The Sun. — London, England, 1854-07-14 00:00:00

once to this bill, and the Leasing Powers Bill, and which , he had not at the time an opportunity of replying to. Those observations took him entirely by surprise, and it was with the greatest pain that he felt bound to ask the attention of the committee to the subject on which he was now about to address them. The right hon. and learned gentleman then proceeded to read Sir John Young's speechba I , on the occasion in question, to the effect that if th ese been Government bills they would not have been proposed at this late period of the session ; that nothing could fairer or more courteous to him (Mr. Napier), than co urse taken by the Government on these bills • that be the these bills had passed the House of Lords, but the Tenants' Compensation Bill, for which he was respodns b i ilblels had not passed that house ; that these bills were gee, of them selves, but that without the Tenants Compensation Bill he did not think they would be acceptable as a code of landlord and tenant law. The right hon. and learned gen tleman proceeded to say, that it was perfectly true that he had been treated by the Government up to the end of Tuesday with the greatest courtesy, and till then he had not a doubt on his mind that he was acting in full co operation with Government, and that they would u se e v er y effort to pass the bills. The right hon. baronet said these were not Govern ment bills, and as the Tenants' Com pensation Bill had not passed the House of Lords, ho did not think it right to go on with these bills. Now, in the House of Lords, within an hour after the right hon. baronet had made that statement, the Duke of Newcastle said it had been always intended to persevere with thetwo bills, if the circumstances of the session permitted, but at the present period of the session, considering the lengthened discussions which would probably take place upon them, it was quite impossible to go on with them ; and that though these bills were not Government bills, Government had adopted them in their substance. Nothing could be more fair than that. If the right honourable baronet had said that from opposition raised which he could not put dow, the bills could not be proceeded with, of course he (Mr. Napier) could have had nothing to say, but the right hon. baronet's ground was that the Tenants' Compensation Bill which passed this house last session, had not passed the House of Lords this session. He had been in communica tion in the most friendly spirit with the members of the Go vernment respecting these bills, and he understood the in tention of the Government was to pass' the bills as they had come from the select committee of the House of Lords, but he never had the slightest intimation that the Tenants' Compensation Bill having been rejected by the select com mittee of the House of Lords was to be a reason for not pressing forward these bills. That bill had been unani mously rejected, but the other two had been adopted as a fair settlement of the question. They were sent down to this house by their lordships, and he could not possibly have thought from anything that has fallen frora the Government that they had not had throughout a real and bona Me in tention of passing them ; but now, at the last hour, and for the very first time he was told, that in consequence of the rejection of the Tenants' Compensation Bill, the other two bills ought not to be proceeded with. He could easily have understood the case of the Government if they had from the outset declared that the third bill was, in their judgment, necessary to a fair settlement of the question ; but they had never given him the slightest intimation that such was their view. (Hear.) Mr. Napier then copiously quoted Hansard, to show that the bills had been unreservedly ac cepted by the Government. Nay, even on Tuesday night, he had received a letter from the right hon. baronet, con taining a suggestion regarding one of them. (Hear, hear.) He would submit these facts to the house and the country, and leave them to judge whether he had been fairly treated. He would appeal to the honourable feeling of the noble lord himself (Lord J. Russell) whether he had deserved the manner in which his exertions had been met? (Hear, hear.) There had been no time or labour which he had not freely given to the bill. Nay, if he had been the Go vernment's own law officer, he could have done no more. (Cheers.) He knew that the question was one of the most important that could be conceived for the best interests of Ireland, and that almost any settlement of it would have been better than leaving it as it was. Yet after years of labour, and after having been led to believe that the Go vernment really intended to pass the biils, he had now the mortification of perceiving that things were now in a worse position than they had ever been in before. (Hear.) He owned that he had expected that a high-minded go vernment, and that high-minded gentlemen in every part of the house, would have rallied round a measure which the cabinet had acknowledged as their own. He would freely admit that it was probably not all they would have desired. Nay, it was not at all that he could have wished himself. He would have gone much further if he had been able ; but in a representative assembly, and under a constitutional government, consisting of two houses, it would be presumption for any individual to expect to carry out all his views. Yet looking at the difficulties of the case, he did think that the bills would have been a fair settlement of the case ; and of one thing ho was sure, that but for the singular ability of the Duke of Argyll, who presided over the committee of the Lords, no measure so liberal would have been obtained. But re ference had been made to what occurred on Tuesday. Well* he owned that what had occurred was exactly what he , i had expected. He could not expect that the measure would have been accepted by all the Irish members. On the contrary, the settlement of the question would be ruin to some people. (Laughter.) But he had found on the paper so long ago as the 15th June a notice given by the learned serjeant (Serjeant Shee) of an obstructive character; and the right hon. baronet had therefore no right to advance the opposition of the learned serjeant as an argument for the course he had taken. As for the debate on Tuesday, he could really have thought that he had been sitting all the morning at Nisi Prius. He heard a good deal of abuse from the learned serjeant, but to that he was accustomed. Indeed, he might say with Dean Swift— " When dunces on me are satyric, I take it all for panegyric." (Loud laughter.) The learned serjeant said he would not trust him out of his sight. Nor did he desire him to do so. He had no sympathy with the learned serjeant, and did not wish for his confidence. (Hear.) Something, again, had been said regarding the long list of amendments he had put upon the paper. But those amendments were, with a single exception, all mere matters of -verbal ascu racy. He had asked to have the bill re-committed pro forma, in order to make those corrections; but that rea • sonable proposal had been refused. Then it was that he had sat down and spent nearly a whole day in making the list which had been complained of. As fur the amendments themselves, if they had been really objected to, he should not have cared about pressing them. He must really protest against the learned serjeant turning on him anti charging him with having taken up the question from mere political motives. He had done so at the request of the two right hon. boronets opposite (Sir J. Graham and Sir J. Young) ; and he did not think that he was justly open to any personal imputations on the score of his connection with those bills. (Hear.) With regard to the bills themselves, he believed as a mat ter of principle, tenants were entitled to compensation for any improvements they had made, if the improvements could be ascertained and valued, but there was the diffi culty. What machinery could they establish to obtain that information ? As far as they went, these bills made a successful attempt to remove the difficulty, and he must repeat his regret that they were not to be persevered with this session. They were a fair settlement of the question, and government having taken them no, and indorsed them with their sanction, he must say he was never more sur prised than when he heard they were to be abandoned. He was n o t respons ib le for their aban donment, and he b ap pealed, f ear l ess l y, to the country, to decide between and the g overnment as to who had been the most a n xio us Un to peas the se bill s i nto a law, and set the landlord and tenant question i n I re l an d at rest for over. (Hear.) p Sir J. YOUNG sa id b e f ore he attempted to lace e before the committe e th e v i ew he took of tide matter, h observe that the r i g ht h on. gentleman placed his complaint nst upon two grounds; first, he said he had nut been treated with fairness and courtesy ; and, secondly, ho said the go vernment were highly censurable for abandoning those bills. Now, if he had been guilty of any want of courtesy to the right hon. gentleman, he was sorry for it, but he really was not conscious of having been guilty of anything of the sort. With regard to the latter ground of com plaint he must remind the committee of what oc curred on Tuesday. A. month ago he had no idea of the opposition that was likely to be raised to the bills, and he certainly did hold out hopes to the right hon. gentleman of being able to get them through this ses sion. On Tuesday, however, he was undeceived upon that point ; it became quite plain that the opposition would be of so formidable and protracted a character that it was perfectly hopeless to persevere with the bills at this late period of the session. Besides, the Irish sup porters of the Government had almost to a man requested him to let the question stand over until next year, so that the tenant class in Ireland might have an opportunity of considering the proposals which had come down from the Lords • and that being so, what alternative had he but to consent to a postponement ? Either the bills were the bills of the Government or the bills of the right hon. gentle man ; but, no matter whether they were the one or the other, he thought he had acted wisely in recommending that they should be withdrawn. That was the best course which c ou ld b e taken to bring about a speedy settlement of the qne t s e ti h on im ; but parties if a of influence in Ireland had repre sentedpostponement took place a compro mise might be arrived at before next session, which should prove satisfactory to all part' What fll it would have been, then, to proceed • parties. with the bill n or the r isk of opposition piautefdeeerlitniLand with the prospect of a bitter anythinge circumstances he did not know that he could sa ymor e in reply to the right hon. gentleman further than repeat his belief that if they were to press these bills the position than ever. If theyquestion would be placed in a worse weret Government bills in reality he should have no hesitation ta ion in withdrawing them ; but if they were not, but were the bill s of the right hon. gentleman, h e could only re commend course, with th e v i ew of reviving him to th e same ing them early next session, c t i e ue t stion in a manner which and then finally settrylingalitkhee ea seu l n ee, d u l bwß o t r ai d lsel should be satisfactory class of Ireland. (Hear, hear.) , naa h enve e do t Irf .tiutngbhoateons:dett hills, taken as a consolidation m bill ; but as for the Tenants' Compensation d. was advisable tlltha that whether it was at all a practical ground, if there was no other, he thou g ht measure, it andon ight. that the whole question should be postponed. Lord J. RUSSELL must remind tli)cepbaceoemrmfoCirlitteeearo. reason why these bills stood first on the It was this : the right. hon. gentleman thepmembere-fno University of Dublin, having stated the other evenin g r th h a e t be had grounds for a charge against the Government, he consented, as well out of regard to the right hon. gentle man himself, as not wishing to let the Government remain under an imputation, to allow his statement to be made the first thing to-night, at the risk of delaying the progress of the Bribery Bill. He submitted now, however, tA3 the eommittee, that as the right hon. and learned gentleman h a d fully gone into his charge, and the right hon. baronet, r ' the Secretary for Ireland, having made his expla na ti on i n • . 