The Sun. — London, England, 1830-02-27 00:00:00

DRAMATIC WRITINGS. A BILL 1 ° ALTER AND EXTEND THE rßovzsioNs OF THE MTH "( MGM THIRD, CAP. 156, WITH RESPECT TO DRA IUTIC WRITING S. I°ll .--.The - wOrds printed in Italics are proposed to be inserted in the Committee. Whereas by an. Act passed in the 51,th year of the reign of ilia late Majesty King George the Third, intituled, c' All Act to amend the several Acts for the encourage tnrat of learning, by securing the copies and copyright of P i loted books to the authors of such books, or their as ligbS)" it was amongst other things provided and enacted, 1 " , l from and after the passing of the said Act, the author of Sny book or books, composed and not printed or pub ) or which should thereafter be composed and be !tinted and published, and his assignee or assigns, should ha ve the sole liberty of printing and reprinting such book hooka for the fill term of twenty-eight years, to coin mellee fro m th e d ay o f fi rs t pu bli s hi ng th e sa m e , and also, the author should be living at the end of that period, for *,he residue of his natural life : and whereas a practice has of Irate arisen of taking down in short-hand copies of dra "atie pieces d ur i ng th e r e pr e sentati o n thereof, and of re p r esenting such pieces at other theatres or places of dra- Tetic entertainment than that to which the author of the piece has first sold the right of representation, to the great in ti„ u rY Of the author of the propri e tors of such first theatre. allay it therefore please 3 our Majesty, that it may be 'nseted ; an d b e i t enacte d , b y t h e Ki ng ' s most exce ll ent A B h i e "Y, by 'and with the advice and consent of the Lords ~,Piritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present .t.arliarnent assembled, and by the authority of the same, that from and after the passing of this Art, the author of arl Y tragedy, comedy, play, opera, farce, or any other a I r :Patic piece or entertainment, composed and not printed "" published by the author thereof, or his assignee, or n i eh hereafter shall b e c omp ose d a n d not p r int e d o r "' l `?4slied by the author thereof, or his assignee, or the as. .Inee of suc h aut h or , s h a ll h ave, as hi s own property, t h e sole liberty of representing, or causing to he represented, rev ny place or places of dramatic entertainment what ?rTer, in any part of th e unit e d kingdom of Great tain and Ireland, in the Isles of Man, Jersey, and Guern- Producti in any p art o f t h e 13 r i t i s h d om i n i ons , any suc h on as afor esa id , not pr i nte d an d pu bli s h e d b y t l ;e author th ere , n f; or hix assignee, and shall be deemed a proprietor thereof; and that from and afdte r taken to b e the thepassin g of this Act, th author of any such pro duction which shall hereafter be so e printed and published, or the assignee of such author, shall, from the time of such Publi cation until the en d o f t wen ty-eight years from the 'lay of such first publication of the same, and also if the a uthor or aut h ors, or the surv i vor of t h e aut h ors , s h a ll b e living at the end of that period, during the residue of his natural life, have as his own property the sole liberty of representing or causing to be represented the same, at any ,each Place of dr a m a ti c en t e rtainm e nt asaforesaid, and shall oe deemed anti taken to be the proprietor thereof. And be it also enacted, that if any person shall, during the continuance of such sole liberty as aforesaid, represent or cause to be represented, without the consent in writing of the author or other proprietor thereof first had and ob tained, at any place licensed pursuant to Act of Parliament of the twenty-fifth of King George the Second, or place of dramatic entertainment whatsoever, within the limits aforesaid, any such production as aforesaid, or any part thereof, whether printed and published or not, every such offender shall forfeit and pay for every such representation the full sum of ten pounds, to be recovered in the manner hereinafter mentioned; and shall, in addition to such Penalty, be liable to the payment of damages to the author or ot h er proprietor of such production so represented con trary to the t rue i n t en t an d mean i ng o f t hi s Act, to b e re covered, togeth er with double costs of suit, by such author or other proprietor, in any Court having jurisdiction in such cases in that part of the said United Kingdom, or of the British dominions, in which the offence shall be corn tnitted• And be it further enacted, that it shall and may be law ful to and for any one of his 'Majesty's Justices of the Peace, residing within the county, division, city, town or place in England or Ireland, or the Sheriff or Stewart or any Justice of the Peace for the shire or stewarty in Scotland, within which the offence next hereinafter mentioned shall be corn tnitted upon complaint to be made before him of the repre- Eentation of any such production at any place licensed pur suant to Act of Parliament of the twenty.fifth of King tieorge the Second, or place of dramatic entertainment whatsoever, within the limits last aforesaid, to summon before him the proprietor or proprietors or other the person having the management or the super intendence of such place so licensed, or of dramatic entertainment, or causing or procuring such repre sentation, and proceed to hear and determine the said complaint in a summary way ; and that it shall and may be lawful to and for the author or other proprietor of such production, by writing under his hand, to autho rise and appoint any person whomsoever to appear for him at such hearing, the signature of the person giving such authority, to be sufficiently proved by an affidavit to be sworn before any Judge of any of the Courts at Westminster, or before any one of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace, verifying the same to be the handwriting of the person signing and giving the same ; and affidavits sworn as aforesaid shall be evidence to be received touching the pro prietorship of such production ; and if upon the hearing of such complaint the person so complained against shall not produce and show the consent and license in writing of the author or other proprietor for the representation of such production, it shall be lawful for the said Justice, Sheriff or Stewart, and he is hereby required to convict such offender, and to order the payment forthwith by him to the author or otherproprietor, or to the person so authorized and appointed as aforesaid, of the aforesaid penalty or sum of ten pounds for each such representation, together with hie reasonable costs, to be ascertained by such Justice, Sheriff or Stewart ; and in default of payment thereof, the same shall be levied by warrant under the hand and seal of the said Justice of the Peace, Sheriff, or Stewart, by distress and sale of the goods and chattels of the said offender, together with the costs of such distress and sale ; and the conviction or judgment of such Justice, Sheriff, or Stewart shall not be removable into any other Court, or be quashed or avoided for want of form. Provided nevertheless, and he it further enacted, that all actions or yroceedings for any offence or injury that shall be committed against this Act, shall Le brought sued and commenced within twelve calendar months next after such offence committed, or else the same shall be void and of no effect. And be it further enacted, that wherever authors, per sons, offenders or others, are spoken of in this Act in the singular number or in the masculine gender, the sante shall extend to any number of persons and to either sex. And