The Sun. — London, England, 1833-06-04 00:00:00

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R., Mr. 'Haddocks, George (N o. 12,709.) LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 4, 1833. - - . resolotrof . To--36... ham , mid(ue.x. (PRICE 7D.) IlLinailialliMil JEW -SSW lUiSiti°ll( t ) I1E °KSELLERS AND PUBLISHERS. SPIRIT OF _,S. ith e f '../ .. r C OPYRIGHT of a Relic , ious Pub :llo'Pb', l'Ill::, inn, entith d the WESLEYAN PREACHER, The crisis .. toresae d of i t . ;,tit Vir ntk ith the Stork from the commencement, Stereo- passing of ..gth arrie b 0"," ' 6 ,NPortraits &c., Steel Plates of the Rev. John were lass .. the How o ti " ur, Adam ' led ' 0 0, 0 t p e , kei . am Clarke, &c., are to be disposed of. The motior ~i Wellingto ie Pe_,,,i l ti 14 1 1 1 'Cal has always attained an extensive circula- tug , ' ...,ajority of Sr' ~ ri( e , f r i ii, A s pntr e ie r l e i l o ig , i l ous world, particularly among the Wes- et. ' . the course of ' ' ~ion, if carried. r tbo i Se t l.l P tr mall e• iif ty 1 y, or by letter, to Mr. Northeroft, 96, Ministers. " - official , 'ans , answerin the e r 7l, ' 1 ,, i theg, ti t (1 E LATE DR. BABBINGTON. t o'°''' p , Medical, Scientific, and Personal ri e A 'IA t't o r !, I ", of this late eminent Ph} sician, having re it 1 1 ‘,,, 4 ' Subscription for the purpose of erecting a bet , 144 huNUMENT to his Memory, the following t had ttd tol l , ' y e consented to receive the names of those per ) esP f t ,4 , ; n ay be desirOus of b, coming contributors : ie p_ r i i ;gl • berries, Farquhar, and Co., St. James's-street. Mio ' t , i , . 1, i i„ Urornrmd, Charing-cro-s. 0 1 0' ~, h are, Fleet-street ; and rsols til • siarsard, Di•tosdale, and Co., Cornhill. rhich ree' A t MINERAL MAGNETISM, „ns , tlie ,i I It . 7, l resnetli-d Agent in Nervous Diseases. 'itrurti" p Ii LUNDELL, 13, Orchard-street, a. „ tt , 0 ippli n at r tolan-square, has in the press a Treatise on rrie f4 . o o , bi teu ll of Mineral Magn-tis to the cure of Ner -00 4 , n in which the eff-cts m of this novel but le p ae ' , t 4 tv i l i e , St will t-e physiologically demonstrated. This o f ~ t s ti record several cases in which his improved Ni t .. P. d`d- 0, 1 pi tal (cif ins superior pocure wer) h f ave Tic. b Doloreaux, een found touri4,the rel o 1 ,,,t the ct iti ti , g ' t "it Toothache, Palsy, Gout, Spasm, &c., which „„4 I.4 isted every other form Of treatment. ' t he IA (Vide " 1.-meet," June 1 ) 10 ,e , , 4il, MRS. AUSTIN'S GOETHE. tl'P b) Y text will he published, in three vols., post Bvo. „, fa.. e G.'v e ' 1, 114 price :300. ,e 0 -..ACTERISTICS OF GOETHE. 0 , , •ho 1 11N4 41 the German of FALK, Von MULLER, &c. ibe 0 0 qi t ; ", Original and Translated, illustrative of Ger z'ature. bothe r° 44 d t Fe " ''rir " . r po l l' ill Iteg'i li tio,i . e 00 4 A t 0 i b y tirlal , pOin te ; 4 9 .' t t i ) ersoi . We) • rt ti IS ? 1 4 Nti'w , be co' ;,,c ( 41„ 1,.. o r i y" ~ , or i ,„ , ,1 tO O Just ready, in 3 vols., pest Bvo. e said ? ,t E TCHES OF GREAT BRITAIN. d if ` l , e i By BARON D'HAUSSEZ, W o L'' Ex • • y -Minister of Marine to Charles X. ir s 4 'lehard Bentley, New Burlington-street, fie e tet Col (Successor to Henry Colburn.) 1 O• ld ~ i ke, but be 0 .,,,,,0:; . ol d t h I lillt e - t • ip ~ for Si p 'l4ll 'd be Cb 1, , it ' : c 4 11 4 : 1 ; ET S .........4 ,. .41',11bed s / SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. Pedro? Whenever Lord Brougham shall think fit he may assail the one brother with as correct and as classical an execration as that which he has already hurled against the doubtful delinquency of the other. Let us pass over also some points of the attack made by the Noble Duke, upon which the answer of the Government appears to have been, if not perfectly satisfactory, at least in a considerable degree exculpatory. And let us come at once to the question which was really at issue, and upon which the King's Ministers have been thus signally de fected. It is asserted by the Duke of Wellington that the provisions of the Foreign Enlisnment Act have not been enforced. It is admitted by Earl Grey that they have not been enforced : and he contends that this country is not bound to enforce them. In this lies the whole subject upon which last night's struggle took place. " Will it be contended," says the Premier, " that Portugal is entitled to insist upon the en forcing by England of her own municipal law ?" N o such thing is asserted by his opponents. But it is as serted that Portugal is entitled to insist upon the observ ance by England of the rights of international law ; that IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. their Lordships' attention, because it tended to tay a little the nature of those transactions, and threw 8 , si e light on the whole affair. Don Pedro, the brother t o Don Miguel, he would not call him King of Portugal, but he certainly was King de facto, was at Paris during the period when those circumstances took place. The night after the capture of the fleet in Portugal, a steam vessel arrived with despatches for the Admiral, and then it was that the demand was made.—(Hear, hear.) He thought it impossible not to imagine that the arrival of that vessel had some connection with that demand. However, the fleet was carried off. After the arrival of Don Pedro in France a new scene commenced, that was in the middle of 1831, when a force had been collected in the Azores, which was contrary to all the laws of nations, and to the usual practice of Europe, and there was no doubt whatever that a vast number of persons were in those islands carrying on a war against the Government de facto. While he had the honour to hold office in his Majesty's Govern ment he di i not deny that those proceedings were then being carried on, but they were contrary to the wishes of the Government, who did every thing in a'sed a t their power, short of resorting to actual hostilities, to pre vent them. In the middle of 1831 those hostile movements u greater () obtain activity. supplies of in y some on money, ym and ans there ese was no continued doubt that they assembled together in large bodies, At the island of Terceira a squeidron was collected, com manded by officers who had been in his Majesty's service; but he would do his Majesty's Government the justice to say, that they removed from the service the officer who took the command of that force; and upon this subject he must say that he was surprised that the Noble Earl, on a former night, instead of answer ing a question which he (the Duke of Wellington) put respecting that officer, merely said he knew no more than what had appeared in the newspapers.