The Sun. — London, England, 1863-03-27 00:00:00

IMPERIAL P. HOUSE OF LORDS.—Last Evening. The Lord Chancellor took his seat at the usual hour. POLAND. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY gave notice that he would, to-morrow, present a petition from a meeting lately held in the Guildhall on the subject of Poland. PETITIONS. Lord CHELMSFORD presented a petition from the in habitants of Bermuda complaining of the competition al lowed to exist with Cuban slave-grown sugar. The Earl of DERBY presented a petition from Tosteth against the sale of intoxicating liquors. The Archbishop of YORK presented several petitions rom places in hiS dioc se. GREAT EASTERN RAILWAY (NEW METROPO LITAN STATION) BILL. The motion for resuming the adjourned debate on this bill having been read, The Earl of SHAFTESBURY said he had already spoken on this subject, but he thought the best speech that could be made was to read the 17th section, in page 6, of Colonel Yolland's report, (" Hear, hear," from the Earl of Derby,) He moved that the bill be read a second time that day six months. Earl GRAN VILLE said it would be very unsatisfactory to postpone all the bills for the metropolitan railways till next session, because they would not be in a better position then than now. What he thought best was to have a committee appointed to inquire into all these bills, and report upon the general scheme of metropolitan railways, and point out what bills they thought ought to be passed and those that ought to stand over for their consideration next session. Earl GREY approved of such a course, as the subject could not be well considered this session, and ought not to be taken up with reference to bills by particular companies. The subject deserved a scientific consideration, such as it could not be expected a committee of the house could give it. The railway scheme of the metropolis ought to be under the super intendence of some public body like the Metropolitan Board of Works, who might let out particular portions of the work to existing or other railway companies. It was not for the house to appoint a committee, but the Government were bound to accept the responsibility of introducing some general measure. In the meantime he did not think it would be safe to press any of the bills this session. The Duke of SJMERSET paid the noble lord said that the Board of Works were to settle the scheme of metropoli tan railwa, s, and afterwards the public were to make them ; but he should like to know whether they would do so. He sup/mated the proposal for a committee to repot t upon the general scheme, This would prevent any injustice being done to any particular line. The Earl of DERBY reminded the house that the ques tion und'..,r consideration was the second reading of the bill, Ampl.e time had been given since the first objections to the tin, five weeks ago, to enable the company to refute these objections, but no answer had been given. The case was left where it stood, and the report of Col. Yolland substantiated every objection he (the Earl of Derby) had made to the bill. Not only w,s it to run parallel to another line already sanctioned, and take up the open space in Finsbury-circus, but from the level at which it was to be brought in to the terminus-19 feet above the surface—it would be of no use in completing the Metropolitan Railway, by which com munication with the north and south was to be effected, since the other schemes proposed had their terminus at Finsbury many feet below the surface. The object o: ap pointing a Royal Commission was not to lay down any particular principle for an intercommunication between all the railways north and south without changing car riages. In the meantime he had not the slightest hesitation in saying that the objectionable lines should not be allowed to pass. (Hear, hear.) Lord EBURY said that the report of Colonel Yolland had quite convinced himthat the bill before the house ought not to be allowed to pass, and not only that, but nearly all the metropolitan railway bills were equally objectionable. As to the two plans before the house, for the appointment either of a scientific commission or a committee of their lordships' house, he thought there would be great difficul ties attending the working of a Royal commission; and he considered that it would be better to allow a committee to report upon what bills now before Parliament might safely be passed. He would have all the rejected bills sent before tbo Board of Trade for Clime' Yolland to prepare a report, and they would then be in a good position next session to deal with the whole question. The Earl of MALMESB URY did not see how Lord Ebury's plan could be carried out without laying all the bills before the committee. Earl GRANVILLE considered the report of Colonel Yolland a most valuable document. He repeated his argu ments in favour of the appointment of a committee. Parlia ment had great powers in dealing with private bills, and he thought the house ought to show itself willing to take the trouble of examining carefully into the merits of each par ticular case. Be gave notice that after the Easter recess he would move the appointment of a committee of their lord , ships' house to take the question into consideration. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE thought that they ought to have both a committee to deal with the bills now before Parliament, and a commission subsequently to deal with the question at large. After a few word from Lord CHELMSFORD, The bill was ordered to be read a second time that day six months. THE MUTINY BILL. This bill was read a second time. TOBACCO DUTIES BILL. Earl GRANVILLE moved the second reading of this bill. The standing orders were suspended, and tho bill was passed through committee, read a third time, and passed. BIRTHS AND DEATHS REGISTRATION (IRE- LAND) BILL. The Earl of ST. GERMANS moved the report of amend ments on this bill, which was read a second time. POST-OFFICE SAVINGS BANKS. Lord STANLEY of ALDERLEY moved that the house should go into committee on the Post Office Savings Banks Bill. Lord REDESDALE moved, as an amendmait, that where transfers of deposits made by minors from local sav ings banks to Post-office savings banks should be under con sideration, the power of effecting the transfer should not be left in the hands of parents, but in the hands of the trustees or guardians of the local savings banks, who would be ac quainted with the circumstances, He also objected to the fourth clause, which provided for the conversion into annui ties of funds lodged in savings banks. The house then went into committee on the bill. The clauses were agreed to, and progress was reported. ECCLESIASTICAL PATRONAGE. The LORD CHANCELLOR said that he rose with some anxiety to call attention to a question of great im portance. They were all aware that great ecclesiastical patronage was vested in the Lord Chancellor. It was difficult to trace the origin of the right which was thus vested in the Lord Chancellor and Lord Privy Seal. As car.y as the rules of Parliament, in the reign of Edward 111., the right of the Lord Chancellor to present to all livings of 20 marks and under was ackn - mledged in the Rolls as undoubted. Subsequently, probably about the reign of Henry VIII., when the denomination of money was altered, £2O became substituted for 20 marks, But the right of the Lord Ch ance ll or t o di s pense patronage to all Clown livings not exceeding £2O was undoubtedly an un• c ontested one. He mentioned this, because it was material for him to show that he was not about to take away any of the patronage of the Crown; for if thelanguage were cour teous, which it would not be. the Crown might be considered the trustee of the Lord Chancellor with respect to those livings. With regard to all other Crown livings, the Pre mier takes the pleasure of the Crown; but when the Lord Chancellor presented, he took it as his right, without con sulting the pleasure of the Crown. The appointment was couched in language so peculiar, that he would repeat the words of the writ. It ran thus : " The presentation as of right doth to the Lord Chancellor belong." Such was the origin of the right of the Lord Chancellor. These livings were numerous, but many of them were in very unfavourable districts, where there were no resident pro rietors. Livings that were small, and that were situ- Lted in places where there were no resident proprietors, lore an unfavourable comparison with other livings equally small, but which had proprietors, who were interested in them. They suffered from want of attention, from want of schools and parsonages. Moved by these considerations, be had selected out of the number of small livings in his Patronage 320 of the smallest. The object of the measure he was about to propose was to ask their lordships to enable 11 ,: mto sell th e a d vowsons o f these livings, on definite terms, ir the etPurpose of applying the purchase money to the aug mtaion of the livings. The result would be that, instead of these 320 livings being held in the barren hands of the Lord Chancellor, they would, ho 11, ' ed become vested in ;i2O landed propriet ors , each one of who m would have