The Sun. — London, England, 1833-11-18 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The Paris papers of Thursday and Friday, which we received in the course of yesterday, contain no further accounts either of the exten sion of the insurgent movements in Spain, or of any effectual measures taken by the Spanish Government for their suppression. The greatest part of the Basque provinces, anti the whole of Navarre, with the exception of Pampeluna, the capital, seem to be in their possession. Saars field appears not to have advanced beyond Burgos, where he was probably waiting for reinforcements ; and even if he had performed any military exploit to secure his rear against the Curate Merino, we probably could not have had any very recent or very correct accounts :of his proceedings. No other part of Spain had declared against the Queen. The capital, the southern, the eastern, and western provinces of the monarchy enjoyed the most undisturbed tranquillity, and reposed in confidence and security under the sceptre of the Queen. The loyalty of the army was still unsuspected, or at least was belied by no example of defection, and none of the provincial authorities had deserted their posts or changed their colours. In the mean time, from the superior force of the insurgents in Navarre and the Basque provinces, and the terrors of the weaker Constitutional party, the greatest confusion prevailed on the wes tern Pyrenean frontier. The population of whole towns and villages had been driven into France for a secure asylum, and covered the line of demarcation between the two countries, like wrecks on the sea-shore after a violent tempest. The fugitives may have fled with alarm from an advancing enemy, accustomed to discipline or order; while this insurgent body itself may be driven forward by the troops of Saarsfielcl, of whose movements this would be the most satis factory indication. On the latter point, how ever, we have no certain information. This state of things on the French frontier, and the necessity thus imposed upon the French autho rities of disarming the fugitives, and of providing them with the means of safety, have again for cibly brought before the French press discus sions on the probability and the policy of an armed interference on the part of the Govern ment of Louis Philip, to restore internal order, and to maintain the existing dynasty in Stain. The opinions of the journals on this subject are various and contradictory, while the Ministry, by their organs, are still silent. On the probability, therefore, of an approaching interference, we can say nothing ; but, in so far as that probability depends upon the wis dom or the policy of the measure, we, for our parts, can have no hesitation in decidihg it in the negative. In saying this, we, however, by no means intend to deny to France the rights of self-protection against any Carlist or Re publican movement on her frontier. If the malcontents of Spain had united with the malcontents of France to shake the revolu tionary throne of July, 1830,—if Bourmont and his brother Vendean chiefs had placed them selves at the head of the Monkish insurrection on the other side of the Pyrenees,—or if bodies of the armed apostles, either of absolutism or republicanism, had endeavoured to disseminate their pernicious doctrines, or to gain over dan gerous proselytes in the French southern pro vinces, we might find in such parties and such practices a reasonable ground for assisting the Queen Regent, or for attacking her insurgent subjects, not as rebels to her authority, but as enemies to the tranquillity of her neighbours. There is no appearance, however, that any such occurrences have taken place, or that the secu rity of France is at present menaced, or is likely hereafter to be exposed to any serious danger, by the disturbances or civil war in Spain. Not being, therefore, justified or required by her immediate vicinity, or her admitted interest, in passing the Pyrenees to support or to oppose either Spanish party, a military interference on the part of France would be exposed to the same objections, and must be defeeded on the same principles, as an interference from any other more distant Powers. It may be more con venient for her to invade, but her invasion cannot be more justifiable. The reasons against French armed interference, in the pre sent Peninsular disputes (if we may admit the want of personal interest) are so numerous and powerful that we scarcely know how or where to begin their enumeration. In the first place, such an intervention would be exposed to all the objections hitherto so justly urged against the conduct of the Holy Alliance since the general peace, or against the French Directory during the revolution, in dictating political principles or farms of government in countries over which their sovereignty did not extend, and with the internal institutions of which they had nothing to do ; for, if the civil war continues and spreads in Spain, it is quite evident that it must become, or rather has already become, a war of opinion, or of political principles, and not a mere dispute about the right of succession to the throne. The names of Don Carlos or of Queen Isabella 11., are mere symbols for expressing absolute government under the authority of the Church or of the Inquisition on the one hand, and a progressive system of political and religious im provement, under a party disposed to consult the spirit of the age and to bring Spain within the sphere of European civilization, on the other. The former may be rendered more furious and desperate by opposition and danger, and the latter may become more or less liberal or radical in its tendency by the prospect of success ; but their broad distinctive characters remain,and the Mo nichxon struggle which must