The Sun. — London, England, 1830-03-13 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS—(LAST NIGHT). MUICKETT'S - DIVORCE BILL. Counsel were heard and witnesses examined in support of this Bill, which was read a second time, and ordered to be committed on Monday. Earl GOWER presented two petifons from the Staf fordshire Potteries, against the payment of labourers' wages in goods. MESSAGE FROM THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. Sir ALIXANDER. GRANT, and several other Members, were instructed to inform their Lordships, that in pur suance of their request, they had given leave for Sir Ed ward East, a Member of their House, to be examined be fore the Committee on the Affairs of the East India Com p,ny. The Hon. Member was also directed to present to their Lordships a Copy of the sth Repart of the Co.mnis sioners directed to inquire into the Affairs of the East India Company, dated in July, 1812. Lord STANLEY brought up the Salford Lighting and Watching Bill. Admiral SOTHERON and Mr. CorteErr brought up t.vo Private Bills. Mr. Hall brought up the Accounts of the Penitentiary fur the last year. IRISH POOR LAWS. The Earl of DARNLEY gave notice, that on Tuesday next he should bring before their Lordships his views on the Poor Laws of Ireland. The Marquis Of I3UTE presented a petition from Car diff against the duty on sea-borne coal. The Duke of MONTROSE presented a petition from Dumbarton, praying for a free trade to India. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE presented a petition from the East India Merchants of the city of London, against the removal of the East India Company's Charter. The petitioners stated that it was important for the mercan tile interests of this country that the Government of !ndia should have no controul over the export trade. The Ni,ble Maiquis also presented petitions from Lynn, Greenock, and Bury, to the same effect. On the motien of the Noble Marquis all the petitions were referred to the East India Committee. Several Bills were read a third time and passed. The Exchequer Bills' Bill was rsad a second time, together with several private Bills. 'Ark Lordships adjourned at Half-past Five till Mon day nex►. HOUSE OF COMMONS-(LAST NIGHT.) RYE ELECTION. Lord J. RUSSELL presented a petition from certain voters of the barony of Rye, alleging that the present Member hail been unduly elected.—Ordered to be taken into consideration. THE AVON AND GLOUCESTERSHIRE RAIL- WAY BILL. Mr. CHARLES Ii:)UNDAS moved the second readinz of the Avon and Gloucestershire Railway Bill, which led to a long disewsion, in which Mr. Hart Davis, Mr. Bright, Mr. Protheroe, Mr. Gordon, Sir T. Lethbridge, Sir T. Fremantle, Sir W. Guise, Mr. Eitcourt, and Mr. Monek took a part. Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House divided, when there appeared— For the second reading 37 Against it Majority against the second reading 7 DISTRESS. M. LIDDELL presented a petition unanimously agreed to at a county meeting in Northumberland, complaining of distress, &c. The Hon. Member, after dwelling on the various points of the petition, stated that it was his duty to lay before the House the real circumstances of/that county, without extenuation or aggravation. He was the inure anxious to do so because a belief had been expressed that the northern counties were in some degree exempt from the general pressure. This was in part true and was owing to two causes. First the important trade of the coal districts was now going on in a satisfactory manner, though even there profits were extremely low, yet the mining population was maintained in employment, and wages remained at their usual average. Secondly, the ad ministration of the poor laws had always been properly conducted by an able and active bench of Magistrates, ac cording to the true and original spirit of their humane laws, and the parish rates were never resorted to for the purpose of swelling wages, or of contributing to such abuses as were justly complained of in some other parts of England. Yet in spite of these advantages he lamented to say that exemption from distress was the exception, but not the rule. Go beyond the verge of the coal dis trict (and even there pressure was felt), go among the agrienlterists of the north, the stock farmers and wool growers of the Highlands, the lead- miners of the west, and the eliipowners of the east, anti their condition too fully bore out the statements of . this petition. From informa tion he bad received from a quarter of authority, he feared the case of the lead-miners was a l mos t Impelese, and to judge from experience, that of the ship-owners scarcely ap peared more favourable. He had in his possession a peti tion from North Shields, which he should reserve for an opportunity which would shortly be • afforded for dis cussion by the Honourable Member for Hull, reite rating their complaints, which it bad been his pain ful duty frequently to urge upon the attention of the House, which as often the House had neglected. Now, though he gave Government credit for their measures of retrenchment and economy, yet he felt persuaded that a great evil had been inflicted on the country through the medium of the currency, and through the same medium he alone could expect any import relief. The Act of 1828 had &priced the county of Northumberland of a small paper circulation, from which it derived the greatest be nefit, without any degree of danger or mistrust. That Act, which declared that a currency on one side of a river was secure and beneficial, while on the other it was in jurious and hazardous, still permitted the small note cur rency in a neighbouring town or district, where owing to the situation of that town it was perpetually violated in actual practice. Not less than 40,0001. or 50,0001. an nually in small notes are paid into the Berwick bank, from which these sums are regularly transferred back to the parent banks in Edinburgh. Could any man pretend to say this currency could be suppressed without great de triment t o that district? It could not be replaced hy sove reigns, and it could not be by Si. notes. He believed it might lie proved, that so far from the issue of 5/. notes being extended since the Act of 1828, the quantity of them in local currency had been diminish il. Then put the ease to Northumberland. Take the river Tyne instead of the `Tweed, and here th-! evil had been actually done ; an ex tensive circulation of small paper had already been sup pressed, the county languished for the want of it, and remained like Tantalus, hearing of paper on one side, end of gold on the other, and seeing very little of either, It was not Isis intention to enter into the question of cur rency upon the presenting of this petition, knowing how little consonant such . a practice would be to the feelings of the House; but he knew it was the fashion for some Hon. Members to talk of it as a waled question, to regard it as a thing gone by, and which must not again be dis wised. Against that doctrine he would protest; and he could not conclude without glancing at two points well worthy of consideration.—(The Hon. Member here read an extract from a recent publication, which states broadly, upon the authority of Mr. Jacob, that there is reason to believe that a diminution of three-fourths, in the supply of the precious metals, has taken place on the average of ten years, up to 1820, as compared with the average of the preceNug ten years.)