The Sun. — London, England, 1833-06-14 00:00:00

„.... . ______ _ ~.„,....., ..„ : ,,y4f., ,...,...... : . , ,,,•„‘„,„.....„_„.....___,, .....,,. _ c„.,,, ._. ~ :-: ..e7 ,,_:. 3: :..„" )6 :41 ./..,..._ _,s„. ° . ''''-le:':*;;-111 ' -.l' - v 1 :, 11 ::: ,, ' ,0 ,, ' , At ' , j 1;” 8 , ' f 7 ' '' ' siO ‘vl ' ! 4 .', 4 • • 1 +,...% :, •-• ' - pirr--c.,4#,,,1s ), ,I ` r ^P , -- , e • - ---- :o ' l- "' lik hh, , .. . ~..„.... . . '' -l i r • i !... s .f. - ./ .7, ' /, , -- EP P ii ' 1 . -Jill' ' ~ ' -'' I 141 Z 7in I 11111 ' 1 1 "i_) \Y 1 C.......—=—...„,:„ , ... 11 ! ii _ „ ~... , _l t 0 i,- ,. "Ir'' ' . 11 31 1 -Y J‘• 't T 1 ,1 I l' , id.dAdD #? f L ACADEMY, SOMERSET-HOUSE. EXHIBITION of the ROYAL ACADEMY is now OPEN. lon (from eight till seven) One shilling; Cats- Shilling. HENRY HOWARD, R.A., Sec. CT FOR RIGA INCH MASTS, HAND MASTS, AND FIR TIMBER. . ARTMENT OF THE STOREKEEPER-GENE RAL OF THE NAVY, SOMERSET-PLACE, APRIL 4, 1833. COMMISSIONERS for EXE- LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JUNE 14, 1833. AG the OFFICE of LORD HIGH AD. 4 r the UNITED KINGDOM of GREAT , IRELAND, do hereby give Notice , that ' 1 ", the 18th July next, at One o'clock, they will t reat with such persons as may be willing to inluPplying his Maksty's several Dock-yards '" INCH MASTS, fi t for Topmasts and general (No. 12,718.) (PRICE 7D.) 1M PERLA LPA R LIAM ENT Mr. PETRE was decidedly of opinion that the Government could have acted in this affair in no other way than that in which they had. Td say that the death which had taken place in this instance was an act of justifiable homicide was to hold out a premium to riot and murder. As to the force which had been sent down to the meeting, was it legal or illegal ? There could be no doubt of its legality, and as one of the best lawyers whom this country had ever seen, had said, it was the most likely force to get rid of, and would be the best mode of getting rid of military power in this country. Mr. ROEBUCK said that his reason for bringing forward this petition at this time was, lest the proceedings which had been had recourse to should be regarded as a pre. cedent hereafter—(Hear)—and he wished the country as strongly as possible to mark its disapproval of such a pro. ceeding. There were three distinct points involved on this occasion—the conduct of the Government—of the police— and of the Law Officers of the Crown. As regarded the con. duct of the police, no one in that House had risen up to attempt to defend it, except the Under Secretary opposite. Their conduct was highly impolitic and illegal. Admitting it to have been an illegal meeting, no breach of the peace had taken place, until a violent unauthorized attack was made by that force. The Hon. Under Secretary shook his head at this, but that shake was opposed to the verdict, and to all the evidence given upon the inquest.—(Hear.) The police had no rignt to make an unprovoked attack on his Majesty's peaceable subjects. The people cherished an inbred obedience to the law—that feeling would continue to grow, until improper physical force was resorted to, and when Government could resort to that instead of depending on their 'Moral strength resulting from the integrity of their course, and the good feeling of the country, they might rest assured upon going to the wall. As regarded the police, he had formed a favourable opinion of them, but he was for putting down any improper expressions of public feeling, not by physical power, but by moral force. He felt the seriousness of the subject in all its bear. ings, and he could not but condemn part of the propositions of the Hon. Member for Oldham.—(Loud cries of " Hear.") The Government was not justified in issuing a proclamation for the arrest of the man who killed Cully, as if he were a murderer —(Hear, hear.) He complained of the manner in which the Solicitor-General had spoken of his (Mr. R.) setting his opinion up in opposition to that of the four Judges, whilst he had abstained from mixing any personal observations—for which there was a rich field, in his introduction of the peti tion.—(Hear, hear.) He understood the widow of the police. man was to receive a pension.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. LAMB said such was not the case. The Government regretted that it could not do so.—(Hear.) Mr. ROEBUCK—The law officers, and in particular the Attorney-General, had avoided meeting what had been so ably said by the Hon. Member for Kidderminster, which drew such an able distinction be. tween the verdict of the Jury, and that part of the inquisition drawn up by the Coroner.—(Hear.) Indeed, as was shown by that Hon. Member, the King's Bench had done more to impugn the conduct of the Coroner than he (Mr. Roe buck) had himself done.—(Cries of " Hear, hear, hear.") He had not set himself up in opposition to the four judges of the King's Bench, but he had a right to say that it had always been found that four Judges were found ready to support the Crown. From ship money downwards they had always been found on the side of despotism. He hoped that nothing that had now taken place would persuade hint from taking any further steps he might deem necessary. The petition was then laid on the table, and the House ad_ jammed. THIS DAY, FRIDAY, JUNE 14. HOUSE OF COMMONS. NAND MASTS and RIGA FIR TIMBER. d elivered d ur i ng the years 1835, 1836, and l een %ding to a distribution, which, with a Form ,Tuert may be seen at the said Office. No "II be received after One o'clock on the day oar any noticed unless the party attends, or an hitil duly authorized in writing. ler must be delivered at the above Office, Ic ! olll panied by a Letter addressed to the Secre i" Admiralty, at Somerset-place, and signed by ' , We persons, engaging to become bound with 4 odering, in the sum of 5,0001. for the due of the Contract. On the opening of the Gallery, at the usual hour, we found about thirty Members in the House. Mr. MARSHALL moved the third reading of the Lecds Gas Company Dissolution Bill, which was read and passed. Lord C. SOMERSET brought up the report on the Loughor (Glamorganshirej Enclosure Bill. Mr. ABERCROMBY brought up the report on the Edin burgh Improvement Bill. ADJOURNED DEBATE ON CULLY'S INQUEST. The SPEAKER said that the question now before the House was, that the petition presented by the Hon. ➢lember for Bath do lie upon the table. p ADVANTAGES of the PRO PSEO NATIONAL BANK of ENGLAND, '"t c and its Propri.tarv, britfly explained. By THOMAS TOPLIN. Published by Ridgway, Piccadilly ; Bald. lock, Paternester-•.ow ; and all Booksellers the 18th instant, in 3 vols. post Bvo., E REPE ALER S. the COUNTESS of BLESSINGTON. . Bentley, New Butlington-street. (Successor to Henry Colburn.) , otland, Messrs. Bell and Bradfute, Edinburgh; Ireland, Mr. John Cumming, Dublin. - a should be transmitted immediately to the Alas in the United Kingdom, to prevent it in the early delivery of this work. .E YOUNG MAN'S OWN BOOK. one pocket volume, price only 3 s. 6 1 . , in bd s . "OUNG MAN'S OWN BOOK ; Y Manual of Politeness, Intellectuil Improvement, Deportment. 4 manual which every young man may safely take as those particulars in which it professes to offer ad to which he may repair with confidence, and on g he may rely with safety." Printed for T. I'. and J. Tegg, Cheapside ; Piccadilly ; Bowdery and Co., Oxford•street ; Ind Co., Glasgow; and John Cumming, Dublin. •1, by HAMILTON, ADAMS, and Co., 129. TEETH, in relation to BEAUTY, VOICE, and HEALTH. :t of this work is to show the cause and nature Is diseases to which the teeth are li,ble, and ; 41 CILD AND COPYHOLD ESTATE, I 'STED, NEAR BRAINTREE, ESSEX. TO BE SOLD BY AUCTION, ~~~~; B%" 4 ilN4 )ttlN.4t, 4, —The mack Arel are again visit tit"4 in considerable numbers. They have ift i 4 t tu 'e week tolerably abundant in our market, 4 ° l d at from 3d. to 4J. each.