The Sun. — London, England, 1833-08-13 00:00:00

those Members who had s'p , :ken against thia measure, tiot the Governmet t bad ' , fought forward this measure in consequence of the failure at the measure which had been brought fot ward at the commencement of the session to insure the collection of tithes ; and one of the t bjections bronyht to the Coercion Bill itself was that i , was meant to he the means by which tithes should be collected. They (his Majesty's Ministers) had always consistently objected to that view. They said that the Cosreion Bill was only intended 'or the tranquil ization of Ireland ; and to show that such was the intention of Government, lie himself had stated that the Government proposed to introduce measure which would rrndet the collection of titles unne meaty. It could not then he said that the Corteion Bill hail failed as a means of collecting tithes, for it never waft intended for that object. If the Government had thought proper to make use of the Coercion Bid foe the purpose of collecting tithes, he (Lord Althorp) was persuaded that it would have been found eff etual for their collection, bur he would at the same time say, that if they hail made use of it for oat purpose, they (the Government) would have teen guilty of the grossest breach of taith.—(Hear, hear.) Now, when he looked • to the present state of Ireland, I e found that the Coercion Bill had had tt e effect of establishing the pe lee in that country. but he alio, found, that as soon as that Ise ice was established, tie processes for the collection of the tit' es were again set on foot; and that the consequence lilt ly to ensue wag, that the effect of the coeicion should be rendered void by those processes. It was on this ac count the Government thought it necessary to bring forward a measure which would cause those pro cesses to cease; for they were convinced that if they allowed those proceedings to go t.n, the 'mischief would continue to increase.—( Hear, hear.) The question they had then to consider was. whether, when they made this advance to the clergy of Ireland. they had a fair and legitimate prospect of being repaid ?—(Hear, hear.) He (Lord Althorp) would never ask the House to accede to this measure, if there was no prospect of repay• merit. The money was to be advanced to the clergy of Ireland, and they became, in the first place, the debtors. It might be asked what means the clergy had to pay this money ? He (Lord Althora) hau stated the mode, on a former night, by which this money was to tie repaid. This advance was only meant to anticipate the sums which were to be raised under the Composi ion Act, and which wnuld he raised under that Act in the manner least one rous to the people. It had been said that this measure would not succeed in the object into titled. It was possible that it might fail, and that the clergy would not be able to recover one penny under it. But he (Lord Alttiorp) believed that there was not one gentleman on the opposite side, however hostile to the tithe aystim, who did not concur in opinion that, as far as regarded the present in cumbents, they were entitled to the tithes. He though', del efore, that it was the unisersal opinion, that whether the clergy were to recover the money due to them by the present mode, or by any other, they had a demand upon the country for an advance, whatever difficulty might occur in the recovery of it. He had no doubt, however, but it would be recovered, It w•s perfectly clear that the pr. s-nt incumbents could not he allowed to suff r, and that in what ever manner the funds had to be raised, they roust be raised from the people of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) Whe ther the money was to be raised by a land t ix, or by a composition, was another question. He, however, thought that the latter would be the more equitable mode. It could not, however, he laid upon the people of the United Kingdom gamer Ity, but on the people of Ireland alone. He had already said that the Government could not be justified in asking the House to give this money as a grant, and he repeated that it was merely meant as a loan. Hun. Gentlemen had said that he (Lord Althorp) was bound in honour to carry this measure thri ugh the House. That he denied. He had merely stated his In ti ntion to bring the measure forward, and to do all be could to carry it through. He did not bring it forward as an amendment on the Coercion Bill ; and he had stated when the Coercion Bill wis before the House, that he meant to bring forward a measure to the effect of that now before them —(Hear ) Sir ROBERT INGLIS said, that although he had some difficulty in coming to the same opinion with the Nubte Lt-rd in retard to this measure, still he thought it not only incumbent on the Noble Lord, but that he would not be acting consistently if he dial not tiring forward this measure. The question was one, not of expenditure, but whether the property of the Church of Ireland should or should not continue to be property. The present question was not only whether there should remain any prop e rty to the church, but whether there should remain any to fat men ; and the Government haying cho-en this way by which the funds for the support of the Established Church shi uld be collected, although he (Sir R. melt-) felt a strong objection to the mode, still he would suppoit it ; - and be not only thought that it would have been inedn sistent with the N,hle Lord's views if he haul not i rought it fin ward, but that it was the duty. of the House now to adopt it. Mr. RUTHVEN could not vote (or a grant which went to the support of a church which had been forced upon the I erple and su-tain. d at the point of the hay net. Mr. POULETT THOMSON ground,cl his reasons for the vote which he should give in tavuur of this me sure, not on the arguments adduc d by the Hon. and Leini. d Gentleman, but on ;lie opinion given by his Noble Friend (Lord Aithorp) that this money was advance.' not as a gin, hut as loan, and that measures would he taken for the recovery of the whole amount thus advanced If he were not assured that the whole sum would be repaid, he would not give it his support. He was of opinion that this measure should only be considered as an advance fur the present relief of the Church, and not as a rrh, f to the landlords. R lying, then. on the statement of tne Noble Lord, that the money was merely a loan, and that there was sufficient security for its repayment, he would give his supp..rt to ti e measure; while he at the same time declared that if lie could for a moment consider it in the light of a gift, he %you'd I e the first to oppose it. Colonel TORRENS would vote for the present measure. He thought it was impossible to extinguish the desire for Church re'orm which now existed. The great body of the Dissenters were bent upon a reform in the Church Establishment, and it was impossible to extinguish that desire. He did not, theref re, as a Church Primmer, see that he was precluded from voting for this measure. Considering, then -tote, that this was only a loan on the property or the Church of Ireland, and that if the arrears due were not adequate to meet the amount, it would be a debt on the popery of the Church generally, be would vote for the measure. Mr. O'REILLY thought that they owed a debt of gr itituoe to the Coveinmelit for bringing forward a mea sure which would introduce a system that would pu• a stop to rc.ueb of the diaturbance and bloodshed which bad lately distraoted Ireland. He protested :tgainst i a being raid mat he or any other It Minim wish, d by this m. asure to put money in he pockets of the landlords, at the ex petit; of the people of England. He did not vote for the measure with either the wish or the hope that the money would not be recovered. He wits tore that the Chute, property of Ireland would be ample security for the m..nry advanced. Sir SAMUEL WHALLEY would think it his duty to give this int-astue Lis mmt decidA oppfisition. Mr. E. J. STANLEY would vote fur the measure, on the suppos.tion that there was an easy mode of recovring the m• ney. But it a doubt .xisted as to the certainty ..f recovery, he hoped a el use would be inserted in the all, by which the produce of the first sales of the church property would be appropriated to the repayment of the money.