The Sun. — London, England, 1864-05-07 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS—Last Evening, The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. DENMARK. The Earl of CARNARVON gave notice that on Mon day next he should call the attention of the house to the present state of the Danish question. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a second time :—Hertford Gas—Chichester Harbour Embankment—North Eastern Railway (York and Doncaster Branch)—Chichester and Midhurst Railway—Edgware, Highgate, and London Railway—and Watford and Edgware Railway. The following bills were read a third time and passed : Port Glasgow Harbour—Redruth and Falmouth Junction ittilway—Grand Western Canal and Bristol and Exeter Railway—lndependent Gas Company—Waterford and Limerick, Limerick and Foyness, and Rathkeale and New castle Junction Railway—Birmingham and Staffordshire Gas—South Yorkshire Railway—London, Brighton, and South Coast Railway (Kemp Town Station)—and Lanca shire and Yorkshire (additional powers). DEBTOR AND CREDITOR. The LO RD CHANCELLOR called attention to the state of the law of debtor and creditor as affecting the poorer classes ; and presented a bill for the limitation of actions and process fur small debts, and to amend the acts relating to the county courts, and to confer on such courts a limited jurisdiction in equity. The noble and learned lord said the subject was one of the greatest importance, because a s ma ny as 17,979 persons had been committed to prison by the act giving the power of imprisonment to county court judges. Some of those persons so sent to prison had been deprived of personal liberty for the most insignificant crimes, as there were cases in which persons had been imprisoned for the non-payment of such sums as Is. ld., 3s. 10d., ls. 6d., 2s, 9d., and in one case a man had suffered several days' imprisonment for default of payment of ninepence. The sum total of the amounts for these committals did not amount to more than £62,438, and no doubt could be entertained on the circumstance, because the calculations had been made upon returns made to Parliament. His lordship was of opinion that a creditor was not justified in imprisoning a debtor to the injury of society. To come to a right decision on the case it was necessary to inquire whether tne creditor gave credit under circum stances which justified and required him to imprison his debtor ; to inquire whether the creditor could say, " I have a right to this remedy on behalf of society, in order that I may be enabled to recover my debt." The present law was especially hard upon the labourer, because it in effect mort gaged the entire earnings of the debtor to the merciless creditor for an indefinite time, without the possibility or hope of redemption. He begged their lordships, but for one instant, to draw a comparison between the law as respected bankruptcy and that dispensed in county courts. In the one, on the surrender of his goods, a bankrupt gets a discharge from all his liabilities, whilst in the county court the poor creditor gets an order which hangs about his neck for years, and, in fact, from which he never, or seldom, liberates himself. The consequences of the county court system had become the very parent of the evil they were called upon to check. Small shop-keepers and pedlars tempted the improvident, and, he must add, dissipated poor. Credit being easily obtained, debts for things not actually necessaries was soon contracted, and on the first failure of payment resource is had to the county courts. In many cases goods are supplied by persons without the knowledge of the husband, as the pedlar generally calls when the husband is at work. As long as he keeps so she makes her payments to the pedlar, but when work fails the pedlar perseveres for his money ; the wife is unable to pay, and summonses by the hundreds are taken out by these sort of people, and thus a great deal of misery is oc casioned, in addition to which, in many cases, more than three times the value of the article was charged. Although the husband had no knowledge of the debt, he is cited to the County Court, and there he is ordered to pay the amount for which he never rendered himself liable. It had been said that this system of credit was necessary, and advantageous to the provident poor, but he denied that such was the case. On the contrarT, he thought that if it was altogether put an end to, it would lead to a more pru dent, careful, and provident state of things. (Hear, hear.) The bill he held in his hand, in the first place, would give power to the judge to take into consideration the whole of the circumstances of the debt. He thought it was not justifiable to retain the present pewer of impri sonment for debt, on the ground that it enabled the poor man to obtain credit in seasons of distress. He be lieved that this was in the long run no gain to the poor man, for he was much more likely to be encouraged in habits of care and forethought by a system under which he could not gain credit. He proposed, therefore, to abrogate entirely that part of the present law which enabled a county court judge to commit a debtor to prison merely because he was satisfied of his power to pay. It was necessary, however, to retain some principles of criminal legislation in this part of our law, and he therefore proposed that tor debts con tracted by fraud, false pretences, or breach of trust, the debtor should be subjected to one term of imprisonment, and he intended that this imprisonment should, under all cir cumstances, be a reality. He should also provide that whenever a man was brought before a county court judge, the judge (if satisfied that he had no means of paying his debts, and was not likely to have within a reasonable time) should call before himself all the creditors of the debtor, and ascertain what load could with propriety be laid on his shoulders. That sum would be divided amongst the credi tors, and the debtor would then be released from his liabi lities. That was the only way in which they could place a poor man who had become involved in debt in a position corresponding to that in which a person in a superior posi tion of life was p 1 ced by the operation of the bankrupt or insolvent laws. One clause in this bill would prevent any score for intoxicating drinks consumed in a public house from being sued for in a county court ; while another would limit the period within which small debts could be sued for or judgments enforced in the county courts, to one year after the debt was contracted or the judgment reco vered. The second part of his bill invested the county courts with a summary equitable jurisdiction, which he trusted would be exercised, and speedily, without a great amount of forte, and without much expense ; and would thus enable the poor man to obtain the same remedies which those who were richer obtained from the Court of Chancery. His lordship concluded by emphatically and earnestly com mending his measure to the attention of the house, and expressing his hope that it would tend to the benefit of the labouring classes. Lord CRA:`.IWORTH entirely concurred in the desira bility of getting rid of the power of imprisonment by county courts as far as was possible. The bill was then read a first time. NAVAL AND VICT T JALLING STORES BILL, This bill was read a s e eon d ti me . The house then adjdurned. HOUSE OF COMMONS—Last :Evening. The SPEAKER took the chair at 4 o'clQtic. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The F..ilkenny Cathedral, Economy Fend Bill, and the Scottish Central Railway (Stations, &e.) Bill were read a third time and passed. THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA, Mr. MARSH, in the absence of Mr. Lindsay, gave no tice that he would move a resolution to the effect that it was the duty of this house to consider what would be the effect of the continuance cf the civil war in America on this country. EMIGRATION FR OM IRELAND TO AMERICA Mr. SCULLY asked the Secretary o f S tate for the Borne Department whether his attention had been directed to the proposed Act of American Congress providing for the reduction of tonnage dues on immigrant vessels, and for the appointment of a Government Commissioner of Immigra tion, who shall be empowered to contract for th e importa tion of immigrants , an d for their transmission into the inland districts of the 'United States: and, whether it was the in tention of the present Government to, adopt any m easures either towards diverting into some of her Majesty's calonies an increased and increasing emigration from Ire land, or towards arresting that emigration, by providing industrial employment at home, or by reducing exorbitant taxation, or by i m p rov ing the land laws, or by abolishing religious distinctions, or by conceding to Irishmen some participation in the government of their own country, or otherwise ? Sir G. GREY said that his attention had been called to the subject which formed the first portion of the hon. mem