The Sun. — London, England, 1854-07-25 00:00:00

IMPERIAL P Walk NIENT. HOUSE OF LORD*4YPTEtEIskt.) ses ROYAL 'COMMISSION. The Royal assent WAS given, b3r* - coinmission, to the following public bills :—Gaming Houses ; Indemnity ; Insurance on Lives • Abatement of the Income Tax Continuance ; Poor 'Law Board Continuance • Union Charges Continuance ; Linen Manufactures, &e. (Ire land) ; Ecclesiastical Courts ; Commons Inclosure (No, 2) • Dublin Carriages ; New Forest ; Savings' Banks ; !il.iliddlesex Industrial Schools. The Royal Assent was given also to a considerable number of private bills. The Lords Commissioners were, the Lord Chancellor, Earl Granville, and Lord Stanley of Alderley. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE gave notice that on Monday next he would ask what were the intentions of the Government with respect to the continuance of the Encumbered Estates Court in Ireland. MESSAGE FROM THE QUEEN—ADDRESS. The Clerk of the house then read her Majesty's Mes sage as delivered on Friday to the house, viz. : "Vrcronsa R.—Her Majesty, deeming it expedient to provide for any additional expense which may arise in consequence of the war in which her Majesty is now en gaged against the Emperor of Russia, relies on the affection of the House of Lords for their concurrence in such measures as may be necessary for making provision accordingly." The Earl of ABERDEEN—My lords, in moving the address to thank her Majesty for her gracious message, I assume that this house concurs in the desire expressed in that message ; and, therefore, I do not anticipate any objection to it on the part of your lordships. Whatever differences of opinion may exist on the subject of the War, I shall assume further that your lordships are of agreement as to the necessity of adopting all such mea sures as may lead to its effective and successful termi nation. (Hear, hear.) I shall also assume that this result is mainly to be produced by the activity and energy of England and France, with the concurrence of other powers. At the present period of the year, when the close of the session may be anticipated, it may like• wise be assumed that the vote may not be delayed. It is also highly probable, that in the course of the year contingencies may arise of which it will be of the ut most importance that we should avail ourselves in pro secution of these efforts. It is intended for this reason, my lords, following all former precedents on such occa sions, to ask Parliament for a vote ,f credit of three millions—a large sum undoubtedly which pos sibly some noble lords would prefer to see entrusted to other hands for disposal than those of her Majesty's Qtiverement : but lam unwilling to believe, my lords, that any such wish will be permitted by thoge noble lords to interfere with the desire which I believe exists on all hands to promote and as sist as far as possible the efforts which shall be mad e by her Majesty's Government in the circum stances. Your lordships will, however, clearly under- Stand that this money has been already voted and pro vided by Parliament. There is no question now of additional burdens on the public—no question of new taxation—no question of a loan. What we ask for is an authorisation to employ funds already provided, but not hitherto appropriated to the purpose by Parliament. Under these circumstances I think we are not taking an unreasonable course in following on this occasion the course pursued by all preceding Governments in analo gous cases, and in asking your lordships' concurrence With the other House of Parliament in such measures a s may be necessary for making provision accordingly. The noble earl then moved the address ; which was to the effect that the House of Lords cheerfully concurred in the desire of her Majesty to make due provision for any additional expense which might arise in consequence of the war in which she is now engaged against the Emperor of Russia. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH did not think that a convenient opportunity for entering into a review of the general question ; and he should therefore abstain from so doing. He could have no objection to the pro posal of the Government, engaged as they were in a just, necessary, and politic war ; less still could he have any objection, because he believed that if a similar motion had been made last year, it would probably have brought a successful termination of the war before this, by show ing Russia that this country was ready and prepared for every contingency. This, however, he would say, and only say, that in granting these funds, he hoped her Ma jesty's Government, while consulting the honour and glory of the country, would not be forgetful of economy; that they would carry that economy into the administra tion of the civil departments of the state, where no eco nomy could impair the progress of the war, but by attend ing to which it might be conducted, without further bur dens to the already overtaxed people of the country, to a favourable issue. He knew that in periods of great wars men did not usually attend to economy in the civil de partments of the state; but, on the contrary(the expendi ture in those departments were usually largely increased, from want of due consideration and thought on the part of the Government. It seemed to him, therefore, to be most specially the duty of his noble friend at the head of the Government to take into his consideration the most minute details of the expenditure in the civil service of the State, with the view to effect the strictest economy in its administration, and so to satisfy the people of this country that there was no extravagance, and that what they had given willingly had been expended honestly and economically. (Hear, hear.) This point deeply im pressed upon the mind of the noble lord at the com mencement of a war of which no man could see the ter mination, would avert the necessity of appealing to the people to carry on the war except under circumstances which could meet with no refusal. The Earl of lIARDWICKE—There was no question of greater importance than that before their lordships. The noble earl at the head of the Government had stated, that perhaps many noble lords in that house wished to see the conduct of the war in other hands than those of her Majesty's Government. This might be, but he (the Earl of Hardwicke) nevertheless felt assured that the loyalty of their lordships and the necessities of the case would remove all obstacles on that score. For his own part, he could only say that he, for one, was quite ready to place in the hands of the noble earl those powers which lie demanded on the present occasion. There was no question that, under the circumstances, and in a case like that under consi deration, discussion was unadvisable ; but, nevertheless, he felt bound to remark that the house had no know ledge of the plans of the Government. (Hear, hear.) Great exertions had been made by the country, and a large force had been set on foot both in the Baltic and the Black Sea, while a considerable army, perhaps the most considerable ever sent from these shores—had been despatched to the scene of operations. So far the pro gress of the war had advanced ; but beyond that fact there was nothing known to the house or to the country. He (the Earl of Hardwicke) only hoped and trusted with his noble friend that with the means in their hands, her Majesty's Government, under God's providence, would be enabled to direct the war to a happy issue. But they were in this peculiar position—by means of that great force they had raised the hopes, and wishes, and expec tations of the neople of this country to such a high pitch, that if the campaign should pass away without some feat of arms commensurate with the power, glory, and dignity of this country, he felt a great responsibility would rest with her Majesty's Government. He acqui esced in the necessity of arming the Government with all the power requisite to carry on the war, and, therefore, he concurred in the address to her Majesty. Earl FITZWILLIAM agreed with his noble friend who spoke last, as well as with his noble friend who pre ceded him, that if it was desirable the conduct of the war should be vigorous, it was also desirable that a most searching investigation should be made into its econo mical management. He could not go so far, however, pas his noble friend, when he said this country was the most highly-taxed country in the world. So far from it, he (Earl Fitzwilliam) believed that in no one of the other States of Europe were the people so capable of paying as those of this country ; consequently, there was .no State in Europe on the people of which the burden of taxation fell so lightly. Nevertheless, he (Earl Fitz william) was in favour of the most strict economy in the administration of those funds which were placed at the disposal of her Majesty's Ministers. Their lord ships' house and the other house of Parliament were, however, placed in a singular position, he was bound to say, by the silence of her Majesty's Government ; and he was bound to add that never was a speech made that conveyed less information on the subject at issue than that of the noble earl. But there did fall from that noble earl an observation to which he (Earl Fitzwilliam) swished to draw the attention of the house, and he should mot regret if he could attract also the attention of the public. His noble friend had used the ominous expres sion, speaking of the restoration of peace, "with the concurrence of the other powers." lie (Earl Fitzwilliam) desired to know who were those powers whose concur rence his noble friend was so desirous of obtaining for the restoration of peace. Lord BROUGHAM—In carrying on the war. The Earl of ABERDEEN said the noble earl had totally mistaken his words. He had said nothing of the sort. What he said had no reference to the concurrence of other powers with respect to peace ; it certainly had reference only to their concurrence with respect to the war. Earl FITZWILLIAM regretted he had misstated his nu ble friend's words ; but he did not think still that he tais took them. He could not quite understand the dis tinct,on drawn by the noble earl ; for, according to the noble earl's own theory, the only object of the war was to secure peace. Therefore, the concurrence of the other powers in the war implied their concurrence in peace. (Laughter.) If his noble friend stated that no negotiation for peace would be undertaken without the concurrence of France and Turkey, then he could under stand the statement. But was that the position of the question. The great object of his noble friend was the restoration of peace ; but if that object was to be at tained, it could only be attained by serious blows struck against the power with whom this country was at war. Re (Earl Fitzwilliam) felt compelled to avail himself of the present opportunity to express his deep regret that bell Y portion of th e exer ti on s of this country sho uld diverted f rom th e grea t o bj ec t in view —namely, to strike those blows on the enemy in all parts of the world which would be the most likely to induce him to make peace. It was not by attacks upon small ports in the_ Baltic or i n th e Bl ac k S ea t h at an i mpress ion could be made calculated to produce the peace sought on the terms on which alone it ought to be made. He (Earl Yitzwilliam) entertained great apprehension as to the terms on which peace might possibly be made by her Ma jesty's Government. H e t ruste d they would be such as to secure the Turkish empire from being placed ever again at the mercy of Russia. That was the true object to be held in view. He was afraid, however, that through a weak consideration for the wish of other pow ers the Government might be led to accept es certain objects of a meaner character, as sufficient to justify them in aban• , loning that great object. Certain powers would be satisfied at the relinquishment on the part of Russia of the Danubian Principalities ; but that would be wholly insufficient to effect the ultimate object—a safe and an honourable peace. Austria might occupy Wallachia and Moldavia, and the mouths of the Danube might be again opened to Austrian commerce ; and yet nothing might be done to maintain the integrity of the Ottoman empire. (Hear.) He .