The Sun. — London, England, 1830-11-30 00:00:00

,Iveara net i.,nut minds .are open 1,0 argument, and • we trust 'we haVe a sincere love or truth ; at least we can ' , ay:that Reform, .with the ballot, will be far more welcome to us than the present system with out Dimes. The French journalists, see nothing at rt'esent in the political homers but lowering clouds pregnant the tempest of war, If they look towards Raisin, they: discover the rormation of new leviet t nOtti tracitheir' advance towards her southern fenn iieri. Prussia IS collecting her fort e toWards the Rhenish provinces, and Austrht threatens on the isida tit ItalY having ordered an addition of 50,000 triMps from the most warlike portion of her empire. Such are the assumed military facts from witiett They draw their omens. It is a pity that they Mould ttct strengthen their auguries by tonsulting, like the an clews, the flight of birds, In the absence of such assistance, they love Ibund in tt German paper the -• following letter frtith the Emperor Nicholas to their citizen King on his accession, which, becattse it says • little 4 is supposed to mean much,.---whieh, because it speaks of tranquillity, is taken to threaten war,.-- 111111 which, because it `iapresea no approbation of revolutions, must be interpreted as a muttifestti itjtniitt those or France and Belgium t 1 have received from the hands of General Atludin the statement of which he win the bearer of the events for ' over to be deplored, which plaCed your Msjesty in a cruel eltensative. Your Majesty adopted . the only resoletien which appeared calculated to preserve France trolls great calamities; I shall say nothing, of the motives which guided you on that occasion c but I offer up my ardent • prayer' to Divine Providence to bless the designs of your Alarsty, ,and your efforts for the well-being of the Freach people. " In concert with my Allies, I receive With aatisfle. lion the desire expressed by your Illaiesty to maintain the relation of peace and ft ietulthip with all European States, As long as those relations shall he founded en existing treaties, and net else firm determination to maintain the rights and obligations solemnly recognized try them, as well as the territorial possessions, Europe will see in you a guarantee of the peace which its so necessary even for the repose of France. Invited, conjointly with my Allies, to coati : flue with France, under her new Government, those conservative relation', I shall zealolsly, on my part, ein ploy all the cares which they require, and 1 shall unceas ingly manifest the sentiments of sincerity which it given Inc p'eartre to express towards your Alarsty, in return for lbw; which your Majesty has expressed towards me, I bere, your Majesty to receiver &e. Now, in this letter there is certainly ► no tulogy on revolutions,--no cordial congratulation on the 'esta blishment of the French national liberties, or the ex pulsion of an Anti-national dynasty,--no friendly al lusion to the erection of barricades, and the dip. pawn of .the military guards of despotisin by an sintrnied populace'; but who could expect the ex ' Fission of such sentiments hem the absolute erbi trary, unconstitutional ammo: of all the Russia* ? The deplorable events" to which his Imperial Majesty alludes , _ : may mean the issue of the fatal ordinances of Charles X., and the sringuitiary vio lence of his troops to enforce them, as well as the resistance of the people. As, indeed, the letter is addiesied to the Sovereign placed on the throne by this popular triumph, it is but charitable to suppose that the Emperor intended to apply the Word tlei pleirahle to the conduct of the fallen dynasty; But the conduct of the 'Belgians . , we are told, in their rejection of the OrangefaMily, and their annexitlen of Lexemburg to the new Belgic State, meet 'Call into the field the parties to thnse treaties whiCh 'ere HOW to unceremoniously broken.' That the late events in Belgium are viewed. with high dis pleasure by the remaining members of the Holy Alliance, there can be 'no doubt ; but it is tme thing tribe angry, and another thing to fight. The treaties which formed the id ngttern of the Nethef- Isndiand pieced the Orange family On the thCorte, Were aiecompletely broken sepiwittion ,t 'the bunch '464 Belgic TurOVinces a>ti oby enuld have been by the restoration of tliti - alieleitt aethority: of Spshu. It wait no stipulation ,of any of those nett ties, that if King t illlatn were '4irivco north of `the Noerityls„ his' son the Prince of Orange should acquire the throne of Belgium; and yet,' had the National teirnriesti on Wedne4iy last voted tbe'ilevutlon of Ilia:Royal' flightless When they'Veted'his exclusion, his northern allies` tvould have been setis•fied. Two of the great Powers of Europe, by their offers of mediation, have acknowledged the independence of the new state; and in whist does the independence of a people consist, if not in their power of select ing their chief Megistrate? A war undertaker) now-a-days, to force an obnoxious individied or sli mily on an independent' nation, would 'excite ridicule for its folly, and provoke general oppesitien to its injustice over all Eprope.' The geeition'of Lukens burg might be made len o:tee:llene pretext for a war, if a war ware Wanted, butt otherwise it can introit of urnayliditiitnient. The Allies, in the plenitude of the same power by which they formed the kingdom of the Netherlands, chose to erect this proein ce into a pout diieby, as en appanage for the second son Of the new King,• and to endow it with the PriVilegn of histoining a member of the Gernianton federation, though they could not carry it across the Rhine into Germany. It was, however, afterwards formally re-united to Belgium. It had always before been considered a Belgic province. It now has sent deputies to the National Congress, and is no more hound by the treaties of 1815 shim tiny other of the :Belgic provinces which it has joined. The fictitious exclange which was operated between ths Grand Melly and the German possessions of the House of Nassau, does not in the least affect its rights, or destroy its relationship to Belgium.