The Sun. — London, England, 1863-05-27 00:00:00

TILE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA, (From the Correspondent of the Thnes.) NEW YORK, lllay 12. The Government exercises so strict a supervision over the telegraphic lines, by means of its military censors, that when, on Saturday last, a few hours after the departure of the Liverpool steamer, it was announced, on the authority of telegraphic de spatches from Pniladelphia, that Richmond had been captured by the forces of General Keyes ad vancing from Yorktown, while General Lee was engaged in desperate battle with General Hooker, the news was generally believed. People would not credit the fact that the Government would not allow such intelligence to be flashed over the wins if it were untrue. But it was untrue, never theless, and not a shadow of foundation. It was an nounced at the same time that Gen. Hooker's army, so far from being defeated and demoralised, was in the highest health and spirits, and had actually commenced to recross the Rappahannock again to offer battle to the Confederates. The people who believed the one story were bound to believe the other. The bankers and brokers of Wall-street had by Monday morning so turned these matters over in their minds as to have come to the conclusion that the twin falsehoods were official truths. The price of gold came tumbling down accordingly, and sanguine patriotism again asserted that the back bone of the rebellion was indubitably broken, and that the war would be at an end within " 90 Jays." But as the day wore on it became palpable that the story of the capture of Richmond was a fabrication concocted in Washington. It was also thought possible that the story of the advance of Hooker was no better. To-day it is explained that the capture of Richmond by General Keyes was part of the programme as arranged by General Hal leek, and was to have been effected while Lee and his whole army were engaged at Chancellorsville, bat that by some fatality the project miscarried. It is also re-affirmed as a fact beyond dispute that Hooker has actually crossed the Rappahan nock, and is in full march towards Richmond, whither Gen. Lee has retired—and nine people out of ten believe the story. No amount of official false hood seems to blunt the edge of popular credulity. New York is as confident to-day that Hooker is advancing to assured victory as it was three weeks ago, before he had been tried and found wanting. The true history of the movement that ended so disastrously for Hooker's army begins to be disclosed. The campaign was not, it appears, planned by him, but by Gen. Haßeek, and Hooker was but but one of four pawns on the military chess-board, while Halleck and Lee were the players. While Hooker engaged Lee in the rear of Fredericksburg, and Richmond was denuded of troops, Gen. Stoneman, at the head of 2,700 horsemen (exaggerated in all the reports to 20,000, for the purpose of deceiving and frightening the enemy), was to make a rapid raid into Virginia, and destroy the railroads and bridges in the rear of Lee, so as to render it impos sible for him, even if he should defeat Hooker, to return to Richmond, except by a painful march of several days through jungle and wilderness and over unfordable streams. Gen. Keyes, at York town, aided by reinforcements from Fortress Mon roe, was to take advantage of the opportunity and march into Richmond, which it was expected would be wholly unprovided with troops, and unable to offer any resistance. Gen. Stoneman performed his part in the mostbritliant manner, scattering dis. may on every side as, like a whirlwind, his wild horsemen scoured over the country, destroying all before them. Bat the Confederate Government at Richmond scented the danger and divined the plan. Procuring reinforcements from the south of their capital in sufficient numbers to make it hazardous for Gen. Keyes to advance, it entirely foiled one part of the scheme. In the meantime Gen. Lee finding Hooker's army divided into two—the one portion, under the command of Gen. Sedgwick, at Fredericksburg ; the other, under General Hooker, at Chancellorsville,—attacked and defeated both the former with the loss of 6,000 men out of 10,000; and the latter with the loss of at least 18,000 in killed, wounded, and missing. It is asserted by Hooker's friends and admirers that the elements, and not the strategy of Lee or the bravery of the Confederate army, compelled him to retreat across the Rappahannock, and that it would have been madness in him to remain in the rear of Fredericks burg with that place in the possession of the enemy, and the Rappahannock swollen above its banks by the fiercest and most protracted rain storm of the season. No doubt it would have been unwise; but in war, however different it is or ought to be in other matters, success is the only test by which the world can judge of merit ; and the possible change of weather was one of the contingeneies which good generalship ought to have taken into account and duly provided against. When the President and General Halleck visited General Hooker at his for mer camp at Falmouth, the latter is reported to have been in no wise daunted by his want of suc cess ; to have treated the loss of 24,000 men as a small calamity, scarcely worth mentioning consider ing the work that had been done; to have repre sented his return to Falmouth as a mere march, and to have urgently requested and obtained permission to recommence where he had left off—by once more crossing the river and proceeding to Richmond, through and over any force with which General Lee might endeavour to oppose him. It is asserted by some that this movement actually commenced on Saturday, the 9th inst., and by others that it has been deferred until tomorrow. From the perti nacity or obstinacy of General Halieck, who en tirely governs the President in military affairs, as well as from the reckless dash and rude courage of General Hooker, goaded as he must be by a sense of failure, and anxious as he probably is to retrieve it, there is a strong probability that Hooker and Lee will again try the fortune of battle on Vir ginian soil, the scene of conflict being the banks of the North Anna or the Pamunkey, and the stake the city of Richmond. It is fortunate for Hooker that he has yet one chance remaining to live or die gloriously. All that need be said, while the issue is undecided, is that if Hooker has really advanced, and his legions are half as hopeful, efficient, and valorous as the Confederates have proved them selves, the greatest and bloodiest battle of the war is likely to be fought within the next fortnight. In this rapid review of the G situation Stoneman, the fain ct ahould not be omitted that eneral his brilliant raid, committed no d image that the Confederates could not have repaired within three or four days, and that had he not made a swift detour to his starting place his whole force would have been captured. Creditable as his operations were to himself and to his men, and ranking as they will 4° a mong the most exciting episodes of the war, th e , cannot he said to have produced the re sults anticipated, or done more than give General Lee's army an amount of work in rail-placing and bridge-building quipnaoril which he did not calculate when he left his trn:h come ews. From other te r preliminary rumours and announcements which teli Lincoln's Generals and Admirals prove that Mr. are "pegging away" at Charleston and Vicksbnr a gthat this pleasant month of May will not pass and ver without being made more memorable in the history of Southern independence than any previous m esth since the attack upon Fort Sumter. For the benefit of the few Republican doctr • ' in England wh o s eem to think that the inawes Federalde G o vernment can do no wron g it may b e eirabla to nut a question on the subject of free discussion in time of war. What, it may be asked, would the people of England have thought, said, or done under the following circumstances, supposing it to have been ht possible able, they clear-headed, c3uld have occurred ? John Brig, an logical speaker, and an earnest advocate of peace, addresses the people of Rochdale, in the year 1854, on the subject of the war in the Crimea. So high is uis reputation for eloquence, as well as for courage And patriotism, that not only his immediate neigh hems and friends, but multitudes of people from all the e ,:intiguous districts, gather to listen to his voice and chetn the manly expression of his sentiments. He denoueces the war as wrong in principle, erro neous in policy, unjust and iniquitous in itself, and more dangerous in its continuance to the liberty and Pr c osyrty of the British people than to the stability Emp;re. aPcl.9rP.9 that Lord Aberdeen is little better than an old woman, that Lord Panmure thinks too much of " Dowb" and