The Sun. — London, England, 1833-07-20 00:00:00

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THE AID of the Charitable and Humane is solicited on behalf of a Person who once moved in v{ "y comfortabl e an d easy circumstances, but w h o i s now reduced, from peculiar and unavoidable misfortune, at the a ge of 64, with a daughter in a bad state of health, to Vent the common necessaries of life for the shortest period. The distressing nature of the case can be stated by Mr. William Malcolm, nursery and seedsman, Kensington ; Majr. John Jameson, 67, Lower Thames-street ; Mr. ales Tate, nursery and seedsman, Sloane-street; and r. George Charlwood, 14, Tavistock-row, Covent garden ;.--through whom the kind and benevolent as ea arlce-gfthe charitable and humane are respectfully and ted. - 4 the rivet I: e Brown , : t;• Sir 101 , t, Douglss , 'om Quebt d his Maie P l, the Ebaner ~Y fleet. breezes.. - " —sailed on lon, Cravg i Mafia, CO Oike, From ed the Tho es, fot 004 LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JULY 20, 1833. No. 12,749.) PRICE 7-n.) P U RSUANT to a Decree of the High ! C ourt of Chancery, made in a Cause " Beaumont iltunst eboat,” th e Creditors of GEORGE MASH, late cf Homerton, in the county of Middlesex, Cow dealer, who died in the month of November, 1831,) are, by t heir Solicitors, on or before the 12th day of August, th 1e33, t o come i n b e f ore Willi am Wi ng fi e ld, Esq., one of :e Master s of the said Court, at his Chambers in South. olpton. buildings, Chancery-lane, London, and prove their Debts, or la default thereof, they will be peremptorily excluded the benefit of the said Decree. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. Iton, Alm!116 MaaeY, Christian.o Beiirly; HOUSE OF LORDS, JULY 19. The Earl of RODEN presented a petition from th. merchants of Dublin, in favour of the Kingstown Canal Bill. Lord SEAGRAVE presented a petition from the licensed victuallers of Dursley, and other parishes, in Gloucester• shire, against the present Beer Act. The petitioners complained that they were liable to certain Excise duties to which the keepers of beer shops were not. Those shops were, in the Noble Lord's opinion, the cause of great demoralization among the people. The Duke of NEWCASTLE wished to know whether it was true, as stated in a newspaper he had read, that the Archbishop of York had sent round circulars to the clergymen of his diocese, desiring them to inform him of the number of parishes which had been joined, whose population amounted to more than a thousand souls, and the value to more than 5001. The Noble Duke made some few remarks, which were inaudible in the gallery. The Bishop of LONDON said the Noble Duke had referred to the duty of the Bench of Bishops, and to his being translated into the priesthood of the temple of expediency, but he thought expediency was a very material point for a rule of duty.—(Hear.) He was happy to inform the Noble Duke that reform had already begun in the Church of England—that it had been proceeding for many years, and of late years in par ticular, at an accelerated pace. With respect to the paragraph in the newspaper, in which the Noble Duke had sounded his extraordinary speech, he could only say, that it admitted of an easy explanation. Some months ago, a Noble Earl, as firm and dis creet a friend of the Established Church as there was in that House, had moved for a return of all the be nefices in England and Wales, which, in the opinion of the Bishop, might be united with advantage, not to the incumbents, but to the parishioners. Pursuant to the order thus issued by the House, the Bishops had for sometime been collecting materials for the return called for. The Rev. Bishop particularly alluded to by the Noble Duke, following the precedent of the Primate of all England, had written to his clergy for an account of such benefices as being united would not have a greater popula tion than 1,000, or yield a larger income than 5001. a year. This, so far from being a measure hostile to the establishment was favourable to it, and had been taken, as he said before, by one of the firmest and most discreet friends of the Established Church. He feared that no immediate result would flow from the motion, but it would certainly provide their Lordships with a very valuable body of information.—(Hear, hear.) . . . . le, Carr, ": 1 Mirara/c l9 4 ' iughton, delphia ; C uthward, Band ; Sirs phitrite, cata, Off IS THOMAS POCOCK, ___Solicit or for the Executors, 59, 13artholonnew-close. , tiison) iam, Will oger, and 1 11 from 14a1 11 L tiverpoo l _, ednesday,l o ' go discharol S DAY. JULY 17. ;:nAnnst e defendel lll , t the retuf o .. ,' lent sohie one. The . v o iders, and 00 eir trial 0 0 A of the pr„i i the forty r, who is a the Coiptirt subornatiOP dant, when' Aired, and ied his L 0 1 1", eir verdict, ' d pre.judge4l that was cted that ultimately try having f guilty; the' ore hearing iut, having 1 which thei The Duke of NEWCASTLE said that such a union of benefices must be injurious to the Established Church. It proceeded upon the principle which pervaded the pre sent system, namely that of legislating for numbers, whereas he thought five persons in a parish ought not to be deprived of their clergyman. If anything, the number of livings and clergymen wanted an increase instead of a diminution. IS DAY. le was suPP i ; to be diseha )f 45,0001.9 ''„l he last too ) . , rued sine . COURT OF CHANCERY REGULATION BILL. On the motion of the LORD CHANCELLOR, this Bill was read a third time and passed. THE KING'S LETTER TO THE BISHOPS. AY.) ) I CLOC been recd' on the SP A ') obertson aou i e former, all having adO nor of onsternati o cy calls thei r lice, so tll 3t t , system, to )rovision for Coffee-1 0 r is just 3° ived at Lis p ►rrived passe dro's army unces the 0 1 ; ch left Li sl l, he above f t r p .nd 45 of he r I, roulun, she it does no t !, 'Ted, having' ;rice they after reCC :h little (W iji i Abate on the )egins to be • IST ON rto :—" ell o his morning , j r lines yestevo about 60 0 1 on the gear 'rench, 1 139 'emental 11 0 ° i with three The Frell°.h town ilturoo!' e opposite 0 , h that LisbOi ; appeared 1° being of 50 ,0 t will great t, and 90% pt in l'ort° 0' CL 0 Cl‘ ' , i , BUILDING GROUND, ISLINGTON. "be PEREMPTORILY SOLD, pursuant to a decree of the High Court of Chancery, made in a cause Hick /1I 1114 , 11 v. Pocock, with the approbation of Sir Giffin ~,„, -il icc--one of the Masters of the said Court, in the n t lic sal e room o f t h e sa id C our t i n Southampton ,,-uf i ags, Chancery -lane, on TUESDAY, the 13th day `l uclusT neat between -' one and two o'clock in the afternoon. ' A . FREEHOLD ESTATE at Islington , de ceate. , t he Property of the late Mr. John Thomas Pocock Ifr om „`" The ground is on each side of the New Road ala • a Asylum Bildge to Holloway, and adjoins the Caledo toil i s f ril ; a nd comprises 19 acres more or less. The fort) . o good brick earth, and the situation very desirable :7411..rritloicicaiduniga rosil account of the frontage on each side of the may be bad (gratis) at the Masters Cham . Solli',la Soutb ampton-buildings ; of Mr. bras. Herbert, II g s li e t l . to r, 4, Bridge-row,Pimlico ; of Mr. Thos. Pocock, , )I <l lllli itatorni.69, Bartholomw-close, and at the Angel Inn, Comp VA LUABLE FREEHOLD ESTATE, 4 e , hn g the Manor of Afton, Mansion-house, and 578 of ail ° 1 Land, i n th e pari s h of Fr e shwat e r, in the Isle T • (13 13 E SOLD BY PRIVATE CONTRACT, 11.1 4der of the Trustees and Executors of the late Robert Hicks E,q., deceased), to t il