The Sun. — London, England, 1831-09-16 00:00:00

would much rather that the Bill were at once ear.] Tied in the House of Lords, than that Ministers n ere forced to have recourse to the measures ' tointed out by the Constitution for placing the two - Houses in harmony with each other, when the ma ority of the representatives of the people is so great as to preclude all hopes of bringing round the jCommOns 'to the opinion of the Lords. However, if the Peers are so blind as not to see that the consequence of throwing out the Bill can only be the compelling Ministers to add to their num bers, Ministers have no alternative. They must proceed. "No man having put his hand to the plough and looking back is fit for the.kingdom of God." To those Peers who would wish to retain the power of pillaging the people, but are not so infatuated as to cling to impossibilities, and are therefore open to reasoning on this subject, it can he no difficult matter to make ourselves understood. They may be assured that all the produCtive classes, all the capitalists throughout the country, all the national creditors, will strenuously support Minis. ters, from the most obvious principles of self-pre servation. Were an Anti-Reform Ministry to suc ceed the present, the people throughout the country would, on the most moderate supposition, refuse to r , r taxes. No man can tell the consequences which arght flow from such a step. We put out of conside ration the rising of any of the numerous organizations throughout the count' y ; because so long as there is a hope of effecting an object by peaceable means, Eng lisl,men will, we trust, prefer having recourse to them. But let us take the supposition that the people com bine not to pay taxes, the confusion which even this rep would produce could not fail to be very great. Now all men of property, all but desperate political ad venturers, all but boroughmongers and their toad eaters, have so strong an interest in preventing any such extreme measures, that they will support the present Ministry with all their heart and Soul. In the continuance in office of a Reform Ministry they see peace and tranquillity, and order and confidence. The accession of an Anti-Reform Ministry would be the signal for confusion. Nor let it be supposed that the people are to be gulled by the declarations of those who, at the twelfth hour, pretend to be convinced of the necessity for Reform, but object to abe present as too sweeping. The people know that this language is merely held out to deceive. No man, not utterly destitute of common sense, would think of looking to the enemies of a measure for the giving effect to it. When the Devil was sick, the Devil a monk would be, says the adage. Without any great lack of charity, we may se• down all the declarations of willingness to grant moderate Reform to the amount of an intention to delude the people. So long only as the necessity presses, so long only would Reform be thought of. "Do not grow angry, old Isgrim," says the Shepherd in the fable to the old Wolf; " lam sorry that you come with your proposal seven years too late. Your broken teeth betray you." There can be no sincere amity between the sheep and the wolves. The salus populi demands that all who possess influence with their fellow-citizens should, at this crisis, exert themselves to furnish to the Peers proofs not to he mistaken that there shall be no trifling with the question of Reform. Three or four hundred Peers are but three or four hundred individuals, whose weal or woe is as nothing when weighed in the scale with the well-being of this great nation. Let but the system of industry of this country be disturbed for one week, and calamity unspeakable would be the infallible result. The benevolent and the selfish, therefore, are equally called on to rally round the Government at this con juncture, to teach that portion of the Peers who are sufficiently unprincipled to disregard the dictation of justice, that they shall not be allowed to give effect to their intentions. The humble tradesman has as deep an interest in the welfare of the country as the richest landholder. All the industrious classes will therefore, interpose between the Ministry and those who would sacrifice the peace of the country to their selfish views. Englishmen, be firm and united at this eventful conjuncture. The Ministry are pledged to you—their interests are essentially bound up with yours. They cannot desertyou, and yoo will n ot desert them. They dare not resign, because they knew that to resign would be to expose them to the hatred of the Tories, whe would never for give them for what they hare done—and to the hared of the Reformers, who would never forgive them for unnecessary sufferings. Reaction would follow close on (he heels of an Anti-Reform Mi nistry, and all the calamities incident to such a state of things would be placed to the account of a Whig Ministry, who had not the nerve to follow up their own principles to their necessary consequences. A common interest, and common danger, therefore, bind up the Ministry with the Reformers, and the men who fails at this crisis—the man who is not ready to strain every nerve to assert them, is un worthy of the ranee of Englishman. The more vi gorous the exertion, the shorter will be the trial. One blow struck now may prevent twenty from being struck hereafter. The power is with us—a great and overwhelming power. To that power, if pioperly exerted, every thing must give way. Now is the time for vigorous demonstrations. Let the odious individual exhibit his majorities—the people must triumph over every obstacle if they are only true to themselves. We have now a kindhearted and benevolent Monare:7. and an honest Ministry, and let us snatch while we way the blessings which Providence has placed within our reach.—Morning Chronicle. A most important declaration was made last night by Lord Altborp, in the course of a discussion re specting the Press, to which the presentation of a petition from William Carpenter gave rise. His Lordship stated that if he had not been pressed with other business, he should have brought in a measure for the consolidation of the Stamp Laws ; and whenever he had an opportunity, he should in troduce some measure of the kind. " It was true (added his Lordship) that he had been opposed to the introduction of the Six Acts as eagerly as any Honourable Member, perhaps more eagerly, for he had been the person who had made the substantive mo tion respecting them. He then, as now, desired that the liberty of the Press should be protected to the utmost possible extent consistent with the prevention of private scandal, and of false attacks on individual character, or attempts to destroy public raorals.—(Cheers.) In his opinion, public men and public measures ought to be freely treated.—(Cheers.) Those who entered into public life took their situations as public men, subject to such discussion., and they ought not to complain of attacks of a public kind being fcee'y made on their political e nnduct.