The Sun. — London, England, 1864-03-01 00:00:00

ROUSE OF LORDS—Last Evening. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Millwall Canal, Wharfs, end Graving Docks Bill, was read a second time. THE AUGMENTATION OF BENEFICES BILL. The Earl of DERBY asked the noble lord on the wool sack for an explanation, touching the Augmentation of Benefices Bill, under the recent act, of a point upon which there was some misunderstanding. There appeared to be an impression that a large sum of money, de rived from the sale of a number of livings, was now in the hands of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners. All the Commissioners had to do with the matter was to receive the money and appropriate the interest arising from that money to the increase of small livings. The LORD CHANCELLOR said that the moneys received under the act were devisable into two moieties. The moiety arising from the sale of two livings appliablo to the augmentation of small bene fices was paid to the Ecclesiastical Commissioners simply as trustees, they to pay the interest at the rate cf £3 10s. per cent. to the incumbent. The second moiety was•also paid to the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, to accu mulate in their hands and to be invested by them. With respect to the second moiety they were trustees both of capital and interest. With regard to the money arising from the sale of 100 livings, that did not go into the hands of the commissioners unless he (the Lord Chancellor) re quested them to take charge of it, and then they only were to act as trustees. THE PLOT TO ASSASSINATE THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON. The Earl of WESTMEATH referred to the trial of Greco and his fellow conspirators in Paris, and asked if the Government had a moral conviction that the evidence in. criminated M. Mazzini, and if it would take measures with regard to it? Earl RUSSELL replied that any one guilty of conspi racy in this country to assassinate the Emperor of the French was guilty of a indictable crime. He had no evidence that any one was so engaged, and consequently he could not take the matter up. THE METROPOLITAN RAILWAY COMMITTEE. Earl GRANVILLE laid upon the table the report of the joint committee of the Houses of Lords and Commons that had been considering the question of metropolitan railways. He had great pleasure in stating that the committee had been unanimous except upon one point. THE DA...NO-GERMAN WAR. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH gave notice on a future day of his intention of asking her Majesty's Go vernment whether any steps were to be taken to afford ma terial aid to Denmark ? INSANE PRISONERS' ACT AMENDMENT BILL. Earl GRANVILLE moved the second reading of this bill. In doing so he explained its provisions; but, as these have so lately been under discussion in the House of Com mons, it is unnecessary to enter into a detailed statement of them, Lord ST. LEOTARDS said the house was aware that this bill had been rendered necessary by the Townley case, and it was therefore necessary to refer to that case. After showing the absurdity of supposing that Townley was in sane...of which, he added, not a single particle of proof had been adduced—the noble and learned lord commented severely upon Dr. Forbes Winslow's evidence, which, he said, was opposed to both law and justice, and was calcu lated most mischievously to unsettle men's minds. The doctrine of uncontrollable impulse was an absurdity; but unless they had recourse to it, there was no pretence for saying that Townley was insane, for there was no trace of any delusion on his part. What had happened in To wnley's case had taken place several times before within the last few years, without the crime attracting particular attention. Nor would such attention have been attracted in this case had the criminal been a person in low life. Having received the certificate of two medical men and two magistrates that Townley was insane, the Home Secretary considered that, under the Act of 1840, he was bound to respite the crimi nal; but he (Lord St. Leonards) doubted whether that act was imperative. Moreover, in previous cases, when a man having been respited had been ultimately relieved from the execution of the capital sentence, the criminal had really become insane after his sentence. But in this instance the criminal never had been insane, and there was not, therefore, the same reason for commut ing his sentence. He trusted that the course taken in this case would not become a preeedant. This bill would be a great improvement upon the present state of the law, for it distinctly conferred upon the Home Secretary a discretion as to acting upon the certificate of the justices and the medical men. There was, however, one defect in it—it omitted to say what was to be done with the man if the Home Secretary declined to act upon the certificate and to issue a warrant for his removal to a lunatic asylum. Was he to remain in prison, or was he to be hanged ? Lord WODEHOUSE thought it doubtful whether the machinery of the visiting justices should be employed in the case of a prisoner sentenced to death. If the visiting jus tices were to put the law in motion in such a case, it might be possible that some one or two gentlemen might be found who would not possess the requisite knowledge or discre tion. The medical officers whose advice they took might also not be persons whose opinion was worthy of respect. It would be much better that, whenever a prisoner was re ported to be insane, the Home Secretary should issue a com mission to such persons as he might deem most worthy of his trust, and thus institute an inquiry of his own, upon which he might act with confidence. The bill was then read a second time, and the house ad journed. HOUSE OF COMMONS—Last Evening. The SPEAKzx took the chair at 4 o'clock. THE ECCLESIASTICAL COMMISSION. Mr. 11. SEYMOUR gave notice that on an early day lie would bang on a motion on this subject. THE MALT TAX. Mr. MORRIT r gave notice that on early day ho would move a resolution declaring that the malt tax ought to be repealed. RAILWAY COMPANIES. Mr. ALCOCK asked the President of the Board of Trade if he contemplated during the present session to amend the 85th clause of the Lands Claucs Act, which enabled rail way companies to obtain compulsory possession of land under order of magistrates. Mr. GIBSON said he had no intention to introduce such a bill. DEPORTATION OF PAUPERS, Mr. ALCOC l( asked the President of the Poor-law Board whether he had any intention of proposing an alteration in the law of settlement, so as to prevent a recurrence of the case which lately occurred in the deportation of a pauper (William Adey), who, having passed 67 years in Guernsey as a respectable labouring man, being worn out and unable to maintain himself, was taken out of the hospital of the parish of St. Peter le Port, and sent to the union of Christ church (the placo of his birth) at the age of 77. Mr. VILLIERS said the Poor-law department had no urisdiction in the matter. The present law pressed very hard on the people of Jersey, and it had been recommended that the laws of Jersey should be assimilated to those of England, THE WAR DEPARTMENT. Mr. VANCE asked what provision was to be made for the civil assistant in the ordnance survey branch of the War Department whose services were dispensed with on the Ist of November last ? Mr. PEEL said a small reduction had been made? IRELAND. Col. GREVILLE asked whether it was the intention of the Government to separate the county Meath from the Ungar District Lunatic Asylum, which affords ample accom • moda.tion for the dangerous lunatics of the three counties ; and, i f 403 'whether the whole burden of its support would be imposed upon the counties of Westmeath and Longford ? Sir R, PEEL said the question had been under the con sideration. of Government. THE DANISH GOVERNMENT. Mr. DALGLISLI asked, adverting to the statement that a steamer, plated with 4i-inch armour from stem to stern, was launched on Wednesday from the yard of the builders of the Pamper°, and said to be the property of the Danish Government, wh e th er, i f such shouldprove to be the case, the Government would seize her, as they had seized the Pampero, or would permit her to sail from the Clyde ? Mr. LA.YARD said that the Danish Minister had givel notice to the Government of the building of the ship, a nd had suggested that the construction might of necessi be stopped ; but Lord Palmerston had consented thatythe vessel might be taken off tko stocks, provided she did not leave the country, and that arrangement had been made. PRIVATE BUSINESS. Sir W. MILES (for Colonel W. Patten) asked the Pre sident of the Board of Trade whether he intended to pro ceed with his bills for the amendment of the private busi ness of the house, so as to enable parties to take:advantage of them during the present session ; and whether the Par liamentary bar had made any communication to him with respect to a change in the system of counsel's fees? Mr. GIBSON stated that lie had received a statement from certain influential members of the Parliamentary bar, proposing a scale of fees. Mr. HADFIELD inquired whether, if the Parliamentary bar did not settle the matter, the Government would take it in hand. Mr. GIBSON thought it would be mach better to leave the matter in the hands of the bar. THE BUDGET. Mr. GODDARD asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he was at present able to inform the house on what day before Easter he wouid make his financial state ment ? Sir G. GREY said the financial statement would be made immediately after Easter. The day would be stated to-morrow. MR. STANSFELD. Mr. COX—I have to put a question to the hon. member for Halifax (Mr. Stanafeld). 