The Sun. — London, England, 1830-05-31 00:00:00

of New South Wales. In so far as it is a peniten tiary, we might have expected to see it governed on the principle's of a penitentiary : in so far as it is in tended to be a free community of settlers, we might have expected to see it ruled on the principles of civil justice and English law. In neither case is this expectation realized. As it is to us an expensive establishment, we had a right to insist that the money which we send to it should be usefully laid out. As it is connected with England, and go verned by Englishmen, we were entitled to demand that our institutions and our honour shall be respected in its treatment. As it is perhaps des tined in the course of ages to balance in another hemisphere the English population of these islands, by a race sprung from the same origin, speak ing the same language, and professing the same religion, it was of essential importance to lay the foundations of its political institutions in nglish justice, that in all its future history it might indulge in proud and fond recollections of its paren tage. But, if we can trust the papers before us, all these considerations have been treated with con tempt. Regarding even its present magnitude, independent of the grand experiment with which it is connected, or the infinite capabil:ties which it dis plays, this colony is entitled to more attention than it has hitherto received. Its population now amounts to about 60,000 souls. The land commissioners have included within its boundaries 34,505 square Miles, or 22,083,200 acres of land (much of it highly fertile); the list of freeholders returned to serve On juries exceeds 1,000, and its Magistrates on the commission of the peace amount to 125. It has ten paid police Magistrates, each with a salary as good es Sir Richard Birnie's ; a Governor, with the title of Excellency, and good pay ; an Attorney arid Solicitor -General, likewise well paid ; a Supreme Court, with three Justices; a great host of landed proprietors, and some considerable fortunes. It has --last, but not least—three newspapers, and with out this despised source of information, we should know no more about the proceedings of which it is the stage, than we know of the interior of Tartary. These papers would have mcre weight in the colony it their contents were more noticed in the mother country, for hitherto the local authorities have acted on the presumption that their conduct is little known at home, that the eye of the English people cannot penetrate the diameter of the globe, and that the public opinion of England is not likely to travel in a convict ship. As the administration of justice and the management of the police must be objects of the greatest importance in a settlement like that of New South Wales, we shall begin by stating a few facts under this head. And certainly, if the colony is not well governed, it is not for want of judges, law officers, lawyers, and magistrates, both paid end unpaid; but it happens rather oddly that hearly ail civil and judicial offices are filled by the military. Out of the 100 justices of the peace ap pointed within the reign of the present Governor, 57 are gentlemen of the army and navy; out of nine paid police magistrates, six arc majors, captains, or lieutenants; and though the list of freeholders amounts to more than 1,000, all the juries on tritnitud trials in the Supreme Court are mi litary officers. A general order of the Gover nor may thus decide upon a panel to try a ques tion in which the Governor himself is implicated. Some striking consequences of this extraordinary state of things may be observed in the file of papers before us. In the end of the year 1827, the editor Of the Australian was tried for a seditious libel on the colonial government. His Jury was composed of seven military officers, five of whom agreed on a verdict of guilty. Two had the courage to stand out, and thus defeated the prosecution. But what became of these two? Why, they never were re commended to sit on another jury—they were thus deprived of their 15s. for trying causes, and were, moreover, sent to distant stations in the colony, under such treatment as would effectually deter others (who did not covet a similar martyrdom) from following their example. Another instance of the working of this military jury system, in cases between the Governor and the public, will be suf ficient to show the abuses to which it leads. On the 9th of April last the editor of the bidney Monitor was tried for a seditious libel. The seven military juries retired to consider their verdict. One of them was refractory. The foreman came into Court to announce that they could not agree in their verdict. Attention was called to their dispute, and as it got warm, one was heard to say to the other, " Wed, S . . . ~ the Governor will soon know that you are the only man standing out against a coneictlon." To which the other replied, " Then I shall be ruined, as my only dependence is upon the Government. I must therefore yield." It would appear that the head of the paid or police magistracy at Sydney is a Captain Rossi, who, we believe, figured as a witness on the late Queen'a trial. He has not been naturalized (it is said) though he holds the commission of Magistrate, and knows nothing of English law, though appointed to administer English justice. This person cannot even speak English so as to be understood by those who come before him, and who are only apprised of his decisions when explained to. them by the officers commanded to execute the sentence. He is described, however, as being an im mense favourite with the Governor; and that is probably of more consequence with the Birnie of Botany Bay, than the possession of the English language, or the knowledge of English law. Some of these military magistrates (we are positively as sured in the papers before us) walk their rounds, ac companied by their " Flogger," and on complaint being made by overseers, order the unfortunate cid prits to receive s certain number of lashes forthwith. On this part of the subject, we have only room for an instance of arbitrary conduct connected with the administration of justice, which implicates the Governor himself, and the particulars of which are detailed in a charge called an impeachment, brought against his Excellency by a barrister in the colony. The following are the facts as they are represented in the newspapers and in this more formal document. Two soldiers, of the name of Sudds and Thomson, belonging