The Sun. — London, England, 1830-12-16 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. There was something curious in the oblervation that took place in the Housetar.Commons on Tues day night, crs the expected resignation of the Chief Baron of the , Court of Exchequer. Mr. O'Connell Stated that the Lord Chancellor, when a Member of the House of Commons, bed intimated his opinio n , that the present Chief Baron was no longer compe tent to his situation through age and infirmities. His Lordship had, indeed, alluded to the improba bility of the Chief Baron ever making his Court ate effective Court of Common Law. It is, therefore, not quite accurate, that hie Lordship had spoken so freely and so positiVely as Mr. O'Connell stated on a subject ordinarily of some delicacy among people of the some profeesion. BO the notoriety of the fact may well have given occasion to Mr. O'COn neb'e mistake respecting it. Its truth, the Chief Baron has passed sentence au himself; for he has, we hire understood, presented a medical certificate of his state of health, ireorder to be excused from presiding over the present Special Commission, issued to try the rioters and incendiaries in the dis turbed counties. This is a very serious injury to the country. We do not say that the eminent men acting on the Commission are inadequate to the duties which have thus devolved upon them ; but a Special Commission is, as the term im plies, a rare thing, and should have all the dig airy and seeming importance possible imparted to it. The Chief Baron is the usual person at teeted for such an occasion. But the present Chief Baton cannot undertake the task ! The inference is ohvious,—hie indisposition is not accidental, but " marlins seneetus." Surely the administration of justice ought nor to suffer, even in its " pomp, pride, and eitcmnstance," from personal considerations for one man, How great and how general suti.faction would have resulted from an appointment which we have 'expected, by which the place of the Chief Baron was to have been itipelied.—Times. Thu Bill introduced by Mr, Littleton on Tuesday, w hich we are happy to find supported by a large majority of the House of Commons, will, in our . opinion, produce great advantage and unspeakable comfort to the toiling and oppressed manufacturing population of this country. The object of this mea sure is to abolish a mode of payment (or non-pay ment) by the master-manufacturers to their work- MM, which is usually termed the " truck-system." Many of our readers probably do not understand the meaning of the word, and we May briefly describe it by slitting, that after the master has agreed to pay the workman his Wages, at the rate (e.g.) of le. per day, the mode he adopts for executing his part of the contract is, to open a kind of slop-shop, where the workman is, through sundry contrivances, Owed under the necessity of resorting, to procure sl t. aeveral articles of daily consumption for hie fa. account of whieh is kept, and shown him aef are. end of the week, and stated as a pet-off azair4t his wages, of which it generally eats up the se or within a mere trifle of the whole, amount. 0 . Well," says Mr. Hume,--and so doubtless will fay many of the musters, (although it so happens tlt :t the ww:htuen hold the practice in abhorrence) what eats he more fair than this ? Is it not in nutty reypectu u vast convenience to the workman t 1 hare ilk wants supplied to him on the spot, and w i t !, !ittl e trouble ? and is it not a crime against hi cal economy' to interpose by law between eca.:re- trooofoturers ,and their men ?" We e oe l.i to add in passing, that the Member for speech against the Bill, as in getciiyri+ a+; string of untenable fallacies could Ise : that anon. The master pays, then, en ,rooms--. na " and what of that ?" say ;he print deal economists. Why, the master buys goctiii as he esti, acid sells them to the atalkMitti JO: Whit price his • conscience—that is, his pleasure —vinAn4eK. For instance, he buys cheap beam,-- tha t j.;, indifferent bacon,-.-find sells it at the price oti, g ood ; rancid hotter, and charges for it the price a good ; rile tea, mixed bread, rotten leather, rag. grab clothing,---if he does not more fool he (as the World gce,),; for the unfortunate customer has no powcr to .prevent hint; so that the week's articles .I.4larzed at Ili. would probably, if retailed in open marligt, potleteh 4s. etch is described to be the truck ,ystem.. We ask, therefore, ought 'such a olyi,tettr to cotrit:tle ?ds the trade so curried on en til t+ ;Arles Lett.. a.rt the rio and peremptory em ployes', acid the laborites poor and dependent, One which d e , :e vet the mime of ",free Dude ?" Is it not wte Mick- all the powttr its on one side, end all ti.l,anpge, where the seller may cheat die buyer ad liNtaln, and where, the latter has no shadow of red! ouu. ? The 'ream why, as a general principle, s'utcnmc t s e ought not to' be meddled with by law is, that interference fur the most part psoducece re. atraints which press more seve=rely upon the week t b a n on tl,e strong, tending to uphold the tick man's moitepoy or Aggressive powere, , and to make the poet.. 111 . A victim. Interference itself is neither good nor bail but through its consequences, which exist etc r,c'e shows to be generally such as we leave ire ilt:l o l o wiedgcti. But the case arising out of the gruel( System is an exception,and calls for interference men cure for ,the evils which more frequently proceed from it. ,Ii" it be wise and just for the supreme power of a t;.itate to legislate at any time against arti. fiend and 'usurped anthorityi it is eminently required in the case of the truck system, which, doei in fact, and beyond all question, put the poor man et the mercy of the rich, If it be right to maintain the eyed obligation of contracter—whicb has always beeti a rule of civilized (lovernroentre-there is surely no occasion for the exercise of such a duty more urgent then one which:enables A to elude his en. ;violin:tit with B, and to rob him in substance while ire odde to tins sting of successful fraud, by pretend ing that the sufferer Is, and ought to be, left a " free rgeot."