The Sun. — London, England, 1854-12-20 00:00:00

"I cannot dwell upon the mystery of *here we are to ob tain those foreign troops which we propose to raise; all we ask you is to allow her Majesty to have the power to raise foreign volunteers and enlist them iu her service, and you, as the representatives of the people, may take upon yourselves the power and the responsibility of limiting the number of these foreign mercenaries." But, sir, when the noble lord impresses upon us the importance of the measure as one which we ought to adopt immediately, on the ground that we cannot carry on a war with au empire which outrivals us in military resources, I do not agree with the noble lord in the observation he has made, that all her great commanders have adopted this system, and that the plan proposed by the Government is one which has received the sanction of the highest authorities. It is unnecessary for me to touch upon that part of the subject which has been so ably and completely treated by former speakers—namely, that the foreign troops which have been levied were the troops of those with whom we were in al liance; it is unnecessary for me to refer to the German Legion, or the troops enlisted at Hanover under the reign of a late Sing; 'it is sufficient for me to say that such troops were the servants of our Allies, or who from pecu liar feelings had sympathy with this country. (Hear, hear.) It cannot be supposed that our soldiers would have any objection to be engaged side by aide with foreigners who are bound by sympathy in the same cause; but it was, I admit, with feelings of great disappointment that I heard the nelrie lord's observations, in which no mention was made of the enthusiasm with which the soldiers of England would fight by the side of their fellow-coun trymen. (Cheers.) The noble lord alluded to the steeds of our armies under Marlborough, at a time - when they were assisted by foreign troops, and pointe , l to the battles of Blenheim, of Ramillie. and of Malplequet, which he rays, were won, not merely by British troops, but by an army of 60,000 men, one-third of whom were foreigners; but the noble lord failed to tell us the history of the grand alliance in the time of William 111., or to deduce thence the not unnatural consequence th it the moans which had been used in fighting the battles of the English nation under the circumstance of that grand alli ance wonla be continued while those means were in exist ence. (Cheers.) The whole argument of the noble lord to-night has been founded upsea this fallacy—that we were objecting to the measure before the house because we lied a prejudice against Englishmen fighting by the side of fo reigners. But that fallacy of the noble lord's is very tri lling when compared with the gross, and I may say dange rous error, which pervaded the rest of his argument. He imputes to us that we object to our soldiers fighting by the aide of foreigners; our objection is simply to see them fighting by the side of foreigners who are condottieri and mercenaries, but we have no objection to their fighting by the side of foreigners who are allies. We admire the con queror of Blenheim and Ramillies just as much as if the whole of his troops had been English. (Hear.) But throughout the whole of his speech the noble lord argued just as if there was no such nation as the French nation— Just as if there was no such army as the French army— (cheers)—and as if that intimate alliance between the Eng lish and French troops, and that cordial friendship between the Generals, to which he adverted so gracefully but a few evenings ago, were, in fact, dreams which he had forgotten immediately after the night on which he proposed the thanks of this house to the French and English armies. (Hear, hear.) If it be true, as the noble lord says, that there is on the part of a large portion of this house—that is, of gentlemen who sit on this side of the house—aod in the country generally, a great preju dice against Englishmen fighting by the side of foreigners, how can the noble lord account for the not merely cordial sympathy and appreciation, but the absolute enthusiasm with which the Freoch and English alliance is now viewed, not only in this house, but in the coun try,? The noble lord says that hon. gentlemen must not think because we have despatched 54,000 men already to the seat of war that force is sufficient to resist the power of this great Emperor of Russia. Well, sir, lam glad to hear that we have been able in the first year of the war to send out so many men, but I must remind the house that we did not send out these 54,000 men to carry on S. single handed contest with the Emperor of Russia. We sent them out to be companions in arms and comrades in glory of our great and gallant ally—(cheers)—who was, we were always told, and whom we always believed to be, a first rate military power. (Hear.) Surely, the noble lord, when he was calculating our resources to resist the Em peror of Russia—to use a word not very classical or ele gant, but very commonly used of late—ignored the exist ence of the French nation and army, and ,he somewhat forgot that we possessed a most powerful military ally. (Hear.) I maintain that the noble lord, in taking that view of the case, misrepresented the spirit of this measure, •and conveyed to the house and the country a totally false and fallacious view of the position which we occupy with regard to the resources at our disposal for carrying on this war. (Hear.) Having vindicated the claims of the French allies to be remembered by the Ministers of the Crown in calculating our resoul cars ' I will make this admission to the noble lord and to the Secretary of State, who seems to think that he was to carry this measure with that good natured blustering which he so well knows how to employ —(a laugh)—that in the course of the late war there were instances—a few instances—in which foreign troops were enlisted in the service of the Sovereign of this country, which enlistment could not be vindicated by those legiti mate principles which have been referred to in the course of this debate. I admit that in the last war there were instances in which the policy of 1778, when the Hessians were sent to America, was imitated. The circumstances of that case I need not refer to ; they must be fresh in the historical memory of every hon. gentleman ; it is a shame ful page in the history of England—and the saying of Frederick the Great, who, when he heard that the Elector of Hesse and other petty German princes were thus bar tering the blood of their subjects, declared that as they passed through his dominions he would levy a toll upon them as upon so many cattle, was one of the most justly severe observations which I have ever met with. (Hear.) The noble lord the Secretary of State told us that the greatest commanders, and Napoleon among others, had had recourse to this measure to sustain their military strength, and that they had always approved the system ; but in answer to the noble lord I will take the liberty c f quoting the name of a commander not second even to the great Napoleon—l will quote the authority of the Duke of Wellington. (Hear.) The passage I am about to read is an extract from a letter front the Duke of Wellington to Lord Liverpool, dated the 19th of January, 1811, and it, shows the value of those troops who do not join our stan dard from' any sympathy of political feeling of conviction. the Duke says,— " I am sorry to give you bad accounts of the Brunswick Legion. They continue to desert in large numbers ; and on the eight before last 14 deserted to go to the enemy; 11 were caught, 1 WAS shot while making the attempt, and only 2 got off." (Hear, hear.) Again, on the 23d of April, ho writes to General Graham (Lord Lynesloch) " I attribute the disposition of all foreign recruits to desert from our armies to the regularity of system and to the strict ness of discipline which arises, and which must be upheld in order to keep a British army iu the field in a state of effici ency ; and their desertion is frequently very inconveniences, I am not desirous of increasing the number of foreign troops with this army." (Cheers.) I recommend this last passage to the attention of the Secretary-at-War, who seems to think that no Ge neral was ever yet known who was not desirous of increas ing his armies. (Hear.) This letter was written in Jan uary, 1811, and in June of the same year the Duke writes thus to Lord Liverpool : " Since the commencement of the siege of Badajoz 52 of the Chasseurs Erittanique have deserted, though we have with the army only a selection of that corps, 686, who are suspected, being left at Lisbon." • (Loud cheers, and laughter.) lam sure the house will ex cuse me for reading these passages ; it is, indeed, like hav ing the counsel and advice of the duke himself upon this point. (Hear, hear.) On the 6th of May, 1812, the duke writes to General Cooke :-- " In regard to General Ross's complaint Of the inclination of Watteville's Regiment to desert, all general officers who have foreign troops under their command have the same cause to complain. (Hear, hear.) In that part of the army under my command called British there are between 6,000 and 7,000 of them who desert whenever they eau get au opportunity." (Laughter.) Now, these are the free lances whom the Go vernment would have is have recourse to. I was deter mined to meet the objections of these well-informed gen tlemen, her Majesty's Ministers, who get up and make fine statements about all foreign troops employed by the Crown being bound to us by feelings of political sympathy, and so on. (Bear, hear.) There were many free lances of this description in the Peninsular army, but I would not be understood as at all referring to the German Legion. (X that corps I would speak with all the honour which it de serves and which it has received. I say nothing of all those troops who joined us because the interests of their country were bound up with ours, who were either subjects of the same Sovereign or subjects of Sovereigns for whose cause we were fighting, and who, I believe, behaved throughout the war with admirable fidelity, courage, and discipline. (Hear, hear.) I confine myself to those free lances, to those foreign mercenaries, to those condottieri, who were engaged in the cheapest market, and who had no political convietions or patriotic Byrn' athies—who were purchased by the Power that paid them most, and whose achieve ments are immorta lised by the passages I have read from the pen of their illustrious comm trader. I have read extracts from the Duke's letters in 1811 and 1812, and now, if you will allow me, I will read you what he says in 1813. On the 25 th of February, 1813, he thus writes to General Campbell at Alicante:— " I have received your letter of the 12th, regarding the conduct of the 2d Italian Regiment, and I entirely concur sion in all the measures you have adopted, and applaud the de are so an d firmness of your conduct. The foreign troops much addicted to desertion that they are very unfit for our armies—(mar, hear)—of which they necessarily form too large a proportion to the native troops. The evil is aggr as a vated by the practice which prevails of enlisting prisoners well as deserters, and Frenchmen as well as other foreigners. The consequence is, therefore, that a for sign regiment cannot be placed in a situation in which the soldiers can desert from it that they do not go off in numbers, and in the Peninsula they carry to the enemy the only intelligence which he can acquire. (Hear.) With this knowledge, I seldom, if ever, use the foreign British troops