—(Heir ) Mr. D. BROWNE felt it his duty to vote for the Rill. ne hoped that in the next session the House wculd do their duty on this subject. Ii they thought that the Forrty [it the church establisd meet of Leland ought to be diminislie.! and applied to other purposes, they would support it e proposition of some independent Member to that effect, and thereby arm Ministers with a power which thry did not at present possess. Mr. HOWARD trusted that the prophecies which had been hat sided that this million would never be repaid would nev rbe verified. But he saw no other justifiable course than to advance the requited loan. The order of day for reading the Bill a second time was then lead. _ _ _ I.I'rTLETON moved that the Bill be now read second time. riUME should have felt his duty to wove as an amendment that the Biil he read a second time that ay three month 4; but am the Right Hon. the Chief Secrrtai; for Ireland had observed that there was inforn.ati , n cm: the table of which it was .tesirable that Hon. Member% should avail themselves ; and as many of them, also, had DIA ['mitered the contents of the Bill, he would move tha, it he read a second time on that day wrek. By gene' ai admission it appeared that the church establiOment w th, cause of all tie gli , turbances in Leland. So evidi-nt wa, this, that a N ,, ble Lord had been under the ncce.sity issuing a proclatriat.un to prevent tom er priieei dings to; the recovery of tithes in that country. Did not this shoo that the people of Jr. land were so aveise to the pa) nu nt of tithes that all the mtli'aty power and a the unee•nsti— tutional power with which his Majesty's Government wa, inve-ted had proved insufficient t" coerce them ? H, would ask the late Chief Seer , tary whether that most die,. giacetul coercive measure of last 8 , 41 i/in had been pr,dite five of any benefit ? ThA Rght Hon. Gentleman had said that the pow,rs which he then claimed would bite to vindicate the law. Had he dune 50 ? Had nt,t tnonth after month shown the cot.trary ? He was Cur- . pried the Noble Lord and his colleagues had not taken le,son from the failure of the Right Hon. tienttem., anri that they had not come down and proposed the only measure which would restore peace and goodwill towards men in Ireland. Instead of the present Bill, taking from the people if England a million of money for the support of the Irish Church. they ought to consider bow that Church might he modified so as to meet the circumstances of the times. It was admitted by all who were acquainted wi. h the anti. ct that it would be a gift, not a loan ; and let it h. remembered that the money wis to be raised from the pe ple of England, whose greatest anxiety was to be relieved from taxation. Mr. CORBETT ob-erved that the Noble Lord ortPn'i'e had fully, clearly, and fairly stared, that he could n•t do le•s than bring fro ward the present measure. If the Noble Lord had gone still further, and had said that this was the fist instalment of a salary to the Irish clergy, and that tithes should never be collected again, he should have had his (Mr. Cotibett',.) vote. He was sorry th.t the Noble Lord had not done so ; for he was sure that there would never be peace in Ir. land again, while tithes were collected in any s° ape. If such a promi•e had been made, hi. eon ftti.o nts, and the people of England generally, would he happy to make the sacrifice required of them. Af'er having vo , eff so many millions for the benefit of the W e st 'Lodi s, ought they to grudge one million for the benefit of Ireland 2—( Hear, hear ) From the moment that the Ciiholic Emanripation Bill passed, every rational man must have been convinced that the church establish.. m-nt of Ireland could not long be maintained. Means ought then to have been immediately taken for reducing it in an equitat•le manner. He hoped, however, that that would soon be the course adopted, and he especially trusted that this system of tithes would be entirely abolished. Mr. Sergeant PERRIN observed, that it was plain that the clergy in Irehnd ought not to be left without support; and that it was equally plain that tl.e Tithe Cotrpo.ition Act and other measur. s were insufficient for the purpose of securing it to them. It was evident, therefore, that a measure like the present was in-ispensable ; as this was not a time at which it would be found convenient to esta blish a permanent system. Mr. HALCOMB was prepared to support the Bill.— (Hear, hear.) H.- recognised in that cheer the voice of the Hon. Member for North Wiltshire, who, whenever lie (Mr. H.) rose, thought proper to interrupt him in that irregular manner. Mr. METHUEN appealed to the Speaker, whether he had not a right to say •' Hear ?" Until that Right Hon. Gentleman told him he had no such right, he would can• tinue to exerehe it, notwithstanding the way in which the Hon. Member for Dover bad done him the honour to mark the ejaculation. HALCOMB declared, that when he made the ohservation, he had not the slightest idea in what direction to cast his eye, although the Hon. Memher's voice was perfectly familiar to his ear.—(A laugh.) He could assure the Hon. G.ntleman, that what he had said hid been uttered in perfect good humour, and he hoped it would be so received.—(Hear, hear.) He then pro ceeded to show, by a reference to the provisions of the Bill, that the million in question was charged on the bind, and made payai•le ultimately by the land. Not withstanding any odium which might attach to the at• p, he felt it to be h a bounden duty to vote for the relief which it was proposed to extend to the Protestant clergy of Ireland. The Howte then divided—. For the amendment Against it Majority The Bill was then read a s.cond time, and. after a short conversation between Mr. Witxs and Mr. LIT. TLETON, was ordered to be committed on Wednesday. Mr. HUME gave notice, that on the motion for going into the Committee on the Bill, he would move to refer it to a Select Committe e , to consider the best means of se eming the rep {}ment of the loan out of the temporalities of the Irish church. 