The Sun. — London, England, 1863-03-07 00:00:00

Lice, and in the event of failing to obtain it, in making re prisals not only against such Government, but also against the subjects of that Government ; and Vattel further states, that reprisals may be resorted to if justice be denied, or un• reasonably delayed, or if the decisions of the tribunals of the country be manifestly unjust. The effect of interna tional law was this—that where the subjects of one nation had a claim on another, and there were no means of enforc ing the claims of the injured party, the Governnment of Buell injured party might take the law into their own hands. It appeared to him that the case against Brazil might be summarised :—An English vessel was wrecked on the Bra zilian coast, and all the crew perished, but whether by drowaing or violence of the inhabitants at the scene of the wreck was not quite clear. Probably some of the crew were murdered. It was admitted that some of their bodies were stripped of everything; and it was clear that the cargo of the vessel had been plundered. It was clear that the authorities of the place where the wreck took place were bound to afford ali the protection in their peter to the survivors of the wreck (if there were any), and also to any property or cargo of the vessel that might have been seved from the wreck. But the functionaries on the spot, instsrad of doing so, were probably accomplices in the inju • ries complained et: It was quite certain they failed in their drtty. (Hear, hear, and no.) He repeated it was quite cer eein they had, and he undertook to prove it. For le months the Government of this country had been appealing to the Central Government in. Brazil to do their duty, and the re sult was, that they could rot obtain justice. If the house would hear him, he undertook to prove the case of the in jured party trom tho papers which he now held in his hand. The Prince of Wales was wrecked on the coast of Rio Grande, and what ensued ? The hon. gentleman who moved the resolution described the agent of the Brazilian Govern ment, and the inhabitants of the country where the wreck took place, as the most simple and primitive ; but allow him (Mr. Collier) to refer to the newspaper published at Rio Grande. The hon. and learned member here read an extract from the paper, describing the conduct of the chief magis trate of the place, and of the chief of police in the district, as censurable, and the conduct of the inhabitants as guilty and most reprehensible. He would prove from letters that that was the character of the inhabitants of the coast, and if the Government did not establish an efficient magistracy there, he contended they were responsible. The Prince of Wales was wrecked on the coast on the 9th of June. The first functionary was Signor Suarez, the next was Signor I'auetino, son-in-law of Suarez, and inspector of the district; and the third functionary was Signor Gonzales. Now, it was the duty of those functionaries to have repaired to the spot and to have directed a coroner's inquest to be held on the bodies of the members of the crew who had lost their lives, and also to have protected the cargo. Let the house mark what Suarez's conduct was. He had three days' notice of the wreck, and while he lived only four miles dis tant from the scene of it, he, a chief magistrate, neglected to repair thither at once, when he heard of the catastrophe. The excesses that were committed by the inhabitants were properly represented by Consul Vereker; but that gentle man was most unjustly represented by the Brazilian Govern net t, who, while they defended the inhabitants, took all possible means to blacken Mr. Vereker, (Hear.) Now what was the cause of all this hostility to and misrepre sentation of Mr. Consul Vereker ? Why, that he discovered concealed in Suarez's house, some of the property of the wreck. Just mark that—some of the property concealed in the house of that functionary—himself a justice of the -peace. Consul Vereker then went along the shore, where fragments of the wreck were strewed about—boxes and packing cases lay scattered, some of them appearing to have been broken by violence, and the contents of all gone. It was said by Faustino, the inspector of the district, that the boxes had been cast in with the surf, and broken by _ _ the violence of the waves—but the paper with which those boxes were lined being dry proved that they had not been wafted ashoro by the waves, for, had they, the paper lin ing them would have been found wet. (Hear.) It was clear, then, that the boxes had been plundered by the in habitants of their contents, and that the functionaries whose duty it was to protect the cargo had failed to do their duty. They had also failed in their duty in not causing a coro ner's inquest to be held on the bodies of the men who had lost their lives, and they had even refused to allow the con sul to see them when he requested to do so. The hon. and learned member then road a document which he said was an admission by the Brazilian Government of the plunder of the wreck, and also an admission of the plundering ha bits of the inhabitants of the place where the wreck oc curred, and that the wealthy parties there were also ad dicted to plundering. The document was a despatch from Mr. Christie, who had conducted an investigation into the circumstances. The hon. and learned member then referred to statements made by Mr. Baillic, the predecessor of Mr. Christie. The investigation into the conduct of one of the accused was conducted in the absence of Mr. Vereker, who was refused permission to be present, and that was the way in which criminal justice was administered in Brazil where money could generally secure an acquittal. A great parade had been made of the efforts of the Imperial Government to compel the local authorities to do their duty; but up to a late period the president or governor of the province denied that he had any knowledge of the case, and the consequence of the long delay that had taken place was, that the prin cipals accused had an opportunity of making their escape. The president gave a promise that an inquiry should be made by the chief of the police ; but instead of that being done the inquiry was made by an inferior officer. Subse quently the chief of police did institute an inquiry, accom panied by an officer and two or three soldiers ; but instead of going to the place where the wreck occurred, it ap peared that he only went one-third of, the way, and coolly returned back on the following day. So that the inquiry talked about by the Brazilian Government turned out to be nothing but a sham. (Hear, hear.) The honour able and learned gentleman continued to quote largely from the papers which had been laid on the table and printed on the subject. The Marquis D'Abrantes was responsible for the conduct of his officers, and the Govern ment of Brazil was responsible for the marquis. Mr. Christie having called the attention of the marquis to the conduct of the inspector, who allowed a prisoner to escape with stolen goods in his possession, the marquis gave an evasive reply, in which he stated that the inspector had been dismissed, but did not state the true reason for such dis missal. It was quite clear that no steps had been taken to protect. the property of the ship from the wreckers, who were showed to escape, with one exception, and now, after 14 months, this man (Suarez), a justice of the peace, in whose house the stolen goods were found, still remained unprose euted. He (Mr. Collier) contended that the Brazilian Go vernment were to blame in this matter. An injury had been done ; there had been a wholesale plunder of the cargo, and no justice having been rendered, her Majesty's Govern nient were justified in obtaining that redress by force which they could not acquire by persuasion. If the Government had not taken the course which was now complained of, the Opposition members would be the first to complain,and ask the house what was the use of a British fleet if British com- metre was not to be protected and British wrongs redressed. • The house would be reminded of the policy of Cromwell, who, whatever might have been his faults, vindicated British honour, and protected the British merchant in every quar ter of the globe. (Hear, hear.) Thirteen years ago, on the Pacifico question, the noble lord (Lord Palmerston) advo- tated with great ability the same doctrine with respect to Greece. He was then taunted by his opponents with not having appealed to the tribunals of Greece, but on this occa sion the tribunals of Brazil had been appealed to, and for 14 months, without effect. (Hear, hear.) There must be limits to the forbearance of a strong Power as against a weak one, andhe (Mr. Collier) thought that the extent of English forbearance on this occasion was sufficiently ample. (Hear, hear.) He trusted that if the Brazilians aspired to take a high place among civilised nations, they must no longer employ such public servants as Suarez, Porseno, and others, or have tribunals which will not administer jus tice with independence and impartiality. (Hear, hear.) Lord R. CECIL wished to know whether the hon. ge n tl e . man who spoke last would require the Government of Eng land to go to war with every country whose judicial tribu nals were incompetent ? If so England would never be at peace. It was quite true there were wreckers employed at Rio, but it was customary for such culprits, when they had committed depredations, as happened in England, to escape from one jurisdiction to another. This was what took place in the case in question. The inquest certainly did not take placed in time, but the murderers, if violence had been done, were far away and beyond the reach of justice. As to Mr. Consul Vereker, Mr. Christie, as would be seen in the papers, bore testimony to his fitness for office, notwith standing his nervousness and occasional delusions. The noble lord then referred to Wheaton and Phillimore on re- prisals, indicating that such should not be made on light groundi, and that an erroneous sentence of the judges of a country ought not to be made a pretext for them. It was clear then, that the mere finding of a Bible in the vicinity of the wreck was not