The Sun. — London, England, 1833-06-26 00:00:00

I'vfatal he had truly stated did not appear in them, when they were originally proposed by Government, but had he, n introduced on the motion of a most respectable Member of the o t h er House of Parliament. He (Earl Grey) did not think these words at all necessary ; and though he might lament their introduction, since it had occasioned some objection 9 0 the reso l ut i on, yet, having been introduced, their Lord- Ps could not f a il t o see t h e b ad effects of expunging tu ft, and he therefore trusted that the Noble Duke would not press his amendment. He did not think it necessary to trouble their Lordships longer, since they would have another opportunity of arguing this question, when the Bill, founded on the resolutinns, should be brought in, Ind a s no objection was, he understood, to be offered to the DPresent resolutions—for he understood that the Noble uk e , notw i thstanding all his confident predictions of th e most certain ruin which would follow the proposed Thsasure, had concluded by saying that he would give no 'PPosition to the resolutions, but, on the contrary, would 4 ° his best to p rocure t h e ultimate success of the measures, °f Which they were the forerunners. For his own part, he anticipated with hope, having in it some degree of confidence, that this measure would tend not only to the Welfa re of these unhappy persons so long in the miserable 'tats of slavery, but also to the prosperity of the colonies, 70 which the emancipation of negroes had been by some Pposed to be prejudicial. At all events, the plan pro based by Governm en t was t h e only one which they thought they could adopt under all the difficulties of the t s ite, and under the pressure of a necessity which they scold no longer avoid.—(Hear, hear.) Th e Duke of WELLINGTON contended, that though the Colonial Legislatures had not done all that could be deiired, they had do ne muc h to i mprove t h e cond i tion of the Slaves, and had receiv e d th e appro b at i on o f t h e home G overnm e nt for their acts. The Noble Duke then read e xtracts from various deputations sent out in 1827 and 18 x8, conveying the thanks of the Kings and several Co lonial Assemblies, for their endeavours to improve the c( ntr'ition of th e s l ave popu l at i on. p Earl GREY said, that nothing which had been read by the Noble Duke applied to Jamaica. The fact was, that bo g in era l tneasto is for the improvement of the slaves bad e on adopted in the colonies. , Ti e Earl of HAREWOOD denied that Government Lad communic a ted with sufficient frankness with the west India body. i Los(' ELLENBOROUGH should not d e t a i n th e H ouse l i .°ng, 'is h e concurre d i n all that had fallen from the N o bl e "nlie (Wellington), and intended to act with him in Earl his Resen t to t h e resolut i ons. He wished the Noble -iarl had gone a little inure largely into the question of ' i naPeneation; for lie desired to know how it was 'ateeded to pay the interest and principal of the h°e) '? The Nobl e E ar l enterta i ned no confidence that the proposed m easure wou ld b e successful. Were, then, people of this country to be called upon to pay , l),00 0,0001. of money, to carry into execution a plan, of 7 ta e Ruecese o f w hi c h t h e N o b le Earl himself entertained e rY slight hopes ? Earl GREY — I enterta i n a hope, approaching to co n . '''lenee, of its s u ccess . 111 Lord ELLENBOROUGH contended that much benefit 41 been effected by the Assembly of Jamaica, within a oaftent time, under the wise and temperate administration tie his Noble Friend behind him. Equal rights had been so to free people of colour, slave testimony had been ti'll.tnitted, and the severity of the criminal law mitigated. s a ' Nobl e F r i en d h a d b een ena bl e d to effect these improve ;setts by his moderation and temper—qualities, the very ,:tle of those which marked the character of his sue lhi 4. • He believed he was the only person in their Lord el s] House who objected to assent to Mr. Canning's el s] . ' i s t 4 Inoue., and be did so not because he was lss disposed salt others to abolish slavery, but from t he s e onviction 1 ,, 0 t they mus t b e f o ll owe d by measures frau g ht w i t h t h e rP i t ri l r ast danger, and that th e resu l t wou ld be bloodshed and 4 v He felt surprised that th e p resent Ministers could i t 'e given their consent to the p resent reso l ut i ons ; because , ts es only l as t year th at a Mi n i ster o f t h e Crown oppossd dutions of a s i m il ar c h aracter proposed by Mr. F. ktliton in the other House of Parliament. The present ,:use of C ommons was more d i sposed to accede to what. t the Mi n i sters of the C rown might be pleased to pro- Bel than any Hou se th at ever existed previous to the ing of the R e f orm Bill . I t was not from want of the I,6ilence of the other House that the Ministers had il °l 4lht forward this extreme measure. On this question I tsvitnt of confidence, he might say that if the other i?nSe had not had unbounded confidence in his Majesty's ae s itt ' ss "e's, they would nut have allowed them to raise the . 04 r 4 la f satio n to be granted to the West India Proprietors, iesiut teen millions as a loa n , t o e i g h teen m i llions as an 4a avetl e gift --Ii change in th e i r p l an , b y the way, which its great want of due p reparation in this plan ; f or 14er the sum first proposed must Lave been a great deal 44 4111 ' or the latter sum a great deal too large. 7s Government said th a t t h ey were driven to this plan ilthe difficulties in which they found themselves placed. tf they' not brought many of those difficulties upon C p t aelves?—(H ear, hear.) Did they remember the R t4 „ t in April, 1831, o f l ay i ng add i tional duties on sugar, yoe very t i me when it was declared that the reduction ~4e (ay would be the only saving of the planter ? Did le re member the su b sequent resolutions sent out to the es' th e i n j ust i ce of which appeared in so clear a that it was no wonder the Colonial Legislatures re to act up on th em ? H ad they not heard that the Os made up on t h ose occas i ons by the members and tters of the Government had created great alarm °3 i`ohief in the colonies ? And then came the Orders so,uncil of th e 2d o f N ovember, 1831, of which he 1 ,7 not say much, as the Noble Earl who issued them s tl ° longer at the head of the Colonial Department. 1 ,„,,4 they not remem b er t h at the Colonial Legislatures l it slateel them, and refused Li act upon them ; and s' u nfortunately, there was something so very ab- N 14 those Orders themselves, which prevented 'ri til tesist ance f rom meeting with the punishment i s o i t Would in oth er c i rcumstances have met with ? t ki overnment at that tim e seeme d anxious to fit I ' , l ' , l4 ve for ultimate f r eed om; an d h e thought their I t c t sinc e th en was not j ust ifi e d b y any change which f 4L41 1 place in the condi t i on o f t h e negroes. He did '1 to contend that th e I mper i a l P ar l iament h ad not tier t o deal with this question. It would be much ro t t ° decide on the policy of the step which they were ht ,to tak e th an on the practicability of putting it into C t l° n• In his (Lord E.'s) opinion, a great latitude t° be a ll owe d to the Colonial Legislatures in dealing ( it , s ubject of suc h vast i mportance to their interests. i \ t'd Ellenborough) wou ld j o i n in any reasonable 10, a plan founded on the resolutions of 1823—in a '1 h jeh w ou ld a ll ow t h e slave, when he had saved as , te 4 s would purchase his own freedom, to purchase it, by that act h e m i g h t