The Sun. — London, England, 1863-06-30 00:00:00

ThfI?EBIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS—Last Evening. Their lordships assembled at four o'clock. ROYAL ASSENT. The House of Commons were summoned to hear the royal assent given by commission to the following bills :—lnland Revenue, Militia Bill, London, &c,, Diocese, Offences South Africa, A frican Slave Trade Treaty, Bleaching and Dyeing Works Act Amendment, Local Government Sup. pleinental, Coventry Market House, Norwich Poor, Skipton Gas, Stourbrldge Railway, ()sweaty and - Welchpool Railway, Ashbourne, Sudbury, and Yoxall - Bridge, and Uttoxeter and Collingwood-road ; Cork and Youghal Railway, St. Luke's (Middlesex) Work house and Vestry Hall, Itchon-bridge, Llanelly Railway and Dock, Bann Navigation Improvement, Buckley Rail. way, Launceston and South Devon Railway, Birkenhead Improvement, Bristol and Portshead Pier and Railway, Carhermouth, Keswick, and Penrith Railway; London and South Western, and Andover end Redbridge Rail ways ; Newport Pagnell Railway ; Transmere Docks and Yarmouth Gas. The Lords Commissioners were the Lord Chancellor, the I id St. Germans, and Viscount Sydney. Their lordships then adjourned during pleasure. The Lord Chancellor took his seat on the woolsack at five e s ti° c k. SUITORS'.RECONCILIATION BILL. Lord BROUGHAM rose to ask leave to withdraw this bill and introduce another under the same title and with a similar object. In drawing up this new bill, his lordship said that he had been aided by the valuable assistance of 31r. Kerr, of the Sheriffs' Court. The noble lord commented 4m the great need there was for such a measure, and stated that his object in bringing it before their lordships was to give peace to mankind and discourage discord. Long as his life had been, he should feel that his life would not have been in vain if he succeeded in carrying this bill. PRIVATE BUaINESS. The Scottish Central Railway and the Newcastle and Carlisle Road Bills were read a second time. The Mid-Kent Railway (Amendments) and the Leomin ster and Kington Railway (Amendments) Bills were read a third time and passed. NEW ZEALAND: Lord LYTTELTON, in presenting a petition from the inhabitans of 'Taranaki on the subject of the distress brought on them by the native war, called the attention of the house to the subject, and also to the military defence of the colonies. He contended that the first, the second, and the third lesson which should be taught to all colonists was that the primary duty of internal self-defence should be un dertaken by the colonists themselves. A few years ago the colonists of Taranaki petitioned the Home Legislature for protection against the natives,alleging that they themselves knew nothing about war, and were unable to protect them selves. He was very much ashamed of the expressions in that petition. The colonists had since learned better things, and now he was glad to find that nearly every adult male was enrolled in the colonial militia. The noble duke (New castle) had said that the colonists of New Zealand ought to be treated with generosity and consideration under their peculiar circumstances. He (Lord Lyttelton) admitted that some help should be given to them until the wretched native kings were brought into proper order. But what he wished was that some period should be named at which the military internal protection of New Zealand should cease as regarded the Imperial Government, and the colonists should be left to take care of themselves. The condition of Taranaki was most pitiable. Not a single rural settlement was left undestroyed by the natives. The British military authorities had actually prevented the settlers from defend ing themselves. The military interference had been most disastrous to the colonists. A sum of money had been voted Ly the Colonial Legislature for the relief of the sufferers. He hoped the Home Legislature would facilitate the pay ment of that grant. The noble lord concluded by laying the petition on the table. The Duke of NEWCASTLE wished that if any noble lords on the other side of the house intended to attack the policy of the Government with regard to the colonies, or with regard to the New Zealand colonists, they would follow the noble lord who had just spoken..-1A short pause having ensued, and no movement having taken place, the noble duke proceeded.]—His noble friend had really left him nothing to reply to, further than to repeat once more his belief in the wisdom of the polity laid down by the Government. He would use no expression save of deep com miseration for the unfortunate settlers of Taranaki. But he should repeat what he had said before, namely, that the war had been got up with the natives solely and entirely through the action and for the benefit of the settlers, and their bene fit alone. The Queen's supremacy was only disputed by the natives because the land was wanted by the settlers. He did not mean to go into the question whether the war were right or wrong, justifiable or unjustifiable, but it was un questionably not got up for Imperial interests, but solely and entirely by and for the colonists. The sum of money voted for the sufferers of Taranaki by the New Zealand Leginia lature was £200,000, of which about £25,000 had been paid. An agent was at present in England trying to raise. a loan of from £500,000 to £600,000 to pay off the balance of the £200,000, and to defray other expenses of the colony of New Zealand. The affairs of the colony had greatly improved even dining the war. The revenue had doubled in three years. It had risen from £230,000 to £460,000, and the im ports and exports had more than doubled within the year 1861-62. He hoped the house and the Legislature would support the humane, resolute, and determined action of the governor, Sir G. Grey. People were not wanting who were ready to translate into Maori all speeches and expressions used in the British Parliament which tended to stimulate the natives to maintain their violent proceedings and to re new their acts of violence. The governor, Sir G. Grey, had taken possession of, and erected redoubts upon, two blocks of ground which the natives had stated their intention of dis puting. By these means he had anticipated and prevented violence, and matters now looked most promising. He hoped the next mail would confirm the good news which was foreshadowed by the last mail. The governor was ably supported by Gen. Cameron; and the illustrious Duke the Commander-in-Chief had requested Gen. Cameron to continue his services in New Zealand, although his period of service had expired. He hoped that nothing would be done to weaken the hands of the governor, or to compel him to alter the plans which he was carrying out so successfully. Earl GREY dissented from much that had fallen from both his noble friends. The noble earl went minutely through the history of the war, and contended that New Zealand would be a slumbering volcano, threatening danger to all the neighbouring colonies, as well as to itself, unless proper measures of impartial justice to the natives were in troduced, together with arrangements for throwing upon the colonists themselves only a fair share of the defence anti management of the colony. The result of leaving the cob). nista to themselves would be merely to raise up a war of ex termination; and that was a state of things which the house would not be justified in bringing about. He contended that the Imperial Government ought not to abandon its power over any, even the most advanced, of our colonies. He thought that witaout a great dereliction of its duties, the Government could not abandon the power which it exercised in toe defence and the proper controlof the colonies. Whilst he did not venture to question the right of the noble duke to exercise his discretion in presenting papers, he should ask how it happened that a despatch, dated last February, was only ordered to be presented to this house on the 10th inst. The Duke of NEWCASTLE explained that the despatch had been presented to the House of Commons within a week after it had been received. It was a mere accidental oversight that it was not presented to the House of Lords. A noble friend of his at the other side of the house having seen the despatch published, drew his attention to the fact that it had not been presented to their lordships. It was then at once laid upon the table. Earl GREY said that such an oversight ought not to have taken place. (A laugh.) Lord LYVEDEN said that such a course as that recom mended by his noble friend (Earl Grey), namely, tc retrace their steps by destroying responsible government in the co• lolly, would, he hoped, never be entertained. He differed totally from the opinions of his noble friend. POLAND. Earl RIISSELL—Betore the order of the day is pro ceeded with, I wish to make an appeal to my noble friend (the Marquis of Clanricarde) with regard to the papers he proposes to move for, The two first, viz., the circular note ' of Lord Castlereagh to the plenipotentiaries of the congress of Vi enn a, dated 12th January, 1815, and the reply to that note of Prince Metternich and Baron Weasenberg, of the 21st January, 1815, are both contained in the papers which were laid on the table of your lordships' hous.3 the other day, The third paper, viz , th e note of Prince Talleyrand to Prince Metternich upon Poland, dated 19th December, 1814, was, I believ e, p rinted in the State papers, and is