The Sun. — London, England, 1864-01-16 00:00:00

THE INSURRECTION IN POLAND. (From the Special Correspondent of the Times.) Moscow, Jan, 8. The news received here from Poland gives but little idea of the exact state of the Polish insurrec tion. In Lithuania, now that Mackiewicz's band is destroyed and Mackiewicz himself hanged, there can scarcely be much farther resistance to the legiti mate Government of the country, which in all the disturbed districts has exiled or imprisoned the landed proprietors, taxed the estates more than they can bear, made roads through the great woods, and cut down or burnt the smaller ones. The Lithuanian insurrection appears now to have been a mistake from beginning to end. Nobody de sired it, and it is even difficult to determine who the insurgents really were. Not the nobility ; for we read every day of fresh addresses having been pre sented in which the nobility of this or that district in Lithuania condemn the insurrection as a move ment got up only by a few misguided and perverse men. Not the peasants ; for except in the Catholic districts, where the priests are men of some cultiva tion, and, apart from their religious authority, have a natural influence as teachers which the Russian " orthodox" priests, knowing nothing themselves, cannot be expected to exercise; except in the Catianic districts of the Wilna and Kovno Govern ments the peasants have been either completely passive or have allowed themselves to be armed against their masters. Almost the only positive outrages on the part of the peasantry in Lithuania appear, it is true, to have been those committed at the very beginning of the insurrection by the Russian sectarians (raskolnila), whose ancestors, after being driven out of Russia, had been hospitably received in Poland. But, as a general rule, the peasantry in Lithuania, as in all other parts of Poland, except the Grand Duchy of Posen (where the serf of former times has long been a landed proprietor) are too degraded to have any notion of patriotism, and they can, if necessary, be raised up against the actual owners of the soil as easily as in Russia itself. In Russia previous to the Emancipation Act numbers of proprietors were murdered every year by their peasants, of course without any incitement on the part of the Government, which on its own natural territory cannot desire to see society entirely disorganised. But what proves beyond doubt the hatred of the Lithuanian peasantry for all ideas of Polish nations ality is the fact that they, like the nobility, disavow with honest warmth all participation . in the late criminal attempt to replace the established Russian Government by a government of Poles. The pea sants' addresses are very explicit on this point. Besides the peasantry, who cannot be supposed to care much for anything not immediately connected with their daily wants, and the country gentry and small freeholders, who are represented in secret official reports as detesting'everything Russian, and in public official addresses as filled with the highest veneration for the Russian Government, there are also the Jews, who form a greater part of the trades ing classes in the towns. 'They also are very fond of the Russians, but nothingis astonishing on the part of the Jews of Lithuania, for it appears that they have a high admiration even for Christianity, espe cially of the Russian pattern. A number of poor, humiliated, persecuted Lithuanian Jews had to pre sent an address the other day, in which devotion was expressed for that Government which, until within the last few years, made it penal for a Jew wearing his ancient traditional costume to remain more than three days in the holy city of Moscow, and abhor rence for the nation which gave an asylum to the Jews when in all other parts of Europe they were cruelly oppressed. The Jewish deputation having expressed a wish to make some sort of gift (appa rently by way of peace offering) inquired, according to the Journal de St. Petersbourg, what would be the most appropriate thing for them to offer. "An orthodox church," was the reply; and it is stated in the foreign official or semi-official organ of the Rus eian Government that the orthodox church required is really about to be bui;t with Jewish money. Does any one imagine that the Jews of Lithuania do not really desire to increase the number of Chris tian places of worship? They desire it quite as much as the Lithuanians in general do to perpetuate the Russian Government in their unhappy country; and the gift of an orthodox church comes as spon taneously from the Jaws as the presentation of loyal addresses does from the Poles, whether in Lithnania or in the kingdom. Just about the time that Mackiewicz, already a fugitive, was discovered in his hiding-piece and made prisoner, Chmelinski, one of the three prin cipal leaders in the kingdom, was taken, and before now has probably, like Mackiewicz, been executed. At least it was announced, immediately after his capture, that having► been conducted to Radom he would there be "punished for his crimes." Chme linsai had commanded for some months past in what the Poles call "the palatinate of Cracow"—that is to say, the district adjoining the Cracow territory, on the other side of the frontier, which before the partition formed, with the coantry around Cracow, but one province, Chmelinski's district was said to be held by as many as 15,000 Russians, and con sidering that the Russian army in the kingdom now numbers 150,000 men, this estimate does not appear at all exaggerated. Since Langiewicz's time the Palatinate of Cracow—the scene of that leader's principal exploits—has always bean occupied by the Russians in great strength. It is not only an easy country for an enemy well acquainted with the ground to defend, being thickly wooded and broken up by a chain of hills, but the frontier is only four miles distant from the city of Cracow. It was essen tial for the Russians to prevent the Poles from esta lishing themselves in a district whence they could keep up a close and constant communication with the place from which they have hitherto drawn the greater part of their supplies, and the bands in the Palatinate have usually been defeated forthwith when they have entered from the neighbourhood of Cracow ready formed, while they have seldom main tained themselves for many weeks together oven when they have been organised in the country itself. in Chmelinski had been acting some time the Pa latinate when in the month of October " Bossak" came to the city of Cracow and began to send across the frontier, in parties of four and five, the detach ment with which Chmelinski's afterwards co-ope rated. Chmelinski, after the two detachments had joined, for ultimately they formed but one, appears to have done duty as chief of the staff, " Bossak" assuming the general command. Chmelinski and " Bassak" have done as hard fighting as any leaders who have appeared in Poland since the beginning of the insurrection, and have had to fight against better troops than those who took the field during the first few months. Both had been officers in the Russian army, which they only quitted to join their own countrymen in arms. Chmelinski was a lieutenant in the artillery. " Boesak" had the rank of colonel, and had served, I believe, in the guard and on the general staff. H e had also seen active service in the Caucasus, where he was twice badly wounded. The affair in which Chmelinski was taken has been represented in Polish telegrams as a victory for the Poles, and in Russian printed re p orts as a vic tory for the Russians. It appears, however, from P. letter of tolerably veracious aspect in one of the Russian newspapers that there was no battle at all on the occasion. The Russians, under Gen. Czengery, coming up from several points and in great force to at ta , ;k the insurgent band, Bossak led his men across a river. Chmelinksi, attended by one aide-decamp, waited behind to see the rear-guard safely over the bridge, and the last of the cavalry were just cross ing, when the Cossacks and dragoons composing the advanced guard of the Russians made their appeal-- ance. The two Polish officers drew their revolvers and fired, but the Rassians tiring at the same time, the aide-de-cam-pia horse was brought down, and Chmelinski received a wound in the head. The rest cf the story is not likely to be true. The dregeons, we are told, having made a rush at the chief of the staff, and having seized him, he exclaimed, " Do not kill me, I am Chmelinski.' It is not at all improbable that the wound Chmelinski received in the head was from his own hand. The Russians would haveendeavoured to take him alive, in o r d er t o h ave the pleasu re o f h anging him, and ho knew the fate that inevitably awaited him if alive he fell into the power of his enemies. Thus Czachowski shot himself when escape from the Russians had