The Sun. — London, England, 1833-06-13 00:00:00

seized try mot, MI some 01 Meal Kept a Dirt 10 gems and then dischatoed. Shaw came to them, and declared that, be arrested them under the Coercive Act, and.threa tene'd them with all. the Penalties of .the` e 'Aq e unless their tithes were paid. It was true that therm men had com plained to the magistrates, sod the magietrates, bad, after an investigation of the conduct of the police, pronotinceel it injudicious.—(Hear, hear.) It 'wee high time for the House to interfere when such . a scandalous outrage was passed over as an injudicious act 'on the - part of the police --(Hear, hear.) Whence came the' authority so to• act? Surely it would 'not be said • that Shave; would bose dared to he guilty of Stier` a glaring' violation of the law, unless he were. acting, 'under 'the orders of some superior poWet which he 'wail' bound to obey. What power then was thii?-ae(Hear.)•• He came before the Commons of England to eel- what poWer it was that had the audacity to interfere:arid falsify'the pledges of his Majesty's Governnient ?..:—(Loud 'cheers.) That there was such a power was olear." This was a question of vast importance, and he was quite sure the Noble Lord could not say that in bringing it forward he had acted unfairly by 'him, or that he bad urOd on the matter with inde cent precipitation. He had done every thing in his power to avoid the necessity of bringing this before Parliament. As soon as be was aware of the circumstances he com municated all he knew to his Maiesty's Government. So far hack as the 15th May he had written to the Noble Lord, to acquaint him with the outrages which had been committed in .violation of his word. Not that he con ceived for a moment" that the Noble Lord knew any thing of atm—such an idea never entered his - thoughts.— (Hear, hear.) But what be thought he bad just reason to complain Of .watta that after this notice nothing was done to check the system. The work still went en— night after night the unfortunate people were taken out of their houses for tithes, in violation of the solemn pledges of his Majesty's Ministers. It appeared that the parties in Ireland to whom tithes were due had looked upon the Coercive Bil as a Godsend—and as they knew not how long it tnigbt be before its powers were put an end to, they were determined to make hay whilst the sun of coercion shone —(Hear.) No notice what ever was taken of his represent•tione. When he said that no notice was taken, he could only speak of their tr practical result—no step was taken in consequence, that he could hear of.—(Hear, tear.) He had used every exertion in his power to find out who were the persons who had dared to stand between the Government and the people of Ireland, and break the solemn pledges which that Government bad made. He was unable to succeed in discovering these persons, nor could his appeal to the Government put a stop to them. What, he would like to know, would have been the situation of Ireland—what would have been the condition of Hon. Men hers, who, like himself, had been held up as delibe rate traitors to the country, if Parliament had not for tunately been sitting at the time of these occurrences? The first moment possible he placed upon the books of the House a motion on this subject, which unfortunately he was unable to bring forward at an earlier period. He, therefore, thought it right to insist upon bringing the question before the House to-night—not out of any un kindness to the Noble Lord, but in justice to the people of Ireland, and in justice to the motives which induced him to support his Majesty's Ministers on the occasion of the Coercive Bill. In his opinion the Bill of last year was most mischievous, and bad been the fertile cause of disturbances in Ireland. The people had been promised an extinction of tithes; and when they found their hopes raised at one moment, and dashed to the ground the next, it was not in human nature tbat they should be quiet.— (Hear.) What bad been the result of last year's mea sures? By such returns as they had hes n able to procure (and it was singular that in many cases where it was important to procure information, that information was assiduously concealed), it appeared that the sum chimed at that time for arrears of tithes was 52,3281., whilst the sum actually obtained up to the 3d February was 2,929/., and yet it bird been said of this Bill that it had worked well. Probably, since that time some further amount had been received ; but if so, that amount had only been ob tained by a violation of good faith to the people of Ire land, which they would never forget. The number of de crees pronounced was 30,000, of attachment from the Court of Chancery 1258, of proclamations 236, and of persons against whom proceedings had been had for sums not ex ceeding one shilling 4,600. It was just, however, to say that some of the proceedings bad not been acted upon. But what, he should like to know, could be more absurd, than to commence proceedings which there was no inten tion of following up ? Many of these proceedings were for sums not exceeding one farthing—he, of course, did not complain that they had not been prosecuted; but he complained that they had ever been instituted—their only apparent object being to increase expense ; with the amount of costs paid to the Crown Solicitor and other law officers of the Crown they were not acquainted If, as he had beard some hint, the counsel for the Crown had waved their claim to fees, still be presumed they must be compensated in some way, and it appeared that the counsel attending the quarter sessions were entitled to five guineas per diem. All this expense bad been incur red— for what ? In the first place, to transfer to the Crown all the odium of collecting the debts due to the clergy ; in the next place, to receive the sum of 2,929/. out of 52,000/. and upwards ; and finally, it was considered the grand point of all to vindicate the law..-(Hear, hear.) He should really be glad to know what was the mean ing of vindicating a law admitted to be bad ? What, he should like to know, was the meaning of vindi cating a system devoted to extinction ?—( Hear, hear.) There were persons now living who remembered the pe riod when it was in the power of the Protestant to go to a Roman Catholic and offer him 5/. for his horse, which he was compelled to accept. When it was proposed to extinguish this law, its absurdity and unjustness were fully admitted. But it was contended, that so long as it should continue to exist it ought to be enforced, which, in fact, *mounted to this—that for so long as they could possibly keep the power, Protestants should be entitled to supply themselves with Roman Catholic horses at their own .rice. - -(Hear.) The Hon. Gentleman then referred to the report of the Tithe Committee, which had raised such expectations among the people of Ireland. The words of ; that report were extremely remarkable, and served to eatcount for m'uch of the disturbance which had taken place. The Committee said that, in recommending the adoption of immediate measures for the enforcement of the law, and for relieving the urgent distresses of the clergy, the Committee could not shut their eyes to the absolute necessity of an extensive change in the present system of providing a maintenance for Ministers of the Established Church ; and the Committee went on to state, that though -they were not then prepared with any specific plan, yet they did not hesitate to express their opinion that such a change, to be satisfactory and secure (he much liked those words, satisfactory and secure), must involve tl.e com plete extinction of tithes.