The Sun. — London, England, 1833-06-14 00:00:00

?. 11r ils, civil and criminal, and shall, by the dele to , IJifitiet.t powers for that purpose, enable the wernment in India to modify and improve our inst itutions to th e exten t w hi c h may f rom t i me to fund necessary, from that moment the unre admission of European British subjects, and the season to acquire and hold landed property on an an* with the natives of India, may he conceded, without inconvenience, but with most important t° ;India as well as to Great Britain." Mr. Holt w> an authority which must create a great im also held a similar opinion. But it was very t i l t° see wh a t th e J u d ge o f t h e S upreme C our t e tuhject. Sir Edward Ryan said, on the 2d of ISe f . " 9 ,..... " To leave the European owner or oc c:i'ende, or t h e manu f acturer , at great di stances cot ta amen-bl e only t o th e ju r isdicti o n of the Su cotr, or subject only to the mofussil courts, with to .1 Powers which they at present possess, would th e l ''' ll a system of fraud and injustice, and attatives so entirely at the mercy of the settlers, `" j ult it would be an insuperable obstacle to of Europeans to settle in the interior. lam =fled that all persons in the interior of the 'ust be subject to the courts of the district which t e" All these great authorities recognised the It which he contended as one which ought to be :Notice not only to India but to Europe. He t hought the House could not object for one take into consideration the plans he proposed ''''g the facilities of intercourse between the -11 ,d th e E uropeans i n I n di a . Th e su bj ec t wou ld t" closest and most thorough consideration, and t , be approached with due caution. He would lw on this high and general ground,—that no Whatever should be made in its administration lives and Europeans. This would be one step ultimate identification of the two classes. But .in could not be expected to be very imine effected, indeed, without considerable del iy. He 'e, however, to strengthen the legislative the general government by adding four to i of each presidency, whose deliberations on . law should be assisted by the addition of 'Wo practising barristers or judges. Perhaps assimilation of the law might be greatly ef directing the exertions of the presidencies to No European, after the passing of the !asure, must expect to enjoy any privileges he enjoyed by the natives, but would be placed same laws and subject to the same punishments. Proposed as an indispensable condition, and for F effecting that complete identification of the which was so much to be desired. According _ of Mr. Edmonstone, it appeared that the formerly attendant on the holding of land by ' Were almost entirely removed, and that the ."as entirely abandoned. Mr. Edmonstone said it ri -t litrice, in 1832—" In fact, the question with 'lt te `ge admission of Europeans as landholders seems laye a d9 decided, the local government having, with cus ref erence to t h e au th or i t i es a t h o m e , come to °I, tI WI to allow Europeans to hold leases of sixty t ation ; that arrangement has been e,onfirmed by 4i ties at home, with the limitation of the leases 'Dne years instead of sixty. In fact, it seems to e subject is no longer open to decision ; that C ti Coos question of admitting Europeans to esta- Ltelv es as l an dh o ld ers i n th e i n t er i or of the ',disposed of by that resolution, and the limited t 1 , 4 :‘, 10 of it to whi c h I was entirely averse." ' l q object was to obtain an equal and general . 61 laws, s o that all should know and obey ti 4 ‘ ,o legisl a tion should take place for English bout a regard to the interests of the natives. a bject he would trouble the House with almost t,,botation be intended to make. It was an ex 'man outline of a system of courts for the British iti India, in the following words :—" If the are to be opened to British settlers, let it be cs, /. understood, eo that no doubt may remain, nor ti ll d for subsequent reproach that they go to live e 'P9tie and imperfect but strong government ; tarry with them no rights but such as are . there by t h e natives themselves ; and that it is L give . k J ' , at present to them either that security and 1 ;Ylksnt of landed property, or those ready re , t ° t ; private wrongs, which more regularly consti peroinents afford. A tolerable system of criminal 4. ;vve believe, might even at present be established ~.° 45 the gre at e r part of India." It was also his in ‘u Propose, in the Bill which be should introduce ) °o sirieration of Parliament, that no native of ' , old be p revente d f rom ho ldi ng offices or employ ' ande r the govern ment , on the grounds either of " ''r, birth, or religion. t He could not also avoid ad ; to the ex i stence of slavery in the East Indies, and he . . mind the R ouse that a great and material difference 1 between ti,e slat cry of the Nest India colonies and ; ii al at present prevailing in the East Indies. In the could not be questioned that the state of slavery iti liog but severe, except in Malabar, where it ko I be denied that many cruel cases of slavery bad From the general institutions of the castes si t , „ connected with their religion, it was conse -1 ~,,eksary that the House should deal very can . ' k , i th the subject ; and he should think the best be f o ll owed i n th i s respect wou ld b e, t h at a com atthestlld be framed, and appointed to inquire into • Port the best mode to be adopted for disposing of 4 . ')'stem ; but in this respect he thought it would , ' 4 d that no immediate steps could be taken. The I ▪ t t l was the assimilation of the laws in the Indies Lisbar ,and although it would take some time i to se laws could lie approximated, yet ne time p i, 14 . 1 wit in taki n g s t e p s t owar d s th a t a ppr o ximation. g l k l4, s tY should be extended, in order to ascertain the e 'g oer in which to vary the present system, and i. t 40 tv far it was possible to assimilate and blend ; g t : uuurts of law and those of the Company toge a 44 by a commission ought immediately to be u Y the Governor-General, and to be constituted e . d to 441 I Well versed in the Indian l iw, together with h S o .hu sent out from this country, but to receive I' l e ' Ill tutents front the local government, and this I.' 44 1' so formed, should examine into the whole • p t .' 4 , report thereupon to the Governor. General ,' f = ll He should further feel it to be his duty, 4 li p. • U tOre stage of the Bill be should hare to pro p 71l th e attention of the House to the state of the = 1 41 establishments of India, the condition of which a t; i ''' h e full consideration of the House; and though • t o us he should have to suggest would not be ex • lee !ttravagant improvements, yet he hoped they O I,,iound sufficient to remedy existing evils :he 4 lb t he necessity of rescuing the single Bishop of i • it 4t the whole burden of the ecclesiastical duties I , Present fell to his lot to discharge, and for e %a he sho u ld p ro p ose t o a dd th e arc hd eacons of r I :1 Bengal as suffragan bishops in India. He r = 111 4' stated the general result of the Bill, the 4 0 which he felt satisfied could not only be ren -1 , -4e6 cial to the East Indies, but also to this c. L e lie could not, however, conclude without re rd ii a :Bishop from a letter emanating from a Bishop 4 qoishop Heber) which breathed forth the true ~ 14 ° Iicy and of Christian charity. Bishop Heber, - W t e r to the Governor-General of India, dated the f r I'Pril 18 0 5 had said—" I, lastly, beg leave to d' ' - . ' Lordship • ' C .1 i. I Ingratulations to your in Council on the P. 1 ttlee and the appearance of general prosperity and ti : rlpi h ieh, notwithstanding a protracted drought and ; f rit 4 clurable circumstances, have attracted my atta r). I h t ''''Y part of the Hon. Company's territories ii l l =t' 4 4 visited. It is my earnest prayer to that ist i. , :iovla j t ence who has already made the mild, and * f f l Ofktable government of British functionaries, pro ist'. .