—Timet. The state of the country occupied, last tight, a considerable share of the Attention of the House of Lords. Lord Wyntord asked— " Weil it the intention of his Majesty's Government to primme the institution of atty Parliamentary Inquiry into the extent and character of the eoiating distress ; and was it their intention to give additional power to the Magill. trate:, for the purpose of enabling them more till:dually to auppreae the disturbances?' Earl Grey anawered--- " That the Committee which was to be mewl for that night by a Noble Marquis (Salisbury) would, probably, throw conoiderable light on smile of the eirecimstatices eon. netted with the existing distress. if, in the course Of the investigations of tint Committee, a stunt Varna Parlia mentary Inquiry should be considered advis ble, he should base nu objection to its king instituted. With respect to the oecond question put to lain by the Noble and Learned Lord, it aid not occur to him that it was necessary to give any ridditionsl power to tie Iflogititrates. Even in the mud 41 . 11tuttod parts of the country, the pow e r s whi c h the Magistrates already posoessed would, he wao per:owlet', he found oufficient far the pupa e." The fluke of Wellington took the tiorne view of the tutbieer, and indeed ahoWed, hoot the natore of the mitrages, that no new Invt's to meet theta were celled for. - His Grace bald— • '" Ile did not see any ressun or ground for thinki ng that any alteratibri in the existing law Wee neeeissry. The outrages which had taken place in the country were of two-descriptions—die first Witti that open description of outrage, which there was no (iota might he got the better of by the operation of the ordinary - law ; the errand was that description of crime—the destruction of propeity by tire, of the perpetrators of which canverinnent had not hitherto been able to discover any tract; whatever." circumstance wits stated by Lord Eldon, which we are almost certain eau have 60 101,111detiOli iii het. " lilt' begged (he Gehl) to menthol, that lie that hatl that day been told that one of the gaols in the coitotr / iriie filled , i n consequence of the dis: urbance with 'individuals W 14,i Were not natives of tiliti runner):" NOW it moment's reflection might have satisfied his Lordship, that Pnvigneis cannot possibly poises/1 such knowledge of the language and ,ways of thinking of 'the ai It sla peaautstry pK to ha, olds: 1. 0 influence the ix foreiguera have beau at ail iimeerited in the 'outrages, it trot.,t have heaii iii the' cono4gratiotts, and their object would have been defeated riy apirvaring in any ,distintt in tanclt,nutinberit 'its to furnish; the coutpleineur of a cgaliity gaOl. Any thing 'exttapillitalty, 'in times like the proaeitt partietilarly, is insteutly remarked in the country parts of Paigland, nail We will veatpre to say, that lux foreigners even proceeding through soy one rural district would cretite universal Alarm. The statement , carries eliitritlity on the face of it. Lord' Melbourne said, " that ha hail no r et ,,, to to be hove that the Noble and Learned I.,,ordfb Sitattngt4 . . was well founded." On this ,Lord Said in explanation, " that the stateinent AVltich he had made was .routa`ined b a letter which he bad that rno - rnitie receiVed. If, on further inquiry, he found that the statement was well founded, he should feel it his ditty to wait upon the Noble Ear% iitni4 com municate to him the rittotiistanees of the ease." Lord Palm:ugh teemed disposed to yield a ere - dents! tb ibis monstrous story. _ . " It was notorious," ha saitl," that many incendiaries, who bail hem unable to throw their- own t otlnttles into flames, bail is,ued forth to spread Lstruction elsew here. It was not to be dowlite4 that the g eater part of those engaged In the recent outrages were Engli,h ; hat it was ntstt probable that many foreigners were mingled with them." We will answer for it that no! 'One foreigner has ever mingled with the tnglith tien'santry. "it was stipoeted some Noble Lords," said the Duke ot Wellington, " that the perpetrators of the' second aeseription of crime—the destruction of property by fire —were foreigners. He did not, however, believe' that there was any evidence of that (Art. It Arai a descrip tion of crime that t.:rt6 certainly effected by a con spiracy of !alma Icind or other but whether the conspi ratotii were foreigners or Englishmen no nun could pos. sihly say. ki to foreigners being in gaols, he could telly say, that with reference to one county, in ivtikii outrages of the most flagrant kind hat! otiArred, there was not one foreigner anion the persons w;th which Winchester pot We think we could almost clear up the, mystery of the foreigners. Many of our reatirei Must have laughed at an amusing Peeitt, by Butler, called " The Elephnnt in the Moon." Several philosophers who tultivated astronomical science, perceived, on looking through their telescopes, some strange animal of tremendous magnitude in the mobil, and im mediately disputes greW *arm as to the nature of the animal s its size, &e., when one of the party, havitlg his doubts, looked to the end of the glass, and found thnt a fly was interposed between it and the moon. The " not natives of this country," interpreted foreigners, will be robed to mean, if we are not mistaken, natives of the Duke of Wel lington's country, Ireland. There has lately been rioting in Carlisle, a town in which we believe there are a number of Irish weavers ; and it would be singular -if there were not in any plebe into which the Irish did not, f i rMti a turn for that sort of excite-. meat, totittive to thrust themselves. - WC could elm at • bet upon this interpretation. But this ob vious explanation is th e last which would occur, to men rvliose.. brains teem with foreign plots and armies of incendiaries sent, to corrupt the Arcadian simplicity of our English peasantry.