The Sun. — London, England, 1863-06-29 00:00:00

THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA. (From the Times' Correspondent.) NEW Yordi, June 17. The whole North is in a tumult of excitement, and, it may be added, of fear. Although for the last three weeks the indications have been many, as the readers of this correspondence will admit, that the Confederates were preparing for a great aggres sive movement into Maryland and Pennsylvania, the people and the Government of the North seem to have anticipated no danger, and to have taken no measures to avert or diminish it. The alarming hints and rumours in the press were treated as fabrications, and the War Department at Washing ton took especial care to inform the easy-going public that Mr. Lincoln was in the best possible spirits, that all was quiet on the Rappahannock, and that Vicksburg and Port Hudson could not resist for many hours the murderous fire of the besiegers. People invested their " greenbacks" in " five-twenty bonds,' the premium on gold went steadily, though slowly, down, and public attention, when not engaged in stock jobbing or other forms of honest or dishonest money-making, fastened itself upon the antics of Generalsßurnside and Hascall,the last new truculency of some reverend war Christian in his desecrated pulpit, or the freshest little bit of presumptuous insolence that had fallen from the lips of a politician in petticoats. But on Sunday last the aspect of affairs was suddenly changed. Indifference gave way to alarm ; and from that day to this a sucession of true and false reports of the progress of the invasion of Pennsylvania, under Generals Ewell and J. E. B. Stuart, at the head of 20,000 horsemen ; and of General Lee, at the head of 80,000 or 90,000 infantry, cavalry, and artillery, to some point not known, the possession of which will endanger both Washington and Balti more, have kept the population of this city and of all the wide extent of country between the Hud son and the Potomac in a state of shame, be wilderment, anxiety, and terror. The feeling of shame is, perhaps, paramount above all the rest. Almost every one sees that if Lee gain a decisive victory over Hooker, which he is very likely to do, the cause of the North is virtually lost, and the Conf ederate general will be able to dictate the terms of the peace for which the Northern heart has begun to experience so decided a yearning. That the Northern soil should be invaded by a veteran and determined army, led by a skilful and daring general, at a time when the Northern people believed that the South would never do more than defend itself; and that it should be necessary, in default of the regular army, to call out the whole able-bodied male population of a great, wealthy, and hitherto peaceful State for the defence of its towns, cities, and homesteads, and to appeal to all the contiguous States for every avail able militiaman, volunteer, or discharged soldier who could be got together for love or money, to aid in the work of defence, is felt to be a humiliation, not due so much to the audacity of the Southern as to the imbecility of the Northern Government, Mr. Lincoln has appealed in the emergency to the Go vernors of the States of Pennsylvania, Now York, Maryland, West Virginia, and Ohio for 120,000 men. The Governors have all promised to do their best, though the Militia in this State have not ex hibited as much alacrity in answering to the appeal as was anticipated from their patriotism, or as the danger would warrant, dscliaing to leave their homes and businesses for au indefinite period, and requiring the Government to state positively how many " days" is meant by the " short time" for which they are summoned before they will con sent to take their departure. For some reason, not stated, Mr. Lincoln made no call upon the Demo cratic State and ultra-Democratic Governor of New Jersey for any assistance, but Governor Curtin, of Pennsylvania, supplied the omission in an earnest appeal to Governor Parker for all the men he could spare. Neither did Mr. Lincoln call upon any of the New England States for help, but Go vernor Andrew, of Massachusetts, volunteered to send as many regiments of returned soldiers as could he induced, with or without bounty, to lend their aid to Pennsylvania. But, notwithstanding all the zeal and all the alarm, little has yet been done. Up to this day not 3,000 men from New York, New Jersey, or New England, have repaired to the scene of danger, and the defence of Pennsylvania rests entirely with its own citizens. How Mr. Lincoln, or any member of his Administration, can hope to es cape impeachment and punishment, should any great mishap befall the State of Pennslyvania on the one hand, or the army of General Hooker on the other, is difficult to imagine. He was empowered by Congress, more than three months ago, to raise any amount of armies ho pleased by a compulsory con scription of all the ablebodied men in the North be tween the ages of 18 and 45, and, though he knew that his existing armies were melting away by death, disease, desertion, and the expiration of the terms of enlistments of the best and hardiest sol diers that composed them, he allowed these preciou s months to pass over without carrying the intentions of Congress into effect. The enrolment has scarcely begun in some of the States, and the 120,000 men now so suddenly called for will not possess the soldierly qualities and strict discipline that will fit them to cope with the weather-beaten and trained warriors of the South, even if they should be obtained in sufficient time to be brought into action, which is doubtful. Half of that number of trained soldiers, which Mr. Lincoln might have secured by this time, had he not been apprehensive of a forcible resistance to the draught in the cities of the North and the rural towns of the West, would have stood his Government in greater stead at this moment than all the raw and hasty levies that he can summon together. But, if his country do not impeach him, history will ; and all the excuse to be made for him will resolve itself into the single statement that he was a 'weak man with good intentions, utterly unfitted for the posi tion into which a fatality, as cruel to himself, as to his country, thrust him at a time of the greatest peril that ever befell a nation. The alarm which was at its height yesterday in Washington, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and New York has partially subsided to-day in this city, and has given place to something like a feeling of in jured innocence that the South should be so unrea sonable as to wish to inflict as well as bear the miseries of war - . The Northern people do not ap pear to have calculated that they were ever to be made to realise the full horrors of an invasion, or he made to suffer the agonies of devastated fields, blazing cities, and the whistling of shot and shell through their streets and counting-houses ; but the imminent danger of Philadelphia, only three hours distant by railway from New York, has awakened them to a painful appreciation of the fact that war is not only 9, matter of fat contracts, flourishing trade, abundant paper money, immense expendi ture, and triumph a l :ea . welcom e of re t urn i ng so ldi ers ; but of blood and l m ut th, fire and r u i n , th e grea t es t scourge that can humanity—only to be con sidered just, holy, or even d e fen sible when waged in the cause of national honour, independence, and liberty, and particularly ° m ons and detestable when waged for the purposes o f „ ela an ambition territo rial aggrandisement , an d unjust coar o i o ' - n of a people who only desire to be let alone to their own laws and observances and the form of government thats suits their temperament, their climate, their habits, and their necessities. Amid the mass of rumours and reports that ar r i ve by telegraph every half hour from all points of the extensive regions invaded by the e Confederate army it is difficult to arrive at a definite understanding of the state of affairs at any time since the invasion commenced. All that is clear that the Confede rate cavalry, commanded by Gen. Ewell, and num bering, it is supposed, fully 20,000 men, with a train of light artillery, have entered Pennsylvania and galloped unimpeded as far as Chsmbersburg ; that the advance guard at' this imposing force is led by the gallant Gen. J. E. B. Stuart; that they threaten Harrisburg, the State capital of Pennsylvania, a small town on the Susquehannah; and that the people and military authorities of the State, greatly alarmed, have resolved to destroy all the bridges over the river, and ma k e th e S usque h anna h th e i r lice of defence until the reinforcements to be sent