ber's question, and th ere could be no dou b t th a t emigration from Ireland to Ame r i ca was going on very extensively, but it was the re su l t of superior wages offered in that country than were received at home, M the same way that Irishmen were induced to come to England, because they received better remuneration for their la bour than they did from Irish employers. With regard to the other part of the question, it was obvious that Govern ment could not take any active measure in providing in dustrial occupation for the agricultural portion of the Irish population at home; and, in reference to religion, Irishmen enjoyed as much liberty as any other portion of the United Kingdom. THE RAILWAY FROM HALIFAX TO QUEBEC. Mr. AYR fON asked the Secretary for the Colonies whether it was the intention of the Government to ask the sanction of Parliament, during the present session, for a guerantes of interest on a sum of money zequired to complete the railway from Halifax to Quebec ; an', if not, whether the intention of doing so was finally aizandoned, and whether any correspondence had taken place between the colonial offices and the authorities in Canada and British Columbia on the subject of the proposed telegraphic communication between Canada and the Pacific, subsequently to that which was produced last year; and, if so, whether he Lad any ob jection to lay copies of such correspondence upon the table? Mr. CARD WELL said it was not the intention of Go vernment to ask for any grant this session for the under taking in question, but the matter was under consideration. With regard to the second question there had been some correspondence, which would be laid on the table in a short time. DENMARK. Mr, NEWD.EGATE aske7l . whetber her MRjesty's Go vernment intended to adopt any measures likely to be more effectual than those which have hitherto been attempted, for the purpose of relieving the people and King of Den mark from the oppression to which they were daily sub jected P The hon. member endeavoured to address the house, and to enter into the general matters connected with the question, but was called to order by the speaker, Sir G. GREY said that the Conference was sitting, and he believed the first result would be an armistice, On the part of her Majesty's Government ho could only say that their desire was to effect an amicable arrangement between the German Powers and Denmark, and to restore peace. (Hear, hear,) NAVY ESTIMATES, In reply to Sir J. PAKINGTON, _ _ Lord C. PAGET was understood to say that he would lay the supplementary estimate for the increased pay of officers of the Royal Navy on the table before Whitsuntide, and that he proposed the discussion should come on shortly after the holidays. THE AURORA. Mr. D. GRIFFITH asked whether the Aurora frigate, under the command of Sir Leopold M'Clintock, had been sent to the North Sea in the direction of the Austrian squadron ; and if so, why a force more adequate to cope with any possible contingency that might arise had not been despatched at the same time ? Lori C. PAGET said that the Aurora had been sent to the North Sea according to a practice that had pre vailed in this country for some time, namely, that a British man-of-war should be placed in seas where the British nation had an interest, and where a foreign squad ron might be expected to visit. THE AUSTRIAN SQUADRON. _ . In reply to Sir J. PAKINGTON, Lord C. PAGET said that the Austrian squadron had left the Downs, but he did not know what was its desti nation. Sir G. GREY said that he could only repeat the answer . _ he had given on a previous occasion Co the effect that he had new assurances from the Austrian Government that the fleet was going into the North Sea merely to prevent a blockade of the Elbe and the Weiper. PUBLIC SCHOOLS: Mr. G. DUFF called attention to the Reports of the Public Schools Commission. He analyzed the report, with reference to the descriptions it gave of the present state of things, which were very unsatisfactory, and to the recom mendations of the Commissioners, which he discussed, supplementing them with recommendations and suggestions of his own, and estimates of the relative value and import ance of different branches of study. He noticed the subjects of discipline, of which the Commissioners reported more favourably than of the intellectual attainments of the scholars ; of the buildings; of recreations in relation to health, and remarked the omission in the report of any mention of the importance of some system of training masters. He concluded a long speech, which repeated in dications of impatience showed was considered too long,, by moving a resolution--" That the state of the higher school education in England is not satisfactory, and calls for the early attention of her Majesty's Government." The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, after re marking that the discussion of this subject so soon after the publication of the report might be thought premature, paid a warm tribute to the laborious and valuable services of the Commissioners, to whom, he said, the Government were indebted. With regard to the motion, he observed that it was premature, at least, to ask the concurrence of the house in a resolution which really amounted to a condemnation of the Commissioners. He defended the teachers of our public schools, and took a comprehensive view of the instruction received in the Universities and public schools of England and Scotland, combining training power and teaching power, claiming for those institutions a debt of gratitude from the country. in noticing the improvements suggested in the branches of learning to be taught there, he dwelt upon the danger of overloading the mind so as to prevent its faculties from growing and thriving. It was the inten tion of the Government, he said, to take the report into con sideration, with a view to legislate upon the subject, and he pointed out the objects to which Parliamentary legislation should be directed. Mr. WALPOLE recommended that the resolution should be withdrawn after what had been said by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Sir S. NORIPICOTE, one of the Commissioners, de. scribed their course of proceeding in the inquiry, especially in the matter of discipline. The resolution was withdrawn, Sir H. BRUCE moved a resolution, " That it is not just to charge the poor-rate in Ireland with the registry of voters and births and deaths, and that it be an instruction to the committee appointed on the subject of taxation in Ireland to consider how the said expenses may be more equitably charged." He complained of the hardship of this tax being laid upon the poor-rate, and contended that it had been so placed for reasons which were not valid. The feeling of the country he said was deep upon this sub ject. Sir R. PEEL replied to Sir H. BRUCE, and recommended him to withdraw his motion. After a few remarks by Mr ITENNmssY, the motion was withdrawn. Sir J. HAY moved a resolution, "That this House would view with satisfaction the distribution of the full sum awarded by the Order in Council of 1854 for the re tired officers in the Royal Marines, as it would tend to ex pedite the necessary promotion in that valuable corps." This, he observed, was a sum of money which the officers considered had not been distributed as it should be, and they therefore thought they were ill treated. Mr W. Wiati.ims opposed the motion upon cconcmical principles, and Lord C. PAGET upon the facts and merits of the case. This motion was also withdrawn. Mr. D. SEYMOUR. called attention to the practice of of transporting convicts and vagrants from the Channel Islands to Southampton and other southern seaports. He read statements which showed that by the criminal law of the Channel Islands such transportation was legalised. Sir G. GREY said his attention had been called to the matter, and he had directed inquiries to be made in Guern sey and Jersey, He had not yet received an answer to his inquiry from the latter island, but from Guernsey ho had received a complete answer (which ho read), showing that Mr. Seymour must have been misinforry.ed. Mr. aI'EVOY moved the followink resolution That her Majesty's Government shou t ,,:i now adopt the recom mendation of the Select Comr -itttee of 1858, which recor. mended her Majesty's G O- iernment to take into cons'.dera tion the claims of Ir - ,tand to a grant of the halt cost of medical Akers in - anions, with th© view of - providing for the same in fv;,tire, as is now the practi ce i u England and Scotland,' " Sir T 2... PEEL insisted that no 'good ground had been 38 '' . ..gned for the relief sought, and recommended the with drawal of the motion. The motion was supported by Mr. Monsell, Colonel Dunne, Mr. Bagwell, Mr. Hennessy, Sir H. Bruce, and Lord J. Browne ; and opposed by Mr. Peel and Sir G. Grey. Upon a division, the resolution was negatived by 73 to 58. DENMARK AND THE CONFERENCE. Sir H. VERNEY rose to ask the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to