The Sun. — London, England, 1833-04-30 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The vote on Friday night, though certainly not intended to affect the stability of the Ad ministration, because a considerable portion of the majority consisted of their friends, had nearly driven the Ministers from their seats. The Noble Chancellor of the Exchequer had procured the postponement of the various an nounced motions for the repeal of particular duties till he had himself presented his budget. Among his , t ways and means" for meeting the supplies of the year were included most of the menaced taxes; he therefore probably concluded that as he had disposed entirely of his little sur plus, no further reduction of taxation would be seriously insisted on during the present session. The budget was evidently unpopular both in and out of the House ; but it seemed to be understood that for any further reduction of duties a substitute must be provided to the amount of the diminution ; and that relief— tvhere relief was anticipated—could only be °trained by shifting the pressure from one part of the body to another, without removing the burden. In this state of things, the suc cess of Sir W. Ingilby's motion, which de prived the Treasury, at ore blow, of resources to the amount of nearly 2,500,0001., fol lowed, as it must in fairness be (if the vote is maintained), by the repeal of the house and window duties, which amount to about the same sum, alters the whole financial plans, or system of taxation, for the year. If one-half of the malt tax is reduced, it would be absurd to maintain the restraints or to incur the expense necessary for collecting the remainder, and thus the Chancellor of the Exchequer, instead of having a sufficiency of income to meet the esti mated expenditure, would be obliged to provide a Pm substitute for 7,000,0001. of his existing revenue. Had such a result been in any way contemplated, and we think it ought to have been contemplated, it would have been the bounden duty of the Government to have insti tuted inquiries as to the practicability of the change, and to have presented the most ap proved project for carrying it into execution. But the Ministers allege that they have been taken by surprise ; and even the landlords, we suspect, who on Friday night voted for the abo lition of a duty which lessened the consumption of their own barley, would much rather that beer-drinkers, for whom they feel so tenderly, confirmed to pay a penny a-pot more for their beverage, than that they should contribute 10 per cent. to the revenue on their whole rents. Whatever may be the decision of the House, the Government of this country is at pre sent, and owing to its own want of foresight, placed in a frightful state of embar rassment. Lord Althorp has announced that he intends to give it an opportunity of revising its late vote, and of rejecting the promised reso lution of Sir J. Key, with the alternative before it of a property tax, and an extensive change in our whole financial system, which the Government pronounces " inexpedient." To rescind a re solution passed only three or four days ago would be degrading to Pailiament, and would tend to weaken the confidence of the country in the future stability of its purposes. The vote, it is said, was taken by surprise, though six weeks' notice of it had been given ; but may not the same apology be pleaded on future occasions, when a Minister with less reason might appeal to the new precedent ? Though the House, on Friday's vote, was composed of little more than 300 Members, the paucity of their num bers can afford no justification for rescinding their decision, which would not affect fatally more than four-fifths of its proceedings or reso lutions. Besides, though the House should assemble this evening in greater force—though 11 the former majority should persist in their recent votes—and though their friends, with the fear of a property tax before their eyes, should help them out of the malt duty scrape, what security have we that the repeal of the house and window duties will not be carried also, a motion the success of which would keep the Government in the sante dilemma as at present ? Whatever may be the result, Government, we think, is right in placing the alternative of the mainte nance of existing duties, or the imposition of a property tax, openly and fairly before the Re formed Parliament, and offering to abide by its deliberate decision, especially as it is not im probable that the majority on Friday did not act upon such an extensive view of circumstances or in contemplation of such great results. The idea of the Administration resigning on such a point would be the height of folly or absur dity. There could scarcely be a greater calamity for this country than a change in the councillors of the Crown at the present moment, when plans have been matured for the settlement of so many great questions, and when the country is so eager to reap some of the fruits of Reform. The arrangement of the affairs of the East India Company, the Bank Charter Question—the new code for abolishing or mitigating colonial slavery— the state of the church, besides many other things of great importance, press for an imme diate decision. The least interruption to the march of the Government at this interesting crisis would lose half of one of the most im portant sessions in our annals. Besides, no party but the faction of anarchy could gain any thing by the change. The return of the Tories to office is impossible : the country rejects them, and they themselves are confessedly afraid to take it ; and we suppose the country is not /et prepared to submit to the dominion of the Irish lord of misrule, or of the Brummagem Hampden. All that we could gain by any exhibition of an unpatriotic pique or pride in tendering their places by the present Cabinet would be some confusion, and a great interruption to the business of the country. We hope, however, that Ministers will take warning from the danger into which their own want of foresight has plunged them.