The Sun. — London, England, 1864-04-18 00:00:00

GENERAL GARIBALDL Garibaldi has since his arrival in England been favoured with weather which neither Nice nor Naples need have disowned. "Royal weather" almost has attended his movements, and the pale blue skies of spring have seldom been hidden by murky clouds. But on Saturday all this was for once changed. From early morning—earlier even than Garibaldi was astir—" the heavens were black with clouds and rain." But it is not a shower that daunts either the Italian general or his more enthu siastic admirers, some of whom were afoot and staring at Stafford House by six o'clock. Just before eight a number of the members of the Working Men's Committee arrived, and were introduced, and Mr. S. Plimsoll, of the City Reception Committee, attended to accompany the general to a locality where he might see a sight to which even " fair and fruitful Italy "—the modern land of milk and honey, where meat and drink grow spontaneously within reach of the peasant's arm, and where wine runs like water in the houses of rich and poor—could afford no parallel. He went to see Barclay and Perkins's brewery, at Bankside, and once in a way he passed through the streets comparatively in peace, although he was heartily cheered when he left the ducal mansion. The general on his arrival at the brewery was received by the members of the firm, and conducted over the whole of the extensive premises ; the various processes of the art and mys tery of brewing being explained to him by Mr. Per kins, who speaks Italian fluently. The general ap peared delighted and astonished at the vast extent of the works and machinery. After inspecting the warehouses and cellars, he proceeded to the stables, which are of great extent, and where several hundred horses are accommodated. A magnificent horse named " Baby," standing about 18 hands high, was much admired by the general, and at the request of the master of the stables, and amidst the cheers of the stablemen, of whom there are 30, he renamed the animal " Garibaldi." The general was then conducted to one of the large warehouses, which had been tastefully fitted up fur the occasion. Around the place were galleries in which the whole of the workmen were placed, and in the centre was a large hogshead, on the top of which stood several tankards of " Barclay's stout." Thu cheering of the men on the entrance of the general was most enthusiastic. A tankard of stout having been handed to Garibaldi, he drank to the health of the workmen present. He said he had read with great delight some years since the well merited chastisement the workmen of this establish ment had indicted upon General Haynau, the flogger of Hungarian women. He thought their conduct on that occasion worthy of recognition. He was a working man himself—he had worked hard for freedom. He was proud and happy to come amongt working men. Mr. Plimsoll then proposed the " Health of Garibaldi," which was drunk with deafening cheers. The general then went round the yards of the establishment, which were filled with the wives and children of the workmen. After a stay of about an hour Garibaldi and his attendants left, having thanked the members of the firm for the courtesy shown him. The visit being a private one, few, except those connected with the firm, were aware of the intended honours, and there were not many persons assembled about the brewery on his arrival. He had not been there long, however, be fore the news spread round the neighbourhood, and on his leaving several thousand persons lined the strce a adjacent. The general returned to Staffard House at ten o'clock, where several deputations were awaiting him. He left again at half-past twelve o'clock fsr the Crystal Palace. His route was through the Park and over Vauxhall Bridge, which was reechsd about one o'clock, and a few minutes before two he arrived at the house of glass at Sydenham, where an immense crowd awaited his arrival. On Monday last he had a reception from the lower and the lower-middle classes ; on Wednesday he was honoured by same of the foremost men and women in Eagland ; on Saturday the upper middle classes met to pay him greeting. Holders of season tickets entered the Palace as a matter of coarse, but those who did not possess the magic annual pasteboard were compelled to pay half-a-crown for tickets, or, if they paid at the doors, 53., More they could secure admission. They came in thousands by road and in thousands by rail. From the west they came through Ken nington and Stockwell ; from the east and north over London Bridge; from the south by innu merable bye-roads, where the trees were putting forth the premise of their summer foliage, and where through the rain nature smiled her welcome ; as an enthusiastic Italian put it—" Her smiles for the here, her tears for his yet unaccomplished work. And both from Victoria and the Elephant and Castle by the Chatham and Dover rcute, to Syden ham Hill, went droves, shoals, flocks to see the hero of the hour; and not only up till the time appointed for the commencement of the proceedings, bat long afterwards—even till near five o'clock—were people still going to the Palace, which inside pre seated an appearance affording a curious contrast to the exterior dripping with rain and mist. Where the glass fountain plashes, bedewing with spray the lovely flowers that encircle its basin, away to neer the tropical screen, the people were thick; bat from the Stationery Court to Renaissance Court they were in an impene trable mass. The reserved seats were nearly all occupied, and in the galleries people paid for standing ground. In the North Gallery at the corner, half in the transept, half in the nave, and facing the Handel Orchestra, was a box of goodly size, draped with the colours of nature, which are also the colours of Italy—the red, the white, and the green. Here were placed chairs of state; hero too were gathered the most distinguished of the visitors. Looking at the Palace from this point a scene pre yen tee: itself which can hardly be described, but can never be forgotten. On the Handel orchestra were the artists from the two operas, who had volunteered their services for a concert, and who were supported by a full orchestra and chorus, as well as by a num ber of persons who had been fortunate enough to secure the reserved seats hero set apart. At the Bides of the Handel stage people hung on by the eye lids; about the concert room they flocked, climbing on to the pedestals of the statues, so that perchance they might get a peep. And in the area imme diately in front of the box the reserved seats were filled with gentlemen and ladies, who vied with each other in the brilliancy of their toilettes, who were to a woman in panoply of crinoline, and who bore for weapons, offensive and defensive, umbrellas and opera glasses— " Armoured in steel they stole a glance, and then, All disappointed, they glanced back again." But still Garibaldi did not come, so there was nothin g for it but to endeavour to make out the mottoes—and the Crystal Palace is a regular manu- factory of appropriate sentiments in white letters on a red ground—which flanked the general's box. At length patience was rewarded, and the general appear:4. He had arrived at the north wing, where he, as well as the bake of Sutherland, Lord Shaftesbury, and Signors Menotti and Ricciotti Garibaldi, who accompanied him, were met by Mr. Farquhar, the chairman of the Crystal Palace Company, by Sir Joseph Paxton, and by the members of the Italian committee, who wor e t h e same tri-coloured scarfs cs on M3ndaY• nes° gentlemen offered him a f ig draped in crape, and bearing the motto, "It)ma c Venezia," which he received with marked favour ; the Italian working men presented him v,Lh an address, and then, standing on the steps leading to the gallery, he proceeded with that strange,ly-mmellifluous voice of his which breathes elcqu:nce apart from the word, to address his country men in their own tongue. When translated, his speech was to this purport : I thank you, Italian fellow -countrymen, for the manner in which you havo received me, You share with me, I know, the feeling of gratitude to the noble and glorious Englibh nation for the help which they have given to u s , and the magnificent manner in which they have received me. (Cheers.) England has assist.d us is evil as well as in g , od times. Tne English people helped us in our war with Southern Italy, and even now t h e hospitals of Naples are oupplit d from the abundance sent to us from this country. I speak from what I know, that the Queen and the Go vernment of England, represented by Lord Palmerston, Lord Russell, and Mr. Gladstone, have done a wonderful deal for our native Italy. (Cheers.) If it had not been for this country we ehoula still have hcen under the yoke of the Bourbons at Naples. If it had not been kr Admiral Mundy I should never have been permitted to pass the Straits of Messina. (Cheers.) Countrymen, our landing at Naples would, if possible, have been prevented by those despots who are now trying to crush poor little Denmark. It is sad when two colossi are seen trying to put d ),911 a little coun try which has no assistance from any one, and has only its native strength to resist the invaders. (Cho( rs.) Country men, I am not a soldier by profession. 