l . MANOit, or reputed MANOR of 1 4 o Lei . - v TON, with its rights, members, and almur 04p: A subst ant i a l we ll b u il t STONE MANSION lidep,,l called AFTON HOUSE, calculated for . the re- - qisit I ,, ° ' a resp ecta bl e family, a Farm-house, wit , re , I : 44 ns - :, rn t Buildings, several Cottages for Labourers, and n - le lBl:7eLin.ds, situated in. the parish of Freshwater, i aeri 'li of °' Wight, comprising, in the whole, about 578 ( " 4 11. ttc h and productive arable, meadow, pasture, .a n nd a very 021) woodland , the whole within a ring fence, i of Mr e g i; s tate of cultivation, and now in the occupation Th e r 7 R icks, widow of the late proprietor. tak en at sir o may be wi ng Crops , Farming Stocks, &c., ltl - a valuation, an immediate possession can be given. on "1144 0du tg e nna r . cn- -Aconsiderable part of the purchase p„ r furk enaain on mortgage. lioliPipieyn!if letterbyuerrticulars, and to treat for the purchase, Ly : Post paid) to Messrs. King and Moor n e, ! S ewell, ll " akr' -4lnington or Messrs. Sewell, Hearn, tl d ,:, hileir 3,:toe:_por:, Isle of Wight, from whom, and of . Mr. th e main S.quire, Yarmouth Isle of Wight, tickets to view house and premises may be procured, an tV -111 ' l a nd particular of the Estate may be seen. U. WAL ES.—GLAMORGANSHIRE, ON THE %p to S EA COAST, NEAR CARDIFF. ii„,, i. "' Manor Estate of 1,200 Acres, Land Tax re- V ined, and the Advoweon of the Living, with pr s i e .l.of early presentatNLEYion. WINSTA and SONS bes leave t o apprise the public that they Esq., noweyareue di by utors of EVAN THOMAS, deceased, to ( for PUBLIC SALE, at the Auction Mart, n ' On TUESDAY, the 6th of August, at Twelve, a y L l osble and d e si ra bl e FREEHOLD LANDED IN ITVENT ; compri s i ng th a t we ll-k own property th e - ' RSTATE, comprehending nearly the whole of the 1 - ' and including upwards of 1,200 acres hi o n f uancroimn i Jiyisprtoolductive meadow land ; l y i ng of CardFffh,annel, pi .n 4 wiy antageously situate on the coast, w . it adjoining only about eight miles from the frona whence there is a constant and easy 'tioication by steam vessels with the city of Bristol ; :e With the Manor or Lordship of Sully, the per m t O - v ;• v i e :F ec a, tor tv y ith the prospect of early the lent DarP re s tithes en of Sully, comprising theand Parish, with a most comfortable use, an a ou B ,," a ge ho db t thirty acres of glebe ,„ e.. t o - , 4 Pr d ePertv cr be worth upwards of 300/. per annum. : ~ oilers a ver advantageoasopportunity to any h, es h ircnie of invesiin y g capital in land, as a very large beep expended by the late owner in building new r , iiin 3, with windmills of the best construction fo d ,r oe i„g 4141 grinding corn, in making plantations, an :t 4 " d g the land, which is now in the finest possible entente inne"d°n• The roads are good, and intersect for the conveniently for leading the crops home, es 0 11 " I the farms generally. There are also 30 le'nee,l3 calledthMate, with a pleasant sea-bathing cottage a moderate Siv anbridge, containing accommodations for thesized genteel family, or as an occasional re- It has owner, with good offices, stabling, plantations, , as been in the contemplation of the Post-office to Sully t h e Milford point of communication between Bristol , ih ae , r and also of the Marquis of Bute to ma . ke a *hi e , n ' road from Cardiff towards Swanbridge, either Tabsif carried into effect, would materially tend to i :eolstit of the property. , be,viewed by tickets only, which, with particulars, , ,I',_a(l of E. P. Richards, Eq., solicitor, Cardiff; " chi tar Esq., solicitor, Brecon ; Messrs. Cooke, 44 aitotuEhterhisstgolu;areh:eGssreas;,Bß.iantnik,eLn onanddonV, ic a k nd eun of an W s in o- - nd Sons, Paternoster-row. Particulars may also Ring's Hed and Bell 'lnns at Gloucester ; at the art. lON.--.tt''A th e t to at f the nuttO e 'l l t r3 Fpp le cutc all the Ilik°ll fo the year 03 k o ,, t °4, on 188,050. , sESTII gib. Les PREsst'i';' d lor th, ) ` i f?i 14'4 Ec - )ers two OP,' kook' and ye hundre°„. e ' Pr of consuropt,Pi th e i 3 silting of P. ,) t OWn r' " 0 1 k, one of t'i el:hi/41°f Ca, tad the .b° ° t c)geth u e 4 e le4 I of t ' `i etu a l a w d the new ~I f °0 to ly Abber/ iP t th e vv ? Lady L it e ld ellent p t whether Th i ' Preso 'e that the Prop ei :term roe reli teaB,°:l dash hick she l i t/ 44,3 b et ) " portico' iO l th r - "lead f ,, hoped thereilipf i trip e r ' l ling a ['ten bitter t ord et "ing ! th e _ and 4a4 e stat e Greenock' tr ' for t he te -ttag es on 'Captain Step ;f 4 ' i denee t a U r "" the en It la t id te ktl t i Sull ver-square'pri 41ifor, to Ellen I , of - , mill= I' o4 ' ) °` P of pl jrn Ib orn , J. k t l3 , e r°, t 7: s f ry 2 t i k Y b e h vi ' kvi d ad f Th°l 54, °- t: t(4.: 1.1 aged " `t a and t o t t i ougo , the 74DON The Earl of WINCHILSEA—I do not mean the slight est disrespect to the Reverend Bench opposite in the ques tion I am about to ask ; but as it relates to a point apparently made to have a connection with the present question before them, I cannot forbear asking for a contradiction, if one can be given upon au thority, of a rumour which has gone abroad on the subject of a letter proceeding from the King to the Bishops. I beg to ask, therefore, whether, directly or indirectly, any communication has been made to the Right Rev. Bench on an important measure lately before this House.— (Hear, hear, hear.) It has been so stated, and has not been denied upon authority. Now this is a point so deeply affecting the independence of this branch of the Legislature, both in and out of this House, that I think I have a right to a fair and open answer. If such a letter has been sent from the Crown to the Bishops (as stated in The Sun newspaper), I will say that whoever advised it, be he whom be may, was guilty of a gross dereliction 01 Constitutional duty, which no language I can use is sufficiently strong to express my feelings upon. The Bishop of LONDON—In the first place, I do not consider myself, in the absence of the Right Rev. Prelate, to whom I presume the question of the Noble Earl was more particularly addressed, competent to give an answer to that question, but if I were competent to answer it I should decline doing co, because I do not think the Noble Earl has a right to ask it.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Ido not mean to say that the Noble Earl, or any other Noble Lord, has not a right to put what question be pleases to the Bishops, but it is not, in the present case, that sort of right which implies a duty on our parts to an swer it. My Lords, it might be exceedingly inconvenient to answer the question.—(Hear, from the Opposition.) If his Majesty, as head of the Church, is pleased at any time to communicate his sentiments to his Bishops, and I know no person who has greater right to do so, it would be inconvenient for us to be called upon in our places to communicate to the House whatever his Majesty may have heen pleased to write. But this I will say, that I do not h lieve his Majesty has made any com munication of such a nature as in the slightest degree to in. friege upon the privileges of this House, or to warrant the burst of indignation displayed by the Noble Earl. I entertain the highest respect for the sincerity, manliness, and devoted respect to the Church, of the Noble Earl; but I repeat, that nothing has occurred to call forth the warm expres sions uttered by the Noble Earl, or to justify me in an swering his question. The Duke of WELLINGTON agreed with the Right Rev. Prelate that his Majesty was at full liberty to give any advice to the Archbishop of Canterbury, respecting the clergy of the country, which he thought fit ; but whether any use had been made of that advice by the Archbishop, was another question. He, however, earnestly entreated their Lordships not to give credit to reports of the description that had been referred to, as it only led to jealousies which did much snore harm than good. The Earl of WINCHILSEA admitted that at times when he addressed that House, he did so with a warmth of feeling which might be unbecoming in him, but he could assure their Lordships that it proceeded from the honest and conscientious feeling of his heart.