sufficient to justify reprisals ; and with I regard t o th e packing cases, respecting which the hon. and learned gentleman made so much, there was no evidence that one word was said about them for nine months after the wreck. (Rear, hear.) With respect to the charge of alleged delay against Suarez and the executive Government in not directing protection to be at once sent to the scene of the wrec k, the latter had certainly exposed themselves to the imputation ; but the charg e did not certainly establish indifference as to the consequences entheir part. The noble lord here referred to the cas e of three young gentlem e n, British sailors, who having enjoyed themselves in indulging in the wine and brandy of the Brazils, ran foul of a B raz ili an sentinel, who not understand Inn their oSpanish,be arrested tho ug ht they were "chaffing" h im, and bad t caused them a The noble lord gave a mo st amusing narrative of th72edBdtiffi: cu7ties which the three young midshipmen had in trying to make themselves understood by the Brazilian authorities, who only knew Portuguese, of which the y knew nothin g whatever, and of a German interpreter who was called in, but who knew no more of English than they knew of Ger man. Now, was that a matter seriously deserving the notic . e . of any dignified na ti on ? H e con t en d e d it wa s net, and that it was not a case for war. Earl Russell thought otherwise, and in his despatch, using bullying lenguage, he demanded of the Brazilian Government that the sentinel who was on guard, and who, he said, had offered indignity to three Bri tish subjects--officers of her Majesty's navy—should be dis niissed from the service, and that the chief of police and utlicr officers named in the noble lord's despatch should re ceive censure. But it was a distinguis'aing mark of Earl Itussell's policy and that of the Government, that when they were dealing with a small Power, the noble lord inva riably used bullying language. And When dealing with a first- rate Power—one that would not be bulli;c'.—he ex pressed himself in cringing language. The noble lord hero referred to several cases wherein British sub : leers had been injured by powerful States, some 'Of Which h,.) had himself brought under the conqaeration of Government in that house—one of them 'being the case of Capt. Macdonald 7 a gentleman who was treated with injustice and indigth by the Prussian Government, and said that in those cases the noble earl had failed to insist upon proper and becoming redress of the wrongs complained of ; and thus it was, he submitted, that the noble earl always cringed to the ttt..Ag, while, on the other hand, he bullied the wcat. (Hear, hear.) He (Lord R. Cecil) liked the entession Civis Romanus sum, a favourite expressienct the noble lord at the head of the Government, but one which the Government only as serted the dignity of when they had to deal with a weak Power. They were now dealing with a friendly Power, one that had been alway s f r ie n dly an d f a ithf u l i n h e r dealings with the British nation, and one which, if they persisted in doing injustice to, would never forget it. (Hear, hear.) Mr. BUXTON considered that no question of home politics could vie in real moment with the maintenance by England of a gentle and generous policy towards foreign nations ; andalthough he had come to the conclusion to support the Government, still he must enter his protest against the tone which marked one portion of these pro ceedings. There were serious grounds for believing that some of the crew had been murdered, but of positive proof of the fact there was not a particle, and undoubtedly the blame of the obscurity rested with Consul Vereker. Earl Russell was certainly not justified by the circumstances of the case in making such violent complaints—much less in enforcing a claim for compensation by violence ; and it was much to be regretted that Mr. Christie had written such insulting despatches. Up to that point, then, he thought that Brazil had not been `treated with the forbearance and magnanimity which ought to mark the foreign policy of England. However, by his subsequent offer to arbitrate in the matter, Earl Rus sell had atoned for all his former severity, and had esta- Wished a precedent that might be of the highest value to mankind. (Hear.) Mr. C. BENTINCIi held that it was most unreasonable to call upon a foreign country to do more than its own forms of law authorised. All that a country could be a6ked to do was to act bona fide in the matter under dispute. Repri sals were only allowable on occasions beyond all question. He:should not be at all suprised if this case turned out in iti results exactly similar to the claims enforced against the Neapolitan Government, and against the Greek Govern ment in the instance of Don Pacifico. There was little or no evidence to show that the Brazilian Government had been at fault. He would not go the length of charging Mr. Consul Vereker with positive untruthfulness, but ho was justified in saying that that gentleman could not be consi dered a very reliable witness. What the house had merely to decide was this, had the Brazilian Government extended the same justice to England as it would have cone to its own subjects ? In conclusion the hon. member expressed a hope that the Government would inform the house why they should seek to enforce from Brazil claims which they would not enforce from any ether power. The SPEAKER then put the question, and, as no occu pant of the Treasury benches gave any indication of speaking, Mr. S. FITZGERALD said that surely the Government were not about to allow a case lire this in which the honour and the justice of England were involved, to pass in silence and without the slightest notice. He had not intended to address the , house treat after :he feeling of the Govern ment had been stated; but referring now to the speech of the honourable and learned nember for Plymouth, he must say that he had never aeard one more adroit and astute, but at the same time more unfair. The circum stances of the case, as the noble and learned member dwelt on them, were such as to render it necessary that they should be adverted to and commeated upon. The position of the Government was peculiar, because the ground on which they based a claim for compensation from the Bra zilian Government was the neglect of the Brazilian authorities, by reason of which looses had been sustained by British subjects. Firstly, as to the alleged case of delay. It must be remembered that the empire of Brazil had been established for only 40 years, during which, owing to the ability of those who had been placed at the head of affairs, and the good faith they had shown in all their relations with foreign powers, they had converted a small province into a flourishing empire, with a credit and a reputation which no one, 40 years ago, could have conceived it to have been possible to have attained. It oust be recollected that the Government of Brazil establishel order ; had instituted judicial tribunal and regulated commercial relations in a country with a long extended line of coast. In consider ing the particular case now under discussion, it was neces sary to look at what had been done in good faith by the central and local authorities of a country like Brazil, and not to institute comparisons with regard to what would have been done in a country like ours which had been under settled law for centuries. The noble . ,lord the member for Stamford in his speech seemed inclined to admit that some thing like neglect on the part of the local authorities might fairly be brought as a complaint against the Brazilian Go vernment. Ile (Mr. Fitzgerald) was not prepared to admit even so much. It must be borne in mind that the wreck of the vessel in question occurred on the Bth or 9th of June, on a part of the coast distant 78 miles from Rio Grande do Sul, a distance which it took Mr. Consul Vereker, with all his zeal and energy in the case, two days to ride over, and that not without considerable exhaustion. The Brazilian officials had to come the same distance to the spot, to make inquiry, and to report to the local authorities at a place 78 miles distant. The wreck having taken place on the Bth or 9th, a report was sent to Rio Grande do Sul on the 12th, On the 15th the consul set out on his return to Rio Grande, wrote to the delegate of police on the 18th, the delegate of police gave orders in compliance with the request of the consul on the 19th, and on the 22d the matter was re ferred to the municipal judge. The paper relating to the case reached England on the 2d of September, and on the sth of that month what was the course taken by her Majesty's Government? Why, on the exparte statement of Mr. Consul Vereker, and the proceedings of the Brazilian authorities before them, Mr. Layard, by direc tion of Earl Russell, writes that "it was evident there had been gross negligence if not misconduct on the part of the Brazilian local authorities, and that there was every reason to suspect the plunder of the cargo and of the effects of the passengers, and even the murder of some of the survivors from the wreck, had been the result of that negligence ;" and the British Minister was directed "to less no time in calling the attention of the Brazilian Government to the case, and request that a necessary inquiry might be insti tuted with a view to the punishment of the parties convicted of negligence, or of being concerned in the plunder of the vessel, and that those who might be convicted of outrages on those who survived the wreck might be brought to jus tice." Taking the circumstances of the case step by step he (Mr. Fitzgerald) would ask the house in the first instance whether, in reference to the charge of negligence against the local authorities in not instituting an investigation, looking at the dates which he had stated, there - was any ground for the allegation of her Majesty's Government that gross negligence had been committed on the part of the local authorities in Brazil, so far as judicial investigation was concerned ; and that the Government had taken a course in these transactions most arbitrary and oppressive. No coun try in the world had been treated with greater consideration