- The truth is, that the laws of the last 40 years have, in their general scope and character, ett croaehed greatly on the free agency of the induistrious duties—a working manufacturer is, in many point, u practical slave. This truck roameavre has Mani feFtly for its consequence ,to make him ale inextricable pauper, He does not get from his employer that for which be hired himself to work, tie does not obtain from bins a fixed portion of the standard coin Of realm, about the value of which there can he jio dispute, should his master be disposed to plunder him. No, but he gets payment in pieces of bread, or cheese, or lard, which leave ne determinate value, because the weekly valve affixed to them hi that which the master or his foreman pleases. Arid w h is t a I emptatino is this for the honesty of the mas ter, supposing him to be honest! But iwlr, lintne says—Are not many contracts made among the e farmers of Scotland, aceertling to which the servant agrees to take a portion of lets wages in oatmeal, potatoes, ficc.? To be sure.. there :mei but •the difference is, that the Scotch servant settles before hand, how Much of these articles twit to'receive in hunch, and what surplus he is to have in money. The - Scotch einployer never ventures to tell hi• ploughman or lebourer, ue he rosy happen to be, whatever articles of consumption you want, you must .buy from me at my own price, and they shall go as n set-off against yeur stipulu.tecl Mein wages." The Suotebtriann may frequents is hat shop he likes, and htiy, his articles at :the cheapest Mtiiket;— Wikreini tins poor Englishmen is forced to deal with a monopolist who admits no rival. But the mas ters, we are told, have recourse to the truck-system from the " pressured distress," because they could not elfo,d to pay their men in money. Is nut this, then, an ucknowledgment that they impose upon their men, and pay tlietn - but 'nominal . wages, In stead of those for which they contracted ? If that In so, the oleo ought to retaliate by saying, if you pay us 16d. worth ofgoods, instead of 2s. in hard inoney, we ,will work but S hours instead of 12, ‘ o;cli you take curt to exact from us. Mr. flume will you Whet a neve penal statute on the • roanufisetufers, beside the 14 which already exist ?' ev e r e ply, if the masters invent a loth fraud, the Legislature mit , t tocerthem with a lath remedy. sVe agree toil .'sir. Littleton that his Bill will do • good—especially that clause which prevents a mas ter from recovering for any thing advanced on the credit , ef* the workinats' s wages.-- Thum We refer with pleasure to the speech of the Duke of Hamilton list night in the House of Lords, on the subject of Reform, and with still greater satis faetion to the proceedings of the freeholders of the county of Middlesex, held yesterday, of which an ample report will be found elsewhere. It was time, indeed, thia the county should redeem itself from the stain cat upon it by being so backwatd in the elms,. ofgeneral Reform, after aluiost every city and town in the kingdom had met to pass resolutions, and to petition on the subject, and more especially after the election of one of the most staunch, if, indeed, not the staunchest, advocate for Reform, as one of its representatives in Parliament. It has now, how ever, wiped out the disgrace nobly. The resolutions passed at it were strong, energetic, appropriate to the times in which we live, and likely, we would rain hope, not only to strengthen the hands of the present Government, but to spread a just confidence throughout the country, that its grievances are now in a fair way of being redressed, and that no Go vernment can possibly maintain itself which does not study the true and permanent interests of the country—place the poor laws a foundation . . upon more consistent with the interests of the labourer, and the comfort of the really poor—abolish all mo nopolies which fetter the trade and industry of the country, com Mute, and finally settle, the payment of tithes in such a manner as to render therwin noxiohs to the employment of capital and labour— reduce the excessive amount of taxation for useless establishments and unmerited pensions —and, finally, introduce such a Reform into the representation of the people as shall effectually secure the country against a return of the abuses which now prevail, and are universally complained of. These evils must be remedied, and the return of them prevented,else w hat will be the consequences? Let the Govern ment look to it. It is not new a question whether the people or the aristocracy shall have the ma nagement of the affairs of the country, as must be apparent to every one, but a question which in volves the " destruction of all the bonds of civi lized society." This point was broadly stated yes 7. terday at the Middlesex meeting; and the proceed ings of the Aberdeen and Gosport meetings, on similar subjects, prove, along with those of mail others, that such is now the feeling universally pre valent throughout the country. But what shall we say of the Birmingham meeting, of which an ac count, too brief for its importance, will be found elsewhere ? It was, indeed, a thorough-paced radi cal meeting, in so far as Reform is concerned ; but nevertheless a meeting of the highest importance, and in all the points mooted, nut only consistent with the opinions which we have alwt►ys professed, but with the original principles on which the Bir mingham Union was originally established. We have given a brief report of the speeches elsewhere. Those of Mr. Attwood and Mr. Parkes will be found well worthy of perusal; and the following is the energetic, but very sensible and moderately worded petition agreed toy:--- PETITION OF EIGHTS. TO THE HONOURABLE THE COMMONS OF THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND, IN PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED, THE PETITION OF RIGHTS OF THE INHABITANTS OF THE TOWN OF BIRMINGHAM, IN TOWN'S MEETING ASSEMBLED, ' Humbly Showeth, Ist. That, during the last 121) years, a number of Acts of Par 'lament have been passed, which are in direct violation of the great Constitutional Laws of the. Land, and which have had the effi.et of unjustly depriving the industrious classes of that whole some influence In your Honourable House, which Is their un. doubted Constitutional right, and which it is necessary to the pro tection of their rights and interests that they should possess. '2d. That, owing to the want of this Just, legal, and necessary influence, the rights and interests of the industrious classes have not been properly understood, nor efficiently protected in your Honourable House; and that, consequently, the most serious dif ficulties and distresses have been experienced for many years by the industrious classes, and still continue to oppress all the great productive interests of the country. 3d, That out of this neglect, or mismanagement, a very gene ral spirit of discontent has arisen, which pervades the whole of the industrious classes of the community, and which is of a cha racter to be no longer slighted with impunity. 4th. That under these urgent circumstances, your letitioners feel it a duty which they owe to their Ki ng and to their country, to claim from the justice of your Honourable House the nail and entire restoration of all those great Constitutional nights, which the people of this country formerly indisputably possessed, and without which your petitioners firmly believe that the prosperity of the country cannot be restored and preserved, and that Its an cient and venerable, Illititlitiolll cannot he saved from approach. ing anarchy. sth. 7'hat among the great Constitutional Rights which the Censtitution acknowledges to be the " Birthright " of the Dig ital) pet,ple, and which, agreeably to the Constitutional practice of their hirefathers; _your petitioners feel it their duty r es p ec t. hilly to claim and demand, are the following most important rights alike necessary , to the liberty and happiness of the people; and to the honour and safety of the Crown ise.The right o 1 baring all Placentas) dismissed from the !loose of Counnens, agreeable to the great CoNarrrutuoiat. Arr ar lipertestENT, Which places the present illustrious family on the Throne. 