to the 57th Regiment, in order to avoid being sent to India, committed an aet which they imagined would subject them to seven years' trans portation, by going into a shop at mid-day and openly carrying off a piece of calico. For this felony, as it was called, they were duly sentenced, as they ex pected, to be transported for seven years. Under the sth section of the Act of Council, 1826, these men hiving come into the colony free, were subject only to be considered as convicts transported from England, and liable to assignment in the usual man ner. The Governor, however, conceived that under another section of the .Oct, he had the power of altering the sentence, and accordingly issued a general regimental order, dated Nov. 22, 1826,directing these men should be worked in chains, on the public roads, for the period of seven years ; that they should be stripped of their uniforms, and dressed in felons' clothes; and that they should be worked in the chain-gangs, being drummed .as rogues out of the garrison. Sudds at this time was in extremely bad health, being obliged to be supported by two men from the gaol to the Parade. He was then stripped of his clothes, and dressed in felon's clothing; and though his feet were swollen, he was not allowed to wear his own shoes, but had them thrust in a pair too small for him. The chains were then put upon him, and he and his companion were drummed back to gaol. Sudds lingered a few days in prison, was carried to the hospital, and shortly afterwards died. A coroner's inquest was demanded on the body, but was refused. 'We have not room to state the subsequent proceedings. The Governor called a Council, before which witnesses were examined in exculpation of his conduct. His enemies were equally active. Both aides have made their appeals and representations to the Government at home. The document, called an impeachment, embodying the facts and bearing of the case, is now before us. We are quite unacquainted with the measures which the Colonial Secretarys-may think it his duty to orate; but J wa tnrercoviviticed, that though this case, which manifests at least great cruelty and pre cipitations may be passed over, a shield will not be raised in defence of the other off►cial proceedings which now agitate this unfortunate colony, and to which, in another article, we may direct the atten tion of the public.—Tintes. A perusal of the last portion of the Papers pre sented to Parliament on the affairs of Greece, serves more and mere to confirm us in the opinion we have already pronounced, that Ministers do not appear to any advantage in this question with his Royal High ness. The correspondence between Lord Aberdeen and Prince Leopold, commences with a lecture read by his Lordship to the Prince on the 31st of Ja nuary. At that time the Prince having become ac quainted with the determinations of the Allies re specting Greece, and dreading what has actually taken place, had, it seems, testified a disinclination to accept the Sovereignty of Greece. On this his Lordship observes, " Your Royal Highness %I'll] permit me to repeat the expression of the unfeigned surprise with which you must have perceived that I yesterday received this communication; that your Royal Highness is free, notwithstanding all that has passed, to decline the Sovereignty of Greece, I am ready to admit; that your Royal Highness may possibly have sufficient reasons for changing your mind, it is not necessary for me to deny ; but I beg must respectfully to submit to your Royal Highness, that the exclusion of Candia from the Greek State cannot offer any satisfactory explanation of such a decision." And then follows an argument to show that the Protocol of the 22d of March, having been surreptitiously published in the Augsburg Gazette in the month of July or August last, and this being the only information to guide him, when he formed the design of obtaining the Greek Principality, he must have been prepared by it, not only to see Candia excluded from Greece, but to become a vassal and tributary to the Sultan. If sub sequent negotiations withdrew the Greek State from the Suzerainty of the Sultan, that was more than the Prince had a right to expect. " Under these circumstances, therefore (quoth his Lordship), I was certainly quite unprepared for the sentiments expressed by your Royal Highness yes terday, for the first time, upon this subject ; and not until after his Majesty's assent had been signified to the nomination of your Highness. However these sentiments may accord with the political objects of persons in this country, by whom your Royal High ness may have been advised, I think your Royal Highness cannot fail to perceive, upon reflection, how little such a course could contribute to the real dignity arid consistency of your own character." His Lordship, it seems, thought his Royal Highness had begun to display the cloven foot. So, after his special pleading, founded on a publication in the Augsburg Gazette, he reads him a lecture on the danger of listening to liberal advisers, and a lecture which would have been in character in the case of a pedagogue and a schoolboy. His Royal Highness, in his answer of February 3, protests against Ins Lordship's inferences :—" The transactions between Government and myself (he says), contained, till now, no more than the comrnun'cations of the diffe rent stages of my nomination, and matters concerning my domestic affairs. Still it seems, from your Lord ship's letter, that Government thinks me, by that, unconditionally bound to the contents of a Protocol, which I never saw before the 30th inst. (tilt.) and which, when I saw it, I had only time to glance over. I, on the contrary, was throughout led to expect— 1. That the Protocol to be signed would not only contain a formal offer, but an ample and specific statement of what I have, even at this moment, no precise notion— viz. : What Greece was to be. dl 9 That on my receiving the Protocol, I should not only be at full liberty to ask any and every explanation on any one point contained therein, but finally, to give such conditional or unconditional answer as, on mature reflee tion,l shall think proper." The Prince seems, from the beginning, to have entertained a very natural apprehension of his being placed in opposition to his subjects, and consequently unable to act beneficially. Writing to the Duke of Wellington on the 9th of February, he says, " If Lord Aberdeen has endeavoured to turn it to my prejudice that, from mere newspaper information, I must have