The Sun. — London, England, 1830-08-19 00:00:00

gPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. At length the once Royal Family of l'?ritrice are arrived on our shores. They arrived off Portsmouth *t. bout two o'clock on Tuesday. The 'King, con trary to former reports, is described as putting on ti cheerful espect: in another Journal, however, he is said to have appeared disconsolate. The Duchess of Angouleme is said to he absorbed in grief. The Duchess of Berri, with her ill-starred children, complete the wretched group. Perhaps she would have done better to retire to Naples, to her father's Court I she has committed no crime. With respect to the Uoutbons, the chiefs of the family, though the sight or near approach of misery is affecting, strettatmot pity them. We cannot forget their blind letatuation, springing from insolence and prides—their cruelty in slaughtering the inhabitants of Paris. These things will rise to our view whenever our minds seem disposed to sympathise in their sorrows. It is an un doubted troll, that they have been much more kindly dealt with than they deserve. We suppose they may be admitted here so far as their convenience requires, if they wish it, on their passive to another country their harness cannot contaminate our soil. It is said that when they arrived at Cowes, Charles X. did not wish to land till he should hear the detertnitiation of the English Government,and t hat he forwarded alet ter to the King of England by some gentlemen of his suites The Duchess of Angouleme and the Duchess of Berri, who were suffering from the effects of the voyage, landed under assumed names, and went to on hotel at Cowes. What the answer of the King and Government may be, we do not of course know, but we take it for granted that they can only be received as a private family. It is said that they do not mean to stay here. We are glad of it. But, limy or go, they have, we presume, nothing more to expect than tncrti strangers. Polignac is lurid to be before these criminal victims of his criminal counsels, in his way to the north. A pretty errand he has made of it, from Regentsstreet in London, to the Boulevards in Paris I The; mischief which he has done, and the easy rapidity with which he has done It, and the dreadful effects now apparent in his own flight and that of his master, seem like objects presented in a dream. • We C , lll hardly think them real. A kingdom upset, a constitution over thrown, a dynasty altered, in less time than would suffice for taking down a tottering old mansion. There is a master-hand of folly and wickedness in this. The Moniteur contains a proelutnation from the now King, recalling his subjects under the em pire of the laws, and recommending to them the cultivation of peace and quietness. Their task is easy they have already effected all that is difficult. His own duties, which are only now commencing, are laborious and perplexing. We might almost bt tempted. to infer flom this proclamation, that -some tendency to disorder was evident, though we have heard of nothing of the kind. The removal or reduction of some imposts is promised. We know of no readier way to win the hearts of sub jects than relieving their. from taxation. The pa pers of Sunday also contain an tier:mint of u grand dinner which the Municipality of Paris gave on Su n:May last in the Hotel de Ville as u mark of re spect to General Lafayette. The banquet was pre sided by M. do Laborde, the Prefect of the Seine. The compsny is stated to have consisted of about 600 individuals, of all ranks, among whom were sonic of the labouring classes is ho had distinguished themselves in the memorable conthsts of the latter days of July. A correspondence between Charles X. and Prince Papa; and all the plans of the Late Government for completing the counter-revolu tion they had begun, it is said, have been disco• vered in secret drawers iu the office for Foreign Affairs. These documeuts wilt he made use of on the trial of the Ministers. The assemblages of parties of workmen in different quarters of Paris, of which some notice was taken in preceding Paris papers, had for their object hostility to machinery and the employment of foreigners. On these subjects the journeymen artisans mid manufacturers in France al, pear to be still as much wider the in fl uence of pre judice AS the lalionting classes of any other couture. M. C. Duplo . has !Wrestled -some sound advice to them, and about 400 who repaired on Saturday to the Prefecture of the Police, to complain of the encouragement given to foreign workmen, are stated to have listened to counsel of M. Grind des and retired peecrably. Nit disorder, it i 3 r aid, tool; place. It is stated in the Journal des Debuts, that the Russian Ambassador, M. Pozzo di forgo, had an interview with this King at nine o'c;ock on Sas turday evening.—Tinics. At the County of Sussex Election, on Wednes day the 11th inst., Rewording to the report in the Prighipit Guardian, the candidetee seem to have plutaken of the genet el liberality of the period. Mr. Burrell, speaking of the recent Revolution in thence observed— I will not go into the polities of is neighbouring king. shun, but I must be permitted to say that a more wends. WlNllitOlus, and unprincipled attack upon the liberties of th►t Press and the rights of the aohject than that recently made by Charlea X. is not upon recoil'. I hope that the• weak Monarch is by this time expelled that country, the capital of which his baseness and treachery have (kluged with native blood ; and I rejoice to find that no one in power in this country has ventured to jtettify his wicked proceedings. I diode to the uff.tirs of France, In order to express to you my opinion that England has no right to interfere ; and if elected by you, I here publicly pledge mid! never to vote for it war, the ohj.rt of which al►all be to restore a guilty race to the Throne of France.—(Cheers.) Mr. Herbert Cuticle, the other -Candidate, ob served— / ara a f r i en d o f Reform—hit not of Radice, It., form. I do not approve of Universal Suffrage, Annual Parliaments, and vote by Ballot. The first two I eon. eider impracticuble--(Dieapprohetion)—but argument nifty be adduced in support of the Ballot, This 'i« point on which the most talented and highly gifted men are at variance. Mr, Brougham--no mein entherity—after much reflection ► , has decided against the Ballot. As regards Universal Suffrage and Annual Parliament., I am fixed ; but as regoirdo Elec. flan by Ballet, my mind may change on conviction. -(Murmurs from the farmers.)