2tl.—The right of >having " Triennial or more frequent Par. nomads," n.. recognised and secured by the great ('onstitu. thine,. Act, the pith of !William and Mary, cap. tt. right of sitting and voting in the Commons' House of Peril:intent, tvlien tau:fully chosen, without the qualification of property, which wise tiXed unconstitutionally by the Act of 9th of queen Mine. 4th.— rhe right of having all the Knights, Citizens, and Ilur. gesiesot the House of Commons , paidthoreasonable " Wages of attendance" by d We upon their constituents, In order to en able the comp en people to have the benefit of the services of prrsolus living tinder the same circumstances, and having the same knovileilge, and the same wants and interests as them. selves. sth.—The right of having thp large towns and popular districts of the country represented in the House of Commons, in the place of those decayed boroughs which return Members to Par. Lament, although now containing but few inhabitants. ath..ma'llo right of every titan to have a vote in the election of Members of the Haute of Commons, who Is in any way called upon to tiontritite • to either national or local taxation, direct or indirect ; by which your petitioners understand that, either all the taxes ought ,to be taken oft' from those articles necessary for the subsistence and comfort of working men, or that all working moo, who are compelled to pay such (eves, should have a vote in the election of Members of your Honour able Itorise. 70.--The right to have elections for Members of the House of Commons, free and unbiassed, and with this view to have such arrangements made in the conducting of elections, as may effectually prevent all force, fear or intimidation, and all bribery, or undue Influence of any kind, from acting upon the minds of the electors. These are the principal rights of which the people have been unjustly and unconstitutionally deprived, and the restoration of 1 1 winch, your petitioners respectfully claim from the justice of your Honourable House. _ _ lOurTetitiosiers beg leave further respectfully to represent that in order to give full effect to these great Constitutimial rights, and to prevent the bribery, corrupt influence, profligacy, tumult, sad expense with which elections for Members of your Honourable House are now generally attended, it is desirable in the opinion of your petitioners, that all the electors should give their votes by ballot, and that such regulations should b o adopted as may be necessary for completing the elections in one day, without inconvenience to the electors, or expense to the candi dates. Your petitioners do, therefore, humbly pray that your Ho. nourable House will be pleased to take these representations into consideration, and to adopt the ;meow! measures for restoring to the people the undeniable Constitutional rights above reform! to, Under such regulations and provisions same) , Insure their full and fees exercise on the part of the people, without endanger. ing the fettled iotifulkne of The country." ,And your petitioners, as in duty hound, will ever pray, &c. kg. ( Morning.eldikertiser.) The meeting of the county of Middlesex, yester day ot Ilackney, was numerously and respectably attended. At this meeting there were difference' of opinion as to the causes of the distress in which the country is now involved, The extent to which the frenchise should be communicated also led to, di versity of opinion. But Attire was one point re specting which there was the tonne unanimity ut Middlesex that there is every where else through out the Island—namely, that no Reform can be of any avail without the protection of the ballot. We say i unanimity, because, thoogh Mr. Byng was op posed to the ballot, the strong manifestation of feel ing to which - the expression of his opinion led, must have convinced him that there was no erne pathy between him and the Meeting on this point. Indeed, after the motion requesting Mr. Warbur ton to support the petition instead of Mr. liyng, which was carried nnunimously, all doubt on the subject must be removed in the mind of the lion. Gentleman. When mentioning the ballot, we must refer to some putts of the speech of Mr. Joseph Parkes, in our account of the meeting at Bir mingham on Monday last, to be found in an other column. Mr. there gives a curious instance of a strong Minority in the House of Lords in favour of ballot, as the only mode of seeming in. dependent elections in the case of the Peers of Scot land. The protest of some of the dissentient Lords is ,a curious document. There may be various opi nioos es to qualifieations of voters for representatives. We onrselves are inclined to think Butt in the pre. sent state of the country, degraded and ignorant as a great part of the population yet unquestuntubly it would he eater, in the first instance at least, to take such a property quiddieutirm, its, while it se , cured independent voting, would also secure an in tellig,tit exercise of the franchise. But whoever obtains the franchise should obtain it in reality. But such is the distribution of property in England, they tlii independent exercise Of the franchise, even un der the best qualification, would often lead to the punishment of the voter in his purse, without the protection of the ballot. The rich would have, un-, der the ballot, that influence which they ought to have, and no more. It would force then) to rely on the more'noble titles to respect; and We need not say, that with equal qualifications in other respects, the rich in this country would seldom fail in obtain ing a preference. The worship of wealth in Eug land requires to be moderated rather than encou raged. At a time when the tide seems to have set in strongly against the Chitral of England, we may cell attention to the declaration made by Mr. Hume, that he never would be a party to the, despoiling the English, clergy of theirbenefices ; and that any arrangement for introducing a change in the moth. of rewarding the clergy ought to be the result of much consideration, and not an act of arbitrary vio lence. The rights of individuals ought always to be respected.