— (Hear, hear.) The only object he had in putting the question was, to contradict a report which had gone abroad, which he conscientiouly believed to be untrue. All that he wished was a flat contradiction.—(Hear, hear.) The subject then dropped. The Earl of WICKLOW, before the order of the day was proceeded with, wished to put a question to the Noble Viscount opposite (Melbourne). It would be in the recollection of the House that in May last, in conse quence of a discussion that took place on a motion made by him (Lord Wicklow) for certain papers, the Noble Viscount opposite had stated that it was the intention of the Government in the course of the present session to bring in a Bill for renewing the Bill of the last session, which expired in Nov. last, by which the landlords had the power of contracting with the rectors of parishes for the future payment of tithes by giving a bonus of 15 per cent. No Bill had as yet been introduced ; and as the subject was one of the greatest importance to the landed interest of Ireland, he wished to know whether it was the intention of his Majesty's Ministers to renew the Act in the present session. Viscount MELBOURNE said (as we understood) that he apprehended it was the intention of Ministers to renew the Act in the present session. Earl WICKLOW wished the answer of the Noble Viscount had been more explicit, as it was his intention, if he bad stated his intention positively to introduce the Bill, to have suggested some amendment which he thought would be highly beneficial to the measure. He would, however, now, with the permission of their Lordships, state a few of them.—(Cries of " No, no.") Lord KENYON rose to order. The House was anxious to come to a conclusion of the debate on the Bill now before them, and it was not compete. .t for the Noble Earl to enter into the merits of a Bill that was not before them. The order of the day was then read, when several Peers rose together. There were loud cries for Lord Eldon, and the other Noble Lords gave way. Lord ELDON then proceeded to say, that he felt it a duty he owed to himself, to his most gracious King, to the people of this country, as well as to the House, to make some observations as to the consequences likely to follow the passing of the Bill then on the table. They were likely to be of the most awful kind, and it was under that conviction, he assured the House upon his honour, that he felt it his duty, as shortly as possible, to state his opinions on that most important question, and he would occupy their useful time for as short a space as the nature of the question would allow. He owed that the more to their Lordships when be considered the attention with which they were always pleased to hear any his observations, but the more, so, when he thought on the respect which they had shown him during the unprecedented length of time he had the honour of occu pying the woolsack. He might never have another oppor tunity of expressing his grateful thanks to their Lordships, neither would he measure his address by the gratitude which he owed them, or it would be without end. The question was one of the greatest importance that had ever come before that House—(Hear, hear)—and what ever observation might be made upon what he might say, he would not be deterred from doing his duty. He would ask whether any man could look at what had been transacted during the last 12 months and not be obliged to say that there bad been a conspiracy going on against their Lordships' House, the import of which was to put an end to its functions ? But, notwith standing all that, he called upon their Lordships to do their duty. He had been raised from a very humble sta tion of life, and he would ask leave to tell them that the only means whereby they could give an advantage to their opponents, was to give way to menaces and clamour— the consequence would be dreadful if their Lordships did not restore that House to the character it bad three or four years ago—the great saviour of the country; they might depend upon it that in a very short time there would not be an opportunity for any one to address their Lordships in that House. It was his most determined purpose to submit to all the consequences, before he, fair one, would allow the same measures to be pursued, as had been for the last two years. With these preliminary ohserva. lions he would proc-ed to the consideration of the Bill then before them. That Bill—he submitted it more particularly to the Reverend Bench—that Bill, if allowed to pass in its present shape, would prevent any one 20 years younger than himself from ever ad dressing that Bench again. Before proceeding to the details of the B;11, he would ask one sirnp!e question—it was, whether Ws Majesty could, consistently with his co ronation oath, give his consent and sanction to that Bill? On that he had only to say, it certainly astonished him, that, after the union of the English and Irish Churches, and after it had been solemnly declared by Parliament that there was no longer an English Church and an Irish Church, but that, after that Bill passed, there should be one united Church of England and Ireland—he was, be said, asto nished that, knowing such to be the case, their Lordships bad debated for four or five nights respecting the Irish Church.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") There was no Irish Church—the two churches having been united by the solemn declaration of Parliament. Good God! When be looked back to that period when the Act of Union passed, with which he had something to do, he could not imagine how it happened that the interests of the English church and those of the Irish church had been so separated as they were by the present Bill before the House. Now with respect to the coronation oath— he spoke with reference to a Noble Duke (Wellington), for whom no one entertained a greater respect than he did, though he must say that he had objections of a very strong nature to the Act of 1829 (the Catholic Bill), and the circumstance gave him great pain, because he was opposed to that Noble Duke to whom he was under so much obligation—he must say, that he was astonished to hear a Learned Lord (Plunket) speak as be did respecting the coronation oath. With all respect to the opinions of others, and with the greatest reverence to his Sovereign, he could not reconcile, either in the Act of 1829 or in the present measure the coronation oath to his Majesty's giving his Royal Assent to it.—(Hear, bear.), The Act of Union between England and Ireland was not the first Act of Union in this country. Long before that Union, there was the Union with Scotland. The Union between England and Ireland was made by a Protestant Parliament of Ireland, and a Protestant Parliament in Eng land, for the purpose of maintaining inviolate the Protestant religion. The Irish Union was not formed with the caution practised by our Scotch neighbours.