The Sun. — London, England, 1833-05-15 00:00:00

uhject as he (Earl F.) did, and who had most emphati cally laid down that the fears of the nation with reference t r the supply of corn from foreign powers, however hostile, were utterly fallacious. He could not give a greater il lustration of the fallacy of these fears than the fact, that in the year 1810, a time when our liostiLty with France was at its highest pitch, there had been a very large im portation of corn from that country into this—to no less than an extent than 1,000,500 quarters. This would show at once how visionary were all fears about the independence of the country in this respect. As to an internal independent supply of corn, it was a thing and it was p rec i se l y our pros utterly out of the question ; prrity that was the cause why it was impossible. If the facts. were as he had stated, they were quite damnatory of tl e Bill. It was utterly impossible for this country—a coun try studied with chive, and absorbed in mercantile arra manufacturing pursuits --to compete with Holland or Bel gium in the trade of corn. Ie was impossible to buy cheaper than at Dantzic or Bremen—nor was it desirable. He did not wish to have our corn priced at the scale ob served in countries which were producers of corn. All he wanted was, that we should observe the same scale as those countries which, like ourselves, are only consumers. By the enactment of a system of corn laws, they rues' either wish to regulate or to raise the price of corn. Ir. Lad already appeared that they did not wish to regulate the price, but that they wished to raise it. He would ask , it it were wise thus to raise the price ? Was it possible to believe that it would be to the advantage of the country genera! to raise it ? Tee argument in its favour was. that it was necessary to keep up the price to its presets , level, in ender to beep in cultivation some land which would not pay the expense if the present corn laws were abolished. He admitted that there might be some few spots of land which would not pay the expense of cultiva tion if those laws were abolished ; but lie could nor admit that they ought to tax the whole of the people of England, in order to keep in cultivation a few sterile furlongs.—(Hear, hear.) He had no doubt that many spots bad been brought into cultivation, during the late war, in consequence of the high prices—(Hear)— hut he thought that no man in his senses would wish to keep up the war price of corn, in order that those spots might continue to he cultivated. If he had continued a M em b er of the other Huse, he would have adopted a different course in bringing the corn laws under their con side, ation ; and he would have looked forward with some thing bordering upon hope to the adoption of a change in the system ; but considering that in this House the subject hod not Veen discussed for years, he would adopt the course which he considered would be most conducive to the interests of the country and the convenience of their Lordships, and mere!) , move that their Lordship should enter into the consideration of the resolutions which he had had the honour of introducing on a former evening. He was desirous of breaking ground, and bringing those aws under discussion, for the purpose of having them finally set at rest. He did not mean by setting them at rest that they should he settled in such a manner as to benefit any particular class of the community exclusively—he meant that they should be settled so as to benefit all classes. And sure he was that no class was more interested in the final settlement (and no settlement could be final but one based on the principles of flee trade) than the occupiers of lend. As long as the Statute-book contained a law which held out to the owners and tenants an idea that prices should be maintained at a greater height than was natural, or than could be maintained at all times (as in the instance of an exuberant harvest), so lung would tl.e oc cupiers of land be in difficulties. Such an unnatural state of things deranged all the relations between landlord and tenant. The landlord would always look to a price for his land, according to the Corn Bill. He looked, under the corn laws as they formerly stood, for 80s.—and under the present laws 645. was taken as the standard by which he valued the price of his lands. But these prices the tenant did not realise, and he consrepiently became dis tressed. Whether he looked therefore to the interest of the agriculturist (that was the cultivator), or of the manufacturing population, or to the ultimate interest of the proprietor of land (he said ultimate interest, because he admitted that there might be a temporary advantage to the proprietor in a continuance of the present system), he would say that that House could not confer a greater benefit upon the country, or perform a duty which would be re ceived with greater gratitude out of doors, than by going into consideration of the laws which regulated the duties upon corn. The Noble Earl concluded by begging pardon for having detained their Lordships so long, and hoped that the magnitude of the question would be his excuse. The Earl of RIPON said, that having brought forward the Bill in the other House, which had been so severely condemned by the Noble Earl, and most inaccurately de scribed by him, and having been a party to the Bill brought forward by the Noble Duke opposite, in 1828, he felt a great anxiety to state to their Lordships the opinion which he had formed on the resolutions proposed 011 a former evening by the Noble Earl. He (the Earl a Ripon) admitted that the Noble Earl bad not over-stated the importance of the subject; and he (Lord Ripon) thought it of so much importance that it should be set at rest, that he considered it the duty of the Government to state, directly and unequivocally, the views which they entertained upon the subject. Before proceeding to tde consideration of the resolutions—resolutions which he thought it impossible that their Lordships could pass—he wished to advert to an expression made use of by the Noble Earl. That Noble Earl had said, that he was addressing an assembly which did not adequately feel the interests of the working people of this country. Earl FITZWILLIAM said, that be had not said so. He had merely said, that that House did not fully appre ciate the importance of the subject to the manufacturing classes. The Earl of RIPON thought the sentiment was iden tically the same; and lie (the Earl of R ) would say, that if their Lordships did not fully appreciate the importance of the subject to the manufacturing classes, they were not tit to appreciate the proper force of the conflicting inte rests which involved in the subject. The Noble Lord had said, that they greatly deceived themselves, if they thought that the question of corn laws was settled. He (tire Earl of R.) would ask if any question was settled so tar, that no change could be made in it ? All that a seteteeman could do was, to lay down a set of principle., and to legislate according to those principles. Every statesman knew that a measure could not he considered as settled in the view stated by the Noble Earl. With regard to the resolutiens proposed by the Noble Earl, he would beg leave to ask what plan the Noble Earl meant to sub stirute for the system which he wished to abolish ? As far as the resolutions went, or as far as he (Lord R.) could gather from the Noele Earl's speech, he had to plan; at least he had suggested none. He told them, in deed, that the question could net be settled, except upon basis of free trade. But that was all. Now, he (Lord R.) had often considered what free trade was, and Lad spoken to many others nn the subject, and