The Sun. — London, England, 1830-03-06 00:00:00

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LICENSED VICTUALLERS, resident in London and its Vicinity, will be held at the London Tavern, Itishopsgate-street, on MONDAY next, the Bth ins'., at Ten for Eleven o'clock precisely, to take into cons; !era tion the measures necessary to be adopted for the pr , tec• tion of the Trade, i 0 consequence of the appointment of a Committee by the Honoitrable the House of Commons, " To inquire into the I.aws and Regulations which re -trice the Sale of Beer by Retail, and to report their ob erva tions thereupon to the House." d to il. d. 4 a 6 0 4 6 ----. o AS ° O 0 3 lb • 5 b 1 ° 3 ° at TOE' deratelf bUyerir g Price' 41. 10d. • 4 )11 W. to )6d. per f prime 9 Pigi, market CAC ed• I' 0 I. c cl• 4 5 6 0 4 6 6s. °ad)* vEZIL. -..... Beans --..... ng, bu t onight• busi r 451 b. Carley one of varied. Idalea L Loads. Y 10 2.......... _ By order of the Committee, C. BLEADEN, Chairman . London T.tvern, bth March, 1830. SCOTLAND. ANGLING AND SHOOTING, IN THE HIGHLAN OF SCOTLAND. THERE will be LET for the ensuing SEASON, the ANGLING of FIVE excellent SALMON RIVERS, where there is famous sport. Also MUIRS of considerable extent, well stocked with Grouse, and amply sufficient for Four Gune. There is complete Accommodation for a Party and Servnts. Apply to Robert Roy, W. S. 16, N9rthumberland- Street, Edinburgh. Edinburgh, Feb. 28, 1830. IIEUNGERFORD MARKET, • TRUSTEES. The Hon. GEORGE AGAR ELLIS, M.P. ALEX. BARING, Esq. M.P. WM. COURTENA Y, Esq. Cler. Part cOmsirerkx. Lord Bexley Lord George Seymour The Hon. P. P. Bouverie Sir Thomas Tyrwhitt • It. Robinson, Esq. The Rev. Dr. Richards 0. F. Barlow, Esq. Richard Berens, Esq. WM. Evans, Esq. Jas. Gooden,' Esq. Andy. Macklew, Esq. Jos. Morris, Esq. Joseph Neeld , Esq. *Thos. Nixon, Esq. John Pensam, Esq. Thos. Postans, Esq. Geo. Booth Tyndale, Esq. George Watts, Esq. W. H. Wyatt, Esq. Applications for Shares in a Company about to be formed under the sanction of an Act of Parliament now in progress for Re•estahlishing Hungerford Market, are re- . ceived at the Company's Office, No. 1, Lancaster-court, near St. Martin's Church, Strand, where Prospectuses may be had and the Model inspected. Deposits of V. per Share are received at the Banking houses of Messrs. Bouverie and Co., 11, Haymarket; M essrs. Childs and Co., Temple-bar; and Messrs. Vere 'I Co., 77, Lombard-street. March 5, • By order, 1830 • . J. BRITTON, Hon. Sec. MOSLEY ARMS HOTEL, PICCADILLY, MANCHESTER. :19 11 N RICHARDSON begs respectfully to announce to his numerous Friends and the Public in general, that he has engaged a NEW and EXTENSIVE - RANGE of BUILDINGS in PICCADILLY, opposite MOSLEY-STREET, which has been fitted up with the greatest attention to comfort and convenience, and is now Open for the reception of such of his friends as may favour him with a share of their countenance and support. J. RICHARDSON avails himself of the present op portunity of returning his most sincere thanks for the uniform kindness shown to him by those Gentlemen who have for so king a period given a preference to his house, and a•sures them that no consideration will induce him to relax in his attention and exertimis to promote the com forts of those who may become his guests. This removal is in consequence of the Old Mosley Arms being about to be converted into Warehouses; he, therefore cannot but feel great satisfaction in having had the opportunity of fixing himself in a situation incomparably more p'easant and airy, and for all the purposes of business unexcep tionable.--March, 1, 1830. This day was published, in 1 vol. small Bvo. with a Map and L Plates ETTERS FRONT NOVA SCOTIA ; containing SKETCHES of a YOUNG COUNTRY. By Captain WILLIAM MOORSOM, 52d Light InfAntry. Henry Colburn and Richard Bentley, 8, New Burling ton-street. PORTRAIT OF HER ROYAL HIGHNESS THE DUCHESS OF KENT. Just published, by R. ACKERMANN, 96, Strand, (DEDICATED BT SPECIAL PERMISSION TO HER HIGHNESS THE 'PRINCESS VICTORIA), Highly-finish e d an d correct Lik eness of A her Royal Highness the DUCHESS of KENT, engraved by T. WOOLNOTH, from the Original Pic ture by H. Colter), in the possession of the Princess...— Prints, ss. ; proofs on India Paper, 71. id. ; a few choice ditto, before the Letters, lOs. 6d. Also may be had, A PORTRAIT of the PRINCESS VICTORIA, (DEDICATED BY 'PERMISSION TO HER ROYAL HIGHNESS THE DUCHESS OF KENT), Engraved by T. WOOLNOTLI, from a Picture by Anthony Stewart. Prints, ss. ; a few proofs on India Paper, 7a. 6d. EXTRA PUBLICATION. riIHE LITERARY GAZETTE, No. 685, (March 6,) having given an Extra Sheet, is enabled not only to meet the wishes of its Advertising Friends. by clearing off a cons . derable portion of their Arrears, but also to afford great Variety and Interest to its -Contents, which are chiefly as follows :—A Learned Re view of an Attempt to Reedite the Bible, with the Ori ginal Hebrew Names, pointing out the Errors of the Editor; Temple's Travels in Peru, with Extracts de scriptive of the Country, of Potosi, &c. ; Rose's Orlando Purim, Vol. VII. ; Lloyd's Field Sports of the North, with many strange Tales of Bear-hunting, with its concomi tant Exploits and Escapes; Cloudesley, a Novel, by W. Godwin ; C o l. L eake ' s Travels in the Morea, showing the State of that now Important Country, 3 vols. Bvo. ; Sir J. Ruffle's Memoirs, notices of Bencoolen, Java, &c. ; and se veral other works just published; The other articles which 'nay be classed (besides many too detailed to mention) are Champollion on the Egyptian Hieroglyphics ; Celestial Phenomena for the Present Month ; Ample Reports of the Proceedings of the Royal Society, Royal Institution, and other Learned and Scientific Bodies ; " Juvenalia," a S atire, Ne. I. (to be continued); Criticisms on Exhibitions and New Publications of the Fine Arts ; Critieitns on Musical P erformances, New Music, the Drama; Literary Notioto, Varieties, Anecdotes, &c. &c. Published every Saturday by W. A. Scripps, 7, Wel lington-street, Strand, and 7, South Moulton street, price 8 d• ; Of' stamped (for country circulation by post), Is. Also, in Monthly and Quarterly Parts, stitched in a Printed 'Wrapper, for the convenience of those who have only oc casional O pportunitie s of receiving it. GOSS'S WORKS. (Eighteenth Edition.) " Honeinem pagit anostra eapit. " Our page relates to man."