(Earl F.) wished to know what interpretation her Majesty's Government put upon the expression—"the integrity of the Ottoman Empire." Did it mean the maintenance of that power on the foot ing of the treaty of Adrianople, or did it, on the con trary, mean an intention to enable that power effectually to maintain its independence against the aggressions of Russia ? (Hear, hear.) That integrity shou4 be one not merely explainable by the boundaries of Bevarabia, but one coincident with the.independence of that power. That future aggession would be made, he thought their lordships could not reasonably doubt. If they effected peace by simply restoring things to the position in which they were a year and a half ago, they might depend upon it that no very long time would elapse before they would be engaged in another contest, and not, perhaps, under such favourable circutn staaces as the present. If they thought it worth while to maintain the independence' and integrity of the Ottoman empire, they would, at no distant date, be obliged to engage in another war for that purpose ; and it was because he felt desirous that we should never again find ourselves under a similar obligation that he hoped, whatever negotiations we might enter upon, the result of those negotiations would be such as to enable us to reflect with satisfaction on the endeavours we had made to maintain the independence and integrity of the Sul. tan. He would not detain their lordships further. But he could not let that opportunity escape without draw ing their attention to what appeared to him the very singular position in which the Parliament and the Go vernment of the country were placed at this moment, by the fact that the former were not made acquainted with the intentions of the latter. (Hear / hear.) _ _ The Marquis of CLANRICARDE Could not refrain from adding the expression of his surprise to that of his noble friend on the cross benches (Earl Fitzwilliam) with regard to the extraordinary course that had been pur sued upon the present occasion. He said "extraordi nary," because he did not think it could be shown on any former similar occasion was such a speech made in proposing a vote of supply to Parliament as had been made to-night by the noble earl. On all former occa sions he believed their lordships had had some explana tion given them of the progress of the war and of the position of the country in respect to its allies. Now, he held that when a Minister who had already had re peated supplies voted by Parliament with unexampled liberality and readiness came down to ask for further votes, as it was due to Parliament to give some informa tion respecting the progress which had been made, -the operations performed, and the course pursued since the former supplies were granted. (Hear.) If the noble earl had had nothing else to say on the subject, at least he might have taken this opportunity to pay some tribute, however slight, to the glorious and brilliant exploits of the ally in whose cause we had taken the field. (Hear, hear.) For if anything had been done, it was not due to the British Government. He regretted to say also that little was due to the British arms ; it was due to the Turkish arms—(cheers) —to the firmness of the Turkish Government—to the skill of its commanders, and to the bravery of its troops. (Renewed cheers.) And it was to this fact that their lordships were disposed to agree to the present vote with so much more cheerfulness than they would have (lone some months ago. 'Unfortunately the slight operations in the Baltic, alluded to by his noble friend (Earl Fitz william), had only the effect of furnishing an opportu nity for showing the bravery, skill, and intrepidity of our sailors and their commanders, as far as they were allowed the opportunity of showing individually and collectively those qualities. But in the Black Sea, although very little had been done that could have a very serious effect upon the war, undoubtedly some operations had been performed and successes obtained, which with reference to the question of which they had heard to-night, the restoration of peace, would have a firm, lasting, and be neficial result ; he alluded to the capture of Russian forts on the Circassian coast, and the clearance of the enemy from that coast. (Hear.) If we had driven the Russians out of the Circassian provinces, it was a thing which ought not to be overlooked when we came to treat for peace, and he must say he should like to have heard some comments from the noble earl upon that point, and its being passed over in utter silence by the noble earl. was a little ominous. (Hear.) Then, with regard to the confederacies and alliances into which this country had entered, Parliament ought to have very distinct in formation upon that subject also ; and he begged to take that opportunity of stating that, if no other noble lord did so, he himself would take an early opportunity of fixing a day upon which to move for the production of the late convention between Turkey and Austria, as well as other documents relating to the position in which we now stood. (Hear, hear.) That treaty ought most certainly to be communicated to Parliament, because, by the treaty which had already been laid upon the table, Turkey had entered into certain stipulations whioh forbade her contracting any secret treaty with Austria. (Hear, hear.) But it was well known that Turkey had not entered into any "secret" convention with Austria. (Hear.) It was, however, a most important conven tion ; and in voting the supplies which were now asked for, Parliament ought to make itself acquainted with the nature of that convention, and with the con duct of the powers with which we were allied, and with which we were not allied. As to the conduct of Aus tria, he was willing to put the best construction upon it. He admitted the truth of what had been stated from the Ministerial benches, that Austria was an independent power, that she had her own position and interests to look to, and that we had no particular right to control her. On the other hand, we had a right to see what were really our prospects, and what was the nature of the contracts into which our confederates had entered. It appeared from general rumour, and the fact was no torious, that by the pressure and persuasion of the Bri tish Government the Divan, who were much averse to it, and the Turkish Minister had concluded a convention with Austria, by which Austrian troops were to enter into the Danubian principalities, and occupy that por tion of the Turkish empire. That was a fact which could not have been—and, undoubtedly, was not—with held from the knowledge of the English Government — (hear, hear) ;—and the fact ought to have been men tioned to Parliament, and the treaty between the Turk ish and Austrian governments laid upon the table. Ac cording to the accounts in the newspapers this treaty was concluded on the 14th of June, whe n , the siege-of Silistria being raised, the Russians were in hot retreat, not only from Silistria, but the principalities. But what appeared to be almost i ncredible, and upon whichw e ought to have some informa tion, was this—that, i after the convention was signed, th e Russians being n re treat, and the Austrian army on the Turkashfsreodnttiheery, instead of acting, as it might have been supposed would do, in vigorous fulfilment of the engagement then entered into, and marching upon the flank or rear of the Russian army, oiao endeavouring to act with any effect whatever, when the Russian army halted, the Austrian army kept their own position, and did not move into the principalities at all. He wanted to know, then, and Parliament ought to know, what was the m eaning of this Austro-Turkish convention ? (Hear.) Was it, or was it not, a convention for drivi n g the Russians out of the principalities? If it were, how came it tha; the Aus trians, instead of hurrying into the field, fell back, and commenced new negotiations ? (Hear, hear.) He must say his own opinion was, that there was too much de pendence upon other powers, and too little self-reliance in the management of these affairs. (Hear, hear.) Aus tria was an independent power. She had a right to be neutral ; she had a right to take part either with Russia or with the allies. But, at least, we were entitled to know where we are, with whom we are acting, and to whom we are opposed. (Cheers.) We must know how other powers meant to deal with us in order to know how we were to deal with them. (Hear, hear.) And if the rulers of Poland chose to take part in that which had been well described by his noble friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs on a former occasion, as a war of civilisation against the advance of barbarism—if those rulers chose to take part against civilisation and in favour of barbarism, then an appeal should be made to the na tions which they governed as to whether they were in the same mind, and whether their opinion was the same as that of their rulers. He knew th ere were some con siderations which it was very delicate to touch upon and which men in office, under the responsibility of office could not touch upon ; but it was well that Austria and Prussia should know that if a doubtful, a suspicious, or an injurious course of policy towards this country and France were adopted by them, this country and France must put out all the power they possessed, and out of the conflict so created he did not think that Austria and Prussia would come unscathed. (Cheers.) It had been stated in the public journals that an invitation had been held out by Austria to renew the conference at Vienna. Now, he (the Marquis of Clanricarde) thought that one of the great mistakes made last year was our having had much longer recourse to negociations than was advisable, thus putting a stop to our own o wn operations, and farcing us to begin the war at a disadvantage. He thought that a great mistake was committed at the time of those conferences of carrying on negotiations in diffe rent parts ; for at that time we had not less than five places in which negotiations were going on together ; and if there was