The Sun. — London, England, 1863-11-28 00:00:00

THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA, (From the Correspondent of the Tames.) NEW YORK, Nov. 13. I have nothing to add to the telegrams that pre cede this letter, and no comment to make upon the intelligence they convey. Military operations are -once more at a standstill, and the army of the Poto mac, after its advance to the Rapidan, seems to be relapsing into its habitual quiet. I have seen per sons late from Washington who assure me that, in spite of the jealous watchfulness of the Government, some scrap of information will occasionally leak out through the recipients of the tell-tale electric fluid. From these unauthorised, yet authentic, sources I can gather, first, that Fort Sumter is in no hurry to strike its colours to the Federals ; second, that the Government are by no means easy as to the position of their army at Chattanooga. The very wreck of the sea-wall and the rubbish heaps dug at its base constitute, it is said, the best of curtains for the de,- fence of Fort Sumter. New casemates have larJen constructed behind the first line of defence s and while Gilmore's batteries and the ironclads keep vainly furrowing and winnowing these almost pul verised ruins, the Confederates lie snugly hid in their invulnerable dens and burrows, unable, in deed, to return their enemy's fire with correspond ing briskness, but ready at a moment's notice to repel their attacks, were they at any time to attempt a landing. As to Chattanooga, all that is known at Washington is that the Confederates are collecting almost all their troops for a mighty stroke in that quarter, and it is doubtful whether Grant will have it in his power to meet the combined onset of his foe by a timely concentration of his now sadly dis jointed and partially enveloped forces. Thomas and Burnside may be perfectly safe where they are; the question is whether they occupy the posie tion which their commander-in -chief might deem desirable, and whether it is practicable to bring them safe and sound into that position. I spoke to you in o ne of my last of a plot on Ohio, a i m ing at the deliveran ce of the Confederate pr isoners confin ed in some of the gaols of that State . A co ntemporary effo rt, it appears, was to b e ma d e by some of the Confederate refugees now residing in Canada to rescue the prisoners of war on John son's Island, in Sandusky Bay, Lake Erie, with some further prospects of attacking and destroying Buffalo and other cities on the lakes, and to co operate with Morgan and the other Confederate leaders whom it was hoped to release from durance at Columbus. The conspiracy was detected by the Governor-General of Canada, who, by a telegraphic despatch to Lord Lyons, set the Washington autho rities on their guard. Opportune measures were immediately t a k en for ordering out gunboats, placing strong guards on board the steamers, and othereeise putting the lake cities in a state of de fence . It has been decided here to submit to the terms for which the workmen of all classes have lately " e truck." There was some opposition, but I find no , where the people's demands resisted for any le ogth of time. The working classes show them se Ives, as yet, by no means unreasonable, and they a re aware they have unbounded power whenever t: ley choose to put it forth. Nowhere else in the orld, nor even here at any previous epoch, did the industrial classes enjoy so universally spread a 'well-being as they have attained in this country before the war, and the war itself has hitherto apparently only added to their prosperity. The Savings-banks in New England, New York, and thiroughout the north-east and west, have nearly doubled their capital with the deposits of the careful and thrifty labouring poor. Were labour to engage in an earnest war against capital, no doubt .the means for a prolonged struggle would be everywhere ready at hand. But there will be for the present no occasion for a trial of strength. Most of the Trade Unions are coming to terms with their employers, and the compromise almost univrsally turns out in favour of the pretensions of the operatives. in some instances, as was the case with seine of the city railways, or, as we would call them, tramway companies, the masters have been 'beforehand with their servants, and granted an unsolicited 25 per cent. increase of wage. All the companies in that line of business have not exhibited the same foresight and moderation, how ever, and the consequence is that the cars were not plying in most of the avenues and great thorough feree either yesterday or to-day. But, although compliance with the workmen's de mands is matter both of justice and necessity, it is difficult to see - what the upshot of this momentous social revolution may be. The rise of prices, as a matter of course, necessitates the increase of wages; but by gra•ating a more liberal retribution to labour you in tur a enhance the price of all the commodities which labour produces. There is here mutual reac tion between cause and effect, and the titles of the indust ria I classes to doable wages are no more indis putable now than will be their claims to quadruple wageis six months or a year hence ; for the rise of priema at that date will infallibly have followed that proportion. No fixed salary, it will soon be found, tan keep pace with the exigencies of a market dis turbed by the action of an inflated currency. It is found that in New York clothing sells at rates 50 per cent higher than in former years ; and hotel ac commodation, no unfair criterion of the value of the first necessaries of life, board and lodging, has risen 2 dols. to 3 dole. 50c. Coal, the best anthracite coal, "It 5 dole. 50c. to 6 dole. per ton before the war ; it sells now at 11 dole., and it will be 25 per cent. deale r before the end of the week. The reasons for „ a high p o rices are said to be the scarcity of labour , Lie immix f men gone to the wars, the high wages, strikes, a nd ea in riots—a very sanguinary one at Mauch iin u te 'hw m inin g P ennsylvania, the other day—frequent moo districts. The real fact is, however, that 9 been dug fr-- to . ns of anthracite coal have already uln t he mines in the course of the pre sent year, a n d the wilt qua ntity extracted before the end of December _ o btless exceed 10,000,000 tons; which y w ie l d l edany° be 2,suin ,000 tons more than the mines revious year. All this, w ithout taking into account the large quantities of bituminous coals, where the me increase in pro duction and consumption i observable. The dearth of coal, i n the midst o f all this abundance, is caused by the great deman ds t he navy' by the increased industry, traffic in every li ne of railwa y , an d the f extension of s t ea m engines to a lmost every b ranch o The coal mine proprietors, howev er ate prices b y charged with keeping u p combinations amon g themselves, and !l i n ts are thrown out to Government of the expediency of baffling h t eirCtipidi ty by re moving, or at least r educing, the import d uti es on coal, so' as to allow the free competition of the British colliers with these niggardly starvers of the people. I hear also loud complaints that the gee '\ companies, pleading the high price of coals, suppl y the cities with an inferior quality of gas- I can bear witness to the fact so far as New York is con cerned. That human avarice and stony-hearted covetousness will conspire with an y g reat pub c calamity to aggravate the miserie s of a multitud e no news to men of experience; but that all the evil s now afflicting and threatening this formerly wealthiest and happiest of communities have their origin in the war, and in the tampering with the currency by which an attempt was made to support the war is also beyond a doubt. Let Mr. Chase swell the currency by every contrivance in his power, it will be found that man " lives not by greenbacks alone." A great sensation has been created throughout the .pen Union by the fact that the Supreme Court of the ooxe Pennsylvania has decided against the legality of e Rv „ o r 3 iption, or National Enrolment Act. The of 1 . : 1 papers and those attached to the interests Government do not fail to observe that only threeas judges out of five agreed to the decision, and, of Copperhead these three, two belonged to the partysnd were defeated iu the late State elLctions. The sentence, however, is a legal and, for aught an trary, an honest one, one knows to the eon weight with the people o.t an will have no slight large. d Th e A mer i cans may hav e an interest in blackening the character of t h e magistr ates of their ow n choice , with the elective system which oar setsthemin finding hut the whole opermion of the d ""lgh °n faul the h , :fnc'rt in Penn t s yivania i 6 no less, for aiith,t, 4 , . Least tem porarily annulled. Adjutlnt General Thomas gives a most charming account of the results of free-labour plantations on the Mississippi. In spite of the most unfavourable circumstances, he says, this first attempt to make the negro a self-dependent