The Sun. — London, England, 1830-12-10 00:00:00

- 7 , 7, itanetpation. To tne.Duke of Wellington, in particular, the Iri.h were indebted; for that gr ea t measure ; he merited ,lllstggatltinle . ofall ; sod sincerely did he (Mr. O'Gorman regret drat -,the had not a , !opted such ; 'Measures as would have given an opportunity to hint and those who thought with him, of rallying round his GraCe, and give ion his euppott, . After some further observa. I t t u !l i o een ,; l o,..4oO. Member said, I am an Irishman ; and I will make the English tear me..••••• (llerr., tear, end laihter;) I myself have been an old stipat/4r.; j knoW 'what has been done; I know Whit Would ha v e been Sine, had not Catholic relief torn granted.—(llear.) Many a time have I sat outside that bar like a degraded slave. But the Duke of 'Welling ton Came into his Majesty's Councils, sod thereby saved the Lerlles4,2o,lit n ghs) Hon. Members may laugh, but it ave 'yet addressed the - House. I am . 11 0 berriater—no lawyer-.--(Laughter)--hut Plalp lien sent into Parliament by a great county, to a plain, unvarnished tale. I will ask, had not Citholic emancipation :been granted, considering the resent state of P r in c e and Belgium, what would AIM beep the situation, of Irelaod ?—(Hear, bear.) — She wduli have exacted from'England what 'she has now to thank her Tor as a boon.—(Hear, hear.)—lf England lad denied what she'bas now granted, a party would have ring -Up itelriland which no-Power could have over mvit% Afr. O'Gorman Mabon then alluded to the cir- Climiterrecof his having gone down to Oxford, to witness the election of Sir Robert Peel, and stated that he enter tained i'verY mean idea of the Christian charity of the men who crowded the streets, for their opposition to the Right Honourable Gentleman. The Government, however, of which Sir R. Peel :formed a part is now "solved. I hope, therefore, continued Air. O'Gorman Mahon, it will no longer be said that I am a tool of the T reasury Bench.—(Hear.) I am not, 1 sever was a Plwolunter, but was - always -as independent of the Tral uktrY, Ini!the Treasury was independent of me. I again Hilt, that I would not have noticed the attacks of an Snonymous pamphleteer, but when I find a Member of dtie Houis- , -(with great warmth)—l-4—l—l cannot use tut unparliamentary phrase, although it is uppermost in Itl Yttature.•;-(Great laughter.) Whin I find a Member ' 4 .5 1 4 House, vilifying 'me, I feel called upon thus. PIM* to dare him to -mow forward. A great.deal had been kid about his not having voted in the division on the Civil The' fait !woo,' 'happened. to be excluded et' "ut dine of the division. He: was in the House until k ilt" o'clock, and sat between the Honourable Mern-; sun' for Weittninster • and Middlesex. He inquired of latter. how long' the debate was-likely to - last, who inswered—several hours ; cobsequenttr be retired from the 'House, bait returned in forty minutes, and then found himself excluded. Hi was glad, however, that he 441: not vote with the majority on that question, for this reason, that he should have been sorry that his • first political vote in that House should leave ken in support of a measure that had proved fatal lo an Administration which'had done so much good to the tountey.—(llear, hear, hear, .and cheers.) He again tilled on the Member who had calumniated him to come row, ard. In justice to the Hon. Member for Waterford, se would say it was not him.. 1111 r. ELLICE moved that a new writ be issued for the Hugh of Newport, in the room of Mr. Doherty, who had accepted' the Chiltern Hundreds.—Agreed to. GRAND. JURIES (IRELAND). Sir JOHN NEWPORT rose for the purpose of calling the attention of the House to the evil constitution of Grand Juries in Ireland, with reference chiefly, es'we un derstood, to the pawer.of taxation possessed by those bo dies. Long observation of the laws relating to Grand Juries, and the practices or those bodies, led him to the conclusion that the taxes which they imposed ought rather t ° he paid by th e p ro p r i e t ors o f l an d than by the occupiers. , • thought that th e powers possesse d by G ran d Juries were already too large, and were poculiarlY liable to abuses. Ile hail, however, every reason to believe and hope, that with a Goveininent like the present, they might expect such ameliorations of the system as might render it more Mineable, it not to discover some complete and perma nent remedy. The Right Hoe. Gentleman concluded by Proposing a series of resolutions tending to show the mis chief' that arose from the Grand Jury system in Ireland. Mr. AL FITZGERALD said, according to the state tent of the Right Hon. Gentleman, enough was already !""iled to show the neeeesity of amending the Grand 74'1 Pyltem. To show its absurdity as it at present stood, 't Was enough to state that. it was in evidence the time !Pott e d to each presentment on the average did pot exceed t r ice minute". under such circumstance ', it was impossible r the GRec:tl Jury, even though actuated by a spirit of ocgrity, to exercise' a just discretion and a sound judg tient. But the greatest complaint against the present " t rent wastthe power of taxation. it gave to the members ligh i t was Jury. To put the point in its strongest t► was po ssible fur a Whole , eotinty to be taxed by let of men who were not possessed of 'one single acre 14 it, and who consequently would not have to pay any Petition of the tax they levied. But beside the manner in !Melt the funds were raised; another grand objection was, that when raised, they were either misapplied, or applied • the principle of non-employment, which was one aril to the country. The principle that ought to be t ete4 upon was the ready-money principle ; but, on the ' l4l riry . , one of the misfortunes of Ireland was, that hu man la bour there war conducted on a system of credit, ' 4 4 this ,alone, in a great degree, was sufficient to ac count for"all the misery that was seen there. 'What he t i ul lteaded was, that it was not only the interest of Ireland, b ut of this.country also, to see these things rectified, for ' t was owlPg , to matters going wrong in Ireland that there Wee such an influx of labourers into England—a system tl►lt MU Wrong for Ireland and injurious for England. Il e had not yet touched on one 'of the greatest evils of Ire „;lui-ttli evil that had ledthat countrt into many of its I te m"; but before lie sat down he would allude to it in I * 'PHI- He was now speaking of absenteeism ; 1 - k w 'thout wishing to say any thing harsh or unkind I ,"° 4 e who quitted the country from which they drew. f ete revenues, he must say,. that at their door lay witn.h the misery o f I re l an d . Wi t h res p ec t to the question of ette Laws, h e would say, that so far from thinking that °Y Would le ssen the evil, be thought that they would neatly aggravate it. The consequence of P oor L aws i n L i t country w ou ld b e, t o increase t h e influx of Irish la m°4rerr into this. Sir JOHN WALSH declared that the present system Grand 'J ur i es was very bad, and wanted to b e tota lly rev td, or a new system must be introduced. JAMES GRA.T TAN must say that if they abolish wand Juries, they must transfer their duties to some I i t 'ey bodies. The great object to he aimed at for Ireland to give the gentlemen of Ireland an interest in the ° Net - tient of the country. His Hight Hon. Friend, he t,'"l. averse from absenteeship, anti like tncrrare ' u deti that absentees were great evils; but his planswould absenteeehip. Al;hiss FITZGERALD explained. eh, R OBERT • 1, 7 °BERT PEEL objected to the 'course adopted Ins Right H on . Baronet. The object of the Resolu tel was to declare t h at t h e l essee should not pay the which should be aid by the lessor. He wished the Wtse °! Commons to declare that the occupier ought not pa' gist the essessmenti but surely the interval between rP" of Com mons ma ki n g that declaration and pus h, ." 