—lf this were true, the exchangeable value of the precious metals all over the world would be quadrupled, and that at a time when, fr,om the activity of cornmerce, in a time of almost universal peace, the demand would be immensely increased. Ile knew not how accu rate the data might be from which this information was derived, but he could not conceive a more interesting subject fur inquiry, since, if the facts were established, the phenomenon of the universal depression of prices all over the world would Ise satisfactorily accounted for, and the iimpessibility of our maintaining our present standard of value almost demonstrated. The other circumstances worthy of inquiry appeared to him, whether a better system of bank ing might not be established in the kingdom, calculated to command the entire and uninterrupted confidence of the public, and when confidence was once obtained, whether Additional facilities might not be given to a more extended cisme of paper, such paper being really and bona fide the representative of capital. With these sentiments Ile con sidered himself pledged to support every reasonable motion for inquiry, and every practicable suggestion for economy, ,and concluded by moving for leave to bring up the petition. Mr. BELL observed that this was not a proper oppor tants' y to inquire into the causes of the distress, but, in his opinion, they might thank the policy of free trade for all that they had suffered,—The petition was or dered to be printed. Mr. LIDDELL also presented a petition from the Oce copiers of Land in the district of Norham, complaining o f distress, which - had compelled them to expend their ca pital and praying for the repeal of the Act which pro hibited the circulation of small notes under 51.—T0 be printed. Mr. ARKWRIGFIT presented a petition from the eastern part of Sussex, on the subject of distress. Air. H. DAVIS presented a petition fion► the Direc tors of the Bristol Chamber of Commerce, against a re newal of the East India Company's Charter.—To be printed. Sir J. NEWPORT inoved for certain returns re lating to Tontines and Life Annuities, in 1774 and se veral subsequent years.—Ordered accordingly. Colonel LYGON presented a petition from the Farmers of a' hundred in Worcester, praying for a reduction of taxes, as the only means of relieving them from their pre sent distrese. CITY OF LONDON PETITION.-DISTRESS, Alderman WAITHMAN had a petition to present of a similar tendency, from the Merchants raid Traders of the City of London. It originated at a public meeting held it the Guildhall, and earnestly prayed the House to enforce upon Ministers a reduction of taxation as the sole remedy for the present distress of the country. In supporting tl e prdyer of the petition, Lite lion. Alderman was a willing testitn6Ly to the respectability of the parties from whom the pet:tion emanated, and of the correctness of the state ments. The Hon. Alderman then read the petition, which was to the following effect : TO THE HONOURABLE THE COMMONS OF THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND, IN PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED. THE HUMBLE PETITION OF THE MERCHANTS, MA NUFACTUR.ERS, TRADERS, SHIP - OWNERS, AND OTHERS, OF THE CITY OF LONDON, Showeth,—That under the present circumstances of the country your petitioners feel themselves called upon to represent to your Honourable 1-louse ":s great depression and consequent distress that now exists in the mercantile, trading, manufacturing, and shipping couesins of this city and the metropolis, and which bears , with peculiar severity upon the industrious and labouring classes. That they are concerned to state, that the existing distress is not assignable to any temporary cause, or limited to any particu lar part of the empire, but extends to the agricultural and all the productive classes of the community. That there has been, fur some time past, an unprecedented and rapidly increasing depre ciation in all articles of manufacture and products of labour, to such a degree, that thousands of hands have been thrown out of employment, while others have only been able to obtain a preca rious and insufficient subsistence. That your petitioners have no hesitation in declaring it as their decided conviction, that a principal cause of all these evils is the enormous and overw helming pressure of taxation, rendered mere oppressive by the alteration in the currency, which has with drawn from general circulation and productive employment a large amount of capital, and concentrated the same in compara tively a few hands, thereby causing the taxes to approximate to the entire profits of the peop!e, and in defect of profits to their capital, deranging the whole system of commercial enterprise, and paralyzing the active industry of the country. That your petitioners have also to state, that another promi nent cause of the present distress, by which these evils have been greatly aggravated, are those laws which they were confidently told would improve the trade and manufactures of the country, by establishing a reciprocity of trade with other nations, but which, as ,ther nations have not adopted a similar policy, have operated most injuriously to several branches of industry, and augmented the public distress by allowing foreign labour to come into competition with British labour in the home markets of this country. That they feel it the more necessary to make their grievances known to your Honourable House, as His Majesty's Govern ment seem to be unacquainted with the real state and condition of the country ; and while they have admitted in the speech from the Throne, " that distress existed in some places," they have stated from fallacious Custom-house valuations an in crease of exports as " indications of active commerce," while it is notorious that the actual value of exports has fallen otfto the amount of several millions a year, for several years past, and had often yielded no profitable return. 'That they have seen with no less surprise the retail trader re presented as in " a prosperous state," while melancholy proofs to the contrary are weekly presented by the long list of bank ruptcies and insolvencies, and still more numerous compositions with creditors. That the unparalleled oppression upon the agricultural inte rests affects all classes of the people, and to the distress of this, the leading interest of the coun , ry, a considerable portion of the em barrassment and losses of your petitioners may be attributed. They submit to your Honourable House, that the diminished means of the people cannot sustain the same weight of taxation, pressing as it does upon all the necessaries of life. That the pre sent state of the country demands every po sihle reduction of the national burdens, and the removal of the most oppressive taxes. That the proposed reductions of the Chancellor of the ixchequer are quittrinadequate to the alleviation of the present sufferin and cannot satisfy the just expectations of the public ; and it is with the deepest concern they find, after fifteen years of profound peace, enormous civil and military establishments are still to be kept up, a profuse expenditure in places, pensions, and appoint ments is still to be continued, many of them necessary only for purposes of patronage and parliamentary influence. Resolved, That in the opinion of this meeting, the general and overwhelming distress which now pervades all ranks and classes in this country, who are not annuitants and who do not live upon the taxes, originated in the long, bloody, and extravagant wars waged and carried on against the liberties of the people of America and of France during the reign of George the Third, which wars were sanctioned and abetted by a very large majority of a corrupt and self,elected House of Commons. Your petitioners therefore most humbly pray of your Honour. able House to direct an immediate inquiry into the extent and causes of the general distress that now uohappily prevails through out the kingdom, in order that your Honourable House may be enabled to apply those remedies which in your wisdom may ap pear best calculated to arrest and remove the evils above respect fully detailed.