The Sun. — London, England, 1830-02-05 00:00:00

'foe** a statement as _to suck an important matter up evidence of inch description? Should net the House panseletfore -it took for granted any such statement, the more particularly when it found this important fact :me ntioned in the Speech front the Throne, sanely, that the exports of British produce during the last year had far exceeded those of any former year ? It was rather extraordinary, with such a gratify ing statement in his Majesty's Speech, to find an amend ment proposed, which declares, that all the productive interests of the country are labouring under severe de premien. The House should therefore hesitate before it adopted such a proposition.—(Cheers.)—But it might be raid that this was no proof of the prosperity of the coun try ; and perhaps it would be added, that all theie exports were sold at a loss, and that no return was made for them. Was it to be supposed that, year after year, from the year 1818—for that was the period from which the distress was dated—was it to be imagined that, year after, from that time, the manufacturers of this country had conti nued manufacturing and exporting at a positive loss?__ (Hear, hear.)—Was it probable that such a thing could have occurred? But then it was asserted, that let the amount of our foreign exports be what they might, our house market was depressed ; and that while an increase /tad taken place in our exports to foreign countries, a great and corresponding decline had taken place in our home consumption. He (Mr. Peel) would at once meet and deny that assertion.—(Hear, hear.)—No corresponding decline in our home consumption had taken place at all, to he put is contradistinction to the increase in our foreign (reports. The allegation was, that the distress existed universally throughout England, Ireland, and Scotland. He held in his hand returns to disprove to a great extent the truth of this assertion. He was compelled to refer to scatters of detail to furnish arguments to induce the House to payee before it adopted the proposition of the Hon. Jtaronet. He was prepared to show, from documents in his possession, that there had not been the falling off that had keen stated is the internal consumption of the country. He had been furnished with comparative statements of the amount of tons carried, and of the tonnage duties received, upon the priacipal canals, for a certain number of years, and the important fact which they established should be well weighed by the House before it pledged itself to the opinion of the lieu. Baronet, so contradictory as it was to the statement made front the Throne. These statements ex hibited a comparative increase year after year in the amount of business done on the principal canals. He would take a cypher es the foundation of his respective statements, which would furnish no indication of the comparative business of one canal compared with that of another; but which would actually chew at the same lime the general increase of business done on those canals, roving an increase is the internal consumption of the country- These returns commenced with the year 1820— that year when the Bill which he (Mr. Peel) would never diselaim. Clough so much obloquy had been thrown upon it—he meant the Bill for regulating the metallic standard, took effect He had expressly desired that they should be made out from that year, for he well remembered that when that Bill came into operation, prophecies without number were propounded, the commercial transactions and con cerns of this country were so complicated and so multiplied, that any attempt to carry sash a measure into effect would tend to cramp and depress the energies of the country. He was ready to take his stand by what had occurred in ear foreign trade ; but he would fortify himself by proofs of an increase also in our home consumption. The returns which he had procured were from the Forth and Clyde Canals, from the Duke of Bridgewater's Canal, from the G, and Junction Canal, from the Kennet and Avon. and from the Berkeley and Gloucester Canals. In the year MO, the amount of tons carried on the Forth and Clyde Canal was 3.290 ; in the year 1821, 4,026 ; in ISM 4,480 ; in 1393, 4,874 ; in 1824, 4,874 ; in 182.5, 5,804 ; in 1828, 5,752 ; in 1827, 5,818 ; and in 1828, (the last year to which the accounts were made up) 3.970 Thus, in the year 1818, the amount of tons was 8,970, while the average of the sight preceding years was 4 843. giving as increase in the year 1628 to the amount of 1,000 tons upon this canal. Upon all the other canals a similar progressive increase had taken place in their busi ness, from the year 1819 till the year 1828. On the Duke of Bridgewater's Canal, in the year ending the Ist of January,lB3o, the average amount of tonnage was 1,588, while, in the year 1829, the average was 1,115 ; so that it appeared that the average amount of tonnage on that canal for the last year exceeded that of the former year by nearly 600 tens. It might here be said that though the tonnage had increased the tonnage duties had not, Now he had expressly inquired as to the amount of duties received, and this was the result. Upon the Grand Junction Canal, the average amount of the tonnage duties received for the eight preceding years was 8,608/., last year V.* average had risen to 9,000/. On the Grand Trunk Canal, the average of the eight preceding years wasBooll., last year it had risen to 14,049/. Upon the Kennet and Avon the average for the same period was 1,899/., last year it amounted to 2,190/. The average amount of ton. stage duties upon the river Avon for the same period was 1447/. ; last year if hid amounted to 1,7061. The ave rage amount upon the Berkeley and Gloucester Caaal for the seven yeas preceding 1628, was 1,0691. It had ine neztsed in 1828 to 2,235/. ; and last year to 2,3601. — Here on this canal the average was more than doubled in alot course of two years. These facts should induce the Mesas to pause before it sanctioned the statement that uni versal distress prevailed throughout the country.—(Hear, Lear.)—These facts applied to England ; but let the Howse recellect that if any part of England, Scotland, or Ireland, should be proved not to have been subject to the depression spoken of, the statement of the Hon. Baronet must fall to the ground. Now, with regard to Ireland, as Honourable Gentleman said that great distress pre vailed in the city of Dublin. He (Mr. Peel) was ready to admit that distress did exist in the liberties of that city, but as long as he had been acquainted with Ireland he never knew a period when the manufacturers in that part of Dahlia were not in distress,—so much so, that scarcely a year pasted without appeals being made on their behalf to the charity of the public. No doubt distress prevailed iu Iteland, and God grant that saute measure might he devised to remedy it; but was there any proof before the House that the agricultural interest of Ireland were suf (vial under universal distress and depression? Could it be said that universal distress existed amongst the agricul turists of Scotland ? He (Mr. Peel) doubted that such was the feet, and before the House asserted it, I,e would call upon it to employ due precaution in forming its opi nion. He would maintain that the address, in answer to the Speech from the Throne, gave a truer description of the state of the country than the amendment proposed by the Hon. Bart. It was perfectly consistent, on the part of his Majesty's Ministers, while they feitsiocere sympathy for the distress which slid exist, to be extremely cautious as to the adoption of rash experiments with a view to its ;nevi*. ea co _(Hear.)