too little of his duty to the country to be a e or on efficient Minister in a time of national d ,1 ger ; that speculation and peculation, jobbery al d robbery, pervade every department of the pu ervice ; and that war, always deplorable and wiel ed, is parti cularly horrible and unchristian when waged in de fence of such a rotten and effete institution as the Turkish empire, which maintains slavery, and is therefore no fit member of the comity of nations. He is not aware, while speaking, that two officers of the Grenadier Guards, disguised in citizen's attire, have been sent to the meeting by the War-office to take notes of his speech, and, having ended his ora tion, amid the enthusiastic applause of his audience, goes home to supper. A few night afterwards, think ing no evil, and believing himself to be a citizen of a free country, he retires quietly to bed as usual. But his sleep is not permitted to be of long duration. Shortly after midnight ho is aroused by a violent knocking at the outer door. He springs to his feet, thinking the house is on fire, and rings the fire alarm accordingly. His wife, children, and house hold gather in great alarm, in their night clothes, on the stairs and passages. The outer door is bat tered in, and a company of soldiers enter, the cap tain with his sword in his hand, and each man pre sents a bayonet at the breast of the bewildered legis lator. The ladies and children scream or faint, while Mr. Bright is told to dress immediately and consider himself a prisoner. Mr. Bright dresses himself, but objects to go to prison. Tne generous blood of a true-hearted Englishman rushes to his face, and he declares that he will rather die defending his ;ife than yield to his lawless and brutal captors. Hi s words are vain. He is violently seized and hurried through the streets to the railway station, where a special train is in waiting to convey him to Bir mingham. On arrival he is locked up in a military prison. Next morning he is brought before a court martial, composed of one brigadier -general, one colonel, one lieutenant-colonel, three majors, and two captains, and pat on trial on a charge of sedition and treason. He declines to acknowledge the juris diction of the court, and demands as a British sub ject to be tried before a civil judge and a jury of his countrymen. His demand is haughtily, summarily rejected, and the trial proceeds. The officers and " gentlemen" who condescended to act the part of spies for the Government detail and somewhat per vert the expressions which he used in denunciation of the war and the conduct of the Administration ; and after an investigation which lasts two days, Mr. Bright is committed to prison until the judges agree upon their verdict and decide whether he shall be incarcerated till the war is over, banished to Russia to live for the future among the friends withwhom he sympathises, or summarily shot or hung. Would the British people tamely submit to such a wrong in flicted even upon a much humbler person than John Bright ? Would not the newspapers of all shades of political opinion unite in expressing their indig nant displeasure ? And would not the House of Commons and the House of Lords also ring with denunciation of the act ? And, if these bodies were not in Session, would not every city and town in the empire hold immense public meetings to call upon the Queen to dismiss from her councils the unworthy Ministry who so degraded their function and so grievously imperilled the public peace ? Every honest Englishman who values the inesti mable right of free discussion and the supremacy of law will reply in the affirmative. Substitute the name of Clement Laird Vallandigham for that of John Bright,and the war against the South for the war against Russia ; lay the scene in Ohio in 1863 instead of in England in 1854, and the imaginary story becomes true; and every incident related is a literal fact. Andwhat, it may be asked in England, have the Americans done under the circumstances ? They have done nothing. The leading newspapers are silent. The leading people are so busily engaged in making money that they have neither time nor inclination to attend to such a trivial matter. A meeting of Democrats held to protest against the wrong is but thinly attended. Several clergymen publicly from the pulpit approve the " vigour" displayed by the Government, and rabid politicians in petticoats express their unfeminine joy at the arrest of so distinguished a Copperhead, and hope that he will be hanged or shot, as a warn ing to other evildoers who dare to speak of peace. It may be objected to the comparison between the imaginary case of Mr. Bright and the actual case of Mr. Vallandigham that in the one it is a foreign war which is in question, and in the other a civil war. The distinction may be admitted without damage to the inference. If a man be the free citizen of a constitutional Government he has the same right to criticise the acts of people in power and the policy of the Administration, whether the criticism apply to domestic or to foreign affairs. It is only an arbitrary despotism that will deny such right or punish its exercise. The specification of the charges against Mr. Val landigham, as set forth by the Judge-Advocate, might suggest the doubt not only whether America is, but whether it had ever been, a free country : " On or about the Ist of May, at Mont Vernon, Knox County, in the State of Ohio, he, the said Clement Laird Vallandigham, declared the present war to be wicked, cruel, and unnecessary ;" a war for the purpose of crushing out liberty and erecting a despotism ;" a war for the freedom of negroes and the enslavement of white men;' and that if the Government had so wished, peace might have been honourably attained by listening to the proposed intermediation of France." These were the main points of the alleged treason, brought out in fuller detail by the military spies who gave evidence before the court. One of them, a captain, who trusted partly to memory and partly to written notes, de clared that Mr. Vallandigham had said " that peace might have been restored some months ago, the Union saved by reconstruction, and the North (Mr. Vallandigham said the South) won back and gua ranteed in its rights." It was also declared by Mr. Vallandigham,—" That the Federal armies did not meet with success; that neither Richmond, nor Charleston, nor Vicksburg was taken ; that the Mississippi was not opened, nor would be, as long as there was cotton to sell or contractors to be rewarded ; that no more volunteers could be had ; and that the Administration had to re sort to a French conscription Act." He added, " that he would not counsel resistance to the mili tary or civil law, as that was not needed." Mr. Vallandigham, it appears, explained at the close of his speech that the legitimate and peaceful action of the people at the polls was the true remedy for misgovernment, and "advised the people to come together to the ballot-box, at the appointed time, and hurl the tyrant from his throne." It is as cer tain as that all men must die that if the forms of American liberty last as long as Mr. Lincoln's term of office, the ogency of the ballot-box will consign that unlucky functionary to private life, and elect some other President in his stead; and why, in the meantime, Mr. Lincoln should be greater than Pope w hy it should be considered treason able t o K ei ser, t os and a yof 8 o co mparatively small a person— what no one ever thought it treasonable to say of so great a hero and patriot as George anomalies%Vashingtonrgethat —is one of the many mysteries andt will, perhaps, puzzle the future historian of current much as a as they puzzle all disinterested spectators u ch events. Altogether, Mr. Vallandigham's speech, as reported by the military authorities who gave evi dence against him, was not only patriotic in purpose and logical in argument, hut singularly free from any violence, or even impropriety of expression on which a sane man could found a charge either of treason or sedition ; and if an American, who claims to be a Sovereign, not a subject, and who is justified in maintaining by the principles of the Constitution that the President is his servant and creature, to be made or unmad e b y hi s breath, cannot criticise his servant's conduct or policy, his wisdom or foolish ness, as the case may be, American liberty is a thing of the past, and the coming despot has but to appear and make an end of its name a s we ll as its substance. The swarm of returning volunteers whose term of service has expired continues to encumber the streets and draw the people out to make holyday. Saturday, Sunday, and yesterday were all busy days in this respect, and Broadway presented from sun /Ise to sunset the busy and festal appearance which it might be imagined to exhibit