become impossible, which did not prevent a Russian officer from claiming the merit of having administered to him his death-wound. According to the Russian newspapers Chmelinski was concerned in the attempt made upon the life of the grand Duke Constantine immediately after his arrivaldin Warsaw. The party least guilty in that shamefuYaffair was the half-witted fanatic who actually fired the shot, but, according to Polish accounts, it was not Chmelinski, the chief of in surgents, but some relation of his who prompted the act of which the well calculated political effect was to render impossible the work of conciliation undertaken by the Russian Government (at least a couple of years after the proper time), and to leave the extreme party—the party bent upon in surrection at all hazards—face to face with Russian repression. Chmelinski, like so many of the Poles who have served in the Russian army, was among the extremest of the "extremes ;" and when he first appeared in the field his harsh and overbearing conduct to the Polish proprietors of his district was much complained of,—a fact, by the way, well worth the consideration of those Russians who speak of the Polish insurrection as an aristocratic movement. But when Chmelinski had won a few fights and had proved himself one of the most skilful as well as one of the most daring of the Polish Chiefs, no one said anything more about his exactions, nor about the roughness and violence of a man who in common with all the revolutionary party was convinced that nothing but a general rising would suffice to drive the Russians out of Poland; who had no faith in a partial insurrection kept up in order to give foreign Governments an opportunity of interfering in a struggle for which they have no taste ; and who thought no sacrifice too great to enforce from the landowners who, what ever else they gave, did not, like himself and his comrades, give their blood. Patriotism is the one cardinal virtue in Poland, and the man who fights for his country may do or leave undone whatever he pleases without incurring the smallest reproach. On the other hand, if a Pole shows himself devoid of patriotism, it is a sin against the Spirit, for which there is no atonement. Neither he nor even his children can be forgiven, unless, indeed, the latter give some striking, un questionable proofs of not having inherited the paternal stain. Now "Bassak," or Colonel Hanke (to give him his real name, already well known to the Russians), inherited from his father the title of 'Count, but not the reputa tion of a Polish patriot. General Hauke was cue of the five cfficers who, during the outbreak of the 29th of November, 1830, which was the prelude to the general rising, endeavoured to prevent the troops from joining the insurgents, and were, in consequence, tern from their horses and massacred. This incident does not by any means prove that the officers in question did not lave their country. They perhaps wished to save it from the ruin which they may have foreseen awaited it if it engaged in a struggle with the whole force of the Russian Em pire. But however that may be, the Emperor Nicholas settled their reputation for them by erect ing a monument to their memory in the principal square of Warsaw, and inscribing their names upon it as faithful servants of the Russian Crown. He erected a similar monument at Tsarskoe Selo to a horse—the one that carried him safely through the affair with the Sr. Petersburg insurgents in 1823; bat the officers whose infidelity to their country, or at least to their countrymen, is commemorated on the gigantic tea-urn that stands in the Saxon Square, are looked upon by th© inhabitants of War saw and by all the Poles as something much lower than the Emperor's horse. As for the present Count Hauke, the " Bossak" of the Cracow Palatinate, he seems personally to have had nothing to complain of from the Russians. The Emperor Nicholos took charge of his education, and his path was made pleasant in the Russian army. It was not, however, the path of peace, and his friends say that by the wounds he received in the Caucasus he may be considered to have paid off his debt to the Russian Imperial family (with which, by the way, he is also connected by the marriage of one of his nearest relations to a member of the Hesse Darmstadt family). He will be accused all the same of ingratitude, and he certainly cannot be grateful in the Rockfoucauld sense of the word, for he has henceforth no favours to expect, and _ . already the Russian newspapers are publishing the most malicious and at the same time stupid calum nies against him, and are representing a highly educated and accomplished gentleman who has left fortune, position, and every worldly advantage for the sake of his country, and perhaps also for the honour of his own family, as a brigand and cut-throat of the vilest description. To " Bossak" and " Kruk" (whose real name is still not generally known, but who, it may be men tioned, was also an officer in the Russian service) the duty of keeping up the insurrection in the king dom during the winter seems chiefly to have been assigned. " Bosaak," though he is always moving about, still has his headquarters in the Palatinate of Cracow. "Kruk'' has the general direction of several bands in the Lublin country, bat, by the last reliable accounts that have reached me (not very recently), had not yet entered himself. "Kruk," it may be remembered, gained a few months ago the best regular battle that the Poles had fought since Sezioranski's victory at Kobylanka last May, and one of the very few that have been fought in the whole course of the insurrection. It was he who sent some 200 prisoners with a letter expressing a vain hope that the Russians would profit by the example set them, and at last behave with some mercy to the Poles who fell into their hands. This has, of course, not prevented the Russians from sending all their Polish captives to Siberia, with the exception of those who are thought distinguished enough to be shot or hanged. After his victory (which would have attracted a little more attention if the Poles had not been in the habit of representing all their defeats as victo ries) "Kruk" had overpowering forces brought against him; and ultimately he was obliged to re tire to Galicia, where he began to organise new bands, the proprietors of Lublin having got up a special subscription of a million Polish florins (X 25,000) to enablo him to equip them in a suitable manner. Of the four leaders who a month ago would have been named as the main supporters of the Polish in surrection, in the kingdom and in Lithuania, two only remain. Besides " Kruk" there are several minor chiefs in the province of Lublin, and " Bos sak " is said to have good lieutenants in his Cracow detachment. There are smaller bands, too, in other parts of the country; bat " Bossak " and " Kruk" are regarded —or were (for life is remarkably uncer tain among the Polish insurgents)—as the chief on whom fell the special and difficult duty of keeping up the insurrection during the winter months. The Russians say once more that the insurrection is at an end. It might be better for the Poles were such really the case, for it is difficult to understand what they can gain —easy to see that they must lose —by prolonging the unequal struggle. The object of the Poles is, of course, to keep the Polish sore open, in the hope that Western doctors will feel compelled to attend to it should they find it still unclosed in the spring. That this sore irritates the whole European body is undeniabl e ; b ut i t is equally certain that it has proved terribly enfeebling to Poland. It is evident that the Russians are now more anxious than ever to make short work of the spring as of something not under any circumstances to be tolerated. Unless, however, they can cut it, burn it, or feeza it out during the next two months there will be thousands of volunteers ready to take up arms again in the spring--supposing always that the arms are to be had. The losses of Poland in men have, after all, been nothing compared to its losses in money and in property of all kinds, and if material resources were not wanting its personal resources would be almost inexhaustible. [Anvr.nTtsEmENT.] Holloway's Ointment. Cold Weather:—Turn which way you will, go where you please, persons will be found who have a ready word of praise for this Ointment. For chaps, chafes, scalds, bruises, and sprains it is an invaluable rem e dy ; f or bad legs, caused by accident or cold, it may be confidently relied upon for effecting a sound ,and permanent cure. I n all cases of swelled ankles, erysipelas, gout, and rheumatism, Hollo way's Ointment gives the greatest comfort by reducing the inflammation, cooling the blood, soothing the nerves, ad justing the circulation, and expelling- impurities. This Ointment should have a place in