The Sun. — London, England, 1830-11-03 00:00:00

country is a party ; I cannot understand that we are an beund. As for those Treaties themselves, Ido not think that they have contributed to the happineva or tiamptillity of Corope ; nor that actin ' on them now would contri Bute to its trangeillity. Instead of acting on the t win- ciple of the balance of Europe, which would protect the weak against the strong, We, have departed from that prin• ciple, and formed' alliances upon principles of confis cation and division, in accordance' with Whlkh, we have transferred one kingdom to *wither, without regard to the sentiments or to the interests of those who were transferred. From the first moment, those transfers have never allowed to Europe nn hour's security. No man can more regret than I do the separation of Flanders from Holland : and in this view I cannot disapprove of the in timatiott conveyed in his Majesty's Speech, if the media tion alluded' to he conducted 'in a proper manner, in con cert with France, so as to effect the new settlement of the country. But I imagine that, after the' excitement of the animosities which now actuate the inhabitants of the two countries, they cannot again be united but by means the moat vicious anti unjust, and by an utter disregard of the principle on which it is the duty of every country to aet— that is, the principle of non-interference. There are my view's; and they are eitforeed with a reasoning more powerful than I am capable of advancing, in a letter from a Noble Fs iend of mine, dated 19th May, .18b3, from which I shall, with your Lordships' permission, read an extract " Nicrunatasisos...The only change of importance which Lord Castlereagh made in the project sketched by Mr. Pitt in ISOS, was to give the Netherlands to Holland instead of Prussia. Whether the original plan was a good one, may be doubted ; hot the merit of the alteration is still more equivocal. A pro. position of joining the Netherlands to Holland was made to William 111., but he rejected it, says Burnet, on account of the difference of religious opinions; and he seems to have acted witti his, usual knowledge and judgment. The Belgians require their GOvernment to be strictly Roman Catholic and intolerant; the Dutch wish no less for a Protestant King and general tole. ration. Nor's this the only difibrence—the Belgians wish Outland to be free from taxes, the Dutch will hear of no duties upon commerce. The Belgians are accustomed to the use of the French language; the Dutch will not be governed except In Dutch. The naglana despise the Dutch as it covetous, unpu. limbed, unfeeling people; the Dutch despise the Belgians as an ignorant, stupid, and Manual race. The Belgians, in fact, wish to return to the French Government, and in the scramble for the patronage of the combined crown, they are not able to con. tend with the superior ability and InfOrlitatlOn of their neigh. hours, In MS, of eight Ministers of State t only one was a Bel. glen I of US diplousatie agents, one; °lna Generals, Id, are. l so that of lUD of the first employments of Government, the Bel. glans had only 00. Add to this that the Belgians are obliged to pay taxes for the interest of the Dutch debt and the repairs of the Dutch dykes. It may easily be believed, that amongst the discontents which this arrangement has occasioned, the Govern ment cannot hold a very steady course. The sovereign autho. pity is exercised neither with the youthful vigour of a new, nor the prescriptive majesty of an old Government, And.what shall we say to this limited monarchy, in which the King by his first act abolished trial by jury, and named his own Chamber 'of De- poles ? Or to a Parliament, of which the Members rail at one another in different languages V Where *Belgian Deputy, who proposes a financial question,' is completely foiled by the nide. tangible repl yof a Dutch Chancellor of the Exchequer ? Where one half of the 'Howe do not understand the other half till they see their speeches translated in the newspaper of the follow. ing day ? " If the internel government of this country wants stability, its external situation Is not more secure. Flanders, said Sir William Temple, is not of a site to support a large army, nor of a figure to be defended by a stnell one. The union with Holland has not added much to its military strength. The Dutch force Is chiefly navel, and the Colonies require a large number of troops. The present army of the kingdom consists of 40,000 regulars, soul tio,ooo militia, Even with the additions which may he made in time of war, they will not be more than sufficient to garrisoi the tbrtresset 'if the French were to invade Belgium, it would be utterly impossible for the King of the Netherlands to meet thesis with an army in the field. Austria and Spain would no longer empty their treasures to support Flanders. The only power from which money and men could be expected would be Englatul. So that, atter paying to build the fortresses we should have to pay for defending them—perhaps, too, against the inhabitants, " We hare here an Instance of two nations possessing no ne- Oral attraction, but rather a very great repulsion, to each other, pounded together In the great morter of the cumulus or Vienna. , Whiff is to result from the mixture of two equal parts of Catholic bigotry and Protestant freetiomssof land and tvimmerce-sed French anti Dutch—of polished stupidity and vulgar talent—of natural servility and ancient love of freedom, no men can pen,. It may be sup K nell, however, that one of the parts will fly Was soon as it can join any foreign matter. And this is the kingdom which Is coils derail by all the foreigners as raised out of deft'. ranee to Eng and, at the special demand of Lout Castlereagh 1" My Lords, from the coneideratione expressed in that extract, I object to the manner in which the alluvion en Belgium is introduced in the Address. If it went no further than Sc lament the unhappy occurrence in this country, I should not offer any objection to its adoption in our answer to his Majesty r s Speech. But it makes us go farther. We are made to decide between tine two parties, and to pronounce a direct censure on the conduct of the people of the Low Countries towards this enlightened flovernMent. This is an interference directly opposed to the principle of non.interference. We speak of the Bel gimes as " revolted subjects." But sic revolted subjects they would be considered to deserve punishment, Is the Noble Duke, then, prepared to bring metiers to this issue ? If lie lie so, 1 trust this House will not sanction such ins terference. What, then, straddle+ do, were he compelled to leave them as they are? If, lifter this judgment upon the conduct of the two parties, he should herniae a me diator, ean-he expect to be considered inipartial? Would • he not naturally be looked upon as the enemy of one of the parties to whom he should offer himself in impartial judge? But should • the transactions in Belgium come to the issue, which' think not only the most likely, but also the most desirable, at present, for the interests of this cauntry.—should Belgium, I say, be formed into an inde pendent State, in what 'relation shall we stand to that country, to which we, this night, in the language of the Address, express our hostility? Against that expression I feel hound, my' Lords, to protest, as impolitic and unjust; and I believe that if the I)nke'apply to France for beret,. operation in interference on the principles implied in that part of the Address, he will And France soon falling off from the negotiation, and his measure leading to the result which it is his wish to avoid. My Lords, it w a s ai m , With regret that I heard the allusion made to tint rieog•• nition of Don Miguel. Ido not wish to speak here of the private character of that Prince, but I do not think the proposed recognition of his authority in Portugal consistent with a Statismanlike view of our relations with that country. 