The Sun. — London, England, 1830-11-03 00:00:00

Lad come hack's...) learned and eloquent upon a subject which was not supposed to be popular with him—ahe meant the subject of finance.--(Loud laughter.) 7 -The Whole drift of the Hon. Member's speech seemed to be, : that his own feeling of liberality was so great, that lie could trot permit the mover or seconder of the Address to deplore that anything had happened in other countries of a nature • I °,eolottreMise the repose and endanger the peace of Europe. —(Hear, and laughter.)—Now he deplored, as wells the Eon. Mover or Seconder—who, by the bye, had expressed no opinion as to what was right or what was wrong—he deplored the fact of dome convulsions, from whatever cause they' might have originated, which now prevailed abroad and which it would he rather difficult Pr the Bon.' Mem. ' 'her . ; with all his talent and knowledge, to allaya-a(Hear, sad laughter.) —The Hon. Member bad told theM that he Wait bred to the Foreign ileparfreent—thet he was • 14 9it.tead in diplomatic lore—that he had travelled in various countries, and collected great information in dif ferent parts of the world; and after telling them all this, 14 comforted them with the look-out, that there :was nut one of the great European family who would lint undergo the same fate with the Chiefs of the houses of Nassm and of Bourbon._(Mr.Wellesley,“ No, no.") — Ile begged the Hon, Member's pardon, he had not'in; tended to misrepresent him ; be was desirous to follciw him faithfully through his whole harangue.—(Laughter.) --But to proceed—there was an amendment made by a Noble Lord to an Address proposed to his Majesty's gracious Speech. Now, for his pert, he thought it a good Speech but for its omissions, though lie certainly Agreed with the old proverb--" least said soonest mended" -- (Laughter)—but he thought it a good and gracious Speech, and he received it with pride and pleasure as coining from his Majesty, who was bred on board a flllirt.nr..w ar , and out of educated in a cockpit, and who came the midshipman ' s_ chest to take his seat on the Im petial Thro ne of these realms.—(Cheers and laughter.) "To him also, who had the honour of belonging to the same professio n with his gracious Sovereign, it was a !natter of exceeding gratification to see the array of people assembled on that, the first day of the Session, to witness the progrese anti hear the Speech of his Majesty, and to discover what that Honourable House proposed to dole out from their concocted wisdom as the system which Way to tiecur e repose to .Europe, and the blessings iii peace to the whole world.—(Lund cheers and "much laughter.) ---The Noble Marquis opposite had proposed an Aineetluient to the Address, which, in the lana guage of Ida (Sir J. Yorke'a) profession, he would call a tough and long -spun yarn—(flar, and ogliter)—indeed it looked more lice the lengthy pamphlet of a political doctrinaire set'aa a rider upon tie Addresa than an ordi nary Amendment. Ile felt for the speaker while lie was reading it, el a rouge he was sure lie posse,oied a p.tir of lunge i n t h e hest order and of most exemplary materials --(Hear and laughter)--but he felt for his wben lie read first the Address and then the apparently interminable Amendment, and then the Amendment rain.--(Hear.) And a certainly he w as much surprisedthat that Noble the representative there of the illustrious house of ,ttlarlborougla should, with all his courage and man tinesta and gentlemanly feeling, have for a moment rPaled to pres en t O uc h an Address, or t h e H on. miter to approve of it, since, if taxes were done may with altogether, neither would the illustrious 'house of i t tlerllterough, or t h e illustrious house of Wellesley, enjoy 411 great share of public bounty which had been bestowed open them b y t h e gratitude of a mighty people—(Loud Cheers, wh ic h were continued for several minutes.) He dui ii ts e t quarrel with the Address, because his Majesty declared was anxious to allay the turbulent spirit which prevailed abroad, Ile did not understand, nor could any titan who had sat. in that House and voted away twelve hundred millions of money, why all this should be com ely lost ao us. Was his 'Majesty not to revert to tree- Was be t o b e struc k dumb, and s i t w i th hi s or b i n are Land and his sceptre in the other ? Was he, in a Word, to be reduced to a nonentity, and to suffer the Bel gian fortresses, on which so much English treasure had si nes expend e d , to pass into the hands of Franue—tile !liehlt to fall under her dothinion—and Antwerp, which A aPaleon ()nee described as the key of Holland, , meaning thereby that he who possesses Antwerp, and could muster !tleleient force, might overwhelm Holland with the le ttions lie could pour aflame the ice? He thought that his a 4eieety co u ld not say less than he had said—and not do l I C I" Ito Jiad rtatiOnneed his intention of doing. He considered, too, hat the kiittietere, with all their responsi•. ritY. had done well and wisely in putting the Speech l!thfajtetyalted that day delivered into his mouth. This Was a. nsn tiandawason et which they should look out with the utmost caution : if Femme should again gain possession tt Belgium, it was easy to see whet would be the result ; Ito he trusted that the good feeling of the House and of ttatnatio n to de that by themselves and their fatnilies and ‘ country and thew King, which would enable them to o atonit unimpaired to posterity those blessiags which they t hemselves enjoyed....-,(Hear.) kr. HUME assured the House he had great reluctance Owning forward upon the present occasion, because he na4 expected that some of his Hon. Friends below hint, v eho'could express their sentiments in a stronger form— [before the Hon. Member began to speak, he moved from the tint Oppotition bench to his favourite pillar)—would have noticed the subject of his Majesty's Speech. The s peech of the Gallant Admiral breathed war throughout, and advocated a lino of policy which was to be condemned 85 s Portion of that system formed by the Holy Alliance to Put down liberty and support despotism. in Europe. L ile regretted th a t -the ands Admiral should have so 1 411 4 approved of a Speech which breathed nothing but and expensive establishments. It was a Speech "'tell would be read with' deep regret in the country. It nt4 t once touched upon the distress of the country. He ,Pleased to hear the Hon. Member opposite (Mr. La t i o ' hi .ley) express his gratifitation at the French Revolu. at acid hie disapprobatien of the tone recommended by Ministers in the Steeds On the contrary, be' felt extreme indignation 'at . th e i beethe . enta upheld by others. He asked ! via" " tat rY Was this they had got into ? Was this Eng. cradle of liberty? Was it here that in a Speech "livered from 'th e ' Throne there Was to be au eepreasion of l i tatp regret that France had wrested'her freedom from the 114"er4 o (Universal cries " No, no—the nder"f despotism ?— ).....1 n th e name o f 'th e p e ople of England, he tv'ttaAestell against the : system of the Speech being fole to by ttPeechers.a..(Laughter.) There was no tune th, Z v f what you wore about. He was bound to take *nit 41 : a lre Speech, an d t h e M over ' s an d t h e Seconders, e %Haut Admiral's speeches all together.—(Loud Le tl a ! ' te r.).--Ile did regret—he regretted from Isis heart t i l i eete thould have been any expression of regret in m dse sass that Prance r which had bets oppressed by an e s t should have hurled him, not from the throne t o r Ancestors for, it bad been forfeited long before and 1 ,4 1 , knother for many ages—(Cheers arid laughter, te ett ; a l , l4l 4 for some minutes)—he meant years ; but vo 4isi d '''°w long it was taeld—it was held by another in. eneit nelt and the prospect of the re-establishment of the that 4 _,PlutY was at one time as faint and frilling as , (Ca ae •"ottld now be made Ki ng o f th e French.