The Sun. — London, England, 1833-01-09 00:00:00

FRENCH PAPERS. CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES—JAN. 5. M. Dupin, Aine, President. M. Sapey—Gentlemen, a great number of petitions, some from individuals and others from collective bodies, helve been addressed to the Chamber of Deputies nn the subject of the arrest and captivity of Madame the Duchess of Berry. Your Commission of petitions has thought it right to class them in the same report ; to place at once before your eyes the different points on which the peti tioners have viewed the question to which those two acts have given rise. It is this report which I have been charged by the Commission to place before you. On ac cepting this mandate I have reckoned on the Chamber's indulgence. Being aware, from the nature of the subject, and the style of the petitions, of the angry feelings to which such a discussion may give rise, I think it my duty to state refore the Chambers the care I have employed to reduce bese petitions to mere questions of right. The petitioners till congratulate themselves that their organ, by with. sawing from their demands some passionate digressions, least improper, has rendered the expression more lerable. I shall commence by giving you a succinct &c -unt of the petitions of individuals. Count Adrain de Tonne, at Paris, demands that the Chambers pass to the er of the day upon all the propositions which the vernment may make on the subject of the Duchess of ry. Count de Tocqueville, at Paris, does not ac wkdge the right of the Chambers to pass sentence on fate of the Princess. Sieur de Berry de Levvielle, evvielle, department of Gera, demands that registers sened in all the communes, that the people may reply s and no to the following questions s--" Has Madame turebess gone beyond her maternal rights and duties ving contested the crown in favour of her son ? Had te. happiness or misery of her country in view ?" ieur Lafitte of Pan, after having contested the right Chambers to decide on the fate of the Duchess of demands that she be immediately sent out of The Sieur de Ronville, that the Duchess of e sent into England, Spain, or Italy, as she best The Sieur Felix Mercier, of Douhs, demands that tuber declares itself competent, and pronounces a 'y decree of imprisonment against the Duchess of a fortress. The Sieur Millard, President of the trt of Dreux, protests with all his might against mesent, or future measures of detention of the f Berry, who appears to him like St. Louis in of the infidels. "If hostages are required they nd," says the petitioner, and he offers himself. e inhabitants of Montpellier express their hope ;tench people be consulted on the fate of the Berry. This petition, says the Rapporteur, is es of disguised protest against the Revolution is the theory which the Duchess of Berry has ice, and consequently the petitioners have asulted the interests they pretend to inhabitants of the communes of Claret, aires, Vacquieres Saturangues, Aleirac, mpagne, Garrigues, give their ad he ttizions of the inhabitants of Montpellier. of Rennes invoke the 54th Article of the the right of individual jurisdiction. They hat Napoleon, in 1815, did not judge the tie, and that he in his turn was not cited f Assizes, after his fall.' He concludes by the Chamber declare that there exists no an judge the Duchess of Berry, and that be set at liberty. The inhabitants of the kudemer, department of l'Eure, protest ure adopted by Government respecting rry. In their opinion this Princess save us from the disgrace of a third sabitants of Rodez pretend that Madame ry, belonging doubly to the blood of in their inviolability, and is therefore a Court nor to the Chambers them /tactless, in the name of her son, has ms to the throne, it cannot be consi ither law or precedent. They quote es the Seventh. A rebellion can only t the Sovereign. If the Prince of in the citadel of Antwerp, who would icing him before a Belgian Court ? , ss of Berry is only reproached with in, the law of the 10th of April, se apply to her, gives no penalty; opinions of the petitioners, the ninated for the assumption of an If the question is only political netitioners, the crown alone can •egards one Power towards ann an individual. The intervention be an invasicn. It is therefore 3 to take a part without the aonsibility. The reasonings of Rapporteur, contain assertions t being refuted. The question tese terms. It is not whether subject to the younger, but 1 say that be is exempt from a Frenchman can deny the In the eyes of tl.e re neither elder nor younger which reigns, and a branch being consequently subject to to as ourselves, cannot over 'port in these terms s--" I Chambers that a great pat an unintelligible manner, lone by the same hand ; st it names or numbers. It specting the different peti efore, and the observations cur of your Commission, act. But to whom be ' Petitioners think that nission that it is to the to say, to the responsible tw that any individual, er, who should on our the Government, is to nevertheless, be aware yainst the Duchess of of the ex-family who e determined by con sal peace. It, there• on, after having ex pose its conclusions. tard to some of these a established by the indation and denied nt to M. le Garde her there were not thors. The Com setitions suspected to same Minister; to all others, it the Chamt era to hat the Govern power which be -2,ommission has a to pass to the h I have given rs—Messieurs, a bring under a very delicate pies the atten- We would , hut we pre- Alves to you gment. Let your recol sty to bear y be under- X., then a his last day signed will out-1 of Paris a victory aunt Go- Inder the king of that nt were y. We elatives md the of the which cgs as more ace of vhom ed to •ious pro ver, de tity to en etc is se • enemies or thelevolution of July? What said tbose roc nl , who regretted trio-restoration—who regretted it by prin ciple, by interest, by attaelonerit, by any motives and upon any account aVhatevail? They then " You have either done too much or too little ; according to the terms of the charter, Charles X. is not responsible for the acts of his Government. Do you wish to stand by the charter ? In that case let Charles X. still occupy the throne, and content yourselves with putting his Ministers upon their trial. Do you wish to render the charter void? Then try Charles X., but do not condemn him without a hearing ; above all, do not involve in his condetnnrion his innocent family and children." Such was their argument then, and taking it upon strictly logical grounds, there was no reply to it. It was an argument, however, which the Chambers (lid not regard, and they were right in not re garding it. They declared that the crown of France did not belong to any person, and that it was not the property of any man or of any family ; that no one had any right to it, even if he were innocent, but in the interest of all.