The Sun. — London, England, 1830-12-23 00:00:00

dressing 500 as respectable persona as any in this island, and not-orie ofyon even know - the names of the members or the Isle of Wight. I have already detained you so long I will now conclude; but Al you have beard me, upon my honour, with great patience, I roust express my gratitude for the favourable attention you have bestowed upon me. He then seconded the third resolution. Mr. SAM= Pnlxo—l am sure you will kindly make an excuse for any imperfections you may perceive in the few observations I shall offer to your notice. Gentlemen, this is the first time in my life that I was ever a ministerial man, and yet I have always advocated the s►me I have been called a radical, wishing to disturb the public peace, because I wanted to see abuses remedied. But, however much we may set about remedying abuses, 1 will observe that, even if the elective franchise be extended to the island generally, it will be worse than useless, unless accompanied by vote by ballot. Some have indeed said it is x sneaking manner of voting, but is it not better that the poor man should be able to vote according to his con science? If this system were introduced, would corrup. tion stalk about as she does now in the public streets. Would any man attempt to bribe persons who voted by ballot, and can many persons dare to vote conscientiously unless by ballot. Freedom of election, without vote by ballot would be a mere bugbear. Only look at the late election at Liverpool ; see there how bribery and cor ruption walked publicly and boldly through the streets. Could it have been so if they had voted by ballot. Look at Southampton, again—the ballot is the only means of enabling men to vote for persons who will stick up for the liberties of the people. Look at Newark—those who were honest enough to vote for Mr. Wilde were turned out of ' their lands, oat of their houses.—(Shame, shame.) Look at Stamford ! Look too at this town, this nest of corrup. tion, this peat to the state. Look at Yarmouth and New. The patrons to this rotten borough are the same to both the others. Although I have been called a radical, I have at last accomplished what I aimed at. Who would have thought a little time ago, that the Minister could be deposed fur saying !' No Reform." lie then would have been supported by his parasites against the efforts of the people. ' Reform must come.—(Loud cheers. )—Look at that milk and-water-petition which was got up to crush the voioet.of this meeting; no sooner was this meeting de- eilled on, Ifion out comes this milk-and• water concern. Mr, Pring then regretted that their natural captains bad seceded,. but he was. happy to find the troops could, never theless, lead on themselves, and concluded by proposing the fourth resolution. Mr, SAlts—l come forward under considerable emb a rgument ; fur this is not only the first time I ever at tempted to speak in public, but the first time I ev,r at• tended a meeting on Reform. My principles of loyalty and attachment to our venerable Constitution which have caused me heretofore to abstain from mixing myself with ouch meetings, are the very came which now bring me forward. Such meetings before appeared to me to Ito dictated by a party spirit, a spirit of opposition to the ruling powers, and not to have arisen from conscientious motives. But it has ple►ced Providence to bless us with Ministry who will lay their shoulder to the wheel to grant that relief to a long-sultering people which they so anxiously desire. It can require no argument from me, nor cm I bring forward any, to prove the necessity of a Reform in Parliament; many others inure adequate have already placed this matter in a most s tisfactory In some cases a negative kind of reasoning is more perti nent; I will, therefore, point out to you some of these abuses arising out of the undue influence of the Aristo cracy. I have heard that many persons in the Isle of Wight have lately received threatening letters. I could name to you one person, considered to be one of great respectability, who has lately sent a threatening letter to one whom I could also name ; this was soon followed by , a second threatening letter, telling him that he bad cot yet paid his rent. Is it not from the influence of such threatening letters that we have not this room half full of the yeomanry of the island. How can they who wt he letters of this description, complain of threaten ing letters? I regret very much that the Ma gistracy of this Island should have so far forgotten their duty as to refuse to smetion your meeting. The magis trates are our shepherd., and should assemble their flocks around them, and not shrink from investigating the cane of our distress. I ask whether their absence on this occa sion dO4 not prove conscious guilt. I suspect the yeo manry are not much afraid of threatening letters; they should threaten the threateners. The farmers need only skew themselves what they are to ensure respect. He then seconded the fourth resolution. Mr. Tttouas Dose Having been unexpectedly called on to addresef thin respectable meeting, I trust you will not expect that I should advance any thing new on the subject. I sincerely - congratulate the movers of this measure on the numerous and respectable company assembled here this day, to encourage and support the proceedings which it luut been thought desiratle to adopt. I trust you will all sign the petition ; it in butte reavonable and just, that per. sons who are to be governed, should have a vote in the choke of those who form laws to govern, and levy taxes for the support and maintenance of Government; but is it right, is it to be borne, that these taxes should be im pond on the middling and lower orders, for the sake of squandering them on placetnen and sineuurists ? Some are fur a partial Reform, but this would only be a milk and-water measure, and would be of no avail, Our reso lutions breathe the spirit of benevolence and philanthropy, not only embracing fur its object the amelioration of the present generation, but extending its Lenefits to future ge nerations yet unborn. It is therefore our duty to parse. were, in a firm, steady line of conduct, in respect to the helanale, we have baud—a Reform, not partial, but per• feet, complete, radical. The Church of England wan re ran-tea partially, years ago, awl further Reform was pro. Wised, but it *till relivable the same. Should we succeed in obtaining a just and legal representation, .should the Holm - of Commons be restored to its former state, I have res doubt it would he followed by very beneficial effects. The British Constitution war originally good, consisting of three Estates, this wan just and proper ; hut of late yearn one of the three Estates, the Commons, has lost all its in fluence, and become little more than a tool in the hands of Ministers, The House of Commons must accede to what it proposed by the Peers, it is led entirely by them, But when once we can vote by ballot, then we shall be able to return such persons an shall ensure the prosperity of the natirn. The fifth resolution WAS then moved and passed un- Anintausly. Mr. Error , / then rose, and having begged permission te read a few remarks which he had committed to paper, proceeded to read as follows :—Mr. Chairman and Gen. tlemen, I rise on the present occasion with mingled feel ings of pleasure And 'egret. I am greatly delighted at beholding so many of the yeomanry, freeholders, and tradesmen of our sea•girt isle, assembled for one of the most important objects that can possibly occupy the atten tion of men. I sincerely regret that toy abilities to do justice to the glorious cause, are in no degree equal to my zeal, hut, as the object of our meeting today, is to benefit eseentildly the present and every future generation, a per.