The Sun. — London, England, 1833-05-22 00:00:00

tresses to justify, in a legal sense, the slaying of that unfortunate man. Setting aside the testi mony of Mary Hamilton, which, all things con sidered, we concur with the jury in regarding as unworthy of credit, we are sent back to the statement of the other female, a child of 13 or 14 years of age, for the only approximation to a clear and distinct narrative of the facts con nected with the violent death of Cully. From her it would appear that a man in running away from the meeting was struck upon the shoulder by a policeman, who followed him, and that he turned upon and stabbed his pursuer. This act of sanguinary resistance would not justify the perpetrator before any Court of Law. Cully was a peace-officer, with the ensigns of his call ing about him. The Jury themselves assume the meeting to have been an illegal one. The mere act, therefore, of being present at such a meeting was an unlawful act ; and nothing could sanction in point of law, however it might have admitted of moral palliation, the use of deadly weapons in repelling the aggression, if' we must so describe it, of the police constable, in even the abuse of his power. To say the truth, we have been led by recent information to believe that unnecessary violence was resorted to on the part of the police. They were provoked too soon —they were probably alarmed beyond what right reason, or a knowledge of the real insignificance of the meeting, would dictate; and like other potentates under the influence of terror, indent , nified themselves by cruelty for the pain of fright, and broke all the heads about them as a pro tection to their own. This is sufficiently me lancholy, but why was it not prevented ? Colonel Rowan was there upon the spot, and on horseback ; he is a Magistrate as well as head of the police : why did he not ride in among the mass of the police force to restrain its violence? or among the misguided people, to prevail upon them, by good-natured represen tations, to disperse ? There is ground, for cer tainty, that, in the first instance, mild and manly expostulation, or indeed the early appearance and resolute countenance of only forty or fifty police men, would have settled the business more effectually, and with less risk of future evil, than did the furious onset of from 1,500 to 1,700 of these officers. The very consciousness of the overwhelming magnitude of the constabu lary power employed ought to have produced ex►raordinary moderation and forbearance in the conduct of it. As the matter stands, so great has been the mismanagement, that the public sympathy—we say nothing now of that of the jurors—goes along with the acknowledged vio lators of the law, and adversely to those who could have no interest or object but its fair en forcement. Still this does not exonerate the verdict from censure. The jury could not, either on the evidence, or on their own de clared admissions, justify the slaughter of the unhappy policeman,—it would have been to legalize an unlawful meeting ; and even had the meeting been lawful, it would not have authorized the carrying about the per son of concealed and deadly weapons. We are bound to say, that in everything which fell from the jurors after the verdict, there was proof of perfect earnestness of conviction, and honesty of purpose, amidst obstinate ignorance and error. Their duty was to determine how a par ticular individual had lost his life ; and they stepped widely out of the course prescribed to them, when they inferred the nature of a cer tain fact, from general impressions relative to the proceedings of actors not concerned with it. The verdict may be salutary as a lesson of temper to the police, but we cannot say that it will much increase the confidence of disCriminating minds in the knowledge and sagacity of juries. Indeed, when we consider the not improbable consequences of the. verdict, in encouraging low ruffians to resist authority, we think that the jury, who represent themselves as having some stake in the country, may before long lament that their anxiety to repress the violence of power, has made them disregard the law of the land—the surest protector of the poor against the rich, no less than of the rich against the poor.— Times. We rejoice to see, and hail as a good omen of the reformed Parliament, that the House of Commons is sincerely desirous of extirpating the rotten places in the representation. The election committees of this session have made many signal examples of electioneering corruption ; and the ranks of the Conservatives have been especially thinned by several void returns de clared by the reports of the committees. On Monday Sir Ronald Ferguson, an old and con sistent Reformer, moved for returns of the ten pound rate-payers of Leamington and Kenil worth ; probably with the ultimate view of add ing those populous places to the boundary of the borough of Warwick. We also do not doubt t h at t h e writ will be further suspended, and that the indecent canvass now going on • in that bo rough, by Sir C. Greville (and the very parties who effected the gross bribery of the last election), in favour of the Conservative candidate Mr. Sergeant Goulburn, will be an abortive attempt to substitute for the ex-Member a new nominee of the Noble Patron. We do not, indeed, expect that the money and influence of Lord Warwick will be used as heretofore ; but it is the constitu tional duty of the House of Commons to pre vent the possibility of a recurrence of the abo minable abuses prevalent at the last election. Hertford, Carrickfergus, and other detected places, will, doubtless, receive the judgment of Parliament. Liverpool, and its venal freemen, we are glad to hear, will also be purged of their corruption. We know of no more important questions before the House of Commons, than the punishment and reform of the delinquent constituencies, and the correction and extinction of that abominable aristocratic usurpation which has thus debased the freedom and purity of election, for the purpose of trafficking in the rights and privileges of the people. The coun try, we are sure, will jealously watch the since rity and progress of these remedial measures ; and, in the cry for justice, we trust that Stafford, the Gomorrah of political iniquity, will not escape condign judgrnent.