—Morning Chronicle. In the fierce conflict which now rages thentighout this country, between the opponents and the advo cates of colonial slavery, extreme opinions are ad vanced on either side, which will not bear the touch of dispassionate reason. One party contends that it is just and necessary that slavery should be imme diately abolished; the other, that there exists no sound reason, either in morals or justice, or national policy, or even in a humane consideration for the slaves themselves, to make the abolition just or ne cessary, eitherat the present time or at any future period. The former ground their opinions mainly on the moral guilt of slavery in the abstract, and the abhorrence with which the debasement it pro duces is viewed by the spitit of Christian civiliza tion. The latter rely upon the long-established practice as constituting a sufficient sanction; the necessity for slave-lab Our, arising out of the local circumstances of the %Vest India colonies, and the supposed aversion of free negroes to regular labour. They also.lay much stress upon the alleged comforts and plenty which the slaves enjoy, and which, they say, not only reconciles them to their situation, but makes them particularly happy in that de graded condition. We sbhor the principle of that slavery which gives one man a property in the per son of another, which not only enabled him to com mand the set vice of his bones and sinews, in the most laborious or the most debasing drudgery, but enables him to chain down his mind in the same hopelesi captivity. We go us far as any of the ad vocates for an immediate abolition of slavery can, in the detestation of such a system—we wish to see it extinguished and driven tioin among mankind, not only in mercy to the slave, but in compulsion to his owner; for it is the curse and condition of slavery that, while it degrades the slave by übject suffering, it demoralises the master by a licentious exercise of power; but, with all our abhorrence of the principle of slavery, and our knowledge of the deplorable effects which it has worked upun human nature, in all ages of the world, we do net advocate the 'immediate abolition of the system hi the West because it is not just, humane, or practicable. It is not just, because to subvert suddenly the state of society in the colonies, which our laws had sane tinned for centuries, would be to inflict great in jury upon individuals who did tiot create the system, and who are not responsible for the vices of the laws under which their property has been acquired or inherited. It is not humane, because the slaves, being only accustomed to a state of bond age, could have no means of providing for their own subsistence, if at once, and without any preparation, they passed from a state of absolute dependence into one of perfect freedom ;—and it is impracti cable because it would not be fair to deprive the plantets of property which they acquired under ex isting laws, without making them some compen sation—and the financial ciicumstances,of the coun try are not in such a state at the prevent moment us to allow of such an addition to its pecuniary burdens as would be created by raising the money to com pensate the owners for the loss of their enfranchised slaves. Having said thus much against the imme diate abolition of the exist ng system, we can gO no farther in its defence. We winos even compre hend the reasoning of those who would make slavery perpetual, on the ground that the slave in the West Indies is better fed and lodged, and is more sleek and merry than the agricultural labourer of England. Let us suppose the argument to be founded in fact, it could only have weight, if the condition and the qualities of man-of that being who has been made in the express image of his Creator—were to be estimated in the same way as those of the cattle of the field I What 1 is it to be said, and said in Englund too, where more .dung.ers have been courted, and more sufferings undergone, for the sake of freedom, than in any other country of the world, that the galled and fettered slave, who is fed, and worked, and sold like the ax or horse of his master, is in a better condition than he who, with scanty food and a precarious living, has the rights and conscious pride of a teem!) ? It is of the mom" and spirit of slavery that it must p.oduce abjectness of character and moral degradation—let it be ever so well regu lated, it must reduce mate its all that regards his social and intellectual being, to the condition' of the " beast that periaheth ;" but freedom never made men depraved or mieerable—although its blessings may, we admit, be neutralized by misgovernment. If the poor man in England has scanty food told hard work, and a hovel that scarcely shelters him from the inclemency of the seasons, he has rights which the hatid of power cannot take from, him. If accident, or genius, or superior energy open to him, or his children s the means of ad vanci wg their fortunes in life, they can take advantage .of such opportu nities, and the son of the peasant may rise from the plough to lead the armies, enlighten the Senate, or guide the COuncils of England. But the slave, whatever talents or endowments, or moral qualities he possesses, is Chained with his children, to hope less degradation. The doors of perpetual bondage are closed upon him—some rays of animal comfort may pierce the darkness of his situation—he may even catch a glimpse of moral instruction, but nothing can raise him, until his chains are broken, in the scale of civil and intellectual existence I We, therefore, set our faCes against ,slavery as a perma nent regulation, though we are of opinion that, to be beneficial and safes it must be gradual.—Aforsting herald, THE Tuur.—The novel under this title, so Ling announced, will certainly appear in the course of the preseto month, Report ascribes it to the pen of a certain well knewn sporting Baronet. All ingenious young seaman from Newton. upott•Ayr, has brought to town a most beautiful model of a ship-of-war, with which lie is on his way to London, to offer to the inspection of the Admiralty Boa r d, Th e a p -9 of which this pearance of the hull is peculiar, being hollow4rk4 lemait.troiemsend: gi ba i v n i ina a tu a re r r a e u pTe l s e e t n e t rxr o l f to p ur ei t tn ie i r n s ,t of u g u u : less than 196. The ntedd is constructed on a scale of an i nch to seem feet, and by the common mode of admen suretnent, she is of a tonnage approaching 6,000. The length of the keel is 55 4-7th inch e s, or equal to 249 fret, the lower gun-deck is equal to 263 anti the upper deck to 276 feet. The extreme breadth, on tho outside of the bends below the lower deck, is 10 lecher, br equal to 70 feet, and at the gunwale or lower part of the upper deck ports 8 indult or 36 feet, The draught of water eft is 6 3 -7th inches, or equal to 38 feet ; forward 4 3 7th indult, or equal to 31 feet ; height above water aft is 6 1-7th inches, or equal to 43 . f e et; forward 6 3.7 th indite, or equal. to 38 feet.. And the depth of the hold from the upper deck, e xc l us i ve o f the th i risl p :ed with g lsS in u e ae-ll l rl s ;g o a s and retmrlieualt 60 feet. li er stern is twaio, no besides the gun-ports on the lower and P"P'lecks, t h ere are 6 4 windows in the ,Bern atol g ve; position . alrliries,ande guns are so In tile rigging placed as to defend her in every there are no lets than 300 blocks and upwards of 200 (I,a 1 eyes ; and there aie anchors, sables, and boats, all placed in due form, with, in short, every apparatus, ,even to the very poop lanterns, belonging property to a ship of the class represented.