he never could get an answer to the questii n. If the Noble Lord meant that there was to be no duty, he could understand Lim ; but be bad admitted, at the same time, that there might be duty, and argued in favour of a fixed duty. Now, he (ties Earl of Ripon) would say, that if the pr o p osa l o f the .)iphle Lod were acceded to, the public opinion would yeiy , soon eyerturn it. The Noble Earl said that this was a proper time to take the subject into consideration, he es use was no clamour about it, and the subject porelsi be taken calmly into consideration. He (Lord H.) ediniteed the strength of that argument, if the Noble Earl had made trot the necessity of any change ; but he denied that a case of such necessity bad be en ma d e our, He Would go further; Ile would say that in his premiees the ealebl e Earl was wrong, for the present was a most dan prong period to introduce such a subject. He thought this, first, on account of the present situation of England; secondly, on account of the present situation of Ireland-- (Hear, hear)—which the Noble Earl did not appear to have taken into consideration at all; and thirdly, on account of several possessions of this country abroad, which were deeply interested in the subject of the corn laws. —( Hear.) With regard to this country', he thought the disenssion at present improper, on account of the effect whietri it would have upon the situation of the agrieuf 'oar 1 population. It would make a complete change in the system of the poor laws, and they had seen from the report of the poor law commissioners how im penitent a subject that was, He could not allude to that a'eport without stating that he considered it one calculated o create the most uneasy and anxious feelings in the hearts of those who considered it, and one which called tor the serious consideration of all who heard him.--(Hear.) Then, with regard to Ireland, the Noble Earl had n even adverted to that county. He had not adverted to the great quantity of corn derived from Ireland, or to the eVect which the change proposed by him might have en the state of that country. New he (Lord R.) did nut k no w that the abolition of the corn laws would have the effect of extinguishing the cultivatio n of wheat in Ireland, but it might have that effect; and he would ask if they ought even to risk such a result in the present situation of that country?—(Hear, hear.) Then, with regard to the interests of the colonies, were they not encouragin g the poor of this country to emigrate to those countri es ; and oven extending pecuniary aid to them to enable them to go to those colonies ? And he would ask what prove the people to desert their country and their friends to go to a distant and unknown land? Was there anything but the chance which they had of enjoying comforts there which they had failed to obtain at home ? And en what, he hqged to know, had they to depend for those additions comforts? On nothing but that very wheat which the Noble Earl wished practically to exclude, by permitting the introduction of the wheat of all other countries. He thought that the plan of the Noble Earl, if adopted, would be the most deadly blow aimed at those colonies. There was another objection to the resolutions proposed by the Neble Earl which he wished to allude to—namely, that the corn laws had been changed three times already within the list eighteen years ; that, however, he (Lord R.) would not consider a sufficient reason for not changing them a fourth time ; but he thought that it imposed a greater necessity on the Noble Earl to make out a neces sity for any additional alteration.—(Hear, hear.) He would now call the attention of their Lordships to the re solutions themselves. The first resolution contained a statement of the prices of corn at certain periods, and was intended by the Nittrle Earl to show the great variation of the prices of corn and the consequent inefficiency of the present laws ; but the Noble E ill had made his calcula tions from the result of single weeks instead of taking the average of six weeks, which was the system on which the duties were regulated under those laws; and had he cal culated the result of every six weeks, he would have found that the fluctuations would be much less than were stated by him. Of all the fallacious calculations that ....mid be braught foot aol, was that of teking the ports of Havre ant Marseilles for data to prove the small fluttua tions in the price of corn in France. Indeed it would be impossible that any thing like an equalization of prices in corn could be established in that country, because the difficulties of transport, and many other local and incidental difficulties, should be taken into consideration, and they could never be calculated fairly. Though the fluctuation of prices, taking Havre and Marseilles as data, might be comparatively slight, the fluctuations in the price of corn in the inland towns of France were so great, that the Noble Lord could never rely on those be drew from the prices in the above-men tioned seaport towns ; consequently, that part of the Noble Lord's resolution was to he but very lightly dealt with. In the spring of 1532, the prices of corn in the ports of Havre and Marseilles were by no means immoderate, and fluctua tion was very little in those ports. But what was the case in the other parts of France? He would show that the fluctuation was great in the towns of the interior. For stating that it was, his authority was L' Echo de la Holle des Bles. In that pualication he found, that whilst in the prices of corn in this country, there was but little fluctuation, there was very considerable fluctuation in its price at Paris, Chalon cur-Marne, Strasburg, and other French towns. That fluctuation ranged from 595. Id. to 635. 2d., whilst in England it was little or nothing. Now there was a corn law in France, and it might be very pro perly argued that it was a had one, since it was not able to remedy evils which did really exist. But the same could not be said of the English corn laws, because it could not be expected to apply a remedy to evils which did not exist. With respect to the next resolution, which proposed a graduated scale to regulate the prices of corn, he thought that such a plan could never be adopted with anything like accuracy. He would now proceed to show, from the Gazette, and from documents that were in the hands of everybody, how the prices of corn varied within the last twenty years. He would give the highest and lowest prices taken every three years of that period. In 1313, 1814, 1815, the highest price was 120 s. Bd., and the lowest 545. Bd., showing a fluctuation of 119 per cent.—a very formidable fluctuation he confessed. In 1816, 1817, 1818, the highest price was 112 s. 3d., and the lowest was 535. 4 , 1., showing a fluctuation of 111 per cent. In 1819, 1820, 1821, the highest price was 78e. 11d., and the lowest was 48s. ld. The fluctuation of the intervening years, up to 1827, was 76 per cent. The fluctuation from that period, leaving out 1828, to the year 1829, was 4.0,- per cent. In 1829, 1830, 1831, the highest price was 755. 11d., and the lowest 555. 