—(A laugh.) He en tertained great respect for !he Noble Peers in the House, and those who came from Scotland, but he must say that Scotchmen possessed far more caution than either Englishmen or Irishmen.—(Laughter.) The Scotchmen saw that in uniting with England they would lose their Parliament ; they, however, consoled themselves with having the same number of representatives in the English Parliament, but they insisted that, prior to the Union taking place, an Act should pass to prevent the English Parliament from ever touching the Presbyterian religion as practised in Scotland. That solemn Act was passed, and secured the inviolability of that religion. If not on the consciences of the English Parliament and of the King, its head, on what would stand such an Act ? If the obligations which either the Parliament or the King entered into were neglected or dispensed with, it would go for nothing at all ; and then, after these two Acts had passed and been consummated, the very next day a Bill might be brought into Parliament, which should declare that there should be no Protestant religion in Scotland, or, if the Scotch got the start of us, that there should be no Episcopacy in Ireland.—(Hear, bear.) They had nothing to rely on but the solemn oath of the King. With respect to the Union of Ireland, when the King gave his consent to the Act of Parliament, he was called on by the most solemn rights and ceremo nies, not merely to say "Le Roi le veut," but also to ap peal in the most solemn manner, and to say, " So help him God!" So help him God he would not consent to any Act of Parliament that would disturb or affect the interests of that establishment, to which he vowed his constant and eternal attachment. With all that deference and respect which he owed to the Noble Duke near 11111), he must be allowed to say, whatever consequences it might expose him to, for be was driven to it by what had passed in the House, that'if the Great Seals bad been in his hand at the present time, which bound him to tender his humble advice on this subject to hie Majesty, and if the King bad declined accepting, what in his conscience he might have given,—so help him that God---- (Hear, hear)—before whose tribunal he had soon to appear, he would, with all dutiful respect, have said, " Sire,—lt is my duty to assume that you understand your duty better than I do ; the advice I have given is, from my soul and conscience, what I ouglst togive you; I am bound to defer to your superior judgment, but I cannot entangle myself with the consequences which in my after life must attach to other advice, and I cannot go out of this room without resigning into your hands the seals of office, which compel me to tender to you my advice."—(Hear, hear, bear.) As to the Bill itself, it did appear to him to be one of the most ex traordinary ever introduced into Parliament. Could their Lordships suppose, knowing as they must what was going on in this country, that this measure was the limit to which they would be obliged to go, if they acceded to it? As a Peer of that House, he was tremblingly alive to its existence and stability. Four years ago the most illustrious assembly in the world was the House of Lords. It was the palladium of the rights and liberties of the people, and if its honours and distinctions did not continue to exist, the Monarchy could not long be up held. But if there were in this country people who ex pected to deter him from the execution of those duties which be thought heowed to the King, which he thought he owed to the country, and which he owed even to that class of men, the people of the country, one of whom he once had been, and one of whom he hoped he still was, they might threaten him, they might endeavour to affright him, from the execution of his duty, but, let the consequences be what they might, they could not accomplish that point,—they should never prevent him from doing what in his conscience he believed to be his duty. He would live, and when he died, he would die the dutiful subject of the King—the supporter of that House— the supporter of a House of Commons who did their duty to the people, and did not allow the people to tell them what their duty was. With respect to the compact between England and Ireland, be would take the liberty of saying that, in his opinion, those two countries had at that rime a Protestant representation, and that that Union was made—and h e t h oug h t h e k new i t was ma d e—to ear.) He support w P a ro u t l e d sta d n el t aa i r n a ter t e h s a ts t o a f I B re il l l and p . Church, Opposition.))he bad thoughtlreland. —( Hear, Rear.) on the principl es o f th i s Bill, was a d i rect and ma i n friend a fraud on th e P rotestant representation.—(Hear, hear, he He w asa at t inc a e a r e e r ,from of the thec time of his life to be a minister of that church. He had spent a long life in looking into this subject, as well as he could, and he would venture to say now that if there were such men in the world, who ought to be p arts of the church establishment, it was its Archbishops, Bishops, &c. He conceived that it should be taken as an axiom that every man ought to be a member of some ch urc or other ; for if the obligations of religion were loosened, thee every man might be told to think as be plea- , on religion, and what, he would ask, could b expected to result from such a license ?—(Hear, hear.) He admitted that there ought to be the most free tolera tion, but that was not to be obtained to the destruction of the Church. If God gave him sufficient length of life. he should enter his protest against the Bill, being deter mined that his countrymen should know that he was n. t p o ar b ty e s t f such a nv icteti ofha proceeding, vi ng andneglected egle e sa tveds his d ete d r determined not duty. The Bishop of LONDON felt great embarrassment in rising to address their Lordship., not as to any doubt he entertrined as to the propriety of the vote he had deter mined to give for the second reading of the Bill, a deter mination he had formed after the most serious and anxious consideration, but he was embarrassed by the very cir cumstance of having no doubt as to the adoption of that course; that embarrassment was not diminished when h , considered the observations he should have to make mink, not be satisfactory to those who supported or opposed the measure. There were some of the provisions of the measure to which be had no reasonable objection, but there weYe others to which he must give 1.,;s most unqualified dissent ; hut, looking at the state of the Church of Ireland, he thought it imperatively call:d on him to vote for the second reading of the Bill ; Whether this be the wisest and safest measure that could have been devised I should hesitate to affirm. I acknow ledge that in the manner of its originating, and in the bear ing of some of its provisions, it is, in my opinion, open to serious objections. With respect to the manner of its originating, I cannot help regretting that the great bud) of the Irish clergy was not consulted as to the best and safest remedy for those evils the existence of which they are amongst the foremost to acknowledge, and of the real remedy of which they are the best judges. —(Hear.) I ant sure they would not have been deterred from proposing that remedy by the apprehension of personal sacrifices on their own puts, for there exists no' in the world a more disinterested, more liberal, more spi ritual-minded body of men than the Irish Protestant clergy.