— Times. The course which Ministers intend to pur sue, in consequence of the vote on Friday night, was announced last night by Lord Althorp. His Majesty's Ministers (said his Lordship) have felt it desirable to bring the question again before the House ; and in such a manner that the whole state of the case may be brought be fore them, and that they may see clearly all the consequences which may take place from the proceeding of that night, and come to a deci sion with their eyes open. That decision may be precisely the same as th a t w hi c h they came to before, or i t may differ from it ; but there thisreis a necessity for a c lear understanding upon subject." Nothing can be more manly an d straightforward than the course indicated by his Lordship. Neither Ministers nor Parliament dare to propose spoliation, and, therefore, we will not libel Parliament by supposing for one moment that any of those who voted for the re duction of the malt duty had the slightest idea of attacking the Funds. This being a settle& point, the next consideration is, how and by what means the Government shall be carried on. Parliament will not, of course, resemble the Egyptian taskmasters,who insisted on the Israelites making bricks without straw. The money must be obtained from one source or another for carrying on the Government. Lord Althorp gave notice, that it is his intention to move this even ing, as an amendment to the motion of Sir John Key for a repeal of the house and window taxes, the following resolution :—" That the deficiency of the revenue which would be occasioned by a reduction of the tax on malt to 10s. a quarter, and by the repeal of the taxes on houses and windows, could only he supplied by the sub stitution of a general tax on property, and that this substitution would occasion an extensive change in our who!e financial system, which would at present be inexpedient." The House may repeal taxes to any amount ; but if the taxes repealed exceed in amount the balance of revenue over expenditure, and the utmost saving which can possibly be effected, other taxes must provided ; and at present the choice is soon made, for a property and income tax is the only conceivable substitute. A good deal of time was consumed in endeavouring to fasten on Lord Althorp a declaration on Friday night after the division, which he disclaimed. It was very ap propriately observed by Mr. Baring, " That the Noble Lord, when he declared he should abide by the resolution, meant that he either would not negative it on the second resolution being put from the chair, or that Government would abide by it. The declaration might, without stretch, have been interpreted either way. But no gentleman could suppose that the Noble Lord meant, without consultation with his col leagues, to bind Government as to the course they would take on so important a question." It is quite clear that Lord Althorp could never have intended to make a declaration in the sense to which several Members wished to tie his Lordship down, and it was trifling with the House to waste so much time in such an at- tempt. The announcement of Lord Althorp produced considerable sensation. In the con versation which followed, one or two Members endeavoured, by unmeaning rhodomontade, to evade the difficulty. The Marquis of Chandos, for instance, affected to feel great regret that that there was any intention to get rid of the vote of the House of Commons, and was quire distressed " that there should be any attempt on he part of a Minister of the Crown in that re 7ormed House,from which so much was expected, set aside the vote—that Members should be told they voted improperly, and that he would give them another opportunity of correcting their mistake." Not a word from this Noble Lord, who regrets so much the departure from the vote, of a substitute ! Other Members, how ever, were more candid, and admitted that no possible saving could cover the taxes proposed to be reduced, and that they were prepared for the alternative of a property tax. Mr. Tennyson said, " he should be ashamed of himself if, be ing ready to vote for the repeal of the malt tax, and of the house and window tax, he were not also ready to vote for a substitute for it. The utmost that could be saved from the expendi- . ire was two or three millions. He was, therefore, for one, prepared to agree to a pro perty tax."—Mr. Robinson, of course, was ready to supply from other sources the taxes to be reduced. Mr. Hall Dare was ready to vote for a property tax as a substitute for the malt tax. Sir Robert Peel declared, that if he had been present on Friday night he would have voted against the reduction of the malt duty, knowing the consequences to which such a re duction would lead ; and the Right Hon. Baronet threw out a hint, that among these consequences might be a change of the corn laws as well as a property tax. But the most curious exhibition of the evening was unques tionably that of Mr. Alexander Baring. Mr. Baring is a perfect Proteus. On the night of the Budget he was quite shocked that the Ministry bhould persist in reducing taxes instead of haring a large surplus revenue. On Friday night he voted for the reduction of the malt duty to ten shillings, which would reduce tl , e revenue below the expenditure. But on the announcement of a property tax as an alterna tive, he pricks up his ears. " Would they," says the Hon. Member, pathetically, " have the relief of the malt tax and the house and window tax, and were they prepared to take as a substitute for them a tax on property and income—not a tax on property or income, but a tax on property and income ?" The Hon. Gentleman repeats, emphatically, not a tax on property or income, but a tax on property and income. He knows, however, that the tax would fall almost exclusively on property, and not on income ; for an income tax would cause an in finity of trouble—would provoke a great deal of ill blood, on account of the absolute and in quisitorial powers which it would be necessary to delegate, in order to obtain anything from incomes—and the danger to which this discon- tent would expose the whole financial system of the country. We know already, by experience, what an income tax yields. But the ludicrous part of Mr. Baring's speech was his concluding observation—that, " in fact, he thought the re duction of the malt tax, for which he voted on Friday, might have been afforded without bring ing on the necessity of a general commutation of taxation ; but, even allowing that it were put to him distinctly, whether he would have the malt duty reduced and a property tax im posed, or the malt duty left alone, he shciuld certainly say—leave the malt duty alone—(Hear, hear) —and spare him the property tax.