The Sun. — London, England, 1854-12-16 00:00:00

I NIPE RIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS-(YESTERDAY.) The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. VOTE OF THANKS TO THE ARMY AND NAVY IN THE EAST. The Duke of NEWCASTLE rose and said—My lords, I rise for the purpose of performing a duty which, if difE• cult, is nevertheless of a most gratifying nature—to move that your lordships should agree to resolutions which cannot possibly excite any discord of feeling, but which, on the contrary, must, I am certain, for the time assuage every feeling of party animosity, and must combine in entire unanimity every peer on each side of this house. (Hear.) My lords, fortunately for my performance of this task, no eloquence is necessary to induce your lordships to agree to them. Those resolutions I am co nfident, under existing circumstances, must appeal to the hearts and feel ings of all assembled within as wall as without these walls. My lords, I feel that praises and high eulogies, unless adorned by rhetorical and chastened by the purest . taste, are less calculated to influence minds on occasions like the present than the simple records of the deeds done and the services for which thanks are sought to be awarded. On former occasions, when it has been the duty of Ministers of the Crown to move votes of thanks for the army and navy of England, similar to those which lam about to lay before your lordships, it has been customary, at least generally so, to give some lengthened details of the operations which they had conducted, and to lay before the house a state ment of the services which justified that appeal. Bat, my lords, on the present occasi on, I feel I s h ou ld b e mere l y t res p a ssing on your lordships time it I attempted to enter into such details. The circumstances on this occasion are different from those which existed in former wars. In the first place, the deeds to which I am about to refer, were performed at a time when Parliament was not sitting. (Hear.) Now, some weeks ago, and, moreover, at the present time, these deeds have been recorded to us in a manner unknown to us before —they have been recorded in terms so graphic and striking through the means of gentlemen who were eye-witnesses of those great achievements, that it would be affectation in me indeed to endeavour to say anything now, or to give your lordship's information which, in reality, is known within the circle of every separate cottage in this country. (Wear, hear.) My lords, I have said that on this occasion I believe every feeling of party will be assuaged ; let me only add this, that if any noble lords are pleased to im pute any blame to the Government for not having armed Lord Raglan and his troops with sufficient means, then so much the mere should your lordships be prepared to ac cord praise to the army. (Hear, hear.) I will refer to that subject no further, but I am sure your lordships will tool that if to any extent the Government is blameable, to s much greater extent must you praise the army now in the Crimea. (Cheers.) It has always been considered that a vote of thanks for the services of our gallant soldiers• and sailors is the highest reward which it is in the power of Parliament to bestow, and it has always been looked upon by the troops as the greatest incentive to the conduct of the officers and the valour of the men under their com mand. It has been regarded not only as a proof of the gratitude of Parliament, but as an indication of the sense of Parliament of the army's power to perform still greater services. It is not for me, my lords, at this moment to discuss an aphorism which has become so trite as to be generally accepted—viz., that England is not a military nation ; but I think your lordships will agree with me that military glory acquired by our army has been ever dear to the people of England, and has ever elicited the warmest gratitude of the Parliament of this country, not only from your lordships' house, but from the representatives of the people in the other house. But, my lords, as far as your lordship? house is concerned, I feel we must entertain still greater pride and pleasure when we know that he who has the command of these forces, and has won this renown, is a member of this house— one whom we have been in the habit of seeing here among us, and one of whom I am con • fident your lordships will agree with me in saying we most ardently desire to see amongst us again on a future day safe in health and encircled with that renown which he has so justly earned. (Cheers.) Lord Raglan deserves the thanks and approbation of this country, not merely for the exhibition of his military prowess, but for the course of conduct he has adopted from the first moment he left Eng land. 1 consider that the judicious arrangements which lie made both at Constantinople and at Varna—l consider that the preparations which he subsequently made for the invasion of the Crimea, are as great indications of his talent and his conduct as even Lis military success itselt. (Hear, hear.) I believe that men of weaker minds than Lord Raglan might, under the circumstances of ,the mo ment, have hesitated to undertake that great expedition. I believe that men of less power of mind and moral cou rege might have been deterred by the disease which existed in the army, and the various events which might have almost justified him in exercising that discretion which, of course, no Government could hesitate - to place in the cone mender of an army, and might have declined to enter upon this ,important expedition. I said, my lords, on a former occasion that I considered it would be almost an insult to a man like Lord Raglan to speak • of his coura ge ; but I say, if th ere i s an y one po i n t i n regard to which we are justified in blaming Lord Raglan, it is that he carried on both occasions his indifference to his personal position to perhaps as improper length. The way in which ha wa s exposed on both occasions in the midst of a storm of fire— in the midst of the hottest of the fight —was of hi s calm courage and resolute bravery which have lost us his valuable and important servqee4. l3e Wa s t; my lords, is the great secret of Lord Raglan's success, e believe to be the generous reliance whice he has always placed in his officers and colleagues in arms—and, lot us e add, on the valour of the soldiers. I think I may say, without any disrespect to himself, a circumstance which has been mentioned to me—but certainly not by Lord Raglan, proving that, if there is one characteristic of that remarkable man which stands out more boldly than an other, it is his singular raodestyand avoidance of every topic that could attract fame and admiration for himself— I have heard from others that at the battle of Alma, there was a critical moment at which if it had not been for Lord Raglan's prescience and skill the result of this moment ous event might almost have been turned. On examining the po-ition of the Russians minutely, he despatched with the greatest alacrity two grins to a spot at which they,were enabled to scatter the reserve of the enemy, and prevent them attacking ns on our left, which they might have suc ceeded in doing if the English forces had not been in the hands of so skilful a general, and therefore produced the most disastrous results. I say that the modesty and disin terestedness evinced by Lord Raglan in his published des patches show that he is a worthy disciple of the illustrious general who occupies so distinguished a place in the records of history. I say that it is not merely the greatness of his military success which entitles him to the thanks of Par liament, but in no less degree his generous and noble spirit, and the moral courage which he has exhibited at all tithes, whether in the fight or in the camp ; and I say, moreover, that tenderness to the officers and men under his command which characterise invariably a great and distinguished general. My lords, if I say nothing further in reference to Lord Raglan, I trust your lordships will attribute it to reasons I have suggested, and that you will believe eulogy to bejust as useless on my lips as in your lordships ears. Following out, my lords, the precedent of former occasions, I shall ask your lordships to vote thanks to the generals and officers under Lord Raglan's command, naming as usual all the generals—not merely the veterans Sir John Burgoyne and Sir George Brown, two men who, wo must all feel, have advanced to a period of life which Scripture informs us is the term indeed, of mo s t o f us—who, say, have passed that period of lif e , an d who, roostunviessy tionably, are entitled to the repose from la' beus d r which that a g e generally absolutely requ i res—for their guishel services. I ask ycu, then, to g i ve th em your thanlnee- In the next place, I ask your lordships to v o t e your thanks . to anillustrious prince, also a member of this houeo, who has on this occasion endeared, if that were possible, still more to the people of this country the family to which he belongs,and who has proved that the ancient valour of his race has not degenerated at this day. (Cheers.) My lords, I am confident you will rejoice, as I know her Majesty does, that a member of that house has been enabled to ' share in the toils, difficulties, and the privations, as well as in the glory of the British army. (Cheers.) My lords, I will ask you further to vote your thanks to Sir De Lacy Evans—(cheers)--and here, I fear, I cannot adequately eulogise what every one must feel to be one of the noblest acts of gallantry that ever distinguished a veteran general. (Cheers.) My lords, he was obliged to retire from the field, and was on board ship in the harbour of Balaklava when the battle of Inkerman commenced. Your lordships know how unexpectedly that battle arose. At the sound of artillery Sir De Lacy Evans hastened on shore, an d, although although hardly able t o s it upon his horse, he arrrivesldati the scene of action, and there found the brigadier general who haul hitherto served un d er him commandingand gall a ntly did troops of his division, and most n o bl y assist him by his advice , acting, as it w ore , as his aid e-doy i e camp, never for one moment setting him as id e, or taking his place at the held of his division, tad reaping the re wards and honours of the day. (Cheers.) My lords, I think you will agree with me that this is one ofthemoisnt honourable traits which ever distinguished a gener a l any army. (Hear, hear.) 1 shall further ask your lord• ships to vote your thanks to all the other generals and offi cers, from the highest to the lowest—from the general at the head of a division, down to the noble youths who, not yet arrived at the years of discretion, stepped forward, one after another, to seize the colours, riddled with shot, from the hands of a beother ensign. and carried the m triumphantly to the heights of Alma, (Cheers.) Your lordship? house will, I am sure, with equal unanimity accord a vote of thanks to the non-commissioned offi cers and soldiers—(hear, hear)—of that gallant army. I alluded the other night to that encouragement, by means of promotion, which it is intended to hold out to the soldier, and your lordships, at the time, seemed to signify your approval of that coarse; but wo know hew difficult it is to reward the private soldiers of the army, wh o , on the present occasion, have deserved to I>e wa rmly' greeted with our thanks: Actions more en titled to the consideration and the thanks of Parliament t t o hrayn. tte of this occasion are not to be found in our his hearing; the soldiers' of Inkerman has been called in my wm won io trialeier? battle. That was an action which ooe of those n reldth; it was got by sheer bravery ; it was a o n u e a of ; the bat tles wh a u d-to-hand encounters which remind t ts b read of in classic times—it was each individual soldiei wrayeey, courage, and discipline of perfaesr brought to the test, and right we ll was their dute al ave re ry ee z f Whether, my lords, you look at the individual tine discipline which th e y eebibit tbeeso men, °retie celiac nseenexpression, which mind over matter, iofveirconinaZ tile' y at ° ll * to that power of enabled every man almost every . buman feeling, all fe el ,, e of sens e of public duty. death which is natural to every Irvin Het! , that dread ef , le impossib i t er t t o you look, my lord s • • "eing—at atsorpinoi:gitacoa,f taolTuo. ever aect of it what admire and honour every man • fought cosurthe (Cheers.) Whether you defence of Inkern e men, fresh from &air said heights of Alma, or thean, two battles as remarkably contrasted to each other must - admit, my lords, that these country, the greater part of whom, as the noble earl the other night, had never hoard a shot fired in eta ger e_ you must admit that no troops, however practised or inured 1 to arms, ever fought better, or ever more signalised their bravery ; and lot me say, my lords, that this is no despi cable enemy; for undoubtedly, from whatever cause it might arise, whether they were excited by fanaticism, , or other considerations, no foe ever fought with greater despe ration. The British troops never had to contend against greater odds than those which they overcame. I trust I may lib pardoned, in the absence of a noble earl who has just left the house, if I express my regret that ho should, the other evening, rather have demurred to the opinion expressed as to the altered and improved con duct of the British troops. Upon this point I will say no more, but repeat, in emphatic terms; the general 1101183 of the praise which is due to their improved con- THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 16, 1854. been written by a chaplain of the forces, and a minister of the Church of England. It appeared that Mr. Lawless had not thought it inconzistott• with hi. 3 sacred duty, after having officiated at the death-beds of those who had been engaged in the war, to. send home t o hi s coun t r y d e t a il s which never should have been made public, and which had been divulged in the newspapers —the names of the officers having been given at full length—thereby adding to the poignant sorrow of their afflicted relatives. He thought he was fully justified in stating his opinion of the conduct of that gentleman, and he was sure in that opinion he would be supported by the majority of their lordships. As to the result of the war with such au army and navy as we had at our command he could entertain no doubts ; but he would appeal to the noble lords who formed the Government, if they needed the experience and the as sistance of those who were opposed to them, not to hesi tate to ask it, for it would be readily granted. Lord GOUGH said that •he could not but regard the question which was now before their lordships without a considerable deFee,,of interest, a n d h e did no t thi n k h e Would be quite justified in giving a silent vote on the mo tion which was now before their lordships' house. He was proud to say that the position which he now held was at tributable to the deeds of the army--(hear)—and, there fore, he could not pass by a vote of thanks to the army now serving in the Crimea —an army a great portion of which bad assisted him in another sphere—(cheers)—without car • dially joining in that expression of thanks which their lordships were now about to pass. Hefully concurred in their lordships' approbation of that gallant man who now happily held the command of the army, and also of the army which was under his coxtrol. With the sister ser vice he had been often associated, and, therefore, he cor dially concurred in the vote of thanks to the navy. Hav ing been also, when abroad, associated with the officers of the French army, he would most cordially join in the vote of thanks to the distinguished individual who commanded that army, and to the noble army which he so well com manded. (Cheers.) Lord COLCHESTER would suggest to their lordships that it would be well befitting this country if Parliament gave utterance to an expression of condolence with the re latives of those who had nobly Ellen in battle • and he trusted some public m onumen t woul d h e raised to the memory of those who had so bravely sacrificed their lives in the service of their country. The motion was then put and agreed to. THE AUSTRIAN TREATY. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE, in rising to put a question, of which he had given notice to their lordships, said ho was fully aware that the treaty which had been entered into with Austria would undoubtedly not be laid before their lordships until it had been ratified. That would doubtless be the answer of the Government, but he wished to know how soon it was likely it would be laid on the table ? Their lordships would admit that he was jus tified in asking this question, considering that the subject was undoubtedly one of great importance, and that they had been led to anticipate great advantages from it. Some information as to the nature of this treaty had already been given but from thevento what he knew he i apprehended publicbyaleadngM pr i e hnie s uded that ter of the Crown, s e t e ria of we o u p h i l ui r o e u pe a t d he o r f assurances o w f it a h full tho one step in the prosecution of the wa r th a t, i n n A woh ll ni i al e ne s r , rAe i un t would be found that she would not t a ke point of fact, they would only receive from Austria that same moral support which elm had long age offered. Such, he believed, would be the effect of the treaty ; but, at the same time, he would admit that Austria having once signed such a treaty, it would make it more impossible for her to take any retrograde step, or decline, if it were necessary, to engage in hostili ties on the side of the Allies. If the treaty were of the character which ho expected it was, he was sure that Par liament and the country would require to go into an ex amination of all they had borne and forborne in the hopes of securing such an alliance ; and if steps were not taken by Austria in respect to this war, by the assembling of the house after Christmas, he thought that the diplomatic negotiations itia, in reference o nh p t to ar t t he o A r f riu ustria eipaliti w es i , th m t u h s e Court of t form mthe subject of rigid scrutiny. It wan perfectly clear that much of our losses in the Crimea was attributable to the course which Austria had adopted---(hear, hear)—and if Austria still held back, this country had an account with her which must be settled one way or the other. It was said that we were not to have either a Polish or a Hungarian legion ; and lie was quite sure that this country would do all in her power to cement the union with Austria, so that she kept good faith with her. (Hear.) He would ask, by the re-assembling of Parliament, to have all these transactions laid before their lordships ; and with that view he would nut this question—when it was likely that the treaty which had been lately concluded by the Allied Powers and Austria might be produced ; and whether her Majesty's Government would object to lay before Parliament, copies or extracts agen t o s in t T h r c k o r e r y e , s pn d o es (l e l e .i n p c t e of the i ve of o diplomatic r relating or t con sular o rho o political and military occurrences which had taken place in the Danubian Principalities since the occupation of those Principalities by an Austrian force? Tho Earl of CLARENDON—My noble friend said that he anticipated the answer that I should be obliged to give him with respect to the first portion of his question, but I am glad to say that I shall be able to give him a more satisfactory answer than he expected, having received intelligence this afternoon from Vienna that the treaty was ratified yesterday. I now hold the treaty in my hand, and will lay it upon your lordships' table, and I think it will be unnecessary therefore, as it will be in your hands to-morrow, to go into any discussion upon that treaty. With respect to the papers to which my noble friend has alluded, I am sorry to say that since he gave notice of his motion last night I have not been able to look through the papers, in order to determine how many shall be produced. I can only assure him that the Government is perfectly ready to give all the informatian it can as to what was done with respect to the occupation of the Prin cipalities. lam only desirous that everything should be laid before your lordships. But I think you will admit that at the present moment there may be some inconveni ence in laying the whole of those papers before you, but I can assure you that during the recess such of them shall, be selected and laid before you as will give you full infor mation and convince you th a t th e G overnmen t h as done everything that lay in its power to do. During the con cluding days of the last session of Parliament, in address ing you upon this subject, I said that the course which the dignity, the honour, and the interests of Austria pointed out was clear, and that I saw no reason to doubt that that course would be adopted. Large voluntary con tributions had been poured into the Austrian Exchequer, and there was no reason to' anticipate either that her means would not be used, or that her opportunities would be lost. That those means might have been used to a greater extent I am not prepared to deny; but I must say that that can be no cause of reproach to her Majesty's Government, because you must be well aware that it is out of the power of the Government to dictate to a great, independent Power like Austria, as to what moment, with a large frontier to guard, she should make war against a powerful enemy like Russia. In regard to what fell from my noble friend as to what assistance was to be expected from Austria, I must beg to say that, at the time of the expedition to the Crimea, the Austrian Government, through Baron Hess, did propose to Lord Raglan and Marshal de St. Arnaud to concert together as to carrying on operations in the Principalities, and that they informed him that they had already meditated an expedition. against Sebastopol, and that they must decline the expe dition proposed by Austria. The Austrian Government, they occupied to sn e each u e propos e d h a position e x psingle handed, edition. s c ot u fully admitting of course our right to un d ertake any ex pedition we thought proper, without prev i ous concert with them, said that they wou/d no long er expect the con sent of o n f o F t r t a h n e c u e an h c e l Englanding in a state t o fi ght Russia the Austrian Government th en determine ' d to augment their forces, and by withd raw i ng the corps d'armee from Italy, polled the Russians, from strategical motives, to evacuate the Principalities. I should wish to remove some Misap prehensions which have existed upon this subject, and I think it right, on the present occasion, to state what the Government really did do at the time alluded to by the noble lord, namely, on the 14th or 15th of August, before the Austrian troops entered the Principalities. The con vention was signed with the Porto at the end of May or beginning of June, at the time when th e s i ege of Silistria was being conducted with great vigour, and the issue was doubtful, and there was no probability of the Turks being have no tnhoe course which the able to cross the Denubteh.at TthheetrTeautrykawhasads, igerneesadeodn thethe 14th ; the siege of Silistria wag raiseaduchonretqhuei2si4: consequently, in August, we saw that circumstances were altogether changed ; Danube ; that they had occupied Buchareristg;hta,nudewdeerththene convention,c T o u n r s k ic s le m re ig d that t h op a u t prus A ut u ea, s n t ay r n i Austria de st w thr o aa u ti u if anpyo made, the Government would not recommend the Turks w an er d on an to accede it. W e wrote to Lord Stratf or d , et Constan tinople, that the Government did not wish any portion foorte, the Turkishee willth be and u "occupied ncaonPsiet by of the Sultan, and that w e s h ou ld consider that it was fo r th e Sultan to determine enforeign force, except territory rho by free determine whether it would be useful for Austrian troops to enter the Principalities, and that we should not con sider it useful except with the concurrence of the Porte, the Turks, and the Allies, and that all arrangements should be made with their consent. We