The Sun. — London, England, 1833-02-08 00:00:00

!of pt to -rs, prole i „ r iot )e most in.r anp ii, l—and, on' I's, ; to Ireland itst" it.—(Bea r.) tubers ros' st .Le fr ibett, and tbe.,°9ow. to the It ' uu e tO lentlemen reinedY et tha t , ay at one ru le d Ireland be 0 ,0 , bout porti n g. 0 -hy not l et h t g o o —(fles r ' g o' fallen into ob, the Hon. tt iping hot fr°E ° od , !master is shn'ao:l tutor of th e vas a falser deot_.; the Hon. 31 ' P o e sported i m ore e in the sso' l lo 4 the RiO i t ee „,be the Hon• im•ants, all the a dv a s o well-stationed re ee choed sn eb ? I lamen t t 0 0, , „ h ere turned t re")—. la nes d o cg e. He 1,3 %b truth of wh - ss min can dooht:01 r ne nronortio' ti r de taand i t a N 0...... , DJee the religion of Jesus Christ demand it be;0,,,, " noes not. I am, and always have been, for what e rrf la j u c all complete spoliation. In 1829, the 51ein wh: ','l ( 0 3 Surrey presented my petition, praying that that Petitions_aoffia Inen 'en have u e g u t to be done might be done. If gentle eient leisure, I advise them to read that hae disdainmany a time have they turned with pelle t s o from that to which they have been corn and al , .listen at last ---it was presented in May, 1829, wo 4etrhtien while the Catholic Relief Bill was passing, I allow., to : g . myself, as far as my humble means would se a , exh rir.tsure its success ; but, at the same time, I by b a b i , e u ., t,ing the Right Hon. Baronet nut to do the thing ar c h ) , ',. but at once to put down the Protestant Hier after a, 111...1ei-eland, pe ttet t told him that their never would otherwise be and the same scenes would he repeated there tQua, occurred before emancipation. I insisted that other, ant,'t b ' an end put to the hierarchy in some way or neeer', t hat until an end was put to it, peace . there dig nina ; ° . u .s ul .. be in that distracted, indignant, and justly in put of 'auntra,„— : (Cheers.) I now come to the pleasing 4°, 4 al task, an "hive t In these troublesome times, when d th at, i. ° Pay taxes, and ethers talk of resisting this s tand ard ,t is extremely desirable to have a criterion or u,, an , _" 1 the right of resistance. It has been given to I I I hankt read Li a ,,_ him for it, by the Secretary for Ireland. mi g h t sife.,sstone with great attention, to see how far we te e otheitY go, and I went over Locke and Coke, and the matter 5 ) for the same purpose. Blackstone leaves e ,, lt 'red , doubtful ; but the Secretary for Ireland has 'lard o f ,Y .the doubt ; he bas afforded us a certain titan not 110ite ne right of resistance, and as if his authority were 4 tab e let ' r, We have the high confirmation of the Hon. that • f r l er Leeds (Mr. Maca - ulay). They have told us 4t at i ri e r•Y st ate of things arises here, similar to that in 4 , t14 no t i: e n , t he year 1776, t h en we h ave a r i g h t to res i- t , ' 4) th ' er e --- (Cheers.) Let us see how this applies ( i Ch tert e s a se of I re l and. I hope it is not treason yet-- 'lead, o r ati laughter) -although the Secretary for Ire- Th ey tai th e M ember for Leeds, called it a holy cause.z t, ,b !taut, and ey r, tbt to d that the A mer i cans res i ste d , an d t h at t h ey had almost added that they rejoiced al the resista nce and i th n its success. I never went so far l' c uldie -(Cheers and laughter.) I have been called Re . iiit b ' t ‘Protti oji ",,“ l ieal, Jacobin, Leveller. In the regular way nber said,. t " or a (mien u ',', l have gone through everystage usually given iutative or s et a gh te a`differed from the powers which existed—. .ntative of I*oo, ituaisewarsh)i_b_ut never in my life did . any . man hea v r . me t there are 10, io ..row,' tt ugton for that act of rebellion against his King. t 3d. a day' ilia Tyrant of thetave done it, and, least of all, if Ih ad been a rhich he h tt9 slat eetet eon of that King.—(Hear.) But to return. ulary asserted that the Americans had a right tore labouring there Asa is l ,let labouring e "P e p, tyw a , !e e, then, what it was they resisted. The Secre ;aratea intattlestake.n; he thought they demanded to he repre of cotta' t r ett , itton N i abets' tu tat d.,,,1l British House of Commons. They knew a tails, 1 Abell 04 p thtill'itil better, --(Cheers.) They never demanded any Then the , p ,P bid tb 't `Patiti o g n ; they never would have listened to any such ,000 hag s ' e V ts: l a tatis at ;, They demanded their own Legislature, and If, and se With eras- of T. Pied to ° n against the Sovereign was, that he had at week, as it ii n d i -Ctia,ttu're interfere with the proceedings of their own 0 persons , B° l , I Now,Gentlemen of Ireland, district Wh ie fl iat w 4i t etary f ru. Ido not tell you to rebel, although the great 09°- s' hitvr f ar u . praised rebellion, and said that it a r if f tr 't 4 01' land he could vs t ai al of cs 0 eseech you not to rebel.—(Cheers, living on l e r ~, ao /t ale t i s , -"ler.") Why am I called to order? Is it the same t " -e , , i , e ro t to r 4L' i rt these times, to beseech the people of Ireland iust not &O r :4 ~,,.1 1 i0 o; ','? Enough has been done, perhaps, to cause J lor"ser ' but I s increase i 011 y et , th e , . entreat them never to rebel—never to draw con' ti f al; o 'l th ey ' null to tempt them to think about rebellion, ber the fac t ~r i al p e l l .Pitli t , eri some grievances like those the Americans ter of the Piaac ti t : tl eil o f a f '' How do I know what they com rseers (t° ' ra j * , c t ,, r e; h er Here is their Declaration of Indepen ir, and my : - I ,of , ti . e 1,,,, b ' is cause shown for their rebellion, and that dlords, for ' , sign 'NI b beep declared by the Secretary sufficient. It was r.)'chat A ar o p ed b 7 Jeffersand M dcl . together,and it was .-- o'p it , y t i on a a mon ,ats brough t al 'r• 0. 1 "; by Washington, and the rest.—(No, no.) h a d 8° ~ lif t ~.4 ANLEy wb . ton did not sign it. Ly we t he ta et . vo R „,, as ing ffell, then , , 0 , i , (1. la LTT—Well, that is a matter of no impor ,as they nig' i,Pose, ` i _ 'tighter.) It is a wonderful error, which, I ,o find hinas e r ha 8 0 0 fatal to invalidate all I have to say.—(Cheers.) It 'niliating nt: t , e A )l oftelerationao.error, that my argument, founded upon the xultation. „ef t te h eap ph ,,, 18 to be good for nothing, although it is not " there's P' c,;ts Etas th e ',`"t consequence to my argument. This is —he is a P ra 1 ; ti ,,A l 4 4d :itnericans complained of—" That the King of be saY, O , ~, ,,r aas called together legislative bodies at places what d el sa le °n ab , : triumPha,,, n ',? tr. thu g s ie and distant from their residences." That is ?miser for Kt 0 f4gloi ld e,7 , and this is another—" That the King of nded to (bad' 0 pi th e t " 4B made Judges dependent upon his will alone other Pr efe r ,V I, Paonteaure of their offices, and for the amount and the Han° fi l 4 1 1 4 li ev e r t their salaries." Ido not speak of the Judges, self. That s 144 1 41 04 ar this is the case with the Justices of the Peace la) rubhig_i r 4 „ l na ,{ i i I cannot say. The Americans go on to com- Os' aa 'es 4 at he has erected a multitude of new offices, hat the nt v, LEA ,-ut hi th I have I l voer io.,'' e harass the er swarms of officers to people, or '' 11 're! at out their substance." Whether such is the case for Ido 13 vend os 4 d coo m e A t tb„ --- -Whether any people have been sent there to eat w -- to ider l e r tit Id e. ~,BtauCe of the people, I will not take upon me to The non' flock b N adi "Le next accusation is " That he has kept upon a not the r e ea t t _klie t. ,, e g armies without the consent of our own legislative JO ~, 'eat, W hether this applies now I know not, but at all vs t va° ' - of w t °r e What f l he openiog,.„i o te eiepader the ° low will not fit—" That he has affected that the 1% 11 "f 0 it' po w nailitary independent of and superior to the r 0 I, is o s'l Dopy have not affected that in Ireland ; ' f the p ored 1 N affect I whom 00 h at teed .at. The Americans proceed—. He has tuber for P tl' ~ e C . , with others (what impudent dogs they must . n j th° 0 tots l) to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our salon, a t o , and _ . • a Lo ons 31 e ,st ir un acknowledged by our laws, giving his assent HOOP t ia 41 act of stress eV' e or ef 1 te en f ._ Pretended legislation." The next charge rther— there w e" 'lsr ets, °4l ier ' " That he has quartered large bodies disc° / -plc ' e roon us withoutconsent." This ground of distress t o , t i .,, in t b i g been fort t 4 "t th er "°Pe never can apply to Ireland.