—(Cheers.) He did not take any merit to him• self in saying this, for lie did not see those Papers which made any attacks on him—he did not read such attacks. They were not agreeable enough to induce hint to do so— (A lauell)—but if he did, he hoped and trusted he should leave more good humour than to mind them—(llear, lear)--but he felt that public men ought not to complain of criticisms —even if severe criticisms were passed on their conduct.—(Hear, hear.)" This is a most important declaration from a man of Lord Althorp's station and influence in the country; and we hail it at the first distinct recogni tion in this country of the right of the people to free discussion, in the genuine sense of the word. It is the commencement of a new era. Discussion has, no doubt, enjoyed, for a considerable length of time in this country, great freedom ; but it hat; been a freedom on sufferance. Truly was sit observed by Mr. Lytton Bulwer, " that kom the free expression of opinion all that was honest and true:was to be ex pected ; and on it, too, all good and real Reform must be founded." —Morning Chronicle. We do not presume to anticipate the decision of the House of Lords on the Reform Bill, but, what ever that decision may be, we think i fair and only an proper that their Lordships be allowed the exercise of the right of free discussion, which the people justly claim for themselves on public questions, and House of the Legislature without which the U pp er could have no pretens.on to the character of a de liberative assembly. Some of . our co n t t e denying that freedom of opinion to o thers • iiiey would think it very hard to be . deprived d r) of, - -ilave already commenced a war of intimiciat o on ihe House of Lords. They have used threats of the moat violent nature—threats which ars as impolitic as they are indecent. Violence cannot serve the cause of Reform, but it may seriously injure it. If Reform b , grounded on reason and justice, the aid of the angry passions can only encumber its progress and endanger its success. None but injudicious ad vocates or treacherous friends of Reform would ad dress the House of Lords in the language of menace before that assembly has had any opportunity of taking a single step in reference to the mea sure. They who threaten revolution seem to commence it by thus chaining up that depart ment of the Legislature from all deliberation. If the House of Lords only exists in the Constitution to register the Bills passed by the Commorni, it ought not to pre-ume to discuss them ; but, if it have higher functions to perform, the more important the measure to which the House of Commons agrees, the snore necessary is it that the Upper House should he free to give it the most calm and dispas sionate consideration. If the measure were perfec tion itself, the acquiescence of the House of Lords, if it does not agree to it, ought not to have the ap pesrance of being forced rather than given ; but, should the proceedings of the House indicate an ad verse feeling, there will be time enough before a final decision to criticise and animadvert upon the senti ments and conduct of their Lordships, which will be then fairly under the review of public opinion. At present that portion of the Press which loves rather to domineer than to reason actually treats the House of Lords as a hostile body, and de mands that that august assembly shall surren der at discretion, and submit to march captive at the chariot-wheels of their arrogant authority, before it can possibly be known whether the majority of that House are favourable or adverse to the Reform Bill. One Journal goes so far as to say that the House of Lords would be at open war with the King, the Commons, and the whole people of England, if they were to " reject the Bill ;" or what it adds is precisely the sante thing—meddle with any one of its more important provisions. It is the same Journal that said, not very long since, in commenting upon the changes made in the Bill in the House of Commons, that the country had reason to blush for the Bill and its authors ! For our own part we should like to see the Lords meddle with some of the important provisions of the Bill. We should approve, for instance, of their doing away altogether with the division of counties, and the clause giving the right to vote to farm-tenants at will. These are highly-important provisions; and yet the doing them away would not put the House at open war with the whole people of England, but render it more popular than before. These provisions are, however, too obviously favourable to aristocratic influence to be viewed with disfavour in the House of Lords. At all events, we say, let the weapons of Reformers be reason and free discussion, and not intimidation and violence.—Morning Herald. The absence of nearly the whole of the Member , of the late Administration from the ceremonial of heir Majesties' Coronation exhibits, to say the least of it, an instance of as much bad taste as can well be imagined. A Coronation, though a politi cal, is in no respect whatever a party measure; but, on the contrary, affords one of the few opportuni ies when men of all parties can pay a willing ho mage to the Sovereign, without in any manner com promising their own particular prii,ciples and opi nions. But, besides the marked disrespect to their Sovereign, the persons in question may be truly said on this occasion to have, according to the late Lord Londonthr , y's maxim, " turned their backs upon 'hemselves ;" for it cannot be denied or forgotten that the Coronation took place when it did, at their own particular suggestion and interference. They, good souls! or some of them, took it into their heads, as a sort of forlorn hope, that his Majesty could not, consistently with his Coronation oath, give the Royal assent to the Reform Bill ; and there fore that the King ought to be crowned, and to enter into that solemn compact with his people, pre vious to this " revolutionary measure" (as they then chose to call it) being offered to his Majesty for adoption ; and no sooner had this idea been started than it was forthwith acted upon, and Lord Grey was questioned by the Duke of Wellington whether any time had been fixed for the ceremonial. The Anti-Reformers were, however, doomed to be caught in their own trap. Lord Grey, upon being asked the question, replied that he had not received any com mands from his Majesty upon the subject. Here indeed was a gleam of hope for the drowning catchers at straws; but it was doomed to be but of short duration ; for no sooner was it known to the King that such an idea as that which we have al luded to was entertained than his Majesty immedi ately ordered his Coronation to take place, and it has taken place in a manner that must have shown a patriot King what it is to reign in the hearts of a loyal people—the only persona who skulked away from the ceremony, and from the joyous scenes which accompanied it, being those who had urged its taking place, at the same time secretly wishing, as it would now seem, that they might still have