The Sun. — London, England, 1833-02-26 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. A letter-writer signing "J. P." makes some ob servations upon the Bill for putting down disturbance in Ireland, which seem to us to possess more smart ness and force of expression than judgment or good sense. The objections of our correspondent are di rected against two or three among the details of the Bill. He censures the ceercive spirit of the Act because it "cannot work permanent good." The answer is, that no one looks to this Act for more than the prompt and temporary suppression of im mediate violence; it is resorted to as a means for preventing outrage and anarchy from becoming per manent. The " permanent good" of Ireland is ex pected from laws of a very different, that is, of a conciliatory and soothing nature. The Coercive Bill is for nothing else than to restore the suspended movement of the machinery of Government, and thus to insure their regular action to laws remedial of grievances, as well as to those repressive of crimes. We have not seen any reasonable man who denies that some new mode or instrument of coercion (no less than of conciliation) is demanded by the lawless state of Ireland at this moment. "J. P." complains that the authority vested in the Lord- Lieutenant for proclaiming counties or districts is independent of the local magistracy. Now, to any man who has considered the whole subject of Irish misgovernment, we should think that one of the snosterving grievances of that country would appear to be the habitual and general abuse of local power, and the consequent unfitness of the minor functionaries f,r the office either of counsel or control in mea sures of state policy. In many cases the Govern ment has wisely rejected the instigation of the al most unanimous magistrates of a county to pro claim certain districts in their neighbourhood. We can imagine cases of an opposite character, where, if the requisition of country gentlemen to the Lord- Lieutenant were made a condition precedent to the proclamation of a county, that requisition might be withheld through motives as unworthy as the over eagerness by which it has at other times been preci pitated. As for the cx post facto operation of the measure, we do not know that any such effect is contemplated by its framers : if it be, the offending clause ought to he submitted to correction. But to the 10 days' notice suggested by our correspondent, when a district is to be proclaimed, he can hardly he serious in proposing it : why, a thousaud throats might be cut, and a county laid waste, before half of ten days had expired. No; the necessity for a rein forcement to the existing law is manifest. The objections which we have stated to a few of the provisions in the Bill, as it has come down to the House of Commons, are founded both on the harsh ness of their principle, and on the inefficacy of its application. The courts composed of military men are not, forsooth, to be termed " military courts," because their members are to be advised by a King's counsel,—because lawyers are to examine and cross-examine witnesses, and because their juris diction is not to be confined to military offences. Then why resort to soldier judges at all ? All the most unpopular and exasperating methods of hunt ing out crime, and bringing transgressors to justice, arc to be practised by country gentlemen in their quality of Justices of the Peace ; such odious duties are not taken out of their hands, and transferred to military officers; then why should the functions of special Jurymen be held more liable to neglect or perversion from fear ? In reply to our proposition, that offences in disturbed districts should he adju dicated by gentlemen of the bar, presided over by a King's sergeant or King's counsel, it has been said that the great body of Irish barristers are no better than party or factious men, and incapable of judging insurgent crimes with temper. What, then, are the 12 Judges of Ireland but barristers, and have they been accused of incapacity for their office by v;rtue of factious influences ? But if barristers generally be accused of partiality (a gross slander on the bar of either country, we affirm), would there be any difficulty in appointing a sp. cial commission of three Judges—one from each of the common law courts, —to sit permanently, to move, as occasion might require, from one county or district to another, to try all dimes, including that of murder ; and either to rake upon themselves the conjoint office of Jude and Jury, or to be aided by a special Jury in the in vestigation of facts ? We are well persuaded that the substitution of a tribunal such as that just men tioned for the fearful one of boy soldiers.—against which latter not merely the discriminating sense, but the prejudices, passions, and habits of a free people revolt, as did the Roman spirit against the name of " King,"—we are, we say, convinced that a permanent special commission of three Judges, with or even without a special Jury, and moveable, at a day's notice, from place to place, would be an expedient more befitting the dignity of public justice, —more awe-inspiring to wrong doers,—more effective as a test of crime,—more favourable to the reputation of the Government— that is to say, at once formidable and less unpopu lar—than any other that could be proposed for the existing emergency in Ireland. If Government, moreover, were at a loss for authentic and valuable information from the seats of disorder, from what source so pure, or through what channels so undis turbed and certain, could intelligence be communi cated as those vigilant, learned, acute, and expe rienced persons,—familiar with the state of the country, and with the characters of men,—skilful to sift the truth, and to appreciate its value when dis covered,—men whom there is no prize to tempt beyond the love of justice, and whom assassins and incendiaries have never yet dared to threaten ? For our parts, we cannot believe that when his Majesty's 'Ministers shall have well considered this question, they will continue to prefer a bastard and inefficient martial-law for the trial of non-military offences to hundreds of forms and modifications of which our constitutional tribunals are so susceptible, and which may be so easily, and with such pacifying effect on the public mind, had recourse to on the present emergency. The other features of the Bill, though we like not some few of them, might be al lo‘ted to pass ; but, in the name of God, let us not copy until the last extremity the most disgusting of all the tyrannical manceuvres of Bonaparte, the in famous "'military commissions," and under a Whig and a reforming Government !—Times. The discussion in the House of Commons upon Mr. M. Attwood's motion relative to the Merchant Tailors' Company was an important one, involving, as it did, the question whether that and other bodies similarly situate are or are not municipal cor porations, or mere trading companies; and, there fore, are or are not proper objects to be compre hended in the inquiry which the Parliamentary Committee upon municipal corporations is em powered to institute ? It is our opinion that the House of Commons decided rightly in coming to the conclusion that this and other companies of a similar description are of a municipal character, though our reason for thinking so is not exactly the same as that stated by any of the Members who took a part in the discussion. In order to ascertain what a municipal corporation is, it may be right to look to the derivation of the word municipal. The classic reader at once refers it back to the Latin word municipium, which meant a " free town." In the times of feudalism, when the agricultural popu lation of England, in general, were villeins or bondsmen, every borough, the inhabitants of which were emancipated from feudal thraldom, and esta blished into free communities by prescription or Royal charter, for the encouragement of trade or manufactures, was that the Romans would have called a municipium. The customs and regulations by which such a community was governed were, properly speaking, the municipal law of the place—though the phrase municipal law has been since u-ed in a more enlarged sense, and may, according to Blackstone, " be applied with sufficient propriety to any one State or nation which is governed by the same laws and customs. In this sense it is that municipal law is spoken of, in contradistinction to the law of nations or the laws of war. It is clear, then, that the word municipal has reference to the government of a political community, whethera free town in the strict sense, or a nation in the more liberal acceptation of the term. It is equally