The Sun. — London, England, 1833-04-23 00:00:00

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" s. ),. 40 k ATIO NAL GALLERY OF PR AC -4vi,,„ICAL SCIENCE, an d WORKS o f ART ,' FIER-AR CADE and ADELAIDE-STREET, °l' STRAND. Open from Ten o'clock in the s llip g . : )I; te : 4 ' G "nt discharging a Volley of Seventy Balls b in loar,7.onds.--Steam Boat Model., propelled on Water de ); I ,!,: r wheels......Steam Engine Models in motion—Mo 'clat u i nz ria _g e . , !r.iving with great rapidity—An Apparatu , izn,t a brilliant Combustion of the hard Steel— de A r A n Er r keing a Spark capable of igniting Gunpowder tightZtetzr°-Alagnet, sustaining upwards of 40 . 0 pounds shps Xibri t . r i n emPhfieation of a Plan for preventing i ritai n , eat Sea--Nlodel of an Oven in daily operation, tad s °_ Plan by which, during the process of aking ily,xllll,l:.pirituous liquid is obtained—An Apparatus io ab . ', ' lo ig the Cooking of Meat by Gas—A Mouse . Nritil l' io lnE li 'll—A4 Air B illoon—Antediluvian Fossil 10t,,, e ',tniain, -Pictures by the Old Master., inelud- Self fl '! 'Plendid production s of Murillo—Sculpture— i''' ret et ' is AT "icil Instruments—With numerous other le,th ling objects. SI NI, ' , FA IL of NINEVEH—NI A.CBETH—SATAN, t"'ll;r4a4.bATl-I—and other Pictures ; with several , %It Z 1 ,4128 and Engraving., by JOHN MARTIN. "COPp' SOLAR and OXY-HYDROGEN MlCRO tante tha'n'aenifying the Animalculre in a Drop of Water *andertl'looo6o times, and exhibiting numero . us other ti 'lY of '4 t he Animal and Vegetable World ; with a va- It'-ge,t,b"°tathie.ri interesting and amusing Optical Apparatus : ' I % f tn DIORAMA of the " Wreckers cif Gi lt& Caai the celebrated Painting by C. STANFIELD, ~ ihitoittio ' a l% A "-To the Gil'ery, Is., Catalogues, ll l . s . .- - ts,,,!a,rtio's, Is., Catalogues, 6d.—To the . icro ti t l ' * il .u p il ' rat n. 4 , 1S , ‘ Caialogues,.gra . tis. act , toprietors, whilst they invite the co•opera• I:,„, ' i t t ket t , " h a l v n e v e t n n tor and of the Patron of the Arts and A _ of .nave to .acknowledge theP resentaatuidonwaroorlbDs ofe- r,,tri','•All be us highly valuable Models ''bd wiel psiis preserved with the greatest care, and '. ..ver required. AITO CONIMERCIAL TRAVELLERS. 'BERAL COMMISSION in the i'., SIR *: Ik , ti ,„, , TRADE will be given, by an old esta :ilah",."l"ale House, to any Gentleman, who, from "bo a "Pettability and experience of the road, is able , k 44, ntee the debts he contracts. L ialo t el i (po.t pahi) to A. 8., 20, rest Smithfield, T________ . ilt EDINBURGH STEAM SHIP. 6., la T y' h ITED KINGDOM, Steam Ship, t l ';',':u 6,,,r5-',‘"INER, Cominand , r, will commence plying , 41 P 1 D ''''ON and EDINBURGH, and start from -I,NWICII, for EDINBURGH, on THURSDAY, St I t , at Twrlve o'clock noon and on SUNDAY, M,iy 12, " 4 toe 4 t Iloelt, A.at , calling ' off SCARBOROUGH, Ptutrrinitting. . Nit, „l e r , will be embarked at Greenwich, free of ex d,P.to,,th' tnerly, t 'll)11 R th e ezt ensive improvements which have been made . l aitl h e e lot winter in the hull and machinery of this rforuaer speed will he greitly increased. GEORGE BELL, Agent, D U GGI xi , No. 157, Fencburch-street. a t ,, h 11,kti m\ ''', 8 PATENT DOUBLE it, Y fo t , ' ED VENTILATING BEAVER HATS, lob IN than'e best kin,, of Hats ever yet produced, weigh • i l i l . four ounce% • will never re by wet, or L'al'io colour : the brims being double, they cannot ,ipi,; : g° out otsh ; they will not prevent the egress of ",iterrri"no, which a r much the complaint of t t c li ait r . N p fh ate, often producing the headache and the loss T,,,atot pre 21s. and 265.; Drab and Brown Hats at ta e , 'e h d '''' 4 Of th e P atentees, 1.1,tr,„ e;‘ tt a 4 i rl e,ar the New Post-office. Boys' and M s en o 's i ''Y d Silk Hats, from ss. and upwards. Cap N t eteri pion. 4Pttipt'-lk liberal allowance will be made to merchants, - N . ,.... tr..........__ ,, i dealers. A&lx. l , bhi ) ll EDITION.—In fiyo., 4s. 6 , 1. hoards, t 1, - . I ( 'E , SS from a CLERGYMAN to 'No e it, P ARISHIONERS. With Morning and " `.„ 4 Yers, 11 REV. R. VALPY, D.D., F R.S. ti, God Contents : i k, i s-Son of God—Holy Ghost—Trinity—Read tt, Ptur r, 'l'---Incarnation of Jesus Lion—Justification • •,„P;„s- R e R . IV, l t 'o,w , - 7 esurrection—R d in 41t5„.„, ,:rks--Works withoueteFfith—Fiith without Onli t u ' mrt of Faith and Works—Merit ,nil Rewa,l - Y ``lrifluer lee , o r i the Holy Spirit—Repentanc ti 'tabu . l't "N, Endsnewai, Conversion—Delay of Gruver -11,aYer.,,,i, avoura—Predeatination, Free Will—Of t: Luv, 'kial'e W orship --Family Pt ayer—Sac , rrm ent . of pie ty l4 kr,„' n per—Forelveness of Injuries—N eeeration ),`-P Pros '1 God— Relative Dratics—Exhortation to I,i''in.4"4"et in Life—Use of Time—Death. 1 'C.,,, and Published by A. J. Valpy, M.A., Red ?' Pl'i-street - and ma y he had ..f all Books-leers.-leers.e a ` ki NIER'S TRACTS ON PAUPERISM. nk (21i It ~,,C TS ON PAUPERISM. -1 THOM AS CHALMERS, D.D. I , Bvo. price ss. boards, c't t `, Sp„ e , This Volume contains— 1 t bi t he c, o, de ivered en the 24th of 3 ,y, 18 , 22 be- Po l r„ a liat ,eheral Asse Ily of the Church of Scotland, ofl," , ahl i ° , l l s Pf the Measures which have been successfully 1; So,„ t ,' John's Parish, Glasgow, for the Extinction ft o f tat.,,44a(try Pauperism. With an Appendix. f t4 t C (4 ' 4 ' in Regard to the Pauperism of Glasgow, p 4 IL 0 IPerience of the Last Eight Yetis. . 4 '1'1 4 : ithe Parliam en t ary Means for the Abolition of 4 England. Also, just published, , , Z ''' f ithithi : 9 ‘l L , lTl cAL ECONOMY in CONNECTION 5:5C1'6,"1111,L STATE and MORAL PROSPECTS o„ tki t d i •; ; ' By THOMAS CHALMERS, D.D. 110," th ',1, 4 ' Rvo. 12s. boards. %'', 4 , I.' n — 'NENIE IMPORTANCE of a RIGHT P ‘ ti t - ,`,r.Tlt - a RIGHT ECONOMICAL STATE s of 1; 44 . 6d B y THOMAS CHALMERS, D.D. vo. 14 41 1144 4 1 t ;,, P ite adilt h Y W. Collins, Glasgow; James R k id i g o w a a n y ( , l b 4411, t Y; Whittaker and Co. ; and Sonp j) i ° mien, IL b CAT Er , iltl l "TO THE DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE. h4t4lLast Number, price 1/. Is.; or large paper, t With India prool Plates, V. 25., of , , ~i 4 , y tl ik t , AUTIES of the COURT of 441 ' r ite •IO CHARLES the SECOND ; it::h,er Portraits illustrating the Diaries of Pepys, ' and . ar Na'inn and otter contemporary writers of that .k. 4th 14terestin'g period: with B oeraphical Memoirs, . ate * c By Mrs. JAMESON, I 'i j ; ° ' 4 Memoirs of the Loves of the Poets," of the tit„,`Zti 07 f0 " rd 0 o f b celebrated f, Female Sovereigns," &c. 1 years ago, that " the Beau thia.S IVinilsor ought to be t e y ngraved to illustrate the Me / ti ot 4 th ti l % r de t he t tinng." It is singular that no attempt has 1 p r i iititlrt y loiftthwe o ibned p a r uo n tr d y, u n c ai e nzd these lovely portraits in a style interest of the subjects. Of the onlyhave hitherto been engraved. 44 „,a 1' 0 ' ,Z*tit work s will, therefore, supply what has lung l . t ihe,ideratuin in the Fine Arts. 1 il' a t' ' P,of the Plates is six inches by four and a half ; ' ; ' I• A 'ailk `'Y the most distin g uished Artists, from Draw -1 E 4 *t 1 , 1,A,,,Y order of A V, ROYAL HIGHNESS THE PRINCESS \l' A CHARLOTTE. ki t - ' hi t vt rY limited number only of the above splendid I 1.1 .°1 , Pre,, 1 4 ) . 44 printed, in order to insure to purchasers to, a P1i0,,,, 14 4 of the Plates. 't4 " ' ' l4 1-1 . Co burn by R. Bentley, New Burling , 41 4 4 ' E (k0'\:,,R41)1.