1 only took up the trade of a soldier when I found robbers in my house, and I turned a soldier to expel them. (Cheers.) I became a soldier to fight against the oppressors of my country. (Renewed cheers.) Countrymen, I admire this noble nation which stands so proudly at the head of the civili sation of the world. I have seen since I have been in this country a great deal—more, perhaps, than you are aware of. I have seen one great thing—half a million of people kept in order by a dozen policemen—plain, simple policemen—and when I speak of English policemen I take off my hat (suiting the action to the word), for there are no gendarmes, no mouchards in this country. They cannot live in its free air. (Cheers.) Do you know how this great fact is brought about ? I will tell you. It is because the English people love their Queen. The English people," he proceeded to say, " have a respect for the laws, which they know are good and just, and they love their free and glorious nation. The English people have not only pity and sympathy for others; they have something here (placing his hand upon his heart.) Let the conduct of Englishmen be a lessen to us. Let us imitate them, and admire their noble and splendid institutions, and their imperishable love of liberty. (Cheers.) England is envied by every country. Although she has got what we all know to be the bravest army in the world, she also has 150,000 citizens, called volunteers, and if ever the occasion should arise, if ever this country should be invaded, the volunteers would have the support of millions of brave and gallant men. Or suppos ing—but this is unlikely—that their united strength should not be sufficient to resist the invader, then, if our poor feeble efforts, our arms and our lives could be of any service we should always be ready to come and assist them, asithey have helped us. (Great cheering.) When the General named the Queen (" the dear Queen"—" Cara Regina") the enthusiasm of his auditors was most marked, and himself was not a little moved as he thought of our happy country and our still mourning SoNereign. He was now conducted to luncheon, which Mr. Strange had, at the expense of the Italian Committee, served in the room of the School of Art, and which did credit to the caterer, who retires to day and gives place to Mr. Bertram. In this room Garibaldi intro duced to his compatriots Signor Sine° who, he said, was now, as when he first entered the Italian Chambers, the firm upholder of the unity of his country. The signor replied, " I have never felt so much pleasure in being a senator of Italy as now, when my countrymen in London ac knowledge my services, and when I am so spoken of by my illustrious friend." After luncheon the general was conducted in en invalid's chair along the gallery, where he lingered, admiring the luxuriance of the equatorial foliage, here maintained almost as perfectly as within the lines of Cancer. Bat when he had seen something of the beauties of the building—and it is a thousand pities that be did not see more of the pleasant things of Penge Palace—and was wheeled towards the box erected for his accommodation, the cheering began and continued in wonderful bursts for fire or six minutes, when four young Italian lades pre sented him with a bouquet, which he kindly ac knowledged, and when Mr. H. Negretti handed the general to the chair appointed for him, whence he, evidently moved, acknowledged the plaudits of the many thousands who, whether in sight or out of sight, raised their voices in a glorious welcome, worthy of England and worthy of its object. Long before the cheering had subsided the band struck up the GAribaldian Hymn, and most curiously did the joyous strains sound amid the warm greetings of the multitude. The concert was almost entirely a national affair. Every piece in the programme was of Italian origin, the singers were all Italian—at least from one or other of the Italian Operas—and the conductor also was Italian. Oa the lower platform of the Great Orchestra were congregated round the chair of Signor Arditi, the conductor, the following singers from the Italian Operas :—Mdlles. Vits.li , Bettle heim, Rossi, and Fricei ; Signors Mario, Guigliui, Graziani, Neri-Baraldi, Gasperoni, and Mr. Santley. There was a complete and efficient, if not very large, orchestra and chorus. The opening hymn, although addresscd to the general, was not of a very striking character. The two new pieces by Signor Arditi, written expressly for the occasion, were most to the liking of the audience. The last "La Garibaldini," indeed created a furor; and when Signor Giuglini, who was prin cipal soloist came forward and dtc!aimed with immense energy the lines 0 Garibaldi—nostros Salvator, Te seguiremo—al campo onor Risorga Italia—il sol di Liberia I All' armi I all' armi I the enthusiasm was indescribable, and nothing would satisfy the audience but its repetition. It was impossible to say when the chorus concluded, for before the termination the audience attempted to take np the time, and those who failed to do so swelled the uproar with their unmelodic tones. Signor Arditi, one of the best of conductors, was unable to conduct himself, but, naught in the whirl wind of the enthusiasm, leaped upon the chair, waved his baton with one hard and his handker chief with the other, and strove with all bia lungs to add his trite to the vocal thunder. The National Anthem—to which General Garibaldi was the first to risc—given with grand and imposing effect, brought the concert to an end ; after which another demonstration took place, and so concluded the vocal part of the performance. The Italian Committee now began their presenta tions to the general ; and Signor Serena, the secre tary, stepping forward, said : Accept, 0 General, this sword, which the Italians resi dent in London present to you as a mark of their admira tion and in memory of the reception given to you by noble and free England. May this sword, handed to you in a temple of peace by an exile of Venice, be destined to assist in the accomplishment of the independence of our belovad Italy. Garibaldi, taking the exquisite weapon, replied— I thank you, Italians, for this beautiful present. I promise you I will never unsheath it in the cause of tyrants, and will draw it only in support of oppressed nationalities, I hope yet to carry it with me to Rome and to Venice. (Great cheering.) The Italian Committee next presented their ad dress, which was read by Signor Rossini. Tne Italian Committee then offered the general a picture called "The Italian Cockade," representing a beautiful girl holding a bouquet of red and white flowers, surrounded with green leaves. The spokes man of the committee said : General, Signor Vivanti, an Italian artist, hopes you will accept this picture, which he has (tailed "La Cocarda Italiani," or "The Italian Colours." These noble colours, once trampled in the dust by the enemies of Italy, but raised by your hand, wave high from the Alps to the Strait of Sicily. The Italians see in these colours the emblem of Italy and of yourself, her liberator. The red reminds them of your blood, generously shed in the cause of liberty ; the white is an emblem of the purity of your soul ; the green of the hope with which your name inspires the oppressed. Garibaldi, thanking the deputation, and especially the talented artist, said that he would ever cherish the picture as a most interesting memento of his visit to England. Menotti was then presented with a sword by Signor Rossini, who said : Accept, Menotti, this sword, given to you by the Italians of Loudon, and use it as you have commenced, fighting by the side of your father, as a worthy son of Garibaldi, Menotti simply replied, "Thank you." The pre sentations were now over, and the general, amid cheers, was accompanied from the box to the Transept gallery overlooking the gardens. But what would have been a delightful scene was by the rain and mist completely spoiled. However, the most was made o a bad job. A band on the terrace performed several spirited airs, and when the