—(Cheers.) it, „) l'k_ Press e is not a shadow of ground fora pplying to Ld.' r e 'et at th• it.—(A s e e trot tae c la charge against a former Sovereign. the Hon . f i e li t e t ,,„l'a b, ° ale to the following :—" For protecting the e di t:q ty. ._ tlis W I atitte", Look trials from punishment for any murders —a criterOnir ti.. n, ee 'i on the innocent inhabitants." Let the Right bows that anot, ta r a n , 41 tb . et arY for Ireland think of this ; let Irish gen t°°. il l it lel ' of • is short sentence but •l • Lys, nor ~ t o pr,, sp eik at. It a coot usive, is darig e , r ig ,N ~ ~ to us with a voice from above—" For de and that ""rol i ii •in m any o f the benefit of trial by jury." an fell I n 'ier e. \ cases .. . hat once o to bet tst e ase " Let US reflect that this justified resistance it for the,,, bets h. lot. Arnerica, according to the opinions of Mem from th e ' t i'l l th tl ti 's e * ia jesta's Government; but be it remembered also he bas I ' l- r obl Se‘, airier went so far in my life.—(Hear.) That justified The de oso u to o ki4et,ien,,ens in , taking up arms against their lawful • Aberde t° ' 'l l pl y g 4, ' 1 r uotri for many yeats we called " the best of inconstel s '„Jt l r e , to h .."' the conclusion of the declaration they ap authoritP:o s ai r` b , o ,, t l 'a f an opprobrious name, ;vhich I will not th laid it.' to de 5i,,.") ; a o respect to his present Majesty and his more the to‘aee by they wind up all their grounds of re with the Potitl Jury d aPri t ,, Y s aVing, that he had even endeavoured e books O P b pa t oti • j n e them of the benefit of the trial by speak in 1 e 0 tri e t 'Ptiv' ea 7 You then, Gentlemen, let not us attempt scaliest. 0 . 1 1) . e our / ? ist re t 9) t , mit fellow-subjects of the benefit of the hie ut tV ionoura e s g ee ao ( . e. • , arid thus afford them a lawful cause for open on , who sr ; la the t et t , It h -as been several times put to the Irish ug h " l d• 7 " and ore kr' for t ,d „„,, to other Members of the Cabinet, what en credi.t at a ailt et t tell tt t a do; and they have been asked why they him wit tj at a' the neck 4 8 , ue House what was in contemplation. Mi in Bills to fops Us L ack , " 4 emand the power of putting a halter round He l' a i oti th ei o,, e and then, perhaps, they may condescend to let lit to seal iri th 14 4 " h at it is for. They never have whispered t purl r it i t p tion said . lie and n° to th R , , e3 b; and an Hon. Gentleman last night anything, he dea t , t aas e h,quite prudent that they should keep the secret .... fact th yid tlait; 4 d ep , r i k lie would contend that it was quite pm lic proP,, er ioo th e Pr t , d ;" the Americana of the trial by jury, bu t not the back ba t' r es et sh ol ; r, at to tell us what the y mean to do to prevent observe d t it ii p ow lot, ince of similar calamities. Upon their own the 0 0- '4 0 1 , tvier Will ', e land is always to be thus; more and more iropertY; ', ft , sai d p ae l • ",e wanted—heavier and heavier punishments touch i t e t' th tin:flitted, Gentlemen on the opposite side have a I bii,„; 4 h tr , tt,,, which ~ r Sad Et ti, . i , swill be a concurrence of redress, and what ion • - -Ita- eso r e rn w ith ' s uppose, is, that redress should go hand in is „i , ~,0 ener . , aty a' it , et r holl' r an ta ,. %N il , e 'en. It is impossible—the two things never vial the it '• t'l uesn P o ; " e r--there never can be any such concur mother, ; c al - dre ad s ulith, t , r4 7 Part, I should not wonder if orders had • the° e io Rtiilto'er ' given, and if the masons and black give . al i d o It Of (1 0 , es t e alre a d to ••,,r , at 411,1 yat work to prepare dungeons for the ty, ' V wer lay e nfort i ?roper j; e, t h ,fo rtunate. —(C leers; Order ;No no.) 1 , e oun .ar 'Pee' t oad a t It is but that • d if • ent f, le s j en t ~_ I tis V I c r , It ' 5 5 know, in 1817, the rapidity in this re toe to lo ott Ao u to ie. S ° eer , ~ i, i, 's ' w g r eat, that people were astonished that to a' dr - le %I Were g o __ po ti pt i r, y e ' 0 quickly prepared. It would, at e are w e geof t i ~.. )I t4, t l lle t , ° , 4 . :u l?Y about eight •and- forty hours. Let ,net, th e j o g t , O i t (1,,,,at to ~' a s it to be the first act of this Reformed >se in 9 °A a pr e Co r k) i i ' t " a Castlereagh and Sidmouth measure. 3 it at b obi ..... t4 l l, tile tat rust in God it is not ; but I trust too, if alth° ° g a° p bp P° td, rie4 by any means such as I will not ex eetr eopi Pt% there will Baro- o r I th _ e of e th , 1.• be men enough to resist the project . n .,, pr .0' st t o , e i ntenti • • atio ao a i rally hope : gl um ons of Ministers, and to show the e like" -- ,, - ete, p r 'et t i 'a n ot "r and the people of Ireland especially, for thos'otiT, breathtru beeliYet quite shut out and that they ought to !Joe it{ t ti;^ 41 ° ° f thos e ' for the ter , 0 0 ~ ill 1 04 ft. er , th. ,_ , se who have struggled sou ( f t , P ot t Say rti r a f .41 , ),, ae 7 freedom. I said that I would not aanhi° rest t i e Ilk % 4 Y Ow tot wag, and I will only occupy its atten hole c a bat 'I . N t h t he e e of ' l utes lonaer Perhaps ht I have to w a 1 sra • h• Yt o ale • h e use, b * a ke I t 0 4 0 , h is atter ,iv ero gia ol but I must make an observation cal, hu tie i kin l&e 'th Pas sed upun Lord Grey—for his gene- Ge° a' 6t a es, a It o , to. re p p abs n i h a , If • an Catholics—for his efficiency and . w e 9 , ti tlt t l 4t tiff It Were . . 1 ) r ill ',i le e ,. a tie t bi_ aecorous for a Alinister of the o laiti t e r 10, el Be, '44, N har ' generosity in doing that which was ' hi g h ° i , Prii stre ets lVl l" I kn ow Y for the preservation of the peace of s ae t , prOPe rt Y• s o'! . / (' and i sad aut b that the boast belongs to somebody that it 4 1 i t ,il d o h .'s! a l , 4aog, has been rubbed from the corners of the a bo- e e ti hi Is , t i, ‘ ri,,,, they Put . . rot d; pr oa aty ? aat to M its place. He did his duty, het° o f a ii bay l *hp r ti, l' r uiee- But Lord how did I Oen 1' It'' 'Ay eap 'ere Grey, he ttel- t 0 or .0 0 Bb e Il qt are several young gentlemen in the ea ten O f a n • Aj eto e tl ea .recollect so far hack, and who, I dare f 'b e e i I lleri t , h er f; ar rr 'e'l Do 0 9 , 0 , a I N . Le ` I away by a bold statement. The soldi er rta t w hit _ 5 said that for himself he could claim Dol s ' did Lord Grey do to deserve the grati- ie saUl Prq v i the wage 0 . rer decreoedL, • excessive P .eels has gin' eons in Leo' one Word tude of the people of Ireland ? As nobody else will answer -the question, I will—l will tell you what he did. First, he was serviceable to the Catholics, or would have been if he could, in preventing the L.gislative Union in 1799 ; he was their friend—he deprecated that measure, and to ik all possible pains to decry it, and to put the people of Ireland out of conceit with it. He was, however, the friend of the Catholics in 1807 ; that was his great exploit ; and let us see then, the extent of his generosity. Now you shall have a true picture of what a Whig is—of what he is. —(Cheers and laughter.) Remember, Ido not hatch this term for use; it was employed by the Member for Leeds, who said that a IVhig Ministry had done so much for the Catholics of Ireland Now, the Whigs were in power in 1806, and continued so until 1807, and they had always been in the habit of making use of the Roman Ca tholics, and putting them forward as a stalking-horse, be hind which they were to slip into office ; yet they would have been content to have sat warm in their places from 1806 to February 1807, without troubling them selves with emancip ition, as many were old enough to remember, if they could have done so. But the Roman Catholics reminded them, and worked them pretty con stantly with telling them "how we served you at your need--how we badgered your opponents—how we cried you up and cried them down, and now you must do something for us." Accordingly, at last, the Whigs brought in the Roman Catholic Bill. It was not the work of the Right Hon. Bironet (Sir R. Peel), or of the Duke of Wellington, but of the Whigs—the disinterested, the generous, the magnanimous Whigs. What was done? I wish I had here the two Bills that I might compare them ; but the Bill of 1807, as compared with the Bill of 1829, was what a pea is to a walnut. It gave the Roman Catholics scarcely anything worth accepting, and even that was limited by securities ; it was nothing more nor less than a stupid measure--stupid enough for King George the Third to throw it out, and its framers after it.