'Our original situation, certainly, With respect to l)on Miguel, was by no means the same as it at present Is. We have lately recognised a new Go vernment in France, And es there seems to be in the other country (Portugal) also a Grivernment ' existing now for some time with the apparent concurrence of the people, 1 am not prepared when it may be proper to recognise it, • But in the passage of the Speech front the Throne, allud ing to *Help recognition, there is something whieh I do not understand. The recognition is made to depend oil the passing of an amnesty. I underitood the Noble Duke at the head of his Malesty's Government to lay, on a fernier occasion, when he whaled to justify a manna° which was complained of in `this Vale, that non-ititerference was the priviciple, and intervention the exceptiun." Now I will ask hire how he ran reconcile that principle of non-interferenee with hilt making this monody the coudi. thin of the proposed recognition of Dort Miguel? If he do so, is he prepared to enforce the fulfilment of that cone (titian? For my part, my Lords, I ebould certainly re joice to tee the Marquis of Admen* and his virtuous fel, low-sufferers restored to their country and to their mates; but I must ask the Noble Duke, if this amnesty be made the condition on whieh we recognise Don Miguel, and tin • the faith of that condition bis (the Noble Duke's) corn- . •, pamons in arms, who are now engaged attempting; to es tablieh the liberty 'of Spain, should retnrn to their Mon country, would thie promise of Don Milted be faithfully'ohserved ? If faith be not kept with the returned Palmella and the others be seized on their return . , what then will follow? Are we hoop, to IWriatAill the amnesty, to the promise of which we are toads a party? Are we bound to go to war for the purpose c,C thforelng it ? Such inferrer. mice is opposed to all the principles which natioes have ever regarded, As yet we have cents nothing to encourage On the ea teary, the lest the expectation of this anmeity, that we have heard of tins proovediop ordolt P,,:we (Doe , Miguel), was hie seizure of the wives arid coilthen of • Adhereittit of - Donua Marie who weirs not aecompenied iu smile by their heneliee• Before I conclude. I should with your Lerdehipa' indulgence, to reetipitu!ate by statim,! that in respect to what Las happened in France, I rejoice in the successful .reeistance of the people 'to the ufijoetie liable measures of the family WWI they' have expelled ; trust that, into whatever negotiations bit Mileety's Go. vernment may resolve to engage for the new asettiement of Belgium, the principle of turn•imerference will he eiriotiy. -adhered to. I regret the distrece.•the existence of which I In this country cannot he denied, aed . j am satiefied that tbl House is disposed - to COrishler the bsist means . 'of r e .. 4itrving it. With respect to Ireland, I concur k ttagether 'in the sentiments expreseed by the. Noble Duke Whet sae , rwar use; and although, under ell eireurnstener, I cannot' 04W my sanction to the Address,. I coeceive that I fulfil soy duty in offerieg it no oppoeition. Toe Deske of WELLINOTON—Witat lute fallen frosts the Noble Lord opposite (Berl Grey) does honour to bite. N A and shows the rank which - be ought to hold, *I a iitittemnitn, ill the COrtOCilfr of his country. I sincerely con gretteuto the ilouee anti the nation on polowesieg such Ottoman .; bet I am *oily that I (mullet concur his mime of the opinion% which he hits now explained to yew tie has emichstled; with referring to diet part 'of . dot Speerh from the Throne in which altuaiin is made ter the Af a i re of Portugal anti with that part of the N o ble Lortre i .1,411 Wein, I would beg you c Lordships to retnetiii , er huse freqnently his taus itisiesty kaki tee inconvenience to which this entiorry line is is s u b. jetted by . the uncertainty of our iliploinatic seditious wish the Government of , that country. "Your Lordships swill remember how insides: his Majesty was to put an caul to the diffieultio occoioned by that attOrtaiaty, ant ty at' 1,• candle the two branches of the House of Braganca ; and you are aware that negociations for effecting such recon , ciliation were entered into by his Majesty. Those nego tiations having failed, the attention of his Majesty's Go vernmext was directed to other measure)) which night I enable them to attain those advantages which there seems now to be an opportunity of obtaining. Whilst the actual Government of Portugal was in the hands of persons re , cognized only by a faction in that country, and a large portion of the talent and property of the nation remained in exile, such a Government Coreld not be recognised with any respect to the honour of this country. The amnesty which bus been recommended by the Government of this country is now likely to be granted, and his Majesty's Mi nisters have consequently advised the recognition. The Noble Lord (Earl Grey) asks, shall we be obliged to go to war, if the amnesty he violated, oiler having been made the condition on 'which we recognise Don Miguel? No rough tonsequence follows; us the Noble Lord will see Nen the metier in which the recognition is sleeken of in hie Majeuty's Speech. The Noble Lord will see that we are not pledged to interfere otherwise than by advice anti re monstrance. We are bound to prevent the violation of Eire amnesty by all means short of war. Our interference hats no need to be of the kind which the Noble Lord pro nouncee unjustifiable, and which, I hope, will never be resorted to. Although the Noble Lord does not approve of the recognition of Portugal, I am glad that he does ap prove of the measures of Government with respect to France. My Lords, when the Govermnent of this country saw the new Government of France established, his Majesty had not the slightest hesitation in acknow- Isdgieg the new order of things, end I sincerely hope that such arrangements will be made, in addition to those already made, as will be conducive to the welfare and best interests of that country, and the lasting peace end men. quillity of Europe. Then the Noble Earl finds fault with the expressions used In the Speech with refetence to the conduct of the people of Belgium towards the King of the Netheriends, and contends that the term revolt has been applied to their proceedings against the mild and benignant Government of their Sovereign. But the Noble Earl has not stated a single ground or subject of complaint which the people of the Netherlands had urged against their Sovereien, and they do not appear to have had tiny ground of complaint whatever, except such as those which the Noble Earl has read from a paMphlet published three years ago, and which are mere like a joke than anything else. Is not his Majesty an ally—a close ally of this country? and was not this country a party to the arrangement by which the Netherlands were plated under the government of this bead of the House of Orange? And what could the King of this country call their conduct to their So vereign but 8 revolt ? The Noble Earl has of course read the history of the proceedings in the Netherlands, as they have been published in the ordinary sources of intelligence, and he cannot be ignorant that the revolt of the people against their Sovereign began in a riot. They made no complaints of him•and Isis Government generally. They only complained of their union with Holland—of a cer tain obnoxious Minister called Mermen, and of some local taxes which were repealed by the Municipality even before the complaint reached the Sovereign's ears. There was no complaint against the Governtnent—none whatever. Then what did the King do? He most wisely and pro perly convoked the States-Geneeal, and laid the griev ances complained of before them ; and what was the reply? That a dissolution might be agreed to, as far as the adminietratioe was concerned, ()lily preserving the fundamental laws. Under these circumstances would his Majesty have done justice to the King of the Ne therlands; if he had not said that he had acted like a just and good Sovereign, and that the measures which he adopted were wise and proper, and that his Ma jesty deeply regretted that they had not produced a more satisfactory result ? Then the Earl says that we, by the language which we have held, have put it out of our power to hOld ourselves forward as juat and impartial me diatom between the contending parties. How is it that we have done so? His Majesty has said that this is it re volt, and so it ie. The Belgians themselves cannot deny the facts. They did, in point of fact, revolt ; and his Majesty justly says, in his Speech, that they did so. I now come to that part of the Noble Earl's speech, in whieh he spoke of the treaties by which this country and other Powers ere bound to the kingdom of the Nether lode. The first treaty is that of 1814, between the four Powers, by which Belgium was formally ceded to, or put under the jurisdiction of, the King of the Netherlands, with a view to the security both of Belgium and Holland. In pursuance of the objects of dolt treaty, an arrangement wait made for the proper government of the two countries in onion, and this arrangement for the government of the whole of the kingdom was duty recorded in the treaty be tween the four Powers, called the Treaty of the Eight Articles, and the Four Powers were