The Sun. — London, England, 1833-01-17 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. Some of the Tory evening papers of yester day contained a report that " Ministers had de termined to- arrest Mr. O'Connell." Judging from the sort of authority given for this rus moured intention of his Majesty's Government, we should be inclined to say that the report is utterly false and groundless. What end would be answered by the arrest of Mr. O'Connell, unaccompanied by other measures ? It might produce a momentary lull—the lull of astonish ment, of intense curiosity, of bridled frenzy, of silent preparation for desperate revenge,--but would the calm be that of contentment, or ac quiescence, of satisfaction with the measures of Government, of resignation under the presumed fate of a popular chief whose rise to the most extraordinary influence over his countrymen that ever was exercised by a private citizen within these kingdoms, has been caused by oppres sion, and by that alone, by a system of enor mous folly or iniquity, which has for ages directed the powers of the State, and the most elaborate institutions of the reigning Government, to the production of anarchy and ruin. Look at Ireland the day after O'Connell shall have been imprisoned,—forget his history, his ambition, and his name ; examine only the still prominent circumstances of the island, those which have not been occasioned by O'Connell's turbulence, because they flourished before his father was born— those which would still remain unaltered by his capture, or his death, and then let any .honest man answer us the question, is it possible for a community where such things exist to be kepi—we do not say at peace, fiir that were extravagant—but in subjection to the Bri tish Crown, otherwise than by the constant and irresistible force of arms ? Lord Chat ham, contemning the servile prejudices of his age, "rejoiced that America had resisted," although it was the same Lord Chatham who declared that he would " ever main tain the supremacy of the British Parliament over the western coldnies." Are these two sentiments, then, irreconcilable ? No. The great and wise man who thus expressed him self would have upheld the supremacy of Par liament by justice, not by brutal persecution. He saw that the hearts of unprincipled cour tiers could not be turned but by fear alone, and therefore it was that he rejoiced at that " resistance" of the sufferers, which he deemed essential to the reformation of the Government and the final integrity of the empire. So do we,—strong in our conviction that the Impe rial Parliament ought to be supreme to all acts and intents of upright legislation, and resolute in our desire to see the United Kingdom rescued from the imminent peril of dissolu tion,—so do we, in our humble sphere, " re joice that Ireland" has loosened the rivets of her chains, and warned her task-masters that the future principle of their dominion must be something more powerful than terror. Of all the staple grievances of Ireland, since Ireland ceased to be a subject province, one only has yet been redressed. Catholic emancipation has removed the political distinction between the laities of the two communions. The Protestant Established Church remains behind, in form a temple, but in truth a fortress; built from the ruins of the old national hierarchy, drawing sup plies for its ample garrison from the conquered and impoverished territory over which it frowns, but yielding no succour nor protection to its vassals. This - Church has been fed by forced contributions upon industry, progressive with the produce of the soil. It has wrung them from a people whom it could not as a religious establish ment, indemnify for the tax which it extorted. It has Sung back the natural teachers of the Catholic community upon the spontaneous bounty of their half-starved flocks for support, thereby imposing on them a second and no inconsiderable burden. The Church of Ireland is, finally, one which has for centu turies, in every measure of severity, of exaction, of oppression, signalized itself by more than concurrence with the tyrannical spirit of the civil government. It is felt to be at once a weight upon the country and a degradation. The Catholic priesthood, as is infallible, have fostered and inflamed the discontent. The Ministers of the Crown have at length convinced themselves that such a system cannot go on without an extinction of all government, and an immediate reform of the Irish Church is pro claimed. Now, a simple " reform" of the Church of Ireland, in the same sense in which the term is applied to that of England, will fall far short of its intended purpose. It is not merely that there are abuses in the Irish Church, such as pluralities, exorbitant livings, ill-be stowed bishoprics, with every shape and cha racter of perverted patronage ; nor is it altogether, though it is greatly, the incorrigible nature of the tythe system ; but the mischief is one of bulk as well as kind. There is in Ireland too much church, for any legitimate object which a Church cap there contemplate. The whole mass is too high and ponderous for its narrow groundwork. The number, of Bishops ought to be reduced by two thirds ; half-a-dozen Diocesans, with one Arch bishop, would be staff in abundance for the small Protestant army. The number, likewise, instances, be parochial ministers may, in many be diminished, and the 15,0001. per annum bishoprics ought no longer to disgrace the pro fessed Christianity of the realm. But one main branch of Irish ecclesiastical abuse is the eriesnopoly of all provision for the clergy by those of the