be it enacted, that a conviction for any such pe nalty as aforesaid shall be sufficient if the same be in the fln' c rn marked (A.) given in the schedule annexed to this er to the like effect; and that a warrant of distress 01 11 be su ffi cient in the form marked (B.) in the said sc hedule, or to the like effect ; and a warrant of committal t n default of such di stress shall be sufficient in the form or to the effect given in the said schedule and marked (C.), making in such for to ads t at ms such a lt erat i ons as may b e requ i s i te S County p CII to part icular cases. E counDUI. m F. TO WHICH THIS ACT REFERS . °fine it rem emhered, ( tUt on the day of of the P hit. Co in the year A. B. of is , convic . ted to Wit. S before state thesesday or dayr;one of his Majesty s Justices aosnthecase may be] of having on the [here s a te] at which the unlawful representation took represented or caused to be represented a ramatic Entertainm without such consent or licens e as is required liycaanedc of the of King yeorg , e the rourth, intitu f l o std r ,. , [ s in s s: i rt the f t tle of thu Act] and adiu t tl x g in e to forfeit and pounds the sure of ten_l each the sum o . t th, sum of for .such representation, together with fret) being the of this eeding. under my h and and seal the day and cost year first proc above written.G i C. D. (t. s.) To E. F . (B.) the y Whereareas hath been on the day of in one convicted before me of his Majesty's Justices of the Peace for case maybel [or, as the an Act made in the of a certain offence [or, of certain offences] against year of King George the Fourth, in tituled, [insert the title of this Act] and adjudged to pay the sum of together w ith the sum of for costs, amounting together to the um of Now these are to require you to levy, by distress and sale of the goods and chatte!s of the said somibie to _,_uctlie.said and of thereof to ' lB h distress and sale, and to p. [1 re insert the name of the party injured or of th e „ ri „, half] rendering the - toge ‘ t y h o e v r e ' r the amount duce of such sale to the saidexcess (if ally) of the pro n authOr l i c zed by him to proceed on his be_ day of in th e year Giren under any hand and seal this s.) ' County o f (C.) To twit. of Co rrection] at the Keepe o r r of hi t s h d e e f i ; ),: r.o ty l herea, .[or Houme 6h" of hiB M a j esty' hada b een conv i cted before me t....s Justices of the Peace for [or, as t -"''they be] of an of [or, of certain cffences] against an Act Ot )80 the title of t Yea A r cotf King ot the said stun of ' Ptna ties] tor the penalty [or s s l .] and adjudged t George ( t j he F t o h u e rt s h u , m in o t t itatled, unpaid and cannot be levieYdistressa f 1 and costs : And whereas hole you the said forthwith to convey the said by ; these are to command to the said Gaol [or, House of Correetionand . you the said Keeper and Deputy to detain and safely keep the sa therein until the end of hereof, cr until the ht of the months from ~___, . .e y. paymen t last-mentioned humor mu" Caren under my hand and seal this day ( f in the )ear C. D. OH e.) the date PUBLIC MEETING AT MANCHESTER. On Thursday n meeting was held at the Town-hall, Manchester, to consider the propriety of addressing Parliament on the distressed state of the country, and of petitioning that an immediate reduction of taxes be made, and that commerce be not again disturbed by altering again the value of the currency. The Hall was nearly filled, and it is computed that upwards of two thousand persona were present. The Boroughreeve having taken the Chair, Mr. R. POTT F. It moved the first Resolution. Ile said it was not until the opening of the Session of Parliament, the delivery of the Speech from the Throne, and the language of the Ministers of the Crown, that some friend took preliminary steps to get you assembled. "We were induced to do so," said he, " front a conviction that the Government of the country was not sufficiently aware of the state of the great manufacturing districts of Lanca• shire, and those parts of Yorkshire and Cheshire con nected with us. We considered that Manchester, as be ing the chief mart of these districts, eught at once to come forward and tell Parliament, in temperate but firm lan guage, their real condition. I trust no one will blame us for having so acted, for surely it must be proper that we should approach that body, to lay before it the distress which now so unhappily prevails. With this feeling we procured the signatures to the requisition you have read, and by the good feeling and liberality of the Boroughreeve and Con stables, we are now assembled with the Boroughreeve at our head.—(Loud cheers.)—The requisitionists have confided to me the first resolution. I will not occupy your time by stating my incompetency to do justice to it, or lamenting it was not in abler hands—but I will prove it to y u, by several official documents which I now pro ceed to lay before you."—(Continued cheering.)—Mr. Potter then proceeded to read a number of very important documents which had been furnished from overseers and gentlemen who had been officially appointed to examine into the state of the population in their respective districts, and these documents in a very strong manner showed the state of suffering which prevailed in the districts to which they referred. At Huddersfield a manufacturers' commit tee had been appointed, and the result of their examina tion was, that out of a population of 29,607 persons, 660 received 12d., 420 received 7d., 2,439 received lid., and 13,226 no more than lid. a day. At Macclesfield a committee of the principal inhabitants, with the Mayor as the Chairman, reported that 8,800 individuals, of whom 5,662 are above seven years of age, receive as wages of labour and parochial relief, 17id. per week, or 2id. per day. In that town there are 993 empty houses, and thirty-four unoccupied factories. The poor leys in 1828 were 4,5711. ls. 11d. and in 1829, 7,227/. 1 4s. 101 At Chorley the distress appeared, from the communications, to be of a similarly extensive cha racter, and to exceed that of even 1826. Front the hun dred of Blackburn a memorial bad been sent to the Haute Secretary, in which it was stated, from very particular examination, that the distress was most general, and greater in many parts of the hundred than ever was known. In Pendleton, which adjoins Manchester, an examination had been made, and 187 individuals had only 21d. per week or 3d. per day, and 352 had 3ld. a day. Io Ardwick, another adjoining township, a considerable part of the la bouring inhabitants were in the receipt of not more than 18d. a week. The whole of the reports and documents to which Mr. Potter referred as his authority for these most afflicting details were regularly authenticated by the signatures of well-known individuals, who had (many of them in their official capacity) drawn them up, and they produced a powerful effect upon the meeting. Mr. Potter, in commenting upon the documents be had read, became so overpowered by his feelings, that he was compelled to sit down. The resolution he proposed was to the effect that the distress was unexampled in its extent and severity, except in short periods of sudden depression. Mr. SHUTTLEWORT/1 seconded the resolution, and said, It seems to be the policy of Government to deny the gene ral existence of the distress under which all the leading branches of national industry are suffering ; and there ap pears some reason for considering that this policy is adopted for the purpose of continuing, to the utmost extremity, that system of wasteful profusion and extravagance in the ex penditure which has principally caused the