The Sun. — London, England, 1833-01-22 00:00:00

SPMIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The report of the first meeting of the new constituency of the city of London, which ap pears in our columns this day, will be read with different impressions by different parties. The Radicals will find it altogether to their taste—the Conservatives or Tories will, perhaps, denounce it as a revolutionary movement, but they will secretly rejoice at it, as a bitter pill to the Whigs. The Whigs will, of course, cry out against it, as a blow aimed at their power; while that clan' of Reformers who advocate reform for its own sake, without reference to the Treasury Bench, or the consideration of who shall occupy it, will probably wish that the attention of the meeting had been directed to objects of more im mediate and pressing interest than those whicl' were selected by the requisitionists. But, what ever may be the different shades of opinion amongst the community as to what the meeting ought to have done, there existed in are meeting itself a spirit so much resembling unanimity as to leave very little doubt that its example will produce a powerful influence in other places. There is another conclusion to be drawn from the same meeting, applicable to the right which that and similar assemblages claim of dictating to their representatives in Parliament. That conclusion results from the fact of stringing three such important questions together as the repeal of the Septennial Act, the adoption of the ballot, and the abolition of the assessed taxes. Who will deny that any one these questions is important enough to occup\ one debate of itself ? • The hnnping of then: all three together is, therefore, but an awkwaro compliment to the deliberative character of a hod which professes to anticipate the decision co Parliament by the right which it claims over the 'Members of that Parliament in directing how they shall vote. It will be a curious, and, as s conceive, not a very reasonable motive for any representative to assign against voting one wa) upon a question discussed for a whole night in the House of Commons, that he was ordered to vote another way, after a sort of partnership discus sion in another place, in which the same ques tion was despatched at the same time with two or three of equal importance. But the consti tuency of London will have it that they can kill three birds with one stone, and accordingly the) have decided upon those three great points almost in a breath, and certainly with very little consideration. Their representatives, who, wit! the exception of Mr. Waithmau, were all pre sent, subscribed on the instant to the instruc- tions imposed on them, so that it is not impro bable but through their means those topics ma) be forced upon the consideration of the Legis lature, to the postponement of more practical and imperative demands. The conduct of tht Lotd Mayor, not only in convening the meet. ing, but in presiding over it with a temper s( conciliatory and a spirit so impartial, appears tt have given, as it was calculated to give, verb general satisfaction to all parties. It is gratify. Trig to see the Chief Magistrate conforming it the wishes of a large portion of his fellow-citi zens, even though the purpose they have in vievt may not always be such as in his conscience he can approve, or in his judgment he can consider best adapted to the ends which they propose themselves to realize.—Morning Herald. The meeting of the constituency of the city to petition Parliament on the subject of the as sessed taxes, repeal of the Septennial Act, and vote by ballot, which was held yesterday, way Tory numerously attended. A long letter from Mr. Alderman Waithman was partly read before the business of the meeting commenced. L. this lettter, Mr. Alderman Waithman, withou' stating that the Septennial Act and the assessed taxes ought to be continued, and that the votin, ! by ballot was objectionable, expressed himself against petitioning at this time, as Ministers hadl shown such a disposition to do all they could for the people, that they ought to receive credi for the will to do all they possibly could ; andl with respect to short Parliaments and vote lit ballot, without underrating their importance, h. thought that their consideration might be post poned without public injury or inconvenience. whereas other questions of perilous moment andl vital interest could not with safety be post polled. When Parliament meets, allowane( will no doubt be made by the representative of the nation for the exigencies of the crisi-. But it strikes us that the course recommended by Mr. Alderman Wait hman is one more suited to the period which preceded the Reform Par liament than the present. The nation was thet looking to Ministers for a representation ; i now has a representation ; and having a repre sentation, it is for the people to express, throng! their representatives, their feelings and wishes that Ministers may be guided thereby. Mi nisters will communicate to Parliament th. knowledge their situation enables them to pos sess regarding the state of the country, and tin representatives of the people will, no doubt, show even disposition to attend to the sugges tions of Ministers. But, on the other hand, , it is for Ministers to be guided in en, measures they propose by the sentiments o' • the nation, as expressed through their represen tatives. Now, if the people feel themselves particularly oppressed by some of the assessed taxes, and if they feel also that open voting strikes at the very root of freedom of election. they are justified in calling on Parliament te remedy the evil with as little delay as possible. What renders the people somewhat more sensi tive on this subject than they would otherwise . _ be, is the proof afforded to them that Ministers have actually prejudged the question of ballot and triennial Parliaments. They have decided against the ballot ; and, in their view of the question, it is not for the people or their repre v.nratives to question the decision. In the Edinburgh Review for January, which made its appearance in the