—(Laugh ter.) I hate insincerity worse than I hate downright brazen wickedness.—(Cheers and laughter.) I recollect the transactions of that time so well. The Whigs brought in the Bill,eand after they had brought it in, they did not seem very willing to push it along, but Parliament com pelled them to push it. It was read a first and second time, and everybody thought it would be carried and all over in a month. But somebody or other advised George the Third to put a stop to it. He told the Whigs that it should not pass, and what did the Minister who brought it in ?—Would I not rather go to plough and dig again, than consent to do what he did ? The very Minister who proposed the Bill in a flowery speech, enforced its abso lute necessity—only thirteen days afterwards withdrew it, and this House had the baseness to permit him. He went out of office to be sure : he could hardly stay in his place after being so degraded ; hut be would have staid if he could : he wanted to stick to his place—and this was no other than Lord Grey himself. The House may know that there is such a thing as a Council•book, and there the Whigs entered that they hoped they should still be permitted to mention to his Majesty any thing conducive to the good of the country. " Ha, ha !" (said the King) " what, what ! cannot I get these fellows out ?"—(Hear, hear, hear.) He told them plainly, that unless they would sign their names in the Council-book to a de claration that they would never mention Catholic Eman cipation again as long as they lived, be would not trust them. The Whigs well knew the consequence of signing it ; they thought it better to walk out than to re main with such a document against them. They were therefore turned out, to the infinite satisfaction of both Ca tholics and Protestants, from one end of the kingdom to the other. So much for the gratitude due to the Whigs. (Here Mr. Cobbett paused, and a cry of " Question, question, ' was raised.) One word upon the subject of the Church. I am for totally and entirely abrogating, annulling, rendering prostrate, and of no effect, the Pro testant Hierarchy in Ireland. Nobody can misunderstand toe, I trust.--(Cheers.) I do not say so because I shall gain anything by its abolition, or by its continuance. I am no parson to receive tithes—and no Quaker to refuse for conscience' sake to pay them ; but I know that the putting down of that Hierarchy is necessary to the hap piness, peace, safety, and renown of Ireland.—(Cheers.) It can be endured no longer with security to the kingdom, or to the King's throne ; therefore, as a loyal subject to the King, and a faithful representative of the people, • I declare my opinion against it. Look at the history of the Church, and in it you read all the great ctlawities of the country. This Church has created the national debt ; it was incurred for the sake of the Church. It was the cause of the detestable, execrable, and accursed Septen nial Bill ; to uphold it the ruinous French war was un dertaken ; in short, to maintain it, as is proved by deeds and Acts of Parliament, one King was brought to the block and another driven from the throne. What it is destined next to effect I leave gentlemen to determine ! but I cannot sit down without expressing my gratitude to the House for the great attention I have received. Mr. FINN protested warmly against the abolition of the trial by Jury in Ireland, which was intended to stifle public discussion. Hon. Members, when they talked of a repeal of the Union, seemed to regard it as a matter wholly visionary. He remembered a conversation which he had with a friend a short time before he left Ireland, in the course of which that gentleman said to him, how could his Hon. and Learned Friend, the Member far Dub lin, expect that, in bringing forward a motion for the repeal of the Union, he should find one man in that House to second him? How did the fact now stand ? Were there not at the present moment as many as forty or fifty decided Repeaters in the House ? And was it not equally true that there were six-and-twenty more who were pledged to that measure conditionally—who stood pledged, that if Government did not in the present Ses sion—nay, very speedily—bring forward some measure calculated to redress the grievances of which the Irish people had just reason to complain, they would cordially support any proposition having that object in view? It that was a state of things to be regretted, the Hon. and Right Hon. Gentlemen opposite had but to thank them selves for it ; and perhaps, in an unusual degree, their thanks were due to the Right Hon. Gentleman who filled the office of Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant—a gentleman who, from his position in the Government, had often many ungracious things to do ; but, it so happened, possessed a singular facility of doing them in the most ungracious manner— and he had also eminently succeeded in rending himself unpopular with both parties. But it was not matters of such small importance which had made the cry of repeal resound from one end of the island to the other, and which had placed the Government in this inconvenient position. If they sought to satisfy Ireland, they must have announced their readiness to touch the Church, and that announcement must instantly lead to their being op posed by 150 Tories within those walls. They had, how ever, made the announcement, but neither the announce ment itself, nor the other communications with which it was accompanied, would satisfy the people of Ireland, or stifle for a moment the cry of repeal. But in meeting that cry, how did Hon. Gentlemen on the other side act ? They confined themselves to taunting his Hun. and Learned Friend, the Member for Dublin, with not having brought the question under the consideration of the House, or of giving a notice upon the subject. lie could tell th-m the reason why the question of repeal had not vet been brought forward. They h a d b een to ld t h at a 'Reformed House of Commons would redress the wrongs of Ireland, and put an end to the system according to which the great body of the people paid a million a year for the maintenance of a Church from which they derived no advantage. While upon tr.e subject of the Church, he could not help adverting to the fact that so large a pro portion of the good things of that establishment had fallen into the hands of the present head of his Majesty's Govern ment; or, rather, he should say, had been placed at his disposal ; for example, it had so happened that 20,0001. a year in the Irish Church had fallen to the lot of the Premier's brother-in•lacv, the Bishop of Derry. The relatives of the Noble Earl certainly did appear to entertain a great affection for office ; and, as it would seem, to manifest upon all occa sions a most happy and peculiar aptitude for the public service. True, it might be that they were all, to a man, eminently qualified for the posts they occupied; but was it to maintain officers so largely paid and sinecurists so richly endowed, that the Irish peasant was to be robbed of the miserable pittance by which little more than life was sustained ? It was in such a state of things as this that the Executive Government called for fresh powers, and for an accession of strength. Did any man, who possessed the slightest acquaintance with Ireland, suppose that any additional power was wanted by the Executive for the purpose of maintaining the authority of the law against the poor ? No ; the object was but too apparent ; the object of all these additional powers was nothing more or less than to enable the Executive authority to accom plish that which the persons now intrusted with that authority most earnestly desired, namely—to put down the agitators. As the pretext for effecting that project, they referred to the disorders of which Ireland was now un- happily the scene. He could tell the House that those disorders would never cease so long as the police force in that country was constituted according to the present model—so long as the members of it were, Catholics as one, and Protestants as three. Mr. STANLEY—I beg the Hon. Member's pardon— he has been misinformed—such is not the fact. Mr. FINN resumed. The authority upon which be made that statement was Returns laid before the House. Mr. STANLEY—When ? Mr. FINN—In 18'25.