clear that a mere trading company, as such, though incorporated, is not a municipal body. The incor poration for the purposes of trade, when not con nected with the Bove nment or police of a to wn, or other political community, does not make it amu nicipal cor p ora ti on . I t i s st ill b u t a trading society; but a trading incorporated company may have a two-fold object and character. Its original object must be, as its name implies, for the encouragement and protection of some branch of trade or manufac tures. To this may be superadded the duties and privileges belonging to a body invested with some portion of the government or police of a free town or political community. In that case the company is both mercantile and municipal, and exactly such a body is the Merchant Tailors' Company of London —such are the other civic companies. The Mer chant Tailors' Company, like the others, has the right of manufacturing liverymen, and those liverymen, be sides being, until the passing of the Reform Bill, the great electoral body of London for Members of Par liament, also exercise the right of electing the Lord Mayor, Sheriffs, &c., and do many other things con nected with the government and police of the city. There can, therefore, be no doubt that the Merchant Tailors' Company is invested with municipal pow ers, rights, and privileges. By means of the livery which it creates it takes an important share in the Government of the civic community, or municipittin, and is consequently a municipal body properly in cluded in the scope of the inquiry which is about to be undertaken by a Committee upon Municipal Corporations. A great deal has been said by the opponents of all Parliamentary investigation into cor porate abuses, touching the violation of corporate rights and of constitutional principles, which such in terference on the part of the House of Commons is said to involve. It has been stated that the Court of King's Bench is the only place where such mat ters can be properly and legally inquired into. We admit, without hesitation, as a settled rule of con stitutional law, that of civil Corporations, as con tradistinguished from those called ecclesiastical or eleemosynary, the King, being in general the sole founder, is in general the visitor, and the place ap pointed by law for the exercise of this visitatorial power of the Crown, is the Court of King's Bench. 'We will go farther, and admit it is esta blished law, as proved by the decision relative to the College of Physicians, in 1753, that if the King should, by his letters patent, subject a merely civil Corporation to the visitation of any persons but his Chief Justice and Judges in the Court of King's Bench, such appointment will be null and void. In the case of the College of Physicians the persons appointed visitors by the Royal Charter were the Lord Chancellor, the two Chief Justices, and the Chief Baron—the charter was accepted by the Col lege, and acted on for many years; yet when, at length, the legality of the appointment was dis puted, the visitors, after hearing the validity of their own commission solemnly argued, were of opi nion that they had no legal power to act, and that the person who appealed to their autho rity, against the collegiate body, could only have his remedy by application to the Court of King's Bench. As to Corporations of which the King is not the visitor, the Court of King's Bench has no authority whatever, as was decided in the celebrated case of Philips v, Blow, which arose out of an appeal to that Court by Dr. Bury, who had been deprived of the Rectorship of Exeter College by the Bishop of Exeter, the visitor of that Corpo ration. There the three Puisne Judges of the King's Bench were of opinion that the decision of the visitor might be reviewed by that Court ; but (Thief-Justice Holt was of a different opinion. He considered the decision of the visitor as final, and not examinable in any other Court, and uith his opinion agreed that of the House of Lords, who, on appeal, reversed the judgment of the Court of King's Bench. The law, therefore, cannot now be disputed, that where the K ng is visitor of a Cor pora'ion, the office of visitor must be exercised in the Court of King's Bench; but where the law or the founder has appointed some other visitor, the King's Bench is ousted from all visitatorial authority. How then, it may be asked, can the House of Commons legally inquire into the affairs of corpora tion:, whether the King, or any subject, has the visitatorial power ? We answer, the House of Com mons does not pretend to act as visitor upon the appeal of an individual applying for a quo warranto, or otherwise. It acts in such an inquiry in its legis lative capacity, with the view to obtain information on which to found some general legislative enact ne nt relative to such bodies. It is admitted by the highest constitutional anthorit;es, that a Corporation may be dissolved by Act of Parliament, as Cor porations of a spiritual and monastic character were dissolved at the era of the Reformation. The visitor, be he the King, or the Ordinary, or any other personage, can only enforce the existing rules and regulations of corporations, and redress individual grievances, in conformity with the chartered regula tions and statutes, or prescriptive rights and cus toms, of the corporate body. But Parliament has the inherent right, by its transcendent power, to legislate anew for any of those bodies, and to give them new constitutions. If an Act of Parliament can dissolve such a body, it is surely in the power of Parliament to re-model it, and, of course, to make the inquiries necessary for that purpose. There is nothing new, either in principle or prece dent, established by the present measure of subject ing corporate bodies to that legislative scrutiny which transcends all visitatorial power—the only power, with regard to corporations, which the Court of King's Bench ever exercises. That an inquiry into the abuses of municipal corporations is of vast importance to the public at large no person can doubt who is aware of what munificent funds, for charitable and public purposes, have been placed in the hands of most of those corporations through ont England, and the scandalous manner in which they have been, in but too many instances, jobbed, abused, and fraudulently misapplied. We hope not one of those bodies that is a trustee for charitable purposes will escape the searching ordeal of a dis cerning and impartial Committee of the Grand In quest of the nation. A corporation forfeits its char ter if it violates its trust or abuses its franchises. How many of them are in that condition! They tax the subject by tolls and otherwise, but do they in general, apply the taxes so raised to the public purposes for which they were originally intended ? We shall see.—Morning Herald. We observe that some of our contemporaries are exhorting the corporations to refuse all information to the Committee of the House of Commons. We were too well aware of the importance of these nests of corruption to the enemies of good Government to expect that a struggle would not be made for them. We have, however, one consolation, that the strug gle can only end in the defeat of the corruptionists. When the Reform Bill was carried the borough mongers sustained a final defeat; and the various strong holds of the corruptionists will all be carried as a matter of course. Corporations must be placed in harmony with the spirit of the Constitution. There is no power now existing able to defend these strong holds of the boroughrnonger faction against a Reformed Parliament. The Standard of last night endeavours to show that Corporations are not bound to furnish evidence either to the King, as the Minister and representative of the whole Legislature, or to any one branch of the Legislature. " If (says our contemporary) the exercise of an inquisito rial power by the "Rex in Curia," the Minister and re presentative of the whole Legislature, be so intolerable, and necessarily lead to an extinction of all individual liberty, c.in it be pretended that this inquisitorial power exists in one hr,rich of the Legislature, and that which used to be considered the meanest? In short, has the House of Commons the right of delegating to its Committees a power which Vie law has not given to the King in his Court of King's Bench ? The question may be soon put in issue. Let the first corporation upon which (what we consider the tyrannical) demand for its muniments shall be made, refuse. If the House of Commons dare to coerce a com pliance by the only process which it possesses—imprison ment of the recusant officer or officers, the sufferer will then sue out his habeas corpus in the King's Bench. If the Court decide that it is sufficient return to the writ to :ay that the party is committed by the order of the House of Commons, then there is a solemn confession, that British liberty is no more-1n acknowledgment that we are at the mercy of an assembly of 658 men, who may imprison our bodies—and why not hang us?