—Aforning Chronicle. • • • • The Marquis of Salisbury moved last eight fur a Select Committee to tithe Into their consideration the present state of the administration of the Poor Laws, and. to report thereon to the House. The motion was agreed to, and a Committee appointed. It is high time this subject were ihluired into. At present there are Bids before Parliament which, if viand, would greatly aggravate the distress. We allude more particularly to a Bill for the regulation of labourers' wages, respecting which a very sen sible printed letter hoe been, published, addressed to Lord Nugent. The writer slims that " even in the ease of farms, equal in rental, or equal in ex tent,-it would be extremely d ffieult, if not import elble, to legislate for the number of labourers which the oecupiere ihotifil employ; anti the difficulty becomes meet) greater, when proprietors of other descriptions are also taken into consideration." in termite districts the population is redundant, and where labour exceeds the demand s wages must be low. Many , well-meeting people would, give to all the people in a parish willing to work, whether employed or not, such wages as hive been' lately demanded in the distutbed districts. We have no hesitation in saying, that in many parishes this would not only exhaust the rent and tithe, but give the land entirely to the labourers; for no timers eoultl i at the pre sent prices of produce, repay themselves the de- Mends this would create, The Movie of Sulk bury, in the speech with Which he prefaced his mo tion, observed, and we believe truly observed, that " comparing the present price of labour, with re ference to the price of provisions, with the price of labour front the beginning of the seventeenth to the beginning of the eighteenth century, it appeared that it was a third higher now than formerly. Miring the late war the increase of the price of cote had been followed by an increase of the wages of labour, the reduction of wages had not kept pace with the reduction in the price of corn since the peace, except in cases in which the perverse system had been adopted of paying the wages out of the padre' rates. Loeking at all the circum. stances, distressed as the agricultural labourer was, Isis wages were higher than at former period.." This la almost the only part of the Noble Marquis's speech. eel which we can bestow commendation. Indeed he is in evident contradiction with him Self. While he states that wages are higher then formerly, he tells us that to every considerable propri e tor o f late years had devoted his attention to what is called cleating his estates, so that the peasantry were driven together to occupy hamlets in herds, and their allowance and retsina of subsistence reduced to the lowest sum on which it was possible to eke out their existence," The cleating out estates, in so far as it reduces the number of the people, must raise wages; and, in fact, wages would rise every where to the average rate, if there were not a super abundant population. In all the counties where distress now prevails, there were at one time mantle factures established, as in the Wealth of K nt cloth; the Weal& of Sussex, iron ; in Beikshire, [itself; in Beekingliumahire, lace ; in Suffolk and Norfolk and Ewa antl Wiltshire, woollens of difiee rent kinds; the kerseymeres were made at Kersey; the limiey woolsey, at. Linsey; other stuffs at Sell bury, Donmow, in Essex, &c. All these menu (amerce bore gone to the NO th ; but a beg gerly redundant population remained in the towns anti villages to press down wages. The Rev. Mr. Howlett, who has written so ably o n most subjects of economy, describes the labourers as suffering greatly in the lan century, from wages not keeping pace with the price of food. The country, he observes, was advancing; but the po ;tektite' outstripped the demand. In his admirable tract on the Poor Laws, published in 1788, he says, "'!'here may be a constant and greatly increasing demand for labour; and yet such may be the in crease of people, and such the abridgment and feel- Inution of labour itself, that the price of it may make . very slow, if any advances at all, This i n a great measure seems to have been the case with us. So great has been the increase of our people that the price of the workmanship has been little advanced,. there being generally hands in ebuntitinee to perform it, and the master having as it were the choice of wh o m h e s h o old employ. ' It would uppeur that the bounty on corn had the effect of ruiemg, during the greater part of lust century, the price of corn unnaturally high as e. spared, with the reward of labour, and that, in feet, in those parts of the last century, when the population did not increase, the terlSoll was that the poor were starved down by the Corn Laws. The labourers have not deteriorated. Their --wages are generally 40 per cent, at least higher:than the wages paid to the agricultural la bourers in Scotland.—Morning Chronicle. Among the resolutions agreed to at a meeting of the Lord Lieutenant arid Magistrates at Iltunpshire, held at Winchester on Thuratley lust, and bearing the signature " Wellington," we lied the follow- That as Magistrates, proprietors, and land , holders in this county, it hits been, and ever will be, our anxious wish to relieve Me &Wen and int. prove Me condition. of the iebo . uring claws of the people, who, in many instances which 114 Va come to out' kn`at►letlge, have mattifested obedience to the latia t:, end their attachment to their employets and lamtlo t d e . .‘Ve c a nnot, however, separute without pointing out to those of the , Mooring classes who haveibetat concerned in these outages, the illegality rititi . .trelly of ottleavoitrieg to Obtain in'increase of livagea'hy Airco, by die destruction of property, and by pet-Sorial violence sits tat tia e, which, if pefslitted tie,.triteef lead to the Moat dila:stews and fatal conse quences to themselves." A -declaration with the ssme signature, and 'containing something like the purport of the first part of the reSolutiorinamely, that the Duke of Wellington, the IVlagistrines ' and landholders, would be ever anxious to relieve the tress and improve the condition of the lsbOuring classes of the people, if issued a year ago, or even a few 'months since, might hers tendered unne cessary the, threet throWn out in the latter part or it against those who have been concerned in the " illegutty and folly of endeavouring to ob tain an increase of wages by, force,„„ by the de struction of property, and by personat--violenee." ft is very right the i t the niitnided people who ere ehgaged in open ()enrages with the hopes of bettering their condition, should re ceive; such a warning as to the consequences of obsti nately persevering in a system of lawless i»tlmida tion ; but it should be, at the same time; recols lected, that the Dtsl!e of ‘tr e llin g ton, the Magis trates, and the landholders themselves, received warning, long before those outrages broke nut, of the inevitable arid calamitous result of refusing to inquire into the causes of the distress of the labours ing classes; Shd ungraciously and obstinately per sistiog to refuse them either investigation or relief! It was only last Session that we published abundant and convincing