—(Hear.) It certainly was true that those persons were dismissed from the serviee by those who hal the comma nd of those squadrons. Now, what happened in the winter of 1831 ? In November and December very large levies of troops were made. A considerable body of men were raised, and were embarked in ships in the river Thames. The names of the ships he happened to know. They were the Asia, the Congress, the Fairy, and the Juno. Information was given by Government of the existence of this arma ment, and the measures in work to fit out others. But the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs declined to take any notice of this information, but this was not all; a Gentleman belonging to the Portuguese Government gave information on this subject to the Commissioners of the Customs, they being the persons specially charged in the Act of Parliament with the execution of the Act. The Commissioners of Customs, according to their duty, considered the information, and consulted their law officers on the subject, as to whether they were justified or not in detaining those vessels in consequence of their breaking the law. On receiving the opinion of their law officers, they gave orders to detain those vessels, and instantly after wards there came an order from Government, whether from the Secretary of State for Foreign Affuirs, or the Treasury lie did not know, directing that those vessels should not he detained. Those very vessels had fern sent out to Portugal and Terceira loaded with men, who, after land ing, entered into the service of that country, and were there at the present moment. Was this the perform ance of a treaty ? Was this neutrality ?—( Hear, hear.) Was this a lino of conduct consistent with the honour and the good faith of the country, and with the fulfilment of its ancient obligations to a faithful ally ? The conse quence of the sailing of that expedition was the transmission of men from all parts of the world to this country, thence to be sent to Portugal, with arms, ammu nition, and everything that could be required to carry on war. But they were told his Majesty's Government had no knowledge of this, and could take no cognizance of it. All he could say was that if his Majesty's Ministers did not know it they were the only persons amongst their Lordships who did not.—(A laugh.) It was commonly known to everybody in the country, and the Portuguese Government had sent hack nearly one hundred men who had given themselves up rather than remain with the in vaders. These men could be examined upon the facts if the Government desired to be informed and did not wish this in itlstietillieirtl.6',' ,l f.t. , -I.).°4o_A° do the character of the country and of the Sovereign whom they served. But he had heard it said that Don Miguel might have done the same and raised armies in this country, and that, therefore, there had been no breach of neutrality, and that Don Miguel had been treated as King de facto. He begged to ask how they could do other wise? They had forced upon him the observance of the treaties, and compelled him to give satisfaction where the engagements of the Portuguese Government had not been fulfilled. And, besides this, there was a Portuguese nation to consult, and they had received him as their King de facto, and shown their determination to support him. If this, then, was the situation of Don Miguel, what be came of the neutrality which would only permit him to derive the same assistance from this country which would he afforded to a party invading his territory anti disputing his rights without any such pretensions or claims? Neu trality had been defined as a very different thing from this by the highest authorities who had treated of the subject. The Noble Duke then referred to a judgment of Sir W. Scott upon the question of neutrality, in which it was defined as being not only abstinence from warfare, but also from giving any assistance to either party. He did not say tbat neutrality consisted in giving equal assistance to both parties, but in abstaining from assisting either. The Noble Duke read further passages from the judgment, and said that they applied to the case of Don Miguel, who, being the Sovereign de facto, and in possession of the pre ponderating power we had no right, by allowing succour to be given to his enemies, to deprive him of the preponde rance which he possessed, and give that advantage to ano ther. Having read the law as laid down by Sir Win. Scott at some length, the Noble Duke would not pretend to judge a question of law, but a matter so founded in sense as this was must he the rule of men's actions. He would ask their Lordships whether it was just, or fair, or ra tional to allow individuals to carry on this description of private war when the Sovereign of a country was not permitted to do it by open means ? It was the plain and direct duty of this country to prevent every assist ance from being rendered to either party after we had bound ourselves to a neutral course. Bnt this breach of neutrality towards Portugal was not the only ground he had for cen suring the conduct of Government. When he looked at the correspondence between this Government and the Court of Madrid respecting the conduct expected from Spain in the contest in Portugal, he saw that his Majesty's Go vernment, very properly in his opinion, demanded that Spain should be neutral in the contest between the two Princes of the House of Braganza, making at the same time an engagement to he neutral themselves. He wished to ask how this engagement had been kept, and how the neutrality of the two Governments had been maintained ? Had this country been neutral in the same sense that neu trality had been maintained in Spain ? Was not the con traryi the fact, and was not the war in Portugal at this moment carried on by men, ships, arms , an d ammunition supplied by this country and through this country ? He asked, even if they had kept faith with Portugal, had they kept faith with Spain ?—(Claters.) He was satisfied that no man who read the statement in the correspondence could doubt that our eugagement with Spain had been broken. He then came to the last act of warfare undc r the command of a distinguished officer in his Majesty's navy—the expedition which had recently sailed, not fur Oporto, but for the Tagus. As soon as he heard of this he felt it his duty for the honour of the country to ask whether his Majesty's Government had taken any steps with regard to this expedition, and the only answer he could get was that his Majesty's Ministers had certainly read it in the newspapers, and that was all they knew of it. Now it was known that this squadron had been col lected at Spitbead in the midst of his Majesty's fleet : and yet, strange to say, his Majesty's Ministers had heard nothing of the matter but through the newspapers. But there were other strange circum stances connected with the subject which it was mos t stran g e should not have reached the knowledge of the Government. It was stated that there was a meeting on board one of these vessels pre vious to their departure, from some of the men feeling disinclined for the service on which they found they were goiog. A body of them attempted to escape from the ship by lowering themselves in the boat, when it was said they were cut away, a nd five or six of them drowned, the expedition having sailed and the vessel never hove to, and never attempted to wave their lives. He knew not bow i was that the Government wa; utterly uninformed of thee_ circumstances, or, indeed, why it was that a coroner's inquest had not been held on the bodies of the men if they were discovered, or why some inquiry was not made int, The crisis which all reflecting persons foresaw after the passing of the Reform Bill is at length arrived. Ministers were last night defeated in the House of Lords, on the motion of the Duke of Wellington, with reference to Por tugal, by a majority of SO to 68, or 12. Earl Grey stated, in the course of his speech, that he considered the motion, if carried, tantamount to a vote of censure on Ministers. "He did not know," said his Lordship (after answering seriatim the charges brought by his Grace), " that anything more was necessary for him in answer to what had fallen from the Noble Duke, in order to refute the charge, for charge it was—or to prevent the censure, for censure it wee, and as censure it was intended by the Noble Duke.