The Sun. — London, England, 1830-07-07 00:00:00

I o 'l i wit °' ought %pito P 40.° riiAte ...l tt lo ,.. °° 10'7a111 4 , 7 it A' 0 IvulA / :to such he the sentiment of a single Ittember in itmrbut why by our measures should we teach the people to wish it?— (Hear, hear.)—When an extremity of the kind arises, we must face it ; but is it the part of wisdom to promote and invite that extremity? Shall we, to use the expression of Burke, teach the people to make V.at which ought to be their rare repast their daily bread? The Solicitor-Gene ral has talked much about discussing this subject with temper and calmness; but let him reflect upon the cir tiumstances under which we might be called upon to de bate the question of a Regency, should an event contem plated unhappily occur. We have heard of the expence of elections—of the length of the Session—of the la.e nese 7of our sittings—and of the refrorhing effects of country sir. I hope no. unforeseen calamity may prevent the enjoyment of it—God forbid there should be any ne cessity for relinquishing it ; and I am sure there is not a subject in the country who will not heartily join in this prayer; but if ' we reject the Address of. nay Hon. and Learned Friend, and the contingency contemplated should happen, in what a condition will the nation be placed? If God should avert that calamity against which we re fuse to provide, all that we can say is, that Providence is more beneficent than we are cautious. If we rise without deliberating and deciding upon the subject of a Regency, we leave it to mere chance whether, before we meet again, the executive power of the State may not be in a state of abeyance in the hands of an infant- The Solicitor-Gene ral tells us that the House has already voted an Address —that it has determined not to throw any obstacle in the way of . its dismissal. I cannot see how that vote pre- I judges the present motion ; and when I recollect through how many stages every legislative measure must pass, in order to give time for Parliament to debate and consider, surely it cannot be expected that on a question of this magnitude we should decide in a single day, espe cially when so large a minority pressed the fitness of an adjournment. Is that insulated vote, in the face of such a minority, to preclude the House from entering before it rises into this great and momentous question? Because I wish for an opportunity of reconsidering the question, I am obliged to my Honourable and Learned Friend for hie motion of to-night, which shall have my most honest and hearty support. Some of the arguments of the Solicitor- General seem to me entirely futile and groundless. He said that in 1788 and 1810, a necessary suspension of the Royal power took placethat Parliament provided for the occasion, and that no harm was done ? All such mea- Keret, do harm, and telly ? Because they are revolution. ary.—(llear, hear.) Nothing can justify them but the necessity of the case, and they were us unconstitutional as the vote that James It. had abdicated the Throne. The fact that Parliament was compelled so to interfere in 1788 and 1810 seems to me a strong argument against the post ponement of this great subject. All irregularities of this description are dangerous in proportion to their frequency; and if, in a little more than forty years, the two Houses of Parliament shall be obliged to interfere three times to con fer the supreme executive power by a positive enactment, in the present state of the public mind it is utterly im possible that the foundation on which hereditary Monarchy rests should not be shaken.—(Hear.) Other arguments of the Hon, and Learned Gentleman seem hardly to de ' serve notice. He said that the attendance would be thin ; j oat as if the House hail not itself the power to compel a full attendance of its Members.—(llear, bear. )—Nex t he talked of the great expence of elections; and, no doubt, expensive elections are a great evil ; but this objection comes with the worst possible grace from those who have uniformly resisted any change of time representative system which would make them less expensive.--(Muds cheeiing.)—But, admitting it to the full extent, it affords no reason why we should break up, and leave the most important business undone, the Civil List unsettled, and the Regency unprovided. At all events, the people ought not to smart for it ; and, if expensive elections ere a small evil, when the question of reform is argued, we ate nut to permit those who then use it to tell us that it is a great evil when time topic of a Regency is discussed. Either it is great or it is small—if groat, we ought to have reform— if small, it ought to be no bar to the discussion of the Re ' geneyo—(llear, hear.)—We all know that when a Par liament has lasted fur seven years it must be dissolved : it is usually dismissed at time end of six years, and it is per fectly well understood anti notorious that such an event is about to occur, and I ask the Right Hon. Secretary, or any other Minister of the Crown, whether he can give any reason for now dissolving Parliament, which would not have applied to the year 1826 ? Yet in 1826 no question was pending or undecided approaching the consequences of that which we are now about indetluitely to postpone. Thinking it of the greatest importance to the happiness and welfare of the people, as well ae to the dignity and stability of the Throne, that the House should not sepa rate without making provision for an event which may occur in the Royal Family before the next Session ; and thinking also that a matter of such high concern should not be postponed merely that an incapable Ministry may get rid of an untuanageable Parliament, I shall most cor dially vote with my Hon. and Learned Friend.—(Much cheering.) Mr. IJANKES was understood to express his regret at the late decision of the House, but to contend that it was nevertheless inexpedient and improper now to re-open time question. It had been truly said on a former occasion that by the course adopted by Ministers, the House of Commons had been in some sort converted into Counsellers to the King. He doubted the policy of this course, because it was converting the Members into Judges in their own cause, and it might be said also to interfere with the exer cise of the Royal Prerogative. The present case stood thus—the Ministers of the Crown had recommended u certain course to the House of Commend, and they hay ing sanctioned, by their deliberate vote, that course, it was uufit that by adopting a different one they should assume to themselves (the House of Commons) a re sponsibility which naturally belonged to the Ministers of I the Crown; which, in the present case, they bed taken fully upon themselves; and should mischief eventually arise from it, urem their beads would the responsibility rest. Mr. C. W. WYNN denied that in this care there had been any indecent haste. The question had been, he would contend, argued without violence. The Address proposed :stately went to say that it was the duty of his Mtjesty's Ministers to advise the Crown to bring the m question before Parliament, and they not having done so, ' there was no indecency in Parliament offering its advice on the exercise of the Royal Prerogative. There could be no doubt that the most expedient mode of bringing a question of Regency before the House would be by a Mes sage from the Crown ; and it was his opinion that on the present occasion those who were called to the Councils of the Crown ought to have advised such a Message to be sent.-- There could be surely no indelicacy in suggesting to his Majesty that the interests of the country demanded that some provision should be, made for the possibility of his demise. Nay he could even see no indelicacy in adverting to time circumstance that between him and the late King there was a difference as to age of only three years. What was there in the circumstances whh which they were sur rounded to create any reluctance?