1 beg to ask him whether his attention has been called to what has taken place in Paris during the recent trial, and to what fell from the Crown prosecutor upon that occasion. The Crown prosecutor is reported to have used these words ;_►4 If Greco wanted I money he was to apply to the address, 'M. Flower, 35, Thurloe-square, Brompton, He (the procureur) had referred to the London Commercial Ilirectory to discover the person, who was thus place I in (corre spondence with Greco. At page 670 he fount—and it was in sorrow that he found it—the name of a member of the English Parliament, who already in 18 . )7 had been ap pointed by Mazzini treasurer to the Tibaldi plot, which was concocted against the life of the Emperor." I have myself referred to this address in the "London Directory," and I find it is the residence of the hon, member for Halifax, and therefore I desire to ask him whether his attention has been called to those words ? Mr. STANSFELD—I am much indebted to my hon. frind for having enabled me to answer at once this question. My attention was directed this morning to the speech of the Procureur-Imperial, and I must say that the astonishment with which I read that speech was mingled with something of a stronger feeling. It appears to me that for the Crown prosecutor of a friendly Power to imagine in the first place, and in the second place to venture to insinuate, that one who has the honour of a seat in the British House of Com mons, and, however unworthily, happens to occupy the po sition of a Minister of the Crown—that he could, directly or indirectly, have ever participated in, or even have been conscious of any supposed implication in, an attempt which if serious, must excite the execration of mankind—(hear, hear)—it appears to me that such a statement is sufficient not only to excite in me feelings of indignation, but also of disgust. (Hear, hear.) I trust it is quite unnecessary —in fact, I should feel it an indignity to be called upon to do so —to plead to such an indictment; and to declare in this house that I share the feelings of all decent meu with regard to attempts of this kind, and as to which there can be but• one opinion. Bnt if there be to me some counter-satisfaction in the indignity of such a supposition, it is this, that I am given the opportunity from this place to bear my testimony to the character of a man who all who know me are aware that I have known for some 18 years, and than whom I have never known—l have never heard or read of—a man who has been more molly and more shamefully maligned. (Hear, hear.) I speak, as I have said, from an intimate personal knowledge of nearly 18 years, and I have yet to learn that that knowledge and the conviction which it pro daces will not have some effect upon the mind of the public and upon this house. (An HoN. MEMBER—Name, name.) I say as to M. Mazzini, whose name has been associated with this attempt, I pledge my personal knowledge of him that he is absolutely incapable of having a hand in it. (Hear.) I will go further. It is impossible I could have read the extract which my hon. friend has laid before the house, without having occupied the time which has intervened since in making some inquiries as to how such an insinuation could have been made. I have made inquiries, and I have satis fied my own mind ; although I will not anticipate declara tions which it is the right of others to make in the first place. Still I have satisfied my own mind that when the case comes to be fairly tried the answer will be complete and satisfac tory in every respect. (Cheers.) Mr. HENNESSY—I think it is somewhat unfortunate (cries of " Order")—l shall conclude with a motion. The house must feel that the hon. gentleman was entitled to the fullest latitude in all that he said with respect to himself; but the hon. gentleman has introduced other topics not personal to himself, which should be placed before the public in their true colours. Reference has been made to M. Mazzini, and I wish to say at once that in the opinion of many hon. members it is unfortunate that the character of that gentleman should be brought before this house without notice, at a time when no one expected it, and in presence of the fact that the language used by Mazzini himself, within the last few weeks, leads every man who reads it to believe that grave suspicion attaches to him. What has been recently written ? Greco was arrested in France for an attempt upon the life of the Emperor, and M. Mazzini writes to the newspapers and calls Greco an enthusiastic patriot, and admits that he was in personal communication with him last year, I put it to the /muse, is Greco an enthusiasticlpatriet ? What is the theory of those who hold that Greco and his accomplices were the instruments of the French police ? They allege that Greco was a spy. (Hear.) The hen. member for Brighton (Mr. White) says yes, Yet M. Mazzini calls this Greco an enthusiastic patriot. I will not now enter into the question, as it is not denied by the lion, gentleman whether M, Mazzini is living at the address designated by the writer of the letter to Greco. I would ask if money was collected, but I will not say for what pur pose. Mr. STANSFELD—I beg the hon. gentleman's pardon. Sir G. GREY—Wait until he has done. Mr. HENNESSY—These are facts which have not been denied, and which are most material to the people of this country, namely, whether money was collected, as an hon. friend near me suggests, under a false name. These are matters of interest to us who are here the representatives, I am happy to say, of a country in friendly alliance with France; and if attempts of this kind are to be made—l I know it is said by the friends of this person that in truth Mazzini never attempted to murder the Emperor of the French, and that his sole object was to terrify him and to keep him in terror—does anybody believe that is a defence which this country will tolerate ? Mazzini believes the cause he serves is to be benefited by keeping the Emperor of the French in terror; but, sir, in doing that he renders himself responsible for the acts of his subordinate associates, and I venture to think that in this country and in this house this conduct will meet with universal reprobation. (Hear, hear.) I beg to move the adjournment of the house. Mr. COX—I bog to second the motion, and perhaps I may be permitted to say I hardly expected my kon. friend the member for Halifax would, in answer to my question, have gone into a defence. (Hear, hear.) What I desired ta hear froin my hon. friend was some explanation of the charge made against him. aions (Hear, hear.) He u se d expres perfectly justified by the occasion of the horror and disgust which he and every man in this house must feel at being charged as an accomplice in such an attempt as this. (Hear, hear.) But my hon. friend did not give me or the house any explanation as to this Mr. Flower, who resides at 35, Thurloe-square, Brampton, which is the result of a search of the "London Directory" by the French Procu reur. But I, too, have searched the " London Directory," and I find that this 35, Thurloe-square is also the address of my hon. friend the member for Halifax (Mr. Stansfeld). I rise now to second this motion, for the purpose of giving him an opportunity of explaining that, which seems to have been forgotten; and I am quite sure he will be able to give a most satisfactory reply. Mr. STANSFELD—I hardly understood, I must say that my hon. friend was desirous of any explanation from me on the specific point to which he has referred, He has searched the directory, and he has been enabled to ascertain a fact that was easily ascertained, namely, my address. My address is 35, flaurloe-square. As to a letter stated to have been addressed to Mr. Flower, I understand my hon, friend wishes to know if I have any knowledge of that letter. Now, I have already stated in general terms—general, because I wished them to apply to one and all the accusations—that I have not, and never have had—and it seems almost too great an indignity to answer such a question—the slightest knowledge of proceedings of that kind ; and I will add—for I think 1 are entitled to add—that I have not the belief in them which some honourable gentlemen seem to entertain. (Hear, hear.) I have been blamed by the hon. member for King's County for having taken the opportunity of defending the character of Mazzini. I had two reasons for the course. The ono is that my name has been implicated in this transaction, and the other is that I think I am entitled to; and I should be shrinking from the duties of private friend ship if I had not taken this opportunity of testifying what is not only any conviction but my knowledge of his charac ter. (Hear, hear) What is the question ? An HON. MEMBER —Who's Flower ? Mr. HENNESSY—I ask whether, in truth, this M. Flower is M. Mazzini. (Hear, hear.) Mr. STANSFELD—I have no knowledge. 