fountains, which were played, bad sunk, the general returned in the invalid chair to the School of . Art , whence after a short delay he took his departure, leaving the Palace amid the cheers of a large num ber of people who were assembled outside. The journey back to town was not very pleasant, but to make amends it was very speedy, and the general reached Stafford House at half-past five o'clock, without exhibiting any signs of fatigue. It had been raining almost throughout his journey to the Palace, but the general refused to have the carriage closed, and enjoyed his cigar the whole way. At a quarter to eight o'clock Garibaldi, accompa nied by his t we sons and the Duke of Sutherland, proceeded to Cambridge House, to dine with the Premier and Viscountess Palmerston, where a dis tinguished circle were invited to meet the general, Y - stertlay, at half-past ten o'clock, Garibaldi left Stafford House for Teddington, returning to town at half-past two o'clock. Later in the atternoon Sir Harry Verney, M.P,, called at Stafford House and had an interview with the general, whom he drove to the residence of Miss Florence Nightingale, in Park-street, returning to Stafford House at four o'clock. Last evening Garibaldi dined with M. Fabricoli, at Clapham. The general was expected to visit the Zoological Gardens yesterday afternoon, and a very large number of visitors awaited his arrival for several hours with great patience. It was not until nearly seven o'clock that the anticipated visit was given up as hopeless by the crowd of spectators assem bled. Mr. Ferguson, the eminent surgeon, visited Garibaldi yesterday morning, and expressed his perfect satisfaction with the treatment of his dis• tinguished patient by Dr. Bosile. The following have called at Stafford House to make inquiries after the General during the past two days—the Earl of Arran, Lord Lyveden, Lord Wodehouse, Sir Charles Wood, Sir W. G. Oussley, Mr Jas. White, M.P., Commander G. Fitzela,rence, R.N., Mr George B. C. Leverson, Signor Germia Bettini, Madame S. G. Bettini, Leonila Caldesi, Minuti Caldesi, Antonio Mordini, Mr C. de Tivoli, Mr V. de Tivoli, Signor Luigi Zuccoli, the Marquis of Clanricarde, the Earl of Fife, the Earl of Malmes bury, the Earl of Charlomont, the Earl of Airlie, Viscount Stratford de Redcliffe, Viscount Falkland, Lord Stanley of Alderley, Lord Llanover, Lord Vernon, Lord Ernest Bruce, Lord Charles Russell, Lord Otho Fitzgerald, Lord Ebary, Sir Francis H. 'Goldsmid, Sir James Matheson, Sir Richard Mayne, Sir John Scott Lillie, Sir Samuel Morton Peto and Lady Peto, Sir Roderick Murchison, Sir George Ramsay, the Lord Mayor, the . Lord Mayor of York, Colonel Pierrepont Munday, General Sir J. W. Smith, Lieut.-Colonel Henry Money, Lieut.-Colonel Fyers, Colonel Daniell, Captain Darnell, Colonel W. H. Sykes, Captain Thomas Hope, Major A. de Vecchi, Major-General Matheson, Rear-Admiral Drummond, Capt. St. Anbyn, Rear-Admiral Hall, Dr and Mrs Ferguson and Miss Ferguson, Dr Westmacott, Dr Jones (of Montreal), Mr Edward E. B. Leionino, Mr Dickinson, Mr William Hick man, Mr W. S. Harvey, Mr and Mrs Chas. Gilpin, Mr Sutton Western, M.P., Mr Mervyn A.rchdall, M.P., Mr A. C. Swinton, Mr Edward Dannys, Mr Plutarco Pizzi, Mr W. J. Hall, Mr Brinsley Sheri dan, Mr Heaphy, Mr Layard, M.P., Mr F. Lab lathe, Mr Dolmage, Mr Coniugham, Mr A. Doris, Mr Edward Arkold, Mr Russell, Mr Fred. Young, Mr Cowen, Rev. Henry Glynne, Mr Colville, Mr Robertson, M.P., Mr Seely, M.P., Mr Hope John stone, Mr J. C. Hope Johnstone, Mr Francis Ken• nedy, Mr Oswald, Mr S. C. de Brunneberg, Mr Jefferson, Mr Norman Grosvenor, &c. THE StiN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, APRIL 18, 1864. THE WAR IN DENMARK. (From the times Special Correspondent with the Allied Armies.) BPOACKER, April 12. Yesterday's fire from the Prussian batteries was at times brisk, but, upon the whole, not nearly so sustained and heavy as on the previous day. There has been a good deal of firing during the night, doubtless with the object of preventing the Danes from repairing their forts. The same was the case the night before. I need not tell you that when a number of batteries are firing at once, some of them at objects not within one view, it is impossible to reckon the shot and shel's directed at each particu lar target. By remaining in one battery you may count the projectiles sent thence and ascertain at what they are aimed, but then you are less acquainted with the general proceedings of the whole line than if you moved about or occupied a more generally commanding position. There may have been mis takes made on both sides with respect to the num ber of shells thrown into Sonderborg, but I do not see that it mattersmuch whether 1,500 or 250 were thrown, those being the highest and lowest esti mates I have heard of as made by the Danea and Prussians respectively, According to the view which has been taken of it in England, and which proba bly will be taken in Europe generally, the real ques tioe to be answered, the only one effecting the character of the Prussian commanders for humanity and for observance of the rules of civilised warfare, is whether a sufficient warning was given to the in habitants of Sonderborg to enable them to depart frcm the doomed town before the bombardment commenced. I perceive that the attention of our Government has been called to the reported loss of life, end that inquiries were being made at Berlin, where probahly a more explicit declaration will he procured than I have been able to obtain here. All that I have been able to obtain in the way of answer to inquiries addressed to the most authorised quar ter is the statement that the few ehells thrown into Sonderborg two or three weeks ago consti tuted a sufficient warning to the inhabitants, and should have led to their departure; also, that particular reasons prevented another kind of warning from being given before proceeding to the bombardment of the 2d inst. Had the bombardment been suspended on Sunday morning, when the pro ject of a landing at Hardeshoi had broken down, I should have felt pretty sure that it had been in tended to distract the attention of the Danes and favour the intended crossing of Alsen Sand ; but as we are informed from the other side that it was kept up for 48 hours, and was resumed on the afternoon of the 6th inst., I confess my utter inability to ac count for the proceeding, and must leave its expla nation to those to whom it is more important that one should be given clearing them from the charges of inhumanity and breach of civilised usages now brought against them in the English press and Parliament. The troops in the trenches are now relieved every 24 hours instead of every 48. With respect to what passed in the night of the 10th to the 11th, there was, in the first place, as already mentioned, a good deal of firing from the besiegers' batteries. It is believed in this camp that the Danes, expecting an assault to follow the bombardment of the 10th, brought up strong bodies of infantry to the forts. If this was the case, they are likely to have suffered from the cannonade. Early in the morning a small infantry fight took place, in which, however, as I am informed, only two companies of Prussians were engaged. The Danes showed a battalion in support of the smaller body actually fighting. The Prussians had 2 killed and 10 or 12 wounded—one of these, an officer, having received two shots, one through his hand and the other through the upper part of the same arm. The Prussians made 12 prisoners. The affair lasted but a short time. The Prussians have advanced their outposts a little at one part of the sine. The third parallel was traced and partly cut the night before last, and was to be dug out last night. There seems no doubt that the Danes have dismantled the forts of the most valuable portion of their artillery, which we must suppose they destine for the defence of Alma. Some persons believe they have taken all their good guns away, and have left only a few old fines for show. If this be the case, and they yet intend to stand an assault, it seems not improbable they will bring up field-pieces to the open ground between the forts, and thence, and from the few big guns they may have kept, fire grape upon the attacking party. It seems hardly credible that after all this great show of defence, in the way of strengthening and repairing their works, they will stealthily evacuate them without a fight. If they did so, the inference would bo that their army is very dispirited, and indeed, whatever may be said to the contrary, there are strong reasons for supposing this to be the case. You will have ob served that Prussians and Dines never meet, even