---a course so wise and necessary could excite no displeasure. Hail they, indeed, to communicate en the subject with a Sovereign of weak mind or of weak nerves, the case would be materially Was not the advice proposed to be offered to time [Mot - lurch in this instance the very advice that any Member of that Home would offer to any of his friends possessed of a large estate, end in danger of leaving behind him an unprotected family ? He would ask time Hon and Learned Gentleman (the Solicitor-General) if any of hie clients asked for his advice in such a case, would he not unhesi tatingly tell that client that he should not let a day elapse tvithout making such a p rov i s i on f or hi s family as would put them in the best situation that the laws permitted in the event of his death? Now, the people were time family of the King, and in the event of th ere b e i n g a demise of the 'Crow n within the time referred to, there could he no question. that for a considerable time the people would he bereft of all natural protection. It was altogether a inie- I take to suppose that there was any inconsistency between ithe course proposed at present and that adopted on former occasions, In its Anwar to the Message from the Throne, the House declared tlit it " would make such temporary provision as might he necessary for time public service, in the interval that might elapse between the close of the present . Session and the meeting of another Parliament, with as little d e lay as p oss ibl e .' Be wou ld oak, had ;hey not made that provision? and having done it, he would inquire what inconsistency was there in the House of Commons intimating that there were other sulis jeett which might without disadvantage be disgusted, and ought, in one instance at least, be forthwith entered on, and on no account whatever postponed ? Surely, be would maintain that in such proceeding there would be no in tainsistency ;' but even if there were inconsistency in it, they should not hesitate—they should hesitate at nothing which stood in the way of thew duty to their constitutents, m and the first duty they owed to their constituents was to protect them against the evils of an imperfect or insult'- ' tient government. In ord er t o s h ow t h at a matter o f so much importance and urgency should not be entered upon Distantly, it would be necessary to prove that the present Parliament was incompetent to the task, and that they should wait for those yet unknown and untried qualifica tions for which some Bon. Gentlemen appeared ,disposed to give the new Parliament c re dit. He confessed himself t otally incapable of comprehending how that House could three months hence be better qualified to legislate for the following twelve months than the House at present was to legislate for the next three months. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman appeared to raise much greater diffi culties in the question than really belonged to it; their were no difficulties, as he conceived, that could arise out of it for which Parliament was not fully competent to provide. He, would suppose an extreme case—he would suppose the succession cast upon an unborn heir, whether there was or was not a probability of such an event was nut the time to inquire ; be it, however, as it might, a false deli cacy ought not to restrain the representatives of the nation from doing what their obligations to their constituents re quired. Suppose the event so frequently referred to were to occur suddenly, the first step of course would be to 4utanon the Privy Council, and their first duty would be to inquire what probabilities there were respecting the suc cessor then unborn. A considet able time must, in such circumstances, necessarily elapse before anything like cer tainty could be attained, and what was then to be dime? He was perfectly aware of the power of Parliament, were it sitting at the time; but in the event alluded to Parlia ment might not be sitting ; and though, upOn the demise :of the Crown, it was required by law that Parliament should assemble within a limited time; yet if not actudly assembled at that critical juncture, much time must elapse before the several Members of both Houses could he called together from the various quarters to which they might be scattered at that moment : they could not be collected in less than a fortnight; and who in the mean time was in a situation and possessed of sufficiect authority to provide for the public service? It was of course well known, that in 1789 and 1810 the Ministers of the existing King took upon themselves tl , e functions of the Clown ; but let it be remembered, that the political power of that King was not diminished, though his personal capability to exercise it might have been impended. At those periods the King's authority remained unimpaired— the King's Courts remained open—write issued as usual —none of the confusion then occurred that might now be apprehended from a demise of the Crown. Who, in such an event, would be invested with sufficient authority to maintain the public peace? An individual might assume to himself sovereign authority, but would be be obeyed ? Would.any man in the country feel bound to submit to a Government that might, not improperly, be styled a usurpation? They might be told, that in such an event the two liouses.would snake provision ; that was a matter not so • tsily done. The Right Hon. Secretary had cheered when his Hem. and Learned Friend behind hint stated the difficulties which stood in the way of forming a Regency ; but he must ask permission to say that those cheers were exceedingly misplaced—the existeoce of those difficulties referred to afforded a most powerful argument in favour of immediate consideration. No man attempted to say that the difficulties were insuperable, Nor did he believe any man would deny that in the course of the six mouths further permitted them, they might not con tend with and overcome those difficulties. Would it not be infinitely better, with a period of six months before them, to enter upon the question at tame, than be corn• pelled to dispose of it, with hazardous rapidity, under cir cumstances far less favourabl e , an d f ar more urgent ? Would it not be better to make some permanent provision, than be compelled to resort to the disadvantageous mea sures of a temporary appointment, made when the Throne was actually vacant? It was the duty of Parliament not to shrink from a fair examination of the diffi culties which stood in their way. It was perfectly evident that the case now under consideration was by no means so simple as that of 1789, or the Regency QuSstion (4'lBlo. The Right Hon. Gentleman then adverted to the debates upon the Regency in 1789, and to various prece dents connected with questions of Regency ; but owing to his speaking from under the gallery, and to noise prevail. ing at that time in different parts of the House, he was but very imperfectly heard. lie was understood, amongst other matters, to oloerve, with reference to the appoint ment of the late King (while Prince of Wales) to the office of Regent, that there could at the time exist no dif ference of opinion respecting the individual upon whom that high trust should devolve ' • and so far, then, the question at that time was free from one of the greatest difficulties by which the present case was embarrassed. After adverting to the precedents furnished in the reigns of Henry VIII. and of Philip and Mary, he proc ee d e d to I express a hope that the House would appreciate what fell from his Hon. and Learned Friend relative to the claims of one who might be the successor to a foreign Crown. He then recurred to his former argument founded upon the superior advantages with which the House would ap proach the discussion of so important a question, with six months before them, rather than if called upon suddenly to provide for an immediate and pressing emergency —one for which the Constitution had nut provided, and one in which no man could be said to possess legitimate authority. Suppose any man should, in such an event, assume to himself the authority of the Crown—even till Parliament assembled—would not that be a condition of things