state to the House whether he had reason to believe that the States of Holstein formally thanked the King of Denmark for what he had done in altering the succession, and, if so, on what authority he entertained that belief; whether the intimation, in despatches 709 and 784, that the movement in the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein in favour of separation from Denmark was not spontaneous, rests on the authority of any agents of the British Govern ment; and if he would lay upon the table any documents or despatches on these subjects, And to move an address for copy of the answers received from the Governments to whom invitations were addressed to attend the Conference now sitting in London. The hon, baronet observed that no change in the succession to the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein could legally be effected without the consent of the provincial Estates, but in the present instance that consent bad not been obtained. What was called the New Consti tution was indeed submitted to the Estates, but with the I express order that the first six paragraphs of the constitu tion of Holstein and the first four paragraphs of the con stitution of Schleswig should not be discussed. The Estates of Holstein thereupon protested, by 40 against 5, that the foregoing paragraphs would have no validity in the duchies. He thought no one would venture to deny that the duchies had a right to be consulted en the subject. Holstein and Schleswig were in ancient times united in one common Diet, and, in 1460, that Diet elected the head of the house of Holstein-Oldenburg as their ruler. So the matter remained until 1616, when the common Diet decided that the future law in the two duchies should be primogeniture, and in the main line, which law was in favour of the Duke of Augustenburg. The last Duke of Augustenburg (the old Duke Christian) received a sum of money, about 1340,000, for his estates, which were worth £600,000, and he at the same time agreed not to interfere with any ordinance of succession which the King of Denmark might by legal means carry into effect. But Duke Christian was the only member of the House of Augustenburg whose consent was sued, The assent of the Estates was never obtained, and the afncti, who were entitled to succeed in the duchies, were not consulted at all, The alteration, he might observe, was not made by the treaty of 1852, but by the repeal of the in ie n c o rc i g v:i .4 y in e ffleBcst 185'x, or duchies, as he l i a t al re r l e a g te a d however, could only to Denmark proton He denied altogether that the existing state of feeling in the duchies had bean brought about by means of German agents, but the contrary opinion was widely entertained, and that fact showed the necessity of the Government giving information on the subject. Sir F. GOLDS\IID wi s hed to make one remark with regard to the spontaneity of the people before the Under- Sd r e i triesh agents ta ry rose fort reply, infarm aft nupon was no t necessary to refer to thesubject, had it on th e aut h ority of Herr von B isrii ark and when Count. they Rechberg, that thirty or forty millions of Germans were anxious for the annexation of the duchies. What, then, became of the question of spontaneity ? He would not com pare the rule of the Danish Government in the duchies with that of the English Government in Ireland at the time of the penal code; but what, he would ask, would be the condition of Ireland in that day if she had been placed close to France instead of England ? Would it not be ut terly imposeible to ascertain whether any moveaunt on the THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MAY 7, 1864, part of tho Irish people was spontaneous or not ? Until the small German Powers had moved in the matter, there was no enthusiasm felt for the Prince of Augustenburg in the duchies; but of course when the German armies entered, and drove out everybody favourable to Denmark, there was wonderful unanimity on the part of those who remained for the dominant side. (Oh.) Mr. LAYARD said he would confine himself to answer ing the questions of his hon. friend, but ho would premise that if the doctrine he had laid down—namely, that that country was as populous now as she was at the time of her dismemberment —were to prevail, it would be diffi cult to tell what the condition of Europe would become. His hon. friend had not accurately quoted what he had said on a former occasion with regard to the Estates of Holstein and Schleswig, He 'nad not on that occasion pronounced any absolute option as to whether or not the Estates had the power to "discuss constitutional questions. What he had said was, that it was supposed their powers were confined to tho o .iscussion of local questions. His hon. friend had also imputed to him the assertion that the Diet had not objected to the question of the succession ; but the fact was, that when Earl Russell made his proposal in 1862, that proposal was accepted by the Diet as a satisfactory arrangement. With regard to the spontaneity of the movement in the duchies, it was manifest from the documents before him that it had been brought about by German agents. What was the testimony of Consul Renault on the point ? Consul Renault stated that he had never heard any sentiment ex pressed against the King of Denmark, but, on the contrary, the people said that if he had the power he had the will to make his people happy and contented; and with the ex ception of the large landed proprietors there were but few people in the duchies desirous of a separation from Denmark, (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Layard) maintained that the feel ing of the great majority of the people was in favour of Den mark; although he would not deny that they had certain grievances. Her Majesty's Government had always repre sented to Denmark that she had not fulfilled her promises, but was it because Denmark had not fulfilled her promises that this country should not take her part ? What he main tained was that Austria, Prussia, and Germany, having ob.. tained all they had a right to ask before the war commenced, for them to go to war under such circumstances was a glaring and manifest injustice. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Grosvenor had not been sent into the duchies to inquire as to the feelings of the inhabitants. Ou the contrary, Mr. Buchanan had warned her Majesty's Government against relying upon the conclusions of that gentleman. As far as Mr. Grosvenor was concerned, his conclusions were no evidence one way or another. But, according to the information which hal reached him (Mr. Layard) —indeed, it was a matter of notoriety—there was certainly no desire in Schleswig to elect the Prince of Augustenburg, or to separate entirely from Denmark. That was the impression of all who took the trouble to inquire into the true facts of the case. He thought it was desirable at that stage of the proceedings to avoid entering into fresh matters, as well as everything that might impede the restoration of peace; and for that reason also, he should object to the production of the papers moved for. Lord R. CECIL said, before the house passed from the question, he desired to enter his protest, Although the enormous majority of that house sympathised with Denmark in this struggle—(cheers)—members had thought it wiser in the existing negotiations, not to impede whatever ehane 4 existed for the restoration of peace by entering with , un necessary veheme nce i n t o th e di scussions which were got - ..hisanderstood up. But he feared that reticence had been by the hen, member for Buckingham H.Verney) and the other partisans of Germany in tb house, whom, how ever, they might count upon tb _i;ir fingers—(cheers)—but who, by their skill in ingenr.4. ty, had contrived to give the people cut of doors a false was a German p ar t y and delusive impression th a t th ere in the House of Commons. (Loud cheers.) He w c . hld confine hims e lf t o t rus ti ng t h at no one out of doo is would entertain the impression that be cause the ;gild and chimerical statements of those gentle men wr.,re not contradicted, that therefore they were ad wit',ed. The discussion upon the subject could not be taken until the negotiations were brought to a conclusion, or without exposing to additional dangers those with whose sufferings they most heartily sympathised. (Cheers.) Mr. NEWDEG A T E rejoiced in the speech of the noble lord, and expressed his conviction that, were it not for the sea—on which England once had some power—the State of Denmark would be swept out of the category of nations. Sir H. VERNEY denied that he had expressed any sym pathy with Austria or Prussia, but only with tho inhabi tants of the duchies. (Oh, c 4.) The motion was then withdrav,u. UNDER-SECRETART . - ES INDEMNITY BILL. This bill passed thro,:igh committee, LOCAL GOFER:NIMENr SUPPLEMENTAL ACT. This bill was 'read a third time and passed. NAVAL AGENCY DISTRIBUTION. This hill, as amended, was