hound by the co mments which they conducted by theie treaties. They made over Belgium to the King of Hollapd, to h e g ov erne d according to these treaties, and he had governed accord ing to these treaties. Then the Treaty of the Eight Ar ticles wait recorded in the Act of Congress at Vienna, and France was is party to that Act, and therefore became as much a party to the Treaty of the. Eight Ariieles as the four Powers had been before. All this le as clear as any matter of fact can be. And then cones . the question— could the King of the Netherlands diesolve the union he. tavern Belgium and Ilollend without the consent of the five Powers who were parties to the treaty ? He could not with any degree of justice or propriety. He was bound to commue nicate with his Allies on the subject before he took such a step. Ile could not in justice or prurience adopt measures (or pacifying his revolted subjects and putting en end to the disturbaleces by himself alone, but was b oun d to act In concert with the five Powers, and this he hes done. And I hope we shall be enabled to effect the pacification by meant of impartial mediation and prudent conciliation, without any necessity' for on appeal to 41171111. The Noble Earl may be assured, therefore, that there is no intention on our part to interfere by force, or by art appeal to arms. We hope, by means of negociaticm, and by moderate, con dilatory, and pacific intervention, to carry into effect an arrangement that ought to be satisfactory to all parties, conducive to the peace anti good government of the Ne therlends, and to the welfare end tranquillity of all Europe. --(Cheering,) The Noble Earl has said that the arrangement which was inede at the close of the late con test W 414 not an arrangement for permanent peace, but 411 lirrangetnent which was calculated speedily to kindle new waes But how is that allegation borne out by the facts? Has not Europe, under these Treaties, enjoyed a long peace of sixteereyears ; for I consider Napoleon's return from Elba as only a short and pedal interruption. This is a proof of the good effect* of these Treaties. This strews that the Sovereigns bad well calculated the moistures which were peeper to be adopted; and that they enter tained soloed viewa of the arrangement which was most likely to promote the general intercom, the welfare, anti tranquillity of Europe;. and I hope that we shall be ena bled, without resorting to harsh anti coercive measures, to get over this difficulty as we have got over many others,— (Cheering.) I now feel myself called upon to advert to a pare or the speech of the Noble Viscount on the cross bomb, which 1 heard with pain, and which. I had well hoped might have teen 'spared., The Noble Viscount has thought 'proper to advert to the discutoious which took ''place last year tie the state of Ireland, and the great measure which was adopted with reference to that country; and the revival of this topic seems to have received eorne te e m om , ee ft om °heal/6001M made by ann. I thee Noble Lord. The wild speculation! that have ' been publiehed, and the extravagant projects which bavo been suggeeted in some quarters about a repeal of the Utast) between Great WWI! and Ireland, Wye been rehear lee Now only reflect .4 little, 'and molder that in the eircumetancea in which we are aetteally placed, the repeal of the Union is opposed by almost all the great !slept te • oats of the soil of Ireland—thus 4 i s opposed by the great majority of the Catholics, and by almost ell the Pro. teetents—and ttiiLt ;t in opposed by the almost unanimous voice of the two Houses of parliament. And then comae der what would have been our situation if the great mea sure of gonciliation with respect to the Cetholiess had not been carried. Both Houses had voted in: favour of the measure by great majoritis'e. The House of Commons had look had a majority in its favour, which was conti nually increasing, and the tnejerity in opposition to it in this Moe was tiothinteally decreasing up to the three when so large 4 tslajOrity supported it, Let the Noble Viscount only consider three circumstances, sod then let lam say, if he can, that we do not now stated in a 'better situation by weene of this measure of conciliation, than we idrould otherwise have done? If we do steed ilea better situ ation in consequence of the course which we adopted with referenee to the Boman pahoio, I do not see the advan mee of the Noble Viscount's allusion to the subject et pre sent, or of the reproach cast upon me, by the Noble Ler{ :apposite, that I yielded to fear in proposing that measure rather than to a tense of what was tight and just. I did not, may Lords, give way to filer, 1 gave way to what I - felt to he the course moat conducive to the bast interests of the country, and not to appreirensionee— (Cheering.) Nor did . I admit the principle of right as applicable to the claims of those who_ . petitioned to be relieved ftotet distabilities which they felt to be grievanres. I acted upon views of expetliency'd sound oolicy ; and on those grournia, and on those alone, I justified the nwassire. The Noble 'Lord will forgive MU for saying,. that 14 testwithetandlog all that has been done, much irritation still prevails , iu Ireland, the evil is 1 row to he aticribed tO the condOct of hint 111sjeldy'e nolo , ters, i for we have done everything in our power to allay and to heal. I have no disposition to throw imputations on any man—hut this I will say, that if the Ministers had been zealously supported, instead of being looked coolly upon—not to say thwarted in some quarters—that country would now have been in a very different situation. The Noble Viscount and the Noble Duke opposite spoke of the poverty of that country. No man is more sensible of the poverty of that country, and the danger to be apprehended from the condition of the lower orders in that respect, than he who has now the honour to address your Lordship~, 13u: to talk ir . that manner is not the way to tranquillize the country. If they mean to set about seriously exerting them selves to tranquillize the country, thl must change their plan. Let the Nobility and higher gentry connected with Ireland reside more in that country and spend their incomes there, and then the people of Ireland will have less reason to complain of poverty, fur I will venture to tell them, that their residence in Ireland and the spending of their incomes derived from their fortunes there, will be one of the most effective remedies for the evil.—(Cheering.)— The state of the public mind in some parts of thistoun try has certainly given me the greatest pain--I allude particularly to what has been passing in the county of Kent, and I agree with the Noble Marquis. the Lord Lieutenant of the County, that the disturbances do not owe their origin entirely to the distressed condition of the peasantry and manufacturers. From all that I have heard, it appears to me that these disturbances are carried on by two different sets of people—some breaking machines, which, as they imagine, interfere with their labour and their wages ; while others, from other bad motives, employ themselves in the destruction of other kinds of property. As to what were the immediate causes of the disturbances, the Government know no more than the Gentlemen and Magistrates of the County, and it was willing to lend ;them every possible assistance to put an end to these outrages. And this leads me to advert to the recommendation of the Noble Earl to prepare against the evils that might threaten from abroad, by promoting contentment and tranquillity at home ; anti undoubtedly it was the duty of Government to do so by every pro s ier and reasonable expedient to which it might be in their power to resort. But then the, Noble Earl had recom mended the expedient of Parliamentary Reform, and re marked that he did not think that the Government was as yet prepared with any plan on the subject. The Noble Earl was right, for certainly the GovernMent was not pre pared with any ohm fur Parliamentary Reform. I will go further, and say that I never heard that any country ever bad a more improved, or more satisfactory re presentation than this country enjoys at this moment. I do not mean to enter upon that subject now, as it is pro bable that we shall have abundant opportunities to con rider it afterwards ; but I do say that this country has now a Legislature more calculated to answer all the purposes of a good Legislature than any other that can well be devised —that it possesses, and deservedly possesses, the confidence of the country, and that its discussions have a powerful in fluence in the country. And I will say further, that if I had to form a Legislature, I would create one—not equal in excellence to the present, for that I could not expect to be able to do, but something as nearly of the tame descrip tion as possible.. I should form it of men possessed of a very large roportion of the property of the country, in which the landholders should have a great preponderance. therefore, am not prepared with any measure of Parlia• mentary Reform, nor shall any measure of the kind he proposed by the Govermnent as long as I hold my present position. The Address was then put to the question, and agreed to without a division; and on the motion of the Duke of Wellington, it was ordered that the Hou se s h ou ld go up with it, an d present it to his Majesty to-morrow (this day) at One o'clock. On the Motion of the Duke of WELLINGTON, the Earl of Shaftesbury WitB appointed Chairman of the Com mitters of Privileges, and of Committees on Public and such. Private Bills as should he committed in the House.