not included in the paper s I have presented. If m y noble friend chooses to move for it he can do so if he pleases, and it then will become a regular document before the But I heard this morning that it is the intention of my noble friend to raise a debate on this question. Now, I must ask my noble friend not to bring on such a discussion, feelin g convinced, as I do, that it will be very injurious to the public interest, and that it would seriously aggravate the responsibility of those who have c har g e of the ianagem9nt of public affairs. The position of affairs is this. There have been notes presented at St. Petersburg by the ambassadors of France and Austria. Those note s were only presented to Prince Gortsohakoff on Friday or Saturday — on Saturday last. Prince Gortschakcff merely said that he would take the orders of the Emperor w ith regard to them, but no opinion whatsoever has been given upon the contents of those papers. I cannot but think that under these cirsumstances a discussion would seriously prejudice the propositions of the three Governments . and I therefore hope that my noble friend will wait at least until we hear further. (Hear, hear.) Meanwhile there can be no action on the part of her Majesty's Goveenment (if the noble mar quis wishes to prevent it) that is likely to be taken until some reply come. Therefore my noble friend runs no danger of her Majesty's Government taking any steps until an answer is received. Of course my noble friend is aware that . an answer is received it will be immediately presented to 01" house. .aarcpm of CLA.NRICARD auay . E—l cheerfully and 11411 the request of my noble friend. I shall not think of saying a word on the subject to which he has referred ; but, in concluding, I shall withdraw my motion. I must say that I use the word " gladly " ad.; dly, be cause, of course, my noble friend and her Majes y's Govern ment must feel that independent members o Parliament are now relieved from that responsibility, h I for one think rested on me, to notice the propositi ) I.s t I at have been stated in the other house of Parliament to h ye been made to the Russian Government, together with the intimation that no injury would arise to the public service from any discussion of these propositions. (Hear, hear.) I thought, that if the house had been silent after what I have just stated had taken place in the other house, we should have been held in honour and good faith to be bound Ly that silence more or less hereafter. I can assure your lordships and my noble friend that no one could more gladly leave the question in the hands of the head of the Government than I do. But I think the position of her Majesty s Gevern ment after what has occurred is one so novel, that I have no doubt it will be necessary for the question to be hereafter discussed. Feeling relieved from all responsibility in the matter, I NOW most gladly withdraw any motion. The Earl of DERBY—I can of course have no objec- tion to the course which the noble marquis has pursued, and I think that after the request made by the noble earl opposite it would be impossible for the noble marquis to take any other course. At the same time, I think that if injury were to be done to the public interest by discussion in this house, great injury might likewise be done by discussion in the other House of Parliament. (Hear, hear.) And I think it would be a great convenience if the principal members of Government in the two houses had some concert or arrange ment with each other as to what would and what would not be injurious to the public service. The noble earl appeals to the noble marquis to postpone his motion, because dis cussion of it in this house would be prejudicial to the public service. But when a moti en is made to discuss the same question in the other house of Parliament, up gets the Prime Minister and says he has net the slightest objection to the discussion, that no injury can be done by it, and he actually votes against postponing the debate. (Hear, hear.) And then, when left in a minority, and the question not coming on, he takes the unusual course of stating the pro positions to the house, and explaining the whole of the points presented to the Russian Government—propositions which are at this moment reserved for future consideration. (Hear, hear.) I suppose we roust adopt on the authority of the noble earl the doctrine that it is dangerous to the public interests to discuss this subject in the House of Lords, whilst, on the authority of the Prime Minister, it is a ques tion which may be discussed with perfect impunity and with out any danger to the public interests in the House of Com mons. (Hear, and laughter.) lam at a loss, I confess, how to reconcile the different views taken by those two high authorit'es, but in this house we must bow to the authority of the noble earl. At the same time, I do most entirely concur in the view of the noble marquis that, if we do keep silence on this question, it is at the request of the Go vernment, and we are thereby relieved from the respon sibility of the course which has been taken. I will not enter into the question, but I cannot help saying that the circumstances of the present time are likely to lead to so much difficulty and embarrassment, that the house would not have done its duty if it had kept silence but for the spe cial request of the Secretary of State who is himself mainly responsible for the conduct of foreign affairs. Earl RUSSELL—I take upon myself entirely the re sponsibility of asking my noble friend to withdraw his mo tion. I do so on my own responsibility, being charged with the special function of foreign affairs. He may draw any inference he pleases from my making that request. I do not think it at all necessary to defend the course taken by my noble friend in the other house. (Laughter, and Hear, hear.) A particular course may have been expedient ten days ago, which is not expedient now. Ido not think it unusual that after such an interval one Minister may think a course expedient which differs totally from that which another Minister deemed expedient in the previous week. (Cheers and laughter.) The Earl of DERBY—The difference between the two Ministers can only be reconciled in one way, which is by supposing that much greater attention is paid to anything which falls from your lordships in this house than to what takes place in the other House of Parliament. It is only in that way that the difference can be reconciled. (Cheers and laughter.) Earl GREY—I hope that is the proper interpretation. and that it is not that perhaps this house is supposed to be so indiscreet, so wanting in judgment and discretion, that t cannot be trusted to the same extent as the other house. :Great laughter.) The motion was then withdrawn. The Metropolis Turnpike Roads Acts Amendment, the Local Government Supplemental (No. 2), and the District Parochial Churches (Ireland) bills were read a second jme. The Waywardens' Contracts and Inclosure (No. 2) bills went through committee. The report on amendments made on the Officers of Royal Naval Reserve Bill was received. The Leases and Sales of Settled Estates Acts Amend ment Bill was read a third time and passed. Their lordships then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS—Last Evening. The SPEAKER took the chair at the usual hour. PETITION. Mr. BRIGHT presented a petition from Ashton-under- Lyne, and another from a place in Oxfordshire, against recognising the independence of the Southern States. ROY AL COMMISSION. At 20 minutes past 4 o'clock Col. CLIFFORD, the Yeo man Usher of the Black Rod, summoned the house to the House of Peers to hear the Royal assent given by commis sion to certain bills, for which see Lords' report. THE WAR IN AMERICA. On the return of the Speaker in about a quarter of an hour, Mr. CONINGHAM presented a petition from a public meeting at Burnley against any interference by this country in the war in America. Mr. MAGUIRE gave notice that he would move as an amendment to Mr. Roebuck's motion, as to the war in America, a resolution to the effect that the house, witness ing with the deepest regret the terrible loss of life which characterized the lamentable struggle in the United States, which had now lasted more than two years, was of opinion that the Government should, in the interest of humanity and civilization request the co-operation of the Emperor of the French in recommending an immediate armistice between the belligerents. The resolution was ex tremly lengthy in its terms, and there was some laughter when the hon. member concluded reading it. PENSIONS OF INDIAN OFFICERS. Sir 11. ST RACEY, in the absence of Capt. Jervis, asked the Secretary of State of India, whether it was true that the pension of an officer, late of 3d Madras N. 1., bad been stopped, on the requisition of creditors. Mr. T. G. BARING—Can the hon. member give the name of the officer ? Sir H. ST RACEY—I cannot. (Laughter.) Mr. T. G. BARING—Then I am unable at present to answer the question. THE MHOW COURT-MARTIAL. Mr. CONINGHAM asked the Under Secretary of State for War whether he would lay upon the table of the house a copy of the second letter or memorandum on the Mhow court martial, signed by the adjutant-general, a portion of which letter had been read out to Captain Smales at the Horse Guards, wherein it was said that in the opinion of his Royal Highness the statements contained in the Pay master's letter of