• feet silence on my part would be a dereliction of duty. I Brunie I need not say, Sir, for your information, nor for the information of a greet majority in this assembly, that dif ferent nations have different forms of government, hut I hope you will hear with me, while I advert to this, for the Information of those who have never, or but very lately *meted the mazy labyrinth of politics. Some nations lodge the supreme power in one men !, then it is called mo narchical ; others place it in th e nobles, and then it is de nominated aristocratical ; others prefer resting the govern. ment in the halide of the people, in which Cat: it has the Appellation of a democracy; (Mr. Eaton was here inter;- esapted by several exclamations of, "'What has 'all this to At, with the question," "Come to the point at once." Hier a Aunt pause, however, be resumed.) The British Government is a compound of the three; being runner. thical, aristocratic, and democratic, all in one, anti no. thing could endanger or laid the Constitutional Given:- meet of Britain, but destroying the equilibrium of power, between one branch of the legislature and the rest, and suck a change however effected, is according to the cele brated Mr. Locke, at once an entire dissolution of the betide of Government, and the people are thereby reduced to a state of anarchy, with liberty to constitute to them• street; a new legislative power. I know, Sir, that there are hundreds, nay, thousands in this kingdom, and there may be souse possibly in this room, who, because they have their hands deep in the country's e nckat, think, or ember say they think that all such meetings as this, bar, for their object the overthrow of the Constitution. Well, Eir, for eminent, and for argument's Hike I will admit it, but why wish to overturn it? because, Sir, the wrong side of it is uppermost; many Galata have COWlbintd to overturn it, awl especially the all absorbing power of the aristoerAcy, for by depriving the Commons of England of as foil and fair representation in the Commons House of Parliatrient, they hive, fi rst, (by destroying the equili. Win eor ; poseur) turned it upside down, ma that instead of tellehling it m its original purity cud glory, like the meri• di4ll turn Atritillog a glory and a salutary 'Milieu,* on the comMunity, it is eclipsed, and we now see and feel too often, that only its dark side is presented to us. We aro root hem to lay the foundation of a petition to ParliaMent for its sest ura ti i , u , and, if I nmy say so, to pat our shoulders wider one tide of it, while his Majesty's Mi n i s ters are exerting themselves in the same cause to turn it b ac k again; then shall we see its original beauty. no great d e f ec t in ()Ur present system of representation is, that, it does not give the people their just influence. Most small boroughs have become the property of those who have estates in their neiehhom Iwo(' ; and by them, consequently, the members returned are nominated. Individuals, such for example, as the Johnsiones of Weymouth, the Smiths of Midhurat, the But lers of Luce, (not to name the few individuals in the Isle of Wight, who return six Members to Parliament, and at this meeting of 500 persons not one of them is known to any of us.) I say individuals are thus, from the mere situation of not very extrusive properties, able to send two or three Members to Parliament, white others, with ten times their fortunes, and others, fifty times their numbers, are in a great Immure destitute of Parliamentary influence. The Members of such places, with some rare and honour able exceptions, give their vote to every Minister, liberal or illiberal, on the understood condition of their getting themselves or their relations appointed to situations of influence and emoluments. Offices are every day filled by the most incompetent individuals, merely because they hipper' to be the sons, brothers, nephews, or nominees of such and such borough-holders. This is a scandalous abuse, and it disgusts alike the rich and the poor. Is it to he borne, Gentlemen, in the nineteenth century, that Peers of the realm (to say nothing of their wealth, and the sources of some of it) with an ample seat for them velvet' in the upper House, shed], by nominating Mem bers for the lower House, exclude the representative of the people, and Occupy by proxy those seats themselves. small boroughs with less than 400 or 500 voters, pos sessed of property in land, houses, or money, worth 40/. or 50/. a-year, ought to ha unconditionally deprived of the power of returning Members, and the election of Mem bers to supply their places should be given to the popu lous towns at present unrepresented. Gentlemen, people are not made for Kings, (as the old Popish and some of the old Protestant Divines once thought, or said they thought), hut Kings are chosen by the people, to give sta bility to law, and dignity to the administration of their national mums. And there ie no instance in which the people have shown a disregard for constituted autho rides, or a want of reverence for the higher ranks in the State, except when the latter, in the wantonness of power, have endeavoured to trample upon the institutions which they were deputed to preserve. But to close, look at the neighbouring countries, what was it caused the disturb ances that lately agitated them? It all originated in op pression; I do not care from what quarter it comes, whe ther from an absolute Monarch, or mistaken views of the Ministers. It arises solely front our taxation, or odious and oppressive penal laws, and it was oppression, and that only, that produced revolution. In conclusion, therefore, for the love I bear to my King, and the reverence I have for the Constitution, I call on you, Gentlemen, and en the p •ople from one end of the island to the other, yea, from all parts of the kingdom, to come forward and state your grievances, and I do hot despair but some efficient relief will be a-hieved." Mr. E. then moved the next resolu tion.—(Cheerc ) Mr. LA NKESTZIL congratulate you on the meeting which we have held in the borough of Newport, for the accomplishment of an object, which no arbitrary power can now present; and I think it right to state to you as reformers, that when a man comes forward and acknow ledges be has acted wrong, you ought to give him credit. Gentlemen, I am one of those who reigned the milk-and water petition ; in sonic respects I am glad I have done so, hut in other respects I am sorry ; and I will tell you why I did it. The petition was brought to me, and I said it is good as far as it goes, but it goes a very little way. I asked why it was brought forward, and 1 found it was became they were afraid that our friends and neighbours should conic together and look us face to face; but bad they known !lbw peaceably and quietly this meet ing would have been conducted, they would, I ant sure, have jiiinedus.--(Hisses and groans.)--I repeat, there could he no ether reason why such a petition was got up, than that they were afraid a general meeting would he dangerous, but when they found it was otherwise they were sorry.—(Why don't they come forward then ? have they not had time to repent yet ?)—I said, if I sign your petition, will you sign the other? Yes, was the answer, if it contains a different prayer. And where is the hum ? If there were a hundred petitions got up I would sign them all. Let us therefore look upon the other petition as a twin-sister. —( Hisses and symptoms of discontent.) Mr. Pnwo —Was not the other petition got up fur the express purpose ofpreventing this meeting ? I say yes it was. They ought not therefore to go hand in hand. Let us be independent of them. Mr. WILK N s—The resolutions having been carried unanimously, I beg to propose that a petition founded on them be presented to the House of Lord; by Lord King, who is a tried friend to his country, and that to the House of Commons, by Mr. ilume.