The Sun. — London, England, 1863-07-25 00:00:00

Dr eIRIAL PARLIAXENT 4 ,- HOUSE OF LORDS—Last Evening. Tha Loup CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five obrelock. THE SMORE NUISANCE. Lord REDESDAL E called attention to the great in crease he had observed lately of the quantity of smoke emitted from manufactories and other places in the metro polis, and hoped the noble earl (Granville) would take some steps to cause the police to use every means to abate the nuisance. The Duke of SUTHERLAND also mentioned that he had observed the same thing. Earl GRANVILLE said he would see that the attention el the authorities at the Home-office was directed to it. SECOND READINGS. The following bills were read a second time without dis cussion :—Pauper Lunatics Asylum Bill—Consolidated Fund (Appropriation) Bill—lndemnity Bill—Land Tait Commissioners Names Bill—and Promissory Notes Bill. he Commons' amendments to the Naval Medical Sup plemental Fund were considered and agreed to. TELEGRAPHS BILL. On. the Commons' amendments to this bill being con- sidered, Lord STANLEY of ALDERLEY stated that, as one of e amendments which the Commons had made gave power - to telegraph companies to carry telegraphic wires over the houses and gardens of ale inhabitants of towns, provided only the street authorities gave the permission to carry them, he thought the amendments ought to be printed, in order that they might be considered tomorrow. The suggestion was agreed to. COM nITTEES. The following bills passed through committee :—Poisoned Grain, &c.—Expiring Laws Continuance—Removal of Prisoners (Scotland)—Charitable Uses—and Companies Clauses, THIRD READINGS. Th 9 following bills were read a third time and passed : Trustees (Scotland) Act Amendment Bill—Navy Prize Agents' Bill—Nuisances Removal Act (1855) Amendment Bill--Union Relief Aid Acts Continuance Bill—Turnpike Trus'A Arrangements Bill—Railway Clauses Bill—Water /works Clauses Bill—Turnpike Acts Continuance Bill— and Petty Sessions Bill. EMPLOYMENT OF CHILDREN. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY then rose for the pur pose of bringing under their attention the first report of the Children's Employment Commission. The noble lord dwelt upon the sufferings inflicted on young children em ployed in the making of lucifer matches, percussion caps, pottery, pillow lace, &0., and concluded by drawing a horrible picture of the tortures inflicted on climbing boys, who were still employed to clean chimneys, notwithstand ing the act of Parliament to the contrary. He insisted that it was the du'y of a civilised and Christian Legisla ture to rescue these children from the moral and physical degradation entailed by their employments by enforcing acts of Parliament against those who violated them, and by protecting the health of the children by improved ventila-, tion, earlier hours, and less continuous work. The subject then dropped. POLAND. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE rose to move for any reports that might have been received from our diplomatic or consular agents on the continent, of atrocities coramitted or threatened by Russians or Poles since Ist M'Ay ; and to inquire whether her Majesty's Government have reason to hope that the civil war now raging in P eland will be hence forth conducted according to the alleges of civilised war fare. Whether Poland was to 1 , - Je, or could be, restored to a peaceful condition under tb..-3 dominion of Russia, or attain her independence, he left, to his noble friend. He did not wish to involve her 1 11 :.ajesty's Government in any declara tions. He merely wished to have the atrocities and cruel ties of the civil - war put a stop to. He might be told that th o se cruelti',a and atrocities were not confined t o one s id e. That was - .Try possible. But what he wanted was official informs;don with regard to them. Having interfered in the mattrir at all we were bound to go on and see the difficulty dealt with in an effective manner. The position in which we at present stood was almost unprecedented. The French people were, perhaps, rather more deeply involved than we ~ were, but both countries were so far involved that they could not draw back. The Governments of the two coun tries had never before taken so active a part in concert in the affairs of another great Power. Any one who would have predicted a year age that the Governments of France and England, with Austria, would have acted such a part in concert, would have had his political sagacity ridiculed. He would not have been deemed very wise or well in formed. The ground upon which the Government had rested their interference was in order to put a stop -to the effusion of blood and to those atrocities which shocked all Europe. But what had been the effect of their communication, if they had had any effect at all ? Day after day they read that greater cruelties, or, as the Russians called them, "more energetic measures," were adopted. Not only had the representations of England not been attended to, but they were not treated in the manner which we had a right to expect. Since the re monstrances of England had been first forwarded to St. :Petersburg, General Mouravieff had been sent into the dis turbed districts, and that decree had been published by him which sentenced ladies wearing mourning to be treated in the same manner as common women of the town. He wished for official information as to whether those atrocities against which we had protested had been checked, or whether they - had been officially contradicted. Ho did not think they could be contradicted, because names of persons and places and dates were given with such accuracy of detail that it was not likely they would be given unless the facts were as stated. They heard of Polish peasants being marched at the head of bodies of Russian troops to cover their advance against the Polish insurgents. They heard of bishops and .archbishops exiled or imprisoned, and a priest, who had per formed his sacred duties to his God and his fellow -country men by attending to minister to the dying, was at first con demned to death, and afterwards, by way of an act of mercy, his sentence was commuted to 12 years' imprison ment. With regard to the despatch of Prince Gortschakoff, it was not very encouraging to observe the sneers which he directed against his noble friend, The noble earl might pro bably take no notice of these sneers, but it was intolerable, and it was what neither France nor England could en dure, when they found that, in addition to the manner in which their remonstrances were treated, more energetic measures were demanded to put down the insurrection. They might say that they were resolved not to go to war, :but they were bound solemnly, before God and man, to put a stop to those atrocities. He did not understand his noble friend (Earl Russell) to say that on no account would he allow himself to be drawn into war. What he understood him to say was merely that, in their interference, they had no desire to injure Russia, for the disturbed state of Poland -was most prejudicial and dangerous to the Russian empire. As England and France had begun, they had a right to say that at least the war must be carried on according to the usages of civilization, or else they must take part in it. They must put a stop to such unchristian and barbarous practises. Earl RUSSELL said that his noble friend asked him for official papers relating to what is at present going on in Poland. In reply, he had to state that he found it was very disadvantageous to our diplomatic agents abroad to make public their communicatio ns t o h er M a j es ty' s Government. 0i course it was essential that her Majesty's Government 'should h ave th e most authentic information, but their diplo matic agents told them that it was very difficult to obtain any, reli_able and useful inf o rm a ti on if it were to be laid before Parliament The statements regarding the act to which his noble friend had alluded were, of course, very liable to be questioned. What Lord N a pi er h a d said when appud afford was to was, that all the information he could derived Consul from the Russian Government. Her Majesty' s collUtat but th ou at Warsa w gave them other ac ounts were of course denied, as he said, from report ! , and quarters. 