proofs of the misery of the labour ing classes—melancholy truths, of thousands opon thousands of Englishmen subsisting, in the midst of plenty, upon the rations of a time of famine! Facts disgraceful to the country, end the age in which we live--of freemen yoking. themselves to waggons, usurping the office of beasts of the field, to earn a scanty liVelihood, while others endeavoured to satisfy the cravings of hunger by wild roots and such refuse as could only be sought after by that extreme wretchedness which "envied the huiks that the swine did eat." It was only last Session that the tables of both notices of Parliament groaned with pr titions represeiving the great increas ing distress of the people, supplicating relief ; and it was only last Session that the Duke of Wellington and his colleagues, then Ministers of the Crown,. denied the existence of distress, except us far as it might be of a very pallid anti temporary nature, and refused all inquiry with a view to the relief of the condi ion of the people. It was only last Session that the Duke of Wellington, in the House of Lords, contended that the country, and even the farming interest, were in e state of advancing pros . • , perity ; extraordinary, opinion was eagerly caught up, and echoed in a spirit of blind obsequious ness by his " fawning parasites" in the Lower House, and in the- Press of London! In vain did we call upon the Premier of England, and his plus toon of well-drilled officials, to turn their eyes from the surface to the foundations of society—from the luxury and pomp of the few to the debasing misery of the rmtny-.from the guilded summits of pattiehm splendour to the homesteads and hovels of the labouring poor ! But there is is certain dugs of Statesmen, as well as political writers, who are only wise ter events, and never until them The Duke of. 'Wellington now understands the condition of the country better than he did a few months ago, or he never would have put his signa ture to it resolution admitting the existence of public distress, and the necessity for improving the condi tion of the labouring classes of the people. But a little foresight in a Minister is Worth a great deal of after-thought. The Sagacity of the true Statesman foresees and guards against notional ealtimities, as tire knowledge of the ..good-,- pilot enables him to steer he vessel clear of shoals and rocks. There are, it is true, Certain events beyond the controul of human wisdom ; but the rapid eppruach of things in this country to u crisis like the present was foreseen and fir,,teld by persons who pretended to no higher sa gacity than that Which the exercise of common sense Supplies. The late Milliliters, however, were so ob stinately blind that they would toot even admit the possbility of it, until it came upon them like a clap of thunder, and, consequently, found them com pletely unprepared.- We wish rind hope to see the outrages which haVe grown out of popular misery soon suppressed—not by the sanguinary , severity, but the judicious firmness, of the laws; and, when that is done, we trust the pledge given by the Ma gistates and land-owners will be redeemed, of " re- Feving the distress, and improving tire gorolitioo, of the labouring classes of the people."--•-lfloenfng Herald. The question of Parliamentary. Reform is at the present moment one that engages. the deepest and most serious attention of the public. The melan choly consequences of a long system of Misgovern ment are now so apparent in the misery and discon tent which overspread the country, that the minds of men are naturally turned more than ever to the state of the representation of the people, which, if it had realised in practice the theory of the Constitu tion, would have formed so full and efficient a cheek on the.Exectitiver as. to have saved the country the calamities which have been brought upon it by un just and unnecessary wars, corrupt practices, and itn provident expenditure. What is, however, the ge. nuine theory of the Constitution with regard to Par liamentary representation, is, and has long been, matter of bitter and angry dispute. The party who contend that our constitutional sy►.tetn can only be restored to its ancient vigour by the adoption of en nui Parliaments and universal suffrage as the great principles of Reform are, in our opinion, the advo cates of a doctrine whose effect would be, not to re sovate but to revolutionize the State, and to esta blish a pure demorracy on the ruins of a limited monarchy. We assert, moreover, that this doctrine never wits part of the Constitution of England since tl►at representative assembly, which is properly called a Parliament had an existence. We gave, a few days ago, our view of the outline of a truly effective and constitutional Reform—such a Reform as, while it excluded the government of mere numerical force; which is always sure to merge in despotism, would make the House of Commons the intelligent, respect. able, and effective representative of the people, strong in checking the corruptions of the Executive, but equally strong in protecting the best interests of the Monarchy. In reference to the plan of Reform which we thus suggested a correspondeta says, " The public are indebted to you for candidly sub• milting to them your opinion on this important sub jeer. Relying on your candour and impartiality, I venture to offer a remark on your statement with re spect to the Acts of Edward M., which may lead you to correct what I conceive to be a mistake. You say it is true that by the Acts of the `d and :Nth Edward 111. the King was bound to cenvoke a Parliament every year, or oftener if need be, but• that these Statutes only meant that the supreme Magistrate should summon the Parliament every year, or oftener if the public interests required, to sit for despatch of business---that is, that there should be one Session or mo re every year, but not one or more new Parliament.