The Sun. — London, England, 1854-07-05 00:00:00

tween Sweden and Denmark to resist by force of arms the' execution of the convention between the United Provinces and England to put a stop to all neutral trade with France. This armed neutrality seems to have been successful, and the allies had to abandon their project. In the war of 1741, in consequence of our searching, and detaining, and cap turing enemy's property on board Prussian vessels, the King of Prussia refused to pay the interest of the Silesian Loan, until we had made reparation to his subjects by a payment of 20,000/. The second and most celebrated armed neutrality was in 1780 ; it o bj ec t s were to resist our rule of war of 1756, with regard to trading with the colonies, or on the coast of our ene mies, and to establish the rule that "free ships should make free goods." This armed neutra lity consisted of conventions which Russia concluded with Denmark, Prussia, Austria, Portugal, and the Two Sicilies, It and to which Spain and Holland acceded. attained its object, and in the treaties of p ea cewhich we concluded in 1783, with France and Spain, we recognised, as far as those powers were concerned, the main prin ciples of the armed neutr a lity of 1780, and renewed trea ties, namely, those of Utre c ht of 1713, which contained the role " free ships f ree goo ds." neu trality was concl u d e d i n 1794, ne third armed between Denmark and Sweden, for the protection of their trade during the war of the French Revolution : it was not successful. And 'befourth armed neutrality, the principles of which were t same as those of the armed neutrality of 1780, was ormed in 1800, by treaties that Russia concluded with weden, Denmark, and Prussia. This armed neutrality was speedily brought to an end by the murder of the Emperor of Russia. The principles of the armed neutrality are to be found in the treaties of 1782 and 1814, between Russia and Denmark ; of 1800 and 1809, between Russia and Sweden; and of 1818, between Denmark and Prussia. These trea ties and leagues show how anxious the Northern Powers have generally been to expunge the rule of confiscating eem of y's goods on board neutral ships from the public la n ee Europe, and to substitute the rule " free ships free goods." I must observe, however, that the rule " free ships free goods" is not contained in some of the treaties between the Northern and Western powers-for instance, it is not contained in the treaty of commerce of Copenhagen, concluded in 1670 between Great Britain and Denmark, which was renewed by the treaty of Kiel of 1814, nor is it contained in the treaties between Great Bri tain and Sweden, signed at Upsal in 1654, at Westminster in 1656, at Whitehall in 1661, and all of which were con firmed by the treaty of Oretro of 1812. These treaties are still in force, and from various articles in them the infe rence may be fairly drawn that we are now entitled by treaty to confiscate enemy's goods on board neutral ships belonging to Denmark and Sweden. Nor was the rule "free ships free goods" contained in any of our treaties with Russia. On the contrary, in the marine convention of St. Petersburg of 1801, to which Sweden and Denmark acceded, the second article declared that enemy's goods should not be free on board neutral ships. On the other hand, the treaties which Prussia concluded with , Austria, in 1785, with France in 1787, and with the Two i Sicilies in the same year, contained the stipulations of the armed neutrality of 1780. The rule "free ships free goods" is also to be found in the treaties between Prussia and Portugal of 1787 and 1798, the latter of which was renewed by the declaration of 1815. The same rule was contained in the treaties between Danmark and France of 1663, 1742, 1749, and 1813. And according to eminent French authorities -namely D'Hanterive and Hautefuille -is still in force between France and Denmark. Conse quently at present the Danes are entitled by treaty with France to carry Russian goods from one Russian port to another Russian port, the ports not being blockaded. The rule "free ships free goods" was also contained in the treaties between Denmark and Spain of 1742 and 1814; and in those between Sweden and the United Provinces of 1679 and 1686. I think that I have referred to every, or nearly every, international engage ment of the two last centuries between the Northern Powers, or between them and the Western Powers, which contained a specific stipulation with regard to the goods of an enemy on board the ship of a neutral. There were se veral treaties that contained no stipulation on the subject; but those that did were about 40 in number; of them, only nine (to every one of which England was a party) stipulated that the goods of an enemy in the ship of a friend should be lawful prize : the remaining 31 contained the rule "free ships free goods ;" and most of them con tained the principles of the armed neutralities of 1780 and 1800. The armed neutrality of 1780 was an offspring of the American war of independence. The United States at once declared in favour of its principles, and adopted its provisions as rules of public law of the New World. For the rule "free ships free goods" is to be found in the treaties which the United States concluded with France in 1778 and 1800 ; with the United Provinces in 1782 ; with Sweden in 1783, 1816, and 1827 ; with Prussia in 1785, and though the rule was temporarily suspended in 1799, it was re established in 1828. The only instance in which the United States adopted tho rule that the goods of an enemy in the ship of a friend is lawful prize, was a treaty with this country in 1794. But in 1795 the United States concluded a treaty with Spain, which contained the rule " free ships free goods," it was renewed in 1819, but with this reservation, that the rule s h ou ld on l y b e ac t e d upon when all the belligerents assented to it ; for example, the ships of the Unit e d St a t es, b e i ng a neutral, were only to render nee the goods of the enemy of Spain, being a bel ligerent, when the enemy of Spain also acted upon that rule. About 30 years ago the South American colonies of Spain shook off the yoke of their mother country and be erne • independent ; they then entered into negotiations with the United States; in those negotiations the United States declared that the rule of public law-that the pro perty of an enemy is liable to capture on board the vessels of a friend has no foundation in natural right, and though it be the established usage of nations, rests entirely on the abuse of force. For these reasons, the rule " free ships free goods" is to be found, I believe in every treaty which the United States has concluded with the states of South America : for instance, with Colombia, in 1824 ; with the States of Central America, in 1825 ; with Brazil, in 1828 ; w ith M ex i co, in 1 2 831 ; with Chili, in 1832 ; with Bolivia., in 1836 ; with Venezuela, in the same year ; and with Equador, in 1843. I should observe, that in almost all these treaties with the states of South America, the United States stipulated that the rule " free ships free goods" should only be enforced when all the belligerents assented to act upon it ; for, though the United States maintained in the strongest manner that the rule in question ought to be contained in the public law of nations, yet 'they asserted that, if one belligerent alone were to act upon that rule, and the others were to adopt the contrary rule of confiscating enemy's goods on board neutral ships, the belligerent who acted upon the right rule would be unjustly damnified, and he who acted upon the wrong rule would be unjustly benefited ; therefore, the United States stipulated in the treaties in question that the rule " free ships free goods" should be subject to the limitation which I have mentioned, until the progress of civilisation and the consent of all civilised nations should establsh it as an undoubted rule of public law. France has also concluded numerous treaties with the states of South America, in which it has been generally stipulated that France should not impose upon neutrals in time of war any other obligations than that of sub mitting to the laws of effective blockade. lam in formed that this stipulation is contained in the treaty which France concluded with Brazil in 1826, with Bolivia in 1837, with Equador and Venezuela in 1843, with New Granada in 1846, with Guatem a la in 1848, w ith Costa Rica in th e same year, and with Hayti in 1852. Lastly, I should observe, that the Ottoman Porte is at pre sent bound by its capitulation of 1604 with France, of 1675 with England, of 1783 with Russia, and prbably by those of 1784 with Austria, of 1740 with the Two Sicilies, of 1782 with Spain, of 1680 with Holland, of 1790 with Prussia, not to co n fi scate any goods, except contraba n d of wa r , on board the s hi ps of the nations which I havejust mentioned. I have now enumerated 130 international engagements be tween the chief powers of the civilised. world ; they are all, or nearly all, the international engagements between these powers during the last two centuries, which contain