of this army on the duty of outposts; and, whatever you may determine regarding the 2d Italian Regiment, I recommend the same practice to your consideration." (Loud - laughter.) Rut, says the noble lord in the address which he has made to us to-night, this is the moat absurd opposition which has been suddenly raised ; it cannot be tolerated for a moment ; it is against the spirit of the age and against every patriotic feeling, and we cannot cars yon the war without this measure. Every nation, we are toad, even the French nation, is at this moment employin g foreign troops, and has a foreign legion. That is the position of the noble lord. lam going now to quote from a French newspape r ; it is from memory, but I pledge myself for the accuracy of my quotatiin. I would not quote from a French newspaper if it were before those exploits with regard to the press - to which only one of her Majesty's Ministers eau do justice--(laughter)—but I ant quoting a (keened semi .. official statement in the Constitutionnee —a paper which ap pears under the highest authority—and it is a statement with regard to the cause of the surprise which, to use the language of the Conditutionnel, caused the shedding of so much of the best blood of the finest armies in the world. According to the semi-official Constitutionne/, the members of the foreign legion of France deserted to the enemy, the Emperor of Russia, whom the noble lord, the Secretary of State, is to defeat by the foreign legion ; they gave him, or rather his generals, accurate infermatiou of all the weak points of our position, of those parts which had been The unfortunately, but Constitutionnel p er h a ps inevitably neglected. (Hear-) deplores this. It says there is not a braver body of men than the foreign legion in the service of France; their courage is most undaunted, their achievements are the achievements of _ the most desperate valour ; but being foreigners, and not ani mated by the same feelings as Frenchmen. n and Englishmen, they took the first opportunity of giving i to the enemy, which has spread desolation through every home in this country. (Hear, hear.) And here, perhaps, I might re mind- the Secretary at War, who said just now that there never was a general who complained of having too many troops ; I am surprised that he cannot recall ono of the most interesting despatches from the puke of Wellingtena written after the failure of the expedition to Walcheren. The duke was then in a position of inimense difficulty, at the head of a force of only 20,000 men in the Peninsula, and a magnificent army - , in consequence of an ill-conceived scheme by the Thig. lish Ministry of the day, had been dettroyed and wasted, not withstanding their valour and discipline, in the expedition to Walcheren —(htler, hear)—where 40,000 men had been put 49rs de t'crmbat, whose aid would have been invaluable to' Wellesley. The Duke of Wellington wrote to Lord Batlairet, believe (I speak from memory ; he paid, " Let me give you some consolation for the deplorable consequences of the Walcheren expedition. If the 40,000 men had been sent to me, I could not have 'received them; 20,000 is as much as I can manage in this country, with imperfect suiplies, and the im mense difficulties I have to meet." I would not have men tioned it to any other minister but to the Secretary at War. I think that is a despatch which the right hon. gentleman mar think it necessary to read before he again makes a simi iarstatement to that which he has made to-night. Now, sir, I have not dabbled at all in the constitutional objections to this plan of the Government. I say that is for the sentiments of the people of England to deal with, and all we, as their re presentatives, have to do is to see that there is nothing legally unconstitutional in ally act to which we give our assent. I think I have offered some Bets for the consideration of the house which will make it hesitate. before adopting that esti mate of the value of the foreign legion which the noble lord has indulged us with. I do not think the Secretary of State is a very high authority on the subject of a foreign legion. I think the Secretary of State's opinion of the militia is of more importance than upon the subject of the enlistment of foreign troops. The noble lord greatly praised the foreign • legion which served in Spain. I' do not think it resulted in any thing creditable to British feeling, or in any advantage to the throne of Spain; but when he rises to eulogise the merits of the English militia, I think he has better cause to speak than when we hear bins praising foreign mercenaries. (Hear.) Now I come to the policy of this proposition. Under the present circumstances 1 think that, irrespectively of all other considerations, looking merely to the merits of the proposi tion, I can prove that the 'measure the Government is pr 'pos ing is one that will be fruitlessand.barren of the results which i desires from it. Let us look at the policy of the measure.- Here we are engaged in a war which even the highest authority now calls a great war. You, the ministers, omit no opportunity now of dwelling upon the magnitude of the peril, and of the greatness of the resources of the enemy with whom you are con tending. The country watches with anxiety the conduct of your army 3,000 miles from home. There is a solemn convict on in the public mind that this is a crisis in the struggle between the Western Powers and Russia. Parliament is suddenly called together—so suddenly that, even at the last moment, Minis as, as it were, changed their mind. The attention of the whole of Europe is attracted to the events of this important assembly, especially when it assembles under circumstances so remarkable. It is announced that we aro assembled toge ther in order that her Majesty's Ministers might communi cate to the Council of the nation for its adoption and sanction those great measures which the Government thinks adequate for the exigencies of the time. The noble lord the Secretary Of State, who has just sat down, has taunted this side of the house with always pressing on the Government to take mea sures equal to the exigencies of the moment, and, when the first measure is proposed in that they cavil at and criticis it. That was not a generous taunt on the part of the noble lord— (hear)—generosity may not be much valued in the House of 'Commons though I hope truth may long linger among us; but, I venture to say that the taunt is not just, for the Go vernment has received no obstacle whatever, in the conduct of the war, from the Opposition. (Hear, hear.) There has not been a' vote proposed by them which has not been cheer• fully acceded to them. The Ministers might have had any amount of money or of men for merely asking for it. They knew they might count upon us for a cordial, sincere, and earnest support of their policy, and I say, sir, they received it. It is not, therefore, just on the part of the Secretary of State to rise now and, having entirely failed in defending a measure which I am bound .to say I am not surprised that ho failed to defend—for even his talents must be sometimes baffied—he was not justified in attempting to cover his re treat by casting reproaches in the faces of the people of England, and of the Opposition. (Hear.) The noble lord has attempted to convey that he and his colleagues have experienced from us a factions opposition ; that we have cavilled at their policy, taunted them into action, and at the moment when they demand our support we refused it. It is a notorious fact—and no misrepresentation can disguise it from the people of this country—that, instead of taking ad vantage of the difficulties of the Government as Oppositions before now have done. (Hear.) Instead of throwing obstacles in their way, we have said from the first, " Act with frankness and firmness, and you may count on the same support from us that you would expect from the adherents you most trust." From that line we have never deviated. I say, then, under these circumstances, I can con ceive nothing more impolitic than a minister coming down to Parliament, not asking to embody the national force, or for very large votes, or for the grant of a great number of men, or for any other measure which shows a consciousness that they are embarked in an almost internecine struggle ; but they come forward with one only measure, which I have shown from the records of experience to be of so imperfect and paltry a character. (Hear, hear.) I want to know what effect the noble lord supposes it will have on European Cabinets and public opinion abroad ? I will riot quote an authority similar to that which I have already quoted, which I did as a matter of fact, but I read to-day in an organ which does exercise great influence in Europe,' not un friendly to the Western Powers, ,I believe, though it takes a moderate and mitigated view of these important transactions —a great continental authority—l read an article on the policy of the Government, concluding with the observation " all we can deduce from the policy of the English Ministry is that the recruiting powers of England are exhausted." (Hear, hear.) I ask the noble lord, and the President of the Council, or any gentleman in the house, is not that a fair inference and the only one to draw? (Hear.) Can any one doubt that is the opinion which will affect the con duct of public men and nations It will affect the conduct of these German Powers of which we hate heard so much. Do you think that the Austrian treaty, which we were called upon to congratulate the Throne for—do you think the results of that are likely to be more important because of the impression that the recruiting power of the country is exhausted ? But, sir, if that is the effect upon foreign countries, is it possible to.ehut our oyes to what the effect may be on our own country ? (Hear. hear.) Does anybody believe that the tendenCy of this important measure—important I mean as to the spirlt : iti which it is conceived, and that of the measure that we deliberated upon yesterday, in any other than to damp the readiness of the people. of this country to rally _ _ round the standard of the Sovereign ? I believe, sir, that that is the universal impression and the conviction which pre vails in every class of the community. Well, I say, is this the policy—is this the conduct that wise, experienced % and responsible statesmen, the Minister of a country like England should pursue at this moment ? Tell me, as we have been told to-night, that we can only enlist boys, when the experience of every gentleman in this house convinces him of the fallacy of that observation—(hear)—and, if it be not fallacious, the ob servation is only more unwise and injurious. - But to make statements of this kind, which aro not to be decided by the experience of any gentleman wherever be sits, but by statisti cal documents and that body of information as to the resources of the country which is in the possession of every well-in formed person, is to me a most extraordinary proceeding. Why, the returns of the census contradict you—every public document of your own officers contradicts your assertion. The state of the population of the country is not such as that it can only furnish for recruits those who are mere boys. It is not the truth in theory -it is not the fact in practice ; and it is impossib' e that the noble lord can rise and tell us in sober sadness that it is not in his power to-morrow, if he appeals to Parliament, to raise 100,000 men who are not boys; it is im possible that he can make that statement and receive for it the sanction of the House. Well, if that be