The Sun. — London, England, 1831-08-26 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNAL Proteus himself did not assume more shapes than our Anti-Reformers. Last night they were all in dignation that there should be such a thing as bri bery at elections. The men who have been lament ing that the colonial and moneyed interests, and professional men, would no longer be represented in the House of Commons, because there would no longer be venal boroughs for them, turned over a new leaf last night. What is wanted now is an in dependent constituency, above being bribed. Sir Charles Wetherell, in the discussion on the 10/ clause, said, " Another objection which he had to the clause was, that it gave facility to bribery, be cause they might be quite sure that the poorer classes of voters would be always in arrear as to their taxes; and the consequence would be, that the candidate or his agent would pretty well know on what side to attack him." Mr. F. Lewis also observed with the gra vity peculiar to him, that "it was a measure in which there was nothing to diminishond much to increase the existing tendency tobribery and corruption." And then, lest doubts might be entertained whether such a thing as bribery at elections had ever been practised to any extent in this moral arid religious country, he proceeded to instruct the House in the manner in which bribery was practised. " Was there not," h e said, "to be found, in one of what might he called open boroughs, some influential person, who contrived to get the voters in a club, who, supplying them with ale and smoking, would once a month or oftener meet them, make a speech to them, tell them they were Blues, and ack them if they had not been Blues ever since the Reds existed —and if ever a Yellow came into the town, would they not inflict upon him summary justice; and having gone through that process for some time, would not the said in fluential person come to a candidate, and say he had expended 5001. in keeping the Blues together, and clemanding .Dl. a man, and the 500/. besides, under take to return any Honourable Gentleman who might offer himself ? " All this is unquestionable, and the consequences to which it led at last drove the people of England to Reform. Every one knows that a part of the spoil of the whole people was shared with the small portion of the people pos sessed of the power of returning the represen tatives. But Mr. F. Lewis asks, " what had the Bill done to put an end to such practices, as that bribery, corruption, and rottenness, prevailed as indisputably where there were many voter, as well as where there s ere but few; wit ness Liverpool and Dublin." Ah, Mr. F. Lewis, if the Bill were not calculated to put an end to such practices, it would not have been so hitter a pill to you and your fri , nds! It would be a bad specu letion, after the Reform Bill shall have been passed, to attempt b iberv. There may be an individual now and then, who, from rivalry, family feuds, or wish not to be thought to have as heavy a purse as his opponent, will be ready to imitate the Liver pool candidates ; but men in general will observe something like proportion between the sums they expend on an object, and the sums they expect it will return to them. The smuggler never thinks of giving the revenue officer more than the amount of the die y. If the constituency of the various elec toral districts were so numerous that each would require as much to be expended on bribery ne Liver pool, how many candidates would there be ? Allow_ big, for the sake of argument, wi , h Sir Ch ar l es Wieherell, that every elector has his price, where there are many electors the candidate may be unable to pay the price, with any hope of a profitable return. There is no mystery in bribery —the bribe must be always something less ie value than what it is expected to produce. If we examine the more secrrt history of Parliament, we shall find that bribery grew regularly with the growth of the taxes, and the amount of money which Members could command. Mr. F. Lewis, perhaps, thought that the whole nation would bribe the whole .nation. Bribery hinges on the dispro portion between the constituency and the nation. It supposes that the constituency receive through bribery a greater share of the taxes than they pay. A matt must be an arrant fool, indeed, to receive a sum as a bribe, in order to pay twice as much in return. The ten-pound qualification is, of course, a very different quahfication in difftrent places. Ie places where there are rot more titan 300 electors, it will in general be twice as high in reality as in the great and populous towns. But then the greater value it; the small towns adds to the difficulty of bribery, while bribery in the great towns is acticab'e from the inability of the candidate to buy so great a number of voters. The Anti-Re formers will not find it an easy matter to persuade us that we shall be worse off after Reform than we were before. We knew that before, the meesure of the expenditure Ives the amount of what could be wrung from the people. Did not even Mr. Herries tell the House of Commons a year or two ago, that the Ministry were always more disposed to retrench than the House ? Why have is e been seeking out for settlements in every quarter of the globe, but that places might be found for those able to command Parliamentary influence. An Louest - Minister, disposed to protect the people from pillage, was always left without mjori•its Hence the well-known declaration, that without a Reformed PArliament—that is, a Raliament re• turned by s constituency having interests identical with the nation—no - Minister could be an honest man. The 101. Lent qualification having been dis posed of by a division of 353 to 10, difficulties were started 'with respect to the times of payment of rent. Mr. John Campbell objected strongly to giving the tranchise to weekly tenants. Ile declared " that it would give landlords —not aristocaticul landlords, but of a touch !Oster and more objectionable, class —an extremely improper power. They would, if their tenants were disposed not to accede to t;leir wishes, have the power of depriving them of the franchise in some cases between the day of procla mation and the day of election. In such a place as Southwark, a man who had 500 weekly tenants