- 5 , 11 1° , much advantage to Hindostan, that he would 1 4 . ", Prosper an influence which has been hitherto ri . )llr tt.puled ; that he would eventually make our -; ' tli 'Penser of still gteater blessings to our Asiatic tit- l' toe, i n . s • d b suc gentle Jo ,N, his own goo,. time, an .y . ... i iss k t ,l, 4 'l tneans as only are well pleasing in his sight, je , Cl , ti e - it ' i T ac . om . munity of faith, of morals, of science, o f litit,„ institutions, the brave, the mild, the civilized, o e nri l utelligent race, who only in the above respects l ee ,t h to fall short of Britons." The Right on. l e d ti t %eluded by moving resolutions to the effect— 'o ht W as expedient that all his Majesty's subjects eat ; . 14 t: i t , liberty to repair to the ports of China, and to ref 0 ilu and all the other products of the said empire, 0 6 i i e llta; F'h regulations and provisions for the commer ce( N' t lcal interests of this country as to the Govern -10'644 . ,t k t ein meet and proper. 2. That it was ex !f• .. 'ts,' if the East India Company should be in -Ist • i tl t„ it ' r er to the Crown their estates and effects on ref • NlC,Government of India, the Crown should take 0- t.lit 't!l obligations and liabilities whatsoever to 114 ate 01 ' A : 1 4 . Company might . be liable, subject to such el' •• tt 'tight be determined by Parliament ; and, is ~,i t til i t was expedient that the Government r ki.ak ti tt ld remain in the East India Company, under 1r lil t ° l'lit as Parliament should prescribe. 7 . At vf ;;snlution having been put by the Chairman, o t , ihiih‘a he addressed the House at considerable et sti.',l : s; '°o Right Hon. Gentleman spoke in so low re all th'ees that very few of his observations were r to ro u gallery. He was understood to say, that et of rtred in the propriety of rendering the native for 4 `lia, Without distinction of colour or religion, all ( Aces of trust and confidence [under the 10 e refs , ' 1 ttl bunall 0 u 4 of ,„fi iers • Rover' re 01 orde r _ he fmitu atimis ay ' loy 111r0liegio ap f ootin g Eu , ,44 Y With • l ost , ••4 • t o :Int hat n, also laverT ant t o $ ire, . 4 th e Rtl • • „ me • 0 21. If th e f leaf ed, n ' e utta ▪ verf 'oure, evil° ' k 14 : ited po co . 00 0 e ( t l h e e oeh . 3(11 0 ell e t hink spool. Wi ng al je e t h lt 1 464 ▪ 101 "'„ L te nsc lie obi .7tbit.o pet Pat f 900 or v, ,orb ' t° Just : to all th ou :eroe j oe $ tag 'IY se' a° d th and t d the cif bey ° . t o be stet. A . e l aw 0 0 01 ' . Wha se a ~. urt, n ative! ler e °ll3l 14 th e , t ivy 0 I 1 ,72 atoll $ can „ h e t effect nellab l " 1 0 ) : 0 P08e, lis6° 0 . 1 ) , the found Nett o f sty ' s . ; e 1, 1 la w re sub) two ▪ the lloilto ,hiec J ass t for y ti ual o% 'Jett. in ID ! ". Ltl e easu late nif pprOV". Sa me 101 l 1 1 ,„ prop, laid, g: I se of , tensio o whi has r 7menc e place '4o fort le were ) p re• ss was el and t rid e n Ct ,/'.nods... s e° ki Gbvernrnent for which they were fit; but he could not, at the same time, help regretting that a proposition of such importance as this was, should have been delayed to so advanced a period of the session. Looking at the multi 'Achy and importance of the other business before Parlia ment, he feared it would be utterly impossible for . this subject to receive that consideration to which it was so well entitled, before the close of the session ; but still he was willing to admit that the time had arrived when the trade with India should be opened to general enterprise. In 1813, Le was one of those who objected to tying up the consideration of this question for so long a period as twenty years, feeling then, as he did now, that events would render changes necessary within a much shorter space of time. The trade with China ought, in his opi nion, to have been thrown open king ago ; but in any new arrangement that might be made, he would reserve to the Legislature the power of revising the Company's Charter, and making from time to time such alterations in it as circumstances would show to be expedient and necessary. The experience of the past, he must say, proved that it would be inadvisable to renew the Charter for so long a period as twenty years ; but before he pro ceeded further, be should like to know from the Right Hon. Gentleman, whether the Government intended to make any change in the number and qualifications of the Directors? Mr. C. GRANT replied that this part of the subject was still under consideration by the Government, and that at present all he could state was, that the Govern ment certainly did purpose reducing the number of the Directors. Mr. WYNN considered an alteration not only in the number but in the period of service and qualification of the Directors highly advisable. He thought that no one should be eligible to fill office who had not the experience of twelve years' residence in India. A Board, consisting of six members, would, in his opinion, be amply sufficient for all the purposes that would now be required ; and, in stead of the election to the office being for life, as it was at present, he would limit it to four years, or any other definite period, two going out by rotation every year. The ages of the eleven members of the Board of Commu nication averaged from 69 to 69 years, but, although there had been rare instances of persons of advanced age preserving the vigour of their faculties to the last, yet that was a period of life when the mind was ill adapted to the discharge of grave and import•int duties. The suggestion which he had thrown out would remedy this evil, but, in stead of leaving the Directors to be elected by the Pro. prietors, lie should propose that their nomination should be placed in the hands of the Government. As the Board of Direction would henceforward possess only a political character, having no longer any thing to do with trade, he should call it a Council ; and he should also like to see the plan which Lord Grenville had proposed adopted, of alloting a certain number of civil appointments for open competition. He would also empower the Universities at home, and the places of public education in India, to appoint to certain offices. The rest of the patronage he would distribute among the Government, the local autho rities, and the Council; and limiting the period of office of each member of the latter to four years would, he thought, not only enable efficient services to be obtained, but prevent the possibility of unfair influence being exer cised. He fully agreed with his Right Hon. Friend in thinking that he was not too sanguine as to the power and extent of the resources of India. That empire was fully competent to meet all the claims that existed upon it ; but still it should not be forgotten that internal or ex ternal wars might break out, and that provis;ons for such contingencies should not be omitted to be made. The Hon. Gentleman proceeded at some length, but it was impossible to catch the purport of his observations, from the low tone in which he spoke, and from the confusion in the body of the House as well as in the gallery. Mr. MARJORIBANKS had arrived a few months ago from China, and had had the experience of a residence of twenty years in that country. He well knew the Chinese character, and be was desirous of doing his endeavour to render the peculiar situation of that country and people understood in England, with respect at least to their inter course and commercial dealings with Europeans. He did not wish to enter into any general question, further than to state to the Right Hon. Gentleman, that in his new scheme for a Court of Directors, he entirely agreed with