The Sun. — London, England, 1833-04-02 00:00:00

ter►ls bad cord in • in vi hje 'aY n ief. late e ve li unani t . o o° o be an I ,etitio° rof at srte" ! 0 0° eti o b s erVan c t e i t) , of 't o ld ouse the o°l Jo• root etitiont 0 00. b e tter h oi of irh . ,, t 00 0 be w o o d to b ut reia be trad e. " , • hed ` alb ei t is_ do ed t tb° bt ;be 4 Nobl e ler the ' bie a rea'°l ol . 1, it via' • flou' e 'f e le alition o .1 a r elltie r§ ve the hoo 1 f ° o w' ri/ the P ° fo f tios i a ll hi , ac 3 be bli s nto ro' it wa 9 W 1- 01 :fore , : 00 Con ig ' s , l l ers, a flees - 10 , a nd bje c the °l a ij ugly , a'' ber ° es - e lieW ro e N orae al e sity „,„.1s a he ve ' dePr;" b the ce d vi lt „ o se, J e La , e%Y. O O' •10 ." ae etit': be r e ", f b o " duty 414Yrrniaao,ietiace rcquired of me to perform. The Noble rgiall as if the whole ground.of necessity 13 anbandoned bcc-use of th - rse itm,ndinents. I cannot . tadsrstand this to " be the case. The necessity Vh ieh, as I have before stated, compelled the measure, ei ght to limit • . late, i ts , it, and if, in he . discussion of a mea o be, the:, a'shis ) oub , ottrn that with certain limitations it I e u b e as e fficient as the case of necessity required . it to t he aceordingSYlye--s lac hound to ( to me, the Houses of Parliament 41147 v4 7 1 ;11 8 1: 0 o those limitations, and to alter the 0 - i Hear, bear.) . Undoubtedly, as the offences which are enumerated i i i , ' .. ttle e lante We are now discussing were subject to trial e 4740turtsitartial. If the objects of that provision canb I An eti in another way, lam bound to consider whether eelec,not dispense with these provisions in the particular th e llnd if I can without injuring the general efficiency ni till 4 1e , 4411 4 ) lam bound to do so. One part d t h is w..e. are 4 - ,;', 8 to Meetings of an illegal nature, and wahst too ttept:_ttnated. to produce most evil effects. hill : Political agitation that this Bill was proposed.. t er ~Q t V tO inquire whether that agitation t w a a n s 'xteo," t less than in 1829, but it was of so there w‘un threatened such dangerous consequenc g es e , a that al no e h% One who did not feel the necessity of some to f t° tePress the . 1 It is not necessary for me to "th ee th -en • don me fer some Itt essu i , Iti nature repeated calls ma e , in _ tro ueeci ''of this for a long period before it was e natto rb , The meetings, that are the . subject of this P i tttli t i tia " Were held generally in districts that were not t elti -•• AA it is almost impossible thatmeetings it, whertintie to be held in such districts, the qu . est . i a o w n With et tee shall continue this provision of the law Nee t te fild to them. After carefully considering . r • - e nti t i erp `eln of opinion that the measure may, with pe , i' °‘e 0 ,, 7 t° ita general fficienc be limited in the way vst . t ilr e r ce ted by these a e rnendments, and I shall therefor bil ethe li t in t mY support. I have been called on to state !Iktt e i ` r eiand is in an improved state. In some re- e ke „Pra,„„ s _ ei n 'tarry to say t • in all there has ben . som f s t' i l 'i fink-lee duty" 1. s'ettt ' b better than to justify . the . remission of ir tatd;, ,1,11r,e• During the last circuit, juries have pe . r l - 1 is - Itled • than they did formerly, but still e°l '-- Ym tPossible to carry the law . fully into effect, ttee t - f .94 ,"° 8 of the difficulty of getting witnesses . to L l Stit r i: a fd. I have a letter from one of the highestla n w Ns k it ' In Ireland, stating that the very expectationwhen IS!tele,' .44a produced a must salutary effect, and r Dlt° execution, I hope it will be found to an L s o w rd e . 'illrt,•j7' T h at T being the case, I appeal to your . !I•Me h e :,, th ee ato liabl e to be attacked for inconsistency 'll ae,;: e nsed of abandoning principles, or to be charged •atid - -1 it, - necessity of the case, if, 4 .tikrtie con tradiction to the th(eit"e i ll 'ill_ar instance of limitation, I propose to you ti ts,,llLoute otufe,atnendroents that have been agreed to . in ehle-4,-.adopim ••o Monons—ainendments which,.. I think, tet 4e Y al s ; vi ttb safety, and without diminishing the b. r ) What was the b ate of %hie Bill.—(Hear, ea...? hei.t,)4411 !II in the first instance lt was to insti dil ar tlent arL.ail, for the purpose of preventing the ill tltel 'diu; t d eath from being visited - upon those who The amendments 11A"t.di4114'11jurYtn" or witnesses. ma„ial in that re the Na and 4 , t ; the power of courts me and giving to leere, bi e t 4 ,1 the taking away from th, 6 0 ea, the that popularity ' which he now Pet m il e -ee tlY to desire, I must be content to suffer I do nlit t he N 4 , ter loenc e of having done my duty, and of it. agreed thi lt al e Earl to receive all the advantage Ib, to, to th 't, the amendments n . ow . proposed may be it i.'' N and 4iltently with the consequently principles stated by the t hee: 4 .. 4 t 'l ,. ' . e Noble Lord opposite, and . N. .00 4 ,,: "•• assent to these amendments. It e l m t . is on It Pei * ilh ;i: generally that I shall =,ssen t, i d , t n, p : deepest regret that I found n eelf com my. of th„ 'ild ertir°* the measure. Feeling the necessity '` 'let ‘:t Shrink t ding my duty, however painful . Whi e h t ev ac ~, rum l , ' itiv part of the Bill Tye ta,,, be aor 'won d Hee' ? up • tri„,_ . • e i r eaftly done away with.—(Hear, hear.) at e °•4l , po„,-;;°1 WELLINGTON did not understand the : heat 44 ' of the Noble Earl, or that in which he G (I , l ' l / 4 144 ,d• It appeared to him, tlia r t n accordingodes of deal- Otl*;:ttli t i,. 41 , there were three different . etc,: in 0, - °tate of Ireland. They differed from each h ~....11 1 . ,!. tiiettiete that were and that were not p r.o - 1 5:;,!,°41% . iiiikefirst mode was that of a summary ma tat;°,ll%,,44ogistrates, according . to the Bill of 1829 ; tie 11 41..7 4 ' C o rd i n g to the ordinary course of th .n e c p o r tn o. - tr -44 41 "d the third was by coo, tsmar tat, 1 tcd t l b4 . ll,l 4 l ti nts' ) under the operation of the second part . of ti l llf? ',Now what was the alteratitinpr m op n o n s e ed pa i r n t ki holowihat if the offence was committed g y -t k iteC ° ,.'n which was not proclaimed—or t ougliit t * o li t ' d V t i , r) e g nia offence as . might be tried in a summary 4 1% Magistrates —it was now to be decided a-- ash, . al k ,.."that,44 course of the common law; and yet, !C at h .. tad g., il this, the preamble of the 8 . ,1i slil . re i t ' - 'kei n,.. 'ag larch that the Bill was iequired eeause Z 0 " e ti k tvitiy eouht not lie got to do their duty et 4 'ttknm; Z e a n nner.—( Hear, hear, hear.) T:7 14,0'441 iltng e e r i , t eratio n was, that the a s n u d m e i v n e a n ry in p t r he 'tot kikilted ditty her to . tie put . an end to; eifeol t e elf et e t% in which it was said ; that the law could More 1. Wit n o t nil, if certain offences were committed, the tl, NI% --Q t to be tried by summary process, nor yet i !k ilt I; t e i t li f ilil t : i tfitaol, be .in a ra m e, inner which was declare, icahle.—( Hear. ) If the (till; t h, l ii r n.,Ott law were capable of doing the business atia d pat h to beeo to do it altovethei, and caurtsmartial t eld he e1....a11ed into existence; but if courtsma fi rtia t l li ' ,41 ed-wte't----if wit eSses were threatened rs , t ettg it r - t se tt I Murdered, so that truth cou'd not be 4 44 4- t o 11,, d Pliee could rot be effected, Parliament it ' - [nit which n ssary and ought not to i W kt 4 . 