The Sun. — London, England, 1833-06-06 00:00:00

nistry under present circumstances was not deemed a matter worthy of serious consideration. We were astonished to find how little importance was everywhere attached to the vote of the Peers. We could hardly have believed that in so short a space as that which has elapsed since the passing of the Reform Bill the change in the way of viewing that branch of the Legis lature could have been so great. The Peers, un der the shade of their former power, and carefully avoiding all wanton and unnecessary collision with the people, might have continued to fill a large space in the public eye. But nothing can be so impolitic as, when the power no longer exists, to threaten mischief. The Oligarchs with their long list of rotten boroughs might be hated, but we could not afford to despise them. But a House of Peers without rotten boroughs to fall back on is impotent when opposed to the nation. This sas it ought to be : for no three hundred individuals, be they whom they may, ought to have the power of controlling twenty four millions. Quern Deus vult perdere pries dementat. Think only of the insanity of at tempting to throw out Ministers by a vote in favour of Don Miguel—a vote in favour of despotism ! The very idea of having a Don Miguel Ministry would rally all the spirit and independence of the country against them. We confess we are rather surprised that the Tories have on this occasion displayed so little cunning. Seeing as they must have seen, that every con cession made to them by the Whigs bad the effect of lowering the Whigs in general estima tion, they should have avoided nothing so much as putting themselves forward without a strong cause. Knowing the failing of the Whigs to be an over anxiety to shape their measures so as not to offend them, they ought to have practised as much as possible on this weakness, and waited till a strong body of the Reformers was out of all patience with Ministers, when they might have assisted in playing off the two divisions against each other. By manaeuvring in the House of Commons, they might at last have fairly broken up the Ministry, when, as a Radical Ministry could not be found, they might have lightly vaulted into power ; and then, by a few ambi guous and hypocritical declarations of a wish to enforce economy, and improve our institutions, they might have lulled the country, for a time, into a sort of indifference to their movements. But to advance against Ministers under the ban ners of Don Miguel, is to range every honest prejudice of the people against them. The vote of this night will reach the heart of every inde pendent man throughout the United Kingdom. Don Miguel's volunteers, -though led on by the great Captain of the age, will find no favour with Englishmen. TLe honest accents of Lord Ebrington will be responded to by every honest Englishman. A majority against an Adminis tration, of which the Bench of Bishops should form a part, would always rally the English people round that Administration. When the people see the Bishops in the list of the majority, they inquire no further. The great Captain of the age will find that it is one thing to fight with the British nation at his back, and another when opposed to that nation. The English people are not yet so tired of their independence as to wish his aid to destroy it, and rivet their chains. 't hey are not yet partakers of hisinfatuation with regard to Don Miguel and the Inquisition. The King, too, has no desire to be more than a constitutional Sovereign. His love to his. people and a regard for his own peace and tranquillity are sufficient guarantees that we shall be spared the infliction of a Wellington Administration at this time. His Majesty must be as much surprised as other people that the Tories should have so bedevilled themselves at this time for the benefit of the'Whigs.—Morning Chronicle. With reference to our notice of Monday, we have to observe, that Mr. Benett's motion for further inquiry into the alleged corruptions of the borough of Liverpool, which stood for Tues day night, could not come on, from the circum stance of the House having been counted out. We trust that the friends of reform will do their duty, and support the motion of the Member for W iltshire, when the subject comes next before the House. His determination and zeal in this case entitle him to the highest praise. All the corrurtionists and conservatives are on the alert to prevent further inquiry. The proposed in quiry is an attack on the outworks of corruption and conservative interests, as they are called ; and all those who dread inquiry—the men who have profited by the gross corruption at Norwich and Bristol, as well as those who are smarting under the exposures respecting Stafford, Hert ford, and Warwick—all these persons will reso lutely resist Mr. Benett's motion. Some of them will say it is late in the session ; and others, having become pro hac vice economical, will plead the expense ; in fact, no one of the corruptionists will assign the right reason for the opposition which they will give to Mr. Benett's motion. The reason is, that such persons fear the case of Liverpool will prove the folly of the plan of leaving the old corrupt constituency in possession of their votes ; and they also know, that if inquiry be granted, corruption will be destroyed, and thus some of the chief towns and cities will be • lost to the Tories for ever. Our readers, who are in Parliament, will remember that the inhabitants of Liverpool, on the 21st of February last, presented a petition to the House, which contained, inter alia, the following alle gations Gross bribery and corruption have prevailed at the Liverpool elections for the Chief Magistrate and for the Representatives of the Borough, for a long period of time. " Of late years, these debasing and unconstitutional