considered. VPPLY. The report of supply was brought up and agreed to. CHIEF RENTS, IRELAND (STAMPS). This bill passed through committee. INTOXICATING LIQUORS (SALES ON SUNDAYS) Mr. SOMES, in moving for leave to bring in this bill, said that the principal objection to the measure last year had been closing public-houses all day on Sunday. In the present measure he proposed to give the people facilities for obtaining their dinner and supper beer by allowing the public-ho'ases to be opened from 1 to 2 o'clock, and from 8 to 9o' dock in the evening. The bill, he said, was for the beeiefit of working men and their families, many of whom themselves prayed for this measure. Individually he doubted whether the concession he now proposed would be for their advantage. He made them, however, in deference to the expressed opinion of the house, on whom he left the responsibility of accepting or rejecting the measure. Mr. PEASE seconded the motion, reminding the b - e e , that the chief difficulty which philanthropic and rot' :e i ou institutions had to cont en d w ith was th e drinkir4 customsof the country. H e h o p e d th e h ouse wot l' fa agree to the motion, for if they did th ey would fi the clauses wer e no t so o b jec t ions in committee that rights as many hon gentlemen N%ith regard t o private Mr. ROEBUCK woe seemed to imagine. .: Id not d e t a i n t h e h ouse for many minutes, for there w are two thing be brief—one tb s which c ompe ll e d hi m to :e lateness of th e h our, and the other the fact that th introduction of a bill was supposed to be a mere matter ' - ef courtesy. Ho had no financial hatred to this me".eure ; his only desire was to protect his countrymen in 'che fair enjoyment of their rights and liberties. (Hear, hear.) As for the question of courtesy, he begged the house to re collect that though the present was said to be a different bill from that which was decided last year, it was in reality the same. (Cries of " No, no," and cheers.) Hon. gentlemen might cey "No, no," but before he had done he would prove " yes." (A laugh.) The ground of this bill was two told. There was a body of people in this country who were Sabbatarians; there was also a body of teetotallers. These two muddy streams had concentrated. (A. laugh.) Running side by side for a long time, they had at la2t united their waters, and now they formed one foaming, muddy river, which it was difficult to stem and very disagreeable to see. [An Hon. Member—" And to smell." i i Aye, and to smell. (Laughter.) These two sets of people had joined their forces on the present occasion. Why did he oppose them ? First and foremost, because this was a law for the poor and not for the rich. (Cheers.) A rich, well-to-do man could have his own beer or wine in his own house, he could draw his beer or uncork his wine when he chose, but that was not the case with a poor man. (Hear, hear.) Parliament began with fiscal regulations. It had put a tax upon malt, and he had always voted with the Chancellor of the Ex. chequer on that subject, but he had always felt that he was preventing the poor man having his own bear in his own house and driving him to the publichouse. (Hear, hear.) He wished the house to understand that every man who went into a publichouse was not a tippler. (Cheers.) The poor man who was compelled to go to the publichouse was like the gentleman who sent down his butler for his glass of wine when he wanted it. (Hear, hear.) If the hon. member for Hull and his friends were really in earnest—if they were anything more than canting hypocrites—(laugh ter)—they would propose a law for the rich as well as the poor. (Cheers.) Not only would they shut up every pub lichouse—not only would they shut up the Star and Garter at Richmond, and the Trafalgar at Greenwich, but they would also shut up every club in London. (Cheers.) Would they dare to introduce a bill for that purpose ? If not, how could they presume to say they were the friends of morality and justice ? (Hear, hear.) He spat upon their paltry pre tence. (Cheers and laughter.) He had no hesitation in saying that those who were endeavouring to bring in this bill under the guise of being the protectors of morality were merely carrying out their own individual views respecting the enjoyments of others. (Hear, hear.) "We are virtu ous," they exclaimed, "and therefore you shall have no more cakes and ale." (Cheers.) The introduction of this bill would create dissension throughout England. (Cries of "No, no," and cheers.) "Yes, yes ;" it would create the necessity on the part of those who thought as he did of sifting the sentiments of the people of England, as they did last year. The seconder of the motion had talked of repre senting a large constituency. He represented a still larger constituency, and he oppose e the bill, (Hear, hear.) Last session he presented a petition signed by 20,000 people, and when he went down among his constituents during the year what occurred ? Several gentlemen came to' him and said, " Oh, this is a people's measure, and you must support it." His reply was, Prove that to me and I will vote for the bill." They had a meeting in the open air, and it was car ried against them by a majority of thousands. (Hear, hear.) So much for this being a popular measuie. He represented a set of hard working men who were confined to a smoky town all the week, and, as he said to these gentlemen, if he lived in Sheffield he should be very glad to get out on a Sunday to breath a mouthful of fresh air. A working man who had expended his week in hard labour was naturally glad to get out of Sheffield for a few hours on Sunday, but if the hon. gentleman's bill passed he would find the door of every publichouse shut against Lim, The man was not necessarily a tippler. What right had they to say to t',, t man that ho should only have his luncheon at 1 oe elock and not at 3, if he liked it b es t t h en ? Publichous'es in the country were only open n ow f rom I to 3, and fr o m 5 to 11. What harm was there in th a t ? A working m an in London went out on Sunday for a few hours' recreaeion, and then these sour gentlemen turned round on him., and said " You ought to be at church." (Hear.) That was their creed-- that if they kept a man out of the publiclouse they sent him to &lurch. If a rose were religiously inclined be went to church before he took his walk in the country, and was it not a way of worshipping the great Creator to walk among His works and admire their beauty ? (Hear, hear.) The bill would not put an end to drinking—it would force men to break the law. There would be just as much drunken ness as ever, and a great increase of hypocrisy. (Hear.) The hon, gentleman had quoted the example of Scotland. Scotland was an ascetic country, with a peculiar flavour for what was called Sabbath observance, and it was the most drunken country on face of the earth. (Cheers and laugh ter.) A friend of his who had been in Scotland on a visit had brought back a very good story. He was stopping in the neighbourhood of a very beautiful waterfall, and when Sunday came round, there being an interval between kirk and dinner, he said " I'll go and see your waterfall. " Gude mon," said his host, " it's the Sabbath." (Laughter.) " What, thea," replied his friend, " can't I see God's works on God's day ?" " Oh, no," replied the host ; " yak =um stay here—you can't break the Sabbath." (Laughter.) And in deference to his host the gentleman staid indoors and they sat down to spend the day in tippling. (Loud laughter.) This was a well-to-do house, where they could drink their own beer and whisky without having to send out of the house for it. Did the hon. gentleman believe that he would make men worship God more completely by compelling them to abstain from walking abroad ? What he wanted was to turn this nation into a sour, ascetic, hypocritical people. (Hear, hear.) The biJl was the same in substance as that which was introduced last year, and the hon. gentleman wag honest enough to say that the modifications which he had introduced were against his will. That was exactly the principle of the promoters of the bill—they thought a thing was wrong, but still they did it. (Laughter.) The bill last year was rejected with ignominy, and to prevent the dissen • sion and dissatisfaction which were occasioned then ho would ask the house to mark its sense of it by refusing leave to introduce it. (Hear, hear•) Mr, CLAY said, that 1111 several important modifications had been made in the bill in deference to the opinions ex pressed in that house last year, his hon. friend and colleague was entitled to be allowed to introduce the bill. Sir W. JOLLIFFE, while professing the greatest re spect for the mover and seconder of the motion, and lament ing the inclination to drink which prevailed in this country, would appeal to the house and the Government not to allow an agitation to take place such as had been witnessed a few years ago. (Hear, hear.) The present measure would create a similar agitation, and