3 1 the • • Was tee ' merely because ere oh Id that Provisiona of the measure, roartiTauknat these were political offences, and there 'the'i Tb• to be brought uniler the authoptyof courts eatioi rb 4 tl4 e Iltiestion the • had now to decide was, cal ° th „ atiketid be executed } or not. If it could, the :. tat e : ' , St i' -.knot too be proclaimed, and courtstnartial the as 'tti eti e 4 ' e a doPted. If justice could not be exe -4diesliettle-°l4tentartial ought to have the power . of tryi t ng e No t Y 41, 4 tv h° cool! not be brought to trial in h f the -e le of s ' latter was the case, hoer,°r ite, nd the law. If the l b " rli t k Il ic t 'a' th e 11' tee nta ought not to be agreed to ; if the -e a: 4l , - talie„N'T thut unnecessary.that at the Noble Duke had, 4414 N -nroa Mistaken the question. T he Noblethe th e ft .N l l 4l4, 4 if those amendments which were provisions of h Otia,. , tt,h i ',non went to take away the of '144 ' Sl_ th e was adapted fcr a particular state his posedet I ltk• sia, hair Ns Duke, at the conclusion of , nitllihei.oith,,•telnit a sort of dilemma, in which he sup ,,setio : f t o ese u nt to be • (dyed. But that dilemma .. Pli,l.°l,veill'it;:°e:terlri'ititd'o. In v v.as i n v ot stated that the insti- The • where necessary. Of th tilt effelltnif4e•i Ts t e l v e e r ' arts of the Bill wou'd til lhl NO: "'eitinn: e ro n tec i tio p n to people in those parts Ile Lt.tilt e n? l eb ' were not proclaimed, and would d elies, d ee td ll i t b it °f law there to do their duty with effect. ;, le t' t her , 1 4 ., e lad existed, and he was sorry to say, lie f . ' , at ~,- -" ritin a "1,1 Still exist a most unexampled state o f He..lt a eo le. -oe trl. - k ti ia eland,L ' The unfortunate .H tia p tr e , op ui e ar o .) y a 'Aft ' ''ad ~ - oth er b een opprt sse ;".ettet: td Pitt of the world had ever seen since the 1 : th e I,4Piette The Bill was still necessary, ~,',ltit t l ie h e -°b le Earl at the head of the Government'f:ther 'at v -t tt IV , 4 8 not desirous of carrying , Ali ratd4,l,4aolutel compelled to do.—( i ele:Del'lts Zed did Y not wish to lose sight of those nn, (le itii • itt hoed ought not to be broken . in whichup tatthat t h t o h e r% of absolute necessity, an(which I,Nir,.4lftinged no further than the limits . d Vl,ll ‘ `' apg Positively prescribed. The ques•ion had 'e t ," l ,elli ' ,,,"elt - l e l as fair b other Noble Lords as by the ,' t • i: 4e ; Z te th ' e l i l l ' e t h lt i ad hien y argued as a matter of personal * IL," dik ed to Earl at the head of the Government. otteaa,te? and why the Bill bad been . d in 1 ,1 th,i to ,L'' th were told in effect, that if they one o t ,; k t these W amendments they would be br r ing r - Zof iilllati go4,ollse into disrespect. The Noble_ ' l e„ Earl 4 Pti,,-en touch of the constitution. Wasthat_ ~,..4 te la 10 14 re - tZ e.. le of the constitution . which the Noble b e mono to 'neer death than violate, to refuse to the ,° 41 ilZlll,lbeots ina.le in a Bill by notthsen House of be e . : '4 ( 6. ott:) At least,posed to di,parrettlii3,lo in ittlouse, were it am wa en t d ri m al en i t i s y made by jury bad d eed, e ßelb t „ado pr _,. 11111 relating to IS 'ns o r of t h el ,_ That was never thought t a o ci be r_ a . by 44ur e I) the t iouse of Commons. That ti tat 'h t e e t ka 4i J il tia o t 4 o ea ntages of the constitution, that th ' at m a ath n e hii • i m niti„,, one House was corrected afterwards tsbj e H nlie: I taci : 15 ! the other. He did not consider nce te e ,: e ffeet , 1 / 4 ;; • Fe'ved any such alterations i ms. . 11 e. r , aot toli 4 ll 011'n render it int fficacious. A m Ki t), I he lice cad been produced in Ireland by l s t lA the e lto un it s o id ered t , °f . this tn.easure, which, for . his own e t uoa • "raa required by, and still adapted t e e' e'l Land 10 Which she was now placed. The to Irettitk that he tore(lt le gg 41 Prod e understood the trials on the t' w er gth fited need satisfactory results—that there teat e atOt t g ° P of opinion and of actio d n—t ß h u a t t d oYteati,,„ ''" nor witnesses intimida e talio‘rs,„4t•e the e ::::: if there were perfect freedom, ta t - g i t 'We been brought forward ? Were Ns, e one ten:L.4'lon which they ought to be ? He 4,, _ ProleoUtiogi -4'414 fact, which occurred lately. a 4 r . ,, l' er t e ll r e or re .. lati ae3. al to 4 1 t 4 L init . a Police-offic er for murder, in ,'Y t o 1 Publi c „„ 4" deceased had to appear in It 4 t i e —` Rlacl e f r'otecutors. Allowance ought cer •ell'etatanet,°;ebtbe natural feelings of individuals in ut these feelings were carried too - - ! far when they attacked the prerogatives of the Crown, in such a way as had rarely or ever been done, by challeng ing every juror from whom an impartial verdict might he expected. When the jury were etnpannelled, the prosecu tors thought that Roman Catholics were more likely to give a verdict according to their wishes than Protestants, and in consequence nine of the former, and three of the latter persuasion, were sworn in. The party vets ac quitted, and as he was in fact blameless, he certainly admitted that it showed an improved state of feeling. He had very strong hopes that this Biil would not be required to be put in force in any single instance ; but this did not argue at all against its necessity. But he would beg their Lordships to consider the description of crime to which it was still applicatle—that almost every ease which could possibly arise, connected with the intimidation of witnesses, or the attempt to turn public u nctionaries from their duties, was compassed by it. All these offences were met by its provisions. Though founded on the Proclamation Act of 1829, it went much further, and was far more comprehensive in its nature; for it gave the Lord Lieutenant the means, when the ordinary powers could not reach offenders, of directly attacking and putting an end to outrage. It gave great facilities for letting the common law take effect either in the district where it was in force, or in any other part of the country. What had been the state of Ireland for the last twelve months? Net merely bad the ill-disposed been rioting in every kind of 1 iwlessness, but they compelled others to join in their train—the well-disposed, who were anxious to fulfil their duties, to pay their rents, to be peaceable, loyal, and good subjects, had been in many instences forced into a reluctant concert with them. It was to put an end to this state of things that the Bill had been brought in. Without stating that all the alterations were absolute improvements in the Bill, he would still say that it was a good and a necessary one ; that it was sufficient for its purpose; that it would preserve peace, insure order, and protect life ; and he therefore put it to their Lordships whether, under such circumstances, they would do anything to defeat or impair it? Lord WYNFORD said, if he believed that there was such a happy change in the constitution of society in Ireland as to justify these changes in the Bill, he should feel it his duty to oppose every amendment, and in order to its !ejection, because lie would never wantonly consent to the violation of the established constitution of the country. But lie did not think there was any change of a salutary nature, or that they might congratulate them selves upon. He would beg to state that the averment of the Noble Lord, that it was exceedingly doubtful if the Bill were ever put in force, in consequence of the amend- ment in the sate of the country, was to him a source of uneasiness. If a Noble Lord in another place had been correctly reported, be had described this supposed amend ment as the very circumstance which was of the most alarming character. And in that opinion be (Lord Wyn ford) most certainly agreed; for it was a calm of a de lusive and portentous character, and only showed the lin , mense and unwholesome control which certain individuals could exercise over their fellow-countrymen. It was evi dent there were persons of influence sufficient to suppress their angry passions, and almost on the instant to make them quiescent and apparently obedient to the law, but who, when it suited their purpose, could bring them forward in most formidable array—a thing which he denounced as wholly inconsistent with the peace and good government of the country.