ensue between the good and the evil principle, will have little de pendence on the mere occupant of the throne. The Queen Regent, or rather her Minister Zea in her name, attempted in her first proclamation to her people to narrow the question in dispute to one of mere dynasty, and proposed to continue under the Infant Queen the same system which had prevailed under her despotic father ; but nobody was deluded by such an announcement, or relied upon such an enga g ement. The Car lists flew to arms without hee ding the manifesto, and the Administration was obliged to correct their error, as regarded the Liberals, by decrees of immediate improvements, at least upon paper. The distinction, which is at present broad and palpable, will grow broader every day—the o gulf fixed" between the parties, which is now impassable, will widen and deepen with every contest, unless the Queen's Government attain such an ascendancy as to be able to crush the rebellion without foreign interference. The monks and friars know well that th e i r k ne ll i s sounded as certainly under a Government of gradual improvement--as under one of radic a l change—they see as clearly i n their dreams of alarm their revenues confiscated to the State, and their convents or monasteries converted into hospitals or barracks, under a moderate as under a revolutionary Monarchy—they are not inat tentive to what has been done by Don Pedro in Portugal, and they are aware that non Pedro's regency has been acknowledged by their own. They therefore have resolved to make the last effort to maintain their power and their wealth by taking up arms to defend the cause of Don Carlos, which they regard as their own. A foreign military force, by interfering in such a quarrel, would have to fight not only against political convict tion, but religious fanaticism,—not only against the rights of opinion, but the rights br con science,—not only against the Code of abso lutism, hut the bre'vlary and the crucifix. If such a contest is to take place, let it be con duttcd by the internal parties interested in its result, and not by foreigners, who would only exasperate its violence. But Trench interven tion would appeat not only impolitic from the nature of the dispute which it would be invited to settle,—it would be still mol's so from the uncertainty of its success. it is certain, and we believe generally admitted, that the immense mass of the common people are Carlists, that the friars, monks, and all the regular as well as most of the secular clergy are on the side of absolutism and ecclesiastical domination,—that some of the no bility and even of the military are tainted with the same principles,—and that, in fact, the physical force of the country, with the lavish wealth of the church and monastic orders, would be at the disposal of any daring leaders who ' would offer themselves to fight against foreigners in the cause of Don Carlos. The French already know the terrible effects of a warfare against such elements of fanaticism under Napoleon between the years 1808 and 1818, and they know with what astonishing facility they put down by its aid the Government and insti tutions of the Cortes in 1823. By entering Spain to maintain the rights of the Queen, they would have to combat the same overwhelming faction which assisted them in support of Fer dinand VII. at the latter period, and which opposed them in hostility to Joseph Bonaparte at the former. Nay, it may be very doubtful whether the Constitutionalists in such a case might not join their domestic adversaries to op pose their foreign invaders. At any rate, the party of the Queen would be considered as the party of the stranger. Her friends and supporters, instead of being called, as at present,Christinos, would be obliged to take back their old odious name of Afrancesados, and would be opposed with a persevering obstinacy, compounded of national pride and religious fanaticism. Trap pists and Curate-Merinos would start from every monastery, and would be joined in their march to battle, as before, by liberal men, who dislike superstition much, but who dislike fo reign dictation still more. There can be no doubt that a French army united with the troops of the Queen Regent could easily disperse hordes of such foes, but 'they would not be annihilated by their dispersion ; they would collect at another point,and would force on their adversaries a war of extermination. The impossibility of maintaining peace during a long minority by foreign troops, even though the invasion were at first successful, forms a third view of the impolicy of interference which we would press on the attention of the public, did our room permit. It would not be enough to take possession of the fortresses of St. Sebastian, Pampeluna, and Barcelona. The invaders would be obliged to occupy the interior of the country by a force of 80,000 or 100,000 men, as in 1823 and 1824,—and they would continue to foment all the hatred and rancour among their enemies by which they were repaid by their friends at that former period. We are quite satisfied that these and other strong reasons, connected with the views and feelings of foreign Powers, with the bad example which interference would afford to the despots of the continent,—with the expenses of the expedition,—with the difficulty of guiding the political system of any state by bayonets, and the danger of king sponsors for a government which they could not guide—have occurred to the sensible men who now form the French Ministry, and that they will prevent all armed intervention, however disposed the French. Cabinet may be to lend its moral support along with England to the administration of the Regent and the dynasty of the young Queen.