-P,L,t3,,,OUEDANII:U3I FOR FILLING DE NV;;II)4I7,-r-TII without Heat or Pressure, and b IN- t Air, -„LE ' ARTIFICIAL TEETH, wit eu la;t'le? Ligatures. ITII L ,„g t .„ 'EIJI( MALLAN and SONS, SuL -ttbentists, No 32 GREAT RUSSEL - titers' 4, I,ILOOMSBURY ' and 9, HALF-MOON iihe',ve p t-rteCADILLY, ' rateful for the high . and ,I:,Ntek:,ge which has so eminently distinguish . ed cullhlis,',,-41exertions since their arrival in the British ~AN''tl ), l i:tre,:fully announce totheirFriends and the p '-)Ce tb ttE,i,„„ that they still continue to restore DE- C ANte, with their celebrated MINERAL leet i O f I. im 'II so universally recommended by the PC 11 1 . 4 Pert ' : - " u ll and Paris. . The operation of Filling 'lt 4 i.,,uetit, : .°4 4 in a few seconds, without the slightest W H ` l l,h, r 44 in Theyalso FASTEN LOOSE 44° v ° . 11. °r4 P rci A a4ner singularly efficacious , and SUPPLY It LtNCO/11?„,itTIAL SETS of TEETH formed of the ro ci IN ' -'tit:WithuutlrttlLE MINERAL, , or of Natural Sub of' to t i ng ttn ower eve Eor other LlGATURES—gu u ara t n i : ~,/ Th e .. ";Char git ~.I .Y . Purpos e fur Articulating and i as f i %%q ui r atailt y 41 ,:` 1 0 Paris. I''' Nl l "Lilt of th rem.pectfully invited to witness the bUC•• 1 4 ,ty • . O ne of e:llitieral Succetianeum. kin° and Ta ut , the above firm may be consulted Mon o aiy,g:*•tstztt, '4 6'4% fa y r a short perted_, at Mrs. Slio . ret . lt 4 • C:Utchfiew,:Var'khe;t. Market-place, : N he ort i v n i t c e b r . ineollate Cha r&es as in Paris,P i 5 16 " d A • o 40 5p 32 5 , 6 40 s 1 3 ° {l 6 , :;6 5 111 u 3 7 0 .2 9°, 44 0 April 19. to 4,10 to Y 2S. Fu e to 5°S. fine tO #' to 53'. n n nee o 58 ' . 9 ." tin e o e to •38. Pep tom' finedfine; fi 3" to Vs* re 0 to ' 2 " -n e ol ' to 205. 611 e to 19 '• fin Sco° d. Pe r I,o l ' o d. P er V° ! 1• 395. P e j r l.;> i 105.) 19 ' al a . q) o• 170 to 6 0 ..• 0 i4 Oll 450 Beam!' l >l 0 Lf3 L? ' 2, 26 1 i+s ,03 46 i ',AI 49 ,' 15 uoj il " 4.0 .11 , 1 ' e% I; c e r , 1; 0 1 east. r os 03 9' 'SAS ° li 8 6 4 e 56 q 0 t f ; ' ) 6 (.: 6 0 6 ' 0 n ▪ Pr i ` o ttY , a s f'" 1 . 6 1 . h 1 1° 1 at 141., ......... ° 1 ...... " 0 ....... e rit 11 ' t Al‘4 , itho , I 26.1117. 0 ...... ; ........... ° c ...• .. 15", sh ••• 14 I 40 1 b• 45 v h.... 5 I' 7 1° 05' 0 15 5 .°' ,j l. Ol l, (jd . leYt g'.° l os l. 111 ('1 1 133. 6 4 1 : id+ to v is mi jl r it H, a fl i94 l ' 0 on - B ,be •!, 3312 o n : nt that i r e ction ° 7" D ie sa t ' miue We re 0 , 10 , 'rig P t )1 0 , oo the 33 At ge• rty • ter let- I f in a o I n , ;ar c rf th'' nt herild crib uyj dilr r 3 at bbe .4 l e a i" ri b )ivas e ° o ls l , ' by k' n i o ng r 0 0 , i'cy, the r li e d gr i i r r ic i e o t t li e e r a e 'r. v : P lo. ,i t l e (F iji 000 e ' l e :l s l ' oY OS c p_ off P 0 t he d' are ger F li3 poi bor ic ' tfe 0 0 , 0 01 , ,0 1 1 ;1 0 0 . 00 pOr LOS ei rio le igiv d r v °i" B 6g : j a t r iot' u v e oo ,„ e6 e, rga" - er ; 01 4 I , o r ges tio gtx l u e l s ror''' n 3 ,Ico; 14` ino ro ,ooY oe ci c o e io tbe I osl I for D og re e Lin d "! i lerg of oi , ei 11„5 the .49011:1 it 000. 0 1 it e tbe 80 . dr ° e, )11. ' C )r. apt.c , )t. 11't t o ',I / r ee tt'aj'' 1 , 0 Mr. 13te Ct„ A ei r-st" ts ,J a°ol itea L eo ain e4i p icepr ca d • f ; 35 0 0 ,' s ' e of t" e c al 13 1 ' ~nnl,o3' 0 I ) : th SP°.- LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, APRIL 23, 1833. (No. 12,673.) EAST INDIA HOUSE, APRIL 22. (Continued from our Paper of yesterday.) Mr. HANKEY, continued—Now what was called public opinion might be traced to two sources, first, the clashing of interests ; another was the course opinions seem to have taken of living under the direction of a new science that had lately sprung up, but which was at present in so crude a state that it was impossible to place much reliance upon it.—(Hear.) The first elements of that science were still unsettled—(Hear) —the leading parties to it not being agreed upon its general principles, but tilers seemed to a general principle pervading the whole that all those institutions which at present exis•ed were extremely bad.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He thought the subject now under the consideration of the Court was too important to be htz irded upon the plea of public opi nion.—(Hear.) In his opinion, public opinion ought never to be the guide of a well constituted government further than its own conviction of propriety and justice would bear it out.—(Hear, hear.) If there was any duty more important in Government than another, it was to know when to be guided by public opinion, and when to resist it—(Hear, hear)—to know when public clamour was based on justice, and when it departed from it.— (Hear, hear.) He saw in the present President of the Board of Control that seat of justice to which he was sure the proprietors would not appeal in vain. —(Hear, hear ) The name of Grant was a tower of strength in the cause of justice, and he looked forward to the ulterior arrangements that he might make with a certainty that they would be settled, having the interest of the Company in view. He was glad to see the course Hnn. Proprietors had taken in the resolution which had been first propo•ed, , and he was sure the Court would be ready to sicr , fice all personal consideration, provided the subsequent arrange- ments were such as to enable the Company to discharge their duties satisfactorily to others and to themselves. On looking at the influence that Court had over India, he must say, and that. without fear of contradiction, that the country had benefitted much by the rule of the Com pany. The providence of God which had been vouchsafed in p tat times, imposed upon the Court the necessity of seeing that in any future legislation upon the subject, the interest of that peonle should be well taken care of. In taking upon themselves the future Government of India, the Directors were taking a most important and responsible duty; he, therefore, trusted that in their future dealing with the Government, they would not suffer their hands to be tied—(Hear) —or in any way shac kled. He supported the original resolutions, because he considered that they left a wide-enough space open for future negociations ; he did not agree with them alto gether, but he thought them, as a whole, the best that could be adopted by the Court. He could assure the Court of Directors that, if they consented to have their powers limited in any degree whatever, thq would not be supported by that Court.—(Hear, hear. ) He therefore trusted that they would take it as an instruc tion from that Court, that in the Government of India they should be left free as at present. He trusted also, that while the Directors took care of their own powers. they would not be forgetful of the interests of the Cour of Proprietors.