—(Hear, hear.) But, in reference to this boasted improvement, he would beg to ask whether the case of the Rev. Mr. Doyle, which had been published in the papers of that morning, had been read by their Lordships, and whether it showed any features which should induce their Lord. ships to consent to this amendment of the first clause? That Rev. Gentleman had been indicted far publishing se ditious libels and attending illegal meetings, and the second count, fur being present, applied to the part now under consideration. This Rev. Gentleman, who talked of getting rid of all tithes, who attacked the aristocracy in every way, he should have thought would have been con victed ; but atter four hours' deliberation he had been acquitted. Now he considered that unlawful assemblies, in the present temper of Ireland, were, of all things in the world, her greatest curse, and ought, above all things, to be vigorously met and resolutely put down. How could the fidelity of the preamble be maintained under these al terations ? What aid it complain of ? Why, that there were unlawful assemblies which afflicted and disturbed the country. Then, lie contended, that these unlawful and tumultuous asse blages were the worst part of the grievances of Ireland, and ought not to have been withdrawn fiom the jurisdiction of the courtsmattial. If they wanted evidence of the injurious tendency of these meetings, let tilt m look to the last eighteen months, ever since another individual of the name of Doyle had written a certain letter, w. ich had produced dissension and dis:urhance, as surely as thunder followed lightning. These offences were the foundation of all others—they were the parents of all the outrage and all the intimida tion which had lately prevailed ; and if tiny could not be tried by the ordinary course of the law—as the Noble Premier had at first stated, and which had not since been contradicted—they ought to he assigned tor decision to die courtsmartial. These meetings were all for political pur poses, and all in their consequences contributed to the dis ruption of society. If these were not to be attacked, punished, and put down, it was a mere mockery to pass this Bill—let them come to some understanding at once and reject it. He should oppose to the utmost any attempt to d s:roy the church of Ireland, because he was bound to protect his Sovereign, and his Sovereign was bound to protect that church. Now any attempts to injure or dt stray that, or to intimidate its ministers, were political offences, and the Eine, as parens patrice, was bound to take every measure to defend it, and their Lordships, as the great supporters of the throne, were called upon to assist him in maintaining order and enforcing justice. If they could not do this by the ordinary law they were bound to go beyond it, no !natter for what offence. They ought, then, after the statement of the Noble Earl at the head of the Government, to decide on these political offences at once. If they withdrew them from the ceurtsmartial clause, the Bill was merely a bit of waste paper. It was folly to talk of murders and ma raudings only being subject to them. They could not re animate the murdered body—they could not restore vigour to the limb when the mortal blow had been given by the midnight assassin; but they could prevent those tumul tuous meetings which first gave birth to such enormities, which engendered such atrocities, which excited such evil and such horrid passions, and they ought to do so. He was satisfied that the Bill, as sent down from them, was a necessary, a just, and an efficient one, wholly equal to its end. It was not so now. He had a high respect for the other House; but be had also a proper respect for that House to which he bad the honour to belong ; and he therefore called upon their Lordships to respect those privileges, and not give way on the present occasiou, by agreeing to amendments which were at once unwise and uncalled for. The Earl of WICKLOW said that when on a former occasion he had heard the Noble Earl enforcing the ne cessity of the Bill with that eloquence which so peculiarly distinguished him, when they were called upon to pass the Bill without inquiry, but merely on the assurance of Ministers that it was necesvary, he little expected to find that Noble Eirl coming down to that House and propos ing such alterations. It proved that the Noble Earl was either ignorant of the true state of Ireland, or that events had occurred which rendered a less severe Bill sufficient. He could not look upon it now as otherwise than inefficient and worthlesF. Lord Viscount MELBOURNE maintained that the Bid still gave abundant power to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland to put down illegal meetings. The meetings, the proceedings at which, in the Biil as it originally stood, were to be brought within the purview of courtsmartial, were only meetings in proclaimed districts. Now it was well known that the principal body aimed at by the Bill was the volunteers. Now meetings of the volunteers were very rarely held in these proclaimed districts, so that the efficiency of this Bill was not diminished as regarded them. It was true that an improvement had manifested itself in the state of Ireland, and that juries had lately dune their duty ; and he agreed with the Noble Earl, that one cause of that improvement was the encouragement given to the well-disposed by the introduction of the Bill into Parlia ment. He could not admit that that House at all com promised its dign ty by agreeing to amendments which proceeded from the other House. All that their Lord ships ought to do was to consider whether those amen d. ments were right or not, and, if right, to agree to them. The Duke of WELLINGTON complained that the provisions of the Bill were now inconsistent with the preamble. If, however, his Majesty's Ministers conceived that the measure, in its present form, was sufficient for the purpose. in view, he, for one, would not, wisa them to ca ry it one iota further. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE observed, that even if the amendments exposed the framers of the Bill to the charge of inconsistency, yet, if those amendments , w; re thought right, they ought to be adopted. if there was one thing of which he was mere confident than another, it was this, that if their Lordships passed the Bill as it stood, they would hear no more of those assemblies which all parties agreed were destructive of the peace and pros perity of Ireland. Lord WYNFORD, the Marquis of LArtsnowNr, and the Earl of ELDON severally explained. Earl RODEN was not one of those who were at all disinclined to disagree with the amendments made in the Rill by the other House of Parliament ; with the excep• tion of the silly and foolish amendment in the fourth clause—an amendment directed against the clergy. The measure had undergone great changes in the House of Commons ; so much so. that it Lad been well said by one of the opponents of his Majesty's Government in that House—that, like the month of March, it had core in like a lion and gone out like a lamb. He allowed that great confidence had been given to jurors in Ireland by the mooting of this Bill in Parliament. But he bad also heard, that since this Bill had been frittered away in another place, this salutary impression had been greatly weakened. He freely con fessed that the measure was an unconstitutional one, and that he was surprised at its introduction by a Whig Go vernment. It was evident that if the severe measure was necessary in February it was necessary at present. But at any rate, nothing could be more c ilculated to blacken the aristocrat.) , in the minds of the pecp'e, than to intro duce a severe measure in that House, and afterwards to mitigate it in the other House of Parliament. He espe cially called the attention of his Majesty's Government to the expediency of counteracting the efforts which were making to bring about a repeal of the Union. Nothing could prevent that repeal from taking place but a con tinuance of the separation of the two great parties in Ire land. If, unfortunately, in his opinion, those two parties should coalesce, neither the Noble Earl, nor any one else, could prevent the accomplishment of the measure, which would certainly be fraught with the greatest evils to the whole empire. Lord Viscount TEYNEIAM