—upon any pretext, or no pretex-; and that though the s ubje c t 8 1-,,,,A4 he bolted down in the lowest dungeon of Neweate, or even stand haltered upon the drop before that building. the Court of King's Bench will not interpose to save him from torture or death, when once apprised that " les Communes se veulent." If either King, Lords, or Com mons, can claim more than a defensive right of coercion, independent of the law and of them co-ordinates in the Sovereignty, then the pretence of a free constitution is an idle jest, and the King or Chamber having right to make such claim, is de facto the despot of the c ountry—despot King—despot Oligarchy—or despot Democracy, for de spotism can subsist with either of the three forms. De spotism of any kind, however, the people of England ' will not bear; and if the House of Commons show itself in the character of despot, or be so displayed by subservient tribunals, it will run a fair chance of being effectually re• formed, body and members. On the other hand, should the Court of King's Bench entertain the consideration of merits, upon return of a habeas corpus on a committal by the House of Commons, the question is at an end; the Court cannot sanction in a Parliamentary Committee a power which it has not itself, and the proposed exercise of which is discountenanced by the whole policy of the law. All we ask is a fair heating in a court of justice, to shut up Lord Althorp's Committee. The corporations, however, have, one way or other, the whole game in their bands. Resist, we say—resist. Ex amples of firmness are what Kings and Statesmen, Lords and Bishops most want at the present time; and the first corporation which shall afford that example will not only achieve the victory that legal courage, supporting a just cause, always obtains, but commence a revulsion of feel ing by which the country may yet be saved from the spoliation and anarchy that now threaten ; and whatever the result, he who shall for the first time try the question whether the Habeas Corpus Act is a dead letter as re spects the House of Commons, will he entitled to, and will obtain, the gratitude of all posterity." This is taking high ground with a vengeance. Our contemporary does not mince matters. And does he really think that the Commons of England, backed by the nation, will be baulked in their great object of corporation reform by the paltry shifts which he recommends ? It is barely possible that two or three functionaries, possessed of more zeal than discretion, may venture to resist the demands of the House of Commons. But the obstinacy of one or two crack-brained individuals will not prevent the House of Commons from obtaining more than a sufficiency of information for the purposes of legis lation. The Lord Advocate of Scotland is at once to bring in a measure to throw open all the corporations of Scotland. There is nothing to hinder Ministers from at once throwing also open all the corporations of England. Our contemporary cannot suppose that the Ministry who have carried the great fundamental measure of a Reform Bill, would have any difficulty in carrying reform into the corporations. It is true that the House of Commons, in seeking for information, possesses no other power of compulsion than that of imprisoning the party refusing to give it. But we take it for granted, that, before the office-bearers of corporations consent to undergo this amount of punishment, they will consider whether they would really further their object by it. With respect to the power of imprisonment, we have always under stood that it was no longer subject to question. The Court of King's Bench, in the case of Sir F. Bur dett, after a long argument, decided that it was sufficient return to the writ of habeas corpus, to say that a party is committed by order of the House of Commons. It is not very probable that the Court will now disregard the decision so deliberately given, in a case which at the time fixed the attention of the whole nation. The Court will not, assuredly, entertain the consideration of merits; and, there fore, any member of a corporation may at once make up his mind to imprisonment, if he refuses to give to the Committee of the House of Commons the information of wh ch they are desirous. It is essential to the Legislature of a country, that it should possess the highest inquisitorial powers, to enable it to deliberate with full knowledge of whatever concerns the nation. It is ridiculous to attempt to limit the Legislature by the rules which must govern inferior tiibunals, or even by the rules which the Sovereign, in his ministerial capacity, must observe. Parliament is omnipotent, but Parlia ment is not omniscient ; and in order that, in its omni potence, it may not injure the society who-e interests are confided to it, each branch of the Legislature must necessarily possess the most ample powers of compelling individuals to supply whatever inf-rtna tion is required. We are not sure that such a resistance as our contemporary seems to provoke would do any harm. It would at once call forth such a burst of honest indignation from rite nation, that Ministers would thereby acquire additional strength for the prosecution of the work. Let the corporations, then, we say, cut their own throats, if they will, by a Quixottcal resistance to the demands of the nation. They will soon find out their mis take. There are few men now throughout the country so ignorant as to be influenced by the argu ments urged against inquiry into corporation abuses. With few exceptions, the funds of the corporations have been withdrawn from the control of the respective communities, and grossly misapplied. Self-election must be destroyed. The servants of the corporations must no longer be its masters, but responsible functionaries. We anticipate the greatest benefits from the placing of corporations on a proper footing throughout the country. In every town there are a multitude of concerns, which can only be advantageously attended to in municipal councils. Parochial meetings are a very inadequate substitute for them. There are many matters which equally concern the whole inhabitants of a town; many measures which can only be efficacious by being acted on throughout every part of it. The inha bitants of many of the towns that have recently sprung up throughout the country suffer greatly from the want of proper municipal constitutions. We trust that the inquiries of the Committee of the House of Commons will lead to the reform of all existing corporations, and to the creation of corpo rations in towns not before possessed of them, in • order that the local concerns of the people of this country may be attended to in local councils. In this manner the happiness and prosperity of the people may be greatly promoted ; and all these cor porations, or local councils, will become appropriate channels, through which the sense of the people can be most conveniently ascertained.-11forn. Chrou. EXPENSES OF PROSECUTIONS FOR FE LONY.-The following statement of the comparative average expense of trying prisoners at the Old Bailey and the Clerkenwell Sessions, has been drawn up from official documents by order of the Aliddlesex Igagistrates :—ln 1829 there were 1,726 felonies, of which 226 were capital, tried at the Old Bailey at an average expense of about 41. 10s. each ; and at the Clerkenwell Sessions were tried during the same period 189 felonies at an ex pense of about 21. ss. each. In 1830, 1,777 felonies, including 231 capital ones, were disposed of at the Old Bailey, at a cost to the county of 31. 10s. each, while at the Middlesex Sessions 191 felonies were tried at an ex pense of only 21. each. In 1831 there were 1,846 felonies, of which 230 were capital, tried at the Old Bailey, at an expense of 3/. 13s. each, and 153 at the Middlesex Ses sions at an expense of 21. 2s. each. Upon striking the average for the three years it will be found that each felony tried at the Old Bailey cost the county 3/. 18s. 4d., and that the trials at the Middlesex Sessions cost only 2/. 2s. 4d. each. The total of expenditure for the three years is—for the Old Bailey, 21,9031. 