---(Hear, hear, and laughter.)" Well might the House laugh. The Hon. Gentleman, like all those who view everything too exclusively with refe rence to themselves, saw on Friday night the danger to which a vote against Sir William Ingilby's motion might expose him at a future election in Essex ; but he probably thought that a majority against the motion would avert the consequences. Now, however, the property tax is uppermost in his mind ; and the Essex electors are treated cavalierly enough. We are under no alarm. The House will think better of the matter. There will be no property tax. The honest Members who voted for the reduction of the malt duty, in the hope of there by obtaining a property tax, will be deserted this night by several of those who helped to make the majority, but who have no relish for a property tax. We are not blind to the advan tages of a property tax, if it were possible to raise by it any proportion of the taxes necessary to meet the public creditor and defray the charges of the Government. But it is impos sible to raise the moiety of the revenue wanted in this country by a property tax (for we put . icsrityy resisted. t income out o f th e q u e stion.) A graduated property tax is We confiscation, see the and evils o o ur presentbe str e system of taxation? but we are unable to see how, by any other system, we can improve our situation. As the course of Ministers -* I S plain and simple, the negativing of Lord Althorp's resolution will lead at once to a property tax. We are less afraid of the House than of the people of London ; for, in our conscience, we believe that the house and window tax will he resisted in London.—Morning Chronicle. The public will look with great anxiety to the result of the motion of Sir John Key for the total repeal of the inhabited house and window duties, which motion stands for discussion in the House of Commons this day ; but, by refer ring to our report of the debate of last night, it will be seen in what manner the Ministers mean to meet it. An amendment is to be moved by Lord Ahhorp which will, if carried, settle the Hon. Baronet's motion,tortether with that of Sir Ingilby's of last Friday. Whenever it is proposed to reduce any portion of the enormous load of taxation, under which the productive in dustry of this once great and flourishing country struggles and perishes, the Ministers and their sycophants raise a cry about " keeping faith wi'h the public creditor." This cry is mere nonsense, unless it can be shewn that all practicable re ductions have been made in the establishments of the Sate and the expenditure of Govern ment. It is only when economy and retrench ment shall have been carried to the utmost possible limits which the honest and effective discharge of the public service will allow that re ductions of taxation, which bring the income of the State below the reduced expenditure, can endanger the security which the public creditor has for the payment of the interest of the debt. But as to the assessed taxes, the re taining them in the eighteenth year of peace is itself a gross and flagrant breach of faith with the people. Those taxes were not laid on ori ginally for an indefinite period, as a security for the payment of the interest of the debt, or for any other purpose—they were laid on as war taxes and war taxes only, with a distinct pledge from the Minister of the Crown that they should be abolished within two years after a return to a state of peace. This, the eighteenth year since the restoration of peace, sees those taxes still in existence, and Ministers feel no qualms of con science at committing the breach of faith with the public of which their produce is the disho ' nest fruit. The great result which the people anticipated from the Reform Bill was the prac tical alleviation of their grievous burdens. If they were wrong and unreasonable in that ex pectation, the Whigs are to blame for encou raging that popular impression which their syco phants are now e , nployed to deride. Out of office, the Whigs imputed to the corruptions of the rival party then in power the extra vagant expenditure and intolerable taxation of the country. They denounced the sine cures—they assailed the pension list—they de clared that the salaries of public functionaries were fixed on a scale far beyond what the cir cumstances of the country justified—they ob jected to the magnitude of the standing army —they drew aside, with rude hand, the veil that concealed from the vulgar gaze the inmost re cesses of Courtly profusion. In short, they took every opportunity to impress upon the public mind the notion that if they were in power, and Parliament were reformed, the country would then enjoy that cheap and good govern ment which - Would restore England to her proud and happy superiority among the nations of the world. Have the people got that cheap and good Government ? Are they even promised it? As to cheapness, the Chancellor's Budget in this, the third year of a Whig Administration, is conclusive on the subject. Lord Althorp voted, when out of office, against the assessed taxes, as he did against military flogging. If he did not do so for the purpose of embarrassing the then Ministry, he must have done so to make himself popular with the country. Upon that popularity he was rased into power, and now he upholds the assessed taxes, the sinecures, the pension list, and all those rapacious or prodigal measures of State, which he and the other Whigs used both in and out ofParliatnent, to condemn and denounce. Nay more, under the fiscal Admlnistration of Lord Althorp, the