The Sun. — London, England, 1833-02-16 00:00:00

not ran that heal taken place between Helfand and Bel- 1 glum as respected our particular interest, but because we felt that if-natters between them were not adjusted, ,the peace of Eur Ope Ismaild he endaneered, anal consequently the peace of Great Britain.--(Sir R. Peel was under stood to say that Holland was clearly in the right.) If so, of coarse, the Right Hon. Baronet might argue that we were clearly in the wrong ; but that was assuming el e whel- argument. If the whole of the premises were thus to he assumed, no doubt the Right Hon. Baronet could easily arrive at his conclusion ; but was be justified in assuming thi-m ? The Hon. and Learned Member corm tatted, by insintainine that where civil W3r had commenced in a State, and had separated two parties in that State, neither party being recognised, a foreign State. according to all the authorities, ' night interpose. The Right Hon. Baronet was aware that he might carry this argument a e rea t deal farther if be phased ; but it was more than suf. fieient tor h a argument if thus much were admitted. Ile did not need to press the case even to that extent, for he contended that this country having great interests at stake, w hi c h interests were put in jeopardy by the continuation of the war between Holland and Belgium, had a right to impose the embargo, for the protection of those interests. The Right Hon. Baronet, with an air of triumph anal satisfaction, had m ate some observations on the embargo upon Prussian property ; butte (Dr. L.) begged the gorse to remark, what was stated by the Order in Council itself us the reason for the embargo, viz., that the King of Prussia invaded the dominions of the King of Hanover. Not withstanding this clear assertion of the grounds on which it was imposed, the Right Hon. Baronet had argued as if there bad bean a previous detention of British vessels in t' e ports of Prussia. He (Dr. Lushington) had perused the document, since the reference to it by the Right Hun Baronet, and be could take upon himself to say that there was no passage in it to justify the position attempted to he founded upon it. He insisted farrher, that the embargo in question coulit only have been imposed by the autho rities of this country under the supposition that the state of affairs in Prussia was likely to lead to the commence ment of hostilities ; and such being the undoubted reason for it, he was surprised at the tone the Right Hon. Baronet had assumed, as well as at the argument con structed upon this foundation. In one point he entirely concurred with the Right Hon. Bart., viz., that the power of imposing an embargo ought to be exercised with the greatest caution, and that it was of the utmost importance to the commerce and interests of this country. He agreed, also, that it was a measure which ought only to be re sorted to in cases of extreme necessity. He did not agree, however, that an embargo could never be im posed by authority of the Crown of Great Britain excepting in cases where hostilities were immediately to supervene ; and recollecting the set of the whole tide of authorities, and the necessary acquaintance of the Right Hon. Baronet with them, he was surprised that he had supported so unwarranted a proposition. It was sufficient to authorize an embargo if it appeared probable that such might be the termination of the then existing state of affairs. It the rule were otherwise, let the House reflect what might be the situation of Great Britain in her negotia tions and intercourse with foreign Powers. Self-protec tion was the principle by which these matters were regu lated, and Great Britain did not impose embargoes far the purpose of interfering with the just rights of other States, or for the sake of promoting any particular inte rests, and giving one set of merchants the advantage over another, but for the great and legitimate purpose of de fending her own rights and interests. Sometimes—and in this instance such was possibly the case—an embargo was resorted to in the earnest hope, if not expectation, that a measure of such energy might prevent the alter native of a war, from the contemplation of the hor rors of which all men and all Governments naturally shrink. In the case of 1766, to which the Right Honourable Baronet had referred, it was supposed that the Crown had violated the Statute of Charles the Second, which enabled the King's subjects freely to ex pairt their corn, provided it bad not reached a certain price. Whether a civil embargo could he imposed in case of famine, or of the prevalence of pestilential disease, if there were no statute expressly to authorize it, without the necessity of Government afterwards coming down to Parliament for an indemnity, was a great constitutional question which he (Dr. Lushington) did not pretend to settle, and the settlement of which was not at all neces sary upon the present occasion. But turning aside from a cavil embargo, if be had proved to the satisfaction of she House and the country, as lie believed he had, that the earbargo against Holland was not of a civil nature, but in anticipation of hostilities, :lien, according to the admission of the Right Hon. Baronet, he was entitled to say that it was not au inhingement of the rights and commerce of foreign States. He begged to repeat, before he sat down, that if he were wrong in his argument, the error was his own; if be were mistaken in his facts, he had received none of them from Government, and Government could not therefore be compromised Although sincerely attached to the present Ministers of the Crown, he had no connection with, and was entirely independent of them ; and in the discussion of this important question, in his own mind, he hart not made the slightest reference to them upon any point. One word more, and he had done. In the present state of the nego i. ation between this country and Holland, and in the present state of the affairs of Europe, was it wise, was it politie, or could it he advantageous to this country, that this debate should have been forced on by the Right Hon. Baronet? Was it likely to promote a favourable issue to the pending differences. or to secure the peace of Europe at this crisis, that the Right Hon. Ba ronet of all own should undertake the task, and attribute to the British Government a desire to do injustice to Ha Hand ? It was not merely as if a set of men col heeled at a tavern had taken upon themselves to discuss without information, and to decide without reflection ; but the Right Hon. Baronet stepped out of his way, anal deserted his esual course of prudence and discretion to make an attack upon Ministers. It seemed to him (Dr. L.), that at this moment, and in the present aspect ca; affairs, a good subject best performed his duty to his King and country by concealing many of the India - lents which had been uttered, even if he entertained! them. A proper time for the delivery of those senti ments would of course, ere long, arrive, and he deeply di plor• d that the Right Hon. Baronet had thrown the weight of his c' aracter into the scale—a circumstance not very likely to moiterate the apparently determined re sistaace of Holland tat all that was just and reasonable. 11.