The Sun. — London, England, 1864-05-14 00:00:00

INITERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS—Last Evening, ROYAL COMMISSION. The royal assent was given this afternoon to the follov T ing bills:—Customs and Inland Revenue—Charitable Ass a rance Enrolments—Land Drainage Provisional Orders High Courts at Bombay—Vestry Cess Abolition (Irela' id) —Court of Chancery (Despatch of Business)—Promise ory Notes and Bills of Exchange (Ireland)—Joint Stock Com panies (Foreign Countries)—Huntingdon and Godman chaster Gas—Dublin and Neath Railway—South Yorkshire Railway—Great Northern of Scotland Railway (No. 1) — North Eastern Railway (Muckleford Branch)—Salisbury Railway and Market House—Llandiloes and Newtown Railway—Clayton, Allerton, and Thornton Gas—Commer cial and Grand Surrey Docks and Canal—Aberbrothwic Harbour—Salisbury Gas—Sudden Bridge and Bury Roads Halingdon and Rawtenstall Water—Edgeware, Highgate, and London Railway—Anglesey Central Railway—Lon don, Brighton, and South Coast Railway (Kemp Town Station)—Lancashire and Yorkshire Railway (additional powers). _ _ _ Their lordships adjourned during pleasure. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on, the woolsack at five o'clock. COUNTY COURTS. Lord CHELMSFORD said with regard to the bill intro duced by his noble and learned friend on the woolsack, the second reading of which was given notice of on the paper this evening, he had placed into his hands some important returns made by county court judges in reference to the imprisonment for debt. He thought they should have been laid upon the table before the bill was introduced, and he hoped the second reading would be postponed. The LORD CHANCELLOR said he had already stated that he would, in deference to the opinion of any noble lord, postpone the second reading. He would have much pleasure in postponing the motion for the second readi ng until the first day on which the house would sit after Whitsuntide. THE DANO-GERMAN WAR. The Earl of ELLENBOROVGH drew attention to this question, an d after commenting strongly on the cond uc t o f the a lli e d armies, characterising the war as a war against freedom carried on by despotic Powers, he said he hoped the Conference would look into the doings of the Germans, and when they considered the subject of the contributions that had been imposed by the Prussians, they should be informed that whilst war has its rights humanity has rights also. (Hear, hear.) He con cluded by asking whether it was understood by the Conference that war contibutions imposed before the armistice was known in Jutland could be collected during the suspension of arms ; also, whether any war contribution were to be imposed after the armistice had become known, but, before the suspension of arms commenced on the 12th; and, also, whether any new war contributions were to be imposed during the suspension of arms ? Earl RUSSELL replied that the Conference had agreed that during the suspension of hostilities there should not be levied by the allied troops in Jutland or elsewhere, any contributions of war, and, on the contrary, they will pay for the articles they require for the troops. (Hear, hear.) The Conference did not lay down any rules with regard to the contributions previously imposed, but he believed the spirit of the article was that the allied troops should cease to levy contributions of war. That appeared to him to be the fair spirit of the meaning of the Conference, which was anxious to stop the effusion of blood, but was also anxious to stop those contributions of ear ; but having decided on the main point, they have left it to the naval and military commanders and others interested to settle the details between each other. He was not authorised to say more. The Earl of EL LENBOROUGH was sorry that nothing more definite had been decided upon. There was nothing he thought to prevent a teal understanding that no new contributions were to be levied during the armistice. Earl RUSSELL—Not levy any contributions of war, not that they would not levy any new contributions. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH regretted that the Conference had not used the most decisive language to pre. vent the levying of any contributions imposed before the armistice. They seemed to have imposed the last contribu tion on the very last day on which the Conference met, in fraud of the Conference in fact. THE REGIUS PROFESSORSHIP OF GREEK (OXFORD) BILL. On the order of the day for going into committee on this bill, Lord LYTTLE TON presented a petition from the Arch• , deaconry of Bristol against tho bill, and intimated that, though he did not approve of the principle of the measure, he would not oppose it at its then stage. Lord CHELMSFORD suggested that the patronage of the professorship should bo transferred to the University, which would then be willing to endow it from its own funds. Lord TAUNTON felt that Professor Jowett had been treated very unjustly by the University; but he had great objections to the bill, inasmuch as it excluded laymen from the chair, and proposed to remedy a temporary evil by a permanent one. The Earl of DERBY observed that the University did not object to endow the professorship because it was in the patronage of the Crown, but because they conscientiously objected to the opinions and doctrines of the rerson who now held it. The noble earl also suggested that the mea sure should be postponed to give more time for its ' ft/W. deration. Tho LORD CHANCELLOR admitted that his proposal was not the best method of endowing the professorship. but it was the only one left open to him for remedying the in justice of the University. Under the circumstances he felt that the Crown was bound to endow the professorship, as it was in its patronage. Some further discussion followed, when the previous question was moved by Lord REDESDALE, and carried upon a division by 55 to 25. Their lordships then adjourned until Monday week, the 23d inst. HOUSE OF COMMONS—Last Evening. The SPEAR 1t took the chair at 4 o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. Tho following bills were read a third time and passed : Alford and Mablethorpe Railway, Clifton Hampden Bridge, Corris Railway or Tramroad, Deal and Walmer Gas, Edin burgh and Glasgow and Alva Railway Companies, Mytholm Royd Bridge and Blackstone Edge Road, Scot tish North Eastern an'a Scottish Central Railway Comp.. nies, Scottish North. Eastern Railway (Dundee and Forfar Line), South Eastern Railway (No. 1), South Eastern Railway (No. 3), Wallingford and Watlington Railway, and Wellington (Salop) Markets. _ ROYAL COMMISSION. _ - Colonel CLIFFORD, the Yeoman Usher of the Black Rod, appeared at the bar and summoned the members to the Upper House to hear the Royal assent given by com mission to several bills, for which see Lords' report. THE HERRING FISHERY LAWS (SCOTLAND). In reply to Mr. CAIRD, Tho LORD ADVOCATE eaid that the subject was attended with some difficulty, but he hoped to be able to intmduce a bill in regard to it after the recess. SMALL ARMS. Lord ELCHO asked for some information as to the in tuition of the War Department in regard to the money for the manufacture of small arms. The Marquis of HARTINGI ON said it was intended to reduce the manufacture of arms at Enfield. For the Past year, up to April last, 50,000 rifles had been manufac tured, of which only 40,600 had been used. He believed the production for the past year would be about 1,000 a week. THE OYSTER FISHERIES. Mr DU CANE asked the President of the Board of Trade whether the commission appointed last year to inquire into the present state of the oyster fisheries of this country had made any report, and whether it was the intention of this Government to ask the Government of France to agree to an international commission with a view to alter and amend the fishery convention between France and this country, Mr, M, GIBSON said that the co mmission had not y e t made their report, but he ,hoped it would be presented at the close of the session. With regard to the second ques • time a communication had passed between the E ng li sh and the French G overnme nts on the subject, but it was e ons !. dered advisable not to come to any d eci sion until the re. port had been presented. THE CONFERENCE, Mr, R. LONG asked the First Lord of the Trea . miry, whether the Mi n i s t er f or F ore i gn Affairs will contain! to preside at the Conference, notwithstanding the exaction s and opp ress i ons a ll ege d to have been perpe t r ated in Jutland by the orders of Marshal Wrangel; and, whether her Ma jesty's G overnment have protested and will protest against the commission of such outrages on non-combatants during the sittings of the Conference. Sir G. GREY said that what had occurred in Jutland was an additional reason for stopping the war, and, with a view to that object, the noble lord at the head of Foreign Affairs could not retire from his position. One of the ob.