The Sun. — London, England, 1831-01-31 00:00:00

the Day was the general discussion upon. the municipal law.—(Synaptoms of disinclination and curiosity amongst the assembly. M. Marchal got up, but all eyes were turned tow.as . ds M. Mauguin, who seemed invited to as cend the tribune by a gesture from M. Sebastiani.) M. Mauguin—l demand. leave to speak. Several other Members claimed the same right. The President said it had been the custom for some time to allow Members to call for explanations from the Mini,ters relative to the political situation of France, but thi. right was only tacitly admitted. lie therefore took this opportunity of recommending the m to consecrate this pri vilege by maintaining it within proper bounds. M. Mauguin—This is not a proposition made by any particular Member, but this is a question of order, which cannot be the ground of deliberation of the Chamber. Toe object of the present motion is to require explanations relative to the internal and external situation of France. The regulations of the Chamber are silent upon this head. Therefore I shall proceed to state the nature of the present application relative to the foreign affairs of France. Se rious events are passing around us. A people who had done no other wrong, than following our example—who, by their approximation to France, merit our agent ion— are at this moment the toy of a political system, which reminds us of CEil-de-Beeuf and the Cabinet of Versailles. A short time since, when I asked the Minister what be meant by the principle of non-intervention, lie said that it was an obligation not to interfere in the concerns of an other nation, and not to allow others to do so. However, the extent of this principle has only been to allow Belgium to appoint as Head of the State any one she liked, with the exception of those whom she had been desirous of choosing—(‘ That's it !" from the left.) I shall not in sisist upon such a line of conduct ; but I cannot speak of it without deep regret. I am therefore anxious to obtain from the Minister for Foreign Affairs an explanation relas tive to the line of conduct adopted with respect to Belgium. Th e Ministry has decl ed that it would oppose the re u-niou of Belgium with France. How could the Minister make such a declaration ? How could he refuse to in crease our territory ? What, then, are those projects and secret designs which could lead to such a rtfu,al? Up to the present moment I have always maintiined that proper reserve ought to he observed with regard to other Powers —but now, thanks to the exertions of the illustrious Mar shal at the head of the War Department, we are in a con dition to defend our territory, and make our power re spected. That reserve is now of course unnecessary. In a short time a mortal combat must arise between Poland and Hu-sit. I also ask the Minister what are his opi • n'ons with respect to Poland, and what are the treaties which at present engage his attention?—(Prolonged marks nt . excitement. ) More than 20 Members started up to address the Chum- her, tnt The 3linister for Foreign kffairs, having the right of speaking first, addressed the Chamber as follows:—" Pub licity was the soul of representative Governments. A free nati n has a right to know what is doing, and what is to be dime, with respect to its important interests. This prin ciple is absolute and indispensable; with respect to inter nal administration, the nation only acts upon itself : it is different with respect to external administration, and some temporary restrictions, even for the good of society, may take place. My Inc .ning is this :—the past is the property of publicity. When war is determined upon— when peace has put an end to the scourge of warfare— when a coaimercial treaty has opened a new field for our national industry, all the preparatory incidents relative to such cveies may be freely laid open for the informa tion of the public. This is called for by the general in terests of society, and in this way alone can the salutary principle cf Ministerial responsibility be exercised. The fume requir. s more delicacy, and for this simple reason. In a prospective policy a nation does not stand alone : her interests, although just, may meet with difficulties, and clash with those of other nations ; and, unless a vow of eternal warfare has been recorded, those difficulties and obstacles tught to be considered with wisdom and pru dence. Even were a nation convinced of the inutility of her pacific efforts, she ought, however, to continue them, if it were only to gain the general good-will of other people. Oar Revolution, however short in its duration and pacific iu i!s character, has shaken Europe to its centre. Bel juin 1 as broken ;he yoke imposed upon it by the Congress of Vicuna. Poland, although mutilated and almost reduced to a skeleton, ha. risen to regain her rights. Some accusa tions have been directed against the former and the present Administration forForeignAfficirs.—(Murmurs.)The policy ef Louis. Philippe has always been one. The King only wishes for what lie has always wished. The Belgian ques tion being most intimately connected with France, and the most difficult, I shall preserve it for the conclusion of these explanations, which can in no way embarrass a sincere and loyal Government. The Polish people leave a claim upon the good feeling and friendship of France. The annihila tion of this brave and generous nation was a calamity upon all Europe, but it was not in our day that this poli tical crime was committed. The sufferings of Poland harrow up our inmost feelings, but what can we do for her?—(The orator pronounced these last words in a weak voice. It was asked from all sides what it was he said, and be repeated three times, "hut what can we do for her?'') Four hundred leagues separate us from that un fortunate people. Supposing that the interest c f France allowed her to risk every thing in favour of Poland—to violate the principle of non-intervention so loudly [re claimed by her—how would she be able to carry her as sistance? Prussia would refuse its acquiescence in a pa cific manner. We should, therefore, take up arms, and commence the conquest of the whole north of Europe; and they ate Napoleon'acampaigns which we should fight over agate.—(From the centre, " Yes, that's just the case.") We there fire repeat with sorrow that we can do nothing fur Po:and by force of arms. With respect to Bel giant, it is not pl.ced beyond the sphere of our power, As soon as the late grand separation hal taken plate, without looking at the condition of our strength, tie hastened to proclaim the tutelary principle of non-inter teention. We need not he afraid of saying that France ilelgiont from lot eign invasion ;—the object now is to stave Beigium from het self, but for that purpose what should he done?