b e supposed to be prepared e njoym en t o f hi s f ree d om— i n a plan which, while e d grad ua ll y to t h e a b ol i t i on of slavery, improved the b l 4 by which that l oss , w hi c h h e would not say e entirely avoid e d b y gra d ua l emanc i pat i on, but t,the immediate emancipation would certainly bring Vite country. H e h a d no d oubt, therefore, that by it the course pointed out by the resolutions of 1823, (i t t e :nment would have afforded a great degree of re t s plant er , an d h ave g i ven sat i s f action to the people N s , 1 1 -so Another question—and a most important Varrying this measure —was, how the 20 mil 'l„:l'e to be raised? The Government had dis k,' the s ur pl us revenue, w i thout considering how the V 4l burd e n s t o b e enta il e d upon the country by this m t were to be met. Th ey l e f t not hi ng to meet the 't „° 1 the stipendiary magistrates and police, and ii.,:ther enormous expenses of the government of these ti o All the surplus had b een t h rown away by the '4 tl °f taxes of little or no c onsequence to the people ''''trod which they did n o t care a b out ; w h en, i f they 'lrilltilelt u nrepea l e d, t h e G overnment would have been yo reduce either the hous e t ax , or h ave met t hi s t,: t t l burd en . B ut w h ere now were the 20 millions !I * when there was no surplus revenue ?—(Hear.) 'l e a fina nc i a l diffi cu l ty . C ou l d any one think that, s . 4 t ttl - sent state of the country, the people would sub 'Nst th e G overnment would venture to lay on the t t a i it axes consequent upo n thi s measure , even as an cls s i t s The Noble Lord knew that they could not il ~ he also kn ew th e future difficulties and risk at. I ,ri b n the measure. And fur what was this risk to It li i ,', 4 feelings of humanity ? No such thing. The trisS . ' slavery in our colonies would only increase it ''P s i ss of other nations ; and what would be the i ttt measure of emancipation to the slave himself ? ,N t vtruld be, that in infancy he should meet with (;Ado manhood with discomfort or misery—and in t,,,h destitution. That was the change which thi, \ 4 i s to bring to the slave in exchange for his pre \(( Which he had care and attention during hi, ' hi ° 4l fort in manhood—and competency in his old ,I ' l ty I ght be indeed true, that individual instances late i ght be found; but, generally speaking, the itt'ell provided for, and happy in their families. 'lti t t i ° tinds, he could not give his support to any ot r te:nsa excepting the last. Ile was willing to ' tl as 4n reo to extend education and improvement t lei 'llaa ve population, and to establish stipendiary i it i ) nd Police in the colonies. Mr. Buxton had i l', 4 1 srpinion that such measures were absolutely 7S it der to prepare the slave for emancipation. ;'ls , n teastire, there would be a great and positive etlet ij , 44t rY, with future prospect of future advan- Ohipelence that loss. C HANCELLOR then rose, and said be wished to make a very few remarks in consequence of the extraordinary speech delivered by the Noble Baron, He did not say extraordinary in reference to the talent dis. played in it, for it displaced that degree of talent for which the speeches of the Noble Baron were always noted —he only meant that it was extraordinary from the start ling conclusion to which the Noble Baron had cone—e conclusion such as he (Lord Brougham) had never heard arrived at either in that House or anywhere else. It was startling from the contradictions which the Noble Baron had made in the course of it—(Hear, hear)—and from the nimbleness with which he sprung from one assertion to another, when corrected by the Noble Earl. It was startling, too, from the interpretation he had put upon some persons and things, and the erlogies heaped with equal liberality upon others. The first panegyric made by the Noble Baron to which he (Lord Brougham) would allude, was that upon slavery—(Hear) —and certainly it astonished him more than all the rest.—(Hear, hear.) He (the Lord Chancellor) agreed with the Noble Earl, that this was not a time to intro 'lice topics into the debate which might impede the great work in progress, and that it would be desirable to obtai❑ as much co operation in that work, not only on this side of the water but in the West Indies, in carrying it into effect ; and he would therefore abstain, however vio lent his inclination might be, and although invited, and almost dragged into it by the Noble Baron. He would, he said ; abstain from entering into any unnecessary ground of controversy, but he certainly did not expect, in the year 1833, to hear freedom and slavery contrasted as they had been that evening by the Noble Baron. The Noble Baron had drawn the picture of freedom as a state of unprovided infancy, comfortless manhood, and destitute old age, and slavery as a state in which the slave enjoyed comfort in infancy, comfort in manhood, and comfort in old age. Such was the contrast which he drew between a state of freedom and slavery. Good God ! was it in that House and in England that such a character should be given of a state of freedom, and such of a state of slavery ? —(Hear, hear.) And did the Noble Baron think to draw their Lordships to join him in support of slavery by the panegyric lie drew of it ?—a state which it would h e unnecessary for him to describe, because all knew and all felt what it must be. The Noble Baro❑ had said that lie alone had, in 1825, opposed the resolutions of 1823, and he stated that he had done so because he had seen that the present measure was the inevitable consequence of those resolutions, and that if they were passed, they could not help going on in the same course till they at last arrived at a measure like the present. Now he (the Lord Chancel lor), instead of thinking that the Noble Lord should be opposed to the present measure on that account, claimed his support. Foe though he might be quite consistent in opposing the present measure, if the resolutions of 1823, which, according to him, led to the present measure, had not been adopted at all, yet those resolutions having been adopted by both Houses of the Legislature, led, no doubt, to the present result, and the consequence was, as foreboded by the Noble Lord, that they now must go further, for they could not stop, He (the Lord Chancellor) would ask, if they ought to stop now, after the interval which had elapsed ?—an interval in which so little had been done towards the improvement of the slaves in consequence of that pertinacity on the part of the colonists themselves—a pertinacity which he would not then wait to inquire whether blameable or not, but the consequences of which they had frequently been warned of, and for which they had been every thing but denounced. The colonists could, therefore, not say that they were unprepared for this measure, or that the Government had been hasty to wards them. The Noble Baron had said that they were not told how the twenty millions were to be raised. It could not be expected that the financial part of the mea sure, which that was, should be laid before their Lord. ships until after it had been laid before the other House —(Hear)—and, as far as he understood, although the general features had bee❑ stated in the other House, none of the details had been entered into, and nothing had been said of the manner of raising the 20 millions. The Noble Baron would likewise observe, that by the resolutions the sum to be raised was not absolutely 20 millions, but a sum not exceeding 20 millions; so that the sum might not amount to that sum. The Noble Baron had said that he had no sanguine hope that the measure would be found either be neficial to the slaves themselves, or to the State; but he (the Lord Chancellor) was most confident that the sooner that detestable system of slavery was put an end to, con sistently with the safety of the constitution of society in the colonies, and of the slaves themselves, the safer would it not only be, but the more to the glory and interest of the mother country.