--- Greenock Advertiser. BIRMINGHAM MEETING, TO SUPPORT mAJEgria mtNISTERp. We have-been furnished'with an account, extend ing to eight columns and upWards, of a mimetougitid most respectable , meeting of the inbabireante of the tom and , neighbourhood of Birmingham, held at : Birmingham on Monday last, at which from ten to twelve thoustind persons were present. The chab was taken by Mr. 'IIi.TTWOOD. The length of our Parliamentary Reports of Monday and Tuesday having thrown a variety of arrest-son this day, we are unable to avail ourseli/e to the extent we could wish of the account of thl distinguished meeting. Two speeches have, how ever, particular claims on us—those of Mr. Att wciod and of Mr. Joseph Parkes. The latter, the able historian of the Court of Chancery, has, in his speech on moving the Resolution in favour of Ballut, which was carried unanimously, brought together a mass of historical information, bearing upon the question, of a very valuable character, which will be new to most of our readers. Mr. krirwoon, after some preliminary remarks, in which he alluded to the Town Meeting in Sep tember last, to address his Majesty on his elevation to the Throne, in which address they represented to his Majesty the necessity of Reform in the Represen tation, observed—Little did he think that in so short a period as three months after the presentation of this address, their wishes should have been accom plished to a certain extent, and that, to use the words of the address, his Majesty should have beets " graciotply pleased to express his Royal pleasure that the necessary measures should be adopted for effecting a Reform in the Representation of the People its the Commons' House of Parliament." _ _ Mr. A. then alluded to the Address from the Council of. the Birmingham Union to the'peoplo of Ireland, on the subject of the Report otthe Union, which lately appeared in the Chronicle, calling upon them for a while to forget their local{ , grievances, and the unmeasured wrongs which had cried up to Heaven for three hundred years, and to unite with the people of England in demanding the redress Of the common grievancesof all. Undoubtedly he (Mr. A.) was of opinion, that there were men in England who weuld wish to grind down the English people to the state of those of Ireland. The degradation of the in dustry of the country was in fact theriggrundisement of the property of the country. It was the interest of the men of property to beat down the industry , that extent that they might, at last, in the laneuage of Holy Writ, be enabled "to buy the poor for a pair of shoes." It was in vain for the poor to escape from this kind of fate by any other means than by uniting with their masters and employers, *hoe interests were, in fact, their own. Their interests were to obtain a good trade, and if the master flourished, the men were sure to flourish with him. With a reformed Parliament, be had no doubt that the wrongs of Ireland would be re dressed in common with those of England. Mr. A. then suid, if properly supported by the people, he (Mr. A.) was confident that Lord Grey would do his duty by the people. Lord Grey did not wish that the people should be fobbed off with a mere delusive appearance of Reform. He (Lord .Grey) deprecated as much as themselves the rascally hy pocritical insinuations of false friends to Reform, who said to 111-.-" For God's sake don't embarrass his Majesty's Ministers.—( Laugteer.) We are very glad to support the cause of Reform, but we think it highly improper to embarrass his Majesty's Ministers with petit ions."—(Laughter and cheers.) Why, gentlemen (said Mr. A.), what will be the conduct of those 'hypocrites to-morrow, if they can thus stifle the petitions of the people ? To-morrow they will turn round and sey—" What occasion is there for Reform, do you not see .the people are silent throughout the whole country ?" There was no end to the tricks and sophistry of these kind of men. Lord Grey, however, understood them as Well as the country, and therefore .he called .upon the public voice, for his support. But it was riot for Lord Grey to run his head against a well—he could do nothing without the support of the people: and it Was a proof of inflexible honesty in him, that be called for the voice of the people fit his support. Mr. Seholefield, Mr. Edmunds, Mr. Benjamin Hadley, Mr.,T., C. Solt, •Mr. C. F. Mentz, Mr. Charles Jones, Mr. Pearce, the Rev. Mr. M'Don nel, Mr. Weston, and Mr. Parr, in moving mid seconding resolutions, spoke with much ability. r. JOSEPH PARKES, after somcohcersations on. the vele (' or Representetive Government, gave a succinct history of English Parliaments. "On the ancient franchise," he seid, " we have no certain in formation, though unquestionably the property and numbers of the country were widely represented." --Mr. Parkes having disposed of the franchise, ob served, " We want Parliaments which, by the most wise and practical means, shall ensure responsibility to censtittients, destroy temptation, and in duration he adapted to modern wants. We want a franchise remodelled, reformed altogether; on a wide and broad principle, and, as far as freedom of exercise is concerned, as wile a franchise as can be freely and honestly used with advantage to the electors and their country." Coming to the all-engrossing question of the Ballot, Mr. Parkes observed':--Could we claim Ballot as an ancient right ?—(Cries of" No.") We do not claim it as such. It ought not to be so claimed. It is u mode of election distihet from the general question of Reform. Ballot is beginning to bes freely and fairly ,discussed. It is more fairly treated by the Press and the House of Commons. It should not be brought forward factiously on nisters. Prejudices exist against it. Let us not re• jest any Reform without it. Ballot must soon fol law, because it will be soon palpable that an arlictive franchise will be given, that cannot be honestly ex• ereised•without it. Ballot is now . proposed to you for your approval, to mark the sense of this great assemblage on its Merits or demerits. The resolu tion about to be proposed is put forward : in this spirit. Do we rest it on theory ? No. We are not the theorists; the opponents of Ballot are the theorists and visionaries, who conjure up non existent evils and objections not reaL We appeal to experience—to facts. We point to France, — . (Loud &airing.) There is,the Duke of Wellington's " bed example."—(Loud cheers.) Most assuredly France emancipated herself by the aid of this simple, this powerful instrument, this " silent assertor of liberty;" thus did France, in the cohsequences of her revolution, liberate Belgium ; and by this in strument Will freedom move all over the world ; to thii instrument of peace do we owe our new Admi- nistration—our proud and glorious present positio n as Reformers.