its non-performance to harp upon. Good taste, as well as common prudence, however, might have taught them, even in the midst of disappoinment, to make a virtue of necessity ; and, instead of suffering their chagrin to get the better of their loyalty, they would have acted more wisely in crowding round the per toll of their Monarch on the day of that inaugura tion which they themselves called for, and which they justly enough deem to be of such importance. —Morning Herald. We shall make no apology for returning to the City of London Gas Company. The subject is one of great interest to the public, and the number of letters we have received respecting it convinces us that the public are awake to that interest. One of the letters we inserted the other day, from a friend of the Company, made a boastful allusion to the large capital they have at their comspand, and warned off all competitors from the forbidden districts of the city, on pain of having that large capital employed to ruin them, But not only have this Company a large capital; they have also an organised system for the protection of their monopoly, which, as the bo rouglimongers say of their own system, works well; and which certainly does work well—and very well, for themselves. It is not necessary at present to explain the precise nature of the system, or to s t a te by what treaties, offensive and defensive, with other powers, they have hitherto contrived to baffle all attempts at rivalehip. Suffice it to say, as we have already said, the system works well for themselves ;—how it works for the public is another question. That the Company have no cause to be dissatisfied with their own system may be concluded from the fact of their dividing ten per cent, on the shares, and being obliged, by management, to keep down the dividends to that sum, beyond which, for obvious reasons, they do not deem it prudent that those dividends should be permitted to advance, But the public, unfortunately, have not the same reason for content ment ; on the contrary, they see, in the dividend of 10 per cent.—which has been kept up, or rather kept down, to that amount, for a long period of time —a strong corroboration of the overcharge on the commodity, against which they have often remon strated in vain. The Equitaide Gas Company, whose pipes are laid to Temple bar, would be glad to carry them into the city at 25 per cent. under the present charge; and the City Gas Company, already in pos session, could afford, arid would be obliged, to do it for less, if it were not for the monopoly they enjoy, and the favour they experience from the tuthortties within their district. We are obliged to distinguish their district, because there are at present two com panies in the city—ono the " City Gas," the other the " Chartered Gas ;" and they have, for their own convenience, divided the whole into two separate allotments, so that the boundaries of their territory are distinctly defined, and any interference with each other prohibited by that sort of honour which is said to exist amongst—honest men. Some reduction has been already effected, or pro mised, in consequence of the dread of competition. It is natnral, therefore, that we should look forward with hope to the reality, to the actual existence, of competition, for further reduction. We are not at all insensible to the di ffi culty of competing with a rich and powerful Company, and we would be the very last to suggest any speculation so desperate as that of entering the lists against them without suf ficient means. But, while there is something very alarming in the idea of waging war against a rich Company, there is something very encouraging in the reflection that that rich Company made its riches in the trade which they are so anxious to keep to themselves. This is the view which we expect that men of capital will take of the subject; and, from what we know of the disposition of the citizens, we are confident that they would hail with joy, and promote by every means in their power,. the success of any rational speculation which pro mised to afford them the advantages of fair compe tition. At all events we are satisfied that the city of London is not the place where the spirit of enter prise is likely to be damped by the necessity of em ploying large capital in the endeavour to struggle against an overgrown monopoly.—Morn. Herald. The " indifference" of the public is manifesting itself with a vengeance We announced yesterday the meeting of the Livery of London for Monday next, and we have now to state, that not only are the Livery to meet, but that almost all the wards, divisions, and parishes of the metropolis are to have separate and independent meetings, for, the purpose, not of saying that they have ceased to be alive to the necessity and importance of Reform, but of petitioning the House of Lords to pass the Bill with all possible speed! There is to be a meeting in Westminster—a meeting of the county of Middlesex—a meeting, we are also told, of the great and wealthy dis , rict of Mary lebone; and there will, we have no doubt, be meetings of all the districts to which the free dom of sending representatives to Parliament has been conceded. There ought, at all events, to be such meetings, and who among the inhabitants will not readily join in supporting them ? This is the true way to treat the calumny which has been ut tered against the public feeling. Let the country be but true to itself, and the Bill must pass. In the mean time we trust it may not be altogether out of season to address a few words of advice, in the shape of questions, to those Noble Lords who consider re volution and a Reform in the representation of the people to be synonymous. And in the first place, let us ask, what there is in the word " revolution to frighten them ? Have we not had a revolution before now, and has not the country been more prosperous in consequence ? The mode in which a revolution may be effected is the only thing which they have to dread; and in this country especially, where the existing Constitution supplies the means of perfect renovation, there is nothing to be feared respecting the mode, provided the Peers will only uct in unison with the universal feeling of the country. What might happen, in case that they should prove refractory, we shall not state, though we have ample means of knowing ; but rather leave it to the imagination of their Lordships to conceive. Again let us ask, why should they reject the Reform Bill ? It trenches on none of their privileges, though it takes from them a power which they have long wielded to the injury of the country ; for the Peers are expressly declared by statutes to be guilty of a misdemeanour, and liable to pains and penalties if they be convicted of interfering in the representation of the people. The Bill, in fact, is a Bill in which the King and the people only have any interest ; and as both the King and the people are united in the desire that the Reform Bill pass into a law, we trust their Lordships will not give r;se, by their conduct, to the agitation of the ques tion of their right of legislation upon it. But again let us ask, are they not unwise in thinking for a moment of rejecting the B. 11? Do they ever ex pect to have such another presented for their appro bation ? If they do they are very egregiously de ceived. Neither the present Bill, or any other at all similar to it, will ever crave their sanction if the present be rejected. A constitutional denial of a redress of grievances is tantamount to a provocation to unconstitutional attempts of redress; and wh a t may perhaps be still more worthy of their Lordships' consideration, the people, if irritated now by a re- jection of their Bill, will demand more, and not be satisfied with what is now conceded. We beg tlitir Lordships to ponder this matter well, and not, by a hasty decision, to compromise at once both the existence of their own order and the tranquillity of the country.