The Sun. — London, England, 1831-10-21 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The King yesterday prorogued Parliament, after a patriotic speech delivered with the firtnnees and dignity worthy of the great occasion. As nothing is of greater moment than concord and unanimity between the King and his people at this important crisis, so is that union of sentiment and action most completely established by the Speech. What have the people done ? They have moved,—they have bestirred themselves, —they have met,—they have resolved,—they have addressed. Does the King discourage these ac's ? People of England, listen to his words :—" The anxiety which has been so generally manifested by sny people for the accom plishment of a Constitutional Reform in the Com mons House of Parliament, svill, I trust, be regu lated by a duo sense of order and moderation in their proceedings." " In their proceedings !" You are to proceed—then; you are not now to sink down into supineness. No, you are to continue to act; your Sovereign expects it from you : but you are to act, not riotously,—not in contumely of the laws,—not by plunder and arson ; but, " under a sense of order and modera tion." Mark and observe both clauses of the sen tence. None are worthy of the enjoyment of liberty themselves who do not respect the liberties of others : none deserve to have their rights, who do not pro ceed fearlessly and firmly till they have got them. Countrymen, the King " proceeds," and therefore he has a right to expect that you do not lag behind : for, in his speech at the beginning of the session, he thus expresses himself on the subject of Parlia mentary Reform :—" Having had recourse to that measure" (the dissolution) " for the purpose of ascertaining the sense of my people on the expedi ency of a Reform in the representation, I have now to recommend that important question to your earliest and most attentive consideration ; confident that in any measures which you may prepare for its ad justment, you will carefully adhere to the acknow ledged principles of the Constitution, by which the pre. rogatives of the Crown, the authority of both Houses of Parliament, and the rights and liberties of the people, are equally secured." But at the end of the Session he says—" To the consideration of this important question the attention of Parliament must necessa rily again be called at the opening of the ensuing Session ; and you may be assured of ray unaltered desire to promote its settlement by such improve meets in the representation as may be found neces sary for securing to my people the full enjoyment of their rights, which, in combination with those of the other orders of the State, are essential to the sup port of our free Constitution." You will observe with how much more strength and energy his M. jesty expresses himself in the latter clause than in the former. Such be your course : as you approach snore nearly to the attainment of your object, move with accelerated force,—with augmented resolution, —with that confidence which certainty of success inspires ; but clemency and moderation become con querors, or those who are sure of conquest. Let your proceedings, then, while they ere thus resolute, be regulated also by a due sense of the necessity of order and moderation. The prorogation is for a month, and Parliament will meet for the despatch of business in the first week of December. The Bill, it is expected, will have passed through the third reading before Christmas in the Commons, and have been from thence transmitted to the Lords for .discussion.— Times. Among the Bills presented to his Majesty yester day for the Royal assent, before the prorogation of Parliament, was the much-contested Bankruptcy Court Bill. We are glad that this has been brought to a conclusion. Its consummation was noticed with great propriety in the King's speech, as a mat ter of the first importance in the commercial world. Let its enemies watch what evils it produce:, or what mischiefs it fails of correcting. To say that we augur unmixed good from any human act would be absurd : we can only anticipate as much from this, as usually attends the efforts of geniu., prompted by disinterested motives, and guided by prudence and discretion. The Bankruptcy Court Bill was no sudden ebullition of mind in the Lord Chancellor. It sprang from a Committee of the House of Commons, with whore it was the result of painful thought and a long investigation on tile subject, and of a deep sense of the exist ing insufficiency of the law. As to motives, whether they were disinterested or not, will ap pear from the disclosure of the following fact : —The official assignees under the new Act are to be thirty in number; the nomination of these assignees, the Chancellor, if he bad pleased, might have reserved in his own bands, but tile patronage' has been frankly given away from himself : commer cial persons are better qualified to judge who of their body is fit for the task, than the highest legal officer of the Crown, and to c ommercial persons of the first character is the important duty confided. The gentlemen appointed to make the selection are— the Governor of the Bank, the Governor of the East India Company, Messrs. John Martin, John Smith, George Norman (the Bank Director), Lewis Loyd, and four Commissioners of Bankrupt.—Times. Nothing could be more satisfactory in the address of any Monarch to his people, than that part of the King's Speech yesterday:which related to our foreign affairs. Without alluding to the vindication of Bri tish honour, and the protection of British interests it, Portugal, which had been referred to in the Speech at the opening of die session,—without adverting to our influence in effecting the amicable adjustment of the affairs of Italy, by which we have been enabled to gua rantee the late insurgents against the consequences of their own acts, and to promote the constitutooel free dom of the Romish Legationse—without even a Clef of what we had done, or attempted to do, for se curing the indepence of Poland, his Majesty men tioned enough, in announcing the termination of the negotiations respecting Belgium, to deserve the ap probation of the country, arid the applause of all the lovers of peace in Europe. At first sight, no thing could be more unworthy of general attention than the dispute between the different provinces of the Belgic Netherlands. " Why," it was asked, " interfere between the Dutch King and his re• volted subjects ? Why not