---(Continued cheering.) But why did the Ex-Government of France try to evade the ballot, and to gain the advantage of open votes, or knowledge of the votes ? Because ballot, though it agreed with the governed,. did not suit the gover ,,,r,.....(Cheers.) This " bad example" was enough, but other, and, if possible, more strong examples may be cited. Alluding to the statement respecting America and Mexico, lately made by Sir Robert Wilson and Lord Acheson, Mr. Parkes observed; may not both those Hon. Members have mistaken observations against the particular system of ballot in particular States for opinions against the prin ciple? It is scarcely possible to credit that such assertions were uttered. If uttered they are un founded. It happened that, some few months ago, be soot out to the States for all official documents and facts connected with the law and exereisesof b a ll ot . Ile possessed the written opinions of some of the first authorities of that land of freedom, that great storehouse of political experiment. Ile would not tire the meeting with all the details, be would hereafter make them public; but some facts he Would state, sufficient fur Sir Robert Wilson. The declaration of American independence, in 1770, found the different provinces' in possession of various colonial legislatures. le al the States viva voce, or open voting, was the old practice. The wisdom of the first legislators of America left etch State to deal with its own local. legislatures and customs. 1772, tried the b a ll o t as an exper i ment, declaring N o ' v Yo r k, in its first - constitution, pa sse d A pr il 20, " That if, after a full and' fair experiment shall be made by voting by ballot aforesaid, the same shall be found lest, conducive to.,the , safety or interest of the State, than the method of voting:viva voce, it shah be lawful and constitutional for the Legislature to abolish the same; provided two-thirds of the Mem bers present in each House respectively shall concur therein. And further, that during the continuance of the pres e nt war , an d unt il t h e Legislature of this State shall provide for the election of Senatorp, and Representatives in Assembly, by ballot, the said election shall be made viva voce." • In thole decennial or periodical revi.ions of the New York Constitution, so wisely, a provided for, the Law of El e cti on was re ferred to Committee. They unanimously repotted to make ballot permanent, which had been only pro visional and experimental; the Convention, in dis cussing the report, unanimonsly ..apprOved ballot as of indispensable and admitted superiority; the New York Convention of 11304eacted, Act 2, Sec. 4, that "All elections of the citizens shall be by ballot, except . for such' town ofilcers as may by law be di rected to be otherwise chosen."—(Loud cheers.) To this . triumphant refutation may. be added the fact, that all the States forming the Union, with one or two exceptions, have adopted election by ballot in all their civic institutions; and that in Connecticut, Kentucky, and Loeisiane, especially, the ballot his been comparatively more recently substituted for open voting.—(Cheers.) The highest legal autho rity of the United States, Mr. Kent, late Chancellor of the New York Equity Court, thus attests the ge neral adoption and efficacy of the ballot, in the third and recently published volume of his Commentaries on American Law :--" The United States, in their improvements upon the exercise of the right of re• presentation, may certainly claim pre-eminence over all other Governments, ancient and modern. Our elections are held at stated seasons, established by law, The people vote by ballot in small districts, and public officers preside over the elections, receive they nes, and main tain.order and fairness. Though the competition bet wean eand;clates is generally active, and 'the zeal ofrival parties sufficiently excited, t he elections are everywhere conducted with tranquillity." Without further authority,here is a Pensylvania newspaper, the National Gazette of October 22d last. It records the taking in one day batween the hours of ten and ten, of '20,000 votes in the different districts of the county of Pensylvania; arid, what is more, for the lovers of election brawls, the same paper records, that in Kmaington East district, zeal was so intense and boisterous among the electors that a row took place, and the Sheriff and posse comilatus were called in. —(Loud cheers, and laughing.) But heaps of proof may and shall be added; and there is no ex ception in America to the principle of ballot, except When, in certain cases, the elector or elected vote in respect of a trust, when a Constitution enacts, that, to secure responsibility, the vote should be open. In America there are unquestionably evils in ballot, in the mode, in the well known caucus and printed. lists, and evils will arise in the most perfect ballot; the Legislature has, and is attending to these de fects, but it would ill consent to exchange ballot, and all its admitted evils, for the old and ten-fold evils of open voting,—(Cheers.) As lawyers say, authorities and precedents are worth a sack of ar guments. A most singular and hitherto uncited fact is recorded in the Journals of the English House of Lords.' Ballot was actually' proposed and solemnly debatethin the Upper House as the mode of elect ii?g the sixteen Scotch Peers by their compeers, and preferable to open voting. On the division, in March, 1733, sixty-three Peers voted in favour of Ballot, ninety-six against it. The proposition was only lost, therefore, by thirty-three majority. And such was the decided and intense feeling of the mi nority-en the importance of the motion,' that the twenty-seven Peers ,pluced on the printed Journals a' protest as follows " Die Mercurii 6 0 Afartie, 1735. " The Order of the Day being read fur the House to take into consideration matters relating to the Election o f the Peers of that part of , Great Britain called Scotland. " After Debate, ordered, That on Monday next this; liouse shall be put Soto a Committee of the whole House, to takaintoionsideration mutters relating to the Election of the Peers of that part of Great Britain called Scot land. •` Then it was moved to resolve, for the better securing the freedom of the electkon of a Peer or Peers to sit in the Parliament of Great Britain on the part of t cotland , that the election shall be by evil of ballot. And a question being plated thereupon, after further debate, the question WU put upon the said motion, and negatived. - ‘6 Contents 40, Proxies 16-67 ; Not Contents 'l5, " 1. Because this Motion tending only to make a saris. tion in the manner of electing the Peers fur Scotland, we apprehend it is entirely agreeable to the intention of the 221 article of the Union ;• for whatever can contribute to Make the election more free end independent, the