metropolis yesterday, there is. an article on the Reformed Parliament, and more particularly the ballot, in which it is not difficult to trace the style of one of the highest authorities of the country, and in which the author does not deprecate the agitation of the question of the ballot at this time, but contends that open voting is preferable. The argument for the ballot may be said to be in a nut-shell ; but the writer in the Edinburgh Review has not met it. In fact, he has merely gone over the ground travelled lately by the Times. One of our contemporaries (the Globe) took a bolder ground, for he did not scruple to argue, that independent voting was an evil ; that the people ought to vote as those on whom they were dependent, in their relations of tenants and customers, wished them to vote, and that there fore the ballot, in so far as it allowed the voter to act on his own opinions, was objectionable. The Edinburgh Reviewer, however, though his motives were, no doubt, the same . at bottom— namely, the wish, : tht elections shoUld be in financed by persons of property—proceeds as if he were -anxious only for independent voting. He first endeavours to show that the bal'ot would not be so efficacious in giving protection as its advocates suppose it would be—that against landlords and agitators it would not be a safeguard.—" At present," says the Reviewer, the victim of these oppressors is at least safe, if he obeys their commands. Under the ballot, the probability is, that many who now vote openly would not dare to encounter the suspi cion to. which they might expose themselves; for that in Ireland it should become the practice for the rulers of the multitude to leave voters to themselves, merely because the franchise was exercised in secret, is what no one, however slight may have been his acquaintance with that unhappy country, would expect." Then it is said it would favour bribery. The writer, however, seems to have his misgivings as to the int fficacy of the ballot, and proceeds to show, that the slender protection afforded by it would be purchased at too great a price. Here we have all the argu ments as to its tendency to produce hypocrisy spread out before us - in their most imposing form. "It works corruption and debasement," `says the writer, " mainly by making falsehood familiar. If then the ballot familiarizes false hood, it is as bad as oppression ; but it is clear that the oppression we are treating of does not degrade like other tyranny ; it teaches no false hood. A voter is compelled not to vote ac cording to his conscience, or even to vote con trary to his conscience. His lot is most hard ; the conduct of his oppressor is execrable ; no epithet is. so bad that he has not amply earned it ; but still his dependent deceives no one in the vote he gives; he votes avowedly under com pulsion. The public is injured, no doubt ; and by the ballot this injury is avoided, for the real, though carefully concealed opi nion of the voter is fairly represented. But this appears to be a good purchased too dear, when it can only be obtained by the habi tual practice of deception on the voter's part." There is a strange moral obliquity in all this. A man may send to Parliament one whom he conceives utterly unfit to discharge the duties of an able and upright representative—he may by his vote contribute all that in him lies to the ruin of the nation, because it is known that he violates his conscience under compulsion, and he deceives no one. He may commit a most heinous act —he may besides brand himself as a liar, be cause, his opinions being known, the lie can deceive no one ; but he must not follow the dic tates of his conscience in contributing, as far is in him lies, to the returning to Parliament a man whom he believes an able and fit represen tative, because the meant by which he is en abled to vote conscientiously might enable him to deceive the wretch who would compel him to violate his conscience. This is, indeed, straining at a gnat and swallowing a camel. It has been again and again shown, that, if the Ballot be effective to conceal the vote, the per-' sons anxious to exercise undue influence would have small temptation to demand that, of the truth of which they could have no assurance. But waving this consideration, are we to put the possible deception practised towards a tyrant, who would compel a fellow-creature to commit a flagrant wrong, for one moment in competi tion with the degrading spectacle of human beings publicly branding themselves, as guilty of doing that which, in their conscience, they ►bhor—of declaring, by their vote, a falsehood, because they act under the compulsion of fear of want ? From a nation constantly familiar with such degrading spectacles, all virtue and elevation of character would in time be utterly ba tished. IVlen would in time come to make a jest of the most sacred duties. Then the Reviewer commits the fallacy of considering the electors rustees for others. " Those individuals (he :ays) assuredly are bound to regard themselves, if any men are, as acting for others, as well as for their own interest ; and those others, who have no votes, are entitled to know how a trust io nearly affecting them is exercised." The constituency is either sufficiently extensive, or it is not. If it is sufficiently extensive—that is, if t embraces all those who ought to have a vote by making them responsible to those who ought o have no vote, is saying that those who are •xcluded from voting because they ought to have to vote, should yet control those who are selected for voting, because they are the only 'ersons deemed properly qualified. If, on the ether band, the constituency is not sufficiently .xtensive, it ought to be made so ; for nothing .ould be more absurd than to exclude from vot og those who are as well qualified as those who vote. But the whole argument is worth no ,hing. The principle of Reform is, that the ranchise is co-extensive with the interests of the iation ; and the security for the due exercise of he franchise is, that the interests of the nation will not commit a felo de se. However, the