— Whit (haven th e means of prevention in early life, no less token time or neg'ect have occasioned decay. theory here laid down, and which was originally e most obvious principles of physiology, has Holed by the successful practice of twenty years. -ovations are added on Artificial Teeth. JOHN NICHOLLES, Dentist, 35, Conduit-street, Bond-street. k By WINSTANLEY And SONS, O tt ! on WEDNESDAY, June 19, at Twelve, in k, i n :itilijueg b r y irpboaliri sorderij of ESTATE, 0 t F e t i s h: e d Ee n c tupht pleasantly Ca l o au f nn tt t yl b y e . f la s t iE e tu, l a l tx r e . , 'lt ti g n the road leading .from Braintree to Dunmow, i ht -tI Y about two miles from the former place, and - London ; consisting of Gateward's Farm, and comfortable and substantial Farmhonse, and Outbuildings, two Cottages, and of very fertile Meadow, Pasture, and intaining altogether 53A. 3 ft. 4e. The , pation of Mr. W. 0. Newman, a yearly 161 c 1 parts of the estaty are held of the Bury, subject to a fine certain of only .nt, which is about 225., therehy render- Equal to freehold. by permission of the tenant ; printed le I ad of Wm. Gee, Esq., Bishop's Stun -lc-, Stansted slountfitchet ; at the inns lord, Sawbridgeworth, Braintree, Dun and Chelinslord ; at the Mart ; and of Sons, Paternoster-row. —E ARTIFICIAL TEETH FIXED WIRES OR OTHER LIGATURES, TG DECAYED TEETH WITH MI :CEDANEUM. UR Al ALLAN and SONS, Sur- Atists, No. 9, HALF MOON-STREET, and 32, GREAT RUSSELL-STREET, grateful for the high and EXTENSIVE which has so eminently distinguished their ions since their arrival in the British Me- 'e to announce to their Friends and the general, that they still CONTINUE to RE ,kAYED TEETH,with their CELEBRATED SUCCEDANEUAI, so universally recom 2the Faculty of London and Paris. The Ope ittRFORMED IN A FEW SEC(NDS, with. S LIGHTEST PAIN, HEAT, or Pressure, and Wort EXCRUCIATING PAIN, and lasting keitetra ; the also LOOSE TEETH, t ARIS ING from FASTEN C AGE, NEGLE I', or in the GUMS. INCORROI)IBLE I NATURAL TEETH, fiom one to a COM 'et, which are INCAPABLE of DISCO a„ION or CORROSION, arid fixed without the of Wir e s or any other LIGA I URES , and 7"Y PURPOSE of ARTICULATION and : , il l :loN.—Charges us in Paris. Operations performed on the Teeth. PTIAN HALL, UPHOLSTEY ," CABINET MANUFACTORY, IS NO W 'ttI?IIINET MAKERS' SOCIETY, at the request 4 truns hare taken the whole of that exten.ive Ndid ' eatahlishment, the Egyptian Hall, Piccadilly, ty 4 rang e d in the following Fourteen D , pirtmenta : ctt o ,l Gothic Oak Chairs, in the style of the various William I. to William IV. Neer Furniture. ihtitoom Furniture. t„4-itoom Furniture. ~Aabinets, Damasks, Moreens, Chintzes, &c. h o ,kilass, in Burnished Gold Frames. n 4 ,,111 and other Lamps. Pieces of Paper Hanging of the best quality, from l i cl!', Grates, Fenders, Fire-Irons, &c. &c. `kla Pedestal T ables, in great varrety. ' 1 Bracket and 'I able Clocks. ec t iZrge Robins's Patent Filters. kto „• neous Articles. 4t -n ee Estate, and House Agency. Estates and \ I+:!, d Sold tree of expense. I f,"e can now see the Hall, with all its arrange - from h s 4 t t te d m of c th a e rg b e e . st materials and workmanship, 44,1411 any other house in London. The nobility, Llniblic are solicited to inspect the largest and "" stock of cabinet and upholstery goods in gettable for all purposes, from the cottage to the ,l) 11 , - ii the Cabinet-Maker's Society,.. Egyptian-hall, At t a d 71, Leadenhall, which is enrolled agree of k Parliament, and founded for the support of ! AN tn echanies, who all combine to produce only t k l , l ttat articles, at the lowest possible price. The ), t ' s 6 - : Society p vide for its members in sickness, 1:0 11 ," a l• The provide beg to return sincere thanks aki‘ds - f tr , nl,B patrons, including Royalty, Nobility, ktkl . t he first families in the kingdom, for the ex- A tit 4th t e t enerou s patronage bestowed on them during th i ea Yeats, and hope by their humble e ndeavours 1 thr Vti o e f avours ; at the same time, they earnest ly . \Mei ' ft , the only criterion by which the merits tti v 1 • t antages of this establishment can be fairly ,O t ie l , a ery article is marked at the lowest ready 7 V i kt,: a nd from which no abatement is made; they \I, P t ed. and, if a fault appears, exchanged within k 44ree from charge of any kind. A printed list ' 1 14 4 ,Prices will be forwarded on addressing the le tter, post-paid only. I) k ,_ By Order of the Trustees, ‘ - ‘lll l , THOMAS HASLER, Sec. 'ad, Piccadilly, or 71, Leadenhall. r''' ,1, t 4 'AL Ai '' t E: „ i l , o ot - 'iskion (ii. en 10 0 un e Shilli he co 40 1, ition . , ACT into ? MA t •bEPAR T . ' b °r° ' RA the ..,,, , n API lia . ' ti . 7 . Cc less '. 1 CUTINI CeSi gri 1 f L of th e AIN „ d 1 >gig 1111 414 y, t righ t'' 'i to treat lOf t f in ;(1 by ' S 1 ‘ 1 04 " IN I .. , IQ k tr o p ' IC HANI lot e ''' 1 -" e deliv er , ag 17 , i t.: 4 eo. Hin ' - r l ender , ' . y sof. .1, "di b e ent et i ' 1 9, n o r g th e 11 fGr him dai prebe .: L f eud _ )n ef . 4 s pat ee- . 4 . 4 0 If iti th e Ai 1 a , h..--Ponsibla'e loi il tender le' a s d ' 'es of t ," 111 --Alv i ' • t kr the P 4; 4 Pe)s'E i o f elfiro the Publ sitioo F ltleje l l . 's : P u n , to ' .' Cradoek h eun ig e o 14 . the n a , t o the '5 l fit the I induce of E illy it i 0 I IY th e c uty s s O boo Richard g.' ,,, wo ' (St ja _Th at 4 forScotla _ .d • ior Ire! r . 3 to V °lllettlae )f Cool'' , ,huoi,tll( i 4 t________olent i )001. ro ved ose et °r , 1 14: yl dutioar' l . it on e /I er ). YOl e, 3 1 °,0 6 4 . ,Manui ietarei 'it . i .`' bepoi : pow" h e e tnarn a nd ' t o t,lt thos, I , ' , ste h 4 Ote to 000, j ''onty I n r MO? 11,4 t Pri, raise tti d '', ' Picca ado§ j 0 ktid C( re jok kli;, 4 oed b Que. ' . t ,' „Ist' . i E I tiro . ~ict of ' s ous di ro ue" ofe o u tit th e bolo" fo ci tb : o; e • , 1 11 th e in , - ) . 46, tiled h observat IIY J( 35, striv'ir . o 'ttn oLr ', 11 : 0 0' k.ST E ,-, ery 0 ii, rilb P L i p To I Ind s ar j o 1 / 4 4 13Y 11 x ra , d , i_ t f on ) OPe i :i . 4 , by w atof r,lfurrel N•rd— c Eli g ib coo)" ,gi the p iirs l 0 0 1 / 1 f the ir '. ] ire f 4 ~ ..a b lY Aar. ates ' 7 , With a I stero • Stabling, co ne ' enclosures ht 0' Land, con ,„ or to In th e (nano' ',r ips , . • The cop; of FeWed at s e . t. I '' . quit ren the nig jn in val ue to t i !' 4 , viewed ery ~'ott may be td g r 41 Mr. Hie' b ut h P's Sto rt f c my 04 4, 'ekin g , al uld 1 1 and Sc had eaAl bi tODIBLI to : 0 0:5 Fl OUT W her PILLINI ..s g SUC( ,he' '!NSIEL auipotiio,4lo ,sotieotnt.Dye)nat CAPLr [be a- ' ° AGE w b e , L 1 exerti c thto ai r 12eg leave e 10 4 1, general, D ot 0), ro 4 1. 1 . SU° ,0 t i t ",,Y the Fa Itlo ,toll „ v ERFOI th°tIGHTI dePoto ` ° enost E: th e io~l i Yettr e ; tl lobe" 0 ~tR AR ti O 4 "t• in th 0011 CO l %I NAT get, 3Pr ,b t ioit 'ION or Y ; 'ee of M PerY PU trey ie CA TION . sl e 0 ill 50 . Oper a r e lb° Yp TI A / A e ` , oft Qd i Cos "o 100 0 1;1, Mr. MA CLEO D addressed the House at considerable length, but in such a manner as only to be heard at intervals in the gallery. From what we could glean, the Hon. Member said that he had not the benefit of much Parliamentary experience, but from the little he knew he should infer that it was not at all the practice of the House to receive such petitions as the one under dik . ussion. If the House countenanced the reception of a petition from jurors, complaining that their verdict had been set aside by a superior Court, it might next expect to be addressed by the Master of the Rolls, complaining that a decree of his Court had been reversed by the decision of a superior court upon appeal. It had been argued that there was nothing to identify the parties assembled in Calthorpe street, with those who issued the placard calling the meeting together; but he was of opinion that the Government was bound to believe that the intentions of the meeting, and the feeling of the meeting, were to be found in that placard. What was Government to do then, knowing as it did that the meeting would take place? It would be said Government could have taken one of several courses, and one course was to do nothing at all.