2s. 4d. ; and for the Middlesex. Sessions, 1,1991. Is. Bd. The fox is distinguished from other canine animals by the elongated shape of the pupil of the eye, which contracts in a strong light, hut opens and assumes a circular form in twilight or at night. In this respect the fox resembles the cat, for the pupil of the dog is round ; in other particulars the organization of the fox and dog are precisely similar. If taken quite younc, the fox can be tamed, but he seldom entirely loses his savage nature. Instances have, however, occurred of a domesti cated lox showing nearly as much attachment to his mas ter as a dog. The fox's olfactory nerves, as is well known, are very acute. Like the dog and the wolf, be runs his game by the scent. Preparatory to the change of weather, or the approach of a storm, he howls dismally.—Enter taining Press. IRISH COERCIVE BILL. (From the Hereford Times.) The Irish nation have defied the laws, or, rather, have rendered them nugatory. The sanction of those laws must be enforced, and, therefore, the Prime Minister of Great Britain is about to place Ireland nut of th- pale of the Constitution—to suspend the civil, and to subject her to the military, law. This is a fearful and terrible ahem tive! Should not full and ample redress have preceded this awful step ? or, at all events, should not redress and the power of punishing the infringer of the law have been collateral measures? But the Irish people must be in stantly forced to obey the law !—the man, whom years of misery and degradation have driven to despair, rebels—in a voice of out-breaking indignation he demands justice— he is put off—told that he must he bound hand and foot first, and then his oppressor will take his demand into consideration ! Fie ! fie ! (From the Carlisle Journal.) The Government plan for coercing Ireland has been introduced into the House of Lords, and we can have little hesitation in pronouncing it " bloody and brutal." It is a Bill for suspending all law in Ireland, except the law of the sword ; and the speed with which it is progressing through the House of Lords, as compared with the pro gress of the Reform Bill, is tolerably indicative of the temper and feelings of their Lordships. This is the only business worth noting in the Peers. In the Commons there has been an awkward indication on the score of economy. A motion moved by Mr. Hume that sinecure places in the army and navy are unnecessary, was opposed by Ministers and rejected by the ll,)use. This looks ill. (From the Cornwall Royal Gazette of Feb. 23.) It must he admitted that nothing but a case of extreme necessity could justify the severity of the measures pro• posed by Government for restoring tranquility t o the dis turbed districts of Ireland, but whoever has marked the fearful progress of crime in that country for the last 12 months must readily allow that it affords an ample justifi cation to those rigid enactments. Every civil Government is hound to preserve, at ail hazards, the lives and property of its subjects. But will the measures of Government, vigorous as they are, prevent the perpetration of crime? 'We fear the answer is too obvious—that they will not. To some extent we have no doubt they will he efficacious, but by no means to the total prevention of the atrocities against which they are directed. They will, undoubtedly, assert the supremacy of the law as the avenger of evil, but will not extirpate the evil itself. Coercive measures do not reach the springs of action. They attack abuses which lie on the surface of society, but cannot check the work ings of its under-currents; they may subdue the evil, but can accomplish no positive good. We hope, therefore, that remedial means, framed in the most comprehensive spirit of philanthropy, will speedily follow the adoption of the harsher mode ; and that the resentments which may be called up by the measures now under our notice may be permanently allayed by the blessings resulting from more generous leeislation, and an improved condition of society. (Front the Inverness Courier.) All the other proceedings of Parliament during the week sink into insignificance, when compared with the expose made by Lord Grey on Friday evening, relative to the dis turbed state of Ireland. The Government measure (which was read a first time nous con. and was to be read a second time on Monday) is one of terrible coercion—a total sus tension of thz fundamental laws of the Constitution. May it not be apprehended, that the very extremity to which the measure goes—particularly as Ireland is not in open rebellion—will exasperate and not allay, and instead of eradicating strike deeper the roots of disaffection? Addi tional strength might be added to the magisterial, con stabulary, and military force in Ireland, and a few dema gogues might be put down, without suspending the Con stitution and placing whole districts under the ban of martial law and despotic power. At all events, we deeply regret that Lord Althorp's Bill and the other remedial measures proposed for Ireland should not have had time to manifest their effects, before the last resource was adopted. COURT OF KING'S BENCH, FEB, 23. HILL V. THE MANCHESTER AND SALFORD WATER-WORKS COMPANY. This was an action on two bonds for 1001. each, given by the defendants to the plaintiff in 1813. The defence was that the bonds bad been obtained by fraud. Before the establishment of the Manchester and Salford Water-works Company, the plaintiff and others had formed a company, called the Stone Pipe Company. The project was unsuccessful, and the plaintiff and the other proprietors then established the Manchester and Salford Water-works Company. and got bonds and acceptance. , to the amount of 6,0001- for materials which were useless to the company. T-e bonds in questio❑ had been given to take up acceptances which it was said the plaintiff, and those who acted with him, procured for useless materials which had belonged to the Stone Pipe Company. A deed had been executed purporting to ratify the bonds, and it was attempted to be shown that the proceedings with re• spe c t to the bonds and the dee 1, to which the company's seal was affixed, were not authorized by the Act of Parlia ment. The evidence of what had taken place in reference to the bonds and deed at certain meetings consisted of entries in the company's books, and the question of fact at lest was, whether or not the books contained correct entries of the prt ceedings. The Jury being of opinion that the entries were tree, a verdict was entved for the plaintiff. A similar verdict was given in another action at the suit of the same plaintiff, on two other bonds. RICKARDS AND OTHENS V. JACKSON. This was an action to recover the va ue of nine cargoes of granite. The plaintiffs had advanced money to a Mr. Jonathan Duncan, to enable him to work the granite of a small isl a nd, near Jersey, of which he was the owner, and Dun can had given them a mortgage on the quarries. A con signment of nine cargoes of the granite having been made to the plaintiff, they handed the bills of lading to the de fendant, with directiens to sell, and account to them for the proceeds. Toe defendants had, however, refused to render any account, and therefore this action was brought to recover the value of the cargoes, the frieght of which bad been paid by the plaintiffs. The Jury found for the defendant. ARABIN AND OTHERS U. LORD «'ALDEGRAVE. This was an action on a bill of exchange for 4801., drawn by Lord Waldegrave upon his agent in London, Mr. Jones, of the firm of Bateman and Jones, of Lincoln's- Inn-fields, and indorsed by the defendant to Messrs. Daly and Co., bankers, in Paris. The plaintiffs were the as signess of Daly and Co. Verdict for the plaintiff for 1001., the balance claimed. COURT OF COMMON PLEAS, FEB. 23. FRILL t. HARRIS, PROCTOR, AND OTHERS. This case, which was not concluled yesterday when we went to press, occupied the attention of the Court the whole day, and was not finished when the Court rose. The evidence is of little or no interest. COURT OF EXCHEQUER, FEB. 25. MEETING IN THE CITY, FEB. 23. INFANT SLAVERY. Mr. Ilm.rs' speech, continued from our Paper of Saturday.— It was predicted that the Te❑ Hours' Labour Bill would in crease the cost of production, raise the price, narrow consumption, and prejudice, if not ultimately destroy, the foreign commerce of the country. Now it was exceedingly doubtful whether this Bill would have any tendency in the long run to affect the difficulty, and consequently the cost of production. They might more fairly anticipate, as one of its permanent re sults, that it would rather distribute than diminish employ ment, and equalize rather than lower wages, profits, and prices. --(Hear.) Admitting, however, for argument's sake, that it might occasion a rise in the price of manufactures, did it therefore follow that this would exclude our manufactures from foreign markets ? On the contrary, were not the present low prices of British goods abroad, as well as at home, the consequence, generally speaking, of British competition If this was so, he asked was not Great Britain the regulator of prices in all the other markets throughout the world. — (Hear.) The speaker then went on to show from the tariff, that no fear was to be apprehended from American competition. The Hon. Member, on reading that account, said one answer was, that one Englishman could do more than eight French men—indeed that it could not be called work that they did, for they had only to look at it and it was done.