city of London has set a very different example o the country from the course which would receive the sanction of the writer in the dinburgh Review. The example will, we 'Jaye no doubt, be everywhere followed. The hree Members for the city present—Mr. Grote, Mr. Alderman Wood, and Sir John Key—promised to support the petition. Mr. Alderman Wood, indeed, distinguished very properly between the house and window tax and the taxes on carriages, &c. Mr. Grote allowed that the representative system had been materially improved by the Reform Bill, yet, at he same time, he could not but confess that it was far from doing all that was required. It had !eft several evils unremedied, and additional se curities to be provided for. Among the im provements to be suggested to a Reformed Par liament, there was no one greater—no one, indeed, so important—as the measure of the ballot. And be publicly promised that he should consider it his solemn and indispensable duty, on the very first opportunity, to originate a mo- . tion in the House of Commons to bring in a Bill for enabling electors to vote by ballot.— (Immense cheering.)" Mr. Grote concurred with Alderman Woad in thinking that some discretion should be used in calling for the re peal of more than the house and window tax. The interval between this and the meeting of Parliament will be devoted to similar meetings. This day the inhabitants of nine parishes of Westminster will meet. -We apprehend on all the subjects agitated at the meeting yesterday there will everywhere be found but one opinion ; and, if that opinion be strongly expressed, Mi nisters must attend to it.—Morning Chronicle. The Church, as is acknowledged by all who understand the state of Ireland, although from circumstances it may now appear the most pro minent cause of immediate difficulty to the ad ministration of the general government, has no claim to an equal rank of evil with the dreadful condition of the labouring poor, produced by the habitual and heartless disregard of ',their landlords. This we have described as the master-grievance of the nation,—as being at the root of all,—as twining round and -towering over all,—as fastening and preying upon every inhabitant of every cottage—on almost every estate in every county of each province through out an island of 12,000,000 of superficial acres, and nearly 8,000,000 of souls. The bulk of a people with few or no manufactures, and little foreign commerce, must derive their subsistence directly from the land, either as labourers upon it or as occupiers ; but there never, within memory, has been Irish capital applicable to the payment of agricultural labourers, suffi cient for the maintenance of the hands de manding employment. Had the whole of the landed proprietor's of that country since the Union been generally resident on their estates, a greater portion of useful and ornamental works would no doubt h a v e b een un d erta k e n for pur poses of obvious profit, accomm odation, or pleasure. This, to a cert a i n exten t, might hav e palliated the mischief of an unfavourable growth in the disproportion betwe e n th e employed and unemployed poor of Ireland, but we more than doubt whether any such change would have ef fectually checked it. Several causes may have conspired towards the rapid multiplication of paupers in Ireland. The first, most general, and most powerful, has been the worse than semi-barbarous state of the lower orders in all that concerns the enj o y men t o f, an d desire for, the ordinary comfort s o f c i v ili ze d lif e . Sensibl e of no such w a nt s , an d b roug h t up i n the misery of living from hand to mouth, the Irish peasant has, with few exceptions, married in extreme youth, and become burdened with a numerous family before he had laid by any provision for the supply of decent necessaries within doors, or for the profitable stocking and cul tivation of even the smallest patch of field or garden without. Such habits, descending from father to son, have made wretchedness and destitution the heritage of the race, so that barbarism ,and excessive numbers have been re ciprocally cause and consequence. The want of a middle order, to operate by example on those below them, has helped still further to re tain the peasantry in their prostrate condition. When, by some lucky and peculiar accident, a labourer has succeeded in emerging from utter poverty, and approaching to comparative inde pendence, he has not had before his eyes any better model for an adjustment of his habits to his increased resources than the "gentleman " to whose level he durst not dreain of soaring ; so that his modes of life, his indulgencies, em ployments, and whole demeanour in prosperity, differ not at all in nature or character from those of his humblest fortune. In point of so cial decency, therefore, the farmer and labourer are on the same footing ; in manners there is - Still less of regular gradation than in wealth. This, it is manitest, must work injuriously upon the whole body of the poor, by reflecting from above as well as from each other the unal tered image of their own rudeness. The next definite source of a redundancy of poor in Ireland is the mode in which the ra pacious habits of the landlords act upon the barbarism of the people. Where employ ment can with the utmost difficulty be had, and that but partially, at wages incapable of support ing life, the direct produce of the soil must be the labourer's main subsistence. Hence, land. is food, and house, and clothing to the peasant. He must have a bit of ground at any price, the alternative being positive starvation for his family. Since all are in the same predicament, they bid against each other ; they bid as rent what it is physically impossible to draw from the soil for the use of the landlord, after furnishing the most scanty and wretched provision for their own wants. The rule of the country is, or was, that the highest offer should be accepted. What then, can follow from the payment of such rents but prolonged and hopeless misery for the te nant ? What from their non-payment but ejec tion, and still more pinching