-...At present, I am op. posed to that; but I am open to Argument in its favour. I AM an advorate for the greatest possible reduction of taxation.—(Cheers.)—l ant aware that the Government esnnot go on without money ; and therefore I would not, because nosucenalul in my opposition on one ,point, join in a faction* hosti►ity against Ministers. I will never be one to institute is Ouetilla war fare against men in power ; but I will never support them in any attempt they may nriginete to take money Mit of the pockets of the people Improperly. If honoured by your choice, I will fearlessly do my duty by all, Gentlemen, I concur in all the, has fallen from Mr. Burrell on the 'object of Fushun , Never will louden a war for the restoration of that bunch of the Bourbons. Ct would appear that Mr. Curteis Was even obliged in deference to the farmers, who murmured at his indisposition to the ballot, to express that he was open to argument in its favour'. Far mere, of all people, are the most exposed to suffering from the exercise of the franchise; and a proposition to have recourse to the ballot has only to be proposed to them to be at tame popular. The Yeomanry throughout the country are at present unquestionably in that frame of mind„ that if due pains were taken by such society as that in France, ureter the name of Aide 1044 le Cid taidera, to I')rranize and marshal them, we might calculate on the n general return of men disposed to enforce "nn)Y. We see what has been done by rationcambi in the ease of the Anti-Slavery Society,and Z . an d _t ib t l i Tt .. i t het the same zeal applied in the some f Jril t lgt eint r e ci t nier .it impossible for powerful ~ rw w :!,°4 11 14 _ e , eo r t ) co un ties, deeming the influence era. ; 1 1 ; ho l e h ly i eto pre*cribe to thifreatied-: sidereal as mush entiti.:dgt6o" laillit4h'ewvalecs°oll; his tenantry at to de man d eqlPin4" indeed the refused of tenet:ll *n tot th" : 18 , i r s t r i ent L i a ,d w i l date recommended by the a iinvcity in the election widen? -".• renietnen as rifitnindinn to the Mini t Pitt . * y at, tilt A man war. The freeholder had no — k r; duty than obliging hie landlord his vole , rti,tl tr ee Scatting and expence of eonvoyanee 4 naturally enough, in the idea that the voter had no interest in the matter, and was merely curt. powerful nunt.:- The ex travagance of Government and the burdens which i has entailed on the country have at length impresset! on the yeomanry, and the freeholders generally, the truth that they have a deep interest in the re turning men who will protect their properties. This, of course, leads to a different view of the re lation in.which they stand to the representatives.— They who feel an interest that certain men should be returned will not expect that those men shot& put themselves to expellee to serve their consti tuents. The freeing the representatives from ex pence seems implied in the claim to controul the conduct of the representative. Hence we see, that with the independent exercise of the franchise has generally been united the determination to return the candidate free of expence. Still we fear that in many large counties it would be expecting too much from a large chiles of the poorer freeholders to' cli matal of them to put themselves to the expence an journey to the place of election. The possessor of a forty-shilling freehold may be so very poor, that the extreme of a journey to poll would materially in convenience him ; or he may be so infirm, as to b, incap able of travelling without n conveyance. In the ease noticed by us in the Chronicle of Tueitley, u Nees Crackendunpe asserted it as his deliberate opinion, that, were it not for the imtnen-e expellee, " Cumberland could send two hide pendent Members to Parliament." Cumberland is rather a large county, its length being 58 miles, end its meat, breadth 30 miles; and though to freeholders in respectable circumstances the journey may be accounted nothing, yet it may be an &jet! to others. NVithout means are adopted fur taking the poll in different places, we fear the poorer free,- holders will in many cases avoid polling, where they are not conveyed. It is very easy for our coetemporary (the Globe) to say, that " until the mass of electors throughout England--in those places at least where the right of voting is lodged in considerable bodies of men—shall follow or out run the examples which have been set to them— until they shall deem it disgraceful to put candi dates to any expence, and shall, in consequence, choose their representatives, and not be chosen or bought by them, we shall not see any reform in the constitutioll of Parliament," &e. We know, however, that in all large counties there are many men possessed of the franchise, tied yet in very necessitous circumstances, whom we cannot hope to prevail on to make the sacrifice in question. Mae is no reason why we should not at the same time endeavour to improve the notions of the people as much as possible. " We teamed (says ;our contemporary) the fact to be true, as Mr. Crackenthorpe stated it, that in Cumberland, mg many other eounties, independent politicians would be elected if any could be Hasid to bear the expence of an election. But this assumption of the existence of a ma jority of electors, aisle and willing to vote for inde pendent men, puts tetrorism out of the question. The elaves, where there is a mojority of slaves, would not be come free by being carried to the poll in chariots; the terrorism, if it exists its a substantive force, is not to be dispelled by the gin and beer of an Independent Candi . slate. The conclusion ha drew was, that the cause of the disgraceful state of the representation of many counties, on the showing of time speaker na whose words we COM • inented (end we believe him showing to be correct), is to be found not in the want of independent voters, but in the want of a due sense of honour and props iety among the voters, who are independent, and who require to f e ast and be carried to the poll at the expence of as Candidate, as a condition necessary to the display of their vaunted independence. " We know the change among voters is not to be wrought in a tky—for we see it is nut yet ef f