—(Laughter, and cries of " Hear" from Mr. Roebuck and others.) He asked, was he to understand by those cheers that Government should have done nothing? But then, supposing that no notice had been taken of the meeting—supposing an immense multitude of people had as sembled—supposing it had then been found necessary to call out a large military force—and supposing the military had come into contact with the people, and that much blood had been shed and many lives lost—who would have been so loud in condemning the inactivity of Government as the Hon; Gen tlemen on the other side of the House ? It was said the meet. ing was contemptible, so was the conspiracy of Thistlewood contemptible—(Hear, hear)—but it was not the less just that such men should be punished. If Government had taken no steps to prevent or disperse the meeting, one of two opinions would have been adopted by the people, either that the meeting was legal, or that the Government was too weak to prevent the meeting from taking place ; either of which would have had a lamentable effect, and might have imbued Europe with an idea that this country was actually on the eve of a national Convention. If the ground had been pre.occupied by the po lice, what would have prevented the advanced guard of the meeting from taking another position, for choosing another open piece of ground ? It was, h e contended, not only the duty of the Government to disperse the meeting, but to take the ring. leaders into custody; and he was convinced, from all he had heard, that the interference of the policemen had pre vented much mischief. (Hear, hear, hear.) The blow was struck with a deadly weapon, when Cully was dis charging his duty. He did not mean to say that there might not be circumstances in the discharge of duty that might justly provoke things indignant, but thatwas not this case. He lamented that the eloquence of the Hon. Member for Dublin had been exercised in justifying the verdict of justifiable homicide which had been given by the jury. It was clear to him, from the evidence before the jury, that Cully had not exercised any unbecoming violence in the discharge of his duty. Being of that opinion, he concurred entirely with the line of conduct adopted by his Majesty's Ministers in taking proceed ings to set aside the verdict. Sir SAMUEL WHALLEY said the greater part of the jury were personally known to him, and he felt confident they were men who would act conscientiously upon their oath, and that on coming to the verdict they had they considered it their duty to do so from the evidence before them. If, how ever, it was possible for him to bring his mind to believe that the verdict was against evidence, it still appeared to him that Government ought to act with caution in any at. tempt to set that verdict aside, after the deliberation that had been given to the subject by the jury. He thought no defence could be set up for the course Government had pursued, and therefore thought himself justified in impugning it. He was as anxious as any man could be to preserve the institutions and peace of the country; but in his opinion the conduct of Minis. ters was more calculated to increase disquiet than insure peace. The meeting was contemptible in every point of view, and was convened by only a very few individuals, and therefore the Government was not, in his opinion, justified in taking alarm, and calling out the military and police. It was really giving a greater importance to the proceedings than they deserved ; for sure he was that the people, now that they had a House of Commons over which they could exercise some control, would never think of having recourse to the establishment of a national convention. He could not believe, looking at the placard by which the meeting was called, that the parties had the objects in view which some persons attri buted to them. As to that part which stated that the meeting was for the purpose of considering the propriety of having a national convention, they all knew that a national convention had been formed in one country, from whose proceedings he would say, God forbid he should ever see it established in this country. A society had also been formed in the sister country for the same object, but its proceedings were not only most peaceable but beneficial ; therefore the meaning of the words National Convention, was in fact very dubious, and it ought not to have created so much alarm. The placard also stated as another object, that they should endeavour to secure the rights of the people, and those were words that had often been repeated without objec tion at various public meetings, but he had never heard that they implied a subversion of the Government. He thought his Majesty's Government had acted very prejudicially; they should have treated the meeting with contempt, or at most to have provided a force which would have prevented any persons assembling.—(Hear, hear.) Sometime ago he presented a peti. tion from an individual who was wholly unconnected with the proceedings, but who, in returning home from his labour, was knocked down and his head cut open. He would ask the legal gentlemen on the opposite (the Minis. terial) side of the House, what would have been the verdict if that man had been killed under such circumstances ? The Jury could have returned no other verdict than murder—(Hear, hear)—then was it prudent, was it right, was it sensible of the Government to place themselves in that position when their acts were liable to that misinterpretation.—(Hear.) He could not allow the privileges of Englishmen, the rights of the people to be so interfered with, so that not only was the coroner's inquisition set aside, but the Government took upon themselves to impugn the verdict of the jury. The courts of law were certainly open to them, and if they choose to set aside the in quisition. they should take measures to have another inquest, so that, at all events, the cause of the death of the policeman should not be left in abeyance, whether it was murder or manslaughter.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He believed that upon the occasion the Coroner had not acted in the manner in which a Coroner ought to act. His duty was to have pointed out to the Jury the law of the case. In place of doing so, he throughout showed a strong party feeling in suppressing part of the evidence that was brought before him.—(Hear.) Even Colonel de Roos said the people were very quiet, with the exception of a few stones being thrown, and in his opinion there would have been no disturb ance had the police not made the attack they did. Now, if the coroner had acted properly, he would have explained to the jury the difference of the law, as applied to the various degrees of guilt, in the case, and the verdict which the evidence would bear out. So far from attempting that, he wished to throw out a part of the verdict. He might have drawn it up in such a way as would have defied the Court of King's Bench to have tet it aside. He had considered it his duty to say so much in vin dication of the Jury, the persons on which, whom he knew, to have been most honourable men, had acted most consci. entiously. Mr. PRYME said he did not consider that the question now was, whether the Coroner had done his duty or nspt ; and, even though he was to admit that Government had not taken the proper steps to prevent the meeting, still he thought it was their duty to disabuse the public mind of the idea that a policeman, acting in the discharge of his duty, might be slain with impunity, even though he had exceeded the line of that duty. It at all events amounted to manslaughter, as was proved by the judg ment of Chief Justice Best, in a case at Hertford where a police officer had a warrant against an individual for a misdemeanor, and mistaking his duty, broke open a door and was shot. There Mr. Justice Best said though a charge of murder could not be supported, it was a clear case of man slaughter. Under those circumstances it was clearly the duty of Government to have acted as they had done, and by apply ing to