and responsible being has answered btyond his most sanguine expecta tions. " Somo of the lessees of the piantations were negroes, and the cotton they have raised for them selves, owing, to better cultivation, is of a higher grade than Una of the white lessees." and further, " The net prceceeds on a crop by a Southerner who has paid 11:,ti hands wages will exceed that of a Southern,. negroes to the ir who has cultivated by slaves . " " The employed have been of no expe nse Goverr j ment, but have supported them selves and famil.ies." Compare and reconcile, if you can, the above re port with what General Grant writes from the wtme banks of the Mississippi :—" All the able 'oodied among the negroes are forced into the army as soldiers or camp servants." The rest, a s a bl e throng of women, childre n, and infirm persons, are huddled along the Mississippi. "In one city, M em . phis, during three months of the present year, out of 40,000 negro refugees, 1,200 miserably perished." Which of the two authorities are we to believe? Of course, both. The experiment made in a fa voured locality, with picked men, and under wise direction and supervision, is no proof in favour of a system which is to be widely applied to a whole so ciety. Every one can tell wonders of some well conducted trade unions got up on socialistic princi mpleasy, b e e n t d h a t he ee perfectplant a t m i o a n d s e l o a f O A f d s j a u u t t a h n e t ; aG agric•ultural industry that he describes. But, on the other hand, that the Government has thought far less of the improvement of the negro race than of the uses it 'could be put to in the furtherance of the war ; that the able-bodied have been pressed into.service, and the weak and helpless left to shift for themselves, no man would be bold enough to deny. Disorganise the whole social system of the South, and then try b imagine the dreadful condition to which the slave and the women and children of the slave, will be re duced, and you will hardly be able to refrain from echoing the exclamation of Gen. Grant, who says that "the suffering of these people (the so-called contraband) is our national dishonour." However, it is the law of human matters that good should spring from evil, and it is possible,as the abolitionists say, that " a new order of things may rise out of the ruin both of the white and negro races in the South," to make us forgive, if not forget, the horrors of the crisis through which that part of the world is now passing. NOVEMBER 14. "All quiet" along the lines of the Federal armies. n the midst of the prolonged idleness to which they are doomed they have leisure to hear deserters' tales about the " utter demoralization of the rebel at mies," the " terrible disaffection" of the troops of Bragg, which are now reduced Ito about 60,000 men, &c. Still, the Federals, with such enormous odds, and such a combination of circumstances in their favour, hesitate to go in and win, and " all is eternally quiet" in their camps. The journals here keep up a prodigious crowing at the " humble pie" eaten by England and France in all the matter of the rebel rams. " England has taken alarm at our display of immense power ;" " Afraid that she may have to pay the damages in cut red by her through the Anglo-rebel privateers which have preyed upon our ccmmerce," " England, with her usual tact, made virtue of necessity, and whirled to the right about with commendable cele rity." Even the friendly act of the Governor General of Canada, in giving, through Lord Lyons, timely warning to the Washington Government of the plots of Southern refugees to liberate their pri soners of war at Sandusky Bay, is construed into a symptom of English funk. " A selfish feeling was at the bottom of this friendly act." Had the Go vernor acted otherwise, " we should have first recap tured the rebel prisoners," &c., and then we should have turned our attention to the Canadians, and flogged them out of their boots off-hand. The Northern Border States could raise 100,000 volun teers—half of them veterans—in less than three weeks for such an expedition, and where would the Kanucks and Blue-noses be then ? Thousands of our fighting men are already very anxious to twist the neck of the British Lion, and what would they Icare for a little tussle with one of her puny whelps?' I have culled all these sweet flowers of rhetoric out of the columns of a single number of that one American paper which is most extensively read. I could multiply such quotations every day, out at almost any other organ of public opinion in this country. France has her own share of these vapid bravadoes and insolent vituperations. But France " only follows the example of England." Napoleon is in a perfect stew of fear, only anxious to get out of that terribly bad scrape of Mexico. "He knows very well that in a reasonable time we shall be at liberty to give our undivided attention to that country, and that it will not then go well with intruders." In the same measure as they ara reassured on the score of England and France, the Americans snap their fingers at their " twin giant brother" of Russia, and are disgusted with and ashamed of themselves, and of the " fetes or rather farces" which have now at last come to an end. " Russia sends her navy here to keep it safe in the event of a war with France, but we doubt if she would send it here if we needed it to aid us in fighting England. 11cr navy, in fact, is not worth the sending. One of our ironsides could blow it out of the water, wi t h all the barbarians on board in a couple of hours." " For free America to bec ome cheek b y j o wl with Russian despotism is contrary to all the traditions, all the sentiments, and all the principles of this re public." (This they have found out at last.) "Th e genius of Liberty and America is supremely ridi culous wl -, en she appears at a ball, and trips about on her toes like a ballet girl to obtain a little worth less applause tram foreigners." This vapouring of American papers is unlikely to give any great offence to the French and Russians, wbo never read them, but they are written in English, and it is not in the power of every John Bull to take such compliments with becoming indif ference. Some of the British residents here come to me now and then, and retail their grievances as if it were in the power of the limes correspon dent to redress them. "What can any man do ?" I answer, " It is the Yankee's nature to crow," and by way of consolation I dismiss them with the wise old adage, " Bragg is a good dog, but Roldfast is a better." The Fenian brotherhood also gives these trusty subjects of Queen Victoria no,trifling uneasi ness. The Fenians hold their meetings in Chicago, and " resolve" that Ireland is to be wrested from the power of the English Crown. "If we may credit the ' givings out' of some of the ' chiefs' of the order (say the American sympathisers), preparations ate in an advanced state of progress, and something t!aebeilesivtue is tt anticipated aitn., to occur at no distant day. Loth as the Irish are, under the lead of native de ' ina "gtles, to fight the rebels, they would be avail : g , So it with a will ."i a war with England, and would 16 ; the Fenians, both in this country and in Ireland, are to be British Lion." the vanguard of America, when she makes tip her mind to " twist the neck of the Horniman's T ea is ehoi•et) :------------- and strong, moderate i n price, and wholesom e to ' secur ed for this Tea a general pre e. These advantages have packets by 2,280 A g ents, ference. It is sold in arrY'aa Delicious , health h y l:l i a v l e t h r , complaints, but n a l:: i t c h li ey sa a v l e w s a fi y i s ty a t g i g m r e a s - ADVERTISEMENT.]voId me c u m 1, e: them, restoring tit Arabica Fo n A R v a e t s e t ° e l l; Its cost in other remedies, invariably ear nrognßicevalen perfect digestion, strong nerves, sound pure blood, refreshing sleep, functional regai arit to the most disordered or enfeebled. -vv - e extract and energy of 60,000 Cures :—Cure No. 58,216 of the Marchionessfew out Brehan, Paris, of a Aver complaint, wasting away for de years, debility, with a nervous palpitation an seven digestion, constant sleeplessness, the most intolerable nervous agitation, agitation, and dreadfully low spirited.—Cure No. 1,771. L '" ar n` B Stuart de Decies, Lord Lieu t. of W a t er ford, of many y ear :, dyspepsia.—No. 49,8.32. "Fifty years' Indescribable on from dyspepsia, nervousness, ast hma, cough, pation s flatulency, spasms, sickness, and vomiting.—Maria Jolly." —Cure No. 46,270. Mr. James Roberts, of Frimley, Surrey, of thirty years' diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver derange ment, and partial deafness.—Cure No. 47,121. Miss Elizabeth Jacobs, of extreme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, low spirits, and nervous fancies.—Cure No. 54,816. The Rev. Jas. T Campbell, Fakenham, Norfolk, "of indigestion and torpi dity of the liver, which had resiste all medical treatment." In tins, 1 lb., 2s. 9d. ; 21b., 4s. lid ; 51b., 11s ; 121 b., .:2s. ; 41b 4 ar 08,—Bry 11u 8C0.,N0. 