The Sun. — London, England, 1833-04-23 00:00:00

kcent system of legislation. The moment the House had taken the course which was now adopted, the reputation of thousands of honest industrious subjects was blasted. and they were put, as it were, in opposition to society. 1 -1 . called tor i nqu i r y i nto t h e causes o f t h ese un h appy and moat distressing tacts. He showed that all these melan choly- doings came with the relaxtions in the currency-- with the establishment of the principles now in operation. He did not wish t o fi x th em d own t o 1819. The princi ple had been carried further by other measures of leers], tion in 1828. and its final effect must be dated from 1829 From that could be traced the ultimate evils w hi c h 1,, spoke of. The market, it was well known, would not give a remunerating price to the manufacturer, and how could I e dispense comfort and sufficiency to those dependent or him ? Here they had a monetary system, which admitter of no increase along with a ma nu f actur i ng power, whirl was constantly and rapidly augmenting. The people tee,, perpetually increasing in numbers, and Parliament roe. that increase with what inflicted certain ruin on the most industrious, by crippling their powers and means of action 'The effect was—the unhinging of commerce, and the beating onwn of the people in the most cruel manner. And all fir this monetary system ! He adjured the House to agree to his tnotion, and net to get rid f it by wine was at once a mockery of legislation and of justice Dangers, forsooth, were talked of, if inquiry were grantee. By whom were these dangers talked of? By their grew power —that funded interest (us we understood th e He n . Gentleman) which had been PO immensely and so un justly benefited by the eli..nge. But let them look at the system in i'self, What it inverted en the B ink was f the most irtecontilable and inconsistent character. It imposed the protection of public credit, and th power of determining the 'quantity of the circulatin g medium.—(Brae.) They had the power of getting an quantity of gold to meet the eiroularion ; to neet-t the, ciiculatieti of paper. The Rink wo u ld naturally lo o k o their own interest, and extend the circulation as tre e those. If a panic wok place, ittnt immediately nartowet )it, reardless of the Immenne public suffering which w. menisioneti. Whil st this state of things existed, the true `Elena.; syttens nauet be exposed to fluctuations, which rent '2.errel ape:tole tions uneete.—( Hear, Leer.) It was well kero'non 'that, jest b• here the failure of the bankers at a er r 'Wit period, 1,300,000 pounds of gold was all that gist Hank could produce, This small sum Was all they ha.' with which to loy the in:me:ore obligations ter which they were liatale—obligations which, on their own and on ti Government's account, amoutited neatly to eight hundree midi ins. Wiest w.s it, at a t rest that saved thi. country. according to the ir owls of a eel brated statesmen, from t slog " in fuity.eight hours in a state of barter ?" A box of these derided one-pound mees—(Cheere)—disco - erred by the merest accieent, and, in his opinion, by the greatest good luck. Now, he should much like to know, what or wh-re was the authority for this vaunted staneart• of value? The conseqw-nce would have been a state o' barter, and no one could doubt, if that had been este bibbed for a wrek, or even for a dey—(Hear)—thers would not have been an hour's security hardly for man's life—certaimy for his property. To that danger we were now again exposed. In February, 1832, the country was reduced to a position as dangerous as any po sition could be to the monetary system. He called on them to do what they could to avoid the possible recur rence of such a danger. He should detain the House no kengen but to say that he addresetei to them this motion 'orith a perfect confidence as to the result. Tile Hon. Member cenchicien by moving_ ,, That a select committee be appointed to inquire into the state of general distress, difficulties, and embarrassments, which now pres ed on th e various enders of the community; how far they were she results ot the operations of the monetary system ; and to consider the effect produced by that system on the agri cultural, manufacturing, and Commercial itrerests of the coun•ry, and on the industry of the people." Lord ALI'HORP---1 do not differ, Sir, from the Hon 'Gentleman in the view he takes of the great importance o f this question, nor do I differ from him in thinking that it ia desirable that it should be brought under the considers lien of the House.—(flear.) I think with him, too, thz;t a question of this importance is one which this House ehonld now decide, and should say whether they are pre pared to stand by the system on which all the contracts— (Cheers)—on which all the contracts of the country de. pent', or whether they are prepared to adopt a course of teonfiscation and robbery ?—(Cheers.) If the Hon. Gen tleman thinks he is right in the opinion he entertains, I am not sorry that he has given a Reformed House of Par• liament the opportunity of deciding it. But if I may make a criticism on him, I should say that he does not come in the most straightforward way to the decision of the question.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Ido not complain of the mode in which he has brought fo:ward this ques tion; for he has most candidly pointed out what is the object of it—namely, to effect an alteration in the antedated. of the currency.—(Hear.) He has, however, ebstained from stating in what 'Tiede he would effect sthie—(Hear)--and what is the degree to which he would effect it—(Hear, hear)—nor has Le ventured to observe upon the consequences which must occur from an altera titin such as the one he contemplatee.—(Cheers.) He evidently contemplates a depression in the currency.— (Hear, hear.) There is no part of his argument that has von:rnon sense in it, if that is not his object.—(Hear.) But even taking it to be so, he bast not distinctly stated how or to what extent he would effect that depression. We have heart! at different times different prepositions brought forward with this object ultimately in view ; but the proposition he desires to agree to is, as the Honourab'e Member declares, perfectly consistent with the public with. It appears to me west difficult to understand this— bow is it possible to have recourse to a greit increase in the issue of paper, without at the same time restarting to statue other measure. Is that the mode in which he pro- Firmer to raise prices, without committing any breach of else public faith ? We have elready bail experience enough of that —(Hear, hear.) We have had experience of wit t it is, and of what must be in; necessary consequences.— (Hear, hear.) If the amount of currency in circulation is greatly increased, no question that the effect must be to render the value of money, as compared with other coin rnoditi• s, less than it was before. Though we know that in this manner we can increase the amount of currency in circulation in this country, we cannot du so in other countries. and the effect it this will be, that the sovereign will not remain here, but will pass from this country abroad, •and the consequenc e of that wilt be, a run upon the busk, wr ich must then either stop payment, or a bank reetnc tion noon follow. It is impossible but that every gentle man who reasons on this eter e of things [oust ere that this would be the necessary cum.. quenee of the proposal of the Bon. Mee her.