it might possibly also end in the whole of the restrictions in regard to Sunday being entirely swept away. (Cheers.) Sir G. GREY said that, in deference to the strong opinion expressed by large numbers of persons throughout the coun try in favour of a measure similar to the present, he had upon a former occasion voted fcr its introduction, and he had no occasion to regret having done so, because a full discussion of the subject was the result. That bill, however, bad been rejected en the second reading by a large majority, and he must therefore refuse to go through such a 'process again. (Loud cheers.) If . alfr,wed to bs int ro d uce d, an d the second fixed for some weeks h ence , great agitation woul the d bill i reading take' were were place, and he was quite sure the bill would be ultimat",ly rejected. He thought it would be unwise, inex- PectiP"...t, and unnecessary to discuss the question again. (.r:heers.) Mr. HORSFALL censured the tone of the remarks made by the hon member for Sheffield (Mr. Roebuck), as unbefitting the dignity of the house. Mr. PACKE, who rose amid load cries of "Divide," opposed the introduction of the bill, vrhich would have the effect of punishing the innocent for the guilty. The house divided— For the motion Against it Majority against leave :o intro duce the bill The house adjourned at twenty-five minutes to one o'clock. The War in Denmark. (From the Times Special Correspondent lately at the Danish head-quarters.) COPENHAGEN, May 3. The Danes are brought to a state which is neither war nor peace; and strange :o say, they (11 not seem to consider it a particularly uncomfortable condition of bei ng , Dybbol Is gone and Ale is going; Fred er i c i a fallen; J ut l an d as f ree l y open to invasi on as S chleswig; Egremont-Lin den krone, with his 3,500 horse and foot, is eluding the Aus trians in some far away corner of the Cimbrian Peninsula, dodging the enemy behind some inlet of the sea, watching his opportunity to embark and take himself and the fortunes of Denmark out of the lett mainland. On this side the Little Belt, at Strib and Midilefart, the Dannebrog is still waving defiance to the German birds of prey, one-headed and two btot, to ail appearance, under defending the island of Funen to the utmost. Defence, how ever, necessarily implies attack ; and it, moreover, supposes, on the part of the defenders, means some what commensurate with the forces of theassailants. An attack upon Funcn, on the part of the Austro- PrussianB, is more than can be expected even of the vanity and infatuation of those two Powers ; nor is it at all likely that they will be induced to adopt suck a course simply because the Danes wish it, and augur well from it for themselves. Should the Germars really make the attempt to force their way across the Strait, it is not so certain that all the strength of what still remains of the little Danish army would have power to hinder them, or to hold any part of the island against them, not, at least, until the Danes can muster in th e fi e ld b e tt er artillery than they now have —an artillery which, as experience has shown, is no more a match for the Prussian rifled cannon than a penknife fora sword blade. The Danes, however, aro not so very san guine as to their ability to keep Funen if the Ger mans put forth their strength to take it. They foresee the day in which all their dominions may be reduced to their sovereign island of Zealand ; nor are they confident that even their boasted maritime superiority may not vanish before the combined that o a t f their barbaric ab capital.ri h king ; whose efforts of the German and Austrian fleets, and that s a t ded upon every suggestion the war may not be brought to the s h ores o f the io Sound and to the ba We have all read of n h ambitious plans expanded of what was to follow after the fulfilment of each scheme of conquest, Syria after Egypt, Media after Syria, and Baotria, and India —and then ? The Danes reverse all that, and you cannot drive them into a corner and &Main an answer to your question as to what will be left to lose after ail is lost. Jut land and Schleswig, Funen after Jutland, the fleet, and the capital. What nest? When n othing is left to fight for, will they make peace ? Will they accept the conqueror's terms when not an inch of ground remains whereon to sign their name to the treaty ? The Danes ventured on this war upon false ex honour nor for tte i n t erest of Europe t ex pectations. They thou g ht th at i t was ne i t h er for the should be saerifie e d. Th ey trusted to t h e c hapter of accidents. They felt s ure th a t somet hi ng would turn up in their favour—th a t th ey cou ld n ot be without natural allies or protecto rs i n t h e world. They are that they now in the condition of a gambler who has staked his whole on a l os i ng card; they are growing des perate, and cont en d t h at the If Red" must turn up after all ; so l org as t h ere is li f e th e re is hope; the game has o n l y to b e k ept up, an d w h e re'a defender failed, an ave rger may arise. Europe immolates them to her flexions love of peace ; she would not fight to keep t h em a li ve; obe may have to battle on their g rave, and be involve d i n their ruin. The politi ca l h or i zon is cer t a inly not unfavour able to th ose who are on the look-out for squ a ll s , and Holstein have Schleswig a been r e l t a a i k tn e e n d f r o o n m D behalfen - mark, but it i s not very clear for who se b ene fi t they were conquered. They : e of Germa ny. But who, as yet, has been abl e t o make out w h at i s Germany ? Succes s h e done wonders towerds id en tifying Prussia with th a t misty abstraction, and the German papers already cry out not o n ly f or t h e an nexation of th e 4g sea. girt" p rov i nces to the Bran d en b urg monarchy, but also for th e rallying of the V a t er l an d nationality round the th rone of the Ho h enzo ll ern , Wi ll Aus tria ever reconcile h erse lf to the blunder w hi c h made her i nf e rumental towards p l ac i ng the German higemonie in the hat's o f her hereditary rival P Will she allay ? it to be said that she was s tupid enough to heir s Denmark, to enrich Prussia with the spoils of of Germa- .1 ar.d to enli s t in her favour those suff rages patriotism which the Cabinet of Berlin had frr.en 1813 to 1863 done ail in its power to aliP.nate ? Will Austria avow that she has thus cut tier own throat, and lavished her gold and blood to shut herself out of Germany? These are the questions the Danes put to them selves, and they are ready to reckon upon their present Austrian foe as a possible future ally. They are aware, also, that there are three Germans in the field ; that there is in the free cities, in the small Courts, in the democratic unions of that besotted Vaterland, a party no less hostile to Prussian ambiti on th an A uetr i a herself, There is the Augustenburg faction, the Universal Suffrage set. Prussia will ha ve to settle with them ; she will have to settle with those who sympathise with them. Suppose Prussia takes Holstein, Schleswig, Sat. land, Fumen, Zealand, the Sound ; suppose the pres tige of conquest wins over to her every patriotic heart in Germany; suppose she snubs the Frankfort Diet, spurns the small fry of princes, beats Austria from the field, builds up the old empire of the 0 thos and the Hohenstaufen. She may not be out in her reckoning with Germany: bet rha't of the rest of Europe? The annexation of Holstein, and even of a part of Schleswig, to a strong German State infallibly leads to the occupation of the Sound and the maritime supremacy of Germany in the naltic at no distant period. Will Denmark be the only loser by such an arrangement ? Have Russia, Sweden, and England nothing to say to it? The aspirations of Germany are boundless. They are in inverted ratio with the state of prostration and impotence in which the country has so long been lying. It is because the Germans are nothing that they expect to become everything. Should the Teutonic os only get rid of the iron ring which his rulers have cunningly driven through his nose, he would become a very buil in the European ohina shop. Mayhap, there are those who find 1 it is for tho common good that the useful animal should thus be ringed and chained to his stall. Mayhay, France is not in a hurry to have so powerful a neighbour near her, and is not to be propitiated by the little strip of territory in the valley of the Save, with which Prussia might hope to compound for the consent of the Emperor Na poleon to her projected aggrandisement. The " rectification of her natural frontiers" is doubt less, a great object with that country whi';h has just annexed Savoy and Nice. The question is whether France would gain more by thwarting or by humouring her Rhenish neighbour. The great Imperial cat has been pretending to be asleep all the time these German mice had their dance and carouse. It was not without an inward purr that he saw the incautious Prussian removing his neighbour's landmarks. "Go