so, ought it to have been made I and is not the making of such statements as those of the noble lord and his colleagues calculated at this me • ment to paralyse the conduct of the Government, and to palsy the spirit of the country; and, instead of bringing about a successful and triumphant issue, rather to—l will not say, consummate the catastrophes that may be impending, but to prepare a future full of anxiety and gloom to this coun try ? (Hear.) We have been told in the course of this debate —and it has been mentioned very elaborately iu the course of this short session—that the cause of our inconvenient and injurious position as a military power in a state of war is, that the country has resolved always to maintain a peace establishment. Now, sir, is that true ? Is that accusation against the House of Commons made by Ministers to-night, and on other occasions, founded on fact ? I have bad o3ine experience in this house, and many hon. gentlemen around and before me have bad longer experience, and I do uot re member any appeal made ou the responsibility of a Govern ment in time of peace to the House of Commons for the in crease of our establishment which has not been responded to with a hearty and generous confidence. (Hear.) Why, what took place under the administration of Sir R. Peel ? There were many circumstances at that time which, if not of a very olarming and perplexing character in our foreign relations, were at least not such as could be placed before the country to agitate its spirit and excite its enthusiasm so as to raise for the support of the Ministry that immense fund of public feel ing and sentiment which you have now the advantage to command. But still they were grive and serious matters, causing to the distinguished• Cabinet of which Sir R. Peel was chief the utmost anxiety. They had considerably to increase the naval and military establishments of the country. Did this house then refuse to support Sir R. Peel, though he asked for au increased expenditure of several mil lions? What happened in 1852, when you had a Whig Go vernment not supported by the majority of the House of Com mons, and not only supported by such .a majority, but which met us on every occasion by factious combination and sinister intrigue ? What occurred then ? There were circumstances which made it our duty ,even under such a state of things, to appeal to the House of Commons for an increase of our forces. Did that House of Commons, anxious and ready as it was to throw every impediment in our way—did it, when the Ministry seriously appealed to it, refuse its assent to the proposition ? No. The Secretary at War, on this and another occasion, has dilated with much eagerness on the difficulties of the position of the Government from the imperfect establishments which they had at their command, but has never had the generosity to admit that, weak as our Government was, we increased the force of the army and also of the navy ; that we created a Channel fleet and put our Ar tillery in an efficient state. lam not saying this in any spirit of boastfulness, but in answer to the charge that has been made against this house. I say, both at the period of Sir R. Peers administration, and at the period of the administration of which I had the honour to be a member, appeals were made to the House of Commons, from the nature of affairs without any communication of causes—appeals were made to the con fidence and patriotism of this house, 4and these appeals were respon d e d t o . Well, if that be true p say great is the re yfoaereeeadimugonth had 18 w 5 h 3 o — s u w d h d o e n b e l to office at the beginning of the • of re sponsibility of those Minyisetaeirs. ho did not under these circum stancesthe partition of Turkey—who elapsed were aw tre that the Emperca Russia had proposed necessary. But., says the Secretary of State, " Make preparations . in . times of make the preparations that were on— the Minister would be mad who would propose such a thing.' peace—mak e preparations when negotiations were going Why, when is a Government to make preparations but under prepara- such circu ms t an c es an d in such a positio n I All the tions mad e by y our pre d ec essors for the la st 50 years, preli were preparations minary to w ar , or i n con fi rm ation of Peace, and there was no declaration of war. It was made in this same manner. You had your militia . called out, to your negotiations if you lead increased your forces very largely instead of Ter,' slightly. This occurred in the year no impediment 1853; but what did you do in IS . 54—(hear, hear) --when you mm;i3thyaovue w b e e re en o c u on t s h ci e ou p s o f .i o n i t • ,aiymeadrerthcaetiw.thaiii•iv7s. inevitable?oontinc,encies, of even declaring wa •1, which ultimately you did declare — when even in the previous autumn the nation was absolutely calling on you to take decided measures,you did even n duct then I Why, when you declared wa • those measures which would have l t c o al p am as i s ti t e h s is a b n i d ll tpe ( n H e e c a e r s , sit i y iea o r f .) ca A lli n i eve dif ferent position which would , hav this yt parliamenteed u d i d g i you i n • aa your vuotneuooargrttyei takee o t o h n e a of leads me to the nons t is h i e de C ra ou ti n o c n il , conduct of the war, which the nobl e President has, I think, unnecessarily brought und er our y of brought and which the Secretary of State has ost e ntatiously before us. I leave the noble lord to his e u l og i um pe culiar naval power of England, and of the magnificent achieve ments ments which, under the well-considered expeditions of the ve. Government, have been accomplished in the Baltic. (A laugh.)) " But," says the noble lord, the Secretary of State " i We Org asked why we went to Sebastopol ?" Why I don't kilo* that anybody asked the noble kirci that queetion. (A latigh.) t expect Sortie day that he Will ask us that. I expect that the time Will come when her Majesty's ministers will give an ample information on that subject ; but I have not heard any one so presumptuous as to enter into any criticism on the scheme and conduct of these campaigns. I did hear a minister the other night —the Seeretaey at War—offer an ingenious argil= tient iu vindication of the Government of which he is a Went ber for the military exploits of the campaign which they had recommended and achieved. The Secretary at War said that the country insisted upon their going to Sebastopol. (Hear, and a laugh.) Most extraordinary ! I always thought that ministers were men of superior minds, with the advantage of peculiar and exclusive information—that by that combination of intellect, experience, and knowledge they exhibited, they did, upon all grave matters, follow - the course which was for the greatest advantage of the community whose affairs they were called upon by their Sovereign to guide, and who acted under a responsibility not merely to the present, but to the future. Are we, then, to believe that the present ministers are men who , undertook'expeditions of the great importance of this invasion of a province of the enemy only because public opinion insisted upon their doing so? (hear) —that though they might be in complete ignorance of all those cir cumstances which should guide opinion—though it was a leap in the dark, they were prepared to • take that leap because public opinion goaded them to do it ? (Hear, hear.) Why, Sir, if that be the state of affairs —if these are the rules that regulate the conduct of prudent men like the Ministers of the Queen -I say, why are they Ministers of the Queen ? Why should they be responsiVe if public opinion is to be the only impulse to their actions, and they are to undertake the most precipitate conduct against their own convicelous, in violation of the knowledge they possess, simply because public opinion calls on them to achieve that ;which is rash and to accomplish what is impossible. But the Secretary at War said something more the other night. He seemed to say that it was not merely the people out of doors, but people in doors—gentlemen on this side of the house, and members of Parliament, who had urged the Government"to take a decided course, and to at tack Sebastopol. I don't mean to say that upon that subject members of Parliament have not given lunch, and perhaps very foolish advice to her Majesty's Ministers ; - but if they have given it, there was no reason why her Majesty's Ministers should adopt it. (Hear.) This, however, I will say, that no gentleman on this side of the house has ever given that advice to her Majesty's Ministers—that no one sitting on this side of the house ever said, " Invade the Russian empire, and attack Sebastopol." On . the contrary, Sebastopol was• never men tioned on this side of the house but once, and then it was by myself, in answer to the strange and startling speech of the •' Lord President, in which I, in company with hundreds, did Understand in the mouth of July that he announced , to Europe and Asia that the British Government had re solved upon • invading the Crimea and besieging Sebastopol. (Hear, hear, hear.) Then I did say—speaking, I am sure, the opinion of my friends around me—that I had heard that declaration, not only with surprise, but consternation, and I think the noble lord the Secretary for War can hardly pervert that speech into an encouragement to undertake a siege. (Cheers.) That there were appeals made by other members of Parliament, the right faithful and trusty friends of Government, I don't at all deny, but I am not responsible for the observations of those gentlemen. You share their confidence, and they share yours. (" Hear," and cheers.) But, if.there must be a responsibility for your conduct— which lam not now at all entering into—if you persist in the habit of attempting to shuffle off the responsibility. of your conduct on what is called the public, or members of Parlia ment, let it be clearly understood that it was not the Conser vative portion which urged you to that course, and that we reserved to ourselves the right opportunity to examine into your policy, when the noble lord and yourselves would con descend to give us the reasons for the course you had taken. (Cheers.) Sir, I feel myself that this is a subject which we should now treat with the utmost delicacy, lam not going, inSnite of the boastful speech of the Secretary-at-War, and in spite of the assertions of the noble lord the Lord President of the Council—l am not going to be drawn into a discussion as to the conduct of the war as planned and schemed by the Government. I feel persuaded the time will come when this house will expect that upon the policy of the Government there should be a full and a complete discussion. (" Hear, hear," and cheers.) The country knows now that one of the greatest expeditions ever sent (net by the energies of this nation was ordered by her Majesty's Government to invade the Crimea and to besiege Sebastopol. Since the expedition against Sicily by the Athenians, I do not know that there ever teas an expedition from which so much was expected, or upon which so much was at stake. (Hear, hear.) There is unhappily in the commencement of both these expeditions too much similarity. The schemers were arrogant, boastful, and over-sanguine. There were too many Generals in the Sicilian expedition ; there was too little cavalry ; there was a winter campaign, and there was neereserve. (Hear.) When hon. gentlemen go into the country in a few days— I under stand they are to be absent a month—there may be moments when the battue is exhausted, and when there may be a frost. I recommend hon. gentlemen at such a time to