The Sun. — London, England, 1830-12-30 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. . . The Monday journals of Paris can hardly be said to contain much news, as the resignation of Way *He appeared by the accounts published yesterday morning: The resignations also of Dupont de l'Eure, and of Odillost l3arrot, imply the dissatisfaction of two of the most popular names among the old and young men of France. It is idle to predict conse quences where even facts are not certainly known. M. Lafitte is en eminent bankerand a shrewd man, but, though sixty years old, is a very young state- man; nor are the councils of the frank and impetu. out Montalivet (clever and honest though we admit him to be) calculated to inspire much confidence. Sebastiani is a man of unquestionable talent, and has latterly shown that he can conquer some of the military prejudices of his earlier career; but his po: polarity is to be found rather in the saloons of Paris than among the people of France. Snub is, beyond a doubt, a most eminent name,--eminent for talent, military and civil, for great resources, and undoubted intrepidity of character. But with all these titles to admiration, he has contrived, by his subservient conduct during the late reign, to lose the respect and affections of .his countrymen. The name of Louis- Philip is still a tower of strength; but popularity, where much more is expected than can be granted, is a short-lived power. It is evident that something must be done, and soon, to controul the - various bo diea in action against the authorities, or Government is merely a name. Soult is said to have put under . a.month's arrest 8D of the hula of the Polytechnic School.. We wish we could see force enough in the Administration to dissolve the school, or at least to suspend it for six months. At present, law and authority are trampled tinder foot ; and, to adopt the eloquent language of the Journal des Debuts of 'Monday, " When the law can no longer make itself ' respected, —as soon as this pivot of the social system ceases to act,—it matters not whether the violator of the law be the tyrant King or the tyrant people: all is in danger—if the violator go unpunished, all is lost."--21inte/. We believe that nobody is foolish enough to ex pect candour or justice from Mr. O'Connell : his rtiVective, therefore,, may generally be left to die a natural death of incredulous contempt. There are, however, occasions when the Irish agitator takes in bend a more dangerous weapon than abuse, end flat ' ters those whem he wishes to injure. .Though the blundering ruffianism of his slander is beneath notice, the Virus of his .praise may require to be wiped off, lest it ahould have tome, if not all, of the dangerous effects' of the slaver of rabid animals. Mr. O'Con nell-, in a late speech, Obierved, that the only honest lawyer in Parliament was Mr. Attorney-General (Denman), " because he means t o support nth (gr. O'Connell's) Bill for giving the truth in evi dence. for libel." This wilful, attempt to place one man :in an invidious light by investing him with 'another's merits, must tie much more offensive to the high minded lawyer thus bedaubed with tomb)? panegyric, :than it can be injurious to the Learned Peer to whom the praise actually belongs—a praise, hoWever, which We deprecate for him when we see the object is to put two old and cordial friends in con trast with each other. Mr. O'Connell, as a lawyer and ,a MeMber of Parliament, cannot be ignorant, that the doctrine which he has the unfairness to put forth as his own, and for supporting which he has the impudence to praise the Attorney-Ge neral, is taken from a Bill introduced into the House of Commons by Mr. Brougham, and read a first and second time in 1827, when it was thoroughly ' explained end defended in a long and able speech by the eloquent mover, who afterwards again, in 1828, fully discussed and vindicated his projected mea sure. We are convinced that if every movement and speech of Mr. O'Connell were well investigated his motive would always be found to be of the meanest and most personal nature. Mr. Doherty has bean promoted from the office of Solicitor- General to the dignity of Chief Justice of the Com mon Pleas in Ireland, as Mr. Tindal was promoted from the corresponding office in England to a cor responding dignity. Is there anything nensual in the promotion ? N o . I s there anything unfitting ? To this, we do not know that we have sufficient mom to furnish an answer; but Mr. O'Connell, who is so loud in reprobation of the promotion, is hound to give other reasons besides general abuse. Dere* Mr, O'Connell avow the real motive of his enmity to Mr. Doherty ? Dares he avow his real motive for clamouring to repeal the Union ? The total loss of practice consequent on his attendance in the House of Commons may be a sufficient rea son for the Hon. Gentleman to abandon his seat for Waterford: is it a sufficient motive to dissever the ties which bind two nations together in bonds of mutual interest and amity ? But we see Lord Angles.% is beginning vigorously to grapple with the Agitator on thiorpoint ; and the Agitator is, as usual, slinking from conflict with those who meet him boldly and firmly.—Tiates. As the trials continue for riotous proceedings among the agricultural !Adorers, the disposition to mischief appears to subside : indeed, the situation of the country, though still not to be vaunted, is changed from what it was six weeks ago. The reign of terror has, in a great degree, given way to that of the laws, To this the charges of the Judges on circuit, and more especially on the special com missions, have no doubt greatly contributed ; that of Mr. ustice Park, given in our paper of Tuesday, left nothing to be regretted on the various points of law which could come before the Juries on the cases submitted to their cognizance; while its con clusion contained a humane appeal to gentlemen on their return to their homes, to show the greatest kindneis and attention to the real waists of the di,- tressed, while they enforced strict subudwilon to the laws. We have great pleasure in attributing the good produced to these simple expositions of the law, than to the verdicts of condemnation, and the consequent sentences, because it argues a more tract able spirit in those who may have partly erred through ignorance, and shows less necessity for final severity. In the trials, indeed, which have taken place, it appears that in many instances the leaders have been persons