—(Hear.) He trusted that he had sufficiently defended himself, and shown that the Government had done nothing inconsistent with its own character or the obligations and honour of the country." The House of Lords, therefore, could not he ignorant of the light in which Ministers would view the vote in favour of the motion. There was no misapprehension—no mistake. If a motion similar to that of his Grace had been brought forward in the House of Commons, the 'majority in favour of Ministers would have been at least Sto I. The reason is quite obvious— the two branches of the Legislature point different ways. In fact, Ministers have injured themselves in the House of Commons, by the di-position they have evinced to con ciliate their Lordships. The result, however, has shown that all will not do. Earl Grey declared, " That he cer tainly took - a very different view of the state of affairs in Portugal to that taken by the Noble Duke. Under all the circumstances, he had considered it his duty to himself and others not to interfere in the struggle now going on in Portugal, though lie certainly thought that he would have been justified in so doing, had he thought it expedient.— (Hear, hear.)" And he observed, that, " Probably, had the alleged breach of neutrality been a breach more consenial to the views of the Noble Doke—had the Gaverornent interfered in favour of Don Miguel—pro bably their Lordships would never have heard any such complaint.—(Hear, hear. )" Aye, there's the rub. The cause of Pedro is identified with liberal institu tions—that of Miguel is identified with priestcraft and despotism. The British nation has distinctly shown, by the eagerness of individuals to flock to Don Pedro, to which side it is inclined. And the majority of Peers have shown likewise to which side the Peers are inclined. We are not surprised at this manifestation ; because a majority of Peers had dis inctly an interest in perperuat ins.; the state of things which the Reform Bill has either destroyed, or must eventually destroy. The Peers yielded to necessity, but they never will forgive those who freed the nation front its trammels; and we may expect that every opportunity will be eagerly laid hold of for thwarting and annoying Ministers. Ministers, however, ought not to attach any undue importance to the vote of last night. The House of Peers is only important when its voice is in unison with that of the nation. Here it is distinctly not. But to let it be seen to all the world that the nation does not approve of the vote of the Peers, a vote of the Commons on the same question might be taken. The power has now substantially passed trona the House oc Peers. Had that body been wise, they would have carefully guarded against a collision of this kind. It is not for their interest to draw the public attention to the difficulty of obtaining the co-operation in any definitive course of policy of the branch of the Legis ',tore emanating from, and identified with, the nation, and the branch distinct from the nation. We un derstand that the Tories and Bishops have been long concocting this business. It was at one time in contem plation to outvote Ministers on the Irish Church Bill, but that scheme was abandoned, and the affair of Portugal chosen as the most politic. But they are the old parties —the old enemies to the people—the old enemies of Reform. Every Bishop, with the exception of one, Dr. Maltby, voted for the motion. What sort of vote must that be which has every Bishop in its favour ? When did any good ever come out of Galilee? If the Tory Lords and the Bishops agree to outvote Ministers, it is quite clear they can do so when they please. But if the Bishops were wise men, they would not repeat re.. .4.., those attempts to trip up the heels of Ministers. Tbey may trip themselves up some of these days. The nation will always take it for granted, that when the Bishops are united against Ministers, something bad is intended, for the Bishops have never yet united to oppose any bad measure, and are never seen against any Ministry, but when the Ministry have honest intentions. Col. Davies has given notice of a motion on the affairs of Por tugal, in the House of Commons, on Thursday next, with a view to give the House an opportunity of ma nifesting their sentiments. The result of that motion will show whether the representatives of the British nation are disposed to make common cause with the Duke of Wellington and the Holy Alliance, or to sup port Ministers. If the result of that motion be what we anticipate, the Tory Lords and Bishops must take the consequence of the contrast which they will thus have forced on the country. We knew from the be ginning that Ministers would gain nothing by endea vouring to propitiate their enemies and the enemies of the nation. We knew that the very first moment they had an opportunity they would turn on Ministers. They have now shown the cloven foot. By breaking off from the House of Commons, they have forced on the nation the doctrine that the Ministry, to please the House of Peers, must displease the nation. The lesson which they are impressing on the nation may be a seriou s lesson to them. We are not yet, thank God, in a cnncii. tion to be trodden down by the Holy Alliance and thei r champion, the Duke of Wellington.—Morning Chronicle . Last night the majority of the Members in the Upper House of Parliament exhibited themselves in the singular character of the friends of Don Miguel, the tyrant of Por tugal, and the usurper of his niece's throne,—the " mon ster" of a late French Minister, and the Royal perjurer, who is excommtunica ted by all the Sovereigns of Europe, except the Pope and the King of Spain. The bench of Bishops, with the exception of that firm and consistent prelate Dr. Maltby, were particularly prominent in vot ing the extraordinary address; not, of course, because they approve of perfidy, perjury, and usurpation, but, probably, because they look look upon an unphpular enief opposed to all reforms as a kind of 'Lary Con servative, whose illegitimacy, and depraved morals, are compensated by his generous support of existing abuses. We do not anticipate any serious consequences from this vote, beyond the unfavourable impression which it will create of the House of Peers, an impression which it is painful to contemplate. Ministers, we suppose, will take immediate steps to counteract it, both for the sake of the House of Peers and to maintain their own footing. We shall notice to-morrow the extraordi nary debate which terminated in this extraordinary vote of 80 to 68 in favour of the Portuguese Usurper. Mean time we beg attention to the fact, that Colonel Davies has given notice of a motion for Thursday, expressive of con fidence on the part of the H. use of Commons in his Ma jesty's Ministers, in reference to their policy touching the affairs of Portugal. There can be little doubt that the Gallant Member's motion will be carried by art overwhelm ing majority.