—Times. The most important and invaluable exposures of municipal abuses are resulting from the la bours of the Corporation Commission. The reports of the numerous investigations already completed are too voluminous for republication from the country papers ; but some of their commentaries on this wholesome consequence of Parliamentary reform, appear in another column. The Corporations everywhere—recu sant Leicester excepted—obey the Royal com mission, and appear resigned to the coming reformation. The publicity of inquiry was a most wise and essential direction to the com missioners. The accusers and the arraigned are brought face to face, in open court. If the commission had been conducted in secret, the public could never have been satisfied with the inquiry, and the corporators would have justly complained of the odious tribunal of an inqui sition. Defective municipal organization political subserviency to boroughmongering aris tocrats—" in and in breeding" among the corpo rators—the closest secrecy in all the conduct of the public trusts—gross mismanagement of public property—and much personal corruption are dis played in the old corporate institutions through out the kingdom. If this signal exposure had taken place some years since, the borough system could not have maintained itself six months against public indignation. The machinery of the rotten boroughs and corrupt constituency is now laid open. The Anti-Corporate party and journals continue to chaunt doleful requiems for peace to the manes of the expired Corporators, and amuse themselves by debating the legality of the Royal Commission, while the people are rejoic ing in its potency and utility. Felix Farley, a Bristol Journal, which will be the last expiring lamp of Toryism in that part of the kingdom, pathetically laments that the Corporations have obeyed the Royal authority, and positively as serts that "a more inquisitorial Commission certainly never issued since the abolition of the Star Chamber," in which latter sentiments we fully concur. The Corporation Commission was established with the original object of the Star Chamber, as quoted in Bacon's History of Henry VII., "to punish great riots, to restrain offenders too big for justice —or, in the modern phrase, to preserve the public peace." The Star Chamber was subsequently perverted by the §tuarts ; but we have no fears that the Corpo ream) Commission will be turned from its " pro priety." Its jurisdiction is limited to inquiry, and Parliament—the Representatives of the United Kingdom—will legislate on the reme dial mea sure o f Municipal Reform. We shall hereafter refer to the signal inquiry at Cam bridge, in w hi c h town all the rankst weeds Of the existing system flourished. The Com mission has hitherto richly deserved the abuse and misrepresentation of the Ulira Conservatives and their new ally Cobbett ; the latter has been, as usual, unlucky in the objects he selected for vituperation and malig nant commentary. The Western Times cub°. gises the " abilities, talents, and discretion" of Mr. Roscoe and Mr. Rushton. The Exeter Post contains a similar eulogy, " With regard to Mr. Roscet , , and Mr. Rushton, we are convinced that but one opinion prevails in this city. Their candour and very gentlemanly conduct throughout this inquiry has been the theme of praise by every one." Indeed, all the Commissioners, in their arduous and difficult labours ; have given the highest satisfaction to all parties in the borough towns, excepting only the Deputy Recorder and Town Clerk of Leicester, and there we never doubted that inquiry would be extremely odious and incon venient to the corporators. A more popular Ministerial measure, or one more demanded by the middle ranks and sound classes of society, never emanated from the Crown ; and the name of William IV. will always be honourably associated with parliamentary and municipal reform. The Corporation Commis sion is the first great amendment of the repre sentation, and presents itself at every man's door.—Morning Chronicle. On Saturday we recommended to the notice of our readers Major Mitchell's excellent " Ob servations on the Report of the Committee of Naval and Military Inquiry," published in the last number of the United Service Journal. We expressed our perfect concurrence in Major Mitchell's opinion, that the appointment of that Committee is referable to the hatred of the Bri tish army which has been constantly manifested by the Whigs. It remains for us to show that the same evil spirit which suggested the appoint. ment of the Committee, has directed its investi gations and dictated its report. The first con clusion to which the members of the Committee come is upon the expediency of the abolition of non-effective garrison appointments. We give the words in which their report embodies this recommendation. The testimony they bear to the services by which these appointments have been earned—to the justice with which these appointments have been distributed—is, from such a pen, valuable indeed:— " After fully considering the question of the non effective garrison appointments with the opinions expressed in favour of their continuance by some of the most distin guished military authorities, and particularly by the Duke of Wellington, who, in a memorandum upon the military governments which is appended to this report, brings briefly but powerfully into view the whole consti tution of the British army, and the circumstances of its officers, the Committee are still of opinion that upon the principle re: - Tatedly laid down by Parliamen, that all sinecure offices ought to be abolished, no garrison appoint. ments should in future be made where no efficient military duty is performed ; but as the officers now l , ling such appointments appear fur the most part justly entitled to the rewards of their profession by their long military sere;,cs, or their distinguished merits during a period of unparalleled exertion on the part of the army, and of unexampled glory acquired to the country by the achieve ments of that artny, the Committee do not recommend the withdrawal of the salaries to the prejudice of the existing interests of any of these officers."