received from the Aus trian' Government the fullest assurance that no exclu sive occup a tion w as i n t e nded, and th a t no difficulty should be put in th o wa y of the Turks i n th eir pursuit of the Russians into wh a t ev er part they pleased or in their crossing into B e s sara bi a ; and also, th a t all arrange. ments for entering into Wallachia should be in concert with Omer Pasha, and by his consent. Still great com plaints arose, and hindrances were put in the way of Omer Pacha—(hear, hear)—aud upon that the strongest remon strances were made by the French aud English Govern ments and by th . e Porte; and I am bound to say this that I they were met in a proper spirit by the Austrian Govern ment.. Most of the hindrances thus put in the way were not known to the Austrian Government ; and we were in formed that the Austrian representative at Constantinople aud the Austrian generals in the Principalities were not acting in accordance with their directions, but contrary to them ; and orders in accordance with what was desired by the French and English Minister were sent by the Em peror. There may have been faults on both sides, for the pitw l aheaegotsrethneas authorised t( n riahoeneac a (rist sin e :ootsiuti andg .n atntpere appear odhamoeiy. Austrian generals were occupying certain towns and wherevil o;tt:ii wiy( :chi motives ,not, e i t hde d at erh i de ffl earat c sehno u feyno l difficulties :et which yrhe choose co f dhhoi se subsistenc etstehidnet ye,o distinct Omar wpenaaleavarnree the Austrian Government, of operations, and the commissioner was not a man to smooth away the difficulties. But these complaints having been made, Count Buol, to give proof of the sincerity of himself proposed that there Turkish oof oinerrpe representatives, ant] should should be a mixed commission at Vienna, and that it should consist of himself and the French, English, and shoaled ee receivepowerrho summarily complaints to settle all matters in dispute. Her Majesty's Government wh who a e consented to such a commission, and that commission is now sitting. One or two questions have been referred to it, and I must say that the decisions have been satisfac tory. I hope, therefore, that no more cause for complaint will arise. lam not aware that there is any other matter to which I have occa ion to refer. • THE ENLISTMENT OF FOREIGNERS' BILL. The Duke of N EWCASTLE, in rising to move that the house go into committee upon this bill, said he had heard from several quarters that there was an impression exist ing out of doors, fo-unded upon what the noble earl (Earl of berby) who commenced the opposition yesterday, had stated to be the intention of the Government, namely, that it intended th a t th e militia and the British troops gene rally should be removed from this country for foreign ser vice, and that their object in asking for power to enlist foreign troops was to supply the place of the Englishforces so removed. There was no member of that house who, whatever might be his impression as to what might be done under the bill, could believe that such was the intention of the Government ; and he could only say, he must readily and at once allow that, though there was a possibility of much an event, it would be the duty of Parliament to pre vent it should any future Government attempt so uncon stitutional a course. But looking to the bill, he was ready to admit that it was so draWn as to be liable to be eer- verted to such a purpose, though he did not think that any Government could long hold the reins of power if it made such a use of the bid. He thought that no such power should exist, and that the bill should bo altered in accord ance with the intentions of Parliament. To remedy this defect in the bill, he proposed to omit a portion of the first clause, and insert in the second clause such words as would prevent such an interpretation bein g put upon the bill. He must expressly say, that so far from their bein g any desire to quarter foreign troops in this country, a nd send away our own, he could only assure the house that he for one was convinced that the state of the country was such that they might part with every matt, if necessary, with out substituting any other force—(hear)—and that least of all was it necessary to seek for foreign troops to keep peace in this country. (Hear.) If he had had the slightest suspicion that such an idea existed among any class of the community, ha would not only have removed all cause for it yesterday, but would have taken care that the provision should have been then inserted which he now proposed. (Hear, hear.) He would state, for the benefit of the public,, that the sole object of the bill was to give rower to bring foreign troops into this country, be cause, as he had before stated, it could not, of course, be expected that foreign troops would consent immediately upon their being enlisted, to go to the seat of war, and there engage with the enemies of this country. If he were asked why the number to be quartered in this country was limited to 15,000 he would answer that 16,000 being the number authorised by the Act of 1803, Government thought that upon due consideration of the question, as there might be circumstances of difficulty, especially at first, in con veying the troops to the seater war, in the absence of suffi cient steam power, &c., this number would be required; but, at the same time, they would have no objection to in sert 10,000 in tLe bill in the place of 15,000. He did not make that as a concession to the noble lord, but as an ex planation of what were the original intentions of the Go vernment. The first and second clauses of the bill would be amended accordingly. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH said that he had ob jected to the bill, in giving to the Crown what he believed to be an unconstitutional power, but he thought that there could not be a stronger proof of the careless manner in which her Majesty's Ministers considered great measures affecting the military strength of this kingdom than the statement now made that it was a matter of indifference to the Government whether the number inserted in the bill was 10,000 or 15,000 —the numberof troops in this country —bearing, of course, the usual proportion of one-fourthAo the number engaged abroad, and making, therefore, a dif ference of 20,000 troops who would be so engaged. He thought that the fair and proper course for the noble duke to pursue, Becht the important alterations that he pro posed to make, was to withdraw the present bill altogether and lay upon the table an amended bill, which they could take into consideration on Monday. If the noble duke could not acquiesce in that, which seemed to him so reasonable and parliamentary, where only a day would be lost, there being so material an alteration proposed in a bill which was assumed to have had due deliberation, it was impossible for dim to du otherwise than he had expressed his intention of doing. He had fully considered the reasons which he had previously expressed against the bill, and he could only say that furtherconsideration had confirmed the opinion which he before entertained, that its principle was bad, and that no proof of its necessity had been given (hear, hear) ; and in the absence of such proof he thought it most proper to adhere to constitutional principles. (Hear.) He rejoiced that a noble earl had noticed an expression which fell from the noble duke as to the conduct of those on that side of the house, and imputing to them, by the observations which he had made, a want of patriotism in opposing the measure. (Hear, hear.) His memory carried him back to the last war, and he could well recollect that at the beginning of the present century, the measures of the Government for the defence of this country were canvassed by all parties with the utmost freedom in Parliament. All classes were then, no doubt, in fear of a foreign invasion, but still the late Lord Grey, Mr. Wyndham, the Earl Granville, and all the first men of the day, showed no forbearance to the Crown in discussing the measures which were proposed— and pressing upou the house, in Parliamentary language, their views of the several measures of the successive Go vernments. (Hear.) As a humble individual, and at a great distance, he ir te ided to follow in their steps, and he was not prepared to allow any inroad upon the con stitutional principles of this country. (Hear.) But noble lords who had expressed their determination to sup port the war were to be considered consistent if they re fused absolute confidence to her Majesty's Ministers with respect to the measures they might bring forward on their responkbility for the conduct of the War. (Hear.) Between supporting the war and supporting the Ministers there was one of the greatest difficulties that could exist between any two things. (Hear.) He (Lord Ellenborough) was one of the oldest supporters of this war. He supported it long before ',the noble lord at the head of 'the Government. He mentioned, in April, 1853, that he was confident this war was coming on ; that he was sure the Emperor of Russia never would depart from the position he had taken when he sent Prince Menschikoff to Constantinople to enforce his demands. In the course of the session of 1853, he earnestly entreated their lordships to allow no delay in proceeding with the bill for altering the Govern ment of India, on the special ground that there was danger threatening us in the East, and that we should set our house in order. (Hear.) There was a provision in that bill for enabling the Government of India to add three re giments to their forces, but so urgent did he (Lord Ellen borough) see the necessity of strengthening our hands every where, that he actually laid a bill upon the table contain ing those clauses, entreating their lordships to pass it; that was in Juno or July, 1853; but his noble friend' at the head of the Government thought three months did not sig nify, and his proposition was rejected. 'He (Lord Ellen borough) went much further. He went to the utmost limits of Parliamentary privilege. He asked the house at the end of that session to delay a bill for the repeal of a tax—(hear)—by which they • could indicate to foreign powers their intention 'to adhere to the course they had adopted, and stop Russia in her ambitious design. From the very beginning of last session, he fatigued their lord ships by constant references to that subject. He entreated them to make the country strong everywhere, iri the-naval as well as the military service; and the Government now came to the house to ask the house to pass this bill, inter fering with a constitutional prineiple, because they adopted no course, and in consequence of their' own rejection of the advice offered them. (Hear.) He (Lord Ellenborough) said more. He said, "Be secret; secrecy is one of the great foundations of success in war." (Hear, hear.) But the objects of the expedition to Boinarsund and the Crimea, for weeks before were made ,known to the public in the newspapers, and information of the most valuable kind was given to the enemy, and given through the newspapers by Ministers. (Cries of "Oh !" and " Hear.") Ho was not speaking of any particular newspaper; he was speak ing of a Cabinet. (Hear, hear.) It was a Cabinet secret, and in some way or other it became public to the great in jury of the public service. (Hear.) By timely prepara tions they might accomplish any object ; but that was neglected ; 'no timely preparations were made, and now they were again asked; by a humiliating confession of their weakness, to pass this measure. That was the support he had given throughout in this war. He had told them it was a statesman's war—afar-seeing war— e war in its objects popular at first; but that, unless they had a constant succession of success, the objects of the war were so thoroughly statosina,nlike, it would bo ex tremely difficult to retain the support of the people. (Hear.) losses They had h we hadt e s u pport t sustained, and‘v but th w e g n h o e r n a h e el e o o f o ked m in i t s o t e t r he and their rejection of that advice which had led to those losses, be confessed he did not