—MA SWAT.. ' Price Ss. in boards, Eighteenth Edition. 1. THE AEGIS OF LIFE. f A Non -Medical C ommentary on t h e indiscretions arising b aneful Human Frailty, i n w hi c h t h e nature, symptom', and %ern' effects of Self-abuse, Intemperance, end Libertinistn, !Ike., are fully developed ; with Practical Observations On e attal Debility, and Mental Itritation, with some inte- Observations o n V egeta bl e an d An i ma l L i fe; i n Part 11. is a S er i es o f Cases illustrative of the preceding 'lbiects, explaining theta in a familiar manner. By GOSS and Co. Consulting Surgeons, London. " Natures beatis . Omnibu s eau dedit, si quis cognoverit nti."—Cr. A UDIA N. " Sines Heaveti to all the fund of bliss supplies, "Its frugal application marks the wise." art: Th e SYPHILIST, a Familiar Tr ea ti se on Disorders 4isn from Luta Venerea, Gonorrhea, S em i na l W ea k nesp , o va e ' with a vari e ty o f remar k s °cent r i ng in a most exten practiee, each'Section expl a i ne d b y eases . 3. HYGEIANA, a Non-Medical Analysis of some LComplaints incidental to Fentales, in which are offered ° important a d mon i t i ons on t h e peculiar debilities at- The suiat their c i rcumstances, sympathies, and formation.— ire bject of Sterility is es p ec i a ll y d we l t upon. Jute 'Tag and important cases ill us t ra t e t h e su bj ect. 6 gee fugit Venus Heu ! quove color decent'?" Hots. Lib. 4, Od. 12. " W i , hither flies Love? Ah ! where the charming bloom?" above /nay be had of Sherwood, Paternoster-row; ''" a PPle, No. 59, . ; Onwhyn, Catherine -street, V Str and, Lond on; Luder, Brighton; Wood, Huntingdon; achett and Stevenion, Bacon and Kinnehrook, Norwich Bat,r).eenkt Ipswich; Read, Corn-street, Bristol ; Ford, uffield. ditto; Hatt, Cambridge ; Todd, BI ig r4., Leeds ; Wrightson Birmingham ; Brodie and Dow :at. Salisbury ; Trewman,: Exeter; Wales and Co., Li s6, r' onr. ; S ow l er , 22, St. Anne's-square, Manchester; gate, Gl asgow ; Porter, 72, Grafton-street, a l l 'n Sutherland, I, Calto n - s t ree t, Edi n b urg h ; an d o f Iti° , 6kaellers.--Price ss. a GOSS and Co. are to b e consu lt e d, as usua l, ri n t 4 a u t ay, at their house; stud Patients itt the Country a re . tat, part to sleseribe mi nute l y the cage, enclosing a re" - ittly Advice and Medicine which can be forwarded to of the world. gree 81 atl Co. M. R. C . Surgeons, No. 11, Botiverie- t- atreet ) i ' London. No. 11,694. FRANCE AND THE BOURBONS IN 1830' (From Le Globe.) We are now at last approaching the term of the lamentable polemical contest in which we have for these eight months past esigaged. Our Parliament is about to open, and the Royalty must meet the country face to face. All good men have looked impatiently forward to this event; for there is no thing more humiliating to a great nation than to have every morning to foresee or to defeat the fol lies of a power at once menacing and despicable. Such an existence is a life of hazard—that is to say, of anguish and disorder, of distressing illusions, and of bad passions. Feeling our destiny to depend upon the turn up of a die, which some weak or wicked hand may at any moment cast, men become accustomed to dream of chances, to calculate the means of defence, and soon after of attack. No thing is so near to fear as sedition, and nothing so much tends to mischief as contempt of authority. To say nothing of the loss of eight months for our glory and power abroad, and for the enlight ened administration of our affairs at home, a loss always irreparable, is not the corrupting disquietude created in society by the mere accession of such a Ministry sufficient for its condemnation ? This was on the first day, the first cry of every voice. Men looked far beyond the mere questions of constitutional mechanism on which parties might be about to play their game. Royalty was felt to he struck at and compromised. The phrase " 1688 and the Stuarts" then resounded; and in fact, since the period of the Bth of August, the dispute for Royalist or for Liberal, has existed and does exist solely on this great and awful idea. The phrase is perhaps bold, but it is sincere. When we cherish no after-thought and venture to intermeddle in the affairs of our country, it is fit to put aside all vain precautions and to speak frankly. There are sorrows and dangers enough in civil war fare, dangers and depravity enough in the intrigues and conspiracies which lead to the overthrow of a throne, not to make us dread to foresee such a state of things, and yet to make us look at the chances, and, above all, to make us endeavour to induce those to look at them who may be able to avert the evil. The Parliament and the King alone possess this power. It is, therefore, to the Parliament and the King that we address ourselves along with all good citizens, to induce them to consider what at present s the relative situation of Royalty and Fiance. For our part we are of opinion that of all the crises through which we have passed since 1814, the pre sent is without contradiction the most decisive for the House of Bourbon. It is, to reckon rightly, the fourth attempt at counter-revolution. It is cu rious and profitable to observe what part the nation has performed in all these rash experiments—how it has been progressively instructed and strengthened, while the party which is dragging down royalty with itself has been misled and weakened ;—how at every counter-revolutionary effort the same me lancholy and fatal idea of the separation of the throne and the country has presented itself, but on each occasion gathering strength, accepted by a greater number of minds; at first concealed as a sacred intrigue or feeling of hostility, afterwards disclosed in public as an opinion, and thus proceeding, until, if Heaven avert it not,and if the old enemies of liberty still pro ceed farther, this opinion will become the resolution of a party with popular assent. However, all men so ardently desire tranquillity and the security of their interests, that on every