The Sun. — London, England, 1833-07-25 00:00:00

'tb t )ivn . Friend ge ter the , 3e had d e fr Id be Pu t , vO d e tero ieve that ountry. wer kW Gentle lion. A y. ment hi .l )ne---- ctri es °' enter e O 6 , t goo. :4 r of ir,AIP" from 11° 4; 0 cast On Aferob e A r rratullate; n 1 the or, stated,d were sted tba t the P °c , ally, as erect 'oted to si a jesti i 4 t to re' I aye his was to n tl see ° .tion •, so redo hay ? 1 respeclr t 13n we° I ifg o ul. g 4 j )rts o f Id be ° P o ol st India re with f e j, gar woo li i , ket ? ar , I ial to the r.4epifi hia re 00, o f tb m e ' n e that an d the d 4. nt of a to l4 1110 Wed should irie, rt of ,) Ir t of tP9 te ,be P ° r tik orsP ° d 171 r ' nove e (I"' n o toltt ' svo, ),et, n in e e r suer n. e d 3 Y h P q r/ Oa t-e 1 0 , reel ,yet Ø ) lose jeerll! [t the heir f r • ire ° f e e 01 411 ; P P . refit ee ro ,) bO ,O bad ;to ~0 relati"4,l 5r°66 tselgned to the Colonia 'Legislatures. ne , knew the extent of that mischief, and might ; hut he could not agree to the :ollosving re in the Bill :—" And whereas such regulations as could not without great inconvenience be made, by the respective Governors, Councils, and As . other local Legislatures of the said respective or by his Majesty, with the advice of his Privy in reference to those colonies to which the legis• authority of his Majesty in Council extends ; be it enacted and declared, that nothing in this Act extends, or shall he construed to extend, to the enactment by the respective Governors, and Assemblies, or by such other local Legisla as aforesaid, or by his Majesty, with the advice of • Council, of any such acts of General Assembly, or orders in council, as may be requisite akin or and establishing such several rules and t h as aforesaid, or any of them, or for carry e same or any of them into full and complete In this most material respect the interests n egroes bad suffered ; but the House a lsoto know in what respects the interests of planter s had been advanced. Government had eltnPloyed for a twelvemonth, or perhaps conside engers in ascertaining the real value of West India and in April last they had formally communi ,' n ot only the conclusion at which they had arrived, ---an Y of the materials on which that conclusion was The result was that fifteen millions sterling betaken as a full and equitable adjustment; this converted into an absolute gift of fifteen and finally the grant was raised to no less than He (Mr. F. B.) spoke to facts within knowledge when he asserted that debts which in April were good now, and that parties who apt in April were solvent now.—(Cheers.) upon this, therefore, as a most fortunate wind s West India planters.—(Cheers.) He was . 1 ready to give the twenty millions, if it would 4e ancipation, but certainly not otherwise. By the of the West Indians themselves, it was more than entitled to; and when they wanted aid, they their condition and the,value of their property He appealed to the House, whether the ,s'enty millions could be justly claimed by the :,"(Cheers.) If there were the slightest truth in stat ement that it cost so much to rear a negro—that ' l ° Perishable an article when reared, and at last a workman, what pretence could there he for Planters a sum so enormous, since no increase could render West India property a profitable upon an enlarged scale, or for a lengthened '(Hear.) He did not grudge it to the West e ° the contrary, he said, " Take your prey while 't it," It had been said that he was an enemy Indies, but he was their friend in saying, upon it you will not have the opportunity ' , --(Cheers.) Next year you will not obtain and apprenticeship : you are now offered twice over—first, by twenty millions of , secondly, by apprenticeship."—(Cheers.) He People out of dooms were anxiously waiting for 5 1 this night's division ; they were most desirous .iceship should be done away with, and then ere mealy to give the twenty millions freely. On of apprenticeship, he wished not to influence but to appeal to common sense. Ile had the system of wages should be admitted, was rejected ; and the slaves were not to but they were to labour 71 hours per day, for a without any remuneration. He maintained ah 'was a direct invasion of all the principles of a downright robbery of the negro.—(Hear, B ut what h e wished to enforce was the absurdity • There must be a motive to svotk, yet was neither hope nor fear. He thought that a delusion prevailed upon this subject—he bad m an vapour about the industry of Scotchmen and of negroes, and the conclusion to which he that negroes should he slaves, and Scotchmen re and laughter.) He (Mr. F. B.) had - just to ask him whether it was usual for to w o rk without wages? and he honestly t o"—(Cheers and laughter.) The conclu e Whic N h . he (Mr. F. B.) came was, rather that • should be the slaves and negroes the freemen. No man of common sense would work if he ive. He did not speak of it as probable, but that the effect of the measure would be this : suspension of all employment in the West and the stagnation would not arise from the unlike, but like all the rest of the world— would not work without motive.—(Cheers.) •Indians asserted that there had been no cruelty— P• B.) had s a id the same in all debates—it was t r del tY--it was necessity, and if the whip were placed h •tante, when it was used, it must be used with "e!itYs Would the people of this country pay of money in order that the old system happen toreild ?_-(Cheers.) But something worse sure as of his existence that jcaornrialsei;pe:inceewas as of the Bill would be an insurrec .44...asp La HA 1834 would be like St. Darning° in ialthrear, hear.) Nor one hope would be left of I f ' s eSt ions e°l "ies• He had received more commu ,,i4a rnju i" o 'n . Perhaps any other individual, not only Ne, "nee, but from others not friendly to his f ee s el vll a they not • concurred in this—that if justice rou st d one to th e negroes b y pa yi ng them wages, 4'14 the Produce insurrection. What he wanted was, ta r : t heos s P t h erie d of apprenticeship should be reduced to the ta &test" i amount, consistent with the attainment of sa et i ts • st e t ,P tnr , view ; and he tVds happy to . say, that a jel "ltt t a b ent had been tried within the last four years, c ut : sp e ( t ) dY of not less than 30,000 Hottentot. They th„ettottitees, it was true; but according to all con tain' t ett e i h ui °nYi including the Secretary for the colony, 4, g kW a more degraded state than any slaves, besides pe : at 04cerhially indolent and improvident. They had thesliss; emancipated and turned lo( sa, without pre vatSectuenut by accounts from Captain Stockenstrom, ret uiu rider of the district in which they had settled, t h s u tnea tn 4l° ntlitt after they were located, 25,000 of them nelneighbo'heir work, and 5.000 had fixed themselves in s r iltl ntist te et hood of Cat River. A more industrious thaan theo j ee c° °lti not exist; and he had received a letter of in which the writer said that he was in 1 e , t ellig e „ 4,00 0 Hottentots, who were as happy and : er gultsr.) - ", a as many Scotch peasants.—(Cheers and t h a tiot e i li ' he writer was himself a Scotchanan, and a s nyo, t hen i t i Scotchmen too ; and he stated, moreover, , b re) • iottentot village he saw Scotland in her best Ile 47 c'infi tra g j er •) A gentleman recently arrived en op t b"ed . s. l , - h - 7 it this statement. .Under this conviction, ti e Slav er it he an instruction to the Committee tt eof t h e Y Abolition Bill, that they shall not, for the te t . t 4int or o P a r . lini amy interests of the Mawer, impose any I..,l eat Y for C l g 4t han upon the negro which was not ne s s r of s • e "n welfare, and for the general peace and t °elev. th e f ree d ears hat they shall limit the duration of ireetierri T3,restrictions which may be imposed upon tal be tens the negro to the shortest period which r en sary to establish, on just principles, the system Tile labour for adequate wages."