an e a a dditional interest in th e welfare of th Establiehcd Church. Th e Ecclesiastical Commi ss i oners had rule that, if any proprietor would advance any sum up to £l,OOO for the aug mentation of the value of a living, they would add another £l,OOO or similar sum to that advanced by the proprietor. He therefore proposed that when the LordChaneel or should rneive the first instalment of £5OO he w ou ld, to theexstuenmt of a limited numbe r of livings in the year, carry that of £5OO to the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, and theywould add another sum of £5OO to it The £l,OOO would then be laid out in the purchase of an annuity at 3i per cent. Thus the first £5OO paid for the purchase of the advowson would be at once productive of £3.5 yearly, to bo added to the value of the living ; and when the other sum of £5OO of the purchase money should become due by the living falling vacant, it would be applied in a similar way, or in the pur chase of debentures, tithe-rent charges, or in Government :,ecuritic., to be appropriated to the augmentation of the Ile hoped therefore in those cases each of these small livings would be augmented by the purchase money to the extent of two-thirds, or of least one half, of their annual value. He offered the alte rnative of granting a rent charge at 5 per cent. in lieu of paying t he money at Once; such rent charge to be charged on adequate freehold or copyhold property. The result would 1)J that, instead of paying the first moiety, the purchaser would grant de bentures to the amount of £25 a year; and, in respect to the second moiety, he would grant debentures for the MUD which that moiety would amount to at compound interest at 4 per cent. The whole principle of the measure was that in effect the purchaser was to pay either in a sum of money down, or in an annuity, one-half of the considera tion for the advowson instanter, and the other part was to be kept and accumulated at compound interest, and not to be paid until the purchaser should come into actual posses. sion. They would see, therefore, that his object was to give immediate benefit, but a still greater argumentation of the living when it came into possession of the purchaser. Lord CRANWORTH congratulated the noble and learned lord upon the satisfactory character of the measure, which he thought would not only be of great benefit to the country, but would relieve any Lord Chancellor who might hold the seals from a large amount of disagreeable trouble connected with the distribution of those small livings. He was not quite certain, however, that his noble and learned friend had not over-valued them by not having deducted the charge for curates. Lord CHELMSFORD said that the object of augment ing those small livings had his entire concurrence. THE CLOONE LOAN FUND. The Earl of LEITRIM moved an address to her Majesty for a Royal commission to inquire into the pro priety of the Loan Fund Board having elosed the Cloone Loan Fund, and ordered the funds to be confiscated ; and to inquire into the mode in which those funds had been employed, and whether they could not be applied for the benefit of the poor of the locality. Earl GRANVILLE said the funds were being distri buted in that manner already, and there was no necessity for any commission of inquiry, unless a prima facie case of misapplication were shown. The Earl of LEITRIM—That's not correct. Earl GRANVILLE —The noble earl will be good enough to address me ha parliamentary language when he wishes to address me in that way again. The motion Ras negatived without a division, and their lordships adjourned at a quarter before eight. HOUSE OF COMMONS—Last Evening. The SPEAKER took the chair at 4 o'clock, NEW MEMBER. The Marquis of HARTINOTON took the oaths and his seat for North Lancashire. The noble lord was introduced by Mr. Grogan and Mr. Huggessrin. THIRD READINGS. The following bills were read a third time :—Aberystwith and Welsh Coast Railway—Accrington Gas and Water — Caledonian Railway (Bredisholm Deviation)—Caledonian Railway (Carstaira and Dolphinton Branch)—Cocker mouth and Workington Railway—Cockermouth, Keswick, and Penrith Railway—Leyland and Farington Gas—Mid Wales Railway (Branch, &c.)—Newport Pagnell Railway —North Bierley Gas—North-Eastern Railway (Newcastle and Starbeck Branches)—Penarth Harbour, Dock, and Railway. _ The following bills were considered and ordered to be read a third time :—Bristol and North Somerset Railway and Harrogate Gas. PETITIONS. By Mr. POTTER, from Carlisle, in favour of the reduc tion of the tea duty ; Mr. IN ILLIAMS, from Lambeth, to the same effect; Mr. W. WooD, from a public meeting re cently held under the presidency of Mr. Sheriff Lawrence, in the Guildhall, praying the house to present an address to her Majesty to sanction and uphold the efforts of the Poles to establish their independence, and to cease diplomatic relations with Russia until such inde pendence was established; Mr. LAWSON, from Carlisle, against the sale of intoxicating liquors on the Sabbath; Mr. HORSFALL, from Liverpool, Mr. E. BAINES, from Leeds, Mr. Locxa, from Southwark, Mr. BARNES, from Bolton, to the same effect ; Mr. WHALLEY, from Peter borough, and Mr. PACKE, from Leicester, against the Pri son Ministers Bill; and Mr. BARNES, Bolton, and Lord J. MANNERS, Loughborough, in favour; Mr. PENDER, from several building societies in Liverpool, praying for a modification of the fire insurance duty ; Mr. BARNES, from Bolton, Mr. CARDWELL, from the mayor and corporation of Oxford, to the same effect; Mr. WILLIAMS, from Lam beth, in favour of the alteration. DISEASES IN CATTLE AND SHEEP. Mr. HOLLAND gave notice that after Easter he should move for leave to introduce a bill to amend the 11th and 12th Victoria, to prevent the spreading of contagious dis eases among cattle and sheep. THE THAMES EMBANKMENT (WHITEHALL). Mr. DOULTON gave notice that after Easter he should call attention to the report of the Royal Commission with respect to the Thames Embankment between Whitehall and Palace-yard, with the view of proposing that it be con structed more in consonance with the architecture of the new public offices, and with a view to the proper accom modation of the traffic. POSTAGE. Mr. CAVE asked the Secretary to the Treasury, whether it was intended to abandon the principle of an uniform rate of postage to British possessions abroad, by doubling the charge upon letters to the British West India colonies, while reducing that upon letters conveyed by the same line of pickets to foreign countries, even at a greater distance ; and, if so, for what reason ? Mr. F. PEEL explained that the former rate of 6cl. had been abandoned, because it was insufficient to cover the expense. The increased rate, however, had not dimi nished the amount of correspondence. Two optional rates had been adopted, a higher one where the parties required speed, and a lesser one where they did not. Sir S. NORTHCOTE asked if the contract with the Royal Naval Steam Packet Company had been brought to an end ? Mr. F. PEEL replied that the contract would not ter minate till next year. Mr. CAVE asked if Cuba and Mexico contributed part of the subsidy to the company ? Mr. F. PEEL replied in the negative. RECRUITING IN IRELAND FOR THE FEDE RAL GOVERNMENT. Lord H. THYNNE asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department, whether his attention had been called to a statement that the Federal Government of America were recruiting largely in Ireland; whether that statement was true; and, if so, whether her Majesty's Government proposed to take any steps to prevent such recruiting ? Sir It. PEEL replied that no report had lately been re ceived on the subject ; there had been rumours, but nothing definite. IRELAND-BURNING THE EFFIGY OF THE PRINCE OF WALES. Mr. 'WHALLEY rose to ask the Chief Secretary for Ireland a question concerning the demonstrations at Dub lin, Cork, and other places on the 10th inst., at many of which, as Kilrush and Bellina, an effigy of the Prince of Wales was publicly burnt ; and, whether any investigation was intended as to the nature and extent of the organisation manifest in these proceedings. As he had found that a word which he had used in his notice—" disloyal "—had given offence in some quarters, he had omitted it. ➢lr. SCULLY (stentOriously)—Speak up. (Laughter.) Mr. WHALLEY repeated his question. Sir IL PEEL rose to reply. Mr. SCULLY rose to order. The hon. gentleman, in opposition to the rules of the house, had placed matter in his question which was equivalent to a speech, an 4 besides, he bad interlarded it with no less than four or fivo distinct offensive expressior s, The fact was, the question had bt en arranged between the right lion baronet and the hon. mem ber—(oh, oh)—and they had arranged between them the answer to be given. (Order, order.) Mr. SCULLY held that he was in order, in fact he rose to order—(laughter)—and was not, therefore, to be confined to mere limits. (Renewed laughter.) He com plained that the hon. member had put the word " dis loyal" in the books of the house, and sent it forth to the whole country, though he had now expunged it. He never heard of such a place as Bellina in all