dis tinct provisions, with regard to the treatment of enemy's goods on board neutrals' ships ; there are many treaties which contain no provision on that subject, but of the 130 that do, only 11, to ten of which England was a party, contain the rule that the goods of an enemy in the ship of a friend aro lawful prize, the remaining 119 contain the rule, "free ships free goods." I have now shown that during the century and a quarter which preceded the wars of the French revolution the all but invariable rule of amicable intercourse, as established by treaties between this country and the great maritime powers of western Europe, and the invariable rule between those powers was free ships ft ee goods. I have also shown that the general rule of amicable intercourse, as established by treaty be tween the northern powers, between the northern and western powers (with the exception of England), between France and the Nsw World, and between the Ottoman Porte and the great powers of Europe, was free,ships free goods. I am therefore entitled to assert that though it has been the custom and usage of nations to act upon the rule of capturing enemy's goods on board neutral ships, yet that custom and usage have been and still are held 7 the great majority of civilised nations to be at vari ance with correct notions of what is right and just. M w ' an emin en t mo d ern writer on jurisprudence, r. Austin, "the rule in defi n i ng i n t erna tional law, states th a t considered regardinga the conduct of sovereign states l related t o each other is termed ti a ons or w by its analigyt° positi ve l aw, b e i ng i mpose d upon na soveregas, perior authority, bult't? the p os itive command of a su nations. The duties wliyici7ini°ns generally current among sanctions, by fear on the Da.trtrel)°!tes are enforced by moral general hostility, and inn` . Bovereiens of provoking they should violate maximsng its probable evils in case • spected." If this be a correct nitio n of international g ( rrallY received and law, or or rather what ought to be international law, it fol lows that the rule, "free ships, follow s s u t g h h a t t t t o h eb po sition a rule of international law, or at leas e t ft 3 ; (131" ed gentleman, contained in the resolution of tlisiiiskaern ship of a friend if it be not namely, that the goods of an enemy are lawful prize, is not indisputably true: edhave already indisputably true, the house ought not, ; said, by agreeing to the motion of the learn s pledge the honour of this country to upholdg7.remant,? I must observe that in the treaties to which Iha efrrlerfeevreeed: with the exception of those which contained the v of the armed neutrality of 1788Iand. of 1800, the itil n e e . i .t. l e es ships, free goods" has been accompanied by the rule " ene my's my's ships, enemy's goods," in virtue of which the goods of neutrals were liable to confiscation on board enemy's ship 9. This rule was a con ven i en t one for belligerents. It saved them the trouble of determining the ownership of any pro perty on board an enemy's ship; and therefoire those powers who agreed to the rule " free ships, free goods," generally stipulated that neutrals should pay for the lenity of that rule, by the confiscatio n of th e i r property when found on board an enemy's ship. Bill between the two rules of "free ships, free goods," and "enemy's ships, enemy's goods," there is no logical connexion; the only connexion between them is the jingling of a verbal antithesis. Now, every - writer, ancient and modern, on international law, has con demned thernle "enemy's ships enemy's goods," as contrary to the principles of public law. Grotius expressly condemn. ed it, so did Bynkershock, Heineccins, and Vattel, so has Hubner, Kluber, de Raynevel, and Hautefeuille. As there is no logical connection between the rule " free ships and free goods," and the rule "enemy's ships, enemy's goods," it follows that we were under no logical nor moral obligation to adopt the latter rule, because we held it to be right and expedient in existing circumstances to adopt the former rule. I said that I would assume for the sake of argument that a belligerent state ought to have the right of confiscating enemy's goods on board neutral ships, and would then undertake to show that it was expedient and politic in existing circumstances to waive for the pre sent the right of confiscating the goods of Russian subjects ' in the ship of a neutral. I will now proceed to do so. I think every one must admit that it is all important for the successful prosecution of the war now waging with Russia, that France and E ngland should cordially co-operate by sea, as well as by land. It is self-evident, that cordial co-operation could not be attained if one power were to act upon one rule of maritime war, and the other upon an opposite rule. For complete harmony of action it is indis pensable that both powers should adopt the same rules of maritime war. But as I have already shown, according to the international laws o f F rance and England, rules of maritime war were diff eren t . The French 'were bound - by their law of nations and by numerous treaties to re q,ct enemy's goods on board zientrad ships; but tlioy wewereneutrals 0 D board enemy'swere ships. entitled to con the confiscate otb e r t h b e an goods of neutrals b oon o d u b board r law of nations to respect the goods of t s goodsenemy'sonshibposa;rdbuntewuterawl e s r b e i e p n s t . itle l d t i t s o e c v o i n d fi en sc t a , n r t e e f r , n o r s 3 t e e ' e , that with war regard olasbed towintbeutornarls,rotlhe French rules . of mari timees It is eas teh y ee n rules of war, it would have a that if each power had insisted upbone„nadihmenponsgsibre for own cruisers of the two powers to act cordially in con cert. For instance, suppose that two cruisers, one an English tha other a French, had been sailing together in the Baltic, and that each had received instructions to act according to the national rules of reprisal—the French according to the French rules, the English according to the English Jules. Suppose the two cruisers had met a neu tral ship, carrying from and to a non-blockaded port a cargo of erods and merchandise of the growth and manu facture of Russia, but not contraband of war; both cruisers would have stopped the ship, their respectiveofficers would have visited it, both would, in the first instance, have asked the same questions, both would have ascertained the nationality of the ship ; both would then have enquired whether there was any contraband of war on board, finding none the French officer would then have said to the master of the ship, "By the French law of nations, and also by virtue of a treaty between France and your sovereign, I have nothing more to do on board your ship, and I wish you un bon voyage." Not so the English officer. After his French comrade had taken leave he would have carefully and minutely searched the ship, he would have found that it was laden with goods and mer chandise of the growth and manufacture of Russia, he would then have inquired to whom the property belonged, how it had been acquired, and on what terms, and if he suspected that any portion of it belonged to a Russian subject ; if he fancied that the purchase of it from a Rus sian subject had not been completed according to the strict and technical rules of English law, the English officer would have been bound to detain the neutral ship, would have been bound to take it to an English port, to be adjudicated upon by English judges, according to the English law ; then perhaps the cargo would have been condemned, and the English officer and his crew might have acquired considerable wealth by the confiscation of property which the French officer and his crew had refused to touch. Thus the French cruiser would have permitted the ships of every neutral state—those of the United States., of Spain, of the Northern Powers, of the South American R e p u blics, etc.