—Report, p. iv. Of course the sentiments here expressed by the Committee can surprise no man. The framers of the report have been for long years carefully misleading the public mind upon the subject of these garrison appointments. The holders of them have been pointed out to obloquy as feeding in idleness upon the labours of their fellow•countiyinen; the emoluments of them have been represented as large sums dragged annually from the pockets of a distressed people. The harangues of the popular orators have been loud against " military sinecures :" the diatribes of the liberal journalists have been bitter against " military sinecures." Whatever deference may be due to the " opinions of the most distinguished military authorities, and particularly of the Duke of Wellington," it is necess ar y f or Lo r d Ebrington and his friends, after the expendi ture of so much eloquence and ink, to abolish " military sinecures." We, however, who are not thus bound to prejudge the merits of an important question, think it desirable to found our judgment upon the opinions given by more competent witnesses ; and we think that, upon a matter in which the honour anti discipline of the army are concerned, we shall not do well to slight the authority of the Duke of Wellington, because Lord Ebrington talks to us of a " principle repeatedly laid down by Parliament." His Grace, in the invaluable " memorandum upon the military Governments," in which he advocates so admirably the best interests of tbe army, and elucidates so clearly the fiatne work of its constitution, thus speaks of the " military sinecures :" " There is nothing so easy as to give any institution an unpopular name, and then to run it down and abolish it, accordingly the military governments are called sinecures. " The fact is that there are many of them essentially necessary to the service, and that if these situations were abolished to-morrow, and the obnoxious individuals who now enjoy the advantage of the income allotted to these situations were deprived of that income, it would be found necessary to appoint others to perform the sante duties, probably at an increased expense. 6 ' It is positively the fact that these Governments, whe ther necessary or not for the performance of the military service of the country, are hell by those officers of the ser vice who have most distinguished themselves in the late wars as the reward of their services."—Appendix to Report, p. 278. We Cite the authority of the Duke of Wel lington as one which ought to have weight, not less with his political enemies than with his political friends. For to him individually the fiercest rancour of faction has never ventured to deny the praise of having readily sacrificed patronage, and strictly discountenanced profu sion. The report itself, however, gives us an account of the original establishment and present condition of the garrison ap pointments, wholly inconsistent with the notions which have been industriously pro mulgated concerning them by the denouncers of " military sinecures." After stating that the first record of their regular establishment is dated in 1683, it proceeds to make the following admission : " It seems clear that they have long been held on their present looting ; that their emoluments have been in general rather diminished than increased since their original .formation ; and that their whole number is mailer than it was in 1792." It is admitted that the whole amount at pre sent derived from the garrison appointments is about 30,0001. per annum. It is admitted that the emoluments of the garrison appoin:ments have diminished since 1683. It is admitted that now when we have an army twice as large as we had in 1792 the number of the garrison appointments is smaller than it was hi 1792. It is admitted, finally, that the garrison appoint ments are held by Officers justly entitled to the rewards of their profession. Let us conclude, for to-day, by asking any man of common sense and common candour whether, if these things represented, the re wou ld have s enseless outcry w hi c h we h ave beenhad b a e n e y n of fa t i h r l e y heard against " military sinecures ?"--Morning Post. There have been two more fatal prize-fights Brown, recently : one at Holderness, in which one of the combatants, was killed, and the Jury returned a verdict of " wilful murder" against the survivor : and another at Keynsham, near Bris tol, in which the pugilist having killed his antagonist, has been committed to Bristol gaol for manslaughter. Another pugilistic contest, in which a knife was finally used, at Kingston fair, appeared in Saturday's paper. We had hoped that these brutal exhibitions, deprived of the artificial and fostering heat of misdirected public patronage, would have rotted away into beneficial obscurity. It was the fashion during the last reign, among the looser parasites of George the Fourth's court to advocate prize-fights. as something at once manly and aristocratical. Even Lord Wynford once advocated pugilism, on the score that fair " stand-up fights" produced fewer cases of homicide, and kept the 1 talian stiletto from our shores. But facts and reasoning contradict him. What but cold-blooded malignity can be engendered in the breasts of bystanders (not sharing in the danger) by the example of prize fights, and the sight of blood premeditatedly shed ? What can result from the reflection that the combatants are not stimulated by the natural feelings which impel men in accidental collisions to