Ireland. Pro bably ho meant some other place. He might as well say that the recent affair at Staleybridge was a disloyal riot, as the demonstrations he referred to. He did not believe any member of the house could justly accuse his countrymen of disloyalty. The SPEAKER desired the hon. member to point out the passage in the question which he considered out of order. Mr. SCULLY considered it a breach of privilege to place such a question upon the books. He had never heard of the proceedings referred to ; indeed, he did not believe that anything of the kind had occurred. The SPEAKER expla;ned that no member was entitled to engraft upon a question, statements, or arguments, save such as were requisite to elucidate the question he desired to put. Probably no great question could be raised with respect to the use of the epithet " disloyal." (Hear, hear.) Sir It. PEEL denied most emphatically that the question had been framed or put in concert with him. (Hear, hear.) he other night the hon. member stated to him that he in tended to put such a question, and he told him, in reply, that it was his duty to answer any question that might be put to him by hon. members with respect to Ireland. (Hear, hear.) He had never acted as imputed, and most assuredly never would. Turning to the question, he said these disturb ances on March 10 were a matter ofpublic notoriety, but he could with reason affirm that those disturbances in two or three localities in no way justly represented public opinion in Ireland. (Loud cheers.) It would, of course, be very unfair if the conduct of a handful of unruly people were to underweigh, to the very smallest extent, the general at tachment to the throne which prevailed among the great bulk of the Irish people. (Loud cheers.) He had read in the papers that the Prince of Wales had, on the 10th instant, been burnt in effigy at Kilrush and " Ballingh." In 1861 he himself had been burnt in effigy—(laughter) —but on subsequently twice visiting this town be was treated with the greatest respect, and laughter.) not the slight es t ill- feeling having been manifested. (Hear, . )It was n aLtoane London o t n h aotrt elsewhere e w loyalty here of a I w r a e s l aenads waseasy tto sound lite the r core. organise a few idle people to commit any absurd or unmean ing act, of wEich really school boys would be ashamed. He was a witness of the loyal feelings with which the Sovereign was received in Ireland in 1861, and nothing could be more sincere or cordial. He was sure if the Prince of Wales and his bride were to visit Ireland they would receive as warm a welcome as in any other part of the United Kingdom. (Cheers.) Mr. SCULLY apologised for his aspersion on the right hon. baronet, and put a long string of questions to him, in effect—Did the right hon. baronet regard the recent demon strations at Cork and other places as exprosoions of dis loyalty towards the QuLen and the_Prince of Wulus `;) Had THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, MARCEI 27, Ha any precautionary measures been taken ? Had the students of Trinity College taken any part in the riots on the 10th ? Was there such a place as " Bellina ?" Mr. WHITESID E wished to know if any inquiry had been made, or would be ordered, as to the conduct of certain magistrates in not sending assistance quickly. Sir R. PEEL said there had been a report of a sub-in spector of police as to the burning of the effigy of the Prince, and the cases of several of the persons engaged in the riot disposed of. Mr. SCULLY asked whether there had been any in quiry as to the conduct of the mayor of Cork. Sir R. PEEL said there had been no such inquiry, and he had not heard of :any magistrate having been charged with misconduct. Secretary at War had arrived, and declared that the treatment of his gallant friend was not such as they should have received from the military authorities. Sir J. SHE LLEY said that they had often heard of the privileges of the Guards over the line, but in this case even fair play had not been shown them. After a few wards from Colonel DUNNE and Colone DICKSON, the matter dropped. SUPPLY-CIVIL SERVICE. The house then went into committee of supply, Mr. Massey in the chair. On the sum of £1,923,000 being proposed on account for defraying the charges of the Civil Service, Mr. A. SMITH objected to voting sums on account when the estimates were not before them. But he also had other grounds of objection arising out of the large balances in hand under the different heads of expenditure, and upon this point he wished to have a clear explanation. Mr. 'WILLIAMS considered votes on account injurious ; but he was free to admit that the present mode of preparing these estimates was a great improvement upon the old method. Mr. A. SMITH said it was an extraordinary thing that the expenses of the last quarter of one year should be paid out of the first quarter of the next. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said the perfect system would be to pay, on the last day of each quarter, when the clock struck twelve, the whole ex penses of the quarter ; but, according to the mode of managing sublunary affairs, he thought it would be im possible, however much 'they might approve the doctrine, to carry it out in practice. The vote was then agreed to. On the vote of £754,154, salaries, &c., for the Customs department, Sir H. WILLOUGHBY complained that the charges did not appear to fall in proportion to the duties that had been repealed, but rather to increase. The present esti mate was £222,525 over that of 1861-2. Mr, A. SMITH asked how it was the vote had not been reduced £82,000 as promised on a former occasion. Mr. PEEL said the increase arose from an increase of trade, requiring additional officers in the examining de partment, and also greater accommodation, The vote was ultimately agreed to. The vote of £1,351,771 for the salaries and expenses of the Inland Revenue department was agreed to. On the vote of £2,098,920 for Post-office services, Mr. W. WILLIAMS complained of so many votes being taken on account. This, with the sum voted, would exceed half the amount of the civil service. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY asked how it was the Post office expenditure had been increased £21,250? Mr. AYR rON asked what arrangements had been made for paying the expenses of the Post-office swings banks ? Mr. PEEL said no sum would be taken in the estimates for the Post-office savings banks, as it would not be re quired. The increase complained of by the hon. baronet the member for Evesham, arose in consequence of the in creased accommodation afforded to the public in the estab lishment of fresh Post-office districts. The vote was then agreed to. The vote of £515,796 for the superannuation and ,com pension allowed for the officers of the Customs, Inland Revenue and Yost-office departments was agreed to. The vote A' £56,986, salaries and expenses of the officers of the two Houses of Parliament, was agreed to. The following votes, to defray salaries and expenses of public departments, were agreed to :—£38,700 for the Trea sury ; £19,263 for the Home Office ; £56,225 for the Foreign Office; £23,047 for the Colonial Office; £14,627 for the Privy Council Office, On the vote of £47,181 on account of the Board of Trade, Mr. A. SMITH asked for some explanations with respect to the expenditure on that department of the office which superintended the weather returns. He was afraid that those weather-prophecies--or, as they were designated, forecastes issued under the superintendence of a certain gallant officer, were not only . of no advantage but that they were positively mischievous. If he were to go through the forecasts of the present month he could show that scarcely on one day was the weather correctly described. (A laugh.) He would very much like to know whether the President of the Board of Trade was in the habit of consulting the superintendent of this department before he started on a sea voyage. Really, these forecasts, as they were published from day to day, were a perfect burlesque; and he was very much inclines to move that the vote be reduced by the amount expended on the department. Mr. M. GIBSON said the expenditure on the meteoro logical department was about £2,000 a-year, although he was not quite certain on the point. The department had been originally organised for the purpose of enabling this country to co-operate with other countries in collecting facts in reference to the prevalence of particular winds, in parts of the ocean, and in classifying those facts whereby there might be established some rules applicable for the purposes of navigation. The plan acted upon by the depart ment was drawn up by the Royal Society. They had now, however, got into a different system, and instead merely of collecting facts, they deduced rules from the information laid before them, with a view of making forecasts of the weather. Well, observing that he had asked the Treasury again to communicate with the Royal Society, to ascertain whether meteorological science was considered sufficiently advanced as to admit of such forecasts being made with a reasonable approximation to the truth. And when these