—to pass f ree, thou g h full of valuable goo d s belonging to Russians, whilst ilstthe English cruiser, sa iling in company wi th the r e one, would have reaped a rich harvest of prize and F booty by de taining every one of those ships es s t e r xc t e y pt t s o uc r h es a p s eo b t. elon o g n ed tb to e Spain, which we are bound other hand, I should observe that if a Russian ship had r lawe nc Fho of nations, o r u a t i o e n r s t , h e t o French ;teen allld hparvoe. bbeeeenn captured entitled, byby the the ne i perty on board the Russian ship, toe t w o h s o u m b j s e o e e t v s er of t ßus he ssi: pro perty might have belonged, whether of the United States, of Spain, &c. ; but had our cruiser c aptured a Russian ship we should have been bound, by our law of nations, to restore all property of neutrals on board that ship, not being contraband of war, to their owners, provided they were not Spanish subjects. There fore, it is self-evident that if France and England had in sisted upon adhering to their respective codes of maritime war, the difference in their rules of taking prizes and booty would have sown the seeds of dissension, jealousy, and ill will between the crews of their respective fleets, and ren dered cordial co-operation in maritime war impossible. Neutral states would likewise have had good reason to complain if the cruisers of England and France, sailing in company, had acted upon opposite rules of maritime war. For the consequence would have been to inflict upon neu trals the penalties both of the French and English codes, without granting them the immunities of either. For in stance, neutrals have frequently considered that the se verity of the English rule of confiscating enemy's goods on board neutral ships, was in some degree mitigated by the lenity of the English rule respecting neutrals property found on board enemy's ships. On the other hand, neu trals have held that the lenity of the French rule, " free ships free goods," was paid for to a certain extent by the severity of the French rule, " enemy's ships enemy's goods." Now, it a French and an English cruiser, sailing in company, had acted upon the rules of their re spective codes of maritime war, the French cruiser would have confiscated neutral property on board Russian ships, and the English cruiser would have confiscated Russian property on hoard neutral ships • and between the two the unfortunate neutral would, as I have already said, have suffered the penalties of both codes of maritime war, with out enjoying the immunities of either; and neutral states would have had grounds of complaint at least as , valid as those which gave birth to the celebrated armed neutrality of 1780. It was therefore of paramount importance that the FrenCh and English rules of maritime war shoulci ) , if possible be assimilated, at least for the present. The,ae were three modes by which this result might have been accomplished. Either France might have yielded to Eng land, and adopted the English rules of maritime war, or England might have yielded to France, and adopted the French rules of maratime war; or both powers might have made as they did make, mutual concessions. Now, neither power could have yielded entirely to the other, and have adopted the other's rules of maritime war with out doing wrong. For though both powers were entitled to waive rights, neither power could with honour have disregarded obligations. F or i ns t ance, F rance cou ld have waived her right to confiscate neutral property on board Russian ships, and England could have waived her right to confiscate the property of Russians on board neutral ships; but France could not with honour have disregarded the obligation imposed upon her by nu merous treaties, as well by her law of nations, of respecting the property Of Russians on board neutral ships, nor could England have set aside the obligation imposed upon her by her law of nations, of respecting neutral property , on board Russian enemies. Therefore the only hon ourabie compromise which France and England could have made with regard to their rules of maratime war, must have been based upon a mutual waiver of rights, and a strict fulfilment of obliga tions; this is the compromise which has been made. France waived her right of confiscating neutral property on board Russian ships; England waived her right of confiscating Russian property on board neutral ships. The rules of maritime war of the two nations are now the same. We can cordially act together against the common enemy, and neutral states have no grounds of complaint against us. Russia has imitated our example. May that example be followed by future belligerents in future wars. (Cheers.) For if the precedent se t by this war should lead to the abolition of pirate-war on the ocean, and to the establish ment of the maritime rights of neutrals on the firm and solid basis of reason and justice, whatever other results this war may bring about, it would be noted for these re sults in the history of the law of nations as a step in civi lisation and a benefit to the human race. I have shown on the assumption that a belligerent state ought to have the right of confiscating enemy's property on board a neu tral ship, that it was right and proper for this country to waive for the present that belligerent right. I have like wise shown that the opinions current among the majority of civilised nations are in favour of the rule " free ships free goods." Therefore I infer that reasonable doubt may be entertained of the truth of the proposition contained in the resolution of the learned gentleman, and consequently that the house ought not, by agreeing to the motion of the learned gentleman, to pledge the honour of the coun try to uphold for ever the position that "the goods of an enemy in the ship of an enemy are lawful prize." Lastly, I will assume, only for the sake of argument, that the position in question is indisputably true. Nevertheless the house ought not to assent to the resolution of the learned gentleman, unless he can show that some great, positive, and practical good would result from the house agreeing to it. For we are not a body of publicists, assem bled for the purpose of discussing and determining abstract questions of international law; but a body of practical men, whose duty it is to act or determine how the Govern ment of this country should act in existing circumstances. Our resolutions should, therefore, have for their end and aim immediate action. And consequently it would be un wise and inexpedient to limit our freedom of action, or that of our successors, by laying down abstract rules of action without some well-proved necessity for so doing. Now what great positive and practical good does the learned gentleman expect to obtain from the house agreeing to his I resolution ? Does he wish by means of it to compel future Governments in future wars to insist upon confiscating enemy's goods on board neutral ships ? But if the circum stances of future wars should be the same as those of the present war, future Governments should act as we have acted, for I have shown that we have acted rightly. There fore, if his resolution were to prevent them from following our example, it would be mischievous in the extreme. On the other hand, if in future wars it should be right and proper to insist upon every belligerent right appertaining to us by the law of nations, the resolution of the learned gentleman is not wanted to enable us to do so ; because we have not renounced nor surrendered any belligerent right appertaining to us by the law of nations. For in the de claration of the 28th of March last, in which her Majesty was graciously pleased, by the advice of her responsible ministers, to declare that " to preserve the commerce of neutrals from all necessary obstruction, she was willing for the present to waive a part of the belligerent rights ap pertaining to her by the law of nations." Her Majesty did not renounce or surrender any one of her belligerent rights. For I need hardly assure the learned gentleman that to " waive for the present a right," and to surren der it, are two quite distinct things. But the learned gentlemen is not content with her Majesty's declaration to neutral states. He asks this house to make a declaration to neutral states in a tone and spirit very different from that of March last, and in my opinion in a very objection able tone and spirit. For what does he ask the representa tives of the people of this country to declare to neutral states ? He asks them to say, in so many words—" The peculiar circumstances of this war have induced us reluct antly to relax the principle that the goods of an enemy in the ship of a friend are lawful prize. The force of events has compelled us, against our will to waive for the present our belligerent right of confiscating Russian goods on board Your ships. Yet, be assured, we have no intention to make wishes, or in any way concession ejustic e ssion to your y yr e o n u r r demands ; on the con- C . :4_ , we maintain that the right in question is so clearly this cou n t with the law of nations, and so interwoven aI V /1 1.