him. He had visited every Presidency of India, and was well acquainted with every class of servant in that country, and he must in justice say, that there was not a better set of functionaries in the world than those appointed to India by the Court of Directors under the present system. It was his intention, however, to confine himself to the question solely as it related to China. During his last residence at Canton, a petition had been put into Ilia hands, setting forth the hardships sustained by the British residents in that country, and the petitioners set forth that their condition in China had never re ceived that attention from the British Government to which it was entitled. Provided 30,000,0001b5. of tea were exported to England, and the duty secured, the condition of the residents was never considered. He now saw that a period had arrived when a wide empire was about to be opened to British commerce. He was no friend to monopoly, and his honest opinion was, that a wider field remained for British merchants in China than could be found in any part of the world. The accusations, however, brought forward against the servants of the Company in India were totally unfounded. The period had arrived when the system in India must be entirely changed, although he would maintain that Englishmen ought not to trade to that country, as the Americans did ; and he saw no reason why English merchants should go across the Atlantic for instructions. He could assure the Committee that the Hong merchants were men of inferior character and low station, and were held in such disre pute that men of reputation would not belong to them. A very large number of Europeans, however, lived in China, and they lived in perfect harmony with the natives. The increase of communication and of trade with China aro•e principally from the traffic in opium, the supply of which had risen from 4,000 to 20,000 chests in one year. Smoking was now carried to a dreadful excess in that country, and the Emperor's eldest son had lately died of it, though otherwise he had been a respectable young man.—(A laugh.) The conduct of Europeans had given the Emperor of China a bad impression of the European character, and all endeavours to improve the intercourse with the Government had failed. It was the nature of the Chinese despotism to trample on all in a state of submission. Their maxim was to treat all bar barians without law, for if they gave them the benefits of law they would become rebellious. The people of China endeavoured to be favourable to British intercourse, but they were prevented by their Government. He had been able to send an active and intelligent officer, a Mr. Lind say, who well knew the language, into the different ports of China. He had entered them all, and had proceeded to Corea, Formosa, and the Loo Choo Islands, and every where he had been treated with the greatest kindness, and had found in the people a disposition to commercial inter course. The Government of England ought to be aware that the island of Formosa had rebelled from the Chinese Emperor, and had established its independence. A good un derstanding might be opened with the people of the island, and much to the advantage of commerce, as it lay opposite to the rich tea provinces. Mr. C. FERGUSSON thought that, as the resolutions did not bind any person with respect to his opinions in detail, it would be greatly to the convenience of the House if the discussion were brought forward at some future stage. The first resolution related to the opening of the trade to China. He did not object to this. Mr. C. GRANT said that the resolution did not com mit any person to details, it was so general. He hoped the House would pass the resolution that night, so that he might bring in a Bill to-morrow. After a few words from Mr. CLAY across the table of ,be House, Mr. BUCKINGHAM could not let the resolutions pass without some observations, as they had been accompanied by so many remarks by the Right Hon. Gentleman. The resolutions comprised two subjects, the one that of the internal Government of India, and the other that of the commercial intercourse with that country. He objected to that part of the Right Hon. Gentleman's plan which would retain India under its present rulers, for he would maintain that the natives of that country would he by fir happier under the Government of the Crown. When he considered that the population of India amounted to 100,000,000 of souls, he thought this a point which ought at least to excite as much attention in that House as the emancipation of only 800,000 slaves in the West Indies. The Hon. Gentleman proceeded at great length into the general question of the policy of the East India Company, to the Canton Establishment, and the abuses erowing out of the system pursued there. The Hon. Member, in alluding to the monopoly of the Company in opium, stated that the person who had the superintend. ence of that trade received a greater salary than the Chief Justice at Calcutta. He suggested that, among other arrangements, there should be the same code of laws ap plied to the three Presidencies. In reference to the state of the press in India the Hon. Gentleman gave a very detailed account of his owu Journal. He had no doubt that under proper management the population of India, which was estimated at 100,000,000, would produce 100,000,0001. revenue. Mr. C. FERGUSSON said that as a Director of the Company, he would only refer to those topics which re lated to them. He was glad he had given way to the Hon. Unities:tan, sbecause he believed he had put forth his strength. The Hon. Gentleman assumed that India was not well governed because she was not in such pros perity as she bad been in 1696 ; and he bad represented every evil to have arisen from the mismanagement of the East India Company. He (Mr. C. Forgusson) con tended that, an far from the Company having exercised a policy to extend their awn views, they had leant too much to the natives. He believed that the Government of the Company was and had been a blessing to India. There never had been patronage exercised by any public body with more honour than by the East India Company. The cases had been frequent in which the Company had con nived at Europeans settling in India without any license. It had not been (as had been stated by the Hon. Gentle man), the East India Company which had involved this country in war in India, but it had been the Board of Control. The Hon. Gentleman, after some remarks, concluded by saying he considered the resolutions so unob jectionable, that he would support them. Sir G. STAUNTON eulogised the embassy of Lord Amherst. Mr. HUME rose to a4{ what would be the next stage, and how leng a time would intervene? He objected to the period of 20 years, and he thought it would be better to limit it to 10 years. Mr. C. GRANT said he would bring in the Bill in a day or two after the resolutions were passed. The resolutions were then put, agreed to, and the CHAIRMAN reported them ; and the report was ordered to Le received to-morrow (this day). CIVIL CONTINGENCIES. Lord ALTHORP stated that it was the intention of his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. S. Rice) to bring forward part of the Civil Contingencies to-morrow, and he trusted that his Hon. Friend (Mr. Hume) would not press hi s motion which stood for that day, as the remainder of the Miscellaneous Estimates would not be voted for some few days. Mr. HUME expressed his willingness to concur in the Noble Lord's request. IRISH TITHES, &c. In answer to a question from Mr. SHAW, Lord ALTHORP stated it was his wish that the Irish Tithes should come on first to-morrow, and that the House should afterwards resolve itself into a Committee of Supply. CINQUE PORT PILOTS. On the motion of Sir T. TROUBRIDGE, a Select Committee