Feb. 26 were not considered by him as false, though they were in part malicious ? Ho also asked whether the opinion of the Judge Advocate-General in India had been taken on the proceedings ? The Marquis of HARTINGTON said the only document which answered the description given by the hon. member was one marked "private." covered by a private letter, and not read to the troops, but in it his royal highness the com mander-in chief had not modified the opinion he had pre viously given. Although, however, it was a private com munication, so anxious was his royal highness that nothing in the matter should be kept back, that at his special re quest it would be produced. The whole proceedings had been laid before the Judge-Advocate-General, and as he was of opinion that they were perfectly legal, Capt. Smalls was gazetted out of the service. PREVENTION OF FIRES. Sir DE L. EVANS asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department, when the bill was to be brought in con cerning the means for the better prevention of fires ? Sir G. GREY said that the bill r , ‘ as not ready, and he was afraid h could not be introduced in time t• pass this session. THE CIRCUITS AND INCREASE OF JUDGES. In answer to Mr. HADFIELD, The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said that no commission was sitting on the subject, and no reports were therefore expected. It was not in the present contemplation 'of the Government to propose any increase in the number of judges, but it was hoped that by certain changes the present judges would be enabled to administer justice without being unduly taxed. With regard to the circuits, some change seemed desirable, but they could not be effected without the consent of Parliament. A bill on the subject was in pre paration, and would be brought forward in the present ses sion it there was any reasonable prospect of passing it into law. HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY AND THE INTER In ____NerATol_ONr AL CREDIT COMPANY. on the enbje c t ' m u r " . F • o w ir 6141 c. MILLS, 13 :aid the Government had no infor mation papers, but his noblelfet'id what had appeared in the pub lican intimation at the head of the Colonial loon that he would be put in he in reference to the mat terthat the Colonial office had received 1866 e s Lmuld make a statethent possession of complete Infor m a a t v i before Thursday next, . w h ert legal advisers of on British North America. In the Government were of opinion the company had legal possession of a certai n p ortion of th e terrib m i es the Present litigation had terminated it would be when b° Government to consider wh at course the y Would adopt.for the POLAND,—THE REPLY OF THE Empß,,.'J -- • '''R OF RUSSIA. Mr. HENNESSY asked the Under Secretary f„ Foreign Affairs whether any communication had been re ceived from St. Petersburg in reference to the recent despatch of Earl Russell ? Mr. LAYARD—AII I can say is that to the best of my knowledge the despatches from England and France have been received at St. Petersburg and presented, but I am not aware that any answer has yet been received in this country. PUBLIC WORKS (MANUFACTURING DIS TRICTS) BILL. On the order of the day being read for considering this bill as amended, Mr. BENTINCK said he wished to have replies to ques- tions which he had put on a former occasion to the Presi dent of the Poor Law Board, but which he had not answered, viz., whether the money proposed to be advanced would be advanced on a perfectly good security; whether the distress in the manufacturing districts was not caused as much by over trading as by the want of cotton ; and thirdly, whether the present measure would afford permanent relief for the existing distress, or whether he anticipated coming again to Parliament for further assistance, or resorting to emigration ? Mr. FERRAND would also like to know who would be responsible, if the distress extended during the ensuing winter, and was not provided for ? Mr. VILLIERS said that, looking to the principle of the bill, and that it met with the appoval of hon. members, he probably did not enter so fully into the circumstances on a former occasion as he otherwise should have done. The question of security rested with the Public Works Com• missioners, Thfy were satisfiEd with it, and he had not the least reason to be otherwise. The security was one year's available value of those districts, which amounted to £5,000,000 annually ; and if the rates were not paid, the security would be on the property itself. He did not think _ _ it was his duty to inquire into the cause of the distress, but only to satisfy himself of the fact. There was a proximate cause of distress. The mills were stopped, and for the want of cotton. As to whether it arose from over-trading was not for him to inquire, and the hon. member for West Norfolk had not ventured to define what he meant by over trading. Everything was prosperous till it was suddenly stopped for want of material. There were no anticipations of the distress till the outbreak of the American civil war. The millowner seemed to be the incarnation of mischief in the hon. member's mind when he spoke of over-trading; but there must be more than the manufacturer concerned if over-trading existed. The hon. member bad used the old phrase of over-trading, but he had given them no explana tion. He (Mr. Villiers) had seen no instance of it, and he looked forward to the revival of trade as soon as the raw material could be obtained. The bill was a temporary bill to meet temporary distress, and not as a panacea for the evils. The amount and the continuance of the distress were uncertain, but it was considered by competent persons that the whole amount would be applied for, and a large number of persons would in consequence be employed. And so far from the whole of the money really being applied for, as had been stated by the hon. member for Devonport, he could assure the house that application had that day been made by Blackburn, one of the 27 unions of the distressed dis tricts, for £104,000 to expend in public works. A great number of the distressed hands would also be employed this summer for harvesting, which would afford some re lief. There was not the least apprehension of a want of funds for the support of the poor of the districts. What they might do under inflammatory speeches he could not say, but there was no cause to fear there would not be a sufficient sum to meet the wants of the winter. He should ask to continue his rating bill, and there was a large amount of subscriptions in hand, and what was asked by this bill was to give the people an opportunity of working and obtaining their living. It would be impossible to serve the people better than by passing this bill. Mr. B. FERRAND said he based all his statements on Mr. Farnall's information, and it would be unfair to charge him (Mr. Ferrand) with having made exciting speeches. Sir H. WILLO UGHBY said that when the new poor law was under the consideration of the house the principle affirmed was that relief should be given in workhouses alone. He asked Lord Althorp whether, if anything hap pened in the manufacturing districts, they were to be so treated, and received an answer in the affirmative, but, he was happy to find that time had made such a favourable change in this matter. He cordially approved of the bill, though he regretted there was so much power given to the poor law board, instead of the treasury, in handling public money. He hoped the relief committee would not interfere with the general action of the local bodies. This was not to be considered an effectual measure, but it would likely be beneficial as far as it went. • The security did not attach to the property from its being put in the alternative in the clause, "rates or property ;" and he sug gested an alteration to "rates and property." The house could not be too cautious about the security to be taken from private individuals, and he expressed an opinion that provision should be made for requiring, in addition, the security of the local boards. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that those who supported the new poor law when it was first in troduced might also support this bill. The new poor law came into' operation when the community was much demo ralised by out-door relief, and now that the principle was thoroughly understood, he thought it might be relaxed un der the present pressure of circumstances. As regarded the financial part of the question, he begged to state that the Government did not intend to commence by the contraction of any loan whatsoever. The money would not be provided in the same way in which it was provided for the erection of fortifications, in which case it was raised by loan, whereas in this instance it would be provided by a charge upon the Consolidated Fund. The hon. baronet seemed to think that the proposal would involve some usurpation by the Poor Law Board of the functions of the Treasury; but the fact was that in this instance there would be a combination of several authorities—the Treasury, the Poor Law Board, and the Exchequer Loan Commissioners; and it would be most inconvenient if the function of examining all the details of the expenditure of the money was to be transferred to the Treasury. The truth was, the major part of the authority would rest with the Exchequer Loan Commissioners. It would be for them to examine the nature of the security in all cases, and he thought that the house would be disposed to continue in their hands duties with which they had been charged with very great advantage to the country for a pe riod of 3i) or 40 years. The Government, of course, would look to the local boards for the reimbursement of the money, but the property of the district would be responsible to the local board. Mr. R. KNIGHTLEY said that, although the discus sion in which they ware engaged might not have any great point, it was so far useful that it postponed the attempted robbery of the Irish Church, It seemed to him not unlikely that this loan to Lancashire would share the fate of the loan for the relief of Irish distress, and that, after the lapse of a year, Parliament would be called upon to remit the payment altogether. Mr. SCULLY begged to inform the hon. member that Ireland had repaid the famine loan ten times over. Whe ther the measure was generally right or wrong, there was no doubt that Ireland had suffered immensely by the im position of free trade— (Oh, oh, and hear, hear)— and, be- sides that, many millions had got into the pockets of Eng lish corn merchants through importing meal to Ireland in the days of the famine. Then the imi osition of the income tax upon Ireland had repaid the loan fifty-fold. In con clusion, the hon. and learned gentleman declared that Par li had 'become a mere debating club, and a very miser- able one too—(laughter)—for the discussion of foreign affairs ; and that Ireland need expect no relief in her dis tress, as she was entirely unrepresented on the Treasury, Bench. The report of the bill as amended was then agreed to, and it was ordered to be read a third time to-morrow (this day.) BRITISH TRADE WITH MATANORAS. Mr. PEACOCK desired to draw attention to the re peated seizure of English traders by American cruisers ; and, with a view of eliciting frem the Government a de finition of what constituted illegal traffic on the part of English traders. He was moved to take the subject up in consequence of the extraordinary language held by the Minister for Foreign Affairs in another place on the 24th of April last, and which was to the effect that a seizure was justifiable if the contraband character of the cargo was indicated, and without any reference to the destina tion of the vessel. Now he (Mr. Peacocks) held that no neutral vessel under a neutral flag, sailing from one neutral port to another, was liable to be captured, whatever the nature of the cargo. The only case in which such vessel could be captured was where its papers were not in order. The hon. member then went on to declare that he had no confidence in the law as administered to the Adele. the Pearl, the Dolphin, and the Will-o'-the-wisp, to establish the conclusion that these courts were acting upon principles quite new to the international law, and that vessels were condemned simply upon presumptive evidence, without any proof that they were intended to run the blockade. In con sequence of these decisions of the American courts, our merchants had now to pay a premium "of six guineas, in addition to the ordinary rates, to cover the extra risk—and the consequence was that English commerce was being gra dually transferred to foreign bottoms. In conclusion, the hon. member moved for papers connected with the adjudi cation of the American prize courts at Key West upon Eng lish vessels. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL said the motion was made in too general a form to permit of the Government ac ceding to it without interfering inconveniently with pend irig communications. As to the hon. member's criticism on the observations of Earl Russell, it appeared to him that the hon. member was not aware of the precise position of the port of Matamoras. Matamoras was a frontier town of Mexico, lying on one side of a river, on the opposite of which was Texas; and in consequence, it became very easy for vessels having on board contraband of war to run the blockade, although there was nothing at all in their papers to allow that such was their intention. Looking, therefore, to the decisions of the American Courts, it was quite im possible to say that contraband of war on board a ship bound for the river Matamoros must be assumed as in- tended to be landed on neutral ground. Of course, if the cargo was bona fide intended for Matamoras the doctrine laid down by the hon. member was perfectly correct ; and, indeed, it was distinctly admitted by the prize courts of the United States. It was very easy for persons on this side of the water to try an appeal to the House of Commons, be fore.the legitimate appeal authorised by the law of nations 'vw.... the American court of appeal —was had recourre to ; but such a proceeding was not calculated to create unbounded confidence in the merits of these cases, and he was bound to remind the hon, member that the court of appeal in Arne rice had hitherto ranked very high in the jurisprudence of the world. The system of procedure in the American prize courts was exactly the same as in the English courts; but one advantage of their system was that, in the first instance, all questions must be determined by evidence obtained ex clusively from the ship herself ; that was to say, from the papers on board the ship, and the testimony of the ship's officers. On the other hand, as a kind of counterbalance to that advantage, where the circumstances raised a strong presumption that there was something disguised or irregular, the judge might on further evidence condemn the ship, and in some cases where the circumstances were of a gross char acter, he might proceed at once to condemn without further evidence. That was the practice of Lord Stowell during the French war, and the records of our prize courts abounded with such instances. The case of the Adela was, he be lieved, the only one mentioned by the hon. gentleman in which the judgment was open to exception, as unlike such a judgment as we had a right to expect from the court. The hon. member stated that the judge condemned the ship be cause he was aware that the parties intended to appeal, but the Government could find no confirmation of that state • ment. It was to be regretted that no reason had been given for that judgment; but it was impossible to treat as a violation of international law that which had happened in prize courts in all nations from time to time. With regard to the case of the Pearl, if the hon. gentleman imagined that touching at Nassau, where the intention was to break the blockade, would exonerate the ship, he was in error ; but it was quite obvious that in her case the court put its judgment on the ground that there was suffi cient reason 1 o raise a strong presumption which, unless re butted, enabled it to condemn the vessel. In the case of the Dolphin, there were on board the ship a very large quantity of arms, which were not entered as arms but as hardware, and although she was ostensibly consigned to a firm at Nas sau, yet a letter was found on board which the prize court held justified the presumption that her ultimate destination was either to break the blockade, or to land her cargo on some part of the Confederate States. He did not undertake to say that that was a right presumption, but the principle was one which was to be found in every volume on the sub ject of international law. It was well known that an exceed. ing large contraband trade was carriedon by way of Nassau and the Confederate States, and as English ships monopo lised that trade, it was not surprising that, in their case, the rate of insurance should have been so increased. The hon. gentleman also charged the Government with having aban doned the doctrine of damages, and cited two cases in sup port of the allegation. But why had not her Majesty's Go vernment demanded compensation in those instances? Simply because it would have been undignified to insist upon that which they knew they were not likely to get ; but still more, because they felt that if a like demand were made upon this country under similar circumstances, they would not accede to it. They would claim exemplary damages in all cases where the circumstances justified the claim; but they would not seek to relax the code simply because that relaxation would, for the moment, be in favour of them selves. (Hear, hear.) Lord R. CECIL admitted that the law of prize courts was such as had been laid down by the honourable and learned gentleman, but maintained that peculiar sus picion attached to those of America, when, as they knew, American judges had delivered their judgments under the pressure of fixed bayonets. They knew that the supreme court of America two years ago was appealed to for the pur pose of enforcing the provisiors of the American constitu tion, and that the judges could not pronounce the judgment their consciences dictated, because the soldiers of President Lincoln were at the door, and obliged them to bend the law to the wishes of the executive. He therefore thought they should not attach to the decisions of the American prize courts that authority which they would attach to the deci sions of such courts in any constituted State, and we should protest against their assumption to make prizes of vessels which were peaceable traders. He maintained that the law, as laid down in the condemnation of the Pearl, was altogether novel, and that no case could be found to sup port or justify it. He complained that her Majesty's