let the contest be brought to a conclusion by themselves in the mutual inde pendence of both parties, or in the establishment of the dominion of the strongest ?" In ordinary cases this reasoning may be correct. An interpo sition of third parties in the settlement of an indi- Tidual question, or in the establishment of a core teated right, often extends the circle of warfare, and enlarges tire scene of calamity, instead of pre venting or limiting the mischief. But in this case a mediation of the Great Powers could not have been avoided, because a coalition between these most insignificant members of the European alliance must have led to a general war. The only chance of preserving the peace of Europe was to impose restraints on the two combatants, by the authority of foreign Powers, which, but for their concert in such a work, must have taken the part of one or other of the belligerents. The kingdom of the Netherlands was the result of an European treaty,—the offspring of an Europese: afliance,—the creature of a geneeal Congress. The United Provinces of the North, and of the Austrian Netherlands, had been forced into a reluctant union by the parties to the treaty of Vienna. A revuL sion had taken place without their consent, and the King of the Netherlands, whom they had placed upon a throne which a causeless revolt had shaken, natura lly claimed their interference to restore him to the rights which they themselves had conferred, or to relieve him from the obligations which they had imposed. They could tiot therefore, resist his call Provisional Government had for mediation, a s a been established in one part of . Ins dominions, to which one of the allies was disposed to lend iss countenance and support. Had there been uo concert arid no understanding among the five great Powers to arrange the affairs of the' e therland th e contest between the King of Holland and the junta of Brussels must, in thecourse of a few months, nave evolved Prussia and France as the friends of the re pective parties, and consequently have extended hos tilities to the whole of Europe. The general principles, therefore, which forbid foreign interference in the contests between different parties of the same state, do not apply here, and the jokes about the inno cence of a dispute between the Dutch and Belgians are thrown away. Flom the beginning of the civil contest at Brussels, and especially from the bom bardment of Antwerp, all hopes of an amicable ad justment of the differences between the Belgians and the House of Nassau had ceased, and France having declared that she would permit the hostile interference of no third party to give the prepon derance to Holland, the only alternative was a Con ference to enforce an armistice and to settle the terms of separation. The Members of this Confer ence were assembled at London, in the Duke of Wellington's Administration, and its existence and objects were announced in the King's speech on the 3d of November last year. Ever since that time it has continued its sittings, and has probably engaged in more laborious duties than would at another period have been sufficient to settle the general policy of Europe. It had to determine on the conditions of an armistice which both parties were desirous of. resisting ; it had to threaten each party in its attempts to break it ; it had to adjust rival pre tensions, urged on the one side with overweening pride, and opposed on the other with unreasoning obstinacy ; it had to settle the limits of indepen dence, in a state which was never before indepen dent, and which claimed every little piece of revolted territory as its own ; it had to divide a debt, which it had partly created by its construction of a kingdom, between parties by which the forced union was repudiated; it had to appease one part of the Belgic provinces without exciting the jealousy of the other ; it had to bear the insolent abuse of the Belgic press and the Belgic Congress, without being able to revenge the insult by any other means than a war, which it had engaged to prevent ; it had to draw up protocols—to answer protests—to form preliminaries of peace—modify those prelimi naries by other protocols—to answer other pro tests—to hear other complaints—to arrange the ac knowledgement, if not the nomination, of a sovereign —to repel an invasion by auxiliary forces—and to recall these forces, when more dangerous than the invaders ; it had, finally, to make a convention differing in its stipulations from all previous sug gestions, and to procure the consent of both parties to conditions of which the vanity and the interested views of neither could approve. Well, therefore, may his Majesty say, that the Conference as sembled in London has terminated its difficult and laborious discussions, by an arrangement unani mously agreed upon by the Plenipotentiaries of the five Powers for the separation of the states of Hol land and Belgium, on terms by which the interests of both, together with the future security of other countries, have been carefully provided for." Whi ther the hope expressed by his Majesty will be realized, and the treaty agreed upon in the Confe rence be accepted by both parties, and particularly by the Belgians, time will soon disclose. But whe ther the experiment be successful or not ultimately, it was surely worth making. It has warded off the calamities of scar and bloodshed for a whole year, and twelve months of peace and international se curity is surely worth the labour of fifty protocols, and the inconvenience of fifty meetings of some half-dozen of diplomatists in Dawning-street ! We mentioned a few days ago, the chief stipulations of the treaty to which the Royal speech alludes. Ir is proper to state that the Conference is now at an end, and that it can listen to no further modifications of its award. Should, therefore, the Belgians re fuce to accede to the stipulated conditions, the Allies must enforce them by arms. It is in this final rejection of the treaty, and in the consequent measures to compel submission, that we discover the whole probable danger of our negociations,— the contingent legacy of a war prepared by a whole year of peaceful and honest negociation.