was appointed to inquire into the laws and regulations relating to the Cinque Port pilots, consisting of the following Members : Troubridge, Sir E. Anson, Hon. G. Lewis, T. F. Thompson, P. B. Warre, J. A. Carter, J. B. Marryatt, Sir J. Rumbold, C. E. Plumptre, J. P. Marjoribanks, S. Chapman, M. L. Lemon, Sir C. Herries, J. C. Adam, Admiral C. Reid, Sir J. R. Codrington, Sir E. Yorke, J. • , Bouverie, Captain Fremantle, Sir T. Young F. Labouchere, H. IMPRISONMENT FOR DEBT. The SOLICITOR- GENERAL felt great reluctance in pressing on the attention of the House at that late hour (one o'clock), but as the subject which he had to bring under their notice was one of importance, namely, the Law of Debtor and Creditor, he felt great anxiety to lay the plan which he had in view before the House, and he would name a distant day on which the matter might be reconsidered; although be feared it would be difficult to get the measure proposed by him passed during the present session. The great object which he had in view was the reform of the Law of Debtor and Creditor. He wished to give the cre ditor a proper, speedy, and effectual remedy against his debtor, and at the same time to protect the debtor against the tyranny or injustice of his creditor.--( Hear.) The first part of his plan was to allow any holder of a bill or pro missory note immediate execution upon such bill or pro missory note. This was the case in almost every other country but England. In France it was so, and also in Scot land. But here there was great delay, and the property was often uselessly squandered among lawyers, instead of go ing to the use of the creditor. By his plan, how ever, that would be done away with, and execution would be issued on application to, and giving satisfying reasons for the granting of the execution, to a Judge. The next proposal was to give the power to the creditor of searching for and discovering the property of his debtor, and applying it in liquidation of his debt. As the law at present stood, the creditor might take the person of his debtor, but could not get bold of his property, and in case of his refusal there was no remedy where the debt amounted to a smaller sum than 3001. ; but by the plan now proposed, the debtor might be compelled to disclose his property, and the property would be assigned for the benefit of the creditor.—.(Hear, hear.) And if the debtor refused to disclose his property, he might be sent to prison as a frau dulent debtor, for it was intended (and he contended very properly) that the fraudulent bankrupt should be punishable for his fraud—(Hear, hear)—and if he con tinued to withhold his property, that he should be de tained in gaol till he revealed it. The next part of the plan was, to give the creditor a remedy against every species of property which the debtor might possess. At present the creditor had no remedy where the debtor's property was copyhold, and in freehold property his remedy was very imperfect. He proposed that land, whether freehold or copyhold, should be liable for debts--( Hear, hear)—and also all money in the funds, secured by bond, or by any other security, of whatever nature.—(Hear, hear.) The next part of the plan was directed to the relief and protection of the honest but unfortunate debtor. Under the law, as it at present stood, every debtor was obliged to go to prison belore he could get a discharge. This was attended with great waste of property, and the expenses were enormous ; and, after all, the debtor's property continued liable for the amount of his debts ; the consequence of which was, that the debtor, seeing that he would have to work for the benefit of another man only, frequently became callous and indifferent, and sunk into lethargy, from a mere conscious ness that he could not benefit himself by his labours. Now he proposed that the debtor, by giving up the whole of his property of every description, would be entitled to receive from his creditors a certificate, which would re lieve both his person and any property he might in future acquire from arrest for his former debts. These were the principal provisions of his proposed measure, as far as regarded the honest but unfortunate debtor. With regard to the fraudulent bankrupt, he proposed, that if any person obtained goods from another person, with intent to defraud that person, and then ran away, he should be deemed guilty of felony ; and if a bank rupt gave in a false statement of his property, that he should be guilty of a misdemeanor. At present, a bankrupt giving in a false statement of the amount of his property, was deemed guilty of felony; the consequence of which was, that creditors seldom chose to prosecute such persons, and they consequently escaped punishment in general altogether. Then, in case of a debtor being likely to abscond without paying his debts, in Scotland they had the remedy of a meditatione funae warrant, in order to obtain which it was necessary for the creditor to swear that he believed the debtor intended to flee the country, and get beyond the jurisdiction of the Court. He (the Solicitor General) proposed that in all cases in which the debtor was about to abscond, the creditor should go before a Magistrate and swear that he believed the debtor was about to quit the country, and the Magistrate would he empowered to grant a warrant. In this manner a creditor could get hold of the debtor. instead of following the present clumsy mode by means of a latitat. These were the principal provisions of the Bill which he intend. ed to introduce, and he would not trouble the House by going further into the detail of the principles of it A that time. By this measure an enormous suns would be saved in the mere matter of giving bail. Perhaps it was not known to the House (and inched it could hardly be be beved), that upwards of 300,0001. was spent annually in giving bail, all of which would by this measure go into the pockets of the creditors.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The Learned Gentleman concluded by moving for leave to bring in a Bill for abolishing imprisonment for debt, and for the more effectual payment of creditors. After a short conversation, leave was given to bring in the Bill. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL presently brought in the Bill, which was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Wednesday se'nnight. The other orders of the day were then disposed of; and at a quarter before two o'clock this morning the House adjourned. HOUSE OF LORDS, JUNE 13. Mr. GoauoN and others hi ought up the London Police Bill without amendment, Kentish Town Road Bill, the Stamp Duty Advertisement Bill, the Lewes Improvement Bill, and other private Bills. Earl 13ATIJURST presented a petition from Glouces tershire for the abolitio❑ of the house and window tax. The Earl of RODEN presented a petition from Boyne, in the diocese of Elphin, against the Irish Church Bill, and another from Sir Harcourt Lees to the same effect. Also a petition from the Magistrates of Dublin for the better observance of the Sabbath ; and from Sligo, for the abo lition of slavery. The Marquis of WESTMEATH said he rose to bring under the notice of the House one of the grossest breaches of its privileges that had ever taken place. It was not his intention to follow up his statement with a motion; therefore he trusted their Lordships would grant him their attention for a few moments, even though it was a personal matter. The paper he had to complain of was the Dublin Evening Mail, which stated that he (Lord W.) bad voted on Monday evening against the Duke of Wellington, and, of course in favour of the Nlinistry—they said they were unwilling to trust to the lists that appeared in the newspapers, but if they found that he (Lord W.) had actually pursue] such trimming conduct, they would