• jects proposed by the Conference was to make the Prussian troops p ly for what they requi re d i nstead of making levies on neutral ground. EX-GOVERNORS OF COLONIES, Mr. B. COL;IIILANE asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies, what decision the Government had come to respecting the granting pemions to es-Governors o. Colo• nies ? Mr. CARDWELL said the Government had not come to any decision on the subject, ALLEGED GRIF,VANCIES OF EXCISE OFFICE RS. Mr. W. E. FORSTER asked the Treasury, when an answer would be given to the petition of the rin;ers of her Ntsjesty's Customs, London. proving for redress of pie. Vinces ? Mr. PEEL said the conclusion which had been arrived at on this subject would shortly b 3 communicated to the house. PURIFICATION OF THE TIIAUES. Mr. CLIFFORD asked the Secretary of Stata for the Horne Departmmt, whether his attention had been called to the large discharge of ga s t ar re f use i nto t h e river Thar and, whether he wo u ld se t th e l aw i n mot i on to aba t:e a a w; nuisance Po lig. Mr HUTT admitted the importance of the question, and said that a bill in reference to it was under consideration. POLICY TOWARDS CHINA. Colonel SYKES asked the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he would lay upon the table of the house copy of a despatch from Sir Frederick Bruce to Earl Russell, respecting the joint policy the Ministers of Russia, Franc; and America had agreed to pursue in China ; and, copy of which he had furnished to Mr. Burlinghame, the American Minister, for communication to the American Government, and to which Mrßurlinghame referred in his despatch to Mr. Seward, dated Pekin, 20th June, 1863, and marked A of the enclosures ? Mr LAYARD said he did not consider it would be ad visable to lay the despatch in question on the table at pre sent, as it related to the policy both of France and Russia, BANK OF ENGLAND ISSUE. Mr. HEYGATE asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, taking into account the vast increase of the trade and commerce of England in the last thirty years, he was of opinion that the arrangement of 1844, limiting the Bank of England to an issue of fourteen millions of bank notes without a corresponding amount of gold, was now com• mensurate with the daily monetary requirements of the country ? The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that he found this question would not admit of an intelligent answer without going into a general statement, He agreed with the principles of the Act of 1844, but he considered there were secondary and subsidiary provisions to which the attention of Parliament might be called with benefit. DEGREES OF MEDICINE CONFERRED BY THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY. Col. FRENCH asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if it was the fact that the Archbishop of Can terbury had the power to confer the title of Dootor of Medi cine on persons who had not undergone an examination before the College of Physicians, and said that the Arch bishop received £7O for every such title he conferred. Sir G. GREY said that he was not able to obtain all the information he required on this subject, but that he could state that there was an old act under which he could confer the degree of doctor of medicine. THE ALLEGED IMPRISONMENT FOR SLEEP- I ING UNDER A. TENT. Sir G. GREY read a communication from a magistrate at Cornwall, stating that the parties whose case bad been brought before Parliament, as having been unjustly im prisoned, were sent to gaol not for sleeping under a tent, but for vagrancy under circumstances that fully justified their committal. THE LATE VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL OF EDUCATION. Mr. LOWE entered into a personal explanation in refe rence to what had taken place in the house last night, when a document was produced which he had no oppor tunity of consulting. He said that there wero two descriptions of reports to the committee, ono of which was intended for publication, and the other merely special, and intended entirely for a department, and his observations on a previous occasion had reference solely to the former. With regard to Mr, Murrill he had been dis missed for misconduct, and he deprecated the practice of hon. members taking up the statements of discarded officials. After a few words from Col, FRENCH and Lord R. Chem, the subject dropped. ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE, Sir G. GREY, in the absence, of Lord Palmerston, moved that the house at its rising should adjourn till Thursday next, which was agreed to. ALLEGED INFRACTION OF NEUTRALITY. Mr. T. BARING called the attention of the house to the fact that an armed steamer was now in the port of Liverpool which, having been originally manned and equipped from British ports, has preyed upon the commerce of a friendly na tion, and has never been in any port of the belligerent under whose flag she sails ; and asked the First Lord of the Trea sury whether he thought the admissions of such vessels to British harbours consistent with our international obliga tions, our professions of neutrality, and the preservation of British interests. In bringing this question before the house it was not his intention to enter into the merits of' : oe war on the oth er s id e of the Atlantic, nor did he % f i s h to cast censure upon anybody, nor to find fault w'.',ll her Ma jesty's Government. He would simply give a brief his tory of the case, and he believed, when , he stated the whole of the facts connected with the Career of that vessel, some astonish rent would be expressed at the course which had been pursued. The hon. member then read the following statement : " The Japan, otherwise the Virginia, commonly known as the Georgia,was built et Dumbarton, on the Clyde. She was equipped by a Liverpool firm. Her crew was shipped by the same Liverpool firm for Shanghai, and sent round to Greenock by steamer. She was entered on the 3:at March, 1863, as for Point de Gallo and Hong Kong, with a crew of 48 men. She cleared on the tat of April. She left her anchorage on the morning of the 2d of April, ostensibly to try her engines, but did not return. She had no armament on leaving Greenock, but a few days after her departure a small steamer, called the Allar, freighted with guns, shot, shell, &c., and having on board a partle r of her Liverpool firm, who had equipped her arid ehipped her crew, left New haven, and met the Georgia off, the coast of France, near Ushant. The cargo of the Allar was successfully trans ferred to the Georgia 0 7 1 the Bth or 9th of April ; her crew consisted of British 2,nbjects. The Allar put into Plymouth on the Bth of bringing the Liverpool merchant who had directed the proceedings throughout, and bringing also 15 eAmen who had refused to proceed in the Georgia on learning her reel character. The rest of the crew re mained. At the time of her departure the Georgia was re gistered as the property of a Liverpool merchant, a partner of the firm which shipped the crew. She remained the pro perty of this person until the 23d of June, when the regis ter was cancelled, he not notifying the collector of her sale to foreign owners. During this period—viz., from the Ist April to the 23d June—the Georgia being still registered in the name of a Liverpool merchant, and thus his pro perty, was carrying on war against the United States, with whom we were in alliance. It was whilst still a British vessel that she captured and burned the Dictator, and cap tured and released under bond the Griawood, the same vessel which had brought corn to the Lancashire sufferers. The crew of the Georgia was paid through the same Liver pool firm. A copy of the advance note used was to be found in the diplomatic correspondence. The same firm continued to act in this capacity throughout the cruises of the Georgia. After cruising in the Atlantic and burning and hoarding a number of vessels, the Georgia made for Cherbourg, where she arrived on the 28th of October. There was at the time much discontent amongst the crew. Many deserted, leave of absence was given to others, and their wages were paid all along by the same Liverpool firm. In order to get the Georgia to sea again the Liverpool firm enlisted in Liver pool some 20 seamen, and sent them to Brest. The Georgia left Cherbourg on a second cruise, but having no success she returned t o th a t port, and thence to Liverpool, where her crew have been paid off without any concealment, and the vessel is now laid up." They had there the case of a vessel clandestinely leaving the port where she was constructed, taking on board Eng lishmen as her crew, waging war against the United States, and burning and committing depredations without having ever entered any port of the power of which she assumed to be one of the vessels, registered for a long time as the property of an English merchant, and now returned to Liverpool. He was sure the Government had done all in its power to prevent the repetition of outrage, but theim: potency of the law must bo his excuse for bringing the sub ject before the hou3e. There were many of these vessels afloat, with the object of inflicting injury upon the allies of this country. They were vessels which in some cases would have been wrested if time had been given; in all, if their purpose had been known. The question was, could they be said to fulfil their obligations of neutrality towards bellige rents by the adoption of a course simply because it was in harmony with our municipal law? In his view, it was 'ate common sense of international law that a neutral sh , .., i ild do unto a belligerent as she would wish to be done I :,y, (Hear, hear.) It was in order to avert war that the . F ore i gn En listment Act was passed, and it was in'o':(Tter:to prevent the subjects of this country and of Ame - eica from jeopardising the peace and amity of the world that he demanded the in • terference of that house. Wllen vessels