—Times. Several correspondents are applying to us, on the propriety of retaining Lord Hill as Commander-in- Chief, during the present struggle for the Reform Bill. To us it appears, that it would have been just as proper (and it is paying no bad compliment to Lord Hill) to make or retain the Duke of Wel lington as Commander-in-Chief. Ministers must not keep enemies or neutrals, upon that question en which their own existence depends, in official sta tions, and with official influence. By doing so, they would justify a suspicion of their own sincerity, and comprise the unsullied fame of their Royal Master. Let it be understood that the way to power under their administration is, to support the Bill ; and the Bill will be supported, not with lukewarmness or indifference, or a selfish misgiving of the future, but with a zeal proportioned to its high and paramount importance.— Times. To the Welch election, now in progress, and that of Cambridge, about to commence, we have not time to advert at this moment. The enormous folly of the boroughmongers in attempting to re-open the argument (or, indeed, any argument) against the late Bill, on account of its being injurious to the landed ! interest throughout England, is to us one of the most pregnant instances of infatuation that have yet come under our notice. Why, the " landed interest" has heretofore been at the abso lute mercy of the borough interest,—an indefinite, precarious, and ignoble despotism, which, exercised as it used to be in numberless cases, we are asto nished that gentlemen of independent property would submit to. One excellence of the new mea sure has been its cutting away the usurped and spurious power of a few, and giving to many a power that would be essentially just, wholesome, and conservative. The eKisting constituencies of counties may not in every instance be fair organs for the expression of the general feeling ; but in the Reform Bill, if similar to the last, there gill be scarcely a clause (bating that only for the division of counties, and for the qualification of tenants at will) the tendency of which is not to bring inde pendence, both of property and feeling, to bear di rectly upon the choice of Members of Parliament. he Paris Papers of Tuesday, in addition to the prolonged digcussion on the Peerage Bill, contain a new proposal by the Minister of Trade, for regu lating the commerce of grain. The French like ourselves have had their corn laws, end like our selves have felt their injustice and oppression. 'their legislation on this point, however, though mere absurd, has been lass mischievous than our own. It is more absurd, becausa the French having no bur&r:a that press peculiarly on the production of grain, like our poor-rates and tithes, have no pre, tence for interfering to protect home-grown corn from foreign competition. f t is more absurd, be cause it fixes very narrow limits betwecn a prohibition of exportatiou and a prohibition of importation, I t was less mischievous, because there was a smaller class of the population devoted to trade and manu factures than in England, and corg;e9uently a smaller body who could benefit by the exchanges of their manufactured productions, for the agricultural pro duce of other lands, o; suffer by the loss of foreign markets. M. D'Argout, the I , linister who intro duzzli the Bill, tells us that the cultitiatipri of the earth for corn occupies 15,000,000 hands in France, or about one-hair of the population; and though this must be a great exaggergion, considering that no less than 3,000,000 of people are L'a;d by French statis tical writers to depend on the rearing of the vines, and the manufacti4v of wine, still there can be no doubt that the proportion of the persons employed exclusively in agriculture is much grpter in France than in this conatry.. A much smaller proportion, therefore, could supply ii.rti,2les to purchase foreign grain, :md to create a competition of the foreign with the docilostle grower. In England, the usual estimate of persoos occupied exclusively with the production of the means or subsistence, is only about one-third of the popul a ti on . 'Con.secuerti a much greater propori,ioir of our fellow-Citize . ; Y is e - -"- ployed in preparing arUcies for foreign markets g for exchanging against the produce of for e i gn so' or soils. The old corn law of France, which the n ew Bill propoFe2 to supersede, divided the country into four sets or classes of districts, in which exportation or importation was permitted at different prices, or within certain limits of a maximum and minimum. In the highest, importation was permitted at 24 francs the hectolitre, and exportation prohibited at 26 francs. In the next, the limits were 22 and 24, in the next 20 and 22, and in the last 18 and 20. Two francs were therefore the limit within wis c h the trade in corn was free, and importation or expor tation was equally permitted. But even between these limits importation was liable to a duty. In the departments where exportation ceased at 26 francs the hectolitre, and importation was permitted at 24, a duty was exacted of 34 francs on imported grain, if sold at 24; of 21, if sold at 25; and eve►► at the price of 26, 1 of duty was paid. The Mi nister, after pointing out the vices of the old system, described his own project of improvement, in which he proposed to suppress the prohibitions of importa tion, and to supply their places by a graduated scale of duties—to subject exportations to variable duties —to form only two divisions of the kingdom for the scale of prices—to substitute weight for measure in ascertaining quantities, and to abolish the tax on foreign vessels freighted with grain in times of scar city. These are no doubt improvements on the old system, but the great improvement would have been to abolish the corn-law altogether, and to allow the trade in grain to be perfectly free. As no peculiar burdens press upon the land, or restrain cultivation in France, there cats be no pretext for any peculiar protection, and no harm, but much good, would re sult from an unlimited freedom of the trade in corn. —Times. Parliament was yesterday prorogued to the 22d November. This, however, is not the period when Parliament will meet. The Speech commences with an account of what has been done during the last Session to improve the law, and in the way of relief from taxation. Where there is a will there is a way, as the proverb says. Notwithstanding the all-engrossing nature of the Reform question, Mini sters 6 have succeeded in hewing down two of the greatest abominations in the country—the odious Game Code and the Bankruptcy System. The new Game Act may he susceptible of amendment, and the Bankrupt Courts' Bill cannot be supposed to have come perfect at once from the head of