—(Cheers ) ki t e questa, tt it 5 „.,. , n was then put from the Chair. ti " ANLEY had heard with surprise the charge 1, 4 phtetue alterations had been made to the advantage of fis t t er, and the detriment of the slave ; for, when 11 °11 t h lT 'troduced the subject, the conditions imposed 'asela day slave were—that for seven and a half hours, in st t t - J , be should labour for the benefit of his master— aserk the rest of the day fa should indeed be free s nt sh ot for himself, acording to a scale of wages ; ta hitns e i t t b e Whole of those wages were not to be devoted b s v,sly eye __ or to his family, but held fur the State for ll s _lasesi tten s r i a, as the price of his emancipation. The change tad oft ofmade, in this respect, was clearly for the Platt er ttou o f neg . ro. Was it to . his det . ..iment that a tiv e ti me had been given to him for his own e tow enefit a ss _ (Q l. Lot h as (Hear.) Was it to hiWdetriment that rrt r lia ) ilia called upon to pay a tax to the State ? kit e %v et . e non. Member, therefore, was not treat aa,inst'kent fairly, when he asserted that every tlZ ° 7(Ca sern 'lncfited the planter, and injured the esti: : r unt th e t ) The Hon. Member would find, ', et °I August,, MI, slavery would be 4 . 4 6 Nta a : l t e h l t hroughout the territories of Great etitl no step gained ? He would ask the t n 4e titer, f n estl ° o , or the most sanguine of his supporters, t ql ri e t.t . fontin:stor five years ago, they could have believed, the a'sk Patti expectations, that it would be enacted by an ' . ent, that, through the wide realms of e at o n r a rla Yssa t t rn b a l V, e ,' slavery should entirely cease on a N os , y team s the term slavery should be blotted out, ;. alai s ts , our Statute Book, but out of all the osatiattie of 411`auetieet..Bo_o,k.s--. that it should ' be declared . to be Vsh eth ask, 7 winch could not exist in law He it et' 11, anY one bad stated such expectations, 11,41.1.4%isnettlement ~, tk a a baZ would not have been disposed to stigmatis of abed dieP°'eddtee'Pri"? Yet the Honourable Member oofthrow additional difficulties in the way a question already sufficiently em- Z s 'e fr o g. He did not mean only the difficulties which S tslitt rr ' t he coal' • at. .. 'cling interests which were concerned, arising from political considerations—aiffi b;soli exter7islating, in this country, upon a subject of If ligh t Through all these t h e k ti nt thee, by to that state, th4ai t ffic i u n l ti t e h s r they weeks,hacl °lti on 'Led by the Hon. Gentleman' not only ee the re- a of the House, but an expres ' s Act would have made t l ° l 10: 44 Y assigned rin icille ' 14 ; v er, knew t rou gi''._, e b N' t i' t t° it; hut on forelr 5 . in the Bi e good i ll . '‘td could nc , t be just i: 4 4 7 , bY the res .d be te°' • :e", or other w „, th (~:ft, or by hi s 0,1 1 'kit i n , n was, ti ) , re f eree .01 e nutho • perm' . e.efer rity of &,441eniied extend rnpiled i is , le e enacted a w pp o e rl ri ds ,l 3 ; o l l tat the en ac s tt s ' r an d Ass, should 0 . pr's aforesaid, led in c" rs to be e 0 17 Y Coun c il bo le , ardinaoe , ners s , t ale . es, or which tl',, •sl at i e mn g and which r- g th. na as ato :'or expol 'q.t.:, same o r ~, :ars, shol l the in this s notori o ght alsoegroes linarily I° ,' '' to kW might sue tIl planters h ad but it r ( .1y e l o rn p lo yed f or ty of 2 4 _, 6 ttp e t - „ n g et, in a , it him, ° 7 o i . d, - ' o ' e an d in it s ystesi it t roaa n " Only t h for PO I .f twed! of t h e 1 he abject: 0014 h . The re , and reeei'il e ts e f te — taken as , men a dop t ' ill ions , r cot sugar Pr r I'snt an d final! rithout fo r is ' taillio ns . e, and MO' tr:1 3 1 1, 4 knowle, me, , s ialtett b a " l ,_ i ° April a stove, s Vlooka4rup t i n standar d° ' I I foe ed upon tt 3'.'""aillstieLitttlit,h.e West y the 0 - ' -ste i ; "eady to • these Si lit !' n i det e . 4naci Patif nd that o t :j e ,re - e ; of the W, ily occur(' te za , e entitled ,i e , e a , nd more '',„ t' , ' e q : their co obtain r' t am ot 'ugh. He • 041 a 'hp thing ta 4 4 , 0 enty m le West I tY h e st„ --- (Chee thing atffl ij : ~! Va l .er aelat thz try, or al 4 74 40 1, 10 Perishal If inds ,t ' e tise " h ad a wor : attemp t : E' hoe n t , -e Planter his count r y ot "en ke l "old r e reason 1 , Period ? ea t a t Up, , that it 9 , o ,dies,iner.' vbaek. ' 4 . I,,,j'att can O a the c ' and JO,' - th e w get i t. . ' to be beve l bep e ,, e 't Indie tvnt of Itii, 6 0th u u pon nay ? , th th Year,,,__,( fo , to b e 4 roe Country ~ t 1 , 4 ,_, ney 1 , ns, a nd 1 ? kley, 14 tWIC o ' 4 14 tv ' a tßi ' y cou ld A tie t h , sitcom ,e dedwh r e te ll at peo p l e ,t s uffer I/ t e l :,it aPit of this unt of o°e. t he ittreenticeshi sugar %bi t , ready 3ent al ,l l h 'ter ct °f an e i bra , Ags L , :',e was r , but I'o4 that ut I take `p o d t a the the paid or °A t ,,, e , s44 o sal ar export; a i l ' 14 ~.e, , but ng d e taill d , It tcare, wit at the 0 ° ", i l tlui ty, at was a ing foril,', (Pr.) 1 1 a d o be admit`sli he r th e 4.. at whz That o°,o tn e th, Y , lt ern. o ft .od -(e eparei o f t ea d eal was n , her differelith,rd 4 el " d e i, re a bOU rv olt a 4 11 e,„ an Y a p hich, it fr e e s Was, of ne ir a ssent' t a L./ ' that tk' h e \Ch lon. Ges io tott occasioneers iately al' 4, th4,4n ji 0, 'asered , to to do so, °,, Lt o ' No.' idia intero, -`,tehrn which I Bill at sob. N. e , n 'thou] motion e l ; i 44 s o ') No kll that : 0 ;; i evit e h ta le ° , ti ve. ith ; so ° tt l o rlt t s that t total a sus them fl b t oo t k Indic' ations s,, b , tl'irtit:e being'l th ut out of "" 1 f r ,'t ti,e un ~. Al t t1 . 3 .4 ' i ~t V e y , would competitt`; lane(Mr tviodiar rot of / 0° )I tit F. B.) !I would 0 4 d,,tl"--it , to be r od Niu e a nte, , 0' tIV r Stee • than the 4, ea,toty millions my. iners of vaitalht h. ut that t v 1 , /4 t ha- rest° taken and ar tr'"her happen. ~ , :,, 2a. i o , on te - i ..,4 ma paid •ar declared that the laws of Great Britain know not the name of slavery ; that every man who lives under the British Crown is free. Did he ever state with regard to the details of the measure, and to the adaptation of the local laws to the new state of society—did he ever state that the concurrence of the local legislatures was not ne cessary ? The Hon Member seemed to take his exceptions at random. He (Mr. Stanley) entertained for him the most unfeigned respect ; but could he imagine it possible for them to legislate properly for eighteen separate colo nies, each having a different set of laws? If they passed this Act in a spirit of defiance, the local legislatures would have a thousand opportunities not only not to assist, but to throw impediments in the way of the measure. If they were to leave it entirely to the local legislatures, with the hope that they would themselves proceed to abolish slavery, they might reasonably doubt—they might fear— they might more than doubt and fear—nothing could be more certain than that they would not take those steps which their own state required ; but when they had once shown them that the step was inevitable—when they had pointed cut to them the mode in which they were to pro ceed, and the manner in which the designs of Par liament should be carried into effect—when they were informed that it was the determination of Parliament to proceed with the measure in case of resistance, he was of opinion that the matter might, in the first instance, be left in the hands of the local legislatures, with whore the filling up the details of the measure must necessarily be left. Would any gentleman turn to the preamble of the 17th clause of the Bill, and look at the different cir cumstances which had to be considered in every different colony—he