— Now I beg to ask, if this is an accurate in terpretation of the Acts of Edwa r d 111 ., how it happens that, for a series of years succes sively; new writs were issued, tool the names of new Members inserted in the returns? Thi s h as been clearly shown, over and over again, in the va rious publications on Parliameefirry Reform circu lated so widely a few years ago, and at former pe riods. With respect to the elective franchise, it is difficult, if not impossible, to affix any meaning to the words in the preamble of Henri 'VI, exces sive number of people, of which the most part was of people of no value and of small substance,' if they do not comprehend all the pe'ape so; for I should be glad to know, If till people of small sub.t,„ce ar i d no value voted, how far s h or t this description falls of noiverstil startup ?" We assure our correspondent titsfs if he bad made us sensible of having committed .aurroistake on the irow portant points to which his communication relates, we would willingly retract it, as we do not consider en ob stinacy in conscious error any proof of strength of un derstanding ; but, not being :in the habit of mimic ieg political opinions:at random,we trust we earl easily dispose of his objections, though we admit they afford plausible grounds for the fidlaciotis concleslen Which he has drawn. With rinipect to .14 ' Prat; : point, ‘ or that of annual Parliaments, the words of the Act of the 4th Edward li t. are, " It' is ac- Corded that a Parliament should be held every year ; onet or oftener if need • be." Now, if the word Parliament cannot, 'by the application of language at the time, be-token as synonymous with Session, we'nutst at once Allow that this Statute was an au thority for annual Parliaments. But, even so, it would not shoW that annual Parliaments were founded on immemorial usage, or the common law of the realm. On the contrary, it would afford the strongest possible presumption that they were not; for, If annual. Parliamenta were founded on, the • common law, and consetiuently part and parcel of the original Constitution of the realm, there would he no necessity for passing an express Statute to make those assemblies annual. Or if the Statute only restored a practice of the common law which had been frir some time disused, it would have re cited the usage as an ancient right of the people ; and then the Statute would have the form as well as the spirit of an Act declaratory of the common law. But it is neither in letter nor spirit a declara tory Act; on the contrary, the form of the expres sion plainly implies a new and original enactment; and the word " accorded" shows that the right thus established was not claimed as an ancient and established right of the realm, but was a privilege Created by the three Estates for the first time, and granted to the people, not us a revival of a former right, bOt a regulation for the future. So much for the supposed existence of annual Parliaments anterior to the 4th of Edw. 111, But we contend the w ord Parlia ment in this Act was synonymous with Session, and for the evidence of this we refer our, correspondent to the Parlianient Rolls, where he will find, in numerous instances, that the word was at that time applied to a Session indiscriminately, whether • held after a dissolution or prorogation, We know that Mr. Granville Sharp, who wrote upon the construc tion of this Act, understood the word Parliament in the same sense as our correspondent, and wrote to prove that the words " if need be" referred not to the words " every year," but to the words "oftener," only thereby making the sense to be that a new Parliament should be held at least once every, year, or more than once, if there was a necessity for it; so that according to this construction there might be a new Pediment every month, which is a reductio ad absurdum ' which.we think pretty plainly shows that the word Parliament only meant Session —for there is no absurdity in supposing that one Session or several might be convened every year; but the mistake of our correspondent and others has arisen from confounding the words " a Parliament should be held," with " a Parliament should be elected." As to the circumstance of new writs being issued, it proves nothing, inasmuch as every Session almost there are new writs for various places, which iedicate only individual changes in the repre sentation—though we admit that general elections, about that time, and for some time prior and subse quently, took place much oftener than they did in later years, and a legal writer gives the following reasons t---" It is true that, for some time after the House of Commons was regularly established, dis solutlontrWere frequent, for, at that time, the eke tors were few, and a seat in Parliament was consi dered rather a burthen to be avoided than a distinc tion to be solicited, arid the Members were not en- - abled to recover their wages till the King had dis charged them from further attendance by put ting an end to the Parliament." In support of this reasoning we may add that a parti cular Statute—namely, the sth of Richard ll. wits passed for the especial purpose of enforcing the attendance of all those summoned to Parliament, which shows with what reluctance - Members then undertook the duties which they are now so ambiti ous to be allowed to perform, The Statute of the 30th Edward 111. enacts also that a Parliament should be held every year, omitting the words " if need be," in the former Statute ; but, if those two Statutes were understood to make new elections necessary every year, how•did it happen that, with out any Statute having been passed to repeal those Acts, we lied the duration of Parliamentsnfterwards not limited by a year, but, on the contrary, even so early as the reign of Henry VIII., a Parliament lasted six years; another, in the reign of Edward VI., lasted four; while in the reign of Elizabeth the term was extended to eleven, and in .lames I. to nine years ! Have we not here a vague and uncertain practice, as an interpreter of the indefinite nature of the t ew ? With respect to the second point, or that of universal srerage, the Act of the Bth Henry VI • does certainly contain in preamble the exact word which our correspondent quotes; and• we readily admit that that Act did limit the number of electors, for which it gave very substantial reasons, its the whole of the preamble will show; and, there fore, we recite it here in fall:--" Whereas the elec tions of Keights of the Shires to come to the Par liament of our Lord the King, in many counties of the realm of England, have now, of late, been made by very great, outrageous, and excessive numbers of people, dwelling within the same counties of the realm of England, of which most part was people of small substance and of no value, whereof every of them pretended a voico equivalent, as to such elections to be made, with the most worthy Knights and Esquires dwelling within the same