- must also remark that it was rather a hard measure of justice to tl.e present Government that the question was not brought forward in a shape on which the sense of the House could be taken, so that the charge would be sus pended until it could be brought forward in a form which might promise greater success to the political ad sterearies of the present Government. Mr. BARING began by paying a compliment to what he terrneal the remarkable speech of the Right Honourable Baronet, and then proceeded to notice sonic points in the address of the last speaker. First, as to the accusation of inopportune interference with the foreign policy of the present Government, he denied that it was the intention of the Right Honourable Baronet, or of those who thought with hire, to embarrass na gotiations which appeared in terminable. Notwithstanding the length of time the No ble Lord (Palmerston) had been occupied in hammering out protocols, the present was the earliest occasion in which there had been any intervention on the part of this Hawse, so that Members who sat on the Opposition side ought rather to have been praised for their forbearance than blamed for their indiscretion. For the last three months during which the embargo had subsisted, there had been a fatal interdict of trade between the country and one of her principal customers ; and, from the intimate con nection between different branches of trade, the suffering was by no means confined to that with Holland. Whatever might be the result—which he would not anticipate— Ministers had at all events continued to disturb the whole of the canntnercial relations of the country as regarded Holland and Portugal, hitherto considered the two na tions hest disposed towards Great Britain, 2nd most ca pable of being of service to her.—(Hear, hear. hear.) Where there bad been so much protraction, he could not help thinking there had been some mismanage ment ; and the effect, with regard to Holland, had been to convert what began only in mediation into tareatensd hostilities. Yet it could scarcely Int denied that, from the fact that she bad most to lose by war, Great Britain ought to have been the last of the mediating Powers required to restart to coercion. The Hon, and Learned Gentleman had indulged in a sneer against the meeting on this subject at the Louden Tavern ; he (Mr. Baring) did not attend it ; but this he would say for the enlightened merchants of London, that they were well entitled, from their knowledge, as well as from their interests, to take part in such a proceeding. In the first part of his speech the Hon. anal Learned Member seemed to admit the gene ral principle of the Right Hon. Baronet, that an embargo must be justified on one of these grounds—expected hos tilities, reprisals, or ti.a;ine. Famine and reprisals were here out of the question; and the only remaining point was, whether war was so threatened as w render the em bargo justifiable. After teeing puzzled not a little by the terms of the speech delivered by the Not& Lord to his constituents in Hampshire, the Haan. anti Learned Gentle man proceeded to contend that the existing embargo was detensible, not because war was contemplated, but because it operated as a prevention of hostilities. This introduced the point whether an embargo could be resorted to, according to the law of nations, in or•!er to further negotiations, looking upon Great Britain as only a medietinis Power. And here he begged to say that had be now been, as formerly, actively engaged in husi ness, he would h ive tried the question with the Law Officers of the Crown whether the Custom-house could refuse a clearance to a British ship proceeding to Hol lend. The embargo having now continued far three months, he wished to know whether it was to be in terminable, and to what length of time the prerogative of the Crown in this respect extended? What could be done for three months might perhaps be done for three years, and all trade in the meantime suspended. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman aeemed to rely, not upon any of the books of authority on this suirj-ct, but merely upon a dictum of Lord Stowell, " that there were other cases besides those contemplated, to justify an embargo." Did he mean to contend that that dictum wound cover every possible case where a foolish Government thought tit to lay an embargo ? He (Mr. Bering) abstained from entering into the merits of the case between England and Holland ; but this at least was clear, that for ourselves ' we had no subject of dispute, and that our present di lemma arose only out of the attempt to mediate. He inee.ged to remind the Noble Lord, that negotiations could not now be conducted as upon the ancient regime In the present state of the world, matters no loneer depended solely upon the wills of Sovereigns and Ministers ; but the voice of the people would be heard, and must have its influence. What now were the sentiments of the Dutch people towards Great Britain, and how lamentably they had been recently changed, was evident from the fact, that no Englishman could walk in the streets of the great towns without danger of insult. The Hon. Mem ber concluded by sense farther observations upon the im portance of the commerce of Holland to this country, and illustrated it by reference to a case which had just come to his knowledge, in which, for an adventure to Java, en English merchant had been obliged to employ an Ame rican vessel, in consequence of ti.e existence of the embargo. Sir WILLIAM HORNE admitted, that if the embargo had been laid on without any reference to really intended acts of hostility, and had ben used only as a cloak to hide the designs that in point of fact were entertained, then he should admit that the Right Hon. Baronet opposite (the Member for Tamworth) had made out his case—that that he had established the position that the Order in Council had beer. an improper interference with the rights of other nations, and a most improper suspension of the law of this country, and therefore gal and unconstitu tional. The Right Hon. Baronet had endeavoured to carry the House back to the statute law of this realm ; but there he (Sir Win. Horne) should not follow him, fer lie bad no desire to argue such a question technically. The ground he desired to take up was, that the Crown, possessing the prerogative of declaring war or concluding peace, did equally possess the prerogative of continuing or terminating a state of miaigated hostility, which might or might not be followed by war; but that species of mitigated hos•ility, in many instances, did demand the exercise of as large a portion of the preroga tive as any state of war could demand ; and it was as little constitutional to question that exercise, or to limit its opera tion, in the one case as in the other. It would, indeed, be a retrogression in the work of civilization if there were o be no intermediate state between the extremes of war and peace—if there were to be no mitigated, but in every instance unqualified hostility. It hail, as a matter of course, been readily conceded on all hands, that the Crown, and the Crown alone, possessed the right of de claring war or concluding peace; but was the Crown, therefore, compellible to make war, and nothing hut war— nothing short of actual and extreme hostility ? He was perfectly ready to admit, that if the matter then before the House had reference merely to an affair of a domestic nature, the position which the Right Hon. Baronet as sumed would have been more tenable ; but as the facts now stood, no position could be less tenable. He would beg of the House to look at the real state of the case. Be fore the present Administration came into office, a separa tion de facto hail taken place between Belgium and Hol land. In 1831, a treaty was entered into between France and others of the great European Powers, which treaty had been brought down to that House, and he begged to sa that he had never heard that treaty condemned : he had always understood that it was one to which it was never in tended to take exception. As to the proceeding which this country adopted when France, in consequence of what took place, marched a force for the purpose of reducing Antwerp, he must say that nothing could be less justified by the facts, or less in consonance with the law of nations, than were the views taken of that subject by the other side. It could not be contended