1 know nothing about M, Flower. (Hear, hear.) Did the hon. gentleman ask any questions as to the collection of money ? If he did, will he repeat it ? Mr. HENNESSY—I think I asked the hon. member whether he at any time acted as treasurer or member of the committee for the collection of any money to be distributed among the Italian patriots ? (Cries of " Oh, oh I" " Mon strous "Nonsense," and " Don't answer.") Mr. STANSFELD—WeII, I will answer the house, Undoubtedly not. Lord C. HAMILTON—WiII the hon. gentleman answer the question ? Is Signor Fuori a friend of the hon. gentle man, and is he frequently at that address? (Cries of " Oh.") Mr. W. E. FORSTER—I do not rise to prolong this l discussion, but I think wh en it i s read tomorrow, different containst will be - quite sure my hon. friend the member.ta put for to ll h a t l m ifaxhas answered all the questions that h ave b affect ing hi himself in I merely rise for the purp ose o f saying that in a manner that will b e fully satisfactory to the country. the hon. member for King's County (Mr. H en ness y) stated, as though it were an acknowledged fact and admitted by isfi for a rL t the i purposehimself, thatf assassinating although thhee him, ,p n e o r t e r o f enter th e into plot French, s Now perhaps the he did for the purpose of terrifying lato°llstagtenfotirentitiannl'wahs he made that Mazzini ever made why he cannot state himself, i a m es s e e r lf t , to w n i , ll e g n e d t w a h f e ri t e h n e d r I do not believe Mazzini admitted it, tt zz a i e n s i e , r I t i ° w n e ' u and would t takeknowledge and l in hav h e el o t f ef M te . that he has nothing whatever to do with such plot y s for any t a t ; e as true; purpose whatever. (Hear, hear.) m hte th d e en li t Mr. Alderman ROSE —The question which the house would like t o have answered is this, has M. Mazzini ever lived with th e hon. gentleman ? (Cries of " Oh, oh," " Don't should ha answer," and l oud laughter.) It ie right the house ve that I am question answered. (Cries of " No, no.'') quite sure it is supplsed that he eithe- lodged there or lived some time in the house. Will the hon. gentleman answer that ? (Cries of "Don't answer.' ) A few words from Mr. IVILLIA.IiS were i THE STATE OF EUR ndistinctly heard. Mr. DISRAELL —As there is now aOPE. question before the house, I take this opportunity of making some inquiry re specting our relations with the Continent of Europe. (Rear.) They appear to me, since I last addressed a questi to the Government on the subject, to have increased innity and perplexity. (Hear, hear.) I understand that her Majesty' s G overnment have been successful, after some fruitless efforts, in a new proposition—namel, that a Cn ference should b © h e ld b y the great P y o o w s, and those in. THE STIN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 1, 1864. terested in the difference between Denmark and Germany without an armistice. I understand that the noble lord made an announcement to that effect, and that the propo sition had been accepted by the French Government. I have myself great distrust of Conferences pendente life. It seems in the nature of things that these efforts should be generally fruitless, and sometimes productive of great disadvantage, however bona fide may be the intentions of those who go into the councils under such circumstances. It stands to reason that nothing can be more difficult than to come to a decision upon events perpetually changing; and if wo study the history, not only of this country, but of general diplomacy, we shall find that in nine times out of ten, where conferences for peace have been carried on during war without an armistice, these conferences have failed; because, though there may have been the greatest anxiety on the part of all present to come to a pacific solu tion of affairs, yet when they have arrived at some basis which promised a satisfactory result a strong place has, perhaps, been taken, a battle fought, or some individual who exercises a leading influence on events—a Minister or a Prince—dies; the whole materials are changed in their aspect and character, and, with all the efforts exerted to bring the matter to a conclusion, failure has generally been the result, But in the present case I confess that I have more than an abstract objection to a conference pendente fife, because we have experience of the influence of the present Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs under circumstances of an analogous character, and they are not of a favourable or flattering nature. (Laughter.) Nine years ago there were conferences held at Vienna at a time of war, and without an armistice, with the view of bringing about peace under circumstances which many considered not unfavourable. The noble lord, now Foreign Secretary, but not then filling that office, was, from the force (of circumstances, without any occupation at the moment. (A laugh.) He was, there fore, chosen by the noble lord the Prime Minister to manage the negotiation at the Conference of Vienna, under the conditions to which I have referred. I need not remind the house—for it is part of our history —of the amorset of indis cretion and disaster which was accomplished under these circumstances. (Hear, hear.) I believe there is no page in the annals of our time—at least of the last 25 years —to which we can look back with less satisfaction. (Hear.) The noble lord was sent to the Conference to negotiate a peace without an armistice. He came back to this country to re commend to his colleagues that they should accept a peace, under conditions which were kept completely secret. Sus picions were excited in the House of Commons. I myself was requested by my friends to bring forward a motion calling the attention of the house to the ambiguity both of expression and conduct on the part of the Government in regard to the proceedings which were then taking place. The Government were vindicated on that occasion by a very large majority —not less than 100 expressing their confidence in the negotiations of the noble lord and the conduct of her Majesty's Ministers. The noble lord himself appeared in the house and made a very powerful speech in favour of carrying on an uncompromising war against Russia. Yet afterwards the secret came out that at that very period he was recommending a peace under conditions which the House of Commons, at least, deemed very disgraceful. (Hear, hear.) These negotiations at a Conference pendente lite led to a change of Ministry in France, and to other cir cumstances of very great importance. As far as the Eng lish Government were concerned, although they had a majority of 100 on the vote of confidence before the Whit suntide holidays, yet after that brief interval they were in such a position that the noble lord who conducted the nego tiations could save the country only by an ignominious retreat, (Cheers.) Therefore, speaking both generally and particularly, there is nothing very encouraging to the country and the House of Commons in learning that Con ferences aro to be held with a view of terminating the de plorable hostilities in Denmark, and that they are to be conducted without the preliminary and salutary condition of an armistice. (Hear.) Besides these objections to the course which the Government are about to pursue, there is another reason why I think it my duty to request some in formation on this point from her Majesty's Ministers. I dare say hon. gentlemen have all of them more or less examined the papers respecting the Schleswig- Holsteinquestion which we so anxiously urged the Government to produce, and I doubt not they have observed that the noble lord, who nine years ago conducted so disastrously and fruitlessly the Con ferences at Vienna, now, as Secretary of State for the Foreign Department, impressed with the difficulties which every day surround him with regard to the Danish ques tion, made a proposal to the French Government. I need not go into the despatch of the noble lord in September of last year. It is a despatch very characteristic of the writer, who, having to encounter very great difficulties, suggests every feeble expedient that can be imagined. Affairs might be settled by a Conference; they might be settled by pro positions; they might be settled by identic notes, by single notes, by joint notes, by all that diplomatic rubbish (laugh ter) which characterises, to use the happy language of the noble lord the Prime Minister, a Government of antiquated imbecility. (Laughter and cheers.) What was the answer of the French Government ? I have no doubt that hon. gentlemen are perfectly familiar with the answer of the French Government, communicated by the English Charge d'Affaires to Earl Russell, It is No. 126, I think, in the papers. M. Drouyn de Lhuys speaks with a very intimate knowledge of the character of the Foreign Secretary. M. Drouyn de Lhuys had been his colleague at those celebrated Conferences at Vienna, where he negotiated a peace with out an armistice, and had lost his eminent post in cense • quence of the arrangements he then made with the noble lord. M. Drouyn do Lhuys had also been infrequent com munication upon many very important questions with the noble lord during the last year or two. Well, what was the answer of the French Government ? lam sure hon. gentle men are familiar with it, for it is really the key to the whole of this voluminous correspondence, part of which we have already received, The French Government reply—All this is very well—these propositions for conferences, for identic, joint, or separate notes, these means of conveying to Powers, pursuing a course which we think impolitic and unjust, our sense of their misbehaviour; but we have not forgotten that, under your influence and in your company, we have taken these measures only recently in regard to Poland, and what was the result ? It ended in the humi liation of both countries—to use M. Drouyn de Lhuys' own words, which I quote from memory, " in impairing the dig nity both of France and England." (Hear, hear.) There fore, say the French Government, we will have nothing to do with these propositions, we will not interfere with these things; the Emperor is resolved on this; unless you are prepared to proceed further and enter into a course of action. (Hear, hear.) What more