might absolutely turn the election. The only re medy to his mind for this was, to present all per sons from voting who paid rent more frequently than four tinveg a year. This was even allowing a lati tude ; for he could state upon the authority of the most celebrated conveyancer - a l that there was not a &ma fide yearly tenant in Eflgland who paid his rent more than four times a year." Mr. Campbell moved an amendment in accordance with his views, which was lost by a majority of 210 to 1-12. Aro, ?ling Chronicle. Along with our extracts from the Belgic Papers we publish the letter of our private correspondent at Bru•sela, which arrived yesterday morning too late for publication in the s of our impression, and consequently when we had not time for the exercise of that judgment on its contents which their importance deserved. Our letter mentions that Marshal Gerard bad received orders from France to • evacuate the Belgian territory; and we find by the explanations of Earl Grey in the House of Peer, and Lord Althorp in the "House of Commons, last night, that our correspondent was right in thit general statement. But we are not sorry for the delay in announcing the fact, as it enables us to ac company it with a necessary explanation, which neither their Lordships nor our corre•pondemt have communicated. After the deci,ied manner in which the Press of England declared itself on the strange phraseology of Marshal Soult, in the C lumber of D i V 3 Oties,—af e r t h e strong remonstrances o f the "nglish Government, supported by the syn.-, pithy of the English people—after the ten dered guarantee of the Conference of LArifor, to the good faith o f t h u Dutch Court—arid after the expression of alarm by the Belgians themselves at the presence of a forei gn fo cc, ealcullted to en danger that independence Which it came to pro . ect —the French Ministry, h owever desirotna of acquir- ' ing popularity with the movement parry, could nor withdraw front its engagem e nt, or refuse or ‘ an . ord er of its troops. Their con. for the immediate recall tinued stay, when the oh j est of the expedition w ,, accomplished, was a ques , lloll of peace r , , well as questiou of perfidy o r good faith, The French Cabinet has, therefore, consented to with draw the chief portion of its army within its own rontier. But by the arrangement, of which this evacuation forms the chief par►, it is stipulated that small corps is still to remain at the request of King Leopold till his own army is reorganized This is the portion of the arrangement respecting .vhich Lord Grey last night declined to give the required information. It is likewise unhappily a part of the arrangement which the English public cannot approve, and with which the English Go vernment ought not to rest satisfied. The new King of Belgium does not require the assistance of French bayonets to protect him against the dis affection of his own subjects; and the good faith of Holland, or the fear of a second repulse, will suf ficiently protect hint against a second Dutch inst. sine. His Majesty is popular, and he is therefore safe. He must re-organize his army, but he 'ruts' not employ French drill serjeants or French officers for that purpose. If he really requires an auxiliary force, let him recruit his body guard in Switzerland, and not accept of it from Marshal Soult. lie cast never be free from intrigues, disturbances, perplexi ties, .or dangers—he can never be really indepen dent—he can never call himself master at home— his country can never enjoy that neutrality and se curity which the great Powers of Europe have de creed that it shall possess, so long as there is a single foreign soldier on guard, or a single foreign flag waving, iu Belgium. lit requiring the imme diate withdrawal of the French troops from Bel gium, and expressing our objection to the stay of even of a single corporal's guard, we insinuate no distrust of the intentions of M. Casimir Perier or of the majority of his colleagues in the Cabinet. We have always admitted the good faith in the French Premier, for which Lord Grey contends, and merely doubt the power of that able Minister to carry his plans into effect.— Times. There are complaints, we observe, in the French Journals, that the views of France in respect to Belgium are misrepresented on this side of the water, and suspicions thrown out by us calculated to em broil the two nations. We are induced, by the re petition of these complaints in the Journal des Da ha/s, to say something in the most friendly spirit on this very delicate affair. First of all, we know very well, and so does France, that she would like to have the Belgic provinces and that this wish is felt equally by Royalist and Republican, by the friends of Louis Philippe and the partisans of Charles X. Then we know also, and so does she, that she pos sesses a certain herd of furious partisans in Belgium, eh'efly in Brussels, who, though France herself might reject the acquisition of Belgium by dishos noureble means, would have no objection to give it her by any means whatever, setting honour and good faith at defiance ; and that those partisans have ! I been labouring incessantly for that purpose ever 1 since the general peace : arid, further, though the motives of France might be proper and humane on advancing into Belgium to repel the Dutch, yet we could not but observe that the measure Was eagerly adopted, and that before the- other Great Powers could be consulted upon the precise measure, though the principle of putting a stop to effusion ofl blood might have been acknowledged generally.— These, with many other minor circumstances, are the facts from which suspicions have sprung—facts resulting, we allow, more from the situation of France and the general feeling of the people, than from the conduct of her Government. It has been her misfortune—chary, no doubt, as she is of her honour—to be placed in a situation liable to sus ; but we will observe, that the suspicions of others will not justify her in the execution of those projects which are imputed to her. She has it in her power to wipe away the suspicions, to dispel the cloud, wherewith she complains that malevolence has for a wi ile shrouded her fair fame and honour able character for just dealing. Let her withdraw from Belgium as promptly as she entered that country, now that her work of humanity is finished, and then what becomes of the insinuations of her enemies? They fall upon the heads of their au thors, and she emerges with yet greater brigtensss from the temporary obscurity under which she laboured. Her course is clear, if honour be her aim, and the success certain.