occasion when royalty separates itself from those who compromise it, and takes the slightest step in the way of a return to wards the nation, that moment the hope of fixing the fate of the Bourbons with a future liberty re vives. It is natural to calculate on all the advantages derivable from their old hereditary succession, the real goodness and facility of character which en deared them to our ancestors : men flatter them selves with pleasing plans of a slow and peaceful reform which shall reduce royalty to its true station, —namely, that of reigning without governing; a situation in which the Mince is withdrawn from the storms of popular disapprobation and the strug gles of Parliamentary majorities and minorities. No one, we apprehend, will deny the tendency of men's minds to incline alternately, according to the danger or the security of the charter,—to a change of dynasty or to the maintenance of the reigning family. It has appeared at every crisis which we at preient can call to recollection. Lest it should be doubted, let us try to sketch, in a few words, arid with perfect candour, the picture of these crises. If we do not truly describe the flux and reflux of the national opinion, we are open to contradiction. Whoever has lived 30 years in France must recol lect under what circumstances the Bourbons returned. They were forgotten or disregarded by their con temporaries. The new generation knew nothing of their existence, and did not even know their names. The victories of foreigners smoothed the path for them, either in consequence of offended national pride, or the restlessness of old animosities revived by fear, storms, and wars between the country and the party which was to arise under the protection of their throne were foreseen. There was a moment of hesitation and alarm; but another danger still more pressing operated on the national will. There was no longer any head to the empire. The son of Napoleon was still in the cradle, arid that cradle had for its protector an Emperor of Austria. The Bourbons were of our own blood: the Senate of the Empire, degraded as it was, spoke of condi tions and of liberty. The same sentiments were ex pressed by the legislative body which had given vent to the first sigh for the misfortunes of the country. It was known that conditions would be agreeable to the head of the family. He was de scribed to us as instructed by misfortune, en lightened by study and the spectacle of English liberty, and proud of all our .recent glories. The liberal opinions of this Prince at the commencement of the revolution were recollected. Promises reached us from all quarters, and the alarm, without being dissipated,, was calmed. The declaration of St. Ouen, the octroy of the charter, though it ap peared offensive to pure theory, completed the half convers;on of France. Louis XVIII. began with some favour a reign which datt.d back 25 years, in memorial of legitimacy; but around this legitimacy, which few comprehended, but however was ad mitted as an innocent pretension, there soon arose a cloud of grotesque and insolent legitimacies, the mere recollection of which is farcical—the old noblesse, the emigrants, court robes, the ante-chamber digni ties of Versailles,corporations, the clergy, LaVendee, and the Chouans ! It was variety, avidity, and vengeance in full cry. Some insulated our uniforms and the titles of our new warriors; others wrapped themselves up in the pride of their caste, and looked with disdain on citizens whom they had but lately courted. In some quarters they established them- selves as conquerors in a country divided by civil war, and surrounded themselves with peasantsguilty of the most atrocious crimes. All demanded, and even took, what they called their property,—feudal rights, tithes, places, pensions, decorations, titles. They soon stifled some favourable presages. The nation trembled. At that time, animated with one spirit, still warm with the life of the empire, and possessing the controul of public affairs and of the army, she, with an immense power, surrounded a throne almost foreign. Indignation seized her. A favourable wind brought back her Emperor. Not withstanding the resentment caused by his wars, his tyranny, and the danger of an invasion, yet he %vas received as an avenger, as a liberator, as the man LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MARCH 6, 1830. of the people and of the revolution. The counter revolution had, by its follies, baptized him First Consul and Child of the Republic. A second time flight carried the Bourbons to foreign camps. Thus, for having offended, not with their own hands, but with the bands of their friends, the national feel ings,—for having threatened the rights acquired by the revolution, they were dashed to pieces like glass. Buonapartism, the centre at that time of strength and union, cast them off; and it became manifest that they had been only adhered to in the hope that they afforded a sanction to the revolution. That hope was betrayed, and they were deserted. Had not foreign sovereigns felt an interest for them, but had in like manner deserted them, they would have died in exile. What would have been the fate of France and of liberty under Buonaparte and his dynasty ? Lneasy, and perhaps little dignified ; at least, so we think ;1 and even at the price of the humiliation of a second invasion,—even at the price of so much treasure!and glory lost,—even at the price of so many end such fierce years of contest, our education as a free people does not seem now to have cost too much. . But in proportion to the price it has cost, and et:naiades to cost every day, so the dangers of those Princes who do not accommodate themselves to it increase. We have just seen how the Bourbons were banished by the people and the army, because they offended the people and the army. In vain had a faint Aurora of political liberty shone upon them, in the midst of a feeble and ignorant legislation ; habituated to the Imperial yoke, counter revolu tionary sophism had obscured it, and though some patriotic minds, some young spirits awakened by hope, for a moment rallied round them, the same hope drew them to Buonaparte, imploring liberty