remarked, that half a million of people in England had petitioned against the passing of the Bill at all. It was a measure which cer tainly established a tremendous gulf between England and Ireland. He certainly did not mean to say that the Bill was not necessary, but he deeply deplored that neces sity, feeling, as he did, that Ireland ought to be governed by other means than by the sword. Earl GREY ahotild have done very wrong if be had proposed any measure stronger than what the necessity of the case seemed to him at the time to require. But after much consideration, the Bill which he had had the honour to introduce to their Lordships was framed in con formity with what that necessity appeared to justify, and had been adopted by their Lordships in consequence of his statement to that effect. It then went to the other House of Parliament, who had an undoubted right to make what alterations in the Bill they thought proper. For those alterations he was not responsible. Some of them he wished had not been made. But when the Bill came back with these alterations, it was for their Lordships to consider whether it was nut still sufficient for its purpose. That was the true ground on which the question stood- A Noble Earl bad alleged that the course which had been adopted was calculated to blacken the aristocracy in the minds of the people. If that reproach was applicable to the House for adopting the measure, how much more ap plicable must it be to him who proposed the measure? But he must deny that either the House or the individual who was then addressing them was justly sub ject to the reproach. When the Bill came from the other House of Parliament with alterations, it was their Lo; ships' duty to examine those altera tions, and if they considered them beneficial, to adopt them. And even if they considered those altera tions objectionable, yet not so objectionable as to warrant risking the loss or the delay of the Bill, they would then pay a prop-r deference to the other branch of the Legislature, as well as to their duty to the public, by agreeing to the alterations. He did not think that this alteration with respect to courtemartial materially affected the Bill. These were the only alterations made in the first part of the Bill, and he did not think that they mi litated against its efficiency. He now approached the second part, and though there were numerous alterations made in it, yet they were not of any particular impor tance, with the exception of that which limited the power of the Lord Lieutenant, so that he could not apply the provisions of the Act to districts merely because tithes had not been paid. That clause had certainly made a great change in the operation of the Bill, but he hoped that the difference was not so great as to prevent their Lordships from p issing it. With respect to the pre amble, he (Lord Grey) thought that it had been fully made out. It steed that the laws now in force had been found inadequate to the prompt and sffectual sappressien of the disturbances, and that the interpo sition of Parliament was necessary, for the purpose of checking their futeher progress and to maintain the peace. He conceived that that had been fully made out.—(Hear.) And he agreed with the opinion of the Petitioners from Kilkenny, who stated in their last reso'u tion that the least possible delay should be allowed to inter vene in passing the measure into a law. He thought that the Bill, as amended, would have the effect of teen quillizing Ireland ; and he was sure that the Noble Duke opposite (than whom there could not be a higher authority on military matter) would declare that, with the Bill as it then stood in his hand, he would answer for the peace of that country. He would conclude with s tying, that it was for their Lordships to say whether they would receive the Bill as amended, or whether they would reject any, or which of the amendments made in the House below. Several verbal amendments were then put and agreed to. On the question being put, that the omission of the word.: in the 4th clause "shall be cognizable by any Court appointed as hereinafter mentioned, and if not committed within any such district," Lord ELLENBOROUGH did not conceive that the clause, as amended, was more favourable to liberty than formeily, but quite the reverse. Though it was generally proper to confi..e observations to the clause under discus sion, he thought it worthy of observation at that time, how unequally the Bill acted. By the 22d clause it was enacted, that every person wbo should injure the property or person of any one who had appeared as a juror, wit ness, or prosecutor, or for the purpose of any prosecution, or civil proceeding, or who by menaces or otherwise, should deter any one from appearing as a juror, witness, cr otherwise, should be triable for such offence, if committed within any proclaimed district, by a court martial, and on conviction be liable to transportation for seven or fourteen years. This brought the poorer cl irises under the jurisdiction of courtsmartial, while the great -agitators who were the cause of the disturbances, were specially excepted by the clause then under consideration. —(Hear, hear.) If the alterations in the Bill had been made in the other House, contrary to the wi.hes o f Go vernment, and by an overwhelming majority of that House, then they (their Lordship.) would all he placed in the same situation. But that was not the ease. Ministers not only agreed to many material changes, but they even suggested some amendments themselves. They must, therefore, have offered a measure for their Lordships' adop tion, which was either inadequate to the case in point, or which they were not justified in passing.—(Hear.) Ile did not like that provision of the Bill which enacted that the poor should be tried by courtsmartial, while the great agitators were tried by common law. Earl GREY said, that the Noble Baron had endea voured to create the impression that the Government were d: sling leniently towards the great agitators, who caused the disturbances, while they oppressed the poor who only acted as their followers. He (Earl Grey) was convinced that the sense of the country would reject the imputation cast upon them. The Noble Baron would allow that there was a difference between the culprit who practised midnight outrages, and plotted in secret, and him who went boldly in the fare of the law, and that different modes of punishment were applicable to the two species of crime. Ttiat was the reason why the difference was drawn between him who maliciously injured property, or deterred a juror trona attending on any trial, or any of fence of that sort—and the agitator. And as a proof that these agitators themselves ( - IA not consider that they were favoured by the measure, be might m. ration that persons addicted to such practices were those most op posed to its enactments. He thought, therefore, that whether their Lordships adhered to the clause as a:rendtd or not, they would acquit his Majesty's Govern ment of any intention to truckle to the great agitators.