ected : hut it will come, And come the sooner, if the independent voters :of counties are retitled to the nature of th e ir con duct; to which they would not have been so long blind, if it bad nut been the general habit of speakers anti writers rather to flatter than to warn them." We have seen that the improvement in the county representation, in several cases, has originated in the conviction of the freeholders that they have a deep interest in the conduct of their representatives, and that if they hope to contreul their Members they must return them free of expence. Where that conviction is not fell, we question if the cir , cumstance is to be attributed to the general habit of speakers and writers rather to flatter than to warn the electors. The electors considered the election rather a concern of their superiots than their own; or, being poor, the treating was in accordance with their notions of the relation between themselves mid their superiors.—Morning Chronicle. At the dinner yesterday at Freemasons' Hull, to celebrate the late triumph of freedom in France, there were upwaids of three hundred gentlemen ; and letters from Lord Milton, Lord John Russell, Lord Nugent, tied Mr. Brougham, accounting for their absence, were read to the meeting. Mr. Brougham says, than himself " no man entertains mote lively sense of the debt of gratitude, never to be repaid, which all the lovers of freedom in all lands owe to the authors of the glorious event you are met to celebrate. They have done far more in three days to make despotism impossible either in France or in England, than its vile abettors can now accom plish in as many ages." Lord Milton speaks . of it as desirable " that the greatest possible Humber of portions in the higher ranks should be known as ape provers of the last Revolution." There can be no doubt that there never was a question as to which all classes of Engliehmen difrered less than in the admiration of the conduct of the Pet-Wane. It is a pity that the higher elteles should not appear to be as teach as the rest in their admiration. However, the French people cannot mistake the universality of the feeling in the nation, which pervaded the meeting of yesterday.--- Miming Chronicle. The distinguished honour conferred on Mr. Brougham by the freeholders of Yorkshire, in electing him one of the representatives fur that great county, is a rare instance of so disinterested and judicious an exercise in the elective franchise in modern times. It is an event of which Mr. Brougham may well be proud, but it is also an example which is likely to lead to important public eimeequenees. Hitherto the representation of counties has been a sort of family property, which those deaeended from the ancient feudal Lords, or those who have succeeded to their estates, have ' held 11 s the appurtenances of their greatness, in a sort of political fee simple, of which they could only be disseised by some rival of superior local and am tom-Weal influence, or by the lavish application of great riches on the part of some wealthy aspirant for senatorial honours. In open and populous bo roughs splendid talents and eminent public services have generally had a good chance of a preference over the pretensions of mere opulence or rank, when unaccompanied by personal merits; but counties were inaccessible to all corners who could not • carry to the poll long purses, or Still longer pedi grees. The charm is broken—the spell is dissolved —1 new era has commenced. The men of Yorke • shire leave set the freeholder* of England a glorious example. A practising Barrister, without mist°. eratittelsrenk, without local influence, supported only by the reputation of his talents and by a name of his own creating, now represents the first county in England 1 Mr. Brougham, speaking of his own election says, " There are three principul grounds on which persons who aspire to the representation of a county usually rely—high birth, extensive landed possessions, and great local and personal in fluence; now, of all these, the usual causes of sue. COSS, I am totally destitute—l have no property in this county, and not much anywhere. have no sort of .aristocratic pretensions, though my force fathers ranked in the class of Esquires, and I my self urn of that class. 'I am totally without patro• nage, and I have no . Incal influence in the county whatever ; nay, I am not even a Yorkehireman ; and what is more I am nut very likely to become one; end. yet, ie spite of all these disqualifications, I have been supported by all classes of the freeholders, and by those who are no freeholders at all, with a zeal, unanimity, and ardour of feeling, wholly unprece dented." After some further observations he says, why do I dwell on this topic? Because it teaches 4 great and grand lesson—it holds out a mighty weistiter—it exhibits a splendid example. The sauce will be found in my principles—it is because they are the opinions of all the people (I do not Mean the mob), but all the rational, the thinking people of England—the principles of liberty anti n•ee►lom." No doubt Mr. Brougham owes a great Meal of his popularity to his long and splendid ad vocacy of popular rights—and that popularity has been enhanced among enlightened and reflecting people, by his efforts to procure the amelioration and improvement of our legal institutions. His able exposure of the absurdities and defects in the forms of law and the administration of justice, prove that we have, at least, one lawyer eminent in the practice of his profession, who does not pay an idolatrous veneration to its antique pedantry, while, at the same time, he keeps clear of all visionary theories of improvement. Who can forget his eloquent exertions in the last Session of Parliament to introduce a principle of reasonable amelioration into our criminal law, by establishing a distinction between the punishment of forgery at►d that of murder, and making criminal justice more conform able with enlightened opinion, by proportioning its penalties to the degrees of moral guilt. Such exertions, though not possessing the splendour of those great political displays of intellect which his tory records when she writes of the fortunes and fate of empires, have a charm for the hearts and minds of all who take an interest in the advance ment of civilized principles, and the moral prosperity of a nation. How infinitely small such a Status man as Sir Robert Peel looked in contrast while re pelling; by the aid of his obsequious majority, th e appeal of reason and humanity, in favour of vindictive doctrines that set reason at defiance and disc ace the name of justice. But, even with his disciplined and marshalled host of Treasury placemen ar►d ex peewits, Sir Robert Peel was beaten, anti must have submitted to inconsolable defeat, but that the decision of the Representatives of the people was subverted by the titled patrons of sanguinary exhi- Waite in the other House of the Legislature. His humane perseverance and his convincing eloquence upon this question greatly added, as we before ob served, to the popularity of Mr. Brougham. No application of his talents was more conducive to hi• fame with the people in general, if we except his fearless and energetic denunciation of the policy of the Military Chief and his " fawning parasites."