been prepared for the exclusion of Candia, I was, from all the information I could col lect on that subject, certainly not prepared to find the projected north-western boundaries of the new State such as they appear since I have had an opportunity of examining the map annexed to the Protocol. In my opinion, these boun daries are, in a military point of view, so weak ar d insecure, that I beg your Grace to be pre pared to hear to-morrow, in my conference with your Grace, the strongest objections against their final adoption." Speaking of Candia, he ob serves," But in case force of arms be the only prac ticable mode of pacifying Candia, what must I be prepared for ? That probably at the time when I am going out to govern Greece, in consequence of a certain Treaty, events may happen which will make it appear, to the Greeks at least, that that same Treaty sanctions the bloodshed and murder of their brethren. I need not dwell on what, in such a case, the feelings of the Greeks, an ignorant, passionate people, would necessarily become towards me; nor will I fatigue your Grace by hinting at the innume rable incidents which may arise out of those difficul ties, and over which I can have no controul; but which, notwithstanding, may commit me with the Powers, and brand my character in the eyes of Europe." The Duke furnishes him with answers in what is called a memorandum, which answers, in as far as they relate to the boundaries, are not very much in point. " The weakness or strength of a frontier," says his Grace, " is to be measured by the strength of the Power by which it is to be de fended, compared with that of the Power by which it will probably be attacked. In this view of the frontier, proposed for the new State, I entertain no doubt that it is as strong as is necessary for its defence. But it must, besides, be considered that the territory will be guaranteed. I cannot conceive that any small addition to the districts which are proposed to constitute the new Greek State would greatly improve its finances." His Graces remarks may be true in general ; bat, surely, in the case of a bar barous power like Turkey, strong in cavalry, but little acquainted with the art of war, it must be of great moment to a small country like Greece, to have ' a frontier of mountains which can only be penetrated through passes capable of being easily fortified and defended. Besides, his Grace—when the Gover nors of provinces in Spain allowed the Portuguese Royalists to enter Portugal from Spain, to overturn the Constitution—remarked in his place in Parlia ment, in apology for Ferdinand, that he did not believe it was in his power to prevent what had been done by those under him. Can Turkey prevent irregularities en his frontier ? And is it not of great consequence to have a frontier which separates the two nations, and thereby prevents the constant occurrence of border feuds ? Advantage has been taken of the ultimatum of the Prince, of the 11th February, because, in his ignorance of the geography of the North-western frontier, which lie shared in common with the Plenipotentiaries, he fixed on a line, as likely to afford security, that turns out to be different from what he had anticipated. " 3d. That it may be agreeable to the High Powers that the new frontier to the West should be fixed in such a manner as to continue to ascend the left bank of the river Aspropotamos, as far as the limits laid down to the North as those of the Canton of Vlochos, following from thence to wards the East the natural boundary formed by the mountains which joined Mount (Eta—a frontier in dispensable for the security of this important portion of the New State." Bearing in mind what General Church says as to the Allies laying down mountains where there were plains, and plains where there were mountains, the Prince cannot be blamed for relying on the information furnished by their map. But in this very document, he reserved to the Greeks the right of objecting to him if they should think proper. The Prince may have mistaken the natural separation, but he never renounced the wish to have one. In a letter to Lord Aber deen, February 23, he returns to this subject, " i cannot conclude without reminding the Pleni- potentiarics of a promise made to me on the 15th of February, with regard to the Western limits of the new State. As I find sec. 3, of the Projet du Protocole does not allude to this promise,„l beg that your Lordship will cause the instructions—Aux Com ndssaires pour fixer les Limites, &c. to be couched so as to give them sufficient latitude to have it in their power to improve the above mentioned boundaries, at least upon principles of natural separation." On the 7th of March he returns to this subject of an improved line of frontier. On the 15th of May, the Prince communicated to the Plenipotentiaries the documents received from Greece, and prepared them " for his resignation." Among these papers there is a curious piece of mystification—an extract of a letter from Mr. Dawkins to Lord Aberdeen, dated April 20, in which he dilates on the gratitude of the Greeks " for the immense benefits which they have received at the hands of the Allies; the first of which, after the acquisition of their independence, they consider to he the choice of Prince Leopold of Saxe Coburg." Not a word of the discontent on account of the arrangements of the Allies ! Unfor tunately for the effect of this communication, the Prince had become possessed of more authentic in formation. The Senate, in their Memorial of the 24th April, did not leave him in ignorance of the effect produced by the determination of the Allies. They say— " The Senate considers the extension of the boundaries as so closely connected with the real independence of Greece—it considers it so necessary for the accomplish ment of the generous intentions of the Powers who sigued the Protocol of the 3d of February, that it cannot refrain from making the following observations : " Ist. Upon the continent the provinces which, with a population of shoat 100,000 souls, are to he detached from the new Greek State, have opposed a barrier to the devastating torrent of the Ottoman troops. Upon the seas, the island of Candia, which has been exposed during nine years to all the calamities of war—Samos, where the enemy's forces have so often been repulsed—lpsara and Cassos, which did not f.ll until after• an heroic resistance, —have acted as so many bulwarks against the fleets of Byzantium and Alexandria. With what feelings will the inhabitants of