to the m b y M r . Li ncoln shall arrive. Where Gen. Lee is and what are his objects no one can tell, tho ug h a thousand statements and theories are cur rent, each supported by more or less plausibility. Where Gen. Hooker is, and what is his strength or the amount of confidence reposed in him by his men, are equally unknown ; but that Hooker is as been outgeneralled by Lee—that he is greatly in Lee's rear, and that he is in far inferior force, are suppo sitions, if not facts, that are present to he minds of most people, together with the suspiCion that the cavalry raid of Ewell and Stuart into Pennsylvania is but a small and comparatively unimportant episode in the great drama which has commenced for the world's wonder; and that at the opportune moment, when he finds him in some place to which he wishes to decoy him, Lee will fall upon Hooker with over whelming force, and either annihilate the Army of the Potomac or force it to surrender. In this case exeunt President Lincoln, Mr. Seward, Gene ral Halleck, and Mr. Stanton, as well as General Hooker, and the curtain will fail on the first or second act, w hichever it maybe, of one of the greatest historical dramas ever performed on the stage of civilisation. Though all other topics sink into insignificance compared with the impending struggle which pro mises to decide the fate of North and South, the question of Northern liberty in Mr. Lincoln's hands is too important to be ignored ; even amid the clash of arms it arrests the attention alike of the supporters and opponents of his Government. In reply to the resolutions passed at a meeting of the Demoratic party at Albany, held on the 16th ult., to condemn the conduct of Gen. Burnside in the case of Mr. Vallandigham, a copy of which was ordered to be forwarded to Washington, the President has indited a long and elaborate epistle, in which he sets forth his own view of his position, duty, and responsi bility with regard to the suspension of the habeas corpus, and those other measures which the Demo cratic party and the great majority of the American people consider both unconstitutional and unneces sary. Mr. Lincoln says he regretted when Gen. Burnside deemed it his duty to arrest Mr. Vallan digham, and that it will give him great pleasure to discharge that gentleman " as soon as tie can by any means be brought to believe that the public safety will not suffer by it ; " bat re-affirms his own right to act as he has done, and that of his subordinates in military command, such as Gen. Burnside and others, to take such measures as they may judge expedient within their several departments for the suppression of the rebellion. The President does not seem to perceive the difference between the action of a General in a State or depart ment in open rebellion—or that has been declared subject to martial law—and that of a General in a loyal and peaceable State, not placed under the cperation of martial-law, and the civil courts of which are in full session and competent to deal with every possible case of offence that may arise. Bat this, unluckily for his argument and the special pleading by which he supports it, is the real and only point at issue. If Mr. Vallandigham had gone into the camp of General Hooker at Falmouth or General Rosencrans at Murfreesborough, and used in the presence of the soldiers the identical language which he used at a peaceable meeting of citizens in Ohio, General Hooker or General Rose wens would have been justified in bringing him to immediate trial b::fere a court-martial, and sentenc ing him to the Dry Tortugas or Fort Lafayette, or even to summary execution. But in Ohio, which is not a camp, and in a peaceful little town, 300 or 400 miles distant from an armed enemy, Mr. Val landighem had as much right to speak in favour of peace as Mr. Lincoln has to write in favour of war ; and, if he committed any offence iu so doing, ought to have been tried by the civil power and by a jury of his countrymen. Mr. Lincoln, however, to use an American phrase—" does not see it." He has had an imperfect conception of the c:rcum stances and an inordinate idea of his own power and prerogative, and shows in every eentence of his voluminous letter that nature has gifted him with every qualification for the part of a despot except that of genius. One portion of his defence will be read with amazement even in Russia, or in Turkey, should it ever reach the honours of a translation into the language of the Sultan. "The: man," he says, " who stands by and says nothing when the peril of the Government is discussed, cannot be misunderstood; ergo, if Mr. Vallandighem had never made a speech at all, he would have been equally liable to the arrest which General Burnside ordered, and to the sentence which Mr. Lincoln passed, for the extraordinary reason, " be cause, if not hindered, he (the man who says nothing) is sure to help the enemy—much more if he talks ambiguously—talks for his country with ' buts,' and ' ifs', and ' ands ?'" If all the silent men in America are sure to help the enemy, and if all the men who talk ambiguously, or inlard their very qualified confidence in the President or his policy, with the cautious monosyllables which he so much dislikes, are to be considered the friends of the South, the best thing for Mr. Lincoln to do is to pack up his portmanteau, abdicate his un easy and perilous throne, and take his pas sage to England or Australia, for the life of the Union is to be counted by hours rather than by years, and his continued residence within its boun daries will be fatal to his liberty if not his life in that rapidly approaching day when Mr, Jefferson Davis shall be the master of his destiny. Mr. Vallandigham's great offence was, it appears, that " he discouraged enlistments," an offence which Mr. Lincoln cannot pardon. "He who dissuades one man from volunteering, or induces one soldier to desert, weakens the Union cause as much as if he kills a Union soldier in battle, and this dissua sion or inducement may be so conducted as to be no defined crime of which any civil court can take cog nisance." Therefore the crime is to be punished by the strong arm of military authority. This is the sum and substance of Mr. Lincoln's defence—with a further justification derived from the operation of Lynch law. " Even in times of peace," says the President, " bands of horse-thieves and robbers frequently grow too numerous and powerful for the ordinary courts of justice," and as in such cases society makes its own law for the emergency, and sends Mr. Justice Lynch with a posse coinitatus at his heels to execute prompt and summary vengeance upon the offenders, so Mr. Lincoln, when sympa thisers with rebellion and discouragers of enlistment become too numerous for gentler treatment, breaks down the barriers of the law and the Constitution, establishes a despotism, and says " it is good." Altogether the chances are that, as Mr. Lincoln has taken to explanations, he will soon see, or has already seen, the expediency of annulling Mr. Val landigham's sentence, and allowing him to go home peaceably to Dayton and be installed in due time as Governor of Ohio. His treason, if treason it were, has been so infinitely surpassed by that of Mr. Fernando Wood, whom the President has since re ceived in private and friendly consultation, that to confer honour upon Mr. Wood, and sentence Mr. Vallandigham to exile, seems absurd and inconse quential—even in Mr. Lincoln. But, although Mr. Lincoln may at the last moment ungraciously, as well as uselessly, give Mr. Vallandigham the bene fit of the doubt that has arisen in his mind, he takes especial care to guard against the supposition that he will make no further arrests. He explicitly takes blame to himself, and thinks that history will confirm the condemnation, that he has erred on the side of mercy ; that he has ordered too few arrests, instead of too many ; and that it would have been better for the country had his rule been sterner and his purpose more inflexible. In this respect, how ever, the American wit h him- people are not likely to agr ee They have passed judgment already in a contrar y sense , and i history well ' it is m them. moee than probable that confirm r p t l l a s e s e l ann:ahoteljournalseel at Berlin, and U t i l e robbery has a o s f The take l : _a colonel of a regiment of Prus- Schwerin, brother of the Prince William of reigning Grand Duke, an d eubur g - Sian Cuirassiers, carried o often defied the n• All of with diamonds. them were ornamented [ADVERTISEMENT.] liollowara IT ysterics.—These distressing maladies Ms.—Dyspepia, best means to alleviate Thera till lloilowa corrective Pills were discovered. They have and proved themselves equal to cope with th e C 01..