—(Hear.) Well, then, we come to a Bank restriction. What wituld b e the effect of that? The Hen. INl,,iih e r has nut answered that question. states the difficulties that have occurred in this country s i nce 1819, but he aright t eve gone a little further back. lle teems to imagine that there was net any distress to the country before the year 1819. Yet every one knows that the distress it itifie.ed before thet /retried was exces sively severe... ---(Hear.) The Hen Member would I estwe the Bank reetrictlon system, so that e very thing on wh ch the contracts of the country now depend, would he at —he would place in the bends of a commercial body the power of saying what every than in the ere:wry should be worth—he wituld enrich one, but to impoverish anon er. He would:do that which must inevitably produce a state of confusion and what would be the effect o - tha confusion, but a great increase of the very calamity h .now deplores?.-(Hear.) I had bdieved it possible that the Hon. ',Wernher had exp, rience and knowledge of the - evils of the B ok restric•ion ; but from his. sp., ch, I shoul.l almost fe or. that 16.-d been mistaken in the sup position.—(Hear. hear.) Then another plate has been propose, namely—an alteration in the standard of the cutren•y, hut how the mere tran•f-r f property flout on: class of persons to ano , ber can increoie the advantag e s, and tie prosperity, or improve the situati , n of the labour ing classes, I am et 1 .. 1083 to know.---( Hear.) All I know is, that the labouring c a.s a, in such a process as this, are the first to suffer.—(Hear, bear.) Wages do not re gulate themselves so quickly in alterations of the standard of value as other things, and the labourer is, thetefde, the first and the longest sufferer, as he still works far the same wages which he received bel,re the alteration, while everything around him has increased in value.—(Hea , hear.) That was the case when the Bank restriction was first introduced, and would be the cast: again, if that ex p.riment shoUld be renewed,—( Hear, hear.) The Hon. Sleniber then turns to another part of the subject, and seem s to say that the poor s laws were innocuous up to the the year 1814 ! Ido not agree with him in that opinion ; I think th e bad effect of them wis felt during the period of the war.—(Hear.) After the famine of 1801-2, the labourer lost his spirit of independence, and was driven to seek parochial relief, and that continued from that period during the whole cours e of the war; and to say, there fore, that this took place at the beginning of the peace, is to lay that which is contrary to tie experience of *lir, gen tleman ,who is old enough to recollect that period. (Hear.) W e ll, then, the Hon. G ent l eman argues for this Committee of Inquiry in this way--h e says t b, it granting sticha Com mitteK would be a mere m oc k ery, i f we excluded . from the consideAtion of the Committee the que, tion of the currency. I fi'el, therefore, that I could not consent to the Committee, and yet exclude question that from its consider a ti o n. I ag ree that every gent.entan who entettaina the same views as the 1-1011. 31erober eoznplain of a such a Committee as a mocker}. If I threaten, nut to enter into the consideration of the cur- renoy, with a view to lower its standard, I muse be ot posed to granting this Committee.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Among the things of which the Hon. Member has spoken, and which have very much surprised me, there is one which has peculiarly produced that effect. In talking of my financial statement, the Hon. Member talked of the unsatisfactory state of public credit, when there was only a surplus revenue of 500,000/. What remedy did the Hon. Member propose? Why, to take 20 or 25 per cent. at once from that surplus—(Hear, hear)—and that is the mode in which the Hon. M-mber would remedy the inse curity he supposes to exist because the surplus revenue of the country is so small. The Elan. Member asks whether we ought to borrow money to pay the interest of the public debt? To be obliged to do that certainly would be a calamity, but to say that we will not pay it at all would he even a still greater calamity, and that is a most extraor dinary mode of reasoning, which would go to recommend us to adopt the latter in order to avoid the former eril.— (Hear, hear.) The Hon. Member, to show us how pros perous the country was when a depreciated currency was in existence, says that pauperism in this country was de creasing at the chimes of the war. Let us see how this ac count stands according to the amount of poor's rates ievied at two different periods. In 1803 the amoun , ',vied was 4,113,000/ , while in 1813 the amount was 4,858,0001.—(Mr. Attwoad tild something across the cable.) T , e Hon. Maher says that this calculation was rustle on the comparative value of quarters of wheat, and hat that accounts for some of the difference. That may le so ; but still ti e amount is known to have gone on progressively increasing during the period I have men toned.—(Hear.) The Honourable Gentleman then says, oak at the state in which the country is at this moment; and he asks whether, if any private in hvidual were in such a state, he would one. examin , oito his affairs, and see what were the causes that hadoe uced him to such a condition? I answer, tear private individual under such circumstances would do rightly to inepiire into the stare of his affairs, and into the causes which hail btouelit him into that condition ; out it would not be equally right if the private intivi dila!, in consequence of finding hien/telt in a state o , aistress, should determine not to pay any of his debts. The Hon. Member has quoted a speech which he says 1 made on a former occasion with reerence to this very sub ject, but which, I must say, I think must rathee be con sidered es his speech than mine, for I have not the slightest recollection of having tittered the language which he attri butes t o me. T, e Hon. Member has rioiculed any inquiry relative. to the effect of the pier laws, and he says they nave hurl no I ffoct in producing the pr. sent state of the country. It does not appear to me quite so clear that :he Hon. Member is right in this opinion ; for 1 cannot but think that the bad administration of the poor laws must have had tome effect on the state of tile country It is &ear that it has had in some places. No, says the Hon. Member, it is not tile effect of the Door lairs. or of their bad administration, or of any other cause; but it is all the effect of the stare of the currency. But if this be. 'rue, how is it that the same e ffect has been produced all over England ?--( Hear, hear.) How is it, that while in the North the poor laws have been a blessing, in the South they have. been an evil ; and yet the monetary system is the same in both places ?—(Eiear, hear.) Ido not think that he can take this part of his speech as a triumphant argument in favour of his motion. (do not mean to state that there is not great distress in the count; y ; but I do believe that the s'atements of it hare been considerably xaegerated. The Hon. Member says he will excuse ex• irggeration on such a topic—perhaps it may be excused ; but certainly, of all men, he ought to be the first to excuse it, for he is much inclined to indulge in it--.(Hear, and a laugh)—when speaking on this subject. The Hon. Mem ber has spoken of the condition of the 1 ended interest ; and I believe that, at the moment I am addressinst the House, the landed interest is in a worse situation than any other.—( Hear.) I regret that lam not able to say that they are prosperous. But the fact is, that it is almost in vain, in discussing these questions in Parliament, to make any very decided statement one way or the other. I believe, with regard to a country, that there is no state of prosperity in which considerable instances of suffering may not be found, nor any state of adversity in which also considerable instances of prosperity may not be discovered.