now to be another conference at Vienna, he contended that Parliament had a right to know what it was that conference was about. (Hear.) Ile hoped that nothing of the sort would be entered into. He, for one, thought the time for that gone by. Already by these negotiations and conferences we had got into a war, the objects of which were so ill-defined that no one could foretell the probable termination or issue of it. Further conferences, he believed, would have no effect whatever. We must meet henceforward—the allies and the enemy --in the field of war. We must not be hoping and lingering for other powers to join us. We must trust in the justice of our cause, and in the strength of our own arms ; and if we did that, serious as he admitted the conflict would be, he had not the least doubt that the allied powers of the west would come out of it victo rious. (Cheers.) The Earl of CLARENDON—My lords, as my noble friend has stated that he intends to name some early day on which to call the attention of the house to the state of negotiation and the operation and progress of the war — The Marquis of CLANRICARDE — No ; to move for papers. The Earl of CLARENDON—Yes, to move for the treaty lately concluded between Austria and the Porte, I should not have intruded on your lordships' time, it were not to correct one or two errors into which my noble friend has fallen, and more particularly with re. ference to that treaty. My noble friend says that that treaty was concluded on the 14th June, after the siege of Silistria was raised, and the Russians were in full retreat. I believe it is q true that the treaty was concluded on the 14th June ;but at that time, so far from the Russians being in full retreat, the siege had never been so vigor ously carried on, or, as they believed, with such great hopes of success; and it was not until the 23d June that, owing to the valour of the Turks, to whom my noble friend has paid nothing more than &just tribute, the siege was raised and the Russians were in full retreat. (Hear, hear.) Now at that time the treaty had not been ratified, and I am not exactly aware of the day on which it was rati fied. It was in consequence alone, however, of our not having received that ratified treaty that it has not been laid upon the table of the house, because I am perfectly ready to admit that it is a treaty of the greatest import. ance and interest to this country, and one which your lordships and the public have a right to possess as early as practicable. (Hear.) But your lordships must be aware that until we receive from the Governments be tween whom the treaty has been made the ratification of that treaty, it would be a most unnatural course to lay it before Parliament. I repeat what my noble friend has said ; I agree with him that Austria is an independent power, and mistress to pursue her own policy in the manner that she may think best. But Austria is under solemn engagements to other countries ' • she has impor tant interests of her own to protect ; and unless we can suppose that she would bring disgrace upon herself by not fulfilling her engagements, or be blind to her most urgent, and I may say vital, interests, I think we may believe that Austria will act as we have every desire that she should act, and as we have every right to expect that she should act ; because Austria has already declared that the course which France and England have pursued in summoning Russia to evacuate the principalities, and in carrying out the refusal of Russia to its legitimate consequences, is a just and reasonable course. She has declared that the evacuation of the principalities, and the free navigation of the Danube, affect not only her own interests, but the interests of the whole of Germany. She has declared with England and France that it is ne cessary to devise means of connecting Turkey with the general system and equilibrium of Europe ; which means that Turkey is to be released, not only from her oner ous engagements with Russia, but from all wrongful in terpretations of those engagements. She has herself summoned Russia to evacuate the principalities. And last, though not least, at great expense, an ex pense which she could ill afford, Austria has orga nised and equipped one of the largest and finest armies that have ever been seen in modern times in Europe. Now, as it is impossible to suppose that Russia will voluntarily submit to the demands of England and France, and to the summons which Austria has ad dressed to her—and as I think it is equally impossible to suppose that Austria, having made just and reason able demands, will ignominiously withdraw from them, or sink in the scale of nations by acknowledging the superiority of Russia, and submitting to her dictation—l think, my lords, that the time cannot be far distant when we shall have Austria co-operating with us ; and I be lieve that that co-operation would have taken place long before this, if it had not been for the difficulties which beset Austria, and which difficulties are, perhaps, not understood or appreciated in this country. Your lord ships may remember that in the course of last autumn the Austrian army was reduced by 100,000 men, and any person conversant with that subject must know, that again to raise the army to 300,000 men is neces sarily a work of time. (Hear, hear.) Your lordships must be aware also that in the month of March last, Austria was ready to conclude a quadruple treaty with the other three powers, and that the protocol of the 9th of April was the compromise to which she was com pelled to submit. You have recently had information brought before you, by my noble and learned friend on the cross benches, with respect to a combination against Austria in the interests of Russia, which has been called the Bamberg Conference, and which up to this day has prevented the Austrian and Prussian treaty being sub mitted to the Diet. These difficulties, and ethers to which I do not think it right to allude under present circumstances, we should take into account, if we really would understand what has been, and what should be, the policy of Austria. I answer for none. lam merely stating exactly what has passed, and the grounds upon which I think we may count on this co-operation. And now, my lords, let me say further, that my noble friend is mistaken in thinking that on the 3d of July there had been any fresh negotiations entered into by this country with Austria or with Russia. Your lordships are aware that Austria did address to Russia a summons for the evacuation in a short time of the principalities, and it was the answer of Russia to that summons which came to Vienna early in the present month. But we were no parties to the communication made by Austria to Rus sia, and no parties to the answer received by Austria from Russia. Her Majesty's Government will .at all times be ready to enter into negotiations for the ob ject of the war, which is a just and an honourable peace ; but until any such terms are set before us, and until we have any reason to believe that they are of a bona fide character, no negotiation will be entered into by this country. (Cheers.) I have upon former occasions ad verted to the almost utter impossibility, at the commence ment of a war, of stating what would be the terms of peace. I have no wish to detain your lordships by going over the same ground again ; but I do hope that during the time it has been my duty to administer the affairs of the Foreign-office, I have not given your lordships any reason to doubt that I am insensible to the honour and the dignity of this country. I ask your lordships to believe me when I say, not only in my own name, but in the name of all my colleagues, that there is no intention of returning to the status quo—(loud and general cheering)—that there is no intention of listening to a patched-up peace, which would only be a hollow truce, and render a return to war inevitable under these circumstances. (Hear.) But if we continue to enjoy the support of Parliament and the people of England, I can assure your lordships that we will enter into no engagement that shall not lead to a just and an honour able peace, worthy of the just and righteous cause in which we are engaged, worthy the allies with whom we have undertaken this cause, and, I hope, not unworthy of the great and disinterested sacrifices which this coun try has so generously made. (The noble earl resumed his seat amid loud cheering.) The address was then agreed to. PUBLIC LIBRARIES BILL. On the motion of Lord BROUGHAM, this bill was read a second time. NATIONAL EDUCATION. Lord BROUGHAM rose to make a motion on the subject of national education. The noble and learned lord, who was at first indistinctly heard, began by calling attention to the efforts which had been already made by the State and by private bodies to promote the educa tion of the people. He regarded the existing machinery as inadequate for the proper accomplishment of that great object ; but whilst he wished the State to extend and increase its exertions in the good work, he did not desire that it should discourage or displace the efforts of individuals, but to stimulate and to supplement them. The progress that had been made in popular education; though gratifying as far as it went, was not so rapid as it should be. Having adduced statistics of the number of scholars attending public schools, private schools, in fant schools, and schools for all classes, the noble and learned lord contended that there was a serious deficiency in the means of instruction. It was only by means of public and national schools, provided by the State, that education could reach the common people, the working classes, and the poor, on whose moral, religious, and in tellectual training the well-being of society at large, and the diminution of pauperism and crime, so intimately depended. The number of childrenufnoertwbheolint,after making deductions for those who cschool oi in e e consequence w o f a theirs absolutely oe os putting so e.nNtvi them e hthaadtn to ow instruction should be provided , was variousl, school ingohiet tii ho f sg o t r r only e l t y ai enh l s , s fo o of O r , i O 3n o os o to r , sing uo co h to o i o w enh edg a rue d ah fi y c N i cu e c r y wereof t h e he means ex. dtised er o e ver a the co e u fi n e i t t r , y a . o l o n ni 4 p 4 a r t e o d w towns, with including th e country o o a t l r l y the districts,tgh l. eat owf u a d tsha d a e considerable number of the lesser towns,i means of instruction for 43,000 children. In towns c?n tcalainssingpmepoure than latieh s ,h o f ,oo 3 o ,9 in o h o a2nts o it o a .l t h he r t e h w e b s c e h r o he l e s a t d h d e e r d e o w n e e - r s e i x 3 th 2l a , gOOO representing children,t theo - m na e gy i children who, though at private schools, belonged to the working classes, making a total of 352,000,being a little less than one-eleventh of the population. In the remainder of the country there was a working population of 10,437,000, and the number of scholars amounting to 1,134,000. The deficit in these great towns, as com pared with the rest of the country, was therefore 72,000. From the facts which he had stated to their lordships, he thought that it was