scientific gentlemen had reported on the subject they would be better able to decide whether it was advisable to continue voting public money for such a purpose. Mr. DILLWYN was very glad to hear that the Board of Trade was moving in the matter. Mr. WILL EAMS hoped the department would not be abolished until ample consideration had been given to the subject. The vote was then agreed to, as were also the following : £1,921 for the office of Privy Seal ; £6,741 un account of the Civil Service Commission ; £14,640 for the office of the Paymaster-General; £2,972 for the office of Comptroller- General of the Exchequer; £92,800 for the office of Woods and Forests ; £15,255 for the Public Records department ; £157,154 for the Poor •law department ; £37,901 for the Mint ; £19,610 for the department of the Factories' In spectors ; £2,445 for the household of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland ; £11,580 for the Chief Secretary's office; £2,752 for the Inspectors of Lunatic Asylums in Ireland ; £16,314 for ; £25,060 for the Commis sioners the Public for u Auditing Accounts ; £14,351 for the Pic Works, Ireland publie Copyhold, &c., Commissioners for England and Wales ; £10,020 for the Office of Commissioners under the Drain age Acts ; £35,520 for the office of the Registrar-General for Births, &c., in London ; £20,222 for the National Debt Office ; £2,932 for the Public Works Loan Commissioners , £5,111 for the Commissioners of Loans in England and Scotland ; £1,228 for the General Superintendence of County Roads in South Wales ; £2,374 for the office of Registrar of Friendly Societies ; £12,243 for the office of Charity Com missioners; £2,242 for the collection of Agricultural and Emigration Statistics in Ireland; £24,000 for Secret Ser vice. A vote of £244,139 for Stationery, Printing, &c,, for the Treasury and Public Departments was agreed to. On the sum of £6,500 being proposed to defray the ex penFes of the Niger expedition, Mr. DODSON said that 18 votes had been passed over in consequence of the absence of the Under-Secretary for the Colonies, and owing to that circumstance a branch of the estimates was taken up which many hon. members who were present did not anticipate would be proceeded with that night. Col. SYKES said if the estimates had been taken in their proper order, they would not come on at that early hour, therefore he moved that the chairman report progress. Viscount P ALMERSTON said he had often heard an objection made to passing votes on account of the lateness of the hour, but it was certainly something novel to com plain of the earliness of the hour. (Laugbter.) Full notice had been given, and if hon. members were not present to discuss the votes it was not the fault of the Government. After some further discussion the motion was withdrawn, the Government having intimated that the particular votes objected to would not be proceeded with. The vote was then agreed to, as were also the votes of £66,000 for defraying the expenses of captured negroes un der the Slavery Suppression Act; £6,550 for defraying the expenses of mixed commissions in relation with foreign powers for the suppression of slavery; and £116,462 for superannuation allowances to persons formerly employed in the public service. Sir F. BARING called attention to what he supposed was an omission in the Superannuation Act, in consequence of which great injustice was done to officials who suffered from personal violence in the exercise of their duty. The old Act contained a provision enabling the Treasury to make allowance to such persons when disabled ; but under the present Act there was no power to make any allowance for personal injuries. A case of this kind had occurred re cently at Portsmouth, where a warder had suffered from a murderous attack made upon him by a convict ; but there was no provision in the Act for giving a man an increased allowance, unless it happened that he was 10 years in the service. This was a matter which, he thought, ought to be rectified. Several other votes were agreed to, among which were the sums of £744 for pensioners who had served in the old American war and in Toulon ; £325 for the Refuge for the Destitute; £1,966 for allowances to Polish refugees; £55,700 for pensions to masters and seamen formerly in the merchant service; £20,043 for distressed seamen at home and abroad ; and £3,625 for charges formerly defrayed out of the civil service. On the vote of £25,278 towards defraying the charges for Nonconformist seceding Protestant dissenting ministers in Ireland. Mr. W. WILLIAMS opposed the vote. There was a great objection to this vote, and he complained of its being proceeded with in the absence of the hon. gentlemen who were opposed to it, and who did not expect it would have been brought on that night. It was increasing annually, and it was time to put a stop to it, The committee divided. The numbers were— For the vote 53 Against it .......... Majority . ... The vote was then agreed to. On the question that the chairman r.:port the votes to the house, Mr. HENLEY complained of the manner in which the votes had been taken, and hoped it would not be draw n into a precedent. The votes to be taken according to the paper were, to say the least of it, equivocal. (Hear, hear.) They might suppose that the votes to be taken were to be votes on account, as numbered on the paper; but no one could for a moment suppose that a vote was to be taken on account in the early part of the evening, and the balance, as in the case of the last vote, taken later on the same evening. (Hear, hear.) The first part of the vote had not been reported. He hoped the circumstances would not be drawn into a precedent. (Hear, hear.) Mr. W. WILLIAMS had known many votes in supply to be passed in an improper manner, but he had never known such an irregular course pursued as had been adopted that evening. (Hear, hear.) The votes were all in confusion, and no one knew anything about them. (Hear, hear.) The house had not acted in accordance with its public duty ; and he despaired of any change for the better till they had a reform of that house. (Hear, hear, and Oh.) Mr. PEEL admitted the irregularity, but excused it as a consequence of the change of voting the civil service esti mates introduced last session. It was an accident that the balance of the vote was taken that night, as it was the last night it could be taken to make the necessary payments for the current year. It was impossible to know what progress the committee would make in the votes; and, therefore, to prevent any inconvenience from arising, the vote was taken. Mr. DILLWYN condemned the course pursued by her Majesty's Government. He hoped some course would be adopted that would prevent its repetition. (Hear, hear.) Sir G. C. LEWIS said that no doubt the course pursued that evening was unusual— (hear, hear)—because it was the first occasion, or nearly so, that it had been done. (Hear, hear.) He could not admit that there was any thing dangerous or unconstitutional in it, or that it limited the responsibility of the Government. All that was re quired was to know that the Government had neither asked for too much nor too little for the requirements of the en suing year. It was not, however, desirable that the course should be often repeated. (Hear, hear.) The matter then dropped, and the house resumed. CORRUPT PRACTICES AT ELECTIONS BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. The house then went into committee upon the Tele graphs Bill, the remaining clauses of which ana certain new clauses were agreed to, with amendments after a long discussion. Sir G. LEWIS, in moving the second reading of the Office of Secretary at War Abolition Bill, stated that there was now no separate duty attached to the office, which was absorbed into that of the Secretary of State for War. Mr. HENNESSY objected that the but was an infringe ment of the prerogative of the Crown. The bill was read a second time. The Oaths Relief in Criminal Proceedings (Scotland) Bill was read a second time, after a few remarks by the Attorney and Solicitor-General and Mr. Cranfurd. Sir G. GREY, in moving the second reading of the Local Government Act (1858) Amendment Bill, stated the rea sons for which the bill was proposed, and shortly explained its provisions. On the order for resuming the adjourned debate on the Salmon Fisheries (Ireland) Bill, it was proposed again to adjourn the debate; but, after much discussion a motion to that effect was negatived upon a division-59 to 5. Lord FERMOY'S amendment, to refer the bill to a select committee, having been also negatived, the house went into committee on the bill, the Chairman reporting progress. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER obtained leave to bring in a bill relative to stock certificates to bearer. The houso adjourned at half-past one o'clock. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—Of the rights of the Poles under the Treaties of 1815 there can be no question. Although their connection with France during the war had alienated the sympathies of the more zealous Allies —although many thought that when Bonaparte fell Poland might well be left to go into captivity with him, yet the remembrance of their unfortunate heroism excited the good will of European statts men generally, and public opinion was even then strong enough to forbid their being left to their fate. The consequence was that the Czar entered on the government of the new Kingdom of Poland with a Constitution which guaranteed a Biennial Diet, consisting of a Senate for life, and a Chamber of Deputies, a separate Polish Ministry, an indepen dent Judiciary, a national Army, and a free press Hsw soon these fair promises were violated, and how the late Emperor and his brother Constantine tortured the Poles into revolt within fifteen years, are matters of history; but England and France, and Austria, and the other Powers, if they re:olve on inviting Russia to discuss with them the affairs of the revolted kingdom, have only to point out that the Government which now exists is not that which Alexander I. guaranteed, and it will be for Russia to explain her reasons for not fulfiLing the obligations she had accepted. How clear was the opinion of the great Powers in 1815 in favour of Polish nationality is shown by the Proclamation of the King of Prussia when he resumed possession of his Polish provinces. " You are incorporated in my Monarchy," writes Frederick William, " but without:being obliged to renounce your nationality. You will participate in the Constitution which I intend to give my faithful subjects, and you will have a provisional Constitution like the other pro vinces of the kingdom. Your religion will be maintained, your personal rights and your pro perty will return under the protection of the laws, upon which you will also be called in future to deliberate. Your language shall be used with the German in all public transac tions, and every one of you, according to his abilities shall be eligible to public employments in the Grand Duchy, and to all the offices, honours, and dignities of my kingdom." Such was the spirit even of absolute Sovereigns at the close of an obsti nate war, in which they had overthrown a dreaded conqueror who had received the enthusiastic services of the Poles. It contains as much and no more than Alexander himself undertook to do for his own share of the Polish race. It is to the credit of the Prussian Kings that, whatever may have been their other shortcomings, they have governed the Polish pro vince assigned to them with justice and humanity, and we would hone that the recollection of the words we have quoted from his father's Proclamation may inspire King William with the desire to see these humane principles carried out in the adjoining ter ritory. At any rate, there is now among the prin cipal States of Europe a desire to discuss together the affairs of Poland. For some time past there have been not only communications between England and France, but between France and Austria. It is pos sible, indeed, that the two last-named Powers may have entered into the discussion in a more earnest spirit even than England. This country, from its political traditiona,nu less than from its geographi cal situation, is not likely to do more than protest against the excesses of the Russian Government. But it is at all times possible that the two Continen tal Empires may resolve on a more decided course. The rulers of France have always professed, and its people have really felt, a strong sympathy for Poland ; and no one can say that a war for the re constitution of Poland might not at any time become the passion of the French. Nor is Austria entirely devoted to peaceful counsels. The gulf between her and Russia is now wider than ever ; a settled jealousy prevails between the two Courts and the two antocracies, and Francis Joseph might not be indisposed even to cede Galicia to the new kingdom in exchange for an in demnity elsewhere. We believe, however, it is the opinion of all these Governments that a Congress is the best field for the proper examination of the questions connected with Poland. Of course, there must be many and long negotiations before the seven or eight Powers which signed the great treaty can be brought together through their repreaenta fives, Russia, especially, we may presume, will interpose difficulties, if even she does not absolutely refuse to appear. But she has such weighty reasons for endeavouring to stand well with her Western neighbours that she is hardly likely in her present state of confusion and exhaustion to prove wholly contumacious. Posi.—Lord Palmerston assured the House of Commons, on a recent occasion, that the Govern ment had been " unceasing" in their endeavours to find a prince who might be recommended to the Greek nation as a desirable sovereign. It has been quite understood that without for one moment, or in any degree, abdicating their right of free elec tion, the Greeks have very naturally felt that, owing to their comparatively remote position, they were but little acquainted with the young princes of Western Europe, and they therefore expressed their wish that we should point out to them the person whom we ourselves might dee. m most eligible. This has proved a task not only of great responsi bility butlof considerable difficulty. In the instances of Dom Fernando of Portugal, the Duke of Saxe. Coburg-Gotha, and the Princ e of Leininge n , eac h of whom was desirable as a well experienced, clever, and liberal prince, it was found that sev era ll y th ey were induced from varied buti mperative m o ti ves t o decline. Of candidates there was no lack. A score of scions of illustrious families were willing to seize the offer had it but been set before them. But it was felt that, however unpl easant m i g h t b e the de lay, no prince could be selected hastily, or with out the most careful r egar d to h i s sat i sfactory and entire fitness for the important post that he might be called on to occupy. Under these circum stances the Government have thought it judicious to enter on negotiations with the Royal Family of Denmark, whose recent presence in England afforded peculiar opportunities for the purpose. We have studiously refrained from alluding to them, because transactions of this delicate nature must reach a certain maturity before they can pro perly be made public. It is now, however, no secret that the negotiation has arrived at a very promising stage, and that vie may hope that Prince William of Denmark will be recommended to the Greeks as their future king. To the selection of his royal highness there has been all along but one drawback—his youth ; but that is a fault which cures itself; and after all he is about the same age as our own Prince Alfred, whom the Greeks so en thusiastically acclaimed. We believe we may state that the Governments of Itur-sia and France have already been sounded as to their disposition towards this choice, and that the Cabinet of St. Petersburg have replied that they had neither objection nor opposition to offer, whilst M. Drouyn de Lhuys has assured us of the cordial support which the Emperor Napoleon would be willing to give to the Prince. For our part, we cannot imagine a more desirable sovereign for the Hellenic nation. They dislike Germans and hate Roman Catholics. He is a Dane, of English and constitutional sympathies, and is a Protestant in religion. He is a sailor, and is reported to be cf great intelligence and excellent disposition. The strong sympathy and support of England and France will be with him, and the pro spects with which he will ascend the throne are in the highest degree encouraging. It will probably be requisite to establish a regency for a time ; but that will involve but comparatively little objection, since the future will be settled or. a solid and per manent basis. Of course the cession of the lonian Island may be considered as a fact of collateral and immediate consequence, since we have always pro fessed our readiness to acquiesce in the annexation of the Septinsular Republic to the mainland of Greece upon the election of a king who should combine so many qualifications as the young Dane. We trust, then, that we may soon con gratulate the Prince on his accession to a throne, and the Greeks on their acquisition of a sovereign who may bestow on them all the blessings of good government and its consequent prosperity. In making this choice the Hellenic people will adopt a prince who will go to his new kingdom with all the advantages of popularity in Western Europe, and who will bring with him honesty of intention and sincerity of endeavour to work out the not very difficult problem that is set before him. That the Greeks are easily governed is proved by the fact of t heir having endured the sway of Otho for 30 years. That their country is full of resources is established by the circumstance that their financial disorder is not greater than it is; aed that their power of car rying out retrenchment and reform is real and ear nest is shown by the new and economical arrange ments of their expenditure, to which we recently called attention. How disinterested this country is in its anxiety for the success of sound and liberal principles we have emphatically demonstrated by refusing a crown for a British prince, while we offer to yield what is almost a British possession. We are glad to think that our motives are rightly understood, and our conduct appreciated in its true light by other Powers. To this we owe the acqui escence of Russia and the support of France given to the Danish Prince whom we hope soon to con gratulate on his election to the throne of his new country. We hear that Mr. Scarlett has already sounded the leading personages in Greece, and has, as we expected, found them willing and ready to accept the candidature of Prince William. We can hardly doubt that the whole nation will cheerfully ratify this acceptance, and that the election of Prince William will be carried with an enthusiasm little, if at all, short of that which characterised the vet ing for Prince Alfred. HERALD.