ib._ variety of liTattons are 14 11^,T o t • Will be fo 414 u;"' l llenta ha kkie. tariff of I l at 8 - n goo tt tt,L, E, 441 Vrtilu t i lIYAI MMER ktki - urie or n th , e greee 44, , to :21able Aiel Ttt. RYA', SU] tr k t k C O:rti. br .111:,'eW`ty that k ati ' : f . Well to ca eltaxge. Ntkiit4.tylitrA OT IAK 4 1 4:4' and K 1 klY kp min Well fo.bri 4 t. unus It ttis in r Establish 14T3 UntverFl 414,1 e 1t four in 1111tl es il kl . 7a 1 41;c t i s rill eli • it Othe r P ackets A c WEER l l !r e a r " 1 I ~I ; X y, bi re et Tut , h~ uses '‘ittl zit a i lowi F' en. th 4,. t t Leh r tet ?,":?; 1112 1\ _ 85 141kinn , " 86 Lond on and 3 4 raclio Plum r el, Colonia to e c 'e,.. Mai * * l, tll, un ' e 1 ,,;, - •4ont h trot sq. gatu r t ow 14 ,„„_ a n." ea 101 , aft