% ultnerto rev ivifying the blood. These admirable Pills at o catier n b Y mo ve the palpitation of the heart and sickne na e Z 1.,( . 3 . 7 s t om ach, frequently so oppressive to t he d y s p e ptic and ti th er. vous. They operate on the liver, stimulate the kidneys, and establish regular action through the bowels. This medicine allays nervous irritation, spasmodic pains, and violent mental emotions; in fact they reinstate order and regularity which are departing . or have surrendered to dis ease ; they restore nervous power to any debilitated part, and overcome all obstruction to perfect action. THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY - EVENING, :"JUNE 29, 1363. AFFAIRS OF AUSTRIA, A letter from Vienna, dated June 23, says : Daring the last day or two committees of the two Houses of the Iteichsrath have been occupied in drawing up an address in reply to the Imperial Speech. The select committee of the Lower Cham ber is composed of Dr. von Muhlfeld (a representa tive of this city), Dr. Rechbauer (a member for Gratz), Dr. Giskra (a member for Brunn), Dr. Herbst (member for a country place in Bohemia), Count Adam Potocki (member for a rural district in Galicia), Baron Doblhoff (he was Minister of the Interior in 1848), M. Kuziemski (a Galican country member), Dr. Prazak (member for some rural dis tricts in Moravia), and M. Hagenauer (one of the members for Trieste). During the first sitting Count A. Potocki complained of the vexatious proceedings of the Imperial authorities in Galicia, but he expressed approval of the policy of the Go vernment in regard to Poland. After an animated conversation, in which Count Rechberg, M. von Schmerling, and Baron Mecsery (the Minister of Police) took part, the committee resolved to recom mend to the house to express its lively satisfaction that Austria was acting in concurrence with Eng land and France in the Polish question. Count Rechberg read to the committee the Austrian ver s on of the six points, but he gave no insight into the contents of the last despatch forwarded to St. Petersburg, as it had not reached its destination. The Minister of State professed to think that the inhabitants of the kingdom of Poland would be content if they could enjoy complete " autonomy," but Count Potocki plainly told him that nothing but emancipation from the yoke of Russia would satisfy them. Baron Mecsery tried to justify the measures of the Lemberg and Cracow police, but some of the members of the committee gave him to understand that his subordinates displayed more zeal than discretion. It was then the question of the reform of the German Bund, but it was deemed inexpedient that an incomplete Reichsrath should express an opinion on a matter of such high impor tance. Among the questions discussed by the com mittee are those which relate to the Customs-Union. to Transylvania and Hungary, and to the relations between the Roman Catholics and Protestants in Austria. The proposed address will not be commu nicated to the house until Thursday next, but the liforgen Post of this date contains the subjoined summary " of the more important parts of its con tents." " The Chamber of Deputies regrets that one of the pro vincial Diets (Galicia) was unable to discharge its consti tional duties, but it is of opinion that circumstances ren dered its prorogation necessary. We regret that we are still deprived of the assistance of the representatives of some of the other kingdoms (Hungary and Croatia), and the more so as we believe that their absence is equally injurious to their interests and to ours, We are prepared to assist in re moving all impediments to their co-operation with us, but we cannot allow the validity of the Austrian Charter (Reichsverfassung) to be called in question.' We shall be delighted to listen to the voices of our brethren in the East (Transylvania), and we sincerely hope that the Go vernment will soon succeed in reviving constitutional institutions in the kingdoms in which they are lying dormant. Ths country has to thank God, your Majesty, and the new liberal institutions for the blessings of peace, and it is our belief that the present system of government has regained for Austria that influence which she so long enjoyed in Europe, The Chamber of Deputies is of opinion that the concurrence of Austria with England and France, in respect to the affairs of the kingdom of Poland, is both wise and just, and when the Government joined the Western Powers in demanding guarantees for the national and religious requirements of a very ill-used neighbouring race (IVachbar• stasnrn) it gave expression to the sympathies ane wishes of the inhabitants of the empire, and furthered the real interests of Austria and of the world at large." The next sentence in the Address relates to toe system of public education, and to the re'ations be tween the different confessions, and the sense of it is that changes are greatly required in both. The concluding passage in the address runs as follows: "Your Majesty,—Not in vain do you count on the de votion and patriotic support of the Chamber of Deputies. The favour and grace shown by your Majesty increases the confidence of the representatives of the people that the Government will cpntinue to act in accordance with the Charter and with the institutions which have become abso • lutely necessary (unentbekrlich) to the splendour (glanz) of the Crown and to the prosperity, power, and honour of the Empire, May God save, protect, and bless your Majesty." The Address of the Upper House is much less significant. The Peers express approval of the policy of the Government in respect to Poland, but they make no allusion to the concurrence between Austria and the Western Powers. They trust that peace may be upheld, and with it " the integrity of the Austrian Empire." Many of the Vienna papers assure their readers that Austria has a model con stitution and the Reichsrath very extensive legisla tive powers, but the Presse drily asserts that hither to the august assembly in question has been little more than a " Budget Committee." The Minister of State has laid on the table of the Lower House the draught of a law " for the treatment of more volu minous draughts of laws," which requires special mention. He proposes that legislative committees of from five to 15 members shall read and examine into the draughts of bills. During the first reading any member of the House will have a right to be present, and in writing to propose amendments to a bill. During the second reading the members of the House will be allowed to bring forward in, writing their objections to the propositions of the committee ; but at the third reading no member will be allowed to raise objections unless he is, backed by 50 of his colleagues. The liberties of Austria are still very young, and consequently they require to be carefully looked after. In a pastoral letter the Prince-Bishop of Trent announces to the Roman Catholics that he is about to celebrate the third centenary of " the most sacred" oecumenical and general Council of Trent. In the letter of the most rev. gentleman are the subjoined passages ; " When Martin Luther, for the gratification of his pas sions, had raised the flag of rebellion against the Church of Christ he was joined by the greatest reprobates in Europe, who did all in their power to reintroduce barbarism into the world. They inflicted deadly wounds on numberless souls, they trod the blood of the Redeemer under foot, they robbed Heaven of souls and ruthlessly plunged them into the depths of hell." The Russians positively deny that any wounded Poles were buried at Lubar, in Volhynia, in the same grave with their lifeless fellow•countrymen ; but I am able to confirm the statement made by the Cracow Czas on the subject, as a gentleman of my acquaintance has received direct information from persons residing at the place in question. Several Routhene peasants looked on while the unhappy Poles were being put alive into the grave, and they lost no time telling what they had witnessed to the inhabitants of Lubar. A man of high rank, who is in communication with Vilna, states that General Mouravieff has taken the wife of a refugee as a host age, and threatens to have her put to death if her husband does not return to his home within a given time. When the Archbishop of Warsaw went to St. Petersburg he was allowed to have part of a railway carriage to himself, but an escort of gendarmes was in the adjoining compartment. In the next carriage in the train were 30 soldiers. It is expected that the Emperor will return from Kissingen on Thursday or Friday next. COLONEL DAWSON DAMER'S SAGACIOUS ESTI MATE OF NAPOLEON 111., WHEN PRINCE LOUIS NAPOLEON!