much to be lamented ? And while the possibility of such an event existed, should it not be most scrupulously guarded against ? There would he wisdom and prudence in pro viding for such an event, and the direct reverse of wisdom in neglecting to make such a provision, ;and shutting their eyes to the hazards atteudant upon such neglect. lie could by no means admit the value of that whim, by which Parliatnent was recommended to wait for „the course of events, anti rely upon its own wisdom to meet the emer gency, be it ever so urgent or embarrassing. There being no provision for such a ease as that under consideration was said to be a defect in the Constitution, and so it obvi ously was ; but it, therefiwo, the more hehoved Parlia ment, when cases did arise, to legiilate providentially and with forethought ; and the more especially strong was the justification of interference, when nothing but the life of one individual stood between the country and the possible anarchy and confusion to which the absence of a head of the Government necessarily led. The Right Hon. Gentle man then proceeded to notice the references which had been made to the precedents furnished in the reigns of Henry 111. and Richard 11., and to treat with disregard the argument derived from the case of St Leas. An event occurring in France in the year 1814 possessed none of the authority which was necessary in forming a precedent for the guidatmec of a British Parliament of the present dish though, perhaps, a hint or suggestion might be taken from it. It had been made a question how far a Monarch pos sessed the power of appointing a guardian to his successor : it had been thought so in the *reign of James 1., with re ference to the minority of Prince Henry, and also with respect to that of Charles I. ; but in all such it was the duty, as it was the privilege of Parliament, to make ade quate provision. James 11. wished naturally enough to make provision, In the event of his dying during the mi nority of his son, to guard against the danger to that son's claim, which arose from the daughter of the reigning Mo narch being married to 4 foreigner, and commanding at the time the influence of a strong party in this eouutry. he object of that King could not lie attained without the aid of Parliament; and so besotted was he in his dislike to meet. Mg Parliament, that be was prepared to encounter any I aml rather than have recourse to them. At no period could be see any thing in the history of the country which did not strongly press upon Parliament the necessity of giv ing the question their earliest and most serious attention. Passing by the pet iod of the Revolution, the possibility of issue fans a Queen Regent soon after it, he canto to the reignsof Grorge I. and George 11., where, from both lowing chi:dreu, thew was little apprehension of any bar to the succession ; and therefore the necessity of making arrange- , ments respecting a Regency could scarcely be said to exist. Ile then adverted to the Regency Provisions of 1765, ob serving that a Sovereign at the age of George 111. then was, recomelentliog the appointment of a Regency, pe e . seined a case of much testi urgency than that which Par- liament was at the present day calla upon to deal with., He begged of the House to eoneider how Much more fit- ting it was that a complete Parliament, With the Throne efficiently filled, should make the necessary provisions than the two Mulles, without any Royal sanction, should be called on suddenly and hastily to do that which ought to be Well considered and deliberetely matured. No doubt the ordinance of the two Houses would in such a case have the force of law; but was it desirable to familiarise the country with that dispensing with the Royal authority which such a proceeding necessarily involved? Might it not, at a future time, afford a most dangeroui precedent, when the Sovereign either could not or would not give his assent to measures agreed to by both Ileums ? tie felt how ungracious a task it was to press those considerations upon an audience whose interests might lead them oar neatly to desire an opportunity of hastening off to secure their re-elections. Ile should regret to think that the Howie of Commons would allow itself to be influenced by such motives—their re-elections were of not so much im portance to the public as the Regency Question. The public could get over the loss, if not one' of the OS Members of that House was re-elected. He was not one of those who were in the habit of clamouring against the Houses of Parliament, but he felt perfectly satisfied that, the whole of the in t o lit Members if at " one fell swoop" of that House were carried off, the country would not be at a loss to discover those who would serve them with equal fidelity, and possibly with not less talent and intelligeoce. Colonel SIIITHORP considered this a mutter between the Sovereign and his people, and that the Ministers of the Crown were bound to advise his Majesty to originate some measure on the subject; he, therefore, felt that thanks were due to the Hon. and Learned Gentleman op posite, for bringing the question before the House ; for it was the duty of Perliarnent to provide for all difficulties of that nature. An Hon. MXNII3P.R, wl►oae name we could not learn, aid that it would be an ungracious proceeding to bring the question of. a Regency so soon under discussion, and thatit ought to be left for a new Parliament to decide. _ _ Lord MORPETH presumed that the ground on which the Ministers claimed the ahstinence of th House on this question, was from the admirable manner in which they had distinguished themselves by meddling with the Portu guese Regency.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.)—He, how ever, trusted that Hon. Members would bear in mind this simple fact—that the point on which Government calcu lated was the certainty of human life, and the risk which they ran was the possibility of civil discord.—(llear.) Lord DARLINGTON could net help alluding to the previous night on which this question had in a manner been discussed. He did not know whether, as that bail taken place five days ago, he had any right to call on the lion, mind Learned Member for Knaresborough (Mr. Brougham) for an explanation with respect to the attack he had been pledged to snake on those Hon. and indepen lent Members who thought it right to give their votes in support of the preaent Government, but he could not avoid to the subject. An Hon. Friend of his (not a Alembsr of that House) had spoken to him about it, and had expressed his surprise at his (Lord Darlington's) hav ing kept his seat under such an Imputation without rising to repel it.—(Order, order.) The SPEAKER acquainted the Noble Lord that the course which he was pursuing was irregular. Lord DARLINGTON had no desire to infringe the rules of the House, but lie had felt himself called on to allude to the subject. With respect to the question before the House, he thought that the subject had been exhausted in the course of the previous debate, and he should, there- core, content himself with voting against the motion. Mr. FLEMING thought that this question ought not to have been brought forward, as it only promoted the ex pression of party feeling. Mr. HUSKISSON—The Hon. Gentleman who had just sat down had asserted this question ayes brought for ward by party motives only. He did not know whether the Hon. Gentleman hail been present when his Hen. end Learned Friend (Mr. R. Grant) had addressed the House, hut if he was, he should like to ask the Hon. Gentleman on what part of that Address he relied to show that it was founded on party feeling? The Hon. Gentleman hail him self admitted, that the question was one which deeply cons caned the public tranquillity. Besides which, what was the use of now deprecating this debate, for had they not already discussed it on a previous evening? And did not his Right Hon. Friend himself say that it was a question which most necessarily be uppermost in the mind of every man. He should be glad to know whether the Hun. Member for Ilanstethire (Mr. Fleming) had read the words of the Address ? Was there anything discourteous in that? lie meant to contend that in entering upon this ,question, Parliament was performing a paramount duty ; and he liail heard no reason against the discussion of the question, but that it was expedient that Parliament should be die. solved as soon as possible. Those who were acquainted with the course which had been taken with respect to the public business during the present Session, must perceive that the lamentable event which had lately taken place was a sort of God-send to the Ministry.