distress— (Cheers)—and for an abandonment of which the whole country is now most earnestly and anxiously importunate. But, besides tha evidence which the destitution and misery of the labouring classes present of the generally suffering condition of the country at large, there is other evidence fur which I may confidently appeal to the experience of perhaps every individual of this large assembly. This evidence consists in the fact of the almost entire absence of profit on the employment of capital in the various branches of agriculture, manufactures, and trade. This circumstance is of great importance in estimating the real condition of the country; for the average rate of profit is, perhaps, the most unerring criterion—the most certain standard of national prosperity. When this rate is high, it is a proof that industry is productive, and the progress of wealth and population favourable. On the contrary, when the rate is low, it is a proof that the condition of the nation where it exists, whatever may be the actual extent of its agri culture and commerce, is bad, that its industry is not pro ductive, anti that the national resources ai e in a state of decay.—(Great cheering. )—On this principle, then, I ask, what is the condition of this country? What, I ask, is the rate of profit in agriculture ? 'What is it in all the staple trades of the country ? What is it in the iron traffic? What is it in the woollen trade? What is it in all the numerous and important trades and manufactures that are carried on here—in this great hive of industry, wealth, and intelligence?—(Great cheers.)—The answer to this inquiry must be, that in all these various branches the average rate of profit is less than was ever known. In deed, there is not one department of business, that I am aware of, in which capital can be employed with any rea sonable prospect of fair remuneration. No mattter how earnest and; incessant may be the labour—no matter how skilful the management—no matter how large and adequate the capital—the return is precarious, and at the best trifling. We prune a rotten tree " Which cannot so much as a blossom yield In lieu of all our pains and industry."—(Continued cheering.) The most prominent cause of this unexampled depression in the productiveness of industry and the rata of profits, is the overwhelming weight of taxation—(Great cheers) — which being drawn, as it is in this country, from the ne cessaries of life, falls almost entirely on the wages of la bour and profits. The first operation of a system of taxa tion on the necessaries of life, is to diminish the rate of wages, and hence the miserable condition of the great mass of the British people.—(Cheers.)—When the power of the labouring classes to pay taxes has been exhausted, the next operation of the system is to lower the rate of profit. In this country the power of the labourer to pay taxes has been long exhausted. From his earnings it is now uni versally admitted, no further abstraction can be made without extreme danger of a general convulsion.--(Conti nued cheering.)—The crisis of all the profligate expendi ture of the Government for the last :30 years is now rapidly approaching, and in place of the scoffing disregard with which till recently all warnings on the subject have been treated, there is seen, from one extremity of the kingdom to the other, a deep and fearful, and I believe rational ap prehension of the issue. —(Great cheers.)—A very slight glance at the immense amount of taxation which has been wrung from the country will clearly account for the diffi culties of our present situation. From Jan., 1797, to Jan., 1817, the gross produce of the revenue exceeded 1,290,000,0001., and in the same period the public debt was increased 4,500,0001., so that the total expenditure amounted in 20 years to about 1,740,000,000/.--(Shame.) or an average of 87,000,0001. a year. During a part of this period the expenditure considerably exceeded this ave rage. In the five years from 1811 to 1815 inclusive, so utterly reckless of consequences were these who then ad ministered the naticnal resources, that the expenditure amounted to 613,422,0001., or an average of nearly 123,000,0001. a year. From 1817 inclusive, the expen diture has been about 900,000,0001., which, added to the former sum, makes the expenditure for a period of little more than thirty years 2,600,000,000/.,—a sum, the mighty vastness of which no human mind has power distinctly to eomprehend.—(Continued cheering.) Mr. ROBERT HYDE GREG rose to move the second re solution. A greater difference of opinion appeared to as to the cause of the distress, than as to its extent. In 1822, it was said to arise from the superabundance of the harvest. Now, in the King's Speech, it was attributed to the deficiency of the harvest. By some it was attri buted to the excessive number of Bank notes in circulation —by others to the want of notes—by others to our having ceased to have a monopoly of trade; but to him (Mr. Greg) it appeared that the real and true cause was the un equal pressure of taxation. As to the inequality of that pressure, some remedy might he adopted ; more might be thrown upon property, and less upon industry. The tax . . - upon prints, which amounted to 600,0001. per annuutn, and which was collected at an expense of 22 per cent., might be removed to shoulders that could better bear it, by a tax upon property, which might be collected at a cost of 2 per cent. Mr. Joirx BROOKS seconded the resolution. In ad verting to the deprus,ed state of the home trade, he '4)- served that time firm to which he belonged bad made twice the number and amount of bad debts 'luring the last and present year, than for the preceding 20 years. The ac counts due to the firm were many of them from five to eight months past due. It was tuipleanut for him thus to bring private matters before the public ; but as the bac of Wellington had said that there was no distress ex;sting amongst the drapers, he felt himself called upon to make these statements. In 1829, his firm, which travelled north and south, had made 139 bad debts, amounting to 11,1801. ss. 9il. And in the present year, up to the 23d of February, they had made, in their country trade, twenty two bad debts, amounting to 981/. 1 Is. 10d. There (said Mr. Brookes) is a beginning for 1830.—(Laughter and Cheers. ) Mr. W. B. GRIME moved the third resolution. The taxes at the commencement of the reiEn of George the Third were only 3,322,9001., which was less than the sum now paid for the bare collection of the taxes. _(Applause.) The resolution was briefly seconded by Mr. I'uLLEN. Mr. PaEsincr: made a long and animated speech, for which we regret we have not room. Mr. HARVEY and several other gentlemen addressed the meeting at some length. BUCKINGHAMSHIRE MEETING ON DISTRESS. A very respecta' le Meeting of agriculturists and trades men, residing at end in the neighbourhood of Ay!esbury, was held in the County-hall, on Ilrednesd, , y, whose object was to make known to the Legislature the deep distress existing amongst them, and to petition for economy and retrenchment in all branches of Government expenditure. On the motion of Mr. WING, seconded by Alr. YOUNG, Mr. CHURCHILL was called to the Chair. Mr. CHURCHILL said he rejoiced to see the agriculturist and the tradesman determined to unite their strength to obtain some redress of their national grievances. The fact was their interests were one and the same—they must sink or swim together.—(Applause.) Mr. I'. Dxr.r, said the meeting was for the purpose of laying before the:Legislature the unparalleled distress of the country. This course was more imperatively called for, because in the Speech from the Throne, at the opening of the Session, their distress had been slightly spoken of.