counties, whereby manslaughter, riots, batteries, and divisions among the gentlemen and other people of the slime counties, tihull very likely rise and be, unless convenient and due remedy be provided in this behalf; Our Lord the King, considering the premises, bath provided, ordained, and established, by authority of this present Perlin liament," &c. Then the Statute enacts " That those Knights shall be chosen in every county by people dwelling and resident in the same county, whereof every one of them shall have land or tene ment to the value of forty shillings by the year, at least, over atid above all charges." This is explained by the Act of the 10th Henry VI. to mean " free holds of that value within the county for which the election is to be made." Such is the origin of the limitation of time elective franchise in comi ties to forty-shilling freeholders. When it is ar gued that the words " people of small substance and no value," used in the above Act,imply universal suffrage, or something very near it, we only ask the reader to observe the words in the preamble which we have tnarked in italics, and which, words only represent that state of things a's having occurred in " many counties," not in is/4 and merely " of late," and not from ancient times I We ulso request the reader to remark that the Statute states that those " people of no value and small substance" only pre tended "a voice equivalent," and does not alltiw that they were by any former law or practice qualified to vote. . The Statute, having stated the danger and inconvenience arising front those tumultuary collec tions of people now of late pretending a right to o e stablishes a regulation to correc t w h a t i t de scribesvte' to be an evil of recent origin. It is certuin that copyholders never had a right to vote, because they were considered people of" no value ;" but the Statute of the Bth Henry VI., so far from establish. ing the fact of an ancient right of universal suffrage, clearly disproves it. ---Morning Herald. Of all the.Stetesmen whose names appear in the past history or the contempor ar y anna l s o f our country, if we were called upon to select the indi vidual who was, or is, most deeply pledged to opi 'llona and measures practically repugnant to each other, and all repugnant to the peace, 'welfare, anti lomour of the country—if it were our task to point out the man who had distinguished hiMself above H p : others e g r sr great ft tiiiniecmoniciitsttliiioditnet immediate t io e mu p i: r oc o rh f t e oa s ti s cw i e o e ns and er roneous conclusions—by enormous blunders upon qut,stin — w o b u y l d u con stant ignorance of, and habitual disregard to the in ttleuretti4oatimabilygifoalyl upon the person who at this perilous m oment fills the chief place in his Miijesty's-Coun :‘',,viiiit'i''siDithllaitirre'sgi°onntHibtleiytnittolit°leingm, o a f e l h E it7e g t l i 4 oTs t o w f a t s r itors threateners dreary, and *wid period imbibedpeel ianpe tolie re t l y o o c i t u r t ir o e n ts4nt i l ?r i a i l e ic r:_sti d tri o ti ii l n a g ted by the eventfal crisis, when a military conetierorand despot'‘tvhhaot held. Europe in chain., and,Eugland, convulsed as she was IfY internal disiensions, retrained, the last hope and refuge of national independence, who can forget that the constant tendency (we do not say the. intention) of all the laboured harangues,by which this Noble person wearied and disgusted the Senate and the country, was to encourage the efforts of domestic agitators, to harass, perplex, and enfeeble the counsels of the King, to dissipate the hopes and paralyse the aims of nations struggling to cast off the yoke of the oppressor, to confirm the insolence, and vindicate the aggressions of the haughty and relent less invader of national independence ? The Noble Lord is determined that these things shall not be forgotten, for his undisguised partiality to the former Revolutionary Government of France, even after it had assumed the naked form of a military des potism, and had proved, by a succession of unpro voked attacks upon the rights of other nations, that its existence was incompatible with the repose or freedom of the world, is forcibly, wil fully even, recalled to recollection by the gratuitous declaration of his Lordship made before he was yet warm in office, and the recent revolution in France has created for that nation a new and peculiar claim to the friendship and the confidence of the British Government. This, we most beg leave to tell the Noble Lord—notwithstanding his loud pro fessions of non•interference—is interference in the internal affairs serail* nations, and interference not the less dangerous or criminal that it is indirect. It is to say in 'effect that the special favour of the British Government is to be purchased by Revolu tion. It is interference in the internal affairs not only of France but of every other country. But let us look at one or two of the important domestic questions upon which the consistency and in tegrity of Earl Grey are committed ; and we shall find ample confirmation of our unfavourable judgment as to the vigour of his understanding, the patriotism of his feelings, the steadiness and coherency of his principles. Earl Grey is, or pro fesses to be, a resolute reformer of the House of Commons—determined to carry into effect a reform of that omnipotent branch of the Legislature, which will make it essentially democratic : he is at the same time, or professes to be, a resolute supporter of a system of protection to British agriculture, by the exclusion of foreign grain from our maikets,i the steady and effective tnaintenancy of which system, democratic ascendancy (if any thing be certain upon earth) is sure to prevent. He is again, or professes to be of opinion, that the full payment of the annuities •due to the creditors of the State is an obligation of an inferior order to that of upholding the . other interests of the country, although the fact is. certain that among the lower classes of the community—the classes to whom he proposes to give a great increase of political power —there are a greater number of persons interested directly and individually in the maintenance of funded property than in the maintenance of property of any or every other description. The wisdom or folly, the virtue or the profligacy indicated by these several opinions or professions we do not now dis cuss. The only questions we ask are, what opi nions rational men are likely to form of the judg ment or of the integrity of a Statesman who resolutely maintains them all at once, and what confidence the country ought to place in an Admi nistration, the chief and most efficient member of which cleaves, or professes to cleave, to opinions so mutually repugnant and irrecopcileable ?