The Sun. — London, England, 1830-08-11 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. The proceedings in France are paramount to all other news, and they still meet with general appro- bation, us well as excite general attention. The Press is evidently free. After the debates on the regal powers and prerogatives, and the securities of liberty, a deputation, in pursuance of the votes of both Chambers, waited on the Duke of Orleans, and tendered him the Crown. The interview was affecting: the description of the Dukes family, who were present at the ceremony, is interesting. The boon, we know not whether to call it the valuable boon, we are sure it is a dangerous one—was ac septet!, and in terms the most appropriate and just. Heneeforth, therefore, there is a King of France, and a King whose rig ht is founded on the choice of an immense majority of both Houses of the French Parliamerit.--71mes. It is to be hoped that the triumph of liberal prin ciples in France will net be fruitless of benefit to un fortunate Africa, but will lead to a reversal of that disgraceful and detestable policy by which a legisla tive abolition of the- slave trade has been associated with its barefaced toleration and protection in every French colony, and in the ports of France itself. In a set of papers lately presented by his Majesty's command to both Houses of Parliament, entitled Correspondence with Foreign Powers relating to the Slave Trade," there is a truly shocking and he naming exhibition of the atrocities of the French slave traders on the one hand, and the impotent though earnest and respectful appeals of our naval officers and Colonial Governors to those of the French islands, and of our Ministers to those of France, on the other hand, against those lawless offenders, and the (Acid abettors of their crimes.-- :Every complaint, however clearly established in point of fact on our part, appeers to have been treated by the late French Government with the most perfect indifference and neglect, not to say ab solute contempt; and it is impossible to read those papers without being convinced that Charles the Tenth and his Ministers were as relentlessly bent on the maintenance of those national crimes as the traders of Nantes or Guadeloupe on their perpetration. In the cooncils of his late Most Christian Majesty the sanctity of laws and treaties availed as little as the pleadings of hiessnity and the precepts of the Gospel for the protection of the unfortunate natives of Africa; and slaves were made by murder and devastation on the western coast, by the will of the same Cabinet that sent war with all its horrors to punish the crime of slavipmeking on the northern. It is trusted that the new Government of France will riot in like man net dirgrsce, by guilt and hypocrisy, the country they rule, and the sacred principles of freedom and liberality which they profess. If justly and honour ably disposed, there is a plain path before titem. They have only to propose to this country, whet she has in vain solicited from their predecessor:. ' a mutual compact to suppress the pollution of their respective limp by miscreants of whatever country that assume them, and by the only possible mews, —a reciprocal concession of the right of visitation and seizure on the African coast, and over vessels in every sea on board of which African negroer are found.--!lime:. .Although the Duke of Orleans has been called to All the vacant throne by the Representatives of the French people, attempts are made in certain quarters to sow the seeds of civil distension, by opposing to the free choice of the nation the, antiquated doctrine of legitimacy, and setting up the family pretensions of the Duke of Bordeaux, as constituting a superior tide to the Crown to that which the Duke of Orleans derives from the election of the people. Legitirmieyi as applied to claims of this nature, means, in its proper acceptation, nothing more than hereditary succession f but it bee been redounded with tin monstrous doctrine of Divine end indefeasible right, sad in this latter sense it is used by the abettors of the regal claim of the Duke of Bordeaux. Even some persons who pretended that they were well dis posed towards the 'Duke of Orleans effected to see an insurmountable obstacle to his accession to the throne in the hereditary claims of the Royal in tent, al long as the legitimacy of his birth was pot disproved. It was, therefore, proposed, as we a,:41 told in our Private Correspondence, by some Dsputhie, that the abdication of the ex-King should be accepted, and the Duke of Bordeaux pro claimed, tinder the title of Henry V., and that afterward. the legitimacy of his birth should be protested igeingt and examined. If the result of thst should be to .disprove his legitimacy, then the Duke of Orleans would succeed to the ex- Wog, of course, as the natural heir of the Crown, This was either a very absurd or a very insidious proposal. It would be absurd to crown any person with a view to discrowning him—nothing so ridi culous was ever thought of before. But the very folly of the thing might be but a cover for its trea chery. If the Duke of Bordeaux were proclaimed King, it would give his adherents a high 'vantage ground in resisting any inquiry 'into the legitimacy of his birth afterwards; and it would place their opponents in the position of factious, if not trete• sonable, impugners of the Royal title. If, however, it were possible that the Duke of Bordeaux could subsequently be set aside on the ground of proved illegitimacy of birth, and the Duke of Orleans sue (sided as natural heir, the doctrine of tiltowayalism would still prevail over sound arid constitutional doctrines, for the title of the King would be said to be founded an the " Divine right" which de volved on him from his ancestors,, instead