11 1 to impose the payment on the other class should , tto t t e short as poss ib le. When the R i ght Hon. B arone t Ito the uth ered the agitated state of Ireland, he would himself . h itt ., pi ()pinny- of not coodemning one system by a row km° of that House before the Legislature were pre -4.7, to establish another. His Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Il e ; I . l geteld) knew that lie did not agree to all his views. r; 4 - ."Jected to establishiag any Board, whether Losrd' :eminent or nut, to regulate local taxation. l hou should, he thought,' be regulated by local such°. k e '4, and he preferred'siteh to any board. The object, :Imught, sh ou ld b e to esta b l i sh a loca l aut h or ity, but k er lift that authority. under certain 'restrictions, and sub the Its acts t o rec i s i on. Certainly lie objected strong l y to kviw i l l i retent plan of a ll ow i ng one .i n di v id ua l to name all the I.„ u eri of these littl e par li aments , as t h e G ran d Jude" ii, carted. All the objections to Select Vestries applied • Brest for ce t o a bodrof twenty-three persons, selected L..t,4l,o_individual. He wanted to see the people of Ire-. an interest in su c h instituti ons themselves, and : 1 1 4 ) , 1 ' It them, with cer t a i n c h ee k s , as i ns titutions for expenditure were, established in England. He did t„!'llt to see th a t b o d y very numerous-,-it might nearly Tis . uli the number of an English Grand Jury. He pt t l e . next to r e p ea l t h e j u di c i a l power f rom th e power • , . taxes. If tw ent y- t h ree gen tl emen a sserted that ft,) yin ef necessary, or if they, as the taxing body, should I, o 2, l flections to any tax proposed, lie should not be the ifti: to prefer the decision of any other body, particularly Mr y were taken from the landowners, and the lindown h„dwere to he, as was proposed, the rate-payers. On this 44. Ye) ho wever, there aught to he a check. It should bha the absolute power to levy taxes for useful works , but en **nuance against any job, two means might he ever that the money was expended Koperly . . He g a vote to some board on any project involving a ik a l 0 .4 pe nee- - fetch as several thousand pounds, and he would k*lnhor the work to he done except by public contract. vL ew t na other body so likely us this to determine cur tt the worms were useful. Then there ought to be, °, of the public authorit a power to compel the 11 : - ( 4 ,: l . j ,.7 10 to give an treoulit authority, the money e.xpende.d. " t s ee it. the Clifie any objection to gm such id he did it know wli powerito the Government ;am ue did not :now ~..,y the Treasurer of the county should not he called on to render an account of the money he, was authorised to expend. The :se were the great priuciples Mt which he would pro ceed. With respect to advancing money for public works --Lthough he admitted that in particular ca. , 43s that had been advantageous.....-he could ,not give his assent to it as a general , system. To give 100,000/. to relieve urgent distress might he necessary; but to . emphiy the public funds to find employment for•the people, was likely to stimulate population' beyond its due proportion. In conclusion the Right Hon. Gentleman expressed a hope that he would net be considered as at all tending to under value the• exertions of the Right lion. Baronet, or lessen the importance of the object he bad in view. Mr. O'CONNELL thought the views of the Right Hon. Baronet who had just sat down deserved attention. Every person admitted that the present system was mon strous. lie had never beard any gentleman defend it but lion. Member for Wicklow. The principle was bad. It WAS taxation without representation, and those who levied the taxes were not the payers. In many instances the Grand Jury had no concern with the law. He had known a case where taxation to the amount of several thousand pounds Was levied by a Grand Jury, five of whom had been discharged under the Insolvent Debtors' Act. Was it not a shame that ninety acres should pay as much, as had been stated by a Right lion. Gentleman, as 1,000 acres of equally good land ? Great praise was frequently bestowed on the Parliament for its attention to Irish mat ters, but here was an ahem existing for thirty years with out any remedy. Was Ireland to•be grateful for that? He did not think she ought to be, unless her gratitude was political gratitude, which bad been defined as a lively sense of . future favours. He admitted the propriety of having local authorities, but those who assessed the taxes should be the tax payers. Ireland was .divided iota baronies, end the plan he should recommend would be this :—He would have each barony select two men when any public works were necessary, who should make a presentment for them to the assistant barrister, and he would give to these two methand the assistant barrister the power of settling the maximum of the assessment. Their presentment should go before the Grand Jury, who should •have no power to enlarge it; but, if they disap proved of it they might •diminish it. The Grand Juty should then have the power to order the works to be m ooted, but by 1110 other means than by contracts publicly announced and publicly formed, and the contractors should be obliged to pay their labourers is money. This would be a constitutional means of improving the system. He was happy to hear the Right lion. Baronet's good wishes to-night, but he would rather hive bad some good deeds from him before he went out of (dee. Lord ALTHORP agreed with all the gentlemen who had spoken as to the great importance of this subject, and admitted that it was necessary that the Governmentshould turn its attention -to the matter. The Right Hon. BA. toilet who had introduced the subject confitied himself to the evils of the Grand Jury system, the Right Hon. Gen tleman who spoke subsequently (Mr. M. Fitzgerald) had discussed all the peculiarities in the condition of Ireland. He meant to confine himself to the subject before the House, and he would say that the Government. would be very happy to receive the plan which the Right Hon. Gen- Oman said lie had formed for the improvement of that system. It was admitted that the evils of the system were great, and they were principally caused by the fact that the rates were imposed by persons who had none of them to pay. That was not what ought to be. It was contrary to sound principles, and open to many objections. He did not, however, think the plan recommended by the Hon. and Learned Member for Waterford would answer the object proposed. It Would be very complicated, and be exposed to many diffi culties. In England the parish roads were indeed kept in repair by each parish, but each parish was liable to be in dicted if the roads were not kept in good order. In Ire land, he believed, the great difficulty was to find fit and proper persons to execute any local system, and constitute local bodies. There was no difficulty of that kind in Eng land, where the people had long been accustomed to ma nage their own affairs. He would not pledge himself to any decided course, nor give a decided opinion what ought to be done. Ile believed, however, that his Right Hon. Friend, the Chief Secretary for Ireland, had a Bill pre pared to improve the Grand Jury system, and the G - vernment hoped that it might be carried into effect with great advantage. Mr. G. DAWSON admitted that the principles of the system were bad, but he denied that the Grand Jurors who carried it into execution were corrupt. The materials