these unhappy countries see that they, the first defenders of the cause, ►ink again into s'avery, while their companions in battle are restored to liberty ? Ought the one to be torn away from a soil which the Turks have never dared to tread, and the other from a land stained with their blood, which recalls the recollection of glorious victories and the names of their most illustrious Chiefs ? Is it not to be feared that in the excess of their despair they should renew the bloody scenes of Missolongbi and Ipsara ? We know the enthusiasm with which the in habitants of these countries are attached to their native toil—we know a'so the character of those warlike races, and we shudder to think that the massacre of a whole people may soon affect the compassionate minds of the august Sovereigns who pretect us. " 2d. The frontiers assigned to the continental part of the State are neither secured by mountains of difficult access, nor by deep rivers. The Achelous and Sperchius are especially during summer, small streams, fordable in several places. The boundary line, far from crossing preci pices and ravines, passes over a flat and desert country, which offers no means of defence. To protect such frontiers, a cordon of several thousand soldiers would be necessary, and enormous sums of money, either to raise fortifications, or to procure shelter for the troops. The island of Candia being excluded from the Greek State, and the Archipelago rem lining thus exposed on the African side, it will be necessary to keep up constantly a con siderable naval force. Greece, in its present state, although possessing the provinces which are about to be separats d from her, and exempt also from the expenses required i:•y diplomatic relations, and a perfect internal organization, can hardly defray with its own revenue a third of its annual expellees. How, then, will these revenues suffice when Greece shall be dismembered, and bounded by frontiers, the defence of which will require an exorbitant expenditure ? "3. The provinces of Roumelia ceded to the Porte furnish two•thirds of our land forces. If these soldiers re turn to their homes, Greece will be berself deprived of the sinews of her strength—of those very arms which have so heroically defended Missolonghi and Athens. If they re main among us, placed in the interior of the country, or upon the frontiers, will they be passive spectators of their misfortunes, or faithful observers of peace? The exclusion of the islands of Candia, of Samos, of Ipsara, of Cassos, of Scio, of Ecaria, of Patmos, of Sero, of Cslymnos, of Assypalea, of Carpothos, and others, will not fail to force the emigration of men inured to war, driven to despair, who will infest the Grecian Seal, giving themselves up to piracy, favoured by the proximity of so many inhabited inlets, and of desert and undefended shores. What will then become of the rising State of Greece? Where wid then be the tranquillity on land ? Where will then be the security of commerce at sea? Where would independent Greece find sufficient means for keeping up a large fleet, and for paying numerous troops? "4. The detached provinces of Roumelia, far from giving important revenues to the Ottoman empire, have always served as an asylum for a free and warlike people, causing to the Porte almost continual uneasiness and ex pense. Will not these provinces, to the independent and warlike spirit of which a new impulse has been given by nine years of war, and which is placed, it may be said, at the portal of two states, afford materials ready to be in flamed by the slightest incident, and to rekindle the fire of a war which is hardly extinguished ? " Let us, however, suppose every motive for a new struggle to have ceased, and the martial character of these people given up to Turkey to have been softened down ; the Turks will occupy all the strong frontiers in the moun tains, and will at every moment threaten the Greek state. They will henceforth exercise an influence irreconcilable with the elevated views of the august Monarchs in settling its fate." Who, after this, can blame Prince Leopold for re linquishing the odious task which it was wished to impose upon him ? It would have been insanity to have entered on a Sovereignty under such circum stances.-21forning chronicle. The objection taken by the Earl of Winchilsea in the house of Peers, and by Lord Althorp in the House of Commons, to the " Sign-Manual Bill," on the ground that the King's physicians had not been previously examined at the bar, was in point of principle, perfectly correct. We do not see why a proposition so reasonable, and, on constitutional considerations, so necessary, should have caused the Duke of Wellington to lose his temper, and express himself as though a personal attack had been made upon his honour. It is true a Royal Message had been delivered to Parliament as a ground for such a proceeding, and nobody doubts the truth of what was therein stated as to the painful necessity which exists for relieving:the Sovereign from the trouble of affixing the sign-manual to public instruments, but Parliament would greatly neglect its duty, and prove itself unworthy of its trust, if it legislated for particular cases without looking to the consequence , of the principles which they involved. One of the most important duties which the King can execute is the authentication of public instruments by his Royal signature—that signature being the most solemn evidence of the most important rights. To give to a stamp, in the hands of one or more subjects, all the legal force of the sign manual, is to alter the Constitution of the realm, pro tempore, in a point of vital interest. It is ob vious to every one who looks to possible conse quences that such a measure should not be sanctioned by Parliament but on the best evidence of its neces sity. Had the Legislature the best evidence that could be afforded in the present case ? We answer in the negative. The Duke of Wellington is in dignant that the King's own Message, delivered upon the responsibility of the Minister, is not consi dered sufficient. He might have learned, from the history of the country whose affairs be administers, that great troubles, and even sangu i nary c i v il wars , i arose to the realm n form er days from weak and in firm Princes allowing themselves to be made the in struments of artful and ambitious politicians, who con trived by fraud and deception to obtain the sanction of such Princes to their own encroachments on the regal prerogative. Does any one