with any show of reason, that France had done otherwise than the occasion re quired, in marching against Antwerp—not for the pur pose of occupying it as a place deserted, but for the pur pose of producing that evacuation which the treaties be tween the several contracting nations required. If those treaties were justifiable, as he believed no one would con tend they were not, he wished to learn upon what grounds it could be maintained that the Crown did not duly exer cise its prerogative in the course of mitigated hosAity which it had pursued? Hs was aware that the authority of Lord Stowell had been referred to on both sides of the question, and might be referred to again; but he hesi tated not to affirm, that that authority would in every instance be found, if fairly and impartially examined, in iris favor throughout. Mr. POLLOCK confessed that be was by no means satisfied with the arguments and observations which he had heard from his Hors. and Learned Friend opposite ; but he should, fur the present, suppress his dissatisfaction, and content himself with referring the House to a few facts and authorities. Let Hon. Members but turn their at tention for a moment, to the embargo laid on in the year 1766 ; they' would there see that Parliament was con sulted, and the order was strictly temporary ; they would see that Parliament separated on the 6th of June, that the embargo expired on the 14Th of November following— that Parham nt was called together on the Ilth of No vember, and voted an address of thanks to the th one for the ptoclamarion, and for taking their advice before ti e expiration of the embargo. The year 1801 furnished other instance in which there was an embargo laid upon the vessels of Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, in conse quence of a violation of the just rights of England by the Court of St. Peteraburgh, and to which the other Powers were parties. In that instance, as in the former, Parlia ment was consulted, and a course pursued the direct rever-e of that which it was thought expedient to pursue in refe rence to the affairs of Holland and Belgium. He was perfectly aware that there might be reasons of State which would render it extremely inexpedient to lay before the public the grounds upon which the neeotiations now under consideration had been conducted ; but if so, he would take the liberty of observing that there ought not to be a moment lost in making the necessary communica tions on tine suirj et to Parliament. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman then recurred to the case of the year 1791, when the 34th of Geo. 111., cap. 34, recognised pr ncipies opposed in the strongest manner to the course which his Majesty's Government had thought it proper to adopt in th e course of these negotiations. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman then referred to the opinions expressed by Lord Stowell on tine subject of embargoes, for the purpose of showing that that which was then under the consideration of the House had been laid on against all recognised prin ciples of international law. He hoped his Majesty's Go sternment would reed these passages, for lie was quite sure that Sir William Scott never contemplated that an embargo could be legally laid on without some act of direct hostility on the part of the nation against whom it was directed. His Honourable and Learned Friend the Attorney-General had made a statement which, in his opinion, clearly disproved the conclusion to which he came. If he recollected rightly, the ta x is were these, that when the present Ministers came into office, they found the two countries of Holland and Bel gium separated de facto —he would say nothing about the declaration of a certain Noble Lord, on another and more recent occasion, that they were not really separated —lie would, for the purpose of the argument, assume that they were ale facto separated. The five Powers then in terterad to form a treaty, which required th it Antwerp should be given up to Belgium. He begged to ask his and Learned Friend, however, whether there was any claim in that treaty that Holland should evacuate Antwerp until she had exchanged ratifications ? Holland had not exchanged ratifications. and, consequently, Hot ' land was not bound to evacuate Antwerp ? What then took place? Why, two out of the five Powers entered into a separate treaty to say how the treaty executed by the five Powers ought to he construed, and how it ought to be acted upon. Whin were the other three Powers doing ? Upon what just principlae—acenrdina to what law of nations—was it that they carried their interference to such an extent as for the one to fit out a set, the other an army, to attack the garrison of Antwerp, and foieibly take possession of the ships of Holland, against whom no war had been declared, and from whom nu act of hos tility was to be apprehended ? far from there being any thing like a justification of it, it was a case which called forth very great suspicion. He denied that it was either just, politic, wise, or generous.—(Heir, hear, hear.) It might be wise, it might be politic, according to sortie systems of sordid and selfish policy, but was it generous,.-was it truly advantageous, thus to oppress our former, best, and most ancient ally ?—(Hear, Lear.) The voice of those who expressed their sorrow tor the fate of Poland had been heard with sympathy in that House, and he regretted much that its Members and iris Majesty's Government did not appear to feel more for tl e losses inflicted upon our most ancient ally, and one with wliom we were most strongly connected.—(Hear, hear, and Oh, oh.) He was surprised that his Hon. and Learned Friend, the Member few the Tower Hamlets, should support this measure on the ground of temporary policy ; but he trusted this House would not cease to ex claim against a measure so unjust, and one, he would say, so impolitic, as that of inflicting such grievous injury on one of our best and most ancient allies.—(Hear, tit at.) He could not but consider it a piece of injus ice to endeavour to force our mediation on those two Powers, when one of them neither wished for our interference, nor ever con sented to become a party to it. He hoped the Noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs would at least afford the House some reason for this embargo. If he did, he should submit ; but if he did not, he could not but consider the ineamre as one unjust in itself, injurious to our ancient allies, and prejudiced even to this country.—(Cheers.) The SOLICITOR.GENERAL complained of the tone of the appeal of his Hon. and Learned Friend towards our feelings and prejudices in favour of our ancient ally. It was his firm belief, that if it had not been for such ap peals as these, the question would have b.-en settled before now. He tor one was ready to take his toll share of re sponsibility in the matter—for, from all the consideration he was enabled to give the matter, he believed it to be a prudent, just, and constitutional exercise of the King's prerogative. His Hon. and Learned Friend opposite h attacked the measure with what in Westminster Hall they called a special demurrer.—(A laugh.) He com plained of the Order for the embargo, because it had no preamble. He had referred to authorities to show that usually there was no order for an embargo without a pre amble. But the one in 1766, to which he drew the at tention of the Flame, was merely a municipal embargo, whereas this was an international one ; he would paint the attention of the House to the order fur embargo in 1807, which was an international one, and which had no preamble. The Honourable and Learned Gentleman sa d that Holland was justified in resisting the interference of France and England, and almost expressed his surpri.e that she did not resist. Therefore, it was quite clear that even his Hon. and Learned Fri. nil and his party imagined there was some prospect of hostilities between Holland and Enalaud ; and, indeed, he must do them the justic.