of being derived from "original compact" with the people. It would as a necessary consequence, tt► political logic, that the liberties of the people would be but a voluntary concession from a prerogative unlimited ley human power ; and, therefore, thoe 'liberties would be revocable at the convenience anti plessure at the Crown. The Bourbons have, heretofore, always preserved the fiction of " Divine tight" us the foundation of their prerogative, they , have always disdained the best and truest title to Kingly power«;—that which is derived from a compact with the people. It is, therefore, not strange that they have niVCRYI governed for themselves, and never f u r the country. It. will be recollected that Louis XVIII., when he came, under the protection of foreign bayonets, to ascend a throne froth which hi. family had been excluded for nearly a quarter of a century by the arbitrary principles of his profit:res. sore, was studious to have it recorded that he granted the Charter, by which a representative Government was established, of his own free-will, to the people, and did not wept it of them. This was as false in fact as it was vicious in theory. The Bourbons, supported as they were by romp modes, had just sense enough to understand that they could not continue to rule in France by return ing suddenly and violently to the ancient system of arbitrary power. Louie XVIII., with more discretion, but not with mote honesty than some others of his rsce,yielded to circumstances ; but he still asserted in theory what he dared not attempt to maintain its Practice. He agreed to the establishment of a re- Presentative Government ; but he made it a soon to the People, and not the result of a mutual compari. th* Charter was in the nature ur a concession n the Crown, end not a recognition of the rights of the people I . n this arrangement there was ap rhare,„,,,.......e_r_ali.t7 latent despotism. He knew which te freely arenas can as readily fiction n thrinn_ ved~irr its o rig i n, sus Charter, by the very w“. revocable by they onl7 carried inter rife,' `g: li r ivi ng the Charier, which Louis XVII,. ,vas co t i Zti of despothim, n rt verbal declaration. It is tree ties ilforV o rt,`„ l ,t io ,. Wilily sworn to maintain,: duet c hiitt : er o, ht whose conecierite is in the keeping diorite ; loyar at a lorie these etvolisi 4 - '4l itrgutnetat ~clr err reconcile piety with the passions, tied Iti.ike the most flagrant breaches of faith not Inc:olo6,a m , with the roost punctilious severity of exte i . nal devotion. The Kings of Spain and Napt e 9, and the Usurper of Portugal, have affeided memorable instances of the fealty with whO Rolla minds can blend eanctimonious oh• servances with the worst examples of perjured fraud.' 'Such instances show that many of our modern potentates reverse the chivalrous maxim of John, the captive King of Pranee, who, on returning to surrender himself to his illustrious captor, said, that " if honour forsook all other places on earth, she ought still to be found residing within the breast of Kings." Honour and morality would again direct the actions of the rulers of nations if Royal viola tions of faith were always as promptly and as effec tively punished as in the case of Charles X. The French people have gained a noble conquest over their perjured oppressors. They have still a nobler one to achieve—a conquest over themselves. The blood of the citizens of Paris, which has flowed so profusely in the sacred cause of civil liberty, will have been, in a great measure, shed in vain, unless wisdom and moderation consolidate the victory which heroic valour has obtained. To effect this it will be necessary that all parties, sacrificing their particular feelings and prejudices to the common good, should take a comprehensive view of the real interests and relations of the _ country in the great work of the settlement of the State which is now to be performed. It is ob vious that the crisis has arrived when the theory as well as the practice of arbitrary dominion can and ought to be abolished for ever. For the future the Sovereigns of the French must accept Constitu tions, and not grant them as liberal and revocable emanations of the prerogative. We are glad to ob serve that the Republicans, in general, allow their favourite opinions to give way to the imperative circumstances of the country, and are ready to sup port the establishment of a constitutional monarchy. But this must be settled so that the Duke of Or- leans, who is to mount the vacant throne must clearly understand that the sceptre of a great people is placed in his hands by a power that could have placed it in any other, if it were thought necessary for the public good. This could be never taught to the Duke of Bordeaux, for Isis partisans end flat terers would always mix up his title with the old and dangerous notions of legitimacy and Divine right. . It is absolutely requisite that the direct line of the delinquent King should be broken through and severed from the nation for ever, in order that the doctrine of Divine right, or, as it is otherwise called, legitimacy, may be utterly exploded along with it. If the Duke of Orleans receive the crown While the Due de Angouleme .and the Due de Bordeaux are alive, nobody can pretend that legitimacy has any thing to do with the question. The new, King will be an elected Sovereign, al thengh the succession may be hereditary Just as William and Mary were elected by the Convention Pediment, when James the Second was held, by his tyrannical proceedings, to have abdicated the throtie, although he never signed any act to that effect, and still persisted in styling himself the law ful King of England ; and just us the line of Bruns wich were elected wit h hereditary succession by the Act of Settlement in preference to