411., showing a fluctuation of 38 per cent.; and this last fluctua tion, it would be seen, was the lowest of the whole. Fur 1833, the per centage fluctuation was still less. Even though he should go so far back as the commencement of tile eighteenth century, the result of his calculations would be the same ; and in that long interval it would be found that there were only two quinquennial periods in which the fluctuation would be found to be less than within the last five years. After these calculations he thought that the law was tried by experience, and that, though it was not to be considered the best in the world, still it was not liable to the charges brought against it by his Noble Friend. It N 39 not necessary for him to argue on the 9th, 10th, 1 1 th, and 12th resolutions, because their sub stance was summed up in the 13th resolution. In it was asserted, that the effects of the corn laws were to discou rage the export of BritiSh commodities. He contested the assertion of the Noble Lord, and would meet it with the following calculation. He would take .the expors from this country to Russia, Denmark, the Netherlands, and the North American colonies, and would show, that though our ports were not thrown open, and we did not take in their corn, still our exports to those countries were increasing, and there was a sufficient quantity of corn for home consumpsion. He would begin with 1828. In that year, the value of our manufactured articles exported amounted to 21,235,000/. ; in the year 1830 they amounted to 24.293,000/. ; and in the year 1831 they amounted to 27,896,0001. That was rather a curious falling off in our exports when there was actually an increase in three years of upwards of 6,000,0001. ! Now added to that increase, there will be found also an increase in the exports of raw materials, such as sugar, cuffee, &c. &c. In the first of those years just mentioned, the value of those latter exports was about 27,000,0001. ; in the second period it was upwards of 29,000,0001. ; and in the last it was 39,343,0001. Now, when he looked at those calculations, lie was at a loss to perceive how these frequent and sudden fluctuations in the price of corn, so much dwelt upon, could increase the cost of cultivating the soil, and of producing the manufactures of the United Kingdom. A great deal had been said upon the priees of wages. He was perfeetly convinced that the effect of the price or corn on wages was very much exagge rated, and that the fall in wages was to be attributed to many other causes besides. Another argument had been adduced —that labourers prospered in proportion to the profits on agriculture. Now, if that was the case, the labouring classes in Ireland would be pre-eminently happy, since agricul tural profits were high in that country. Yet, on the contrary, the labouring classes there were in a very bad condition, and wages very low ; whereas, if the Noble Lord's argument was good for any thing, they would be in a very prosperous state. Another argument the Noble Lord had made use of was a refe rence to the poor rates, showing their increase in years of high and fluctuating prices in corn. He took the poor rates in Sussex during 1816, 1817, and ISIS. Very well ; it the price of corn had any effect upon them. its effect must be tremendous during those yews when corn was excessively high. In those years there must Lave been, according to his Noble Friend's arguments, an aggravated amount of poor rates. Now be would look to the amount of rates in those years of high prices, and compare it with the rates of the present year, when corn was far from hieing at so high a price. Of course he took the poor rates of Sussex fur those years, In 1816 they amounted to 235,000/. ; in 1817 to 280,000/. ; arid in ISIS to 267,000/. In 1832, of course it would be expected to find the poor rates less in Sussex; whereas, the fact was quite the reverse. The price of corn in 1832 was two-thirds less than in 1818, and yet the poor rates in Sussex for 1832, amounted to 284,000/., consequently to more than they were in any of the three years of high prices. When the Noble Lord alluded to the state of the poor, he quoted several authorities. He did him the honour of mentioning hint (Lord Ripon), and also Lord Fitzgerald, and the President of the Board of Control ; but he Mrgot to mention another authority—that was the Noble Earl himself. The Noble Earl wrote a very clever pamphlet which did not at all support the theory he wished to esta blish at present, that toe operation of the corn laws was oppressive to the labourer. In that pamphlet it was stated that in 1797, the price of wages was 75. per week, and the price of two-thirds of a bushel of wheat 3s. 4d., thus leaving the labourer only 2s. Sil. to pay fir rent, clothing, &c. Now, when such was the case then, if the effect of the corn laws was such as his Noble Friend con. tended it was, the labourer would not be left anything of the difference between the price of the wheat he wanted and his weekly wages. However, in 182 S, labourers' wages were Ils. psi- week, and the price of two-thirds of the bushel of wheat was 55., thus leaving a difference of 6.. Now he would contend that much more of the necessaries of life, of leather, soap, tiring, and candles, might be bought at the present time with 6s. than in 1797 with 2s. Sd. If so, what was the strength of his Noble Friend's argument on that point? It had not estabished the assertion that the present law was ruining the la bourer. He knew that by coinciding in his view they might be denounced as selfish, and that a popular clamour might be raised against them ; but be considered it to be the duty of the Government not to yield to anything like popular clamour on this subject. For public opinion he had the highest respect, and to enlightened public opinion he would always bow.—(Hear, bear.) Ile concluded by moving the previous question. The Earl of WINCHILSEA opposed the resolutions of the Noble Earl (Fitzwillians), and deprecated all sudden and vtolentchanteyrnlaw s , ou the faith of which men bad been led to invest their capital in trade, whether of a corn therm!, manufacturing, or agricultural nature.—(Hear.) The Earl of WICK LOW, with regard to the last reso lution of the Nobl e Earl, would rest on his own arguments to prove its futility. Those who agreed in favour of these propositions certainly admitted that the consequence would he to throw land out of cultivation, and the cultivators of land out of employment; but they contended that other channels would be opened to the persons so throw❑ out ; What those channels were they did not think proper to state, and they also seemed to forget the existing channels of employment were already overflowing. For his own part, be thought the ideal perfection which some persons proposed to themselves—that of supplying all other nations with manufactures at a cheap rate and being supplied with cheap corn, wines, &c., in return—would only have the effect of destroying our independence of surrounding na tions and making us dependent upon their caprice or ima gined interests for our supplies. What, too, would be the effect of the introduction of such a system in regard to Ireland ? Ireland might be considered in regard to Eng land as Sicily was to Rome—tie granary of the empire. The only means which Ireland possessed of paying for our manufactures was by the produce of her soil. If tbes, resolutions were passed, she would be unable to sell as cheap as the foreig❑ growers; site would be unable conse quently, to purchase on: manufactures, the country would be driven back into its original state of barbarism, and our manufacturers would be deprived of a numerous class of customers. He concluded by declaring his opposition to ti.e resolut i on=. Earl FITZWILLIAM hri,fly replied. The LORD CHANCELLOR then put the question, when the several resolutions were successively negatived without a division. The House adjourned at a quarter to ten till ten o'clock this day. HOUSE OF COMMONS, 314 y 14., In consequence of the House having to ballot fir Election Committees upon petitions for Galway, Carlow, and Li merick, the gallery was not opened till afttr five o'clock, before which hour every avenue was crowded with persons anxious to witness the debate on the colonial slavery question. We noticed several members of the society of friends, who struggled most lustily to obtain " a good place," and one of the natives of Africa, to whose race the subject may truly be said to bo all-important. On our entrance to the gallery, we found, as we un derstood, the Members of the Galway Committee taking the oaths. The following were then sworn in for the Carlow Com mittee :—Mr. Joseph Hume, Mr. Mark Phillips, Mr. B. Hall, Mr. Biyntun, Mr. J. B. Rooper, Hon. George Elliott, Mr. Jervis, Mr. James Brougham, Sir Robert Heron, Mr. H. C. Lambert, and Sir Wm. Molesworth. At thi, time there was so touch confusion in the House, that it was impossible to understand what was going on, when strangers were ordered to withdraw. On our re-admission we were informed that there bad been a division on the Black D,g (Bath and Warminster) Road Bill, and that the numbers were— For the third reading of the Bill I2S? Against the Bill . 