would then be able to tell whether it was possible, at this late period of the session, to legislate pro perly upon the subject. He hoped the Hon. Member—he hoped that every man in this country, felt the importance of accomplishing the object of the Bill, provided it was accomplished i❑ the most conciliatory manner to all par ties—giving the slave absolute freedom at no distant period, leaving to the Colonial Legislatures, as far as could be done, the grace of passing that Act, and giving that compensation which, when the Home had deter mined upon granting emancipation, he was sure the House would not refuse. In the next place, he would refer to the question of apprenticeships, to which the Honourable Member had not directly alluded. He had said that: this Subject ought to he considered only with reference to the negro, and not to the maser. He (Mr. Stanley) was of opinion that the apprenticeships were as necessary for the negro as they were for their masters. The Hon. Member bad never himself advocated immediate eman cipation. His (Mr. F. Buxton's) opinion upon that subject had bee❑ recorded in a speech in the year 1829, and he must allow him to adhere to the same opinion as he had then advanced. He trusted that the House would sanction the apprenticeships as well as the com pensation. He trusted that the House would he too just, not to say generous, to pass a resolution depriving the planter of his property without granting him compensation. He did not shrink from avowing that the plan of c.ppren• ticeships formed part of the payment which it was intended that the proprietors should receive. He was ready at the same time to admit, that when Hon. Members assented to the principle of apprenticeships they did not bind them selves to the time the apprenticeship should last. The principle bad been asserted, but the duration had been left vague and undetermined. Any Hon. 'Member, therefore, was competent and free to vote for shortening the term of the apprenticeship, provided be did not destroy or fritter away the principle. There were two separate grounds upon which they calculated the amount of compensation. They had to pay down the value of the slave, the price of one-fourth of his labour for twelve years, and for the entire remission of all his labour after the expiration of the period of twelve years. The sum taken had referere.e to the rate of interest, and was consequently less than the value of the negroes, because it would be paid twelve years before the final extinction of slavery. In taking the value of the negroes, thirty millions was probably a fir valuation. Taking the number of slaves at 800,0001. that sum would give an average of 371. 10s. a head. Its the variety of particulars which had to enter into the calculation, it was impossible on such a subject to be perfectly accurate; but he would show that this was a tolerably near approxima tion. In the Commission for distributing the loan granted by this House to the West Indians, one of the objects men tioned was, to take evidence on oath with respect to the value of the slaves in the different islands. In the island of Jamaica, on twenty-four estates, contain ing 5,000 negroes, the average value of each was 40/. In Barbadoes, the average was, in one case, 38/. ; but generally speaking the average was between 40/. and 50/. on that island. In the five years ending in 1830, the value, as ascertained by the books for the payment of the taxes, gave, upon 472 slaves, an average of 35/. 10s. In Trinidad, upon 331 slaves, the value averaged 361. 15s. He made these statements only to show that his calcul 1- tions could not be considered exorbitant, The average which he had taken would make thirty millions, which would have to be paid in twelve years; but it must he borne in mind that the master lost one fourth of the slave's time during these twelve years ; and therefore it was not sufficient merely to pay down the value of the slave. He did not hesitate to say, that the system of apprenticeship formed part of the compensation by which the planter was to be indemnified— An Hole. INIEmBER (we believe Mr. O'Connell) here asked a question which we could not catch. Mr. STANLEY continued—The Hon. Member had asked a short and pithy question.—(A cry of "Oh.") He would tell him why the planter should be indemnified— because the principles of justice require that no man's pro perty should he taken away without compensation—because the laws of England forbid taking away a man's property without the consent of the owner ; because in this case the property would be taken away in a manner the most offensive ; and, lastly, because, acting on the prin ciples of justice, the House had declared, that emancipa tion and compensation should go together. The question was not about the principle of compensation, but about its amount.—(The Right Hon. Secretary was repeatedly interrupted by conversational remarks and questions, the purport of which did not reach the gallery.) There was great difficulty in ascertaining what the amount should be, because the calculations depended upon a variety of con siderations, and a small mistake in a minute particular would throw them all wrong. In the first place, they were taking one-fourth of the negro e s labour for his rims• ter for twelve years, leaving him at the same time the whole charge of his maintenance for three-fourths of his work. The expense of keeping 800,000 negroes, he thought, would not be overstated if he reckoned it at 21. 10s. a head, making thus 2,000,0001. a year fur twelve years. The amount would thus be swelled up to an enormous extent; and at least one-fourth of that ought to he saved by the master. The next consideration was the deduction which ought to be made for the sum to be paid, depending upon the rate of interest in consequence of the money being advanced immediately. If the rate were 10 per cent., making allowance for the advances for the support of the slave, that would give 3,406,0001. ; if eight per cent., 3,768,0001. ; if six per cent., 4,900,0001. If they were to t ike six per cent. as the rate of interest, and to take his calculation of the value of the negroes at 371 10,. a head, giving altogether 30,000,0001., the sum which they would have to pay would be 27,000,000/. as representing that which had been taken from the master. If they took the value of the slaves at 24,000,000/., and the interest of money 10 per cent., the sum to be paid would be 15,000,0001., allowing for the maintenance of the slave in the mean time. The Right Hon. Secretary ,Mr. Stanley) went into several other calculations, for the purpose of showing the grounds upon which Ministers had proceeded in de termining the amount of the compensation. The Hon. Member had asserted that the negro would not work without some stimulus or another, whether by sufficient wages, or by personal coercion. He blamed the present scheme, because it neither supplied the one nor the other. In a great degree, Mr. Stanley contended, it supplied both. It took away the capricious exercise of the master's authority—it preventA vengeance ; but it did not debar the master from exercising a summary jurisdiction over the slave, though it provided that the punishment should take place in cool blood, and before a Magistrate. He wished to know how many apprentices there were here who laboured with no stimulus of hope or fear ? Mr. FRYER here observed, that in this case there was a contract. Mr. STANLEY continued—There was a contract, bur it was not entered into with their consent. They o ere hound either by their parents, or, if they had none, by the parish officers. Like the slaves or apprenticed labourers, as they were now to be, these had neither punishment nor wages ; and it was rather an extraordi nary position taken by the Hon. Member for Weymouth, when he contended that it was necessary to flog men