others who were netuet in consanguinity to the banished line, but not so acceptable in principles to the people's choice. The Bourbons who are excluded now must, with their descendants, beexcluded for ever. It has been justly observed that the worst sort of revolution is it restoration—and upon this part of the question we cannot avoid quoting a passage from Mr. Allan's Ale and learned work on the Royal prerogative, which expresses our sentiments in a clear and for cible manner. " There is (says the writer) a dispo sition in Kings to regard us their lawful property lie prerogatives exercised by their ancestors ; and, when abuses in the administration of their Govern meat have forced their subjects to curtail their power, they consider it as au unjust invasion of their rights. if compelled to yield ut the moment they avail themselves of the first opportunity to recover the authority they have lost, and from their muni fest impatience under the yoke imposed upon them, they Jimmie the objects of suspicion to their sub jects. It seldom, therefore, happens that great constitutional reforms can be effected without a change of dynasty. The ancient family, if left on the throne or recalled from exile, are continually on the alert to recover the prerogatives of which, in their opinion, they have been unjustly deprived. Our own history affords the strongest confirmation of these remarks. The deserved, though melute• • aoly fate of Charles 1. made no salutary unpres sion on his Sons. While they reigned it was their constant struggle to emancipate themselves from the restraints of law ; and it was only by a change of dynasty that the constitutional rights of the people wore secured. it is a rare fortune, and peculiar to Eng ' land, that we have a family on the throne who have no legitimateTretensions to the crown but what they de rive from Parliament. The Act, of Settlement, which its the sole foundation of their title, 'has cut off all oh- . _ solete claims,whether derived from Egbert or from the Conqueror." Thus in France the constitutional right of the people can only be secured by a change of dynasty, for, as the fate of Charles L made no salutary impression on his sons, so the fate of Louis XVI. made no salutary impression on his brothers, who, like Charles IL and James 11. made their reigns " a constant struggle to emancipate them selves from the restraints of law," until that King, who was the other day aspiring to the exercise of u boundless prerogetive, and is now a fugitive pur sued by the execrations of his people, dissolved all the elements of civil society with a breath, and closed his reign in blood. If the people of France proceed with the firmness and enlightened modera tion which they have already displayed to consum mate the great work of new-modelling the Govern. tent, it will no longer be a rare fortune, and pecu liar to Engteed, that there is a family on the throne who have tio legitimate pretensions to the Crown but what they derive from the legislative assembly of the nation. The Act by which the family of Orleans will ascend the throne will make Divine right as exploded a fable in France us it is in Eng., land, and secure by solemn compact the liberties of the people and the rights of a constitutional me riarcliy.—Mornieg Herald. Every thing seems to be going on well in France. Where there is a will there is a way, amid there its the beet disposition on the part of the Chambers and the new King to adopt such measures as will most conduce to the happiness and prosperity of the enintry. The Chamber of Peers adopted the al teration~ ie the Charter made by the Deputies, with the exception respecting the creation of Peers by Ch a rl e s th e Tenth, us to which they declined all discuesion. The great mutter was to fix the leading points of the Constitution. This has heart dune with promptitude. Where no interest hostile to the people. is made parainoutit to the people, im provements ran easily he made hereafter. It is pro bable that in time the Chamber of Peers will he transformed into a Senate. The people of Freon, are particularly jealous of anything like Aristocracy, and the Chamber of Peers is not viewed wit h a very favourable eye. General Lafayette expressed ,he opinion of the great body of the French when lie said— In mounting Ws Tribune open this serious question. I am not yielding to a momentary impulsion, nor am 1 courting popularity, which I shall never pettier to my duty.--(Cherry.)--The republican principles which I have professed throughout my life, era well known ; but these opinions do not prevent me from being the defender of a Constitutional Throne raised by the people. The saute sentiments animate inc under the present circum at awes, when it is judged desirable t i raise to a Comsat'. tional Throne the Prince Lieutenant General, mid 1 am bound to Avow - that this choice the more perfectly fulfils my wishes the more 1 become aequtinted with him.— (Cheers.) 1 do not partake in the opinions entertlined by many of my fellow citizens as to an hereditary Peer "P.—(llesr, hear, hear.)—l have always conceived it to be necessary that the Legislative Do ly should 1w divided into two Chambers differently constituted, but 1 never thought it of any ,utility to creite hereditary vvlioni some 4,40Y4 become Judges. 1 have al the introoloetion of Aristocracy into public m Waw wix.ifig them with b ingredient. It this 1 - fin L l you o cc upied ith a t moos the ~ t.litiv.ents wro, isve professed through ster7llynntOuse"::tiil4te'rleli;lllit:47. and declare ytheaotnr conscience ht Peerage suppressed, My fellow eititens will do me the justice to acknowledge that if I have always been the upholder of liberty, I have at the same time been the supporter of public order."