entered upon such a course of devastation, was, it not time to ask whether the law afforded the means of protecting the interests of our allies as well as our own P The question was one on which there ought to be no - doubt as to the course to be adopted by the Government. In his opinion the Government ought to avail themselves. of every means in their power to shut our ports against such vessels. They had no claim upon the hospi tality of the country, and, in respect both of international obligations and our own interests, they ought to be excluded from our ports. What he was anxious to make dear was, that under the present law they cou ld not carry their neu tral obligations fully into effect. What would be the conse quence of such precedents to this country in the event of her being involved in war ? If we were to go to war to-morrow with Germany there was nothing to prevent the German Diet having at its command a fleet of small vessels to prey upon our commerce, without having a port at its disposal. Saxony, without a sea shore, might possess a fleet. In such a case either we must submit to the destruction cf our ships, or they must be transferred to others. He could not imagine that those who were not now in office, but who soon might be, would refus e to insure the country against such dangers to its commerce. They could not daily with the question; for it was of immense importance; and no one ought to be deterred from carrying into effect any measure that might be requisite for the prevention of so great a danger. Indi vidual sympathies towards either of the belligerents ought not adopting measures t o avert a calamity which saw l ooming in hi s v i ew. They to preventevery shipowner their might do now that which would save them from retribution hereafter; but if they missed that opportunity, that which might have sufficed in time of peace would not be accepted in time of war. He was anxious to ask Government whether, in what had occurred at Liverpool they did not see that our neutral obligations had been infringed, and that our interests and welfare in the future had been seriously compromised. (Cheers.) The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said in many things which fell from his hen. friend he entirely agreed. (Hear, h ear.) No one who had observed the conduct which the Government had desired to pursue with regard to this west important subject during the last two years could doubt that, whether successfully or otherwise, they had endea voured to the best of their power to vindicate the laws of the country, and at the same time to fulfil the obligations of a sincere and impartial neutrality. He was aware that such a profession would not commend the assent of those who had no sympathy with the objects of neutrality. Neverthe- THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MAY 14, 1864. less, he had such confidence in the justice and good feeling of the people of England, that he believed they would per ceive the course which had been pursued by the Government was best calculated to preserve the honour of the country, and to retain it in the path of an impartial neutrality. He would first address himself to the last and most important topic in the speech of his hon. friend. Need he say the Go vernment were quite sensible of the gravity of the public interests involved ? When merchants and other persons held themselves at liberty in this country by all kinds of tricks and evasions to treat with contempt her Majesty's proclamation of neutrality—(cheers) —to make themselves parties to a war in which her Majesty had professed her self neutral, and to shelter themselves under the opportuni ties of English law—they did acts which in their immediate effect placed in peril the relations of this and another great country, and which in their ultimate consequences might recoil with disastrous effects upon the trade and, commerce of their own country. (Cheers.) The Government had some reason to hope that, in the circumstances of such a war as this, English merchants occupying eminent positions would not spell out the law under the advice of lawyers, and say, " This he cannot find; it is not in the bond," and then, by every means which human ingenuity could devise, hasten to plunge the country into peril, and to lay the foundation of future mischief and dangers. He hoped the time would come, or had already come, when the voice of the commercial community of England would be raised on this subject, and that those who would not hold them selves bound by her Majesty's proclamation of neutrality should not expect to receive the moral support of the people (Cheers.) He would now endeavour to show that the con duct which her Majesty's Government had pursued had been at least of that character whieh the country had a right to expect from them. There were only three vessels upon which the allegations of their having been fitted out in this country in violation of the law were well founded, and certainly with the effect of placing this country in the situa tion of ministering in a most important and formidable way to the belligerent wants of one of the two Powers. (Hear, hear.) Her Majesty's Government believed the law was intended to strike, and did strike, at acts of that description. With regard to those three ships, the one which first left the shores of this country was a vessel called the Florida. She left before the Government obtained any information upon which they could possibly act. She was afterwards arrested, as he believed, at Nassau, and there tried and ac quitted, although it was found there was sufficient evidence to justify her arrest. So far the Government were not to blame. He would not detail the steps with regard to the Alabama. It was well known that orders for the arrest of that ship had been given, but in the meantime she escaped. As to the Gorgia, no information was given to the Govern ment upon which they could act until she was actual: is , gone. So excellent was the design in respect to b . - her crew were enlisted f o r a vo y age t o Sh angh - dr, in that, eat and it was only on the coast of F rance the' she received her - e recei China, armaments and re-enlisted her c- sn .ew. Th e G overnment .. had therefore no opportunity cv , resisting those proceedings. P eo p le who th oug ht t h ese transactions wereTher e lawfulwe re same and no was sure the house would agree with him in regretting that if these proceedings were lawful, th,ey were not openly avowed and placed abaveeboard. (Hear, hear.) Alter that, the Government took action with regard to the Alexandria and other vessels, of which he would say nothing, because they were now the subject of a judicial trial. In Scotland, in the case of a ship called the Pampero, the Government could not seize her under the Foreign Enlistment Act, and the result had been a verdict by consent for the Crown. Very great liberality had been shown in giving Government security against the employment of the vessels for bellige rent services. He assumed, therefore, that the law had been vindicated in this instance. At all events, whatever might have been the difficulties they had to encounter, the fact was that a check had been interposed to the fitting out of naval armaments in this country for belligerent states. With regard to the law, he could not but entertain a san guine hope that the result of the measures which Govern ment had taken would be le clear up many of those difficul ties, and to place the law on the subject before the people in a form and in, a light which would in future tend to ensure their hope ;potter observa nce . H e was encourage d i n t h at by the fact that two of the judges in the Court of Ex che'ener had adopted the view of the Government; and this view had received the concurrence of one of the judges of the Court of Queen's Bench, and also that of the Court of Session in Scotland, in the case of the Pampero. The result of those proceedings was to place the Government in a posi tion which gave them a right to hope that the law in all such cases would be vindicated, and under these circum stances the house would be of opinion that it was not for the Government to seek any change of the law on a subject for the purpose of which the present law would be found sufficient. At all events, the Government deemed that law sufficient for all the cases that might arise, and they did not think it advisable to make any change in it until they really believed the house and the country would give them that support without which a change could not be carried into effect. He would now address himself to the case of the Georgia. That vessel had returned with a regular commis sion as a ship of war. His hon. friend had stated that from the Ist of April to the 23J of June she was registered in the name of a British merchant in Liverpool, and that she was during that time carry ing on the war as a British ship. lie must demur altogether to the law of the hon. member in that respect. The register could be evidence of nothing but a British title for municipal purposes in this country. Therefore the mere circumstance of a chip with a British register would not in any degree justify the assertion that she was carrying on war as a British vessel, and that she was not a vessel belonging to the Confederate States. He regretted that his hon. friend could for one moment give his countenance and authority to language which had de scribed these ships as "British