40 Majority . —69 On re-entering the Gallery, the SPEAKER was putting the question upon the passing of the Bill, which was agreed to. A great deal of confusion took place from the re-entrance of strangers, which prevented the business that was going on from being heard for some time. NEGRO EMANCIPATION. At the suggestion of the SPEAKER, supported by Lord AI:THORP, it was agreed that before the com mencement of the debate on this subject, Members who were in possession of petitions for the abolition of slavery should be allowed to present them; with the understand ing that they were to abstain from all observations. Petitions were accordingly presented, by Mr. Benett, from Warminster and two other places; by Sir C. Bur rell, from Steyning; by Mr. J. Broughatn, from Kendal; by Mr. Phillpotts, from Gloucester, and fifteen places in the county; by Mr. A' l ,llllS, front several places in Car narvonshire ; by Mr. Beauclerk, from Croydon ; by Mr. Blamire, from Henley; by Sir F. Johnstone, from Wey mouth ; by Mr. Sinclair, from Strowness; by Mr. R. Wason, from Hadhigh and Wigan; by Mr. Peters, from York, and six places in Yorkshire; by Mr. Tar rent, from Pomeroy; by Lord Clive, from Bishop's Castle, and other places ; by Sir J. Astley, from twenty one places in Wilts; by Mr. Tynte, from Martlock, Chard, Yeovil, Bishop's-Lydiard, Hatch, Beauchamp, Taunton, Houth, Currey, Alorksilver, and Currey-Rivell; by Mr. Whitney, from Brighton ; by Mr. Townley, from Royston and other places; by Captain Dundas, from four hundred ladies at Greenwich—(A laugh)—by Lord J. Russell, from the Protestant Dissenters about the city of London; by Mr. Hume, from Harrow ; by Lord Gros venor, from twenty-nine places in Cheshire ; by Sir G. Staunton, from Gosport and fourteen other places ; by Colonel Wood, from Pill ; by Mr. Buckingham, from Sheffield and other places ; by Mr. Owen, from places in the county of Pembroke ; by Mr. Haliburton, from Kil inure ; by Mr. Guest, from Merthyr-Tidvil; by Mr. Plumtre, front forty-six places in Kent; by Mr. Roebuck, from Bath; by Mr. Hanley, frcm three parishes in Lin colnshire; by Mr. Labouchere, from Taunton; by Ad miral Fleming, from Stirling and Clackmannan ; by Mr. Shaw Lefevre, from several places in the county of North. ampton ; by Mr. Bolton Clive, from fourteen hundred females of Hereford—(A laugh)—by Colonel Perceval, from Wexford and other places ; by Mr. Hill, front Hull; by Lord Morpeth, from the females of Oldham--(A laugh) —and Dencaster; by:Mr.Hawes, from Lambeth ; by M e . O'Connell, from the Catholic congregation of St. Peter's, Birmingham ; by Mr. Wedgwood, from places in Staf fordshire; by Mr. Leicester, from Wareham ; by Mr. Denison, from Epsom ; by Mr. Scott, from Southampton; by Mr. Shaw, from 5,000 ladies of laugh)_ by Colonel Evans, from Westminster; by the Solieitor- General, from Brackley and Hales-oven; by Dr. Lush ingion (upwards of 100), from the Tower Hamlets and oth e r places; by Mr. Fowell Buxton (upwards of SOO), from various parts of the kingdom, &c. &c. PETITION FROM THE FEMALES OF GREAT BRITAIN. Mr. FOWELL BUXTON said he had a petition to present from 187,000 of the females of Great Britain, against elevely. Ten days back no such thing was thought of, and it had miginaten, he believed, from the plan of Ministers getting abroad, and exciting general dissatisfaction. The petitioners had all subscribed their names without any solicitation whatever. The only dif ficulty he had was how to get the petition `here—he really could not tell in what way to introduce it to the House.—(Cheers, and loud laughter.) Several Hon. &leathers here rose and volunteered their services, an d, amidst loud peals of laughter, a roost tremendous petition was borne into the House, and, with several others pre viously presented, laid upon the table. The SPEAKER then put the question, " That they do lie upon the table," which, amidst loud cheering and hearty laughter, was unanimously agreed to. Fifteen petitions on the same subject were presented by Mr. Secretary STANLEY, who moved that the order of the day be then read. MINISTERIAL PROPOSITION FOR THE EMAN- C!PATION OF SLAVES. The order of the day having been read for the House going into Committee, Mr. Secretary STANLEY rose, and spoke nearly as follows :—Sir, I am confident when I state to the House that it ever a Minister of the Crown, in bringing forward any measure on behalf of the Government to which be belonged —more especially affecting a question of such vital import as this —one which touches so directly and immediately the interests of many, and I may say, com mands the attention of all—l s,y, Sir, if ever a Member of this House, or Minister of the Crown, had a fair claim on the kindness and indulgence of those about him—that claim I can now honestly make, assured that what I ask will not be refused—(Hear, hear)—and the more confident I am in advancing it, from the circumstance, which is wed known to all, of the very short period which has chapel since I have been called upon to act as the organ of Government in these matters, and from my having during that brief and limited period to discharge the duties of an office, one of the many of which is connected with a ques tion of unparalleled importance involving a greater amount of property—affecti ng the happiness and the well being of a larger portion of individuals than ever was be fore brought lot ward, and which to mature and bring successfully to a conclusion, is now rendered peculiarly difficult by the time, and also from the circum ' stances under which it is in troduced. —(Hear.) Sit, I feel anxiously on the responsibility which devolves upon me. I feel not only th at our maritime commerce is here concerned—that 250,000 tons of British shipping are here affected—not only that a revenue of five millions is to be dealt with and legislated for; but I feel that if possible higher interests are involved _that the interests, the comforts, the plo,perity, perhaps I might say the very existence of a large population in the West India colonies depended upon us for support, hang upon the decision on those resolutions which it will be nay duty to submit to the House. Nay, Sir, I cannot narrow the question even to this-1 cannot deny to myself that the happiness of the descendant s of those for whom I now propose to legislate—that generations yet unborn are to be affected fur good or for evil by the course this House may think proper to adopt.—(Hear, hear.) Nor can I conceal from myself, or from this House, the immense influence on the population of foreign countries which must arise from the result of the mighty experiment which we now propose to make.—.(Hear, Lear.) Besides all these things, there is enot:gh to wake any Inan.