-- For these things he deserved the gratitude of his countrymen, and they have not proved themselves ungrateful!—lforning Herald. It is intimated in an Evening Paper, that the British Government was utterly unacquainted with die intention of Charles X. to approach the shores of this country, or to desire to land in it ; and such we trust is the case. We do not see any reason why the Ex-King, should be seek an asylum here, should not find it; for the refusal of such a trifling boon would be a stein on British hospitality; but we do see great reason why there should be no concert in the mat ter, and why also the reception of his Ex- Majesty should be arranged in such a manner its to give no just cause of offence, either to the new King, or to the people, of France. With the for mer, rejected as he ►s by the people over• whom he reigned, and renouncing, as he has, all pretensions to the Crown of France, neither the people or the Government of this co►n►try have any thing to do, except as a private individual, by whatever name he may choose to be called, or by whatever title he may choose to be designated ; and be it observed, that in its intercourse with him, both the Government of this country, and those connected with it, cannot be too cantioue, A lama elamosa has been long pre valent, that the line of politics adopted by the Go- vernment of Charles X., was not only no stranger to the Duke of Wellington, but wits actually ad vised by him ; and although many disclaimers have since been put forth by the Ministerial Papers, the fact is still very generally, though, perhaps, very • unjustly, credited. What then would be the cense- , (pence of holding a courtly intercourse with the Ex-King, we need, not even advert to ; because it , must be obvious to all that suck► conduct on the part of our Govermnent, would be construed by that of France us it conf►rmatiun of previous ru ►nours, t►nd of course dispose it to embrace the first plausible opportunity to quarrel with this country in despite of the openly expressed opinions of the two countries.—We say, therefore, let the Ex-King of France be received with the hospitality and kind ness befitting a great and free people, who are always ready and willing to sympathise with mis fortune; but let not, on account of one individual --and that individual a mere drop in the bucket of human existence---the peace and happiness of the two greatest nations in Europe be compromised, or in the slightest degree endangered. If these two objects cJr) be combined, every end will be answered; —if they are separated, war is tl►e only probable consegitenee.—illorning jidverliser. (From the News.) . On the dissolution of the last Parliament, that servile 'Ministerial hack, the .11forning Posi, trium phantly announced that the Wellington Cabinet would acquire upwards of ninety additional votes in the Commons as the result of the " appeal" (us it is called) to the people. Where, we ask, are these ninety thick and thin tax-eaters ? Like Fal staff's men of buckram, we believe—in idea. So hie from the Minister gaining ninety votes by the general deck!' —if lie goes on no better than he hue proceeded, he is much more likely to lose ninety. It is not, however, the numerical loss alone, which the Minister will have to deplore in the result of the new elections—he has evidently lost ground in the estimation of the country. Whilst the people. see such men as Mr. Wodehouse, the late member for Norfolk, Sir Thomas Gooch, the late member for Suffolk, Mr. Bastard, the late member for Devon, together with all the younger sons of the corrupt houses of our Aristocracy —whilst they see these men, the consistent defenders of every abuse, and of every tax, receive the support and patronage of the Government, how is it possible to believe rn Ministerial professions which talk of retrenchment and redaction of taxation V In almost every county, city, and town, where the people have had a voice, the Ministerial member has been thrown out—and wherever a Tory has been chosen, lie has been corn pellet! to profess TVhig opinions —such us reform, economy, &c., &c. We confess that, a few weeks ago, we did not sufficient justice to the patriotism of our counties and great towns. We really did not think there was so much of the spirit of independence in them. The people, however, seem alive to their real condition, and appear resolved, as far as is in their power, to free themselves from the galling taxes which oppress them. In consequence, time most signal defeats have been experienced by the Ministerial candidates in every populous place where they have tendered themselves. In Surrey, Mr. Briscoe has triumphed over Colonel Joild e , In Middlesex, Mr. Hume has successfully defied all Mi nisterial opposition. In Norfolk, Mr. Coke has pet forward Sir W. FAN', and compelled Mr. Wodehouse, the Wellington Member, to retire. In Suffolk, a new Whig Member has ferreted out Sir Thomas Gooch, who after five-and -twenty years of slavish voting for every t ax an d every Minister, is at length driven from the county. In Cambridge shire, the Duke of Rutland's brother, Lord Charles Manners, will certainly be beaten; anti the same fate, we are assured, awaits another brother, Lord Robert Manners, in Leicestershire. The county of Devon is also exerting itself to turn out its old Tory Member, Mr. Bastard; and from the present state of the poll, we have no doubt the Liberals will prove successful. The greet county of York