—Tintes. The Bill, last night, " dragged its slow length along" at its usual rate. It has been evident for it long time past, that the object of the Opposition is only delay;—that by delay, they expect to weary out the patience of the public, or to take advantage of any intermediate occurrence which the chapter of accidents may throw in their way to defeat the mea Afire. Their tactics have hitherto been skilfully directed to that end, and they have succeeded by finding resistance only from the conceding candour, unsuspicious; integrity, or obliging di , position, of their antagonists. But even mildness may be roused, if provoked too far, and a Noble Lord, who has hitherto been over courteous to his opponents, was last night excited to address himself to their objec tions in a tone of severity and rebuke. Never were questions or arguments heard in Parliament more " frivolous or exatious" than those to which he was txpected to reply. He had to answer the same question four times to one gentleman, and as if to exhaust all ordinary patience, the same question which had been answered to the sreisfactiun of one opponent was ag„a;ti repeated by another. In order to show the profundity of legislative wisdom (for we are not allowed to call it any thing else but wis dom) which distinguished the Oppositiim last night, we shall merely quote from a document which pur potty to be an account of the debate, the following dialogue:— " Sir C. WETH EUELL—Suppose an eleetiwi should take place in the beginning of July. It was almost impus sible, but many tenants would then be in arrear. In that ease, every 10/. tenant would be a tool in the hands of his landlord, who could prevent him (rein veting, or enable him to vote, just as be pleased. " Lord Aurnoar had stated already three times to the lion and Learned Gentleman, that his argument was f:unded on a part of the clause which had been altered, and did not exis', and would not waste the time of the Com mittee by endeavouring to explain the same point a fourth time to the lion. and Learned Gentleman. 7 --(llear.) " Sir E. B. SUGDEN wished to know what remedy the tenant would have in case a landlord, with a view to disfranchise his tenant, got out of the way, and refused to receive his rent before the day of registration ? " Lord Ar.rnottr—The lion. and Learned Gentleman had asked him what was to be done in case a landlord, who was entitled to receive his rent in June, would not receive it, in ender to disqualify his tenant from being re gistered in August. lie really mug say that he did not consider himself cill,el upon to meet such i•mprobable ob, lections, which could have no foundation except in the in genuity of the objector. He would only observe, that unless a landlord had a great number of tenants, be could produce no influence on an election by thus getting out of the way ; and if he had a great number of tenants, the rent which he would have to receive would be a suffi- irnt seem i,y th.it he would nut get out of the ‘v ay to dis. frAnehi , .e his tenants. " Sir E. Sucmx—But a landlord can recover his rem apt asy time, and therefore he will be no loser by allowirq :he payment to be withheld from him for a short lime." If it were not that the House of Commons is an ;mproper place for a farce, we might have derived entertainment from some of the awics exhibited l e- foie ihe Committee last night. The Hon. Alernber for Preston, like Bottom, the weaver, in his various transft,runitions, shows that he has pr./served hi• original conformation of mind and manners (nide! his Parliamentary metamorphosis. Nature %%ill as sert her rights, though rtsisted by the omnipotence of Pa , lia►ne►rr. The Hon. Member, tilli ug q, b e Cougbed down, and could not be heard in explain ing the object of his motion, found ten Members in he Cointr. - Ittee who voted for his amendment. The 101. valdleatiori clause, [dier it bud been separate() 'um all itt, propo,e•J utrieudmt•nts, was carried by a great unajority ; we are greatly gratifiei by tins re- It is with equal pain and astonishment we find that the law of forgery is, once more, about to b, put ill sanguinary action. That law, as far as hu man life is collet-rued, has been in abeyance ever -mice the memorable deei4ion of the }louse of Coin mons, the month of June yeas, against the punishment of death for the offence of forgery. It is now, however, it would seem, about to be re vived in practice, and its revival celebrated within a few days, by the sacrifice of two human victims to that paper-Moloch, whose appetite for blood for many years past, excited so much of public dis gust and abhorrence. The two criminals who are the first appointed to die under Sir Robert Peel's " amended" law of forgery, are Calvert and Collier, who had been convicted of forging Bank-notes, at Lancaster, during the Spring Assizes of the present year. They had been respited during several months, or rather, we believe, their sentences had been de ferred ; but at the recent Assizes Mr. BaronV,arglian had them placed at the bar, and gave them judg ment to die " according to law," entreating them, at the same time, not to delude them selves by entertaining any hopes of mercy. When we consider that the first instance of carrying Sir It. Peel's Forgery Bill into execution occurs under au Administration every member of which had opposed that Bill, upon the grounds, which the ablest among them so eloquently urged, of its b e i ng equally cru e l i n p r i nc i p l e , an d pernicious to the interests of society in its operation, we may we ll say that the revival of the sanguinary practice of this law, under such auspices, excites our astonishment. But however politicians may alter their opinions or conduct with their changes of position, their recorded sentiments change not. It is instructive sometimes to recall their past opinions when estimating the value of the present principles of public men. Let us do so in the present instance. In the year 1813 Earl Grey supported