'Which came to,hina from various parties only, therefore, would the Govern rasdation if that which they at pre- Ris e public, but Parliament itself se m mne ig nt h tr t oebc b et e aivined m l i e sed i ! ne nobles friend had spoken of the conduct of General mour with regard to the Polish women. As to the decree issuedieff by the genera l , i t might be taken to be perfectly and a auth en tic, it hadtic.lhad b een l ong published throughout Europe, been officially con tradicted it might be tak en as anth..u°t - When Lord Napi er ' had asked Prince Gortschakoff whPautthaied actally . taken pla ce with regard to it, Prince Gort sc h akolt ladies were arrested for being found dressed admit te d that when they had been fined. But he . said that tieewhelis of the fi nes il mo urning a mounted only to £llO or £120; that they had and that the insurrectionary badge had ceased been paid bited. He yid not think their lordships would feel to be el satisfied if that were all the information the Government in answer to the motion of his noble friend. With could give! e t t a the general question, his noble friend said that they ought not to have begun or taken any steps unless they were u p r i4 pared to obtain what they asked. His opinion on that sub e : jest differed from that of his noble friend. He thought it might be often well to make representations to other Go vernments, without being prepared to present them with the alternative of war. He should notice what was a very great misrepresentation of what he had said in the house on a former occasion. It appeared that Mr. Horsman had somehow made a statement, which was really so important and so evidently in contradiction to what he (Earl Russell) really had said, that he should call their lordships' atten tion to it. He found it stated that the statements which ho (Earl Russell) was supposed to have made was, that h owev er much the honour a nd interest of England f might demand it, however much the safety of Europe might re quire it, England could on no account draw the sword for Poland. That was manifestly so absurd that it was obvi ously impossible he could have made such a statement. The argument which he did use was this —that where the honour and independence of England were in question, there could be no calculation of consequences, but they must defend their honour at whatever cost. But he also said that when the question was one of general humanity, and one affect ing the balance of power, and the bearing of certain treaties, it then became the Government, before taking any course or coming to any conclusion, and it became Parlia ment, before taking any decision, to consider and see clearly what the object was which they had in view, and the proba bility of whether they had the means of effecting that object. There was no question either with regard to the honour, or the independence, or the safety of the country t was a question for national consideration whether the - w ere likely to obtain the object they had in view, and espe ly whether that object was a definite one. There we wever, ano ther statement made in the same speech cry different character. Ho meant that which attribute to hint a state ment, that if Poland obtained her independence, it would be not only without the goodwill, but contrary to the judgment, the wish, and the desire of England. Something like that construction was put upon his speech by a noble earl oppo site. He might have expressed himself somewhat obscurely. Probably what he said might have borne that interpretatioe i , but it certainly was not what he meant to have conveyed. He had ventured to express some time a iv e - regard to the independ ence of Potrid his opinion with independence would one dad • Or other ,and he hoped that that be testored. But what he was arguing was, that an independent Poland which would be established l oy forefeet Powers,whether it was by France, or Austria, or England, might become an element of dis order And danger in Europe. It appeared to him that that was not only a fair argument, but it was just what would happen. ,It Poland were able to establish her own indepen dence, it would be an element of order and peace in Europe, But if foreign Powers were to establish what was called an independent kingdom of Poland, which could not exist of itself, it it were exposed to continentalconflicts and agitation, to maintain its independence or extend its territory—and it France and Englandwere to be continuallyealtedupon to sup port that kingdonewhich they had thus artificially created , he believed that such a kingdom would be a source not of order but of disorder in Europe. That was his argument—a very plain one—and he did not think it was one from which men in general would dissent. With regard to what was going, on at the present moment in Europe, her Majesty's Govern ment had received a very important communication from Russia, which had been laid before the house. All he had to say upon that communication was that the only practical part of it was a recommendation on the part of Russia that Austria should combine and act in concert with Prussia and Russia; that they should hold a conference between the three ; and that they should settle the details of what should be done with regard to the six points ; and that when they had come to an end of their labours, and agreed to cer tain details and m asures. England and France were to have the benefit of being informed of the result. That was the only practical proposal. He was glad to say that no sooner was that proposal made to Austria, than the Austrian Go vernment at once telegraphed to St. Petersburg declining the proposition. (Hear, hear.) He had had placed in his hands by the Austrian Ambassador a vet y able and straight forward despatch in which Austria entirely refused to be a party to such a conference. He could only say that, so far as the communications had as yet gone, France and Austria were entirely agreed with England as to the views which they took of the subject. But he certainly would not be justified in producing any papers such as were asked for by his noble friend, or in entering any further into the subject. Lord STRA.TFORD DE REDCLIFFE did not under- stand his noble friend (Earl Russell) to say that on no aoor;ant would England go to war. As to the course Which Austria had pursued, he was sure the house must view it with the greatest satisfaction. Austria was no longer the oppressor of Italy and the great bar to pro gress and enlightenment. England could look to her as an efficient co-operator in her efforts to promote liberal ideas, and she had fairly entered on the path of prospe rity and progress. He could not quite agree with his noble friend near him (the Marquis of Clanricarde). This question was one of a nature more extensive than that of mere humanity alone. A great nation of several millions of men were forced to rise against the power which oppressed them, even although that power was so great as that of the Russian empire. And when the severity which Russia had heretofore exercised was considered, they had a strong as surance that the character of the repression which that em pire would apply to Poland would assume the form of exter mination. Cruelty and violence must mark every movement under the circumstances and conditions of the war. The war was carried on contrary to every principle of humanity and it was most likely to endanger the peace of Europe. The Russian despatch laid upon the table byhis noble friend was little calculated tq convey an assurance of a hopeful character. The spirit in which it was composed was mani fest in the language used. It was a matter much to be re gretted that a paper of so muchimportance, proceeding from a Power of such high standing in Europe, should be marked by the use of sarcastic language. We surely had a right to expect in the answer to our despatch not only a civil reply, but one marked by some regard for humanity. Diplomacy on the present occasion had assumed the appearance of a mere form. The existence of that plague sore in Europe could not be allowed. It could not exist without constant danger to the peace of Europe and to all its commercial in terests. If the policy of a great country like this was to be determined by the fear of war, Great Britain had better throw up the commission of its greatness, and sink back into the second place, which would best become it. She could not hold a position of this kind without serious re sponsibilities ; and, if she shrank from undertaking these, she would set a. vicious example to the other nations of the world, and lay the basis for disturbances in Europe, She must advance ; and there were measures which she might adopt that would not justify Russia to go to war with her, and were consistent with the law of nations which a sense of duty would impose on her. He must ad mit that a policy of that kind could not. be pursued without exposing Great Britain to the hazard of war— (hear, hear, from the Opposition)---but when a duty was imposed on her she ought net to shrink from it, especially if the future tranquillity of Europe was mixed up therewith. But he did not apprehend war; Russia was not the Russia of ten yea'rs ago. She felt the reaction of that- course of policy' which she pursued so long ; the losses in war and the effect on her national prosperity of those causes which other countries felt in consequence of her intrigues; and while Great Britain ought not to take advantage of the weakness of a friendly Power to press her views to extremity, it would be for the interest of Europe that she should not be too deli cate in the discharge of her duties. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH said he could not find fault with her Majesty's Government. He had said in the early part of the session that it was their duty to place them selves at the head of public opinion in Europe, and he was now glad to testify that they had tried to do so. He felt that the answer of Prince Gortschakoff would put an end to all attempts to continue diplomacy, and to go further in that course would be an evil. It was said that there was no use in this interchange of diplomatic notes; he felt there was this great advantage, that in the results they knew the exact position in which they were. It remained for her Majesty's Government, this act being over, plainly to con sider what they would do. He did not think that it would be expedient for him to enter on that; it was a subject which required the utmost consideration, and he felt that he could not assist them if he endeavoured to show them what their duty was on one side or the other. He did not vote for any letters from Warsaw or any other part of Poland to substantiate the statement of the atrocities which the Pules were called on to suffer; the proclamations of General Mouravieff were in themselves an atrocity ; the state of things —a general confiscation of property, and the want of appreciation of public feeling —was in itself an atrocity—(cheers) —as yet unknown in Europe. He felt convinced more and more every day that, despite the prudence of the Cabinet, desirous though they might be to prevent the advance of war into Europe, their attempt would be in vain if the atrocities continued. The feeling of the peoples of Europe, in that event, would overcome the prudence of their Governments. (Cheers.) He trusted the Russian Government would feel this. She had had the same advantage in governing Poland that Austria had in Gallicia and Prussia in Posen ; in those they saw great pro sperity for the last 33 years, whereas the kingdom of Poland had been in a state of determined insurrection. (Hear, hear.) The cause was bad government—(cheers) —and bad govern ment only ; and consequent on this, that brutal contempt for the feelings of those who were governed, against which human nature revolted. Their lordships desired the con tinuance of the state of things which was established by the Treaty of Vienna. It was not drawn np without delibera tion ; and the countries had become accustomed to it. If it were materially altered, the effect must be to break up the , peace of Europe ; but Russia rendered it impossible to carry' it out by the course on which she entered. Had Russia de rived any advantage from possessing Poland ? (Hear, hear.) Was there any prestige from governing Poland as she did ? Prestige was derived from success in war, and other opera tions, but in Poland she had proved a failure. (Hear, hear.) He (Lord Ellenborough) wished that the Emperor, speak ing through his ministers, and attributing his troubles to the revolutionary feeling in France and other countries, would consider that he was the first revolutionist in Eu rope, in placing himself at the head of the serfs against their late masters. Such a step was a popular insurrection against property, and the Emperor was at the head of it. He ventured to predict that the Emperor and his family would suffer if he adopted such a line. But if the Emperor looked through the history of nations, and especiall y o f the nations of the East, with which he was h imme diately connected, it w ou ld b e i mposs ibl e f or estim not to see that justice and generosity were more eacerityioTtiourth_e government of nations than the greatest calm, it was sure til ": b severity might create an apparent There had been g at:: ue things more clan e treatment of women:l= e followed by a reaction and state of than that which preceded the calm. mentioned, and especially their who lived in cle it was impossible that any one his enemy, Tanhde xernpueean hiontraged women made mankind 80 , i:0 1111 ml:1e could have sanctioned. And yet it was elf to all the consequences. l mPossible not to believe that the atrocities (Cheers to women were without the orders of Mouravieff, and he was the favourite agent of ha nthde Russian Gov ern . thencreakce th ef her 'lrd difficultiea by Majesty's ewmouatldternohlt m G e o n v t e . rnm H e e nt le ; ft h th e offering any advice, and trusted they w o consider the next step ; but if that step most gravely rnacy, it would fail, as it did the first. (Cheers.) one of diploe The Earl of MALMESBURY said heneverere.) felt so much apprehension as to the state of i ur ain o since 1853, did at the present time. The safe course fer the PELaysruh6 molt to pursue was one of non-intervention, the policy which they adopted when they entered on office. The Go vernmenty could show their displeasure in this case as they did in that of Naples, by ordering their ambassador to with draw from St. Petersburg; and in taking this stop they would not be giving cause of war. The noble lord concluded Mb SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JULY 25, 1863. by deprecating any forcible action in connection with the Polish question, for whith he said there was no justifica tion, either on the gronnd of friendly associations between England and Poland, or of financial dr temtnercial inte rests. If this oohntryjoined in a war with France on ac count of Poland their interests would be at Variance; and it would end as other wars had ended during the last six or eight years, in giving France some inaterial advantage. Earl GRANVILLE said it was rot desirable for mem bers of tike Government to go deeply into arguments on this question at a time when they were giving the gravest consideration as to the course to be adopted, But he de sired Co say, in reference to the noble earl's speech, that the policy he had suggested Was incomprehensible. At first he had deprecated any interference, even diplomatically ; and afterwards he had suggested a course which might have been adopted—the alternative of the non-acceptance of which, Oft the part of Russia, was to have been the with drawal of our ambassador. That was a ten times stronger step than any which her Majesty's Government had taken, He denied that there had been any departure from the prin ciple of non-intervention. Her Majesty's Government had, in coejuncticn with the great Powers of Europe, applied their moral influence, based on treaty rights and interna tional law, to point out the course which, in their opinion, Russia ought to take. Not to have done so would not have been consistent with the dignity and prestige of this coon try, which the noble earl was so anxious to preserve. To have withdrawn our Ambassador and ceased diplomatic re lations with the Court of Russia would have been to inter vene in a much more important way, and would have been much more sure to lead to the disastrous results which he trusted might yet be averted, than the course pursued by her Majesty's Government. After a few words in reply from the Marquis of CLANRI CARDE, the motion was withdrawn and the subject dropped. ATTACHING INDEPENDENT VOLUNTEER CORPS TO ADMINISTRATIVE BATTALIONS. The Earl of MALMESBURY moved for a copy of the letters written to the Lord-Lieutenants of counties by the Secretary of State for War, on the subject of attaching in dependent corps of volunteers to administrative battalions. He understood that it was to be permissive, and that Lord- Lieutenants were to give the corps the opportunity of de ciding for themselves whether they would be so attached ; but he had ascertained that in some cases this had not been done, and that independent corps had been so attached by the Lord-Lieu enants without having been consulted. Earl DE GREY, in reply, said that there would be no objection to lay a copy of that letter on the table. It was de sirable that independent corps should be connected with administrative battalions to receive the services of an adju tant as acting paymaster in connection with the distribution of the capitation grant, and to give the Government the security necessary as to the efficiency of the members of the carps. The letter had ben sent on the supposition that in dependent corps should not be so attached without their free consent. Although it was very desirable that the corps should be united into administrative battalions, to receive the instruction of the adjutant and the payment of the Go vernment grant, yet in places where any local difficulties existed, the Lord Lieutenant would be empowered to make such arrangements as would be most acceptable to the corps. Their lordships adjourned at a quarter to 8 o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—Yesterday. The SPEAKER took the chair at hall-past 12 o'clock. RUM DUTY BILL. This bill was read a third time. AUGMENTATION OF BENEFICES BILL. This bill was read a third time. ALTERATION OF JUDGES' CIRCUITS BILL. This bill was read a third time. BRITISH COLUMBIA BOUNDARIES BILL. This bill, as amended, was considered and agreed to, and read a third time and passed. CLERGYMEN (COLONIES) BILL. This bill was read a third time. EAST INDIA REVENUE ACCOUNTS. The report on the resolutions agreed to last night was brought up and received. STATUTE LAW REVISION BILL. On the motion that this bill be read a third time, Mr. HENNESSY repeated several of his objections to this bill, which he said would repeal some enactments which ought not to be repealed, and leave untouched others which were virtually of no use on the statute-book. The hill, which consisted of 198 clauses, was full of anomalies, and ought not to be hurriedly passed at the fag end of the session. Some old acts would be mutilated, such as Magna Charter, and for all practical purposes the bill would be in operative. In conclusion, he moved, as an amendment, that it be read a third time this day week. Mr. L YGON seconded the motion. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL replied—The bill had been carefully prepared by eminent gentlemen of the greatest legal experience, who had devoted years to its compilation. All the objections raised by the hon. and learned gentlemen were utterly baseless. The hon. and learned gentleman had evidently employed his leisure in dipping into some legal books, and the result was his picking up a smattering of information of the most superficial nature, which he had abundantly displayed in his opposition to the bill. He had raised no real objection to the bill, which, in the opinion of lawyers on both sides of the house, would constitute a great boon to the professors of the law and the general public. In truth, the hon. and learned gentleman evinced no knowledge on the subjects with which he had dealt, and yet asked the house to withdraw its confi- d , nce from those who possessed great knowledge on the matter, as abundantly evinced in the laborious preparation of this measure, which had been in preparation since 1859. Mr. HENNESSY withdrew his motion, and the bill was read a third time, and passed. which was necessary for the effective prosecution of the purposes of the instittition, inblitcling, above all; its religious purposes, and at the same time make every practical con cession to those who were without. Mr. LYGON expressed his opinion that subscription was amongst the most effectual means of preventing reli gious animosities, and ieinded the house that although the petition was signed by 106 persons, 73 of the ntriber were laymen. The document could not, therefore, be taken as expressing the views of any important section of the clergy. Mr. G. DUFF said that the petition represented the views of the elite of the blue blood of the university, and that, although many di,tinguished members had not signed it, the spread of liberal sentiments was so great since the secession of Dr. Newman that a very strong feeling existed in favour of the abolition of tests: Mr. NEWDEGATE hoped the house would not, with out mature reflection, give any countenance to a proposi tion to open to persons holding different religious opinions the only university now limited to members of the Church of England Mr. B UXTON thought the question was not whether we should abolish tests, but whether those particular tests complained of were not cumbersome and unnecessary. Moreover, Parliament had already, in the caseof the Uni versity of Cambridge, condemned those tests. The subject then dropped. THE lONIAN ISLANDS. Mr. C. BENTINCK directed attention to the proposed cession of the lonian Islands to Greece, and charged the Government with an altered policy on the question,arguing that in the present state of Greece the mere placing of a young and inexperienced prince on the throne constituted no guarantee for the settlement and tranquillity of that country. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. Vos±.--WhateYer may have been the intention of the Legislatbre in p a r sin g the ForeignEanle et me nt Act, it seems tolerably c leat that it w with the view of pro tectin g friendly statesThw:huieeet happened to be at war w ith each other. s o f munitions of war is not p rohibited, nor any e restrietidn imposed upon export trade. British subjects are forbidden to fttrnish, arm, or equip' ves sels of war with the intent that the y shall be used against a friendly S tate, but the y era in nowiseed prev ented from doing the name acts for the sake e the profits to be realised on the sal e of such shi p s when completed. It was an error to suppose that the departure of the Ala bama from these shores was an infringement of the Foreign Enlistment Ace. For many reasons there was in her case no violation of the law. She w as neither furnished, armed, nor equipped when she l eft the p ort of Liverpool ; and as, from what subsequently occurred, it is evident that it was never the intention of her builders that she should have been Equipped in an English port, her seizure by the Go vernment would have been unjustifiable. The Messrs. Laird, of Birkenhead, built and sold, as they had a perfect right to do, a vessel which, when duly armed, became a ship of war. The transformation, however, the " furnish ing, arming, and equipping," which are alone pro hibited by the Foreign Enlistment Act, if done with the intent that hostilities should be carried on against a friendly Power, took place out of her Majesty's dominions. The Alabama received her armament at Terceira, and in that port for the first time became iavested with the cheese • ter of a ship of war. In the case of the Alexandra the ship had nearly reached that stage of construc tion when seized in which the Alabama was when she left the Mersey, and, assuming that she was equally intended for the use of the Southern Confe deracy, would, if unmolested, have taken her equip ment on board, like the Alabama, in a foreign port, or possibly, like the Japan, in the English Channel. If, then, the interpretation put by the Lord Chief Baron on the provisions of the Foreign Enlistment Act he correct, and although exceptions have been taken to it by the law officers of the Crown, there seems no reason to doubt that it will be sustained ; th e o bstacles in the w a y of supplying a belligerent either with armed ships, or vessels easily convertible into ships of war, are purely nominal. Under such circumstances it was not surprising that those who still hope to see the American Union restored should have protested against a condition of the law which permitted the S euthern States with blockaded ports to create a navy at a distant part of the a °tea, Hence sprang the memorial which certain ship owners at Liverpool a short time since presented to the Government, praying for a revision of the Foreign Enlistment Act , and hence the speech of Mr. Cobden in the House of Commons, on Thursday evening, in which that gentleman s upported the views of the Liverpool shipowners. It was scarcely relevant for the member for Rochdale to refer abama to the injury inflicted on America n trade by the Al and other vessels which the Southern Confedeeacy have been enabled to purchase and equip in Euro pean waters. No one doubts that the shipowners of the North are great sufferers. But their suffer ings prove, nothing. Great injury has been inflicted on the Southern population by tneans of artillery and rifles and gunpowder purchased in this coun try, but that fact 'would not justify the friends of the South in demanding from the Government an alteration in the law which would have the effect of checking the exportation of munitions of war. Mr. Cobden says there is tee distinction between supplying a belligerent with are,;fd ships, which can . only be applied to one use, and fur2 ish with gunpowder which ing or sporting may be employed foiel3f)lhasitm- Purposes. But to what use, let . 118 ask the member for Rochdale, can some thousands of Minie rifles and some hundreds of At mstrong er Whitworth guns, which have been exported from England, be turned, and does he pretend to be ignorant of the manner in which they have been actually employed ? If the sufferings of the respec tive belligerents, occasioned through war material supplied from these shores, wer e to be tak en into account, the claims of the South for redress would be infinitely greater than those of the North. But as Mr. Cobden candidly confesses that he does not believe in the future existence of two independent Federations in North America, he appeals to our sense of fear, by conjuring up the consequences of exciting the enmity of the Federate overnment. The North will ultimately triumph, Union will be restored, and then the day of retribution will come. It may not be generally known Mr. Cobden told his hearers that the American Government estimate the value of every vessel destroyed by Confederate privateers, and make formal claims for reparation on her Majesty's Governtnent, which claims are disallowed. But so soon as the rebellion is crushed, we are left to suppose that the Govern ment of the then United States will not only again advance those claims, but will enforce compliance Whilst there is y et time, therefore, with them. W Mr. Cobden implores us to modify our la w appease to pro tect the commerc e of the North, and thus the just wrath of the American e Governm Lords last Times.--The debate in the Hous of night on the subject of Poland will do little to allay the anxiety whic h is taking posseseion of the pubt mind. We look to that assembly for wise and mode rate counsels, for temperance in the midst of passion, c a lm, far-sighted, an d impartial wisdom. We are sop to say that in the present mo mentous instance rry we look in vain. How h e avy is th e res p onsibility which devolves on any one who at the present mo ment says a single word to inflame popular passion, or to irritate susceptibilities already too much ex cited, can hardly, we think, have been considered by those who ave treated this grave and important subject as a fitting theme foe stinging invective and high-sounding declamatioint n. o f e loquence, scarcely Lord Elienboroug h, a d m i ra ble as usual in po t. He dwelt upon the condescen d e d to arg umen en ormities of Gen eral IVlouravieff, and observed how impossible it was for the Poles to be content when they had been tr eated with so much cruelty since, but justice is due 1831. This is perfectly true even to Russia; and we may no t unreasonably ask whether the wo unded nationalitye Government of of Poland wou:d h ave been conten ted even had he b es t and most humane in the world. Russia been th e Lord Ellenborough thinks that there is an end of diplemacy in the Polish question —that it would be vain, and even degrading, to pursue it further, and that there is nothing left for us but to act. Lord Malmesbury had eio difficulty in exposing the ex travagant language and unreasonable inferences of Lord Ellenborough, but he concluded by a prop. sition the most in and the most dangerous that could be conceived. He wishes that we should withdraw our ambassador from