—(Cheers.) He was aware, indeed, of the diffi culties which might have been met with in obtaining for mally the opinions of the Irish clergy as a body. He was aware that it would be difficult to summon a Convocation. But if that had been done, and though there was diffi culty, still it might have been done, the greatest of all the objections which existed against the Bill would have been removed at the outset.—(Hear.) In giving his vote for the second reading, he wished it to be known to their Lordships that he did so not with unmixed satisfaction. He could not conceal from himself that it would follow from the absolute recognition of this Bill that danger would be brought upon all the establishments of the cauntry. No person immediately conversant with the state of Ireland would contradict him when he said that the payment of tithe by the occupier of the land to the incumbent was extinct and never could be revived. He could not go into a discussion of the causes which had pro duced this state of things; but such it was, whatever might have led to it. His Majesty's Ministers had under taken to collect them, but with all their means and ap pliances they had failed to do so. The grant to the clergy was a measure both of justice and humanity; but how would the Government and the clergy be situated if the present Bill should be rejected? Could it be sup posed that the House of Commons would pass a Bill founded on the resolutions, for the payment of the clergy of the arrears of 1831 and 1832, if the Bid now before their Lordships should be rejected ?—(Hear, bear.) He believed that the Church of Ireland was in such a state that for its preservation a measure of concession as large as this was necessary. But their Lordships bad been told that the Bill was in principle ruinous, and that it was their duty to throw it out in disregard of all consequences. But what were the consequences ?—( Hear.) One was the immediate ruin of the Church Establishment in Ireland. --(Hear, hear.) Was it not then the duty of every Member of their Lordships' House carefully to weigh those consequences?—(Hear, hear.) Would they not best con sult the interests of the Church itself by consenting to a measure which, although it might affect its temporal re sources, would yet preserve it from immediate and inevi table destruction ?—(Hear, hear.) It had been said that the certainty of change was quite as detrimental to the character and to the efficiency of the Church as the probability of destruction. But let their Lordships look to the nature of the change proposed. Certainly, if the Bill went to affect the Irish Church in a single point of its doctrines, to change a single sentence in its formularies, the only point in respect to which the Bill could be sup posed to trench upon these forbidden grounds was in the appointment of the Commission. But in all other re spects the Bill might be said to be one which affected the economical arrangements of the Church, but left its spiritual affairs untouched. The question for considera tion was, whether it would not be better to admit of some alteration in the existing arrangements of the Church to avoid the total and immediate destruction of the establishment ?--(Hear, hear.) It had beeu said that by this Bill a door would be opened to innovation. But the door was already open ; and it was the duty of those who supported and defended the Church to take such measures as would put the narrowest limits to en croachments. The Irish clergy almost universally desired the abolition of the church cess. It was the fruitful source of dissensions. But the object for which it was levied could not be dispensed with ; and the most equi table way to get rid of the present evil in the mode of collection would be for the Irish landlords themselves to undertake the payment. That the number of the Bishops might be diminished without detriment to the interests of the Church, had been admitted by the head of the Church in Ireland ; and although that Most Reverend Prelate had given his opinion that six bishoprics only might be reduced, and the Bill reduced ten, the question became one solely of number, as the principle that reduction might take place was admitted. In the course of the debate last night the additional labour that world by this Bill be thrown upon the Irish Bishops was com plained of. The justice of the complaint depended upon what they bad now to do. His own official cares were not light, but, if the care of another county should be thrown upon him, he was not so vain as to say that he should be fully adequate to it, but he certainly should endeavour to do the duty.—(Hear.) There was one species of reform much desired by many persons in this country, the best friends of the Church—he meant the abolition of peculiar juri.ilictions. With respect to the old dioceses, the duty at present which devolved upon the Bishops was sufficiently heavy. Ile had himself as much to do as he could well undertake ; but, if the Bill which d s f t sc i t aoo r one a s ni e m t obi eei e nesfmn a dol vse n rtuhefith t ol sooetseui t appreciated wndpl eat nruoyebetlupnche bring lp:idbohsaaaepstdrabr,eeotd i eddet n ceofhddei f tßahher4 r wlielielssv t co h he6wludbome e slprei dofotgas a rbryoen b beufi.t o o,net, i tnath i wsse t ihi Tn i sfiiwe o tcochh n hdrebeeejsi acaeeohscmndpfi objected addition noeetrnwgpddh uietpnt peculiarorahucehte undertosoiieonuounnnunms ju risdictionsmthtthporioi country l f teoz o ateasio r riedi m fgeleee.iti unnrr e haoe t ye l se:aryt ce a ntbi elahsoyeariosnadereot_seoi,ondof arrangement jeen wouldt butgneon tthr•ey say . thought he might be able to perform his duties. The re ductione gmr roust s u t n ground derive 'chat t f h iev. t ht 00 H ug e h f t u lay equalize satthdi the g t Enh h eri e ertat r :t e efd v r enue of the Bishops was a subject of difficulty, be causephroeyp egr otii property st i ;: n rf v fae o srr l O n t t w nwh / s r o cco e r a a ohs ln e m p sta erffgoore,ueupOcol property. O nts tyg / e Legis lature Must dioceses, Church hypothetical a year, the one other with onalny case—was . it to be said that neither the Legislature nor revenues, but to take any part from the larger dioceses and add it to the smaller ? He would not now enter upon this question, but should not be afraid at any time to take his stand upon such a case as this. Great danger was apprehended to the rights of the English clergy from the principle of taxation introduced in this Bill. He appre hended nu such danger. It would be hypocrisy in him to say that he approved of the whole of this measure. He would vote for the second reading on two grounds—first, because he apprehended great and imminent danger to the Church if it should be rejected, and be was not ashamed of this avowal. It was not cowardice to make it in a case of this nature. He was apprehensive of a great con vulsion, not indeed immediately in this country, but in Ireland. If it should be rejected he looked to the speedy downfal of the Irish Church, and to some great civil commotion. the The Archbishop of DUBLIN said he should not enter into the details of the Bill. He was doubly connected with the measure, first, as an Irish Prelate whose cares would be increased by it, while his revenues would be diminished; and secondly, as one of the persons of whom th e Commission was to be composed in the event of th Bill passing. Every strong feeling, therefore, which the measure was calculated to excite was as likely to reach him as it was any Prelate upon the English Bartell. tie came to this question with no party feelings, no predi lections, no views hastily taken