—(Hear, hear.) Great were the fears of some Noble Lords, who had spoken as to the result; but all those fears were grounded on the supposi tion that the negroes in a state of freedom would not work. He had thought that the argument of their not working had been given up. Experience had shown that emancipated slaves had adopted habits of industry and labour. There were instances in which they had been found as sober, as industrious, and as careful as if they had never been under the scourge of slavery. But it had been said that this was not the case in sugar plantations. In answer to that assertion, he would bring the evidence of a Gallant Officer, whose testimony was roost deserving of attention, and who had made most accurate observa tions on the state of our colonies—he meant Admiral Fleming ; that Gallant Officer had gone more habitually and systematically into the inquiry than most naval officers had the opportunity of doing ; and in his evidence re garding Cuba and Columbia, he stated that sugar to a great extent was cultivated in those colonies by the labour of free negroes. But they had this fact besides, which showed that negroes would work. The Dutch of Guiana, not only at present, but half a century ago, uniformly preferred to give their slaves task work, to the system ordinarily followed in our colonies, and by a calculatio❑ they ascertained that that system was more profitable to the master than working the slaves in the ordinary man ner. Could there be a stronger proof that other means than the degrading lesh might be found to insure the negro to labour, not only as much, but even more, than he does at present for his master? And he would ask if there was anything in the nature of sugar which would prevent the negro from labouring in its cultivation, as well as in the cultivation of cotton, coffee, or gardens, in all of which they bad been found not only willing, but anxious, to work for wages ?—(Loud cries of " Hear, bear.") The negro might at present be averse to the cul tivation of sugar, from the recollection that it was the most painful and irksome of his present labour, but that was only a question of expense. A little more wages would induce him to work at the sugar plantatio❑ as well as at coffee or cotton. He recollected a story told of a planter in the Caraccas, who had a plantation, one half of which he cultivated by the labour of slaves, and the other half by the labour of free labourers. That planter declared that the labour of the free negroes was cheapest and most profitable to him. The Noble and Learned Lord then proceeded to contend that it was by no means necessary to have slaves in the colonies, in order to being supplied in the mother country with sugar; for whenever the colonial supply failed us, we could readily obtain an abundant supply from other quarters —more then enough to supply any defalcation which the most gloomy imagi. nation could anticipate. At present, as had been the case for many years past, the people of England bad paid most largely for the protection of the West India interest, as it was called—they had paid, he believed, not less than 1,600,0001. a year. He was sorry to say that he was old enough to recollect when the question for the abolition of the slave trade was under the consideration of Parliament, and he remembered—as who could for get ?—the outcry which was then raised, the melancholy predictions which were then put forth as to the evil con ' sequence which must arise from the abolition of the slave trade. Those predictions were quite as appalling as any which they had heard on the subject of emancipation. Then, as now, they were desired to look at the ruinous effects which must ensue to the millions of men who would be no longer employed, and to the thousands of tons of shipping which would he, in such an event, lying useless in our harbours—of the loss of the trade as a nursery for seamen, and of the lose of those sources of revenue upon which it is supposed that the finances of the country depended; and yet the slave trade was abolished, though it had been protected by law, and was in some sort a favourite of the law. That trade was eulogised in Par liament as slavery was at the present moment eulogised by those who opposed themselves to the numerous motions which Mr. Wilberforce made upon the subject—motioos which, it was now gratifying to reflect, that distinguished individual would live to see producing those ultimate re sults which alone gave them value. At length the public indignation had not only been roused, but had been called into a steady activity, which, aided by the wisdom and be nevolent feelings of the Legislature, would produce that crowning effect which in future ages would redound so much to the honour of the present. It was a similar sentiment that, in the days to which lie had before alluded, struck a tremendous blow at the slave trade, and caused it to be declared not only illegal, but felonious. A few short years ago the slave trade was eulogised, and now all men called it the accursed slave trade, and appeared incredulous when they were told that Members of Parliament had been its advocates.—(Hear.) He expected that a still shorter period would elapse before colonial slavery itself would be looked upon with equal abhorrence, and the fact of its possessing such advocates be regarded with equal incredulity. His Noble Friend had seemed to regret that his Majesty's Government bad not upon this subject taken up higher ground, He confessed it appeared to him in- HOUSE OF COMMONS, JUNE 25. The SPEAKER, resumed the Chair shortly after five o'clock. After the presentation of petitions by Mr. EGERTON and other Members, the particulars of which could not be heard in the gallery, An HON. MEMBER said, that seeing the Under Secre tary of State for the Home Department in his place, be would beg to ask him a question. When the Noble Lord brought up the report of the Committee on the operation of ti ,e Sale of Beer Bill, the Right Honourable Gen tleman was asked by the Noble Lerd whether it was the intention of his Majesty' s Government to direct their attention immediately to the subject, and to bring in a Bill thereupon this session. In the report of what then took place, the Right Hon. Gentle man was made to say that it was too late for his Majesty's Government to introduce any new measure on the subject -hat session. Now he (the Hon. Member) understood the Right Hon. Secretary to say, that the attention of his Majesty's Ministers would be directed to the subject with out delay, in order that they might be enabled to bring in a Bill that session. He begged, then, to know whether his impression as to the answer received by the Noble Lord was correct. Mr. LAMB replied, that he certainly did make some remarks that it was already late in the session ; but that he hoped the Government would, notwithstanding, be ena bled to bring forward some measure on the subject during the session. Mr. EWART brought in a Bill for the better definition of the crime of burglary, which was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on the 12th of July. Lord ASHLEY presented a petition from Glasgow, signed by 17,000 persons, in favour of the Factories Bill. The