legitimate question, therefore, can we ask, especially before we go into Committee of Sap ply, which is the business of to-night, than this—What is the exact position of this affair ? (Cheers.) If, as the noble lord tells us, France has listened with favour to the proposal of a conference, and is ready at last to co• operate with us in that direction, is it not our first duty to ascertain from the noble lord on what conditions the assent of France has been given, and whether the noble lord has agreed with the French Government to go further and to enter into a course of action in order to effect a common object in Denmark ? (Hear, hear.) That is a question of vital and urgent impor tance. I will assume, however, for the moment, that the conditions of France have been mentioned and complied with, that France and England at least have determined to enter Into a course of action. I say it is also a matter of very great interest and importance to the House of Commons to know what that action is intended to effect, and what ob ject we are to accomplish, As far as I oan form an opinion, having listened to a varietyofletatements in both houses from Ministers of the Crown on this question of Germany and Denmark, there seems so much inconsistency, so mush con trariety, not only of views but facts, that at last I feel quite in a cloud, and am at a loss to' ndersta n d if the Government are going to act, it is that they intend to do. (Hear.) If lam to believe the noble lord, there is a groat and common ob ject upon which the Powers are agreed and decided, and that is to maintain the integrity and independence of Den mark. (Hear.) Everybody, according to the noble lord, is in favour of the integrity and independence of Denmark, and nobody more so than the Austrian and Prussian Go vernments. (A laugh.) It is a groat point, especially in conferences pendente late, that there should be one question upon which all parties are agreed ; but then, unfortunately, very different meanings are attributed to the phrase ;—" 'The independence and integrity of Denmark." If, for example, by maintaining the independence and integrity of Denmark, you mean a union between the Kingdom and the Duchies, subsisting merely by the personal tie of being ruled by the same sovereign, I for ono should say that that, so far from being an arrangement to secure the object in question, would produce constant disunion and ultimate anarchy. (Hear.) Are we to adopt the alternative that Europe is to interfere, and by force of arms to render the inhabitants of Holstein and Schleswig loyal and contented subjects of the King of Denmark ? That is a solution not consistent with the prin ciples of British policy, nor, to my mind, perfectly in har mony with the spirit of the age in which we live, (Hear.) Hence this is a situation which requires much explanation. It is possible—for I wish to view the question in both lights, in order that wo may, at this anxious moment, elicit some information from her Majesty's Government—it is possible that Franco has generously consented to attend the Con ferences without exacting those conditions which the French Minister in the autumn said were a sin. qua non. What will happen then ? In my opinion, what probably will happen will be that a great deal of thee will be wasted, and then the spring will at last arrive, When the spring arrives that Power which, from our continual blundering, has had the opportunity of assuming a position of so much forbearance and so much moderation, and of offering, through the Emperor, so many conciliatory messages will, perhaps, be called upon to settle th ese di sputes, some of which are to be brought before this very Conference. I cannot doubt that under the circumstances the Emperor of the French will probably be very successful, People will be so very tired, Governments will be so very exhausted— they will have appealed so often in vain to England for a a elution of these difficulties, that they naturally will turn to one who, to use a common phrase, will find himself master of the situation. (Hear, hear.) Ido not pretend to say will act d in ou ab doubt very this fe ro c c i i o v u i _ s manner under er th or e cu o c f i t r he m s Frencht ati ce s. lised ago France, like every other country—France,—tOO, particularly enlightened—will feel the advantage of modera tion even in its ambition. Perhaps the revival of the Con federation of the Rhine, perhaps the ratification of the long and anxiously considered question of the Saarlouis frontier might be thought a sutileitnt compensation for the extreme anxiety which the Emperor of the French will naturally feel in settling disputes which we ourselves have assisted so much to complicate. (Hear, hear.) What will happen then ? There will be a great noise in this house, and probably in other Houses of Parliament, upon the mat ter. If we find some arrangement of the map of Europe similar to that in the case of Nice and Savoy, we shall hove screaming despatches and terrible invectives— terrible in vectives, like those that have not yet succeeded in expelling the Pope from Rome or the Austrians from Venice, but which are recognised for their power and for the appropri ate manner in which they are always introduced in the discussion of public affairs. (Laughter and cheers.) But I should like to - know what will be our position under those circumstances. I know the noble lord opposite win say to me—" You make these remarks upon the Government in the difficult position in which we are placed, but you never make any suggestion of what you would do if you found yourself responsible for the conduct of affairs in the same situation." (Ministerial cheers.) I should be very sorry to be in the position in which the noble lords finds himself—(cheers and laughter: —and I cannot but believe that if we had been upon the Treasury bench instead of the noble lord and his colleagues, we should not have been in the situation which Ministers now occupy. (Cheers.) That, indeed, is the whole neater. You can see the sole cause of the present imbroglio in the answer which the French Minister has made to the plaintive representations of our Secretary of State, It h quite clear that if her Ma jesty's Government had not taken that unwise course with respect to the affairs of Poland —if they had not entrapped France into a false position, and when she was in a false position made no effort to extricate her from it—if there had not been that consequent estrangements between the two Governments, France and England could have prevented those events which have occurred in the North of Europe, (Cheers.) Therefore, those frecpent taunts, that we criticise the conduct of Ministers but do not say what we would do if We were in the same position, rally come to nothing, because I believe that her Majesty's Gcvernment have themselves brought about the difficulties wth which they are unable to deal. (Cheers.) When we ate asked whether we are ad vocates for war in favour of de integrity and independ ence of Denmark, my answer is, that I cannot say what the policy of England ought to be vith respect to going to war for the integrity and independetce of Denmark until I am acquainted with the engagements which her Majesty's Go vernment have entered into. Bat irrespective of that point —which I reserve--I assert that if our affairs had been managed with due firmness and conciliation, with straight forwardness, and with commcn sense—(cheers)--the inte grity and independence of Denmark would never have been endangered. (Continued cheering.) There need have been no question of war to preserve the integrity and indepen dence of Denmark. That is the real issue before us. I can not, I repeat, give an opinion as to what should be the ulti mate course of this country, because Parliament is not at the present moment fully in possession of information upon the subject, and because we do not know what engagements her Majesty's Government may have entered into with the Danish Government, what expectations they have held out, and under what understanding, verbal or written—(hear, hear)--all parties may have acted. (Cheers.) Nor am I too sanguine that wo shall find that information in the papers which have been promised by the Government, and which are now appearing instalments. I wanted those papers, not so much for the information they would give us as for the information they omitted—(a laugh) —but because, let me remind the house, it has twice happened with the present Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs that at critical periods in the history of this country, when he has been obliged to furnish Parliament for its decision with volumicouspapers, the question has been decided, not on the papers which were laid before P ar li amen t b y t h e Minister, but on papers which, in consequence of their publication, appeared abroad. (Hear, hear.) That is a very remarkable thing to have happened twice to the same Minister. In 18;53, when alarm first brake out respecting probable hostilities with Russia, which ended in the Crimean war, we had papers enough, as I told the house the other night. On the first day of the Session the present Lord Russell appeared at the bar, and gave us that eurfeit of State papers which the noble lord seems to delight in, and to hops may baffle the understanding of the House of Commons. He gave us 800 pages within 48 hours. What was the consequence ? You had questions from all parts of the house ; you had answers from Ministers ; you had debates and discussions ; . but the house remained as it remains now upon the Danish question, unable to fix the Minister, but with a deep conviction pervading both