—(Hear, hear.) He prayed the House to recollect by whom the report was brought up, and by whom it was mot forth to the world. It was needless to say that the promises which were held out were believed. What was the change that bad taken place—what was this extinction which was to prove so safe and satisfactory? The Right Hon. Gentle man the Member for the University of Cainhridee had, some years ago, brought in a Bill for the composition of tithes in liel!nd, which Bill was conai4ered a great aegra vation of the evil, inasmuch as it took away feorn the tithe payer all remedy, and made large tracts of land, sorb as grazing' lands, &c., which were before exempt, liable to this impost. The Right Hon. Gentleman, however, in his Bill, allowed the tithe-payers the option of remaining under the old law, or of claiming the benefit of that Act ; whereas the present measure was little more than an arbi trary and compulsory application of the provisions of the Biel of the Right Hon. Gentleman to the people of fielend. It appeared as though every Administration in this coun try tea itself bound to oppress and injure Ireland, Was Ireland never to have any thing like fair play ?—(llear.) Ho was justified in saying, that the moment Government gave the p edge, it ought to have adopted measures to see that the pledge was fulfilled.—(Heae.) But the moment the Bill was sent to Ireland, it appeared there was a party there strong and hold enough to intercept the deelerad in eeption of Government. He appealed to the Nettle Lord try that which had often been the prop of the country in times of difficulty—he appealed to him by that high character which he had hitherto maintained, rhet he would not suffer his solemn pledge to be vi lated. He appealed to his better and more generous feel ings, that he would not suffer the Irish, because they were beaten down to the earth—bscatlea they could not lift their hands in their own defence, and eoldd with difficulty find a way for their petitions to that lieus.e—he called on that House—he trilled on the Noble Lord to in terpose and say " These things shall not be. We have put down disturbances in Ireland by means of this Billets we pledged ourselves to employ it for no other purpose— and we will punish ray person who dares to true it in another way."—(Hear, hear.) He implored of the House, and of the Noble Lord, justice —and nothing but justice for his unhappy countrymen. He stood on the Noble Lord's bond—not, indeed, a legal instrument, si e nad anti sealed according to law; but he took his stand usu., a higher and nobler obligation—the mild of a British Minister given jet e tke . , here ,of, a British Parliamento—(Cheers.) In the 'riallie the ii / i,-of that honour which ought to be 1 , .. , dearei - tn us 'than life's site the name of his ur fortunate mad long misgoverned' cis rati.y—in the name of the God Of justice and al-troth,44almetl redress for 11 , . , :l ed jre .,,, • .- . ~ .-- , . ' ..•:.,,Q) :4 \‘ 55......., 4.11I10‘).14(1 , ..a.••••••• • V6OBJVC• at, auc &Jul. by movingsa resolution to the following effect :—" That it is the opinion of this House that the pledges given by hie Majesty's Ministers, that the provisions of the Bill for suppressing disturbances in Ireland should not he applied to the collection of tithes, and that the arrears of tithes should be got rid of, had not been fulfilled : and that the employment of the military and police in serving civil pro cesses, and levying tithes, is highly unconstitutional, and ought to be pet an end to.—(Cheers.) Lord ALT EIORP thought, as he had already stated, that it would have been more convenient if the Hon. Gentleman bad refrained from entering on this subject till after he had made his statement. The course, how ever, which the Hon: Gentleman had pursued, rendered it necessary for him to address to the House such reasons as he hoped would induce them not to concur in the amendment of the Hon. Member. With respect to the statement wich the Hon. Gentleman had made, that the members of the Government had pledged themselves that the Coercive Bill should not be used for the purpose of collecting tithes, he did not in the least deny that such pledges were made, both by himself and the other Mem bers of his Majesty's Government.—(Hear, hear.) It had certainly been the intention and object of his Ma jesty's Government to act on this pledge. At the same time he begged the House to recollect, that be said that the Coercive Bill would not prevent the law from taking its ordinary course, and that tithes would still be open to collection, although the Coercive Bill was not to be ap plied for that purpose in any way whatever. He did not hesitate to say distinctly to the Hon. Gentleman, that if in any case whatever that Bill had been applied to the collection of tithes, he admitted it was a breach of the pledge of his Majesty's Government, although, of course, he did not admit that such breach was intentional on their part.—(Hear.) Certainly, such use of the Coercive Bill was in contradiction of the pledge which hail been given. With respect to the case which the Honour able Member had stated as occurring in the neigh bourhood of New Ross, he admitted that if any per son, or any police officer, acting under the provisions of the Coercive Bill, had induced persons to come out of their houses, and had then arrested them for tithes, such conduct was certainly a direct contradiction of the pledge which had been given. With respect, however, to those cases stated by the Hon. Gentleman, he had inquired in the proper offices, and bad not been able to find any ac count of the circumstances mentioned by the Hon. Gen. tleman. With regard to the case in which Sergeant SI) lye's name was mentioned, and which he believed to be, in a great measure, true, be was certainly prepared to say, that the conduct of Sergeant Shaw on that occasion was en tirely unjustifiable. The Hon. Gentleman had referred to another pledge which he had made. He bad readily con sented to pledge himself that the Coercive Bill should not be applied to the collection of tithes, because he intended to propose a measure which should render the collection of arrears of tithes unnecessary. He was not able to re collect precisely the words be used, but they were to this effect—that the measure which he contemplated proposing for the relief of the clergy was such as would render it unnecessary for them to institute proceedings under the ineasere of last session for the collection of their tithes. The Hon. Gentleman asked whether, in the mean time, it was proposed to support the levying of tithes, and he expressed his opinion that any attempt of that kind would he likely to lead to bloodshed. His answer was, that until they knew whether the new Parliament would con sent to the remedial measures the Government was about to propose, they could not at once drop the collection of tithes. He did not, however, mean to say that the Hon. Member wanted any justification in writing as he did to Ireland, in consequence of what he (Lord Althorp) had said. And if it were satisfactory to the Honourable Gentleman, he would readily admit that he was open to no imputation of treachery or anything of the kind, for he was perfectly justified in the statements he made, that it was not the intention of Government to proceed in the collection of tithes under the Bill of last session.