were good, but the plan was bad. Landlords ought to have the power of levying these taxes, and that system would be no improvement which took their power from them. It was proper to keep up their connection with the county, and their interest wasdeeply concerned in the pro per administration of the county funds. Under the pre sent arrangeMent of the 'business transacted before the Grand Juries, it was impossible for them to devote more than two minutes to the consideration of each present. !tient, .and it .therefore followed, as a matter of course, that great laxity and many abuses crept into the admini. oration of the county rates. In his opinion much of the difficulty at present experienced by the Magistrates, and many of the abuses of the system, might be got rid of by appointing a number of Magistrates in each county to as semble twice a year, , for the transaction of no other kind of business than that connected with presentments, and the application of the rates collected for public purposes. This would, he was satisfied, be productive of the best effects ; for he would not agree with those who thought the Irish counties were wantonly and extravagantly rated for county purposes. In point of fart, a much larger sum was collected in the English counties, under the name of County Rates, than the whole of the stuns said to be to illegally taken in Ireland. By a Return made a short time ago to that House, it appeared that the County Rates of England amounted to something considerably over two millions, and yet the system which prevailed in England was that which it was wished they would .extend to Ire land. The Right Ilon. Gentleman concluded by pro- testing against the plan of the Knight of Kerry, for placing the funds of the counties under the controul of Commis sioners. Mr. WYSE was opposed to the system of the Member for Kerry as Much as to the suggestions of the Member fur Waterford (Mr. O'Connell). He thought the better plan would be to divide the powers of the Grand Juries♦ into two parts, and leaving, to the Magistrates the judicial power which they at present exercised, and permit the rate-payers to elect from the whole body a certain number, to whom they, would be willing to' commit the adminis tration of the county funds. While on this subject, he would say, that he approved of the system, of loans which the Right Hon. Gentleman (Sir R., Peel) had condemned. In consequence of the *ligation of his Majesty's Govern ment, that they were determined to take the subject under consideration, he abstained from troubling the House with any further observations; but he would take leave to say, in conclusion, that be was happy to find they had an Ad ministration disposed to turn its attention to the condi tion of Ireland, and he hoped the people of that country, when they heard that Parliament was in reality and good earnest occupied with those questions in which they had an interest, would feel that the day of retribution which they wished for was come, not in wrong anti in bloodshed, but that it had brought forth an earnest desire to promote their welfare as a division of the empire, and to develope, to its utmost extent, their almost unbounded national re sources.—(Hear.) Mr. OWEN O'CONNOR felt gratifiCation to find they had a Government willing to lend their attention to the complaints of the people of Ireland. Mr. OTRIEN was of opinion that the plan recom mended by the' Knight of Kerry would, on inquiry, be found the fittest for the proper uianagement of the county rates, and the best calculated to get rid of the evils of the present system. Mr. RICE suggested,to his Right Hon. Friend the propriety of withdrawing the resolutions, as the Chan cellor of the Exchequer had deetared it to be the inten tion of Government to take the subject under its lame= diate care. Sir JOHN NEWPORT had not entertained a hops the resolutions would beearried; but he was satisfied with the attention bestowed on them, and withdrew the resolu tions accordingly. THE LIVING OF STANHOPE. Mr. OWEN WYNNE, before the Noble Viscount (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) proceeded to move for the Committee on public salaries, begged leave to ask him a question on a subject in which he believed the public took a peculiar and extraordinary interest. He wished to know if Ministers persisted in the determination of their predecessors, to permit the living of Stanhope to be held by Dr. Phillpotts, in cotnmendarti with the See of Exeter? Lord ALTHORP, in reply to the Hon. Member's ques tion, said that his Majesty's Ministers, upon finding a great objection prevailing throughout the country on the subject of such an union, had felt it their duty to advise his Majesty to abstain (rum issuing the instrument required for that purpose: --(Hear, hear.) SALARIES OF PUBLIC OFFICERS. Lord Viscount ALTHORP then rose to move fur the. Select Committee to inquire into the Salaries of offices held during the pleasure of the Crown, of which l►e had given notice. He said it was the firm determination of his Majesty's Government to enforce the must rigid eco • • r. • . . Homy, effect a thorough 'retrenchment in every departmentandto ot' the State; but in order to leave them the power. to enforce this economy :and ,retrenchment with a proper effect, and in order to enable them to call on others to make sacrifice., his Majesty's Go vernment felt it their duty to begin' by making sacri fices themselves.--(Hear, hear, hear, . hear.) Under ordinary circumstances, it was undnottedly better that the Government should take on themselves the responsibility of proposing to Parliament those "reductions and alterations which they,thought expedient; witheut throwing the labour of the research on a Committee of the House ; but they conceived that they were less competent to come to a con clusion with respect to the amount of their own salaries than they might be with reference to those of others. They thought, therefore, that the more satisfactory course would he, to leave the question of the amount of their own 'Lu rie* to an independent Committee of this House ; and I hope that the Committee which J mean to propose will be ((mild to be as independent of the Government as any Committee can be constituted" in this House.—(Hear, hear.) I tun well aware of the necessity of satisfying the country, that it is the sincere and lione4 intention of the Government to carry the reductions in all the public establishments to the utmost extent which may be found consistent with a due regard to the public service. —(Hear, hear, hear.) Looking, however, at reductions of this kind, I think it necessary to say that they may lw, perhaps, carried to much too great an extent. (Hear, hear.)—l think it would, indeed, he ex `ceedingly unwise and impolitic that we should reduce the salaries so low as to leave no office capable of being held, unless by a man possessing a large private fortune.— (Hear, bear.)—That is, I think, a principle which the most ardent lover of economy would not wish to see carried into effect.—(Hear, hear.)—But the principle of economy they were determined to carry into effect was this, that wherever the mere patronage of the Govern ment was concerned, there should be no limit to the re ductions, bet where the wants of the public service re quired efficient officers, then their economy should be only a secondary consideration, carried as far as it can be in ac• cordance with the principles of the Government, but never permitted to interfere with that which they conceived to be demanded for the proper conduct of public business.— (Hear, hear.)