St. Petersburg ! We confess, for our own part, that, such a step once taken, we should have little hope indeed of escap ing an European war. Let us once admit that our interest in the affairs of Poland is strong enough to beyon d the mere language of ex oblige us to go postulation and remonstrance, and something more than a diplomatic rupture becomes inevitable. The opinion which we ourselves should have created would end by forcing us along with it, and many who had no desire to involve themselves in the qul would feel that our honour would n ot per mit us to to wit In the absence , then, of that withdraw' wise counsel for which we had a right to look under circumstances of so much danger and diffi culty, we will endeavour to set before the country the real nature of our position with regard to the Polish question. The Treaty of Vienna did, no doubt, stipulate that Poland should be a constitu tional kingdom under the government of the Empee ror of Russia. The power of the Emperor over that kiugdom was not the result of the Treaty o f Vienna, but of that great crime, the partition of 1772, consummated in 1794. The treaty gave us a rigbt to call upon Russia to constitute the kingdom of Poland, and to make war upon her in case she destroyed it. The case provided for in the Treaty was not long in arising. In 1831 the con stitutional Monarchy of Poland was destroyed, and Poland itself, was incorporated with the dominions of the Empire of Russia. We did not see fit to avail ourselves the rights which the Treaty of 1815 gave us. Again, in 1846, the Republic of Cracow woodesio and we did not see fit to draw the swr for its preservation. In 1856 we made peace with Russia after the close of the Crimean War. Then, if ever, wa s the time for us to come to a defie g w ith regard to Poland, but we nits under stendin passed the question over in silence, and concluded a trea ty of peac e with Russia in which not a single word is to be found bearing on this double violation of the Treaty of Vienna. Seven years after the con clusion of this -reaty, when we had by our silence and acquiescence of ht twotak -and e a stand o -twenty yn the f ears effectreaty u ally waived ou r ri g. to of Vienna, we see fit to recur to an instrument which we have so long treated as obsolete, and to propose to Russia that she should grant an armistice, and P ropositions based on the heaty of entertain six Vienna, and not in the least calculated to restore confidence to Poland or to give secarity to Russia. We cannot expect that if Poland received though the agency of the Western Powers a constitutional Government, a mme native Min he would not , the use of her own laws and language, that si employ all these advantages for the purpose of doing n y to Russia a ll the evil in her power. We ask Russia place arms in the hands of her adversary. This is u n s our re commenda tion. It has been refused. The R sian Govern ment will grant no armistice w h h e il , d e a the . Poles are in o p en insurrection against declines to su n s it bm to foreign Powers the regu l ation te s ch tli n i i s • cally it is so , for it a pp ears to of her relatio with her revolted subjects. a case of war ? We do not believe that even its that y at a by long gh t and t o distinct acquie scence we have i n t er f er e under the Treaty of 1815 . But n whetherri EXHIBITION MEDALS BILL. Mr. MILNER moved the second reading of this bill, and asked the house to go at once iato committee, that it might be read a third time this evening, or Monday. The object of the measure was to provide, otherwise than by costly civil process for the punishment of persons falsely repre senting themselves as the owners of medals. The bill passed through committee. TEia reading on Monday. PIER AND HARBOUI LILL. The Lords' amendments were considered and agreed to. VACCINATION (SCOTLAND) BILL. The Lords' amendments were considered and agreed to, SHEEP AND CATTLE (SCOTLAND) BILL. The Lords' amendments were considered and agreed to, STIPENDIARY MAGISTRATES BILL. The Lords' amendments were considered and agreed to, MISAPPROPRIATION BY SERVANTS BILL. The Lords' amendments were considered and agreed to. The sitting was suspended at half-past one o'clock. The house resumed at six o'clock. NOTICES OF MOTION. Mr. MONSELL gave notice that, early next session, he would move for leave to bring in a bill to substitute an oath for that taken at present by Roman Catholic members of the house. Captain JERVIS gave notice that, early next session, he would move fer a select committee to inquire into the orga nisation and administration of the army in India. THE FRANCHISE OF COMPOUND HOUSE- HOLDERS. Mr. AYRTON, in moving that the house at its rising do ,adjourn until Monday, called attention to the state of the law affecting the rating of compound householders claiming to vote at elections, and suggested that a measure of amend ment should be brought in next session. SMALL PDX IN SHEEP. Mr. D. GRIFFITH inquired whether the Government intended to take any steps to prevent the inoculation of sheep with " variola ovine," and what had been the result of the experiment of vaccination as a preventive of small pox in those animals. Mr. LOWE replied that the result of the vaccinating experiment had not been satisfactory, so that ho could not give the hon. gentleman an encouraging answer on that part of his question. With regard to inoculation, the evil was so patent that it was quite unnecessary for the Go vernment to interfere by legislation to prohibit the practice. SUBSCRIPTION TO FORMULARIES OF FAITH. Mr. DODSON brought under notice the petition from members of the University of Oxford for the abolition of the requirement of subscription to formularies of faith as a qualification for academical degrees. Mr. HENLEY commented upon the exceptional manner in which the signatures to the petition in question had been obtained. It had, he said, been carried about in a mysterious manner, and he argued that it did not fairly represent the feelings of the university. Mr. GOSCHEN said that one broad issue was raised by the petition, viz., whether the system of tests was injurious to the Church of England or otherwise. His own opinion was that the interests of the Church were better served by her standing on her own strength than by fencing herself in with tests and other artificial measures, which, however useful to a weak church, ought not to be required by one that was strong. The question was one between inclusion and exclusion, and he held that no great reform or improve. ment had ever yet been effected that had not been based upon the privilege of inclusion. Lord J. CECIL observed that if the dictum of Mr. Gos chen were to be accepted, it would necessarily lead to the establishment of a coalition church as well as coalition mini stries. The answer to those who wished to have tests abo lished was that if they had their will the universities would cease to exist, or at all events be severed from the Esta blished Church. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER thought it was a just and fair demand on the part of the Church that the governing body of the university should consist of her own members. The parents of England would never be satisfied to send their children for academical training to a university that was not administered in conformity with somo definite religious system. He regretted extremely that in the case of such an ancient institution any fraction of the population were excluded from any portion of its benefits; but if it were true, as he be lieved it was, that in the main the religious system of the Church of England was suitable to the wants, feelings, and convictions of 19-20ths of the community that were in a condition to avail themselves of a university education,ni then th e case o f t h ese 19-20ths must b e consi deredll s z i fe rence to that of any minority that was name- Any improvement should originate with the university itself rather than by evoking the interference of the State. The fair Principle was that the university should reserve to itself, and to the Church in the university, that MONUMENTS IN WESTMINSTER ABBEY. Mr. M. MILNES referred to the refusal by the Dean and Chapter of Westminster to allow monuments to be erected in the Abbey to Lord Macaulay, Mr. Hallam, and Earl Canning, and to the demand of exorbitant fees for permission to place a bust of the late Sir G. C. Lewis there. The conduct of the capitular body in this respect demanded, he thought, the intervention of Parliament, with the view of placing the matter under the charge of some department of the Government. Mr. F. PO WELL condemned the appropriation of the Abbey to monuments many of which were scarcely of a Christian character. bo far from admitting more, he thought many of those already there ought to be removed. INFANTICIDE. Mr. Cox and Mr. HUNT noticed the increase of infanti ticide in England and Wales, and urged the pressing ne cessity which existed for legislation on the subject. Mr. MONSELL asked whether there was any objection to produce the corre pondence which took place in 1825 and 1826 between the Government of this country and that of Russia with refereoce to the affairs of Greece. bir G. GREY referring first to the observations of Mr. Ayrton, said the grievances of the compound householders arose from the provisions of local enactments, and that it was his intention to consider the subject with a view to future legislation. With regard to the crime of