• to say, that it was not th it fault it such hostilities hid not take place.-(A laugh.) Thus, even they admitted that the embargo was not without some reasonable f. and .tion—it was one of the mildest measures that could be resorted to, and one which was the most likely to prevent actual war.— (Hear, hear.) He must again express his surprise twat his Hon. Friend should compare this case with ti,ise he ad cited. A mere municipal embargo such as those was certainly illegal ; to place an embargo on the exporta tion of copper, or of pearl- .sh, was contrary to the pro visions of our Act of Parliament, and one which made it necessary for those who imposed it to seek indemnity train the House, and was by no means to be compared with one which was purely and eniirely international. Under all the circumstances of the case, he must give it as his decided opinion, that the Government were fully justified in the course which they had a lopted.—(Hear.) Sir JAMES SCARLETT contended, that it was con trary to the law of nations to impose a❑ embargo, unless in contemplation of war. There was no act of hostility on the part of Holland, and there could be no fear or con templation of any, except as a con-equence of the Intel fe rence contemplated by France and England. Had not France and England. indeed, gone to war—had they not fitted out an army and a fleet, there would have been none. But the Government did not content itelt with merely detaining Dutch ships, but it gave orders for taking them and brining them into our ports.—( Hear.) Of late years it had been customary to beain hostilities without any actual declaration of war—(Hear)—and tl is, although there was no declaration, was a direct act of war against Holland.—(Hear.) If it was not an act of war, it was piracy.--(Hear.) Had it not been the act of the two greatest Powers of Europe—had it been the act of Algiers or of Tripoli, then it would have been at once denounced as a deed of piracy. He hail no doubt, from all that he had heard, and from all the authorities that be had con sulted, that the seizure of and bringing the ships of Hol land into British ports was an unjustifiable aggression, and one which would entitle the Dutch met chants to redress in our Courts of Justice. Lord PALMERSTON said that the legal objections taken by the Hon. Gentleman on the other side of the House had been so completely answered r y his Hon. and Learned Friends, that he should not detain the Howe on that point. They had clearly shown that the embargoes referred to on the other side were purely municipal, and that the opinions which had been quoted against them did not apply to this now under consideration. The embargo had been objected to as an injury, to the sub ject—and it was maintained that the obj et for which it was imposed was not a British object. The embargo was imposed in order to give effect to engagements which had been entered into by his Majesty; and he should like to see the man who would say that any measure which was rendered necessary by any engagement—which had been entered into by his Illajesty—was not a measure for a British interest. To carry into effect such an engage ment, the nation was bound to proceed to any ex,retnity, even to a war ; and as the smaller measure must be in cluded in the greater, it was still more competent for his Majesty's Government to impose an embargo. But, said the Hon. Gentleman on the opposite side, what is the nature of the engagement to which you allude? Is it the Convention which you lately concluded with France, for the purpose of imposing this vet y ettibat go ? It was very true that that convention had been signed for the purpose of which he bad spoken ; but that was not the engagement to which he alluded. The engagements of which he now spoke were those which arose from the treaty signed on the 15th of November, 1831, the copy of which had been before Peril iment for nearly twelve months, and on the vet) , face of which those en gagements were to be found, fur the execution of which the Convention which had been spoken of became neces sary. No allusion, during the last session, had been made to anything iu that treaty from which the House ought to be called upon to express its dissent. Nu Alerober had yet stood up in his place to say that the Crown, when it con clad d that treaty, had entered into improper engag , - ments. He did not wish the House to take it upon his bare assertion that the Government had suffic.ent grounds for the course which they had pursued, whe her as it respected national or municipal law, or as it regarded ex pediency. He was prepared to prove that it was equal) , consistent with the one and the other; and be tuns con vinced, that when Hon. Aleo,bers had once read the papers which were now lying hn the table of the House, and the other papers with which they would be speedily followed— (A laugh)—they would concur with him, that the course which had been pursued by his Majesty's Ministers was mot only legal, but prudent. Tue course pursued by the Hon. Baronet, in his argument upon the embargo, was by no means fair. It was proper to take the whole sub ject into consideration, and not to discuss insulated parti culars. The object of the Hon. Baronet appeared to have been to confound two things which ought to be considered perfectly distinct, the imposing of an embargo on the ves sels of a Power with whom we are at peace,. and ti e issuing of letters of marque and reprisals against t e vessels of a nation with whom war is about to Is,- declared. The Noble Lord here quoted a passage from Vattrl, to show that, in order to obtain justice, it was lawful to detain the vessels of the enemy in our ports ; but till these vessels were condemned anti confiscated, the reprisals could not be considered complete. In this case the rep Utah , were not complete, tor no confiscation or condemnation bad taken place subsequent to the embargo. Those Hun. Membets, therefore, who argued that this was an act of rubbery, of piracy—a commencement of hostilities—pro ceeded in direct opposition to the opinion of Vattel. He would say, as lie had said before, vat they were not at war with Holland ; he would abide by the declaration which lie hail mad, elsewhere, that Great Britain was not at .tar with Holland, nor with any other country on the face of the earth. Toe existence of the embargo, in fact, was incompatible with a state of war. The law of nations enabled a belligerent Power to take and confiscate the ves sels and property of the enemy, wherever they might find d ie m, Now, in this case, nu such confiscation bad taken place ; and therefore, he contended, that the very a xisteoce of the embargo—the imposing of which Members spoke of as the first act of hostilities —was, in fact, the cle,rest proof of the non-existence of war. If any other fact were necessary, there could he none more remarkable than the fact, that there was still a British diplomatic agent resident at the Hague, and there was also a Dutch Minister resident in London--a state of things which was not very usual in the case 01 two countries at tsar with each other. It had been said, that we ought not to have imputed the embargo, unless hostilities had been committed. Though ;hey were not at war—and though he hoped that there was no peollandity that they would soon be reduced to the necessity of going to war, he would not deny that at one time—at the time of imposing tha embargo upon Dutch vessels—there was a possihility of a war arising. Sir ROBERT PEEL (we believe) here exclaimed, " Yes ; in consequence of the embargo." Lord PALAIEI STON continued. It was not in con sequence of the embargo. Au