—( Hear, hear.) The two Courts must be united—they must have a community of interests, and they must present one front to his Majesty's Government. The confidence of the people of India was much firmer placed in that Court than in any other body, and as it was a mere empire of opinion, any change would he attended with disastrous effects. There were two ways by which that country would be benefited by education and a free translation of the Scrip tures. With regard to education, he, for one, was not afraid of it ; it enlightened the mind, and enlivened the understanding. Let his Majesty's Government give protection to all classes in India, and have a due regard to the interests of the Company, and they would make a firm and lasting bond of union between the two countries; besides which they would be the better able to prevent an irruption into India of airy foreign power—(Heir, hear, hear)—for, besides other considerations, they were hound to look at the possibility of an invasion of I dia by foreign nations. He looked at the growing state of civi -1 zrtion in that country, as a mean• of seeming it against all such dangers. He had read with much pleasure the p per written by Mr. Tucker, one of the Directors, and he hoped his Majesty's Government would pay the attention that was due to the enlightened views of that Gentleman. At all events, he hoped the Court of Di rectors woul i maintain their own independence, and the independence of the Proprietors.—( Hear, he ir, hear.) On the grounds he had stated, lie begged to give his sup port to the original resolutions. Mr. So wvasr, in re erenee to the Report of the Corn.. ',lure of the House of Commons, with which these pro positions originated, contended that the odium which had been cast upon the Right Hon. the President of tne Board of Controul, should be transferred to that Committee. It had been truly s id, that his commercial and territorial property were equally liable to pay their territorial debt. Lord Melville, and the late Lord Castlereagh after him, had stated the same clang ; so much so, that, in 1801, the former urged the Proprietors to raise ten mi lions upon the whole of their property, in order to diminish their territorial debt. That proposition was after wards again urged by the late Lord Castlereagh. It was necessary that this Court should know the truth, and thereby be enabled to judge of the precise situation in which they were placed, He thought that the proposi tions now made by the Government, bore on the face of them a want of equity. He certainly agreed with one assertion, that the profits of the Company were a tax o❑ the people of India as truly and as equitably as if it had been fixed by an Act of Parliarnent—(Hear)—but he asked whether they had not an equivalent for that tax ? He knew also that this country owed India a large debt for the many millions we had taken from it for the last 70 years ;—and he asked whether the Company had not fur a long time Fast been endeavouring to transfer capital and wealth to India. He believed the Right Hon. the President of the Board of Control had the welfare of India sincerely at heart, but he (Mr. Sullivan) did not believe the secu rity dieted to the Company for the payment of the divi dends was sufficient. If a new India Bill were proposed he hoped a clause would be introduced providing that in the failure of funds there should be an issue of Exchequer Bills.—(Hear, hear.) If Hon. Proprietors would look back to the discussions in the House of Commons in 1813, on the policy of the exclusive monopoly of the China trade, they would find Mr. Canning and Lord Grenville de nouncing the exclusiveness of that trade. He would much rather than the resolutions which had been pro-. posed, see the Court unite in unanimously expressing their opinion, that the most vital points of the ar rangement would be to discover the real condition of India. What was the actual state of that country ? Was it not true that the great body of the people were wretch edly poor?—(Hear, hear.) Was it not true that the officers of the Company were inefficient to administer the affairs of India?—( Hear, hear.) Was it not true that the Zemundars behaved in the most cruel manner to the inhabitants of that country ; if they were not so, the statements of Warren Hastings and Lord William Bentick were without foundation. The people of Bengal were in a state of beggary, and he called upon the worthy Di rector opposite to state whether the permanent settle ment that had been established there, had not been productive of the most direful consequences.--(Hear.) He looked upon the arrangement that had been proposed to be productive of four results-Ist, an economical go vernment ; 2d, that the great mass of the civil adminis tration of the country would drop into the hands of the Company ; 3d, that there would be more discriminating duties ; and, 4th, a full development of the resources of that country.—(Hear.) .---- TUCKER, Esq. said he did not intend to make a speech, but as he had been called upo❑ by the Hon. Pro prietor, to say whether the permanent settlement was the most dire in its consequences of any measure that had ever been introduced, and that it was, in fact, one of the greatest curses, to that he said most emphatically "No." Had the lion. Gentleman confined his observations to Fort St. George, he would have said " Yes." He was before the Court and the British public, and would be judged by that document which was now on the table of the House. I IMr. HOME said that no man who wished for the wel fare of India but must have listened with regret to the documents read by the Hun. Proprietor. He confessed, however, that he could not agree with him in his conclusions, for the result of his speech was merely this, that when the revenues of India fell off, so that the dividends could nut be paid, Government should issue Exchequer bills in order to make them good. Then as to the other question, whether the Company had any com mercial assets or not, he considered was not a question then before the Court, indeed it would be a loss of time to 1111=6 consider it. He had always looked at the Indian question not as one of dividends, but with an eye to the wealth, prosperity, and happiness, of the petiole of India, nor had he ever been backward in stating his opinion when he saw the Directors acting in such a manner as, in his opinion would be likely to lead to the loss of the country. The Hon. Gentleman had also read of many abuses that were said to exist in India—hut did he think that was the only country where abuses existed; he would call upon him to look at home, when probably he would find as great even here. It was in the nature of delegated au thority that abuses should creep in, and they existed in every colony that now was or had ever been. He agre e d with the Hon. Gentleman, that it was the duty of the Company, or the Government, if they should govern India, to remove every abuse, and relieve every burden from the country, and that it was now time when India should not be a mere stepping-stone for the aristocracy of this country.—(H ar, hear.) If Hon. Proprietors would but read the evidence given before the Committee they would see th it nothing: had been left undone to ascertain the true condition of India. --(Hear.) India had a claim for a government upon the most economical principles, and for the employment, of the natives in Government offices.--(Elear.) There had been great, culpable neglect hitherto, and it was likely to continue so long as the control was left in hands which had been three times changed in about the same number of years, and which persons were wholly ignorant of that country.—(Hear, bear, bear.) England was a considerable debtor to ladia ; but, on the other hand, that country was now in a very different state than formerly, when it was the scene of rapine, plunder, and robbery. He did not blame the Court of Proprietors for all the evils which now existed in that country, but he blamed the narrow-minded policy of England towards it. He hoped, however, that it would have the benefit of a better and more extensive policy.