within an inch of their lives, or give them ample wages, in order to induce them to work. Looking at the ques tion as prudent practical men, was not the House bound to see that the slave should not make that sudden and vio lent transition from slavery to freedom which would ruin all who had embarked capital in the West Indies! :Was it not better to sacrifice some of their abstract principles rather than expose themselves to such consequences? They ought to be exceedingly cautious how they con ducted an experiment, the magnitude of which had never been equalled. Let them see how the propriet ors consider the question of apprenticeships. One and all declared, that if the negro did not give a certain portion of his labour, they must give up the cultivation of their estates; this country must sacrifice these once opulent colonies; a great number of their countrymen must be consigned to beggary and ruin ; and the very means of supporting the negroes themselves must be taken away. As to the ques tion of wages, or in other words no wages. in nine cases out of ten they would not exist. He did not deny the statement of the Hon. Member about the Hottentot set• tlernent. He had instanced the absence of any complaints at the Circuits, as a proof of the good conduct of these settlers ; but that afforded very slight ground for congra tulation, for he (Mr. Stanley) doubted whether any Circuit passed within one hundred miles of it. From all accounts, however, which he had received, nothing could be more peaceable and orderly than the conduct of these settlers ; but that was not suffi cient to prove that the negroes in the West Indies would act in the same manner. There was another point to which the Hon. Gentleman had also referred ; he had stated that the system of apprenticeship was framed in consequence of a part of the Bill which had now been abandoned. It was framed from a con viction of its necessity, both for the planter and the slave himself. The period of twelve years had been assumed with a view to the payment of the price of the slave by instalments of one-twelfth each ; and the principle had remained unaltered. Considering that the mere maintenance of the negro and the continuance of peace and good order, were not all that they had to look to in framing the Bill—conceiving the proposal, limiting the negro's apprenticeship to the shortest possible period which might he necessary, and then to assign him suf ficient wages—conceiving this proposition to be one which might mean anything or nothing, he did not perceive what good effect could be anticipated from the motio❑ of the Hon. Gentleman. The next topic to whirls he hail to advert was the fear which had teen raised of an insur rection among the negroes. Now,. rom the bottom of his heart and soul he acquitted the Hon. Member of any intention of exciting the negro's mind by his speeches ; he would shrink with abhorrence from the idea that any thing which he might say or do should lead to the spil ling of one drop of human blood. When he proceeded dealing out the hardest terms against a measure leading ultimately to the complete termination of slavery—leading to that which would establish complete equality of civil rights between men in every portion of the Ving's domi nions ; if slaves were taught by the expressions used in that House, which ought to go out in words and in truth, " that it is the opinion of persons so deservedly re spected, and that it is the opinion and declaration of a great and powerful party in this country that they can see nothing in this measure but cruelty and injustice ; that the slaves are mocked by it ; that they are only about to have a heavier yoke imposed upon them, and that the natural consequence is to draw the negro into insurrec tion ;" if the negroes learnt that such language was used, would it not, he entreated the Hon. Member to consider, be exceedingly likely to produce that very insurrection '.which he feared? Would it not direct the negro mind to that as his remedy? He entreated him to consider the mea sure with more favour—to exert himself rather to point out the real advantages and substantial benefits which it would be productive of, and to persuade the negroes to justify the confidence which the British people placed in them, and to prove by their industry, their labour, their bettering of their own condition during the inter val of their apprenticeship, that they were worthy of the great boon which the justice and humanity of the British people was bestowing upon them at so great a sacrifice.—(Cheers.) Mr. MACAULAY rose with feelings of regret upon the present occasion. Though there were some parts of the plan which he highly approved, yet he rose with the purest and most benevolent feelings to state a few objec tions. He believed slavery to be the greatest of political evils. When he thought of the horrid state of the slave, he felt ashamed when he recollected the declamation and the exertions which were once put in operation for the re moval of the Catholic disabilities. They had seen guilt in many ages and in many countries ; but where had they seen guilt in the hideous forms in which it had for so many years been exhibited in the West India islands ? Countries in which abundance had been made to do the work of famine—the most salubrious air to do the work of pestilence, and peace to do the work of war ! Coun tries in which every effort appeared to have been suc cessfully tried to keep down that disposition to increase and multiply which was manifested by the human race in every other part of the -world.—(Hear, hear.) Al though there had been the most fierce and prolonged wars in Europe, population went on augmenting ; although ambition had done all that it could to destroy, and although it had been assisted in its baneful efforts by famine and pestilence, the void which they created was speedily and completely filled up. The law of nature was not counteracted. As soon as the population became thinned by any powerful physical cause, early marriages increased, and the deficiency was soon supplied. In the West India colonies alone, the situation of the natural labourer was never beneficially affected by external cir cumstances. In the West India colonies a state of society existed, unparalleled in the history of the world. Fully believing in the necessity of demolishing slavery, he never theless thought that his Majesty's Government had taken the right course in the Bill which his Right Hon. Friend had i,itroduced. The only fault which he found with that Bill was, that it had a leaning to mitigate an evil which ought to be abolished altogether. The principle of slavery, as Montesquieu had observed, was a principle of pure, un mixed evil. Terror was the only motive that could operate upon the slave. Terror was the only mode by which the proprietor of the slave could hope to guard hie own life, or to save his wife and daughters from violation. If they abstracted terror from the system, the whole fabric of slavery was at once destroyed. The introduction of liberty was a new principle, not a mitigation of an old. To try to mitigate slavery without introducing liberty, would be to pull down props without setting up pillars. Of that patt of the Bill, therefore, which abolished slavery, he cordially approved. There was another part of the Bill which he knew was most unpopular—he meant the compensation clause—to which, however, he gave his full consent, Adam Smith had most justly declared that the property of man in his labour was the origin of all property, and ought to be held most sacred. Therefore, if there must be robbery at all, he would rather rob the planter of his property, than the slave of his freedom. But to that alternative he was not reduced. With the question of compensation a slave had nothing to do. The State had solemnly sanctioned the property of the planter. The public frith had been pledged to its maintenance by pro. clamation, by treaty, by prescription. Could that Huse consent to violate it? He had beard that it was maintained that the planter ought to receive no compensation, because there ought to be no indemnity for the abandonment of crime. He protested against such a doctrine, as establish ing principles that would be most extensively pernicious. If they were to violate the public faith pledged to the West Indian planter, they would establish a precedent of a most monstrous and injurious character. To illustrate this position, he would take an instance from the com monest life ;_suppose a Catholic gentleman had ordered an image for the decoration of his chapel to be sculptured by a first-rate artist, and that when, after immense skill and labour, the image was finished, he should say to the artist, " Take it back ; since I ordered it my mind has been enlightened ; I now believe that the Protestant is the true religion. I therefore consider the contract between you and me as sinful, and I cannot consent to pet form my part of it." Would not the argument that would justly be used be, .