every nursery. it w ill cure the long list of skin affections which originate in child hood, and gain strength with the child's growth. THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JANUARY ; 16 2 184 t The French Circular on the Conference, The following is the text of the Note addressed by M. Drouyn de Lhuys to the French Ministers at the minor German Courts relative to the Conference proposed by England:— M. le Ministre,—On the 31st December the English Go vernment forwarded a communication to the Government of the Emperor, in which it proposed the assembly of a Con ference, either at Paris or London, which should be sum moned to consult upon the affairs of the Duchies. It would consist of representatives of the Powers by which the Treaty of 1852 was signed, to whom would be added an accredited envoy from the German Confederation. When the Government of the Emperor was first sounded on this subject, it felt itself called upon, in order tc avoid every error, to point out clearly the materifd difference exist ing between a Conference which discussed a special question and between the general or more restricted Congress, the idea of which emanated from the Emperor. A Congress which is to regulate interests of the most various kinds offered elements of arrangement which, of ne cessity, would be wanting when the deliberation is confined to an isolated interest. While the Emperor allowed himself to be guided by this reflection, and as he was, in addition, no longer willing to take a negotiation under his auspices, from which he would have been obliged to exclude several of the Powers who had assented to the idea of a Congress, no other course was open to him but to decline to permit the Congress to assemble in Paris. But the Government of the Emperor is not on that:ao count less desirous to support the attempt which may be made to prevent more serious complications. The preserva tion- of peace was the aim of my august master, when he in vited the Sovereigns to an explanation among themselves to fortify still further the political system of Europe. The object of the Emperor is still the same, and, although he still remains convinced that only one way can lead to it, he has yet no absolute objection to the combination which has been announced by the English Government. Certain pre liminary explanations would, notwithstanding, be necoc sary, and the same have been offered by the Powers. The London Conference of 1852 has only accomplished an impotent work, as the present condition of affairs more than abundantly proves. Its resolutions are contested at the present time by the majority of the lesser States, as well as by some of those by whom it was agreed to. If they were to ;assemble again at the present time it would be mainly to come to resolutions which would be calculated to give hopes of a more satisfac tory result. In the first place, it is of importance not to place the Conference in opposition to the Federal Diet by inviting the Plenipotentiaries to discuss questions which may practically already be decided, and the Government of the Emperor has applied to the Powers to learn if they were inclined to take the actual status que in Schleswig and Holstein as the point of departure—that is, to reserve the pending question. At the same time the Emperor, actively engaged on one subject which appears to be of great interest for Germany, is of opinion with the English Government that the parti cipation of the Germanic Confederation in the negotiations which may ensue would be of great assistance. But it is questionable if the Federal Diet would decide to adopt the line of action. In the midst of a general or more restricted Congress, which discussed other questions besides that of the Duchies, the German Diet, as I believe, would have no hesitation in laying its affairs before Isla European tribunal. Ono of the advantages of this conciliatory plan was to make a just share of allowance for the sensibility and interests of each. But since the Federal Diet has on several earlier occasions de clined all the prepositions which had for their object the arrangement of their difference with Denmark by the Powers who signed the Treaty of London, the Emperor must first be convinced whether the views of the German States in this respect have undergone any change before he on his part accepts the proposition of the English Cabinet. This is the communication, 111. le Ministre, which I am directed to transmit to you. I should, therefore, esteem it a favour if you would place me in a position to announce to my Government whether the idea of a Conference is ap proved by the -- Government, and whether it would be inclined to vote at Frankfort that Germany should be re presented at this assembly by a special plenipotentiary. don after all was not unfruitful. They had a good budget. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had £300,000,000 to dis pose of, which he divided between the rich and the poor by taking off 2d. from the income tax, and sd. from tea and by a little doctoring of tobacco. They had also some excite ment about the proposition for the purchase of the Exhibi tion building, which created such a now in the house that anybody would have taken it to be drunk. (Laughter.) There was also an excitement with reference to Mr. Somes's bill, for which he had voted. (Applause.) The state of Lan cashire had also been discussed, and the Public Works Act had been the result. Emigration had been suggested as a remedy for Lancashire distress, but he was no advocate for traqsporting people by thousands, which he thought would be a desperate remedy for the ills of the country. The only system of relief was more cotton, and he was glad to say there was a prospect of a good supply from Egypt, Africa, Greece, Italy, Algiers, and some of our colonies. He had himself tried, he believed with success, the experiment of cultivating cotton in the West Indies. Rascality and dis honesty had disappointed them in reference to India, but even from there they might expect a greater quantity and a better quality. Upon the dispute in Amo ica and the affairs of Schleswig-Holstein, our course should be that of neu trality. He wished to see old England weather the storm —looking upon the storm indeed, but taking no part in it ourselves ; but husbanding our strength for a better time. He was glad to bel.eve that there was a prospect of a re turn to a state of prosperity. Let us but have a supply of cotton—the means cf employing the people—and old Eng land would again be one of the most prosperous countries under Heaven. (Lard cheering.) Several questions vere put to the hon. gentleman. Mr. Barnes was asked if he would support the Permissive Bill of Mr. Lawson, merther for Carlisle. Mr, BARNES said he could not say what he should do until he saw the bill. Mr. Alderman HARWOOD moved a vote of thanks to Mr. Barnes for his services during the past session of Par liament. Mr. Alderrnan:OLToN:seconded the motion, which was carried by acclamatim. Mr. BARNES acknowledged the compliment, and the maeting terminated with & vote of thanks to the chairman. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIMES.—A number of concurrent indications prove only too clearly that the last desperate struggle of the Polish nation is drawing to a conclusion. One by one the insurgent leaders are captured, their bands dispersed, and themselves consigned, after a decent interval of a few days, to the gibbet or to the bullet. It is rather mortifying to reflect that the present success of the Russians is in a great measure owing to the misappropriation of a loan contracted ostensibly for the purpose of restoring the value of their currency. Still, if the insurrection is to fail, the shorter the agony the better. No one can hear without regret and indignation of the cruelties and enormities that have been perpetrated, and we may reasonably hope that at least the extremity of rigour will cease with the cessation of the cause whence it arose. Assuming, however, that the Emperor has successfully disposed of the question of serfdom and of the Polish insurection, he has yet to deal with another problem perhaps more diffi cult than either of its predecessors. Russia expects from the hands of its present monarch a Constitu tion, and he is under some engagement to meet her expectations. Now, Russia is a country to frame a Constitution for which would, we think, have very seriously puzzled even the Abbe Sieyes. The Emperor, in granting a Constitution, has not, we believe, the slightest intention of doing what in most cases is nearly identical—effecting a vast re. volution. He professes himself friendly to progress andwilling to allow his people a voice in their own affairs, bat we have no idea that he moans for one moment to divest himself of absolute power, or to descend from the position of Emperor, Auto crat, Head of the