misery ? The ab sence of capital would have led naturally to a great subdivision of farms among the Irish, but this tendency has been strengthened by an Act of Parliament which unquestionably had no such indirect mischief in contemplation. The Act of 1793, by which 40s. freeholds were opened to the poorest class of Roman Catholics, has ever since, down to the year 1829, been made an engine for accumulating a pauper population upon every estate throughout the island. Free holders were in place of feudal vassals; their numbers constituted the political power of the squirearchy. They were mustered at elections as demonstrations of force, and as measures of the claim possessed by each landowner to a share in the spoils of the community. Hardly a rood, therefore, of bog or mountain on which a mud cabin could he raised was left without its qualified faggot voter. Each hut required a female to boil the potatoes ; every female, with scarcely an exception was a breeder. Thus, for nearly a generation and a half, the materials of aggravated wretchedness had been industriously collected by the squires for objects purely velfish. Then came the law which abolished 40s. free holds, and the motives, as well for contriving their creation, as for tolerating the continuance of the attendant pauperism, were altogether an nihilated. The fruits of this measure have been unspeakably cruel. So soon as gentlemen found that a swarm of mendicant occupiers could no longer be converted to political ends, they dis covered likewise the extreme indiscretion of retaining such nuisances upon their property. What was to be done? The new lights of political economy which had hitherto been ob scured behind the curtain of the 40s. qualification, began to burn in full splendour on one side, while on the other was nothing but the dim, pale, tremulous lamp of pity for the destitute and famished poor. The part of the landlords was soon taken—the blush of humanity gave way be fore the frown of science. It was necessary to extend production, and to cheapen it; for such a purpose it was further necessary to have none but solvent tenants, with moderately large farms, on the land : the next necessity in the series was for the expulsion of the whole mass of small tenants—the men of one, two, three, four, and five acres, that the estates might not be over peopled, nor pauperism so frequent and disgust ing. Well, the thing was done : scores, hun dreds, thousands of poor families have been ejected from their dwellings without hesitation or mercy—from dwellings without other furni ture, to be sure, than the potatoe-pot, without any bedding but straw or rushes. Still they had warm thatched roofs over them, and so far al forded shelter from the wind and rain. The myriads thus unhoused had no refuge but the road-side ; multitudes, therefore, perished ; but more lived for vengeance. A Noble Lord's estate in the Queen's County was cleated successfully" of the pauper population ; but in that clearance originated the insurrec tionary proceedings, and midnight murders, of the Queen's County. The estate of a gentleman bearing military rank, and situated in the county of Kilkenny, was cleared in one day of 600 pauper tenants. The estate was dis burdened, and the county soon afterwards (hut 'rot before) disturbed, while the gentleman who ordered the wholesale expulsion, has never dared to show his face in the county down to the pre sent hour. So much for the state of the poor of Ireland, and for the relation between land lord and tenant, which is its main characteristic. The wretched creatures ousted from their lowly habitations, have huddled together in the out skirts of Irish towns and villages, containing at this time, we believe, the most pitiable mass of human suffering upon the face of the earth, and being, for the same reason, the receptacles the most pregnant with violence, outrage, and de struction of life and property. In this picture we have studiously refrained from every art of colouring, and every approach to exaggeration. There is, we are sure, no Irish gentleman who cannot, and no poor man who will not, confirm every word that we have stated. The general population of the country are not half em ployed, and of the employed more than half are on wages utterly insufficient to maintain them ; yet we turn up our eyes and wonder that such men are disaffected to the State and eager tools of in cendiaries or traitors, if traitors or incendiaries could be truly alleged to exist in Ireland ! The first remedy for this is a poor law. Read Dr. Doyle's pamphlet upon the subject,—read the evidence of some intelligent and respectable priests, and after that let any man who lists produce one sound argument against a system of Irish poor laws. A poor law wou)d render it no longer a matter of indifference to the gen tlemen whether the multitudes were or were not bowed down by hunger. Under a poor law the gentlemen would gain nothing by barbarity—he must support the indi g ence he causes. There fore it is that most Irish landlords, we say not all, are averse to a poor law for Ireland ; but the poor man, under such a law, would be no longer desperate and anxious for all violent change ; therefore, it may be that some distinguished agitators are averse to Irish poor laws. The priests, whose real interest is known to be the welfare of the peasantry and the peace of the country, are desirous of a measure which would force the gentry to consult the well-being of their neighbours, and would induce the labourer to acknowledge that he derived some protection from the law. Until that be done it is childish to blame the turbulent spirit of the people, and, indeed, is almost wicked to punish it.