— The Noble Duke took that occasion to bier testimony to the great ability and industry with which Lord Shuf►es bury had discharged the duties of these situations on former occasions. Adjourned at Half-past Nine till Twelve o'clock to morrow (this day)• HOUSE OF COMMONS,—..(LAST NIGHT.) The Sea:AKEn took the Chair this day about One o'clock, and Members were then sworn until Two, when the Muse was sumtnoned by Sir T. Tyrwhitt to the House of Lords, for the purpose of heating his Majesty's Speech delivered from the Throne. The Speaker, ac. complied by about 200 Members, then proceeded to the House of Louie, and on his return intimated his inten tion to take the Chair at Three o'clock, in order to allow Members to be sworn, and that public business would be proceeded with at Four o'clock. , At Four o'clock ac cordingly, Mr. NICHOLSON CALVERT moved the first read ing of the Clandestine Outlawries. Bill. The 13111 was read a first, and ordered to be read a se cond time. PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. The usual Sessional Orders were then read. On the motion that they ho agreed to, . _ Mr. BROUGHAM said, he could not allow the op portunity which that question presented, to pass over without giving notice of his intention, on that day fort. night, to bring the great question of a Reform of the Commons House of Parliament fully under consideration. He thought it right to take the opportunity which that notice gave him, to disavow, in the most solemn and de liberate manner, certain plans of Parliamentary Reform which hurl lately and sedulously, without any good nut tive that he could ascertain, been ascribed to him. Those plane, and all the plans of a limited and bounded nature of reform, of which only he was said to be disposed to be the advocate, he begged now fully to say were not his, but quite the contrary. At the time •he formerly alluded to the subject, he had distinctly stated when they were said to be in contemplation, that they had had his assent, but he qualified that assent by declaring that lie looked to them merely as part and parcel of that larger and more satisfactory change in the Re presentation, which had become so imperatively ne• emery. In the next place he begged to deny a re port put forth from a quarter very opposite to that of the tither, namely, that lie was diapered to favour that radical sweeping kind of rerormution which be conicien tiously believed must ultimately and in something little short of Revolution. On the contrary, he had distinctly ended that he intended to bottom his reform on the ancient drys of the Constitution of this country, as exhibited in the plan of its Representative System. Without entering into details which be felt would be at that time both irre gular and inconvenient, he would merely state, that the whole of his plan would be found to be one of conciliation, so as to combine all interests and all opinions in favour of a restoration of the constitution to its state of original purity. Ile would be found desirous of obtaining the con. sent of all clu•see and of all interests, and of all opinions —and of all who were disposed to go even the shortest way with him in the course which lie proposed, and to re pulse none who might be willing to admit that there were good reasons to believe the representative system was in wantZof some reformation ; for it was reform, nut change, that be had in contemplation. Ile had only to add, with out detaining the House any lunger, that he intended to employ the interval between that time and the day of his hriuging forward hie motion in communicating diligently ' with all those who held opinions of different degrees on the subject, in order that he might, as far as in him lay, secure, the ce-operation and support of all who were inte rested in the great questions which it emb race d. One word,,liewever, lie thought it now necessary to add, with respect to the principle of his immure, and that was, to repeat hie declaration, that his object was not revolution, but restoration—to restore the state of representation to that state in which it ought to be, not to change it from what it hud been-,eto repair, not to pull down. THE KING'S SPEECH _ _ . The SPEAKER then informed the Rouse that he had procured a copy of the King's Speech, to prevent mis takes ; and he would now take leave to read it, for their isfacthmi On the Speech being read, Lord GIUMSTONE, on rising to move the Address to his Majestyle Speech, expressed a hope that those who had balm pticed in the same arduous situation, as welt as the many high and distinguished Statesmen he saw around him, would alike extend to him their indulgence. Nothing, indeed, but the conviction of such au extension of their 0011tiderate kindness, and of the importance of the occa sion, could have induced him to 'present himself at such a time, to their notice, In alluding to the various topic' introduced in his Majesty's Speech,' he could not with out pin and regret call the, attention of the House to that part which referred to the situation of the Continent. The awaketkitlF spirit of the age looked fur improvement h t th e condition of the Legislature, and the people..." (Hear.). --Although he would not break in on the spirit of the Constitution, God forbid be should entertain such A, project ; yet he thought it must be toads to accommodate more closely to the helinge and Opinions of the people. The Noble Lord then rend the Add ress h e pro postql, which was, as usual, a mere echo of the Speech from the Throne. - DUNDAS, in rioting to second the Addreea, also craved the indulgence of the Hurt , and observed that at a period of such unusual excitement tit home, and more than ,~ ordinary einharrassineut in our foreign relations, he trusta: he would he pardoned for feeling some embarrassment, and that he could not be expected, in the presence of so many better capable of (Ling them justice, to enter much at large into the consideration of the topics which they tugeested. Although it was not for him (Mr. Dundee) to offer an opinion on the cause of the Revolution its France, or to say whether it proceeded from the Sove reign or the people, or whether it was produced by the acts of the King or his advisers, yet he was convinced there was note Member of that House, whatever might he his political creed, who slid not regret that event.. ( Hear, hear, from the Opposition Benches. )—He repeated he should feel surprised if there was any Member who did not join with the majority in regretting the events which arose from that Revolution, and the circumstances which attended it—circumstances which were calculated to awaken those feelings respecting civil distinctions which it was fondly hoped had been allayed for_ ever, and which were calculated to produce others so dangerous to the tranquillity of Europe..-(llear, hear.)