SPEAKER then called on Mr. Ruthven. Mr. STANLEY rose for the purpose of requesting the Hon. Member not to persevere in the motion of which he had given notice, respecting a desirable reduction of taxa tion, a diminution of the public burdens, end the aboli tion of sinecure places throughout the British empire. It was exceedingly desirable that public business should not be interrupted by a motion in the principle of which all were agreed, and which would take up perhaps much ti me , an d yet lead to no practical result. He hoped that in the necessary absence of his Noble Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Hon. Member would withdraw the motion, as it was very de sirable that the Irish Church Temporalities Bill should be got through the Committee to-night. Mr. RUTHVEN was very unwilling to do any thing which might have the effect of inconveniencing the de spatch of public business; at the same time he thought, as the Right Hon. Secretary had said, that the matter was so self-evident that his resolution might at once, without any discussion, be acceded to. He would not, however, persevere in the motion, as the House was anxious to get through the Committee on the Irish Church Bill, and especially in the absence of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. NAVAL AND MILITARY FLOGGING. Mr. ELLICE rose, on Mr. Bucxnacifaat being called to bring forward his motion on this subject. The Right Hon. Gentleman said that since it had been last dis-ussed, the subject had seriously been under the consideration of his Majesty's Government; and an order was now being framed—he would not say already finished, but no delay would take place in its preparation—restricting the practice of corporeal punishments as nearly as possible to those cases included in the motion proposed by the Honourable Member for Middlesex, and seconded by the Hon. Baronet, one of the Members for Westminster. The Government were anxious that the practice should he restrict-td within the narrowest possible limits, which were supposed to be compatible with the main tenance of the regular discipline in the service. He trusted that after this statement of the intention of his Majesty's Government, the Hon. Member would not only withdraw his motion for the present, but that he would not renew it during this session, as a proof of his confidence in the intentions of Government. Mr. BUCKINGHAM said he had heard with great sa tisfaction the statement which had just been made by the Right Hon. Secretary at War ; and be was quite ready, as an evidence of the satisfaction he felt and the confidence lie had in the intentions of Government, not only to with draw his motion for the present, but not to bring it for ward again this Session. He would, however, renew it early next Session if the experiment now proposed to be made did not succeed, and if further remedy were required. A message from the Lords stated that the Lords had agreed to several private Bills. Mr. H. BULWER bad not intended to postpone his motion, which stood for to-night, but having heard that the Chancellor of the Exchequer would not be in the House, he felt bound, though with considerable reluct ance, to postpone the notice till the Ist of July. Mr. HUAIE postponed the notice be had given from the same cause. He had intended, amongst other things, to have called the attention of the House to the importance of having a general inquiry into sinecures. Mr. FERGUS O'CONNOR postponed his notice of a motion for a Committee to be appointed to take into consideration the subject of the Irish poor laws —not from any lukewarmness on his part, hut from the reluc tance there seemed to be, on the part of so many Members, to agree to the appointment of a Com mittee at this late period of the session. With re gard to his motion which stood for to-morrow for the repeal of the Union, he had to beg leave to postpone his notice, from circumstances over which he had no control, till the 16th of July. Mr. E. RUTHVEN postponed his notice respecting Chief-Constable Flint's outrageous conduct in Ireland. Mr. V. SMITH postponed his notice of motion for an Address for the appointment of a Commission to inquire Into the state of municipal corporations in England, Wales, and Ireland. Mr. BUCKINGHAM postponed his motion, at the re quest of Mr. STANLEY, in consequence of the absence of Lord Althorp, respecting the impressing of seamen, till the 23d of July. Mr. SHAW moved for a copy of the correspondence which took place between the Chief Secretary of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and the Irish Judges, relative to the Juries (Ireland) Bill. The correspondence related to the Common Juries Bill, and could not be considered is private or confidential. The Hon. Member would see 'rum the nature of it that it could not be considered as private or confid ntial ; if it could, he would be the last man to s'iy a word about it. The document had been re• terred to elsewhere and different constructions had been placed upon it. All he wanted was to have it produced that it might speak for itself. The question having been put, Mr. LITTLETON regretted that he must on principle oppose the production of the documents, for although the judges certainly disapproved of parts of the Bill, their opi nion was upon the whole in its favour. There was no precedent for such a motion, whilst the occasions on which it might have been made must have been numerous. Colonel CONOLLY said that the judges were anxious for the production of their opinion, for it had already been referred to. Mr. RUTHVEN hoped his Majesty's Ministers would not produce the document. Mr. O'CONNELL said that the document ought not in any way to influence the House, and therefore it was he objected to its production. If anything, he was sorry the Judges approved of the measure so much as thy did, for it was probahle that he should have to object to it on the very grounds upon which they approved of it. Mr. A. LEFROY regretted that the Right Hon. Gen tleman, the Secret try for Ireland, had not consented to the motion. Mr. STANLEY subscribed fully in opinion with the Hon. Member opposite, that the opinion of the Judges ought not to have been taken; and Fe thought that they ought not now to influence the decisions of Par liament.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The opinion of the Judges was merely taken as a guide to the Government; but he regretted that it was done with even this intent, as he thought the Judges ought to be kept distinct from any political controversy. He deprecated the dragging fot ward of that opinion, which had been given in a confidential manner. He believed an application had been made in another place—(Hear, hear, hear)_ and refused, for the production of the opinion—(Hear)— and he regretted that any reference should have been made to the opinion, so as that it might in any way influ ence the decision of that House. Mr. SHAW agreed with the Right Honourable Secretary, that the opinion of the Judges ought not to have been mentioned; but, above all things, it ought not to have been mentioned as approving of the Bill, for without the slightest hesitation he (Mr. Shaw) could say that the opinion of the?; ',es was disapprobatory of the measure.