the prompt redress of a personal injury, but are urged to prepare themselves by long training and with great premeditation? They are more over actuated by the lowest motives for the prostitution of physical powers—a thirst for gain. Now may not the cold-blooded calculating malignity thus engendered often influence the periodical increase of savage and sanguinary murders. As to the banishment of knives, there have been recent instances of combatants en gaging i❑ sudden " stand-up fights," and com mitting murder with concealed knives in their double fists. The periodical assemblages of the ring must be admitted to bring together all the social varieties of immorality or debasement. On these occasions the seeds of vice ferment by mutual example and encouragement as in a great hotbed ; and they are diffused through the whole dank rottenness of the corrupting and corrupted mass, until they germinate and luxu riate into noonday crime. One crime leads to ano ther ; for Nemo flit repente turpissimus; and the apex of the structure whose base is coldblooded gambling, is often premeditated murder. To the general diffusion of vice, thus terminated, the flash Journals most criminally and effec tively contribute by means of a circulation whist' reveals materials for deep and anxious consi deration. In this point of view they have not unjustly been called " Hangman's Gazettes," or " Nurseries for Thieves." How any re spectable people can defend prize-fights, as they have lately been conducted, would be mysterious in any age but this, when money supersedes principle—when nobles and capitalists have been found privately to have sleeping partner ships in houses devoted to prostitution ; and when they can publicly blazon their titles on the list of theiht Honourable and honour able Gamblers, at C rock ford's.—Morning Advertiser. COMPARATIVE COST OF THE BRITISH, FRENCH, AND PRUSSIAN ARMIES.—IS it not evident that a financial crisis is approaching ? We think so ; and that it will come, in all pro oability, before another session is ended. In that case, half-measures and palliatives must be abjured, and recourse must be had to legislative provisions, vigorous, substantial, and effective. But there is only one way to secure the concur rence of the nation in such measures ; and that is, to retrench all unnecessary expenditure, and to satisfy the taxpayers—the reasonable portion of them at all events—that their money is not wasted. If our Ministers are men of discretion, they must be intent upon the modes of reduc ing the disbursement side of the next Budget. If they are sincere and searching in their inqui ries, they will still find numerous items of im proper expenditure which escape those who have not the advantage of official accounts to guide them, and who are obliged to move for returns without end, in order to get at a knowledge of facts with which it is the duty of the public servants to be familiar. There is no occasion, however, to call to our aid these official details in order to satisfy ourselves that there is one de partment in the public service, the cost of which is unreasonably large ; we allude, of course, to the army. We have often urged an ex tensive reduction in our military expenditure. Sir Henry Parnell, when Secretary at War, would have cut down the estimates to the extent of 600,0001.; and by a comparative statement of the cost of our army with that of France, we showed in the Spectator that this reduction might be increased to at least a million. It is a fact to be borne in mind, whenever the old story is told that retrenchment has been carried as far as it is safe and practicable, that, making every allowance for the difference in the value of money, the English soldiers cost 9/. per man more than the French. For the future, it will be impossible to pretend that our troops are better fed and equipped than the French : for we have the unexceptionable testimony of Sir Willoughby Gordon to prove that the French army in every essential particular is in a most admirable state. But the Government of Louis Philip is not the only one on the continent from which our rulers might learn a lesson of economy. The Prussian military eatablishment is supported on much cheaper terms than our own. Here again we are not instituting a com parison between our army and one of a second-rate description. Napoleon repeatedly expressed his admiration of the Prussian troops. Every one who has had an opportunity of examining their arms and equipments allows their excellence. The question then is, what is the cost of the Prussian military establishment ? We find an answer to this inquiry in the work of the Marquis de Chambray, a brief notice of which is given in the last number of the Foreign Quarterly Review. The Marquis is there termed " a distinguished French military writer, the author of the best military history of Na poleon's Russian expedition." He passed seve ral years in Prussia during Bonaparte's reign, and has lately revisited it. He estimates the total of the Prussian army at 300,000 men ; of whom 100,000 are troops of the Line, 50,000 Reserve, and 150,000 Landwehr. The whole establishment, including fortresses, &c., is sup ported for 3 , 374 , 1041 . The English Army, Ordnance, and Commissariat, exclusive of the dead weight, which amounts to about two mil lions and a half, costs in round nurn)ers five millions sterling : the number of our troops may be taken at 100 , 000 : if our army w ere as regularn stahyat seven oforces,ur millions military r e e a — rs, u n e d r t hb ) auelsf.haasl much s i al a pn n pn and a establishment is more than twice as expensive as the Prussian, exclusive of the Landwehr. The dif ference in the cost of provisions in the two countries will account fairly enough for part of this enor mous excess on our