—Morning Chronicle. A motion was last night made by Mr. D. W. Harvey, for a return of pensions, with a view to ascertain the grounds on which they were granted, as he considered that the public money should not pass into the hands of any one who had not rendered to the state some positive and essential service. The motion, and another made on the suggestion of Mr. Hume, for a return of the pensions on the Barbadoes Four and a Half per Cent. duties, were assented to by Lord Althorp, who " at once admitted as a general principle, that no perso n was entitled to receive pay from the people, in the shape of sinecure ur otherwise, .unless for public service past or to come. The sum paid in pensions of one kind or other in this country is very great, and means must be resorted to for gradually re ducing it. Would," said Mr. Harvey, " the country credit it, when he stated, that in pensions one way or another—by superannuations, com pensations, and the like—no less than nine mil lions of money were annually paid ?" In the pensions chargeable on the English, Scotch, and Irish Civil List, and the Four and a Half per Cent. duties, there were 1,303 persons, of whom I ,02 2 were of the f a i r sex , an d o f 208 p erso ns of title and distinction 121 were ladies of family." There is no doubt that by the system pursued during the late Tory Admini , tration, the dead weight was kept unnecessarily high. Govern ment must strengthen themselves by Committees of the House, in order to reduce all expenditure which is either beyond the occasion, or which is without justification. Most of the strictures on our expenditure in Sir Henry Parnell's ad mirable work on financial reform, are still appli cable. " The great amount (lie says) of the non-effective expenditure in the army, navy, and ordnance, shows the profusion and the want of due consideration for the public interests, with which everything in the nature of pensions, half pay, and retired allowances has been regulated. Those persons who were the authors of these schemes, ought to have known that exercised at the expense of the public, is but an other name for waste, and a vice, and that all praise bestowed upon it is false and hypocritical.' In order to protect the public for the future from this system of making provision out of the pub be purse for so many thousand persons, who, while in active service, receive full remuneration for their time and trouble, it may be well to con sider whether any individual, not now in public service, who shall be hereafter appointed to any civil or military employment, should be allowed to receive any pension, half-pay, or superannua tion allowance, except in special cases, and under the responsibility of Government." Whatever the sum may amount to, which is paid unneces sarily, the public are justified in calling for its reduction. We have, too, the means of com pelling attention to our wishes. While repre sentation was virtual, it was the complaint of Mr. Herries, that Ministers were more economical than Parliament would suffer them to be. How ever, that excuse avails no longer. The people can now, through their representatives, insist on a rigid economy. There are abundant means by which constituencies can influence their repre sentatives. It is only necessary for the people to watch them and stimulate them if they fail in their duty. We cannot, therefore, approve of the sort of indecent sanction given to unconstitutional proceedings by Mr. Harvey. " What had passed," he said, "in the metropolis within a few days plainly showed that they were beginning to look to themselves. If reform failed of its ends—if good and cheap government were not granted, the people would then look to that of which those who had raised only to disappointment their hopes would be the authors—and that was revolution.—(Hear.)" This is not the way to accomplish the object. Threats of revolution only tend to divide the people, and by alarming those who dread confusion, to prevent them from joining in the measures which the Consti tution allows to be taken for compelling all practical reforms. Revolutions are matters of serious import, and not to be even talked of un necessarily. It may be advisable to hazard re sistance to the laws when the laws cease to bene fit those subject to them ; but let us never forget that the masses of a nation cannot be put in motion to overturn any Government, without creating an immense amount of suffering to the generation by which the revolution is made. All revolutions do not, besides, terminate so fortu nately as our Reform Bill terminated. It is well nut to tempt Providence too far. Let us bear in mind the Italian adage, Stava hen, ma per star meglio,sto qui (I was well, I wished to be better, and here I am).—Morning Chronicle. In times of political excitement we must take care that the principles of law are not warped and perverted to suit the views of contending factions. During the angry discussion which has been kept up by the Whig and Tory jour nals relative to the meeting in Calthorpe-street, ever since the coroner's jury commenced their proceedings, we have observed a good deal of impassioned folly and confident ignorance dis played by some of our " public instructors," whose pride as well as duty it should be, as teachers of mankind, to keep themselves reflect ing and reasonable, even although the rest of the world had gone mad. For some years past we have had a good deal to do in preventing the landmarks of the Constitution from being dis turbed or removed according to the caprice or pleasure of the heated partisans of conflicting po litical interests ; but at no time that we re member has the strife of politics made wilder havoc upon the volume of the laws than at the present crisis. What, for instance, can surpass the absurdity of the doctrine laid down by an evening organ of the Whig Ministry, to the effect that the Riot Act is only to be read when a public meeting, regularlyand lawfullyconstituted,becomes dangerous to the public peace ? What says the Riot Act itself ? The preamble speaks of re bellious riots and tumults, in divers parts of the kingdom, to the disturbance of the public peace ; and then the enacting clause goes on to say, " That if any persons, to the number of twelve or more, being unlawfully, riotously, and tumultuously assembled together, to the disturbance of the public peace, and being re quired by any one or more justice or justices of the peace, or by the sheriff of the county, or his under-sheriff, or by ,the mayor, bailiff or bailiffs, or other head officer, or justice of the peace, of any city or town corporate, where such assem- - bly shall be, by proclamation to be made in the King's name, in the form hereinafter directed, to disperse themselves, and peaceably to depart to their habitations or to their lawful business, shall, to the number of twelve or more (not withstanding such proclamation -made), unlaw fully, riotously, and tumultuously remain, or continue together by the space of one hour, after such command or request made by pro clamation, that then such continuing together to the number of twelve or more, after such command or request made by proclamation, shall be adjudged felony without benefit of clergy, and the offenders therein shall be ad judged felons, and shall suffer death as in case of felony." From the above clause it is clear that the meeting to which the Act applies shall be not only an unlawful assembly, but must be actually riotous, and engaged in the disturbance of the public peace, in order to make the read ing of the proclamation, and non-obedience to it, involve the contumacious offenders in the pains of felony. We said the other day that if the meeting in Calthorpe-street were illegal, the per sons constituting it might be arrested, on re fusing to disperse, without the previous ceremony of reading the Riot Act, though they could not beus to subtjteleciceodntsoidetlLetion of w pains o} i ta lo t sot ofnyt "Phis iis m b ee ri t n u,g gs that was. if it were a meetin g convened, as has been said—for we saw no placard to that effect to adopt measures for holding a National Con vention, as " the only means of obtaining and securing the rights of the people," we have no hesitation in saying that it was illegal ; but it was also a very nonsensical affair ; and its very absurdity might have placed it beneath the dignity of any other visitation than that of contempt. Indeed it looks very like a thing con cocted by some such inventive genius as a Castles or an Oliver. Government, however, thought proper to make its obscure announcement known to the public by its proclamation—a proclama tion as irregular, and, we must add, as illite rate as the meeting against which it was directed was illegal and contemptible. Now the ques tion comes, was the meeting properly or impro perly dispersed ; and, under all the eircum.• stances, what was the crime which the indivi dual committed, who gave the policeman (Cully) a mortal wound ? An unlawful assembly may be dispersed in an illegal manner. If more force is used than is necessary for the preservation of the public peace, the extra force is in itself criminal. For instance, if a person who is attending an unlawful assembly is shot, or knocked down, instead of being arrested, al though he makes no attempt to resist arrest, the shooting is murder, and the knocking down is an assault ; and in the latter case, if the blow is returned, even with a mortal weapon, in the heat of blood, the act of homicide cannot be of a higher degree of guilt than manslaughter. We shall now inquire in what case the killing of the aggressor would be justifiable homicide. A respect able Tory contemporary (the Standard) says, and says correctly, that " the law of England recog nises but two classes ofjustifiable homicides—first, such as the law commands, as in the execution of criminals ; second, such as the law permits, either for the advancement of public justice, or the prevention of any forcible or atrocious crime of the degree, at least, of felony”—as robbery on the highway, or feloniously breaking a dwel ling-house in the night time ; also, killing one who attempts the crimes of rape or murder, is justifiable homicide ; but killing one who puts the life of the assaulted person in danger in a sudden quarrel or affray is not justifiable, though it may be excusable homicide in self defence which is in a slight degree criminal, though not felonious—but it requires bail, and incurs a for feiture of goods. As to excusable homicide, se defendendo, the evening paper to which we have alluded quotes the law as laid down by Blackstone, and says he who would avail him self of the benefit of the plea of self defence, must have been in danger of his own life ; he must, in fact, " have retreated as far as he could, either by reason of' some wall, ditch, or other impediment," of which no pretence is made in the present case. Our contemporary, however, omits a material part of Blackstone's definition ; for when he says the party must flee as far as he conveniently can, either by reason of some wall, ditch, or other impediment, he adds, " or as far as the fierceness of the assault will permit him ; for it may be so fierce as not to allow him to yield a step, without manifest danger of his life, or enormous bodily harm, and then, in his de fence he may kill his assailant instantly—i. e., without retreating at all. As to the modes of homicide by chance medley and by misad venture, we need not touch upon them here, as they do not seem to come in question ; but we will proceed at once to that species of homicide called manslaughter, and see in what it consists. Manslaughter.