— Times. The debate in the House of Peers last night upon the Duke of Wellington's motion for an Address to the Crown for the observance of neutrality in the affairs of Portugal terminated, as our readers will see, in a division of 80 in favour of the motion, of 68 against it, leaving his Majesty's Ministers in a minority of 12. We have neither time nor space for any detailed remarks upon the discussion. But let us offer two or three hasty observations which naturally suggest themselves upon it. We do not mean to comment at any length upon the dignified threat of resignation which the Lord Chancellor, for the hundredth time, threw out. Upon whatever question the Cabinet may apprehend a defeat, be it momentous or be it frivolous, be it a matter of constitutioual law, or be it an affair of a road or a canal, the same ready weapon is wielded by our official gladiators. " We may be wrong ; we may deserve censure ; but if you pronounce us wrong—if you inflict censure—we emit resign." We need not reply to Lord Brougham. Intel ligibly, and conclusively, the House of Lords replied to him last night. Neither shall we rebuke in more than one or two sentences the unfair dexterity with which the Minis ters endeavoured to fix the guilt of partisanship upon those who accused the Ministers of tieing partisans. The Tories are not the flatterers of Dun Miguel. They have never hesitated to denounce his perfidy, to condemn his oppres sion. But they have acted upon the popular principle which the Whigs only profess. They have urged that Portugal has made her choice ; and that it ill becomes Great Britain to say that the choice must be reversed, be cause it seems imprudent to the Times or illiberal to Lord Durham. And, after all, what are the virtues of Don HOUSE OF LORDS, JU2VE 3 Lord DURHAM was introduced to the House as the Earl of Durham ; his supporters were Earl GREY and the Carl of ALBEMARLE. The EAT' of RADNOR presented a petition fron Sa lsbury against the Beer Act. The d iluke of SUTHERLAND presented several peti .ions Olin Staffordshire, for the abo'ition of slavery. Lord SUFFIELD presented petitions for the abolition of slavery, from Leicester and other places. The Earl of STRANGFORD presented a petition from Kent, for the abolition of the malt tax. The Duke of NORTHUMBERLAND presented a pe tition from Alnwick for the abolition of slavery. The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition from the parish of St. Mary's, Nottingham, for the introduc tion of poor laws into Ireland. The Earl of RODEN rose to call the attention of Noble Lords to a gross breach of the privileges of their Lordships' House. It would be in the recollection of their Lordships that on Friday last a petition was presented by a Right Rev, Prelate, whom he did not now see in his place (Dur ham)_a petition from the clergy of the diocese of Durham against any measure that might be taken for the spoliation of the church. The prayer of the petitioners drew from a Neble Earl a remark, which wis answered by another Right Rev. Prelate. In the Times—for that was the paper of which he was comp) iining—in the Times, a paper of considerah!e notoriety from the nature of its cha racter—( Hear, hear)—a speech was put into the mouth of the last Right Rev. Prelate which never had been uttered, and was not merely a misrepresentation. (The Noble E irl then read the passage.) Noble Lords might laugh, but it was, he thought, a serious subj-ct indeed, that the Members of that House should have speeches put into their mouths never uttered. He as not one of those who were anxious to complain against the publication of the debates of that House, though no one could deny that it was a direct contraven tion of the rules and privileges of the House.—(Hear.) He thought it was most desirable th it the public should know the sentiments of public men upon great public questions, but then those who were permitt , d to report those proceedings should do so in a faithful manner, and not take upon themselves the task of sending forth to the public, as the opinion of Noble Lords delivered in that House, such things as never entered into their minds—at all events, what they certainly never uttered.—(Hear, hear.) But the paper to which he had alluded was in the h,bit of pursuing such a guilty course; and be wight refer to a Reverend Prelate, whom be then saw in his place, for a confirmation of what he said. During the last session they put words into the mouth of the Lord Chancellor fur Ireland, when speaking of the Irish educa tion system, which were so offensive both to that Rev. Prelate and himself (Lord R.) that the Noble Lord waited upon them next day upon the subject, very anxious to explain away the seeming insult, and stating his intention of giving the same explanation before their Lordships; but he (Lord Roden) said it would be making the paper of more consequence than it was entitled to, and making a great thing of nothing. As one of those entitled to a seat in that House, lie had thought it his duty to rise iu his place, and to take this notice of the infamous conduct of those whose duty it was to be more careful, if not more honest. 'When the Noble Earl sat down, there was a general cry of " The order of the (lay," when if her existing statutes provide for the observance of those rights, Portugal is entitled to insist upon the enforcing of the existing statutes ; that, if the existing statutes do not provide for the observance of those rights, Portugal is en titled to insist upon the framing of fresh statutes of more efficient operation. This is the difference between the Earl and the Duke. So far as th- equity of the quarrel is con cerned we appeal trom the Whig Cabinet to any honest man. And, as far as the law of it goes, we are content to tight against the unpronounceable authorities «horn Lord Grey cited, ranging ourselves under the respectable banner of Sir William Scott.—Morning Post. NTERVIEW WITH LORD ALTHORP. SURCHARGES-HOUSE AND POLICE RATE. Yesterday a deputation from the parish of St. Paul, C ven.