un connected directly with agricultural labour, though the ploughmen may have swelled the mob ; and if we cannot plead much for the former, the claims of the latter are but the stronger both to a lenient sentence and to kind treutment, the most essential test of *hie) Is sufficient wages hereafter. Two facts have clearly resulted from the trials:— one, that the poor (~Pourers were ; and next, that they were not resisted with sufficient spirit when they first broke out into excesses. Add to this also, that they were Jowled on by inflammatory methods; incendiaries operated upon their minds, as they unfortunately, or some. of them, operated wpm"' their . [nesters' stacks and mows—they set them on.firc A poor boy, who had set fire to five stack, in. one parish, declared with his dying breath, and wrote with his quivering bandohet he bad been incited to these illegal acts by hearing a lecture of old Cobbett's, at Battle; as a poor woman re• cently, at one'of the public offices, 'swore that her huthend was seduced frisin her into into the moot shockiog habits of vice by reading Cuilile's tracts : aod yet both these wretches, with the bodies of their victims cold before them, say that they are the friends of the poor. Riot undoubtedly must be put down—turbulence must be suppressed; and these ends being attained, then may clemency be shown, without risk to the misled, and without the tnpututiou of fear on those who wield the law. Two of - the Winchester trials, received last night, pre sent some extraordinary aonduct on the part of the farmers which we have not time to notice as the subjetedsaerves.—Tiewa. As **do tint wish to serve any cause by false hood, we heve taken some pains of late to show t hat the agricultural labourers are better off than they were d i 7 1 a-il-iat war, and that there is no foundation for the statement* that the late risings have t h e ir cause in a greater degree of distrees and privation than usual. Aliondairt proof, if further p rov e, were wow'', it 16' be found in the reports of the tri►►ls of the rioters. Thus in the report in the Chronicle of yesterday, of the proceedings at Winchester, on Friday last, Jonathan Wyatt, exa mined in the trial of Bratcher and others, said, in answer to a question by the Court, " Mr. Cheney's labourers received 9s. a week, which. was the gene ral rate of wages throughout the parish ; same had assistance from the parish besides." Robert Bowdland said, " witness got Os. a week, and is a single man." Stephen Toghill Hard ing said, " 9s. a Week was the common rate of wages for single as well as married men ; -they are now giving 12s. a week." John Barnard said, " the men were receiving 93. a week, and two of them 10s." Lady Cavan said " she asked the mob why they rose, when there was no apparent distress round Eaglehurs►, and that the wages had been the same for several years; witness had been in several of their cottages and never saw any appearances of distress; they said they had been oppressed long enough, and they would not bear it any longer; one said he had a large family and received 9s. a week for labour and 3s. from the parish . . . One said he had only Os. a week ; that his labour was worth 125., and he was determined to have 125." John Mutt day, a farmer, said " the men were usually paid by them 9s, it week; some had Is. a week more, and many house rent and fuel; those who came to the parish did not have so much; if they had large fa milies, the parish assisted them considerably ; one man earned Is. l lrl a day, and had 34. a week from the parish, and be struck for an advance." Now, during the war, at the very time wheat was selling at eight guineas a quarter, and other de scriptions of food proportionably high, the agricul tural labourers in that part of England received the very same wages. In Mr. Gourlay's General In troduction to his Statistical Account of Upper Canada, we have abundant details as to the wages of labour in that part of England during the last years of the war. Mr. Gourlay farmed in the pariah of Wiley, Wiltshire, from 1809 till 1817, and the following is the account he gives of the state of the poor at that period : " Though my main pursuit in removing from Scotland to England was to examine into the causes, and contrive remedies for the evils of the Poor Law system, it was several years beim I could make up my mind on any point. For two years I interfered little in parochial ma nagement ; keeping, however, a watchful eye over those that did interfere. The third year 1 became one of the overseers, and gave minute attention to eve"), particular. In Wiltshire and some counties round, a 'lntern of regu lating the wages of labour was completely matured and acted upon. Nine shillings per week was declared to be the pay of a labourer in Wiltshire, though in Fifeshire, from whence I had come, twelve shillings per week, and often more, was the customary rate. As nine shillings per week could not maintain a man with a family, the rule was to allow him to apply to the overseer, when be had more than two children, hot additional pay. . . . The glaring error in this part of the system was, setting the wages of the labourer too low. In England the habits of labourers were not so economical as in Scotland ; in England labourers really required more money to maintain them; • but here in England they had greatly less ; here a nominal price wits set upon labour, three shillings per week below what it was naturally worth in Scot land. There was no difficulty in correcting this error. As soon as I got to be overseer of the poor, I reckoned the labour of every able-bodied man at 12s. ; end thus at a single stroke, not only lessened parish pay and poor. rates, but did infinite good otherwise. The poor them selves were quite pleased with this change ; not so the farmers ; who, as soon as I was out of office, reduced wages to fls, per week. The farmers had a reason for this, but it was founded on ignorance ; and to ignorance and bad reasoning we may safely ascribe a full half of all this world's misery. By holding down the nominal wages of married men with more than two children, the farmers had chiefly in view to hold down the real wages of single men and those who had less than three children ; anti they really made good their point to the great injury both of themselves and labourers, Thus, while statute laws have been framed to prevent manufacturing labourers from com bining to raise their pay, a most powerful combination, ratified by the