more it answers the design of that article ; and we must observe, that this House has been so far from thinking the manner of election unalterable, that a Bill passed ibis House, by which the election itself was entirely abolished. " 2. Because in an election► of this nature, the method of voting by ballot appears to us infinitely preferable on, many accounts ; for as it it well known there are several alliances amongst that body of Nobility, many of the Peers may be put under great difficulties, their alliances drawing them one way, and their opinion Lied inclinatiun another way ; it is also possible that by pensions from the Crown, (wiry civil or military preferments, some of them may lie under obligations to a Court, and be reduced to the hard net essity (under the power of an arbitrary Minister) either of ,losing their employments or of voting against their nearest relations and their 'owe opinions also ; we appre hend that no election can be called perfectly free, where any number of the electors are under any influence who soever by which they may be biassed in the freedom of their choice. " S. Because we apprehend that this House is, in a most essential manner concerned in the freedom of this election; for' if sixteen new Member& ere to be brought inevery new Pailiament, under any undue influence, it may tend to subvert the independence of this House, and of conse quence the constitution of the whole kingdom. By means of such an election an ambitious Minister may make use of the power of the Crown, et one time to destroy the in terest of the Crown ; at another, to oppress the liberty of his fellow-subjects; and, by different turns, protect him self from the Just resentment of both. "4. As this House is the highest Court of Judicature, and the last resort in all matters relating to the properties of the subjects of Great Br:isin and Ireland, we conceive, that every person who is master of any property is con cerned in the consequence of this motion; for if sixteen of throe Members in whose hands this great trust is vested shauld.ever be thought to be in the notnittation-of a Mi nister, the subjects of these kingdoms may have great rea son to dread the consequence of such unwarrantable info. me, by which their liberties, lives, and properties might be rendered precarious. (Signed) " Marlborough, Bedford, Carteret, Wey miiuth, Cobham, Chesterfield, Clinton, Montjoy, Tweedale, Northampton, Montrone ► Boyle, Strafford, Ciudigan, ton, liaversham, Marchtnont, Ay!refold, , 'Warrington Stair, Denbigh, Gower, Coventry, Bruee, Ker, Win. and Nottingham), Berkshire, Orford and Morti mer, Bathurst, Bristol, Foley, Tarleaster, Litchfield, Wil loughby de Brooke." Our Warwickshire out Woicestnshire Peers voted for it ; tl'e ancestors of some of the non. bitterest opponents in the Howie of Lords voted for it ; and, to make ballot more noble and orthodox, the Bishop of Lichfield, our diocesan, voted for it.— (Loud cheering.)—Now, what is the present poll. tical character, or the last mode of election of the sixteen Scotch Peers, we must not say, or we ma be sent for t o a pp ear b e f ore them.—(Loud cheers.) Another example, still, of the practice of ballot, will clear' us from the charge of theorists. It is the ballot formerly-in practice in an English borough, in Lyraington in Hampshire. In the State Tracts of King 'William, vol. 1, it is recorded—. " It is customary in the borough of Lymiogton, in tlampship, to elect by ballot. The manner is to give every electing burgess (their number being limited and known) a different coloured ball for every competitor, each colour being respectively appropriated to the several com petitors : as, suppose there should be three candidates, each elector his three several balls given him, which he so manages as to keep only that in his band, which by its colour belongs to the person be intends to choose; this being inclosed in his hand, he puts it into a close hex made for that purpose, leaving no possibility for any one to de tect what coloured ball be put . into it. Thus, each hav ing put in his ball according to his vete, the balls of one culeursre separated from those of another colour, and so,' according to the majority of balls of one colour tl,e rebut is msde. This method tlentew, r to be of,grait advasUes wharf it is made :use ef;.i.t prevents animosities sad an trust, and very much mists that freedom w hi c h ought to be in elections. No nun in this way need for the die• obliging his landlord, customer, or benefactor ; fur it Ca by no means be discovered how he gave his vote, if to will but keep his own counsel. , If , this or some such de vice were appointed to be made, use of in every borough over all the kingdom, I am. persuaded .it would shoe. dandy answer expectation, is the many advan ta g es would wnuld attend it." The elective franchise then vested in the burgesses, Now a elose , iosand-in elected body of eighteen Or' porators elect two Members, called your Reproofs' rives. At the last disputed, return, an old man dt• :i e n g p t u ton n forward is no w posed that it bad never gone well wfth the lowa. since the inhabitants lust their right of vo d og, Ly Burrard Neale.—(Lond cries of shame, and cheetc) ...... the ba pocket -hoi . ough of S ir I larif llor, the safe protection of the rich then, end-thiel.' a poocriainiintfher melee of rights us electors.. Indeed, ballot will eventually ensure to the Aristocracy as much beer6t as to us. It will ensure to them their real, theiir only,. lasting power—the full weight of their legit. mate and real influence of nobility and wealth,frO from the mal-influence of the present unjust pot' session of the popular rights--4surpationa the r l O not to retain, which they cannot and will not )(PP long.—(Cheers.)--Ballot thus is.futuidetl an theolY and practice; and be it. Observed, that heaped MI of Parliament against bribery and intitaidation ,he in vain been tried. Mr. Fox, Member of the Wist. minster Sub-Committee for Inquiring into the state of the Representation, and occasionally its Chat!. man, in 1780, was a party to the Report Apt; 1780, which stated, as an agreed resolution , ," the poll of each district be taken by hallot, unT . the conduct of- the churchwardenS o f the poit!a. the • district where the election is:wade." /Wu(' may be now safely left to your tletetiniamtiQu' THE MARKETS. K ET . 14. Walls 4nct Neipmsrch. Ditto F10t.pur........7*,:910 . 9 Ditto Monkiestan...,..... 34 Ditto sifithumberiand Ditto rcamth.,---_, Ditto PerkinsandCo... I)itto 11111.1.111......,... V Walls 1".1%d llussell'i..... 0 Ditto Walker all, WI tfettoo 41 Walla Lanbtoii...... 41 ti Walla pd 511 0 'Walla Dn a Slowart's 41 0 W. E, BOSON lietton 41 0 Ditto Norwood's Ditto 58 0 W. F. Elevelsod.,..-- Manes and Co. Florton Old Etherley ' . J . I Silkstoor '! Walls End Dander.° u! Ditto 11aver1and,.......« tO. 0 G os forth I° 0 Uld Etherley sold, 57%.......Un5ti1it, COAL MAR Adairs .351 al. Bentham Main .......... 31. 1 . 