look forward with much confidence to a long retention of the popularity of the war, and which the measure now proposed was so well calcu lated to destroy. (Hear.) Now, as for confidence in Ministers, he never professed any confidence in Ministers, he never professed any confidence in them as a war Go vernment. He had stated reasons for a contrary opinion. Ho admitted their great civil abilities ; he admitted it was very probable that upon most subjects of civil govern. ment he might see reason to acquiesce with them ; but he did think that their constantly looking to the pros- _ purity and improvement of the country was, to a certain extent, the way to prevent them attending to the ener getic progress of the war, which would naturally very much depreciate that prosperity and improvement; and, without any disrespect to the noble earl at the head of the Government, ho said it was not extremely likely that he would do a thing well which he so thoroughly hated. (Hear, and a laugh.) He (Lord Ellenborough) admitted the Ministers were very clever, and that they all possessed abilities far above mediocrity, though very few of them possessed the great abilities we had seen in former times; they had all, with one exception, a most extraordinary talent for making good speeches of extraordinary length— as much or more so than any Ministry the country ever po sessed. (Great laughter.) The only person not possessed with that extraordinary faculty was his noble friend at the head of the Government—(laughter)—if he did possess that faculty, in mercy to the house he spared it—(increased laughter)—and in that respect, if not in any other, he was the ablest Minister that ever appeared on these benches. i But there was great public mischief in that very equality of ability which per vaded Ministers—it was the absence of any great com manding ability, and the presence of so many very nearly equal persons in the same Cabinet, which he was convinced impeded rather than facilitated the transaction of public affairs ; and he believed also that as what was called the ballot was an open question with Ministers, he should strongly recommend them to introduce. it for their own internal arrangement —(a laugh)—to enable them to strengthen their own position. .He spoke with no personal animosity towards Ministers, but as an experiment he be lieved if one-third of their number was swept away it would not signify one rush, and the remaining two-thirds would be quite enough for the business of the country. (Laughter.) Now he would take leave to say that iu those distant times when they had great statesmen, they condes cended to assign reasons for their important measures; and when they produced measures for the national defence, they went, ho remembered, into the most elaborate details as to the strength of the army, even of each corps ; the success of the recruiting, and every fact known to them selves they made known to Parliament. (Hear.) The noble duke gave them no information. If they looked to the newspapers—and they now got more accurate informa tion from them than formerly—they were told of the ex traordinary success of the recruiting. If that was true, so far from its being a reason in favour of this bill, it was a reason against it. But he said—and he said it from the experience of past times —that by far the most efficient mode of strengthening tho army by recruits was to main tain at all times a militia full up as to complement and popular in the country. (Hear.) He said, " Strengthen the militia ' • do everything you can by every means to increase it to the full complement ; make it the foun dation of your military system." By doing that, they would be able to maintain the national honour and the natienal interests by the national arms, and they would not have to go begging at the ante-chamber of every petty prince on the Continent for soldiers. (Hear, hear,) Who were those foreigners to be? They were told it would be indecorous to mention the names of any parties until the bill was passed, and that no communications would be made to foreign Governments-till then. But, he would ask, was there any understanding, or was there not? or were they going to take this leap in the dark ? The noble duke had taken one leap in the dark already, but it would he better not to take two. Neither he (Lord Ellenborough) nor any one else could object to the passage through this country of a German force; hi could imagine it just pos sible that the King of Hanover might, as a sovereign prince, join with the allies, though he might be unable to give much assistance with his forces; he should not object to place tinder Lord Raglan 5,000 or 6,000 of those magnifi cent troops which, he admitted, had been faithful to us in former wars. Under those circumstances, for a short time no ono eould object to their being in this country; but they were not told to expect that ; they were obliged to infer that those men who would be in this country would be persons now in the service of the Gorman princes, and could only come here by the intolerable course of our con awing at their desertion. But suppose those sol diers brought here, where would the noble duke put them? They were told last night there was that objection to em bodying the militia. They were told last night there were no barracks for the militia. Were those foreigners to oc cupy our barracks, or were they to be billeted ? The noble duke must know that was not to be borne. If there were not barracks for these men, it would be impossible to I,:sep them in this country, unless, indeed, he should place them under canvas. (Elear.) But he begged leave to ask, if those men were to be engaged in be: Majesty's service, why were they to come hero at all ? This was not the short way to the Crimea. (Hear, and a laugh.) Round by London and the Bay of Biscay, was that the way for those aspirants for martial honours and English pay?— (hoar, and laughter)—was that the way to the Crimea? No doubt, when France was in possession of Italy, and Austria wanted all her subjects, and half Germany was against us, no doubt then it was necessary for such forces to pass through this country. But that was not the case now ; their shortest way was by Trieste ; their best place would be the lonian Isles. There at once they could act the part of a garrison; there they could look after those worthy Greeks—(a laugh) —that noble people . — (laughter)—of whom theyhad read so much in classic story. But that was the place to form a depot, and a depot became the reserve of the army. (Hear.) Take your foreigners there if you choose, but don't take them through England; send them to Trieste, thence to the lonian Isles. there you will have them ready, and no one will object., (Hear.) He (Lord Ellenborough) believed that the more facilities Par liament gave to the Government for the formation of fo reign regiments, the less trouble Government would take to engage home regiments. (Hear.) The whole question was, raise your bounty and lower your standard. (Hear.) Bat if they followed the principles of political economy, they would go to the market where they could get the cheapest article. Do that, and they would have expelled English men from their army and substituted foreigners; for it ap peared to him of all the measures he remembered under any Government this was the most unjust, the most inju rious towards a generous and confiding people. (Cries of " Hear, hear.") Lord BERNERS considered the house had not heard any argument why this measure should be adopted, and he believed it would repress, instead of encourage, British spirit and enthusiasm. At the same time, he protested against the assumption that any peer on that side of tho house, if he ventured to dissent from any measure proposed by the Government, was actuated either by factious mo tives or was inconsistent. Lord WODEHOUSE said the argument used by noble lords on his (the Ministerial) side of the house was, not that measures proposed by the Government should not be dis cussed, but that it was hoped that noble lords opposite, considering the great difficulties which must be met by any Government carrying on a great war, would approach those measures with a desire to discuss them calmly, and not make them a handle for appealing to the passions of the people, and thereby embarrassing the Government. He hoped the house would be disposed to take a favourable view of the measure, as these foreigners would be brought into the country solely for the purpose of training, and they would almost immediately afterwards be sent out to the seat of war. He trusted their lordships would only look to the present necessities of the war, and that they would not think it expedient to reject, but, on the con trary, to assent to the bill. (Hear, hoar.) The Earl of HARDWICICE said the speech of the noble lord who had just sat down was one of the most depress ing character to the feelings of the people of this country. The noble lord had stated that the Government were going to raise a foreign legion from tho necessity of the case, that they were obliged to have recourse to this expedient. The expressions which the noble lord had used were of a most formidable character, and would go to raise the hopes of the Emperor of Rissia and depress the feelings, the spirit, and the courage of the people of this country. The ex pressions were the most cringing and degrading he had ever heard uttered in a British house 'of Parliament. Lord WODEHOUSE rose to order. The words ho had used did not deserve such strong observations from any noble lord, however much he might object to them. It was clear it was necessary to have recourse to a foreign legion, because they could not raise sufficient troops to meet the necessity of the case. If they could have raised enough of their own men, Government would not have introduced the bill. All that his observations implied was, that as former Governments had so reduced the strength of the army in times of peace, the present Govern ment, in an emergency, found it necessary to resort to the expedient of raising a foreign legion. He (Lord Wode house) repudiated altogether the strong' expressions used by the noble earl, and he denied that his words•were such that any British peer ought to be ashamed to use them. (Loud cries of " Hear, hear," and cheers.) The Earl of HARD WICKE assured their lordships that he should adhere to the expressions which he had used. He would not retract a word, as his opinion was that the senti ments of the noble lord would convey feelings of degrada tion to the minds of the people of this country, while they would convey to the Emperor of Russia feelings of hope. The noble lord must know that, in making use of these observations, he (Earl of Hardwicke) had used them in a strict sense, and as a member of the British Legislature. The idea conveyed to his mind by the noble lord's speech was a degrading one—it was that the people of England Were reduced to the necessity of being compelled to raise a foreige legion. No British statesman ought so to have expressed himself. (Hear, hear.) Lord WODEHOUSE again rose to order, and complained of the noble earl having misinterpreted his observations. The Earl of HARDWICKE said he should not make any apology, as he had not used words in any sense other than that which he was privileged to do as a member of their lordships' house. The arguments in favour of the bill were, that during a long peace the army had been much reduced, and now that the Government were sud denly called upon to go to war, they had not the means of carrying it on without foreign soldiers. He would ask, which was the party in that house who called upon the Legislature to reduce the forces. Where sprang that feel ing ? Why, in the large manufacturing towns and the principal seats of commerce in the kingdom, backed by the noble lords and the right hon. gentlemen now forming her Majesty's Government. He objected to the employment of foreign troops, because he conceived that, ae one of the most important features of war was that the taxes which were raised were taken from the pockets of the rich and put into the pockets of the poor, they should be paid, to, and go to, tho support