The Sun. — London, England, 1854-03-04 00:00:00

I I ( 4. 4, 1 ; 44 4:: 4., 4, 4 P4l SUN OFFICE, Six o'clock, GREECE. The Observatuer of Athens, of the 17th ult., gives the following details of the Greek insurrection " On the 27th Jan. the force of the Scaltzojanis, who had some time before revolted against the Turks, on the pretext that they had not received the pay due to them, amounted to 500 men, in consequence of their having been joined by some inhabitants of the province of Radovitzi, who were discontented with the exorbi tant taxes which were levied on them. On the 29th this body had an engagement with a detach ment of Turks at the convent of Robeliste, killing 40 of them, and taking four prisoners. On the 30th they attacked 400 Turks stationed in the village of Dimarion, and after a combat of 24 hours the Ottomans were com pelled to surrender at discretion to the rebels, who allowed them to return to their homes with their arms. Instead of so doing, having received some reinforcements, they assailed and took the village of Megorchi ; but the Scaltzojanis, being joined by the inhabitants of the place, who were hostile to the Turks, fell on them, and so com pletely put them to the rout that the small number of survivors with great difficulty reached Arta, accom panied by the Dervend-Aga. The Christians, in this affair, which was so murderous for the Turks, had only one man killed and a few wounded. It is estimated that in the different engagements which took place up to the 3d February the Turks lost 150 killed, 40 prisoners, and about 60 wounded ; while on the side of the Christians only one was killed, and a very few were wounded. The number of the insurgents is every day increasing. The authorities of Arta having given notice that, in consequence of these events, every one was at liberty to provide for his own safety, the Turkish and Jewish families retired into the fort, and the Christians went to Athens. On the 4th February two sub-lieu tenants of the battalion of frontier guards abandoned their ranks, and, accompanied by a number of the in habitants of Epirus, joined the insurgents on the Ottoman territory. In the meantime the greatest alarm prevailed at Arta, where an attack from the insurgents was hourly ex pected. The province of Souli is also in a state of insur rection, and it is even said that its inhabitants have ex pelled a certain number of Ottomans who have been re cruited at Laca, by Cokalis, for the purpose of gaining possession of the position of Zalonco. It is also said that the son of Thymos Zacas was going through differ ent parts of the province, exciting the people to join the insurrection. On the 4th of February, also, 400 men, under the command of Gianoulis Oeconomos, who were concentrated atVrangiana, on the Ottoman territory, set fire to the Turkish barracks at Platania, after driving out the troops quartered there. On the sth the number of the insurgents at Vonitza amounted to about 1,500 men. On the Bth, S. Karaiskakis, having with him the priest Basile Aspropotamitis, had divine service performed at Comboti, and after a sermon from the said priest they left, with a number of followers, and with the stan dard of insurrection unfurled, for Peta. 350 Turkish recruits, who had been sent from Janina to reinforce the garrison of Arta, were not allowed to enter the place. The primates of the villages in the plain of Arta had all joined Karaiskakis, and had driven their cattle with them for the supply of his men. Oeeonomos had driven the Turks from the village of Vrangiana, and I taken possession of it. The insurgents encamped near Arta sent a notice to the garrison on the 6th, that if they surrendered the fort within 24 hours, every security should be given them ; but that if they did not do so, they must take the conseptences. The garrison replied by the demanding a truce of three days, which was granted to them. All the villages between the bridge of Corocos and Petolles are also in a state of in surrection." The Observateur, after giving these details, in vites the Greek people to declare themselves openly against demonstrations as vain as they are cul pable ; and states that the Government has taken all the necessary measures to repress the insur rection, and only regrets that it has not a more imposing military force at its disposal. STATE OF TRADE. (Prom the Manchester Guardian of this day.) MANCIIESTER, March 3.—The American advices tend to in crease that restriction of business which we have latterly had to report. At length, the receipts at the ports have begun to show an increase, for the week, as compared with those of the corresponding week in 1853; being in all, 128,000 bales against 126,000 ; and a gradual progressive increase is now looked for. The exports to Great Britain for the same week (ending the 14th ult.), were 34,000 against 26,000 bales. A rather severe monetary pressure was experienced ; and prices had fallen in the southern markets about ic. (id) per lb. Against this, however, was to be placed a decline in the Ex change to about 6 per cent., together with high freights, say id. at New Orleans. Norrmonem, March 2.—There has been a little more in quiry for some descriptions of lace goods since our last, still the trade is dull for the time of the year. We have not had anything like the amount of German business to which we are accustomed at this season, and the time for the spring Leipsic fair is approaching so fast that no great quantity of goods could now be sent supposing they should be wanted. Lsicasvaa, March 2.—Some contracts for the army have been given out, but the general aspect of the woollen breach is flat, and but for the cotton demand a large quantity of machinery would be idle. But little is doing in yarns, there being no confidence in present prices. THE WOOLLEN TRADE. (Pram the Leeds Mercury of this day. ) LEEDS, March 2.—We have no change to report in the state the woollen cloth trade. The markets have been of a simi lar character this week as they were during the previous Week. There have been some good deliveries during the Week direct to the merchants' warehouses, so that perhaps on the whole there is not any very important variation in the quantity of balk goods that are changing owners. ROCHDALE, Feb. 27.—The flannel market is more inactive and the demand for goods more limited than they have been; but the prices obtained are much the same as those of the previous weeks. Wool keeps very firm, especially the low 6 and middle qualities, which are becoming scarce. HUDDERSFIELD, Feb. 28.—The market has been quiet in nearly all its departments, though not more so than might reasonably be expected in the present unsettled state of poli tical affairs, acting, as it necessarily must, to the derange xnent, more or less, of commercial transactions. BRADFORD, March 2. —There is nothing to encourage spin ners to buy, and the business is languid. Yarns—Yarns are dull sale, at ruinous prices to spinners. Pieces—ln the discouraging aspect of things, the manufacturer finds it pru dent to limit stocks. St. 10 St. 25 LLOYD'S SHIPPING.-(THIS DAY.) Lompoil, March 4.—Wind this day at Noon, N.E. ; light breeze, and fine, dry weather. PORTSMOUTH, March 3.—Wind, E. to S.E. Arrived— Dlachim, from the Mauritius. 1 DARTMOUTH, March 3.—Arrived—Fingfisher, from Sun- 2 derland, for Havannah, leaky. OFF PENZANCE.—Ctilluden Mauritius. GLOUCESTER, March 3. — Sailed—Annandale, for Port- 1 /and, U.S. MILFORD, March 3.—Arrived—Bella Donna, from Car diff, and sailed for New York. NEW YORK, Feb. 18.—The Bernard, of Bath, which arrived here 16th inst., from Newcastle, encountered vio lout gales from the westward during the whole passage. Si On the 23d ult., was swept by a sea, which erove bul warks, forecastle, and cabin, severely iniuring the chief S i mate and a seaman, and washed one man overboard. Si NoRDEN, Feb. 28.—The Ramon, from Havannah to Ramburgh, went on shore on the island of Langerooq, li during a heavy gale at N.W., 24th inst. The Napoleon, 11 laden with posts and planks, and abandoned, came en shore on the Island of Mist, much damaged. IlempuuGH, March I.—The Edinburgh (s) arrived here 2, yesterday from London, leaky, having been on s h ore o n 5 1 orkum Reef the night before, during heavy weather ; three passengers, five sailors, and four stokers took to a si twat, and have not sines been heard of. Si (BY ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH.) 1, 1 71 LIVERPOOL, Saturday, 10.30 a.m. S 1 Wind, S.E. ; moderate, and fine. 21 Arrived last night—Kangaroo, new steamer, from the 1 Clyde, to embark troops for the Mediterranean ; Kate SI Rowe, New Orleans ; Huron, Charleston ; Robert Preston, Charente ; Mary Ward, New Orleans. SI F.l (By SUBMARINE AND EUROPEAN TELEGRAPH.) G RA VESEND, Saturday, 9.40 a.m. Si Wind, calm ; tide, fou hours' ebb ; fine. Si No arrivais. Sailed—Apollo, for Grenada ; Tartar, Belize ; Panther 5i (a), Ostend. 