—The distress which did exist had cri.gi aced in causes over which Government had no controul ; and it should be borne in mind, that it was not exclusively confined to the dominions of his Majesty, The agricultu tal interests had also experienced similar depression in America, and in other countries. In France, for inetance, the distress had been ha many places as severe as in any part of this country. In pails of the United States, the distress had been equally ae great as with us. In Russia, At this moment, a proclamation had (men issued for lower ing the rate of interest, with a view to remedy the agri cultural distress prevailing there ; therefore the causes which bad operated to produce this distress were not 449;fr fined to this country. Great weight was certainly due to the effects produced by unfavourable seasons. He believed that the expense incurred by the agricultural interest, both in cultivating the coil, and collecting the harvest, had l i never been so great as the last two years, owing to the ex t rem e wetness of the masons. That was sufficient ta I account in aotne degree for the depression experienced by .the agricultural interest ; and besides be did not think that due weight had been assigned to the effect of the import'. Cons from Ireland. That was a cause beyond remedy or control. Ireland was fairly entitled to a free access to the markets of this country, and nontan would be mad enough to propose to restrict the importation from that country. Ile held in his hand an account of the amount of importations from Ireland into the port of Liverpool during the last year, and lie would state it to the tionse. Darla( the last year there lied been imported into Live pool from Ireland, 49,000 oxeo, Is,ooo calve', 19,000 pigs, 111,000 sheep, 1,300 lambs; e arl the total value of .agricultural produce thus imported amounted v.:1,270,0001., exclusive of cont.—(Hear, hear.)—lt was hopt-zsible to deny that such immense importations from Ireland bad the effect, of depressing the ,agricultural interests of this country. The same argument applied to Scotland. The Crown, he therefore, conceived, was quite justified in en treating the House to use extreme caution Le/fore it should attempt to remedy, fey legislative interference, the dress that existed. They (the Ministry) had been taunted as if they were influenced by a 'vete/ of false pride, as if they were so determined to adhere to declarations foi merly made respecting tLe currency, as blindly to elcse their eyes to the real distresses of the country. It was said, that they were afraid to expose themselves to the charge of in.. condeoncy, ;and this followed. cleee upon the charge which had been made against tin= from the same quarter last Session, when they were accused 4 departing from those principles to which they stood pledged, in bringing forward a measure which they had uniformly opposed. It was then said, that they were actuated by a corrupt de sire to maintain themselves in office, and the echo of that charge now was, that they were so wilfully and perve rse ly determined to adhere to the present currency system, that thy would hear of no change in it whatever. Now he (Mr. Peel) would say upon this occasion, as , he did when assailed by a contrary charge last Sea ' sion, that he was ready to abandon his opinions respecting the currency, to which he was supposed to be so unalterably pledged, if he could bring him self to believe that his so doing would he productive of any real and permanent benefit to the interests of the country. —(Hear.)—lt WIN no change on the part of a public man to recede from the opinions which he had maintained, when he found others better adapted to the circumstances of the country. From his (Mr. Peel's experience of public life, he was never more convinced of any thing than of the propriety of not binding one's-self to any inveterate opi nions respecting matters of this nature.—(Year.)—To him it appeared much better to act upon the principle avowed by the Hon. Baronet who proposed the amend ment, and to look at every measure solely in reference to its merits, uninfluenced by the ties of any party, or by any preconceived opinions on the subject. He was ready to adopt that principle ; lie should be always ready to aban don opinions when proved to be wrong ; and, on the con trary, he should always support those which he conceived to be right. As he said before, he could not see any change of opinions on the part of a public man in receding from those which he had hitherto maintained when the interests of the country called upon him to do so. Now, with regard to the currency, after the best deliberation which his Majesty's Ministers could give to the subject, they were determined to adhere to the present system, being convinced that if any error had been com mitted in establishing that system, we should only be ex posed to still greater evils than those we had suffered by again unsettling the currency of the country._( Hear.)— Hid Majesty's Ministers were not indifferent to the distress in the country ; they did not deny that distress did exist, they were not wanting in sympathy on account of its ex istence, nor in a sincere desire for its alleviation ; but at the same time they were determined to adhere to a cau tious policy in dealing with it. He would warn the House to beware of making rash experiments. It was because his Majesty's Ministers believed that any rash experiment with the currency would, while it might possibly give some immediate benefit, only be productive of more per manent evils than those from which we had been relieved, that they had come to the determination of maintaining the present system, and exposing themselves to whatever obloquy might be attached to the course which they had resolved to pursue.—(Hear, hear.) Lord ALTHORP commenced by observing, that he considered the present Administration had done more good for the country than any other Government that had pre ceded it; but, having stated that as his opinion, he at the same time claimed his right generally to exercise his judg ment in reference to any measures which they might intro duce, and to object to, or oppose any thing emanating from them, as he might think proper. He had come down to the House that evening to hear the Speech from the Throne, and he could not conceal his surprise at hearing the assertion contained in it, that distress existed " in some parts of the united kingdom." His (Lord Altherp'a) impression was, that the distress existed generally throughout the country. He should feel great satisfaction in hearing that he was mistaken in that opinion ; he should feel still greater if that statement were proved to be correct.—(Hear.)—The Hon. Baronet's amendment stated that the distress existed universally.— His Noble Friend, oho moved the address, stated, in op position to the Speech, that the distress was general; and the Hon. Gentleman who seconded it made a somewhat similar admission. Until the Chancellor of the Exchequer rose, no contradiction was given to the statement a. to the universality of the distress, and he said that it did not exist in Ireland. But the Hon. Member for Clare stated that there was distress in Dublin—that he knew distress ex isted in Leineter, Connaught, and Munster, and that he heard it had extended to Ulster. To that assertion no contradiction had been given by any Hon. Gentleman from Ireland. He (Lord Althorp) had, therefore, waited anxiously to hear what the Right Hon. Gentleman oppo site had to say, as he hoped lie would produce some facts to induce hint (Lord Althorp) not to vote, as he was con scientiously determined to do, for the amendment. But no such facts had been stated by the Right Hon. Gentleman; and under these circumstances be (Lord Althorp) though unwilling to give a vote that might have the appearance of joining those who opposed his Majesty's Government fir carrying a measure that he (Lord Althorp) strongly ap proved of, (cries of " No, no," from Sir E. Knatchbull and others,) he felt it his duty to vote for the amendment. Mr. W. 