accuse the Duke of Wellington of any thing of the sort ? Certainly not. But as his Grace is not i mmertal, and we do not know what Ministers m a y come after him, we think Parliament would have only don e it s d ut y i n requiring the best possible evidence of the King's health before it established a precedent, which, although it may be perfectly harmless as far as the present Premier is concerned, may be made available by some of his less scupulous successors to the most dangerous purposes. In Courts of Law, where only private rights me in question, secondary evidence is never taken, except where the best evidence cannot by any possibility be had. Why, then, should the Legis lature, where the most valuable public rights are at stake, both of the Crown and the people, be content with inferior evidence, when they might have the best. Here it may be asked, "is not the Royal Message touching this matter sufficient for the Le gislature to act upon ? We say no—and for this reason—Kings have, before now, been induced, by their Ministers, to deceive Parliament; and Mi nisters have, before now, deceived both Kings and people. But then, in this instance, the Message is authenticated by the sign -manual. The sign-ma nual has been counterfeited before now, or there would not be a law against that crime on the Statute book. Well, but the Message is also supported by the responsibility of the Minister. The responsibility of the Minister sounds well ; but the practice of many years past shows us that it is but a splendid fiction of the Constitution. What instance is there in modern times of a Minister having been called to account for bringing the country into difficulties and danger by corrupt and wicked policy ? History rrcords the names of many of the supposed respon sible advisers of the Crown who have abused their power to the worst of purposes, while the sword of impeachment rusted in the scabbard ; but where shall we read of one of them having paid the just forfeit of his criminal ambition ? Therefore we say that the argument of the responsibility of Ministers ought not to have been accepted, in the case in question, by Parliament, in place of the best evidence, which evidence the King's Physicians, and they only, could give. Such evidence was absolutely requisite to guard the measure from being of dangerous con ' sequence in future times, and in this light alone we view it. Several Members of both Houses stated that if the Bill were for a longer time than the pre ! sent Session, or if it were to be renewed, they would insist upon the Physicians being called, on account i of the danger of the precedent ; but the precedent is equally dangerous whether the Bill be for a shoat or a long period. We trust, however, that, if it should ever be proposed to renew it, they will re ' deem the pledge which they have given to the country, and show that their future opposition was not a mere pretence to escape the blame of theirspresent subserviency. Before we quit this subject we must ask why Ministers, who affix the stamp without the King's authority, should only be guilty of a mis demeanor, while any person forging or counterfeiting the King's sign-manual are, by the Statute of Mary, guilty of high treason. Both offences are alike in effect and in criminality, and should be visited with like punishment. Either the Statute of Mary ought to be repealed, or its provisions be introduced into the present law.—Morning Herald. We copy the following from an Evening Mini sterial Paper, which affects to be the especial oracle of Government :—" The attempt to re-muster a party is a doubtful undertaking. Indeed, when the peculiar character of the Duke of Wellington is con sidered, and especially the maxims by which his Grace governs his Administration, nothing is less likely to prove effectual than an endeavour to or ganise a regular opposition. The Duke seeks less for men of particular principles in politics than for those qf official fitness ; arid no Minister ever paid so little attention to the principles (f those by whom measures are suggested. The measures themselves only obtain his consideration ; and while this is the case it is morally impossible that an organised party can exist against him." The political invin cibility with which the writer of the above passage invests his Grace of Wellington rests certainly on very peculiar grounds. It appears that his strength lies in the maxims by which he governs his Administration—not his Majesty's Administra tion. And what are these maxims ? Let his pane gyrist explain. "No Minister ever paid so little attention to the principles of those by whom mea sures are suggested." To praise a Minister for his utter disregard to principles is a novel mode of adu lation, and has all the merit of originality. We ques tion if any of the servile sycophants of the corrupt Sir Bobert Walpole ever offered him such praise as this, though no Minister of the Crown ever better deserved it. That Statesman scorned to pay ar►y attention to the principles of those by whom mea sures were suggested;—he acted upon a maxim that excluded all principle;—that maxim was, that " every man had his price ;" and he knew when to ripply that maxim in practice. By his singular penetration ir► this mode of con version he male marry proselytes from the ant:- quitted notions of political virtue to the more con venient doctrine of the no-principle sect—a sect that have outlived his day, and have wonderfully flourished of late years; and, like all zealous disciples, have carried their creed to a degree of perfection which could hardly be expected by their master. With the members of this sect, whether avarice or vanity is to be gratified—whether the consideration for political services be sparkling gold or blushing riband—they are always sure to prove themselves qualified by an utter contempt for principle and an " official fitness" that is truly astonishing. 'I hat the organ of that Administration which the Duke. of Wellington governs should have announced him as the great leader of such a sect, does not excite our special wonder, because we know that flattery has some times a strange way of exalting its idols, and too often proves the truth of the poet's sarcasm, " No enemy can match a friend."