—(Hear, hear.) This is pecu liarly the case with a country of such great and varied in terests as England. I state it as my belief that the labour ing agricultural population, and certain cla , ses of the labouring. manufacturing population are soil's' ing from dis tress. But I believe that, taking into consideration the amount of wages and the price of provisions and of the articles of necessary consumption, wages will now give more of the necessaries of life than they gave in the period to which the Hon. Member has alluded.— (Hear.) With respect to the iron trade, to which the Hon. Member has alluded, the price of iron has experienced soms increase ; and I urn happy to say that the accounts I hear upon that subject confirm that report. The lion. Member says that tleere has been great distress in tire iron trade, and I believe that that is the fact. But what wis the im mediate and palpable cause of that distress ? Why, from particular circumstances, there was an increase in the amount of the production beyond that of the consump tion ; the consequence was a Out in the market, and then distress followed.—(Hear.) I have now stated, Sir, what must be the consequences of the adoption of the proposition for an alteration in the monetary system of the country. I leave the Members of this [louse to con slider them. If they adopt the proposition, th-y must come to the determination of making an alteration in the standard of value, by which they may take from the productions of one class and place them in the hands of another. It dces not seem to Inc that this will he doing any good to the country. On the contrary, there must follow it a stagnation of credit and of employment, which has aiways been the consequence of a want of con fidence; and a want of confidence such a measure must inevitahly produce.—(Hear.) The Hon. Member did not allivi e to the depreciation of the currency in the year 1797, the consequences of which every man of sense and feeling must deeply deplore. But even with respect to that, there is a great difference between what was then done and what we are new advised to do. There is this great difference, that in 1797 the depreciation was uoin tentional—it came on gradually, and the persons who eff eted it were not aware of its probable effects.—(Mr. C•letiett said something across the table.) The Hon 'Member for Oldham thinks they were, but I believe tt ey were not . aware of what would be the effects of the measure of alter ng the standard of value. But what is the case now ? If we 8, ould resort to a similar measure, we should do so with our eses open—(Hear, hear)—and aware of its consequences, we ahould be committing a fraud on the public creditor—(Hear, bear, hear,)—and enabling all debtors to pay their debts in money amounting to le•s ti an what they really owe.---( Hear. ) Sir, it eeems to me that this suridsn teansfer of a large mass of capital from one hand to another cannot be beneficial, bug must. be in jurious to the labourer, end that the measure itsel; would tend to des'r.-y all cetifidenc e in tae country. Bet then the Hen. Member imagines that the power of doing this has xisted, and been exercised at the will of the Bank. He refers to what took place on the Bank Committse, and he states that it appeared on that Committee that the course was for the 13:tok to contract or to expand their issues as they thought fir. I did nut hear on that Cetnunt ,er, anything which justified such a conciusi, n ; but, on the contrary, I understood that the course was, that the circtOation should be centracted and expanded by the ape rations iit the public upon the Ba , k. The Hun. Member says, Chet while the populatien of the country hes in creased—while the , talus•ry of that' people and their cum • merce have gone on advancing, we have a currency which dee, not admit of expansion. I do not understand this to be so at all. Our currency, certainly, has not the par er of a capricious or unnatural expansion, to grati y the will or suit the fancy of any particular Set of indivi duals; but it is the necessary consequence of this state of things, that the currency must expand as the demand for it increases. The effect of a greater demand for the cur rency, is sure to produce a fl .w of bullion into the coun try—as the removal of water from one part of a vessel, makes the fluid flow into That part from another. (Heir.) Such an expansion of the currency is beneficial to all ; but the forced expansion, which would be the result of the Hen. Member's proposition, could not lead to any but injurious consequences.—(Hear, hear.) It would, it must, be most injurious, if the power was in the hands of any individuals to place at their disposal the whole property of the country.—(Hear, hear.) I have now stated generally the grounds on which 1 feel that I am bound—fur I will speak frankly to the Hon. Member—(Hear, hear)—that I ain Inland in duty, as an honest man to oppose Iris motion.—(Cheers.) I do nor, as he is well aware, adopt this opinion, which I now utter, because I happen to be seated on this bench. I stated it a long time since, when I sat on the other side of the House, and when I opposed the motion of Mr. Davenport, as I considered it likely to shake the confi dence of the country. If the motion of the Hoa. 'Mem ber be carried, every man who has a right to demand payment to gold, will do it at once; the consequence must necessarily be a run upon all the banks—(Hear, hear) — infinitely more severe than that of 1825, because no establishment can be secure from it—(Hear)—no amount of creatt—no degre e of solvency en the partners of any back can save it (run s th e sudden pressure of every indi vidual, who would natur a ll y b e anxious to obtain gold currency at its present value, befor e that value should he reduced.....(Cheers.) I cannot conceive any calamity to j the country greater than the adoption of the motion ei the Hon. Member.—(Hear, Lear.) While, however, ti e House rijects it, it would be desirable that it shoe!• fe me to some decision upon 'the subject, and fir thi purpose I mean to move the following amendment : " That it is the opinion of the House, that any a l teration of the monetary system of the country, which wail), have the effect of lowering the standard of value, %verily be highly inexpedient."—(Cheering from all sides.) wish to put the question to issue in this debate—(Hear)— whether the House is prepared to support the present standard of value?—(Hear.) I wish Gentlemen to have an opportunity of giving their votes upon that principle. and upon that principle clearly.—(Hear.) 1 desire also to disembarrass the question of all disinclination to vet, against a Committee of Inquiry, for if the amendment le carried, the House may still, if it thinks fit, appoint f , Committee of Inquiry ; but before I take into considera tion the fitness or unfitness of appointing such a Commit. tee, I think it absolutely necessary, as we value the Fes perity of the country—as we value the public faith, that the question I have pat in issue by the amendment sboule be distinctly decided, aye or no.—(Cheers. ) I do not thinl that the Hon. Gentleman has embarrassed the subject much ; he has applied himself to the monetary system, very fairly; and though he has not stated any particular plan, he has admitted that his view is an alteration of the standard. I say, that if that alteration takes place, the effect will be ruinous to the country; and for this reason I should not feel myself justified if I 'lid not give it every possible opposition.—(Continu e d cheers.) The amendment was handed to the speaker, and— Mr. GROG E rose iminedia'ely as he said, to second it. He never rose with treater pleasure than with this purpose, fir no Ling could have been proposed in which he more heartily concurred. Nothing could result from the inqui r y mev e d by th e Hon. Meinher for Whiteheven but partial stivernenta and crude opinioes. Nobody felt ri .nronver sense than he 'lid of the obligations of the House in every practica',le way to miticate distress ; but that so Irmo subject ought not to be made the cloak or the stalk ing-horse fir bringing forward peculiar and individu a l theories. If the C mimittee were appointed, the first question for investieation urns - he, does this general and unprecedented distress exist ? lie (Mr. G.) for one, en tirely denied it.