—(Hear, hear.)—(The Honourable Gentleman proceeded at some length to recapitulate what had transpired prior to the re newal of the last Charter, and with reference to the religion of the natives of India, he said he was strongly opposed to any coercive interferent'e with them.) He had also observed that those who changed their religion seldom made good citizens.--(Hear, hear.) However, from education there was nothing to fear, for he was confident a Government had less to apprehend from an educated than an ignorant people.—( Hear, hear.) In considering the changes now proposed to be made, he thought they should contrast India as at present, and In dia as it was seventy years ago. He considered that much national benefit had accrued to England from her connexion with tnat country, and looking at the subject with the views he entertained of the advantage that had accrued to the nation, through the Com pany's exertions, be certainly thought they were not treated with becoming liberality.—(Hear, hear.) He had always thought that the character of Sovereign was incompatible with that of merchant, and that it would be conducive to the C imp iny's interests to separate them, but in surrendering their cl lima on the territory of Bengal, he thought that a good case for compensation to a large amount would be made out if they could but find a court to try it.--(Hear.) He did not ask for excessive liberality, but he wished for justice.—(Hear.) He thought the evidence that had been given on this sub ject deserved far more consideration than the Board of Controul hid given it—that Board had only taken six months to consider that which others had taken years.— (Hear.) He was clearly of opinion the time had come when the Company must yield their exclusive trade to China. He, for one, would never consent that the capital should he employed in carrying on that trade as a Company exposed to the competition of others.—(Hear.) Another objection he had to the Company carrying on the China trade was, that he did not like to see Sovereigns acting as merchants.—(Hear.) If Government could govern India better than the Company. let them do so, he would say, but his experience had taught him the reverse; and, for the proof of that, he would only refer to the Crown colo nies. —(Hear.) He conceived that it would be to the advanta4e of England and India. that the Government of the latter should rest with the Company.—(Hear.) thought it was the duty of the Comp itry to take care that the n dives of India should not be put to the expense of a shilling that could he avoided, hut, at the same time, be was riot prepared to say that the territory of India ought not to bear the hurthen of the debts contracted to support it under a proper government ; he would as soon have the security of India to pay the dividends as that of Englrnd. Toe great objection in his mind to the plan proposed by Ministers was, that all real man regiment of the ffors of India would be taken from the Company, and given to the Board of Coutroul. The order mielt nomin illy go from that House, but virtually from the Board of Con• trout, ever) officer of which was liable to removal on the change of an administration in this country. What se curity hat the Company for the good government of India by that Board ? None. Until that Board was a perma nent one, and until its offier rs were fit for their situations, it was impos•ible that the propositions of Ministers could be carried into effect without the worst results. Then, with respect to the controul of Parliament, he was not much disposed to trust to that. He never could consr-nt to the Board of Controul having the power to appoint gover nor, and he: would not give five farthings for all East India stock if a certain Noble Lord (as it was rumoured in the papers) should he appointed Governor-General of India. He would say rather than fall into the Government plan upon their terms, he would at once divide what they had. They were threatened with being carried into the Court of Chancery, unless tl ey agreed with their views, but he would rather do that than do so, for there there was a judge sworn to do justice, but on the other hand the very men themselves were to be the judges. It was a threat that he would give no heed to, for he did not yet despair of get ting justice in this country by an appeal to the people. He did not think they did any credit to the Government, nor were they to be feared by the Court. As the debt of India was not more than two years revenue, he did not despair to see her, by a wise and economical Government, yet rise free as air. He could see no reason why they should not be allowed to place such a part of their own assets as a security for their dividends, otherwise they could have no security. He believed the Government did not mean to act dishonestly, but were merely acting on an erroneous ground. Let the Court, therefore, say "We will so far conform to the wishes of the people as to give up our trade—we will give up our character of merchant— but let us still have such power as may give a little con troul over our dividends." Had he been able to attend on the first day of the debate he would have offered a short set of resolutions, which embodied the principal points in his speech.—(They were put in, and the Hon. Gentleman gave notice that at a proper time he would move them as an amendment.) The CHAIRMAN said the question before the Court had been so well discused, that he had but little to say upon it. He would offer his opinion, then, merely upon the present situation of the question. First, as to the trade with China—that was a qnestion over which they had no controul, and was one which entirely depended upon the wisdom of Parliament. It had been a good means of obtaining remittances from the India trade, and there was no doubt but that the Company bad well supplied the country with tea without risk—how far that would be effected when the trade was opened, they were not the judges. After all that had been said, there was still great difficulties in the matter—they were called upon to make a compromise, and the Court of Directors had entered into that question, and given it their best cunsi deration, and that in as short a time as possible. They were called upon to give up the whole of their assets, and, in return, they were to have an annuity of ioi per cent. secured on the revenues of India. He die not consider that security as good enough, but he was afraid it would be too much to ask that the Coame - ay should rule India for 40 years, which was the length of time that the annuity wal to continue ; their good government and publicity were the only securities that were now in the plan. It was pro posed that there should be a guarantee fund of six mil lions, which, at the end of the 40 years, should be in creased to tw e l v e milli on s, which would form a good and p ri the of )e the , further and sufficient guarant ee an d secu rity for the Company. He was of opi n i on t h at t h e C ourt s h ou ld agree w ith the lotions reso- Governmentr t n d Gallantaarrangement.n was not a agreed General, e If e dbefore which to, e the or left so t m h question o pn for 24th A p answer returned, the Government of India would be in the hands of the Ministers —the Company would have that house, with six millions of money which was in the flank —there were sixty-lour millions of lbs. of tea in the ware houses, which he calculated would bring other six mil