—Hawkins says that manslaughter is understood to be such a killing of a human being as happens either in a sudden quarrel, or in the commission of an unlawful act, without any deliberate intention of doing any mischief at all. Coke, in his third Institute, says, there is no difference between murder and manslaughter but that murder is upon malice afore thought, and manslaughter upon a sudden occasion. Thus, if' upon a sudden quarrel two per sons fight, and one of them kills the other, it is manslaughter. So it is if a man be assaulted and provoked by a blow, or even by the indignity of pulling his nose, and he kills the aggressor immediately and before Iris blood has time to cool, the offence is not murder, but manslaughter. Now the girl who stated that she saw the policeman struck admitted that she saw the man who gave the mortal blow assaulted and struck in the first in stance by the policeman. If her evidence be good against the slayer, it is equallygood against the deceased. We express no opinion of our own on the subject, we only state the law, to enable others to draw their own conclusions as to whether the death of Cully, under all the circumstances, is to be regarded as murder, man slaughter, justifiable homicide, or homicide ex cusable se dy'endendo. We are the more scru pulous in expressing any opinion, because the finding of the Coroner's Jury is not a final proceeding. If the individual who gave the blow should be taken into custody, a bill of indictment for murder or manslaughter would probably be sent up to a Grand Jury ; and, as we have no wish that this or any other accused person should be debarred of a fair trial, we de , sire not to prejudge the case. In allusion to the meeting itself, independently of the act of homicide, we cannot but express our surprise that the Standard should have described it as levying war upon 'the King, and of course high treason. If politi cal bias had not greatly obscured our contemporary's usually acute perceptions, he would surely not have confounded such a trumpery proceeding with high treason. To constitute the crime of " levying war upon the King " there must not only be the treasonable design, but there must be an actual movement towards effecting it by force, which constitutes the overt act. Thus an insurrection to dethrone the King, or to pull down all enclosures, is high treason ; but an unlawful assembly, listening to the insane spouting of a crack-brained dema gogue, about the " native nobility of the pro ductive classes, is not an insurrection, although one or two persons may have gone to it armed with mortal weapons, while the crowd in general, are unarmed and defenceless, ready to be scat tered like sheep by the truncheons of a few hun dred policemen. Laws that would dignify such adisgrace to T ur k e y. t a h r e nee K ti i t n ig g witl: vo tl u ie ld na b m e e of " levyi ng wa r up on Neither justice nor common sense could have any part or share in laws equally vindictive arid ridiculous.— Morning Herald. On Monday, May 7, A. D. 1832, a certain meeting was held at Birmingham, for the dis cussion of certain matters in which the well-being deeplyou s i l y n t e attendedr e st e (l i hisT vi;as of the nationverwyasntimer meeting was unanimous in Its decisions; was addressed by with a dispersedo ci p e u c l o a r r tm o t. rato ( z m a o n i d iday many l abl p e May 20, A. n, 1833, a certain other meeting was held at Bir mingham, for the discussion of' certain other matters in which the well. being of the nation w a s no less deeply interested. This other meeting was not less numerously attended ; was not less unanimous in its decisions ; was ad -1 dressed by not less popular orators ; and dispersed with a not less laudable decorum. But the first of these meetings was called for the purpose of supporting the " patriotic Ministers ; ' and the second was called for the purpose of praying their immediate dismissal from office. And hence it happened that numbers, and unanimity, and eloquence, and decorum, were shamefully contemned in 1833 by the chroniclers who had most devoutly worshipped them in 1832. Will it be easily credited that these two pictures were limned by the same fine hand ? BIRMINGHAM IN 1834. Monday will long be a memorable day in the annals of Bir mingham and of the British Parliament. On that day was assembled, in the great unrepresented mart of our iron trade, a meeting of Reformers, the most magnificent for its numbers and strength—the most formidable from its union and en thusiasm—the most impressive from its order, discipline, and resolution, that ever was seen in England or in the world. On that day this mighty host of two hundred thousand persons, ranged under trusty leaders and appropriate banners, animated with one spirit, and breathing one hope and one wish, assem. bled to petition the House of Lords to pass the Reform Bill in all its integrity. We shall not attempt to estimate the strength of those pa triotic feelings which could bring such masses of people from such distances. We shall not advert to the speeches by which their enthusiasm was kindled, or the firmness with which their opinions were expressed and their purposes formed. The topic might lead us to reflections which we would rather avoid ex pressing, and which will suggest themselves to the mind of the reader without our assistance. We only have to beseech those persons who are either so infatuated as to believe in the alleged " reaction" against Reform, or so foolhardy as to insult the almost universal conviction of its necessity, to peruse with at tention the account of the Birmingham meeting. In the lan guage of the Chinese Mandarins, we say again, " Read, read in tensely, and learn truth."—Times, May 9, 1332. BIRNIINGIIANI IN 1833. The great Birmingham meeting " came off" yesterday, and our readers will find a report of its proceedings in another part of our paper of this day. We are happy to say that this gathering was not more remarkable for numbers than for peaceable and orderly conduct. Indeed, it wore rather the appearance of a great fair than a political meeting, and, from the quantity of refreshment booths, and the vast proportion which the women and children bore to the rest of the assem blage, we have no doubt that the good folks of Birmingham and its vicinity looked upon the meeting as an excellent oppor tunity and excuse for making holyday. They were quite right : the farceurs who, having found their proper level in the House of Commons, posted off to play first fiddle in the pro vinces, were exceedingly amusing. Among the show-folks who exhibited on this occasion was a Mr. Mountebank Mumps, or Munch (as we hear they