if peace were re stored, and the conquering heroes by whose valour it was won had come back with all their gory hon ' ours thick upon them to receive the gratitude of the happy and exu l tan t na ti on . B u t un d er th e guise of rejoi c i ng was the skeleton of sadness. The regiments that went out 1,000 or 1,200 strong re turn bronzed, weather-beaten, and hardy, but num bering scarcely more than 200 or 250, all the re mainder having perished in the shock of arms, or in the more deadly perils of the swamp and the hos pital. The return of one regiment, the Duryea Zoilaves,i was particularly noteworthy. The men took part, under General Hooker, in the deadly struggle of Saturday, the 2d of May, at Chancel lorsville. Their time expired on the 3d of May, and they insisted on going home, even though Hooker's army required at the time every man who could be made available. There was no means to retain them in the service. They had fulfilled their contract, and they called upon the Government to do the same. Transportation was therefore pro vided for them, and the " heroes " left the battle field while the bloody fight was still raging, and arrived in New York to receive the plaudits of their admiring countrymen —none of whom seemed to think it strange that the heroism had not been stretched a little, so as to have included within the sphere of its display the second as well as the first day of Chancellorsville. It is a crime in the eyes of the Lincoln Administration to discourage enlist ments. It may be asked whether all these "heroes" are not virtually among the strongest discouragers it is possible to find—and whether their strictly legal—but, under the circumstances, somewhat cowardly abandonment of their countrymen on the field of battle was not a worse crime against the safety of the Republic than Mr. Vallandigham's " treason," even though Mr. Vallandigham had had ten thousand tongues, instead of but one. Postcript.—General Hooker has outdone Pope, Bobadil, Munchausen, and himself in the matter of bold, brazen, unblushing brag. In a congratula tory order to the ..°_rmy of the Potoraac, dated on the 6th inst., but only made known to the public of this city this evening by telegraphic despatch from Falmouth, he claims a great victory over the Confederates. Though he admits that the army did not accomplish all that was expected, he thinks that, as the army knows the reasons of its own little failure, nobody has any right to complain or criticise, and asserts that "it will give or decline battle as its interest or honour may demand." He also affirms that it will be " the guardian of its own history and its own arms ;" and is of opinion that it " has added new laurels to its former renown," because it " has made long searches, crossed rivers, surprised the enemy in his entrenchments, and whenever it has fought has inflicted heavier blows than it has received." He claims to have " taken from the enemy 5,000 prisoners, captured seven pieces of artillery, placed hors de combat 18,000 of his chosen troops, destroyed his depots, filled with vast amounts of stores, damaged his communica tions, captured prisoners within his fortifications, and filled his country with fear and consternation." These are brave words, and General Hooker's boasts almost assume the character of sublimity. They take people's breath away to read them, and compel the question whether the Army of the Poto mac is either deceived or pleased by them, whether the rank and file are truly of opinion that their commander is so mighty a man of war as he repre sents himself to be, or whether they would not have a hundredfold more confidence in such a man as M'Clellan than in such a vain blusterer as this. , General Hooker passes lightly over his own loss, and is consoled for the death of his brave com panions, whose number he does not estimate, — though other people place them as high as 20,000 or 25,000—" by the conviction that they have fallen in the holiest cause ever submitted to the arbitra ment of battle." General Hooker should leave off writing. If after such a piece of bombast he does rot immediately swallow up Gen Lee and all his force he will be in a position ridiculous enough to ruin any public man in any country in the world—ex cept America. Mr. Roebuck, M.P., on the Recognition of the S onth. SHEFFIELD, Tuesday Evening. A great open• air meeting was held in Paradise- square to day, to consider the advisableness of memorializing Govern ment to " use its good offices to procure a suspension of hos tilities between the North and Scuth, with a view to an ar rangement of the difference between them," The meeting was called, in pursuance of a requisition, by the Mayor (Mr. J. Brown, and was attended by about 10,000 persons, in cluding all classes of the inhabitants. Mr. Roebuck had been announced to address the meeting, and he was received with considerable cheering. The MAYOR opened the proceedings by stating the object of the meeting, He read a letter from Mr. George Hadfield, M.P., who was unable to attend. There was a good deal said before the meeting about the shortness of the notice that had been given, and an attempt was made to damage the character of the meeting on that ground. The Mayor, however, explained that there had been no unfairness, and that, in fact, the meeting had been called for the last day on which Mr. Roebuck could attend. The extreme Abolitionist party here, who have had small meetings from time to time of their own party, and carried votes in favour of the Fe4rals, mustered strongly, and moved an amendment on the present occasion; but their opinions were obviously not acceptable to the vast majority of the meeting. The MAYOR called upon Mr. ROEBUCK—(cheers.)—Gentlemen, first and foremost I hope you will excuse me for keeping my hat on. Now, then, Mr. Mayor—(Here a drunken man, outside the crowd, began delivering a speech on his own account.) —I think that gentleman has begun rather too soon. (Loud cheers and laughter.) (The man persisted in proceeding; and as he had a most stentorian voice, it was hopeless for Mr. Roebuck to attempt to go on. Finally, the oration was cut short by the ruthless grasp of a policeman, who carried the man off amid great laughter.) Now, gentlemen, the question we are about to discuss is one of the highest possible importance. The Mayor has asked me to attend this meeting, for he told me that you would be glad to hear nay opinions. (Hear, bear.) Those opinions shall be frankly stated to you. It is my habit always to speak out. If you don't like 'em, I can't help it. (Laughter.) I have done my best to attain to what I conceive to be a wise judgment, and you must hereafter decide whether you coincide in it or not. It is to me a matter of great grati fication that you should pay such respect to me as to ask me my opinion. I think that it is honourable to me and honourable to you; for you have chosen a man in whom you have confidence, and you are prepared to ask him his opinion, letting him know at the same time that though you will give it due weight, you still reserve to yourselves the power—aye, and the responsibility—of judging for yourselves. (Hear, hear.) Now, what is the question which we have come here to discuss ? So far as lam con cerned, I can tell you that it is to me an entirely English question. What I have to consider is what is for the inte rest of England. What is for her interest I believe to be for the interest of the world. We hold such a position that every step taken by England as a country reverberates throughout the whole world, and influences the happiness of every man. (" Hear," and a loud voice " No," followed by cries of "Turn him out," and confusion.) Well, this g kuawsnTes e enoahre n tt aiiipe t beneby l heri e et m Ea rewt. Inhn a ehpe n itelLho i i hsspeahaouswvehement a friend of peace that he won't ) Coiyeanowl.ul e l tldthv w oi hs a bua s epqtaoa a , rn b et sw o htt u eoii ont t han,t act? amt l Feienl while youek uponth e i t w si a n a y p il circumstancesny will i brieflydo so, and adned freely express nay opinions to you. Those opinions have hastilysu result o r fformed: long theyare consideration o f theof mine.diffi culties by which the question is surrounded. And therefore if I have come to an incorrect conclusion, the fault is not one of want of care that I hare devoted to it. It is that in the weakness of my judgment I have come to error, Judge for yourselves whether am in error, but listen while I explain myself, (Hear, hear.) Many years ago Eng land planted great colonies in America, They raised them selves up to a great height. They became 3,000,000 of people ; and they then determined to separate from Eng land. They declared that they had a right to separate when they thought fit to do so. (Hear, hear.) They supported that judgment of theirs by arms. They fought England; they beat England (hear, hear); they declared themselves in dependent. (dear, hear.) The consequence of that is, that they established this great principle among mankind, thit when a people are determined to throw off a yoke, whatever that yoke may be, if they have the power, they have the right to do so. (Cheers, and " No, no 1") As many as please may cry " No, no ;" I am merely stating what I be . lieve. England resisted these people. Then came France to aid them. France entered into . an alliance with our re. volted colonies. Thereupon we declared war against France, We carried on that war. We were again beaten. We yielded the independence of America, and we made peace with France. Then again we established another great principle, thatpow power o when f an a y people other aitheirPower—to it is them selves with with the so fighting body. They have a right to do s°' and if they have the power to maintain themselves they are no itaiestkitged W in ua d l o y in . g The facts l ac am ts a a p r p e ea a ling s I state. htei.story. lam elusions have been drawn by mankind. Now, af i te lareacbrve." 