sides that they were not masters of the real merits of the case. (Cheers.) The noble lord in one of his:speeches, with a great want of precaution as it afterwards turned out, denounced the policy of Russia—the ambitious, irrational, and unexpected policy of Russia— for which the Govern ment of Lord Aberdeen had not been prepared. What oc curred ? There appeared in the official journal of St. Peters burg a statement that, whatever might have been the errors of Russian policy, one thing was quite clear, that her Ma jesty's Ministers from the first had been aware of the inten tion of the Emperor of Russia, and had approved the prin ciple on which he had acted. (Cheers.) A member of this house having some other information, made such an appeal that the noble lord the Secretary of State was obliged to pro duce the confidential communications of the Emperor of Russia with nir 11. Seymour—(cheers) —from which it ap peared that at the very moment of the formation of the Go vernment of Lord Aberdeen the Emperor of Russia, with the utmost frankness, had explained his views to the Eng lish Minister. (Cheers.) Nay, not only had that occurred, but the Secretary of State had answered that confidential communication with such a total ignorance of the merits of the question, with such a total want of appreciation of the exigency, that he made an admission of the right of the Em peror of Russia to interfere in the Turkish dominions as protector of the Greeks, although it afterwards turned out that the very treaty under which that right was claimed gave no sanction whatever to the pretension, and must have been perfectly- unknown to the Minister, who had perhaps neither the time nor the opportunity to examine it betore he gave the solemn verdict of the British Government upon its value and importance. (Cheers.) I should have thought that was enough for a Secretary of ntate to have done to entitle him to the lasting confidence of his Sovereign and of Parlia ment; but what happened in those verynegotiations atVienna which terminated so truttlesaly ? I can remember no period when there was so much anxiety, so much disturbance and disquietude in the mind of Parliament as when those negotia tions were going on at Vienna. Her Majesty's Government then was not constituted precisely as it is now. The Chan cellor of the Exchequer, for:example, did not then sit on the Treasury bench to denounce a statement of facts as "fire works," (A laugh.) On the contrary, the right hon. gentle man was perfectly alive to the importance of the question then before us—(hear, hear)— and he was pressing the Go vernment—though for a different object—in order to obtain the truth which was withheld and concealed from this house, What happened then. We had despatches and papers laid before us, as at the period before the commencement of the Crimean war, and as at this moment; fur the noble lord is always ready to produce papers enough to confuse the par liamentary mind, and to prevent members from complain ing of the want of ample information from the Government . But it appeared to us on this side of the house, as well as that those papers indicated Chancellor opposite — among the rest the h g:n E t l x e c m h e e n qu o e p r l great ambiguity of conduct, and that some secret had been a c n el y lor h o e f n' t withheld from us. I myself brought the matter before the house, but was defeated in a full house by a majority of 100, who voted confidence in the intentions of the present Secre tary of State and in her Majesty's Ministers. We dispersed for the holidays. In consequence of some of the statements made in the house, the Prime Minister of Austria (Count Buol) published a confidential circular in which he stated that the noble lord the present Secretary of State, who had come back to England and made a ranting speech in favour of a vigo rous prosecution of the war, had previously settled with him what he thought reasonable terms upon which peace might be concluded and in fact had returned home for the express pur pose of recommending and sanctioning that peace. (Cheers.) Under these circumstances what became of your majority of 100 ? The noble lord only saved his colleagues by a pre cipitate and ignominious retreat. (Hear, hear.) Thus, then, twice—once at the commencement of the troubles with Russia, and once in carrying on the negotiations with Aus tria, you find that the House of Commons, with thu most ample materials supplied by their own Ministry, have never been able to arrive at the truth, and it is with the forced publication of documents by foreign Governments that the secret policy pursued has been revealed. Let us, then, look at the present position, - We have many papers before us. There are none that have met my eye yet which throw any light on those engagements which it is, I will only say, rumoured about that her Majesty's Government have en tered into with Denmark, but still rumoured by persons of very great authority. T - shall not be answered by any quib bling about words. When I talk of engagements, I am not talking of solemn and formal treaties, which can of course be appealed to ; but I want to know what have been the expectations which we have held out to Denmark. (Hear.) Whst has been the encouragement that we have given her? What has been the advice we have offered ? What has been the moral obligation, at least, that we have incurred, which can explain the whole course of Danish policy at the present moment or from the co mmencement of these troubles ? Sir, we were reminded, before I made these inquiries, that the holydays were near at hand, and I don't suppose that before the holydays we shall find out this. But I have great con fidence in the revelations which the holydays bring forth, It was during the Whitsun recess, I think, that Count Buol published his confidential circular, and I shall not be surprised if in due course of time we have some remark able documents published by Denmark, or some statement made by some person in authority there that will throw that light on the present position of Europe which, in my opinion, is now extremely wanting. If we gain that infor mation, I have no doubt it will produce the beneficial re sults which always may be experienced by arriving at the truth. At present I can only say—and it is my duty, in the want of that information, to remind the house of the position in which the country is now placed—that that position is most unsatisfactory. Whether we may have entered into conditions with France, accepting het con ditions probably, or whether France is entering into this Conference without any conditions, it is impossible to suppose that before the euintner passes away something may nut occur which will be both inconvenient and mortifying to this country. (dear, hear.) I hear nothing from her Majesty's Government to guide, to enlighten, to animate the house and the country at the present moment. The drivers have lost the road, the reins have fallen from their hands, the horses are wild, and now we shall hear their answer to rimy inquiries. (Cheers.) Lord PALMERSTON, on rising, was received with cheers. He said,—Sir,—The right hon. gentleman never is so great —never in his own opinion is so successful as when he has an opportunity of attacking an absent man. (Cheers.) He was pleased the other day to take advantage of my tem porary absence—(" Oh,'' and cheers)-- I having been de tained somewhat later than usual by public business that could not well be postponed i and now he takes that which suits him still better—viz, the opportunity of attacking my noble friend in the other House of Parliament. lam here; but my noble friend cannot be. (Hear, hear.) But the right hon. gentleman chooses with wonderful dexterity and with somewhat of, I will say, simplicity of mind--(laughter)— the ground of his attacks. Ho has been absent from his place for the last three or four days. He has been studying, pondering over, getting by heart, making extracts from, and turning dog's-ears down in the papers presented upon Danish affairs—(a laugh)—and finding little or nothing in them—(cheers from the Opposition) upon which to found an attack on my noble friend—(counter cheers)---he ran sacks Hansard, he turns over the pages of the Annual Beg is ter, he goes bank to the blue-books of 10 years ago for the purpose of founding a charge against my noble friend as to what happened at Vienna in 1853. Well, sir, I congratu late my noble friend that the right hon. gentleman has found the ice so hard in Danish affairs that he has been obliged to go back 10 years for his topics of accusation. (Hear, hear.) Why, sir, my noble friend performed with ability and fidelity the duties which were imposed upon him at that time at Vienna. (" Oh !" and "Hear, hear.") By the admission of the right honourable gentleman he did his utmost to bring about a peaceful solution of the then pend ing questions. Unfortunately, the proposals which he and M. de Lhuys agreed upon failed, and war ensued, not by their fault, but by the fault of others. My noble friend went on that occasion as far as it was possible for him to do in the performance of his duty, in concert with the representative of France, for the settlement of those affairs, and that at tempt on his part is now made a charge against his conduct. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman has talked to-night of "diplomatic rubbish." Why, sir, there is such a thing as Parliamentary rubbish—(cheers and laughter) —and that we are very often doomed to receive from those whose genius and ability ought to qualify them for better things. (Hear, hear.) But the right hon. gentleman says that the Govern ment are in what:he thinks very,unfortunate:circumstances, and he seems to regret that he and his friends have not had the management of these affairs. " Very different," he said, "would be the condition of the country if we had the ma nagement of matters." Very different indeed!