those Bills of Sir Samuel Romilly which went up to the House of Lords for the repeal of capital punishment in certain cases of peaceable violation of the rights of property. In his argurnews on one of those Bills—'hat in reference to the capital crime of stealing to the value of fire shillings in a shop—his Lordship showed that the severity of the law was prejudicial to its efficacy; that the taking away life for an offence which was generally believed not to deserve death caused fewer prosecutions to take place, and fewer con• victiona to follow, than if there were a milder punishment, and one- more proportionat e to the crime. Ile adduced as an example the effect of the repeal of the punishment of death for the 'offence of privately stealing from the person. He said, " In the year preceding the alteration in that law the convictions, compared with the prosecutions, were in the proportion of one to fifteen, and in the year following the passing of that Act they were in the proportion of two to three,—facts which, in stead of proving that the crime had increased, only showed the increased efficacy of the law in bringing; home the crime to those who are really guilty of it." The same reasoning is applicable to the crime of forgery. The taking away life for this offence shocks the natural feelings, as well as the instructed reason, of mankind. The consequence is, that because some individuals suffer death for it, others are never pro secuted at all, and many of those prosecuted are, by the humane repugnance which Juries entertain for so sanguinely a law, acquitted. If the punishment were milder, as in most of the States of North America, the law, upon detection, would he uni formly enforced, and the sentem e invariably exe cuted. How different from what takes place at pre sent, when the law is ferocious in its spirit, but in - - becile in its operation. Mr. H. Sparkes, the banker, in his letter to Sir R. Peel on this subject last year, stated several instances of persons putting up with the loss arising from forgery rather than prosecute. Among other facts, he related that a banking firm intimated that they might be somea that like con tinually prosecuting for the crime of forgery, but that, owing to the law attaching to the uffence the punishment of death, they never for a moment en tertained the idea of ie•orting to it. This capital law, therefore, leaves the property of that firm, and of the 1,000 bankers who expressed the same senti ment in their petition of last year, wholly unpro tected. The present Lord Chancellor, we need scarcely remind our readers, distinguished himself greatly last year in the debates upon the Forgery Bill. He exposed the barbarity and the folly of the punishment of death with indignant eloquence and uncompromising hostility. After allowing that it is the certainly, and not the severity, of punishment that deters men from crime, and having stated that of 217 persons convicted of forgery lb seven years, only twenty-four were capitally punished, while of ninety-nine convicted of murder in the same time eighty-eight were executed, he went on to say— " We are told that practical men wish the punish ment of death to be retained, but they have come forward by the score—by the hundred—l may say, by the thousand—and your table groans under th e i r , petitions, denying tne imputation, riot upon their feelings, but upon their good sense. These peti tions against the punishment of death for forgery proceed from those to whom paper credit is the breath of their nostrils—from those who ale ruined if forgery goes unpunished, and who declare it must generally go unpunished as long as death is inflicted for its commission." Again, on the third Fettling of the Bill, Mr. (now Lord) Brougham said, in re ference to the small majority of placemen by whom the second reading had been curried--" Would not the punishment, if continued, be considered to be branded by the vo.'e of the Commons of England? If the principle were unpopular already—if men's feelings rebelled already against it—what would be those feeling, that eupopularity, when the senti ments became settled, and fixed, and rooted in their minds by the sentence of the unbiassed wisdom— the C4llll deliberate decision, of that house?" Dar ring the same debates Sir James Mackintosh elo- fluently and truly argued that the abolition of the ca pital punishment would be in truth "only a return to the state of the law, as it existed previously to the reign of George ll.—a period when the alteration in the law of forgery spread over Europe an idea of the sanguinary and inhuman spirit of our laws, and made the inhabitants of the different S ales believe that Englishmen valued nor life, nor the blood of man, when they came in competition with their pelf or selfish interests. No law of this kind existed in he other great commercial States of Europe. It did not exist in France, or Holland, or Prussia—it %vas not, in fact, the law of any country from Han burg to Cadiz—front the Northern to the Southern Pole of the commercial world. It is this sanguinary and barbarous law that the petitioners now prayed the House to repeal." Nor should on tl►is occa sion the able and unanswerab!e protest en:ered on the journals of the House of Peers, against the punishment of death for forgery, by Lord Holland, he forgotten. It would be difficult to find a docu- merit more to the purpose in point of argument, and drawn up with more force arid felicity of expression. It concludes by saying-0 -Because if justice enjoins the necessity of proportioning the punishment to the moral turpitude of an offence, prudence no less requires that the compassion likely to Le produced by such punishment should not exceed the indigna -11011 generally excited by the perpetration of the crime; and that the penalty should be regulated by the state of public opinion at the time, and in the country where such law is enacted or allowed to continue; but in this instance, the frequency of pardon, the numerous petitions of the people, and the vote of the Commons' Hiase (If Parliament, sof fisiently attest that the punishment of death of cri minals convicted of forgery is aMorrent to Me spirit of the age, contrary to the judgment of the public, and revolting to the feelings the com munity." This protest was signed not only by Lord I folland, but by the Duke of Wchniond and Lord Durham, members of the present Ministry. Shall, then, the law of forgery be carried into effect, or the prerogative of mercy, which is also part of the law of England, be allowed to correct the san, guinary errors of others laws.