— (Unanimous tokens of approbation.) The Chambers have declared, and France confirmed the declaration, that oaths are reciprocal between the Prince and the country, and that it must be understood that the principle of irresponsibiliky could not altogether apply to them. Thus political necessity assumed a higher tone than the written law. However, in acknowledging that there are certain extreme cases ; that there are certain limits to the principle of Royal irresponsi bility, the Chambers acknowledged, and France with them, that the conservative principle of society extended to Charles X. The Chambers and France thought that it would be an affront to the people who had achieved the revolution of July to act otherwise, and accordingly he was conducted into exile in mourn'ul and respectful silence. A commission, several of the members of which I now perceive in the Chamber, accompanied the exiled Monarch en that occ rsion, and rendered to him all the honours ap pertaining to the rank of which he was just deprived. Some days afterwards four Ministers of Charles X. were seized in a corner of the kingdom. The Chamber of De puties preferred an accusation against them, and put them on their trial before the Chamber of Peers. Then again was the argument repeated that had been adduced in favour of Charles X. " Charles X.," said his friends, " has suf fered for his Ministers,—either restore him to the throne, or leave his servants in peace." Such was the whole gist of the eloquent address then made by their advocate before the Chamber of Peers. However, neither the Chamber of Peers nor the Chamber of Deputies allowed themselves to be entrapped by such polemical subtilties,—they yielded na the strong law of necessity. The Chamber of Depu ties accused the Ex-Ministers, and the Chamber of Peers condemned them. The first, having no law to regu- I rte the mode of accusation, created one for the pur pose, and the Chamber of Peers, which had the right to condemn the prisoners, having no law to apply to such a case, also created the law which it required.—(Movement at the further end—a slight murmur.) The year 1830 was spent in internal discussions ; upon the strength of those discussions the fallen party took courage, and commenced intrigues which caused just alarm. Then was seen the rigin of that law, the object of which was to arm the Government against those different parties whose exultation rendered it necessary for us to pronounce the expulsion of the Bourbons from the French territory. You recollect the sbjections that were made against that law ; I acknowledge that those objections were not without foundation. You wisely overruled such objections as did not go to the bottom of things. Your intention was not to inflict a punishment for what had taken place, but to provide for the safety of the State, and to furnish it with those guarantees which it required; and the legitimate course which you adopted in so doing was approved of in your ow• eyes, and in the eyes o•f France. You have said, " Charles X. and his family belong no longer to France"—a strange thing. They belong no longer to any nation : they are placed by the force of circumstances without the common law of all —without our public law—without, I frankly assert it, the law of nations. France owes them nothing more than she owes to her declared enemies. Their presence in France would be the signal for public disorders, and France has a right to preserve herself against such evils. But at the same time take care to bear in mind, tkat in refusing to Charles X. and his family all the rights of the general Irw,—in stripping them of all the guarantees which that law affords, you have renounced to a cert tin extent the imposition of its penalties upon them. France in dis owning them, in flinging them from her bosom, has inter dicted herself to a certain extent from demanding from them, with the law in her hand, their sentiments towards her. France has, to a certain extent, waved the right of ever treating them as ungrateful children or rebellious sons. We pursue our enemies, we disarm them, and re duce them to a state of impotence; but we do not deliver them to the executioner after we have obtained the vic tory. Such were your sentiments, Gentlemen, when you rejected the penal sanction—and what a penal sanction, the capital punishment!—on the occasion of the discus sion of the law of the 10th of April, 1832. The Minister went cn to explain that on this state of things the Duchess of Berry, to whom a life of adventures and dan gers appeared to be too pleasing for her to give it up, was arrested ; that, under such circumstances, the law was not wanted by the Administration (he spoke of the moral law, he said) to act, but they required the legal means for enforcing it. We have taken upon our selves (he continued) to order her provisional deten tion, and to come to ask &ern the Chamber those special measures which the improvidence of the law that you voted last year has not placed in our hands ; and we have considered ourselves the more autho rized to do so, inasmuch as already the Cour Reya'e of Aix, and that of Poitiers have directed prosecutions against the Duchess of Berry. We have pledged ourselves to bring this great question before the Cambers. We should have desired to have raised it even at the opening of the session, immediately after the discussion upon the address; but you are aware that the course of events, which it is not within human power to control, ordained that this session should open to the noise of the cannon thundering before the citadel of Antwerp ;—at a moment when France on one side, and all continental Europe on the other, appeared to lie surveying each other with fixed attention;—at a moment when persons who were over reached, no doubt, and badly informed, believed I said it at the period, and I now repeat it, that they should see decided all the chances of an European svar.—(Uproar— , agitation.) Under such circumstances, we did not bring ' forward this question, but now that it has been introduced by others, we shrink not from its discussion, and we are ready to answer all the opponents which such a question can call up against us. Two charges, if I recollect rightly, are preferred against us. One party says that we should not interrupt the cause of justice, but that we should deliver the Duchess of Berry over to the laws. The other tells us that the Duchess of Berry should not be tried,—that we acted properly in shutting her up in the castle of Blaye, but that that was an act of the Government, that the Government should act alone, and should not divide its responsibility with the Chamber. Hear our answer to those two charges. We have not delivered the Duchess of Berry over to the tribunes, because, in their existing state, our criminal laws are not applicable to her case. The Duchess of Berry and all the Princes of the elder branch of the house of Bourbon, are our enemies ; let us defend ourselves, Gentlemen ; we are 30,000,000 against six persons, — that is surely enough,—(lnterruption; the President en forces silence.) I have said that this sentiment is univer sally entertained throughout France. I will go further, and assert that it is even entertained by those who call most loudly to have the Duchess of Berry put upon her trial. What do they demand? Is it her head? Not a voice has been raised to make such an odious demand, and nevertheless the attempt in which she was taken was evi dent—the crime was flagrant. What do they ask for, then? A trial; but, after the trial, what would they wish for but the imprisonment of the Duchess, with such attentions as her situation might demand. That, then, which they ask for already exists. It was not a real trial that was sought fur, but as the culpability of the party in question was already known, it was a trial for form's sake that was wished for,—a farcical exhibitio❑ of justice,—a solemn comedy, with the parts distributed beforehand, and the denouement of which was foreseen and regulated. Where would be the use of such a trial? What purpose would it serve ? It would not he, surely, to lay before us the spectacle of a great reverse of fortuue. That would be a sad and odious subject of exultation on our part. But we are told that it is in order to satisfy a principle of the written law—that of the equality of Frenchmen under the laws. However good, however salutary, however conser vative that principle may be, it was once applicable to the Princess, but it is no longer so ; for the Duchess is not a French woman, she was not so by birth, and she is no longer so by alliance.