‘ If you are enlightened, so much the better ; but you must pay for the contract into which you entered when you were in a state of darkness?" Or suppose a Maliometan, having three or four wives in his harem, were to embrace Christianity, would he be entitled to break his contract with them, turn them all out into the world, and leave them to starve? Nay, if once such a doctrine as that which he was contravening were established, almost the whole of the public debt of this country ought to be wiped away ; for he held that there was no national crime greater than to engage in wanton and unjustifiable wars ; and the greater part of that debt was incurred in the pro secution of such wars. For instance, during the Ame rican war we had borrowed 100 millions. The pro secution of that war was as wicked an act as the main tenance of slavery.—(Hear.) What difference was there between keeping one set of men in a state of severe and un merited bondage, and carrying fire and sword among another set of men who merely asserted their rights ? It it was unjust to compel the slave to labour throughout life for his master, was it not unjust to spend money in sending the sabre of the Hessian, or the tomahawk of the Indian, into the fields of a people who were only struggling for liberty? If, therefore, the principle against which be was contending was established, he thought that those by whom it was established would be at a loss to make out how the claims of any public creditor could be considered as valid. He repeated, therefore, that he was decidedly favourable to two of the principles of the Bill; the aboli tion of slavery, and the compensation to the planter. But as to the third principle of this Bill, which related to the transition state of the negro, before the total cessation of his slavery, he confessed that he entertained great, and in some respects he feared, insurmountable doubts. What he objected to was this, that the restraints laid on the negro by the Bill were not so laid with the sole view of improving his mor a l c h arac t er . his Right Hon. Friend had, with perfect candour, admitted that. The ninth clause of the Bill contained a provision that it should be lawful for the slave at any time to purchase his freedom on the payment of a value legally fixed. Now that clause admitted a principle in which he could not acquiesce— namely, that the planters had a right to compensation from their slaves. He denied the right of the State to demand any sacrifice whatever from the injured party. He would now say a few words with respect to the restraints imposed on slaves who were artisans, artificers, coopers, &c., or who, in the words of his Right Hon. Friend, were non-prsedial. Even many of those who denied that ft* slaves engaged in agriculture were fit for freedom, ae., 'flitted that the non-prxdial slaves were perfectly fit for freedom ; and he was convinced that they might be instantly set free from all restraints, without any danger whatever to . . society. If so, it was impssihle to justify the infliction upon them of a seven year,' apprenticeship. With respect to the other class of slaves, who, it might be said, stood more in need of a transition state, he was apprehensive that the twelve years' apprenticeship would be found a bad and inefficient mode of training them for freedom. There could not be said to have been any practical expe rience on this matter. Indeed, they might as well talk of practical experience of a nation of Amazons. There had been no example of such apprenticeships. He must say, however, that he thought the argument on the subject of his Hon. Friend the Member for Weymouth very con vincing; and that he did not think that his Right Hon. Friend had met that argument in so direct a manner as was usual with him. Agricultural labour in the West Indies was a most painful din.lgery. The labourer, there fore, ought to have a strong motive for exertion. He was at a loss, however, to understand what that motive was to be. Even in this country agricultural apprentices were not taken without a premium ; and he understood that the great body of apprentices did not earn their own liv ing. But what was to be the motive of the West India apprentice to exert himself?—The magistrate. It was he who was to superintend all the operations of society in the colonies. Every day in the week, and every hour in the day, whenever the master became harsh or the slave became indolent, there was to be no recourse bat to the magistrate. It must be recollected that in the colo nies the negro and the master would always have opposite interests, and that those interests could not be reconciled by law. He did not entertain the apprehensions expressed by his Hon. Friend the Member for Weymouth, th it such a state of things would lead to gross cruelty. It would, in his opinion, be merely a state of dead slavery ; a state destitute of any vital principle. His (Mr. Macaulay's) apprehension was, that the result of continuing this state of society for twelve years would be, that the whole negro population would become inac tive, would sink into weak and dawdling inefficiency, and would be much less fit for liberty at the end of the period than at its commencement. He had voted for the second reading of the Bill, and he t'aould vote for the third read ing of it ; but while in the Committee, he would join with other Hon. Members in doing all that was possible to amend those points of the Bill to which he objected. Lord SANDON contended, that unless the House were disposed to inflict artificial sterility on the colonies, or un less they could devise some stronger stimulus of labour, they must adopt the combined system of coercion and stimulus which the Right Hon. Gentleman's Bill pre sented. He was convinced that the stimulus in the Bill would act powerfully, and that the hope of liberation at an early period would induce the negro to exert himself for that purpose. It was also of considerable importance to remember that this Bill was the result of an understanding if not of a solemn compact, which had been sent oat to the colonies for their adoption. No danger, therefore, could be greater than that of inducing the slightest sus picion of the good faith of Parliament, or of its disposition to perform its engagements. Lord HOWICK had no objection to the proposed plan of apprenticeship, if this little qualification was attached to it—that, should higher wages he offered to him by another master, he might be at liberty to close with hint. Let the slave have the best market he could possibly find for his labour. He did not consider that his Right Hon. Friend the Secretary for the Colonies bad answered the arguments of his lion. Friend the Member for Weymouth. He had not shown how the objections to the apprentice ship could be met.