the Court of King's Bench have the verdict set aside, and as the matter had already had so much publicity, he did not see any reason for the summoning of a new jury. If so, where was the injustice, and where was the necessity of calling for a fresh verdict ? It was perfectly unnecessary. With regard to the finding of the inquisition, every body knew that a person guilty of such an offence as this never was tried upon that inquisition. (Here some Hon. Member on the opposite side of the House drawled out "Hear, hear," in such a ludicrous and comical a tone as to set almost the whole House into a roar of laughter, which interrupted, and evidently somewhat chagrined, the Honourable Speaker.] As to the propriety of the Government endeavouring in the way they did to put down this meeting, perhaps some doubts might be raised. It might have been a more prudent course to have treated the meeting as contemptible, and simply to have had a Wiceinin or two at it to have watched its pro. ceodings ; but Government were the best judges of that, and from all he had seen or known of their condnct he gave them full credit for not having adopted the course they took without having sufficient reason for so doing. Mr. HARDY rose rather to put it to the House than for any other purpose whether it could be useful and profitable to proceed with the discussion. The proceeding principally com plained of was not a proceeding that tended to destroy trial by jury—it was merely the setting aside of an illegal verdict, which the Court of King's Bench was bound to do upon its being brought before it.—(Hear, hear.) The petitioners stated that the proceeding was calculated to bring trial by jury into discredit, and they prayed that steps might be taken to prevent that. He knew not what steps could be taken, even if the petitioners' premises were right. The House had now been discussing this subject for nearly two days, and he was quite sure that after all it could only lead to a most fruitless result. If the conduct of Government on this occasion was to be called into question, that ought to be done upon a specific motion, of which due no tice ought to be given. It would not do at all! times to treat such a meeting as this with contempt. Every one must know that the meeting of 1780 was too long treated with contempt. If the conduct of the Coroner was to be impugned, it ought also to be by a specific motion. The jury had committed an error, in consequence of which the verdict had been set aside. —(Loud cries of " No, no; it was the Coroner's error.") He could not allow it to be said it was the Coroner's error. The jury had subscribed to the verdict, that the policeman was in the peace of God, that no breach of the peace had been committed, and that no offence had taken place, and the jury were intelligent enough to have seen the discrepency of this if they had chosen to look, and having made a trip, the Government were perfectly right in taking advantage of it, and he hoped the regular business of the House would now be suffered to proceed. Mr. FINN—The last speaker had said that there was no imputation cast upon the Jury; how, he asked, could such a statement be made, when it was notorious that the Right Hon. the Secretary of State had issued a proclamation offering a reward for the conviction of the murderer of Cully—stamping the name of murderer on a man whom the Jury had declared to have been justified in what Its had donot The Hon. Member condemned the conduct of the Coroner throughout the whole transaction; declaring that the first part of the verdict was— the introductory part—and the latter only belonged to the Jury. The Coroner had attempted to influence the decision of the Jury, and during the inquest he had done all in his power to promote the selection of such evidence as would be likely to lead to a verdict of murder. In fact it was, he said, evident the man was grossly partial—(Hear, hear)—and no doubt in preparing the verdict he had kept back the first part from the Jury. The House should remember that it had been called upon to enact despotism in Ireland, upon the verdict of the Jury at Carrickshock.—(Hear, hear.) And yet an Hon. Friend of his, who was present at that inquest, declared that, upon the same evidence, he should have brought in the same verdict.—(Hear.) He admitted the general praiseworthy conduct of the police, and regretted that they should have been brought into disrepute by the Government. It seemed as if the Government set their faces against popular verdicts, and mould only maintain such as were in accordance with their own views ; but he implored Ministers to take a different course, and at least not fall into the errors and vices which had been committed in Ireland for the mere purpose of upholding their subordinates in the false steps they had taken. Colonel EVANS quite agreed with the Hon. Member for Bradford in the impolicy of the House entering into a legal or judicial discussion on the subject at the present moment : but with respect to the conduct of the Executive Government, he must confess he thought it a fair subject for discussion. There was a disposition on the other side of the House to throw blame on the Jury, for the purpose of removing it from the Coroner; now, in his opinion, if any blame was to be attached to either party, it was most decidedly upon the Co roner, and not upon the Jury. Whatever the results of the of the trial might be against the different parties who had taken part in the meeting, he thought the House ought to take the conduct of the executive government into considera tion, and give its opinion upon it. Mr. ROTCH deprecated the attack that had been made upon the Confiner, without any notice whatever to that indi vidual. With regard to Ministers, the thing stood upon a different footing, the present discussion having been brought forward upon an understanding with them. With respect to the Coroner, he never could believe that the charges which had been made against him were true.—(Hear, hear.) He had the honour of knowing him personally, and he would take upon himself to assert that a more honest, con. scientious, and upright man did not exist. He could not for his life see any thing more in his conduct than that he was astounded at the illegal conduct of the jury, and had endeavoured, if possible, to prevail upon them to record a legal verdict. Honourable Members, instead of making these side wind sort of charges against the Coroner, should come with a specific charge against him, as that would put the Coroner upon his defence, and he (Mr. Rotch) could assure the House that he would be the last man to defend him if he thought he had acted improperly. In conclusion, the Hon. Member deprecated such a discussion at the present moment, however much some Hon. Members might feel gratified in making long speeches on the subject. Mr. COBBETT said, with respect to impugning theconduct of the Coroner, he begged to remark that it was not the fault of the Hon. Member for Bath that that gentleman's conducr had come before the House; the jury had petitioned the House in their own defence, and' in the defence of their own character, and they prayed the House not to suffer a precedent to bo laid down which would be injurious to the trial by jury.—(Hear, hear.) In defence of the Government and of his own conduct in applying to quash the inquisition, the Learned Solicitor. General had produced the inquisition of the Coroner to justify the steps he had taken. If he had not done that, the coroner's conduct would never have been brought in question.—(Hear, hear.) If the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Rotch) who was a friend of the Coroner's, wished to take his part he must throw the blame on the Solicitor-General, and not on the Hon. Member for Bath. If the Hon. Member for Cam. bridge (Mr. Pryme) had been in the House yesterday he would have heard the clear and satisfactory statement of the Hon. Member for Kidderminster (Mr. Godson), whose argument was the most convincing that the conduct of the Jury and their verdict were proper, and that it was the fault of the Coroner, in not drawing the inquisition in a proper form; therefore it was that the Court of King's Bench had been called on to quash it. He (Mr. Cobbett) confessed that he did not perfectly un stand the subject until he heard that Hon. Member's speech.