109 BANK CHARTER BILL. On the motion of Lord ALTHORP, Mr. BERNAL brought up the report of the Bank Charter Bill. The amendments were read a first time. On the trotion that tro y he read a second time, Mr. THICKNESSE moved as an amendment to omit the clause making Bank of England notes a legal tender. Mr. HUME supported the amendment. To make Bink of England notes a legal tender was unquestionably to depreciate the currrency. He regretted to see the Noble Lord, day after day, running counter to his former opinions, as it in obedience to some secret power st hich he felt unable to resist. If there was one Member of that Hou•e whom he would formerly more implicitly have followed on financial questions than another, it was the NAde Lord ; tort now the Noble Lord seemed determined to drag the House through mud and mire on those as well as on other subjects. He was sorry to find Minis ters abandoning their principles, which, if they would but support, would carry them through every elifficulty. Throughout the Bill it appeared to him that the public interests were sacrificed—those of the Bank of England alone consulted. Lord ALTHORP denied this, or that he was, in any way, instigated 1/ considerations for the Bank of England. He considered that no depreciation could take place in this country. unless the exchanges were against us. Mr. CLAY said, that when the Noble Lord found him self most warmly supported on this occasion by those who were invariably the advocates of depreciation, he ought to doubt tt e corr. ctness of his own views. He inquired it the Noble Lord intended to adopt any of the suggestions which ha-t been made to him ? Lord ALTHORP •aid that he should propose a proviso, limiting the duration of the legal tender to the discretion of Parliament. Sir HENRY WILLOUGHBY considered the clause making bank notes a legal tender a departure from the principles of the Bill of 1819. In times of panic it would not prevent a run ; witness the panic during the riots of 1780. Sir MARK PHILLIPS could not, when be saw the avidity with which the clause was bailed by the advocates for lowering the standard, but regret that the clause was ever introduced. He d precated the idea of allowing the Bank of England to assume the whole functions of the circulating medium of this country. Colonel TORRENS thought the hopes of one party, and the fears of another, equal) , exaggerated. There could he no depteriation in the London circulation; and if any occurred in the country, it would only he to the extent of the carri.ge. Mr. ROBINSON supported the clause, and saw no reason to apprehend depreciation so long as the notes were convertible into gold. Mr. Aide, man THOMPSON did not believe the Bill would have the effect of extending the e „ irculation of the Bank of England to any prejudici .1 extent ; nor that an agin upon gold was a all to be apprehended. Mr. THICKNESSE said that, as upon the third read• ing there would be an opportunity of taking the sense of the H.u4e on the amendment, he would not at present press it to a division. L td ALTI.ORP then moved the introduction of a clause, making the notes of the branch hanks payable at the plar•e.i where they are issued, which was agreed to. The report was then received, and the Bill ordered to lie read a third time to-morrow. Mr. THICKNESSE said that, unless anticipated by the Noble Lord, he should, on the third reading, move an atin-ndment, placing the continuance of the legal tender under the control of P-aliament ; and also providing that, no long as it may continue, a certain establishment of branch banks should be kept up. CHINA TRADE BILL. Mr. C. GRANT moved ti e third reading of this Bill. Sir ROBERT HARRY INGLIS thought, without some dipl. , tnatic arrangements with the Court of China, it would be impossible to carry into tffect the provi sions of the fur the establishment of agents and residents in India.—(Hear, hear.) The Honourable Baronet then entered, at some length, into the im pi.sibility of establishing a trdde with China, except through the accredited agents of the East India Com pany, and condemned the Government plan of now inter- .ring with the trade. He thought it %hould have kern left in the bands of the East India Company till it could ,radually have withdrawn from the trade , . Mr. WILK'S and Mr. G. F. YOUNG each said a few words. Mr. CHARLES GRANT wag rather surprised to bear the remarks then made on the Bill in its last st ge, when that and another measure, involving► the same principle, id already been discussed. He would not then ewer into arguments to show that the monopoly of the Coins rade ought not to he done away, though the Hon. Bironet's argument went to establish that proposition, out merely observe, that all experience showed tbat ouch monopoly was not advantageous. He had heard no ',son why the trade snould not be opened to the enter irise of all the inhabitants of this country; and 11,• jesty's Government meant to take, perhaps, the ex solve precaution of establishing a consular agent in to iiroiect the interests of his Majesty's subjects. :e conceived that the alteration was desirable and ever. Mr. HUME though: there would be no danger of cuali on between Englies seamen and the Chinese, particularly if prudent men were appointed to the management of affairs. He would give his humble support to the Bill. Lord SANDON asked when the trade with China would be thrown open? Mr.C. GRANT—The East India Company was not to give up it. privileges unil April, 1834; consequently the trade would not be opened until then. The B 11 was e'en read a third time. Mr. G. F. YOUNG moved the following clause : " And be it enacted that the expenses of the establish ments of this Act, authorized to be maintained within the Sa;d dominions, shall be defrayed in like manner as the tx penses of British Consular establishments in other parts of the world are defrayed, under the authority of an Act pouted in the 6.h year of the reign of his late Majesty King George the Fourth, entitled An Act to regulate V.r payment of salaries and allowances to British Consuls at foreign ports, and the disbursements at 'Lich ports for certain puttlic purposes ;' and su..ject in all respects to t e provisoes and regulations in the said Act made and provided." Mr. CHAPMAN supported the clause. Mr. C. GRANT opposed it on the principle of making India as well as England contribute to the expenses ci Consular establishments in Chin After a few words from Mr. EWART, Mr. HUME suggested the propriety of trying for a year or two bow the system proposed by the Act would work, and hoped that the Hon Member would not per sis• in dividing the House on his clause. Mr. G. F. YOUNG consented nor to divide the House. The clause was then put and negatived. In answer to a question from Mr. Husax, Mr, GRANT stated that the whole amount of the establishment would cost about 25,000/ a year. The Bill was then passed. The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at two o'clock. ROUSE OF LORDS, AUCPINT 12. Mr. BERNAL and others brouvt up the Grind Juries (Ireland) Bill, Offences against the Pelson (Ireland) Bill, the Bankruptcy Court Amendment Bill, with amendments, and the Roman Catholic Marriage Bill. The Irish Grand Jury Bill was read a first time, and, on the motion of the Marquis of CLANRICARDE, or dered to be read a second time on Thursday next. On the motion of Lord AUCKLAND. the House went into Committee upon the several Consolidation Bills in troduced relating to the Customs. The House went into Committee upon the Bill for reducing the duty on dwelling houses, and repealing part of the assessed tsx.s. The Duke of WELLINGTON presented a petition from the planters of Jamaica, praying to be heard by Counsel against the Bill for the aholition of slavery in the West Indies, and expressed a hope that the Noble Earl would not object to such a course. The Earl of RIPON could not believe that the Noble Duke was serious in the hope he had expressed that he should not object to Counsel being heard, for the general principle of the Bill bad already been discussed, and as far as regarded the details of the Bill, they were still open to he discussed by the House. It would be a delay for no advantage at all. The Duke of WELLINGTON thought it highly