and in a more friendly spirit by the Government of Eng land than the empire of Brazil. From the earliest period at which the empire of Brazil had been established, the Go vernment had shown a desire to conciliate English feeling and promote commercial relations between the two coun tries, and to do everything which would tend to preserve the most friendly relations between them, and therefore Brazil ought at all times to be treated with every conside ration. But he regretted to say that the very reverse had been the case, and this particular instance was only one of a long course of afronts cast upon the Brazilian Government by that of England, and principally and espe cially during the time in which the noble lord (Palmerston) had been in office. The greatest outrages on international law had been perpetrated by the Government of England against that of Brazil, and in one particular instance the British Government had acted towards that of Brazil in a manner which they would not have dared to act in regard to any other nation in the world. He alluded to the case of the mixed commission, in which the British Government had utterly disregarded and literally torn up a convention which had been entered into between the two governments, thus leaving the claims of numbers of English and Bra zilian merchants unredressed. He asked the house to con sider the present case as another exemplification of the spirit in which her Majesty's Government acted towards Brazil. When her Majesty's Government spoke of delay in this case on the part of the Brazilian Government, he would refer to the delay which had taken place before her Majesty's Government presented their view of the case to that of Brazil. It was not until the Bth February that Earl Russell made any allusion to the subject of compensation. There was a delay of eight months in making any claim on the Brazilian Government at all; for up to that date the only complaint made was that due diligence had not been used by the Brazilian authorities in investigating the case in question. But on the Bth February he wrote, urging that a more searching inquiry should be made, with a view to the detection of the guilty parties, and also with a view to compensation to the owners of the vessel. This was the first time that such a claim was made, and as soon as it was made it was dealt with in a straightforward and prompt manner by the authorities at Rio. The letter of the Bth February was not presented to the Brazilian Government until the 17th March, and on that (lay the British minister wrote to the Brazilian Minister for Foreign Affairs e sking ' for Compensation. The Brazilian Government replied that they did not admit any claim for compensation, but were Only bound to use all available means for prose cuting those who had been proved to be criminals. It was not till the month of May that the issue was ascertained between the Brazilian and the English Governments. As soon as it was ascertained it was at once met by the Bra zilian Government stating th at t h ey re the obligations which international lawwiemp o a s n e s d i anxiousupon to th fu e l m fil . I t w as worth while considering what was the ground of compensation put forward by the English Government. No claim for compensation could be brought ;onward on the ground that the local authorities had been remiss in setting on foot judicial investigations, though that might be a ques tion between the two Governments. The only grohnd on which a &Mend for compensation could be made must be that the authorities of the Brazilian Government 'were not there to protect the property, though he did not suppose his hon. and learned friend would say that they were responsible as an assurance company would be for the property. The only ground her Majesty's Government had taken was this : that the Brazilian Government had been remiss in prosecuting the offenders after the act had been committed; but there *as nothing whatever in these papers to show that there had been the slightest neglect on the pert of the Brazilian Government, or if there was it was only that there was some slight delay in one officer commu nicating to another. A great many of the facts stated by the hon. and learned member (Mr. Collier) were mere inferences, which he had drawn from reading the papers. The honourable and learned member brought serious charges against Senhor Suarez, and said the Bra zilian Government had refused to remove him from his office or to prosecute him ; but the Marquis d'Abrantes said they had not nut him upon his trial because, after having instituted inquiries, they were satisfied they could make out no case against him. Turning from the local authorities to the authorities at Rio de Janeiro, it appeared tohim that their conduct had been dignified and honourable. The Brazilian Government disputed the principle. It did not matter to them whether they were to pay 3,200 pence or 3,200 pounds ; but the question was whether they were to be responsible for the violence of the winds and waves and for the unlawful acts of their subjects whom they had done their best to prosecute. Had they done their best to prose cute them ? What was the result ? That one official had been dismissed for negligence, and 11 persons had been prosecuted and convicted. It was true that some of these parties had escaped from the country, but in Brazil, as in some other countries, persons might be tried in their absence, and sen tence pronounced against them, and the result was that they did not dare to return to the country. He thought he had now shown that neither on the part of the local autho rities nor on the part of the central Government had there been that failure of jastiee on which alone, according to in ternational law, any claim for compensation could be grounded. A good deal had been said with regard to the relative positions of the British and Brazilian Governments and he must say that, as an Englishman, it was a painful thing, year after year, they should have cases brought be fore them in which the rights of British subjects were en forced with great rigour against weak governments, but their rights were trampled on when the guilty government was a strong power. What was going on with regard to the Federal States of America ? Take the case of a British vessel peacefully navigating the waters between Matamoras and Havannah. She was pursued by an American cruiser, and she took refuge in Spanish waters, where she was driven on shore and burned. Had they heard of any re plisals in respect of that transaction? Take another case•— the Adele. She was carrying the British mails going be tween one Brittsh port and another. She was seized by an American cruiser and carried to Key West, where the seal of the mail bags was broken. Had they heard of any re prisals on account of that transaction ? Take another case —the case of the Pearl. She was going from a neutral port to a British port. She was seized and carried to an American port because ten bales of pilot cloth were found in her. Had they heard of any reprisals on account of that transaction? He should be told that they could not inter fere with the judicial authorities of the United States. (Hear, hear.) Granted ; but when they paid deference to the judicial authorities of one country, why did they not pay the same deference to those of another? They could not draw a distinction between the action of the courts of the Federal States of America and those of Brazil. If the judicial proceedings which were recognised of the courts of law of the country were carried on, this country had no right to complain, though they might not be so speedy as in this country. We were, however, bound to respect the jurisdiction of the courts of Brazil. A great deal had been said about the utter want of power in the Brazilian Govern ment to punish the guilty parties. That was a most un satisfactory argument, because it must depend upon the cir cumstances of the case—the time when they occurred, and many other things, which would make it impossible to lay down any general rule on the point. Let the house take the case of a French citizen who was murdered in Tipperary. Why did justice fail there ? Because the Government could not enforce the attendance of witnesses who had been pre sent at the moment when the crime was committed. It was said that the Brazilian Government did not arrest the offen ders, but allowed them to escape. Suppose that instead of an Irish landlord it had been a French or a German sub ject who was murdered by the man Hayes who had escaped. The French Government would scarcely have believed that a force of constabulary more like armed soldiers than police :you'd have found any difficulty in arresting the offender. But it was so. Well, then, when such a case happened in this country or in Ireland, it was not fair, and indeed it would not do, looking at what the Brazilian Government had done and were doing to secure the due administration of justice and the safety and rights of pro perty, to institute comparisons between that Government and our own or other civilised countries of Europe which had enjoyed the advantages of courts of law for a much greater length of time. He would add that on the merits of the case he could not disguise the feeling of regret, and almost humiliation, with which he had read the papers on the table, looking at the tone and temper in which the de spatches were written. Let the house take the last letter in which the Brazilian Government had announced their intention to submit to force, and to pay the money, though under protest, but that it must not form a precedent for the future, and the despatch of Earl Russell to the Brazilian minister. What was the language which our foreign minis ter addressed to that gentleman ? Why he told him that the Government of his country was guilty of equivocations, subterfuges, and delay. Now, if language like that was to be used by the foreign minister of this country, he might express a hope that this country should be on friendly terms, but he (Mr. Fitzgerald) would despair of their ever being real friends. (Hear, hear.) But that was not the only case of which he might complain.. For the noble earl had written a despatch to