'reply, they ought n ot t o allow this matter to proceed any - further. (Mr. Whiteside—No, no.) He (Lord J. Russell) . - could riot prevent the hon. and learned gentleman from continuing the debate, but his doing so might prevent him from showing similar courtesy to hon. members opposite '— on future occasions. (Hear, hear.) However, he would move that the chairman should report progress, and then the bills would be restored to their original position, which would give the right hon. and learned gentleman an oppor tunity of bringing them on again if he should so think fit. (Rear, hear.) He could not help feeling that this misun derstanding had arisen from a mistake in a word ; his right - . hon. friend, the Secretary for Ireland, did not say that Government cou l d not "propose" these bills, because that would hav e b een i nconsistent with his arid their previous conduct ; but what he did say was that if they had charge of them they would not think it advisable to press them at this late pe r i o d of the session. (Hear,. hear.) . Mr. WHITESID E said e q uite evident to him that there had bee n some eompli.o was ityiin this matter between the 4 - ,_:' Government and the Lon:, for Xilk6oly, for when aend learned serjeant the member i ~,,„ the by-play going e4e7 : duce an old and practised memberaglaring 0 .7 e. ii him that the Goiernment medita ted - . y.. g • ;(Sear, hear.) What had T i7,o becauseoccurred theri cb to-night eta sb,,enn 0 .6 e - o ,,Seereiaryfw Ireland, told them the ' l 4 " ' . - ,y,..., =re bills to pass into a law wa s the absence of an- which the Lords hatt.throwu out, Now, would fa ~ aiii that impression, 11 . 3 - 4i- - ,tc; ki ;-. the committee believe that this very bill was thrown out in the Lords through the instrumentality of a member of the Government ? (Hear.) The real fact was this, and there was no denying it, that these bills had been sacrificed by the right hon. baronet the Secretary for Ireland to gain support in that house, and he, as well as other members around him, were as much astonished to hear the speech of the right hon. baronet on Tuesday as they were pained by it. (Hear.) On Tuesday the right hon. gentleman dis tinctly stated that these were not Government hills, though turning to the language held in the other house by the re presentatives of the Government, they found them de claring them to be accepted as Government measures. There was proof in these proceedings, if proof were needed, that the present coalition Cabinet was without consistency and without a policy. The hon. and learned gentleman (Serjeant Shee) might congratulate himself that with the assistance of the Secretary for Ireland he had succeeded in defeating two most useful bills, and given an additional impetus to agitation in Ireland. Mr. J. FITZGERALD reminded the hen. and learned gentleman, that the opposition to these bills on Tuesday came from the Irish members on the other side of the house, and not from those who were the habitual supporters of the Government. That imputation of obstructing progress must refer to the members of the Tenant League who sat on the Opposition, and not on the Government side of the house. The bills as they came from the Lords, though containing much that was good, would not have been satisfactory, and in stead of suppressing agitation would have encouraged it, and the Government were, therefore, fully justi fied in recommending their postponement, especially as an appeal had been made to them by the hon. gentlemen who were entitled to be looked upon as repre senting Ireland, that now the measure for carrying out the recommendation of the Devon commission, the Tenants' Compensation Bill, which was the most important of them all, was no longer a part of them, not to press them during the present session. Mr. LUCAS denied that there had been any obstruc tion offered to the measures by the Irish members on the opposition side. There had been no discussion on them but once this session, and that was accidental, on a mo tion for reporting progress, and in the last session he had been thanked with others, both by the right hon. and learned gentleman (Mr. Napier) and by the Solicitor- General for Ireland, for the facilities they had afforded in the preparation of the bills. Where then was the obstruc tion of which the right hon. the Secretary for Ireland complained ? The right hon. and learned gentleman (Mr. Napier) had said that if these measures passed, the poli tical capital of those Irish members who opposed them would be destroyed. He would tell that right hon. and learned gentleman that they would have no deficiency of political capital while he continued to display that bigotry and fanaticism for which he was so distinguished. (Cheers, and " Oh, oh.") Let the Landlord and Tenant Bill pass to-morrow, the right hon. gentleman and his friends would provide employment for the representatives of the Irish people every week of the session in opposing that bigoted and unjust aggression with which the religion of the people was continually assailed. (Oh, and cheers.) The hon. and learned member for Ennis had said that as no member of the Tenant League sat on the ministerial side of the house, the imputation of obstruction must rest entirely upon those Irish members who sat on the opposi tion benches. He would tell that hon. and learned gentle man that there was one Irish member who sat on the mi nisterial side above the gangway, and who was in the re ceipt of salary from the State as one of the law advisers of the Crown, who for a long period was a member of the council of the Tenant League—(Cheers from the lower op position benches)—whose name was on the back of Mr. Sharman Crawford's bill, and who in repeated speeches declared that he would never accept office, so help his God, under any Government that would not agree to make that bill a cabinet question, and who, having traded upon that bill and made political capital out of it, had re canted his professions and swallowed his oaths—(more cheering from the same quarter, and cries of Oh, oh, and " Question" from other parts of the house)—and who was at this moment taking the wages of the most extraor dinary apostacy. (Oh, cheers, and laughter.) lie thought, under these circumstances, that it would have been decent if the right hon. gentleman, Sir J. Young, had refrained from throwing out imputations which could apply to no one but his own colleagues. (Oh, and question.) The pith of this debate, however, apart from the personal mat ter, was this. They knew that these bills were now aban doned—that all legislation upon the subject for the present session was at an end. The past they knew—what they wore now interested in was the future, and though he had listened attentively in the hope of ascertaining what the intentions of the Government were in this respect, he had failed to collect them. (Hear.) They had, he contended, a right to call upon the Government to declare what their intentions for the future were. (Hear, hear.) Did they intend to take up the question in the next session, with the view of arriving at a final and satisfactory settlement? (Hear, hear.) Did they mean to bring in the right hon. and learned gentleman's two bills, and to make a final settlement of the question of tenants' compensation, upon the prin c ipl e w hi c h t h ey had themselves sanctioned and the house had affirmed? (Hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL had no intention of entering into the personal question, or attempting to correct the mis apprehensions of the hon. gentleman who had just sat down, by explaining the words ho had imputed most un foundedly to his right hon. friend (Sir J. Young)—but with regard to the question he had put as to the intention of the Government on this important question, though it did not require any detailed answer, he thought it deserved some notice. (Hear, hear.) It had always appeared to him that this question was one of the utmost difficulty, so far as devising a satisfactory settlement was concerned—(hear, hear)—and he could not but refer to the course he had taken himself, and which he was sorry to find come now to be almost repeated three years afterwards. His right hon. friend Sir W. Somerville, when Chief Secretary for Ireland, was sanguine as to the possibility of arriving at a settlement of this landlord and tenant question in Ireland, and he in troduced a bill for that purpose. The bill was referred to a select committee who paid great attention to it, and went through all the clauses with great care, and when it came out of the committee his right hon. friend fondly hoped that it might be the means of settling the question, which had caused so much heart-burning and stood in the ' way of so much of material improvement. But what was the result ? Large deputations care() over from Ireland immediately seine of whom he (Lord Johu Russell) saw himself), and they stated that the remedies proposed were so complicated in their nature that it would be useless to them as tenants to endeavour to take advantage of it, and they requested that the bill might be abandoned. On ex amining that bill he could not but see that there was great justice in their observations ; but he confessed that con viction induced a despondency in his mind as to the prac ticability of arriving at any satisfactory settlement by mere legislation. (Hear.) For they were between those two dangers. If they made the bills simple, they would depart from the course of justice in imposing upon the tenants and landlords burdens which they had no right to intlict—tbey would either interfere with contracts between the one and the other in a way which they ought not by legislation to do, and deprive the proprietors of the land of the power of exercising their legitimate rights as pro prietors, or give to the tenant a very insufficient and illu sory remedy—and if, on the other hand, they made the measure exceedingly complicated, they would then, as the deputations urged, make the process so difficult and so dilatory that they would not be likely to take advantage of it. He came, therefore, to the conclusion which he stated on a previous occasion, that it was useless to endeavour to fix by legislation the precise mode of a contract which was only likely to be beneficial if it was carried into effect in ' good