—(Loud there from the Minis- terial Benches.) lie had made the statement from that which he considered to be authentic documents, and he should have been very happy to refer them to more recent information, if any later returns bad been made. He could not, however ; but it could not be disputed that the police force in Ireland was composed of materials selected in anything but an impartial spirit; and they could never hope to subdue the spit it of discontent in that country s o long as that system remained unchanged ; neither could an improved condition of the people of Ireland be ex pected so long as 5,000,0001. of the substance of the suffering but most industrious peasantry were wrung from their hard earnings, in order that absentees might reside where they pleased, and live in luxury and profusion. Indis putably the people of Ireland would never rest contented, s o long as the absentee system prevailed; and it was equally true that a native Legislature would not pass a single session without imposing a heavy absentee tax of 25 per cent., or 50, if it were necessary, for the purpose of bringing home those who were wasting the produce of laborious industry in foreign land.. The Hon. Gentleman then re turned to the subject of the police, censuring in strong terms the principle upon which they were selected, and contending that the country would never be at peace so long as that force was selected on account of sectarian con siderations; for, as matters now stood, the police had a direct interest in promoting discontent and sowing divi sion. To gentlemen acquainted with Ireland it must be well known that the Magistrates contrived to make the police force a very convenient mode of providing for their natural son., and it was, therefore, no matter of surprise that the great body of the people of Ireland should place no confidence in a body so constituted, and should declare their determination never to rest contented until that sys tem was thoroughly reformed. It was a grievous error to suppose that the Irish people viewed or could be induced to submit to such a state of things.—(Hear.) A distinguished individual had said of the Irish, that they were a people whom it was perfectly easy to le id with a silken thread, but that chains of adamant could not bind them. The Hon. Member for Leeds had talked of not suffering the Member for Dublin to become more than a British subject, but be could tell that Hon. Member that he (Mr. F.) could never be induced to think less or lower than the Hon. Member for Leeds—he owed alle giance to none but the King upon the throne ; and if he found the House and the other branch of the Parliament fail in the duty which they owed to the Irish people, his submission to their authority should cease. He never should forget the memorable declaration made by Mr. Foster, that in agreeing to the Union the Irish represen tatives, upon all questions affecting Irish interests, placed themselves in the disadvantageous position one hundred against five hundred, and that they might be sure that in all such cases the weakest must go to the wall. They were now in the most imminent danger of a civil war, and the Government of this country would have to con tend against fearful odds. The people might be poor, but then let it be remembered that they had nothing to lose. There was great wealth in England, let them not put these possessions in jeopardy : in facing the Irish people they were facing a tremendous population, and they had better pause before they advanced too far to retreat. Lord EBRINGTON said, when he looked at the words of the speech with reference to the state of Ire land, and when he saw the distinct declaration made on the subject of the Irish Church, he could not deny to that address his moat cordial support. He perfectly well remembered that he had, in the last Parliament, given notice that if some one else did not bring forward a mo tion on the subject of the Irish Church, he should himself feel it to be his duty to take such a step. It happened, however, that the matter was now in the hands of the Government, and he felt that he should be acting most improperly did he attempt to forestall them in the good work which they had undertaken. He begged the House particularly to hear in mind that the King's Government did not call upon the House to adopt measures of coercion, without, at the same time, calling upon them to pass measures of conciliation. He then proceeded to reply to the complaints of Hon. Members that sufficient atten- um was not paid to the affairs of Ireland, oh. serving, that they seemed to forget that more time had been spent in that House upon Ireland than upon any other subject. He knew of no laws by which the evils entailed by a redundancy of population could he remedied ; nor did he know of any that could prevent not only English but Irish gentlemen from absenting them selves from their estates, and residing wherever they pleased. He wished that a means of prevention could be found, for he considered their absence from their estates one of the chief causes of the evils and misery under which Ireland laboured. Perhaps one of the best remedies for Ireland that could be devised would be, to impose a maximum of rent, thereby benefiting the poor by limiting the high price of land ; for as long as the present high rentals remained, the evils would continue which were so justly complained of. The great question was, to apply a remedy to these evils ; and he wished that those gentlemen who were so loud in their clamours, and so obstinate in their opposition to the coercive powers demanded by Ministers, had pointed out some specific measure or measures that would preclude the necessity of requiring such powers. The Hon. Member for Water ford might give testimony that comparative tranquillity prevailed in Ireland, yet the assertion of the Hon. Member was not borne out by fact. Did not that Hon. Member also state, that he was served with several menacing no tices, one of which threatened him with terrible conse quences, unless he dismissed his steward, and the only reason given for requiring that dismissal was that the steward was a Seotchman. When such tyrannical notices were served—when such dismissals were exacted—when such outrages and infraction of all law were perpetrated— could any body in bis senses say that coercive measures were not peremptorily called for ? The House were told by Hon. Members opposite, that the sole cause of Irish grievances was a denial of justice. This was on the face of it mere assertion, for he had listened with the greatest attention to what those who made the assertion had to say i❑ support and proof of it, and yet he had not heard them point out any specific acts of denial of justice. Were they prepared to prove that a repeal of the Union would be an effective remedy ? He would be glad to hear their proofs ; they had adduced none as yet. For himself, he had expressed his opinion thereupon, and did not by any means consider that the Union was the cause of the grievances complained of, and that its repeal would do away with them. Nay, more, he would state in the most solemn manner, that, great as his feelings of horror were, at even the semblance of a civil war, yet, if he had a choice to make, between civil war and a dismemberment of the empire—for repeal meant nothing more—he would adopt the painful alternative, and honestly declare, that be would prefer the horrors of civil war.