° i : 3 : a t e : t a o n a permanent oar: ut l a e rc : ge be inconsistent with the security or honour of it w o ul d ,aritime renown, that to renounce or surrender . ; tlaerefore, we are determined, whenever in spite of wi ll Permit, rigorously to enforce that right, up our minds to protests." Inch ' ii nnt femonstrances and in defiance of your we should carefullvat is dignified. d ea r u guage would be neither politic nor et, and t r :, what with other states, we ought to make g a h w t ea a we will do. To do abetain from threats and boasts of what :d that us we oe will , a n d d o sl ci o n i i t te ; b a n u _t fume, and to fret, one thin g "e day, and to vapour, and to oth •er thing anothe r d mighty nation. sue _ ay, would be conduct unworthy of a Falstaffragged conduct would regiment A mild beat become one of learned gentleman, I • nd with every respect for the terms of his resolution must Bay . I svas when I listened to the of the language of Ancient almost irresistibly reminded leek under the Pistol, who, , whilst eating the this leek I will be horribly influence of Fluellen's cudgel, swore Y " Free ships free goods," risevz,l3d. I eat, eke I swear."'B gentle man, the eating of which he would of the learned revenge in future wars swear most horribly by the merciless to goods of every enemy in the ship of e confiscation -aon of the hope that the house will not be friend. I only hear.) lam convinced that the house co-jurors. (Hear. sent to the resolution of the learneg ought not to con have shown that it contains a pro osit'entiernan• For, I the majority of civilised nations —one ion condemned by ne of doubtful truth, to the upholding of which the house ought not to honour of the count r y ; th a t th e resolution if pled ge th e be mischi , carried, may evous, can never be useful,impolitic and is both - and undignified. (Loud c h eers .) The right ho n gentle man concluded by movi ng th e prev i ous question. • Mr. R. PHILLIMORE, assenting to the wisdom of the course pursued by the Government in waiving the Belli gerent rights of the Crow n , cou ld no t agree w i th many of the propositions of Sir W. Molesworth, between whose speech and the declaration of her Majesty there appeared, ho said, a remarkable discordancy. He expressed his sur prise that Sir William should have taken his interpreta tion of international law from treaties, instead of justice and C3lllMentatus, and observed that, if his doctrine were correct, it would prevent all interference by a belligerent except with a belligerent. The principles of the law of nations, of which Sir William had spoken so slightingly, were founded on reason, equity, and convenience, and for tified by authority. He did not think it would be wise, however, to press the resolution to a division. Mr. BOWYER moved, as an amendment to Mr. Philli more's motion, " That the course adopted by her Majesty's Government, in concert with that of the Emperor of the French, is in accordance with sound principles of policy and public law." He considered that the principles of maritime law adopted by the Government, by extending the rights of neutrals, had created a new era in the law of nations. An HON. MEMBER here moved that the house be counted, •.vhen only 31 members being present, the house adjourned at half-past nine. THEATRE LOYAL DRURY LANE: Lessee, Mr. E. T. Smith. THIS EVENING, Jua 5, Will be performed Donizetti's Opera, LUCREZIA BORGIA Characters by Mme. Caradori, Miss Fanny Huddart, Signors Ore gorio, and Pavesi, and Mr. H. Benham. To conclude with the popular Ballet, entitlad UNE FETE EN OLYMPE. Ptces—Stalls, 7s; Dress Circle, 55.; Boxes, 35.; Pit, 2s. ; Gallery, is.; and Private Boxes, One, Two, Three and Four Guineas. The Box-eillce opei daily from Ten till Six, where places may be secured. Private Boxes and Stalls to be had of Messrs. Leader and Coot, 63, New Bond-street. Notice.—Doors open at Half-past Seven. Per!ormance commences at Eight. Ha :f--price at Half-past Niue. THEtTRE ROYAL HAYMARKET. Under the management at Mr. Buckstone. THIS EVENING, JULY 5, Will be performed the Drama of THE KNIGHTS OF THE ROUND TABLE. Characters by Messrs. Chippendale, Howe, G. Vandenhoff, W. Farren, Compton, and Buckstone ; Miss Reynolds, Miss E. Grey, and Mrs. Fitswilliam. Followed by AS LIKE AS TWO PEAS. To conclude with the Farce of DR. DILWORTH. ROYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE, OXFORD-STREET. Under the Management of Mr. Cnmum Klux. THIS EVENING, JULY 5, Will be performed FROM VILLAGE TO COURT. Principal characters by Messrs. Harley, Fisher, and Cathcart ; Misses Mur ray, Heath, and Vivash. After which, THE COURIER OF LYONS. Principal characters by Messrs. C. Kean, J. Vining, Addison, Graham, David Fisher, Cathcart, and Baker; Misses C. Leclerq, Heath, Ternan, and K. Terry. To conclude with THE HALT OF THE BALLET. LYCEUM THEATRE. Under the management of Madame Vestrta. THIS EVENING, JULY 5, Will be performed USED UP. Followed by a new Drama, entitled SUNSITINE THROUGTI THE CLOUDS. Characters by Messrs. Rosiere, Gladstone, F. Matthews; Madame Vestris, Miss Hughes, and Miss Oliver. After which, a GRAND CONCERT. To conclude with NUMBER ONE ROUND THE CORNER. THEATRE ROYAL ADELPHI. Proprietor, Mr. B. Webster.—Directress, Madame Celeste. THIS EVENING, JULY 5, Will be performed the popular Drama of THE DTSCARDED SON. Principal characters by Messrs. Selby, Murray, Bedford, and Keeley; Mrs. Keeley, Miss Woolgar, and Miss F. Maskell. After which will be presented the New Extravaganza, entitled A MOVING TALE, supported by Mr. Keeley, and Mrs. Keeley. To be followed by WAITING FOR AN OMNIBUS IN THE LOWTHER ARCADE IN A RAINY DAY. To conclude with HES FIRST CHAMPAGNE. ROYAL OLYMPIC THEATRE. Lessee and Manager, Mr. A. Wigan. THIS EVENING, JULY 5, Will be performed the Comedietta, ca'led HEADS OR TAILS. Characters by Mr Emery and Miss Marston, &c. To be followed by the Comic Drama called HUSH MONEY. Characters by Nlessrs. F Robson, Emery, White, and Vincent; MISS Dormer, and Mrs. A. Wigan. After which, THE HAPPIEST DAY OF MY LIFE. Cha racters by Messrs. F. Robson, J. El White, Lesile, and Vincent; Mrs. Chatterley, Miss P. Horton, and Miss Marston. STRAND THEATRE. Sole Lessee Mr. F. W. Aileron. THIS EVENING, Jul.!' 5, After which, THE SCHOOL FOR SCANDAL. Lady Teazle, Miss Fitzpatrick. After which, THE PETS OF THE BALLET. To conclude with THE SOLDIER'S DAUGHTER. Stalls, 55.; Boxes, 35.; Pit, is. 6d; Gallery, 6d.; Private Boxes, 41 11s. 6d., to be had of Mr. Allcroft, 15. New Bond-street. ASTLErS EUROPE'S NATIONAL AMPHITHEATRE. Lessee and sfanager, Mr. William Cooke. THIS EVENING, Juror 5, Will be presented the new Grand Historical Military spectacle, en titled THE COASACKS ; or, Vive la France. Followed by a series of Chef d'Ouvres of Art, or Equitation BE LA. HAUTE ECOLE deve'oped in the Scenvs in the CIRCLE, the whole arranged and conducted by Mr. William Cooke To conclude with RUSSIA AGAINSC TURKEY, NOW ON TRIAL. Box-office open from Eleven till Four. Stage Manager, Mr. W. West. ROYAL SURREY ZOOLOGICAL GARDENS. Open for the Season. THIS EVENING, JurLT 5, Will be repeated the entirely NEW and BRILLIANT PIECE t,f FIREWORK on a gigantic scale, representing the British Lion and Gallic Cock Trampling on the Russian Eagle. All the numerous attractions of the gardens as usual, including the beautiful Panorama of Chusan, by Danson—the extensive and interesting Menagerie— Vocal and Instrumental Concert : Miss Poole, Miss Ransford, and Mr. Manvers. &c. Concluding with the attack of the British Fleet on Chusan—Explosion of the Batteries and Ships, and final Grand Display of Fireworks, by Southby. Feeding the animals, Half-past Five. Concert, Half-past Six. Fireworks, Quarter to Ten. Ad mission to the whole, Is. On Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday Next, July 11th, 12th, and 13th, THREE GRAND FETES, under the Patronage of his Excellency Count w ALEWSKT, the French Ambassador, in ho nour of the cordial alliance between France and England. HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE. rata DAY —Morning 45 min.after 8 I Evening 16 min.aft. 9 ro•Momow—Morning 45 min.after 9 i Evening 16 min.aft. 10 THE WEATHER.—Strs Otrunt, JULY 5. THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE. 71— highest since noon yesterday. 55 —lowest this morning and during the night. 67—this day, at noon. BAROMETER, 29 . 76—rising. WIND, S.W.—Light airs, with passing showers—clouds and sunshine. - er LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JULY 5, 1854. Yesterday's accounts from Hamburg, received in London a few hours after their transmission by electric telegraph, and published in The Sun of last evening, mention the important fact that, on the 29th ultimo, the Combined Fleets were lying in order of battle within view of Cronstadt, and that a general attack was confidently anticipated for the day following. It is not impossible, there fore, that besides the Victory of the First of June, another victory—the Victory of the Last of June —may henceforth be inscribed upon the warlike calendar of England. It is not altogether un likely that before now the united banners of the tricolor and the union jack may have been float ing in triumph over the battered walls and smoul dering ruins of the Ostia, or Piraeus, of St. Petersburg. After the announcement just now referred to, we may at any rate be permitted to await, with more than usual eagerness, the next intelligence from the Gulf of Finland. It may be allowable to look forward to our next advices from the Baltic, via Hamburg, with more than custo mary liveliness of anticipation. If our readers revert to our impression of last evening, they will observe that, significantly enough, we ce.nnot but think, towards the close of the communication, dated on the 24th ultimo, from " H.M.S. —, Less Kar Island, thirty miles from Cronstadt," the writer has remarked, No one can say what we are likely to do : If we had lots of troops, I could soon tell you what would soon be done." Almost immediately after this we receive the information, already men tioned, that the combined fleets had pressed on wards, by the 29th of June, to within view of Cronstadt ; and that, lying off the island, on that date, in order of battle, a general attack was expected to be made the day afterwards. The