quite clear that some steps ought to be taken to remedy the existing state of things. He would not trouble their lordships further, but would lay his resolutions on the table, and present the bill which he had prepared on the subject. (Hear.) Earl GRANVILLE said that almost the first act which he performed on becoming a member of the Coun cil on Education was to refer to the speeches of his noble and learned friend on this important subject ; and he was sure no one could have read those speeches without acknowledging vabbboeecielhad ability, with acause n uwhich hwi e o only oh his at theti lnobles spirit, tatni dn learned aw a r na e d s dnf or friend nsdo eloquen ce, popularha a d a nd d. as it w ad d a o s p a t t e pcir suggested f e o s r e n t h t m , ea b in u my t p t o h r fo e vt s eh i n me g e u mn l t a e rao means sagacity h system with h a do w f s hei since . cation. With regard to the bill introduced by his noble andLoleers arisingo adrnßeßdf foin ruieGrndllsome time since, he was afraid that some eaarrslspioaobes p further u iesff. ro measures were required with regard to the ab e ilthil_ivi e i mism or a e n s a t g ri e n m g e e n n t t o p f ow ed e u rs ca a ti n o d na a l charities. GRANVILLE thought th e b oar d h a d worked as iblsel.aeletd in a applications better hadobtained most useful information, a had position. t n i eu . In almost made by t est every of instance senidio liolust the commissioners had been obli g ed to say, ,‘ We think your case a good one—w e wish your de sires to be complied with ; but we have not the power to help you—you must go to the Court of Chancery." These parties, however, had no pleasure in going to the Court of Chancery, and the schools remained without improvement. He trusted, however, that if a measure on this subject should be introduced next year, it would receive the favourable consideration of their lordships. After a few words from Lord BROUGHAM in reply, The bill was read a first time. The Public Libraries Bill, the Parochial School masters (Scotland) Bill, the Registration of Births, &c. (Scotland) Bill, the Youthful Offenders Bill, the Usury Laws Bill, and a number of other bills, were severally read the second time. I Other hills were advanced a stage, after which their lordships adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS—(YESTERDAY.) The SPEAKER took the chair at one o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Lords' Amendments to the followng bills were considered and agreed to : —Ambergate, Nottingham, and Eastern Junction Railway (Working arrangements with Great Northern Railway) ; Electric Telegraph Company) No. 2 ; Great Western Railway (Berke and Hants, &c.) ; North Shields Quays and. Improvements ; Selkirk and Galashiels Railway ; Stockport, Disley, and Whaley Bridge. The Millbank (North Shields) Estate Bill was con sidered and ordered for a third reading. THIRD READINGS. Tne Merton College Bill, Mitford's Estate Bill, and Wilkinson's Estate Bill, were read a third time and passed DUCHY OF CORNWALL OFFICE. On the order of the day f or th e thi r d rea di ng o f this bill, Mr. WISE, as a representative of the people and a tax-payer himself, objected to the passing of this bill, which asked for a sum of 17,0001. to build a new office in Pimlico for the Duchy of Cornwall, while there was ample accommodation for the purpose at Somerset house. Sir W. MOLESWORTH said he should fully explain the necessity for this bill being passed when the house went into committee of supply. Mr. W. 'WILLIAMS thought the house ought to resist the passing of this bill till they had a full explana tion respecting the reason for erecting such a building, while the Government had Somerset-house, and such a number of other public buildings. Mr. HENLEY objected to the bill being passed hastily through the house without hon. members having had time to consider it, as the bill was only distributed to hon. members on Saturday last. The house then divided, when the numbers were — For the amendment lB Against it 79 Majority The third reading was accordingly postponed till Thursday. - ADMIRALTY COURT BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. LAND REVENUES OF THE CROWN (IRELAND) BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. HIGHWAYS (PUBLIC HEALTH ACT) BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. BRIBERY, &c., BILL. On the order of the day for this bill, as amended, to be considered, Lord J. RUSSELL moved the insertion of the fol lowing clause .—" And whereas doubts have also arisen as to whether the giving of refreshment to voters on the day of nomination or day of polling be or be not accord ing to law, it is expedient that such doubts should be removed. Be it declared and enacted, that the giving, or causing to be given, to any voter on the day of nomi nation or day of polling, on account of such voter having polled, or being about to poll, any meat, drink, or enter tainment by way of refreshment, or any money or ticket to enable such voter to obtain refreshment, shall be held and be taken to amount to bribery or treating, at the case may be, within the meaning of this act." Mr. FRESHFIELD opposed the clause, on the ground that refreshments might be given to a voter without any corrupt intention. Mn HENLEY thought this clause, if passed, would go much further than lion. members!at present thought of; and he believed that by enacting laws so absurdly stringent they should bring their legislation into con tempt, instead of putting down bribery or corrupt treat ing. What they wanted to strike at was the people who gave sums of money to induce a man to vote or to ab stain from voting, not cases where a man got a pint of beer at a private house, or a sixpence to buy it. (Hear.) He therefore thought it better to leave the law as it was at present. After a few words from Mr. SPOONEZR, The ATTORNEY-GENERAL said the clause passed on Saturday included reasonable travelling expenses only. But he thought that giving refreshments to a man coming a distance to the poll ought not to be con sidered illegal treating. He never intended the present clause to reach such a case as that indicated by the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Henley) ; but he thought the house ought to decide whether refreshments given to a man for voting, and notoriously because he had so voted, or intended to vote, came under the head of corrupt treat ing. He was himself strongly of opinion that the voter ought to be perfectly free from all obligation to the can didate, even for refreshment, and he fished the house to decide the question one way or the other. Lord It. GROSVENOR spoke in favour of the clause, though he hoped when the bill came to committee the penalties would be made less severe than they were at resent. Mr. G. BANKES opposed the clause on the ground of its excessive stringency. Mr. HILDYARD wished to know whether, if a can didate, meeting his constituents after the election, or when he goes down to give an account of his steward ship to the constituency, and gave them a dinner, or contributed to any such dinner, would be illegal or cor rupt treating ? Or might they have tea parties for the wives and daughters of their constituents, or were bread and butter to be prohibited ? (Hear, and laughter.) ROYAL COMMISSION. Mr. PULMAN, the Deputy-Usher of the Black Rod, here appeared at the bar, and summoned the house to attend at the House of Lords, to bear the Royal assent given by commission to various bills. The Speaker and a number of hon. members immediately left the house for that purpose. On their return, _ . Mr. HILDYARD resumed by saying he did not mean to deny that in many places most disgraceful scenes occurred at elections ; but he believed, if they could get at the truth of the matter, it would be found that the voters were not to blame, but the publicans, who gave drink to all who asked for it, and charged the candidates ten times as much as was really consumed. He therefore regretted that the house had not adopted a clause which would enable a candidate to distribute to the voters tickets for a moderate amount of refresh ment. - Lord J. RUSSELL said if the house Bone dared the question as it now stood they would see that the clause only referred to giving refreshment on the day of the nomination or the day of polling. It did not seem to him that any great inconvenience could arise that for two days once every three years it should not be lawful to give refreshments to voters. (Hear.) He therefore thought the house might safely adopt this clause. Sir F. KELLY thought some little modification of the - clause might be effected, which would allow the voter to receive a moderate amount of refreshment at the election, which were strictly incidental to the occa• sion. (Hear.) Mr. V. SMITH said the house had decided that they would not legalise any species of refreshment, but his noble friend (L ar d J. R usse ll) sa id noincon venience could arise by proclaiming a general fast of two days once i n th ree years —(l aug hter) —but the Attorney-General seeme d t o ta k e qu ite a different view of it. Let the decision of the house be positive and well defined one way or the other. (Hear.) After a few words from Mr. KNIGHTLEY, Mr. KNIGHT, and Lord A. VANE, against the clause, it being then a quarter to 4 o'clock, The SPEAKER interrupted the hon. gentlemen, by intimating that the debate must be now adjourned. Lord J. RUSSELL moved that the debate be ad journed till 12 o'clock to-morrow. Agreed to. The sitting was then suspended. The house met again at six o'clock. Mr. FRENCH wished to know whether the Govern ment intended to direct the law officers again to prosecute the persons who had conspired to defeat th e Sli g o election petition ? Lord J. RUSSELL understood that it was the intention of the law officers to proceed against those persons. Mr. WISE wished to risk the Lord President of the Council whether her Majesty's minister at the court of Madrid was at his post ? - Lord J. RUSSELL said that our ambassador had re ceived orders to return to his post. and was now, he believed, on his road t o M adrid. Lord D. STUART wished to ask the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he would have any objection to lay on, the table of the house c o pi es of all the logs of her Majesty's ships having borne admirals' flags in the Baltic during the noble lord, but he could only answer his quest i on by p u tti n g to him another , and must a s k hi m what i s o bj ec t was in pu tting the question ? If the n o bl e l or d sou ght to impugn the conduct of the admirals, h e must l ay p ar liamentary present J. wGn?AmAli said be m ean t no disrespect to the Sir war grounds for making the motion. If there were any specific point to inquire, he would offer no objection to it; but a unusual cha racter, and would take an immense time to comply with it. He could not, therefore, consent to it without some ground. Lord parliamentary gr • D. STUART said he had intentionof im pugning pthreesegn no was of an had the motion simply be he thought the and made cause generlmtohteioncolnikaeuctthoe 1 public ought a t llant officers in the Baltic, to have as much information as possible with - on in th a t regard to what was going Mr. THORNELY wished t o know if th e h on . m ember for Montrose intend ed to bring o , his motion to-morrow re specting the opening of public pl aces on S un d a y quarter. afternoons? Mr. lIUME said that the motion. stood first, and he hoped e S th i e rt r icage. wished to briegi ng it forward. Sir J. PAKINGTON question with reference to the works going on at Storey's a ate. He wished to know whether +I, nothing would occar to prevent him • --e gate was to be re moved altogether, or what alterations were to be made ? alengwas anxious to make a auY hange was to be c alk? Owing to angle with the road at that point, it was one of the most dangerous places in London. Sir W. MOLES NmH the made d gate a l also wished bt w eh ii the h o.o et at ORTH said that St orefs-gate was of the be ing altered so as to admit t .entrance of two carriages away a gate, so that a similar ulteration at the end near to , r t a a n e end e o w f the wh Buckingham Palace, and by taking down . . the lodge to obtain a clear vie through te tio w to the Pimlico-road. His in n n was to have that done as speedily as possible. abreast. a o s n t . 