the French Government, in which the language amounted to this, that they had connived at all the assassinations and all the horrors which had been committed under the system of brigandage at some. (Hear, hear.) Then in regard to the King of Denmark, the noble earl wrote a despatch, in which he said that the conduct of his Government had been inaccurate and delusive ; and in regard to Russia, exactly the same thing was going on, There were, in the despatches of the noble earl, expressions which did not add to his usefulness in his high position, nor to the dignity of the country which he represented. (Hear.) Mr. LAYARD said, alter the very able speech of the hon. and learned member for Plymouth (Mr. Collier), he should be intruding upon the house if he went over the ground which that hon. gentleman had so well trodden. He should endeavour to confine himself to the diplomatic action of the Government in the case of the Prince of Wales, and should seek to show that that action had been neither hasty nor unjust. Before proceeding to that part of the question he must iceal the attention of the house to a few facts which had either been forgotten or misstated by those who had followed his hon. and iearned friend. It would be remem bered that the wreck of the Prince of - Wales took place, not, as the hon. gentleman who last spoke had said, about the Bth or 9th, but between the 7th and Bth, upon the occasion of a gale which raged upon the coast. It was not, for some days afterwards that any notice of the fact was brought to the consul at Rio Grande do Sul, Mr. Vereker, and it came to him then by mere chance. It was not, as had been stated, reported to him, but it was first mentioned by Leubor Soares, and it was afterwards mentioned in the house of the delegate, and came to Mr. Vereker as a mere rumour. Ono thing was undeniable, that it was the duty of the authorities to give the earliest inform ttion of a wreck to the consul of the country to which the owners of the ves sel belonged. No such thing was done in this case. It might be asked, was there any proof that the vessel be longed to British owners? There was such proof, be cause a portion of the papers were actually found in the possession of the delegate. No notice was given, as it should have been;' but when information did reach Mr. Vereker he applied to the municipal judge, and accom panied him to Albardao. That officer behaved well, and went with the consul to the coast, the distance not being so very great, the bodies being afterwards brought to Rio Grande do Sul in two days. Mr. Vereker said the municipal judge went to the house of Senhor Suarez, a man of large fortune, upon whose land the wreck took place, and upon whose land the bodies were found. It was believed in the country, although he could not say with what amount of accuracy, that Senhor Suarez owed his wealth in a great measure to sharing in the plunder of wrecks on the coast. (Oh, oh.) Hon. gentlemen might know Senhor Suarez bet ter than he did, but he could only say what was told him by those best acquainted with that country. In the house of Senhor Suai ez were found, not one Bible but two Bibles and a Commentary—(laughter)—and besides there were certain cases. Senhor Suarez, as the noble lord had suggested, might have had a desire to collect English Bibles, but a de sire to collect cases of English goods was not so laudable. Senhor Suarez had absented himself from the place. The hon. gentleman opposite said 'ne went to RioGrande do Sul, but the fact was he did not go to Rio until the report was brought, but to a place called Pelatos. Upon the following day Mr. Vereker went to the coast and endeavoured to find some traces of the crew and to take a list of the cargo saved. He found the cargo scattered over the shore, boxes recently broken open, and the very significant fact which had been stated by his hon. and learned friend, and which must be regarded as conclusive by those who viewed the facts in a calm and impartial spirit—two of the vessels' boats were found with their oars. Again, some miles to the northward another boat was found, which was a further strong proof of the crew having landed. Although 10 bodies only were mentioned, there were 14 or 15 persons on board to be ac counted for. Mr. Vereker heard that bodies had been washed ashore, and he understood from something he overheard that there were bodies in the neighbourhood, and he asked to see them. Why was he not allowed to see the bodies ? It was never denied the bodies were there, and they were after wards brought to Rio Grande; but why did not the munici pal judge do his duty and insist on seeing them then? The hon. gentleman said that in this country the coroner had a right to examine bodies of persons found dead, but in Brazil there was no such officer. Mr. Vereker, who was acquainted with the laws of the country, said that it was the duty of the municipal judge to make the examination, and also, when he heard of the wreck, to visit the spot, take a cata logue of the cargo cast on shore, to secure what papers he rHE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MARCH 7, 1863. could find, and to furnish all the evidence he could pro cure concerning the Wreck to Ihe consul. Ihe officer failed in that duty ; in fact, all the legal authorities did fail in their duties ; and he contended that the BraZilian. Govern ment, bY dismissit4 two of those officers, although after wards explaining away the reasons for such dismissal, had admitted them to be culpable. Until the 22d no inquest was held, and then an inquiry was held at Albardao, and two days later at Rio Grande. There was a remarkable fact connected with that examination which to his mind carried great weight ; the authorities who signed the report as having been present were not present,Mr. Vereker sign ing the report under protest merely, as vouching for his presence, and not for his admission of the truth of the report. The next step would naturally have been to have given Mr. Vereker a copy of the report, but although he applied for it over and over again it was not until the year following-12 months after the event—that he succeeded in obtaining a copy. No one who calmly read Admiral Warren's able summary of the evidence furnished to him by Mr. Vereker and the report of Capt. Saumarez on the spot could avoid the moral conviction that the men had been murdered. (Hear, hear.) If they had not been murdered, why were not the other bodies produced ? Some vague excuses were made about the drifting of the sand and the erasure of all traces, but how was three of the bodies found a consider able distance from the shore ? He must say that Consul Vereker had been dealt with most unfairly in this debate. (Hear. hear.) He regretted to hear what fell from the noble lord the member for Stamford in reference to that honourable public servant, who had done everything in his power to discharge his duty, and who, in consequence of his great exertions and exposure, several months afterwards suffered severe illness, which for a moment deranged his brain. And after what had been stated as to life being jeopardized it was not wonderful that he should have been under considerable apprehensions. Then as to the action of the Government—what did they do on receiving a re port of what had occurred ? He was much surprised to hear the hon. gentleman who sp ;ke last say that those who taunted the Brazilian Government with neg ligence had themselves been guilty of it. But what did the British Government do ? They wrote to Mr. Baillie, our Charge d'Affaires, and expressed their conviction that the Brazilian Government would institute a proper inquiry. Nobody had been arrested but some miserable Indian, who was not even a Brazilian subject. The hon. gentleman said compensation was not demanded till the Bth of February. If it had been the Government would have justly exposed themselves to the taunts of the hon. gentleman. They did not demand compensation till they had given the Brazilian Government an opportunity of doing justice. The hon gen tleman was not particularly happy in hit speech. He said we did not understand how justice was administered in Brazil any more than Brazilians knew how justice was ad ministered in this country. But had they done all they could to arrest the guilty parties ? If the Government could have been convinced that a fair investigation and trial had taken place he did not believe they would have insisted in the reparation they thought it their duty to do. Why did not the Brazilian Government send a vessel of war to the coast of Albardao, which the hon. gentleman (Mr. Bramley- Moore) stated was so wild, end an exception to every other part of Brazil? One of two things might be expected— either the Brazilian Government would assert their autho rity, or if they were unable to protect foreigners whose ves sels had been wrecked on their coast the British Govern ment must protect their own subjects. What was the use of our fleet and our consulsif not to take action in such a case as this ? The action of her Majesty's Government had been strictly within diplomatic usage. The Brazilian Government stated that eleven persons had been con ' demned and punished, but it turned out that such was not the case. We therefore had a right to demand compensation for the loss sustained. His honourable friend had endeavoured to prove that we demanded compensation for murder. Now, we might have been morally convinced that murder did not take place, but we carefully avoided mixing up that with the demand for com pensation. The hon. gentleman had adverted to M. Mo reira's notes. M. Moreira assumed somewhat offensively that the British Government had demanded compensation for the vessel or freight; compensation was demanded for the plunder of the cargo, and for the negligence shown by the Brazilian authorities in their inquiries to ascertain the delinquency of the supposed malefactors. Even after the weeck the persons on the coast spoke of the body of the cap tain, and how could they have identified the body without some distinguishing part of his dress ? It was said we had left no opening for arbitration, but if hon. gentlemen would turn to page 99 of the printed papers they would find