— (Hear, hear.) He now came to the part of the Noble Lord's statement which regarded the taking the power of summary punishment from the justices of the peace. The question was, whether the increased punishment would not be sufficient to answer the ends of justice. In his opinion it would ; especirtly as any magistrate, peace officer, or other person, authorized by the Lord Lieute nant, could commit to prison any one found out of his house at certain hours, or who contravened the provisions of the Act. It the punishment by common law were found effectual, he (Lord Grey) could not but consider it de sirable that it should be ailliered to, as there was always a prejudice entertained against a conviction by a magis trate without the intervention of a jury. He, there!ore, thought that - their Lordships would consider the amend ment might he agreed to, without destroying the efficacy of the Bill. Lord E LLENBOROUGIJ said that he did not disap prove of the alteration in that particular clause. Indeed, he considered it an improvement. The clause was then agreed to. Several other clauses Inving been agreed to—Upon the amendment to the 4th clause being read, which provides that it shall not be in the power of the Lord Lieutenant to apply the provisions of the Bill merely because tithes had not been paid, E irl GREY could not but acknowledge that he ap proached that amendment with great regret. He hoped, however, that the difference which it made in the opera- Lion of the BM was not such as would induce their Lord- ships to rejsct the whole Bill. The Duke of WELLINGTON objected to the amend ment because it was inconsistent with the previous part of the clause. He objected to it more particularly be cause it gave the sanction of Parliament to a most im proper distinction between tithes and other property— (Hear, hear)—and deprived the clergy of that protection which was extended to every other class of his Majesty's subjects. He objected to it too, as the clause, if it meant anything, went to put down tithes; a n d if i t did not mean that, it meant nothing, and he thought it desirable that no clause should be admitted into an Act of Parlia ment which had not a meaning. These were, however, not his only objections to the clause iniuestion. He found that in one clause, it was founded partly upon the 27th George HI. cap. 15, and that every one contraven ing that Act should be held guilty of contravening the present. And then, in the 22d clause of the present Bill, he found that there was a clause which provided that any one who should, by menaces or otherwise, intimidate or endeavour to deter any person from, or acting on, any prosecution or civil action, as juror, witness, or prosecutor, or otherwise, or of doing his or her duty in that respect, would on conviction be deemed guilty of misdemeanor, and be triable for misdemeanor, yet, in the 27th George 111. he found a clause directed agains , those who were guilty of combination or conspiracy to defraud clergymen of their tithes, or by obstruction, or unlawful menaces, or otherwise to interrupt them in the collection thereof. He could not see how those clauses were to be reconciled, for one was a clause which de prived the clergy of the very protection which was ac corded to them by an Act, said to be embodied in the present Bill.—(Hear, hear.) The Noble Duke then re ferred to a speech delivered by the Lord Chancellor on a former occasion, in which the Noble Lord expressed him self to the effect, that the protection of the body and secu rity of life and property were the first law of the State, and that where this was not preserved, no allegiance was due. Now, if ever there was a case where protection was more requisite than another, it was this ; yet it was re fused simply because the property to be preserved was tithes. This was giving the sanction of Parliament to church spoliation. The Noble Lord expressed the strongest objection to this clause (the 4th). The LORD CHANCELLOR said, that many Noble Lords had seemed to think that the changes which had heel' made in the Bill were such as to prevent its operative efficacy, and that it would now be totally ineffective for the protection of the loyal and peaceable subjects whose security it had principally in view. If lie (the Lord Chancellor) thought this, he should certainly not only join with the Noble Duke in objecting to those amendments, but should at once offer his opposition to the Bill altogether, for his conviction of its absolute necessity for these pur poses was the only thing which had mitigated—he would not say conquered—his extreme reluctance and repugnance to the principles of the measure. However reluctant he might himself have been to originate the am-ndment ob jected to, yet he was far from thinking that the Bill was thereby rendered inefficacious. He must say, however, with respect to the provision introduced in the fourth clause, that, with all dee respect for the other House, he could not discover any just or satisfactory reason for this amendment. He certainly could say nothing in its praise. It would be absolutely and utterly innperetive. It could nut, by any possibility, produce the result he supposed it aimed at, of crippling the powers of the clause or save any wrong doers from a particular mode of punishment. Besides, the provision in the clause was ut terly inconsistent with the clause itself. The clause did not give any power of proclaiming a district, unless it were really in a state of disturbance; yet the provision set forth, that if any act of insubordination did prevail in a district, it shall not he lawful to declare the district merely on account of a peaceable opposition to pay tithes. A peaceable oisposition to tithes ! Why, they might as well say that no proceedings should he taken upon a peaceable resistance to pay the King's taxes; or if any persons attempted in a peaceable wey,to withhold the pay ment of their tradesmen's bids, or anything else. Our statute-book already unfortunately was too full of similar instances of over-cautiousness in legislation, of doubts where there was no danger, of shadowy apprehensions, and vain panic fears. Still the amendment on this sec tion was not such as to make him despair of the efficacy of the Bill, or oppose the amendments of the other House. With reference to exempting certain offences from the jurisdiction of the courtsmartial, he could not but think those offences were welt and wisely excepted. The ques tions of cetnbination and conspiracy were among the most difficult for jurors and even judges which come before our courts. It would be unwise to combine the enforcement of tithes and questions concerning it with the jurisdiction of a courtmartial. With respect to what had teen said by a Noble Lord as to Ministers adopting the recommendations of their adversaries, lie would call to their Lordships' recollection the adoption in a similar manner by a former Ministry of amendments to the Six Acts. He for one would not obj et to take the benefit of good sug gestions merely because they emanated from captious or factious parties. It had been said that they were taking a leaf out of another man's hook; he for one should not object to do so, provided that other man's book were better than his own. The Bill, it had been said, was rendered a mere welling by these amendments, but this assertion was a fallacy. The Bill was still a very effective one. That alteration in the Bill which enabled the police at any period to ascertain in a short time the inmates of a house by having a list of them had increased its severity and efficacy. As much had been said against the House of Commons for depriving the Bill of its efficacy, he must do them the justice to say that in this point they had in creased the efficacy of the Bill. The Duke of BUCKINGHAM said that this was the st of April, and the Noble and Learned L•rrd was making April fools of them all by drawing their attention away as widely as possible from the subject before them. The Noble and Learned Lord was prolific of his abuse, although the persons whom he abused were his own colleagues, the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Right Hon. Gentle. man now the Secretary for the Colonies.