--(Silence, silence.) You have - heard it said by Ilan. I\hmbers at this tribune that Belgium ought to be re-united to France ; Belgium has offered herself, why refuse her ? I shall in the first instance declare that Belgium was never offered. No wish of the kind was ever legitimately addressed to the King on the part of the Bel giaitt nation. lam far from wishing to use dissimulation open a question of form. I have, therefore, no hesitatii n in admitting that this union is anxiously desired by a great majority of the Belgians. I shall add that, besides being useful far Belgium, it is more necessary for the repose of Europe than for the grandeur of France. People and King. tale alarm at the idea of. this re-union; and if, from this terror, one took up arms, and went to war, the peace of all Europe would be at an end, and the world would once moie eon the brick ofchaes.,--(" Very well,") from the centres. ) fit such a state of things what was to be said to the Representatives of the Belgian nation ? You are anxious to have a hereditary Prince, and you are in the right, but take care of what you owe to France, who has protected, and defended you, as you cannot belong to her. Do not give y ourself to her rivals, Do not call to the throne a Prince whose very name would be enough to re new unfortunate intrigues and difficulties. We are op petted with a constant objection ; and it is said, fg Oh, you boast of the principle of non-intervention, and still what are your acts?" Is it not interfering to force an armistice upon the Dutch and Belgians, and to restrict Them in the most important matter—the choice of Jlunarch? Upon the first head I should say that the olr;ertion was not unfounded if it were made on the part of the Dutch—an anei, nt and independent people ; but, if made on behalf of the Belgians, I cannot understand it. Belgium has always firmed a part of some powerful nation. It demanded to be recognised as a free nation, and France supported this generous resolution. Was that a proof of its plan of intervention, to say that it would not recognise a people, and that it would not hold any political com munication with it if that nation acted so as to.trouble the peace of Europe ? That could not be termed iaer vention, it was merely counselling—(Laughter from the deft)—and I should like to know when it was that Go vernments were forbidden from giving advice. The accu sation as to restricting Belgium in the choice of a Save re.gn cannot be seriously supported. France required of Belgium that it should take care to prevent the ter ritory of the former from being made the aougant some of intrigues. W as that aline- too much, after what France had done for her?— ( " Oh, no 13n the lefr.)—According to th e march ofeve , vnts, te shall ce However, live information from time to time. ever, before I conclude, it will give me satisfactio n to cute, that Bel gium is on the eve of receiving another bene t i fi e : a t , has been admitted like Switzerland (by the five g t enjoy the advantages of European neutrality. Ta[ s w p e 7 ) ciple of neutrality will become fruitful, and - ,soon extend to other countries. Even our enemies ....... ,r-irknowledge that it is not the policy of the ceil tceuf, or ' .7!., . .' k - 481 S r,,liiith - is now followed, and that France now hold. ',,,, ~ ' Vr,,, .'it d;ff rent place -in the political situation of Europe. t,t:,-, 4 „ is accessary for ,c—ce _., all; rdy thing - to pryserve it—(Bravo ! from the Left ... 2 . Ca )--at the ~ s alMe time that it neglected no necessary `:.--"•;i;,1-iciution,i. Whatever should occur France could not taltin.una.li'ar'es. The wisdom of the King and the `- valour of our warriors were sure pledges of the future destiny of France.—(Bravo! bravo !) The Minister, on his resuming his seat, was congratu lated by MM. Dupin, sett., Bertin, and Vaux. General Sebastiani was followed by General Latnarque, who observed, that the conqueror of the Balkan had many enemies, and recommended the employment of a warlike force in the Black Sea, as a means of interfering efficaci ously in favour of Poland. He spoke of the Belgian ques tion with pain, and of the Protocol of January 9th, as re sembling the work of Castlereagh and of the Congress of Vienna. England, Austria, and Russia were exhausting themselves in endeavours to keep Ireland, Italy, and Po land in submission ; and the Government of France was displeasing all Frenchmen, irritating all generous hearts, in order to repel a country that was ours—that wishes to be ours, to which we are indispensible, and which is ne cessary to us. He concluded, by denying that those who condemned the present policy were eager to gain military renown. M. Dupin followed, and was succeeded by M. Eusebe Salverte, both of whom made long speeches, which it is impossible for us to give to-night. The debate was after wards adjourned till the following day. On leaving the Chamber, the crowd said that the true questions of foreign . policy, which engaged the attention of all France, bad not been discussed at the meeting, and a wish was loudly expressed that they might be to-morrow. SITTING OF THE 2STIT. The audience was rather less considerable than yester day. Nevertheless all the galleries were filled, and several persons were admitted into the passages on the right and left of the tribune. At half-past one the Chamber was thronged with Members, who, divided in groups as yest. r day, were engaged in animated conversation. The Minis terts of the Finances, of War, of the Interior, of Justice, r f the Marine, and for Foreign Affairs, were present. A warm discussion seemed to prevail round the Ministerial benches between Messrs. Etienne, Sebastiani, Viennet, Augustin Perier, and De Bi iequeville. M. Mauguin stood near the President, and appeared to insist upon addressing the Chamber. The President took the Chair at two o'clock, and said, the Chamber having adjourned to this day the discussion upon the foreign affairs of France, M. Cunin Gridaine is the first Member to speak inscribed upon the list. M. Cunin Gridaine then appeared at the tribune and said—Avoiding the political question, I rise to present to you some observations upon the consequences of the re union of Belgium to native. The question, reduced to its commercial interest, is still entitled to deep attention, for the sources of the public wealth are bound up in the policy of States. I say, then, with the fullest conviction, that the abrupt and instantaneous re-union of Belgium to France would deal a deadly blow at our industry.—(A Member, "M. Josse, you are a silversmith.") It must be admitted, Gentlemen, that there is no resemblance between the commotion which separated Belgium from Holland and our revolution in July. The marvellous success of our revolution was owing to the unanimous accord of the in terests of all. What a difference between our revolution and that of Belgium ! Her separation from Holland was the work of a party. The Belgian people, with a pope latiun of seven millions of inhabitants, and the possession of numerous manufactories, see themselves with disquietude separated from Holland, and deprived of the numerous mat kets which they found in the Dutch colonies. Fur such a people to separate themselves from Holland was to commit suicide. Let us not deceive ourselves, Gentle men, it is less a King that Belgium wants than a state of things to be a substitute for the markets she has lost by separating herself from Holland. The immense mass of merchandise accumulated in Belgium would then flow into France, and Fiend] industry, which received so severe a check by a necessary revolution, would suffer from the introduction of the accumulated productions of Belgian in dustry. 