77, Reg arry and Co* en t- s treet, London; also Fortnum and Mason ' • and all Grocers and Chemists i:0 every town of the United Kingdom. THE SUN. LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 28, 1863. THE PROPOSED EUROPEAN CONGRESS. OFFICIAL CORRESPONDENCE. The following correspondence which has passed between her Majesty's Government and that of the Emperor of the French is published in last night's Gazette : FROM HIS MAJESTY THE EMPEROR OF THE FRENCH TO HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN. Madam, my Sister,—ln face of the events which daily arise and press themselves on attention, I deem it indis pensable to impart my whole thought to the sovereigns to whom the destiny of nations is confided. On all occasions when great convulsions have shaken the foundations, and deranged the limits of States, solemn compacts have fol lowed to reduce to order the new elements, and to recognise, while revising them, the changes that have been effected, Such was the object of the Treaty of Westphalia in the 17th century, and of the Negotiations of Vienna in 1815. It is on this last foundation that the political edifice of Europe now rests; and nevertheless, your Majesty is not ignorant, it is crumbling to pieces on all sides. If one considers atten tively the situation of the different countries, it is impossible not to admit that on almost all points the treaties of Vienna are destroyed, modified, disregarded, or menaced. Hence there are duties without rule, rights without title, preten sions without restraint. A peril the more formidable, since the improvements produced by civilisation, which has united peoples together by an identity of mp terial interests, would render war still more destructive. This is a matter for serious reflection. Let us not delay taking a decision until sudden and irresistible events disturb our judgments and draw us, in spite of ourselves, in opposite directions. I now, therefore, propose io your Majesty to regulate the present, and to secure the future, by means of a congress, Summoned to the throne by Providence and the will of the French people, but brought up in the school of adversity, it is perhaps less allowable for me than for others to ignore the rights of sovereigns and the legitimate aspirations of peoples. Thus lam ready, without any preconceived sys tem, to bring to an international council a spirit of mode ration and justice, the ordinary portion of those who have undergone so many different triais, If I take the ini. tiative in such an overture, I do not yield to an impulse of vanity, but because I am the sovereign to whom am bitious projects have mostly been attributed. I have it at heart to prove, by this frank and loyal overture, that my sole object is to arrive, without convulsion, at the pacifica tion of Europe. If this proposal be agreed to, I beg your Majesty to accept Paris as the place of meeting. If the princes, allies, and friends of France should think fit to enhance by their presence the authority of the deliberations, I shall be proud to offer them cordial hospitality. Europe will, perhaps, see some advantage in the capital, whence the signal of confusion has so often arisen, becoming the seat of conferences destined to lay the basis of a general pacification. I take this opportunity of renewing to you the assurances of the high esteem and inviolable friendship with which I am, Madam, my sister, your Majesty's good brother, (Signed) NAPOLEON. Paris, November 4th, 1863. Amongst the modifications which have taken place, some have been consecrated by the sanction of all the Creat Powers, and at present constitute a part of international law; others, on the contrary, :tarried into execution, have not been recognised as law by ill the Cabinets. As regards the first, we cannot help calling attention to the irresistible power with which they have breed themselves on the ac ceptance of the Governments. The eagerness of England herself to give to them her adhesion proves how little the former combinations answered, according to the expression of Lord Russell, the requirements of the lapse of time, the progress of opinion, the shiftitg policy of Governments, and the varying exigencies of nations; on the other hand, are not we authorised in believing that changes so important have diminished to some extent the harmony and equili brium of the whole? We admit, with Lend Russell, that it is absolutely necessary to give to these changes a more general and more solemn sanction ; but we consider it would be an advantage to clear away the ruins, and re-unite in a single body all the living members. As regards the modi fications to which the powers have not given an unanimous assent, they constitute so many causes of dispute which at any moment may divide Europe into two camps. Instead of leaving the decision of these to violence and chance, would it not be better to pantie their equitable solution to a common agreement, and sanction these changes by revising them? The third category comprises these parts of the treaty of Vienna which are menaced. "Upon those por tions," says his Excellency the Principal Secretary of State, "the most important questions of all arise. What is the na ture of tho proposals to be made on this subject by the Em peror Napoleon? In what direction would they tend, and e by arms dangers ?'' above all, are they, if agreed to by a majority of the powers, to b The Emperor, while he pointed oat to enforced Etuop of a situation in deep commotion, indicated the method of averting the dire calamities which he foresees, and at which he, l ess th an o th ers , wo uld have reason to take alarm, for the q ues ti ons ou t of which at the e present time war may arise interest France but indirectly, and it would depend on herself alone whether she would take part in the struggle or stand aloof from it. This he did by addressing all the Sovereigns in full confidence and simultaneously, without previous understanding with any of them, in order the better to satisfy his sincere imparti ality, and to enter upon, free of every engagement, the im portant deliberations to which h e i nv it es th em . Hi mse lf th e youngest of Sovereigns, be considers he has no right to assume the part of an arbiter, and to fix beforehand for the other Courts the programme of the Congress which he pro poses, this is the motive of the reserve which he has imposed upon himself. It is, moreover, so difficult to enumerate the questions, not yet solved, which may disturb Europe. A deplorable struggle is bathing Poland in blood, is agi, tating the neighbouring states, and threatening the world with the most serious disturbances. Three Powers, with a view of putting a stop to it, invoke in vain the treaties of Vienna, which supply the two sides with contradictory argu ments. Is this struggle to last for ever? Pretensions, op posed to one another, are exciting a quarrel between Den mark and Germany. The preservation of peace in the north is at the mercy of an accident. The cabinets have already, by their negotiations, become parties to the dispute. Are they now become indifferent to it ? Shall anarchy continue to prevail on the Lower Danube, and shall it be able at any moment to open anew a bloody arena for the dispute of the Eastern question ? Shall Austria and 'ltaly remain in pre sence of each other in a hostile attitude, ever ready to break the truce which prevents their animosities exploding ? Shall the occupation of Rome by the French troops be prolonged for an indefinite period ? Lastly, must we renounce, without fresh attempts at conciliation, the hope of lightening the burthen imposed on the nations by the disproportionate armaments occasioned by mutual distrust ? Such are, sir, in our opinion, the principal questions which the Powers would doubtless judge it useful to examine and decide. Lord Russell surely does not expect us to specify here toe mode of solution applicable to each of these problems, nor the kind of sanction which might be given by the decisions of the Congress. To the powers there represented would pertain the right of pronouncing upon these various points. We will only add, that it would be in our eyes illusory to pursue their solution through the labyrinth of diplomatic correspondence and separate negotiation, and that the way now proposed, so far from ending in war, is the only one which can lead to a durable pacification. At one of the last meetings of the congress of Paris, the Earl of Clarendon, invoicing a stipulation of the Treaty of Peace which had just been signed, and which recommended recourse to the mediation of a friendly state before resort ing to force, in the event of dissensions arising between the Porte and others of the signatory powers, expressed the opinion " that this happy innovation might receive a more general application, and thus become a barrier against con • filets which frequently only break forth because it is not always possible to enter into explanation, and to come to an understanding." The plenipotentiaries of all the courts concurred unanimously in the intention of their colleague, and did not hesitate to express in the name of their govern ments the wish that states between which any serious mis understanding may arise should have recourse to friendly mediation before appealing to arms. The solicitude of the Emperor goes further; it does not wait for dissensions to break out in order to recommend an application to the actual circumstances of the salutary principle engraven on the latest monument of the public law of Europe, and his. M ajesty now invites his allies "to enter into explanations, and to come to an understanding."