be obliged to claim his Lordship's at tention to some very violent letters of his which would show his conduct in a very peculiar light. They did not like to see him shifting his politics alternately between Whigism and Toryism—now a conservative, and anon a rat. Now, the Noble Earl at the head of the Government might recollect, that last session some angry discussions took place in that House respecting Ireland ; he went to that country and met some of the same way of thinking as him self, and be bad written some letters on the subject which might not be expressed in the most temperate language, but still he was not afraid of the publication of those letters, for they contained nothing but what be had stated in that House ; but it was a most infamous threat to bold over any one belonging to that House, to say that letters written to private persons, even though upon public subjects, should be sent forth to the public. It was very true that he bad heard the speeches of both the Noble Duke (Wel lington) and the Noble Earl (Aberdeen), as well as the justification of the Noble Earl (Grey), and he certainly had voted in favour of Don Pedro against Don Miguel as his conscience dictated, and he would continue to do so in spite of any threats. Lord SUFFIELD presented a petition from the female inhabit ints of Blackburn, for the abolition of slavery. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE moved that a message be sent to the House of Commons, requesting a copy of the report of the Commissioners of the Bank Charter. The Duke of RICHMOND rose to support the second reading of the Agricultural Labourers' Rate Bill. That Bill had passed after some discussion, and the object of the present Bill was to explain parts of it that were ob. scure, and to add a penalty clause, the want of which had been felt in many instances. He should have done ne more than state in this manner the object of the Bill, but for the expected opposition of a Right Rev. Prelate, who was of opinion that a labour rate was contrary to principle, and that it was impassible to enact a scale of payment which would do justice to all classes. Though there might be some truth in this latter remark, yet he must say that he thought the principle of giving the rate-payers the means of employing the labourers in their district must be advantageous. It could not be wrong that they should have the expenditure of their own money. He should now refer to some papers which had been moved for, and were now on their Lordships' table. In doing so, he did not wish to detract from the merit of those gentlemen who had undertaken the gratuitous and arduous duty of inquiring into the poor laws, hut it was impos sible to allow their report to pass without calling tbeir Lordships' attention to those parts which he thought favourable to his side of the question. He should leave his opponents to cite those which bore against him. In the first place, then, they were much struck with the gene ral demand for a labour rate. The fact of such a demand showed the general feeling of the country in its favour. The next point alluded to by the Commissioners was, that the lands of the parishes were often only half cultivated from a deficiency of labour, although there were labourers in abundance in the parish. Yet they said that the evil seemed to them, in the first place, unfit for legislative in terference, and that it arose either from want of capital, or a perverseness of disposition. The first, a labour rate would not amend, and the other might safely be left to the operation of its own punishment. With this he could not bring himself to agree. They next remarked that it was an evil that those labourers, who, if employed by the rate payers, would at least earn half their subsistence, were now wholly kept in idleness. How did they answer that? Why, they admitted that in many cases where the rate payers had agreed to divide among themselves the surplus labour of the parish, great advantages had arisen ; an ad mission which overthrew one of their former objections. Then, as to the legislative interference. In the labour rate agreement made at Fulver, in Sussex, the clergyman was rated much too high, name'y—at 35 labourers, and they said, that against such a system of fraud and in justice, they must protest. But hie answer was, that that agreement was never carried into execution. It was taken to the Petty Sessions, and there rescinded. He bad re ceived letters from different parts of the country—.frets parts where the experiment had been tried. The first of these was from a Magistrate of a parish in Sussex. The letter stated, that in that parish there had been 32 men who had been employed upon the roads before the labour rate was adopted ; that they had been idle and discontented, but since that rate hail been adopted, only two had been so employed ; that no complaints were now heard either from the overseer or the men, and a saving of 500/. had been effected. The next letter, from a different parish, stated that the saving effected had equalled the sum of 6001., and that the state of affairs, since the adoption of the labour rate, had been most satisfactory. The third letter was from Walham, from Sir T. Shelley, an active magistrate, who stated that the Bill had per fectly succeeded in that parish, and that the consequence of it was, that no labourer was out of work during the whole of the winter. In West Grinstead, the system was stated to have answered the expectations of its most ardent well-wishers. In Chichester, the report was that the people felt convinced that this Act would do great good; and that, unless something of the kind had been done, they should have been ruined by their poor. ' From a parish in Suffolk, the report sent up was, that by the operation of the labour rate a sum of one hundred pounds had been saved in a few weeks. From another place in the same county, it was stated that, after the experience they had had of it, they could not speak too highly of the labour rate. From Potten Island word was sent that the Bill, so far as they had seen its operari ea, had given universal satisfaction. Fron► Molton the account was, that only one half the amount of expenditure was required in February and March, that had been required in De cember and January, and yet that the labourers were in a better condition. The same was stated to have been the effect in other parishes, although, from the unfortunate state of the weather, as it regarded agricultural employ ment, the labourer would otherwise beve s heen quite desti tute. From Buckinghamshire the report was, that it had done great good, and that it had tended to unite those classes who had too long been severed from each other. From Hampshire, Sir. Reader, an active magistrate, sent word that it h td acted most beneficially—that it had kept down the poor rates—that the men were employed—and that the poor men had been prevented from clubbing their discontents, and hatching mischiefs. From Hampden the report had been most favourable; and from Farnham the statement made was, that in the winter of 11331-1832, 196 men had been upon the parish ; but that in February, 1833, there were only 12—that a saving of &IL had been made in eight weeks—that there had bee❑ no fires, no de predations, no disturbances. At Marlow, 80, nay, he might say 100, labourers had been taken from the poor rates ; and from Enfield he had evidence of its great utility. In Surrey he had the authority of Mr. Hohne Sumner for saying, that in many parts it had produced the most advantageous results; and in the report of the Poor Law Commissioners, who visited Warburton, great benefits were attributed to its operation. Their Lord ships would see, from these testimonials, that not only in every instance had the Act reduced the poor rates, but it had done more—it had effected an object of much higher importance in finding constant employment at a fair rate of wages, for large bodies of labourers.