80 years of alliance, the United States of America have separated in two. A large body of these states, calling rnsogeq eedhuattte oeres orgt THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MAY 27, 1863. themselves the Confederate States, declared that they would no longer be allied to these United States, but would make themselves independent. (Hear.) They are exactly in the T osition of the American colonies with regard to England in the year 1777. (No, no.) All I ask is that you will hear. (" What caused the separation ?") I am acme • tomed to speak in a deliberative assembly, and the charac ter of that assembly is this—that I may say things which the great majority of them dislike, but there is that cour tesy in that assembly that they don't interrupt. (Cheers.) They wait till I have done, and if they think me wrong they endeavour to answer me; but they are not discourte- ous, and they do not interrupt me. (Cheers.) Then, I say, returning to my argument, the Confederate States, when they determined to secede, were in the condition of the American colonies when they declared that they were determined to be independent. (" Slavery 1") I'll come to that by-and-bye, but don't be in such a mighty hurry. (Laughter.) They separated, and what was the feeling in England ? I'll tell you what my feeling was. I know that country. I have been there many years of my life, and I learnt a great deal while I was there. They had a future before them, such as no people ever had before. They had a wonderfully fertile country, intersected with great rivers. They began a free people. They conti nued a free people. They had English law, the English language, English literature; and they were placed in a position such as was sever occupied before. Their career foe 80 years was one of unparalleled prosperity. But between them there has grown up a feeling of antagonism. The South were determined to separate; they did separate; and men in England.mourned that separation, and no one more than myself, because I behaved that if they did separate a great check would be given to the advancement of mankind. The North was separated from the South, and the North began to act. And here begins the lesson I want to read to you. I say I mourned at that separation. But the North themselves, from the very commencement, were so cruel, so determined on empire—(hear, hear, and no, no)—so deter. mined on maintaining empire, that they forgot charity, they forgot Christianity; they made themselves a spectacle to the world of cruelty, corruption, and horror. (Cheers.) That being the case my feelings changed, but I did expect that the great power of the North, their wonderful resources, would enable them to subdue the South. But the South stood up, like the real descendants, as they are, of English men. (Hear.) They said, " We will vindicate to ourselves the right to govern ourselves ; we will fight to the death for our independence." And they have fought to the death. (Cheers. A voice, "Slavery.") They have conquered the North. (Cheers, and cries of "No, no.") And now I ask myself if the time has come when surrounding nations shall do what we ought to do now—acknowledge the South as an independent nation. Great cheering, and cries of "Never," and " Slavery.") lam about to come to the question of slavery, and I hope the gentlemen who are so anxious about slavery will now be silent. The Northern States of Ame rica hate slavery; but there is one thing they hate still more, and that is the slave. (Cheers.) Now, I know New York well—and people are here who don't know America—and I know this, that the black man in New York is treated as I would not treat a dog. (Cheers.) They have declared in their public documents their determination not merely to conquer the South, but to root out the slave. It is not merely to put an end to slavery; but even President Lincoln, when u g he talked to th ese p eo pl e , qu ietly advised them to retire feroouml dbe r " , (aHnedarla.) N h o t w e , laughter.) h ing The black man, I take it, has the feelings of a man. He is born in that country, he has a wife and children in that country; and though he is treated very ill in that country—more especially in the North—(cheers and expressions of dissent) —more especially in the North—(hear, hear, and cheers) — he has feelings towards that country, and he does not wish to be banished from it. (Hear.) But President Lincoln has very peculiar notions about slavery. He issued a pro clamation declaring all the slaves free in those seceded States, and he maintained slavery where his power extended. (Cheers.) And, therefore, I say that was not an honest movement. My countrymen here have kind hearts, and their hearts bleed when they think that men are slaves. I say, can England, by allowing this horrible war to go on, can she, as she has done, being thoroughly neutral between tho two—can she, if she can prevent it, in her own con science, allow these horrible atrocities to continue:? Oh, I am met with the cry—l have heard it here—" Slavery.' , But what is slavery in the South as compared with the black man's condition in the North ? No man looks upon slavery with greater horror than I do, and if I could bene• fit the slaves—if I could do anything for their condition b, at once making them a free people, I should be prepared, as far as my humble power goes, to confer liberty upon them. (Hear.) But we did that among a smaller body of black people in the West Indies. We paid for them, and, as England always has behaved in such cases, we dealt liberally, not only by the slave, but by the slaveholder. (Hear, hear.) Can you do that in America ? You cannot, (A voice, " Yes, you can.") You say we can=but you know nothing about it. (Great laughter and cheers.) The millions of slaves in America would swallow up all the money in the North and in the South to buy their freedom. You cannot do it. But the connection between the slave holder and the slave is not so painful RB many may imagine. They are kindly treated. I know they are not treated as I should like t . be treated, because I am a free man. I have been brought up in freedom, I have fought for my own livelihood—they have not. They like their condition then, to this extent,—that when they become old they are not called upon to maintain themselves, and the slaveholder treats them—unfortunately, I must use the phrase —as I should treat my horse. (Oh, oh, and hear, hear.) I never overwork him if lam a wise man. I lament that any human being should be in that condition, but they are in that condition—and, as statesmen, what are we to do ? I fear that for many years to come slavery must exist. You cannot get rid of it on a sudden. Time, patience, and the education of the black man, all must go hand in hand, and it will be the result of time, of education, of patience,which will drag them out of the condition in which they now are. ( Were hime. (Hear, r a , a h y e o a um r d . a) cheers.) teoe rast.t Now,)e attempt h t a a t mo t e m s n l ao a ht v e e a r slavery very as s r y s a s v t muchreo strong as g s would any man, mfi fight nh u t t. luckily the battle is not always to the strong, as we have seen between the North and South. (Hear, hear.) Well, then, have things come to the condition that England is called upon to act ? She has been throughout entirely neu tral, and what has been the result ? Language has been used to her, not merely by the people, but by the Govern ment of America, insulting beyond description; and at last they have come to say, when describing themselves, " We are reduced to that condition that even England can bully us." I want to know how they have been brought into that condition ? By themselves. (Hear, hear.) Any