in small encounters, without the former bringing beck prisoners, mid officers assure me that by far the greater part of these are men who willingly allow themselves to be taken—not Schleswigers only, but also Jutlanders. It is reported that during the heavy fire on Sun day, and favoured by the fog and smoke, two Prus sian soldiers made their way up to Fort No. 1, which lie's close to the shore, and after watching it a little, and perceiving no sign of life, actually got into it and found it deserted. The Prussians are preparing themselves in all ways for the assault. At Sehmollehn, a small hamlet just off the road from Broacker to Nubs), they have got up sham works in imitation of those they have to attack, and here the battalions des tined for the assault are practised in getting over palisades, in using scaling ladders, and in surmount ing chevauux de frise and other impediments usual in the defence of forts. The Rolf Krake yesterday was again prowling about in the direction of the Gammehmark batter ries, keeping, however, at a respectful, distance from the muzzles of the rifled guns. She seems studying the land and water, perhaps against the day, now not far off, when she may be ordered, at all risks, to coma in near enough to bring her fire to bear on the Prussians advancing to the assault. Conservative Leader of the House of Commons, (From the Sunday Times.) A report has been diligently circulated during the last week or two to the effect that the leadership of the Con servative party in the House of Commons had been resigned by Mr. Disraeli, and that General Peel had been appointed to the important office thus rendered vacant. This rumour first gained public attention through the columns of a Scotch journal. We gave it our most unqualified contra diction. It has been revived in more influential, though not more scrupulous circles. The Globe has alluded to the "new or temporary" leader of the opposition; and the Times, in a leading article, has adopted phraseology more definite and positive still. The only actual reason for this method of expression, so far as our imagination can guide us, is to be found in the simple circumstance that the gal lant general, on Friday night last week, made a short speech in which he casually indicated his belief that the foreign policy of the Government would be brought under solemn discussion at an early period. An inference so momentous was never drawn from a circumstance so insig nificant. General Peel had a perfect right, on his own re sponsibility as a highly influential member of the House, to throw down the challenge he did ; but that organs like the ("lobe and Times should be so childish as to build, on a sentence delivered in the course of a short speech on a question of the highest public interest, an assumption that a vital change had been made in the organisation and ad ministration of the Conservative party, is altogether beyond credulity. The mistake must have had an inspiration less imbecile, if more malignant. Mr. Disraeli is the natural—he is the inevitable chief of the Conservative party in the House of Commons. The party is his own creation. He has brought it into existence. He has formed and fashioned it. He became its centre and its head, not by subtle contrivance or desperate aggression, but the most legitimate and the most irresistible of all laws —the law of gravitation. Its elements were drawn to him by the force of the attraction of cohesion. The party has accomplished and honourable men in its ranks—men to whom the highest offices of state might be safely entrusted. But, so far as the Lower House is concerned, Mr. Disraeli's name stands for the Conservative party in the instinctive judgment of the nation. Its brain, its discipline, its dignity, its robust and healthful patience, and above all its restless and weariless activity have been his. To depose him would be an insanity as well as a gigantic crime of ingratitude. Nobody thinks of deposing him. The idea is to absurd. To d;splace Mr. Disraeli would be to throw back the chances of party success for years and years. It would be disruption. A chaos of demoralisation would ensue. There are not ten members of the party who do not know and feel this, snd who do not acquiesce in the conviction with the most cor dial loyalty and pride. The notion promulgated by the Globe and the Times is as destitute of the sanction of reason as it is of the sanction of fact. The political effect of the absurd rumour under notice is not likely to be very mischievous. Its moral import, how ever, is, to our mind, somewhat distressing. It seems to be a part of that inveterate prejudice with which the right hon. gentleman has been pursued from the very commence ment of his extraordinary career. For that prejudice we cannot account on any of the principles which ordinarily influence the the habits of mankind. What hag Mr. Dis raeli done, or what is he, that he should be thus systemati cally and unreservedly abused ? Is he a dolt who owes his position to the mere accident of his birth or his fortune ? Is he a blockhead whose only credit is his title, or whose only power is in his gold ? Is he a lazy dullard who has managed to lounge his say into a position to which his lethargy indissolubly binds him ? Is he en empty- pated quack, who has succeeded by spells of personal beauty, or airs of audacious snobbery ? Is this man not, rather one of the wonders of his generation ? Has he not sprung from the people ? Has he not won his way by unceasing indus tries, by pre-eminent talent, by unconquerable resolution, without any aid whatever from court favour, family in fluence, or popular fanaticism ? From being a celebrated author, Mr. Disraeli has become an illustrious statesman. In all his successes we can find no trace of the accidental, the adventitious, or the corruptly artful. He has had no paid organs. He has paid no hack trumpeters. He has been the sycophant of no self-cantained and egotistical imparialisms. These may be the reasons why he stands not well in the esti mation of the Globe; and the limes is a paper which never recognises a success on which it has any chance of imposing a limit. Sa it is possible that in recounting Mr Disraeli's claims to the confidence and respect of h's country, we have explained the reasons why our contemporaries are so impatient for his overthrow. Indeed, we are disposed to regard the rumour in question as the highest compliment which:could be paid to the cha racter of Mr Disraeli, and to the authority which he has acquired in the couns;:ls of the nation. When the political enemies of his party are in such haste to announce his de position, it is quite fair to imagine that they wish and hope for what they predict; and that they know beforehand that the step they proclaim so hurredly would be the most fatal which that party could possibly take, The postponement of a great political triumph they are, above all things, desir ous of achieving ; to depose Disraeli would tatter secure that result than anything else in the world. So they grasp at the notion with an impetuosity which is really amusing, Sad as we are to disappoint them, we again declare that they nourish their hopes on a dslusion. Disraeli is stronger to day than ever he was. He is more essential to the unity and the force of the Conservative party than ever he was. He never stood higher in the trust and gratitude of that party than now. And the greatest tribute which its enemies can pay to his genius and his authority is the nervous and feverish desire that something might happen to dethrone him. (From the Standard.) Not for his own sake, nor even for the sake of those great principles of which he is the most distinguished defender, should we think it necessary to undertake the vindication of Mr. Disraeli. If it be true that no man was ever written down but by himself, so it is also true that the best and only efficient reply to imputations against the character of a public man must be furnished by his public life. It is not as Conservatives, but as journalists jealous of the honour of our profession, and loth to see the press of England self degraded to the American level, that we feel it our duty to enter an indignant protest against the conduct of our Liberal contemporaries towards the great spokesman of the Oppo sition. lt may be needful now and then to fix upon a single statesman that responsibility which, however divided in theory, practically belongs to him alone. It is often a duty to recall the past errors and inconsistencies of a Minister to whom great powers of mischief have been unwisely en trusted. tut it can never be right, it an never be a legi timate method of political warfare, to