practices have become so frequent and so notorious, that they have almost ceased to be accounted disreputable ; and thus, A powerful demoralizing influence has been allowed to infect the whale constitution of society, both in its political and municipal relations. " The primary source of this crying evil is to be found in the elective franchise (hoth in reference to Mayor and Members of Parliament) being vested in a class of men, to a great portion of whom drunkenness is familiar, and who, from their dependent station in life, are easily swayed by, bribery and every species of undue influence. " Your petitioners looked forward to the passing of the Reform; Bill, for the recognition of popular rights and the extenskm of constitutional freedom ; and for the ter mination of a system of exclusion as regarded themselves, and of degrading corruption, as regarded the old burgesses. 4 . The experience of the late election of Members for the Borough has grievously disappointed these just and rea sonable expectations. That the new electors, a large and respectable body of men, have exercised their franchise in an upright and independent manner ; but their voice has been rendered powerless, and. their efforts of no avail, by t h e votes of the o ld burgesses, very.many of w h om w e re supported to the hustings in a state of compl e t e intoxica tion ; whilst othe rs acted under the direct temptation of bribery, or of sdme equally corrupt influence: , In ronseqi.fence of the assurance given in the Elause by Lord Sandon, on the presentation of - this petition, that no bribery had taken place at the last election, the petitioners were restricted from proving the general allegations of their pe tition' until theyhad first proved bribery to have existed at:the last election. The petitioners were aware that the bribery at the. last election was less than on former occasions, for this plain eason—t here was not the slightest competition. When Lord Althorp and Lord John Russell I declared that in case bribery were proved at the last election, the fullest inquiry should be granted, and when the SoliciPor-General said that if a scintilla of bribery were provecl4._the inquiry should proceed, we feel assured that the full and complete exposure of all the grievances complained of by the petitioners was inevi table. The existence of bribery in numerous instances has been proved beyond a doubt, and though the report of the Committee states that the bribery was neither systematic nor ex tensive, yet we have no doubt that it was extensive enough to secure, and that it did secure, Lord Sandon's return, and it was as systematic as the short time for preparation allowed. No one doubts that bribery and treat ing were fully proved against members of Lord Sandon's own Committee—yes, against some of those very persons who had the folly (to say the least of it) to assure the House of Com mons, in a petition, that there had been no bribery ! The habitual and degrading corrup tion of the rotten old Tory constituency has been proved beyond a doubt. The petitioners say that the magistracy are elected by bribery— they say they can prove this grave and serious allegation, and the fear of having this disgraceful fact proved accounts for the serious opposition which the Corporation of Liverpool are now offering to the prayer of the petitioners. The Magistrates of Liverpool are all of them mem bers of the Corporation. This Corporation, self-elected and deliberating in secret, have a re venue of 100,0001. per annum as a Corpora tion ; they have also a further revenue of 150,0001. per annum as dock trustees ; conse quently, they have immense patronage, the exer cise of which is beyond the control of public opinion. Of course they are Conservative ; that is, they wish profitable abuse to be imwortal. In good sooth it is high time to change all this. The great town of Liverpool must not be al lowed to remain in this state, neither must Nor wich, nor Bristol, nor any - other of those hives of industry and enterprize be longer degraded. If the allegations in the petition be false, it is due to the community fully to expose their falsehood—if they be true, then, indeed, is reform no longer to be resisted in the Corpora tion of Liverpool. For ourselves, we believe the allegations to be true ; and if there were no other reason, we should discover an ample one in the fierce resistance which the Corporation are now offering to Mr. Benett's motion.— Morning Chronicle. We call the attention of all who value our old Constitution to the language in which its enemies speak of the vote of the House of Lords upon the Duke of Wellington's motion. " The vote," says the Times, "is not important from its in dication of any change in the opinions of one branch of the Legislature ; but it is important if it opens the eyes of the King and the country to some legal and constitutional means of making the House of Peers harmonize with a Reformed House of Commons." "The two Houses," says the Morning Chronicle, " are pulling in different directions, and it is quite clear that in such a state of things the affairs of the nation cannot be conducted advantageously. Ministers must either bring over the House of Lords to the House of Commons, or they must bring over the House of Commons to the House of Lords;" and, after alleging the impossibility of "bringing the House of Commons over to the House of Lords," it proceeds in these remarkably explicit terms :—" The Lords must, therefore, be broug'zt round to the Commons, and that can only be by an extensive creation of Peers." " The Peerage," says the Globe," must, for their own sakes as well as that of the nation, be rendered as a body, more congenial, not merely with Mi nisters, but with the country, and that not simply in reference to a contemptible Lusitanian despot, negro slavery, church reform, and various