thing more ruthless never was heard of in man's history. I met a 4 gentleman the other day, he was a native of one of the seceded States, who told me that the Federal army had come over his property and burnt down his house—they didn't leave one stone upon the other; they took away his furniture, they stole his wife's garments, and they sent them to their own wives. (" Hear," and a voice, " Eng land's done it many a time.") More shame for us, that is all I can say. (Hear.) These things are going on from day to day. Every re ail brings an account of horrors such as Napoleon himself never perpetrated. (" Hear," and a voice, " They haven't blown them from a cannon.") We did that in India, and I don't think we did very well. Now, it is all very fine for Englishmen to turn up their eyes, and pretend to be so wonderfully good, (Laughter.) I want to know when the Peace Party opposed the annexation of Oude. I want to know when the Peace Party opposed those other annexations in India. I want to know whether the Punjab and Scinde have not all been acquired by force of arms; and were we not very much astonished to see the perfeet quietude of the Peace Party upon those occasions ? (" Hear, hear" and laughter.) Now, I am very much inclined to believe that, though the poor working man inLancashire has suffered dreadfully from the cotton famine, the masters in Manchester have not suffered to the same extent. (Hear, hear.) I can very easily under stand that when a man is happy, when he is making money easily, and enjoying all the fruits of the earth in consequence of this war—l say I can understand his objection to anything being done to put an end to it. But, while I feel for the working men of Lancashire, I feel for the sufferings of the peop of America, and I want to put an end to this war. I say to England, " If you now step in and declare boldly what you think to be requisite —namely, that the Southern States should he at once acknowledged as an independent nation." (Chering, and cries of " No, no," and a voice with great emphasis, " Never.") A working man who was stand ing near the steps became obstreperous, and was ignomini ously expelled by the police. (Mr. Roebuck continued) I am told that if we acknowledge the South we shall go to war with the North. I say I do not believe it. I say there is no person, no body of men, who so much desire England's interference in that war as the Northern States themselves. (Hear, hear.) I may state that very remarkable thing. We looked upon a war with America with horror because it would bring about a cotton famine. Well, we have no war with America ; but we have a cotton famine. The most curi ous thing is this. If we had war with America, we should at once put an end to the cotton famine. Now, that is a very peculiar circumstance. The South would then be an inde pendent people; we should break the blockade at once— (hear, hear)—and we should have cotton in Manchester. (A stentorian voice.—" We can't.") But we should. (Cheers.) (Mr. S. Jackson—" We should have a civil war in Eng land ;" and interruption.) I want my arguments to be answered, not abuse. By our present proceedings not only have we alienated the North, but we shall alienate the South. France will step in, as she did in 1778. She will conciliate the Southern States of America, and we shall lose friends on both sides. (" How do you know this ? We shall do right, and they will do wrong.") I do not pretend to judge my neighbour. I hope that lam a charitable man. Ido notcall men who happen to differ from me rogues—l think them very honest people ; I think them mistaken, because of course every man believes himself to be right, but I pay them every possible deference. lam willing honestly to listen to them—patiently, courteously; I don't desire to in terrupt them. Now, that is the position in which we stand. (Interruption.) You are so wonderfully impressed with the miseries of the slave that you care nothing about my misery. (Laughter and cheers.) Well, then, what is the reason why we should no t d o i t ? First, they say, E ng l an d ought not to help s ' a verY. I say so too ; but we should not hel p slaver y i g by acknowled ng the South. ("Hear," and "No.") Don't interrupt me. (" Turn him out," and a voice, "Don't laugh so much, Mr. Clegg.") I am sure Mr. Clegg has no t interrupted me. ("He ' s only an agitator.") Now, I have very little more to say , but I want to notice one or two arguments that have been brought against me. One io, that we should be benefitting slavery by acknowledging the South. I say, no ;we should not benefit slavery, but we should really benefit the slave. By doing anything to assist the North we may do away with slavery, but at the same time we should do away with the slave. And I must say that throughout the whole contest there has been a curious feeling on the part of gentlemen who support the Federal power. They have said, "We are not neutral, be cause we have shown no sympathy for the North." Now, sympathy is not a part of neutrality; and 1 at once acknow ledge that I have no sympathy with the North. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) I think my sympathies ought to go, as they do go, with the South. (Cheers.) They are a gallant people, fighting for their independence, and they have ob tained it. (Cheers and counter cheers.) The chance of suc cess on the part of the North is as a million to one. They never hope to conquer the South; but I will tell you what they hope for. There is a body of men in New York who thrive wonderfully upon the war. They have contracts, they have greenbacks," they have every means of putting their hands into the public purse; they are gorged with wealth; and. as long as this goes on they will wish the war to con- tinue. But if you go into the agricultural districts of North America you would find things very different there. (Hear, hear.) There you would see sorrow for the war; there you would find husbands dragged to the war, you would find brothers gene there, killed, wounded, maimed, made mise rable for life. They know what the horror of the war is ; they have none of the advantages of the contractor in New York ; they therefore wish to put an end to the war. And there is another class of men in North America which se hates England that anything that should continue to give her pain they would delight in ; and this arises from England's bad conduct. lam speaking of the banished Irish in Ame rica. The ill-conduct of England has driven thousands— nay, millions—from Ireland. They went from Ireland with their hearts burning against England, and they have given that feeling to their descendants; and the greater part of the abuse that has been showered upon England has come from banished Irishmen. I look with sorrow upon that. I cannot look with wonder, for we have behaved ill to Ireland. That inevitable Nemesis that always follows the ill deeds of nations has followed us there, and we are now suffering for what our ancestors have done wrong to Ireland. But in our time good government has been taken to Ireland; there is good government there now, and we are endeavouring to wipe out the misdeeds of our ancestors. But having done that, having ulcerated the hearts of the banished Irish, we cannot hope—l have no hope that we shall ever attain that result—to make them forget that England has always been a step-mother to Ireland. (A voice, with a rich Milesian brogue, "Aye, an' a cowld one too.") (Great laughter.) That being the case, I don't wonder at a great part of the abuse which has b: en showered upon England, but still all that notwith standing, notwithstanding that the banished Irish, notwith. standing that the contractors of New York, notwithstand ing that the ill-advised peace party here are all in favour of continuing this war,— I say, " No, and if England can move in such a way as to put an end to it, let her do so at once." (Cheers.) What do I ask this meeting to do ?Do I ask this meeting to dictate to Parliament ? No. All I wish you say is what you think. You must leave the management of the whole matter to Parliament, I don't want you to tell them what they are to do. They are in a condition to know much better than we what steps should be taken. I merely wish to tell them our opinion and leave them to deal with the matter for themselves. lam no part of this town ; I form no part of the Town Council here ; neither am I an inhabitant of Sheffield ; but I am your very faithful repre sentative. (Cheers, and a voice, "No.") I dare say lam not that gentleman's representative. Neither do I desire to be. (Cheers and laughter.) lam fully and fearlessly telling you what I think. Ido not wish anybody to obey me. I do not compel obedience ; I only use my intellect to, if I can, guide yours. You must guide your own intellect by the lights you have. I would wish to be one of those lights. You may think me—no doubt that gentleman does think me—a dark lamp, not a light. I can be no guide to him. Well, I ant sorry for it. I think he would steer his course much better if he took me for his guide. (Cheers and laughter.) There is one other observation which I wish to make—for talking so loudly in my weak condition - wearies me out. Though very well, lam very weak. That obser vation is this—you should consider upon the present occa sion that you are simply expressing an opinion. You don't wish to coerce or judge anybody except by the light of that opinion. You must leave Parliament, as I said, to judge for themselves. Ido not call upon you, I do not call upon anybody, to do the business which Parliament ought to do for itself. But I know that upon many occa sions petitions have been sent to Parliament. 