—(Hear.) li, s.d brought forward the sub. ject, as it was his right so to do as an independent Mem ber of that House ; and it was for the House to deter mine on the subject. The Hon. Member for Dublin had said that the duty of juries was to control the Judges, but he would say that the juries had other duties to perform—(Hear, hear)—and the same Hon. Member had said that the dislike of the Judges to the measure would he a reason why he (Mr. O'Connell) should like it. He would not quarrel with the Honourable Member fur Dublin for this peculiarity. It was the Government that had called for the opinion of th e Judges, and the Government was responsible for acting in opposition to that opinion, which was first attempted to be used in aid of their views, and then denied to be produced officially to the Throne.—(Hear, hear.) How ever, be should not divide the House on the subject. RuATHftverEN in a few ex w p o la r n ds at f i r o o n m , Mr. Sergeant PERRIN and M r . Mr. SHAW withdrew his motion. Mr. CLAY postponed his motion with reference to " Sir William Curtis," to Thursday. Colonel EVANS brought forward his motion with reference to William Spicer. Mr. FINN seconded it ; but in the absence of the Under Secretary for the Home Department any discussion upon it was postponed. EAST AND WEST INDIA QUESTIONS. Mr. BARING wished to know whether it was the intention of Government to bring forward any Bills to carry into effect the resolutions which had been adopted with reference to the West India question ? The Hon. Member put a similar question with reference to the East India resolutions. Mr. STANLEY replied that it was the intention of Government, not only immediately to bring forward Bills on both these subjects, but to press them iorward. In point of fact, the West India Biil was already prepared, and would be brought forward in a few days, and the other Bill would not be delayed long after. Mr. HUME wished to know when the return with reference (as we understood) to same place held by Lord Melville would he laid on the table? Mr. STANLEY apologised for the delay which had already occurred, but the return should certainly be laid before the House very shortly. Mr. HUME was glad to hear it. He only hoped that no more money would be paid to his Lordship mean time. --(Hear, and a laugh.) Sir R. PEEL deprecated the attempt thus made, as he said, to prejudice the case. Colonel WILLIAMS made some motion with reference to the University of Cambridge, the exact tenor of whic we did not collect. RISH CHURCH TEMPORALITIES BILL. On the motion of Mr. STANLEY, the House then re solved itself into Committee on this 811, on schedule A. After some observations from Mr. STANLEY, in sup port of the schedule, Sir R. PEEL said, that he would call the particular attention of the House to the few observations, and the proposition he was about to make. He must first give his opinion as a general proposition—that this was a most un fortunate time for setting about to impose a fixed tax upon the incomes of the Church of Ireland, when there existed such peculiar uncertainty as to the amount of that income. Why, the House had, within no extended period, been under the necessity of voting two separate sums of money to the Irish Church, in order to relieve them from the ne cessity of going to the trouble and expense of law for the attainment of their legal rights.—(Hear.) For all he could see, they would still labour under the same diffi culties, even after November this year. Whatever might be the result of this measure, he was very sorry that the charge should be defrayed by a graduated income tax-- (Hear, hear)—and he the more particularly objected to it from the precedent which it would be establishing. It was the more extraordinary, too, after the strong manner in which the idea of a graduated property or income tax had been repudiated by Ministers themselves only the other night.—(Hear, hear.) But the great question he wished to speak to was, whether it was right, proper, or expedient, that benefices under the value of 3001. a year should be taxed at all? He did not believe that the Mi nisters themselves were very much inclined to insist upon this point ; and he frit certain that the unbiassed opinion of the House would be in accordanc e with his amendment —that ❑o benefice under 300/. a year should be taxed. Surely the House must see that a small sum like this should not be diminished, even to the smallest extent. As it was, it was barely sufficient to support a man of liberal education and profession, in most cases, probably, not over careful in his management, and who, from his situation, must naturally have so many claims upon hint. Besides, the whole of the tax on such benefices, if collected, would not be above a 40th part of the amount of the whole tax, and there would be no prejudice to the people, if it were taken off; indeed, he considered that it would be good policy not to go about raising ss. here, and 10s. there, for it was very doubtful whether the expense of collection e; ould not be more than the amount collected. The ernount of the tax upon 3001. (as we understood him) was but 61. 10s. Surely this was not an amount worth the trouble and ex pense of collecting ; betides this, the course of charity would be considerably obstructed by depriving the bene fices of this amount. He rspeated, that as there did not appear to be any strong feelings in support of this portion of the Bill on the past of Government, he trusted that his proposition for tbs non-taxation of all benefices under 3001. a year value would be agreed to. Mr. STANLEY said, that certainly Government were not inclined to persist on this point. The question should, therefore, be left to the judgment of the House. At the same time he must remark, that the argument of the Right Hon. Baronet with regard to the smallness of the amount, was one which cut both ways. For so small a sum, why should the beneficiaries of three hundred pounds a year struggle so hard. From an income of 200/, where they began, they would only take 10s. 6d. ; and from proceeding on the graduated scale, it would amount to 7/. 10s. The sum of 2001. had been selected as the point to begi❑ at, because that was the point where the augmentation was to stop. It was, he considered, neither unjust nor unfair that taxation should begin where augmentation ended. He admitted that the subject was open to consideration; but he thought that the sum levied on 2001. was not unfair. The Right Hon. Baronet had said that Ministers could not, upon their own principles._.. they having objected, and properly objected, to a gra duated tax on property—consent to a graduated tax on the incomes of the clergy. But there was, in his opi nion, a great difference between the property of the Church and the property of individuals. To whomsoever the property c f the Church might go, it did not belong to them as individuals —it belonged to the Corporation. The prin ciple of a graduated property tax had a tendency to equa lise property among individuals, but the tendency of a gra duated scheme of taxation on the income of the clergy bad no tendency to equaliz. property. A graduated property tax to equalize property, was an object at which the Legisla ture ought not to aim. To say that one man bad too lit tle, and another too much, was not within the competency of Parliament, and the attempt which would carry it be rm(' its power would be as unjust as it would be ruinous. The Church property, by being taxed on tbis graduated scale, was only more equally distributed among the mem bers of the same corporation, but for the State to take conceivable how he could take higher than by affirtning that the abolition of slavery was the truest policy—that justice demanded its abolition, and that humanity called aloud for the termination of so odious a system. On that treble ground %vete those resolutions submitted to the House, affording, as they did, the prospect of security to the master, which he never could enjoy so long as