—Morning Advertiser. It is really quite amusing to perceive the eager ness with which the Ministerial scribes, justly alarmed at the approaching discussion in the House of Lords, are at present endeavouring to excite the dormant energies of the rabble. The Times is ever the mast active in performing the work of the Whig faction, whether it be to stir up the dross of St. Giles% against an illustrious and amiable Princess, or to inflame the united rabble of the three king doms in support of an abandoned Ministry; arid, as a matter of course, our contemporary has taken the lead on the present occasion. No opportunity is permitted to escape of reviling the House of Peers —no day is suffered to pass without its accustomed allowance of gro-s sedition and loathsome vulgarity. In his leading article of yesterday our contemporary has the following remarks : " Now what will the enemies of Reform say, to the feel ings of the people on that important topic? Awaking, as if by a crash of (our?) thunder from the repose into which they had sunk, under the conviction that all was going on well with their favourite measure —astonished beyond expression that the enemies of them and of liberty should impute their quiescence to indifference —we see them roused into a degree of zeal and activity becoming their cause, and which we have no doubt will carry the Reform Bill triumphantly through the House of Lords. It is a glorious sight, this fresh development of patriotic ardour I—this legitimate rising of a whole nation ! Will all this convince you, ye doubters, that the people are in earnest for Reform—that their zeal and anxiety in this cause are unabated; If not, tell us what proof you want, what issuraneeyou require, and they will be afforded .to you ; but beware of obtruding any mockery upon a roused nation I" Thus, according to the showing of the Times itself, the people had quite forgotten all about the Reform Bill during its progress through the House of Commons, and they have only been aroused from their state of apathetic indifference by our contem porary's crash of thunder ! Arguing, therefore, from this admitted fact, we feel justified in assert ing that the people, if left to themselves, would not care one straw about the Reform Bill Dees the hungry man require to be driven to his food ? Or does the weary traveller need the airl...of eloquence to lure him to his couch ? Assuredly not. How absurd then is it for the Times to suppose that if the people were really in need of Reform, they would require the crash of its thunder to remind them of their necessities. No, no; a people yearning for an amelioration of their condition require but little per suasion to induce them to demand it; and there fore we say, again and again, that the indif ference of the people of Eng and respecting the fate of the beform Bill, is a full proof that they deem it an unnecessary, and therefore a dangerous measure. That the feeling in favour of Reform was .ery general during the late elections we wil lingly allow ; but popular excitement is of short duration, and the people, enjoying a return of their natural good sense, are at length beginning to see Their folly, arid to repent of their past indiscretion. The Ministerial scribes have therefore our full per mission to rave and rant and thunder'as long as they please; we laugh at their efforts. The excessive heat of June has sunk down into the healthy tempe rature of September ! By-the-bye we perceive that the Times is offended at the charge of vio lence which has been brought against it. " They charge the Times with appealing to the mob, and forsooth would meet us with the people. in . con tradis tinction to the m o b. W e reject and m deprecate ob meetings !" Ah ! indeed I and h o w long is i t since the Times began to " reject and deprecate mob meetings ?" If we remember right, it is not three months since the Times - ,40t only courted tile aid of mob meetings, but kindly advised theta of the sort of weapons which the said meetings most advantageously use. And also, if we do not mistake, three days have not elapsed since the Times hinted about the probability of open violence on the part of the rabble. Can our contemporary, in defiance of these facts ' attempt to " reject and deprecate mob meetings ?" All his efforts, however, to remove the impression of disgust entertained against' him will prove in vain.; of this we are quite certain. It is notorious, and regretted even by the more moderate Reformers, that the Times has endeavoured to excite the rabble to acts of out rage and violence ; and our contemporary may rest assured that the remembrance of this fact will long stand out a lasting disgrace, not only to himself, but to the infamous intriguers whose views he endea vours to forward.—Morning Post. IMPERIA L PARLIAMENT THIS EVENING. HOUSE OF LORDS. Till Five o'clock the LORD CHANCELLOR was engaged in hearing Scotch appeals. At that hour his Lordship took his seat oa the Woolsack, and proceeded with the public business. Lord TENTERDEN moved the second reading of the Limitation of Prescription Bill. The Bishop of BRISTOL complained of a clause which he thought would affect the rights and privileges of the Church. From the known consistency of the Noble and Learned Lord, and his known attachment to the Church, he (the Bishop of Bristol) felt assured that circumstance needed only to be presented to the mind of the Noble and Learned Lord to insure its due con sideration. _ The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered to to be committed on Thursday. , a Lord MELBOURNE rose in order to introduce a Bill for allowing the use of spring-guns and man-traps in certain places, and for the protection of certain descrip tions of property. He (the Noble Lord was one of those who cordially joined in the repeal of the former Bill fur this purpose. He considered it a wise and salutary measure, and in at present repealing part of it, he felt himself obliged to give an explanation of the reasons which had induced him to introduce the present measure. Since that Bill was repealed, a crime, he might almost say a new crime bad appeared in