pirates." That expression was untrue in fact ; it was dishonourable to this country, and he trusted those who had the honour of the country at heart would never give any encouragement to an assertion so extravagant and so utterly without foundation. His hon. friend had taken notice that the Georgia was now in the port of Liverpool as a public ship of war of the Confederate States, although she had never been in a Confederate port. Whether on that account she ought to be allowed to come in or not, he should notice hereafter. No doubt she was entitled to come in so long as the rules issued by her Ma jesty in January, 1862, remained in force, because those rules allowed ships belonging to a belligerent to come into her Majesty's ports on condition that they should not re main more than twenty-four hours, except for repairs. Those repairs were not to be for warlike purposes. They were not to receive any warlike stores, and were to leave as soon as the repairs were completed. The ship, as an avowed ship of war of the Confederate States, was allowed to come in by the law of nations, and subject to the restric tions he had named. As soon as her Majesty's Government heard that the Georgia was not likely to depart, they in quired into the circumstances, and learned that she was brought into the dock for repairs, and was likely to be dis mantled and sold. Well, if she were to be dismantled alto gether it was obvious that no harm could be done in taking a belligerent vessel from the sea, and obviating for a time any harm she might do- It, on the other hand, there was not a positive pledge given that she would reet leave as a s hi p of war, then it wou ld b e t h e duty of h er M a j esty ' s Go vernment to require her to depart as soon as was consistent with the circumstances, Ur e on the larger and more general question whether the admission of such ships into a British harbour was consis'eent with our international obligations and professions of neutrality, he certainly thought they were not brri„ki ng any international obligations by the per mission ',hey had given. As to the allegation that this was a sle ,p which had never been in a b e lli gerent port, but had : Ant originally manned and equipped in British ports—if that element were not in the case, no doubt every man would feel it was right to admit those ships in the same way and under the same conditions as we admitted into our ports the ships of the Federal States. The doctrine enunciated, that because she had not been in a Confederate port she was not entitled to be considered in the character of a bellige rent ship of war belonging to that State, was altogether pre posterous, and merely tended to throw dust in men's eyes. Therefore they could not on that ground make this ship an exception to the rules. The hon. and learned gentleman, after citing the dictum of Judge Story in support of his views on this point, went on to point out a practice on the part of the United States analogous to that of the British Govern ment in the case of the Georgia. Ho was sure the house would think that he did not wish to utter one word in any degree offensive to persons in the United States, and least of all to the Government ; but he could not help wishing they had remembered this authority when over and over again they had sent in extravagant demands to our Government to pay the value of all ships taken by the Alabama, or any such vessels. (Hear, hear.) Ile need hardly remind the house that in 1793 the compensation given to us by the United States was limited to prizes brought into their ports in vio lation of international law. They did not even give us com pensation in all these cases. Mr. Justice Story said that the obligations of a neutral to a belligerent was that it should fairly execute its own laws, and give no asylum to property unjustly captured. It was bound to restore such property if found in its ports, but beyond that it was not bound to in. terfere between belligerents. Mr. Justice Story did not say that we ought not to give asylum to public ships of war, whatever might have been their previous history. Now he (Sir R. Palmer) would now state what reasons her Ma jesty's Government had for hesitating to take the extreme step of absolutely excluding this particular ship from our ports, when at the same time all :the ships of the United States Government were admitted. First they had an honest desire to maintain our neutrality and to fulfil our international obligations. The maintenance of that neutra lity was perfectly consistent with the maintenance of our own rights, He entirely repudiated the argument which had been sometimes used, that we should not enforce our own laws because the effect might be to put one of the belli gerents at a disadvantage rather than the other. Neutra lity did not require that. When called Upon to enforce what was not an international obligation,it was a matter for con sideration whether we might not unfairly weigh down the balance to ono side. Amin, the whole argument assumed that all they alleged in these cases were substantiated. The hen, member assumed that the matter between us and the Confederate States was beyond controversy—that the Georgia had been fitted out in violation of our neutrality. No doubt there were strong reasons for suspecting such had been the case—but they were asked to act upon a state of facts which hal never been judicially established in any way, and which it was not easy to suggest any mode of bringing to the teat otherwise. That was a proposition which required great consideration before being accepted ; and the difficulty was increased by the fact that we had not the ordinary means of access to the Confederate Si etas. We had not recognised their Government, flier Majesty's Go vernment had not the 'Opportunities of intercourse which recognition Would give; and that difficulty was increased by access to their ports being refused by the United States. The other day, her Majesty's Government, wishing to r - monstrate with the Confederates, lied actually commis sioned a diplomatic servant to go to Richmond ; but the blockading squadron would not allow even one of her Ma jestes ship of war to pees for that purpose. It would be found that American authorities by no means warranted the notion that we ought to act lightly, or without cogent proof. In the case of the Santissima Trini dad, it was said, in reference to the evidence which was insisted on in America, that they were, bound to abstain from interference unless it could be proved by clear evidence that there had been a distinct violation of neutrality. This was a principle of which we were entitled to have the bene fit, and which made it a matter of serious difficulty to act upon a case of mere strong moral suspicion. It was possible Again, just they the moat,u that the Confederate Stat es th ought that they had kept within u r law. States in any case, ac t t owar d s theeam s, e t principle as they ac t e d t United o towards the Confederates. If they were to proceed on mere moral belief, it wre iteepossibl e to acquit the agents of the on United States, although they might acquit their Govern ment, of acts, on a considerable scale, not consistent with the kw or with the neutrality of this country. The hon. and learned gentleman referred to the recent case of the Kearsage, which while in Coeb Harbour had shipped Irish seamen. But the matter did not rest there, for it was well known that agents of the Federal Government enlisted men in Ireland for the Federal army under pretence of employ ing them on railways and public works in America. This took place also in Canada and New Brunswick. They knew also that cases had occurred of British subjects being kid napped into the service of the United States, and being treated, when they tried to escape, as deserters, Claims made by her Majesty's Government in such cases had not beeti met in, that prompt and satisfactory manner that they might be expected. (Hear, hear.) Were her Majesty's Government to exclude all the vessels of the Federal States because they had taken advantage of the acts of their agents, which had certainly added largely to their armies, in violation of our law ? Re wished to make one more observation without offence to the United States Govern ment. Her Majesty's Government was not assisted in these Matters by the Government of the United States. The demands made upon us by that Government were far be ond anything to which they would be entitled from any re cognised rules and principles of international law. It became necessary, therefore, for her Majesty's Government to act with great caution before taking any steps which might possibly be misunderstood. He referred particularly to the extraordinary demands which had been made in the case of the Alabama. He had no hesitation in saying that the United States Government had advanced such demands as to seek to make her Majesty's Government pecuniarly responsible for all the priz,ei taken by the Alabama, though they had never been brought into our ports, or in any way under our control. The United States, in so seeking, had advanced a demand directly contrary to their own authorities, and which rendered it infinitely more diffi cult than it otherwise would be for her Majesty's Govern ment to do anything that was within their discretion. They were quite justified in saying that they would adhere to the rule which the United States authorities had laid down; that they would