Go vernment took no means to inform themselves of the pro ceedings of those courts, and that they were always ready, at the instance of Mr. Adams, to subject the English mer chant to the pressure of English law. In the case of the Alexandra there was one peculiarity of that law which the hon. and learned gentleman was instrumental in bringing out in a striking degree. No costs could be given against the Crown, and they, nevertheless, heard that the hon. and learned gentleman, in carrying out the decrees of the Ame zican Minister Minister, had resolved not to be content with the decision which had been given against him, but to wear out the defendant by carrying him to courts of ap peal, where he hoped to gain by the boundlessness of the Government purse that which he could not get by the fair interpretation of the law. They saw nothing of that acti vity in putting down Federal enlistment in the south west of Ireland, nor any attempt to inquire into the causes of that emigration which had recently increased 300 per cent. In conclusion, the noble lord inquired for information concerning the reported detention at Liverpool of the Gib raltar, on taking two of Blakeley's guns on board as part of her cargo, and declared that if it proved true it would be but another instance of that gross partisanship under which British merchants were now and had been suffering at the hands of their own Government. (Hear, hear.) Mr. COBDEN said he felt himself in rather a novel position when he appeared even by implication to be taking a side in opposition to the merchant and shipowner, whilst the noble lord who had just sat down was the champion and advocate of those interests. With regard to commercial blockades, and it was well known that he had no sort of sympathy for such proceedings, he thought that such a mode of carrying on warfare between two belligerents, by which a greater amount of injury was inflicted upon the in nocent neutral than upon the belligerents themselves, could be objected to on the ground of natural justice. But who were the principal authors of that system of warfare ? Un• doubtedly the public men of this country. Under these cir cumstances he could not say a word against the blockade as it was now carried on in the United States, it being the public men of England itself win principally upheld the system, in the belief that, when we became belligerents, it would be useful and necessary to ourselves. (Hear, hear.) He granted that, if a vessel were bona fide bound for Nassau, an American cruiser had no right to stop her; but every body knew that there was a great contraband trade carried on by way of that port, and it did not become them, know ing that England had a monopoly of the trade, to come down to the house and complain of the inconvenience which it incidentally cccasioned the innocent merchant. He was not going to be such a purist as to say that capitalis! s might not carry on a trade attended with such risks, but when pursued in contravention of the Queen's proclama tion, it aid not become the house, aware of all the facts, to complain of the inconvenience which naturally grew out of such trade, and which might affect legitimate commerce. The noble lord contended that the decisions of the American prize courts should not be respected be cause the judgments of the American courts were given under the pressure of bayonets. He was as dili gent an observer of what was passing in America as the noble lord, and he had not seen that the supreme court of Washington had' given a judgment in favour of President. Lincoln because the court had been surrounded with armed men. He asked the noble lord to reflect before he made such statements, and to furnish the house with proofs of them. (Hear.) The noble lord had alluded to the judgment in the case of the Alexandra. He was not going to say a word about the law of the case ; but this he should tell the noble lord, that, if that decision should be confirmed as interna tional law, it would be far more injurious to the interests of our commercial and shipowning community than to all the rest of the world. The shipowners of Liverpool were awakening to a consciousness of the danger to which they were exposed, for it amounted to this, that a neutral power might build ships of war for a belligerent, provided only that that power kept the armament and the ship apart until a distance of three miles from the coast had been reached. If, therefore, England were at war with Brazil or with Ire land, provided only she were acknowledged as a belligerent, it would be competent for the shipbuilders of Boston and New York to build vessels of war for either, and England would have no ground of complaint. If the law as laid down in the Alexandra case were to be established as interna tional law, it would simply be inviting a return to the anarchy of the middle ages, when every war between two States became a universal war. He had thought the object of the Foreign Enlistment Act had been to assist in stop ping that system, but it appeared now that we were to lose that safeguard for the future. The noble lord stated that we were not dealing impartially, because we allowed enlist ment for the Northern States in Ireland and elsewhere. That was a most gross—not conscientiously so, but still a gross and ignorant misrepresentation, because if the noble lord had read the correspondence between Mr. Adams and Earl Russell he would have seen that when the noble earl men tioned the subject, Mr. Adams denied the allegation and challenged proof, and Earl Russell was obliged to admit that he had none in his possession. As for the '30,000 emi grants from Ireland, they were easily accounted for by the high rate of wages now ruling in the Northern States, and by the recent homestead law by which the American Go vernment gave every head of a family of emigrants 160 acres of land for merely the price of the survey, viz., 3d. per acre, or 408. for the whole. As the American Government had over 1,000 millions of acres to giveaway, there was of course enough to empty not only Ireland, but all Germany as well. He hoped he should not hear thesevague aspersions against the Northern States repeated in that house. Mr. S. FITZGERALD regretted those continual dissen sions, because they had hitherto resulted only in making British Ministers appear anxious to support a state of things which would be highly injurious to British commerce. The bon. gentleman opposite (Mr. Cobden) appeared in a very extraordinary light, because he had for some years past ad vocated the universal extension of trade ; but now he was compelled to come forward and advocate the straining of belligerent rights to a point against ourselves to which they had never been pressed before. The hon. gentleman said that when shipowners entered upon blockade running spe culations they did so at their own risk, and deserved no sympathy when they were caught. That might be, but the serious part of the complaint was that those repeated and unjust attacks upon our shipping interfered with legitimate commerce. It was notorious that our trade in Matamoras (which was a neutral port) had vastly increased, and yet the hen, member for Rochdale called that trade disreputable. Mr. COB DEN—I said it was not reputable—nor is it — in the face of the Queen's proclamation. Mr. S. FITZGERALD said the hon, gentleman was • THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 80, 1863 quite mistaken. The trade was in no way affected by the Queen's proclamation. In a despatch published that morning from Earl Russell to Lord Lyons (it was a pity it had n .t been written months ago), it was clearly shown that a very large trade was carried on from New York and other Northern ports, as well as from Liverpool. (Hear.) To contend that goods carried to Matamoras might possibly be taken afterwards into the Southern States was no ground of complaint at all, said the noble earl. (Hear, hear.) The hon. gentleman then alluded to the cases of the ships Adele, Pearl, and Dolphin, which had been seized by the American Government, as he contended, without any justification. In the case of the Dolphin, she was condemned simply by one letter found on board from the owner to the captain, telling him not to unship hi 4 cargo at Matamoras or Nassau, but to wait and try and get some more. (Hear, hear.) Mr. COBDEN—What about the "hardware P" Mr. FI CZGERALD said that did not affect the question at all when a vessel was bound to Matamoras or some other neutral port. If it did the Northerners wou'd be the first to suffer, for there was scarcely a vessel left Liverpool for New York without some " hardware" for the Northern bel- ligerente. (Hear.) The Pearl was simply condemned be cause she appeared to be built for fast sailing, and, there fore, it was presumed she meant sailing into Charleston. What he complained of was, that when those extraordinary doctrines were made public Earl Russell did not immedi ately repudiate them. The truth was the Americans were at all times jealous of our trade, and they saw we were doing well at Matamoras, so they would endeavour at all risks to interfere with us. It would have done more hon ur to Earl Russell if he had acted promptly in all cases, whether they might be in America or Brazil. The amendment was then withdrawn. RUSSIA AND POLAND. Mr. HORSMAN, referring again to this subject, said he was not satisfied with the answer previously given, and to morrow (Tuesday) evening he should again ask whether or not it was true that the Russian answer to the combined notes had been received in London at the Russian Embassy o n Saturday, as had been reported. He thought it was im portant this discussion should not be delayed till the close of the session, because we were just now in the same posi tion in 1863 as we were in 1853. England and France ne gotiating with Russia. and Austria playing her own game, and reported to have a secret understanding with Russia. In that year the session closed at peace, but the next year we were at war when the Parliament reopened. He thought discussion ought to precede, and not follow negotiation. (Hear, hear.) THE DIPLOMATIC SERVICE. Mr. B. COCHRANE then rose to call attention to the recommendations of the Diplomatic Service Committee, and to move that the resolutions of that committee be carried out. He thought it very inconvenient that gentlemen should continue to be sent out to posts abroad that they were unable to fill with credit. He said it was impossible for an ambassador to live in the capitals of Europe on the salaries allowed by the Government, and it was strange that whilst the duties had increased the expen diture had decreased from £3G0,000 in 1833 to £lBO,OOO in the present year. The consuls were also inadequately paid, so much so that many could not live in a becoming manner upon the salaries allowed to them. He asked her Majesty's Gouernment to deal more liberally with our diplomatic and consular services. Mr. LAYAR D said this was the only cue where the Go vernment were reproached for their economy, and the speech of the hon. member was an answer to that delivered a short time since by the hon. member for Sussex, who complained that too much money was spent on our diplomatic services. He concurred with the hon. member for Honiton that our ambassadors and consuls were underpaid. The committee re ferred to reported seven recommendations, and the Govern ment had adopted six of them. It was a hard case to call upon the attaches to devote twelve or fifteen years to the service before they were entitled to remuneration, and it had been altered to four years' probationary service, at the expiration of which they were entitled to receive £l5O per annum, in accordance with one of the recommendations of the committee. The seventh reeommendation had not been carried out, because it was a matter that rested with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and not with the Foreign office. The sum of £lBO,OOO did not include China and another extraordinary mission which had been lately estab lished. He should be glad to increase the salaries, if he oould, belieNing that many of these public servants had to spend large sums out of their private fortunes to meet their expenses; and, having done that, he thought it was unfair to begrudge them what they were paid. The pay of the consuls had been increased by the Foreign-office; whilst, at the same time, the diplomatic expenses had been de creased. Mr. DISRAELI thought the limited sum allowed for the service might be made more beneficial by a more judicious distribution of the money. He thought the fund might be better applied. For instance, £1,500 had been paid to Mr. Elliott for a special mission to Greece ; but why was a spe cial mission necessary, when there was a permanent com petent Minister in Greece? Why should the country be paying at the same time for two officers when one might transact the business ? The additional money so spent might be saved and distributed amongst our diplomatic agents, though he admitted the sums for special missions did not come out of the general diplomatic fund, but were voted separately by the house. Sir G. GREY said special missions were very rare, and were only resorted to in extraordinary cases, such as the Ashburton mission to America and the China mission. Mr. S. FITZGERALD said Mr. Elliott had been sent on two special missions—one to Greece and the other to Naples, where there was no extraordinary or special com missioner to warrant it. A special envoy, when sent to a foreign country, cast a reflection on the abilities of the resi dent official, and should not be done except in cases of great emergency. Mr. DOD SON contended that. taking all the charges scattered over the estimates for diplomacy, they amounted in 1862 to £336,000. The committee referred to consisted of fifteen members, ten or eleven of whom were officials or ex-officials ; and the question they put to the witnesses was, " would you like an increase of salary?" and they naturally enough answered in the affirmative. (Hear, hear, and laughter,) The consuls were useful and efficient servants, and he should not like to see them underpaid ; but the fact was we had many useless consulates abroad which might be dispensed with, and the money saved and applied to the useful ones. He hoped to see others soon follow the fate of Moscow and Milan, and disappear from the list. Sir M. FARQUHAR defended the report of the com- mittee. A fairer committee could not have been formed, and great pains were taken by them to get reliable infor mation. Many of the witnesses showed that the necessaries of life had increased in foreign countries from 50 to 100 per cent., whilst their salaries had been stationary. Mr. A. SMITH said the committee consisted of officials, ex-officials, and expectant officials, and the witnesses exa mined were of the same kidney. The French ambassadors had not permanent residences in the capitals of Europe as we have in France, entailing a large expense in repairs; but they hired residences on the best terms. With the excep tion of o ,e or two instances, our diplomatic agents were paid higher than any other country. The construction of railways and telegraphs ought to have a tendency to reduce rather than increase expense. He thought £6OO, the charge tor Rome, might be dispensed with. It would be better it we had no diplomatic relations with that country. On the vote for defraying the special mission to Greece, Mr. A YRT ON asked for some explanation relative to the Greek Loan guaranteed some years ago by England,France, and Russia ; and the surrender of £4,000 to the newly elected King of Greece. He wished to know whether the Government intended to ask the sanction of Parliament to the surrender of that sum? Mr. LAYARD said he was not then prepared to answer the question, but would do so to-morrow (this day), as he had already promised, The report was then agreed to. THE IRISH CHURCH ESTABLISHMENT. On the or der of the day for going int) Committee o Supply, Mr. G. DUFF rose to resume the adjourned debate on Mr. B. Osborne's motion for a select committee to inquire as to the distribution of the revenues of the Irish Church, The hon. member said that those who had assisted in the bringing forward of the motion were well aware that they were rai , ing the most important question, and the greatest grievance throughout the whole range of domestic politics ; and they knew also that every weapon of sectarian animo sity would be brought into the field to combat them on that occasion. But, on the other hand, they knew that the con dition of Ireland was a disgrace to the Liberal party, and therefore the Liberal party owed a deep debt of gratitude to the hon. member for Liskeard for rehabilitating this ques tion when it seemed on the eve of for ever falling through. There was no country in the world where a Church Esta blishment t eceived so much for doing so little ; and in his idea the only remedy for such a grievance was proposed by Cato to be applied to Carthage. (Hear. hear). Mr. P. DAWSON was very much opposed to these po ' lemical discussions ; and while he admitted that animosi • ties existed in Ireland with respect to religious endowments, he nevertheless found those anomalies so indissolubly bound up with the social status of Ireland that he must refuse to meddle with them. He was equally opp; sed to the present motion, to the motion of the hon. member for Peterborough (Mr. Whalley), and to the motion of the hon. member for Montrose (Mr. Baxter). Sir H. PEEL said there could be no doubt that the position of the times were vastly changed since this ques tion used formerly to be discussed in that house. lln those days it stirred up the most serious religious dif ferences ; but now it could be discussed without calling ff,rth any excitement, except that produced by the abilities of speakers. The hon. member for Liskeard had hardly done justice to the question. No doubt he had made a very clever speech, for they all knew him to be a man of very convival parts. (Much laughter.) But his line was altogether too jocose for so grave a subject; while, as re garded his facts, he had positively overdosed the house with them. As regarded himself, the hon. member had certainly no right to operate upon him in the manner he had dono for attending that meeting. Having drawn so terrible a picture of the Irish Church he must say he thanked the hon. mem ber for his avowal that he did not desire to uproot it. the hon. member said that this question was once both the stalking-horse and the stumblinK-block of the Liberal party. [Mr. B. Osborne—The Whig party.] Well, but the Whig party was the Liberal party in those days. (Loud ironical cheers below the gangway.) The fact was, however, they could net proceed with the question, for the sense of the country compelled them to give it np; and he did not be