faith, confidence, and liberality on the side of both landlord and tenant. (Hear.) That was to say, if they proceeded upon the presumption that on the one hand the landlord would use all the powers which the law gave him as landlord to oppress the tenant, and on the other that the tenant would be always endeavouring as much as possible to cheat his landlord out of his rights ; if they went upon that supposition they would never arrive at a satisfactory settlement. Others, however, were more confident. His right hon. friend who sat near him was exceedingly con ga therueda groat complaint gentleman r e - o i n n ui agunhl trouble, which opposite who h a d b roug h t for wardfideut as to th e poss ibili ty of snaking a settlement, and the sanguine, ins and deserved the for d ar w s a veryh e lI tookhon. and highest praise, in framing the measure which he had sub mitted to the hours. He (Lord John) confessed when he hearu the hon. arid learned gentleman's explanation, in stead of thinking he did not go far enough he listened to sumo of the hon. and learned gentleman's proposals with some of that trepidation which his noble and learned friend the Lord Chancellor had spoken of, lest he was approaching too near to those Socialist principles which it was dangerous to introduce into any act et . Parliament. (Hear, hear.) Upon the whole, however, he considered the hon. and learned gentleman's measure a fair one. That measure was referred to a select committee, and by the advice of his right hon. friend certain other proposals and stipulations were adopted as to the relation of landlord and tenant when the bill went to the House of Lords, and in reference to that part of the measure which was in tended for the benefit of the tenant it gave certain rights which were not usually given to tenants in this country. These provisions were strongly objected to by the landed proprietors in the House of Lords, as well as by the great law lords—the lights of the house—who were most un willing to consent to that part of the bill. This year, however, that house (the Lords) had passed a bill con taining something favourable to those who entertained the views which were put forwarded by the Irish Tenant League—not perhaps to the full extent to which those per sons would desire to go, and therefore not unnaturally he thought that when the bill came down to the House of Commons it excited discontent and dissatisfaction amongst those who favoured the extreme views propounded in Ireland on this question. (Hear, hear.) When he spoke of extreme views ho altogether disavowed the imputation thrown from either side upon those who entertained views which might be regarded as even most extreme. There was one hon. gentleman whose integrity and honesty of purpose no one could question. He alluded to Mr. Sharman Crawford, who he saw had lately arrived is London for some fate o urp f th ose, ose bills. The sincerity of and who expressed great despondency as to the fa that gentleman's views on this quest i on no one wou ld f or a moment deny. (Hear, hear.) He dared say, that in ?erY party, there would be some who lookedonly to their own selfish advantage Wien political or religious, of whatever opinions, disposed to doubtless there with the agitation on this e promoting the views of that . party, and might be some such in connexion question ; but so far as he knew, he was give full • views of the tenant l credit to those who professed the a bill came down fro sincerely impressed league party for being honestly and to be a settlement of luthithe professed. (Hear.) with the correctness of the views they en what was more natural, when House of Lords professing settlement, that they should ey contain provisions hear.) Though he did not which tisluestic'n considered essential to a protest against it ? (Hear, , and which did not agree he he therefo re i n th e extreme views of tho se persons tural or consistent Aan thought nothing was more na (Hoar.) If th ere h a d b een plentyf they had taken. , he thou g ht it very possible th a t ono of these' obilltairumecht have been amended and the c l auses so altered, that a b i ll m i ght have iwlinch might been sent back to the other house, which would h toswatairsdfascatiosenttgleenmeernatll, and i • perhapssome wa y haveatgiven least Ave gone The House of Lords, had there been time toyconusitileeraUtd.m have rejected or embraced that measure, and the i House of Commons might have gone on with the considerationuosef these bills. But it was obvious that at this period of the seesion—looking at the immense number of clauses, and the enormous number of amendments to be proposed-- one hon. and learned gentleman having given notice of no less than 200 —the discussion to which those amend ments would necessarily give rise—looking, too, at the votes in supply yet remaining to be passed, and the numerous other business before the house, that it was impossible to proceed with them. He, therefore, had come to the conclusion, unwillingly, he must say (for he admitted it would be desirable to pass these bills), that it was hopeless, unless they had two or three months still before them to attempt during the present session to come to a settlement of this important question. (Hear, hear.) whether hip eight hon. Mead (Fiir J. Young) waa right in supposing that during six or eight months of deliberation the whole of these bills, with little alteration, would come to be generally adopted he could not say. If such a dispo sition should appear they might then re-introduce them next session. He agreed that the bill his right hon. friend took charge of—the Tenant's Compensation Bill—whether it was contained in a separate bill or embraced in the clauses of one of them, was a matter of inferior importance. Either in the one form or the other, it would Ifa sufficient for its purpose. Bat he must own, seeing that the question was still so much a matter of dispute, that there was no dispo sition on either side to agree to the bill which was called the Landlord's and Tenant's Bill he thought it would be almost useless to attempt to enter into the consideration of its clauses. (Hear, hear.) There was one thing his noble and learned friend the Lord Chancellor was reported to have said, and which had been quoted by the hon. and learned gentleman, in which he fully agreed, that the best thing that could be done on this subject—that which, beyond all question, no one could dispute, and which another noble friend of his, also a member of the administration, Lord Lansdowne, had always contended for—was that they should endeavour to make the law as perfect as possible with regard to voluntary contracts between landlord and tenant— (hear)—that the tenant on entering on his tenancy should know precisely what he was engaged to perform, and what were his rights and claims ; and that there should be a simple mode of enforcing the contract without having recourse to a dilatory and expensive process of litigation. That was an object practical in itself, and was contained in the Leasing Powers Bill, which he owned he considered a most excellent measure. (Hear, hear.) The hon. mem ber for Enniskillen had expressed himself very angrily against the government, and no doubt it was easy to use hard words on this subject. He (Lord J. Russell) did not wish to retort or to refer to the history of the government to which the hon. and learned gentleman had belonged with respect to this question, and the question raised by the hon. member far Kilkenny. He did not wish to use hard words on that subject, and he thought it better not to make any rejoinder, as he did not desire a matter of this kind to be made a point of party contest ; but if he was to refer to the history of past governments, he might be able to show that one party was as vulnerable as the other in this respect. The subject was no doubt one of great difficulty, and he had only one consolation in the present state of the question, and that was derived from the statement of the hon. member for Kilkenny. He (Lord J. Russell) was not in attendance in the house when the speech of the hon, member was delivered, having been detained at a meeting of the Privy Council, but he under stood that the hon. member stated that one reason why it was not necessary to come to an immediate settlement of this question was, that Ireland was now in a better condi tion than she had ever been, and that there were no angry discussions between landlord and tenant, and that those were reasons why there could be no harm done by post poning these bills. That coming from a gentleman who had been always urging the prompt settlement of the question, was certainly satisfactory. Ho (Lord J. Russell) might also mention that he had to-day seen an old friend of his, a gentleman of large landed property in Ire land, and he asked him his opinion on that point, and he confirmed the statement of the hon. member, saying that there never was a time when landlords and tenants were on better terms, and that the state of Ireland was greatly improved. He might add that he had received a private letter from the Lord Lieutenant, in which he expressed his great satisfaction at the state of peace and general good feeling which prevailed in Ireland. In conclusion, the noble lord said, let us hope that though the Government may be subject to taunts on this question, there may come a time when we shall be able to enter with greater har mony and union in the work of legislation, which remains to be done ; and I do hope that both parties who hold ex treme views, those who on the part of tenants go beyond what is reasonable, and those who are advocates of the maintenance of the rights of landlords to such an extent as may be inconsistent with the interests of tenants, will mo dify those views, and that at last we may attain, if not to a perfect code of legislation, to some settlement of the question. Mr. MAGUIRE strongly denounced the conduct of the Government in not dealing with this question, and said that ha despaired of seeing it settled until it was taken up in a sincere and resolute manner by Government. Mr. POLLARD-URQUH ART expressed his regret that Lord J. Russell had not made some explicit declaration on the subject of tenants compensation, and urged that al though at the present moment there was tranquillity in Ireland, the tenantry could not bs expected to submit pa tiently to be taxed for carrying on a war unless they had full justice done to them. Sir A. BROOKE thought that this discussion had proved the impracticability of legislation on this subject. Al though he was opposed to legislation, ho did not wish to deprive tenants of any of their rights ; but these bills were an invasion of the rights of property. He hoped gentlemen connected with the tenant league would abstain from agi tation on this subject during the next winter; and if the people were left to themselves, there would not be a word said about tenant right. Mr. POTTER, as a member for a town in Ireland, wished to say that he viewed this question as one in which all Ireland was concerned. In the north of Ireland, some years ago, tenants did lay out a deal of money, but from the time of the Devon commission there had arisen a feel ing of distrust, and they had not been induced to lay out their money. He knew that there were large sums lying idle in the banks in Ireland from this cause, and regretted extremely that the noble lord had held out no hope of the Government