re fresh their memories by turning to the pages of " Thucydides," and reading the despatch of Nicias to the Athenians, espe cially where he says, " Men of Athens, 1 know you do not like to hoar the truth ; but understand this—you sent me out to be a besieger ; but, lo !I am besieged." (Hear, hear," and cheers.) Now, sir, we know what was the end of the Sicilian expedition. May Divine Providence, guarding over the expedition in which we have embarked, save us from a similar conclusion, but at least let us do now what the Athenians did oven in their proud despair. They sacrified to the gods and appealed to the energies of their countrymen. We, at a moment not, I believe, of equal danger, axe in a situation which I pray may end in triumph, but still a situa tion of doubt, of peril, and of anxiety, if unwisely we bring in a bill in order to enlist foreign mercenaries to vindicate the fortunes of England. (Loud cheers.) Mr. MUNTZ said he did not approve of foreign aid being sought until the resources of our own country in providing men for the army had been exhausted. Ile was decidedly of opinion that if the Government gave a large bounty, and had Englishmen instead of foreigners, they would obtain as many men as they wanted. What would have been the fate of the army at Inkerman if we had had foreign troops to defend our position instead of our Guards' 1 (Opposition cheers.) Why, the whole army would have been driven into the.sea. If they were determined not to raise men in our own country, they should at least take the next best- step, and go to our allies. (Cheers.) They could not find any such men as those of the Emperor of France among their foreign auxiliaries. The French had an army of 400,000 men, 100,000 of whom were at Boulogne doing nothing. 'lf they believed the Emperor of France to be sincere, he (Mr. Mentz) thought it was the bounden duty of the Government to make an application to him. (Hear.) One Frenchman would bo worth half a dozen of such refuse as they were about to pick up from all parts of the world. (Hear, hear.) It was very clear that he (the hon. member) could not vote for this bill. He could not vote from party spirit. (Hear, hear.) Somebody was certainly at fault for the way in which the war had been carried on, and the government had not corrected that fault. Why did they go to Sebastopol at such a season of the year, and with such an inferior force'? The great Duke of Marlborough did not attack a place in this way—he did not attack upon one side, and leave the other open. There had been a series of blun ders from beginning to end. He should like to be informed who it was that made a treaty with Austria, and allowed them to enter the Principalities, and thus permit the Russians to march out and with all their generals and other troops in• vest our army in the Crimea? (Hear, hear.) He was most anxious to give his support to any Government that wished to carry on the war with spirit and energy, but he could never vote for such a measure as the one now before the house. Mr. DEEDES said he was one of many in that house, and be doubted not, certainly, one of thousands out of it, who had engaged iu this struggle those who were near and dear to them. The noble lord (Lord J. Russell) in putting the quer,. tion, upon the ground of his desire to relieve the wants and sufferings of the army in the Crimea, had begged it altogether, If there were no other means of sending relief to their troops, it might be a question whether the' private feelings of hon. members would justify their giving a vote against their pub lic opinions; but he (Mr. Deedes) felt this was not the only measure to which recourse might be had. He should vote from a conviction that if he supported the bill he should be doing that which was not cansonant with the feeling of the country. (Hear, bear.) Lord J. RUSSELL Sir, the right hon. member for Buckinghamshire has said thai we have endeaioured to throw off from our own shoulders the expedition to the Crimea, and to attribute it to public opinion and to the statements of some members of this house. I beg leave to say, on behalf of her Majesty's Government, that they wish to throw off no part of the responsibility ; as the Executive Government, it belonged to them to decide whether such an expedition should be undertaken—they con sidered it very deeply, and in their opinion it was a measure calculated• to promote the success of the war. But with re• gard to the measure now before the house the responsibility will not be that alone of the Executive Government; they, have brought it forward conceiving that it would tend to the Success of the war, and let us see what has been said in op position. The noble lord opposite said that ht, with great reluctance, came forward to oppose that which the Govern ment -thought necessary to the conduct of the war; °Vier hon. gentlemen have stated the same reluctance, yet have not fairly considered tho present situation of affairs, nor the re niedies,to bo applied. Nov`, the state of affairs is this—you have voted - and fairly and liberally voted—a large number of men, but you have not by that vote obtained the number of men you wished to recruit, for no less than 20,000 men have fallen short of the vote (hear, hear)—besides this, many of those who were reported were so young as to be called, as they were—and properly so—by my noble friend, mere boys. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman says that it is not a fair statement, - and that hon. members know that it is not so ; but I will tell you that my Lord Raglan, writing trona the Crimea, complains that those sent out to him, and that were draughted, to join the regiments, were so young, being below 18 years of age, that many went into the hospital, and could not be introduced into his ranks. (Hear, hear.) Then .we are told in reply, that the whole country is for carrying on the war with vigour, and why not rely on the country ? These are grave but very vague terms. N o doubt there are many landowners, and merchants, and others who declare in favour of the war, who support the Patriotic Fund, and who come forward liberally to supply the means ; but if you want soldiers they are not of the station or age to enlist, and therefore all this enthusiasm, though good— (Qh! from the Opposition benches, and cheers) —does not give the 10,00) men you are in want of. Some hon. gentleman, had said—why not ask for more men I It would have had a very great appearance to havb come and asked for 50,000 men. We should have been much applauded for our vigour; but, to have asked for additional men, with 20,000 short of the last vote, would have been absurd. (Hear, hear.) Well, then, it is said, lower the standard and increase the bounty. (Opposition cheers.) The standard has been lowered, the bounty has been increased, men have been allowed to enlist up to 30 years of age. You might say, allow men to enlist at 35 years of age, but the number of men who would come forward between 30 and 35 years of age would be very small. (" No, no.") For the number between those ages is not near so great as between other periods. Such being the case, with these very doubtful expedients suggested we have ventured to propose, and conforming t 3 the precedent of the last war, that we should be enabled to got men from foreign countries. It is raid, " You may rely on the enthusiasm of the country, and men will he forthcoming." You might just as well say, Do not go to Liege for Minie rifles, for there is plenty of ore and coal in the country, and in time we may obtain the rifles." So, in time, these men would become soldiers, but the question is whether, within the next four months, we could obtain an additional supply. (Hear, hear.) The hon. member far Birmingham says that we had no such men as these Germans at lukerman ; but, if we hal, bad some of those men who fodght with the Puke of Wellington in va rious battles, I should say that we had an addition to our brave infantry which would have b en of great service, and that the bloodshed on the part of our army would have been much less. The rght hon. gentleman mentions various occasions in which desertions of German Soldiers have taken place, but there was one thing' he omitted, and a very im portant one—viz., that there was a custom that the Ger man prisoners who wore brought to this country were al lowed to go back and enter the German regiments; these German prisoners having served in the French army, finding the discipline of our army irksome to them, went back to the French. It is not such a force that we propose to collect. The right hon. gentleman read instances of 14 deserters, 11 of whom were caught, one shot, and two escaped, and there he ended ; but er e manthel wettehro tttozhioc u joined h ly refe th d e rgoeimassonontt twoosay that thee w THE SAJN, .LONDON, WEDNESDAY ,P,I;CEMBER 20, 1854. W da as ys ; de t e h i alt i h e ey t w et ere te pris haz rs ie w th h a o t h a a r d m b y e e e e n h e e n t li ed ste d d ee ,r b ert u e t re it . to s e a m r it h t e h a e r e e . ) p a eTherightgee. Here hone i g e e a u n t le et m h e a r n p found it e eag convenientewhiewhich, like wise, the right hon. gentleman took care not to quote : "The desertion is terrible, and is quite inconceivable, parti cularly among the British troops. lam not astonished that the foreigners should go—(Opposition cheers)—as those who unlisted the foreigners for Government have taken them in general from the prisons." (Loud counter cheers) Such was the ingenious way in which the right hon. gentleman read extracts from these despatches; bit we know very well that the Duke of Wellington said, not only in 1852, but also in repeated despatches, that he admired the courage of the Ger man troops. In ono place he says—" I wish I had 3,000 cavalry, either British or German ;" and he placed, in fact, the greatest reliance on these troops; and then the right hon. gentleman gets up some case where German prisoners had been enlisted, and chooses, that as a fair sample of the duke's opinions. (Hear, hear.) We were told, not very long ago, in the public papers, upon the authority of the hon. baronet the member for Lincolnshire, that there was great enthusiasm in Germany against the Russians, and in behalf of the Western Powers, and we thought it was possible, seeing that such en thusiasm existed, to find a considerable body of men who, having been already trained to arms; would be of use as an addition to the ferce which is now serving in the Crimea The hon. gentleman who spoke last referred lo the French. Undoubtedly, the Einpeior of t'ac French has said that what ever troops he bad ready to go he should be r eady to send to the Crimea, but it would be just as if wa said -" Know ing how ready an ally you are, we will make no exertions, but we will rely entirely on the French army in order to in crease the forces in the Crimea." (Hear.) The right hon. gen tleman has said that I referred to that campaign. Nciw, Ido not wish to go inte,details respecting what has occurred since the beginning of the war; but I think, if hon. gentlemen will look for a moment to results, they will find that there have been few occasionsin which this country, having been only nine months at war, the results were so considerable as those which have now been obtained. At the end of the last war, after various combats, we were exceedingly satisfied and proud because we found ourselves complete masters of the sea, and the enemy could not come out of their ports; Lord Nelson and Lord Collingwood did not thi n k o f going and -de stroyine Cadiz'; it was never thought necessary that the gal lant