its author. But a blow has been struck in the one, at the vilest remnant of the feudal ages; and in the other, a most important branch of the Judicature of the country has been placed on a respectable footing. The interests of the commercial world will no longer be made subservient to the creation of incomes for the children and toad-eaters of the Aristocracy. The part of the Speech which will be most looked to, is that which relates to the question of Parliamentary Re form. It is in accordance with the recent declara tions of Ministers—" You may be assured of my unaltered desire to promote its settlement by such improvements in the representation as may be found necessary for the security of my people and the full enjoyment of their rights, which, in combina tion with those of the other orders of the State, are essential to the support of our free Constitution." In a document of the nature of a King's Speech, it is impossible to speak of so important a question in any other than general terms. However, we have no doubt that the new Bill will effectually se cure to the people what they most valued in the last. It was stated by Mr. :Maberly, at the Surrey meeting yesterday, that Parliament would not meet for the despatch of business before the middle of January.—Moreing Chronicle. The Session is now over. A long, laborious, and stormy Session it proved. The discussions on the Reform Bill had called into action the angry selfish passions of one party, and the decision of the House of Lords upon the Bill had given to those passions a momentary but a dangerous triumph over the hopes of the nation. It still remained to be seen whether the Government, and, above all, whether his Majesty, as the head of the Govern ment, was prepared to mark the conclusion of such a Session with an explicit declaration of unchanged and unchangeable sentiments respecting a measure which agitates the community, and shakes the political frame of this great empire to its base. We now have the result before us. The King has spoken out—distinctly and manfully spoken out. He has expressed his approbation of " the anxiety so generally manifested by his people for the accom plishment of a constitutional Reform in the Corn mons' House of Parliament." Hear this, ye Lords and Bishops l—the anxiety of the people for Re form contrasted with your anxiety against Re form, is a general anxiety, and has been described as such by the patriot 'Monarch who reigns over them and you. Where, then, is the triumph of your boasted majority of forty-one ? "To the con sideration of this important question," continues his Majesty, "the attention of Parliament must necessa rily again be called at the opening of the ensuing Session, and you may be assured of my uualtered desire to promote its settlement by such improve ments in the representation as may be found necessary for the security of my people, and the full enjoyment of their rights, which, in combination with those of the other orders of the State, are esential to the support of our free Constitution." When we remember the sort of equivocal stuff which, in times gone by, a party gone by also used to put into the mouth of the King—when we remember the care that used to be taken to construct sentences without meaning, and to skim over subjects of the highest interest and importance in a manner calculated and intended to mystify, not to inform—when we remember this, the former style of speeches from the Throne, and com pare it with the honest intimation conveyed in the above paragraph, it is impossible not to feel that a new era has commenced, and that plain speaking is recognised at last as the proper language of Sove reigns. That his Majesty's speech will afford general satisfaction we cannot doubt ; that his Majesty's recommendation of order arid modera tion in their proceedings will be attended to by the people of the United Kingdom, we are con vinced of, for the same reason. They will show their confidence in the King by showing their re spect for the laws ; knowing that the King is with them, they will prepare for renewed efforts with the calmness, but at the same time with the energy, which belongs to men who have the victory in their own hands. The King has told them that the ques tion must come on again--he has informed them that his desire for its settlement remains unaltered — he has stated to them that the representation will be improved, and improved in such a way as shall en sure to his people the fall enjoyment of their rights. These are cheering assurances, conformable to the hopes and confirmatory of the expectations of the country. He who doubts of the ultimate success of the measure after this must be an incurable sceptic. Let us hope that the Lords themselves will open their eyes to the real posture of affairs, and that, though late, they will recognise in the Reforming spirit which has gone abroad—a power too mighty to be resisted by the artifices of a faction.—Morn ing Herald. Every thing appears to have gone on well with the Ministers. Their conduct in the removal of Anti-Reform Officers received approbation and en couragement from Mr. Ilurne, Sir Francis Burdett, and other popular Members in the House of Com mons yesterday. The dismissal of Sir Byam Martin shows that they do not mean to confine their opera tions to the Royal Household alone. The case of i;ortl Howe has been much canvassed. A Corre spondent asks how do the opponents of that pro ceeding reconcile it with their justification of the Duke of Newcastle and others, in turning off their tenants for the votes they gave ? We may refer to Sir Charles Wetherell for an answer.—Morning It was most gratifying yesterday to his Majesty's subjects that he appeared among them in full health, and in the enjoyment of the best spirits. His Ma jesty's Speech was delivered in the most distinct and audible voice throughout, but presented no other feature wm thy of remark, except that when he came to that part of it in which he had to address the House of Commons exclusively, he pronounced the words, " Gentlemen of the House of Com mons," in a tone and manner which drew universal attention. They were most emphatically pro nounced, as well as every line of the remainder of the Speech on the subject of Reform. No one could doubt that his Majesty's heart was in the cause of Reform, or that he would fail to employ any and every means for its accomplishment.