dealing with this subject. Mr. DISRAELI said he could not allow this converse- ion to cease without some observations, which he thought due to his right hon. friend, who was concerned in it. He observed with regret that there had been some doubt thrown en the sincerity of his right hon. friend in under taking the consideration and the conduct of these bills in Parliament. He could easily understand that to a gen tleman of the high susceptibility and honour like his right hon. friend, such accusations would be painful and odious, and he must confess that being perfectly acquainted with the course or conduct of his right hon. friend, and knowing that lie was in every respect single-minded on this question, he should not do his duty if he did not express his opinion on the present occasion. Long before his right hon. friend had introduced these subjects to Parliament, and long before his right hon. friend had occupied the re sponsible position which he had recently held, his right hon. friend had conferred with him confidentially, and he had expressed his opinion that this was a question which no public wan who aspired to take part in the affairs of his country ought to neglect. His right hon. friend had placed before him the result of the labours of Mr. Fergusson and the able coadjutor of that gentleman before they were pub lished, and therefore he was in a position to speak with authority with regard to the sentiments of his right hon. friend on this question. When at a period long after that accidents brought his right hon. friend and himself into a position in which their sincerity on thissubject could be tested, Lis right hon. friend sketched the measure which he afterwards introduced with so much elaboration and completeness to the house; and he (Mr. Disraeli) gave his complete adherence to the just views which his right hon. friend then indicated. In his opinion the question ought to have been met in the same spirit in which it had been introduced by his right hon. friend, and he was prepared to have supported him in the conduct of these measures. They have been told to-night that these were measures which it was impossible to pass through both houses of par liament. He was, however, of opinion th a t th ese were measures which, after they had been submitted to the cri tical examination of parliament, if they had been taken up by a sincere and powerful government, might have been passed, and that in such a manner as to contribute to the happiness and wellbeing of Ireland, in every class, whether landlord or tenant. They certainly were bold provisions contained in the measure of his right hon. and learned friend, but they were also wise provisions, and guarded with prudent limitations. He could say as much of the Tenants Compensation Bill, which was brought forward by the Chief Secretary for Ireland, because his was a measure which contained bold provisions, without any restrictions or prudent limitations. His was a measure, in fact, which had a communistic tendency, but the measure of his right hon. and learned friend had an exceedingly good tendency, and yet this latter was the measure objected to by the no ble President of the Council. It was impossible to consider the peculiar subject under consideration to-night without taking a large and general view of it, though they could not enter into the minute details connected with the wise tenure of land in Ireland, but the noble lord the President of the Council had told them that the session was too far advanced for him to take the opinion of parliament on these two measures. Well, he was perfectly ready to admit that there was a legitimate reason to offer by any minister on such an occasion as this, especially by a minister who leads tho House of Commons, but what said th e Chi e f S ecre t ary for Ireland? Why, con trary to the noble lord, he told them the question was of great magnitudo and importance, but it was brought forward in such a form that on no condition what ever would the Government consent to its consideration in that shape. Now, which were they to believe —the noble lord, or the right hon, baronet? (Hear, hoar.) Ho agreed with the noble lord, however, that the session was too far advanced to make it convenient to enter on the discussion of one of the most important propositions that was ever submitted to the consideration of a committee of the House of Commons, but what had they been doing for the last six months, that they should now for the first time almost be called upon to discuss a question which was by no means new, having years ago been brought under the considera tion of Parliament, and having last year been submitted to the consideration of the House of Lords, by whom it had been fully investigated through the instrumentality of a select committee. (Hear, hear.) Surely, considering the gravity and importance of the subject, and considering also the length of time it had been before Parliament, it might have been supposed that the House of Commons this year having sat six months, that the Government would have been able to offer some solution of the question. (Hear, hoar.) What had they bees doing these six months ? He wanted to know what Ministers had been doing these lad six months that the house could not have had this ques tion thoroughly investigated ? He wanted to know what Was the catalogue of their legislation ; had the period been fully employed or deliberately wasted? (Hear, hear.) He wanted to know, if we were at war, where were the con quests we had gained, or, if we were at peace, what bene ficial arrangements had been made, or what advantageous legislation had been accomplished ? (Hear, hear.) Had Ministers reformed Parliament ? (Hear, hear.) Had they revised Parliamentary oaths ? (Hear, hear.) Had they educated the country ? had they even educated Scotland ? (Hear, hear.) Corruption in certain boroughs they had touched, but here, as in other instances, they had failed, and he should have thought that, instead of moving to report progress, it would have been more satisfactory to the country, and at all events to the feelings of the minister who pretended to lead the House of Commons, that som e reason should be given why six months should have elapsed without their having this question brought under conside ration. Report progress on these two bills indeed ! bettor rath onerre make a report the ofmotion s tothat effect ministersot ;t them ministers. (Laughter.) some a c d om d o e n f e o r d s n v r a i r n d g t t o h t e h e l a s t t a b s i l x e andprogtreelsls what m ministers t h o s months, and that would be reporting progress far more to the country than the motion which the th to em en noble lord had made to - night. (Hear, hoar.) The noble lord had not succeeded yet in dealing with this difficult question, and what was the prospect which the noble lord held o u t o f th e future legislation of his Government—if it be a G overnmen t — upon this subject? (Hear, hear.) A few nights a go the Chancellor of the Exchequer, speaking of the conduct of the gen tl e men on the opposite side of the h ouse, who were notiuconsiderable in number or insig nificant in the principles they professed as a party, if they were a party, a n d if t h a t was a courteous comment in the Chancell or of the Exchequer he thought he might fairly speak o f the noble lord and his friends as a Government— if they were a Government. (Cheers.) But conducting their d e b ate in a spirit mu t ua lly p r ovisional —(laughter)— he would ask th e no b le lord whether he would answer the n _question whi ch an ho already addressed to him, namely,. gentleman had what were the intentions of Govern it was a difficult Govern ment with respect to the tenure of land in Ireland for the future. (lie hoar.) r ' ciueBtioll t T o he de n a o l b l l ‘ e it l h or ; d had told the duty of the Government to deal with difficult ques t. % ion but was tthnoomt s The noble President of the Council, hoW""3 THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JULY 14, 1854, for a number of years had somehow or other contrived to carry on the Government of the country, personally speak ing, with admirable ability ; he was a ripe and skilful de bater, and, in his opinion, no uncommon orator; and yet the secret spell of his administration was in always avoid ing questions of difEculty. (A laugh.) This question might be a difficult one, but after their professions in 1846, he insisted that the Government were bound to do something with regard to the tenure of land in Ireland, and he hoped the hon. member who had put the question would press for au answer. The noble lord had attempted to meet the difficulty by reading a passage from a private letter of the Lord-Lieutenant, but the noble lord had never yet had a difficulty upon Irish politics which he did not attempt to solve by reading a passage from the letter of a Lord-Lieutenant. (A laugh.) The right hon. gentle man having justified the support which he and his party gave to the second reading of Mr. Sergeant Shoe's bill, al though they disapproved of its provisions, on the ground that as at the time the whole question was about to be referred to a select committee it was only fair that all sides should be hoard in the committee, he went on to ob serve that the hon. and learned sergeant had been described by the Chief Secretary for Ireland not exactly as a fol lower of the opposition, but as one who repudiated the claim of the Government to his support. The right hon. baronet said the hon. and learned gentleman was not one of those who honoured the Government with their sup port. Well, he (Mr. Disraeli) confessed at this advanced period of the sex-ion he would not enter into the inquiry , of who were the gentlemen who honoured the Go vernment with their support. (A. laugh.) It was one of those questions which might lead not only to a de bate but even to adj ourue d d e b a t es , as th er e was hardly a question of the present day which was more susceptible of breadth of treatment or more capable of g iving rise to interminable discussions. (A. laugh.) Whe ther after the longest discussion it could be satisfactorily proved to the country that unbounded support which, of course, the Government would desire, was a question they need not now settle ; they must still leave it to be one of the many vexed questions that agitate the political world. On the present occasion he wanted the committee to do justice to his right hon. and learned friend, who had taken up this question long before he ever anticipated being in a responsible position, and who, when he found himself in a responsible position, pressed it upon the attention of the Cabinet with earnestness and energy. (Hear, hear.) He wanted the committee distinctly to understand what they were talking about. The honour of his right hon. and learned friend was at stake, and that being so, the noble lord (the President of the Council) could not be allowed to stifle the expression of Parliamentary opinion by simply moving that the chairman should report progress. (Hear.) The noble lord had fixed this evening expressly for a state ment from a member of the late Government upon the most important subject connected with the Government of Ireland. That statement having now been made had evi dently produced a deep impression upon the whole com mittee; but it was followed by a statement of a very dif ferent character, and it was quite plain that the speech of the