—On one occasion I happened to call at his house with my old commanding officer. Arthur Upton, when, in the course of a conversation on France, he asked my opinion on the revolution, and of Prince Louis Napo leon's chance of being named President of the Republic. Alvanley informed us that he had not very long before passed some days with the Prince at Colonel Dawson Damer's country seat, and ho observed that he had never met with a more agreeable person ; that the Prince was very communicative, and would sit up smoking cigarettes to two or three o'clock in the morning; and that upon one occasion, in a long political discussion, he had said, among other things,— " It is fated that ere long I shall become Emperor of France, avenge the defeat of Waterloo, and drive the Austrians out of Italy; and the time for this is not far distant." On the following morning. Lord Alvanley related what he had heard to Coloner Darner, who ob served,---" Prince Louis is a charming person—so gentle. manlike and pleasing in manner, so accomplished and well informed. He has a thousand good and agreeable qualities, \ but on the subject of politics, my dear Alvanley, he is as mad as a hatter I"--Captain Gronow's Anecdotes. cb.s F,ll benefit o f re d uce d d uty o b ta i ned b y pur 4.as 111. g lorniman's pure T ea ; very c h o i ce at 3 s 4d . an d lHi gh Standard " at 4s. 4d. (f ormer l y 4 s . Bd.), i s th e strongest and mo s t delicious imp orted. Agents in every town supply it i n packets. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. I SATURDAY REVlEW.—M.Billault and M.Baroche have justified, by their eloquence and versatility, the choice of the Emperor, and as they represented no department, they offered no mark to opponents who might wish to aim attacks at the administra tion of affairs. M. Baroche is rewarded by promo tion to an active office, and M. Billault by a continu ation of the same functions under a higher title. The new Minister of State will still, with his colleague, M. Rouher, defend in the Senate and Legislative Body the measures which they may perhaps sometimes have approved as mem bers of the Cabinet. It is, nevertheless, considered neces sary that M. Billault's office should be reduced to a sinecure, and accordingly the duties of the Minister of State are divided between other departments. In all discussions the Minister of State and the President of the Council of State n 11l represent and defend the decision of the Emperor, and perhaps the Legislative Body may prefer high dignitaries to mere speaking Ministers. The Sovereign of France is too sagacious to allow his agents to insult a Chamber in the Biamark fashion, nor is M. Billault likely to raise a quarrel on the question whether he is amenable, like a Deputy, to the Duke of Morny's bell. The 30 or 40 members of the Opposition may perhaps enliven the proceedings of the Chamber with unaccustomed excitement, but, on the whole, the modified system will probably work for the present smoothly, even if the liberty of debate and the influence of the Chamber are gradually increased. The changes which have been made, both in the persons of the Ministry and its organization, are apparently intended to conciliate the dissatisfaction which has been revealed at the recent elec tions; but the simultaneous removal of Count Walewski and Count Persigny from office will occasion considerable surprise. The Emperor Napoleon has always shown com mendable fidelity to his early adherents, and the ex Minis ters may safely reckon on future favours. It had become almost impossible to avoid a change in the Ministry of the Interior after the failure of the official candidates in Paris. M. de Walewski is supposed to incline to the sacerdotal party, and his title, if not his office, was required for the promotion of M. Billault. It is uncertain whether the prospect of a rupture with Russia is seriously affected by the retirement of a Minister who professes to be a Pole in feeling, as well as by name and origin. M. de Persigny's blunders in the Ministry of the Interior are no torious, but, in many respects, his conduct was the neces sary result of his situation. He is believed to Le honest, and there is no reason to doubt the sincerity of his early profes sions in favour of liberty, and especially of free discussion. When he entered office, M. de Persigny was fresh from his mission to England, where he had been deeply impressed with the essential unanimity which underlies all political discussion. Almost all public writers in this country accept the Monarchy and the Constitution as ultimate and unques tioned conditions of the national existence ; and the press supports or opposes statesmen and measures, without endan gering either the reigning dynasty or the foundations of society. Any competent observer must perceive that safety as well as progress is in a high degree secured by the com bination of unlimited freedom of speech with universal and voluntary abstinence from dangerous licence. M. de Persigny wished that the Empire could be accepted in the same spirit, and he forgot that the French system of government has provided no recognised field for political discussion, Even if all France had renounced the Bourbons, the House of Orleans, and the Republic, public writers who are unable to influence the course of public affairs are naturally tempted to investigate the bases of the Constitution or the dynasty. The Imperial system was too simple and too consistent to endure an attack on any parr of its fabric, or on any detail of the administration, and it was necessary that those who were expected to repose unbounded trust in the Sovereign should either approve the acts of his Government or preserve a respectful silence. The Minister long endeavoured to bring recalcitrant jour nalists to reason by holding out the example or un forced English loyalty. His disappointment was ex pressed in the wholesale persecution of newspapers, and latterly in indiscreet attacks on Opposition candidates. His latest ofileial circular reveals, with a curious candour, the gradual end complete discovery that a despotism cannot take a Constitutional Government for a model. It is useless ; says M. de Persigny, for a democratic country to imitate a neighbouring country which is essentially aristocratic. There is profound truth in the implied proposition that social inequality is indispensable to freedom, which can only be maintained by the vigilance of a powerful minority. Every absolute monarch has required or preferreda dead level in his subjects, ever since the Etrurian king cut off the highest poppy-heads in the garden. If England were peopled with small freeholders and republican artisans, the press and the Parliament would soon be remodelled after the Continental pattern, Three of the new Ministers are unknown in Eng land, if not in France. Sanguine Liberals may perhaps argue that it will be impossible for M. Boudet to interfere with the press as arbitrarily as a Minister of the Interior who was also a political personage. It must be assumed that M. Durun, as a compiler of school •books, and M. Behic, as a steatutorit manager, possess special qualifications for administering the departments of Education and Commerce. SPECTATOR.—It is right as well as natural that a case like that of the girl worked to death the other day in the employ of Madame Elise should excite a peculiar horror. 111 En and'weinen die every day of overwork, and the fate of the poor milliner's girl is hardly worse than that of the literary man who, after a life of half-paid exertion, finds, with a growing family, that he is still not doing enough, puts on extra steam, and dies insane front toil, without a miserere from the press over his heart-breaking lot. Yet it is well that the death of Mary Anne Walkley, " aged 20," should excite the greater interest, for her fate, unlike his, touches the inmost conscience of the rich, rouses the healthy fear which poisons and sometimes restrains the aberrations of luxury, the doubt whether, science notwithstanding, continue to ff g g ht a d w re h s i s le fo s r o th inny e a Drawing-room, sutler. can she be morally o o r f a ra lly ak r in i and the contrast between the object of the toil and the toil's result, besides being in itself essentially dra matic, appeals to an instinct deeper than tho imagination. The man who flogs a slave to death because he disobeys may seem at first sight as bad as the man win) murders a slave in order that carp may be fat; but that is a just in stinct which holds the second the greater crime, which feels rather than believes that to inflict suffering in order to se cure luxury is the most devilish form which contempt for humanity can assume. The details, too, in this .case strengthen the natural horror. The poor girl had