3.; DEAL, Saturday, 9.27 a.m. Wind, N.E. ; very fine. Passed—Burlington, from Shields, for Havanna ; Phoe nician, for Sydney ; Helen A. Miller, for Newport ; R. Cobden, for New York ; British Tar, for Madras ; Gem, for Genoa—all from London. The French screw steamer Paris and London, from Lon don, for Paris, in landing her river pilot, took the ground near the Deal-pier ; is expected off on the flood. THE FIRE IN MANCHESTER. CORRECT LIST OF THE INSURANCE OFFICES CONCERNED IN THE FIRE AT RYLANDS, s MANCHESTER. San. .£30,000 West of England 13,000 Pbcenix lO,OOO Royal Exchange Royal. Alliatnco 5,000 County 5,000 Guardian 5,000 Londo . Scottish Union 5,000 Monarch General North British Anchor 2,000 Equitable Fire Co 2,000 Manchester Lancashire £115,700 I 11 RUSHIAN CREDIT AT AMSTERDAM.—The Debats quotes a letter from Amsterdam, of the 27th ult., in which it is said that the funds of the Czar in the hands of the capi- s talists (Hope and Co.) of that city, had at last proved 2 unequal to maintain Russian credit at the Bourse. Th e 2 resolute preparations of France and England on the one hand, amid the Czar's paper-money ukase and begging 2 letters on the other, had opened people's eyes, and dis- 1 pelled the popular illusion about immense treasures of money reserved in the depths of fortresses. Orders to sell Russian stock were pouring in from all parts of Yolland, as well as from England and Germany, where Si it is chiefly held. Russian Five per Cents., which on the let of January stood at 1064, had fallen on the 27th of February to 97i. 12 P. 50 al 16;1 1 11 St. 10 194 1 14 1 50 12i St. 11 50 40 St. 10 8/28 St. 10 St. 10 50 4 25 1' LOO St. 11 6i 25 St. 1101 50 St. 101 16 li 16 1' 20 1' 20 al 10 11 10 : St. 11l St. ID 10 i 1 1 26 a] 50 al 20 1 20 20 2/ 25 al 20 l' 20 al 20 1 20 a 10 5] St. 10 25 2 25 L St. 101 t. 1100 5 all 6 611 al6l 3il all 5 all 7i 2 63 all 6 all .0 all !O all 5 all 0 all t. 100 5 all 5 I all a. 1100 .o 10 .0 6 6i all ,t. 1 100 ,1 It. 100 It. 00 st:Iioo It. 100 it. 1100 0 all 6 4A .2i all .2 all .2.i 10 100 t. 100 .61 5 1.0 6 it. 100 it. 100 it. 100 it. 100 it. 100 !O all It. 100 15 15 8i all 8 all LO all 0 10 25 all 10 1i .0.6 all it. 1100 O l all Z i all 5 3 t. 100 .7 5 5 10 SHARE MARK ETS (THIS DAY.) BRITISH RAILWAYS. RAILWAYS. )0 Aberdeen 8i Asnbg. Nottng. Bost and Easta. Junct Belfast & Ballymena ill Birming. Wolverh. & Stour Valley Birkenhd. Lancsh. & Cheshire Junct ill Do. Chesh. & Birk., £5O and 225 Cons. .81 Do., 10 Blyth & Tyne original £25 (issd. at £45) 10 Bristol and Exeter 0 Caledonian 11 Chester & Holyhead. 11 Cork and Bandon... 11 Cork, Black, & Pass 2 Cornwall Crieff Junction 5 Dublin&BelfastJunc 11 Dundee Perth &Aber deen Junction 11 So. New ll East Anglian ill D OO L 0., (XlB E & II)._ al Eastern Counties ill Eastern Union, A Stock Do., B. Stock k 3 o New A lEast Lancashire .. )0 Edinburgh& Glasgow 5.4 Edinb. and Peebles... Edin. Prth. & Dunde 1 Forth & Clyde June. 0 tlasgow &S. Western 0 Great Northern Stk. Do A. Stock Do., B. Stock Gt. Sth. &West.(lre ,Great Western L 2 !Irish South-Eastern Lancaster & Carlisle Llt,Do. Thirds 2 iDo. ' New Thirds )O 11,ancaah.anclYorksh. .711)o., Fifths .141 p a.; Wet. Riding Un. Leeds Northern- Liv.Crsby.SzSounpt Xll London it Blackwall 8? Loud. Tilb. &Sthend. )0 Lond. Bright &S.Cst. )0 Loud. and N. Westn. .2 Do. Fifths 1 Da.lo/.5h.,M&8...0 2 Do. Eighths London and 8. Westn. Do., £5O Do., £4O I Lndndrry& Coleraine Lndudrry, & Etuaisk. Manch.Shef.& 41 4 Do.,lian. & Lin. Un. )0 Midland )0 Do. Birmng. & Derby Midi& G. West. (Ire.) 7 Do, Half Shares .11 Newcastle & Carlisle )0 Newmarket 51; Do., Bury Extension .7 Nwpt.Aberg. & Hrfd 7 Newry & Enniakillev 11 Newry Warrenpoint and itostrevor:., )0 Norfolk . 3 4 Northn Counties F 10 - North British 6 North Devon, No. 1 .1i 0., No. 2 11 Do., i A Deferred 8 Do i B Guaranteed ill ,North London silDo. New £lO. laiN.SLS.Watrn.,Hamp- stead, and City North Staffordshire., 11l North Western....... LO N. &S. Westrn. June, 1 Nuneaton, Hinckley, and Leicester........ CI Oxford, Worcester, & Wolverhampton 2s Portsmouth O Scottish Central O Scottish Midland O Shrewsbury dtßiimg )0 Do. L. di N. Western Guaranteed Si a bk .0 Shrewsby. dr Herefd 611 Shrewsby. dt Chester (N. W. Min ; Lll Do. Halves,X s ill Do. Oswestry 6i Shropshire Union Do.A,B,C,&D,fully paid up at per cent dl South Devon )0 South Eastern ,South Wales .5 S. Yrksh. & Riv. Dun 5 IDo 28 Staines, Wok. & Wok I di Stockton & Darling. [6,g Stockton & Hartlepl. X) Taff Vale . 8 Do. £lO shares. )0 Do. Prof., No. O Thames Haven Dock and Railway VT Vale of Neath 11 Waterfd. & Kilkenny 11 Waterforcl&Limerick West Cornwall i 'West End of London) and Crystal Palace.. Lll West London ls. Wimbledn & Croydon )0 York Newctl. &Berw. !O Do. Extensions .3g Do. G.N.E. Purchase )0 York &N. Midland.— 'Aberdeen . Do. No. 2, 7 p. C. Blyth and Tyue 10 per c. pref. (issd. at 50/) Uris. & Ex. 4 p. c. St. Do. 4 p. c. Shares Caledonian £lO Chester & Holyhead! Guar. 5i per cent Cork &Bandonsfp.c Dundee Perth &Aber deen Junction EastAnglian (X3los) 6 per cent Do. (X 5) 7 per cent Do. (.£7 17s) 7 p. c Eastern Counties Ex- tension, 5 p. c. No. 1 Do. No. 2 Do. New 6 p. c. St. ' Eastern Union, Scrip Guar. 6 per cent Do. 51., 10 per cent. Do. 101. Debentr.Sh- East Lancash. 6 p. cts. East and West York shire June. Pref... Edinb Prth. &Dundee 5i per cent. Glasgow &S.Western Guar. 5 per cent Great Northn. 5 p. c Do. 5 p. c. Redeem., at 10 p. c. prem... Do. 4A p. c. Scrip Gt.N. of Scot. Ist Pref Gt, Southn.&Westm. (Ireland) Eighths) Do. 4 per c. Pref. Sh, tt. Westn. (Berke & Hants Ex. 5 p. c) Do. cov. red. 4A p.c Do. con, red. 4 p. c Do. irred. 4 p. c Lan. & York. F. X2O Do. 6 p. c. Stock Leeds N. 6 p. c. No.l Do. Quarters, 1848._ London and Brighton Guaranteed 5 p. c Do. Pref., 5 p. c. St. Do. Convertible, 5 p.l c., 1852 ••• ---. Do. New Guar.6 p. c. Lon. &N. W., Coy. da Nuneaton London & S. Western Con. Thirds Londonderry& Coler Shares Londy. & Ennis. Sh Man., Shef., & Shares, No. 1. Do. New, Do. .46 Aarypt & Carl. 4 p. c Do. 4i per cent.. Do 'Mid. Consol.6 p.e.St 'Do. Consol. Bristol & Pim. 6 per cent—. Do. Pref. 4i per eent Norfolk Debenture Do. Pref. 4 p. c. Stock Do. 5 p. c. Eat Do. sfper ct . pref Do. Way. Val. 5 p. c, North British North Staffordshire.. Oxford, Worcester, & Wolverh.£ls, 6 p.c. Do 'Scot. Cent. ,New Shrews. &Birm.N.G, Shrewsby. & Chester (Nor.W.Min), 8 p.c. Do. 5 por cent _ _ ISouth Devon... D. fixed, 4i per cent' S. Eastern (Reading Ann.) of £1 Os. 6d. Do. 4 iper cent. S. Yorksh.4p.c.Guar Stockton and Dar- lington, 4 per eent. l Do. do. do. Stockton and Hartle-1 pool, guar. 5 p. c. till Ist July, 1856 Waterfd.&Kilk.6p.c. York, Newcastle,and Berwick,4 p.c. Pref Do York&N.Mitllandll. and S. Ruch i PREFERENCE SHARES. 99 -: iiii. 6 - 6 3-31 4 - 41 f -- l i p 13i --13ixd id 3} - 3i 116 7-118xd1 107 —lo9xd' par —i pxcl 7i —Bi id .. xd 64 - 7 98 100 90 95 94 96 13/ d -- 1 r 9. Clain] Prices yesterday. 201 -21 i 5 - 8i 9 12 —lO d 16 - 18 64 - 54 94 - 86 b 6 15 124 • _ 13t '4* i = * u 71 - 8 - 64 - 66 62 - 64 i - 27 90i 91i 79 81 125 -127 95 - 97 70i - 804 92 - 95 - 12 -13 673 - 671 6A( I'6' - ii Bj 8 i I Par — P 102 966 97 10 6 • 26 a d 6 d 80 81 10 9 d 9 7 d 61 3 / 4 - 62 35 - 37 d par 5 4 24. 2t 6 8 48 50 3 i 30 3 4 ... 35 8 10 ... - .. li - li 52 - 5 5 4 -AP 6 --. 7i - 8 32 - 34 88 9Q 54 - 56 58 - 62 55 60 3 2d 16 -- 18 8 9 12 -- 13 3/ -- 3id 15 17 63 61 35 36 2 d par 4 5 30 -- 32 24 - 2i 15 154 sj. - 5i 24 - 26 6 - 7 *ii : 7 69 70 8 4,f 30, 49 -- 50 1 ... ... xd I 2} -2i ~ ii = 'l3 10 i 9 1 par 4pxd 136 138 1 1 —d xd ••• xd ••• xd ••• xd ••• xd ••• xd 102 - 104 i - 1p 4 -- 10 16i 10 -10 k 13 -- 15 id -- il 23i -- 24 17 : 19 93 95xd 3i 4Ad V.! id It u,siness dims this day. 22 I 1 25 I 31 St. ll 25 1 ... - 55 4 4 4 5 " 12i 1.3 id Bedford and Bletchley.... ,Buckghamsh. Clydesdale Jc. E. Lincoln gr. , 6 per cent. I Glas. Barr. S.: Neils. Direct Do. New...-. Glstr.& Dn. Fr, 13rt1pL Dk. & _Railway Hull & Selby Do. Shares. Do. 4 Shares. Lon. & Greenw Do. Preference Lowestoft gr. 4 per cent. Do. 6 per ct. Manch. Bictn. and Matlock Middlesbro' & Redcar. ~iidld. I Northern and, Easternsp.c. Do. 6 per et. Do. Fixeds p Prest. & Wyre Do. Shares. Rol-stn.& Hit. Do.Shepth.St Shef. Roth.and Gooleg.s p.c. S. Staftordsh. Wear Valleygr 6 per cent Do I Wilts&Somrst 98 - 100 48 - 50 [4l - 143 ii = ii [O4 —lo6xd 52 —53„ 26 —27 „ 13 —13 i 24i —2slxd n - 3 —id 98 100 57 - 59 1 - 140 ... ....... 2} - lij ad 30 —3l „ 95 97 89i 90i 88i 90 80 78 ~ 125 i 79} 81 66 i i i 131 6 8 1 97 61 , Nat i i 661 1 63 2i 15i f 25 115 a A 109 5 i d 10k 10 x d dia id 104 24 x d _ g V r THE SUN, LOND'ONY - SA.TiI . RDAY - TEVENIN!G, MARCH 4, 1854. ReawAre. 10 5 20 20 7 l Antwerp&Rotl 3 !Belgian Eastn. 8 I Beiiers to Gi Junc. Bombay, Baroda, and Central India,Scrip Central of Italy Charleroi & Erquelin Demerara Dijon and Besancon., 8 Dutch Rhenish II East Indian. 2 201 1 20 20 20 20 11 25 11 100 31 100 al 20 11 20i al Do. Extension IGt. Indian Peninsula, .0 Gd. Junct. of France .0 Grd. Trunk of Canada ;0 Do. Debentures II Do. do 0 Gt. Central of France GLlVesternof Canada Shares Do. Bonds (Ist is.)'s7 . 