—Morn. Advert. SURREY REFORM MEETING. Yesterday a meeting of freeholders of the county of Surrey took place at Epsom, for the purpose of addressing his Majesty on the subject of Reform. The High Sheriff presided. Mr. LEECH stood forward to propose an address to his Majesty, and in doing so passed a warm eulogium on the conduct of his Majesty and his Ministers ; and in his animadversions on the op ponents of the wishes of the King and the people, dwelt particularly, and with great severity, on the conduct of the Episcopal Bench. He concluded by moving that an address be presented to the King, which the speaker accordingly read. The Rev. Mr. COURTENAY cordially coincided with the whole of his friend's excellent address, excepting only the part which reflected on the con duct of the Bishops.—(Cries of "Oh !" and laughter.) He would never join in the absurd and illiberal cry which had been raised against the Epis r copal Bench, and he would maintain that he was as sincere and as staunch a Reformer as any living, and he believed his public conduct for many years sup ported his assertion.—(Hear, hear.) It was his "opinion, therefore, as a sincere friend to Reform, that a display of violence on the part of the ,people against any particular body of men would hurt the great cause for which we were all contending.— (Cries of " Oh, oh !" and laughter.) Mr. COBBETT said, that the requisition by which they had been called together that day called them for the purpose of considering the Bill—the same Bill which had passed the Commons; but the ad dress spoke of some other Bill to be proposed, which might be altogether different, and of no value what ever. It talked, it was true, of hoping to haste one " quite as efficient"—but he would ask them what they would say to any great fellow who should come and force a pretty girl from their arms, and then attempt to console them by quietly telling them— " Oh ! pray be patient—l'll bring you another girl as pretty ?"—(Much laughter.) Would they give the fellow credit for speaking the truth ? A Rev. Gentleman had denied that the conduct of the Bishops was fit matter for animadversion in an ad dress to the King. He would maintain that the conduct of the Bishops was a very substantial part of what they had to discuss that day, for it was their conduct which was the occasion of that meet ing.—(Hear, hear.) The Bishops took a very large part of every man's wealth—(Hear)—and he con tended that something ought to be said of the great mischief they had done.—(Cheers.) If public virtue, and not private interest, had been their motive of action on a recent occasion, the Bill would not have been thrown out, and this turmoil would have ceased. They had it in their power to have carried the Bill by a majority of one, but they threw their casting votes against it ; and all the danger, all the turmoil, which had been caused all over the country, and all the misery which must ensue to thousands by the delay of the measure—the whole was to be ascribed to the Bench of Bishops.—(Cheers.) He had another very great objection to the address, that it contained an expression that they had the same con fidence in the Ministers as before the Bill was thrown out.—(Cries of " We have, we have !") Lord Grey, it was true, had said he would stand or fall by the Bill ; but now that the Bill had been thrown out, he talked of another Bill, which he (Mr. C.) was confident would prove to be not as efficient as the Bill.—( Cries of " It must.") When Lord Grey went to Windsor, and found that he could not get a creation of Peers, it was his duty, if he had been sincere in his desire to pass the Bill, to have instantly resigned his post, and then the inev , table consequence would have been that lie would have been thrown back into office on the shoulders of the people—(Cheers)—and then who would have opposed his carrying the Bill ?—(Cheers.) In his opinion the meeting ought to receive a pledge from their county Members, that they would support no Bill which did not contain schedule A and B.— (Hear, hear.) Such a pledge lie believed to be ne cessary for the people's security, for they might de pend upon it the Ministers would not offer them a second Bill as efficient as the first. The prorogation of Parliament, they would find, would be till Fe bivary next—(" No, no")—and in the mean time the Bill would be pushed and poked about till it would be worth nothing. During this time dear Lord Grey would be held up to them to quiet and pacify the grumblers, like the cradle which the mother held up to her brute of a husband when he was about to baste her with a mopstick. Their child lay in the cradle, and, when the fellow rushed at his wife, she took tip the cradle and held it before her, crying out " Here, murder your child, do !" Lord Grey was the cradle which the Whigs would hold up to the people to stay their rage, and so long as it succeeded, would the people he verily believed, have to look in vain for a Bill with schedules A and B.—(Cries of " We must have it ; we'll have no other.") Well, the truth of his predictions would be falsified or verified in less than two months, and lie hoped they would bear in mind what he had said. He would now propose, as an amendment, an address of his own, to be substi tuted for the original one, and he should be very much mistaken if the majority of that meeting did not adopt it. Mr. Cobbett then read his address, of which the following is a copy of that part espe cially, as lie contended, making it worthy of udop lion in preference to that proposed by Mr. Leech:— " But, if language would fail us in endeavouring to give vent to our thoughts relative to this whole band, where shall we find words to engross our feelings with regard to the conduct of those mitred enemies of our rights and our happiness, who, raing in wealth, and lodged in princely palaces by means drawn from ear property and labour, and so exaltecl as the immaculate guardians of piety and virtue, have, by this, their vote, stamped the seal of their approval on drunkenness, fraud, corruption, subor nation, and perjury, more flagrant, more shameless, more teeming with abominations than were those, on the actors in which God, by , the mouth of Job, pronounced, that the congregation of hypocrites should be desolate,' and that fire should consume ' the tabernacles of bribery ;' more flagrant, more full of abominations than the acts of the apostate SORS of Samuel, and yielding in point of wick edness to the deeds of none but that of Judas Iscariot himself !" Lord KING then presented himself, and was re ceived with loud cheers. He said the address of Mr. Leech expressed the confidence which was felt in Ministers—Mr. Cobbett's did not. Mr. Com]Err —No:Mirle is silent.. Lord KlNG—Another reason lie had for preferring the first address was, because it was generally sup posed that that the same Bill would not be pro posed again, an d con fid ence might be had in the present Minist ers t h at a Bill q uite as e ffi cient, if not precisely the same, would be proposed. They must bear in remembrance that the Bill would have to pass through a very intractable assembly, and altera tions might be proposed which would not materially affect the goodness of the Bill. A commissi on , they were aware, had been appointed to inquire into certain boroughs, and the a‘terations w hi c h they might suggest for its improvement would make it not the same.