--(Pro longed applause.) It is tolerably clear that there cannot be two su preme powers in a nation. England, of which few foreigners understand anything, has led the French into the error of supposing the possibility of an he reditary Peerage existing with a popular representa tion. The independence of the Peerage in Rug land is, as we have often said, founded on the de fects of the Representation. Whenever a com moner becomes wealthy, and able, from the influ ence of property, and the command of boroughs, to return Members to the House of Commons, he is made a Peer, and as a majority of the House of Commons, or at least a moiety, is thus nominated by Peers or the connections of Peers, the House of Commons ie, in reality, identical with the House of Lords. The House of Commons can hardly, there. fore, even come into collision with the House of Lords. But in France, where there are no rotten boroughs, and few commanding properties, a House of Peers, in the English sense, cannot exist. In order to insure to measures the benefit of repeated discussions, it may be advisable to name a second body responsible to the people, under the title of Senate. But if a hereditary Peerage were to op pose any measure on which the nation was bent, there being no hope of getting rid of such a body by election, as in the case of a Senate, it is pretty obvious that the Peers would be shelled. But the great point of popular ascendancy having been established, it will be easy to improve the Consti- ' tution. It is well remarked in an able article in the Scotsman of Saturday last, that— " A profound and eloquent writer, arguing against gradual reforms, has said, that Whatever excellence, whatever freedom is discoverable in Governments, has been infused into them by the shock of a Revolution, and their subsequent progress has only been the accumulation of abuse.' fhir is not true. All Governments follow the course which is marked out by their ascendant prin ciples. When a Revolution merely lops the branches of corruption or violence, and leaves the root untouched, a short time will of course suffice to make the system as bad as ever; bat if the constitution is so changed as to give the good principle the ascendancy, the future progress of the Government will he a career, not of accumulating abuse, but of gradual reform. This is triumphantly proved by the example of the United States, where the effect of every alteration since the Revolution, has been to purify the Go vernment, and strengthen the popular influence. The po litical truth is one which it is of vast importance for the French people to keep in view; a good Government not only admits, hut calls for change; a wise reform, there fore, has a principle of growth within it, and does not need to be perfected at once. Let them secu re t h e aim _ dancy of the popular interest, by such modifications of the Charter as are safe, and leave the test to time and tog*. rienee. No advantage to be gained by a very great exten sion of the democratic principle at present, will compensate for the divisions it would engender, and the risks that would attend it. If to secure freedom be their first duty, their second clearly is, to avoid internal broils, and to set en example of order and moderation which all nations will be proud to follinv. Every friend of freedom in this coun try is tremblingly alive to their acts ; and while he invokes the blessings of heaven on their noble Anti, has only one source of uneaeinese—that they may awaken the 'age of slumbering fictions, and incur the risk of convulsions, by attempting too much." , What naturally strikes an Englishman as the greatest defect in the French Constitution is, the ex cessive limitation of the franchise. Ever since the Revolution of 1688, when we entered on our system of loans and taxes, money has been so extensively applied in corrupting that pert of the people pos sessed of franchises, and destroying all honour and morality in them, that it has almost passed into an axiom among us that every man has his price.— During the present elections, the consciences of the people have been somewhat awakened by a defi ciency in the means for corrupting them. We do perceive more symptoms of shame this election than in any former one, anti we are disposed to augur favourably from this circumstance. Still we fear there is but too much foundutiou for the humiliating comparison drawn by our contemporary (the Scots man) when noticing the French qualification— " The elective franchise is at present confined to per sons of thirty years of age, and paying 121. per annum of direct taxes, who are in number about 55,000 in the whole kingdom. This is too narrow a basis for a truly popular system of representation to reet upon. If the French were half as sordid, servile, and corrupt as the English, Messrs. Villele or Polignac, instead of finding themselves in a minority under such a system, would have annihilated every vestige of opposition, To us it seems little legs than a miracle, that liberal principles operating with such machinery should have achieved triumphs as they have done. The victory is the consequence, partly we admit, of the blindness and bigotry of the King, but chiefly of the higher sense of honour, and the greater force of con science, which distinguish the French people. This we say frankly ; for the experience of a century shows that the English and Scottish electors, taken in the mass, are as incapable of resisting bribes or influence, as a London mob is of emulating the heroism, and the chivalrous disinte restedness and moderation of the Parisian populace. No political system, however, can be secure, which lays its foundations in extraordinary virtue. The electoral fran. chise should, therefore, be extended, but we would depre cate the introduction of universal suffrage at present. Our admiration of t h e American