'I hose peti tions have asked for particular legislative acts. Within the last few weeks I have had petitions sent to me upon matters in which Ido not agree with the petitioners. 1 have always presented the petitions; but I hope Parliament will act to the best of its judgment, and I hope those petitions won't be acted upon. (Cheers and laughter.) But still. Ido not complain that those gentlemen should petition; I think they are quite right to make their opinions heard. I cannot understand how this can be called a hole-and-corner meeting. (Hear, hear.) The world of Sheffield is invited to come here, and the world of Sheffield has come. How anybody who made up his mind,and who fully believes he is right, can say upon the present oecasion that he was taken by surprise, is what I cannot understand. How a man can be taken by surprise upon the American question is beyond my comprehension. For two years past England has been ringing with almost that and that alone. Opinions of all sorts have been advanced. If the people are ever to be instructed upon the question of America they are instructed now. Around me are many gentlemen on the other side, who have found their way here, and I cannot understand how they can complain of being taken by surprise. The very fact of their complaint shows there is no cause for it. Now, then, gentlemen, I have told you very frankly my opinions. I cannot reason out this question as I should desire in the immense area I have to address, but still dis tinctly I tell you I believe the time is come for an acknow ledgment of the independence of the South—(cheers) —that England, by so doing, will be carrying out the great mission she has to advance and protect mankind ; that if she do so she will benefit not only herself, but the world at large. Therefore I should advise you—if my advice be worth any thing, you will take it; if not, reject it—l should advise you to say that, in your opinion, the Confederate States of America should at once be acknowledged to be an indepen dent nation. (Loud cheers). The Rev. J. P. HoPrs moved the following resolution : " That in the opinion of this meeting the Government of this country would act wisely, both for the interests of England and those of the world, were they immediately to enter into negotiations with the great Powers of Europe, for the purpose of obtaining the acknowledgment by them of the independence of the Confederate States of North America." The motion was seconded by Mr, MICHAEL BEAL. The Rev. J. GUTTRIDGE (WesleyanFreeChurch) moved the following amendment : " That this meeting records its high admiration of the honourable neutrality hitherto maintained by the Govern ment in relation to the dreadful civil war now raging on the American Continent, and earnestly hopes that the same policy of non-intervention will be pursued in future." Mr. W. J. CLEGG seconded the amendment, Mr. Hopps's resolution was carried by an overwhelming majority. RAILWAY INTELLIGENCE. EASTERN BENGAL. The directors of this company in their report con gratulate the shareholders on the satisfactory com pletion- of the whole line from Calcutta to Koosh tee ; and on the success, as a commercial under taking, which has since attended the working of both the goods and passenger traffic. The works were commenced on the 14th of April, 1859, and the last portion of the land, three miles in length, was delivered to the company in the commencement of 1860. On Sept. 29, 1862, 45 miles of the line, from Calcutta to RLanaghat, were opened for passenger traffic only. On Nov. 15 following the whole line of 110 miles, from Calcutta to Kooshtee, on the Ganges, was opened throughout for general traffic. The Government of Bengal have expressed their approval of the manner in which the officers of the engineering staff of the company and the agent of the contractors have performed their several duties. The Government of India, in a public despatch, re ferring to Mr. Burdon, the chief engineer of the company, acknowledges "the services he has ren dered to the country by the skill with which he has laid out and directed the works of the Eastern Ben gal Railway, "while at the same time Messrs. Les lie, Prestage, and Granville, engineers under him, are assured " that the Government of India is fully sensible of their meritorious services;" and Mr. Henfrey, agent of the contractors, Messrs. Brassey, Paxton and Wythes, is informed " that his success ful prosecution of an undertaking of such magnitude as this railway, under circumstances so novel to English contractors, entitles him to the hearty approval and congratulations of the Government." The gross traffic receipts from the 16th of Novem ber last, when the whole line was opened, to the end of the year (five weeks) amounted for passen gers to 46,682 rupees, and for merchandise to 10,204 rupees; together, 66,976 rupees. The re ceipts from the end of the year to the 11th of April last (15 weeks) amounted for passengers to 136,401 rupees, and for merchandise to 50,649 rupees; to gether, 187,050 rupees. The maintenance of the way and works up to the month of November next will be borne by the contractors. The directors state that they have every reason to expect a very large traffic at Kooshtee, through the resort of the steamers to that port instead of Calcutta. The capi tal, account s h ows a total expend i ture o f £1,285, 27, leaving a balance of £114,272. A SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. - ---.--- .- PosT.—We don't intend to discuss any questions of form or procedure which may be pending before any or the American prize tribunals which are now adj coating upon British ships. To understand, however, even the nature of the proceedings, it is necessary to bear in mind one clearly settled and indisputable principle of international law, without attending to which it is impossible even to judge of the meaning of the accounts which occasionally reach us of incidental decisions in the progress of the pending suits. The principle to which we refer is this. When a vessel is seized on the ground of her illegal destination, the case must in the first in stance be determined by an examination of the ship's papers, and by the evidence of her master and crew. If nothing can be found in these to create suspicion, no further evidence can be received, end the owners of the ships are entitled to an absolute judgment in their favour, with damages for the detention of the ship. This rule, we need scarcely say, is one entirely peculiar to the maritime tribu nals. In all other courts of justice, when a question arises as to any fact, either side are at liberty to prove that fact by any legal evidence which they can adduce. But, in the case of seizure, the maritime courts have laid down a positive rule of law that no evidence can be adduced to support the capture unless there appears cause for it in the evidence coming from the ship itself. It is of some import ance clearly to explain the mode of proceeding. The Peterhoff has been seized on an allegation that her real destination was one of the blockaded ports. On this allegation she is carried into an American port, and submitted to the adjudication of an American prize tribunal. Her captors have a right to seize the ship's papers. If it appear by these papers that she is bound for a blockaded port, the evidence against her is complete ; but if her papers are all regular, showing that she had cleared for a neutral port, there is still another mode of inquiry per mitted to her captors. In the American port to which she is brought there are Admiralty agents who have power to examine on oath her master and her crew. Their depositions are taken down in writing, and sent, with the ship's papers, to the admiralty court which is to decide on the va lidity of the capture. On these materials, and on these materials alone, the cause must be heard. If the papers be regular, and the answers of the master and crew be clear and distinct, showing that