endeavour fairly to execute English laws ; that they would give no asylum to prizes and pro perty unjustly captured; that if any such were brought into English ports, and reclamation made, such reclama tion would be attended to. But her Majesty's Govern ment would not undertake to recognise claims going beyond those limits ; they would not undertake to interfere between the belligerents in any other way than tee rules of inter national law and our obligations as neutrals required. (Loud cheers.) Mr. W. E. FORSTER did not wish to treat the matter as a party question. The Attorney-General had hardly explained why the Georgia had been allowed to stay, even upon the ground that she was to be treated as a belligerent. The instructions of the Admiralty required that v. ssels of either of the belligerents should leave our ports 24 hours after receiving needful supplies and repairs, unless detained by stress of weather. Now there was no ground for stating that she was staying in Liverpool for repairs, because she had been repaired in Bordeaux, and had come direct from that port to Liverpool. She had come ostensibly for the pur pose of paying off her crew, and he should like to ask her Majesty's Government whether any Federal ship would be allowed to pay off her crew in an English port` The right hon. gentleman the Attorney General said that it was of no consequence that such a vessel as the Georgia had never been in a Confederate port. Now he (Mr. Forster) thought that it did make a difference, combined with the fact that she had sailed from a British port, and that such a course would establish a precedent for our future relations with neutral Powers when we became belligerents. Those Powers, under this precedent, though possessing no navies of their own, might harass our commerce. The present question divided itself into two branches, first, whether in ternational law, as between us and other nations, could be put upon a better footing ; and, secondly, whether we had done what we could with our prekent law to make ourselves as truly neutral as in future we should wish others to be. The Attorney-General had giver sufficient reasons why he thought the law ought not to be altered; but that did not meet the true point of the questian, which was that we had had an opportunity offered by the United States of putting the international law of the world upon such a footing as would have been vastly to our advantage in the figure, and at the same time, of advantage to the cause of civilisation. Was the Attorney-General prepared to say, after the expe rience of the last few months, that the law was fully effec tive in its present state? Just let them consider what our position would be if we were to receive from a foreign coun try the same treatment which the Americans had received from us. Suppose, for instance, that we were at war with Germany, and had sealed every port belonging to that country, and that a French ship, with a French crew, sailed out of Marseilles, and, having been furnished by a French vessel from Brest, proceeded to the Mediterranean, and preyed upon our commerce. Did any one suppose that we should allow that, unless we were engaged in a death struggle like that which was now going on in America Even in the middle of last year, 148 vessels, representing two millions and a half of property, had been destroyed by these cruisers, and this Was only a portion of the injury they had inflicted upon American commerce, because im mense sums of money had been paid for insuring ships at very high rates, amounting to five or ten per cent, upon all imports brought into American ports by American ships, and the consequence had been the ruin of the American carrying trade, and its transference to foreign ports. In dead, so completely had the American flag been driven from the ocean, that the Georgia did not a capture a prize for six weeks. It had been stated that the United States ought themselves to have prevented vessels intended for the Confederates from leaving our ports, but that was ob vioualy impossible. lie trusted that the effect of the ques' tion which had been asked by his hon. friend, backed as it was by all the shipowners of Liverpool—who, he might observe, sympathised more with t h e S outh than th e N o rth —would be that the Governme n t wou ld b e i m p re ssed with the duty and necessity of not letting the present opportu. nity pass without putting us in a future, in ease we should unf or t unate l y b ecom e bellige rents. (Hear.) good position for the • Mr. COBDEN wished to add a word or two with refe rence to what had fallen from the Attorney-General. Two questions had been brought under their notice by the state ment of the hon. gentleman who had introduced this sub ject. The two suggestions he had made were, that we should alter our law, and that we should, in the exercise of the powers which we now possess, and which the hon. and learned gentleman that we did possess, prevent vessels such as had been referred to from entering our ports. Now, with regard to altering the law, the Attorney-General had en tered into a long argument to show that it was effective as it stood at present for the purpose of preventing a breach of neutrality in this country. But he could not imagine a more cruel jeke than the speech of the hon. and learned gentleman would app ear w h en it was read at Washingt on . For what wore th e f acts ? That war had been carried on f rom these shores aga i nst the United St a tes, which had don e more damage to that country than cou ld have been inflict e d b y many ordinary w ars . Th e damage done to their ship ping alone amounted to fifteen millions of dol lars, or nearly three millions sterling. But that was but a small part of the injury which had been inflicted upon the American marine, for the rest of their vast mercantile property had been rendered value less. Under the regime of free trade, if 3 on raised the rate of insurance upon the flag of one:maritime people you threw the trade into the hands of its competitors, because it was m w an i ---- - in which this h a d b een no longer profitable for merchants to em p l oy shipping to carry freights w h en th a t s hipping was liable to great war d c would e wouldtwo w st h a i t m e tthoetwheayhon. and learn e d gentle- O p er ating, and then he would see what a cruel satire it was to say to the Americans that our law was sufficient to en- force neutrality. He had an account of the foreign trade of New York for the quarter ending June 30, 1860, and the quarter ending June 30, 1865. In the first named quarter the total amount of the trade of New York was 92 million dole., and of the trade 62 million dole. was carried in Ame rican and 32 million in foreign bottoms. On June 10, 1863, it stood thus : the total amount of the trade was 88 million dollars, of which 23 million was carried in American ves sels and 65 million in foreign vessels. In other words the change might be stated thus : in 1860 two-thirds of the foreign trade of New York was carried in American bot .. toms, while in 1863 three-fourths was carried in foreign bottoms. One could see, therefore, what a complete revo lution had been =tee in the value of the property. The Americans had sold many of their ships to English capita lists, because it was no longer possible to carry on their business. He considered the depredations committed upon American commerce by those cruisers, built and equipped in English ports, to be the gravest part of the question as affecting the relations of this country with America, and he hardly knew whether they could have done more to excito the rancour of the American people, or injure their commerce, if they had joined the Confederate Govern ment, and burn:d all the accessible towns on the Ama rican frontier, than they had done by means of these cruisers. He regarded the question of refusing hospitality to those ships as the most important one that could now engage the attention of that hens). The honourable gentleman then referred to the Alabama, the Georgia, and other vessels, which had been built in English ports, and equipped and manned from English ports, and showed that they could not be considered vessels of war, for they never attaa - ed a l - essel of war, and were not armed for war, but were fitted out solely for preying upon American commerce. Let them consider what reprisals would be made upon them if this country was ever again to go to war. If they be lieved American nature to 14e human nature, they should expect the American people would in their almost number less creeks and lakes fit out a swarm of cruisers to prey upon English commerce, which they Could do both in the Atlantic and Pacific. It was thought that the Conferente of Paris had put an end to pirates; but it turned out to be a stupendous hoax. Last year, when it was thought that France and England would make war upon Russia on ac count of Poland, the long-headed statesmen at St. Peters burg sent the Russian fleet to America, well knowing that the Russian crews would be put on board the swiftest vessels for the purpose of destroying English commerce, (Hear, hear,) Ho had also noticed in the German papers frequent references to the vulnerability of England, on ac count of the law established by herself in this respect. There would bo Alabamas in abundance sent out to burn or cap ture English merchant vessels. The way to build an Ala bama was to build a vessel neither for war nor for