— (Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman had said that Government might have sent orders to stop the collection of tithes under this Bill; but on looking into this ques tion, considerable difficulties arose. The Hon. Gentle man had said that, on the 15th May, this case had been laid before him. It c,rfainly was so; and upon the re ceipt of the statements he made inquiries into their accu racy, and h, found that there had not been any suspen sion of proceedings under the Bill of last session. Older@ were immediately, on receiving the information, sent out to suspend all further proceedings for the future. This was about ten days ago. It might be said that time had been lost--perhaps that was the case; but from what he had said before, it would be clear to the House that the pledges which the Government had made they were deter mita dto act up to. The proposition which he intended to make when the House went into Committee, was such as would render it highly improbable that any proceed ing would take place under the Act of last session. The difficulty which prevented his bringing forward this measure before still existed—viz. , that they were not aware of the amount which would be required. But knowing the circumstances which were daily taking place, and the disturbed state of Ireland, he thought it better to come forward with some general resolution, pledging the House to take such a step as he was sure ought to, and he hoped would, prevent any further pro ceedings being adopted.—(Hear.) His proposition was this :—An advance of money, in order to take away front the clergy the necessity of prosecutions for the arrears of tithe of 1831, 1532, and for the tithe of the present year—the advance to be repaid by a land tax charged upon all lands which were liable to tithe in Ireland, and on which no tithe had during those periods been paid. He was sure the House would see that the effect of this would be to render it unnecessary to prosecute for the arrears of tithe, or to collect the tithe for the present year. It was also proposed to exempt yearly tenantry at will from payment of tithes after November next. By this resolution he hoped to put an end to the irritation now existing in Ireland, in consequence of the collection of tithes at the present time. He had admitted the state ments of the Hon. Gentleman as to his pledges ; and he had given such explanation as he was able to give, of the conduct of his Majesty's Government in the transaction. He hthd explained briefly the outlines of the plan, which he would give more in detail in Committee; and be was not aware that it was necessary for Mtn to say more, than that he would not consent to a proposition which he could not hut regard as a vote of very strong censure on his Majesty's Government generally, and particularly on him individually.—(No, no ; and Hear, hear.) Mr MORE O'FERRALL thought the answer given by the Noble Lord was not satisfactory. His Hon. Friend had distinctly stated the pledges which had been given, and the manner in which those pledges were violated. The Noble Lord, he doubted not, was per sonally innocent of this violation ; but the Noble Lord having admitted the fact, ought to have said, " It appears that some person is grossly guilty, and I will use all the power in his Majesty's Government to discover and punish the offending party."—(Cheers.) Then he would have been perfectly satisfied ; but not that he wished to bring down the vengeance of his Majesty's Government on any individual. No; he called on the Noble Lord to do this with a much Letter motive, in order that the people of Ireland might not have all the confidence they had been inclined to place in his Majesty's Government utterly de stroyed.—( Hear.) Desirous as he was to place confi dence, and that his countrymen should place confilence, in his Majesty's Ministers, he should certainly lose all it this injustice were not remedied.—(Hear.) ?loath g was so likely to destroy the last remains of it arnoegst his country Men as the violation of a solemn pledge of this description,—(Hear.) All that he called on the Noble Lord to do was, a public act of justice, and punish those who had dared to violate tbeir pledge in the manner in which it had been violated.—(Hear.) His Hon. Friend had hronght this subject forward with great moderation. He had omitted many aggravating circumstances. For instance, what was the first thing done by the agents of the Government after the passing of the Bill, which his Hon. Friend had supported solely on that distinct pledge, and at so peat a risk to himself ? The very first act of these agents was, to cover the wails sad trees of his lion. Friend's domain with tithe proclamations.—(ll-ar.) What treatineat was this of a man who bad esetificed private feelings and interest for what he lielieved to be a necessary, though a violent and unpalatable measure? Mr.• SHEIL observed, that the accusation against Go• vernment of having violated their pledges, in the employ ment of the police end of the military for the collection of tithes, was destitute of foundation.—(Hear.) Mr. P. FERRALL said, if he had imagined teat his present Government would have put Ca, people of Ireland in a worse situation than they were in before, lie certainly simeild never have consented to the measure; and he argued that the proceedings of the Governmeur had certainly had that effect. The greatest oppression arose from the conduct of lay impropriators. The people might ask what the reformed Parliament had done. What would be the answer? The House passed the Irish Coer cive Bill.—(Great confusion.) Sir HUSSEY VIVIAN was of opinion that tie peace and prosperity of Ireland depended upon the extinc tion of tithes, Tee number of the cases of imprisonment for small turns under the Act of last session had been very great. Fourteen or fif een thousand persons had been imprisoned for sums under sixpence, and a gre at number had been subjected to the penalties of the Act of last session for pima of Qd, and 2itl. For We own part, sere was one point more on which he had a feai remarks to make. He meant the question of the repeal of the Union. He would not suppose that those who agitated that ques tien were really in earnest.—(Cheers.)lt had been well re marked that in former timesßelgium was the prize-fighting ground for Europe. If the Union were repealed, Ireland would take the place of Belgium. When Russia, France, America, or any other country, had a mind to aim a dag ger at the heart of the British empire, Ireland would be the point at which the dagger would be aimed. There were two words which described the conduct that must he pursued towards Ireland—concession and coercion. He was no advocate for the use of bayonets; although at the same time be was aware that Government must do their duty. The Coercive Bill had unquestionably done great good in the county from which he came. Looking at the state of Ireland generally, they ought to correct what ought to be corrected—to concede what ought to be c tn ceded, and then, and only then, they could expect to have peace in that country. Mr. BARRON entered into the history of Ireland for the last seventy years, to show that almost all the atroci ties which had been committed in that country had pro ceeded from the collection of tithes. Until they extermi nated the existing system, until they put an end to tithes in every shape, they would labour in vain for the benefit of Ireland. The Hon. Gentleman cite I a variety of Acts of Parliament, from the period of the invasion by Henry the Second, to prove that the clergy of Ireland were re quired to exercise hospitality, and to instruct the people. He recommended the example which had been set by Scot- land, as well as by several Catholic countries, of abolishing tithes. While tithes existed in Ireland, there could be no communion of feeling between the Protestants and the great mass of the Irish people. The present system en gendered hatred to the English name. It was necessary to employ a military force of 30,000 men in Ireland, chiefly to support a system contrary to the feelings, the habits, and the wishes of the people. Was it wise thus to act in direct hostility to the prejudices of a whole nation ?