—(Heir, hear.)—He admitted the rights of the Crown to dissolve Parliament whenever it pleased, and that the Ministers in advising the approaching dissolution bad done nothing snore than what was usual for Ministers to do under such circumstances of embarrassment. Of that advice, he said, he did not com plain in the abstract ; neither did be complain that Perth'. ines.t was to be dissolved without having gone through the Estimates; and with respect to the Civil List, there certainly was no reason for believing that it could be better entertained and di-posed of in a new Parliament, than in one that was so near its close ; whenever that subject should come on, however, this he was sure of, that the great object of their desire ought to be to snake a fair bar , gain on the one hamd and on the other. He could not, however, help contrasting the conduct of the Ministers during the present period with what had taken place ut the close of the last Session. Early in June last year the Government business was brought to a conclusion; but, notwithstanding, the Parliament was kept sitting on what was neither more nor less than a dispute betwen the coals owners in the north and the city of London. He did not mean to say that the consideration of that matter had not been desirable; but when placed in comparison with the present topic, for which it was pretended that it was im possible to spare time, it necessarily sunk into insignificance. His Hon. and Learned Friend had well observed, that of all men the present Ministry ought to he the last to over look the uncertainty of human life. Had they not still in their recollection the sudden manner in which Lord Liver pool had been struck to the earth, and incapacitated frotn the discharge'orhis important duties? Could they forget that when Mr. Canning was Prime Minister, Parliament was prorogued on the 28th of July, and in ten or twelve days afterward the name of that great mart was numbered with those of the illustrious dead ? It was necessary to ad vert to these circumstances, in taking is view of tke sub ject now under their consideration. The country might have cause unfeignedly to lament the course which the ftlinisters were .now taking, and he never would believe that either of those two Prime Ministers to whom lie had jolt alluded would have bud the rasinieee to advise the Crown to dissolve the Parliament, without making a pro. vision for the possibility of the calamity which had been adverted to. What would be the situation of the country iu that event, which they must consider as possible, and which so to consider, he contended, was neither disrespect nil nor indecent? Disrespectful to a Prince of the House of Brunswit k 1 Disrespectful to a Prince who had braved death a thousand times on the deck of a man of war! It Was no disrespect, and it could not be felt as such. His Hon. and Learned Friend had observed, that in the case of such an event the Privy Council must meet. But what was the Privy Council to do if there was no Sovereign? flow, in such a case, was the Privy Council to proceed? This question had already been asked, but he affirmed that it had never been answered. In fact, it did not admit of an answer. What then would take piece ? Did any one suppose, that while the Privy Council were discussing those points that the circumstances of the ease would force on their attention, there would be no discussion, and no ex citement in time country generally? Ile war quite at a lose to know what they would do, Would they issue a Pro• clamation, runt declaring who was the Sovereign, but di recting the authorities of the realm to obey A, U, and C, or whoever might be named in the proclamation? al e w as aware that the Parliament, in such an event, most meet ; but time caste which they were discuesing sup. posed the dissolution of Parliament, and that its Mem bers were scattered throughout various parts of the kingdom. The consequence of this would be, that, perhaps, ten slays or more would elapse befisre they could lie assembled together ; and, after all, per haps (if the new elections had taken place), two or three hundred of those Members would have been repudiated Ind declared unworthy by their constituents to be re elected. And this was the Parliament that was to have imposed upon it the settlement of this most important question. Another difficulty which they might have to contend was that they might have ass heir apparent and an heir presumptive, both being minors. It was true, they had been told over and over again, the I the law knew no minority la the Sovereign, but at all events the intellec tut' incapacity could not be denied. But his Right Hon. Friend had said, on another occasion, that in this event the minor would act through the medium of responsible advisers. But he wanted to know who were to melees those responsible advisers. He wanted to know how they were to be appointed. That function belonged to the Sovereign alone, and if there etas any act that lie did without advice, that was the one. But in skis case an such proceeding could occur. Were, then, the two Houses of Parliament to be called on to select thsse re sponsible persons? And, if so, what was to be done, should it happen that the two Houses could not agree al to who were the proper persons to be nominated? But even supposing that this difficulty was got over, time next point to be remembered was, that these persons would only be appointed for the purpose of choosing a Regent, and that as that office was filled another entire change might take place. With all these circumstances pressing on his mind, lie could not think that it was right voluntarily to wait till a danger such al this overtook them, for it appeared to hint to be an unwise and most impudent step to interrupt, for how ever Alert a period, the regular course of the Royal pre' rooks°. The Royal authority of this country was that part of its Constitution which directed the other portions of its machinery, and which kept every tking in its proper place and sphere. It had been well said that they would have but an ill opinion of a person's understanding, who having succeeded to a large estate, postponed for months the consideration of Ilia affairs, the effect of which was to be the placing of property. in Chancery, and exposing his children to misery and beggary ; and he was sure that the Solicitor. General, though he had told the Howse the they might safely postpone the consideration of this question fist months, would never advise a friend or a client so 10 arrange his effsirs. Whets the Chancery Bill was brought before the House, his Right Hon. Friend had told them that there was no sacrifice which he would not rather make than involve himself in the proceeding of that Court. — Since then he was not willing to Pursue such a course in respect to his ownilfantlyt,ainiencr(nliret.i lalmitsukaissh ° greater could m t s ) t l s t o h r a r n y o m that, t whole nation at larg e , l ie reetnorne nd t al a course which could not do other than perplex and confuse. Those who expontel the count ry an d the regal author i ty tel lc il l m d itli n l ot y, the consequences of an interruption of the functions of Royalty, must be accountable for all the evils that might entitle ; and though he was aware that the fair construc tion was that the min irity were bound by the majority, he begged to proft4t, 1114 a Member of that House, from having any portion of that responsibility, which in such an event must arise; being thrown upon