on, gentlemen," he said in his heart, " trample on the sacredness of old treaties; appeal to the right of the strongest; set up the cry of nationality; hallow the principle of universal suffrage. Trouble the waters of Europe, and let us see who shall fish the deepest in them." The war in Denmark, the Danes think, began with the silent consent of France ; it can hardly terminate without her outspoken fiat. Whatever Prassia and Germany may gain by their aggressive policy, they have surely placed themselves at the mercy of the Emperor Napoleon. They will either have to relinquish their hold of Danish territory, or they will have to make amends to France either by a spontaneous offer, or by a forcible spoliation. And how can France be won over by a paltry dis trict on the Save, when she can seize upon a whole region on the Rhine. Oh ! but England and Russia, and all Powers interested in the public order of Europe, will stand up for Belgium, at least, if not for the Prussian provinces of the Rhine. Possibly ! But they will have equally to uphold the rights of Denmark on her own posses. sions. Europe is a castle of cards, and the whole edifice topples down if only one of the paste boards on which it is based be removed. Nothing easier than to sacrifice Denmark and leave her to her fate. Hardly possible to avoid a universal subversion of the existing state of things ; hardly possible to escape the dangers of a general Euro pean war. THE PRUSSIAN WAR CONTRIBUTION. The following is the proclamation issued by Field "Marshal Wrangel, the Prussian-Commander-in- Chief, imposing a forced contribution upon the inhabitants of Jutland : Head-quarters, Veile, April 28, In compensation of the damage to property caused to Prussian as well as to other German subjects by ships and cargoes being captured and condemned by the Danes, a present contribution is hereby imposed upon Jutland of 650,000 Prussian dollars (V 6,000). This sum corresponds to the amount of injury ir flicted, and is liable to be increased upon tuore exact calculation of the damage; possible sur plus, upon the other hand, arising after payment of the com pensation will be refunded, Upon partition of the above-named amount, 50,000 Prus sian dollars fall to the share of Veile. This sum is to be paid without delay to the head of the Requisition Depart ment, Major von Beekedorff, of the IVestphalian Jager Battalion, if it is desired to avoid the inevitable military compulsory measures. VON WRANGEL, Field-Marshal. The intelligence which has been received here from Jutland shows that the population generally has refused to pay the required contribution, and that the Prussian troops have already commenced to employ force in obtaining their demands. The Dagbladet published the following telegram from the Town Commandant at Bogensee yesterday The Prussians have carried away 11 citizens from Hor sens. The passport accompanying them was inscribed "To Rendsburg, and further." The 100,030 dollars demanded by Von "Wrangel in Horsens has been refused. The citizens will rather submit to be plundered. Tho inhabitants of Veile have also refused payment. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS, TlMES.—Every man, we are told, who is his own doctor has a foal for his patient, The proverb is a specious one, but it is more likely to have originated with the profession than with too public. All re gular practitioners object to the interference of amateurs, and the proceeding must be especially obnoxious where the interloper is insured against loss and discouragement, by the possession of an inexhaustible puree. These considerations have a material bearing on the questions raised by the debate of Thursday evening on our manufacturing departments. No doubt there is much to be said against the system, but the arguments on that side of the case lie on the very surface of things, and are easily seen, whereas the opposite considerations are not only less obvious but less immediately appreci able. In fact, it is difficult at first sight to uncle: - stand how Government can be anything but a loser by taking into its own hands the manufacture of fabrics rt quired for the use of the State, instead of purchasing them on the cheapest terms in open mar ket. Mr. Cobden condensed the case against Govern ment manufactures with characteristic force and decision. When a Government turns manufacturer it acts ander none of the responsibility which con trols a private trader. It has no effectual incentives to economy; it can never be bankrupt; it is not bound to make both ends meet, and it can never, in our own case, be short of means, for it has a " bound- Jess, almost a bottomless purse." That there shculd be anything like genuine thrift under such conditions is almost inconceivable. A system in volving D 9 inducements to save may undoubtedly be regarded as " conducive to extravagance and waste." No limit need be put upon costly ex periments, and, what is even worse, no stop can be put to production when the demand for produce ceases. As a Government is its own customer, and has no other customer, its establishments, unless they are left in wasteful idleness, must always be turning out Government stores, though It may often happen that no more stores are wanted. Only the other day it was actually argued that we must build wooden ships, or, at any rate, wooden frames, not exactly because they were better than iron ships, but because we had enormous stores of timber which could not be otherwise turned to account. Of course this lind of practice is costly. Mr. Cobden's own estimate, which he gave as the conclusion of " all practical men of business," was that in the manu facturing establishments conducted by Government " about half the expenditure was wasted." This, considering the magnitude of the figures involved, is a very serious affair, and nobody can be surprised at the dissatisfaction which was expressed. But there really is something to be said on the other side. The regular manufacturers of the country, who are included probably in Mr. Cobden's pray tical men of business," do not like these Government establishments, and ere naturally ready to furnish evidence against them. The millions of money which Sir H. Willoughby spoke of as lavished on these departments represent just so much custom withdrawn from private firms, If all the votes for wages, stores, and yards were transferred to con tracts, the amount of business created would be enormous. But this is not the only point in the case. Government, by manufacturing for itse lf, not only deprives the regular practitioners of the the work thus performed at home, but obtains it means of checking their prices in the work which puts out ; so that there is a loss to the trade both ways. The private establishments get less to do, and are obliged to do that little better and more cheaply than they would do i ot h er wise. Here, in deed, lies the great argument for the manufactu rin g establishments of Government. Perhaps they do cost a great deal ; hut when we are told that the Government manufactory of gunpowdar " pro flqeer; ehcr.re , ,r and better powder than bad before been obtainCd," that the gnn factory at 'Woolwich " brought down the cost of the taanufant”re at Elewick 25 per cent,," and that since the esta blishment of the Government clo hing manufactory at Pimlico " the contract price had been reduced," it becomes impossible to denyithat these departments do yield a substantial return. Nor must it be for goiten that such establishments are of extraordinary value in cases of emergency. At periods of pres sure the liovernment, except for those resources, would be absolutely in the hands of private manu facturers, and must submit to any terms imposed. One of the examples frequently taken is the case of transport ships. It is said that a large saving would he effected by employing hired merchantmen ex• elusively on this service, but the price paid for such service in the Crimean war was so enormous that we might ;have built and maintained a fleet of Go vernment transports with the money. Mr. Cobden compared the American practice with our own in regard to the supervision applied to the estimates by Parliament. We cannot say what has been done Congress, but as far as official views are concerned we know that the Federal Government adopts ex actly the theory advocated by our own. In the last report made by the Fedet al Secretary of the Navy he enlarges on the absolute and immediate neces sity for creating public establishments on a scale commensurate with the developments of the public service. He is all for Government yards, Govern ment arsenals, and Government manufactures. He represents the case as urgent and the necessity as incontestable, and follows exactly the argument advanced on Thursday evening, by observing, with respect to certain new and important models, that the Government, having "no suitable yard and establishment" for the execution of such works, is " wholly in the hands of private parties to demand what