in the Champ de Mai, perhaps as an actor, but as an actor whose part carried him farther than he wished. Too long has been forgotten the influence which those three months had in our political regeneration, when popular and military scenes were acted—when the re newal of federations was seen—when club and tribune agitation resounded through the land—when appeals were made to the recollection of the campaiges of 1792 and 1793, and when the sacred songs of old victories were heard. Ah ! which of us, then young, amidst the agitation caused by so many unknown emotions, which the books of our infancy had been unable to excite,---which of us in the midst of this clangour, of arms and these cries of liberty, though but a cold imitation of what had been before, did not fancy himself carried back to the great days of our fathers ? Which of us did not, with tears in his eyes, and his arm trembling with enthusiasm and indignation, and fired with fidelity and bravery,—which of us did not brandish his sword and believe himself as great a hero as any of the heroes amosig the Marcelloise, ready to conquer or to die under the standard of reviving liberty ? Who, too, among the children of the old emigrants or Vendeans, still recollecting the hymns to the martyrs of Royalty chanted in 1814, did not also dream of fortune, and endeavour to seek it in some obscure . part of the country, where they thought themselves powerful and likely to be seconded ? Pardon us this return to 1815. It was not for the purpose of diverging from our object : for, after the victory of the Bth of July, after the restoration, this time certainly forced on us by foreign bayonets, the counter-revolutionary party, which returned with the Bourbons, was obliged to follow the same path which Buonaparte and the friends of the revolution had just followed. It also made an appeal to liberty, and by means of speeches, laws, anti votes, it under took to destroy what had been consolidated for 25 years. The Chamber Introuvable raised the hatchet against every popular institution while pretending to popularity, as the adherents of the south mur dered the Protestants while pretending to compas sionate them. Confounded, broken-spirited, and divided, the nation seemed to submit. No well connected opposition was organized : there was no longer any military Buonapartism, or civil discipline, as on the 20th of March. There was no longer any intelligent, liberal, strong, or united opinion. Still here and there attempts at conspiracy and revolt were made, and it was always the son of Buonaparte that was opposed to the Bourbons, but still without sincerity and without sympathy in the masses of the ,people; or rather, the masses did not dare to trust themselves, though in their hearts they were very much inclined to seek any Prince rather than him in whose name a legal counter-revolution was operating and boldly advancing. Had the power of this Chamber, conducted by the La Bottrdonnayes, the Corbieres, the Villeles, the Castelbajacs, the tri bunes of aristocracy and Catholicism, continued much longer, a civil war would have broken out. The foreign kings perceived this, and Louis XVIII. before all of them. With his sagacity, his great personal tact, and also his honesty and pride as author of the Charter, he perceived the coming dan ger; and in spite of the opposition of his Court, he stretched forth his hand. The Chamber was dis solved, and tranquillity restored. Here commenced an epoch of confidence and hope for the nation. The King presented himself to its eyes in the character of a saviour. If, on the one hand, desperate Buonapartism still here and there gave signs of existence, and, on the other, the ex tiayagant and di sconcerte d counter -revolutionists ex pressed theis . discontent, the mass of the people re mained tranquil, and produced as the organ of their wishes and wants a third party, composed of the friends of monarchy become prudent like the King, and of the friends of liberty tempered by hope.-- Three years passed in a satisfactory mariner. A law of eleCtions,—a happy and bold development of the democratic elements,—a law of recr&t ing, which guaranteed equality,—the abolition of the censorship over the journals, a first step to wards the liberty of the press—a direction of vi gorous studies imprinted on the superior branch of education,—popular instruction encouraged,—finan cial improvements, —finally, the liberation of our territory, and the removal of foreign flags, —all these things announced fair intentions on the part of the Government, and these intentions were answered in a corresponding manner by the people. The hateful principle of secret enmity was supplanted by an avowed and sincere democratic opposition. Every thing was done openly, and, as one may say, in the broad day. At Paris the Society of the Press, composed of the principal cit zees, animated and directed the public feeling; but without any after-thought, with out any other object than prevailing by proselytism, by the union and concentration of efforts. The spirit of the Charter extended itself. It gradually spread through the provinces, which were still paralysed, by or trembling at, the violences of 1815. It triumphed in the election. Suddenly this power was stopped. The day succeeding. the ordinance of the 9th of September a league was formed which boasted of having the support of the heir to the Throne, and opposed his name to the name of the King. This league, half religious and half political, directed by prelates and statesmen, amongst whom wasremarke - d a great genius who advocated liberty sincerely in the midst of hypocrites who wished to stifle it, pub lished journals, thundered in the pulpits, and orga nized bands of supporters. The clergy, hitherto but secondary agents, now appeared in the first ranks. The spirit of combination, of hierarchy, arid Jesu itical associations, which distinguished this league, was tranferred to the royalist party, which resumed habits of conspiracy and its corresponding societies, as in the time of the emigration. Secret societies, ' under a thousand different titles, but all approaching the same centre, which was audaciously called the Pavilion