call one Mr. Muntz at Bir mingham). He spoke the prologue, but being voted by universal consent the dullest chap of the lot, they put him into the chair. Then tumbled up the Brummagem Hampden, the primo-bu f fo of the company, who spouted almost as much non sense there as will be found in any six of his currency speeches in the House of Commons. The " Big Beggarman," Daniel O'Connell, next gave the wondering folks a profusion of brogue and blarney. How much did he get for " starring" it among this strolling company of agitators? We would re commend the people of Birmingham to be upon their guard against this " insinuating" gentleman. He has a capital knack of extracting money from the pockets of the people, not blushing to receive, as Sir C. Wetherell well said," a penny from the poor man and a halfpenny from the ragged man." Let the men of Birmingham look to him. He may shortly ask them for a contribution to the " rint," which is wofully falling off in Ireland, add he perhaps speculates on making the trade of agitation profitable in England, now that it has ceased to yield in the sister country so large a return as formerly to the only capital he possesses. We think, however, the Birming ham men are too good judges to be taken in this way, and we are quite sure that when they reflect upon the scene acted yes terday, and when they read, what few of them could have heard, the silly petitions got up and palmed upon them by a small knot of trumpery agitators, their own good sense will lead them to form a proper estimate of that counterfeit of their own manufacture, the Brummagem Hampden, and that equally great political pretender Mr. O'Connell.—Timcs, May 21, 1833. Now for these two meetings, of which the one is not before the other in any one point of all which conduce to the respectability of a popular assembly, what respect do we ourselves profess? We say of the one what we say of the other. Both of them expressed the opinions of a vast mass of our community, to whose opinions little deference is due. Both of them expressed the wishes of a great mass of our community, to whose wishes great indulgence ought to be shown. If we were inquiring what is popular,' we would look to the meeting of 1832, or to the meeting of 1833 ; if we were inquiring what is right, we would look to neither the one nor the other. We call the attention of our readers, however, not to the meeting of last year, nor to the meeting of this year, but to the terms in which the phenomena of both are noticed in the Times. The conductors of that Journal have frequently poured forth upon the Morning Post a ridicule which we have neither the wish nor the right to retort upon them. The Times may be ignorant, may be inconsistent, but the Times cannot he simply ridiculous. It is too powerful, and it is too profligate. We do not, therefore, depreciate the ability with which it is managed, nor under rate the influence which it exerts ; but we beg that every honest man who happens to read these few lines will ask himself whether that ability is rightly used, and that influence fairly exerted. There is nothing to distinguish the one meeting from the other meeting, except the purpose with which it was convened. If the one was " a meeting of Reformers, most magni ficent for its numbers and strength—most for midable from its union and enthusiasm—most impressive from its order, discipline, and reso lution," why is the other " an excellent oppor tunity and excuse for making holyday ?" If, twelve months ago, the veracious historian, lest the topic might " lead him to reflections which he would rather avoid expressing," de clined to " advert to the speeches by which their enthusiasm was kindled," why is he to-day so unmercifully severe upon " Mr. Mountebank Mumps, or Munch, the dul lest chap of the lot ;" upon " Mr. Brum magem Hampden, the primo-beb of the comp an y ; and upon " the big beggarman,' Daniel O'Connell," who " gave the wondering folks a profusion of brogue and blarney ?" And finally, if in 1832 we were rightly instructed to peruse the account of the Birmingham meeting that we might " read, read intensely, and learn truth," with what semblance of probability are we in 1833 assured that " the Birmingham men are too good judges to be taken in this way ?" The circulation of the Times is even yet con siderable, at home and abroad ; and it will be said that we condemn its principles from jealousy of its sale. Be it so. But we have placed be fore our readers the means of judging; what ever be the motive by which our sentence is dic tated, let them consider whether our sentence is just. It is a marvellous and a shameful thing that a Journal whose utter contempt for truth is daily blazoned with so monstrous an effrontery is not thrust with scorn and indignation from the table of every honest man throughout the em pire.—Morning Post. How different the Birmingham meeting on Alon day from the Then w former burning g enthusiasm rea m t eeti ng ind n that a t O ec ! d all etermination ; on thi s occas i on t h ere was titsrtvhleing but the mere good-humour of holyday makers, who cared much less for the playermen t h an for the ala anti cakes and other decent re freshments which characterize a rustic fair. Nearly half of the assembly were women, dressed in that lively th and showy ewarwickshire mannerlases. which d greater The iin s t guishes part of the people would have left the place if t h e a djuncts of the fair (the refreshment-booths) had been removed ; for not one in a hundred listened or attempted to listen to the Brum magem Hampden or the Rini-gatherer. As a rustic fete the scene was delightful ; as a political meeting, it was beneath contempt. We must not omit our approbation of the admirable good sense of the magistracy of the district, who made no effort to disturb or irritate the people. What a favourable contrast to the conduct of the authorities in the metropolis on Monday se'nnight ! But the Birmingham magistrates knew their people : the London police, though formed on a good principle, are, as at present agonized and commanded, strangers to the habits and characters of the London population. —Times. The exultation and