—(Laughter.) France was behind us in the goodness of their workmen— their coal was inferior and far dearer than ours ; and so far from their having attained the systematic regularity of the English factories, when it was attempted to put that system in force, at Lyons, a riot was created, and several lives were lost.—(Cries of " Hear, hear, hear.") A poor Englishman employed at Lyons was obliged to beat a retreat because he attempted to adopt the English mode of calling the workmen together by ringing a bell. As to the legislative interference with the concerns of private individuals, that had been objected to ; he admitted the importance of that objection as a general principle, but much depended on the extent of that inter ference.—(Hear.) It should be recollected that the proposed Bill left the question of wages to be settled by the par ties concerned.—(Hear, hear.) It only limited the hours of night work and day work for children of either sex, and as re garded children under nine years of age, it limited the period to ten hours a day. He concurred, most cordially, in the pro position that ten hours of actual labour, by a child of nine years of age and under, were the very utmost that ought to be per. mitted.—(Hear, hear.) _ _ . . Colonel WILLIAms, M.P. for Ashton-under-Lyne, proposed the third resolution. The knowledge of the tyranny exercised over the unhappy children employed in factories in Lancashire, had convinced him of the necessity of legislative interference. He considered the mischief to arise originally from the inabi lity of the parents to maintain themselves by their own exer tions, and they were, therefore, obliged to introduce their children at an age when they were totally unfit for work. He was happy, however, to say that there were some circumstances which tended to alleviate these things. He had received a letter from a friend at Manchester, which informed him that the masters there were determined to co-operate in diminishing these grievances. He cordially concurred with the statements of the Member for Dublin, that such was the anxiety of these poor children not to be too late to their work, for fear of punish ment, that they often got up in the middle of the night to inquire the hour. The Worthy Gentleman concluded by pro posing the third resolution—That the meeting rejoiced to per ceive that the Bill introduced by Mr. Sadler was taken up by the ;Light Hon. Lord Ashley, and was zealously supported by the operatives of the empire for the protection of whose children the Bill was designed. Mr. LYA LL said he had been called upon very unexpect edly to propose a resolution. The principles of political eco nomy, no doubt, were opposed to their intentions, but this was one of the cases where the modification of those principles was absolutely necessary for the purpose of preventing the feelings of those children from being debased, and their being brought into the path of crime. He most cordially seconded the reso lution. It was then put and carried unanimously, Mr. DUNCOMBE, M. P. for Yorkshire, had been called upon so suddenly to propose a resolution that he had scarcely yet had time to read it over. The resolution was to the effect that it was expedient to call upon all the towns and cities of the empire to evince the same anxiety for the abolition of infant slavery as they had done for that of the Negroes.—(Hear.) When he represented the whole county of Yorkshire he had often presented petitions for the abolition of both negro and infant slavery, and a pleasing duty it was. He need scarcely say, that if any more petitions were sent to him upon the subject, they should have his most strenuous support. He would only further say, as had been expressed by Mr. O'Connell, that to no Bill would he give his support un less the time was shortened in place of being extended. To no Bill with a moment more than 10 hours would he ever agree. Mr. OASTLER would not enter into the evidence given before the House of Commons, but would state what he, an impartial witness, had seen. In his district little children, under seven years of age, were made to work for eighteen, and in some cases for twenty hours, out of the twenty-four. It was impossible that the factory children could exist under such labour, and the churchyards in Manchester had proved that they were not long able to do so. He assured them that it was no uncommon thing that a child should be beaten with a heavy strap, laid on by a heavy hand, till its back and its breast were black with spots. He had seen a little child, not more than ten years old, who, being tired, had spoiled a piece of stuff three inches long, the value of which there was no coin low enough to express, was dreadfully beaten. That child passed within a mile of his house, and he had counted 33 cuts on its back. In a mill at Wigan the children for any slight neglect are loaded with weights of .20 pounds, placed over their shoulders, and hanging behind their backs. Then there was a murderous instrument called a billy-roller, about eight feet long, and one inch and a half in diameter, with which many children had been knocked down, and in some instances murdered. In Manchester the labour was restricted to 12 hours by Act of Parliament, but that was too long for any child to labour in this country or any part of the globe. The factory children, rising in the morning long before the rise of the sun and the dawn of day, some without shoes and stock. ings, may be seen dragging their weary bodies through the rain and snow along the streets of Christian Manchester ; long before the shops are open, long before anybody is stirring, ex cept the overlookers, these little children might be seen in the streets of that great town.—(Loud cries of " Shame.") The parents were, during this time, lying in bed, and in hun dreds of instances they had sm other means of subsistence than the wages of their children's death I—(Hear, hear.) The little creatures thus bred up, when they did not fall into crime, and come to an ignominious end, dragged on a short life of misery and degradation. Thus it was that these sons and daugh ters of the martyrs of Waterloo and Trafalgar were rewarded. Was this a state of things to be endured ? He doubted not that the humanity of the country would shout forth an answer in the negative.—(Cheers.) If England refused to interfere in this matter, the God of little children would strike her, powerful as she was, and snake her tremble. It has been asserted (continued Mr. Oastler) that the volume which lies before you, my Lord Mayor, is a volume of ex parte evidence. Surely enough has been said to-day, and surely the character of the medical profession alone would have been enough to sa. tisfy the public, that that evidence could not have been taken ex parte.—(Hear, hear.) The Committee had the opportunity of cross-examining the witnesses. I myself un derwent a long cross-examination, and, at all events, they had an opportunity of shaking the evidence that was given, if it had been in their power to have done so.—(Hear.) The evi dence of the medical gentlemen seas founded on an experience of sixty years ; and, as the engineers of the human body— men who must know whether the steam engine of the human body is of a ten or a twelve hours power—(Hear, hear)—they unanimously decided that it was scarcely of a ten hours power.—(Loud cries of "Hear, hear, hear.") Next came the testimony of the operatives. Now, I have no doubt it would be very convenient to some to prevent the testimony of operatives being taken at all, but that day will never come. When we sent up operatives, friends, of course, of the cause, to be examined in London, headed by our worthy champion, Sadler—(Cheers) —they were selected with the greatest care. Many who would have been sent up were left at home, not because they were not competent witnesses, but be cause if they had come here they would have been discharged by their employer—(Hear, hear)—nay, it is a painful fact, that almost all the witnesses who were sent up to be examined by the Committee of the House of Commons have been discharged by their respective employers.