—(cheers) — if we are to believe in the sincerity of the line of argument taken by gentlemen on the other side of this house. What are the circumstances in which we have placed the country? Why, we axe at peace—(cheers) ; we are prosperous ; we have been occupied in communications with all the Powers of Europe in endeavouring to settle differences without war. (Hear, hear.) If we were to be led by the language of those who sit opposite, and especially of the right hon. gentleman, we ought to have made war against Russia for Poland— (hear, hear, and murmurs)—we basely abandoned France on the Polish question when she was ready to make war with Russia. That is the charge against 119, if we are to be lieve the right hon. gentleman's arguments to-night; and be said " France proposed you should make war with Ger many about Denmark, and you shrunk from accepting her proposal." Well, the right hon. gentleman would not have shrunk from that, I suppose. (A. laugh) I say, sir, that in my humble opinion, and without, I am sure, begrudging any success, official or otherwise, which the right hon, gentle man and his friends may be anxious to obtain on these seats here or elsewhere, the country is just as well served by those who are now in office as they would be, according to the doctrine of the right hon. gentleman, if he and his friends, occupying our places, had acted up to the reasonings they have used on this grave and important European matter. But the right hon. gentleman sa)s he is uninformed on this subject, and he asks the Government to enlighten his mind. Why, sir, some people like to run away with halt a story, and find it far more convenient to express an opinion on that half than to wait and know the whole, being fear ful that when they know the whole the conclusion they wish to arrive may not follow so legitimately from the pre mises laid before them. The right hon. gentleman cer tainly puts the house in a very embarrassing situation, be cause when no papers are given he says, " How unfairly you treat the, house; you leave it in the dark without any documents or information; we are unable to arrive at a conclusion." Then, he tells us this evening that "If you give the house 800 pages of information the house is then more unable than ever to come to any definite conclusion." (Laughter.) How we are to please the right hon, gentleman it is really very difficult to say. If we give him no papers he complains of the absence of papers; if we give him the papers, he says he is unable to digest them and come to any rational result. Well, it is a natural fault with some minds that they are so constituted that they either do not choose to come to a conclusion, or they are unable to do so. But, one way or the other, it is quite clear that it is of no use giving the right hon. gentleman the papers, because he says, with or without them, he is equally unable to understand anything with regard to our foreign affairs. (A laugh.) But the right hon. gentleman, I assume,was speaking for others, and not for himself, for of course I have a higher opinion of the acuteness of his mind than to believe that if even ten times 800 pages at a time were offered to him he could not ar rive at a clear and definite conclusion upon them, according to his own opinion. (Hear, and a laugh.) But I think he is quite right in the course which he now pursues. In com mon with the rest of the house, ho has had delivered to him papers coming down to the latter end of last September. It was evident that those papers Gould only contain a por tion of the communications which had passed between this and other Governments upon the Danish question, but the right hon. gentleman thought, and he was quite right, that it was more convenient to get up and to make, upon im parfect information. a flourish about the conduct of the Government upon the Danish question rather than to wait until he should receive the papers to-morrow, which will bring those communications down to a rater period. I can only say it would be a long story to tell the right hon. gentleman what are all the contents of the mass of papers which he will be able to read for himself to-morrow ; but I say let him wait, and let the house wait for these papers before coming to any conclusion—(hear, hear)—as to the course we have pursued, either in accepting proposals or in answering proposals, or in making proposals to other Governments. (Hear, hear.) Let him wait until he gets the whole statement, which he will receive in the course of a few hours,Und then he and the house will be better able to judge what the course of the Government has been. Our object has been from first to last to endeavour to conciliate differences—(hear, hear)—to bring together parties who are holding opposite and apparently incompatible opinions, to endeavour to modify exasperations, and to obtain a peace able 'settlement of that which threatened to be the cause of European war. Hear, hear.) Why, the charge which the right hon. gentleman brings against my noble friend is that he was too abundant of suggestions for the attainment of these ends. That having failed with one suggestion he proposed another, and that is what is called "diplomatic rubbish." My noble friend is fertile in experiments.i (Hear, hear, and laughter.) Not succeeding in one suggestion he proposed another ; that other being unsuccessful, he pro posed still another, hopeful that he would eventually attain the desired end. (Hear, hear.) Instead of that being urged as a charge against my noble friend, it is really a compli ment paid to him by one who is at the same time endeavour ing to run him down. The right hon, gentleman asks whether we accepted the proposal of France made at one period, and whether we made at another period a different one. I ask him to have the kindness to wait only a few hours, when he will have the whole correspondence in his hands, and 1 am satisfied that in a week's time, and when he again gets up on the question of going into Committee of Supply, with all the knowledge in his head which he has not got in his head now, we shall not have the same language from his lips which we have heard from him to-night. ;Cheers.) Mr. S. FITZGERALD said that no one who had listened to the noble lord could have conceived it possible that his speech was a reply to the right hon. gentleman—(hear)— who had requested to be furnished with specific information as to the Conference. The noble lord, however, had not given the house the slightest information of any sort, kind, or description, in reference to the proposal of a Conference. The house ought to be informed of the present condition of affairs. Had the Conference been unconditionally accepted by France, and what was our position in regard to Russia ? The noble lord, or some of his colleagues, ought to state whether Denmark had accepted the proposal, and what was meant by the assertion that Austria and Prussia had accepted the Conference in principle. At the commence ment of his speech the noble lord charged his right hon. friend with making observations upon an absent man ; but did the noble lord mean to assert, that because a member of the Government happened not to appear ho was to be privi leged from criticirun ? (Opposition cheers.) Hon. mem bers on that side of the house were not anxious, as the noble lord insinuated, to rush headlong into a war ; but they feared the Government had brought the country to the brink of war. He believed that we were in a most critical position, and that the country attributed that critical position to want of firmness, to vacillation, and the bragging lan guage at one time, and the subservient language at another, on the part of the Government ; and he was certain that the speech of the noble lord would not contribute to disabuse the country of that belief. The motion for adjournment was then withdrawn. THE BUDGET. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER rose and said—ln my absence a question was put as to the day upon which the financial statement will be made. It is, perhaps, rather early to fix a day, and it is certainly difficult to fix a day definitely and finally; but it will not be before the re cess, as the recess takes place in March, before the financial year has been completed. If it be convenient to the house I think we will fix it for Thursday, the 7th April—that is, the Thursday after the recess. The house then went into committee of supply, and re sumed the consideration of the navy estimates, The votes for the number of men and boys, and for the wages of seamen were agreed to after considerable discus. sion, involving the chief points in reference to naval sdra nistration which formed the topic of debate on Friday evening. Mr. WILLIAMS (Lambeth) made hie first appearance this session and :reviewed the estimates, contending that the expenditure was as usual extravagant and unnecessary, On the motion that £168,605 be granted to defray the salaries of the officers and contingent expenses of the Admiralty-office, Mr. LINDSAY moved to reduce the vote by £5,200, but after some discussion the proposition was rejected by 109 to 10. On the vote of £71,276 for the scientific branch of the navy, Mr. A. SMITH moved to reduce the amount by £2,300, for the School of Naval Architecture. The amendment, however, was on a division rejected by 100 to 15. Several other votes were agreed to, and the Chairman reported progress and obtained leave to sit again. The Vestry Cess Abolition:(lreland) Bill passed through committee. Leave wag g;7 9n to Sir R. PEEL to bring in a bill to amend the law relating bills of exchange and promissory notes in Ireland. The house adjourned at 12 o'clock. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—When a man speaks, not because he has something to say, but because lie has to say some thing, it is not surprising if he fails in producing any practical result. He strikes at the air, and, though the blow may be admirably delivered, it is difficult to see that it has any effect. There is a great consumption of powder, a great flash, and a loud explosion, but as the discharge is irregularly and loosely delivered, and as there is no mark aimed at, the display amounts to little more than a letting off of fireworks. Mr. Disraeli was in just this unhappy position last night. He had nothing to propose, and, indeed, only took advantage of an accidental motion for adjournment. He had no definite question to ask, and no definite charge to make ; but it was some days since the house and the country had been informed of the existence of an Opposition, and it was necessary to make a re conaissance to remind us of the fact and to keep his own followers awake. Under such circumstances the subject very naturally " dropped ;" and if we make a few remarks on the short discussion, it is by way, if possible, of saving any one for the pre sent the unnecessary trouble of resuming it. But this speaking without definite purpose has its ad vantages as well as its drawbacks. You are not fettered to a definite argument or a particular point, and you can say anything that happens to come in your way. The same amount of powder produces a much finer display in the form of fireworks than as the charge of a 100-pounder Armstrong. It is not all concentrated in a particular groove for a single effect, but may be spread out into different constructions with various displays. So Mr. Disraeli was free to expatiate, unfettered, upon any part of our foreign policy within the last few years that could possibly catch the eye of a spectator. "It is pleasant," says the Epicurean philosopher, " to stand upon the shore and see ships tossed upon the sea," and Mr. Disraeli, being stranded for the present, appears to appreciate this pleasure to its fullest extent. There is a very respectable storm gathering now, and the Govern ment ship is rather uncomfortably tossed, and Mr. Disraeli seems to find an endless satisfaction in asking the pilots how they feel, and what they are going to do. They are old hands, however, and decline to make any display either of their feelings or their intentions for his amusement. But he easily finds other resources. The difficulties of the unfortunate ship which had to weather the storm of the Crimean War afford him, even at this die tance of time, an instructive retrospect, and, though he does not know the condition and bearings of the ship at present before him, there is ample oppor tunities for speculating on what they might be. He does not know the rocks ahead, but it is easy to imagine any number of them. The Government are confessedly steering for a Conference, but Conferences are dangerous things in general, and the present pilot, the Foreign Minister, having already been rather unfortunate in passing through one of them, may, except that he has probably learnt experience, be unfortunate again. The con sent of the French Government may be with condi tions or without conditions, it is impossible to say which, but it is possible to speculate on the conse quences of either or both. If a come of action has been proposed, it may be one thing or it may be another, and objections may be found to e YerYthing, and Mr. Disraeli is prepared to object to ever] thing that he can imagine. But if a c ourse o f action 1 i not been proposed " What will happen then ?" Mr. Disraeli is seriously of opinign that " the Spring will at last arrive," and there is no saying what may happen in the Spring. The Emperor of the French may be master of the situation, there may be a Confederation of the Rhine, a rectification of the Rhine frontier, and " What will happen then ?" " There will be a great noise in this house, and probably in other Houses of Parliament." No doubt of it, and there will be " screaming" speeches and " terrible invectives, like those that have not yet succeeded in expelling" Lord Palmerston from the Treasury - Bench or Lord Russell from the Foreign Office. There will be a great demand for " diploma tic rubbish," and Mr. Disraeli will do his best to light a fire with such waste papers ; and, if he fail, he will denounce the laborious preparation with which Lord Russell has rendered them incumbusti hie and will boast that if he had had the making of them he would have converted the rags and shreds of torn treatiesinto papers combustibleenough to set not only the House of Commons but all Europe in a blaze. After all this superfluous expenditure of breath Lord Palmerston bad only to get up and ask what it was all about. What did Mr. Disraeli really want? As to papers, he complained loudly a short time back about not having them, and now he had got some of them he came down to say he could make nothing of them, and did not believe he should be able to make any more of what were to come. Those he had did not tell him what he wanted, and he was " not too sanguine" that those promised would. We cannot pretend to regret that he is dis sstisfied. What would most delight the Opposition would be to find that the Government have com mitted the honour of (he country to the support of Christian IX. in Holstein and Schleswig, to the forcible expulsion of Austria and Prussia from Jut land, or to any other course of action which might involve us in a European war, and would certainly involve the Government in a general want of confi dence. Instead of that the papers already prod aced only show that Lord Russell bas been doing his best from first to last " to conciliate differences, to bring together parties who are holding opposite and apparently incompatible opinions, to endeavour to modify exasperations, and to obtain a peaceable settlement of that which threatened to be the cause of a European war." So long as he and his col• leagues confine themselves to doing this they will receive the support of the country, and will afford no ground for an attack by Mr. Disraeli and his friends. In short, if Mr. Disraeli wishes to find fault effectually, it must be with something definite. It is open to him to attack either the past policy of the Government or its present course. If, as the past conduct of this Danish affair is detailed by the gradual publication of the papers, he is unable to fix upon any mismanagement or to :find any sufficient ground of censure, he would do much more wisely to say nothing. The present conduct of such delicate negotiations ought, on the other hand, unless there is grave reason for sus pecting it, to be left almost entirely in the hands of the Government, and the country is as yet con tent that it should be so. But it is alike useless and mischievous to waste the time of the House of Com mons in speculating on what might have been, or may be at pre sen t, or may i n f uture b e, the policy of the Government, and in conjuring up imaginary charges on this speculative foundation. POST.—It cannot be denied that the Opposition are fairly entitled to demand from the Government some information respecting the basis of the proposed con ference on Danish affairs. Whether the policy hitherto pursued by Great Britain in her relations with Denmark and the German Powers has been sound or otherwise, there can be no question that the present juncture is extremely critical, and that the general peace of Europe is seriously endangered. It may be, and it doubtless will be found to be so, that the course pursued by the British Government was eminently conducive to more satisfactory re sults, but that countervailing circumstances pre vented its being crowned with success. Bat still, in the present position of affairs, no one can be blamed for regarding with some little anxiety, if not suspicion, the further prosecution of diplomatic ne gotiations which up to the present have, to say the least, been so uniformly unsuccessful. The Dana- German dispute may now be said to have passed through every possible stage, except the last one which, by the conclusion of a formal treaty, marks the termination of a quarrel. We have had what may be termed the diplomatic stage in which nego tiations and proposals, and suggestions and d eman d s, are freely interchanged between the principal parties to the dispute, and such others as deem it to be their duty or their interest to tender their advice or in terpose their authority. Then we have had the belligerent stage, in which, negotiations having failed, the disputants attempt to solve all difficulties by the employment of the final argument of kinge. We have still, however, to wait for the last stage in which diplomacy again intervenes and separates the wearied combatants. At this point we have not yet arrived, and it is whilst war is still progressing with unremitting rancour on both sides that another attempt is being made to solve at the council table difficulties which are simultaneously left to the issue of the sword. y 4 hilst, however, it is extremely un • certain whether the schem e even in its inception will receive the assent of those for whose special benefit it has been devised, and whilst, if assented to, its pos sible results are extremely problematical, it cer. :.ar tainly cannot be considered out of