— , di e nog :and leugliter.)—Foreign bayonets, however, Need , • • . tre kti I st . aameon, a t m the nation* of the Continent .freo ia 'P ut " him on the pledge th a t th e y w e re to receive stitutiotte is return for the blood end money they - 1, 7 4 e3trepeirolel in the struggle. The Bouriain, however, attin tri " e " l 'Y the British bayonet, and tyranny was Constit: s a mpled at the tame time with a anth ttni 6 " watch from the first he attempted ,to oonly a tte :and overthrow. The King of France was "" eZtcuti • • nly hi va Officer :to fulfil the duties unposed lin , °t encroach the Legta' 'alive Charter. Still, from the 4„4tnente were made upon this Charter intitertete_they how heard A - 11ritielt King and British tehel tne ' d !,Prese hie regret that tyranny had not over .l: ranee, but thet it mem restored: to liberty.. Fite over , ;11, tin regretted to see a Red-coat second an, th e h utxo 4 .a_lt u eracter was formed by military discipline. To te ennito r, f France mid Frenchmen ) nu change-of de rg i ou n allever been made with more exemplary: In whi a ,7tlitke conetrica in which despotis m new s : 4 " .1 11 43 te scalrold w as d renc h e d w i th b lood, ' and •tlaani tom 'an* af thousands were expatriated. ail, rt., lq his Majesty had - made such a Speech, butt the! spa ~t Ili* heart was 'i n concert w i th free i nat i ttl i b;* ale attrib uted the evil sentiments to hi) b ud ntnit ezta which filled him with disgust and 1,0 4 `dtastion, lth ei le denied that the country was indifferent 14 % 44 1" going on abroad; 4-Aths of the people, ottailmi eattits' looked oti with it most anxious eye. lie tuttst ri‘t7ll: King utter 'with regret a British ) 11Iiniiter ar et ....mg utter sentiments so much at variancewi 'eitetiosalaainutiuntil at, lerge,hati expressed. Ile has on ha divid 7 ! _ a lit t l, ni e.eittg with the seconder, that there Were t 46,1 :1 country who Mott be sorry for what Jodi .4 4 , 4 ,4, 101 o : °n the Continent. In the p eacea ble setts-1 !bank for ~i a a ce they no d ou b t saw ground for...darns fur ;'W end 4 4' wee unjust rights which they bad 104 nta, - the e anaaa. attll wished to keep against . the will of Potet — x' , . le end they saw, in the quiet establisha ta n 4 e " e, the pretient GoVernment of Fretwee tiT"" n „._ • ': , nt id of their shameful mottoßnilew.""their peculiar gee were in , tneti r danger, and no doubt such sort etted the occurrenc es on t h e cont i nent . B u t rieeretaty h at t Par 41 " g speechcespeechfor the H ome De t t who, in' his trail se nt „ al, end of the last" Parliem e nt, hat! tie' wer k r a l would ad o pt no ineaiu retilnt 4t if "thet with the tvishs or the people, and f o the Duke of Wellington's Ail- ministration to fall back on the people of England for support ; that he should entertain such feelings was in deed most surprising. He would ask the Right 'don. Gentleman if he thought that what he hail put into the mouth of his Majesty were in accordance with the opinion of the people? If such was his belief, he would soon find himself mistaken. Throughout England the people had met on the subject of the changes that had taken place on the Continent, and every where had they expressed in the highest terms their admiration and approbation of the conduct of the French._(Cheers. )—He asked the Right Hon. Gentleman whether it was consistent with the line of policy the Government meant to pursue, to put into the mouth of his Majesty a determination to interfere with the affairs of Belgium ? He wanld boldly assert that all inn who were friends of freedom, all who felt for the true interests of this country, would deeply regret such an in terference: EVery man who loved liberty admired them for turning out the Duteh—(Hear, bear, in opposition from the Treasury Benches)—who had acted in such an infa mous manner. They had heard of incendiaries in Kent— had there been none in Antwerp ?—(Hear)—a fine city laid in ruins, and that too, when the King of Holland had not the slightest hope of retaining poseession of it. Could it be that the Ministers of England thOught such conduct deserved the langu ige which they hail put into the mouth of his Majesty ?—Was it an enlightened Government that took away every vestige of personal liberty from the sub ject? Was it consistent with an enlightened Government ruling over two countries, that out of ten officers of the Government, nine should be Dutch? Hall the Right Hon. Gentleman forgotten that the freedom of the Press had been abolished—that the trial by Jury had been taken away by this enlightened Government; and was it after these things that the Duke of Wellington and Mr. Peel had thought fit to call the Government enlightened, and to put into the mouth of his Msjesty sentiments so abhor rent to the people of England ?—Was it possible for them to inflict a greater indignity on the British people? Let not the Right Hon. Gentleman suppose that the explosion beought about that in Belgium. The Belgians were ready before, and, indeed, every one must be convinced that it was impossible for the system recently adopted there to go on long. The Hon. Member who bad spoken first had not been fairly dealt with ; he did not say that all Go vernments were about to be revolutionized; he said, that all those countries which had been parcelled out by the Holy Alliance, contrary to the feelings of their people, must undergo some change. Such a circum stance was by no means improbable; and what was it in the King's Speech of which the'people of England had to complain ? Why, that those Treaties which it was said were to pacify Europe, having been found to have exactly the Opposite effect, were, notwithstanding that fart, still to be maintained. It was for that Howie, on behalf of the People of England, to tell the Minister that they would not concur in supporting those Treaties.—(Hear, hear,) Was it net time for them to hesitate, to doubt that policy which might have appeared wisdom at the time, but which was now proved not to be en ? Was it not time for them to pause when they saw France removed from the Alliance that bad supported those Treaties, and when they must know, that if those Treaties were at all events to be supported, they must be supported by the labour and at the expense of the People of England, at whose expense they had indeed been originally procured ? The Hon. Officer had talked of finance. Did he not know that eight or twelve hundred millions had been expended by this country to restore the Bourlyine, and that in three days all that we had done at so much expense hail been destroyed? Did not the House see that the ill-treated but glorious Belgians had been parcelled out like so many pigs to a purchaser, in a manner disgraceful to Europe, but especially disgraceful to England that had suffered such parcelling? Under these circumstances, could a greater insult be , offered to the House of Com mons and to the suffering and starving people of Eng land, than that of being told that his Majesty meant to interfere in support of those Treaties which had already fallen to pieces? In that respect the Speech was most improper, and he hoped that the House would not concur with the intention there expressed, but would support the Amendment. He should be glad to know how non-interference with Donna Maria, and interference with Belgium, could be reconciled? They could not he reconciled; and such conduct, instead of add ing to the character of 'England, would heap disgrace upon it, He asserted that England was tint prepared to sacrifice men or money in interference with the affairs of other countries.—(Loud cheering.)