—(Hear, hear, hear, and Shame, shame.) Talk of tyranny—he knew nothing to equal this that has occurred in any of the heathen nations.— (Great cheering.) There was a boy whose case is certainly deserving of being brought before your notice : a boy, seven years of age, who had actually to be trailed (the Yorkshire phrase) a couple of miles, to perform twelve or fourteen hours' work every day. He was trailed to his work by an elder brother. That boy seas well formed originally, but he is now deformed in every shape, and almost a dwarf, though at this moment more than seventeen years of age. Thank God, his mind has not been contaminated—his charac ter is good. He seas charged by his master—Addison, of Bradford, with having come to London, and there told the grossest falsehoods.—(Hear, hear.) That same Addison, of Bradford, distinctly stated in the newspapers, that words had been put into his mouth, and alluded to the Rev. Mr. Bull as the prompter of the boy. He also alleged that the poor boy was in concealment lest lie should turn traitor. Addison thought the poor boy was friendless, but we soon gave him the opportunity of knowing that he was no longer under the tyrant's rod—(Loud cheering)—that lie had friends to assist him if he spoke the truth, and those who would condemn him if he resorted to subterfuge. The poor boy was not in concealment, though Addison himself once was.—(Hear, hear.) The poor boy was put to the Leeds Lancasterian school—see procured a copy of his evidence given in the House of Commons—see found that it seas substantially true in every respect, and Mr. Osborne, of Leeds, who has acted as his foster father, and myself, offered to enter into a public examination of the circumstances, and undertook to pay the expenses betwee n us—(Hear)—certain as see were that we could refute the calumny; but the man has concealed himself ever since.—(Loud cheers.) There were some other matters ventured to be put forth in the public papers equally without foundation ; and here I must say, that th e newspapers h ave a l w ays been ready a t least to give poverty fair play—(Cheers) —I do publicly, humbly, but sincerely thank the gentlemen of the Press for the way they have taken sip the sacred, the holy, and the humble cause of these helpless individuals. We have no payment to make —we have no riches wherewith to fill your pockets; but Ido assure you, Gentlemen of the Press, that your benevolence in favour of the factory children has procured for you many grateful feelings, and prayers for many blessings. A man of the name of Drown, of Leeds, SMITH V. HICKS. This was an action of trover, brought to try the vali. dity of a fiat of bankruptcy against the plaintiff, William Smith. The defendant formerly kept the Antigallican, at Billingsgate, and afterwards the Rosemary-branch, at Islington. The action was brought under the 31st and 32d sec tions of the Bankrupt Act of 6 George IV., and the plain tiff admitted the taking of the goods for which the action was brought, to the amount of 1201., and their conver sion by the defendant. The Jury were not satisfied with the evidence, and found a verdict fur the plaintiff—Damages 1201. INSOLVENT COURT, FEB. 25. James Ormsby, whose case has already appeared, to be was to-day brought up for judgment, and ordered discharged forthwith. George Butt, whose case occupied Feveral hours o❑ Friday last, when he underwent a very long and minute examination as to the manner in which he bad contracted his debts and disposed of his property, came to-day again before the Court for adjudication. The insolvent and his opposing creditor, Mr. Hayward, are both of the legal profession. The insolvent had practised as a solicitor at Brighton and at Salisbury, and had subsequently pursued his pro fession in London ; and in June last he had been retained as assessor in the contest for Berkshire between Messrs. Palmer and Hallett. _ The Couar having ascertained that certain volumes of manuscript precedents in conv,:yancing had been brought into court for their disposal, and ordered that a competent person should put a value upon them for the benefit of the c reditors, decreed the discharge of the insolvent. John Brombley, whose case has already appeared, and who attributed his insolvency to his having been robbed of 450/. on an evening on which his curiosity had made him one of the audience at Sadler's Wells, was this day brought up, according to the direction of the Court, and several fresh witnesses were examined. The insolvent was discharged. e° , '' attacked a witness of the name of D rake, in a In an n „„ c k d milar to that in which many of the witnesses were by their employers.—(Hear, h ear.) Drake to x;O4, he had not even told all he knew.—(Hear, hear.) o f S> believe that all that was stated before the Connuittee House of Commons was true, but that not eve n oric-toz i f t /t u ,o , truth was told. There are cruelties of such an indec eici committed We tat if they were told they would scarc /7at, dited.have to understate rather than overpaint the r e l iv e but if those monsters go on—(Hear) —We shallbe coth.l),,etYl outrage the lines of decency, and tell the world what Oci lc he what monsters they are.—(L ou d cheers.) T here ba ,- e' many difficulties raised in our path, as we have trai' been to wards in Yorkshire and Lancashire. I have charged over and over again with being a great eactrlY emancipation of the blacks. Mr. Oastler thee on to deny this charge, having, even in his tecti-3!.00, Mr. Wilberforce, fought to accomplish negro emanciP remembered the time when the cry for negro enianciP3`nit. not so fashionable in Yorkshire as it was at this hoot 'DO the very persons who formerly patio disposed to ile ° , , d r i i s , p ey os: . d ere to an t x r i e o a , t is the way same way hiss him for advocating the emancipn of theblaclo covsl in every egn oe b s a tie f h :: : to support the emancipation of the white sia ve ! --- 11° burke the question, like many others, had cost a great dea l , ° th it.—(Hear, hear, hear.) There was one individual who was in the roan a, e ta ment, who had himself expended thousands of P°T 06 .0 He ol t r o . for enth ing (WO O. had to go to that fountain of benevolence, but he could go " he t , --not that he had ever been sent empty away, b eeati i ,f i po ol !, always been more than amply replenished, but it % .35 •j - divid", for the feelings of any person to consider that ore ht only was to bear all the expense. For his OWII pa r t . t w elt' all had gone. It had been but little—he w ished o f 1 3 (Cheers.) The battle was now for the einancipati°ll,4lol', tish children. The contest was, warier British chihit.re,-ther be murdered or not murdered—(hear, hear)---"' Bill, which was to impose eleven or twelve lOilrece on delicate and half-starved children was t ° . 01 0 the sanction of the law—or whether the meastire:; bt lt to Lord Ashley, was to pass into a law. ",00, would have to be fought against a powerful, a 1.°3- :be ce ' wealthy foe. The operatives were subscribing --- " na , Y ' r rilA children, out of their miserable pittance, were sy s :„.4l o (Hear, hear)—to carry forward their measure of c i , 0 tion ; and surely, when British fathers and 136 , t c ' i, th e Viers had heard of the deplorable state in Wi' Acte 4. helpless children were placed, it would not be consl--00 much to ask for a mite from them in aid of this gr e3 ne ljO ri Iteform.—(Cheers.) Mr. Oastler concluded by ° et).- resolution. The Secretary stated that, by mistake, the lie ti been attached to the resolution, but, as it was intended tee been attached to it, he would now read it. n v ,T, g y. the resolution and petition were agreed to unaniin ° " - , l ,"dllfr Lord TM - NH.IM said it gave him the most sincere a'ieet, felt pleasure to have it in his power to address se ei )u vi ote distinguished a meeting of the citizens of London, th e c ero4 4 when he recollected that the citizens of this 9' De e never undertook any measure, whether relating t ' re lence or humanity, or any other object, but they 0 . - „ g ur to bring it to a successful termination , he would VI:. recollection of their distinguished Chairman what 0 .,0 cessor accomplished—he meant Brass Crosby—i n 113 : 1 0 1 quered the Parliament, and compelled a publication proceedings. After that conquest, he need O ct Oi confident that they would obtain the boon thorn°, from the Legislature.—(Loud and continued tol; Deeply did he deplore the scenes which had been other speakers—deeply he deplored the strides of the of avarice, which he might observe, in the la n g o36 Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin (Mr. 0 ( consigned the orphans of the human race to the which had been described. He might say theY vicre c lst for their fathers belonged to the oppressed labour ing oeff' were compelled to send them out to work,and their fn° for not be permitted, by their fears of starvation, to 3011 sufferings of their children.