—(Hear, hear.) Mr. CUTLAR FERGUSSON was of opinion that, after what had fallen from the Noble Lord, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the amendment of the Hon. Membe r for Wexford should have been withdrawn. At the same time, it must not be denied that the most outrageous ex cesses had been committed under the Coercive Bill. For that Bill he never would have voted, if he, for one moment, bad thought of the purpose to which it would have been turned.— (Cheers.) Those who had thus perverted it, ought to be more than reprimanded for their conduct; dismissal from office was required—punishment was called for.—(Hear, heir.) He trusted he should never again see an instance of the military being employed in matters of a purely civil character. Mr. HENRY GRATTAN said the real question was, would Government dismiss at once from office the Attorney- General or any other individual who had authorized those shameful proceedings ? It was easy for the Noble Lord the Chancellor of the Exchequer, to say he was not cognizant of them; but what was the use of a Lord-Lieutenant if he dared to disobey the orders of his superiors? He ought to be made to ohey,or be at once dismissed.—(Hear.) Mr. FERGUS O'CONNOR said Ministers had vio lated their pledges,, and he believed in his heart that the Hon. Member for Lancashire (Mr. Stanley) knew that the object of the Bill was the collection of tithes.—(Hear, hear.) It was absurd to say Government did not sanction the employment of troops in those matters. He never had confidence in the Government—he had none now— and he would not have any till they redeemed some of the pledges they had given to this country and to Ireland. Mr. CHAPMAN (Westmeath) said the object of the amendment was not to censure Government, but to punish those who had presumed to violate their orders. He did not want the underlings, who were obliged to do what would be agreeable to their superiors —he did not want them punished—but he wanted to see the principals themselves called to account ; and be trusted that the House would assist in effecting that object, and that his Hon. Friend would not be induced, by any consideration, to give up the motion which he had brought forward. Mr. N. FITZSIMON made some observations, which were, to the most part, inaudible in the gallery. He was understood to say that he thought a case had been clearly made out, and that he should give his support to the motion of the Hon. Member for Wexford. He could not but express his surprise at the speech of the Hon. Member for Kirkcudbright, whose observations all tended one way, though his vote would be given another. Mr. STANLEY—I had hopgd, Sir, that I should not again have to address the Hotise, upon a subject on which I have so often before been compelled to weary their attention ; but I find myself obliged to make some observations, in answer to remarks that have fallen from Hon. Gentlemen opposite. I must begin by expressing my regret that the plan which it was the intention of my Noble Friend this evening to have proposed, should not have been heard before the attacks that have been made bad been directed against the Government--Attacks for not redeeming a pledge they had given in a most distinct and solemn manner. There is some ingenuity in the manner in which the amendment has been framed by the Hon. Member for Wexford, and in which he bas contrived that two questions, perfectly distinct from each other, should yet be mixed up, so that the facts which appear to be stated in the last part of the amendment should seem to bear on the pledge referred to in the first. The first pert of the resolution declared that it is the opinion of this House,that the pledge given by the Ministers has not been mu times entirely aDollBtled. Thi _ _ , fulfilled; and then comes the end of the amendment, in which it is stated that the employment of the military and the police force in the service of civil process, and in the levying of tithes, is highly unconstitutional, and ought to he discontinuA. The Right Hon. Gentleman read the whole of the amendment. He continued—let us see how the charge thus brought forward is made out. The Hon. Member for Kildare has stated a Dumber of cases in which, as be alleges, the military and the police have been em ployed under the provisions of the Coercive Bill to col hot tithes ; and it would appear, from the speech of the H. Gentleman, that, in his opinion, for the purpose of such a collection of tithes, the Coercive Bill was passed. —(Hear, hear, hear.) I ask Hen. Gentlemen, b , fore coming to any decision on the subject, to separate the two questioas that have thus been mixed up together, and to recollect, that in that part to which reference has been made, the Coercive Bill has not been put in operation at all—( Hear, hear, hear)—so that it is impossible that the Government could have there violated any pledge they had given that the Act should not be used fir the purpose of the collection of tithes.—(Load cheers.) NVe owed, Sir, most distinctly, upon the introduction of this Bill, that the Bill would have a tendency to make the law more respected in Ireland—that that would be the effect of the mere passing of the Act—and that it would put into the hands of Government the power of making die law - more respected--and that that was the reason which induced us to apply to Parliament for it. In that respect it might have been possible that the existence of the Act might facilitate the collection of tithes ; but I distinctly deny that it has been used for such a liurpose.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman makes his charge broadly enough, but there is not one instance in which date, time, and place are given in support of the charge, except in the single case of Sergeant Shaw, who, appearing to have acted in violation of his duty, and of the distinctly expressef wishes, and even the commands of the Government—(Hear, hear)—has made use of this Act as a pretext for the employment of the ml;tary and police in the collection of tidies. I think that the Magi strate s came in Lis case to a lenient sentence—(Hear) — Lilt so far as the expiession of opinion went—lnd the Hon. Gentlemen say they do not want the underlings punished—(Hear)—as far as opinion went, that opinion has been expressed, and all that is now wanted, is to be known by whose authority Shaw acted. I state then distinctly, that he did not act by the authority of the Go vernment. —( Cheei s ) My Noble Friend has disavowed it, and here is the sentence of the Magistrates, declaring that Shaw acted contrary to the meaning of the law, and contrary to the intention of the Government; that they reprehended him, and that if it was not for his ex cellent character, they should call for his dismissal.— (Hear, hear, hear.) They gn further, and the y Fay the Bench wish it to be understood that the Coercive Bill is not to be used for the collec•ion of tithes.— (Cheers.) This man, therefore, distinctly transgressed his duty ; he has gone beyond tie power of the law ; and making every allowance far the provocations which that body of men have sustained, it would but have been fair to state the whole of the case and say, that when the matter was brought before the Magistrates, they did give this sentence, and did affix to it the declaration of their own opinion.—(Hear, hear.) That is the only case which the lion. Gentleman has stated in proof of his charge.-0 cry of " No, there are 57 others.") I say, Sir, that that is the only case in which he has ben able to specify date, time, and place.—(Hear, hear.) I am in a situation to explain that particular case from papers I have just had put into my bands, for I had no previous know ledge of tl.e case ; and with reference to the g enera l c h arge made by the Lion. Gentleman, I am prepared to answer, that if he will substantiate the charge—if he shows the cases in which the Coercive Act has been improperly made use of .the Government will not only disavow what has been done, but will be ready to visit with the conse quences of that transaction the men who have been guilty 6f taking part in it.