—lt was against the declaration that the Duke of Wellington had put into the mouth of his Majesty, ` that the House ought to oppose their opinion expressed lay a attain majority. it would be a disgrace to England to boast of her own liberty, and yet force slavery on other nations. Some things might have happened since the last Parliament whiCh had changed the opinion then expressed by the Ministers. He feared there had ; but he must say, that if ever there was a man' dis appointed in his expectations of what other men would do, be was that man. He came down, expecting that some sort of reform and retrenchment would be prop: sed —that something would be done to relieve the burdens of the people—but lie found nothing of the kind ; but on the contrary, be found the Ministers putting into the mouth of the King sentiments which threatened the interference of this country with. ,the people of others. Instead of what he bad anticipated, the first ten paragraphs of the King's Speech were about foreign politics. What did we care about foreign politics.—(Cheere.)—The people were starving at home. He would ask any Mem ber (at least every Member who had constituents) if he had nor heard, before he came to that House, that, as the first part of his duty, he must attend to the reduction of the public burdens ? He slid not put that question to those who were their own nominees, nor to those who, by the use of unjust means of influence, bad obtained seats in that House, but of all the rest he asked whether they had not pledged themselves to effect for the people a great relief in the amount of taxation?—(" Hear, hear," from Mr. Briscoe, followed by cheers in several parts of the House.) Yet not one word bad been said in the Speech about re duction of taxation.—(Sotne observation was here made to the Hon. Member, who continuid.)--To abstain from noticing such *natters was not true delicacy towards the King—.those men used the King ill who did not speak the truth to him—such individuals as the Right Hon. Gent. and his colleagues, for instance—if it was they who kept the King in ignorance of the real situation of the country. Whit were the people told in the Speech about economy? Literally nothing. If the Right. Hon. Gent!eman thought that the British people were for ever to be hewers of wood and drawers of water, while a small class lived luxuriouqly on their burdens, he would find himself mis taken. What the people wanted was relief from taxation, and with' that a cure of the present vice of elections. They wanted to get the Peers out of the Commune, to confine the former to their own departtnent. That was the cry from one end of the country . to the other. They asked for bread, and they were given atones—they were told that the Government meant to meddle with the kirtirs of other countries, and he believed they did eio to keep the people of England quiet; for such had always bees the tricky policy of this Government. But was such a coarse to be pursued when thousands were dying of waut.—(" No, no," from the Treasury &lichee. )—He was not surprised that they who fattened on the riches of the lind should deny hie assertion ; but he wished they would go and look into the state of the peepll in different parts of the country, and then they would not deny that which no man could with truth deny. The people- re quired a reform of that House, because that House was the origin of all the evils from which the country suffered. The Noble Lord who had moved the Address had expressed a wish with which he (Mr. Hume) most heartily, con curred.7namely, that the Govern►►tent ohould give liberty to all, injury to none. He agreed with that sentiment; but he asked, was that the case at the present moment, when millions were granted for the gratification of a few at the expense of the starving artisans of the country? Every act of that House tended to the same point. He concurred with the Hon. Member who spoke last hut one, that if his Majesty had declared his firm intention of re- Eluting the taxes, he would indeed have proved himself the Father of his People. Wsa it_ Consistent with their duty as representatives, or even ars repre sentative* 'of the people, to pass such a milk end wa ter Address as that which had now been put before them—an Address which left out every thing that was of importance to the country? Perhaps he was wrong in the severity with which he had spoken on one point, for some Hun. Gentlemen might think that there was .abundance on the table of every peasant throughout the country. The Seconder' of the Address bad re-echoed the sentiments of the King as to handing down the Constitu tion of the country turimpairetla cutbititution whiCh the Hon. Gentleman had described us untainted with innova tion. ~ tlre Hon. Member mean to say that the Con_ stittmon this country now was what it was a century, and a half agog , If so, he, (Mr. Hume) denied the state. went. A change had been effected for the benefit of the Aristocracy ut the expense of the people, And whet bad thus 'weir takett,frons the people ought cow to he restore.' to thein.—(Hear, hear.) That was ,the u triton of tilo people, and on aktivhehaif which the Governtriert were now imptgrtcafiaLtigainst the course pursuing . . ( Per t e ) was one other thing tOwhich he wished to allude :7 The :speech stated that there were individuals Whe,Were'indeavotaing to disturb the publio mind, and flat diseir,etinn exit ;i among the Peoopk. . Nr denied it ; there was, :indeed, great dissatisfaction with the Ministry, but no ditatTeetion to the King. It did not oast in ScAillind ; he had %teen much of them lately, and more quiet or better people ha had never seen. ! There was no disaffection in England; perhaps it Was meant to apply to Ireland,—(llear.) What ! site it because the lion. Member fur Waterhad had got some whim in his head ?—(Hear, and laughter from the Minis. terial benches.) Why might be not have a whim in his head as well as anybody else? Was that, he repeated, any reason why the Government of Ireland should exercise all its powers ? Was there a man breathing, be. beyond the precincts of the Castle, who thought such pro ceedings necessary ? The name of Mr. O'Connell must have frightened them; and so, because Mr. O'Connell had written a letter, calling a meeting to discuss whether it would be proper to dissolve the Uuiun, the Government of Ireland had thought fit to prevent the meeting by Pio clamation. What, was the Government so weak as not to be able to bear thepaper bullets of one man ? In the House of Commons his reasons insist ultimately be weighed ; if he would convince Min (Mr. Hume) that the Union ought to be at an end, be would vote for the separation ; but the lion. Member would certainly have greet difficulty in ac complirbing that task. He had no hesitation in saying, that if any one should bring forward a proposition to put an end to the Union, he should listen to it with patience; and if Ireland was still to he treated as at this moment, he should entertain it with favour. Ile regretted that passage in the Speech which related to the Union, for Won it was not. Ireland was not united to this country, but treated as one of her colonies, and in her Government were to be found all the vices of a Colonial Govern• ment. When he saw the tenor of the Speech and of the Proclamation, he must think that it was the object of the Government to resider despotism familiar to every man. if it was meant that disaffection existed in Ireland, lie meant to deny the statement ; for, setting the Duke of Leinster's meeting in opposition to that of the Honourable Member for Waterford, whit did the whole matter come to but to a difference of opinion? He regretted that the power of the Irish Government had been exercised in such a manner as to de no credit to that Government. If the Proclamation was meant against Mr. O'Connell, why did it not name him ? A former Act had been passed against hint, and if the Duke was bold enough to do so, In him came the man. He (Mr. flume) found no other ground for speaking• of disaffection in Ireland, except to frr as related to Mr. O'Connell.—(Hear, hear.)—•As long as Ireland was governed by the present system, die satisfaction with the Government there must be, and no wonder if some few should express their sentiments strongly. Was not that House the fit place for the ei.. pression of those sentiments ?