Magistracy of England, was at work to keep down husbandry labour below its proper level; anti thus it was that I could hire an English plough man for W. per annum, while 1 could not hire a Scotch ploughman of the same appearance at less than 18/, It will naturally be asked why should an Unineumbered English ploughman submit to this? Anal the question must be solved by looking to a va• rimy of points, and gathering causes from all of them. The whole of the South of England was subjected to the cursed artificial system of which a part now appears. A spirited. young man might travel a hundred miles before he could get beyond the limit of the agricultural combina tion ; and there were few spirited young men in a country where the people could not read and write. The want of mental energy, consequent on the want of education, aided by attachment to the place of birth, relations, friends, and still more, to habits of indolence, caught from what they saw ar ound them, all conspired to enslave la bourers, and to enable farmers to triumph over them in a most pernicious victory. With a few sensible people I could prevail by reasoning, and obtain confession, that keeping down wages by artifice was wrong and unthrifty ; but there Ivas no gettiug any body of farmers to act in the face of established practice. may be seen that by a pitiful filch, to make waves ap pear low in England, for the have purpose of diminishing the wages of those not entitled to initial aid, the price of labour was actually increased, and every liirthing of the parish pay was merely wasted ; while the Scotch la bourer had 12s. per week, the English labourer would have required I is., owing to his less thrifty modes of living ; and I know that if they had been allowed to draw in thus much, they would not only have made no complaint to the parish, but every man, woman, end child, left free to earn aubeistence in proportion to exertion, would have bean not may contented, but have done more for themselves and more for others. In the parish of Wiley, under the factitious system, it was truly disgusting to sea the consequences. One family, with a weak and good-for-nothing creature at the head of it, not worth , four shill ings per week, yet valued at nine shillings, and rendered as comfortable in his living as the strongest and best man, whose labour was worth fourteen shillings.... The difference between the natural and factitious system was best proved in cases where piece -work could he agreed for. In doing piece-work I had English labourers, who surpassed any Seotchmen I ever employed in the same way. In this piece-work the labourer was paid according to his exertions, and then, indeed, he did exert himself. . . . . I have said, that as soon as I was out of office, nine shillings were substituted for twelve shillings in reckoning the earnings of labour ; and not only was this miserable change effected, but every regulation which I had made to set bounds to arbitrary power was set aside by my successor ! while the same Magistrates who had sanctioned my acts, confirmul what was done by him I" Such was the miserable condition of the Euglish agricultural labourers in this very district during the war. No one then raised his voice against this cent binirtion-no one attempted to aid the labourer to extricate himself from his bondage, The Clergy saw this ; but they held their tongues, But tines have changed. The farmers are now poor. They are struggling to keep their heads above water. Farmer after farmer has gone to the workhouse. The very artificial system which they and the gentry planned to defraud the labourers has been the chief means of now ruining them. The farmer is now really an object of pay ; and the labourers have really been their tools in many cases of late. But the farmers, being prior, are no longer of consequence, and therefore they may now be safely attacked for inhumanity. The labourers having interpreted in their own way the maxim Aide 10i, el le Cie/ eau/era, it has been inferred that the extremity of distress has impelled them ; whereas, in reality, the movement has originated in their elevating their views, and wishing to obtain a higher relative posi tion. Though we are far from approving of vio lence, we consider the dissatisfaction of the labourers a favourable symptom on the whole. As long as men would be satisfied. with being down, the rule with others is never to seek to raise them. What has taken place is merely the first effects of the light breaking in on ignorant minds. Dissatisfaction with our present lot is the parent of all improvement in the world. The rich will now, for their own sake, seek to enlighten the poor ; and out of the recent evils much good will ultimately be obtained. —Morning amide. • Mr. Barber Beaumont has just published a very valuable pamphlet . , - under the title of " Thoughts on the causes and Cure of the present Distress, with a Plan of Parliamentary Reform." The introduc tory observations, in which Mr. Beaumont describes the present state of the country, are forcibly written, and calculated to lead to serious reflections— " During the last three months (he observes), the Go vernment has been unable to afford protection 'to persons and property. Lawless bands have perambulated the country, exacting contributions, requiring farmers and others to sign agreements to pay them such wages and make such weekly allowances to those who do not work as they choose to dictate. They have destroyed machinery and agricultural stock to an enormous amount—committed personal violence on magistrates and clergymen—dragged peaceably disposed labourers from their work to join them —frightened timid inhabitants from their homes, and de stroyed by secret firing the property which escaped the attacks of open violence. The country has been in a state of anarchy; and although the rioters have abstained from committing any sanguinary acts, the coolness, method, and success of their proceedings are scarcely less alarming than if a mere desperate course had been taken. The demands submitted to, and their superiors at length assembling for mutual defence, together with a change in the Admi nistration of the Government, appear to have abated the activity of the rebellious; but those circumstances alone will only afford a truce to hostilities. The increase of wages is but transferring the distresses of the labourer to the farmer, who is already borne down by rent, tithes, arid taxes, and who is already exhausting his capital to defray