him. The Leitrim! Soli citor-General ha said, that they ought not to press the consideration of this subject, because the Sovereign was neve•sarily engaged at this period in his household arrange ments. But how could it be said that the Sovereign was not , to consider that which concerned the whole of his people, because, forsooth, there were domestic arrangemeats also to be considered? He dared to say that the Hon. Member for Hampshire might think that such ob ' ervations were respectful and decorous ; hut, for himself, be con tended that they had no right 'to introduce the personal feelings of the Sovereign into the discussion. It was to the Ministry and not to the King that they must look, and lie therefore regretted that an attempt had been made to fix lion. Gentlemen with disrespect towards the Sovereign, for urging a question which they believed not only ti he paramount and peremptory, but Which was one in which all the great interests of the country were deeply involved. . . The ATTORNEY-GENERAL—Iie could assure the House that it was not his intention to address himself to this subject as a lawyer; and he begged also to add, that. any thing he might say would be altogether free from any party feeling. He was bound to do his Hon. and Learned Friend (Mr. R. Grant) the justice to say, th he believed hint to be incapable of bringing this question forward with a view to any party motive; and, indeed, for any one so to do appeared to him to be so disreputable that be was satisfied that no Member of that House could be capable of such a course. Having said thus much, he begged next to observe, that this struck him as being more a question of expediency than of law. The question at present before theta was not whether they should esta blish a Regency, or what sort of Regency they should establish, but whether it should be the creature of that Parliament or of the ensuing one. This opinion, how ever, had not been sufficiently acted upon, for many Hon Gentlemen had entered at great detail into the question of the Regency itself. He did not, however, feel that it was necessary for hint to follow them In that course ; for even adm:tting all that they had 'Wed to he true, that was not the moment fur building any hypothesis upon it. The first point, then, which they really had to consider was, whether the House could agree to this motion without being inconsistent towards the vote to which it bad come last Wednesday? And he was prepared to contend that diet vote bound them by implication to repudiate and postpone the discussion of the subject. As to the ques• dim of expediency, the argunient would assume this shape—whether the probability of the event which bad been alluded to was such as to render it impolitic to let the present Session pass by without doing something with it. If he could see, from any thing that bad been stated or was known, that there was a strong pro bability of that event coining to pass, he ehoula be (Repotted to agree with the motion of his lion, anti Learned Friend. But he had heard no statement that led hint to come to that conclusion ; and when he recollected the importance that was attached to the question itself, together with the number of delicate points that were involved in it, he could not persuade himself that the consequence would not he the prolongation of the inquiry beyond the period when the present Parliament must necessarily die by law, Let them look at what took place in the course of the reign of George the Third. In November, 1788, the malady or the Sovereign was communicated to Parliament, end the propriety of a Regency carne under discussion. What was the consequence? Alrhough it was admitted on all ion& that the Prince of %lea had the right of Regent vested in hint, yet the discussion lontinued till the 19th of February, when the King's recovery rendered further pro ceedinge unnecessary; so that in this case four months were expended, and it was admitted now by the very persons who supported the present motion, that the cm in this instance involved still more delicate questions. He, therefore, thought it highly probable, that if they were to begin on this question to-tnorrnw, they would find that its discussion would be prolonged beyond the legal duration of this Parliament. But there were other considerations which in his mind were imperative. Ile looked upon it that Parliament was to be considered in the same light as a man. With respect to the latter, it had been observed, that if be was aware of the period of hie decease, he would cease to have that activity of mind which fitted him for the satire of life, So it Was with Parliament; and when it knew that, in the course of a few months, it would cease to exist, he would defy any Parliament to look at such a subject as this with that temper and calculation which were so absolutely essential. For all these reasons, then, he thought be was justified in coating to the conclusion, that it would be much snore expedient to postpone this question till the new Parliament should have assembled. Ile also Itegged to observe, that no precedent could exist for the discussion - which they were now invited to under take. Previous to the Act of Wil:ium TH., by which Par liament was empowered, ut the will of the Sovereign, to extend its sitting six months into the new reign, it was of course evident that no precedent could have occurred; for, as the Parliament had had no power to sit, a dis cussion such as this could never have been agitated. At the death of James I. there was ample reason, according to the arguments of his Hon. and Learned Friend, to discuss the question of a Regency ; but no such question was discussed. In general, prior to the Act of King Wit- Ham, whenever a question of Regency was discussed, it was necessarily in a new Parliament. What, then, was the object of the Act of King William 111. ? It was passed with a view to objects spite different front any that stow existed. It was passed immediately after the people had recovered their new, or, he might say, their old Constitu tion, and it was passed with a view to secure that. It was intended to guard against dissension, and even civil War, which might then have ensued at the demise of the Crown. King Janice wits then alive, and he might have issued writs for a new Parliament. The Whig party, therefore, which had effected the revolution in conjunction with the most respectable people of the kinadom, thought it right to pro. vide against such a contingency by prolonging the life of the same body for some mouths after the King's death, so that the exclusion might he permanent. This was the pur pose of that law. For a long time there wets a disputed succession. During the reign of Queen Anne, George 1., and George 11., there was another person existing who might issue writs at the death of any one of these Sovereigns,. end there was a risk of having rival Parliaments, a civil was, clod a disputed succession to the Crown. It ma on this account that the Act was passed to continue the Parliament and the Officers under the Crown in possession of their offices, unless the King decided otherwise, six months after the demise of the Crown. lie would nut may that it was not wise to provide for seine contingencies to meet some clangers ; but it was certainly not wise to make laws for every possible contingency. Parliament ought not, in fact, to make laws fur extreme cases. It ought not to Make laws for speculative caws. The principles of Parliament were essentially practical, and it ought not to think of those extreme and speculative and barely possible contingencies which had been referred to,unlese it were made out that there was n probability, or an approximation to a proltebility, that the event which they elide/wended and deplored was likely to happen before the meeting of the new Pediment. He saw no clanger of that ; nothing to excite alarm. In his opinion, therefore, a new Parliament was the nest pro. per to enter on the oubjeet, and that only could fully deliberate on such an important matter, in us to bring it to that successful