other isolated points, but as respects the na tional course and liberal progression generally." This is plain language ; and it is our own fault if we are in any doubt as to the wishes and inten tions of the gentlemen who call themselves the people. Henceforth it is the duty of the Peers of Great Britain to register in silence the edicts of Harvey and Hawes, to ratify without a murmur the blunders of Faithful and Finn. If they pre sume to pronounce arguments, to form opinions, to give votes, they must forthvvith be "made to harmonize ;" they must he "brought round ;" they must be " rendered, as a body, more congenial." There is one considerable absurdity in the reason ing of our contemporaries. It is admitted by all the world, except the Members of the majority in the House of Commons, that the majority in the House of Commons does not represent the present feelings and opinions of the constituen cies by which it has been chosen. If, therefore, after the House of Peers shall have been " made to harmonize," and "brought round," and ren dered congenial," any accident shall occasion a sudden dissolution of Parliament, we shall in all probability have a House of Commons dif fering in essential points from the House, in whose wisdom we at present rejoice, and differ ing of course in the same points from the House of Lords, which will have been moulded after its likeness. In this lease we must begin our task of 6' making to harmonize," and 6' bringing round," and " rendering congenial," all over again. There is another considerable absurdity in the reasoning of our contemporaries. The present House of Commons, if it were rather less despised and hated than it is throughout the country, is undoubtedly a House which does not very distinctly know its own mind. That which to day appears to it beneficial, to-morrow shall seem ruinous ; and that Which to-day is held true, to-morrow shall be voted false. We may build our house where we think fit ; but we shall spend much in brick and mortar if we pull it down as often aS it does not front with our weathercock. If, when the House of Commons takes off a tax, " we go to the Peers to " make them harmonize, and " bring them round," and " render them congenial," how shall we " make them harm nize,"and "bring them round," and" render them Congenial," if the House of Commons, in its fickle infallibility, shall put the tax on again ? For the present the suggestions of these learned Thebans have failed. We do not flatter our- Selves that the design of destroying the House of Peers was now conceived, or that it is now abandoned. Lord Grey has been humiliated by the House of Peers. He wilt talk, perhaps, as he has talked before, of his veneration for his order, and his determination to maintain its in- ORpendence ; but he will dissemble as bitter a hatred as, ever detected guilt engendered. —Mornin g p o d. The indirect threat of a resignation of Minis :ters in case the House of Lords decided against them having failed of its intended effect in that assembly, recourse is had to another threat— that of a creation of Peers, for the purpose of placing the Upper House of Parliament as completely at the feet of the Minister of the Crown as if it were only a tinselled puppet-show of which he pulled the strings. The notion of a House of Lords without a legislative will of its own, and confined to the passive and humiliating duty of registering the decrees of the King's servants, when sent up to them from an equally submissive House of Com mons, is repugnant to the British constitution, which only recognises a Legislature of three parts, each independent of each other, each checking the other by virtue of that very inde pendence, and all invested with co-ordinate power. Reduce the House of Lords to a cypher, and instead of the British constitution of King, No bility, and Commons, we have only a mere democracy, with a crowned President. Reduce the House of Commons also to a cypher, and we have a tyranny, by whatever name it may be called, established upon the ruins of the triple constitution of England. We live in' strange times, when it is openly propounded that the independence of either House of the Legislature is a defect in the constitutional machinery of Government which ought to be got rid of, lest any expression of that independence should em barrass the Ministers of the Crown. The pre serving the legislative power separate from the executive, used to be considered one of the ad mirable principles of our free system of Govern • ment. Those who were accustomed to profess the utmost veneration for that and other sound prin ciples, and who were ever ready to point the indig nant jealousy of the people against an act of undue influence exercised by the executive over the legislative authority, • are now recommending, through that portion of the press which is de; voted to their service, the total merging of the will of Parliament in that of the King's Mini sters. It is this dangerous and unconstitutional doctrine which the organs of the Whig party now advocate. But they will not find it an easy matter this time to fool the people into unreflecting excitement, for the sole purpose of preserving the sweets of office to their patrons, v,ho have broken so many promises, and vio lated so many principles, by which they once found favour in the eyes of the country. The most enlightened writers upon the Constitution have regarded the check which one branch of the Legislature exercises upon the other, and both upon the Crown, as a great and distin guishing excellence of our scheme of civil policy. But whenever both Houses of Parliament shall have surrendered their independence to the King's Ministers, those checks are gone, and that excellence is no more. It will then become a fiction, what Blackstone, De Lolme, and other able writers upheld to admiration. The former, in