—Thinking, then, that the whole question can he most favourably brought under the consideration of a Committee, and believing as I do that no objection will be offered to such a motion, because I think it will be admitted that it is called for by the unanimous voice of the country, I feel it my duty, at the same time, to warn those who are looking with anxiety to their effect, that they must not expect any extensive relief from any thing which can be taken from the salaries of the Government officers. Much as such a measure may be desired by the advocates for economy, I think it right to say that it will produce but a very small diminution in the amount of the taxation with which they are bur thened; but small as may be the relief, it will produce that which is of much more importance in the present state of the public mind ; it will give satisfaction to the people— (Hear, bear)—and convince them that economy is with the present Government no idle, profession; but that they are determined to make the necessary retrenchment of sependiture, and display the sincerity of their intentions Ity beginning with their own emoluments.—(Hear, hear.) Having said so muck respecting the public opinion, the objects of the Government, and the mode in which it pro pane to carry those cbjects into effect, I would now add that the same reasons which have prevented us from com ing to any decision with respect to the amount of salary which we conceive necessary for the support of our offices, have induced us to refrain from naming any person as a Member of the Committee who may be supposed to be in the slightest degree under the influence of the Government. In the nomination of the Committee I have indeed felt it right to adopt as a precedent the course pursued by my Noble Friend, Lord Lansdowne, in the year 1806, who, in ap pointing a Committee to inquire into the state of the Fi nances, selected no Member who held an office of any de scription under the Administration.--(Hear.) I believe, however, it will be necessary, as a matter of form, that my own name should be placed on the list; hut I trust that the reasons and objections I have stated will, with the Committee ioself, form an excuse for my non-attend ance.--(Hear, hear.) The Noble Viscount concluded by moving the appointment of a " Select Committee, to inquire what Reductions can be made in the Salaries and Emoluments of Office held during the Pleasure of the Crown by Members of either House of Parliament, and to report their Opinion and Observations thereupon to the House." Mr. BANKES thought the Government might, perhaps, have adopted a better course, if they had clothe down with a proposition of their own for the reduction of their salaries, rather than have, thrown on a Committee the ungracious task of determiniug what should be the amount. He did not, however, rise at that moment to apply him self to the .question; but to ask the Noble Lord (Althorp) if there was any foundation for. the report of the intended removal of Sir A. Hart from the Lord Chancellorship of Ireland ?—(Hear.) Lord ALTHORP said he felt bound, in the first place, to apologise to the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Dawson) for nut possessing the requisite information to answer a question on the same subject, which he put to him., on a former evening. The truth was, that be had just returned from his election, and had not an opportu nity of communicating with the Members of the Govern ment until he took his place in the House. In answer to the question of the Hon. Member foi Dursetthire, he haul now to state, the Government felt it required an intimate and confidential assistant in the Government of Ireland in the person of the Lord Chancellor, and they had, there fere, determined on making a change in that office; but they had taken such steps, and made such arrangements with respect to the removal of Sir A. Hart, that no real increase of the burthens of the people would be the con sequence. Mr. BANKES, in reply to this declaration, said he felt himself bound at once to stigmatise this proceeding of the Government as a job of the most obnoxious kind.... (Hear, hear)—and as a job of an Administration which set out with such loud professiuns, and which placed its claims to public support on its principles of economy. He must say, that it excited his wonder and surprise, not un mixed with a feeling of deep regret.—(Hear, hear.)—lle bad hopes that the Adtniuistration would have attempted to justify the expectations of economy which were so uni iersally entertained; but the avowal of this job taught him that his hopes were vain. Perhaps he had said too much-.more. than he-ought--until he heard the explana tion that was promised ; and he should, therefore, merely add, that he waited for it with impatience. Mr. DAWSON said, that as this subject had excited a very general interest in England us well as in Ireland, he hoped the Noble Lord would excuse his putting to him ' another question connected with the rumour of another removal. Sir Anthony Hart, the present Lord Chancel ' lor, made no objection, as far as he understood, to continue to hold his place; and he believed it was admitted by the Bar and the country, that no man was better qualified to perform its duties with honour to himself and advantage to the suitors. It should also be recollected, that Sir A. Hart was sent to Ireland purely and solely because he was not connected with any of its political parties, and because he was not disposed to meddle with any of the contending faCtions of the time—but they now heard, and he confessed he heard it with pain, that the Chancellor was to be re placed by a political substitute, whose inclination it was and from whom it required as a duty, that he should meddle with parties, and renew that hatred and dissatisfaction which had for some time been so happily repressed.-- (Hear.) This was not all, however ; be understood that it was also contemplated to give a retiring allowance to the Chief Baron, in order that he might be replaced by some , other political friend. of the Government, although that Judge was as competent as any other in Ireland for the fulfilment of, his duties, and no adequate reason could be advanced to justify his retirement.._ . (Hear.) The conse quence of all this would be to saddle the country with two retiring pensions in order that the Government might place two political supporters in the place of the Lord Chancellor and Chief Baron in Ireland. He (Mr. Dawson) would not complain of this in ordinary cases, but when he was told that retrenchment was the one sole object of the Government, and when he found they ranted their claim to public confidence, and their reputation as a Government, on the fulfillment of their pledges of economy; and when he found that one of their first acts was to displace two eminent Judges, who would he entitled to demand large retiring pensions from the public, lie confessed he could not avoid expressing his sur prise and apprehension. Now one word more, as to the apology of the Noble Lord. The Noble Lord said that he was nut aware of the intention of the Government until alter he took his seat in the House. But were there no means of rending a letter to the Noble Lord, acquainting him with the wishes of the Premier, before the measure was determined? If there was not, what became of the responsibility of the Noble Lord as Chancellor of the Ex chequer? Was the Prime Minister to make arrangements so materially affecting the finances of the country without consulting the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who was responsible, by virtue of his office, for the expenditure of the puhlic money, and the fulfillment of the pledges of retrenchment? The-whole matter might be capable of explanation, but in' the present extraordinary appearance which it maimed, he could not give it his approval. Lord ALTHORP, in reply to the last observation of the Right Hon. Gentleman, said that the Chief Baron had already bean twenty-five years on the Bench, and bad expressed a strong wish to retire.