—(Hear) Before any satisfactory answer could be pronounced to it, the cumbrous details and com plicated relations of society must be examined ; hut, sup- I pose the most laborious Committee that had ever be n nettled commenced the greet subject—sio•pose it sat (laity for a whole month, end examined 100 witnesses—cm& suffice infarneetien be procured, even admit ing the 100 witnesses to Le well infermed, veracious, and unhiassed, to warrant a definitive report open this wide and lin portant topic.—(Hear.) He felt almost ashamed to ap pear to treat the matter with 1- vity ; but he could no help thinking, that the proceeoings of such a Com mittee could he compared only to the progress of some rash travellers, who, having journeyed over the United States fur sorne three or four months— having questioned passengers in stage-coaches, and guests at tables d'hote—having examined walteis, arid sifted charnberrnaids—rettirned to this cnunry, and tended to give a full, true, and particular account of the country they had visited and its inhabitants, dogmatising with all the conceit of would.he philosophers, and ni iking assertions with all the confidence of long resident eye witnesses.—(Cheers, and laughter.) He agreed with the Noble Lord, that the proposal fur a Committee %vas nothing but the garb and apparel, the ter-le and shell, which con cealed something more noxious and objectionable, and which must be cast away before the House arrived at te e real intention of the Hoe. Member. He had made three propositiena :-1. That there existed in the country general and unprecedented distress ; 2. That that distress arose out of the contraction of the currency, and the low state of prices consequent upon Peel's Bill ; 3. That it was necessary to rectify the mischief by debasing the pre sent standard of value. Upon each of these points he (Mr. Grote) woul make a few remarks. The more he investigated, the more 1 e disbelieved the allegation of general and severe distress. He was willing, nevertheless, to admit that there were particular classes and interests sadly sufferiag ; but there never was a time when the same thing might not be predicated of this large country, especially in the halcyon dais alluded to by the Hon. Member. He had looked hack to the deliatss of the y , llB 1810, 1811, and 1812, and he found that petitions had then been presented calculated to produce quite as much syinpa!hy as the assertions of the Honourable Member. He would, therefore, turn to another point. He helot in his hand a return, by order of the House, of the number of bankruptcies in the eleven years from 1822 to 1832, and he found that it was 19,376, or an average of 1,761 per antrum. To these he had added, in order to show the comparative distress immediately before and after the passing of Peel's Bill, the bankruptcies in 1819, 1820, and 1821, making, in the whole, 24,713, and presenting an annual average upon 14 years of 1,765. Looking back to the bankruptcies from 1808 to 1818, i,e found that they amounted to no less than 21.609, or an annual ave rage upon the eleven years of I,964,—(Cheers.) He therefore appealed to the common sense of every man, whether this fact did not show a sounder and steadier course of trade since the passing of Peel's Bill than before it, especially when it was recollected, that the 1,964 , bank , rupteits applied to a period of much more contracted com mercial community—when the " London Directory"con veined fewer nines by 50 per cent. than now, arid when Manclnster, Birmingham, Leeds, and other great towns, had nut risen to their present importance either as to capi til or population. The Noble Lord had already referred to the increase in the poor rates, but the figures he had stated did not precisely agree with those which he (Mr. Grote) bad extracted from the Parliamentary Return. Ili 1803, the expenditure was 4,707,000/. ; where s the expenditure in 1816, 1817 and 1818, was 6,833,0001. —(Hear, hear.) He begged to compare the average ex Pernii•ure of those years with the average of the three last years-1830, 1831, and 1832. It was 6,887,000/., only is trifling inciease of the poor rates, ey no means in proportion to the increase of the population. The Hen. Member for Whitehaven had completely set at naught all the great facts as to the aggregate of the community, on a question, above ail others affectieg the mis-ty or happi ness of that aggregate ; he professed to despise all returns of exports and imports, and was anxious to induce the House to take particular cases as a sample of the whole. He (Mr. Grote) protested against firming a judgment from such imperfect materials. He firmed that the con sumption of these essential articles —tea, coffee, cocoa and sugar, had steadily increased from year to year—a fact which he ascertained from the circular of the colonial brokers, as far as related to the period from 1825 to 1832. How could such be the case if the community were gra dually declining in opulence?—(Hear, hear.) The state ment of the Hon. Member, therefore, involved a contra. diction. The Hon Menther for Birmingham had given evidence before the Committee on the Bank Charter, %%bleb seemed to him (Mr. G.) irreconcileabl e with sound reasoning. Ile had been askeri—" Do you ihink that the caneumprion of articles of luxury in Birmingham has de creased very much during that period ? Tertibly, in the last one or two years, i ut perhaps not in the last twelve sears. Supposing the case to be th it the number of two-wherled carriages has doubled in amount since Unit time. Fashion and extravagance are ec centric things. Ti'.- roads have been wonderfully im ',toyed by macadamization, and luxury increases beyowi anything, and educerien increases beyond arlything, which leads to an increase of expense ; and I am sorry to say, That at Birmingham, ter the last fifeen years, every man seems to me to hove increased his expenses at a time when 1 positively know his fortune has beer, aiminishing. If in other articles of expense there has been a great increase, in sorvenfs s for instance, arid in four-wheeled carri,ges, you do not think that proves anything as to the comfort and wealth of the inhabitants of Birmingham ? Certainly tot; there is no wealth and no comfort there, and there ,s no safety amongst manufacturers or merchants, but they will, perhaps, not acknowledg e this. Do you call iin proved roads an increase to the capital of the coultry ? Yes, but I consider the improved roads have grawn nut of the poverty Of the labourers, that the parishes have gene rally been obliged to employ them in breeking stones for the roads. If there is this increase of luxury in Birming ham, and this increase of expense, and, at the same time, the capital and the means of tte parties have diminished i n the extraordinary way you have stared, how hav e they been enabled to carry on tail additional expense? A vast number of them have been totally ruined." These opi nions were utterly inconsistent with eyeryihing that was known of human n , ture; annd what he had just read proved that the decay of Birmingham had not been by any means so great as he wished to represent it, nor could lie give the Hon. family in t h e cowls he repre sented,tonatnittee aga i nst the Member sufficient credit f or i nt i mate acquaintance with affairso h f it e n ve ( r lt y lr. Gr o t e ) i n sett i ng his testi positive te s timony i t . h w e n p y r private affairs we the ii f his senses.