'WHITMORE said, that though he believed the distress general, and whatever reluctance he might have to adopt the statement in the address on that subject, yet as he was not prepared to go the length of those who pro posed the amendment, he should vote against it. Lord lIOWICK conceived that the statement in the Speech and the Address undervalued the distress which he was cpnvinced extended generally throughout the country. The facts which the Right Hon. Gent. opposite (Mr. Peel) had mentioned might be met by the statement which he believed was the case, that many of the operations of our internal trade were carried on at a loss. But while he (Lord Howick) regretted to see such a statement in the Speech, as he knew that the distress was general, be could not concur is the amendment proposed by the Hon. Baro net. He was anxious to wait to see what would be done by the Government. He eondamned the system of refer ring to a Committee, consisting of twenty.tbree gentlemen of that House, the task of examining into every branch of our enormcaus establishments. It was in his opinion absurd and likely to end as it had ended, in disappointment. Lord F. LEVESON GOWER contended that the terms of his Majesty's Srech had not been treated fairly in the amendment proposed by the Hop. Baronet. In his opinion the terms of his Majesty's Speech, as far as they had reference to Ireland, were even more logically true than the terms of the Hon. Baronet's amendment. He thought too that unjust advantage had been taken of the 81)4 ph of his Right Hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer. His Right Hon. Friend bad not said that there was no distress in Ireland. He should like to see the man who would venture to say that there ever bad been a period from the time of Bishop Boulter, down to the present, in which no distress existed in Ireland.— !Hear, hear.)—lf he had understood his Right lion. Friend rightly, he had only spoken of the non-existence of distress aruoug the agricultural classes in Ireland. It was likewise true that distress existed among the manufac turing population of the liberty—hut when had it been otherwise since the days of Lord Chesterfield ? The Noble Member for Northamptonshire said that no Gentleman from Ireland had risen to deny the universality of distress in bean& He would not take upon himself to say that there was no distress in that country ; but he would take upon himself to deny that it was universal. In refe rence to the complaint which had been nude, that there wee, in the Royal Speech, an oinission of all opinion re speeng the existing state of Ireland, he had only to say, that, in his epinicn, there was in that Royal silence more eloquence than if his Majesty had entered into a lengthened discussion of the benefits wisii4 had been derived. far be yond all expectation, from the measure of last Session.— (aeers.)—To that measure the country owed this ad- Vantao, that if distress did exist in Ireland, it was distress without time i.ndral evils, and disquietudes which had too often previously etttlis:44 it.—(Hear, hear.) Whatever might be the event of this motipn, which was evidently made with the intention of unseating the Government, in Plfice or out of office, it would always be to him a consola tion to have lent his feeble aid to a measure which had been attendesl with such complete success —(Hear, hear.) Mr. W. SMITH *id, that it was his intention to support the 01 iginal Address ; though he was of opinion that the distress of the country was more general than any one wintild imagine from reading the words of the Royal SPoeclis athich stated it to be confined to some parts of the United Kingsium. He opposed the Amendment, because it found verbal fault wit:it,. tbe Address, in order to displace an Administration, for which this movers of the Amend ment wished to substitute another no.: pear so advan tageous to the country.—(Hear, bear.) Ile c, - ,,uld not separate this Session from the last ; and considering the unmeasured warmth and violence with which some Gen t'emen had then attacked the Ministry, and tile course which they were now attain pursuing for the Attainment of the aat.e., - .e ,object, he could not help marvelling how it was that they bed 4.0 t cooled themselves a little down during their residence itt tits gauntry. With respect to the dis tress in Ireland he had only mae word to say. When the measure of Catholic relief, of which he had always Leer. sincere supporter, was under discussino, it was repestreil, " Will it he a panacea for all their evils?" He had never auF e - osad that generations and ages of bad government, and all the e, 7 iia which they had necessarily Produced, could be cured by it hotanily, or even in a . single year. The advantage of that tneastwe was that with all the distress of England pressing upon us We had not the disquiet and discontent of Ireland to contend with, —(Hear, hear )—lt was his intention on the present occa sion to support the Ministry. jt - giving this vote in their favour prevented him from giving his a - ote in favour of any one measure of reform or retrenchment. he woold rather cut off his band than give it; but hoping to vote for re duction to the utmost in elap course of the present Session, he still felt himself at liberty to vote iii layout. of Ministers against a proposition which made a covert and not a direct attack upon their conduct. Mr. IMPMAY supported the Address, because he considered the amendment a mere quibble upon words.— (Hear, hear.)—One of his reasons for supporting the Ad dress was, that he could not consent to abandon a Ministry which had done so much for Ireland—(Hear, hear)—and one of his reasons for opposing the Amendment was, that he should be sorry to give a vote in favour of that party which had endeavoured to throw a clog around them when they were on their march to improvement.—(Hear.)— He was content with the admission of Ministers that there was great distress in the country ; for, after making that admission, they would be guilty of a gross abandonment of their duty, if they did not exert every means in their power to remove it. Mr. DUNCOMBE declared it to be his intention to support the amendment, because it painted the distress of the country correctly, which the Address did not. The Right Hon. Secretary for the Home Department had called upon the House not to support the amendment, until it bad further evidence of the distress which p er _ retied all classes. He was at a loss to conceive what evidence the Right Hon. Gentleman would have, if he was not content with that which he had got already. He had the evidence of the Noble Lord who moved the Address, and of the Hon. Member for the city of London whu seconded it—he had the evidence of two other Members of the city of London—he had the evidence of his Right lion. Friend, the Member for Liverpool—he had the evidence of the Hon. and Learned Member for Clare—in short, he had the evidence of every man in the House, whose opinion on such a subject was worth having—and yet the Right Hon. Gentleman, with all that evidence, hoped that the House would not adopt the amendment of his Hon. Friend the Member for Kent, without receiving still more eridence.—(Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) If the Right Hon. Gentleman really required such evidence, he had it in the various meetings which bad taken place in different parts of the country—in the addresses which had been sent up from various public bodies to the head of the Government ; and in the petitions, which had been agreed to in every large town in the kingdom, and which would soon be pre sented to the consideration of the House. It appeared to him, that look into whatever quarter of the country a man might, he could not fail to find sufficient evidence of the severe distress which pervaded it from one corner to another. —(Hear.)