assessed taxes have been made to be felt a greater grievance than ever, at least, by the middle and industrious classes of society. Under former administrations the monstrous inequality with which those taxes, especially the inhabited house tax, were levied on the higher and middle ranks of the community afforded the latter a ground of just and unan swerable complaint. That the princely mansion of the Duke of Northumberland, or the Marquis of Lansdowne, should be taxed at a lower rate than that of a humble shopkeeper, whose pre carious income depended upon the uncertain returns of trade, was bad enough ; and yet, under the present Administration, this inequa lity has been increased by the vexatious sur charges, by which the assessed taxes have been raised, as far as the middle classes are concerned, to the highest pitch that rapacious ingenuity could devise. This was also done in an unworthy and dishonest manner, for previously to the last general election the emissaries of Government very widely circulated reports that Ministers had trade up their minds to take off the assessed taxes. On the principle quod volumus facile credimus, the public lent a credulous ear to those reports, and to the confidence thereby inspired in the economical intentions of Government the Ministers are indebted for the return to Parlia ment of a large proportion of those thick and thin supporters of their measures, who have assisted them by their votes in falsifying their former principles and disappointing the public hopes. No sooner had the elections terminated than notices of surcharges were served, which, if they produced much evil, also effected one good result, that of raising the public voice against those taxes with a more general burst of indig nation than ever had been heard before. How ever Ministers may wish to cling to those taxes, we think they must have discovered by this time that the public feeling which is abroad against t h e m is such as they can no l onger , w ith sa f e ty, resist. — Morning H era ld. King's Mini s t ers , p l ace d b y t h e vo t e of i ~ n a situati on o f cons id era bl e e rnb3r- The Friday rassme nt," saw before them but three ways of escapefrom it :—they might qu i t o ffi ce — t h e y miglit attempt a property tax—they might re scind the uncomfortable vote. The first project would be inconvenient to their purses ; the second would be inconsistent with their professions ; the third would make their House of Commons ridiculous. The King's Ministers have formed their determination, alid have resolved to make their House of Commons ridiculous. It is a very merry and yet a very me l anc h o l y story . On Friday the malt tax was diminished by half of its a mount. The intelligence was circulated in all parts of the country, and the joy of the thirsty labourer was unbounded. On Tuesday the malt tax is to be restored to its old limits ; the rejoicing is to be turn e d i nto mourn i ng , t h e b e lls are to be silent, the bonfi re i s to b e put out , an d A µ; - e re is to set down in bi t t er di sa pp o i n t me nt are 1 his yet un 4-,Asted cup r of cheap beer. Why is the deliberate vote of the House of Commons to h e thus suddenly annulled ? Is it that the matter upon which that vote was given is a matter of small moment—one upon which indifference and indecision are excusable —one upon which the expectations of the coup• try are to be lightly raised and carelessly crushed ? The tax repealed and reimposed is one which affects the comforts of the most industrious and the most distressed of our fellow countrymen. The amount of taxation upon which legislation has been so precipitate and is to be so penitent, is two millions. They who supported the Re form Bill cannot think the comforts of the labouring classes unworthy of their notice ; they who manage the Exchequer must not call two millions a trifling sum. Is it that the discussion which terminated in this result came by surprise upon the Ministers and the Parliament, so that the orators were dull to explain and the audience slow to understand ? Read the reports of the proceedings at the county elections ; scrutinize the intimations given from time to time by the representatives of our largest constituencies ; count the petitions which have been laid upon the table of the House. If the Ministers, if the Parliament, were ►aken by surprise in the debate on Sir William Ingilbv's motion then, indeed, we must cease to anticipate any most common conse qttence from the antecedents which it has most commonly followed. Is it that the numbers of those who voted upon the subject were not such as to afford a fair criterion of the sense of the House of Commons ? Taxes have been laid on, and taxes have been taken off; money has been levied, and money has been spent, in houses of half the number The House was far too numerously attended for the purposes of its present guides. There were so many inde pendent and so many conscientious Members that the Chancellor of the Exchequer needed a larger muster of his pensioners than Mr. Charles Wood had deemed it proper or found it pos sible to make. But whatever may be the reason for rescinding the vote of Friday, the vote of Friday is to be rescinded. We offered a strenuous and consistent Opposition to the measure by which this House of Commons has been constituted. We never anticipated from that measure the assembling of a judicious, an honest, a respectable Senate. But we have a Reformed Parliament. We would not, that our own spleen may be gratified and ,our own pre dictions fulfilled, have that Reformed Parliament rendered in its very first Session a laughing stock and a by-word. The hundred and sixty Members who supported the reduction on Friday will have too much respect for their own cha racters to support the re-imposition on Tuesday. We beseech those who were absent, and those who supported the Government to have some regard for the character of the House, although their own may not be so immediately at stake. We will suppose that the malt tax was not a tax in which reduction was desirable ; that the vote of Friday was a vote to which the House