111. de Schonen declared that he was not for war, though a homme du mouvement, as the men of July were called ; but it was the movement of peace and civili sation which he considered preferable to that created by war. One ►night be retrograde, but the other never. There were, however, cases in which war was more de sirable than peace. It was better than a disgracefal peace, involving the ruin of the country. The question had been raised whether peace was compatible with the honour and the wants of France ; but this was not now the point to be examined. The inquiry at present was into the con duct of the Ministry, and more particularly that of the Minister for Foreign Affairs ; and respecting this the Hon. Deputy said he should refer only to his letter to the Belgian Congress. There were three po litical combinations between the Cabinets of Belgium and France. The first was, the Belgians demanded of the King of the French the Duke de Nemours for their King. The Prince is a minor—the King of the French, as a father, in common with every other Frenchman, is invested with paternal authority, and has exercised it by re fusing his son. In the second place, the King has refused to admit the re-union of Belgium with France. Here the King was put forward by the Minister, and the Hon. Member begged leave to remind him that, under the late Government, the mania of mixing up the name of the King in the acts of the Government was frequently com plained of. It was no longer the father of a family who spoke, but the King, who ought to speak by no other organ than his Ministers. The King it was, who, in direct and positive terms, refused the re-union of Belgium with France. Ah ! Gentlemen (continued M. de Schonen) whatever misunderstandings may have arisen from the verbal communication between the Minister for Foreign Affairs and M. Regier, I prefer it to the written corres pondence, because I have not forgotten the old proverb.— verba rolant, scripta manent. Ido not comprehend the conduct of the Minister, nor conceive why he should have so completely tied his hands, without reflecting that what may be dangerous to-day, may to-morrow be advanta geous. Had the refusal become necessary, it should have been reserved till the last moment, or the last hour, or at least till the list day, that circumstances would have al lowed. Time Hon. Deputy, after asking whether time Go. vernment had the right to decide upon such a question, referred to the 13th Art. of tl e Charter, which, though it invested the King with the power of making treaties of peace, or declaring war, did not authorise him to refuse the union of two people into one nation—and added, that if the King did not approve of the union, and de clined presenting a Law Project for the purpose, the right of introducing such a measure belonged to the Chambers.—( Hear, hear.) He maintained that the refusal had been premature. The Ministry had not only refused an offer that was never made, but had done so without due authority, for the nation had not been consulted, and by this refusal, the sincerity of which might well be doubted, had created a chance of war. It had been said, is it better to have a war in Europe ? Now peace was dishonourable on such terms, and the reunion ought to have taken place even should all the cannon of Europe be thundering on the frontier=.—(Strong sensation.)—The /lon. Deputy then proceeded to the question of the Duke de Leuchtenberg, anti said that it was an absolute threat to declare that lie would not be acknowledged. Ile had not the honour of feeling affection to the Duke of Loch te,berg and his family as the Minister had. He had no acquaintance with the Prince or his family, hut if lie were elected King of time Belgians, his title would be as good as that of Louis Philip—a declaration which he made openly and without fear. Charles X. with his SOH might cume and hunt in the forest of Rambouillet—the Duke it Leuehtenberg might come to Paris and contem plate time column of Austerlitz, radiant with time glory of his father—and there would be no danger. The former would excite pity and eonte;;;lpt, and the latter would be entitled to respect ; after which the people would flock to the Palais Royal, shouting Vive Louis Philippe, Roi des Franedir;l„,(Clie.ers.)—On the question of Poland, M. de Schonen limitru liimsglf to smying that it was the duty of the Government to consider the miseries with which she Nos threatened ; and time citizens would carry their contributions to the Committee, of which General Lafayette, was President, and of which he pi de Schonen) was a member. The Minister of War ;;44-,-Gentlemen, there are pre , sentative principhs which cannot be too deeply discussed, the consequences of which cannot be too clearly elucidated for their power to be permanently founded, and for us to be ab!e to promise ourselves to obtain with certainty the grand and salutary rt sults which we have a right to expect from them. Fiance was the first who laid down the principle of non-intervention ; she founded it, for it is she aione that is sure to apply it with force and grandeur, But this principle, to be powerful, must be strictly . d e fi ne d, and n 4 ti;j; subject the Minister for Foreign Affairs gave Sou yesterday N ;planations the most el , ar rd the mo s t positive. He told you it would be to deprive the prin ciple of non-intervention of ail i,r,s force, to extend it to such a point as to interdict a Government Bornoccupying itself with what is pasting in a neighbouring country, ;al depriwe of its counsel a nati ,n to which it is attached by the boncba of sympathy, and e-pecially whose country it has protected In the d4ys of danger; and when at this moment it still protects it, cannot demand in turn some degree of gratitude? My Hon. Colleague rapidly enume rated the benefits which, within four months, Belgium bad received from France. It is to the tone in which France pro clainted the principle of non-intervention that Belgium is indebt e d f or see i ng her territory respected by 6foreign armies. Perhaps we may attribute to this unaccustomed Language the sudden halt of the forces, which were already in motion to fall upon that fine country. Assurances of peace, good understanding, and friendship, even, have been given with profusion to France. Belgium has been recognised is independent: she has been able to devote her attention in peace to the institutions and liberties which the barricades of Paris, and after them the barricades of Brussels, had just won. Liberty arose, and it sprung up out of the French principle. Belgium may constitute herself as a State. Is this result then nothing, Gentlemen. And to whom is she indebted for having obtained it? I do not think that our task is finished ; but, if we have begun. so well, it belongs to us to complete it; it is by us that peace has been maintained, and it is by us that its maintenance will be secured to Europe. Too long disorders, of which we have been the victims, have afflicted our country ; let us not renew them by war. During 15 years, foreign influence weighed heavily upon France, and then peace was granted to her. Henceforth it is she who ought to demand peace; let her language to Europe be that of force; but, above all, Gen tlemen, let her be strong, for theleby alone will she main tain her dignity amidst the nations ; let her secure the maintenance of this peace, which is as necessary for the development of Ler prosperity as for that of the institutions which our glorious revolution has founded. Moreover, Gentlemen, this is not a wish that I make before you for the first time : this wish, which I expressed four months ago, is now accomplished, and the King's Ministers can give you the assurance that France will take care that the peace shall not be disturbed. Nothing was bequeathed t o us by the fallen dynasty but wounds to heal, and di-asters to repair, and yet France has again assumed at home and abroad that attitude with which the sen timent of her force and dignity inspired her. The task was immense, but it has been fulfilled. I have been able to measure the whole extent of the services ren dered to our country by Marshal Gerard, for the greater part of our army was disorganised. When, yielding to the empire of circumstances, the bends of discipline were broken, who could have foreseen that, in so short a time, the army would have become what it is at present. At no period of our hi.tory, perhaps, not oven when four teen armies covered