—(Hear, bear.)—He begged also to pay, in anse. , [‘r ' he Right lion. Gentle man's charge of the wish of the Government to appoint political partisan., that the persons appointed to these situations were no political friends of the present Atnini• stration, but, on the contrary, men appointed by an Ad ministration with which they bad nothing whatever to do. —(Hear, hear, hear.)—The Government, therefore, bad no personal motive to do wrong; and it would be found, on examination, that they had promoted, in all cases, men never politically connected with them us a party. There might be an exception with respect to the Lord Chancel lor. The Right Hon. Gentleman says that the Lord Chancellor should not be connected with the opinions of the Government. Now up to the time of the appoint ment of Sir A. Hart, the Chancellor had always been a political associate. It was necessary that he should he in constant communication with the Lord Lieute nant, to whom was entrusted the Executive Go verntnent of Ireland ; and if he was not a person who could hold a confidential communication on the views of the Government in England, he could not effi ciently perform the duties of his station. The appoint ment of Sir A. Hart was considered politic at a peculiar crisis, and because it was wiehtd to avoid some difficulties connected with the Catholic question; but if the Chan cellor was not, its ordinary circumstances, the complete and confidential depositary of the views of the Administra tion, the difficulties attending the situation of the Govern ment would be increased to such a degree as to be almost ineurmounteble.—(Hear.) . . Mr. HOLME SUMNER observed, that as it was un. derstood that the Committee on the Civil List were not to proceed until after the holidays, it was evident that his Majesty's Ministers bad determined very manfully, in his opinion, to take upon themselves the responsibility of pro. posing a plan on that subject. He regretted, howeter, that on the subject now before the House they had shown a disposition to withdraw from a similar responsibility, by proposing the appointment of a Committee to consider it; and that on the plea that they were not competent or proper judges. lie very readily allowed that the Members of whom the Committee was to consist would probably be free from Government influence; but if a Committee was considered to be the best course in this instance, why not refer the Civil List to a similar Committee, to proceed im-. mediately to the discharge of their functions?—Why adopt , two courses? Mr. D. W. HARVEY thought that the objections which had been urged against the course which his Ma jesty's Ministers were taking on the present occasion were conceived in the most ungenerous spirit possible. If they had referred the subject to a Committee composed of Mem bers who were their favourites, and who were under their influence, no man would have been more prompt, and more properly prompt, to object to that proceeding than the Hon. Members who hail objected to the present pro ceeding. For his part, be conceived the course which it was now proposed to pursue calculated to be eminently beneficial to the public ; for, if be understood the Noble Lard rightly, as soon as the Committee which had been moved for had dealt promptly and on principle with those salaries and emoluments of offices which were held during the pleasure of the Crown by Members of either House of Parliament, his Majesty's Ministers would then come for ward and deal promptly and on a similar principle with the other and larger chases of the salaries and emoluments of offices. The spirit in which this proposition was con ceived appeared to him excellent ; and he was convinced approbation of it would echo and re-echo throughout the country. On one point, however, he differed from the Noble Lord. The Noble Lord seemed to think that the most rigid scrutiny into the amount of the official emolu ments in question would not be productive of any exten• sive financial benefit to the country. Now in his (Mr. Harvey's) opinion, it would be productive of great benefit, not only in the amount of the benefit, bet in the influence which the result would have in other respects. For after having dealt with the subjects for the investigation of which this Committee was about to be appointed, it would be ne cessary to approach that frightful, that hideous return of general official salaries, the' minimum of which was 1,0001; and, proceeding through a disgusting and repulsive scale, the maximum of which exceeded 10,0001. When it was considered that the gross amount of the salaries to which he alluded exceeded half the amount of our annual expen diture (apart from the interest of the national debt), or, in other word:, that it exceeded two millions, who, that was sensible of the necessity of the utmost possible practical economy, but must expect, from any honest and impartial Committee to whom the subject might be referred, a sav ing atonce of a million? After looking over the names of the various office holders, and the amount of the emolu ments which they enjoyed, any Committee would but ill discharge their duty—would disappoint the expectations of the country--would chill the general feeling on the sub ject, if they did not quickly reduce the list tome half of its present amount. Inquiry, however, must not atop here, There was another list of offices and salaries, scarcely less hideous and frightful than the other, although the items of which it was composed were smaller : this list consisted of offices the salaries of which were from two hundred to one thousand pounds in amount. By a rigid analysis of this list, a very rich saving might be effected for the coon try. Not only would this be advantageous in a financial point of view ; but great benefit would result in other respects, by cutting off a pensioner, and planting on the same stem a patriot ; by getting rid of a mats of corruption in the House of Commons—by diminishing the number of hungry dependents—of eager aspirants. All this he trusted would be effected, and that the present Govern ment would see that the salvation of the country, with which their own salvation was so closely inter woven, depended on the strictest public economy. As to the legal appointments in Ireland, he in one respect agreed with the course which his Majesty's Govern ment had adopted on that *object. It was undoubtedly the case at present that the Lord Chancellor of Ireland, Ile the Loud Chancellor of England, was a political officer, He certainly wished that the Equity Judges were as unconnected with political metiers as the Judges in the Courts of Common Law. That, however, was not the case at present. Under such circumstances, it was idle and absurd to suppose that the present Government, whose recommendations and acts proved that they were actuated by the purest motives, could continue any coalition with those who did nut cordially agree with them ; could allow any uncongenial elements to mingle with the pa triotism which induced them steadily to pursue the public good, Thew must be no spies in the camp ; no Lord Chancellor who might approach the ear of the King with poisonous advice or insinuations. His Majesty's present Ministers had had the leins of Government confided to them at a time, and under circumstances, such as had never before occurred. But, however great the difficulties they had to surmount, they had a confiding Monarch, and they had, or if not they might speedily have, a confiding Parliament ; for never had any Administration in so short a time conciliated the good feelings of the people. If, which at present he saw no reason to doubt, they proceeded in the course which they appeared to have chalked out for them selves, they should have his voice and vote. Although he was sitting among those who might be considered hostile to his Majesty's present Government, if that Government did what be expected, lie should always be prepared to obey the apostolic injunction, " Come out from among thein."