--(Cheers.) But again, I say, do not let us nrii up the question of the Coercive Bill with the question to employment of the military and the police. They are perfectly distinct from each other. It has been necessary for some time past to employ the mili tary and the police—it has been impossible, in certain districts, for any individual to collect tithes, or effect the service of civil process, without being protected both by the military and the police.—(Hear, hear.) But their employment has been restricted to that of affording pro tection to persons engaged in such duties. This is not unconstitutional. Surely the Hon. Gentleman does not mean to assert that it is. A great deal of observation has been made about a supposed opinion of the law officers of the Crown, as to the legality of breaking open doors in serving process for tithes. I can only assert that, up to the time of my quitting the office of Secretary for Ireland I knew of no such opinion of the law officers of the Crown. On the contrary, there was an impression of the officers of the Government that they had no right to break open doors in such an employment.—(" Captain Gunn's case.") I repeat, that there was no such opinion, and that I know of no instance of such an act.—(Hear, hear.) As to the alleged severity with which tithes have been collected, I will just mention that, up to February last, only 2,0001. out of 104,0001. had been levied, and that because the clergy felt unwilling to enforce, to the full extent, the powers with which the law had invested them. As to the pledge which the Government are said to have given, that pledge was not that the arrears of tithes should be got rid of, but that it was the intention of his Majesty's Ministers to submit to the House a plan which would render it unnecessary to carry into effect the provi sions of the Act passed last year relative to the arrears of tithes ; and it was the intention of my Noble Friend to submit that plan this evening to the House ; and I may, perhaps, add, that it was a plan formed upon that nrin ciple which we were told last year would be most satisfac tory to the people of Ireland, namely, a commutation by way of land tax, or a general tithe composition.—(Hear, hear.) I regret that my Noble Friend shou!d not have been able to make his statement of the proposed plan ; but it should be remenab , red that he distinctly stated that he could not pledge the Government till that proposition should be adopted to order a cessation of the collection of tithes throughout Ireland.--(Hear, hear.) It was the wish of the Government that the collection of the arrears of tithes should cease, and when my Noble Friend heard that it was going on, an intimation of that wish was sent over to Ireland ; and for the present it has in fact ceased. —( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member for Kildare has brought forward a case of a police constable who has broken into a house in search of tithe defaulters. The report of that person, made on the sth of June, 1833, stated, that he found it impossible to get at certain tithe defaulters in the day, and that he had taken a strong party of constabulary, and had broken open a door at a very early hour of the morning, in order to get at these parties and arrest them. Now the present motion is to cast a direct censure on the conduct of the Government.— (No, no no.) No ? Let any man with the slightest sense of honour in his breast read this resolution, " That it is the opinion of this House that the pledges given by his Majesty's Ministers have not been fulfilled," and then let him say, if he can, that this is not a direct censure.—( Hear, hear.) Is it not ?—( Hear, hear.) Is it not an assertion that they have artfully violated their pledges ?—(No, no.) No? I trust, Sir, that I shall never see the Government that will submit to such a charge, or indifferently allow to be pissed upon them such a censure which, if it ought to be ca.Tied,wou:d show them unworthy of retaining the confidence of this House.—(Cheers.) (Some Members on the opposition benches intimated that it was a censure on the Government.) lam glad that is admitted : then it is a censure. Now mark how little it is deserved. On the sth of June, 1833, this report was made to the castle. On the 7th of June this answer was sent to it :—" Referring to your report of the sth inst., and from what appears there, that in order to effect the arrest of certain tithe defaulters, you have broken open the doors of the houses of these persons, I am desired to say, that his Excellency thinks you have acted in direct diso bedience of the older of the 11th of May last. You will, therefore, forward to the castle a further explanation of your conduct."—(" To whom addressed ?") This answer is directed to Captain Hinter. This paper is in itself a vindication of the sense and of the feelings of the Government—(Cheers)—and it does so happen (which I had not before observed), that this paper refers to orders issued at a certain date—orders of the I 1 th of May ; and that appears to have been the earliest time at which any communication was made to my Noble Friend of this system of attempting to collect the tithes in Ireland. I therefore say, Sir, that the Government are fully cleared from the charge of violating any of the pledges they have given.— (Chters.) I admit that there is a great difficulty in maintaining the system of collecting tithes. I havealways been desirous to alter it. I will not go again into the thousand times repeated expression of " the extinction of tithes." I must submit to the misinterpretation so sedulously put upon it; but there is no man who has ever ventured to say—at least there is no man who has ever ventured to say in this House—(H.ar, hear, hear)—that by the ex tinction of tithes he meant the cessation of all payments from the land to the clergy; and when the Hon. Member fur Cork says that we insult them by proposing a comtnu • tation, that throws the direct payment of tithes upon the ti-- of th landed interest, who would be more severe upon the tenant.—(lllr. F. O'Connor said, that what he had said was not his own argument, but a repetition of that of the 11 , ght Hon. Baronet, the Member for Tamworth.) when he said this, he meant that there was to be no pay ment of tithes whatever, I say that was not my meaning ; and I call on him to give us here his views of what was meant by the extinction of tithes. If I am told that the introduction of a land tax, which last year was bailed as a sort of panacea for the evils of Ireland—if I am now toll that that is a change from had to worse, I think I am entill d to call on those who say so, to give us a dis tinct knowledge of what they mean.—(Cheers.) My Noble Friend has truly stated what are his intentions ; but when we are met in this way, when we are told, " And so you go from tithes to commutation, and from commutation to land tax, and always from bad to worse ;" we are entitled to ask those who say so, what are their real wishes and opinions ?—(Hear, hear.) If Hon. Gen tlemen mean to get rid of tithes altogether—(No, no)-1 am glad to hear that disavowal—(Cheers)—but if they do mea❑ that, I ant desirous that gentlemen should fairly state to the House, and take the sense of the House upon their propositions.—(Hear, hear.) I regret that my Noble Fiend has been prevented from making his state ment—l regret, too, that I have been compelled to trouble the House at such length ; but I do trust that they will feel there is no ground whatever for casting on the Go vernment the censure contained in the Hon. Gentleman's resolution.