—(Question, question.) Lord ALTHORP said the real question was, whether there was anything in the present plan injurious to the negro—whether it was not advanta g eous to him ? He contended that it would prove most advantageous to him in no one point more than in that which permitted him to purchase his redemption. His own opinion was, that the effect of the present measure would be to do away with slavery long before the expiration of the twelve years. —(Cheers.) Mr. O'CONNELL condemned the plan. Mr.BERNAL wished that the Government had confined the measure t• declaring the principle of compensation, and that they had the❑ left the rest to the local legislature. He had never been an advocate for slavery, and it was too late now to contend that it could last ten years longer, and Its had said so in. the communications he had sent out to Jamaica.—(Hear, hear.) He believed others had done the same. He believed, however, that in the intervening period the negro might betray great restlessness in his situation. Letters had been received in town from the Colony of St. Vincent, stating that a degree of restlessness had been already exhibited there. They had had some inti mation there of what was passing here, and the negroes already began to speculate on having white wives, and keeping their gigs and horses.—(A laugh.) In Barba does the same degree of restlessness had been exhibited, but from another cause—the negroes there were afraid that their masters would desert them !—(Hear.) In that feeling, many might prefer to remain under the old re gime, in that and other colonies; and he did not wonder at it, for there had not been a case of cruelty in Jamaica where the party committing it had not been held in execration. To return to the difficulties attending the execution of the Bill. Suppose the negroes refused to work when in their state of apprenticeship, how were they to be compelled to do so? Not by imprisonment, surely, for that would put an end to the cultivation of the estate. The Code Rural at Hayti, the existence of which was at first thought impossible in this country, was :more severe than the regulations by which the slaves were now governed; and be found that they must have a code of a most severe kind. That was a matter wort!:y of the most serious attention ; for merely to sly that the wank of emancipation was done on the passing of that Bill, as if it were a Highway Bill or a Turnpike Trust, was to him perfectly absurd. If the matter had been left to the Colonial Legislatures to carry into effect, their knowledge and their self-interest would have gone together in the work. His negroes, he believed, would have but little advantage in the change. They were now happy and comfortable—nothing proper was refused them—and in sickness they were taken care of.—(Cheers.) If their number had at any time decreased, he could assure the House that the produce of the estate en which that hap pened had decreased in the same proportion. A large body of what he might call the peasantry of the colonies now possessed the luxuries of life. Let the House take care that they did not hazard the well-being, the com forts, and the essential happiness of that body of per sons.—(Hear.) After a few words from Mr. STANLev and Mr. F. BUXTON, the House divided, when there appeared— For the original motion For the amendment Majority -7 The House then went into Committee, pro forma. The House resume 3. The Chairman reported progress, and obtained 1,..ve to sit again to-morrow (this day). DRAMATIC PERFORMANCES BILL. Mr. E. L. BULWER. moved the third - reading of this Mr. ROTCH would move as an amendment, that the Bill be read that day six months. The House then divided, when there appeared— For the third reading 33 Against it Majority -31 The MI was accordingly read a third time On the question that the Bill do pass, Mr. E. L. BULWER propose d a c l ause, prov idi ng that, within the limits of the city of London, the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen should exercise the right of licensing theatres, in the same manner as it was given by the Bill to the Lord Chamberlain. It was adopted, and added to the Bill. Lord W. LENNOX proposed a clause, which, he said, had been consented to by some of the promoters of the measure, to provide that no new theatre (the English Opera House excepted) should be constructed and opened within a mile and a half of Drury-lane or Covent-garden. It was opposed by Colonel EVANS and another HoN. ME AtMER, and Lord W. LENNOX agreed to withdraw it, in defe rence to the general sense of the House, observing, that it m ight possibly be brought forward, with inure success, in t h e House of Lords. The Bill was then passed. The other orders of the day were gone through, and the House adjourned at three o'clock. MR. BURKE'S HISTORY OF THE COM motans.—We are requested to state, that the 4th part of this interesting and important work, completing the volume, will be published on Saturday next, the 27th J u ly, embellished with a fine portrait of the SPEAKER Of the House of Commons. Orders received by every book seller and newavender throughout the kingdom. THE KING'S LEVEE. His Majesty, attended by Sir H. Taylor, arrived in town about half-past one o'clock yesterday afternoon from the palace at Windsor. The Duke of Gloucester received his Majesty at the Palace. His Majesty held a Levee, at which the Duke of Cumber land and the Princes Alexander and Charles of Solms were present. Le Capitaine Beaulieu, Secretary of Legation, attached to General Goblet, was presented to his Majesty by the Belgian Minister. Viscount Palmerston introduced the Earl of :pinto to an audience of the King, on his Lordship's arrival from Berlin. The Right Hon. Robert Grant, Judge Advocate-General, had an audience of his Majesty, and laid before him the pro ceedings of some Courtsmartial. The King gave askliences to— Earl Grey, the Duke of Richmond, the Marquis of Win. chester, the Right Hon. Charles Grant, the Marquis of Lans downe, Mr. Secretary Stanley, Viscount Melbourne, Lord Hill, Viscount Combermere, and the Earl of Albemarle. Lord Napier was the Lord in Waiting. At the Entr(,e Levee there were present— The Russian, Austrian, and French Ambassadors ; the Ba varian, Prussian, Wirtemberg, Hanoverian, Belgian, Nether lands, Saxon, and Danish Ministers; the United States Charge d'Affaires, the Baron de We3senhurg, the Austrian Minister on a special mission ; Captain de Wissell, of the Hanoverian Staff; the Lord President, the Lord Privy Seal, the First Lord of the Treasury, the Postmaster-General, the Secretaries of State for the Home, Foreign, and Colonial Departments, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the President of the Board of Control, the Commander of the Forces, the Groom of the Stole, the Master of the Horse; Viscount Combermere, Gold Stick (or Colonel of the Life Guards in Court Waiting) ; the Captain of the Honourable Corps of Gentlemen Pensioners, the Captain of the Yeomen Guard, the Judge Advocate-General, Mr. Under (Foreign) Secretary Backhouse, the Comptroller of the Household, the Master of the Ceremonies, the Master of the Robes, the Solicitor-General; Lord Saltoun, Field Officer in Waiting ; Rev. T. F. F. Bowes, Deputy Clerk of the Closet. Among the general company were— Marquis Camden. EARLS—Aboyne, Minto, De Gray. LORDS--Clifford, Auckland. RIGHT HONOURABLES—CharIes Grant, Robert Grant. SlRS—Graves C. Haughton, R. Bulkeley Philipps, Henry E. Austen Griffin Wilson. Archbishop of Armagh. REV. MESSIEURS—T. F. Foord Bowes, B. Bray. MESSlEURS—SpeAtiswoode, A. Lisle Phillipps, William Etwall, Wickham, Sparks, Lodge, S. M. Phillipps, J. W. Mid dleton Berry. ADMIRALS—Sir George Scott, Lord Colville. GENERALS—Grosvenor, Lord Lynedoch, Hon. Sir