lions—there were oth er t hi ngs b es id e— b ut t h at was the s ituation in which they were now placed. Notwith standing that power, and they were not powerless, let them yield to the Parliament, ae the Company always had done, and go on with the compromise, which must be on a fair and liberal scale, otherwise it would meet with his most determined opposition —(Cheers.) Mr. SALES said a very great deal of time had been wasted ; he would therefore move a resolution at the pro per time, leaving the whole question to the wisdom of the Directors, and if they could not agree with the Govern. men. then, that the question should be left to the wisdom of ParFament. Sir Joinsr MatcorAt said he was very sorry that on ac count of ill health he had been obliged to absent himself from the Court during the discussion. He was still of opinion that his set of resolutions answered the end he in tended to answer by them, viz. to show that the Court of Proprietors had confidence in the Court of Directors. Toe original resolutions were then read, as also the amendment of Mr. R. Jackson. The latter Gentleman then rose and withdrew his amendment. A lone desultory conversation then took place, and Mr. SALOMAN also withdrew his amendment. Sir CHARLES FORBES then rose arid addressed the Court at great length, but the Court having been cleared when the motions were about to be put, we were placed at such a distance as precluded us from hearing the lion. Baronet. Mr. SUEPPARDS amendment was then withdrawn. Mr. SALES amendment was then put and lost. After about an hour's very strong discussion, during which an adjoin nment was moved twice, another motion of the same kind was agreed to, and the Court rose at a few minutes past six o'clock. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HO USE OF COMMONS. APRIL 22. The SPEAKER took his seat at five o'clock. Mr. Preston appeared at the Bar from the East India Howe, with copies of the regulations of the Governor and Council of Fort St. Get.rge. New writs were ordered to be issued for the western division of Worcester, in the room of the Hon. T. E. Foley, now Lord Foley ; and for Inverness district of Burghs, in the room of Colonel Baillie, deceased. Mr. L. HODGES presented a petition from Gravesend, in favour of the Gravesend Improvement Bill. The Marquis of CHANDOS gave notice that in the Committee of Supply, on Friday next, he would move that in any reduction of taxes, the condition of the agricultural population be taken into consideration. The Noble Marquis then moved that Mr. Pelham and Mr. F Palmer be aoded to the Committee on the Beer Bill.—Ordered. Colonel LOWTHER presented a petition from a person in Dublin, against the Dublin and Kingston Railway Bill. .Referred to the Committee on the Bill. Mr. O'CONNELL postponed his motion relative to the state of the city of Kilkenny until next Friday. An Hote. MEMBER (name unknown) asked the Right from. the Vice President of the Board of Trade whether Government had the question of pilotage under their con sideration with a view of bringing forward some measure. Mr. P. THOMSON said the subject bad been under the consideration of Government, and it had been referred to the Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports, to the Trinity Board, and to Lloyd's. He hoped shortly to he able to bring forward some measure that he trusted would be satisfactory, Mr. T. ATTWOOD wished to put a question to his Majesty's Ministers, relative to our foreign policy. For a series of years it had been the object of Russia, if possi ble, to obtain possession of Constantinople ; for several weeks there had been alarming rumours that Constanti nople was about to be taken possession of by Russia, if, indeed, it was not already got into their possession. He wished to know what steps his Majesty's Government had taken to protect the interests of this country. Lord ALTHORP could not believe that such an event as was contemplated by the Hon. Member had taken place, or that any thing had occurred which was likely to warrant the belief that it was probable —(Hear, hear.) As to the steps which his Majesty's Government had thought proper to take, he trusted the House would see that it was not consistent with his duty at present to de ve!cpe them. —( Hear, bear.) He would take this opportu nity of suggestin g that the Hon. Member opposite (Mr. Atwood) instead of bringing forward his motion in the shap e of an amendment upon the motion which he (Lord Althorp) wits about to bring forward, should introduce it as a substantive motion. Mr. M. ATTWOOD then rose to bring forward his motion. Since lie had had the honour of a seat in that House, he had thought it his duty on all occasions to re commend to the attention of the House an inquiry into the condition of the productive, the middle, and lower classes of the community. All the arguments and statements, how ever, not enly of himself, but of those more able than him self, had not induced the House to adopt that course, though they had been accumulating miseries for 18 years. He knew not if he could recommend that enquiry lay other arguments than had been before urged, but he must say that those arguments had now the testimony of time and experience, and the conviction tl.at this country had long been governed by a mistaken policy. It was with a confidence not previously felt on occasions of this sort, and with a better hope for the country, that he would propose the motion with which he should have o.e honour to conclude. He recognized in the present House of Commons a body more disposed to act indivi dually on their own private judgments, as it should appear to them that the good of the country required them to vote than any other body that had ever assembled in that House. In former Parliaments there was a disposition very ex tensively prevalent among Members to surrender not their vote but their judgment also to the leaders of that House. But that system was now extinct; and a feeling of re sponsibility subsisted between Members and their con stituents. That consideration bore on the proposition which he would conclude by proposing The great leaders of parties in that House had always heard with great reluctance any statements relating to the calamities or distress of the country, and especially when connected with the monetary system—because those evils had origi nated in their misgovernment, and their measures had been adopted with precipitancy, and greater error and oppres sion had led to the evils which thi y were much disinclined to hear stated in that House. With these observa tions he would proceed to state what the condition of the country was, which he should establish before a Committee, and which demanded an investigation on the part of Government. He would, however, previ ously refer very briefly to some of the grounds on which this enquiry had hitherto been objected to. No state of distress which had existed for the last IS years, however severe, and however generally acknowledged to prevail, had ever been listened to with attention. Hon. Members immediately got up, and by reading a little from letters which they took from their pockets, endeavoured to contradict the u niversally acknowledged fact of prevalent distress. Besides, the Hon. Member for Essex was seldom backward in bearing his testimony against existing districts, and intimating that if only the Bank and East India Charter were settled s atisfactorily, tere would be general