—(Hear.) He was P ersil , that dreadful stain upon the humanity of the countrYci blotted out, and that the name of his Noble Friend ( 1 -' ° , r bo would be handed down to posterity for Isis exertion s ' o oc a cause.— (Cheers.) It was lamentable, in a countll „rel land, to find that six millions of our fellow-creator ci to destitution and want ; but if the people would bn the Legislature, he was sure they would at la st although, from what he had learnt, he feared th er f o ile a strong and powerful opposition.—(Hear.) The 1.4 ro d. concluded by moving a resolution, which he did not Mr. H. POWNALL, in seconding the resolutions es the meeting the necessity of contributing towards t v e fe lt of forwarding so beneficial a measure.-- (Hear.) l th e. fident there was too much of sound philanthropy in ,„ A ch' ff character to suffer so vile a stain to continue a re" , country. This was one proof of the benefits of t ne ;bes knowledge which was imparted to the country by t hen press, which raked up and exposed one evil after an' eo for the purpose of perpetuating them, but to set O n for —(Cheers.) He was sure that no person ever stood nr,iso fishing negro slavery, but would exert himself as far ~ a rs.) to extinguish this worse than slavery at home. ---(C ' The resolution was then carried. Mr. PAYNTER proposed a resolution of thanks t° and Lord Ashley for their exertions in the cause, an he lamented that the former was not enabled to through Parliament, yet he was happy that it the hands of a Nobleman so talented as Lord Ashl bare truth of the proposition that children of a `O , were obliged to work 16 hour s a-day, and were ern e besides, was sufficient to induce the public to CO ration of the system.—(Cheers.) rid Mr. FREEZE said he had been requested to scco sent resolution, which he did with a great dea lf o. Ile bore in mind the admonition given by the Lord e mi - t would act accordingly—he would detain the meeti n g time. A gentleman who had preceded him had said tb shame that Mr. Sadler was not now in the House of he would not say so, but he would say it was a great, to misfortune. This was a resolution of thanl'' eit° Sadler and Lord Ashley—how pleasant it , " ° •06 . ,,, sec both the Commons and the Noble 3 tort same race in humanity. Well might Mr. Sadler ' r e' for Sadler, the children's friend, would live much 1 4 I be more glorious than Sadler, M.P. Then, V"' 3 r, to the practical part of the q uestion--( oe u fk hear)—he had been a merchant in 11°1 De goods for many years, and from his own knowledg e assure the meeting, that the proposed reductio n alter the cost of a yard of muslin even su much 36 s ‘ l, But even putting it in that way, if the case we r i f or isli and he was asked Isis opinion, he would say, "y e lp coerce, live the children :—(Cries of H ear , hear.') 0m that was not necessary, a s he w as pe r fectly aware E T i of rience, and as he was willing to prove to any en ° Bill, if there were such. The resolution was then put, and passed unaniln with acclamation. a t Mr. SADLER then rose, and was recei ve d with g r 'd, bation. He said he felt so ove r p owere d th a t he e° 1) ,11 restrain his feelings, at receiving th e a pp ro b a tion of 5,,' %4 and respectable meeting of the inhabitants of Oil(' He could not forget the names of Perceval, Gould, ` - i .: 0 0 who had called the a ttention of the public to the cln e 'iy them. When a private individual, he had felt stro l l . factory children, and when he was returned W he had taken the earliest opportunity of bringing t r l;il w before the House. The present system of overt'h-co children in factories had commenced when ArkWrigiis Lion came into use. Before that time the work the cottage of the labourer, who portione a ,, cs. work to his children according to their age W h et , 'Hear, hear, hear.) In London, which had hit.; re; considered as the place the most destructive to tll- 0 the human race, the average amount of deaths 10,000 above forty years of age, but in the manuf tricts the proportion was much more numerous. I% the public on their guard against the measures wble t„ would be adopted towards this subject in Parlialu en v i , a Bill had been brought forward before, to reduce teorA labour to twelve hours, it was said, " Surely you er to thirteen hours, it is only one hour longer;" but the tell them what were the effects of one hour lo n oe . a child had been working a dozen hours. The ° man concluded a most eloquent speech, by impleri lis , of ' of the country to put themselves forward in suPV I sellout and humane a measure. ,10013 Lord ASHLEY assured the meeting that he vere in the course he had begun. He had measure as a matter of conscience, and as sue l ' o oc he was determined to carry it through. If the 11 0 .00, c ) not secure the Bill, they must drive him be would not concede a single step.—(Hear, he 3r ' s 'ot positively declared, that as long as he had 3 0 , House, no exertion should be wanting on his 1411. Von the success of the measure. If unsuccessful in the ron sion he would bring it forward in the next, and Se succeeding session till his success was complete. in The Rev. Dr. RUSSELL, rector of Bishopsgate , s sa c , vote of thanks to the Lord Mayor, ''',,i, meeting that no exertion should be wanting °O insure the success of the measure. , pa'' Mr. WILKES seconded the resolution, Wh ich unanimously. 000 The LORD MAYOR returned thanks, and toe , up shortly after five o'clock. BIRTHS. fs t " On the 24th inst. the lady of John Kruger, E€9l;hter'of wood-road, Regent's Park, of twins—son and ti . ,., ° 1 01, On the 24th inst. the lady of Mr. Thomas Wl' delton-square, solicitor, of a daughter. n e n rY Th On the 14th inst. at Oxford, the lady of ridge, Esq., of New Inn Hall, of a son. „ A PI , MARRIED. On the 23d inst. at St. Mary's,),a rn b e th, Mr., s rauic to Ann, eldest daughter of Mr. John Randall, Of On the 25th inst. in Hoxt D on i : E sq D ua . re, in he r Mary Clack, relict of Mr. John Clack, m any Yelds3 4 i the Bank of England, whom she survived only - ,' On the inst. in her 77th year, Anna Swann Wager Tayler, Dorset-place, Clapham-road. „, On the 274th inst. in Green-street, GrosvenOr-'i' th A.,_ 61st year, Ann, widow of the late Robert Clerk, of the Hon. East India Company's Civil Service on Establishment.M"On the :24th inst. at Lower Clapton, Mariana, late James Boult, Esq. fos daY°„e' On the 24th inst. after an illness of only ,e , second son of Mr. E. Smith, of the Bankrupt-oni' 14 ' PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY 111 U R yoV SUN OFFICE. 112, STRAND, LONDON. ur tl ? ~R~ '~ Tn~ ~huod T~ 4 d F Qe;~ lq~~uh THi ~~ A ~. g. 1 1 ,, i 4 t l 4 Y ti r , ki rht s y NI by , to lt q.l el, ip t , 4 k) t VII never undertook any measure, wheth h e e r irieeeladtuit- vi r e s l ' o ,, i i i kwtutilic Lessee or humanity, or any other object, but they ‘ sr f is gt ~ 4 Lis' to bring it to a successful termination ; he would U 45 e il , ap, t recollection of their distinguished Chairman what J i vin g c‘i qqf t I F I , I.n :essor accomplished—he meant Brass Crosby—i n ha , of tl' o , q ti til:, B a: leered the Parliament, and compelled a publicatioobei te i t ltr o ti, 4 - 1 sroceedings. After that conquest, :.onfident that they would obtain the boon they n ° c beer w e 4", 1 11'4 , 1d0 t from the Legislature.—(Loud and continued er llns ,t a , t4, l)l lb Deeply did he deplore the scenes which had been d e ,', - „11 0 0 ,,i 11 4 t,, e a )ther speakers—deeply he deplored the strides of the ci t , ktqhe l ' )f avarice, which he might observe, in the lang nag oel l )%r r ' ' 'l P 5 , °4. ,' 1 13; Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin (Mr. O'C n. ,a o ;o 1, 14',' 4, In consigned the orphans of the human race to t be cs rPt l i , %"Y Sii which had been described. He might say they wc , r c ia , ''d L . *) Pa for their fathers belonged to the oppressed labouri n '', l ,eti 0; I:1. Cd . were compelled to send them out to work,and their 0 1° I ford \ & ) 1....._ not be permitted, by their fears of starvation, ter ood? b " b ' sufferings of their children.—(Hear.) He wasp il , t og \ ) ;(\' 11 1.S . that dreadful stain upon the humanity of the countrYttiolli '‘ills i . blotted out, and that the name of his Noble Friend (L n !, E al; ;( )4, l'A„ I would be handed down to posterity for his exertion' liv d 4, l i l i tld 'Y a cause.