—(Hear, hear.) Repeal of the Legislative Union, he repeated and main tained, was a virtual dismemberment of the empire, in volving the absolute ruin of Ireland, in the first instance, and the degradation of England in the second. The Hon. Gentleman who had last addressed the House, intimated that something very like civil war would arise out of the conduct pursued by Government towards his country. Mr. FINN" begged to correct the Noble Lord. He did not intend to convey any such meaning as that attributed to him by the Noble Lord. He only con ceived that a possible case might arise, the consequences of which would amount to the evil of insurrection. Lord EBRINGTON would conclude by expressing how much he was rejoiced that his Majesty's advisers had put into his Majesty's mouth a declaration by which the House was pledged to one great and important point—that of maintaining inviolable, at all risks, the tini , in that existed between the two countries. Sir 11. PEEL afterwards addressed tie House, and said, that as this was the third night of debate on the address to the speech from the Throne, and as it may at least be presumed, that the discussion was then approaching to a termination, he was unwilling that it should end before he made a few observations on it. The speech from the Throne adverted to many topics, e.:id wisely and prudently, according to ancient and est.:Wished usage, refrained from entering minutely into the measures it proposed for the consideration of the House. The framers of the speech had acted sagely in not imitating the example of American Presidents, and detailing specifically their intentions. He did not say this because he thought that full information should not be given in the King's speech on all and every thing that Government projected. but rather because he was of opinion that a speech from the Throne could not reasonably give such full and accurate details on any great measures as to satisfy the House and the nation of their ex pediency and sufficiency. However, there might be an evil in giving minute details of projected measures in the King's speed ' , as that wonid partly tend to fetter their deliberations, and bind them to support measures specifically defined in a document emanating from so high a quarter. The King's speech should not go further than to indicate the general in tentions of the Government, and leave it to the Legislative to pronounce whether those intentions were founded in wisdom or not. lie had said that the speech embraced divers topics, but as it was important to appproach as possibl e pract i cal measures, be would confine speedily as his remarks to a few only of those topics. He would do so, moreover, as it was of consequence that as little time as possible should be used in debate--( Hear) —and, as that being a reformed Parliament, the people expected something more and something better from it than lengthened aad unprofitable harangues.—( Hear, hear.) Fle would, therefore, without further preface, advert to those topics 0 the speech which called for an express and unqualified opinion. He was aware, and he did not hesi tate to confess it, of the altered position in which he stood. He recollected that on former occasions it was his good fortune to be backed by large majorities ; it also had fallen to his lot to be supported only by small ones. No matter how small the number that shared his opinions, he felt confident that they would be respected by that House ; and if he put forth others that might seem to differ from former ones, he also felt confident that they would not be attributed to a desire to conciliate the favour of any party. Every particle he uttered would be conscientiously his own, and he expected that all that party animosity was extin guished which would not readily acquiesce in affording him a patient hearing. There were three subjects in his Majesty's speech upon which he felt himself called upon to express his opinions. Those were reform of the Church, the tran quillity of Ireland, and the maintenance of the Legislative Union. To then exclusively he felt himself bound to advert. With respect to the first of these subjects—the Church— his Majesty's speech called their particular attention to it, and stated that its revenues would permit of a more equi table distribution. Though it should be the intention of Government to establish that Church on a more solid basis, and though they should bring forward measures from which it might be inferred that they meant to uphold its rights and privileges, be would examine those measures, and hear them minutely discussed, before he would give them unqualified approbation. Whatever might be the motives of Ministers in bringing forward measures that they thought necessary for the security of the Church, it was his determination to maintain its rights and privileges upon the highest of all considerations—that of true reli gion.—(Cheers.) With respect to Ireland, he admitted that parts of the King's speech were vague and undefined, and not easy to be understood. He alluded to the words "separate consideration," as applied to the Irish Church. He did not clearly understand them, and knew not whether they meant that the peculiarities of the Irish Church required something like a distinct consideration. But as they stood, they might bear a different and dan gerous construction, and be interpreted as though they meant disassociation of the interests of the Churches. Per haps the words alluded to tithes, for upon them there might be separate consideration. He begged the House to reflect upon those words, and to especially bear in mind, that the Church of Ireland was the same with the English Church, and could nut, consequently, as a whole, require a separate consideration. He hoped that by those words were not meant, that the property of the Irish Church should be meddled with. He trusted that the Right Honourable Secretary for Ireland, who was so frequently taunted for his aristocratical bearing, but which taunts were more to be attributed to his great talents as a debater than to anything else, he hoped, he repeated, that the Right Hen. Gentleman was fully aware of the ruin he was about to cause if he contemplated touching or disturbing, in any way, the property of the Irish Church.—(llear, bear.) He remembered that last Session the Right Hon. Gentleman had given in a report with respect to Church property in Ireland, which pro perty still remained the same, and be hoped that the Right Hon. Gentleman would never consent that that property , should he applied to flay other purposes than to ecclesias tical ones, and to the exclusive use of the Established Church.—(Hear, from Mr. O'Connell.) That property, nobody could contest, belonged to the Church, and had been its prescriptive and undoubted right during three centuries ; and if now it was touched, there would be an end to the security of all property, whether private or public. He now approached the most afflicting subject of all—he alluded to the measures required fur repressing disorder and anarchy in Ireland. They were asked, in the King's speech, to consent to such extraordinary measures as would tend to repress confusion and secure property and life. Speaking upon this subject, he trusted that he might lay claim to impartiality, fur he had never been known to taunt his Majesty's Ministers with slow ness in adopting measures of coercion towards Ireland. He had been once obliged himself to adopt snch measures, and though he experienced great opposition in so doing, he met with greater when he thought it expedient to have those measures repealed. The being obliged to have re course to extraordinary measures was an evil, but it was the duty of a legislator to weigh and consider which evil was the least, and to choose that—(Hear, hear)— and he, upon mature consideration, deemed that there was less evil in interfering efficaciously, and with a strong hand, with the affairs of Ireland, than to forpractised a moment in countenanceap pear the ugh abominable Englishman,out rages that h a t o country. he felt not the slightest unkind feeling towards the Irish people, nor ought he ; be had lived among them and re pea r re ceived at their hands that generous treatment for which they were proverbial. He considered himself in many re spects as intimately connected with them, and for that reason he would act towards them like a true friend, and, instead of flattering them, point out the means that would he most salutary. When he spoke of the Irish people, he did not meats to pay them such a bad compliment as to suppose that the mass of them required to be coerced. No ; it was only that portion who were mentioned with execration by one and all of the Irish Members, and who not only attacked and barricaded the mansions of the rich, but applied the torch to the cabins of the poor. It was to protect the Irish people that extraordinary powers were demanded, and more particularly to protect the humbler classes, since it was they who suffered most from the ty ranny exercised by the wretches who set all law at de fiance. Those who paid obedience to the laws of their country were punished for so doing, and the Legislatu re ought at least, in return for their allegiance, to afford them the amplest protection. The House was called upon to frame a law by which those who were loyal might be protected. When midnight minder and hourly assassination awaited the loyal subject, it was time that every protection