— Times. The great meeting which was held in the city yesterday is reported at such length in this day's Advertiser, as to render it utterly useless to point the attention of any one to it ; but the subjects treated at it are of such universal in terest, and vital importance to the whole com munity, that a few words in the shape of' comment may not, perhaps, be altogether with out their value. These subjects were the propriety of repealing the assessed taxes;---of rendering Parliaments triennial, instead of sep tennial—and of adopting vote by ballot, instead of the systenr of open voting which is now practised. With regard to a repeal of the assessed taxes, no proposition could be more absurd than one to repeal them in toto. The revenue, on . the one hand, could, not, we are confident, in the present state of the country,—with justice to the fundholder and justice to the expenditure which is required for the great public establishments of the empire,— : bear such a loss as that which would arise from the repeal of all the assessed taxes, without the substitution of others in their stead, which would be collected with greater difficulty, and might bear more severely on the middle and working classes of society ; while, on the other, there are some of them—such as the taxes on h or s e s, carriages, servants, &c.—which fall exclusively on those who are either able to pay them, or ought to be able to pay them, and which it would, in consequence, be impolitic to repeal. That portion of them, also, denominated the inha bited house duty, is only objectionable on ac count of the inequality of the assessment.. It is easily collected, it is easily estimated, it brings in a considerable amount of reve nue, and, what is more, it is not in any respect' prejudicial to the interests of trade. We con fess, therefore, that we have no wish to see this tax abolished, if' its abolition incur the neces sity of another being substituted in its stead ; for what better could be substituted ?—but we do confess our anxiety to see the window tax repealed in toto, as most oppressive, most bur densome, unequally assessed, most prejudicial to trade, and, above all, calculated to deprive the people of the choicest gifts of heaven—the most important necessaries to health and en joyment—air and light. This tax ought and must be abolished, whatever other tax may be substituted in its stead. It is not only an op pression, but an injury—not only a tax upon the purse, but a tax upon the trade and health of the community. We believe, however, that we may state with confidence that it has already been determined by the Government, if not to repeal it in toto, at least to modify it in such a manner as to render it less obnoxious than it now is. With regard to septennial Parliaments, who is there, we may fairly ask, who can in reason fairly hold up his hand in favour of them ? Are they for the good of the State, for the well-being of the community, or according to the original constitu tion of these realms ? Do they favour the interests of the elector, or the honesty of the representative ? Are they English in any other point of view than as an usurpation, by the aristocracy, of the rights of the people ? What would the people of Eng land think of the present Reformed House of Commons, were it to vote, on its meeting, that it should sit for fourteen, or twenty-one, or any other assignable number of years, instead of seven, without being re-elected ? Would not such a vote be treason to the people—a most abandoned usurpation of their rights ? Yet it was by such a vote that a corrupt House of Commons declared that its tenure of legisla tion should be septennial, instead of triennial ; and it is the r esu lt o f t hi s vo t e that a certain portion of the press, and a certain portion of the members of a Reformed Parliament, would defend and stand by as a thing not to be meddled with at present ! Baseness and hypo crisy, and corruption, could go no farther. Again, with regard to the ballot, has there ever been one solid objection adduced against it, or rather, are not all the objections urged against it, actually arguments in its favour ? It is un- English, says one ; but the assertion is not founded in fact. It will not conceal the vote of the elector, says another; but that remains to be tried. It will make all men liars and perjurers, says a third ; but if so, who would think of soli citing a vote from, or of offering a bribe to, a liar or a perjurer? It will destroy, adds a fourth, the bold, and manly, and straight- forward spirit of the people of. England ; but why has it not destroyed the spirit of the people of the United States—whydid it not prevent ',he people of France from rising as one man, and overturning the throne of the contemptible despot who had dared to disannul their privileges ? But we must have done. The meeting at which these most im portant subjects were canvassed was highly re spectable—the speeches excellent in matter ac well as in manner—and the resolutions such as became the constituency of the greatest city in the world. Let every county, city, and borough, meet and imitate its example ; and then will not only the lie be given to the unfounded assertion that " a reaction against that plausible, but hollow, novelty (the ballot), set in so strong as to render unnecessary any further opposition to it"—but the Parliament be compelled to follow the voice of the country by the adoption of all that is salutary as constitutional improvement or practical Reform of abuse.—Morn. Advertiser. It is with some reluctance that we bring our selves to any renewed notice of the meeting yes terday at Guildhall, which, both in its composi • tion and its numbers, exhibited a more lamentable failure than its most bitter enemies could have desired. In mentioning yesterday morning the busybodies who convoked it, we described, by anticipation, its proceedings, its character, and result. The old destructive Marplots and pledge concoctors, who exerted all their might to turn out the consistent Members for the city at. the last election, got up yesterday's Guildhall farce as an appropriate termination to their recent intrigues and tnancauvres. The actors were the same, the stage was the same ; the piece differed only in name. They could not make all the can. didates on the late hustings swallow the ballot and triennial Parliaments, except upon better evidence of their immediate necessity than they could produce ; they therefore mixed up this ra dical treat with the question of the assessed