his fel low creature was a slave; and removing►, as they should do, the foul blot from the character of Englishmen, which the existence of such a system had created. It had been said that the Legislature of the mother country did wrong in taking from the Colonial Legislatures the opportunities of grace and favour which the adoption of measures for the removal of slavery might have afforded them. He should answer that at once by saying that this, at least, was left to the Colonial Legislatures that they might shorten whatever term of apprenticeship the Legislature of the mother country might deem it expedient to fix ; and that the Parliament of Great Britain was called upon, under the peculiar circumstances of that most extraor dinary case, to take a decisive course, whatever the conduct of the Colonial Legislatures might be. Of the resolutions which had been sent to them from the House of Commons, he should not then say anything more thin to obsrve, that the House from which they proceeded did not appear to have deserved the elaborate vituperation of which the Noble Baron near him had made them the ob ject. In his (Lord B.'s) opinion, there never had been a House of Commons that more truly represented the wealth, the intelligence, and the sense of the people of England, than did the present House of Commons. He concluded by urging upon the adoption of the House the resolutions which had had submitted to them ; convinced as he was; that such adoption would secure to them the gratitude and respect of their fellow -countrymen. Lord ELLENBOROUGH distinctly denied having said anything that could be called a vituperation of the House of Commons. Lord WYNFORD denied that any panegyric had been pronounced upon slavery. All that had been said, and he would repeat it, was, that the whole project was an expe riment, and that he concurred with those who thought that we should not destroy the commerce and navigation of the country for the sake of any such speculative experi ment. The evidence in support of the resolutions was all on one side, and it was supported by senseless clamour; and he therefore hoped that his M Ijesty's Government wou:d not bring in any Act of Parliament upo❑ the sub ject, but would le ire the matter in the hands of the Colo nial Legislatures. The Earl of RIPON said that the very Order in Coun cil which the Noble Duke loaded with such ridicule and was precisely a copy of the Order in Council issued in 1825, to which the Noble Duke himself was a party. The resol•itions were then agreed to, and the House ad journed at half-past twelve till Thursday next. LIST OF TB. Who voted in favour of Mr. the Repeal of Geo. IV. c. ENGLAND. Aglionby, H. A.—Cockermouth Attwood, Thos.—Birmingham Dash wood, G. H.—Bucks Evans, Colonel—Westminster Faithful, George —Brighton Hutt, Wm.—Hull Locke, W.—Devizes Botch, B.—Knaresborough Seale, Colonel—Dartmouth Staveley, T K.—Ripon Trelawney, W. L. S.—Eastl Cornwall Vincent, Sir F.—St. Albans 1 72 ° ; C re ° 17t il i e n i g r8 t V m e e s n t REL A ND. rnseBcntc.for Howard, I R.—Wicklow Co. Hume, Joseph—Middlesex Jephson D. o.—Mallow Lalor, Patrick—Queen's l Co. Lambert, H,—WeXfOrd Co. Lynch, A. H —Galway Macnamara, W. N.—Clare Co. Martin, J.— Sli g o Nagle, Sir R.—Westmeath (..'Brien, Cornelius—Clare O'Callaghan, C.'-Tipperary O'Connell, Daniel—Dublin O'Connell, Maurice—Tralee O'Connell, John—Youghall O'Connor, Feargus—Cork Co. O'Conner Don—Roscommon O'Ferrall, R. M.—Kildare Perrin, L.—Monaghan Co. Roche, David—Limerick Roe, James—Cashell Ruthven, Edward—Kildare Ruthven, E. S.—Dublin Shell, R. L.—Tipperary Talbot, J. H.—New Ross Walker, C. A.—Wexford SCOTLAND. Oswald, It. A.—Ayrshire Oswald, J. - Glasgow IRELAND. Baldwin, Dr. H.—Cork City Barron, P.—Waterford City Barry, S.—Cork Co. Blake, Martin—Galway Butler, Hon. P.—Kilkenny Co. Chapman, M.—Westmeath Clements, Visc.—Leitrim Co. Evans, G.—Dublin Co. Finn, W. F.—Kilkenny Co. Fitzgerald, Thomas—Louth Fitzsimon, C.—Dublin o. Fitzsimon, N.—King's Co. PAIRED OFF. Methuen, P.—North Wiltshire anur OUT. Ronayne, D.—Clonmell The names of Messrs. Dugd omitted in our li•t of the majoril of the Irish Church Tempora land's name was inserted in the i Mr. O'Callaghan's was omitted , Mr. Bish, whose name appeared N N lale, Bell, and Gladstone, were ty for expunging the 147th clause !ales Bill; Mr. Alderman Cope minority instead of the majority ; in the list of the minority ; and in the majority, was absent. EW aOVEL BY THE AUTHOR Or "LAW. RIE T0DD."...." Mr. GALT, wherever his writings have spread, and been understood, has inspired a universal feeling of regard and interest. He has written much that will survive long—much that is calculated to make men better and wiser—and to enlarge the sphere of bene volence and practical philanthropy. The community, to whose happiness and instruction he has contributed, claim kindred with him, and, when he is gone, like a star quenched in the night, they mourn for him as for one in whom they had a claim of love and gratitude. Such productions as ' The Ayrshire Legatees' and Lawrie Todd' (a work with great justice ranked with ' Robinson Crusoe') make a class in themselves. They are pictures of life, as true to Nature as WILKIE or CLAUDE, with a combination of the descriptive powers of both; and they possess the charm of creating a strong and separate feeling of affection for the author, which is always grateful to the lovers of literature. His present novel of Eben Erskine,' as a whole, is capital ; its episodes are highly entertaining—its descriptions of scenery in Egypt and Greece sometimes take the tone of poetry—and the dis crimination of character throughout is of the highest order."—Atlos. CORK CITY SESSIONS.--ATTEMPTED VIOLATION. ----WILLIAM Pliant was indicted for attempt ing to violate the person of CATHERINE NOBLE on the 15th inst. CATHERINE NOBLE, an interesting looking girl, about 15 years of age, lives in Wagget's-lane, near the Sand quay, and on Saturday night last the prisoner, whom she has known for two years, and who is a married man, canto into her room, and having turned out her little brothers, threw her on the bed several times; he put his hand on her mouth, and his knee on her stomach ; he then attempted to accomplish his purpose, but a woman who was over head, hearing her struggles, came and knocked at the door; on the knocking at the door be took up a book from the shelf which was near the bed, and pretended to be reading; she let in the woman, ELIZA. STACK; witness could not cry out, as he had his hand on her mouth. Cross -examined—Did not screech during the struggle ; was never reprimanded for making too free with the pri soner ; pulled the clothes off him once when he was in lied, but it was one morning, about nine o'clock, when she went to his house, and his wife said to her, " WILLIAM is sleeping too long, go and pull the clothes off him." One night, when she and a girl, of the name of Maar BRYAN, were in his house, he went into his bed-room and stripped himself, and came out naked before them.—Euza STACK stated that the prosecutrix lodged in her house; on Satur day evening last she heard her and Priam in the room under her, and looking through a split in one of the boards, saw PHAIR throwing her upon the bed and taking up her clothes and handling her skin; saw him do this three times. Cross-examined—Sh e heard them both laughing together —did not hear them laughing on the bed ; did not notice his clothes down ; the girl did not appear alarmed. For the defence, Mary Bryan corroborated the testimony of the prosecutrix, as to his having showed himself to them quite naked ; never heard any one complain of the prosecutrix's conduct. The Jury returned a verdict of guilty. The sentence of the Court was, that the prisoner be imprisoned liar six months and hard labour. —Cork Constitution. COEBURN'S MODERN NOVELISTS.