Secretary for Ireland had produced a very different effect to that of the speech of his right hon. and learned friend. He was unwilling to speak of this latter statement with any great severity ; it was made at the twilight hour, which, according to Dante, softens the heart, and might, perhaps, soften the brains too—(a laugh)—but he that as it might, the right hon. baronet could hardly expect the few measured sentiments which he uttered upon this subject should carry conviction to the minds of a committee of the House of Commons, or be at all satisfactory to the country upon this vital question. (Hear.) It was most surprising that the noble President of the Council, having in the most formal manner fixed this occasion for hearing the statement of the late Attorney-General for Ireland, and having listened to that statement, should get up and move that the Chairman do report progress. That appeared to him to be the most singular, the most unauthorised, and most unadvisa,ble course that was ever yet taken by any Minister, because what was the motive of his right hon. and learned friend in ask ing permission of the house to make this statement? Why, his right hon. and learned friend, actiaatedfrom an impulse of public feeling which was always respected by gentlemen on both sides of the house, had thought his personal honour was injured, and that the public interest was affected by the course which Government had chosen to take upon these important bills; and from a sense of honour and self respect, which, after all, was a most important stimulus to men in public life—(hear, hear)—he had been induced to bring the whole subject finally before the com mittee with a view to his own exculpation in the eyes of the public. He had not, however, made this appeal merely for the sake of obtaining a common-place official answer; on the contrary, he had made it for the purpose of eliciting the opinions of the house upon the question of whether he had acted in an unworthy manner with regard to these bills, or whether they beliered that the government of the coun try had trifled with him in a most unjust way. (Hear.) For the nobl e lord the President of the Council to meet that appeal by moving that the chairman should report progress was ungenerous, nay, it was unwise, because it was contrary to Parliamentary precedent and usage. Why, the noble lord might have left it for the hon. member for Salford (Mr. Brotherton) to make that motion. (A laugh.) Why did he not ask the hon. member for Salford to make it for him ? It might have been consistent conduct in that hon. member, but it certainly was not in the noble lord. (Hear, hear,) The right hon. gentleman then proceeded to contrast this conduct of the noble lord with the treat ment which the noble lord met with from the opposition on a similar occasion, and asked what th e h ouse or t h e country would have thought if, when the noble lord had made his appeal to the house on abandoning the Reform Bill, anybody had got up and said the best thing they could do was to move the previous question, or ask leave to report progress ? (Hear.) Instead of that course being taken, however, the house felt that the individual who appealed to them was not only justified in making the n b z ut a t h p a r t ec i i t sely was p a h r i a s uel dutycasteo, he do so pre sentappeal, but asked and d t h the house whether they would deny to an individual member the saute j ustice that they accorded to a Minister of the Crown. To see his measures, after all, thrown over scarcely with respect, ho might well express his opinions, and he was jus tified in doing so. But, in behaving thus to him, the Go vernment had only followed a rule which, with strict im partiality, they applied to themselves. 'This was only the same process of treatment which the Reform Bill had un dergone. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Napier ought to have consi dered this before making his appeal to the committe, which had been made without consulting him (Mr. Disraeli), as it was his wont to do. Ho should have dissuaded hum from taking that course, on the ground tliat the Government was made of such singular materials that they were constantly compelled to withdraw their own bills, and that the busi ness of a coalition Ministry could not be carried on without continual perfidy. (Hear.) Such appeals to the house were inconvenient at this moment, when it was essential to present to Europe the appearance of having a great and united party at the head of affairs. (Laughter.) Had the Government proposed to exclude strangers from the house for the remainder of the session, it would, perhaps, have tended to consolidate their strength. As the appeal had been made he hoped the house would respond to it. (Hear.) Lord J. RUSSELL said that the question, as at first submitted, was a very important ono. He had appointed an important bill (the Bribery Bill) as the first order of the day, but had postponed it to give Mr. Napier the opportu nity of making any charge or giving any explanation he wished. (Hear, hear.) Ho was fully heard. Sir John Young offered his explanation ; and he then thought that the house would consent to proceed with that other impel tent measure. Other gentlemen spoke, and protracted the debate ; but Mr. Disraeli had taken another course—that of making a party attack upon the Government, not merely with reference to this bill, but to their general conduct. (Hear, hear.) He had taken the opportunity of referring to a course to which he was a party when in office, to which ho (Lord John Russell) not wishing to rouse angry feelings in debate, had very lightly adverted. But he thought himself obliged to refer again to that sub ject, that Mr. Disraeli's explanation might be valued at what it was worth. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Sharman Crawfod, when a member of that house, had been in the habit of proposing to introduce bills which the members of his ad ministration thought contained principles that ought not to be countenanced by the house. They always fairly declared their sentiments, either on the proposal to introduce such bills, or on their second reading. Mr. Disraeli, when a member of the Government, had thought fit to pursue a different course. Other bills were introduced by the At ' torney-General of that Government, and then they gave leave to an hon. and learned gentleman (Mr. Serjeant Shoe) to introduce his bill. That was evidently not only a surprise, but a great gratification to the supporters of the bill. That bill was referred to a select committee, who, it was supposed, would fairly consider its provisions, whether they were just to the landlord and fair to the tenant. Great alarm was excited in the other house of Parlia ment; the supporters of the then administration felt that property was endangered by this bill, and a noble lord having asked a question on the subject, Lord Derby de clared that he utterly disapproved of the principle of the bill, that it was not intended seriously to consider them, and that he for one would never sanction such principles. Here was deception in the first place of those who had pro posed the bill, who were gulled with the notion that their bill was to be fairly considered, and then were told that it lied only been sent t o a committee in order to be rejected. A course more disreputable and discreditable to a govern ment had never been pursued. (Cheers.) Such was the conduct which Mr. Disraeli had thought fit to bring under the notice cf the house ; and he had brought it forward in such a way as t o render it necessary that he (Lord John) should remind the house what was really done. If that bill was a fair bill, and contained provisions which really deserved the attention of the house, it ought to have been fairly considered in committee. If it contained pro visions an (-I gerous to property, the Government should have declared against it at once, and not have allowed it to proceed till they found it had excited alarm, which it was necessar y t o allay in the membersf the other house. o (Hear.) M r. Disraeli had found great fault with the conduct of the Government during the present session ; but he was in a. very p e culiar position with regard to the party h e l e d , and the O p position often induced him to pur sue a course different from what he otherwise would pur sue. He was the leader of a party who attached impor tance to their credit and character, and to the historic traditions which belonged to them, and to the maintenance of certain principles, whether sound or not. (Hear.) It consequently followed, when there were any great pies tions before the house in which the principles of conserva tism and progress were fairly at issue—any of those ques tions on which that party had always been afraid of inno vation — ally question in which it appeared to them that the honour of the country was concerned—that party would always, whether the right hon. gentleman wished it or not, assert those principles ; and if those principles led them to the support of the Government , they gave them a fair and support. (Hoar, hear.) Therefore Mr. Disraeli found himself disabled from pursuing the course naturally taken by a leader of the Opposition, namely, that of bringing to au issue the conduct of the Government on some question or other, and asking whether or not it was deserving the support of the House of Commons; for the support which the Government had on many of those questions would be such as to strengthen the Government which he wished to damage. (Hear, hear.) There was another course—to lie in wait for motions that were made by independent members ; and, whatever was the character of those motions, provided there were no great principles involved, and no immediately disastrous consequences to ensue from their adoption, the right hon, gentleman pursued one undeviating course, that of endeavouring, whatever the question might be, to put the government in a minority, and thou take his chance of saying that their measures had failed, and that motions which they opposed had been adopted. (Cheers.) That was certainly a conduct somewhat new to him, for he had been opposed by such leaders as Sir R. Peel, and others who preceded him; and when their opinions led them to oppose the government, they naturally and fairly, and jus tifiably did so, but they never thought of coining down to the house merely to take up any motion that might be made. (Cheers.) If it was a question which did not affect the public interest or the transaction of the public busi ness, they thought it their duty either to abstain front op. posing or to support the Government. (Hoar.) But Mr. Disraeli recognised no such duty as incumbent ou e §e'dale4 to consider question* in which too gteAlat terests of the country were involved as a game in which it was perfectly competent to him to embarrass when he could, to utter his sarcasms and taunts, without considering what important consequences might flow from such a course. (Hear.) If he found that his party would go with him on any great question, let him ask the house for a vote of want of confidence; let him act as his predecessors had done. But if there was a question on which he and his party wore not bound by any principle of theirs to oppose the Govern ment, let them act with that enlarged character, and that integrity of conduct, which had distinguished that party in former days. This was one of the causes which