delight manifested by the public yesterday, on learning the important de cision of the inquet Jury, on the late Coldbath fields affair, are scarcely to be described. The excellent conduct of the Foreman and the Jury were the theme of universal admiration ; and as some proof that practical approbation will go hand in hand with expressed feeling, we have printed elsewhere a few, and only a few, of the communications which have been addressed to us, upon the subject of some public mark of respect being paid to the Jury which so nobly interposed its shield between the people on the one hand, and a would-be police tyranny on the other. These letters come from persons in all ranks of life, and, in addition to them, im mense numbers have done us the honour to propose to us the reception of the subscrip tions for the worthy and noble object which they have in view. This duty, which it would be so gratifying to us, under other circumstances, to perform, we are unfortunately precluded from undertaking; but in the course of a day or two at most, we trust to be able to state, at length, to the working classes and to all others who may be inclined to do an act of bare justice to the most firm and independent jury of Englishmen that ever returned a verdict, the mode in which their wishes, which are ours also, can best be carried into effect. It strikes us, in the mean time, that the proper plan will be, in the first instance, to point out a responsible receiver of all subscriptions which may be ten dered, and afterwards to take immediate steps for the appointment of a general and of branch committees for the different districts of the me tropolis, so that the public feeling may be fully expressei, and no delay may ensue in testifying to the late jury how highly their conduct has been approved of by their fellow subjects. Some gen tlemen have already offered their services in this way, and until a well-digested plan has been ma tured, we do not know that they can do better than proceed to action, in their own immediate neigh bourhood, to carry the desired object into effect. The verdict of the Jury, on Monday last, has con vulsed our Whig and Tory contemporaries with alarm, agitation and rage. The latter hate it, because they love tyranny and despotism, and cannot bear the idea of the people asserting their just rights—the former are equally wrathful, because the verdict justly reflects upon the conduct of the Government,in not preventing a meeting which it had previously declared to be illegal, and having had it dispersed in a manner which has excited the indignation of all honest Englishmen. We have already paid our respects to both, and we are again tempted to congratulate them upon the soundness of their arguments, their careful examination of the evidence adduced before the jury, and the very satisfactory distinction which they have drawn between the " mild treatment" of the people by the police, on the one hand, and the violent conduct of the latter towards the former, on the other. These are favourite to pics with them, and but that their assumptions are totally devoid of truth, it is almost impos sible to conceive how they should have produced so little effect upon the public mind.—Morning Advertiser. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. BOW-STREET. THE NATIONAL CONVENTION.—Yesterday morning Henry Lee, the young man who proposed the Chairman at the late Conventional Meeting in Coldbath-field,, was brought from the New Prison to put in the required bail, viz , hirn,elf in 2001., and two sureties in 100/. each. The following persons were accepted as his bail :—Henry Child, 32, William-street, Hampstead-road, pianoforte maker ; and Robert Ullmer, 45, Great Sutton-street, Clerkenwell, printers' broker. The parties having en tered into the several recogniz laces, Lee was discharged. A young man, who gave his name William Robert 11forsham, was examined in private before Sir F. Rox and Mr. HALLS, the Magistrates, on suspicion of being concerned in the late Convention riots, at Coldbath fields. The prisoner was brought to town from Suffolk, where he bad exposed a dagger, saying he should like to stab all the police, and that be was present at the meeting. He was apprehended by Seaman, a constable of Colchester, who carried him before a magistrate at Ipswich, who directed him to be brought to London to be examined. MARLBOROUGH-STREET. THE MURDERED POLICEMAN.—A man named Amos was yesterday brought before the presiding Magistrate, charged with threatening a police constable. The constable Day, 157 C, was walking round his beat, when the defendant came up to him and made use of the most disgusting language, and threatened that he would serve him in the same manner as the -- had been served at Coldbath-fields. The constable very properly was determined to see how far he was just:fied in appre hending a man for promulgating such threats, and imme diately conveyed him to St. James's station, where the inspector on duty detained him. The defendant was ordered to find good bail. Q UEEN-S Q UARE. RIOTING AT THE HOUSE OF Commorts.—A man who gave his name Timothy Sullivan was brought up in cus tody of a police constable of the A division, and placed at the bar before Mr. WHITE, charged with riotous conduct at the doors of the House of Commons, and attempting to force an entrance into the House. Charles Brown, a police constable of the A division, No. 85, was on duty at the entrance of the House of Commons on the previous evening about eight o'clock, when he saw the prisoner heading a mob of fifty or sixty persons, and inciting them to riotous conduct, calling out, " Follow me, my boys, follow me, and I will lead you to the House." Witness endeavoured to persuade him to go away, but finding remonstrance in vain he took him iuto custody. The pris mer then became very violent, and clung to some iron bars, calling out to his companions, " Englishmen ! will you look on and see these blue devils drag me along the street to their infernal den?" No person, however, interfered ; and, another constable coming up, with his assistance they got the prisoner to the station house. On the road to the station house he palled out to the mob to rescue him, and called the police " these Cold bath-fields murderers," and such like expressions. Mr. WHITE asked the prisoner whether he was drunk or sober ? The constable replied that he appeared to have been drinking. 