national prosperity. --(Hear, and a laugh.) Besides, Ministers were always ready to bring forw: - .rd Excise, Custom-house, and Ex chequer accounts, for the purpose of showing how much was exported—how much was imported, and that in fact no distress existed. He must be allowed to say that no Government had ever used those documents fairly. He would advert to a single instance to show how careful the House should be in relying upon such statements as were sometimes made. A statement was made upon a circumstance similar to the present, in which it was set down, in proof of the increasing prosperity of the wine trade, that the number of wine merchants, according to the licenses granted, had doubled within a short period ; whilst the fact was, that the quantity of wine consumed in the same period had actually diminished. When such state inents as those were made in the House, and influenced its decision, they could not but excite in the country the utmost amazement and indignation. The Noble Lord had admitted that there was a great pressure of distress in the country ; an d t h e Noble Lord at the head of h is Majesty's Government had some time since avowed that it was not enough that there should exist no extreme dis• tress in the country, after a reasonable period of peace, but that, if the country were not absolutely in a prosPe perOUS condition, it was the duty of a Government to search into every particular circumstance, ar.d to be co,.hmipe, f e u o lli s a t c in q g uain c t i e u d efiy iith the whole condition ol the country—(rfear, hear)--tb know fully why distress instead of prosperity prevailed.—(Hear, hear.) Some time before the Noble Lord came down with his budget, a respectable deputation had waited upon his Lord class, and press i e f d trailing no u t pon enti h re im ly, ne cessity of repealing the assessed taxes ; an d they were met the te (PRICE 7n.) by the expression of a design on the part of the Noble Lord, that no motion should be brought forward on that subject before the Budget was opened. These parties would naturally have expected that the Budget would have relieved them of these taxes ; but their plea of the necessity of an immediate repeal, to prevent the bank • ruptcy of shopkeepers, was met br a statement from the Noble Lord that without the continuance of these taxes, faith could net be kept with the ou , lic creditor. From the financial statement of the Noble Lord, it was shown that there was only the insignifi cant sum of 500,0001. towards reducing the national deist . What, he would ask the champions of public faith, would this do? How, he would even a-k, were the Exche ue r Bills already issued to be returned ?—(Hear, hear.) He would go back to the state of the revenue when the people of this country paid 78 millions in taxation, and if he showed to the House that at that period 18 millions of population paid that tax easily, and that 24 mililions could not do it sow, he trusted the House would at once accede to his motion. In 1815 the people had seventy-eight millions ; in 1814, seventy-seven millions, casting aside every description of loan, but in 1832 24 millions could not pay without difficulty 50 millions, according to the statement of the Noble Lord opposite.—(Hear.) He should be content to rest his motion on that fact alone. He would appeal to every Member of the House, whether with evidence like this of the pauperism of the country before him, he would not think it a disgrace to abandon his duty by not bringing the facts before the House, in order that it might direct an examination of the most ex tensive description into the causes of that distress. He did not pretend to make the House the theatre of abstract discussion, but it was a mistake of the people of the pre sent day, that they had been induced to carry the abstract doctrine too far, making the poorer classes of the country to depend upon contingencies. He would show, in the course of his speech, what the progress had been by which the increased population of 1833 was unable to support the burdens which had been lightly borne by their predecessors in 1815.—(The H n.Member then proceeded to state, that the amount of taxation, if reduced according to the real value of money, would have been much less than at present. He mentioned 38,800,0301., 37 807,0001., 34,500.000 L, as the comparative value of the money raised during t , e years preceding 1815. In that year (as we understood him) the value of the taxes, as cnmpar d with the money of the present day, was only 43,700,0001., so that the 50,200,0001 raised at present was in fact 6,500,0001. more than was paid in 1815.) It had been regularly stated by the Chancellors of the Exchequer, when they proposed reductions, that the deficiency of the revenue would in a great measure be made up by increased consumption. That calculation, in his opinion, was in itself founded in right principles, and he concurred in its correctness ; but it could not be argued that the taxes were reduced by such measures. The real fact was, that the money bein4 increased in v ilue, the diminished tax was equal to the old one in its real amount.—(The Hon. Member then entered into various details upon the subject of the fi nances during the last eighteen years, modifying his cal culations according to his peculiar views ; but the thumps which be gave the table at every fresh enumeration pre vented our hearing fully the purport of his illustrations. He said the population had increased by one-third, which to be an indication of an increase of the means of subsistence, but, instead of that, there was nothing hut increasing poverty, destitution and want, and a lessened command on the part of the people in general over the necessaries and conveniences of life.) The eighteen years of which he spoke had been a period of prosperity and increased consumption, and he would show the House that the revenue of 1825 was equivalent to 70,007,0001. in the money of 1815.—(He then went into some further details respecting the period of the Joint Stock Companies, concluding hi, observations on the subject by saying, that he might be accused of alluding to a period which ended in calamity on account of over-speculation ; but the calamity had not arisen from over-speculation on the pit t of the treat body of the community, but was entirely swing to those parties who are in the habit constantly of speculating in the funds.) Io 1818 the revenue was 49,070,0001 , being an increase in three years, according to his way of calculating the value of money, of eleven millions. With regard to the nature of any inquiry into the nature of the distress, it was impossible to take a single step towards it without entering into the considera tion of the monetary system. It would be a mere mockery to attempt to neglect that great point. For 17 years the House had been engaged in reducing the burden of taxa ti •n, and every successive Administration boasted of the vigour with which it was proceeding in the great work. If this w is true in so far, it was no less true that they bad undone with one hand what they had been doing with the other. While they had been urging their claims on the gratitude of the people for reducing their burdens, they had been silently imposing fresh burdens and heavier bur dens upon the labouring population.