-garden, consistinv of the e•lsurct ward, ns, sever-I of the commissioners of taxes, the vestry clerk, and others, attended by Col. Evans, as the Member for West minster, had an interview, by appointment, with Lord Althorp, at the Treasury, on the su!ject of the cites demanded for the Judges by the Dictrict Surveyor for the Crown, on the I earing of the appeals against his sur charges. Mr. CORDER, the Vestry Clerk, opened the business on behalf of the deputation. and impressed upon Lord Al thorp the hardship of the surcharges in question on the inhabitant householders, and the vexatious manner in which they had been attempted to he enforced. Lord ALTHORP said that he perfectly recollected all the circumstances detailed to him by a former deputation in October last, and to which his attention had since then been repeatedly drawn He confessed that there was some difficu4y in Government interf.ring with their officers in the performance of any power vested in them, which he understood to be the case in the present in stance. The Surveyor for the Crown had undoubtedly the right, if he felt dissatisfied with the decision of the Commissioners, to demand in every instance a case for the Judges. He was, at the same time, fully aware that this power might be vexatiously exercised ; and from inquiries he had made he feared that such had been the case in the present instance, for the very indivi dual, Mr. Purdue, who had levied the surcharges com plained of by the householders of St. Paul's, Covent-garden, had been recently surcharging the inhabitants of the Tower Hamlets in a very uncalled for and vexatious man ner. For his own part he would much rather that the equity of every case should he considered, and that the spirit rather than the letter of the Act of Parliament should be acted upon with regard to these surcharges. He as sured the deputation that, although he felt, as he had already said, a difficulty in interfering with a public officer in the discharge of his duty, be felt it right that any further proceedings with regard to the cases demanded for the Judges in St. Paul's, Covent•garden, and which cases he was glad to find had not as yet been drawn up or sub mitted to the Judges, should at least he suspended for the present, in order to afford him (Lord Althorp) an oppor. tunity of inquiring more fully into them. If after that ;.,„„;,,. Ana that thp bad considered the equity rather than the letter of the law, as applicable to the several cases brought before them, he should in that case be induced to take some step to prevent them from being proceeded in any farther. Mr. YOCKNEY, one of the Commissioners of Taxes, before whom the appeals of the parishioners were heard, assured his Lordship that the Commissioners had consi dered every case most minutely and dispassionately, anti in all the decisions they had come to they were influenced solely by a just and conscientious feeling. They had always borne in mind the equity as applicable to each case, rather than the strict letter of the law. Colonel EVANS then observed that it was a subject of regret that his Majesty's Government had not found it practicable to remit the whole of the house tax, which would have afforded great relief to the public in general. Lord ALTHORV—It is certainly a subject of regret that we have not been enabled to do so; but we have been surrounded with difficulties, and it is, at all events, too late this session to effect the proposed object. His Lordship's manner and mode of expression im pressed the deputation unanimously with the belief that he would he favourable to a repeal of the house tax in the next see-ion of Parliament. Colonel EVANS—My Lord, although the subject is not connected with our present mission, yet now we are here, perhaps your Lordship will allow us to ask whether the Government have any intention of proposing a reduction of the rate levied on the inhabitants of the metropolis for the maintenance of the police force? By SARAH AUSTIN. Effingham Wil•on, 88. Royal Exchange. ' 1 14) , be had, by the same Translator, complete in 4 vols., .c TOUR of a GERMAN PRINCE. p i lively, and sensible remarks on England, Ireland, It i s s crl peculiarly well qualified to form a sound judg -1 an agreeable mixture of sketches of scenery, of c haracter ; with philosophical observations, showing m any lands and many thoughts."—Spectator. J P LIBRARY OF MODERN FICTION. tat of June was published, price only 4s. per 'ln morocco cloth, with a Portrait of the Author, V E R E; O r, The MAN of INDEPENDENCE. PO RMING THE FIFTH MONTHLY SET OF 1 -BURN'S MODERN NOVELISTS, )1 1 , 0 the most celebrated Works of Living Authors, at a lower rate than the Waver ley Novels. SETS ALREADY PUBLISHED. ............ TRENIAINE. ........... PELHAM. ............. THE CHELSEA PENSIONERS. ......... ..THE DISOWNED, by the Author of " Pelh,m." FOREIGN POLICY. The Duke of WELLINGTON rose, and said that he had to apologize to their Lordships for bringing under their notice a subject which did not, in the pre sent times, much engage the public attention, viz. the foreign policy of the country. He was perfectly aware that men's minds were too much engrossed at the present 0,. et. for H. Colburn by R. B en tley, New 8ur _4..t..,.. THE WEST INDIES. , In 2 vols. post Svo., price U. le. ei RVIC E AFLOAT; I Comprißi ng t h e PERSONAL N A RRATIVE o f a t o itt. OFFICER employed during the late Wir ; and 6 lt, 4t lrhal of an Officer engaged in the Expedition uuder i 96 'tuarland of . 9 CAPTAIN OWEN, . A 0 -7 .- Fs. time with the internal state of the country, as well . as the colonial question, to expect them to pay that attention to the foreign policy which the importance of the question demanded, h o that he confessed that it wasa difficult thing to draw inen's attention to it, and therefore it was that he owed an apology to the House. He, however, was certain ce to that. ...- , • • • th e commercial interests generally than die elate t: relations with Portugal, more particularly the question which he was about to submit to the consideration of the House—a question which, in his opinion, involved the honour of the country as well as its commercial interests. He believed the alliance between this country and Portugal to be the most ancient that existed in the history of nations —it was an alliance recognised by all Europe, and it was one from which that country had derived infinite advantage from almost beyond memory. It was one for which, in better times, this country had spent its best blood to save those very interests which were now in jeopardy. He had, upon more than one occasion since the formation of the present Administra tion, ventured to suggest to the Noble Lords opposite the necessity of taking measures for preventing in Portugal the existence of a civil contest, which involved in its abyss men of all p irties, men of both extremes of political opi nions. He had upon many occasions urged upon them that advice, but he was sorry to say that so far from their taking it, from the very moment they found themselves secure in their places—from that moment they bad perse vered in one systematic course, which tended to nothing so much as to injure the existing Government of Portugal— in fact, they did every thing in their power to prolong that contest which was now desolating that country.