The Sun. — London, England, 1830-11-15 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The National Congress of Belgium commenced its sit. tinge at Brussels on the 10th instant, as will be seen by she Flandeis papers inserted in another column. The meeting _bad been postponed by the Provisional Govern ment, feirm the Si to the Bth, and front the Bth to (1w 10th, lan aecoent pt unkeseen delays in completing the 'elections. In acting with the promptitude which they bave evinced, end in convoking so speedily :a national cons s.nemtion, to settle the future government of the country. M. de Potter and his associates have not only shown geed cents and good intentions, but have made considerable per, sonal 'sacrifices to their patriotism. Though they most have foreseen that their reign was likely to terminate with the convocation of an assembly . which would otherwise dispose of the provisional power which they had been exer cising, they did not Imitate to perform their duty in pre paring an organ for declaring the national will, with res spect to the internal condition and external relations of their country. Taking all the chances of thereby, they might have prolonged their interregnum nn various pre tences front six weeks to six months. In resisting the calls of ambition, therefore, and preparing for their abdi cation within the shortest period consistent with the order end regularity of the elections, they merit the gratitude of Belgium, anti, to a certain extent, the respect of Europt. The nature and composition of the assembly which has just met present, at first tight, an lisped as tranquillizina as the conduct of the Provisional GoVernment. Though out of the 200 members who complete the national res. presentation only 152 have yet taken their pittte3 on the benches of Congress, it does not appear -that the rest have declined their mission, or absented themselves from an unwillingness to brave the difficulties of their position. Those who have met belong to all classes,—to the priesthood and the nobility, ...to the commercial body, and to the landed gentry. We fled among them some Abets, curies, vicars, and canons, but not so many as, from the prevalence of Catholic bigotry in the Netherlands, we should have expecte‘i. It ie gremti tying to observe in the new Congress such a sprinkling of the Deputies to the old States. General as Rom their ex perience, must give a useful direction to its proceedings, and, from their Pertiamentary planation, confer an addi tional dignity on its character. Among these we may mention M. Barthelemy, M. de Stamsart, and M. de Brouckere. The general physiognomy of the Congress leaves us in no apprehensiou of the reign of terror or the establishment of jacobinicid principles. N. de, Potter, whose name was invoked on the first morning of the revolt, sir the watch-Word of minder tumult, and. whose reputa- Con has since placed him, in a moment of difficulty and danger, at the head of the Provisional Government, has so completely lost his iefluerice by his recent advocacy of re publican principles, that he bus not been returned a mem ber of the present Cowes', though he could have added the weight of his official character to the influence of his previous popularity. The opening speech was delivered, not front the throne, by this gentleman in his capacity of Provisional Sovereign. That part which relates to the tyranny of the late Orange dynasty hi just such a tirade as might have been expected from the lips of a man who had been imprisoned eighteen months for libel ing- it, and then banished eight years for attempting to overthrow it. He calculated, of course, upon finding a Willing audience in a body of representatives who bud been convoked to exercise that supreme authority which it bad been compelled to relinquish, anti it would now answer no purpose in foreigners to contradict his aeaer tions. But if it did, he could bring an authority against N. De Potter, which, Sovereign •as he now is, he could not well resist--we mean the authority of M. du Potter himself. In 1825, when the Xing acting precisely as he has since done up to the time of the late cab trawls events, his Majesty had a zealous support from M. De Potter, who was then the most bitter enemy of the Jesuits and the High Catholic party, with whom he afterwards formed that " onion," cone elating of infidels and fanatics, which has led to the dis inemberment of the Monarchy. The system of primary education enforced by the. Netherlands Goverment, was viewed with approbation by all those who were favourable to the progress of knowledge and to freedom of thought. Nobody has, so far as we know, complained lately of the tion.eareution of the concordat, elm and except Mt. O'Connell, who happens, in this instance, as probably in many others, to he more Catholie than the Pops' blench: So far was his holiness from proclaiming that conseience was violated in the Nethetlands, that In held out. William I. As a model of toleration anti good faith. If the right:of petition was disregarded in Mignon, what 'shall we say of the raeapect shown to It by the Englialt Government in resisting Parliamentary reform, the abolition of West-Ine than slavery, amid the repeal of 'Corn-laws? With re siva to the use of the national 'language, was not the decree of uniformity withdrawn long before the late revolt, and did not M. de Potter ere all the proceeding' against hint conducted in French ?If jury -trial was not in use, it had been abolished 15 years ago, and therefint could not be a recent grievance. In feet, ft had not existed but for a very short time under the French regitne,',and had never been applied to trialsfor libels, in which M. de Potter chiefly has invoked its aid. Forbearing its portion of thedebtof 1101- lend, (the interest of which did not exceed u million and at half a year), Belgium was let into all the advanteges of the Dwell colonial and other trade, of which it will now feel the want more than it felt the pressure of the burden which it has aho s en off. So far was the administration of the Netherlands from being composed exclusively of Dutch men, that latterly inure than half the eabioet was com posed of Belgians. But it is needless to argue against un remaining antipathy, or to make any stand upon 'a petition which is already decide d by uncontrollable circumstances. The complete separation of Belgium from Holland, what ever was its cause or the menus of. its titmeomnplithment, is now a settled fart;. end it Worth, no alight grounds fur . believing that the union, while it existed, was not so pro. Ruble to Holland as N. tie Potter describes, to find the Dutch rejoicing at the divorce more than the Bei4iana. Had Belgium been treated as a colony, would the Hollanders, who are so fond 'of colonial establish ments, have been so cordially delighted to renounce the advantages of its colonial subjection ? The an nouncement by N. de Potter of the consent of the Allies to this act of separation, is, to foreigners, the most interesting part of his speech. It dissipates at once the mist which appeared to surround stone ex presidium in the late addrem from time English throne.