they think proper, and prescribe their own terms." The Americans, it is clear, are learning precisely the lesson which we learnt, and under very similar circumstances. To be prepared for the emergency of war we must do one of two things—we must either keep an im mense quantity of stores, or be ready at any moment to increase the rate of production. If we adopt the former system, we can procure our supplies by con tract ; but in that case, as Lord Hartington re- marked, the interest of the money represented by those stores must be taken into the reckoning. Be sides this, too, we ran the risk of seeing our pat- terns superseded by better models, and of finding ourselves with an enormous stock of inferior and unserviceablearms. From these liabilities Govern ment factories relieve us. They enable us, at a time of pressure, to obtain considerable supplies without the delay of an instant, or the slightest accession of charge; and they act also to a proportionate extent in depressing the prices which would otherwise be asked by the private manufacturers whose assistance is called in. These are good reasons why the trade should object to such establishments, but they are also reasons why the public should take a diffe rent view of the case. It should he observed, however, that the objections raised on Thursday evening were directed not so much, perhaps, against the system of these establishments in itself as against the proportions which it had assumed. The practice has grown upon us, and is growing. We used to confine ourselves to the manufacture of ships, but now we try our hands at everything, from gigantic ironclads down to small suns and soldiers' tunics. Is that advisable ? We imagine that the mischief would lie, not in applying the principle to a variety of departments, but in carrying it too far in any one of them. The same consideration which would re commend a Government factory for rifles would also recommend one for military clothing, for one branch of trade requires checks as well as another. But there would be no advantage in carrying any manufacture beyond the point at which thedesired results are secured. When we are certain that we c in meet a sudden pressure by an instantaneous in crease of production, and that we have obtained the necessary control over contract prices, the Go vernment manufacture has been carried far enough. Thus far, however, we are of opinion that it may be carried with advantage. That there is much to be said on both sides of the question we readily ad. mit. Government establishments, it may be freely conceded, are often extravagant, but we are by no means sure that private establishments, if relieved from competition, would be economical. What we do now is to make the cost of work done at home check the cost of work done by contract, and we are disposed to believe that we find our account in the results. - POST--The proceedings of the invaders of Den mark on land are a sufficient indication of what they will do by sea if they are able and are suf f ered to have their own way. It is not only the fact of what they have done, but the way in which they have done it, that calls for reprobation. It was only three months ago that the invaders, who have since overrun and occupied the mainland, and now threaten to seize the islands, solemnly declared it was their intention to respect the integrity and in dependence of Denmark. They interfered to take the matter out of the hands of the minor States and the democrats, who wero bent upon dismembering a neighbouring country. There were not wanting sceptics, however, who ventured to intimate their suspicions that when once the Duchies were occu pied, under colour of an execution or any other pretext, the invaders would not stop until they had accomplished what they have accomplished. When war is once begun it will go on of itself till the belligerents are tired; and, when one of the belli gerents ii stronger than the other in the propor tion of a dozen to one, he will not grow tired while his opponent is capable of offering resistance. As it has turned out, the prophets of evil were true prophets. Those who ventured to suspect the honour and good faith of Austria and Prussia proved right, and those who trusted and believed in the honour and the promises of those Powers, wrong. Austria and Prussia solemnly promised to do one thing and have done another. They have not only done a different thing from what they promised to do, but they have done a thing which is the exact reverse of what they promised , and they have done it in a way at which humanity revolts. Though they determined to occupy Denmark, they mi g ht have shown some respect for property, some regard for civilised usages, some decent affectation of hu manity. They might at least have simulated a show of virtue if they did not possess the reality. But they have exhibited as great an indifference for the appearances of propriety and humanity as for humanity itself. If those who predicted that the invaders would act as they have acted were now to predict that if Austria and Prussia are allowed to do as they please, and are able to do it, they will destroy the Danish navy, by fair means or foul, perhaps they would meet with a less sceptical re ception for their misgivings. The declaration that the Austrian and Prussian fleets are only intended to protect German ships in northern waters corres ponds to the declaration that the invasion of the nis '`sh Duchies was only for the .tpurposes of Fede ral execution and to keep the minor States out of mischief; exe , :i sat that it is hardly so plausible and innocent in point 0119 rm, and comes at a less paci fic juncture in point of titre. if the combined Aus trian and Prussian fl eets wero able to d could estroy t an be d a ctually did destroy the Danish rnsvY, said that this was more treacherous or ',acne against law and good faith that what the invading Powers have already done on land ? This question is only susceptible of a negative answer from all who know the facts. The report that the Austro-Prussian fleet was preparing to atteck that of Denmark only gives definite form and substaece to what is passing in men's minds. Everybody is morally certain about what Austria and Prussia want to do. The acts of these Powers, in diametrical contradiction with their pro fessions, incontestably prove what are their real objects and designs. The only coedition of , carrying them out is, that they are able to do so, and are allowed by other Powers to do so. Will other Powers allow this ? We have heard a great deal about the principle of non-intervention forbidding one Power to interfere in a quarrel between (Allier& But we have yet to learn that the true significance of this doctrine is that all the nations of Europe are to stand by, apathetic and quiescent spectators, while a strong Power conquers and destroys, dis members and absorbs, a weak one. The real mean ing of non-intervention is that other Powers shall not interfere in the domestic affairs of a nation, as Russia did when she crushed the Hungarians at the instance of Austria. Bat it would have been no violation of the principle of non-intervention for other Powers to have prevented Russia from violat ing it. It was a vindication of the principle of non intervention when the Western Powers prevented Russia by force from dismembering Turkey. The Crimean war was substantially and really a war to maintain the principle of non-intervention. It would be no violation of non-intervention, but a vindication of it, to prevent Austria and Prussia from dismembering Denmark. To dismember an independent State is of itself as gross a violation of the principle of non-intervention as can well be con ceived. Non-intervention implies the integrity and independence of nations; and to violate that in tegrity and independence is to violate the principle of non-intervention. Whatever difficulty there might have been about sending an army in mid. winter to defend Denmark against her invaders,by land, there can be no difficulty at this season in send ing a float toDanish waters. An army might have had to fight, and fight against a much greater nume rical force, but at sea the case is reversed, and what would be only a small squadron, judged by English standard, would be enough to sweep from the waters all tho men of war which Austria and Prussia have in the world. The mere presence of the English fleet would be quite sufficient to overawe 'he aggressors. Not only the Austrian and Prns. sian navies, but the Austrien and Prussian ports and seeboaid—what little they have—are corn; pletely at our mercy. The naval power of Austria and Prussia may be looked upon as a sort of Rus• sian reserve, and it would not be good for the world that the Danish fleet, which would be found ranged on the side of the free Powers of Europe in case of an emergency, should be destroyed. We can now easily prevent a thing which cannot be remedied if it be suffered to happen. If die Danish fleet is destroyed it cannot be