—( Hear.) If the present civil war in Portugal continued much however,O G overnment onf l eot u te r r r longer, it must inevitably happen that a civil war would arise in Spain. Whenever that time arrive d, this countr y would be obliged to interfere in order to save S p ain and Portugal from falling under the dominion of its p owerful neighbour. This consideration and the honour and interest of the King who was pledged to neutrality up o n this contest, it was which induced him to address the Hous e. On former occasions he had been willing to place c onfidence in his Majesty's Ministers for their conduct in 1831, but since that he had read the papers laid upo n the table of the House, and he found that he could not ap prove of their conduct on the occasion of the in v asion of Portugal by the French, in 1831. It appeared by t h e papers to which he referred, that on the 2 d of April , 1831, our Consul at Lisbon informed the Government that a French squadron had come to Lisbon , to make demands upon the Portuguese Government. The information reached England on the 12 th of April , bu t what did our Government do? if they bad desired t o save Portugal—and they were bound by treaty to de ! end Portugal, and consider it as if it were a part of England— teey would have interfered with the French Govern ment to press its demands with reason and modera tion, and would have enforced upon Portugal the necessity of giving France satisfaction for whatever just cause of complaint she had. England. was the more bound on th a t o c c as i o n to i n t e rf e r e , e a there could be no doubt that i n th e case o f M. Bonhomme, the Portu guese Gov ernment was i n t h e r i g ht. I ns t e ad, interfering et hnteownp British part...—(Hear, tr it 0 5.ah n .......5c i H, u h ma e esdaurrio, b ns e a h hi tde a oa l behalf they.e )noffo didr What hsnaiotmt wiPortugal,fire,laa r demandss our the consequ ence o f t hi s ? Wh y th a t F r ance, finding her first expe di t i on not strong enoug h, as soon as she co u ld prepare a stronger , s ent it to Lisbon in july.—( Hear.) Portugal appealed to us, but our Govern ment re f use d to i n t er fere, and the consequence of this 'anon-interference" was, that the French took the only fleet Portugal then had to defend itself against i nvas i on. — (H ear , h ear , hear.) Now, in respect of thi s non -i nter f erence —in point of fact, this country was b oun d t o interfere in favour of Portugal by one of th ose t rea ti es w e were daily in the habit of enforcing on P ortuga l, an d th ose very complaints which we enforc e d b y means o f a squa d ro n were founded on the in fraction of t h ose very treat i es w hi c h we refused to carry into execution.—(H ear , h ear .) Then came the treaty with the French Ad m i ra l, on w hi c h h e ( t he Noble Duke) observed he would on ly sa y t h a t th a t officer met with no resistance, fori n n and by other documents it would seem that they did fire. Whether they fired or not the Portuguese fleet struck their colours and v, ere taken possession of, but in point of fact, before they were taken possession of, the French Admiral made a treaty of pence. The demand, at all events, of the French Admiral was acceded to by the Portuguese Government because they were incapable of resistance. That was what was called aiding our ally.— ("ear, hear.) That was what was called perform ing a treaty on our part, we having insisted on the performance of every article by the other party to the treaty , and having enforced it at the point of the bayonet— at least, by a squadron of ships.—(Hear, bear, hear.) There was another curious circumstance attending the capture of the fleet, to which he would draw t 0 5 ; .. th ii _ 0 On the Western Coast of Africa. 17 . _ rk comprises two narratives of the most interesting if jol, , ,, eCoud narrative contains an account of the late ex ',/ 5 tree ,xPedition to the Western Coast of Africa, of which i 0 Nv er furnishes many new and curious details. The subject 0 ,Y l3 also treated in this work at considerable length, v't,lonal observation." 4 li 'lleel by R. Bentley, New Burlington-street. (Succes•or to Henry Colhurn.) ) 1 , 0 ,.- "V OF THE NOBILITY AND GENTRY. Now on Sale at all the Booksellers. 1 1• BURKE'S PEERAGE and BARO rttt" E TAGE of the UNITED KINGDOM , i 1 t41,1 1833, with all the new Creations; and upwards Engravings of the Arms, &c. In 2 vols., Svo., 1 1)1 1 0 3- bound. ilt h 11. 'KE'S HISTORY of the COMMONERS of , A the UNITED KINGDOM ; Ot ti ?°mpanion to the Peerage and Baronetage. '''tt7. 1 . and 111., with the Arms of each Family, ~,6 d . each. , "., completing the Volume, will he published in 'ti lt 111. EXTINCT AND DORMANT PEERAGE. By JOHN BURKE, Esq. u !, th h IY printed in double columns , un if o rml y with L ep 4 i. l :eera ge and Baronetage. Price 2Se. bound. litreet. ed for H. Colburn, by R. Bentley , New Burling • Lord ALTMORP—Oh, certainly. A plan is j ug completed and will very shortly be submitted to Parlia ment for the purpose of effecting that object. Colonel EvANs—Perhaps your Lordship would oblige us further by stating what amount of reduction is contem -1)1,08'1 ? Lord ALTHORP.--Ii is intended that one-fourth at least shall he taken from the gross amount now paid by the several parishes, and that the country at large shall contri bute to supply the deficiency. Colonel EvANs regretted that Government bad not determined to reduce the rate by one-half, especially as the police might now be said to be a national force, indeed as much so as the troops or the guards. Lord ALTHORP (smiling)—No, not so ; but the police force do, in some degree, partake of the character of a na• tisnal force, and it is right, therefore, that the country at large should contribute a portion of the expense of their maintenance. The Deputation expressed the gratification which they felt at hearing the proposed reduction in the police rare, and that his Lordship intended to pursue a course so satis factory with regard to the surcharges. Having thanked his Lordship for the kind and courteous manner in which he bad received them, the deputation withdrew, highly gratified at the result of the interview. r , 'CAJRTENAY'S LAST POPULAR WORK. The 16th Edition, price 4s. k , i HISTORICAL and PRACTICAL `tI.REATISE on SYPHILIS and its CONSE i'ith 'ES, illustrated by many extraordinary cases. To are added, Practical Observations on Diseases of the 'ity, 4tl "e System, on Nervous, General, and Local De - Nt oi tt nh a superior mode of treatment, the result of 4 of thirty years' extensive and successful practice. 40 . BY C. R. COURTENAY , 2,, Howland -street, Fitzroy-square, late of Robert t' street, Adelphi. tt'tett llted for the Author, and sold by Sherwood and Co.; t 'it t h Ner-row ; Onwhyn, 4, Catherine street, Strand ; 'ttl iti : a l4.s , Oxford-street ; Chappell , 59, Pa ll-mall ; Su 9, Calton-street, Edinburgh ; and all Booksellers. Of whom also may be had, CO URTENAY'S celebrated TREATISE on t h' ek `el'UßES of the URETHRA and RECTUM , in "4 1 , 4 1, Strictures of from ten to twenty years' duration A ~ti ee n e ffectually di t i l thereby fully established, being the Twenty-first 1 4N)Atice 3s. tOrs,., luminous views taken of these diseases, together with tVrtant warnings against excess es , entitle these works to ar e e. and we may add, as a further recommendation, that a Lit written with much delicacy and morality."—lnspector iis,lvterary Review. sk i t i l 'tertain the highest opinion of Dr Courtenay's profes -0 , 1, and congratulate him on his successful and iudiciuus tizi: ll to those severe and often fatal diseases."—European Ni Ink —EW GALLERY OF PICTURES.