—(Cheers.) It was lamentable, in a coUnt r Y o . c re' r a i. ll, tqa land, to find that six millions of our fellow-creature" t petit. i l l Q•l'eß, to destitution and want ; but if the people would 0 s ars 44 :q "tits, the Legislature, he was sure they would at I3 '„ t •eu / '? t) p art l' art although, from what he had learnt, he feared the e ' Vsi t lhig n a strong and powerful opposition.—(Hear.) The l' re sd. ri „ I 'li tal ' , its ( ' concluded by moving a resolution, which he did net urged] 175,,t11t,,, Mr. H. POWNALL, in seconding the resolutions op , . 1%0, il the meeting the necessity of contributing towards t b faltb e la3 . lt °ln of forwarding so beneficial a measure.--(Hear.) 1 : 0 13 4111,0 , i t'il 1 fident there was too much of sound philanthropy i n ac ti 0 . 4 likSt l ,,,, tE , character to sutler so vile a stain to continue a reP r° i cregi4 4 ^"ltia ; country. This was one proof of the benefits of the o il eri,t, I ttti: o f tl knowledge which was imparted to the country hYotperVito,4t Of t/ press, which raked up and exposed one evil after 3 " - e o ~ ,,b : rjrea te for the purpose of perpetuating them, but to set tb is for" 7 , t0 On , —(Cheers.) He was sure that no person ever stood n ' s p or k 4 . ,:tii 4 f. - , lishing negro slavery, but would exert himself as fa r a ri.) . ktill '' trbee et to extinguish this worse than slavery at horne.- -- (th •Y b e The resolution was then carried. 'fr. ' . 1 4 I Mr. PAYNTER proposed a resolution of thanks to ~Itli° i t ,',,tit t • 6 and Lord Ashley for their exertions in the cause, an' tP e i , p 4 ' , e pNr he lamented that the former was not enabled to e 3fr i lie;fli j t 'l ' I N .) 4 z through Parliament, yet he was happy that it had,,s. ,p, 1 ,, NT' the hands of a Nobleman so talented as Lord AshleV't Oa t i! N'titil a bare truth of the proposition that children of 3 ,iijt lc' s lr' ,l 4, - were obliged to work 16 hours a-day, and were ett i ' t An . 1 r l io l . T besides, was sufficient to induce the public to eff e i ,4 )t 1 41 11b -- , 4 1 , trs ration of the system.—(Cheers.) pp 1 1 II : r . Mr. FREEZE said he had been requested to seen n e ots-, ,Ib r i vt sent resolution, which he did with a great de310`13`).01); :I 4 °ld Ile bore in mind the admonition given by the Lord I : ,ti ts: # ll \'4, lt 4 hdr would act accordingly—he would detain the meeting:,,tit 1 7, k ; ' L time. A gentleman who had preceded him had said t ,' oo o o . , qp 'ngdo, shame that Mr. Sadler was not now in the House of ' t PO fl 11 1.01,,,.; he would not say so, but he would say it was a gre e , to P' 4 i l i t t, b a T. 1 misfortune. This was a resolution of tha nic tl O /i ‘ !t,„ 11 Sadler and Lord Ashley—how pleasant it " 1° ,060 ' to h ` u Al sec both the Commons and the Noble ' ni t , ' pr"Oe i same race in humanity. Well might Mr. Sadler " c ri ger c lSVe (i - for Sadler, the children's friend, would live much l f ft 1 Ai s ttiqt Li tt ' be snore glorious than Sadler, M.P. Then, v' 3f ,; (1 14 . 4 c to the practical part of the question- -( P P e d ce i k 7 i tle - b .e hear)—he had been a merchant in be i iN-‘E goods for many years, and from his own knowledge 00 0 1 ' 0 , '4,:" 0 1 assure the meeting, that the proposed reductio n fas° o .(t .4d ed alter the cost of a yard of muslin even so much 3 ' 3 ," I ! But even putting it in that way, if- the case We r i f,isli e 4 1,1'4. Ili and he was asked his opinion, he would say, " •`" flo'cittA 4l t4".. , coerce, live the children :—(Cries of" Hear, hear." ) °l 9 ` p°, Ic t ° a t ;, l "'; that was not necessary, as he was perfectly aware ,/ 0 bs \tt, r -- rience, and as he was willing to prove to any en ci' rk Y C Bill, if there were such. og' k.,,k, The resolution was then put, and passed unaniln° ) t b - +.. s r with acclamation. orr' ikcb 1 , ' ~,I _b, I, a,hedt i Noi could r ho: . usa. respectable it n , iial L oelbet E l dse ß faotin t rhd l g : eee e t ea, t i eitttitregi felt s , e tr ii , os:fir ni a . i o i t l eoh : ; : tr v ifp: a enop s :pc. r aruc e bcrb c eicit e vdiac i ai v itht : s d aototh : f 4 le • ui i e t tql hdb:es grids 1 ,011, 0 A :: i e 11, " :1 ) :o:t.iit E t: restrain his feelings, at receiving the approbation of su et' ~,, t\i r - ',,, 1( tot i q t ) , them. When a private individual, he had felt str° l ?„ ° olo"4 . , ► t' vi( factory children, and when he was returned to ' in - c 4O trNCtr he had taken the earliest opportunity of bringing t "„ r lsi 14 •0B14).1 1 lion °n „ before the House. The present system of overo't.s i"',N, ~ - children in factories had commenced when Arloir i g b ,,- 4 ° 311 4 i,, eB P Lion came into use. Before that time the work W " ' s ist i tik,%l , t , the cottage of the labourer, who portione d . , csrlt ll o,lo, i (NP, work to his children according to their age a' w he rtoo Ntt --, Hear, hear, hear.) In London, which had b it ; pe l i 'll k ailw i . f . °l4 ( considered as the place the most destructive to tll- 0 EY I TO: ‘ 4l /: the human race, the average amount of deaths ''' o rifiiltqi "Or p t 10,000 above forty years of age, but in the mantlf 3c ol' i ~, 4 a 4 , 1 , tricts the proportion was much more numerous. o .'„ lle o qt& AA the public on their guard against the measures wi ne t , oi o r Ilk would be adopted towards this subject in Parliasn en bc D o v i i lk ) , a Bill had been brought forward before, to reduc e t r ,oo l° I' tit \,,N11.,,,. t labour to twelve hours, it was said, " Surely you ca,. e pe c3 o . 41 ) 1:1, t `r 1 to thirteen hours, it is only one hour longer;" but ' , ,,,r, e , . ki k ket,) 'Re V tell them what were the effects of one hour I°%. 0 ' o' a a child had been working a dozen hours. The I ,Dc 0 sV i ,q t man concluded a most eloquent speech, by implori ns a of tibl \ is of the country to put themselves forward in suPP nr - ' , .1, I *client and humane a measure. T o , Iyl th %e c Lord ASHLEY assured the meeting that he ,11 _, ° " - c a ` 4 ,01 >L I N,. vere in the course he had begun. He had t'" s P o " 411 ,or i measure as a matter of conscience, and as suc h ~,C i ,„ ‘ ts„ 4 „;l l , 4 )sn.: he was determined to carry it through. If the l i fro ° al ipitk 1, 1 4 v . not secure the Bill, they must drive hien ', li e dita a l' : 4 t 4 ' t he would not concede a single step.—(Hear, he' ir l' e t P ki;\ 4l a i l'' ir e positively declared, that as long as he had 3 scat t 0 . (),',. House, no exertion should be wanting on his I.l rt n - r ese P e e,,,; 4 l: ‘ ,ll l : v the success of the measure. If unsuccessful in the ` on ( 4 , IQ4C IT Sion he would bring it forward in the next, and 60 i# ) P0 ) k t ''l succeeding session till his success was complete. ~, 1 0 'ILIQ 1) 4 The Rev. Dr. RUSSELL, rector of Bishopsgate, ' 0 0 0 ? i' ll l 4. ' a ‘ l l ll vote of thanks to the Lord Mayor, 3 0 , 1 , 4 ,1' to meeting that no exertion should be wanting e n i `4' Vtls C it 0) 4 411 insure the success of the measure. . „ 14 4 i jk. n i $ 4 O Mr. WILKES seconded the resolution, which f ' t.' Al unanimously. 1 1 0 I tt k „ co it / The LORD MAYOR returned thanks, and the I -c .11 '• ti, • 4 I NI 4 , ~t up shortly after five o'clock. __- --7 t in a. 't f ,, IN s 3 . J i 14; 1 4 1 111 1 1 BIRTHS. o f t ' (~., ti, 4 t„ k On the 24th inst. the lady of John Kruger, EN. , „ter 'd ' 4 l CN• 1 1 ,,, wood-road, Regent's Park, of twins—son and da n lf e a, . ift ' N, ' kl,' , On the 24th inst. the lady of Mr. Thomas Gra n ' ,„,]s' i i '4,04; Belton-square, solicitor, of a daughter. ~,, IT"' 'lll 't '') ~ i 1, On the 14th inst. at Oxford, the lady of Henry ",,, 1 11j, t 'Y, ) ‘j, ridge, Esq., of New Inn Hall, of a son. f f ti, g , ~,, 10, )i ' 'Y t 1) 11' MARRIED. , Itic..t li' ll 1 % 4 01 1 1 On the 23d inst. at St. Mary's, Lambeth, Na• i . Ara, - 4 5 1 1 04 11,, to Ann, eldest daughter of Mr. John Randall, o t 4 0 Nt 1 --- 4 0,4 tist 0 1 , t DIED. so 907, 4 rt y "A tt On the 25th inst. in Hoxton.square, in he r 30 Apt ~ 5,, pi Mary Clack, relict of Mr. John Clack, many Ye,,,, - aayl'ic' . 4 01, 1 I the Bank of England, whom she survived 0n1 5 y . , : 03 , a 0 f , , b e th A On the inst. in her 77th year, Anna So ' ~e , !,,,f,bl, ) ; tj,N Wager Tayler, Dorset place, Clapham-road. . 5 03 1 Kii i ‘..IN, qs, On the 24th inst. in Green-street, Grosvel :ssl.', r ' 41 10 " I; 61st year, Ann, widow of the late Robert CIF c _ ' cm th ,l 'tk_ 1 0 , , , of the Hon. East India Company's Civil Servl e , to w' 4 ,el l ,ra iti Establishment. Mariana, '''' ~00:Vo ysl, st ,.., a q t Lower Clapton, ,r day ,, , 1 1 it , Plittl al' late n Jt e e ' s 2 ll l cu i l n t, On the 2.4 th inst. after an illness of only t tcl ice , ag e .a„, t , second son of Mr. E. Smith, of the Bankrup -ow 0 ,! 41 4 ,_ ;ft,„ i f it i vl 4 Or Pli t : ny 0 illy N . Yttl PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MU R D . ir, og klltt SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, ..OND Y C - C Ri, \, 11,CC ~ he; i,, , As,, 44 '1