the soil of France, was the enthusiasm so great. The reports which reach me from all pal ts are unanimous. At this inclement season our young soldiers are training to the manual exercise. In several corps the men subscribe among themselves for lighting, in order to exercise under cover during the long nights of winter. With mush elements, gentlemen, we are henceforth sure to keep France up to the elevated rank to which she is called. It is for France to secure peace to Europe ;if it can be maintained, it is to France that Europe will Le indebted for it. The King's Ministers are unanimous, are all animated with the same spirit. Organs of the King's will, they will obey his will ; they wil 1 seek for peace. But if the firebrands of war should be lighted anywhere, France is ready; she never dreaded it, and now, as for merly, she will maintain her right. M. Bignon considered that the policy of the Cabinet of London with regard to Belgium was a real intervention. With regard to the conduct of the French Ministry and the counsel it had given to Belgium, he did not think it conformable to the interests of France. The Minister for Foreign Affairs had said that the Belgian nation had not expressed a wish to be re-united to France, but why did he anticipate the event by a premature refusal, since to prevent the reunion of Belgium to France he had acted as if the demand had been made. This premature refusal was the lightest reproach that could be brought against him. A new system had been men tioned; the neutrality of Belgium had been spoken of. I shall not enter into this subject, but am willing to consider it a preservative against the division of Belgium, when we are suffering so much from the division of Poland. The Hon. Deputy here called upon the Government to grant its protection to Poland. France could do much in its fa your. He would not recall the sentiments which connect her with the brave Polish nation, but would address him self to the understanding of Ministers. Never was a re volution mole just than that of Poland, for it oas autho rised by the manifest violation of the acts of the Congress of Vienna. The first Article of that Treaty afforded the proof of it. M. Bignon concluded by citing the prin cipal Articles of the Treaty of 1814, relative to Poland, and argued that in these Treaties the independence and liberty of Poland had been guaranteed by the Powers. It was so to speak, the very condition imposed upon Alex ander, and this condition had been violated. The Minister for Foreign Affairs said—Several Mem bers in the course of this debate, hare alluded to a letter written by me. I should have feared to have insulted their understanding had I earlier referred to this letter myself. An envoy from Belgium, in his correspondence with his Government, related conversations on political points, and in a letter from himself to me he announced that important facts had been made public. It related to the re-union of Belgium with France, the election of the Duke de Nemours the refusal to acknowledge the Duke de Leuchtenherg in case he should be nominated, and t a project of marriage which never, for a single mo ment was a subject of discussion, and upon which he explained himself in my name in terms I never was in the habit of using either in my conversation or writing. It has been said that we have resolved to have peace, cost what it may. I will not retort upon our adverse, ies, and say they wish for war cost what it may, for I am sure they do not.—(Hear, hear, on the left.) I repeat what I said yesterday, that we are labouring - under treaties that are prejud'cial to our interests, but by which all Europe is equa'ly bound. Break these ties and we should draw upon us the united forces of all the European Powers. Is it upon this condition that war is demanded? Let it be openly avowed.—(Agitation.) The Belgian Revolutien was accomplished in the name of independence. When the great separation was consummated, the Belgians chose a National Assembly, which met in the name of inde pendence, and framed a C institution for an independent people. Nevertheless hostilities continued, and the Great Powers offered their mediation. It was accepted with joy by the Belgians. An armistice ensued, and was obtained at the instance of France. After this first benefit the Bel gians demanded the acknowledgment of their Government, and their pretensions were supported by France with all her influence. The separation of Belgium front Holland was recognised. The Belgians sent us an envoy, and we have held with them all the relations of amity. A serious question, the free navigation of the Scheldt, agitated the public mind and compromised the interests of all. France interfered, and through her negotiations the Scheldt was opened. Belgians have presented themselves to us, and insinuated that a re-union of their country with France was desired. It must be confessed that they spoke the sentiments of a great number, but they were not the interpreters of the entire nation, for Belgiern though represented here to be unanimous in this desire is, as you know, divided into several parties. Counsel was given them, and you are well aware of the use they have made of it.-- We have been subject to strange accusations. On the one hand, it is said, that under these. circumstances, we should have employed more diplomatic finesse, while on the other, we are blamed for being too prodigal of it. We, however, have to choose between these two accusations, and admit that we have been either too sincere or too cun ning ; we confess that our sincerity has been predomi nant. But why have we been so sincere ? Because we have always had in view the great question of peace or war. We wished to prevent a complete revolution of all Europe, and to obtain this end, we preferred expressing ourselves with perfect frankness. The Congress itself in its last sitting, by its very last act, showed that it still laboured to consolidate its independence, and, as you know, sent us Commissioners. What was their object? To ob tain from us explanations on the choice of a Prince, as to the extent of their territory, as to their commercial rela tions, and their alliances. France did nut commit the itrprudence of expressing any opinion as to the choice of their Prince. She merely advised Congress to afford to this great national act all the calm and mature considera tion it required. We were call d upon to enter into ex planations as to the limits of the new State, but the solu tion of this question you are aware did not belong to Frarce alone. France replied to Belgium with the sin cerity of true friendship, we wish that you may obtain such frontiers as will afford your perfect defence, and facility for the promotion of your political and comroer pial interests. Was it possible for us to determine upon those political and commercial interests without the concurrence of this Chamber ? We therefore re plied, that we would consent to any arrangements that did not compromise the commercial interests of France. We were interrogated as to our alliances. This is a serious question to be put to any Power, whether of the first or secondary order, But (it has been asked) why was it necessary to use such positive terms? You cannot but have read with attention the debat ts in the Belgian Con gress. Language of attachment having been taken as an acquicsence in their desires, it became absolutely necessary that our explanations should be clear and distinct. The poitipal probity of France will from henceforth he ac knowledged thrungle ut Europe. An Hon. Member has intim ited that war was necessary fur France, in order to population. W e are no l o