essential that that course should be allowed, to argue upon the interest of the petitioners. The Earl of RIPON could see no necessity for post poning the second reading of the Bill in order to afford an opportunity to the petitioners to be heard by Counsel. The Duke of WELLINGTON thought it was unjust not to allow the petitioners to be heard at the bar, espe cially when the material differences were looked at be twen the Bill and the resolutions. If, however, the Noble Earl thought it right to persist in the second read ing of the Bill, without hearing those who were materially interested, t e must go on with it, and make the best of it he could. Lord WYNFORD said that the Bill, in many particu• Tars, was directly contrary to the r. solutions, and he therefore thought the petitioners ought to be heard at the bar. Lord SUFFIELD thought the request of the petitioners a most unreasonable one at that late period of the session. After some observations from Lord ROSSLYN, The LORD CHANCEi.LOR put tie question that the petitioners should be heard at the bar, which was negatived without a division. Lord SUFFIELD presented 43 petitions, praying for the total and immediate abolition of slavery; and two, praying their Lordships to pass the Ball before the House, as it was better than nothing ;,and on. from Leeds, which a ated they had vie , . ed with grief and indignation the introduction of a Bill professedly for the abolition of slavery, which perpetuated it for a length of time. E rrl ROSSLYN presented a petition from the Provosts and Magistrates of Glasgow, against certain parts of the Scotch Burgh R.-form Bill, and praying that all voters tor Maeistrates should he burersses. Also one to the same effect from the Trades' Hous•..in Glasgow. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE presented a petition from Chair', in Somersetshire, complaining of the greet inconvenience and delay experienced try the petitioners in the recovery of small debts, and expressing their regret that the Bill for establishing local courts had been re jected by their Lordships. The petitioners prayed that a long time would not elapse before their Lordships passed a measure of that kind. The Earl of HARROWBY presented a petition from a parish in Yorkshire, praying for some measure to foci little the removal of vagrants. THE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY BILL. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE moved the order of the day f..r the second reading of this Bill Lord BELNIORE asked if it was the intention of the Noble Alarquis (Lansdowne) to proceed with the Bill, and without any prep iratory remarks to recommend it? The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said the House having aereed to the resolutions, it did not appear to him to be neces-ary to enter into a discussion on moving the order of the day. He should lie reedy to give any explanation Noble Lords might think nece-sary. The same course had been adopted on the Etat India Bill. The Duke of WELLINGTON said it was customary that the details of the Bill should be stated in this stage. Minist re ought to state to the Hous.. the general princi ples and details of the Bill. If not, their Lordships must pioceed to discuss it in the best way they were able. Earl GREY hoped the Noble Duke ( Wellington) would not consider that any mark of disrespect was intended by the Noble Marquis to proposing the second reading of the Bili without going into a di-sus-ion upon ir. The Duke of IMI ELLINGTON slid, in one or two in stances there had been a complete al eration in the inea. sure. In the first place, there was the apprenticeship tor six years and four years. ins e of twelve years, to commence from June, 1834 Them were then three description• of apprenticeship in the Bill, instead of one, and, besides this, there was a total al•etation in tt e law i n iither levee's. These alterations were made in the first fines of the BM, and yet no staiement wa- to be made try the Noble Marquis relative to these alterations, and he thought that this was not treating the House wi h respect. He (the Duke of Wellington) did not care one pin if the Noble Lord made a speech or not; the country would judge between him and the Noble Marquis. Lord COLVILLE thought that, in so thin a House, the measure ought not to be proceeded-with.—(Hear.) He objected to the principle of the Bill in toto. The Earl of RIPON said as to the alterations referred to by the Nob', Duk , they were not of that nature to ieuder it neces•ary that Ministers should have entered into a discussion upon them. The first was as to the length of time of the apprenticeship—and it was undoubtedly true that it had been proposed that the apprenticeship ,i,o u ld be for twelve years. The proposition was dis cussed in the other House of Parliament, and the re sult was to make it evident that the term could not he kept in the Bill, and Ministers had thought it ne cessary to make the change. Their Lordships ought nit, however, in consequence of this alteration, to delay proceeding with the Bill. He would now refer to the classification of the slaves. They were classed as predial, non predial, and unattached. The classification was part of the Bill that had been introduced into the other House, therefore it did not involve any principle on which he measure rested.—( Hear, hear.) the amendment introduced on this subj. ct was only to obtain a more cot rect mode of dispensing to those individuals the benefits •niended to be given to them ; so far, therefore, from conceding to owners of slaves—from b ing any deviation from the principle of the Bill, it app aced that the amend ments were neither more nor less than to further tl • prin • c ple of the plan liovernment had framed, and which was contained in the resolution that had been adopted. As to • Operation, lie :ihtoeutlidmbee"a'hbelen t t o h s e ta ß te di tli; into';routontlec(rnewhch the alteration .vas ma e. By the lust proposal it was provided that in November, 1833, the powers of punishment should he aken from the mas er, and that in August, 1834, the ap irent i ce ship should commence, so that f or 10 mont h s would I was e proposed leftinastatet uncertainty, a n d to thatpre sentif the Power of the waiver .nould exist till the period of apprenticeship c omme nced. ft was with n o hostile fe tl i ng lungs this w 'ou i to the planter that they vere desirous to get rid of the intermediate period, and to ave the authority of the master precisely as it is till 1 834. It might be a wise or an unwise plan, hut it did ~tit alter the ptinciple of the Bill. He assured the House ,hat lie had no desire to treat the House with disrespect. He was not in the habit of doing so, and had never laid himself open to the charge. The Earl of HARROWBY said, as it was impossible to induce the NAL. Marquis to make a speech which he W• 18 determined not to make, they must go on with the Bill. The better way would be for the Government to explain the nature of the measure, and leave the details to the Committee. Lord BELNIORE said, greatly as he wished to see slavery abolished, he was fully convinced that the proper period had not yet arrived. He was afraid that the pro posed plan would not serve any interest, and the loss which the planter was likely to suffer by it was attested by the large grant of 20 millions, inadequate as it was to compensat e the planters —a grant, too, made at a time when the burdens of the country were almost insupport able. And what was to be gained by the measure? Net the freedom or happiness of the negro, but merely the assent of the Legislature to an abstract principle. In proof of these assertions it would be only necessary to refer to the evidence in the report relative to British Guiana, where free labour had been tried, and it would be found that the new system, instead of diminishing the hardships of slavery, had increased them, and brought on a system of coercion far more severe and oppressive than that which existed in the West India colonies. The new system too was decidedly opposed to the increase of population. Now if such coercion as that resorted to in Guiana was necessary to obtain labour, either the productions of the country must fail, or there would be merely a change of the name of slavery, and be introduced in its place a legalized tyranny.