Hon. Member on the opposite side had been so obliging as to read a judgment of S r Win. Scott, whico, in fact, proves the position for which we are conteudirrg more effectually than anything else s t s ,a .f: g i c(l,tiig couldu bht, e urged.consistently with the law of nations, be decision proved that an tun imposed, even when hostilities were not at all in contein- plation. How the Hon. Member who read that judgment could imagine that it supported his own argument, he (Lord Palmerston) was at a loss to understand. It might be asserted, however, that though we had a right in such a case, to detain vessels in our ports, we had no right to seize them on the high seas. But this assertion was not borne out by the authorities on international law ; and it was not consistent with the practice of this country in such rases. In the embargo on Turkish ships, in 1807 ; in that upon Danish vessels in the sime year; in the embargo upon Russian vessels in 1807 ; and in that upon American vessels, in 1812—in every one of these cases not only were vessels in port detained, hut orders were given to seize and to bring into port all such vessels belonging to these respec tive nations which should be met with on the high seas by our cruisers. Mr. POLLOCK (as we understood) here observed, that hostilities had t •ken place in the case of the United States. Lord PALNIERSTON—I beg pardon. Hostilities had not taken place at the time of the embargo. It is true that hostilities followed. The United States had declared war ; but this country had not declared war at the time of the embargo. Mr. POLLOCK repea.ed his observation. Lord PALMERSTON said he had no doubt but the Hon. and Learned Mein er would find himself mistaken. If war had been declared, what possible use could there have been for an embargo, when we had it in our power to steize and confiscate immediately the vessels and pro perty of the enemy wherever we might find them ? Let ters of marque and reprisals would, in that case, have been the proper course to be pursued. But it would base been perfectly ridiculous to imoose an embargo upon ves• sels when we hail the power of capturing them wherever we might find them. The United States had, indeed, lee! a red wit again-t us previously to the embargo ; but we did not declare war against them till several months after. We cl‘ose rather to have recourse to the more lenient expedient in the first place, in order to give the Government of that country an opportuni y of retracting the step which they had taken, by renewing their friendly relations with this country. It was true that the state of things which led to the embargo had, in this case, merged in war ; but it showed, at least, that there was nothing in our embargo incompatible with the continuance of negotia tion. between the parties. War was, in fact, to be avoided by all possible means ; and it was, therefore, the duty of the Government to try whether. by suspending the fall of the sword for a time, they might not avert so dreadful a calamity. They had, therefore, proceeded, in the first place, to detain the property of the Dutch ; they had re solved to try the minor measure hafore they had recourse to the more severe. It appeared that, in the opinion of the Right Hon. Gentlemen opposite, they oug 't to have proceeded immediately to declare war. The Right Hon. Baronet opposite (Sir Robert Peel) had said, if th , re is a cause of quarrel, go to war.—[Sir R. Peel denied this.] The words of the Right Hon. Baronet implied as much. The Noble Lord here proceeded to quote a passage from Vattel to this eff ct—that the law of humanity r quired nations to sus o enil to the last the fatal calamity of war, and to tiy every other method of obtaining justice before pro ceeding to that extremity. His Majesty's Mini-tern had acted upon this principle; and for doing so they were ac cused of robbery and piracy. Would they have satisfied the opposite side if they had immediately declared war? He (Lord Palmerston) did not believe. certainly, thit the Right Hon. Gentlemen opposite would have approved of their going to war in favour of B Igium ; but he certainly did believe that they would have had no ohjection to this country's going to war to prevent the sepaaation of Belgium from Holland—to maintain a Union which was hateful to the Balgians, and not more agreeable to the Du , cb. If Ministers had pursued that course, he did not know what would have been the opinion of the Right Hon. Gen. tletnen ; but he was sure they would have deserved the re probation of that House and of the country. Thus, in every point of view, whether the question were considered as one of municipal law, or one of in•ernational, it was perfectly clear that the measure was perfectly just. rite measures which had been taken were in perfect concurrence with the other Powers. The five Powers had commenced their interference in the affairs of Belgium as arbi,rators, and they so began before the period when his Maj sty's pre- Rent 'Ministers came in.. office. The first act of these arbitrators was to say—" You shall fight no more. The war must be suspended for an indefinite period." The parties objected to the suspension of host:ll6es for an in definite period. What was the answer of the five Pow ers? We are ready to enforce the armistice with our whole power. This was the act of arbitrators. It it were not, there was no dispute about the subject, but with regard to words. After finding, however, that the Bel gians declared they would never again bear allegiance to a Prince of the House of Nassau, the five Powers no langer persevered in their course of arbi!ration; but they en deavoured to persuade the two parties to arrange their differences amicably. They then took the character of mediators ; and that course they had pursued, perhaps, too long. In the opinion of some Hon. Mernb-rs at least, they hail pursued it too long. He had been ridiculed on all hands, and held up to the derision of that House and of the country ; but the country was too enlighiened to ridicule him for endeavonring to preserve peace by pro tocolling, as it had been called.—(A laugh.) Toe Right Hon. Member for Essex had talked contemptuously of his hammering and protocolline ; he found fault with the Ministers' adherence to pacific counsels ; and he was no less displeased, it appeared, with the dep attire from them in the case of the attack upon Antwerp. Whether they attempted to preserve the peace of Europe, so much en dangered by the quarrel of the Dutch and B-Igians— whether they endeavoured to preserve peace by persuasion or by force, the course which they thi,ught it advisable to pursue was equally disagreeable to those Hon. Gentlemen. He trusted, however, that the House and the people would bet er appreciate their endeavours to prevent a war in Europe, and,a confl cm of po itical principles which would inevitably have arisen if such a war bad taken plat:. He expressed his sorrow once more, that neither their peaceful endeavours to attain these objects, nor their endeavours in the way of co rcion, had had the good fortune to hit the fancy of the Right Hon. Gentleman. They were accused of continuing the system of protocols too long; but, for his own part, tie thought that protocols were better and leas expensive than Extraordinary Gazettes--( Hear, hear)— and the effusion of ink was much less to be regretted than the effusion of blood. H tying tried these means, the five Powel" felt it to be their duty to draw out the terms of an arrangement, founded on the due consideration of the claims of the two parties ; and the result was, the treaty signed in October, 1831. They then told the parties that it was their determination to enforce the terms proposed. They took the character of arbi rators again ; and Belgium having accepted the terms, they then took that