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He wished now to ob. serve upon what the Learned Solicitor-General said about the people, and he regretted that that Gentleman was not pre sent. He had the greatest respect for that Hon. and Learned Gentleman, because he believed him to be a humane and just man. He had yesterday stated that the mischief of that verdict was, that it would fill the people's minds with notions destructive of the peace of society, that it would tend to make the people ferocious, and make them believe that they might, whenever they chose, kill a policeman with perfect im punity ; and he also said the consequences had been seen al ready, for he had observed it stated in the public papers, that when the people went to attend public meetings they should go armed with knives in their pockets—the description of knife being what he (Mr. Cobbett) understood a stiletto to be, and lie observed also that this was the first time such things had been ever heard of in England.--(Hear.) Certainly it was the first time they were ever heard of in England, and, indeed, never till now had they heard of police officers in Englfnd with daggers to their thighs, and pistols in their belts.—(" No, no," from Mr. LAMB.) Perhaps not on the present occasion, but they had certainly been armed with pistols and swords once within the last twelve months. —(" Not pistols," from Mr. LAMB.) He believed it was so, although the Right Honourable Gentleman might not have been aware of the circumstance. However, it was something new in England to see peace-officers in uniform, embodied in companies and battalions, marching in rank and file, commanded by sergeants and colonels—under the mock name of superintendents.—(A laugh.) It was once the boast of Englishmen that we had no Bens d'armes and no mon chards ; get rid of the gendarmerie, and let us have peace officers of our own choosing, as formerly : if not, the people must arm themselves : if not, they would not be surprised if there was something extraordinary done by the people. They might say that that would be destroying part of the insti tutions of the country, but were these policemen any part of the Constitution of England ? Why he was a grown up and a married man before ever the word " Police" was applied to a body of men ; even the Attorney-General might well recollect the time when there were a few—a very few police, magistrates with their 3004 a year, and their few Bow-street Runners, as they were called in those days ; but now there was a host of magistrates, with salaries of 3001., and whole regi. ments at their beck. Yes, whole regiments of policemen were supported by the parishes of London—there was the parish of Marylebone, which was taxed to the amount of 27,0001. a year for the support of these troops, and yet they were taken away from the parish and sent down to guard the gentry at Epsom Races. Oh, in fact as he had often said, it was al together an abuse from beginning to end. He had told the Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Lamb) that he knew it was the intention of Government to introduce the system in every village in England, and he would now say that he was very much mistaken if a plan of that kind was not now before them.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The fact was, and the intention was, that it allowed the Government to levy more taxes than they otherwise. could do. Then, as to the illegality of the meeting—he did not yet know that it was illegal—he had not yet heard one single proof to convince him that the people had not a perfect right to have met on that occasion. These police troops had been complimented, and compli tmented too, as it appeared to him, in fear. He would allow hat there was cause for terror, for in fact they were now like the mouchards—the mouchards of Paris—half a dozen men, or even half a dozen of the Members of that House could scarcely stand in the street now, but one of them reared his VHS blue body over them, peering into their faces, and trying to make out what they were talking about. He would tell the House some of their exploits, certainly not from-personal experience, but it had happened to a servant of his.—Hear, hear, heer.) He sent a servant of his from Kensington to Fleet.street, on a message. He got there, and was returning with a packet of letters, and it happened that a turkey had come from the country, and he was bringing it home only a little before dusk. Well, the police man sees him with the turkey, and one of them says to himself, " What! a poor man with a turkey !—a man in England with a turkey—and he slot a gentleman : he must be a thief!" And had England really come so low, that a man with a jacket could not carry a turkey, but it was prima facie evidence that he was a thief ? Well, the policeman took hold of him when he was within the distance of two hundred yards of his master's door : he instantly told the name of his master too ; but no, that would not do, he must go back nearly half a mile, to what they called their station-house, he was kept there for a considerable time, when one of what they called their serjeants came in and broke open his parcel, when he found that the man's story was true, and they then let him go—sent him off with a sort of permit, stating to his master that he had been detained by them for so long a time. Oh, how had England fallen when such things were permitted I Now, he would tell them another instance.—(Cries of " No, no.") "Oh yes, but I will, though."—( A laugh.) He had been in seaports, in bar racks, and at many of what were called low meetings, but he had never seen such a rude assembly as that ; but he would tell them the story, and they must hear it.—( A laugh.) Well, then, he had two farm.servants, whom he ordered to come to him early in the morning; they were doing so, each with a basket swung behind him over a stick. Well, they were jog ging along, when one of the policemen came up and said— " You must come along with me to the station-house :" they rather demurred to that, and the fellow sprung his rattle, when six more of these gendarmerie came up, but the two men were stout strong countrymen, and they drew their sticks out of the baskets, and laid about them with good effect, they laid three or four of the police on the ground, and the others made the best of their way off, like prudent men, or like cowards. He would warn the Govern ment, that that was the way they would be ssrved if they were sent into the villages of England.—(Hear.) But now supposing that one of the policemen had been killed, would any man have dared to say that he was murdered in the discharge of his duty) What business had they to meddle with the men ? They were only obeying the orders of their master. It might be said, " Oh, it was early in the morning." So it was, but that was what he had ordered them to do. Now was it not humiliating to live in a country where you might be, and where you are, watched and dogged about—to have a fellow menacing you and looking after you wherever you go ? He again called upon the Government to take a lesson by what he had told them, and be content with having their force in the metropolis. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL then rose. He said that he owed an apology to the House for his absence yesterday-- he would certainly have been in his place when the matter was brought forward, but he had two reasons to state for his absence. In the first place he was yesterday engaged in th e Court of Exchequer in his professional capacity, and in the next, he was not at all aware of the intention of the Hon. Member to present the petition on that day.