— (Hear.) —They were told, instead of its being general, that it was partial only. All present must feel that this statement was a misrepresentation of the facts in the know ledge of those by whom that Speech had been drawn up, or it was the expression of a sentiment, founded on tes timony on which no reliance ought to have been placed. (Hear, hear.)—Probably the information was obtained from those who felt a greater interest in the levying and collecting, of taxes than in their reduction.—(Applause. ) If he looked round him on the agriculturists with whom he was in daily intercourse he saw that, from the low prices of produce, in all cases there was a distressing loss of capital, and in many instances total ruin. When he looked to the tradesmen he found that their condition was equally deplorable. The truth was, the agriculturists and the tradesmen had risen and must fall together. There • was another portion of the community which, though last, was, he trusted, not least in their estimation. He alluded to the-working classes.—(Hear, hear.) Where could they meet them but in poverty and wretchedness, reduced and degraded to the very lowest state of pauperism ? Their only choke was between a prison and a workhouse. if they would escape the latter they were driven for the means of subiistenee to the perpetration of crime, by which they became the inmates of a gash--(Applause.) Where were they now to look for that class once the pride and the boast of Englishmen? Princes, and Lords, may flourish or may fade ; A breath can make them as a breath has made; But a hold peasantry, its country's pride, When once destroy'd can never be supplied. This was indeed a miserable portrait ; but he feared it was a faithful one. They came then to this, that in these three important classes of society the bitterest distress was prevalent. Where were they to look for redress? Where look for assistance? Where but to those who had the management of the Government and the country ? If it was a good Government it would take pleasure in seeing the country in the possession of prosperity and happiness. If it was a good Government, it would listen to their ap peal, and alleviate their distresses. But if it was not a good Government, it would no longer deserve the confi dence of the people.—(Cheers. )_They must make known to the Ministers their distress ; and he would recommend them to do so with firmness, though with prudence.— They should speak in a firm but constitutional voice, and ask far the restoration of what there was worth preserv in the Constitution, not as supplicants, but as men en forcing the right they possessed to be relieved from their distress. They should petition for a reduction of the expenditure; fora relief from the heavy pressure of the . . tithes; and indeed for a strict enforcement of eco nomy in every department of the State; but that alone would not be sufficient to save the country from ruin—to effect this a reduction of taxation was indispensable.—(Loud applause.)—This the Government could do if they pleased ; if they had the inclination, they had the power. Whatever might be said of the exigen cies of the State, he was of opinion, when, with the country in such a condition as it was at present, they came to ask for money to enable them to build palaces and mar ble archways, which were not necessary to the State, none would snake such demands but those with heads as hard as the materials ; and none would enforce such demands but those with hearts as cold as the materials.—(Cheers.) —Let them in their turn demand economy, retrenchment, a reduction in the salaries of every office of the State, be ginning with the highest. It was also necessary to the relief of the country that there should be a total abolition of all useless sinecures and places. There was one thing snore they must have, the want of which he believed to be the cause of the evils of which they had to complain._... he alluded to a full, fair, and free representation of the people in Parliament.—(Cheering. )—He then read then the petition. Mr. MAYDWELL then rose. He said their petition having been carried without the proposition of any amend ment, and without a single expression of discontent, op. portunity was left for no remarks but those of a con templative nature. Those who pretended to represent them only acknowledged themselves part of them when they had some favour to ask. if the King required their services they were not in a condition to afford them. Th e tripartite establishment was gone. The Aristocracy alone were our masters, and the masters of our Sovereign. This was the fault of the people themselves. He then objected to the preservation of game, which he contended had driven vast numbers from the country. The estates of the Aristocracy were avoided as if they were Turkish seraglios, and as our prisons formerly were —(Applause.) —He next argued against the tithes, and declared the wealth of the clergy neither improved the moral con dition, elevated the understanding, nor benefitted the souls of the community, but, on the contrary, occasioned much political as well as moral corruption. The sup. porters of the poor were fast becoming paupers them selves. It had been a maxim, that the strength of a country consisted in the number, not of its acres, but of the employed labourers it posscsssed.—(llear, hear.) This maxim did not apply to England now. Our numbers occasioned our poverty. What was the source of the wealth of other nations constituted our dead weight. In conclusion, he pointed out the evils of absenteeism, and declared his intention of journeying through the country to use his humble efforts to awaken the people to a sense of the necessity that existed for their advancement of the cause of Parliamentary Reform. Lord NUGENT rose, and was received with much ap plause. His Lordship spoke to the following effect : Mr. Chairman, and Gentlemen, I have many reasons to be extremely glad that I did not follow the first impulse of my inclination, and rise before our friend who has just sat down addressed you—to be glad that 1 did not stand be tween you and his able and entertaining speech. Gentle men, the last topic spoken of in your petition, and the one of paramount interest, is Parliamentary Reform. I believe no one, in addressing a popular meeting like the present, can recommend himself better in the outset to its favour, than by announcing to them such a fact as I have it in my power on the present occasion to communi cate. Gentlemen, at the hour of' half-past two o'clock this morning, we divided the House of Commons on Lord John Russell's motion to extend the elective franchise to the three largest cities unrepresented in this em pire. After the most triumphant debate I ever heard, in one of the fullest Houses r ever saw, and, after the greatest effort ever made by Government bad been exorted in order to crush all further hopes of Parlia mentary Reformation, this was the result—at half past two o'clock this morning we divided, and, I repeat it, notwithstanding all the exertions were made that could be, to destroy, if possible, for ever, that proposition and that cause, the majority obtained by Ministers did not exceed the number of 48.—(Cheers.)—Gentlemen the number for the motion amounted to 140, and the number against only 188.—(Cheers.)—Now, my firm and conscientious belief is, that the cause is carried.—(Great applause.)— The seed has long been sown ; it has long appeared above ground ; by the blessing of God the increase has been given ; and I trust before long the harvest will be reaped. —(Cheering.)