had rendered so difficult the conduct of public business of late years. (Hear, hear.) He (Lord John) had certainly post poned the Reform Bill with the greatest reluctance ; but he did it in agreement with the great majority of members on his side, and in accordance with the opinion of the house generally. (Hear.) He had certainly not changed his views as to the importance of that measure ; but ho had postponed it because he could not stand against the general impression which prevailed in the house and throughout the country. (Hear, hear.) He felt great confidence that .. • the time would come when those defects which remained in the first Reform Bill would come under the considera tion of the house, and amendments would be deemed ne cessary. (Hear, hear.) He had only further to say, with regard to Mr. Napier, that nothing was further from his intention, in moving that the chairman should report pro gress, than to disparage his •Teech or the conduct ho had pursued. Ho could not conceive that any kind of pro gress would be made with the bill that evening. What had happened to it had happened frequently under various Governments in the middle of July, when it was found impossible to go into various complicated questions and arrive at solutions of them. There would be no advantage in attempting to pursue the bill further. He did not say that it was the duty of the Government to leave the ques tion without a solution. Ho believed the most useful mea sure that could be proposed would be one giving power and force to voluntary contracts, and a simple remedy for the violation of those contracts. (Hear, hear.) One of those measures contained provisions for that purpose, and he trusted that before long it would become the law f the land. Whether or not it would be possible to go further, and make a compulsory arrangement of all the relations between landlord and tenant, was a matter on which he had very great doubts, not merely because it was a diffi cult matter of legislation, but because he doubted whether legislation could be so applied as to act with efficacy and with justice. (Hear, hear.) Mr. V. SCULLY went at very great length into a history of the whole subject, and introduced a castigation of Mr. Lucas for his language in reference to an absent member of the Government, whom he would not have dared to attack in his presence. Mr. MAGUIRE expressed his conviction that the im putation on Mr. Lucas's courage was unfounded. Mr. DISRAELI said the noble lord had entered into some comments on the relations which existed between the members of the Conservative party and those who had the honour to direct their general conduct. The noble lord had stated that while they had no confidence in their _ _ leader their leader had confidence in them ; but that still they were always putting the Government in a minority. (" Hear, hear," and laughter.) That was certainly an ex tremely inconvenient state of things, but he wished to dis abuse the noble lord of the impression that he had formed respecting himself (Mr. Disraeli). So far from its being his principal business to study how he could put the noble lord in a minority, the noble lord, if he were to change places with him, would find that in the present peculiar conjuncture the principal duty of a leader of Opposition was to study that, if possible, the Government should not every night be placed in that position. (Laughter.) The noble lord had made some strong comments upon this re markable state of affairs. He avowed that he did not ex .. pect him (Mr. Disraeli) to propose a vote of ;ani-ofConfi dence in the Government, and he thought the noble lord was quite right; because although such a vote was un doubtedly a constitutional mode of proceeding, yet it did somewhat interfere with the prerogative of the Crown, and ought, therefore, not to be taken except under extraor dinary circumstances. But the noble lord said the Oppo sition ought to ask the opinion of the house on some great subject, and if then the result were adverse to the Govern ment, they might draw some deduction from the circum stance. If that were so, it was really incumbent upon the noble lord to say what was the great subject on which he wished the opinion of the house to bo taken. (Cheers.) Surely, reform and national education were great sub jects; and there were other subjects of first-rate impor tance on which the Government had been placed in a minority some 12, 14, 16, or 18 times. (Loud cheers.) As the noble lord was a great constitutional scholar, he would remind him that in former times, when a Government had found itself placed in circum stances of great difficulty—though, to be sure, a govern ment which had been in such frequent minorities he had never heard of—(cheers)—its conduct had not been for its . _ members to get up in that pettish spirit which had lately been displayed in so many instances, and to taunt the op position with not bringing forward motions of want of confidence. (Hear.) Such had not been the course pur sued by the government of which the noble lord himself was so long a distinguished member. On the contrary, that Government felt that nothing could be more embar rassing, nothing more inconvenient, nothing more injuri ous to parliamentary government, than that power should be possessed by men who apparently could not pass their measures. (Cheers.) Everybody knew that things could not go on long in such a state without inflicting a serious injury on the constitution ; and, therefore, the ministry, like men of spirit, and men who had confidence in their standing in the country, instead of squabbling amongst themselves, went to some one of their most distinguished supporters, and telling him that the present state of things was painful and intolerable, desired him to come forward, and propose a vote of confidence in the administration which he upheld. (Cheers.) Did the noble lord hiss:lsolf in those days think of getting up and making a few observa tions—for he could not call them a speech—like those they had heard that night ? He really could not have conceived the noble lord condescending to take such a step. (Cheers.) Did they think that the noble lord would in those days have moved to report progress when the conduct of his Government was called in question ? (Cheers.) When he was asked to discuss the question whether the Parliament of England bad confidence in him or not, did they think that he would have moved the previous question ? No ; be went to Lord Ebrington (the present Lord Fortescue), and asked him to give formal notice of a motion which would afford him and his colleagues an oppor tunity of declaring before parliament that they would not be a Government upon sufferance. (Loud cheers.) That was the course which the noble lord should now pur sur, though he would advise him first to consult the Secre tary of the Treasury, and be quite sure that be had a ma jority. (Laughter.) Heaven knew that he (Mr. Disraeli) had no wish to disturb the present administration; but he supposed they had still a claim to exercise their constitu tional right of opposing those measures of which they disap proved. He supposed they had still that privilege. He had said before that he would never himself be a member of that administration that existed only on sufferance. (Hear, hear.) It w as no t, h owever , th a t h e did no t ap preciate the great sacrifices which her Majesty's present Government were making ; what they must go through in public and in private it was impossible for the house to conceive; but while he was giving them credit for their patriotism, the noble lord taunted them with not moving a vote of want of confidence. If the noble lord wished the opinion of the house to be tested, let him do what he bad done before—let him ask one of the supporters of the Go vernment to introduce a motion calling on the house to declare their confidence in it. (H oar , hear.) The noble lord said that Sir R. Peel, when in opposition, had taken a different course from that which he (Mr. Disraeli) pur sued. Now he knew pretty well the career of Sir R. Peel,. for he had sat on the same benches with him, and he had read the history of his political career before he (M Dis raeli) was a member of Parliament. But he woald on a r o s . k e t r h a e noble lord when Sir Robert Peel had had to encounter average twice which was placed in a minority on ) h twice a week ? (Loud laughter and cheers.) b mo tion ou which the present Government ee E n ve b r e f aten on the Oxford with the exception of some of the divisions Bill, had been proposed by those whhoesnatdmupiroend tthheeiprowoewrns benches. He must again repeat that by the Government. of endurance which were exhibited howw would last s i t t When the Coalition was formed ito he sa w y would last ; and he ventu t reh as th a a s t ke i d t . irretrievably injured his until every member of d i ehee a r d e) public character. ( The committee thLensrarTermrtpedAperToKess. The house went into committee on these acts. After a few words froth Mr. V. SCULLY, Sir H. WILLOUGHBY said the house was called upon e pass a resolution which would inflict a heavy t ax t o b e levied on an entirely new principle, on a particular portion of the property of the country. He should be glad to know what was the cause of this change, and how much revenue the Government expected to derive from it. He complained that as soon as the term of 99 years had been exceeded the tax was to be doubled, though practically there was no dif ference between a lease for 999 years and a fee. Mr. HADFIELD said if the Secretary to the Treasury would trust to his own judgment, instead of relying en the authorities of Somerset House, there would be no occasion to debate this question. There was no intrinsic difference between a lease of 100 years and one of 1,000 years ; yet it was proposed that there should be a duty of 3 per cent. on leases of 100 years, and a duty of 6 per cent. on leases ex ceeding that period. It was unjust to make such a dis tinction. After the recent abandonment of an excessive charge, it was not right for the Chancellor of the Exche quer to impose this new charge on Lancashire conveyancing. There wore 10,400 subscribers of building societies in Lan cashire alone, all whose little conveyances would be charged 25 per cent. by this bill. He proposed to abandon the second schedule altogether, and to limit the amount men tioned in the last schedule. He would take the sense of the committee on the question. Mr. WILSON said that there were two kinds of con veyances of fee ; one where the money was paid down, and the other in the case of a perpetual annuity. The last were common in the neighbourhood of the hon. gentleman, and his object was to reduce the stamp on them. The hon. gentleman contended that because the stamp on leases for a long term of years was low, the stamp for the conveyance of a chief rent ought to be placed on the same footing. The Government endeavoured by a compromise to meet the wishes of those for whom the hon. gentleman was interested ; but whilst he was willing to adopt the lowest part of the Government scale, he would not consent to the higher part, which alone could bring them home in point of revenue. Wh at the Government proposed to do was to reduce the stamp on conveyances, where the consi deration was an annuity, to the same amount as on the higher class of leases. Mr. MULLINGS thought the proposition of the Govern ment was not only