—.llforning "'wt. SECOND EDITION. SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock. THE LONDON GAZETTE OF THIS EVENING. At the Court Of St. James's, Nov. 30, 1830. The King, as Sovereign of the Most Noble Order of the Garter, has been graciously pleased, by letters patent under his Royal sign manual, anti the great zeal of the Order, bearing date the 25th dty of November instant, to dispense with all the statutes and regulations usually observed with regard to installation, anti to give and grant lotto the Most Noble John Duke of Bedford, Knight Elect of the said Most Noble Order, and duly invested with the ensigns thereof, full power and authority to exercise all rights and privileges belonging to a Knight Companion of the Most Noble Order of the Garter, in as full anti ample a manner as if his Grace had been formally installed ; any degree, rule, or usage to the contrary not withstanding. St. Junes's Palore, Nov. 24. The King was this day ideased to confer the honour of Knigthood on William Horne, Esq. his Majesty'a Salicit( r- Gene:al. 1V14411414 Nov. 30. The King has been pleased to constitute and appoint the Right lion. Watkin Williams Wynn to b e hie Ma jeaty'e secretary at War. The King has been pleased to direct letters patent to he passed under the Great Scal of the United Kingdom, grai•t ing to the Right lion. George Poulett Tl u the office of Treasurer to his 111.tjeaty's Navy. Foreign Wire, November 30, 1830. The King hag been pletseil to approve of Thomas Power, Esq. as Consul for the Emperor of Itnasia at Gibralter. War Office, November SO. Royal Regiment of Iforee Guards—. Cornet Y. Carbet to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Shelley, appointed to the 20th Foot ; R. 11. R. H. Vyse, gentleman, to be Cornet, by purchase, vice G►rbet. Dated Nov. 30, 1530. Atli Regiment of Dragoon Guards—Major J. Y. Scar let, fro►n the half pay, to be Major, vice Sir T. Whcler, Bart. who exchanges, receiving the difference. Nov. 30. let or Grenadier Regiment of Feot Guards—Capt. W. Burn, from the half-pty $d Light Dragoons, to be Lieute nant and Captain, vice E. Barnard, who exchange., re ceiving the difference, Nov. 30. 20th Regiment of Foot—Lieut. J. V. Shelley. from the Royal Horse Guards, to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vire Marlton, who retiree, Nor. 30. 68th Foot—Brevet Major W. North to be Major, with. purchase, vice. Gledstaries, deceased, Oct. 8 ; Cept. R. Vision, from the half.p,iy, to be C4ptain, vice North, Nov. 30. 90th Foot—Paymaster 11. Yielding, from half. pay 96th Foot, to be paymoaiter 11. Alison, who retires upon half pay, Nov. 30. Commission in the Dorsetshire Regiment of Militia, signed by the Lord Lieutenant of the county of Dorset. G. T. Jacob, to be Captain, vice G. 1). Barker, resigned, Nov. 18. Crown Office, Nov. SO. SISMASIIS ILlcruiwan TO SKRVII IN THIS TRICStrr PARCIASIRNT. Borough of Portsmouth—. Francis Thornhill Baring, of New -street, Spring Clartleni, in the city of Westminsta, Esq. Whitehall, Nov. 29, 1880. The King has been pleased to give and grant unto Maria Augusta Wyndham, widow and relict of G. T. ‘Vynriharn, Erni. son of George Wyndham, late of Cromer, in the county of Norfolk, Esq. both deceased, on behalf of her eldest son George Thomas Wyndham, a minor, his royal licence and authority that he the said, George Thomas Wyndham may, out of grateful respect to the memory of George Wrighte, of Gayhurat, in the county o f Berke, Eery., deceased, take and use the surname of Wrighte, in addition to and before that of Wynci• barn ; and also bear the arms of Wright* quarterly, in the second quarter with those of Wyndham ; such arms being first duly exemplified accotsling to the laws of arms, and recorded in the Heralds' Office, otherwise the said licence and permission to be sohl and of none effect : and Alau to command, that the said Royal concession and declaration be registered in his Majesty's College of Arms, opc; l l44A-TIoNs OF INSOLVENCY. Thomas rice, Montnouth, clittch-maker. Samuel Glover, Portiota-place, builder.. BANKRUPTS. William Nokeu, Rotherhithe, Surrey, medicine-vendor, to surrender Dec. 8, at three, 14, and Jsn. 11, at two, at the Court of Commissioners. Bull, Holies-street, Caven dish-square. Tristrim, Willenhall, Staffordshire, botcher, Dec. 13, e t two, 14, at eleven, and Jan. 11, at twelve, at the Four Ashes, Drewood, Staffordshire. Hunt, Craven stmt. Susi<London ; William and Son, WitOni,Stlib fordsh ire- aaa Richard Britene, Denton, Manchester, preeiskiiebler. Dec. 13, 14, and Jan. 11, at• nine, et Afirnrk Afanchester. Dean. Manchester ; Xdliniffo i 11 ' gory, and Faulkner. Bedford-row. Charles Kettle. Tnnbridge Wells, Kent, tnrr . lll. s• at three. 14, and Jan. 11, at two, et the Court sioners. Davies, D e vonshire-square, Iliehop at oViteci Stephen Latkan, GreenWich , victualler, ,Ditit,Ti nine, 21, and Jan. 11 , at eleven, at.the. Caere 00111111 8 ., Itioners. Downes and Gamlen, Furnivariplan. °" Henry Cope, North-street, Mile-end•roai, esttlaftieli e Dec. 10, 17, at one, and Jan.' 11, at _tier" Court of Commissioners. Drake, Red Lion-street, Thomas Brooks, jun. Hunter-street, Branswiek-s4lleg, musical-instrument-seller, Dec. 10, 14, and Jlflit _HIP ° ten, at the Court of Commissioners. Astoe, OH DOW street. DDKecna S sea.t a er m m36: tr a : l l : t F ba os nnd s e i: j k l4 , 4: G ant r i a i i. j e a c an li t. nr ie c lei l a t t ree tw : :).4 lA bt ri both i :7 l :: 4o7 : Cninrniasioners. Holt, Threadneedle-street- London con j f o e ln ei b j en il l r He a G r r aga t,,r i a g l ii e l l ipm , :. KemlcAns:naDkn7',ra,tes‘lAnbottl'iirahloSaty)nynP.agd;ah.i..friidel.ilit,ilizoa.:l::;:cji.,:rsl!"