—The member for Birmingham has never been famous for his history, but if perversion and fiction will give him a reputation he is in a fair way to become so. His readings in American his tory are original, if they are not profound. "Pri vilege,"' that arch enemy, has been at work in the United States. We are glad at least it is not en tirely confined to this country. " Privilege," when it saw, with the vision of prophecy, the glo rious future of the United States purged from the contaminating effects of association with an odious aristocracy, determined to mar that fair pros pect, and like the malignant fairy in the tale, took care to set a canker at work in the shape of slavery. It is slavery which has produced the wholesale de rnoranisation which we have sadly witnessed in the American Republic—slavery designedly planted for that purpose by an envious aristocracy. Mr. Bright sees the United States as they were, and not as they are. His eye refuses to dwell upon the horrible atrocities of the present war, the corruption of all classes in the North, the odious tyranny, the extra vagance and imbecility of the Federal Government. The fact that there is no King, no Emperor, no State Church, and no aristocracy blinds him to taxa tion, anarchy, and interminable bloodshed, and he still harps upon the glorious results of republican institutions in America, as if to-day they were not teaching the civilised world the moral of the swift ruin which has overtaken them. The United States have existed as an independent power—not a cen tury, and have already ceased to exist. The writing on the wall is as plain to any intelligent observer as it was to the startled Babylonian. And what a his tory is theirs! Has there ever been such rapid material progress, such precipitate moral decline. Where are the great statesmen that should hsve come to the fore in the North at this time ? The sceptre, an iron one, is wielded by Mr. Lincoln, and we may look through his Cabinet without finding the name of one individual who inspires respect or confidence. Is it " piivilege," or is it the demora lising effect of the American constitution as it exists in the North that has ostracised the worth and in telligence of the country from the administration of its affairs ? Mr. Bright is full of rabid denuncia tions of the South, but, strange to say, it is in the South that he will find the only true working of re publican institutions. Whilst the North is hastening headlong down the steep of anarchy into military despotism, the head of the Southern Confederacy maintains the rights of his fellow-citizens, and up holds the majesty of the law. Years ago, when Lord Derby was in the Southern States, he remarked it was slavery which maintained the Republic, and Calhoun, the statesman of the South, endorsed the remark. If Mr. Bright would only think before he speaks, or if, having thought, he would not allow his stupid jealousy of the aristocracy to overpower his common sense, and sway his regard for truth, how much more likely he would be to aid the cause he advocates. We had hoped that:this professed sympathiser with the working classes would have had something to say for the Lancashire operatives. We are not aware that he has done anything in the north for them. We expected words of counsel last night. Scarcely a word, however, fell from his lips, and what he did say upon the subject was a gross and wilful misrepresentation. He would fain trans fer the guilt of the cotton famine to the South. "It is not," argues Mr. Bright, " the blockade, but the obstinacy of the cotton planters from which you are suffering." How comes it, then, that ship after ship leaves the Confederate ports, and runs the risk of blockade laden with cotton ? Hovels it that Con federate cotton is made the basis of the new loan ? Every one knows chat if the North would consent to the opening of the cotton ports the mills of Lan cashire might within a month or two resume work; and knows also that every possible difficulty has been placed in the way of exportation of cotton by the Federal authorities. Mr. Bright is false to his principles and his professed sympathies. He de nounces war and bloodshed, and yet hounds on the North to slaughter, and glories in the prospect of servile insurrection. He would be thought the friend of the working classes, yet he would rather see 500,000 of his countrymen starve than witness the humiliating failure of the Northern Republic. The friends of President Lincoln should stop him. He will do more mischief to their cause in a day, than any other man in England would do in a lifetime. The fortunes of the Confederacy must be looking up now that Mr. Bright emulates the vulgarity of Mr. George Francis Train and the violence of Mr. Cassius Clay on the opposite side. PERSEVERANCE REWARDED.--In a severe gale on the 9th of January last the barque Pride of the West, of London, which sailed from Liverpool on the pre vious day, went ashore on the De las Rocks, on the Welsh coast, The barque was bound for Monte Video, with a general cargo, and from the storm which prevailed and the severe injuries she had sustained, it was considered that she must inevitably become a total wreck. She was not, how ever, abandoned, and after a partial survey it was consi dered that the vessel might yet be got off. Acting upon this hope, energetic measures were adopted to effect the utmost amount of salvage, and, if possible to rescue the ship her self. Her cargo was discharged by lighters, a task of con siderable risk and difficulty, from the exposed position in which she lay, added to the fact that soon after striking her hull was reported under water. By dint of great exertions and perseverance the cargo was got out, and a partial repair of the hull was made. These steps having been taken ar rangements were made to float her off, and buoyed by "lumps" on each side and at her stern in tow of steam tugs belonging to the Old Steam-tug Company, she was hauled off, and after much anxiety and care brought safely round to Liverpool, where she arrived on Tuesday, and has since been got into the graving dock of Mr. Clover, at Birken head, where she will be repaired. This is considered a feat of no ordinary difficulty, and it speaks well for the perse verance and judgment by which it was accomplished. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—TwofoId extraordinary cure effected by Holloway's Pills and Ointment.—Mr, J. Webb, boot and shoe maker, Chapel. street, Cahircevin, Ireland, writes under date, Jan, 10, 1863, that he had been afflicted for 17 years with a most dreadful asthmatic cough and shortness of breath, and latterly was also subject to benumbed sense• tions in his limbs, attended with heavy drowsy feelings, which threatened an apoplectic fit. In alarm he consulted the most skilful of the profession within many miles of his residence without avail, and fruitlessly used every means recommended by friends, till he heard of the repute of Holloway's remedies, and resolved, with death staring him in the face, to give them a trial. They immediately relieved, and ultimately cured him. THE LATE RIOTS. STALEYBRIDGE, Thursday. The discontented and their advisers are in high glee at the decision of the Lord Mayor's Committee to give £5OO, with the stipulation that it shelf be distributed in money. To some extent it ties up the hands of the Local Relief Committee and compels them to make some concession. It remains to be seen whether any concession less than the abandon ment of the whole principle of relief in kind will be accepted now that the door has been partially opened. The unemployed operatives held a meeting yesterday, and the result was that a deputation, consisting of one male adult from each school, was sent to seek an interview with the local Relief Com mittee. The interview was accorded, and the de putation stated that what they had to propose was that the attendants at the schools should be paid in money instead of tickets, and that a reduction of 4d. per week having been made in the amount of re lief, in consideration of this reduction, one day's attendance at school out of the six per week should be dispensed with. This proposition the Relief Com mittee was not willing to comply with, but made an offer to give the amount of relief half in money and half in tickets. The delegates replied that their powers did not extend to any middle course, but said they would report the proposal to a meet ing of the