Church of England. Really, looking at these matters with an impar tial retrospect of the last 40 years, one wonders at the insanity of the Legislature and Government, in not at the very outset binding the Catholic ministers to the state by consulting their just title to a share of its resources in their gi:pacity of moral and religious instructors of the people. All .ministers of religion, where the denomination • of Christians, to which they belong, can be so well defined and recog pised as is that of Protestant Dissenter and Catholic, ought, for the sake of religion and morality, to enjoy a decent maintenance from the public. The question of an " Established" Church is in no manner affected by that proposition, there being grave argu• ments of justice and sound policy connected, we may say incorporated, with its merits. But there can be no Church Reform deserving the name in Ireland which embraces not, and does not permanently provide for, the temporal com forts of the R omen Catholic clergy.We have stated first in our list of Irish grievances the actual condition of the Established Church relatively to the Catholic people. We have not consi dered the Church in relation to the wants and interests of the Protestant community itself, be cause our design was to limit such remarks as we might offer to points connected with the tranquillity of the country, now so dreadfully broken up by the diseased, but justly exaspe rated, spirit of the Catholic body. But if mentioned first in the series, the Church is far from being at the bottom of Irish anarchy. There are three other grievances which we now have only space to glance at, but to the consideration of which we shall, without loss of time, return ; and one and all of which, but above all, the last, contain enough of positive injustice to drive any nation to fury or despair. The first of these is the Grand Jury tyranny ; 2d, the Vestry Act tyranny ; 3d, the master, the giant grief, the atrocious treat ment of the lower class of tenantry by their landlords. This last is, indeed, the true key to the recent history and intolerable state of Ire land. This is the pervading poison of the system. The want of sympathy, ripened into an all but general antipathy, between rich and poor, where a middle class exists not in suffi cient force to•restrain the others, or in sufficient mass to mingle with and blend them, that is the fact ; its cause has been in the principle of a military and at the same time a jealous Govern ment, which, that it might have the upper class for its instruments, was content to make victims of the lower, but that, we say, is the one main, fundamental fact ; it is a consequence, and a frightful one, but as a cause it is also frightful— it has caused the agitation—it has served as the pabulum for all descriptions of political vio lence, villainy, and folly. O'Connell may be the champion of agitation with some people— on the contrary, he is but its eldest-born child. —Times. We give another extract to-day from the evidence on the Factories' Bill. If ever there was a case made out against any system, it is the case which Mr. Sadler has made out against the cruel system ofover-working infant children in the factories. Some of the country papers, hough they do not venture to defend the system, have alluded to the evidence as if it were entirely exparte. But an investigation by a Committee of the House of Commons is not an exparte proceeding. The Committee is appointed not to manage a case, but to investigate a subject, and the truth or falsehood of the allegation upon which the Committee was granted, becomes not only a necessary and primary consi deration, but the paramount consideration, to which all others are subordinate. If it be said that the evidence in the present case is incomplete, the labours of the Committee having been abruptly terminated by the dissolu tion of the Parliament which had called it into existence, still there is nothing, either in the form of the proceeding or upon the face of the evidence—for it would be absurd to impute its overwhelming strength to a general conspiracy against the truth—there is nothing, we repeat, in the form or substance of the proceeding—. nothing in the mass of details composing the report which lies before us, to give that evi deuce the exparte character which some of our contemporaries have thought proper to insinuate. Let us take, as an instance, the evidence of the medical men ;—can any thing in the nature of evidence be more likely, prima facie, to be im partial ? They have no interest one way or an other in the question ; or if they have any, it is surely on the side of the wealthy manufacturer, who can pay them—not of the poor destitute workpeople, including children, who can bring them nothing but trouble for their pains. Yet the testimony of the medical men, so far as we have examined it, goes all as directly against the system, and in favour of Parliamentary inter ference, as that of the workpeople themselves. It is unfair, therefore it is unjust, to ascribe that consistency, both of statement and in ference, which distinguishes the report, to any other cause than the uniformity of truth, producing upon all minds the same in variable impression. Even the evidence of the workpeople— of those unhappy beings, who were brought from the mills, and the work houses, and the hospitals, and the other abodes of wretchedness into which they had been flung from the mills—even their evidence, if it stood alone, rests upon too strong a foundation to be overturned, or even shaken. The story of their past sufferings is too well attested by what they