...o.llll:*lll)4l47„ A:4:1040,011.04:1:1,:4741.60:1 Hole in, It aymond-buildinge, Gray'leiinna firq l3 ° Ail, by-de -la - Zourli. od George Peakett, Peckham, sulfite* Jan. 11, at eleven, at the Cour t 91, PPIII0A 140:914r ti I Thorabury, Casneery-Isne, London. . Hutchinson Bell, Crown-mitt, .Pl11:0 1 110401 ...rt ship-owner, Dec. 7, at twelve, 10, at, to; 4,"•••,4 11, at ten, at the Court of Comtniseieeeell , Cotterill, Throgniortou-street. Robert Shipman, Mansfield, It ottiogitatt 4 Dec. 10, 11, and Jan. 11, at eleven, at flits POOP Inn, Niansfiell. Parsons, Mansfield. nr William James Corden, Manchester , .1ir5,,,,r51 1.11 ,A d o; I)ec. 13, 14, and Jan. 11, at two, at 1110 ._ i rx 'd; Manchester. Ilindmarsh and Son, fifeeeheet,lo-.7 marsh and Son, Crescent, Jewio-street, Crtg o itii s at John Brown, Old Kent - roa d, viefuldinrs , a ; e 4-04. twelve, and Jan. 11, at one , „„ a t the "liff Of. stoners. Young and Ware, Blaeltinsin-atfetti John Waikinson, Blanchester, eailicciapritt7ter. 14, and Jan. 11, at nine, at the V•IIP4 , Perkins and Frampton, Gray'e intmerso Manchester. I M 1-" E RI t L PA R 14.1.4109 THIS EVENIN,G, ar t HOUSE OF Loitri4,. . L .,p ho leark The Loan CIIANCIC4LOa took , his ielltigkr" , at Ten minutes past Fire o'clock. NEGRO - SLAVSKTeaW"' er 7 iota ry Slay Petitions were presented jokereslesiht Bexley, the Earl of Carlisle, Lord APAPP eilaroP , Rodent the Archbishop of Canterbury , jeetsießetel Farnham, and the Earl of Winehlfla l * Lord NAPIER, in presenting'. cl ef „,,k t s.gir is Scotland *garret Negro Slavery hollPin.'"ldeifo observations. He did ao in coneteplentlf P . 117 - ,lmsed• front a long residence in the Indies', et t ll .-7 1 "' ;r o of. Why of their Lordships coining tn 011 natill' 0 1 1 :4 0 1 nation on this important subject withent •1 1 a Committee. He by no means meant su r would sit roasting themselves up , entire irter"y jii ii o to months, but be meant a Committee u sbeir,..wa, - 7,0 o 4 f sit in the market - pla ce in the blks, 1 171:7,birt would be able to see to what a deplora g ldelltir:ambs the human race bad be e n firelight. Befikonli.Mig most happy to become a member of that go out to that c ountr y along with ether Soli"7: ; , 8 0 p (Laughter.) • i Lord GROSVENOR, prefimted George's, Aliddleaex, amino the 3letrrelltsd 4111 7,140 The Noble Lord could not concur in the erg! 1 . 1 0 , 4 h e but as the petitioners thoughl.ls'lol.l7:ll-'oi#,l he willingly presented it. ~,, at ! , 11 go btet The Duke of RlCHMOND,presentetlll a person of the name of Metthew 0 1 1 0 00, Brighton, praying for an enipiiie-ifttna itillitil , : , 'loped boating poor. sn w oi i g t ' i l i h n :il e c r to a o l.- w oesc i i r n , ig um fi e l f i i in i l s ce ‘ e V n io a l : l m rtab C e its if h tEr d o eu !S at i o4 l . 24l 7 l36 7: l :the ei r .i a tlte Fi er 7 27bi. Ltzioi tildo le his almost constant attitui mint there. lieved that the result of the examination o f h Co I Iln; t b i t to the country s would be of the ; grea ter k i tww• that n OO - , -hre4 g/f There was no sub act the Peer Lewi tt * ;xi Le A of lr d he t n s o t ,i3Oritl.i : nytee e tNwNh i sse l ,o o ):s) i ,i n aei g iotlutpi: j l: u .nrini s A.te t ite i f e tQl e tuho r nel i se t i : i i e ona r itr: ta ottl i hmi t e, ll o e coont. Co ids : Apfo i : fitt i w f lihl:e l tili e :.'l4:l:g d r:eb: : :E d 4'l°Erift n i:6 o ;7l'ji t t4iClE w tubilAi i ldet t : l r°l3llalmt ; :t r idni a llCull tv :l:juni:ljeliitlYibilGleanlmS)tlintiteEtatitinuAtrifdrUtr7i:relfn:rrcricelointditniuh:!_teit:::telti4lll'64 . ll4l66l' ll T:l.l.l,; o t:.P'sLiitlill4;l;l at t to ar l , e ethue e wr x ess : : : , : ear i r a lya ri i l oolilfm be ni f tol‘ o aw r r l tNi t oa h c e ipHh C rilei 4 L : g in s roff l u ti o : i A..... tt ri e : hi u hi pa .l. : ;e ie r o wl: :: ... : ll4 o :ool: inewm. tb dv o l v i ii proposing for the adoption of their Lelin!„...l;itt,ibat!r, next, gave notice of his intention of iinenn" . 7 ,ion altogetbee. 11111 0 1 ,. ax this Lord p° r l' ose to waOpinbtihsemnoltuitoinout oirf a " I. L n .t rd 'AndD AY :iim l i r eN N a l ln i'l l. ll :ll D 'AieT r r os eedl(7faurbe°thFie°ljaini"4l:l;l;44l: the expenees of Courts of Justice and Ifeci!ligoe .F ceeding. Toe Noble Lord was *dike sing If! our Iloporter left. _ . HOUSE OF COSIg4I4D. 44; 3n‘hnii,zeTTinkusticepti,eilcdsstGuietpaiiolnEleAryieKvuEelsti ninotit;nir,ocipttitif,notardthtici,leltilhttia,uutiellit:riii.thsli 4thistici4,loloof; perfeeted according to the Act. '''',1,,,i40 11 4:, the petition ,of 141 ton Jollifre, q/ 3 C r :We 110 1 16 i; an undue election for Surrey. I ' I r .d ; I hil -i - i E D tell to the Iluitst that it should be dist bttli" -- p i l ow , g l petitioner was Adam. COlO O O ' Wh ir .., 41' ,100 11 . 41 410? ':0 g onsiureenwle:utet,imoani:oliftiocrdh:trhcgehe:r.c;y:llol.: ''"•" • ... „, :';.i.k iati or it,. ;il : l ,,^l l i tit i v , ing" failed to enter into the ttectig t - ' itiri e t. in a quire , complained of an usdue yew- fporraTTrehhnineet!rnsitiniig:gtahtit:tnaliKton:GtnbitA:tzeLtro:Waen.cilitigAtin:YnnAtih::l:l:BllTri?fpinil'ollth;l:'' sibest'i.7ll.i:lill:tll:l:: sal A tir f e te t ; a few words from Mr. ~- '. ' ''' ' rttooll % bill) ' was put and negatived. .,r,; ON' ....di tfi l QUEENBOROI.JOII El.'v'' l l hers Orr t; The following are t h e ~,,,,l e, , of 810100 io t thli-t -to try the merits of the petition protrot 44 ,3 ll .ithlie ' ' ') .i bil ting 31embell :.--The petition 11: P.. ► ..,- & l ike: M. Patten, Dupes Alexander, Sir J. Se," l/ ,,i',.bs t iw ' Mr, .1. O'llrien, Lord Elliot, G. R"" s ' . 1 * 4 ' 4 F. W. Grant, awl the Hon. D. 1 310e Y* ' g l ee DU. IBAII TON ELECTIO/4. 41. ; fr! alloe s O wi n ref a rti .. p 3 petition u.i AEn bring ibnt,oougniol tpresenteduupotihi.er:ntrjetrec...hic.rrs:tiolselotilico•l;it,,tfrive- on this election declaring thr filetibe"withe r " ' but that the petition' against n then. return NO coleus nor vexatious. • ' , (i.err arsvtsG., cOynnuilttieg,27orthaidnastit.siiintoYilr.ulirikT.si!rtt St. d_ , l s , - -nul t. .. es sa ' , 7 l fir. ' f , ' vi, On the 29th inst. Mrs. Barker, of roll" , , io Fulham, of a daughter. ri Y ritO rit. On the 26th inst. at Denby ..aline, ' t e , ; ltd, of Sir .1. L. L. Kaye, Dart., of a e, alii' 6 ' OM l'i the 27. h inst. in norEttintig'hamphicet -1) ' 111: Pi" foi l E.q., age 4 tiO. a br'. t , On the 26th inst. at Cambridge, oeasaieoe 1 f ist from N his horse, M. . A. Robinson, l'of•' Soirliti. College. el!lest son of M. Robinson, Es.i. '" id his 2.oth year. T. iii'be On the 2Sth ins t. at Chtpton, tt ' "4 It SS, and in the Rink of England sixty Years' , ~b, etly-,; On the 27th inst. at Lsniheth, Anal" garViilf of the Irate It. Stainhank, Esq., fora ltri/ Q. rt 161 v. inn, Prothonotsry of his Msjesty's Palace CO' ' minster, aged SO. 'itiNTrn I) 7:7600 V4OO '►tiNTrn AND VSLlsti ► a; Aft $P$ °MeV, 12, SrsANDI 1•0/Dr