—And your petitioners will ever pray. Aldermen ThomrsoN and \\roan, and Mr. \Vann, bore testimony to the respectability of the petitioners, though they cou!d not subscribe to all their opinions. Mr. HUME was glad of an opportunity of exposing a fallacy on which his Hon. Friend (Alderman Waithrnati) had more than once rung the changes in that House and elsewhere. His Hon. Friend declared, that though the exports of the country had been yearly increasing in no minal amount, their actual value having since the alter ation in the currency system, and the introduction of free trade principles, decreased 60 per cent., showed a bona fide diminution of the value of our commercial dealings. But his Hon. Friend forgot, that though the money value of our manufactures had decreased—if he would 60 per cent—the average money price of the raw materials of those manufactures had, within the same period, dimi nished on an average 100 per cent.—(Hear)—and in some cases even 200 per cent. It wes easy for the retail traders of London to go into their merchants' palace, their Egyp tian-hall, and complain of free trade and the reciprocity system, now that they came to feel the burthens of taxation . - pressing heavily upon them; but it could not be forgotten all the while, that when th•-y were charging Is. for the cotton they were now selling for 6d., they never came for ward and offered the difference as a contribution to defray ing the expense of that system under which they were en abled to reap such a monstrous profit.—(llear.)—He was not surprised that the petition, which he rather surmised was the Hon. Alderman's own, should be copied by the people of Manchester, who, no doubt, looked upon it, as coming from the city of London, as all gospel, and thus the opinions of the lion. Alderman were as it were echoed . . . from the extretnities of the kingdom.—(Dear, and a laugh.) Mr. ROBINSON, of Worcester, held it to be impos sible for the present system to go on without such a reduc tion of taxes as would raise the wages of labour and the profit on capital. _ _ Mr. "MAII ERLY contended in opposition to the oppug. ter of free trade, that since its principles bad been ;tete( upon, our exports and imports had annually increased that the commercial interest had been extending its deal• ings, and as he took it, their profits. On the question that the p . tition be brought up_ Mr. Alderman WAITHMAN said, :that the Hon. Members who had insinuated that the retail dealers had not lowered their profits in the same degree as the ma nufacturers had reduced his prices, were grievously ig norant of retail transactions. Now he had been in busi ness 42 years, and therefore could speak practically, that the reduction of price of traders in general had sunk to its lowest pitch. In the cotton trade what used to bring 9,000/. was now to be had for 2,500/., so that all through the retail trader had gone on diminishing his profits. Why, at the present moment, the piece of cotton, on the manu facture of which the father of the N oble Secretary of State had gained a clear profit of 1/., was now to be sold for that 11. He was astonished that the Hon. Member should have made such a mistake when lie cast this reflec- tion upon traders, who were already suffering too severely from the distresses of the times: he would give up to him in anything but in matters of retail trade; for of these the Hon. Member knew nothing, and like all men in that pre dicament, the more ignorant lie was the more obstinate he became,—(Laughter.)—He (Mr. Waithman) is this branch of trade had lost thousands, and had not got half back again. laugh.)—Th e M em b ers o f t h e Go vernment, of course, were well informed upon important !natters above his comprehension ; but he begged to be permitted to say that he had of necessity a greater practical knowledge of the general retail business than any of them. It was said, " Look at the exports and imports;" so did he look at them, and tho very excess of these spe culations showed him how bail trade in reality was.— When gentlemen referred to the rise and fall in prices, and drew comparisons between them, they should remember that the rise had been gradually advancing for SO years, some ti mes at so low g difference as one farthing on the article ; and then when the revulsion came there was, within six months, a fall in the price of cotton of 25 per ceiit, What could tradesmen do under such ciretmstmiees with their stocks ? What was Government to do ? Why, not to let in thafo,rejgn merchant upon them as he had been, who would bring everything and take nothing. Either the Government should act let him in, or they should reduce taxation, so as to enable the home trader to compete with him.—(Hear, hear.).There were no two courses—they mast cut down the list of placemen and pensioners from top to bottom, and thereby save the people from unnecessary taxation, or it was in vain to compete 'with the foreigner. The real strength of this country did not consist in the growing of wealth in one or two places, but in its general circulation through all the channels of the community. Last year there were 1,600 bankrupt cies, but if gentlemen had seen as he had the breaking up of families, growing out of these failures, the sending home of the wife to her relations, and the children separated and distributed among other connexions, they would feel as strongly as he did this altered state of things. These were scenes which were daily passing under his eye, and therefore, when he alluded to questions of trade, he spoke With confidence; upon others he hoped he always spoke with bemmin; dialence.—(Laughter.)—Hon. Members who know nothing upon the subject need not interrupt him—he stood there upon a better footing than three fourths of them, for he was elected by 12,000 freemen to represent them in that House, and his election did not cost him a single shilling of expence.—(Hear.)—Let those, if there were any, who had 11,000 or 12,000 voters say the same if they could. This was then just the occasion in which he felt himself called upon to stand forward for a class of men in the community who appeared to have in that House no other advocate. They were reduced to the lowest ebb ; yet the Chancellor of the Exchequer would give up nothing ; the higher classes would relinquish no , thing ; and all this time they were told that trade was irm proving, and that the Government were practising every degree of economy. He had net seen a King's speech for the last half century in which the same far-fetched and ex , travagant declarations did-not abound. He felt himself in some respects entitled to cast this reproach ; for he claimed credit for being the first man who, in 1795, publicly ob jected to the war, and to the subsidizing of those Allies who would not stir an inch themselves without payment. He had 36 years ago, stood forward, though an humble man, to oppose the desire of the Government to interfere in the internal concerns of France, and had risked his per sonal safety in theattempt; for it was determined that :e -terfere they shenbl ; in fact, the British Ministers had a happy knack of interfering in all the affairs of the world, where aid could be given to tyranny and oppression ; but when liberty called for help, then they were not only fasti dious in admitting such a claim, but abruptly repulsive to the call.—(Hear.)—ln fact, this Government had never fought for freedom—theylspent millions of money and oceans of blood to replace the Bourbons on the throne, but so un grateful were these Bourbons afterwards, that they refused to take a yard of their cotton.—(Hear, and a laugh.)— This country had spent 15,000,000/. in one year to up hold the tyranny of foreign princes, and to put down the people. When bad they ever spent so much in upholding popular rights? They had saved, as it was called, the Peninsula, and there was that monster Don Miguel under their auspices, a successful usurper of the throne of Por tugal, and the other blessed sovereign wearing the crown of Spain. We had paid well to produce these results. He had always protested against this foreign interference, and he had never seen it used except to promote the abuses of unlimited power. In 1800 he had brought another petition against carrying on a war for the aggrandizement of foreign and dangerous allies, at the expense of the real resources and energies of the People of England. Why was this done?