— A t , t rtVegenious idea, and one which well merits the at fltiti:d °I all lovers of poetry and the Fine Arts, is de °t l i n an article in the New .211unthly Magazine k fill t l 4 . e i the object of which is to show that the Painters : 4 4 " especial manner to admire and study SPENSER POet ; that his " Faerie Queene," contains a store ~tfpr ter lY poetical Pictures, as capable of being set hi% ,b eye as those in a gallery ; and that he includes "gular genius the powers of the greatest and :4 s 4Pitaite M as t er s of the Pictorial Art. We have ttt paf u RA KsrEARE Galleries in England , more ambi t' vaYhi i th an successfully painted, but a SPENSER Gallery , t lery, the materials are more inviting, and far snore i t i ll l lN, 4 Plicable to the purposes of painting , r emains k t iP t ed• If anything will henceforward stimulate e vour, it is the delightful and alluring m a nn e r in ttel l practicability is demonstrated in the written T h tve hav e referred to. \ VA L , e forth com i ng new work, by HORACE :; , 81 :e °t to entitled " Sketches of the Court of Engla nd," I th (j !i e eathed by him to the present Lord WALDEGRAVE, 9 ett s ' f eetion g that it should not be published un til 20 e) r 4 t er his death. That period has elapsed, and Mr. 4 1q. Ltv h , as uecome the purchaser of this interesting th e " 41 ou r li terature . Th e w o rk has been confided 'q orj , e ,are of Lord DOVER, who has illustrated it with 'l and biographical notes. On Thursday the Earl of DUNDONALD made a most successful experiment with his newly-invtnted rotary steam engines. The boat was propelled with great rapidity, and turned backwards and forwards through Westminster bridge several tines. The engines are not larger than two Cheshire cheeses, and the whole apparatus so compact that a frigate's launch could be fitted with it. His Lordship was accompanied by Mr. OGLE, Captain BROWN, Mr. G. J. MANGARY, &c. Some slight altera tion, i❑ a very minor detail, will be made. when their great improvement will be deemed complete, and applica ble to our navy. On Saturday se'nnight Prince A. IVIURAT, accompanied by a friend, visited Mvux's brewery, pre paratory to his embarkation for America. The Prince asked what the word " entire," which, since his sojourn in this country, be had observed attached to the name of every brewer, almost at the corner of every street, meant ? And it was stated in explanation, that " entire" meaat that the beer was free from adulteration of any obnoxious ingredienis, and was, indeed, composed of nothing but " malt and hope." Thy " Illustrious Stranger," as a proof of his belief in the statement, drank nearly a quart of the beet stout. TRINITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN.—It is pro bable that the lamentable catastrophe at Exeter would not have occurred but for some allusious which were made, or supposed to have been made, to the departure of one of the parties for the alleged purpose of voting at the elec tion for this University. On referring to the publtehed list of those who voted on that occasion, the name of " J. W. JEFFCOTT, A.M." appears among the supporters of the beaten candidates, Messrs. PONBONIST and CitAstrtos. lie was therefore a qualified elector. the matter, eo as that those who first kidnapped men snit afterwards subjected them to ill treatment, sh tuld he pu nished. He had received accounts of twos more vessels having been fitted out since he entered the (louse, and it was most strange that the Government should only learn the facts through the newspaper. But this was - not all. It was not only that a navy was fitted eut in our waters, but a large body of men, commanded by foreign o ffi cers, had lately assembled at Falmouth, and h ad been embarked there. What he said was, that, if Government thought it proper that this invasion of Portugal by foreign troops from our shores should take place, let them come down at ones to Parliament, and state that opinion.—(Hear, bear, bear.) That would be the manly and straightforward way of doing the thing if it were proper to be done at all.—(Cheers.) But he was sure that such a line of proceeding as thet now adopted and countenanced was never heard of in Europe, even in those times when the law of nations was least un derstood. This then was the state of affairs at the pre sent time, and he was desirous of making a practical ap plication of it to the future. He would suppose that these expeditions should at last succeed, and Portugal should be revolutionized. He would put it to the Noble these i t et Lords to say whether it was right or proper, whether it was consistent with national law, with the faith of treaties —treaties peculiarly specific, and which ought to be pe culiarly binding for one party to be allowed, by the means of military adventurers drawn from this country, to establish a Government in Portugal.—(Hear, hear.) Surely such a system could never be tolerated.---(Cheers.) 1 , , was at variaece with the honour, with the obligations, and with the interests of his Majesty and the country: =2 (Hear, hear.) But if that system were to succeed when must be the consequences? To that point he earnestly entreated the attention of their Lordships. It must be followed by a civil war in Portugal. Nor would that he the only result. As to what would he the conclusion of that war no man could pretend to say; but this was certain, it would be followed by a civil war in Spain. —e (Hear, hear.) Ns man who knew anything of the state of the Peninsula could doubt that such would be the case.—(Hear, bear, bear.) Their Lordship. would bear in mind that this country bad insisted :i t em the observance of the treaties it had formed with Portugal when Spain manifested a disposition to invade' Portugal, and that Spain hadeeendily et-qui/seed in the demand, and faithfully observed the requ es t s 4 England. Now Spain had a right to r e q u ire s i m il ar con d uc t a t the hands of England.—(Hear, hear.) A n d sure l y t h e ir Lordships would feel that that was a mand a t e th a t oug ht to be obeyed. The interest of the country, the ho nour o f the country and of the Sovereign, required such a pr o • seeding. His Majesty had declared from th e thro ne , i n the presence of his Parliament, that neutrality sh ou ld b e faithfully observed.—Olear, hear.) The Minist ers o f as the Crown had again and again pledged the cou n t r y t o neutrality, assuredly t b eu o which i i: yr . e w, why,as lfimposediy o nn tm h t yi of Go d , commercialwmaaeudlrsreO b h w t ya was no r true, and n oa d faith, sor ed and j i it s breach a s neutrality justly and truly observed ?—(Cheers.) H e f e lt that i t m ha u d st been; p not roseas feeling , d a a n n d ge s r o oustoh ' political prosperity of the country as it was destructive of its character for good faith and honour, he moved that an humble address be presented, to his Majesty, praying that his Majesty would he graciously pleased to issue such directions as might be necessary to enforce the observance by his subjects of the strict neutrality which his Majesty had declared it to be his intention to maintain in the hostilities now carrying on in Portugal.