this country ; a crime for which there could be no shadow of excuse, and which could only be committed by those whose minds were actuated by the most diabolical motives— he meant the horrid crime of setting fire to the agricultural produce. It was a crime which could be perpetrated with tie fairest prospects of privacy and concealment without the privity or knowledge of any one but the incendiary himself. For these reasons he had felt it necessary to introduce the present measure as affording some security to that description of property. The pre sent Act, it was proposed, should confer power to make use of these instruments under the sanction of two Magistrates, who would, when required grant a licence under certain regulations. He proposed that the pre sent Bill should be in force for one year until the expiration of one Session of Parliament thereafter. The Bill was then read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Monday. The Earl of ROSLYN moved the second reading of the General Turnpike Act for Scotland. The LORD CHANCELLOR then resumed the hearing of Appeals. HOUSE OF COMMONS. At a Quarter to Four o'clock the SPEAKER took his seat. THE POLES. Colonel EVANS presented a petition from the National Reform Association, held at the Crown Tavern, Museum, street, Bloomsbury, praying the House to take into con sideration the present state of the unfortunate Poles, with a view of addressing his Majesty, praying that his Ma jesty would be pleased to recognise their cause. Laid on the table, and ordered to be printed. CASE OF MR. AND MRS. DEACLE. Colonel EVANS next presented a petition from the town of Cranbrook, in Kent, praying the House to inves tigate the cast, of Mr. and Mrs. Deacle, with a view of affording them relief. The petition was signed by 150 persons, and he (Colonel Evans) was desired to refer to the Hon. Member for Kent (Mr. Hodges) to vouch for their respectability. When he presented the petition of Mr. and Mrs. Deacle, it was charged to him by a powerful publication, that he hadit in his po - cket three or four weeks before he presented it, which was not the fact, for he only received it on the Thursday, and he presented it on the following Mont*, Httittitted':on tt.ftirtner night that there was a very itiong feeliq';'thfoughtittt the country upon this subject, and that his Majesty's Government ought to adopt some measure respecting it ; he now repeated what he then said, but he way. unwilling to force any isolated case on the present Government, who were bent upon Re form, and who had, by their conduct, established them- Belt,. in the esteem of the whole country. Mr. WI K‘: concurred in the statement expressive of a ery general fe l inq upon this subject. He, too, had a pentio,. ant to kiln, in which the petitioners expressed their abhurr,liCe at the treatment received by Mr. and Mrs. Deacle, and specially at the want of gallantry and, the cruelty practised towards the unhappy lady. Mr. D. W. HARVEY said it was obvious that at pre ent nothing could be done in this case by the House, and any discussion upon it was premature. It was said on a former occasion that the defendants intended moving for a new trial as soon as the forms of the law would permit, and therefore until they had that opportunity, which would be during the first four days of next term, it was premature to discuss it. Should those four days of next term pass without the defendants taking any steps to challenge the verdict, then he hoped the Gal lant Member would bring the subject again before the House. At the same time he must say that Mr. Deacle had been greatly prejudiced by statements which had been male in the House by individuals who did not perhaps think at the time that they were all powerful there, and that the parties were. without the means of replying. Mr. HODGES spoke to the respectability of the peti tioners. Mr. PRINGLE spoke very inaudibly ; we understood him to deprecate the feeling which had been excited by certain Members of the House upon this case, and which bad been carried through the country by the instrunteri k s tality of the Press. Mr. O'CONNELL said the case of these i individuals had certainly excited a considerable interest throughout the country. He regretted that the present discussion was pre mature, as the case was to come again before a court of law; but he observed that two petitions, one front a place in Kent, and the other from the town of Wolver hampton, had been forwarded to him to present, praying that the case of Mr. and Mrs. Deacle might be taken into consideration. Mr. C. FERGUSON thought the feeling that had been raised was highly creditable to the country, for certainly it at present appeared that Mr. and Mrs lieacle had been most uraustly treated. He was of opinion that it would be better to wait the result of the proceedings in the court of law. before any further steps were taken in the House. Mr. F. PALMER said the House should recollect the diffieul•ies with which the Magistrates of Hampshire were surrounded, amidst riots and burnings, and then he would ask, was it possible that they could act as calmly and dispassionately as if they were sitting in the House or in their own drawing-rooms. There were no less than seven large mobs, and Hampshire mobs too, sallying forth from various points, and to accuse Magistrates who had, under such circumstances of difficulty and danger, a little overstepped the strict line of duty, particularly as it appeared they had information respecting Mr. and Mrs. Oracle, was in his opinion very unnecessary. Mr. LAMB deprecated these preliminary discussions pending proceedings in a court of justice.—(Hear, hear.) He hoped the House would see the impropriety of conti nuing this discussion, which could not go ou without rip ping up the whole of the case.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. BARING assured the House, that from the cir cumstances in which he was placed it was impossible for him to have acted otherwise than he did. He hoped Hon. Gentlemen would perceive that a feeling had already been excited from one end of the country to the other which would have the effect to a certain degree of preju dicing the case.