substitute imputation for argument; to make the character of an individual poli tician the mark for persevering, incessant, unscrupulous attacks ; to speak of him on every occasion in terms of re proach and insult; to fix upon him accusation so vague and general that they can neither be substantiated nor answered; continually to reflect on his honour, sincerity, and good faith, without ever attempting to prove a gainst him a single act of disloyalty or a single untruthful word. This has been the course adopted, not by one or two, but by all the Liberal organs, without exception, towards Mr Disraeli. They neve r t r y t o p rove that he has acted dishon ourably; but th e y a l wa y s s p ea k o f him as if they had proved it. They h ave never a ll e ged any reason for sup posing that he is not at heart a true Churchman and a sound Conservative ; but they always assume that his Con servatism is hollow and his Churchmanship a pretence. When he brings forward a budget they do not trouble them. selves to analyse his proposals and object to their principles or their details; but they bear in mind the remark that no one can refute a sneer, and make an affectation of contempt serve the purpose and save the labour of argument. When he introduced a Reform Bill which embodied some of the soundest proposals of the most moderate and enlightened Liberal writers, they raised a howl of derision at those very proposals, and to this day they always speak of that Reform Bill as if it had been a dishonest raanceuvre, a transparent strategem, merely because it was introduced by a Govern ment of which Mr. Disraeli was the loader in the Lower House. Their contempt, their sneers, their derision, are all directed against the individual statesman, not against the party chief. When it suits their purpose they can be civil to his colleagues, But if he is severe ho is accused of scurrility; if he speak in conciliatory tones he is plotting some unnatural coalition. Now he saves the Govern ment from a defeat on a chance motion, and is told that he dare not take office ; now he censures in strong terms a leading Minister, whose conduct has aroused the indignation of the country, and is reviled for attacking an absent man. Random verses and good novels are equally cast in his teeth. A scribe noted for his scurrility alone is employed to write a thieg octavo libel, entitled "The Lite of the Right Hon. Benjamin Disraeli ;" and if it were possible to prove that he bad got into a scrape at school, or made an escapade at college, we doubt not that every Liberal journal would make capital of the discovery. But a day or two ago he took occasion, contrary to the wishes of a large number of his supporters, to vindicate the necessity of a tax most unpopular among the country gen tlemen, and assert the paramount claims of public policy over class interests and party prejudice. This surely was an act of statesmanlike honesty, and of generosity towards the political and personal enemy at present responsible for our finances. Yet even his defence of the malt tax was made the ground for coarse and insolent vituperation. What is perhaps the worst of all, not a session passes in which our contemporaries do not set on foot some wholly untrue and unfounded report that the Conservative leader has been deposed, and that Mr. Walpole, or Mr. Whiteside, or General Peel, ie the chief of the Opposition, vice Disraeli, superseded. More malignant animosity, more unscrupulous personal spite, is not displayed even in America towards political adversaries. Those practices aro congenial to our Transatlantic cousins, but they are wholly unworthy of a profession whose members claim the rank of gentlemen. These attacks on an individual—this persevering attempt to hunt from the confidence of his party, from power, and from public life,', the leader of the gentlemen of England, are altogether contrary to the laws of honour and fair play —are not merely ungenerous, but ungentle manly. To write down an individual adversary is not poli tical warfare, but political assassination. A foreigner who should read the attacks of the Liberal press on Mr. Disraeli would form an extraordinary miscon ception of the present condition of parties and the character of public men. He would first imagine that party spirit must be at least as fierce as in the time of Walpole ; but a short experience in English society would disabuse him of that error. He would then conceive that the Opposition, headed by a chief so singled out for scorn and insult, must consist of political adventurers and low-minded men, con tent to be led by a congenial mind ; he would find that they were the very flower of the English gentry, with a sense of honour almost chivalrous, and peculiarly free from all sel fish or dishonest ambition, and would understand that per sonal hatred, and not truth or public spirit, animated the attacks made on the chosen leader of such a party. He would finally settle down in the conviction that Mr. Disraeli must be one of those men who lack some conciliat ing quality, and make enemies of all who approach them, simply by that deficiency; that he was, like Sir James Graham, prone to dubious arts, or like Mr. Gladstone, gifted with a temper extravagantly aggressive, and a tongue indiscriminately and indiscreetly bitter. No idea of Mr. Disraeli's character could be more unjust than this. He never committed an act of treason against an individual or against his party ; he never opened letters, he never garbled dispatches ; he never belied in Par liament the vote he had given abroad ; ho never selected an obscure victim for the display of his gladiatorial talents; never amused hiwselt by gibbeting the auditor of an un lucky insurance office, or vented his spleen for Parliamen tary defeats on a hapless inspector. His antagonists have always been men of position equal to his own, and the quarrel has always been of their seeking, not of his. To the press he certainly never gave any personal offence. To what are we to ascribe the virulent hostility with which he has been slandered, maligned, persecuted ? Is it to the fact that he is not merely the leader and the champion,but in a peculiar sense the reconstructor of the Constitutional party ? Is it because he took the guidance of that party in the depth of discouragement and dismay, deserted by irs leaders, disorganised, almost destroyed, and because he has now brought it to the verge of triumph—that he is so bit terly hated ? Is it because but for him there might have been no Conservative opposition, and because through him we are likely ere long to have a sarong and lasting Conser vative Government ? Is it because the Conservative gen tlemen refused to dismiss their tried and trusted chief in order to place themselves once more under the guidance of those who deserted them in 1816 ? Is it to the disappointed ambition of the Peelites we are to ascribe the bitter and venornoes animosity of Saturday .Review) Or is it to that servile and snobbish feeling, to that meanest and vilest form of envy which hates the man who rises by merit because his merit seems to reproach those who have failed to rise—is it to jealousy of a too successful brother that we must attri bute the unsparing persecution by the press of the only man of letters who by talent alone, without favour or for tune, has in this generation raised himself to greatness ? To whatever cause it be ascribable, the malice of the Libe ral journals towards Mr. Disraeli—their covert insinuations of unfounded charges ; their unscrupulous imputations, their incessant whispers of Conservative disaffection and impending revolt—is a disgrace to the English press. It cannot injure its intended victim; he is strong to fear and too wise to feel it; but it reflects infinite dishonour on his assailants, and through them on the profession to which they belong. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. SATURDAY REVIEW ON THE GARIBALDIMANIA. London has gone mad during the present week, We have had a sort of dull carnival, and Garibaldi has been led about the streets for a liceut Gras. For quiet folks the infliction has been ter rible in the way of dust, noise, and a single subject of conversation. To the observant mind, that great abstraction which it is so convenient to idealise— the spectacle of a whele population, asit were, pos sessed and entirely absorbed—is suggestive. What it suggests is not so easy to say; but at any rate it lets us into some little knowledge of the way in which violent popular action originates—or rather, of the way in which popular feeling grows into popular action in any other country than England. In France, for example, it would be utterly incon sistent with pabtic safety for such a demonstration, as it is called, to be allowed to take place as that of which London was the scene on Monday. Any where but in England Buchan outburst would mean something, and, having a meaning, it would come to something—something perhaps very terrible, but anyhow grave and serious. Among ourselves, and perhaps the fact is not over creditable to us—it all means little or nothing. We like to hear Peter the Hermit, but instead of taking the cross instantly and marching off to the Holy Sepulebre, we resume our accustomed place in the omnibus and take down the shop shutters. No doubt there ere a few pro phets among us, but they preach to a stony hearted generation. We go out. into the hot sun to see a man clothed in a red shirt, and profess great admi ration for "his public virtues and more than Spar tan and Roman magnanimity." But it is a sad thing to reflect that most of us care veil' little about these lofty themes. We leave them to the perfervid gentle men who, in the name of Britain's sons and daughters of toil, bid Garibaldi welcome to this metropolis." Va nity of vanitied are we miserable humbugs after all ? We get our nonsense written and spoken by the Committee of the Working Men's Association, and we talk the tallest of talk about " human p; ogress,'' " fighting and bleeding for the oppressed peoples," " our dear brother fruitful in good works for all the down• trodden nationalities ;" but all the time, in our sleeves and heart of hearts, we are chuckling over this froth and turgid sentiment. It is the same estimate which we take of a popular sermon. Nobody ever thinks of doing what the Rev. Mr. Stiggins preaches. Stiggins would be the last of men to allow that his glowing periods were to be taken seriously. But we prefer our nonsense, like our port or porter, when it is:full-bodied, luscious, and strong. What the cheap press calls an ovation —a term which would suit a victim in the pillory and a complimentary address in the shape of un sound eggs—was performed on the grandest scale on Monday. All classes gave themselves up to the conscious hypocrisy. " The love of which Britain's sons and daughters of toil bear to that beautiful land of Italy "—about which the only thing they know is its exportation of unsavoury oegan-grinder s —is at least paralleled by the solemn farce of the lion and the lamb eating straw together, and Lords Derby and Palmerston accepting the Duke of Sutherland's judicious invitation to a sumptuous banquet in honour of "the soldier whose sword is never drawn but in a just cause," and who was on the point of taking service under Mr. Abraham Lincoln. However, occasionally the farce has been somewhat too thinly veiled, as when Mr. George Moore appeared as the representative of the com mercial, and Mr. Nicholay of the political world. The person most to be pitied is poor Garibaldi himself_ To have your arm dislocated by about ten thousand hand-shakings, and to sit five hours and a half in a triumphal chariot in the midst of the New -cut and the slums of Lambeth, must have compelled the conviction that to be the hero of Neapolitan rozzaroni is not the most terrible event in life. In the way of a public re ception, since the days of Brandenburgh House, nothing has equalled the procession from Niue Elms to the Park. Queen Caroline, we believe, lived in the days before Odd Fellows "in their gala cos. tune," Rechabites with " their regalia," and Fores ters all hatted and plumed in their sylvan array, bega-a to make themselves ridiculous. All that the working men could do they did on Monday ; and it was very little, except in the way el noise, strong odours, and complete disorder. However, they had it all their own way ; and we trust that Garibaldi understands that it is a way of their own. That there was nothing in the shape of tumult will be generally attributed to the innate English reverence for law on the one hand, and on the other to the generous and real enthusiasm which we are told animated the countless throngs who conducted Gari baldi through the streets. We are cynical enough to doubt the great influence of either motive. An opportunity always collects a crowd, but when a crowd does not feel very deeply it makes a noise and only a noise. No doubt there is hardly a man in England who does not feel some measure of respect for Garibaldi's honesty, and great admiration for his disinterested conduct, as well as sympathy for his wonderful career. But these qualities hardly stir the popular mind deeply. Public opinion would long since have compelled any government to go to war for Italy, or Poland, or Hungary, or Denmark, if mere feeling had once got out of the high senti mental latitudes. And we are convinced that, as the thing was to be done, it was much better to let the public have its own way with the hero of the hour. Any attempt to thwart an unmeaning sentiment is sure to turn it into something more serious. An English crowd is always to be trusted to take care of itself when it is only noisy and gesticulating. If we meant more than we do, we should probably say less; anyhow we should not make Mr. Richardson and Mr. Robert Hart well our mouthoieees. That this last person, who signed the Working Men's Address presented to Garibaldi, is iu the hands of the few who mean mischief, is tolerably plain from the ominous refe ranee v, , hinh it contains to " the illustriomlVDnini." In the middle and upper classes an educated esti mate of Garibaldi's merits places him in a really higher rank than he hnlds among temperance socie ties and Memphis Lodges, Whatin admiration for the L berator of Italy did not probab y exceed their de sire to show their own banners. And it is quite right that, all ranks and all parties should agree to divest the occasion of any special political signifi- cance. EXAMINER ON THE TORY MAJORITY.—The party of resistance to all further progress, however cau tious, slow, of limited, claim a majority in the pre sent Parliament; and if thb incidents of the past week are to be taken as a test, there is no denying their preponderance. On Monday Mr. Gladstone was fain to elude the mortification of a defeat by consenting thnthis Annuities Bill should be referred to a select committee. On Tuesday a vote of cen sure upon Mr. Lowe was, after a sharp discussion, carried by a majority of eight. On Weduesday a far more important, and, we must frankly own, a far more damaging defeat was sustained on the County Franchise Bill. When Government in 1860 abandoned the attempt to carry a general measure of reform, as beyond their power in a House of Com mons elected under the auspices of Lord Derby, they announced their intention to support such separate proposals for amending the representation as had been embodied in the measure they had withdrawn. Of these, the first and the most obvi ous was that of Mr. Locke King, for extending the county franchise to occupiers holding at a rent of £lO a year. This moderate and reasonable concession, originally carried in 1851, and repeatedly reaffirmed in subsequent years, had been deliberately embodied by three suc cessive Cabinets in the Reform Bill respectively framed by them. The whole of the Ministerial party were committed to it ; and even the Con servatives would have been willing to yield to it, in 1851, as the price of their being permitted to retain power. The condition having been refused, Lord Derby coolly withdrew his bidding for popular con fidence on the subject of Reform; and from that time the Conservatives have steadily opposed this and every other step in the right direction. Had this been all, we should have little cause to marvel or complain. The sally made by the Tories under the daring guidance of Mr. Disraeli confessedly placed them in imminent peril of being cut to pieces by mutineers in their own camp, as well as by rivals in the open field; and having once regained their former lines of resistance, they have ever since been only too glad to occupy themselves in strengthening their position there. In this they have, we are sorry to say, been assisted from time to time by certain false brethren amongst ourselves. Every division on the question since the period re ferred to has betrayed symptoms of irresolution and desertion, and occasionally of something worse, which we have heretofore refrained from noticing but which, on the present occasion, assume a form too flagrant, and have entailed consequences too significant, to render silence any longer possib'e. In the recent division 254 votes, including those of eight professed Whigs, were given against the £lO county franchise, while but 227 were recorded in its favour. After deducting pairs, between thirty and forty so-called Liberals are still missing. What does this mean ? Or at whose door must the blame be laid of such wholesale detection ? OBSERVER ON THE CONFERENCE.