— We no longer see, in the interference of the great Powers, the prospect of hostilities, the march of ar mies, or the waste of subsidiel. "As for relations," says the Provisional Government, " with foreign countries, we have not thought it advisable to enter into any audit under the circumstances in which the nation anti we our selves were placed. Besides, we knew for certain, and we can give you the positive assurance, that the principle of non-intervention would be strictly observed towards us. We therefore thought that free Belgium ought to found its independence by its own force, always ready to oppose who ever should attempt to impede this sacred right. Since we took this resolution, we have received front the five great Powers recent and official communication'', which we are happy to be able to lay before you on this solemn day. These communications fully confirm the assurances previ away given, anti make us hope, with the speedy cessation of Immunities, the evacuation, without any condition, of the whole territory of Belgium." As the Provisionel Go 'eminent must give an account of all their proceedings to their fellow-cititens, we shall probably by time next arrival be Able te lay before our rondos official copies of the pro pools to which M. De Potter alludes, and to announee an armistice between the contending parties. No tipper tunity could have been better selected theta the opening of Congress for the trial of an amicable offer of theilittiou and if. the Prince of Orange hams (as we trust and believe he has) still friends among the national representatives, his claim to the new crown could not have a better chance of being admitted than at present, when his election would become an additional pleeige of the reconciliation of Bel glum to time community of European states.— Times. - The stupid affair of the abandonment of the Civic En.; botainment has, an we anticipated, produced n great ken salon on time Continent. • The people of - the Continent will not easily be persuaded that anything less was in con tetnplation on Lord Mayor's Day than the massacre of the wlutle of his Majesty's Ministers with a view to it Revolu tion. la vain should we attempt to persuade them that nu Revolutionary design was entertained by any portion of the population of LittilitM; they will not believe that an old soldier like the Duke of Wellington would be fright ened without cause, The Coastitutiortnel commences art article "On the Events of England," in the following alarming manner t.--" The events which have jiist taken place at London, though not decisive, are of the gravest naturr. They ought( to have been long foreseen ; when a Government, instead of satisfying the wishes of the nation, seems to take a pleasure in opposing them ; when wants are keenly felt, and it refuse* to gratify them, what most bit the consequences of tan deplorable a struggle? Is it Astonishing that an irritated people should notoifnt itovdisconteut by revolts Against the *ohm ity which wildly* to set opinion at defiance, and arrest the march of the age ?" his supposed, r,o doubt, by our neighbours, that the pkos of our revolutionists have been defeated for the moment solely by the abandon.. went of the entertainment, but that the revolution be Only delayed. After detailing UMW of the causes of discontent, our Parisian einiteinporary abeam, " The Duke of Wel- linglon anti sir tobert Peel have loudly declared that they would never consent to a Parliamentary Reform ; that the Government would have recourse to military force to preserve the old and absurd principles of the English Constitution. Never was there a tbatration more at variance with Parliamentary usage and Ministerial ability delivered to the Parliament and the nation. This ought not to tttoniah us—the Duke of Wellington has not changed. Ile is still the man of the Holy Alli mice ; the Minister does not differ from the Pield Marshal of Waterloo. We do nut modify easily the first opinion% of our political life. It appears to'us that the only pos sible Means of avoiding a disagreeable conflict between the Reputation of London and the Government, is the dietnis• mon of the Duke and the remotion of a Whig Cabinet." We observed that if Ministers really entertained no design to interfere with Belgium, after the language put in the King's mouth, they would not receive credit for their in tentione,and that it would be believed that they enter tained the worst passible designs, but that they had been compelled to ehantion them. This charitable interpreta tion has, as we anticipated, suggested itself to the Perisfan Jeurnelist. .The Constitutionnet says, " Whatever may be the issue of the poplar movement which- has broken out in Londe's, We may consider it as a sure guarantee of external peace. It appears certain that the probabilities of an armed intervention in the affairs of the Continent, and u profound antipathy against the Ministry of Wellington, chief of the Burepean Aristocracy, ought to be placed in the number or motives which have roused the indignation of the t neat people. If a revolution proceeds from the present crisis, the Aristocracy asst vanquished, and we shall no longer have to dread their affections and their influ ence. If the iesult is only a aline of Ministry, there will be also a change of political system ; and, fur a long time at least, we should not have to dread the British diplomacy. Suppose even, What appears at present pro bable, that the present Ministry overcomes the resistance; after such a convulsion, it Will be under the fleet silty of reapreting public opinion, calming men's minds, and deifying its projects, if they exist, against the independ ence and lan rty of the nations. In either of these hypotheses, the result will be, that external peace will not be troubled; for England once out of the question, no Power would dare to enter the lists with France, tend support the 'formidable aspect of the tri-coloured standard." The Journal des Debats, though it does not con sider a revolution, in the true sense of the word, actually at hand, still believes that the Affair must have been very serious. " The popularity of William IV. (it observes) is great, and deserved in England. Let not the Ministers risk it against the chances of a political obstinacy hence forward very incompatible with the repose of their country. The troubles of the city may be appeared, the troops may return to their barracks, the Bank be re-opened to !specu lation; but there will always remain this grave fact—that one: day the English Ministers were obliged to dissuade a popular King from paying to the city the visit which he had promised to it. This fact is important, with the state of irritation of the public mind in London and in the provinces. We shall put up ardent prayers that the con sequences may not be more fatal than a Ministerial revo lution. We make allowances for all that the force of the institutions of England offers to tranquillize us ; but we should view with terror the prolongation of such a crisis, and we wait with anxiety the denouement." The Ga zette de France thinks that what has taken place in Eng land, indicates a strong diepositmn, on the part of the people of England, to pillage, and that a Revolution in "England would be the signal for universal spoliation. We may be assured, that the revolution of London, trumpeted forth in this manner, will not serve to give stability to the tottering thrones of the Continent. What asinine imbecility ! ...Morning Chronicle. " I place, without retervaret your disposal my interest in the Hereditary Revenues, and in those funds which I may be derived front any Droits of the Crown or Mini ratty, front the West India Duties, or from any casual revenues, either in my foreign possessions or in the United Jcinjjdoes." Such are the words in which, speak ' ing by the mouth of his Majesty, Ministers announced to the House of Commons the cession which, on the part of the Crown, they were prepared to advisees the foundation for and preparatory to a new settlement of the Civil I.ist. In what more general and comprehensive language the revenues of the Crown could have been described, or how the most unreserved unconditional surrender of those reve nues could have been more distinctly announced, we