result which way deeieed by his lion. Anil Learned Friend. One of the advantages of an reditery Monarchy WAS the certainty of succession to the Throne. It was uninterrupted, and there was no doubt about it, With tt limited Monarchy again, the country never could be destitute of responsible Ministers; and having bath a certainty of succession and a certainty of responsible Ministers, he really saw no danger from a minority, when the minor was twelve years of age, which made it nerseary for the Parliament immediately to settle who should be Regent. There was nothing at present in the circumstances of the country that made it even ad visable for Parliament to have it Regent wady prepared in its pocket to be brought forth in a ease of necessity. in ninny easel the Queen Consort had been in at situation similar to the present Queen, without Parliament having thought it necessary to provide it Regency. This was the case after the accession of George HI. and during the first pregnancy of Queen Charlotte, and the same arguments might have been then as were now urged, it might have been stated, that it was essential to appoint a Regency to provide for the poseib'e cue of the succession of a minor not then born. But if this were right, why nut go fur ther? He would suppose an extreme case of a Doivager Queen being pregnant; and it being probable that she .might have twins, why not bring in a Hill to determine widish of the °Mitring should reign ? But if such a case as that did not require to be provided against, neither slid the present case with that extreme haste it wag now pro. Potied to provide for it,. Considering that there was, no probability of that event occurring, which all alike would equally deprecate end deplore, he thought it was neither consistent witlt &coney, nor with respect to his Mtlitioty's most gracious Message, considering that a new Parliament would he far better to discuses this subject titan an old one ; that it would then be clone more safely, and with great*r a vantages ; that no danger could arise front leaving. it un settled fur a few months; he sax tut reason whatever for agreeing his Hon. and Learned Friend's motion..--0 1 " 0 Lord ALtholip sow nothing, is voting for the mu tion, either of inconsistency in regard 'to the latiresollitioli , f the Iletuw„ or of indecency in regard to - the Crown, which ott4lit to Make him vote rigainse his Hon. Learned Friend. The motion was opposed on two grounds it hail already pledged itself ta A different immrse, and that the present inetion would lie an indecency to virile the Crown, There Was - no Man in that house who felt gre:eerdelicacy in toitehing such questions, or more re lieet for the King ; and if he thought that voting fur the motion :Was disrespectful to the King, be would not sup port it. But when a great and serious evil was likely to arise—When difficulties and danger were threa'ening—n would not be disrespect to the KINK to engage in a discus. lion that involved the best interests of the country. It was a question in Which the best interests of the whole people were deeply concerned. Hie - Hon. and Learned - Friend said, if there was a probability of the event occurring be' should be ready to enter into •a discussion of tl:e question ; but if there were no probability, there sv:is, at least a pas sibility; anti:E.:Try man must feel that against that wend hility it was imprudent not to provide. - The case hail been compared to a roan neglecting to make his will ; but n was worse than neglecting was precluding IMMO( from the power of doing so for a considetab'e time. It was like a into having to stiffer a recovery in order to enter into the possession of an estate, and his Hem and League ii Friend's arguments were like advising him not to - do thaf now, but to wait till the end of the lon , * vacation. But his Hon. and Learned Mimi would advise no client to 'act in that manner; and was then the business of the country to be conducted on a principle that would be se verAy condemned in the management of A private estate? Was there any disrespect - In that House reminding. his Majesty that his life, like that of all other men,' must be 'meat tin in its duration, and against the con Sequences of that uncertainty it was desirable to provide? His Hon. and Learned Friend hail referred to the time during which the Regency Bill was agitated in 1789 ; but that fact, if it had any fade as an argument on either side, told against his lion. and Learned Friend. What was the cause of the delay? Was it not became no provision had Nett made for such a contingency before the Throne was tie tuully vacant, and the strongest party feelings were roused in Ow contention ? The question then became one of great difficulty, it required much and serious deliberation. 80, he adMitted, would the present question ; but to say that it eorild not be settled in four or six months appeared to him a great exaggeration. fie did net mean to follow his lion. and Learned Friend who had introduced his motion through-all the details of the quest:on ;he did not mean to enter into a consideration of all the contingencies which might arise in case of an event which he, in com mon with all hie HMI. and Learned Friends, should de plore ; he admitted the difficulties of the discussion, but seeing in it nothing like disrespect to his Moiety, lie should give his support to the motion of hie Hon. and Learned Friend. Sir 11. PEEL could not help thinking that the apathy which had appeared during the dehate.(!scar, hear)-- was an evidence that this was not desirable period to enter on a protracted &seaside:l respecting a Regeney,which would he so far edvanced at the end of August, that the Bill might be got to the second reading, when neither the attention of the House, nor the number of members in at tendance, would 1w such es the importance of the subject required. lie (Sir It. Peel) entered bete the reelings of those who were in the minority the other night, who felt themselves concluded by the vote of the Ileum, thanking ' his Majesty for being unwilling to recommend to them, at this advanced period of the Session, and the state of public business, any new matter, and assuring his Majesty that , the House would apply, without delay, to make temporary , provision for the oonduct of the public service during the interval between the close of the present Session and the electing of a new Parliament. Surely if it be right to offer another Address, it was right to notice the answer of the Crown to the Address. The Address now proposed it was hardly civil to present. It was twill/ respectful to the Crown, after the King heel comtnunicated to the :louse of , Commons that he had no intention to recommend to it the consideration ofa Regency, or any other matter which would have the effect of delaying the proceedings of Parliament, P if it voted au Address to compel the Crown to &live' a message which it declared it hail no intention to de liver. It would be not a very auspicious commence mem , of a new reign for the Home to oblige the King to do what he bad declared he had no intention of doing. The pro possl of his Majesty's Government, to permit a sufficient time to elapse for maturely considering the proposal of the Crown, was reasonable and proper. He (Sir It. Peel) could conceive nothing more difficult than to determine what were the contingencies likely to happen on the de. mice of the Crown, so that they might be properly pro vided for beforehand. There were very many contingen , des which might occur, and which it might he extreggly difficult to provide fur; and after exerting the utnOln • genuity in devising remedies, they might produce tetl ilme. sand times snare danger than if the contingencies took place without their.,—(Hear.) Some specific calamities to which the Crown were subject, as well es private inslie visited*, had been adverted to s and his Honourable Friend had instanced the calamity which had befallen Lord Liver pool, who was in the full poisemion of his 'width and strength, and, in one short week, was struck to the ground, and deprived