—(Sir 11. Peel led a matt significant round of cheering in answer to this question.) —Then why did not the Right Hon. Gentleman thunder out his edicts in that place against those Proclamations --(A laugh.)—He would assert that these Proclamations were gags upon the people of Ireland. The enormous power given to the Lord Lieutenant had been unfairly used —the Proclamations were unnecessary, and to issue them was, it fact, nothing but an act of oppression. With the exception of two sentences, he could not concur with the Speech, and he warned the Ministers, that if, after the warnings given elsewhere, they still pers'svered in the same coarse—on them, and on those who supported them, must be the responsibility for the evils that would follow To morrow, when the Report was brought up, he should place on record his opinion, so as not to let it appear that he had been guilty of deserting his duty in bringing to the attention of his Majesty the real state of the country. The lion. Member resumed his seat, after apologising for the length at which he had troubled the House, and for any warmth of expression that in the course of his speech might have escaped from him. Sir R. PEEL said, as it appears to lie the prevailing wish of the House to come to an early expression of their opinion on the subject of the Address, I a►►i happy to think that it will not lie necessary for me to interpose many ob stacles to the accomplishment of their desire. After the fair and temperate, and candid speech of the Noble Lord who seconded the Address, it will be sufficient for me to make a few observations, without entering into any vindi cation of the Government for the conduct they hove pur sued. When the Hon. Member who spoke last, with the loudest denunciations attempted to find fault, lie has only been able to do so by what, I am sure, was unintentional misrepresentation. He says that his Majesty charges the people of England with diuffection. Why, Sir, his Ma jesty, on the contrary, states that he places his main reli ance on the loyalty and affectionate attachment of the great body of his people.— (Hear. )—He does not charge the people of England with disaffection ; but he says that he cannot view " without grief and indignation the efforts which are industriously made," and they are made, to mag • nify the distresses and sufferings of the people, by persons wile, by these means, hope to raise themselves to an unen viable notoriety. I regret that such should, indeed, be the case; far this is a time wisest we most requite all this tem per, patience, and moderation we possess; and that at such a time, too, inflammatory language should lie used—not with a bad intention, perhaps—but, us it ap , pears to me, in a manner not likely to Meditate the coolant' temperate consideration of the condition of the people. Is it necessary fur the Hon. Member who has just spoken, to represent the people of England as in a starving condition ? If there be in some parts of the country distress and priva tion, I commiserate theta ; nod however determined I may be to repress, by legal means, the violet), el which may lie committed, that determination will not in the !eat pre vent ins from considering the cause of that disarm, and at tempting to apply a remedy. But the people of England are not starving. There is not that severity of distress, an d thee starvation among them, which might tie inferred frotn the Hon. Member's speech. In a country like this, there must occasionally be some marks of suffering and distress. It is almost unavoidable in a commercial country, but still that circumstance will not of itself justify the statement that the people are starving. The Hon. Member has re ferred to the Speech from the Throne on the subject of foreign affairs. In doing se he has broached a new doc trine iu the Parliament of England—namely, that we have nothing to do with foreign concerns. When he talks of economy and retrenchment, I must beg leave to tell him, that foreign concerns, whether lie wishes it or not, will force themselves upon him, and if lie estimates our public taxes only with reference to the internal condition of the country, and excludes all others, I must tell him that he will be a dangerous adviser of the Crown, and nu trite advocate of the people. With respect to the obser stations upon France, lie is mistaken ; and I roust say that, short as has been the interval that has elapsed since he was called on to consider the Speech, it certainly has been sufficiently long for him to know the expressions cun tained in it. But before I enter upon this subject, 1 must protest against the doctrine that the Government is to be responsible for the expressions used by the Mover and Seconder of the Address. I certainly heard none from which I should dissent ; but let me tell the Honourable I Gentlemen, that if either of them (and both, I must say, distinguished themselves much, and gave great satisfae. tion to the House)—l say, if either of them had thought fit to assert that independence which he claims for himself, and had stated their opinions on subjects not in the Address, I should have bad no means of preventing it, and I am surprised that the Hon. Member should think that they were tutored by the Minister of the Crown, and that lit was responsible for their expressions. The Hon. Member has assumed that his Majesty regiets what has taken place in France; and, therefore, that be disapproves of the op. position to the Ordinances, and that he approves of those Ordinances. Let me deny the truth of this assumption. Let me deny that there is one word of disapproval of what has taken place in France. His Majesty has con tented himself with narrating the events that have oei Inured there; and, perhaps, after the condition of the elder branch of the Bourbons is considered, and it is remembered that theyare now again in exile, it will be admitted that he could hardly have been required to use strong or severe terms respecting them. If the Hon. Ateinber expects that I should defend the issue of those Ordinance*, of those fatal acts, es inconsistent with true policy as with the funds, mental law of France, I can assure him h e i s much mis taken: I deeply regretted what then occurred. I feared that it might interrupt the growing happiness and pro. sperity of France, and our own commercial relations with that country ; I regretted, I say, those occurrences, and I deplored and condentned those acts which immediately caused them. During the period that has elapsed since we separated, there has been an attempt to renew that in sinuation which I thought I had then sufficiently repudiated, namely—that the British Crown was not in the least de gree responsible for the appointment of the French Mi nistry. I then stated most distinctly, and, as I thought, to the 'general satisfaction of this House, that that charge was wholly and entirely unfounded, and that neither directly nor indireetly—(and when I use these phrases wish t.o exclude every peasible mode of isithienr4—was an imquenee ore ;he part of this Government, or of any member of - thisGuvernment, in the nomination of the Ministry of which M. de Pohgn4c was the chief. Again, it Las been tai that we were partiet 0 those gr, dinanms, or, if net parties, that at leas; we alight have in terfered to prevent the exvnitiort of the °idiotism*. Sorely if it ordly necessary for ►ue to deny the last of these charges, \%'e hail not the means of counselling the fk , rbeating of the issuing these Ordtetioces, for we had not the slighteet knowleilie, or means of knowledge, that they were about to be ioneti ; and the secrecy in which the 0- reation of i•tining them was involved precluded the poi. it ibili te o f our friesialy.iitlvice, 'With respect to France, 1 thin it I have answered every fair objection the Hon. Mon. ber advanced, for the purpose of showing