—Accept, &c., (Signed) DROIIIN DE LIMY& shall have been put down, recourse will be had to clemency and conciliation. Would there be any advantage in re peating in the name of a Congress representations already made with so little effect ? Is it probable that a Congress would be able to secure better terms for Poland unless by a combined employment of force ? Considerable progress has been made by the military pre ponderance, and by the unsparing severity of Russia, in subduing the insurgents. Is it likely that Russia will grant in the pride of her strength what she refused in the early days of her dis couragement ? Would she create an independent Poland at the mere re quest of a Congress? But if she would not, the prospect becomes one of humi liation for Europe, or of war against Russia; and those Powers who are not ready to incur the cost and hazard of War, may well desire to avoid the other alternative. It may be truly said, moreover, that the present period is one of transition. If the insurrection shall be subdued, it will then be seen whether the promises of the Emperor of Russia are to be fulfilled. If the insurrection shall not be subdued, or if, in order to subdue it, the Polish population is treated with fresh, and if that be possible, with aggravated rigour, other questions will arise which may require further consideration, but which would hardly receive a solution from a large assemblyof representatives of all the powers of Europe. Indeed, it is to be apprehended that questions arising from day to day, coloured by the varying events of the hour, would give occasion rather for useless debate than for prac tical and useful deliberation in a Congress of 20 or 30 repre sentatives, not acknowledging any smeme authority, and not guided by any fixed rules of proceeding. Passing to the question of Italy, fresh difficulties occur. In the first,place, is it intended to sanction by a new treaty the present state of possession in Italy ? The Pope, and the Sovereigns related to the dispossessed Princes, might, on the one side, object to give a title they have hitherto re fused, to the King of Italy; and the King of Italy, on the other, would probably object to a settlement which would appear to exclude him, by inference, at least, from the ac quisition of Rome and Venetia. But is it intended to ask Austria, In Congress, to re nounce the possession of Venetia? Her Majesty's Govern ment have good grounds to believe that no Austrian Repre sentative would attend a Congress where such a propasi tion was to be discussed. They are informed that if such an intention were announced beforehand, Austria would decline to attend the Congress, and that if the question was introduced without notice, the Austrian Minister would quit the Alaembly. Here, again, therefore, the delibera tions of the Congress would soon be brought in sight of the alternative of nullity or war. But is it possible to assemble a Congress and to summon an Italian representative to sit in it without discussing the State of Venetia? The Emperor of the French would be the first person to feel, and to admit that such a course would not be possible. With regard to Germany and Denmark, it is true that several of the Powers of Europe have interested themselves in that question, but the addition of Spain, Portugal, Italy, and Turkey to the deliberation would scarcely improve the prospect of a satisfactory solution. And if, with regard to Poland and Italy, no beneficial result is likely to be attained, is it expedient to call together a general Congress of all the States of Europe to find a remedy for the anarchy of Moldo- Wallachia ? __ _ _ _ _ _ Were all these questions, those of Poland, Italy, Den mark, and the Danubian Provinces, to be decided by the mere utterance of opinions, the views of her Majesty's Go vernment upon most of them might, perhaps, be found not materially to differ from those of the Emperor of the French. _ _ But if the mere expression of opinions and wishes would accomplish no positive results, it appears certain that the deliberations of a Congress would consist of demands and pretensions put forward by some and resisted by others; and, there being no supreme authority in such an assembly to enforce the decisions of the majority, the Congress would probably separate, leaving many of its members on worse terms with each other than they had been when they met. But if this would be the probable result, it fol lows that no decrease of armament is like►y to be effected by the proposed Congress. M. Drouyn de L'Huys refers to a proposal made by Lord Clarendon in one of the last sittings of the Congress of Paris. But her Majesty's Government understand that proposal to have reference to a dispute between two Powers to be re ferred to the good offices of a friendly Power, but in no way to the assembling of a General Congress. Not being able, therefore, to discern the likelihood of those beneficial consequences which the Emperor of the French promised himself when proposing a Congress, her Majesty's Government, following their own strong convic tions, after mature deliberation, feel themselves unable to accept his Imperial Majesty's invitation. You are instructed to give a copy of this despatch to M Drouyn de L'Huys.—l ant, &c., (Signed) RUSSELL, EXTRACT OF A DESPATCH FROM EARL RUSSELL TO LORD COWLEY, DATED FOREIGN-OFFICE, NOV. 11, 1863. My Lord,—l have to acquaint your Excellency that the Queen has received from the Emperor of the French a letter dated Nov. 4. The Queen has stated, in reply to this letter, that the Emperor may be assured that any suggestion or proposal made by his Imperial Majesty will always command her Majesty's moat earnest and attentive consideration, and more especially when the general welfare of nations is con cern& ; that her Majesty has accordingly directed her con fidential advisers to submit to her the opinion which after due deliberation they may arrive at in regard to the im portant measures which the Emperor recommends for the adoption of his Allies; and that her Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs will, with as little delay as possible authorise the ambassador at Paris to make known to his Imperial Majesty's Government the conclusion which, after weighing that opinion, her Majesty may feel it her duty to adopt,—l am, &c., (Signed) RUSSELL. FROM EARL RUSSELL TO EARL COWLEY. Foreign-office, Nov. 12, 1863. My Lord,—Her Majesty the Queen havingbeen pleased to refer to her confidential servants a letter of the Emperor Napoleon, addressed to her Majesty, on the subject of a con gress, I proceed to inform you of the view which her Ma jesty's Government take of the proposal contained in it. The letter invitee her Majesty to take part in a congress, to be held in Paris, on the affairs of Europe. I am commanded in the first place to inform your Excellency that her Majesty's Ow/eminent see in this step a proot of the interest taken by his Imperial Majesty in the welfare of Europe. I will now proceed to remark on the ground stated for this proposal, and then examine the proposal itself. His imperial Ma jesty observes, that on all occasions when great convulsions have shaken the foundations and deranged the limits of States, solemn compacts have been entered into, having for their object to reduce to order the new elements, and to re cognise, while revising them, the changes that have been effected. Such was the object of the Treaty of Westphalia in the seventeenth century, and the Negotiations of Vienna in 1815. On this last foundation the political edifice of Eu rope now rests, and nevertheless, his Imperial Majesty ob serves, it is crumbling to pieces on all sides. The Emperor goes on to state that, if the situation of the different coun tries is attentively considered, it is impossible not to admit that, in almost all points, the treaties of Vienna are de stroyed, modified, disregarded, or menaced. When so im portant a proposal as that which the Emperor has put forth is made to rest on certain grounds, it is our duty to exa mine carefully the grounds themselves. Nearly half a century has elapsed since the treaties of 1813 were signed. The work was somewhat hurried by the necessity of giving repose to Europe after so many convulsions. Yet the changes made in this period of 50 years have not been more than might have been expected from the lapse of time, the progress of opinion, the shifting