—Perhaps the eyes of the Right Hon. Gentle man were now at length opened,—for he really was of opinion, that before that night the Government was not impressed with any idea of the extent of the prevailing dis tress. He, therefore, thought that as such was the case, it should lose no time in entering into an immediate in vestigation of the state of the country. With regard to the imputations which had been cast on his motives, and on the motives of those with whom he acted, he would merely observe, that he scorned them, and that he would on all occasions treat them with the contempt which they merited.—(Hear.)—He had no earthly motive in the course which he was then pursuing than to discharge his duty to the best of his poor ability to his distressed and afflicted countrymen. In conclusion, lie expressed a hope that a system of the most rigorous economy would be adopted by Ministers, and that, instead of merely reducing the salaries of subordinate clerks, they would begin with the reduction of their own income,. Mr. RICE said, that if he could bring himself to be lieve that upon the issue of this debate the continu,nce of the present Ministers in office was to depend, so grateful was he to them for the great benefit which they had con ferred upon Ireland by acceding to the measure of last Session, that he would gladly give them all the assistance which lay within his feeble power. But that was not the issue which the House had to try. The House had simply to decide whether the distress of the country was confined to some particular parts of it, or whether it was general throughout the country. If there were any doubt upon the point,—and he was afraid there was not,—he should sup port the latter opinion, because it would at any rate show the people that their representatives were inclined to look upon their sufferings with an eye of sympathy. Under his present impressions he was inclined to support the amend ment ; but if any Country Members would get up and state to the House that their constituents were not di,- tressed, he would immediately give his vote in favour of the original address. He did not look upon this question as one which involved a mere quibble for words —he considered it as a question of far deeper import ance. His Honourable Friend had intimated that he could not agree to this amendment, because it came from, and was supported by, a party with whom he was not in the habit of acting. With all de ference to his Hen. Friend, that WAS a principle upon which he, as a pablie man, could never consent to act. Upon po litical subjects he generally differed from the Hon. Baro net who had moved the amendment, but he should indeed be ashamed of himself, if that general differenee of opi nion should load him to dissent from any useful and salu tary proposition which the Hon. Baronet might bring forward. He (Mr. Rice) should regret that his vote ou this occasion was mistaken ; he gave it to the influence of truth, in his comparative examination of two propositions which were before him. lie believed, indeed, that the distress, although pressing hard upon parts of Ireland was lees there then it was foand, generally speaking, in England. Enough was, however, apparent in the state of both countries to call for sympathy, and he felt himself, therefore, under the necessity of voting for that declaratory resolution which was more expressive of the degree of dis tress he believed to exist in the community. Mr. EWART, with every sympathy for the ex isting distress, could not coincide with those gentlemen, who thought that the distress of the country had not been exaggerated. In proof of which lie quoted returns made to him from Lancashire and Chesterfield of the increase of the home consumption of cotton from the year 182 to the present time, which had gone on from 285,439,4261h5. to a much larger amount. Mr. R. PALMER. said that his knowledge of the ex istence of very general distress compelled him with great regret to vote for the amendment. Mr. M. FITZGERALD said that if the support of the Address could imply that any inquiry into the existing state of distress were denied, or even not likely to be in quired into, by the Government or that House, he would evince a readiness to entertain the amendment, but when he thought the contrary was the fact, he could not bring himself to the same conclusion as his Honourable Friends near him. Respecting the omission of Ireland in the Address, he wished to give a hint to the Hon. Member for Clare, an old debater in public life elsewhere, though young in that House ; and it was to caution him against affording his prompt assistance to the Honourable Members for whom he had this night ten dered his vote. There was certainly great distress in Ire land, but nothing equal to the extent in which it pervaded England. Let his Hen, Friend therefore take cars how he gave his support to men under the notion that he WAS *erring Ireland, who might hereafter turn round and ob ject to the importation of Irish produce, which ought to have as free an admission into the English market as that of Scotland, or of the counties of England, and propose their measures of Poor Laws, or others of a similar nature, fur the sister kingdom. Colonel WOOD was in favour of the Address, which had described the prevailing distress, but had not encou raged exaggerated estimates of it, while it left every thing overt for fair and distinct consideration. He entreated the House to c.ensider what the impression would be of send ing forth to the public an amendment of the kind pro p•-ised, the supporters of which did not agree in any single view of what was necessary for the ultimate attainment of their own object. Mr. BROUGHAM assured the House that be should oily treepata on them for a very few minutes, while, to avoid misconstruction, he steered the reasons which in fluenced the vote he was about to give. He bad never entered this House with less expectation than he had done this evening of being called upon to vote for an amend ment, and if he could persuade himself that there was only a simple verbal difference between ths construction of the original address and the amendment—that mere words, end not material substance, would be found between them, he should not have come to the conclusion he had now to express. He deplored the extenuating impression :erhick Ministers had thought fit to introduce inte the Speech. Whether they were aware or not at the titre of the force of the phrase, he could not tell; but he could tell in what sense them words would he taken by the anffering--the deeply suffering portion of the public to whom they would be borne. Was it possible, indeed, fur them to go forth with tar other than one meaning, namely, this—that after all, Parliament had admitted the existence of distress, but of what nature? Why, in plain common sense, that it was partial, anti there might be a little some leheee, but not much of it. This wis the meaning of the wards in the Address. Such a description of the pre sent c mdition of the country he could not sanction by his vote, and lie was di iven to take the ether, and as he thought more correct description, which the amend meets presented, as belonging nearer to truth, in con aveyang what Ire and the public felt. This vote be give with reluetaTu3e. It was a vote wrung from him, and in giving it he repeated hip anxiety to avoid having his motive misconstrued. Something had been said of the intentions of the Hon. Baronet who had moved the amendment, and their insinuations had been disavowed, but be (Mr. Brougham) would say, whatever were their intentions—whatever