freight, but a vessel that could run off from everything and catch everything. It might be said that this country had vassals of war to catch those pirates. But nothing was more dill , cult than to find a vessel on the ocean once she got out of sight ; but even if such vessel should be found in a port, nothing could be done, by reason of the practice which Eng land herself now sanctioned. He therefore thought the best reparation that could be made for the havoc committed upon American commerce was to deny hospitality to those cruisers which had been clandestinely built and equipped in Bri tish ports. (Hear, hear.) Lord R. CECIL said a fallacy underlay the entire speech of the honourable member for Rochdale, He be lieved that if a war broke out now they would be required to protect their commerce from swarms of privateers in every quarter of the ocean. Let them not imagine that they would offer one iota of :protection to their mercantile marine in future wars by driving the Georgia from their ports. Much had been said about precedents, but once nations were en gaged in war they paid very little regard to what the coun try might have done 10 or 15 years before. It seemed to him that the proposed mode of dealing with international law was more dishonest and more immoral than any pro posal which he had heard submitted to Parliament in his time. The hon. member had spoken much of the losses endured by the Federals, and of the bitter feeling which they must entertain against those who had been the cause of them. But had there been no losses nor sufferings on the other aide? It was said the Federals had put to death 200,000 Confederates; and in the course of the year 1862 muskets and rifles to the value of £564,500, and 12,000,000 of percussion caps, were forwarded from this country to the Northern States. And the fact could not be ignored that the mercantile house which was mainly instrumental in convoying that assistance to the Federals was the house of Baring and Co. Did they suppose that no feelings of bitter ness would arise in the breasts of the Southerners when they learned that all that havoc had been caused to them through munitions of war conveyed from this country ? In his opinion England would have as much permanent cause of regret at the alienation from her of the feelings of the people living to the south of the Potomac as of those who occupied the northern territory. Too much praise could not be given to the speech of the Attorney-General; it had exhausted the law. Mr. SHAW LEFEVRE had listened with great regret to the speech of the Attorney-General, and could not help feeling that if the learned gentleman had paid adequate attention to the history of America he must have come to a very different conclusion. When, during the war of the Isst century, French privateers crowded the American ports, the American Government did not say that they had no municipal law bearing upon the subject, but they at once dismissed the French vessels from their ports, That was a precedent for them to act upon, and there fore he hoped the Government would seriously entertain the suggestion of the hon. member for Huntingdon. Lord R. MONTAGU said that, although the hon. mem ber for Rochdale had shown them conclusively that the trade of the Northern States had been seriously damaged, he had not shown that it was by the fault of England that that commerce had been reduced. Mr. Alderman ROSE believed the country would endorse the definition of the law of neutrality as laid down by the Attorney General, and carried out by the Administration. He denied that the opinions of the hon. members for Roch dale and Bradford were shared by the people at large; and after remarking upon the maladministration in the military and civil departments of the Federal Government, he con cluded by expressing hie belief that this country must shortly recognise the South, and by so doing promote the peace of the world. The subject then dropped. The motion for adjournment was then agreed to. THE MALT TAX. On the motion for going into committee of supply, Mr. MORRITT rose to move that in any future modifi cation of the indirect taxation of the country the excise upon malt would require the consideration of the house. He remarked that the delay which had occurred since he first intimated his intention of bringing this question before the house improved his position. The only thing he regretted was the extremely crowded state of the house. (Laughter.) At this time the number of members in the house did not exceed twenty-four. Tho remark of the hon. gentleman having drawn the attention of the Speaker to the fact, the latter proceeded to count, and, there not being forty mem bers present, The house stood adjourned to next Thursday. SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TlMM—Every man of humanity will rejoice to earn from the answer of Lord Russell last evening ,hat the system of extortion in Jutland by Field- Marshal von Wrangel will be interrupted during the suspension of hostilities. The Conference has agreed that during this period there shall not be levied by the allied troops in Jutland, or wherever else they may occupy positions, any contributions of war, but that the troops shall pay for the articles they may require. Some doubt appears to exist as to whether the contributions previously imposed will be levied after the suspension of arms has begun ; and the question is important, as a new exaction, far greater than any previously levied, and affecting the property of all the farmers and graziers of the province, was announced but three days since. It is to be hoped that the Conference will not lose sight of this matter, but that the representatives of the neutral Powers will insist on the spirit of the agreement being considered as well as the letter. The plunder of these unhappy Jutlanders has been , ertainly the wors t f eature of the war—worse in t ome respects than the destruction of Sonderborg, because it cannot be covered by the pretext of ne cessity, but stands forth a glaring act of vengeance on a guiltless population for the alleged faults of its rulers. The exactions have been so immense, so out of proportion to the means of the inhabitants, and so cruelly levied, that they have filled all classes in this country with an indignation which was well expressed in Lord Ellenborough's animated speech The unnecessary and scandalous invasion of Jut land—an invasion which violates the understanding on which the Federal army entered Holstein and the Austro-Prussian army entered Schleswig—an invasion which carries the German troops into a territory purely Danish, and with which no German has ever pretended to be concerned—is made doubly hateful by a military tyranny which no one ever expected to see revived by a European commander. A population far from rich, inhabiting a region which derives its only wealth from a scant and laborious agriculture, and from the cattle which feed over its plains, is occupied, not because its territory is on the road to any necessary seat of war, but merely that men of Danish blood may be oppressed. For no reason, for no military object, Jutland is invaded, and then the plunder of the inhabitants of all their money and all their attainable possessions begins. What the extent of this plunder, actual or intended, is may be learnt from the details given by our correspondent. " I find," he says, " that I had greatly under-estimated the amount of contribu tions exacted by the Austro-Prussians in the province of Jutland. The towns alone had been charged 650,000 Prussian thalers ; but the country was made, besides, to pay 25 thalers per tondehartkorn. There are in Jutland 170,942 of such measures, and the contribution amounts thus to 4,274,300 Prussian thalers." These facts are so monstrous as to be almost incredible. Such a contribution levied on the small and scattered po pulation of Jutland constitutes an extortion to which the annals of war in modern times furnish no parallel. The population of Jutland is only about 700,000 souls, and a contribution of four millions and a quarter of thalers is an exaction per head such as the most ruthless Generals of the French Empire never thought of extorting from any population. In a fortnignt these poor Jutlanders have been called upon to pay, man, woman, and child, more than a pound sterling per head, and a large portion of this sum seems actually to have been taken. As must of course be the case in such proceedings, the matter simply resolved itself into the plunder of everybody who was known to have money or goods. The towns, being the victims of the first contribution, have suffered most, the more wealthy inhabitants having been forced to sur render their valuables, and the shopkeepers being condemned to see the Prussian soldiers enter and carry off whatevez they could lay their hands upon. The dishonour of the German good name caused by this brutality will not soon bo effaced; but it is in the power of the two States to make some amends by promptly forbidding the con tinuance of Von Wrangel's plundering, and by car rying out religiously the stipulations made in the Conference. Should they, on the other hand, attempt to enforce the contributions which still remain unlevied, it will be the duty of the neutral Powers to interpose with the utmost energy to put a stop to such wrongdoing. But we can hardly anticipate such violence and folly. We would rather suppose that the (general's extortion, and his still more scandalous conduct in putting large numbers of a ue. - c ess -e encelnulation to forced labour, will b e r tacitly condemned by the two Courts when they have time for reflection and fully recozLise the ill fame which it raises against them in Europe. As for the assertion of the Austrian government, that it is the custom of all troops during war, including the English army, to levy military contributiens, not only in kind but in money, to defray the ex penses to which they are put, it is simply an untruth. As Lord Russell justly said, during the Duke of Wellington's campaigns everything was paid for. Even when he was in the South of France, in an enemy's country, with a hostile array opposed to him, the peasantry received actual specie for all they had to sell. The English General would have thought his country's arms disgraced if he had plun dered a population even while its armies were in the field, much more one which was totally defenceless, and in whose territory there was, properly speak ing, no war at all. Austria will do well to use her best endeavours to stay her ally's vindictive greed rather than use untenable arguments in support of so shameful a course. HERALD.