policy of governments, and the varying exigencies of nations. If we take half a century from the peace of Westphalia to 1700 or a similar period from the peace of Utrecht to 1763, we shall find these periods marked by extensive changes, as well as the period which has elapsed between 1815 and 1863. Yet it was not thought necessary, at the epochs mentioned, to proceed to a general revision either of the Treaty of Westphalia or of the Treaty of Utrecht. It is the convic tion of her Majesty's Government that the main provisions of the treaty of 1815 are in full force; that the greater number of those provisions have not been in any way dis turbed ; and that on those foundations rests the balance of payer in Europe. If, instead of saying that the Treaty of Vienna has ceased to exist, or that it is destroyed, we in quire whether certain portions of it have been modified, dis regarded, or menaced, other questions occur. Some of the modifications which have taken place have received the sanction of all the great Powers, and now form part of the public law of Europe. It is proposed to give those changes a more general and solemn sanction ? Is such a work necessary ? Will it con- tribute to the peace of Europe ? Other portions of the treaty of Vienna have been disregarded or set aside, and the changes thus made de facto have not been recognised de jure by all the powers of Europe. Is it proposed to ob tain from powers which have not hitherto joined in that re cognition a sanction to those changes ? Lastly come those parts of the treaty of Vienna which are menaced, and upon those portions the most important questions of all arise. What is the nature of the proposals to be made on this sub ject by the Emperor Napoleon? In what direction would they tend ? And, above all, are they, if agreed to by a ma jority of the Powers, to be enforced by arms ? When the sovereigns or ministers of Austria, France, Prussia, Russia, and Great Britain met at Verona, in 1823, upon the affairs of Spain, the first four of those Powers carried into effect their resolutions by means of armed forces, in spite of the protests of Great Britain. Is this example to be followed by the present congress, in case of disagreement ? Upon all these points her Majesty's Government must obtain sa tisfactory explanations before they can come to any decision upon the proposal made by the Emperor. Her Majesty's Government would be ready to discuss with France and other powers,by diplomatic correspondence, any specified questions upon which a solution might be at tained, and European peace thereby more securely estab lished. But they would feel more apprehension than con fidence from the meeting of a congress of sovereigns and ministers without fixed objects, ranging over the map of Europe,and exciting hopes and aspirations which they might find themselves unable either to gratify or to quiet. Her Majesty's Government have no reason to doubt that the Emperor Napoleon would bring into such an assembly a spirit of moderation and of justice. They feel confident that his object is to give security to the peace of Europe. The only question is as to the means by which that object is to be attained. You are directed to read and give a copy of this despatch to M. Drouyn de Lhuys.—l am, &c., (Signed) RUSSELL. FROM M. 'ROUYN DE LIWYS TO THE MARQUIS DE CADORE. Palace of Compiegne, Nov. 23, 1863. Sir,—Lord Cowley communicated to me some days ago, a despatch from his Excellency Earl Russell, dated the 12th of this month, and which expresses the opinion of the Bri tish Government relative to the proposal to call at Paris a Congress to deliberate on the affairs of Europe. You will find annexed a copy of it. My previous corresponeence has answered beforehand some of the considerations developed in this document. It is my duty, nevertheless, to sum up in this despatch,of which you will send a copy to his Excel lency the Principal Secretary of State, the motives which have determined the resolution of his Majesty. The Impe rial Government have no intention either to apologise for orto critcise the treaties of Vienna. The Emperor de clared on mounting the throne, that he should consider this redhimself boand by the engagements subscribed to by his his ""8. the foundationLaete:ili: ;t i t i r n .e , 8 i t 1 8 a to-dayhis letter t political o t l h i t e i e S a s l v e e d r i e fi i e gn e o s f , y allowed that the diplomatic acts of 1815 were Europe. But thi s considers, an additional reason for examining whether its base, foundation i s n o t it se lf sh a ken to Now the Cabinet of London recognises w ith us th a t seve ral of these stipulations have been seriously infringed. STATE OF TRADE MANCHESTER, Nov. 27.—The reaction and improvement of the yarn market has been very marked during the week, and especially since Tuesday. On Wednesday, yesterday, and to-day there bas been a very active demand for allkinds of yarns. The business done has been very large, and for hank yarns prices have advanced ld. to 2d. per lb. above the rates of this day week. In cop yarns the advance has been fully as great, but the great irregularity which is a necassary result of a reaction in the market so sudden as is the present one, makes it difficult to state the change with exactness. Sellers of high standing in the market say we have had a better feeling in this department, with an ad- vauce of 4d. to ld. per lb. since Tuesday, and of about lid per lb. as compared with last week. Others, and o equal standing, say that cops have advanced 2d. to 3d. per lb. during the week, and that many spinners have gone deeply into contract at this advance, some of the yarns sold to-day having been taken for delivery as far for ward as March in next year. Both statements are no doubt correct, only that they probably apply to different descrip tions of spinnings. The market closes very strong, with an upward tendency in prices. Of the cloth market both buyers and sellers give a less flattering account. Since Tuesday there has been a further improvement in the demand, but the extent of business has been a good deal checked by the want of confidence among buyers on the.one hand, and by the difficulties thrown in the way of manufacturers by the great advance in price of cotton and yarns on the other. During the late depression of the market, cloth went down rapidly enough, but does not show e l as ti c ity enoug h i n th e o ther direction now that a reaction has sot in. A fair busi ness is reported on the whole, but no large purchases are spoken of for any market, buyers showing a disposition to restrict their operations and to exercise caution. The goods which have been in the greatest demand have been those which are in least supply-49-inch shirtings of 71b and fillb weight—in which a large business might have been done had there been any stocks. CARDIFF, 27th—The steam coal trade continues active, and the coahnasters are well supplied with orders. Prices are firm, with an upward tendency. The house coal pro prietors are moderately welt off for orders, and there is an average business doing. The ad vance in the Bank rate of interest has not affected transactions in the iron trade to any extent, and quotations are firmly maintained. The fol lowing are the present average quotations :—Rails, £6 12s 61 to £6 15s f. o. b. ; bars, £6 15s to L 7. The,Penydarren Works and Mineral Estate have been purchased by a Lon don capitalist, and the works will be in operation in a short time. LEEDS. -=he report of the Leeds Chamber of Com merce for the month of November is as follows :—" During November the business done to the woollen warehouses has been only limited, chiefly because the winter trade has now nearly closed. The transactions have principally been for actual and immediate wants or for assorting stocks. The season now ending has on the whole been a good one. The manufacturers continue well employed, and are preparing goods for the spring trade, and, as far as can be judged at this early period, have a fair prospect before them. The public sales of colonial wool in London commenced on the sth inst., and have since been in progress. Although the opening was perhaps somewhat damped by the rapid ad vance in the Bank rate of discount, still an advance of Id. per lb. over the previous sales was obtained on most de scriptions of Australian wool. Cape wool are in large quantity, and prices are about the same as before. The foreign trade is taking a good proportion. The home de mand continues very good and steady. In English wools there has been less doing, and, being at present higher in price than for a long time past, the advance in the Bank rate caused a partial suspension of business, but prices re main without much change. Shorts and noils as before. The animation in the flax market reported last month was continued during the earlier part of the present, but it was checked by the advance in the rates of discount, and the unsettled state of affairs in Europe. Qnly a very moderate amount of business has been done during the last few weeks ; but prices, on the whole, have been well sustained. Tows have been in very brisk demand, and full prices have been obtained for them. Hemps have also been in request, and have been Sold at higher rates. The spinners con tinuo to be very busy, and still have heavy orders on hand . The makers of iron are very busy, both for common and bet ter sorts, and most of them are full of orders. The machine makers are very fully employed, as are also the makers of engineers' tools. Locomotive and railway plant makers have still large contracts in hand. The demand for cut nails is exceedingly brisk. Altogether the iron and machine trades are in a very satisfactory state, and better than is usual at this time of the year, and there is an extension of works being made in some cases. The improved demand noticed at the end of October has been fully sustained during the past month. Heavy leather has movedll i:riiaodree freely, and stocks are further reduced. Offal of a has sold briskly, and advanced prices havea descri p ti o ns bee of rea lised, leaving a very bare market. The various dressing goods have continued in e ghd t. alCitquapeset,seseedlliinegfironan arrival at full prices. Stocks a in price, and there is a larg e both, con sumption and export. Linseed r is rather for home as ier than last month. In conseque nce of the mildness of the season, crushers are only buying small lots. Rape oil is iu better demand than last month, and prices are very firm. Oil is lower in consequence of forced sales by speculators, but COPY OF A DESPATCH FROM EARL RUSSELL TO EARL COWLEY. Foreign-office, Nov. 25, My Lord,—Her Majesty's Government have received from the Marquis of Cadore, the copy of a despatch ad dressed to him by Monsieur Drouyn de L'Huys, in answer to my despatch to your Excellency of the 12th inst. Her Majesty's Government having obtained an answer to the inquiries they made, will not any longer delay giving a definitive reply to the invitation addressed by the Emperor of the French to her Majesty the Queen, to take part in a Congress of the European Powers to be assembled in Paris. I enclose a copy of the Emperor's letter of invitation to the Queen, which is similar to one which has already ap peared in the Illoniteur, addressed to the German Confede ration. Her Majesty's Governmen t fully recognise in this step the desire of the Emperor of the French to put an end to the disquietude which affects several parts of Europe, and to establish the general peace on foundations more solid than those on which, in his opinion, it now rests. The Emperor declares that France is disinterested in this qu es tion ; that he, foi his part, seeks no aggrandisement, and that the interests to be secured are those, not of France, but of Europe. Her Majesty's Government may also declare that Great Britain is disinterested in this matter, and.she seeks no aggrandisement, and that she has only to counsel modera tion and peace. But France and Great Britain being thus disinterested themselves, are bound to consider what is the position, and what, in a Congress, will be the probable conduct of Powers who may be called upon to make sacrifices of territory -or of pre-eminence and r.oral strength. It would be little to the purpose to say on this occasion anything more of the Treaties of 1815. Practically, the Emperor of the French admits the bind ing force of many portions of those treaties; and her Ma jesty's Government as readily allow that some portions of them have been modified or disregarded. and that other portions are now menaced or called in question. Her Majesty's Government understand from the expla nations given by Monsieur Drouyn de L'Huys, that, in the opinion of the Government of the Emperor, it is obvious to every one that there are several questions, not hitherto solved, which may disturb Europe. Of this nature are the following :—. Must the conflict in Poland be still further prolonged ? Is Denmark to be at war with Germany, and have the Powers which formerly took a part in the discussion of this question become indifferent to it? Must anarchy continue in the Danubian Principalities, and thus at any moment tend to reopen the question of the East ? . Must Italy and Austria always remain in presence of each other in a hostile attitude ? Must the occupation of Rome by French troops be pro longed for an indefinite time P The Emperor's Government put a further question : Must we, without having made new attempts at conci liation, renounce the hope of lightening the burthens im posed upon the nations of Europe by excessive armaments, kept up by the feeling of mutual distrust ? These, no doubt, are the principal questions which either disturb or threaten the peace of Europe ; but there is a further question which her Majesty's Government con sider to lie at the bottom of the whole matter, and that is the following : Is a General Congress of European States likely to fur nish a peaceful solution of the various matters in dispute ? This, indeed, is the question which it behoves the Go vernments of the different States to consider seriously and attentively. There appears to her Majesty's Government to be one main consideration which must lead them to their conclusion. After the war which desolated Germany from 1619 to 1649, and alter the successive wars which afflicted the Con tinent of Europe from 1793 to 1815, it was• possible to dis tribute territories and to define rights by a Congress, be cause the nations of Europe were tired of the slaughter, and exhausted by the burthens of war, and because the Powers who met in Congress had by the circumstances of the time the - means of carrying their decisions and arrangements into effect. But at the present moment, after a continuance of long peace, no Power is willing to give up any territory to which it has a title by treaty, or a claim by possession. For example, of the questions mentioned as disturbing or threatening Europe, two of the most disquieting are those regarding Poland and Italy. Let us examine the present state of these questions, and see whether it is probable that a Congress would tend to a peaceful settlement of them. In the first place, with regard to Poland, the question is not new to France, to Austria, or to Great Britain. For ,everal months these Powers, while carefully ab staining from any threat, have attempted to obtain from Russia by friendly representations the adoption of mea sures of a healing nature, but have only succeeded in pro curing promises, often repeated, that when the insurrection crushers are not disposed to accept present rates. Linseed I cakes are not much wanted during the open weather. Olive oils are firm and in good demand for consumption.:The ac.• counts from the producing countries are unfavourable, owing to heavy rains. The shoe trade is not so brisk as last month. The tobacco trade continues good. The improve ment in the paper trade continues, and the makers are pretty well employed. There has been a fair supply of fat cattle for the season, but not always quite equal to the de mand, and prices have therefore been somewhat in favour of the seller. Number shown (four markets), beasts,lsos ; sheep, 11,406. There has been a good supply of wheat,and prices are rather higher. Good qualities of barley have been in request. Oats and beans are without change." SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS, TIMES.—The public will learn with the deepest sorrow and anxiety that news has been received of the dangerous illness of Lord Elgin, and that there are but slight hopes of his being still alive. The last accounts were up to the 14th, and he was then daily becoming weaker. We will hope for the best, but we must prepare for the loss of one of the most able public servants that the country possesses. Lord Elgin, who, left us but the other day to re lieve the dying Lord Canning, as the latter relieved the dying Lord Dalhousie, will in all probability never again see the land of his birth or enjoy the rest and honours which should be the recompense of his great services. It is, indeed, a dreadful price that we pay for the possessiou of an Asiatic empire. Whether the constitution of men in these days or their previous habits of life are less fitted to a tropical climate, or whether it be that the work and the responsibility are more oppressive than of yore, there has been certainly a mortality among the chiefs of the Indian Administration which is enough to deter men of eminence from attempting it. Every mail brings us the tidings of some one breaking down; of some one retiring for a time or resigning altogether on the ground of ill-health ; and besides the two former Governors-General whom we have mentioned, there is also Lord Eiphin stone, who, in scarcely lower posts at Madras and Bombay, showed great administrative abilities, and was snatched away in the full vigour of his age. Should it unhappily be the case that Lord Elgin has succumbed, the country will have lost the third of a remarkable list of men, who, after having governed India with transcendent brilliancy