—(Cheers. ) He had thus, he thought, shown that prosperiiy had rather increased than dimi nished ; but it was sufficient for lihn to maintain a neva.- tive, and to prove that no evidence of diminution had been produced. He now came to the second proposition involved in the resolution—ethet all the 'listless represented by the Hon. Gentleman to be so universal, had arisen from the contraction of the currency consequent upon the Act of 1819. The Hun. Member had argued that the want of money had deprived industry and intelligence of their usual effects in promoting comfort and prosperity ; but before the House entered into the question whether Peel's Bill had occasioned the contraction, it might be worth while to consider whether there had been in f ee t any such contraction—(Hear)—whether the currency was not now quite as abundant during the war? On tlis point lie had abundant satisfactory end acceptable evidence in the Appendix to the Report on the Bank Charter. No. 82 was an account from quarter to quarter of the average issues of the Bank of Eng land from 1805 to 1832, distinguishing notes above and below 51., and he would compare the currency of the Bank b, fore 1821 and after 1821, aecordine to the scale of the Honourable Member for Whitehaven. in his speech of 1822: he adopted his standard of comparison applicable to the periods between 1806 and 1818, and 1822 and 1832, and the result revold es tablish that in the latter petited the currency was much and constantly larger than in the firmer. The average of the eleven years from 1808 to ISIS yeas 16,722,000/, while from 1822 to 1832 it %Ness 19,282,000/., making a diff-rence of nearly three millions. Looking at the period prior to 1819, the average of the three highest years was 19,307,0001., whereas time average of the three highest years between 1822 and 1832 was 21,167,000/. The year of lowest circulation between 1808 and 1818 was 13,008 000/ , and the year of lowest circulation between 1822 an d 18:32 was 1 6,224,000/. Take the con - mar:men upon what principle the House pleased, it showed that the circulation of the Bank of England had been much larger during the period since the passing of Peel's Bill, whack he (Mr. Grote) would take leave to cell a period of increased prosperity.—(Cheers.) If, ti erefore, it were true, as he contended it was not, that the prices of commodities could be determined by looking at the quan tity of bank notes in circulation, there ought to be a range of much higher prices between 1522 and 1832 than du ring any period of the war. In speaking of the monetary system as the cause of low prices, the Hon. Member had entirely overlooked the import int fact, that there never had been a period at which money could be so easily ber rowed, or when the rate of interest was so low as during the year to which he especially referred. Whenever any man lr .d tolerable security to offer he could obtain money. with the utmost facility—a state of things it would be difficult to show existing during the war. He maintained chat the eallst, which ueheld plices so much from 1802 to 1816 Was not the Bank restriction, but the difficulty of preductien and the circumstances created by , the war, at. t-nded by a constant deficiency of crops ; and he was far th r vrepared to show that the fall of prices s nce 1819 was °wine to c muse , . connected with supply and demand. It Hon. Aleinhers would take time trouble to examine how stocks of various commodities had increased when time oh structions of the war were remeved, they would see at mince sufficient cause fur the fail in peices without imputine io Pe l's Bill any 'nor- than a very slight eff.ct of the same kind. As an illostr tion he would rew shortly to the increas e in the stock of time great staple article cotton, according to the circular of the brokers: it would be seen that in 1819, 1820, end 1821, the supply of cotton kept perpetually rising beyond the demand for increased eon mumptmon. In 1817 the arrival of cotton was 479,000 b,ge, of which 412,000 bags were consumed, leavine a stock at the close of the y e ar, with whet remained ova r of time preceding year, of 113,000 bags. to ISIS the importation was 0.72,000 bags, of which 417,000 bags were consumed. and the stock remaining was 316,000 bags. In 1819, 545,000 bags arrived ; 432,000 bags were consumed, and the stuck remaining was 353,000 bags. In 1820 the importation was 571,000 bags, the constimptien 490,000 bags, and the stock on hand 406,000.....( The Hon. Gentleman stated these figures with so much rapitlimy, and at the same ti•oe so indistinctiy, that we ate not quite sure whether we have given them with perlect accuracy, but the proportions are correct.) Timis statement showed that from 1817 downwards the quantity of cotton which annually arrived was greater than was required for the market, and it was am ply sufficient to account for a considerable diminution of price. Atter some allusion to the vast tracts of America yet uncultivated and capable of producing cotton, the Hon. Gentleman observed that the point he had thus established by reference to one great staple commodity might be sup ported by others; but he would not trouble the House further upon this point, and come to time third proposition of the Hon. Slaver, vie., that the mischief done by the contraction of the currency otight now to be rectifi d. He (Mr. Grote) was persuaded that no English Parli meat, reformed or unrefermed, could possibly con , ent to a mea sure of such immorality—(muds cheering)—since the ef fect of it would be to subvert all existing contracts, and to inflict a tax open creditors for the benefit of debtimr.— (Hear, hear.) He would not believe that, with time unjust ateward in the Scriptures, they would say, when a hundred measures of corn were due, " Take thy bill quickly, and write fifty."—(Cheers.) He submitted to all who heard him, whether, consistently with policy, with expediency, or with the cormnonest principles of integrity, they could countenance the most remote approach to such a change? —(Cheers.) The House had been told that it would re medy distress ; but surely those who maintained this opi nion had nut looked carelully to the consequences of mime proceeding. Who, he would ask, would refrain from consuming his substance—who would endeavour to save for his family—if the Legislature might thus, on even occasion interfere to rob him of the fruits of his industry? It any Hun. Member had a specific proposition to make r.-garding the Currency-e-lf he could point out any moee of making it more effectual for its legitimate purpose, he should be ready to listen ; but he maintained that it would be a flagrant abuse of legislative supremacy to apply its power intentionaliy either to lower or elevate prices. It would be a gross abuse of the trust reposed in a Befornattl Parliament, and he for one would Weyer consent to it. The original motion and question were then put, several Shinners rose to address the House, but the House called f r Mr. COBBETT, who spoke to the following effect : Before I speak on the motion before the House, I shall beg leave to allude to what tell from the Hon. Member for the City, who is One of my representative:. The Hon. Member took much pains to show that ail the Acts of Parliament relative to altering time value of money, and about issuing the une•pound notes, and preventing the issue of them, of which time Hon. Dletnher tor Whitehaven spoke at such length--bad no effect at all. That they neither raised nor lowered prices, and were of no consequence.*(A laugh.) The Hun. Illetzib,ir said sotnething about supply and demand regulating the quantity of money, and made it ouc that the Acts of Parliament had no effect at all.