fleet which was always in the Channel should destroy' Brest and other ports of the French; but now it seems that we obtained no complete triumph in the last war, and our having obtained the complete mastership of the sea, and suc ceeded in enclosing the enemy in hie harbours, iserather matter of reproach. I beg to submit to you the present posi tion of the Emperor of Russia. What is the situation of his fleets? Here is a great marine force, a fleet of 27 sail of the line in one place, and of 18 sail of the line in another place; in time of peace sailing about with great show and but the moment-war is declltefl, these fleets are shut up in their harbours. Is that a very agreeable position t Is it not rather a very humiliating position for a naval Power? (Hear, hear.) You speak of long negotiations; but let us remember what were the pretensions of the Emperor of Russia at the commencement. The Emperor of Russia then pretended to get the signature of a note from the Sultan, which the Sultan's Ministers declared was entirely subversive of his independence. Dees he require that now ? He hag entirely given up any pre tensions to it. The Emperor of Russia said, " Yes, I will occupy the principalities as a material guarantee." But does he occupy them now I (Cheers.) There were certain terms laid down in protocols at Vienna. The Emperor of Russia said, " I will not accept them," but in a little time afterwards he was quite ready to accept them. The Allies have gone on, and they agreectupon certain conditions with Austria, to which they also obtained the assent of Prussia, unwilling as Prussia is to dO anything unpalatable at St. Petersburg before they were sent to the Emperor of Russia. The Emperor of Austria then sent these conditions to St. Petersburg. What was the reply of the Emperor of Russia ? He sent, through Count Nesselrode, a haughty and indignant reply, that these conditions were destructive to the power of Russia, that they were Such Conditions as could only be agreed to after a long and disastrous war, and that it would be humiliating in Russia to agree to them. But what is the language of Russia now ? The Russian Minister declared at Vienna, only the other day, that the Eniperor is willing to accept these pro positions as the basis of the conditions, which in August he.' had rejected. (Hear.) Well, sir, is that a triumphant posi tion for Russia, or one that is humiliating for us ? (Hear.) We are carrying on military operations of great hazard. I l - t ef rr the ed h calamities e e rs) -and d that h e s fa l happened falls s remaint o t great will to pages was one who believed that the facilities of attacking Sebasto pol were greater than they have tur ne d ou t t o be, and, in consequence, there has been a deg ree o f privation and hard ship among our troops, and, at th e same ti me , the n e ce ss ity for displaying a degree of coura ge w hi c h h a s ha r dly ever been paralleled in the higtory of th e wor ld. (Che er s.) I ad mit I was mistaken, and high military and naval authorities both of England and France were al so m i s t a ken in, their esti mates of the strength of Sebastop o l. Si r , the right ho n . gentleman gloats over the pr o sp e ct o f di sas t er —(l ou d Minis do not envy him his satisfaction. (Cheers.) I still t rus t t e nations,be e e t i victorious—thatnthrfighting t ipehgi; the tthh ee ‘ e l e o f Athenianhi his ‘ that n flegs theef England Crimea-and British th a these m willand hy eFranca e two t cause of the liberties of Europe and of European civilisation, will still triumph over every obstacle that numbers and bar barism can boast. (Loud cheering.) Colonel SIBTHORP had deeply felt the gross insult offered to the body to which ho belonged—the militia of the United Kingdom. He firmly believed that almost any number of good and true Englishmen could be obtained; and, as to the noble lord's talk about 30 and 35 years of age, he lead seen devilish good soldiers much older than that. (Laughter.) He was confident English soldiers could be had, and that by -their conduct they would defy the aspersions of men who were no soldiers.' He should with pleasure give a firm negative against this measure of the Governmenie as well as any other measure of which they might be the forerunner. The conduct of ministers was underhand, low, dirty, mean, cowardly — (laughter)—unworthy of Englishmen. Save and except the noble lord the Secretary of State for the Home Department they had no proper feeling. With that exception, the Lord have mercy on such a set. (Laughter.) The Marquis of BLANDFORD was met by loud calls for a division. He observed that no ono who had heard the aebats could help feeling the deep solemnity and - uncertainty of the position in which they were placed. He had no intention to diminish the responsibility of Government in this measure. Theirs was the responsibility, Awl on them let it rest. (Hear.) He wished to make ono appeal to the noble lord, connected with the motion on the notice paper of the right hon. gentle man the member for the University of Dublin. (Murmurs of impatience.) Ile would suggest that Government should take into its serious consideration the propriety of preparing a public form of prayer in the present emergency. tie No !" and " hear.") , For the second reading . : 241 Against it 202 Majority The announcement of the numbers was received with loud cheers from the ministerial side of the house. The bill was then read a second time. Lord sl. RUSSELL proposed going into committee upon the bill this day, but he thought it would be convenient if the right hon. gentleman opposite would state what course he in tended to pursue. _ _ Mr. DISRAELI said that the course he should prefer would be that the noble lord should postpone the committee until after Christmas. The measure had not been long enough la* fore the country, and had been very quickly hurried through a second reading. With regard to the course he should pur sue, he could only say that he should be in his place, and would offer every opposition to the further progress of the bill. The committee was then fixed for this day at 12 o'clock. The house adjourhed at 2i minutes before 2. THE FOREIGN ENLISTAUNT BILL. ( From the Times.) The argument' for the Foreign Enlistment Bill deteriorates, while the necessity, as we are assured, increases. All official people say in au under tone that we must have the bill, and in exact proporti on to the urgency and success of that 4 , must" the Parliamentary case assumes a reckless and almost shameless character. In such au affair one would think the best course would be to say as little as possible. It is said of a judge that his judgments would have commanded respect had he not given his reasons ; and if her Majesty's present Ministers had a s k ed for a few foreign regiments without re quiring our assent, not only to the regiments, but also to some very serious principles, we might have been disposed to ac q uiesce, s imply as a matter of confidence. It is, in fact, the reasons that we protest against. We felt it our duty to repudiate the id ea that what is asked i s on ly the old expe dient, and th a t to ernloy against Russia io,oao foreign ers from cou n t r i es at peace with Russia , is the same thing as em p l oying them against a common e nem y . Lord John R ussell has now i mpose d on us the neces sity of another protest. Assuming that we have gone to war with Russia t o preserve the balance of power, and prevent any dangerous en l argement of the Russ i an empire, he main tains that w e may, on that account alone, i nv ite not only the co-operation of other States, but of volunteers and mercena ries from other States. Lest we should overstate the argu ment, hero are the words :—" Whenever any Power has attained a preponderant force in Europe, o as - to threaten the independ ence of smaller States 6" we may th eu " use force to obtain the adjustment of the balance ." or , in oth er words, to maintain the indeiendence of the smaller Steles of Europe. William M.,' he then tells us, went to war with Louis XIV. because " he pe rce i ved h i s po wer and preponderance to be dangerous to the independence of Europe." In this and other such instances the danger was common, and the cause there fore public. It was quite natural and right, Lord John argues, to invite the co- operation of f or eigners. Th e presen t i s on ly an other instanc e o f the same sor t, and the re f ore, as h ere t o f ore , we may once m ore h ave our Hanoverian regim e nts, our Hes sians, our Dut c h, our Danes, Spaniards and Port ugue se. Theyour Swiss, and even our are all threatened, and all may come to the rescue, in order to save Europe from the probable aggressions of an overweening Power. Such is the theory to which we are suddenly invited to subscribe. The unexpected nature of the demand, the mental operations of a life to be gone through in a day, the violence offered to all political purity, the enormous significance thus gratuitously attached to a single vote in Parliament or a single line in this paper, remi n d one of the terribly abrupt an d comprehen sive surrender of a ll li n gering doubts and ch er i s h ed conv i ct i ons occasionally demanded by your neighbour at a dinner-table. An enlightenedand energetic elderly ladyall at once asks you to clok for her satisfaction a question which has disturbed you ever since you came to years of discretion. You feel as if you were suddenly accosted by a highwayman with the usual alterna tive. In a t one some thi ng between that of a strong-minded woman and a prof e ssional footpad, Lord Joh n R usse ll ca ll s on the Hous e o f C ommons t o a ssent to the wh ole theory of the balance of power, as the justification of another not less ques tionable doctrine —viz., the propriety of employing foreign mercenaries, of any country whatever, so long as the State to which they belong can pretend a common interest in the pre servation of the balance of power. As it happens, there is not the least occasion to talk of the balance of p owe r, of preponderant force, an d the threatened independence of smaller 'States, inasmuch as Russ i a h as committed an overt act against the peace of nations by beg invasion of the Danubian provinces, Indeed it is now some comfort to reflect that Englan d his no speculative justification for the war, merely She is protect ing an old ally from the violent e ncroachments of a neighbour. In this cause she has invited the co operation of the German States, great and. small ; and it does'so happen that Germany, besides being a collection of independent States, is also, 'to some extent, a natural unity, included in one circumference, having common interests, a common language, common traditions, and, it cannot be entirely put out of the question, certain common ex pectations. It cannot be disguised_ that all Germany is in real jeopardy from the designs of a neighbour not only ambitious_.not only strong— not only preponderating, dangerous, and threatening, but actually offending, and bursting like a torrent of lava from the walls of its crater. All Germany under such circumstances has a right, and indeed a duty, to stay tho torrent of ambitious invasion. We are asking German States to join us, and, should they consent, in that case the precedent of the German Legion will strictly apply. We ar e w illi ng t o admit that such a danger necessarily extends in a degree beyond the adjacent countries, and it would not be easy to lay down what States may lawfully go to war with Russia, and what not. Had the present measure been demanded in order to poet tho case 9f Rata inVirlds ilk the war, being ready , - PARLIAMENTARY DIVISION. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—Dac. 19. ENLISTMENT OF FOREIGNERS BILL. Order for Second Reading read ; Motion made, and Question proposed, " That the bill be now read a second time :" Amendment proposed, to leave out the word " now," and at the end of the Question to add the words " upon this day six months :"—Question put, "That the word ' now ' stand part of the Question :"—The house divided; Ayes, 2it ; Noes, 202. :,......, AYES.-241. AclandAir T. Gladst one, W. Pechell, Sir G. A'Court, C. Glyn, G. Peel, Sir R. Acton, J. Goodman, Sir G. Peel, F. • Adair, 11. Gordon, A. Peel, Col. J. Adair, 11. Gower, F. Pellatt, A. Anderson, Sir J. Grace, O. Perry, Sir T. Philipps, Annesley, Earl of Graham, Sir J. n Green, Capt John . PhilliPuiPso! J. re, R. J. Atherton, W. Bagshaw, J. Greene, Thomas Phinn, P. Baines, Et. Hon. M. Gregson, S. Pigott, F. Ball, J. GrenCell, Chas. Piiklng ton, J. Baring, Sir F. Grey , S!r G. Pin ney , W. Barnes, T. Grey, R. Pollard-Urquhart. W. Bass, T. G rosvenor, lA. R. Portman, w. ite-keley, Admiral Grosvenor, Earl P. Ice, Sir it. Berkeley, lion. H Gurney, I. Runsdeli, Sir J. Bethell, Sir It. Hall, Sir B. iteed, J. I:lthiu!ph, I:. M. Mulkey, T. RI :ardo, J. Rigs, Wf . Harcourt, G. l ,ica MO, 0. Illackett, J. F. B. Ilardinge, Hon. C. Lich, U. Bland, L. IT. Basch:, Alex. It chard:on, J. Bonlialn-Carter, J. Matt', Archel. Robartes, T. Bouverle, Hon. E. P. Ilcadinn, T. ltotbuct, J. Brady, J. Ileat.b.caate, J. Rumboti, C. lir. 11115' 011. T. W. ileatheote, sir G. Illb , seal, Lod J. 11 - and, li. B. W. licathcote, G. Russell, F. C. Brocklelturst J. Herbert, 11. Russell, F. W. Brockman, E.l). Herbert, S. S‘lleir, John Brotherton, J. Itervey, Lord A. tlawle, C. Brown, H. Hogg, Sir J. W. Seib 4. field, W. Browne W. 110 ward, C. Scobell, Capt . G. t.ruce, lord E. Powatd, Lord Scrope, G. Ent'er, C. Hughes, W. Seth ly, F. Ilya-, G. Rutchlns, E. Szally, V. Cardwell, E. Hutt, W. Seymour, 11. Caulfield, Col .J. • Ingham, R. Seymour, W. Cavendish, C. Jackson, W. Shaft°, R. Chambers, T. Jermyn, Earl Shelburne, Earl Chaplin, W. Keating, R. Smith, J. A. Cheetham, J. Keating, IL Smith, R. Clay, Sir W. Bt. Keogh, W. Smollett, A. Clinton, Lord R. - _Kershaw. J. Stafford, Martinis Cockburn, Sir A. J. E. King, P. Steel,`J. Catlin, W. Kinnaird, A. Stephenson, R. Cogan, W. H. F. Labouchere,Rt.lion.ll Stirling. W. Jollier, R. P. *Laing, S. Strickland, Sir G. Cowan, C. Langton, H. G. Sutton, J. Cowper, W. F. Lee, W. Tancred. H. Cu-rie, Raikes Lindsay, W. Thompson, G. Daikeith, Earl Locke, J. Thornely, T. Di - hwood, Sir G. if, Loveden, P. Thornhill, W. Davie, Sir H. R. F. Lowe, R. Tovrnshend, Capt.J Denison, J. E. Luce, T. Tynte, Col. C. Divert, E. Mackinnon, W. A. Uxbridge, Earl Druml inrig, Vis. Macgregor, John Vernon, G. DWI', G. Mangles, R. D: - Villiers, C. Dalte, Sir J. Manners, Lord G. Vivian, H. H. Duncan, Viscount Marjoribanks, D. Warner, E. Duncan, G. Martin, J. Waterpark, Lord Dungarvan, Viscount Massey, W. Watson, W. East, Sir J. Matheson, Sir J. Wells, W. Elcho, Lord Milligan, R. Whatman, J. Ellice, E. Milner, W. Whitbread, S. Elliot, J. Milnes, R. Wickham, H. W. Esmondc, .T. Mitchell, T. Wigram, Loftus T. Ewart, W. Molcsworth, Sir W. Wilkinson, W. Fagan, W. Mon crieff, J. Williams, M. Feilden, M. Mon sell, W. Williams, W. Fergus, J. Mostyn, E. Wilson, J. Ferguson, Col. Mulgrave, Earl of Winnington, Sir T. Ferguson, Sir R. North, F. Wood, Sir C. Ferguson, J. O'Brien, I'. , Woo d, S ir A. Fitz Gerald, Sir J. O'Brien, J. Wrightson, W. Fitz Gerald, J. O'Connell, D. Wyndham, W. Fitzroy, Hon. H. O'Connell, J. Wy va,.M. Fitzwilllam, G. Osborne, R. Young, Sir J. Forster, C. Owen, Sir J. Forster, J. Paget, Lord A. For tescue, C. PalmersLon, Visct. Fox, W. Patten, J. Freestan, Col. Paxton, Sir-J. 1 Freshfleld, J. TELLERS, Hayter, W. Berkeley, G. NOES-202. Adierley, C. George, J. - Murroug;h, J. Alcock, T. Gib..oa, T Naas, Lord Alexander, J. Gilpin, Col. H. Napier, J. Arbuthnott, Lt. G. H. Gooch, Sir E. Neeld, John Archdall, M. Graham,;Lord W. Neelel, Joseph Arkwright, G. Greena'l, G. Newark, Viscount Bailey, C. Grogan, Edward Newdegate, C. Ball, E. Guinness, R. Newpoi, V rcount. Bal.dock, E. Hadfield, G. Noel, G. Balkes, Rt Hon G. Hale, K, Worth, Col. J. Raring, T. Hall, Gen. J. Oakes, J. Ba-rington, Viscount Hamilton, Lori C. Otway, A. Barrow, IV. Hamilton, G. A. Packe, C Bateson, Capt T. Hamilton, J. H. Faking ton, Sir J. Benlinek, Lord H. lianbury,Capt.lion.o Palk, L• BentMck, G. Hayes, Sir E: Palmer, Robert Buesford, Rt. Hn. W. Henley, S. Parker, R. Berkeley, Sir G. Herbert, Sir T. Phillimore, J. G. Boldcro, Col. 11. G. Ililyard, R. C. Portal, M. Booker, T. W. Hill, Lord A. E. Powiett, Lord W. Bright, J. Horsfall, T. Pritchard, J. Buubury, Capt. W. Ronan), Lord * Pugh, P. Burroughes, H. Hudson, G. Robertson, P. Butt,lG. Hume, W. Itolt, P. Butt, I. Johnstone, J. Rushout, Col. G. Cairns, H. Jotliffe, Sir W. Sandars, G. Campbell, Sir A. Kelly. Sir F. Scoa, F. Camac, Sir I. Kendall, N. Scjmer, H. Cecil, Lord K. Kennedy T. Shelley, Sir J. Chambers. M. Knatchbull, W. 13 hJsorp, Col. Che'sea, Viscount Knightley, R. Smijea, Sir W. Cho'mondeleY, Lord Roan, Col. B. W. Smith, t. '3. Ct. •stopher, Robt. A.-Knox, W. S. • • -Smith, Abel Christie, Samuel Latta n, Cap t. R. Smith, J. 0. Cl nton, Lord C. P. P. La ogton, W. Spooner, R. Cir)bold, J. C. _Laurie, J. Stanhope. J. Cobbett, J. M. Lernox, Lord A. F. Stanley. Lord Cobden, R. Lenrox.Loid 2IL. Stuart, IV. Cocks, T. S. Leslie, C. P. Start, 11. Cod rington, Sir C. W Liddell, li. T. SwiA, R. Ccles, 11. B. Linth-aY , Col. J. Taesiger, Sir F. Conolly, T. Lisbuine, Earl Tollemache, J. Corry, 11. T. L. Lockhart, A. E. Tomline, G. Davies, D. A.. S. Lockhart, W. _ ' Trollopc, Sir J. '3e: les, W. Lovaine, Lord Tudway, R. Perin; Sir E. Lowther, Col. H. C. Tyler, Sir G. D7 - melt. B. Low:her, Capt. TyZell, Slr J. D,T.x, J. Lytton, Sir G . Vance, J. Drummond, H. Macartocy, G. Vansittart, O. Duckworlli,- sir J. T. Macgregor, Jas. Verner,Slr W. pc nconthe, W. Mac At Ilim, P. Vernon, 1.. Du .ne, Col. :Maddock. Sir T. IL V,lllers, F. Egerton, W. 31,1!, , 5, It. Vyvyaii, elr H. Egerton, K. March, Karl of • V.Y. , e. Capt. 11. Valley, Vis. Ma,ItTiTISTI, J. N% adffinton, I). Evelyn, W. - Maiinseli, T. Wa' cot t, Adm'ral Fr rer, J. Tic„,, sir 11. Wa'insley, sir J. Xi i: ;crala, W. Mia 9, E. Walsh, Sir J. Fitzwiliarn, C. Miles, W. Wniteside, J. Fb Ter, .T. - Nitwit, Viscount W ;Atmore, IL Fol . et t, B. Al;chell, Dr. W. \VGA (1. B. Forester, J. Not ~ ,o.ne •y, 11. V,ry. , illiam, Gen. Franklyn, G. I+l oat2omery, Sit G. Wyndham, IL Fre wen, C. ?,100 'c, J. Yorke, E Fuller. A hi orgtm, 0. Calwey, sir W. Mowbray, J. G I .Tray, Viscount. lite:lugs, J. Gardner, R. Manly, IV. Gaskell, J. Ilan Vz, 0. TELLERS T:ty'o^, Cot . Dltin9e 'llc, `'is. For. Mr. Macaulay. M. Rico. Hon. IV. 0. Stanley. Mr. Foley. - General Buckley. Mr. Sheridan. Mr. E. vllicq.jun. Mr. Lau,, Sir J. Johnstone. Mr. Mackie. Mr. Strutt. Viscount Monck. Mr. Heard. Lord Goderich. Mr. Beaumont. Mr. G. Cavendish. Sir W. Somerville. Mr. W. Marshall. Viscount Dalrymple. Lord Emlyn. Agstnet. Mr. S. Child. Mr. Dod. Mr. Wynne. Mr. H. S. Waddington. Mr. Compton. Mr. Clive. Mr. Long. Mr. Davison. Lord Osaulston. Mr. H. Gwyn. Mr. Buck. Mr. H. Liddell. Lord Bernard. Marquis of Granby. Mr. Forbes. Mr. E. Lascelles. Sir G. Forster. Mr. Irten. Mr. Dupre. Mr. Greaves. to let their subjects eater our service, no one could have ob jected to such a measure, nor would any one have required to express limitation to the case of States actually at war. That, however, is a very different thing from coming before Parliament with a measure avowedly for enlisting against Russia men of all nations, at war with Russia or not, threat ened by Russia or not, sympathisers, mercenaries, revolution ists, insurrectionists, incendiarieS of all kinds, ready at every call to lend a hand towards severing the bonds between na tion and nation, or people and rulers. On the principles upon which the bill has been advocated it would .bo difficult to . condemn what is called a war of principle, or a war of nationalities, dividing into opposite sides the whole population of Europe, and, indeed, of the world. On such principles we must give up the stern old maxim , that you may treat as a pirate, and hang without mercy, every subject of a State with which you are not at war who May venture individually to invade your territory or wage war against your armies. It is said that Pbadetski made an example of some Romans and Neapolitans whom he found in Lombardy, yet no one eau pretend that they had less justifica tion for attempting to drive the Austrians over the Alps than the Swiss would now have for driving the Russians across the Pruth and destroying Sebastopol. So far, indeed, as the, precedent of the Germau Logiciu will really cover the present measure, the Emperor of Russia cannot object to it, inasmuch as the Russians fought side by side with that Legion iu the late war. We must, however, expect the Russian Gene rals and lawyers to scrutinise rather narrowly the application of a precedent which is construed into meaning that everytnem ber of the whole human race may lawfully take up arms to-mor row against Russia,simply for occupying so extensive a territory and having .so largo an army. If report speaks true, we have executed summary justice on the Russian Major who was caught assassinating won ded men ; and Prince Menschi koff, on being invited to sign the sentence, replied in a spirit of cavil, which bodes ill for future controversies on interna tional law. Let ussupposethe case of a Milanese or Neapolitan gentleman found in the Crimea in arms against Russia, but pleading the commission of her Britannic Majesty. Should the Rassian General pronounce him a bandit, and hang him accordingly, we should certainly bo in a very unpleasant case unless we could cite chapter and verse in the law of nations in our favour, and have undeniable authority for protesting against the act. The second reading has been carried by a majority which must- be considered very slight, when we take into account the almost entire unanimity which prevails as to the object and general prosecution of the war. We cannot help thinking that a little tact, or rather a little more simplicity and honesty, would have procured the passing of the measure, as every war measure ought to be passed, without a dissentient voice. The public ought not to have been taken by surprise. Some intimation of the bill ought to have been given beforehand, and it ought to have been alluded to in the Queen's Speech, together with the bill enabling Government to send the Mi litia abroad. If one, why not the other i The measure is introduced quietly and by stealth, and the very looks and movements of its advocates betray their own misgivings, and inform us that if we are conscientious, as they believe us to be, we shall hesitate to "comply with their wishes. We are now informed that the bill has been in hand several months, anAl that its Speedy enactment is one 'of the chief objects of this December sitting. If so, why not introduce so impor tant a measure into the Queen's Speech, which is not over charged with matter, and might have been even improved by * the introduction of something like a real announcement ? Never was there a secret so well kept, though we cannot see why any. measure necessary for the prosecution of a just and popular war should have been thoughta fit.subject for a close conspiracy. But, according to Mr. Sidney Herbert, this con spiracy was as dark an affair to the conspirators themselves as to the public at large. None of them can