1111. WHITE told him that such riotous conduct could not be suffered, and ordered him to find sureties for his future good behaviour, in default of which he was locked up. UNION HALL. Yesterday three men, named Hill, Leary, and Byrne were brought up in cmtody, charged with being engaged in the illegal manufacture of glass. The defendants were fined 306 each, and in default of payment were committed for three months each to Guild ford I-louse of Correction. In the course of the day, while a man named Allen was waiting in the office to give evidence, he was suddenly attalled with a fit which was pronounced to be apoplectic. He was conveyed into the yard, and there bled freely, but did not recover, and it was deemed expedient to lose no time in taking him to the hospital. Upon his arrival at the Hospital, he again underwent a more cvious bleeding, which had the effect of restoring him in some measure to his senses ; and a consultation took place at his bed-side, relative to the necessity of cutting off all his hair. The invalid, upon hearing the determination, became so frightened about the threatened curtailment of his locks, that the moment the Doctor left the ward to give the ne cessary directions to the barber, although labouring under so dangerous an attack, he got out of bed, and, throwing his jacket over his shoulders, rushed out of the ward, down stairs, and was soon out of sight. It appeared afterwards that he TAR home, and his excuse for nuking Beans Pease such a precipitate retreat from the hospital was a desire ° e his part to die at home instead of at that place. His W 1 was at the office yesterday, and said that she was c oo dent he was in a dying condition. MARLBORO UGH-STREET A young man named Holmes, living as a servant %vita a gentleman at No. 32, Argyle-street, entered the offic e and made the following communication to Mr. DYER' He was passing down Dean-street at an early hour that morn" mg, .g, when he was call e d t o by a female, at No. 5 in that street, who implored him t o come in, as a man bad just committed suicide. He went in, and when he got Into one of the rooms, he saw a young m-n lying on the Root - with a pair of scissors forced into his ears, and his thre!stuite cut from ear to e ar. Th e young man was not the n q dead, but he died before witness r e ached the office. T he female who first accosted biro was the servant of the boost, and she told him that the house was about to be done uP , and the upholsterer who had the job in hand had sent the young maa, who was a paper-hanger, to do some parts' cular portion of it. Shortly a ft e r the young man can b ! he said to her that he h a d a mar k a bout him, by le eib e( 1 b she y w i t proceeded ne he knew he should be e x e c u t e d. Sh e told him not to en tertain such foolish ideas, and he w e nt up stairs. Hearing a noise shortly afterwards, described where she supposed h e wa s a t work, witness. s. i° to the ro om and found him in to dreadfulsituation e Mr. DYER said the inform an t h a d done quite righ t making this shocking t r a nsac ti on k nown ; and he recoil': mended him to acquaint the p ar i s h officers of St. Ge or g es with the facts immediately. , MARKET INTELLIGENCE. LONDON MARKETS. (From the London . New Price Current" of yesterdaY.) . 11 SUGAR.—The Sugar Market was uncommonly Mi n t l e , towards the close of last week, when some purchases were ma' a shade lower, on account of the dull state of the trade; t he d reduction was not however general ; some brown Sugars sol 495. The estimated sales of West India Muscovades this . d 5/ are 600 hhds. and trs., including the Barbadoes sale; the price: are steady, the Barbadoes about 6d. per cwt. higher. T. ll , , wh io : stock of West India Sugar is now 16,640 hhds. and trs is 2,774 more than last year. The stock of Mauritius is 146613 bags, being 50,612 more than last year. The delivery of West 1 0 : Sugar is 9,1-19 hhds. and trs., being 517 less than last year. 11 ' delivery of Mauritius 8,455 bags, being 990 O more than the r' , responding week of 1832. In the Refined Market there '0! much firmness last week, on account of the reduced st °ci' w ' the high prices demanded for the export qualities occasioned' , , r purchases, but the grocers bought the fine goods suitable v ' t , the home trade to some extent at a further advance of ls. P e ' cwt. This afternoon the Market continues firm, but the Or e are chiefly still confined to the home consumption ° I. the country. Week MAURITIUS SUGAR.—The Mauritius Sugars last • b. went off with briskness at full market prices. It is to b e ° do ' served the advance in Mauritius is the same as on Musco va o ut Sugar. This day's public sales 7,243 bags Mauritius Suga r %. freely at full market prices, dry brown 495. and 505., up to for fine. EAST INDIA SUGAR.—The advance in East India S tig i r • last week was about Is. per cwt. This day's public sale '2 6, 1 7, bags Manilla Sugar, good grey damp, sold at 21s. a much the the same as the late prices. FOREIGN SUGAR.—Foreign Sugars are held for an ad vance of is. a 2s. per cwt., but the improvement has not bin realized ; the white Havannah offered at public sale has bee all taken in. Average price of Sugar 11. 7s. 6lq d. per evi t *,, t COFFEE.—The only alteration in the Coffee Market L." week was an advance of Is. a 2s. per cwt. in East India de i scriptions ; extensive parcels of Sumatra 48s. 6d. a 525., 3 : ! , Ceylon 565. a 575. 6d. ; Brazil pale 525. a 555. fid, ; Havan n . 545. a 70s. This day's public sales 20 casks fine mid. Jan t3l, ~-, sold 104 s. fxl. a 106 s fid. ; 255 bags good ord. Sumatra sold ?'; a 535.; the prices are fully supported, and the market remai n firm. of RUM, BRANDY, AND HOLLANDS.—The advanc e 2d. per gallon we noticed on Jamaica Rum last Tuesday been maintained ; Leewards are Id. per ga ll on higher. ' Brandy or Geneva there is little alteration. TALLOW.