—(Hear, hear.) If that were so, the time, in his opinion, was at length come when it was their duty to go seriously to work, and to en deavour, really and substantially, and not nominally only, to remove the burdens of the country. The object of his motion was to inquire whether they did not possess the means, without any breach of faith or honesty—( Hear, hear)—to increase the means of the people to endure the burdens which pressed upon them.—(The Hon. Gentle man entered, at considerable length, into the argument of the increase of the taxes in consequence of the increase in the value of money.) it was the duty of the House to do all it could, in the first place, for the reduction of taxes ; and if they found, notwithstanding all their endeavours, that they had it not in their power to do so much as was necessary in that way, it was then imperative upon them to proceed in the only course by which they could reduce the burdens of the people. Every class of the peo ple, he maintained, had cuff, ed by the changes in the value of money ; but no class equally with the landed in terest, who, along with the farmers and labourers, who till the soil, forth the most important class of all. They form the most important instruments for the increase of national wealth, and their prosperity was inseparable from that of the country.—(Hear, hear.) There was no reason whatever to cell upon landlords more than any other class of the community to make sac, ifices. People talked of re ducing rents to the level of 1792 ; but what was that but a proposal for the confiscation of such property, to the amount of its increase? Since that period land was sub ject to mortgages, settlements, &c. to which other pro perty was not subject. It was, therefore, still more unjust that an undue pressure should he throwu upon a species of property already subject to so many burdens ; but by the proceedings which had taken place respecting the circula don, the landholders bad already been in a great measure sacrificed. The only remedy was, by a relaxation of the monetary system, which would give an increased value to the productions of agriculture. The abolition of the corn laws was another species of confiscation to which the landed interest were subjected ; but the confiscation was not yet complete.—. Hear, hear.) Certain parties were apparently determ;ned to proceed in the career of spolia tion, against which there was nothing to oppose but a re laxation of the monetary system.—(The Hun. Member then proceeded to allude to some questions put in ditf-rent counties by the Poor Law Commissioners respecting the increase or decrease of agricultural capital.) He had been enabled to procure the answers to the questions with re gard to eighteen counties. With respect to one of these (Cornwall), the answer with respect to seven parishes was, that agricultural capital increased ; with respect to four, that it decreased ; and in the case of five parishes, that it was stationary. With tbat exception, and with the exception of another county (Wilts, we believe), the an swer was universal!) , that agricultural capital had de creased. From what had this arisen but from the alters in the value of money ? It had been said by some, that this distress of the agricultural districts arose in a great measure from the state of the poor laws, and from tee mil-administration of those laws by the magistrates and other parochial officers ; and a commission hid been ap pointed to inquire into the subject. But how long had the poor laws existed without having produced such consequences as th. se which were now attributed to them ? A hundred and fifty years elapsed atter the introduction of those laws before the annual sum pail under them exceeded 600,0001. It was only in our own day that we fonucl them so administered as to be destructive of the independence of the la bourer. The real cause of the evil, however, was the .tote of the currency. The same as as the case in Ireland. What he invited the House to do was to go into an in quiry with, him into the real causes of the disturbances in Ireland, in order to ascertain if they had it n.t in their power to retuove the causes, ,vithout hay ng recourse to the vulgar policy of enciea•Paitring to put down the distur • Mom by measures of coercion. A Committee of the House of Commons had been appointed lust year to exa mine into the state of the disturbed counties in Ireland— 2ozp - ‘-esteezee r =r• • ' into the immediate causes which at produced the seer, and into the efficiency of the lave for the suppression of outrages against the public peace. 'The approaching close of the session prevented the Cominittee from preparing a • detailed report; but they referred 'to the stsiOenof taken before the Committee as illustrative of the eintii - of the disturbances. If the cause might be judged of by that appear cause, tha that the nor illegal wasthe combinations ion ,and of • li v r i h d i e t n er c e e e , t it tr d er id not e the original Learned Member for Dulein the cause. Throughout the whole folio volume of evidence, the name of that lion. and Learned Gentleman .was never mentioned in con nection with the disturbance. in Ireland. He (Mr. A.) was indeed satisfie f, that if that Hun. and Learned Gentleman, and all who took an active part in la affairs were banished to-morrow, nothing would be done toward the re-establishment of tranquillity in Ireland. The kind of divided empire which the lion. and Learnt at Member for Dublin held with the King in Irrleede was not the cause, but the consequence of the disturbed state of that country. The cause was the extreme poverty and utter destitution of the Irish people ; the high rents, ti e low wage'', the absence of employment in consequence of the farmers not having the means to pay the labourers. What was the nature of the evidence published in the re port of Mr. Singleton, the chief magistrate of police for the colliery district, in the Queen's county? To various questions put to that gentlman, the substance of his an swers was, "that the principal tense of the disturbances r fated to ground ; to clearing grounds and turning the tenets to off; to high rents and low wages, and dear corn-acres:" In another part of Mr. Singleton's evidence he descrihed the disturbances as principally attributable to " opprcreien; high rent, low wages, and contreets being broken." While Mr. Nicholas O'Connor, a Roman Catholic priest, whose evidence was a'so published in the tepurf of the Com mittee of last session, was asked whet *ere ttie peinei. pal objects which the Whitefeet had in their o'iterasele,ee his answer was, "to keep themselves upon their I have often heard their cony' raations whee' tll6t, say, ' What good did the emancipation do 4' Are we b-tter clothed or fed, or our children better clothed and fee ? Are we not as naked as we wet'''. and citing dry potatoes when we can get them ?'" Whet l'e (Mr. Attwootl) wished the Committee to inOttite with him was, whether there were not means of es4le4 clothes and food to these poor persona? A great deal tre s ef. I een said of the danger which was produced in Ireland by the efforts of the agitators ; he was persuaded that much greater danger would arise from that House shutting its eyes to the misery of the Irish people. In a subsequent part of his evidence, speaking of the feeling which their great derres. produced in the mind. of the poorer classes in Ireland, Mr. O'Connor said, " They care not if they are taken and hanged for those desperate acts committed in a state of revenge ; death would he nothing to them ; they care nothing