she was bound to a neutral port, the court has no power to enter on any further inquiry. The captors might have it in their power to produce a hundred wit nesses who would swear that captain and crew and owners have all told them that she was really bound to Charleston; they might be prepared to show that passengers had been taken on board to be conveyed there ; not one word of this evidence could be received; the ship must be judged upon the ma terials before the court—that is, upon the papers and the depositions—and unless something can be found in them to impeach the bona fides of her pro ceedings, the ship must be instantly discharged. If, indeed, there is on the papers and depositions so much ambiguity as to leave the legality of the voyage in doubt, then the courts are in the habit of permitting the owners to adduce extrinsic evidence to clear this up. The captors have even in some very rare and exceptional instances been allowed to adduce evidence on their side. But the rule is perfectly established that, if nothing appears on the papers and depositions to justify the seizure, the owners are entitled to a return of their vessel, and no evidence can be heard,: to condemn it. This peculiarity of maritime procedure is of course per fectly familiar to all who are acquainted with mari time law. The rule was stated by Lord Stowell with his usual clearness in the case of an American ship, the Fortuna, tried before him in 1811. " The captor," he said, " is not called on at the commence ment of the suit to state the particular grounds on which he contends that the vessel is a lawful prize. He has a right to institute the inquiry, and to take his chance of the benefit of any fact that may be produced in the result of that inquiry. This is a great advantage on the side of the captor, but it is controlled by his liability to costs and damages if the inquiry produces nothing, and it is fully balanced by the advantage given to the claimant in this species of proceeding that no evidence shall be admitted against him but such as proceeds from himself and from his own witnesses, the captor not being permitted, except in cases marked by pecu liar circumstances, to furnish any evidence what ever!' The greatest of American jurists, Judge Story, in his work upon prize courts, lays down the same rule. "It is upon the ship's papers and de. positions thus returned that the cause is in the first instance to be heard and tried. This is not a mere matter of form ; it is of the very essence of the ad ministration of prize law." To multiply authorities is unnecessary, and would far exceed the ;limits of an article. Those who wish to pursue the subject for themselves will find it duly discussed in the note of Judge Story, in his " Principles and Prac tice of Prize Courts." In the same volume will be found a document of the very highest authority, and written under circumstances which invest it with a peculiar interest. In 1794 Mr. Jay, the American Minister, applied to Lord Stowell, then Sir W. Scott, and Dr. Nicholl, to supply him with a statement as to the general principles regulating the practice of the British prize courts. In reply they were able to transmit to him a report made to George 11. in 1753, by Sir George Lee, then Judge of the Prerogative Court, Dr. Paul, his Majesty's Advocate-General, Sir Dudley Rider, his Majesty's Attorney-General, and Mr. Murray, afterwards Lord Mansfield, his Solicitor-General. In this re port the rule is thus stated—" The evidence to acquit or condemn, with or without costs or da mages, must, in the first instance, come merely from the ship taken—" viz., the papers on board, and the examination on oath of the master and other principal officers—for which purpose there are officers of admiralty in all the considerable sea ports of every maritime Power at war, to examine the captains and other principal officers of every ship brought in as a prize, upon general and im partial interrogatories. If there do not appear from thence ground to condemn an enemy's pro perty, or contraband goods going to the enemy, there must be an acquittal, unless from the evidence aforesaid, the property shall appear so doubtful that it is reasonable to go into further proof thereof. In this method," concludes the report, by courts of admiralty acting according to the laws of nations and particular treaties, all captures at sea have been immemoriably judged in every country in Europe. Any other mode of trial would be manifestly unjust, absurd, and impracticable." TIMES.—It has been raid, with too much truth, ' that in this country the non-performance of public duties is often more profitable than their perform. ance. We compensate more handsomely than we remunerate, arid grant retiring pensions out of all proportion to the salaries which we think adequate for the highest services. It was shown the other day by one of our correspondents that a gentleman who for many years filled an important office at the Admiralty was a positive gainer by being invalided, and enjoys, or will shortly enjoy, a much larger in come as a non-effective than he ever had while he was in active employment. Much in the same way it may be possible that a military offiner retiring from his regiment may leave his family in a much better position than one who is killed in action. The widow of the latter, it is true, is entitled to a slender annuity for life, and his children receive small sums annually till they come of age, but it is seldom indeed that these allowances represent the bare interest on the money actually sunk. The hardship arising from such a case is peculiarly felt where the rank or command held by the deceased officer was conferred on him as the reward, and the only substantial reward, for signal merits. In this instance the gratitude of the country, being limited to the lifetime of its object, may be entirely defeated by his early death. Hereditary distinctions, such as peerages and baronetcies, are not liable to be thus extinguished if the first bearer leave any male issue, but the nation is rarely backward to accom pany such honours with the means of keeping them up. It is otherwise where the recognition of brilliant achievements comes in the form of knight hood or promotion. The title, of course, does not descend, and, unless the officer live long enough to make provision for his family out of his increased income, they take no permanent benefit by the ac cession of personal dignity. If he should die in the following year, for instance, they will have reason to regret that he had not sold out before the oppor tunity of rendering conspicuous service to his coun try ever arose. These reflections are forced upon us with peculiar cogency by an individual instance of just such a miscarriage. Short as memories are in this generation, the defence of Lucknow is never men tioned or remembered without a thrill of national pride. It was the greatest deed of a war which was remarkable for great deeds of heroism, and it was the cause of other great deeds the lustre of which has somewhat obscured that of the defence itself. Had Lucknow not held out as it did, there would have been no occasion for Havelock's victo ries, and the relief of it by Lord Clyde could never have become a part of history. That it did so hold out, and that constancy and discipline were main tained unbroken among its defenders, is admitted on all bands to have been mainly due to Sir John Inglis. Ample justice was done from the first by the Governor-General and the Home Government, no less than by the public, to his "enduring forti tude and persevering gallantry ;" but we believe that the military profession alone can fully appre ciate the skill and resources manifested in those three eventful mouths of the siege. For this splen did piece of service Colonel Inglis, as he th en was, was raised to the rank of Major-General, and made wish to provoke invidious comparisons, but sol e ly a Knight Commander of the B a th. I t i s with no ~.,r,._.....