intelligence to this effect arrives in France and England precisely at the very time when the two countries are at last preparing to send out mili tary assistance to the Baltic, for the purpose of fur thering, by land, the maritime operations adventured upon by Admirals CHARLES NAPIER and PARSE , - VAL DESCHENES. That is to say, we hear that on the 29th ultimo it was expected at Cronstadt that on the day following, the 30th of June, the combined fleets might probably make a general attack upon those fortifications : and, while medi tating over this important announcement, we are rendered conscious that only now, on this sth of July, an English fleet is going to embark a large body of French troops at Cherbourg, and after wards to convey them through the Cattegat to be disembarked somewhere on the shores of the Gulf of Finland, there to co-operate with the Anglo- French navies in th • eir onslaught on the Russian strongholds. Comparing these dates with each other, might we not with some show of justice complain, as we fiti last evening, that again, in regard to one of tl most important matters relating to the carry in g out of the campaign of 1854, there is evi de ace of the most deplorable delay on the part of hei ! MAJESTY'S Government ? Again, Ministers ha' 73 resolved upon doing at the very last moment who It should have been done at the very cow men 'cement. As we remarked yesterday, they are doh) tr; at the " eleventh" hour what we declared thro t igh these columns to be imperatively requi site the " first." It was the same in reference to t' o.e folly of further negotiation. It was the same, moreover, in regard to the actual declara tion of war against the AUTOCRAT. Ministers persisted in the most frivolous, because the most futil le, efforts to bring about a diplomatic com pro' raise until long after the disgraceful blunder of the Vienna Note, until Moldavia and Wallachia hP.cl been both ravaged by their Muscovite invaders, until the Russian forces had appeared on the banks of the Danube and actually threatened a march upon Constantinople. Ministers persisted in like manner in refusing to declare war until after that execrable massacre at Sinope, which is still a dark blot upon the escutcheons of the allied Governments. They are now about to send out troops to the Baltic—after accounts have been re ceived of the appearance of the combined fleets off Cronstadt on the 29th ult., and of the probability of their making a general attack upon that insular stronghold upon the day following ! At any rate, if all this does not betray the most reprehensible negligence, it reveals anything but commendable promptitude. It redounds in no way to the credit of the Duke of NEWCASLE'S conduct of the War Department of the Adminis tration. On the contrary—it cannot but be re membered hereafter as affording conclusive testi- mony of his Grace's utter incapacity to preside over the affairs of the War Office at the time when the Home Office is presided over by Viscount PALMERSTON. Moreover, we do believe that it may be sur mised with more reason than ever that we were right long ago in declaring that the war against Russia had been adventured upon " without heart" by her MAJESTY'S Government. Other wise, as we have already observed, more decision and despatch would have been manifested in send ing military and maritime assistance to the SULTAN. Otherwise, we may now add, troops would have been sent out to the Baltic before the eve of a general at tack by the combined fleets upon Cronstadt. However —that eve has arrived—those troops are about to be conveyed thither : and we must rest so far satisfied with the results of the "festina lente policy" of a perverse and procrastinating Govern ment. Another " innocent " has been ruthlessly sacri ficed. Another bill has been postponed, we sup pose, "in consequence of the war." Never has there been a session of such abundant promise— but deplorably scanty performance. All that we have got is additional taxation—a doubled Income Tax, and enhanced duties on Malt, Spirits, and Sugar. There has been no lack of activity in these matters, that could so readily have been dispensed with. While the various fiscal financial and Par liamentary reforms, for which the people were so urgent, have all been adjourned to a more conve nient season. The Testamentary Jurisdiction Bill is the latest victim. After being carried successfully through the House of Lords, despite the opposition offered at every stage of its progress-- after weathering the storm, so far, it has been surrendered at the first summons, and the Mini sterial flag struck, without a single shot being fired, or rather a speech delivered, in favour of the principle decided on, not recklessly or inconsi derately, but after mature and attentive conside ration. The gentlemen of the Ecclesiastical Courts have thus obtained a brief respite. Another year has been given to them to set their houses in order, and to prepare for the inevitable changes that must speedily take place. They have ample notice of the nature of the proposed alterations, and cannot put forward any reasonable demand for time to make arrangements that should be concluded during the interval thus unexpectedly obtained. Since the matter has thus been put off, it is now incumbent on every zealous, consistent, and disinterested Legal Reformer to exert all his energies to obtain a measure as per fect as possible—one that will tend towards the grand object of having every matter brought within the jurisdiction of a single tribunal compe tent to administer complete relief in any case, however complicated, and to dispense with the necessity of an application to any other Court, or the assistance of different legal advisers, unknown to the suitor, and in whom he cannot possibly en tertain the same confidence as in those by whom he has been habitually guided in all his affairs for a long series of years. We should then look to the different points in which reform is loudly de manded and may be regarded as indispensable, and see how all the necessary changes may be made at one time, without being spread over a series cf years, and doled out by scanty instal- ' ments. The jurisdiction now posse sse d b y t h e Ecclesi astical Courts applies to the proof of wills, or the granting of letters of administration in cases of intestacy—to matrimonial differences —with power of declaring a marria ge vo i d ab initio, al though not of annulling one th at had at any time been valid—of granting di vorces a menset et thoro, and fixing the amount of alimony to be paid. Admiralty or maritime cases, including the con demnation of all prizes taken from the enemy. These are the most important points ; but there are also cases of Church discipline —so far as the clergy, churchwardens, or brawlers in church, and church-rate defaulters are concerned, and also an almost obsolete power of condemning par ties of certain descriptions o f immorality, or of defamation, to do penance and pay costs. Now, it is quite clear that in all these cases the law may be far more advantage ously administered b y another or o ther trbun a l s , and that it is, th erefore, use l ess to attempt t o bolster up a sy s t em rad i ca ll y d e f ec ti ve , or t o en deavour to erect n ew s uperstructures on an un sound foundation, all of which must tumble down within a few s h ort years. F ar b e tt er wou ld i t b e altogether to remove the dilapidated and tottering , concern, and t o create a su b s t an tial buildin g , suit able to the wants and exigencies of the country, on a solid and permanent basis. The Ecclesias tical Court s must be abol i s h e d—th e ev il t hi ng must be cut off, root and branch. Nor do we apprehend that, when once it is irrevocably de cided, th e t estamentary j ur i s di c ti on —th e most lucrative branch of the business—shall be re moved, there will be much struggle on the other points, which would not afford a living, or make it worth while to retain the judicial staff and all the subordinate officers attached to the different Courts. The practitioners may exclaim with SHYLOCK :--. " You take my house when you do take the prop That doth sustain my house ; you take my life, When you do take the means whereby I live." Knowing, therefore, that the comfortable mono poly which they so long enjoyed, and by means whereof the elder practitioners so abundantly feathered their nests, cannot be maintained, they will be prepared to make a complete surrender on the best terms that can be obtained. The citadel being taken, they will not protract an untenable defence of the comparatively worthless outposts. The whole jurisdiction, then, should be trans ferred, and there has been much discussion as to ( whether it should be to a branch of the Court of Chancery or to a separate tribunal or tribunals, established for the purpose. The practitioners at Doctors' Commons are strongly in favour of the latter course, which would, to a certain extent at least, continue to them the monopoly they have so long enjoyed ; and which we way add ; they have so grievously abused. But for that very reason, we dread the proposition. We suspect