current extremes. If he pay the increased! wages, rent, tithe, or taxes must inevitably sutler. But unless he pay high wages, and moreover find employment for additional hands, the Poor-rates must be increased . to meet the increased supply which the poor have directed to be paid to themselves. Thus the shopkeeper, already reduced in his profits by the distresses of the farmer, is drawn on to bear increased burthens. In proportion us the farmers and tradesmen become exhausted, the gentry and clergy must supply the deficiencies, or meet the dis tresses of the labouring class, together with those of the farmer and tradesman, which will then be superadded in some other manner. What this manner must be, it is fearful to contemplate. The more distressed labourers, unarmed and uncountenanced, have felt their strength ; if deep distress extend to more influential ranks, and they feel theirs, a revolution must be the consequence." Before proceeding to the consideration of this valuable pamphlet, which we reserve for a future day, we cannot help observing, that in order to guard against the consequences which might follow from any event calculated to shuke confidence, the middle classes ought to be prepared for the worst. The calling out of the Militia does not strike us us being adequate to the emergency. The great danger, after all, is not in the country ; but in the great hives of commerce and industry in which so many human beings are congregated. We think then it would only be a wise precaution, before pro. ceeding further with a question of so captivating ti nature as Parliamentary Reform, to organize the middle classes as a National Guard. We may then proceed with less ulurm in the course on which we must enter. We shall return to•morrow to the questions opened up by Mr. Beaumont.—Morning Chronicle. We received last night the lifessager des Chambres of Tuesday, and the other Paris Papers of the day preceding. They contain the official acceptance by the King of the resignation of Gene ral Lafayette, as General-in-Chief of the National Guard, which we mentioned yesterday, and his Majesty's appointment of General Lobau as the successor to that high office. The report from the Minister of the Interior to his Majesty, in which this resignation is formally announced, states th:it entreaties and remonstrances had been used to wards the late Chief to continue at his post, but that they had been unattended with success, and the veteran's resolution was not to be shaken. Along with Lafayette's, other retirements of im portance were reported, and some had been officially stated to have actually taken place. They are the private friends and political associates of Lafayette, and their secession is not likely to diminish the em barrassment which the Government must feel at these proceedings. The names rumoured are M. Du pont de l'Eure, Keeper of the Seals; Odillon liar rot, Prefect of the Seine • M. Mathieu Dumas, Inspector-General of the National Guard, General Carbone!, Chief of the Stair; and M. Jouberr, Di rector-General of the Tuxes. The retirement. of General Lafayette is said to have given great un easiness to the King; but amongst the National Guards it has occasioned indignation against the Chamber of Deputies. Paris continues to be per fecily tranquil, but the' storm was every where brewing, which, in bursting over the devoted Chain ber, must disperse its members ; and the institutions • of France cannot be said to be of any enduring shape until they shall have been again moulded by the bands of its successors. The King's position is any thing but an enviable one; he bears himself, however, under all its var ) ing aspects, with good temper and firmness, which must, in the result, go far towards vanquishing the difficulties by which he is surrounded. His personal popularity is, at this moment, the strongest stay of the present order of things inYrance. The revolution seems to be mak ing progress in the different little states of Switzer land, and a Constitution similar to that of the United States of America is said to be favourably looked ar, as suited to their position. It will be seen, by a letter from Frankfort, that the disgrace of Prince Metternich is confirmed.--Morning Herald. CARLISLE; REFORM MEETING. (From the Carlisle Journal of Saturday.) A numerous and highly respectable meeting of the gentlemen, tradesmen, shopkeepers, and others of this city, was held at the Blue Bell Inn, Scotch street, on Monday last, for the purpose of petition ing the Legislature for Parliamentary Reform. Nearly .500 individuals were present principally be longing to the middle c l a s s es. T he meeting was not called by public advertisement, or we are sure no room in Carlisle would have been found suffi ciently large for the purpose. On the motion of Mr. IL Pearson, seconded by T. Heysham, Esq., .1. Dlxos, Esq. of Knells, one of the principal manufacturers in this city, was called to the Chair. Mr. DIXON then proceeded to read the resolu tions, and afterwards spoke as follows :—lt now becomes my duty to state to you what has since been done. A deputation waited upon Sir James Graham, at Cockermouth, to request his support to the prayer of the petition in the House of Com mons; but he stated to us nearly the same that he told his constituents on the hustings at Cocker mouth—that he was pledged in favour of Reform, but, being a Cabinet Minister, he could not adopt any particular line at present, or advocate in detail any particular plan. lie assured us, however, that if this Meeting should do him the honour of entrust ing its petition to his care, he would, o n presenting it to the House, inform Parliament of the respectability of the petitioners, that they were composed of many who had been at one time the steady opponents of Reform; but who, in conse quence of the march of events, had now cordially co-operated in the good work, and come forward to pray for the granting of that salutary measure.— (Cheers.)—After that the Committee met, and came to the resolution of adopting the course pro posed, a petition was drawn up in accordance with the instructions given at the first Meeting, and I am happy to say it was unammoudy agreed to by the Committee. Our coming forward this d a y i s f o r the express purpose of obtaining one common ob ject,—a Reform in Parliament; on the necessity of that we are all agreed -- (Applause)—ulthough there may be some differences of opinion as to the amount of Reform requisite, and also as to the .mao tier in which the elective franchise ought to be ex ercised. The agitating of the question at this time has been strongly commented upon' ti t ), some of the our motives, papers; but conscious of the purity o we are not afraid to leave such comments to find their own level—(Hear, hear)—and at a meeting so respectable as the present, we may f a i r ly calculate upon coming to a just and reasonable conclusion on the question we have met to promote.