--_- in order to show how different is the pecuniary value of such promotion and of the recompense sometimes given to be:ots, that we here quote the preerdants of Williams and Havelock. Sir Wil liam Williams's defence of Kars was a f ea t in many" respects similar to Sir John Inglis's defence of Lucknow, though it must be recorded, in fairness ;o the latter, that. it was not equally successful; yet certainly no one felt that the hero of it was., over-rewarded by a baronetcy with a pension of £l,OOO a year attached toit. The command of the garrison of Woolwich and the command of the troops in Canada were additional marks of Het Majesty's favour. To the widow end son of Sir Henry Havelock, who can hardly be said to have relieved Lucknow, though thu name of that city is appended tot he bat on etcy were awarded respectively similar pensions of £l,OOO a year, amid the applause of the whole nation, We are tar from saying that the inferior honours bestowed on Sir John Inglis were a shabby req ;rata' of his deserts, bat we ish:to point ont that they were inferior, and not only inferior, but—what is of greater importance—far more pre carious. Having been made a Major-General he was afterwards appointed to the command in Corfu. Had he lived he might here, perhaps, have saved a considerable sum in the course of time, but his health was shattered by his Indian service, and be unhappily died of an lonian fever a few months ago, leaving a widow and five children, to whom a sixth was added but a week since. The worth of his commission having been lost by the very fact (gilts promotion, a share of prize money amounting to less than £2OO, a widow's pension of £l4O a year, and an allotment of £25 each for all the children so long as they are under age, is all the acknow ledgment that remains to the representatives of a man to whom our 'lndian Empire owes so much. Now, the question is not whether this does not pain our feelings, but, simp:y whether this is right. There are many brave men who have fallen in their country's service after exertions not less heroic, though more humble, than those of Sir John Inglis, and whose widows may have at least an equal • claim on the score of compassion to the national bounty. When we select this as an exceptional case, demanding the attention of the Government, we do not speak of compassion but of equity. Unless it can be shown that Sir John has never re ceived what he had a right to expect, and what the English nation, from the Queen downwards, in tended to give him, we should be ashamed to plead on behalf of Lady Inglis. We regara this as a re markable example of the injustice which the system of rewarding public benefactors by offices tenable for life may occasionally work. Where it does work such injustice it is surely the part of the Govern ment, and, if necessary, of the Legislature, to step in and redress the hardship which would otherwise be suffered. All that is required, or could properly be asked, is that the widow of Sir John Inglis should be placed in the same position which would have been unanimously and most cheerfully con ceded to her if her husband's premature death could have been foreseen. COUNTRY MARMv(TS. ir , LIVERPOOL —TUESDAY. At our market to-day there was a fair attendance of millers and dealers, and an improved demand experienced for wheat at generally the full prices of this day week, but ld to 2d per 100ib more money for good winter red Ameri can. Four more inquired for, but not dearer. Oats and meal, with a slow sale, barely maintained Friday's prices. Barley and peas as before. Egyptian beans were easier to buy. Indian corn was rather neglected, MARKET HARBOROUGH—TUESDAY. White wheat, 48s to s:s; red, 43s to 46s per 36 stone. Malting barley ,at 37s to —s7per qr.; grinding, 308 to 325 per 30 st. Oats, old, 26s to 295; new, 22s to 25s.per 24 st. ; beans, 34s to 39s per qr. BRISTOL—TUESDAY. The transactions in the corn market here to-day were purely nominal, and call for no report. SHEFFIELD—TUSDA. Red wheat, per lo a d o f 3 imperial bus E hels.. Y .lss Od to 165 ti White )) ...20s Od t o 2 P.,1" - New red ...17s Od t o 185 New white .. .18s Od ' u`' ...18s .. to 105t 4 I, _ „ ... 158 Od to 19s v' Beans f) ~ 45s Od to 56s n Peas, per qr 28s Od to 300'" A Grinding barley, per qr 7, 1 Malting ditto, „ 34s Od to 38s 21s Od to 27s vs" Oats Flouic is 7d to 2s 2d per stone. LEEDS—TUESDAY. There bas been a fair b us i ness d one i n wheat, at a bor t er last week's prices. In some instance s f or fi ne re d s folio prices were exceeded. Beans firm. No other change' NEWCASTLE—MONDAY. A moderate show of wheat on offer to-day, and sales were made at a slight adv ance on l as t wee k' s rates. Trad(ki healthy. A small sh ow o f oat s . N o malting barleh,all a moderate quantity of grinding sorts, with a steady sale at late quotations. Old white wheat..s7s to 61s Old red wheat, s 3s to 66 8 New do. ..48 s to 538, New do. 428 to 49s Malting barley••••37s to 42s Oats. 22s to 320 Grinding d 0... • .29 s to 32s I Beans 37 s t o 46 0 I MELTON MOWBRAY-TUESDAY. The following were the currencies who!" 47s Od to 52s Od ; new red, 42s Od to 48s per 36 „Ol d :: beans, 36s to 43 8 f or o ld ; new sorts , 34 s t o as per f o r barley, 32s to 35sifor malting, and 28s to 31s per qr. grinding; oats, 20s to 30s Od per 24 stone. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Australia and Mauritius, via Southampton June 18 ' via Mae 1. &nil and Cap e V er d s, by Britis rs h eilles th Jun pa et. June 4. Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena May 2 ,?' China, Penang, and Si nga p ore , v i a S ou th ampton Junet un via Marseilles May °' Falkland Isl an d s Gibraltar, via Southampton June 2. India (Calcutta), an d C ey l on , v i a S outhampton June 2. n via Marseilles May 2 8. India (Bombay), via S ou th ampton June 1 0. via Marseilles June 6 . Portugal.... June 4. Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton June 2. via Marseilles May 28. Newfoundland ..May 27. Oporto and Vigo U. S. and British N. America, by Brit. packet.... May 27. by U.S. packet.... by Canadian packet. May ---• W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe June 10. Bahamas, via New York J une 4. Mexico May 29. All parts of West Indies, including Chili, Peru, I May 29. California. and B r iti s h Columbia. THE AMERICAN BLOCKADE.-.The Maja, of oid enburg, Henssen, from Matamoros for Liverpool' was taken into Key West as a prize, but, on examination o f her papers, was immediately released, and proceeded. Per' nambuco, May I—The Commonwealth (ship) of Bosta' 1,245 tons, for San Francisco, with a general cargo, has bet burnt by the Confederate steamer Florida. The AlabsP is reported to have passed this port on the 29th ult., 0 3° 5 ing southward. Key West, April 27—On the morning" the 24th inst., while the United States' steamer D e So to was cruising in Mobile Bay, the following schooners were captured :—The General Prim, the Rapid, the Bright, and the Jane Adelia, all of them having run the blockade of Mobile the previous night. Their cargoes consist of cotton and turpentine, and were bound to Havannah. On the 26th the British schooner Clue, from Havannah for Matte mores, via Mobile, with a valuable cargo, was captured. They have all arrived at this port. [ADVERTISEMENT.] - —Holloway's Pills.—Decline rested.—No more lamentable sight presents itself than th e daily sinking of the young through consumption. At th e very outset of this disease, the pills are most effective 0' purifying the blood, preventing its stagnation in the lunlej and removing the hacking cough. Holloway's pills shlv eir be taken on the first warning of constit u ti ona l delicacy. 7'h invigorating properties will soon re-establish tone and ; l i e gularity throughout the system ; th e y w i ll increase appetite, amend the digestion, regulate the liver and Pr; the kidneys and bowels to natural and salubrfous acti,;l o . Holloway's pills h ave rescued many confirmed inca'/Ia whose energies s eem t o f a i l them just when strength shot," have been greatest, an d w h o but for these would have I"' come weaker and worse. Births. Fox.—On the 24th inst., at Stoke Newington, Mrs. %/ Fox, of a son. :f „ of HILLS,—On the 24th in s t., a t Lit t l e h ampton, the Edward H. Hills, Esq , R.N., her Majesty's ship 0 "'" non, of a son. NicHoLs,—On the 25th inst., at R e d-hi ll, the w if e 0° C . Nichols, Esq., of a son. Marriages. uipdo l3 , BRODRURST—GREG.—On the 26th hist , at IVinw — ,..p e t, Bernard Edward Brodhurs, of Grosvener• st 6 - 0 0 Grosvenor-square, to Edith, onlydaughter of Williams Greg, Esq., of Park. lodge, Wimbledon-e -mon. SHAW—RHODES.—O n th e 23d inst.. at St. John's, rati° vot dington, Captain J. C . Sh aw, of Liverpool, to n sAarYys" widow of the late J ames Rhodes, jun., Esq.) ° water. Deaths. li BARNET?.—On th e 22d inst ., at 42, Sussex-street, Pu n ot d very suddenly, Mi ss Alice Barnett, late of Ludlow, B.' 57. BURNLEY. -0 n th e 24 th inst, at at Pollard Hall, G°lnesr elf near Leeds, Thomas Burnley, aged 65. Tnn, CRITTALL.—On the 26th inst., Mr. Crittall, swan West Wickham, Kent, aged 73- v , GOODWIN.—On the 24th inst,, at M a lvern, the p e rbr Goodwin, of Hinehl e y woo d House, Ashbou rn, shire, aged 65. LONG.--On the 23d inst, at Clapham,:Thomas Long' formerly of Fenehurch-street, aged 81. fac karde, IttexAßDs —On the 24th inst., at Croydon, Esq., aged 84. Samuel Shergold, Esq., aged 84. en , Sur rey, SHERGOLD.—On the 25th inst., at East She ws London : Printed and Published by WILLIAM A"11,„.„ of No. 112, Strand Printer at TUE Sur; e. Strand, in the Precinct oi the 3avoy, in the C°llll" ° Middleaex.—Wedneaday,Olay 27, 1863.