—l ddmost conscientiously believe this will be the result. It is true I may be too sanguine, but I learnt it from the tone of last night's speeches. I learnt it from the subdued tone of the opponents of Reform ; learnt it from the triumphant tone of its defenders ; learnt it from one of the most overwhelming speeches—it was the last made this morning —_I ever heard uttered even by that supremely powerful and eloquent speaker, my 800. and Learned Friend, Mr. Broughani.—..(Mueb applause.)—l s from these indications I learned to cherish the hope—to confide in the belief—that, probably before more than another year is over, six members will be sent to take their seats in the House of Commons for Birming ham, Leeds, and Manchester, by popular election. Thus, Gentlemen, Reform is advancing—it has advanced—it is advancing with a giant's stride and with a giant's strength. It is backed by the increasing intelligence of the people— it is hacked by the education of the people—and education and intelligence combintd afford that irresis tible strength which properly belongs to moral power.— Gentlemen, we received powerful support. lam sure Ido not say it disrespectfully of any one on whom, for the first time, that great light shone last night—l do not say it dis respectfully of any who then, for the first time, voted for Reform, when I assert that there was something in the 'mile of satisfaction with which we beheld that division a little more arch in its character than is any expression gene rally to be found in the simple smile of joy. Be this as it may,.we certainly did see that proposition most warmly supported in quarters in which, a few years age, it was treated with the most uncompromising hostility. I declare again, I do not say this disrespectfully, tauntingly, or un gratefully. I will not speak in terms of disrespect of any to en who shall tell me frankly, I am wiser to-day than I was yesterday.—(Elear.)—But let not us of the old school of Reform—let not us be twitted with filling behind the ranks of our new converts. Let not us be told we pitch our note a little lower than they. Let us not be told we are idle while they are advancing. Gentlemen, we have for many years supported that sort of Reform which, from our hearts, we believed to be the most beneficial to the people, arid which we further believed they, by virtue of their education and increased intelligence, had a right to demand. We have supported it through good and through evil report, and through much more of the evil report than of the good.—(Laughter and bear.)—We are now joined by many converts. If we leave our posts it is only that they , may take the labouring oar. They do so, and we find our selves standing among the moderators—amongst those who do not go near the length of those new converts who are enthusiasts, as new converts generally are. We allow them to take the labouring oar, and why ? I remember the time —though my experience is not very considerable—when it required some boldness to stand up and say, " I am a Re former"—whether it was Legal, Ecclesiastical, or Parlia• mentary Reform you espoused. " No Reform !" said they. —(Applause.)—" No Reformation! No Reformers! Reform is invasion—invasion is revolution—and revolution means the guillotine and the dagger !"—( Laughter and applause.) Why, gracious God ! we never even " spoke daggers," and certainly never meant to use thorn.—(Cheering.)—But this was the way in which the very name of Reform was treated. I say, then, we may be allowed to smile, at least, with com placency, when we find these very gentlemen accessions to our strength. Last night, from several quarters where we least expected it, the topic of Reform was cheered, and spoken of in a tone and language such as, since I have been in Parliament, I have never heard used, even by those who have steadily advanced the cause up to the point at which it has now arrived. Those who used to be the loudest to cry out against us, were all, last night, the loudest to cry with us, and even before us.—(Applause and laughter.)—l do not address myselfnow to any body here; but instead of " Church and King" being the cry by a strange confusion of terms, this cry of " Church and King" has subsided, or means, be fore high! Heaven ! to abolish all tittles, and destroy all wildly-built palaces. Gentlemen, these are lengths in lan guage to which many 'of us are neither inclined nor is it our business to go. But we will not retort on the language we have from them received—namely, " We suspect your motives, and, therefore, will not vote with you."—(Ap plause.)-1 will vote with any man--whatever his mo tives, I do not enter into them—(Hear)-1 am not a searcher of hearts—(Hear)—l say I will vote with any man for what I think useful. It is enough for me to withhold my support when he transcends what is useful. One of the first poets—probably the first living in his day—the first as a poet of sentiment, patriotism, and feeling—in a little, light, entertaining ballad of his, speak ing of a similar elevation of language, said-- These new conflagrations, Bursting out from difThrent stations, Set, 0, more dreadful, strange and dire, Th' extinguishers themselves on fire.— (Laughter.) We are now told by these gentlemen we seek for " milk and water " Reform. Lord John Russell is called a mere formalist; and Sir Francis Burdett a puny Reformer. For the pure principles and true extent of Reform you must look now to the pages of the Quarterly Review.—(A laugh. )—Gentlemen, it was my duty, as it is always my pleasure, to meet you to-day. I hope I have not been ne glectful of my duty, though I meet you under some disad vantages ; indeed, owing to the lateness of the debate, I did not get to my bed till half-past three o'clock this morning, and—here I am.—(Cheers. )—We are met here to discuss the privations which we all feel—not to complain and whine about them to each other, but to complain of them to Parliament. We mean, I hope, to face the question— not to flatter ourselves, or each other; but to look fairly at the causes of our distress, for the purpose, if we can, of grappling with them, and ascertaining the remedy.—(Ap plause.)—ln doing so, allow me to say that an Economical Reform—not a Parliamentary Reform—roust begin at home. There is an old proverb, that " Charity should begin at home," the morality of which I never was able very well to understand, because it rather sounds like the doctrine that selfishness is entitled to rank higher as a virtue than benevolence; but I am quite sure, if charity beginning at home is not good, Re form, having such a commencement, is. Now, let us see whether we can, every one of us, lay our hands on our hearts, and say we are altogether guiltless of the misery brought on oar country? Let every man lay his hand on his heart, and ask—" Have I never supported unnecessary and guilty profusion? Have I never voted for or sup ported those who have voted for unjust and unnecessary imposts ?" And, unless you can answer to yourself man fully, " I never did it," it is childish and pharisaical to turn round and go home, and impute the whole Waive to others. Why are we suffering now ?—Plainly for this reason : it does not require much sagacity to see that it is not easy, after a country has been living 35 years on credit, and beyond its income, for that country to be in a creditable or healthy state. It is useless to ask any States. man at once to make you rich, after 35 years living be y and your income. The closest anti most cautious eco nomy—the determination never to second one expense be yond what honour and the necessities of the country de mand—this is the great practical lesson, and let this be impressed on our minds. I tun not now going to inquire how far the American or French war was necessary; but simply to contend it is war brought us to the state in which we now are. It is, I believe, pretty generally known, that scarlet cloth is not the cheapest wear; arai gunpowder is rather expensive fuel to horn.