—because Ministers were allowed to he arbitrary, and because a profligate expenditure suited a corrupt House of Commons. The landed interest rejoiced at the time because it suited their selfish views ; but the re-action came amongst them, and it would not do to re cur to the old plan of aountlin:,`; national alarm. The peo ple were now enlightened, and knew their own interests, and the fact was, that if the House of Commons did not choose to do their business as it ought to be done, the peo ple would do it without them.—(Hear.)—The House must reform itself within, or be reformed from without. Could, he asked, the same system go on safely now, with a population of 15 000,000 or 20,000,000 and 800,000,000/. of debt, as it did with a population of 5,000,000, and no debt at ail ? The worthy Alder man then referred, at some length, to the doctrines of trade, and supply, and demand, which had of late absorbed so much attention, and from which Ire dis sented. He condemned all these mischies ous theories—be had read them all; but the more he read, the more he was perplexed from them.—(Hear, and a laugh.)—Mr. Ri cardo, upon the bullion question, said one thing, and the fact told the other. Mr. M‘Gull rch said that absenteeism was no evil to Ireland ; for it signified nothing to the coun try whether the rents were spent in Lcartlon, Paris, or Dublin ; because, he said, after all, the produce must go to South America to buy gold for the commodities of Eu rope, and then it would come back to the people here.— (A laugh.)---The Hon. Member reiterated sever 11 of the topics of his speech, and insisted that it was in vain to do justice to the people without economy arid retrenchment going through all the ramifications of the State. He liked free trade and sound principles when rationally applied ; but as they were practised now, they were nothing else than free and sound nonsense.—(Hear.) Mr. MABERLY explained that his allusion was not made to the value of the exports and. imports, but to their quality and quantity. - Mr: O'CONNELL thought this an exceedingly proper opportunity to explain that the worthy Alderman's allu sions, strong as they were, could not apply to a reforxed House of Commons. TREASURER OF THE NAVY. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, looking at the clock, suggested that it was time to proceed to the Order of the Day, for the House to resolve itself into a Committee of Supply. The Order of the Day was ac cordingly read, and on the motion being put, Sir JAMES GRAHAM rose to submit the motion con cerning the Office cf Treasurer of the Navy, of which he had given notice•. A very painful circumstance, he said, of a domestic nature, had almost compelled him to abstain from bringing forward his motion, and had it not been that it would have seemed to be disrespect to the House to postpone his motion a second time, he should not have undertaken the task, which he felt he should perform im perfectly. He threw himself, however, on the indulg en t favour of the House, on which he thought lie might cal culate, and even on their sympathy. The object of his motion was of a painful character, and it might seem even invidious to complain of the appointment of his Right Hon. Friend to an office—he said friend, and he hoped the Right Hon. Gentleman, the Treasurer of the Navy, would still allow him to use that name. But when he considered the circumstances and wants of the people, and the profes sions made by the Government at the opening of the Ses sion—when he considered the calls made by the p eop l e for economy and relief, and the engagements voluntarily entered into by his Majesty's Ministers, that they would make every possible saving which could be effected without detri ment to the public service, he was bound to proceed. They had filled up the place of Treasurer of the Navy, acting in consistently with their voluntary engagements. On this point he and his Majesty's Ministers were at issue, and he sought the opinion of the House. He would first disem barrass the question of circumstances which did not b e l ong to it. The Right Hon. Gent. would first allow him to as- sure him that he was not actuated in bringing forward the question by any towards him. In common with every man who knew that Right Hon. Gent., he entertained for him a yery great respect ; be saw, however, a difference in his conduct which might, perhaps, be accounted for by a change of circumstances. He had resigned office in 1828, with his friends, and he had accepted office in . - i 1829 without his friends; why he had done this t .night be importinent in him to ask, and certainly it was foreign to the object of his motion. He was bound, however, in the outset to correct an error into which he had fallen. He had understood that the Right Hon. Gentleman held a patent office under the Customs, from which he received some emoluments. It was an office which conferred the exclusive privilege to publish a Shipping List, with a state ment of what ships cleared outwards, their cat goes, and various other information of this description. He had learned, however, that he was,in error, and that the Right Hon. Genleman was not is possession of any emoluments from such an office. The reversion he believed, had been granted to him in 1817, but at present he did not enjoy any emoluments beyond the 2,0001. a year belonging to his office as Treasurer of the Navy. Having thus cleared his ground, he would proceed to discuss the question. Not being precisely acquainted with official btudness, he had found it necessary to snk for information from others. He would first refer to the statement made by Lord Goderich, w'Aen he was Chancellor of the Exchequer in 1826, and who had filled the office of Trea,urer of the Navy; and knowing all the duties of the office to which the Right lion. Gentleman had been appointed, he was contending that it was improper to annex the office of Treasurer of the Navy with that of President of the Board of Trade. In his argument on the subject, he thus described the duties of that office :—" The business of the Treasurer was not merely the acceptance of bills drawn upon him by Com missioners of the Navy. It was also his duty to see that the money was paid to the parties who had a right to re— ceive it. He had also to attend to seaman's wills, which was in itself no inconsiderable source of employment. Until within a few years back, the law was very defective as to seamen's wills, and frauds to a great extent had been committed on individuals, and on the public, by the fa cility with which money was obtained under fictitious wills. By the regulations which had now been established, the Treasurer of the Navy was personally responsible for any sums of the public money thus paid to indi viduals to whom they were not legally due. If then the duties and responsibility of the Treasurer were thrown upon the Paymaster, who had only 1,0001. a year, he did not think that those duties would be efficiently per formed. Thus, the only difference between the office of Trea- surer of the Navy and the Paymaster was the responsibi lity, the personal responsibility to which the former was liable and the latter not." This was the great point in sisted on by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the descriptio❑ given by him of the office in the year 1826. The great principle of responsibility, however, as far as respected security to the public from individuals, was profed to be worth nothing when put to the test. The best . security for the public was short accounts simply arrang e d, and to hav e them frequently audited. The responsibility of indiviauals bound in sums of money was found on emergency to be worth little or nothing. What was the test of this responsibility ? A few days after the Chancellor . et of Exchequer hai given "this description .e . f the duties v. of,, , Treasurer of the Navy, he had stated that there had beeit a defaulter in this office—a gentleman by the name, we