an d ass i s tance of their own people, and not be paid to foreign mercenaries. There could be nothing more 'detrimental to the spirit of the people than , the proposition before their lordships. The bill would depress the feeling existing in the army, and it would interfere with the reruiting now going on for the He felt confident that there would be no difficulty in raising sufficient troops. The state ments were made general as to the enthusiasm of the people to meet the exigencies of the war. (Hear, hear.) He could understand that it might be necessary to raise troops from what had been called the depressed nationali ties, anti he could perfectly well ponceive-that a bill would be necessary for that purpose; but he fully believed that the people of England were not disposed to carry on the war at that rate. He was firmly convinced that the power of this country, the readiness of the people to support the Go vernment, and the great resources of the country, if pro perly operated upon, wculd be perfectly sufficient to bring the war to an honourable and triumphant conclusion. Earl GRANVILLE said that the noble earl felt great disappointment that ho was not engaged in the war, yet he would, upon reflection, see that the line of conduct which he had just taken was most injudicious and inadvisable to take. The course adopted of applying unworthy epithets to the arguments of another noble lord, and the attack made upon the great commercial classes of the country, ought to have been avoided at a moment like the present. (Hoar.) It should not be (forgotten by the noble earl that the Government of which he was a member added only 5,000 men to the army, and 2,000 to the navy. The argu mentsadoptea by the,noble earl were thole used in 180, when a similar bill was introduced--it was said to be un constitutional, and that 15,000 foreign troops in the coun try might create alarm. But this was all talk. If the Government were to introducedouble th e num b er, th ey would be utte r ly i nca p a bi e of doing the least harm. The suggestion of the noble earl, that they ought to be sent to the Mediterranean, was much more dangerous. The noble earl's speech simply came to this--"I support the war, but I do not support the Ministers, as they are not the proper persons to carry it on." Now, the house ought to decide this question, and declare whether or not Ministers were worthy of their confidence in carrying on the war. The noble lords opposite professed to give their assistance to the Government, and yet they attempted to create an unfounded prejudice against every single measure which the Government introduced. (Hear.) it:Lord VIVIAN should be prepared to vote for the mea sure if he believed there was really any necessity for it; but having heard the noble Duke at the head' of the War Department state that great anxiety existed among the young men of the country to enlist under the banners of the army, he could not see why, at the present moment, we should be obliged to have recourse to a band of foreign mercenaries. They had learnt from the noble duke that sevenfold more recruits presented themselves now than there did some two months ago. The danger of such a measure also weighed in his mind against its further pro ' gross. He was ready to do full justice to the bravery of the gallant German legions and the Brunswick troops dur ing the last war, and to admit that it was an objectionable course to avail ourselves of their services; but the circum stances then widely differed from these which now existed. We were then all engaged in a common war against a com mon enemy; all Germany, with the exception of Saxony, joined with us, and, therefore, little objection arose to the employment of Germans, especially in the state of Bruns wick, which was under the rule of the Sovereign of the country. If similar circumstances arose he should be most willing to assent to the proposal of the Government; but at present ho felt compelled to vote against the bill, believ ing it to be, a s h e h a d already said, one of a dangerous character. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said, as be was in the unfortunate predicament of finding himself obliged to veto for a bill to which he saw very great objection, he wished to explain the views which guided him to that conclusion. First, as to the principle, he agreed in almost all the objec tions taken to the kill by the noble earl who spoke so forci bly on the other side of the house (the Earl of Ellen borough) ; but when the Government stated, what he owned ho was inclined to believe, that we wanted men for immediate action, and that this bill would bring service able men ) he owned he could not take upon himself the re sponsibility of rejecting it. He entirely agreed with the 'noble earl that the Government had made a very meagre statement as to the necessity of the measure--(" Hear," from the Opposition) —but at the same time the refusal of Parliament to assent to a bill so forced on their attention at a very early period of the session would have a most in jurious effect in this country, and he feared also in foreign nations. He was quite of the same opinion as the noble earl, that no such necessity as that alleged by the Govern ment ought to h ave existed. (Hear, hear.) He (the Mar quis of Clanricarde) was one of those who, in the early part of last year, spoke of the importance of the war in which we w ere a b out to cu t er , an d of the absurdity of thinking there would be any peace. He remembered nsing a word from his own vocabulary, that Ewe were likely to enter into a disastrous war, though ho did not mean to express the slightest doubt about the results being glorious and successful to us. He intended to convey that it would be a sanguinary war—one which would call forth great exertions, and for which the Government ought to strain every nerve. He unfortunately thought that the bill would do some harm to the enlistment of recruits throughout the country. (Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) Though giving a qualified asseut to the bill, he considered it to be unw i se , and ho should throw the entire responsibility of it upon the Governm e n t . The Earl of DERBY—My for in the speech of my noble friend I concur almost from beginning to end, but in the conclusion at which ho has arrived I am sorry I cannot concur, for that conclusion is'contrary to the whole tonour an d argument of his speech. He admits every objection to the bill on the constitutional ground, and on the incon venience and danger of adopting the course proposed.. Ho admits that the Government have shown a very meagre case with regard to the plea of necessity which has been put forward. Ile Says, as long as the Government asks for troops to carry on the war e —so long, whatever the proposi tion be, I hold that the Houses of Parliament are bound to grant the troops which the Government ask for. Now, my lords, so long as the Government are acting in the discharge of their Government duties, and more especially in the prosecution of a war of this consequence and magnitude, I hold that very great latitude is to bo given to the Govern ment, and that support should, as far as possible, be ten dered to them consistent with the constitutional principle, and even at some sacrifice of private opinions. But, in the discussion this evening, the very powerful speech made by my noble friend (Lord Ellenborough)— a speech delivered with more than all his usual eloquence, ability, and power —has completely disposed of this part of this question, and it has never been attempted to be grappled with by any member of the Government who followed him. The noble lord the Under Secretary for the Foreign Depart ment took exception to the manner in which my noble and gallant friend characterised the arg uments which were made use of. Now, w ith ou t meaningto say anything per sonally disrespectful to the noble lord opposite, I must en tirely concur with my nob!e friend, that the argument on which he rested his plea—the plea of necessity that was put forward in such piteous tones to the House of Lords, for the purpose of inducing it to adopt a measure, bad and unconstitutional in itself, was a plea degrading to the Go vernment that brings it forward, and humiliating to the country to have to accept. (Hear, hear.) And, my lords, that plea of necessity—of so-called necessity—is not proved on the part of the Government. That plea is the only one on which, contrary to his opinion, contrary to his judg ment, my noble friend the noble marquis gives the Go vernment his vote on this occasion, while he supports all the views and opinions of my noble friend near me. I hope after what has passed, after the alterations which the Government consented at once to introduce the moment they heard a feeling was excited out of doors by the bill — alterations which they ought not to have been ready to make if they had properly-considered a bill of this momen tous character—a bill brought forward on the plea of ne cessity, and though objectionable, the only remedy for the difficulties in which the Government is placed. When a bill is brought forward of such a character, and under such circumstances, the Government should be prepared to vindicate and adhere to ev er y s yllable of the bill, if it had been properly considered, but the bill has not been well considered, because they do not seem to care whether the number of troops is 10,000 or 15,000, because they happen not to hare calculated the effect of the bill ; and on the very first moment of a cry out of doors, they , are ready to modify and alter it, and I admit to the noble duke, in a way greatly to improve the measure—l hope, I say, that these alterations, this submission to opinion out of doors will, at all events, exonerate myself and my noble friends from a ny c h arge o f faction which can be brought against us. (Ironical cheers from the Duke of Newcastle.) The noble duke cheers in a very extraordinary manner, but I ask him whether he does not consider it a matter of for bearance when, on a question involving the deepest inte rests of the country and great constitutional principles, we are satisfied that Government should call Parliament to gether and discuss that measure not 10 days before the necessary breaking up of Parliament; and in consequence of the limited space of time which is allowed for the dis cussion of public business, we not onlY permit them to introduce that measure to which we greatly object, and read it a second time without opposition or discussion, and almost without having it printed, but we allow them to proceed from that most important stage of the bill and go to the next stage. on the following day ? I ask, when a bill of this consequence, upon which there is a material difference which the Government itself is obliged to admit —is permitted to pass through the house with so little consideration on the part of the house, have we not an answer ready to the taunting cheer of the noble duke op posite with regard to the forbearance that has been shown? I say, if this bill be justified on the plea of necessity, that is a necessity for which the Government ought to be respon sible. The noble lord the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lan caster, in reply to an ob serva ti on w hi c h f e ll f rom my no bl e friend the reduction of our military establishment in a time of peace, thought it necessary t o a d ver t t o th e little progress which was made during the short time my noWe friend and myself held office, in raising that establishment. My lords, during the 10 months—fo r th a t was .th e ex t en t, as my noble friend opposite well knows—during which we held office, I venture to say, though I by no means am satisfied we did everything that was required toward the increase of our military and naval establishments, yet a treater increase was made in the number, amount, and efficiency of both the military and the naval departments of the country than was made in the 10 or 12 years pre viously. It was not only that we added 5,010 men to the army and only 2,060 to the navy, but I should like to know what the Government would have done at this mo ment if, in 1852, we