---(Cheers.) F or my own part, I have been act ua t e d by no personal motives in appearing here this day, but by a strong conviction of public d u ty ; not to serve individuals, or any particular body of men, but by a conviction of the necessity which existi for a judicious and effectual Refortn e t (Cheers.)—lt has been objected that our coming for. ward at this time, instead of allaying will only tend to increase the ferment which at present exists. With, this assertion I am completely at issue.— (Applause.)—My firm opinion is, that it will tend in a great degree to soothe and calm the minds of the people.—(Loud cheers.)—From the means I possess of knowing the feelings of the working classes, I am quite certain that this is the fact ; they are desirous, and have been long anxiou., that the middle classes should come forward, and express their opinions freely on this important subject, and convey them to the Legislature.—(Much applause.) Another objection has been raised—that by the course now adopted, we shall embarrass his Ma. jestv's Ministers in their endeavours to settle the question, and here again I must express my dissent. I have great confidence in the present Ministry, and I think they are deserving of our hearty sup. port, so long us they proceed in redeeming the promises by which they are bound ; but although they have pledged themselveh to Re form, it is impossible to conceal from ourselves that they will have great difficulties to encounter; and I deem it absolutely necessary, when there is every reason for supposing they will meet with a formidable opposition, that we should come forward in this manner, and by showing that we are desirous for what they wish to grunt us, do all that lays in our power to stren g th en th e i r b ands.—(l-lear,; hear, and much cheering.) Having said so much, I will but trespass on your patience for a little longer, while I make a few observations on the progress which the great cause of Reform has made—a cause on the speedy settlement of which our existence as a free and happy nation so much depends.— (Hear, hear.) Looking back to the debates in the House of Commons, above thirty years ago, it is quite sur pi ising to see how many individuals then unavailingly advocated the measure—the greatest men of the age, amongst whom were Pitt, Fox, and others, strenuously insisted upon the necessity of Reform; and prophecied that those evils under which we now labour, would eventually overtake us unless Reform were granted. Their warning voices were unattended to; the system was suffered to continue, without any disposition on the part of the Govern ment to repair it, until we have been reduced to a state but too closely bordering upon anarchy and confusion.—(Cheers.) We have been long asleep to that great measure ; but all classes have now be come thoroughly awakened to the necessity of such a Reform as moderate and reasonable men desire.— (Loud cheers.) So much for the general claims for Reform. Locally, we have a strong case. When the Charters were first granted to Corporate bodies, they were understood to comprise the whole of the trading part of the community resident in the place to which such Charter was granted : in order that it should protect the trade and interests of such com munity. If you look to this city, lam satisfied that you will be convinced that the eight distinct trades which possess the elective franchise (viz. the butchers, shoemakers, smiths, tanners, weavers, skinners, merchants, and tailors,) constituted the whole fold ing part of society at the time tha Charter was grunted ;'but which from the lapse of time, and the want of a gradual renewal of those privileges, now form a very small portion of our citizens.—(Hear, hear, and great cheering.) I will but take a slight survey of the present state of things, to prove the truth of this assertion. Look to the solicitors; there are upwards of thirty in Carlisle, not more than five or six of whom possess the freedom of the town.— (Heardiear.) Of the medical profession, I believe there is not one—(s' Yes, Dr. Blamire")—he is not practising now. Then there are six banking esta blishments of which I believe th ere i s not one membera f reeman.--(Cheers.) Amongst the cotton spinners (with the exception of my worthy friend Mr. Halton), not one possesses a right. The manufacturers have no right—(" Yes, you have a right, but you havn't the privilege !" Cheers and laughter.) Well,• I stand corrected ; we have a right—but we do not possess the privilege.— (Laughter.) Then there are the great body of the weavers who are nearly all excluded. (" Not one in a thousand is a voter"—Cheers.)--Amongst the shipowners, whom we must not forget—and the great body of the shopkeepers, there urea few—but very few indeed,—(Applause)—almost none.— (Cheering.) We huve, I think, a very strong case, for a general Reform ; and an equally strong one for a local Reform. What can be more reasonable than that those who live in the town, and who alone can know what its wants and necessities really are, should have a vote in the electing of persons to con duct their affairs, and protect their interests.— (Cheers.) The petition is just and reasonable ; it is true in every part; and nothing more than the truth; and I trust we shall ere long obtain all the valuable privileges for which we pray.