—The appeal ad misericordiam made by Mr. Baring on behalf of the Federal States might have more effect upon us if we felt that this foreign Government had any just claim to our sympathies, that it was engaged in a cause which was not an outrage upon humanity. For those who have a direct interest in the commercial prosperity of the Northern section of the Union it may seem s very sad thing that their commerce is rapidly passing into the hands of strangers, that in three years three millions' worth of property has been destroyed at sea by Southern cruisers. It is simply a matter of indifference to those who have no interest either in North or South, while to those who consider the war of extermination an abomi nable thing, which must be visited with punish ishment if there is justice in Heaven, it is a cause of exultation and triumph. We, or rather our Go vernment, have elected to be neutral in this civil war in America. The Queen's proclamation of 1862 declared a strict neutrality and impartial treatment of ships of war of both belligerents. For what purpose are we now asked—not to strain our laws, for they have been strained enough—bat to make new laws for the special advantage of the power whose proceedings are revolting alike to the com mon sense and the generosity of Englishmen ? What have the Federal States done for us that we should go out of our way to oblige them, and to do as much injury as we can to the weaker side ? We are astonished at the daring assumption which is over and over again reiterated in Mr. Baring's speech, that the Northern States are our allies. Our allies in what 1' Are we allied with them in their designs upon Canada, their seizure of San Juan, their threats against a Mexican Empire, their war upon the States which have a right to a separate Government as much as we have to be independent of the rest of Europe, their devastation of Southern fields, their murder of Southern men, their hound ing on of slaves against their masters In what are we the allies of the Federal States ? It was said some time since by a man who is now one of the most violent advocates of the war of subjuga tion that the bond between North and South was a " covenant with hell." Without venturing to make use of language which borders on the profane, we may so far adopt the sentiment of Mr. Wendell Phillips as to say that there can be no alliance where there is found so deep and diametrical a dif ference of feeling. The Northern States may be the allies of the house of Baring Brothers. They are not, and shall not be, the allies of the people of England. Until we are prepared to assume in this war the attitude of partisans it is our duty to carry out, as strictly and as coldly as possible, our duties as , neutrals. In remonstrati ng aga i nst th e permis sion granted to the Confederate States steamer Georgia to visit the waters of the Mersey Mr Baring had no ground to rest upon, either of international or of municipal law. Special regulations to the contrary notwithstanding, the ports of a neutral are open to the armed vessels of both belligerents. But by the proclamation of 1862 it was provided that the ships of war of the Federal or Confederate States were not to remain in any of our ports for more than 24 hours, except under stress of weather or for repairs, and that they were not to be permitted to take in armed stores. The Georgia is now in the port of Liverpool. She is repairing, and it is said she is to be sold. She is a commissioned ship of war of the Confederate States. and by our own law, as well as by the law of the United States quoted by the Attorney General in his able speech last night, no antecedent circumstances have anything to do with the question of recognising such a vessel. The Georgia and other cruisers of the kind have committed very serious depredations on the com merce of the Federals, and Mr Baring brings against her a double accusation, which, in his view, would justify our Government in refusing to her the ordinary privileges granted by a neutral. She was built in England, and manned by British seamen. Had the fitting out and enlistment taken place in a British port it would, of course, have been a breach of oar Foreign Enlistment Act. But it occurred altogether beyond our jurisdiction. She was registered as the Japan, and manned with her crew ostensibly for trade with China. It was when in French waters that she received her armament, her name was changed, and her crew re-enlisted for service in the cause of the Confede rate States. Our Government could do nothing to prevent this—it had, of course, no control over birch proceedings. The men once enrolled in the Con federate service, cease to be subject to our laws. The ship which flies the Confederate flag must be treated with respect as the ship of a foreign power. So also the Alabama and Florida escaped from our ports before the Government could act on the inform 'nation received as to their destination. Once at sea, and commissioned by the Confederate Government, we have no more control over them than we have over Federal ships of war. To assume to exercise such control would be to violate our neutrality in the most flagrant manner; and to do that for the Federals which they cannot do for themselves. It is next argued by the Northern advocates that we should not recognise such vessels as lawful belli gerents unless they have visited some port of the power under which they serve, and there received their credentials. The Attorney- General refused to allow the introduction of this new rule in international law. " Such a rule as the one suggested by his hon. friend had never been heard of. To say that a country whose ports were blockaded should not be permitted to avail itself of the ports of the world for its ships of war was a doctrine altogether preposterous, and the arguments which might be founded upon it only t ended to mislead and throw dust in men's eyes." Airing appeals to our interests by urging that in case of a war with this country the United States or the Us: rman Confederation could obtain .' armed cruisers in a sit: filar manner from the mer chants of neutral Powers. Of course they could, on our and much injury might thereby be inflicted ortune of war, commerce. Such things are the and not to be avoided in any way that Ift - e can sug gest. Such cruisers might be set afloat,and w. trust that the captains of our ships of war would Int:vv them to the bottom with all convenient speed. They could hardly be less successful in the experiment than the commanders of the Vanderbilt, the Tusca- rora, and other impotent craft that have been sent out from Northern ports to catch the Alabama. Oar Government has done what it can to help the Federals in everything. It is ungenerous and un kind in the counsel for the Federal Government to turn round upon the British Cabinet and reproach it for the non-performance of impossibilities. The ships which have left our shores are now protected by the flag of the ConfederateStates,whom we have solemnly recognised as belligerents. Our Govern ment cannot touch them even to oblige its friends. The melancholy dirges intoned by Messrs. Cobden and Forster over the decay of Fedral trade, and the probable disappearnce of the Northern flag from the seas, are altogether beyond the question. We are amused as their apprehensions. We do not share in their regret. The Northerners are not our allies; they are not our friends. The war against the South is an unjust, a diabolical war. The sooner the Northern States are utterly bankrupt, ruined, defeated, disgraced, dishonoured, the nearer we approach to the only end of which apparently this war of subjugation is susceptible, the better will it be for England, the better will it be for the world. Persons: in debt may obtain instant protection against imprisonment or seizure of their goods, and an entire release from all debts and liabilities without publicity, by application to Messrs. Marshall, solicitors of the Court of Bankruptcy. Charges under 45 payable by easy instalments. Offices— (established 1830),12, II atton-garden. City branch -- 0, Moor gate-street, Bank—ADVT. [ ADV ERTISEMENTI—HoIIoway's Ointment and Pills. — Unerring Precision.