of his mental faculties. But it waa pro posed to make provision for every possible contingency which the exercise of the regal functions might be sus ()ended? if not, what had the case of Lord Liverpool to do with the question ? The House would recollect what had passed in the reign of George 111. In l'7BB, when a calamity had visited the Sovereign, proceedings were taken to provide a Regency. But did Parliament think it de sirable to provide against a recurrence of that event ? No; for, in 1810, it slid recur, and did not Parliament find itself without any provision fur that contingency ? And why—because it would rather permit its recur renee, than be guilty of the indecency and indeli cacy of Reclining upoa the possible future derange ment of the King. The Honeureble Member (Mr. Grant) had stated eight or ten suppositions, and thew only by way of simple. If the contingencies were so numerous, and the'difficulties so great, was it decent, before the fu• newel of one King, to force hie successor to deliver a uses. sage, requiring the House to consider all the contiogen cies ? It the question was so complicated, let it be left to the Crown and its advisers to devote a 'mini:lent time for its eonsideration. There were two contingencies which had been mainly dwelt on. The first was' not question immediately connected with that ofa Regency, because it 1 ,night occur when an heir preemptive was not a minor ;1 -..namely, whets on the demise of the Crosvn there was en heir presumptive, and also a Queen Consort who might be pregnant. The question in this case was, who it was desirable to make any revisits:l, and, if so, what provision ? When he referred to this case on a for mer night, he had mentioned its having already occurred, Ind the possibility of its recurrence, and he then stated that the absence of a remedy was a strong proof of ths conviction of the Legislature of the difficulty of providing a satisfactory remedy, alal of the necessity of mature con sideration before any remedy Iva* suggested. The Ilan Member for Moritgonmy (Mr. C. W. Wynn) hail said that this case, that of the existence of an heir presumptive contemporary with a Queen consort pregnant, was more important and requited a remedy. His (Sir R. Petro, answer was, that that was a ease of which there had been exainplee in our history, and that they had not been pro vided against ; and tit. rehire, before the sehjeet was sub mitted to Parliament, the Crown sheen have at least sire weeks for considering it, He came back to mere recess times; and taking the reigns of our Monarchs from James L, reign by reign, the - resale was, that in Arnow every ease the same circumstance existed as at present...— In the reign of James I. the moo arose, or at least it was equally necessary liar Parliament to provide a stimilsr re medy. There was a King in poesemion of the Crown, an hei, apparent who was a miner, and no provision WWI Wale fora Regency. In the reign of Chalet 1., at least fur some period of his reispi, the Parliament might have felt a deep interest in regolatiog the succession to the Throne, nor were the eon. tests between that Prince and his Parliament a reason why they 'should not feel such an interest. in 60 reign u Cherie. 11. the Xing was married, bet had no legitimate issue. There was then MI heir presumptive (James IL) end a Queen consort. Charles 11. died, but the Queen consort might have been pregnant. The heir pr!nninlinly was of full age, end lie (Sir R. begged to my Ono the danger of a struggle wits far greater when the heir, as in that case, was aceustomed to military esrvice. Its the reign of James IL this was tlos state of things. Jams, by his first wife, had two daughters, who were the heir. presumptive. Thus, in every reign hitherto, is case might he found parallel to the prompt, In Slams feign of An" there was swathing, if not parallel, sit lost onalogottin During the lifetime of, Oeurge Primus of Perim ttk,' Par liement made a provision as to the euceemor M the throne, who then resided abroad,—t he Prieciese SOphi4ur . GOorge I. but it made no provisiou far , the polaiblo case of the nriT tha ency t ji a ia n gtit e rl y igti i t a f e (i vslt, ir r orra d, saes yet nn 4 1., in which fur three .1.4 !feel) clad neat rltvl►tatr of I, ; l44t a rht t it i vi4 l;t itri4ot t oro l tnl ie att ini e legn aic iii Su , reme d y if eentiogency shook! occur ; nor was Par. Emma so depentleet Un reeve forms that it caul,' not mike s p ec eedent. In Oat case of the abdieution of j olor 11e I , ailiament 11,1,1 found a remedy, end i n the n wer.4l itokites4Lm of George ltf. God forbitl that he ehould exelede all consideration of a'l provisions ; btu they should be Adopted after due consideration, awl 1,, could net admit Oat the.risk was so great as in former instances. In all lottatulga prior to the Reformatitmogt loom was eveiapPointi d till after thelitotilitof tiiiCreagn. , Ilia llot. Friend observed. that it was not wise in Hiroo refer to such preeetiente.' Perhaps SO 1, but he wottlibie. mark, that Lord. Coke, in writing of this °aloe of Regeot, said that it was unknown to the common law. Ile Ind . • referred to the Regency appointed by Ileory VIII., tool slid that it MIS for the King to tippling a guardialW ot Regent, with the alvieo of the grew Council cf the king. Mont. If preeedenta upon this subject were , dwass t tear, then nothing could be more easy than the Ointment ti , ,his question ; but it w ait a i ngu l ar that there was no (lilt s orectident which hail ever been followed in the appoint I . : l l e. f ir e il i t •e o n it t n . a R e g ency,modern r 4r:o a `Th er e n ei d l. etvi hart bee n i ( t i' l wei t i l e n t e lo r f n o se t I ti Fit ‘ p t h l t t at • ia l' o n evi l ; the queation, and how each case was acoommoilsteil 'Ali .iretmstanc. a of the times, so that one was in oppositio to the succeeding ease. In the reieu of Henry VIII.' at. Act of Parliament was passed Authorizing the King It nnminate the Regent, a n d a more eomplieated rept itioa f mull not Well be conceived titan tl.uet contained in the Au' , of Henry VIII. The Regency in the reign of Anne we a Commindon composed of seven great (diem of tbr „. Crown. In the reign of George 11, one Regent aesr ' 3 p,lointed, who was the Princess Attgotta Dowa :yr o Wales, In the reign of Ge wge 111. there was ' to- g tally different precedent, Pelliatuent dill not nomin to. th i Regency, but left the nomination to the King, limiting I.i :-. choice, to a certain number of persons named in tla‘ A. All the instances, therefore, varied, according to the air , comatancee of the ease and of the times. There i emit then, two difficulties to provide for,—one the minority of Ili, heir presumptive to the Crown, the other the possible pre,: - nanny of the Queen consort,—..and en case being in exist, , awe which would serve as a precedent, it was oat untie; t t force the Crown to devise a remedy before his Msl. aty's miniaters could apply their consideration to so grave I. question.—(Hear, hear.).—it was but decent to gire thc Crown an opportunity of maturely deliberatiug upan tit. subject,_...( Hear, hear.)—..As five different cares hail or , A starred, in each of which the provision had ceded, tinto , i very fact was a proof that this was a question enthral! ii ' with difficulties, anti requiring mature deliberetion liefori $ a decision could he formed. It was a question our Whit+ it Was dangerous to pronounce hasty opinions,—prowo- ._ rens eonsilia, as Loral Coke celled them, The Clown should have ampls time and opportunity for cosseideratitio, There was not such great risk of evil occurring to rennet it zircon try to make hasty provisioni; at tire mule time it was unwise to presume that no contingency would oc cur. lint if it did, there was no reason to applehend the calamities which had been referred to. Tire good sense and the reauinn of the country would, he was convinced, support the decision of the House of Cumulous. It be , ' been asked, to whom the House of Outunonis should swear the oath of allegiance in that event? Ile (Sir It, Peel) would ask where wits the Act of Parliament which might:ll tint oath at the meeting of that asseuthly ? It had beer; said by nee lion. Alember that Parliament mould not tak the oaths until after the proclamation of the new Kim!. ~. That was, however, a mistake. It certainly was the prath title of the House of Commons to take the oaths. o sallow. 