has returned Mr. Brougham, Lopritellt hm rp t et e h, anti two s to other Members, who have dg economy and retrenchme n t. Th e towns have been equally unfavour a bl e t o t h e Mi n i ster as the counties. themselves In Grantham and Ilebester, Liberals have taken the places of treasury hireliegs. Colonel Peel, (brother of the Home Secretary,) and his friend Admiral Ogle, though backed by all the interest of 'Govern ment, have been driven out of Norwich. - Another brother of the Home Secretary has been beaten et Newcastle. under-Lyne. At Yermouth, the Liberals have been triumphant. At . Taunton, a thick-end-, thin Ministerialist has been ejected. The same has occurred in the city of Durham. At Reading, Dr. Lushingtoe, who now votes regularly with Minis ters, has been unsuccessful. In fine, we might ex tend this article to a most unrett‘onable length, wete we to enumerate all the counties, cities, and towns, in which tha influence of the Cabinet has been de feated by the energies of the people. From Scot hue' we expect little of independence —we, there fore, cannot be disappointed. In Ireland, however, the evil star of the Minister seems as predominant as in England. Mr. Croker, the Admiralty Secre tary, has been turned out of the University of Dub lin. The O'Connor Don has succeeded in Ros common. Mr. O'Connell will come in for the county of Waterford, while O'Gorman Mahon will, no doubt, be one of the Representatives for Clare. Besides, Mr. Dawson, Sir Robert Peel's brother-ia law, has retired from Londonderry, not daring to stand a contest ; anti it is highly probable that Mr. North will he beaten at Drogheda, where he is op posed by Mr. Maurice (sConnell, a son of Mr. O'Connell. In fact, wherever we turn, if to a po pular election, the Wellington candidate is in the back-ground. It is morally itepo , :sible that the Ministry can stand under such a weight of opposi.- !ion. Most happy are we to find, from numerous indications of public spirit , that the glorious example of France will not be lost on our countrymen. (From the Rxaminer.) AFFAIRS OF FRANCE. Affairs are proceeding tranquilly in France amidst much agitation of opinion. The Correspondent of the Morning Chronicle represents us as affirming that there is no desire for a Republic in France. The proposition is far stronger than any positions in our Paper will bear out. We stated in our Print of August Ist, that amongst the 221 who voted the memorable anti-minist eriul address, we doubted whe • ther there were so many as ten favourable to a Re public; but added, " how many may be so now, is a ►lifferent question. An obstinate monarch, who cannot be prevailed upon to govern tolerably either by caresses or by in►imidation, makes men Republicans whether they will or not." The obstinate Monarch is uprooted and flung away, but the effect of his crimes will not vanish with his power. He has written a lesson in characters of blood, which the' people will not soon forget. He had taught them to beware of Kings, to expect in them plotters against popular rights; and, however excellent is the opi nion of the reigning Monarch, it must be felt that a hereditary succession offers no assurance of those virtues which constitute his personal claims to the world's respect and a nation's confidence. There is in JEsop an excellent fable to this effect. A wood. cutter anti a snake contracted a friendship, and a gr e ed to live together. It chanced one day that the man's hatchet fell on the snake and cut off his tail. The wood-cutter made a thousand apologies on the painful occasion, promised more care for the future, and expressed his sincere hope that the un fortunate accilent would not interrupt their friend ship, or disturb that agreeable union of man and snake from which so much happiness had been mute ally devised. Tl►e snake, ha vin;; heard him out, moved towards the door, observing " What you say is doubtless ►ery true; but I have come to the re solution never to live with a ;urn who keeps a hat chet in hit house." The dislike of living with a nam who keeps a ha.chet in his house, is probably much spread 111111 exuspersted in France by the savage stroke she lately experienced; but for the present it seems more judicious to bind the hatchet in the magisterial laves than to renounce the house of tem porary shelter and convenience. Desiree must often be waived to prudence; and much as we should wish to see a Republic established in France, which has the best preparation for it of any country in Europe, we should yet deeply regret any movement of impatience to that object at this critical instant. A vast stride has been made; and we would rather have the step assured than emperilled by a further advance. The Republicans have reason on their side, but reason in an authority which in its strongest assertions, the world is not always ready to obey; and in the province of morals, as in that of me chanics, the power acts with greatest effect through space. We deprecate impat►ence, : vast good is already obtained, and time tells for the better cause —therefore delay, and tile abstinence from occupa• tion of the extreme ground, are no evils, no cur renders, but waivers only. Holding this opinion, we are, in complete consistency witl► it, well pleased to observe so much Republican spirit alive; and though we dissent from the policy proposed, we were exceedingly gratified by reading the re monstrance of Mr. Loudon, addressed to the Editor of the Chronicle, on the score of that able writer's approbation of the French Monarchy in preference to the Republic, for which Mr. Loudon thinks France sufficiently ripe and strong. We know Mr. Loudon to be a useful member of society, and we honour him now for a courage of no common kind, and opinions estimable though unseasonably recom mended to adoption. The Romans made a nice distinction between tutus and sccurus. Like Mr. Loudon, we would have France secure against the evil accidents to which a hereditary Monarchy is liable; but solely must precede the preparations for security, and the nation will breathe, tranquillize, and consolidate its strength under the reign of the tem perate and experienced Philip, who has made sweet the uses of adversity, and in his prosperity forfeited none of the respect he had earned in the school of misfortune. Many ingenious arguments are, we see, directed against the principle of this election. The