from Earl Russell's despatch to Mr. Christie that the principle of arbitration was admitted; and again, on the 4th Nov., it was stated that her Majesty's Government were very re luctant to proceed to extremes, except as a last resource, and to the offer of arbitration no condition was then attached. Mr. Christie, in his despatch, spoke of arbitration as an amicable solution of the question. It was not for the party who demanded redress, but for the party of whom it was asked to offer arbitration; and Mr, Christie was authorised to accept the offer. Now, as to the question of reprisals, he would leave it to be dealt with by those who were more competent than he was to deal with legal points ; but he might call the attention of the hon. member for Horsham to the action of his own Government on a question of re prisals. There was a case in which his hon. friend had justly claimed some credit—the case of the Cagliari, which was seized by the Neapolitan Government, and Lord Malmesbury gave that Government ten days' notice within which he required they should give up the British engineers, with a threat that if the Neapolitan Government still per sisted in refusing reparation reprisals should follow. If hon. members would refer to Hansard they would find that Lord George Bentinck in 1847 brought forward a motion in which he pressed on the noble lord now at the head of the Government that, unless the claims of the Spanish bondholders were paid, the British Government should have recourse to reprisals; and his noble friend on that occasion made an admirable speech, in which he showed that the doctrine of reprisals was not applicable to the cir cumstances. (Hear, hear.) It was said the action taken by the present Government was an unheard-of proceeding; he hoped to show that there were good precedents for what they had done. The noble lord the member for Stamford asked somewhat querulously why nothing was said about the case of the officers of the Forte. The hon. member for Lincolnshire, who brought forward this motion with taste and good feeling, which he should have been glad if the noble lord the member for Stamford had imitated, omitted all reference to this question because it had been submitted to the arbitration of the King of the Belgians. Her Ma jesty's Government had entire reliance on the wisdom and justice of that monarch, and therefore it would ill become him to say a word upon a question which was still under consideration. But anything more unfair than the state ment made by the noble lord he had never heard. The noble lord of course might put the honour and veracity of English officers as high as he thought proper; but for him only to state a fragment of their case—(hear, hear)—and to conceal the whole of that part of the narrative on which the British Government had taken action, was unfair alike to those officers, to the Government, and to the house. (Cheers.) It was not for their arrest at the guardhouse that reparation had been demanded. The Government did not assume that English gentlemen necessarily got drunk after dinner; and when three English gentlemen assured them that they did not get drunk and did not assault the guard, they took their evidence (cheers) in preference to the swearing of a hotel-keeper and a common soldier. (Cheers.) They were confined to prison, marched manacled through the town, and refused a conveyance, and it was for these indignities and not for the arrest, which might have been a mistake, that the British Government demanded reparation. (Hear, hear.) The policy of her Majesty's Government had beat very much condemned by gentlemen on the other side but he had not heard from them any alternative. Where vas the evidence of the facts so much condemned ? Eighteen months had been given to the Go vernment of Brazil. Suppose her Majesty's Government had not adopted the course which was taken; suppose they had not answered those energetic letters of Mr. Stephens, who, like a thor. ugh Briton, believed it was the duty of the Government ti look after his property—what would that gentleman heve done ? He would certainly have gone to his hon. friene opposite—(cheers)—and his hon. friend —assuming that tone of solemn remonstrance which he could put on so well when occasion required—would as certainly have charged the Government with apathy, have dwelt upon the facts of British subjects murdered and British property plundered, and held that the Government which suffered sash wrongs deserved the reprobation of the house and the ccuntry. (Cheers.) It had been said that there was much British property in Brazil, in banks, mines, railways, and public works. But his experience of foreign affairs had satisfied him that it was exceedingly easy to get British capital into Brazil, but it was exceedingly difficult to get it out again. His hon. friend's acquaintance with the Foreign-office would doubtless enable him to corroborate the statement that the most troublesome business of that department arose from transactions relating to the Southern States of America. Mr. S. FITZre'ERA.LD—Not Brazil, Mr. LAYARD said hon, gentlemen were always coming to the Foreign-office and asking how the claims of their clients were progressing, and all the reply the department were able to give was, "We have written again," " We have given instructions ;" and that sort of thing went on year after year. And what description of claims were those so constantly u-ged ? Denial of justice, outrages on the person, and infraction of treaties. (Hear, hear.) Mr. S, FITZGERALD—Not in Brazil. Mr. LAYARD was sorry to differ from his hon. friend, but he would point out, two or three matters which led him to form the opinion ho had expressed. There had been claimed from Erazil the sum of £350,000. His hon. friend just now said that the present Government had broken up the commission that was to inquire into those claims; but his hon. friend must have certainly known the true history of that transaction. The Brazilian Government brought forward claims which had been settled by courts of law, whose decisions they themselves had recognised, and they insisted upon their knowing that the English Government would never consent to their being reopened, and, as they would not hear of anything else till these claims were ad mitted, the British Government were compelled to break up the commission. The English government would have been only too glad to have settled the vast amount of claims, many of which had been hanging. over for the last 40 years. What happened only four or five years ago, and Still formed the subject of correspondence between the two Governments ? yirithoilt rliythe or reason a triple tax was imposed on all British commerce in Bahin—(hear, hear) — that enactment was still in existence, and though it had not been acted on recently, calls were constantly being made upon the Brazilian government to repeat this unjust and iniquitous law. In the papers reference was made by Mr. Christie to intimidation and to the purchase of justice: That allusion referred to a letter which had fallen into Mr Chris- tie's hands from an influential officer, between whom and Mr. Reed a suit was pending, calling on the judge who was to decide in the suit to decide against Mr. Reed. It was said that Brazil had abolished the slave trade. He did not want to go into a history of that question, but he knew that if credit was to be taken tor thatmeasure it was due, not to the Brazilian Government, but to the noble lord now at the head of the Government--((hear, hear)—who had put down the slave trade there as he had put it down elsewhere. (Cheers.) What ware the actual facts at this moment ? The Brazilian Government had entered into distinct agreements that the negroes now in that country shall be liberated at the end of a certain period of apprenticeship. That period had elapsed some years since, and, notwithstanding the remonstrances of the British Government, those negroes were still used as slaves ; it was impossible to obtain a list of them, or to trace what had become of them. These were some of the causes of complaint existing against Brazil. Were the British Government to stand with their arms folded ? Were they to rest satisfied with the plausible and, he must add, disin genuous notes of the Brazilian Minister? Would those who had been robbed, and the relatives of those who had been murdered, rest satisfied with such an explanation ? He ven tured to say no Government could have acted otherwise than her Majesty's Government had done. The noble lord oppo site had quoted a paragraph from a well known legal autho rity, Dr. Phillimore, who, it was well known, was the legal adviser of the Government, and as the Government acted on his opinion, it was likely to be in favour of reprisals in this case. Allusion had been made to the strong and the weak. Nothing could be more reprehensible than for a strong Go vernment unnecessarily to use its strength against a weak State, and according to the noble lord we had the reputation all over the world of bullying small Governments. (Hear, hear.) But was it not astounding to hear from his noble friend opposite that there was not a great power in Europe which we had not insulted and bullied within the last 18 months. We had written threateningly to France, insult ingly to 1; enmark, to Russia likewise, in fact, according to the hon. gentleman, there was not a great State which we had not insulted and bullied in turn. Mr. S. FITZ GER ALD —I nsul ted Mr. LAYARD—WeII, to which we had not used strong language. The noble lord opposite said we would not have acted similarly towards the United States. But he forgot what had taken place not long ago. (Cheers.) He did not wish to travel over the face of the globe, like hon. gentle men opposite, but any reproach with regard to the attitude of this country towards the United States certainly did not fall justly on the present Government. It was a misfortune in some cases to be a weak State, but a small State, relying on its weakness, occasionally acted in a manner that a stronger State would not adopt. There were other cases, and per haps the present was one of them, where a morbid sensitive ness on the score of dignity existed, forgetting that, after