ou g ht not to have come. Our opinion of what is now to be done is not affected by such a supposition. It might have been safe to with hold the boon which it is most unwise to retract ; and it is better that the Legislature should abide by one improvident decision than that its fickle ness should make legislation itself ludicrous and contemptible. We have left ourselves scarcely room for one word upon the unfair and crafty policy by which Lord Althorp purposes to extract from his House of Commons the condemnation of its own vote. He will propose to-night that the House should adopt two propositions :—The first, that there is no alternative, the motions of Sir W. Ingilby and Sir J. Key being both carried, but the imposition of a property tax; the second, that the imposition of a property tax is inexpedient. His Lordship will scarcely force his House of Commons to affirm either proposi tion. No alternative ? When the beer tax was taken off did it not appear to many that the malt tax was a fitter subject for legislation ? And if it shall now seem to many expedient to adopt the course which many then recommended is the property tax to be made a bugbear to frighten back the deserters from the Ministerial ranks? For the sake of public credit it is un doubtedly desirable that some resolution should he adopted by the House which should ensure the raising of sufficient supplies for the expen diture of the year. But it is not on that ac count desirable that the House at only twenty four hours' notice should resolve that there are only two ways in which these supplies can be raised.—Morning Post. COURT OF KING'S BENCH, APRIL 29. EX PARTE ADAM YOUNG. Sir JAMES SCARLETT moved fur a rule to show cause why a criminal information should not be filed against the propri,tor, printer, and publisher of Bell's Weekly Dispatch, for publishing a libel upon Mr. Young, who was the master of an Indian stop called the Fergusson. The libel accused Mr. Young of cruelty ,o his man. He (Sir J. Scar lett) had affidavits which denied many of the state ments contained in the paper, anti from which it appeared that the men refused to come on deck after a gal.., at a moment the master thought it necessary to make exertions to regain their course, and that their grog was stopped in consequence of such re fusal; they afterwards showed signs of mutiny, and the master ordered Grant into irons, which sub,e quently he had taken off; but Grant still continued obstinate. Mr. Young then held a council with his officers, and it was determined that Grant should be subjected to the lash, which was applied, and Grant was asked several times whether he would return to his duty; at last he replied in the affirmative, and then the punishment was stopped and he was re leased; the other men immediately returned to their duty, and order was restored. Rule Nisi granted. COURT OF EXCHEQUER, APRIL 29. STALEY V. HUNT. Mr. HUNT appeared to show cause against a rule to set aside the verdict in this case, which was for the defendant. He gave a bill for 130/. to a per. s on named Burton, in Derbyshire, to whom he owed that sum for blacking-bottles; before the bill became due he sent 651. in cash, and another bill for 751., to Burton, to meet the above acceptance. When the 75/. bill became due he paid it, feeling satisfied that Burton had taken up his former bill and cancelled it. He was not a I,ttle surprised at having an action brought against him for the former bill about twelve months after it became due. At the trial it appeared that Burton endorsed that Bill to the plaintiff, a relative of his own, to whom he sent the 651. remitted to him by Mr. Hunt. The plaintiff said that he appropriated that sum towards the payment of another debt which Burton owed him. Burton, in his evidence at the trial, said that, when he sent the 651. to the plaintiff, he did not state for what purpose ; but, on meeting him shortly afterwards, he told him it was in part pay ment of the bill, to which the plaintiff said nothing. Mr. Hunt contended that, as the plaintiff had kept this bill until nearly twelve months after it became due, at which time Burton became a bankrupt, it afforded strong evidence of a collusion between them to defraud him. After having paid the amount of the bill once, it was too hard to compel him to pay it again. Mr. WHITEHURST having been heard in support of the rule, the rule for a new trial for 751. was made absolute. BRUSSELS PAPERS. BRUSSELS. Aran. 27.—The annexed documents were published here this morning, and appear so imp , irtant that I hasten to remit you a translation of them. They will prove the shifts to which the Dutch diplomatists have been forced to have recourse in order to gain time. Toe patience of the British and French diplomatists is much tried ; the great question is, how long they will allow them selves to be played on by their chicanery : (NOTE OF M. DEDEL.) _ - LoNnort, APRIL 16.—The undersigned Plenipoten- tiary of his Majesty the King of the Low Countries, having hastened to transmit to his Court the note which he hid the honour to receive, on the 21 of April, from their Ex cellencies the Ambassador Extraordinary of his Majesty ti e King of the French, and the Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of his Britannic Majesty, considers himself fortunate in being able, according to the instruc . . tions which he has just received, to express to their Ex cellencies how much the Government of the Netherlands felicitates itself on finding, in the spirit of conciliation which presided at the preparation or the a lid , a favour able omen for the approaching conclusion of an arrange ment, and how the Court of the Hague is, on its side, anim ited with the same sentiments. " Their Excellencies having been pleased to honour him with some observations on the project of convention which he took the liberty of addressing to them on the 23d of March, the Government of the Low Countries has espe cially recommended to him to accompany the said project at ith a ,hart explanition, to the eff ct of offering to them a t-m pledge of the high value which it attaches to their opinion