—(Cheering.) Mr. HENRY PEARSON then read the following pe tition, which was received with great applause : TO THE HONOURABLE THE COMMONS OF TUE UNITED KINGDOM IN PARLIAMENT ASSEM. TILED. THE 'HUMBLE PETITION OF THE UNDERSIGNED RESiDENT HOUSEHOLDERS AND RATE PAYERS OF THE CITY OF CARLISLE AND THE SUBURBS THEREOF, Sheweth,—That your petitioners are of opinion that much of the distress and embarrassment under which the country at present labours is caused by the imperfect Re presentation of the People in your Honourable House, and that they consider it essential to the happiness and pros perity of the country, that an extensive and effectual Re form in Parliament should be accomplished with as little delay as possible. That whilst your petitioners pray for a general Reform in your Honourable House, they more particularly and earnestly implore your Honourable Howe to take into your early consideration the difficulties and hardships under which your] petitioners labour, in conse• quence of the change which the lapse of time has made in the circumstences and qualifications of the persons who are entitle to vote for Members for this city. That the city of Carlisle and its suburbs contain a population of &limit 20,000 persons, and that the right of voting is at present confined to about nine hundred free men; qualified by birth, or by seven years' apprentieeehip to a freeman, many of them in indigent circumstances; that not more than one-fourth are resident, and the re. mainder scattered over the whole United Kingdom, having no property or iuterest whatever within the city or suburbs. That nearly all the merchants, bankers, solicitors, owners of property, and respectable tradesmen, are, from the manner in which the elective franchise is acquired, without the right of voting far Members of your honourable House, and from the same causes, instead of the city balling the advantage of twelve resident Aldermen, as in. tensed by the Charter of Incorporation, there are only two resident Aldermen, both of whom are upwards of seventy years of age, and three others occasionally resident. That your petitioners have no wish to unnecessarily trench Upon the privilege of the resident freemen, but that it would tend greatly to the advantage of your peti. tioners, as well as of the city at large, if a right was vested in the resident householders of taking up the free. dom of the city, and being registered free of expense,* in the same manner as persons claiming by birth or ap. prenticeehip. That it also appears indispensihle to the comfort and economical government of this city, as well as to promote t h e P rompt and- impartial administration of justice, that eligibility to exercise cor poration privil eges an d immuni ties b e extended to the inhabitant householders and rate payers. That in consequence of the-non-residence of so large it part of the freemen, and from other causes into which your petitioners do not enter—the expense of elections have often been enormous, and have also been attended with confusion and riot, lots of life, and considerable de. struction of property. That your petitioners are of opinion that if the votes for Members to serve in Parliament were taken by secret ballot, it would be more advantageous than the mode now adopted. y o ur petitioners, therefore, humbly pray, th a t your Ho nourable eiousewill take all these important questions i n t o your most serious consideration, and grant them the Elective Franchise, which they feel assured would add so greatly to their individual comfort, as also tend to the sta bility of the Throne, as well as the happiness and pros perity of the country at large. JOsEPII FERGUSON, Esq. (Fisher...treat), then said,rowords Mr. Chairman and Gentletnen—The printed i n I ta li cs were no t i n the original Jo motion. petition,o e The h n d but a l lt4 on Mr. Abraham w urgent necessity for a .Reform in the representative system, not only as_ it . respects our own city, but likewise the kingdom at large, being now so gene rally acknowledged, the whole question being now so fully laid open and understood, I consider it would be a waste of time, as well as an insult to your understanding, were I to attempt to expatiate further on the subject. I will trespass, gentlemen, a little upon your attention while I make a few ob servations upon one of the clauses of the petition just read,—a clause, in my opinion, more important than all the others put together; a clause in which is re commended that which I conceive would prove a main remedy for the disease which we all acknow ledge and deplore,—l allude, gentlemen, to the vote by ballot .—( Tremendous cheering.)—Many per sons, who are desirous of Reform, yet object to the vote by ballot; they represent it as being un-Eng lish, and as militating against the spirit and genius of the Constitution, for that men ought to c me boldly forward and give their votes in an open, fearless, and conscientious way.--(hear, hear.) — And so they ought. But what says expetience, which is the only unerring test by which the merit of any system can be truly ascertained ? It tells us that if we expect men to do so, it is forming a more exalted opinion of human nature than she is found to be entitled to; that it is a mere Utopian idea of perfection which never can be realized.—(Very great cheering.)--It has been said that Reform in Parliament, and especially if accompanied by vote by ballot, would tend to loosen the connexion and weaken the attachment which subsists between the aristocracy and the people. I put it to any rational man—l put it to the meeting, to say whether or not, on the contrary, vote by ballot which would tend to keep the power of the aristocracy within those limits prescribed by the Constitution, and which would deter them at elections from aiming at the exercise of more influence than they are legitimately entitled to, would not, by allaying that discontent which men must naturally feel when their privileges are interfered with, increase rather than diminish that respect and attachment which it is certainly de sirable the people should bear towards the aristo cracy.--(Much applause.)—Some persons are op posed to the vote by ballot on the plea that it would hive factious demagogues more power and influence than they now possess, for that the people would elect them as their representatives in Parliament. It is not improbable that, in some cases this might occur; hut I likewise think it equally us improbable that, if elected once, they would be elected a second time.—(Applause.)—l myself can see no evil, but, on the contrary, much benefit in their being so elected; for if one thing more than another can tend to diminish the influence of such men, it would be the sending them into Parliament, where they would meet with their match and soon be brought to their proper level. They might indeed march with a triumphant air into the House of Commons, their brows encircled with the laurels of popular favour, but it would be found that there is something in the air of St. Stephen's peculiarly unfavourable to the health and verdure of these laurels, which would soon cause them to droop and fade—(Applanse.)