ilfarsan, the Bannerets, the . France Re gendrs, &c., were were spread over France like net-work. In some places these societies ruled by terror ; in others, they excited irritation by malicious provocations. They conspired for the object which they had in view, or they caused their imprudent adversaries to conspire. The tombereau fatal of Lyons, —t he revelations of LigUevel and Legall, or ganizers of the Chouans in Brittany,—the tiial of Canuel,—thd3yest missions—all revealed the dou ble intentiorroirdestroying liberty by the faults of its friends, or of stifling it by violence. Finally, parricidal votes invited foreigners to enter France for a military occupation, which was necessary to t h e accomplish ment of their project, and the name of 'the Prince was constantly put forth as a support and sanction for their conduct. Then the national party began to bestir itself. Its representatives in the Chamber, alarmed at the secret movement which made all tremble around them, with grief and anger de manded the development of those institutions which alone could protect liberty. This demand added to the terror and embarrassment of the Government, and carried the royalist intrigues to their height. Thus re-action commenced. A blow from the poniard of a fanatic, who wished to stop it, preci pitated it. The only Minister who still opposed the league, the belored favourite of the King, was driven from the Palace amongst the cries of a furi ous party, who took a bloody robe for their standard. The liberty of the press was destroyed, and next in dividual liberty. Then the law of elections was at tacked --the law of elections, which was the last rampart of legal resistance. What, under these circumstances, could or ought the national party to do ? It uttered complaints, prayers, fatal pro phecies. The ardent, honourable, and enthusiastic youth of the nation heard and adopted its senti ments. They assembled around the Palace where their destinies were under discussion, and uttered supplications and murmurs. They were dispersed by force, and blood was shed. This impropriety on the part of the young men belonging to the schools was the subject of great complaint. The Government pretended to discover in this a spirit of concert, a plan of revolt, instead of observing in it merely a melancholy anticipation, a proof of affection for the liberty about to be lost, and the turbulence natural to youth. Certainly we need not now conceal that there has been for ten years a secret and concerted hostility. We may, we ought to acknowledge it in the face of the country, for now frankness and information is re. quired. Frankness is likewise necessary for the throne which is now hanging over the same abyss which was opened in 1820 by a guilty reaction. No; the national party entertained no projects hos tile to the existing dynasty; .it sought only a legi timate defence. No; there was no conspiracy, when conspiracy was flagrant and avowed on the other side. If subsequently a plan of defence has been formed--if designs hostile to the dynasty have been entertained—if in some parts of the country these designs have found favour and support—if dangerous associations have existed secretly for a long time—if insurrections have been attempted—all this did not occur (we can prove it) until after the example set by the other side, until after the attack and violation of the charter. We can prove that even under M. de Villele, in consequence of discussion finding a legi timate vent by means of the press, acts of hostility were repressed, and that they only broke forth at a later period, when, overcome by discussion and by the progress of political morals, this Minister at tempted a third violent reaction by establishing the censorship, destroying the purity of election by fraud, and dipping his hands in the blood of citizens. Then again the question of dynasty was brought forward. But only a few days passed over, when the King perceived his danger, and all was forgotten. M. de Polignac has again raised the storm. The violence of this storm will increase daily if lie con tinues in office, or if he be succeeded by any one, either bold or timid, who may attempt by force or stratagem to oppose the henceforth irresistible dere , lopment of popular liberty. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS—(LAST' NIGHT). SHAKERLEY'S DIVORCE BILL. Counsel were heard, and witnesses examined on this Bill, the further consideration of which was postponed till Monday next at three o'clock. MESSAGE FROM THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL brought up the Illusory Ap pointments Bill, the Equity- Contempt Bill, the Bill to fa cilitate the Payment of Debts out of Real Property, toge ther with several Private Bills. Mr. PORTMA N brought up the Jersey Poor Bill. Several other Private Bills were brought up by other Members of the House of Commons. The Duke of WELLINGTON moved for a Return of the Wheat imported into this country from Ireland from the 18th of July, 1828, to the present time. Several Dills were forwarded a stage, and the House adjourned at twenty minutes to Six o'clock. HOUSE OF COMMONS—(LAST NIGHT). Mr. FRANKLAND LEWIS and Mr. pinup PUSEY took the oaths and their seats. DISTRESS OF THE COUNTRY. Sir WILLIAM HEATH DOTE presented seven peti tions from parishes in the county of Southampton, com plaining of general distress. - Sir EDWARD KNATCHBULL presented thirteen similar petitions from places in the county of Kent. CLARENCE BRIDGE. Mr. CHARLES PALLIER brought in a Bill for building a Bridge across the River Thames from Church street, Lambeth, to the Horseferry.road. EAST INDIA COMPANY'S CHARTER. Mr. DUGDALE presented a petition numerously signed by the merchants, manufacturers, and others of the town of Birmingham, praying that the House would not grant a renewal of the East India Company's Charter; and also, that the petition might be beard by Counsel at the Bar of the House. The Hon. Gentleman presented another peti tion from Nuneaton, against the system of free trade ; anti also one from a place in the county of Warwick, com plaining of general distress. EMANCIPATION OF THE JEWS. Mr. HUSKISSON presented a petition from the Jews of