and to the judement which they pronounce on the acts enanating fr,on the Cibinet of the Netherlands. " In conformity with his orders, the undersigned takes p , irmission, on the occasion of the quoting of the 3d pro tocol of the Conference of London, to adduce the 34th protocol, dated the 23d of August, 1831, where a suspen sion of hostilities for a term was considered as better suited ;ban an indefinite suspension of bostil ties to the Bute of the negotiations, by the established hopes of the Powers to bring about by a short delay a final arrangement, and by the nece-city of this arrangement not only for the parties directly interested, but for the maintenance of the general pe(ce. If, accordinv, to this principle, a suspension of hostilities fir six weeks was considered to be bufficient for that period, the Government of the Low Countries be lieved that it could nut present a less eqiiivocil guarantee of its sincere desire to come, without any new complica tion, to a conclusion than by extending this suspension to a term of about four month., at this day when an arrange ment is not less necessary for the parties directly inte rested, and for the maintenance of the general peace, since the questions to be solved, as their Excellencies have justly observed, are so reduced and offer so easy a solution, and since the Cabinet of the Hague has already proved by its notes awl its projects that it is ready to consent to the fundamental stipulations which the Conference of London has declared to be unchangeable. It is, therefore, difficult to know how the 3d article of the project which thus proves evidently a profound conviction that a definitive arrangement should he concluded long before the expiration of the term above-mentioned, of four months, could an nounce a reprisal of hostilities. " However, this article appearing to have met a less favourable reception from their Excellencies, the under signed is anthorized to propose the following stipulation : " ' In the interval, until the relations between Holland and Belgium shall be completely fixed by a definitive treaty, his Majesty the King of the Low Countries, Grand Duke of Luxemburg, will re-establish, relative to the ces sation of hostilities and the navigation of the Scheldt, the s tate of things as it existed prior to tke Ist of Nov. 1832.' " The 4th article shall be to the following effect:— " The same arrangement shall take place with the Belgian troops, as far as the cessation of hostilities is con cerned, and the said troops shall evacuate the places on the two banks of the Scheidt, from the Pyp de Tab .c to below the village of Doel and of Fort Frederick Henry, which they did not occupy on the Ist of November, and shall therein re-establish matters on the footing in which they were at that epoch.' " In the last part of this article, on which part the undersigned is ready to come to an understanding, there has not been by any means an intention to demand the territorial evacuation by the Belgians, which, on the con trary, would not take place either in Limburg or Luxem burg, but solely that of some places in the neighbourhood of 1,1110 and Liefkenshock, with the object, not of restrict ing the operations of the civil authorities, but only to re move from them the B lgian soldiers, and to avoid, by this means. unpi asant collisions until the conclusion of the defini'ive arrangements, in the same manner as many other analogous dispositions in similar cases. " Yre communications with Miestricht, as alluded to hi the sth article of the project, were not disputed at any period by the five Powers. In themselves inseparable from the idea of a suspension of hostilities, it was in the sense of conciliation that they were admitted, as a com pensation for the opening of the navigation of the Muse. " As to the object referred to in the 6th article, the Go verninents of France and Great Britain declaring them selves ready to take upon themselves on this question the engagements proposed by them in the projects of conven tion, communicated by Baron Van Zuylen, the Cabinet of the Nether lands embraces this new opportunity of show ing its great wish to enter into the views of the Courts of Paris and London by accepting the articles as proposed by them. " Besides that from those engagements the result must arise of the preference given to the conclusion of a previous convention, the Court of the Hague has the more willingly stopped at the first alternative expressed in the note of their Excellencies, as Austria, Prussia, and Russia having from the commencement earnestly concurred to solve the nu merous difficulties attending these long negotiations, have, for the above reason, acquired new titles to take part in the discussion of the points still litigated, and which, con sequently, ought to be taken into consideration imme diately alter the conclusion of a previous convention. By this proceeding, the definitive solution of the points which remain unsolved being stationed under the auspices of the common co-operation of the five Powers already represented in the Conference of Lomlon, will be placed in harmony as well with the position of the Government of the Low Countries as with the actual necessities of Europe. " DEDEL." (AxswEß OF PRINCE TALLEYRAND AND OF LORD PAL MERSTON, DATED prim 23.) " TO HIS EXCELLENCY M. DEDEL. " The undersigned Ambassador Extraordinary of his Majesty the King of the French, and the Principal Se cretary of State for Foreign Affairs of his Britannic Ma it-sty, have had the honour to receive the note dated the 16th inst., which his Excellency M. Dedel, tiary of his Majesty the King of the Low Countries, has been charged by his Court to address to them, in answer to that which they bad remitted to him on the 2d inst.; and they cannot forbear to express their regret to find that owe so little calculated to advance the final arrangement which the Government of the Netherlands declares itself impatient to effect, and which is also as necessary to the interests of Holland herself as to the maintenance of the general peace. " On coming to that part of the note of his Excellency M. Dedel