1:: 1 • i quent to the proclamation ; but suppose that toe a tor. i ;; Council proclaimed a sovereign who ought not tat be pro "', claimed, it would then become the duty of the Maroc to .., sustain front tailing the oath of allegiance to the person ti preelaimed. The House of Lords, Ire believed, 'rot:role. ~ to take the oath of allegiance to the Crown previous to tle ,‘" pmelamation of the King by the Privy Conned, a n d di Fowl of Eldon, a high authority in such a case, wae tit, t tit* to do so on the late occaston.—(bear.)—TheictM•: the difficulty could not occur which bad been:stated, of tl.c necessity of taking the oath of allegiance to some perato, ii beim( uncertain who that peraon mieht be. Ott the demist r of King William, and the accession of Queen Arleta Par I' , liarnent, for some reason, proceeded to act without takito the whit at all. Therefore Nome of the ineonsiatencitia wilt+ had lie:n painted out would not arise, and many of the ild ficulties which had been started would not occur. At its ,:• sense time he was not contendin g against the pr ovision elk', , l Regency; yet he would not attempt, tiontidering the vari4 t non of* fin 1111:11r., to foresee every , contingeney, tie t P .levise ti " mull beforehand for what must necessarily e io o i , 'J .. , , , i 1 eitt%. dict a raw of time. If immediate dangers pr: sett I, i Vl'lyould. Stiee the House to provide a remedy; but 14 , 1: IviiAteli Ilia mare danger would arise front an inconsiderao i. provision ter 4 Regency, anti he would therefore rather iiieti, r the rids of delay. Ott these grounds he should etas, in typo l sition to the proposal of the Hon. and Learned Akimbo t , lie did hope that the Houle, before coining to a ifivisi4r, for the purpose of finally disposing of this question, woul r well clothier whether, alter the course which Ow itous, • hadaireatly taken—after an Achim,* ltai been preaeotill to the Crown, if not by a preponderating, at !soot by a con ;Wettable majority—eerier the amendmente on that Addres., I' whitit were precisely in conformity with the Athicm 0 t tonight, had been negatived—after the House had i'.o 1 the Crown to believe that it was prepared to act in ciot f forntity whit his Majesty's reatottncolatione—After log , big received tint very city the grateful acknowledgmete • of the Crawl' for the assurances given—lid hoped the Home %tmtit well conrider, he repeated, whether, atter taking that course, it would be competible with its owe ~ dignity, and whether, in the words of the Address, it wou'ii " tend to make the sommencement of hie Majeary'e reig,, attepiciout," if the House were now to approach tie Crown, informing the Crown that it bad repented of it. dstermiuutiono, and that seared by the approach of itotlia- solution, it begged for a more distant day in order to eau. sitter the question of the Regency..--(Cheers ) t. Mr. BROUGHAM said that if by the vote Ito was i„ shout to give he could believe it male that hit motive mild be so far misconstrued as to be deemed di sen neteen, I. old indecent, and making the conunencement of the new •i, , i reign inatopieltito, he should hesitate and pause, and long t i conflict with himself, before he supported the proposition of his Hon. and Learned Friend. But it was because 0 he eoneeived that there never could be discou t t a sy e t ter i , f , milted by that House in the tankful ditteltargij aq .., its duty to the people, whom they represented, anti to l? the Crown, whose subject* they were ; anti it wee be- 1. cause he should take leave tmnight to draw a broad dihims. .' Hon—which line, with God's blessing, but without dis il courteay or ditreepect to the Prince, it was Iris poi pwe to i, pins W, should he he it Membet• of the new Proficient-- between the inauspiciour commencement of the Sovereign'a .i i reign and events which might he less Auspicious to. his 1 1 Aliniaters ; and beeatou he could will imegino that list 1, comae which the House, in the faithful discharge of its t , Itity, would take, might be very inauspicious to Lisse Miniioere, Anil meet auspicious to their Metter, that he r felt disposed to give his ttordial and hearty support to the •,, notion of his lion. and Learned Primus-- (C mid pr. iillightelf, too, he thought the vote he wished 11,, .` Hotta! to come to tonight inconsistent with the vote it '''•' came to on Wednesday, when by a small majort:e the it House carried an Addrets to the foot if tile Tiirooc, fi t je . itliould on that account hesitate heron) he Rove the prertent - t motion his Support. But he denied that there was utt, , ,t o Rampancy at all ; and for proof of him assertion, he at . f leeted to the Address of Wednesday.—( 'tear, brar4sea„ . ll "' liesta mge fro the Crown bemught the Hotta' to savable it t, dissolve P.st Nemeth, by making a ;work - ion in retzip t ,t if supply for the intermediate time barest:in, the diSoolo:. tion and the assembling of a new Parlin4sent. Th e tw at , •.,, tildresaid the Throne, thanking it for the Mostage l i'innil t umbling to take its 'recommendation into nonsitharation. o The Hotta pledged heel(' to mato the provittion4e. attired, and tint promisee it hsti ;uttermost. The linage. i then, having dons all it promised to do, now asketli ts , le something more...not ineontiutent with that proinise, ~,ai 'nit in addition, and perfectly harmonious awl cousialeart F. - ,with the Mileage and Ail-It-etc --(MXow, lotar.)..4ltere i Intl been an *prat mole by the li on. searatary cot ,:',' state, fullowing . the steps of the Snliritor.Genei a , wl a ieh he (Mr. Brougham) for one, out of respect to the. Right 't iionuurable Gentletnen, could Have wiebtlii that iito Right lion. .•'" Gentleman bed had the forbearance mid i t elf.reotr,,o,, to have omitted. It was unsvot thy of hint to appeal co thr• clamorous applause of thou who court so easily aulle , i , themselves to lie seduced into 4 441 4 E*P•••••4 11 ca.)isTiEr ', ni g h t n on . a u „d einnti 1 0 ,1 ;relater the , yonth , not tutelar . year* of Parliament try life to plead as los excuse, like alt '.„ ‘r B .44 ,l i n r ,: i ti t i l i s t „ :l ,: a t r a 4 . , : 1 1 ic, , ::e, , 1 ;i::ti l ! I n a r s i n ' t ) t — o t shift was (far air 6 4E1 (4 1 ' Ilia t,s n ;' ,.: 1 1 to deter the House ;led to St!,:li ,i! ' VlVniti;rs of Parliament from doing the, duty on o tr.sa• I 't ommentous and conatitutional question—a( licar).....a titre!. ~,, tion involving - the Most important Intereete of the state and : lion. Gentleman had called upon the Hume not to Nit), • ; i t'i t : l l; l eClec : stifle ' d iir.litalllint YlPl:d°:::::“.dillli'lpis4:44ret:llieist'l4l4);Sti:);;'lfsSisititlAiri:l:l4:l4:l:l4:l:ll6t4ll4eir%4(V:°:l‘i'tf:lntiniereliliAjerlinlit:lll4l(ltilic:::::: u flre a'' :: :4' , ; :i l'' , ::- , ‘'.l '''''':: s tt t :: : ,: ce b: p it r ; : t i ' p 'ti t i i: t: : : t e h iv A. ,; : w iri l a m r i etv tia: , :te ? t t lt o l i w t tat in :r e li tf , oi Lla tict: l s rl tr + e l a ll u ve t4:fr al 4ta l' ha tit eev4i i t i l E leit d edi : s f n o te ;l :lo Y iii vu in : c i ti, l ll : :: ) ,:ii ,: ,., '.. l i. ,: 1 ,, . l el e tt ' tee tiu tTu — lt ( it t ; 4 • l4 ae ftl t l l i tU r t . t ) l7 " ; But 11" (Mr. It) i ' I .1 ' te Citi, tit 1.,, .4 ,t , It the House did not go with it till after the facial, I:is ' l4 r(Flice of Parliament would then be to lie pet fiitti, I. 1 If the House was driven to tha.preettot proeraillieg, - st hi : -,., , wart considered Ito indecent as to melt the feelitike em 4 to , '.' , Piet give pine to (baguet roll, iittligoatioe, wi oot4titi , , - 'to 4,lteil, wits it? Wiese but the Alitlisto,s, who isistioet• Elie Horne to take the present emirte, by iho Laii4r.tluir Valittlnt'llt would be &waived inn fill thigiat ; 4,4 itt 4 t 4.'