56 Hamilton & Toronto al Do. 6 per cent. 5 Lake Const. & Basle 5 all Lucca & Pistoj a 5 p.c. 20i L 100 a] 20 20 1 10 li prof .5 Luxembourg .0 Do. (Railway) Pref. 10 20 20 1! 20 li 33i 3: 10 al 3 Do. (Canal) 5 Do. 6 p. et. pref 8 Lyons and Geneva 2 Lyous da Mediterran. .0 I Madras 6i Maria Antonia .11 Do. do. New 2 Aelbourne Dk. &Ry 11 Namur & Liege (with interest) 11 Do. (ex interest) 11 Northern of France Do. 20/. 3 p. c 11 (fmy. B. & Ams._Shs. 20 al 10 al 20 11 40 al dl NorwegianTrunkPrei 10 Paris and Lyons 11 Ditto Bonds .. 11 Paris and Orleans 20 al 20 al 20 11 104 11 20 al 20 ! !Paris and Rouen.., ill Paris and Strasbourg l 0 ParisCaen dz Cherbrg. 104 Quebec & Richmond .11 Rouen and Havre 9 Royal Danish 2 Royal Swedish _ _ dl Sambre and Meuse 6 Do. 5i p. cent. Pref 6 Southern. of France 6 St. Andrew's and Quebec (A) Weet Flanders dl Do. 5i per C. Pref... 10 Western of France._ 7 West. of Switzerland Wiesbaden .5 IZealand Leasing Compans. London & N. West., L.&N.W. Caledon... IGt.Nrthn. Cialdonian. Do Gt. Westn Vic. New. Berw. Y.&Nsid Do Do 'S. Eastern Do Norfolk.. L.& N. W. & Mitlid. Stckton & Darlingt. Midland.. E. Count. Do D 0.. . L. & N.W &Ln&Yk i Do Gt Northn Do Lancash& Yorksh. Nl.MClean Stockt. & Dtuiingt. ,Do. rhWestn FOREIGN. closing Prices yesterday. Business this day. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT, - HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY.) THE NEW REFORM BILL. The Earl of DERBY—My lords, I am induced, in consequence of certain rumours, and perhaps I may say somewhat more than rumours, which have acquired a good deal of force and consistency during the last week, to put a question to the noble lord at the head of the Government, of which I have given him notice in the course of the day, and to which I hope s he will have no difficulty or hesitation in giving an answer. My lords, you will recollect that, in her Majesty's Speech from the Throne, her Majesty was advised to recommend to the l consideration of Parliament in the course of the present session the law affecting the representation of the people in,Parliament ; and that, at a very early period after the delivery of that speech, the noble lord the leader of the House of Commons, gave notice in another place of his intention to bring in a bill for the purpose of effecting a reform in the representation of the people. My lords, both upon the occasion of that first announcement of this intention, and also upon a subsequent occasion, her Majesty's Government were appealed to by friends and by foes, more especially by a noble earl whom I do not now see in his place (Earl Grey), and by various other noble lords—and I believe in the other House of Par liament similar appeals were made—not to introduce, at a period when it was important that all the energies of the country should be concentrated in preparing for that great and formidable war, in which it was obvious to every one we were about to be engaged—not, I say, to distract the country by introducing a subject of bitter ness and animosity, excitement and controversy, which would divide parties at a time when it was most import ant that they should be united. I believe the answer given in the other House of Parliament was that her Majesty's Government b roug h t forward this measure in • pursuance of a pledge which they were absolutely com pelled to redeem. Now, if the noble earl and his colleagues - had confined themselves to the introduction of the mea sure in redemption of the pledge which they had given— although I might have thought it was very imprudent to fling down before the country a measure of such import ance without proceeding to its consideration—l certainly should have made allowance for the position in which the Government had placed themselves on a former occasion by pledging themselves, as one of the points on which they rested their claims to the confidence of the county to bring forward a measure orreform. But, my lords, her Majesty's Government went further than this ; for, appealed to, as I have said, by all sides of this and the other house of Parliament, not unnecessarily to enter into a conflict on so exciting a topic, and having the example set them in the other house by their opponents, of declining to enter into this matter of controversy, by allowing the bill to be read a first time without opposi tion, and almost without observation, her Majesty's Government thought it necessary to state that they brought forward this bill not only in performance of this pledge, but that they considered the war which threatened to interrupt our foreign relations, not only formed no ground why the discussion, consideration, and enactment of that measure should be postponed, but that, on the contrary, their was a peculiar fitness in bringing it forward at this particular time—(bear, hear)—that it would be a magnificent spectacle to Europe and to the world to see that, while we were en gagged in a war, which really after all could not be of very great importance with a power like Russia—(a laugh)—we were able at the same time —considering war a matter of secondary importance —to apply our undivided attention to the reform and improvement of domestic institutions. That has been the statement made on the part of the Government both in this house and the other house of Parliament ; and accordingly a day was fixed for the second reading of that measure of reform—an interval, I think, of three weeks or a month from the period when it was first introduced into Parliament—a period certainly sufficiently long to en- ' able the country to form, as I think they have formed, a very decided opinion with regard to the merits of the proposition, and to give the members of the other house of Parliament an opportunity of considering the course they ought to take. But I confess that, although it is with great satisfaction, yet, after what has taken place, it is with some surprise that in the course of the last three or four days I find rumours have been very rife, that a general expectation is entertained—notwithstanding all the peculiar propriety of this time—notwithstanding the little influence which the state of our foreign rela tions need now exercise on matters of domestic policy —(a. laugh)—that, after all, this measure of reform, on which the Government rest their claims to the support of the country, and which they brought forward in re demption of a most solemn pledge, given in the face of Parliament, is to be allowed to lie on the table of the other house of Parliament, and is not intended at all events for the present to be proceeded with. I think her Majesty's Government have done very wisely if they have adopted the course of postponing, if not abandon ing, during the present session, this measure of reform. The Earl of ABERDEEN—My lords, although the measure referred to by the noble earl is now before the other house of Parliament, and although my noble friend who has charge of that measure will this night make a statement of the course intended to be pursued by her Majesty's Government, and notwithstanding the bill, as the noble lord observed, relates mainly and entirely to the representation of the people in Parliament, I do not in the least complain of thanoble earlior taking the course which he has now thought proper to do. The interest and importance of this subject fully justify him in the course he has pursued, and I have no hesitation in giving him the answer which he desires to have. My lords, your lordships are aware that the second reading of this bill now stands for the 13th day of this month. In answer to the noble earl on the bench below me, at a very early period of the session, I replied to the ques tion put by him on that occasion, when he asked me whether the bill would be introduced before the army and navy estimates would be laid on the table, by stat ing that it would be so ; and I also added that the con sideration of the measure would not be hastily pressed, so as to interfere with the progress of the public service, in making those preparations which the exigencies of thie times [rendered necessary. My lords, in conse quence, the 13th March, although I believe the bill was read on the 13th February for the first time, was fixed for the second reading. It will then have been before the country for a month. The noble earl has said that the country has had a full opportunity to form an opi nion upon the nature of the measure. I know not what m ay be the opinion of the noble earl, or what he sup poses the opinion of the country may be. But this I sa y, that her Majesty's Government have had no rea sol3 to be dissatisfied with the opinion of the country upon that measure, so far as it has been expressed. (Cheers.) I believe it has f ound favour w i th the coun try—(hear, hear)—that it has been considered as a just, a liberal, an honest, and a safe measure. (Cheers.) But my lords, although I admit that the calamity of war must necessarily interfere with all social progress, still I am not aware that it is absolutely necessary that this curse which we are to endure is to impede and utterly prevent all domestic improvement. My lords, when I