still suffer. We may doubt their recollection— we may dispute their statements—we may dis trust and deny their veracity ; but there they stand before us, the victims of the system, withered in life and limb, appealing to the corro boration of their unimpeachable deformi ties for the truth of the horrors they re count. And, good God ! what horrors do they bring before us ! One of the witnesses, a wo man—she was speaking of her childhood— stated, in a portion of the evidence which we published some days ago;that, in consequence of the hardship which she suffered when a child, one of her legs had become useless, " the mar row having dried up within it." If this were a solitary case it would be bad enough, we could not refuse our compassion to a fellow-creature so afflicted; but what shall we say of the sys tem which dried up the marrow in her young bones, and smote with premature decay the pro mise of her blighted womanhood! Another witness—another NS oman—her evidence appears to-day, spoke also of her own deformity. What a subject for a female tongue. " I have an iron on my right leg," said she ; " my knee is contracted." On being asked whether she had been straight till the age of thirteen—" I was as straight a little girl," said she, " as ever went up and down the town." There was something of pride, the pride of beauty, in this reply, though it burst from . a heart that was almost broken. When we remember that these poor matures, in describing the treatment they experienced in the mills, working the long hours, being beaten by the overlooker, and suffering the thousand tortures of the place—when we remember that it is a history of their childhood they are giving us, our blood curdles; we ask ourselves if man is the only monster upon earth, or if there be another creature in whose bosom nature has neglected to make provision f o r the protection ofinfancy ? Neither let it be forgotten that the cruelties practised on the children are not prac tised in wantonness. No, they are necessary to the system—they are necessary to keep them awake 1 They are necessary to extort from childhood more than ought to be required from maturity—ay, from the maturity of manhood. Oh ! Luxury, think of fifteen, sixteen —ay, and seventeen hours out of the twenty-four, devoted to any pursuit—devoted too by children ! No wonder the strap should be busy, and the billy roller and the other instruments of torture. They rise before day-light ; they work after dark. Their minds and frames become enfeebled— night closes in upon the wretched group, and and then begins a general struggle against the blessed visitation of sleep, in which even gross and indecent language is resorted to, amongst other stimulants, to conquer the drowsiness of exhausted nature. Such is the system—such are its effects. Oh this deep, deep traeay o f the factories, how it searches the heart ! --2110 r ing Herald. The manoeuvres of the Russian Government hare at length proved too severe a trial for French patience, and little quarter is now shown to the mercenary journalists of Germany, who have been the humble tools of the Caar in cir culating paragraphs calculated to impress Eu rope with a vast idea of his power. We may expect to find the acuteness of our Gallic neigh bours employed for some time in exposing the weak points of Russia. The Journal du Com merce, alluding to an absurd paragraph which we extracted horn the Journal de Frankfort, importing that the Emperor of Russia was about to place 150,000 men at the disposal of the King of Prussia, with reference to the ques tion between Holland and Belgium, observes, that at the late review, which did not take place at the usual spot at St. Petersburgh, that the French Colony there might not discover the weakness of the land, there were not 20,000 troops, including several thousand Town Guards —the only troops remaining in Russia during the war with Poland—which could be found to accompany the entrance of the remains of Con stantine into St. Petersburgh. " It is quite natural (says that Journal) that Russia should not tell her Orangeist and Prussian Journalists that Poland causes her strong apprehensions; that the roads there being completely destroyed, a partisan warfare would now be to the disadvantage of Russia ; that it requires at least 50 or 60,000 men to occupy the country ; but when she orders them to speak of 150,000 men in Poland, the absurdity is glaring, as there are not so many organized troops in the whole empire. The whole frontier of the Kuguises is bare of troops ; the remains of the Military Colonies were destroyed by the cholera, and the war of Poland ; the Imperial Guard has been reduced to 12,000 wen, completely trained ; the place of the 1,000 officers massacred in Oc ober, 1831, at Novogorod, has been supplied by boys, who have no troops under their orders; in short, nothing has been restored, for everything is want ing, men and money. We ought to translate the Gazette of Frankfort thus—' Russia would be happy to see Prussia, which is not inclined to war, involved in one. She avails herself of the old Prussian Nobility who surround the old King, who resists them as well as he can. Russia could place some 20,000 men at the disposition of Prussia, and sav ige bands. of Cossacks, amounting to from 15 to 20,000 men ; but only on the condition of Prussia main taining, lodging, and paying them, furnishing all their transports, and supplying them with artillery; for Russia has not a sous—not the smallest materiel of transport-- no artillery, and not the slightest store. Without sup• plies of corn from the Duchy of Posen, the Russian