—(Hear, bear, and a laugh.)—lt is because every nation in Europe has been doing the same—because every nation ir. Europe has been merged in the expenses of war, all of them very much at their own cost, some of them veey much at ours— (Laughter and applause)—that our country is overwhelmed in debt, the interest of which is to be met only by in dustry and economy, those great promoters of commerce. But then every nation in Europe is nearly as poor as ourselves, and we have, therefore, lost their custom. We hope for a vent for our commodities, and fur the reason just stated, are find they are left Olson our ' hands. Surrounded thus by difficulties, there is butt one course for us to pursue—to profit by our bitter experience : to reduce our establishments to the lowest possible scale— to promote and cultivate the arts of peace, and thus by de grees to create a market for our produce. The state to which we are reduced has been ably described by Mr. Maydwell. It was this—To what an unnatural state must not this country be reduced when the in crease of the labouring population, which is the strength, anti the glory of every other nation in the world ours ?—(Applause.)—Why ? Not for w Hear)—not for want of hands—(Hear, h it si e rae a nt r sl i a .— hear)—but cursey sukti skill --- f ( because o the means of employing those labourers, and that skill which in abundance we possess.—(Cheers.)—Now, are we quite free from blame in this respect? You see, we are talking of our distresses, really, as if no part of them were imputable to ourselves. We are talking of our in. jured innocence—of our undeserved losses—as if we were all betrayed virgins or suffering martyrs.—( Hear, and a laugh- )—But let us face the question like men, and ask ourselves whether the miserable state of the agricultural population is not very much owing to our own want of foresight and want of energy. Let us put the question to • ourselves when the agriculturist was flourishing—when the produce of the soil did bring a high remunerating price— did we ever give to the labourer the wages which iris la bour was worth ? Did we not, at the time when the price of produce was highest, strive by every means in our power, conspiring with the landlord, to reduce the remuneration of labour to the lowest possible scale ; Equally guilty with the landlord, the farmer said to the landowner—" unless you, as Magistrates and Members of Parliament, will conspire with us to throw the charge of labour on tine parish, we cannot support you in your ex travagance—we cannot afford to pay your raised rents." The consequence was, the landlord voted for all those in famous exactions enacted in tine poor laws ; and having done this in their places in Parliament, in their places on the Bench as Magistrates, they played the same game in detail, which they had before played by wholesale, as Members of the Legislature. Thus th e l a bouring population became reduced to a elat e o f paro c hi a l pauperism. I say, then, that this lies at our own doors. But having looked this in the face, let us reap from it, for our own sakes, this great moral; let us tell it to our children, and let them tell it to theirs; yes, let our children's children—let pos terity to the end of time be, from our embarrassments, in structed in the important warning—to beware of war— (Clwers)—jtrit and necessary war ; no war can be just which is not absolutely and inevitably necessary.— (Applanse.)—War that is not absolutely necessary is the worst, because it is the largest, of murders.—(llear.)— No man can condemn that war which is necess try for our national existence; but war that is not necessary, let our descendants, by every possible means, avoid. Let us tin them to look back to the year 1830, and they will will there see the effects of war. Let them look and see the effeets of it in the deserted country-house—in the ' farm-house, the occupier of which cannot cultivate hie land, cannot support his poor—in the cottage, where the poor cannot keep out the elements—and they will perhaps find this is the only instance afforded of the number of the labouring population of a country being the curse of such extensive suffering. Let them contemplate these features; I let them put these features together ; and they will com pound one hidious visage of war, now staring on us wherever we turn our ryes, reproaching us 'with our former love for her.—(Applause. )—Aye, then the trucu lent beldam lived in your arms, embraced with all the passions of a foolish and guilty love, and a pretty family she has brought yr u!—(Laughter and cheers.) — When I essayed to talk of Reform in former days, I was much abused for so doing. All I took the liberty of quietly saying was this—if you wish your wants to be at tended to—if you wish your voice to be heard—you had better have some choice in your representatives. If you wish to have a good guardianship of your purse, and desire the House of Commons to hive the controul of it, why do you not have some controul over your controllers ! —(Applause.)—Gentlemen, it is not because Birming ham, Leeds, and Manchester, are great in population and in wealth, that they are now to have representatives ; at any rate it is not for that reason only ; but because, be sides population, besides wealth, there is a great prin ciple now stirring in this country, and that is, intelli gence.—(Hear.)—lntelligence has increased, and is in creasing most rapidly. You could not stop it if you would, and I hope, and I believe, you would not if you could. But it is advancing; and I hold it to be one of the plainest problems in political science, that the people will have a share in their own government in proportion as their education and intelligence increase. As they in this respect improve ; they obtain not only greater power, but a greater right.—(Hear.)-_I say then, let the people of England lay this doctrine close to their own hearts ; let them be true to themselves ; let them take care and never choose as a representative a man whose general principles of conduct they do not approve, and they have their cause in their own hands even now, though Old Sarum and Gatton shine in their rotteness still.—(Cheers.)—There are places enough to afford the voice of the people sufficient influence, if the elective franchise is given to all the numerously populated districts at pre sent unrepresented.—(Cheers.)—l say, I do think I see that prospect before Inc. I hope we are all still young enough to live to see the day when all these petty for tresses, which power without right has raised, will be demolished on the sacred ground of English Representa tion. Gentlemen, if so humble a voice as mine could be heard even in the highest quarters of the State—if so humble a voice as mine eould be heard in loyal and re spectful advice in the first quarters of this realm—it would be, I am sane, honest; and not deemed disrespect ful, I trust. I would say to my Prince and my Master— your's is the proudest station of created man. You are Sovereign of an enlightened, free, and affectionate people. (Cheering. )—But your duties are as great as your station is high. Look around you. Listen not to those who would either entangle or blind you. You hare founded a great station on a great none. Your name is the greater, because your title to the throne is founded on a great re form, of which you yourself are the representative. Reform it was, and an all-important reformation, too, that seated your family on the throne—and on that dirone may you long remain ;—may you continue its possessor for many years to come.