should be granted him. He was surprised at the inconsistency of the Hon. Gentlemen, who in the same breath blamed Ministers for wishing to afford pro tection to the peaceable and well-inclined, and deprecated the crimes of which they might be said to be eye-wit nesses. That those crimes prevailed to a most frightful extent might be gathered from the hourly reports re ceived from Ireland. They were as various as extensive, and assumed every possible shape. If there were but a few solitary instances of crime, he then would think it better not to have recourse to strong measures ; but when the frequency of crime was most notorious, the severity of the law should be stretched to the utmost. Could any body expect that human beings were to be permitted to live under unmitigated tyranny Assuredly not; and if the testimony of several Hon. Members of the sister country was confirmed, there was a case made out to suspend those laws, which were intended to secure individual freedom to all, but which, when abused, ought to he withdrawn. For himself, he would go farther than the mere suspension of those laws, and pro vide a remedy for the evils complained of, by a new act of legislation. Ile would now approach the most im portant question of all—the repeal of the Legislative Union—and would admit, that upon that point he was resolved, as he hoped was the great majority of that House, to support his Majesty's Government in main taining intact that Union. That Union was based upon a fundamental law, anti the question now was, whether that law should be abrogated. The Union of England and Ireland was the law and contract between the two nations. That contract was made by the people them selves, through their representatives in Parliament. It was the law under whiCia they now sat in that House as the representatives or both countries, and to legislate for them. He thought that the time was now come, when Parliament was imperatively called upon to take early steps to have the question of the repeal of the Union brought before them, and finally to decide upon it.— (Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Dublin was called upon to draw up a series of resolutions, to show that the future prospects of Ireland under a continuance of the Union wa s one o f i n j ust i ce and misrule, and that in the event of the repeal of the Legislative Union, ? that that cou ntry would he benefited by the measure. Vas the Ho n . M em b er not b ound to show a case against Engl an d, as to her future conduct to Ireland, and that Ireland s h ou ld b e a b le to go on w i thout the assistance 0l England, motion hsmeheoar made b t yh But uh te repealwh Member a of t the lvas f Uniono bject b li e n o d ?f et t ei te m w i determined upon. pre sent that a Committee should be formed of the whole House— that the Speaker should leave the chair, and Mr. Bernal assume that seat; and when they had formed that Com mittee of the whole House, what nearer were they to a decision on the question than th e y we re a t p resent ? Wh y , they were in the whole Hous e al rea dy, an d w h a t t h en h a d they to gain by the proposed amendment? Nothing but this—that every Member would again have an opportunity of making a speech.—(Loud cheering.) And be there fore appealed to the House whether there was anything to gain in regard to deliberation on the question ? This he was, however, sure of, that whatev e r di s p os iti on th ere might be in the C omm i ttee to exerc i se d e lib erat i on on the subject, there w ou ld , at a ll events, he every d i spos i t i on to abound in speeches.—(Cheers and laughter.) He there forelesenet t o h f at th it e u q •o u u es ld tio b n ri t n i g ian th t e h m ey o l n v e er s e te ; p a n n e d ar l e ie r could, on no account, assent to the mot i on, because t th h he o e did ug s t i t tnl it nt rested with the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin to show that they were to gain by it.—(Hear, hear.) It had been said that it was the wish in that House to fetter discussion on the affairs of Ireland ; but, so far was that from being the case, that he should be glad that the question of Ireland was now brought be tore them. But why did not those who had been for two years agitating the country with the question at the repeal, not now to bring forward a motion on the subject. —(Hear, hear, from Mr. O'Connell.) He begged to as sure the Honourable and Learned Member, that nothing was further from his wish than to set over this point by appealing to the passions of the Members ; he wished step by step to examine the arguments to be brought forward on the subject. He thought that Parliament was the proper place to take it into consideration ; and he begged to ask why it was not brought forward last session ? Was it on account of the Reform question ? Was it for fear of agitating Parliamerdt? It could not be on that account; for the Honourable and Learned Member had agitated the whole country on the subject; he had ap pealed to the people by all the means most likely to arouse them—by their love of country—by their religion—and by the almost forgotten times when they had a Parlia ie mient(siinr R. Peel)ublin had certainly . (" No, tain nI which purported to be his, in whi c h he was made to say, that he hoped to see th e day wh en th e I r i s h Parliament c n i se f e r n om a report Alr. ° of 'C a m s n pe e e li c . h) would be sitting in its ancient seat. Now, he com plained, that when the Honourable and Learned Member comes before them, he not only made no motion on the subject, but while he spoke on almost every other grievance of Ireland, he not only omitted to mention this, but, when called upon, most studiously avoided it. Was the Reform Bill the cause that it was not brought be fore the House last Session ? No, for that did not pre vent the Honourable Member from bringing forward forty other motions. Had the Hon. Member moved that one night should be set apart for the discussion of the subject, he (Sir R. Peel) would most cordially have joined him in that request. The Hon. Member might then have moved a resolution, to the effect that the Legislative Union be. tween England and Ireland was founded neither in justice nor policy, and that it should, therefore, be repealed; and if the Hon. Member had applied to him (Sir R. Peel), he would most willingly have assisted him in drawing up the resolutions. Perhaps the Hon. and Learned Member might have objected to his assistance, that be was inimical to the repeal of the Union. But why not argue the question at least ? He could assure the Hon. and Learned Member that he (Sir Robert Peel) would not support the continu ance of the Legislative Union, merely because he found it in existence, though that might be an inducement to prevent his wishing for a change without good cause. The question now was, not whether there had been misgovernment in Ireland—there might be truth in the assertion that that country bad grievances to complain of—but the question now was, whether there was a disposition on the part of the British Parliament to do justice to that country? That was the only question to which they had to look ; and he hoped that in considering it they would not recur to those grievances, which were now past, and should be forgotten. He hoped that for the time they would merge all questions connected may with the past, and that they would look forward to the future, and see if now there was not every disposition to do justice to Ireland without having recourse to such a measure. For his own part, he said candidly, that if he were satisfied that a repeal of the Union would improve the social state of the people of Ireland, he would not only not offer any obstructions to that measure, but he would give his assist ance to have it carried ; but so far was lie from being sa tisfied that the condition of Ireland would be improved, that he felt assured it would tend to the ruin of both countries. He admitted that there had been a great deal of misgovernment in Ireland, but that very fact of misgo vernment, so far front assisting the Hon. and Learned Member in his argument in favour of the repeal, had a direct tendency to the contrary. The misgovernment of Ireland was owing to the fact of her having a separate Parliament, which was not, in reality, an independent Legislature ; and it was to the corruption of this specie s of Legislature that evils were to be attributed. For if Ireland had a separate