—(Cheers.) Mr. H. DAY—Why is it necessary to go abroad when we have such a man in the island us Lord Yarborough.— I beg to propose that the petition to the House of Lords be presented by Lord Yarborough. An irregular conver sation hereupon ensued on the comparative merits of Lord King and Lord Yarborough, which was interrupted by the Chairman putting the amendment, when not a singe hand was held up for it. The original proposition was then carried unanimously amidst loud cheers. A vote of thanks having been proposed by Mr. C. WoeseLev, and seconded by the whole meeting to Mr. C. Day, fur his able, zealous, and impartial conduct in the , chair, The CHAIaMAN, in returning thanks observed, that he was exceedingly gratified at the very flattering mariner in which his inadequate services had been appreciated; he confessed he felt not a little proud at having presided over such a highly respectable and independent meeting more particularly as this was the first public meeting on R.!. form which had ever been held in this island. He was happy to he able to add, that the proceedings had been conducted throughout with a moderation, fairness, and candour greatly to be commended; indeed so much so, that he ardently desired the whole magistracy oldie island had been present to bear witness to the propriety and good sense with which every sentiment bad been conveyed ; be had only note to request that as they had commenced and conduced the bulimia of the day so ere• ditebly to themselves, they would separate in the same spirit, and with the same feelings of cordiality and pro priety which had been conspicuous in the proceedings ; and be expressed his hope that if any enemy to the course they had pursued existed previous to the meeting, he would no longer be so, but become a convert and warns supporter of the good cause. A round of cheers having then been given for • the Ch.►irm in and the cause of Reform, the meeting separated in perfect good order. [The room contained about hOO people. The lace manufacturers marched in procession to the place of meet ing, accompanied by their band of music. After the business of the day was closed, about 300 of the friends of Reform assembled in the same room, and the everrin, was palmed in the utmost harmony and conviviality, Air. J. Pring presided, and Mr. E. Wilkins was Vice-Presi&nt. Amongst a variety of toasts and sentiments, " The King and his Majeety'a Ministers," was given with the most rapturous applause. " Independent Reformers of the towns of Cowes, Hyde, and Wading," drew forth sonic excellent speeches front the different gentlemen residing in those places, the band enlivening the scene at intervals during the evening with several popular airs. Four hun dred and eight. signatures were obtained to the petitions before ten o'clock in the evening.] IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, Dzc. 22. APPEALS. On taking his place, the LORD CHANCELLOR tab. served that a very gross misrepresentation, affecting the character of certain Learned Judges, had been made with respect to the mode in which Scotch appeals had been dis posed of since he came to the Seals. It was nulled that to nearly all the Scotch appeals heard by their Lordships since the period in question, the decisions of the Courts below hail been reverued. Now, he thought it right to say that this was the direct contrary of the truth Thirteen appeal cares had been heard since he had the honour to advise their Lordships urn judicial business. Of those, eleven had been decided; seven, by affirming, end foor by reversing the decrees appealed against. Of the eleven decisions, nine were in Scotch cases, and in seven instances out of the nine the original decree was confirmed; in two it was reversed. The other two re versals occurred upon Irish appeals. lle should state that in the two Scotch cases, in which reversals Lark place, it was upon points of English law; and he might add, that if the matter at issue had referred to Scotch law, in all probability thc result would have been alit-. Brent. It was no more than an act of justice to the Scotch Court•i, front which an allegation snob as he had alb;ded to was calcu'a!ed to take away all authority and respect—it was only an act of justice to coutradict a state. merit so unfounded. STATE 01+ THE COUNTRY. Earl GREY baying moved the sulpension of the s tmt. -ing orders 26 and 15G, for the purpose of passing the Coo sololsted Fund Bill previously is the recess, Lord FARNUAM said, as this was probably the last time their Lordships would met in any numbers aryl for the despatch of business previously to the recess, lie availed himself of the opportunity to express his regret that the Noble Lord at the heed of the Government should have thought it necessary to render the int,ervel between the adjournment and nett meeting to long uWu Intended ; at the same time be admitted it was not unreasonable that Ministers, so recently called to the public service, should de sire as much time as possible to mature the measures which they had announced. He wished that whatever measures his Majesty's Ministers had in contemplation for the relief of the distress of the country (nut of which the recent insubordination had, at least in putt, grown) should follow as quickly as possible upon there necessary ex. ampler, in order that the country might see, that as Go vernment was prepared to put down acts of violence and insubordination, so also was it ready to follow up the re quisite course of vigorous resistance to lawless outrage with such measures as might tend to relieve distress, and remove the pretext for acts cf disorder in future. So touch with respect to this country ; but he also re gretted the length of the adjournment, when he looked at the state of Ireland, to which he considered it neces sary briefly to call their Lordships' attention. In the exist ing state of Ireland, it would have been advisable that, if possible, some measures calculated to impart confidence to the country, and remedy pressing evils, should have been originated previous tar adjourning for a period of seven or eight weeks. He thought it not improbable that those seven or eight weeks might be of great importance in that country ; but he would not attempt to divine the future. He did not wish to renew the discussions that had taken place there and elsewhere, relative to the late appointments in Ireland ; he should only say that no man would rejoice more than he, if the fears expressed in consequence of those appointments should turn out to be perfectly un founded and erroneous. As no measures of improvement had yet been brought forward by Ministers with respect to Ireland, be thought it desirable that the Noble Earl at the bead of the Cabinet should make some statement on the subject of the measures he contemplated. He was not so unreasonable. as to expect the Noble Lord to enter into any minute details on the subject of those measures, but thought it would be advisable, if the Noble Lord could hold out any expectations calculated to cairn the agitated feelings with which that country was disturbed, that he should now make a statement to that effect. He did not think that the Noble Earl could have a better fitunda tion for his measures than was afforded by a paper for which he (Lord Farnham) had moved—he meant the: report of the Committee appointed by the House of Commons to inquire into the state of the poor of Ireland. He regretted that the