which refers to the 34th protocol, the under signed abstain from making the Tonal lcs which the events of the epoch to which allusion is there made would natu rally suggest to their minds, because they think that to renew a discussion on past grounds of complaint against the Dutch Government would but serve to throw ob• stac'es in the way of the pacification, which has been the object of the constant efforts of their respective Govern-- talents, " They will therefore conffne themselves to show that the present circumstances being very different from those of the epoch in question, the measures which were con sidered proper to be adopted at that period have been wholly inapplicable to the actual state of affairs. But the undersigned must recall to the attention of the Dutch Government, that although the five Powers had then con sented to a definite armistice as to the time, their intention, as all the acts of the Conference prove, had never been to admit that when the term fixed for the duration of the armistice should have expired, permission was to be given to Holland and Belgium to resume hostilities, and as a proof of this assertion, the undersigned require no other than to refer to the note Annex D to the 49th protocol, addressed by the Conference to the Plenipotentiaries of the Low Countries, in which the Plenipotentiaries of the five Courts show that they could not but declare their firm determination of opposing, by all the means in their power, the renewal of a conflict, which having be come without object, would form fir the two countries the source of great evils, and would menace Europe with a general war, which it was the first duty of the Five Powers to prevent.' " The five Powers have never since departed from this d e termination — they hav e f requent l y an d unan i mouly re peated it in their subs, quent acts. " But if, in the mo n th o f O cto b er, 1831, t h e fi ve Powetsjudged it useless to require from the Dutch Go vernment the engagement of a renewed and unlimited di it " depen armistice, it was because they f e lt that,Aol, themselves alone to prolong its d u ration by their age tion, or to avenge its rupture by their suns• u rset awniihitTli,tsiit'uerdeoGttiohbvete, Governments be se• tion to the Dutch Government, in which they co , nounce that the violation of the armistice would sidered as an act of hostility against the five Poi:1100A " If the two Governments do not employ th os w ed consent, it is not assuredly from their do nee trali t i own power to cause the independence and the so h teitnnhtuissa(t)ifoFnroafn mome nte th e the 'n'aidiron‘Givi sfilialctee j:;l b 'r y n'i a l o i f ut B p e r l e g f i e u r ni that to the he armistice p es te s d, h a o s u g l d u a b r e a t n h te e e r d es bu n yb l t .ts . nn i ge,...cts b u r p i e r t by Austria, Prussia, and Russia, but it thenre,de e te a as 'd. epos consider the course they have aeon a os iliatory and most pacific, and by co nsequenc,_ e een c ot ing best to the end to which all their policy has ° stantly directed. . et' pr:sseldleu their ndeorpspigonsiettilo, opposition Itiotlttr limited mistice as proposed by the Dutch Gevernment,B a"erod reasetis there adduced by them for such opposition c r c i ' d t est to them so conclusive, that they powers would have been sent to his Excellency ist r _ uver s• to consent to an indefinite armistice, if the Dutc h 'os , ment should consider it useful to continue the negoeted, Their exprtetation has been singularly disapeoin,o co nfidently • peel finding on this very point in the note Of the 16til t _ e ' t bst proposition even more subject to objections than ess" which they had alre.dy declared inadmissible. , „ er n(' " The Government of the Netherlands at tin e d: h e proposes to re-estatilish in relation to the cessation alit es the state of things which existed previous het 1 ° vember, 'n etedofduthraetio2nd Of i 1 t s b r ; " Now, what was that state of things, god '_ecerie respect would it he calculated to off:it a s ufficien t for the maintenance of peace ? ede d the " It is true, that during the year whic h pref. 0,1 month of November last there existed, in Point 0 11 e true' prolonged cessation of hostilities ; but it is eq",lories that during the same epoch the King of the Log'eel maintained that he was not bound ey any artnistieetos that he was at liberty to recernne nee hostilities at 'gore lie might find convenient so to do ; while the five lb° on their side, without discussing the abstract rig", a• -repo Majesty the King of the Low Countries, simply dec i,nt it ° him, that if be exercised this right, they would a° ° :_l e ee exercise thereof as an act of hostility against then,' o f " that, then, a state of things which the glloby LOW Countries can seriously propose to re-establis tea formal convention ? The object of a conven ti4 states is to record an agreement, and not a &If " The undersigned, in their note of the 2li °- , r 'slit/ mended the temporary acknowledgment of the n ' et& of Belgium, until the conclusion of a defioitireghe This proposition is so reasonable in itself, and is b' i e efi°, ll , sequence so natural of the armistice, t h a t as re' by In has been mode thereunto in the last note, remitted iC Excellency M. Dedel, the undersigned cannot for bra i r e d Gr serving a hope that no objection will be mad e ill vernment of the Low Countries to its adoption' Gure ll. , " As to the demand reproduced by the Do te " eseS , , mend, and which would tend to bring shoot the 13 e lgiv thin by the Belgian troops of certain posts on the, co ed soil, the undersigned have simply to state, teat t° colie be impossible for their respective Governments fe° such a demand from the Belgian Governmen t ' ep geg r and Gre it Britain, bound to execute th e u", ments which they have contracted with the Beigl,fleer vernment, have undertaken to put that G o vern; I possession of all the territory 'named to it by th e the 15th of November ; and if the Powers a re ! l b the to acquiesce in a temporary arrangement, by vi e b e ' i c eW r i, Dutch troops should continue to occupy Lillo a' r ace• ahoek, whilst, on the other side, a consichlahle?