had not raised, established, and or ganised the militia in spite of much opposition. (Hear.) It is very well for the noble lord now to laud the militia, and speak of it as an invaluable corps, but did we meet with no opposition in our attempts to establish it? (ilear.) What predictions of failure—what necessity of having re course to the ballot—what unwarlike spirit on the part of the country—what impossibility of carrying out thevolun tary system in 1852. (Hear, hear.) We have, triumphed. over the opposition in the house ; we found no opposition out of doors ; and when we raised the militia to an amount beyond which it has not been permitted to go since, we are told now , forsooth, that we did no thi ng i n 1852 to wards remedying the deficiencies of the peace establish. ment. Is that all ? I think, if the noble duke is still of the same opinion he should consult the noble lord the com mander of the forces • and if he doe s , I w ill th an k hi m t o inquire what was the state of the artillery guns and the gun-carriages, and what were the means of carrying on a war, if a war came to us within the course of 12 months after our taking office in 1852, and also where the present Government would at this moment be if no provision had been made for guns and gun-carriages in that year? I will go further, and ask the noble duke to go to his own First Lord ot the Admiralty, and ask him what he thinks of the introduction during those 10 months of no less than nine new screw line-of-battle ships ?. (Hear.) I ask, where would the navy be if it were not for the exertions of my noble and gallant friend the Duke of Northumberland, to whom justice has never been yet done ? (Cheers.) I would wish him to put these questions, not on my own part, but on that of nay noble and gallant colleague. I say that within those 10 months more has been done to strengthen the army and navy in a time of peace, and for securing proficiency in case of war, for the administration of the military and naval establishments, and providing an increase of naval stores, than was done in any previous years, or even done since, until there came the immediate and unparalleled pressure of war. Now we are told this is a case of, necessity, and that war came on us all of a sud den. I say that war did not come suddenly upon any one except her Majesty's Ministers. (A laugh.) The whole world expected a war for the last two years—for the last 13 months at all events; and during those months you ought not only to have been making incessant preparation atm levying forces, but by every means you ought to have augmented the regular army and militia, so as to relieve yourself from this degrading necessity, as I contend it is, of coming to Parliament before the first year is well over, and saying you have not got men to carry on the war with out the introduction of German troops. lam not going through the argument as to the means you have of raising these German troops—from what quarter you are likely to derive them ; whether with the consent, or against the consent, or with the connivance of, the respective Sove reigns of these petty German principalities. I will not ask whether you are likely, under these circumstances, to obtain the best and most valuable troops. This I can say, that the preamble of the bill of 1801, to which the noble duke made reference, thought it necessary to recite that, whereas there wore large numbers of foreigners ready and anxious to take up arms in our cause, and join with us, but could not be admitted into our service without the consent of Parliament, therefore an application was made for them. (The Duke of Newcastle made an observation across the table.) Have you recited that a certain large number of foreigners, partaking of the same sentiments, and having the same interests and objects in view as your selves, are ready to join you ? The Duke of NEWCASTLE—The other bill recites what we do. The Earl of DERBY—If it recites what her Majesty's 'Government do, I confess it will recite very little. (Laugh ter.) , You cannot recite the preamble of the other mea sure. 'There were then a large body of men anxious and willing to serve the Government, who knew from whonce they would come, to what extent, and the reasons for which they could depend upon them, and therefore the Government asked Parliament to allow them to employ those gallant men. But the present case is entirely dif ferent. Now, where aro you going to get the persons from? I don't believe you know. I think it is exceedingly doubt ful whether you will get, even by the consent or against the consent of these petty German Sovereigns, any valu able additions t o th e B r i t i s h army. But, have you any idea of the number you will require? What is the amount of your necessity? Without German troops you say you cannot carry on the war. The Duke of NEWCASTLE—The Emperor of Russia would be exceedingly glad if I were to tell you. (Hear.) The Earl of DERBY —But you have admitted to the Emperor of Russia that without German troops you wil be unable to maintain the honours of the country. (Op position cheers.) The noble duke thinks he has said some thing exceedingly smart ; but whenhe comes to the House of Commons for money to pay these men he will be obliged to state the amount of his necessity. (Hear, hear ) I want- to know if you desire 10,000, 20,000, 30,C00, iO,OOO, or 50,000 Germans ? You will have to tell the House of Commons how many men you mean to take ;, and really when you tell me that to state the amount of troops you require from Germany is to divulge a secret to the Emperor of Russia, think at the present momen t it i s a great secret to the Government to know what amount of troops they actually want; still more, what amount they are likely to obtain. (Laughter.) I think it has been stated Unit Parliament has considered that the Govern ment might go so far as to engage these troops, but not bring them to England. Well, I say, why bring them to England? My noble friend (the Earl of Ellenborough) has shown quite lucidly that the English channel is not the shortest way to the Crimea. You say you don't want to keep them in this country, and I may- say here from the feeling in the country on the subject it is not desirable that we should see them. If you choose to bring Ger man and Swiss troops into England, you must take upon yourselves the responsibility of the act, and ask the House of Commons to pay for them ; but don't ask Parliament to sanction the course, and to put its fiat on what yott have done, and thereby admit that it is necessary for the honour and safety of the country to, employ these foreigu soldiers. My lords, this calling in of strangers has been, from the earliest ages, from the period of the fall of the Roman empire down to the time when that passionate in vocation was made by Alfieri— " --- del non suo ferro cinta Pugnar con bmscia di stannierf genii ; " the surest sign in all countries of the weakness of a nation, the most unfailing indication of approaching decay. (Hear, hear.) Ido not believe ,that England is in such a state that you would have to encounter the difficulties you seem to anticipate—the raising tho necessary amount of troops in the country. (Hear, bean) I have been assured that at the present moment, though you have somewhat lowered the standard height of, your troops, yet that it might be lowered considerably further, and that this, with an increase of bounty, would bring a considerable addition to your forces. (Hear, hoar.) lam told that even at the pre ent moment you refuse to take any man who has reached the age of 30. .(Hear.) Well, my lords, you want those men at a particular moment, and for a parti cular purpose. You want them for the purpose of . imme diate action ; you want th e i r serv i ces pro b a bl y f or a period of not more than three or four years. Now, I ask the Government whether a man of 30, in the full power of manhood—in full activity of both body and mind—would not for so brief a term of service as three or four years be infinitely preferable to lads of 17 or 18 to send out to th e Crimea—that pestilential climate in which we ren re en gaged in war? (Hear, hear.) Lower the standard . height of the troops, and, if need be, crease the age of enlistment; increase the no.nnty----111- toll the country how many men you want—that you 'want them to maintain the honour and dignity of the nation— the Government will be able speedily to meet thelexigency_ , won't come the a (Hear, hear.) But if you toll the country its mea ns aro exhausted—that you must have recourse to foreign t roops —that British troops cannot be k found, t o e r willu take f h r ward—that they are rawand undisc a i t u plined, and th a t yo u s ca n n re n s o t t m en ea ti n -u s s e t f them—if y oy extinguishing the feeling of the country— that spirit which is now altogether with you. Do not do S duct as well as to their undoubted bravery. that Ti t e e s t ha o s f a soldier's conduct is not only in the town sacked, but also in the country in which he is encampe d . ee The conduct of our troops in Bulgaria, among a populati o n soldier is as distinguished . alien in habit s andreligl'on in , e g a i m ve p s a p e r h oo e f te th h a re t v t e h i e h ß ha ti t t t i l s e h . of your lordships, in reading the records of the I have, at various periods of m . y life, taken a deep interest, like moa t uinntrmyy; humble h l le cannot bring judgment, surpasses m) , r re collection ()f m hi y eli c° , , w this in the distinguished conduct of the soldiers. 'I ha ve , co gre ll a e t ct b io a stated, my lords, that t hes e are not only my sentiments, but that they are likewise the sentiments of the Sovereign —(cheers)—as they are, no doubt, the sentiments also of all your lordships. Her Majesty has been pleased to sig nify that approval by conferring a medal upon all the sol diers, and others, to be inscribed with the word "Crimea;" and, following general precedents, clasps also are to be con- - ferred for the two great battles of Alma and Inkerman, and those names shall in future be inscribed on the colours with the names of those previous victories gained by the regiments who have again distinguished themselves. It is further my duty, my lords, to ask you to pass a vote of thanks to the naval officers who rendered their assistance and evinced the greatest devotion to the service of their country and the most honourable interest in the sister ser vice during the engagement. I know that no person more than Lord Raglan and the soldiers under his command feels how much the country is indebted to the navy for their services on this expedition. I will not dilate upon their services, but I have only to add that the seamen and marines, as much as the officers of the navy, de serve your lordships' consideration, and I will ask your lordships to accord a vote of thanks to them. There are two other services which it is not usual to include in votes of thanks of this nature, and I do not intend to ask your lordships to depart from existing precedents. I cannot forbear remarking on what is due to a large body of seamen who are not engaged in her Majesty's service, but who have zealously fulfilled their duty in this under taking. I allude to the officers and men of the transport service at the disposal of Government. Their services were most indefatigable and deserving of every acknow ledgment. The other body of men to whom I refer are the medical men of the army. I speak not now of the medi cal organisation, of which so much was said the other evening, but let say, in justice to those persons, that never were greater exertions used—never greater humanity evinced—than by those medical officers. I will only ask you to recur to the services rendered by Dr. Thompson. He was left, under circumstances of the most painful na ture, on the field of battle ; not to attend to the wounded of his own army, for they had all been removed and cared for, but to a largo body of Russians, many of whom thought an Englishm;in little less than a devil, and were prepared to murder the man who came to their assistance. He attended to their wants, although left alone, and he bound up the wounds of hundreds under circumstances