say how the foreign legion is to work, whence it is to be levied, or where it is to be posted. On this point all parties in the house con fess a delightful agreement; and at this moment Mr. Sidney Herbert would be very much obliged if anybody could tell him where he is to get the soldiers necessary for carrying out the purposes of this bill. This is a very delightful state of ignorance, and speaks well for the success of the measure. Perhaps it is only a feint to cover the secrecy with which it has been matured. Yet all this disturbance, this mystery, this continued uncertainty about a measure intended to be only a return to the manners and customs of old English wars ! Ministers at least deserve a fright, and a narrow escape. They have obtained both, and we trust they will learn alittle more wisdom or some other Christian grade for the future. (From th,e Morning Post.) The Government have carried, and Parliament has passed by a majority of thirty-nine, a measure to which, there can not be the slightest doubt, the opinion of the country at large is decidedly and strongly opposed. By what impulse the House of Commons has been induced to this unexpected course—whether they have been driven by the threat, we believe empty threat, of resignation, of late so customarily, and, we may venture to say, even unconstitutionally, used by the existing Administration, or whether they have been persuaded by the force of the singular arguments used by Lord John Russell, we know not ; but whether the one or the other circumstance \vas the motive, power, the conclusion to which it has conducted Parliament is one which we are con vinced will be regarded with strong feelings of discontent and distrust, both by the country at large, and by those classes upon whom during the ensuing year we must draw for that supply of money and of men without which we can not hope to carry to a successful issue the serious contest in which we aro engaged. It must be evident to every man anxious for the energetic prosecution of the war by means in accordance with the sym pathies of the country, that the Government, with a fair field before them, and with a course cleared by anticipation of all ordinary obstacles, should have gone out of their way in so singular and unaccountable a manner to build up a wall against which to run their own heads and those of the people, who permit themselves, by an unfounded belief in resignation and au exaggerated view of its consequences, to be delivered over, bound hand and foot, to their despotic dicta. Even more mischievous than the conclusion to which Par liament has been driven are the bases upon which Govern ment, represented by the Lord President of the Council, has placed it by his speech of last night, and by the language which ho is currently reported to have held to the various political parties with whom be is customarily in commu nication, in the event of such s party crisis as that over which the Cabinet has just tided. Lord John Russell, Speak ing in Justification of the bill, assures the public that, but for the strong conviction ent4rtained by her Majesty's Minis ters that this country is quite incapable, even with the alliance and aid. of France and of Turkey, of waging war successfully against Russia, the measure would never have been pressed upon Parliament. When money only is in question, says the noble lord the Leader of the Rouse of Commons, the English people do, indeed, shine with a brilliancy quite reinarkable. Start a Patriotic Fund, ask for blankets, demand jellies and plum-puddings, t ike round a begging-box for flannels and port winos, touch, in fine, only the pockets of the Eng lishman, and who can compare with him in the prompti tude and largeness of his answer- to the appeal. His pockets gape wide, as it were, by instinct, and his money rolls out uncounted in a stream inexhaustible. He may be drawn upon in that line; says the noble lord, to any extent, but you must not touch his person—you inns not ask him to abandon his fireside, or to confront in his own person the perils and discomforts of campaigns. No. Fro. ,digal of his money, he is careful of his limbs, and bent upon commerce and thriftl—absorbed in the fluctuations of Thre, per Cents. and enamoured of the endearment of domesticity, he abhors the tented field, and shuts his ears against the dram that beats so loudly, and the voice of the cannon that screams the wild halloo of death to struggling thousands. The Englishman's nerves cannot stand all this, and in pure pity Lord John suggests that he should stay at home and pay out of his willing pockets his German cousin to do all tilt* disagreeable work for him. That an English Minister should have been permitted— should have permitted himself, indeed—to make to the Par liament; and to the country of Great Britain, se ridiculous and so unfounded a statement, must be a matter of deep re gret—we had almost said of deep shame —to ever y British subject. We will not believe that the majority of last night was gained by faith in it. We will rather believe that it was given to the Grrernment on ground less shameful, but equally impolitic, as affecting the future government of the country, .that, in the event of the bill being rejected, Lord J. Russell and his colleagues would leave in this great crisis England without a responsible Executive Administration. We warn Parliament, we warn the country, that, in yielding to this tricky sort of coercion, they are perilling very seriously that important control over public affairs with which the constitue tion has invested them. The doctrine of expediency has been now for many years in this' kingdom the bane of wise and complete legislation. TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES. Sir,—The Duke of Newcastle, with a strange presumption told his brother lords that, except Lord Hardinge, no officer of capacity and experience remained in England with whom he could consult to avoid the errors he had committed as a War Minister—all were in the Crimea! He must now be taught that there are officers still in England with sagacity heroic roe y the a n introduction ni a makes E ng. en ough to see through his incapacity, and with indignation en ough to rebuke the grovelling spirit which has dictated the degradation wen of foreign soldiers to fight, our• battles at the very moment h the Bt steam of the country and blood the from armyiuk. bn: a o Eng land snort and start like a warhorse in the 'midst of carnage. I will not say that the German Legion in the last war were not good and trusty soldiers—their cavalry was excellent but, despite of the Duke of Richmond's generous eulogium, I will, with Lord Efienborough, say, that neither they, nor any foreign troops, were able to equal tire fighting of the British soldier. That legion was well composed ;it was, indeed, a national force, with high moral motives, and with the ge ntlemen of their own country as officers ; they were thus presented in the best possible form that foreigners could assume in another nation's service ; and gallant things they cou'd and did do ; but emulate the terrible fighting of the British soldier they could not. And shall a mere mercenary band, picked up for gold, without national feeling—poor miserable hirelings, sellinc , their limbs and lives, aye I their very souls for lucre —ready, without a cause, if paid, to murder, to slay, or be slain, and, of course, ready to change sides for higher pay if good occasion offer — shall such varlets stand in the line beside our noble soldiers who fight shouting " England ' England'!" and dying mur mur, " We have done our duty ?" When did German or Switzer, Prussian or Austrian, stand before the gallant French in equal battle ? And those bril liant, fierce, impetuous French, could even they sus tain the might and terror of British battle, though, glorious soldiers that they are and ever have been, they returned to the combat as unceasingly as waves boating against rocks? Such as they are indeed fit and worth y to stand abreast with the unconquerable " red line that never yields," and, to gether, they will trample in the dust any troops in the world that presume to oppose them. But let them not be shamed by finding a hired third-rate selection from in ferior sources between themselves and their British com rades. Let them not be, told to depend u p on the dressed foreigners—poor frauds, like the camels of Semi ramie, accoutred as elephants, and sure to leave dark silent gaps where loudest shouts and fiercest fires should stream forth iu the hour of need. Shall the stern infantry of lukerman, striding in blood ; shall the proud cavalry of Balaklava—those noble horsemen who accepted, not an order, but a doubtful sign only, to go bounding on as it were to the open jaws of death ; shall they have as comrades the refuse hirelings of Germany and Switzerland ? God forbid ! You, sir, say that the Ministers will go out if the country refus - is to accept their degrading measure. So let it be. Let them slink away, while the universal shout arises of "jGod and our right."—L am, sir, your obedient servant, W. NAIII3II, Lieutenant-General. The Sumroo, a fine ship of 1,000 tons, under the com mand of Captain Henderson, arrived in the Southamp• ton Docks yesterday afternoon to take on board wooden houses for the French troops in the Crimea. The Swift sure, Captain Price, of 1,800 tons, is expected for the sa me purpose in a day or two, and several other ships of large tonnage have been engaged to follow as soon as possible. As soon as ready for sea they will be towed across the Bay of Biscay and to their destination ,by French war•steamers, which are to come to South, ampton for the purpose. Several French officers have arrived at Southampton, who are specially de puted by the French Minister of War to superintend the embarkation and despatch of these houses, which are being manufactured at Gloucester. The quantity ordered will . prvvido accommodation fvr PM() men, PAID S. THE LONDON GAZETTE OF LAST NIGHT, FOREIGN-OFFICE, DEC. 19. NO'fIFIOATION. It is hereby notified that the Right Honourable the Earl of Clarendon, her Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, has received from the Lords Com missioners of the Admiralty a copy of a despatch, dated her Majesty's ship Edinburgh, Kiel, December 8, from Rear-Admiral Chads, commanding her Ma jesty's Naval forces in the Baltic, informing their Letrdships that the blockade of the Russian ? mit( under-mentioned had been raised from that dat 3, "Liban, Windau, Riga, and Bernau, and all Russian ports, roads, havens and creeks, front latitude 55 deg. 53 min. ~ longi tude 21 deg. 0 min. 3 scc. E., to Cape Dager Ort, in latitude 58 deg. 55 min. N. longitude 22 (leg. 0 min. 5 sec. E., the ports of Hasps!, Warmso Islands, Port Bal. tick, 'Revel, and all Russian ports, roads, havens, and creeks, from Cape Dager Ort to Eekholm Light, situated in latitude 59 deg. 43 min. N., and longitude 25 deg. 48 min. E." and all " The ports of Helsingfors and Sweaborg, Rus sian pats, roads, havens, and creeks to the westward of Helsingfors as far as Hango Head (inclusive), in latitude 59 deg. 48 min. N., longitude 22 deg. 53 min. E. ; the ports of Aro and Abo, and lastly, the whole of the ports, roads, havens, , and creeks eastward of Helsingfors, on the Finland Shore and Eckholia.Light on the coast of Estho nia, to Cronatadt and St. Petersburgh, both inclusive." FOREIGN-OFFICE, DEc. 16. The Queen has been graciously pleased to appoint the Most Hun. Constantine Henry, Marquis of Normanby, to be hor Majesty's Envoy Extraordinary and Mini ster Plenipotentiary to the Grand Duke of