—(Cheers.)—Your ancestors were the Plantagenets and the Tudors—an ancient and illustrious race of Kings. They did great things, even in bad and ignorant times. The Plantagenets conquered France—so have you, my Sovereign. The Tudors passed many wise and good laws for ensuring the liberty of the subject ; so also have you.—(Applause.)— But do one thing more.—(Much cheering. )—Countenance the principle of Reform ; and let your measures of Go vernment keep pace with the growing intelligence of the people.—(Loud cheers.)—Countenance the principle of Reform ; sympathise with the people's distress. Show them that the highest in station is the warmest in sym pathy with a people who for this country have done much. Show your sympathy with their privations by commanding the observance of economy ; begin by setting the example yourself ; and then, indeed, you may look the Tudors and Plantagenets in the face—for you well deserve the peo ple's affectionate love, devotion, and esteem.—(Much cheering. )_Gentlemen, I have occupied more of your time than I intended. I shall be most proud and happy to present your petition to the House of Commons, in con-- junction with my colleague ; and have only to add, that with every word of the prayer of the petition I most heartily concur.—(Applause.) Mr. RICKFORD, M.P.—Gentlemen, as one of your re presentatives, I have felt it a duty to attend here this day, and truly sorry am I to state, that from a constant residence amongst you, I have informed my mind but too fully of the existence of the dreadful distress which has been alluded to. With that conviction 1 voted for the amendment to the Ad dress on the King's Speech. The distress in that Speech was described to be only partial, whereas I believed it to be ge neral, and with that impression I gave my vote. The petition which you have just agreed to is one that no honest or rea sonable man can object to, and I shall support every part of it. Thanks were then voted to the Chairman for his able conduct in the chair, and to Lord Nugent and Mr. Rick ford for their attendance at the meeting. THE MARKETS.-(THIS DAY). COVENT-GARDEN MARKET. There was a moderate supply at this morning's market, but the trade was dull. Most kinds of Vegetables were cheaper than on this day se'nnight ; in prices of Fruit but little alteration, s. d. s. d Potatoes (cwt.) Cabbages (12 heads) 0 0 0 0 i)itto Red .... 1 9 3 6 Ditto Savoy 1 0 2 0 Horse Radish (bundle) 1 6 3 6 Brocoli 0 9 2 0 Celery Turnips (12 bunches).. 1 6 2 6 Coleworts or Greens... 2 0 4 0 Leeks 1 0 1 6 Carrots (per bushel) 3 0 6 0 Parsnips (dozen) Small Sallad (basket) 0 3 0 0 ed. s. d. Spinage (half-sieve) 0 6 too 9 Onions 1 6 3 6 Apples 1 6 6 0 Sweet Oranges (11'0) Seville Oranges Lemons 4 0 12 0 English Walnuts Span. Chesnuts (peck) 5 0 8 0 French ditto Spanish Haslenuts French Walnuts 4 0 6 Filberts (12111) 3 0 6 0 Eng. Grapes (per lb.) 0 8 1 0 ~_:~ a\ SPIRIT' OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. A motion on the state of the country, or for a CoMmittee to inquire into the state of the country, is something like a treatise de omnibus rebus, et quibusdam aliis : or rather, it is like " plunging Sterne's wig into the great ocean :" it would not come out a bit the better or stiffer in curl : a pail of water would have been more practicably applicable and useful. Earl Stanhope would have;been greatly perplexed on carrying his own motion, and would not have known what to do with it afterwards. No two men separately agree either as to the cause or the extent of the present distress, if we may use that harsh term ; and the whole body of Parlia ment, or of either House when clubbed, could not possibly have come to any conclusion whatever. The Noble Earl's motion, therefore, rau a proper course, and came to a right end: every one said something about it, and it was negatived by a great majority. If any one has a fact to state with respect to the situation of the country, let him state it or hat any one a remedy to propose for a specific evil, lot him propose it; and such is the only method of being useful to the public. For our own parts, we believe there is dist.tess in the country ; but we are not convinced that they think so, whatever clamour they may raise, who oppose or do not press for re• trenchment.— Timcs. A great comic writer has a scene, in which knelt of mechanics in a public-House in Hamburg set:lg the affairs of the world. One of the characters is made to say—" I wish I were for an hour only at the next Imperial Diet, I would whisper something in the ear of the Elector of Mentz, for which he would thank me. These good people know not wherein the interest of Germany consists. Whets was it ever before beard that an Imperial residento town like Vienna should be without a fleet, or, az: least without galleys ? It would easily contain a fleet for the defence of the empire, and there are taxes in abundance for that object. Only see how much more wise the Turk is. We can never do better than take him for an example in what regards the carrying on. war. There are forests in plenty both in Austria and Prague, if people would only use them for skips or boats. If we bad a fleet in Austria or Prague, the Turks et French would not dare to besiege Vienna, and we might go to Constantinople. But no one thinks of this." The British Parliament is somewhat better in-- formed respecting distant affairs than the Hamburg politicians ; but for all that, we wish there were fewer occasions for the display of that knowledge which its members possess of the interests of all mta tions and countries under the sun, and even that . they were less called on to discuss the conduct of the Bramins, the Hottentots and Kafres, the West Indian Slave-owners, and the Governors of our different colonies. By attending to all these objects a far more important - business, respecting which the means of judging correctly are to be obtained-- . —namely the state of our own country, and the possibility of remedying the grievances under which we labour—is necessarily postponed or imperfectly considered. It gives us great satisfaction to see that a better spirit begins to prevail—that the rage for foreign interference is considerably abated—that it is no longer supposed the maim business of an Administration is to settle how such a King should treat his subjects, and how the subjects should treat their King—whether he should encroach on the Charter, or whether they may take a little liberty with his neck—and that the Duke of Wellington considers the price of cotton and tape a question of far more importance to the Legislators of England at the present moa ment, than even whether Portugul shall he pos sessed by Dom Miguel, or the young Queen. The Landowners, who, as long as rents were paid, were far above concerning themselves with the condition of the poor, are now all commiseration for them. Two or three Members of Parliament have, indeed, from time to time during the last fifteen years, busied themselves with inquiries into the condition of the labouring classe9, and much valuable evidence as to their degraded condition in the agricultural districts has been obtained; but the evidence produced no effect on the House. The inquiries instituted by Lord John Russell, into the interesting subject of labourers' wages—to say nothing of the Committees which have been appointed almost annually for the List twenty years—led to a disclosure of all the