—(llear, bear, and roars of laughter.) Ile could assure the lion. Member, who appeared to be so much entertained by this declaration, that his meithitig was not that which they seemed to wish to impute to him. What he meant was, that while his Majesty's Government pur sued the course which, in his opinion, it was their duty to pursue, although sitting where be did, he should feel it his duty to support thew; and, if necessity were, to divide with then,. That wet what he meant ; and that was all that he meant. He trusted that he knew too well the value of an independent vote to sacrifice it; that vote his Ma jesty's Ministers should continue to have front him as long as they continued to deserve it. _ Mr. HORACE TWISS expressed his persuasion, that if hie Majesty's Ministers wished to have the vote of the Hon. Member for. Colchester, they must pay a higher public price fur it than he fancied they were at present disposed to give. He did not rise to oppose the Noble Lord's motion. Quite the contrary. He supported it ; not because he admitted the validity of all the principles maintained by the Hon. Gentleman behind bins, but be cause he thought the course proposed by the Noble Lord honourable to his character, as well as consistent end *nod. (Hear, hear, hear.) Per himself, although he believed, that dining the last two or three sessions retrenchment had been carried as far as under all the circumstances of the case it could be carried, yet he always cherished the hope that in succeeding sess i ons i t m i ght b e carr i e d fur ther.sli - Of course th e process would b e cont i nua lly dimi d' nishing the amount on which it would be practicable to operate. Now, however, at the opening of a new cession—at the commencement of a new Administration, when the Noble Lord and his friends were unfettered by any extrinsic consideration, he thought his Majesty's Government were conferring a great benefit on the country by proposing that this subject should un dergo *strict and impartial investigation. Not that he believed that any very considerable saving could he effected (for he agreed with the Noble Lori?' that the principal oh- ject was to satisfy the country), but he thought it was ex epetlingly deairablO to diiribuse the public mind, and to expose the monstrous exaggerations and enormous errors Which prevailed with reference to official remuneration and emoluments. If the Committee should be unable to render themselves popular by recommending a saving, the amount of which would occasion any great and permanent benefit to the public service, they might effect a great benefit by establishing some principle on which the remu neration of the great officers !of the State should be assessed. In this respect he thought they might do a great: public service; and with respect to any reduction of salaries which they might prepose he trusted that they would applytheir recommendation to such salaries as had no correspondent labours; rather than to those which had not. Lord JOHN RUSSELL had beard, with great regret, those Hon. Gentlemen who, before the arrangements which had been alluded to had been completed in Ireland, had thought proper to censure it. Be trusted that when that arrangement was completed it would be found econo mical as compared with other arrangements of a similar nature. But undoubtedly the moral and political clia racter of the Lord Chancellor of Ireland was a considera tion of far greater importance than the amount of any economy on that subject which could be effected. The Hon. Member who had ' just spoken said that he consi dered the principal object which could be obtained by the Committee which his Noble Friend proposed was to allay the ferment in the public mind on the subject of official emoluments, and to show that official remuneration was, generally speaking, not more than adequate to official service. For his own part, he thought that his Noble Friend had taken the best course to refer the subject to the consideration of a Committee of independent Mem bers; and he agreed with the Hon. Gentleman who had just spoken that there was much exaggeration in the statements respecting official emoluments, and that there was much which could not be subjected to re trenchment without a breach of national faith. But 'of this be was quite sure, that it would not be in the power of that Committee, or of the House, to satisfy the country, when they refused retrenchment even on the most solid grounds. The cause was, the manner in which the House was at present constituted. He was persuaded, that while there were so many Members in that House who did not enter it by popular election, so long would suspicion attach to the motives of the House, even when they acted most correctly; so long would the people be prejudiced against their acts ; so long would the country withhold its confi dence from them. For that reason, were it only for the sake of keeping the public establishments at the point at which they ought to be kept, at the point at which it was necessary for the good and safety of the country they should he kept ; he wished for a solid, a substantial, but at the same time a temperate Reform.—(Hear.) He was per suaded that then, and not till then, It would be in the power of any Committee of that House to allay by their acts the ferment in the public mind with respect to the amount of official appointments and salaries. He looked forward with hope and confidence to the time when the Ministry of this country tnight refer to the consideration of !11. House, consisting of the genuine Representatives of the people, any measure which they might think necessary for the public service, in the full confidence that men chosen for their integrity and their judgment, in giving their ap probation to such measure, would carry with them the con fidence of the public that they had given it on solid grounds of public interest, and not on any considerations of a pri. vate character. Mr. KEITH DOUGLAS was quite of the opinion of the Hon. Member for Colchester—that the utmost practi cable economy was indispensably necessary fur the safety of the country ; and strongly recommended that some means should be adopted for relieving the people from the distress in which they were involved by want of employment. He agreed with the Noble Lord, thatjthe best course was to submit the subject to the consideration of a Committee, and did nut agree with the Hon. Member for Guildford, that it would have been better had Government proposed a plan of their own. There could be no doubt that public officer, should be competently paid for the efficient perform ance of public services ; but in leaving this subject to the consideration of a Committee, he thought the Noble Lord' had done much better than if he had originated any spon taneous and voluntary recommendation. Mr. JEPHSON spoke from under the gallery, sod was scarcely audible. We underatood the lion. Gentleman to bay that it bad long been felt at the Bar of Ireland that the legal appointments in that country were not the result of superior merit ; and that the recent proceedings would confirm that conviction. Sir F. BURDETT would not take up the time of the Howse on the present occasion, if he did not think that, in the present situation of his