—(Cheers.) Earl GREY said, that before proceeding to those parts of the Noble Duke's speech from which he differed, he should wish to advert to those points on which it was his good fortune to agree with the sentiments of the Noble Duke. He agreed with him, then, that great and weighty as were the internal affairs of this country, our fo reign relations should be strictly attended to, and he should regret did they not meet with sufficient attention 'tom the public. He (Earl Grey), whatever might be the pressure of financial and agricultural and other domes tie questions, would never say that our foreign relations were not to be attended to, and the honour of the country maintained. The Noble Duke himself, in all his anxiety to support the well-being of Don Miguel, was not more anxious than he (Earl Grey) was to support and maintain the interests of Portugal, our ancient ally ; and he trusted that before be sat down he should convince the House that there was no necessity for the motion of the Noble Duke, which must be taken to be one of censure, and that there was no reason for their Lordships to affix upon the Government that portion of reprobation which must be the result of their yielding to this motion. The Noble Duke said we were bound by the law of nations and by sure, conie tti r it VI e f r a r g ' treaties to prevent the occurrence of many things which the Noble Duke had characterized as violations of neutrality, of treaties, and, above all, of the faith of the nation. Those were strong charges, and if they were substantiated Noble Lords ought to visit his Majesty's Mi nisters Lordships would, he was iiisters for them ; but when they came to an impartial be would can nowt asEVnEttiiirm. In ft,. i-st nleee. which this Administration felt itself placed on their acces sion to office. There existed, as the Noble Duke had said, a king, de facto, in Portugal. He would also call to their recollection, not to renew any controversy, but simply to clear the ground before him, how this possession de facto of the Portuguese throne had occurred.—(Hear, hear.) Don Miguel had gone to Portugal under the pro tection of the British flag. He had been bound by solemn engagements to the Emperor of Austria, to the King of England, and to his own family especially, to preserve the Constitution, and administer the government on the part of the infant Queen Donna Maria.—(Hear, hear.) That was the engagement under which he had gone to Portu gal ; and to observe, that he had sworn the most solemn eatbs.—(Hear, hear.) He bad acknowledged llama Maria, and taken those engagements. It was well known how Dun Miguel had broken those engagements under the presence and protection of a British army. The Noble Lord seemed to dissent, but how was it possible hoc Don Miguel, without that protection, to displace the con stitutional authorities and commit those breaches of faith reprobated by none more strongly than the Noble Lords opposite? Were the other power's of Europe slow to pro nounce their opinions ? No. In the first place the Bri tish Minister stopped a loan advanced by this country, and whether we were the first to counsel other countries, we were the first to withdraw our Minister, the strongest step next to war, and cease all diplomatic rela ions with that country. In this state matters rein lined until the present Government came into office. Diplo matic relations had not been renewed,—true, there had been something like a renewal, but the previous step in sisted on by the Noble Duke had not taken place—viz., the cessation of a persecution such as had never been seen in any other country.—(Cheers.) Oa the other hand, steps had been taken by the natural guardian and pro tector of Donna Maria's rights to enforce them. Govern ment, then, was aware of the force collected at Terceira, as the Noble Duke had admitted and regretted. The case, then, stood thus—on one side was a de facto Sove reign declared by us and by the other powers of Europe to be an usurper, on the other a legitimate Queen, whose rights we had endeavoured to support. Now, he would ask whether this Government was called on by any consi deration, either of treaties or of laws, to take a part directly against au infant Sovereign, and for the benefit of an usurper, so declared to be by all Europe? (Here the Noble Earl was interrupted, aad expressed his annoyance at, we believe, a conversation between the Dukes of Cumberland and Gloucester, carried on across the Duke of Wellington, who was seated between them.) He con tinued : Were we to interrupt the expedition from Ter. ceira sailing for the recovery of these rights; nay, more, were we bound to prevent this invasion by any treaty ? Yes, this country was bound; but our engagement had nothing to do with a case like this , as the treatie s referred only to invasions by foreign powers. He had no reason, from the notice given by the Noble Duke, to expect that he would have gone into the documents he had referred to ; and therefore on this ground he (Earl Grey) was not well prepared. But the Nob le Duke also said we had no right to allow the invasio n b y France. Now, this was an event which bad o ccurred more t h an two years since, and if the Noble Duke had thought it of consequence, it was wonderfu l he had not brou g ht it un der their Lordships' cog nizance before. H e (Earl Gre y ) wou ld ray we were bound by treaty to resist the invasion of Portugal; but be wa s not m aster of that species of logic which, by one bold assertion, could settle this question, and that we were bound to resist every invasion. Was it possible for any country to contract such an engagement ? and were we bound to resist invasion, and aid Portugal whether she were right or wrong, and if that invasion were produced by what was unjust and improper ?-- (Hear, hear.) Would the Noble Duke insist on that, or would the House support him that we were so bound? Then as to the case of France in what has been te rmed invasion, which, in fact, was but a few ship s going into the Tagus : the Noble Duke said that in the case of Boo nothing to do with that. This, however,was a n other question, question, and nothing to do , with th e case o f eid Don na aria, and on this point, he cand i dly con f essed, he c: id to her cause—(Hear hear) --but t he . ease wish well of France was tiomme we had acted wrong. But the Government had .tifftrent, fur slat had cause of complaint, and had a right to enforce her claim by:ateas.—(Hear, hear.) Then as to t h e other charge of the Nob l e Duke. The Porttretoote Governm ent had been guilty of a eerie. of jusuits and 51960e0 55 4 . 60 oe 9) 5 76 ji h nipb ony OU 010,J t.: ' 249. broe Me Hut, kuo ti 0 . ,0 • , 0 09 i ‘2, 0 2' 6AY‘ `4ll 19$' giLe , 15i ,er 1, A 596. 50 p ti ktt t US' t tit n an' r. 9 0 / / 3 53 / h t 4 0 0 / f2O / 4 4 4 0,,, 0 /. 1 0' sl ° kN 1 0 0 9 e• V i id 0 1 01 Ott 4 1 p, l l /' ryit s.l a i 0 ' 6 k 0 6 6 0, 2 0 0 $ 7 0 6 1 0 I) E ri 13 / 7 ,Atl.tiNi ~:,! tO 7 C o'4 . 1 0 009 1 , 05 ,. 0r c? ,ct' , 130 onn - °' is oh"; , 10,;it t Y O'l t ' t o f ] ,f s oh / rf e ct, , jte t o! 1 " 15 4 0 '10 /• f O. / - 10 I 17 lg I ..d. 17 9F 33 40 3 0 n 0 3 31 fib 6 6 4Q ~., 4 . . . 1: 1 .: .-: , - al - ', ),,j3,,