of gum an. tees. Holland, however, believing from every turn of affairs, that she would obtain better terms, refused to agree to the proposals, and she has ever since refused to accede to th it or any other arrangement. The five Powers then commenced as arbitrators; they then became media tors between the contending parties. They afterwards resumed the character of arbitrators ; and they are now to he considered guarantees f the treaty which Belgium had accepted. This, the Noble Lord observed, was the character in which the five Powers now stood with respect to Belgium and Holland. There had been no difference of opinion aiming the five Powers respecting the embargo, and Be'gium had a right to expect that they would take measures, in order that the treaty migi t be fulfilled. The Right Honourable Member for Essex (Mr. Baring) com plained of our conduct to so faithful an ally of this country as H illand. He (Lord Palmer-ton) did not wish to dis parage Holland ; but had Holland acted the part of a faithful ally to this country mu the time of the American war? Hail it done so in the time of the Fiench w ? Or since the peace of 1815, had it displayed any of that trrendly feeling in its colonial and commercial reguktions w hich inieht have been expected, cons.dering thesactofices which had been mate by this country on her account ? The conduct of the alinistry had been characterised as imbecile, lual as diplomatic foolery. The Manaber for Oxford might probably recollect the declaration which he hid made on the occasion of the French troops proceeding to Belgium in 1831 That it the Government suc ceeded in getting the French troops out of Belgium, it would indeed be a masterpiece of diplomacy." The French troops had left Belgium ; yet it was no master piece of diplomacy ; it was owing to nothing but the good faith and nice sense of honour with which his Majesty the King of the French, not only on that occasion, but on every other, had been found anxious to fulfil every oblig ition. The Convention on the subject had been land on the table yesterday. Notwithstanding the sarcasms of gentlemen on the opposite side, be %vita convinced that Ministers, by cultivating friendly relations with France, were taking the best m. ant to secure the peace of Europe. While the two countries continued united, they could command th e pe tee of Europe—(Cheers)—for Fiance and England together would never make an unju.t war ; and he should like to know what Power or what con federacy of States could make an unjust war upon France and England united ? The representative syvein establish ed in i both countries was a guarantee that they would wounvolve themselves in no unjust wars. The great foe to the peace of Europe was Holland. The great cause of the obstinacy of the Dutch was the secret hope by whi , 11 they wer e undoubtedly aetuited of reconquering Belgium. Every event which had recently taken place in Europ- had la, en watched by them, in hers of its leading to circumstances which might be favourable to the reco very of Belgium. Even the defeat of the Grand Vi;ier bad been considered a matter which might by possibility favour this design. In these circumstances, the present discussion would tend much to increase the obstinacy of the Dutch. If the friends of Hon. Gentlemen on the other side had wished to embroil Europe in a general war, they could not have adopted a more likely course than hr entering into communications—(Hear, hear)—with the very people between whom and this country there were at that time existing communications and negotiations. In short, their conduct was not merely incompatible with the duty of men in office, but wish those of public cha racters. What was their present course? They sought insidiously to produce an opinion unfavourable to the policy pursued by Government. It was no answer to him to say that no motion had been introduced—that, therefore, there would be no expression of opinion ; for if they did not seek to obtain a vote of the House, they endeavoured to give the House a particular view before the necessary documents were ready to be produced. But he did not regret the discussion that had taken place, because the arguments of that night would establish the legality, and the papers the policy and justice of the course pursued by Government. He would, therefore, declare that there was no intention whatever of interfering with the independence of Holland, much less with any of her interests. The sole object was to establish the separation which was now necessary for the welfare of both nations. The independence of Belgium and her neutrality, guaran teed as they we' e, promised nothing but utility to Hol hnd. If Holland should attempt to recover Belgium, a general war would probably be the result ; if to partition it by the aid of ether Powers, she would find th it she had acted unwisely and fatally by making such an attempt. Whether her object was the recovery of Belgium by her own arias, or the partition o' it with the co-operation of other Powers, it would be the interest and the duty of the Bri tish Government to prevent her. The object of this country was to make F3elgiutn independent, prosperous, and happy ; and when that should be effected, the peace and plosaerity of Holland was then best consulted. ' Sir R. VYVYAN said that Hon. and Learned Gentle men opposite were inconsistent, for if the question was not now ripe for discussion, how could it have been so last year ?—(Cheers.) If, as two Hon. Members declared, the gitation of the justice or injustice of the embargo was premature at present, how much more so must it haee hen during the last Session ? In o l •p ,sition to the Noble Lord he would assert, that Belgium was not de facto in depen.lent before the Duke of Wellington lett office. Through the negotiations the King of Holland had evinced the utmost anxiety to come to any reasonable terms, and he had even accepted the 12th Pro. tocol, which Belgium had rejeete '. The principle of-me diation announced by General Sehastiana had continued during the Duke of Wellington's A , lministration, and up to the moment when it pleased the Noble Lord to make it arbitration. With what justice could it be a•srrted that the three Powers were parti.s to the present proceedings against Hull +rid, when they had themselves declared the contrary in the documents upon the table ? (The lion. Gentleman here read some extracts to bear out his views ) He would point the attention of the House to the gross inconsistency of Ministers, who had made the King de. Clare his determination to uphold at all risks the Union between England and Ireland, at the very moment when they were cutting the Legislative Union between Hol land and Belgiurn.—(Hear, heir.) Was that a time to bring forward stich a declaration? The number of differences existing between Eneland and Ireland was greater than between Holland and Belgium.—( Hear.) If difference of religion existed in one case, so oid it in the other ; the languages, also, in both cases were itifferent, and in short, as he had alreoly observed, the halauce of differences was on the side of England and Ireland. Was not this, then, a most unfortunate time to insist on separating Belgium from Holland without giving a right of appeal to t e latter?—(Hear.) The only principles of the Ministry were superior force and strength—justice they despise . Teey possessed no right whatever to force au independent Sovereign into their measures ; if they employed violence, their con wet was only to be pirilleled by the despotism of Napoleon.