—While he de plored these events, it was, however, a subject of congra tulation that the illustrious person now called to the throne of France, and who was said to be distinguished by almost every grace which adorns humanity, had declared his de termination to preserve most faithfully the relations of amity with this country. After alluding to the fact that the other Powers of Europe bad recognised the new Go vernment of France as promptly as this country, the Hon. Member then observed that the same reasons which pro duced regret fur the changes which had taken place in France must operate to produce still greater regret for the disturbances in the Netherlands. It might, indeed, have been supposed that the people of a country which bad suf fered so much from the horrors of war, and which had been so often made the arena on which the great Powers of Europe decided their quarrels, would have been taught by the sail experience of former calamities, to restrain their feelings within the bounds of moderation, and to have adopted every reasonable method of redressing their grievances, before they had recourse to the power of arms. As, however, they bad unfortunately pursued a different course, it was some consolation, in the midst of the anxie ties felt for the peace of Europe, when a country so inti mately connected with the causes of their former contests was in a state of anarchy, that, however appalling the prospect of war might be, or however touch the present unsettled state of religion might affect the interests of all other countries, it was, he repeated, gratifying to find that no jealousies prevailed on the subject between the Great Powers of Europe--'-that they were determined to take no mean advantage of the calamities with which the Nether lands might be afflicted, and that they were resolved to respect in their full force those Treaties. of 1815, and use their most strenuous exertions in obedience to them, to restore the tranquillity of Europe. —( Hear. )—Adverting to Portugal, he said he was glad to hear the Ruler of that country had determined to give hie subjects an act of am nesty, anti he hoped that in doing so he would also learn for the future to respect the laws of humanity. If the Portuguese have chosen Don Miguel for their Sovereign, it was not for this country or any country to dictate to them more than to France the person they should select ; and be approved rf the course pursued by the Govern• ment towards Portugal, although he did nut think the recognition of his authority could inspire In the House Or the country any feerngs of respect for his character as a Sovereign. Greece had not been mentioned in his Ma jesty's Speech, but he felt bound to declare that he be lieved the delay 6f the settlement of that country had not proceeded from any want of care or attention on the part of his Majesty's Government ; and he believed that the new Government of France would be found as anxious as Russia or this country to co-operate in the fulfilment of those treaties which would secure to it perfect independ ence, and enable its inhabitants to indulge once snore that spirit of enterprise for which they hid been in former times so celebrated. Turning from our foreign to our do mestic relativity, it was a matter of congratulation to all lovers of their country to know, that however gloomy might be the prospects of the people to the apprehensions of some persons, the seeds of civil dissension had not yet been successfully sown in this country. For 130 years, since the period of the Revolution, the people had en joyed, under every circumstance, full and uninterrupted prosperity. Abroad their arms had prospered by the cou rage and devotion of the people—at home their liberties had been protected and secured by the working of their justly-praised Constitution. He would say, indeed, that England was the great birth-place of the Temple of Li berty. In it, of all countries on the earth was to be found that alliance of social order with good government, which formed the happiness of the people, and which was far re moved from the visionary plans of those Constitution makers, who sought to pervert the judgment that they might the better instigate to mischief. The laws and the religion of this country formed its security and its safe guard, while other nations groaned under the yoke of tyranny and oppression ; and while the people of other countries either suffered without relief or subverted their Government and institutiony, the Constitution of England has remained untouched and unaffected, like that sacred chain of nature which binds the jarring elements in peace.---( Hear.) Disorders, it was true, there had been, and attempts, be knew, were not wanting to excite dis content and dissatisfaction ; but they arose not from any defect in that Constitution, but front the depravity of ltu matt nature ; they were the work of nien who were wretched enough to contrive any kind of mischief, but who lacked the courage to execute it-- s (Loud and conti nued cheera)—and who would render others tlt. sole vie time of their own dark and dangerous policy.—(Cheers.) He was convinced, however, that there existed, among the intelligent and enlightened portion of the people of this country, a bond of union Which was unknown to others; and that in that bond of union, under the safeguard of the Constitution, there was no real ground of apprehension. lie looked, however, in these critical times, with confidence in his Majesty's Government, and particularly its his Right Hon. Friend near him, Sir Robert Peel, and the Noble Duke at the head of the Treasury ; and be was cons vinced that the Parliament would not hesitate to arm them with powers suited to the exigencies of the occasion. He could not conclude, without deploring the lois which, that House had sustained in the melancholy death of one of its most eminent Statesmen—a death the snore melancholy from its taking place within sight of that town, to the prosperity of which his efforts had always been especially directed, and at the moment when one of the great objects of his desire, as well as of its inhabitants, had bean brought to a glorious and successful termination.—(Hear, hear.) — Whatever difference of opidion might prevail with regard to the commercial policy of that gentleman, he was sure that there was no Member of that House who did not feel regret for his death, and deplore the loss of a man whose d t t o isle i n he ts s i e v r e v r i e ce u o n f qu h e is st e i glum might lie styled foreign to the subject before the o o l u le i d tt , ry a . " — d ( v l h l o e se ar, ii h fe e!s i r a l— bee T n h d is ev e o u t l e o! House ; but although the Right Hon. Gentleman's political opponent, be thought be should ho unworthy of a place in that House if lie failed to pay a necessary tribute to his talents and his services..(Hear, heer.)—With regard to the questions of the Civil List and the Regency, be was •;o he ts fili d o e l n they we t ;an, would het receiveereforeeve shouldr justy now concludes erati consideration y f from pressing his belief that the distress of the country, felt so strongly at the commencement of the Session, has, as it was anticipated, subsided under the influence of time. He thasiked the House for the indulgence with which they had been pleased to hear him. He would no longer trey pass upon their time, but would conclude by expremaing his cordial concurrence in the Address moved by his Noble Friend.—( Hear, Lear.) The SPEA KEIL having read the Address from the Chair, Lord A LTHOHP said, that the subjects to which his Majesty's Speech, and the Address which had been moved by the Noble Lord referred, might be classed under two I,,, ea d s —our domestic and our foreign relations; on both of which he begged to sly a few words, With respect to the first, he had heard with gratification that part of the King's Speech which deelered his Majesty's determination to enforce strict economy In every brands of the public ex , penditure. Such a declaratiom if duly acted upon, would comet unieate general satisfaction throughout the country. With respect also to the passage, in his Majesty's Speech which related to the Civil List, it was moat gratifying to him, and it must he most gratifying to every one, to find that his Majesty was disposed to place his interest in the hereditary revenues, and in the other funds which, in for mer settlements of the Civil List, had been reserved to the Crown, at the disposal of Parliament. He Was quite sure that in doing so iris Majesty might rely with per. feet confidence on the House and the Country : because he wa s quite sure, that while the House and the . country must feel the absolute necessity of the most rigorous eco twiny and retrenchment, they would be very sorry indeed to &Tighe such an arrangement with respect to the Civil List, as would be incompatible with the comfort and dig.e o ily of the Sovereign. He hoped, however, that whin e eve r this subject was brought under the coneideration . o f Rtriitlintnt, ". the particular interests of 'his Majesty would be carefully separated froin all other interests ; fur nothing could be more inconvenient, or tittle calculated to foster unjust prejudices, as that questions relating to th e maintenance ofthe - proper di g ni ty o f the Crown should he united to question, with which they ought to be altoge ther me „, thee t e e. He hoped, therefore, that the esti mates of the Civil List, when bull:tatted to the Howie, 'night be