Tuscany. FOREIGN-OFFICE, DEC. 18. The Queen has been pleased to approve of Mr. Hermann Von- Ronn as Consul at Port Elizabeth for the Free Han seatic City of Hainburgh. WAR OFFICE, DEC. 19. BREVET. Colonel William Fenvricic% . Villiams, C. 8., of the Royal Artillery, now acting as her Majesty's Commissioner with the Turkish army in Asia, to have the local rank of Briga dier-General while so employed, Dec. 19. The tinier-mentioned officers, who retired upon full pay of the Royal Regiment of Artillery and the corps_ of Royal Engineers, previously to her Majesty's Royal W arrant of the 6th O ct Jber, 1854, to be promoted to a step of brevet rank, in order to place them in as favoura ble a position as those of their rank who may hereafter obtain . retirement under the provisions of the said warrant, the rank in both eases being only honorary, viz.,— ROYAL ARTILLERY. TO BE LIEUTENANT-COLONELS IN THE ARMY. Brevet-Major Frederick Wright James Robert Colebrook° Lewis Shuldham Barrington Robertson, James Smith Law John Pascoe George Spiller William Greenwood, C.B. George Markland TO BE MAJORS IN TEIE ARMY. Captain Oliver Fry Second Captain John Smith Oliver Fleming Henry Clinton Martin Robert Fryer Philips Captain John Morse Stephens William Lemoin Charles Manners Andrew Orcher William Schalch Hugh Morgan Richard Robinson Drew Even Morgan Lewis Edward Walsh Frederick Augustus Griffiths Francis Holcombe William John Stokes John Dyson William Dumas William Young Fonwick John Sidney Farrell Henry Higgins Donatus O'Brien Arthur Gosset Second Captain Samuel James Skinner Robert Luard Captain James Turner John Low Richard Matthews Pouldon Second Captain Patrick Scott Campbell Captain Henry Stephen Tireman Robert Roe Fisher William Baird Young Charles Cheetham Alexander Frederick William Papillon William Fulford Charles Robert Wynne George Drought Warburton ROYAL ENGINEERS. TO BE LIEUTENANT-COLONELS IN TUE ARMY. Brevet-Major Richard John Baron Charles Rivers Richard Howorth James Lynn TO Bit MAJORS IN THE ARMY. Captain Edward Fyers floury Augustus Colby Samuel Camplin Melliuish John Lyon Huhn° John Watson Pringle Ives Stocker George Vaughan Tinling James Hunter Rutherfoid Colin Mackenzie George Charles Degen Lewis Francis Wm. Pettingal Lancey Charles Oldersbaw - Charles Stuart Miller The above commissions to bear date Nov. 28. OFFICE OF ORDNANCE, DEc. 18. Corps of Royal Engineers—First Lieutenant Louis John Amadea Armit to be second Captain, vice W. M. Inglis, deceased ; Second Lieutenant Constantine Phipps Carey to be First Lieutenant, vice Armit, p romoted, Nov. 15. Ordnance Medical Department--Edward Willis Camp bell, Gent., to be Assistant-Surgeon, vi ce w e i s h e _ pro !noted into the Army Medical Department , Dec. 8. ' COMMISSIONS SIGNED BY LORD-LIEUTENANTS. The Tower Hamlets—Arthur Ballantine, E sq . , to be Deputy-Lieutenant. King's Own Light Infantry Regiment of Militia—rfi mry Bishop, Gent., to be Ensign. Royal Bucks King's Own Militia—John Maddy Moore Hewett to be Adjutant with the rank of Captain ; Wm. Wanklyn, Gent., to be Ensign. 2d Regiment of "loyal Bucks Yeomanry Cavalry--Cor net Charles Patrick to be Lieutenant, vice Northey, re. signed • John Compton Maul, Gent., to be Lieutenant, vice Levi, promoted. West Suffolk Militia—Frederick William John Hervey, commonly called Lord Hervey, to be Lieutenant, Dec. IA ; James Holmes, Gent., to be Ensign, Dec. 15. Royal Cumberland Regiment of Militia—William John Robinson, Gent., to be Ensign Dec. 12. Exeter and South Devon Volunteer Rifle Battalion— Thomas Pearson to be Captain; Frederick Gifford to be Ensign, Nov. 23. Royal North Gloucester Regiment of Militia—Major John Williams Wallington to be Lieutenant-Colonel, vice Sir M. H. Beach, deceased ; Henry Bonrchier Osborne Stk. vile, Esq., late Captain Royal Artillery, to be Major, vice Wallington, promoted ; Charles Mansfield, Gent., Thomas Merrett, Gent., and Elliott Arth ur R a y mon d, G en t., to be Ensigns, Deo. 16. East Kent Regiment of Militia.—Ensign David White Griffith to be Lieutenant, vice Kobbel, promoted, Dec. 8 ; Ensign Stanilas Zaba to be Lieutenant, vice Bourne, who retires, Dec. 10. West Kent Light Infantry Regiment of Militia.—Tho mas John Popplewell, Gent., to be Lieutenant, Dec. 10. Kent Militia Regiment f Artillery.—Second-Lieute nant Walter Thomas Waring to be First-Lieutenant, vice Leslie, who retires, Dec. 10. 2d Regiment of King's Own %taffordshire Militia.— Archibald George Keen, Gent., to be Ensign, vice her, promoted, Dec. 15. Warwickshire Militia-2d Regiment—Arthur William Arkwright, Gent., to be Lieutenant, Dec. 9. Oxfordshire Regiment of Militia—William Constable Brown Constable, Gent., to be Ensign, Dec. 15. Royal Perthshire Rifle Regiment of Militia—John Wal ter Wedderburn, Esq., late Captain 42d Royal Highlanders, to be Captain ; Thomas Mules Riddell, Esq., late Lieute nant 7th Regiment Dragoon Guards, to be Captain, Dec. 13. 4th or Duke of Lancaster's Own (Light Infantry) Royal Lancashire Militia—Eftward Worrall, Gent., to be Ensign, Dec. 14. Royal Brecknock Rifle Regiment of Militia—John Wm. Neville Billingsby Parry, Gent., to be Lieut., Dec. 11. Wigtonshire and Kirkcudbright Regiment of Militia, called " The Galloway Rifle Corps"—Colvin Stewart, Es, younger, to be Lieutenant, vice John M'Crackan, retire d; Thomas Hugh Vans Dalrymple Hay, Esq., to be Ensign, vice Walter Laurie, Esq. resigned, Dec. 7. Northamptonshiro 311rib:a —Lewis Percival, Gent. to he Ensign, Dec. 11; Hewitt Litton , Gent., to be Emig?, Dec. 13. This article is substituted for thai ' • the Gazette of the 21th Nov.:— Northamptonshire Regiment of Mili Molloy, Esq., M.D., to be Assistant-Su Jackson, Esq., M.D., resigned, Nov. 2C B &NKR - UPS. Joshua Vines and James Smith, bulk-. Borough, to surrender, Dec. 28 at balf-Te... Jan. 30, at eleven, at the Court of Bank official assignee, Coleman-street-buildings - r,_ gate-street. G.:ergo Wilson and Raynham, ' mer-road, Notting-hill, Dec. 30 and Feb. 10, - Court of Bankruptcy. Pennell, official assi:„ hall , chambers ; Rush bury, Surrey-street, Stra, Charles Atuskett, chemist anal drtrT,ist, Diss, Jan. 2, at two, Feb. 2, at twelve, nethe Court ruptcy. wank, official assignee, Satubtonk . flattop, 4t, Noble-htrce, Clacapsitle • Cream, Suffoa John I'. White, merchant, Mark lane, City, Dec. • half-past one, and Jan. 3t, at two, at the Court of ruptey. Stanstielki, official assignee ; Crowder and nard, Coleman-street, City. Gorge Climance, baker, St. Albans, Hertfordsbit Dec. 22, and Jan. 21, at two, at the Court of Bankrupt.,. St:in ;fad, official assignee; Crossley and Burn, Lombal stie4 ; Simpson, St. Albans. William Allaway, dentist, Southport, Lancashire, Jan. 4 and 22, at eleven, at the Liverpool District Court. Mor gan, official assignee, Liverpool ; Dodge, Liverpool. Jabez Cooper, linendraper, Blackheath, Staffordshire, Jan. 3 and 24, at half-part ten, at the Birmingham Distritt. Court. Whitmore, official assignee, Birmingham ; Pres cot, Stourbridge; Motteram and Knight, Birmingham. James Sothern Tonge, commission agent, Liverpool, Dec. 29 and Jan. 19, at eleven, at the Liverpool District Court. Turner, official assignee, Liverpool ; Roby, Liver pool. Robert Wilson Wyllie, dealer in music and musical in struments, Saint Leonard, Devon,Dec. 28, and Jan. 24, at one, at the Exeter District Court. Hirtzel, official assignee, Exeter; Bishop and Pitts, E x ter. Frederick Reeves Barrntt, music seller, Stamford, Jan. 2, and Feb. 6, at ten, at the Birmingham District Court. Harks, official assignee, Nottingham ; Law, Stamford ; Hoigs)n, Birmingham. Jonathan Wright,WilliamWright, and Lupton Wright, worsted spinners, Oxenhope, Yorkshire, Dec. 29 and Jan -26, at eleven, at the Leeds District Court. Young, official assignee, Leeds ; Wavell, Philbrick, and Foster, Halifax. William Yates, cotton broker, Liverpool, Dec. 29 and Jan. 19, at eleven, at the Liverpool District Court. Turner, official assignee, Liverpool ; Evans and Sons, Liverpool. Betty Baron, Henry William Knowles, and J i r an es d ij a eT i : worth, manufacturers, Bacup, official assignee, Manchester; Rowl ey an 17, at twelve, at the Manchester District Court. Fraser, 2, Fraser, Man chester. John Fletcher, c Jan. 10 and 31, at the Manche s ter at"mam b fa is e t t r u i re ct r Co' M ur a t n . ch F e r s t a e s r e'r, h blacking mann ac urer, Great Joseph Lon fields, and John James Limebeer, offi cial assignee ; Grundy, .Manchester. f Queen. street, Lincoln s-inn and 10, at twelve, at the Court ofßankruptey. blacking manufacturer, Saint James-street, Dec. 30, at eleven, Feb.. official assignee, Basinghall-street ; C. and J. livery Carlisiset-astb le Carlisle-street. Joseph keeper, Gray's-inn-road, J ai . 2, el t nne one, i an d .'2 , Feb at eleven, at the C our t o f Bank aGtbs, rup t c y. Lee, o ffi cial assignee, Alderm a nb nry ; Y oung an i AP a lnela Flews, Mark-lane. SCOTCH SEQUESTRATIONS. _ - Thomas Waddell, contractor, Gartcraig. 'Charles Staples, wine and spirit merchant, Glasgow. James Horbertson and Brothers, builders, Glasgow. NAVAL AND MILITARY INTELLIGENCE. The James Watt, 91, screw -steamship, Captain Elliot, went into the st eam basin at Portsmouth yesterday to have her defects made good. The Penelope, 16, paddle frigate, Captain Caffin, that arrived at Spithcad yesterday afternoon, from the Baltic, came into harbour yesterday to have repairs effected. As the Penelope was coming in a shocking accident happened to a seaman named George Powell. Whilst engaged in his duty on the maintop, he lost his hold and fell on deck, recei vin g most severe injuries, from which there is little hope of his recovering. The Penelope was, it will be remembered, the ship that got ashore under the guns of Bomarsund, and had to throw all her own guns overboard to lighten her and get her afloat, the Russian artillery playing upon her with great danger to her. She got off, and, on the capture of the place, re. covered her guns. Many of them, however, are split, and of no further use. The Royal Victoria steam-transport, laden with stores for the Crimea, hauled will from the dockyard at Porta- mouth yesterday, and will leave this day or to-sorter for her destination. The smack Daring, of Jersey, Captai n W a n r d on Tu b oys,fro e. fro m Denia for London , p ut into Plymouthon day, and reported t hat in lat. 43 56 isT $ long. 9 28 W., w a por, lsheogg logged a passed ndabandoned, thebfig C main-hatches xo nof North Shields P wter. off, and bow port gone, decks swept, and bulwarks c a r r i e d awa y fore a nd aft. Remains of closereefed top sa il s wer e hanging to I the yards. APPOINTMENTS. Captain John F raser (1841) to be borne on the boo ks of the Fisgard, flag-ship, ' -ship, at iNroolwich, for service in thy Royal Nav a l Coast Volunteers. Lieutenant Edward Scott (1847), recently serving in the Cumberland, 70, to the Monarch, 84, at Devonport. Paymasters —Charles S. Giles (1846), from the Amphion, 24, screw steam -frigate, to the Imperieuse, 51, screw steam-frigate ; James F. Phillips (1850), to the Amphion, vice Giles. Clerk William IL Richards (Paymaster of 1853 ), to the James Watt, 91, screw steam-ship. The Esk, 21, screw steam-corvette, Captain Birch, left Woolwich, yesterday, for Greenhithe, where she is to take on board about 250 tons of shot, shell, and munitions of war, for conveyance to Balaklava. After 'minting these stores there, she will return through the S tra its of Gibraltar, and proceed to Hong Kong, for service in the China seas. Stbuld she meet with any Russian frigates, she will give a good conduct of them, as she carries a powerful armament of 20 8-inoh and on* 10-inch gun.