— Many more arguments might be adduced in favour of the ballot, the benefits arising from it may be summed up bre few words. It would substitute peace and order, for riot, anarchy, and bloodshed ; industry, sobriety, and comfort, for idleness, de bauchery, and wretchedness.—(Cheers.) It would, by striking at the roots of bribery and corruption, prevent that demoralizing effect which such a vicious systemis calculated to produce on the minds, not only of the receiver, but of the giver of bribes.— (Hear, hear.) It would in short tend to restore the Constitution to that purity, and thus piornote the happiness and prosperity of the nation at large.— (Great applause.) We are told that it is wrong to agitate the question of Reform at this time, because such a discussion will tend to increase that excite ment which now prevails among the people. I diffrr from that opinion, and agree with our worthy chair man that a meeting like the present will tend to tranquillize the public mind, and allay, rather than increase, the excitement now existing.—(Cheers.) I must confess to you that I don't conceive that we need now indulge any melancholy forebodings re garding our country, for I trust a brighter day is dawning upon the land.—(Applause.) It is not, however, because our beloved Sovereign has called to his councils men pledged to Reform, men eminent for their talents, their attainments, and their pa triotism; among which number this county has the honour of reckoning its distinguished representative. —(Applause.) No, this is not the ground on which I build my hopes of future prosperity; it is because the station is beginning to arouse itself from its le thargy, on this important subject, and is every day becoming more alive to the necessity of Reform; it is b.cause public opinion has, within these few days, driven from the seat of his power that Minister who dared, in defiance of that opinion, to'declare that Reform was not necessary.—(Much cheering.) Don't let us delude ourselves with the idea, that because the present Ministers are pledged to effect Reform, that therefore, to speak figuratively, " the field is won ;" don't let us mistake the trumpet which only sounds a charge for the trumpet of vic tory.—(Applause.) For, believe me, the borough mongers will make a determined effort to rally their forces and maintain their position.--(Applause.) must, therefore, be obvious that those enlightened and patriotic men, who now have charge of the ves sel of state, will, in these their noble efforts, require all the aid and support which the true lovers of their country, and the real friends to the Constitution can give them —(Much cheering.) They require to be backed by the peoples voice; and, if so backed, don't doubt that this great measure will be carried. I move, Mr. Chairman, that the petition which has been read, be adopted as the petition of this meet ing.—(The speech was received throughout with the greatest applause; and its conclusion marked by several enthusiastic cheers.) THOMAS 11EYsHAM, Esq. of Carlisle, seconded the petition. The CHAIRMAN then put the question, when Mr. K. ABRAHAM, surgeon, having mounted the hustings, said stop, Mr. Chairman,--I have a fsw words to say with respect to the present petition —a petition in which I perceive that important re quisite—without which any extension of the fran chise would be but an increase of the means of ty ranny and the mischiefs arising from the intimida tions of power—l mean the ballot.—(Great cheer ing.) I cordially concur in its general import; but there are two or three points contained in it with which I differ. First, then, a part of the prayer of the petition stands thus : " That your petitioners have no wish to unnecessarily trench upon the privileges of the resident freemen, but that it would tend greatly to the advantage of your peti tioners, as well as of the city at large, if a right was vested in tile resident householders of Wring up the freedom of the city, in the same manner as persons claiming by birth or apprenticeship." Now, if I am right in the construction which I put upon this sentence, I thi n k i t i s most objectionable. The expense of taking up the freedom under the present system is so heavy —every one being obliged to purchase a stamp, and pay most enormous fees, to be divided between the Crown and the Corpora. tion; that in almost every case the freemen are " nude" at the expense of the candidate, generally upon the eve of a contested election.—(Cheers.) Now I think— Mr. JOSEPH FERGUSON (Fisher-street.)—We do not wish it to be done so: we merely wish that we should be placed upon the same footing as the free men with regard to voting at elections. Mr. ABRAHAM continued—l urn exceedingly glad to find that the Committee do not mean, what the words of the petition most certainly set forth.— (Cheers and laughter.) What I propose is a re gular registration of voters, free of expense, by which a man of ordinary fortune, or of no fortune at all, if any thing illegal should take place, would be able to have his case investigated, without the expense at present attendant upon it. This altera tion may be made without materially altering the petition. Another objection which I take to. the p et i t i on i s , th a t it does not mention a word-about the duration of Parliaments.—(Applaus f e.) With the two exceptions, then, that I have named—that , ist l ra t t h io it t l i k f , re m e j o g f ht ex b p e e h n i s t e u , p a o n:l l, a s! s m h i o la r . t r duratio n of o t is r i at P r io e a g n rliaments—l cordially agree with the prayer of : , h d e op p r e e t d itio ii n i B :A ste v in otc o e f :a regi th . : ( petition. -- ( Ap plau se.) America ps n e d . ) Fra S n o c m e crowd,— odt r ‘ lon V g e h r y a a n ot h o a v v a e or universalthree y ea suffragers.—(Al7l —' ch ' e nd we ought to pray that Parliaments should not cheering.) Mr. H . ENRI P EARSON, solicitor, said I cordially approve of the petition, and hope itbe passe d will unanimously. Mr. ABRAHAM--. 1 intend to propose two amend ments, arid shall commence .with that relative to the registration of voters. Mr. A. here read his amend. meta. CHAIRMAN—My only reason for wishing the clause proposed by Mr. Abraham to be omitted is, that as the petition is eugrossed, it may be signed by those present before leaving the room. The amendment is one that is by no means objectionable, on the con trary we are all agreed upon it.