—(Hear.) Mr. MORE O'FERRALL explained. Sir R. PEEL explained, and stated that what he had said was that the absolute extinguishment of tithes would not be a benefit to the Irish peasantry, bt cause, in demanding their tithes, the clergy made a reduction, but that would not perhaps he the case with the landlord, who, as he had let his land low on account of the tithts, would, if they were abolished, have a right to demand an cirtivalent in the shape of rent; but he never recollected saying that he was adverse to the commutation of tithes. Mr. LAMBERT explained, and said he could easily produce plenty of instances of the truth of what Fe had asserted. Mr. O'CONNELL—The Right Hon. Gentleman had asked what they, on that side of the House, had meint by the extinction of tithe ? He would tell the Right Hon. Gentleman what they m , ant. They did not mean any thing like the comae pursued by the Government of which that Right Han. Gentleman formed a part —(Hear.) He would ask what had he done—what had his country been guilty of, that it should be treated in the ruffianly manner in which it had been treated ? Mr. STANLEY rose to order—He believed that such language was perfectly unparliamentary, and be was sur prised that any Member of that House should dare to make use of it.—(Loud cheers.) Mr. O'CONNELL—The ruffianly shout that accom panied the preceding sentence, justified what be had said : h e would repeat, that that ruffianly shout—(Great up.. roar)— L. , rd SANDON a , ked whether it could be considered an assembly of gentlemen in which such language was used ? N, such langua:e ought to be made use of or to lerated, it that House wished to retain its character. If it wished to be considered as repre4enting the feel ngs Great Britain, it ought not to suffer itself to be addressed in such language. The SPEAKER considered that disorderly language had been made use of on both sides, and that the' House would be thankful to the Noble Lord who interposed. He was quite sure, that if the House thought- it necessary to pass its censure, that censure would be applicable to both parties. He trusted that the observations that f:11 from the Noble Lord who had just spoken would awaken the parties to a feeling of what was due to that House, and would be a guide to them as to their expressions. Mr. O'CONNELL wished he knew how adequately to receive what had fallen from the Right Hon. Gentleman in the chair, and adequately to express his apology for a ny thing he might have said. He would wish to ex press himself in the same terms that had been employed by the Right Hon. Gentleman ; but knowing that he would fail to do so, he begged to proceed with his sub ject. He had been saying that he would tell what he did not mean by an extinction of tithes—he did not mean that there should be regiments of horse, foot, and artillery to collect them—that there should be military and police employed in their collection—and, least of all, he never meant that there should be breaking into houses with respect to them.—(Hear, hear.) He did not mean that such scenes should take place as had occurred in the county of Kildare—that the daughter of Mr. O'Don nell should be dragged from her residence, and mal treated, or that Mr. O'Ryan should have been used as he had been. He meant something very different by the extinction of tithes. He meant something very dif ferent from what had been the effect of the passing of the Coercive Bill. Several charges had been brought for ward by the Hon. Member for Wexford ; all of them re lated to the Coercive Bill, and to the abuse of the police laws under it. Had any one of those charges teen denied ? In the case of Sergeant Shaw, what proof had been given that he did not act of his own head ? If he bail done what, he had done by order, the Government was to blame ; but if of his own head, he deserved to bi turned out of his situation. There were 57 cases of a similar description brought forward, and not one of the guilty had been punished. There were cheers in that House for the promises of Government, but the House would find that there would be very few for the per formances of those promises.—(Hear.) The Right Hon. Member for Tamworth had said that if you abolish the tithe system, there would be more exaction on the part of the landlords. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman then mentioned, that a Rev. Mr. Thompson (of a parish the name of which we could not catch) exacted out of a rack rent of, in round numbers, 3,0001. in the shape of tithes, 5501. The Reverend Archdeacon Trench, of Bal linasloe, for every forty pounds, exacted five pounds in the shape of costs and tithes ; and yet the Reverend Archdeacon was never seen in his parish. Besides these, not one of the 57 cases against Government was denied ; and the Hon. Member for Wexford, who was no decided opponent of Government, was ready to prove the truth of them at the Bar of that House. So that one person gave fifty-eight cases of this description in Kildare, and on the borders of Wexf - ord ; and besides, the Hon. Member for Kildare had distinctly specified what acts the police had been guilty of. He recollected having stated what bad been done in the comity of Roscommon for collecting tithes, and he had received a letter that very day, mentioning the violation of the law, and saying that the Coercive Bin was established to collect tithes, and that the police acted under it. He would agree with the Hon. Member for Kirkcudbright, that the Noble Lord might not to be censured if those cases were riot proved, and if the Noble Lord had punished those who had been guilty of them. But as the Noble Lord did not censure them, he would appeal to the Hon. Member for Kirkcud bright if the Noble Lord was not pursuing the course formerly adopted by Lord Anglesea and his then secre tary ? When the Noble Lord identified himself with those under his command, he was equally liable to censure with them. For his own part, he doubted whether they had a right to break open houses, or whether the police could, by law, act as they had done—he had his opinions upon that head, and he should like to see them tried. A wise Government ought to take care that the police should meddle as little as possible with a man's castle. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman then alluded to the opinions of a Gallant Officer (Sir H. Vivian), and said they seemed to be founded on the impression he had received from the people of Cork not taking off their hats for him. That Gallant Officer, strange as it might appear, expressed himself as wishing to have tithes abolished, and still wished to have the church establishment kept up. That was a strange opinion ; but the Gallant Officer's next opinion was every bit as strange—the landlords, accord ing to him, were so bad that nothing could prevent abso lute warfare between them and the people. After attacking the established church and the landlords, this commander in chief then proceeded to make an attack upon the courts of law, and said that no justice could be obtained in them. So that there was to be no law, no peace for landlords, and no keeping up of the established church, unless tithes were abolished. Some gentlemen bad said they bad once confidence in the present Govern ment; for his own part he never had, and he knew from the beginning that the Bill was mainly meant for the collection of tithes. Was it known what had hap pened last week at Middletown with respect to these tithes? The officers and soldiers were obliged to re treat into the town—of course they did not fire upon the people ; but they gave the people a triumph which would have dangerous consequences.