believe, of Tweedie—and then it came out that what Lord Goderich called responsibility_ was irresponsibility. He stated, " that on his entering the office, he found several gentlemen in whom he was obliged to repose confidence, although he had . not appointed them ; but he found, one fine morning, that he had became legally liable for a sum of between 30,0001. and 40,0001. One gentleman con nected with the office went off to America with 25,0001. of the public money, and another soon after became a de faulter to the amount of 10,0001. ; on the discovety of which that unfortunate person put a period to his exist ence." From one of those persons 15,000/. had been recovered ; but another person had escaped with some of the public money, and from his securities nothing had been recovered. Again Lord Goderich stated " that 30,000/. had been made away with, but Government having learned the raute of the defaulter, were fortunate enough to catch him in America. They could not make him a prisoner in that country, but after some threats 15,0001. or 16,0001. were refunded, and his securities were obliged to pay largely ; but, notwithstanding, the public lost by the transaction ; about 6,0001. was the sum the other defaulter made away with, but nearly the entire amount had been recovered from his securities. He (the Chancellor of the Exchequer), however, had fully satisfied the Lords of the Treasury that he was not to blame, and that Right Hon. Board acquitted him accordingly. And, in order to put a stop to similar transactions, a Bill was brought into Parliament by which their recurrence was prevented." Thus the responsibility which then existed had been subsequently diminished ; and it appeared that if the Treitsuret of the Navy were able to sati.fy the Lords of the Treasury that he had dot acted carelessly, they would not call on him to make good any deficiency. The responsibil ty, therefore, was nothing. If evidence could he produced that the Treasurer was a particeps his responsibility was not even the shadow of a shade. The Honourable Member then expressed his great regret, that the Finance Committee had died out ; and his hope, that the Member for Abingdom would, by a motion, have an inquest held on it. He should be glad to see it revived ; for he knew that would be acceptable to the country, and would, he believed, he salutary in its effects. He placed great reliance in the Chairman of that Committee, of whose zeal and diligence they had already received abundant evidence. The Hon. Member also eulogised the Master of the Mint, for the clear statement he had given before that Committee, of the financial state of the country. He ha-1 made the public accounts intel ligible, which they never were before. He remetnbered, too, particularly well, the evidence given by two Members of the Board of Admiralty. They were to be found in the Fourth Report of that Committee. The Hon. Mem ber then quitted from that Report the evidence given by the Hon. Member for Dumfries (the lion. Keith Douglas) and by the Gallant Vice-Admiral (Sir George Cockburn, we believe), who still has a seat in the Admiralty, to show that they did not think the Treasurer had any fixed responsibility, though they regarded his office as an effec tive and useful one. He begged to be understood that it was no part of his case to propose the abolition of the office. Mr. Burke, in 1782, when he regulated the offices of the country, and the Finance Committee of 1817, had both left that office ; and it would he pre sumptions in him to call upon the House to affirm that an offence ought to be abolished which had been so recommended. His case was this—to ascertain if the Treasurership of the Navy could be preserved consistently with the pledge given by the Government that the most rigid economy should be observed, or if it oitild be cot - award with some other good office, and the salary saved. He was disposed to rely a good deal on precedent, and would shortly state to the House the pre cedents on the subject. He would not, however, go fur ther back than 1782, when Mr. Burke had regulated the offices of the State. By looking through the whole period since that date, it would be found that for about two thirds of the time the office had been held conjointly with some other effective and responsible office, and only held about one-third separately. In 1782, it was held by Mr. Henry Duralas, afterwards Lord Melville, and he held it from 1782, except for a short time in 1783, when it was filled by Mr. Townshend, to 1800, or for twenty years, and he held it part (If the time conjointly with some other office, and received no salary. For the first ten years he had a salary, but then a salary was attached to his situation as President of the Board of Controul, and that was supposed to be sufficient for him while he was also Treasurer of the Navy. In 1791 he was appointed Secretary of State for the Home Department, and still held conjointly with that office the situation of Treasurer of the Navy. In 1794 he was ap pointed Secretary of War, and held the office of Treasurer of the Navy conjointly with that. In 1800 Mr. Dundas went out of office, and then the situation was held for a time by the Earl of Harrowby and Mr. Brage Bathurst, who held it separately, as did Mr. Tierney, Mr. canning, and Mr. Sheridan, in 1806. From 1800 to 1806, there fore, it was held separately; and from 1782 to 1791 it was held separately. In 1807 Mr. G. ltoie was appointed Treasurer of the Navy, and he held the office conjointly with the office of Vice-President of the Board of Trade till 1812. Since that time the office had been held by Lord Goderich, as Vice-President of the Board of Trade, by Lord Goderich as President of the Board of Trede, and subsequently by the Right Honourable the Members for Liverpool and Inverness, and Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald, who were at the same time Presidents of the Board. Thus, for 23 years, since 1807, it had been conjoined with some other office, and since 1782, when the offices of the State were regulated, it load been held in conjunction with some other effectual office about two-thirds of the time. In support of the views he en tertained on this subject, he would, with the permission of the House, read the opinions of men well calculated to form a judgment on the importance of the office and the extent of its duties. He would read to them, in the first place, the opinions of Mr. Tierney, who had held office himself, and who is reported to have expressed himself in the following words, on the debate on the question of whe ther it was expedient to unite the office of Treasurer of the Navy with that of President of the Board of Trade :-_ Mr. Tierney contended that although the office was one which he should be sorry to see abolished, and " one which required no inconsiderable degree of care and atten tion, the business to be done might be gone through by one hour's application every day ;" and after paying a high compliment to the efficient manner in which the Right Honourable Gentleman, the Member for Liverpool, had performed the duties of the office, he added—." As to the incompatibi:ity of the two officei, will any Hon. Gentleman in this House lay his hand on his heart, and say that he verily believed any inconvenience has resulted to the public service, or to the individuals holding these offices, during the last six years." Having alluded to the name of Mr. Tierney, he hoped the House would pardon him for offering to the memory of that Right Hon. Gen tleman the tribute of respect and aff ec ti on d ue t o a we ll ... _ _ tried friend. Mr. Tierney and Lord Bexley had both held office. One of the first acts of the economy of the pre sent Government was to confer a pension of 3,000/. a year on Lord Bexley, who was already a rich man. Mr. Tierney, on the contrary, was contented to retire to his station in society, and live on his private fortune, the surest means of preserving an honourable and virtuous in dependence. Of him it might be truly said, Regum cequabat opes animis.