ar mies, which have exhausted what little remained in the country (Poland) would be absolutely destitute.' This is the way in which the Parisian Journals, which are so acute and satirical, will interpret the Journal de Frank furt, which will probably be somewhat more prudent hereafter in its insertions." This is sharp firing ; and we are mistaken if Russian consequence gain by this sort of war fare. We suspect, at all events, that the eager ness to invest money in the New Russian Loan would be not at all increased by correct reports of the state of things in Russia. It is quite clear that the ambition of Russia is altogether disproportionate to her means ; and that wars in the East, and wars in the West can only be maintained at the expense of Dutch and English credulity. However, like all spendthrifts, she will soon find herself at the end of resources derived from such means. We would fain hope that the affairs of the west of Europe will soon be settled, and that the Powers of the west will have too much sense to involve themselves in hostilities without any intelligible object. Prussia has too much at stake to be disposed to war. Prussia, is the reverse of Russia ; she is strong for offence, but weak for defence ; and a war could not be continued long without affording a proof of this—for Prussia is, of all the Powers of Europe, the most interested in the continuance of peace. The Prussia Statesmen, too, are clever, and we believe upright, and too well acquainted with the resources of Russia to allow themselves to place any reliance on them. The Statesmen of this country, too, must see the necessity of dispelling those exagge rated notions of Russian power, which Lord Castlereagh contributed so much to instil into the nation. Russia is not a first-rate Power, and must not be allowed to act the part of a first-rate Power in Europe. Let her keep to her own in hospitable corner of the world, and employ her self in preserving order among her barbarous tribes ; but she must not pretend to interfere in the affairs of civilized nations. The Scheidt must be forthwith opened to commerce, and the affair of Holland and Belgium settled by the Powers most interested in the tranquillity of this part of Europe.—Morning Chronicle. The near approach of the period for the as• sembling of Earl Grey's monster Parliament naturally excites considerable anxiety in the mind of reflecting men of all parties, and parti cularly among the supporters of Ministers. That the firm but temperate opposition of the Conservative party was dictated by sound con stitutional principles, as well as by just views of the practical business of Government, is now sufficiently apparent, and this deepens the re sponsibility of the Whigs for the " perilous experiment" which they have made. Earl Grey had his option to effect a moderate Reform by constitutional means, or a violent radical Reform by revolutionary ones, and he preferred the latter, at the expense of countless pledges, and in de fiance of the remonstrating intelligence of the empire. He must now gird himself to meet what we fear will prove the bitter and deplorable consequences of his misconduct—bitter to him self, and deplorable to his country. During many centuries of glory and safety this country had been governed (excepting a few casual revolutionary epochs) by a Constitution consist ing of three balanced powers, the free consent of each of which was essential to any legislative change. The empirical scheme proposed by Earl Grey was in the first instance indignantly rejected, and it was only at last forced through the Legislature by an act of revolutionary vio lence, which attacked the independence of one estate, and practically overthrew the whole Con stitution. This is not a case of ordinary mis government, but of flagrant conspiracy, render ing the parties engaged in it personally respon sible to the country for the whole amount of the good destroyed and the mischief inflicted. In this as in other cases we are quite sure that justice will be, sooner or later, vindicated ; but the mode of the vindication is at present uncer tain. " He that breaketh a hedge a serpent shall bite him" is a sentence uniformly carried into severe execution in the history of revolution ists; and Earl Grey already knows something of the fascinating eye and pestilential breath of the Jacobin hydra which seems about to undertake the office of avenging the in sulted laws and outraged Constitution of Great Britain. It adds little, we presume, to his present comfort to reflect that this loathsome monster is of his own creation. Till the tunes of his execrable Ministry, there was no jaco hinism in England or Ireland, that a resolute Government might not have overcome in a single month ; but years of difficulty, and perhaps bloodshed, must now be expected to elapse More the malignant poison which has been diffused through 'the nation can be finally extir pated. We believe that no single section of the discordant and paralysed Ministry contemplate with satisfaction the meeting of Parliament. The recent management of our foreign affairs has compromised all our peculiar interests, sul lied tha national honour, and subjected us to general contempt, without bringing us one step nearer to a practical settlement. We have at one moment attracted general ridicule by the imbecility of our policy, and exposed ourselves at the next to public indignation by abetting France in the perpetration of an enormous public crime. We first engaged in a scheme (a dignified scheme, truly !) to bully the King of the Netherlands, and when that would not do we were obliged to