--We are requested to state that the July number of this new col lection of the most celebrated works by living authors, will contain Mr. LISTER'S novel of " Granby," at only 4s. per volume, bound in morocco, cloth. In this cheap an, valuable collection, publishing at a lower price than the Waverley novels, have already appealed " Tremaine," "D. Vere," by the same author, " Pelham," " The Disowned," by the same author, and the " Chelsea Pensioner, by tbs uthor of the " Subaltern ;" and in a few days will be dublised the " Indicator," and the " Companion," a mi.. cellany for the field and the fire-side, by LEIGH HUNT, it . tw volumes, from the rich and give to the path', *at eonfiscatind. thought that no comparison could be instituted betwee' the graduated tax proposed on the clergy', &odd the gra duated property tax. A property tax on the principle graduation had a tendency to determine one rate of income for the whole community. The graduated tax on the clergy was only an equitable distribution of an allotted fund—the other was an unjust spoliation. If the House thought the rate he had mentioned ton high, he was sure that his Majesty's Government would make no objettiors, and he should certainly make none, to adopting the mote liberal proposition of the Right Hon. Baronet. He would leave it entirety to the House. Mr. WARi3URTON said, though that was not the time to discuss the principle of a graduated property tax. he was prepared to show upon a first rate authority, th a t such a tax was most equitable. The question h ;CI been discussed by La Place in his " Theory of Probabilitie; s " and whenever the subject should be discussed he should be prepared to support his views by that authority. Sir ROBERT PEEL would readily bow to the autho rity of La Place on a question of pure mathematics, but on the question of a graduated property tax, there were two other elements to he taken into consideration beside, those on which La Place had reasoned. La Place sup posed the incomes to be fixed, and did not consider the means of acquiring them. He did not estimate the in fluence of such a tax on industry. And he (Sir Robert Peel) was afraid that the desire to accumulive wealth would be greatly abated by a graduated property tax.—(Hear.) Mr. HEATHCOTE recommended the Government to acquiesce in what he thought was the universal wish of the House. The sum of 3001. seemed little enough to begin the taxation. Mr. O'CONNELL also approved of the alteration. It was not the small incomes of the lower clergy, but the I rge incomes of the Archbiaheps and Bishops that ought to be reduced. Mr. SHEIL asked if the whole sum would remain as it was before the proposed alteration ? Mr. STANLEY replied, that the scale would remain the same, except cutting off the lower part of it. Mr. HUME was glad that the Richt Hon. Baronet had not fixed the amount at 5001. instead of 3001. as the gentlemen opposite would have been ready to grant it.— (0!:, oh; No, no.) Thegreat point, however, was to take care that no man got 3001. who did nothing for it. The suggestion of Sir R. Peel was then agreed to, and the schedule so amended was ordered to stand part of the Bill. Schedule B was also agreed to, and the preamble was agreed to, and the Bill ordered to be reported. The House resumed, the report was brought up, read and received, and ordered to be taken into further consi deration on Friday next. Mr. SHELL gave notice that he would, on that day, move, that the incomee of all Archbishops should be re duced to 4,5001. a year, and of all Bishops to 4,0001. He would propose to introduce into the preamble a declara tory principle, that the property of the church was under the control of the state. BANK CHARTER. Mr. Secretary STANLEY postponed this subject till Friday next. Mr. HUME suggested that the time ought to be posi tively fixed for the discussion of this subject, as 60 many interests were concerned. He wished to know positively whether or not it would be brought forward on Friday? Mr. Secretary STANLEY could not positively say that his Noble Friend, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, would be in his place on Friday ; but if he were, he would most certainly bring forward the Bank of England ques tion in preference to the Irish Church Temporalities Bill. On the question for appointing a day for the Justices of Peace Bill. Mr. Alderman WOOD comphined that all businesA was postpont d or hurried over at a late hour, and hat then there was a ready and a willing Rouse with nothing to do. The other orders of the day were then disposed o and the House adjourned at a quarterapast seven o'clock. rE 11111V0P1PY, SPIRIT OF ME PUBLIC JOURNALS The Tory chiefs, assert in all societies that they hare at present no desire to reassume the G nvernrnent , f or t h at the " pear is not yet ripe." This phrase admits of easy eXplenarion, and the Conservatives, in the sense is whieh they employ it, have formed a correct estimate of their own posi'ion. Their notion is, that the people of England have not yet sufficiently I egotten the op: ressions of the old /system, or suffered disappointment enough at the hand s of the Whig Ministry, to endure an immediate return of Conservatives to office. Now, this we take to be not only an exact translation of the language held by the Tories, but a tolerably correct representation of the case itself', as Letween themselves, the Ministers, and the coon try. It offers, indeed, an important lesson to the Whig Government respecting the sort of progress which they have hitherto made in ttse opinion of many cleanses of their liberal and independent countrymen; but at she w.rne time a lesson, by virtue of which they may easily retrace what ever erroneous steps they have taken, and render it very speedily by no means a matter of option with the Conser vatives to hasten or postpone at pleasure the overthrow of the Whig Administration, It is perfectly true that the Tories have now the means, when they think fit, of so embarrassing and clogging up the business of the nation as that, without a large addition to the Peerage, the Whig Government cannot go on. But the creation of Peers to each an extent as would be necessary, and for such a purpose as the suppose! Crisis would indicate, can be regarded hut as a species of remedy Containing within it a great deal of posi tive disease; so extreme a measure would be an evil of such magnitude, that nothing but the last emergency could justify it, and no power but that of strong national sentiment could support any Minister in its adoption. Then assuming, what is indeed obvious, that the Tory Lords may at any time place Ministers under this choice of evils—viz., of submitting to Tory dictation, or inflict. ing an acknowledged wrong upon the constitution, is it not, let us ask, the proper duty, as we believe it to be OA wish, of Lord Grey's Government to cultivate, by every honour.ble means, the esteem, and confidence, and warm support of the nation, thus securing to themselves a reserve of public feeling to fall back upon, under an emergency tie be deplored, but net by any exertion of theirs to be avoided ? It is not the wish of the country, of the re presentatives of the people, or of those members of the press who have lamented and condemned the late vote on the Irish Church Bill,—it is not, we repeat, the wish (far from it) of any of these parties to substitute a Tory Government for that which now exists. The Whirs con stitute a natural barrier between the extravagant and violent men who on each side oppose them, and it is their own fault if they be not an efficient barrier. The English nation is nether ultra- Radical nor ultra-Tory, but it is fair to say that we look upon the Radical to be a more growing p trty than the Conservative, and that any attempt to conciliate the latter by a compromise of broad principles, or of effec tive measures, will assuredly bring upon the backs of the Whigs ere long an enemy too powerful to be resisted even by a cordial union, were that possible, between them and their Tory enemies. By truckling, then, to the ad versaries of popular principles, nothing can be gained for any honest public object, or even for the selfish one (which we do not impute to theta) of prolonging the Whig administration; but by decision, by firmness, and consistency in right, the Whigs may set their own foes, and those of order, as well as of liberty, at defence.