—( Hear, hear.) All this happened about tithes, and it was for esta blishing and bringing about this that the House so ve hemently cheered the Right Honourable Secretary for Ireland. Well, at any rate, for that night he had used •his great talents in a fresh way—he had condescend-d to quit the colonies, and throw a little slavery over the whites of Ireland. He would not close his observations without answering one challenge of the Right Hon. Secre tary. He had never given it to be underst,,od that he wished the Ministers of the Established Church to lose one farthing of their incomes during their life-time ; but he cer tainly did say that tithes ought to be extinguished, but the porti,,n that fell upon the landlord was not, unless a land-tax was to be substituted in its room. VV hat be wanted was, to save the Established Church as little ..„ trouble as possible—that it should have nothing more to do than to go to the Treasury and receive its salary half yearly. Such a plan would give satisfaction, and he begged to mention that the landlords of Ireland were not what they were represented to he. Certain representa tions might be well applied to absentee landlords, but could not be justly applied to the resident landlords. He repeated, he had no confidence in Ministers; they bad deceived the Irish, and the C a tholics, above all, were de ceived with respect to the vestry cess. They no longer attended the vestries, because they thought it would not be levied, and thus they allowed it to be voted, and it in consequence continued to be collected. He would not lollow all that had been said by the Right Hon. Gentleman, but be would mention the fact, that not less than thirty-one bills were Sled in the Court of Exchequer for tithes, with at least 900 de fendants, and allowing the cos's of each defendant to be 101., there would be 9,0001. expended for the costs of levying tithes. How then, when such was the case, could he be accused, when he said that Ministers had violated their pledges? Perhaps they had not dune so designedly ; but facts bore him out in saying that they virtually had. Ministers might be ignorant of the viola tions of the law, but they ought to punish other violators of it when they were pointed out to them. Sir H. VIVIAN, in explanation, said, that he had not reflected upon the Irish landlords, but upon that class of persons called middle-men. Mr. SHAW said that he completely mistook the mean ing of the Gallant Officer's statements, if they did not imply a reflection on the Irish landlords. But at any rate, the speech just delivered by the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin was not calculated to establish quiet law in Ireland. He would refer to one case mentioned by that Hon. and Learned Member, which related to the clergy of the Established Church. The Hon. and Learned Member had referred to Archdeacon French, of the parish of B.dlinasloe, and stated that he never lived in his parish. Mr. O'CONNELL—Not exactly that—but the letter from the parish stated that the Archdeacon's peison was not known to the parishioners. Mr. SHAW—WeII, the Hon. and Learned Gentleman had stated that the military were employed in the county of Cork for the collection of tithes. That was a mistake, for they were merely employed in serving law processes. Lord DUNCANNON said that there appeared to be some misapprehension as to the transaction spoken of as having occurred in Tipperary. He was ready to admit that a great deal of unnecessary severity had been used ; but it was entirely owing to a misapprehension on the part of Captain Gunn, who, on application to one of the law officers, with reference to his powers in putting law processes into effect, bad misunderstood the extent of the explanation. However, as soon as the Government there bad been informed of the case, they had sent orders and directions—the result of which was, that n o ot h er in- stance of the kind had since occurred in Munster. Mr. FITZGERALD said that the assertion of the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin, with reference to Archdeacon French and his non-residence, was perfectly correct, for he (Mr. Fitzgerald) had that morning re ceived letters from the neighb'iurhood, which fully sub stantiated every statement. Another letter also fully bore out the assertion with reference to the forcible collection of tithes, particularly in one instance, where Archdeacon French, a week or ten days ago, went forth at the head of sixty police, for the purpose of collecting in tithe due on the Ist of May last.—(Hear.) Mr. STANLEY explained that he had not said there was no instance of individual severity; all he had alleged was, that in general, moderation was observed. Mr. RONAYNE said that Gunn was not the only per son who had been guilty of undue severity. If the douse wanted to know who was Gunn's evil genius or adviser in this matter, he (Mr. Ronayne) could tell them, for he could produce the written opinion of one Green, the At- Lorney• General's (Ireland) Deputy, authorizing Gunn in the course he had taken. O'CONNOR DON read a letter from the chid* nf police of Roscommon, detailing the circumstances attending the serving of tithe processes by him there. It thus appeared that the police were authorized to go out not merely a , protectors to tithe collectors, but as tithe collectors them selves. It certainly did appear to him that in this matter Government had violated their pledges, therefore, vote for the amendment of the Wm for Wexford. Lord ALTHORP said that if his Hon. F' to hear his concurrence in what had been at Hon. Member—namely, that Government punish any infringement of the Bill by powers to the collection of tithe, he (Lord perfectly ready to express such concurrence, to be the duty of Government to punish such by dismissal or otherwise. Mr. A. LEFROY vindicated the Marquis meath from the aspersions cast on him with tithe. The House then divided on the amendment, appeared— Ayes Noes Majority The amendment being, consequently, lost. Lord ALTHORP said that, according to would now proceed shortly to state the objects . to effect. By the Act passed for the composition in Ireland, after the year 1833, it had been after this period, the occupying tenants should be liable to the payment of tithes. It was, thought most desirable, under the circumstance' bad occurred, and which bad been alluded to: in the course of that evening's debate, that should take measures for relieving those tenants present time. It was not in his power, at that state exactly the amount of the sum which it necessary for Parliament to advance for this pt. he thought it was incumbent upon the Houser occasion, to pledge themselves generally to certain sum of money for these purposes. If ti to such a resolution as this, the clergy of Irelat be under no necessity of having recourse to all harsh measures to insure their support. The tol which this money ought to be advanced would land tax, payable in Ireland in a limited number out of all land liable to tithe; but those who I their tithes for the years 1831 and 1832 she'l l empted from this tax, the receipts for such parser held a sufficient proof. The Noble Lord cot moving--" That it was the opinion of that Hot certain sum of money shonlo eed by P' to the established clergy in Ireland, 1.. under to et to relieve the occupying tenantry from the pl tithe, the money to be payable by a land tax," Colonel PERCEVAL wished to know whether to extend to lay impropriators ? Lord ALTHORP said the clergy were the only contemplated. Sir R. PEEL wished to know whether they i►.