a fair, but generous compromise. The committee divided— For the am en d men t Against it Majority 84 The resolutions were then agreed to, and the house re sumed. STANDARD OF GOLD AND SILVER WARES BILL. This bill was passed through committee pro forma. TURNPIKE ACTS CONTINUANCE BILL. The houSe then went into committee on this bill, and the whole of the clauses were agreed to without discussion. The Heritable Securities CScotland) Bill, the Turnpike Trusts Arrangements Bill, and the Highway Rates Bill severally passed through committee. PAROCHIAL SCHOOLMASTERS (SCOTLAND) BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. YOUTHFUL OFFENDERS BILL. On the motion for reading this bill a third time, Lord D. STUART inquired whether the bill was in tended to apply to the whole kingdom, including Middle sex. He suggested, also, that power should be given to remove any juvenile prisoner from one reformatory school to another. Lord PALAIEB,STON replied that the act would be general in its application. The Secretary of State had full power to remove on discharge from the reformatory school any juvenile offender. The bill was then read a third time. O'CONNELL propoied c;alse, autUribin clergymen of other denominations than. the Church of England to attend the schools at reasonable times, for the purpose of affordity , religious instruction to such of the inmates as might be of their own religious persuasion. Lord PALMERSTON opposed the clause, which, he said was similar to one which had been thrown out elsewhere, and the insertion of it might endanger the bill. The house divided— For the clause , Against it Majority The bill then passed BOROUGH RATES BILL. 23 69 -46 This bill was read a second time. MERCHANT SHIPPING ACTS REPEAL BILL. This bill was road a third time, and passed. GENERAL BOARD OF HEALTH BILL. This bill, as amended, was considered. The Cinque Ports Bill, the Militia (Scotland) Bill, the Royal Military Asylum Bill, and the Jamaica Loau Bill, were read a second time. BURIALS IN THE METROPOLIS. Mr. FITZROY obtained leave to bring in a bill to amend the law concerning burials beyond the metropolis. EDUCATION (IRELAND). Mr. F. SCULLY moved that an humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying that she will be gra ciously pleased to issue a commission to inquire into the endowments, funds, and actual condition of all schools endowed for the purposes of education in Ireland ; and the nature and extent of the instruction given in such schools, and to report their opinions thereon.—Agreed to. SALE OF BEER ON SUNDAYS. Mr. IV. PATTEN obtained leave to bring in a bill to regulate the sale of beer and spirituous liquors on Sun days. THE UNIVERSITIES. Col. DUNNE obtained leave to bring in a bill to extend the rights enjoyed by the graduates of the universities of Oxford and Cambridge, in respect to the practise of physic, to the graduates of the Universities of Ireland and Scotland. GENERAL HIGHWAY ACT. . . Mr. KNIGHT obtained leave to bring in a bill to en large the power contained in sections 67 and 68 of tho General Highway Act. The house adjourned at 2 o'clock RAILWAY INTELLIGENCE. KENDAL AND WINDERMERE. The half-yearly statement of accounts of this company shows that 212,3101. had been received on capital ac count, and 212,0281. expended, leaving a balance of 2821. The revenue account for the half-year ending June 30, 1854, shows that the receipts amounted to 5,7451., and the expenses to 2,1601.; leaving a balance of 3,5851. The interest on debentures and on preference shares amounted to 2,6491., leaving an available sum of 1,1191. To this is added 2,8431., reserved profits from the opening of the line, making 3,9621. ; from this is deducted 1,0841. for dividend on the ordinary shares of ss. each, less income-tax, and 1001. for directors' atten dances, leaving a balance of 2,7771. to the credit of re venue. NORTH DEVON. The opening of this line from Crediton to Barnstaple took place on Wednesday. The distance from Crediton to Barnstaple station is 32 miles, and from Exeter 39. The station ground, formed out of a deep cutting on the side of Stickiepath-hill, is large and commodious. At various portions of the line from Crediton to Barnstaple triumphal arches were erected, and the union-jack float ing alongside the tricolour was everywhere conspicuous. At Barnstaple the day was observed as a complete holi day. On the arrival of the train with the directors and other officials of the Bristol and Exeter Railway Com pany, it was met by a large procession, headed by the civic authorities and escorted by the North Devon Mounted Rifles. The bells of the various churches rang out a merry peal, cannon were fired, the principal edi• fices were gaily decorated with flags and laurels, and in all the principal streets triumphal arches were erected, above which waved the flags of all nations. The traffic on the line is to be worked by the Bristol and Exeter Company. A banquet in celebration of the opening of the line was given to numerous guests at the Fortescue Arms Hotel, Barnstaple. The toast of " Prosperity to the Railway" was well received, and the advantages of the communication thus opened out were clearly ex plained. The proceedings concluded in a satisfactory manner. 110 P INTELLIGENCE. WORCESTER, July 11.—W cannot report any im• provement in our prospect of a crop of hops since last week ; the blight makes progress upon all the fruit bearing branches as they present themselves ; and, with so great a tendency to blight as the season presents, we have little hope of their cleaning, and a short crop must be the result. KENT DISTRICT.—About Maidstone the drizzling showers which have occurred during the past week have caused a great increase of vermin in most plantations, which are altogether in a very bad state. Under any circumstances, the crop cannot now be large ; though in this district, should not scorching weather ensue ; some hopes are entertained of a partial yield. In some parts there will be literally no hope at all. The blight, on the whole, is more serious and extensive than has been known for years. In the neighbourhood of Canterbury not the slightest improvement can be noticed this week ; the plant is completely enveloped in vermin. High and low grounds are both suffering proportionately from the ravages of the blight, and there is now very little hope of their recovery.—Sout)c•Eastern Gazette. SHIPPING INTELLIGENCE. NOTICE TO MARINERS. ADMIRALTY, July 12.—Sir,—With reference to the re cent acts of piracy which have been committed on the Riff Coast, I am commanded by my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to acquaint you, for the information of the Committee for Managing the Affairs of Lloyd's, that her Majesty s steam-sloop Prometheus has been again despatched to that coast.—(Signed) R. B. OSBORNE.—Capt. G. A. Halsted, RN., Secretvw, Lloyd's. CUSTOM-HOUSE, JULY 13. INWARDS.— ha The s, F s u t r . e K t, i G tt r , r ; e p lin u es h ; es A s l o b f atross, He E d N li T e E k ß sw ED ale lN ; g Port land,oose Marlborough, Hall, Dantzic; ; 31 P en ;o e s i p ; er P o, ornona Henrich Theodor, Rostock; Oder, Tarragona Nyland ;d ; r ecl e rike v i Hondurasue , B o ;- Cornelia, Dantzic; Tilsia, Groningen; Caspian, ditto; Sydney z ; Coin Memel ; Anna Margaretha, Struer ; Augusta, Wieland a r, n j d ß a S s s p t n e e t r t z ti ie n; Queen, Lanscrona ; Gem, Hall, 1 • Chenamus,Janeiro , e , un s- Delia C M ad o i m - e'l ; Fury, Foitude, Rio Antferp .r ; o . F \ r v au in :ZE r a .n rga s reth d a, Caroline.llslnte 'Nova, Nyland; Oak, Dornsjo ; Hesperus, Cuba ; Te Cuba ; Coronet, Porto Taco; Irene, Rostock; Olweloff, Gefle ; Elizabeth Mary Ann, St. John's, Newfoundland. ENTERED OUTWARDS FOR LOADING. —The Engloona, for Altona; Series, Stettin ; Sym me t ry, B ruges; St. Michael, St. Kitts ; Truth, Ghent; Celt, Constantinople ; Matte Catherina, Rio Janeiro; Henrich, Altona • Ida, Konigsberg; Minerva, Stettin ; Isle of Thanet, Adelaide ; Almuth, Stettin ; Childe Harold, Bombay, &c.; Jane and Francis, Melbourne and Madras ; Asia, Port Philip ; General Halkett, Altona ; Fleetwood, Boston ; Emilia, Pitia ; Northumberland, New York ; Courier, Rio J ane i ro . CLEARED OUT WITH CARGO.—Te Herman Louis, for Altona; Voyageur, Geelong; Elizabeth, Port Philip, 2d clearance; Clara Anderson Monte Video an d B uenos Ayres; Stad G oor, Amsterdam; Ocean, Hamburg; Eliza beth, Port Phillip ; Clara, Monte Video ; Minerva, Mau ritius; Ellen, Trinidad; Ocean Gem, Calcutta; Blessing, Amsterdam; City of Paris, Boulogne ; Wilberforce, Ham burg; Alar, Dunkirk; John Bunyan, Cape of Good Hope ; Wataga, Port Philip. VESSELS SPOKEN WITIL Tho Elliot, July 1, lat. 48 N., long. 9 W. The Geodo Vrede, from Liverpool for Rio Janeiro, July 3. G. F. D., from Bombay for London, May 26, lat. 4 S., long. 18W. The Lady of the Lake, from Gabooin River for Liver pool, Juno 3, lat. 8 N., long. 24 W. The British Queen, of Whitehaven, for Antigua, June 14, lat. 26 N., long. 36 W. The Stew, of Liverpool, from Cardiff, July 4, lat. 43 N., long. 10 W. The Asia, of London, from Plymouth for Quebec, July 7, lat. 49 N., long. 6 W. The Halyards, from the Clyde for Demerara, Juno 18, lat. 18 N., long. 41 W. The Porcon de la Barbinais, from Marseilles for Calcutta, June 20, off Adra. An English barque, steering W., showing a red flag, with " S' in the centre, June 28, lat. 46, long. 40. The Susanna (brig), steering S.W., lat. 44 N., long. 11 W. FAILIIRE.—The Leeds papers announce the failure of Mr. Hammond, Lew-fold Flax Mills, Bank. The lia bilities are stated at 30 , 0001 ., and the assets at about 10,000/. PILLAR LETTER-BOXES. — The Post-office authorities (says the Cheltenham Examiner) are about placing a number of pillar letter-boxes in the public thoroughfares of the outskirts, having, at the commissioners' meeting on Friday last, obtained the sanction of that body to their so doing. The pillar letter-boxes will be affixed to the public lamp-posts, and will be visited by the postmen at certain hours of the day, and their contents conveyed to the central office. [ADVERTISEMENT.] Her Majesty's Royal Letters Patent, for valuable and extraordinary improvements is the most powerful and brilliant Telescopes, Camp, Race course, Opera, and Perspective Glasses (glazed with Manic German Glass), to know the distances of objects viewed through them--of great importance to the army, navy, and others. Messrs. S. and B. Solomons, opticians, 39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly. Observe—opposite the York Hotel.—These telescopes pos sess such extraordinary powers that some 3} inches, with an extra eye-piece, will show distinctly Jupiter's moons, Saturn's ring, and the double stars; with the same tele scope can be seen a person's countenance three miles and a half distant, and an object from 12 to 11 miles. They are of larger and all sizes, with increasing powers accordingly.—The Royal Exhibition, 1851.