—(" No," from Lord Broughdin.) He considered this an useless, and therefore mischievous proviso. It was said that it was harmless and inoperative. Was it nothing that it should gn forth to the people of Ireland that tithes were the only species of property that was to be exempt from the protec tion of Lhis Bill ? It gave a trroarl hint to the members of the church in Ireland that the object was the prostration of that church. If they destroyed the church of Ireland a separation of the countries would become inevitable. The Bishop of LONDON said the Nub'e end Learned Lord had demonstrated so clearly the absurdity of this proviso, that he had hoped he would have been ready to reject it altogether. The absolute disconnection of it from the subject matter of the Bill would convince the people of Ireland that it must have been introduced for some purpose ; and although he entirely acquitted the pro posers of it of any such intention, the effect of it would be to encour age the people of Ireland to resist the payment of tithes. He, as a minister of the united church, could not consent to any measure which would have such a tendency. Lord PLUNKET said that the whole course pursued by his Majesty's Ministers must defend them from any supposition of a wish to encourage resistance to the pay ment of tithes. When Noble Lords complained of the want of protection to the clergy, it should be recollected that full power was given to the Lord Lieutenant to pre vent any meetings to resist tittles. Lord WYNFORD objected that tile clause thus int! o duced was calculated to bold out encouragement to the man who offended against the laws, and more particularly to those who w ere consp i r i ng togett cr. To meet such a conspiracy, nothing could b e effective except trial by cons tsmartial. The Ahrquis of 'WESTMEATH supported the amend ment. The Earl of ROUEN had a strong objection to this clause, which he thought stultified their Lordships' (litter inination, with respect to the real causes of disturbances in Ireland. Upon the propriety of the clause, exempting from the operation of this Bill, disturbances originating in consequence of opposition to tithe being paid or enforced, he totally disagreed with his Majesty's Government. Lord WHARNCLIFFE thought it would be a derelic tion of their duty, if, through dread of a delay of twenty four hours, they should permit this clause to form part oh the Bill. Earl GREY observed their Lordships had not only to appreh••nd a delay of twenty-four hours, but that, if the amendment of the Commons were rejected, a con ftrence must take place, which would prevent this Bill passing before the recess began. Believing the clause to he totally inoperative, he certainly regretted its introduction at all, yet from the urgency of the case, which required the immediate passing of this Act for the 'reservation of th e pe.ice o f I re l an d, h e wou ld acqu i esce 1-• • in the clause, and take the sense of their Lordships' House on it if it should be necessary. After hating heard so much from different quarters of the charges of luke tearmuess on the part of the King's Ministers in support ing the interests of the Irish clergy, he should now say, once for all, that it was not true that the Government of Ireland had not sincere) , and zealously supported the in terests of the clergy of the church of Ireland. if those who were loudest in their complaints against Ministers had, instead of inveighing against his Majesty's Ministers, lent their aid in suppressing the disposition to illegal re sist:lice and violence, the disorders they all now regretted never would have risen to such a height as to detnand an interference on the part of the Legislature of such a character as the Bill befor e their Lordships. The Earl of HARROWBY should propose ,as an amendment the insertion of the words " rent or taxes" af!er the word " tithes ;" so that the passage in the clime ,hould embrace all three kinds of payment—tithe, rent, or taxes. This he hoped would have the effect of taking away from the clause its exclusive allusion to the property of the clergy. The Earl of MELBOURNE feared it was vain to hope they would, by any ingenious device in the mode of fram ing an amendment in a few words, obviate the danger which they would incur of having the Bill arrested by a conference with the other House. The LORD CHANCELLOR believed the introdue *ion of those two words would be most fruitful of delay, because most fruitful of. debate and opposition in another place. Lord ELLENBOROUGH agreed with the Noble Esrl (Harrowby) that it was extremely desirable the Bill should ,iot embody this clause ; it was both impolitic, and, as its• defenders admitted, not likely to be operative or effectual. The House then divided upon the Noble Earl's amend ment Noncontents... j " Present. 441/ 85 /Proxies 39 J Contents r Present 4O/ 45 /Proxies 5 Majority in favour of the clause as it stood amended 4O On our return to the House, we found the House dis cussing the ninth clause. Lord ELLENBOROUGH made several objections to this, as well as to subsequently annexed clauses, but no division was come to, nor indeed was anything important elicited during the subsequent discussion. The clauses, therefore, being agreed to, the Bill, as amended, was passed, and the other orders of the day be ing disposed of, The House adjourned at a quarter to twelve. It was understood that a Commission under the Great Seal attends this day to give the Royal assent to the Irish Disturbances Bill. LIST ON THE EARL PRESENT. DUKES. Cumberland Wellington Newcastle Buckingham 01 1 THE 2111* OF HARROWBY% VISCOUNT. I RITY AMENDMENT. Beresford ARCHBISHOP Canterbury LORDS, Clanwilliam (Earl of Clanwill,am) Ellenborough Kenyon Wvnford Colchester Colville Wallace Cowley Arden Sidmouthl Bexley Carbery Stangford Wharncliffe Saltoun Calthorpe BISHOPS. London Bangor Lincoln Bristol Lichfield Carlisle MARQUISES, Cholmondeley Salisbury Thomonll EARLS, Aberdeen Roden Eldon Harrowby Wicklow Courton Shaftesbury Rosslyn Beverley PROXIES. EARLS. IClancarty Orford LORDS. Sheffield (Earl of) Rolle BISHOP Worcester A BILL FOR ESTABLISHING COURTS OF LOCAL JURISDICTION. Tile object of the Bill cannot be better stated than in the words of the preamble, which assert the undeniable truth that it is expedient the means should be afforded to the people of this realm of having their suits tried as speedily and as near to their own houses as may be, whereby expense, vexation, and delay may be avoided, and the administration of justice may be placed on a sure foundation. The provisions of the Bill correspond clotely with the ge neral terms of the preamble. They extend to nearly a hun dred sections, which is somewhat more than our limits will allow us to bring before the public. It is better, however, to present them in a compressed, and necessarily imperfect, form, than not at all; and we have, accordingly, prepared the follow. ing digest, in which, for distinctness, we reduce them under eight heads :- 1. Enabling all common and ordinary causes to be tried im mediately and cheaply. 2. Facilitating arbitration, without the expense and delay now incident to it. 3. Giving universal jurisdiction by consent in all causes. 4. Introducing the process of cessio honorunt, and preparing for the abolition of imprisonment for debt. 5. Establishing courts of reconcilement. 6. Extending the new system of bankruptcy to the country. 7. Improving equity process by taking vied voce evidence on the spot. 8. Giving the general superintendence of the local courts to the superior courts, for the purpose of preventing misdecision, and for keeping the law uniform. I. The Bill empowers his Majesty to appoint a sergeant-at law, or barrister of ten years' standing, for any county or coun ties, to be called the judge in ordinary of the same, and who shall enjoy all the privileges of a judge of a court of record. The Court shall have a registrar, clerks, and messengers (the judge to be ex-officio a justice of the peace), and neither the judge nor the registrar shall be removeable, except on address of Parliament. All of these officers shall be paid by salary, and not by fees, all fees payable upon the proceedings of the Court being paid into a fee fund, which is ultimately to go into the consolidated fund. No fees to be payable by the suitors to the attorneys of the court beyond the fees set forth in the shedule of the Act. The jurisdiction of the judges in ordinary comprises all ac tions of covenant and debt, whether the same be specially or on simple contract, and all actions of trespass or trover for taking goods and chattels, provided the sum sought to be re. covered shall not exceed 201. All actions of personal tort, and all actions in the nature thereof, whether the same be for assault and battery, or false imprisonment, or slander, or cri. minal conversation, or false