submitted in a shape which would admit of their being discussed with - reference solely to what was due it the honour And dignity of the Crown ; and tbat' the other questions to which he adverted should be consi dered with reference to the general expenditure of the country. As to the Regency question, he was happy to understand that it was to be brought forward. Until; however, the provisions which it was intended to pro pose, were known, it would, of co ur s e , b e i m p os sibl e to make any particular observation on that subject. With reference to the last topic of a domestic nature to which hie Majesty's Speech adverted, it must be quite unneces sary for hint to say that he (Lord Althorp) lamented as much as any man could lament the turbulence and malici ous mischief which had been manifested in various parts of the country, and especially. in the neighbourhood of the tnetropolis. It was certainly moat deeply to be regretted that any portion of the people, however suffering front dis tress, should be so misguided as to be induced to de stroy the property of their employers, awl thereby to diminish the power of those employers to assist them. He would not say any more on the domestic topics of his Ma jesty's Speech. As to our foreign relations, and first with respect to the recent occurrences in France, be begged to observe that the Honourable Seconder bad expressed a regret at those occurrences which was not, to be found ha the King's Speech. All that the Speech did was to an nounce the effect as that the elder branch of the House of Bourbon no longer reigned in France, and that the Duke of Orleans had been called to the throne by the title of King of the French." if the llon. Gentleman useant by his regret that he regretted that any Government had been induced to invade the liberties of a country, in such a regret he (Lord Althorp) perfectly concurred. But if the' Hon. Gentleman meant that he regretted that a Sovereign and a Ministry so misconducting themselves should suffer for their behaviour, in a regret of that nature he could not for a moment concur. As to the Netherlands, he was sorry that his Majesty had been advised to express any opiuion on the state of public affairs in those countries. He en tertained considerable objection to the part of the Ad dress which expressed to his Majesty a correspondent opinion on that subject ; but it was so inconvenient, and was attended with so much disadvantage to discuss a question of that nature ovelan occasion like the present. that he would abstain fintn saying or doing any thing more than entering his protest against any inter ference on the part of our Government in the domestic concerns of the Netherlands. As to the external and di plomatic considerations which might arise out of existing circumstances, that was a question which stood on very different 'grounds. With respect to the proposed recog nition of the Sovereign of Portugal, when lie considered that the pre.ent Sovereign of that country had been a Sovereign de facto for three years, his hostility against any foreign interference with a de facto Government com pelled hint to say that be did not think we should do well if we delayed the proposed measure. Having stated his views on theta several points, he would proceed to make a few observations on the general state of the country. He confessed that he was not alarmed on that point. He did not believe that the country was in such a state of general discontent as to justify immediate alarm. At the same time be felt that great skill and great care would he neces sary to guide the country 'safely through its difficulties; and he was bound to say, that he did not think his Ma jesty's present Ministers were qualified for so arduous au undertaking. But while he stated this he would add, that he should look at their measures, and if those measures appeared to him to be such as to deserve approbation, they should receive his most cordial support. Such he was sure would also be found to be the sentiments and intentions of all his Hon. Friends near him.—(Hear.) At the same time, feeling as he at present did with respect to the existing Administration, he should certainly not nb ject to any proposition, the tendency of which might be to displace them. On the question of economy and retrench ment, he thought the country had a right to demand the strictest in every department of the public expenditure. He thought that the country had a right to demand this ; and he also thought his Majesty's Government ought in the present Session to take a more extensive and States man-like view of the general system of our taxation, than they had hitherto done. It would be affectation, how ever, on his part, if be were to say that he had any expec tation they would undertake such a task. It might be, however, that they contemplated some proceeding of the nature he alluded to; and if so, he confessed it would come upon hint as a very agreeable surprise. The object ought to be to take such an enlarged view of the principle of our taxation as might tend to render its presipre as light as possible on the industry of the country. There was another great question which he had long supported, the importance of which had not hitherto appeared to have been duly estimated by the country, but which now seemed likely to assume a more practical character. The people at large s , eerned at length to be convinc e d that the most effective measure towards a remedy fur the various evils under which they laboured, was a Re form in Parliament.—(Hear, bear, hear.) For him self lie believed that if concessions on this subject had for merly been made, less would have satisfied the people than would now satisfy them. This was not to him, however, a matter of the slightest regret. The reform ought to be extensive; anti he was very far from being sorry that at the late elections the people seemed to be almost universally of the saute opinion. He hoped, that in the course of the present Session much would be effected in furtherance of this most desirable object ; and every measure of that description should receive his most cordial support. The Marquis of BLANDFORD expressed his regret that his Majesty, in his Speech to the new Parliament, had omitted to speak of the last Parliament in the tercets of reprobation which it so justly deserved. Reform he considered to be essential to time salvation of the State ; Reform, obtained not by violence, but by constitutional efforts. So thinking, he bad embodied his sentiments in an amendment to the Address, which amendment he would now propose. The Noble Marquis here read the follow ing emendmeet ii In this its first address to the Throne of a new King, instead of making itself the mere echo of the Ministers of the Crown, this House feels that it ought to show itself to be the very mir ror of the people ; and, that to do so, it must not f a il to lay be. fore your Majesty all their thoughts and feelings, all their wants and wishes, as well as all their loy a lt y t o your office, and attach ment to your person. "The discharge of this important duty,and the present serious aspect of public affairs, render it impossibl e , as we ll as impro. per, to address your Majesty otherwise than at considerable length.—(A laugh.) " , Your Majesty is to be informed that this House, in common with the great majority of your_people, holds the mem or y o f t h e House of Commons of the last Parliament in utter hatred and contempt, for the following reasons w First, because the lest House of Commons uniformly turned a deaf ear to the just complaints and petitions of your people; and secondly, because instead of acting upon the old constitu tional principle of withholding the supplied until the grievances of the people were redres se d, w hi c h i t was earnestly and seriously urged to do, it seemed to consider itself of no other use, and chosen for no other pu r p ose, b ut to vote, night after night', tm. tnense sums of mon e y, t o b e d rawn from the pockets of the people; exhibiting, at the same time, the utmost indif krenco. and often the most sovereign contempt, of all consideration in what manner such enormous sums could be obtained, without the risk of involving the great productive leterests of the cows try in the most extensive embarrassment and ruin. That in proof of this your Majesty has only , to look at the unprecedented number of bankruptcies and Insolvencies of far. mars, traders, and others of your honest and industrious sub. jects, through all the years ofthe existence of the last House of Commons; and your Majesty will thereby be convinced that while great numbers of landed proprietors have been driven from their paternal mansions, and have been compelled to see theta occupied by loan-mongers and stock-jobbers, while others have removed themselves, their families, and their fortunes, for ever from your shore.; and while the middle classes of your sub. jects have been reduced with frightful rapidity to the labouring class, the labouring class has been reduced to absolute beggary and want. That numbers have , actually died from starvation, and others have been obliged to submit to the most degrading services, and to see themselves and their families the victims of fever, induced by famine..