Church, and almost a Deity on earth, to that of a chief magistrate, exercising cer tain delegated ettribut ons under the advice of Mini sters responsible to a freely-elected Parliament. The first question the Emperor of Russia will have to consider is how he means to treat his aristocracy, Is he prepared to place the supreme powers of go. vornment virtually in their hands ?. Such an act would be one of signal self-sacrifice; but, supposing the objections of the Emperor to despoil himself of absolute power have been overcome, it is quite cer tain that the good of the country would be pro moted by an act which would give it many masters instead of one? The Emperor may call to his aid the moat enlightened advice, and when he has ascer tained what is best to be done he is so immeasurably raised above his subject that there would seem to be nothing to disturb his judgment. Would this state of things be mended by placing the supreme power in the hands of an aristocracy hitherto, for the most part, inexperienced in public affairs, and having little knowledge of any profession except the use of arms ? Of course the removal of a supreme authority would at once split the aristocracy into factions, and the direction of public affairs would be contested with a cor ruption and violence exaggerated by the magni tude of the stake, the uncivilised state of the mass of the people, and the great power placed in the hands of the combatants. For the present century the Russian aristocracy has renounced the privilege of tempering autocracy by assassination. Is it quite certain that the Crown could' enter into partnership with this powerful body without running some risk af a recurience to ancient practices? Shall, then, the Emperor create a House of Commons, to vote the Supplies and share with himself and the nobility the powers of legislation ? For such a body, in the English sense of the term, we fear there ere in Russia no materials. The Russian middle class can hardly yet be said to have any existence. The House that would be elected would represent the peasants ; it would naturally be bitterly hostile to the nobility, from whose hands it had only lately been emancipated and would probably seek to place the Emperor at its head with a view to changes in a Communistic sense. Looked at even in this general way, the prospect is not at &et eight very encouraging. The difficulty of finding a Constitution for Russia is, however, very greatly increased when we consider the vast numbers of the population, and the im mense space ,of land over which they are spread. In many of the western provinces, for instance, the opinion of the educated part of the community is so decidedly Polish that popular Assemblies could not be relied on even for the first essential requisite of loyalty to the Crown. In Siberia, where there are no nobles, the landowners are said to be animated by a free and independent spirit very different from the slavish ideas which have so long prevailed in European Russia. What is to be done with Poland? Can Russia afford to leave her out of the scheme of the Constitution, or will she venture to include her in it ? The first would be anomalous, the second highly dangerous. There is indeed a *solution which we believe has been thought of, but to which the Emperor is understood to be opposed, that is, to avoid the difficulties arising from dis cordant political opinions and jarring interests by placing power in the hands of a class which, ',sunk in ignorance and till lately in slavery, is below the region of politics, and would fled, as we have said, in the Emperor its natural guide and pro tector. No doubt, for the present at least, if the Emperor chose to ally himself with those who were lately serfs, he might, under the form of a free constitution, be nearly as absolute as ever. Universal suffrage would in this, as in most other eases, evince its affinity for arbitrary power, and its hostility to every class that intervenes between the lowest and the highest. Yet the Emperor may well pause before he exchanges his position es the head of a brilliant aristocracy and the earthly Providence of so vast a nation for the Dictatorship of an enormous predial democracy, ignorant, fanatical, inconstant, and unreasonable4to be indulged with the extreme of license, or kept within bounds only by military violence. Among so many difficulties it is not wonderful that the Russian Government should hesitate, and though pledged to give a Constitution in the early part of the present year, should be still deliberating what that Constitution is to be. It is not unlikely that the result may be the abandonment of the idea of a general Legislative Body for the whole Empire, and the substitution for it of some sort of local machi nery. Nay, it is, we believe, not improbable that provincial Parliaments will be found nearly as im practicable as Imperial Assemblies, and that the Russian Constitution may, after all, end in the ap pointment of Councils to manage the affairs of every parish. We are far from undervaluing even such a concession as this, for which the machinery already exists in every Russian village. But doubt less a proposal for a new Constitution which should end in the appointment of a number of select vestries would hardly escape the ridicule which attaches to an anti-climax. The truth is that a Constitution which is intended to work ought to be the reflex and result of the existing state of society in the nation for which it is intended. To invest 12,000,000 slaves just emancipated, and perhaps three or four times as many persons who can neither read nor write, with political power, would be to give influence in the Government to classes which have as yet been able to assert for themselves no social influence at all, and to surrender power which ought to be confided to rational and skilful hands to something worse than blind chance—to igno rance, stupidity, and brutality. And yet a Consti tution which pointedly excluded the whole body of the people must appear ridiculous in the eyes of foreign countries, and illusory in the eyes of that people themselves. Serfdom may be abolished by a change of law, Poland may be subdued by the sabre and the bayonet, bat Russia has still to contend egainst her own internal barbarism, and that will neither yield to laws nor suffer itself to be dragooned into intelligence. Before he can give a satisfactory Constitution, the Emperor must educate a new generation to understand its rights and perform its duties. DAILY NEWS.—At length the Duke of Cam bridge has published his remarks on the Crawley Court-martial. The result is that whilst Colonel Crawley is directed "to resume the command of the Gth InniskillingDragoons," Major Swindley, Lieu tenant Fitzsimon, and Surgeon Turnbull are re moved from the regiment. Nothing is said of the other officers, non-commissioned officers and men. But the Commander-in• Chief "trusts that the Colonel will prove by tact and judgment in the per formance of his duties, that he appreciates the im portance of his position as a commanding officer, and that the painful experience of the past will not be lost upon him." Under circumstances so pece.liar there must be every disposition to ,put such a con struction upon the conduct , of the Horse Guards as will make it, if possible, consistent. But the task is far from easy. According to the " re marks," Colonel Crawley has been fully and honourably acquittee by the court—its proceedings have been confirmed and approved, and the verdict we are told, " should now be carried out." "Lieu tenant-Colonel Crawley will therefore resume the command" of his regiment. But why ? How did the Duke of Cambridge arrive at this conclusion ? The fitness of Colonel Crawley for command was never before the Court-martial at all. That officer has been tried upon two charges, and upon two charges only—excessive severity toward Sergeant- Major Lilley, and uttering a false charge against Adjutant Fitzsimon. It certainly must have oc curred to the Duke, as it did occur to many reason able people, that Colonel Crawley might well be acquitted of both those charges, and might never theless be utterly unfit to command a regiment. Surely there are many things less heinous than torturing a sergeant-major and slandering an ad jutant which ought to disqualify a man for the command of a regiment. But what thinks the ante of Cambridge on this question ? It is difficult to say. If the Duke thinks that because Colonel Crawley has been fully and honourably acquitted of the two heinous charges for which he was tried he hag proved himself fit for command,twhy does he allude "to the painful experience of the past ?" If, on the other hand, the Duke thinks that it is only by a happy combination of temper, judgment, and discretion that the command of a regiment can be properly conducted, what evidence has been furnished dur ing