of great danger to his life. Nevertheless, he escaped safe and came back to service in the cause of his own army ; but it pleased Providence to remove him two or three days after his arrival, partly in consequence of his extraordinary exertions, and partly through the disease from which he was suffering. (Hear, hear.) Although it is not according to precedent to include such men as these in the vote of thanks, it is not for a Minister of the Crown, under such circumstances, to forget all mention of them. I am, how ever, about to ask your lordships on -this occasion to de part somewhat from the precedents usual in cases like the present. We are called on to accord a vote of thanks to those who have served their country, but I regret to say that there is a large body of those who left this country high in expectations and confident of success, but who are not now within reach of our mortal thanks. Though their names, my lords, are not on the list presented to yourlordships, I am convinced that theirs are names which are not to be forgotten. in the midst of triumph deep sorrow has been occasioned, and we re I to look round , at present I know some are listening to me who are bear- 1 ing the outward symbols of that greet which preys upon their inward heart at the loss winch they have sus tained. I think that your lordships would not con sider it unbecoming to depart from precedent so far as to express our regret of the loss of thous noble men, and to vote words of condolence to their relatives. The noble duke then referred to Sir George Cathcart, whom it was impossible, he said, not to recollect on this occasion. I have had the happiness to become acquainted with that gallant and noble man by official communications, and I never was more struck with th 0 ability of any man than that of Sir George Cathcart in b is official correspond ence during the year and a half that he was Governor at the Cape a Good Hope. I bad believed that that man would have taken a high position by his abilities, and would have been of the highest value to his country and in the service of his S ,voreige. (Loud tries of " hear, hear.") Ho now sleeps with others upon flee bills of the Crimea, but I am confident that their names . will long be honoured in the remembrance of their country, and will be handed down on the records of English history. I rejoice, my lords, that on this occasion wo are able to extend our vote of thanks beyond the usual extent. We have had on this occasion an Ally such as it has rarely been our good fortune to possess in any former war. (Hear, hear.) I propose to your lordships that we should vote our thanks to that gal lant army which has shared with oars in its labours and its triumphs, beginning with that eu anent man who un dertook the command at the cowmen cement of the opera tions, and including him who has so :nobly succeeded him. Marshal St. Arnaud, as is known tee your lordships, left his country to take the command of that army with the conviction that a malady was upon lern, and that it would be impossible, in all probability, for MI n ever to return alive. He showed the greatest devotion to blue service of that army, and I have it from various private betters of Lord Raglan that he carried on his operations i a a spirit of the most complete harmony with him, and indeed might have been serving in the same army or brought up in the same ser vice. Marshal St. Arnaud left, on - the 7th of September, the shores of Varna with the English forces. In the course of the short voyage to the opposite coast he became so se riously ill that an officer commun' cated to Lord Raglan that it was impossible that he coup( ever land. He never theless rallied ; ho mounted his horse, and although re-' peatedly at the battle of Alma obliged to dismount from his extreme suffering, he remains t at his post, and pe rished, it might be said, in the hour of victory. General Canrobat succeeded him in the command, and his noble conduct and his frank and generous bearinc , have endeared him to the British army as much as Lord Raglan. They all respect his military talents—ttley admire him as a sol dier, they respect him as a man. Let me say that we pro pose to add to the vote the name of General Bosquet, the second in command. (Cheers.) Me has been brought into more especial contact with our troops; he has served with the English troops on our right,. and I can say from know ledge derived from the most :erithentic sources that our troops look on him as if he w ere a general in our own army, and that they would follow him to victory as readily as any officer possessing at present a commission. Such has already become the good feeling and affection and concord between the two forces. I should also say that I propose an equal vote of t„ hanks to the French navy, in a similar manner as to our own, for the distinguished services which they have neutered, and the assistance which they have afforded in all 'these operations. (Hear.) Both the army and the navy of 1 prance being allied in the same effort as ourselves, I am cost fident that your lordships will feel yourselves mingling in their emotions of enthu siasm, and will as readily afford your thanks to these foreign officers as to your own. Now that I have made this motion I will leave it in you r lordships' hands. Were it not that I am certain he is pre pared to do so, I would invite the noble earl opposite to !sewed the motion which I have now proposed. It has ioi ien my fate, during the two years that I have had the honour of a seat on this side of the house, to be freqirrently in collision, irapar congressus, with the noble emit I am certain that, • upon this occasion, we shall be as completely united as any two peers on this side of th s house. I invite with the confidence that it will be :accorded, his fervid elo quence to strengthen my feeble ce mrse, to call on your lord ships to give this vote your most: unanimous approval. I am confident that you will unanie iously record your admi ration and gratitude for services rendered by these united forces who have added fresh lusts -.3 to the military fame of England and Prance. The nolers. duke concluded by mov ing the following resolutions:— " That the thanks of this house be given to Field Marshal the Right Hon. Lord Raglan, 1C night Grand Cross of the Most Honourable Order of the Iteth, for the energy and distinguished ability with whi ch he has conducted the operations of her Majesty's fore. :s in the Crimea, for the brilliant and decisive victory ohs tained over the enemy's army on the Alma, and the e.egnal defeat of a force of vastly supe] for numbers on the h-eights of Inkerman. " That the thanks of this house) be given to Lieutenant- General Sir John Fox Burgoyne., Kni,ght Grand Cross of the Most Honourable Order of th e Beth. "To Lieutenant -General Sir George Brown, Knight Commander of the Most Honoura. 7 ele Order of tho Bath. "To Lieutenant-General his IC. val Highness the Duke of Cambridge, Knight of the kireost Noble Order of the Garter. "To Lientenant•Genoral Sir )13 Lacy Evans, Knight Commander of the Most llonoura 6 1e Order of the Bath. "To Lieutenant-General Sir Rii,chard England, Knight Comminder of the Most ifonourab le Order of the Bath. " To Lieutenant-General the Eaa 1 of Lucan. "To Major-General the Earl of 4 Jardigan. " To Brigadier-General, now l) lajor-General the Ron. JananYork Scarlett. " To Major-General Henry John-. William Bentinck. "To Major-General Sir Colin f atmpbell, Knight Com mander of the Most Honourable 0 vder of the Bath. "To Major-General John Lyar kght Pennefather, Com panion of the Most Honourable Or, ter of the Bath. "I'o Brigadier-General William John Codrington. "To Bi igadier-General, now 31aj or-General Hoary Wm. Adams, Companion of the ,s t Honourable Order of the Bath. "To Brigadier-Genoral, now Maisor-General Sir John Campbell, Bart. "To Brigadier-General, now Major-General Geo. Buller, Companion of the Most Honourable (Di 'der of the Bath. "Tu Brigadier-General, now Ma is ir-General William E 3 re; Companion of the Most Honourable Order of the Bath. "To Brigadier-General, now Major-General Arthur Wellesley Torrens. " .Aull to the several other officers fon! their zoal,intrepi dity, and distinguished exertions in the several actions in which her Majesty's forces have been; engaged with the enemy. "That this house doth highly acknowledge the distill guished discipline, valour, and exertions displayed by the non-commissioned officers and soldiers of I hearrny under the command of F. -M. Lord Raglan, in all tla 3 operations in the Crimea, and that the same be signified to them by the com manders of the several corps, who are desired to thank them for their distinguished and gallant behaviour. " That the thanks of this house be givs in to Vice-Adtniral James Whitley Deans Dundas, Coaxa anion of the Most Hon. Order of the Bath; to Rear-Ada iiral Sir Edmund Lyons, Knight Grand Cross of the Moss Hon. Order of the Bath, and to the several captains and. -officers in the fleet under the command of the said Vice-AJdmiral, and also to the officers of the navy and marines employed on shore in the siege of Sebastopol, for their indefa4 igable activity and exertions in conveying her Majesty's .land forces to the Crimea, in effecting their disembarka'k ion, and in co-ope rating with them during the siege of Saoastopol. " That this house doth highly appria ve of and acknow ledge the services of the seamen and BUJ tines on board the ships under the command of Vice-Admin al Dandas ' and also of the seamen and marines employed on shore in tte siege of Sebastopol, in their indefatigable actl vity and exertions in conveying her Majesty's land forces: to the Crimea, in eting lant conduct. their disembarkation, and in -co-operating with thorn duringthe siege of Sebastopol, a ni l that the captains of the severalcrews, and d s hips do signify the same. t o their respective o thank them for their pi •aiseworthy and gal tiliguishecl house acknowledges, " That this h during the pr ef e r and conduct of thos 9 who have perished with; admiration, the dis try, and feels deepstruggle in the sea -vice of their coun try, friends.sympathy with - their relations and Canrobert and the Irreuchis " That the thanks of this house b o given to General for their gallant and successful co-operation -with army, n ivi Alma, for their the attack on the enemy's p o r s i t ti e't-V's land forces in re 1 3 4 ding the enemy at energetic and timely assistance in Inkerman, and for their distinguished exertions, in con - , non with her Majesty's troops, in the siege of Sebastopol; 1 and that Field-Marshal Lord Raglan be desired to convoy to them the present resolution. 