—The Con ference on the affairs of Denmark and the Duchies will meet on Monday. The meeting was post poned at the request of Austria and Prussia, trom the Bth to the 20th inst., on the ostensible ground of giving time to the German Diet to decide upon sending a representative to the Congress, but, as it is too probable, with the real virw of adding the fortress of Duppel to the con quests, which their very superior numbers have echieved in Schleswig. M. Von Beust has been appointed to represent the German Confederation at the approaching Congress. It is, perhaps, right that Saxony should supply the Plenipotentiary of the Frankfort Diet, as Austria and Prussia will appear by their own representatives. The Diet will be the only power which has not signed the 'freely of 1852—although Saxony herself acceded subsequently to the European arra2sement, which she is now so anxious to overthrow. M. Von Beust is a long-winded and not over-scrupulous mti;2 B ter• But if, as we hear is most likely, Lord Clarendoe: has succeeded in establishing a complete under standing between Great Britain and France, to which Russia will probably adhere, there will be little doubt of the long-pending squabble being settled, even if the two military powers of Ger many do not, before that time, see the evils to which they have already given rise, and the far greater calamities that may follow. The Conference will assemble at the official residence of the Prime Minister in Downing-street, where there ie a large room disengaged ; an accommodation which the present temporary Foreign office does not afford. LONDON REVIEW ON THE MINISRTY AND THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.—it is not very creditable to the House of Commons that they should have allowed the upper and less energetic branch of the Legislature to get the start of them in discussing the recent foreign policy of her Majesty's Minis ters. The debate, wl:ich occupied the House of Lords during a sitting of unwonted length en Mon day last, may not be attended with any more prac tical result than that of proving the inability of the Oppoai:ion to make the conduct of the Govern ment towards Denmark the subject of a party attack. But it cannot be said that Earl Russell suc ceeded in dispelling the general impression, that his policy has been neither dignified nor consistent. It still remains true that he has eith'-r said too much or done too little; nor can any amount of explana• lion obscure the patent facts that by his policy the character of the country has been lowered, that our rivals have been indulged with the spectacle of our discomfiture, and that friends have been made to smart under a sense cf betrayal. As Earl Derby truly observed, the diligence with which he pro duced despatches was truly marvellous. There is only one thing more surprising—and that is the reliance which he retained up to the last moment in the Effie icy of these paper pellets. Until the in vasion of Slesvig actually took place he seems never to have doubted that Austria and Prussia might be talked out of their designs ; and when he found that they would not, he resigned himself to inaction with as much complacency us he eve: abandoned an Appropriation clause or threw overboard a Reform bill, But ties tactics which may suit the exigencies of Parliamentary parties, and inflict no serious in jury upon their reputation, cannot be applied with impunity to the direction of the foreign policy of a great ra'ion. In tt o one ess?, the disappointment of just expectations and the forfeiture of implied pledges entail nothing worse than some damaging and annoying quotations from" Hansard." In the other, they are accompanied by a real loss of power and influence on the part of a country which has the misfortune to be represented by a Minister who writes without caution and acts without courage. Earl Russell has behaved on the Danish question as he has done on many others. His strong de spatches to the German powers, and his weak retreat as soon as he found they were in earnest, are nothing but a repetition of a very old story. He has once more written " No Popery" on the wall—and run away. The Government, in the person of Mr. Lowe, have sus tained another defeat upon Lord R. Cecil's motion in regard to the mutilation of the Education Inspec • tors' reports. Such divisions cannot take place without in some degree injuring the position of a Ministry. If they do nothing else, they act as an encouragement to its assailants. At the same time, it must be admitted that the very minimum of damage is sustained by an adverse vote of which Mr. Lowe is the victim. For one thing, he is used to it ; and the public are so thoroughly prepared to hear that he is beaten whenever he fights, that they have begun to take it quite as a matter of course. No Ministry suffers much from its " dirty boy" getting a few more splashes of mud. Moreover, it is notorious that the right hon. gentleman owes t o his personal bearing so much of the mortification which is inflicted upon him, that it is not difficult to dissociate his failures from the general merits of the Government. Mr. Gladstone has consented to refer his Government Annuities Bill to a select committee; but us this body will n o t b e em p owere d to take evidence, its labours are not likely to be of long duration, nor can its appointment be regarded as a mode of shelving the measure. Indeed, the opinion both of the country and of the House of Commons seems lately to have inclined sensibly in favour of the hill, and, so far as we can j edge, the Chancellor of the Ex c h equer h as ever y p rospect of carrying it successfully through Parliament. The House of Commons has again manifested its con firmed disinclination to assist in the work of its own reform. The rejection of Mr. Locke King's Bill for extending the county franchise foreshadows the fate w hien awaits Mr. Barnes's measure for lower ing that of the boroughs. This indifference to Par liamentary reform may, as advanced Liberals as sert, oe very disgraceful to a body which was elected expressly to further that great cause. Ali that can be said in their favour is that the country seems thoroughly to approve the " masterly mac ion" which has replaced the Radical enthu siasm of their hustings speeches. SPECTATOR ON MR. LOWE.-IL3 never can help showing his antagonists that he thinks them dis honest fools, and very seldom can help saying so in so many words. Lord Robert Cecil's motion might be unwarranted, or groundless, or demonstrably unsound, but it was entirely within the forms of Parliamentary oiecussi on , an d t o call its asserti ons " untrue" and its opinions " a bsurd," as Mr. Low e did twice over, sho we d wan t o f the temper w hi c h chiefs of great departments ought either to possess or to affect. He ought to have remembered that even on the abstn.ct question the positions of the Inspectors is a little peculiar, for the house has no means of deciding on the mode in which the national national revenue ought to be spent except t hrough their reports, and is compelled therefore to chooses between weakening the department a little and leavlnF, itself in ignorance. It is tree that Lord Robert Ceeii did not allege specific instances, firstly, as he said, because he did not wish to bring on hie' informants the anger of a department with a Veil long memory,—with Mr. Morelt's case, —and s? ' condly, as he did not say, because he wanted to snatch a division before Mr. Brand's blunder COuld. be rectified and the officials recalled from the u` dinners. But Mr. Walter gave one remarkable in-- stance of unfairness, and Mr. Lowe might ha ve heard fifty more if he had chosen to attend to the talk going on outside. Instead of merely etriking out surplusage, he had availed himself of hie die cretion to strike out facts and opinions ho ti to his own ideas. In other words, be naa used a legitimate power very unfairly, and so on to a division the majority of members voted. His argument that he only sent Or° reports back for the Inspectors to re-tinker is ou* the face of it absurd. The Inspectors are most of them gentlemen, but they like their salaries, and the chance of promotion, and pleasant words from heal quarters j ust as much as other people, end they knell very well that if refractory they stood an excellent chance of losing them all. Indeed, they might logs yet more, for Mr. Lowe had just turned out an In spector he did not approve of—whether justly or not as regarded his working capacity—on a trum ped-up