are at a loss to iMagine ; nor would it have been credible that any men, even the Members of this Cabioet, with all their inaptness in this choice of language proper to be employed in the great and solemn Illanifestnee of Government, should have conceived the preposterous notion of recon ciling with a renunci Alen, au, specific and redundant even to tautology, the reservation which, by the speech of Mr. Goulhurn, on Friday night, appears to be now intended. In vain does Sir Robert Peel outrage common sense, by attempting to divide the Royal Person into two distinct and separate essences; arguing that the surrender which his Majesty announces from the Throne binds him only in his Kingly character, and not as Duke of Lancaster. Among Sir R. Peel's farmer constituents, the pedants and theologians of the cloisters of Oxford, such a distinction may possibly be recognised ; but beyond those cloisters, where, except in the dialectical brain of Sir Charley Wetherell, can such quibbling he understood ? How is hie Majesty, Duke of Lancaster ? Why, as King; and shall he not, thee, addressing the assembled States of the realm, be deemed to speak of all that appertains to him in that kingly character? But it is said that his Ma jesty is Duke of Cornwall no less than Duke of Lancaster ; yet, nobody conceives him, by the Speech from the Throne, to have renounced the revenues arising from Cornwall ; why then should he be supposed to have signified an in tention to give up those of the other Duchy ? For this plain reason, that his Majesty has in the Duchy of Corn wall only a defea,iblo interest, what lawyers call, a base fee; art estate liable to be divested at any moment by the birth of a sin (the Duchy of Carmel, by a course of in heritance, contrary to the rules of common law, but created by the force and strength of en ancient Act of Parliament (see the Ptince's case, S Coke) pasting out of the King, and shifting to hi* first-begotten son and his heir app trent on the instant of his birth, without other grant or conveyance whatsoever.) The Duchy of Corn wall is not, therefore, his Majtsty's to part with ; but it is far otherwise with the Duchy of Lancaster, the estate in which is indissolubly and irrevocably vested in the person of the Sovereign, and of which his Majesty's tenure is co-existent with his enjoyment of the Crown. Sir IT. Peel refers to other King's Speeches anti settlements of the Civil List, and proposes to read his present Majesty's Speech, and construe his present Majesty's surrender by the light of those; but in the paragraph next succeeding the large, and cemprehensive surrender which we have cited, the King distinctly excepts against any such mode of interpretation, by signifying his consciousness of bay.. ing surrendered revenues " which haVe in former settle'. ments of the Civil List been reserved." But whatever erroneous inferences might have been drawn from the lan guage of the Speech, ought to been correctied, it is urged, by an intimation of the real meaning given in the !dupe of a reply to a question put by an Honourable Member, across the table ; just as if this species of casual and informal in. formal intimation of the intentions of Ministers were to countervail the solemn and authentic declaration put into his Majesty's mouth, and of which, " to guard against mistakes, Mr. Speaker procures a written copy:" in point of fact, the answer to Mr. Harvey's question passed unnoticed ; and the effect of the whole proceeding has been to betray the King into a Cabe position, the word. suggested to Isle Majesty importing a more ample and Wise sal conceseism than was intended; the House ot Commons being deceived; and the hopes of the people excited only to be baulked i just as in respect of our foreign relations their fears were wantonly awakened by hints of maintain. ing general treaties, and a certain political system, the alarm ocensiuned by which, not all the asseverations stud dasavowals of attains members of the Cabinet are sufficient entirely to dissipate.e—Mornisty Chronicle. It will be seen by our Parliamentary report, that both Mr. Spence and the Solicitor-General have given notices of measures to be submitted to the House of Commons after Christmas, on the subject of the Court of Chancery. We trust the House will not longer suffer itself to be trilled with by such ill-considered propositions as those the Chancellor launched in the late Session, and which his I Lordship, heving so lauttelied, abendoned with a careless facility, more suitable to tins slender merits of those prop &Worts, than is the vehement pledges for thorough and effective refine which bird Lytelburet has, ever since he became connected with Courts of Equity, as Master of the Rag drul in his present high station, been repeating toque ad nauseam, If the measures for reform of our Courts of Equity in his contemplation were peeper to be announce(' in'the King's Speech to the late Parliament, why were they not so dutch as alluded to in his present hiejesty's opening Speech to the New Parliament? Or were the purposes of this weak anti incapable Administra tion attained m appealing to national diseontent by the mere promise ot Improving this important department of the public service ; and Is it to Mr. Spettee'e. laudable ac tivity that wet owe the movement, on the part of the Go vernm.nt, now indicated by the Solicitor-General's no- that ? Mean'time, five Judges, enjoying salaries aniount. ing to little short, in all, of !WOOL per annum, met on Friday morning in the Court - of Exchequer, and after sitting about five-end-twenty mieutes, rose and departed, having concluded the labours of the day. Such is the discreet economy, and such the judicious frugality, with which the finances of the country are hushinded ! We said that the present appointment of an additional Baron to the Exchequer would be monstrous. That appointment ties taken place, and we ask how ehe can it be dame terised?—/Iforning Chronicle. We have received a pamphlet published by Mr. Ridgway, under the title of " A Letter addressed to his Majesty's Ministers on the State of the county of Kent," by a Freeholder of Kent. The writer observes, " that the evil is deeply rooted; it springs from a source which no half measures can rectify ; and the terms on which you have expressed yourselves respecting it proves the imperfect in formation which you possess. 'With a peasantry in a state ofstarvntion, the bayonet has lostmore than half its terrors; and it is idle to expect the farmers, who are themselves nearly reduced to pauperism, to increase the wages of the labourer by way of appeasing his discontent. More than one parish in a very limited district has already declared its utter inability to comply with the wishes of the Magis orates to this Act, and it may be doubtful how far the Magistrates have any power to enforce it. The inevitable result must be, that the whole burthen will ultimately fall upon the landlord." We have already condemned, in strong terms, the mean conduct of the Magistracy—which is be sides utterly irreconcileable with the plainest dictates of common sense. The writer observes further, The dtspe• ration of the peasantry has been plainly expressed, and the opinion of the class immediately above them has been no less unequivocal. Among nearly 300 farmers assembled at Maidstone, to be sworn as special constables ' not more than forty could prevailed upon to take the oath, and of these no more than ten would act ; many declaring openly that they considered the cause of the rioters as their own; that they had repeatedly, but in vain, petitioned for a redress of their grievances, and that they were become indifferent to the result. Some even of those