— (The Noble Duke here read an extract from " An Appeal to the Justice of his Country, by one of those tried for Machine-breaking at Salisbury, in 1331," in ohich the unfortunate man stated that he was brought to his un happy situation from no fault originally of his own, but from an impossibility under the system pursued in agri cultural districts, of earning fair wages.) It was for these reasons, continued the Noble Duke, and having proved by the evidence he had read the great benefits which the Bill had conferred, that he had taken the liberty of calling the attention of the House to it. He hoped he should not be misunderstood. He did not propose it as a cure for all evils under which the agricultural popu lation was suffering, nor as a remedy for those produced by the maladministration of the poor laws. He brought it forward as a temporary measure, and as a palliative for present evils, till a more permanent amelioration could be decided on. He would express an earnest hope that their Lordships would permit it to be read a second time. The Bishop of LONDON felt himself bound to oppose this measure—first, as a member of the Poor Law Com mission, and in the next place, as the protector of an order of men for whose benefit this measure was kindly intended, but whose ruin, in his opinion, it would ulti mately prove. Indeed he would not have come forward, if he were not satisfied the measure would prove down right ruinous to those very parties whose privations it was hoped to diminish. With respect to the document frost] which quotations had been read, he did not think the Noble Duke Irel treated the Poor Law Commissioners very fairly. The Noble Duke read cer tain portions of the Commissioners' answer to the Chan cellor of the Exchequer, in favour of a certain kind of rate; but he passed over those which told against the present one. The Commissioners said there were many places where a labour rate would prove highly beneficial, when it was founded on just and tolerable principles. Why be himself knew of an instance (at Pulverborough, as we understood the Right Rev. Prelate), where the labour rate o❑ the incumbent automated to 9001. per an num, the living producing but 1,000/. A Bill of a similar kind to this had been introduced by a Noble Lord oppo site some time back, on the discussion of which some remarks were made so pertinent, that the extracts not being very long, he should trouble their Lordships with !hem. (These extracts strongly denounced the proposed Bill as putting the provident and improvident man—the cane who thought of his family, and the other who only thought of the beer shop—on the same footing.) These remarks, continued the Right Rev. Prelate, were uttered on the occasion alluded to by no other than the Noble Duke, the proposer of the present measure —(Hear.) Another Noble Lord, now the President of the Council, bad also most emphatically, and with his usual ability, denounced that Bill. The fact was, that the principle of the Bill was radically bad, inasmuch as it led to the belief that all must be provided for. however idle, reckless, or undeerviog. The Noble Duke contended that the pre. sent Bill would binder eat ly and improvident marriages, but from that opinion he entirely dissented. In his view of things, they ought never to relieve one class of society at the expense of another. Another evil that he saw in this measure was, that all property was rated alike, whether arable or pasture. It was most unfair to rate tithes on the same scale with other things; indeed, they ought not in any case to be rated with agricultural property. Mr. Lowman, in his admirable work lately published, had clearly shown the injustice of this mode of rating. In fact, as far as the clergy were concerned, he could prove by. letters that if the measure were carried, it would have the effect of depriving them of the means of exist ence. There was another point to which the Noble Duke had not adverted, namely, that by the operation of the Bill, the circulation of labour would be completely dammed up. In many parishes (he himself had known instances of the case) farmers would be compelled immediately to dismiss their best labourers, because they did not belong to the parish. The Right Rev. Prelate proceeded to read the report of one of the assistant Commissioners, to show the evils which resulted from the false principle of the poor laws, that every man who wanted relief was entitled to it, simply because he wanted it, and without reference to other considerations. He opposed the Bill also on the ground that (as indeed he had incidentally shown in what he had taken the liberty of stating to their Lordships) it would be injurious to the labourers themselves—to their character, their comfort, and their happiness. In his opinion the best course their Lordships could pursue, would be to throw the Bill out, with a view, if any measure on the subject were immediately necessary (which, however, was not his opinion), to the introduction of a new Bill. Under all these circumstances, he would move, as an amendment, that the Bill be read a second time that day three months. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE assented to every one of the principles laid down by the Right Rev. Prelate; and continued to entertain every opinion which he had formerly expressed, when a Bill proposed by a Noble Earl opposite was under consideration, for which Bill his Noble Friend's Bill was tendered as a substitute, and passed. Nevertheless, he was desirous that the present Bill should go into a Committee, as a temporary measure only; with this knowledge and avowal, that, great as was the ne cessity for a remedy in the administration of the poor laws, the present was not the moment in which to pro pose a remedy, or to endeavour to sweep away all the existing abuses. Every mode ought to be adopted which it was possible to adopt, to maintain the character of the labourer, and to keep him in a state of comparative inde pendence; and that was the object of the present Bill, and in so far as it was much preferable to the system, which in many parts of the country, and especially in the West of England, exposed the labourer to a degradation which would unfit him for any future improvement. It was undoubtedly true that the Bill might be liable to abuse, hut it might undergo correction in the Committee. What it principally did, was to enlarge the power of the parishes to employ the funds which might be raised. It did not give power to raise any new sum; but it merely divested the existing system of some of its vices, until their Lord ships felt themselves in a situation to adopt some more extensive measure. The Earl of WINCHILSEA trusted that their Lord ships would agree to his Noble Friend's Bill, unless they were prepared to pass some other measure for the purpose of preventing those demoralizing effects which that Bill was calculated to diminish. It had been already stated by his Noble Friend and himself, that the Bill was only temporary. As to the administration of the Bill, he (Lord Winchilsea) had had experience of it in several parishes, and it appeared to be fairly administered. The Marquis of SALISBURY objected to a measure which would give to any individual the power of imposing such a ra'e. The Bishop of BATH awl WELLS was afraid that the Bill gave too much power to the rate-payers. He would not oppose the second reading, because the defects might be corrected in the Committee. The Earl of STRADRROKE should vote for the second reading. The Marquis of BUTE was opposed to the principle of the Bill, but he should offer no opposition to the second reading. Lord WYNFORD concurred in the views of the Right Rev. Prelate (the Bishop of London), and he was of opi nion that the Bill would be mischievous in its operation, and most unjust to the clergy. The Duke of RICHMOND replied. The Bishop of LONDON withdrew his amendment. The Bill was then read a second time, and ordered to be committed.