Democracy (admiration is too cold a word—for we worship those glorious institutions, as the incarnation of the pure spirit of liberty) will exempt ue from the suspicion of being hostile to popular rights ; and yet we honestly thread any attempt, either to introduce universal suffrage, or to establish a Republic in France at this time. Our reasons are, first, that the French are novices in the exercise of political right.), and as the present system centre:wily works well for the people, we would amend it, but not alter it to such an extent as to change its character, and put the good we are sure of to the hazard of experiment. Secondly, an extension of auffrage which might be safe thirty yeses hence, would be dangerous at present, when half the population of France cannot read and though full of generous feelings, are of course easily misled. And thirdly, what weighs most with us, while France is surrounded by Monarchs and oligarchs, who are her deadly enemies, she cannot afford to make political ex. periments, which are attended with danger. The retitle lion of the qualification from 12/. of taxes to SL or 4/. and of the age from thirty to twenty-five, so as to give the country a body of 300,000 electors, would be an alteration, the safety and prudence of which we think will probably recummend it to the Chamb ers " We have already expressed our sat i s f act i on at t h e continuance of the present m o d e o f payin g t h e Clergy. To stimulate ,the Clergy to excessive zeal, by snaking their incomes dependent on their p e p u . larity, would not be conducive to the good of the people. It is to be borne in mind that there is a material difference between the addresses of Clergy men to their flocks and the a dd resses of writers to the public through the Pre ss . Wh et is printed is leisurely read, end may be analysed an d contra dieted. The reader can compare together conflict iug statements and arguments. Even in the assem blies of antiquity, where the orators exercised a power of the dangerous character of which so much has beers said, one orator c ou ld answer another. But the pulpit orator possesses an unlimited pow er over Lis audience. Ile cannot be contradicted or refuted. Ile may be said to sway in the most absolute man lier the consciences of till those who habitually listen to him. Hence the tremendous influence of the Clergy when they are left to th e i r own exertions for obtainieg a subsistence from th e i r fl ocks. In Ca tholic conetries the begging Prints had a l so a great over the fig': . on ::; e B ll l peopl e r i lejt ct in one of tohbueys etnhbhe:ierprtiVlela:atilooeifios f t i I n Pr H ea u c i l iti l ; reign of Henry the Eighth : " It may naturally be thought (he says) at first view, t h a t the encouragement of Ecelesiletice, as we ll a , t h at o f lawyers and physicians may safely be trusted to the late rality of individuals who are attached to their doctrines, mo t w ho find benefit or consolation from their spiritual no doubt, he whetted by such an a ddi t i onal em o tive; and ministry tool assistance, Thei r industry and vigil ance will, eieir sluff ie the prefcesion, as well as their address in go %exiling the milli, of the people, must receive :laity increase flon, their increasing practice, study, a n d Itot it we consider the tmeter more clos e l y , we shall find, that this interested diligence of the Cle rgy i s what every wise legislate'. willstudy to prevent; heettus e i n every te beim', except the tine', it is highly pernicious, eel has even a natural 1,11 , 4 , 1:Cy to pay, It the hi,„ , b y i td . toin iwo it 3 avian; mixture of Saperhmition, fully, and ilelesi me vhostly prietitimier ; io order to rende r hims e lf mo re pre cious and sacred in the eyes of his retainers, must inspire them with the most violent abhorrence against all other sects, and continually endeavour, by some novelty, to excite the languid devotion of his audience. No regard will be paid to the truth, morals, or decency, in the doctrines incul cated. Every tenet will be adopted that best suits the disorderly affections of the human frame. Customers will be drawn to each Conventicle by new industry and address, in practising on the passions and credulity of the populace; and, in the end, the Civil Magistrate will find that he has paid dearly for his pretended frugality, in cav ing a settled foundation for the Priests ; and that, in reality, the most decent and advantageous composition which be can make with the spiritual guides, is to bribe their indolence by affixing stated salaries to their profes sions, and rendering it superfluous for them to be farther active than merely to preserve their flock from straying in quest of new pastures. And in this manner ecclesiastical es tablishments, though commonly they arose at first from religious views, prove in the end advantageous to the political interests of society."—Morning Chronicle. A meeting took place yesterday in the Ward of Cripplegate, at which a series of Resolutions was passed approving of the efforts of our neighbours, deprecating all interference as to the form or mode of Government which may be chosen by the French people, and appointing a Committee to receive sub. scriptions in aid of the families of those who have fallen or suffered. The speech of Mr. Dillon, who moved the first Resolution, was exceedingly spirited, and conveyed some valuable lessons. " The chief actors in the Revolution of 1830 (he said) were men who had profited by experience, and accordingly this age possessed the advantage of a Revolution which would disarm the fears of timid men. It was glorious to think that in these times there was so little to fear from a Revolution. Here was also an admirable lesson read to Nations and their Rulers; for here it was practically shown that the strength