—tbe etronsest, the boldest, and the hest shrink in some degree under the weight of so great a responsibility ; for the question is now in such a state, that deal with it as you will, you can only have a choice of difficulties.—(Cheers.) Those difficulties, I assert, are all but insurmountable. They leave us hut the choice of doing some good at the least risk of effect ing evil. In this matter there are two conflicting parties to legislate between—one deeply involved by pecuniary interests—involved, moreover, in difficult es of the most pressing character—difficulties which are present, and constantly increasing ; and the other also deeply involved, as far as their feelings and their opinions are concerned, which represents a growing determination of opinion on the part of the people of this country, which no one could truly deny or wisely despise--a determination the more absolute, and the less resistible, from its being founded in sincere religious feelings, and in a solemn conviction that these things were wrong in principle, and therefore could not be good in practice; and that in a voice so potential, that no Minister could venture to disregard. The time is indeed gone by when the question can be for a moment entertained as to the perpetuity or not of this system : the only point we can discuss —the only point we shall discuss, is the safest, speediest, happiest way in which to effect its final and entire abolition.—(Cneers.) And let me say, that they who char icterize this as a mere ebullition of popular feeling—as transient in its character—as fleeting or unsubstantial—th e mere expression of yesterday—are hut deceiving themselves—(Hear, hear)--for it is not of late or of momentary birth, but springs from the deep settled and long-entertained convictions of reflecting men, from that same spirit of lasting enthusiasm, which, fifty years ago, pressed on the Parliament of that day ; and which, in defiance of arguments about its bad effects on our trade and commerce, in defiance of opposition from many quarters, compelled it to abolish for ever that ini quitous and disgraceful trade, by which supplies of human flesh we'reobtained front the shores of Africa.—(Cheers.) If there are, Sir, any here who can doubt that the authors of that politic and humane and just abolition looked upon it as the primary necessary step to the measure which I now propose—that they did not treat it as a question insepara bly connected with this, necessarily preliminary to its fu ture successful issue, I would only beg them to attend to certain extracts from speeches of departed statesmen, which it is my intention, in the course of the discussion, to read to the House. [The Hon. Member here read some extracts from speeches of Mr. Canning, Mr. Burke, Mr. Fox, and Grenville, stating that the two questions must "go hand in hand,' and sad in complete emanci pation—that " when the supply ceased, the first step was taken to destroy the system altogether."] I trouble the House, continued the Right Honourable Secretary, with extracts to prove that this is no new feeling, but that the people of this country have long considered it expedient—have long held it a duty, on the ground of religion and of justice, to advance any measure which might tend to the early abolition of this disgraceful sys tem. This House has also frequently assented to, and confirmed the propriety of, that feeling—frequently ap proved the principle, and only looked to its adoption as a question of time.—(Hear, hear.) Ire 1823 the House sanctioned a part of the plan which it Is now my intention to bring forward, and declared that the adoption of mea sures of amelioration was preliminary to the final emanci pation of the slave. That warning —that admonitory voice—has gone forth, and for years and years been un heeded and disregarded by all the Colonial Legislatures— (Hear, heer)—they have allowed it to be lost upon them —they have done nothing to further and accomplish that great measure, which the mother country eleven years ago declared to be so just and so desired. But the voice of warning has been found to speak in vain—the tongue of honest and affectionate counsel has not been heeded. I will not deny, that if we look to the measures agreed upon by the Colonial Legislatures since the period I have alluded to, some improvements can be found in points affecting the physical condition of the slaves ; but I do assert boldly, and without fear of contra diction even from themselves, that nothing has been done of that nature, extent, or character, which may fairly he characterised as a step to the ultimate object which I now propose to the House to take at once into its own hands.—(Hear, hear.) [The Right Hon. Secretary here read a passage from a speech delivered by Mr. Burke in 1792, stating that it was " arrant trifling to do anything in these matters which did not carry along with it an executory principle."] Now, Sir (he continued), it will he my duty to show—and I will clearly show it—that up to this day every measure resolved upon by the Colonial Legislatures has been utterly destitute of this principle —utterly destitute of anything like an executory provision —utterly destitute of anything which might give to their enactments the remotest possi bility of being calculated to work out the freedom of a single slave.—(Hear, hear.) In 1823, Lord Bathurst forwarded to those islands directly governed by this coun try certain directions, which pointed out several modifica tions; desirable to he adopted as the groundwork for an altered state of society. The main principles were the abolition of Sunday labour and Sunday markets, the sa credness of the marriage contract, the placing restrictions ott the punishment of the slaves, the establishment of savings' banks, and other regulations calculated to prepare the slave for that station and the performance of those duties and obligations which civilized life imposed. In 1824 and 1826, Orders in Council were issued, to which the strongest resistance was openly made. These orders went to acknowledge the right of a slave to pro perty, and the power of effecting his own manumis sion by the payment of a stipulated sum. These several orders were subsequently amended (in the year 1830) by others. Sir, these salutary regulations have lain uncared for and despised by those to whom their ready enforcement shnuld have been consi dered a matter of duty, as it assuredly was of policy; but time has rolled ou, .I , ltl no effort is made by these Colonial Legislatures; but, on the contrary, every effort of the mo ther country has by them been defeated.--(Hear, hear.) Sir, I can quote the language used by Mr. Canning in 1826, to show that all the Government then did was as an encouragement to those local legislations —was as an index of the conduct it was desirable they should pursue, and that though the mother country would not then think of asserting her authority, and vindicating it by the power she could command, she would not hesitate in a moment to do so, if all other means and ail other efforts f , ,led in attaining the object which I now advocate.