0 Ilw would u h k a i d b n e o u p e o c o w s s e a r r o y f . Mr. PELLATT asked whether the i nquest on the body of the child Alfred Richardson was held by orders from the Government, and whether a short hand writer's notes could be procured, so that the evidence given on that occasion could be printed ? Lord PALMERSTON sa 4 d he hall stated that the inquest had been held in consequence of instructions from the Home Office. No short-hand writer had been employed by the Government, and he was not aware whether any notes were taken. At 311 events, neither he nor the house had any power to order these notes to be laid on the table. The notes of the coroner, acting as judge, might be ordered to be laid before them. In answer to Sir E. PERRY, Sir C. WOOD said, that the pressure of other business had prevented him bringing forward his statement on In dian finance. Whenever that pressure ceased, he would give notice of his intention on the subject. SUPPLY.—THE VOTE OF CREDIT. The house then resolved itself into a committee of sup ply. Mr. BOUVERIE in the chair, Lord J. RUSSELL moved that her Majesty's message be read. Mr. BOUVERIE read it, as follows ; " Victoria Regina.--Her Majesty, deeming it expedient to provide for any additional expense which may arise in consequence of the war in which her Majesty is now en gaged against the Emperor of Russia, and relying on th• zeal and affection of her faithful Commons, trusts that they will make provision accordingly." Lord J. RUSSELL—Mr. Bouverie, I rise for the pur pose of asking the committee to agree to a vote of 3,000,03001. in supply, usually denominated a vote of cre dit. In performing this task I shall think it quite unneces sary to refer to the negotiations which preceded the break ing out of hostilities, or to the causes of the war in which we are now engaged. lam ready to acknowledge at all times the willingness with which this house concurred with her Majesty in the necessity of undertaking that war, and in the supplies which were asked for by the Ministers of the Crown. Likewise, I have to acknowledge that, having at the commencement of these hostilities stated to the house that it would tend greatly to impede the public service if questions were asked from time to time with respect to the mode of carrying on hostilities, the members of this house have been remarkably forbearing in reference to the ask ing of questions which might embarrass the Government in regard to the conduct of naval and military operations. I have, therefore, in the first place, to return the thanks of the Government to this house for the support they have re ceived in the arduous task which they had to undertake ; and, in the next place, I have to state that which indeed is well known to the house, that large expeditions have been fitted out; that, with regard to the navy, the ships of her Majesty occupying the Baltic and the Black Sea, are in disputably the masters of those seas, and that the enemy has not ventured to come out of port to encounter her Ma jesty's arms in either of those seas, which have been hitherto considered as the peculiar domain of the Russian empire. While this circumstance is gratifying, it, no doubt, would have been more gratifying to our gallant sea men if they had been able, in fair battle, to measure their prowess against that of the enemy, and to reap some of those laurels which have been so amply the share of their progenitors and of our forefathers. But, sir, I may per haps be allowed to state somewhat more in detail the in crease which has been made to our naval force in conse quence of the votes of this house since the beginning of the year 1853. With regard to the first, second, and third rates, there was, on the Ist of January, 1853, only one ; on the Ist of July, 1854, there were seventeen. I am speaking now of steam-vessels. With respect to sailing line-of-battle ships, there were in January, 1853, eleven ; there are now eighteen. Therefore, while the steam vessels have increased from one to seventeen, the sailing vessels have increased from eleven to eighteen. The whole number of steam-vessels, which were then 100, are now 139, and the sailing-vessels, which were 109, are now 120 ; and the total number has been increased from 209 to 259. The seamen afloat have increased from 28,000 to 47,000, and the marines from 5,000 to 9,000 ; so that the whole number, being in January, 1853, 33,910, is now 57,200. With regard to our army likewise, we have been enabled, by the great exertions which were made, to place on the Turkish shores an army exceeding 30,000, a great part of which was lately at Varna or its neighbour hood. I shall of course not notice in this house the various criticisms that have been made with respect to the operations of our fleet aid army. As I have said, great forbearance has been displayed on this subject. The opera tions of the war are, on our parts, just commenced, and no person who is acquainted with naval and military opera tions would agree with those remarks that have been made, depreciating either the conduct of any of our admirals or that of any of our generals. But it is impossible not to notice in this place, that while our exertions have been directed to making preparations to aid that ally whom we went to succour, the Turkish army have displayed acts of valour and of prowess which aro deserving of the highest admiration. (Loud cheers.) In the course of last year, when negotiations were in suspense, it was frequently represented that if we went to the assistance of Turkey we went to the assistance of a decaying State—that we went to raise an empire already fallen ; and, to refer to the language of the Foreign Minister of the Emperor of Russia, it was said, and said by him no later than at Olmutz, that it required but a filip to overthrow the whole Turkish em pire. (A contemptuous laugh.) So far is it from this being the case, that the Emperor of Russia, having occu pied the Principalities at first with only a small force, and having devoted a whole year to preparations with the avowed purpose that in the month of May in the present year the operations of the camgaign would begin with the siege and capture of Silistria, the Russian army which crossed the Danube for that purpose, with a force of which the numbers have certainly not been reported with specific accuracy, but which are stated to have amounted to 80,000 men, have been driven back and repulsed from the pre cincts of that fortress ; and after a siege in which feats of valour were performed worthy of the greatest examples of siege operations either iu ancient or modern times— worthy of Saguntum or of Saragossa—the Russian army has been compelled ignominiously to abandon that citadel. That being now the position of affairs, the last incident which has taken place is one of too much importance to be passed over even in a cursory statement. It was thought by many persons that, however motives of policy might induce the Governments of England and France to combine in an alliance against the aggression of Russia, yet that the wars in which the two nations had been engaged had left such feel ings of national animosity that the two countries could not easily be induced to co-operate in the field and upon sea. We have seen, however, not only the armies of the two nations combined in the neighbourhood of Constantinople with the most friendly feelings, hitt we have also seen within the last few days a considerable French military force embark on board English line-of-battle ships— (cheers)—and from all the testimony which we have received, nothing could be more cordial and friendly than the feeling displayed by the armed troops and seamen of the two nations. (Cheers.) While it is impossible not deeply to regret that peace should be broken, still I must say that the establishment of such cordial feelings between two nations which have so often en countered each other in arms, and met on the embattled field with hostile feelings—the establishment of cordial feelings with a nation so near and so powerful as France is in itself a great security for the future maintenance of the amicable relations between the two nations which we should ever wish to see continued. (Hear, hear.) In referring now to the present state of affairs, and the necessity which exists for this vote, I shall decline altogether going into any details as to the services for which this large sum may be required. With the plan of operations undertaken in Turkey, the commissariat expenses may amount to a very considerable sum ; the ordnance expenses will also, no doubt, be much greater than they have hitherto been. There are likewise some expenses for the navy and for tran sports—especially for the later operations, which are not included in any of the present votes of Parliament. But it is quite impossible to frame anything like a clear esti mate of what those services may require, as they will greatly depend upon the nature of the operations which our admirals anti our generals may think fit to undertake. It would not, therefore, be consistent with our duty to go into any particular estimates with respect to the applica tion of the sums for which I have now asked. I should think, so far as we can at present foresee, that nearly two millions will be taken up for tho service to which I have alluded. But we may have other calls upon the resources of the nation, and more especially among other things a question has been raised, or rather suggestions have been made, with respect to a large body of Turkish troops which might be joined with our army and receive pay from the British Government. That is one way in which it may be thought fit to apply part of tho resources which I have named, but I avowedly ask for this vote with the view that her Majesty's Government may apply the sum they require from time to time for services rendered neces sary by the prosecution of the war. I ask the vote con fessedly without an estimate, on the ground that as the usual time of the prorogation of Parliament has nearly ar rived, we may be enabled, Parliament