been forced to work on the Court dress---as much forced, though not as much degraded, as it the whip had been used—for 23 hours, and the inquest revealed 3 state of things permanently dis creditable to the trade. Mr. Isaacson, the proprietor of the establishment—" Madame Elise" being Mrs. Isaacson— has defended himself in a letter as grotesque as any Dickens ever composed, and he admits that for three months in the year his " young ladies," as he calls them—for those who most disregard the claims of womanhood are always first to avoid the old healthy word —are worked as hard as human nature can bear. They have 15 hours a day of sedentary oc cupation, are forbidden for the sake of profit to go out in the day, and for the sake of their morals to take exercise in the evening ; sleep four in a room, and two in a bed ; and have on the beet version of an obscure statement, about one-half the prison allowance of air to breathe. In their workrooms, according to Dr. Lankesrer, they have less than this, being allowed only 60 feet, which is not a tenth of the proper sup ply. Mr. Isaacson says he pays well, which, as Madame Elise wants the pick of the trade, is probably true, and that he feeds them on good meat, which there is no especial reason to doubt, though his remark suggests painful ideas as to the practices prevalent in houses with which he is evidently, though silently, comparing his own establish ment. Still, making all fair allowances, the broad facts re main that in a milliner's house of the first rank, and em ployed by the class which goes to drawing-rooms, and mak ing consequently large profits, girls of 20 are kept 16 hours a day at sedentary work, prohibited exercise, ordered to work on occasionally day and night, and com pelled to sleep in dormitories so unhealthy that, as one girl said, " we are often ill there," and one girl has died. There is good reason for the indignation which Mr. Isaacson will probably feel not indirectly, through a fine heavier than many a court would venture to inflict, but sympathy, how ever just or needful, must not hurry the sympathetic out of their sense and prudence. It is possible to remedy part of the grievance complained of, and Lord Shaftesbury has acted with his usual courage in bringing the subject before the Lords, but the remedies to which he points will require not a little discussion. LONDON REVIEW.—Mr. Roebuck is a littlo fond of pre senting himself, in all his glory, at Imperial palace gates. Ho has had an interview with the Emperor of the French, and no doubt was as much impressed with the grandeur of society in the French palace as was likely to be the case with so uncompromising and terrible a demagogue, who never 'bates his breath for anybody under an archduke. The French Emperor's opinions on the American question have thus been prematurely given to the world in a most objectionable manner; or, rather, have been allowed to filter through the ears to which they were unfortunately addressed. Like the four Liverpool merchants, of immortal memory, Mr. Roebuck probably feels that it is no use ob taining interviews with imperial personages unless the world is informed immediately of the fact. As it was at Vienna, so probably it has been at F& ntainebleau. Tear 'em has " been," has been "seen," and has been " conquered." The inestimable animal never roams in drawing-room with out leaving his tail behind him ; and Sheffield, which re turns in her present member a Radical, a Tory, a Dama gogue, an Austrian, a Southerner, a cynic, and an unvar nished Briton, will henceforward recognise in the old dish a new and delicate French.flavour, fresh from the Tuileries. It is the proud and unique privilege of Mr. Roebuck not only to be the terror of tyrants and the mainstay of the British flag, but also to enjoy the questionable honour of a self-invited frequenter of the Courts of Europe. This kind of unauthorised and unofficial diplomacy is extremely un desirable. We have a Foreint-office, and ambassadors in abundance, through whom it is the policy and the custom of this country to communicate with foreign crowned heads. So long as Lord Palmerston's Government is in office, they, and they only, are to be taken to represent the feeling and opinion of the English public. If Mr. Roebuck hoists himself into Fontainebleau as a Minister ialist, he is thrust ing himself into a place which we pay Lord Russell and Lord Cowley to occupy. If he goes as a private and inde- pendent member, he puts himself in the position of a minority in the House, intriguing with a foreign Govern ment for the purpose of forcing the hand of the English Ministry. From either course an honourable man would in • rdinary cases shrink; and in pursuing a contrary line Mr. Roebuck does not consult his reputation. We are not alone in stigmatising these officious interferences with the natural channels of diplomacy as a piece of impertinence to the nation on the part of the principal offenders. If the French Emperor inquires of the first Englishmen he meets what position Mr. Roebuck holds in the estimation of the world, he will not thank the self-accredited ambassador who has presented himself at the French palace. The answer would be, that Mr. Roebuck is a gentleman who, in the last ten years, has succeeded in winning the reverse of public confidence and esteem ; that his violent displays in Parlia ment, or on the more congenial stage of a town hustings, excite the contempt of quiet and educated politicians; that, at best, his highest ambition seems to be to represent the passions of a by no means exalted class of the public ; and that his recent intemperance of language towards the Ame rican race has made him the last man in Europe who can come forward with words of peace and dignified conciliation. WEEKLY REGISTER.—The news from France is not without serious significance. The Emperor has completely remodelled his Cabinet—all the Ministers being changed, with one exception. M. Drouyn de Lhuys, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, alone retains his post. This is important. [What possibly can our contemporary mean I M. Drouyn de Lhuys alone retaining his post in the Imperial Cabinet I When M. Achille Fould, as Minister of Finance, Marshal Randon, as Minister of War, and M. de Chausseloup Labat, as Minister of Marine, all remain as they were in the French Government I] Next to the importance of retain ing M. Drouyn de Lhuys in the Foreign Office is that of removing Count Persigny from the French Home Office. Of the devotion of that gentleman to the Emperor there can be no doubt. If it be true that adversity is the touchstone of fidelity—that in re ineerta amieus certus cernitur—M. de Persigny has given incontestableproofs of his attachment to the Emperor Napoleon. But the most devoted friends may become unconsciously a man's worst enemies. Indiscreet and excessive zeal may do more harm to those whom we mean to serve than even overt hostility. So it has been with Count Persigny. In his zeal to serve the Emperor and establish the Napoleon dynasty, he conceived a mor bid apprehension of the influence of the press and of the liberal institutions— such as they are—which his master has given to France, and has waged a fierce war upon them. The la'e elections developed this monomania to such an extent that it became positively dangerous to the throne which M. Persigny desired to consolidate to allow him to remain in the Ministry. Viscount De la Guerron nier's paper, La trance—which was strongly opposed to M. de Persigny's violent proceedings, and was menaced with suppression a fortnight ago by that Minister—expresses its entire satisfaction with the Ministerial changes. It says : —ln our opinion these Ministerial changes have but one signification. They mean—Maintenance of the liberal con cession made with so much foresight by the empire. They also mean—Calm for the public mind after the somewhat lively emotions caused by the recent elections, and an ap peal to conciliation in the name of the tutelary guarantees of right and respect for the law. As we have good grounds for believing that the France draws its inspirations from a high source, and that its opposition to the late Minister of the Interior was sanctioned if not prompted by mere influ ential persons than even Count Persigny then was,—we attach to its words more weight than they seem entitled to. EXAMINER.