Gazette de France writes thus— " Philip of Orleans is procl aimed king. It is not by the right of birth that he ascends the throne ; neither is it by the proved suffrages of the people. Deputies elected in virtue of a pi inciple of legitimacy, without authority to take away or confer the Crown, have greeted him, with a title which they might with equal validity bestow upon another. Hare hereditary legitimacy is set aside, and the legitimacy of the nation is taken no account Of. This election will, therefore, have against it both the opinion which admits the dogma, of hereditary sovereignty, and the opinion which believes in the sovereignty of the people. The Chamber of Deputies has usurped powers which it did not possess." The best sanction of the measure is its fitness. For such extreme occasions no rules are prepared ; anti it is more ingenious than profitable to quarrel with the inconsistencies involved in a measure of safety. The French will not be like Swift's Lilliputians, who impeached Guliver for having, extinguished a conflagration by means abhorrent to etiquette. The Deputies only could exercise the power that the urgency of the occasion required ; and the necessity authorizes the stretch of their functions. Revolutions cannot be conducted according to the rules of Consti tutions, and the nearest approximation to right, con sisting with public safety, must satisfy all sensible people. The reforms which our neighbours may make in their Constitution will be looked to with great in terest; and a signal advantage it will be to the people of England, it, as Mr. Bentham somewhere says, they have the opportunity of going to see a g ood Government at the price of a crown. Packets from Calais will bring home some curious instruc- ii ch e„ The duration - Of the Chamber of Deputies should be shortened more than it is, to two years, or even to one year, as from the method of election no inconvenience arises from frequent re-constitutions of the assembly; and members found worthy should be chosen again. The Hereditary Chamber should be abolished ; and if a second Chamber is necessary, _ a question allowing of many arguments in the affirmative and the negative,—it should be este blished on some more rational principle than the nomination of the K i ng and c a n us t t h it e ue l i n ic e y k o h f av t i h n e g i b o e its e i n . s T o h s e ig v n a a l l u ly e o p f r t o l V e ed—for the choice of the present Chamber. was the first cause of the redempti on of France — We hope to see its basis much more widely extended. The people who have so worthily wielded the sword, have sufficiently shewn their' qual , fication for the franchise. A few parting words now on the outcast Charles Caper. We observe him to be honoured in this country with the descrip tion of naforiunefe, which title he bears after Thurtell, Corder, Burke, and ail our malefactors. No sufrerer under Justice is criminal in Eng Persons who have the bad fortune to be overtake!, by Justice after cutting throats or robbing pockets, are called unfortunate in respect of the had fortune of failing to escape. Had Charles overturned the liberties of the people, he would have been a for tunate Prince; having lost the game of blood, he is on the contrary unfortunate. Thus a man's failure in crime is his express title to compassion. The French appear on this subject to be carrying genero sity and moderation to the verge of false sentiment. They say that their cause is so good as to disdain the punishment of the guilty. In proportion to the extreme goodness of the popular cause, is the ex treme wickedness of the opposite teaching; and if, because it is so good, it refuses to punish, then the aggressing party, expressly because it is so wicked, is favoured with impunity ! The worse therefore traitors are, the better are their conditions. This may be extraordinarily refined sentiment, but it is enormously bad policy. TO . TIM RDITOR OP THE EXAIIINFR. Sta,—Do not, I pray, omit to notice the leading article in the Courier of last evening ; observe, espe-ially, its concluding words:—.. " This unfortunate and aged Monarch does not, it is said, come to England, the refuge of misfortune and pro scription, but proceeds to America, fearing lrst he should meet ►with insult in this country—we doubt the statement as to the reason &sail ned. Shorn of his splrndour, and deprived of the means to distorts the new order of thin: s, who in this country would he base enough to treat with insult a King whose faults have been occasioned by age and imposition? Charles has paid the penalty of hip offence, and no English heart would rejoice to see him insulted" I would give a trifle to know who dictated these words. No, no ; Charles X. is not going to America, he is not going among the republican Yankees to join Joseph Boone parte in exile ; this article says plainly enough, to all wLo can see what the writer would be at, that we may coon expect to see him here. Charles, the traitor to his people, who brought wiwards of 20,000 soldiere (kis own person surrounded by 6,000 mercenary Swiss) to MIMI tent the ht ride citizens of Paris ; Charles, according to the Courier, has been guilty of nothing worse than the being an " fortunate end aged Monarch," " whose faults hare been occasioned by ape and imposition," and who has " paid the penalty of bis offence." What ! paid the penalty of the offence of treason in suffering only to be removed from the country which he had betrayed, in only losing a croon which, in justice, should have gone from him in company with his head ? " Whose faults have been occasioned by age and imposition." Here is a rare piece of dwindling into absurdity through fright! So that, when a King gets to be old, he roust, for that reason, be no longer worthy of the people's confidence, and ought accordingly to be deposed. Would the Monarch, though aged, not have been beloved if he hail done right? Why, then, is he not to be hated when he does wrong ? But the mention of insult,—the calling us, by anticipation, base if we do nut show respect to this murderer in cold blood of his own subjects, is the least tolerable part of what the Courier has to say; this, indeed, is insult,—insult offered to every Englishman that reads it. If the royal malefactor choose to trust himself amongst us, why not let him come, like any other perpetrator of crime abroad, running the risk of reception according to his deserts and the honest opinions of those whose society he seeks? His life will be in no danger here : there will be law to preserve that, even to Citadel' X., and what more, I would he glad to know, should the tyrant expect from us ? At all events, what ever may be the fate of such a King, do not, for God's sake, let us submit to the " insult" of being (WINd base by the Courier if we do not rest our nation's character as the " refuge of misfortune and proscription" upon our sy►npathy with that " natural goodness of heart" which one writer has been cap!ble of attributing to a King, cashiered by a noble people fir the cruellest acts of despo tism, and et:talking towards the sanctuary of England from the acene of his misdei da and the vengeance fur which they cry aloud !