—Morning herald. The fact which we stated exclusively on Friday last, of a great political meeting at the Marquis of Lansdowne's, has silica been confirmed by the attes tations of almost all our cotemporaries ; and we are now enabled to add that several meetings of the same description have also been held at Holland House, and at which the most distinguished Whig leaders were present. What the resolutions adopted on the occasion were, we do riot yet know; but public rumour attributes to them an invitation to Prince Leopold, to head the opposition which is now mustering against his Majesty's Government. Such may be the fact; but if so, nothing could assuredly be more foolish, or more insulting to the English public. What has the country to do with Prince Leopold, that he should be invited, either to head an opposition, or to ally himself with the Government? Nothing, absolutely nothi►►g, beyond the payment of his extravagant pension. He forms no part of the State, or of the Legislature—every tie that connected him with this country has been severed ; and so little has he hitherto appeared desirous of continuing his connexion with it, that he has, since the melancholy event referred to, spent the greatest part of his time, as well as of his enormous income, on the Continent. There is not the slightest ground, therefore, either for putting him at the bead of the opposition, nor airy rational plea for conferring upon him the guardianship of the future Queen of these realms. Were the Princess only a private individual, the right of relationship would form a paramount claim; but situated as she is with respect to the Throne, it is evident that the country over which she may one day rule, must be the best judge in the matter of guardianship, and that private relations must give way to public expediency, and state necessity.—Morning Advertiser. As it appears to be now a matter beyond all doubt, Ist, that Prince Leopold has resigned the Sovereignty of Greece-2dly, that he has done so not on account of the political state of Greece, but on account of the political state of Great Britain 3dly, that there is no chance of recalling him to that sense of honour and imperious duty which would dictate an adhesion to his original acceptance of the Greek throne; and, lastly, that the change which has taken place in our relations to Greece has been mainly caused by the intrigues and interested repre sentations of the existing President of Greece, and sworn creature of Russia, in conjunction with cir cumstances to which we do not wish mare specially to allude, it may not perhaps be unacceptable to our readers to state a few facts connected with the tnain topics in this important discussion. And in the first place, be it remarked, that Prince Leopold i 4 not even a Peer of the United Kingdom, or of any part of it. He is a Privy Councillor, but to all other . intents and purposes lie is a simple German Prince, and is wholly unknown to the Constitution of these realms. He is a state pensioner, and in that capacity he is known to the Treasury ; but the well-known " John Doe and Richard Roe" have just as much claim to be appointed guardians of any future Queen of England, during her minority, as his Royal Highness; and we repeat it, that he is indeed egregiously deceived if he imagines that any party, either of Whigs or Tories, would reconcile the country to his holding such an important office. Secondly, now that his Royal Highness has thought fit to abdicate a throne for which he had evidently as little ca pacity as necessary enthusiasm, the great object to be kept in view in the settlement of the affairs of Greece, is the prevention of any un toward preponderance of power on the part of either Russia or France. This 'principle was recognised in the special agreement of the three Allied Powers, that in endeavouring to effect the liberation of Greece, they should not seek to obtain either ter ritorial aggrandisement or commercial advantage, and that in order more completely to insure this ob ject, the future Sovereign of Greece should be chosen from out of a family which was not directly connected with any of the families parties to the treaty. And how is this part of the agreement to be fulfilled ? Not assuredly by affirming the ap pointment of Count Capo d'lstria, nor by permit ting the new Greek State to remain as it is now situated; for then, indeed, the influence of Russia would be paramount in all quarters—nor by joining in the election of a French Prince, for then the naval power of France in the Mediterranean, if not preponderant, would at least be troublesome—nor also by the election of a British Prince, which, ex elusive of its being in contravention to the originel agreement of the Allies, would cause jealousies, and originate suspicions, which might ultimately lead to serious differences. Arid how then is the matt er t o • be arranged ? We really cannot tell. The subject is full of difficulty;—but we have been informed that a German Prince has presented himself as a candidate, to whom none of the above objections apply, and who is willing to encounter all the risks to which his new situation may expose him. If so, let him have the Sovereignty by all means. The future ruler of Greece only requires a willing mind, a full purse, and a little decision, in order to over come all obstacles.—Morning Advertiser. MIDDLESEX SESSIONS, MAY 29. Robert Bennett and Stephen Graves, the former a respectable-looking young man, were indicted for unlaw fully attempting, on the 21st of March, to break and enter the dwelling-house of Henry Hindman, with intent to commit a burglary. _ _ _ The Jury found the prisoners Guilty, and the prose. cutor strongly recommended Bennett to mercy on account of his former good conduct. The CHAIRMAN said the sentence of the Court was— that Graves be kept to hard labour for six months, and Bennett for four months. GRAND JURY PRESENTMENT. In the course of the afternoon the Grand Jury were disc'aarged, having concluded their labours. They made a presentment which stated the great desire of the Grand Jury that the Police Magistrates should be em • powered to dispose summarily of trifling cases of felony ; for a great portion of time of the Grand Jury had been occupied with cases of larceny, in which the property pur loined varied in value from five farthings to one shilling. They also recommended the adoption of some mode by which pawnbrokers should lie deterred from receiving in discriminately fr.,m strangers property of every description. The Grand Jury passed a vet) , high eulogium on the new police, and expressed their cordial concurrence in the system. - Cuthbert Teasdale and John Gow, who on Tuesday last were convicted of a riot and disturbing a congregation in Gate-street, Lincoln's-inn-fields, were