that we do not regret the events which have occurred; and T think have shown that the silence obeerved in the Speech on this euleject in not to be attributed to participation on the part of the British Government, or of any air prow el by them of what has been done. I note come to the Hon. Member's observations regarding the state of the Netherlands. Surely he must understand the dis tinction between what has been done in France and in the Netherlands. Every one else is aware of it. 1 must a ey, that, looking to the condition of the Nether lands for the last few years, lend comparing it with its condition in any former period. I cannot but think that the contrast, with respect to prosperity in commerce, ra tional freeiom, and independence, is in favour of the Go vernment of the King of the Netherlands. The Hon. Member asks, whether I have seen what has taken place at Antwerp. The reference in the King's Speech has nothing to do with that; it relates only to the subject of the first revolt. The Hen. Member says that the Speech breathes war, and threatens interference with the Nether lands, in order to compel the people of Belgium to accept a certain Government ; and then he says that you who have recognised a Don Miguel and Louis Philippe, have no right to interfere with the Belgians. In the first place, I know not on what expression it is that he founds his in ference of interference; but let me remind him that the situation of the Netherlands is a peculiar situation. No man who knows anything of history can be ignorant that it never le s had an independent government. At one time it was subject to Spain, at another to Austria, at a third it was incorporated with France, but at all periods it leas been the ground on which the conflicts of Europe have been determined, and all the States of Europe have felt the deepest interest, not in its form of Government, but in its conduct with respect to its hearing on the subject of general peace. In 1614, when Buonaparte's power was about te be overthrown, the Netherlands were occupied by Austrian troops, and were under the Government of Baron Vincent. At that time the Government of the Nether lands was offered to the King by the five parties to the Treaty of Pat is, on condition that that country should be governed by him in a certain manner. What are the facts? A revolt from the authority of the King takes place : Bel gium claims her separation, and eireumst ewes have oc curred most afflicting to every friend of humanity. A civil weir rages, and there appears little chance that, if the par ties are left to themselves, there can be any settlement of the points at issue. Is it, then, very nnwise fur the Powers who were parties to the treaty of 1814.—who in corporated Belgium and Holland—or is it inconsistent with their policy or with the dictates of humanity for them, France being one, ley their interference to attempt, in the terms of the King's Speech, to restore tranquillity by such means as shall be consistent with the welfare and good government of the Netherlands, and at the same time with the security and repose'of Europe? Is the House prepared to withhold its assent to the propriety of such a proceeding ? If such a single Power were to offer its me diation, a degree of jealousy might arise among the rest that would prevent time very end of mediation. I can only say that such a course of policy semen advisable on the part of the Government of the King of England and of the King of the French, and that the other Powers leave con sented to endeavour to bring about an adjustment of aff,tirs which shall be satisfactory to all the penis.. who are so deeply interested in the result. With respect to Portugal, the course of policy on the part of this country appears to me precisely in the light in which it is presented in the Speech horn the Throne. We have always fully ex pressed our opinion of the imptelicy of the acts of Don Miguel, and we leave never concealed our aversion to them. I assure the Hon. Gentleman, that whenever the acts of Don Miguel leave prejudiced the rights of British subjects, we leave demanded and exacted from him the most complete reparation,— Without, therefore, departing from the sentiments I leave always expressed on dee circumstances under which Don Miguel brume possessed of the Sovereign euthority in Portugal, I may ask this House Whether it is prepared to condemn Government fur thinking that the time has at length arrived when, if certain acts of justice and ate inanity be done, thee interest of British subject* requires the recognition ? We leave constantly refused the recog nition of Don Miguel until a general amnesty for all poli tical acts directed against him on his usurpation of the Sovereignty should have ben agreed to on lei* part. We leave now the positive assurance that that act lens been agreed to ; we hare not, indeed, made it a condition of our recognition, hut we have always asserted, that until such so amnesty lead received the consent of Don Miguel, we could not take the question of recognition into consi deration. Two years and seven months have, I think, now elapsed since Don Miguel assumed the Government of Portugal apparently with the acquiescence of his sub jects : the interests cif British subjects during that period have been materially affected by the state of uncertainty, and the question is —whether, with the apparent acquies cence of his subjects in the sovereignty of I)on Miguel, we are now prepared to renew diplomatic relations, or whether we are never to renew them ? If, never-..what, let me ask, will be the consequences to British interests ? I therefore hope that the policy initialed by this Go verment towards Portugal will not meet with the disapprobation of the House. The honourable Gen tleman has characterised es a disgraceful a ct t h e directed to prevent the die susruhea ti o e f e i t a o i f , P l r t f il i c i a l e: m a r g t a l i t t t i o:se t i s i ' n of n w te l t . I co d u i l d e country, hops the haega parsingin in volving of the Catholic Bill would have tranquillised for ever. I believe that the chance of renewed dis:urbance would never leave arisen but for the late events in Paris and Belgium, which leave been taken advantage of by the designing for the purpose of impressing upon a higle-spirited and unre flecting notion that the same succe ss would attend tlie'elParueilll:in the ruta— .(Much cheering. )—The lion. Gen• denten asks whether a man is to be prevented in this House from arguing the policy or impolley of the repeal of the Union with Ireland ? And lie follows it up with another question--whether, because the Hon. Member for Waterford has taken a whim Into his head, is lee therefore to lie prevented by a proelatuation front stating his reasons at a public meeting, and discussing the ques tion by fair argument ? I reply by inquiring is that the course which the Hon. Member for 'Waterford meant to pursue?--(Bear, hear.)-14 it fit, for the indulgence of such a whim, that the repose of it whole country should be hazarded?--.(dear, bear)—that it should incur thee risk of revolution and bloodshed ?(llear, hear, hear.) — What, let the ask, is the dreadful responsibility of those men—l know not whether it be a legal respon aibility—befere God and their country, who thus take upon themselves to incite and inflame a whole popue baton, in the rnatmer against which this pro c l ama ti o n was directed.—(Much ceering.)---The Hon. Member must ant expect that we are to be gulled and deceived ley the declaration that the object of the tneeting was only to promote the getting up of petitions to Parliament. Has the Hon. Gentleman read the declaration which ac companied the summons of that meeting? Even the Hon. Member fur Waterford will hardly stand up here and leek us to credit the assertion, that the sole übject of the meeting was to make a temperate appeal to Pettliument. That Hon. Member has already said that Ireland is not yet ready to oppose force tee force--(Hear, hear)—and can any man doubt for a monteut, that the intention of the Hon. Gentleman was to form a permanent assembly in Dublin, meeting front time to time, by tuljournmetet ? The people were thus to bee organized creel iniluenced—to be inflamed and incited, until things had arrived at su ewlott(teldnibiteY hwelld'endatniegeerltieours4toGdullyill'inriceeeiniigointt.