nger employ her superabund int in the times of Duguesclin ; we have no bands of robbera to get rid of--to be sent into Spain, and there see their General conducted a prisoner to Bordeaux. Another Hen. Member has accused us of indifference towards a people for whom my sympathy at least is well known. But can my last expressions have been forgotten? I said it was impossible for us to render Poland any assistance by force of arms ; and I am sure the Hon. Member to whom I allude is too experienced to require me to enter into ex planations in this place as to any negociations that may be on foot. We are upon the point of peace or war, and here I cannot help recalling the words of an orator in the British Parliament—" War presents so many d fferent chances, so many evils and calamities, that every man who is a friend to his country must shrink with apprehension, when he is called upon to declare it." We, however, wilt not shrink from it when the honour or the prosperity of France is in question. At present she is in the enjoyment of peace and liberty, benefits she owes to her King, Louis M. Alexandre Delaborde said—There once existed in France a Sovereign whose policy has been too much praised, and whose character has been too much blamed, fur his policy was unski ful, and his character was scarcely worse than that of the ambitious men against whom he had to contend. That S.wereign was Louis XI. He re ceived one day a deputation of the Genoese, who said to him—" We give ourselves to you." "And I," answered he, "give you to the devil."—(Bursts of laughter.) Now, Gentlemen, it will never enter into the thought of any one, particularly after the frank explanations that have been given us by the Minister of Foreign Affairs to com pare this coarse language with that Minister's letter. (Laughter still more loud.) It will never enter into the thought of any one to put the words of a bad Prince into the mouth of a Minister of the best of Kings and the best of men. It has been said that the dignity of nations dues not consist in their frontiers, but I say that frontiers are nut indifferent to that dignity. Assuredly those Poles who have been incessantly tormented and parcelled out, have not been wanting in dignity, nor are they wanting at present ; they find themselves compelled to bare their breasts, and present themselves without frontiers to the attacks of their enemies. England again was not want ing in dignity during 15 years, when she strove against the greatest Captain of the age; when Napoleon threa- tened her with an invasion; but it was well for her dig nity that an arm of the sea separated her from us.— (Strong sensation.) In conclusion, the Hon. Deputy sa'd that although the consequence of a war were to be dreaded, yet the re-union of Belgium and France would not render war imminent and inevitable. Gen. Lafayette rose, when general silence prevailed. He said—" Diplomacy, formerly so complicated, becomes daily more simple and direct from the freedom of the press, the ordeal it undergoes from the Tribune, and the motlifi• cations of public opinion. Ere long the calculations of family interest must yield to the interests of the people. If I enter into the present debate, it is not for the purpose of pleading in favour either of peace or war, for the whole world are aware that no man can be more anxious for the preservation of peace than myself. I hope the Chamber will permit me to lay before it a principle which is identi fied with the honour and prosperity of France. I have heretofore said that there were two contending parties in the world, the oppressors and the oppressed, and I will now add that there are two governing principles in Europe, the rights of the people, and the rights of Sovereignty, or in other words the right divine. On one side liberty and equality, and on the other arbitrary power and exclusive privilege. I cannot say how long these two principles may continue to live in good neighbourhood with each other, but I know that the princip!e we have adopted is progressively expanding, that it will ever remain faithful to itself, and that all hostility against it will only serve to strengthen and accelerate its growth It is in vain to talk of existing treaties. It is evident that the revolu tion of July, by having annulled various clauses of the Charter of the year 1814, has at the same time annulled all those treaties that were incompatible with itself. I will mention but two—that which ensured the kingdom of France to Charles X. and his family, and that which united Belgium to Holland. Wh en th e Mi n i s t er f or Fo- reign Affairs asks wheth e r w e wou ld go to war , in viola tion of treaties, I answer, yes, both for France and for Belgium ; and the King's Government ought to make the same reply. For I take upon me to say that these treaties have not been entered into between the Chief of France and her enemies, but imposed upon France by her enemies, who, by force of foreign bayonets, placed one of their owe society in the Tuileries, to traffic with our independence, and convert it to their own profit.—(Cheers from the left.)—When called upon to explain in this Chamber, and in the presence of Ministers, my notions of the system of non-intervention, I said that wherever the right of sovereignty was claimed by the people, every in tervention in the affairs of that people should be consi dered as a declaration of war against France. These are the principles we ought to defend, be the consequences what they may. Should we by this fidelity to our prin ciples be forced into war, we shall, to apply the words of Mr. Craning, " enter into it with our eyes open, and not with our eyes shut." We shall be supported by 500,000 regular troops, and by the 1,500,000 National Guards, of whom the Minister of War has rendered so good an account, and for which I thank him. I shall now proceed to the affairs of Belgium, with regard to which the Government has been perfectly consistent. It is true that scarcely was our Government established, when we were called upon to protect the Sovereignty of the people of Belgium ; anti we immediately signified to the Ainbas sadors of all foreign Powei s that the moment a foreign soldier set foot in Belgium, it would be considered as a declaration of war against ourselves. This was in strict conformity with our principles. Here, I confess, I would have stopped. When the Belgians asked for counsel, I would have said, " Be what you wish to be ; if you wish to become a Northern Switzerland, become so except as to the Aristocracy—(Laughter)—if you desire to have a foreign Prince for your Sovereign, choose whom you will, we will support you ; and if they had elected the Duke de Nemourri, I would have recommended Ministers to advise the King to give his consent. As to the re-union of Belgium with France, I would not have stopped to inquire whether it might be displeasing to this or that Power. All the inquiry I should have made would have been whether it was the desire of the ma jority of the Belgian people to effect, and the will of the Representatives of the French nation to accede to the union ; for it is not within the province of the Govern ment of either country to offer or accept it. I should not have been restrained by the fear of offending England, who acceded to the Treaties of Luneville and Amiens, which secured the union of Belgium with France, under Napoleon, for whom it cannot be imagined she had more regard than she has for Louis Philip ? or can she have less fear of us now that we have recovered our liberty? With regard to P o l an d, a greater pol i t i c i an than myself has given you sufficient reasons why it would not only