Parliament, the Government of this country would always have a desire to obtain an influence over its proceedings, and the result would be the same misgovernment of which Ireland now complains. They said that England had no desire to do justice to Ireland. He would ask what interest England had to do otherwise ? Was it the interest of England that Ireland should be mis governed ? Was it the interest of England that Ireland should have a bad system of Grand Jurors? No, the reverse must be the case. What, then, could be the cause that England should wish not to do Ireland justice ? It must be either financial or commercial. It was not by angry discussion that they could arrive at the truth, but by calm argument and information ; and he would beg to suggest that, as legislators, their first duty, in approach. ing that discussion, should be to obtain documents throw. ing light on the subject, as the groundwork on which their future proceedings should be based. The first do cument which he would suggest was an account of the most pressing taxes in Ireland ; 2d, an account of taxes imposed on the people of England, which are not imposed on the people of Ireland ; 3d, an account of taxes im posed on the people of Ireland, which are not imposed on the people of England—(Hear, hear); and 4th, an account of the restrictions put upon the commerce and manufactures of Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) If these were called for, and it appeared that injustice was done to Ire land, the Hon. and Learned Member might depend upon it that that House would suspend its ordinary legislative proceedings in order to redress them. He (Sir Robert Peel) could conceive no other injustice that England could wish to Ireland, but either of a financial or a commercial nature. And if on looking into the question it were proved that such injustice were done, he would, for one, be ready to give his assistance to relieve it. But the Irish called to have 50 per cent. taken off the taxes on Irish produce, and to impose 50 per cent. of a tax upon the property of Irish absentees. Did the Irish think that the King of England would ever consent that English subjects should thus be spoliated of their rights and property?—(Great cheering.) It would be the grossest injustice and oppression, and would only be a pre liminary to total confiscation ; and the next act of an in dependent Legislature which could enact such a measure would be to declare itself independent of the Crown, and in favour of Republicanism.—(Cheers.) Then certain persons complained that the Irish manufacturers were not protected from the manufacturers of England, and stated that as a grievance and injustice. Was not that the very question which caused the present collision between the States of America? And what would the advocates of free trade say to such a proposal ?—(Hear, hear.) And would England sit still and see English soap, and Eng lish manufacturers excluded from Ireland, while Irish manufactures were to be admitted freely into England ? Did the Hon. and Learned Gentleman himself consider it sound policy ? The great evil of such a system would be the angry collision between the inhabitants of the two countries, and the feelings of asperity it would create. The mere amount of the duties would be an inferior evil. On these grounds it was his perfect conviction, that it was not only the wish, but the paramount interest of England to do justice to Ireland. It was the duty of England to maintain peace with Ireland, but it was so, not by interest only, but by inclination. He would ask if the course followed by England regarding its poor laws was a proof of its hostility to Ireland? The English had poor laws in order to support the poor of their own country, which fell heavily upon them, but did they show a disposition not to assist the casual poor of Ireland when they cane among them?—(Hear, hear, hear.) No. There never could be a greater disposition shown to assist the poor stranger than had been shown in the English parishes ; and so far had that feeling gone, that they scrupled to relieve themselves front the burden when the\ might have done so front a feeling that they might appeal to do so in order to get rid of the additional burden which those strangers brought upon them. On these grounds he trusted, be would not say that civil war would be avoided, because he hoped that the force of reason would prevent that ; but the Irish people would yield in favour of the law of the land. He thought at all events that the time was come when the Government ought to take up the question, and to say whether or not they intended to maintain the integrity of the kingdom. He thought, too, that it was important that the House should express its determination to stand by the Crown. There was no other part of the subjects embraced in his Majesty's speech from which he dissented; in those parts regarding the foreign policy of his Majesty's Government, there appeared nothing to which he would not give a ready assent ; but he thought it extraordinary, that after three nights' debate not one word should have been said regard ing our foreign policy ; but after the long discussion they had already heard, he could not hope to be heard with pa. tience at any length upon it. He was, therefore, perfectly ready to postpone any observations he might have wished to make to a future occasion. It was seldom that he agreed with the Hot!. Member for Middlesex in opinion ; but there was one remark regarding Portugal, in which he entirely coincided. His Majesty, in Pais speech, "laments the conti nuance of tbecivil war in Portugal, which has for some months existed between the Pr inces of the House of Braganza. From the commencement of thin contest, I have abstair.,l from all interference, except such as has been required for the preservation of British subjects. But you may rest as sured I shall not fail to avail myself of any opportunity that may be offered me to assist in restoring peace to a country with which the interests of my dominions are so intimately connected." He (Sir R. Peel) was exceedingly glad to hear those sentiments from his Majesty, but he was considerably surprised to hear them, considering that the war in Portugal never would have existed without the sanction of his Majesty's Government.—(Hear, hear.) He did not mean to say that there was any positive breach f neutrality on the part of his Majesty's Government, but he meant to say, that poi--; of thii country had not laid open to one of th, R ioces of the House of Bra- gauze, the civil war which now existed in Portugal wouiil never have taken place. If Don Pedro bad not been sc - ! ;_ tually assisted by France and counterbalanced by Britair, he wou'dlnot now have had a footing in Portugal. He never could cease to blame his Majesty's Government for having thrown open the ports and arsenals of Great Britain to equip him for that invasion. He thought they were bound to adhere to that neutrality which they professed to maintain. But how, they will say, was that to be done ? He would tell them. By enforcing the public and municipal laws—by recalling all the British sub , jects in the service both of Don Miguel and Don Pedro. That was what they should do, and so he had ar. gued last session. And he alluded to :t now only to show that Don Miguel, though he had passed through more severe trials than any Prince in Europe, and bail met with the greatest misfortunes—hie kingdom invaded—hish tit ch.' taken possessio n of by an invading force, and his fleets tr. ried away, was not deserted by one of the people. Did that not show whet, perhaps, some persons would call the infa tuation of the people of Portugal, in preferring Don Miguel to Don Pedro? According to the Whig principle, that the choice of the people is to be respected, surely, by this time, the choice of the people of Portugal had been suffi ciently evinced. And, be thought, that seeing that choke bad continued for five years steadily in his favour, it wt the duty of England to recognise him as King of Por tugal. With respect to the affairs of Belgium and Hol land, he (Sir Robert Peel) had the strongest feeling of the injustice done to Holland; and a strong conviction, that Engl Ind, instead of advocating the cause of Holland—as it should have done to so old and faithful an ally—acted as a party against that country. But there was another question connected with that question, which bore upon our Constitution, and