- quittance for all arrears, including those before tir 1831. It was necessary that there should be a understanding on this point. Lerd ALTHORP explained that, in his opinion , clergy got the sum he proposed to give them, they be satisfied. It was to be recollected, none of these went back to 1831, and the clergy, he believed, ready to give a receipt in full for all their demands received the sum he proposed. With respect to question, it must be evident to the House that this only a temporary measure, which would not 13 1 means interfere with any existing laws. It ei r cessary that the resolution should be carried as possible, and be thought they ought to come to a at once. Mr. SHAW said the clergy would receive the tion of the Noble Lord with fairness and candour. The CHAIRMAN was then ordered to report and ask leave to sit again. The House resumed.—The Committee to sit &O D day. SLA VERY. The report of the Committee of the whole 0 6 the subject of slavery, was brought up, read, and to, and a Bill ordered to be brought in by Mr. Stanley, Lord John Russell, the S o li c i tor- G enera l,'" The other orders of the day were then disposed the House adjourned at a quarter before three o'clow LIST OF THI ON MR. BRISCOE'S MOTION, ON FOR REDUCING THE TWENTY M TO THE WEST INDIAN COLONISTI ENGLAND. E MINORITY a , TUESDAY EVENING, lILLIONS PROPOSED TO I° M TO FIFTEEN MILLIONS Lloyd, J. H.—Stockpo rt Marshall, J.—Leeds ol i Martin, J.—Tewkesbqz , Pryme, George—Cam Methuen, P —North nr i Parrott, Jasper—Totn ew e Pease, Joseph—South da Potter, Richard--Wig sn ,d Rippon, C.—Gatesheed,i, Robinson, G. R—Wore ° ', Rornilly, .I.—Bridport , Seale, Colonel—Dartrnout) Tennyson, Right Hon. , Lambeth W L. S. • Trelawney. W . Cornwall Tyrrell, Sir J. T.—Nor92 ~ Walter, John—Berkshire bri.. Aglionby, H. A.—Cockermouth' Bainbridge, E. T.—Taunton Baring, A.—North Essex Blamire, W.—East Cumberland Bowes, John—South Durham Briscoe, J. I —East Surrey Bruce, Lord E.—Marlborough Buller, Charles—Liskeard Bulwer, H. L.—Coventry Chandos, Marquis of—Bucks Cayley, E. S.—North Yorkshire Collier, J.—Plymouth Curteis, H. B.—East Sussex Dick, Quintin—Maldon Evans, Wm. De Lacy—West. mins er Ewart, W.—Liverpool Fryer, R.—Wolverhampton Gaskell, D.—Wakefield Goring, H. D.—New Shoreham Gully, John—Pontefract SCOTLAND. Gillon, W.' D.—FaWV', Handley, Benjamin—Boston Hardy, John—Bradford IRELAND. ~., Baldwin, Dr.—Cork Ci" Bellew, R M.--Louth,.., Chapman, M. L.—We"' Roche, W.—Limerick. Ruthven, E. s.—Dublel Ruthven, Ed.—Kildare Harli'rid, W. C.—Durham Hawes, Benjamin—Lambeth Hughes, Hughes—Oxford Hutt, W.—Kingston-on-Hull Ingilby, Sir W. A.—P a rt s a Lindsey, Lincolnshire Jervis, J.—Chester Kennedy, H.—Tiverton King, E. B.—Warwick Lister, E. Cunliffe—Bradford FAIRED OPF. 1 Nagle, Sir R O'Connell. Maurice -- ha p Scholefieia, OPORTO. FALMOUTH, JUNE 11, HALF-PAST SIX O'CLOCK „ha r lir 101 Majesty's schooner Pike is just arrived from 1 ,1 7 4 tet A i " Oporto ; she left the former place on the 2d, and the ` - e the sth instant. At the time of her leavin g there Vi e r of steamers off Oporto with troops, and about 100 mere o , with provisions, great quantities of which had been e st and were continued to land every ni g ht. Nothing , quence had transpired since the last accounts. Opoirro, JUNE 2.—The whole city is in a state ofel e:4 s tion this morning, on account of the arrival of the of Palmella, who landed last night in company Napier, R.N., and of two steamers with about fib principally Poles, who will come on shore this ". They likewise bring about 150 seamen for the detireir a f Marquis has re-appeared at a most fortunate P e- 0 407 4 the moment is quickly approaching, if it has n et lfie 7 :y arrived, when some individuals of wealth and t#, in the opposite party will bethink themselves of ‘ to care of number one," and seek opportunities_ 00 0 ..4 ' gotiate the terms of their defection, and such partlT 09; treat in perfect confidence with the Marquis of Palele i has a deal of influence in the country, although to th e o y end they would never put themselves into the hand s coo le, men as ; but I recollect the proverb about as Or o sons. The brig Villa Flor, Captain Ruxton, b irO l a tured a Portuguese schooner with salt (beneath oj e; they found a quantity of powder and ball), a nd 1 10 , 4 e 0 ,5 taken three Miguelite gunboats. The ammunition L'opts;" landed at the Foz, and the crews of the small craft d is ffte. amongst the fleet. A little affair happened yesterdal s e yO I should not notice, except t o guar d you aga i ns t ante rated version you might othe rw i se rece i ve o f it, 0..,e the Lisbon Gazette may publi s h a b u ll e ti n extraordinetw the occasion. A party of eighty Frenchmen went out t,° in a wood in the neighbou r ho o d of A n t as : a ft e r hayil..' back the Miguelite picket posted there, they pushe d 0 , 0 , ,4 the fog of the morning, amid t a sharp fire from side 7 until they nearly reached the enemy's lines, where t' e o , r ie ceeded in cutting out two bullocks, which they d r° 4 l o/: 0 4 with them into the city: three men were killed, 00 . . e rit ad t wounded. As this was done on the spur of the lu e-- „ without orders, the officer who went out with the G a ya 7 ,4 himself into a serious scrape. The redoubt on the u"" h efl; does not trouble us so much as heretofore, the enelove' lost a good many men there, from the fire of our batteries playing against it. ebli With respect to supplies we are now doing toler 0 , , e the quantities recently landed have re d uce d the P riC o.ooll derably. The Chronica of yesterd a y, No. 199, en , 0 0 statement contrasting the cost of provi s ions in the el:000:4 last day of April and that of M a y. It i s s li g htly °i ns ) , S tv both ways in a trifling degree in some articles, P ut for a table of our present prices : pysicifi Articles. Prices on A pril3o. 1)/1 g Reis. , n n to • :A 6, Indian corn, per alquifr .. Flour, per barrel 30,000 .................... „ fr Fresh beef, per lb. Sale Pork, per lb. .„, 7-, Ham, per lb. .... Butter, per lb. An egg Fresh arrivals—Lady Charlotte Bacon, and All . • bel, the elder. 10 4 - TOP nir , LIVERPOOL COTTON MARKET) 101- —Our business in Cotton to-day has extended t° r ied o . biles, a most extraordinary day's transaction, an d P of ! o p, all kinds are fully id. higher than the quotatioloo_,, Saturday's stretnent. The Market is full of a° 0 01 4 , and the specu'ative and consumptive demand are t :,4 f r O tive. _ The business has been chiefly in Bowe i r e ,o , ol biles—say 5,000 at 7id. to Sid., and 1,00 0 % k etl j d lid. to Sid. Of these sorts 1,500 have bee° so ts speculation, as have been 500 Surats late 013 0 001,1, last. The day's business includes, besides , 500 1 l e , 400 Bahias 400 Alaranhams, and 150 Stnyra' i or 1 .4 4 per lb. This brilliant state of our Market natufotisi duces much excitement , and proves that our ma° co lbrd must have their hands fully engaged, and that 01:1_,109 pl a ce no little confidence in the reports of the forw" short crop. .... 19.1 , f raric•nfloecee.on.., an lie pith r ~ Friend ‘:eytt ~,,, , _Cent. adratl C/4 0 Rai ... , t Wag : ~, AZ'. i y aPP , ci %I, t. Pi d Ala '''' 'ongik, • con - i i k !!1; 4 1( ,, nob 01, a, INI , 5 , ilia :Or ' ' s '' IRS qua 5 is, ith ref . ? ` 8 op 1 nt, 0 ' ', 4 Bond ° A 0 144 234 ...., to i l l tel ..... , i.lo wo t. . t o ArZ l ' to pr° Na n i is he ' tt ° Act ' of 'to isition 4 0 ncll del Aces 1 n ens , h g on ,) ild be 0 4 ' ' Ae 4 however,i: , I t stance' 6 __Ac c .: l ) ; dto fro ' ' 4413 0n; lat Pa rr t i . R ee l : ca nts f , '. 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Se c " fer al ' 80 . o e ' Ste( posed O f 6▪ 9 , o'clO Y ' )it 1 , , 17 ,y00 0 0 II r __ .. i~ ___ 'NUR g is no ey tha that h 7 SUbj( c ies thl Conti Russia Itersbur 11 T)ent s ►erect as t ce, is ~1 10 b 'tied onl y ti iti v 4 q it fo i ted qlo r "'" l'idi b ac 4 `irne, "g t l . l iid ted e ha _ h : 4 Ch. Lit m r wh o h till and ihme I .(t,ribu li Plsti4 14 t,_ ate 'etl a - i' e~co