his Commentaries says, " And herein consists the true excellence of the English Government, that all parts of it form a mutual check upon each other. In the Legislature, the people are a check upon the nobility, and the nobility a check upon the people, by the mutual privilege of reject ing what the other has resolved, while the King is check upon both ; and this very executive power is again checked and kept within bounds by the two Houses, through the power which they have of inquiring into, impeaching, and punishing the conduct of the King's evil and pernicious counsellors. Thus every branch of our civil policy supports, and is supported, regulates and is regulated, by the rest, for the two Houses naturally drawing in two directions of opposite interest, and the prerogative in another still dif ferent from them both, they mutually keep each other from exceeding their proper limits, while the whole is prevented from separation, and arti ficially connected together by the mixed nature of the Crown, which is a part of the legislative, and the sole executive authority. Like three distinct powers in mechanics, they jointly impel he machine of Government in a direction dtf:. ferent frotn what either, acting by itself, would have done ; but at the same time in a direction partaking of each, and formed out of all—a direction which constitutes the true line of liberty and happiness of the Commonwealth." With out any reference to who are, or who may be hereafter, the Ministers of the Crown, but looking only to the question as one of principle, we say it is a doctrine fraught with the most pernicious consequences —a doctrine absolutely destructive of our free Constitution—which inculcates the propriety of blending those three distinct powers into one— impelled by one will, and that the will of the Minister of the Crown ! The experience of the present session, but more especially the rescind ing of the vote on the malt tax at the Minister's command, has shown that the House of Com mons is one of the most obsequious that ever walked in the leading-strings of a Minister. But not content with that, Ministers, if their syco phants are to be believed, wish to create such a number of Peers as will make them as secure of the decisions of the other House as if they had its votes in their pockets. The plan is something similar to that much-reprobrated practice of some corrupt Corporations under the unreformed system, of creating a crowd of freemen for the occasion of an election, and thus swamping the free exercise of the elective franchise. • It is a practice that, if once exercised for agood purpose, will be ten times exercised for an evil purpose. Better far would it be to abolish the House of Lords at once than degrade it in something as servile and contemptible as a Turkish Divan. Supposing such a couperetat as a creation of Peers to carry any particular question be once fami liarized to our notions of Government in this country, what becomes of the salutary power of impeaching delinquent Ministers Of the Crown, which the Constitution has set up as one of its great defences against corrupt or arbitrary en croachments ? In such impeachments, when the Commons accuse, the tribunal is the House of Lords—but a Minister who has committed treason against the State or any other high crime or misdemeanor, and who fears impeachment, has only, according to this doctrine, to create a batch of Peers large enough to overwhelm the independent will of the House of Lords, and he is safe! He has only to appoint his own Judges, and he is sure of their decision in his favour; fur, of course, , he would take ca re to raise to that ‘ e ‘ a g r n e i s ty ' only the m os t v ile and abject who, while th e y d e graded of hise r d t u i the Peerage, would be sure to strike the balance and the rod from the hands of justice. But there is another consideration connected with this subject well worth attending to. There are more noblemen in this country now than can respectably support them,. selves. Those who cannot are quartered, as well as tnanY that can, u p on t h e p u blic taxes, wrung from the sweat and toil of the industrious population. By increasing the number of Peers this evil will be increased. We augment the privileged class, already too exten sive,l and whose connections, too idle and vain to take to any course of regular industry, must have pensions or sinecures provided for them, or must be put into offices which they are un qualified to fill, to the injury of persons pos- sessed of the requisite talent and acquirements. The great Lord Bacon says, " A numerous Nobility causeth poverty and inconvenience in a State, for it is a surcharge of expense, and, besides, it being of necessity that many of the Nobility fall in time to be of weak fortune, it maketh a kind of disproportion between ho nour and means." That disproportion between honour and means is already too great ; but the Whigs, after forfeiting the confidence of the people, wish to retain power, and they care not at what cost to the country.—Morning Herald. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. MANSION-HOUSE. Mr. Rowley, the solicitor to the Nobleman who was stated by Dorah Butler to be the father of her children, waited upon the LORD MAYOR yesterday, in consequence, he said, of the assertion made by the latter, according to all the newspapers, that his noble client was to call at the Mansion-house on Saturday last. He (Mr. Rowley) had not made an appoint ment for his client for Saturday, neither had he spe cified any day ; for the fact was, his Lordship was so ill as not to be able to leave his apartments upon any account, however urgent. The Lord Mayor had told him (Mr. Rowley) that'he should be ready to hear the case on any day except Thursday, the 13th inst., and under that impression he calculated that the matter would not have been gone further into until the noble person interested should be well enough to be able to attend. The report, which declared that the appointment as stated to have been made was not kept, imputed a tardiness upon the part of the Noble Lord to vindicate himself, with which he was by no means justly chargeable. The fact was, the Noble Lord was most anxious to come forward and rebut the charge, and to prove that it was a gross misrepresentation; but his Lordship was a sufferer from the effects of a concussion of the brain, and it was impossible for him to venture out. The moment, however, he was sufficiently well to at tend, due notice should be given to the Lord Mayor. The LORD MAYOR—You told me he was at Rich mond at the time you celled upon me. Mr. Rowley—Yes, 1 said that he was ill at Richmond. The LORD MAYOR—My impression certainly was that Saturday was the day on which his Lordship was, by your appointment, to call here. I had an impression, and a very strong one, that he would be most desirous to repel the accusation, and my pii vate room was got ready for the purpose. The woman and her child were here, and I waited a considerable while in expectation of his Lordship's arrival, but neither he nor his representative came. Mr. Rowley—l certainly did not appoint Satur day, my Lord, and the statement that I did is cal culated to prejudice my client. His disorder is of such a nature as to prevent the possibility of his leaving the house, or he would have come the mo ment he found that his name had been so abused. Kinnersley, the beadle of Aldgate, at this period entered the justice-room, and was asked by the LORD MAYOR whether Dorah Butler and her child were in attendance. He replied that the woman said she was afraid to appear, as she thought the Lord Mayor would pay more attention to the word of the noble person she accused than to her oath. The LORD MAYOR—She has no right to think anything of the kind. I know no party, whatever may be his rank, and am only anxious to do justice. She had no right to apprehend anything. Kinnersley had seen the vestry-clerk of White chapel parish, where the child was said to have been born, and received from him a letter which the No ble Lord had written in answer to an application regarding the support of the child upon the part of the parish some time ago. The letter was as follows "December, 3, 1832. " Sir—l never heard of such a person as Dorah Butler. The woman must be an imposter. "I beg to refer you to my solicitor, 11Ir. Rowley, of Swine-place, an I leave town for Ireland this day. Your obedient servant." This letter was signed by his Lordship, and di recred to Mr. Smith, the vestry-cleric of White chapel parish. The Lord MAYOR—I perceive that his Lordship has moved for a criminal information against the Times newspaper, and I see that his Lordship's affidavit states that he is altogether ignorant of the woman, and never has had any communication from her or with her. Now, are you not rather sur prised to see this letter after that statement ? Mr. Rowley—Not at all. This is certainly my client's writing, and he positively denies all know ledge of her. He still adheres to that denial. Kinnersley—Mr. Smith told me that he after wards wrote two or three times to his Lordship's solicitor on the subject, but received no answer, ex cept in the first instance, when be was informed that as soon as his Lordship should return from Ireland the matter should be settled. . • Mr. Rowley—l should wish to see the letter in which that is stated, and am desirous to have the whole correspondence produced. My client most anxiously desires this, and I at the same time hope that no more will be said till the case comes before your Lordship in the presence of my client. The LORD MAYOR—I know nothing of parties here, and repeat that my only object is to do justice. Mr. Rowley—lt has been stated that some per sons called upon Kinnersley to inquire about the woman. I have to declare to your Lordship, that neither my client nor I know any thing of any per son who might have inquired about the business. This statement, too, was calculated to throw an im putation upon my client. The LORD MAYOR—Let me know when his Lordship is able to attend, and I shall take care to have the woman here. Mr. Rowley said that the Lord Mayor might calculate, to a certainty, upon his client's earliest appointment. Mr. Smith, the vestry-clerk, soon after the de parture of Mr. Rowley, entered the justice-room, and said that, in consequence of the application and statement of Dorah Butler to the parish officers re lative to her child, he had written to the Noble Lord, and received the answer which had been already read. He begged, however, to correct the state ment of Kinnersley, who said that Mr. Rowley had communicated to him (Mr. Smith), that when the Noble Lord should return from Ireland the matter would be settled. No such words as those had been used. The expression was, that he (Mr. Rowley) would, when his Lordship should return from Ireland, communicate with him (Mr. Smith) on the subject. The LORD MAYOR—When the case comes on, I shall expect to see the whole correspondence. The parish has not, I perceive, stirred i❑ the matter lately. Mr. Smith—No. We expected that his Lord ship would have settled it. The mother and c hild, however, left our parish; if they had re mained, we certainly should have interfered further. The LORD MAYOR—Are you sure that the child was born in the parish ? Mr. Smith—She says so, but there are great improbabilities about it. She states that she delivered herself in a street in the parish, and that she immediately afterwards got up and walked to the west end of the town, with the child in her arms, The LORD MAYOR—It is possible, but exceed ingly improbable. However, we shall be better able to form an opinion of the matter upon the in vestigation which