the Greeks, even when bearing pre tended gifts or offering seeming boons. We wish a change that will not interfere with the contem plated fusion of law and equity—the amalgama tion of all the courts into one general jurisdiction, where complete relief can be obtained. We do not wish for separate proofs as to real or personal estates, or to have one Court to declare whether a will has been duly executed, and another to in terpret the provisions of the very same document, and to decree that it be carried into practical ope ration, and cause all the necessary accounts to be taken. For many reasons then, in addition to those we have thus briefly put forward, we greatly prefer a transfer of the entire jurisdiction to a branch of the Court of Chancery ; and we ear nestly hope that Lord CRANWORTH may abide by the decision at which he arrived after abundant and careful consideration. Another attempt has been made to liberate the demon of religious strife, another effort to create an annual cause of quarrel and contention that would excite the angry passions of the multitude, and occasion the worst description of, " Civil dissension, with its vip'rous tooth, That gnaws the bowels of the commonweal." Had Mr. SPOONER unfortunately proved success ful there would have been discussions every session, embittered by all the rancour of sectarian spleen and bigotry. Her MAJESTY'S subjects would be arrayed in opposition to each other, and actuated by the fiercest passions. The " compa rative SPOONER" or the " superlative PLUMPTRE," if that Hon. Gentleman should be prevailed on again to enlighten the House with his lucubrations, would be always prepared to denounce the reli gion of many millions of the people—thinking that they rendered GOD service by cutting off the supplies and leaving without the means of sup port those who were educating for the ministry of the Roman Catholic Church. Nor would there be wanting doughty champions on the other side, ready and willing to carry on a guerilla warfare, and to attack the enemy's camp on any or no provocation. There would unquestionably be found a Catholic Roland for the Protes tant Oliver. If the " Exeter Haitians" could boast of a SPOONER, the " Ultra-Montanists" might exult in " a Lucas." If NEWDEGATE should be pointed to with pride on the one side, might not MOORE or DUFFY be exalted on the other ? We have, indeed, escaped a very serious evil, far more formidable to the national peace and tranquillity of the country than the absentees— the Hon. Gentlemen who preferred their soup and fish, and the other agremens of the social board to the dreary eloquence of the proposer and seconder—could have any notion of what pledges might be exacted from would-be legislators. How might aspiring candidates be badgered by ultra- Protestant voters —no man could possibly remain neutral. No man could avoid giving offence to those whom, although adversaries, he could not help respecting. A week of each session should at least be devoted to squabbles and disputes, and the members should make up their minds to breathe for that time the polluted atmosphere of the House, in place of the pure air of heaven " on mountain, lake, or sea," according to their vari ous pursuits and fancies. Nothing, indeed, since the flinging of the golden apple on Mount Ida could have so greatly promoted the cause of " Discord" as the SPOONER amendment to the Public Revenue and Consolidated Fund Charges Bill, if it had not indeed proved fatal to the fur ther progress of that excellent measure. It must be recollected that the object of Mr. SPOONER was to repeal, by a side wind, a matter that had, after protracted and angry discussion, been deliberately sanctioned by Parliament. For all practical purposes there might as well have been a repeal of the Emancipation Act, and an annual discussion on the subject of the oaths to be sworn by Honourable Members before taking their seats, or a blank left in the schedule of the duties on corn, which was to be filled up in Com mittee of Supply during the debates on the Ways and Means in every Session. Those who can re collect the universal agitation that prevailed in every district throughout the entire country, in 1845, when Sir ROBERT PEEL, taking the bull by the horns, determined to take the sense of the country, and, if possible, to remove this fertile source of disunion, will perceive the magnitude of the danger that has been averted by a majority of 16 only—a majority that might have been changed into a minority had the honourable and Learned Gentleman, the Member for Youghal, been enabled to occupy the attention of the House, while the Opposition whippers-in were driving the unwilling absentees from the pleasures of the table to the dry discussion. Fortunately, however, the " time glass" had been turned, ani, as according to the recent understanding, no de bate should be resumed after that event, the Honourable and Learned Gentleman was obliged unwillingly to yield, in deference to the general feeling. Hence it was, perhaps, that we are enabled this day to congratulate the country on the great evil that has been averted, and to indulge in the comfortable reflection, that Parlia ment will not have so dainty a dish provided for its entertainment as that which Mr. SPOONER pro mised to bestow. Of one point, at least, we feel perfectly certain, that, although there would b& many sufferers, the chief would be the members of the Established Church in Ireland—the most as f o t r r ;n e k i dab wealthy e n l e b Bishop through lwo the a an g ad wallsins t comfortable. o which fm a y w n o ßo ud oe l tcht .0 beßector wmo t at ht would f d h e a n v t ec a a n u d s a e l sl t ot o uw regret daennetes to the o t the w hle t p h d r er Collegeasiwd a e l not o f! v .m t : e ye -nr.oroe Parlia mentarytsih and the expenses of the establishment allowed by the Bth and 9th VICTORIA, chap. 25. THE COUNT-OUT LAST NIGHT. Mr. J. Bell Mr. Blackett Mr. Bowyer Mr. Brot herton Mr. Cheetham Mr. Currie Mr. Fielden Mr. W. J. Fox Mr. Geach Mr. M. Gibson Mr. Greene Sir J. Graham Marquis of Granby Mr. Greenall Mr. Hadfield Mr. Heywood Mr. Hawkins Lord Hotham Mr. Mitchell Mr. Pollard-Urquhart Sir W. Molesworth Mr. Pugh Mr. A. Pellatt Dr. Phillimore Mr. J. G. Phillimore Mr. W. P. Price Mr. Roebuck Lord D. Stuart Mr. Vernon Sir J. Walmsley Mr. W. A. Wilkinson Mr. Warner CONSISTENT POLITICIAN& In 1845, for placing the Maynooth Grant on the Con- solidated Fund. Sir F. Thesiger Sir F. Kelly Mr. Tomline Sir J. Walsh Lord Claude Hamilton Mr. Liddell Mr , now SirJ., Pakington I In 18.51, paired or voted for removing the grant from the Consolidated Fund. Sir F. Thesiger. Sir F. Kelly Mr. Tomline Sir J. Walsh Lord Claude Hamilton Mr. Liddell Sir J. Pakington The Duke and Duchess of Northumberland and suite arrived in Paris on Monday from Italy, en route to London. The Duke of Devonshire, we have the satisfaction to state, is daily improving in health at his grace's marine villa at Kemp Town. If the state of the noble duke's health will permit, it i s probable that he will visit his extensive estates in Ireland early in the autumn. The Duke an d D uc h ess of Sutherland and family re turned to town yesterday from Clifden House. Lord Frederick Gower, at the date of the last letters, was doing duty with hi s regiment, the 2d battalion of the Rifles. The Countess of Westmoreland and Lady Rosa Fane have arrived in Harley -street from Brighton, en route to join our noble ambassador at the court of the Emperor Francis Joseph, at Vienna. Viscount and Viscountess Palmerston have issued cards for a grand banquet on Saturday next. The vis countess will subsequently have an evening party. Her ladyship will continue her Saturday reunions during the season. CUMBERLAND AND WEE''MORELAND WRESTLING SO CIETY.