Majesty** Ministers, he should not be doing justice, either to them, or to himself, if he did not explicitly declare the feelings of respect, ad miration, and confidence, with which he regarded the whole body. There had never been an administration in this country, which in so short a time, almost before they were fixed in their places, had come forward with prin ciples no eatisfactot7, and nO fraught with public 'advan tage; and hod performed so many wets calculated to rescue the country front the consequences of a long system of misgovernment. As to the present motion be was at a loss to conceive why it should be considered that it would have been better for Ministers to have taken tip the sub ject themselves, rather than to refer it to a Committee of impartial and independent Members. He perfectly agreed with an Hon. Member that no advantage t 3 the public would arise from any niggardly economy on this sub• ject ; and that it was perfectly fitting that there who devoted themselves to the public service should be liberally rewarded. There was no economy in ab staining from holding out to talent exercised in the public service advantages equal to what it might ob tain in other pursuits. As far as the Great Officers of the Crown were concerned, he really could not see how, unless perhaps in a few cases, retrenchment could be ef fected. The salaries of many of them were not more than commensurate to the expenses to which they were sub jected. He Was at all times hostile to a miserable and niggardly economy; because it was at once ungenerous and. unjust. But with respect to the large class of offices to which the .Hon. Member fur Colchester had alluded, the case was very different. The present Administration stood on such grounds, that to those offices they might safely apply the principle of retrenchment justly applicable to them. He was glad to hear the sentiments which had been expressed by both the Noble Lords. They were am , titnents which challenged the public confidence ; they were sentiments worthy of a let of men of integrity and talent, 'determined to adopt that new mode of Government, that system of Reform, which the necessities of the country demanded. There was ouly one circumstance in the composition of the present Administration which he regretted ; and that was, that it did not comprise an Honourable Baronet, whose integrity and abilities, tad especially whose financial knowledge pointed him out as a man who would do honour to any Government. --(Hear, hear, hear.).-41e congratulated the present Ministers on their good fortune in being supported by their Royal Master—a Monarch entitled to the loyalty of every Englishman—loyalty to his person, as welt as to his seat on the Throne. It was a most happy circumstance that they bad no views but those which were directed to. wards the public service. Under all these circumstances, notwithstanding the difficulties by whirls the country was surrounded, he saw no reason for despair; on the cos• teary, he hoped that all the evils which we were now en during would at least be alleviated, sod still further that, with proper attention, they might be entirely removed. , Such being his feelings, he had thought it his duty . to ex. 'press them. He hoped that the course which his Ma 'jesty'a present Administration seemed determined to pur sue would be satisfactory to all parties. Iu saying this, - however, he forgot what had been told him by a great 'diplomatist—a man of high political talent and ability; namely, that there was one party, and a mischievous party too, that would not easily be satisfies!, namely, :" the party of impatience." All other parties, however, in the country would. he was persuaded, be sitisfird. ItIr.GOULBURN agreed perfectly with the Hon. Baronet in the . propriety of fairly remunerating pohlio men for their services, and of not resorting to petty economy, cal culated to defeat iw own object. He hoped that the mero area which hie Majelty‘i present Government intended to bring forward would prove as beneficial as he could not doubt they intended them to be. When he was himself a Member of Government, tool brought forward any measure which lie thought advantageous to the oottouy, he always thought it entitled to a candid construction.. In the same meaner, although be should use due vigilance with respect to the measures which might be brought for ward by the*present Government, he was ready to pot upon those measures the most candid constructigo i s6.4 Hear.) Mr. LITTLETON eulogised the candid and gentle manly conduct of his Right Hon. Friend who had just spoken—conduct which the people of England would not tail to remark anti applaud. It gave hint great pleasure to hear the Noble Lortistate that, with the necessary ex ception of that evening, as end would be put to the system of conducting the business of Government by Committee., under which the etfuntryshed been for the last fifteen years suffering . ; and that public meaattree would thenceforward be brought forward on the itethority of the Crown, me, under the responsibility of the Maiden of the Crown., The present Administretion were now deeply pledged. to Iteform, tot only.in finencial, but in all ether matters. II they were sincere it was their duty to take care that all posts 'cotineeNll With the Government Were filled by per eons in whose correspondent opinions' they could confide.' The people of England would but think thole interests in• jured by tlic !sacrifice of A few titousauds of pounda l fur the t cr e ose of stragthaing fin Adaialatration having for ha Oita the public good.' - Lord VALLETORT perfectly ca cursed in she opiniolar st) ably expressed by the lieu. 13aronet *hal Cleo. Aleinber r Westminster. Sie H. IL SIit:MEN; adverting to the pre;nrued sub stitution of Lord Plunket'for Hartiuhserved, that the present Lord Chancellor 44 -Ireland had been -appointed rothy- the last Admit:date/Moth butj by that noder Mr. Canning. Such being the ease, -he could not understand why the present Geier:mint could not. work with • hint. Not differing from them in political sentimentss—having no political character--never Living I..sieri in that Mom, it did not appearsuffiCient to tell the House that Sie Anthony Hart must resign and Lord l'ltinkett must be appoictell, because morally, as 'there Ought to 1w a Lord Chancellor in Irelandin when: Government had per fect confidence. It ought Cat to be eatiafictorily esta blished that there waseetnetbing in the political sentitnenti of that great officer which rendered it advisable to remove him. If so, hard as the. cue was upon the , country, lie admitted that the evil mustbe submitted to. . But when a Government which founded itself upon principles of economy, without any neeeleity burdened the country with a pension of 4,0001. to aretiring Chancellor, end of .9,00t1/. odd to a retiring, Judge, be thought's -Me' ixplatittion of the subject was necessary. He did not say that such pro ceedings were nut justifiable: he only said that they re quired explanation. Lord PALMERSTON expressed his surpri►+e; 'after dm explanation which bad been giver► I.y his Noble Friend, that—. Sir E. 11. SUGDEN•begged the Nobleloid'a. partintt. He was not in the House at the time. • I ord PALMERSTON was sorry for it ; for the. Hon. and Learned Gentlemen would have heard a very satisfac tory explanation from his Noble Friend. He must take the liberty of saying that it' wil rather extraoldinary , the Hon. and Learned Gentlifitan to speak of replying to a speech which he had not heard,' affording the House, by that admission, a just criterion by which to estimate the value of his own remarks. To what he had himself al ready urged, he had now only to add, that he hoped the House would suspend its opinion till all the details wera laid before it.., 7Tlien, and not lilUtheri,.