schools and take an opportunity of wait ing upon the committee again on Saturday morning with the decision. Sir J. K. Shuttleworth, deputy chairman, and Mr. J. W. Aticlure, hon. secretary to the Central Relief Fund, were present at the meeting, but took no part in the proceedings. Mr. Commissioner Farnall was also present. Thus the matter rests for the present. Meantime a committee of the unemployed is said to be carry ing round and offering for signature a memorial to the Lord Mayor of London, thanking him for his interference on their behalf; while the leaders of the late movement are said to be exhorting the people to be firm, and telling them if they are the committee must yield to their wishes. There is no question that the recent proceedings here have been encouraged to a considerable extent by addresses from the pulpit. A gentl -man long ago notorious as an agitator among the people who has now a chapel of his own in Staleybridge, but is affiliated to no particular sect, is blamed for exciting appeals to the people attending his ministrations for some weeks past. A pair of ragged trousers, sent down by the Lord Mayor's Committee some time ago, among a bale of cast-off clothing, found its way into the preacher's hands, and he is reported to have exhibited them to his congregation, with depreca tory remarks as to the kind of charity which had dictated such presents to the working classes. The trousers are said to have been worth 4s. to 55., and fit for any working man to wear after a little mend ing, but the preacher thought such a donation in sulting to the people, and said each leg was worth £5O on that account, declaring his intention to send one part of them to the Earl of Desby and the other to the Lord Mayor. We are assured there is no exaggeration in this account of his proceedings, and, if so, there can hardly be much wonder that people, many of whom are wholly uneducated as well as poor, should have been led to acts which will hardly bear reflection on the part of the right minded portion of society. _ _ At the sitting. of the magistrates at Staleybridge this morning, two young men named William Cheetham and John Kelly were brought up on re mand for taking part in the riotous proceedings of Monday. Cheetham is a collier from Charlestown, Ashton-under-Lyne, and had taken out a stone from one of his pockets, and struck a policeman on duty with it. The policeman, in return, felled him with his cutlass. He had received a slight cut of the scalp, bat had lost very little blood, and appeared this morning to have wholly recovered from the effects of the wound. Both prisoners were committed for trial to the assizes, and were removed at noon by rail to Chester Castle. COUNTRY MARKETS. MANCHESTER-MARCH 26. A slender attendance to-day, with little disposition for business on the part of buyers. Englist' wheat meta very slow sale at last week's prices, and American receded 2d per 100 lb. Flour moved off slowly. Oats and oatmeal in limited request. There was no change in beans. Indian corn 3d to 6d per qt lower. RAMSGATE HARBOUR. In reply to Sir E. DERING, Mr. GIBSON said the Ramsgate harbour accounts for 1862 were ready, and would be produced. EXPENSES OF DIPLOMATIC SERVICE. Mr. DODSON rose to call attention to the charges for the diplomatic service; and to move that, in the opinion of this house, all sums required to defray the expenses of the diplomatic service ought to be voted annually by Par liament, and that estimates of all such sums ought to be aubmitted in a form that will admit of their effectual supervision and control by this house. On looking over the fragmentary estimates for the diplomatic service, as they were laid before the house, it was impossible for any hon. member to answer the following questions—What was the cost of the diplomatic service ? How was the money given ? and, What value was given for the money ? They were not in that condition as regarded the army and navy ; as the whole cost of these services was included in the estimates submitted to Parliament. Previous to 1830 a portion of the expense of the diplomatic service was paid out of the civil list, and another portion was included in the estimates ; and the same rule was observed with regard to the consular ser vice. In the year 1831 the matter was referred to a select committee, who recommended that the expense of the diplo mati3 service should be defrayed out of the Consolidated Fund ; at the same time the committee recommended that certain extra expenses should be paid out of the votes of the house. By degrees other extras crept in, such as charges for houses, repairs, and finally salaries, until, in 1862, it was found they had returned to the abuses of 1831. According to the present arrangement, the house had no check over the expenditure, and it was in the power of the Foreign Se cretary to transform consuls into diplomatic agents, and diplomatic agents into consuls. This was a dangerouspower to place in the hands of the Foreign Secretary for the time being. 1 he hon. member then referred to the charges d'af faires for Venezuela, Texas, and Equador, and observed that changes of this kind had occurred in these three places. If the whole cost of the diplomatic service were annually voted, the house would have a greater hold on the service, and exercise a more direct influence on foreign politics, Mr. LAYARD said what the hon. member stated was I to a certain extent true, namely, that the manner in which the cost of the diplomatic service was paid, was in theory at variance with the manner in which other branches of the public service were paid. But the system hitherto worked well. He would oppose the motion on two grounds. What the hon. member proposed was objec tionable on the score of economy, and the efficiency of the public service. What were the real facts of the case ? In the year 1825 no less than £300,000 were paid for the service ; but in the year 1830 the expense was reduced to £230,000 ; the pay of attaches, however, was included in the vote ex traordinary, and not in the vote for the diplomatic service. In the year 1832 a gross sum of £lBO,OOO was fixed as the annual expense of the diplomatic, service, and that sum was to include not only the charge for foreign missions, bat also the pensions of ministers and of others in the diploma tic service entitled to receive them. His hon, friend stated that although the sum annually voted was £lBO,OOO, yet that en going through the several charges the gross expense amounted to £360,000; but his hon. friend had mixed up two things which should be kept distinct, namely the con sular and the diplomatic services. For the latter alone the sum of £lBO,OOO was fixed ; but his hon, friend stated that the superannuation grants in page 6 were included in the pen sions given to diplomatic officers. Such was not the case. As regarded the complaints of his hon. friend that consuls were sometimes turned into diplomatic agents, and vice versa, the thing occurred in this way, that in the absence of the diplomatic agent of a particular station, the consul general of the place became for the time being diplomatic agert ; yet, though he discharged both functions, he was paid as a consular officer. So far from extravagance, the Foreign Office had, by strict economy, been able to hand over annually, and to carry from £7,000 to £16,000 out of the £lBO,OOO a year allowed into the Consolidated Fund for the diplomatic service. He objected to the proposed change, believing that if the charges were annually sub mitted to Parliament they would increase in the same pro portion as the other branches of the public service. Almost every ambassador, even under the present system, com plained that he had to spend annually more money in the necessary discharge of the duties of his office than what he received in salary from the Government. The present am bassadors were as able, intelligent, and independent a body of men as any branch of the public service, but he thought the annual discussion of their salaries in that house would be most fatal to the efficiency of the service. They were now, in most instances, independent of political changes in this country, and discharged their duties most efficiently, independent of any political party. The proposed change, he thought, would destroy that independent existence, and be equally subversive of the discipline and efficiency of the service. Allusion had been made to China and Japan, but the house should remember that we had entered into exten sive relations with those countries; the Foreign-office had had in consequence to organise a large diplomatic and con sular• staff for those parts of the world. It was impossible to meet that increased expense out of the £lBO,OOO, and Parliament had to vote the expenses in committee of sup ply. The increase in the diplomatic and consular service was forced on the Foreign-office in proportion to the exten sion of our commerce. The charges for couriers, telegra phic messages, &c., were extraordinary expenses, and were never i ntended to be paid out of the £lBO,OOO. Mr. AYR CON regretted the motion had not been an swered by a responsible Minister of the Crown, feeling cer tain that if it had