infanticide, there could be no doubt that it existed to a great degree, but he was not sure that it was on the increase, regard being had to the increased ratio of population. No sug gestion of a remedy had yet been made, and his' own opi• nion was that the real check to the crime was to be looked for in the improved education and morality of the people. On the subject of monuments in Westminster Abbey, the house had already been informed that the Government had no control in the matter, and that the charge for liberty to place;busts in the sacred building was regulated by a desire on the part of the authorities to prevent any undue in fringement upon the space intended for worshippers. POLAND. Mr. KINGLAKE, returning to the subject of Po land, said that the tone of the reply of Russia to the six points was most extraordinary, and calculated to irritate the European Powers. He hoped that England would give a plain and categorical answer to that sarcastic despatch, and that she would act in all respects in concert with France. The hon. gentleman eulogised the conduct of Austria in refusing to be drawn into another holy alliance at the bidding of Russia, and observed with satisfaction that she had now taken that place in the councils of Europe which her position as a first-rate Power entitled her to assume. _ _ Some observations were also made on this subject by Mr. Hennessy, Mr. Somerset Beaumont, and Lord Rayn ham. Lord ELCHO asked what were the intentions of the Go vernment in reference to the land they had lately acquired at South Kensington? Lord PALMERSTON, having stated that he understood that the contractors for the Exhibition building of 1862 had sold that curious structure for £20,000 more than the sum for which it had been offered to the public, said that the Government would, between now and next session, consider the proper disposition of the land lately purchased. With regard to the cession of the lonian Islands to Greece, it was intended, with the concurrence of the protecting Powers, to _ _ give them the option of union if they pleased, but not to force it upon them. His right hon. friend the member for Limerick had asked whether they were willing to lay before Parliament the correspondence which had taken place in the years 1825 and 1826 between this Government and Russia with regard to the interference which took place in Greece, and which resulted in the independence of that kingdom. His right hon. friend had certainly established a very strong resemblance, in some points, between that transaction and the affairs which were now under discussion with regard to Poland. There was an insurrection which went on for some time without interference from the other Powers, but at last the sacrifice of human life, and the atrocities which were committed, attracted the attention of Europe, and interference was the result, first friendly and then of a more forcible nature. The ultimate cause of the interference was the intention avowed by Ibrahim Pacha of removing the whole population of the Mores and replacing them by Fellahs from Egypt, Tha: led to an immediate decision on the part of the three Powers to interfere to prevent such an outrage. But he had not heard of anything like that having as yet taken place in Poland. (Hear, hear.) Still there was no disgui-ing the fact that the present state of things in Poland was most lamentable—(hear) —and not only the condition of Poland, but of Lithuania—(hear, hear)—for, whilst on the one hand the Russian Government stated that if the proprietors did not actually assist the government., they would be subject to every sort of penalty that could be inflicted on them, on the other hand, the revolutionary government at Warsaw threatened that if they did not assist in the insurrection they would be subject to all the penalties it was in their power to inflict. (Hear.) So that between these two their condition was most pitiable. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the correspondence, which was very voluminous, he would un dertake that it should be looked into with a view of select ing those parts which were appropriate to the present occa sion, and as to such parts of it as had any interesting bear ing on the present question there would be no difficulty as to their production. (Hear, hear.) So far as the cases had any resemblance, the principles that would be found to have been maintained by Russia with regard to Greece might possibly have a certain effect upon the grounds to be taken by the other Powers with regard to Poland. With regard to the Polish question itself, the house would not expect him to enter into any discussion. (Hear.) But he would say one word as to the Russian despatch. In the former correspondence on the subject of Poland the ground taken by the Russian Government had always been that the quelling of the insurrection in 1831 and 1832 emancipated Russia from all the obligations of the treaty of Vienna, and that she at that time held the country as a conquered pro vince, to do with it as she pleased, as part of the Russian empire ; and hence she denied the right of any of the parties to the treaty of Vienna to question her treatment of Poland. But in this despatch a great step had been gained, for Russia now admitted that the parties that con curred in the treaty of Vienna were entitled to discuss with her the state of Poland within the limits of the treaty. (Hear, hear.) With regard to what course her Majesty's Government intend to take in these matters, it was far too important a matter to be the subject of an off-hand answer in that house. (Hear, hear.) All that it was compatible with his (Lord Palmerston's) duty to state was this—that her Majesty's Government would continue to act with France and Austria in these matters, upon which they were under an engagement to act in consort with those two powers. (Hear, hear.) Sir J. FERGUSSON said he thought the course of the debate showed the great inconvenience of discussing these matters in any other than a regular way. He would only observe that one result of an occasion when the three powers, Russia, France, and England, were in alliance, was the oc currence of an "outward event" of which they had all heard. He affirmed that Great Britain had never undertaken a war except where her own individual interests were concerned (Oh, oh.) The Crimean was undertaken to prevent the overthrow of a balance of war in the Mediterranean, But Poland was not sufficiently bound up with our interests as that we should be parties for her sake to the renewal of a great European struggle. A man would be unworthy of a seat in the house if he did not sympathise with the Poles in their present struggle, but it was another thing to be anxious for this country to go to war for a cause in which neither its interest nor its honour were concerned. Sir J. SHELLEY could only excuse the observations of the hon. gentleman from the fact, that ho had not read the speeches delivered at the meeting to which those observa tions had refetence. He denied that there had been reckless speeches, or speeches unworthy of a member of that house made there, and all that he had said as president of the meeting he was prepared to repeat in his place in Parlia ment. The motion for adjournment till Monday was then with drawn. The Lords' amendments to the Alkali,Works Regulation Bill were agreed to. The house then adjourned. THE CUCKOO is in appearance about the size of a small pigeon, from the quantity of feathers with which it is covered. If robbed of these, it is not nearly so large. It has handsome , plumage, its head, breast, neck, and back being bluish grey, the thighs and under-tail faathers greyish-white, marked with black bars, tail black spotted with white, logs and feet pale yellow, the kids and tip of the beak rich orange. we possess this right or no, sure we are that it is inexpedient to use it. As far as Poland is concerned, she will be satisfied with nothing short of absolute independence ; as far as Russia is concerned, she will be content with nothing short of absolute con quest. Neither party will hear of any intermediate position between the two, and even were such a position established it would only servo as a breath ing place between the two, where each might draw together his forces for the last encounter. Let us look a little further. We have undertaken this joint diclomatic action with France ; are the interests of Franee an:' England absolutely identical ? It is the interest o; France to humble, and even to destroy a power ~,,Ljch forms in the present dis tracted state of the Coninent of Europe the only :. efficient count e rpoise to her s:,`Fgrandisement. Has not France the boundary of tine Rhine to re conquer P Has she not the memory of the later days of the Entp!re to obiiterate P Can we go hand in hand in such undertakings unless we are satisfied that France is too weak and Russia too strong 1 2 Is not our policy now, as always, to maintain Euro• pean equilibrium, instead of to seek by every means in our power to overthrow it P And, finally, what is more important than ail the rest, the people of this country are well aware that our arm is not long enough to reach the present scene of action. There is one result from such a war that we regard as certain—the ruin of the Ministry that declares it and the discredit of the political party that supports it. HERALD.