-that thus, in a short time, instead of ruling, like the two first Princes of the /louse of Brunswick, over a nation devoted to your Government by the happiness and blessings It should enjoy, your Majesty may find yourself ruling over a nation of pauper* and of placemen of those who live upon the taxes and the poor rates on the one hand, and on the other hand of loamniongers - anti borough-mongers wit. lowing in the stagnant mid unproductive accu mu l a ti ons of' their joint and several monopolies. buck, Sire, are the effects of the eeeursed and unnatural funding system, in its last aganted, and tile vein attempts to save this monster in ,England are at this moment overturning the Governments of other countries far more rapidly than the tbily, or even the wickedness of . th e ir rulers. That the acts of the bite House of Commons, bath of omission and commission, under which the peopl e o f thi s O nce happy country have been brought to such a state of wretched: Deis and suffbring, inculpate all concerned in the highest degree of criminality, from which nothing can excuse them but a sin cere and contrite confession of thr w ith out a total and inane: diate alteratiou of their conduct, which it will be the duty of this House to expe by name to your Majesty all those who are feeding up ao the vitals of the country, as the only chance left, since argument has failed, of saving itself, and Per haps even the Throne of your Majesty, from the storms of con, vulsion. " That, in order to have obvieted such corriplicated evils as are hereitibefore set forth, it was the duty of the late House of Com: mons to have done more, and to have talked much lest. " Ilutt the House was told, both within these walls and with. out these walls, that the reason vvhy it felt no sympathy in their sufferings, no anxiety for their relief was because the majority of its Members had an hderoat directly opposite to the interest* of the people ; that this majority was not chosen as of right, II ought to have been by the majority of the landewnent an houseludders of England; Inn was nominated and appointed by a few individuate, who, partly by the effect* of time and see. dent, but still inure by a barefaced perversion of the spirit mid meaning of our laws and Constitution had acquired the power of selling, or otherwise disposing of, (be units in this House, in such manner es best suited their own Interests. " That the late House of commons was alto repeatedly called upon, entreated and implored, to set shout reforming such a Monstrous abuse, but that it unitbrmly missed to listen to such call ; and, though hettiMthille fluctuating , and changing, upon other questions of vital ' consequence to the century, upon this question of reform it determined to follow the advice of - one of its Ova member*, and °poor its awn temporary elective dietti tors, dependent upon its own corrupt and prostituted votes,', which has been truly called ' the twist odious of all taring of tyranny,' to oppose reform lit every shape to the end of its poll, heal existence ;'—and that, to the eternal disgrace of the last House of COMMOiIS it kept this profligate determination obsti. nately to the last. but your Majesty may be assured, that if your Majesty had not been advised to dissolve the last Parliament In the sodden ;And unexpected manner in which it. wait ilimioiveti the late glorious events wbich hare taken place in france won baVabad a mighty tillaCt in.ehakine Otis protheate detftlara of. the - said House, and of inddeing ft to courder thedfeet, between the guilt of bringing on death upon a nation by 1 poison,or by a sudden blow ; and that, by the law of Englee ti is such a thing as treason against the people as well Wire: against the King. Your ' Majoity may al , o be furttirriai that when great numbers of the nobility, being mollies e PriTY Conned, were charged, in despite of the eaneesta" of the church, with being traffickers of the seats in thello and that one of the &tilts of such traffic was, not an eadett of , grace, itiadoin t and understanding,' but an eadownal,,, more than half 3 million a year of the public money selves ; and that another fruit was the patronage of the, F of the army and navy, and of the collection of about 6.1 0 F year of taxes among the.familiee, frieteees awl detrad l " masters of seats ' in the House of Commons. If thee had been seriously considered, it is not to be h e lloed blood of Englistimen would submit to be for ever venue tlia, such political disgrace, but that there would hate toe' amongl ofalE P a r li ament itati g hri:nmeop e isie.....ywcou l u A ht i o d hrna r .stthrti a Syoafitt:rithiedri last b eus a nt n iab a ibtiva t 7 h oin e woled b t u a x in e nd rs iino. v i t t d ,4diu se d U no e new ri lci ot irn : it ought, or power of trafficking in the representation of the Conroe] taxes at least in the same proportion that it vsh the currency, and thus half the present amount ante 02 and ought to have been taken off, Including the whol: or, upon every principieo c ol og ie s i l ou d fs e ct r ir l e t .l a in s too t ri l s i l e ihaidy t e rin chou l ligeiud cruel and harassing Excise IaWS, and all those cheating I' taxes by which every labouring man who earns and expo _ a year has 181. takentrom him. All the just twis§ a Government and the interest of the debt might the t,. duced, with perfect equity, in the same proportion to Or and all the unjust expenses of Government in uselet. aloe cure places, the diplomatic, colonial, and all other del art kept up solely for the purpose of corruption:lnle t 4 n d , have been done away with, if the last House of uoto,o° , been the real, and not the sham, representatives or t he That the late attempt to destroy the freedom alba f*i. t „ freedom of Election in France, and thereby the more el ar ,c to rob the people of that 'country of their right , ,,au d P o ° , never would have been made, if the Housed t'anm f , bad the sense and honesty to have mitered fteedmnstill h lion in England, that the King of Francs nUilht en , been :upon his throne, and ell danger have been J r . _ t horn **the mischiefs of anarchy arid contiohni, I .l i n e t „. I nlY you b r en anti learned youth of Frence, anti the .11 101 !T 0 ) , anee of the brave and honest 'working men ot S ~_,., avoided by the unexampled wisdom o cma did not hesitate to risk their Ives, when he saw that 11 y r tyranny and taxes was about to be fixed for ever on o ttg ..., on their children. And in reference to this affair, s n,, l . .!_uii i in its consequences, too much praise and thenks caft on s,..,!„ whose sons were heretofore AMIN as f - 'i l l .., i a nd setting rtwhensaiencehearofacthteer of the achievrnent of liberty,' an taking the ~- -, ile French e F example of acknowledging the new gtag,,°‘,.',., - t an g Highs to tamely , the p like your Majesty, sits upon his throne my ... - Go d hem all titles, that which is said to be the vcilce 1 - i nou end Majesty, for the honour zou hspv,ectedrifert o red a fur ri ti.. _ vice, it is the unanimous opinion of ,hie 11 ° 41e a '''' be lice tion, not to say of all Europe, that this act 'a" yourju' own si and to ..,. botty °titmice, and of the true interests of) our subgeji, o r n; Majesty, therefore, deserves to enjOY the b u r' for the WI may be reinembered by millions still u nbent, _.... and I blessings of peace and friendship between fra roa ll ect a[l land, which this act of_ your a lib i sa aierY Pti o use of el solidating. And the Members , the first...t al it o mons in the new Parliament, promise your M 23 7 t .,14j e the,* they should, that if others leaxii nothing bY f i l g ro ,dy IP and as they do not doubt that a King, ..,„„,i o s ot clustrious c promoting the welfare and happiness of the in ~..a an bit 0 such prtiors of his desire of being beloved by he rye .