—(Hear.) Much had been said by Hon. Members about the weight which should be given to the verdict of a jury--no man had more veneration for such decisions than himself, but much must depend on the temper and judgment with which the jury was actuated. He agreed with all those Hon. Gentlemen who urged that the doors of that House should be open to all petitioners; but it was not a question as to who had a right to petition that House. but what could with propriety be done by the House.—(Hear.) In order to go into the merits of the case it was necessary to trace the pro. ceedings. It appeared that a placard was first issued calling upon the people to assemble and form a national convention. Now no man could shut his eyes to the fact that the forming of a national convention would be to supersede the legislative func tions of that House.—(Hear.) He thought it quite unneces sary to go into any argument upon this question, and he de clined contending against the assumptions of those Hon. Mem bers who led the House to infer that they were better ac quainted with the intentions of those who called the meeting than others were. Besides this placard there were other papers published, to which the placard might be taken as the text, and it was only fair to take these in connection. It was necessary that the Government should be upon its guard to preserve the peace, but not necessary that it should swell the matter into undue importance by the issuing of a solemn pro clamation.— (Hear, hear, from the Treasury Bench.) The meeting being held, he would appeal to the plain sense and reason of those who heard him, whether it was not reasonable to infer that the large meeting so assembled had been brought together by the placard, or was, in other words, the meeting intended to be held.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") What then ensued as respected the question before the House? Why, it was found that the policeman was killed with a single blow by a weapon. And here he must differ entirely from the Hon. Member for Oldham, who supposed that it was the habit of the people of this country, when pursuing their ordinary avocations, to be armed with such a weapon as that used to inflict on the policeman a mortal wound. It could not be credited that the man who killed Cully was engaged in his ordinary occupation, but that he went armed to the meeting, for the purpose expressed in the placard. It was a great mistake for gentlemen who talked about this inquest, to confine themselves to one side of the question. The Jury had found that the death of Cully took place without any previous violence whatever. It was impossible for him, then, to remove from his mind the full conviction that, to say the death of that man, under such circumstances, was justifi able homicide, was undoubtedly against the law of England, and against the plain sense of every man.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Gentlemen said this verdict was an important document—he thought so too, and it was on that account it had been submitted to the high authority which it had been laid before. If Government had permitted this document, which had attracted the attention of all the people of England, to remain unquestioned, containing, as it did, not merely the assertion of a simple fact, but the proposition of law that a policeman in the King's peace, and in the dis. charge of his duty at a meeting to which he had been called, was to be killed by any man without having offered a shadow of provocation, was justifiable homicide, the Govern ment would have neglected their duty in a most essential point. Had the verdict been quashed by illegal force? Was there any Gentleman in that House would say the Court of King's Bench was not the proper tribunal into which it ought to have been carried ? and would any Gentleman deny the propriety of bringing it forward there ?—(Hear, hear.) a gentleman opposite said—" Hear, hear"—lt might have been improper to have taken it into the Court of King's Bench, if that Court had refused the application made to it ; but the very interference of the Court in quashing the verdict showed it to have been an illegal ♦erdict, and that it was the duty of those who brought it there so to have done. For his (the At torney-General's) part, he was a very humble individual, and his opinion entitled to very little respect ; but he did conceive, in consequence of the reports he heard throughout the town of the nature of that inquisition, it to be his duty to call for the document, and having received it, upon a consultation with his Hon. and Learned Colleague, they had come to the con clusion that it was their bounden duty, unless they meant entirely to slumber in their legal office, to bring the subject before the Court of King's Bench.—(Hear, hear.) Government had, therefore, taken that step which the law pointed out, and the consequence was that the King's Bench had quashed the verdict. With respect to the finding of the jury, he would assert that he had come to the conclusion he had arrived at with no hostile feeling towards them, nor had he adopted that course, thinking that the jury had intentionally misconducted themselves ; he did not believe that they had; they had erred, and he very much mistook the feeling which actuated the Juries of England if he did not feel certain that they would be gratified by having any mistaken judgment of theirs set right by the highest legal authority in the ccantry—(Hear, hear)—and he thought he should belie the jury if he did not say that he felt thoroughly convinced that after the feelings that at pre sent existed were gone by, they would feel grateful for the course Government had adopted.—(Hear, hear.)—No man in that House reverenced juries more than he did, but in the same proportion as he reverenced, he would importune every jury to take great care that they did not yield to the im. pression of the moment, to prejudice, or to passion, but would remember that their jurisdiction had been given unto them by the laws of England to protect life and property, and that no men could exercise the awful responsibility entrusted to juries if they allowed them selves to be swayed by feelings and prejudices. Mr. RUTHVEN thought the whole proceedings, on the part of the Coroner, most disgraceful and scandalous, and deserved the reprobation of that House.—(Hear, hear.) He thought, that in bringing the subject forward in the Court of King's Bench, it had a tendency to induce a belief, that from the great array of legal knowledge against the unfortunate man who was to be tried for his life, he would not have a fair and impartial trial, and if he were convicted and executed he would be considered merely as the victim of the despotic application of the law. He could instance some great cases in which a similar feeling had been manifested,—viz. Lord W. Russell, Sir Thomas Moore, and Sir Walter Raleigh, all of whom were certainly executed according to law, but certainly not according to justice,—(Loud laughter.) He would not further ransack the pages of history for instances —(Hear, hear, and a laugh)—especially as an Honourable Member near bins had a petition to present—(Hear, hear)—. but he believed that it was not of much importance.—( A laugh.) The Under-Secretary opposite had yesterday called the mob that broke the Duke of Wellington's windows, last year, a loyal snob ; but for his own part he could only look on it as an outrageous mob. Mr. LAMB had only used the word loyal from the circum stance of its having been an assemblage going up to address the King. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The country is now forewarned of the projects of the Tory conspirators. These latter complain of it as a pure calumny when we charge them with manoeuvring for a return to office. In their sense they are right ;it is not a return to office only which could at this moment fulfil the ambition, or stimulate the violence, of the Tory chit fs— it is the purposes to which official power might in their hands, according to their hopes, be converted. The work of reaction and destruction,—the demolition of all the yet unfinished labours of the friends of free and upright go vernment,—the suffocation in their cradle of those nu merous, some of them excellent, measures which have just seen the light, and which are deemed by the public enemy (the old and scotched and writhing dragons of the Oligarchy) so many clinchers of their own everlasting ex clusion from that which alone gives value to office in their eyes—a monopoly of dominion over the spoils of the entire empire. The East India monopoly endangered,—the West Indian tyranny denounced in its fundamental principle as no longer to be endured,—the Bank monopoly touched some what disrespectfully, though certainly not enough, by the existing Government,—the hitherto sacred abuses of close Corporations exposed and on the point of being sig nally punished,—the Church of both countries, that rich storehouse for the destitute scions of aristocracy, that mass of perversions of whatever is best and holiest to the meanest and vilest use, the Church itself about to be cleansed of its impurities! Why, all these together are enough to drive Toryis:n mad ; and to nothing short of madness has the Tory faction been at length exasperated. They reason rightly as to the end, but their premises be speak deplorable infatuation. They do not err in believ ing that the accomplishment of all the great measures above glanced at would be absolutely and for ever incon sis.ent with those views which constitute the moving power of politicians of their clique, or in resolving to check, if they can, and extinguish such schemes of public good in their infancy ; but their error, their phrenzy, lies in the imagining that they posses or can ever attain to such preternatural power. The Tories might as well dream of uprooting this island from her ocean seat, as of crushing the seeds of universal reform which have sprung up everywhere from a congenial soil, and cover every spot within her boundaries. The whole band of conservatives have stood aloof from the people of Eng. land, and to this hour know them not. They keep down the nation ! They reimpose the old cast-off shattered yoke !—where are their means ?—where their resources ? where their hundreds of thousands of armed men ?—where their hold over the affections of a people, amongst whom they are but an isolated and hated coterie ? What can any sane mind pronounce upon the issue of such an enter prise —upon the result of a Tory government in this coun try—but political convulsion, civil war, and, above all, the final and tceal annihilation of those who have wickedly or blindly caused them ? But the Lords Tem poral and Spiritual,—the Conservative Lords,—those whom the people designate as " all the Rottens,"-_ these worthies are to defeat the reform of the Church, and to perpetuate its inefficiency and corruption, because he proposed reform is revolutionary, because the reduction of the number of Irish Bishops from twenty-two to twelve " is a revolutionary measure," that is to say, that the re adjustment of a notoriously disturbed and ruined balance between the episcopal pastors and their flocks is equivalent to a destructive revolution ! But what will they think of the inevitable consequences to which their overthrow of this reformation leads ? The representatives of the people pass the Bill, and Ireland, breathless with suspense, gaz-s a 5, and blesses them for the great act of justice. Then comes a collision between the two Houses of Parlia ment—the work of the Lords themselves. Is that less revolutionary than the Bill of church reform ? Then comes the opposition of a majority of the Peers—to the King, represented by his official servants—to the House of Commons, representing the people of England,__ and to the nation itself, taken parish by parish, and house by house. Is there nothing revo lutionary in such a consequence of the Con servative policy? Next comes an attempt to restore har mony between these conflicing powers. How? Why, by a creation of Peers, of 50 Peers ! there is no other. And is there nothing of a revolutionary spirit and ten dency in such an exercise of the Royal power ? Why, every step of these Tory tyrants is a direct step towards revolution. Let them move onwards : we cannot pre vent them,—nothing can prevent them ; they are gallop ping full tilt at the precipice, and the abyss yawns for them below. They can produce a change of Ministers within the next twenty-four hours, and a change, we doubt not, they will produce within a little longer period. But will they govern without a House of Commons—or in spite of it? Will there be a Parliament of Peers at York, and a Commons House of Parliament in London ? What times were they? and in what did they terminate? Whither would these maniacs drive their unhappy country? Times. We find that our predictions yesterday respecting the plot of the House of Peers to attempt the overthrow of the present Government, may he realized sooner even than we anticipated. Cabals and intrigues are going on in all quarters. Certain branches of an Illustrious Family, both legitimate and illegitimate, are, as on the occasion of their resistance to the Reform Bill, more than usually active in their canvass to obtain votes and proxies for the threatened collision. The Court even is said to be in einem. This has always been the report when matters have approached a crisis—spread, as we have reason believe, by the Tory denies infesting the purlieus of St. James's and Windsor, with as much truth, or rather with as much probability of success, as distinguished their efforts on the former memorable and eveatful 100 lion, when their temporary triumph over she weaker feelings of the Sovereign only proved how hopeless was the chance of resistance to the will of the people. Can this game, however, be played again, or rather, bow often can it be played, at the despe rate risk of revolutionary movements ? Let those beware of the consequences, who provoke the crisis. The Bishops are probably beyond hope, and beyond cure. But we recommend to the Dukes of Cumberland and Gloucester, and some of the ladies of that family, a peru sal of those passages in our history which recount the events of the early parts of the reign of the first, and the latter nays of that of the second Charles. A Bill will probably soon pass the House of Commons, repealing the Act of Charles IL, under the provisions of which the Fathers of the Church are now enabled to pervert the privilege given to them of sittat in the House of Lords for far different objects, to the purposes of political faction and intrigue. May no Bill of exclusion of greater personages from greater privileges follow? May no address of the House of Commons remove a Duke of Cumberland, as it did a Duke of York, from the Court of the King, and deprive him of the means of plotting against a reforming administration and the public interests? We caution, we entreat these mighty and sapient personages to beware how they trifle with the public feelings ! And if there are personages even greater than they—male or female —who suppose that the English people will again submit, without enforcing retribution from the authors of such calamities, to a repetition of the scenes and the dangers which distinguished the insane attempt of the Duke of Wellington and Mr. Baring to assume the Government on the temporary defeat of the Reform Bill, we pray them to " look before . they leap," and to ascertain, from better informed persons than the blue bottles, bred in the cor ruption of all courts, at what risk that experiment can be again tried ? We tell the public that a crisis is again at hand, and that they must be prepared to buckle on their armour for the fight. If our warning voice have no effect, then, as was said in the olden time, " The Lord's will be done." We shall watch with a vigilance only coalled by our anxiety the pr Tres% of coming events, and sin cerely pray that our anticipations, from the