—I am, Sir, your most obedient servant. August 7, 1830. P. C, (From the Spectator.) RESULT OF THE ENGLISH ELECTIONS. WHAT HAVE THE MINISTRY GAINED ? We might put another question, to which a post , live answer would be more easily returned—What have the Ministry lost ? They were to gain ninety. three votes. According to the most accurate c ll culations, they have lost forty or fifty; and a much larger number, if we add to these many of their for mer thoroughgoing supporters, who, by their pledges they have volunt a rily entere d i nto, must be tho roughgoing supporters no more. Everywhere that the popular voice could be heard, it has been ex pressed in one way. " Reduction of expenditure— abolition of 'monopoly —reform of the represents. tion "—the two first universally, the last in snree shape or other almost universally — haeo been the points insisted on by the voters, arid, with hardly an exception, conceded by the candidates. In every case, the worst recommendation that a candidate has brought to the hustings, has been that which was once his best —his consistent support of' the Administration. Indeed, the support of the Admi nistration, uniform or occasional, has been found to operate against almost every candidate suspected of it. The beet claim which any man has brought to th e hustings, has been independence—independence of party—independence of the Government. The House of Commons which assembles in October, will contain more honest members than any that has met since the Revolution, if they fulfil the pro mises made to their constituents. What is the les son to be gathered from sell this ? The lesson,is in kind precisely that which was read to Prince Po lignae, and to which he would not listen—and where is he ? We say in kind, for we do not mean to • parallel the cases in degree. The Doke of Welling-, ton's Administration is not so unpopular as that of Prince Polignac ; hit enemies are riot so overwhelm ing; and we must add, that the appeal by which he sought to determine their numbers and their power was by no means so impartially made. If it had, we do not knOw what the result might have been. So far as we have traced the history of the elections, there seems to prevail in all the instructions of the people a lofty and honourable feeling, very different from what is commonly displayed on such occasions. They do not say to their Members vote against the Duke of Wellington; they make no objection to men; they only call for good measures, emanate from whatever quarter they may. This is precisely the way in which we wish the people to ace, We owe a large debt of gratitude to the Duke's Administration, and we desire nothing awe than to see him remain in pow e r, i f he ni will l o t himself with counselling such acts as the com munity of Englund haver determined to be good and desirable. If he remain in power he must do so. His only strength must in future be sought in the general approbation of wise rend prudent and patriotic men. He has no frictions opposition to dread. The same principles which he must main tain if he would keep power, must be maintained by his opponents if they would pin it. The Mi nistry is weaker in numbers now than before the dissolution of Parliament —weaker in numbers than perhaps any Ministry which men looked on as stable ever was; but from the present composition of the blouse, it is stronger to do good than the strongest of its predecessors. It has sometimes been said that the Cabinet was more liberal than the Parlia ment; to every appearance this will be no longer the case. if the Duke entreat the new House of 1 Commons to go with him one mile, it will go with him twain; Whir ask for the coat of a sinecurist, it willgive him give him the cloak also. Will he throw him self honestly and heartily into the army of the People ? We hope he will, for his own sake. If he refuse, the Ministry must tumble in pieces in a mouth. We make these general observations, pre liminary to the following tables, which have beers drawn up with great labour and industry', b Y a per son - well versed in the subject. The reader will htphie,evr they perceive, moreicv come. m , bey. than merely ju justify glancing if y g o sa n ci l on y t la t a h r i d e :v e ‘ o v% or, votes -- perha p s eotsut—ori think kaEn English it probable r s s c h s , c b i t o d ah ehn br l iceleteeolceuet thatsbi):ool r ng o o: I. : 1 i ate i d p u orr i e r r e n e: tw r s h d u ct ie e lo ee eil d r : 4. '1 : 1: 8 1 i i‘blivwwlliii certainly , i , hr : i , o I t y i y store .l complete.t he ! ee i orAlt a lha d ef er o sw z b e a n t n Ireland;e they I that, " although t h e result of the elections in t h ose pima of t h e ki ng d om cannot be accurately stated, we can confidently affirm that, it will not he found to be 10 favour of the Cabinet.