—The great Cumberland and Westmoreland Wrestling Society have recently marked their estima tion of the valuable services for many years past of Mr. John James, their president, by presenting him with a very handsom e s il ver tea serv i c e, bearing the following inscription :—" This service was presented by the Cum berland and Westmoreland Wrestling Society to John James, Esq., as a testimonial of their personal regard and high esteem for his valuable services as their presi dent." To this is added the date and lists of the itewards at the time in office. MONEY MARKET AND COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE. CITY, TWO O'CLOCK. The sales of cotton at Liverpool yesterday were estimated at 5,000 bales„ including 500 American taken on speculation. The market closed tamely without change in prices. The sales comprised 4,000 American, 250 Egyptian, at 6d. to 9d., 500 Surat, at 3d. to 4id., and 300 Sea Island at 10d. to 2s. lid. per lb. Railway Shares were flat. Letters to Australia and India, by way of Southampton have to be posted this evening, or before eight o'clock to-morrow morning. The Post-office regulations for forwarding Par liamentary papers to the colonies are not generally known, and it may be useful to give them : " 1. At the same rates of postage at which Parlia mentary papers can be sent to any place in the United Kingdom (including the Channel Islands), and on the same conditions they can be transmitted to the following colonies, if sent by packet, and at double those rates if sent by private ship : Heligoland, lonian Islands, *Nova Scotia, *New Bruns wick, Vancouver's Island, *Newfoundland, *Barbadoes, Turk's Island, Falkland Island, Labuan, East Indies, Cape of Good Hope, Mauritius, Sierre Leone, Gambia, Natal, New South Wales, Western Australia, South Australia, Van Diemen's Land, Victoria, New Zealand. " When sent by packet, prepayment to the colonies marked (*) is optional, but to the other colonies prepay ment is compilsory, and in all cases is prepayment com pulsory when the paper is sent by private ship. "2. To those colonies between which and the mother country a uniform letter postage has now been esta blished, equal to sixfold the inland letter rate, Parlia mentary papers are sent by packet at the same rates and on the same conditions as ordinary books. " The rates of postage by packet are these :—For a Parliamentary paper not exceeding Ilb. in weight, 6d. ; above -lb. and not exceeding llb., is. ; 11b. and not ex ceeding 21bs., 2s. ; and so on, increasing ls. for every additional pound or fraction of a pound." Various conditions are to be observed in sending these papers. They must be without a cover, or with a cov er op en at b o th en d s , an d each publi cation sent separately. "The eff., , ct of war upon the trade and property of neutrals and Maritime Capture and Prize," is the title of a pamphlet by Dr. James Parker Deane, who has revised Wheaton's book published in 1815, and altered it according to the " new reading." The author, however, coincides in opinion with most of our merchants—viz., that we are suffering neutral traders to deprive us of the commerce which we open so directly to them, and may not easily recover after the war is ended. The decision in the case of the Melbourne Gold Minin g Company as to the right of a s h are h o ld er to sue the recovery of his deposit, bears out the view taken some time back under this head, and, in all probability, if confirmed by the Court above, will be the prelude to numerous other actions against the directors of abortive schemes. The usual dividend of the South Sea Company of 1 per cent. for the half year was declared this day, with the addition of the income tax, which would be paid by the company. An angry discus sion took place about the delay in not dividing the company's stock amongst the proprietors, when an act had been obtained to justify it. The reply was that the best mode of doing so would be considered by the directors after the meeting was over. There was a slight improvement in the rates for bills of exchange, negotiated here yesterday upon some of the Continental cities, but Paris, 90 days, was rather lower, being 25 25 to 27i, and Trieste was not higher than 12 40 to 50. Amsterdam was marked 11 17i to 17,1, and Hamburgh 13 51 to 6. The notice issued respecting the dividends due upon Consols, &c., runs thus :—" Bank of England, July 3, 1854. otice is hereby given, that the July dividends will be paid to the public on Satur day, the Bth of July next. William Smee, chief accountant." The question whether the Bank of England will to-morrow lower its rate of discount, is much can vassed in the city, and if it wdre decided according to the present ratio of mercantile profits, there would not be a moment's hesitation in affirming that the reduction ought to take place forthwith. The apprehension, however, that some of our great capitalists may speculate upon the exchanges so as to send specie away, and participate in foreign loans, will have a great effect in governing the course of the Bank directors. The Turkish loan will be for five millions sterling, and is expected to be guaranteed by England and France. The English stock market is quiet, and the speculators are anxiously waiting to ascertain whether the Bank of England will alter the rate of discount. Consols have been 93i and are now 931- buyers. The N e w Three-and-a-Quarter per Cents, have been marked 934 to 94, and the Three per Cents. 93g to Bank Stock has risen to 208 and 209. Exchequer-bills are ls. discount to 2s. premium, and Indian Bonds par to 3s. prem. Ex chequer Bonds scrip is at to premium. There have been several transactions in Russian Five per Cents. at 994 to per cent. above par ; Dutch Two-and-a-Half per Cents. have been 59 ex. div. ; Mexican are dull, at 241 ; Peruvian Deferred are 521 ; Spanish Threes have been 182 ; and the Certificate is at 4i. The following are the nominal prices of foreign Stocks : Grenada Deferred Bonds, 6k to 61 ; Mexican, 24k to 241 ; Peruvian, 68 to 70 ; ditto 3 per Cents., 52 to 54 ; Portuguese 4 per Cents., 40 to 42 ; Russian 5 per Cents., 98 to 100 ; ditto 4 per Cents., 83 to 85 ; Spanish New Deferred, 17 to 181 ; ditto 3 per Cents., 37 to 39 ; ditto Certi ficates, 4 to 41 ; ditto Passive, n to 4/. Railway Shares are rather firmer, and with more doing in Midland, North Western, Caledonian, and York and North Midland. French Shares are quiet, but the other foreign undertakings have been dealt in to a fair extent. Mines and Banks are dull. Crystal Palace con tinue heavy. Land Shares steady. BRITISH FUNDS THIS DAY.—CLOSING PRICES ( From the Oficial List.) Business done. 203 9 3 per Cent. Reduced — Annuities . • 93 3 sif 931 4 L on g Annuities, Expire sth Jan., 1860 ... Neer ßa Llk 3 S i t o per ek Cent. 4 11-16 Ditto 30 Years, Expire 10th Oct., 1859 4 a India Bonds, £lOOO 3 p par Ditto, under £lOOO Consols for Openin g 19th July Exchequer Bills,2id. R.lOOO 2500 2 p 1 d Small par 3 p Exchequer Bo n d s S cr i p, 18 58 ti 1p — Ditto 1859 i i P PRICE 0 F FOREIGN FUNDS THIS DAY. Wexican 3 per Cent. Peruvian Bonds, 44 per Cent. 69 Peruvian 3 per Cent. Kussian Bonds, 1822, 5 per Cent. £ St 991 100} 100 Ditto 4:3 per Cent B3l 4 Spanish Bonds,l3 per Cent 374 x d Spanish New Deferred, 3 per Cent ....... Spanish Committee Cert. of Coup. not fun 4l Dividends on the above payable in London. French Routes, 3 per Cent. 72f 50c Ex. 25f10c Dutch Exchange, 2t per Cent. 12 Guil ..... 59t x d THREE O'CLOCK. Consols for Opening 19th July 931 g x d THE NEW STEAM-SHIP PRINCE.—It was announced yesterday afternoon that the Government have char tered the General Screw Company's new steam-ship Prince, of 2,700 tons and 350-horse power, for three months. This vessel is the largest of the company's fleet, having been constructed by Messrs. Mare and Co., and the engines by Maudslay, Sous, ',and Field. She is now being fitted out with the utmost despatch, and will be ready for service in about 10 days. CONTINENTAL EXCHANGES.—The letters from the continent yesterday mention no alteration in the general state of the exchanges. The Vienna advices confirm the main particulars recently given of the intended loan. It is said to have been fixed at a sum equal to 35,000,0001. sterling, which may be extended, if practicable, to 50,000,0001. The instalments are to range over five years, and the price of stock is to be 9 5, payable in Bank paper, which, being virtually at a discount of 281 per cent., reduces the cost to 661. As the interest is to be at the rate of 5 per cent., payable in silver, there would seem a probability that these terms may render the attempt successful, although great doubts of such a result are still expressed, unless compulsion be resorted to. It is understood that the loan which the Turkish Government are now desirous of negotiating is for an amount of stock sufficient to yield 5,000,0001. sterling— one-half to be raised in London and one-half in Paris. THE MARCHIONESS OF BREADALBANE'S BALL.—On Monday evening the Marchioness of Breadalbane gave a grand ball at Breadalbane House, Park-lane, to their Royal Highnesses the Duchess of Cambridge and the Princess Mary. The preparations were on this occasion quite as magnificent and extensive as for the late enter tainment to her Majesty. The ball was given chiefly to those who were not invited on that occason, to prevent the saloons being overcrowded, and the company was of course more numerous and general than at the previous ball. The guests commenced arriving shortly after ten, and continued to pour in rapidly until half-past one o'clock, by which time upwards of 1,000 of the elite of the nobility and fashionable world were present, in cluding a large and distinguished assemblage of both Houses of Parliament and corps diplomatique. Their Royal Highnesses the Duchess of Cambridge and the Princess Mary, attended by Lady Suffield, Lady Vane, and the Earl and Countess of Ashburnham, arrived at ten minutes past eleven o'clock, and the dancing shortly after commenced. Mr. Laurent's splendid band was in attendance in the new ball-room ; and Messrs. Weip pert's full orchestra played in the second dancing saloon. Dancing was continued until an advanced hour in the morning. THE HARVEST IN IRELAND.