C. Colville. COLONELS—Sir James Reynctt, Gilmour, Pasley, Wyn yard, Sir Henry Wyatt. MAJORS—Hunt, John Pettey, H. A. Scott. CAPTAINS—Bagot, Douglas, Rumley, A. K. Sharpe, R.N., Lamont, M.P., Murray. Commander Hope. LIEUTENANTS—Henry A. Turner, Pratt, Stanley Hornby. ENSlGNS—Spottiswoode, Poyntz. , . The following were presented to the King :—Sir G. C. Haughton, R.H., on receiving the honour of Knighthood; Ensign Spottiswoode, by Lord Lynedoch ; Mr. William Et wall, on going abroad, by the Earl of Gosford ; Mr. Wickham, on his return from abroad, by Sir W. H. Fremantle; Mr. Sparks, Deputy-Lieutenant of the county of Surrey ; Mr. Lodge, on having received the Royal Guelphic Order; Mr. J. W. M. Berry, on going abroad, by Mr. Etwall, M.P. ; Mr. A. L. Philipps, of Garendon Park, Deputy-Lieutenant for Leicestershire, by Mr. S. M. Phillipps ; Major Hunt, on his return from India, by Lieutenant-General Sir W. Inglis ; Captain Bagot, Grenadier Guards, on his return from abroad ; Major H. A. Scott, by the Earl of Caledon ; Commander Hope, on his appointment to his Majesty's ship Racer, by Sir J. Graham ; Lieutenant-Colonel Gilmour, by Sir A. Dickson ; Major John Petley, by Sir A. Dickson ; Lieutenant H. A. Tur ner, by Sir A. Dickson; Lieutenant Stanley Hornby, on his appointment ; Hon. Lieutenant-General Sir C. Colville, on his return from the Mauritius ; Lieutenant Pratt, by Major_ General Lord Fitzroy Somerset; Ensign Poyntz, by Lord F. Somerset. MONTHLY REPORT OF CORN, BY ORDER OF THE COMMISSIONERS OF HIS :MAJESTY'S CUSTOMS. An Account showing the Quantities of Corn, Grain, Meal, and Flour imported into the United Kingdom in the Month ended sth July, 1533 ; the Quantities upon which Duties have been paid for Home Consumption during the same Month ; and the Quantities remaining in Warehouse at the close thereof. Quantities Imported into the United Kingdom in the Month ended July 5, 1833. Species of Corn, Grain, Meal, and Flour. The Produce of, and lin- Imported from ported from, Foreign British Posses- Total. Countries. sions out of Europe. Qrs. Bus. Qrs. Bus. Qrs. Bus. .20,18 3 5,275 1 25,433 4 088 3 988 3 53 0 53 0 66 6 6 804 6 SO4 6 1,094 0 1,094 0 01 0 1 23,105 3 5,275 1 28,380 4 Cwts. qrs. lb. Cwts. qrs. lb. Cwts. qrs. lb. 956 1 9 8,959 2 0 9,915 3 9 i 956 1 9 8,959 2 0 9,915 3 9 Quantities charged with Duty for Home Con sumption in the United Kingdom in the Month ended July 5, 1833. The Produce of, and Im. Imported from ported from, Foreign British Posses- Total. Countries. sions out of Europe. Qrs. Bus. Ors. Bus. Qrs. Bus. 13 0 5,2.37 5 5,250 5 • 01 0 1 13 5,237 5 5,250 6 • Cwts. qrs. lb. Cwts. qrs. lb. Cwts. qrs. lb. . 291 314 10,721 325 11,013 3 11 291 3 14 10,721 3 25 11,013 3 11 Wheat Barley .. Oats Rye Pease Beans Maize or Indian Corn Buck Wheat Beer or lligg Total of Corn andl Grain Wheat Meal, orl Flour Barley Meal Oatmeal Rye Meal Indian Meal Tot l of Meal and Flour Species of Corn, Grain, Meal, and Flour. Wheat Barley Oats Rye Pease Beans Maize or Indian Corn Buck Wheat Beer or Bigg Total of Corn and Grain . Wlieat Meal, or Flour Barley Meal Oatmeal liye Meal Indian Meal Total of Meal and Flour Species of Corn, Grain, Meal, and Flour. Quantities remaining in Warehouse in the United Kingdom on July 5, 1833. Imported from 1 Foreign 1 Countries. The Produce of, and Im ported front, British Posses sions out of Europe. Total. Wheat Barley Oats Rye Pease Beans Maize or Indiani Corn Buck Wheat Beer or Bigg Total of Corn and Grain Wheat Meal, oil Flour Barley Meal Oatmeal Rye Meal Indian Meal Total of Meal and' '.lour .'162,305 0 17 21,931 1 15 444,236 2 4 By order of the Commissioners, C. A. SCOVELL, Secretary Custom-house, London, July 22, 1833. HORRIBLE CIRCUMSTANCE.-A private letter from Paris, tilted Weinesdry evening, contains the following extraordinary statement, for the accuracy of which our correspondent pledges himself :—" I have lately remarked on the increase of two great crimes here— assassination and suicide. Of the extent to which the latter carried you may form an idea from the following fact. Having occasion to visit Pere la Chaise to-day, one of the guardians of the cemetery, in the course of con versation, remarked, that the amount of mortality in Paris, from disease, had never within his recolleetion been so light as at the present time. On an average, nine inter ments per day only occurred there, of whom, at least, one-third were those of suicides ! Three of that class were yesterday buried here, said he, two of whom were husband and wife." Qrs. Bus , 11,10) 5 Qrs. I3us. 516,168 2 17,414 1 t 207,1111 5 5,065 6 3,052 6 22,K0 4 1 4 501,663 4 Cwts. qrs. lb. 1462,303 1 17 1 3 0 Qrs. Bus 557,277 7 17,414 1 207,110 5 5,065 6 3,082 6 22,820 4 1 4 512;773 Cwts. qrs. lb. 484,152 0 2 82 2 1 1 3 0 11,100 5 Cwts. qrs. lb. 1,81.8 3 4 83 2 11 SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS Mr. O'Connell has, we eee, given notice, that he will call the attention of the House this day to a breach of their privileges committed by four of the morning papers, by the publication of their proceedings. The notice was received with laughter, as was to have been expected. We leave it to the House and Mr. O'Connell to settle, as they best can, the arrangement by which the proceedings of Parliament shall be made known to the country, he ing quite satisfied that an assembly of men representin the people, must feel it due to their respective consti tuencies, that a knowledge of their proceedings shall not be withheld from them. Whether the House shall repeal their standing order, or suspend it, as has long been their practice, is a matter of comparative indifference to all but themselves. It is, no doubt, in the power of any Member to enforce the standing crder, if it rtmains IMO repealed, but this, we presume, will only have the of f,ct of hastening the rep: , al; fur we take it for granted, that a reformed Parliament would never dream of perpetrating what would amount to little e. , ,r5 than a ,felo de se, namely, interrupting the chancel of communication between itself and the people. Mr. O'Connell is so much the creature of impulse, and passion in him so often gains a victory over judgment, that it would be difficult to assign with certainty the motives for the strange course he is about to adopt. We have always held his powers in high estimation, and while we have readily admitted the great service be rendered to his countrymen, we have at the same time regretted that his powers should be so little under the control of reason, that, without any apparent cause, he wi'l turn with fury b day on the objet of his idolatry of yesterday. We noticed, a few days ago, a most absurd attack made by hint on the Parliamentary reporters, which we s,2t down to some mortification experienced by the Honourable and Learned Gentleman, in seeing himself or some of his followers reported, on some occasion, in what was deemed an inadequate manner. On subsequent inquiry, we found that a speech on the India Bill of the Honourable and Learned Gentleman, on which he had bestowed great pains, was not reported so fully i❑ any of the papers as it might have been ; but as no newspaper can report lite rally all that takes 'dice in even one House of Parliament, if the sitting ba prolonged from mid-day to late in the morning, and the readers of newspapers expect something more than mere reports of parliamentary debates, it is quite clear that the proceedings must go forth to the public in an abridged form—it is quite clear, that in selecting what goes forth to the public, cause of dissatisfaction will often he given. Mr. O'Connell has, perhaps, as little reason as most Members to be dissati•tb d ; for an examination of the files of the newspapers for the session will show that he engrosses alone more than a tithe of the pub. limbed debates. We may observe, that every year, the