were their tendency, if he could bring himself to think the eqect of the amend ment would be to displace the present poveix.wt. it should A go kaYe me i aud imperfect are f l eeerigi"l dress was, Le wou'd preferably lend it his support in such alternative. In an equal spirit should his doeision be formed, if he thought the amendment were in say degree calculated to pledge him one step in the line •f policy in vol►ed in the general principles attributed to its promoters —if, for instance, his vote for the amendment were to be said in the smallest degree to commit him in retracing the commercial steps which the country had taken—if, above cal, he were to be implicated in the least desire to tamper with the surreucy as at present established, bad as the al ternative was, either to vote for this addrea, or give the vote which the amendment called for, he repeated, be should not hesitate to raise his voice for the former. The ery of " Question" becoming loud and general, the House divided, when th• numbers were— _ _ For the Amendment 105 Against it IBS Majority against it -53 The original address was then carried, and ordered to he presented in the usual way. The Marquis of 131andford was one of the tellers upon the division, and the amendment, of whisk he had given notice during the debate, was not put from the chair. The House adjourned soon after Twelve o'Clock. THE FIRE KING'S BENEFIT. The benefit of the individual claiming the above title having been announced for yesterday, at three o'clock the Argyle Rooms, where his performances have hitherto taken place, were crowded to excess, principally by gentlemen connected with me dicine and science, the advertisement which announced his be nefit having stated that the Fire-King would re-enact the whole of his performances. It was evident, however, that the whole interest of the promised exhibition was restricted to the expected feat of his swallowing prussic acid. The audience, which by half-past three o'clock, had filled every vacant space in the room and gallery adjoining, began now to manifest symptoms of impatience, which, however, were partially appeased by the appearance of the Fire-King, who, mounting the platform, as. sured the company that every thing announced in the bill should be performed. He wished, however, to offer some observations with respect to an impression which appeared to have gone abroad ; but being imperfectly acquainted with the English lan. guage, he had applied to a gentleman to address the company on his behalf, and make known to them what he was desirous o saying. Mr. Welch, the proprietor of the rooms, here stepped forward, and at the same moment Mr. Wakley, the Editor of the " Lan cet," mounted the platform ialso. 'I he appearance of the latter gentleman was hailed with a round of applause, and as soon as order was in some degree restored, Mr. Welch, holding a bill announcing the performances of M. Chabert in his hand, said, he was deputed by that individual to repeat his readiness to perform every thing which the bill had announced. A statement, however, having appeared in the Newspapers, from which it might be inferred that M. Chabert had undertaken to take prussic acid himself as a part of the day's per. formances, he begged to say on behalf of that individual, that it was not his intentiontodo so upon the present occasion. A general burst of disappro6ration followed this announce ment, and cries of " Shame ! shame ! imposition ! imposition !" prevented Mr. Welch for several minutes frora obtaining a hear ing. At last, however, by elevating big voice, he succeeded in making himself under stood, but to those only who were imme diately around him. He begged to say, as proprietor of the rooms, that if M. Chabert failed to fulfil all that he had engaged to perform on that day, he never should have the opportunity again of repeating his performances under that roof. Mr. Welch repeated, however, that M. Chabert had not undertaken to swal low prussic acid himself, and said he merely intended to try its effects on two dogs. He was proceeding in his explanation, re ferring the company to the bill which he held up, when his voice was completely lost in the universal yell that arose from every quarter of the room. M. Chabert then endeavoured to obtain a hearing, but the uproar was such, that very few could catch his words. He was ready, he said, to go on with the performances as advertised, but it was a mistake to say he had undertaken to swallow prussic acid. Mr. Wakley then advanced in front of the stage, and holding the (Times) journal in his hand, asked M. Chabert if the adver tisement which it contained, announcing his benefit, was not his. M. Chabert nodded assent. By this advertisement, said Mr. Wakley, you undertake this day to repeat all your previous performances.. Now, you have declared to many gentlemen, some of whom are present, that you possess an antidote for prussic acid, and that, in fact, you have swallowed the poison on different occasions. Are you pre pared, yes or no, to fulfil the terms of your advertisement, by swallowing prussic acid ? Monsieur Chabert—l will do what I have advertised to do— no more. Mr. Welch--I feel bound, on my own behalf, to say, that if M. Chabert had consented to take prussic acid I would not have permitted him to do so under this roof, at least without a previ ous consultation with the faculty. Ladies are very much in the habit of attending these rooms, and if any thing fatal should oc cur,the effect—('The conclusion of Mr. Welch's observations was lost in roars of laughter.) Mr. Wakley again came forward, and said he wished to bring the matter to a speedy issue, as the room was very cold,notnith. standing their close proximity to the oven. Are you willing, M. Chabert, he repeated, to fulfil your promise, and allow a dose of prussic acid to be administered to you P "De dogs be ready," replied the Fire-King, very coolly, but (shrugging up his shoulders) me no say I take prussic acid to-day mysel. You are a clever man, Monsieur Lance," he added, aside, but it won't do, lam no such fool." At this moment the shouting and hooting of the company was quite deafening. The Fire-King, finding all his endeavours to obtain a hearing useless, completely lost his accustomed compo. sure, and throwing himself into the attitude of a Merry-Andrew, he mimicked the yelling of the audience to their no small amuse ment. " Are you ready to take the dose," repeated Mr. Wakley ; " you have declared you can take prussic acid without injury ; are you willing to put your bout to the test ?" M. Chabert.—" I will do all my bill say. I will kill one dog wid de prussic acid, and another dog dat take it shall not die; what more do you want, Monsieur Lance ?"—(Roars of laugh ter.) Mr. Wakley—But you said you would take prussic acid at your benefit. M. Chabert—No, no, me said no such Ling. A gentleman here mounted the platform, and said M. Chabert had declared to him that he would take prussic acid at his benefit. " - At this announcement the hissings and hootings were re newed, and the Fire-King cut an anxious franca towards the door, while several voices exaaimed," He is a rank impostor! Where is Welch? Are we to be swindled in this way out of our money ?" Mr. Wakley, amid the contusion which prevailed, addressed something to M. Chabert. and then same forward, declaring aloud, " Take notice, gentlemen, that the Fire-King decidedly refuses to take prussic acid. He declines also to take common water at 220 degrees heat."—(Great confusion.) A gentleman then mounted the platform, whose name, it ap peared, is King. He declared that he was the author of a letter which had appeared in the Times, snd in which he challenged the Fire King to take a small portion of Shield's prussic acid, and such as is vended at Apothecaries' Hall. Monsieur Chabert had called at his house the day after the letter was published, and in a conversation which they had upon the subject, he (M. Chabert) hoped that the challenge would not be pressed, as by so doing the bread would be taken out of his mouth.