said, in answer to the noble earl below me, that the necessary measures would be taken to provide for the public ser vice, in contemplation of this calamity then impending, I gave that reason which now it is necessary for me to repeat. I see that the necessary supplies have not yet been passed for the service in which we are about to en gage. This very night a vote will be proposed for an additional 15,000 men ; and on Monday, as my noble and learned friend opposite (Lord Brougham) has ob served, the financial prospects and measures of the year for providing for this increased expenditure will be laid before the other house of Parliament. Her Majesty's Government have thought it right, not only to provide a sufficient force for the great operations in which we may be engaged, but to provide the means by which the expense of that force may be defrayed. This I think it is the duty of Government to do, and this it is which we propose to do. Under these circumstances, therefore, my noble friend who has charge of this bill, will propose to-night to postpone the second reading of the measure until an early day after Easter —that is, until the 27th of April. On that day it is the intention of my noble friend to move the second reading of the bill. (Cheers.) THE COMMITTEE ON THE IRISH LAND BILLS. Lord CLANCARTY, in moving for an addition of five Peers to the committee on the Landlord and Tenant Bill, complained that in an Irish question only two Irish representative peers were nominated. The Duke of NEWCASTLE thought the committee already sufficiently large. He praised the selection of the committee, and the appointment of English members, who would superadd English to Irish experience. Only eight members of the committee, he observed, were un connected with Ireland. Lord EGLINTON suggested the addition of two names instead of five. Lord DONOUGHMORE approved of the suggestion. The Earl of WICKLOW—one of the proposed mem bers—expressed his willingness to undertake the duty. Lord CLANCARTY refused to accede to the compro mise, and the motion was negatived without a division. Their lordships then adjourned. the purpose of so amending the representation. I will not now enter—it is no part of the subject of to-day—into the merits of the bill ; but I may say that, having introduced the bill, I fixed a day for its second reading, after an inter val in which I thought the house would be able to give its attention to the subject. I did not, however, say that that was positively fixed, and I of course reserved to my self the discretion of naming any other day. But, how ever, soon after that day was fixed, the hon. baronet the member for East Kent gave notice of a motion, as an amendment to the second reading, to the effect that in the present state of our foreign relations, the proceeding with that bill for the amendment of the representation would be inopportune. Ido not know what was the object of the hon. baronet in giving that early notice, but it certainly seems as if his notice was rather one of hostility to the Government than of hostility to the measure proposed, as there is nothing in the amendment which at all implies any disapprobation of the bill itself. When, however, some time had elapsed, her Majesty's Government had to consider what their own course should be, and whether it would be convenient to the house to proceed with the bill upon that day which I had named. Now there are two points to be considered upon this subject, to which I beg to call the at tention of the house. One is, the state of public business ; the other, the state of our foreign relations at this moment, With respect to the public business, I conceive that it is the duty of her Majesty's Governm en t after the announce ment we have made, and in the state of our foreign rela tions, as shown by the despatches laid upon the table of the house, to ask, in the first place, for all the supplies which we might think necessary for the public service at the pre sent time, and in the second, to obtain those " ways and means" by which we should be able to ascertain how we defray the additional expenditure required. With respect to the first of these requisites, the house has shown such a willingness to vote the supplies which were required, and such devotion to the public service, that there has not arisen any difficulty upon that point, and no time has been taken up greater than necessary for the purpose. With reference to the second subject, we have yet to ascertain— and it will only be on Monday next that my right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer will state the views which the Government entertain of the present state of the finances of the country, and the measures which we think are necessary for the public service and the mainte nance of public credit. Such, therefore, will be, in the course of the next week, the state of the public business ; and it seems to imply that the bill for the amendment of the representation could hardly come on that week, con sistently with the object of obtaining both the supplies necessary for the public service and the " ways and means" necessary to defray the increased expenditure. But, al though the bill might not come on upon that day—the 13th of March—it would certainly have been in our power to fix a somewhat later day upon which the second reading might be preceded with. But here I have to ask the attention of the house to that which will in all probability be our position with respect to our foreign relations when that later day should arrive. I can hardly say that I am reveal ing any secret to the house, for it has been announced in the public papers for the last two or three days, that at the end of the last month a messenger was sent with de spatches from the Governments of England and France to St. Petersburgh, with respect to the occupation of Mol davia and Wallachia by the Russians. For a very long time that occupation has been acquiesced in with the view of carrying on negotiations by which their evacuation might be made a stipulation in any treaty. These nego tiations have, unfortunately, after a very long time during which they were carried on, led to no result ; and the con ference at Vienna has positively declined the only terms upon which the Emperor of Russia declared himself ready to treat. We could, therefore, no longer permit this wrongful occupation of the territories of Turkey ; and the Governments of England and France have, therefore, signified to the Emperor of Russia that they should consider his continued occupation of the Principalities, beyond a certain time necessary for carrying their eva cuation into effect, as equivalent to a declaration of war. (Hear, hear.) Calculating the time which is necessary for the transmission of these despatches to St. Peters burgh, and supposing that the Emperor of Russia—as has already occurred—will listen to no terms other than those which he has himself proposed, the negative answer of the Emperor will reach this country in about twenty-five days from the time when the message was sent ; and therefore towards the end of this month it will be the duty of the Ministers of the Crown to bring down a mess Age from her Majesty to the two houses of Parliament, declar ing, in the usual terms, that the relations between this country and Russia no longer exist. If such be the proba ble and, I am afraid I must say, the almost certain course which events will then take, I think the Government can not be wrong in d ec idi ng that that particular moment, when such a message may be either upon the eve of being brought down, or may be under discussion, or may be ac tually delivered, would hardly be the time to deliberate with due consideration upon a question of such grave im portance as that of the state of the representation of the people. I cannot but think that, such being the case, it will be better to postpone the consideration of the Reform Bill to a future day. But when I say a future day, I may here entertain the hope that when that day comes which I affairs propose t ffalirsaswill enableo fix, there may theho m uss o t a h l e oi n ly exi a 's o t udsdech delibe state rat ely to onsider that bill. Upon the other hand, it would be the eight of imprudence if I were to say that upon that par ticular day which I shall name, the business must infalli bly come on • and that that state of things might not arise, which would make it necessary again to postpone it to a future day. I can therefore only ask the house to agree that I should have the power to defer the day upon which I shall proceed with the bill to a later period ; and it will then be in the power of the hon. baronet the member for East Kent, or any other hon. member, when that time comes, to interpose any objection which he may think proper to its further progress. The postponement which I shall propose will enable the Government to mature and introduce the bills with respect to the representa tation of Scotland and Ireland, before the second reading of the bill for England. The day on which I shall propose to