—When the health is breaking down from the continuance of some weakening discharge; when ulcers refuse to heal and extending mischief is threatened, then is the time to try the potency of Holloway's healing Ointment and purifying pills. No treatment for giving ease and safely leading to a cure can be compared to this. The Oluinicut cleans and cools the foulest and most angry sores, diminishes the inflammation, reduces the swelling, Prevents the growth of proud flesh, and spares both pain and danger. Hundreds testify from their own personal ex perience to the unvarying success attending the use of Hol loway's medicaments in cases of ulcerated legs, enlarged veins, scurfy skin and swelled ankles, COUNTRY MARKETS. __ ...r._____~~. LIVERPOOL-FRIDAY. There was a small attendance of the town and country trade to-day, and wheat met a mere retail business even at a decline of fully 4d per cental. Flour declined is per sack and barrel, with a,:q inactive demand. Oats and oat meal very dull. Indian t.;:'rn offered freely at a reduction. of 9d per qr without finding buyers. Beane. barley, and peas unchanged. LINCOLN-FRIDAY. White wheat new, 388 to 43s Red do. 36s to 398 Old white --s to —8 Red do. —s to —8 Barley, malting 328 to 34s Barley, grinding 27s to 30a Oats, old , .. 23s to 26,4 New:do 18s to 24s Beans. 38s to 40s Beans, new 33s to 3C WAKEFIELD-FRIDAY. The wheat trade has relapsed into a dull, inactive state. The few sales made to-day were at lower prices. Iu other articles there was no material change. Averages for the weet : Wheat 995 qrs., at 4os Ita Rye — 8ar1ey......... 309 Beans Peas Oats STAMFORD-FRIDAY. White wheat, 40s to 42s ; red, 36s to 40s per 36 atone; Barley, malting,, 33s to 35a ;: grinding, 27s to 30a per qr. Oats, 18s to 2'2s per 24 stone. Beans, old, 40s to —a per qr. ; new, 36s to CORK-THURSDAY. The following were the quotations this morning :—Red wheat, 8s Od to 8s 10d; 8s Od to 9s 8d; barley, 78 ld to Os Od ; oats, 5s Bcl to 6s 4d ; black do., 5s 3d to 58 6d. BRISTOL SUGAR-FRIDAY. There has been an improving trade doing this week, and some considerable sales have been effected at full prices to 6d per cwt. advance. Relined goods sell freely at 6d to is advance. No sales to report in rum. COAL M. Prices of Coal per. Ton at the dose of the market. s. d. West Hartley 16 6 Holywell 17 6 Eden Main l6 6 Batea'sWest Hartley l5 6 Buddle'sWest Hartley 16 6 Byass's Bebside West Hartley ...16 6 Hastings Hartley ....16 6 Lambert's West Hart- Walls End. a. d. ley 16 3 Tanfield Moor Butes 14 6 North Felton Gas 13 0 Walls End. Cassop ... 17 0 lietton 18 0 Ships at marks Hartlepool 17 9 Heugh Hall 17 3 South . 17 3 Tiaswell.. P . ... 18 0 Braddyll'ailetton l7 0 Tunstall South Hetton ...18 0 Riddell . 16 3 Wharncliffe 16 6 Gosforth l6 3 Harton 16 3 KeiperGrange 17 0 Caradoc IT 6 South Hartlepool 16 :et, 92 ; gold. 69. RAILWAY INTEL LIGENCE. TRAFFIC RECEIPTS FOR THE WEEK. Miles Opened. Receipts. Railways. 1864. 1863. -..-. -v. 1864. 1863. £ £ 2,112 2,3'6 772 658 2,091 2,016 6,562 6,38* 18,154 16,037 316 2.42 416 431 Belfast and N. Counties 136 136 Belfast and County Down 49 49 Blyth and Tyne 2B 28 Bristol and Exeter l2ll 1211 Caledonian 252 2344 Cockermouth & Workington Bl 84 Cork and Bandon 2O 20 Cork, Blackrock, & Passage 6l Cork and Yougha1... Cornwall 654 53 4 Deeside l7 17 Dublin & Belfast Junction 63 63 Dublin and Drogheda 75 63 Dublin and Meath Dub. & Wicklow and Wexfd 9ll 481 Edinburgh and Glasgow 173 1691 Furness, &c 5O 5, Glasgow & South-Western Gt. Eastern,Nrfk.,&E.Union Great Northern 353 351 Great North of Scotland 5B 58 Gt. Northn. & Westn. (Irel.) 7ll 711 9t.Southn. & Westn.(lrind.) 3731 329 Great Western 10564 10561 Inverness & Aberdeen June 864 864 Inverness & Perth Janction 1191 - Irish North-Western 145 145 Lancashire & Yorkshire 402 3951 Limerick and Ennis. Limerick and Foynes 264 261 Llanelly 461 461 London & North-Western London and Blackwall 5 London & South-Western Loud. Brighton, &S. Coast London, Chatham, & Dover 72} 724 Do. Metropolitan Extension 104 ei Man.,Sheffield,& Lincolnsh Manch. S.Jun.&Altrincham 9l 91 Maryport and Carlisle 2B 28 Metropolitan 3l 31 Midland (incL N.-Western) 641 630 Midland Gt. Westn. of Irind 262 2591 Monkland 7l/ 711 Monmouthsh. Rail. & Canal 44 44 North British, Edin., Perth and Dundee N-Eastern and Stock. & DarL 1095 1079/ 57,888 50,856 North London 9 9 3,426 3,31 a North Staffordshire 254 254 8,851 8,405 Oswestry and Newton. Rhymney . . 194 191 1,168 907 St. Helen's Canal &Railway.. 52 62 2,150 2,125 Scottish Central B9 89 5,827 5,089 Scottish North-Eastern l3B 138 5,310 5,273 Somerset and Dorset 66 394 635 402 South Devon South-Eastern.... 306 306 20,897 19,704 Taff Vale 57 57 5,310 5,243 Ulster Vale of Clwyd. Vale of Neath 431 36 3,0 k 4 2.0*-8 Waterford and Kilkenny 3l 31 352 342 Waterford and Limerick 77 77 3,123 1,389 West Cornwall 271 271 883 749 W. ilaalepool Harbr. &Rath W'haven,Cleator,& Egrmnt lO 7 102 647 Whitehaven Junction l3 13 1,133 876 Whitehaven & Furness Jun 35 35 1,017 845 FOREIGN AND COLONIAL. Antwerp and Rotterdam 52 52 1,373 1,311 Austrian B2B 828 28,607 28,459 Bahia and San Francisco - 623 - Belgian Eastern .1 unction 2 261 332 284 Bombay, Baroda, & Cen. India 185 1851 2,488 2,183 Buffalo and Lake Huron l6l# 1611 2,357 1.786 Detroit and Milwaukie lB9 189 5,652 3,r82 Dutch Rhenish - lOB4 1081 4,135 3,7 7 Eastern Bengal Eastern of France.....--. 1135 1302 63,064 54,870 East Indian Grand Trunk of Canada lO9O 1090 21,763 15,180 Great Indian Peninsula 553 495 12,713 8,6 ?0 Great Luxembourg 134 134 4,216 4,880 Great Southern of India Great Western of Canada 345 315 14,890 10,984 Madras Madrid, Saragossa &Alicant 650 490 17,664 18,427 Northern of Canada ... .....•• 94 94 1,739 1,842 Northern of France 697 697 54,503 50,301 Norwegian Trunk Ottoman Paris, Lyons, & Medite rrn lBO5 1713 133,98 121,880 Paris and Orleans 1614 1494 66,783 64,677 Pernambuco ... 774 77 1,019 1,191 Royal Danish 69 Sambre and Meuse 6B 68 1,279 1,484 South Austrian Scinde Southern of France ..... . 770 680 26,920 26,230 Victorian 196 196 11,711 8,381 Welland ................25 25 - - West Flanders 75 75 1,041 1,290 W. and N.W. of France. 960 813 40,415 41,071 =Mr 188 224 653 4n 1,914 1,467 322 391 1,453 1,323 1,546 1,545 225 168 3,382 2,254 b,432 /3,090 3,364 3,016 9,116 8,151 31,112 28, 41 29,348 26,154 1,714 1,914 - 709 567 9,272 9,329 63,884 61,2, 0 1,286 1,044 1,393 - 1,632 1,919 98,090 32,914 173 201 10; 167 619 6' , 1 1C4,258 96,085 1,878 1,789 22,776 22,619 18,519 17,93 f 4,872 4 216 1,25 J 520 15,954 15,097 1,428 1,401 1,467 1,353 2,061 1,950 44,439 39,9 0 5,462 5,795 1,720 1.535 2,858 2,81;3 Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE.' Australia and Mauritius, via Southampton .. May 19. Marseilles May 13. Airazil a n d C ape Yards, by via British packet. June 5. Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena May 29. China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton May 19. via Marseilles May 27. G F a i b l k r a l a l t n a d r , Is v l i a a nd Lthampton .. May 19. India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton May 19. via Marseilles May 27. India (Bombay), via Southampton via Marseilles May 21. Portuga1.... Malta, .Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton May 19. Newfoundland via Marseilles M ay 21. Oporto and Vigo U. S. and 13ritisb. N. America, by Brit. packet.... May 19. by U.S. packet.... by Canadian packet. May --• W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe June 10. Bahamas, via New York June 2. Mexico. ,_kll parts of West Indies, including Chili, Peru, I May 14. agifornia. and British Columbia.. MILITARYSAVINGS-BANKS.—An annual return issued by the War-Office shows that at the close of the financial year in March, 1863, there were 17,621 accounts open at the military savings-banks, and the balance due to the depositors amounted to £:s7 9,091. The withdrawals in the year exceeded the sums deposited in the year by more than £ll,OOO. The interest allowed in the year exceeded. £lO,OOO. Births. CLARK.—On the 12th inst., at The Limes, Romford, Esseii Mrs. James Clark, o f a son . COUSENS.—On the 12th inst., at 12, Delamere-terrace Mrs. John S. Cousens, of a son. DEAN.—On the 12th inst., at 15, Ampthill-squat e, N.'W.. Mrs. Edward Dean, of a daughter. SANDE3tAx.-0a the 12th inst. at Peckham, the wife a W. H. Sandman, Esq., of a daughter. Marriages. ROBERTS —BERKLEY.—On the 12th inst., at St. Leonard' Major Henry C. Roberts. of H.M.'s B enga l A rm y, to Jane, the second surviving daughter of the late John Berkley, Esq., of Paignton, Devonshire. SEDDON—BARBER. — On the 12th kik., at St. Martin's Church, Brighouse, Yorkshire, John P. Seddon, Et (1. , of Park-street, 'Westminster, to Margaret, elder &tight° of the late Joseph Barber, Eaq. Deaths. BROWNING.—On the 13th inst., at Margate, Richard Browning, Esq , late of Commercial-road ; Lambeth, an d Brigadier-hill, Enfield, aged 92. CLEPIIANE.—At Bath, Hay Clephano, Esq., formerly of the Bombay C.S., aged 92. ITENEAGE.—On the 11th inst., at Manton Hall, Lincoln" shire, George Fieschi lleneage, Esq., aged 63. KINNELL.—On the 12th inst., very suddenly, Mr. Georg e Kinnell, of Jewry-street, Aldgate, aged 62. THORNTON.—On the 11th inst., at Dalaton, jauies Thorn" tun, Esq., aged 78, London : Printed and Pri..)llaned by WILLIAM ANDILSIC S ,,' of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE SU N Office 'NO. Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, n the Counli of Middlesex,--Saturday, May 14, 1864.