-would a just opi nion bo formttl. On biapartrit tequirett no great expls tition to 'show that-the 4mm 'public functionaries referred to'were not yet divested' of.Thnir political character or di ties—they of necessity had Mach communication with the confidential advisers .and officers:of !the Crown, and it was therefore matter of necessity- dint thershould possess the political confidence of , thoseld placed •in communication with them—no persons disagreeing in , Certain political °pi nions could tarry on the business of 'the .country whets standing towards each other in such relations. The ar rangement proposed to be made ',was one which could not fail, under all the circumstances of , the case, tote desi rable. So far as their arrangements had hitherto gone, they had enjoyed the approbation , tif the House and the country, and so long only as they felt thettletterved and possessed that approbation did they desire to continue in the situations which they then held..—(Hear, hear.) Mr. CALCRAF f would certainly 'not refrain from giving au opinion on the appointment in question ; at the same time he would say that any Cievertitnent which could secure the Noble Lord's Cervices would be guilty of a grist dereliction of duty in not doing so. He deprecated as sin cerely and a. heartily as any one could the tixing upon tbe country additional charges ; yet he could not grudge a stn which would obtain for theta the services Of that N,ble Lord. As to the subject of economy and retrenchment, he fully agreed with the Hon. Baronet the Member foe Westminster that cutting down too low might prove highly mischievous, while to remunerate those officers not really useful to the State in a manner at all approaching' the payments to be made to more laborious and efficient,wouhl be alike' incompatible with justiee and sound policy: He did entreat Noble Lords a n d Ri g h t H en . Gentlemen op- I posite, when they had done what they proposed to- do with reference to their own Wariest, not to visit the su bordinate clerks with the same sort of severity which they thought tit to practise on themselves. JrA. G. BANKES contended that there WAS no such ground of preference in Axone of Lord Plunkett over Sir Anthony Hart, and that he Might he unwed to say, wills, out derogating anything from the reputation of the Noble Lord, there was to be, for the purpose of appointing Lord Plunkett, an expence of 4,0001. Colonel SIBTHORP wished to learn frum the Noble Lord opposite what wee to be done respecting the Comp. troller of the Navy, the Clerk of the Council, and the Atnbsesador to the Court of Vienna, 'who had a talary of 12,000/. a year? He earnestly deprecated any reduction in the emoluments of the subordinate clerks. Lord ALTHORP could not jot then answer the ques tion of the Hon. Member respecting the Comptroller. of the Navy. With respect to' the Second Clerk of the Council, he barite etitot that 7lir, Ilethurst was appointed before the accession of. the ,present Administration— (Hear, beir)...4ad at a salary of 9,0004 n year. It woe proposed now' to reduce it to 1,9001. a year.--(;Clwer,.) —As to our Ambassador at Vienna, no Change had yet taken plater. Mr..GOULBURN *Aid that the pleasure of his hiajestY had teen taken with respect to the Clerk of the Council, lard he had further to state that had the late Ad/Wiliam thin remained in office a change would have taken ph1...0 in the salary much more beneficial to the publi c than that made by the present Governmettt—(A laugh.) Mr. It. COLBORNE Wag quite sure that any reduc tion made in the salaries of subordinate officer, could not fail M ui r. i :L * A tl ß le O w a s l t lETE ib lv ie hred m t n o l re . pe a t the question put the other night try the Hon. Member for Bletchittgly. Lie understorid that to less than four pensions had been granted by the Duke of Wellington, on the late Admi nistration, thellate Of which was subsequent to the vie. tual resignation of office by the Noble Duke. Ile was desirous of• learning how far this was correct. lie could not but express his surprise that the Right Hon. Gentle:. inan (Mr. Ooulhurn) had blamed the Noble Lord (Althorp) who had so lately conic into office, because he was not acquainted with the nature of a certain commercial treaty, at the same time that the Right lion, Gentleman had himself declared his entire ignorance of the point to which his (Mr. Laboucherei) question referred, although be certainly Ought to have hateninforMed on the subject. Mr. .GOULBURN said, that the' 'Ma. Gentleman re quired no answer froM him, for the' information he re ! quiredwas to be found in a rebut that had been laid open the table of that House, and as a written doctrutent must .t all times be more authentic than the recollection of any titan, awl from that document it appeared that the pensions in questions had been granted an the 16th of Norember. Mr. O'CONNELL, as a member of the legal Profession, did not wish to remain altogether silent, lest that silence should be construed into indifference to or approbatien of the proposed arrangement'. lie neither approved or so. quiesced in them; lie for the present wished to reserve any opinion that he might have formed upon the sobject. After a few words (ruin Mr. Jorterarotile, the Motion was put and agreed or, and the following Committee stp pointed ~..Lord Viscount Althorn, 'Sir Robert Pont, Me. Goulbura, Mr. Burkett, Sir Henry Parnell, Sir Georg. Warrender, Sir Charles Wetherell, the 'lllarquie of Chats. Jos, sir Wyne* iDyke''Acland, fir. Adeine, Mr. Bethel!, Hr. Lawley, Sir Henry Itunbury; Mr, Sandford, Sir Richard Vyvyau, Laid Stormont, Mr. Baring, Mr. Irving, Mr. Ward, Mr: HMO, Mr. John Wood, Sit John New port, and Mr. Kennedy e power to send for persons, paper/, and records; five to be the (moron, Mt. HODGSON tnovetfor a return of persona entitled to the freedom of certain boroughs by servitude, pari loonYo or marriage, who had 'been aoltokted to ouch free. doom in each of the last fer}r years from the present time. Mr. CHOKER Objected to the motion. Sir 0. WETHERELL said that the Stamp Office was the proper place at which to obtain infotmatimi but no thing could be untie fallacious, rotten. soil rntsahleyoua than proceeding on inch date as these return* world supply. Mr. HODGSON briedy replied. Mr. GOULBURN recommended the lion. Member not to presto his motion in the' form now applied fur. If Ire wished to get rid of the tar, he had better move a resolu tion to that effect. Mr. D. W. HARVEY also objected to the proteot form of the 'motion. Mr. 110D - USON consented to withdraw hit motion, and rani ha ihould move tho report! of Ilto tox.--Motion COURT op CIJA.NCERY. Mr. SPENCE prefaced his motion by observing that the paper which he now sought to obtain vise one that would he moat necetaary in the'eusuittg inquiries respect. ing Retbfrii in the Court ,of Chancery. His object was tai affect reduction in the expenses of it suit in that Court, Intl to place the Court on thiatune footing ss in the 40th of Elixeiheth when the number of offieere there was amply auflicient for the purposes required. One' f his plane was to get rid of recital', and to incorporat e orders in the - pro, veedinge themselves. The document he required 'was eh.. whitely neeessary for his pniposes. Sir E. 13. 'BII(MEN did nut oppoae the motion, as the lion. and Learned Gentleman pledged himself to the zto. cessity of hayieg the document. The ATTOItNEY-GENERAL consented to the ma doe. The tincument asked for wadi most important. Sir E. B. SUODEN reminded the }louse that its had intended to bring in a Mil to regulate the practice of the Court of ChollOfry i and on Tuesday hs should bike