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. J. Ross seconded Mr. Abraham's amend ment, but in a very low tone; and Mr. JOSEPH B. HANSON, a weaver, in the crowd, (one of the deputation of weavers who had been invited by the Committee to attend the meeting,) said, I feel a desire, along with my radical friends, to promote the unanimity and good feeling which seems to exist between the middle and lower classes —and also to have the heart -cheering pleasure of again lilting up my voice in public, to denounce a rapacious clergy, and a powerful, ambitious, steel hearted, and blood-sucking aristocracy.—(Hear, hear, and No, no.) To the want of a full, fair, and free representation of the people, is to be attri buted the present degraded state of the population. Taxes, the most obnoxious, and the most weighty and oppressive, are levied by the aristocracy upon the people, who are sunk into a state of poverty unequalled in the history of any nation. Oh ! God ! the scenes of misery and wretchedness which are daily to be witnessed in the country, are most appalling. It would be a waste of time to occupy your attention in endeavour ing to detail to you the workings of this ono x ious system—which are as plai n as the su in a clear midsummer's day. It is n ot rebellion, a s Sir Robert Peel told Mr. Hume in the House of Com mons, to resist that power, but patriotism; all power . springs from the people ; and to them all power o be longs. But it is evident t hat the people have n more power in the direction of their affairs, than they have in directing the stars in their orbits.--(Ar plause and a laugh.) The burning.; throughout the country have had a great effect in opening the eye in s of the landowners. It is the notorious Ceete Swing who has made so many Reformers.—(" No, no,"—disapprobation and applause.) I congratur - late the middle classes of t his cit y on coming fo ward so boldly to demand their rights—l was glad to hear that truly patriotic man, Mr. Joseph Fergu son, advocate the vote by ballot so warmly--with- out which I consider all Reform a mere humbug. Mr. J. FERGCSON.--I0 order to give unanimity to the meeting, 1 shall support Mr. Abraham's amend ment. We all agree in principle, it is only going further into d e tail. I think it had best be i n serted; if it can be ititerlined, it will be better than drawing out a new petition. The clause respecting the registering the nam wit es free of expellee was added; and Mr. Abraham, the ;advice of some frien ds near him, not ressing p the question of the duration of Parliament, The CHAIRMAN then put the question that theu t petition be adopted , and it was carried unaniy , l ouse , followed 1, 1 amidst the most raptur ous a pp three times three cheers. '1 hed . Mr. B. ABRAHAM again ros e and Sa id e w ish now to move a vote of th anks to the Chaironan.ler his very able able and impartial conduct-- ( 4,1!: plause)—and thought it ought not to be pv.gr u ed ' i a mere compliment of form. I trust (he enlip"& r : Car that this is the beginning of a new sYstea l 4 , i n n ee re . lisle ; and that we shall henceforth fee c"'" e--- store between the middle and working clASSell; (Cheers.) We have seen burnings at our wit doors ; and only a few days ago, I witn etise a . more grief and horror than I can express, body of the middle classes of this city proceeS to its suburbs under the protection of the ber s c."_ of a standing army—it being thought dangero.o J.O the lives of one class to come in contact N is h other—to apprehend certain individuals chstg!', with being concerned in these dreadful scenes 01 destruction. °title; Mr. R. DlXON, cheep the very great applause. ere b ll'a* The CHAIRMAN in acknowledging the v ; o d tering compliment, said in another country ho pr. has been shed to resist acts of t y ranny; but I 04. and it shall be my earnest prayer, that we my tain here, by the colli :o a of min Is, that whic h have there obtained wily by the unfortunate.colnw of arms._( Much cheering.) when The met fug was now about t o separate, , sit Mr. J. R. HANSoN called u p on them to w . __ to moment, while he propose d to them thir fiddle fur Reform, and for the union of the mst n oc working classes, in favour of the greate of questions, the ballot. T hree very hearty were then given. THE bIARKETS. ------ COAL MA lIKKL—Dec. t 9. 5 51, cs - 34. 0 'W d. alls E n d illlda,. ..,--." ..... m 0 0 Walls End . E4leri `3l 1 %Valls End I...ool«.•''''' 00 q Barnsley Ney'...."; 04 1, 1 , ' H ) «.»•• rte :,:, 30 : Old aigh --•• 15 % Wain Wile'" __,. 10, • Warde'sl.laneppl— 0 0 0 i W. E. Butter rolf.;,050! I Northumberlandt! , dpi sold, Eilt...."thw --,.:_..--:.-,,,,,r..: ..,,o(, ',O " Adair's Killingworth PClaw_ Walls End Bell and Co. 36 0 I Ditto Bell ltoloson & Co. 36 6 Walls End Carr and Co. 33 0 t)itto Clarke and Co. « 35 0 Walls End G0if0rth....... 37 9 Ditto Monkseaton—....... 33 0 Ship. at market, 1444---611 COUNTRY CORN MARKETS nun' go TII: pats. _„." .0 0 ,„ 1. to 36 21 02 26 28 2 ° 33 t a i 24 33 r,2 40 n g 392 26 2° ‘." 0 1 30 4us "° 5 41 1 36 41 3 3 23 30 35 30 33 20 34 4° a° g ° 4 44 a 42 S 3 1 3 ° a° ° 20 18 " 1 0 20 30 42 21 ► 3 0 s 4 g ri 4 37 40 36 ag 22 41 -•• 4 40 38 *4 38 20 43 21 it 41 '3 2N 42 26 / 44 1 t 2 26 34 11 0 58 24 3 8 24 BIRTH. w i n SO ' garetOn.stthrtee249tchavinenstd.istme ltyreo,fof $ 11.rlionrow. ne, MARRIED. w i n. It• On the 27th init. at DeV° Dltara' Est!'" Courteney, Esq., oldest son of W. Courtog,,,c,4 got' Lady Elizabeth Fortescue, youngest dsughter el •"' tescue. J•Lolll°_,,yt On the 29th inst. at St. Pancras Wal• t Esq. of Great Vi'inchester.street, toiSarah, 412ielto tar of Richard Hinds, Esq., Hearietta-steeet, DOD square. St• fr On the 29th inst. at the F riends ' John street, Clerkenwell , E. Merrell, o f Clerne o , il o Lombard-street, to Annie , second Merre l l, of brey, of Camberwell. Per Quarter. ftridport Cirencester Guildford Henley Hereford Wheat, Harley. Elighworth Oakingham Reading lahibuiY Southampton Stroud Tewkesbury Uxbridge Warminster ........ Windsor*. WtirCel DIED. 11° On the 25th inst. in Fra nce, where he' treat for nealth, G. Herbert, Esq. • FA4 4 On the 28th inst. in Bedford-row, T. POO P ' of Whitefriars, London, aged 65. M 1 " On the 28th inst. Richard, youngest son of - r'' nay, of Jew Boswell-court, aged 28. . r 1401P1)" On the 25th inst. at I.akeohnui-grove) atil J. Gurney, Esq. , ag ed 74, Pr i i On the 2Ath inst. a t Westbury-on-Trytoo no r i - Susan, eldest daughter of the late T. Rickard!), ovor Clapton, Middlesex. ~,,itie 1 1 PaixTso aim Pustaborn av AIDED° " I '''7 - :es box Ornes, 112, s g '. s°r LoOPor . ,