—(Movement. M. I3erryer takes notes.) Since the' act of the 9th of August the Duchess is no longer French by alliance. Well, that principle of equality, which is nut applicable in this case, is not more sacred than those other principles of the written law which you have made bend to circumstances in the in stance of this family ; it is not more sacred than the prin ciple of individual liberty violated in the transportation of Charles X. and his relatives out of France,—than the principle of Regal irresponsibility violated in his deposi tion, or than the principle that no one can be tried except for an offence according to laws already made, which you violated when you wished to take vengeance upon the Ministers of Charles X. Are we, then, in tbat position that we ought to say, " Perish the State rather than a principle ?" I think not ; at all events those words shall never be mine, and I say so designedly. Do you know, moreover, any question that could be raised by the trial of the Duchess of Berry ? Do you think the question to he ascertained would he whether she has been in Vendee? But that she has her- proclaimed. Or whether she has conspired ? that she has done in the face of France. Or whe- they she is retained a prisoner at Blaye ? But her identity is not disputed. No, Gentlemen, such would not be the questions that would be then raised and discussed ; hut the question that would be raised would be, to know whe ther Madame had the right to do that which she has done —the right of insurrection against the Government of the Revolution.—(lnterruption.) Yes, Gentlemen, that is the question that would then be raised. —(The ❑oise is renewed.) A voice on the left—Away ; go; you pervert the question. The Minister—This is the question.—(Renewed inter ruption ) The President—Stay, M. Minister, I desire you would not speak till order be restored. The matter is too serious not to require general silence. The Minister—This is the question which will be brought and pleaded tdere, and the only one. Voices in the centre—True,—well,—very well. The President—You interrupt as much by approving as reproving —(A laugh.) The Minister—lt is for you to consider if it becomes you to suffer this question to be brought before judges ap pointed by chance, before any tribunal. For our own parts, Gentlemen, we are of those who think this ques tion has been decided since the 7th of August; we are of those who think that a Government which respects it- s-lf does not allow itself to b , compromi-ed by any one.— (Numerous voicea,— ,, Very right, very right.") Beware, Gentlemen, of suff ring such questions to be carried before a tribunal—think of the discussions which take place—of the auditory that will throng around it. With the liberty of speech we now enjoy, the enemies of Government will fly from the utmost limits of the kingdom ; it is not by hundreds or thousands we must reckon, but by hundreds of thousands.—(Great interruption.) A voice on the left—You do much honour to the Go vernment of which you are a member. The Minister—Think, Gentlemen, of the language of the counsel for the accused—of that of the accused her self. Think of the expression of popular fury which it cannot fail to excite. Do you imagine that the whole power at the disposal of the Government coald protect the judges on one side, the accused on the other? You have seen the disorders of Lyons—the scenes of the month of June.—(Agitation.) The President again interposed. 31. de Broglie (Minister of Foreign Affairs)—lf there is any one who thinks he has a right to provoke such disorders, it is none of us; we are bound to say that the tranquillity of a country ought never to be played with. In regard to the other reproach—that this is but an act of the Government, and that the Govern .Went ought not to devolve the tesponsibility on the Chamber—let the matter be understood. What responsibility is meant ? Is it the responsibility to come? That of the conquered party, if he should be victorious? We accept this responsibility. But there is another responsibility for Ministers, which they cannot reject—that of conforming to the wishes of the majority of the Chamber. The Committee has pro mulged its opinion that the Duchess of Berry ought not to be brought to trial. The Committee has further de clared that she ought to remain prisoner in a fortress so long as the public tranquillity requires, and has left the Government to determine the duration of the detention. If you are willing to adopt the Committee's conclusions, the Government ask no more; if, on the contrary, you wish to go more fully into the question, and to regulate the conditions yourselves, we are ready to conform to the measures you have a right to prescribe. if you leave us free to act according to our discretion, we are far from declining the responsibility of our acts.—(Approbation from the inner sections.) M. de Ludre intimated that he should proceed to ex amine the question put in the conclusion of the report, namely, whether the Princess Caroline shall be detained administratively, or shall be sent before the judges assigned by law to foreigners as well as natives of France guilty of a political offence. The reporter observed that there was not a single word in the report of what he stated. The Committee has merely refused to submit the Princess to the judicial power. M. de Ludre—lf the Committee has not decided the principle that the Duchess ought to be tried, the Minister of Foreign Affairs has, and I am about to reply to him. The speaker, declared that, in his opinion, such detention was an act of tyranny, and voted for sending back the petition with this cl ruse—" To cause the laws of the kingdom to be executed." M. de Briquevile cited the expressions of M. Guizot on the 29th of December, 1830, against extra-constitu tional power, and the remark of M. de Broglie before the Chamber of Peers, that " the penal code might be in voked against the Bourbons." He supported M. de Ludre. M. Cabet observed that it was not a comedy they wished to be acted before the country in asking that the laws should be executed. The charter was in question, whether it be real or an illusion ; the question was,whether there were laws in France—whether there was one justice, one equality for all. The revolution of July was merciful, was