—(Hear.) Colonel EVANS was not aware until sow that further proceedings were intended to be taken, or he would not have said so much ; he now begged, under those circum stances, to deprecate any further discussion on the subject. The petition was read, and ordered to be laid on the table. The Hox. MEMBER then presented, without obser vation, a similar petition from Leamington-Priors ; in War wickshire. Ordered to lie on the table. Mr. LAMB brought up a copy of the letters . patent un der which the Governor of the Isle of Wight wa s ap pointed. Mr. F. PALMER presented a petition from the re toilers of beer in the neighbourhood of Reading, playi ng t h at nu alteration might be made in the Beer Bill, and that the brewers sad retailers should bs subjected to the urns re gulations. The Hon. Member also presented a petition from the mechanics, labourers, and inhabitants of Reading, complaining of injurious representations respecting the effect of keeping open the beer-shops, that immorality and vice were thereby encouraged. They complained that through the interference of clergymen who were Magistrates, all their innocent games of skittles, &c. were forbidden, and the petition prayed that a similar surveillance might be exercised over the amuse ments and games of the rich, and particularly that cards and the dice-box might be taken away from the Rev. Gentlemen themselves who had thus interfered. Mr. NORTH presented a petition from the Master of the Rolls in Ireland, praying that he might have the power of appointing his own secretary. The Hon. Member gave Ibis Honour a high character for strict imparti ality, profound legal knowledge, and indefatigable industry, and assured the House that the interests of the public, as well as individual interests, were concerned in the settlement of this question. The question was brought before the House in consequence of a controversy which had for the last thirty years subsisted between the Lord High Chancellor and the Master of the Rolls in Ireland, relative to the appointment of a Secretary to the latter. The Master of the Rolls in Ireland hail a separate and in dependent, though subordinate jurisdiction, and every one connected, or at all acquainted with him, knew extremely well the great convenience, if not absolute necessity to the comfort of the Judge, if not to the interests of justice, that he should have in his own power the nomination and appointment of his con fidential secretary. The patent, however, under which the Master of the Rolle in Ireland held his office, gave it to him to hold and enjoy in the same manner as the Master of the Rolls in England enjoyed his, who every one knew bad the power and exercised it of appointing his secretary. In 1827 Sir Anthony Hart was appo'uted Lord Chancel lor of Ireland, and he, as his predecessor bad done, persevered in his right to appoint the Secretary of the Master of the Rolls. The Muter finding mat ters thus circumstanced, • for the purpose of try ing the right of the Lord Chancellor, appoiuted the present Recorder of Dublin (Mr. Shaw) to the office of his Secretary, the House would therefore perceive that in that appointment there was no eye to the emoluments, and an action was then brought for the purpose Of recovering the fees belonging to that office. Sir Anthony Hart then issued a similar order to the one promul gated by Mr. Ponsonby, namely, that no erder should be received unless siped by the secretary of the Lord ' Chancellor, thus effectually putting it out of the power of the Master of the Rolls to apply'to any other tribunal fur redress than the Chancellor himself. Mr. Shaw petitioned the Lord Chancellor on the subject, who, having heard the subject discussed for three or four days, de cided that the Master of the Rolls had no authority whatever to appoint his own Secretary. It then became a question with the Master of the Rolls, in what marine' lie should seek redress ; search was made for precedents. but none were discovered, and no alternative was then left him but to apply to the House. Lord Plunkett, r on his appointment to the seals in Ireland, took the course pursued by Sir A. Hart : that being the case, the Master of the Rolls had determined upon presenting the present pe tition, which prayed that an Act might be passed whit b would remove the barriers which now existed to the deter mination of the question. Mr. CRAMPTON (Solicitor-General for Ireland) did not mean to oppose the reading of the present peti tion, nor controvert any of the statements made, co argue any of the questions of law that had been raised, es this was not the time for them ; but he thonght it his duty not to suffer the petition to pass without making a few observations, in order to prevent misconception. He quite agreed that the petition was entitled to great con sideration from the House, coming from the high authority it did ; but, though he would pay ti e greatest attention and respect to the opinion of the 111aste► of the Rolls of Ireland ; be could not hut think, and in that he had no doubt the House would go along with him, that that opinion in the present instance was pregnant with personal feeling, and could not be there fore taken in the light of a judicial one. Still, how ever, he could not go along with the Honourable Member who had presented the petition, in thinking that the present question was free from all doubt or difficulty. The public, however, were not at all interested in the present question, and he would take upon himself to assert, that no such officer as Secretary to the Master of the Rolls in Ireland was known to the law. The Master of the Rolls appointed Mr. Shaw to the office in 1827, and then the question was to be tried; but where was it to he tried ? The Mover of the Rolls was anxious fur an arbitration, but the Chancellor (Hart) was of opi nion that he had no right to take away the fees of office of his own secretary, for the purpose of giving them to the newly•appointed secretary. The investigation was gone into. The Lord Chancellor never disputed the right of the Master of the Rolls to appoint a secretary if he were so disposed, but as that person wished to have what all secretaries were desirous of having, viz. something in the shape of fees, the question was whether there was to be a new fee established—and God knew, that suitors were burthened heavily enough already by charges in courts of law—or whether the existing fees were to be divided between the Lord Chancellor's Secretary and the new Secretary of the Mister of the Rolls. The Hon. and Learned Member adverted to an order of the Court made 21 years previously, and said that in the teeth of that order, the Lord Chancellor could not have decided in favour of the new Secretary, and no case had been made out to justify the setting aside of that order. (LEFT SPEAKING.) SECOND EDITION. SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock. nuE LONDON GAZETTE OF THIS EVENING, WHITEHALL, SEPT. 15, 1831. The King has been pleased to direct letters patent to be passed under the Great Seal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, granting the dignity of a Baronet of the said United Kingdom to the following Gentlemen, and the respective heirs male of their bodies lawlully begotten, viz.— Lieut.-General John Slade. Lieut.-General Sir William Anson, of Birch-hall, in the county palatine of Lancaster, K.C.B. Lieut.