who did their utmost to put down the rioters, disapproved more of the manner than the mutter of their demands; and you may rest assured that all classes who do not live upon the taxes will, at no distant period, unite in telling you that something must be done, and that by:refusing to listen to them, you more than risk the safety of the country." These are alarming indica• tions. The views of the writer of this pamphlet are shared by a correspondent of the Times of Saturday, from 'Sussex : " The risings where they occur (he observes), arc now with the ostensible view of reducing the tithes and crams (taxes), without a diminution of which, the men say, their wages can. not be paid. In short, they seem convinced that;in the case of the petty farmers, the latter are nearly as:badly offas themselves; and it is shrewdly suspected by some, that these conflagrations are viewNl with comparative indifference by some of the farmers, even when they happen on their own farms ; the hay and corn destroyed may be nominally theirs, but they are really the land lord's, to whom they are pledged for arrears of rent . " —Morning Chronicle. The general principle of the proposed Civil List is now before the country, though it will hereafter, no doubt, un dergo a rigid discussion, and perhaps be subjected to some slight changes hereafter. The principle is this—that in lieu of the hereditary revenues of the Crown, amounting, it is estimated, at the present time, to upwards of 800,0001., a civil list shall be grunted of above 1,000,0001. in round numbers. But then of that 1,000,0001. the King can only be said to take to himself something short of one half, as under the following heads : Privy Puree Great Officers of the Household 140,000 Tradesmen's bills Total amount £460,500 The rest is applied to the payment of Judges' and Am bassadors' salaries, and other objects which are of a public rather than of a personal or private nature. The reduc tion is, as we stated briefly on Saturday, 160,0001. per annum : this is to be the whole tetrenelinaent upon the Civil List ; but then there is an establishment for the Queen, estimated at 100;000/., and this sum of 100,000/. is nut to be added to the Civil List, but is to be comprised within it, after it is diminished by the amount above stated of 160,0001. The next subject for consideration is the cotters s:on on the part of the Crown of the droits of Admiralty, the 44 per cent. duties, and other casual revenue, thus an nounced in the King's speech on the opening of Parlia ment_.-." I place, without rtstervi, at your disposal, my interest in the hereditary revenues, and in those funds which may be derived from any droire of the Crown or Admiralty, from the West India duties, or limn any emul revenues, either in my foreign possessions, or iu the United Kingdom." Hereupon a discussion arose, whe ther the revenues of the Duchies of Lancaster and Corn wall were not, or ought not to be, included in the term " hereditary revenues." That they were not meant to be bestowed by the donor, or those who made the donation for him, is now but too plain. That they were meant or expected to be received, we cannot conscientiously say, at least we certainly never thought of them. Propriety and right are different points as connected with the question. With respect to the duchy of Cornwall par ' oculatly, it would nut, we apprehend, have belonged to the King, in case he had hail a sou of age. The last Mince of Wales, on his coming of age, put in a claim for the whole of the revenues which had accumulated during his minority. It is not yet matter of discuarium what may be the amount of the revenues of the too Decilitre or of either of them ; but we do not observe in Mr. Goulburn's speech that any estimate is given of the rest of the donation made by the King—the West India duties and droits of Admiralty : front which circumstance the public will begin to apprehend that the amount is but small, and more especially as the droits of Admiralty have been pretty tvell drained, and there is no froth influx into the cistern front captures made before a declaration of war. One saving arises at the Commencement of the present reign, as compared with the opening of the last—that there is no great provision to be made now for the servants of the departed Sovereign. His present Majesty may be said to hive come to the Crown almost front a private station, so that he could not probably do better than eon- Untie the servants of his late brother in their several cm copatione. George IV. mounted the throne with a pretty expensive establishment of his own, so that he was obliged to remove the servants of his deceased parents, and fix them on the nation as pensioners. The provision to the domestics of George 111. and Queen Charlotte after the demise of the Royal pair, amounted to 40,0001. That for the domestics of George IV. will, from the cause which we have just specified, not exceed 5,0001. The debate will be resomed this evening.—Times. The statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer rela tive to the Civil List requires some commentary to render it intelligible, which we shall endeavour to supply, being not disposed to consider a financial statement profound in proportion to its obscurity , or to consider that mystifica tion in these matters can serve any other purposts.than to cover incapacity or delusion. When we made some obser vations on the Speech from the Throne, the variety of topics which it embraced prevented us at that time from doing more than touching slightly upon the passage in re ference to the Civil List---the attempted exposition of the Minion- of Finance has made the subject more difficult than it was before. We shall endeavour to simplify it, and to render the subject more intellit,ible to reader* in general than it has yet heeu made by any explanation in Parlia ment or elsewhere. For this purpose, and to make the real value of the portion of Crown revenue surrendered by his Majesty clearly understood, we must give a histotical sketch of the Civil List, and show of what it consisted, and to what use it was applied in former ages and in modern times. It is not necessary to go farther back than th e reign of Winfred), when the Civil List included all the public expenses, and, consequently , the p ayment o f t h e Army and Navy, though it was then no higher than 600,0001. per annum. In the reign of Charles I, we find it increased to 800,0001., and in that of Charles 11. to 1,200,0001. Out of the latter sum the annual charge for the Army and Navy was 800,0001., leaving 400,0001 only for defraying all the other public expens ed , b o th th o a, peculiarly belonging to the King's establishment and those belonging to the State. In the reign of James 11. it was nominally the same amount, but W4l in reality nearer to 1,600,0001., besides a grant of additional Custom's by Par- Nutrient, which amounted to 400,0001. Out of these sums the charge of the Army and Navy, was 1,100,0001., Irate public exp ensee , I t was aisout 800,0001. fur alt the took itself f o u n t:: de the a; C une i t v eta i ni l not until the Revolution that the payment of the army illiam a Lli i s d t, ea L y d was t i mn stiz r l r a t: la d en f t ro t m oomt maintenance of those branches of the machinery of the State, and settled upon King Mary a Civil List revenue of 70000/. That Civil List revenue consisted of the produce of certain brandies of the Excise and Custoins, the Yost-office, thy duty on wine licenses, the revenues of Crown lands, the profits arising from Courts of Justice, together with an annuity of 120,000/. in money. If those sources of revenue failed at any time to amount to the stipulated sum which was fixed as the minimum of the King's revenue, Patils. meat was pledged to make the deficiency good. The Civil List continued at the alum nominal amount in the reigns of Queen Anne anti George. 