--(Hear, hear.) For his own part, he was ready to pledge himself to support no Bill but one which should contain schedules A and (Cheers.) To him it appeared most absurd to sup- Pose that any Bill without these sched u l es would be proposed by the Ministers, Of thi s h e was cer tain, that if they fancied they w ou ld b e a b le to carry a Bill wanting those schedules, they were labouring under a very gross delusion.—((sheers.) With respect to that part of the Hon. Gentleman's address relating to the Bishops, he was no friend to them, and would willingly turn those money changers out of the Temple; but he thought an ad dress to hip Majesty not exactly the proper sort of vehicle for such language as that made use of. Some good might come out of evil, for although the Bill had been thrown out, there was this consideration for our consolation, that if it had gone into Com mittee in the House of Lords, many of the essential principles of the Bill would, in all likelihood, have been compromised; but as it was, we should now compromise. the eessential principles o f th e Bill, an d no hear.) The question now was a very simple one—merely this— that a cheap Government is necessary—a sine qua non—and that in order to get it, we must hare a Reformed Parlia ment.—(Hear.) Mr. MAI3ERLY, M.P., coincided in the view taken of the question by the Noble Lord. He did not think Mr. Cobbett had made any strong objection to the original address. They were all agreed, he presumed, respecting the conduct of the Bishops— (Hear, hear)—but he no less believed all would think it expedient that the address should be made the means of passing a stricture on their conduct.— (Yes, yes.) Mr. Cobbett said he had no confidence in Ministers—we have.—(Cheers.) He would ask, had Lord Grey or the Ministers done anything to forfeit their confidence ?—(No, no.) If men were entitled to confidence by the experience of their past conduct, the Ministers were entitled to confi dence, if ever men were.—(Cheers.) With respect to giving any pledge of the course lie should pursue, relative to any measure of Reform which might hereafter be proposed, he had only to say, as he had said before, that he would not give any pledge, for it was impossible to foresee how far the duties he owed to his constituents might make it neces sary for him to depart from it. This, however, he would pledge himself to, that he would agree to no Bill which would not give them a full, fair repre sentation.—(Hear, hear.) It was much better to let an honest man go free and unpledged, except to general principles. lit the course of his speech, the Hon. Member made frequent quotations from a pamphlet by Ricardo, and called forth the anger of Mr. Cobbett, who ejaculated during his progress, Oh, that horrid Jew !" " The greatest fool that ever lived !" " What vile trash !" &c. The Hon. Member concluded by giving his support to the original addrese. Mr. DENISON, M. P. would give no pledge be yond this, that he would, to the utmost of his power, endeavour to obtain for them a full, fair, and free representation in Parliament—(Hear, hear) — and he would put it to them, if they desired more from him ?—(No, no.) He had no hesitation in affirming his belief that the people would succeed in obtaining at the hands of the Ministers a measure of Reform as full and efficient as that which had been lost. With respect to the opposition of the Episco pal Bench, he thought it of little importance. It was ridiculous to suppose that they could eltimately prevail against King, Commons, and Press. If they should persevere, and, by causing more disappoint ment to the country, raise anarchy and civil discord amongst the people, on their heads must be the consequences.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. BRISCOE, M.P., exhorted all those who were sincere Reformers to set a double watch on their conduct, and not to give to their adversaries by any act of violence, in word or deed, a shadow of advan tage over them. He recommended them to take for their motto, " Patience and Perseverance," and then, by the blessing of God, their glorious cause must inevitably prevail. With respect to giving any pledge, he said he should have no difficulty in doing so, but it might prove inconvenient—a single borough might be taken out of schedule A and put into schedule B—and this without doing any injury to the Bill ; and for this, could it be said that he would be justified in withholding his support from the measure ?—(Hear, hear.) No; he hoped that his past conduct justified him its expecting confi dence for the future. He gave his hearty concur rence to the address.—(Cheers.) Mr. LEECII suggested to Mr. Cobbett that he should withdraw his address, after what he had heard ; and, after a few words, Mr. Cobbett did withdraw it. The original address was then carried unanimously, thanks were voted to the High Sheriff, and the meet ing separated. EARL GREY TO THE HIGH SHERIFF OF NORTHUM- BERLAND. The following letter has been addressed by Earl Grey to the High Sheriff of Northumberland, in re ply to his letter enclosing the resolutions of the re cent county meeting : " Downing-street, Oct. 14. " have this morning had the honour of receiv ing your letter of the 12th, together with the resolutions of the county meeting held en that day at Morpeth, and ae address to his Majesty, which I shall have great satis faction in presenting to him on the earliest opportunity. It can hardly be necessary for me to add how greatly I feel myself honoured in being charged with the performance of this duty. " Upon the address which the meeting did me the ho nour of voting to myself, it