not sitting, to direct these resources in a manner to obtain such success as may lead to an honourable peace. I shall touch upon two other points. and shall do so in the view I have taken of our being near the time of the prorogation of Parliament. I think it is fitting to give to this house as much information as con sistently with the public duty of the Government I may be able to afford. In stating last year nearly at a similar period to the present that negotiations were then pro ceeding, I was above all careful not to say anything which would tend to disturb the train of negotiation, or to diminish in the least degree the chance of success. We are now more certainly at liberty in that respect, and our exertions must now be undisguisedly directed iu a different manner to the attaining by the force of our arms and the strength of our alliances that just and honourable peace both for Turkey and for ourselves, which we were unable to procure by our negotiations. (Hear.) In adverting to the present state of Europe, every one is naturally anxious to learn what part will be taken by Austria on this very interesting and important question. (Hear.) I have always maintained that whatever might be the interest of Eng land and France in defending and protecting Turkey, the interests of Austria were much greater. (Hear.) It is im possible to conceive of the Emperor of Russia succeeding in what must now be considered as his designs, namely, the effective control, if not acknowledged dominion, over the Principalities, and an increased and predominant influ ence in Turkey, without his having at the same time a com plete command over the Government of Austria. I cannot conceive how the independence of Austria could be main tained if Russia were to extend her power in the way in which she now seems desirous of extending it. But in order fairly to consider this question, it is necessary to bear in mind the difficulties with which Austria must have to deal, now that upon more than one side of her empire the Rus sian armies can approach to no great distance from her ca pital, and that it would have been imprudent in her to commit herself to arms against Russia unless she had been fully prepared. We must also remember that with regard to two of the kingdoms submitting to her sway, those kingdoms have been in very recent years so greatly disturbed as to make the peril of entering into hostilities greater than it would have been had no such state of things existed. It has therefore been the policy of Austria, declaring that she concurred with us in our ob jects, to attempt as long as possible by negotiations to ob tain a settlement of the questions in dispute. Austria. has more than once declared that , althou g h the prin cnclptis which her Majesty's Gover nment has laid down, !s objects which her Majesty had in view, met with her full approbation, she did not despair of Russia evacuating the principalities and agreeing to terms of arrangeme ()vier in would secure the maintenance of the balance of p Europe. Very lately Austria has sent a message, which has been published in the newspapersewithin the last few days, asking Russia to evacuate the principalitiese—paesrkiiondg. her to fix a time for th at evacuation at no With this message Austria t d ran to sm a it t t v ed ie t n o no Sti o P tw et e e e r n sbu tn rg e the protocol of April, g four powers, in which i a ti r s e attached object o t o f t t h h o e four powers was, that Turkey system of Europe ; that the kin s E ge n lo ro m po s ; ho n u n l d d t f h o a r t m arr p a a r n t g o e f . the general balance of power in menpowers ts ought to be carried into 13ffect by thoefgeEn'uerarolpecoinn sent anti concurrence of the other swer has been re order to obtain that settlement. ceivod from the Government ofßrenasnsi for my own part,l' nce with the re- I should hardly l 1 aa e n v ' s n i whichvaenfbeurtw pretended in some sort to be a fir c t om e s s v i a a c i c i l a o t e i s o not quest of Austria. But in the P_ profess herself ready to fix any tim . e the principalities. She declares, effect,e that now war f rl )a r ni ae t 1 1 t te n aEnndg are dupe- iu I . t . having been declare.d, tha.t B lt . Sea French are engaged in hosti le, ill the a lc, where her ea t i l n ia s t t her, rior to her in the Black anttat there remains only the I I fleets do not leave their principalities and t r h ae o syt tl ioc e rt i eo g i h .t b h o e ur b l a lo la o n d e o e f . seat of war in the herself. y p n i n a c calfi dnpt t i the es. three h the Danube where sh_ecaunroihnoiebttfin and by the s uccess of h She therefore dellinetsbeast-acsubsetiisngrtehmed declares, to be sure, _ les b e i ng plainly declared to be the ova aiionoeitPl in the protocol of Vienna of the 9th of principles th es os c e on p t r cuation of the_ principalities, the granting of privileges and rights to the Christian inhabitants of the Sultan in such a manner es to opium these rights ; and likewise that a in convention should be entered iato between the d Turkey aseurine those rights. Now, treaty fourthis reply, there is this objection to it, which all t without hose who have read the protocol will r w criticisinger and n eadily a f a ir one, and that is, - there is a complete admit to /3° omission of that which is the essential part and foundation of the protocol,—viz., that Turkey should in future form part of the general system of Europe. That question is the one which is at the bottom of the difference in which Russia and Turkey were engaged in the last war; it is at the foundation of the war in which we find ourselves at present engaged. Ever since the victories of the Empress Catharine, the Government of Russia has considered the relations between Russia and Turkey so peculiar that Turkey could not form any alliance with other Powers ex cept with the general supervision of Russia, and that the greater part of the subjects of Turkey being Christians were to look to the Emperor of Russia as their protector and supporter, in spite and in contradiction, if need be, of their own Government. The object of the four Powers is, on the contrary, that the Sultan having the right, which he has exercised, of confirming by solemn acts the privileges of his Christian subjects, should be admitted to form part of our general system, and should be permitted to govern his own people by the exercise of those sovereign rights which belong to sovereignty itself, and forming part of the general sys tem of Europe, should not lock to protection solely to Russia, but should look to the Powers of Europe, singly or united, which would maintain him, as they maintain the other States of Europe in their position. Such, however, being the answer which Russia has given, the Government of Austria, which has informed us of what they intended to do in each of three cases—namely, of the reply being affirmative, negative, or evasive—has considered this reply as evasive, and has asked the Governments of England and France to communicate to her what is their opinion of the proposal which has thus been made. I should have said that not only does the Emperor of Russia require that England and France should be parties to any arrangement by which the Principalities should be evacuated, but that an armistice should be concluded by which we should not by our troops or our fleets in the Black Sea attack his troops and fleets while evacuating the Principalities. Our answer is that we cannot admit that this answer of Russia affords any grounds for peace—(cheers) —and that we must continue to obtain by the force of those armies and fleets which are already engaged in the war such conditions as ' we may deem necessary for a just, an honourable, and a safe peace. (Renewed cheering.) With respect to Austria and the part she may take when she knows our answer, all I can say is, that although she might be mistaken as to her policy—although I think she has been mistaken in not joining sooner and more frankly with the Western Powers —I cannot believe she will forfeit the engagements into which she has entered. Austria has entered into engage ments not only with the Western flowers, but with Tur key. She has declared to the Western Powers, that if the Principalities are not evacuated by Russia, she will use for cible means in order to compel their evacuation. She has stipulated, in a convention with the Sultan of Turkey, that she will endeavour to secure the evacuation of these prin cipalities by negotiation ; but if these negotiations should fail, then that she would by other means, and that she will be ready to furnish the number of troops necessary for that purpose. I conceive from these declarations and by these engagements that Austria will be bound to take part in the attempt to drive back Russia from the unjust ag gression which she has attempted. Whether Austria may act with that hesitation and delay which has been unfor tunately already prolonged too long—(cheers)—or should attempt to gain from St. Petersburg some better and some more satisfactory assurances, I ant unable to say. We have of course no control over the councils of the Em peror of Austria. With respect to the policy of Austria I have no doubt, neither have I any doubt that she will hon ourably fulfil her engagements, although with the difficult circumstances which surround her, with but a poor half and-half support of the kingdom of Prussia—(hear)—she may think it necessary once snore to obtain a favourable answer to her representations at St. Petersburg. I have stated this in order that the house may be in possession of the actual facts of the case so far as I can afford the infor mation. I have stated some things which have not only recently taken place, but have also stated the answer which we propose to give to Austria. There has been as yet no formal communication from the court of Austria on the subject of the answer of Russia. I am,. therefore, only speaking of what is contemplated and intended by the Government when that answer shall have been received. The house will remember that, on a former occasion, I refused to bind the Government in any way with respect to the conditions of peace to which her MA jesty's Government would agree, because the conditions of peace must always depend upon the state of the belligerents at the time when negotiations are entered into. I will, however, state what I think is the nature of the conditions which I think would be absolutely necessary to justify us in assenting to any treaty of peace with Rus sia. While the negotiations were going on last year, if the Sultan's Ministers had thought proper to advise him to agree to the Menschikoff note, or if at a later period they had advised him to agree to the Vienna note without alte ration or subsequent explanation, I believe the people of this country, seeing that the Turkish Government was satisfied to enter into these engagements, and to take the assurances thus offered, would have been well pleased that no war should have broken out, and that the continuance of peace for a time at least should have been secured. But the Turkish Government having failed to accept those terms, and having declared that thl proposed conditions threatened the