let France fight, in order to save appearances, and amuse the revolutionary canaille of Paris ; and, whilst all the world wonders at the unac countable folly of the British Government, Russia quietly pursues her projects of eastern and western aggrandizement at our expense. Mi nisters claim credit for paltry dockyard savings, which will only expose us to additional future charges, anti squander millions in Russian and Greek loans, without possessing sufficient in fluence to direct their application to objects coin patible with the true policy of this country. In Ireland treason has been tampered with till it has broken out into rebellion; and another twelvemonth may witness an armed continental mediation, on Belgic principles, between William the Fourth of England and O'Connell the First of Ireland. England is only calm for the moment, because the simpletons who raised the cry for Reform are in eager expectation of some great but unde fined changes from the operations of the Bill, transmuting poverty into wealth, and creating riches without the trouble of labour. When dis appointment shall come, as come it must, the value will be seen of the insane policy which has disfranchised property and education, and conferred the ultimate power of the State upon a motley multitude of ten-pounders. When did Minister ever face a Parliament in such a de plorable condition of affairs ? Will he attempt to buy another hollow truce from the Radicals, by again sacrificing some national interest which he is bound to protect ? Shall the Church go ? or Ireland ? or the Peerage, Earl Grey's " order ?" or will he venture to look once more towards the insulted and indignant Conserva tives ? Without extraneous support, the Whigs, as usual, cannot stand for an hour, and we trust that a deep conviction will pervade the whole country of the necessity of most strenu ously resisting the further progress of disorga nizing principles.—Morning Post. A Reform of the Church establishment, as we announced, some fourteen days ago, will be the first and greatest of the Government mea sures for the Session of 1833 ; and a most im portant measure it is in every respect, as well as, however limited in extent, highly creditable to the Government with which it will originate. That it will satisfy every one, is not to be ex pected—that it will be as sweeping and search ing as the case demands, we do not, consider ing all the difficulties with which Ministers have to contend, anticipate—but that it will uproot the greater portion of the most glaring of exist ing abuses, and pave the way for the abolition of the remainder, there is not the slightest rea , son to doubt. Pray Heaven, therefore, that they may be successful in their undertaking, and that the Bill which they will introduce to the notice of the Legislature on the subject, may be received in a kindly spirit by those to whom it will more especially apply! But there is ano ther subject, of no less pressing importance, which not only demands the earnest attention of the Government, and which must be leak with by it in a similar spirit, but which causes, at the present moment, the utmost anxiety in the minds of all who concern themselves for the welfare of the country. That subject is Ireland —lreland and her perpetual grievances, and her perpetual complaints. Something must be done for her, and that without delay. The threaten ing state of things in that country, eclipsed or depressed in their legitimate importance by the engrossing excitement of reform, has been grow ing into colossal and overpowering magnitude, and bringing on a crisis which must be met and directed with a sagacious and unflinching hand. She exhibits at the present moment not only all the characteristics of a country in a state of general insurrection, but the very worst features of a country in which there is no law, no mo rality, no religion, no government. Not only are not life and property not safe from the cruelty of the murderer, and the felon hand of the depredator ; but a thing called a convention —a creature of the O'Connell brain—has been called for the purpose of superseding the ex isting law, and substituting a government in Ireland in lieu of the legal and established go vernment of the United Kingdom ! To attempt to reason with those who have originated such a notable project—with persons whose only ob ject is self-aggrandizement—who care nothing for their country, and to whom agitation is, in some measure, a necessity, would not, we fear, be of much service ; still we may ask them, for the purpose of shaming them in the estimation of all reasonable Tersons—would the avowed ob ject of their convention, the repeal of the Union, be beneficial to the ill-consorted parties, Ireland and England ? Certainly not to Ireland ; or rather it would be most baneful to her, under whatever aspect it may be considered—financial, commer cial, or political. She would lose many most vital advantages by separation, whether volun tary or forced. At present, England pays the greater proportion of the expenses necessary for carrying on the machinery of Government, while s he admits Ireland to an equal proportion of all t he advantages of her predominant commercial position throughout the world. The first result, therefore, of the separation would be to Ireland greatly augment e d expenses , w i t h infinitely di minished means. At present the English farmer i s driven out of the live stock and provision market by the inundation of cheap provisions from Ireland ; while the English labourer is de prived of bread—degraded in the comparative scale of existence, and thrown on