—The Tallow Market continues steady. an SPICES.—There have been considerable s a l es o f PePP-- . 0 3 Pimento at former prices. Cassia Ligne a so ld l as t week 31 advance of Is. a Is. fid., mid. quality 725. a 745. This ' la y l i sales, 398 bags Pepper, sold at 37i d. a 4 4d., full prices i bags Cloves, 10 'Ad.; 702 chests Cassia Lignea, 725, a Vs. 6a. all at former prices. OlL—Common Oils are firm at last week's quotation!: Sperm Oil at public sale last week went off freely at the reduc e. i. quotations. Rape Oil is a shade dearer, and considerable n quiries for future delivery at present p r i ces , but no sel lers. Linseed Oil is firm, and further purchases made this Neel.'f-O, the American Market. TURPENTINE—No sales to notice; a small lot in by last packet direct to drawers, and some for sale, which is at 12s. WOOL—The public sales of last week consisted of T use' ., l l; Australian, Cape, Russian, German, Spanish, Portugal, a', e Odessa Wools, which went off at proportionate prices to t" sale of last month, and the general aspect of the market is COTTON.—The Cotton Market is steady, but witho ° briskness. The purchases lately are quite inconsiderable. RlCK—Rice is heavy at the late reduction i n prices. V IP day's public sale 2,003 bags very ordinary Bengal rice sold IP" a 125., much the same as the previous prices. FRUlT.—There is still a demand for Currants at the late advanced prices. INDlGO.—lndigo continues to be held with great firtnn eSi ' Few or no parcels are offered for sale ; 4d. a d vance on the 13. d India House sale has been paid. TEA.—The market remains steady. Congous a re n ntle scarce as the prompt approaches. COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURI. Wheat. ! Barley. Oats. j ...... 3ef 0 ,„.• 1 ------- ------ P Per Quarter. s. to s. s. to s . s . to s. S. to .0 Boston — 48 22 14 3" 43 Gainsborough —,...... 57 34 18 —: 30 Grantham 53 67 36 41 17 25 3 ; 4 0 Grimsby 42 58 24 30 14 22 g , . 9 0 Horncastle . 44 58 20 26 12 19 2 ,..„a q 5, Lincoln „:,' :tal_ Spilsby 4B 54 28 35 14 18 . -4 „ 9n Stamford—. 47 59 30 36 21 23 o '7 lib York--.. 46 64 ,22 30 12 20 if . 2. 0 ,..... 0 " NORWIUH, May 18. ms s ' 9 0 a' Wheat (per qr.) .... 40s 555. 60s. Beans (per qr.) ........ --' 30 4 8ar1ey...,,,,.,,,,.,,,,,,,,, 20s. 265. 28s. Pease, Grey '..''',,‘ 41P Oats ................. 20s. 235. 255. Flour, fine (p er sa ck) '`.3.. CANTERBURY, May 18 -------- Wheat, white 565. to (31s. —Old --s. tom reel 465. to 575..,..,,, —s• to B Oats Alalting 265, to 323. Grinding.. 2:25. g ps. 17s. to 225. 01cL—... 20s. to ........ 265 to 305....... 01d.............. 345. t ° 0., .......... 30s. to 365. -. Grey_ 305. t° EXETER MA I Beef (score) Bs. Od. 9s. 6d. Mutton (lts.)-0 51 0 6 Veal and Lamb......-0 6 0 7 Pork 0 4 0 6 Geese (each) .A 0 5 6 Ducks 'couule4 0 5 0 Fowls 0 4 0 IRISH MA DUBLIN MARKET NO RKETS. 'I'E.—FRIDAY, May 17 : e rag e. From To A,s % 4 416 Wheat,per barrel 20 stone 26 0 31 6 0 0 Bete . 16 stone 0 0 140 Barley..--...... 16 stone 12 0 16 0 "-- o 8 3,959 Oats —..,......... 12 stone 7 0 10 0 0 11,3.32 Cwt. Flour.---... 9 stone 6 0 19 0 11 0 916 Oatmeal 8 stone 8 0 13 0 10 4 Sold to 'gaiters only. 15 4 8,280 Cwt. Flout , 13 0 19 0 -, • K, Average price of Wheat and Flour 40, Od. per s a ' , " igo. w, Firsts from 17s. Od. to Receipts of Flour, 12,9081 's ' ,—.... from Od. to 1 73. Sales of Do. 11,332 thirds, from 13s 65. . od. tv , PRICE OF BREA D. 4 3 ' ......-.7%d. Half Qtn,rtertlit• lst. 11, s. d. a s. d. s. d. a s. d. s. d. as. ( 1 . '' 'l e ag l?. 6 0 120 136 86 10 6 13 6 16 6 n o 0 1 , , 0 04 114 8 2 016 0 19 0 u o Po 100 12 0 7 0 8017 0 18 010 0 j 6 0 12 0 13 0 7 0 8216 0 1 7 0 „ Iga 0- i L........x ....r,,. 1j rc,..: 100 1 1 0 70 'O2O 6 2 1 v- - Quartern Loaf Wheat, per barrel 20 stone. Barley. I Oats. per barrel per barrel 16 stone. 14 stone. s. d. a s. d. Cork 21 Limerick 123 4 25 9 Waterfordi2l 0 25 0 Clomnel 4 25 9 Carlow —...125 Q " 0 Carlow Q 2fjolioo ]lOl 70 8020 6 21 o_ ter. Beef, Mutton, Pork, per lb per lb, per cwt. lst. 2d, I •"- 11 ;d. ad.d.ad.g.d.as.d.s. d. s. 0. I. u; 0 4 , Cork 1 5 6 5 623 6 26 082 0 00 0 „ I ' 214 0 r„, 0 Limerick— 4?., 3 4St 0 p 4 ti)(1 72 0 0 2 ua t 30""0 Waterford 3 6 3 4 • ," 1 0 s 0185 080 0 70 ( 0 1 ... 0 Clonmel aj 4Si 01330 330178 014 0—:,, 5 0 Carlow..„— 4' 5j 0 0 0 0 0170 060 0 63 " _ top KILKENNY.—Butter 7j5. to 'fos. per cwt. ; Wheat_ t . „ v r 4 j, per barrel ; Flom' 210 s. to 345. per bag; Oats 7s. to MAoll ,0 rel ; Barley ips. to 13s. ; Beef 4d. to sd. per lb. ; os'" to sd. ; Potatoes 2d. per stone; Coals ls. 9d. Per " Pigs 28s. to 30s. 6d.:per cwt, 1 AIARKETS. tN NA ttKET.--MaY 11000,. Oats. Pease. Od 19., Get , 2.7 sed 1 8 4 0 18s Od 9.2 s Od -,;‘, Od 21s Od "60 1 A. n marked, . whereof Were ld.-0 Grey, .... 2.1. 13s S.lQt) . SCOTCH HADDINGTON COR Wheat.. Barley. First 64s Od 30s Od Second s3s Od 275 Od Third 50s Oct 2(s Od There were 356 qrs. of Wheat ii 27 Unsolo Average DALKIETH CORN MA ItKET.—May 16 . ge olt Wheat. t Barley. I Oats. 1 Pease. I S ot ea, First Vs Od 28s Od 20s dcl 30s Od 0 , 33 iecond Third 4Bs Od .21s Od 18s 8d 254 Oa ... , BIRTHS. tl A 00 1 On the 18th inst., at P arson's Green, the lady a Joh Hammet, Esq., or a d au g hter. DIED. 0 0 On the 15th ult., at Pisa, after a few hours' illness, Sl, Charles Turner, Esq., of Child Okeford, Dorset, fo rmerly " a S 13th Light Dragoons. ('HINTED AND PUBLISHED SY M 0 00 YOU 11 tr, -- 1 4. SUN Orrig6, 112, STRAND, LOSIRRI4 IF Ty near mak e lord„ L)er r ' e ia lng 'r"ford et, With hi e lettir t 11E 14. .NG THE W. Pease ----... 30s. to 365...,,,, Grey— 302' MANCHESTER, May 18 85. 9d' Wheat, per 701 b. Bs. 9d. to 9s. Od. Red 75.9.1. 10 0 Barley, per 601 b 5 0 5 6 Oats 2 9 0 0 Beans, per Imperial quarter Pease, White, per Imperial bushel 5 0 0 Malt, per 6 Imperial bushels 'IS 0 4 4 6 ii ° Flour, per Sack of 2801 b. 4 O 0 ...-- EXETER MARKETS,—May 17. _ i l l,l O Beef (score) Bs. Od. 9s. CA. Wheat (bushel) ....,7s. 9a. 9 Hutton (113.)-0 51 0 6 Barley 4 6 0 Veal and Lamb-0 6 0 7 Oats 2B g 0 Pork - 0 4 0 6 Beans Geese (each) —4 0 5 6 Butter (113.).-,, „ ,,,,...1 0 1 u Ducks icounle\-....4 0 5 0 Eggs (I , j) ir) 0 0 1 Fowls .............—~3 0 4 0 Potatoes (neck) ....0 6