will soon take place. The LORD MAYOR received a letter, containing a plan for preventing the issue of forged checks and bills. His Lordship stated, that though the com munication came from a person who appeared to have got into disgrace by some means or other, the s uggestion seemed to be well deserving of consi deration. The following is a copy “My Lord,—Observing by the papers that one of those forgeries so injurious to society has been just com pleted, I beg leave to say, that I have been speaking to Coster on the subject of his nefarious practices, and in the course of-our conversation I asked him what he thought of a plan which I for a long time have entertained, as effec tual against forgery—vas., every person requiring a check, for instance, to have a private system of number, as follows :-- 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 CUMBERLAND and to have it in water-mark in full on the paper ; then, when drawing on his banker, say 'Pay B E R,' i. e. 4561. Coster himself said, that if it was Properly managed, no ingenuity could foil it, without a confederate in the confi dence of the parties about to be robbed. My love of social order induces me to offer my simple aid for its benefit, although I fear, from the suspicion of my pollution, and other circumstances, I shall be ever hapless and cheerless in myself, in consequence of a wrong suspicion attaching to me." QUEEN-SQUARE. THE MURDER 01/ MISS ELMES AT CHELSEA.— It being generally understood that John Sharpe, the self-accused murderer of Miss Elmes, of No. 17, Wellesley-street, Chelsea, would undergo a final examination yesterday, the office was crowded by persons from Chelsea. Mr. WHITE called Clifton, the police-constable, to whom the prisoner delivered himself tip and con fessed the murder of Miss Elmes, and asked him whether he had procured any additional evidence ? —Clifton had used every exertion, but he had not any further evidence. Mr. WHITE, after consulting with his colleague, desired the woman Hannah Heywood to stand for ward, and directed her to be sworn. (This is the woman who cohabits with the prisoner.) Mr. WHITE observed that on the day the pri soner surrendered himself, she had come to the office to complain of his cruelty and ill-treatment towards her. He now wished to know whether she was apprehensive of any ill•usage if he (the prisoner) was at liberty ?—Hey wood replied that she was. Prisoner—Upon my word and honour I will not ill-use her again if she will forgive me. Do, Rose, forgive me; pray do. Rose, as he called her, was inexorable, and shook her head, apparently not having a - very high opinion of the prisoner's word and honour as a security. Mr. WHITE said that, with respect to the charge against the prisoner, he should abstain faom making any remarks : there were, however, very good : grounds for ordering him to find hail to answer any elkarge that might be brought against him by Hey woo,, at the Sessions. He should, therefore, t e.. quire him'to find two sureties in 201. each, and himseg,in 40/. The prisoner was then removed, and 0fk . 40 way to the cell implored Heywood to go and hia bail, as lie had been 21 days in solitary confinement, which punishment he appeared to have a great dread of. The prisoner, after being locked up, sent to se veral persons to bail him, but they all declined. HATTON- GARDEN. Yesterday John Shaw, Joseph Saunderson, and Thomas Jones, young men of respectable appear ance, were brought before Mr. ROGERS, the sitting Magistrate, fur re-examination, charged by Mr. Up cott, librarian of the London Institution, Finsbury circus, Finsbury-square, with having feloniously en tered the Institution, and stealing therefrom a con siderable quantity of plate, gold and silver medals and antique coins, gold and silver snuff-boxes, gold chains, seals, jewellery, and other property to a great amount. The prisoners also stood charged with another robbery, on the premises of Mr. Thomas Holds worth, livery-stable-keeper, of Berners-mews, Ber ners-street, Marylebone, and stealing a silver watch, chain, and seals, a bill for 351., 25 sovereigns, three 101. notes, and other property. The whole of the prisoners denied the robberies. The prisoner Saunderson has been in custody before on charges of burglary, and was a cab-driver. Shaw is a young man of highly respectable con nexions. They were remanded, to give an opportunity to trace the property. 7'HAME P OLICE, Yesterday a waterman named Hyett appeared be fore Mr. BALLANTINE to answer a summons issued against him, at the instance of the Watermen's Company, for infringing the rights of the Sunday ferry from Chelsea to Battersea, let by the Com pany to a waterman named Johnson. The office was crowded with watermen, who on the case being called on, rushed into the justice room with the parties interested, when George Heath, an old waterman, commonly known as the Thames Chancellor, and Attorney-General for the river, who often figured at the police-offices, advanced towards the Bench, and making a low bow said, " Your Worship, I have an important mo tion to make; I make an application, through my friend here, to postpone this here case, because, d'ye see, there's many pints in it. Now, Sir, I means— Mr. BALLANTINE would not allow the Thames Chancellor to conclude the sentence, and said his friend was no doubt able to speak for himself. Heath—Most certainly, your Worship, he can move the Court. Hyett had retained Mr. Adolphus, who, having business in the Courts at Westmiuster, was unable to attend, and had sent his compliments to the Ma gistrate, and requested a postponement. He said, he meant to contend that the Watermen's Company had no exclusive right to the Sunday ferry— (Heath—" Ay, ay, that's the pint of the law") — and the case could not be fairly gone into until he had the benefit of counsel. Mr. BALLANTINE would not put it