0 Bishop's Main.............. tr. 2 6 Dean's Primrose...* 33 6 Heblturn Main 35 9 Holywell— 34 6 Kenton Wed..; --. 34 9 Peiaw 33 6 Perry Benstram 35 6 Pontop Windsor—..—.— 30 6 Pownfey ,:4 3 West Hartley 34 Willington ati Wylouti at 3 Walls End Bell and Co. 37 0 Ditto Bell Robson& Co. 37 0 Ditto Bewieke and t "a.— 38 3 'Ditto Blake, 34 0 Want End Brown's 35 t Ditto Brown's un5c...... 35 6 Ditto Callerton 32 0 Walls End Carr and Co. 34 6 Ditto Clarke and Co. 35 0 Walls End Gosforth.—. 38 3 Ditto 3tl , il4ips at market, 84N-444—ahl COUNTRY CO' MARK. L f • 44 4,1 ••• 4 0 411. 6 43 4 ,) 41) a. 46 4 1 0 Whe*. Barley. Per Quarter. Britiport Cirencester ---- Paringdon---- OniWford Hereford Highworth --- Maidenhead Oakinghani Reacting I. 5 5 69 R I 76 64 72 1 56 74 56 72 54 66 46 74 54 f 4l 84 O 62 HO 65 si 56 76 48 64 58 7tl 54 48 64 78 65 74 48 78 48 74 5645 7.1 72 64 es s. to I. Si gB3B 28 3 , 2 40 38 3 30 42 3/ 40 32 30 33 ' 44 48 q 42 28 38 $0 38 31 37 30 '39 37 40 34 38 40 4 g 32 38 28 43 30 43 28 34 94 38 T s nintiNu---' that. 1 . to $!, 41 X H ° 41 M I 95 s ' ) 26 55 20 30 3 4 40 23 34 IS 5.2 23 ' 27 25 Si Salisbury.-- Southampton ...... Stroud 03 . _ •••••••••••••••••• 22 31 . 1 ' :-, 30 36 *" ' 4 '; 24 34 • 4 1 Vl7antage......----. t 1 01 3 8 46 Warminster....... Windsor ././../.../... 21 '22 .. 40 Worcester .11.0.0"1.1. , 134_2 8 HULL MARS ET.-I)ec, 4. , There Is a better supply of Wheat --ay from the ft.rier" 24 30 42 40 and the market has ruled dull even fur the he conditional:l;l'i reU, while the seconder cluAlitie"n'Y be fl uted re o!' 1 . 4 than bud week ;no alteration e prices of tUreign ,3- ~ ' which the stock Is Bet hinconsidera. 'l'here 'if more 'demand . Oats, and, in the sales ;nee, trifle *novo !sit week's Is pal s Not touch Barley haring, and the best malting pr; cc support, bite prices. No ellteatioll itl .oeber diescripbor..: Th"c is a h. 47 import of Linsaod• IhnifiltedisltVettY„lilfs.: trauary ; the . emand for it Is ve . ry . 1 . i naPreeed contmues dull, anti rery little passing n It. Oats,Poland ... ,„ ... .., ..... (2,05. i1i5.......01d ......... ...-11....•5!2:3"' .._,........Wi1ea5in F:olicrileo.rii.niteed,...... ............ -"It. 456. 11 .20i '5.. !It'll:: .................................................. 4--.....t....-11. ..Cita: Foreign .... ........ —s. :Ili. 245. . ...... .................L."4:: Claris Norf. & Sul ... --s. Sils. 4'.U. tine. .. Wald ...4. 0. 1 4 ,:.:; Y. Foreign ..... . .......... '. ........ ..... • ~.r •"' L ei ; flitane.=.. . ... .......... .3i; ......... ....... F0reign........ --i• St! ~,, .•, !Ilse, white .............. —... 50s. 5...4. Otey .... ........ --..•L'T qui, ',.._.are4 . ...... ............... ....4 3,1*. 3tis. Foreign.... ..... —4 erriv, ".. Pes Iteu, in Isond ...... none. ......... Free, ;wriest ..•1. reasPee.r...E..u..shC:ell:...l:Ess.6dol.ltAo sB5l. do.MeAogruK.:ll:.eir..l.li:l..ll. .... 41 6 ' t° d i Wheat ~ 8 3 0 Deer. .................. .... 5 0.1.0 ........ BarleY ................ 4 0 5 6 Mutton ~.. ..... .0...." 5 6 0at5...... ~.. ...... ... 2 4 0 Veal .................... 0 0 Deans ................ 4 0 5 6 Lamb ....... .... ""." 13 liar .............. . St. 10.. to :3/. Os. J • 'u». tuo. !...._!"!1 We some time ago to o k - sion to make OCLA. . ( the w" few o b.orvoCoos upon the monstious injustice o, • tot levied upon roast-borne coals. We am gild to „K a to * this subject has been brought bef)re the lia" P 1.., i lat alitiactircofarsotiinint,l;iisitio'temn4enntti oplayLoattlduiVtyttoefaoioll:4rciripirosio chaldten, end that the increasol prim of such ei s r, et thetime they are delivered at the pit ht the ti!" . i t ie Tliiir . Sold l in the cspitd, is Oti i is : o.taou ve xat i o us u b continuationbtt h l li ess a.tcr l yi y itsty: o :.: w tsii. i n.tco tt iuo g ittn . riniop t wfri g oe . ,rat re is a i t if, tli. g reat ihopoinlulAflob'esiibtat:liillo'ol:nisepolotboo°l?itoreOipsirtovv{ ll'utioo:iti.irlioilit:p2wh.lio'bp,r,"l:l"lll,o:4l,l446l.lol:::•l b 049, the c . • that al' Gib . i Leulta n a M PO 01 %Kt;A x , 1 Council of the o. . 0 __,,he levlieedeLtrri, however, made no servisoo I.arros, tax upon coal* by the City, nor to the 0 ; 0 0 , which the tax levied b 1 , paid to the King. Sorel the 'tisee4 0(1.06° .'" ea o h el a ji b°. elthk4liejly tond of payJnYg ;mim e cl , or .. 0 * ,Iseil that they ret 1 *b ut t o the urn men to the Common Cacao .. ion coals is not the only grievinc* th th i n g il, public f have to complain. The partiality 01 t he 00 t w. poskible, quite as vexatious as the duty itself , b a se not i t o near to the coal wino', and who, of # llur i s i ;boy . coalsowl:taly a great expense of carriage, are sllors• r , wh o those who out the PaY,lnent of An,: "wh,:deJl:4l wl,th a var y 6 are not so fortunately entusisn, as,. •.;, t o impoLdeavY one. Now, it appears to us th.it o _ o 0,04 w,... liv e u .n pon coals at all, it should he itepose.l:?t,'er. toe th"wose t the neighbourhood of the mioel, 1 , i t i ipto tot who l ive at a great distance. Thel eIIi ' ' ( el ite ° connected with this subject , which is te' r . ) ; che i r r , ~.. notice, It is this : Newcastle call era ol d- ",i, iold 4_!sur.:l7pettothan in London, and, coneequonly, .o'olo4 walithufa fee of thlt country are in a totlerf'ti„,,,t; too 1. respect to mils, than the znautdatigitti l',,„joet,l' !* of the kingdom in whist) those eoaliff.yrs'hi, east. Surely U3B present Government will not sa v 7 4 fle 6 ' of things to exist many months longer.--iii°rn- ---- Wick, North , I N he or 2 th 9th Ai o n f e A sier !3tthlelß4l;artCHly:to.nll:l3'• 1:11" ' 64(1 0n tohrethl4tßhlliwilit..,at Reading , the —I , lady , 0 7 1 1 - King, R.N. e , of a e a da ri u gei gh l t e e ' r. ef ell. A. . A - CAf t "12 1 4th irylol O ?;1 1 10 - a a it t n tt k hl at E la dj w I oas S f : t t ei l i i hi i te ' n n ir s t.. t. the lady of J. Drew , l ' ' ''' l.l;l : rider ittat"he lady of 11. C4Pree' of C bte f On t formerly i t 1 . ier v o r O m r n r . . e n i 4: Bl r y. thd Lady l e ii . o e f l . l -I ca °l ca ah to Forbes, nit hdf: ai y idigna° ... sio : nt t. o aftbet f ileCa r L Enarl A h tad aiadil tw it a lh tril : it n e‘ .. ;:l , 'r rl 'aEll e. bj r11 : 1 1 11 1 :I : 1 . e e: e 'Alg : 4 rtY . 04 ' tu r r' ou : l l l i :: te'L'i ll it r : , 11: ,d I ..' 0 1: 10 : : '1 1 : 4 : 1 : I : s ants, to _ars , widow of the Ate .. Royal N av y. „, 4 0 04 j Oa the 14th inst. at CI t•the•Seilf ' ''- : E le I! j r of 3. W. , . orwells to Mary A nne , Of I omlinson, E.g., of Clay. ,S. 11 ‘ ) ;, 1 ,1 ... On the . I4th met. at flanibledons liu l ' m i ii"'• I-5.) of Kingston, to Cecilia, eldest daughol. '') Bligh. DIED. e O f On the 14th inst. at Godatone, Surreys / 4t ti i 1 ,,, the only daughter of Alsjor-General Nor brrYl s bj;ol ,, I. On the 14th inst. B te T Fl nt ' at 4yasva r, T. ,tiefs his 79th year. f V 1 901.1 On the 19th inst. .1. Keith, $" ` 1. • 0- , Brixton, aged 64. A — YO O fi PRINTED A.su PURLIOUXD hit i l" )° 'POS . 1.0 4 Win SUN Orricr, 111, fillthsrh