— (Hear.) But I metnember soon after the passing of the cele brated Bill of time very celebrated Baronet on my right hand, that prices fell so low that they made haste to pass a Bill to put a stop to it. That Bill had hardly passed when pric e s rose again, and contiuued to rise till the sys tem came to an end in 1825 and 1826. Then the Bill was passed to put a stop to the issue of mate and two-pound notes, and prices 1.11 and continued to fall. At that time I presented a petition to this House. I highly approved i,f the return to payment in the King's coin, and of Ora sularly rutting an end to time dirty, infamous paper money —(A ',tigh)—hut I besought the House, if it passed the Bill, to reduce the expenses of the country, and I told it if it did pass the Bill, and did not reduce taxation, it would in Mg such ruin on this country as no state had ever ex perienced.—(Hear, bear.) Aly representative, however, in such reas , n , ng as he used, stated that he could nit support the proposition of the Hon. Member for White m aven. lie called it immoral, and a robbery, and referred to Holy Writ, and said it was like telling a man to take WS bid and write down 501. in place of 1001.—that it was cheating ; and yet he says that the Acts regul.ting the issue of i maper money have had no effect at all.—( Laugh ter. ) Sly Hun. R-prtsertt ative must review his philosophy. I ere is another o .i ,inion w irch I have Imes to night equally wrong, and of a more dangerous description, and it is not ore less dangerous becau-e it has been generally adopted by the gentlemen who have occupied ti ,e bench opposite. The Noble Lord (Althorp) had in pert adopted the plan. The argument was, that in the same proportion as sugar and coffee, for example, were con turned, in that same proportion were the people well off an' happy. How? How was this consumpti.rn ascer tained by the amount of the tax, so that in proportion as the peop . e paid taxes, they were w e ll no.) They woof. be better off .lien if they had more taxes.—(No, nu—laulater.) Supposing the tax the same and the mamma of popul a iou the same, the increased quantity C, , llbUtned is known by the incieised revenue. Tile greater the quantity consumed, therefore, the more tax is paid, and tire happier are the people.—(llear, and laughter.) There were many things to be considered in tais staement. I can show that the population remaining the same, and the rate of the tax the same, that the increased amount of the tax may be taken as a proof, that the population of the country is increasin g in misery. How can I shotv this? Suppose the tax to be on sugar—soldiers like sugar, though, perhaps, I should make the case clearer if I were to take soinething the soldiers like better than sugar, and which goes down the throat somewhat easier—but I will take sugar. Now, )ou raise au army of 100,000 men, and you tax the industrious people to pay that 100,000 men. You give th e taxes to the soldiers, and the soldiers buy sugar instead of the people, and the amount of .he tax may be the sam e or greater than before. Bat the wore soldiers yo u h ave, and the more sugar they consume, the greater will be the demands on the people, the greater will be the amount of the revenue from sugar, and the w ore miserable the tax payers.—(Hear, hear—no t a.) It is of great importanc e that this argument should be set aside it it can be. If you take away from time in dustrious people, and giv e to the idle, you may go in creasing the revenue which the idle consumers yield, bu:. • you give to the idle in the place of the industrious ; and, while the amount of the revenue is increased, you increase the misery of the industrious pcople.—(Hear, hear. ) I shall now state that I intend to vote for the motion of the Honourable Member for Whitehaven—( Hear, and laugh)—thoneh his doctrine may be wriig. I ant no, of the same opin:on as the Member for Wbitehaven as to money ; but that is not the ques•ion.--(Hear, hear.) The prop,sition is to go into a Committee of Inquiry ; that is —(Heir, hear ) It is nothing but for an inquiry. It is said that the people will take fright if the House inquire. What, will they be frightened if we inquire into notitirn.: but the state of their distress, and its causes, including, amongat others, the changes which have been made in the money of the country, and the effects of Acts which have been passed for regulating the issue of Bank notes in that distress? What can be more proper titan to inquire into the changes in the money ? It has been tossed up and down several times. Parliament has meddled with it over and over again, and the people want to know the facts of the case. If the people now have their own Representa tives, why should they not inquire into why thi: was done. and for what purpose it was done, and into its conse quences ? Nothing can be more proper. We are not booed ro agree to the remedy proposed. I quite agree as to the causes of the distress, but I do not say that enough has nut been Enid about paper money as the remedy. There is mailer mode of going to work. The Ministers must either cut dot n the taxes, or they must put up the money. I should, in the Committee, propose to cut down the taxes. When the Bill was before the House in 1826, I said it would work mischief, and it has not dune its work yet.— (Hear, hear.) I then declared that it would be confisca tion, and end in ruin. The Hon. Member for Essex, as he BO doubt rem , •mbers, said, in 1819, that the evil was only in the transition from paper to gold, only during the progress of the change, during the time we were going front the paper ; and that wren we had got the gold, we should have no more inconvenience. Well, we have got the gold ; but we have not got to the end of our inconve niences. —(Hear, hear.) If we go on as we have !nen going, we shall go on to the ruin of the country ; we shall bring down the middle classes to that state in wh!ch the lower class now is. The Noble Lord is not aware of the state of the middle clssses. He heirs only flatterers, and they tell him nothing but flittery. I would have pre vented the passing of the Bill which occasioned this. I pre-ented a petition against it. T asserted that, if you did not reduce taxation to the standard of 1792, you would produce ruin and misery to the kinedom, such as had never been seen.—(Latetver.) I told you tit t, then, and you laughed then as you laugh now. You always did l,ugh.—(Oh, oh !) There is a time to laugh, and a time to weep ; and if you laugh now, you may weep hereafter. (Heir. hear.) I differ from the Hon. Member as to the r tnedy. I agree with him as to toe Cause of the distress. I stand up for gold. but I ant for the reduction of taxes to • the standard of 1792. I want the taxes redueed to the amount of the taxes in the year 1792. That is the remedy.—(Hear, and a laugh.) I ate not for that reduction which was called the B ottget. I am not for t tkin• off 100 0001. of taxes. Was a Reformed Pot lia. orient wanted for that? The people wanted a Reformed Parliament for what I propose.