the already intolerably-burdensome poor-rates, by the peren nial influx of armies of Irish paupers. Ireland cannot imagine that in the event of a separation she would preserve these advantages which are all in her favour, and at the expense of her contracted partner. Of course she must expect to be placed on the same footing in these particulars as fo reign nations. England, therefore, would prima facie have no great cause to regret the change ; but Ireland would have bitter cause of repen tance. And what boon is held out by the agi tators as a lure to prompt her to embitter and aggravate all her present sources of mischief ? The restoration of her Parliament—the restora tion of a foul legislative plague spot—a libel on representation, which, on the confession of the agitators themselves, was nothing but a jobbing warehouse, in which every Member's price was known and ticketted on his forehead, and where the country was set up for sale to the highest bidder. Can any true Irishman—can any one who does not conceal some ulterior ambitious purpose— " Some desperate undivulged pretence Of treasonous malice," desire to see this festering mass of legislative corruption re-communicated, with all the addi tional virus of threefold concentration to the Irish body politic ? In the same degree that Ireland would lose by the separation, England would not unquestionably gain ; but it is never theless true that to her the connection has always resulted 'in commercial and financial loss—poli tical anxiety—the abortive outlay of enormous sums to procure a transitory conformity and tranquillity, through the purchase of friends or enemies—and the constant necessity of main taining a ruinous and unconstitutional standing army. A divorce, therefore, to her would corn tnercially and financially be of obvious and de cided benefit. But the benefit would not be unmixed with evil, and the divorce between the two countries involves a question common to both, which no statesman who knows his duty can overlook in devoting his anxiety to the common weal of the United Empire. The question is, shall the integrity of the United Kingdom be dissolved ? Shall one of the three limbs of the British empire be forcibly torn from it ? The condition of the world, too, must be thrown into the scale of decision—a condition which demonstrates that, delay it as we will, the period of the final battle of opinion between light and darkness, despotism and free dom, predicted by Canning, must eventually come. Is Ireland, therefore, to be left as a fulcrum on which foreign enmity may stand, and thrust aside the fair and beneficent influence of Eng land on the future destinies of mankind—is this our satellite to be forced into such eccentric and capricious action by the agitation of dema gogues, as to threaten the equilibrium arid per manence of the whole empire ? Looking to these matters a statesman has only one course to pursue—to decide for the common good of the whole British nation. Taking that view, he cannot and must not permit the present in flamed action and morbid excitement of the so- ' cial frame in Ireland to proceed. The great object of the agitators, repeal of the Union, must be thwarted by the exertion of authority. At the same time it is necessary to have jus tice, and even conciliation, on the side of that authority. Ireland's grievances must be re dressed—the Grand Jury cess must be got rid of—the abuses in the administration of the law must be expunged—and the iniquitous tithe system abolished. Redress must accompany or precede coercion. If it do, then, sure we are that all Englishmen will rise up as one man in order to support and reinforce the arm of legitimate authority in putting down a state of things into lerable and scandalous, and in averting the danger of dislocating or mutilating the British empire. Morning Advertiser. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. BOW-STREET. ROBBERY.—Yeste.ddy James Jacks, a man of respectable appearance was charged with stealing two sovereigns, the property of Mr. Simpson, landlord of the Albion Tavern, Great Russell street, Covent-garden, which fell into his hands in his capacity of accountant. The prisoner was re manded till this day (Thursday). COINING.—JohIt Griffin and Elizabeth Ellis were yesterday charged on suspicion of having been con cerned in coining counterfeit money. The prisoners were remanded till Monday. PETTY FRAUD.—George Bray, a man in the garb of a sailor, was brought up yesterday evening on a charge of defrauding David Masters, a shoe maker, in Sr. Giles's, of 3s. 6d. Some time since the son of Masters was transported to New South Wales, and a few days back the prisoner called at his house and said he had seen his son at Sydney, professing at the same time to give a very circum stantial account of his situation and health. Masters was highly rejoiced to hear so good an account of his " prodigal babe," and began to make more par ticular inquiries of his situation, when the prisoner referred him to Captain Shuttlewood, of the Mi nerva, who, he said, would be at the Jerusalem Coffee-house on the ensuing day, and who had not only a letter but an especial message from his son. The prisoner then said that he had come from the eastern extremity of the town to find him, and that he unfortunately had no money to get him a bed, upon which Masters generously gave him 3s. 6d. The neighbours, too, who were equally glad to hear news from so distant a shore of one of whom they had some knowledge, contributed their mite towards his gleanings, and he made a tolerable successful speculation. On Masters going to the Jerusalem Coffee-house on the ensuing day, how ever, and seeing Captain Shuttlewood, he riot only discovered that he had no letter for him, but that lie knew nothing of his son. The prisoner, in his defence, with great effrontery denied all knowledge of Masters, and presumed if he had made the statement described that he must have been in a state of intoxication, and that he was willing to make him any compensation in his power. He added, that he had recently returned from New South Wales in the Machu:, but had no knowledge of the son of the complainant. He was remanded till Friday, and Mr. HALLS directed inquiry to be made into his character. MARLBORO UGH-STREET. DISTRESSING CASE.