— (Hear.) The advocates of emancipation contended that there would be no difficulty of obtaining free labour. But if chat were the case, why impose the tax of 40s. the acre for the purpose of compelling the negro to work ? But even if the plan were to succeed as to the male popula tion, it would afford no relief to the other sex, because ihe miles would always make the females their slaves. But putting all these objections out of view, he would contend, that in such an Wand as Jamaica, if the 300,000 slaves were deported, and labourers from this country were sub stituted in their place, they would not work any more than the ~laves, and for reasons he would state. That Wand was 160 miles long by 45 miles bread, and contained a population of 400.000 ; of these 40,000 were Europeans, 60.000 free persons of colour, and 300,0. 0 were slaves. N. if they r, fleeted on the population of the island at the time of the diseovery by Columbus, when it was said to amount to a million, and also on the capabi ities which it possessed for production—he would ask, bow it was to be expected that men would work for hire when they could gain much more by cultivating the soil for them selves? The island was cap .ble of na iintaining a pnpula titer of three millions —there was, he would suppose, three-fourths of it in bush and wood, and nearly all capable of cultivation, and was it to be supposed that if free labourers were to go from this country, they would not prefer cultivating bush land to receiving scanty wages for labour? The island of Jamaica supported c nsiderahle herds of cattle; it bad rivers abounding in fish, and vast quantities of swine and poultry, and he would therefore ask what inducement men would have to I :boor for wages, when by cultivating the land for themselves they could thus raise all the necessaries of life? At present all the provisions raised for the market were chiefly raised by the slaves during the 26 days they had to them selves throughout the year, and there was even a super. abundance. Daring the insurrection, which lasted for two months, when he held the situation of Governor, notwithstanding all the loss by wiiful mischief, by war, and other casu .Itiee, there was still a sufficient supply of provisions raised by the slaves in the half days they had to themselves. If that were the case then, and living were so cheap, how could it be expected that the slaves would wok for wages? But it had been said that if the slaves were not emancipated, they would emancipate them selves. That he denied. The slaves were the most feeble beings on earth. Respecting cempulsory labour— be meant that labour which the Migistrate would be called on to enforce--he would only ask their Lordships what redress they could get from a Magistrate in most of the cases in which servants neglected their duty? The authority of a Magistrate was very well when the negli gence amounted to the nature of an offence or crime, but there were a hundred civet in which it was not possible for the Magistrate to interfere, and which neverthe less caused the greatest annoyance to the master. In this country a maser could turn his servant off, but that was not the case with the apprenticed negroes. He might get sulky, he might spoil a dinner, and do many other things which could not well come under the cognizance of a Magistrate; and if even the master did appeal to the magistrate, he could not get rid of the incorrigible apprentice, and both must return home to resume their usual occupations. And who were these magistrates ? Why, half. pay officers. How could they know anything about agricultural labour ? Ho-v could they sit as judges on matters of which they were compa ratively ignorant? The only persons that could possibly be acquainted with the duties which the apprentice ought to perform were the white inhabitants, but they were excluded from all magisterial power, and all authority was to be given to foreigners. Thee, however, were but a few of the objections he had to the Bill. If his Ma jesty's Government were determined to pass the no , -asure, it would be needless for him to argue against it, but he would only warn them of the danger which they incurred, and call on them to bear in mind what might be the sp r t e or si e lt ar , flyu i l f dni w se, j e ig i b i lnseb so o u itjo l r d ,t waagkhaein be engag e d i n h ost ili t i es w i t h a oadwvauntwagaetcohfintgheomu.r_e(rtiroerasr,.)and Lord SUFFIELD did not consider that the grant of 20 millions was necessar y, but as it had been awreed to by the Commons he would not oppose it. He thought the salary of 3001. to the stipendiary magistrates too small, and should move an . amendment in Committee on that clause. The Noble Lord then went on to state some cases fir the purpose of proving that in several places—such as Liberia in Africa, Bengal, Java, Ice., sugar was raised abundantly by free labour. He thought it could not he denied that the slaves would labour if they were induced by the prospect of fair wages, and the hope of being able to Lor p d rocutethe co could no 4aufrt after ri s whichthey l isong de s ired. T residence in J ama i c a , c N , ob b l e e ignorant of the fact that the slaves there were in the habit of employing each other. It was n torious that now n Londonthey did so, an d that t h ose w h o were so employed work.-d v fi w ft h ee o n c( p m e r i cepraovedasyh.e fact.T There w ere personsry industrious ly reg ar d to the cruelties practised under this sy s t em , th e Noble Lord wou ld na turally be the very last t o h ear o f t h em r Lord BELMORE admitted that some cases of cruelty had come to his own knowledge. Lord SUFFIELD—The Nob'e Lord's predecessor, the Duke of Manchester, dia not deny that cruelties were practised, but he said if such things occii.red, care was taken not to let him hear of them. Oa the whole, although there were parts of the Bill to which he could nut give his ent►re approliation, yet he should support the measure as the means of putting In end to a system which could no longe' be continued with just►ce or safety. The Earl of RIPON had always endeavoured, in treating tois subject, to look at it as a practical question, and, instead of suffering his imagination to be heate , l by the accounts of the cruelties and oppressions of the present system, to consider only what was really expedient for the col •niats themselves, and would pr vect the colonies from being a perpetual scene of agitat►on. The state of society at present existing there was full of danger, inasmuch as even an attempt at rebellion must lie most injurious and de.tructive, even though it might he put down at a very early period after it had broken out. It was clear, there fore, that if the present state of society contained within it the seeds of that danger, it must be the interest of the owners of the slaves to seek some means whereby that state might be changed, and the relations between them• selves and their slaves altered.