all, true dignity lay in doing what was right and just, (Hear.) If the Brazilian Minister, instead of writing all the notes which he had done and carping at all the little mistakes and errors that might have crept into Mr. Chris tie's statements, had boldly done what he possibly could towards effecting justice, he fully believed the Government would have accepted his endeavours. (Hear.) It had been asked what would have been the conduct of the British Go • vernment if a similar occurrence had taken place inEngland. In 1850 an Austrian vessel was wrecked on the coast of Galway, and plundered by the inhabitants of an island which he believed enjoyed rather a bad reputation for such acts. Every measure was taken by the Government to punish these persons. They were tried, interpreters were brought from a distance, and everything was done to secure that justice should be done. The grand jury threw out the bill, from some legal flaw. His noble friend now at the head of the Government thereupon immediately sent to the Austrian ambassador a cheque for £540. (Hear.) In that case there had been a trial, and the Government might fairly have sheltered themselves behind what they had done. But suppose that in the case of this Austrian vessel the stipen diary magistrate had plundered the wreck, that the coro ner with an armed escort had resisted all attempt at inquiry, what would then have beat the responsibility of the British Government? He declared that if these facts were proved the responsibility of the Brazilian Government was fully established. The hon. member had cited the cases of the Blanche, the Pearl, and vessels that had attempted to run the blockade, and had asked why the Government had not interfered in those cases. Because there were legal prize courts in the United States before whicb these cases could be taken, and her Majesty's Government accepted their decisions when they were just, as they gene rally were. Did the motion mean anything or nothing ? He should be sorry to see it carried, and believed that if the motion were pressed to a division it would be successfully opposed. If, on the contrary, the mail, of which the hon. gentleman spoke, should carry out to South America the decision of that house in favour of the motion, a shout of triumph would be heard, every debtor would hail with joy the establishment of the principle of non-payment of debts, and every creditor would sit in sackcloth and ashes. Such a decision would exercise the most fatal influence abroad on British interests and lives. Her Majesty's Govern ment regretted with the hon. gentleman that a misunder standing had occurred between the two countries, and they were equally desirous with him that friendly relations should prevail between Great Britain and a Power which had peculiar claims upon our respect from its great wealth, the magnitude of its resources, and the intelligence of its inhabitants. But her Majesty's Government had a great, solemn, and peremptory duty to perform,—viz., to protect the property and lives of her Majesty's subjects. He be lieved that the country would support the Government in performing that duty. It was because he thought that Bri tish lives and British property would be imperilled through out the world if this motion were carried that he now called upon the house to reject iz. (Cheers.) Mr. COBDEN—I must say I never remember a debate in which the speakers have so far wandered from the question before the house. I will say very little at this late hour, but what I say shall be to the purpose. Sir, I listened to the speech of the hon. and learned gentleman (Mr. Collier) who led off in this debate in defence of the Government. He stood behind me, and I could not see him, but I could have fancied that he had his cloak and wig on. (Laughter.) In fact, on one or two occasions he thought so too, and ad dressed us as " Gentlemen of the jury." (Laughter.) I listened to him, on the other hand, with something of the feeling with which a practised juryman regards the speech of a counsel who opens a cases. He knows he is speaking from a brief, that he is pledged to nothing, and that he does but follow his instructions. (Hear, hear.) I am in this difficulty with regard to this case, that I do not believe in the competency of the witness, for we have in this case only one witness to the main point at issue. Mr. Christie, our representative in Brazil, tells us, in page 71, that " all thtit is known as to the plunder and all the circumstances sug gesting suspicion of murder are set forth in Mr. Vereker's despatches." Now, Ido not accept Mr. Consul Vereker as a sufficient witness in this case. I do not know whether hon. members have read these despatches from the begin. ning, as I have done, but from Mr. Vereker's first letter of June, 1861, to the last, before I ever heard of what has since transpired, I was struck with the morbid suspi• ciousness which pervades Mr. Vereker's letters. For instance, in announcing the first receipt of the intelligence of the disaster, his despatch to the Board of Trade is full of suspicion and excitement. He seems to have viewed the wreck as a sort of conspiracy against him. He takes ex ception to the way in which the rumour reaches him, as if a wreck happened periodically in his district, and as if it were the duty of the police delegate to come to Rio Grande once a month or once a quarter with news of this kind. He also complains that the police delegate does not give him all the information about the wreck that might be expected from him. Mr. Vereker then tries to ascertain if the vessel wrecked is a British vessel. He finds papers, and supposes that somebody wanted to keep them from him. He gets evidence that it is a British vessel, and then he applies to the municipal judge of the place to accompany him to the scene. He is obliged to confess the promptitude and frankness with which the municipal judge agreed to accompany him with an escort of soldiers and armed Customhouse officers. They arrive at night on the second day at the house of the magis trate Soares, the very person who had reported the wreck to him at Rio Grande. He arrives in the evening with his armed escort, and finds in the house two young ladies, the daughters of this magistrate. Tho party are received with some reluctance, the magistrate being from home. (Hear.) This disinclination to receive them is then put down as a confirmation of the suspicion that Suarez has had something to do with the robbery. Next morning Mr. Vereker goes to the scene of the wreck and finds four bodies. He wants to have them removed. He sees two officers talking, and has his suspicions about that. Then he finds that the escort are not strong enough to compel the neighbourhood to agree to the inquiry he desires to make. He then searches the houses for plunder from the wreck, and when he finds none he suspects that the stolen property may be probably found in the adjoining thickets. He returns to Rio and demands that an inquest shall be held on the four bodies. They are in a state of sad decomposition, but they are brought in by an armed escort. An inquest is held—the medical men at tend, and they pronounce that these are the corpses of un fortunate persons who were suffocated by drowning. This Ifinding only confirms Mr. Consul Vereker's suspiciousness. And this condition of Mr. Vereker's mind is all important in this case. It appears in all his correspondence. In ade spatch. dated Dec. 11 Mr. Vereker has occasion to speak of the sub-delegate of Tahim, who, as was his duty, had to , collect some remnants of the wreck and restore them to the owners, and he thus speaks of that officer : " The latter had to collect such goods as he could in benefit of the Customs, and yet most of the goods which he de livered to me had been taken out of their cases, and there is no real doubt but that those cases were broken by his order, and the goods of least value given up. In m aking this statement, according to my conviction, I feel it right to say I cannot legally prove it." (Hear, hear.) Yes; but that is the tone throughout the whole of this correspondence. In the account given of the inquest there seems to be some little misunderstanding respecting the Portuguese word which has been translated " strangled," when they say it means " suffocated.' Mr. Vereker, in writing to Earl Russell, March 20, says : the report of the examination of the bodies on the Coast, among other allegations not creditable to the local tesidents, it is stated by those appointed to examine the body of one of the unfortunate persons from the wreck that he was strangled. Such statements may account for the un willingness of the authorities to give the required informa tion and possibly for the limited nature of the inquiry in stituted, as there seams to exist a fear that under a more searching investigation disclosure might be made which would throw discredit on the country." And he adds— " If this is so (I put the :niggestion forward only hypo thetically), it shows on the part of the local authorities either a culpable sympathy with evildoers or a wl4s.it of moral cou rage which is highly reprehensible." If you follow this correspondence all through, you will find the same tone pervading it. Again, when speaking of the inquiry which the President of the Province is to make into the circumstances of the wreck, he says, in a despatch dated April 24 ; " Its necessity is alleged by his Excellency the President to arise from wy having reported to her Majesty's Govern m• nt that the crew of the bark had been assassinated, and the delegate in his despatch invites me to be present, as it lure to sustain my suspicions : thus the inquiry comes to bear the character of an attempt to disprove those alleged statements, which, as your lordship is aware, were never uttered, for though I have endeavoured most faithfully to report the facts, I ha7e with equal caution avoided hitherto drawing any conclusion. Beside, the inhabitants of the Albasdao have now been long aware of the projected in quiry, and have had at least ten days to conceal the last open proofs of their guilt." But, immediately after, he adds— " As my name has been prominently brought forward in connection with this case by the