representation of character, sol vency, or property, or for malicious prosecution, or for mali ciously arresting to hold to bail, or for maliciously issuing out a commission or fiat in bankruptcy, or for any other tort whatever, to the person or to personal property, provided the damages sought to be recovered shall not exceed 501., all ac ti ons for the breach or non-performance of any agreement, whether by parole or writing, under seal or not under seal, or whether by specialty or not, provided the damages sought do not exceed 201., and no cause of action to be split or di vlded, so as to bring it within the amount covered by the jurisdiction, unless the plaintiff shall agree to reduce the whole of his claim to the amount in question, subject, however, to the restriction, that no action shall be tried by any such judge in ordinary wherein the title to land, whether freehold, copy hold, leasehold, or other tenure whatsoever, or to any tithe, toll, market, fair, or other franchise shall be in question, unless both parties to the action shall sign a memorandum, stating that they believe such title to be in question, and are willing to have it tried by the judge in ordinary. The jurisdiction of the Court shall attach where a defendant resides within the district, and in every such case any party choosing to sue in the superior courts for any matter that came under the jurisdiction of the judge in ordinary, and recovering no more than '2Ol. , shall recover the same without any costs whatsoever ; and no action shall be brought in the Court of Conscience, or any other inferior court of any district, that could have been brought before the judge in ordinary of the same. An appeal is allowed from the decision of the judge in ordinary, either upon the admission or rejection of evidence, or in point of law, and the same shall be tried by two of the puisne judges of any of the courts of common law at West minster, who shall sit out of term for that purpose ; but the notice of the appeal must be given within )5 days after the de. cision of the judge in ordinary, and on security for costs. The forms of pleading and practice prescribed by the Act are partly original, and partly taken from those used in the superior Courts, with alterations to adapt them to a system in which cheapness and expedition are two leading characteristics. Those of the former description we have not room to enume rate; of the latter it may be sufficient to notice the following, —that in all actions of debt, whether on specialty or simple contract, and in all actions of trespass or trover for taking goods and chattels, and in all other actions for the recovery of debt brought before these Courts, the parties may examine each other by themselves, their counsel, or attorneys, in the pre. sence of the Judge before trial, tinder a penalty in case of non attendance. All actions shall be tried by a Judge and a Jury of six persons, the Jury to be taken from the Sheriff's book, and to be summoned and empannelled in the form prescribed by the Act. 11. The trial may be without a Jury if the parties desire it, or they may take the judgment of the Judge upon a special case, without coming to trial at all. Or the trial may, with the like consent, if the cause involve any matter of account, be heard by the Judge in private, at such place and time as he shall appoint. 111. The jurisdiction of the Court, with the consent of both parties, shall extend to all the actions above enumerated, what ever may be the amount sought to be recovered; but where the title to land is in question in any such action, the action shall be tried in that jurisdiction only in which the land is situate. IV. Where a judgment has been recovered against a de. fendant, there may be immediate execution, by leave of the Judge; or, if the defendant fails to discharge such judgment within ten days after it has been entered, he is liable to be examined upon oath by the Judge as to his property, and if he shall refuse to answer the questions put to him, he shall be committed to gaol until he shall answer to the satisfact ion of the Judge. All the d e f en d a nt's property, of every description, may be applied by the Judge for the payment of the debt, so that the creditor may have the full benefit of every right of ownership that could have been exercised by the debtor. The Judge also may, upon hearing both parties, direct the judg. meet debt to be paid by instalments, staying execution until defendant failed of paying any instalment, and he may direr. security to be found for the payment of such instalments. V. Any person may cite another upon whom he has a demand in the nature of a debt either at law or in equity before the judge of the district where the adverse party resides, in order to have the matter in dispute between them heard by such judge, and the hearing shall be called "proceeding for reconcilement." The form of citation does not materially differ from the form of commencing any ether action in the same court. The party cited shall, within one week of the citation, serve the party citing him with a notice, stating whether he wishes to appear or not, which notice shall be evidence in any suit at law or in equity that the party cited had refused to appear before such Court of Reconcilement. When the parties shall appear before the judge they shall state their respective claims and receive his opinion thereon, which they shall fah" or not at their option, and in ease Wm shall agree to A4loW it; substance of it shall be entered in a book of the Registrar, to be called " The Reconcilement Book," and this entry shall be final and binding on both parties, and have the effirt of a covenant under seal in all courts, and an examined copy thereof may be given in evidence, and all the provisions thereof may be enforced as if they had been embodied in a judgment of the Court. The judge shall not have jurisdiction in any action the subject of which has been already before him whilst sitting in a Court of Reconcilement, but the action shall be transferred to the judge of some adjoining county! VI. Fiats in bankruptcy may be directed to the judges in ordinary, or in case of the sickness of any judge, to some one barrister or solicitor residing at or near the place where the fiat is to be executed, who shall thereby be authorized to act as commissioners of bankrupt under the lst and 2d of William IV., each commissioner receiving the sum of W. for every meeting, besides his travelling expenses, out of the fee fund in the hands of the Registrar, constituted of the sum of 14/. payable immedi ately after the choice of assignees by the creditors, and any fur ther sum not exceeding 61., which the Lord Chancellor may direct to be p a id under this Act, and in case a new fiat shall be issued where the assignees have been already chosen, the sum of 3/. shall be paid for every meeting under such fiat in lieu of the above-mentioned sums. Power is also given to the Lord Chancellor to appoint official assignees for the country. Any party committed by a country commissioner may move the Court of Review on a certified copy of the warrant of com mitment for his discharge, and he may further appeal to the Lord Chancellor from the decision of the Court of Review, his right to proceed in the first instance by Habeas Corpus in the ordinary course of law being left untouched by the Act. VII. The Judges of the Court of Chancery and equity side of the Exchequer, when it shall appear that any accounts or inquiries in any suit may be better taken or made by means of a viva voce examination of witnesses in the country, may direct the same to be taken or made by a judge in ordinary, who shall have the same powers, and follow the same rules of proceeding, that apply to Masters in Chancery; the parties being at liberty to take what copies they may require of the documents before the judge, and no more. The report of the judge shall have all the effect of a report of a Master in Chancery. The judge also shall have the power to administer oaths, and to exercise the other