off but once, whether Mr. Adolphus could attend or not. Heath ( making another low how)—What day will your Worship of this honourable court name to hargefy this most important pint of the law, be cati,e this here friend of mine here means to say this— Mr. BALLANTINE again stopped the Thames Chancellor in the midst of his eloquent speech, and named S vurday next for the hearing. The Thames Chancellor then retired, much disap pointed at not being able to" hargefy the pints of law." His appearance and odd manner caused great amusement. UNION-HALL. Captain Henry Nicholl, who stands indicted with having committed a disgusting offence, was brought up in custody. The prisoner absconded at the time of the appre hension of Lieutenant Beauclerk, who, it will be recollected, committed suicide during his incarcera tion in Horsemonger-lane gaol. Captain Nicholl was on very intimate terms with the deceased Beauclerk, and upon the examination of the latter at this office, evidence was adduced of such a na ture as to implicate the former on a charge of a simi lar description, and a true bill was found against him for a capital felony at the following assizes for Surrey. Since that period Captain Nicholl has managed to elude the vigilance of the police, and his apprehension now was chiefly attributable to the circumstance of his having been left a considerable sum of money, which was bequeathed to him by a deceased relative, arid to arrange which his presence was necessary in London. The money, it seems, he was to have received in a few days after his arrival, and it is said, that upon the receipt of it he in tended to have emb irked for America. He was ap- prehended on the preceding evening by Glennon and Jefferson, two officers of this establishment, while walking along Lincoln's lon-fields. He was shab bily dressed, and on his being placed at the bar seemed to be labouring under no little mental suffering. When first taken into custody he was searched, and only a few shillings, together with some pawnbrokers' tickets, found in his possession, evincing that he must have been reduced to very straitened circumstances since he absconded. There were also two knives found in his pockets, one of which had a blade sharpened off at the point like a lancet, both of which were taken from him, and he was carefully watched so as to prevent any attempt s s a own id , placed T f a e t h , e t officershe b a r , haveM r that lv h h e e n m t i g h h ea t d m pd rr a ies k so e stil u ne g p r upon was CHAMBERS, been looking after you for 4 considerable time; do you admit that your name i 4 Nicholl Prisoner—My name is Henry Nichol], and I am aware that inquiries have 4een made after me. The officers have at length Own me into custed y, and I am fully evrin,4 of the clisgracefv! charge upon lam placed at bar. I fei . ,l it most sensitil Jefferson, the officer, then placed the'few he had found on the prisoner on the desk, fr Magistrate's inspection, upon which the p said," The production of the pawn-tickets wil the state of distress to which I have been since this dreadful charge was brought againr He added, " I have lost every thing—my nam' been erased from the Army List, and the hr which I earned in the service of my count been stopped, and I have been degraded in way possible." Mr. CHAMBERS having directed that part indictment specifying the nature of the offenc which he was charged to be read, then ask( prisoner if he was desirous of saying any th the subject of it ? Prisoner—l have no at► and, in fact, have not the means of employi] You have the whole treasury of the county disposal to prosecute me, and here I am, w the means of affording to pay the expenses of fence to the accusation made against me. Mr. Warner, who is in the habit of atten this office for parties, undertook to attend behalf on the present occasion, and the prism committed to the county gaol. COURT OF KING'S BENCH, JUN, MORGAN V. BRTJNDRETT. This case came on to-day on a rule psi foi trial, after a verdict found for the plaintiff, action had been brought by the assignee of rupt of the name Shirley against Mr. Bri an attorney, to re,-,over the value of two chi plate und a polity of insurance (which hi sent to the defendant by the bankrupt), ground that the delivery to the defendant undue preference on the part of the bankrupt. defence at the time was, that the delivery plate and policy was a bona fide transfer of pi to prevent an attachment from the Cr Chancery. The LORD CHIEF JUSTICE was of opinit there ought to be a new trial on payment of to aflbrd an opportunity for the more sath investigation of the facts and discussion of tb , tion.—Rule absolute. LAW NOTICES. COURT OF KING'S BENCH. SITTINGS AFTER TRINITY TERM. MIDDLESEX.—For Common Juries—June 13, Saturday, June 15, to Wednesday, June 19, both inclusive. For Special Juries—Thursday, June 20, to June 25, both days inclusive. LONDON.—For Common Juries—Friday, June from Wednesday, June 26 (adjournment day), nesday, July 3, both inclusive. For Special Juries—Wednesday, July 4, to Wed, July 18, both inclusive.—To sit at half past nine • MIDDLESEX SPECIAL JURIES APPOINTED:, THURSDAY, JUNE 20. Rex Y. Jessell, Broughton, Addington v. Gompertz, Neave, Bat Baker, Bloxsome v. Neale, Rex v. Jadis, Rex v. Jones v. Ripley, Rex v. Hopwood. FRIDAY, JUNE 21.--Rex v. Hazeldin, Rex v. He vlett v. Laycock, Rex v. Emanuel, Lumley Foley, Gawler v. Heath, Layton v. Lord Foley. SATURDAY, JUNE 22.—Salter Y. Crease, Rex v. 1 5 1 !,, gn ,„,' Rex v. Briscoe, Rex v. Briscoe, Griev e v. S o wter, A. l ` 9 v. Baker, King v. Baker. MONDAY, JUNE 24.—Bernasconi v. Farebrother. LONDON SPECIAL JURIES APPOINTED THURSDAY, JULY 4.—Solarte v. Yates, Solarte Yates, Domett v. Beckford, Molyneaux v. L o theringt° o l 1 Evans v. Trueman, Whitbourn v. Broth e rton, Rouge°l,4 v. Hutchinson, Colley v. Kymer, Papps v. Moore, V/Yu Batt. v. Pead, Bish v. Bolton, Parker v. Groves. , FRIDAY, JULY s,—Cope Longmore, Cochraneket' Braithwaite, Ray v. Newall, Darlot v. Freeling, P 4r v. Stone. t.