1., but in the reign of George 11. the minimum was fixed at 800,000 L, and so continued to the elan of his reign. It wits not until the reign of George 111. that the Cis ii List Was placed upon the principle in which it has since con tinned. - That King was the hat who, u n d er t h e a d v i ce of Ministers, surrendered to the disposal of Parlimment his hereditary revenues, in lieu of which 800,000/. was settled on him by Parliament as a Civil List Revenue, which, in the 17th year of his reign, was increased: to 900,0001. We need not state how this was increased, until, in the last reign, it amounted to upwards of 1,200,0001. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in his zeal f'r " simprfication," has made the Civil List a sort of financial monster with " ten heads," and with a far greater number of ho:ns than the " beast in the Revela lions ;" but then the sum which Parliament is to vote for its 'support is only 970,0001. Let us see whether this bears out the professions of economy which bad been so lavishly thrown out to quiet the clatnours of the public. His late Majesty's Civil Liat, including what was derived from Irish and Scotch revenue, amounted to upwards of 1,200,0001. As we have stated, out of this his Ma jesty had to pay certain charges, which are not to bg in cluded in the proposed Civil List—for instance, a por tion of the salaries Of the Judges, the salary of the Speaker of the House of Commons, and the 'greater part of the expenses of the Consular Department, which are not to be paid out of the new Civil List, but out of the Consolidated Fund. Nor is the new Civil List to 'be charged with the payment of any portion of the salaries of public officers, the greater part of whose salaries is at present paid out of the Consolidated Fund, but the whole is to be chargeable on that fund. Thus we believe that, when the difference between the payments chargeable upon the new Civil List and that of the late reign come to be taken into account, the reduction will be found to be very trifling, and nothing like the 200,0001., which' the Ministerial Papers said, some time ago, his Majesty meant to give kick to the country. As to the sur render of the hereditary revenues of the Crown, that is no sacrifice on the part of his Majesty. The two preceding Kings had placed them at the disposal of Parliament, on the consideration of obtaining a fixed instead of a fluctuating revenue. They had so placed them at the disposal of Parliament for the term to which the Civil List is limited in each reign—namely, for their respective lives. If his present Majesty did not follow their example, then it would be necessary that Par liament should follow the precedent established in the reign of George 11.—that is, of allowing 120,000/. to he settled on the King, as a clear annuity, in addition to the hereditary revenues, and stipulating that if the whole to. gether fill below 800,000/., to make good the deficiency. It is only on the condition of his hereditary revenues that he could have any claim whatever to such a sum as that now proposed to constitute the Civil List or any thing like it. So far no sacrifice—no concession whatever has been made. But then the King gives up the Droits of the Admiralty, which we were aware must be very small in time of peace, and which, with. the casual revenues, &c., Mr. Hume has shown. do not amount to more than an annual sum of 24,000/. Toile& a paltry sum has boasted concession dwindled down ! As to the 44 per cent. duties, it appears the return is till / and that if there were any return, it would be payable in support of the West India hierarchy ; to that, as Mr. Hume justly observed, his Majesty's Ministers have advised him to surrender to the country what did not belong to him. No one but the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who im mortalised himself by the Sugar Duty scheme of last Sea. sion, could make so ridiculous a blunder ! We quite agree with Mr. Brougham and the other Members, who think that a deception has been practised on the public by the statement in the Speech which Ministers put into the - King's mouth, stating that he placed at the disposal of Parliament all his interest in the hereditary revenue, with out reserve, and which statement is now said not to in include the Duchies of Lancaster and Cornwall. We are aware that the hereditary revenues, both ordinary and ex traordinary, chiefly consists of both ecclesiastical and lay perquisites distinct from the income of landed property, and also of certain taxes ; but most certainly the income derived from the demesne lands of the Crown .are as much a put of the hereditary revenue, as a Bishop's first-fruits, or the fees in Courts of Justice ; and we have yet to learn how the income from the Duchy courts is less a part of the hereditary reveuue, either in point of law, or common-sense, then the rent of forest or demesne lands of the Crown. It is not a technical quibble that can save Government in this instance from the charge of inten tional deception. We are also decidedly of opinion that, as theexpenc+ got the army and navy had been formerly separated from the Civil List, and the salaries ofJudges, of the Speaker, and of Consuls, are now to be separated, there is no good reason why all other public expences, save those of the King's Household, should not be provided fur indepen• ilently of the Civil Litt—that the public might know.; whit the expences of the Royal Establishment really are, awl also to prevent the grievance of all those other ex.. pi.-nees being fixed upon the country for the life of his Ma jesty, as forming part of the Civil List, and consequently during the present reign being incapable 'of reduction, however jest or necessary. As to the saving a f 160,0001, which the Chancellor of the Exchequer states is to take place in the whole of the Civil List, such is the complica tion of his plan and the confusion of hie statement, that we cannot understand by what process of calculation he makes it out. In one part of his speech be says there was a saving of 88,0001. (we speak' in round numbers) effected in the Civil List. He then proceeds tau inform the House that the sums allowed to the Duke and Duchess of Clarence, amounting to upwards of 51,000/, charge able on the Consolidated Fund, would cease, and that thus the saving would amount to 139,0001. ; and then, add. ing to this latter sum the difference between the pen sions chargeable on the new Civil List and the former one, which, we suppose, he estimates at 22,0001., in consequence of the expiration of certain charges which may now be got rid of, he makes the total saving, which we Have before stated, of 161,000/. But surely there never was a grosser, or, indeed, a more stupid delusion attempted to be practised on a people, who had credit for possessing the least poolible, share of understanding, than to calculate the expired pen sions to the Duke and Duchess of Clarence as among the savings of the new Civil List compared with the old. We should have thought this too absttrd an artifice even for the Right Hon. Henry Goulburn to attempt. The demise of the Crown put an end to the existence of the Duke of Clarence—there is no such personage now in England. This pension, and that of the Duchess, could, in no case, survive to the Crown, for it was never settled on the Crown. To take credit for these items of expired expen diture, is to maintain the monstrous proposition that Mi nisters, if they pleased, could have had the Civil List settled on the King and Queen, and their pensions, us Duke end Ductless el Clarence, also continued to them.