taxes, to the abolition of which they could reckon on a general consent, and made a hash of the whole in a petition to Parliament, which they instructed their representatives to present and support. By this means they think that they have committed them more effectually than by a pledge, as they not only insti uct them to advocate the objects of the petition but to em body them in three separate Bills, on which the House will be called on to pronounce a de cision. Three of the Members for the city attended, as in duty bound, and engaged to obey the instructions which they received from a portion of their constituents. We regret to learn that the fourth, Mr. Alderman Waithman, who sent an excellent letter, was aliment from severe illness. We have so often expressed our own opinions respecting the bal lot, and the shortening of the duration of Par liaments, before, that it would be as superfluous to enter into the subject now as it is ridiculous to discuss such questions with the dialecticians of the Common Hall. We observe that Mr. Henry Hunt, who, being now excluded from Par liament, must act on a humbler stage, claims the ballot as entirely his own, though the person whom, we believe, he calls his " bull-dog" made an ineffectual snatch to take it out of his mouth. The Ex-Member for Preston is per fectly welcome to keep his prize. We need scarcely again repeat, that we concur in that part of the London petition which prays for the abo lition of the assessed taxes, particularly of tha. part of them which falls upon the poorer classes. —Times. COURT OF KING'S BENCH, JAN. 21. THE KING V. THE EAST INDIA COMPANY. Is this case, which was nor concluded yesterday when our reporter left, the Court, after hearing ar gumeNti pro and con, at length, postponed giving judgment. EX-PARTE THE EARL OF LONSDALE. Sir J. SCARLETT moved for a rule to show cause why a crim►nal information should not be filt•d against William Stevens sad others, printers an•l publishers of the Carlisle Journal, for libels on the Earl of Lonsdale. The Learned Counsel stated that there were two subjects on which attacks had been made on the Noble Earl ; the first was the St. Bee's Charity, and a lease which the Earl of Long dale held under it ; and the second was the harbour of Whitehaven, of which his Lordship was trustee. The affidavit of the Earl of Lonsdale stated, as to the first, that when he took possession of his estates lie fiund a lease which had been granted to his an cestors, in 1742, of certain lands belonging to the charity, but without permission to work the mines on those lands. His Lordship was not aware that he had no right by the lease to work such mines until an information was filed against him by the Attorney. General, the result of ,which proceeding was that he paid into the Court of Chancery the full value of all the coals he had worked. Since [hat rime another lease had been granted to his Lordship by the present governors, including the mines, for which his Lordship paid a certain yearly rent and a per centage. With respect to the her boor of Whitehaven, his Lordship's affidavit stateu that he was Lord of the Manor and port of White haven, and one of the trustees of the harbour ; that he had never derived any profit from the harbour, but had spent much money on it. His Lordship stated that he had never received any of the public money whatever except his pay as an officer in the army, and his salary as Lord Lieutenant of the county of Cumberland. The libels, in substance, charged his Lordship and his friends and depen dents with having received half a million of the public money, and with appropriating to himself the funds of the charity arising from the coal mines, stating, that until restitution was made infamy would attach to his Lordship's name. The COURT granted a rule, and also a similar rule against Ann Lough, proprietor and printer of a Ken dal paper, for similar libels. COURT OF EXCHEQUER, JAN. 21. WILLIAMSON V. FURNESS• This was a special demurer to a declaration on a bill of exchange, and the common money -counts. At the end of the latter it was stated " that the said several sums of money (mentioned in the money counts) were due and owing from the defendant to the plaintiff, in consideration whereof he undertook and promised to pay the plaintiff." The common form is, in consideration wnereof " he the said de fendant underook," &c., but the words " the said defendant" were omitted, and for that cause the demurrer was assigned. Mr. WHITE, in support of the demurrer, argued that the pronoun " he" must be taken to refer to the next immediately antecedent substantive, which was the plaintiff. Mr. KNOWLES, contra, argued that it was clear to common sense. and no person could mistake it, that the word " he" referred to the defendant. The COURT gave judgment against the demurrer; and Mr. Baron BAYLEY expressed his regret that the records of the Court should be disgraced by such demurrers. PENNINGTON V. HEALEY. This action a gainst the defendant, an executor, who pleaded plene administi avit, was tried before Mr. Justice PARK, at Lincoln, when the plaintiff was nonsuited, with leave to move. The Court granted a rule to set aside the nonsuit, against which cause was shown on Saturday last, when the case was ar vied. Mr. Baron BAYLEY now pronounced the plea, by s h ow i ng a de judgtnent of the Court. The plaintiff endeavoured he pro ve d t h a t the de . t v o as d ra i r t o ; ef for ewe he which e purpose fendstit, in his representative character, consented to the discharge from prison of a person named Ito 3 111 01 te/ TTERS IN e r C/111 0enei i„ e d tellbt BTBI Jones, who was a debtor of the testator. The e l t . O , CE,7 l :_he:Si t , ell had obtained a judgment against Jones, whoa' " A Aisot a ( „1. N0..1 81 lodged mained i t n he L r a e n a ca c s o t n er ,id g e a r o a l b ; ie bu ti t m a e f , te t r he J e ct: c s ol t7 . :.. 