independence of Turkey—having refused at all risks and at all hazards, while alliances were uncertain, and her forces were considered by no means equal to those of Russia, to yield to conditions which she thought igno minious, her position is now entirely changed. We are engaged in a war—engaged in support of Turkey, with the view of defending her from aggression, and it behoves us to see in any treaty of peace which we may make, that we do not leave Turkey in as bad a condition, or possibly even in a worse condition, than when we promised her our suc cour and assistance. (Hear.) Let the house consider for a moment what are the dangers to Turkey of a treaty of peace similar to those previously in existence. That ques tion has been elucidated by the very clear and masterly despatch of the noble lord now at the head of her Majesty's Government, written soon after the treaty of Adrianople. I intend to read but one passage from the despatch ; but it is one, however, which will exhibit those dangers in the strongest light. The despatch statss :—" The modes of do mination may be various, although all equally irrestible. The independence of a state may be overthrown, and its subjection effectually secured, without the presence of a hostile force, or the permanent occupation of its soil. Under the present treaty the territorial acquisitions of Russia are small, it must be admitted, in extent, although moat important in their character. They are commanding positions far more valuable than the possession of barren provinces and depopulated towns, and better calculated to rivet the fetters by which the Sultan is bound." The de spatch goes on to show in 'what manner this power is se cured to Russia. For five-and-twenty years Russia was content without any increase of territory, and, without bringing her augmented influence to the arbitrement of war, to rest satisfied with the conditions of the treaty. These conditions gave great power to Russia; and now that the position has been changed, it behoves us to con sider, not the securities int o which he had entered under the treaty of Adrianople, but the securities which may be had from a power haviug the advantages of the treaty of Adrianople, and having moreover the will and the dispo sition to pu s h th ose advantages to the utmost, and to ex tend her influence over the subjugation of Turkey. Now, I say we are justified in so considering the question, be cause, in the first place the occupation of the principalities by Russia was effected under the most flimsy pretences. (Hear, hear.) In the next place we know, from corre spondence which has been produced before the house, that the Emperor of Russia had fixed ideas in his mind that the empire of Turkey was about to fall, and that her neighbours were justified in securing a part of the spoils to themselves. We know more particularly that the possession of those provinces of Wallachia and Moldavia by Russia, under the title of the pro tectorate with nominal chiefs, was a part of the scheme which the Emperor of Russia had formed in his own mind. We know, moreover, that after a long reign— exhibiting, I must say, great forbearance in many in stances of temptation -forbearance in interfering with the affairs of other nations in Europe—forbearance in not at tempting conquests—of the two parties in Russia known by the names of the German party and the Muscovite party, the latter has recently obtained the sway, and that it is the fixed plan and purpose of that Muscovite party to establish what is called southern Russia, and that the seat of that empire of southern Russia is to be Constantinople —I say, with the knowledge of such state of affairs, we ought to endeavour to obtain valid securities against acts of aggression similar to that which has so recently taken place. I hold, therefore, that it is impossible that the arrangements which were made by the treaty of Ad rianople with respect to the principalities shall again be renewed—(loud cheers.)—arrangements which gave the Emperor of Russia a predominant voice in the political affairs of Wallachia and Moldavia—which gave him the power of controlling in cases where he thought his affairs were not conducted to his satisfaction, and which, by the destruction of all the Turkish fortresses, gave him facilities at any moment for occupying with his army the two provinces, containing four millions of inhabitants. I aay that the integrity of Turkey and the balance of power in Europe could not be secured by returning to the status quo ante helium, which would confirm such arrange ments as regards Russia and Turkey. (Hear, hear.) But there is another mode in which the position of Russia is menacing to the independence and integrity of Turkey. The establishment of a great fortress prepared with all the combination of art and science, made as impregnable as it is possible for art and science to make it, and containing within its port every large fleet of line-of-battle ships, ready at any moment to come down with a favourable wind to the Bosphorus—that I consider is a position so menacing to Turkey, that no treaty of peace could be considered safe which left the Emperor of Russia in that same menacing position with respect to Turkey. (Lond:and prolonged cheers). I have thought it right to state not particularly, but the general view of the Government with respect to the secu rities which we ought to obtain. What these special se curities should be, in what manner they should be gained, and how they should be affirmed, is not a subject upon which I think I can go further than I have already dale. I believe we shall be ready—we have been readyteom municate with the Go v ernmen t of Fra n ce on this subject. I o f the r own Govern mentupon this subject. We shall b e ready to views of with th e . nn of the Emperor I have every reasonrtoofbFelriaenveeetheoaitntehiedevicr with u G o vernment of Austria when it wishes to know our opi n i on . communicate w ith respect to such a settlement as in our o p in ion would be a lone secure, honourable, and j ust. I must say that with regard to those securities, Ise EdL9 symptom of the Emperor of Russia at present b I p , ue PPoscd, I will not conditions such ashave hinted at, or to • say to grant give have said are in our • • securities such as I opinion desirable —I cannot say that he is disposed to depart in every demands which, made res pect from those by Prince Menschi koff were indignantly rejected by Turkey. In the acquisitions which have been mad e by Russia great from the time of the Empress Catharine, the same course has uni formly been pursued. It was the adoption of policy which at every treaty of )ea of this course i n creased territory. Th e t reat secured to Russia y of KI will not say "secured," b ut ainardji stipulatedsecured— the independ ence of the Crimea, The fell ing war made th e Crimea a ow : n u g treaty and the follow rabia, added lately, combined with s the ian provie Bessa command of the Danube in such a manner that Russia och has been able to impede and obstruct the navigation portant river, followed the treatyof A t ih a . l great and im step she has weakened Turkey ; she has en k o e p ) l t e. Tt A nk t e each that situation in which, without giving im'iniediate. Turkey y ar i na n to Europe, she could dictate to Constantinople. Late years considerably the government o f Turkey. have chan ge d I will not say that change has extended to all the interior, or to all the paehas and governors, but the Government of Turkey has seen that there are new and improved modes of government, consisting in dic:pensing equal justice to all her subjects whatever might be their religion, which might make Turkey stronger as a power than she had ever been while her power rested upon the ascendancy of the Maho medan race, and the subjection and degradation of every other race. (Hear.) These great improvements in Turkey have excited the jealousy and apprehension of Russia, and you will see that in no case hasthe Government of Russia, which has always pretended to be anxious for the exten sion of the privileges and the promotion of the good of the Christian subjects of Turkey, been favourable to those amendments and enlightened reforms which the e Govern ment of Turkey has curried out. On the contrary, 1 / 2 language of Russia has always been, "Turkey must fell i-i, unless her ancient Mahomedan maxims are keptitt force-- Turkey must fall unless her ancient 31ahomedan system is , kept up in full vigour —Turkey must fall unleds the seer I A ration between the Mahomedan and the Chiistkan polu• ' = 4l out ) tions is duly preserved and strengthened;". ' 80k beirit,,- - 14 the language of Russia , who can doullessiliatik the iiitinulteVo object of that power? Going front. step ' :-to. step, acti '- menting territories, increasing her firth:twice, - alien the Christian subjects of the Porte from tkeir altsigiancie s . her final and ultimate object—which was aminentrett ab' the middle or perhaps before the middle of the last century, and which might not be carriedout for some time—mmtbe the subjugation of the Ottoman empire and the absorption of a great part of it in her own dominions, while otherpor tions, which would remain nominally independent, would upon her influence and her authority. things would be Sc, dangerous to Europe side should not stop till we obtained some u i no u rdf s t such a consummation being reached. She, on her side, I have no doubt, will not i ts S ( u ßeh t i ca e c eut h ff a : w e ri a c t:ey t h state o d eaugr p o. a l stop till she is assured by the events and by the calami ties of war, by such repulses as she lately met with at Silistria, and by other and more formidable obstacles, that the great project of her ambition c ann o t be executed with the consent of Europe. It is in this great contest that Europe is engaged; and I think I should be deceiving this house if 1 were to tell them that, engaged with such an enemy, with a Sovereign of immense power, of great in fluence, and of great talents, we might hope for a speedy termination to such a contest. Of this lam sure, that if we were to shrink from that contest—if we were to patch up a peace, which would be hollow and insecure —(hear, hear)—we should lose our allies, we should lose the confi dence and respect of Europe—(hear, hear) —and Russia would be placed, not in the position which she held pre vious to the breaking out,of hostilities, not in the position which she held from 1829 to 1853, but in such a position that the Emperor of Russia would then justly be called that which by some of his courtiers and flatterers he has been already called—the arbiter of the destiniesof Europe. (Hear, hear.) It is our business to prevent that consum mation. (Hear, hear.) To prevent that consummation this house has willingly and almost unanimously not only voted immense supplies, but has consented to forego those blessings of peace which were never more rightly called blessings than during the last few years. (Hear, hear.) We are willing to forego many advantages to onr com merce, and many political and social improvements which may be delayed ; but at all events let us secure this ob fiucignlhswtooftrthtehybisoaftldnttl ject, and let us see