proceed with the latter measure is the day immediately following the Easter holidays—Thursday, the 27th day of April. Ido not propose an earlier day, because it would be obviously inconvenient to the house to enter upon the discussion of a bill of this sort a few days before the Easter holidays, and then to be obliged to adjourn it till a future period. (Hear, hear.) Sir J. SHELLEY, who on thing to address the house was received with cries of " oh, oh," expressed his deep re gret at the course which her Majesty's Ministers had thought proper to pursue upon the present occasion. He thought it was right the house and the country should know the precise position in which they stood with re spect to this great question. The house would recollect that upon a former occasion the noble lord stated that the best time for introducing a measure to amend the represen tation of the people was when the public mind was quiet, and not agitated upon the subject; but in his speech on introducing the bill, in answer to what fell from the hon. member for Liverpool, the noble lord declared that there was nothing in the present state of public affairs, even supposing we were at war, which should serve as a reason for postponing a measure of this kind. But that was not all ; last year the noble lord pledged his word that her Majesty's Ministers, in the course of the present session, would introduce a bill for the reform of the representation of the people. That promise coming as it did from a man of character and consistency, was believed and eon fided in by the country ; but now the noble lord came for ward at the last moment, within seven days of the time fixed for the second reading of the measure, and announced his intention to postpone the .bill, or rather to do that which really amounted to a virtual abandonment of it. Such, at all events, was his opinion of the course which the noble lord had pursued ; and he did think the house and the country had some right to complain, and were entitled to ask the noble lord whether it was really his in tention to take the sense of the house upon the bill in the present session. Nobody seemed to object to the principles of the measure. The noble lord had very truly said that the amendment of the hon. member for East Kent did not refer to the merits of the bill itself, but merely set forth that the present was not a proper time for going into the question of Parliamentary reform. There could be only one reason, therefore, for the refusal of the noble lord to proceed with the bill, and that was, because he was afraid of being placed in a minority in that house. (Cries of " Hear, hear, from the Opposition benches.) Now, ho would take the liberty of saying that it was the duty of the noble lord, after the pledges he had given, to proceed with the bill, let the consequences be what they might; but should the noble lord persist in breaking all the pro mises he had made to the house and the country, it would be difficult to believe that the whole thing had not been a sham from the beginning to the end, and that the reformers of England had not been completely bamboozled by her Majesty's Ministers. (Cheers and laughter from the Oppo sition.) There were principles in the bill which the refor mers of the country had hailed with great satisfaction. It did not go far enough for some of them—(a laugh)—but it was, not a step, but a stride in the right direction, and those who had advocated the cause of Parliamentary re form for years, could scarcely, he thought, be satisfied with what would be universally regarded as a virtual withdrawal of the measure. When he was told that there had been" no excitement in favour of the bill, his reply was that the excitement and agitation should have come from the other side. If it was true, as avowed by hon. gentlemen oppo site, that a large portion of the nation objected to the prin ciples of the bill, why did they not get up public meetings against it ? He could tell them, that if they had done so, there would have been plenty of excitement in favour of the bill. It seemed to him, however, that the country, unlike the noble lord and her Majesty's Ministep, had pur sued a straightforward and dignified course. The people had shown confidence in the Government, and had never doubted for one moment that the noble lord would fulfil the pledges he had given. For his own part, up till yes terday he firmly believed that the noble lord would move the second reading of the bill on the 13th inst and he never supposed for an instant that the noble lord, after all that had occurred, would give up the measure, in order to avoid being placed in a minority in that house. Did the noble lord imagine that the country would be satisfied with so trivial and paltry an excuse as that ? If the noble lord was afraid of being placed in a minority by those members whom the bill deprivedoftheirsk their opinionseattsh,ewhyd did he hesitate to appeal to the country, and ask upon the subject? He was convinced that, if the noble lord persevered in the course he was pursuing, the country would lose confidence in every one who was placed in the position of a Minister of the Crown. (A laugh.) He should like to ask the noble lord, in the name of the re formers of England—(cries of "oh, oh !" and laughter) — whether he really meant to proceed with the bill after the Easter holidays, or whether he would then come forward with another excuse for a further postponement of the measure? Upon the answer given to that question would depend the confidence which was to be reposed in her Ma jesty's Ministers. (Laughter.) ' Mr. LABOUCHERE—Sir, lam induced to trespass upon the attention of the house for a few moments in con ' sequence of the speech which has been addressed to them by the honourable baronet the member for Westminster. Sir, I believe I have been a reformer quite as long as he. I believe I have had opportunities for observing the con duct of the noble lord the member for the city of London much more nearly, and much more closely than the hon. baronet ever had ; and if he will permit me to use the privilege of age and experience in giving him any advice upon the present occasion, I would say that, if he values the cause of reform—if he really wishes practical suc cess to reform measures, and not merely to make them the themes of declamation and agitation—if he wishes to see those measures carried into effect, let him follow the guid ance of the noble lord the member for the city of London, who has been our captain, and has led us to victory i n many a well-fought field, and who I believe to be not wavering or dissenting on the present occasion, but cautious and ju dicious. (Cheers.) I confess, for my own part, so far from agreeing with the hon. baronet that the cause of Parlia mentary reform has suffered by the course intimated by the noble lord, my belief is that no policy could have been HOUSE OF COMMONS---(YESTERDAY.) POSTPONEMENT OF THE REFORM BILL. On proceeding to read the orders of the day, Lord JOHN RUSSELL rose and said—Sir, in rising to ask that an order of the day should be read for the pur pose of postponing it, I am about to take the unusual course of making some explanation to the house of the rea son why I propose to take this step. I think such a course is due to the house after what has passed on the subject of the bill for the amendment of the representation of the people in England and Wales ; and it is especially due to those hon. members of the house who are earnestly desirous of a further amendment of that representation, to explain the reason why I propose to postpone that bill to another day, to be named by me. The house will recollect that when Parliament assembled it was considered most pro probable that we might soon be involved in hostilities, but no statement upon that subject could then be made with certainty. Her Majesty was pleased, in addressing this house, to recommend to our consideration a further amend mendment of the state of the representation of the people in Parliament, and was graciously pleased, in recommend ing the subject to our consideration, to say, " In recom mending this subject to your consideration, my desire is to remove every cause of just complaint, to increase general confidence in the Legislature, and to give additional sta bility to the settled institutions of the State." It was in conformity with that recommendation of her Majesty that upon the 13th of February I prowled to bring in a bill fo 20 11 10 20 20 L 10s. 10 20 1 I a 30 al 20 L Agna Fria Anglo Austrin. 