generous enough to claim now the right of enforcing the execution of the laws. We may say, however, he observed to the Government, that if it has made such a number of ene mies as to be justified in the fears expressed by the Minis ter, the Government must take the consequences. If it had not been bent on stifling patriotism, incarcerating the conquerors of July, humiliating France in the eyes of fo reigners, and crushing the press with prosecutions, these dangers would not have been apprehended. M. Berryer came forward amidst strong indications of curiosity. I appear, be observed, in support of the con clusions of your Committee—(darks of astonishment) — in so so far as their object is to have the order of the day pronounced on the petitions the analysis of which has been presented to you. Gentlemen, you cannot doubt that I have been sensibly impressed with the reflection which most of the petitions yeu have heard read are cal culated to inspire. The captivity of the Duchess of Berry, the present condition of that captivity, the extra legal state in which she is, in a state-prison in the bosom of France, cut off ft om external intercourse, are considera tions which have awakened all my solicitude. I should have felt myself compelled to beseech the Chamber to invite the Ministry to put an end to such an intolerable state of things ; but considerations not less serious induce me to feel the necessity of adopting the opinion of the Commit tee. I now think, justified as lam in that opinion by the speech of the Minister, that there cannot be a discussion on such a topic; and if it were possible, I should demand the previous question.—(lnterruption.) The matter is a serious one. My personal affections attach themselves to it: my political conviction.—(Renewed cries.) A voice on the left—He has at least the courage to avow it. M. Berryer—The love, the ardent love I bear my country, has alone inspired me, and alone supports my conviction— A voice—And your oath! M. Berryer—lt this allusion to the oath is a personal attack, I am ready to explain myself. The President—Go on, Sir, do not reply to inter ruptions. M. Berryer—l would say, then, that since I have been present at this discussion, I have heard the speech of the Minister ; a sudden resolution has unexpectedly made me change my ideas, and it is in order to develop them to my colleagues that I need the utmost freedom of mind.— (Silence.) The first act of the revolution of July was a violation of the charter and of all existing laws. This violation, the Minister says, we were forced to by the greatest, most imperative, most absolute, and I add, most perilous of necessities. The second act was to decide in the Chamber that the House of Bourbon was excluded from the throne for ever. In spite of the principles of Royal irresponsibility, a sentence of condemnation was pronounced against Charles X. The third act was the trial of the Ministers ; the Chamber of Peers itself made the law it applied, thus constituting itself an assembly of legislators and judges. Ira the present case the question is ❑ot a personal one. The Duchess of Berry is here a principle ; she is exclusive of what has taken place since the 7th of August. The position in which you are placed with respect to her does not allow of any dignity existing in deliberation. There can be no deliberation on the part of those who made the law of the 7th of August. You cannot deliberate ; pass, then, to the order of the day. What advantage is there i❑ a refe rence to the Ministry? None whatever. It is evident, on the one hand, that no trial can take place, and on the other, that the Ministers, better advised, would not now present a law to make the Chamber legislate on the fate of the Duchess of Berry. When I oppose a reference to the Ministers, I stand upon fundamental principles, and I say, in order that there should be a trial, there must be law and jurisdiction ; there must be law and an applicable law, and the law is applicable no longer than it is obligatory on the person to whom it is applied, aed then it has had the consent, in some way, and mutual engagement of the party. I maintain that the Chamber cannot interfere in such a question without being in some sort judge and party, and therefore, I demand the Order of the Day. M. Thiers supported the Order of the Day. The Mi- piker for Foreign Affiirs had explained clearly the opi nion of the Government, and why and by what right it felt itself obliged to detain the Duchess of Berry. The Duchess has violated the law which condemned her and her family to live abroad ; she has landed upon our coasts; she has come to excite civil war amongst us ; we have arrested her, and we detain her. We never thought of throwing the responsibility of the act upon others. Attached to the Constitution, we always accept the responsibility which belongs to our acts; but we consi dered that an act of high policy could not take place with out our being called upon to give an account of it before tLe Chamber, though without any discussion being pro voked upon it. The speaker then proceeded to eulogize the revolution of 1830 as a necessary one, col:fined within the limits of justice and humanity, that has gained the esteem of the world; hence it has founded a Government de facto et de jure. What right, he asked, could be op posed to the royalty of July? That or a dynasty which infallible destiny had smitten and condemned for ever to the character of foreign. So long as it shall be resigned to the decrees of fate, and inhabits a foreign soil, I shall regard it with respect ; but when it bursts its ban, and, with the torch of war in its hand, comes to ravage the soil f France, then will I war with it, and demonstrate the justice of its fate. I now address myself to those who complain that we have .-xceeded the limits of the common law in respect of the Duchess of Berry; and I acknow ledge that we have violated the ordin try law. When we arrested the Duchess we surrounded an entire quarter with soldiers; we penetrab d in the night, without calling upon the Magistrates, into the dwelling of citizens ; we vio lently demolished doors, and after a siege of fifteen hours, we seized the Duchess of Berry. Is this common law? Condemn us if you dare.—(From the centre, " No, no.") M Maugin—You did right. M. Tniers—Yes, we did right, I know, to exceed the common law in an emergency where there was no ordi nary right, where everything was extraordinary. It is for the same reason that we come to tell you we cannot lilting the Duchess of Berry before the tribunals, and that we wish to detain her as a measure of further safety. We do not try Princes as in barbarous times, in times of re volutionary passion. I❑ civilized times we reduce them to impotency. The trial of Charles I. was aII turant act of hypocrisy ; that of Louis XVI. was a detestable hypo crisy ; the commission which caused the Duke d'Enghie❑ to be shot in a ditch at Vincennes was a lie. Gentlemen, we are not savages nor hypocrites ; let us, then, dare to detain the Duchess of Berry without bringing her to trial. You may talk of tribunals for trying her, but how would you draw up a process against her before a tribunal ? Jus tice requires a positive law against an accused person, a specific fact, and witnesses who depose to the face. The law which excludes the Bourbons condemns them, for appearing in France, to exclusion only. The Duchess for this offence must therefore he led to the frontier. To condemn her to punishment, it must be proved that she took part in the civil war,—that she headed the bands— and commanded the Chouans. Where are the witnesses who could depose to this ?