—Morning Herald. The clamour of the pledged men in the house of Commons against-all impediments to the completion of the task to which they are bound, the destruc. ton, namely, of the British Colstitution, is at once . edifying and ridiculous. Mr. Hume, Mr. Alderman Waithman, the other three sensible Aldermen, and all those—not an inconsiderable number—who, like the worthies' we have named, are debarred the pri vilege of thought, speech, or action, who cannot stir indeed without letting all the world hear the clank ing of their fetters, are weary of their lives, from very abhorrence of the spectack; which they are com pelled to witness, and will, we anticipate, be com pelled to witness for a great while yet to come—the 9nectacle of free men, arid honest and independent Senators, discharging the exalted duty, which the worthies a:oresuid feel to be none of theirs, of calm end vautious deliberation upon a subject of incalculable moment to the empire, and exer cising those rational faculties which Provi ‘lence has bestowed upon them, for the benefit of their country and their kind, and which they have not had the baseness to surrender to the dictation of an infuriated rabble. But however weari , ome discussion in which they are not at libery to join, and from which they are forbidden to improve, must naturally be to the fettered slaves whose presence in the House of Commons is the opprobrium of that Assembly, as a deliberative body we would suggest to diem that they had much better not become un ruly. Hume, whom some people think a shrewd man, and Waithman, whom nobody thinks so, have each, we perceive, a motion in embryo to acce lera►te the progress of the Bill. Slavery, they say, makes all men equal, and so it appears in this instance to have done; for, in point of sa gacity the two Members stand 'now plainly upon a level. We are anxious that Parliament and the country should have ample time to think, and think again and again, upon every providon of the Bill before it pass into a law, and therefore wish most sincerely the, instead of one motion a-piece to accelerate its progress, the delegate of the Livery of London, arid the delegate of the freeholders of Mid dlesex, had eech twenty such motions to bring for ward. The Middlesex delegate intends to move to morrow that the House meet for the future at twelve o'clock, in order, by working upon the Reform job fourteen hours per diem, to make, in journeyman's phrase, seven days a week. It is an excellent mo tion—excellent whether it be carried or lost, as in 'either ease the discussion it cannot fail to produce Will afferd at least a day or two longer time to the returning good sense of the country—excellent espe cially if it be carried, since then Lord Althorp, and the other M nisters who must watch the progress of the Bill, or try to do so, will settle the whole business more speedily arid effectually by their snores than they could ever hope to do by their waking eloquence. Among the advantages which must arise from the adoption of Mr. Hume's propo sal, that men shall work fourteen hours a day in the manufacture of a new Constitution for the country, will be the placing upon indelible record the notion of the present House of Commons of the difficulty and importance of the work. That the delegates of particular bodies who have given pledges, which ex clude them from the privilege and exonerate them from the duty of thinking at all upon the subject, should not feel that any number of hours are too many for such attention as they need give to the subject, is very natural ; but will a majority of the House of Commons agree with these pledged dele gates that the Reform Bill is one which men may properly consider in their sleep ? This is the ques lion. Arid we should sincerely rejoice to see i carried in the affirmative.---Ilforning Post. FRANCE. WE MUST NO7' FORGET POLAND THE INSOLENCE AND IMPIETY OF THE RUSSIAN CABINET. To the EDITOR of the MORNING CHRONICLE. Paris, August 23. SIR,,-We must not forget Poland! Upon the success of the Polish cause depend not merely the happiness and freedom of the Poles, but of many other nations, and millions of other individuals in every quarter of the world. If the cause of liberty in Poland should be crushed, despotism would once more take courage, and the Sovereigns who are now so moderate in their demands, conciliating in their language, and changed in their manners and habits, would again become cruel, ambitious, austere and violent. The history of this world, old and interesting us it is, does not present us with an epoch so important as that in which we live; and the fate of Poland must decide whether the progress of reason, civilization, and liberty is once more to be arrested, and that for an indefinite period ; or whether, from the year 1831, the world is to date a new existence, and mankind to begin riot merely to exist as puppets or as slave, but as freemen, philosophers, and . - rational, civilized, and indepen dent beings. We must not imagine that the Suc cess of the Poles is an isolated fact. The proud Czar feels it to be otherwise, and so far he is right in his opinions. The triumph of the Poles must lead, and will inevitably lead, to other in surrections, to other contests, and to other vic tories. • The defeat of the Poles would lead to delay, to doubt, to hesitation, on the part of other oppressed nations ; and Europe must wait for ano ther epoch ; perhaps for another ten or even twenty years before she would be able to enure the tt iumph of popular opinion, and before she could ensure the success of the greatest happiness of principle. For, after all, man is a coward even in his own interests —it takes a long while, and a series of events to mov e the mass—a revolution is not brought about in a day ; anti if liberty should be crushed in Poland, as site has been for awhile in Italy, the lovers of human nature would have to re-commence their labours while the despots of Europe would attempt once more to arrest the progress of the sun, and stop the