side; but then, on the other hand, clothing and equipments can be furnished at a lower rate in England than in Prussia. Be sides, a third part of our army is stationed in Ireland, where living is much cheaper than on this side of the Channel. Prussia has been and is at an enormous expense in keeping up the numerous fortresses with which her dominions are studded—not merely along the Rhine, at Cologne, Ehrenbreitstein, &c., but in the inte rior. Again, not having the details before us, we have deducted nothing from the Prussian sum total for her dead weight, and the cost of her militia force of 150,000 men ; which it fair to presume must be considerable. We are aware that some of our foreign garrisons are very expensiVe establishments ; but, making every al lowance, the difference in the cost of our army and that of Prussia will still appear enor mous. Why should it be so ? Will our repre sentatives perform their duty faithfully, if they suffer the present system to continue? Let them inquire into and satisfy themselves of the truth of such statements as the above. They may not be competent to argue every question of detail with the Secretary at War, or Sir Henry Har dinge ; but if the House of Commons absolutely reduces the sum total of the estimates by a million, the people at the Horse Guards will find out, as Sir James Graham has already discovered at the Admiralty, that they can make a million less answer every purpose which is absolutely necessary ; and we cannot now pay for others. It is undeniable that there is a back-stairs' influence at work to prevent a reduction of our military expenditure, which nothing but a determined vote of the House of Commons can overcome.—Spectator. COURT OF CHANCERY, Nov. 16. SWEET V. ARHCBOLD. In this cause, which relates to certain alleged in vasions of the copyright of the plaintiff by the de fendant, in a work called "The Practice of the Com mon Pleas," his Lordship said he had seen Lord Lyndhurst on the subject of the direction as to piracy which was sent to the Court below, and he found that his Lordship's impression was just as he anticipated. The injunction must therefore be dis solved, and the motion of the plaintiffs dismissed with costs. DELYOSsE V. CRAWSHAY. This was a ease in which a receiver had paid over money to Mr. Gill, the attorney for the cause in London, instead of taking care that it found its way into the hands of the officer of the Court. When the deficiency was discovered the parties apprehended Gill, and recovered from him about 3,0001., but there was still a deficiency of 2,0001. ; and this sum, on the ground of negligence, and want of due care and attention in the discharge of his duty, the receiver, Mr. Newton, was now called to make good, and to pay it forthwith into Court. His Lordship now said that in the case cited, where Lord Eldon directed an inquiry out of compassion to the receiver, he was ultimately compelled to pay the money. No point could therefore be raised from that; and as Mr. Newton, the Receiver was in this instance, in his Lordship's opinion, justly fixed with the liability for deficien cies, he must pay the two thousand pounds into Court. In this, therefore, he agreed fully with the Vice-Chancellor ; but he differed from his Honour in this respect, that he pressed more hardly on the Receiver, and more lightly on Mr. Delfosse, than he (the Lord Chancellor) was inclined to do on a consideration of all the circumstances. The only doubt he had was as to the minute book, which had not been produced till lately, and from the entries in which something might be gleaned that would tend to diminish the demand on the Receiver. On that account he inclined to some kind of in quiry, and he would endeavour to frame terms to be agreed on by the parties, which would meet his views without allowing the parties to incur the ex pense of further litigation. His LORDSHIP intimated, for the convenience of the Bar, that he did not intend to sit on Monday. If anything special was fixed for that day, it could be taken on Tuesday, after the cases which stood on that day's paper. His Lordship does not sit on Tuesday till eleven o'clock. COURT OF COMMON PLEAS, Nov. 16. (Sittings in London, before Mr. Justice A. PARK.) COCKftELL V. GRAY. This was au action to recover from the defendant, a cab proprietor, the value of a horse belonging to plaintiff, destroyed by the negligence of defendant's servant. Verdict for the plaintiff—Damages, 9/. costs, 40s INSOLVENT DEBTORS' COURT, Nov. 16 A dashingly-attired young man, named Frederick Street, was opposed by Mr. Hoadley, coachmaker, of Oxford -street, Mr. Gardiner, of the Bull Inn, Holborn, and by a harness•maker, named Pallister. The insolvent, who came of age in June, 1831, had run through 1,450!. in Bank Stock, and contracted debts to the amount of 8871. From Mr. Hoadley he obtained a tilbury and a chaise, value 1471,, and Mr. Hoadley was put to nearly 401. law expenses The insolvent admitted that his money went in pur chasing horses, carriages, and other extravagancies. He incurred a debt of 201. at the Bull Inn, and in duced Mr. Gardener to become his bail for 147/. Mr. Gardener was nearly fixed for the amount, and it cost him 30/. to capture the insolvent in time. When arrested, in last June, he had seven horses, and a tilbury which he baught of Mr. Hoadley. These, and other property, were sold at a tre mendous sacrifice, under a friendly execution, and there was nothing left for the creditors. The COMMISSIONER remanded the insolvent, that some documents might be filed, and intimated that he should sentence him to a long imprisonment. A fine specimen of the Gannet, a bird very rarely to be met with in this region of the British Isles, was lately obtained by a gentleman residing in the parish of Africk, near great Malvern, in the following singular manner. The bird was noticed very leisurely parading a wheat sti,abble, by the gentleman alluded to, who happened at the time to have a gun in his bands. However, wish ing to give the feathered stranger fair play, he did not attempt to shoot at it, waiting until it should take flight, but instead of this, on the bird observing his approach, it immediately rushed at him with open beak and outspread wings. Being thus unexpectedly attacked, he was obliged to have recourse to the butt end of his piece, and it was not until he had bestowed two hard blows upon its head, that his assailant would submit to be repulsed ; it then rose, upon which the gentleman discharged his gun at it and brought it down by a shot which penetrated to the brain. The bird has since been stuffed. HENLEY, Nov. 14.