—So►netimes alone, sometimes as sociated with or at the head of a band of well-tried friends, he continued to support or uphold the Government as his principles required him, and it is now the honest pride of his friends that he lived without a pension, and the honest boast of his family that he died without a debt.—( Hear. ) Sir Robert Walpole, who bad contributed more tha❑ any man who ever preceded him to the destruction of the in tegrity of that House, was recorded to have declared that in a time of general corruption and debasement, there was at least one incorruptible man to be found. What Sir Robert Walpole said of Mr. Skipper might with still greater propriety be applied to Mr. Tierney—(Hear, hear.)—He (Sir J. Graham) had listened with attention to the explanations given by the Hon. Member (Sir G. Clerk) the other evening ; but he confessed he was quite at a loss to find out any duties which the Treasurer of the Navy had to perform now beyond those described by Lord Sidmouth in 1826. It was true that the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. F. Lewis) since his accession to the office, had given notice of his intention to bring in a Bill to consolidate and amend the Acts relating to the payment of wages of seamen. The result of this, according to or dinary rules, would be, however, to diminish and not to add to the duties of the office, and, therefore, no argument of additional labour or responsibility can be brought for ward, beyond that which was urged at the time the subject was formerly under consideration. In order, however, to put the House in possession of the nature and ex tent of the duties required from the Treasurer of the Navy, and of the manner in which they are executed, he would take leave to read to them a few passages from the able work which has been sent forth by the late Chairman of the Finance Committee According to Mr. Abbot's Report on the accounts of the Navy and Navy Pay Offices it appears that there is a want of clear distinction be tween the duties of the account branches in the Navy Office and those of the Treasurer of the Navy—that the operations of one run perpetually into the other—and that great labour is unnecessarily expended in filling up our printed forms, cash-orders to be attached to original b►lls, ~,.. . #.-, .a and otter a dbcilvents, as warrants for payments by the Treasuier. The present system of tracing accounts is de scribed by Mr. Abbot as being altogether disjointed, made up of many elaborate branches, but without a trunk to which to unite them. The abstracts, which are formed at the expence of much labour, do not carry with them any criterion for the proving of their correctness as would satisfy any professional mercantile accountant. In the Navy Pay Office, where the payments made by the Trea surer now employ three cashiers and about thirty clerks— three sub-cashiers and three subordinate clerks would be sufficient. Mr. Abbot says, that in the wages branch of the Navy Office, twelve books, which are now kept to check the Treasurer's payments, might be discontinued. He proposes the consolidation of the wages branch with the ticket and allotment branches; and says that the ad vantages to be derived from it would be the simplification of the accounts and the reduction of labour, by keeping one copy of many accounts instead of two. At present, the payment of officers' and seamen's wages is made in the presence of four clerks, in order to have three clerks check ing the accuracy of every sum paid by the fourth. As these clerks are selected from different branches, and as each keeps a book, so many books are kept in triplicate that no less than 1,580 supernumerary books are annually , kept. Mr. Abbot observes generally on the present sys tem of Navy Accounts, that there is a great variation of record without a distinction cf purpose ; that the whole of the business of the Accountant's department is so en tirely devoid of system, that no sound repairs can be ma le of it; and he adds, the annual payments are at present so limited in number and amount, that there would be no dif ficulty in writing them all into one cash-book, and trans... ferring every item in detail to the journal, preparatory to forming the ledger." Messrs. Brooksbank and Belton, in their joint Report on the Public Accounts, agree in several of the statements made by Mr. Abbott on the subject of the Navy Accounts, with respect to the want of arrange ment and the scattered and detailed methods of keeping the books. Now, as the object of the Bill to be introduced by the Treasurer of the Navy must be to simplify the ac counts, and thereby reduce the labour required in inspect ing them, it follows, as a matter of course, that if one hour a day was sufficient to perform those duties before, half an hour a day must from henceforward be sufficient, By a late arrangement the Treasurer of the Navy had the' duty of a Commissioner of Greenwich Hospital added to those which were required from him in the Navy Office. Now, considering that there were already three-well-paid Commissioners to discharge the duties of the Hospital, be thought the appointment wholly unnecessary, and calcu lated to add to the apparent duties of the Treasurer, with out conferring any real benefit on the public. There were first—the Hon. Member for Dumfries (Mr. Douglas), a man of great experience and knowledge of business, a Member of that Board. Then there was the Noble Lord (Lord Auckland) the Auditor, a man also of experience; the Secretary (Mr. Locker) well acquainted with the duties of his office; and, last of all, they had the Noble Lord at the head of the Woods and Forests Department, as Chair man (Lord Lowther), than whom there could not be found a more efficient; more experienced, or more zealous man of business. He thought, therefore, the arrangement which made the Treasdrer a Commissioner was exceed ingly unnecessary, and when it was considered that the Treasurer of the Navy might draw a bill in the one ca pacity which he might be called on to pay in the other, he thought he might also declare the appointment impolitic. Returiug now to the question of the late appointment, he thought he might take leave to suppose that when the Mastership of the Mint was offered to the Noble Marquis, the Member for the County of Bedford (Lord Chandos), it was the intention of his Majesty's Ministers to continue the former arrangement. Either the Government, there fore, were of opinion, up to the meeting of Parliament, that there was not such a press of business in the office of the Treasmer of the Navy as would render it necessary to disunite the two offices, or they contemplated the addition of another placeman to a band already much too numerous for the advantage of the public in that House. One of these courses must have been determined on at the time they offered to the Noble Marquis the place of Master of the Mint. In considering to what office the duty of the Treasurer of the Navy might be attached, there were several which presented themselves to him, as offering a much better arrangement without any inconvenience to the public service. The Chan cellor of the Duchy of Lancaster might have had it. He knew of no duties that officer had to perform which would prevent his taking on him all the responsi bility of the Treasurership of the Navy. There were other offices to which it might be attached, but in his opinion none seemed so eligible for the purpose as the Vice-Presidency of the Board of Trade. This would the more easily be effected as the Ministers had, with all their professions of economy, carved out a new place in that office, only second in importance to that held by the Master of the Mint, as President of the Board. This was the office conferred on Mr. Hume, who, in reality, executed the most important duties of the Board of Trade. This officer had a salary of 1,5001. a year, but although he bad watched the public accounts with the utmost at tention for the last two years, he had not been able to discover in what manner that salary was paid. Either he had been remiss in his duty, or the money was voted under some other head, for he had not as yet in any of the public accounts seen any specific charge made on account of the salary of this officer. This, however, was beside the question before the House. His argument was, that as Ministers had called to their assistance another officer in the Board of Trade, they had afforded a fair opportunity to make a slight addition to the ditties of the Vice-Prisi dent, who must be so materially relieved by the appoint. ment. He thought he should, on the present occasion, command the votes of some, even of the Right Hon. Gentlemen on the opposite Benches. He did not see the Attorney-General in his place, and he regretted that he did not, because the Right Hon. Gentleman who voted with so much zeal for the union of the office of Treasurer of the Navy with that of the Board of Trade, could scarcely now refuse his consent to add to it that of Vice- President. That was a suit to which the Right Hon. Gentleman could not demur.