—Adjourned. LIST OF THE MINORITY OF FORTY.SEVEN, WHO VOTED IN FAVOUR OF MR. LAMBER'S RE. SOLUTION, " That it is the opinion of the House that the pledges given by his Majesty's Ministers that the Bill for the Suppression of Local Disturbances in Ireland should not be applied to the col. lection of Tithes, and that the Arrears of Tithes should be got rid of, have not been fulfilled ; and also that the employment of the military and police forces in serving Civil Processes and levying Tithes, is highly unconstitutional, and ought to be dis continued." ENGLAND. Aglionby, H. A.—Cockermouth Bainbridge, E. T.—Taunton Gully, John—Pontefract Kennedy, J.—Tiverton Romilly, E.—Ludlow Romilly, J.—Bridport Strutt, Edmund—Derby Lynch, A. H.—Galway Macnamara, W.—Clare Co. INagle, Sir R.—Westmeath O'Brien, Cornelius—Clare O'Callaghan, C.—Tipperary O'Connell, Daniel—Dublin O'Connell, Maurice—Tralee 0 Connell, Morgan—Meath O'Connell, John—Youghall O'Connor, Don—Roscommon O'Connor, Feargus—Cork Co. Perrin, L.—Monaghan Co. Roche, W.—Limerick Ronayne, D.—Clonmelli Ruthven, Ed.—Kildare SCOTLAND. Gillon, W. D.—Falkirk, &c. Oswald, R. A.—Ayrshire Wallace, Robert—Greenock IRELAND. Baldwin, Dr.—Cork City Barry, G. S.—Cork Co. Bellew, R. M.—Louth Blake, Martin—Galway Butler, Hon. P.—Kilkenny Co, Chapman, M. L.—Westmeath Evans, G.—Dublin Co. Finn, W. F.—Kilkenny Co. Fitzgerald, Thomas—Louth Fitzsimon, C.—Dublin t o. Fitzsimon, N.—King's Co. Grattan, H.—Meath Co. Grattan, J.—Co. of Wicklow Ruthven, E. S.—Dublin Sullivan, Richard—Kilkenny Talbot, J.—Athlone Talbot, J. H.—New Ross Vigors, N. A.—Carlow Walker, C. A.—Wexford Wallace, T.—Carlow TELLERS. Lambert, H.—Wexford:Co. O'Ferrall, R. M.—Kildare FAIRED OFF. Roebuck, 1 A.—Bath FIRE ON BLACKFRIARS-BRIDGE.—AII ac cident gave rise to a scene that has not been witnessed for years--viz., a fire on one of the principal bridges of the metropolis, if ; indeed, such an event has occurred since the celebrated fire on London•bridge. The utmost cu riosity was excited on both sides of the river about five o'clock yesterday, in consequence of a large body of flame being observed on the bridge. Crowds of persons ran to the spot, when it was found that the watchbox, fitted up in one of the recesses of the western side of the bridge, was in flames. It appears that a man after having en. joyed the luxury of smoking, threw his pipe over the watcbbox, and it fell with some lighted tobacco in a small space left between the box and the stonework of the bridge. Here was deposited a quantity of straw, which ignited, and the strong wind soon produced a blaze which as suddenly extended itself to the wood work of the watchbox, and in less than a quarter of an hour the whole of the " building" was in ruins. Engines were sent for; but as the conductors of the Fire Police con sidered that a hoax was attempted on them when they were told Blackfriars•bridge was on fire, they did not put their horses in requisition. A water-cart being in the vicinity, it was brought to the scene of action, but by this time the watchbox was reduced to charcoal or ashes, and a few pails of water put out the fire. The " property" destroyed was not large, there only being a coat and a few other little articles in the watchbox at the time. DEATH OF A FEMALE SAILOR.—AII in quest was held at the Town-hall, Gravesend, a few days ago, on view of the body of a woman named REBECCA Youso, but who was better known by the name of BILLY BRIDLE, she having for the last year or two sailed in a hatch-boat as a seaman with a man of that name, and always passed as a seaman. It appeared by the evidence taken before the coroner that about nine o'clock in the morning of the day on which the deceased met her death she dressed herself in a pair of trousers, and a shirt, jacket, and neckerchief, which she borrowed of a sailor belonging to one of Don Pedro's ships lying off here, and went on board with him. About five or six o'clock the deceased, who it appears was groggy, wished one of the men to go to the mast-head with her, and after some he sitation be went to the maintop ; the deceased wished the clan to go higher, and they went to the topmast cross trees. After sitting there a few minutes the man was called down, and in about five minute:: afterwards the de ceased followed, and in attempting to come down by the top-gallant halliards her hands fired, which obliged het to let go her hold, and she fell on the deck, about a height of 20 feet, and was killed on the spot. The jury returned a verdict of " Accidental death." HOUSE OF LORDS, Juzia 13. The Lord Chancellor, the Marquis of Queensberry, and the Eat of Ilchester, sat in the House of Lords to hear Scotch appeals. Their Lordships were occupied the whole morning with the part heard appeal of Walker v. Craig, which possessed no point of public interest. COURT OF KING'S BENCH, JUNE 13. THE KING V. HATTEICK. This was an indictment under a statute of William 111, against the defendant, Captain George Battrick, of the Hebe. bound from Liverpool to Buenos Ayres, for refusing to bring back from the latter port two of the crew, which he took with him from this country. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL (with whom was Mr. SEEPRERD) stated the case for the prosecution. He said the statute of William the Third was passed in order to prevent masters of vessels from leaving any of their crew in a foreign country in a state of destitution, and it was provided that if any master wilfully refused to bring back any of his crew, and left them on shore, he was liable to be indicted for a misdemeanor, and punishable at the discretion of the Court. The Learned Gen tleman having stated the circumstances of the case, called the following witnesses : Isaac Pensonby stated that he was shipped by the de. fendant as mate of the Hebe, which sailed from Liverpool for Buenos Ayres, where they arrived in April, MO. On Thurs day, the 24th of June, he, Haines, the Carpenter, and Capes the seaman, were ordered by the defendant to row him ashore, a distance of seven miles, the vessel being in the outer roads. When ashore they took some provisions aboard the boat, and at six o'clock in the evening the master came down to the beach and ordered them to return to the vessel, in. tending himself to remain on shore for the night. Capes was rather intoxicated, but witness was sober. Threemen, who stated that the captain had given them leave to be put on board the Lavinia in witness's boat, came on board, and they werk put on board the Lavinia. They then called to see a person on board another vessel, and in a few minutes proceeded towards the Hebe, it being then dark, but her signal light was to be seen. The wind and current being against them, they were un. able to reach her, and having no kedge anchor on board, they cast out a piece of pig iron; however, the boat drifted, and in the morning they had lost sight of land and vessel. They then deemed it best to make for the Colonia Islands, but meeting with a French vessel they were received on board, and after being absent all Friday and Saturday, on the evening of the latter day they arrived again in the outer roads of Buenos Ayres. On the following morning they went on board the Hebe, when they found a new mate and carpenter on board, and defendant rc fused to see them. The witness and Haines offered to go to the Vice-Consul, and it was agreed they should do so; the defendant then ordered them to put their goods into the boat, and they went on shore; on visiting the Vice-Consul, the latter advised