place to ask its originators with what particular object it has bee= planned, and on what basis it is proposed to carry it into operation. Such was in effect the informa tion demanded of the Government by the leader of the Opposition last evening ; and although the reply of the Premier could scarcely be considersal as entirely satisfactory, Mr. Disraeli secured his main object of slightly ventilating the foreign policy of the Government. Generally speaking, it may be assumed that, if the proposed Conference takes place, the basis of negotiations will be fur nished by the Treaty of London, and by the recog nition of the political necessity of maintaining the integrity and independence of the kingdom of Den mark, So much was taken for granted by Mr. Disraeli ; and would, as a matter of course, be con firmed by her Majesty's Government. But it happens, singigarly enough, that ro European States have been louder in their protestations of adherence to the London Treaty than Austria and Prussia, and none have more unequivocally ad mitted the principle of the inttagWy and independ ence of the Danish monarchy. But, notwithstand inge this reciprocity of sentiment I I twen Great Britain and the principal German Powe,3, how comes it that the latter have invaded and necl...med a considerable portion of the Danish territories/ whilst the former has been exhausting the resources of diplomacy to prevent the accomplishment of these acts of aggression ? It must be manifest, therefore, that the Cabinet of St. James's and those of Berlin and Vienna must employ the same terms with a different signification, and consequently that the announcement that the Conference will be held by the representatives of Powers prepared to recognise the integrity and independence of Denmark in truth conveys no intelligible meaning. It was not sur prising, then, that Mr. Disraeli should be curious to know the exact interpretation which is to be put upon these apparently plain term at the p ro• jetted Confere nce ; an d i t was st ill l ess oirprising that the Premier was unable to afford him the desired information. The Austrian and Prue‘lian Governments, through profuse in admissions of th,c , validity of the Treaty of London, have always coupled them with a singular qualification. They have always acknowledged that treaty "in prin ciple," and in the same spirit have recognised the integrity of the Danish monarchy. But until we obtain a key to the interpretation of this clause, it is idle to say that Great Britain and the German Powers will be of one accord in their treatment of the Dano-German question. Perhaps, however, it may be thought premature to canvass the subject matter of discussion of a Conference which is still in embryo, and the Government may consider it no slight diplomatic triumph to have brought the dis putants on speaking terms, though they have not yet determined what they shall talk about. In re ferring to the foreign policy of the Government, Mr. Disraeli could not avoid the temptation of refer ring to some of the fiasclsi which have marked that diplomatic career of the Secretary for Foreign Affairs. It is undeniable that the history of the past would augur unfavourably for the future, although it by no means follows that failure may not be the parent of success, and that indiscretion may not give place to prudence and caution. It cannot with fairness be said that the Leader of the Oppo sition merited the Premier's reproach of abusing an absent man, because Earl Russell is a member of the Upper House, since it is obvious that a Minister of State does not possess, and ought not to possess, an immunity from criticism in the House of Commons from the accidental circumstance of being a peer. The chief answer, however, which it is in the power of the Government to give to all criticisms on their foreign policy is furnished by the fact that this country is at peace with all the world. England has endeavoured to arrange the differences of other States; and if, in this respect, she has failed, she has at all events contributed to avoid entanglement in quarrels with which she had no immediate concern. If peace was the final ob ject of foreign policy, there can be no doubt that her Majesty's Government would be entitled to un qualified praise. But even peace, it may be urged, can be purchased too dearly. Whether we have paid an extravagant price for the proud privilege of asserting that we are at peace with the entire world is a question which many perhaps may con sider open to discussion. The time, however, can not be far distant when her Majesty's Government will be prepared t o ex p ose f u lly, and, if ne e d b e, to Justify the policy which they have pursued in the conduct of our foreign relations. COUNTRY MARKETS. -------•'---- COLCHESTER-FEB. 27. -.- We had a small show of wheat on offer at this market to-day, and former prices were realised. Fine barlby is nearly exhausted, and late rates supported; coarse inferior sorts in large supply, and 2s per qr lower. Beans and peas saleable at our quotations. Wheat, white 44s 50s Beans,Mazagan..2Bs 32s red 40s 44s middle & small.32s 36s Barley ... r. . . 32s 41s Peas, white 35s 38s Oats . 20s 25s grey 34s 36s GLOUCESTER—FER. 27. There was a full supply of English wheat to-day from the farmers which met a qui e t sa l e at about former prices. Foreign wheat in retail, with no advance on the rates of last week. Barley, oats, and beans continue dull. NORTHAMPTON —FIB. 27. The show of wheat was an average one, but there was not much life in the trade, and the rates of last week were not made in all instances. Barley in slow demand, at late prices. —White wheat, new, 40s to 445; red, 37s to 418; old. 37s to 45s per qr. Barley, new malting, 325. to 36s— grinding, 25s to 30s per qr. Oats, 18s to 32s per 24 stone. Beans, 30s to 41s. Peas, 30s to 37s per qr. CHELMSFORD—FEB. 26. At this corn exchange to-day there was a fair show of wheat, which met a dull sale, and the little business that was transacted in wheat was a shade in favour of buyers, Spring corn also dull. Wheat, old white 308 47s new 44s 50s old red 34s 40s new 38s 42s Barley 25s 34s Chevalier 26s 37s Grinding 20s 29s Ma1t..... 61s 67s Chevalier . 64s 69s Oats 20s 28s Peas, Partridge 36s 38s White 30s 36s Boiling 3Bs 41s Dun 338 365 Ditto new —s —s Beans, Tick, old 348 395 new -5 —s Harrow Ticks 3ss 40s new —s —5 Mazagan ..... 305 38s KIRKCALDY GRAIN—FEB. 27. We had large supplies of all kinds of grain, with a Slow trade, at barely late quotations. Wheat. Barley. Oats. First....33s Od I 265,0 d I 16s 6d Second ..34s Od 27s 6d 17s Od Third....36s Od 29s Od 18s Od COAL Prices of Coal per Ton at MARKET the close of . the market. s. d. Bower's West Hartley.l4 9 Byass's Bebside West Hartley ....14 9 Lambert's West Hart ley 14 6 Davison's West Hart ley 14 9 Wylam 16 9 Cowpen Hartley 14 9 West Hartley ..14 9 Eden Main 17 0 Hastings Hartley l4 9 Walls End. 8. d. Hetton 19 0 Caradoc lB 0 Ships at market, Walls End. Haswell l9 0 East Hartlepool 18 9 South Hartlepool, 17 6 Trimdon Hartlepool 18 9 K elloe South Kelloe .. 17 9 lieugh Hall 17 9 Tunstall Riddell..... 16 0 Wharncliffe l6 0 Cassop Hartlepool . 18 6 Braddyll's Hetton 17 6 KeiperGrange 17 6 ~ 111; sold. 72. (ADVERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's Ointment and Pills.-- The Joys of Home.—How often does it happen that happi ness is driven from our hearths by illness 2—sickness and sorrow are constant companions ; though in most cases their tenure is short when Holloway's remedies are used to disposseses them. These medicaments can be confidently and heartily recommended to all invalids as the most easy, safe, and certaia means of preserving all that is good, and casting out all that is corrupt, externally and internally. They are universally applicable by both sexes in every dis ease. Holloway's medicaments ao not deteriorate by being kept, nor are their properties changed by climate; they can be purchased everywhere, and the price at which they are sold is moderate. Births. CusT.—On the 27th ult., at Knockyn, Shropshire, the wife of Leopold Cust, Esq., of a son. FIENNEs.—On the 29th ult., at 40, Queen's-gate-terrace, the Lady Augusta Fiennes, of a son. MARSHALL.—At 31, Eccleston-square, the wife of Lieut.- Colonel Frederic Marshall, of a son. NEWBERY.—On the 29th ult., at Cheshunt, Herta, the wife of George James Newbery, Esq , of a daughter- Marriages. FRANKLAND—ADAMS.—On the 25th ult., at St. Luke's, Cheltenham, Wm. Adolphus Frankland, Esq., Captain R.E., eldest son of Sir F. W. Frankland, Bart., to Lucy Ducorel, the eldest daughter of Francis Adams, Esq., of Clifton, and Cotswold Grange, Gloucestershire. POCHIN — PARKS.--O n the 25th ult., at Walcot, Bath, Charles Norman Pochin, Esq., to Anna, only daughter of the late Major Parke. Deaths. BLARE.—On the 28th ult., at Islington, Benjamin Blake, aged 68. BinpuLPH.—On the 28th ult., at 31, Eaton-place, Robert Biddulph, Esq., of Ledbury, Herefordshire. BUTLER. —On the 28th ult., at Woolwich, John Butler, Esq , surgeon, aged 65. CAnn.,—On. the 28th ult., at Old Charlton, Captain Jas. S. Carr, Bombay Staff Corps, aged 32. FALCONER. —On the 26th ult., at Brighton, J. Falconer, Esq., of Clapham-common, aged 67. HAIVES.--On the 27th ult., at Hackney, William Hawes, Esq., aged 90. WILBRAHAM —On the 28th ult., at Delamere House, Cheshire, Lady Anne Wi►braham. WEIGHT. --On the 29th ult., at Harlesden, Willesden, Miss Frances Wright, aged 65. London : Prltaed and Prlilished by WILLIAM ANDRE7CS, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TILE SUN Office No. 112, Strand, ,n the Precinct of the Savoy, in the CounlY of Mildlesex . —Tuesday, Mara 1, 1861.