Brazilian press and other wise, I feel it suitable at this time, and after mature consi deration of the various bearings of the case, to declare my opinion that the deaths of some of those who composed the crew of the Prince of Wales cannot, in face of the facts and circumstances and position of the bodies, be accounted for in any reasonable manner, excepting on the supposition that they were the resub, of assassination.'' So that in the very same despatch he states in one place that he refrained from drawing any conclusion, and in another that there was no reasonable way of accounting for all the circumstances but upon the supposition of assassina tion. (Hear.) Now, I take his unconsciousness of the infir mity under which he was labouring to be a strong proof that the infirmity was of a very grave description, and this brings me to a matter which should be alluded to with great delicacy; but the facts and the causes remain. lam not going to speak of the causes—they are not such as have been volunteered by my hon. friend (Mr. Layard) ; but at all events we find that in the summer of last year Mr. Vereker was seized with agrave mental alienation, and the symptoms of the malady were simply an exaggeration of that morbid tone which has pervaded the whole of his correspondence. (Hear.) He was seized with delirious impressions that he was himself going to be assassinated. He goes to Rio Ja neiro, makes an appeal to Mr. Christie, his superior, and the latter is obliged to say to the Marquis of Abrantes that the whole is a mental delusion. (Hear.) I say, therefore, that in any court of justice Mr. Consul Vereker would be considered incompetent as.the sole witness to decide this case. (Hear.) For bear in mind that Mr.Vereker's evidence is the only evidence to show that the inferior officials had neglected their duty or been in any way compromised in this affair. For I wish to draw attention particularly to this fact, we have the best testimony as to the conduct of the I higher officials. (Hear.) Now, these are the persons from whom we should derive our impressions. (Hear.) hear.) Take, for instance, the highest personage in the State. I have it from the best authorities—persons who have been long resident in the country—that the present Emperor is a man of the highest order of attainments, one in fact who, if a potentate of Europe, would take a foremost rank among the Monarchs of the Old World. (Hear, hear.) You find that Mr. Christie speaks highly of the character of the principal judge, and also of the President of the pro viace of Rio Grande, and even Mr. Vereker is obliged to admit that from the authorities at Rio Grande he received nothing but the most prompt and generous attention. (Hear, hear.) lam not going through all that jumble of details which is contained in this book, as to whether more or less property was stolen. lam perfectly satisfied that some of the wreck shared the fate it would share in any country, and as the district borders upon a neighbouring State, the guilty persons made their escape, and could not be brought to justice. I can even believe it pos sible that some of these unhappy men were mur dered when they came ashore; but all that would not constitute a ground of claim against the Brazilian Go vernment unless smile complicity on their part could be shown. (Hear, hear.) it would be a tremendous evil in the international relations of this World if a foreign State, having one of its citizens living abroad who had suffered wrong, should claim to be judge as to whether that citizen ha d been treated properly or not, should assume to itseg the functions of judge and fury, and insist on having justice done accord ing to its own tests. (Hear.) There is one simple but invari able rule in matters of this kind, that in any foreign country, except China or Turkey, to which last countries you claim 0 carry your own laws, you must be content that your countrymen should receive the same treatment which the citizens of that country receive. (Hear, hear.) You eanuot claim more, and you have a right to receive that. Can any body doubt that the Brazilian Government behaved with the same good faith in their desire to bring the guilty to justice as it t,.e vessel belonged to one of their own citizens ? What charge, then, does Mr. Vereker, as a matter of fact, bring against that judge Soares ? I suppose Soares is a gen tleman, as he was appointed a magistrate. (Laughter.) I was sorry, therefore, to hear my hon. and learned friend (Mr. Collier) speak of him as a brigand with his retainers. (Hear, hear.) Now, what is proved against him ? That two Bibles were found in his house. (Laughter.) Does anybody suppose that in a Portuguese Catholic community any value was attached to an English edition of the Pro testant Bible, or that these two volumes of the sacred Scrip • tures were taken as plunder ? Let us suppose that a Brazil ian vessel was cast ashore on the coast of Cornwall—a dis trict rather famous in connexion with shipwrecks—and that a cross or a rosary of no intrinsic value was found in the house of a magistrate near that place ; would it be taken as a proof of wreck and robbery ? Well, then, must we sup pose that the robbery which took place must have been with the connivance of the highest authorities in Brazil ? But there is one point which I wish to bring out, which will have some weight with the noble bold at the head of the Government. That noble lord is celebrated for his anxiety to protect the interests of Englishmen living abroad. Well, there is a body of English merchants living at Brazil, men of high respectability ; and what would be the testimony of those men with respect to the conduct of the Brazilian Government? I will venture to say that the community of Englishmen in Brazil are treated with as much consideration and respect and as much fostering pa tronage and protection as it is possible for any country to show to foreigners residing wi thin its boundary ; and what is the opinion of that community of British merchants in Brazil on this very transaction ? I say, on the authority of men connected with the Brazilian trade—and I beg the noble lord at the head of the Government to bear this in mind—that the merchants at Rio and in Brazil generally are unanimous in disapproving the course taken by the English Government. (Hear, hear.) What I have just stated has been cheered by the hon. gentleman who brought forward the present motion, himself largely connected with the trade of that country. Igo further, and say that the feeling of the British merchants there on this question arises mainly from the fact that they do not believe the evidence of Consul Vereker to be sufficient to prove that the Brazilian Government have sought to do any injury or to evade their responsibility to English merchants , and they bear testimony to the desire of the Brazilian Govern ment to cultivate the most friendly relations with England and the English residents in Brazil. (Hear, hear.) What is to become of the maritime States of a weaker order if the principle is established that where a shipwreck occurs the country where it happens shall be held responsible ? As the Brazilian authorities said in one of their despatches, the coast where this ship wreck occurred would become a favourite resort for a cer tain class of mariners if the country is to be made respon sible for all shipwrecks there. We have lately had an ex posure showing that a new kind of industry has been established in the world. It is a sinister kind of industry, for making a profit by wrecking ships ; and if the Brazilian Government are obliged to submit to the demand made on this occasion, then I say that the coast of Rio Grande will be a favourite resort of mariners of that odious description. Before I sit down I will say one word as to, perhaps, the only practical benefit to be derived from this unfortunate business. I want to draw public attention to the evils which arose from the secret diplomacy in this matter. Here is a correspondence carried on for 18 months upon a purely commercial question of the very smallest magnitude. Vast interests in Brazil have been jeopardised, and yet we have been kept in coin • pleto ignorance of all these transactions. (Hear, hear.) We have lately had a movement among a number of Chain • hers of Commerce, calling on the Foreign-office to put itself in greater communication with them in reference to commercial arrangements with other countries ; and I think that they might take a hint from what has occurred on this simple matter. I have read these despatches with a greater distaste for diplomacy than I ever felt be fore. They exhibit such an amount of verbal criticism and special pleading, and the correspondence is altogether of such an order that I was really ashamed when I perused it. I wish to make a suggestion with regard to all such correspondence as this, having simply no other than a com mercial interest. Ido not speak of diplomacy in Europe, having reference to State affairs, the balance of power, and old treaties, with respect to which, in deference to third parties, it is thought proper to keep the diplomacy secret ; but 1 am referring to correspondence simply on a commer cial question; and I think that it would be a very prudent course for that correspondence to be published be fore the proceedings are brought to a close. (Hear, hear.) I venture to say that if this correspondence had been pub lished from the beginning, if it had been laid on the table of the house at the commencement of the last session, and we had known what was going on in Brazil, the body of Eng lish merchants there, whose opinion would have been far i more effectual to preserve peace than your diplomacy,woud , if you had let in the wholesome light of publicity, have put put as an end to that empoisoned style of diplomacy which going on for so many months, and w hich has hatched all this mischief. (Hear.) What has been the result of the course of proceeding adopted ? Why, without even 24 hours notice, the British merchants in Brazil found their country on the verge of a war with the Emperor of Brazil. The act of the admiral in making reprisals on Brazilian vessels was taken in secret, and the consequeth.oe was such a