—(A voice, " M. Berryer could.") M. 'Tiers-1 have not yet adverted to the inconve nience and dangers of the trial. If you bring the Duchess of Berry to Paris, you will place between Paris and Bor deaux from 50,000 to 60,000 men.—(Great interruption.) The Minister of Commerce and Public Works—Al low me to state the secrtes of parties. These scenes are ardently desired by the factions of June, and by the treacherous agents of Carlism. The former saw the oc casion slip from them at the trial of the Ministers. After the death of the illustrious Perier, they thought an op portunity had recurred ; they soiled the ashes of the brave Latnarque by a sanguinary riot, but they held with de spair all their opportunities lost, and themselves reduced to isolated and impotent attempts. 13 , hind them the agents of Carlism, wishing also new occasions of disorder, though their Princess should die in them, seek still a dreadful day. These, Gentlemen, are the wishes of the parties: you will not repiunge the country into disorder, and will pass to the order of the day.--(" Very right.") M. Salvere—We demand a trial—we demand the execution of the laws, and we are not factious per-ons ; they are the factious who wish to extend their power be yond the law and the charter. A power above the law is dictation.--(Great disturbance ensued.) M. Odillon Barrot uas at length heard. The re porter's conclusions imply that the order of the day would be only a declaration of incompetency on the part of the Chamber. The Ministers, on their part, say, " This pressed order of the day is the sanction of what we have done—a bill of indemnity granted us for our exceeding the ordinary course of the law." Beware, Gentlemen ; you see what must be the consequences of such an order of the day pronounced by the Chamber. I oppose it de cidedly. I have sworn to de'end the Charter, not to violate it. I declare boldly, there is no person in France, whatever lie his rank, whatever he has been or may be, iu whom I recognise the right of inviolability ; and when such a person is detained, deprived of liberty, and by her self or her friends applies to the Chamber to demand the execution of the law, to sanction an arbitrary detention is to do in an indirect manner what no one would dare to propose to you openly. When the Duchess of Berry was arrested, the Ministers, who then did not recognise the right in themselves of disposing of the liberty of any one, interrupting the course of justice, and correcting the ordinary laws, announced that they would leave the question to the Chamber; that it would be by a law that the exception to the ordi nary law must be sanctioned if necessary; but now the Ministers, deserting this course, come forward in a sur reptitious manner—(Murmurs) —to take advantage of a❑ order of the day, interpreted in a manner contrary to that of the reporter himself. The Speaker then proceeded to question and deny the omnipotence of Parliament, which, be contended, was confined within the limits assigned by the Constitution. The law, therefore, which was higher than Parliamentary authority, should have its course. If there be any exceptions in respect to the rank of the ac cused, the nature of the facts, the incompetency of the Judges, or the inviolability of the person, it is a question of law, which the judges of the law could alone decide. The inviolability of a family that had borne the crown of France was spoken of, but what was that inviolability in the presence of their laws—in the presence of their revolution ? He would proclaim aloud, without fear of contradiction, from that tribune, that there was not a more legitimate Government in Europe th a n the Government of July.—(Loud applause. ) It was vain to talk of a violation of the charter. The charter had disappe fired the moment that a perjurer had torn it in pieces,—when it was buried under the bar ricades, and when Charles X. was conducted to Cherburg. He proceeded to contend that all power of excepting (pouvoir exceptionne. disappeared the moment that the charter of 1830 was promulgated, that the laws resumed their empire, and that it was not given to any power to save an accused from their operation. It would be a sad thing if they should proclaim in the eyes of France that they were afraid of this trial.—(Much interruption from the centre.) M. Vigier—You wish, then, to destroy commerce? The President—Do not interrupt him. M. Wilton Barrot--The Hon. M. I,febvre, who has interrupted me, speaks, I believe, of the exchange and of commerce.—(Laughter on the left.) The President—Do not answer interruptions. M. Lefebvre—lt was not I that interrupted you; it was M. Vigier. M. Vigier rose in his turn, but his short address was lost in the noise. M. Odillon Barrot proceeded to contend that they taught, by trying the Duchess of Berry before the Cham ber of Peers, to afford a solemn proof that there was no one above the law in France. He dreaded nothing from such a trial, which would establish the supremacy of the l a w, but he dreaded much from the conduct of the Go vernment in shrinking from submitting the Duchess of Berry to the supreme jurisdiction of the Chamber of Peers. Ile resumed his seat amidst much applause from the left. The President brought up the conclusions of the report of the Committee. M. Viennet—l demand that the order of the day be e xplained upon the conclusions of the reporter. The President said that the recommendations of the committee were, that as to those petitions which seemed to carry with them marks of delinquency and even of crime, they should be referred back to the Keeper of the Seals, that upon the others, and upon all the petitions in ge neral, the committee proposed the order of the day. The reference to the Keeper of the Seals of those peti tions which were drawn up in unsuitable and culpable terms, and of those which bore evident traces of falsehood, was then put to the vote. The two centres and a great portion of the second section of the left and of the right voted for the reference ; the Members of the extremities voted against it. It was ordered. The order of the day was then carried by the same ma jority, and the Chamber rose at three quarters past s ix o'clock. On Tuesday afternoon last an unmarried woman, about 20 years of age, named ELITABETII RAY+ N aa, was found in Clifton Wood, about 200 yards from her own residence, with her throat cut. She was last seen alive on the preceding evening, and was in a state of pregnancy. No weapon or instrument was found near her by which the wound could have been inflicted. — Halifax Journal. FROM LAST NIGHT'S GAZETTE. LORD CHAMBERLAIN'S-OFFICE, JAN. 7, 1833. The Lord Chamberlain of his Majesty's Household has ap pointed Frederick George Vandiest, of Stockwell, in the county of Surrey, Esq , one of the Gentlemen of his Majesty's Most Honourable Pliyy Chamber in Ordinary. WHITEHALL, DEC. 31. The Lord Chancellor has appointed James Bulrkley Watkis, of Manchester, in the county of Lancaster, Gent., tobe a Master Extraordinary in the High Court of Chancery. CROWN-OFFICE, JAN. 8. MEMBERS RETURNED TO SERVE IN TILE NEW PARLIAMENT. ANTRIM.