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) Then be thought the Right Hon. Gentleman, the Pay master of the Forces (Mr. Calcraft), could scarcely refuse him his vote, when he considered bow strenuously that Right Hon. Gentleman had, in 1826, opposed the at. tempt to increase the salary of the President of the Board of Trade, and make the Treasurership of the Navy a separate office. If the House would permit him, he would read to them a speech such as they did not often now hear--a speech marked with the features of the good old times, and distinguished by all that fine foaming patriotism which marked the genuine Whig.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.)—The language of this speech was in fact so pithy and conveyed so forcibly, and yet so laconically—the arguments which he could have wished to use on this subject—that he thought, if the House would permit him, he could not better convey what he wished to express than by reading a few extracts from it. The Right Hon. Gentleman commenced by ob serving in his speech, and in reply to some of the argu ments of his opponents, that " The Right Hon. Gentle man opposite had a peculiar talent of magnifying the importance of their espective offices. One would be in. dined to suppose from the extreme diffidence of those Right Hon. Gentlemen in speaking of their own exertions, and the manner in which they spoke of the great labours attached to their situations, that they had been forced against their inclinations to accept of their present appoint ments."—(Hear hear, and laughter.)—Speaking, then, with a metaphorical language which, from its military character, bore the appearance of prophecy, the Right Hon. Gentleman went on to observe, " He apprehended, however, that neither the Chancellor of the Exchequer nor the Noble Earl at the head of his Majesty's Councils was even obliged to beat up for recruits and to offer a bounty for the acceptance of a place."—(Cheers and laughter.)—He contended that one of the m a i n motives which influenced Government in _bringing forward the _ present question, was to throw additional patronage into their bands and secure another Member to fill their own ranks.—(Hear.)--The Treasurer of the Navy might be exulted in consequence of this new measure, and he might be made a Member of that House, along with the rest of the Ministers ; but if the House was of his opinion, they would be cautious how they admitted another place man within the walls of Parliament. This was not the time to add to the pecuniary burthens of the public for the sake of diminishing the official burthens of the servants of the public.—(A laugh and cheers.)—lt was idle to contend that the two offices could not be managed by the same individual. Ministers, he knew, were besieged with applications fur places; and it was the duty of the House to interfere between Ministers and the applicants, and say the offices were neither to be made nor had.— (Loucllaugliter and cheers.)--You, Sir (said Sir James Graham addressing the Speaker), felt so much impressed, in common with the House, by the force of the arguments contained in this speech, that you appointed the Right lion. Gentleman a Teller in the Divi,ion that followed.— I hope to see you adopt the same coune now ; and with my Right lion. Friend m a colleague, and with the benefit f his vote, I look forward with confidence to carry my motion by a triumphant majority.—( Hear, and laughter.) —lf the separation of these offices went to place a poli tical Atlas on the Treasury Bench, and to relieve the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Peel) from a portion of that burthen which even his superior abilities—and supe rior he had always:maintained theta to be--could hardly '~- - - sustain them, there might be some reason for the eha.nge; but when it was nothing more than an attempt. to increas e the number of make-weights which give the Governmen t a predominant influence in the Committee above stair's,: b e confessed he could not look on it with anything but feel' ings of hostility. These were already seventy placeniee in that House. In two Committees latelv.appointeal,thert were to be found in one seven members of the Gayer/nal° and three East India Directors—in the other, there wer e six members of the Government, so that there. were twelrs or thirteen placemen in two Committees, one of twenty=ea e and the;other of twenty-five members. He confessed he felt jealousy of this. He thought the Government was already' much too strong in that House. When they looked at the close and steady phalanx of placemen, and the skirmisher. under the denomination of Directors, Military and Civil Officers, Members of the Household, and all those cOanect• ed in some degree with this or any Administration, he con fessed lie saw a body capable of carrying any or all men' sures in that House which the Government required..- - (Hear, and a laugh. )—Many circumstances prevented hint from alluding farther or more personally to the members of this body, but he would remind the members of that House that their constituents had their eyes on the pro.. ceedings of this evening. A question of the creation of s new placeman was before them; and if they desired to show that there remained any desire to relieve the burtheos of the people, and that any controul remained in their hands upon the measures of Government, he implored theel to prove that there still was some spirit and independence in the country. The present time presented features which were to any mind alarming. That House was ra pidly sinking- in the opinions of the people, and it was most important to retrieve their character in the e yes of those who sent them there. If one spark of that Are which animated the bosoms of their forefathers, and which yielded but for an hour to the iron hand of Cromwell him self, yet remained ; if they were prepared to demand that pledges now broken should be maintained good ; if they were prepared to demand the .fulfilment of the promise made by the Government at the commencement of the Session, that the most rigid economy should be observed in all the public offices—a promise broken by the present appointment to the Treasurership of the Navy before the ink in which that promise was written had dried upon the piper—(llear, hear)—this then was the opportunity for that purpose. Let the House prove to the Duke of Wel' lington himself that it is not baulked—(Hear, hear)-- - that promises, although lightly made, were not to be lightly broken—(H,ar, hear)—and that there was still spirit enough in its members to vindicate its dignity, out raged by such a violation of engagements, and to make the opinions and feelings of the people available through the poser of the Parliament.—(Cheers.)