—Mr. John Paine, piano forte-maker, No. 3, Frederick-place, Hampstead road, brought his son, John Paine, a youth about fifteen years of age, before Mr. DYER, yesterday, on a charge of having robbed him of a 51. note and a quantity of plate. Mr. Paine, who appeared much affected at being under the painful necessity of giving evidence against his child, on his return home on Tuesday evening, missed a .5/. Bank of England note from his desk, He at once suspected that his son was the thief, as he had before been guilty of misconduct, and upon instituting a thorough search, he discovered that his son had also taken fourteen silver spoons and two pair of silver sugar tongs. A constable, named Godfrey, belonging to the C Division, on being informed of the robbery, went in search of the prisoner, and finding him in Co ventry-street, in company wirh two prostitutes, he took him into custody, and conveyed him to the station-house. On searching him a .5/. note was found, with four duplicates of the spoons, and about 11. 16s. in money, which the prisoner acknowledged to have obtained by pawning the spoons. The prisoner was fully committed. ROBBERY.—Benjamin Bryant, a youth of gen teel appearance, was brought up for final examina tion, charged with having robbed his aunt, a maiden lady named Rummell, living atßichmond, of a check, cash, and some silver spout's. The prosecutrix had brought up her nephew from his infancy, and had otherwise been at considerable expense on his account. On Sunday week he asked i h n e e r n to ts t a t :2 c fi o t m h p i n ak n e s h ar e ran h g ad e : he asserted, obtained an appointment to the Low tm her out totownto Indies, Castle. She accordingly set off with him ; but when they had proceeded some distance, the prisoner begged her to wait for a few moments as he had forgotten something. He then left her and ran back to the house, and having sent tne servant out of the way, he proceeded to his aunt's bed room, and took a check for 121., about 15/. in cash, and 22 silver spoons, with which he absconded, r , .4 •1 finding n g p r herose c o u t e r i p x h , e w h a d v i i d ng no w t aited so come home, and on discovering the robbery, sent r 0 the banking-house t o h ave th e p a yment o . l _ l l cheek stopped. The prison er , h av i n g preset7 i i to be cashed the next day, h e w as 10 12 e u given into custody.—Committ e d. MARY LEB ONE. EXTRAORDINARY CASE.—Yesterday, Mrs., fly IVyke s , th e w if e o f M r . W y k es , a resP° whitesmith and b rass -f oun d er , res idi ng at 1 1 °' Sale-stre e t, Ed gware - roa d, was p l ace d at th e me : charged tiale eto charged with stealing two habit-shirts, the pre : of Mr. John Bradbury, linen-draper, No. 186, ford-street. Thomas Stone, shopman to Mr. Bradbury?' fe d that the prison e r came to hi s s h op a bout 7 1 o'clock on Tu es d ay even i ng, an d as k e d to lo ok ' some habit-shirts, w h en , a f ter exam i n i n g scup she agreed to purch ase one f or 2 s . 6d., an p ' quested to be shown some s h oe r ibb on , a smal ls , nant of which she al so agree d f or . Sh e then, pressed a wish to see some linen, and w itness i in the act of complying with her orders, when g observed her put t wo h a bi t - s hi rts ( w hi c h she I previously concealed under her shawl) into hero nettle. After looking at the linen, she said it not fine enough, and was about to pay for the des purchased, when he asked her if she bad objection to let him look into her bag, u pon 4 / she put her hand in and t oo k out one o f the b shirts which she had co n t r i ve d t o pur l o i n . He asked her if she had any more, when she took-) the other, observing, " I hope you won't sat thing about it, and I'll p a y yo u f or them: li J. ness then called his mast er , w h o requeste d to . the prisoner's address, b u t s h e posit i ve l y re fuse; give it, affirming that she would sooner die ths ll ( so. A policeman was then called in, who coll ve ' t . the prisoner to th e S tat i on -h ouse. :e Mr. RAWLINSON cro ss - exam i ne d t hi s w ita-, si some.length, and remarked, t h at i t was stro ng duct on his part to allow the prisoner to retitle, session of his master's goods, and not notice 11 „, the first instance, instead of complying with e'r,i request, arid entrapping her into the offence. ; Police constable John Little, D 74., took thei soner into custody. On their way to the stet house, she said she could not conceive how shirts had got under h er s h aw l, an d d en i e d t hat') were ever in her reticule. Sh e p ro t este d s he is; neither give her name nor address; but they A obtained from her by the inspector in the 11 10 70 On searching her, he found los. 6d. in silver'', tortoise-shell combs, and nine counters. . 