Liverpool, praying for Entincipation. The Hon. Member sail the petition had his support. Sir JOHN LOW I HER presented a petition from the shipowners of Maryport, complaining of general distress. Mr. SANDERSON presented a petition from Mr. John Brady, of Cavan, praying for a revision of the laws re specting tolls and customs in Ireland. Sir T. LETHBRIDGE presented a petition from the grocers and other tradesmen of Bath, complaining of the injury they sustain by hawkers. DISTRESS. Sir THOMAS GOOCH had to present to the House a petition setting forth the distress of the country, by a very great body of agriculturists. A more respectable meeting than that at which this petition had been carried, he had never seen as sembled. It consisted of gentlemen of property, of merchants, yeomanry, and q!l classes, and all had united in one common object to petition the House to lessen the great distress under which people were labouring. Tories, Whigs, and Radicals had con curred in this—it was not a party question, but a question whether the agriculturists of England should continue to flourish, or remain in their mise rable situation. He had been a uniform supporter of Government, but he had felt it his duty to express his opinion. After a feW words from Sir EDWARD KNATCH- I wish to God it bad been stilled in its birth. r watched its motions and its progress in all the di.- 'ets en and lin this country, say it's ruining lee If it goes on, it will leave the island i.f Eneland nun barren uncultivated rock. The only remedy is for the Government to give it up ; that is, if they Si e not too tiglitly bound to it. I say they o .glit to throw v it overboard to-morrow. For the se! , wine of the country they are bound to do' so. If tliei eyes are not open, Sir, lay ee. are open—(Loud laughter.)—The working districts of the country are ruined. Nothing but starvation and poverty must and will end all this. 1 sav Sir, any m a n here s here ought to tell the rale tale, and let the House know what his constituents say. What will th e y BULL, the C HANCELLOR o f the EXCHEQUER, IVIr. Helm, and Mr. O'CONN ELL, t h e pet i tion was laid say, if th e Mi n i sters are allowed to remain in the on the tabl e , an d or d ere d to b e printed. The Hon. dark ? I t e ll t h e H on. Gentleman (the Member Baronet th en p resente d a pet i tion from three pa- for Aberdeen), w h o k ept us h ere t i ll three o ' clock the other morn i ng oppos i ng the vote of 5,000 men, rishes in Suffolk, prayin g f or a re d uct i on i n t h e du that it w as a f arce a l together.—(Laughter.)— Virhat ties on m a lt an d b eer. —O rdered to lie on the table. Alderman WAITHMAN h a d moved some time is 5,000 m en , Sir? Nothing.—(Loud laught e r.)— , since, f or a R eturn o f Exports and Imports, and I have b een li v i ng among red coats all my life, and complai n ed th at t h ey h a d not been laid upon the I can spe a k a b out t h em. I know something of them. table. —(Cries of " Qiiestion,• question," were h ear d The CHANCELLOR of the"'EX CHEQUER from all p ar t s o f t h e House.)—Yes, yes; q ues ti on , could not giv e an y a nswer except that which he had question. Th e H on . G entleman calls •' Question." himself rec e i v ed f rom t h e o ffi cer whose duty it was I'll answer hi s quest i on i n any way he likes. If to make out thi s R eturn ; an d this was, that bein they consider I'm no t correct, I best know that, g and I can explain the reaso ns of what I say.— obliged by A c t o f P ar li ament to make out certain When there's distress in the country, I w ill stand accounts before the s t h o f M arc h , h e h ad not yet been able to f urn i s h t h e R eturns, but would up in my pla ce an d te ll t h e H ouse so; b ut I trust use all diligence. this Hou se w ill not go on di lly-dally till three Alderman WAITHMAN presented a petition o'clock about such things as reducing. 5,000 mem from a pa r i s h i n S ta ff or d , i n which there were ex- Why• that's nothing. What's th e resu l t ? Wh at tensive colli er i es , aga i nst t h e pract i ce of paying la: relief do w e get f rom t h at ? I ' ll make one remark. snorers in go o d s . I'll state a commuu i cat i on from that part of the Sir ROBERT WILSON presented a petition country lam acquainted with. They desired me— from South war k, p ray i ng t h at coals might be sold by (notwithstanding th e di stresses o f the country)— weight instead of m easure . they desired m e to stan d u p i n my place and say Alderman WAITHMAN presented a petition they reprob a t e an d set t h e i r f aces against what the from the d e bt ors con fi ne d i n Stafford gaol, complain- Hon. Memb er f or M ontrose stated the other night. ing of su n d r y i nconven i ences. They desired me to convey t h e i r Sentiments against Mr. O'CONNELL presented petitions from the declaration of that Hon. Gent., which they Borris, in C ar l ow ; an d E nn i s, i n Clare—praying heard thr oug h t h e newspapers. I was not present for a repe a l o f t h e S u b-l ett i ng Act. in the Ho use , so I can ' t j udge whether its correctly or not; Mr. DUNCOMBE presented a p e ti t i on f rom reported • but— certain shipow ners o f a town i n Yorkshire, com- The SPEAKER—O r d er , or d er I plaing of di s t ress . Colonel WILSON—I b eg par d on if I'm out of Colonel WILSON rose to support the prayer of order. Well, then, Sir, they desired the to say that the petition. For some moments the Hon. Member a more unconstitutional declaration had never been was not audible in the gallery; but becoming ani- made by any man in any House of Commons—that mated as he pro cee d e d, h e sa id : Sir, I am sorry 1 is, in any well r egu l ate d H ouse o f C ommons. They have not the gift of the gab to represent the distress reprobate it. They desired me to say they were of the country.—(Laughter.) —The Hon. Member disgusted—(Loud cries of Order, order ! arose from may laugh, but he won't stop my mouth.—(Laugh- all parts of the House, in the midst of which)— ter.)—E thi n k, Sir, there are many persons h ere The SPEAKER rose , an d s il ence b e i ng imme who want a change of hands, and not a change of diately obtained, he said—The Hon. Member is misure.r.