—The Hon. Baronet concluded by Moving a Resolution, as an Amendment, " That it is the opinion of this House the late vacancy in the office of Treasurer of the Na v y a ff or d e d an opportunity to save the sum of 3,0001. a year, without any vio'ation of existing engagements, and without any detriment to the public service."—(Loud cheers.) Sir GEORGE CLERK said, that the speech of the Hon. Baronet seemed to be founded on what took place in 1826 ; but he did not seem to understand that the debate on that occasion took place on the qiiestion of giving 5,000/. a year to the President of the Board of Trade, and not on the question of dissolving the office of Trea surer of the Navy. The lion. Baronet in the course of his arguments hail also attempted to show that the Pay master was responsible—it was possible, as far as respon sibility was concerned the Treasurer might be got rid of altogether. The Paymaster, however, was appointed by the Treasurer, and under the controul of the Treasurer, and fur his acts the Treasurer was responsible. As to the duties of the Paymaster, they might, perhaps, he best collected from the declaration of the Right Hon. Gent., the Member for Liverpool (Mr. Iluskisson) when he held the office of Treasurer. The Right Hon. Gent. declared that the duties required from the Treasurer were so nu merous, and Lis responsibility so great, that if he did not possess the valuable assistance of his friend the Par matter, and if he bad not unbounded confidence in laiirrs he could not retain the office. The Bill to be introduc" t by his Right Hon. Friend would make great and import ant alterations, but it would not relieve the Treasurer from his present responsibility. After observing that the Hon. Baronet might have spared his observations with respect to Greenwich Hospital, for the Treasurer of the Navy was one of the Commissioners ex-officio, the Hon. Member went on to contend that they were bound to fill up the office of Treasurer of the Navy, because the office of Paymaster, being in the appointment of the Treasurer , would be vacated, under the express terms of an Act of Parliament, within a month, if a Treasurer was not ap pointed ; and whatever might be done with regard to the Paymaster hereafter, it would be very inconvenient to have no officer acquainted with the duties at the time a .new Treasurer was appointed, who, as a stranger, must he held as yet unacquainted with the duties of the office. It was from no desire to increase the patronage of the Crown, but from a conviction of the strict demands of the public service that the appointment was made. From 1782 to the present time the office had been held by many Gentlemen with other offices and without them. It had been held, before 1807, without other offices, by Mr. Canning, Mr. Sheridan, Mr. Tierney, and Mr. Bathurst. It had from 1807 to 1812 been held by Mr. Rose with . another office; and from 1812 to 1818 without any other; and he believed that no one could deny the great benefit the country had derived from the undivided ex ertions of that Right Hon. Gent., during the six years of that service. Great as had been the Right Hon. Gent's. talents, when Vice-President of the Beard of Trade, he had found it impossible to devote sufficient time to the office of Treasurer of the Navy. On all these grounds he, should oppose the motion of the Hon. Baronet. Mr. CALCRAFT observed, that the allusion which the Hon. Baronet had made to him was rather flattering tolls vanity. All that he had to do to secure the approbation of the Hon. Baronet was to reconcile the vote which he in- I tended to give that night with the speeeh which be made' in 1822: a task of by no means difficult performance. The proposition in 1822 was to make the salary of the President of the Board of Trade, then held by his Right Hon. Friend, the Member for Liverpool, an office of im. portance, and a Cabinet office, the salary of which was only ; 2,0001. a-year, 5,0001. He (Mr. Calcrift) concurred with the whole House that there could be no objection to such a proposition. The office was filled by his Right Hon. Friend with great alility ; and, as a Cabinet office, it deserved greater remuneration. The only difficulty was, how the object was to be attained. It was to be considered (and in that opinion also he perfectly concurred) that by adding the office of Treasurer of the Navy to that of Presi dent of the Board of Trade, his Right Hen. Friend would take 5,0001. a-year, without any addition being made to' the burdens of the country. That was the proposition of 1822. The present proposition was, to reduce the salary of the Treasurer of the Navy; to make it an effective and laborious office with a salary of 2,0001., by which • the public would save at once 1,0001. a-year ; and prosper-, tively to abolish the office of Paymaster of the Navy, hav ing a salary of 1,200/. a year, thereby making the ultimate saving 2,2001. a-year. Thus it was proposed that a high Public office, of considerable public duty, should be com petently filled for 2,000/. a-year less than a sinecure office was formerly held. The Hon. Baronet had been pleased to dwell at some length on the circumstance of his (Mr. Calerafes) junction with his Msjesty'a present Ministers. Would any man say that his acceptance of office had any, thing improper in it? He owned that he held it the; highest honour of his life that he had been asked by the, Duke of Wellington to accept an office in his Government.- He had, however, not acceded to it in haste. He had ac ceeded to it on mature deliberation. And, having acceded to it, he defied any men to say thit in his conduct he had exhibited any dereliction of his former principles.—(Hear,' hear.)—He was proud of having joined the Administration of the Duke of Wellington and his Right Hon. Friend near him ; and every moment that had elapse-I since his con nexion with his Right Hon. Friend, every opportunity which be had had of cultivating his Right Hon. Friend'e, acquaintance, and he hoped he might add of acquiring his confidence, had convinced him that he could not have taken a better or a morejudicious step.—(A langli.)—The Hon. Baronet had charged him with having formerly been a, great advocate for the reduction of offices. Now he would ask by what administration had so much patronage, in the' shape of offices, been given up, as by the Administration in which he held a subordinate station ?—(Hear, There was no instance of similar disinterestedness. Let the HOuse look at his Right Hon. Friend's reform of the law ; and not at his reform of the law merely, but at the curtail ment of Ministerial patronage by which that reform was accompanied. If the Hon. Baronet wished to bring forward any charge against him, he wished he would do so in a manner that would admit of a more definite answer. The Hon. Bart. talked of what he was pleased to call ‘. make weights" in Committee s of that Ho use . If •th e Hon. Bari. disliked the constitution of those Committees, why did he not complain of it when they were formed? Of one of those Committees he (Mr. Calcraft)was Chairman, and he was very sorry that the Hon. Baronet was not a Member of that Committee (he would propose him if be had no objection), that he might see with what fairness and impartiality the business before the Committee was conducted. For himeelf he begged to say, that be would never he the tool or the makeweight of any Administra tion. He disliked talking so much of himself; but the ob servations of the Hon. Baronet had left hin► no alternative. The proposition on which the House Were now called upon 0 decio servan surer o 6 ousa; 'Hous e "he did Lord 'nigh t Friend' had fall Barone perienc fact hei to that made a fairy ( • howeve portant nell), ii stated t long er , various Pregent the 2I know h the opp bituatio portuni The pr Was, th he must the spec Bay u yr njon of a class to the p of his When tl 2,0001. affairs o whal it to refus Treasu; to be ab other of proposii motion, fectly • rather c Lord their op • to the ti upon hi one asst argue al The Ho Treasur pity, h i and the: did all ought ti Noble I public II app , Treakur Sir GI ~. ''.''.