—ANGLING SOCIETY. —Various reports have been in circulation as to the sue. cess of this Society in the preservation of the fish, and many a hint thrown out that one part of the water has been preserved the better to stock and profit the other, which has not been the case. The Committee, therefore, determined to try the state of the fishery, and for that purpose assembled with the requisites on Tuesday. The first haul with the net soon silenced " false rumour with her hundred tongues ;" 300 brace of perch, besides other fish, came to view. Four more h suls were made, and the following quantity of fish was taken-700 brace of perch, many of them 51bs. a brace; of jack but very few, owing to the quantity of rushes and weeds in the " jock prt serve," by which at that haul nearly all the fish escaped, and amongst them one of about 14lbs. which was seen twice in the net; roach an immense quantity, seine near 2lbs. each ; one fine carp near 6lbs. ; and a fine salmon trout about 4lbs. The fisherman who assisted states the whole to be full 25 cwt. of fish. The gentle reader, if an angler, need not lament so many fish being taken out of the river without his having one day, for nearly the whole of the fish were again deposited in their native element. The extent of water preserved by the society is about two miles, but not one quarter part was drawn, the other part Oxford Journal. being staked to prevent poaching,— COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING LAST WEEK. Wheat. Bd Oats. Per Quarter. s. to a. a. to a. s. to 8. 2 . Carlisle w . 58 19 40 49 52 25 29 19 22 ,‘„,— Nforpeth * . 40 50 25 28 17 22 68 Penrith 50 23 19 41 Sheffield 51 34 44 Winchester 46 56 25 29 22 24 ' 3 "; g, d. Per Bushel. s.d. s. d. s.d. s.d. s.d. 0 0 Carmarthen--.... 60 66j 2 6 29 14 8 00, n Cowbridge 66 70j 2 9 40 26 36 5° „ 3 Newcastle (Staff.) 0 891 4 6 50.3 0 34 5 " 6 0 Northallerton 70 9 3 3 6 46 33 40 56 6 9 80 86; 4 0 48 3 0 34 6 0 06 Swansea 68 7 0 3 6 39 19 20 0 0 60 Warwick 9 0 11 0, 3 0 4 6 2 0 3 3 5 ° Per 8011. . 8 Barnarcicastle.—...ll2 0 15 6 8 0 8 6 5 0 60 10 ID?, Durham 6 13 9 7 0 83 49 66 9 9 0 Richmond 110 16 6 86:90 5O 64 0 g 0 Stockton 11 0 126' 96 100 50 54 , WAKEFIELD CORN MARKET.—Nov. 111 445 , Wheat, Red, Norf . ()lk and Suifbl't —s. 445. to s'2s. fine 'i. -- Lin. and Cain. —s. 445. to 51s. fine s , -- Yorkshire ..—5... 4.35. to 50s. fine og s. White —s. 50s. to 555. fine __ 4l , - ... Foreign, Red —s —s. to —s. fine 'White —s. —s. to —S. 1111 e !s, ~ Barley, Norfolk and Suffolk -- Lincolnshire 3os. to 325. fine f;{,, -- Yorkshire \Vold --- Foreign -s. to -- s. fine • S. „ lii , Beans, Old -- New 355. to 396 fine 4 0 Oats, Potato l9s. to 2'2s. fine Poland —s. 18S. to 21s. fine Friezland and Small .. ........ —s. 17s. to 20s. fine ' s , Mealing 9d. to I IX, ct. per Sto4 Shelling ‘):3s. to 265. Od. per 10 ;A, Malt ' •- • • 355. 395. fine 425. per 1 • 0 '1, Rapeseed • SCOTCH MARKETS. - -- (Al Wheat. Barley Oats. Beans. Oatill, -- -- -----,.., 94 Aberdeen 40 48 2. 3. 26 14 20 1, ,,' 1.1 13erwick.,—...— 31 36 i 7 21 13 16 18 23 : 4 ' ..0 Coldstream 05 42 18 19 13 14 20 22 -"" • . I i par .4—...,:.... 43 56 26 31 18 22 22 26 '"' Dundee.,---.. 50 60 09 33 20 25 30 31 .... ..0 Elgin—, 40 56 24 : 4 :6 16 20 28 30 ''''. :-:, Q ~.. Inverness..~.,. 42 46 25 26 18 20 27 '7. Kelso 35 40 19 20 13 14 19 20 —,„ 44 Kirkaldy-- 48 61 29 16 20 45 48 4 0 ‘,.. Perth 50 51) 23 26 20 22 22 25 I-- 11....; -, The size of the measure varies throughout the r0un15:... EDINBURGH CORN 51Att li We had a very large supply of all kind the sales were uncommonly heavy. Wheat. Barley. Oats. Pease. Bea First 62s Od 31s Od 22s 8d 34s ('d 34g ' Second s6s Od 30a Od 20s Od 32s Od 32s 0 4 ,„ Third 465 0(1 23s 0.1 16s Sd 296 Od PRICES OF PROVISIONS, &c. Beef, per lb. Os. 31d.t0 Os.6d. Fresh Butter, 113.05. od. to So 1 0 lfutton 0 31 0 6 Salt Ditto—. 0 8 .2 g Veal 0 6 0 8 Ditto, per cw t. 70 0 1 . "01 Pork—.—.—.. 0 4 0 6 Eggs, per doz. 011 6 Lamb, per qr. 1 6 3 0 OatStraw(kpl.) 6 6 4 ('allow, cwt.... 35 0 37 0 Wheat Ditto.. 6 6 6 1 Quartern Loaf 0 0 8 0 Barley Ditto 5 0 o 9 , Potatoes, 1711 b. 0 5 0 0 Hay,perst.— 0 7 4 - , EDINBURGH MEAL of Grain Ly, 04 There was a good supply of and the sales were rather heavy, Per Sack of 2801 b. Imp. First Oatmeal Second ditto 1 S 6 Barleymeal 1 5 lr Peasenteal . 1 5 0 Pot Barley—No. I, per cwt. Its MARKEL —Nov.l2 ~ Oatmeal at this day's rnar" , , at a reduction of Is. per 53C "" .t Per Stone oi 141 b imt , 0 First Oatmeal £ 0 i 6 Second ditto Barleymeal 0 ' 6 Peasemeal .--2 d, 145.--sd, 16s.—roat ._....:21 GLASGOW CORN MA R K ET.—Nov. 13. • r ed We have good arrivals of Grain, and Wheat is more ingT o ie after; Barley, Oats, Flour, and Oatmeal have a fair sale, at alteration. Beans and Pease dull. 1 1. Wheat, per 24011. s. d. s. d. Oats, per 2641 b. s. d. I'6o British, old 26 oto2B 0 Irish l3 0 to l 10 --- new Canada, free 2B 0 29 6 Beans, per 2601 b.— 0 1 6 0 Irish Barley, per 3201 b. Scottish English 0 1 0 0 0 Pease, Scottish ... 