--" What shall be done with the Royal Academy," might be the publishing title of the report which hasjust been given in by the commis sioners who were appointed at the beginning of the year "to inquire into its present position.' We may differ still as to what we should do with the institution, but we are left in no further doubt as to what we are dealing with. If it was impossible from the beginning to complain of the seiection of the gentlemen charged with the inquiry, it is equally impossible now to accuse them of any want of zeal or diligence in carrying it out. A better written report, with more carefully considered conclusions on the data brought before them, was not to be expected; and if they have not suggested she true remedies " the position" which they describe calls for, it must be admitted that the mistake has originated in an almost inevitable acceptance of a very current illusion as to the true aims and uses of such institutions. They have con sidered in detail the constitution of the Academy — its machinery as a sehooi—its service to art in its exhibitions —and its requirements of tocat accomo dation. Under each heading the Academy is found at fault, and an accumulation of suggestions are offered which, if adopted, would amount to a little revolution in its working. The commissioners pro pose to transfer the functions of government under a charter to a general assembly, which is to be com posed of some 60 academicians, lay and profession 1, and of an equal number of associates, who are to enjoy the power of filling up their own vacancies. The president, who is recommended for a " very much augmented salary," is to hold office subject to an annual eleetion, and to be assisted by a council of ten academicians, who are to be chosen from that body exclusively, but to be approved by the general assembly, and to vacate office under a yearly system of rotation. Suggestions are added that engravers aLd art workmen might be made eligible on equal terms as academicians or associates. and that a class of honorary members might be created in favour of foreigners. The constitution being thus remodelled, it is thus proposed that the committees—three in number—appointed to arrange works for the annual exhibition should be chosen by the council and general assembly, and that the council should alone have power to make the selec tion of the works. A limitation of the number of works which academicians and associates have now the „ . lawer of exhibiting as of right, and some sug gestions 4 19 to the immixture of sculpture, the height at which w0 ,..1>s are t o b e h ung, t h e mode in which the name of the artist and subject of his work should be mad e k no 7n o and the admi ss i on o f the public unde r diff eren t arra Lngements, complete all th at pexhibi the commissioners have to ropose on the tion, except so f ar as they recommend the more spacious b u ildi ngs made indispeosable by th e double need s o f th e A ca d emy and NatiaZial Gallery. With the latter advantage attained, a eosidera able development is recommended for the school, which they propose to withdraw from the special charge of the visitors and to transfer to a com petent Director General assisted by well-paid in structors. The students, it is thought, ought to undergo test examinations on admission pay fees, and be rewarded by travelling studentships and admission by merit to a school, to be established on the French model at Rome. To provide for the extended uses thus proposed for the exhibition and school it is thought that the rooms of the National Gallery should be handed over to the Academy, or that the Academy should move elsewhere, and the whole building in Trafalgar-square, with additions, be used for the Gallery. The proposition of the commissioners, in short, is at once to amplify and complicate the government of the Academy, and es tablish it on score such footing as that maintained ny the College of Surgeons in reference to its ten or twenty thousand members. Now, we will enter into no question about the worth of the precedent, simply because whatever that may be we fail to see the analogy - which would justify imitation. Ttie public asks no guarantee for the qualification of a painter or sculptor beyond its own taste, and we can hardly understand the principle of the interference by which the Academy would undertake to provide for the instruction and training of the body of British artists unless we are to have government for government rake. It is the distinction of the arts that they may be learnt, but cannot be taught; and the best uses of the Academy as an educational in stitution must, in our opinion, be confined to offer ing the means, not to be found elsewhere, by which artists ma y instruct and t ra i n th emse l ves. " Lec tures," "periodical examinations," " travelling studentshipa," and salaried " residence at Rome in an English academy of att"—are very attractive agencies, so far as they furnish matter for an ad ministrative dolce far niente, and may supply food to the ever-increasing appetite for official patron. age ; but we deny that they are the necessities of a prosperous art, or that they have ever tended to elicit the higher phases of genies) in its practice. The great want in the education of artists ever since the Caracci school system began, has been the inability of students to run alone, to think for themselves, to produce the effects of nature, not after certain artificial and misunderstood rules of teachers, but under the guidance of experience, assisted by the inspiration furnished by their own use of it. To do work well we must see what we want to do with our own eyes, not others'. There is nothing so misleading to young art as the sup. posed possession of the technical secrets for pro ducing results that belong but to its highest deve lopment, and academies will be found probably to be most useful to the genius that connects itself with them, as they happen to limit their help to letting it freely help itself. Beyond this assistance, which I supposes the rather large accommodations of space and models than any very distinguished demonstra tion of the metaphysics of the art, the profession has no need of assuming a corporate form,except to make the public and artists mutually acquainted. True art will never be wanting when it has the fair stage with no favour that belongs to an effec tive exhibition. The rivalries, the petty ambitions, the caballing intrigues, the embarrassments of ad ' ministrative responsibility, are no elements. of a prosperous art ; and all the good to art that has arisen from the academical distinctions and official advantages that belong to the present system, or the more complicated substitute the commissioners recommend for it, would - not outworth the loss which would accrue by withdrawing a Reynolds, a Gainsborough, or a Landseer a single month from their ateliers. The true place for an artist is made by his works, not his titles or the social position acquired for him by his place in an academy; and the greatest aid such institutions can offer art is to provide it with what we have never yet had in this country, an exhibition which fully and worthily re presents it. At present we show the works of academicians and associates as a matter of right, and of a few of their friends, as so many prizes drawn out of a lottery; but for artists generally the only acquaintance we give them of their exhibition is under its annual characteristic of " a delusion, a mockery, and a snare." It is thus that art has no such curse as the very aid which should most assist it. In the limitation of space and necessary exclusion of nine-tenths of our works of merit the unfortunate artist, who knows that the exhibition offers his only road to fortune, paints, not as his own taste suggests, but to suit some supposed tastes, the committee of selection, and in proportion as he has incurred risks and sacrifices to gain his object, he becomes in his BUMS, but still more in his failure, much less serviceable to a high ideal of his art, to himself, and to society. A SAVAGE RACEHORSE.—Bedouin, the property of Mr. Ten Broeck, whilst being conveyed to Stam ford, bit off the finger of the boy in charge of him, and kicked so violently in the box as to wrench two shoes off.— Stamlord .Mercury. [ADVERTISEMENT.] —Holloway's Ointment and Pills.