(,-he Ps'.; the Dutch territory should remain in the hands t c ", e gians as an equivalent deposit they cannot, hots e %:„;• 1 fr°`; demand from the Belgians that they should witbdr;teelt places of which the possession has been'gusrA them by the Five Powers. (el " With regard to the military communicslnrs' the garrison of Mitestricht with Germany a nd had , r„ the undersigned have never understood thet tb e Y posed the tree inaintenanee of those cominunicati°"?r they have demand,d the same liberty for the o°oo,l'r4 communication of Belgium by Maestriclit ; a nd 0 0 1 ' persuaded that the Dutch Government will r ecog indispensible necessity of such a disposition. deegiee, " Such are the observations which the nn b eb r ; have to make on this part of the Dutch note, rts ° l : l, fers to a preliminary convention ; but they In n° eer that its this mite the Dutch G vernment passe' the tj-e silence that part of the last communication 11.0 o pt " del-signed relating to the speedy and easy arrang e e c ods; several points specified by them, and of which b , by ° shun tended to obtain some instructions and pow er4 t e b ee') aid of which hie Excel!, ncy M. Dedel would bs. able to regulate those points with them. e " Toe undersigned regr e t to say, that this aill,etil'l°/ pears to them to furnish but too many reason§ i ll •d that the Dutch Government does not seek to as ei t bs diN effative and direct act which would termin ate iA lb' ferences with Belgium. lets" They, however, wish to persuade the inte this itepressien will not be justified by the event• d the i t: i :nig:id to repeat, in the most pressin4 the e_id ,tafinicretshteortehaesocnsabailnreetadoyrdet:aeiledil,atglitiee: fi e t oe c d r these e l:T' l: O sl o s; that his Excellency M. Dedel may be furntshed stY,, e i powers and instructions necessary for this effort ',hat rb undersigned cannot permit themselves to detib t t hg pSr' t ;f powers will be giv en , if r ea lly th e r e exists on t- w ith his Dutch M tjesty a disposition to conclude r e.° Belgians on reasonable and just conditions. &0." The undersign e d em b race th e o pportunitY , ,,,AelD',o " TALLEV.„,fO;'' " PALM th iil - 1 /11° tr;' THE FACTORY SYSTEM.—In - „,tat t pi Magazine for March, 1818, is the following a y o' it the reprinting of which in the year 183$t ° pe a n .o f without its use :—" On the 14th, a little after Tit o los t in the morning, the large cotton-mill of N i t ' od sls'i ATKINSON, of Colne Bridge, near Hudders6e tu f nn ifig P ost to the ground. In consequence of the fire lieg;;lert' s the stairecas., the retreat of a number of the ae c - r ieg oo l cut off, and nineteen girls, who had been ' w et ‘ 0 ,4 night in the factory, perished in the flaia r e k s o ' r for vl ot , serioustions ul nights () ii‘ n ith MURDER. --On R f eilm D eic toil.—En ynttioloorheksonwcth.tiovsuurbegardhitf it p atroagerxaciiithe et-beerbte to 4 an exercise of double diligence to terminat e ! I g P which wretched orphan children are condelrine" pal inquest was held before Mr. C e rocc o , at e , Duke of York, in Regent-road, Salford, on b body of DANIEL MAGGS, a corporal in th e s c- e, ment of Foot, now stationed at the InfantrY "%F ri ,/ Regent-roar]. The deceased had been shot bi r O ir le the same regiment, the same morning, o ' l , e : i deal:et st.nces which are detailed in the following e. e - t oijsi HUGH BROWN, a private in the 85th Reein t %redo r it said that about half-past eleven o'clock on morning, be went from parade to the barraa; which deceased lodged. The prisoner, J eli j r " ‘1,0 4 came in directly after, and said to the decea se , yoO kd o o tat Maccs, I am obliged to you for wir ir o u ' O ,O ll , done ;" ti, which the deceased replied, .a Po ,ebs bJOHN, it was your own fault." Prisoner id te-, ut looked at witnees, and immediately raised P ie a ▪ n', s ( / and fired at the deceased. The mouth of the steo - 10 J Itl.itneudrrayE:yerijmorr touched the deceased when it was fired, arid r r isoa er ee f , and fell. Witness did no; know how the 4re's loaded his musket. None of the soidiers'in l e i ;, W o e lo ided for parade, and he must have loaded h " i ; ma t pe e purpose. After disci' trging it, he took it d abo A ` l etr" ) ran down stairs. Parade had been conc. :l lle ha an hour. Rom was sober at the dale. e tits'":ol l home the night before with a deserter, but the e r'',e, riot know whether his musket was loadeleserrert, The deceased bad been on duty with the O P with Rocs, and they came home together. _ co t el re f' no business in the barrack-room, but halosbecoesirici the guard•house by the deceased, a nd W. e e to at prisoner at the time, although he was regf o r ea sed 4 ioii perade. Witness heard ROACH and the oe very tr o d on St. Patrick's day, but their dispu te was rotor pP The Jury, after a few minutes' deliberati, verdict of " Wilful murder" against Jetets l . e ' tor t roli was forthwith committed to L messier Cast' 89 rti( 1.11 P t /i II Y the fly th o 1 K: 1 41 ! f % 4 . 0 11,. r the 11, (N / 1 eo, t e,ilt t tii: 4, ltt tiii \'Y -_ 1v . = . 1 ....... tivith con ,ail, On the 28th inst., in Eatoin-ipillaTceg, Sthe a son. ~ el' 1 , Forsbal,, , tlle On the 26th inst , the lady of the Rev..' , Par" 1 On the ‘2Bth inst., in Sussex-place, Regent 6 Countess of 13 ` .- 0 ,0, Mrs. Edward Fletcher, of a son. 00, f MARRIED. Tho ,c, On the 24th inst , at Betio-, Staftbrdshire, k w co „i Esq , barrister-at-law . ,to Arabella, youngest datig" 00 Short, Esq Y0ug" " ) 3 4 .14 On the 9.5 th inst , at St. Mary's Church, Broo ) c c fol$ ft ' Frederick Brooke:Esq. son ot Sir Henry_ ~,,rip 4.3 Colehrooke, Fermanagh 'io the Lady. Arabelltas_.y.rer s eat . ing, third daughter of the late and sister to n. r 0( iri kluntingdon. DIED. 9 4 '' d i ' ,El r • }fli nt ' , ' f i ,, On the 27th inst. Martha, wife m. 01 5 f o i e go , Royal Fort, Bristol, aged 59. viton °lol l On the 27th inst , Lieut.-Colonel George A n i , ~ , ,D East India Compa.ny's service, on their Be g'n ' e i aged 72. if ------------—. OG Nil, PRINTED AND PUBLISIILD BY MU IL LI 0 Y , SUN °MGR, 112, STHAND, LOPIDOPI