— (Loud cheers.) But, Sir, he begged for time—he en treated for a little delay ; not that the matter might be lost sight of, but that its final triumph might be more strongly assured. That lamented Statesman wished the Colonial Legislator(a to have the time and the means for consideration—for truly ascertaining in what position they stood, in regard to their own population—(Hear, hear)_ between the Government here and the people there. That Right Hon. Gentleman always asserted that the time must come when, if these local legislatures would not act in accordance with the feelings and expressed wishes of the Government and the inhabitants of the mother country, Parliament niust interfere; but he asked for time that the sincerity of the planters might be put to the test. " There are three possible modes in which Parliament might deal with the people of Jamaica ; first, as I have said, it might crush them by the application of direct force ;- secondly, it might harass arm by fiscal regulations, and enactments restraining their navigation ; and, thirdly, it may pursue the slow and silent course of temperate, but authoritative admonition." Now, Mr. Speaker, if I am asked which course I would advise, I am for first trying that which I have last mentioned ; I trust we shall never he driven to the second; and with respect to the first, I will only now say that no feeling of wounded pride, no motive of ques tionable exp e di enc y, nothing short of real and demonstrable necessity, shall induce me to moot the awful question of the transcendental potter of Parliament over every de pendency of the British Crown. That transcendental power is an arcanum of empire, which ought to be kept back viithin the penetrulia of the Constitution. It exists, but it should be veilea. It should not be produced upon trifling occasions, or in cases of petty refractoriness and temporary misconduct. It should be brought forward only in the utmost extremity of the State, where other reme dies have tailed to stay the raging of some moral or poli tical pestilence." Every thing, resumed Mr. Stanley, rsit:aassiotnaileldia.s failed t — B monition t o h u a t s L a i s led n — ow rern f o a rt il s e t d ra — n r P : some time since by the Government, have been con tumeliously stigmatixed, and treated as an interfe rence uncalled for, arid unauthorized. Up to this time no step towards a definite amelioration has been adopted. Undoubtedly some of the colonies have been engaged on plans —or rath e r shadows and outlines of pans—but none of them have been founded in truth or justice, least of all on those recommendetions forwarded from the Government at home. But with regard to any real effort—to any substantial improvement — t o that which could alon e lead to any substantial and positive improve ment—to the institution of an officer as protector of the slaves—an officer appointed by the crown —really and truly their guardian and counsel—one independent of the elanters—of all local influence and all local friendships— in no one colony has such a tiling been attempted—in no one colony, Sir, has this efficient protector been appointed. —(Hear.) Undoubtedly , there have been councils of pro tection7-any two magistrates might act as a council of protection. Means have been afforded of facilitating the acquisition of legal rights; but to whom have the trusts in such cases been delegated? To those who had an interest in suppressing slavery ? No, but to those who were themselves the possessors of elates, and who hod an un- equivocal interest in the avatem of slavery, and who were involved in the feelings and prejudices of the Colonial Legis latures. It may be said that this is compliance. So it is—but it is a species of compliance worse than amockery. It gives the shadow, but lets slip the substance ; and it was only done to afford a pretext for saying, " You have no right to interfere; we have not exactly appointed pro tectors of slaves, but we have put the slaves under a pro tection in reality as effectual and as advantageous."— (Hear, hear, hear.) I must admit, with regard to the observance of the Sabbath, and Sunday markets, that the Colonial Legislatures have shown greater readiness to comply with the wishes of Parliament than on any other point. They are yet far from having done what is necessary ; but there is hardly a colony that has not done something towards the establishment of Sunday markets and the abolition of Sunday labour. As to punishments, it is impossible on the present occasion for me to go in detail into the colonial enactments, and into the deficiencies of those enactments ; but if any gentle man will take the trouble to compare what has been done with what has not been done, he will see how far the local legislatures are behind the recommendations of the mother country as respects domestic punishments. The Order in Council directs that no more than a certain number of lashes shall he inflicted, that females shall not be flogged, that witnesses shall be present at the infliction, and that the dates, times, and circumstances shall be sent to the protector of slaves, and by him sent to the Governor. But if there were any sincere corresponding desire, what, in manliness and humanity, should be the first step, against which no voice would be raised ?—that of the abolition of the punishment of females.—(Much cheering.) But what will the Committee think of the readiness of the Colonial Legislatures (I speak, God knows, not in bitter ness, but in sorrow), when I say that, up to this hour, no one colony has abolished the practice of inflicting corporeal punishment upon females. They have, indeed, in some degree restrained it ; but by restraining they recog nise the principle ; they have guarded against inde cency, but they have not yet carried into effect that which in all the nations of the world has been the first step towards civilization, the raising of the female sex from a state of degradatio❑ to that of equality and a sense of delicacy. Talk of preparing the slave for freedom! of ripening his moral faculties, to render him capable of en joying it, and yet show him that all his dearest and do mestic ties may be violated—that his wife, his daughter, or his sister, may be subjected to corporeal punishment at the pleasure of an overseer—it is a mockery and an insult! —(Cheers.) But there are limitations ae to the number of stripes in Jamaica, and I take the example of Jamaica as fair to all the rest. Thirty-nine stripes, and not more, may be given on the authority of the overseer or owner to any slave on any one day. And for what, let me ask ? A slave proprietor, who was examined before the Cutn mittee last year (I forget his name), told us, that if a slave only looked his master in the face, he might order him to receive thirty-nine lashes.—(Hear.) In 1801 Mr. Canning talked of the dignity of man—jussus erectus ad sidera tollere vultus—but can you talk of hopes, en couragenaent—preparation for individual freedom, and general emancipation, when even at this moment the slave dare not raise the eyes of his body to his master's face without the risk of receiving thirty-nine lashes ?—(Hear.) I do not speak of the exercise of any such power—l do not believe it could be exercised—but that such a power exists there can be no doubt. In case of unjust infliction, the slave must go before two Magi strates, themselves slave-masters; and if he could per suade them to believe him, the master is to be prosecuted, and if found guilty by a jury, subjected to fine and im prisonment; hut if the Magistrates think the evidence insufficient, without any malicious motive on the part of the slave, he is to be subjected to a second flogging for having male the complaint.—(Hear, hear.) This is the practical working in Jamaica of the law in favour of the slave. But there is a farther punishment—in case aggra vated, overwhelming cruelty be proved against a master, if a jury find that it had been atrocious, then an addition is to be made to the fine and imprisonment, and what is it? That the slave may be sold, and the money handed over to the criminal master.