—(Hear, hear ) As to the insinuation that his friends sought to create a general war, he would take no notice of it. They dislik•d a general war, but if this country was to be made a particeps criramis in al! the guilty enterprises of France, if she rushed along with the latter into every scheme of ambition, then, indeed, they would appeal to that great tribunal of arbitration which could produce a new state of things, where the in telligil,le principles of war would supersede the present confusion of right, under which injustice was perpetrated without the slightest plea or colour to warrant it. . . Al there was ❑o motion before the House, the subject was then dropped. COMMITTEE OF SUPPLY. The House next resolved itself into a Committee of Sut ply. 3,000.0001. were voted to cover the deficiencies of the revenue for the year 1832. The CHAIRMAN of the Committee was about to put another item to the House, when Mr. HUME said he had intended, could he have found a time, to call the attention of the House to the state of the annual supplies. In his opinion the estimates ought to be Laid on the tittle before they voted the suppli s. The re venue of the country amourred to about 50 millions, but ot this sum no more than 17 or 18 millions were under the control of the House. A great number of Members knew nothing whatever of the mode in which this was disposed oc, for there were no documents which could rea dily exhibit the real state of things. TI-e custom of re ferring some taxes to the consolidated fund, and others to other heads, produced confusion. He wished there should be laid on the table a statement of the whole expense ot collecting the revenue, as well as of the disbursements made before it entered the Exchequer. It was true these accounts were laid on the table, but in such a manner that no sort of check could be exer,ised over them.— (Hear, hear.) No control could be effectual, until every farthing collected was exhibited on one side, and every farthing expended on the ether, and in addition every farthing that was voted by the House. He would ask the Noble Lord (Althorp), had he any objection to place all the accounts of the expense of collection, &c. before the House ? l'be plan of subjecting the accounts to the annual control of the Howe, was much better than that of referring them to Committees. He could state nstances where the collection of 5001. cost 1,0001., and many more of a similar nature. Lord ALTHOI-{P said the Hon. Member's object was to have the whole expenditure and receipts exhibited on one balance sheet. But the object could be attained as easily, for under the separate heads accurate accounts were given of every branch, including that of the collection of tile revenue. All these were under the control and check of the House. As to forming the estimates before the expenditure, he (Lord Althorp) deemed that impossible. The Hon. Gentlemen was also anxious to have all the taxes referred at once to the Consolidated Fund ; but the most pro• aele effect of that wowd be to remove them still more from the control of Parliament. It was the inten tion of Ministers to issue a Commission for investigating the collection of the Excise, Customs, and other branches. —;Hear.) No oilier course was possible in a matter so complicated; tint he hoped that improvements would be effected in the collection of the revenue.—(Hear, hear.) Theme were glaring ife'ects in the present system, and he would endeavour to remedy them. Mr. HERRIES wishedto Know when the Noble Lord contemplated the possibility of making his financial state ment for the year ? Lord ALTHORP replied that it was impossible for him now v. say when it would be in his power to make bin grm•ral financial statement. Mr. HUME observed that he would postpone the mo tion of which he had given notice for to-night, until the 21st. The Commissi,,ners of Public Accounts had been engaged for three yews in considering the best means by which those accounts might be simplified—he should like to know what they had done. The resolution was then agreed to ; as was also a reso lution for granting to his Majesty the sum of 25,896,0001. to pay off and discharge Exchequer bills issue 1 on the aids of 1832 and 1833. On the resolution for granting to his Majesty the sum of 274.050/. to pay off and discharge outstanding Exchequer Bill., issued in aid of pub is works, building churches, &e., Mr. HUME expressed his opinion that the labour of the Commissioners being completed, their salaries should cease. The resolution was agreed to ; as was also a resolution for granting to his Majesty the sum of 1,582,0001. to pay off and discharge Exchequer 13:11s issued tor the payment of the balance due to the four thousand holders of Four per Cents., who had signified their dissent to the conversion of that Stock into Three and a Half per Cents. The House having resumed, the Report was ordered to he brought up on Monday. NAVY ESTIMATES. Sir JAMES GRAHAM brought up the Navy Esti. mates, which were ordered to be printed. At a few minutes after Midnight the House adjourned to Monday. HOUSE OF LORDS, FEBRUARY 15. The Loan CHANCELLOR. having taken the Chair at five o'cliwk, The Earl of RODEN presented petitions, numerous'y signed, trio Brecon, Dundee, Ling Pres on, in Y.,rkshire, an , several other places, praying fur the better observance 01 the Sabbath. Good exaniple ought to be set to the lower orders by the framers of the laws and the bigher classes. Tilers was ene hardship especially to which shopkee.:i tradesmen who wer e d e sir o us of decent!), observo'D Sabitath were subject, viz., shops beinr Iree Sundays by other persons, to the great injury Of th r ri soo The Bishop of LoNnris and the Earl of W$ ',,,10 Lama presented several other petitions upon th e subject. t e E in own ‘avral Warwickshire, e k shire WARWICK praying p r e se f, n ,r t e d a n a ai petitionter atiea fr o 7 P o l poor laws. oe y he L w o o r u d ld C m O o L v N e ri f L or LE th g e av re e_n a o p t p i o ce in t t l m ia e t n , of the Co upon the affairs of the West Indies. DISTURBANCES IN IRELAND. The Order of the Day having been read, t F . Earl GREY rose, and moved that that Pg co , Majesty's Sp eec h w hi c h re l ate d t o the disturhab,,,ti Ireland should be read, which having been thy d" .: e a clerk of the H ouse , th e N o bl e E ar l a ddressed b tl ships as follow s : —My L or d s , i n conformity ' cl' c i td gracious commu n i ca ti on w hi c h you have jus t hest 100 from his Majesty's gracious speech from the thron e ' o oi! rise to perform the painful but necessary duty 0f P P to your Lordships a Bill for the more effectual suPPa.da of local disturbances and dangerous assemblies in Ir is, indeed, my Lords, painful to bear of the e xtent 01 ' l et which is stated in his Majesty's speech to hae ter veiled to an extent that is most lamen t i ab 6 7 e re e t t h il i l , l et L be r ecra el 4 , dering li e and property insecure, bidding deli e ioh s th up e pi lt es w se , d a , n t d he th m re o a s t t en fa in ta g l , c i o f n : e o g t u p e zr e n s p ; tly an d e is it to ins to state the conviction that necessity cannot be sufficiently provided for by ee eisa t nary powers of the law, and that it should heeollieriGooft to propose is Parliament to arm the executive• toe ment with ae!ditional powers in order to enable ltd iadtt form its duty of protecting the loyal, peaceables'liplly° quences. My Lords, befere I trious portion ot the community against a systeln ° violence threatening them with the most seri°„"' re yot Lordships the grounds upon which the tn el l t el shall have to propose h ave b een f ou nded , jet i ot , details of the measure itself, it may be fitting tha t , 44 state why his Majesty's Ministers have n ot, a°7fisfr usual, though I believe the course has not been 111 : 4 44 pursued on former occasions, applied for the Pr ev i „),o 4 , ointment of Committee to inquire into the cire w ' bs al proceed to lay be ° re f which have produced the necessity of adopting see the The reason is obvious, and highly indicative of ",1 in which that country is placed. It is, my L''' D " t s ;o o cause the evils that exist in that country are or: that they cannot require a Committee to in n ' e st / Lordships to act promptly and vigorously. It : 1' se this case, my L or d s , a secret consp i rac y ae t ' °g eo o o an appearance of p eace , an d di rec ti ng it s attacli eg ts , against the Govern ment . It i s not , m y Lords, "L 1, es growth of the seed s o f m i sc hi e f bidd en from trap.day, but thr e at e ni ng th e float serious on s 64 which it is required to provide against, L d e th i to convince tho se w h o are so ac ting " 1 ; are doing wrong ; but it is a system i e dit/ nations f rame d un d er an organization, anu.Afetri to objects whi c h th rea t en t h e peace a nd f the comm un i t y, t h e un i ty an d equan imity b: top empire, and which must be repressed, or lamentable cons e q uences w ill ensue.