-- Ali whose maladies have been of long duration, and wh ose pains ar e s till severe an d excruciating should read the truthful and authentic evidence of patients who have been cured by Holloway's remedies after their cases had been considered perfectly hopeless. Sores, ulcerati ons , sprains, contractions of the muscles and joints, white swellings, scro fulous tumours, scurvy and scrofula are some of the serious, disfiguring and vexatious ailments remediable by these medicaments. To all such sufferers, Holloway's prepara tions will afford a last chance of obtaining ease and re deeming health. All victims of varicose veins and swelled ankles are earnestly entreated on reading this to avail themselves without delay of an opportunity of res t ora ti on which may never occur again, T4E CONFEDERATE SHIPS. The following letter was prevei tted, on a point of form, from being read by Mr. Cobden in. the house yesterday : Washington, Navy Department, Ma 7 19, 1863. . . Dear Sir,—You invite my attention to the s i leech of Mr. John Laird delivered in the British House of C. )morons on the 27th of March, in which he represents that the Secretary of the Navy made application to him, through an Agent or agents, to build vessels for the Government of the United States. Mr. Laird remarks : "Now, I will go a step further about the Northern States. In 1861, just after the war broke out, a friend of mine, whom I have known for many years, was over ht'rO and came to see me with a view of getting vessels built im this country for the American Government—the Northern government. Its agents in this country made inquiries,"&c. It is not improbable that _Mr. Laird and his friend may have interchanged views on the subject of building vessels for the United States as a private money-making transac tion; but it is not true that any application to build a vessel for this government was ever made to that gentle man directly or indirectly by himself or by any agent of the Navy Department. No person or persons have been employed by n..e as agent or agents, or been authorised by the Navy Depautment or by the American Government, to make applicat:on to Mr. Laird, or to the firm of which he is a member, or . to any other person or firm abroad, to. build a vessel or N'essels for the government of the United States or for the ns Ty of the United States. Inunierable applications were made to me at the beginning of the rebe Won by persons professing. to be the agents of English or fo'r eign firms to procure vessels to be built for this GovernmenA', and I have an indistinct remem brance that this departmen t was importuned by more than one person in behalf of the it tessrs. Laird, and very probably they, like others, presented plans and solicited our views, but I pursued a uniform and: undtiviating policy in regard to each and all of those sp i nlicatiens, declining in every instance any proposition to build or procure to be built vessels for navy abroad. When, therefore, Mr. Laird :stated or intimated in the House of Commons that any agent of the .Secretary of the American Navy or of the Navy Department approached him, "with a view of getting vessels built in this country (Great Britain) for the American Government," he stated what was not true. I have never at any time had such purpose in view, and consequently I have never authorised any person to act as my agent, or as the agent of the Navy Department, or of the American Government, to procure vessels to be built without the limits of the United States,—l am, very re ppec(fully, GIDEON WELLES, ,Hon. Chas. Sumner Secretary of the Navy. COUNTRY MARKETS. WAKEFIELD-FRIDAY. Wheat dull to-day, and business has been confined to fine fresh parcels. Prices must be quoted is per dearer. Spring corn unaltered. LIVERPOOL-FRIDAY. At this day's market there was a fair attendance, with a moderate business doing in wheat. Oats fully supported. Beans almost a nominal trade. Barley steady. Peas at former rates. Indian corn scarce, and prices were main tained. Flour, prime fresh American, 6d per brl. dearer. Oatmeal unaltered. EXETER—FRIDAY. Wheat, white.. 6s 3d to 6s 4d Barley. .. 3s 6d to 4s 3d I Ditto red. .6 s Od t o 6 s 3d Oats .........2s 9d to 3s Od Flour, fine, 35s to 36s ; seconds, 34s to —s per sack. CATTLE. Fat beef, p sc., 10s0d to 11s6d Ewes, per n .... 51d to 61d Pork carcases, 7s Od to 8s Od Wethers, d 0...... 7d to —d. Lamb, p 1b........—d to d Fat calves, d0...61d to 7d. Rough fat, 34d per lb. STAMFORD—FRIDAY. To-day the show of wheat was small, but late rates were a shade higher. Barley, oats, and beans were very scarce. —White wheat, 478 to 51s ; red, 420 to 46s per 36 stone. Barley, malting, 36s to 40s ; grinding, 29s to 30s per qr. Oats, 24s to 265: per 24 stone. Beans, old, 40s to —s per qr. ; new, 37s to —s. DUBLIN- There was again a dull tra former quotations must be rej -FRIDAY. Le in wheat to-day, and our eated. " - s. d. s. d. S. d. Wheat, white.. 11 oto 12 0 Beans.. . oto o Do., red...... 10 otoll 0 i Bere . —oto 0 Do., new .... oto 0 Rapeseed .... oto 0 Barley ...... 6 3to 8 9 Oatmeal l2 otols 0 Oats .. . , .... 74t0 8 7 Bakers' flour Do., black....._ oto 0 Indian corn BRISTOL SUGAR-FRIDAY. - - ----- The market this week has been quiet, and prices have been much the same as last week. Refined goods meet 3 slow sale, at late currencies. Rum rather easier, with but little doing. COAL A Prioes of Coal per Ton ai .AItKET. the close of the market. s . d, d. Byass's Bebside West B. Hartley . 15 3 Buddle'sWest Hartley 15 3 Cowpen. Hartley 15 3 Carway and Duffryn Malting . 19 6 Eden Main."... 16 3 fanfield Moor Butes 13 North Pelton Gas 13 3 Walls End. Heugh Hall l6 6 Hartlepool... l7 6 Trimdon Harepool 17 6 South Hartlepool 16 0 East Hartlepool 17 3 elloe ..... l6 6 South Kelloe • 16 6 Hetton lB 0 Tnnsta 11 l5 3 Gosforth Stewart's l7 3 38 ; sold. 27. Walls End Haswell 18 0 Ships at mark Foreign Mail Packet List. MAIL 6 DUE. Australia and Mauritius, via Southamptou Aug. 1 8 .- - via Marseilles ... Aug. 13. Brazil and Cape Verds, by British packet Aug. 4. Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena. July 29. , :.l.iina, Penang, and Singapore, via Southatopton.A.ug. 2- - via Marseilles July 27- Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton ..... India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton Aug. 2 -- • via Marseilles July 27. India (Bombay), via Southampton .. ' July 26. via Marseilles Aug. 4- Portugal.... Aug. 4. Malta, Egypt, and Aden, v i a S ou th am pt on J u l y 26. via Marseilles July 27. Newfoundland Oporto and Vigo U. S. and British N. America, by Brit. packet.... July 30. by U.S. packet by Canadian packet July 24. W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe .. Aug. 10 Bahamas, via New York July 30. ,lexico.. .. All parts of W es t I n di es, i nc l u di ng Chili, Peru, July 29. California. and British Columbia.. SUPERIOR COURTS OF LAW (FEE FUND). —Yes terday a return was published under this head, giving the amount of gross receipts, the payments from the same,&c., for each year from the passing of the act 15th and 16th Vic., a. 75. The gross receipts on the 31st of Dec., 1862, were £390,312 Is. 11d. ; the payments thereouts £243,879 6s. 2d., being an excess of receipts over pay— ments of £146,432 15s. 9d., and the net balance after the transfer of £20,000, to the account of the Exchequer, was £26,432 15s. 9d. [ADVERTISEMEN T. ]—Avoid medicines: they always aggra' irate chronic complaints, but Du Barry's Delicious Health Restoring Rev a l enta Arabica Food, which saves fifty times its perfect s t digestion, in other remedi es, strong nerves, invariably sound cures lungs, them, restoring healthy r, pure blood, refreshi ng s l eep, functional regularity, and energy to the most disord ere d or enfeebled. We extract a few out of 60,000 Cures : —C ure N o. 58,216 of the Marchioness de Brthan, Paris, of a liver complaint, wasti ng away for seven years, debility, with a nervous palpitation all over, bad digestion, constant sleepless ness, th e most i ntolerable nervous agitation, and dreadfully low spirited.--Cure No. 1,771. Lord Stuart de Decies, Lord L ieu t . o f W aterford, of many years ' dyspepsia.—No. 49,832. "Fift y years ' i ndescribable agonY " from dyspepsia, nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation. flatulency, spasms, sickness, and vomiting.—Maria —Cure No. 46,270. Mr. James Roberts, of Frimley, Surrey , o f thirty years' diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver derange ment, and partial deafness.—Cure No. 47,121. Miss Elizabeth Jacobs, of extreme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, low spirits, and nervous fancies.—Cure No. 54,t16. The Rev. Jas. T. Campbell, Fakenham, Norfolk, "of indigestion and torpi dity or the liver, which had resiste all medical treatment.' In tins, 1 lb., 2s. 9d. ; 21b., 4s. 6d ; 51b., 11s. ; 121 b., 225. ; 41b' 405.—Barry 1 J u Barry and Co., No. 77, Regent-street, London also Fortnum and Mason ; and all Grocers and Chemists in every town of the United Kingdom. Births. BROOKE.—On the 23d inst. ' at Fern Lod g e, C a mpden-hill, the wite of the R ev . S. A. Brooke, of a daughter. CALDECOTT.—On the 24th inst., at Snaresbrook, Mrs. • Caldecott, of a son. GOOLDEN.—On the 24th inst., at 22, Leinster-gardens Hyde-park, the wife of J. Goolden, Esq., of a son. PEREIRA.—On the 24th lost., at 4, Upper Portland-place. the Hon. Mrs. Pereira, of a daughter. Marriages. GRANT—STIRLING.—O n the 23d inst., at St. John's, Pea" dington, Alex. W. Thorold Grant, Esq., Bonjedwartil, Jedburgh, N. 8., t o A nna Hamilton, third daughter °1 Admiral Sir James Stirling. WOOD—SLEE.—On the 23d inst., at Bradford, Yorkshire, John Julien Wood, Esq., of Clitton Villa, Blessington road, Lee, Kent, aid 22, Watling-street, London, t° Emily, youn ges t d aughter of Henry Slee, Esq., of Rfell ram:a-terrace, Bradford, Yorkshire. Deaths. ------ ANGLE,—Ott the 23d inst., at Stanmer House, Tollington park, Holloway, J,ln Angle, jur., aged 29, CARTER,. —O n the 23d inst., at Hasler, Wm. Fred. Carter, Esq., M.D., R.N., aged 79. GRAY.—On the 22d inst., at 25, Old Burlington.-stre et, John Gray, Esq., M.R.C.S., aged 75. HEYCOCK.—On the 23d inst., at East Norton, Leicester shire, John H. Heycock, Esq., aged 71. LAWSON.—On the 22d inst., at Berwood House, Avenue' road, Robert Lawson, Esq., aged 85. VAILLANT.— On the 22d inst., Mrs. Vaillant, widow of the late John Vaillant, Esq., a bencher of the Middle Tem' ple, aged 92. London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDR EW, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE SUN Office, No. IS Strand, in the Precinct of the 3avoy, in the County of Middlesex,— Saturday, July 25, lam i t. r