on which he wished to make some remarks. For the last three months an embargo had been laid on all Dutch ships and property in our ports, and orders issued to our navy to detain by f Tee all trading vessels belonging to Holland. He (Sir Robert Peel) doubted much whether this act was not inconsistent with public law, or whether the Government were justified, either as respected their own subjects or those of Holland, in detaining the ships but when in contemplation of actual war. He wished to know by what authority the King ordered the detention of these vessels. If injuries bad been done by the Dutch to British subjects, and redress had been refused them, he admitted that there would be grounds fur the proceeding ; but he maintained, that where the seizures were not made by way of reprisals, such an act was not in corvormity to public law nor to usage. Perhaps his Majesty's Go vernment thought, that because this was a great and powerful nation, and had to contend with but a small one, it might set aside the doctrines of public law. Witheut detailing the authorities who had written on this subject, lie would merely beg to call their attention to the words of one writer on the subject, whose authority had boon generally allowed. He alluded to Vattel who said that a Prince, " to grant reprisals against a nation is favour of foreigners, is to set himself up for a Judge between that nation and those foreigners, which no Sovereign has a right to do." Vattel proceeds. " Now what right have we to judge whether the complaint of a stranger against an independent State is just, if lie has really been denied justice ? If it be objected that we may espouse the quarrel of another State in a war that appears to us to be just to give it succours, and even join with it ; the case is different. In grinting succours against a nation, we do not stop its effects, or its men, who are with us under the public faith, and in declaring war we suffer it to withdraw its subjects and effects." There were no cases in which reprisals might he made when there has been no declaration of war. But there was no war what ever with Holland, nor any contemplation of hostility to wards her.—(Cheers.) Why then had an embargo but sister" for the last three months upon her ships—the shies of a friend, even an ally? The Noble Lord (Palmerston) indeed declared, that to say a war existed with Holland proceeded from a mere wandering of the braie, a dream of tne imagination; that the whole affair was no more than a civil ejectment.—(Laughter.) If the attack on Antwerp, the 22 days' siege was not a war, upon what principle hail the embargo been imposed? Upon what principle did it still continue? There was, he presumed, no other An- twerp to be besieged. But he (Sir It. Peel) denied that the Ministry could be justified, or sanctioned by the public law of nations, in seizing upon the Dutch ships. It was indifferent what engagements might have been formed with France or Belgium. They could confer no right to per petrate an injustice upon another State. Indeed it was rather a heavy aggravation of the original wrong, that such con duct should be grounded on the existing state of relations between this country and France. He relied upon the public law of nations. Holland had done England nu injury ; there was no war, no feeling of hostility; and the embargo was, therefore, according to the principles of international law, perfectly unjustifiable.—(Cheers.) By what just exercise of the prerogative were the King's subjects debarred from trading with Holland ? He would admit it was said that this was necessary for the preeervae lion of peace; but was not necessity proverbially said to be " the tyrant's plea ?" And if such a mode of argu ment were once recognised, law and justice would soon come to be superseded. For the last three months, cum mercial intercourse between this country and Holland was, cut off. Now, be remembered the arguments urged by Hon. Gentlemen opposite against the Alien Act. Aczord ing to them, it was no less than a violation of Magna Charta, which guaranteed free intercourse with foreign nations. They denied that any alien, whether friend or enemy, could be sent out of this country. He might further refer to Blackstone, who was quoted in order to show how prominent this right of inter course stood amongst the principal privileges. Mona tesquieu, also, insisted on the right of strangers to remain. All these authorities had formerly been quoted in support of principles which were now utterly violated. Was the embargo to continue for three months more ? He was not aware that any an nouncement had been made of its termination ; but he re• peated, that the King had no power to interdict all trade with a nation between which and this country not only friendship existed, but treaties of alliance. It had been asserted, that the King was entitled to use coercion towards Holland ; but he (Sir R. Peel) denied that his Majesty was invested with any such power. In courts of law, to he sure, such a proposition might perhaps be maintained, as in the case of the embargo; but as to constitutional prerogative, which was the light in which he viewed the question, to say it warranted such an exercise of power when there had been no hostility, was contrary to coneotou sense, usage, and the Constitution.—(Cheers froth the Op, position.) There was nothing in the address which pledged him to an approval of the foreign policy of Ministers, but be had been anxious to deliver his opinions on such an important question. He would now conclude—indeed, he feared he had already worn out the patience of the House. (No, no ) The address, and every part of it met with his full concurrence. Upon any minor points it was useless to remark at such times--upon, he might say, the first day of the session, and on an occasion on which perfect unanimity was necessary, or what was next to it, an overwhelmin g preponderance of opinian.—(Hear.) It was his duty to support the Crown thus circumstanced, and the support he gave was dictated by principles per fectly independent and disinterested. He had no othev views than to preserve law, order, property, and morality ; In the counts he pursued that night, WO to he found ha indication of the course he meant to take on every other occasion. —(Cries of " Hear, hear.") It was not one adopted, as some might imagine, to recover office. Be. tween office and him a wide gulph existed. He had no desire to return to place. It was his wish to be able to say that he reposed an increased confidence in the presana Ministers ; but that was not the case ; he felt no dieposi tion to place additional trust in them ; his cower, theme fore, was determined solely by public considerations, with out one view of person a l adv a ntage.—(Hear, hear.) Th e great change that had recently taken place in the consti tution of the House, he from the very beginning declared —and he repeated the opinion now, but without intending the slightest disrespect to others—while it altered the Constitution, and disturbed every existing principle, would produce wild hopes and expectations. Then the House was divided into two great parties ; it was natural and right they sheuld employ the tactics best calculated to Oct them in power. He gave them credit lor perfect eenfidernas in the soundness of their principles, and wail not blame them for using the means most likely to bring them into operation. In estimating the consequences of the great change, he differed entirely from them ; but when he sa,v them exhibit a determination to preserve property, and establish order (though in a qualified degree), casting aside all party views, he felt it his duty to support the Government, especially in such times as the present.— Cheers.) This he conceived an obligation of paramount importance —not from any confidence he placed in it, but because it was necessary to throw whatever little weight pie possessed into that side of the vessel upon which she seemed most in danger of being upset—the preponderance if opposite political opinions.—(Cueers.) There as a tendency to look with susp i c i on upon e very este!) nent, end to consid er it as requiring e In fact the. present st a t e o f thi ngs was a grievance re abated ev en by i ts v e ry continued existence. ex pectations were now formed, which in three mont h s lrnt,i which would burst and show the general delusion that had pre vailed. Men would come to think as he (Sir H. Peel)