up; and he should not vote for a second reading if he had not for some time well weighed the consequences. It was not necessary for him to enter into the general question, for his opinions upon it were before their Lordships a year and a ha!! hack, and they were now in print upon the table. These opinions, which he expressed a year and a h ilf bark, remained unaltered, and nothing had occurred since to in ..lucellim to alter them. There were, however, some things which he then deemed expedient, which would not be expedient now. The views he then took were since confirmed, and some of his predictions had been fulfilled. He said that he was doubly connected with the Bill, first, as an Irish Prelate, whose cares would be increased, while his revenues were diminished by it ; and, secondly, as one of the Commissioners. As regarded the revenues o f the see of Dublin be would state to their Lordships what he had done. He spontaneously offered to dimi nish those revenues provided it appeared that it would be for the general interests of religion and of the Irish Church to make a different application of a part of them. He subsequently made a proposal that the revenues of that see should not be allowed to stand in the way if by an application of them to that objet the vestry cess could be got rid of. He considered the cess an evil, not so much on account of the amount, but because it was a source of great irritation. Though he considered the revenues of the see his own, to be disposed of as be thought fit ,luring his life, he still thought them the property of the Church. He felt that the perpetuity was a sacred trust, not alone for the see of Dublin, but for the gene ral interests of the Established Church of Ireland ; and he would most willingly sacrifice the whole of the revenues if he thought that by so doing the cause of true religion could he promoted. He considered the income of a see, or of a parish, not alone with refe rence to the individual who held either for the time being, hut with reference to the interests of the Church generally. This offer he made without the slightest hint from the Noble Earl at the head of the Government, with whom his first intercourse was the offer to him by the Noble Earl of the see of Dublin. He should be happy if by any other contrivance the taxation of the clergy of Ireland could have been avoided. He could not express as they deserved the feelings he entertained of the merits of that clergy, and his deep regret for their sufferings. These lie had the pain to witness, and, as far as he could, alleviated ' them. They were received into his house and assisted with his purse. Whether any better plan could be sub stituted in lieu of the cess than this taxation of the clergy their Lordships were the best judges. The expediency of the proposed measure was objected to as being uncon nected with principle. In cases of this kind, however, expediency and principle must go together. He would not sacrifice a religious principle to expediency, but here there was no such question. The martyrs of old gave themselves up to death for the faith, but they would not have done so for any temporal interest. It was not a sacrifice of principle to expediency if the object pro. posed was to advanee the interests of the Church. He would not say this was the best plan which could be adopted, hut he heard no other suggested ; and, if they could not reach the port they wished, they must, as the sailors said, go as near the wind as they could, and reach the nearest port. The wisdom or the folly of the measure was not his, and he was not answer able for it. He thought a better system of measures might he brought in some time ago than that proposed, but it was at present too late. He would now come to the Com mission, which was objected to as dangerous in its com position, as it was proposed that it should be composed partly of laymen. The majority, however, was to consist of ecclesiastics. It appeared very inconsistent that a dimi nution of the number of Irish Bishops should be objected to, while at the same time apprehension was expressed of a Commission of which the Bishops were to form a majority. It was not quite courteous to them, as Members of the Commission, thus to estimate that they were likely to' abuse their power. For himself be would say that if any parish should be suspended by the Commission, and divine service not performed there for a time, if afterwards it should appear that in consequence of altered circumstances the appointment of a clergyman was desirable, he would immediately propose that the parish be restored. It was uncharitable to suppose that the Commission would not act in this way ; and, if their Lordships by their vote upon this occasion implied any such opinion, it would show that they did not entertain sentiments very favourable to the Irish Bishops. He could not understand why such fears were entertained of an admixture of laymen. The head of the church was a layman. The Lord Chancellor also was a layman. He had the disposal of a great number of liv ings. He had it in his power to suspend appointments to parishes for three, four, or five years, however eagerly the parishioners might be craving for the bread of life. A greater trust was thus proposed in a layman than would be confided to a numerous Commission, the majority of whom consisted of the clergy. He entertained no apprehension that the Commissioners would recommend a wanton and rash removal of clergymen. If he saw any such conduct he should not hesitate to lay a heavy complaint in a quarter where he was pretty sure it would be attended to. He admitted the Bill was attended with dangers, but the danger of rejecting it was still greater. It would be fatal. It was very possible to proclaim a danger in such a way as greatly to aggravate it. If it went abroad that it was the intention of his Majesty's Ministers to overturn the Church of Ireland, and that the present measure was only the commencement of the plan, it could not fail greatly to aggravate the existing evils and dangers. The report was industriously propagated by agitators that such was the object of the Government, and the professed friends of the Established Church con tributed their share in the cry. This was extremely im prudent, and many of those who were concerned in rais ing the cry now saw their error and deeply regretted it. He hoped upon this occasion all parry feeling, all political hostility, all recollection of former differences and of irri tating topics, would he laid aside, and that their Lord ships would come to the decision with singleness of mind, anxious only to do all the good in their power. A large body not only in Ireland but in England was hostile to the Constitution, to the Church, and to that House, but particularly hostile to the bench of Bishops. Nothing would mortify these men more than to see their Lord ships unite to do the best they could for the interests of the Church and of the country ; nothing please them more than to see this measure rejected.