length of that report, and of the evi dence en which it was founded, was so great that it had not been as yet laid upon their Lotdsh:ps' tube, but he hoped that it soon would, and he strongly recommended his Majesty's Ministers, and Noble Lords generally, to avail themselves of the npportuuity afforded by the ap proaching holydays to pay attention to that valuable Re port, and the en dons and instructive evidence which con stituted its foundation. He offered this recommendation because he thought that a great number of their Lordship. must be, at least in same degree, ignorant of the true state of Inland, and also because he thought that the body of evidence of persons of various classes and descriptions, which was attached to the Report, could not fail to afford the Legislature considerable light, when upon its re-assem bling it should be called on to consider the measures to be brought forward on the subject. Having referred to the Report, he might observe that the Committee had recom mended the adoption of 19 measures with a view to bene fit and improve the condition of Ireland. All those mea sures were referable to some six or seven subjects, the first of which embraced a consolidation of all the laws relating to charitable institutions, in six of the proposed measures. The second point dealt with by the Committee was the local taxation by the grand juries, amounting to a million and a half sterling, of which above half a million went for the repair of raids, public buildings, &c. He offered no opinion as to tl.e propriety of continuing or discontinuing the sys tem of grand jury taxation, but regretted that the public objects in (location had not been pursued upon scientific principles. He thought it desirable, assueng that grand jury taxation was to be continued, that the expenditure of the public money for such objects (which w as a l so in- trusted to the Grand Juries) should be put under sorae scientific controul, in order to ensure the public money not being wasted, as he believed it had frequently been under the existing system. The next object suggested by the Committee was one of great importance : it involved a question as to the expediency of affording public aid, with a view to advance certain works in Ireland, to be under taken fur the ultimate benefit of the country, and to enable the population to obtain the means of subsistence. He wag aware that the doctrine of the political economists was against a forced application of capital in such a way as this, hut (without undertaking to decide the question) he might be permitted to doubt the invariable correctness of the dogma. The Committee referred t,► the advantage to be derived from enabling parties to undertake the drainage of some of the waste lands of Ireland (of which there were thousands and thousands—be might say mil lions of acres.) Such a project was certainly opposed to the principle of the economists, who, among other arguments against the prosecution of undertakings in the way referred to, objected tint a forced employment of labour for a time had the effect of producing aggravated distress at its termi nation among the very cl its which was relieved by it for the moment—a distress greater than that which previously existed, in proportion to the new hands brought into the market and now left without employment, But this ob jection did not apply to the relief afforded by drainage, which would le permanent, inasmuch us the.new land thus created would continue to employ in its cultivation the la bourers originally employed, and called into the market by the process of reclaiming it. He was aware it was the 10hion to say, first produce tranquillity in Ireland, and capital will flow in ; but he was for introducing capital with a view to the productioa of tranquillity. To keep men eta of mischief, it was necessary to employ them. Ile was glad to see held out in the report the principle of giving employment to the Irish poor, because he thought the adoption of it calculated to promote the cause of good order. The report adverted to amendments of the Sub. letting and Vestry Acts, and te an amendment in the ad ministration of the law generally ; but to those objects he should not now direct the attention of the House. With regard to the subject of education in Ireland (a subj,et rather touched on than dwelt upon in the report), he re gretted to be obliged to difT r in opinion from the com mittee, but he slicd,' not now go into the question. Having thus glanced et the principal points of the report, the Noble Lord proceeded to allude to the Bill prohibiting the cultivation of tobacco in Ireland, which he censured in strong terms, as highly injurious to the interests of that country. If their Lordships knew the benefit conferred upon the poor where tobacco was cultivated,—its cultivation af fording employment to persons of different ages, front chil dren of five years old, up to individuate far advancei in life,—they would ire that the Bill in question was um: which materially affected the interests of Ireton!. Al to the idea, that because the growth of tobacco was prohibited in England, it must also be prohibited in Ireland, he scouted it altogether,—the facts of the case afforded short answer to the a.sumption. By the 12th Charles 11. the growth of tobacco was prohibited in England and Ireland, fur the purpose of promoting the prosperity of the American colonies ; but these had long since pasted from the Crown of Great Britain, so that the motive of the prohibition no longer existed. In the 19th of George 111. an Act was passed exempting Ireland from the prohibition on the ground of affording encouragement to the trade and commerce of that country, that efore Ireland had been upwards of b 0 years in possession of the privilege of grow ing tobacco, of which it was now meant to deprive her. He was aware that the Bill prohibiting the cultivation of tobacco lied been originated by the late Ministry ; but be would tell the Noble Earl that he did net like it a hit the better fin that.. In conclusion, he thought the Noble Earl would do well to consider whether it was worth while to persevere in this Bill of prohibition. He thought the article, Wallowed to be cultivated, would bear a moderate duty. The difficulty of collecting it might lie considered an objection, but he did not see how the collection would be more difficult than the c lloction of the duty on hops; and when it was 4onsidered how beneficial the growth of tobacco might he rendered to Ireland, he trusted the Bill would he abandoned. Earl GREY would not complain of the Noble Lord for having taken this opportunity to . state his o pi n i on upon such questions us be pleased, simply contenting himself with the observation, that perhaps it would not have ex ceeded the usual courtesy adopted towards Ministers in 'that House, if the Noble Lord had given hint some pre vious notice of his intention to introduc e upon this (m -ention so many different sulijects, in reference to which lie should then, perhaps, have been better prep are d to return an answer.