lieve that in these days, such was the temper of the house and country on the question, that a Government could go as far as the action of 1833. He contended that the Esta blished Church in Ireland was settled by the Act of Union in complete connection with the Established Church of England. TheChurchTemporalitiesAct of 1833 had worked very well, and he would have no objection to see its opera tion extended, but not by a select committee. Nothing could be wiser than the provision made by the Government of that day for the amelioration of the grievances which then existed. The hon. member for Swansea had made assertions the other night regarding the animosity existing between Roman Catholics and Protestants in Ireland, which were contradicted bp the written opinions of Sir C. Lewis, of Mr. O'Connell, and of Canon Stanley. [Mr. Os.. borne—Bishop Stanley, not Canon Stanley.] He thanked his hon. friend for the correction. His hon, friend had made some incorrect statements the other night, which he was sure his hon. friend would be glad to have corrected. He had stated the income of the Irish bishops to be in the aggregate £BO,OO a year. [Mr. Osborne--C75,000.] But the fact was that only f 57,604 went to the bishops, and the remainder went to the Ecclesiastical Commissioners. There was only church accommodation in Ireland for 372,000 out of a Protestant population of 691,000. The number of Protestants averaged 598 in every English parish, and in Ireland it was 431, The revenues of that Church were small compared with those of England and the Scotch voluntary system, not that he was an advocate of the latter. The opinion of those best informed on the subject, in con nection with the Roman Catholic faith, were entitled to re spect, and he quotted Archbishop Cullen to show that the revenues of the Protestant Church were ten times larger than those of any other church in Europe. He alluded to the statement which had been made relative to his having attended a meeting in London with reference to the Church of Ireland, and observed that he went there solely for the purpose for which it was called, and not for the support of proselytism, and what he said there he was prepared to adhere to, viz., that although there were many clergymen who had not scope for their abilities, there were many shining lights in Ireland who were doing the missionary work well.. He could assure the house he would infinitely sooner sit below the gangway and advocate what he consi dered for the benefit of the country than to be obliged to take a different course as an official against his conscience. The revenues of the Church of Ireland, he believed, were not more than sufficient for the purposes of that institution. He opposed the motion, believing that the hon. member for Liskeard had not sufficiently considered the magnitude of the subject, and that it involved the consideration of the Church system in England. If that moment had come, it was time for them to choose their party for the struggle ; and he assured the house that when that time arrived, he should be found in the front in defence of the present system. Mr. HENLEY and Mr. HENNESSY • rose together, and as there were loud cries for Mr. Hennessy the former gave way. Mr. HENNESSY censured at considerable length the proceedings of the West Connaught Endowment Fund, which he denounced as an imposture that had been vir tually exploded, and would never have been heard of again but for the conduct of the right hon. the Chief Secre tary for Ireland in attending one of its meetings. The hon. gentleman also quoted extracts from a speech of Mr, Colquhoun, the chairman of the society, and from a pam phlet by Mr. Garrett, the secretary, the language of which he considered to be violent and likely to produce ill-feeling rather than Christian goodwill and brotherhood. Sir H. CAIRNS opposed the motion, and characterised the speech of the hon. member for Liskeard as equally con spicuous for its wit and familiarity and for its want of accu racy and absence of facts. (Hear, hear.) The revenue of the Church of Ireland, he said, was described as excessive. But what was the fact? The number of incumbents con nected with it was 1,530, and the net parochial income amounted to £e70,000, which, divided the one by the other, and making no deduction for curates, would give to each incumbent a stipend of £2lO a year. (Hear, hear.) Was that excessive in itself, or out of proportion to what was paid to the same body in England. The hon. and learned gentleman then referred to an average taken from a previous census, showing that the proportion of Episcopalians was larger in Ireland than in Wales, though not so large as in England. He also proceeded to review the speech of the lion, member for Liskeard (Mr. Osborne) on Friday night, and by reference to the " Clergy List" and " Church Di rectory," and other authentic returns, that showed that hon. gentleman had made a variety of mistakes, both in his facts and his figures. He therefore contended that the hon. member had not established that there was anything extra vagant or unnecessary in the amount and expenditure of the endowments of the Church. (Hear, hear,) It was alleged, however, that the Church had failed in its object, but he denied that the population returns supported that assertion. The fact was, there were 110,000 more Episco pollens in Ireland at present relatively than in 1854, and yet that was taken as a proof of the decline of the Church. (Hear, hear.) It 'was again objected that the Church encouraged missionary societies ; but what more singular taunt could come from gentlemen who described the Irish Establishment as a missionary Church, and erroneously proclaimed its failure on that score ? (Hear, hear.) He maintained that it was successful in that character, and that the West Connaught Society, about which so much had been said, had been peculiarly so. The object of the present assault was to despoil the Church of its property ; but, overlooking the question of prescription, how did the matter stand ? The commutation rent-charge amounted to £400,000. and how much of that did Roman Catholics pay ? Only £30,000, The truth was, there was no grievance ; and still more, there was no ground for it. The Irish Church would not shrink from the hand which would amend, but he trusted it would resist now and always any proposal which, under the thin and transparent cloak of amendment and improvement, sought in reality to destroy and overthrow an institution which he believed was indise solubly connected with the best hopes of Ireland and the truest interests of Great Britain. (Cheers.) Sir G. GREY, as a member of the Cabinet, said the Government were prepared to resist the motion of the hon. member for Liskeard. At the same time he could not defend with enthusiasm a system by which an exclusive Church was maintained for the benefit of a small minority, when no provision was made for the benefit of the clergy of the majority. (Hear, and cheers.) The motion was ambiguous in its terms and doubtful in its object, but its ultimate effect it was intended should be the destruction of the Church. That could not be done without revocation, and for that he was not prepared. He regretted that at the Union the policy of Mr. Pitt w as not adopted, and provi sion made for the Roman Catholic clergy. The time had now passed by for that ; and if it were now proposed it would not only be refused by the country, but objected to by the Roman Catholics themselves. It would be useless further to discuss the subject; he, therefore, hoped the house would reject the motion. Colonel GREVILLE moved the adjournment of the debate. The house divided, when the motion was lost by 228 to 67. Mr. MONSELL continued the debate. He supported the motion for the inquiry, and denying that the question had been settled in the year 1843, called ur on the Liberal party to be true to their instincts and traditions, and com plete the work which was then left unfinished. After a few words from Mr. SCULLY, Mr. LANIGAN having previously moved the adjournment of the house, The SPEAKER put the question, and no member ob jecting, the house adjourned at 25 minutes to 3 o'clock. The Calamitous Boiler Explosion near Leeds. Three more persons have fallen victims to in juries received by this fearful explosion. We have already reported that six were killed upon the spot, but it turns out that one of them, named Farley, is still alive. On Saturday and Sunday a man, lying in the Leeds Infirmary, died, and a newsboy, named Marshall, and a man, named Smith, died at their own houses in Morley. The latter was a mason, and his skull had been dreadfully fractured. Thus there have in all been eight deaths from this disaster. Yesterday morning Mr. Jewison, the coroner, opened the inquest on the bodies. The first step taken was to appoint Mr. Hopkinson, civil engi neer, of HudderEfield, to examine the remnants of the boiler and report to the jury as to the probable cause of the explosion. The jury tok a view of the ruins. Mr. Joseph Hopkinson, civil engineer, Hudders field, after examining the wreck of the boiler in question, said he had found the safety valve fast. (He produced it before the jury.) The spindle, which move with the pressure, was quite fast. By taking off the bonnet the cause of it being fast could be ascertained. He had discovered a twist in the lever which would prevent the free escape of the steam, and the lengthening of the lever would make the free working of the valve more difficult. The defect in the safety valve was one cause of the ex plosion. He believed the pressure of the boiler when it exploded was 70. The Coroner said the inspector had evidently lulled the parties into a state of false security. The inquiry closed with a verdict of Accidental Death." I[ADVERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's Ointment and m Pills. Painful Diseases.