—(Hear, hear.) The Archbishop of CANTERBURY said he rose thus early in the debate because if he waited to a later hour he feared his state of health would prevent him from address ing their Lordships. He could not give a silent vote upon a question of this kind. It was with great pain he found himself obliged upon this occasion to oppose his Majesty's Ministers. It was a situation almost new for an Arch bishop of Canterbury. The ordinary policy of Govern ment used to be to consult with the heads of the church upon questions of this kind. This prevented hostile colli sion in public, the advantage of which was not inconsi derable. He would not admit that the heads of the church ought to submit tacitly to Government, but it was inconvenient to appear opposed to that power to which they ought to look for protection and support. Any sur mise that the Government was hostile to the church, or the church suspicious of the Government, must at all times he injurious. He lay under other disadvantages upon the present occasion, for if he opposed this reform it would be said he was hostile to all reform. By some his opposition would be attributed to party feeling, from which no man was more free. He had stated to himself and he had heard from others what were the reasons for this measure, and he was not able to satisfy himself that they were suffi. cient. He would state shortly his objections to this Bill. Two objects were proposed by it; the first reform, the second conciliation. The reform consisted in making pro visions, by a tax upon the clergy and by other means, for the building of churches and glebe-houses, the repair of churches, and the improvement of small livings. The conciliatory part consisted in the abolition of church cess. He did not know to which of these two objects the reduc tion of the number of Bishops w a s t o b e re f erre d, b u t th e alienation of the see lands must refer to conciliation. The case, he admitted, was odious ; and it was easy to conceive why it should be so from the difference of reli gious opinion in Ireland. He was most ready to give it up. If it was the source of perpetual conflict, let it be given up. But then they were told this was a boon to Ireland, by way of compensation for the Coercion Bill. He could not admit this view of the case. The effect of the Coercion Bill was to restore peace and tranquillity, and therefore it was, in point of fact, a boon to that country.—(Hear.) The next question to be considered _ 4 ) cfs: ..k,;1'7,•,1.,-..',f'144:7':41:1:tH' < C57.74141' wai4hefe to, it el fo- • tlie. ct 4 it fall? In his opinion it tiotglit to be upon tfre;ll% ' v. i a r: :;* . he way of deduction from the tent. Well, theja, ke.yf'olo l- .. ive up the vestry cess. He would suppose trift in tr . i'lle'': ixed upon the church, and then he would consi*lnl6li'f.'.- V vould he the effect. There was a great difference 1kt4010. - -he statement as to its amount, which was brought forward by the Noble Earl in his open'ng speech the other evenine, ind the statement made by the Rt:'ht Rev. Prelate who •poke yesterday evening. Which of those statements was lie truest he could not tell, lor he had not had time to ex - mine ; but he was willing to take it upon the statement if the Noble Earl—that he presumed was the most fa vouratile, and therefore he could not err. The Noble Eat I -aid that the charge of the vestry cess was 60,0001. a year, and that the means to meet it with, when they fell into hand, were about 130,000/.—(Here Earl Grey made an observation to the Most Rev. Prelate, but which was in - tudible in the gallery.) The argument, then, which he vas about to offer was not so strong, certainly, becaue ,vhat he was about to say was that the vestry cess would take up more than one-third of the substituted fund ; but even by the Noble Earl's statement it would be nearly one-third of the fund when it came into operation.-- (Hear, hear,) But their Lordships should consider how long it would be before this fund was realiz,d, and before the tax would take effect--(Hear, hear.) The money to be derived from the sales of perpetuities would come in very slowly, and then there would be some very heavy incumbrances to be paid off before anything else could be effected. What funds then would there be wi,iel, fir a number of years would be applicable to the buil ling of churches and of glebe-houses, and for the augmentation of cheap livings? It must be put off for an intlefinit.- number of years.—(Hear, hear.) But in the nature of things it must be a coercive and arbitrary tax. The only way in which local matters could be economically managed was by local assessments. It was only those persons -elio had an interest to maintain a rigid economy who would , keep down unnecessary expen•es. What was the reasor that the vestry cess was levied upon the occupier and no' ;he owner of the land? Because lie was himself inte rested in the amount of the assessment, and tilt relit: e exercised a vigilance and watchfulness over the expendi ture and the necessity for it. But, according to the plats proposed, a Board sitting in Dublin was to manage the ' • affairs of every distant church in the kingdom, howeves• small. It was to have an annual account placed before it of the repairs necessary to be made, and of the sums in quired, but of the correctness and necessity of which it was impossible the Board could form any judgment what ever ; nor could they maintain any superin•endence of ti e expenditure, except through the agency of others, who might not always be trustworthy perhaps, and who in all probability would add to the expenditure of the church, which already too much exceeded its means. Then, whet these deficiencies occurred, how were they to be made up? Why, by additional taxation on the clergy ; for, when these charges were once laid upon them, who could ven ture to say that any portion of them would ever aeairo 'be transferred upon the laity? On the clergy they muse remain for ever—(Hear, hear)—impoverished as they al ready were by the reduction of tithes, by the imposition of this tax, and of whom he might say nothing was wanting to effect their ruin but the pones rate.—(Hear.) All the land of the see disposed of, there would be no reserve on which those extra charges might fall. Without going further into this matter, but protesting against the injus tice either of transferring the tax from the land on to the clergy or on the see lands, he would suppose that this measure was carried ; what then was to be its effect ? The effect was to be conciliation. He, for one, felt that no thing was more desirable than conciliation, and espe cially in Ireland, where so much dissension prevailed. So far from attacking his Majesty's Ministers upon that account, he gave them the greatest credit for endeavour ing to attain so great an object. If the Roman Catholics and Protestants of Ireland could be brought to unite as common friends, it would be a truism to say that Ireland would then be completely happy. That was all that Ireland wanted; but he was afraid that this attempted conciliation would fail.—(Hear.) He would state his reason for entertaining that fear. It was a con ciliation to be alt iined not only by concession, for that might be right—it might be prudent and wise for one party to concede and nothing more—but it was a sacri fice of the property and the feelings of one party which would be construed into a triumph by the other. He ap prehended that a conciliation of that kind could never pro duce peace. It would raise in the minds of one party a feeling of exultation, and excite a corresponding feeling of irritation in the minds of the other; and, if their Lordships would reflect to whom this sacrifice was to be made, and at whose expense, they would see still further reason to de spond of its producing the effects which its proposers con templated, for it was to be made to the oppressor and the agitator at the expense of the oppressed and the peaceable. To those who bad read the evidence before the Committee of their Lordships' House, and still more to those who at tended that Committee, this would seem to be an inversion of justice, that you should assign rewards to the offenders, and punishment to the innocent Sufferers. He felt that after the panegyric passed by the Right Rev. Prelate on the clergy of Ireland last evening, and after the testimony borne by the Most Rev. Prelate who had lately addressed their Lordships to their exemplary conduct, he hardly did them justice when he spoke of them as a body distin guished for their piety, moderation, and charity. But he felt that that justice was due to them. Their virtues had shone forth to perfection in the midst of the se verest persecution. They had been reviled and insulted ; they had been despoiled of their property, they had been hunted from their homes, exposed to the fury of the rabble, and the attacks of the assassin ; and all this they had borne with patience ; but what would be their feeling of disappointment when, looking up to the Legisla lature of this country for compensation and justice, they were met with severe penalties?