--(Another general burst of execration, more loud, if possible, than before.) It would be utterly hopeless to attempt to give any thing like a detailed account of what followed. The whole company arose from their seats and pressed forward in the direction of the plat form, and M. Chabert, finding how matters stood, held up his hand and declared, that those of the audience who felt disap pointed might, by applying to Mr. Welch (who had previously left the room', receive their admission money back. He then left the platform!, and in his passage through the room and down stairs, was greeted with the epithets, cheat," and impostor." In passing through the hall he met some rough usage, and was finally shoved into the street, where, turning short upon his pursuers, he darted down the area steps, and finally took refuge in the coal-hole attached to the premises. SECOND EDITION SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock. IM PERIAL PARLIAMENT THIS EVENING. HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SPEAYIR took the Chair precisely at Four o'clock, when he informed the Members present that, agreeable to the wish of the House, a list of Private Committees had been drawn up. COURT OF CHANCERY. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL moved for a return of the number of persons that had been committed to prison for contempt within the last ten years ; and also for an account of the number at the present time in confine ment.—Ordered. Mr. D. W. HARVEY gave notice, that on the 25th instant he should move for a C( mmittee to inquire into the revenues arising from Crown Lands. Mr. G. BANK ES moved for a return of the Fees charged in the Courts of Fort George and Fort William, Bengal. Mr. Alderman WAITHMAN moved for several returns connected with the Cotton Manufactures, enumerating the duties paid awl drawb,cks allowed since the year 1814. Mr. O'CONNELL presented a petition from Killarney against the Siii,-letting Act ; and another from the Roman Catholics of Kilkenny to the same effect. The Hon. Member then presented another petition from the Roman Catholics of the parishes of St. Michael's and St. John's, Dublin, against the Vestry Act. The peti tioners complained that persons of the Roman Catholic Reigion had not a right to be compelled to pay towards the support of any other religion. They were quite willing voluntarily to contribute towards the support of other re ligious sects, as a proof of which, from a sense of Chris tian charity, he would mention the fact, that on a recent 1 occ asion a Roman Catholic Archbishop, he m ean t D r , lurodPagAavleethaomdiostst liberal subscripti on t owi e s t h e erec tion chapel.—(flear, hear. )—The Hon, Member then presented a petition from the same parish against the Sub-letting Act. LORD ELLENBOROUGH'S LETTER. Mr. SPRING RICE had a petition to present on a subject which was likely shortly to engage the attention of the House. It was respecting the East India Com pany's Charter. But before he presented that petition, be wished to ask a question of his Hon. and Learned Friend opposite, and to that question he wished to call the particular attention of the House, as it was of great importance. A letter had lately appeared in the public 11 11 43 earing the si gna t ure o f t h e iNoble President of the Board of Controul, which he bad not yet contra dicted. That letter stated matters of vast importance, and intimated very broadly the intentions of Go vernment. The question, therel ire, that he then took the liberty to ask was, whether that letter wtts or was not genuine and also whether it received the sanction of Government, and whether there would , be any objection to lay the letter before Parliament. Mr. G. BANKES bad no hesitation in giving all the information in his power respecting the letter alluded to by his Hon. Friend. But he must beg to say, that on ac enunt of an afflicting circumstance in the family of the Noble Lord (Ellenborough) he hail ■ot had an opportunity of seeing him on the subject. lie could take on himself, however, to say, that if the letter was genuine it was a pri vate and confidential communication, and never for a moment intended to meet the public eye. No copy of the original letter having been made, be could not take upo❑ himself to say whether or not, the one published in the public papers, was or was not correct. But this he would say, that it was a letter such as one gentleman would write to another in confidence. He was sure Sir J. Malcolm had never sanctioned its publicity. On the contrary he had ex pressed the deepest regret that it had been published, and by whatever means it had become public, it was a breach of the greatest confidence. He, however, must attain postively state that he could not say whether or nut the published copy was correctly given. The Noble Lord had been in the habit of corresponding with Sir J. Mal colm, and this was one of those letters of which no c opy was kept. He had no means of informing the House of any further particulars respecting the letter, but if any Honourable Member wished to ask any questions, he could assure them that he felt no disposition to shrink from inquiry. He should have been able to give them more information on the subject, had it not been for the distressing affliction in the Noble Lord's family. Mr. BROUGHAM made a few observations, bet in so low a tone that it was impossible to catch the tenor of them. Mr. M. A. TAYLOR considered that the letter, what ever it might be, was such as to call on the House to hare before it clearly and distinctly stated whether it was an authentic document or not? Mr. GEORGE BANKES—I stated expressly my belief was that the Noble Lord could not state whether that what had appeared in the public papers was an accurate copy of the letter which he wrote or not. He stated to me that be had sent off the letter without keeping any copy of it, but that it was strictly and confidentially a private communication, and that it had only bee■ made public by a most base violation of that confidence. Col. TRENCH said that whatever might be the senti ments contained in a letter that had been communicated to the public in the way which this letter had, he should be very sorry if his Honourable Friend with whom he was connected should attempt to found any proceeding upon such a document. If confidence was to be violated in the manner which it bad been on the present occasion, there would be an end to the most important communications both friendly and otherwise, and be could not conceive that any gentleman could think it right to proceed on a docu ment made public in this manner. He meant not to give any opinion at all upon the contents of the letter; but he protested against proceedings being taken upon a letter evidently written in the most private manner from one gentleman to another, coming before the public by the most serious breach of confidence. Knowing a good deal of East India matters as he did, he could state, that papers must occasionally be placed in the keeping of per sons who might be indnced to make an improper use of them ; but surely no one would think of making this the stepping-stone or foundation of any future act. Mr. SPRING RICE wished to inform the Hon. Mem ber for Dover, that with respect to the mode in whick this paper had come to the knowledge of the public be knew nothing. The paper was before the public; and in taking the liberty of asking the question of the Honourable Gentleman, which he had done, he had taken the kindest course of proceeding it