— Admirable specimen of financial ratiocination ! It is, in fast, impossible to understand the statement of the Chan cellor of the Exchequer, without a Select Committee to examine the subject. item by item. It may then be ascer tained what the difference, in reality, is between the new Civil List and that extravagant one which had preceded it. We believe the difference will be found to be very little indeed—certainly nothing like what it ought to be, if we take into account the difference between the value of the currency at the present day and when thut Civil List was settled. But, above all things, it is necessary that his Majesty's household expences should be kept this tinct from all other branches of the public expenditure.— Morning Herald. There are few men more proficient than Mr. Brougham in the arts which tend to impart to the public character and exertions of an individual an undue degree of import :ince, and to obtain for them an excessive celebrity. If the public regard with indifference the efforts and the sacrifices of the Learned Gentleman, nothing can be inure certain than that it is no fault of his; for assuredly never dirrany man strive more uaremittingly or more dexte rously to extol the value of hie own labours, to magnify the dangers with which the stern and rugged pat h of his publin duty is beset, or to enhance the temptations a ga i ns t w hi c h he has painfully and succeeefully struggled, rather than abandon for a moment wKat he considers his useful and patriotic course. We recollect ti-at on some occasion or other in the course of the last Session the Learned Gentleman produced a good deal of amusement in Parliament, and iu society out of doors, by gravely asserting that nothing but his inflexible e adherence to political principle* had prevented him from tilling the very highest legal situation in the gift of the Crown; which be gave his hearers to understand had been dis tinctly offered to hitu, and most magnanimously and pa triotically rejected. Every body laughed at the self-de nisi of time Learned Oenlleman, but no one was heard, to doubt that the resolute practice of this virtue in the case supposed would have given him a ver y su b stant i a l c l a i m to the character of a public benefactor. In the present Session the difficulty to the Learned Gentleman of main taining the narrow and arduous path of duty is, it appears, of an entirely opposite character. It is no longer the splendid vision of high judicial rank and political power which flits boors his disturbed imagination, but the dreary And cheerless prospect of the foes of briefs and of fees, which, placing in conflict the interests of the advocate and the duty of the senator, vastly exalts of course the merit of him who without hesitation or regret sacrifice+, the former to the latter. Mr. Brougham intimates that be is threatened with 4 combination of the attorneys to deprive bhn of his practice is he persists in hi, Bill for the better administration of justice in the inferior Courts.— We believe that the great body of the attorneys in London are persons quite 44 tespectable as the Learned Gentlemen himself, and quite as little liable to the suspicion of ail voosting any pernicious, or resisting any useful change in the administration of justice, from any interested or sin is -1 ter motives. If a large proportion of the practitioners of the I law disapprove of Mr. Brougham's proposed alterations, it is no doubt their duty to say so much. If a large pro- . portion of these skilful, able, and experienced men see in the proposed alterations so much of rashness, of indiscre tion, of manifest inexperience, folly, or presumption, as to abate their confidence in the professional qualifications of the advocate who urges Parliament to adopt them, this also, we suppose, they have a right to say and to chew without any breach of the privileges of the House. The idea of a conspiracy among the attorneys to punish Mr. Brougham for proceeding in a measure likely to be bene• finial to the public, merely because it is supposed to mili tate against the interest of the legal profession, is revolting, preposterous, and libellous in the highest degree. If this be the idea which the complaint of the Learned Gentleman is intended to suggest—and we cannot extract from it any other intelligible meaning—he may fairly, we think, be charged with an assumpt ion of superiority in legal know ledge and experience, as well as in political purity and disinterestedness, to the body whom he would thus have denounced, to which his warmest partisans can scarcely, we suppose, consider him entitled. However lightly Mr. Brougham may profess to think of the professional judg ment or the public virtue of attorneys, even he will scarcely venture to arrogate to himself the monopoly of those quali ties to the exclusion of other barristers who can meet him on the floor of the House of Commons ; and if the latter description of persons should happen to coincide with the attorneys, it is evident that the Learned Gentleman, after his recent bouncing and blustering, will cut a very ridiculous figure. The result of the whole matter we ex pect will be, that saving that part of Mr. Brougham's Bill which provides for the more easy recovery of small debts, the measure will be scouted by every member of the pro fession..--the Learned Gentleman liiinklf, and perhaps Mr. O'Connell, who loves mischief fur its own sake, only ex cepted. It will be recollected that some time ago Mr. Secretary Peel introduced a Bill into Parliament, which was read a first time and printed, to facilitate the recovery of small deists. The principle of this measure Mr. Brougham has incorporated in his more comprehensive Bill, and this is the only part of his proposed change which seems at all likely to obtain the sanction of the Legislature. Pending the more extensive scheme and the larger pretensions of the Learned Gentleman, the Right Hon. Secretary mu deafly suspended the progress of his well-considered mea sure—so that in the end we shall probably find the boasted merit of Mr. Brougham reduced to that of having re tarded the adoption of a safe and practicable proposal, of acknowledged and undeniable utility.—Morning Post. The statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer on Friday last respecting the Civil List, is another proof of the hollow nature of Ministerial promises —of the love of mystification and delusion inherent in Cabinets—and of their reluctance to effect any considerable reduction in the national expenditure. Whenever, of late years, the amount or the nature of the Civil List became a ground of censure, hie Majesty's Ministers have parried the blow by saying, " Wait till a new reign, and the whole shall beret right;" and even so lately as the opening of Parliament, our readers will remember, that such promises were not only renewed, but that the King's Speech was made to say, that great retrenchments should take place. And what is the result? Why that the accounts are to remain in the same unsatisfactory state in which they have always been—that the personal expencea of their Majesties are to be mixed up with the expenses and salaries, and parts of salaries, of persons with whom they have nothing more to do than with any others of their subjects—that the words " giving up properties without reserve," mean giving up a part only, and retaining as much more as may be agreeable—and finally, that the whole of the boasted retrenchment in the Civil List expenditure only amounts to the paltry sum of 86,0001. ! It is true that the Chan cellor of the Exchequer, in his very clear expose of the different items of the Civil List, contrives, by cutting off here, and adding there, by certainties and contingents, as he calls them, to make out a total of 161,0001. ; but then there goes on the one hand, to make up this amount, the 38,0Q0/. which the King enjoyed as Duke of Clarence, and on the other, some arrangements of little moment respecting Irish pensions, and civil contingencies. With regard to the " givings up," it appears that there was really very little to give up—the West India duties being not only exhumed for the present, but appropriated for the future—and that the "reserves" included every thing that was really valuable. The diffeience altogether be.