be in the interests of humanity, but in accord with the political interests of the Continental Powers, to see this barrier against the in- cursions of the northern hordes once more established ; and, above all, to see that liberal condition fulfilled, which had entered by chance into the Act of the Congress of Vienna. (The happy introduction of the words by chance excited the smiles of the Deputies). I know that Prussia yielded with reluctance to the partition of Poland, and that Austria viewed it with extreme regret. I have heard even of the least liberal Austrian diplomatists express their wishes that Poland might recover her rights, As to the sentiments of England in t!iis respect, it ought to be re collected that the men now forming the Government of that country were those who most loudly and uni:Ormly exclaimed against the division of Poland. England is also jealous of Russia, and if this spit it was manifested in favour of the Turks, I see no reason why it should not have its influence in the case of the Poles. I, therefore, should have counselled Ministers to succour Poland. I will now notice that spirit of conquest we are said to ins herit from the Revolution and the Empire. If we have made so many conquests, it has been because we were con strained by the blindness of our enemies, and by the faults of Kings, who then formed a league with their people against us. These people and these Kings are our allies at the present day—and so will remain for some time— some few days, perhaps, and then will become our im placable enemies. M. de Briqueville begged pardon of the. Chamber fur occupying its time, but the faults of Ministers appeared to him to put France in danger. Soon, perhaps, France, surprised by h er enem i es at home and abroad, would have to combat the partisans of that suspicious child to whom the name of Henry V. was given.—(Munnurs ) To this point had the faults and hesitations of the Alinisters whom France had endured since the month of August brought the country.—(Violent murmurs.) The enemies of the public liberties were at work in the West and throughout France. 45 to the foreign policy of the Go vernment, it presented nothing but faults and acts of cruelty. If Ministers persevered in their present course, in a few mouths, and, perhaps, in a few days, the dynasty raised to the throne in August would be destroyed. i'4 nisters would so conduct themselves as to force Kings every where to submit to the sovereignty of the people.— (Here the bursts of laughter and cries of " Enough, enough," became so loud, that the remainder of the Hon. Deputy's speech was inaudible.) M. Maugin replied to the different Hon. Deputies who had defended Ministers, and then corning to the main ques tion, that of peace or war, said—" We are told that we are bound by r es p ect f or treaties—we h ave recognised the treaties of 1814 and 1815, and they lay down our law. How could we have declared war in August, when we had j neither an army nor strong p l aces v i c t u alled an d stored, 1, for the former Government left us nothing but disorders I and weakness? And who slid to you that Ministers ought to declare war? They ought not to tear the treaties, but ought they .declare that they accept them for ever ? It for this we reproach them ; and it is for having entered into engagements, for having declared that the treaties of 1814 and 1815 should for ever form the law of France, in 1830, as unfortunately they formed it after the catastrophe of Waterloo. But was there no mean term? You were not ready.—(Hear, hear, hear.)—This was a reason to hate been preparing for war, instead of losing your time in appointing Mayors and Prefects. Mi nisters have told us that the Govet nment would never Con sent to the re-un;on of Belgium with France. What ! when au argument of territory was in question, you have refused it without consulting the Chamber! You are culpable, I say. For five months we have lost all our constitutional habits. The Ministry have changed their language since they quitted the ranks of the opposition. What has been the conduct of Ministers with regard to Belgium ? They ince,santly talk of . non-intervention, and yet they threaten with war if our wishes are thwarted. It does not appear to me that this is non-intervention. Yesterday a new principle was advanced, that of neutrality, We have lived 15 years under the principle of legitimacy ; we have lived five months under the principle of non intervention, and by a gradual decrease shall live eight or ten days under the principle of neutrality. As to the question of peace or war, I call upon Ministers to explain themselves. You have seen in the Manifesto of Poland that Russia was coming down upon us. M. Sebastiani—l know nothing about it. faotrAClsr.aaNicalorawiur tdh S ooeu o' 4t m d u sie c pr l i t v,i. t imn h ga e c a yu y s o fi r gc se uLre H oi rajtvaeoiwunlie.nbgnuodtngaeecCt:sons necessary wi information. We do not fear war, and if Belgium should offer herself, I would say, even at the risk of war, " Ac cept her." It would be a deadly war I know, but it would be to the honour and glory of France. And, be sides, who would dare to attack us ? Would it be Russia ? Sht has Poland and Turkey to contend with. Would it be Austria? She knows that with 50,000 men we should give her occupation in Italy. Would it be England ? With steam-boats we could carry arms and battalions into Ireland.—(Strong sensation. )—I here speak upon the suppo•ition of war; but I speak only to induce Ministers to collect all their forces for the moment of danger. Na tions have their treacherous sleep ; this sleep is death ; and death is foreign invasion and partition. _ _ The Minister of Public Instruction remarked that the wish of the Belgians fcr their country to be reunited to France was far from being unanimous. Some provinces might wish it, but it would not be the case with Ant werp, Ghent, er Brussels, who would deeply regret be ing reduced to the rank of mere Prefectures. The Minister for Foreign Affairs could not refrain from some observations upon statements that preparations had been in progress for making war upon France. It had even been said, that among the documents left behind by the Russians, upon their quitting Poland, were found or ders for the Polish army to march. Despatches were re ceived daily from the French Consul at Warsaw, and no mention had been made of such a circumstance. Ru mours had prevailed of armaments in Spain, and these had roused the attention of the Government. It had been declared to the Cabinet of Madrid, that if these arma ments should exceed the ordinary forces of Spain, France would take such precautions as would prevent her inte rests being compromised. No armaments had been made by Spain ; of this the Government had not only the assur ance, !•ut time proof. The armaments in the north had been considerable, and France had demanded an explana tion, declaring that if a Russian soldier should pass the frontier amid enter Austria, Prussia, or any other part of Germany, the statu quo would be regarded as broken, and France would take counsel of her honour 'alone.— (Cheer,)—Positive explanations were sent to the Cabinet of Paris, and these explanations preceded the events in Poland. The Minister concluded by stating that pacific assurances were received from every quarter, and that there was not the slightest probability of war. Time close of the discussion being loudly called for, it was put to the vote, and adopted, upon which the Chamber adjourned. SIT rING OF THE 29TH. M. Casimir Perrier took the Chair at half-past one. After the Secretary had read the proces verbal of the Sitting of yesterday, M. de Tracy rose and said " By the regulations of the Chamber, no Minister of the King is allowed to have the last word in any discussion. Yet the debate of yesterday was closed by M. Bartke's speech, a proceeding which, if tolerated, would render Ministers the complete masters of our deliberations."