brought up to receive the judgment of the Court. _ _ The CHAIRMAN sentenced Teasdale to a month, and Gow to fourteen days' imprisonment. DIABOLICAL ATTEMPT TO MURDER A MAGISTRATE. On the night of Wednesday, the 12th of May instant, a most determined attempt was made to murder George Wheildon, Esq., a Magistrate of the county of Stafford, residing at his seat, Cotton hall, in the parish of Alton, in that county, by shoot ing at him through the window of his dressing room, as he was retiring to rest. On the night mentioned Mr. Wheildon had been sitting in his study, which is on the ground-floor, writing until half-past twelve o'clock, and, during the time he was sitting there, he several times heard the sound, as he supposed, of footsteps, which he imagined were those of some of the domestics within the house ; and, before he went up stairs he searched the rooms and passages below; but could discover no one stirring, and concluded that fancy had mis led him. The window of his dressing-room fronts , to the garden, and has no shutters ; and he had placed his candle on the table, and was admiring the beauty of the night from the window, when a report of fire-•arms was heard, and, at the same in stant, the glass of the dressing -room casement was dashed to atoms, and Mr. Wheildon felt himself severely wounded in the face and neck. The whole family were alarmed immediately, and the servants of the house armed themselves, and went off in dif ferent directions in pursuit of the authors of this diabolical attempt, but no trace could then be obtained of them. The whole neighbourhood was in a state of strong excitement the next morning, and Mr. Wheildon caused handbills to be published, offering a reward of two hundred pounds for the discovery of the offender or offenders, and promis ing that every exertion should be used to obtain his Majesty's pardon for any accomplice who would come forward and impeach his companions in the crime. Taunton, the senior principal officer, was sent down ; and Sir Robert Peel, upon the cir cumstance being laid before him, caused a procla mation to be issued, offering his Majesty's pardon to any accomplice (except the party who actually fired the gun), and a further reward of two hun dred pounds on conviction of any one person con cerned. The garden and grounds near the mansion were carefully examined, and the mark of footsteps in the mould were of such a kind, as to show clearly that two men at least had been waiting about for a considerable time. The footsteps were traced over a hedge and railing, and across a field which terminated at a row of - palings, enclosing the garden of a small public-house, called the Star, kept by a man named Joseph Ratcliffe. Suspicion at once fell upon him, as he had been several times convicted before Mr. Wheildon for offences against the tenour of his license, and had been heard, in conjunction with a well-known poacher and fre quenter of his public-house, named Joseph Harris. to threaten to be revenged upon that gentleman, ' These men were taken into custody by Taunton and the local constables on Tuesday morning last. and conveyed before a bench of Magistrates assem bled at Cheadle, five miles from Cotton-hall, where they underwent a very long examination. It was there proved by a number of witnesses, that both these men had been heard repeatedly to declare that they would do for Mr. Wheildon at the earliest op portunity. On Wednesday the prisoners were again taken before the same bench of Magistrates, and underwent a final examination, and the result was, that they were fully committed for trial at the ensuing Assizes for the county of Stafford, for the capital felony in shooting at Mr. Wheildon, with • intent to murder or do him some grievous bodily harm, and the witnesses, fifteen in number, bound over to prosecute. OUNDLE.—This place was visited on Sunday evening last by an awful storm of thunder and lightniug, which continued for about an hour and a half. in the midst of it, two tremendous reports were heard, very much resembling discharges of cannon; and so violent were the shocks, that a portion of the stonework near t..e top of the church spire was forced in and fell among the belle, and the slates, chimney-pots, &c. of sevend houses were dislodged.--Linccln Mercury. OLD BAILEY, MAY 29. John Lainbourne, coachman to Admiral Tollemache, vas indicted for the manslaughter of Samuel Ja obs, a Jew, Thom he drove his master's carriage and horses over, in., Great Queen-street, on Thursday, May 20 (instant) ; be hal driven the family to a charity meeting at the Free masons' Tavern. The disputed fact in the case was, the rate at which the prisoner was driving at the time the accident happened. A great number of witnesses were examined on this points and their evidence was very contradictory, Borne alleging that the horses were driven at paces varying from seven to sixteen miles an hour —some, that they were trotting,--- and others, that they were galloping. A medical student, who had remained in Court when the witnesses were ordered out, applied to be examined. Mr. AnoLritus, who was counsel for the plaintiff, ob jected. The RECO RDE R —The Inv of the case is, that any person in this Court can ask the witness any question he likes, which may appear to him to contribute to throw light on the investigation. The prisoner can demand it, if he thinks it will he advantageous to him, and the publics hart a right to expect it. Mr. ADOLPHUS-But, my Lord, it is contrary to prac' tice, when a witness is ordered out of Court, and remains in it. to examine such Ivitness. The ItEconnvit—The witness shall be heard. His tes timony is public right, and the prisoner and the public have Nilo' right in this matter. Mr. AnoLi-ins—Then it is not correct. The RECORDER—Mr. Adolphus, do you mean to im peach the judgment of the Court? • • Mr. AnoLrnus—l mean to say that it is not correct.. The RECORDER (with great wsrvath.)_Sit down, Sir! Tl4is is most improper—most indccont. SA down! I say, Sir, and do not say en again, or— Mr. ADOLPHUS (in a vehement manner.)—l will 61 Y' in spite of any attempt to put me down, I-- The RECORDER—I shall he sorry, Mr. Adolphus, a fter our long friendship, to go to th e extreality the Court allows n;e. I must insist th a t y ou s i t d own. Mr. ADOLPHUS—I will sit d own , b ut t hi s i s co ntrary ti all former practice. [During the argument between t' e two Learned Gentle men the Recorder sioopcd over the bench as if he would jump down, and Air. Adolphus looked over it a, if be would leap up.] The witness was then examined, but proved no materi4 fact. Admiral Tol!maybe, who sat on the bench, gave the prisoner an uaexceptionatile character for sobriety, kind ness of disposition, and steadiness. Several others gave the primmer a good character, and the .11ccoanca having summed up, the Jury, without much hesitation, gave in a verdict of acquit•al. COUNTRY CORN MARKETS. DURING LAST WEEK. Wheat.. 