—(Hear.) Another most important consideration is property. The Order in Council specifies that all the property of slaves, excepting in slaves, arms, or ammunition, shall be held sacred. What has the local legislature done? It has, indeed, re cognised the right of property in the slave, but it has fenced it round with all sorts of limitations and restric tions, so as to render it ineffectual and nugatory. I omitted one point on which the colonists have shown a degree of consent—l allude to the institution of marriage. Objections have been removed ; but as I can see there has been no discouragement of a different course either on the part of the legislature or the planters ; no means have been taken to impress on the minds of the Slaves the sanctity of the ceremony or the sacred ness of the obligation. A little has been done to re move formal and local obstacles, and to allow marriages to be contracted; but they are suhject to the will of the owner, and in some cases a certificate of a clergyman of the church of England or of a Dissenting minister is also necessary. I will now advert to the point of slave evidence. Perhaps, in going through these points, the House thinks I am entering more at length into the subject than is re ; but when I am recommending to Parliament to take a step of so much importance, I feel it my duty to show that all these local enactments have snore of shadow than substance, and that there has been little or no dispo sition to fill up the outline chalked out by the mother country. What says the Order in Council as to slave evidence? It lays down this broad and intelligible principle—that on ac count of his servile condition, no man shall be disqualifi e d from giving evidence in a Court of Justice—(Hear, hear) —that the slave, like sn infant, may be subjected to an examination of his competency, and of his understanding of the obligation of an oath, but the onus of proving his incompetence shall rest on the party objecting to his testi mony. flow has this been acted upon? Slave evidence has been restricted by requiring the certificate of the mas ter, and sometimes of a clergyman; and this extraordinary principle has peen adopted in the colonies : that after all re strictions and limitations—when it has been shown that he is competent to take an oath—that he understand s the nature of the obligation, and that he is a man of good cha racter, still his evidence shall be of no avail, excepting aga i nst a slave.—(Cheers.) In no case shall it be gool against h's owner, nor good in any capital case that affects the life of a white man. But if his testimony is to be taken in a case off cling the He of a black man, let me ask, why is it not to be taken in a case affecting the life of a white man ?—(Much cheering.) Why are the colonists to be allowed to give this damning proof of their partiali ties and prejudices, that a negro may be taken to the scaffold ou evidence on which you would not convict a white man in a civil action ?—(Hear, hear.) There is, however, one exception, proving most strongly that which is the invariable rule, anti establishing the jealousy and prejudices that actuate the legislation of the colonies. It is this :—That the evidence of a negro shall be received against a w bite accomplice—that if a white degrade him self below his caste by mixing with nagrues, and commit. ting crimes in conceit with them, he is deprived of his privilege, and may be convicted on their testimony. The last point to which I shall refer is the principle of manu mission, by which the negro, though in a state of suffer ing, shall not be in a state of despair—by which lie may look forward to his liberation, when standing upright in the possession of freedom, he may take his place among his fellow men. That principle of manumission is distinctly recognised in the Order in Council : even against the will of the master the slave may obtain his freedom—an appraisement by competent persons may take place; and, upon payment of a certain sum, to be settled by at bitration, the slave may be restored to the inestimable blessings of liberty. All the colonies will say that they have passed laws favouring manumission— that they have removed legal difficulties—and that there is a case where the slave, having paid the stipulated price, may obtain the right to his own body. I admit that they have removed some obstacles; but in no colony, with the single exception of the Bahamas, has the slave a tight to go to his master, and, tendering his price, say, " I sin no longer a slave—l am a free man." In every other instance, the power of refusal rests with the masters. I have now gone through the various heads included in the Ordets in Council of 1824—in the speech of Mr. Canning in 1826, when he put the Colonial Legislatures to the test, in the circulars of Sir George Murray in 1828, which were entirely disregarded —and in the Order in Council of 1830, which was not carried into effect in a single colony. I have detailed the Parliamentary proceedings, and the the t be iphao teul measures e:ede otppon:voef o lti rein, legislative its Apia n scus I,pa i ilto a te(an. . I ;_stuvni ebvtit l ichee,aoajgvonninueil assemblies, legislation gp a ynf; t emgvu i inur edielni iyhg7 a iig n n eo,b(gt i d w.9temaiehl:i oralyfe l aeratnvdt_gri (s e a, ujian a i. ncern v iodi odni e ,aiaoiitzi ioi only pi it el( e,aygns, t segvos o eudaz tiitxrnsysgeesoy anti determination of this country, as regards slaves, o ill h r in be carried into effect.—(Cheers.) If; then, there be a case in which the intervention of Parliament ca❑ be justi r- i fi l sd i e s —t t h h ien is case, in which all means have been exhausted-- en in vain. All attempts i❑ this country have been met by the f r e n r io e m s r ; a s d u e s g t i e l g e r e r e n s e t i h i ne n b il y n : it is, I shall take the liberty of reading; because it shows how naturally and how strongly the ardent feelings of his mind were then directed to this subject, which still (teen pied his most anxious thoughts when lie became the great ornament of the Senate, I feel fully persuaded that the 'lo ll ,di House will not think I am wasting it4:ie, It was delivered in a d e bate on ti)el ° b ti; trade; and I entreat the House, in f e ° isv e,; atitute for alive trade the system of od' syllabl e will b e a ppli ca bl e to the pres et] c question :—(' The question is, whether , o 1 done tow ar d s a ll ev i a ti ng a nd finally es tni . rora of the sl a v e t ra de, the proper sge n House of C ommons or the Colonial d Hon. B arone t conten d e d that the C o ° and not the British House of Cointruld most proper t o b e em ploy e d. But Baronet's argument? ' Trust not tee m r acei , in wh a t concerns l eg i s l at i o n for d s 1 0 , 0; specious th e i r l aws may appea r, deP" jp be ineff ec t ua l i n t h e i r a ppl ica tion. It I ' d, things that they should be eo.' Grantee British H ouse o f C ommons d o their Psr o , them n o t d e l egate t h e trust o f doin g . cording t o th e H on . B aronet ' s testuncinYet' that trust f a i r l y . L et t h e ev il s o f the slaa; died by an assembly of freemen, by th e ot ; free people, and not by those whom Baronet rep resents as utter l y unquah"e taking—not by the masters of slaves. vet e Hon. Baronet bail avowed, could never cure, the evil. So that, acs ti Baronet's argument, if there had even r t b e t' the face of th e papers upon the table ° tion of the colonial assemblies to carry ' 0 country into effect; if there had been °to if; termination of the trade was the obJ ect • nte o', gulations (such as they may be) were had been no doubt that these regulatiotl, at ? , culated for the purpose; if the A 00 52 0 1 0 .: professed as distinctly its anxiety to t . erw ..4 .ls , as in point of fact it had expressed sts;';oo,e' tinue it ; still, according to the Hone 13 ',/, no . trust could be reposed in these aPr a ' se et,'„' mons. There was something in the n an d° authority in the relation between inaste r- v ir , made