—(l2,-ar. hear.) They recollect how happy the country was in 1792—h0w she was bounding forward in the career of prosp-rity, though she bad just come out of a disastrous war—the most dis astrous war site hat; ever encountered, a , d y , t she was prosperous. The flert had been reduced, but Spain offended England, and Pitt fitted out an arm:merit to make Spain submit. Thar war was called the Catskin war. Eneland was then dreaded by all around her. This was at the end of a disastrous war, when the Northern Pow , rs formed a coalition a Aintit her, cared the armed Neutrality, but she was ready to meet all the great powers combined. And what did all this great force c , st then ? I dare say the House will hardly itelb ye it wh , n I state it ; the army. the navy, the whale xpense of the ordn :nee and all in 1792, was only 1,226,943/. or half a milli en less than the navy alone now costs. And what is this for ? This is what the people expect the Ministers to ac count for. They do not want a miserable budget, with a few pounds of a ivinp ; they want to know why you do not reduce the expen•es down to those of 1792. The dent then was nine millions, and the whole expenditure was fifteen millions, rather less than what our n army, ordnance, and other things now cost. This, too, is at the end of twenty-two years of glorious war—not at the end of a disastrous war—but at the end of a war which was to give us " indemnity for the par, and security for the future ;"—at the end of a war into which the Spencers and the Portlands and the Fog. williams drove Mr. Pitt, to get indemnity for the past and security for the future. "Go on," said old George Rose—(a laugh)—"only carry it throng , , and at the rare you will be sure to have indemnity for the past, and secu rity for the future." Our dent is now 28,000,000/. a year. I would not take off one penny of the debt. Ido not want to make an equitable adjustment—though, till au equitable adjustment be made by the prices of 1819, justice will not be done—and that is necessary even for the safety of the FetntlhtUers themselves. Our deb:, which Is now 28,000,0001., was then 9,000,0001.: 18,000,000/. are now required for carrying on the affairs of the country, which Pitt carried on for 6,000.000/. The people want to know the reason of the vide:elle+•. They care nothing a b out the driblets of the Budget—no thing about the monetary system ; they want their burthens taken ff; and they want to know why the affairs of the country cannot be carried on now as cheaply as they were in 1792? What makes the difference? Why do we want 18,000 0001. now, when in 1792 only 6,000,000/. were required ? Because it has been required to augment the plunder which the Aristocracy take Iron, the people. —(Oh, oh ! No, no I) The people grudge the Navy no thing. They would sell the shirts off their backs rather than the Navy should not be rewarded ; but that is no rea son why the money should he squandered. I will show you how this is done. You shall hear : Pitt had 44 Admirals—we have 170.—(Hear, hear.) And the Right Honourable Baronet, the First Lord of the Admiralty, admitted, the other day, that the Navy was not in as great force now as it was in 1792, yet we bave 170 Admirals and Pitt had only 44. What is that for ? (Hear, bear.) Pitt had 620 captains and commanders; fiat ours is a glorinue time, for the Noble Lord has got 1,684, and, what is more, he has got 110 men who have been made admirals since the peace, and 400 men who bare been made captains since the peace. And why have they been made? Why some of them have been made that the two sons of Earl Grey may be placed over the heads of brave and deserving officers.—(oh, oh ; loud marks of disapprobation.) Oh, that is unfashionable (A laugh.) It is not good—it is not good b-,haviour. Well, I beg your pardon that I let it out.—(Laughter ) We have one commissioned officer to every five seamen and marines. We have one post cap . ain to every 14 seamen and marines, and we have one admiral to every 125 seamen end marines. Glorious country ! let us be proud of it.—(Laughter.) In 1792, Pitt's Board of Ad miralty, and other officers, cost 58,0001., now ours costs 147,0001. What is that wanted for? The people ask that. It is only to take money out of their pockets, and put it into the pockets of the others.—(Hear, hear ) Half-pay, pensions, and allowances to the Navy, at present are 1,625,000/. ; as much as Pitt's whole navy cost, ex cept about 359 000/. What is that for?—(Sir James Graham, we believe, questioning this statement, the Hon. nember repeated it.)-1 ask again what is that for? And I say the people want to know that; and they want not passer money, but justic .--(Hear, hear.) Do justice to the people—cut down the expenditure, cr raise up the money—arid it will be perfectly right._ (Hear, hear.) The Right Hon. Baronet, the First Lord of the Admiralty, moved• the other day for the wages o f 22,500 seamen and marines, and the sum of 687,000/. ; but the Hon. Baronet showed, though th t wag when he was out of office, that 113 Privy Councillors sacked 650,0001. amongst them—(A laugh)-113 Privy Coun cillors get as much as maintains all the seamen and ma rines. There are some old women on the pension list who receive more than all the seamen and marines, with their bedding, baggage, food and all. oh !) These things the people wanted to have reduced. The scholastic disiitictions of my Hon. Representative about the value of money are too refined for them—they do not understand the matter; but they understand that they pay too much. Why should they pay more than in 1792, exclusive of the debt ? They did not ask to touch that, though a Right Hon. Baronet, whom he saw, proposed to reduce it 30 per cent.—(Cheers.) He did not put confidence in the Right Hon. Baronet—lie had never done that.—( Hon Member then referred to the War office accuuots, which be said were well kept, compared to those of other offices, but the estimates he saw were the most confused things possible. An Hon. Member of Parliament could nut understand them. He then proceeded to praise the mode of making out the estimates of 1792, in which every name was inscribed, and then continued)—That was ti.e manner in which the estimates were drawn up in Pitt's time, before he was corrupted by the Whigs, who drove him into a war for the indemnity and security. The Secretary at War has, I see, 214 persons on his list, as retired from his office. The Deputy Secretary of Wai has retired on a pension of 2.500/. I hope the gentleman has got a good constitution.—(Hear, hear, and a laugh.) There are 214 clerks on the retired list; but all the em ployes and clerks of the office are only thirty-three; and these 214 persons have pensions f r their lives, costing the country no lees than 51,000/. Why should they swallow op the property of the people ? They had served A g tbg but a short time, and had been well paid 'u t !! r t ; tl, of their service. Nobody remember, a few niAts ago, when I wa , sr ee ,ei the practice of justices, who mete game 6 Pree, the ita selves, banishing men for ',cinching, teat toel , Learned Gentleman, the Member for fle! c l ed f e task, and, using some learned words, ac nos id captantluin 001908 —of fl Aterilla the mob. pet it w 0, flattering the mob to say that it wasn: f lo men should be banished or hanged by jtolliel ~ Fit game preservers; but, in spite its being ag.7.,:c I flatt e r th e mob, I must assert that it is notri the people pay 58,000/. to those people 'shat, tlel can say that th' s paid while they served them. One is put ° l : o ipP i tither m a y be pet in ; and after the one ". br lounges into the offices, picky his teeth, end reedso, way for another.—('No, df make paper for a year or two, be is placed impatience.) I minted the names of these b r utl , s , as I wanted the names of the stamp di` tn could not get thein.—(Coughing--in irks of letSe, If I had the name., 1 could show in what mannets:f are robbed, and who rob them ; hut 11 ,, at ,„) no — " nr t i h -ta ea ' e j t r; ; .. „ names, I can only guess at it.--(Hear, re"oerr not detain the House. I will only add this el rt If the affairs of this country had been trian a ; 9 l,r peace in 1811, as they were manager, is 1 t it taxes had remained the same, and w e bad Pa r l d , p . thing of the interest of the debt, the b'el'leotK have brought forth such a budget as that of rti,e, o r but we should hav e paid off 260 millions or 7 10 1 , of the debt since the peace—caleuleting the if pound int e r e st, a s w e in i s ht on this Pdr,feift:bn have amounted to four hundred million s ; anub toe cracy had pail their proper proportion of the ma tilt have paid off six bundled millions (No, no! Hear, hear, and marks of inipati:vre b d vote for going into the Committee. T i d e in ineli robber —there has been plunder, that 7 fl it sides ; and is there nobody responsible far error is ble Lord says, that if we committed an ertoot that is no reason why we should commit But if an error has been commltted--if 3 Or V .; piece of injustic e has b een practised--are Come quire into who committ e d it? It would g• that there is noaorly responsible for su ch V li e f l' iits the responsibility of office only mean respoositt%ool`4. the salary? I will sit down, thanking the h lad attention with which it has heard me; ' l , b l/ ic o n) I can assure it. greater than I expected.