better reasons for rejecting it would have been urged than those put forward by the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that all his prejudices and prepossessions were in favour of the motion with regard to the extent of the jurisdiction of that house on the details of expenditure. Nine years ago, when he held the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer, he pro posed a measure for removing a large number of the charges from the Consolidated Fund, and of transferring them to the annual estimates. In doing that it was necessary to take a comprehensive view of the matter, and to consider each question by itself. The views of the Government of that day were not opposed by the house ; and with regard to the arrangement for paying the salaries out of the £lBO,OOO, he thought it possible that some advantage might result from its reconsideration. That, however, was not the question before the house. His hon. friend the member for Sussex had stated that all the sums required for the diplomatic ser vice ought to be voted by Parliament. To that there were objections, both in principle and practice. It had been the opinion of the Legislature—and he thought justly so—that it was important to maintain the diplomatic service in as high a state as possible, and to treat the officers analogous to the judges of the land in not making their salaries de pendent on a fluctuating vote of that house. He thought that was a sound opinion, and he concurred in what had had been said by the Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, that the tendency of the change proposed would be injurious to the discipline of the service. Regarding the question in connection with the interests of the Treasury, he preferred the present arrangement to the one proposed. Much cor respondence bad passed between the Foreign-office and the Treasury relative to these appointments, and he was bound to say that in all cases where the Foreign-office had made demands on the Treasury for an increase of the public charge, they had been invariably supported by a reference to demands made in that house, and the reports of commit tees. (Hear.) The Foreign-office had, however, greatly reduced those charges, and was still doing so. With re gard to the statement of the hon. member for Truro, he begged to say the hon. gentleman was in error in supposing there had been any great increase in the cost of the diplo matic service, and he doubted if there had been any increase corresponding with the increase in the civil departments of the Government generally. Much of the increase had been in connection with consular charges, which were subject to - the votes of that house, and which must necessarily depend in a considerable degree on the demands of our growing commerce. He hoped the house would negative the motion of the hon. member for Sussex. Lord H. VANE supported tho views of the Chancellor of tho Exchequer. Idr. A. KINNAIRD opposed the resolution cn economic coubid erations. Mr. S. BOOTH supported the amendment and con tended that it was evident, from the arguments used by Ministers themselves, that a fresh arrangement of the diplomatic service must be organised. The house divided. For the amendment Against it Majority for going into committee of supply 7l THE CASE OF COLONEL DUDLEY CARLETON. Mr, H. SEYMOUR called attention to the case of Colonel Dudley Carleton and other officers of the Guards, with the view of having certain alleged injustice in the matter of promotion done them by the army warrant of October, 1854, redressed. That gallant officer served in the Crimea, and, in consequence of the number of deaths in his regiment, his promotion was somewhat rapid. He at'ained the rank of lieutenant-colonel in 1854, but when ho subsequently succeeded to the full rank of colonel, ho found that the operation of the warrant of 1854, combined with the warrant of 1858, had been to pass over his head 200 lieutenant-colonels who were his juniors. The hon. member urged that this was an injustice, and should be at once redressed. Sir G. C. LEWIS admitted the hardship under which the officer in question laboured, but held that any attempt to redress it by an ex post-facto rule would load to still greater difficulty and inconvenience. General LINDSAY regretted the decision at which the BIRMINGHAM-MARCH 26. English wheat was sold at 48s to 56s for white, and 40s to 53s per 36 stone for red. Barley, new malting, 33s to 42s per qr; grinding, 24s to 28s Oats, old, 24s to 308 per 30 stone; Irish, 22s to 255. Beans, 36s to 44s per qr. Peas, 36s to 44s per 36 stone. EDINBURGH GRAlN—Mutca 25. A good supply of farmers' wheat to-day, which met a fair sale at the prices of last week. Wheat on the top is Od down average 2s 3d down• Barley on the top 5s Od up ...average Os 3d down• Oats on tho top is Od up. average Os 6d down. Beans on the top is Od up...... ..... average Os 6d up. Total Supply and Sales. Wheat........ 566 qrs Sold 315 qrs 8ar1ey........ 743 qrs Sold 374 qrs Oats Beans 225 qrs Sold 107 qrs Flour sells as follows :—Whites, 44s Od ; extras, 418 6d ; superfine, 398 Od ; fine, 37s Od. CORK-M.4mm 25. The following were the quotations this morning :—Red wheat, 6s Id to 9s 6d; white, 7s Od to lie Od , barley, 6 s 6d to 7s 4d ; oats, 6s 6d to 8s 2d. ; new here, —s Od to —8 OT DERBY SMITHFIELD-MARCH 24. A middling supply of fat beasts to-day, but the quality generally was excellent. The demand for beef was brisk, and prices fully supported. The number of sheep was larger, and prices maintained. A short supply of calves, and an average show of fat pigs. Beet bid to lid Veal 7id to Od Mutton ... Bid to 9d Pork .6d to 51 ,1 Lamb .. —d to —d Rough fat, 4s Od per stone • Hides, 3d to 40; calf skins, 5d to 6d. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Auslralia and Mauritius, via Southampton .. Apr. 18 via Marseilles .. Apr. 12. drazil and Cape Verds, by British packet. Apr. 6. Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena. . Apr. 1. China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton. Apr. 4. via Marseilles ...Mar. 2 9 ' Falkland Islands .. Apr. 6 Gibraltar, via Southampton . ...... Mar. 28. India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton Apr. 4 via Marseilles Ai ar. 29. India (Bombay), via Southampton .. Mar. 28• via Marseilles Portugal Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampto n Mar. 28. via Marseilles Mar, 2 9 . Newfoundland .. Apr. 1. Oporto and Vigo U. S. and British N. America, by Brit. packet.... Apr. 1. by U.S. packet.... by Canadian packet. Mar. 27. W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and Toneriffe Apr. 10. Bahamas, via New York Apr. 9. Importing Tea without colour on the leaf pre vents the Chinese passing off inferior leaves as in the usual kinds. Homiman's Tea is uncoloured, therefore, always good alike. Sold in packets by 2.280 agents. Births. CHOLMONDELBY.—On the 24th inst , at Farnborough Vicarage, the wife of the Rev. Richard H. CholmondeleY, of a daughter. GWYN.—On the 25th inst., at 49, Belize-road, the wife of G. B. Gwynn, Esq., of a son. SMITH.—On the 24th inst , the wife of Seton Lionel Smith, Esq., late Major 64th Regt., of a daughter, Marriages. CASTELLO—WOOLF.---On the 25th inst. , Baruch Castello , Esq., of 9, Clarendon. gardens, to Sophie, the secon d daughter of B. Woolf, Esq., of 14 , Bedford-square, W.C. WiLsoN—SHAW.—On the 24th inst., at Monkstown, co' Dublin, George Orr Wilson, Esq., son of Wm. Wilson, Esq., of Lark Hall, co. Dublin, to Annie, eldest daugh" Army. ter of Lieutenant-Colon el Pons onby Shaw, late Madras Deaths. BURCHELL.—On the 23d inst., Wm. John Burchell, ENO D.C.L., of Churchfield, House, Fulham. CLARICE.-011 the 23d inst., Mr. John Digby Clarke, of 50, Woburn -place, Russell -square. FITZCLARENCE.—On the 24th inst. at 8, Queen's-oe' gar d e ns, South Kensi ng t on, the Hon. Lionel Frederick A. Fitzclarence, second son of the Earl and Countess of Munster. GuA.FTON.—On the 26th inst., at Wakefield Lodge, St° lll Stratford, Ihe D u k e of Grafton, aged 74. Low.—On the 24th inst., Archibald Low, solicitor, Port" sea, aged 72. RoRAITER.—en the 25th inst., at Gloucester-crescen t ? Regent's -park, J o h n Rorauer, Esq., formerly of the Treasury, Whitehall, aged 80. London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDREI of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE S UN Office. NO. 1 ' Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the County ° Mlddiesex.—Friday, March 27, 1863. P OL of FUNDS Subscr Flaubur] Office of 10, Duk Bankers For the Subset Messrs. Messrs. and by and it p Will, tot ingale, mitten fc CLE' FINA The Am The Insi New An Bonus a, Total Cl The fc Society : Credit of the A rnai 1 of Policy, Low 1 cipation Invali to the in Prom' after pri The A the i , ,si a.sure. Tables any oft The Ti 186' ay( on the 1 The n 1867. BRI Of the by the i of this Stands 1 Polled With on Life 1 by that, Life . Annt Full be tour TH NO I RECK TB Establi Capita' It is at quire each lieu Geri PArrici AUDI r BCLICI' T' - e dealral Inferni at .he eesaful 11,bu inconv pligh has be, 6?, R Dep The The The The The H. C J. W E Ce beim Com I hel he al fuel of 813 11111 S The Sou for £lll riot