—The Banner of Ulster publishes an elaborate report of the state of the crops in the north, by which it appears that for years past there has not been so hopeful a prospect of an abundant har vest as that which is now fast ripening to maturity, LATEST FOREIGN NEWS, THE WAR. OCCUPATION OF WALLACHIA BY THE AUSTRIANS. Advices by way of Paris from Vienna, dated yesterday, state that the entry of the Austrian troops into Wallachia is an " accomplished fact." A telegraphic despatch from Orsova, of July 2, gays that seventeen steamers, with Austrian troops on board, have gone down the river. A letter from Crajowa, 20th ult., in the Wanderer of Vienna, states that a Turkish commissioner has arrived in that town to make preparations for the entry of the Austrian troops. A strong feeling in favour of Austria was everywhere expressed. The Turks had not yet taken possession of the points evacuated by the Russians. REPLY OF THE CZAR. , VIENNA, Tuesday Evening.—lt is affirmed that Prince Gortschakoff was to have left St. Peters burg on the Ist with instructions to remain in War saw until he learned whether there was any pros pect of negotiation being renewed on the basis of the Russian propositions. What the propositions are is not known. The Moniteur publishes the following letter from Berlin, dated the 29th June :—" We are assured that the Prussian Government has received from Colonel Manteuffel—sent, as you are aware, to St. Petersburg with a despatch in support of the sum mons of Austria—information indicating a marked coldness on the part of Russia. At the departure of the last courier it was not yet known when the answer of that Court would take place, or in what sense it would be conceived. At Berlin, as well as at Vienna, the retrogade movement of the Russians was considered at the same time as a retreat and as a change of front hostile to Germany." ADVANCE OF THE TURKS TOWARDS THE DOBRUDSCHA. We read in the Press, of Vienna :—" A letter from Galatz, 22d ult., states that the Turks are about to enter the Dobrudscha. The measures taken by the Russians show that they expect a combined operation of the fleets and of the Turkish army, having for object to destroy the Russian flotilla of the Danube, and to retake the Dobrudscha. A grand council of war is to be held at Schumla in the early part of July, at which Omer Pasha, Mar shal St. Arnaud, Lord Raglan, and Halil Pacha will be present, and at which the plan of offensive operations will be decided on. Letters direct from Schumla, of the 18th, announce that Mustapha Pacha, who commands the corps of observation of Bazardschick, marched on that day towards the wall of Trajan by Tlantschik. Other corps are to follow. It appears certain that the new line of operations of Omer Pacha will be directed towards the Dobrudscha and also towards Silistria." TWO STEAMERS STRANDED IN THE BLACK SEA. ODESSA, JULY 2. —Two steamers have been stranded off the Sulina mouths, beyond the reach of the Russian batteries. The crews are endeavour ing to get them off. BATTLE NEAR _ SILISTRIA-2,500 RUS- SIANS KILLED. The Wanderer of Vienna has the following from Orsova, dated the 29th ult. :—" Sami Pacha, the governor of Lesser Wallachia, bas stated officially that, according to a despatch from Omer Pacha, dated the 24th, the Russian rear-guard of 25,000 men and 21 pieces of cannon was attacked on the 22d, near Silistria, by Girotli Mehemet Pacha, the new governor of that fortress. The battle, which lasted two days, ended in the defeat of the Russians, who are said to have had 2,500 killed. All the Russian troops are stated, on hearing that the army of Schumla was about to march to attack them, to have abandoned not only the environs of Silistria, but also the Dobrudscha." MOVEMENTS OF THE RUSSIAN ARMY. BELGRADE, July 3.—Prince Gortschakoff has promised the Wallachian militia to remain in the principalities. BUCHAREST, July I.—PrinCe Gortschakoff 's head-quarters are removed to Untenzi. General Anrep and victualling horses have been sent to Plojesti. The retirement of the Russians behind the Pruth within two weeks is highly probable. Prince Gortschakoff has ordered General Bud berg, with the chancery, to Fokschan within forty eight hours. A despatch from Bucharest, of July 1, says that three Russian transports laden with ammunition were lost while going down the river to Galatz. The crews were saved. A letter from Warsaw of the 26th ult., in the Press of Vienna, says :—" It is said here that de spatches had arrived from St. Petersburg, ordering the evacuation of the principalities and the retreat of the Russian army behind the Pruth ; but from what we understand it is only Wallachia that is to be evacuated, and the Russians will continue to occupy Moldavia. As to the evacuation of Wal lachia that fact is certain, General Rudiger having been officially informed of it. But in military circles here this retreat is not by any means con sidered as a proof of any want of success on the part of our arms. It is, on the contrary, explained as a consequence of new strategical plans, requir ing the concentration of all the forces on a single point. It is only when that concentration shall have been effected that the great blow, it is said, will be struck. The Princess de Paskiewitsch has just set out for Jassy. Her passports had been refused her in consequence of a rule having been laid down by the Prince himself, which was to prevent every officer's wife, were it even his own, to proceed to the theatre of war." FORTIFICATIONS OF WARSAW. On the Ist instant the persons at Warsaw who inhabit the streets near the citadel, received orders to evacuate their houses, which are to be imme diately demolished in order that the fortifications may be extended. THE RUSSIAN LOAN FORBIDDEN BY THE EUROPEAN GOVERNMENTS. Correspondence from most of the leading com mercial towns of Europe, says a letter from Brus sels, July 2nd, announces that all the Governments have agreed to forbid the public negotiation of the Russian loan. The Journal Allemand of Frank fort, in an official communication, pronounces an energetic denunciation against whoever may be disposed to participate in that operation. It is so reprobated in Germany, that the house of Beth mann has explained that it only took part in the Russian loan in consequence of its connexion with the house at St. Petersburg charged with the affair. The executive power of Hamburg, the Dutch Government, and the Belgian Government, have declared that they will oppose, as far as de pends upon them, any transaction relative to the Russian loan. In England the Crown lawyers have declared that all participation in the loan would be considered as an act of treason. In the face of such unanimity, it is useless to add that the new Russian loan was from the very first looked upon with suspicion, and considered in itself as an operation without solidity. THE BALTIC. COPENHAGEN, Tuesday, July 4.—Bomarsund was again bombarded on the 26th and 27th June. The fortifications were half destroyed. The Russians were transporting the stores from Bomarsund to Gelaby. THE BOMBARDMENT OF BOMARSUND. The following account has been received from Stockholm of the bombardment of Bomarsund : " On the 21st of June the Hecla, Captain Hall; the Valorous, Captain Buckle, and the Odin, Captain Scott, paddle-steamers, undertook the difficult southerly passage between the Aland isles towards Bomarsund. About 5 o'clock alarge round tower appeared in sight, situate upon an elevated position, with two-thirds of its guns in the case mates ; and in a short time another of a similar description, upon a still higher point of elevated ground ; a little lower down, on the same shore, a semicircular fort with 80 guns mounted thereon, of which two-thirds were also case mated. Sidewards lay a third tower, on the extreme high point of the island of Posto. The Hecla opened the cannonade against the fort, which returned it after a quarter of an hour's delay, when the conflict became ge neral. The English ships moved in a circle at their ap proach, directing their shot and shells with great preci sion. About 6 o'clock a small battery, placed on the border of a wood to the left of the fort, and mounting six guns of the horse artillery, supported by sharp shooters, opened a hot fire upon the steamers, which was answered with immediate effe c t. Several bombs fell close in front of this battery, which upon two occa sions was deserted by the artillerymen in consequence ; but fresh troops continually rushed to the guns with great courage and determination, while the riflemen maintained a constant fire. A bomb with burning fuze lit upon the deck of the Hecla ; a young midshipman, named Lucas, with great coolness, caught it up, and threw it in the water before it exploded. "At 7 o'clock this battery was silenced, and deserted by the men. The English vessels then cast anchor in the roads in front of the fortress, and continued their bombardment of it and the tower on the opposite side. The fire was replied to at short intervals from the forts ; but almost all the Russian balls fell short of the vessels. About 10 o'clock p.m. fire in the magazine, in the further part of the fortress, and within the fortress itself, appeared to have broken out, and was hailed by three loud cheers f l ew the ehiP ß ' ('' rewPf After the lapse of half an hour; THE SUN, LONDON ~....WEDNESDAY EVENING, JULY 5, 1854.