-General Kenneth Mackenzie, of Glenbervie, in the county of Kincardine. Vice-Admiral Sir Robert Waller Otway, of Brighthelmstone, in the county of Sussex, K.C.B. Major-General Sir Archibald Campbell, K.C.B. and Lieutenant- Governor of New Brunswick. - Augustus John Foster, of Stone-house, in the county of Louth, Esq., his Majesty's Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipo tentiary to the King of Sardinia. Sir James M.Grigor, of Campden-hill, in the county of Middle sex, M.D. Director-General of the Army Medical Department. Robert Way Harty, of Prospect-house, Roebuck, in the county of Dublin, Esq. Lord Mayor of Dublin. Colonel John Thomas Jones, of Cranmer-hall, in the county of Norfolk. Robert Greenhill Russell, of Checquers-court, in the county of Buckingham, Esq. William Chaytor, of Croft, in the county of York, and of Wit ton-castle, in the county of Durham, Esq. William Wrixon Becher, of Ballygiblin, in the county of Cork, Esq. Joseph Birch, of the Hazles, in the county palatine of Lan caster, Esq. Robert Campbell, of Carrick Buoy, in the county of Donegall, Esq. Wilfred Lawson, of Brayton-house, in the county of Cumber land, Esq. John Nugent Humble, of Cloncoskoran, in the county of Water ford, Esq. James Martin Lloyd, of Lancing, in the county of Sussex, Esq. James Gibson Craig, of Riccaiton, in the county of Mid- Lothian, Esq. Joseph Barrington, of the city of Limerick, Esq. Theodore Henry Lavington Broadhead, of Burton, or Monk- Bretton, in the county of York, Esq. John Colman Rashleigh, of Prideaux, in the county of Corn wall, Esq. • J- Campbell, of Barcaldine, in the county of Argyll, Esq. Percy Fitzgerald N ugent, of Donore, in the county of West meath, Esq. John James Garbett Waltham, of Knill-court, in the county of Hereford, Esq. William Heygate, of Southend, in the county of Essex, Esq. one of the Aldermen of the city of London. Thomas M'Kenny, Esq. one of the Aldermen of the city of Dublin. AT THE COURT AT ST. JAMES'S, SEPTEMBER 13, 1831. Admiral Sir Thomas Williams, Admiral Sir William Har good, Lieutenant-General Sir James Willoughby Gordon, Bart., and Rear-Admiral Sir Thomas Masterman Hardy, Bart., were made Knights Grand Crosses of the Most Honourable Military Order of the Bath. ST. JAMES'S PALACE, SEPTEMBER 13, 1831. Rear -Admiral Sir George Scott and Rear-Admiral Sir Tho. mus Dundas were made Knights-Commanders of the Most Ho nourable Military Order of the Bath. Henry Mex, of Theobald'spork, in the county of Hertford, Esq. Charles Mansfiels Clarke, of Dunham Lodge, in the county of Norfolk, M.D. one of the Physscians in Ordinary to het Ma jesty. WHITEHALL, Sem 16, 1831. - - --- - The King has been pleased to direct letters patent to be pasced under the Great Seal of the United Kingdom of Great B-itain and Ireland, confeiing the honour of Knighthood upon George Magrath, M. D. and Surgeon in the Royal Navy. ST. JAMES'S PALACE, Sept. 13. --- - The King was this day pleased to confer the honour of Knight hood upon Lieut.-Colonel Frederic Smith, Commanaing Engi neer of the London District, Knight of the Royal Hanoverian Guelphic Order. The King was this day pleased to confer the honour of Knight hood upon Lieut.-Colonel Alexander Anderson, Companion of the Most Honourable Military Order of the Bath, and Knight of the Leo al Portuguese Military Order of the Tower Auirb The King was this day pleasedto confer the honou r loso hoood upon Thomas Brancker, Esq., Mayor of Won" 00 The King was this day pleased to confer the honou r hood upon Robert Gill, Esq., Lieutenant of his Majesty of Yeomen of the Guard. The King Henryas this day pleased to confer the honour of hood upon H Cipriani, Esq m ~ Senior Exon of D__ he Guard of Yeomen of the Guard. The King was this day pleased to confer the honour hood upon Henry Hinrich, Esq., Lieutenant of his Honourable Band of Gentlemen Pensioners viis# The King was this day pleased to c infer the honour o f soe hood upon Richard Burton, Esq., Senior Member of his Honourable Band of Gentlemen Pensioners. BANKRUPTS. WILLIAM AUSTIN, Woolwich, ironmonger, to s urrePief oor 4 Sept. 23, at two, 30, at three, and Oct. 28, at two, at the vta il.. of Commissioners. Watson and Sons, Bouverie-street. • street. THOMAS CLARK ROUT, Portpool-lane, carrier, I t iot at eleven, 30, at twelve, and Oct. 28, at one, at the Cour t ljjeol missioners. Reppingham, Great Prescot-street, Goodirue.,o; JOHN STEPHEN GEL Oct Enfield-HighwaY , sex, bookseller, Sept. 23, 30, and Oct. 28, at eleven, at the of Commissioners. Lock, Surrev.street, Strand. oe. WILLIAM THOMPSON, Upper Thames-street, wl tr chant, Sept. 20, at ten, 27, at eleven, and Oct 28, at ten t Court of Commissioners. Bartlett and Beddome, Nichols," Lombard-street. JOHN MILLER and WILLIAM MILLER, Castle-L/ East, Oxford-street, working-jewellers, Sept 23, at two, 1 at half-past nine, and 28, at eleven, at the Court of C 0.." sioners. Swan, Bell's-yard, Doctor's-commons. JOHN CLARK, Old Jewry-street, Aldgate, wine me w coP Sept. 27, at eleven, Oct. 4, and 28, at ten, at the Court of missioners Kirkman and Rutherford, Cannon-street r esst , GEORGE W ALTON, Kingsland-road, timber-nie A Sept '27. at twelve, and Oct. 7 and 28, at eleven, at the CO pi Commissioners. Dods, Northumberland-street, Strand- ~, EDWARD HULL, Regent-street, picture-dealer, _,Dvcals and 30, and Oct. 28, at eleven, at t he Court of Comma'," Holt, Threadneedle-street. SiTO EDMUND GIBBS and WILLIAM POLWRIGHT, oct Norfolk, wine -merchants, Sept. 28, at four, 29, at nine, 040 28, at two. Greenwood, Wells ; Swain, Stevens, Maples, and Hunt, Frederick's-place, Old Jewry. ivir A WILLIAM WITHERS, Holt, Norfolk, money- 1. tgt Sept. 26, 27, at four. -.d Oe. • ' .he In n' 2i, at four, ani Jet. 28, at one, at the Angel • wich. Mitchellland Clarke, Wymondham,i Norfolk; Tow,' Essex-court, Temple, London. flO WILLI A M BUTLER, Rampton, Nottinghamshire, ,ssi monger, Sept. 27, at twelve and two, Oct. 28, at eleven, White Hart Inn, East Retford, Nottingham. Mee and P and Marshall, East 4 Retford; Hawkins and Bloxam, Ne w well-court, Carey-street. JAMES MUIItH EA H, Buxton, Derbyshire. innkeeper , ., ‘A 30, and Oct. 23, at eleven, at the Royal Oak Inn, Staffordshire. Jeyes, Chancery-lane, London ; Flint, tido. CHARLES BEVILLE, Clapham common, Surrey, u 0 sterer, Sept. 23, at twelve, 30, and Oct. 26, at one, at the of Commissioners. Davies, Palsgrave-place, Temple. _„,ifs JOHN REYNOLDS, Parker's-court, Coleman-street, g.FOII Sept. 20, at one, 23, at twelve, and Oct. 28, at one, at the of Commissioners. Lofty, King-street, CheApside ROBERT GRAHAM, Liverpool, victualler, SePt 99 r a t Oct.., at two, at the Clarendon-builings, Liverpool and Roscoe, King's Bench-walk, Temple; Lowndes binson, Liverpool. GERMAN PAPERS. CRACOW, SEPT. 3.