charge of want of candour. There are men, of course, who will defy their department, and low their salaries, and run the risk of a moral accusa tion, rather than suppress a few inconvenient facts; but Governments must act on the presumption that they are served by average people, and we do not wonder that this year " it has not been necessary to send back a single report." Does Mr. Lowe sin. cerely believe that this large body of acute contro versial thinkers is really unanimous, or is he net aware that he has produced his" happy family,"o other showmen do, by cruel pinches, and harsh words, and deprivation of food ? He will hardly accuse Mr. Walter of party animosity to himself, yet Mr. Walter told him distinctly that he had cut out a fact, viz,, the success of a particular school, because it told in favour of the system of uncertifi cited schoolmasters. Facts are not surplusage if they be but true, and to cut out such things shows exactly the animus imputed in Lord Robert Cecil's resolution. The truth 19 that Mr. Lowe's very con siderable powers are in his present office entirely' lost to the country. The department is one which more than any other needs tact, and he has no tact, only intellectual arrogance, which is of all qualities the one most fatal to tact. The office requires the hearty assistance of the country clergy, and tie simply hates the country clergy, and loses no opportunity of expressing his scorn of them and their prejudices. A certain degree of intellectual hauteur is essential in every office, but Mr. Lowe "is like a martinet colonel, most useful at the Dead of a regiment fallen into anarchy, but most injurious when the regi ment is already in a high state of inefficiency. He should be put to some post where the subordinates really require a sharp hand, set to bully dockyard officials, or directed to snub Irish unpaid magis trates, or pieced at the head of an audit office vk ith instructions to believe nobody and dock every six. pence that looks doubtful. Placed where is, he its simply an inconvenience to the Government which protects him and the party to which he belongs. If he were the first administrator in England the Whigs could not afford to keep up an incessant row in every country village, and he is not a first-rate administrator by any means. He is inventive and. clever to a high degree, but men must work with the tools they have, and he always heats his till he cannot hold them. This country has to be coaxed into educating itself, not kicked into it, and Mr. Lowe, who might make an admirable Minister of Education a hunered years hence, makes a very bad one now. We do not kno w if he will resign because the house has declared him guilty of want of fair ness, for he may despise the house too much to take its opinion upon any except a purely finan cial question. But if he is wise he will resign be fore his inevitable defeat upon the dismissal of Mr. Morel], and we earnestly hope his kuowledge, cou rage, and faculty of inventiveness will not be lost to the present Administration. COUNTRY MARKETS. -, , t , YORN—SATURDAY. Farmers have been very busy with out-door work during' the past week, and vegetation has received an impetus from the fine weather. There was only a moderate show of wheat at market to-day, with a sluggish demand. Barley scarce, and a firm trade. Oats in fair consumptive demand, but in limited supply, More doing in beans, and prices were the turn in tavour of sellers. Wheat, red 37s to 39s Oats.... lBs to 20s White do .39s to 448 Beans ...36s to 38s Barley .26s to 30s Peas ....—s to —ts Malt, 5Ss to 60s per qr.; rye, 283 per qr.; flour, 281 to 30s per sack. NOTTINGHAM—SATURDAY. A fair show of wheat to-day, there being a sprinkling of red and white. The sowing of spring corn has made great progress during the week. Trade was limite d, and prices is per qr lower. The show of barley was less than us ual, . but at late rates. Oats in fair supply. Beans were firm. —White wheat, from 42s to 47s ; red wheat, 39e. to 42e. Barley—malting, 30s to 37s ; grinding, 27s to 30s. Oats old, at 24s to 30s Od ; new, 19s to 265. Beans sold at at to 428'per qr. ; new, 34s to 365. Flour, fine, 27s to 30s; super, 32s to 378 per 20 stone. GRANTHAM—SATURDAY. Old white wheat, 43s to 46s ; red, 38s to 41s per 365 t.; new white, 40s i to 445; red, 38s to 40s. Malting barley, 33s to 36s per qr ; grinding, 28s to 30s ; oats, old, 23s t) LEICESTER—S.A.TunnA.Y. New white wheat, 41s to;4ss ; red, 38s to 41s per 36 stone. Old red, 38s to 42s per 36 stone. Barley, malting, new, 32s to 36s per qr.; grinding, 27s to 28s; old oats, 25s to 28s; new oats, 21s to 23s per 24 stone. Beans, old, 405 to 42s per 38 stone ; dour. 26s to 32s per 20 «tone.. 265; new, 20s to24s; beans, 31s t0.36s ; peas, 345.t0 365. NORWICH-SATURDAY. There was a larger supply of wheat to-day, and prices were about is per qr cheaper than on this day se'nnight, but little business was transacted. The deliveries of bar ley were very small, and prices for malting descriptions were maintained ; other sorts dull. Oats, beans, and peas rule the same as of late. White wheat. 44s to 478 I Red wheat 408 to 433 Malting barley ...35s to 37s I Chevalier barley 33s to 343 Distilling do 29s to 30s I Oats.. ..248 to 253 Flour, 27s 6d to —s Od per sack from the miller Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS:D UE. j Australia and Mauritius, via Southampton ..April 18. via Marseilles .. May 13. Orazil and Cape Verde, by British packet . May 4. Capo of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena , April 29. China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton. April 18. via Marseilles ...April 62. Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton ,.......April 18. India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton.. April 15. via Marseilles.... April 18. India (Bombay), via Southampton ,...April 26. via Marseilles ...April 21. Portugal.... Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via S ou th am pt on ..... April 18. via Marseilles April 21. Newfoundland .. April 13. Oporto and Vigo U. S. and British N. America, by Brit. packet.... April 13. by U.S. packet.... by Canadian packet. April 15. W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and Teneritle April —. Bahamas, via New York May 5. Mexico AU parts of West Indies, including Chili, Peru, )461 28. California. and British Columbia.. Persons who have been in the habit of paying . weekly as borrowers of Sewing Mac hines will do well to apply at once and become members of Messrs. Watts and Co.'s Sewing Machine Clubs. By so doing they will not only save the money they now foolishly throw away, but at the same time secure to themselves the possession of one of the best and most celebrated sewing machines in the world. Every in formation given on application; or by letter addressed, with a stamped envelope, to Messrs. Watts and Co., 12, Beaufort buildings, Strand, London, W.C., where mein rs are en rolled daily between 10 and 4; Saturdays, 10 emit Births. BOURCHIER.—On the 15th inst , at 28, Dorset-place, Dor.. set-square, the wifo of Lieut.-Colonel George Bourchier, C. 8., R.H.A., of a son. BLACKBURNE —On the 14th inst., at Woodbrae, Chester, the wife of John Ireland Blackburne, Esq., of a son. ENGLAND.—On the 14th inst., at Stopham House, Sussex, the wife of Major England, 55th Regiment, of a son. HAZELDINE. —On the 13th inst., at Oaklands, Godetone) the wile of G. J. Haze Wine, of a daughter. Marriages. TURNER—GARNETT.—On. the 14th inst., at St. James% Piccadilly, William Turner, Req., of Cheltenham, to Louisa Carteretta, youngest daughter of the late Rev Air. T. Garnett, M A. WAlNE—PmatosE.—On the 14th inst., at St. Nicholas Church, Thomas `Paine, Esq.. of Aldermanbury, LOr* don, to Elizabeth. daughter of Thomas H. Penrose, of Is Park-crescent, Brighton. Deaths. CARTER.—On the 14th inst., at No. 4, Minerva-terrace, Hatchara, Mr. George Carter, late of tite South Sea House, aged 47. CASH.—On the 13th inst., at 4, Broad-gate, Coventry (for merly of Gainsborough), Mi. Thomas Cash, aged 64. HOLMES.—On, the 13th inst., at Lanark-villas, Maida-valef Edward Holmes, Esq., late of Rotterdam, aged 83. LLEWELLIN.—On the 13th inst., at Cleveland House, Great Malvern, Mr. W Llewellin, F.S.A,, &c., Ponty pool, Monmouthshire, aged 45. PALMER.—On the 10th inst., at the house of Colonel Mair Sussex, Miss Palmer, aged 92. STORY,—On. the 12th inst., at 31, Mildmay-park, William Story, Esq., aged 35. London: Printed and Pr). , .llshed Dy WILLIAM ANDR E WS, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TUE SUN Office Na. )12. Strand, in the Precinct of the lavoy, n the County of Idlidleaex.—Monday, Ai ril 18, 1861.