the late court martial that Col. Crawley posa sesses those essential qualifications? One of two things—either the Commander in Chief has admi nistered a rebuke to Col. Crawley which is unde served, or he has replaced that officer in command of a regiment without due :consideration, and in violation of all consistency. Contrast for a moment his treatment of Major Swindley with that of Major Swindley's Colonel. In the remarks just published, the Commander in Chief says:—" The Court has remarked on the animus displayed by Major Swind ley in giving his evidence. He has not ceased to entertain feelings which strike at the root of all discipline :" " and Major Swindley will be removed from the regiment accordingly." Only six months ago the Commander in Chief said—" Col. Crawley's rejoinder to Mr. Smales's defence his Royal High ness considered as exceedingly vindictive, and likely to raise a spirit of resistance among his officers." But, notwithstanding, his Royal Highness pro ceeds to say that he will allow the Colonel to re main at the head of his regiment. Thus the Major who displays animus against his Colonel in giving evidence is removed from his regiment because such feelings strike at the root of all discipline, whilst the commanding officer of this Major, whose con duct is denounced as exceedingly vindictive, and likely to raise the spirit of resistance, is retained in command. The army and the public have just been reminded, by command of his Royal Highness the Field-Marshal Commanding in Chief, that without discipline an army is worse than useless, and that under all circumstances it must and will be maintained. It might seem superfluous to re mind a Commander in Chief that discipline, how ever essential, cannot be maintained unless the chief has mind enough to distinguish be tween justice and injustice, and firmness enough to act upon this distinction. But the painful inconsistencies of which the Duke of Cambridge has been guilty in dealing with the Inniskilling Dragoons prove that principles so elementary are either ignored or forgotten. After all, however, neither the weakness and inconsis tencies of the Commander-in-Chief, the alleged tyranny of Colonel Crawley, nor even the sufferings endured by Lilley and his wife, are the real ques tions at issue. The real question is, whether the law of the land can be overridden, and the rights of the soldier violated in India or elsewhere with impunity. There is no doubt whatever that three non-commissioned officers were kept under arrest from the 26th of April until the 25th of May, 1862. And it has been admitted by Lord Hartington in the House of Commons, by the Judge Advocate, and the official prosecutor at Alderehot, that this con tinued arrest was illegal by the Artie !es of War, and by the Mutiny Act. By the 99th artice l e of war, " when any soldier or officer commits an offheace deserving of punishment he shall be ordered arrest or confinement until released by lawful authority ; and no officer or soldier shall continue in such arrest or confinement more than eight days, or until such time as a court-martial can conve niently be held." The 79th article article says : " Whosoever shall unnecessarily detain any prisoner in confinement without bringing him to trial shall, if an officer, be liable to be cashiered, or to suffer such other punishment as, by the judgment of a general court-martial, may be awarded.' Now, the three sergeants were in arrest for much more than eight days, and not one of them was tried by court martial. This was a grossly illegal act committed by some person. Who committed this illegal act was the question originally raised in Parliament by Mr. For tescae and others? That question has not yet been answered. On the contrary, the utmost care has been taken that it ehall not be answered. It is our conviction, as it has been throughout, that the officer really responsible for this grievous wrong is Lieut.-Colonel Crawley, but ho has never been distinctly tried upon this charge. At all events, the responsibility lies between three men—Colonel Crawley, General Farrell, and Sir William Mans field. It is for the Commander-in-Chief and the War Secretary to find out and to punish the officer who is really guilty. The penalties attached to keeping an officer unnecessarily in confinement furnish conclusive proof of the serious character of the charge which some person or other is now bound to answer. There is no such thing known to the law of England as arbitrary arrest or imprisonment for an indefinite period. It is needless at this time of day for civilians to insist upon the necessity of visitingthose who violate its provisions with condign punishment. Soldiers aro equally entitled to the Like privileges. Those who have dared to violate them at M how mast be dragged to the light, and tho common soldiers and non-commissioned officers must be assured that their rights are to be guarded with as much jealousy as the rights of the most illustrious man who ever grasped a marshal's truncheon ; and unless Parliament is content to abdicate its functions it will see that right is done. MR. T. BARNES, M,P,, AT BOLTON, On Thursday evening, Mr. T. Barnes, M.P. for Bolton, addressed the electors and non-electors of that borough in the Temperance H di. Mr Alderman Robert Heywood pre sided. The room was crowded. Mr. BARNES, on pre senting himself, was received with enthusiastic cheering. The hon, gentleman said that it was with very great pleasure for many reasons that he appeared among them again, especially as he was conscious of having done his best both for his constituency and the country. He thought he might congratulate the borough on many things which had happened during the past year—a year that would be remembered by many for some time to come, ands a year as had seldom been experienced in this country—a year of suffering and want, and a year that would hereafter be pointed to as exhibiting on the part of the operative 1 classes a noble endurance and fortitude. They had also this consolation, which he believed was a sound one, that they had seen the worst of the distress. In Bolton there had been less suffering than in other neighbouring districts, and he hoped that what there was would gradually melt away and that the sun would again shine upon them as it did three 0- four years ago. (Applause.) Two years since when addressing them he had to express, in words of con dolence and regret, his sense of the loss of that good and distinguished man, Prince Albert i but he had now to con gratulate them on the way in which the marriage of the Prince of Wales was celebrated in Bolton and throughout the country. (Applause.) In March the Prince of Wales brought his wife through London amid such a scene of con gratulation as ho believed no heir to the throne ever before enjoyed. The marriage of the Prince of Wales was rejoiced over from one end of the country to the other. And now it was evident that the good lady had made quick work of it, for she had brought herself and her husband to Babbicembe Bay already. (Laughter.) They might ex press a wish that all who proceeded from that stock might be as good as the reigning sovereign. (Applause.) None of them wished to sec a successor to the throne; but when in the course of nature such an event did happen he trusted that those who followed the Queen might follow the bright example she had set. (Loud applause.) He believed that the ruling thought in her heart was the good of the people over whom she ruled. It would be perhaps expected from him that he should review the session which had just closed. He did not think it desirable to follow the course ho had pursued on former occasions and take the different questions which had engaged the attention of Parliament. If ho did so, he should be merely repeating what he had previously said. The past session was striking for its quietness. Prom some cause or other the Opposition never menaced the Treasury benches. It had been said that the Tories were in power, but the Whigs Were in place, To some extent this was true, and described the position of affairs, though how long it would last he could not say, inasmuch as men were not generally content with power without pay or patronage. (Hear, hear.) At all events it could not last very long. The legal life of the pre sent Parliament would end next year, and they should see some sort of change then if all the elements of discord did not cause some sort of split in the Cabinet, on some subject or othor, before then. Upon some ques tions the country was absolutely at a dead lock, The questions he referred to were those of the reduction of expenditure, those of an ecclesiastical character, and those bearing upon reform. Nothing would unlock the wheels of the State carriage but a general elec tion. (Applause.) The expenditure of the last year had been reduced. They had an excellent