evils on which the Landowners now dwell, as if before unknown. How are we to account fo this lengthened apathy, this sudden sympathy ? The labouring poor have now, for many a year, been employed in dragging like beasts of burden. The Duke of Richmond had only to consult the evidence printed by order of his own House, many years ago. It has been said, that they who never felt distress themselves never sympathized with distress. Arc we to impute this sudden expansion of the Aristo•• cratic heart to their own ?middle de poche ? The Duke of Richmond is determined, it would seem, to be no longer liable to the reproach of barren com miseration. Last night he gave notice, that on Tuesday next he would move for a Committee to inquire into the condition of the labouring classes. We doubt whether inquiry will add anything to the knowledge already possessed, of the wretchedness in the parts of the country with which his Grace is best acquainted. In the Report of the Lords' Com mittee, for instance, of May 1817, we find Lord Egremont producing a letter, for the truth of state ments in which he vouched, parporting that the Poor Rates of Midhurst, in the preceding year, had been 255. in the pound : that " the parishes of Ibing, Farnhurst, and Lynchmer, are in an impo verished state—in the two latter the rate is at 245. in the pound, which has reduced the whole to a state of insolvency ; that there is little prospect of any diminution in the expenses of maintaining the poor, their numbers increasing, whilst the resources of the inhabitants lessen ; the want of employment for the labouring classes, in itself so great an evil, is rendered worse by the habit of idleness which it engenders." If the Duke of Richmond have any intention of remedying this evil in good earnest, he will not waste the season in fresh inquiries, but pro ceed at once with a plan, founded on the ample evidence in possession of Parliament, for the gra dual emancipation of the labouring classes from this worse than Egyptian bondage. It requires, indeed, no great conjuror to tell the causes of the disease, or to point out the means by which it may be remedied in time. What is chiefly wanted is men of Parliamentary in fluence, whose heart is in the work, to carry a mea sure through the two Houses. We have already again and again alluded to the scandaleus manner in which Magistrates and Overseers contribute to the evil of a redundant population. They plumed themselves during the war, that by keeping the po pulation redundant, they would have the parson in their power, and compel the young men to assist in maintaining the families of the more advanced. This last object was avowed in the most barefaced man ner in the pamphlets of the day ; and among others is treated at great length in a volume published by a Magistrate of the Midland Counties. Thomas Pool, Esq. a Magistrate of Somerset, in his evi dence before the Lords in 1817, indicates the policy, " When men have large families they are as sisted by the poor-rates, though in perfect health, which may be considered as contrary to the original intention of the Poor Laws, and so far men may be said to have their labour cheaper; but the and of nzen kith sniallfamilies are, a n is betterme maintenance, ea u e nkd e ae n u nv c c ce e a er: o ye f td hot educated, though often gn b e tterino;n,nit om h t tac taught imprudent nu t oi h (who, unless they are is kept lower. 'I hey are allowed enough for their much as they ought at that period of life, if they were prudent to save it by that mode. The mass of wages is kept down, and probably the pro duce (2f labour of every description rendered cheaper." In short, the object was to degrade and make slaves of them ; but not possessing all the power of owners of slaves, they have been un able to stop the labourers at this point, when the wretchedness of the latter began to re-act on the gtohousg•aavge ge n er al l ysa w r e n ) to town Park.-... SOPHIA re in the rtook of Bumhy is in town ',chess of teir rest- t to Mr. v Bruns-- Duke of dmiralty n-ranean. rom An- ,ident in Charles raring the able time the evi 'hursday. ontracted he extent ces varied iot valued , who re- That the 28 take In 1825 ey saved congo tea ,t is con er Congo, 0,000 or , which !bants in to their the inte es for the ports in not fre- o import facility is h trade. ender the urity for fficult to en to the security , entitled he Ame as with rchase of it. are net Is et the d traders .nd occa eying the 4 Canton, muggling the great roclatna ieffeetual, ,oneidered Large lade, but ed in that of being Lining on Jankrupt , Ey a little f opium, ee itself. :;hina are Iv of pro tmlets, of ace, pay a )iece, and ly 50 per duty On iblance to ry, which Iy adraito 'nton by ie, as the even then ie British of honour tte bearers i, four of , five are r funds in Register. correct as the same Red solely ported by ;ompany's he invest encourage ,nee, gave e Chinese, a nominal coined sli m to be of a other. rhuredeye' Lm Brown gentlemen ged in the snd Chine, rr in which that, not he carious y articles rsued with advantage. from this fair profit. tton yarns► with every deed were, ina. The any andne owing to by which of Chin* here when Were cur D the East pal to the an habit,' of Now itricter at' Ibility a 1 s and 10 0 drawing occurred. lacy, went drawing y appeared was invt led to the e names of a my last' attended at r were in took place r, the titu mtut. Thu HAY MARKETS.-(At ST. JA: per Load of 36 Trusses.) INIES'S. Coarse heavy Lowland Meadow Hay £2 8 to £3 0 New Meadow Hay 0 0 0 0 Useful Old Ditto 3 0 3 15 Fine Upland Meadow and hye-grass Hay 4 5 5 5 Clover Hay 3 15 5 10 Oat Straw £2 6to £2 10 j Wheat Straw... 2 10 3 0 An overwhelming supply ; trade very dull at Thursday's prices. with the exception of the higher quotations being obtained in but few instances. SMITHFIELD. Coarse heavy Lowland Meadow Hay v £2 5 to £2 15 New Meadow Hay 0 0 0 0 Useful Old Ditto 3 8 3 15 Fine Upland Meadow and Rye-grass Hay 4 0 5 0 Clover Hay (extra fine)....£s 10... Generally Oat Straw £2 4to £2 S I Wheat Straw 2 8 2 15 Supply good, trade dull, and prices as last quoted. The Marquis of DOWNSHIRE and the Earl of LIMERICK, it is said, are destined to receive the honour of the Irish Ribbon. • NODDLIN TOM.--A crazy-headed fellow of Spalding, named Norm, a blacksmith, commonly called Nod dlin Torn, who has a wife and fire children, took it into his head above a year ago that he would abstain from ale, and though he kept this resolution. to the ear, he brae it to the sense, for instead of ale he indulged in copious liba tions of gin. On Saturday week his probatior. expired, and then faithful to his first love, he guzzled for some days, until he palled himself, when in a fit of spleen or desperation, he determined on suicide. Accordingly, on Tuesday evening be purchased one ounce and a quarter of opium at three different druggists, which he swallowed. This powerful dose soon brought on the usual symptoms, which being perceived by the wife, she induced him to make a full disclosure, and no time was lost in procuring medical assistance, but so resolute was the blacksmith that he for some time resisted every attempt to restore him ; and it required six men to hold him in a chair, and his jaws were actually wrenched open, before . the stomach beggar uow another nieited a k w e t a t y le , faunlal, het pump could be applied. He even then resisted, but the others prevailed, and pumped about two gallons of water of gi v t e h e t 1 ;:oorfe into his stomach. A rough jack tar, who was present, float yet." This coarse sally caused a general laugh, the in a fair way of recovery.—Doncaster Gazette. ea ed despondencyout "