of tyrants lay only in the weakness of mankind, but that mankind were only weak when they neglected to put forth the strength with which nature invested them—the strength of tyrants lay in the mistaken estimate that the people made of their own strength." Mr. Dillon concluded with a sentiment which cannot be too much lauded. " The time," he said," had happily passed away when nationsimagined that they. rose and flourished as their neighbours fell and decayed ; it was delightful to think that such en vious feelings were now in no quarter entertained; it was not now an effort to depress each other, but a rivalry in the race of arts, liberality, and litera ture, and civilization." We must do this justice to the great body of the people. Never was admiration more free from any admixture of jealousy or envy, than that which the body of the people, in this me tropolis at least, entertain of the heroic conduct of the Parisians. Nothing can be more cordial than the manner in which they express themselves. They will subscribe cheerfully to the eulogy of the Con. ailutionnel, that the French have " proved them selves the most noble and magnanimous of na tions ;" and that the Chamber of Deputies has " suitably represented, by its moderation after the victory, that people who respected order even un der the murderous fire of the Royalists—a people who, masters of all by conquest, touched nothing— who showed themselves at once the most brave and the most upright, the most heroic, and the most disinterested."--The meeting of the great parish of Marylebone takes place this day. We observe from the Liverpool Chronicle that a requisition, sub scribed in the course of one day by more than 200 persons of all parties and of the greatest respectable lily, has been presented to the Mayor of that wealthy town, desiring him to call a meeting. We have no doubt that the wish of the requisitionists has been gratified.--Morning Chronicle. The Revolution in France is proceeding rapidly to a final and satisfactory completion. The Charter has been amended wherever deficiency or obscurity appeared to exist in it. The Crown has been given to a Prince worthy of wearing it, and the future is full of promise to th e t a l ent , t hel genius, and the institutions of France. But what is to be done , with the deposed Monarch, who is now pursuing his cheerless journey to Cherbourg, dejected and forlorn ? Is he again to take up his abode in this couirry, or is he to bury in another continent the disgrace of his dethronement ?—Nothing appears to have been settled on the subject, nor any conditions imposed upon the Ex-King by the Commissioners, who waited upon him at Rembouillet, Whether this Omission arose from neglect, or from a magnanimous resolution not to impose restrictions on an unfor tuniste Monarch, we have no means of knowing; but, notwithstanding the firmness displayed by the people of France, and the popularity of the new King, it appears to us to be Indispensably nee cessary to the repose of France, and the future tranquillity of Europe, that the ex-Sovereign should reside at a sufficient distance from the scene of his former elevation, and late disgrace; not to render it possible for him either to give rise to intrigues in France in favour of the Duke de Bourdeaux, or to excite jealousy on the part of the people of that country, towards any neighbouring state. The real danger of a restoration of the deposed branch of the Bourbon family is indeed small; but it were as well that there existed none; and we are confident that there is no real friend to the peace of Europe who would wish to see him continue his residence in any part of it. The people of this country cannot refuse him an asylum, should he seek it at their hands; but it would be wise on the part of Government to let him know, that it would be more desirable he should take up his residence elsewhere,--Morn. leg Adverliscr. It will be seen from the contents of the Paris Papers which reached us last slight, that the rumours which have prevailed for some days past respecting an insurrection having broken out in Spain, are not credited in the capital. We have, however, good reason to believe, that if the insurrection has not already commenced, no great length of time will elapse before en attempt be made to overthrow the existing form of Government. The Members of the Cartes, resident in the metropolis, are sanguine in their expectations on this head; and though their wishes may be considered as, in some de gree, father to their thoughts, there seems to be enough in the present state of Spain, more especially since the occurrence of the Revo lution in France, to warrant the expectation, that if the King do not convoke the Corte', the Cartes will convoke themselves. It is a l mos t im possible, its fact, that the glorious lesson which has been the people of France should be lost, either on il the people of Spain, or the people of any o ther country, who are suffering under the yoke of oppression. However borne down by despotism a nd priestcruft, there is no people in Europe to whom the light of liberty, and the advantages of freedom, are unknown; and is it to be supposed for a moment that the bright example of a neighbour ing people will be lost upon them ? It is unpos. eible—the time may be near, or some years hence; but come it must—and the longer popular rights a re denied, the more dreadfal will be the explosion, and the more complete the revolution,—Morning Adverliacr. it is a singular fact, well worth recording, that, n otwithstanding Lord iltiwriNuTowita owns nine-tenths of the houses and land at &better, his two song, the lio nourahles Vieux and ALGICKNON TALII.3BII, who repre sented that place in the last Parliament, were both thrown o ut at the election on Friday : while another son of his Lordship, the lion FaltblltiCK TAL3IB3II, was equally unsureesaful at Grantham on Monday, of which his father IH a very considerable owner.