• SATURDAY, JULY 6..—Case v. Broderick, Wars"' next friend, v. Morrison, Crowley v. Perkin s, Rex Millington, Morrison v. Buchanan, Perry v• M a y' MONDAY, JULY S.—Woodward v. Dutchman, Brows v. Thornton, Beale v. Royal Ex c ha n g e Assurance Co_ J D' pany, Beale and another v. Royal _Exchange Asetlrew , Company, Reynolds v. Mayhew, Rex v. old. TUESDAY, JULY 9.—Bessell v. Carbonnell. THE MARKETS. :ET.—Juneer T 5, Ton. Wails End Riddell's 3 P Bells Lambton's Primrose «r» i 6 W Its End Hetton W a ll s stewart's..e. , 4 Walls End Gordon—'e. v. al s raid Tees 14 '-tartley Llangennech 5 I Ohl )cute Trader sat itirket.day, 19. NJ t eed y, [L] By Bic t ifor S. for 1 r We sear ~.. Writer Vitt °f .4 nis gp r 'cilia's Inch ba tator. Rio It eIYAL 1 which UE )!y. for the une si ice with ,: 't to thf it h allPri nt slmr a t r tld o ih y l e ss f el nr f i : hi v i I : l3 : t e e g se : e ri : l'lk i t e .'..,' e a . e II: 11 °P a — re d i s e t it ,'Printed a r o : l : in a* e l n e i b e i e dh: el ni ° , an k t : : :l t, ked t lO ' their al Bing otl , 4 I ,reatie ttorneff ; `,° bat jog one' . 're to l e ' at your tn 6. ' n p n wf d el o i i r t ri a n h gl d it r io u a i l s i . . 1 1 1, 11- 0 81F it n e c fc ' h re th e rubli o i 'mew vs 5. h onoui ti°ll pail to toi r ; , hta:a. r .wendoo a sbadnft bsarl a sTenet e t 1 iteibbibo v I teieer;;,, , II h it ti I, 0 r le 4,ote e:ri toi)zeinon e tie i Ntei e lt. 1 1 properti; - a i i o o u nß r e t sth : lc : i i ;f ill° L :reli t t h e of Cogs, II i i llio, ten isfacto r i be clue" ti few 4 tr.eatil k ° P kai c 4 r . . t ...4 tit tt ; Loth dl 4 . Ls . e a to T n l u d 4 e iv : fr ia: li ; : l : 144it t t.e., : vi d4 : a htle ll ' aen i itieigi::: 'eda egad' ; wt each JO T. a armlet, 1 ▪ Philli' 0 t Haseldill t tI r v• 114. i t4 Uni t t ' ,-(..ste Ric COAL MAR: Per Ton. s. d. 8eaument..............,......... 13 9 Hebburn Main ....... 14 0 Holywell - .14 6 Pontop Windsor ......—. 15 0 rantield—.—.......—... 16 6 Vownlev West Hartley ................. 14 0 Wylam Walls End Hi1da—.......... 13 6 Ditto Killingworth ....... 14 (1 Ships arrived since woe"' COUNTRY CORN MARKEI'S DURING THg;„,„...lr: Wheat. i Barley. oats. Bel Per Quarter. s. to a. a. to a. a. to a. 62 81 31 43 22 30 u° Andover 50 61 24 28 Birmingham.......... 56 58 30 40 16 22 •••• 51%, Bricipor' A stent , ..%:‘,.%, kJ,. 56 21 30 16 26 ^"' 3 . 54 86. 36 40 26 34 ...*" Guildford 48 74 32 26 35 54 83 30 35 20 ••••••• Hereford 64 68 32 34 22 28 Highworth 62 80 32 42 28 34 Maidenhead 56 68 34 44 22 30 o v M0nm0uth—.......—.. 64 68 32 36 24 28 3 4 Reading 40 66 22 36 14 26 el Salisbury 44 54 23 27 18 24 36 Southampton 54 58 33 40 28 32 ro t Stroud 64 78 37 38 22 32 Tewkesbury 65 74 30 42 30 38 Uxbridge 48 74 26 34 20 26 Wantage 58 80 27 43 17 23 ~4 7 = • - .Warininster 44 57 24 31 17 24 Windsor 59 21 22 W0rce5ter—........... 50 57 30 32 22 23 ••"" LEWES MARKET.—June 4. White Wheat (per quarter)........... .£2 16 oto £2 1' Red ditto 2 6 0 2 1 : 0` Barley 1 2 0 1 '` / 0. Oats, New 0 16 0 0 I v Pease 1 13 0 Oil Cake, New l2 0 0 per thotl 6a ay , ! CHELTENHAM IA RRET.—June 4. got Pet lb. d. 4' • 8 Beef / 1 Mutton Veal Pork Latub DUMFRIES MA t ß o K 3l ;l l :..— °d lVla p y e 2 r 4 t . ".......' rrl s. d. s.d. :o ° o Wheat, Imp. Bush... 5 6 to 7 01Butler, I6oz. OOO4 0 Barley . . Oats ..... 2 2 2 4 Beef, per 5c0re......... 4 0 Flour, 141 b. Oatmeal Potatoes, cwt. ~ Per Bushel. s. d. to s. d. Wheat Barley 4 0 5 6 Oats 4 0 4 3 Beans Pease 5 0 7 0 Hay 3l. 10s LIVERPOOL COTTON MARKET, JUO co lto i There has been very great business done in be lb: market to-day, and an eighth per lb. advance 143 tained in the prices of American descriptions, the greater part of what has been sold consi ,ts ' amount of sales are computed at 8,000 bales. PRINTRD AND PUBLISHED By MU RDO 'Y t )-------141j (3. '4l SUN OTNIOR, 112, STRAND, LONHO* . . sPI BIRTILS. ..leh On the 3d inst., at Blount's Court, Henley.on-Th•-0001‘, Viscountess Dnngarvan, of a daughter. of ..; t On the 4th inst. in Hereford-street, the lady - • ir Brocas, Esq., of a daughter. mole 4 On the 4th inst., in Harley-street, the lady of S. "r voise, Esq , of a son. o l' l4 On the 4th inst., the lady of Thomas Wilkina oo, 1v Grove-place, Hackney, of a son. ~' On the sth inst., the lady of James Cockburn, r-. 44 Broad-street, of a daughter. t h '.' On the Ist inst., at Hughenden, Bucks, the lady ° f -e Frederick Vincent, of a daughter. ' 4 11 MARRIED. 09 On the sth inst., at Trinity Church, Marylebone, Ja s o i 110 00 Esq., of Boyers, Wilts, to Susan, youngest daughter ~ Mr. Richard Buckland, of Southampton. 0 tr On the sth inst., at St. George's, Hanover.squarictre, topol 4 Henry Kingscote, Esq., of Kingscote, Gloucestersh.„„o, , , Hon. Harriet Bloomfield, eldest daughter of Lieut. .' Bloomfield, G.O B. and G.C.H. rldli , "J On the 4th inst., at St. Andrew's, Hertford, AleXs T o Esq.. of Upper Clapton, to Martha, eldest daughter u . ) Gripper, Lsq. l a te C o 00 . I On the 28th ult., at Clifton, George Robins, Esq., ~,r, , 0 0 , in the 17th Lancers, third son of the late Thomas Lall l 4 Esq., of Binfield-house, Berks, to Maria Catharinet„lrAVl I Charles A. Elton, Esq., and grand daughter of w. Elton, Bart., Cleve don Court, Somersetshire, ' '' ,' DIED. reg:o On the 4th inst. , at his house in Dover-street, , King, aged 57. les 14 4 On the 4th inst. , at Chelt enham , Capta i n Char Esq., late of the 67th Regiment, aged 37. „Or i On the Ist inst., at Bath, of apoplexy, Rober t Fergur" teligi of Castle-hill, Jamaica, aged 62. I° ' On the sth inst., at her house, Hackney, Mary Gt.4l' oil Joseph Gray, late of Saffron Walden Essex. 10, A On the Ist inst., at Harwich, Mrs:Elizabeth Jell , • ,e , .1 P ''Opi