1 ,1 1 .44.4g ic 77 4 ,4 , h t 4 1,, , e ' ,( 1 r s iiena e :th n i it,i t ohis e el latter' e d ,ancefateri a )iper t atooeri t ixs h c e ertairi te e r n m d s o w f hi l e B h 26 h , e t o ha J d oil p e r g o ; 00 1 10 1 b_._ . tle, Tux have been st tooted by undue motives. However, as b i ll i . i .. ‘"••••• , ......1 1 t . ,. „ 7 el show, exercise , a eo v dnf e , oh 1 that hs been adti indeed ct d rhe o et n i o e ddni b ere y sannd the tn Itia d ; e ivrp_ f e e e l it i 1,014 •1414,„ 1_,..11.11:..4.0...5.:ith... et.: ..;:.: . , consent the defendant in effect destroyed tiltaiot, bt ke4 /12 CO p w a h y i , c ri h ei t i h t. e i l t at t v va h s a c d o p nt h e tc n e d d ed in th h a i t s hands of o o u r n o te u u , Ol e j... 8 04._ y_ T np ari v e lv y - i 77,46 Enlheilis th.,„staeit, but the cases cited to prove th is'h. if.,..b..),,urntio.titi)ely(,liii all de fi cient in the material circumstance of s ° in, ... 0 OA COL that what had beeti done was the effect of 0 ow , !Ni l therm compromise. The rule for setting aside the n°, b e ctineim in . Aka 8 4 4 _ . g it must therefore be discharged. . - vf r ; dor p board ...... „. 21. , litlen, a ir the NV COURT OF COMMON PLEAS, JA L ‘' ;- it 10 ( 1 2M . Print CZ -M any; it LANCUM V. LOVELL. ,gr t• "like of y v., ~, :YR ; ;., ~ This was an action brought by the plain Le , "MA% u the A lessee of the Northampton tolls, against t" - • • ~ ;ja th e I fendant, a farmer, to recover a small sum o( 4 ' 'am e0. 44 . 1 "----01-1 for tolls, both on waggons and cattle. T he 7 1 rtrth x , shout question to try was the right of the corpora te ,• ' • Northampton to impose the tolls in question. _ .. b _ cause was tried several months ago before Chief Justice Tindal and a special Jul, . 14- • , hl , i7,"cl ut i lt ub d u ni r ein h i sittings for London, when the Jury returne d a • , 4 4 0 . 00 44 be hi diet for the plaintiff, thereby establishing the thea a of the co , ~r , p r to o ur an d- is o _______n to these T ot .7, 0 a...... . . .I n l s . 8..2 . 11:4 cl i s..s t . 1 , 68:p t nee l I . e .ir e .4lol . t ni t io . , en ' .1 f 7, ,- ,.,1.0, , l ' il o .l)ett 1116,4) . 1 1' 4 E ::,hO,. 1‘:, xt,,,un_ ti e L i rnaor ni .t it t ,ET rn i t nTßhi)d . enißt ahe er,ree quent term a rule was obtained, calling la V R . 4 24,T5, /1 , 13 .1 plaintiff to show cause why the verdict shoo 7,`214,8 . . '-''''' ou b wi e )., eido s: or t hf s a a‘ivd s m i h t i l i bic e :er a c t lco l v d icna ese a : li n ni ta e sibl :t aal i ett t :e r i et a hsb l :u h t a he d avr , dei o df n uebsi s e,ec e edei v i eortfiaeol v it ae . g pi,p f rp‘ h0.e... RECTORY , . k.hodp,,,luttito T te , :atrm i :Eis 4014:shoyurrni: rejected, Cause having been shown, and I , 414 1 . 4 , 4, . , , s t , _,, •• Wm ferent objections argued, the Court overrtne,,. - all, except the one above•siated, on which they' /Wird. it , DOV clined to pronounce judgment until they Si 1111,ptii,,,CONC. have the opinion of the other Judges on the ',: rea rne •ft B EASE Accordingly, the question was argued before ' 4 .111 I ,,_t , aecori. the Judges in the Exchequer Chamber,. by ' -,.' !,' ;it will Counsel on each side, on the day before. t .. ; ~t then u,efectibth • - • A 7 4 14 Hun and now - . b. ation ft The LORD CHIEF JUSTICE pronounced [ha., *7' Ai.„ a .,. gj ti "v; ten merit of their Lordships. Alter stating the,' :, li ii of ch dten the Learned Judge observed that their Lqr" :, . 11 / 4 : 0 11, &e. were of opinion that the evidence ought not•g°' '. ~ 1. 1 4 1 1 ct teen t been rejected, and, consequently, that the defer 1 1 4 . b tlarti n t7 re n si d was entitled to have a new trial. , ~ , 70taltims of . .t„ . ._ . and othe .................,... COURT OF BANKRUPTCY, JAN. 91 ' .: We re 's' toecti'e• 4ecorethay re' EX-PARTE n a.- ''ILR " 4 fellow HoBsoN7;TN T RwEs. --- THompsoN . 1 A . Ys MED This was a petition tit the assignees of IVlst . . , 4.tiadoh' F. W a commi-sion-agent at Liverpool, praying ie" - ' ri ll --; °liv der of the Court to the assignees of 'ih0 .. ,, 0 1 . 1,4 aid Drug a a l ti e d g H ed ill b t y o o d ie e m live t r o to be t l h o e ng pe t t o iti T ot h ie o r m s p ce so rt n ain an t A , 4'trl E TA it ili S LE to thews as partners. . P•oi ,' 4 o r ,t h ,e s•rut Their HONOURS dismissed the petition. ' 1,...` tn .. ' I. By james lN ß S u rOwL,VwEhNo whose COURT, case was JAN, 21. rne _• , • ,,, i 0 43E NT : . i t .N : 0 STEP J this stay, ~as now brought up for ju j d mi gmen i-. l ° • ‘ t% ik ' ' '' . . 4 if AZiala Brant a d e a n te ten o c t e . fidlintog hissix pe m ti o t t i a n t n h , s' fo i r m h p a r v is i o Ng nm m e a n d t e k: - . ~, l i: bi ttn,stBtl 6 . ll . l3 fne Y r i - i t ui h no ; ,,, T : twits and frivolous defence to an action br°.' . 4'1 2 141 . 11 74 n 111 ::G I E E 1‘7 ,, against him by a Mr. Townsend. ~ , n 't i ', .011 r. EXTI John Bradley, whose case was adjouro o '. 414 0 RIPPINt this day for the filing of a new balance shee t ' t. ' 4 ,UESCF for the product , on of a Miss Adams, vvat i. ',,. 4 es t a t "I's il( brought up, and the Court proceeded with t" - e ,r) amitiation of Miss Adams ; but it appearing t bs. ': insolvent %VHS incapable, from severe indise lot 21 Tin of being himself examined, the case was -iv 1 / 4 , nil E. to be further adjourned until his health she n .,:' t., Rs B• tti sufficiently restored to admit of his answeritC ' 'l'Eßs 4 . , . ~ , „,_ on FR tan, questions. , , ,"i tl i , t, ,• * rs ttie John Freestone Parris, whose case was WV' ' '.CAL MO] till to-day, was brought up, and ordered to 13 .'-' ' 4 l; in ~, • ti, tend charged forthwith. N . • Ati t u tl. t - 0 the si • A t ip, ,t e u,sß op _... , 67 4,4 G r 1 y E o N E LONDON MARKETS. l k "I SM, • ---awiii----- 0 : ~..,1114 0- --. 60, i :J„, t1,4. in PRICE OF BREAD. The highest price of Bread in the Metropolis is ra . ,--,CTIO] 41b. Loaf. There are others who sell from 56d. to 110' ' - • h Ili T wo I , hat price. • '' ili 4 e'in h kb, its for I PRICE OF SEEDS.-Jan. 21. ...p ' - .4. 4. 1 0 slew English Red Clover Seed (per Cwt.) -s. 50s. fi ne A k t i, 4„. es s -n , Dld Ditto Ditto -s. -5. eneii- -- .. -S ..- Zalitior slew Foreign Ditto -s. 56s fine" - , ' ' '' both p Old Ditto ....... -s. 5 is. fine •- ,' : 1,,,,. 4 New White Clover 528.-605. fine' , ;- . "RMan, ' Old Ditto Ditto -s. 565. fine ~,,,."' ' ,'Otry,,, _..... , 265. 