1 Barley. Oats. Beais. Per Quarter. s. to a. s. to a. a. to s. a, to a. 65 39 33 Carmarthen. F. 3 38 21 31 52 72 33 31 22 29 50 5 2 111orreth...—_. 50 61 32 31 24 28 38 40 Penrith Sheffield 73 I 29 41 Winchester 42 73 27 34 21 25 42 46 Per Bushel. a. d, a. d. F. d . r. at. a. d. a. d. a. d. a. d. Coventry 70 90 48 54 36 40 56 6 0 Newcastle (Staff.) 10 3 10 9 46 56 39 43 50 5 6 Northallerton 7 0 9 3 3 6 4 6 3 3 4 0 5 9 6 6 Stafford 90 94 59 62 36 40 72 86 Swansea ----... 84 89 46 48 24 2 8 _ 00 00 Warwick —.. 90 100 46 50 33 4 0 73 70 Per 8011. Barmtrdeastle— 17 0 20 0 8 0 9 0 6 6 7 6 9 6 12 Durham 15 0 17 6 910 10 0 6 6 8 6 10 0 12 0 Richmond Stockton 146 170 80 90 48 76 09 00 WAKEFIELD CORN MARKET.—May 28. WAKEFIELD CORN MARKET.-May There is a good supply of Wheat to this day's market, a considerable quantity of which is foreign ; the best fresh samples barely support last Friday's prices, and there i 3 scarcely any demand for any other description. Oats are not plentiful, and prices are without alteration. Most of tl:e mAtsters have given over work, and there has been very little demand for Barley to-day, at a decline of Is. per quarter. Bans are held at about the rates of last week, but very few have been wanted to-day. Wheat, Red, Norfolk and Suflblk 535. 575. to 625. tine 675. New Ms. 655. to Ms. fine 725. White Old 58s. f3s. to 665. One 704. --------- New tiOs. Ms. to 68s. fine 731. - Foreign, Red 535. 575. to 645. fine 675. White........«.....615. 64s. to 6611: fine 705.. Barley, Norfolk and Suffolk 22s. to 31s. fine 355. --- Lincolnshire 29a, to 30s. fine 335. - Yorkshire Wold 29s. to 31s. fine 325. • ---.. Foreign -s. to -s. fine-- -44 Beans, Old -- New 335. to 355. fine 38 e- Oats, Potato . ...... ......... to 31s. due 325. --- Poland 245, 255. to fine 30s. - Friesland and Small to 265. fine 28s. ;healing l3d. to 14544.. per Stone. Shelling 32,. to 345. M. per Load. Malt aSs. Vs, fine 435. per Load. Rapeseed SCOTCH MARKETS. 24 27 23 23 - 24 27 -. - 32 19 21 24 20 40 - 24 27 -... 39 34 Wheat. I Barley I Oats. I Beans. 'Oatmeal. Aberdeen 13rw Coldstream C: t par Dundee Elgin In ver n ess-- Kelso Ki Perth '- The size 58 70 124 29 40 42 20 22 42 44 20 23 54 70 30 33 53 75 33 I) (0 20 25 53 56 20 28 38 47 21 24 60 76 33 as 52 .70 19 23 I of the measure vat 21 25 17 19 IR 2,0 22 23 20 28 20 23 1 19 23 18 21 25 32 16 21.1 vies throut 30 31 33 3.3 EDINBURGH CORN MARK Although our supply of all kinds to-clay, last week's prices were obtain( Wheat. Barley. Oats. First 72s Od 3tis &I 29s 4d Second 7os Od 35s Od I 20s Od Third 50* Od 30s Od 24s 3d ••••• •••••• 123 32 hout the country. Of Grain ed with "di; Pease. 40s Od 384 Od 364 was small Eficuity. IBeans. 40s Od 384 Od 36s Od PRICES OF PROVISIONS, &C. Beef, per lb. Os. 30. to Os. 6d. Mutton 0 4 0 6 Vea1....--......—... e 3 0 7 Pork Lamb, per qr. 2 6 5 6 l allow , cwt.... 25 0 28 0 Quartern Loat 0 9 0 10 Potatoes. 171 lb. 0 5 0 6 Fresh Biitter,lb.s.lo.l. to Is. Oil. Salt Ditt0........., 0 10 0 0 Ditto, per c% t. 88 0 0 0 Eggs, per doz. 0 6 0 0 OatStraw(kp'.) 8 6 0 • Wheat Ditto,. 9 0 11 0 Barley Ditto ~. 0 0 8 6 Hay, per st...— 0 6 0 8 EDINBURGH BIEA: We had a large supply ket, which met with a ready Per Sack of 2801 b. Imp. First Oatmeal £2 1 0 Second ditto 1 19 0 Barleymeal . 1 12 0 Pcasemeal 1 10 0 Pot Barley—No. I, per cwt. 124 L MA KKET.--May 25. of Oatmeal at to-day's mar sale at last week's prices. Per Stone of 141 b. Imp. First Oatmeal ...... .£0 2 2 Second ditto ............ 0 2 0 flarloymeal ......0 1 10 Peasemeal 4.-2 i , 145.--3 cl. 184.—Peaf1 225. GLASGOW CORN MARKET.—May A considerable business has been done in Foreign Wheat, at rather lower prices. Oats were in good de mand at full prices. No alteration in Barley, Beans, or Pease. Wheat, per 2401 b. s. 4. s. d. Oats, per 2641 b. s. d. s. d British, old 33 0t035 0 Irish 200t02261p - new 30 0 31 0 British .... ..... ...... 22 0 24 CO Canada, free 34 0 35 0 Beans. per 21101 b. Irish ..... ..... ... 7 9 3 21 I C .: Barley, per 3201 h. English 26 0 28 0 Pease. S cottish 18 0 21 6 Scottish 27 0 28 6 Oatmeal, per /40Ib. 18 0 21 0 Irish 24 0 26 0 Flour, per 2901 b... 60 0 64 0 MINING INTELLIGENCE. Tons. Cwt. Quantity of Copper Ore sold at Redruth last Thursday 4,406 06 Average Produce .... 6% A Quantity of fine Copper 358 5 Amount of Sale, 24,5591. I4s. Od.—Average Standard, 1021. 84. Od. BIRTHS. On the 28th inst. at Fairfield, in the county of So merset, the lady of P. P. Palmer Acland, Esq., of a daughter. On the 29th T. Glyn, Esq., inst. in Weymouth-street, the lady of R. of a daughter. inst. at Greenwich, the lady of T. Han. a daughter. MARRIED. On the 29th cock, Esq., of On the 18th inst. at Alton, by the Rev. John Bannister, Mr. James G. Lockett, of Manchester, to Sarah, youngest daughter of the late Thomas Gunner, Esq., of Mill Hall, near Alton, . p sbire. On the 29th in4t. at Camberwell, Mr. R. E. Branston, of Fleet-street, eldest son of the late Mr. R. Branston, to . Caroline Martha, only daughter of the late G. Bunt, EN., of St. Paul's College. On the 29th inst. at St. George's, Bloomsbury, Mr. J. Evans, jun., of Upper King-street, Bloomsbury square, to Mary Roselle, widow of the late Mr. F. Dubois, of the same place. At Florence, in the Palace, and with the consent of his Excellency Lord Burghersh, Miuister Plenipotentiary of his Britannic Majesty at the Court of Tuscany, the Noble Demetrio Corgialegno, of Cephalonia, to Miss E. Harris, late of Chelsea. DIED. On the 26th inst. in 13lythswood•square, Glasgow, Mrs. George Warden, eldest daughter of the late Vincent Wa nostrocht, L.L.D. of Alfred House, Cantherwell. On the 29th inst. in Grosvenor-square, William Henry, third son of Earl Cawdor, aged 10 months. On the 28th inst. at Romford, Essex, Wasey Sterry, Esq. aged 63. On the 28th inst. at Beech-hill, near Reading, Mrs. Hunter. PAINTED AND PUBLISHED BY MURDO YOUNG, AT TILE SUN OFFICE, _ll2, STRAND, LONDOS. A Thi• . .• largi iind4 'Pap, ire ii 1134 et pi M, tam 'Yoh Tivc lippl P has CA: &e. • , soca ' th e ant ,`: kith' thei „ ..Qug Gen 10 Sail C Muni Han Ater Popi dick - Nit: 1V Port z ci u In