—(Continued laughter.)—Ye may laugh, about to state something which I have no deidit to but I tell you y ou h ave not t h e i nterest of the country be out of ord er . l am sure t h at h e would a ish to at heart, and the longer you oppose me the longer be anticipated before he accomplishes any thing like I'll speak.—(Shouts of laughter.)—l should be un- a great breach of the rules of order of this House; worthy of a seat in the House—l should be un- and I therefore take this opportunity of saying, that worthy of York, if I l et any b o d y b rowbeat me. if the comm un i cat i on to w hi c h h e alludes has any I seldom trouble the House, but I have a claim to reference to what is supposed to have passed in this be heard when Ido trouble it, and stand up in my House, it is disorderly in them to make it tha sub place to do my duty as a Member, and tell the rale ject of a communication, and it will be disorderly in tale of my co n stit uents. —(L aughter.) And I can him to communic a t e th e resu l t o f i t to t h e House as tell you, if I had an y p ower over the House I'd have firm an account of th e i r p rocee di ngs . a poll of it ev er y wee k, an d compel every man to tell Colonel WILSON—I am on l y sorry, S i r, that I the rale tal e of hi s const i tuents. But I ' m afraid can't. Well, th en , I'll commun i cate i t in a different there's some bad wor k go i ng on b eh i nd the curtain, sort of way. I consi d er w h at t h e H on. Member —(Loud lau g ht er .)—I see t h ere ' s great bickering said was on e o f t h e most unconst i tutional things at Ministers every night; but nobody cares for the ever uttered in this House. Sir, he introduced a torch to his own destruction. If I was one o f hi s country. I see som e H on . M em b ers who are always at this work ; b ut t h e ra l e quest i on is the distress of gang—(Loud l aug h ter )—l wou ld say to him, you the country. That's the great thing. Therefore, I are one of those that has brought us to this pitch. Now show us a goo d examp l e — g i ve up your, find fault with a ll the Hon. M em b ers w h o d o not pro stand up every night and tell the rale tale of their perty.--(Loud and continued laughter.)---I don't mean constituents. Th e y'll bl ame t h e Mi nister, but they that, Sir; I den't mean that. I mean, mak themselves avoid th e true quest i on, and will not do those sacrifices that will bring os out of our d e e their duty.—(Lo u d l aug h ter. )— S i r, I blame the suttees. Sir, thi s oug h t a l ways to b e the way. In House of Commons, for if they told the rale tale of former times it happened that persons who intro their constituents, and gave the Ministers proper in- duced these sort of things were the very persons formations, the Ministers, if they have the fear of that first lost their heads.—(Loud laughter.)—These God and the welfare of the country before their people threatened that if they did not get relief from eyes, would b e o bli ge d to g i ve the people relief.— Ministers, they w ou ld sen d t h e i r di stress to the fur (Continued l aug h ter .)—B ut now the Ministers are (foot) of th e th rone . P rov id ence has blessed his wandering blind-f o ld f or want of i nformation. It ies Royal heart with true noble feeling, and he would the fault of the House. I would not do my duty if not be dissatisfied with this House for allowing his people to com e t o him. Let them t e ll t h e ra l e tale, I did not state th e f acts —if I d i d not seek for in formation, and p ro b e t h at i nformation to the bone, and if they d o not d o t h e i r d uty I w i ll be the first and sift it t o t h e b ottom.--(Loud laughter.)— to attack th e m on th at score . I apo l og i se to the I hope, Sir, th at w h en th i s information is House for h av i ng k ept t h em so l ong, but I consider given, that Minist ers w ill come down with that it, wha t I h ave sa id I h ave only been doing my rp not riety rise or t t o he s some wholesome m easure w hi c h w i ll enable us to d uty to my constituents.—(Hear.) good ascend the hill of h ea l t h t owar d s t h e rel i ef of the Nr• S taise propriety YIC t E Sor did speak kecehi either as a had a t d o country.—(Cheera an d l aug hter.)--If any man tells the Just me that there ca n b e no re li e f , I would not believe ust heard, b u t mere l y to recommend the petition to him.—(Lau g ht er .)—Th ere i t noth i ng beyond the the attention of th e H ouse . power of m an w i t h t h e ass i stance of his God.— The petition was laid on t h e ta bl e. (Loud and continued laughter.) —I ca n t e ll the 111 r. STEWART wished to as k t h e Ri g h t Hon. Hon. Member s o pp os i te t h at they will not stop my Gent, opposite, whether he had rece i ve d a pet i t i on mouth. I will ass i st t h e Mi n i stry, at whose back I from a gentleman named W en t wor th , residing at stand, as long as th ey act w i t h consistency. Whe n Sidney, contai n ing mat t er f or t h e i mpeac h ment of Gen. Darling, th e G overnor, f or pun i s h nsents he had they do not, I'll ra i se my vo i ce aga i nst them. Now I say it is not th e i r f au l t —i t i s t h e fault of the Mem- caused to be inflicted u p on two so ld iers; and if so, hers who do riot state the ra l e f acts o f t h e case— whether the Government intended t o t a k e arty , an d ? what their co ns ti tuents te ll them, who are come_ Sir GEO. MURRAY h a d rece i ve d the petition; (Loud laught er .)--I say t h at if Hon. Gentlemen e- what steps on th e matter, an d at what time tent to judge, b ecause ' t i s t h ey are suffering.— but as it inv o l ve d a quest i on ent i rely of law, he had will not stand up i n thi s H ouse and tell the rale tale laid it before th e L aw Off icers of the Crown, and of their constit uents , t h ey are unworthy to be Mem- had not yet obtai ne d th e i r op i n i on upon it. Mr. STEWART wished to k now whether, when hers of this H ouse . If I had the power, they shouldn't be h ere; t h ey s h ould all be sent to the that opinion was g i ven , t h ere wou l d b e any objection right about.—(A l aug h.)