—lronttirettutil purposeclieers.— )unldt isdeigl i ui t y firm conviction that ou c h was the of the Hon. Gentleman' in suumutrie ins that meeting. It is because I Relieved it to ho true mercy to prevent this popular organisation aced incite. meet, that I was a party to the issue of that Proclaims. ttn u.— of ( l i r e el l a r e ' el he d a r r ;ntr u y n l sa c t i t e tr n e y c ti c i e a n t, i t elt e riet p ie r e e n s ? ent rt u tt di T prepared to refuse my approbation to those measures which shall he celcUleted to relieve Ireland ? No; but because I ant moat anxious to see her relieved and agitationam el io e di-- resort hcuts:, the: e A l e i th uo to mi p ia r t e i v m e l u i t ci e ly xo ii i l te n zti t power,itn.l and incur the responsibility of issuing tie Proclamation. because I dere met in cur t h e responsibilityof withholdiog it. cheeri t eg f rom all aisles.).--tile ! Sir, do not let us play with a suleject of well deep interest. Do not let us run the risk of reviving religious animosities. Do not let tie allow the populetion of billeted to be incited and isa• • ;, flamed, in order that a project may be attempted that 'lever can be carried into eaCCO l i ,lll —tlint of 11i5 " I ' h/ g the union.hetween the two countritta.-4Reiterated cheers.)--, ler this nue conditien, t h at having achieved the eiensoliele tioo of the strength of the empire we are to undo till we have eccomlillelled? Are we tee bt)gin at the ramtmence meet ? Having reconciled the dieiaiotis of the Ilepeerchy —having conquered Welter-united Seethed, and 'finally included ;Mewl itt the great bond of hammy, are see to eetrece our steps and resolve at ote:e! the coneeeMo tearte of this valet maimed combinatioe? If we begin with abrogating the Union with Ireland may net other melte it's, equally }noted of their independence ; elaien that they too shall lee included in the dissolution ? Ole when the time conies for submitting such a question to Nei deliberation end lair argument, I d o nut e e „ p i r of iiiiimioor from the f she hail "elwatu Pe t li timent— b y the ityrop t h y t h at h as 01 1 1 " 14 ' ne ° t lO9 past.---tiy what oceorred in 'lntiened when b e en planted and grown up in English minds ; that the. fetel metteure'ef dissolving the Union may ridge an indie vidual to -it ." bad eminent). ;" but it must be at the or. pence of the best blood of the txts countries, at the ex. 'tense of the repose and tranquillity of the whole empire. --(Long and loud cheerio followed the conclusion of this speech.) Mr. O'CONNELL rose befwe the cheers had subsided, and on his first addressing the Chair they were vigorously renewed. The tlnty (he said) that I have to perform to. night is to tne extremely pleasing, it affords me some op. portunity of repelling calionny, and of vindicating my own motives. Ido nut stand forward to claim the favour of a 'tearing—assailed as I have been, I should be entitled to it anywhere ; but here I appear as the representative of the people, with almost as many constituents as any Member who hears me, and with more than those of the Ministry combined.. , —(Cheers.)—The Members of Go vernment have carefully slunk from all populous places— scarcely one has been returned for more than a rotten borough; but I am sent here by a large body of the people, and I claim to speak as their representative. First, I appeal to every man whether the Speech put inte the mouth of the Sovereign is not one of the most un satisfactory discourses ever pronounced by the chief of a great nation? I speak of It both as it relates to foreign and to domestic concerns. 1 did not hear is it one word about the poverty and dilaters of the people in any part of the kingdom—uot one word regarding relief. The rotten borough system—.the oligarchical mode of returning Members to this House is, I know, reckoned among the blessings of our condition; and for this reesun net a syllable is said respecting that distress which the Right Hon. Gentleman was unable to deny. If there be no distress, why is night made horrible by fires, the blue of which may be seen from the metropolis? Why are the people in a state of disturbance and insubordina tin within a short distance of the very seat of Govern. meat ? Is there no cause for this, and is the calumny to he pronounced upon the people of England, that they break out into acts of open violence without the pretence of suf fering ? Nothing is said about the alleviation of 0104., and, above all, nothing about the Alleviation of the dis tress of Ireland. But I arraign the Speech for what it says or omits on our foreign as well as on our domestic po licy. We have had excuses for not rejoicing in the success of the - French people, and great praise has been lavished upon the courtesy of the King of Belgium. Courtesy, indeed, to cut down and massacre his unoffending people without pity or remorse! Regret Ministers may feel.— not at the unmerited sufferings of those people, but that the efforts of the King of Belgium have not been successful in rivetting upon them the chains of slavery. —(T he Hon. Member here adverted more particularly to the con duct of the King of the Netherlands—to his attack upon the elective franchise, upon the liberty of the Press, and to the trial and conviction of De Potter, and then con tinued.)--Let us refer to Portugal. Don Miguel is to be recognised—and why ? Because he has promised an amnesty to his subjects; that is to say, he who has been bound by no oaths, is to be trusted on his honour. When will this amnesty arrive? When the dungeons have been cleared, because the scaffolds have streamed with human blood. The Right Honourable Gentleman ells us that Don Miguel is King with the approbation of the people, hut let us remember that four or five thou sand British troops happened to be looking on at the time, and aided the tyrant in his usurpation of the sovereignty.. There is this great difference between King Philip and King Miguel—King Philip has separated Church from State ; lie has dissolved the adulterons connection that injures the cause of religion wherever it exists; but King Miguel has united Church and State ; and while he rules the one, he tramples on the other. The Right Hon. Gentleman most pitifully implored the House to tell him why this country should not interfere in the affairs of Belgium, when a civil war was raging there. I deny the ex'stence of civil war : it is a war between nation and nation—the Belgic nation and the Dutch nation—(Htar, bear)---4ind I do not think that, excepting the union of Great Britain with Ireland, there is a fouler blot in the page of history than the annexation of Belgium to Ilul. land. The people decided against it, yet it answered the purpose of the Holy Alliance to declare that SO meet constituted a majority, and 700 votes a minority. The Government of the King of the Netherlands is called an enlightened Administration ; if so, the rebels are without excuse, and nothing can justify their acts. I assert that the administratiun, instead of being enlightened,was odious tyrannous, anti grinding—that it refused independence to the Judger, and the trial by Jury to the people; if any reforms were proposed they were as hypocritical as the Right Hon. Gentlemen's reforms of the law in this country, where great evils are perpetuated by the removal of insignificant abuses. Why am I listened to, as it were, with sufferance, when I ask whether such an a d ln i n i s t re . tion is enlightened ? The suppression of the liberty of the press may, indeed, have its