replaced, White that fleet exists, and harbours to lodge it in exist, Denmark will exist. Let that fleet be destroyed, and there will be an end of Denmark, It does not follow that because we did not act when Austria and Prussia pledged their faith that therss should be no call for action, and when action might have been difficult, therefore we are to remain quiescent and inactive now that we have been taught what importance to attach to the good faith and pro mises of the invaders, and when we could act on our own element with facility and with irresistible force. A word in conclusion on the manner in which the invaders have thought proper to carry out their aggressions upon Denmark. Take an illustration or two. They fix the amount of the first instalment of the war contribu tion of the people of Jutland at £9d,000. If the share claimed from a town is not forthcoming, the municipality are forthwith seized and sent away prisoners, to be kept as hostages until ransomed by liquidation of the imposition. With a change of names and forms this is very like what those whom the Pope seems to consider as pious soldiers of the Faith, and whom the rest of the world consider as brigands and murderers, are doing in Italy. What property is not taken by order of the military authorities for the use of the army is taken by the soldiers for their individual use without any orders at all. What they cannot use they destroy, out of wanton mischief. It is downright " wilful damage," as our law understands the term. The Prussian soldiers make bonfires of the houses, and fire on the inhabitants if they attempt to extinguish the flames. These things are circumstantially re lated in the letters of our correspondent at Copen hagen which we have recently printed, German soldiers enter the shops and appropriate what they choose to lay their hands upon, without paying, just as Germany appropriates Danish territory. In short, the conduct of the invaders towards the Danes is just what it is in Posen and Galicia towards the Poles. Europe, to its misfortune, has seen the one country destroyed—will it suffer the other to share the like fate ? COUNTRY MARKETS. LIVERPOOL-FRIDAY. There was a fair attendance of the town and country trade to-day, and wheat met a good consumptive demand at fully 2d per cental dearer—red meeting a much better sale than white. Flour held for an advance of 6d to la per sack and barrel, but did not realise it. Indian corn met an active demand. Oats and oatmeal dull, and prices:as before. Beans scarce. Barley and peas unchanged. LINCOLN-FRIDAY. White wheat new, 38s to 43s Red do. 36s to 39s Old white) —s to —s Red do. —s to —s Barley, malting..., 32s to 35s IBarley, grinding 28s to 303 Oats, old, .. 22s to 263 New. do 18s to 24s Beans. 38s to 41s Beans, new 333 to 36s WAKEFIELD -FRIDAY. The wheat trade was steady, and the sales made were slightly over last Friday's quotations. Beans were rather dearer. In other articles there was no material change. Averages for the weez : Wheat ll9O qrs., at . 393 51d Rye — —s Od Barley.... . 248 t 33s 5d Beans Peas Oats STAMFORD-FRIDAY. White wheat, 39s to 128; red, 36s to 38s per 36 stone. Barley, malting, 31s to 34s ; grinding, 27s to 298 per qr. Oats, 18s to 22s per 24 stone. Beans, old, 40s to —s per qr. ; new, 36s to —s. CORK-THURSDAY. The following were the quotations this morning :--Red wheat, 8s Od to Ss 10d ; white, 8s Od to Os 8d , barley, 75 ld to Os Od ; oats,.ss 8d to 6s 4d ; black do., Os 3d to Os 6d, BRISTOL SUGAR—FRIDAY. There has been a flat trade doing this week, and prices are fully is per cwt. 13wer for all descriptions. Refined goods is decline, and difficult to sell. Ruin steady, but not active. COAL M Pr!pea of Coal per Ton at .ItK ET. the close of tho market. s. d. Buddle'sWest Hartley 17 3 Hastings Hartley 17 3 Holywell walker Primrose 13 0 Wylam 17 3 West Hartley ..17 3 Walls End. d. Walls End. Hotton. Hartlepool l7 6, Ships at marks Heugh Hall East Hartlepool 16 9 1 South lielloe 17 6 Haswell Braddyll'a Hetton 17 0 Tunstall South Hetton 18 0 liellue Stawart's 17 6 46 ; sold. 31. Foreign Iliail Packet List. MAILS DUE.' A.ustralis, and Mauritius, via Southampton. May 19. a Marseilles .. Ma 13 Arun and Cape Verds, by vi British packet. June 5.. Cane of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena.. May 22. Ca, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton. May 19. via Marseilles ...May 13. Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton May 12. India (Calcutta), and Ceylo n , v i a Southanipton May 19. via Marseilles May 13. India (Bombay), via Southampton May 12. via /daredlies May 6. Portugal Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton May 12. via Marseilles May 6 Newfoundland ... . May;ll. Oporto and Vigo U. S. and British N. America, by Brit. packet.... May 11. by U.S. packet.... by Canadian packet. May 10. W.C. of Africa, M- adeira, and Teneriffe May 10. Bahamas, via New York Mexico ....May 30. All parts of West Indies, including Chili, Peru, i ~,. ~ California. and British Columbia. anay 11. ADVERTISEMENT.]- -Avoid medicines: they always ag'gra vate chronic complaints, but Du Barry's Delicious Health Restoring Revalenta Arabica Food, which saves fifty times its cost in other remedies, invariably cures them, restoring perfect digestion, strong nerves, sound lungs, healthy liver, pure blood, refreshing sleep, functional regularity, and energy to the most disordered or enfeebled We extract a few out of 60,000 Cures :—Cure No. 58,216 of the Marchioness de Brdhan, Paris, of a liver complaint, wasting away for seven years, debility, with a nervous palpitation all over, bad digestion, constant sleeplessness, the most intolerable nervous agitation, and dreadfully low spirited.—Cure No. 1,771. Lord Stuart de Decies, Lord Lieut. of Waterford, of many years! dyspepsia. —No. 49,832. "Fifty years' indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency, spasms, sickness, and vomiting.—Maria Jolly." —Cure No. 46,270. Mr. James Roberts, of Frinaley, Surrey, of thirty years' diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver derange l ment, and partial deafness.—Cure No. 47,121. Miss Elizabeth Jacobs, of extreme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, low spirits, and nervous fancies. —Cure No. 54,811 The Rev. Jas; L Campbell, Fakenham, Norfolk, "of indigestion and torpi ditythe liver, which h a d resistel all medical treatment " I lb., 2s. 9d. ; 21b., 4s. 6d ; 5 1b ., lls. ; 121 b., 225. ; 241 b. ntin o.: , 408 --- Fortnumß Du Barry and Co., No. 77, R egent-street, London; also d Mason ; and all G rocers and Chemists is arry *very town of the United Kingdom. [ADVERTISEMENT.; — HoIIoway's Pills and Ointment,— A frequent cause of gout and rheumatism is the inflamma tory state of the blood, at,;ended with bad digestion and general debility: A few doses of these Pills, taken in time, are an effectual preventative agaZnst gout and rheumatis m ; but anyone who has an attack of either should use Hollo way's Ointment also, the powerful properties of w hi ch, combined with the effect of the Pills, must infallibly effect a cure. These Pills act directly on the bloc], which they purify and improve; they also regulate the secretions, and give tone to the stomach, and thus the whole system is invigorated, and put into a condition which enables it to throw off disease or check its approach. Births. CORBETT.—On the sth inst., at More-place, Betchworth, Mrs. James Corbett, of a daughter. DAWSON.—On the 6th inst., at Leyden House, Roupell park, Streatham, Mrs. Joseph Dawson, of a son. EVERT.—On the Ist inst., at EArgington Hall, Burton. on- Trent, the wife of Sir Jlenry F. Eve r y, Bart., of a daughter. SCIERLOCK.—On the 3d inst., at Southwell, , Notts, the wife of Captain C. W. Sherlock, of a son. Marriages. BARLOW—TILLOT.—On the sth inst., at St. John's, Hack. ney, William, eldest son of the late W. Barlow, Esq., of Da!ston, to Sarah Hannah, younger'. daughter of James Tillot, Esq., of Balaton. WILLIAMS —l3tumucanim.—On the 4th inst., at Trinity Church, Dover, Captain Bike Williams, late 4th Dra-' goon Guards, to Charlotte, daughter of John Binning ham, Esq., of Dover, Deaths. COOK.—On the sth inst., John Cook, Esq., of 9, Fitzroy place, Kentish-town, aged 75. HAMILTON.—On the sth inst., at Ventnor, Robert Horatio Hamilton, Esq., formerly of Liverpool. LAY.—On the sth inst., at Upper Clapton, Mr. 'William Lay, aged 55. OLIPHANT.—On the 4th inst., at 10, Lansdowne -crescent, Bath, Rachel, eldest daughter of the late Laurence phant, Esq., of Gask, Perthshiro, aged G 7. PRIDTIAM.—On the 3d inst., at his residence, 6,West Hoe terrace, Plymouth, Vica•Admiral Itiohard Pridham, aged 85. SHORE.—On the 3d inst., at Brighton, the Hon. Charlotte Shore, eldest daughter of the late Lord Teignmouth. London : Priti - zed and Prbllt3lled by WiLLIAg ANDREWS. of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TILE SUN Office No. 112, Strand, In the Precinct of the 3avoy, n th e County a AliiiIVRX.-7-SaturJay, Nay 7, I°6l.