despotism, in all cases, and u nder l e o' an incomp e t en t an d unsure execu tor of P .; provisions in favour of the objeou' u oti: As I bef ore remar k e d , let any gent le or " Abolition of Sl avery " f or " A b o litioy Trade," and th ere i s not an argur°e:3le Mr. Canning, in 1799, that may ne , ' g double f orce now to j ustify the interf,-o,'', liament, if it ever h as t h e right to intefroli carry into effect objects so dearly pr ized! 0 )1 Importanc e . Id o not pretend to enter!nuti) cussion, or to ar gue th at grave co ost't which affects to settle where the Pnl r (e ' epi i i over colonial a ssem bli es term i nate . thority of Parliament itself, I know ot • " le O i ; tion ; and if t h ere b e those who vinds°,o. Colonial As sem bli es to set themselves ist laws, regulations, and avowed detero ll°s o o 4l meat, I call up on t h em to s h ow in the cua",et; .assemblies, as well as in reason and arg u r% c, possible th a t a d e l egate d authority should es thority of t h e b o d y f rom which it re°%entr• (Cheers.) In 1778, undoubtedly, or Parh' - , declaratory A ct w hi c h l i m i ted its own P° bet r then, not denying or abandonin its rig h ,„ 4 , l o;'. and declarin g th at i n t h e singles ase of ' - eer t , Parliament would not snake a claim ,„ °ll rie P i which h a d assem bli es o f their own. 414,00 hating m a tt ers o f tra d e no man will den y ;" 00, of internal regu l at i ons some Hon. Merahergok doubt. I know not when tjiat right of 0 1 , e ef isif e was abandoned, or by what authority th e dependent colony can declare itself inder ° lo l;"; gislature of the soother country. Let dents. In 1700 I find an Act on the s u l ic t , '", which gi ves exc l us i ve power to a partieuipe and supers e d es th e aut h or i ty of the local trtr; penalty for d eny i ng t h e r i ght to make th:',.,5P.,,,r; feiture of the charter of the colony. In din ett e still more mem ora bl e example, having ""treire diate beari ng not on l y on the principle; hu'oe'r. matter of this discussion. Io that Ye ar .„ete ° . trading to the colonies presented a Pe n- r ei r " ing that in Virginia and Jamaica th e eb , 0 1 claimed t o exempt l ands and negroe4h cases, from bein g se iz e d in execution f d e Parliament ? The Bo ar d o f T r ade nace Assemblies of th ose co ' on i es could not be '0 pri° , themselve s , by any act o f their own, o f the possessed ; accor di ng l y an Act was pas '', 11. c. 7, by w hi c h a ll l an d, , houses, an d tations, are declared assets for the payment " e ie'' there is one authority to which, on this i ll e witted to appeal, because, at all events, it fi d tlf, pected. It i s not an E ng li sh but an Ainerie4:oo br that of Mr. O t i s , w h o, i n 1765 Ives a t . , large body o f hi s countrymen, and was ~ by Masstichusets to resist encroachments °13 0 0; ', gislatur e : among other things he laid it d''W. that "the mother country justly asserts lie f her colonies where she thinks it necessary , °° i,ee' the supreme judge, Irons whose final de ter : l' o4,l is no appeal."—(Cheers.) I say that 00 ne v; Parliament does not interfere, there is no he u r ritlf • it to a final issue. It has been very more particularly on the part of the West ' Li e d there really is no just and substantial groo". r eic € . —that no case has been made out for in te g e r lei' , way, and least of all an imperious necessity s hoos " (say they) you only leave the colon%eie° go well, all will be happy : all o ur d' t ° N y7r m i a n . te i i:po in s o it r i e on s , en a s n i s b l ie of tresses are the necessary and' inevitable e'itseo, thanthat Ipaeurspeoluallbee!stt:::::; injures the title to property, and reelO ce- del*, tress prevailin g in the West Indies, or of (I d o not say snore strong than true) ' l3 jitioai lonial legislatures have p..inted the "%oil; planters. 1 hold in my hand a deel a f p - L ebs P b ! which points on' the extreme distress and te of the West Indies, from which I beg 1 0 ,sd y e tract.—(The Right H on . G ent l eman h e re from the document, and then proceeded.) t l ' e v ' r" langua ge o f persons speaking of the state " he st'F' property, an d 1 d o not doubt the truth of 1.:101,,je' but I will ask t h e H ouse to consider under "01)1,1 stances, and a t w h at t i me, this frightful., o f ii ,/, ut er ruin has been made.—(Cheers.) I s of 1813 that I am drawing this picture? 1007, Wakes some attempts were made t• %yet lls i I t 's' bust of the high and palmy days of what i 9 a ° ;• 01 ,, ) / 1 India interest; of the high 'and palmy t e; trade, .in the year 180- 4—(Hear, bear) --- i c s4 according to the House of Assembly in .1 03 0(1 1 ,41 tical agitation of the question in Parliame nt , a taint to West In tia property. That proP e t A t) ;ot e : e i would seem that no injury had ever oecurre":3 sl' ,4 " to the celebrated proceedings in the yearlgz' ;11,17; is a matter of the must perfect notorietY,'„ u :e o h e r; property had been at all times liable to sud% fluctuations, arising from the wreeklessr ie 'i e l men were ready at all times to embark C i l "i i siv must hazardous species of speculation, a 0 o .lf 1 : . th1,1 various periods many of them have must “ e , ( of) I find it necessary before I proceed further t bl e e j tention of the House to a few statements, re h b e l ea' p er er i prove dry and uninteresting, I trust I tnnY w g ible s ' nf e r ; for I shall endeavour to avoid as much as P °' ; t which does not appear to be of the high e- t ed r i. In the year 1823 the export of sugar r e°° :ed die . colonies amounted to 1,430,000 eu rc :' veal' Id period, in the eight following years to advanced to 3,787,000 cwts. Though the , °. riie t h l aessed the undisputed monopoly of the n i ., - t i f fr r e iV country, they went on increasing the ext ogP fOi duce until they far outdid the demand ' °r e tat e° ,i o i markets of Europe. Now that is surely i a ou , j e, ° A' not arising horn any proceedings in thi s l o f country. By such conduct oa the Pa rt , tr ee 14' d P ,4 putably there is nothing they have rendered the monopoly a dead ' e i ie ve Vi India interest in a commercial poin t of sug' ir ' e wise than by reducing the amount •.et eo ri e s; can be done to r e kris by calling into existence fresh markets for it 9 New land has been brought into cultivations have been added to our possessions, the 01Riv3 ,1 modes land have been compelled to adopt ne w beir odes of increasing the productive powere 0' ' tO is t and ail tOr the purpose of contributing t° '7;10 amount of excessive production which, beY`'nis tiof the great source ut t h e presen t ditlicul, - a India il i n t erest . The owners of property pi I 'l l Indi e s p roc , e d w i th enterprises not warranted routilj curnstances of the colonies, or the demand 11.3 the European markets; they find thern,eitvbe:ge:oltili.ls:'?,,, difficulties, and they seek to escape from by:means which only involve them in fresh etil)ti;e,o;l and then they turn round and impute all fanatical proceedings which it is said 1 13 d " -- h this 'louse in the year 1823. have not test po/ difficulty in saying that those difficultiselsavhe;:ieret;iil: occasioned by the thbrts to get rid of ill - judged efforts to push it to extremity has be . en - i oaj t , condition of the West India planters get v tl nut by the effor ts of those tvlio sought t° 0 1 1 slavery, nor perhaps by the will of the p h r otel, 0 0; 6 ,ent age thmiselves, but by a con currenc e /4 0 c ircumstances and unw i se counsels, for orb i ' s :ll m en now alive can b e h e ld respons ible. 1 th e that the agitation so o f ten re f erre d to has be dole' r I C E fi ei o In to th y , thy, th, o it eo ; 4 :: 3 I ; c th deg th, Prt 41 4 111 tic; 114 ap i ta r tall qua Of