^ - q i Mr. RICHARDS rose amidst grea t noise Irdeer l•aving the House. We uaderstood °) ° les° proposition of the Hon. M e mber for OltihaintisfyVo plunder. Neither did he think that the Nab:id Pelf sire took a proper view of the question. di e /the that the Bill, which was called by the nalli c :d• Hon. Baronet near him, was properly sa t n ;:re i n 'i Bill should rather have been called Lord . 1 1 . 6 ,: e or„, for be was the real author of it. It ha d ► rt,'' the hands of th e Right 11 n. Baronet (Wl'oc i tfriiintn) t u Ireland e lie wasslortltt an previo a u e s co to mp th i time °` o t r 6 tila ished r h could do justice t the question, while the u mt piifta150:::0::4011 the Exchequer of that clay was but a Pr ii r , ,,l4, an creature.—(Loud laughter.) re collect e gallery the Right Hon. Baronet make the- itOA which he introduced that Bill. A friend 'F who inquired what he thouelit of the • 11.1 13 /tenet's speech ? His answer was—" T hat ,bre ' r ) , 0-pt eus was not more sweet."—(Loud !3ef'd was himself against any change in the stand' p 0 hk. wished Mr inquiry, and would give h is oi Friend Noble the r il d l c o in b e r for kit it'd It had been sail t the sent low rate o inierest saowed tha P r Z i ' t ' rie: ;f t ti- 0 3 0 1 ful and trade pr s. say f loft e n l lo t t `. high, pr• ofits were h r i a ;:la i r.te of interest. was li t o fm k!iowl dge as a merchant, that th showed not that motley was superaltundaat% could not be wed invested, li e a , uld ' a f ; :be diminish ; and he was convinced th ' a c t: catsses tees woefully ditninished, and tha t tll#l that when profits o r w fia w t h ds . 7 l wp i e ir t , ;ce p : e ria; : t not it 11111 • t end in ruin. He had a to propose, which he would tieg to submit to noir e or the Ileus . His plan was, that Irish harl rasd.„e' the notes of E. glish country banks should b e tle Pr able in Bank of Engle .d notes, and that rdi,) of England alone (as was proposed by Mr issue 11. notes He thought that country b a- t i,a• te not to be allowed to issue U. notes, 'Teel the would moat generally be in the an 'de , a r t eir o t class a of country people, on whom t he PI to would ceme in case of failures ; and it Wa s the 13 count lie would limit th e issue of 1/. notes to b 4 ' England. He would make bank notes P5%,11.1 0 geld coin, as at present, but in ineots c t 251• g effect of this pl in wo u ld b e to give banke rs i ' n ' e oli et facility of e xt e ndi ng cre di t . It would tbra,il', coffers of the cou n try bankers, a nd allow them tea' circulation that c ipital they we re oblige d t° ;te d teeir coffets. Gold would thus only be rege kept in London. Mr. FORSTER said th it the working 01 1 '4 10 '0 it was he fashion now a days to c onsult in aa oralt , 4 did n tgo alon with the Hon. Itleulber lor d oe in the object of his motion. The very ' li4ti t - t i e !J nett , ei this night was calculated to prodn ec t he sr?' evils. It they attemp e d t o tamper wi th na tioa y would find that they were leading th e 0 00 4 A an t bankruptcy. To sum up his opinion in , i ni do with respect to this affair, he considered its equalled except by its injustice.—(Hear, heat'ible fit it t iinp inn lio House to consider that it had any other ( P K :: o r , th . P. from the standard of value as at presen t - ,, ' ' a feet ei i b t A et nl es i ii i i d e 0) r y t a • i ee t t i p o 1 - la arid nakedly before the Hetne. The ra ja t o f o thin of the wis por f y, d ,e. i ht s (t),rlei differing dicnogntdofirt inquire himfe ia t : li t e o . ( 1,t 7 1 0 , efo t b rn e 7.o o , : : d , : e hl s , l: s ai ' il s a d (Pi s e m S t , ' ll v i o e l t iN ti e : q l t nu l u s , e s e ar s b i t d aa i t i : i i t ti n e t‘ l, ll o t ' p ' : a i ti a s , i t tors om i p jt that distress. He wished to touch as high sr it dbeing iffering as it chid from that of thertudii duty v etv H ri oe t t o n ' h ' o a l. et pie oieltteilete;tls:l:l::(' io le h e l pi ge su (;: ta n i lr. on iha distress complained co. pared to tunatrly g d'imltilylib(i f adjisla a 'tiet r ne:P.ettlars i a: ts 'i.reh:‘a ,: au e o: tii e tfeohl l i t i nta'afhtte f m'e r lvi o aaiu m nt: what ceers:a icntth.ce classes : H ste ( b :n e l i c s :14: 1 d; glee of large was • ,socaffir, (lc; his official ii,dtkotticioounhmbeeeye.wnat,nsil:inoimu,senputisethieaooofumfltdiit:hetvaeeknHetnounrie.f 6 10 :;:e ihr r ei t at oc ' o - 0; lewaosnriscilthloe ruosss:i delusive e o s no compared oivmnapluta valueless. le e eds 9 ( . 3 w o i v tri e h r e n t h m tvei e ,p n br t eede gi : ?t o d e l thin to the n 6 T B h , e oo s auto totalgivin giving y t e h a e rly l a o ve y r e a a g r e s : I : f e ( 6 ) n o , d r s i n o r g o 3 : 0 ;0:1._ , ": 1 "; las, 10 years, ending in 1832, the a moun t e was 62.900,0001., or a yearly average, O ef is I 4 6.200,000/.; consequently, on the 10 Ye ar o oo l ', a f t )e • H e u , nn i etait a rer, n di );t o actual inAl6ci cspo r s e er reduction nectegitlnieott: proportion ( f er: n :ger e tr a iti osirmunley:vvoa6ra, to:l3,oe.,pohoe:ooteroroecier,;:aoi poet-rates, although the increase in t " ied i e dca e , am 1811, the poor-rates amounted to 13s. la'„" o lt 7 "!„ . eta. th e tl:il b t , :ins () ; e eitce, a tgir b (ri t , ta al: 0( ..) r txobkleofei.d ( i .wtt n i I ;tcaihtn(i i dpn i rtas r i ooda n i . idpw:n r ) i neeuci , nsranires w cri ' de r etoa h rivisf l oai l e isians i n,G n s ,3ldgald ' lffa v o t ieds h oif a gigi e r s osrGo y ( netita:rhell affording I: f l gsso t a sgi‘ e fc c . a olof t : r wiau w i d ni.nrHci h t to: r v i lee. e yes a ja : s g sg o,; ! ia t .pra e 2 : ol,: e one l oi l r a reegtebe t e l l l ee: ° ;:i., ' , ' :ej j e t l itio e d oo r 1 ,1 oso, state one facts with respect to the past a ti s on , ' ;1 0 ', e o e d e armingham, and he chose those great toW ° l - , t" - o ,t, „ n tie e Abe 1 • g nera , y, it must pervade the comtnentio and that they amounted to 5,700/. ; / ina'jo I !a°l forgotten that the population of7'BG°lfftig.°97:. nearly double what it was in 1810 ; 1. :1 3 ,e Pro" increase of double the former a mount in ' Q - 2 0 cn and a diminution in the poor rates since one-half.—(Hear.) The secretary of t duri k l f C iminerce at Glasgow had inf ? rased h im _rand I st year thing. had very much itoprosreal. _OO,O prospects of the ensuing year were impre ss ,e rs' e . oet ae r r, , V i many persons entertained fears that a littro,t..„ert verity would be productive of the evils tt. Calico printing was in a prosperous state, : the f., ture went on ve r y well, and t heh e ine , „ Y r a,: classe' of trade and manufa,ture had a veti v ,i and, with th e e xception of the !mod r l in ISt ,e ceived good wages.—(Hear) 811e , f a ie l s20 t s, poor rates amounted to 31,0001. ; , 53 2, 37,000/. ; in 1830, 18,0001 and in . ` ll . s i ti ce ol;‘ showing a fiiminution of more than One " the pel ) ip!, of • delistress a I tr,, and in those ten years misery an s ho t J , ,f had materially increased, while then e. stie s formed him that the workmen cf t ( 1,6 14 off and as comfortable as they had b. • wa it He nowt cattie ttis , jo rr for the last 30 years. true half. —(Hear.) Tne Master C la t t ler pi ; we se av a ) l , l 9 s , he had the honour to represent, sa d at