—Calcutta is admitted on all sides not to be the most fitting locality for the seat of government, as British India now is. From a paltry Indian village it has risen to be a city with half a million of inhabitants, and as long as our territory was confined to three adjacent pro vinces, it became naturally, and not very inconveniently, the capital. But the state of things is now wholly altered. We are virtually lords of all India, and Calcutta is in a re mote corner of an empire which stretches for 15 degrees of latitude north of it and 10 degrees south of it, to say nothing of 20 degrees of longitude west of it. When it first became the capital, our rule extended over a population not exceed ing 25 millions of people, the great mass of which consisted of a single nationality, speaking one language. Our present subjects are at least six-fold that number, and consist of a score of nations, speaking distinct tongues. But indepen dent of its want of central position, Calcutta has local dis advantages peculiar to itself. It lies in the delta of a great river, at nearly the level of the sea, without a mountain range or even a hill-range within 300 miles of it. Its situa tion is almost on the very tropic.' Thus it has hot winds for three months, when the thermometer is above 100 degrees, and continuous rains for four months with swelter ing heat ; while its winter, always too warm for fires, barely lasts four months. Its mosquitoes in every season are nu merous and glutinous. Upon the whole, its locality neces sarily makes it the least healthy of all the great towns in India, and certainly the least congenial to the European constitution. It cannot be even considered especially favourable to that of its own native inhabitants ; for it is not to be forgotten, that in one of the provinces near to it, and on the same level, sprung -up the fatal malady which has nearly swept over the whole earth, and which we call the Asiatic, but which would be more correctly designated the Bengal cholera, But supposing that we abandon Calcutta as the seat of government, and leave it what it must always continue to be, the great commercial capital of Eastern Hindostan, where are we to find a locality more central, convenient, and healthy ? Some speculators have fancied that they dis cover it in the elevated cold plateau of the Himalay moun tains. Such a position would, in point of centrality, be just as advantageous as Calcutta itself, besides that although genial to the European it would be uncongenial to the In dian constitution—and tha great mass of the population of any Indian capital must always consist of the inhabitants of the hot plains. The mountain locality, therefore, must be given up at once, as wholly unsuitable. Our predecessors, the Mahomedans, had their capitals at Delhi, Agra, and Lahore; but this arose from an accident similar to that which made ourselves select Calcutta, Their dominion was for a long time confined to the provinces adjacent to these places, and for a British capital they are wholly unsuited. Indeed, no part of the great, fertile, and populous valley of the Ganges is suited for a seat of government, notwith standing its four months' winter equal to that of Italy, for the restgof the year is divided between scorching winds and drenching rains. The Governor-General runs away from Calcutta whenever he can, making an imperfect and emas culated government both where he is and where :he is not. We venture to point at the elevated table-land about Poonah as the most convenient site for a new Indian seat of government. The plateau is from 2,000 to 3,000 feet about the sea level, and consequently with a diminution of temperature by from eight to ten degrees lower then on the plains. Such a climate combines, as far as practicable, the conditions requisite for both the European and the Indian constitutions. With the help of railways and telegraphs, the situation seems sufficiently central for the purposes of administration. Such a capital would have the advantage of being much nearer to England by land than Calcutta, and greatly nearer by sea. Poonah is, moreover, not fur ther from Bombay than Hastings is from London, and Bombay is the commercial capital of western—indeed it may now be said of all India, for its trade already exceeds that of Calcutta. The neigh!) , urhood of such a place will be a great advantage both to governors and governed, for it will supply what no other site of a new capital can pos sess, the benefit of a public opinion, indispensable to the healthy action of every British administratior, PRIVATE BILLS. The select committee appointed by the House of Com mons have presented their report. They examined many witnesses, but all of them agreed that the ultimate decision upon opposed undertakings ought still to rest with the Le gislature ; and, having regard to the character of the ques tions which arise, the committee concur in the view enter tained by the majority of the witnesses that no court of inquiry could be constituted for the purpose of investigating such questions, which, on the whole, would be so satisfac tory to the public as committees composed of members of the Legislature. A proposal, indeed, was made by Mr. Booth, secretary to the Board of Trade, which, " if it could be adopted" would relieve select committees of a large portion of the contentious discussion now carried on before them, the suggestion being none other than to give such free scope to the principle of competition as to allow no railway schemes to be opposed on tke ground that they will compete with existing lines. The c ommittee content them selves with recommending that, where " all parties con sent," the certificate of a Government department may allow new lines to be made, or mutual arrangements between companies for the working or use of their lines for limited periods, or for raising further capital. A further Consoli dation Clauses Act is recommended. An important reso lution states the opinion of the committee, that an arrange ment ought to be come to between the two Houses for a single hearing of contested cases. The appointment of paid chairmen of select committees was suggested, but the committee do not advise it ; they re commend that the select committees consist of only three members, to meet at 11 o'clock, no member who has served 10 days to be required to serve on any new inquiry in that session. They decline to indorse a suggestion made that there should be power to award costs as a check upon vexatious proceedings. The high fees of Parliamentary counsel had the attention of the com mittee, and they consider that, instead of the ten-guinea fee for daily attendance and five guineas a day for consultation, only five and two guineas should be allowed on taxation. The Attorney-General stated that the existing scale of fees is not established by rules recognised by the bar at large, and that counsel taking a brief before Parliament at lower fees would not infringe any rule of etiquette of the bar in general ; and the committee hope that, with the concurrence of the profession, a modification of the present practice may take place. The charges for Parliamentary agents and soli citors are under the consideration of the Speaker ; the com mittee condemn the practice of allowing solicitors to charge Bd. a folio for copies of minutes of evidence, which are in fact made for them at 2d. a folio. It is recommended that the minutes of evidence be pr inted. In regard to the fees of the two houses the committee condemn the system of ad valorem fees, and recommend that the whole scale be re vised, so as to meet, but not exceed, the expenses thrown upon Parliament by the private business. Among minor recommendations is on that the advertisement of notices in the metropolitan newspapers be discontinued. IRELAND. - DUBLIN, JUNE 27. The Court of Queen's Bench gave judgment this day in an important habeas corpus case, which. came before them on an application by William Connor, to have his son, who is at present an inmate of the " Bird's Nest," at Kingstown, delivered into his custody. The question in the case was narrowed to the point whether the boy, being admitted over 14 years of age, was entitled to choose his domicile irrespective of the wishes of his father. The Chief Justice, Mr. Justice Hayes, and Mr. Justice Fitz gerald, held that 14 years of age was the period when the boy should be regarded as having the tight to exercise his will against the wish of his father. Mr. Justice O'Brien dissented, and held that 16 years was the period when the boy should be taken as emancipated from the authority of the father as regards his domicile. The boy William Connor is, therefore, left to his own choice, and it is understood that he elects to go back to the Bird's Nest. The "Black, List" case—" M'Nally v. Oldham" —was concluded yesterday. The Chief Justice in his charge to the jury explained the principles of law involved in the case. The facts were few and simple. Mr. Oldham, a solicitor, published a record of judgments for a select number of subscribers, who wished by getting this information