—The Honourable John Bruce Richard O'Neill ; and the Right Honourable George Hamilton Chichester, corn. monly called Earl of Belfast. BELFAST.—Arthur Chichester, Esq., commonly called Lord Ar. thur Chichester, of Ormean, in the county of Down ; and James Emerson Tennent, of the Lodge, in the county of An trim, Esq. BANavalc.—Henry William Tancred, Esq. DUNGAREAN.—The Honourable George Lamb. DUNDALK.—WiIIiam O'Reilly, of Seafarm, in the county of Dub lin, and Dorset-street, in the city of Dublin, Barrister at Law. KING'S CousTv.—Nicholas Fitzsimon, Esq , of Castlewood, in the King's county ; and William Parsons, commonly called Baron Lord Oxmantown, of Parsonstown.castle, in the King's county aforesaid. Lorin—Thomas Fitzgerald, Esq., of Fanevalley ; and Richard Montesquieu Bellew, Esq., of Barmeath. LISBURN.—Henry Meynell, Esq., Captain in his Majesty's Royal Navy. NEW Ross.—John Hyacinth Talbot, of Talbot-hall, in the county of Oxford, Esq. OxFotto.—James Haughton Langston, Esq. ; and Thomas Stonor, Esq. OXFORDS/llRE.—George Granville Harcourt, Esq. ; Richard Wevland, Esq. ; and Montagu Bertie, Esq., commonly called Lord Norreys. 0 XFORD, UNIX ERSITY.—Sir Robert Harry Inglis, Bart., D.C.L., of Christchurch ; and Thomas Grimston Bucknall Estcourt, I) C.L.,tof Corpus Christi College. Ross-Sli IRE AND C ROMARTYSIIIRE.---James Alexander Stewart Mackenzie, Esq., of Seaforth. WOODSTOCK.—The Right Hon. George Spencer Churchill, coin- .................. , monly called Marquis of Blandford. WEXFORD CO.—Robert Shapland Carew, of Castleboros, in the county of Wexford, Esq., Lieutenant of the said county ; and Henry Lambert, of Carnagh, in the said county, Esq. WEXFORD.—Charles Arthur Walker, of Belmont, in the county of Wexford, Esq. Wu,}a.m.—James Grattan, Esq.; and Ralph Howard, Esq. WATERFORD, Co.—John Matthew Galway, Esq., of Duckspool, in the said county; and S:r Richard Keane, Bart., of Cappo quin-house, in the said county. P. Hopkin and J. Read, earthenware manufacturers, 131111 1 Staffordshire. It Gardner and Co., cotton-spinners, Manche,ter. J. Kymer and Co., sugar-refiners, St. George's-place (so Dr regards J. Taylor). • It. Hides and J. Townsend, tahle-knife cutters, Sheffield. T. Underwood and B. Hill, stationers, Birmingham. J. Green and Sons, wholes le jewellers, Hatton-garden. G. B. Knowles and F. It. Elkington, surgeons, Birmingur - Sheffield. . _ G. Faith and Co. merchants, London. J. H. Parr and H. Ward, solicitors, Liverpool. S. and W. Sangster, walking-stick manufacturers, Fleet-5 00 J. W. White and C. W. Wilson. solicitors, Furnival's R. Rose and T. Pratt, coal-merchants, Ilford. It. George and R T. Parnell, brewers, Pedwell, Somerseta J. Fort and Co., cal'co-printers, Manchester. T. Keating and J. Langford, chymists, St. Paul's Church-7 t I'. Rogers and J. Coates ' surgeons, St. Alban's. E. Tewart and Co., Ludgate-street, (so far as regards Tewart, sen.) PRESENTATION OF AN ADDRESS, FROM THE r k SOCIETY FOR DIFFUSING INFORMATION ON PITAL PUNISHMENTS," To LORD CHIEF JUSTICE DENMAN. The Committee of the above-mentioned Societl having, at a meeting held at Plough -court, Lo bard -street, on the 19th of December last, agreed°. ;in address to be presented to the Lord Chief JOY. tice of the King's Bench, to congratulate him ups hi s appointment to his present exalted station, o r m.nated five of their members as a deputation ° wait upon his Lordship with the address. On Sr ti irday, the 29th of December, the day appoint'i for receiving the address, the deputation, consistil4, of the President, William Alien, Esq., F.R.SI' R. Foster, Esq.; Warwick 'Weston, Esq.; J. Sr. ney A.M ; and J. I'. Barry, Esq„ waite upon the Lord Chief Justice, at his residence, Be seil-.quare, and presented the following addre which was read by one of the deputation : " My Lord,—The Committee of the Society for JI fusing Information on the Suhject of Capital Puniel y men's beg leave to express their sincere satisfaction at O f appointment, which, by raising your Lordship to ) 4 , pr e sent exalted station, has given a Chief Justice to t t highest Court of Common Law Judicature in the real whose legislative labours, when Attorney-General, e s ' tracted from a portion of our laws that ' vindictive ace hity which deadens their execution,' and, by correetiO the fattl errors of intemperate lawgivers, removed soi ll ! of the most serious impediments to the effective admin" stration of justice. " In alluding to the Bill which your Lordship inn' dined, to abolish the Punishment of Death in all cases Forgery, the Committee take this opportunity of tends ing their grateful acknowledgments for that great measul which, notwithstanding the exceptions introduced in tP i House of Lords, has removed many sanguinary enae ments fcom the statute-book, and afforded a benefictol example of rational and ju iicious innovation upon O s vindictive severity of the criminal code. " Aware that your Lordship is under the iniperis ° and painful necessity of administering the laws as yo, find them, the Committee are also aware from your O r form conduct previously to your present elevation, S o s Judge in a Crimintl Court, that it is your invariable di, r position, as far as the laws allow, to administer justice ° mercy. It must, therefore, be a great satisfaction to yoo; own mind to have contributed to the commencement that improwd system of legislation, which, while it PO' tects the interests of society, and vindicates the authori i ; of justice, relieves the judicial power from a painful ( 1 '!; cretion, by causing that spirit of rational lenity to re't", in the body of the laws themselves, which will give the° operation the irresistible support of enlightened opinion , (Sigtp , d) " W. B. SARSFIELD TAYLOR, Hon. Sec." His Lordship, who received the deputation in till most kind and affable manner, returned a verbal a' saver, the sentiments of which he subsequently el bodied in a written one, which he transmitted the President, and of which the following is copy : " Russell-square, Dec. 29, 1832' " My dear beg to offer you as President, 0: through you to the Committee of the Society for diffusioP Informatio❑ on C.pitril Punishments, my thanks for tb i addre-a you have transmitted en the occasion of my la ti a,lpoint►nent. _ . " The satisfaction expressed at that gracious mark ofhP Majesty's favour—the approbation of my efforts in P i :, liament to mitigate the severity of the criminal law---tv confidence in my future judicial conduct, founded on tbt experience of the course I pursued as Common Serge —are in the highest degree gratifying and encouragielP, "It is needless for me to observe, as the obeervat' ° ' has been made by the Committee, that the duty 0f,. 