evident symptoms of the intention of the Tory and Episcopal Aristocracy, to come to issue with the House of Com mons and the people, may be exaggerated, and our tap. prehensions ultimately removed by the conversion of the Peers and Bishops " unto wisdom," either through a wholesome apprehension of the calamities which may be entailed, first upon themselves, eventually upon the coun .. try, or from a calm re-consideration of the principles on which their conduct ought to be regulated under existing circumstances. In the mean time it maybe desirable that Members of the House of Commons should look to the means by which some of the parties most intimately con nected with the Tory faction are enabled to maintain that position in society, from which a large portion of their pernicious influence is derived. In p. 1, of Paper 304, printed for the use of the House in the present session, some splendid instances of the corruption of past times, and the extravagant folly of the public, will be found— We need only refer to the first name in the catalogue that of the Right Hon. C. Arbuthnot, who receives (prop puclor 1) 3,8421. per annum—besides a pension to Mrs. Arbuthnot of 5001. (we believe) on the Civil List—and for what services ?--Morning Chronicle. We are happy to find that the decisive vote of the House of Lords upon the Duke of Wellington's resolution has produced, and is producing, the best results in all directions. It has deprived the Whig Ministry of every claim to be re garded as constitutional, and instructed E trl Grey as to the estimation in which his public character is held by an order of men once of some importance in the country, and by which he pledged himself to stand or fall. The Noble Earl's Government is in fact preyed to be a Whig revolu tionary excrescence, destitute of the confidence of Parlia ment, and subsisting only by the sufferance of a democratic House of Commons, and the temporary interests of con tending factions. So long as the several parties into which the House of Commons is divided can mere easily agree in the support of the present than any other system, that system may possibly go on, but not a moment longer. Failing the casual circumstances which uphold it, the unconsti tufonal and anti-national confederacy will sink at once, without causing a single feeling of regret from one end of the country to the other. The Whigs have so broken up the ancient party landmarks as to render their con tinued sway in some sense a matter of convenience till things shall find their natural level, and the real interests of the country make an attempt at least to get themselves represented in that Parliament Pram which they have been cunningly and infamously excluded. The country there fore tolerates while it dislikes, and obeys while it scorns, its present rulers, so long as they keep within decent Conservative bounds ; but their leisure of power has not more consistency than the spider's web, arid may be swept away at a moment's notice. Hold upon the country they have just as much as ever, which is nearly none at all ; they may be used for awhile as instruments and tools, but they appear to be wholly unable to command the respect and attachment of any important class in the community. At an early period of the session, these dexterous intriguers, though miserably incompetent statesmen, had sense enough to perceive that the country hated and feared revolutionary politics, and that they must get indirect support from the Conservatives, or perish. Accordingly they set them selves, after their fashion, to be Conservative. They coerced Ireland (having first created the necessity for coercion) by a Bill far more stringent than Toryism in its most ultra mood would have thought of proposing; a Bill which out-Cromwells Cromwell, and startles the political orthodoxy of Sir Harcourt Lees himself and the 'Prentice Boys of Derry. They also calmly told the clamorous demonracy that not a single tax should be repealed, and that if the public ventured to grumble at an innocent window duty, they should presently feel the scorpion lash of a property tax. After this they made arrangements for the renewal of the East India Charter, upon principles for which they quoted, truly or fa'sely, the authority of the Duke of Wellington. They then affirmed the stability of the currency to please one 8, t of Conservatives, and made Bank notes a legal tender the next day to conciliate the other. They propose a new Charter for the Bank upon terms highly satisfactory to the lovers of corporations in the abstract, but not a little curious as coming from such redoubtable advocates of the precious metals, and such eloquent denouncers of the miseries of paper currency as the Whigs. Lastly, they make their humble submission to the libelled West India interest, and coolly present it with the trifling bonus of 20 millions, after having previously threatened it with a ruinous loan of 15 millions, at four per cent. interest. Now we take all these things as so many acts of public homage, though somewhat clumsily managed, to the ascen dancy of conservative principles, and the consequence is that trade partially revives, the funds advance, and the country still tolerates a Whig Administration. These Protean politi cians are willing to surpass the most exclusive in the in tensity of their Toryism, if their official existence may but be spared from one quarter-day to the next. True, they will do as much, before a week pass, for ra licalistn, if the radicals only show as much fight as the conservatives; but still their present position is so admirably peculiar, and so ludicrously false, that the country cannot but pause to in.. dulge its wonder, and see to what conclusion they will at length bring their harlequin antics. The vote of the Peers seems likely to spoil this pretty Whig speculation of governing the country by playing alternately into the hand of Conservative and Destructive. The House of Lords is now the only remaining representative of conser vative, that is of British, interests, and has a right to say that those interests are not safe with men who have no settled principles to steer by, and upon whose course of policy no one can calculate with certainty for a week together. Occasional Conservative measure, followed by destructive ones will not satisfy the public mind, which asks for a secure and permanent system of good government. That the Whigs have no settled con. stitutiunal principles is manifest from the language of their organs respecting the Peers, who are fiercely menaced with swamping and deposition if they dare to exercise an independent judgment upon any public question. The once powerful but now contemptible Times gives itself airs upon the occasia, and affects to admonish the " Tory Peers," and gravely threatens them with revolution if they venture to come to any vote whatever without consulting the oracle of Printing House-square. Much as we dislike revo. lutions we confess we should be a little curious to se e w h at sort of revolution the utmost thunder of the Times could now make in favour of the precious Whigs. We suspect that the "beast of a nation," as the people are now called, would leave the " obscure Gentleman" sadly in the lurch. What would London, Bristol, and Bir mingham—what would the whole empire say to a crusade against the House of Brunswick and the men who gave us Magna Charts in favour of such detected pretenders as Russell and Grey ? At all events we submit that the question of the real jurisdiction of the Peers having been raised they are bound to follow up the course which they have so nobly begun, and give the country an opportunity of deciding, once fur all, whether we are still to poss ess a mixed and balanced constitution, or be subjected to the base and degrading tyranny of a wild democracy.... Morning Pest. THE MODERN BLACK HoLI.--Some of the Counsel attending the Rolle' Court somplain that his Honour will not allow a breath of air to be edetitiedo evp ?Mu gig ih 9l l49iVitir itia*g is 49?.