—(flear.) He had always felt that, if wb enacted the freedom of th .laves, it would be necessary to connect with ii a code of laws very severe and coercive. It was said that this was an anomaly. He granted it was an anomaly, but we were dealing with an anomalous state of society. The plan which he had proposed to the West Indian body was based opt's' this principle, and he proposed it under the impression that if they were anxious to forward the g reat object of negro emancipation, i t might be a satisfac tory mode of accomplishing it. They, however, regarded it cliff rendy ; ttiey objected to his plan bsth in principle and detail, and it became necessary to substitute some other plan which would be less liable to objection. In he e t e b n er tt t ih b re e e nsyue concurred.ab s r . t , i i e t d o t c in o o ul d o the With broughtl e present re regard tdo plan to t labourh feflo hisor levs own e at question w he ther t was clear from the evidence that there was no people in the world more anxious to procure for thems e lv es w h at they co nsidered comforts and luxuries; and acc or di ng l y we round them—titer giving to their master all the labour Athich he could exact—availing themselves of every leisure moment to procure tor themselves those comforts which they could not otherwise possess. With regard to the ~.inplaint of the Noble Eat, 'thrive to the transfer of 'lie power or punishment fr om the master to th e h ands of the magistrate, he (Lord Ripon) considered no regulation .o desirable. The cases of greatest cruelty had occurred d recittely in reference to domestic errors of the nature of hose to which the Nob e Earl alluded. From the peculiar circumstances in which the colonies were placed, to stand still would be utterly impossible. It might be said that the offieulty aro s e from the unreasonable and unreasoning .vartnth with which this question had been taken up by a particular body in this country, and from the too great facility given by his Majesty's Government to the opera tion of the feelings upon . which that body acted. But, in point of fact, those feelings had existed for a length of time, and had produced a' wonderful impression upon the public mind, and it was 'under those circumstances that Parliament was called uprin to deal with the question. He was not unaware of the difficulties by which the question was surrounded, but at the same - time he was not aware of any plan by which the object in view could be brought shout more safely and satisfactorily to all parties than by the plan of his Majesty's (lovernment. The Duke of WELLINGTON said, that the duty of the Government was to have induced the colonial legisla tures (or at least to have tried to induce them) to take further steps for the education of' the slaves, for the ame lioration of their condition, and the improvement of their habits. But instead of that, what they did was to take the lead in this question to force it to discussion, and to place it in a state in which, to use their own words, it was impossible to recede or stand still, and to go forward was the only alternative. The Noble Earl, in reviewing his Noble Friend's argument, had emitted what his Noble Friend bad very clearly pointed out, namely, the little prispect there was of getting the negroes, or indeed any race of men, to do regular agricultural work in those climates, so long as their number, were anything like what they were at present. This was clear from the fact that in Jamaica •lae labour that was necessary to supply the wants of 400,000 inhabitants was done by 300,000 negroes, on 26 day. in the year. There could be no doubt that any state of society, in which rebellion was likely to occur was wrong; but he wanted to know whether we should he safer from rebellion and r a systetn of master and apprentice than at present ?—(Hear, hear.) He said we should have rebellions just as frequently. With respect to the power of corporeal punishment, if h e was not mistaken, such a power was given by law to the master over his apprentice in this country. But under this Bill the mister was not even to have the power of dismissing his apprentices, however they might misconduct themselves, or even though they shout I be worn out and useless. Again, there were to b. hut 100 magistrate, for the whole nineteen colonists, whereas he firmly believed that that number would not be sufficient for Jamaica alone. His Majesty's Government ought to have stated the reasons for the alters ions which hail b en made in the measure since it had been under the consideration of that House before. Every pai tof this measure carried with it a character of harshness and violence, which rendered it most unlikely that the colonies would accept it, or their legislatures carry it into execution. There was another point to which the Noble Duke wish-d to advert—namely, the grant in compensation to the West India planters. In reference to this he observed that it wile usual that the money should be raised at mire, though cer tainly not paid until the stipulated services were per formed ; but in the mean time it was to run at interest fur the benefit of those for whom it was destined. He ob jected also to the scheme of payment set down in the Bill. The natural way would he to pay for the negroes at so much per head. The Noble Duke likewise expressed his conviction that the Presidentship of the Council would be no longer a sinecure, at least, if it were to attend to one-tenth of the appeals laid before him under the opera tion of this Bill. He re xt proceeded to contend that the planter could not, according to the present rate of produce, afford that reduction which would be demanded from him for the wages of the negro, and that, consequently, the produce would be of necessity diminished. He main tained that any interference with the intern it affairs and la gielation of the colonies, which led to the direct injury of their external commerce, was contrary to the spirit, if not strictly to the letter, of the Acts of the 18th ana 52d of Geo. 111., which expressly provided against any in terference with the external commerce of the colonies, That their arrangements with respect to the slave could have any other effect wis in his mind impossible. All experience proved it. Let them only look to their own free colony of Sierra Leone ; wherever free labour had been tried in those clittia.es it failed. The Noble Duke concluded by again protesting against the details of the measures, and declaring that he considered the Bill to be precipitate and ill advised. The LORD CHANCELLOR said that the course of legislation might be right or wrong ; but he denied that the Government volunteered it. The colonial legislatures had themselves to thank for the present measure. The question was one from which the Government, if it had so desired it, had not the means to escape. Certainly he, as one of the Ministry, bad no desire to shrink from it. In reply to what had been urged by the Noble Duke respecting the force of the Acts of Parliament, the 18ih and the b2d Geo. 111., which be had quoted, he main tained that even after tbe mother country bad abandoned tbe right of taxation, she had still reserved to the utmost the right of internal legislation. He was wrong in saying abandoning the debt of taxation, for, in fact, it was only relinqui.hing the exercise