—(ll )_First, with respect to Vie recess, of the duration of whirl the Noble Lord bad complained, all he hail to say at present way that th e prec i se l ength of th e a dj ourn m e nt was decided upon by Isis Majesty's Go vernment after a very mature consideration of the state of public affairs; end be felt assured that the reenlist would fly justify i propriety of thet adjournm ent , ti e hoped that il i(it only th would is no inconvenienc e be experienced' in consequence of the lengli of the recess, b ut t h at i ts effect would be, by enabling Ministers to prepare and properly mature their measures, greatly to expedite the transaction of business, and that eventuady the country would derive very considerable advaistag.: from it. It could not Ehu ex pected he should follow the Noble Lord tbrough all the topics of his speech : still less that lie . should attempt to de velop met , urea which it would regime time and considera tion to mature. In reference to Ireland he m i g h t o b serve, i n passing, that be should be et an times Willing and anxious o receive advice from A Noble Lord so conversant And well acquainted with the affairs of that country. The Noble Lord had referred in considerable detail to the report made by a committee of the House of Commons on the state of the labouring classes in Ireland, but not having had as yet an opportunity of looking attentively into that report, the Noble Lord could not expect him to go into a discussion of it, even if the present were the proper opportunity for doing so. He was aware, however, that the report con tained much valuable information, and believed it referred to many measures connected with Ireland, which might be found useful hereafter, when the subject came regularly , under consideration. But as to particular measures con templated by his Majesty's Government, of which the Noble Lord desired an outline, it was impossible for bins to say more at present, than that it was his anxious wish to adopt all measures which, on examination, might appear calculated to promote the prosperity of Ireland and of England, and this with as little delay as possible. At the same time it was fair to inform the Noble Lord, that the re lief to which he looked for an alleviation of the distress more or less prevalent in both countries, was grounded in the expectation of a natural return of prosperity, to be introduced by the adoption of a good system of govern mew, rather than in anything else.—(Hear.) The Noble Lord bad alluded to a great variety of topics in the course of his address : among other points, following the report on the state of the Irish poor, lie adverted to the system of charitable institutions in Ireland, which was, no doubt, well deserving of attention, and it might be of modification, at a future period. The Noble Lord also mentioned the local taxation and application of the public funds exercised by grand juried—a system parts of which had been long complained of, and he hesitated not to say also requiring attention, and perhsps correction and improvement. The report as stated by the Noble Lord embraced the subject of education,.—a matter which also required consideration, and to be taken up with a view to the adoption of such a system as should prevent the rise of all further animosities between individuals of different per suasions on occount of religion—a consummation, than which nothing could conduce in a higher or more impor tant degree to mutual good will between man and man, to tranquillity, good order, and prosperity.—(llear.)—As to other general measures recommended in the report,—such as advances of public money with a view to the improve ment of the country and the employment of the labouring classes,—to this, as a general principle, the Noble Lord admitted that there existed considerable objections, at the same time lie (Earl Grey) did not say there might not be exceptions to those objections, whether the instance re ferred to by the Noble Lord constituted one of the ex ceptions, and if so, how far it might be expedient to ad upon the recommendation of the Noble Lord : all this wes well deserving of consideration. But more than this it was not necessary for hint to say at pre sent. The Noble Lord had alluded to some recent appointments in Ireland, and in doing so the Noble Lord bad stated his anxious hope that the fears entertained by some individuals on the subject might turn out to be unfounded, and that theappointments would be found to produce those effects which his Majesty's Minis ters anticipated. Now, his anxious hope, and he might add confident belief, was, that each of the persona holding the appointments in question would (as was the duty of all in their respective spheres) assiduously labour to put an end to the dissensions which operated to pervert the peace and prosperity of Ireland. He thought all persons pos sessing influence, of whatever kind, ought to endeavour (as was their bounden duty) to contribute to the accomplish ment of that good work, by avoiding and discountenancing i all attempts at inflaming passions, which, if allowed to I continue and augment, would, eventually be found dange rous to the pence, if not to the very existence of the country.—lle did not think it necessary to add any thing further in relation to the subjects intro 'ucell by the Noble I Lord. The measures which his Majesty'. Government bad I to propose would probably come under consideration when they should be introduced into that and the other House of Parliament. The question having been put on the Noble Earl's mr tion, the standing orders were dispensed with, and the Consolidated Fund Bill, which had been previously for warded a stage, was read a third time. Lord DURHAM presented a petition from Stockton, for an amendment of the criminal hsv. The Duke of RICHMOND presented a petition from Stockton-on-Tees, fur the abolition of the duty on sea borne mt.. SLAVERY. Thirteen petitions against negro slavery were presented by Earl GREY; also a petition to the same effect by the Earl of EssEx. Lord ST. VINCENT presented a petition from mem bers of the West India body resident in the metropolis, praying for protection and compensation ; a petition was also presented by Lord FARNHAM from inhlbitants of Bel fast, in favour Of the planters.—Adjourned. TRIAL OF THE EX-MINISTERS. EXPRESS FROM PARIS. COURT OF PEERS, TUESDAY, Dec. 21. SEVENTH DAY• The Court recommenced at half-past ten. The ex tern ►I appearance of M. de Pulignac bore the impression of great mental sufferings; the public attributed it to the cries which he probably heard last night from - the mob in the street,. M. Modier de Montjau, one of the Commissioners of the Chamber of Deputies, opened the debate by replying to the defenders, in support of the accusation. He maintained that, by the most in►prudent zeal for the accused, the de fenders bad been drawn into a downright panegyric of the Ide administration. But ought it not to be remembered, that if fallen majesty and misfortunes were surrounded with a kind of sanctity, that the honour and the rights of a great nation were no less sacred, and perhaps called still lender for the vindivation of those rights, when violated by the most signal acts of perjury? Acknowledging the itntnense ascendancy of the genius who had defended the accused, the honourable Deputy was of opinion that France ought not to be amnia' ited in order to justify those who had fallen victims to their imprudent pretensions, and there ore lie thought it his duty to justify his country, and prove that if the nation had expelled the Ihurbons it was because they always showed themselves the inve t; rate enemies of ',betty. Yet, notwithstanding their rights, the people had respected the person of the Prince ; they bad not taken vengeance upon his perjury, but then justice required that his criminaliadvisers should become answerable fur the blood which they had spilt. As the defender had attacked all the efforts of the people to sup port their rights under the restoration, the orator endea voured to show that far from being criminal their acts were authorised by the laws, and that was an advantage which the lute Goverment could not boast of. Their cir culars, their measures, all proved that they made use of the whole extent of their power to exert an illegitimate influence ever the elections. M. 