ebbing and flowing of that tide which must one day bring to man both liberty and happ;- :leis. Do not, however, despair altogether, even should the Poles be now compelled to yield. Do not imagine that Europe will willingly and perma nently submit to the triumph of wrong principles, and of wicked men—do .not believe that error alone vernal, and that right, justice, virtue, patriot ism, freedom, and the happiness of man are des tined to perish. Do not have. less confidence in a good cause than our enemies have in a bad one, and do not exclaim, even though Warsaw should be taken, " the cause is lost, and liberty is once more to be imprisOned in cells, and then led to the scaffold." It will net, it cannot be s o; th e man in 1831 is not the man of 1830, and each sun, as it rises and sets, witnesses the progress of those great principles, the establishment of which is essential to the dignity of human nature, the improvement of human knowledge, and the happiness and freedom of the millions. But I really am disposed to go further than this. You know that I am not over sanguine —that the disappointment which the conduct of our Govern ment has occasioned me bus blunted even my hopes, and that I am rather more disposed to view the dark than the light side of the picture. Yet still I have some hopes for the Polish cause, and those hopes are founded on the most accurate in formation which can be supplied from Warsaw, and upon the assurance of those who are on the spot, an d who write me word, " Courage, my friend; Poland will not perish !" Nor, without attributing too moch to the effect of diplomacy, am I disposed to unaer-estimate the effect producing and pro duced on Foreign Powers by the continua nprc sent4tions of Franc e and England in favour of Poland. I do not me an to tell you that diplom at!) can save Poland, but it may assist her in saving her self. We must always b e just ! We must never curry party spirit or feeling so far as to blind u 3 to the excellencies even of our adversaries. Whilst, accuse our respective governments of having de l le n unaccountably on trip part of th e P oles for arid shamef u ll y all di.. p fear of Wending t h e E mperor o f Russia whilst I f urt h e r accuse both our Governments of cowardice and feebleness in riot having sent a fleet to t h e Ba l t i c —a {feet to the Black S ea , and 'en a rmy of 300,000 men to the which, if done oityaertlie nnt interference con jointly by France and gnglaerd, would have brought the question of Poland to a settlement it March last; and whilst I also accuse our respective cabinets of having adopted a tone ranch too mode rate and conciliating, undecided and tepid in all their negociations with the Government of St. Peters burgh, thus forgetting their own ireerests, the balance of power in Europe, and the cause of civi .tion and freedom ull over the world ; yet let me. on the other hand, admit, that even by these hesi tating, tardy, and unsatisfactory negociations, Austria and Prussia have been prevented from marching armies into Poland, and the Poles have been allowed to contend sword in hand with their barbarian enemies, without having to sustain the attacks of their more immediate neighbours. And if we may believe those reports which are circulated in diplo matic circles, Austria is more disposed than she eve, was before, to intercede in behalf of the Poles, and demand the establishment of an independent king dom. If, then, the Poles should be able to repel the barbarians in this their last and most desperate at tack upon Warsaw, and should once more drive them back across the Vistula, it is. I believe, under stood as well by the French and English as by the Austrian Government, that no further attack is to be permitted on the part of the Allied Powers, but that Plenipotentiaries will be sent to the Polish capital, arid the independence and neutrality of Po land be guaranteed. But then conies the question of whether the Poles will be . able to repel the barbarians who are now preparing to attack them ? As a reply to this inquiry, I must point you " to the Proclamation of the Serrate arid the Chamber of Nuncios to the Polish nation," arid to the " Re port of the Committee of the Diet, dated July 29." From these documents we learn, that although the Polish army is much less numerous than that of their enemy, yet " when a free man struggles with a barba rian who attacks him in his own country, can (ask the Poles) the issue of the struggle be doubtful ?" We learn also that the Poles have more soldiers arid bayonets now than they had before the memorable conflicts of last February—that the cavalry has be come a numerous and regular force—that the supply of powder arid ammunition is abundant; that Polish cannon are being founded at Warsaw ; that the fortifications of the capital are going on with spirit and success; that the Poles " possess men enough to conquer the enemy, and that a great number of volunteers daily increase the ranks of that matchless army." We further are delighted to know, that the conscripts are ready to obey the call ; that provisions are abundant; that the nation el enthusia•rn has in no respect abated ; and that, " whether the capita►, the right or the left bank of the Vistula, Lithuania, or the Ukraine be the theatre of war, the blood of the Polish oppressors will drench the Polish soil." " We shall ever avenge ourselves for the wrongs which the Cabinet of St. Petesburgh has inflicted on us, or we shall fall, leaving to enemies and barbarians the inheritance pointed out by our Manifesto—ruins and heaps of the slain !" Although, then, the revolution in Lithuania has not been successful, and that in Volhynia does riot for the moment triumph —although, certainly, upwards of 15'0,000 Russian barbarians march upon Warsaw, with 200 pieces of artillery to announce their approach, yet I am not without hope that Paskewitsch will be defeated, arid Rudiger compelled to retire, arid that thus this second campaign will terminate in the destruction of Rassian hopes, arid the overthrow of Russia ambition. The insolence and impiety of the Russian Ca binet have again been evinced in a proclamation, dated Czarsko-Zelo, h July, addressed from the Autocrat of All the Barbarians to the Polish Nation. It requires a " prompt and entire submission," to entitle the