and success, have been removed without having au interval granted them to repose in the greatness they have achieved. Lords Dalhousie, Canning, and Elgin were almost of an age; they were all at Christ Church together, and entered public life about the same time. Lord Dalhousie at an unusually early age was placed at the head of the Indian Empire, and governed with an ability and spirit which must be acknowledged even by those who look upon some of his measures as unjust and in their result calamitous. He returned home to linger and die, and was succeeded by Lord Can ning, who, going to India with the hope of passing his term of service in the furtherance of peaceful prosperity, found himeelf engaged during the greater part of his reign in suppressing the most formidable insurrection in modern annals. Lord Elgin suc ceeded him with the general approbation of the country, founded on his able services in other de• partments. In 1842 he was made Governor of Jamaica, and was promoted in 1846 to the Governor- Generalship of British North America, where he carried through the well known reciprocity treaty with the United States, which has been the source of such benefits to Canada. Lord Elgin's services during his missions to China are so recent and so well known that we need hardly recall them to the memory of our readers. In the spring of 1857 he was sent to the East, and though the Indian mutiny delayed operations for a time, he did not leave China until he had not only signed a treaty with the Imperial Commissioners at Tien-tsin, but had also broken the spell of Japanese isolation, and, en tering the harbour of Jeddo, surprised the Govern ment into consenting to intercourse with the Euro pean world. His second embassy to China was as successful as the first : the capture of Pekin was followed by the treaty of October 14, 1860, and the viay opened to that extended commerce which pro mises to bring the Chinese Empire under the influence of European civilisation. These emi nent services pointed out Lord Elgin for the most splendid viceroyalty under the Crown, and he proceeded to the East, for the third time, to relieve Lord Canning as Governor. General of India. We believe he had suffered from heart complaint ; and though he took great care of his health, particularly avoiding the heat of the sun, it was this malady which, assuming an acute form, prostrated him with the illness which it is feared has ended fatally. The Governor-General was in the North-West Provinces ; he had passed the hot season at Simla, had lately been traversing some elevated tracts in the Himalayas, and had, it is said, a few days before his illness ascended to a point 13,000 feet high. It may be that this exertion was too much for a constitution which, though appa rently good, had suffered somewhat from repeated residence in hot climates. Lord Elgin, who was to meet Sir Hugh Rose at Lahore, was taken, it ap pears, suddenly and dangerously ill, and by the last accounts there were scarcely any hopes of his rally ing. So probably falls another of the able and pa triotic men by whom the empire of England has been founded and maintained. It may be some con solation to a man to know that he dies serving his country ; but, on the other hand, it is bitter for him to feel that he is cut off when only in middle age, with his work half undone and the happy prospects of public prosperity and private honour clouded for ever. Lord Elgin, we fear, is not destined to see the full consequences of his courage and ability in China, nor the development of Indian prosperity under his peaceful rule. To successors he must leave the carrying out of the changes which be began, and there can be no greater disappointment to an active and ambitious spirit. Unless the news which reaches us be grievously exaggerated, he has already passed away like the rest of his predeces sors in the government of the great Asiatic Empire. It is strange to reflect that not a single Governor- General remains alive, except Lord Ellenborough, who was out two-and-twenty years ago. Lord Auckland has been long dead, Lord Hardinge is dead, the Marquis of Dalhousie and Lord Canning have both been carried to early graves. Lord Elgin, we fear, follows them at the age of 52, leaving the great but fatal prize of the official world once more in the gift of the Premier, who has seen so many recipients of it pass away. POST.—The Turkish financial report of the Grand Vizier and the Minister of Finance, which arrived from Constantinople yesterday, is now before us. This document is very remarkable, both for the clearness of its statement and for the honesty and absence of exaggeration which characterise it throughout. It informs us at length what has been effected for Turkish finance during the last two years of energetic reforms, and it tells us what remains to be done, We have, moreover, an explicit statement of the application of the loans which have been contracted during the present reign for the discharge of pre-existing obligations ; and, what is not less important, and more novel, is the assurance which is given that the foreign and do mestic loans thus contracted are final, and there will be no need, for the future, to apply to the money markets either on Constantinople or the West of Europe. Indeed, there is a peculiarly strong sense conveyed in the present report of the impolicy of borrowing within the Turkish territories, consider ing the high rates at which it had been customary to effect loans with the Greek and Armenian bankers. A policy of economy has apparently been adopted in earnest by the Sultan and the Divan, and they are resolved to maintain the establish ments and liabilities of the State strictly within its current resources. It is not the least valuable re sult of this document to sh'w how the loans of the present reign have been applied to the improvement of the public credit. It appears that not a shilling of their produce has been consumed in current ex penditure. The Grand Vizier and the Minister of Finance show how the Government was bur dened, on the present Sultan's accession, first with a vast amount of depreciated paper money, known as the Caimes, and, secondly, with an im mense floating debt. In order to restore the credit of the country it was found absolutely necessary to put an end to this state of things. The amounts required for each of these two obj ects was notesa short of ten millions sterling, or ne ar twenty 1r lions in all. For this purpose rec ourse was had had to two the foreign and home money markets. The foreign loans of 1862 and 1863 have furnished, in round terms, about one moi et y of t h e amount, and the four issues of internal stock, known as Conso lides, have yielded the other moiety. With these paper money has been e and:the great part of the boughtmeans t i h n e a nd wholecancelled of th s ta o ltat as ent is s floating debt has been paid off, having been already reduced to less than the usual proportion of floating debt in other countries; and it is probable that with the payment of the rem::nnineagrilnys due to the Turkish Treasury the rest of this floating debt will be extinguished, or practicable. Meanwhile, the Minister of Finance states that he has succeeded, after effecting these tw o cardinal reforms, in saving from the proceeds of these several loans a sum of two - millions sterling, which it is his intention to apply of the base coinage, from which 'Turkey exempt than the in G d e e r e m , an States—with u t r o ko th yt e hi calling se nimo por more in distinction, much less frequent in 'Turkey ~.l urkey than in Germany. that this base collage is The Minister further shows that by these means the ctadit of the count ry has been established, while ur a slight increasa of interest on the public debt is in volve:l by the m, the w urious local credits having now been thereby ff. paid o • The adjustment of the debt, and the cancel t men of the paper and base coin - - being thus recorded, the Grand Vizier and the Minister of Finance proceed with their scheme of taxation for the future. The latter speaks with the greater detail. It has not escaped him that Tur key is a country very lightly, and also very un equally, taxed. He proposes accordingly fresh etasses of burdens, which may be accompanied by the remis sion of others that press more on a development of the national resources. Among these the proposer! tax on immovable property at Constantinople is to^ be adopted; and its incidence is to be so arranged as to exclude the poorer classes from its operation, and to begin with such a class as we should he call the class of ten-pounders. Again , t h e taxation of t Mosque property, if not also its seem:-aisatio.n -- : which would in itself bring it within the reach of existing territorial taxation, the Mosque propertyr as such, being at present exempt from taxation by law—is estimated to add a very la r g e revenue. The Mosque property. indeed, extend s ov er fully a third of the soil. Thirdly, the Minister announce s the introduction of an entire change in th e