—Leicester Chronicle. The Duke of WELLINGTON, as our readers are already aware, has accepted an invitation to at. tend the ceremonial of the opening of the rail-road on the 15th of September next. On Saturday last, at a special meeting of the Common Council, it was resolved that a letter should be sent to his Grace, inviting hint to dine with that body, on which occasion the freedom of the be. ro ugh, some time sines ♦ated to his Grace, should be Pre. tented to him in a gold box. We hear that so answer bee been received front the Noble Duke accepting this invitation, and that the 1 fith is the day fixed. We under. stand that his Grace will reside at the hlarquis of Slats. nu►tx's during his stay in this part of the verpool Paper•. WARD OP CRIPPLEGATE.-PRANCE. Yesterday, at three o'clock, a meeting was held in the City Pantheon Theatre, Milton-street, of the Inhabitants of the Ward of Cripplegate Without, " For the purpose of considering the propriety of some public expression of their feelings and senti ments, respecting the late events, and the present state of affairs in France." There were about five hundred persons present. Mr. Alderman Wood, as Alderman of the Ward, called the meeting and presided on the occasion. The CHAIRMAN opened the business of the day. He read the requisition, and the notice under which he hoped some gentlemen present would make such propositions to the meeting,in the form of Re solutions, as the occasion might seem to require. It was impossible but that Englishmen must rejoice, and be forward to express their joy at seeing a great nation throwing off a tyranny that threatened to throw them back centuries in the scale of civilisa tion.--(Applause.) Mr. lltrzoN, as one of the Requisitionists, stood forward, on the present occasion, to move the first Resolution. The French Revolution, which was more immediately the subject of their consideration, was not more surprising in itself than it was in the manner of its accomplishment; it was one calling forth the best sympathies of human nature; and, surely, if an occasion presented itself for sympathy in the sufferings and admiration of the heroic deeds of men, aspiring to be free, there was no country upon earth in which the expression of that sympathy ought to be more loud or more prompt than in Eng land. A newspaper within these few days had drawn a parallel between the conduct of Charles X. and that of James 11., contending that the former broke no contract with the people, nor committed a single act of individual oppression; he confessed himself unable to comprehend how such assertions could be put forth with the expectation of their making any impression upon the minds of thinking or enlightened men; an appeal to facts, familiar to all who heard him, must leave a question of that sort beyond dispute. The recent Revolution in France found not only the most perfect justification in the conduct of the King, but created for itself immortal honour in the firmness, mildness, and for bearance with which it was carried on from com mencement to conclusion—the only tumult or evil arose from the conduct of those by whom it was opposed—neither wus it open to any of the re proaches cast, and justly cast upon those who were concerned in the first Revolution—he meant that of 1792—they were unlike the men of the present day, for the simple reason that they had been brought up and educated under the old system—they were the production of the Bourbon dynasty and Government ; whereas the chief actors in the revolution of 1830 were men who had profited by experience, and accordingly this age' possessed the advantage of a revolution which would disarm the fears of timid men. It was glorious to think that in these times there was se little to fear from a revolution. Here was also an admirable les son to read to nations and their rulers; for here it was practically shown that the strength of tyrants lay only in the weakness of mankind, but that man kind were only weak when they neglected to put forth the strength with which nature invested them —the strength of tyrants lay in the mistaken esti mate that the people made of their own strength.' One of the characters in Shakespeare's play of Julius Cesar, very truly said that he would not be a wolf did he not see that the Romans were but sheep. Now the great principle of popular union and popular strength had been asserted, and successfully exerted. It was not for them to do more than ex press their congratulations upon, the glorious event. Ile French themselves best knew what form of Government to establish—they were alone the judges of wh at su i te d t h e i r national character, and would best minister to their wants; it was enough for us that they bad freedom of choice. "The right divine to govern wrong," or to govern at all by divine right, had been annulled. In France, men could never again be styled the property of Kings. No future ruler of France could, us Charles X had done, speak of the Charter ranted by his prede cessor. The people accepted no grants from the Crown ; their freedom they had achieved for them selves, and future rulers mast acknowledge the people as the source of their authority, and not talk of granting privileges to those by whom they were employed to administer the functions of the State. Away, then, now and for ever, with the antiquated notions of divine right and legitimacy; their last effort wa s made through the agency of Charles X. —a man who seemed to have grown grey with out the benefit of experience. The events of the last thirty years occurred for him in vain ; he was like the owl, sitting with spectacles on beak, and a torch in either talon, crying " the more light the less I see." It had become a question where the Ex• King was to go. He was sure that they did not want him in England.