that, while we can trust with implicit n p und ro s p oors t a h w a re t hmo t o o tew se efi confidence in the gallantry of those men who are placed at the head of our fleets and armies, no weakness in the coun heagedosofoinldthiesehrirsalacol uu e h l aie u an se ils d nt are o W n distant seas. (Cheers.) Sir, I r li r ave one word more to say with regard to the vote which I shall put into your hands. I have been informed since ' I came into the house that it is the intention of an hon. member to pr opose in some form or other—for I care not what form—so me re iction upon the authority of the Crown with regard to the prorogation and the meeting ofParliament. Sir, it is bet ter to say at once that while the right hon. gentleman opposite, the member for Buckinghamshire, might be entitled to say that he ex pected an autumn session, and while it might be the advice which should be given by the Ministers of the Crown that Parliament should again meet in the course of the autumn, still the advisers of the Crown cannot accept any restric tion to their freedom in giving such advice as they may think proper upon that subject. (Hear, hear.) Circum stances may make it very advisable to meet Parliament again soon, looking to the state of Europe or to new al liances that we may form ; but, on the other hand, there may be circumstances in public affairs which would induce the Cabinet to think such a meeting inexpedient. We must be at full liberty to give such advice as the circnme stances of the times, at the time, may seem frogs us to de mand. At the commencement of the century the Coalition Ministry of Lord Granville and Lord Grey were asked by the Sovereign to bind themselves as to the advice which they might give him with regard to a particular measure to which he felt the strongest repugnance. Lords Granville and Grey said that it would be unbecoming in them, as the ad visers of the Crown, to bind and fetter themselves by any such engagement. (Hear.) The eng agement which that Ministry refused t o en t er i nto with the Crown, we must refuse to enter into with the House of Commons. We must, as I have said, be at full liberty to give such advice to the Crown as we may think proper at the time. If we merit at all the confidence of this house—if we are to be entrusted with the disposal of the vast resources of this country—if we are to direct this great war and negotiate with the powers of Europe, we must be unfettered as to the time at which we may advise her Majesty to take the advice of Parliament. There can be no unwillingness ,on our part to call for that advice, because we have expe rienced the support and the strength which during this session we have derived in the face of Europe from the unanimous—the nearly unanimous—opinion of the repre sentatives of the people. (Hear, hear.) Anything. that happened or was said before the meeting of Parliament might have been represented, and not unnatu rally represented, as the impulse of a single meeting, or the opinion of a single individual; but the voice of Par liament could not be mistaken. That voice has pronounced that we are engaged in a just and necessary war, and I am sure it will equally declare that th a t war i s no t to be concluded but by a just and honourable peace. (Cheers.) Mr. ALCOCK said that, though the votes for the war had been granted, the majority of the country considered that the war had not been efficiently carried on, and he advocated most vigorous measures in the Crimea, and aid to the Circassians. Mr. G. BANKES had heard with surprise that a sub sidy to our Turkish allies was meditated, and, while con sidering that such a course ought not to be adopted with out the immediate sanction of Parliament, he suggested that the vacillating conduct of Austria might mean that she was also waiting for a subsidy. He should be very much disposed to accede to a proposition for an autumnal sitting, provided such proposal were fittingly made, as discontent might arise among the people, now so heavily taxed, unless their representatives were assembled to an swer for their conduct. The people, he added, were much dissatisfied with the new arrangement as to the War Minister. He admitted that the sentiments of Lend John Russell as to the peace were those of the country, but he dwelt upon the discordance between Lord John's views and those of Lord Aberdeen, and urged that as this differ ence left the country no g uarantee for an honourable peace, here was another reason for an autumnal session. Mr. HUME understood the noble lord (Lord J. Russell) to speak in the nane of his colleagues, and not to give his own individual opinion. (Hear, hoar, from Lord J. Russell.) It would, therefore, be a pity that on soimportant an occa sion it should go to the public that a difference existed in the Cabinet, and that the leader of the House of Commons said the opposite of what was said by the leader of the House of Lords. (Hear, hear.) As to the cry,about the Coalition Government, he (Mr. Hume) wished to know how a Government could be formed or carried on without a cce , alitiou? (Hear, hear.) He was surry to hear the slow progress of the war criticised as it had been by his hon. friend (Mr. Alcock); but if they turned to the page of his tory they would find much more was done at present in the way of forwarding troops and armaments than had ever been aceomplished on any previous occasion. (Hear, hear.) He should acknowledge that when Sir C. Napier was appointed to command he was rather afraid the ope rations of the gallant admiral would be too rapid ; but it now appeared that he could wait and eonsider until the time came to act with effect. (Hear, hear.) One word as to the subsidy. During the revolutionary war we had ad vanced 66,000,0001. in subsides, every pound of which was misapplied. They (lid not assist or facilitate the purposes for which they were intended, but, on the contrary, re tarded and paralysed them. The Turks had so far acted without our assistance—(hear, hear)—they had done so with honour and without money, and there was less ne cessity for money now than heretofore. (Hear, hear.) Therefore, he should be sorry to see a subsidy agreed to unless sanctioned by that house. (Hear, hear.) In his opinion the hope of a subsidy should not even be held out to them. (Hear, hear.) He hoped there would be no difference of opinion, but that the vote would be cordi ally agreed to. Mr. KNIGHT suggested that the Circassians, who were born with a hatred to Russia, should be drilled under Turkish officers, and placed under the rule of a Turkish pacha, in which case they would afford most valuable as sistance. Mr. BLACKETT complained of the ignorance in which the country was kept in regard to the diplomatic action which guided the war. He urged that a most mischievous delay had occurred in the fulfilment of the engagements of Austria, whose object was, by every means in her power, to rivet the chains of her own misgoverned provinces. Mr. COBDEN said that the speech of the noble elor d to council of war; for he had done what was generally l (Russell) had in tome degree converted the discussion w in n. s a idsred to be very bad strategy on the part aandgetilrera khe had disclosed the conduct of the campaign, _ • the course which the noble said to discourage bythe . nobl_e lord in lord and the anything Cabinet seemed to have I pose for which the war was undertaken. determinedtaking,Theret o o n re, if he examplether s w e tse have thought a very indiscreet could t onlywh i ch plead he t e h h e otdd o thing—always supposing that they were not now Crimea a no a b ft l e e r lord sedetubeelelyn gonesent out, t t , h a e nd cri if m a e that a and He had never been afraid d w i o s r c k us i s h i a ng the question of (fr oc e c ,, u r p7i h n e g ar th; C T ri h m e time "'h ear.) captured Sebastopol, it was clear they could do no harm by o d f is l u e ssingit. aggressive power of Russia, but had always drawn knew t beat hee xp what (,,t( t t o o r ean d order s distinction between its aggressive and its defensive power. No one would now obtrude the old argument that there was danger of Russia overrunning Europe and reviving the invasion of the Huns and Goths. This de luge of barbarism, which was to overspread the continent, had been shaken into spray against a mere outwork of a third-rate province of the Turkish empire. Why had Russia failed,--why had she made such an important de monstration at Silistria ? Simply because to march an army from h er sou th ern capital, Moscow, she had to p nearly 1,000 miles b e f ore s h e came to the scene of operation, through a country where there was scarcely a mile of civi lised road, and no railways. It was a three months' jour ney from her most, southern capital to the scene of the war. That accounted for these enormous armies on paper being dissipated and vanishing away before they came into action. Any one who had been in Russia and had studied the subject must be well aware that, however mighty might he her armies, it was utterly impossible, with a country so thinly populated, that those armies could ever be concentrated on one point. Look at the battle of Boro dino. Napoleon gave more than 12 months' notice of his invasion of Russia ; he marched 600,000 troops, and had all the force of Europe to back him. Russia could not bring more than 100,000 men into action at Borodino, and most of them were clad as peasants and armed w ith scythes. He had said again and again, and frees cam paignveimuch ridiculed for it, that Russia could not at this first Europe for a loan •, and she had not fi n ishede to Amsterdam across her own borders without com ing e le campaign without being compelled to see r that, no panic Western to sue in forma pauperis for a loan. beet in the face, that of those who wished to look the sa i l at we were not now they were the friends of Russ i a.rostore Turkey to what she content with going to war to on 0 , seine portion of the need be entertained, nor need it be throarn in the teeth was, but we were to take pz ear s7 . He presumed that what Russian territory. ( t would be nothing ; but to occupy that come away again, ) And he would tell the noble (Hoar, hear. the Crimea. the thing was done ho had committed H air , trisis—not to take Sebastopol and that night, because he had given notice lord, that a t b h i a n t e t unlessm eat a great indiscretionaro no priid o e f n t at g ta e e n k er l a v l as wo k u n l o d w h n a i v t e w d o e u ti ld e the poin t defence. (Hear, hear.) From the quality he the print of French English andtroops now at Varna, and from nt • th e Eng as of th b e a c t h u i e l — a emulation of the two nations, there was scarcely any the an beings could do that they would not accom ttob tie be e o n n, e l ne ise h if thing hum b t u again st fevers the strongest men and the greatest courage er the h in e v a a r lid—nay, were more likely to be attacked by the disease. (Hear t e hear.) He hoped this was an element of the dif fi culty of t e fi n e t l d the enterprise which had been entertained by the noble lord. As to the fooling and disposition of the population s I,: i c i r s e h a impotent THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JULY 25, 1854.