Poles to the privilege of being received as Russian subjects ! It calls the Polish leaders " ambitions and unworthy men," who " sport with the destinies of nations,"—it says that for the se leaders " destruction a wa it s them."' It calls on the heroes of the Vistula " to return to their duty ! to abjure sincerely all criminal " intentions," and then— "we shall be ready to receive you !" Nut one pro mise does it contain—not one word of hope or con cession—but is full of insults, menaces, and new wrongs. Even the iWessager des Chambres, the journal of M. Varier, admits that such a proclama tion cannot be listened to, and that it is a new out rage, and a new attack—and it adds " Nous les en gageous a la perseverance." " II ne resta plus d'autre ressource aux Polonais que leer epee." Nor is the im piety of this blasphemous address less remarkable than its insolence. The monster who has refused to listen to all overtures—who has ordered the massacre of the young, the beautiful, the feeble, the aged, the patriot, and all who love liberty better than life;—the despot who requires, as a preliminary condition, complete submission to the Russian yoke, and the " destruc tion " of those who placed themselves at the head of the Polish Revolution ; yet this Nero of the nine teenth century, when speaking of the non-success of the Lithuanian Revolution, has added, " Divine Providence!!! however, has not permitted the am bitious views of those who are so prodigal of the blood and treasure of your country to be attained ! !" The Gad of ruerev and love; the father of the human race ; the Almighty benefactor of mankind has been thus insulted and libelled by this Royal blasphemer. But may we not adopt the phrase, and reply, " True, indeed, we have not succeeded in Lithuania for the moment; but is it not also true that Divine Providence has so protected Poland, that although she contends with a nation more than ten times her superior in brute force and numbers, yet hitherto hundred, of thousands of barbarians have been unable to wrest from her grasp that pre cious blessing —her freedom and independence ?" I am opposed to this mixing up of Providence in our sublunary contests arid discussions; but if it be every allowed, surely we have the right to believe that Heaven must look with pity and love upon those who sacrifice all which is dear and valuable to them in ••• life, for the sake of leaving to their sons the legacy of national liberty and civilization. The principles of the Revolution of July, 1830, are: happily advancing in Europe as well as in France. This is undeniable. They are advancing in spite of Russian armies, in spite of Austrian op pression, of Prussian interference in favour of the cause of despotism—in spite of London Protocols,of Dutch obstinacy, of the French Government fears, and of the British Government indifference. The very men who set themselves up to oppose the march of the Revolution, and who said, " Hitherto thou shalt proceed, but no further" —are, insensibly to themselves ca rr i e d a l ong w i t h t h e stream, and un intentionally find themselves the advocates for those principles which a few months since they most feared. I will show you this in a very-few words, and let the fact cheer and console you. In France the Casimir Perrierian party has been obliged to abandon the hereditary - Peerage to its fate, as anti. national and opposed to public opinion. It still says that public opinion is wrong, arid abandons the hereditary monopoly with a bad grace, but still it abandons it—and the only reason the Governs ment can give is, we roust yield to the majoi ity, the millions are ()Hosed to an hereditary Aristocracy. This is an immense triumph !! ! Its effects will be felt all over the world—and will produce results which make the lientiers tremble and the ner vous quake. So again " the Restoration" in France abolished " Divorce," because the Pope and the Jesuits said " Divorce was irreligious." —Thus licentiousness, adultery, and profligacy of manners were encouraged in France—but no one dared to say " no" for fear of offending the Pope. But now divorce is to be re-established. Men and ‘vomen are to be compelled to live together though the husband be an avowed debauchee, or the wife 4 married harlot. M. de Schonen, one of the " Cinservative party," one of those who loves " order " and " the laws," has been forced to pro- pose this improvement by the progress of the prin. ,iple of the Julyßevolution. So in Hungary, even in Hungary; barbarous as aro the major part of the inhabitants; even in Hungary the prli4.!ipies of the July Revolution are progressing, and the " C om i. rats" have sided for the Poles; petitioned the Em. - • peror in their favour,und produced no common effect on th e C our t o f Vienna: So irt Prussia, ‘s,N; ill Prussia is. for Poland I defy the King of P i uss 'U to make war against t h e Pules, us I defy him muc i long,r to postpone the grunting of that " Consti.u- don" which he has so long promise, making rapid strides in Prussia; no in all Europe; and the Government knows this, and is preparing to avoid speedy and large convulsions. And the spirit of liberty is not quenched, sire of freedom dormant. The hat Belgium is blamed, censured in terms, arid the Dutch merchants ask, want with an expensive monarchy, public, while a Sadtholder could wisely and rationally," and at a t' pence ? Yea, yes, the principles of lotion are progressing, and the Refot land, whether carried this year or nor vied in the end, and must insure to th which governs you a filial and treme , I am sorry, however, to announce been more Sate prosecutions in Frat Press for political opinions. Our Gi riot understand that you do not col making them martyrs—and that you offences by absurd prosecutions, whit by acquittals II So yesterday aM. brought to trial for having hung tip caricature entitled " Lolo-phiphy Con de la Maison Casimir Pompier; Ton et Compagnie :" which meant " Loui veiling-clerk for the firm of Casimi Company." The caricature intende , the travels of Louis Philip made in the as having been undertaken for the purpi ing to Casimir Perier and his system all prices" a majority in the then about ('hamper of Deputies. I need scar the Jury enjoyed the caricature, laughs secutor, arid acquitted ! the accused. case was a prosecution