of the right—it was not aban doning. In support of this doctrine, be (voted the au thority of air. Secretary Dundas and of Mr. Burke. He doubted if there were any two colonies in which the value of slaves was the same. The plan devised by the Noble Duke became, therefore, utterly impracticable. No better means could have been devised to meet the justi e of the case than by taking the average value of slaves in each place for a number of years, and awarding to that place a compensation composed of the number of slaves multiplier. by the average. It was said that the condition of the slave was perfectly miserable —that the clearing of new lands was proverbially a source of mortality to the alive. No doubt the want of population was a gre .t evil; but had the existence of slavery had the effect of lessening the evil ? Ever since the abolitien of the slave trade. anti particularly in colonies where there were new lands to open, the mortality was very great, and the slaves had decreased greatly in numb-re—in Demerara mere than in other places. It was said that, in consequence of this Ball, there would be a failing off of one-fourth in the quantity of sugar. It was first assumed that nobody would work at all, that theme was something in the nature of the cultivation of sugar that would prevent the possibility of a man engaging in it if he could help it, and that nothing but the lash would drive him to it. What an argument this was against the continuance of slavery for one single hour longer ; and did not they who used the argument at once perceive that if such work as that was to centinue, it was the greatest of all enormities—that it was abominable to continue the sugar plantation if it could only be carried on at such a price, and on such terms ? It was then said that you would let in a great quantity of East India sugar; but ii the revenue derived from that source was still the same, what difference would that make ? The Chancellor of the Exchequer cared no more whether nine millions cam,- trent the West belies, area three minim:a came from the E.st Indies, than did the ancient tyrant from what source was derived the money that he held in his hand. .A doubt was then raised whether it was proper to transfer the power indiscriminately to all resident Ma gistrates. The result w as o f itse l f a suf fi cient justifi cation of the careful selection of persons in whom this power ought to be vested. If the power w s given to none but non-resident Justices, hew many licensee to preach and to teach would la t given ? He doubt d whether one license to preach the Gospel would be issued. But if there was a sufficient number of persons to exercise a so and discretion without hostility to the slave—without a dogged determ nation that no sectarian should teach the slave—then the 0 ject he had in view would lie gained. There was no evidence which coupe convict one of those laborious conscientious men—the sectarians—of having abused the office intrusted to them, and converted their religious calling to propag .te disaffec tion. The only possibility of teaching the slave was to be found in the congenial habits of sectarian teachers. You might as well send men from the Colleges of Oxford and Cambridge to a forge at Birmingham, or a factory at Man cheater, to spin cocoon or work Iran, as send them to the colonies to teach the slaves. 'They were just as well adapted to the one work as time other. The Noble Lordt concluded by observing that it was now 33 years since he had worked with other more effectual labourers in this good cause; mnawna thatu d yy i N t d}iFi w soo a . up s sßpe a :Dit g r; wj r ta e rnat a .tehasegratificationdt to see o isanedge b i tto t hnhfei,stahhgnaerdne clergyaemtu and r a n d ed good wank so nearly comp l ete d . e t a up s L e f a o o t r r d i in the West Indies Irons what be knew of the clergy here. there was not the least foundation for the charge which the Noble Lord had brought against them. There was no pretence for saying Christianity was not as likely to be extended by the labours of the clergy of the church of England as by the labours of any sectarian. There was a clause of some importance to which he decidedly objected, namely, that which took away from the M gistrates in Quarter Sessions the power of granting or refusing license to preach, That he considered an insult to the Magistracy, and he was sure the Noble Duke (Richmond) would agree with him in thinking that if such a course were pursued towards the .Magistrates of Sussex, they would justly complain of it as an insult. He would also ask, why all the boon was to come from En.land, and all the coercive measures were to be left to the Colonial Legislatures? He was afraid the slave, ou brine emancipated, would acquire ambits of vice which no religious instruction could coun teract. The plan to extend th e apprenticeship to •n an d fiv but on the exp i rat i on of the five vears all slavery would be at an end, f or i t was not to die ee expectedvr thate years; t he predial labou rers would submit to the apprenticeship a ip when lie the B n thiell altogether, non-predia Loth a labouree i t af rsw ere: eised o ourlaldeff P oraeep :commerce and the planter*, and, lib)ve all, the Goring; H.D.—New Shoreham Hall, Benjamin—Monmouth Hardy, John—Bradford Hume, J.—Middlesex Hutt, Wm.—Hull James, W.—Carlisle Lennard, T. B.—Maldon Lester, B. Lester—Paolo Marshall, J.—Leeds Martin, J.—Tewkesbury Palmer, C. F.—Reading Philips, M.—Manchester Potter, lt.—Wigan Romilly, J.—Bridport SCOTLAN D ' 00 Macleod, K—Slltheg Parnell, ie'e arnell, sir H._, Wallace, Robert---6"- I RELANII., Blake, M. J,_Galivi Hayes, Sir E.—DO2jg w Vigors, N. A,_ Carlo TELLEt• Cayley, E. S.—N. Y, MIND Of Forty-eight (Teller inch the duration of the Chart after which notice of termi given. RITY uded) who voted f° l ' °ll l rer five instead o f VP ination o f th e Charte r ° 48 ' 0 8 01 a: ........ 'SC 75 irity 74 A . i ENGLAND. ENGLAari g O ,; Aglionby, A.—Cockermouth Potter. Richard—•''' ' Bisb, T. — Leominster Scrope, P.—Stroud BI icgstone, W. S.—Wallinford Strutt, E; —Derby bl land amire, Wm.—East Cumber. f a n cred, H. W "-- lownsheni, Ld. Ca'rord Bolling, W.—Bolton.le.Moors fyrell, C.—West 7 1 g1 , ) Brotherton, J.—Salford Warburton, __H.--ms Brudewell, Lord—North Nor- Williams, W. A. -- thamptonshire shire .r A C C i a a y y l , ey vv , E_Sr ow N er . YHoarnk,slehtisre Willoughby, Sir 11. ; castle e t t Cobbett, Wm.—Oldham Wilks, John.— unste _.- i ~ Dykes, F. L. B. —C oc k ermouth Young, G. T.-17 " Egerton,W. T.—NorthCheshire Ewart, W.—Liverpool Faithfull, G.—Brighton Fielden, John—Oldham Sinclair, ti , —Caltn: o o Gisborne, T.—N. Derby Parnell, Wallace, R.—Gre e ," Gladstone, W. E.—Newark A 7' Godson, J —Kidderminster 1REL01. 4 ,4 Hall, Benjamin—Monmouth Baldwin, Dr. H.- -- ,50 Hardy, John—Bradford Blake, Martin—Oo, Hume, J.—Middlesex Evans, G.—DubllA, Jamel, W.—Carlisle O'Reilly, W....D Lennard, I'. B.—Maldon Ruthven, E,-1C,! .. .,l Martin, J.—Tewkesbury Vigors, N. A. ••• t ' i" Palmer, R—Berkshire Se R T L — A D r . 11: 0 #: ' Palmer, C. F.—Reading TWO S. - Philips, M.—Manchester Torrens, Col. _Bohm :al MINORITY si, l 1 Of F ort y c . e l a ig u b s et, which(Teller makes inelu Bank deil) voted w n b o n tes o tbb o Fifth England a le g al r en d er b y any b an k , exce P t wok s , or at the B nk. For the five years .... For the ten years .... In the Hon Majc 110..: te ` In the H0u5e...... ...... ........ - _..... 6010 - ", Majority.. ........ •••••• .I. .5 , 1 ENGLAND. Herries, J. C. Aglionby, H. A. Howard, R. WillissitH, , Bish, T. Hughes, H. Willoul.pc Blackstone, W. S. Hume, Joseph wood. , Bo ling, W. Lennard, T. B. ,t,el Iltnr Briggs, R. Martin, John Brocklehurst, J. Nicholl, J. Baldwi l y pil ' , A Brotherto :, J. Ord, W . Blake, jit Po Egerto , T. Phillips, M. HaYeN, 00 F. wart, W. P ot t er, R . Jer e r, o t Faithfull, G. S an d on, L ord 0' W !ridden, J. Sheppard, T. witeiliP *s, Forster, C. eh. Strutt, E. flutilv ell ' g" Gladstone, W. E. rancred, H. W. Ruth r. d Godson, R. Thicknesse, R. Vigo , * ~, Grote, G W a l ter, J. 'a l ll"' e Halcombe, J. W a rb ur t on, H . - or. Hall, B. Whitmore, W. W. Clay, 0) Mr. Guest paired off with Sir J. Byng of' e above divisions. For the Le Against it., :al Tender . FACTORIES BILL. MINORITY Of Twenty (Teller ineluiled) wh o voted oB August in favour of Mr. lirotherton's inoti °° l o47, the 4th clau se in t h e F ictory Bill, for efipirr twelve hnurs of labour of children enlFT°Ye° one hour per day, to make up for lost time accident„ to ste im engine or water wheel. 90 For the motion Ainst it ENGLAND. Torrens, nolto ° Briscoe, J. I. —East Surrey Walter, John...nt! Benett, J.—S.. u th Wiltshire Willoughby, si r ••"" Berkeley castle mho' K Cayley, S.—N. Yorkshire Williams, G.-- Fitzroy, Lord J.—Thetford Fielden, John—Oldham Goring, , F ia i r t s h h fu a George—Brighton John—Leedsp —Shoreham — ) E 34 1, 1 ; 34 5 14 :: 11, Lcl—. West Yorkshire O'Reilly, W.--- Plumptre,J. P.—East Kent Potter, R.—Wigan • I r l 'O f°l44s. Poulter, J. S.—Shaftesbury Brotherton, ,-- A lf MINORITY , sgri Of tW Ainn Th,ir:impnyt (Tellers toem i ,ia Lace For eluded) who voter ro tion of the Factory Bill. ENGLA N o. Thicknesses ~e 4 Attwood, Mos.—Birmingham l'yrell, C. -- 00 11 510/' Briscoe, J. I —East Surrey forrens Co L — 130 010 Brothertos, Joseph—Salford Walter:John - 7, 5 k Childers, J. W —Cambridgedi. Wedgewoodr Si Dykes, F. L. B—Co ckermouth Willoughby, aithfull, G.—Brighton I castle Fielden, John—Oldham Goring, H. D.—New Shoreham, Grosvenor, Lord R. —Chester Howard, P. H.—Carlisle Lennox, Lord W.— King's Lynn Marshall, J.—Leeds Potter, R.—.Wigan Plumptre, J. P.—East Kent Poulter, J. S.—Shaftesbury Shawe, R. N.—East Suffolk Stewart, P. M.—Lancaster Skipwith, Sir G.—Warwicksh Hay, Colonel-10e Oswald, J.— 6 LAr /f li tS OF-Todd Baldwin, T2r.---ow- Rahven, ' too to p Bolling, AV.; Tovet Heatheoat, J* * d f oer BIRTHS. 101 ° On the 11th inst., in Wi m p o l e . s t re et, the l a 0' Assistant Commissary-General T. Wilson, o cisp torb On the 12th inst., at Springfield, Upp er Moens, of a son. MARRIED. fori4A 0 0 On the ith inst., S. J. T o bi as, E sq. , of Nevi til. of I third daughter of Naphtali Hart, Esq., of So , ifscii , square. lo o°ll -C ° i - 1,/. I' On the 12th inst., at St. George's, 1 1, Gi°'" COr,l l ' Bishop, R.N., to Sarah, widow of the la"' 0. 4* or Esq., of St. Thomas's. Han , doh °if On the 12th inst., at St. George's, ido- . R. Newall, East India service, to Mary' - a gl i t. 9 alewitt, Esq. fin / eft DIED. l a te ,„ne, 4 f 1,0 14'..- O r the 11th Inst., Mr. J. Hepburn, °' 0 0 d. the 10th inst., the Hon. A. Percy, • r. T " z m er ed. O la n i n 79. On the 12th inst., at Hawlthurst, , tail-ma'ser, formerly o; Hastinps 80,4-6 ---%„ -- 1 4 - 0 , pU 0 k'lilNTEt AND PUELBUISD BY 1,4 LI 6/ XL Suit Orviclit 1 1 9 . " . 4 1 vi S un r. S tu I Q 4 4 to ts 4"" btfo % -4 I .t iet4 ipd Pkiti Yti e 2 tightetrol Ottin„ ii( h, .t r i it %, 111 get U h • nor 4 u , 4t tts k j 4 ik t1: 11 41 4 * al " , t 4 istab e 4 4 ' 3' t4 n . Z IY itab ikhl ie b o ii hb Y 9 11, 1 tot , zori th 111 • • ti ll 0 I 1' t •. , N . . 6, Isztli k ove kti ' 41 1 04 4 1 e obiliy4, 4 l. oa e:i l t• hi'? t bei hei 4lt '' 1. 0 14 % flank e th : l le • 14 n L ei v . en tii , ac, Zesi,;4l 1 ))' 84 of t he--s or niee is tt IL . tai th , e a i Nt 4 'on t/I liver, nil I § , hi:4o u tl . 70.700Lim slaves thean)_sieteuovrrleiligHdtoi;:atznamohnele(t!s,iod "Guywoiuosimbunietio°ernaing",,B jeesci,osi,ie.GeTzn,F.p_.tihLii°ll4AalEogins.9_lllo,l34oo,ooo.llll°6s''ll', ... iituitlihz.maltpiltiltilL,i ve.: ll iLert ' a upport et Lord ST. VINCENT objected to the nay G it proceeded upon an unwarranted distrust Pr ibeP e 141 NG A t 0 0 IS th Legislatures—and that distrust predominate- ti k i ti , at extent as, in his opinion, to endanger the ado! ) ' c ' tliy measure by the colonial authorities. , 0 vet Lord CLIFFORD could not conceive that'll,' object to the principle of the Bill, and therefor. %01" N* "........., sbi 4 imagin e that any Noble Lord would o ppose 1 t rtading. ', t n i The Bill was then read a second time, an. `o ' • ik . 4 1 be committed on Wednesday. „ t r.gul Their Lordships then adjourned. , 'twelv e ' 44% ,0t ; 11 r HOUSE OF COMMONS. ' , II of ti , P l ' BANK OF ENGLAND CHART' meat, A" pd Apill.. MINORITY b tka r/ Of Forty two (Tellers included) who voted for , the Bill for the Bank Charter for six months ' s't'et; r' For postponing the Bill ...... .....••••• ""' i 1 1 - " e vl .. - 1 2 1 , 65', nth, 17 i For proceeding now ...---, " Ti, In the House , D . Majority 79 e te ,_ " ENGLAND. ENGLA I ` II) ; ' b .irs' er Aglionby, H. A.-Cockermouth Strutt, F.-Derb-X ,-- uleh p i , Biddulph, R. M.-Denbighshire Torrens, R.- on ° ,,, n a ppli . , ‘'onint, , Bish, T omas-Leominster Tancred, H. VV ,--- golV '''s - -........._; Brocklehurst, J.- Macclesfield Tyrell, C.-West Su , Buckinghatn, J. S.-She ff ield Wall, C. B -t-uildtero tilt I ' , • , Buller, C.-Liskeard Whalley, sir S. -Na ti uFFHFFCC Fielders, a i:yin b iwil y ted u t. : okre e f:mi t W nun t .i ,.. i . . jj_too:Gtn H W ill i a m _ H ._ - O ldham N evpo r t o .1 W illow ,`" R 1 Dykes, F. L. B. _C oc kermout h ca tle.under-Lre „ , 0 lo t Ewart, Wm.-Liverpool : - 0 1 v ß:c h h a d a m I p e t 0 n Forster, C. S.-Walsall spkihaluoamgfwhWeers:,gß:ll.:NuFgjh esfesatOdixnfgor Suffolk p ( vv / a s am w l a me l i d eei:,s S l ß C . r ° . i..- c L ir ti A een N w il e s ite , 4 :1: :: etid h i ... ;: ‘,I:I J . Martin, John-Tewkesbury R EBl u vaa t k h ne v 4 e M n G ; l7 F -11 .d CIDE w 'Lu a l bw rd AlaillaY:f: t ' ' . : 441 . '''411 : 41:4; b : lovi il l I t. fel Vigors, N. C.-Car , tit 2 Romilly, J.-Bridport Scholefield, J.-Birmingham Scrope, Poulett-Stroud Ofmwrioittflitioiyan-o,tvntlii:Ths: jr il r e ,i r 2n l ; f in s f i cui et t e :r a d d i :) .. w l .f. h r 6k o lr voted for gr. J P . b elti ll Z l ‘ ' -7:1 5 s aremi miles, e n s For the 25 miles 6l , t ies a 1 1 kor the 65 miles __-.1 Pr* -. rl , ot to t r o s i h s l e . o vi f e t t hit,' ts, In the House 01 tf k , IN Majority ENGLAND. ENGLA I 2: O I kilil" , ai Aglionby, H. A.-Cockermouth Scholefield J.--Bi c i - ,01 og,:. AN Barnard, E. G.-Greenwich Scrope, Pouletteni ' ~ , oh „ Benett, J.-South Wiltshire Strutt, Edmund-Wpped - 41 Alt,._ Bish, T -Leominster Tancred, H. W ,- ,„ 0 ~, ' kft,,.. - vue Blackstone W.S.-Wallingford Torrens, Col.- 101 ` - folx :/ tri ß - Blamire, William -East Cum. Tyrrell, C.-West 90 _ 4 'ore Pe berland Wall, C. 8.-Guil o. ,,dfr p ort . th,,tek k , Brocklehurst, J.-Macclesfield Warburton, H.---.'" , 01 Ili •• 1 - hay '4.re , Buller, C -Liskeard Whitmore, W. "'-' - of Pea Burrell, Sir C.-Shoreham hampton S' - qt Clay, W.-Tower Hamlets Williams, W. A. ' titi 4 : ll 44 Cobnett, William -oldham shire too Dykes, F. L. 8.-Cockermouth Williams, 0.-A11. 1 ,7 - 1 , / , , en teki ) ! 4 tl Ewart, W.-Liverpool Willoughby, Sir s. %Iv, WI Fryer, R.-Wolverhampton , castle 0000 1 0th,,,./ (i 4 k i l Disborne, T.-N. Derbyshire Wilks, J.-Boston NI t o ; 3Llodson, R.-Ki , iderminster Young, G. F.-TP e.._ 4 i orine. IL n _lva,. ~,-__,......_