- tweee the Civil List as it stood during the late reign, and as it is now proposed to be settled, is 86,0001. ; the amount in the former case being 1,066,00 a, and in the latter 970,000/. The proposed saving is, therefore, altogether so paltry and trifling, snore especially when the enormous amount of the salaries of Ambassador', and Envoys, said Ministers Plenipotentiary, is considered as forming part of it, that any mention of it might safely enough have been omitted in the Royal Speech ; but we trust the result of this evening's debate'on the subject will prove to his Majesty's Ministers that the House of Oummons is not to be gulled by mystified statements, certainties and contingencies, and that their promiiis of retrenchment, if not fulfilled by them, will be enfordtd by the country. There is no wish in the country to limit the expenditure of the King to an amount which would he insufficient for his comfort and splendour ; but there is a strong desire to cut down the useless and enormous expenditure which hasbeen cunningly mixed up with his personal income, in order to prevent Members, from a motive of false delicacy towards the Sovereign, from doing their duty towards the country. This mingling of accounts must be done away with—the sum necessary for the personal comfort and splendour of the King must be separated from that which is required for the services of his subjects ; and then, without any °Man e to his I%L.jesty, the items of the latter may be scrutinised with es much care as an army or navy estimate. This is the first point to be insisted on—the question of the amount of retrenchment may easily be settled afterward,. —4llorniny Advertiser. POLIGEINTiaIGENCE. MANSION-HOUSE. Numerous complaints have been lately made at the Man.- sion-housa against a person who has been in the habit of selling ink, or rather lamp-black and water, instead of ink, in the city. The officers were in consequence - on - The look• out for him; but without success. At last he got himself into a trap on Saturday, and was brought before the LOAD M.svoa for examination. lie stated that his name was cox, and that he had dealt in the article of ink, and lived by it, for the last three years. Many persons stood forward to complain against the prisoner, who little thought that he would be committed fora felony. His plan was as follows:--He carried about him stone bottles, containing what be called superfine, and well waxed over the corks, and when he learned, upon knock ing at a door, that the master of the house was not at home, he handed over one of there bottles and a receipt for 3s. tlde to the servant, stating at the same time that the muter had ordered him to bring the ink, and that payment was to be made by one of the domestics, if he (the master) should not return home in time. This pro. ject generally succeeded, and even at some houses it suc ceeded once a year. The ink, it is unnecessary to say, was mere rubbish, and the master of the house had given no more order to the prisoner to supply it, than be heti to his servant to pay for it, The Loan MAYOR, after the first charge was brought, waked if there were any other persons in attendance who had complaints to make. The servant of Mr. Robinson, a medical gentleman, had been defrauded by the prisoner about 12 months ago, when he produced a bottle of filthy stuff, which be celled the' superfine," and a receipt for Bs. id., the trade price. On Saturday he called again, and wanted to repeat the time, but the wham recollected hi►n well, on account of the former transaction, and asked him to walk in, while she stepped up stairs for the money. He entered the house sure of success, but the witness brought down, not what he wanted, but a lodger, who gave notice to the police, and had him apprehended, and taken before the Lord Mayor. The prisoner had sold the ink to the witness, and had been honourably paid for it, and he had purchased it him self as an excellent article. As he had cot.elutled the quan tity was out, he had made bold to call again, which he certainly would not have done if he k ul bad any idea that the stuff *as not genuine. The servant of another family stated, that the prisoner knocked at her master's door on the 30th of May, when that gentleman wus from home, and presented a bottle of the " superfine," and a receipt. The witness had no silver, but produced a half-sovereign between her, finger and thumb. " I really don't know," said she, " that 1 am doing right in paying you the money." " Oh," said he, "you are all right, you may depend upon it; Set you change next door;" and he whipped away the half-sovereign, and disappeared.' The whiten in vain looked after and waited for him. He was out of eight in an instant. A third 'servant stated fist the prisoner had treated her exactly in a similar manner, and disappeared with her half-sovereign, leaving her a bottle of stinking water in place of it. The Loan Ill Avon asked the prisoner whether he wished to say any thing in his defence. " Why, my Lord," said be, " not exactly now, this is not just the place, but I rather think there's some tuitia l te in the matter." The prisoner was then fully committed fur trial, lathe parties were bound to proieentc. MARYLEDONE. , Charles Hill, a private in the 3d Dragoon GunAllal charged with an indecent assault upon Emma Yates,ll pretty girl, about 23 years of age. The complainant was a servant out of place. She else from Acton by the stage coach on Friday evening, calla' set down at nine o'clock in Oxford . stree t. Being slot 4 stranger it, town she missed her way , an d went IVO Edgware-road, where the prisoner seised hold of her, 04 made her accompany hire to Noifolk•terrace, Where he threw her down. Her cries brought a police-riot/N et) her assistance. Charles C'hambers, the olice-constable , fo und the ad. dier in such a situation as p left no denht of his baying ef• Tented his purpose. He offered the constable half.s.astin e young with ttTlt l h e nishh t grhtee.hei constableHi young emo complainanto al t esoadswirengbeliornumaeardedaeshlsotennoiroontofterredrned otolieonne,tfunthtercopointialiii.tophoreoatto‘i,sencritt:lnbiefi:c; pre sence prevented the prisoner from succeeding. The prisoner alleged that he well no force, and that t constable. capital in sigh t offence had not tak eiee en ligisP ; l l ' a sc ce isectri ; e4u n ti l in i llo d ns:::::;:r:t;t:l''eitP:ini:gee t her-friends , preferred letting the matter drop, rather tha n admit that the prisoner bad effected hit purpose, WA SaturdayN D S M -C 6iiii i;cruClFsossl ON. was pKnia j O innang h n i o s l t de ,sape n "t7 a h t soh th te e:F art s f e u : :::h u lu il ii ce e : li t r o i n:T g la n v i i le t r i n si g, ‘ S Y t ' t s ' e r a rse rde s Y r rti fi n e : i tg ti hi l tFr w r i 3:IMICIC REIVSS, Esq., of Mortlake, is the chair, ale. after the disposal of routine business, the fulloing chop wee preferred:— I. Lieutenant James Stewart, a naval °Meer an halflsl, brought u p on a warrant f u r asasubiog Mr. Wallas 4 Glind on, the well•known printer, ►f Ruper-Im°' L l' poled, in dispar w ag oan e s m tt e ah n le t kin uT on, while proceeding to his onntry.houte, the tiefeadsail uwn recognisance - for a forth * charge having just 00' 4 . A witness rots called, who deciatedlha t fir ratio was given by the complainant, and iiii lift V° threatened by the defendant. __Mr. Stewart, in his vindication, bad been reading the Bridge-hou.e, Vauxhall, when he overtook the con" laving been taken out of bed that morning to ale 44 , e . patent chimp, and not baring tints allowed to brie% or ward the butcher's boy. I.fr. Reaves remarked that the butcher sras no witor to the assault ; and as the complainant did ",(4 reel fur each, De be bound over to keep the peace. oink 'nr to Mr. Mr. Stewart—Cannot I bind hiin (P'"' °Harlon) too? damages, the defendant must, after what ban transpire P b ui sit l g bir ° l b i l u e P tc:h o e i rn r ii ' p ::::: : : heit u t f lu t h l tp-1 ; complainant. o n.t k a e n e t p n otwhepperudacue7d duringtw o a u 1 r 2 e t n i e l s o i , i t a il tie i w e: m a 1. 