Chancellor of the Exchequer, whose anxiety, ho believed, it was to bring down the expenditure of the country, and in this he would be backed by public opinion. (Applause.) The ecclesiastical questions upon which there had been a dead lock were prin- cipally the questioias of church rates and the Irish Church. Church rates were very little felt in Lancashire ; but if the Marquis of Blandford's District Churches Act was to in volve the imposition of church rates, as was contended, they might soon have the question raised. The question of the Irish Church was one that called for investigation. In 1835 there was a return published of the parochial benefices in Ireland containing loss than 50 members of the Established Church, It gives the following results :—The number of parishes without churches and glebes, and with not more than fifty Protestant members of the Established Church, was 608, and the revenue of those parishes was £50,432. But of that number there were 131 parishes, with benefices amounting to £7,557, in which there was neither glebe nor Protestant.: Somebody or other filled these livings and re ceived the money, but it was evident that they had no Pro testants to flock after,) (Hear.) The Lancashire notion was that if a man received wages he shouldhave something to do for it. The Irish Church, however, was called a Mis sionary Church. It had been 200 years in existence ; the re turn he had quoted was 27 years old, and they might rea sonably expect some returns by this time; but the number of parishes with not more than 50 Protestants was 124 ; and the value of the livings was £17,061. According to the census of 1861 the number of Catholics in Ireland was 4,491,583 ; the number of Churchmen, 678,661; the num ber of Dissenters of different sorts, 586,563; the number of other sorts, 8,414; and of Jews, 322; making a total of 5,764,543, Out of every hundred persons in Ireland 78 were Catholics, 12 wore Churchmen, 9 were Protestant Dissen ters, and ono belonged to some other body. Ho contended that this was a subject for inquiry. Another subject of dis cussion in the House of Commons had been the Uniformity Act, which was a favourite topic with Dissenters 200 years ago, but was now brought forward by Churchmen, and he wished them success with all his heart. (Applause.) The question of reform was hardly alluded to in the House of Commons last year, and was wisely so, inasmuch as it was no use talking about fhe subject year by year, when it was quite certain they should get nothing fur their talk. It was felt that it was hotter to postpone the question until there was more likelihood of good being done. The question was like a becalmed vessel, and th ere must be something like a hurricane outside before the vessel would move again. (Ap lance.) Lord Palmerston on this question was like a debtor who wanted plenty of dunning. (Laughter.) The Met see- THE FOREIGN ENLISTMENT ACT, Yesterday Mr. Raffes, the Liverpool stipendiary magis trate, was engaged in the investigation of a charge of in fringing the Foreign Enlistment Act, preferred against Mr. Thomas Highat, a member of the firm of Jones and Co., ship-store dealers and chandlers, of Chapel-street, Liverpool. The summons inclided the names of John Jones (principal) and John Wilding (a clerk to the firm), but these parties did not appear. Mr. Vernon Lishingtoa appeared for the prosecution; and Mr. Deightor. for the defence. The facts of the case, as stated by Mr. Lushington, were that in 1863 a vessel called the Japan was built at Dum barton, the sole registered owner being Mr. Thomas Bold, partner in the firm of Jones and Co., though he was not proceeded against yesterday, as there was no evidence against him. The ship remained registered in his name until the 23d of June, when Mr. Bold informed the customs that he had sold her to a foreigner. Towards the end of March, the vessel being nearly ready for sea, it was then necessary to get a crew, which was done partly at Greenock and partly at Liverpool. At the latter place several persons wero induced to sign articles for a voyage in the Japan to Singapore and back for two years. The men were directed to take their clothes b the office of Jones and Co„ where they got their advance notes, and in one case money was paid by the defendant. The men, including John Stanley, Benja min Conolly, and Francis Glaesbrook, went on board the Greenock boat (where they saw Mr. Jones and Mr. Highat) and each man having answered to his name, they sailed to Greenock, and went on board the Japan. On the 3d of April the Japan left the Clyde under the guise of a "trial trip," went down the Channel, and stood towards the coast of France. At a short distance from Brest they fell in with a small steamer, which they towed into that harbour. Here a number of boxes were sent on board the Japan from the small steamer, and which packages contained arms and ammunition, Mr. Jones himself coming on board, and superintending the tranship ment of the articles. Lieut. Maury came on board the Japan, took the command, and assumed the uniform of the Confe derate navy. He told the men that the vessel was to become a Confederate ship of war, and promised them £lO bounty, and £4 108 per month if they would enlist. Mr. Jones was there during the whole time, and was actively engaged in persuading the men to volunteer for the service. Benjamin Conolly, the first witness called, said he shipped in March last, at the Liverpool Sailors' Home, for the Japan steamer. He was a coal trimmer. After signing articles, he went to the office of Messrs. Jones and Co., where he saw Mr. Highat, who told him to come down next day for his advance note. He wont and got the note for £2. He after wards went on board the Greenock steamer, where he again saw Mr. Highat. At Greenock he went on board the Japan, and they sailed three or feur days afterwards. When they had been out a few days they fell in with a steamer, and took her into Bre: t. They then took in guns and ammuni tion from the steamer, in which Mr. Jones took a " clever part." Mr. Highat was not there. Capt. Maury came on board next day, and put on the grey uniform of the Confe derate navy, and said he was about to hoist the Confederate flag. He told the men they would have a good ship, and that he would make them all very comfortable, He then read his ouniision. Ho said he would give the men higher wages than they had had at Liverpool. Witness asked the captain about the prize money. He (witness) did not want to go, but Mr, Jones endeavoured to induce him by telling him be would make plenty of money. Witness, how over, refused to go, though he did afterwards sign an agree ment to sail, and received £lO bounty from the purser. Mr. Jones was there then, and got £9 from him (witness) again, promising to send it to his parents. Numbers of others signed papers also. They were to have Xi lOs per month, Mr. Jones promised that all the men would get priza money. They hoisted the Confederate flag the same evening amidst the cheers of the crew, and sailed. They soon afterwards met with several Federal ships, some of which were burnt, They returned to Franco about two months ago, and ported at Cherbourg , . Witness obtained leave of absence, and came to Liverpool and called at Jones's office. He saw Jones and Highat there, but Mr. Jones did not seem to know hill, and witness said, "You knew me well enough in France, when you wanted me to serve under a foreign flag for you." Jones said, " net make a noise, there will be something done for you." Mr. Highat must have heard this, as ho was sitting at a desk close by. Wit ness then spoke to Mr. Highat, and showed his " citizen paper." Highat said, " Ah, this is Maury's writing , call again. We will send a tel egra m to the ship about you." He saw Mr. Highat once or t w i ce a ft e rwards, and he told him to gather all the men belonging to the Georgia, and put them on board the Havre boat. Received £3 at Mr. Jones's office to pay his expenses, but witness became afraid of breaking the Queen's proclamation by going on board the Georgia again, and so he ran away with the D. There was more than that due to him for his services on board the Georgia. _ _ In cross-examination by Mr. Deighton (who a pp eared for Mr. Highat), the evid ence of C ono lly was not materially Glassbrook, and affected. It was elicit e d that ho was now, with Stanley, the service of Mr. 31 `Guire (a private detect i v e officer in other men who had been in the G eor g ia, in the pry of the 'United States Consul a Li ve rpool), and that he received excellent ,id it was in illegal. the gat Redenied, however, that h e was a s py in the Federal service. having Witness also denied Pay for picking up in formation. He solicited Mr. Highat for Confederateem ploymentadmi admitted that a o n n d o t n h e a t o Mr,ccasio l i li g m h a r t a. Jones advised him not to join a