recommend ttion with his Ma jesty's Ministers and with many gentlemen who hear me. W:44 that an enlightened administration which decreed that the language of Courts of Justice should not be the gouge of the country, a n d that process should be in High Dutch where Low Dutch only was spoken ? Was it a proof of an enlightened administration when the King abolished parochial schools and diocesan seminaries ? Yet this is the Ulan whom the Right Hon. Gent. has so warmly lauded—who is flailed enlightened, while he is involved in the darkeet ignorance, and who perseveres in these mea sures when the world is is a state of transition, and when the blind systems by which men have been oppressed for ages are distppearing before the light Of science and the h - eat of truth': Such is the foreign policy of the King's Speech. Is there, from beginning to end, one particle of sympathy wi.h the success of Liberty —one spark of joy at the destruction of despotism ? I look in vain for any recognition, however distant, of the g rea t p r i nc i p l e , t h at the people have only to be united to he ouceessful, and that when they are determined to struggle in a just cause, military power becomei powerless, and the inn of force is withered at the moment it is raised to strike.— (Hear, bear.)—But, if we are to interfere, in con junction with whom are we to intermeddle with the Affairs of Belgium?—With the Members of the Holy Alliance ? No; they have too touch to do at home. If violence have not yet displayed itself, ii will break out, and la guerre sourde will, ere long, be converted into open and avowed hostility. ©teat Britain would herself be at war at this moment, were she not bound in sureties of the peace to the extent of eight hundred millions sterling. I little thought I should ever have cause to bless the Nation:li Debt; but I bless it now, since it incapacitates the Bri tish Government from interposing to crush the growing spirit of human freedom. This brings me to remark, that not a word is said in the Speech regarding the reduction of taxation—the abolition of military imuitutions—or the destruction of the rotten borough system. Old Sarum and Gatton art to be preserved; and, notwithstanding the formal reseinti3n of this very day, that it is a high breach of privilege for a Peer to interfere at an deities), I do not want the aid of my glass to look round me and say, " You, and you, and you, have been sent here by Members of the other branch of the Legislature." If I have a Ivish to rescue my country from the fangs of an odious oligarchy, I must pursue that course which has been so loudly ren sured by the Bight Hon. Gentleman. He has talked id' my conduct upon a recent occatinn ; and let the be repu diated by the supporter of the King's Speech. lam eon. tent. I can vindicate myself before soy God ; hut no, I will not condescend to do it here.—(Hear.) I ton much obliged by the sympathy that cheer implies ; it shows that there is no necessity for a separation of the Parliament of Great Britain and Judaea. I thank you. You may triumph over my country—you have triumphed....but you never will again. It is easy to triumpla over the indivi dual, and 1 wish you joy of it.--(Maur, hear.)—ln the King's Speech I read tlukt hie Majesty •" cannot view, without grief and 'indignation, the efforts which are in dustriously made to excite among the people a spirit of dia content and dissffietion." If it he tionint to impute to those who take a Constitutional and legal part in leeloit, that they are ill of to the present King, l will assert that a grosser calumny was never uttet ea, ' 'they are eon. vinced that there is not in thekingdom a better intentioned matt' than its Sovereign. Never did Monarch reaelv o more undivided all) oam than from the MO \On' are diposesl in Ireland to agitate the question of the Vaiot, Never, te.o, w,us thetas grosser CaltUtlq than to assert that they wi , h to produce r 4 separatian s bc,tween the twst . tunin. tries. Never was there 4 iocatter mistake tlian to suppose that we wish to (nsaolve the eonoectian. No; bus we want a cthaneetion of Authority, not of *tattier vi,Atey—of equality, not of solunloalon, Ireland must be equel, not inferlot.midie must be a kingdom, not a province; and j f declare 'solemnly that' 1 14 lieve it would be mitrd for the benefit of Eii,glatt(l than of 1re1a , , , 0 1 that the Union ehould be dissolvett and that her Parliament shad be restored tct ;rebind. It would lead to, far as-field to delia;4l now the qu e stio n o f 1 4 1 13 Uuiun ; but let e.;ti ask soy mini what gia)d did l e t ever do to iii" unfortunate country I have put this question a thouZtnit times. you atuiwer e ,it kits accelereted CA. tholie En aneipation. l sivoy its it postponed it, tite Actsm o f eanespatioo were passed in Irelaspl t ti o vo ears, and then, Caine the Union in Seven yaars afterwark , loft the meitsura should be Ultimately carried; It was in , • lite 4 tardily concealed' by Great Britain, when those wise long oppmed it suddenly turned round, deserted t h t i c cleat adherents, and claimed the intuit of libe-rality for Whet was extorted from their rev. Poet any mart who hears Me knew how the Ihilon was brought Shout ? that it teas avows) in the Irish . Parliament that a relsaints had , beets fostqed foT the VUrputir, sod t h n t: i t cast lilt ooveru. ment 3,500,000 L to buy over the Oppositiou. In short, it may be safely said that all other corruptions were pure and honest compared with the gross, bare-fared corruption which accomplished the Irish Union. —(lieer, hear.) Cavalry and ittfantry were employed to prevent public meetings ; and if a design of the kind at Clon melt had been persevered in fur one moment longer, thie streets would have flawed with the blood of the Preteetant gentry. What advantage has Ireland derived from the Union? Nothing hut olisadvantiv.e. The rental of Ireland aught to be twelve million*, a nd no less than five 'talons of that suns Were remitted to absentees. The productive taxation of Ireland has been diminished since the Union to the extent of three minima although the populatior has More than doubled, the cumi-Imam of tea, wine, and sugar, has decreased. In short, there is net a single piece of evidence derived from the stale of the revenue which dues not prove that Ireland has been grivouily injured by the Union. (The Honourable Mem ber here went over the :several recent Acts by which, as he eintenti,d, the landlord had obtained additional power over his tenant, particularly noticing the Sub letting Art; and after referring to the poverty and distress prevailing in Naaa, Newry, Cork, and Dublin, he proceeded as follows.) There is disaffection in Ire land—disaffection to the Government that has oppressed —and let use tell you that you would have disturb ances too in Ireland, hut for the man who it looking for the repeal of the Union, and who happily postmen* so much of the confidence of the people as to be able to prevent them. Take away that influence, and what would be the result? You may send over a military Secretary to put down the public spirit by a military foree, but m vain, Tell the poop's of Ireland that you have no sympathy with their sufferings.-..that their advocate is greeted with sneers and laughter—that he is outlaw in the land—and that he is taunted with want of courage, because he was afraid of offending his God.—(Much cheering and confusion.) Tell them this, and let them hear also in what language the Secretary of State who issued the Proclamation to prevent meetings in Ireland has spoken of Poliguse. If he be asked his reason for issuing that Proclamation, he will answer. " Ify will," although at the carne meanest It would be easy to demonstrate its illegality. ltut I will not RAW into this discussion curee—l ema tio t trust my se lf --stay feelings overpower use.