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Sir, the people of this country are desirous at the present moment of uniting heart and hand in prosecuting a far greater war than any in which England has yet been engaged; and I must add, that I believe this house, faith fully representing the feelings of this country, is not dis posed to seek for occasions of party differences ; and does not desire to see matters of party struggle brought forward but at the outset of this formidable contest is inclined to believe that the duty devolves upon it of presenting a united aspect and serried front to the nations of Europe, which are closely watching our actions. (Hear, hear.) I have seen it stated in the newspapers that, in conversation upon one occasion, the Emperor of Russia said he had no fear for the peace of Europe, because he believed that, what he was pleased to call a " bourgeoise" House of Com mon!, would never support the Government in a great and patriotic course of action in foreign policy. I think the demeanour of this house and the country will soon con vince him of his mistake. (Cheers.) Sir, upon that ground I heartily rejoice at the course which the Government have pursued. I think they are right not only to postpone the bill upon the present occasion, but I think they would act extremely wrong if they pledged themselves to bring it for ward at any time—(laughter from the Opposition benches) —or under any circumstances, when their sense of public duty may tell them that, as conscientious men, they are not discharging their duty to the Crown and to the country by introducing it to Parliament and I hope that no taunt or sneer will drive them from that which I hold to be the course of public duty—namely, not for any minor conside ration—not for any consideration of an unworthy descrip tion in the least to waver from the position of judging of events as they arise, and not to commit th emse l ves prema turely to any course which, when the time came, might be contrary to their sense of public duty. We are told we are on the eve of a war. It is true there is yet a pos sibility that war may be avoided, and if so, one or two months hence, may be a very proper time to consider the Reform Bill ; but my anticipation is very different. lam afraid that before the 27th of April we shall be involved in an arduous and severe contest, and therefore my opinion is that it would be a most unwise course to urge the Go - vernment to introduce the bill at that time. (Hear, hear.) One word more and I have done. The hon. baronet, the member for Westminster seemed to call upon the country to agitate upon this question. My belief is that the coun try is too sensible and patriotic to adopt that policy. Sir, this not a time for internal dissentions of any kind, and I will say that, although I believe there is a great body who would like to see a practical and well devised scheme for improving the representation of the people, yet this house as at present composed is, I believe, in the opinion of the country fully able to represent it, and to conduct its affairs either in peace or in war. (Hear, hear.) There is, there fore, no reason whatever why we should, at all costs and hazards, urge upon Govornment this question of Parlia mentary reform. I will conclude, sir, by saying that I for one am content to leave the question with entire con fidence in the hands of the noble lord the member for the city of London. I think the course he has recommended is a wise and patriotic course ; and I hope that neither he nor any other member of the Government will be in duced to give a pledge of any kind which may in the slightest degree embarrass that free action and that liberty to judge of events as they arise which Ministers of the Crown ought always to possess, but especially at such a time as the present. (Cheers.) Colonel SIBTHORP said the course pursued by the noble lord was no more than what he expected from the beginning. (A laugh.) He had witnessed so much vacil lation on the part of the noble lord, particularly of late years, that he had no doubt, though the noble lord would not own it, that the whole thing had been planned on the first day. The noble lord had produced a variety of things, but had done nothing, and it might safely be pre dicted that the house had seen the last of the new Reform Bill. Mr. PHINN observed that, though he represented a constituency which had always stood boldly forward in the cause of reform, he could not but tender to the noble lord his mead of approval for the course which he had taken, (Hear, hear.) The honourable member for West minster—perhaps he did not intend it—had used language of a somewhat ungenerous character—(hear, hear)—and which he could not help thinking must have occasioned pain to the noble lord, as it had unquestionably done to those who had always looked to him as one in whom the reformers of the country confided. (Hear, hear.) No one could have heard the statement of the noble lord without seeing most clearly that there was a great struggle in his mind between his sense of what was due to himself, to his personal honour, and to the pledges he had given to the house and the country . , and what it was necessary to yield to a stern sense of public duty. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord, however, must see at the present moment that, what ever pledges he might have given, he could not control the force of circumstances, nor urge public opinion beyond a certain given point. For his own part, he confessed he was very much of the opinion of the honourable mem ber for East Kent, though, had the Government in spite of all resistance resolved to carry the bill through the house, he should have given them his humble but earnest support. Unless, however, they were prepared to say that the ques tion of reform could be disussed without injury to our fo reign policy, he would not advise them to proceed with the bill ; for, most unquestionably, if affairs had arrived at such a crisis that the united energies of the four Powers were required to bridle the ambition of Russia, the first thing which this country bad to do was to bring the war to a speedy termination, and then it might turn its atten tion to internal organic reform. Sir J. P.A.KINGTON—Sir, I do not object to the post ponement of this Reform Bill. (A. laugh from the Minis terial benches.) In my opinion, to have preserved in that bill at the present juncture would have been dangerous and unwise. But Ido object to a course of conduct on the part of her Majesty's Government by which the country has been excited and misled. (Hear, hear.) Sir, I think that the explanation we have this evening heard from the noble lord is humiliating and discreditable to her Ma jesty's Government. (Hear, hear.) Sir, the noble lord has said nothing which, in my mind, can save himself or the Government from this censure—namely, that if the Reform Bill ought not to be persevered in, it ought not to have been introduced. (Cheers.) You have laid on the table a bill which has excited the hopes and the fears of large classes of the people, and I hold that you are not jus tified as a Government in so submitting that bill to Parlia ment unless you are prepared to press it forward with all the might and with all the influence which the Govern ment of the Crown can use. (Continued cheering from the Opposition benches.) Sir, the noble lord has told us to night that he postpones this bill on account of a message which has been sent to the Emperor of Russia. Will the noble lord tell the house that on the day when he moved for leave to introduce this bill he did not contemplate sending that message to the Emperor of Russia ? (Cheers ) Is there any one respect in which the position of Parliament, the position of the Government, or the position of the coun - try is different to-day from what it was on the day upon which this bill was introduced ? (Cheers.) Sir, the noble lord has said that this bill ought not to go forward, because we are on the point of war. Has the noble lord forgotten what he himself said on a former evening upon this very subject. (Hear, hear.) Has he forgotten that he told the house that the very fact of an approaching war would involve in creased taxation—that increased taxation required increased confidence on the part of the people towards their repre sentatives—and that, therefore, this was the time above all others preeminently fitted for a reform bill? (Hear, hear.) How does the noble lord reconcile the language of that day with the language which we have now heard ? Sir s I am sorry to say that I think the conduct of Government has been such as greatly to impair the position in the eyes of the country which it is most desirable they should oc cupy at such a moment of public excitement and national importance. By the vasillating conduct of the Govern. ment they have involved us in a war with Russia. (Cries of " no, no" and cheers.) Sir, I will not shri n k f rom adopting the opini on w hi c h I believe can be demonstrated and proved, that the timidity and vacillation of the Go vernment have mainly led to the war with Russia. (Hear.) That is proved by the papers which you have shown us ; but the Government must admit—the noble lord himself has this night admitted—that we who dissent from the policy of the Government have met them in a patriotic spirit. We think them right in the vigour at which they have at last arrived, and we are willing unanimously to support them in the war they are about to enter on. But, sir, this policy requires unanimity, and makes it most