portion of a Morning paper devoted to debates is greater and greater. The number of Parliamentary reporters for each paper is more than twice (indeed nearly thrice) greater than what it was twenty years ago, and their labour is incessant. Though, therefore, newspapers are not responsible, and cannot be responsible to Parliament for the mode in which they report the debates, the fact is, that a regard to their own interest forms a sufficient in ducement to them to give day after day to the public a very ample account of what passts. If Members wish a more ample account, they are not preclu led by the news p ipers from supplying it themselves in a vehicle of their own ; but the newspapers must themselves be the exclu sive judges of what they shall and what they shall not publish. They are exclusively rtsponsible for what is published ; for though Mr. O'Connell ray speak with impunity, a newspaper has not the same privilege. That inaccuracies are occasionally found in reports can surprise no one who reflects on the circumstances under which they are taken. Whin Hon. Members themselves have iit,empied to report the proceedings of the House, they found the task attended with more difficulty than they anticipated, though they were placed close to the Speaker, and had the advan tage of seeing as well as hearing hint. In fact, many of the most distinguished names in the House have, at various tm es, admitted aregiv,n t t h u o e t s he rprisin put,li g e. fide T li h ty e w in i o tl t r iv whicb the e ' inflii de bates influencing Mr. O'Connell last night, was, we believe, the assigning to him, in the debate on Mr. Tennyson'; motion, only a few lines. This he, no doubt, attributes to a conspiracy among the reporters, as in all the Morning Papers the report appears of the same brevity. We are far from approving of any attempt to retaliate on Mr. O'Con nell's vulgar calumny against them, by the ex clusion of any one sentence of his, which, under other circumstances, they would have given. They would have better consulted true dignity by allowing Mr. O'Connell's splenetic effusions to recoil on himself. It is, however, but justice to the gentlemen who repot t for this Journal to say, that they assure us the brevity of the report of Mr. O'Connell's speech was purely accidental—that from the length of the proceedings in the two Houses, the Reporter whose turn it would have been to take notes of Mr. O'Connell's speech, had not concluded his former report in time for that purpose, so that a hiatus took place which we were unable to fill up. Our readers will pardon tile length to which our observations on this subject have ex tended. We take no credit for extraordinary virtue, but we wish to stand fair with the house of Commons and the public, for we should be ashamed of ourselves if we allowed pique or caprice to influence us in the discharge of a public duty. As a specimen of the falsehoods which are circulated on this subject, we extract the following passaie from a Country Paper, received only yesterday—the Sheffield Iris. After lamenting the brevity with which the eloquence of Mr. Buckingham is reported in the Lon don Journals, this Newspaper proceeds to observe:— " That the gentlemen reporters have their motives for the line of conduct they pursue, we do not mean for a moment to doubt, and as these motives are very likely private considera tions of their own, we shall not inquire too minutely into their character. The following circumstance, however, which we copy from the Perthshire Advertiser, will enable our readers to draw their own conclusions :--` A friend of our own, who happened to be in London watching the progress of a Scotch Local Bill, felt anxious, as the day of hearing approached, to secure a notice of it in some of the London prints, and for this purpose waited upon the conductors of a respectable journal, who, in answer to his request, recommended him to apply to the reporter ; our friend did so, and, after negotiating with this important personage, he, for the consideration of twelve guineas, procured a notice of his Bill, amounting to as many lines.' We will add another instance, which speaks volumes. In one of the debates on the slavery question, Mr. Hill, the patriotic Member for Hull, delivered an eloquent and elaborate speech, every sentence making an impression on all who heard it, except the reporters, who exhibited him in the morning papers, to the extent of a quarter of a column, although his speech occupied an hour and a quarter in delivery. The same evening, at a later hour, Mr. A. Baring came in, flushed, and in high spirits; he soon caught the Speaker's eye, and addressed the House amidst tremendous uproar. 'rho Great Baring, however, persevered, and from the determina tion he evinced, succeeded in commanding the attention of the House for nearly the same time as Mr. Hill, but without ad vancing a single original idea, the whole falling still-born on the floor of the House. Next morning the Hon. Gentleman figured in the morning papers to the extent of two columns ! 'thus, in many instances, have speeches been extinguished that would have done credit to the British senate, while the utmost care has been taken to preserve some dull prosy ha rangue, which told upon the senses of the reader more like an long-protracted yawn, than any thing in the form of an ar gument." We have no hesitation in saying that the Perthshire Advertiser has either invented the story of the twelve G uineas paid to a reporter for twelve lines, or that its informant invented it. There is not a reporter on any paper who dares (if he even felt inclined to do so) to take i t single farthing for any Parliamentary report he writes. The most probable solution we can give is, that the legal gentleman who was watching the progress of a Scotch Bill in London did not confine his attention to that object, and found it convenient to place to the account of a Parlia mentary reporter what would not have looked so well under another name. We call upon the Perthshire Ad vertiser to name its informant, that his calumny may , receive its reward in the disgrace which ought to attach to him. We shall see how Mr. O'Connell extricates himself from this foolish business, in which we are sure he , will not be abetted by the House.—Morning Chronicle. The Middlesex Magistrates, nothing daunted by the exposure 01 their late egregious blunder, arid its solemn u n r tso i . s . P .t r t.h e seat persons,o f denouncement as such by the Judges of the laud, are determined, it would seem, to persist in their error, • regardless of the cons quences, and intend this very day to hold an adjournment of the late Sessions, at which pri soners are to be tried, and the whole of the fiscal concerns of the county transacted. If the late Sessions lapsed by a n b n o d i ve r t ti jaseP°,,, alts mate' reason of the non-attendance of a sufficient number of se, Magistrates to constitute a Court—of which there seems not to be a shadow of doubt—any adjournment or revival of a nonentity seems an absurdity too palpable to be talked about; and it behoves the Magistrates, therefore, to con sider whether every act they venture to do to-day will not be invalidated, and its illegality, with as , its consequences, resting upon the shoulders of hose who venture upon, and take part in, so Jr I ilous a proceeding. But as good not unfrequently arises out of evil, it is to be hoped it p iii ie t s i e em n ee t bt u re, n ; fortunate dilemma will lead to the P t e d i r rn :l m i u e l e ict iL Cv onprovement of the state of crirnina .o l ,,, j kno.ws ho_77 r ig oli fi t i l i n ed c b o y un e t , y un — pe a t n e d n , t instead of being, as is now frequent l y the ur Peace y ho why, t° Gave been P"' - S:nat„rtd Lard Lieutenant, accupied by persona w by some heedless or goo to hj t E l l . P v7:nionis , on of Ti.