Confede rate shi p . When he went to the office of J ones an d C o ., on the Georgia's re turning to France, his object was to ge t mone y to enable him to go back to Che r b ourg an d get the wages which were due to him from Captain Maur y John Stanley wae th e tc. ..i. w itness, and be generally cor roborated the previous evidence. In cross-examinati on b y M r . D e ighton the witness stated that he had been in c ommun ication with the United States consul in Liverpool, and that he had rec eived, like Conoll y , a weekly salary o f 4 1 19s 4d, the same wages that he had received on board the Georgia, and that he was paid by Maguire, the private detective. Francis Glassbrook followed, his evidence being of the same description. He stated in cross examination that he was retaine4 by the United States consul to give evidence in the present prosecution. The wife of the last witness was called, and identified Mr. Highat as the gentleman who gave her the £lO bounty due to her husband for serving on board the Georgia. Mr. Hi g hat a lso gave her half pay seve ral times on her husband's account. Thomas Mathe ws , Georgia, was examined, and identified Mr. Highat as being connected With the ship and payment of men on board the Maguire' Georgia, This who had also made the cruise in the --as witness also received Ll 19s 4d a week, but he did not lenat Mr. At the conclusion of the case the defendant was commit ted to take his trial at the assive, bail being accepted, him self in £3OO and two sureties ir1t 0 ...?:...; 1 ...,.. 1. s o—ifteewe from m ho paidora "somebody." dyl.le, had the money ADVERTigE57,..........----EN ~...... its cost in T i Avo id medicines: they always aggra vate chronic c omp l a i n ts, but Du B arr y 's Delicious Health Restoring B, Braan, s ound lungs, healthy liver, pure blood, ref resh i nrY inva riably cures them, restoring perfect digestion, s t ron g nerves, O e t v h a er len re t ra a eAdireasb,ica Food, which saves fifty times j e ep, functional re g ularit y , and ener gy to the most di sordere d or enfeebled. W e extract a few out of 60,000 Cur es : —C ure No. 58,216 of the Marchioness de years, debilit y, w i t h a nervous p al p itation all over, bad digestion, const a nt s l e eples s :l ess, the most intolerable nervous -Paris, of a s lyer comp laint, wasting away for seven agitation, and dr e adfully low s p irited. —Cure No. 1,771. Lord Stuart de Decie s , Lieut. of Watel ford, of many years' dyspepsia.—No. 49,832. "Fifty years' in describable a g on y from d Lord dyspepsia, nervousn ess, asthma, cough , constipation , flatulency, Spasms, s iekneSS, and vomiting.—Maria Jolly." —Cure No. 46,270. Mr. Jones Roberts, of Frimley, Surrey, of thirty years' diseased lungS, s pitting of blood, liver derange • meat, and partial deafness. —Cure No. 4,121. Miss Elizabeth Jacobs, of extreme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, low spirits, and nervous fancies.—Cure` No. 54,816. The Rev. Jas; T. Campbell, Fakenham, Norfolk, of indigestion and torpi dity of the liver, which had resiste 1 all medical treatment." In tins, 1 lb., 2s. 9d. ; 21b., 4s. 6d ; 51b., lls. ; 121 b., 225.; 241 b 08 .—Bat Ty Du Barry and Co., No. 77, Regent-street, London; also Fort num and Mason ; and all Grocers and Chemists in every tolr.t4 of the United Eingdem. WILLS AND BEQUESTS. (From the Illustrated London News.) The will of Bonamy Dobree, Esq., a city merchant, and a director and late Governor of the Bank of England, was proved in London on the 20th ult., by his only son,Bonamy Dobree, Esq., sole executor. The personalty was sworn under £70,000. The will bears date 1841, leaving his personal estate between his son and two daughters. In a codicil, deated Dec. 11, 1860, attested by Alfred Lytham, Esq., then Deputy-Governor of the Bank of England, and Henry Freshfield, Esq. of Bank-buildings, the teal ator states that, "whilst holding the office of Governor of the Bank of Eng land, I received from his Majesty the Emperor of Russia a malachite vase, with an inscription, in acknowledgment of the services which his Imperial Majesty considered had been rendered to him by the Corporation of the Bank of England, and also of the care which his Majesty was pleased to con sider I had individually bestowed in his interest." The testator, highly prizising this memorial, has requested that it should be held as an heirloom in his family, and has be queathed it on tbose terms to his son and to his issue. The will of Thos. Brown Young, Esq., of Clapham-road, was proved in London under £20,000 personalty. The bulk of the property is to be held by the legatees for each of their respective lives, and the reversions, as each life falls off, will revert to. certain charities enumerated in the will, the amounts varying from £4,000 to £2,000. The residue, which is left to the testator's three brothers-in-law, is held in like manner ; the share of each, expiring at his death, will re vert to the Infirmary for Children and Widows, Waterloo Bridge-road. The other societies are the Dreadnought, Cancer Hospital, British Lying-in Hospital, Royal Infir mary for Asthma and Consumption, City-road ; Royal Free Hospital, East London Hospital, Victoria Park; Surrey Dispensary, and Middlesex Hospital. The will of Thos. Peters, Esq., of the Grange, St. John's wood, was proved in London under £140,000 personalty, the executors and trustees being his three sons—John W. Peters, Wm. W. Peters, and Joseph Peters, Esqrs., toge ther with Thos. Gascoigne Norcutt, Esq. The will was executed in 1859, and two codicils in 1861 and 1863. To his executors he leaves £l,OOO ; to St. Paul's Chapel Schools, Kilburn, and the Operative Coachmakers' Bene volent Society, each £lOO. There are legacies to his nephews, nieces, and grandchildren, and to his servants, To his daughter he leaves the sum of £30,000, and the residue of his property to his three sons before named. Shocking Occurrence at the Fishmongers' Almshouses. Yesterday evening an occurrence of a painful nature took place at the almshouses erected by the Fishmongers' Com pany in the Wandsworth-road for decayed members of their company, which created considerable excitement amongst the peaceful inhabitants of those buildings. The age of the sufferer, and the still more advanced age of her husband, added considerably to the sympathy expressed by all to whom the occurrence became known. It appears that Mr. Mecham, formerly of Newington butts, now aged 87, and who has for the last 12 years been a recipient of the bounty of the above liberal and wealthy company, being very infirm, had requested his wife, herself 74 years of age, to fetch him a pillow, and whilst upstairs for that purpose her clothes unfortunately became ignited by the candle she was carrying. Her screams aroused her husband, who in spite of his infirmity, hurried upstairs as promptly as he could, and endeavoured, but in vain, to ex tinguish the flames. Ho then went to call tho assistance of neighbours, and by their joint exertions the burning clothes were got away from the poor old lady. The Lady Superin tendent sent at once for Dr. March, of St• John's-hill, who with a medical friend who chanced to be with him, at once attended, and did everything which experience could sug gest to allay present suffering, and, if possible, prevent a fatal termination to the case. The great age of the sufferer, however, leaves but little hope that her system can recover from the severe shock consequent upon the extensive inju ries she has sustained. MORE INCENDIARISM IN YORKSHIRE.—On Mon day a fire broke out in the stack-yard belonging to Mr. Daniel Gibson, the Grange, 0 ttringham, Holderness, in such a manner as to lead to the belief that it was the work of an incendiary, In the yard there were 11 sacks, and the fire commenced in the centre one. On the alarm being given Mr. Gibson and his men took steps to prevent the spread of the fire by covering the adjoining stacks with wet blankets, &e. A telegraphic message was sent to Hull for a fire-engine, and after the lapse of.absut an hour and a half the engine belonging to the Local Board of Health was on the spot. There was a good supply of water, and the large number of labourers who collected from the adjoining farms rendered goad service. Fortunately, the flames were confined to the stack in which they originated, but it was totally destroyed. A man lead been seen lurking about the place in the early morning, and he was apprehended near the spot by Super intendent -Wilkinson, of the East Riding Vonstabulary, on suspicion of being tho incendiary. COUNTRY MARIKETS• LIVERPOOL — F RIDAY. A th.dalt There was a moderate attendance of the fa d e c tie/ 8 but a small business was done. Wheat met a slow , ~,d 2d per cental lower. Flour was dull, and 6d per barre2„t2o sack decline. Indian corn very dull—mixed, 30s to per qr. Oats and oatmeal unchanged. Beans Viet' WAKEFFIELD—FItIDA .Y. Wheat in fair supply to-day. T ra de dull, a nd the goo made were at barely last Friday's prices. Barley l or ia a dull sale, and rather lower in price. O ther articles late rates, Averages for the weds : Wheat 2,193 qrs., at........ 41 s 1d ---5 °Q I Rye — ........ Beans BO ........ 34s 10i' (3d Oats — od ........ 'a ........ 5 Peas 31s 6a Barley --- LINCLN—FRIDAY. to 4o A fair quantity of wheat on offer at our market ~iOO with a moderate business, at about the r ates of thelo" week. White wheat new, 41s to 47s Barley, griuding" 2l o3s Red do. 39s to 41s Oats, old, ''' to Old white —s to —s New do ..... ......... 2 , 0 °5 ,ie 0 Red do. —s to —s I Beans.. .......... 01° t o 0 1 Barley, malting 34s to 37s Beans , n ew ..... --- STAMFORD—FRIDAY. 36 ° White wheat, 04s to•44s ; red, 38s to 40s per. arqr. Barley, malting, 32s to 36s ; grinding, `2,9s to 31 to ~914 Oats, 18s to 22s per 24. stone. Beans, old, 40s qr.; new, 36s to --s. ••••••••• C ORKFRIDA Y . : The following were the quotations this morn jet wheat, 8s Od to 8s 10d; white, 8 s Od to Os 8d 0., bf t# , ed to 8s Od ; oats, 4s 10d to 6 s 2 d ; b lack 55 3d. it.' 0. d' W l3 0atmea1...... 10 0 0 to Beans.. ..... o to / Bere ......... ' 0 te, Rapeseed • ... 7 . oto •I 'd Bakers' flour .. 1 4 o to V I n di a n corn •• 'Ai DTJBLIN—FRIDAY. E. d. s. d. Wheat, white 24 0 to 26 6 Do., red., 21 6 to 24 0 Do. new 0 to 0 Barley Oats Do., black — 0 to 0 BRISTOL gVGAR—FRIDAY. ol tra T d h e o w r i a li w o s n u iy ga p r u m rc a h r a k s e e t a h s as th a ek i r ai w ti a b n e t o s o c m ojn e p f t e l li t igo to . o Sl ift fined.goods are also difficult to sell, end lower. fair demand. COAL MM AItKET. the close of 1119 filsr%et' a, ?noes of Coal per Ton a s. d. P icl i ° Buddle'sWest Hartley 18 9 Walls ..‘B.„ Ye; Cowpen Hartley 18 9 Harton ................ Hastings Hartley lB 9 Haswell ....... 00 Eden Main 22 6 Tunstall .• • • •'' Hetton ....... 15 ; sold. 15, Ships at marks' RAILWAY INTELLIGENCE' -• TRAFFIC RECEIPTS FOR THE ,0 003117.4 Miles Opened. 10 Railways. ~.-...-----,,,;53: ki 1 t 1863. 1862. A 3/ , i)dr 9 Belfast and N. Counties 136 136 676 1,4 j Belfast and County Down 49 49 1,763 6? Blyth and Tyne 2B 28 6,lit 16.00 Bristol and Exeter l2ll 121 i 4,171 A Caledonian 4,41 1 Cockermouth& Workington B4 81 .-, Cork and Bandon 2O 20 10" sit Cork, Blackrock, & Passages 6 41 /iy) Cork and Youghal Cornwall 53 534 23? vie/ Deeside l7 17 1217 1' Dublin & Belfast Junction 63 63 2:32! )40 Dublin and Drogheda 76 63 160 kil Dublin and Meath Dub. &Wicklow and Wexid 9ll 484 B,6'i mp Edinburgh and Glasgow 1691 16 3,29 /og Furness, &c 5O 50 8,60 0;0 Glasgow & South-Western Gt. Eastern,Nrf k.,&E. Union - 663 411? gif,,,J' Po Great Northern 353 351 I,o' 11 Great North of Scotland 5B 5,8, 350 0 6 ,„g ~ il, Gt. Nortlin. & Westn. (Irel.) 712 ig 6,17,, PO qt.Soutbn. & Westn.(lrind.) 373i 32,,. 63,05; Great Western ' 1056i 10326 Lilu .11 Inverness & Aberdeen June 864 86; 06: l'isg Inverness & Perth Junction 1191 --" 1,4 OSY Irish North-Western 145 145 , AO .0 14 1,4 Lancashire & Yorkshire 402 396 z • p Limerick and Ennis. Limerick and Foynes 264 26i 435 a i 903 Llanelly 464 , 464 ,„ 86,0° i'd i 674 119 London & North-Western - 1, 9 1 London and Blackwall 54 1 17.11 0;i1 London & South-Western Lond. Brighton, &S. Coast I 1 London, Chatham, & Dover 72 7g n' 0; Do. Metropolitan Extension 101 I.os, 1.0 42* 5 lvv ). Lond., Tilbury, & Southend Han.,Sheffield, & Litzoolnsh Manch. S.Jun.&Altrin,pham, 9l v 1,30'06 sl9, 28 5..4 Mary port and Carlisle .....• •• • 28 '492 K 1 Metropolitan ,, 34 -- 31, Midland (incl. N.-Western).. 641 ..,6.0.0. 3.6.1 .1710 Midland Gt.Westn. of Irind... 2::,91 z,:,77, trot ' , Monkland 714 i4v 2, 4 Monmouthsh. Rail. & Canal 44 1•2 069 14 North British, Edin., Perth and Dundee N-Eastern and Stock. & Darl. 1095414 1079 3'9 436i495151 ll'egi) 9 it 01 Oa North London 254 254 j, p 914 tgi North Staflbrdshire Oswestry and Newton... ... • 50 io i.l X Rhymney 19/ 2 . = 52 52 , , t, SScLoititiesihenN'soCrathi-aEl:glairii1W:::::• 18359 . ' 3:9 4 4,61670 ; Scottish Central .. 5, , . 138. 0, Somerset and Dorset 136 391 1016 11i16 South Devon South-Eastern • . 806 '''' 6,l°' 111 Taff Vale 57 55 9.0 /19 Ulster Vale of Clwyd Vale of Neath 321 25} ‘-'51,,,5 iio, Waterford and Kilkenny 3l 31 1,2, r Waterfbrd and Limerick 77 77 60 $ 4 , 41, West Cornwall 274 27* 4,1 Y-s 65 W.llartlepoolHarbr.&Rail 52 0,..`; u- W'haven,Cleator,& Egrmnt 7 1 972 Whitehaven Junction l3 n 10'' 01, Whitehaven & Furness Jun 35 0' ,bu FOREIGN AND COLONIAL. 004 Ska 1• Antwerp and Rotterdam 52 62 34,E y 0114 Austrian Belgian Eastern Junction 26 a 2,,,,fil 341; 5.,i,!6 Bombay, Baroda, & ten. India 18 J". 4 5•.- i Or Buffalo and Lake Huron l6l 1611 4•261 /f Detroit and Milwaukie lB9 185 2,42 41.. Dutch Rhenish lOB2 104 I'g3636 49'50, 9,, Eastern Bengal llO ,-; 82%4 ,e, Eastern of France .. 1167 108,1 g 16,116 'i WI East Indian Grand Trunk of Canada lO9O 1090 g,z4 V, A. 5 3,20, op Great Indian Peninsula 5381 '", 03 j 0,,,, Great Luxembourg 134 I 3" 09 tl,'',g 79 31, 0 • ti' Great Southeen of India Gre a t Western of Canada 345 • A JO* Madrid, Saragossa &Alicant 650 94 OW $0 Northern of Canada 2 Northern of France 697 44 82i 1,51'04 Norwegian Trunk • 44 481 12' P"' / Ottoman Paris, Lyons, & Mediterrn lBO5 1 tjhb,v4 1,2,41 Paris and Orleans 1614 14_ iii Pernambuco ni 69 Ist26 A6(1.511 Royal Danish O9 es 2,A,v ,' ~ Sambre and Meuse 6B 1316 20; South Austrian Southern of France .........,... 1430770 f5l. 6 /'. ! 65;01 Victorian 196 25 gs 6 SV Welland 54 ........ West _ Flanders 75 813 - __ W. and N.W. of France. 932 pra, :e . t,,,X118..' a..Loor, Australia and ' Moraeuriginti ____.--------- M us iVr Al a L il S Brazil and Cape Verds -.---4.---_---- 0 C Fc a ajain A: k e ia: o n f Pa G ei o ns o alan d ng H d, o tstn pe a AssinCebvnsyviiaaißoMSrni°,talliartrtsrediillsoBSelerilleti.ite.:ol...e.iat:o;:!.;sll:o:l:' '`2lk: India a a ( ( B C o ti ra leu ba ttl y ;) , , GibraltarSouthampgtoapnor.e: • v.v.:a.'":":::°•70",:::"'::::' via ********* •• ......... 1,0,. v i a Marseilles' , .- neepo via Marseilles .............. .. o r . Portugal.. ...... 1 1. yf,,i,_ ,_ • • ...................... 0 ,. ....., ...'" Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton.. . 0 _, via Marseilles ..." p" andvia Seo7thi°a:pvitoans").ll•lll:l62. P .' " . I PA: ; Newfoundland •.....••••••'•'•••••• .• ''., .. Oporto and Vigo . ....................... •,..40. . ............. . ........ . ...4 .1, U. S. and British N. America, by Bdt• Pacet... o by ILS• Pa ck° e get.3 i ll ' by Canadian P .f b. 11 W.C. of Africa, Madeira,and Tenerille. • ..... . f z e 9' Bahamas, via New York .......... p' /Pr ' 0' Mexico. ................... , ...... ... !r,',',.0,.. Jon' All parts of West Indies, including ....... J . '— California. and British Columbia.. ........ BirthS• 0 14 rt, °"0 114 ELwEs.—On the 14th inst., at at Octi v ieoi .0 ley, Surrey, the wife of Dudley G. COY ' 1 " . e ifi lti' a son. ELERS.—On the 140.1. inst., at Fovant Reetor9l fy wife of the Rev. E. H. Elers, of a daughter i O Ol O , Eldon - MAY.—On the 14th inst., at 4, road , eft e : wife of Edwin May, Esq., of a daughter' porPyP PAf the". — On the 13th inst., at Car rainaffo oo° wife of Captain Leopold Paget, ItoY lery, of a Bon, O` ii ; krariageS• .41 AO ~, coorKl'atv,pg Fon ßES—SimEL—On the 13th inst., at I,'" 1 ,18- ol ' HUSTLER—RAmsEY. over-square, Charles Pulteney Forbes, Ictwor . 11. M. s 109th Foot, to Hannah, second a" or t i ° l o late John Sims, Esq., of Norwich. a gigso,ooo if Hackney, W. B. Hustler, Esq., Earl's , tal l. S ff k, to Elizabeth, yougest daughter 01 Eb —On the 14th inst. , -.1, tif e 1 . ,, Upper Homerton, Middlesex. - of BARRON Barron ALLisoN.—On the 14thilleinasttlig.., Josef '°''' P ' cl : to _ Friar's .place, Acton, aged 65. A nisofit 0 1 111 • 0 Sir l och Bart,--C alain for m ß e r a l r y r Barron brother t h e 7th I°,afticerS.:oll_ fo FOWLER.—On the 14th inst., at Dateb.ats 4D . .48 C :' Hu C T u ll m . b —On GRANT.—On the 10fh inst., suddenly, at,,,..'''l , o Esq., aged 94. I.A:0;101, ft A fott l e v rae P Notts, Sir James Robert Grant, C.D., P.. . ~,4 Tr er P- Frederick Hu!h is •' 0 1 , STOTT. MOSS.-0 ' ESq" aged 87. e l d 4t 9 h L 'n t at 33, vpp 'l4" e* Moss.—On the 13th inst., at liensingtan, .giiir ° li ill t a N g G ed .-1 2 0 . n the 15th inst., at Brightoo, l"i: (Willi3ll3 ,I 0 ___ _--- -------- rA 1 : .:11114°.4 I • T. aged —On the 13th inst., at St. Neot'oo Stott, aged 91. ~.---- -< - , i'; ' ------ .91 0 i l'l' London : Prinz‘!,d and rubnahed by WILL. — o fiCe d'i, Of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TOE 6° 14 t i l t 4 .; °- Strand, In the Precinct of the 500 Y. in Middlesex .7-Saturday, January 16,:.18641 81 4 44 e4N81.8• TT ~t.att qi7kitt e ! It(th,erß 31 . 411, 4 , 111 . 41;4 • 1 , 0 k to t,z,„etprie?, A ir 1 4 ; 11 1J CI 1 4 800.. keBoB.