is impossible for me to find words that would convey an adequate expression of my feelings. Such a mark of confidence and approbation from my native county, which I had the honour of representing for so many years in Parliament, and to which I am at tached not more by interest than by affection, has a value in my eyes superior to any reward that could have been con ferred upon me for my public conduct—their wishes would generally be, in my estimation, equal to commands—in the present case they entirely correspond with my own feeling of public duty. " Whilst I entertain a hope of being able to bring an efficient measure of Reform to a successful issue, I consi der myself as bound, at the risk of any personal sacri fices, not to abandon the situation in which the too fa vourable opinion of an indulgent master has placed me. To his Majesty and to the country I owe my best exer tions to promote a measure which has received the sanc tion of both, and which I believe to be essential to the future peace and good government of these kingdoms. " For the success of this measure nothing is so imperi ously required as the preservation of .public tranquillity and order, and nothing can be so adverse to it as any acts of popular violence : the good sense and loyalty of the people of Northumberland, however, resider any exhor tation of this kind unnecessary, and it is with the truest satisfaction that I learn frosts you, though the feelings of the people have been strongly excited, that the public peace in that county has not been in any instance interrupted. I ans, with the highest regard, Sir, your most obedient servant, " GREY." " George Silvertop, Esq., Minster Acres, Neweastle-on-Tyne." SECOND EDITION. SUN OFFICE, Four o'Clock. THE LONDON GAZETTE OF THIS EVENING. BAKRUPTY THOMAS NEIG N HBOUR, C sen. ENLARGED. and THOMAS NEIGH BOUR, jun. King-street, West Smithfield, wine -merchants, from October 25 to 28, at ten, at the Court of Commissioners. BANKRUPTS. PETER ROYNOU LEWIS, Kent-terrace, Regent's-park, victualler, Oct. 2S, at one, Nov. 4, at twelve, and Dec. '2, at eleven, at the Court of Commissioners. Burt, Essex-street, Strand. JOZE ANTONIO GONCALVES D'OLIVEI RA and FRANCISCO GOMES D'OLIVEIRA, Otd Jewry, merchant, Oct. 2S, at twelve, Nov. 4, and Dec. 2, at eleven, at the Court of Commissioners. Swain, Old Jewry. JOSL'PH FIRTH, Manchester, cotton.spinner, Nov. 9, 10, and Dec. 2, at two, at the :Star Inn ; Manchester. Johnson, Weather all, Temple; Seddon, Manchester. JAMES SHEPPARD, lA‘chlade, Gloucestershire, baker, Oct. 31, Nov. 7, and Dec. '2, at eleven, at the fled Lion Inn, Lambourn, Berks. Howland, Ramsbury, Wilts. RICHARD PLINY JACKSON,• Liverpool. sail-maker, Nov. 11, 12, and Dec. 13, at two, at the Clarendon-Rooms, Liver pool. Clare, Liverpool; Taylor and Roscoe, King's Bench walk, Temple. WILLIAM PRENTICE, High-street, Southwark, iron. monger. Oct. 28, Nov. 4, at one, and Dec. 2, at two, at the Court of Commissioners. Brooking and Surr, Lombard -street. DANIEL and COBNELIUS HOPE, Mhanchester, silk- manufacturers. GEORGE HENRY RICKARDS, Cowley-road, Brikton, wine- merchant. ROBERT DUNELL, St. John's-street, Smithfield, corn- dealer. SAMUEL APPLEING, Spital-square, silk-manufacturer. JAMES HARRIS, Plymouth, painter. ROBERT and CHARLES 111.31t11, Bentinck--treet, Man chester-square, upholsterer. ROBERT VINCENT DAWSON, Chiswell.street, Finsbury, veterinary-surgeon. THOMAS and JOSHUA JOSEPH JOHNSON, Lant-street, Southwark, carpenters. Lord LowTHER is very actively engaged in the Cambridge contest s which commenceo on the 2 ith Lord HOL LAND is, we are sorry to sad to attend to public business on account of 1 % which has cenfined him to his bed since Meow, The Marquis of LONDONDERRY han d his valuable pictures, busts, stat ues , &c., from /I' house to Wynstay. We have received numerous accoUnlVli dresses presented to Earl GREY, and of big Lor P 7 ewers. We have not room for them, but we o il tt fact to show that the spirit o f th e coun try is in ft "' t We understand that during lb% months which have elapsed since the opening ca,, o ) , pool and Manchester R a ilw a y about ,160,L/ have passed between the two towns: a result st o i ing the most sanguine e xp ec t a ti ons o f the origins.;/Ft undertaking. The sum rece i ve d for the cooi''' paisengers and goods during the same period ig of 190,0001. —Liverpool Advertiser. fOr A DAY TOO LATE.—We learn - r v ii American Papers that large su b scr iptions ha y . 4 tered into for the brave Pol es —twenty thou . 1 already transmitt e d; th at a t Phil a d e lphia se ver dlY r l t men have enrolled th emse l ves as vo lunteers; %dot public meeting was held on the 27th of SeP tel" V termine on the b es t means o f pass i n g throng" ,, the seat of war ! LIVERPOOL, TUESDAY.—The ti ts l the Mayor of this borough commenced this morns f WALLACE CURRIE, Esq. and SAMUEL SANDBAI,Y, were severally put in nomination. Polli n g ;go l f place in the usnil way, by tallies of 10 free o le4p; ,l State of the poll, nine p. m.—Mr. SANDRAC/b W. W. CURRIE, 561 ; Alijority 19. It is sups" contest will close this evening. THE BISHOPS.—A DIFFEREN`f, Right Rev. Dr. MU RPHY , R om an Catholic VP?, Diocese, arrived last evening from Paris. We ° l ot that his Lordship, w hil e p ass i ng th ro ugh Bath; fit; dragged out of the mail coach by the poPul ac i e ; :' taken to be another Bi s hop o f Cola.- who has s's 7/ hinself by voting against the Reform 13i1L ---C r s c'f° i SAILING OF SIR EDWARD COP Ft ; - , to SQUADRON.— Cork Reporter O ffi ce, cln ar ` s e s o'clock, P. at.—At this moment we have re following communication frost our Cove correqn."ol Cove, Saturday, Oct. 15.—This fleet, wbi nh s . a' tained the last week by the continued gales at S. W., sailed this m orn i ng , w ith th e Wind a t . atl ti !! and weather mod e r a t e . Th ey had to make ° o . t h and have succeeded i n clearing the harbour Wiest/ safety. If any thi ng were wan t e d t o show t 1 vantage vantage of this ha r bo ur , as a p or t of eal .. ,,, L ' e d egress, it would be the fact of this fleet, conic•ogsa, (d o tihisee f lcecce s hkk o lhoyea n aortr i Esn e b?e)b:r o ,au. f d)Rrs t I wu l ae e_ tvAei, aeta l hlgi a t:hg r e g aeet l e i s n t n ships head in ea d the wind.world, T Wb The r ot; : a l ps ( e ttb f Er s . that sailed, are, the Caledonia, Brita ns- pg SLAVES. —Fora of spirits, or 139 handkerchiefs. For a wool b" l i l so r or 192 yards, or 8 rolls, or 32 gallons, or I " ° r6 co i f or 9 rolls of tobacco, orb g trll:tf. 24 gallons, or 96 handkerchiefs.