was pos sible for him to adopt, because it gave the Hon. Gentle man the opportunity of denying the authenticity of that letter. The authenticity had not been denied, the letter was now before the public—it was a document from a public man, and be the disgrace of its coming before the public upon whom it might, because of betraying confidence, disgrace would certainly rest on the Members of that House, in his opinion, were no notice now taken of it by them. In private proceed ings confidence was always sacred; but he had no idea of private and confidential eornmunieatious being carried to the present extent. Private communications ought to be treated by all with confidence and respect; but when Gentlemen came to deal with the situation of Judges—when communications were being made so mate rially affecting the governors of a territory such as was now the case, it was in vain to talk of the same confi dence surrounding that communication that belonged to a private communication between one individual and another. Whatever might be the means by which the letter had come before the public, there it was, and in some way or other there it must stand or there it must fall. Mr. HUME rather thought that if the doctrine of the Hon. Gentleman opposite were to be admitted as a sound doctrine, the House must expect to remain in almost total ignorance of the conduct of this Government with respect to the affairs of India. It happened that a large portion of the business of India was conducted under private communications, although public despatches were at the same time purported to be sent off. He (Mr. Hume) had not the slightest hesitation in avowing himself to be in possession of a copy of the letter i■ question which had been forwarded directly to him from Calcutta. The letter had been published in every newspaper in Cal cutta, and circulated throughout Bombay, the undoubted object of which was to give to Sir J. Malcolm the opportu nity of saying that lie hail triumphed over the King's Court; that the King's Court was no longer to be considered the protector of the natives of India, the object far which it was established, but that he (Sir J. Malcolm) was to be considered as the supreme Government, lest any man should hereafter dare to express a free and public opinion con trary to his notions. Sir John Dewar, or whatever his name was—(Laughter)—had been appointed Chief Jus tice, because he had entertained notions of the law that Sir John Malcolm did, that is, that he was considered to truckle to the objects of the Government, whatever might ha the orders from the King's Court. This bad spread dismay throughout the whole colony of Bom bay, because it was believed that unless the natives truckled to the views of the Government whatever their opinions might be, that they were to have no peace and no protection from the Judges, inasmuch as they wore told, that by two Seniors and one Junior being sent out, they might be capable of leading the refractory Judge there, like a wild elephant between two tame ones!—(Muck laughter.)—Considering that this was calculated to interrupt the orders of the King's Court, the Hon. Member thought it a subject Galling for imme diate interference, and he trusted that his Noble Friend below him, so well able fir the task, would not hesitate to bring the matter before the House at a convenient time, that Honourable Members might find out whether upon the principles of this letter they could expect to bare justice done with respect to the affairs of India. It was well known that Sir John Malcolm must have made this letter public, in order that be might be considered the King there. He was to set as the Sovereign there ; Sir J. Dewar was to kneel before him, and he was to say—" Rise, Sir Join, I create you a Knight."—(Great laughter.)—ln all the communications that he (Mr. H.) had seen take place between this country and India, he Lad never seen one contain so great a violation of principle. If the House, as it wu bound, meant to protest the natives of that country from the most oppressive acts, it was absolutely necessary that this letter should be sifted into, because no native could expect justice under the promulgation of such prin ciples.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. BANKES—Sir, I do not know what doctrine of mine the Him. Gent. who has just sat down bas spoken of. I am not aware, when I rose. to answer the question of the Hon. Member opposite, that I laid down any doctrine whatever, unless it were this, if doctrine it can be valid, that a man ought not to be judged of so severely for his private and confidential communications, as if that had been intended to be made public, and was avowed to have been a public document. That is the doctrine I have laid down—that is the utmost of my doctrine, which I think will bear the test of every good man's feeling. I shall net he led on this occasion, by what the Hon. Gent. has said, into a discussion of the Learned Judge's condact, to whom the letter alludes, for that may be made the subject of inquiry hereafter. The Hon. Member has referred to i l m o copiesst material of i t p c()pies : of it itshisverlyevetrruediretchtaetd copiest o him fro nt Cal cuttat e r of e this appearedll a p r p t e s a r fromd fi rst those publishedien Calcutta; London uttsplp ier s, i s truediffern al s o s oin th a t in Calcutta; and he thought it was impossible for the Hon. Member to say whether any and which of them was correct. Lord ASHLEY scarcely knew what course to take upon the present occasion. He had certainly been in formed that the communication in question had bean written most strictly confidential. As to the observation that private communications in contradiction to public despatches, he could only say, that during the period he held office, he never knew any such circumstance take place. Mr. BROUGHANI said, admitting the communication to be confidential, he could nut but view with alarm such a confidential proceeding. It was no very pleasurable idea that had been produced in his mind by the perusal of such a letter, public or private written by a Minister of the Crown. It was a fact to say to a Jedge, that the more disposed he was to act is strict conformity to the civil aad military government--the more disposed hi *Ai d l' have ao will of his own—but anxious he wee to 12 1 the Government views, the better he was adapted 11 : 1 . . 1. ;', office. He (lid not unde rs t an d h ow suc h a very intrr'''.4 cemmanication upon a very important subject, betwo ll ., Alinister t , f England and the Official Government of 1 101 b 1: ries to be con s id ere d so pr i vate and confidential. No dii no expression of conrempt or abhorrence could be in cent to convey the feeling of a gentleman against the O s ; uct of any i n di v id ua l w h o h a d made the letter pu bli cs it had really been intended to have been so strictly O r fidential ; but still that did not exculpate Lord Eg 1 orough fr om th e f act o f h av i ng such a letter. He could a not suppose or i mag i ne th a t Si r J o h n M alcolm himself II Fended over th a t l e t ter t o t h e press, b ut it was etrta hl f l highly piobable, as the letter was altogether in favour ° Sir John, and altogether against his antagonist—hehli° 4 4 him up, and knocking down his oppon en t—it w oe bigb? probable that Sir John, enamoured of being thus elevate might have shown the letter to one friend, and then to another, and that one of those friends having taken a coPI of the letter, might have deemed it worth sending iorth the public.