s y ston, of interior custom houses, which —l ik e those of Germany before the institution of the Zallvercin --- are operating as a check upon internal trade; a o6 ' under the same heading, he proposes also to re o vls e indirect taxation. Fourthly, the cadastral wrks,. begun with so much advantage in some parts, ar s to be extended at once to the whole empire. Till report is accompanied by the publication of the ne budget in an official shape, and with results Le° favourable to the Turkish treasury than were ill' dicated in the hasty and inaccurate teleg raph ic version which we published a few weeks ago. will be remembered that the details, as given i c s i that version, did not tally with their totals ; an that, instead of a surplus, there bore the appea r ' ante, on a close scrutiny, of a deficit. We observe+ however, that this enormous conclusion was du. ° wholly to the inaccuracy almost inevitably inel; dental to the telegraphic communication of a gr e ,„ o variety of figures in detail, and that the s ur P7o is larger than there was reason to anticipate. -1. this official statement almost every source °s revenue has its annotations as to the ch ange d which have been effected with regard to it, 911 :1$ we shall hope to communicate some of these (let!'" to the public in an early impression. It is 1111 ' possible to deny that the present Sultan, durifig' the two years and some months of his reign , h ie effected a vast change in the government of empire, and especially in matters of finance. 1: this short period he has restored public credit 1 4 cancelling the whole paper currency without Pe r sonal loss to a single holder; he has nearly oE 6° ' guished the floating debt; he has provided for tb ff el suppression of the baser coinage; he has paid ° local and anomalous debts at Galata, that had be e°, contracted at very high rates ; he has consolidate : the whole national debt of Turkey; and he 13 , 6 0 established regularity in the payment both of V' public interest, and of the pay of the army, ns T Y; and civil service. Besides this, the sultan nas Ds, subjected the public accounts to the same scrutie! and afforded them the same publicity, as our ovisk; and even in greater detail. He has also b rong :: , the expenditure considerably within the revel 3 t; and we sincerely believe that a few years of tß ot , policy will establish the Government of Turkey as sound a basis as that of any other Stat e of t Continent. COUNTRY MARKETS. ----- 1/•-- WAKEFIELD—FRIDAY. e4l The show of wheat to-day was good. Last F rida y' s rg were fully maintained, and in some instances is more ul eil tf, was taken. Barley was very dull, and is cheaper. beans, and shelling unchanged. STAMF ORD—FRIDAY. ,no , White wheat, 40s to 42s ; red, 34s to 40s per 36 s ) r, Barley, malting, 35s to 38s; grinding, 31s to 30s per c v i er Oats, 18s to 24s per 24 stone. Beans, old, 40s to 4 2 ° qr. ; new, 34s to 365. LIVERPOOL—FRIDAY. bol l/ At this day's market we had a small attendanc e of millers and dealers, who, however, showed little dig4f sition to buy. Wheat maybe quoted Id per 1001 b de ° l O with a good deal sold to hold over. Flour a dull eele,dio not dearer. Oats and oatmeal at barely late rates. 11 ', 1 , corn more inquired for. Barley , be ans, and peas O'ITO slow sale, elm prices were a shade better than those cur on Tuesday last. LINCOLN , —FRIDAY. cI O P A fair quantity of wheat on offer a t our market to-_oef and prices Cully supported for best descriptions. D'i heavy. Beans scarce, and as dea r. a 4 . 0 1 5 34 White wheat new, 428 to 4 5 8 ' Barley , g rinding..2os 233 to 02i 9 Red do. 3Bs to 40s Oats, old, .......• Old white —s to —8 Ne w do .......... 203 t° Red do.. —s to —8 i Beans. ...... 38s t° ot Barley, malting 348 to 388 1 Beans, new ...... 346 t° CORK—FRIDAY. ged The following were the quotations this morning :r t , wheat, 8s Od to 8s 1 0 d ; white, 7s 6d t 0,98 6d , barl e n q to 4d to 7s 6d ; _oats, 4s 10 d to 8s Od ; black do., 46 5s sd. IN—FniDAY. e, 1011 A ready market:DUßL for all good kinds of grain, but we, no alteration to note in prices. d' e. d. s. d. • s• 0 0... , 3 Wheat, white 23 0 to 2 5 0 Oatmeal ...... ......10 0 0 1( 0 ) _I I. ' o p Do., red 2O oto 23 0 Beans.. ..... ...... 0 to ..-- 0 Do., new Barley ~;,' 0 Oats Do., black — oto 0 Indian corn .. '" BRISTOL SUGAR—FutnAY. t „ ar eelto to The market for sugar continues activ e, and mos t" is per at brought forward have found ready b u y ers at 6d ob cwt advance on last week. Refined s ells steadily r stiffer prices. No sales to report in rum. COAL Id Prices of Coal per Ton at .AitKET. the dose of the marlcet. s. d. Hastings Hartley ....15 6 Lambert's West Hart- _ _ i /va n s End. ~ 6 E K S oaeulsloh Hartlepooluic. Hartlep o ol.. e. e . p.. . . 0: 0. .. i. .... .... .... ..... ..... 11 1 06, ._ i Trimdon Hartlepool • J.,- 6 ; Hawn ............. • (1,. I :V I, u h s a: r O s i i f f i e e . t . t, 0 . n . .......... ... •:1~ ?, 9 i Belmont ...... .. ...... . 1 ;./ '', I 13raddyll'o netton ..... t 4 F s South HetWn .. ''', V ; deugh Hall .. ~ ..... :et, 53 ; mold. 50. —-...—. ___ ____ _ ley 15 3 Byass's Bebside West Hartley ..15 6 Wylam 17 0 Buddle'sWest Hartley 15 6 Holywell 17 0 West Hartley 15 6 Eden. Main .17 0 Walls End. Haswell ..............18 6 Ships at mark, Foreign Mail Packet List. 1 91 De°• 0, MAILS DUE. Australia and Mauritius, via Southampton ...... • pee. via Marseilles ....... • . pee. 0 9, Brazil and Cape Verds, by British packet. ...... .p ee . Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena..pee. China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southaniptouisrov. via Marseilles • • Falkland Islands .Dec.... Gibraltar, via Southampton .... .... .•.... . • .. • • n ,,,. ~ India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton. • ,'-'"--;, 2 , ' via Marseilles ... •l' °. 12‘ India (Bombay), via Southampton ...... Dee' 6. via Marseilles Portuga1.... , Kalta, Egypt, and Aden, via t'outhampton ...... Nov ''l, via Marseilles ...... • ~°_. 2 Newfoundland .......... P:°' 4, • • Oporto and Vigo . .............. ..„ 4 , 3 , U. S. and British N. America, by Brit. packet.... 11 ' • 2l' by U.S. packet.• • •,o, „, W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and T b Bahamas, via New York . De e ' 9' Mexico . N. ~ y en C e an ritr a e d . i .................. c 4900. i l i i , .• • • 7 All parts of West Indies, including Chili, Peru, Dee. California. and British C01umbia............ } / ------------------- [ADVERTISEMENT.I--B.OHOWay'S Ointment - a n d rio 4 l These highly esteemed medicaments cannot be too stry,,iicl recommended for curing most of the maladies to humanity is heir. They are suitable for the chil,, 6 ,'„0 f entering on the journey of life, as for the old man toll'01 0 ; towards its end—the Ointment is a specific for th o o 0, bruises, abrasions, and eruptions often witnessed I tio cli.; nursery, and it is no less efficient in healing up 0 o, and permanently the chronic ulcers which so oftelitA misery on advanced years. By an early attentiotl• t gli instructions wrapped round each packet of Ointxre A , , E3 ° Pills, any moderately intelligent person may abtl"' avert the discomfort and misery of chronic ill healtl3._,,!: --!----- :.--- Births. If , 40. et KNATCIIBULL - HUGESSEN.—On the 27th inst., at sae L o wndes-square, the wife of E. H. Knatchbal- Ben, M.P., of a son. LAMING.—On infirtilch.—OarOad u tLhae t m h 2 e i6nt 2 hg 6 ,i t nE h seitq i . n : s a t o . tf , at Maida-hill, v , 0 Wit° i -,, the e Eric Carrington Smith, Esq., 0 th Wif e 0 of a son. • 50 0 WARD.—On the 27th inst ,at Petersham-tettal,6 oP' Kensington, the wife of ' John F. Ward, Escl o ° Wilton-crescent, .--° nbf Marriages. i ev , 4 . vitt. der; BRAMLY—WOODFORD.—On the 26th inst. a.,v,., 1 1 10, 0 0, Henry Jennings Bramly, Esq., 42d Royal Iltroocb to Harriet Louisa, only daughter of Edward ~ Esq., LL.D., H.M.'s Inspector of Schools. lace , 0 11 10 WISE—HORN.—on the 24th inst., at 40, ClYd e *P ar sill re ' gow, Mr. James Wise, of Uddingston, l' al tliettl' Isablla Stobo, only daughter of Mr. James • _ _ DOBREE.—On the 25th iwt Deaths. ' d SO ° at his residence, Sro a , 6 9, Kennedy, KENNEDY.—On Westminster, Bonamy Dobree, Esq, ag e ' 6 ‘' Sl. Esq., of Drumellan. 'IsTNEDY.—On the 20th inst at Ayr, N. 8., Pritar° LY Hamilton, L , —On the 25th inst., suddenly. at E PENNY,—On Ir., ._....0 of Or n. James mth.ee2. ss.L:hay aged 69. t E 679. 6 1 q . Woe' ar tioa ,_ On the 26th inst at Islington, PURDUE 1100. r per! P suddenly, r. of 11, Old Bailey, aged 56 . . t er, a 'P C TUCKER —On the 9 . sth inst., suddenly, ML : lti° 6 lll . ' (2 1...)5, reet, Covent -garden, a , 'd i•_ . ,._, !. . , ,,,,—" , London: Prin;ol and PaTtalted by IVIL-IJEA .11 A SPl',,,t: 11: 1 . of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE sup' office lig ot Strand, Jla the rreeillet ot the '3avoy. ti le " 33 iagect6l /wry :dtie' illiddlettex.-Saturday, November 25, 1863. 1 1 YR} l'ltC thro GI FR of - I, the, aottl bra e afror Este Lure whe ins Te•d chaa and N pan and 'coi th e th e app