—" Actua l Lslety Slave Trade on the Coast of Africa," in the '• 0; P We regret to state that the s pirit " 0 ". c o hr .611IyCFa rEidraoa,F, child, he S illod L t r: , : a A enh 6, diadem is again manifest in Kent. Tuesday' li g ounces, or 144 yards , ° ,', a te°' W f t eleven o'clock, a barn filled with barley, belong' sod Pamir RAY, near Farningham, was set' on fire' 0 • short time was entirely destroyed. s y , A HINT TO THE SEDENTAR.•'„f 5, y; : otr ie u_ rg fi 4 reading aloud, and singing, are useful kind' and it is supposed that this is at least one e :lirs i l greater longevity of clergymen, publicspeak ers ' universities, and sehool-masters ; and .„ 1:) ,;" re4 : i pleasantly observes, that one reason %TAY " Jne je m r , :o o n r t e b i a o b q iz ei a o l u ni .. ost ,lw Henceay always those sing less bodily exercise than men is, that they r preservoatio tionally contribute much to the About eleven o'clock in the foreno ,• 00 turday last the embankment of a lodge of water, ❑ o f Woodscats, near ,I , l o ti e health. —.Henderson on the Preservation f to Mr. JOHN HARRISON, in-Longdendale, gave way, and nearly the 'b olt small cotton factory was washed down, togetherthepl machinery and three of the persons employed in g irl' ing, viz. a young man, IS years of age, and O fi lditi'l of them 12 and the other 13 years old. The b 0 0 0 since been restored to their friends, but in a o * A ' 00, sate, one of them being carried several mile s J s err river, as far as Campstall-bridge.— Stockport 1"'"- A FRIEND IN NEED.—Some days arg f ° ,ol l, saetdettetairr Oar circumstance took place in the parisb t (; county of Ross, which proves that friendship ;5 a thing of degree, and that mortal love is no t aleip 4 as the hills. In a house no great distance fro,' iodi, church a respectable young couple were t ol l ote e,, marriage. The friends met, and so did the Mi n t he the ceremony commenced and went so far that dere, rend gentleman came to that part of it wiiieb re DI • duty to request the parties to " join hands. Ao however, the young lady would not consents of course, took place among the friends, th e , bridegroom swooned away in the arms of a ,, - ° e r:/ . while the bride, at this critical moment, sbal)'"PY whatever she was, vanished " from the p r e s e n ce . tO aid of cordials, the bridegroom was soon res t°r l eer; f t l. of doubtful existence ; an d a s p an ki n g young,' . fe ri " faithless fair," taking pity on the forlorn t he stepped forward, and shaking D O NALD bi. ke _ I offered to supply the va canc y occas i o ned by ▪ glaP, conduct of her sister. The generous offer , v a " o f kl e cepteil, and Mess John had the satisfactioo the! them together, both seemin g ly ve ry bappY a 11! A f " the aspe in aspect of f affa ia irs'' which undoubtedly t I'; 4 I' l Scotsman. SPRING-GUNS IN FARM-1(A ED*fotr MELBOURNE has obtained an Act of Parliatner'.o, ing stacks against the d e structi on of ineendi3r,l, wisdom of which the an na l s o f l eg i s lation b s isel l e l, parallel. This Act empowers f a rmers and ' o per o f:, spring-guns in th e ir y ar d s t o s h oo t th o se wl" ) ( I ) fire their stacks, and the f o llowing is the " wi ll / operation :—The incendiary leans over tb e otl ° Ol t , iad a just frie tad ad il" ke , farmyard, and discharges a fire-ball into a r ',"" arises, the inhabitants of the farm-house are a' s 1 1 ,/ rush into the yard to extinguish the fla n i ,; foremost man is shot dead by the spring - P - o i' S, struck at the event, his fellows fly from the Ir s next day a Coroner's inquest is held, an u neo ° ' ‘• Died by Act of Parliament" is returned.^'' f' tie Act, one shilling,—Preston Pilot. LAST MOMENTS OF MR. SALr ri ,' T h i BRITISH CONSUL-GENERAL IN EGYPT....."'"L i f . never ceased to haunt him that his chamber ' 4 .„"sill t ,AYSi i : and that he owed his deliverance from it to a "J• 5 0 17,1, of his moral courage. He entertained the el lig b l ' o o . , notion that he had been for several days atte n n i t ae l ' e funeral, or rather in pursuit of it ; for every up with the procession, the horses inamediatelYrostreil' with the hearse, when he lost sight of his °, °o ,,laa r , fancied he had at l e ngth over t a k en it at w e bii ° r to apartment, and he had th e key of it brought e ts1 1 ":310` lie kissed it repeatedly in gratitude for lingered through the d a y, an d a b ou t piglit ia ;':: petition of th e h orrors o f th e p rece di n g eee n f; ,lad at c %te, been all completsly exhausted with continue de sed (0 0 ; nearly thi r ty d ays , an d i t was not to be w" )) r siele t , / ,rP the attendant wh o was l e f t i n c h arge was ° li r , - r e t '', o !, nodding at his d u t y . A very few bourn be w - e/' of the last scene hi s Greek servant, s eited half asleep by the bed-side, was au" - o -t) by the noise of some one f a lli ng on the nor: Itch ing the spot, h e f oun d 'his master extende d 04; He had stol en f rom hi s b e d, as on t h e pre' the Sei his strength soon failed him, and he sunk by a convulsion f o ll owe d, w hi c h h a d distorted lit_ei,elV and such was his appearance when the Greek cope d that, in the st u p e f ac ti on o f th e mo ment, be st)4° lo oo i and pressed his thumbs t 2 his eielids, believing t either d ea d or i n t h e agony o f dying. A t c hes t Mr. M ONTEFIORE approac h e d, an d thrust as i " e : i i t soPor, e se, vent, with w h om th e poor invalid was feebly a fo r t ,; and no sooner was h e re l ease d, than he stretenstiofis cold hand, and, g r a sping that of Mr. I‘ l ° ? ', / , i io o se i exclaimed, in a piteous tone—" Oh, doctors yet aQ ki:NsTrtal l" These were the last words h e e tropolitun. _ 13IRTH. f On the 12th inst. in Welbeck-street, the 13—, o Esq., of a daughter. tD e van to MARRIED. At Berchworth, Surrey, Mr. Serjeant Catherine Montagu, sister of Lord liokebY. AS K r On the ‘2oth inst. at All Souls, Marvlebonei of Itedlieugh, county of Durh am , to Elizabeth , . s t he Of the late Sir R. Rycroft, Batt, of Evetlancli, l" Durham. ris O u n r- t a h t e -la l9 w t . h inst. John Tempest, of DIED. r, ifr i e On the 18th inst, at the Grange, near and second daughter o f th e late T. J. Powys - House, Salop, Lincoln's sro s e of Al 0, PitINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO SUN OFFicii, 112 :51144)(1), LOW- ? k r theinselve eolltitrym !Th ev are „N - „ ,..ti 'ott . • 11, ,_ Ik a . ' I,te!l tl,i i , Cili a .411)