---(Hear, bear.) M. de Riberolles protested against M. Marchall's continuing to exercise the functions of a Deputy, inasmuch as the Charter states that any Deputy accepting salaried functions from the Government shall thereby forfeit his seat in the Chamber. He was surprised to find that the Minister of the Interior had not yet convoked the Electoral College which had returned M. Marcia)), who had accepted the direction of the telegraphic lines. M. Marchall explained—He had accepted those func tions; but no salary was attached to them. He merely occupied an apartment in the establishment, and did not consider himself a salaried functionary, as he did not even rtside in that apartment. M. de Monialivet said that he was not in the Ministry when the direction of the telegraph was confided to M. Marchall; but as no salary was attached to the place, be thought that neither his predecessor nor he could be ac cused of having violated the Charter, in not providing for the re-election of M. Marchall. M. Riberoles said, that the apartment occupied by M. Marchall classed him among the salaried functionaries, and required his re-election—(" No, no," from all parts of the House.) M. Riberoles having abandoned his objection, the Cham ber commenced a preparatory discussion of the project of Municipal Law, presented by M. Humblot Comte, the principal dispositions of which have already appeared. M. Mareh3ol, in a very lengthened discourse, opposed the project. He objected to the King's having the sole power of appointing the Muniripal Authorities, and ex pressed a desire that the principle of election should be introduced into the law. M. Obernon supported the pro . ject, inasmuch as that, if the 38,000 communes of France were allowed to elect their Mayors, the principle of monarchy would soon be undermined, and a Presidential chair substituted for the throne. Paris, JAN. 29.—Yesterday the King presided at a Cabinet Council, which lasted from ten o'!:lock in the forenoon, and continued up to a quarter past one in the afternoon. His Majesty afterwards transacted business with the Minister for Foreign Affairs. The Frankfort Envoy had his audience of leave. (From the Temps of Saturday.) ROME, JAN. 15.—The election of a Pope will soon be known. Three candidates have already been excluded by the suggestions and intrigues of diplomacy. A new candidate has been fixed upon, who cannot be objected to, and who has the greatest chance of success. He is a monk, and much esteemed. Toe reign of the King of Naples commences under the most favourable auspices. He is paying great attention to the affairs of his kingdom, and has declared that he will not suffer the Austrian legate to interfere in them any longer. The annual deficit of a million of ducats, which existed in the Treasury, he has covered by economy. He has reduced by half the op pressive duty of mouture (duty on grinding of coin), and has also made considerable reductions in the expends of his Anthassarlors of the Court, and in the salaries of pub lie functionaries in general. His Majesty has called into activity Generals Florestan, Pepe, Filangeri, Rocca Ito menu, and Begani. The Duke of Campo Mele has got again into favour, and it is even reported that Count Ric cardi will re-enter the Ministry. The exiles of 1821, with the exception of a few of the m os t of jectionable (mautrais sujets,) have been recalled. WARSAW, JAN. 17.—The Dictator has suppressed tLe office of Intendant-General of the Army. The provi sioning of the troops is now intrusted to two Commis sions, one civil, and the other military. Prince Michel RadTivill is President of the fist, and General Dareyski Of the ktfpr. The Courier of Cracow states the third battalions Gf the regiments of Infantry are entirely equipped, and that the fourth battalion only want cloaks and shoes. The fith and sixth additional squadrons of cavalry, lately raised and added to each regiment, are ready and well armed. They will soon be provided with horses. Every hundred hopes in each of the waiwodes are obliged to furnish one. Au e4tensive. manufactory of arms has been esta blished, ilnd all the forges and steam.engines in the capital are employed in making arms. The manufactories formed in the barracks of the Artillery will furnish 80,000 mus kets in a hundred days. Four hundred baggage carts are now constructing at Warsaw, Konskie, Pi zynicka, Gawa rozowo, and other places. Arnie and ammunition were sent a few days ago to the 4th battalion s ationed at tai blin and Zamoze. The artillery is at its full war esta blishment, and the army will be considerably increased by the volunteers of Kozynia, Cracovia, Alazovia, and others, who will be of great assistance to the moveable guard. The Minister of War has ordered all the Colonels of the new regiments to repair instantly to their respective posts, and makes them answerable for any misfortune that may arise out of their absence. All the inhabitants of Warsaw who possess any warlike" weapons, muskets, are invited to deposit them in the town-house 20th of January. Those who shall not have with that request, will be fined 50 florins for eel found in their possession. f The number o f students of the University amounts to 2,488. fr BRESLAW, JAN. 15.--All the accounts ..d that the operations of the Russian army Will c° to-day. It is to advance in two lines by " - 1 . 1 13rzesc and Bialystock. On the 24th all the re ss d sions of grenadiers will have joined it. prof'‘ l ig t scarce in Poland, it is probable that the Rossie o teed with as much rapidity as possible. FRANKFORT, JAN. 23.—A re p or t too.. -- d',tu , 1 had taken place at Hildesheim was received th ls ei The Mercury o f S co ti a states that an edict.. d published in Savoy, calling upon three new Clas° o4 scripts to join their corps. The Piedmontese be raised to 120,000 men. e d br BERLIN, JAN. 22.—Th e report, repea te d jP t , newspapers, that the King of Prussia had beePi t bt General Chpieki to mediat e b e t ween P o l a nd an ,tel . peror of R uss i a , i s un f oun d e d . Hi s Majesty arot to adhere to his first resolution, and to lot s manner in the affairs of Poland. v.) (From the Jo urna l d es D e b ats o f S a turde , 0 WARSAW, JAN. 13.—The reception of Lie ° ,;sl Wyezenski at St. P e t ers b urg h was not so fet - id it had been at first represented. The En 3 1 05 on a prompt and unconditional submission. ai d very difficult to obtain th a t f rom t h e P o l e s; 4 , 1 siasm with which they are animated is too B r :i t to extermination is therefore unavoidable. ,pi orders are unanimous f or i n d epen d ence. The 1 „ 1 0 i bility are divided in opinion ; some wish for e° others for negotiation, and some have seriously :ors the cause of the revolution and impart to it a oi l 0 pulse. The Dictator is enga ge d i n a l a byri° S , ( l o 4 which he will find it diffi cu lt t o ex t r i cate bitnse': e sl- a portion of the people begin to distrust him. of the Diet, which is to open on the 17th, Nill ;I stormy one. A. consid era bl e exc it ement prev o ,o) . the Members of the Chambers ; a difference of ° V , consequently apprehended. However, when th e b' shall have commun i cate d to them propositions Wiwoi no alternative b u t t h at o f war or subm i ss i o n, rot vote for the first, and declare the Emperor to frited the sovereignty of Poland. PARIS. The Minister of the Interior received