—Valuable, newly-invented, very small, powerful waistcoat-pocket glass the size of a walnut, by which a person can be seen and known 1] mile distant; they answer every purpose on the race-course, and at the opera-houses, country see nery, anal ships are clearly seen at 5 to 6 miles. They are invaluable for shooting, deer-stalking, yachting, to sportsmen, gentlemen, gamekeepe rs , an d t our i s t s . Opera, race-course, camp, and perspective glasses, with wonderful power; an object can be clearly seen from 10 to 12 miles distant. Newly-invented Spectacles ; immediately they are placed before extremely imperfect 'Vision, every object becomes clear and distinct; the most aged, de fective eight is brought to its youthful, natural, and ori ginal state. Deafness —New Discovery—The Organic Vi brator, an extraordinary powerful, small, newly-invented instrument, for Deafness, entirely different from all others, to surpass anything of the kind that has been, or probably over can be, produced. Being deaf persons to hear of the same colour as the skin, is not perceptible ; it en distinctly at church an d a t pu bli c asse mblies ; the unplea suit sensation of singing noises in the ears is entirely re moved ; and it affords all the assistance that possibly could be desired.-39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly. Observe, opPoPite th 9 Yoric COUNTRY MARKETS. DERBY SMITHFIELD. --JULY 11. • The market is thinly supplied with fat beasts. The qua lity was of an inferior kind, for which high prices were asked. The supply of sheep and lambs about the average, without any alteration of price. Fat and store calves about the same. There were several pens of fat pigs, which were well sold. The fallowing were the quotations :—Beef, 6id to 7d ; mutton, qd to 7(1 ; lamb, 7d to Od ; veal, 6d to 61d per lb. ; pigs, lOs Od to 10s 3d per score ; rough fat, 6s Ohi to Os per 141 b.; hides, 3d to 3id por lb; calf-skins, 4d to C ! (I per lb. EDINBURGH GRAIN.-0 nLY 12. Wheat on the top is down, and the average 9d down. Barley on the top !?s Od, and the average is 10d, down. Oats on the top as before, and the average Os 21 up. Beans on the top 2s, and the average sd, down. Wheat Barley. Oats .., Beans. Total Supply and Sales. 771 qrs sold 534 qrs 351 qrs sold 271 qrs ... 573 qrs sold 517 qrs 66 qrs sold 44 qrs •• • • lb 79s 01 ........ 55 . 4 lb 376 Od 444 ;b 38s 81 65 lb 53s 01 Top of Wheat Oats -- Beaus BOSTON—JULY 12. At this day's market we had a small supply of all kinds of grain. Wheat met a dull demand. Needy millers in some instances gave a trifle more money for selected sam ples than on this day se'nnight, but inferior qualities wore neglected. In spring corn no quotable alteration. Prices :—Wheat, red, 60s Od to 70s Od; white, 70s Od to 73s Od extra, 75s Od. Barley, 34s Od to 37s Od. Oats, 26s to 31s. Beans, 4th Oct to 52s Oct. Peas, 45s Oct to 475 per qr. NEWARK-JULY 12. At our market to-day there were several buyers of wheat. Farmers would not give way more than is per qr. At this decline a fair business was done. Other grain sold slowly, and again rather lower. Prices :—Wheat, white, 78s Od to 79s Od; red, 77s Od to 79,8 Od. Barley, malting, 36s Od to 38s Od.; grindin4 00s Od to 00s Od. Oats, old, 34s Od to 38s Od ; new, 32s Od to 34s Od. Beans, 54s Od to 56s Od. Peas, 52s Od to 54s Od. Malt, 70s Od to 74s Od. Tares, 00s Od to 00s Od. RAILWAY SHARE MARKET. LIVERPOOL, JULY 13. - - - STOCK EXCHANGE.—The market opened rather flat, but improved towards noon, and it finally closed at an advance of per cent. on the opening prices. Caledonian, 3 ; East Lancashire, 16 3-16 ; Lancashire and Yorkshire, 65i ; Leeds Northern, 15 c; London and North-Western, 103; Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincoln, 214 ; Midland, 65 ; North British, 84; South-Eastern, 19; York and North Midland, 27. MANCHESTER, JULY 13. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The market opened lower, but there was a fair business, and prices improved towards the close. The sales were :—North Staffordshire, 4R na. ; Caledonian, 31 9.16 ; Great Northern, A deferred, 9i ; Lancashire and Yorkshire, 65 6 ; London and North- Western, 101 ; Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire, 21 ; Midland Railway Consols, 65i 6 ; South-Eastern, 19. BIRMINGHAM, JULY 13. STOCK EXCHANGE.—The only sale reported this even ing as having occurred during the day was Midland stock, at 65. Shrewsbury and Birmingham shares have still further risen in favour, and are scarce in the market. SEABORNE MAILS. (N signifies that the mails are sent from the General Post-office by the night—and M by the morning—despatch.) Day when made ui From wha. When COUNTRIES. in General Post- Port. d u e In Office, London.* Dispatched. England. America(bylirit.pack)N Every Friday .... Liverpool America (by United Sts. packet) . ..... ....N •••• •. • • Liverpool .. July 1 9 America (by U. States packet) .......... N • • •••• • • • • Southampton l Australia (rla South ampton) .• M July 4 • • • • Southampt on !A ug ust 4 Ditto (via Marseilles) N ....... Dover .... Ditto (via Cape of Good. Hope) July 1 .... ... Uncertain Africa (West CoaS2)..N l l3d of the month . Plymouth .. : July :July 6 Alexandria.......... N,B, 9, 24, & 30 of In. Dover .... Alexandria 111'4th & 20th of mon. Southampton Bahamas Al 17th of the wont! Southampton. Belgium ............N Daily.... .. • • ... Dover ...... Brazil ..............N 9th of the month.. Southampton July 1 6 Buenos Ayres 9th of the month.. Southampton 'July 16 Cape of Good Hope ..~',l4th of the moots. Plymouth .. Cape of Good Hope ..N ,14th of the month. Southampton Cape de Verds ......Nll4th of the month S ou th am pt on Ceylon (see India) Ceylon N l l4th of the month July 20 Ch anne l „„ „ N {Mon ~Wed.,&Frid. S ou th ampton : Tu. rn , N 2d & 17th of montl, Southampton 'July 16 China (see India) Constantinople ......N 7,8,17,21,&27 of m. D0ver...... Constantinople 4th & 20th of mon. Southampton Cont. of Europe M & NlTwice daily ...... I Dover Twlceda ll l Egypt (see India) France M & NTwice daily.. .. .. D over ITwicedaill Gibraltar 31i4, 7, 17, 20, 27 of m. Southampton 'July 20 Greece (see India) Greytown & 17th of mon. Southampton I July 1 6 llamburgh ..........NiTuesday & Friday 'London ..... Havannah .......... '21.1 of the m onth Southampton !Aug. Holland M Daily.... •• • ,Dover DailY Honduras M,l7th of the month.Rsouthampto o 'July 16 India (vlaSouthampt.)lll 4th & 20th of mon.;Plymouth .. J u l y 20 India (via Marseilles)3lBth& 24th of monthlDover lonian Isles (see India) 7, 17, & 27 of mon:Dover.... Ireland & N , Twice daily ...... ;Holyhead .. Tvvicedall. l Lisbon „ M 7,9, 17, & 27 of m. Southampton:July 16 Madeira of the month :Southampton July 16 Madeira N 23d of month .... Plymouth Malta (see India) Malta Mauritius (see India) Mauritius 14th of the month Mexico .... m,2nd of the month.. ,SonthamptonlAug• 1 Naples ,bthlsth2sthormon. Dover New Granada 12d & 17th of month Southampton New Zea1and........... By private skip .. , Various ports Uncertai n Papal States ..... ...N sthlsth2sthoftnon. Dover Peninsula „ „ „„ „m 7thl7th2Bthotinon. Southampton Peru 17115t0hionifmonothn.;:soDouvtheram..p.to.n July 16 ........ „ „ ..m 2d 8s 27th of mon. Southampton July 16 Port Natal 14th of the month Plymouth Siclly ..............yBthlsth2sthormon, Dover .....T. u a e Wt s n ns c ep l n t u in i dn l a; ). • en s a n . d : :1: 1 2 d t h & I 2d& 17th 01 MOnth i SouthamptenlJuly 16 .. -- * When any of these dates fall 01 a Sunday, the mails will h , a . 6 despatched on the foll ow i ng day, with the exception of the India Y'' Southampton), and the Malta, both of which will be despatched th e preceding day. P ARLIAMENTARY RETURNING OFFICERS.—On Wed" nesday a bill in the Commons was printed to amend the laws relating to the appointment of returning °fa' cers. It is provided that the sheriff shall be the return' ing officer in boroughs, cities, and towns where the offic e of returning officer is vacant. CHANCERY REFORM.—On Wednesday a governmen t bill was issued to amend the course of procedure in the Court of Chancery. From the Ist November next the court may award damages in certain cases of injunction ° and matters relating to contracts or agreements for sr cific performances. CRIMINAL JUSTICE (METROPOLIS).--A bill, p re pared by Mr. Stuart Wortley and Mr. Masterman, bas been introduced into the House of Commons for the p u rpose of facilitating the administration of justice at the Centra l Criminal Court, and at the various courts of session of the peace in and near the metropolis. By the prevision s of the bill, which has just been printed, it is proposed to Fenact, that, in li eu o f a bill of indictment to the gram' , jury, on the committal of prisoners for trial at any eL the above courts, an information shall be put on th e files of the court by the clerk or other proper officer. The form of the information is given in r 4 schedule. The filing of this information is to hav e the effect of an indictment, as to trial or otherwise . It is also proposed that no information shall be quashed, or acquittal taken, by reason of the offenc e , charged in th e i n f orma ti on d i ff er i ng in its l eg a l definition from the offence specified in the commitmen t or detainer, &c., provided the offence can be reasonably inferred from the depositions taken before the commit' ting magistrate. No objection, also, is to be taken a fter filing information, except such as may be made to indict ments, and there is to be no necessity to set out the pro' ceedings before the magistrates i n ma ki ng u p th e r ecord. It is also to be held unnecessa r y t o summon th e grati d ; . jury every session, or more tha n f our ti mes a y ear , o r at the London or Southwark sessions, unless the judges o ,l * justices of the court, or any two o f th em, may thioli necessary, in the latter cases not less than 16 days pre viously. The act is to take effect on the 2d of Novena" ber next. [ADVERTISE3IENT.]—HoIIoway's Ointment and Pills o r° superior remedies for bad legs. Extract of a letter frovi Mr. Samuel Thannon, Baker, Mill-street, Newtown:od ° ' —To Professor H o ll oway —Si r, for eight years 1 suf fered with a bad leg which confined me t o beci, for months to ge th er ;-- i t was completely black and swollen to an enormous siz3. I consulted at differ: ent times sixteen medical men but derived no benefi t by their tre a t men t , fi nally I commenced using your oinl ment and pill, and after persevering with them for trO months the sw e lli ng gra d ua ll y d ecrease d , th e bl ac k ness dis . appeared, an d I now fe l t as wel l as t h oug h nothing h o t been the matter with me.—Sold by all druggists, and 2 " Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand, London. BI.RTIIS. OF A SON. On the 10th inst., at Cambridge Lodge, the Grope► Sydenham, Mrs. W. H. Davis. On the 11th inst., at Stainton Lodge, Blackheath, the wife of E. Finch, Esq., M.D. OF A DAUGHTER. On the 10th inst., at Hoby Rectory, Leicestershire, the wife of the Rev. G. Beresford. On the 9th inst., at Lisselan, Cork, the wifo of Jones, Esq. MARRIED. On the 12th inst., at St. George's. Hanover.equar'f , William Compton, second son of Sir C. Domville, Bert Pi of Santry House, Dublin, t o C aro li ne, s i x th d aug ht e r o' the late Gen. Hon. R. Meade. DIED. On the 10th inst., at Sandgate, Sophie Catherine, wi t : of G. Barber, E sq ., o f Walton-on-Thames, and. young° daughter of Captain Sisop, of Halliford. On the 11th inst., at Taunton, W. Blundell, Esq., °f Crosby Hall, Lancashire, aged 68. On the 12th inst., at Dorset-place, Dorset-square, C° ll. stance Edith, infant daughter of J. F. Elmslie. On the 11th inst., Annie, wife of Dr. S. Hanson, °f Curzon.street, Mayfair. LONDON : Printed and Published by KURD° YOTIN,T. of No. 112, St ran d, P r i n t er , a t Th e Sun Office, No. 11 Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the cotultl of Bliddleem, Frilly, July X 4,1854.