the Captain to take the witness and Haines back, or to abide by the consequences. The Cap tain then offered to pay their wages if they would leave the ship, and they agreed to do so ; the captain in conse quence said he would go to his merchants for some money, and meet them on the beach ; when the master came to the beach he refused to take them on board, but pushed off, and next morning the Hebe sailed. The witness, whose wages were 4/. a month, did not receive anything, and had to take his passage to England in another vessel. The witness was cross-examined by Mr. PLarr, but nothing material was elicited. Robert Haines gave similar testimony. On cross-examina. tion, however, he admitted that there was a kedge anchor in the boat, but it was put in for ballast, and was under the beef; besides, it was not the boat's anchor, but the ship's, and they had no rope sufficient to cast it. Mr. PLATT, in addressing the jury, contended that the story about being driven out to sea was a trumped up story, and that by being absent two days without leave was a desertion according to the provisions of the 37th Geo. 111., which stated that a seaman, who was absent from his ship 24 hours without permission, should be so seemed, and have forfeited his wages. George Harding, a seaman on board the Hebe, and also nephew of the defendant, stated that on the voyage out Haines expressed hit intention of deserting the vessel when she arrived at Buenos Ayres, and getting work as a carpenter, because better wages were paid there. He also stated that at the time when the Captain was to meet the pro. secutors at the beach, to go on board, Ponsonby was not to be found, and Haines, although requested to go on board refused to do so. Captain Bristow of the Mars, was at Buenos Ayres and remembered the two men leaving the Hebe. At the time they were absent, as they said, in consequence of being driven out to sea by bad weather, he said the weather was so mode.. rate, that nothing but very great neglect would have occa sioned their being driven to sea. The SoLiaToa-GENEasL rose to address the Jury. The Jury interrupted him and said, they were unanimously of opinion that the defendant was guilty. The Loan CHIEF JUSTICE was of opinion that the defendant was guilty of a violation of the Act of Parliament ; but pos sibly there might be some circumstances which, when the de fendant was brought up for judgment, would be much in mitigation. NOY D V. REYNOLDS. This was an action brought by the plaintiff; an attorney, against Reynolds, a saddler, for 4RL, the amount of a bill of costs for a conveyance. The plaintiff proved by his clerk that the work in the bill had been performed, and that the charges were fair and reasonable. Mr. EARLE, for the defendant, stated that the plaintiff', be sides his more studious pursuits of the law, was known in the sporting world, and was well acquainted with horses. Mr. Noyd being in the habit of dealing with the defendant, one day entered his shop, and understanding that he was about to make a purchase of some freehold premises from Messrs. Green, at Tottenham, told him that he thought it would not be out of the way if he gave him the job, as it was in his line, and he would do it strong for him. The defendant knowing that he was dealing with rather a knowing character, wished to be upon firm ground, and asked him what was the highest price he meant to charge. After some talk, the plaintiffagreed to convey the property for two pounds, and a mare which had fallen down in a gig, which was brought out and examined by Mr. Noyd. The defendant, in order to make the thing per fectly secure, got the lawyer to write down the terms of the agreement, which was produced in Court. The tender of the 21. before the action, and the delivery of the mare, having been proved, the plaintiff was nonsuited. COURT OF EXCHEQUER, JUNE 13. THE ATTORNET-GENERkL W. MONGER. This was an information filed by the Attorney-General against the defendant for concealing a quantity of smuggled French ribbons. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL, Mr. CLARK, and Sir GEORGE GREY, appeared for the Crown, and Mr. ADOLPHUS, assisted by another Gentleman were for the defendant. The case for the Crown was that on the 16th of March the officers of the customs went to a warehouse in Wycherly.yard, Thames-street, and found the defendant in the counting.house, and in the desk they found seve ral catoons filled with French ribbons. They then searched the warehouse, and, in four large boxes, that appeared to contain apples, they found a few apples on the top, then a quantity of lead to make up the weight, and under that the cases were filled with ribbons, which were all seized and con. demised. They sold for 6361. Bs. 6d., but the Crown only went for the triple value of taking them at 6001. For the defence it was attempted to be proved that the warehouse belonged not to the defendant, but to a man named Gage, who was the real smuggler, but who had run away—that Mongue was merely allowed to use the warehouse in his own business as an egg-merchant, for which he paid a trifling sum to Gage, and that he knew nothing of the trans. action, as he had made no attempt to get out of the way. The Arroaxxv-GENERAL replied, and said it was clear that though the goods were not directed to the de. fendant, he was found in the possession of them, as the officers found him in the counting-house, and at the very desk where part of the goods were; and when they had searched the four packages, Mangue said, " You have got all the goods, you need not search any further." After the learned Baron had summed up, the jury instantly returned a verdict for the Crown—Penalties, 1,8004 The late Lord KING was facetiously called " the Bishops' Tormenter." His Lordship led the Reverend Bench a sad life of it. Upwards of 2001. were taken at the gate of the Zoological gardens on Whit-Monday. This is " seeing the lions" to some tune. We should strongly incline to doubt the au thenticity of the following paragraph from the Sheffield Iris, if we did not recollect how frequently the murde rous spring-gun used to be resorted to for the protection of property, until the Legislature at length interfered. The fact is, that the protection of property forms the first con. sideration in this country. The protection of life is not even the second ; for when law and usage happen to be, as they mostly are, on the side of havoc—vide our critai. nil code—they obtain a degree of respect too often, as ex perience proves, superior to the claims of humanity. Will it be believed that the bard-hearted vigilance of the pro prietor of some garden ground at Rotherham, has disco vered a substitute for spring -guns, which is quite as Ai cient in the way of murder ? The following is the para graph from which we derived the intelligence " NEW METHOD OF DETECTING GARDEN Rosin:sta.—We are credibly informed that a gentleman resident in Rotherham, who had his garden f requent l y ro bb e d o f cucumbers, last week had recourse to a new an d cur i ous met h o d of detect i ng th e thief. He strongly I m p regna t e d a fi ne cucum be r with arse.. nic, and the same was stol en th e f o ll ow i ng night, or early the next morning. The thief was discovered beforethree o'clock the same day in a condition that beggars description. We understand that many individuals in this neighbourhoUd have had recourse to the same practice ; for, as the law now stands, owners of gardens meet with no protection."--sheffidd Iris. According to this account, not only has the creditable dis covery been made, but it is already becoming popular. What a state of society does this exhibit ? Must we hare another Act of Parliament to prevent us from poisoning each other, for the protection of as much property as represented in the price of a {moniker