'Metier de Montjau justified the Coniiti Directeur, and maintained that it had rendered the greatest service" to the country by op le.tolnynf:gttili jid..l:ieertftroidierssiehltvfilf:". The ministerial l :, i n g the intrigues responsibility, of f the w Administration. ' 6 1 71 h ave il a c t l r i:e a t a r i t:l e y i : . 3c p proved, In r d re , g o c a u . r r t t n i s t o t i ' . . ) u v n e:re i l i i g o n te l ,. o vt i t . i e l l :m d that w i r e a i r s t ' i h t n t o attack a in vet r t e tie f a u a s s g i i n a m i g r i t l s: r mi sfo rt thro n e tui e i itself, and tbe heads of our future monarchs. If the late King Lad pe rished at St. Cloud, or at Rambouillet, would not the responsible epi f r o te r zsee h nn i ut s te l : i f i e biee. a s n h t e l Tdi. t l l e t l e .i re t tr es e their responsibility ceased Ministtrs have been c o a w a i r i e t t i th s z t e r h d a i l y t e, h , e n e:b y t i l lo r o:i t ti tn ) l wet, signed by the Ministers, and on that signature alone they may he condemned. Fur it is no importance to know that the ordinances were the resu l t o f a pre vious knowled4e of the elections, or that they were the consequence of the principles which created the Mi nistryof the Bth of August The Com m i ss i oner , i n hi s reply, wade use of the same arguments as in the act of ac ssufficie of sufficient the tu ntry ou gosa ii o n, especially doing his utm os t to d emonstrate the evi ceagwaihnielth institutionstahleonewa & meg o La n c c i o rv it u si ti ti i r ; t t e prove that the ex-Ministere had r ea dily en t ere d i nto t h at conspiracy. M. Medier added, th a t w h en t h e or di nances c were published, the Ministers had redly met and delibe rated in council on the declaration of siege, and had signed that ordinance without the slightest mark of hesitation or regret. It was therefore useless to maintain that the Council had not assembled, and all the Ministers were equally culpable as having had an equal share in the de liberations. After making a few observations relative to the events of the I its revolution, and the cruelty of thole w h o caused it, the orator terminated as follows:—" A men, no l e es distinguished by the generosity of his heart than by the meat eminent talent, has addressed in words, imploring your clemency; were those noble events the expressions of the feelings of our glorious revolution, or were they merely the result of delusion ? Noble Peers, you w ill decide. It is not merely your position which places you above ell other magistrature,..-.it is also by your wisdom and by you r political experience that you are celled opt)* to decide whether you will fulfil the wishes eximsseti by another Chatnber, Thus, gentlemen, what ever may be your sentence, we shall remain convinced and respectful, and we shall with pleasure offer you the homage of that conadenee, which is for us a sufficient guarantee that you will Inow how to observe your right• kind duties." M. Martignac, defender of M. tie Pulignac, then rose to reply to the accuser. After informing the Court that be would not trespass long on their attention, he refuted the accusation relative to an illegitimate influence exerted by the Ministers over the elections. The orator read the artic!e of the Chat ter concerning the above transgression, and which only 'peaks of a violent and surreptitious kind of influence. Now it was evident that the Ministers had never thought of any illegal influence, and the depositions of the witnesses, as well as the letters of the ex-Ministers, could leave no doubt as to their innocence on that point. The second point to which the .accusers have referred, added M de Martignac, is the resistance opposed by M. de Polignac to the solicitations of Al. de Semonville, but M. de Polignac was on the point of setting out for St. Cloud when the latter arrived at the Tuilleries, but he arrived with M. de Sernonville though he left Paris after hint, and in one single instant he settled every difficulty, but he had already given in his resignation. Why should the accusers insist on this point ? Why should they speak of a delay of six hours, without which it is said, that per haps we should not now have another sentence to pro nounce, as well as that of the Ministers. Ah ! Gentle men ! this is, indeed, too much ! too painful ! The real responsibility is already a burden sufficiently weighty, without adding to it another moral responsibility ; I en treat you not to add this new misfortune, to those which are already accumulated on one devoted head ; for, indeed, such a blow would be fatal ; nature could not support it! —The orator then exposed with great energy, that the authors of the ordinance could never have intended to ex cite a civil war in the country. They may certainly have been deceived in their views relative to the good of the country, but never, no never, can it be supposed that Charles X. and his advisers had formed a scheme to bring down destruction on the nation, whom they still love, and ever loved, sincerely. And who would ever maintain that a man can be condemned for a crime he never intended to commit ? Would the Court of Peers of France pronounce such an unjust sentence? No, never. The orator entered into a long explanation of the I•i'th article of the charter, and of Ministerial responsibility, maintaining above all, that the Crown, as well as the King, was inviolable according to the true principles of a represeutative government, and the Crown having once fallen front the head of the King. his Ministers are no more responsible; the people refused the ex-Ministers for victims—they aimed at more illus trious hecatombs to sacrifice on the altar of liberty. Three generations of kings could alone satisfy their ven geance ; and this sacrifice, once accomplished, would it be just, would it be noble—to spill the blood of inferior vic tims? M. de Martignac terminated his speech in the following terms:—Noble Peers, there is something at the bottom of your hearts which will tell you that the present trial is not just—that it cannot be; for there are nu laws to justify the sentence, and this is ac knowledged by the accusers themselves. Now, 1 have accomplished my task, and I hope to have done it like a friend, and also like a man of hunour. Yours is now to begin, and it is a noble—a great duty you will accomplish —it is worthy of your high wisdom, and certainly, no external influence will have any power over your decision. Let those who pretend that you will be biassed by any kind of apprehension—let them count the Peers of Eng land in the trial of Stafford—let them also count the Peers who are in this Assembly, and they must remain con vinced that their criminal attempts would prove abortive. " The other defenders made a few observations of minor importance, and the Court then retired into another room, to appoint the hour of their deliberation. The audience adjourned at half-past one, when the pri soners were removed, and the Court cleared for the Peers to deliberate upon their sentence. Every thing of the trial was this day evidently hurried• on so as to get rid of this melancholy source of so much public excitement with urgent despatch. The sentence was not passed when our express left Paris. A courier was, however, in attendance to bring us that intelligence. (From the Times.) We hey. received by express the Gazette de France, Messager des Chanthres of yesterdty, the Moniteur, Galignani's Messenger, end the other French Pipets 01 Tuesday. CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES.—Dec. 20. STATE OF THE CAPITAL. M. Keratry having inquired what cause had given rile , to the proclamations posted up in Paris, Lafitte replied—We were led to expect that the disquietude which prevails to-day in the capital would tpheenesturba subject i t n w to ou tiis Chamber, l l ,ibeasked n of us. We t w ha e t h e a x r p e la r rti e i c a ei o y n ed s upon om the King and from you a difficult and sacred task—th a t of enforcing respect to the laws. We have employed our efforts to fulfil it. Amidst the crave circumstances in which we are placed lively apprehensions have been ex pressed, fears fur the King, for the Chambers, for jartice, —that is to lay, for France, for all these things are con nected, and at prrsent form but one. These apprehensions we declare aloud, are exaggerated. The Government, however, has nevertheless felt the necessity of acting; and in order not to take upon itself the responsibility of a de plorable error, if it should happen to deceiveltself by too f much confidence, acts as though these fears were well t founded ; it takes precautions as though they had for L their object certain and incontestable tact.. Pethaps there is a conspiracy against the public tranquillity; the Government arts as though it was certain of it.—(Hear, hear.)—lt will not be taken by surprise, nor will you. Force will remain with the law, or every one will have been wanting to his duty, which is impossible. t The Government is certain that every one will do his duty, because it will do its duty to the utmost extent. Who are those enemies secretly coalesced against the public tran , quality? It would not be impossible to point them out. On the one hood, the partisans of that which exists no longer, of that which cannot exist, of the Government dashed to pieces in July, treacherous partisans who assume all kinds of masks ; on the other baud, impatient and misled minds, men of deceived atnbition:—i n a word, anarchists. These are the enemies who combine to threaten the public tranquillity. They have laid hold of a pretext. Yes, Gentlemen, a pant—the trial of the ex•Ministera, and would avail themselves of this pre text to violate the laws, and give themselves up to ex cesses, the terminatio n of which is unknown. The Go vernment, as you may well believe, has given them no reason to suppose that it wished to contribute to a denial of justice. The Government had no opinion to express upon this trial. It expressed but one sentiment, and the only one that became it —namely, the desire that justice should pronounce with liberty of conscience. It has not encouraged either to pardon or to punish, because it had no encouragement of any kind to give, but said merely— " I will cause the laws to be observed." It said so, be cause every Government exists but to cruse the laws to be observed ; because a Government that does not do so rails in its most essential duties, and betrays the country. Men who are little uneasy about the fate of the four accused Mini sters, but who cannot endure order, have said on their side that the laws should not be observed They have said so, and this is what they wish. It comers little to them whether th's or that individual falls beneath the severity of Justice. What is of importance to them is to attack the existing state of things. Here is the secret of the premeditated disturbances, if they are real. Gentlemen, the brave po pulation of Paris must know that it is not against the re nitence of the ex-Miektera that they direct their effirts, bat against order. Now you may reckon, gentlemen, upoa the Government protecting order, because it is its duty. It has not to occupy itself with the issue of the trial of the authors of the criminal ordinances ; this is not its mission : it will defend the laws, the security of the citizens, and property. The Government, gentlemen, reckon upon the brave and magnanimous population of Paris, who have never been wanting to their duty, and who will rise together if it he necessary, to repress the attit 'tors ; it reckons upon the illustrieue General and the National Guards; it reckons upon the army, and upon all France; in short, who would not aid it in saving social order, wlen an attempt would compromise, not only Paris, but throughout the whole world ? We believe, gentlemen, that the disquietude spread in the capital is exaggerated, but whether well founded or not no matter; we 10141 it for well founded, and have combined all the means necessary to dissipate it. Every one will do his duty—the citizens and King, and force will remain with the law.--(Cheers.) Dupin said, although the Government has not affirmed the reality of the grounds, for the apprehensions of which it has spoken, it must be admitted that there is something serious and positive. Means have been pro vided, and we will not suffer ourselves to be alarmed. As to the Chamber, which now forms a court of justice? would it not be the most abominable crime to snatch vio lently from the place of its sittings men accused before it, ends who might to exercise the sacred right of defence, or It is contemplated t° attempt c b y thre a ts t t s o dtoila,o influence e revolution the decis i ons of s justice. c the capital, the eternal city ! Another danger would threaten the second Chamber I And what tight have men calling themselves Frenchmen to come and impose their will on the representatives of France ? Robbers, gentle men, and anarchists alone could in this city threaten the high powers of the State. The third project in the con 'piracy would be to attack the authority of the King—of i that popular King, *lsom we have torn from prink all the delights of which he has, by a generous whim abandoned to devote his life to the public good—te ,the safety of France. Nothing is so easy as to begin a revile. tion, and nothing so difficult as to finish it. Illißel gium finished her's? We have done every thing that could bring us to it. Let us take care to preserve it. The agitators seek the public ill ; if once we yield, we melt al ways yield. No, gentlemen, we will resist, The King wilt place himself at our head ; for ourselves, we will re* resin at our sea's, and, calm, amidst the tempests will do our duty. M Odillon Barrot enumerated the titles of the King to the national confidence, and the criminal wishes of those who seek to serve themselves of the people for their on profit—a people whom they have left wtthout instructien. and who, nevertheless, have shown themselves great sad heroic, and who will listen to our voice, which never flat tered any one. "We must," said the Hon. Deputy, 'se pirate the people from those who would use them as an la strument. It belongs to us to tell them, that they would compromise the country by using violence; they would compromise its internal safety, and bring back the reign of terror and the attacks of foreign powers." Guizot thanked the Government for the frank WO nor in which it had explained itself, and added*" It" by publicity that we overcame the Government debates X., and escaped from the plots that were formed spied oar liberties • it will still be by publicity , an d comitle te freedom of ;he tribunal, that we shall defeat our Walks) and cause all their plats to miscarry." The Minister for Foreign Affairs said that it wse duty of the Government to make known to the Chsolter and all France the troubles that manifest thenweletYlt this moment, and the imposing force it had to disilq' Men who had formed secret associations bad s ou g ht is ceive those generous youths to whom the country "s; , debted fur the triumph of the great week ; they la sought to mislead those simple and courageous men leh° earned their bread by labour, and who knewthat disetde r was a mortal enemy to industry. The Govveettlen t t o l i i r b e ever, had its eye upon them, and, when the time elt° it come, would smite those wire wished to emit* WI; large. Ile day of danger would not comes 110(11,he tional