functions of a Master Extraordinary in Chancery, as well as the functions of the examiners of the same court, as far as relates to the country ; the judge having the pewer, upon examination of a witness, by written interrogatories to put any additional questions by writing to the witness, as if the same were contained in the written interrogatories delivered by the parties, and the judge being at liberty to require the attendance of the parties during such examinations. VIII. The judges of the courts of common law at Westmin ster are empowered from time to time to frame rules for the regulation of the courts of the judges in ordinary, both with respect to the pleading and practice In such courts, the rules being previously laid before Parliament ; and the Lord Chan cellor and Lord Chief Baron have the like jurisdiction, as far as regards the connexion of the judge in ordinary with the courts of equity. It is understood that the courts established by this Act will be confined to those parts of the country where they may be most wanted. LONDON MARKETS. PRICE OF BREAD. The highest price of Bread in the Metropolis is 9d. fot the fib. Loaf. There are others who sell from gct. to I%ci. btlow that price. PRICE OF SEEDS.-April 1. New Englishßed Clover Seed (per Cwt.) 40s. 565. fine 60s. 70s. Old Ditto Ditto _ _ , -s. -s. fine -8. -s. New Foreign Ditto.. _ . -s. 56s fine 653. '7os. Old Ditto ........-,..... -8. 50s. fine -s. 605. New White Clover . 50s. 60s. fine 635. 735, Old Ditt o Ditt0......................--.........,........... -s. 50s. fine -s. 60s. Ncw Trefoil 31d Ditto ...,.......... -s. -s. fine ....-8 -s. Rib Grass English Carraway 5eed......-....,.. :-....". -s. -s. 703. tine 745. Foreign Ditto . -s. --s. 70s. fine 725. Coriander -s. 12s. fine --s. 148. St. Foin .....................(per Quarter)............... 445. 483. fine 50s. 528. Rye Grass -s. -s. new 283. 455. Pacey Ditto 44s. 503. new -s. -s. Linseed, for feeding ~ -s. 545. fine -s. 5.911. Ditto, for crushing .....-...... 455. 525. ....8. fine -s. Canary Seed, New .. -s. -s. 58$ fine 665. ' 'ato Old -s. -s. -s. fine -s. White Mustard Seed ..--...(per 8u5he1),.... -s. Bs. 9s. fine -.-s. Brown Ditto . - -s. 218. 245. fins. -s. Turnip Seeds, .R0und5........--.................. -s. -s. 18s. fine 20s. Green and Red Ditto ..-.......-.......... ....B. -s. 18s. fine 21s. Pares ' Old -s. 4s. fine ss. Od. Ditto New -s. ss. fine 6s. Oel. _ __ __. Ita,-eSeed, English, fine (per Last) 241. ea -- Foreign 231. 25e. PRICES OF HOPS.—April 1. Kent 6/ Os. 71. Os. to SI. Os. sursex Ditto . 5l. 12 . 6/. 10s. to 71. Os. seex Ditto Ol. Cis. 01. ch.to cu. Os. _ Farnham Ditto, Fine . Seconds 01. 03. 121. Os. to 131 Os. 01. Os. 101. lOs to 11/ lls. 61. les. 81. Os to 91. Os. 01. Os. 01. Os. to 01. Os. 0/ Os. 01 . Os to 01 Os . . . Kent 341 Sussex Ditto Essex Ditto. PRICE OF OIL. Rape Oil, brown Refined 0 Linseed Oil g 6 o Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill, per 11 0 Rape Cake, per ton _ 5 5 I'ItICE OF POTATOES.-.-April I. Kidneys (York) .............••••••••• 31. 10s. to 41. Ca. per ton. Scotch Reds . 2/. 15s. to Si. ss. ditto. Marsh Champions 3l. 10s. to 41. Os. ditto. Oxnobles and Shows 2/. 10i. to 34 Os. ditto. NV ITECH A PEL HA I AI A R ETI .—March 30. flay 503. Od. to SOS. Ott. I t. lover Ott. to 100 s. Od. .44 Od. to 32.. Od. PRICES 0: Per lb. d. to d. Slats, 15 23 o,tto, Foreign..." 14 20 Dressing Hides 12 15 Ditto l4 16} Ditto, light ciop Hides, light.—.. 12 14 to 451 b 1:1 16 tt,— . 15 18 LEATHER. Per lb. d. to :1. English Horse Hides.. 12 In S B.. PerFtnish Ditto d tto o=en. 22 18 Calf 14 18 Ditto 50 to 701 b. 16 :".4 Ditto 70 to t3olb. 16 25 Small Seals, Greenland 17 18 Large ditto .I^ 16 SHEEP SKINS. Best Polled 7s. Od. to 106.01 I Ha1f.bred5......... 6s. Od. to 7s. od. Middling Polled 5 0 7 0 4 6 6 0 PRICE OF TALLOV rown Tallow 51a. 6d. Yellow 478. Od. White 458. 6d. soap 445. Od. Graves NI cited 375. Od. Good Dregs I):tto Rough 2ls. Od. , SOAP, &c. per 1121 b. Yellow 50rtp«....—.,......., 623. Od. Mottled 70s Od. 728. Od. 16s. 04 58.04. PRICE OF RAW FAT, per stone of 81b. Price of Tallow (as stated by the Tallow 2s. 7d. PLAICE OF CANDLES. The price of store Candles, in the retail shops, is as follows ei:nd les. per doz. 7s. Od. to Ss. Od. Moulds. per dosen.—.9s. lid. COAL MAR Per Ton. s. d. Holywell Pomo') Windsor IR 0 20 0 Walls End Brown's.. l9 0 Ditto Clarke and 19 6 Walls End G05f0rth......... 21 6 Ditto Killingworth '2O 0 Walls End Newmarclt...— 20 0 Ditto Northumberland.. 19 6 Ditto Peareth l9 0 Walls End Perkins & Co. 19 9 Walls End Riddell's 21 6 Ditto (reshipped) 19 0 Ships arrived since ET.—April I. Per Ton. s. d. Walls End Walker...—. 21 0 Lambton's Primrose 20 6 Walls End Hetton ... 22 6 Walls End Lyons 21 W. E. Russell's Hetton,.. 22 6 Walls End Steieartig...... 29 6 Walls End Adelaide 20 6 Walls End C0rd0n......,. II) 0 W. E South Durham" 19 0 Walls End Tees 22 6 Stone Coal, James and Aubrey 32 0 Tantleld Trader 19 ast market-day, 33. NEWCASTLE CORN MARKET—March 30. We had a fair show of Wheat from the farmers to-day, with some coasting supplies during the week, and all qualities were dull sale, at a trifle lower than last Saturday. Oats heavy, with out change in value. A good deal of Barley has been sold dur, ing the week, but no advance has been obtained in prices. Malt, except the finest very dull. Little demand now for Grey Pease; White, if good breakers, ready sale, at 40s. per quarter. Nothing doing in Beans. South-country fine Flour has sold to.day at 445. per sick; north-country in proportion to quality. New. Old. Whc - ...t, Northumberland 40s. 545....... —L —s. -- -, Norfolk and Suffolk-- ....... sos. 008....... -L—s. Berwick and Scotch ....... 46s. 545....... —s. —a. ----- Foreign Rye, Norfolk and Suffolk .345 384.....„. .....8., ....., Foreign .32. 355. ..41...4. lq Barley, Malting, Norfolk and Sufiblk 265. 32s —s. ...4. 4 Grinding and Feeding 20s. 25. —s. -.s. .0 Malt, Norfolk and Suffillk ...Sos. 56s —s. —a. Beans, Small ..-b —s. 26s. 2Ss. "_. --- Tick — s. —s 25g 265. 'ei Pease, White .35g 38s ...0..... --- Gray 283 3:33 -s. —s. Oats, Northumberland, Potatoe 19s 21s. —s. —s. Feed 16. 114 s. -.41. -.4. Foreign —s. —s —11......s Four, Fine (per sack) —B. —6 37s 445, _ CAPTAIN CHANIIER'S LIFE OF A SAILOR. —A new edition of this work is in the Press, and wilt be published in a few days. " The Life of a Sailor" has* seen pronounced by brother officers of the gallant Captains, engazed in the scenes described, to he one of the most ac curate pictures ever furnished of " Service Afhat." EXECUTIONS IN MULLINGAR.—On Thurs., day, at half past on't o'clock, two tnen named DOYLE anet AIONAGHAN, convicted of seizing arms, cuff-red the ex, ti ewe sentence of the law. Dovxx declAredAis innocence of the crime he was about to suffer for. A man, named SwEENEY, who was to have suffered on Thursday, was rispied on the 24th (Sunday).—Duldin Morning Register. EXECUTION OF FIVE MEN FOR FIRING wren INTENT TO MURDER.--TULLAMORE, MARCH gt —PATRICK DOYLE, JAMES DOYLE (brothers), JOAN CASSIDY, JAMES Monalsort, and GEORGE Kagoax, wtie hanged yesterday, iu Iront of the new county priqin, for firing at, and wounding in the arm, with a pistol, one MICHAEL KIRWAN, near Portarlington. Four of the atbtve men dechred their innocence on the scaffold. JAMES DOYLE acknowledged his guilt. They all died with great Christian resignation; they forgave, and, like their RE DEEMER, prayod for their executioner and enemies.-- D .blin Morning Register. LUNDY FOOTE, ESQ.—The reports re lative to the attack upon this gentleman are so con tradictor y , and the affair altogether so mysterious, that we have hither- N to o ab ad st d a i i t n io e n d a f l r l o i m ght venturing becan thrown n °lli t i :an ivt'nupon the subject. upon it, and many individuals upon the spot persist in attributing the nnfur ornate occurrence entire l y to accident. We h ope most sincerely such may p rove to be the cote ; bat as e t we con f es s we do not see any ground* for s u c h >< suppt;:it —Waterford Chronicle,