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. PEEL said, that the authenticity of the lettar ha d has yet by no menus b een es t a bli s h e d . N o man w h o kga : read the C a l cu tt a p u bli ca ti on, an d also the English publ. cation of the letter could fail to see the d fferenee is eerbs' il parts. He asked his Noble Friend whether the copies th tl ' had appeared or either of them were copies of the letter be had written? The Noble Lord declared that it, utterly impossible fur him to may ; he had written it hurridly, and strictly confidential, and had kept copy of it. He (Mr. Peel) did not mean to say Oa" a public officer was indiscriminately to write °ls public affair,, as, he might say, confident'ally, and thee afterwards screen himself from public animadversion unde r the plea of having written privately ; but certainly a ps 111 ; 0 officer might be at liberty when writing strictly privately and confidentially t o a ll u d e to pu bli c affa i rs; this joke—indiscreet jest or joke, as it might be—was lo t to be censidered so serious a circumstance as to form Oa ° foundation of future proceedings. Lord JOHN RUSSELL could not doubt that the Nl' • ter had been ha.tily written, and on that account, witht o any other, reflected great discredit on the writer. Mr. BROUGHAM wished to know whether any atilt% had been done relative to the return of Sir J. Grant. Mr. BANKES observed that the subject had b e es under discuesien when the illness of the Noble Lord at the hold of the Colonial department intervened. Sir J. MACKINTOSH considered the Judges in Indio ' entitled to the special attention of the House. They wer e a body of men separated from the great body of the jobs' bi tants of India, having no means if gaining populariSY being often placed in circumstances that rendered theta IS' tremely unpopular. It was said this was a private letter. b.. he did not see that a letter written to a Governor in India could be considered u any thing but a public Act. , It was true it might be considered as the secret opinions those who administered the affairs of India. The *fano' ter of Judges was not to be considered as such a tail% thing that persons were to take upon themselves to wri'° letters with respect to them, aid then to say that she/ did not remember what they had written. Such oboe: vations as " a tame elephant being beet between two wild ones," were not easily forgotten. It was but a p oo r dr fence for any party to use to say that he had forgot" . what he had written. ,ir R. INGLIS, though he differed from his Hoe' Friend, considered the illness of the Noble Lord at / 101 bead of the Beard of Controul, as some excuse for PO t recollecting the substance of the letter. Mr. I3ANKES wished to make some observation sel l what had fallen from his Hen. Friend who had s aid 0 much on the forgetfulness of the Noble Lord: at the k of the Board of Controul. The friends of that NO l. Lord would but ill serve him, and badly discharge thei r trust, if they rested his defence upon his forgetfulno' Even the expressions of the letter as they appeared in the newspapers in England, bad been a good deal miareprr sented. Mr. S. RICE wished to say that he had prefaced the subject by a quest i on, whether the letter which h " been published was to be core dered u genic* lir not. His reasons for asking that quest'un we l t on ecconnt of th e l e t ter stat i ng what the intentions isf,lP- Majesty's Government were with respect to the El i ' India Company's Charter. After a few observations frora other Members the petition was read and ordered to lit on the table. Mr. WM. PEEL presented certain Returns rear4o 4 the state of Gaols, which was ordered to lie on the table• • MALT DUTIES. Lord F. OSBORNE gave astice, that as Tharadd after the recess he should make a motion the Ilona go into • Committee on the subject of the duties an • 11 . 5). and Beer. STAMP DUTIES. Mr. E. DAVENPORT moved for a return of i t! Stamps on Bills of Exchange during the last years inclusive. After a few observations frora 01. Chancellor of the Exchequer and Mr. Hume, Mr. Davoxv port agreed to withdraw his motion. Mr. ROBINSON wished to put a question• to bw Majesty's Secretary of State for the Home Depart's:lo 4 and that question was, whether any negociatioas Nero pending between this country and the United States V North America, with a view to renew a direct intercoor° betweeenthew West Indies. d States and his M a j esty ' s ponses sioes in Mr. Secretary PEEL s t a t e d t h at communications bill been received f r o m th e Mi n i ster of the United States, II"A ( that communication was still under th e eoss id era ti o a °f his Majesty's Government. AMENDMENT TO THE ADDRESS. On the motion that the Address be brought up. Lord PALMERSTON moved an amendment, and eon' demned in strong language the conduct of Governmen t ' as regarded our foreign policy. Mr. PEEL then addressed the House on the subject al' luded to. He said the line of policy advocated by 811° Noble Lord would involve this country and all Europe in a general war. When the subjects to which the Noble Lord hail alluded came under the House's cousideratlo ol Ministers would be aisle to prove that they had acted for th e hest interests of the country. Hon. Gentlemen should beat in mind that by concurring in the address they expressed 11° approbation of the foreign policy of the Government./ The Hon. Gentleman then went on to vindicate O ° conduct of Minist e r s regar di ng R uss i a and Turkey, an d was addressing the House when we left. THE LONDON GAZETTE OF THIS EVENING. At a Court at Windsor, the 2d day of Feb. 1830, PIitSINT, The King's Most Excellent Majesty in Council. His Majesty in Council was this day pl ease d t o appoin t the Right Hon. J. C. Herries President of the Conarnitts c of Council appointed for the consideration of all matte° relative to Trade and Foreign Plantations. DECLARATION OF INSOLVENCY. i Edward Tutt, Maay-le-Bone-lane, oilman, BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED, William Bayley, Macclesfield, silk -manufacturer. BANKRUPT& James Core, Hornchurch, Essex, 'Woo!stapler. William Cooper, and Thomas and William Re Adert Dartford, brewers. Richard Ricardo, Redmans-tow, Mile-End, fish-sake tnan. Thomas Burton, Hillingdon, Middlesex, brisk-maker. James Thurston, Southampton-mews, New-road, horse dealer. Thomas Cotton, Neitlarop, Oxfordshire, boat-builder . William Hone, Reading, Berkshire, livery.stahle-keeper' Edward Bentley, Leicester, grocer. William Dale, Pickering, Yorkshire, draper. George Stedman, Watton, Norfolk, merchant. Samuel Smithson, Leeds, grocer. James Fisher, Ipswich, miller. Matthew Elgie, Worcester, scrivener, William Walker, sen., and William Walker, juts's Knarebororough, linen-drapers. William Brown, Ikestou, Leeds, cloth-manufacturers' v THE FUNDS.-(THIS DAY.) CITY, T WEL rz 0' CL 0 C.ri i The Consul Market has been fluctuating is the coal of the m orn i ng , f rom 92 to 921 for the Ancount, in the early part of the day there were borrowers of Stock' THREW CY CL 0 CS. Consols for Account, 92} I. FOUR O'CLOCK.—CLOSING PRICES. Consols 9l Danish Do. for Ac. 91i 2 Greek, 1825 36 Brazilian Bonds 70/ Mexican, 1825 Buenos Ayres Peruvian 18i Chilian Do. 27 Russian 1101 Columbian, 1824, Spanish 12 AND PIIIILISMID IT WYRDO YOUNG, A was Sv Ornes, 1114 SmaAsa, Losact. 1" P11 :11 BA A t ,.irtis7 Ile in ti 11111 N' ?i t s ] *ill h, • Preci se l y Ribbert, 41 tr o at rr ing hti 4rtitati c Eta, Which i Publ M a • . 1 16 i , (II J 0 j VI th e Prin The guam e E all th a latte r , now of toe ach knd ele 'of ever TLiy d; - Dui • OL] Prov e Refori Earl c AN TION fly TI cloth. phecie • India Londe . Fire— lrelan Moot ' X. T land, Horse • trical Gene] . lisped fl oirs 'VI burg} THE .L Hon. • Paint POR of P t T 1 mgrs Artis l'ari; TI Tho t Alan full licat Bird L. bur g THI View Rio r and lien, Am► Sat;► Nati /Unt o anti, Ti►n, with th e \V„ Fine Cur; inaa Brei t the . A fri tit M VOOl • Cop • Co t , (lev t Air ] and st ra , (4 I Pl l ,, Acct Put.; of p geth Nov IC.oc to b or in , '. 1 41