Guards, who never fai'ed in their sharer 45 icy peril, ought to give confidence to the eltinsbans Kr a° and to Europe. sem T b h ied e T i e n mp t s he of vthiciisnmityoronfintgh,erefLeurrziaemg bourg to tint er ies oir te d rd a al l : soya— if " ti l ie f co an n a s r e ch ie i n c c a e l o demonstrationsjudgescoiwere totrZedtillu; threatening clamours reaching even to the Courts thr ell i n the rate Court m t part ofth t e o National Guards Gitsuardiisaiinniser,mbecas sad in wish we should be the first, in the interest of justice WA -„t° notwe will not say, acquit w ith esfety,"bet try With honour. Thus, then, the agitators would prov a e that the trial of the exeMini.ters was only a pretext. lio 11 lion 1 would seek to render the judement and the condemns even impossible, by violence ! since they would force dges the sentence to be adjourned until the da y when the Ju should recover their independencee—that is to NO N apes ip, until the re-estahliihment of peace within and tel" lrsi ' ' since they would condemn themselves to alit still looker for !he victims, of whom they appear so gieedir l 'l Sfer whose destruction, after all, they ate st bottom mo." anxious thin for that of the Charter an il our iostittitire' These are the real victims condemned in their heart s ' ...1,,, We learn that forty individuals were arrested yota."l in the act of exciting to riot. A man was taken into ale - Cody in the Place du Chatelet, when bribing wer . , aleli „„r the o ff er of one franc per day; and another, la 11 1,' - , form of the old army, in the act of distributiog welt proclamations. The King, on being informed.°,l r. symptoms of disturbance, express ed, it is said' o f ,tlel. rijl4' mination of mounting hie horse a t the first signal ° and putting himself, with his so n, at the head a t,b• o P tional Guards and all well disposed citizen.. . . „.,',:i The National sar—" We learn that some yetteSTs', in the uniform of the Polytechn ic School, Wore Ileelibe faubourga yesterday,. exciting the groups. zieve"".„; t o. pupil, have requested us to state that none of Wil ts rades have been guilty of such acts; that not ooset .i l i i i d was absent from the institution at the time suentiontcl, that, if uniforms were seen, they were worn by '!"' duals who did not belong to the school." .... m . . Letters horn Rouen announce, that in coo ni an disturbances at Paris, 6, 000 of the National 0 4 ,... 119 '. 1 that town are ready to march to join their conljutnr` g arms in the capital. , .„ 1 , A large quantity of flour and corn, for the agile Toulon and Marseilles, has just b een brought gib, W'' of the Minister of War. 6 OO The garrisons of Corsica have been increased to ..L men; 3 000 con,cripts have been sera thither to con" - the number. • AO The Grenoble Journal, of the 16th instant' so , the following :—Letters from La Tour du Pin and Pe! de Beauvuisin, of the 12th and 13tb instant stat, SLIT Charnbery every thing is quiet. The conductor ufothOt henert Ronafoux, has just brought fresh and esti 6 41 .'3 intelligence on the tranquillity of the countries ieer, from Savoy by the Alps, which are now tots ' W i t h snow. A few Austrians guard the banks of the Y . L i ,"' the territory of Lombardy, but it is rather 00%4 station than a real camp, and nothing iudica•es tha t ~.7.0 , troops are destined to cross the frontiers to enteerto;‘, Travellers who have rased tbITUP Genoa Sad t oss moot, and who left Turin en the 10th instent, A at o f the meet perfect tranquillity prevailed ins eeeel,P;ool that part of Europe, and that the A us t r ians had u here au' ~".'a from their cantonments in Italy. These details ", transmitted to us by the Piefeet of the Isere." ISe The following intelligence is dated Arse. Deene*fro lu i hi " Every thing is quirt here. The cannontak arsenal by the insurgents were restored on the 11 _, A lli ' e rg, life of Al. Hunzinger, President of the 31 0 °70011 was endangered on the 9th. An individual e'. ost ieg him in the street with the design of ae11i., 51 ,,,0t, him, but fortunately the a.sasein failed in hie, "",;(the and is now in prison." Letters from 1 : 1 ° e '; b e rs Bth instant, state, that " the necessary ifies ur t o been taken to drive back the peasants who threstelloaA to t'w be ethe town. themselves in readiness to repair to their poete : °ll ; t b r eed signal. The town gates are open only wheo it ',„ 11 Oast day. light, and shut before it is dark. The tow n elie All cur militia have received ortienuti;", put into a state capable of supporting & sier i d ad ramparts are being repaired. the "' ilea clean csatt • widened, and openings are making in the company for i j o , The arsenal is placed under the guard of a ; 0 4 fantry and a detachment of artillery. The C°llll,a with arsenal is defended by several pieces of c olon, lw, 0 t ot case shot" From the canton of Thurgem we 44,„,000i order is restored there, and the p ublic mind 01" wore moderate and calm. 0 h) l" 1 " The Brussels papers of the 19th Oita 2-t, toile Yea reached es in due course this morning. The r i v, Van are the only paragraphs worth extracting l• - ** . de wed by weyer, whose departure fur P3riS bid been o i e j by by particular causes, set out last evening, W" n olta 6 M. Grodebien, a member of the Prneisional aover-h„,,,, It is believed that the object of their mission is Or Ro o. diate recognition of our Governme nt hy • that e t r aying The Dutch are at this moment oecupled in '°' i n the Brealtells Oaslburgh, Ysendyk, and Schondyhet f saGarewb Ghent a t as u rpe n u d tb e ui r tia:h r l ye eq du u na i Mostifnti,tuioin.inind.eidni:c g a i . i n l G e d eoinnfers:oltmdse"tpenmlatcipeeseTkil,h:elphboootraatistmea.sapnlpoidavilaaebtednDoutreer4venf.heeth'il, .. e .„ is o licir' st Yet. The accounts that had reached us of disunite" ent relative to the or nece 91 ' .1 " The following intelligence is dated Warsmos - of vernm o f tbe cio of Safety in the stnall towns and villages. The the jell' State, President of Masoria, has called upon 1-- o wl: hitants of that Palatinate to pay their taus lig d p The districts of Cracow, Kalish, Lublin, Plee k ' 1 11 00 0 !aside, have sent to the Provisional Goetl itnent 44'e t°1 in i which they strongly reproldite the clubs o f de . tt! ni siliN Diver measures have been adopted by the Prey isioloi ‘,Ol-i. vernment to ameliorate the situation of the ileill loners at 'Warsaw." the lb Letters frum Vienne of the 12th inst. rond o id of Count Joseph Metternich, brother of the Fr ifilt ter. Bank actions were at 1,002. YO (From the Gazette de France date! Tools „t o g danbeleco P fk as t v,Kd it .i t hos s toss , : D enboud e .te c er . Tdec 2 hta j O iiso . n — fcilirls Vi op : n e have received the °la letter Thee datd Warsaw, Dee. 9:—. 'estit ee Rus.ian troops which have already artl,oo,ooo s( a 4 r s e :ho o lo t r, t k h , e point of arriving, may be ettiirated et ' ganviuotfonthea°Pviest;rio°oosl.l,ljl trot Rosen,l: w T imnh i leo l e e nst e: c t Lithuania , o hoi r enf p acd s il:ua o gdn f uienaegrrtsra)a, ar e t c command?`) , m i y a , n t d o c e k g I , h e Y ori ! in i, e : to d e o r : 4 1( " 2. General Pohlen, who commands 400 - t itie hat c due fi alread at Wilms with some regiments, and the res. corps tohlow close behind. f for IsPil "B. H:s brother, who commands a corps 0 -, i „, , force, must have arrived in the government of Alt • 10r " 4. The corps of General Ruth, e cininV f r° " - davia, has arrived in Podolia. division ena o n t dc l t : g e r d r dibliyuv i s ron tw e ro ct :ii - r o ffe l t i l l : &l eis° " In the corps of General Rosen almost all tbe, nmste... of Infantry are Poles. In the mass of officers an ta r i Al l* , the tws nations are nearly equal in number. Orr'