against M. Lt article written and published in the which he vindicated the utility of associations," for the defence of Frani sion and attack either by Foreign Powi Bourbon dynasty. The article was the Jury approved of its contents; an , was declared not guilty ! and the thin was equal!y unsuccessful, for a M. Cat written " A word of Advice from an a Faubourg to the Inhabitants of the Paris," was also immediately acquitted since they held that the Revolution of made merely to change dynasties, but other reasons, to secure liberty to the freedom of discussion. Lest es!, n; Perier was in a great passion when he of these acquittals, and very probabl sleep all night. There have been recently some trot seilles. They originated with the priest! who refuse to respect the opinions an , of others. Lives have been lost ; a cession has been arrested and dive. streets; the Carlists have joined in di Tree of Liberty;'' scoundrels ! and tht their organs are crying out, that in Fri is no religious liberty." Let me tell y words, how I look at the question. free, and when enjoying those rights v religion, justice, and liberty insure to right of worshipping God according to of his conscience, none daring to mak, But man, be he ever so free, has no rn to exercise his religion in the public si wound any fi dings' or affect even my He has no more right to do this, that build a brick wall in front of my dwel, struct the air and light of Heaven. . committed the latter offence would be nuisance, and would offend against all w legislation. So it is, or so it should be ertee to religion! A man has no right ti cessions in the public streets, which ; pretence of religion, are merely intolera itical measures. There is the temple for ri bourse for the world—and the streets fo If we were to attempt to smoke our ci our corn in the temple of religion, we sh , properly driven out ; and ,in like manner profess a particular faith, which is not all, have no right to obtrude their cereme sight, arid thus wound my conscience and sessions. I am for as large a system liberty as can possibly exist, provided th liberty shall not deprive me of my civil thus, instead of being liberty, shall a centiousness. Now, then this is the o. serious disturbances which have taken pl, seilles; arid whilst I deeply regret the and the infliction of wounds arid injut human being, yet, if men will trifle wit ties, rights, arid consciences of others, take the consequences, and as " they li houses, must abstain from throwing stont I am sorry to termimee this long letti proach addressed to our new Chamber or It has rejected a proposition made to it voux, for repealing the laws which requ posit of caution money by the proprietors and which imposes taxes on Newspapers . ledge. However, M. Bavoux has promisee severe, and in the end he will triumph year, arid perhaps not the next ; but in must be successful. Courage, then ! no good effort in a good cause is eventual I am, Str,your obedient servant SIR ROBERT PEEL taunted Min, night with the refractory conduct of the Re. " He must confess (he said) that he really bega pathise with the two Noble Lords (RUSSET 'moat() on the delay ❑ow thrown in the way by those who professed themselves its strongest. (Cheers, and laughter.) They were all anxiou, to pass the destructive clauses of the Bill ; bu tnent they cause to consider in what manner the' repair that destruction by the constructive cl were met by objections and grounds of delay who professed themselves most favourable to R 4 order book was crowded with notices. An Ho (Mr. HUGHES Humus) had no less than for hear)—and he (Sir . R. PEEL) must say, he di how, in the present- prospect of affairs, they over the constructive clauses for some months.' Though these observations come from an Anti they are not the less deserving of attention. formers ought to abandon this absurd system with the hands of their enemies, and exposing measure to hazard for the sake of giving effect particular views. Some of the proposers of am , are unquestionably sham Reformers, and have to defeat the Bill. There are others, no d, merely wish to display their superior wisdom. cannot help saying, that all who are now fou: rassing alinisters with amendments, and e, endlecs succession of debates, ought to be viewed suspicion. The Memoirs of LAVALLETTE, ill; lished, were written by himself, and affird anot if another were wanting, of the accuracy of Boua statements regarding NAPOLEON. LA vALLErri witted to the intimacy of BONAPARTE, and even in his amusements, he was his table companioi the constant habit of reading to the ILmpe?ol shared his ilangers. If, fought fiext to him at midi and at Mount Thabor ; he crossed the De: side, and followed him to the wonderous siege 01 d'Acre. LAVA LLETTE'S Memoirs are indeed eq terest to any narrative of this eventful period, pensable to all who desire to appreciate the ch, " the hero of a hundred battles." • BIRTHS. On the 2:ld inst.in Cavendis h-square, the Countess 01 as daughter. On the thith inst. at Twickenham-park, the lady Esq., of a daughter. On the 2RI inst. Mrs. B. NVilliams, of Notting.hill-' daughter. MA On the 24th in s t. a t St. Panc ß ras, ULED. T. Bland, Elq. 0 1 • to Mary, eldest daughter of the late Wm. Wredenburg , Jamaica. On the .23d inst. at Stoke Newington, Lent. c. L. V' the East India Company's Bengal - Native Infantry, youngest dattghter of the late 6. Pringle, Esq. DI ED. On the I th inst. at Croston Hall, Lancashire, the of Henry Tempest, Esq. On the It.ith inst. in New-street, St. Bride's, AndreW Esq., in his 83d year. . (hi the 16th nist. at Exeter, Lieutenant-Colonel . 1( clonald, son of the celebrated Flora Macdonald, in tbo of his age. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MU 1 [1)O YOUNO, SUN OFricE, STS&ND, 11; LONDUN. i eel Libe i where 00 It feels th CON d eonvultiot ' vi' CT) lin Holl ss THE , nor is 11 0 ate war TUESDMajea be AY n° u nmet ireready to r k, " what.; /s fa t th, for a 6 101 ,i BEd SAL d g overn Ti T eat ' , and ] tithe o f eel v ero ers, all t ' the J oly II rernaiarrert e Drat Bill to ': ieety,a4,',l,l.g•- on Dt, must bt', PlYtonavtiettla he vile ohs' 00, o ne I h '' in .ritlous def4_! °,lther half half 1 that thete r a t e d _ for a , t n i _' ince agsiot) ifhdate. 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