to protect themselves from loss by trusting with their goods persons unworthy of their confidence. The plaintiff swore that the particular judgment in question, the publication of which in Mr. Oldham's list brought down all his creditors upon him and forced him into bankruptcy, was satisfied before the publication ; that he informed Mr. Oldham of the fact, and that :t was published notwithstanding. The defendant denied the material part of the evidence of the plaintiff, and produced witnesses to prove that the bankruptcy was not caused by the publication, but that it would have occurred if the judgment had never been published. The judge said : " The question was whether, on the 24th May, when the list came out, the judgment which was the foundation of the plaintiff's complaint was an existing judgment. In point of law, if they believed that this judgment was paid, as the plaintiff alleged that it was on the day before—and they had heard the evidence upon that subject—and if they believed that the publisher of the list was apprised, not merely by a verbal communication, but by a notice, that it was so paid before his list was published, the list as repre senting it as an existing judgment was a violation of the truth and of the law. Formerly the Legislature required, in order to make the satisfaction of a judgment complete, that there should be an entry on the record of the payment of it; but now the actual fact of payment is held by the law to be equivalent to that satisfaction. The judgment, therefore, would have been as completely swept from exist ence by the fact of payment, as it would have been by satisfaction entered on the record. And yet the person who had taken on himself to exercise this assumed autho rity required what the law itself did not require, and that in violation of the actual provisions of the Legislature. Therefore, when the defendant took upon himself to publish to the world the condition of every one who had a judgment against him, he should at least have the caution to inquire whether the judg ment was in existence or not, He (the learned judge) would not take upon himself to say that the mere publica tion of the judgment would of itself have amounted to any thing illegal; but this he would say, that a false represen tation made with respect to the judgment, being calculated unquestionably to affect the credit of a party who was under circumstances, as they had heard, to make it all important that there should be no interruption, no difficulty, thrown in the way of his credit, would be a serious violation of the law, and an abuse of a privilege which if it existed ought at least to be exercised with due caution. A v.ew of the case had been presented to the jury which, if it had been made out satisfactorily, materially affected the conduct of the de. fendant. It was alleged not only that he had notice of the payment of the debt, but that he himself offered to report the judgment as since paid,' and did not do so. If the jury believed that he was guilty of that omission, and that though thus apprized that there was within his reach a simple and easy mode of taking the sting out of the publi cation, he yet permitted it to remain, he must be answer able for the consequences." The jury agreed that there should be a verdict for the plaintiff, but they differed as to the amount of damages. Ultimately they brought in a special verdict that the bankruptcy did not result from any act or representation of the defendant, but that the jury found one farthing damages. It was the in tention of the jury that the costs should be paid by the defendant, and they gave the smallest possible amount of damages that would have that effect. Mr. Oldham had ;given up the publication two years before. Another Scientific Balloon Ascent at Wolverton. Wolverton was all astir on Friday, on the occa sion of Mr. Giaisher's balloon ascent. Among those present were the Duke of Sutherland, Lord Wrote tesley, Professor Faraday, Sir Rowland Hill, Dr. Lee, Col. Sykes, Mr. Negretti, &c. The ascent took place precisely at one o'clock. It was blowing rather strong at the time, and the instruments were in danger of being broken. Mr. Coxwell, with his customary tact, took opportunity of a momentary lull of the wind, and the balloon ascended amidst the cheers of the company assembled, three cheers being given at the suggestion of the Dake of Sutherland. The balloon kept in sight 15 minutes and then penetrated some thick clouds. ;There were about 66,000 feet of gas in the balloon. It is capable of holding 90,000, bat the smaller quantity was put in so as to allow for expansion td the high ascent Mr. Glaisher contemplated making, viz., five miles. All the instruments employed on the former occasion were again in requisition, there being in addition two bags supplied by Pro fessor Tindall, of the Royal Institution, for collect ing air at a high altitude for the purpose of analysis. A photographic camera was also fixed to the car, in order to take a photograph of the earth or clouds. Messrs. Negretti and Zambra furnished the instru ments, as before, the first-named gentleman being present and fixing them previous to the ascent. At two o'clock the company, numbering upwards of 100 leading gentry of the vicinity, together with the gentlemen who were taken down by special train, sat down to an elegant dejeuner in the erec tion shop of the company. The chair was occupied by the Duke of Sutherland, there being on his right Lord Wrottesley and on his left Professor Faraday. After the usual loyal toasts, "Messrs. Glaisher and Coxwell, and Success t o the Expedi tion," was given, and was responded to by Colonel Sykes, who said it was impossible to find two men more fitted to carry out such important investiga tions. Mr. Glaisher's scientific knowledge and perseverance in his peculiar province were un equalled, whilst Mr. Coxwell's indomitable courage and skilful management enabled him to surmount the difficulties and act coolly in such emergen ties as happened on a recent occasion, when they ascended upwards of 4,000 feet. Mr. Glaisher then became unconscious, and Mr. Coxwell, his hands being frozen, opened the valve by pulling the cord with his teeth. In reply to " The British Association," LordWrottesley said he personally felt much interested, in an astronomical point of view, in the experiments then being made ; they were of great importance iu the ascertainment of the exact condi tions of the atmosphere, and the delicate ques tion of its refractive properties, for a great deal de pended on refraction in getting accurate calculations. The toast of " The Scientific Balloon Committee" was responded to by Colonel Sykes, who also dwelt on thevalue and importance of scientific balloon ascents. Mr.Tite proposed " The Advancement of Science and Professor Faraday." That gentleman, in respond ing, said his interest in science Ni as awakened by witnessing a balloon ascent by Lunardi, who at that time created immense sensation by descending in a parachute. What these investigations would result in it was impossible to predict; but when we looked back fifty years, as he could do, and saw what im mense strides science had made, there was every rea son to hope that we shall continue to progress at the same rate. "The Royal Geographical Society and Captain Speke" was then given. In responding, that gentleman said he was grateful to the Geogra phical Society for the assistance they had afforded him in his explorations 'in—he might call it his country—Africa; but he had one thing to complain of, and that was, that they did not furnish him with balloons to explore the Mountains of the Moon. Some other toasts were then given, and the com pany broke up. A letter from Tebessa, in the province of Con stantina (Algeria), states that tho harvest in that district . will fully realise the hopes entertained. The wheat and barley crops are heavy and of good quality, and a consider able portion of the latter is already housed, COUNTRY MARKETS. v►~_. LEICESTER-SATuRDAY. There was barely an average show of wheat, with a thin attendance. The best sorts were unaltered, inferior is per qr cheaper. Little doing in beans and oats, at late, rates. —Old white wheat, —s to —s ; new, 45s to 52e per 3b stone. Old red, 44s to 50s 1 per 36 stone. Barley, malting, new, —s to —s per qr.; grinding,;27s to 30s ; old oats, —s to —s; new oats, 26s to 32s per 24 stone. Beans, new, 38s to 42s per 38 stone ; flour, 30s to 36sper 20 stone. GRANTHAM—SATURDAY. New white wheat, 49s to 535; red, 45s to 48s per 368 t.; malting barley, —s to —s per qr ; grinding, 28s to 30s; oats, 24s to 26s ; beans, 38s to 40s ; peas, 36s to 38s. YORK-SATURDAY. There was a limited show of wheat to-day, and the demand was slow, but prices fully as high as last week. Barley was scarce. Beans and oats quiet. Wheat, red 44s to 48s i Oats.... 22s to 24s White do .4Ss to 52s i Beans 40s to 42s Barley .29s to 30s 1 Peas ....