for life." Mr. Cahill, another witness, having been aske I what line of conduct he would reciam mend in order to improve the state of things in Ireland, and to prevent the disturbances and calamities which existed there, replied, " I will state what I conceive to he a good mode to put an end to disturhsaces. I must look hack to the years 1810 to 1814" —befote the !atilt change was made in our monetary system—" when theie was an extraordinary price for the produce of hai'd there were also extraordinary prices for the labetet rei men, and in consequence of that the men were much' inclined for labour; and the farmer getting extraordinary prices for his corn and for various things, he was inclined to carry on a great many works that are now abandoned in the country. Farmers in those times who had wet lands were in the habit of draining the land ; and farmers in those days were constantly top-dressing their lands with manure, and liming the lands on the surface." When Mr. Cahill was afterwards asked whether, at the period to which be adverted, the farmers of Irel ind were generally in the habit of cultivating the land better than they had been since, hie answer was "They were: now the produce of the land not being sufficient to enable the farmer to carry on those works, he is obliged to decline employing the people." This evil Mr. Cahill 'attributed to the rents being too high.—(The Hon. Gentleman here read extracts from the Report of the Committee on the Poor Laws of 1830, and mere especially the evidence given before that Committee by an Hoe. Member of that House, who attributed the demoralization of our labour ing classes entirely to wan of employment.) That want of employment, he (Mr. Attwood) maintained, was en tirely owing to the change which had been made in our monetary system ; and be put it to the House, therefore, whether they would not at least inquire how far a relaxa tion of the system substituted for that which formerly ex isted might be advantageously agreed to. He could not leave that branch of the subject without remarking on the numerous evils which had arisen from the destruction of the independence of that large portion of the papule. tion—the bulwarks of our country—employed in avid culture. They bad seen, of late years, the agricul ural labourer engaged in destroying the property of his em ployer ; a new species of crime, arising from a new cause of distress, and a characteristic of that moral degradation which was the natural result of the loss of independence. He would now proceed to consider the condition of other interests in the country. And first, with respect to the shipping interest. Next to the landed interest, the ship. ping interest was the great arm of strength which this country possessed. In proof of the distressed state of the shipping interest, the Hon. Gentleman referred to the memorial which bad been presented to the Treasury last year by the shipowners of Bristol, representing the manner in which, for the l ast fifteen years, they bad struggled against difficulties, the accumulation of which at length threatened to overwhelm them with destruction. This interest, as well as all other interests its the country, fixed its attention steadily on the reformed Parliament, and looked to that Parliament for, at least some effort to relieve the distress under which it laboured. The House might rely upon it that, by the steps which they might take with reference to this ques tion, they would either confirm or forfeit the con fidence which the people had in them. He appealed to those Hon. Members who were conversant with the subject, and who would correct him if he stated what was not the fact, whether the commercial marine of this country was not, year after year, undergoing a process of deterioration ? He re-affirmed, in the presence of those who knew the fact, that on a comparison of the state of that great commercial mart, the Royal Exchange of London, three years ago, with its state in the present day, it would be found that there was not a third of the opulent shipowners who assembled there at the former period, who assembled there at present. This was, in his opinion, an over whelming proof of the distress which had been occasioned by the change in our monetary system.—(The Hon. Gen tleman lucre read the copy of a memorial addressed to the Treasury in 1831 by the iron-masters, stating the ilitense suffering which hail been endured since 1825, by all those interested in the trade—and that they had, under present circumstances, " no other prospect but that of increasing destitution and misery.") Then, with regard to manufac tures—to the cultivation of our cotton, silk, end woollen trade—to those immense branches of national industry centered in Lancashire, Yorkshire, and Scotland ; he believed his Hon. Relative was correct in stating, the ether night, that all properties of this kind wen al most entirely unsaleable. And no wonder, fur if manu factures could not be carried on with anything like pros perity--and he maintained they could not—there was nit chance of their being sold with advantage to any party. He therefore denied that his Hon. Relative had in any way exaggerated the distress which prevailed in these portions of the empire. If there had been exaggeration, it was in behalf of that fer which no excuse could be found—no justification pleaded—an exaggeration of a prosperity which was not real. What had been the conduct of the French Government in similar circumstancns ? He did not well like to refer to it. It was a melancholy rivalship indeed, to inquire as to which nation was suffering the greater degree of distress. But that Government had inquired—that Government had looked into the condition of their own people, and hail sent a Commission to inquire into that of ours.—( Hear, hear.) Of this Dr. Majetadie was the bead. The Commissioners reported, that they thought in their own land they had seen the extremity of distress, but they no longer thought so when they saw the people of Sunderland—(Hear)--(as we understood the Hon. Member, but we cannot pledge ourselves to this and several other statements, from the circumstance of the speaker's almost continually turning hie back to the gallery ). In 3 r l . B flf in aba of h h g e e w rheoalte population manufacturing w e r t e ow of receiving parochialtou relief.—(Hear.) Indeed, the amount of destitution and misery caused by this monetary system in the manufac turing districts was almost incredible. He denied that, is had been asserted, the power-looms had occasioned this horrid increase of distress and trouble. They saw in the increasing poverty and aggravated destitution of these hard eorking tnen the natural result of the vicious change in our system of currency. It was his duty to call the at tention of the House to a statement of another kind---tl?e timber of criminals since this change, the increase in which he maintained was solely attributable to .use would see from this bow the num et in creased—that since this cha n g e u • these H e nuanber s o neeee a t i h ty in o g f s e of o e n r o i u m r n b a l e l A f l r e . m in b t e h r e h y e e r a e r read sl4 a t paperrhat of f f s t_ h sr _ the currency, What bu.dird. Was n..w oadd counted by thousands, betore be estunated 7 c. .1 they look with apathy u y l to their ears, a be rung in e j t n ti o le t y fe a el llo t w he tering on a wiser path? They toast adopt a mote bcne on such statements---ncod