perfect panic that great alarm was felt for thca lives and property of English subleets in Rio. Your Minister barricaded himself in his house for protection. It should be mentioned, for the credit of the Brazilian Government, that the Minister of Commerce went down to the Exchange and assured the English merchants there that they should hteve the whole power of the State exerted for theirprotection; cud the Em peror went into the streets and harangued the populace with the object of calming their agitation. But, suppose the Em • peror had taken another course—and I have heard from some shrewd men that he might probably have consulted his in terest better if he had, for I am told that you have imper; l ° led by your proceedings the existence of the only constitne Lionel monarchy in America and given ascendency to the Re publican party. But suppose the Emperor had taken a dif ferent course when you seized his ships, and made reprisals tending to war, See in what a predicamentyou place the vast interests of Englishmen in Brazil. The hon. gentleman who brought forward the present motion states that 20 million of British property were at stake. In one hour the lives of Bri tish citizens might have been placed in danger and their pro perty rendered liable to confiscation because of a state of war. This is the sort of thing which it behoves the com merce of the country to take steps to avert in future. (Hear.) Where we are connected with another nation only for the purpose of commerce, let the me! chants and manufacturers of this country demand publicity in eases like this, so that public opinion might be brought to bear on them, and then we shall never have such a discreditable production as is the blue book on this matter. (Hear.) I will refer to that other topic dealt with by the nob:e lord the member for Stamford. I feel humiliated to see an infirm Sovereign like.' the King of the Belgians called upon with all his abilities to condescend to arbitrate on a question such as that of the three young officers who went from a ship of war to enjoy themselves in the country—at the Star and Garter at Rio —and who becoming merry committed the not very serious offence of mocking a sentry, who was perhaps half asleep, and contrived to get themselves put into the guard-house. We should think that a venial offence here; but what in vested it with real importance is the absurb manner in which the Foreign-office took up the subject. I say that diplomacy must be in its dotage, when it can find no better occupation than the case of these officers. (Hear, hear.) Ido not know whether the hon. gentleman the proposer of the pre sent motion will divide the house, or whether he will be content with having elicited opinion on the subject. Should he divide, I shall certainly vote with him ; but I would not • advise him to seek to be in a minority. Let him rather be satisfied with the majority of opinion in debate; but, be sides my hon. and learned friend, who holds a sort of brief, and is a kind of legal adviser to the Government in such a matter, I think that, outside the ranks of the Govern ment, not many other men will support them on this occasion. (Hear, hear.) The SOLICITOR-GENERAL regretted that the hon gentleman who had just sat down had addressed himself to an object so unworthy his abilities as endeavouring to throw discredit upon an honourable servant of this country, who from most laudable motives, and in the discharge of a most imperative duty, had endeavoured to see justice done in it case of crying wrong. The hon. member had failed to dis credit the testimony of that gentleman. But her Majesty's Government did not rest upon his testimony, but upon the testimony of the Brazilian authorities themselves. The hon and learned gentleman proceeded to quote from the de spatches of the Brazilian local authorities, to show that the plunder of the wreck had taken place by the inhabitants of the coast of Albardao, and that the wealthiest persons there had been engaged in it. The hononrable and learned gentleman defended the proceedings of the British officers at considerable length, and maintained that one of the prin cipal grounds of attack (namely, that Mr. Consul Vereker could have attended ag the investigations) was simply un true. He could not help remarking that other matters had been quoted and referred to besides those treated of by the Brazilian despatches, and it was very plain that, though the voice was like the voice of Jacob, the hand was that of some' body else. Ile was quite ready to admit that they ought not to ask for compensation for a murder unless it could be distinctly proved, but it was quite clear that the meane of proving the outrage had been kept from them. (Hear•) He thought the hon. member for Stamford and the bon • member for Rochdale might have better sustained the character of the house than by asking the house to assume that all the letters that had been read had been the result of temporary insanity. Were we to hold that everything that had been written and said was an invention, a delusion, and a falsehood, merely because it tended to criminate the Brazilian Government ? (Hear, hear.) He would say that the Brazilian Government had been very properly assumed to have criminated itself, and he thought that the bon member forßechdale would hardly dispute what Mr.Verelier hed stated in his despatch, as to finding the two cases at the residence of Suarez quite dry; and in perfect order. The hon. and learned gentleman contended that the plunder and other outrages complained of had been committed bi the retainers and dependents of Senhor Suarez; that Suarez himself had neglected to take any measures for ac quainting the British consul of what had taken place; an d that there was a complete denial of justice. Under these circumstances he believed that the house would be opinion, notwithstanding what had been urged by hon. member/ opposite, that her Majesty's Government had acted bona fide and that it was their duty to teach foreign Govern ments, whether strong or wean, that British subjects should not be wronged with impunity. (Cheers.) The motion was then withdrawn, amid loud Ministeria l cheers. SUPPLY. Mr. MASSEY brought up the report on supply, which was agreed to, CUSTOMS ACTS (TOBACCO DUTIES). The house then went into committee upon the Custom s Acts (Tobacco Duties), when The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved 0. resolution, " That the duty of Customs on unmanufactur ed tobacco imported into Great Britain and Ireland, which shall contain less than 101 b. per cwt. of moisture, shall be 3s. 6d. per lb ," which was agreed to. On the order for the second reading of the Education of Factory Children Bill, Mr. FETIRAND said he viewed this bill with great alarm, as it would extend the labour of children to 1 01 hours a day. He asked Mr. Baxter, who had charge of the bill, to postpone the second reading till after Easter. Mr. BAXTE it explained the real object of the bill, arid ultimately postponed the second reading. After some further business, the house adjourned at 20 minutes past 12 o'clock till Monday. COUNTRY MARKETS. LIVERPOOL—MARcu 6. At this day's market there was a fair attendance of both the town and country trade, and wheat met a considerall more improved demand, at Tuesday's extreme rates. Oa were quite as dear for the best sorts. Barley, beans, 811 , peas unaltered. Flour was at the full prices of last We e '" Indian corn in fair inquiry, and at Tuesday's rates. WAKEFIELD—MARCH 6. The wheat trade ruled dull to-day, and prices ous t r $ quoted in favour of the b u y er . In other articles there ll' no material alteration. Averages for the week : Wheat 2,161 qrs., at 4ss 41d , 8ar1ey......... 606 Itye — Beans lO EXETER---MARcil 6. 6d Wheat, white..6s 3d to 6s 4d I Barley. ..4s 3d to 4s d Ditto red. .6s Od to 6s 3d Oats ....to 35s .....2s 9d to 3s ° Flour, fine, 36s to 37s ; seconds, 348 per oriel , - CATTLE. Fat beef, p sc., 10 s 0 d to 10 s 9 d Ewes, per 11.- 6id to bid Pork carcases, 7s 6d to 8s 6d Wethers, 6id to id Lamb, p 1b.......—d to - d Fat calves, d0...61d to 7 Rough fat, 31d per lb. STAMFORD—MARCH 6. New wheat, 48s to 50s— red, 44s to 48 s per 36 stone; Barley, malting, 38s to 43 5; grinding , 32s to 34s papercl Oats, 22s to 268 per 24 stone. Beans, old, 448 to qr. ; new, 36s to 40s. BRISTOL SUGAR—MARCH G. d not Our raw market for sugar ha s been ver y quiet, an 0 mu ch business in refined goods. Cry stals are the saill;am. last week—the few fine pieces tu r ned out sell at firm Pr'e" Rums are unaltered. Births. LYON.--OnrsCudlatheeLsytohni, of a son. net , s at 47, Wilton-crescent , the 101. M redeY i°lc PEEL.—On the 27th ult., at Pau, the Hon. M rs. F Peel, of a son. RALLL—On the sth inst., at 4 9 , Cleveland -square, IOP; water, the wife of Stephen A. Rall i, Esq., of twins, son and daughter. Marriages. JACKSON—BADGER.—On the sth inst., at Rotherheo Yorkshire, F. G. Jackson, BK ., M.D., Higbfield klnstet; Barnsley, to Elizabeth Do wnes, only daughter of the la Thomas Badger, Esq., solicitor, Rotherham. , fir, LUCIC—J ENNIN GS.—On the sth inst , at Clapham, ~./ r, Wm. Lucy, of Oxford , to Alice, second daughter of George Jennings, of Oak Lodge, Clapham. Deaths. r seo r ANSELL.—On the sth inst., at Sutton, Surrey, Mr. 08-- A nso n, aged 30. E s q., of Belfield, Windermere, a;.;.ed 60. BRYArts.—On the 6th inst., at 14, Blandiord-square, PS' Bryans, Daren tlit CHAFMAN.—On the sth inst., at St. Margaret's, Thomas Chapman, Esq. - O F n aul t k h n e C oLE s.—On the 4 th inst., at S, Queen's-road, BaYswater° Mr. George Coles, aged 63. aged 90. er 4 2 th lat i e ns o t f ., yo str at Somerset et ja Villas, va L cs e : PtiTirL.E. J N a E m n. e — s M'CLEVERTY.—On the Ist • c t Ja ille° inst., at Florence, * • Johnston APCleverty, R.N , C.B. PENNEFATILEII.—On the s.l;inst., at 1, Hyde-park-11 1i Richard Pennefather, Esq., the only son of Lady :ocl Hankey, Att ac h e t o the B r itish Embassy, Paris, 1 WS, London : Printed and Publishe d b y WILLIAM ANDO 112,0 f No.lingl2 Stran, Priner, at HE SuN Oftico. No• o f Strand, the P d recinct t of the T Savoy, in the Colalt/ Middlescx.—Saturday, March 7, 1663 _ -......-.•'`...'- , , J\ I' ',•.. ; '...,' : GI GI No 21e Pic