1 " That the thanks of this house be given to Admiral Hamelin and the French navy for their cordial co-operation t h g er t h h a e tt a e l n lied an f d or i c ti es th to e t w h i e t h c r h i e m r e M a , sl u e s t e y ff ' e s e fl t ienst g t i h n e c i r o n d v i e s siege of Sebastopol ; and that Vice-Admiral D ' undas be de sired to convey to them the present resolution." The Earl of DERBY—My lords, having, upon a forme r occasion, taken an opportunity to express, feebly and in adequately indeed, but most sincerely, my deep sense of the debt of gratitude which this country owes to those gallant and distinguished men of every rank in our army, to whose efforts we owe the great and brilliant successes achieved by their arms, I should not have thought it in cumbent on me to say a single word, nor should I have risen on this occasion had it not been to give to the noble duke and to your lordships the most convincing proof of my'desire--though, unfortunately, opposed to her Majesty's Government—to express, on my own part, and on the part of those with whom I have the honour to be connected, our entire and cordial acquiescence in the motion now made. The noble duke, in his appeal to me, has done in justice to the manner in which be has brought the subject ' under the notice of the house ; for, in no lengthened ad dress to your lordships, he has most clearly, most simply, and with the truest eloquence, because it was the elo quence of the heart, enumerated with official authority those services for which he calls upon you to give your willing tribute. (Hear, hear.) I feel, therefore, that the appeal of the noble duke is one with which I can not comply without exposing myself to the charge of overweening presumption. I concur, and lam sure your lordships all will concur, in the vote of thanks which the noble duke has moved to the distinguished officers whom he has mentioned, as also to those whose names, from the impossibility of enumerating all where all are best, are of necessity omitted. I concur with him, and without following the indication which he has given to contrast the achievements of the army with the deficiencies which some may perceive in the provisions made for them by the Go vernment. Their deeds require no such contrast, their achievements need no such adventitious colouring, and this is not an occasion on which to awaken the memory of such shortcomings. Let us be content, my lords, on this occa sion to award our tribute of sincere admiration and grati tude to those men who, under whatever difficulties, have so nobly sustained the honour of their flag, and most gal lantly maintained the arduous struggle in which they were engaged. It falls very naturally to the part of the noble duke in the position which he occupies to enumerate by name some of the most distinguished commanders and leaders. I speak with no such authority, and it would be presumption on my part to speak in such detail, because from the highest to the lowest, from that gallant and dis tinguished officer who had the advantage of enjoying the confidence of that great master, the Duke of Wellington, and who has proved himself a worthy pupil of that emi nent school ; from that distinguished Prince, who has added another title to his royal blood, who has shared the soldiers' labours, privations, toils, and dangers, and the latter to an extent and degree which may be thought im prudent—from these : the one by his high position in the army, the other by his position in social rank, and his con nection with the royal family of this country, down to the humblest in the British ranks—all were actuated by the desire to perform that first object in the mind of every Eng lishman, to perform unostentatiously, indeed perseveringly, firmly, and unhesitatingly, their duty, and that in the hour of greatest peril and privation, satisfied that these perils and privations would not be baton tho gratitude of the country, and that the admiration, if not thanks, of the Sovereign, the Parliament and their countrymen, would be freely given to those who had undergone each perils and privations, and who had achieved such successes. (Cheers.) The navy, it is true, on this occasion, had not had an opportunity, with respect to this particular service, of distinguishing them selves on their own element ; but whatever it was in their power to accomplish has been accomplished with a zeal and an activity which contrasts not unfavourably with any for mer achievements in the history of that gallant service; and when I speak of the achievements of the navy on their ele ment, I must not forget to mention, and I do so with satis faction and respect, those volunteer exertions of the gallant seamen and marines not at sea, but assisting their fellow heroes of the other service in sustaining the oils and dan gers of the land service also; and I believe that for the ad dition of the marine artillery, the army would not be slow to acknowledge the debt of gratitude which they owe them. My lords, the noble duke has said that he was about to enter into a course somewhat peculiar, in expressing the condo lence and feelings he has experienced in looking back to the lamentable losses we have sustained, and contrasting the present state of the army, and looking through the lists and observing the melancholy gaps that have been made—and made in our own observation— in this, and that, and many families. If it be an irregular course on this occasion to mingle with our thanks and honours to the living our re grets, and admiration, and respects for the dead—surely, if that be a deviation from common practice, no one of your lordships' house will blame her Majesty's Government. (Hear.) Perhaps their hearts were more deeply engaged even than in rendering honour to the living, in giving the tribute of their sympathy and condolence to the relations of those who had fallen so gloriously. (Hear, hear.) It will not be doubted that I concur with the noble duke in the expression he has given to the feelings with which her Ma jesty's Government have seen and appreciated the honour able and noble support given to the armies of this country by the troops, military and naval, of our faithful ally. I believe we had full reason, as we had full reason before hand, to appreciate, under very different circumstances, the valour of the French troops and the French seamen. We have never had an opportunity in which we were made more conscious of that valour ormore sensible of the advan tages attached to their services. Though, on former occa sions, we were made to feel fiewilblo of it, now, I rejoice to say, these two great nations, side by side, have carried on the operation of their arms in the prosecution of a just and honourable war with every prospect of ultimate suc cess. I rejoice that the noble duke has taken this oppor tunity of doing justice, not only to the memory of the late French Commander-in-Chief—not only to that distinguished man who succeeded to the command of the army, but also to that general in the French army who has been brought into more immediate connection with the English troops than any other, and whose assistance, both at Alma dud Inkerman, has been invaluable to the British arms (Hear.) But while I participate as cordially as any man can do in acknowledging the services rendered by that army, I put it to her Majesty's Government not as a matter of reproach, but I should be glad to hear from them that they have themselves considered whether there is any pre cedent in this country for returning thanks to the troops of a foreign prince— . The Earl of ABERDEEN—Yes, after Waterloo. The Earl of DERRY—My lords, it had occurred to me that the thanks of the British Parliament, however it might be most becoming that we should recognise on the part of the Parliament and the country the obligations we owe to our foreign Allies, yet lit might have the appearance o f usurping a place hich did not properly belong to us, of passing over the Sovereign tf those troops, and that the thanks of Parliament, when c o n ve y e d to the subjects of another Sovereign, might, however gratifying to the troops themselves, appear to be an interference with the internal duty and allegiance of those troops to their own Sovereign, which I am sure is the last thing intended by the vote now proposed by her Majesty's Government. I rejoice to find there is a precedent for such a course, and such being the case, even the slight hesitation I might have felt, not at the substance of the motion itself, but at the form in which it is proposed, is altogether clone away with, and I am glad to be enable to agree both with its form snil sub stance. I trust the Government will not think that my having noticed this point showed in the slightest degree a desire on my part to be captious, or to introduce any diffe rence of opinion upon the question. To all of the British generals, to the British soldiers, to our admirals, and our navy, to the navy and army of France, as well as to the arms of England, this country owes a debt of gratitude which it cannot easily discharge. It is easy to vote the thanks of Parliament, and in doing so, although I think these thanks ought to be reserved for great and signal oc casions, because if given too frequently they will lose some portion of their effect—depend upon it, your vote of thanks will be deeply appreciated by all those gallant men upon whom you confer it. They will consider it a glorious and honourable compensation for all they have undergone, all they have suffired, and for all they have achieved, and they will consider it—and I trust the thanks of Parliament, embodying the thanks and gratitude of the country, will always be considered by those who carry our flag in foreign countries—not only an honourable compensation for the past, but an honour able incentive to endeavour for the future even to eclipse their former deeds by deeds of greater valour and greater daring. (Hear.) The Earl of HARDWICKE said that he joined with their lordships in the happiness ley felt at the perfect sue: cess which had hitherto attended our arms in the Crimea. Ho thought, however, the services in the Baltio had been of a most arduous description, and that while they passed a vote of thanks to the fleet in the Black Sea, they ought not to be unmindful of the exertions of the navy in the Baltic. Viscount HARDINGE said that he should be doing great injustice to his feelings if he were to•omit expressing the great sense he entertainod, he might say, the gratitude he felt, towards Lord Raglan and the army which his noble friend had proved himself most worthy to command. That noble lord might, if he had been a man of less energy and determination, havepaused before he undertook an expedi tion of such difficulty, but he did no such thing. He at once entered into the views of tbe•Government. His noble friend on that occasion, before even a mia had landed in the Crimea, discovered the very greatest ability in the instruc tions he issued for the landing of the army. Upon that occasion Lord Raglan had bad all the happiness which a commander ought to have, except that his great master was not in their lordships' house to eulogise his conduct. (Hear, hear.) He (the noble viscount) would not attempt to enter into a discussion of the merits of individuals in the army ; he would merely state that the discipline of the army and its intelligence and courage had been equally shown both in attack and defence. (Hear, hear.) He felt he could do no more, after the able speeches of tho noble mover and seconder of these resolutions, than express his extreme satisfaction that a young army, of which two thirds might be said to be mere recruits, should have acted with so much firmness and determination. The Earl of MALMESBURY thought this was one of those clays which the youngest member of their lordships' house would not fail to remember to the latest hour of his existence. It was one of those days which made them proud of the land they lived in—proud of their fellow countrymen, of whom they each formed an unit themselves —and proud of those deeds which they had heard of in history, but had not had the happiness to behold.. Ho could not lot that occasion pass without saying afew words as to the gallant deeds of the Commander-in-Chief, Lord Raglan. Of course he (the noble earl) should not enter into detail, but they were not so much surprised at the honours conferred upon his noble friend when they recol lected that the victor of Alma and the originator of the flank march to Balaklava was a pupil of the great duke, and that Lord Fitzroy Somerset was the great duke's favourite soldier. (Hear, hear:) Their lordships all re collected the ardent nature and high spirit of another noble friend of his (the Earl of Malmesbury's), who had per formed extraordinary deeds of arms in the light cavalry charge at Balaklava. The Earl of Cardigan, who had ever been held in great estimation by his gallants soldiers, had evinced the highest qualities in tilt, field. (Hear, hear.) When they looked at the li s t of offi - cors, to the number of 307, who had fallen in action, he felt that it was impos sible to withhold the highest meed of praise from those bravo men. He felt they would no longer be told that the officers of our army were only fit to figure on parade or loiter through the streets of country towns. The letters which they had written to their mothers, and wives, and sisters, penned by hands almost red-handed from battle, reflected the highest credit on them, and proved they were something more than mere machines. Having spoken of the letters which had been written by soldiers, he could nut but call their lordships' attention to a letter which had