—Many simple maladies are peritted to become virulent through persons reluctance to expose their infirmities to another. For rightly using Holloway's esteemed remedies no counsellor is necessary—no advice cuirre;itaTtihnegy, andcan beyond that contained in the accompanying panbyiyng Holloway's direction is re quired. Piles, fistulus, and many other ailments whi c h de mand secresy can be safely co oint ment and pills to an easy and permanent be confidently applied in the roost painful, dangerous diseases—they purify, soothe, ceol, heal, and radically cure when any treatment short of producing these combined effects must result in unsuccessful, if not disas trous consequences. The severest sufferers of every class have been restored by Holloway's ointment and pills, AFFAIRS OF TURKEY. Constantinople letters and journals to the 18th have arrived, but their contents are not of much importance. The following are a few itt-ns of in telligence taken from the _Levant Herald :--" The Sultan returned two days back to Dolmabaktche from the Kiosk at the Sweet Waters. The same day Adele Sultana removed from Ali-Bey to her summer residence at Komou-chesme. Con siderable activity prevails in the arsenal at present. Four sets of engines are now in courile o f constru3tion for the new corvettes. The 6,000 ton iron clad frigate, recently laid down by Mr. Hen wood, the master shipwright, is advancing, and will, it is expected, be ready for launching within two years ; her engines of 1,000 horse power have been ordered. Mr. Isaacs, the assistant master ship wright, ha, laid down a small sailing yacht for the Sultan, after a very handsome model. This craft is intended for the lake at Kuteuk-ehekmedje. The squadron is not, as had been intended, and as we recently mentioned, to go on a cruise to the Archipelago under the command of Mustapha Paella. This officer has instead applied for leave of absence to make a tour to Europe for the benefit of his health. An instance of the admis sion of Christian evidence lately took place be fore the military tribunal of Tophaneh, which deserves report. Some weeks ago Mr. Holyhead, a clerk a in the British Consulate, was riding through Pero, when his horse happened to splash a sergeant of Zouaves near the Taxim. The man was irritated by the incident, and—whether or not further pro voked by the words or action of the horseman we know not—struck at the latter, and would have handled him roughly but for the accidental passing of another Englishman, who interfered. Complaint was made of the " assault," and the sergeant was sent to the military lock-up at Tophaneh, where he remained under arrest till last week, when he was brought to trial in presence of Mr. Hoyland, The evidence of the latter and of his rescuing friend, Mr. Buck, was freely received by the tribunal, and the misconduct of the sergeant being thereby proved, the prisoner, after having been called on for his defence—which was mainly a protest that he had been the injured party, and not the injurer—was pronounced guilty of the offence and sentenced to three months' impri sonment in irons. The man loudly protested against Christian evidence being received against him, but the president said that this rather ag gravated his offence.—Mr. Charnaud •of Smyrna has obtained a concession for establishing mills for the preparation of madder for the English market, A letter from Tarsous (Caramania) says that the estimated cotton crop in that district will this year be upwards of 50,000 bales, but that there is so great a want of gins that it is much to be feared that a large quantity of the staple will be seriously damaged in the cleaning. COUNTRY MARKETS. 6 , GLOUCESTER-JUNE 27. The show of wheat to-day was moderate, and with a dull demand late rates were about supported. Foreign was un changed in value, with a limited sale. Barley, beans, aid oats were dull. COLCHESTER-JUNE 27. A moderate show of wheat, with little business doing. The prices of last week were barely supported. Beans and peas much the same as last market day. - - Wheat, white 45s 52s Beans,Mazagan.. 3o s 33a red 42s 47s middle & small.3ss 42s Barley Oats CHELMSFORD-RINE 27. At this corn exchange to-day there was a fair show of wheat, and prices showed an upward tendency, and may at least be quoted firm at former rates. In Spring corn no alteration. Wheat, old white...3os 53s new ..34s 50s old red....36s 488 new 34. s 458 Barley 2es 36s Chevalier 2Bs 40s Grinding 22s 31s Ma1t..... 61s 67s Peas, Partridge 37s 40s White 39s 40e Boiling 4os 438 Dun 3ss 38s Ditto new -8 Beans, Tick, old 34s 39s new —s —8 Harrow Ticks 358 40s new -8 —8 Mazagan 3OB 38s Chevalier 64s 69s Oats 20s 28a KIRKCALDY , RAIN—JuNs 20. We had small supplies of wheat, oats, and barley to day. Sales slow, and barley the same as last week. Oats 6d and wheat is down. Wheat. Barley. Oats. First....34s 04 I 24s Od 24s Od Second ..—e Od 25s Od 26s Od Third....—s Od —s Od —s Od COAL A Prices of Coal per Ton ir s. d. Davison's West Hart- ARKET. the close of the market. ley 15 6 Byass's Bebside West Hartley 15 6 Wylam 15 6 Lambert's West Hart- 8. 4. ley 15 3 Carway and Duffryn Malting . 19 6 Eden Main l5 0 Walls End. Heugh Hall 15 9 Ships at mark( Walls End. Hetton l7 0 Framwellgate.. l4 9 Hartlepool 16 6 Trimdon Hartlepool 16 6 Russel's Hetton 15 3 Brgddyll's Hetton 15 3 K elloe South Kelloe.. 15 9 Tunstall Caradoc l6 0 Cassop ... 15 6 )t, 50 ; sold, 39. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Ausaitlia and Mauritius, via Southampton. July 19. via Marseilles A .irazil and Cape Verds, by British pacßet. July 5 Cape of Good Bope, Ascension, and St. Helena.. June 29. China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southarapton.July 2. via Marseilles ...June 27. Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton India kCalcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton J uly 2. via Marseilles July 10. India (Bombay), via Southampton . . July 10 via Marseilles ...... .. July 5. Portugal.... ,Nialta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton,..... July 2. via Marseilles June 27. Newfoundland Oporto and Vigo U. S. and British N. America, by Brit. packet.... July 2, by U.S. packet.... by Canadian packet. July 3. W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe .. July 10 Bahamas, via New York .. July 2 . Mex i co All parts of West Indies, including Chili, Peru, J June 29, California. and British Columbia.. Full benefit of reduced duty obtained by pur. chasing Horniman's pure Tea; very choice at 3s 4d. and 4s. " High Standard "at 4s. 4d. (formerly 4s. Bd.), is the strongest and most delicious imported. Agents in every town supply it in rackets. AMERICAN MAIL STEAMERS DUE THIS WEEK— , There are three steamers due at Liverpool this week from Canada and the United States—viz,, the Nova Sco tian, from Quebec, on the 20th inst., may be expected at Londonderry to-night (Tuesday), or early to-morrow morning; the Glasgow, which would leave New York on the 20th, may be looked for at Queenstown to-morrow night, or early on Thursday. The next Cunard steamer due is the Africa, which was to leave Boston on the 24th and Halifax on the 25th, and may be expected to reach Queenstown in th© course of Saturday next. It is possible the Africa may call off Cape Race ; if so, she will bring a week's later news. Births. DRUMMOND.—On the 27th inst., at Edwinsford, Carrnar. thenshire, Lady Williams Drummond, of a son. DUNBAR.—On the 27th inst., at Aldershott, the wife of Captain W. M. Dunbar, 24th Regiment, of a son. MORRIS.—On the 27th inst., at Blackheath, the wife of John Morris, Esq., of the Old Jewry, of a °"' Woons.—On the 28th inst., at 130, Bishopsgate-street without, the wife of Mr, Henry Woods, of a daughter, , Surrey, the Marriages. GAY—BEY.—OnRev eldest son of the late Geo. Gay, Esq., of Biddlesden-park, Northamptonshire, to Charlotte Marian, youngest daughter of the late Sir John Key, Bart. THOMPsON—SMAR E. —On the 2 7th inst., at St. Helen's, Bishopsgate j. E. Thompson, Esq. ' of London, to Elizabeth. Hill, relict of the l a t e G. T. Smartt, Esq., of Doncaster. Deaths. BARING. —On the 29th inst., at Coombe Cottage, Arthur, son of Edward Baring, Esq., aged 14 months. 13nowELL —On the 27th inst.. at 14, John-street, Bed ford-row, James Browell, aged 9L CADELL.—On the 25th inst., at Edinburgh, John Cadell, Esq., advocate, aged 64. EEDES —On the 26th inst., at High W 3 combe, Susanna Eedes, aged 81. GRIFFITHS. —On the 26th inst., at Heavitree, Devon, Jro. R. Griffiths, Esq., of Pilton, near Barnstaple, J.P. for Devon, aged 69. RICH.—On the 26th inst., at Down-street, Piccadilly, Hp• Rich, Esq., Commander R N., aged 74. RowEn.—On the 28th inst W. Rowed, Esq., Hampton House, Brixton-hill, aged 76. London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDR— W. . S of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE Surf Office, No. 11: -. Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in th e couotY of Blithllesex.--Tuesday, June 3), 1863,