1 Judge is of a limited and definite nature; he is under 4 ' necessity, sometimes a very painful one, of administe o the laws as he finds them. That this duty bas, howeve l been divested of much that made it painful, by the 4 ' l provetnents of la . e years, is mainly ascribed to the ° lightened and persevering benevolence of your societt Through their humane but temperate exertions, the telv i t ms tition to trifle with the sacred clai of truth is remove' those distressing conflicts are avoided, by which, in W mer times, the aim of justice was paralysed; and n pini o lends a willing and conscientious aid to authority. la li/ with great truth and esteem, my dear Sir, your faith ° ,ervant. " Wm. Allen, Esq." (Signed) T. DENMAN. H s Lordship conver-ed with the deputation ( 0 , more than half an hour on the state of the crimitl e : law, and some of the further improvements which requires, and which are contemplated, in order ° make its provkions more effective for the securirl of property and repression of crime, by renderil them more consonant with the dictates of rationo' and dispassionate justice, and thereby withdrawirt from the Jury-box, and from Courts of criminal le i altogeth,r, the great temptation which now exi s t to violate the sanctity of oaths. We understor l , l that the views hereafter to be developed on th, l , important subject, affecting, as it does, the more l , of society, the protection of property, and the k f man, will be found to be such as cannot tail give great gratification to the enlightened advocat; of a judicious and efficient reform of our Crimitt I Code. o the report 1 VIENN A , Min g Ki ng Perial d orm , 1 1 a di. or d et ren.l7 afflic eiv, d ry , , t murninz, 111, the disorder takenT, Platte i Public pr; Vienna and 1 Valuable I,fe Th e tw o 1 and thin mor Co ntents , penal mai,, t he 20th ins; (:! in the pre In the n am `` Prethur '''4ustrian H '+l►tßliH tit h Y of fl oe .cdhe sin ce °a ea ot con tnizh n di d avo wi tht t he th s W V ar -.tut lir e '4l. 8 1 " h: (eve cern t hin toat t ecrae gs t a where Pm c else 1 1 11 : 1 , 1 11. We aees o f rmed tl reY t Plot al to bn e ern( urro jn Ig OrderN kio n . Po tation: o eliee ed s e" PY th ter narka w r: ow II t h e forn-, fi e meelv el Strange accounts have reached us of the coo l ol d and duct of Admiral RICOED, Commander of the Rossi ° 4 , "Re o f squadron in the Mediterranean. While England, Gert T t; ere bera many, and France, are earnestly employed in establishil i l e r ; and a settled government in Greece—while Prince OTIIO 0 0 , e . T ne expected daily to arrive in that country for the purpose it , eae.o ris. restoring order and subordination—it appears that to Russian. Admiral has been tampering with some membe r or It -IN of the Greek Senate, and has actu illy aided and abet t . tha nci tt 'sia them in their secession from the common cause of th e i i , 04 ef t co untry. Ten unworthy members of that body, with t" assistance of the Russian Admiral, have withdrawn them; yr With selves from the seat of Government, hoisted the stands g t h l en Ma of insurrection against their countrymen, and offered S o i e affairs the Russian Admiral himself the station of Pr e sident le easter Greece. We are glad, however, to learn that the ace"' c io S n e s : o e r ra i l dited agent of the CZAR disapproves loudly of the "nae thei taken by Iris naval officer ; and we therefore trust that tc. ti conduct of the latter will be disavowed and disapproved_; The eels e " St. Petersburgh. There can be no hope of seeing any " i t 4t t e ,.. l FRANKI tied Government established in that country till he is di graced, recalled, and punished as he deserves for his tie s x Y art's chery and presumption.—Horning Paper. t 1 3,nged MELANCHOLY ACCIDENT AND FEM 26 e lea , fiEuoism —On Saturday last, while some children se', trait' r . M. playing on the banks of the Thames at Hampton Cou r ( 14 4 `Prove one, a fine boy about five or six years of age, fell into river. As it was considerably swollen by the late rains ti sv4l?il at was rapidly carried down the s t ream ; th e little felle g yi b e clothes, however, kept him flo a ting on the surface, and ""ts, to occasionally uttered a pier c i ng c ry. This attrawed t"h ": notice of the Hon. Mks EDEN, one of her MAJEs O : Loas t , Maids of Honour, who was walking in the Palace O'; ' , i; Par dens, and seeing the s•ruggles of the child, she inl o : , , kttil4l7 i diately leaped over the high wall, and, wi hout a mome° e ,; consideration, dashed i n t o th e river. She had react' Th within a few feet of the child, when having got belli eight her depth, she was carried in a contrary direction. Luel';'; Il e/ Y'first she again recovered her footing, but the child was note 1 1 gra nn beyon her reach. She then retraced her steps to the bs o r th e n pon, of the river, calling at the same time to t he little sun ', o f t) keep its head up and she would savei Her crieso su ;'ag A / last aroused the ferryman at Thames Ditton, for by o ', o bi,P 4 ter time the child and Miss EDEN had reached nearly oppO 17 9 1) 7 4 ty. to that village, and she bad the inexpressible delight to 41 snit th e the child's body rescue d form the ra g in g flood. It was , brought ashore, but was insensible. She h a d h, h e 1,4:12T ever, cart ied to the Palace, and, though wet to the cor'e Ca gene of her head, gave every necesaary direction for the t ~t t 4 re dical gentlemen to be sent for. Notwithstanding eir e ',i . ffort was persevered in for more than an honr life 5 ";. 4 "'ser i i v't f mud to be extinct. We are happy to find that Pill th e t 1 EDEN has not suffered in the least from the exertion agtq, 4 r , t }' made to save the child, and which she did even at the 69 1 ', 'I" euh,"" her own life ; for, bad she not been carried into shallec f ," l °ace, 4) , r . water, she, too, would have been swept away by t h e co: i man ger rent. The child belongs to one ADAMS, a labourer a g r eeabl e ° , the KING'S garden. WAR-OFFICE, JAN. 8. The half-pay of the under-mentioned Officers has been can celled from the Bth instant, inclusive, they having accepted commuted allowances for their commissions, viz.:— Ensign E. Austin, half-pay 47th Foot ; Ensign C. F. Colvear, half-pay Unattached ; Lieut. J. V Shelley, half-pay 60th Foot; Ensign A. Johnston, half-pay 57th Foot; - Lieut. R. Butler, half pay Rifle Brigade ; Lieut. K. W. Tarleton, half-pay 18th Foot ; Lieut. J. L. Akers, half-pay Unattached; Lieut. J. E. Waring, half-pay 49th Foot ; Lieut. R. Ashe, half-pay ilst Foot ; Cornet Lewis Count Kielmansegge, half-pay Ist Hussars King's Ger man Legion ; Lieut. C. B. Martin, half-pay 60th Foot. Commissions by the Lord Lieutenant of the County of Middlesex. To be Deputy Lieutenants—H.M. Dyer, Esq.; 1-1. C. M. Dyer, Sept. 17. Commission by the Lout Lieutenant of the County of Surrey. Ist Regiment of Royal Surrey Militia. T. B. Potts, Gent,, to be Lieutenant, Dec. 29. CIRCUITS OF THE COMMISSIONERS FOR RELIEF OF INSOLVENT DEBTORS. SPRING CIRCUITS, 1833. NORTHERN CIRCUIT. J. G. HARRIS, Esq., Commissioner. Rutlandshire—Oakham, Tuesday, Feb. 26. Lincolnshire—Lincoln and City, Wednesday, Feb. 27. Nottinghamshire - Nottingham and Town, Friday, March 1. Derbyshire—Derby, Monday, March 4. Yorkshire—Wakefield, Tuesday, March 5. Kingston-upon-Hull—Monday, March 11. Yorkshire—York and City, Wednesday, March 13, Yorkshire—Richmond, Friday, March 15. Durham—Durham, Monday, March 18. Northumberland—Newcastle-upon-Tyne and town, Wednesday, March 20. Cumberland—Carlisle, Friday, March 22. Westmoreland—Appleby or Kendal, Saturday, March 23. Lancashire—Lancaster, Monday, March 