--. Times. The early adjournment of the House of Commons last night caused the postponement till this evening, of the motion of Mr. Vernon Smith, for the appointment of commission to inquire into the state of the municipal cora , porations in England, Wales, arid Ireland. The ittentiore of our contemporaries and the public has been strtntte , y drawn to the publication of the report and evidence of the Commons' Commit'ee on municipal corporations, and by the sanguine expectation that these odious local Oligarchies, —these last remains of the infamous beroughmongere— will be swept away to the tomb of the Cannier. Tire continued existence of such abominable corruptions at this time of day is scarcely Credible. If we contemplate, with some few exceptions, the whole municipal corporation" of England, Wales, and Ireland, what is the disgusting spectacle they present 7 The deadly principle of self election and impenetrable secrecy ; the imperfect and fre quently corrupt administration of justice; civil and criminal jurisdiction, corroded by long lapse of time; public wilds; used tor p;;litical party porpoise, and not nifrequently for private advantage ; no conservation of the public peace, but often open and notorious encouragement of of power or emolument c i t o s breaches; r porat e a officers struggling, constant Bishops the freemen for trn atati ° b o y , to pass from one corporate ogee to a higher; antiquated local custi7ne and by-laws, excludin g f rom sett l ement or oppressing the industrious stranger and forei gner; pu bli c sc h oo l s, with deem..'"ngrY foundation s , an d c h ar i ties capable of educating • • 11 ! youth and supporting all the aged sad infirm of their communities, in a state of absolute decay and utter use feistiest; charities diverted from the original purposes of the founders, and frequently wholly lost to those for whom. they are held in trust, the right or custom i.l conferring he freedom of cities and boroughs on pub is men who have deserved well of their country, prostituted to the bass purpose of manufacturing freemen by the score to in fluence elections of Members to represent the people in the Commons' House of Parliament; the diversion of the oval public funds to bribe the wretched " electors," when thus fictitiously created; the " livings" given to rank Tory Divines; lastly, the selection of all those men for corporate offices who are least worthy to. perform public duties, and the systematic exclusion of intelligent, wealthy, and honourable citisens, best qualified to fill municipal offices ! Sodom and Gomorrah never more deserved the vengeance of the Must Higlitl t i h a e n do the s e a b om i na bl e s i nks of political corruption deserve t o f t h h e e held p orate i in un i sesystemextoec p ra r t eg io e n r; e F an u d r th perpet uate er,the power existing evil, of our representation is pslpahly notorious. The shameless exposure of the creation in Leicester of SO honorary freemen, by the magic wand of the Corporators; the venality periodically practised with the corrupt free men of Liverpool ; the 41. per head to the Coventry freemen, from the charity of Sir Thomas White; the electioneering corporation of Stamford; the recent ekr tion cases of Warwick, Hertford, Carrickfergus, and in the undetected boroughs equally notorious; the Noble • Recorders and their subservient Town Clerks in nume rous cities and boroughs ; the political riots and mill- - tary interference with the freedom of election recently - displayed in every part of the kingdom—all these scan dalous and easily remedied abuses cry aloud for redress. . In fact, it would be far better that the " Municipal Corporations" should be utterly obliterated from the - face of the land, and the people left to their own good sense and natural feelings, than that these institutions should be perpetuated in their present corrupt and defective state. And when we direct our attention to the unincorporated communities, what is the melancholy picture of their municipal conditiomi?. We • see Birmingham, Manchester, Leeds, and atp the large manufacturing towns—the extraordinary creation oU the industry and mechanical ingenuity of our admirable countrymen—for the moat part without even' the shadow of municipal organization, or any civil govirnment founded on sound and popular principles. We see here and there a stipendiary Magistrate acting under a limited jurisdic tion, and on the powers of defective local Acts of Parlia ment; in most places a spurious honorary Magistracy, appointed by Tory Lord Lieutenants, the qualifications of which are in general exclusively the possession of mere wealth, or political subserviency promoted with a boos rowed money qualification—Magistrates too - frequently; viewed with hatred and contempt by the people in theirr jurisdiction. The jurisdictions for debt 'limited to 54. Court of Requests, where Commissioners come to serve• only their friends or themselves—penal law administered; ~n the worst principles and practice—Courts Leet, Court liaron, and Hundred Court', spread over the country, totally inadequate to the municipal wants of the nation. Such is the real and unexaggerated municipal state of this country. We have, in fact, stood Atiilllacmany cen -uric,. The proposed Coninaimion is a move onwavall end we trust will receive the support of every party, ex, eept the Conservatives.—Morning Chroxicht. It is expected that the Naval , promotions wilt , hortly be peened in the same form as the promotions in the Army. HORRIBLE CASE.--On Wednesday night !ast a case of the most appalling description occurred in , he Lunatic Asylum of this town. It appears that two persons, both from Roscrea, one who had been but re cently admitted, were placed in the same cell, in conse pence of the prevent crowded state of the Asylum. Neither of them were remarkable for outrageous conduct, lor did they betray any symptoms of malice, so often the concomitant of mental derangement. On the night in iue,tion, however, it appears that the lunatic who had ,een but a few days admitted, arose, and having taken the .taves out of the bed on which he lay with his unfottunate •umpanion, beat him therewith so unmercifully, that the .Juor creature was discovered dead by the keeper in the corning, and i n th e most mutilated and dre„itul Callii.l- ion that can be imagined. A Coroner's ingt.e.t w.ts Egli ,n the body on Thursday, and a verdict accordingly Was TiDntraryt P... P.... T I , th' VI ritil 01i0 1 , 1) ~r ovr uti° ° ' iv 0' 6 1: ; con ° `) Ler, 0 vi3 1 : 4 tr, vi 1 fe ol' c 4 ma" ~J Ii ovti tb0.14.4 D); Al' ter ,ntur):, ✓ 11 0 P i t ! low", Pre' the