im portant and desirable that we should act as one man in facing our enemies ; and I think it renders the conduct of the Go vernment gravely reprehensible that they endeavour to agi tate the country and Parliament by a measure upon which they know it is impossible for unanimity to exist. (Hear.) Sir, the Government have only proposed to us two measures of importance this year. One of these measures they have now postponed, and with the other it appears they dare not proceed. The one is a bill to amend the representation of the people, and the other a bill affecting deeply some of the' most grave constitutional questions and some of the most important constitutional guarantees for the religious liber ties of this country. Such is the present position of the Government. I repeat I do not object to the postponement I of this bill ; on the contrary, I think the Government would have been deeply reprehensible had this bill been persevered in ; but I cannot refrain from expressing my i strong and emphatic condemnation of their conduct in bringing forward a measure which, if it ought not to be j proceeded with, ought never to have been introduced. (Cheers from the Opposition benches.) Mr. HUME—Sir, I fur one have heard, undoubtedly with deep regret, the determination of the Government to postpone this bill, because I fear it may excite in the minds of the people a suspicion that they wish to give up the measure altogether. Now, sir, I have sufficient confi dence in the noble lord and the Government to which he belongs, to think that they cannot be guilty of that which is charged against them. I believe they are sincere, and it is because I believe theyare sincere that I have given them my hearty support in the measure they have introduced. I will not say that the reasoens been th sufficient ; but I am have urged for post poning this bill appear to ha ve not on that account to declare that theyare not justified in extending the period for con sidering the bill, provid e d th ey allow plenty of time , in dealing with it before th e en d of the session. It was to be expected that hon. gen tl emen on the Opposition side should rise and say they approved of the postponement of the bill ; but for progressive re formers—for those who desire to see the grounds of dis content removed from among the people of this country —for such men to throw doubts into the public mind with regard to the intentions of Government is really too bad. (Cheers.) The honourable baronet the member for Westminster speaks of the reformers of Eng land. What does he know of the reformers of England ? (Cheers.) I think I kno vas much of them as he does ; and I can only say that every communication I have had from the country speaks favourably of the bill as a whole. (Hear.) There may be points which, when it comes into committee, might be modified ; but looking to it as a mea sure which gives a share of representation to large classes of the people, which—bringing them within the pale of the constitution, tends to remove discontent—l say, this appears to me to be a large and comprehensive measure. Every man who sits here as a reformer ought to embracH, and not find fault with it. I will not form so base an opi nion of the Government as to think they will not apply their whole force to carry it through a second reading. I agree with the right hon. baronet opposite (Sir J. Pakin,g ton), that if they were not determined to go through with it, they ought not to have introduced it. Having intro duced it, with all the obligations which the Government have incurred, and after the speech of the noble lord upon that occasion, I never can form such a base opinion of them as seems to have been formed by some who call them selves reformers. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) I advise all such men to pass from the ranks. (Laughter.) I can guard against those who call themselves my enemies, but not against those who oall themselves my friends. (Cheers.) Though it should be lost—though the Government should be placed in a minority upon this question—it would only tend to rouse the spirit of the country in its favour. I want no agitation. The people have perfect confidence in the Government, that after two years' promises, after having brought in a measure so beneficial and so good, they will give a fair chance of carrying it through with success. (Cheers.) Sir G. GREY said—l rose immediately after the right hon. member for Droitwich to express my entire dissent from that estimate which, with great self-complaisance, he has formed of the part which he and those on whose behalf he speaks have taken under present circum stances. He claims for himself and his party the highest patriotism ; and on what grounds ? Because, night after night, they have offered no opposition in voting largely in creased estimates for carrying on a war into which I believe we have been inevitably dragged, not by the timidity and vacillation, but by the determined ambition and encroach ment of a most ambitious power. (Cheers.) And what is the patriotism of the right hon. gentleman ? It is that he and his party are ready to place the means of carrying on a war, which every oneve.dmits will be a struggle of a most serious character, and the termination of which no one can foresee, in the hands of a Government which he taunts as weak, timid, irresolute, and vascillating. (Cheers.) If the right hon. hart. really retains those opinions, it is his duty to take the sense of the House of Commons, and to use his best endeavours to place those means in the hands of men not characterised by those grave defects which inca pacitate a Government for carrying on war with effect. (Cheers.) If he does not retain those opinions, or if he shrinks from bringing them to a test in this house, then I say it is anything but patriotic to get up night after night to make insinuations, to depreciate its endeavours, to weaken its hands, and to lesson it in the opinion of the country. (Loud cheers.) I believe that the opinions which have been expressed by the right honourable gentleman are not shared by the country. I believe the country does think that the Government has acted with caution, with prudence, and with the serious desire of avoiding " peace.' (Great laughter on the Opposition side was occasioned by this mistake, but the right hon. baronet immediately cor rected himself)—avoiding war and maintaining peace, in those negotiations which have been carried on ; I believe the country is prepared to confide in the vigour, ability, and efficiency of the Government in conducting the war, should we unfortunately be finally forced into it. (Cheers.) With regard to the question immediately before the house, I may be allowed to express my opinion that the Government have taken a prudent, wise, and judicious course in postponing it, and I do not concur with the right hon. baronet in thinking —after the pledge to in troduce a Reform Bill, after the general expectation had been raised that a Reform Bill would be introduced—that it would have been for the Government to have refrained from Paying that bill before the house and country. (Cheers.) Those, no doubt, who wish to see no change in the representation of the People regret that a bill of this character should be submitted to the people. I do not share either their feelings or their objections, but this I say, that any Government would be seriously to blame if it pressed for the consideration of a bill of that kind while any measures are pending in this house which Parliament is bound to take for the vigorous and efficient prosecution of that war on the brink of which we are standing. (Cheers.) lam quite content to le ave it i n the hands of my noble friend, and I ask no pledge that on a future day this bill shall be forced on, irrespective of the circum stances in which we are then placed. I think the course which my noble friend has taken entitles him to increased confidence, showing as it does that, irrespective of per sonal feeling, he will not prejudice the interests of the country by prosecuting a measure when the interests of the country might be injuriously affected by the discus sions likely to arise out of its consideration. (Cheers.) With regard to the feeling of personal honour, I cannot conceive that the personal honour of my noble friend is in the slightest degree affected. (Hear.) Any pledge given by him or by the Government cannot be in such absolute terms as to deprive them of the power, as members of this house, if not as Ministers of the Crown, of considering whether, when the time comes, it is right to submit to consideration a measure of import ance. The personal honour of any man is best consulted by taking that course which, either as a minister or as a member, he believes most cond uc i ve t o th e permanent in terests o f the country. That is the course which has been taken by my noble friend, and, as I said before, it only en , titles him to increased confidence. The SPEAKER having read the motion, Mr. DISRAELI rose and said—l wish to make some observations to the house before this motion is agreed to. I do not understand the reasons alleged by the noble lord in favour of this motion, which I shall certainly not op pose. I understood the noble lord to say that the supplies had been granted byall parties in this house with a facility and spirit which is commendable, and therefore I con clude, when the noble lord made his statement in intro ducing the bill of projected Parliamentary reform before the house, he had of course calculated all the circumstances connected with supply which could affect its second read ing. Although I conclude the noble lord had taken into consideration the time necessary for granting supply, he had not taken into consideration the time necessary for ways and means. That appears to be one of the reasons why the noble lord thinks it expedient to postpone the consideration of the second reading of this bill of Parlia mentary reform, which was fixed for the 13th of this month. It appears to me somewhat strange that the noble lord should have omitted to take into consideration the time necessary - for ways and means, as well as granting supply ; though that appears to me, so far as I could follow the noble lord, the most efficient argument introduced to the house in favour of a change of his ope rations. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord, in estimating the time which would elapse with respect to those financial operations, could hardly have supposed that so sm all space of time would have been required for supply as has turned out to be the case. I think the noble lord himself voluntarily expressed his satisfaction with the conduct of the House of Commons, and I am sure every gen tleman present will agree that supply was never voted with more alacrity. (Cheers.) I know I myself attended yes terday morning, in order to lay one or two matters before the consideration of the house, and I found half a million had been voted in the time I was taking off my great coati and walking to my usual seat on the bench. (Laughter.) When the noble lord made up his mind to come down to the house and propose a great project, when he estimated the time which must elapse before the decision of the house upon its merits could be taken, he could hardly have sup posed that voting of supply would have taken so short a time as it did. (Hear.) It, therefore, appears to be clear that the noble lord did not take into his calculation the necessity of the house considering ways and means, as well as supply. (Hear.) Ido not know whether the noble lord will find as great facility as ho has with supply. I am rather alarmed at the intimation the noble lord g ives us of what awaits us nex t M on d ay. (A laugh.) Buta second reason given us by a noble lord is also in my mind of not so satisfactory a nature as for the sake of the noble lord I could have wished. The noble lord says we are still nego tiating with the Emperor of Russia. The noble lord was, of course, aware of that when he introduced the bill on the 13th of last month. (Hear.) The noble lord then, of course, calculated the time which would necessarily or pro bably elapse before these negotiations could be brought to an issue, as well as th e ti me th a t would be required by the House of Commons to vote supply and the ways and means. I want to know why the noble lord, having these means of forming an estimate of the time necessary, and having for its purpose more experience than any member of the house; why the noble lord has taken the step he did, of introducing this measure, of fixing a day for the second reading, when it appears, from the arguments which are offered us to-day, he was not justified in the course which he then took, and is consequently obliged to postpone fora considerable period the time when the decision of the House of Commons can be asked on this measure, and when he very w i se ly de clines to pledge himself that even on that distant day the decision of the House of Commons shall be demanded. (Hear, hear.) I cannot help thinking —looking to the very great importance of the subject—looking also to the pecu liar circumstances in which we found ourselves involved, it would have been better if the noble lord had met us openly when the house first met, and told us th a t circum stances did not justify him in bringing forward so soon as he intended a measure for Parliamentary reform ; that he felt himself pledged to introduce a measure of that kind. as soon as circumstances admitted it —probably this session —but that, until he clearly saw he had the power and op portunity of prooeeding with the measure, he would not detail to the house the scheme of reform which he meant to introduce. (Hear, hear.) I think that would have , been the wisest and most discreet course which a minister could have taken ; because, sir, we must remember that this is a question which has not been hastily taken up by the noble lord and his colleagues. (Hear, hear.) It is now for several years that the noble lord, as minister and as independent memb er , h as b een announc i ng t o th e hose and to the country th a t h e i n t en d e d t o propose a furt heru reform of the House of Commons. The noble lord had the advantage, as First Minister, of proposing a measure for was by laid any yn gentleman the tab e who—nct a th s e iu r g e l f e or u m b je o u f t P iu e u rli w am as en e t v . I ever m ade t sits on this side of the house—no opportunity was ever given to us of discussing that measure. (Hear, hear.) Well, a considerable time has now elapsed. W e have now a measure which has no resemblance to the one which was introduced two years ago ; and, therefore, the noble lord cannot allege that in consequence of the opposition at that time, or the criticism which it af forded, (the measure he now offers is so totally different in character. (Hear, hear.) Now we are in a in which there is at least a prospect of the second position ,fo Bill of the noble lord not proceerling. It is even h e to m e distant day. Its projector announces that he will not pledge himself on that distant day to bring it forward. (Hear.) Its projector may be perfectly justified in the course which h e h as taken, but in er myinion he ought never to have brought forward the measure in detail, if he did not see a fair prospect of advancing it. (Cheers.) I want the house to consider this point also. Is it for the public advantage that the Ministry of the country should always be laying siege, as it were, to its constitution. (Hear.) It is a very fair thing for a member of the House of Commons, who thinks there ought to be a great change in the State, to bring forward his ideas by way of motion to this house. He generally gets defeated by a considera ble majority. He renews his efforts from time to time. If public sympathy is sluggish, his project sleeps; if circum stances allow him to bring forward with more advantage, his project advances ; it may in time be crowned with suc cess. He carries on a constitutional and not dangerous agitation. The greatest evil which he has to encounter — the very greatest misfortune ho has to experience—is for the house to be counted out--(Laughter)—as it once was counted out on parliamentary reform itself. That course certainly operates in no manner which is not beneficial to the public : but it is a very different thing when a Minis- ter announces that he is an agitator against the institu tions of the country. The noble lord may be perfectly right in his views on this question—not that I am enter ing now, in any way, into the merits of his measure —but it is a great disadvantage that the Minister of England should be (avowedly one who disapproves of the institutions of the country, and who does not change them only because he has not the power. (Hear, and cheers.) Whatever may be the merits of the views of thenoble lord, one great advantage in the constitution is, that it is athing settled. We live under an institution, and the essence of its excellency is, that it is something which is established. (Hear, bear.) Now, I want to know what is the position of the House of Commons—of the reformed House of Conn. mons, when within the last four or five years the most of the character of institution ; that r he disapproves of eminent man in p o a u :ty as i se u m t b h l e y, u j a u t a i t u l n y , p h o sas ss i e a ss n i n n o g un th eeedeotees; he disapproves all its elements, o f the mat erials of which dance of a great he thinks measures she which - should it is formed ; that passed its gr influence — ng who ts y c e h t ara is c u te n r able to pass his and does remain Minister of that his (Hear, (Hear, hear.) There are a great many gentlemen in this m g w re hi esi a c t h u ly res s a h , ffa ul a d house like the member for East Kent, who addressed us tonight, who are, they tell us, and we have no reason to St. ili 11A 10 St. 11 St. 11 20 3.0 lii 20 r i St. 10 St. 11 St. 11 50 1 50 1 20 1 20 10 50 25 E St. Ili ni 6 33/ 15 20 20 20 I all all all all all 100 100 50 1 10 1 1 1 1 2i i..d 21 di I #P. Id 8 124 p 6d f / C'.7 I