—A ny Member who sits to laying it on th e t a bl e o f t h e H ouse? here ought to t e ll t h e ra l e ta l e of his constituents— Sir G. MURRAY cou ld not give a decided an he ought to tell y ou w h at i s their opinion of the sever to that quest i on at present. case. How is it p oss ibl e f or hi s Ma j esty ' s Govern- Mr. LYTTLETON h a d a quest i on to put to the ment, I ask—ho w i s i t poss ibl e for them to know Right Hon. Gent, w h om b e saw i n his place , re what is the s ense o f t h e const i tuents, if Members specting some observations supp ose d b y severa l don't tell th e ir ra t e ta l e ? I am speaking, Sir, the great brewers t o have b een use d b y the Right. Hon. sense of my con s ti tuents. Th ere i s not the general Gent. in the di s c uss i on l ast n i g h t regarding the sale distress that's s p o k en o f . I n hi s Majesty ' s Speech of beer. The se gent l emen t h oug h t that the Chan the country's call e d i n a state o f general distress. I cellar of the E xc h equer h a d sa id t h at the public re say it's no t i n a state o f general distress. There's a venue would be m ore b ene fi tte d b y t h e reduction of class of m en en j oy i ng t h e pr i vileges of the law, and some other tax. H e did not as k hi s Right Hon. they don't p ay a s i ng l e s i xpence to the expenses; Friend what w as hi s op i n i on on t h at point, or what the course he intended t o pursue respectin g it, b ut but they re ce i ve t h e i r di v i dends, and they are not whether he had ever used any such expression ? in distress, for they are allowed to escape without The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER paying. —(Laughter.)—I say, Sir, I'm right. The landed i n t erest i s t h e main sp r ing of the land. was particularly un f ortunate; f or t h at, in any state 'What th e d ev il wou ld b ecome of us without ' em ? inent he mi g h t ma k e , or any exp l anat i on he might (Loud lau g h ter .)—Y ou m a y h ave your laugh ifu give, he was frequently mi sre p resente d b y persons like, but l' m r i g h t. I say Sir it don't g become whose feelin gs were interest e d on one s id e or t h e them to l aug h at wh at . I say. , , (Continued lau g h ter .) other of a qu e stion, b ut i t was i n t h e reco l lect i on of t don't pr eten d to b e more than a home-spun country the House that he h a d ma d e use o f no suc h expression. Mr. HUME said that our t ra d e was sufficiently gentleman—(A l aug h)—b ut when .I fill the situa b lion Ido no w , I w ill consc i ent i ously stand up and burdened by ch arges f or li g h t i ng and pilotage, but that, in additio n to these, was, on vess e l s go i ng to do my duty. I say to t h ese G entlemen on the op posite side of th e H ouse, you ought not to have the Mediterranean, one c h arge w hi c h , he thought, your parties, an d get up your motions, and do this might well b e di s p ense d w i t h — h e meant a charge and that and th e ot h er . U n l ess you j oin with us for what was ca ll e d M e d iterranean passes. lie in getting r id o f t h e yo k ( yo k e ) of Ministers, you'll wished to kno w w h at was t h e amount of money no never be of servic e t o y our country. I w i sh you ' d ceived for the se p asses , ari d to what purpose it was applied. He, therefore, moved for returns o f t h e pause for a m oment . —(Th e symptoms of impatience in the Ho use h ere b ecame very manifest.)—You number of the ship s app l y i ng f or these passes in the may disturb me h ere, b ut t h at won ' t put me down. year 1828 or 1829, o f t h e amount of money re- I tell the G en t. oppos i te h e wou ld not disturb me ceived for th em , an d o f t h e purposes to w hi ch t h at so out of doors—l te ll hi m h e h as not the interest money was appli e d. of his country a t h eart . Mr. CROKER sa id t h a t a grea t n um b er o f s hi ps The SPEAKER—O r d er , or d er. went to the Medit erranean without th e s e p asses. Mr. HUME having a few nights since made a Colonel WILSON—I wou ld not f ur any thing be out of order. All I want i s to state to the House statement relative to the amount of pay o f oak en the role state of th e case —l on l y want to do j ustice of different ranks, in the different b ranc h es of our war service in 1792, and their p a y at the present according to fey conscience and th e const i tuents t h at time, and that statement havin g been denied by th e proms of impatienc e were h ere aga i n man if ested)—l I represent. I only wan t j ust i ce to t h e country—(sym- Gallant General opposite, h a w i shed to bring the will be heard, Si r —l w ill d o my d uty to my constitu- matter to a correct teat, an d f or that purpose he should move for Ret urns o f the Rates of Pay and exits; and wh e n ever i t appears t h at I ' m unworthy Allowance of of diff erent ran k s i n t h e Army, to sit here, I'll wa lk out to - morrow. —(L ou d l aug h-Officerster.)—l was imp e d e d i n w h at I was go i ng to say— in 1792 and i n 182 9; together with their increase and decrease duri ng t h e same time. He also moved (A laugh)-1 a pp ea l to any M em b er o f t hi s H ouse for simil a r Returns with regard t o th e N avy and if ever I imp e d e d t h em i n t hi s wa y. Th e on l y re medy for the di s t ress i s t o con fine the bondi ng sys - Ordnanc e . tem to our own ships—to such bulky articles as Sir H. HARDINGE had no objection to give timber and wool, and those bulky articles. Let the Returns, and he should make them as correctly our ships have the benefit of that—let foreign ships as possible; but at the dine time he must repeat, come and pay the duty, and then, if they choose to that the Hdtlourable Member *as inaccurate in hie retract and rake away their cargoes, why, then, give statement. 'em some drawback. That's the only remedy, Sir Mr- HUME observed, that every one who had at -his Majesty's Ministers ought to do that, Th at tended to the mode of ;buying the Assessed Taxes free trade system is ruinin g us. That's the system must know the extremely vexatious mode of levying of the Right Hon. Gentlemen on that bench. I that,tax. He wished to ascertain the amount .t,f wish to God it had been stifled in 'sal h. . I sq, sure arges, and with that view should move for eel.- PRICE 7D. 'O. .1 .} 16r. 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