23. Lancashire—Preston, Monday, April 1. Lancashire—Liverpool, Tuesday, April 2. Cheshire—Chester and City, Thursday, April 4. SOUTHERN CIRCUIT. T. B. BOWEN, Esq., Commissioner. Kent-Dover, Wednesday, Feb. 13. Kent-Canterbury, Thursday, Feb. 14. Kent-Maidstone, Friday, Feb. 15. Berkshire-Reading, Monday, Feb. Is. Oxfordshire-Oxford, Wednesday, Feb. Worcestershire-Worcester and City, Friday, Feb. 22. Herefordshire-Hereford, Monday, Feb. '25. ,Monmouthshire-Monmouth, Wednesday, Feb. 27. Gloucestershire-G oucester and City, Friday, March 1. Gloucestershire-Bristol, Monday, March 4. Somersetshire-Bath, Thursday, March 7. Somersetshire-Wells, Friday, March 8. Devonshire-Exeter and City, Monday, March 11. Cornwall-Bodmin, Thursday, March 14. Devonshire-Plymouth, Saturday, March 16. Dorsotshire-Dorchester, Monday, March 18. Wiltshire-Salisbury, Tuesday, March 19. Hampshire-Winchester, hursday, March 21. Hampshire-Southampton, Saturday, March 23. SUSSEX-Horsham, Monday, March '25. MIDLAND CIRCUIT. W. J. Law, Esq , Commissioner. Hertfordshire-Hertford, Thursday, March 7. Essex-Chelmsford, Friday, March S. Essex-Colchester, Saturday, March 9. Suffolk-Ipswich, Monday, March 11. Norfolk-Yarmouth, Wednesday, March 13. Norfolk-Norwich and City, Thursday, March Ft. Norfolk-Lynn, Saturday, March 16. Northamptonshire-Peterborough, Monday, March IS. Leicestershire-Leicester, Tuesday, March 19. Shropshire-Shrewsbury, Thursday, March 21. Staffordshtre-Staffbrd, Friday, March 22. Statthrdshire-Lichfield, Monday, March 25. Warwickshire-Birmingham, Tuesday, March 26. Warwickshire-Coventry, Wednesday, March 27. Warwickshire-Warwick, Thursday, March '2B. Northamptonshire-Northampton Saturday, March 30. Bedfordshire-Bedford, Monday, 'April 4. Huntingdonshire-Huntingdon, Tuesday, April 2. Cambridgeshire-Ely, Wednesday, April 3. Suffolk-Bury St. Edmunds, Thursday, April 4. Ca.nbridgeshire-Cambridge, Saturday, April 6. Buckinghamshire-Aylesbury, Monday, April 8. BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED. JAMES HUX FABLE, corn-factor, Bristol. BANKRUPTS. JOSEPH PORTER, eheesemonger, Carnaby-street, Regent. street, to surrender Jan. 18, and Feb. 19, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Edwards, Pancras-lane, official assignee; Par. ker, St. Paul's Churchyard. CHARLES HANCOCK, brick maker, Hillingdon, Middle sex, Jan 15, at two, and Feb. 19, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Kitchener, Lothbury, official assignee; Cattline, Ely-place. WILLIAM CHAPPLE and WILLIAM SNOW, tailors, Oxford.street, Jan. 11, at half-past ten, and Feb. 19, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Abbott, King's Arms-yard, Cole man-street, official assignee ; Cleobury, Montague-street,: Rus sell-square. RICHARD CLARK, miller, Norbury, Derbyshire, Feb. 1, and 19, at twelve, at Mr. Keen's office, Stafford. White and Whitmore, Lincoln's Inn, London. THOMAS HARDCASTLE, chymist, Bolton-le-Moors Lan cashire, Jan. 25, and Feb. 19, at one, at the Bridge Inn Bolton. le-Moors. Milne, Parry, Milne, and Morris, Temple, London ; Knowles, Bolton-le-Moors. WILLIAM I YDEM AN, saddler, Great Yarmouth, Jan. 18, and Feb. 19, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Groom, Ab. church-lane, London, official assignee; Ling and Harrison, Chancery-lane; Tuck, Strumpshaw, Norfolk. WILLIAM HARRISON, printer, Portsmouth, Jan. 18, and Feb. 19, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Lowe, Loth bury, London, official assignee ; Smith, Weir, and Smith, Ba singhall-street, London. DIVIDENDS. M. Bell, victualler, Great Surrey-street, Blackfriars-road, Jan. 31, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. J. Jackson and W. Jackson, stationers, Strand, Jan. 31, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. C. Sheffield, china-dealer, Commercial-terrace. Commercial. road, Jan. 30, at ten, at the Court of Bankruptcy. T. Smith and 'l'. Hall, warehousemen, Wood-street, Cheap side, Feb. I, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. W. H Humpleby, plumber, Borough-market, Jan. 18 , at ten, at the Court of Bankruptcy. W. Fry, J. Fry, and J. Chapman, St. Mildred's-court, Poultry, Jan. 31, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. B. Clever, victualer, High-street, Shadwell, Jan. 31, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. G. Beaver, carpenter, Belgrave-street South, Jan. a), at half past twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. J. Good, worsted braid-maker, Bunhill-row, St. Luke's, Jan. 31, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. J. Hodkinson and R. Dyson, tailors, Hanover-square, Feb. 13, at twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. J. C. Starkey, brewer, Little Pulteney-street, Golden.square, Jan. 31, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. J. Mitchell, linen-draper, Pudsey, Yorkshire, Feb. 4, at eleven, at the Court-house, Leeds. A. Black, corn-dealer, Huddersfield, Jan. 29, at ten, at the offices of Messrs. Whitehead and Robinson, Huddersfield. H. Primer, china-dealer, Southampton, Feb. 4, at twelve, at the Star Inn, Southampton. J. Francis, linen-diaper, Carmarthen, Jan. 31, at one, at the offices of Messrs. Gregory and Smith, Bristol. A. Weller, innkeeper, Maresfield, Sussex, Jan. 29, at eleven, at the White Hart Inn, Lewes. J. Moncas, chronometer-manufacturer, Liverpool, Feb. 4, at eleven, at the Clarendon-rooms, Liverpool. G. Willis, oilman, Haymarket, Feb. 13, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. CERTIFIC ATES.—Jax. 26. T. Edmondson, upholsterer, Carlisle. S. Harrison and W. Bristow, nurserymen, Old Brompton. P. Rutter, livery-stable-keeper, Brompton. A. Wildebo,r, merchant, Crutched-friars. J. Pearce, licensed victualler, Museum-street. Jefferys, perfumer, Hanley, Staffordshire. P. Cope, chymist, West Bromwich. J. Owen, bookseller, Little Bell-alley. T. D. Alderson, pewterer, Great Marlborough-street. S. Chappell, butcher, Honey-lane-market. R. H. Taylor and H. Walker, wine-merchants, New-court, Throgmorton-street. J. Mayor, innkeeper, Preston. PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED. P. A. de Chapeaurouge and H.Dumas, merchants, Fenchurch. street. P. Harding and T. Sharp, chytnists, Barnstaple. W. H. Bray and R. Crofts, ribbon-manufacturers, Coventry. J. Brooks and J. Hewitt, flour-dealers Liverpool. W. and G. Westnedge, tailors, Sheffield. J. and W. Beattie, drapers, aidstone. J. Batson awd W. Maidstone. Henderson, iron -dealers, Great Bridge, Staffordshire. T. Ransford and Co., hatters, Bristol. M. Jones and G. Howell, drapers, Swansea. M. Bragg and Co., silk-mercers, Newcastle-upon-Tyne. W. West, Jun., a nd J.Chambers, millers, Kingston-upon-Hull. J. and J. Wilins, barge-masters, Guildford. T. Pullen and Co., millers, Wilton, next Sittingbourne. J. BardFley and Co., brush-manufacturers, Manchester. R. and J. Wood, timber-merchants, Manchester. J. Oakes and H. Jobson, stove-grate-manufacturers, Sheffield. A. Wolfenden and W. Kirkham, engravers to calico-printers. Salford. J. Deakin and J. Bailey, manufacturers of earthenware, Lane. End, Stoke -upon-Trent. J. and J. Harvey, carpenters, St. Mary Axe. W. Scott and T. Hutton, ship-builders, Walker, Northumber- land: W. C. Winterbottom and J. Cheetham, cotton-manufacturers, Oldham,