—[The tables referred to WIN given in The Sun of Saturday.] INTERCOURSE WITH SOCIETY.:: All Bonaparte's narratives overflowed with fascination and originality. He was particuistif conversible on a journey. In the warmth of discourse, always delightful, always abounding it) novel views and elevated ideas, he sosnetimaa, permitted to escape involuntary disclosures u p , his future views, or, at least, revealed th which might serve to give insight into dog which he still wished to conceal. I took ths liberty of remarking this imprudence to gist and he received my observations in good pOt acknowledging his failing, saying, at the time, that he was not aware of going so did not pretend to dissemble this specinlffi heedlessness, of which he has made fraikCoo" tension in his notes from St. Helena. When in good humour, his ordinary 01 0 1 consisted in slight fillips with the first and Oa fingers, or in gently pinching the tip of thifsb In his most friendly conversations, withih admitted to unrestrained intimacy, he wse 1 the habit of repeating, " You are a simpkioN a ninny, a blockhead, an ass, a fool, an bebe' cite." These six words served to vary We lope of compliments, but he never Apr t — them seriously, an d th e tone with which, thol were pronounced rendered their signification one quite of kindness. -Bonaparte put no faith either in medicine sin r p t h h ) e si l o mr a e s se o ri t p a ti o ot a ts rt oafitiomghLslitceirans. He his of opinion in this respect being im moveable. He possessed a masculine ,reasoi which admitted only of demonstrated truths. He had little recollection of proper words spd . dates, but a prodigious memory for facts and 10 calities. I remember that once, in geing f t r f Paris to Toulon, he made me remark six ar o ferent places adapted for great battlestodA, never forgot them ; for, at that time, the racr,,, ficoinejdeetaunrds , lection was one of the earliest journeys ofnl Youth, and he described to me the surfsee iv ° the ground, and explained the positi ° " s he a would have occupied, even before we bad reached the places themselves. Insensible to the charms of poetic hsrine e P Bonaparte enjoyed not even sufficient ear 0 $ preciate the measure of the verses, and h e , c° t h e not recite a s i ng l e li ne w ithout alter i ng ry rhythm ; b u t th e su bli me t h o ughts of charmed him, He was an idolater o 7 00 neille, and t o suc h a degree, that he saidif one day, after th e representation of Ginnie -j u g a man lik e C orne ill e li ve d i n my time, MO u. him m prime minister ; it is not hisPereit that I a dmi re y , it is his good sense, hi s g am knowledg e o f t h e h uman heart, the pro wl ' of his politics." did Politeness in his intercourse with vio l ' 6 1 not forum a habitual trait in the charstotera", Bonaparte. 7 ert°. Rarely had he any thing agree, to say ; o f ten , i n d ee d, h e addressed a n compliments, or said the strangest als o them. Sometime s it was , 44 Ah good h! what re d arms you h a ve ge t !" at others: what a villanous head-dress ;" or, " whg a . bundled your hair up in that fashion r °,_! 1 „1 times, again, 44 You have got a very dirty 7 60 , Do you never change your gown. .1,! 111 1: thin you mn that dress twenty times before • In he had no mercy, and generally liked t° of money disburz•ed. Often present at the n od hid wt i o l lofeef, hadother rlet required ei m st n .e o d s : A c at ui lfii u trst i l s et i: e lei t it as eogr t ir e f ec ; p:jopri become not easily satisfied as respected th e vas hat and magnificence ; but always propriety, t t h h e e i c ie tm e in k tn e et x m p c: s n e i d e7 of time Consulate , he 4 71 plained inure than once of the fashion w hich I " c so ircl il es ir ; . 1 o s Bonaparte did not love play r u a l ea his % f • o e r ry wh fo e r i t l u ' f r e t e sat fo d r o t w h i o t e as he sometimes considered himself o g i be to do, nothing cauld be more tiresome til t joy party, whether at the Luxembourg or the but ries. On the contrary, when he walked ,Mt through the numerous assembly, every 011- 0 1 0 , at ease, for he addresses a great many Pl en It was, however, always with the learned, w i l t ) present that he held conversation,_espe oial Y or e. those who had accompanied the EgyPtin"„„ the dition, or some popular author. 13t! —root whole, it was not so much in a drawing t ha ve those AS at the head of his troops that one mu s t seen, to hare formed a high idea of P °l)- r o cas robes, told, oe and appreciated his powers. Uniform ) :ivil him much better than the most splel ii , s oilg costumes; and in these latter, his " L ":„, WO; t w he ore fir w st itl i ttern he a a eardireid were not by any means happy. I r e ' o .- fficial. gulur contrast, as was remarked to him , w oo much the better," replied he, " that lea v°ll thing at least of the soldier, and there's r';' ilk done."—Constable's Miscellany,VaL L • apbplaecakredstoicek,-.lising, Thursday W; --- s the first day ctigtOUS C4ll l3 ° edt l i tlg; On the Craven end other Yorkshire Moot* the ~e said to be. scarce. Great numbers perished „ ii . 1 "`";i0,... tas severe winter and s u ccee di n g w e t topring..."^' Chronicle. G 3 IOY Dreadful excesses were committed to during the election. The boob were armed with `' 3 o , fi nn u d ng sle a d t g s es he ; a t u h t e im a r ts i t t n ies es a w itt e d re m t i n li r ti n r o y u , t of the W I T.% Ol d several persons were lying bleeding hi . Doxitabr., the Deputy Clerk of the Peace, wil o blis doted by a ruffianly crew on Wednesday waste-. Warder., venseememir......rogrogootresOgi° BITHS. he 1011 w i ivintslhoewsstrebre7: ,:oftrri On the 12th inst. at Be lie ves ..hall, Drightoor I of 1)r. Byron, of a daughter. le AO ° On the 1 9 th inst. in St. lieletes-place, P . r • st Key, of a daughter. On the 18th inst. the lady of W. C. L. Keene' a son. MAIED. Oa the 17th inst. a t St RR James% the Rey. 0, - „ 1 a 6 ( Ch‘loner Ogle, third son o f the Rev. J. Eoville Otiti'lest Kirkley, county of Northumberland, to sophis , 1<" youngest daughter of Admiral Sir C Ogle, Bart. lII.P. 10 11. Oa the 181 h inst. F. C. Skey, Esq. of Southlltrojj, row, sq., to ,f S B ar iu s y t it S r o et p t l , da Ei . t e m n o ly nto d n a . ughter of F. 7; 100 E On the 17th inst. at Northwood, Isle of Will-, - 1 Siff Tyers Tyers, Esq. Seymour, Ruffen, Eqq. Al C. On the 17th inst. at St. Danstan's.in-the-got, r 0 . 14 o d f o ße gh l t ra e i r td o o f tli t ie h , e W le r s in w gto o n ii r ok ; 001 Roworth, of Sidmouth-street, to Sarah Elisshet',4rociv daughter of E. 11. Noy, Esq. of Tower-Wee" an d ' ham-green, Surrey. DIED,,f htc On the 17th inst. at Kenwood, in the 17th la y ', • t i. d Ate. the Lady Cecilia Sarah Murray, daughter °l' I't i of Mansfield— r ia Majoroo thee H. Glover, lateat 3 1:7: : Mr. J ue oh o u ge l i ti: ' his o 6 n 2d th y e ea l r s . th inst. at Townsetui-L-ute, ffrgen't....Psiall': age O d n 4 tt 15th inst at Dolby( g il ign n e e n : bi g hlitiirti 3 it 0 i t" 1 1 " year, Charlotte Jane, youngest daughter or lb. J. Peel, Esq., of Bowes farm, Middieses. Plll 7 / 1 41ND ANDUItO.4IUIND BY 4 , 1 Ai ; p nftDO I VAN SUN OrriCS, 112, STAA ND,