—(Hear, hear.) But tvhile this was the conduct of the Protestant clergy on the one part, what in all probability would be the course uf the Roman Catholics on the other? For his part he saw but little reason to expect any very great moderation to be exhibited by them. It was hardly to be expected that any body of men acting together with the greatest consistency for the attainment of a particular point would not be en couraged by partial success to pursue their object to the utmost.—(Hear, hear.) Therefore, with regard to what the church would gain in her external condition, be could not expect that her stability would be established by the sacrifice she had made, or that she would gain in security what she lost in wealth and influence. But, then, what would be her internal condition supposing this Bill passed? All those improvements which they had heard dwelt upon with so much ability and with so much propriety by the Noble Earl, if they could be carried into execution, all the expectations of those improvements, he apprehended, would be entirely frustrated. All the funds which ought to be appropriated for those purposes would, as he had be fore said, be consumed by supplying the vestry cess for a period of many years; so that for the attainment of all those objects it was a great chance whether the church of Ireland would ever derive any efficient fund. If he objected to this Bill on the one band because it was wrong, he objected to it on the other because he conceived it to be impracticable. But, although the objects of this Bill might be unattainable, he was not the less dissatisfied with its principles. There wis a provision originally contained in the Bill against which many harsh epithets had been. applied. He would not use any such terms, but he would say that it was a most unjust provision. It went to sanction the prin ciple of alienating the property of the Church, and ap plying it to the purposes ot the State. That clause had been withdrawn, but the principle of it still remained. The imposing of the vestry cess upon the clergy appeared to him to be no less than transferring the obligation of the payment of a tax from one class of persons to another, which struck him to be at variance with the recognised principles of the rights of property. He thought no less could be affirmed of the compulsory sale of the see lands. In the provisions for the sale of those lands the real pro prietor was the only person who did not seem to be con sulted. The consent of many persons was rendered necessary, but the option of the tenant was to be dominant, who were also to have a bonus of four per cent., and another bonus was also to operate largely for the benefit of those classes who had the least claim to indulgence, and that was in reference to the model:ainasnbteatv:vdbiicth was pur chasethe money was to be estimated ; the amount not being calculated according to the actual value of the land, but according to the amount of the foregoing year's rent. The Bishops of Ireland had been in the habit of taking the representations of their tenants, and acted generally with more liberality than the clergy of this country, who em ployed surveyors to ascertain the real value of the property. There was another point, too, which he thought deserved inquiry. It was very desirable to look into the tenure of the possessors of these see lands. At all events it . vvas . , v on i deeen obtained b ta that in e d those the w g h r Bw that he entitled 0 uto if every b e na taken t , presentation of his own property express provision in some : nin e es least tai tneadt ,a v alue nl3euest „aye amthe,, . iO, n, lueci tenseßill.e: 0: d:t could ah w cl I: evidently b: r: o:oot r dpebs e evee p rboue r t:uy e aopec s sune e hbi rlfi n edysofgo t ro e tcnrr d rEsonnariutoirt et t hnebts h chadel their i re: ; :dgt trht.hphbene:yyziootrtptahhenbairnattwY;l Lordshipsw who greatest, because, entitled to the least nln t vsidtt re presentation notion a but a , w observations further. His object in rising was ra t er to explain hit own views than to offer any instil*. p....., 0 FF1CE OF ORDNANCE, JULY 17, 1533. 1: HE PRINCIPAL OFFICERS of his that ItI AJESTY'S ORDNANCE do hereby give Notice, T ower th l will sell, by PUBLIC -AUCTION, at the Stet, on TUESDAY the 30th, and WEDNESDAY the anon '''' of July instant, at Eleven o'clock in the fore 11h Precisely, sundry Lots of OLD STORES, con -11,T,,g of Accoutrements, Scabbards, Steel Rarnmers, tv,„ l ."", Hides, Leggings, Buckles of all sorts, Lea p,° Thongs, Doe Hair, Painted Covers, Cloak Cases, li al ts, wanding Vices, Hand-screws, Tools, Files, Engine Aar Le, Miners' Shovels, Pickaxes, Mattocks, Peninauls, 11,,' P ickets, Nails and Spikes of various descriptions, 14 4 Shoes an d N a il s , H an d crow l eavers , H an dl eavers , th':''' , , Pickaxe Helves, Tents, Nail Bagging, Sand Bags, 1 3 4,, ti ng Screws, Engines for Fuzes, Iron Gyn Blocks, low ,- Staves, Staves and Heads for Powder Barrels, Bel e,' Buckets, Brushes, Bottles, Mill Stones. Wheels, tup , Pdp„ Cartridges, old Junk, old Tin and Tin Cases, 1 3 , v , variety of other articles ; the whole of which may th e 1 ,-, ev 'vti at the Tower and Woolwich, as expressed in fe ,atalogues, during the week previous to the Sale, ria ° , l - „ '" O'Cioek till Four, upon application to the Ord- N I : S toreke.pers at those places, where Catalogues . of tli oBt ° t', and Conditions of the S de, will be delivered to Persons who may apply for the same. By Order of the Board, R. BYHAM, Secretary. --.11-----1; LARDNER'S CABINET CYCLOP2EDIA, Os 'n Monthly volumes, small Bvo., 6s. in cloth. 44 g , 1 , forming Vol. 45 of the above, Vol. I. of 'STOR Y o f EUROPE during the AIIDDLE AGES, in 2 vols. Si I , Recently published, &c,, Si r Recently NICOLAS'S CHRONOLOGICAL TABLES, Sir I. . (July 1.) (June 1d• HERSCHEL'S ASTRONOMY. I vol. Nowt d on : Longman and Co., and John Taylor. all l ', e ,adY, the Fourth Edition, in 2 vols., comprising Ct 'e New Creations, beautifully printed, and illus. u te° with upwards of 1,500 Engravings, price 2/. 10s. 14 11 4 itt moiocco cloth, '. BURKE'S PEERAGE and BAR°. h; NETAGE of the BRITISH EMPIRE. 6 10 1 : - ) .s w (' le ork •ompr's 8 three times the numb e r of families NI,- ha ever before been presented to the public in any ever pu blication of a similar description. It embraces i th ) ?amily in England, Ireland, and Scotland, invested l bw neteditary honours, and every individual in the re "t degre e allied to tho se f am ili es . 1 p ublished for H. Colb urn , by R . B entley, New 8ur1ing ...,.°4-street.