0 (1 1 2 iti),l; COUNTRY CORN MA RIM D URINCI LAST wog. CA/UPI ilt x kivs. , . --- DURI N G % LAST WOK. liO n ___„, l ' Wheat. ----- 1.-----... . &to •• Per Quarter. S. to S. S. 10 I. 4. tO . •••• 95 '''' ..- Cat 1i51e—....,........... 67 -.. 39 r i ..., :)11 5 , Carritarthen......... 65 —. 40 —** ~„'" ea A gi Hex ham --...-........ 52 72 33 31 - .. 24 i s ....1 , Ilf erpeth ........... 52 64 93 ... 22 ....- Penrith ......—......... --. 66 i --- 40 .....-- 91 44 Sheffield ............... 65 . - 4 6 afi 4 2 L 4. Winclicsier 59 65 W9l M A - a . cd. A 0 Per Bushel. s.d. s.d. s.d. cd. I."; 8 ' 0 54 " A 0 Coventry ....—........ 7 0 9 0 4 8 b 4 ag 1 3 50 0 6 Newcastle (Sta ff. ) 9910 $ 6 0 d 0 ~0 „" A 0 59 1;6 Northallcrton ........ 7 0 99 0 9 46g 6 . i 0 7 4 2 ; 0 Stafford a2 g? 2 Swansea ..............**. li 4904$ 5 0 Warwick UOlOO 4 6 5 0 - 0 0 13° Per Roll. ! A 4 7 0 Al 2 6 rtATIIRrikAIStIe ......... 15 0 190 90 9 0 - • . 6 11 . Durham ;15 618119010866 F. , 10 6 12 ~ Richmond ................ lb 0 19 0 8 6 9 0 6 0 a 0 0 0 u Stockton .............. `c 15 0 16 6 D 0 19 0 7' 4 9 u -- - ...vr....Nor. 4 *.uii i on. .s -----......------- „ WA K EFI ELD CORN I'd A lIKET.--NO•c l' h i, porn* , There is a very , short supply of w eather sh up her o. A O log, partly ocra toned by stormy Floe d e rt re n iii lair the best samples of Old IVlleat being scarce, Mt' . Ochs demand at an advance of lc T i er quarter,. but there it 0. , t , .te provement in middling and ordinary deoctiPLal"'''„,,d 101'6,,,4 without material satiation. Fine Barley to Kw'''. ""),Ittain, quarter dearer, but there is no amendment in IV% 0102 .... i d 0,1 samples. There hat been rather More demand fo r S— cans, 3nd prices are fully maintained. 1 . . 0 f insl oll, Wheat, Red, Norfolk and Sulfblt ... .. 575., t,,s.:ottia: ne ..., Lim and easi. ~ ....... f!s: to do f t l ito r T .- Yorkshire ............. . ; IT . (.7..„!Az ~,,,. . a _ ----"". r01:1,tiec.i....4:"ti.." .. ... ....................... .... stts. 3,15. to 0_,,,e,. Al: ips., . ' ' '' White... ..... .. ... .31s. ti 5.4. to ~ . ti n. .1, ! , , °Arley. Norfolk and Suffolk ........ .. ..... Es.. tg 1 7 1 0 : t o : ..4 _ Lincolnshire ............. ...... .......... Ws to 375. Ilnei,4. 'Yorkshire Wold ............ ... .... ,„ ...4. ti l ls , .............. --t• to . .at An a 4.0. ream. Foreign .................... ~, ...., a io , -, .... ........................................ 4,2! ~..._1,,,,,, On e 4 u ----"-- Small ...... ... ..... ....... ........... 4 . .... 7io. t°l4 - „. thiel Oats, Potato ............... !As. Ma . i m ;O. --•-- Poland .................. ........ .............. ... ......... —O. ' 2 ' 2 ‘. i° Sae "---- Friesland an .. . Small .. ........... ..". 91 3. ~A, n ey Stoo;* Meeting ............ IlYid. to 'l4 w e st Wl' Shelling .................. ~,tios, to 32 6, ‘ ..,. t Loos ..... .... ..... .. ........... ....11, ~ ith e VI. r 1 1 , 0 1. Malt... .............. .... ........ i ......... VC .7,7 do. 431. OIL P l ' "Wooed .... ..................... Oa (V. $ 4 " . 'Cil 111ARKET6. Barley 1 Oats. SCO Wheat. 16 1819 17 94 ,10 al ns ad ,' - , 02 97 0. :V 95 19 gi '' - 18 90 a) 91 40 , 17 9l 119 911 *7 30 M '' , 15 21 0 3i '' • m 0 9117. Les th — * heat the Aberdeen Coldstream .... Cupar Dundee Elgin ••••••••••••••••• 58 8 5 1 27- oft 3B al 42 12 '37 42 'l O 43 71 25 30 48 72 27 3') 56 82 20 0 % -- 44 62 28 g 8 35 42 21 23' eo 33 38 44 72 19 21 of t h e m easure Ira I lir' ern c.a..... Kelso .......... Kirkaldy. Perth ... ?lOC , 14 lo ad _------- ...... _ ,i„.rise. 'EDINBURG!' COHN MAIIEN!„-5. ,)„,, c V_7, We had a full supply of Wheat sod ols,itsny,s. 130370!0,,,,,11 freely, at a reduction of 2s. on the topp . , a. l o d , , 5 ..„10 , ,f, Oats sold freely_at hot week's rice*. 7‘ Bo irY, , "lnfe l "' tomb-, and Aoki also at hitt Week'g pr_qt.ins opip, "144. and prices higher for goo.' in '' 01,1 " lil e :t 4 to Per ts.L..... b. "(It !) without alteration. , rose. $lO to Wh.-,at. ' Bexley. I 0 0, ,,°• I 4t). Ni Olt ci i First 72a Od 1 als 6.1 gl ° Ti I 2 06 A n' ;i'" Second Third Vela ................. 0 6 0 9 1) 10) . 1v 1.1: 4 4 6 i 0 Pork----... 0 4 0 6 Eggs! p er ( d 7 A e 6 Lamb, per gr. I 0 2, 0 01100'1 t 0.... 8 . 4 it) Tallow, cwt....3'7 6 38 0 Wheat ~/ 'lwo 0. 0 i .98431=110000:. 6,lsrx.oirms::Ophtlirtlitistot..ilier.e:4oo6,llll. ° ;g li 1 0 1 06 T allow Loaf 0 7 010 Barley a* t 0,,, 0 r °taxi, 171 In. 0 6 0 0 fhb Pe a _ Cot' .........._=.—__ ----.-- vo. ogg es oi 1,1,, 0 MINING I N TELLT Thu Ait Quantity of Copper Ore sold at itedruth Ise ........ :'a pt. Average 'Produce ...... .. ....... .. ...... ....., ..... i , ~...,0 1, Quantity of tine Copper ... .. .. ... .. ~...-7gt,- , .., -. Amount of sae, 19,0411. 14.01.--.AT"'" it..l" The ese" VO A. BIRTHS. # J On the 10th inst. the lady of • 0 34/ street-buildings, of a daughter. 10 411 , w! VW On the 11th inst. at Hither- / '...„je I+"' of J. Young, Evq., of a daughter. • the ."'' On the 9th inst. at Restalrig 11 ° 11 " .7 J. ` elide, of a son. 010 Oa the 11th inst. at Pcntonvil le, nei Dobinson, Req., of a daughter. , for On the 131 h inst. Mrs. Coles , a t t bel ol / Lion-square, of a son. lk C On the 10th inst. at Cheyne -vo ' f O. of the Rev. 11. J. Owen, of a son• to , ig On the 12th inst. at Esher, Sur'''. Jowerv, of a eon. ' sou _„,. 0 00 ,iy . n th e 11th last . latiAlltinliclhEleny, IV' 5t " . 1 41016 0 of F. w i rid E , E.g., of dmonton, t° —e, dsn4hter of Mrs. Potter, of finchley. .1,0044,„t/1 On the 11th in.t. at St. Mary's, nri lls , t hs' et Lieut.-Colonel J. D'Arc , K. 5.1..., lad °. - ICoth e ,,, l f ArtillerY, and of Alilforrd-haute, fleu"'c.. l° 4 P- ' Lucy Eliza, only daughter of J. Hyde, q,' i tap-square, and late of Lexharn.hall, Norfob"s ts reti e g On the 131.11 inst. at Lambeth, Mr. . 1 . 8 , i 4 g lia, Camberwell Naw-road, mpliew of Mr. O. si s Orr Pimlico, to Elizabeth, daughter of Mr. Petobert cent-Idice, 1 314 ehfriar s. ,r, . •" IP . 04101 On the 11th inst. at St. Sepulchre's, P Ma surgeon, Jewry-street, to .Ann, Wend dAug Figgins, E.. 1., of blington. vA i ikb 11 11 ' On the 13th inst. at St. Pantie s, F.. nigh, 'V of , telly of Doraer-square, to Abs. Ruda% relict dall, Esq., R.N. DT ED. Of 9/ ‘ On the leth inst. at h is seat Chilitvick-1300 4, Alli Ates, J. L otna x, Esq., *gel 58. ' C. r l‘r" On the 10th inst. at Farnham, , tiorrrYi 144 " A1 aged 54. ge m On the 9th inst. Mr. G. Deily, of liprer .--) O s place, Pimlico. ChOhitti 10 On the 10th inst. at Notthrode Cottage,' OP residence of illajor Pollock, in her Sfith yrivr, Williams, of Alsager, Cheshire. .. , _ ...c0r0 0r., PKINTSU A 141) PU/11.1%0111) ISY MVP IRS I ' a VIE SUN°WeltI 11g cpritAXP, I a