this the special committee of the dramatic authors' 0l directors of the theatres. He listened attentive? observations, and promised to examine and are,t legitimate objection they shall submit to him $ the project of theatrical legislation lately presen' Chambers. (From the Quotidienne of Saturday.) b Letters received yesterday from St. Petersbul f b, contain a single word respecting the cholera 0 ° 0 ? is probable, ther e fo re , th a t t h e report o f i t 10 fested itself in that capital is unfounded. The three commercial houses of Jacquinot, hou, arid Thierry, at Bordeaux, have stopped Some fear is entertained for another establishroc ° The general meeting of the shareholders of th e France took place yesterday, and resolved that oc to tion be made to Government to obtain a lan' rize them to divide the reserve fund provided I:I of April 22, 1806. The reserve profits ae nugio le to that date, and which amount to 7,765,650 ft i i i to be applied to that purpose. This measure W O5 to circulation some useful capitals. (From the Journal du Commerce of Saturdst) Count d'Aera c h o t, mem b er of t h e Diplomatic te! of Brussels, has arrived in Paris. Letters from the Hague assert that the P Orange intends soodto proceed to Russia, with 111 The Gove rnment h as g i ven orders that a 1011° non-shot (six-pounders) shall be cast in th e der Haute Garonne. It is well known that a C 0 : 8 ; number of cann on o f t h at ca lib re have been g'" National Guard. (From the Courier Francais of Saturday' The sitting o f th e Ch am b ers yesterday excit ed riosity than that of the preceding day, and vas e decisive. Thus the Chamber has devoted t; i0 ? speechifying without revealing to the nation l' r ol l with which it was not already acquainted. °,/ petted to satiety that " we did not avi,h for V/ ' 0 " we should wait for a provocation before 10 ;6 it ;" and that " our policy was founded on lin r, po i Meanwhile the great questions of Belgium 11 1401 remained precisely where they were before. ef oli less it must be observed that the dignity of r', been placed in its true light in some of those - (1 . The Minister of War has strongly shown ,th e 0 between our p resent s i tuat i on and what it sv7, f 1 At that p er i o d peace was granted by Europe t''o,P.o but France is to-day the arbiter of peace or lit e Bignon pro ve d t h a t t h e independence ant,' r of" Poland were guarantee d b y t h e P owers of 0/.,,p, that it is R uss i a w hi c h h as v i o l ate d t h ose tres'.di Minister of Foreign Affairs merely confined bil l ', the day before) to expressions of regret. 'P e i I t i General Lafay e tt e , so f u ll o f patriotism, d°4oll respect for the ri g ht s o f na ti ons , w hi c h h as bee° oil' of the illustrious General during his whole iir e ' 110 through ou t. France an d E urope. It. was rum,ured during these two last clio l insurrection in f avour o f Ni c h o l as h a d broken 0 0 Its saw, and that an engagement h a d ta k en place °hoe tiers between th e R uss i ans an d t h e Poles. 1:10 must be unfounded, for the last letters ir - do lfl, (dated January 21), ann ounce d t h at t ke o'l, quiet, and that hopes were entertained of A r rangement. i (From the Globe of Saturday) A merchant o f B eaume, w h o returne d on the. St. Petersburg'', says that R uss i a i s no t in a ti!!, l go to wa r w ith F rance. I t i s with diffic"lti. maintains her authority in her Asiatic co nques ts of : more than tw en ty o f h er governments re i t ' tated by the c h o l era mor b us, an d cannot furni!4oll, necessary to form sanitary cordons. Russia "",,ilO lO more than 180,000 men against the Pole * :,o already 120,000 men un d er aims. The Prot are favouraliiy dispos e d t owar d s t h e P o li s h ea u "' totem. de Dijon. _ J (From the Constitutionnel of Saturd3P_lttil During th e l as t f ew d ays a considerable Po pieces of ar till ery , i nten d e d for various 11,rou country, pa sse d th roug h O r l eans. O n t he 2 ' oo o companies of ar till e r y , on t h e i r way f rom Toil°, IS cennes, where th e y are t o h e i ncirporate d regiment, also passed through Orleans. The works at the arsenal and cannon found er l i o are carried on with the greatest activity. 11.1e ,'0 11 tuided for th e c ava l ry are quartered i n t he 11 villages. (From the National of SaturdaP ) t 0 4 , An extraordinary messenger arrived to-dsY la o re r i n sh Embassy, f rom M a d r i d, sa i d to be t he t bt Burgos' project relative to the recognition ° f Bonds. fi ofrek Tue receipts of th e 16 fi rst representa tions fr o 0 01 at the Theatre d'Odeon, amounted to 52? „4. 62 ce p i t, c ,1'1l FRENCH FUNDS.-PARIS, JAN. 29.-Five ,' A ti 10c. Sc. 10c. Sc. 94E 94E Sc. 10c. sc. 94E 20c. 15C•r a inli l Sc. 94f. 93f. 95c. 94f. 94f. sc. ; Four per Ceuta. r per Cents., 62f 15c. '2oc. 2.ic 30c. 25c. 30c. 25c;, ' Stock, 1,515 f. 1,517 f. 50c. ; Rente de Naples, 0",", Vol, ' 64f. • Rente d'Espagne, 14• U 15; Royal Spalr 1.01 Rente ' Perpetuelie d'Espagne, 47 46% % ; g et' 90 315 f. Exchange on London, one mont►l, P three months, paper, 25E-Cours Authentique. 91 ,4 ifiC9 FRENCH FUNDS, JAN. 2 : 1 .-Fi Ve p er C e nts., ;0600 10,.. 20c. 15c. 10c. 91E 94f. Sc. 94E 10c. Sc. 78E 75c. ; Three per Cents., 62f. 15c. 25c. 30c. 1,525 f. 1,530 f. 1,535 f. ,• Rente de Naples, 6 4 t• 55 0 19 9,c. 61f. ; Rente d'Espagne, • IloYa t 61 , 4 ; Rente Perpetuelle d'Espagne, G‘t4 totbh Landon, one month, paper, 25f. 10c. ; three In -fours Authentique. jen t il (From the M orn i ng H era ld COITOP °.- 0 4 01 1,01 PARIS, JAN. 29.—Notwithstanding th e g od or two days' debate i n th e Ch am b er o f D e putie 4 A ' j olL r 'al of the alarming, but, I am assured, f a bricat e "oop; lished in some of the German Papers, the fir r;cl , telligenee from Poland, the Poles in P a ris cl i f 4popcfirig, and hold oat hOpes of success 1° 0 friends of Polish freedom lend a willing ea r ' io genuine news from Poland to- day. c ost" shall spare you comments upon the la te , r t Chamber of Deputies, as you will find the a - $1 o f for many days to come, teeming with „ then' ; o •o l i t a foi tt i you again s t i n f err i ng f rom t h e apparen t u °3 l ,:t 11 'O P ' nisters on th e su bj ects di scussed, a b e lief t" Li es' o t did—or does— fe i gn in the Cabinet on those l'oot I3ouitsc, HALF-PAST FOUR. The Stn Are t be 4 1 closed herewith will show you that the P o r ': - t s ' e a n s A e c ecrceolfpr According authentic ng t o t l h e e t t g ei u .s e f s r tn information our r p f e t'o e m e o P r ° lB ria d • a i ll r: 1 little or no business was transacted here to-(14 00 Je t ' (From the Times' Corresponde 000 explanations of the French Mi P n r is i t v e a :s eic: o rtrliee pe .C 'i clie Deputies were interpreted by each plrtY , f r s of l id/ t ` l f f in its own way. The official declaretio" sf e of France to maintain the p ea ce of Eu r o p e the ' her conclusive by a ll mo d erate m en ; whi le :.; t ee t Marshal Soult'a expression o f,readiness t° el Peace, is 1 1 eLance of nil i l lange into th The latest p burgh of the 1 Was still in his 4441 P. On tl . 'my, year's-day tailitary fetes , an d c ourt i ers: he at St. P e Russ army. Ihtisiastic deter repetition of R A f Par s Is bccounty the K ge was charge( Part of Philip anY Precipitate Our p r i vate t tuev, ed t o hi c Point, of oarc, a 'lit had p utp "tsehtnents, c QUART! The politi 8 : 1 " by dii effrontery, t heir system w ho we re m uy the coxco , / ,_" l eci the RI " Li e opera, tr "only, are Su rely, to fi n 6 4 years si 1 , t . 3 glory. . 4 ttterature affi th an ( . Eleusi n (1. 41 r sex, quit ts dairt, cop, erlilouncied b ,Phle systen le most forl 'Parted with eene Y as the,