—(Hear, beadier It is a •ystin, my Lords, of vi o l ence , of armed i" - cote ' ing apparently under a system of organiza•ion' uer ie ting the m os t a t roc i ous ontraees, v i olat i ng all " 1 0 01) of property, i n fli ct i ng t h e pena l ty o f d eat h for the ro at object of intimidation and vengeance, deterring P is" tors from proceeding before courts of law, wri tn l t ekr i : appearing, juries from doing their duty, and j, j the law itself impotent for the protect' it , safety of tie c ommun i t y.—(H ear , h ear .) 1 1, 1 Y these are the dang e rs against which we ,'" h fe it'; ' ,, night to provide, and the censtquence of which his Majesty' s G overnmen t h ave felt theinselvel 1.14 upon, in the per ()nuance of their duty—a P (4er n :1 111 ; imperative duty—to propose to your Lordship , ' - ;gel - , which I itainit to he measures of a severe nat ure ' o ' 0 0: sistent with th e or di nar y f orm an d pr i nc ipl e s of ' be e t it, tution, and w hi c h wou ld b e j usti fi e d b y notbi",b e C, necessity of the case ; but that necessity existing., le r measures which his Majesty's Government would, l3 : o tf, guilty of a dereliction of their duty if they btin posed to your Lordships for acceptation. My V, 'ill': perhaps not necessary to inquire from what so.a re- : a eti disorders have sprung. As far as they can b e h g ia il , any real or j us t cause , I am sure that your Lor be ' concur with me in thinking that it Will 9 of our first duties t to provide against then' 1/, my Lords, at the sam e ti me t h a t the L eg ' O , " and the Government show a di s p o sition t ° :lr l abuses, and to obviate causes of complaint, tb e Y;o:i r i, desist, notwithstanding the present unfortunat e .1 ie. of affairs, from the course of justice, for &cod: necessary that the authority of the law should be i that peace and order sho u ld b e re-est a lili s hed, shim d he enabled to place society in that state 01 , ot* which is nec e ss ar y f or the accoaldishment of a ue ;(le ° ,4 My Lords, I am unwilling to detain you with th e— d , e known, as all the circumstances must be, to Y ° ; ‘ , oco ships, but it w as necessary f or me to state 60 1 o', lain decree, in order to lay the foundation of ° l sures which I am a b ou t to p ro p ose . My L ° „. 3 1 :0 1 withstanding a ll th e p owers o f the Goccr ° , - ordinary e xecutio n o f th e l aws , on acc ount "; hit stances which I need not d e tail to Yl n t Jite ; ships, have been h i th e rt o f oun d quite '','acev to the protection of the community from these which are now so lamentably prevalent. MY the d r have slightly alluded to the extent of b 11 , turbances now prevailing —an extent w i '' c life„,, tiers absolutely i nsecure t h e p eace -- ti e r I" individuals and prop e rty. N ee d I call Y 4 '0 1 , 1 i ships' attention, in th e fi rs t pl ace , t o the n' y blished association in I re l an d ? Wh e n I 1 ::4 9 :, newly-established, perhaps I use improper wo because, under a new name , i t is to ll ''' sp cis a ': sidered only as th e rev i va l o f an ' e aCi'", which before e xi ste d. I a ll u d e to t h at ne w i s p teer' known and entitl e d by t h e name o f t h e for't d Ireland. My Lords, the object of this associatil, under the pretence of the redress of grievances bee telly the Repeal of th e Legislative Union.--( 11 ,. e r It has been s a id th a t a ll t h e di stur b ances w hi c h "": e p d have arisen front a mere sense of injorY' Ae ien g 0 reparation of injury alone will be sin fe l, restore tranquillity t o I re l an d. W ou ld to '0 re', l Lords, that I could lay that flattering unction t° 0 . 0 0 , that any thing arising from past experiences ° :„jelg e present aspect of affairs, would allow me to P e . , o the hope th a t, by a re d ress o f gr i evance alone, the of Ireland could be established. My Lords, we ' 3 , l a s t 5 ber th e C a th o li c quest i on .—(H ear .) N o body " rea sanguin e th an I was i n m y hope that that g necessary, that Parliamentary and fundatn e " ta t ial sure, would have pi educed peace and contentnie n ' o ey out Ireland.—(Hear, bear.) My Loris, I itbtdp the truth obliges me to say it—but I say it , vj o pei'v and pain, th a t hop e h as b een gr i evo u s ly d i l ' l-1 ",‘",1 Nobody indulged in it inure fervently than I (1 0 ' 1 dill ever felt at the same time more strongly than he su I express e d that feeling in ev e ry debate upon % g od!" that though this was the necessary, the fundamental measure, still, that that alone WO O ' t ies r insufficient ; and that it must be followed byotbere of an alleviating and effectual natur e to repair t l h g t h os e of centuries.—(Hear.) But I did hope tha t t 10-egtoj mental measure having been once passed as axle ° s tte ti f i desire of the Legislature and the Governmen t ° to ld ( ) the just wants anti cwmplaints of Ireland, it w n - t o i 1) enabled us to have proc e ed e d t o our iniprovenler Cot - turbed by popular violence. It is true 1113 „bee r ,,'? emancipation was too long d e l aye d.—(Great eri It is as true that we looked forward to t h i e f r o o ,) tion of the m e as ures o f th ose who professeuba, beginning to r ed ress gr i evances, and it wa' ;' et 8 1P that would h ave sat i s fi e d them for the Pre-heolied earnest of still f urt h er re li e f . I did b een . t noose measures o f f urt h er re li e f wou ld ha" - t f r og liar, but I have been greatly mistaken. A• l°'() s e l' ati 4. 0 moment that th e great measure o f emanc ipation 10 0 4 4 plished, th e ag i tat i on was renewe d , an d the s ' l it a tf 11 Leland became, and is at this instant, perhall:"• 91 A t situation th an at a l most any f ormer perits' or ar t i this because I feel tat the course we then P d 0) 0 coursewrong w as ?Coenre of justice tai y not; a nfi:ir policy,am a c n o d n v ti i i n : th e ta e v e e Itie oi l3 l was both expee i en t an d sa l utar y. I 4 a been of th at op i n i on , an d a l so t h a t there " I , ot 0 0,0 1 disp os i t i on to f o ll ow i t up b y ot h er measure!' pi e v eific a ti on o f I re l an d. F rom th a t time v 4rit ' u l i sf e 6 1 of improvement have been proposed. S" in i carried, others are under consideratiun , te ho b o: been announced as in a state of preparation. expo to et has not been sufficient to satisfy those wbn e pacification of Ireland is be eff•cted Leo f°ll Accordingly, this Society of Volunteers h as and we are to d that agitation will be co ntinua o, dpi 0 , Parliament has undertaken measures of redre',,. fro olds employed itself to cure the evi ls arist%rieoi sliracn" a * ti connected with the Church Est.bil. . 0 , A re t y t C h h e ur i c o l c i a e l es: jin fr i t . i n m ist t r h a e tu p ) t ri es i e ,f uti i G o t ) . non is not to cease W h en a ll these o .l' l ' sigt itr e , plished, but when a rep t al of_ the 1 1;e 0 00 11 2' has been granted—(Hear, hear)et l a ' c e h tw other, oc and 'e s t h a e t efopuluade:dtionin ohf the B ~ .~ : 'l4l