355. :fine'" ' :p u k e 0 SUFI Old Ditto . Foreignlf t i : t n i y e b g e w i Conaway G i G s lr h l D sf s o i i t........... ~,.......,... ................... ....._. .., t l Ditto .... ..... ... ... - ." " ' _......-83... -e.206. 6nfifii:nnowee---:loo,:isses il4ol'.‘.:4lly,''-lhAti.l)tiovr.instidlesp'sallihn.noedetdifessu'tli.dohfioomoenfoiwolefr,l coriander __. ... -s. 12s. fine --, _ L - it TIG N , St. Foin ...................(per Quarter)............ 38s. 424. fine •- - ,.1,,, - - , i itt ... Pacey Ditto 34s. 305. nevi '7. tcl ier e igeei e , t Linseed, for feeding . -s. 565. fine .r ia , , t i .,4l led . ' and 1 Ditto, for cru5hing......w...........„.... 50s. 555. -s. ,„.;,; ' b l n ehrno r Canary Seed, New.....w.r......... 3,. ...-13. 60i .1%, 4 NI, ' at° Old ..„. ... 5......5. ere I. 4tHeathen 13 W c r u o h r i t Mustard inepts)eedittos Seed .......(per Bushel)-._ _-.e.. 205.85. 235 95 . . 00 0 11 4L AN). 4 11. 11, ,, w ti:te t r Green and Red Ditto ................................... ..11. ...R. IS& ..- e ,--41114,i1l .each l4le e dge, se. Fares, Old Ditto New -s. ss. fine 1 ' N, kcal or lihi tlapeSeed, English, fine (per Last) 23/. 25/. ...... Foreigejt,2 School W e itt icis OF „... 11 .... 0 P 6 S , Kent Pocket- --- S I E 11 :::: e s r !all: Ditto Ditto, i : ot t : Seconds. Fine.. ~ .... . .... ...1 I: 0670001..... oCs,6°Os, Os. 5 :. .. 108 70 011 11 1: : 121. 100°°00:5.:. to :000 1111. i03 9 1 ,. 1: . i ° f t e' ,t ‘t e ?, , ( i. Rent Ba g s Essex Ditto. - PRICE 0; 01 0 . lOLs. 0/. Os. to 01 " 4 1 / 1:11,., ? . 1100 1. b L . 0 (I);`Vi Rape Oil, brown .........-311. 0,. ............. Refined .......10'i. BUY'S -o- to th pi Linseed Oil ........."...................www.nrion.... li 1 ' - - Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill, per thousand .............. b. I N .._STRo N Rape Cake, per ton .....' , 64 . "'DiEw mi eruct , : OF POTATOES.-Jan 21. Kidneys (York) ..........-....... 04 Os. to 41. Os. Scotch Reds -..-....-...-;.......... 31. 108. to 3/. Iss. ditto. 4,. hod. SI Marsh Champi0n5.................. o [ . Os. to 4/. 16s. ditto , hi rs ..., Oxinables and Shaws ---.... 3/. Os. to 34 ss. ditto.. 4 s _ aEvir B Gty th, "hove, PRICES OF LEATHER. , ,_, 't ~, Per lb. d. to d. 1 Per lb. - 13, f .,"q. 1 1 , "lENV ] dials, English ............. 15 23 1 English Horse Hides. , i g `4ll. „lib& Ditto, F0reign........... 14 20 Spanish Ditto ............. ' , al 'S p Dressing Hide 5,............ 12 15 Per dozen. 0 It tho CICKE'I Ditto ...-.................... 14 16f Calf Skins... 30 to CO. in Ditto, light ................ - - Ditto ........... 50 to 701 b. 6 mt) s ,.. , ni erd Clop Hides, light...-. 12 14 Ditto 70 to 80Ib. . i . p X r , 11 • Ditto 40 to 451 h. 13 16 Small Seals, Greenland 1 9 Ora s h ' - ' I IART iato- . . .15 18 L4rge ditt0............-...... SHEEP SKINS. _i ti Gl4?loe, d, . Best Polled -. 6s. Od. to 75.6 d. I Half-breds..... , 4s: Od. 0 tittt a k.../iiric, Middling Polled 5 0 56 I D0wn5........... 3 6 ,; I{l 4 lk ei 11 .° 131 RAW HIDES. ' 91, a pt ,t) ' .... P it r t ' e e , e 6 3 d ' Per Stone. s. d. to s. d. Per Stone. 8 . d• ~ th 4. .Seat Heifers& Steers 2 4 2 8 Ordinary 0 , A %l ege .' uToin ridd1ing„.,......... -mil 10 2 0 Market Ca1f............ 1 ° kts''Priee one to . i lis 'la the . s k t WHITECHAPN:L HAY Al ARKET.-Jan..- Q - e ,44 ie A Hay --........ 655. Od. to 804. Od. J (lover ........ 70s Od. to ' A k r 2:l Riven p,s at straw-------------. 24. ati .to 28.. oa, ...,,,,,,- - 04 , ti atiii , •r ..., . 0 a of w PIOCk. Of i ALLOW, SOAP, sic. per 1121 b. t o D town Tallow .................. 51s. fal. Yellow 50ap.................. , . 04 . 4 0 , . ,- r Yellow Russia 47s. Od. Mottled ~....,,..,....'•" e 4 .., ` rrit Arhite................................ 455. 6d. White ...0 , -fl ' ''ll I - lbe Whe Soap Ditto•f.:"-,5....... , 445. Ott. Graves .......-...........-,' s'; .. hllig eh teell Melted btutt.,.... 375. Od. Good Dregs •••••••......' k I . 6 ittir, Ditto Rough ~.....21s. Od. ~ : ithie C tlNß l )" of t PRICE OF RAW FAT, per stone of 81! ... A e h Ora er - ENG Price of Tallow (as stated by the Tallow Melters) . Ji t i o t t dy irl Illusi PRICE OF CANDLES. , 2. t;ide e , 1 N E: The price of Store Candles, in the retail shops, is as f ,- go kb, Y 18,„ C sndles, per doz. 7s. (hl. to Bs. Od. 1 Moulds, per dozen. , '' - "etl m w t v • „'"" inNtsOIMIMM.MI96. • ar e .. - 4 t o - - krat -- ori _ . , 4 „, Il k ._ . BIRTHS. . enti b :a f tir, 7eu t On the 21st inst. at Camberwell.grove, Surrey, the 2 0 et, 4 ' , 14 k , 11, h I Wilmer Willett, Esq., of a son. „ d ins, 6 , We t , ;to:boh,, On the 20th inst the wife of John Hunter, Esti., •• - ~ '. h, thei r .., Hart. street, Bloomsbury-square, of a daughter. ..., ,o6 (, i 7. ~.., . ,,n 4 hi is On the 20th inst. at Sydenham-common, Kent, Mrs. '" y, uN ere daughter. • 18 tb , Fif th NEVI * th t di , MARRIED. a ' 4,. 'pee s „ I t i p On the 19th inst. at St. Margaret's Church, WestnlBßANs ktx„k bo t Margetson, of Addington-square, Camberwel, and 0 f o f G D ~.., k i A „ x ,_ c s e h y e . s s t t e r r e . e b t u , i t i o di ll2; B 7 W A e n s n an d i a n u st g e h r t . er of Mr. Thomas C10 ,,, 5e , ~,an 7 : :l R ; u i4/ i t ia:ll4 ;° DIED. , :i. s r o .%l h Ti o i.i s sia q pni u il a i r oo e j t . d 6 pitr . 1.00 . : G tz. ,; (1,4 1 1 , 1 : : 5 .i. . ( 2 0, : p0 1 : i• t , ' kiti vm ISi'leti,''EM 7JK:ioot O in,hnn n ig,yitsts t ehth h tarre e ereeeeo li t t rhhh h toel i irdn n t i at. t tnag .. gt_e i Eei n gditia ß Azr4Ciad i 2ab e ae.r l em i ntt r :d: o ,: i nt id -hrtoee b lwi u :vn i ti l f d :o i f i no n gfMs the 70th yea r ice li::"41:1 S ' age, Mrs. Catharine Stewart, widow of the late Coliwir i s 7.. r ,,,1416: 4 on 1 Stewart, Esq., formerly a purser In the Hon. East In dcp, - "uv 'om , AOGt g pony's service. '`fill SCE On the 20th inst. Elizabeth Eleanor, only daughter o' i ' hy. E. Bisset, E.sq., surgeon, of Peckham, Surrey. On the 21st inst. in Finsbury.place, aged :Si, Anthoel . Jun., eldest surviving son of slr. Alderman Brown. • PR I NTED AND PUBLISHED By MU R DO YOUN. , ri bt SUN Oeirics, 112, STRAND, LONDON.