• es , that a King, who more than thirty years ‘f/ae.7h. ` se of in uth in Parliament, denounced ' moitpali.. , :Lre t "; o ur,' state,' and called upon the legislature to ' - 1 end Ms Crown eto never endure to see his people Mine- , onop eystthr" hazard by that worst of all inOnopolieeethe In , ai r Noe of the House of Commons. So theY Imp Cm l ' hp D o °l' withdraw your con fi dence and the patronsiebwokhoe Conn 011,1 all persons engaged in, or resolved upon LIP . y 1 Nur 1 al. traffic, and thereby implicating your MeieFfl, l l t4o j, deo oft And, if In so doing, Majy, who ai yeef,„,y, oho system, and above .11 suspicim in the e yesor . .r ti f - ,Weenient , have to encounter a factious opposition to Yoli ot „, o f Coelo o , ' if the usurping proprietors ot seats in tine should be so lost to every sense of elef"'„,siest the antic interest, as to dare to set u their u surpfillo! - `,",t n e alajesti ' just, and undoubted prerogatives of the Croe FleF )ri b t , !look' I rely upon the zealous and determined supier!:!,„,s OW IN" — 'heft of J of your people, even to the last drop of _ .., b; , Q .., " And your Majesty may be assured the. ""' righteous ni Die; complete annihilation of this odious end ~....,,boea of meats in the House of Conuuons will es:rug:lF:V(lW. unanswerable demands of your peeele Fa l) ow t h e y tiSFe l O l cient laws and Constitution, of which theykno . .... c‘teu e . moot wrongfully deprived by the cor !lithe l ass, !' t ;:, n erede , 71:: mfaj":)°,,, greg 'An( wr 11°4 this House, within little more tha w. „ och yeeh . which is but as yesterday in the history or la hu nt nos si, tiquity, and such transcelulant fame tftretr oo oory 0_ world.. That, next to the disesteem in wh_ifFi : for r eueg last House of Commons is held by tam Pu'aittleforul , v o, enter upon the great question of earltse n telt _ on ,/the ...,, be the grievous disappointment andlu4 l oefT row isrge I . if nothing more than the representation o ~, „ 00 00 .at master r this 110 were to be Mitred them, while the grt _ _ ...11 n _ . proprietory interest and domination Ov r er,..T.", t „ t oey a sl e, : o o 1 should be allowed to continue. And you ap:iti,.afe nit's 4 assured that the great majority of Your 11 .. „,„„,,,, and 0 the. , alter the frame of the Government of hire, ~.,d oc.e re o n, . mons, which has endured so long, and bee111;: l owe achy advantages to the comrnuuity ; ueitheanr do t 1 ,, , or y Andr a representation unknown and uetried in 1 maw to a e ra ar , of their ancestors; but ,they will fleece, Iran ,„ I vac.- -• r oj , wherever, according to hathr end , belt ~o 0 he of representation has been bounded, there s sary or expedient to claim or deautiig any histor y - : 0 i e l l the burden of taxation." The SPEAKER read the Address and the A"' and put the qtiestion. b ut the Bono, Mr. C. PELHAM next addressed totally inaudible in the gallery. . ..,,,, e, 0 4 s ests I Mr. O'CONNELL seconded the Amengto e olt o pt Mr. LONG NYELI.ESIX.Y thee ;ince we done' inaudible for a long time. Tb. fir° . i st e d is 1 b ere heard, was to the e ff ect that he .. be ,„.„, : To the oef° al himself a friend to Reform, it'd ik wa s rejoic to maintain the pledge he bail g''se proceeding Frig' „ s no- r: sin see that the spirit of reforin ee , i la.s (I nd the sake phantly throughout Europe I, ~ , nt i nes t oppre , was, that great distress prevsiteu s ~t r n io thruuee was I Pie" " tear and that a spirit of disaffection 0 „, 0 0 ‘.....at a , the land-:..-( Loud cries of "Nos n" "i 0 , peo ols wo . $ was satisfied that the general sense tit t that moutes!og!tit better or more loyal than it was, Li . it reform, resin„ that there never was a period at WOW , , t eco e Per'"' re s and retreuchinent, could with ru"r . the eel , hserving 0 to effected in our fi scal policy. ° I .l• A ucs w, e f a r atl i t ,e of Revolution (and as _ d __ _ Liao , for . .. er o ' eerned, he would call it a glorioss i tt ec e l O' b u y tiny ..., 1, lb.'" unmarked by any excess--doe tan lewd earls thit (Clittera,)—and conducted and cidoP „ i d say , iv here aerie h e Wa l " i )1,0 4 exemplar moderation)—(Cus es, imag ine. ilia ~,,o , there a csw any man so stulti fi ed oe to 11btop plaza ri l l tion end Revolutionary sentinteete Wa._, tireoke. ~a, twit 0 h ave .. ." to OP% ma and the same commotion., would cZt eP d % r o ta it i . ,,' to or r e w in as ß :a lg ti i sfi urn ed , 'tbbeatwelisheisa6tuerpiPrign:ipnl7l:: tos ' 4 ;i„ e , 1. 1 1 ; 111 i their way, pervading all the countries ) 0 lt. sf.t i, 00 and the Prussian States--(Cheelo )-4 : ri ceo i e d to slegsrs., by the iloly Alliance, and kept, by the I i t : v o,ith , eoti from expressing those liberal Radial as the 0 1 , 1 every bosom. Such being his Pf' u eon Il ai it e le ct was not what was originally time for that had gone past--but the we re b e DO, . 4 next best thiag; and that was to see e l _I . the y r oulal vi worse ; and to secure this, the only to llD"_ ss i l ia or i . tion; and in it he War not singular. e . 00 , e thing . s sue was that of nen•intervention. Tiii, t e vb " en I,„ vo r r e a mt Address, it seemed to him that he bear s his m en•, 1 something advocating opinion' to the e fie what was his surprise, on referring . matie no t , 0 si House of Lords, to fiad that in a dIl"" , or e llici f4 ,;ol hand-writing of his Grace the Duke °,' . 0 , ,„, g It '' jsy ... dated from the Congress of v • eron • 0 , „,, e 1 ~ that it was the intention of the Cabinet I, !", 4 f l u y o l': , s similar ° debe tes , to 1 hood '" et " vitae from the general policy w, t , cl o oree s got mice. and that the policy of the Brit' s ' f 'i tio , o f e i. thvr o of be that of non-intervention in the L,,,,d tu° 0 . Naar if the passage in the 5pn0 4 n .1 4 : 0 ,,, rOf a t i n i which alluded to the condition Of . I ."'' ' aele" .- e f 1 4 ode. ...„,,,, e nt _ press any intention on this par t .- or ft . r ear' : ,. e ras interfere in the nature, principle , °` , „T en ore " 0 , 0 ol new Belgian Gov, rutnent, be truld i fp r eoc. , 0 1 'ate - coon ingly ; but if, on the contrary, ' he e mno°,,, 0 00 proposed to be extended so far ~,_s' , o Oa " - oil, France to take measures for putuPgu a - !shoo! Ow and giving a free Goverment to b - „ tt ense'Y' i d act rise e- hoe must admit, would alter the co we e' •no ° t t D e Pso t all circumstances, he considered 3111 ,. for - as k 'vo''''s concert with France in this anstss",,„- en ' o se Woo f ogg ,„, a country placed in a false P°' h ood ° ot het P . its proximity to France, and the ' a ti the -- mu uld from that quarter entertained 11 ot s r° - k etee' peen nations ; and, in fact, there , and led „ r oe be re „ r oe immediately interested in the tracqu ilbty I to v- s et I 0 e that the Speech had not been ar os e tie by oitii Belgium us France. It was, therefurit l i c it ti OF point. ' lie a s ked what ilid Ministers trig 00 0 0 0 0 r . -, bu I t ie , ‘t tr • security of other States ?" Did it 1 110° , f o reill° , ti F the forti fi cations in the Netiserlattoe i bli; t he „ no el If ao, he would take upon hint t° say S • the a g i .., b io Or . ~,* , a soldier, except, perhaps, the Wise te d (te Y. - t oe. who would not, if sent there, be intro n o asti P ..„-tt onenieve term) with 'the pubis'' , 01 11 "'".': e0 ded le! i i,111 throughout Europe. If Govet antent I,loPuid tell tbr il, , , , blish tine old forms of opprairitieo• be .4 : .„ 0 0 111 o s seA s e • , e re in the present state of the world, it we 0 x ,, , he would also declare, that if this were ll', ~,, el ", i I en. , o ur eve of a War •whiela would end Goal 0P Y ove le i . p .. which we reruntent adopt two lines of policY , tw ny , ~,, , , oat lite no l could not comprehend this principle whlr. b . , l , w ere ' 's, opposite in their nature; Ile cone. ~, n :s.le, in 4 the King of tier French, lie inairitedi p. ' sio le , , 1 I a tut!'" , ild r'r 'thy granted by the farmer to toe ' ~ ~_l O a ...1 sone time acknowledged the rights of, v e : i .„,,t skr omi ''' e bes et , . pee proved to be little 'worth, and th,t • 1 Li n; ~.s oue • r nine perieiaced in the ease o f the Bourbons °I !,',, is tote i grounds upon which our Gose „test i ng si,_ ei 3 O induced to r teOgiliZe Mtn ; allti alter t i t I ,l 4 jUltb ",,,, ' MO " interference on otir pert in the auk. ~, . i - i -- ring t ~,,, conjunction with Fratice,and again 1 i',','„ 0 10; cPr w from 1 " 0 , ,w ture could alone relieve the people , , ~,, ,of • dude'"? tisoe , tion of taxation and retrenchment id pile (1114.„ ~,' which they were labourteg, he con ...., , t , in , iIL * o e7 the House far having treePasall ''' l utl f - +h w'rY.„,, Sir J. Irt)IIKE w as one - of tistoe„llo t . , ,, i f , t o c shit. h e it- Il e , was also highly pleased to find se-- , I me e h's rA laue 4 lon. to bear of tha Hon. Alenther l e retu„ ril ti :0 1 tite : I ' l such a Inagiaine of oratott--,-- 1 , 0 I. ticularly was he delighted to see tl!i lt ' -