—The Courier of this city conl e , i no direct news from Warsaw, as the communication is twein Warsaw and Cracow is intercepted, and bence ll or , a long tim e sinc e we ha ve even rece i ve d th e Polish i nals from the capital. On the other hand, the Courier g i ro , many reports, derived partly from private letters, and P a l , from the statements of travellers who have arrived - the authenticity of which there is the more room to do as they are partly a t var i ance w ith eac h ot h er , and 01: 0 so with the authentic accounts already made Jo t he through other channels. Among these accounts 0 1 .4 , fallowing, th a t accor di ng to merc h ants ' l etters f ro m 13 "'oe the reserve under Count Tolstoi bad been defeated b e y, Poles, and the military chest t ken; another report , that General Krukowiecki, after he was placed at tbee s bo of the Government, bad immediately given orders o st . Commander-in-Chief Prodzynski, to attack Field-D:0 shal Paskewitsch, on the whole line, and in e ° , 4 i queuce of this comman d th e R uss i ans h a d b e en cblio to retreat. In contradiction to this news, which o g Courier give in its y e ste r d a y' s nu m ber, also altrn 3 . o at the same ti me th a t t h e R uss i an army was a lready (I ' 4 (fifty) miles from Warsaw, the same paper gives te' llo from a private letter, the news of an attack made b . ,„9 Grenadiers of Scha c h o ff s k o i, i n t h e f ort ifi ca ti o ns of "0 saw, near Wola, a nnounce d to h ave ta k en p l ace o n tbe 9 „, of August, in which the Russians were repulsed with g i o o loss by the Poles, and t h at i t was h ope d i n CracoscS d the communications with W arsaw wou ld soon be ~ c 4 again. The Couri er affirms that it has received th o ,, a private channel the Wa r s aw J ourna l, P o l ac k Sumiesip of the 17th of Augu s t, f rom w hi c h t h e acc o u nt w , r . 4 00 murders in that capital is taken in these words :-- Jankowski, Honig, Bukowaki, Feutach, Fans l o and Madame Batt ,ow had been put to death, J.,/ that several spies had been taken and hanged °tot the city." The Courier then affirms that the RIO 0 1 themselves make no secret of the total defeat of Gene Golownin, and adds that a c i t izen w h o had arrived P ie Kielce had positively announced that that General wit* tested, and that the Poles had already occupied Luvio Colonel Koss, who was before affirmed to have foul/ 4 ~, way from Samogiti a t o th e D uns , i s now sa id to 1-0.0 returned with a great number of insurgents from Litt° he to Warsaw. With respect to General Rozyski , Courier of today says, that according t o a geuer o spread report he had taken Radom, the Duke of Wor t burg, who commanded there, having retreated on he l l o informed in time of the approach of the Poles. 131 . 4 ,p a same Journal contained yesterday an order of the Sj. dated so late as the 25th August, from Ostrowics , 4 dressed by General Rozyski, as Commander-in-Cli i the forces in the province of Cracow, Sandomier , Kalisch, to all superior and other officers, of the folloo'l tenor : cer" " It having been signified to me that many offi t y without authority from the National Government O h o Commander-in-Chi e f, have c oll ec t e d a t diff ere nt r small detachments, under the pretext of acting as part i° ,io and remain inactive, even to th e i n j ur y o f th e i r own o°l, the rear, I have resolved to summon all officers, withou t o ception, who possess such corps to appear with their en/ within three days a t Ki e l ce , t h ere to present thernsei" . .. 4 ,l Col. Obrechowicz, fro m w h om th e y wall receive fu rl orders. Any officer who does not obey the p" - 0 1, order shall be considered as a traitor to his 0 0 r , and as such arrested and delivered up to the military it bunals, and pu n i s h e d w i t h d eat h, an d hi s name JO" for ever br an d e d b y b e i ng pu bli s h e d i n t h e j ourn als °". ,ll traitor. At the same time, therefore, that I enjciP tiet , civil and military aut h or i t i es str i ct l y to execute t his 0 0 1 I declare that he shall be liable to the same punisbno who shall know of suc h a corps, an d not g i ve inforo o , tl ' l of it to the civil authority, G enera l W e i ssen h o f , i n Kiel' We are rather surprised that any man ; London (much less the LORD CHANCELLOR) should l o r a pamphht, entitled " What will the Lords do ?"o'id the answ er i s so easy , even to t h ose not muc h inigi' 1 into the mysteries of the Society for the Diffusioo bi s Useful Kn ow l e d ge . Th e L or d s w ill d o prec i se ly " I Ot the KING wishes them to do. We trust there ci.it question , 6 What will the King do ?" If there be, sooner it is solved the better ; for if his MAJESTY be stt fpf to create as many new Peers as will form a majority the Bill, now is the time for Ministers to r esigo' Glasgow C- hronicle. The number of Baronets made at the Co r °: • nation is 26. Among them th ere are sever al 113• fl Jt officers of rank, a sprinkling of the professions ( 0 JAMES M'GREGOR MURRAY and Dr. CLARIS), Pll gentlemen of property of every part of the three kingdogs Among the Scotch is Mr. Glssox CRAIG. Coros° has also Reformer, Mr. RASHLEIGH. SINGULAR RECOVERY OF A LOST SNIO: Box.—The following circumstance was lately related t ° . by a clergyman :—Some time ago, an old man in trig, bs of Skye, had the misfortune to drop his snuff-mull inW : e a sea. The mull was of a superior huaity, finely Wo n ce with silver. The o!d man having taken home the prod d i of his labour, threw down the creel, " more in so m a than in anger," and narrated the accident to his wife. 0 latter joined in lamentation for her husband's loss ;_ A '' e d being also "on household cares intent," she proce t 7 l , rather roughly to handle a fine plump coil, which 14 A t l i , bedded in the cre e l, w h en th e fi s h o p e n e d its jaws, tin d . , 5 11 charged the identical snuff-mull, accompanied With fish and herring fry !—lnverness Courier. . . BIRTHS. ree l. On the 14th inst. Mrs. J. J. Welsh, of New Compton -st $' Soho-square, of a daughter. . On the 13th inst. at Weston Green, the lady of the Re v Woodhouse, of a daughter. d e ' On the 11th inst. the lady of Henry Earle, Esq., of G e° street, Hanover.square, of a son. 80 . On the 12th inst. at tipper Clapton, Mrs. J. B. Moens, of $ MARRIED. ic/aef' On the 13th inst. at St. George's church, the Rev. H. 1 311 9 e second son of Mr. and Lady Georgiana Buckley, to Ch jai' Margaret, eldest daughter of the late Sir John Lowther stone, Bart., of Westerhall, Dumfries-shire. On the 13th inst. at Greenwich, J. Bridges, Esq. of R—„ square, to Elizabeth, second daughter of the late Jos e P'" i f tescue, Esq. of Weston-losge, Somerset. QA'"" On the 7th inst. at Fittodrie, Aberdeenshire, Ceci l o r Esq., of York terrace, Regent's-park, to Elizabeth, daughter of the late Colonel Knight Erskine, of Pittodri e ' DID. On the 4th inst. at Versailles, E most deeply lamented foar servedly rest ected, the Countess Linsingen, only data Mrs. Studd, of Ipswich, Suffolk. v.tigr 11 1. On the 14th inst. in Wellesley-street, Chelsea, Caro line `1 _ p beth, infant daughter of Mr. William Shoberl, aged U u ' a rril o Onthe 13th inst. at Hampstead, a fortnight after 1 0 00 4 from the island of Tobago, Christopher Irvine, Esq.• the Ow' eldest son of the late Christopher William Irvine, or island, and of Lansdown-crescent, Bath, Esq. fif PRINTED AND PUELisiIFD RV MURDO YOUNG. Al SUN OVFICY, 11:4 STRAND ) LONDON• - 4 'tie% 0 1 1.Titu a , .0f .71rter• ___ -__xrreßE C t'a to : 1411 6' fl li ttat 14 Cdpst ro hob . 0 4 % for 44" hat t4 B ma Zi la n Fie Offici te HE whi tba -07 li 441 es, has o ne I 14 °- 10 Litera l Orders, l i e • rs . for " u "..Pasa 41'6, Lana u Publisb „b. Ni d a y THE )? A •eri e l be of '—uPeas 0 Pr q 448 ,1? i li end ti k T obit ' hlin( 141 tii tti tim al 1 , 0 44, 1 btit4 I. cs °ries Ulkit C