—( Hear.) Phrases have been attributed to vie which, if I had used, I 'Weld regret, but which I never did use ; but I have no apology to snake to the instruments of despotism anywhere. The Bight Hon. Goodman hes asserted that I said that Ireland was not yet strong enough to oppose force to force. I never said never said anything like it. I ant mire that he is incapable of inventing the expression ; hut those who have informed him have informed him falsely. I found my country agitated by poverty and distress from one end to the other, and it has been asserted that I there fore crested the cry for the repeal of the Union. How much men mistake! It would be cruel --.tun severe a putnehment—to ask lion. Gentlemen to read all my speeches from the time 1 first entered upon political life ; but if they did read them, they would find that the re storation of her domestic legislature to Ireland was my earliest thesis—toy constant avowal, 1 would not revive the topic in the last session--I was prevented iu part by the discussions on the eohl-blooded additions to the taxation of Ireland in the shape of ass increased stamp duty, which would have had the effect of crushing the Press. This fact shows the sympathy of the Ii -use for the sufferings of Ire land—asytnpathy of which it affords fresh evidence when ' ever I attempt to speak. The Irish people, seeing that they became poorer every day—that they declined fri t sn bad to worse—thought that the only chance of prospeitry was to be found in the repeal of the Union. In looking for the accomplishment of that nil, who has talked of the ens ployment of force ? Nobody but they all knew that to come to Parliament with one or two petitinee was who've them neglected, and that nothing of this kind email be effectual but the universal petitions of the people of Ireland claintirg the repeal of the Union. This is the only mode by which great measures of reform eon be obtained.— While only a few petitions came front small towns or villages, the comae of reform in Parliament was ridiculed and !coated ; but now it is supposed by the population of minis et sal Eugland, the whisper fliers from bench to bench that the time is approaching when it must be conceded, I think the people of Ireland ag g ri eve d. fl ow are t h ey to procure relie f?' Hy petitions, Ilow are petitions tit be obtained ? Ily origin? N0..-only by men meeting mid associating together for oat common object. Polignac never would have attempted in Franey what has been ac complished in Ireland; and even the King of 13elgium would have refrained until, by the importation of the law of conspiracy, be bad melded De Potter.-- The modes we adopt, anti which we wish to adopt, ate legal and constitutional-.-we want nit force but the force of reason, and we eschew all violence, even the violate* otargument. Wherever we have influence there is no disturbance; where we have no influence, there Whitebnybrut end Itibbossisms prevail. Let ate he shoutial down—takeaway my influence, and how will you prevent confusion? The conseqttenees will not rest upon rose..., for them you alone will b e res p ons ibl e . (The don s nod Learned Gentleman here adverted to the growing poverty, disease, and distress in Ireland, trod to the manner in which the money of Ireland wee exported to absentees, re (erring particularly to the counties of Wicklow and West meath.) So loug as the people of Ireland proceed for the repeal of the Union legally and constitutionally, they shall have all the aid I can give them; Let Alioiaters suspend the Habeas Corpus Art, it shall not deter one. Prepare your gaols and your dungeons; these are times when men must speak out, and I will do it. I will discharge my duty, in spite of taunts of cowardice and threats of punit.b. ment ; and 1 will proceed, be sure, not less firmly and resolutely because uonstitutionelly. You may deprive Ire land of the poor wreck of her liberty, but you shall never make Me your willing slave.—(Much cheering.) Mr. CURTEIS said the great majority of his consti tuents cordially approved of the measures of Ministers to resist the progress of sedition in Ireland, increased by the patronage of the Hon. Member for Waterford. Mr. 13ROUGHA11I—It is with feeling of satisfaction, mingled with pain, that I feel Myself called on to say a few words on this debate--.with eatiefaction that the Hots, Member fur Weterford low bed an opportunity of answer_ big that personal *Meek which the House hail witnessed, and that the patient and profound attention with which he has hem listened to, gives an ample refutation of the litre. (libel I would nut say, for I wish to avoid any thing harsh), but the seeertiou against justice contained in the complaint that its Members were determined to (demur down the arguments of the lion. Member, and *hut their ears to the complaints of his constituents. It is with sa tisfaction, therefore, that I heve listened to the able and eloquent speech of the lion. Member delivered on such an occasion; but it is with pain, with very great pain also, that I have heard this speech, because it retinas a picture of Ireland, 'which, if not raaguifled in its proper tions—if not painted in exaggerated colours, raceme to lay mind one of the moat tnelattehoir end *farming con ditions of society ever heard of, or reworded in any state of the civilixeeb world. I was indeed iu seine hope when I beard the lineaments of that picture, trac e d as th e y were by a hand powerful fur th e t a .k, an d w h en I i e n a c lled all te th m e inadtivtahaat4entre ofa i t ri onm hig t h it ctrl icatian auel genco which that office gave them, had frequently sea knowledged the et:curacy of the Hon, Member's infortritte qua on the state of the country, and the fidelity, of his representations ; when I retolleeted all this,' end heard that lionourible Member 'deleribet a iltalitt'Of (Litres* in Ireland to which all Europe can bring No pa ralbri, and yet saw not one Member of the Government rise in hit place and give these statements a denial, I confess I felt a pain which it is difficult adequately to des scribe, if 1 had not looked ut the Speopli which boa hem delivered from the Throne ; there wet, therefore, enough, to ittflict pain and create disoontent. Ent when 1 mos. mine the 'terms of that Speech, 1 find me w t o r a i se ot int me all the vigilance which my situation as a representa tive of the people demands, and to till me with still greater fear and anxiety for the futures Let me first, however, discharge the more pleasing office wlikh may shay as a good subject demands from me, by espousing my lwart felt satisfies:sat at the line of eutaluet Ids Majesty's patter, nal goodness has led him opoUtitomilvly to adopt, i t , t en .. ,iering unhesitatingly, for the use of the couotry, all those extensive Crown YVV•OKOO) which form his pSttim uo l,) possessions, and by declaring mol premising that the civil Li s t shall lot redueed 4 while he et the vitae time giva op all these Minus, imeauslitutional sources of ro- Venue 0114 p,rqui%it t o, of Royalty which are to be found in the Mika of the Admiralty, the Four and a llalf per (ent. rum!, anti the bertaisary seveaues of every kind in *otland and Lartorniters a thewheres ilt home and abroad, which ‘lt former Yeigas the Coma has W e e, so hidh to teViNtlilltt Iluis declaration is to me a matter of unmixed utjtkOtetion ; and when the Noble ta-nti who kooved the Address spoke of the aheettee of po m p and extravagance which distinguished this pretest rnigo, and which M 1044 his . Majesty's desire to live as a plant Rfiglialt gentleman, 1 could nut hot atop to think whether th e plittur,“ which liillowed ghat announcement would have 'fit to reit went and so general If uttered in the rt , igrt which preceded the present. I now tome to the more painful 113.13 of th e d uty wh i ch I owe to that House, to my B,ii,tvigu, mad to the country, in entering my solemn pna test 'against the' doctrines 0011141E4 in the Speech' Ow b e ' fore hear.)--4futt Speteh bt4 , 44* inter frreneett from beginning 04140 t bear 4