—s to —a Malt, 62s to 64s per qr. ; rye, 34s per qr ; flour, 34s to 36s per sack. NORTHAMP TON-SATURDAY. Ther was a fair show of wheat. and with a quiet tone in the trade prices were unchanged for choice sorts. Barley and oats met a slow sale, at about late rates. Beans firm. —White wheat, 46s to 50s; red, 42s to 475; fine, 48a to ---s per qr. Barley, 34s:to .—s—grinding, 29s to 335; Oats, 24s to 32s per 24 stone. Beans, 37s to 40e. Peas, 36s to 40s per qr. NORWICH-SATURDAY. There was a fair show of wheat at market to-day, and trade was slow at former rates, the farmers being reluctant seller. White wheat. 46s to 49i Red wheat 43s to 48s Malting barley ... 38s to 40s 1 Chevalier barley 36s to 37s Distilling do 33s to 35s 1 Oats.. 24s to 28s Flour, 32s 6d to 33s Od per sack from the miller. NOTTINGHAM -SATURDAY. to-day, with a slow trade, and pri t s lim sc i a te rc d e s ly ho s w o h o i f gh wh a e s a l t as tweek. Ba r l e y an d oa t s w ere scarce. Beans in moderate demand, at last week's prices. —White wheat, from 43s to 53s ; red wheat, 42s to 50s. Barley—malting, 35s to 39s ; grinding, 27s to 295. Oats old, at 25s to 31s Od ; new, 22s to 295. Beans sold at 41e to 45s per qr. ; new, 37s to 425. RAILWAY INTELLIGENCE. TRAFFIC RECEIPTS FOR THE WEEK. Miles Opened. Receipts. Railways. 1863. 1862. 1863. Belfast and N. Counties 136 136 Belfast and County Down 49 49 Blyth and Tyne 2B 28 Bristol and Exeter l2l/ 121/ Caledonian 230 £3O Cockermouth & Workington Bk 8/ Cork and Bandon 2O 20 Cork, Blackrock, & Passage 6l 61 Cork and Youghal Cornwall s3k 53/ Deeside l7 17 Dublin & Belfast Junction 63 63 Dublin and Drogheda 75 63 Dublin and Meath Dub. & Wicklow and Wextd 484 454 Dundee, Perth, & Aber. Jun 3l 31 Edinburgh and Glasgow 1691 164 Forth & Clyde Junction Furness, &c 5O 51 Glasgow & South-Western Gt. Eastern,Nrik.,&E.Union 663 614 Great Northern 330 330 Great North of Scotland 5B 58 lit. Northn. & Westn. (Irel.) 7ll f 5/ 51t.Southn. & Westn.(lrlnd.) 329 329 Great Western 992 964/ Inverness & Aberdeen Juno 864 734 Irish North-Western 145 145 Irish South-Eastern 25/ 25/ Lancashire & Yorkshire 395/ 395/ Limerick and Ennis.. 23 24/ Limerick and Foynes 2 21 Llanelly London & North-Western London and Blackwall si 5 1 London & South-Western Lond. Brighton, &S. Coast 2504 2114 London, Chatham, & Dover 72i 72/ Do. Metropolitan Extension 9 Lond., Tilbury, & Southend Man.,Sheffield, & Lincolnsh Manch. S.Jun.&Altrincham 9/ laryport and Carlisle 2B Metropolitan Midland (incl. N.-Western) 630 Midland Gt.Westn. of 'rind— 219 lilonkland 7li Monmouthsh. Rail. & Canal 44 North British, Edin., Perth and Dundee N-Eastern and New. & Can.. 894/ North London 9 North Staffordshire 254 Oswestry and Newton.. 42 Rhymney l9/ St. Helen's Canal & Railway 52 Scottish Central Scottish North-Eastern l3Bl. Somerset and Dorset 34 South Devon South-Eastern .... ......... 306 Stockton and Darlington .... 185 Taff Vale 55 Ulster Vale of Clwyd. Vale of Neath 254 Waterford and Kilkenny 3l Waterford and Limerick 77 West Cornwall 274 W.HartlepoolHarbn&RaiL _ 18 W'haven,Cleaton&Egrmnt 7 Whitehaven Junction l2 Whitehaven & Furness Jun 35 FOREIGN AND COLONIAL. Antwerp and Rotterdam 52 Austrian B2B Belgian Eastern Junction 264 Bombay, Baroda, & Cen. India 1851 Buffalo and Lake Huron I6II Detroit and Milwaukie lB5 Dutch Rhenish Eastern of France lO7B East Indian Grand Trunk of Canada lO9O Great Indian Peninsula O5 Great Luxembourg 134 Great Southern of India Great Western of Canada 345 Madrid, Saragossa &Alicant O9 Northern of Canada ... 94 Norwegian Trunk Ottomin Paris, Lyons, & Mediterrn 1491 Paris and Orleans 1340 Pernambuoo .. 77i Royal Danish 69 Sambre and Meuse 6B South Austrian Southern of France 777 Victorian 196 Welland West Flanders 75 W. and N.W. of France 758 42} 239 t 91 28 2,111 '692 1,803 16,610 293 318 523 1,425 292 1,405 1,915 177 2,381 1,15 k 7,999 3,062 8,416 29,985 27,133 1,773 613 8,120 63,519 1,338 1,615 .242 35,210 201 658 98,700 1,933 24,920 20,113 4,864 .5z5 1,541 14,661 1,330 1,367 2,001 41,. , 54 5,057 1,591 2,516 6145 1925 715 44 345} 878 4 9 252 1321 39 75 306 183 1862. 2,019 637 1,909 7,292 15,385 317 :318 430 1,580 318 1,267 1,891 2,099 1,093 7,175 2,551 7,665 29,494 27,567 1.767 784 8,707 08,255 1,004 1,743 - 222 33,902 200 182 706 99,17 k 1,816 28.888 21,681 4,612 2,077 13,252 1,14 1,004 36,357 5,16+ 1,752 2,385 12,253 10,463 43,038 40,537 3,293 3,130 8,013 7,78 5 1,151 908 919 8 35 2,052 1,866 3,177 3,228 4,880 4,500 356 37 0 4.076 4,114 21,443 23,129 10,265 8,935 5,394 5,526 1,791 1,708 191 180 2,020 2,010 '3OO 339 1,434 1,582 861 1,003 3,742 3,720 680 475 858 631 842 782 1,106 1,133 31,110 35,26 277 311 2,506 911 1,791 1,318 3,876 2,892 4,889 5,472 48,078 51,488 19,625 12,320 16,476 12,320 9,078 7,182 4,720 4,611 531 56 0 8,970 8,783 18,942 20,025 1,953 2,014 956 550 iCi 331 224 1354 118,995 121,150 1201 58,283 56,341 1,053 69 - • - 68 1,537 1,696 1315 45,218 58,22 2 77 7 23,599 24,822 92 8,924 4,187 25 748 596 75 953 879 758 40,421 41,699 Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Ails*Jana and Mauritius, via Southampton .. July 19. via Marseilles July 13. Brazil and Cape Verds, by British packet. July 5 Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena June 29. China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southampton July 2. via Marseilles June 27. Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton July 2. India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton July 2. via Marseilles July 10. India (Bombay), via Southampton July 10. via Marseilles July 5. P0rtuga1.......... Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton July 2. via Marseilles June 27. Newfoundland Oporto and Vigo • U. S. and British N. America, by Brit. packet July 2. by U.S. packet . . —. by Canadian packet. July 3. W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and Tenerifie July 10 Bahamas, via Now York July 2. Mexico. All parts of West Indies, in c l u di ng Chili, Per.u.,.i June 29. 29 : California. and British Columbia.. THE FATAL EXPLOSION IN WHITECHAPEL.--- Saturday Mr. Humphreys resumed, at the London Hospital, the adjourned inquiry respecting the deaths Jacob Baltic, aged 29, and Henry Myres, aged 22, the men who lost their lives from the effects of scalding received at the explosion which occurred on Monday week in the sugar refinery of Messrs. Scherrer 'and Benson, Dunk-street, Whitechapel, and the particUlars of which have been already recorded. Somo additional evidence having been adduced, the coroner summed up, and the jury returned a verdict, "That the deceased met their deaths accidentally from scalds, caused by the explosion of the boiler in the premises of Messrs. Scherrer and Benson, and they (the jury) eon.. sidered the men in charge of the boiler were competent for the work." Births. BAINES.— On the 26th inst., at 54, Thurloe-square, the wife of Dr. Matthew Baines, of a son. MU DIE.—On the 26th inst., at. The Green, Hampstead, Mrs. C. E. Mudie, of a daughter. , - WMAHoN.—On the 25th inst., at Genning's-park, Houton, Kent, the wife of Major M‘Mahon, late 14th Light Dra goons, of a daughter. Marriages. GOMPERTZ —PARKEN.—On the 25th inst., at St. Peter's, Bournemouth, Francis Trimmer Gompertz, Esq., of London, to Sarah Anne Therese, daughter of the late Dr. Henry Goff Parken, 17th Lancers. WILLIAMS—GAEL.—On the 23 d in st., at S t. Marylebone , the Rev F. H. Williams, incu mb en t of Christchurch , Ashton-under-Lyne, t o Jane Susanna, daught er o f S. Gael, Egg., of Charlton -King's, near Cheltenham Deaths. BEALE.—On the 26th inst., at Chislehurst, Thomas Fred. E sq ., , 200, Regent-str ee t, an d 59 , Gloucester place, Regent 25th inst., su dd en l y , a t Di x ' s Field, ptaaclee; R eg ent a-park, aged 58. Exeter, Captain John Bingham, R.N., aged. 78. Brtowx. —On the 25th inst., at 42, Holford-square, Chas. Brown, Esq., aged 55. CURE.—On the 26th inst., at Woodside, Weybridget Anna Maria, wife of Robert Capel Cure, Esq., aged 38- How.—On the 25th inst., at Basingstoke, Lear llow,Esq., aged 62. Corte, Es q ., CORPE.—On th e 26th i ns t., a t Old B rom pt on , Charles IL aged 65. • PALMER..—On the 24th inst., William Francis Palmer , Esq., of Island House, Loughborough, aged €9. YoUDEN.—On the 24th inst., at Buckland, Dover, Mr. J . E. Youden, aged 61. London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDREWS of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at TUE Sim Office• No• 112, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the CO MO' °f hilddledear..—Monday, June 29, 1863.