16 4 I Scottish 22 6 24 0 Oatmeal, per 1401 b. 13 0 4 41 Irish CORNWALL MARKETS. Tatto--Wheat (average) 2.ls.od.—Barley, 95. 9(1.-0 ats,Sti.o, Sr. AtisrELL—Wheat, —a. to 214.—Barley, O. to 103. " 74. to Ss. gd. Oil th PENZANCE—Wheat, 20s. to 21s.—Barley, 9s. to 10 , ..-",„L.. os. to Bs. Od.—Beef and Mutton, to &L—Pork, Od. to '- Butter, 100. per lb. a t '" LAUNCESTON—Wheat (average) 198.61—Barley, 9s.Oti.."* ° sa. 3d.—Beef, 50.—Mutton, 6d. LISLEA RD—Wheat, —a. to 20s. Od.—Barley, 103. W....0a"' C4‘ to 6s. 6d. ° 4 ' Bon mix—Wheat (average) 20s.—Barley, 10s. Od.—Oats, HF.LSTON—Wheaf, 21s. bcl.—Baney, 16; Od. Sr. COLUM , B—Wheat, 20i. to 21—Itarley, 9f. to 104."' S and Mutton. 51d. to 6d.—Veal. Od. MEETINGS OF CREDITORS AT THE COURT, BAS'.NGHALL-STREET• (From the London Gazette.) oi• TO-MORROW, Nov. 19. ss. W. Croggan, sen., artificial stone-manufacturer, Belye- a at 5 dere-road •• t H. Smethurst, hatter, George-street, Great Surrey-street !11 J. Wills, tailor, St. James's-place, Sr James's-street.. ;.. . 2 11 T. H. Coles, linen-draper, Charlotte-street, Fitzroy-squar e i 5 \V. Mason, auctioneer, Qecenhithe J. E. C. Bentley, curiosity-dealer, Wigmore-street T. Richards and Co., newspaper-proprietors, Fleet-street . $ T. Edwards, tailor, Hatton-garden 1 R. Seabrook, miller, Thornborouo, Buckinghamshire._ l 1 1 ,), S. Wells, carpenter, St. Alban's, Hertfordshire 1 tg- DIVIDEND. A. M, Greig, wine-merchant, Great St. Helens :.•.'a t 1 A serious accident occurred on Friday, in the Edgeware-road. A gentleman of the name of Russ' residing in Park-place, St. James's, was returning to tovi ll with his lady and family in a britschka, when, bav i l passed the Paddington•bridge, the driver of an omni" . : drove against the carriage, evidently for the purpose , can be attested by many respectable witnesses who Wet. / present. The pole of the omnibus entered the pannel 11 the carriage with such force as to overturn it. Mr. Ru s ', l e ,, fortunately escaped with only a few bruises, but his la and daughter, together with amther young lady, the gr verness, were precipitated to tht ground, and most serial injured. There are but faint hopes of the young JO recovery. It is said that the Colonel of one of our re; giments has been much exas aerated by the una nitot refusal of the wives of the officers to visit his wife. I. e cause of this determination not to hold any itatercour'd with the lady of the Colonel may be easily inferred ir c) '" the following anecdote respecting that gallant gentle loo which we have more than once heard : —The lady to r whom he is now married eloped with him from b e „ former husband, and shortly after the poor husband r', eeived from her seducer a consolatory epistle, of which t u s following is pretty nearly a copy :—" Sir, having d rj ,, , you the greatest injury that one man can inflict on ao oti ; by depriving you of your wife, I feel it my duty nog - 0 offer you the most ample satisfaction that one gentl etaa j can reauire from another under such circumatances• have the honour to remain, Sir, your obedient serratil' To this letter the husband wrote the following repli'l " As you have done me the greatest service that one 0 0 $ can confer on another by taking away from me a vion' l who has proved herself an arrant —, I feel it my ‘ ll/ ", to offer you the most grateful acknowledgments that °- gentleman should make to another under such circa stances. I have the honour to remain your M lle obliged --." BIRTHS. On the 2(1 inst., at Florence, the lady of Frederick rt. ‘• Esq., of a daughter. On the 15th, at Teddington, Lady Campbell, of a daught e ni On the 14th inst., at Sandon.hall, Staffordshire, the Louisa Fortescuo, of a daughter. On the 10th inst., at Castle.hill, in Devonshire, the 241 Elizabeth Courtenay, of a son. of On the 11th inst., at Thornton Heath, Croydon, the l ady R. H. H. Ogle, Esq., of a son. On the 13th inst., at Brighton, the lady of the Rev. Ste* li4 E. Forster, of a son. MARRIED. On the 16th inst., at St. Margaret's, Westminster , 0 , Brankston, of Old Change, to Jemima, second daughter Mr. Struthers, of Parliamet-strt O ° On the 16th inst., at St. n Mar e t e in . 's-in-the-Fields, Mr. to p , Carruthers, of Carlisle, to Mrs. Mary Graham, of g at ' garden. On the 13th inst., at St. Chad's, J. Reynolds Boyce, F-' B4 1 : 0 C , Birmingham, to Eliza Dorothy, daughter of Mr. Jones, merchant, of Claremont-street, Birmingham. 0 3 " 1 On the 12th inst., at Grove-street, Edinburgh, Mr. Kerr, wholesale stationer, Liverpool, to Agnes Ile ra d p. youngest daughter of the late Mr. William Black, Edinl...>°.' DIED. l On the 14th inst., Miss Mary Druce, daughter of th e Mr. Druce, of Chancery-lane. On the 16th inst., at the house of her son, in Bartlett' - ' ° ings, Holborn, Mrs. Ann Cross, in her 79th year. dr' At Greenwich, aged 7i, Mr. John George Crick Co much lamented. ro e On the 12th inst., at his residence, Harleyford.plac e, of nington, Joseph Wells Liversege, Esq., aged 82. On the 15th inst., at Croydon, Christopher, the infant op William R. Robinson, Esq., having survived its mother six days. t On the 14th inst., at Dr. M`Donald's, Doughty.stree-, oif. beth, widow of the late Win. Scate, Esq., merchant, Gitosrl On the 13th inst., at her mother's residence, in Ea' „ t er ° Lambeth, in her 15th year, Mary Maria, youngest datig" PO' the late Charles llusey, Esq. On the 17th inst., at his residence, 36, Ludgat e... Edward Gainsford, aged 64. ea 63. On the 24th ult., Thomas Clough, of Buttingtoh , . 4 e ,e • having had by two wives 29 children I Also, a short 11 05 13.1 01' Thomas Salter, of Uppington, leaving a progeny of 1 ••• dren, grand-children, and great-grand -children, PRINTRR AND PURLltifill syMIJADO YOUl 4 °' ''r SVS 0111C1C, 112, STRAND. T p e tte eVtrl I Ppli hur c \.