0 - Mr. RAWLINSON—Oh I p er h aps s h e h as obtal, j the combs in th e same manner as s h e did t h e Coll' —(The prisone r a t thi s remar k wared w ildly ati Magistrate, burst out into an hysterical laughs made some reply, which we could not hear.) w Mr. Wykes, the prisoner's husband, here stePtp! for - ward, and said his wif e w as su bj ect to fits 01 1 ( sanity, arid a short time back she set her clothe! d . : fire while going up stair s , an d on severa l o ccasio had conducted herself very mysteriously, which but little doubt of her being in an unsound stets.' I mind. i' Mr. RAWLINSON asked him if he had all 1; tresses, when he replied in th e affirmative, and ce l d Miss Frances Whittingd on , o f N o. 20, Os( I terrace, who stated that she was the daught er o i Mr. Whittingdon, the overseer of Paddit o About five weeks ago she was at St. John's Church, and the prisoner was there, and cod herself in a vety strange and peculiar manners ing aloud in the ch urc h f or h er " D ear G eo rgeP o the same time grasping the beadle by the . arin Jamestalking v e ry Cochrane, incoherently. beadle of St. John's 01 ; Church, corroborated the last witness's evidenc e r ;l Mr. RAWLINSON (to Stone)—Did the pris ° 4 during the whole time she rema i ne d i n you r , 611 display any symptoms of insanity ? Stone"' i the least that I could perceive. iii Mr. RAWLINSON—I do not sit here to detere l o upon the prisoner's sanity, and, as a Magistl o cannot say whether she is so far deprived of bet son as to be incapable of committing a felortd shall leave that question to be decided by a "1 / 0 but I shall not commit her to prison, but take for her appearance at the sessions. l l Mr. Bradbu r y, th e p rosecutor , interpose d ,. ,Si said it was his opinion that the prisoner was its her right senses, when she committed the l'" on the previous night. i d tl Mr. RAwuNsor—Well, you are swearing 0 teeth of your own shopman; and I as k you, 11 10, 1 man of the world, whether refusing to give address is not a striking proof of her sanity, I whether it is not a rational although wicked ae t 'j has become of late quite fashionable for person a 1 tected shoplifting to endeavour to get off on the ft of insanity ; and, under all the circumstances,! I bound to leave the present case to the decimal, a Jury. J Inspector Collard, shortly after the prisoner, 4 removed from the bar, informed the Magistr 4 ., that she had been seiz e d with fi ts in the 01' house during the night, and was very near her v finement. Mr. RAWLINSON certainly had not noticed the prisoner was enceinte; and such being thee" he should not persist i n r equ i r i ng b a il, b u t 6" , the case to stand over until after her accouchet 64 Her friends accordingly left the office with he' QUEEN- SQUARE. Yesterday, George Brent, of Johnson's-0 1 near the Surrey Theatre, was re-examined on su l cion of being concerned in robbing L or d Sand e carriage of a large trunk, containing various des' tions of property. The prisoner was fully 4 ' 4 mitted for trial at the next Surrey Sessions. A man of respectable appearance, who gave' name Joseph Trimmer, but who refused to I 'l where he resided, or w h at pro f ess i on he b e l a y' to, was charged with an unnatural offence. policeman knew the prisoner to bear a diagrae d character, and observing him on the previous ing loitering about St. James's Palace, he narre e l watched him, a nd ultimately s a w hi m an d one 011 soldiers on guard, in a situation which left nol ;n his mind of their infamous intentions. .", sentry was taken off to the guard-house, and prisoner to the police station. O n searc hing! swahliechleft prisonern ore: of the disgrac a io le t t h t e er te w in as d f o o f ur t i h d e up m o a n g h is i .t m trea , ,e, pro m pe r n mr sit n ie t s T o E f o t h h e e er p v r e i d so , i t ie h r e to answer the questions put to him, he should., rain him until inquiries were mu l e respecting ', The letter, perhaps, would assi s t t h e o ffi cers i n II inquiries.—Tne prisoner was then removed. THORWALSDEN.--It is mentioned in a 0 from this eminent sculptor to a relative in Copenb .l , that, in the course of l ast w i nter alone, he model l ed wards of 20 hasso_relievo s , and during last summer einfO his chisel on two b asso-re l ievos of very considerab l e ' .' the subject of th e one being Parnassus, and of the ov Alexander preparing to set fire to Persepolis. 11e made a testamentary appropriation of his paintings, e„ of coins, an d ot h er works of art, in favour of Denmark native country, to whom he also bequelths a hope , they will be allowed to form a distinct collection s metropolis. A l egacy of 20,000 scudi is secured to daughter, w h o i s likewise appointed his residuary leg'. .. but, in th e event of her dying without issue, the rev'. will devolve to his country, and the income is to be $ in making additions to the " Thorwalsden Museum. BIRTHS. #he On the Bth i ns t . at Middle Chinnock, Somersetshire, .-- of the Rev. G. R. Lawson, of a daughter. On the 16th inst. in Green-street, Grosvenor-square, th e of C. P. Meyer, Esq., of a daughter. _..../ DIED. On the 15th inst. John Hunter, Esq., of Southamptori j late of Mincing-lane, in his 71st year. On the i:lth inst. at Colchester, Mrs. Alice Hill, aged On the 16th inst. at Lamb e th P a l ace , William H a n Howley, Esq., of New College, Oxford, only s o n o f the bishop of Canterbury. On the 13th inst. Mary, r e li c t o f C ru tt a l Pi erce, E sq. , of place, Peckham. On the 2d inst. at Nice, of a bilious fever, after one fo. - , illness, Lord Robert Fitzgerld, only surviving son ofJO' Duke of Leinster, aged 138. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO YOUNG, h i SUN OFFICE, 112, STRAND, Imam CONTRACTS' • - Cut. 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