— (Hear, hear.)—lt was rumoured that he bethought of betaking himself to the United States, Brother Jonathan would not listen very complacently to a lecture upon divine right. There was in some parts of America a tribe of Indians called the flat-heads. (A laugh.)—Perhaps Charles might try his fortune there, and it would be as well that Ferdinand and Miguel should bear him company.—(Applause.)— It had been suggested that they should wait for the completion of the great work in Paris before they came forward to express any opinion upon the sub ject; his opinions were quite opposite to that course —he thought that what became the English nation was to show, that when,a great and high-spirited nation was struggling with its, enemies, they were the fi rst to come forward and fan the first spark of freedom into a flame.---(Applause.) A writer in the Quarterly Review bad, he believed, in the very last number, asserted " that it was now perfectly clear that the experiment of giving a Constitu tional Government to France had not succeeded." The writer of those words would, before his next number, have reason to see the futility of his specu lation—it was a great error to suppose that the Revolution of 1792 was properly the French Re volution—it was not the Revolution of the enlightened men of the present day, and all men in future ages would liken the events of 1792, and those which immediately followed them, to our own unhappy and unfortunate civil wars, 'which were succeeded their of abev they l o n gin by an iron despotism, th a tti n i ts turn b ya restoration w th i e ut e t xi d le id d f E am ng ily ils , h a m nd en thataga n in call that ß e o v f ol l u e ti B o B n , oafndlB:Fjor, d m ig ht h Revoluti o n Revolution o iu t 7 enchmen w ou ld ca ll theirs surely the i continue to enjoy the blessings of that change. Ile concluded by moving the following resolution : " That the Ward Meeting has beheld with feel ings of unmixed approval, the resistance of the French nation to the tyranny of its late Ruler, and its efforts to establish a truly legitimate Government, proceeding from the people, arid wholly subversive of those principles of divine right and passive obe dience, upon which the Government of the Bour bons has ever been founded."---(Great applause.) Mr. Ft'rcit, the proprietor of the Theatre in which the meeting was held, seconded the resolution, arid expressed his full concurrence in the sentiments of the mover. The resolution was then put and agreed to. Mr. ATKINSON moved the second resolution, which was as follows: " That their approval of the cause of the French people becomes heightened into admiration, when they regard the manner in which this important Re volution has hitherto been conducted! That such 4 Revolution—effected in the space of a few days, or hours, with no further violence than was nixes stay to repel the tyrant—with no other blood than that which flowed at his command--without pre vious preparation or organization, and bythe sursul tatieous me of nearly a whole peopte —presents spectacle unequalled in the annals of hiatory--pproves that the Frenchpeople hAvo well prolitted by the atnorianws of - A , of founding free institutions anti worthy . 01110 1 ' ing them.—(Applause.) Mr. Gums seconded the above rettalntiona whit) was put and agreed to. Mr. CURTIS moved a resolution in the fellfildng words : "-, That this meeting deprecates in the grad manner any interference as to the form or of government which may be chosen by the pieath people, of which they themselves must be the kW, and ought to be the only judges. But that iterate desirous of expres3ing before the world their)* approval of the acts of the French nation,` thelf sympathy with its efforts and its sufferings, 10410 wish to see adopted in France those juit end 1000Sil principles of government, by which the Stusrtlf_ i _tal Bourbons of our country) were expelled from Throne of England, and the rights and libertiago the people recognised and established." That was the resolution which he had to vlo_, for their adoption, and he could not let that Ofr tuuity pass of expressing his gratitude to the par of France, for the extreme delicacy and conar tion with which they treated the English resioo , in that country during the late commuting. I'm very gratifying to find that the French distingOilw between the Government and the people of . K land—a Government that he regretted to saM should have laid itself open to the charge of hi" abetted—or at least sanctioned and eneoaree" (Cries of " No, no, no I")—that Adminisuinon France, by whose a dvice that outrage was coutmiltr upon the rights of Frenchmen which led CO the Revolution. Mr. HALSE seconded the resolution. Mr. E. TAYLOR said, they were callsd'en et/ P rd4 "' their sincerity by deeds, not by words, and moved.-- " That as one, although a trifling means of deal iW*o atrating that approval, admiration, and subscription be forthwith raised in aidof the of those who have fallen, or have suffered ja thqr°. gress of this I Glorious Revolution.' " That a Committee be appointed to receiviqt scriptions, and to forward them in the waY -WW may appear most desirable." lq He hoped that as many as possible would be,, duced to unite in the subscription, as the 00 numbers rather than amount of money. Mr. PALMSER urged upon the meeting th l _ ll4 s l obligation which lay upon them , to come reT t b e upon such a heart-stirring occasion. itsee l 7' enlightened and disinterested classes of sao: ft , wondered how a voice could be raised r lirata The time had at length arrived when they.srlA and chu continuedrChu r ch a n d Stateapp applause. ) a . ) hear no more of Church, and when the witch/ 1 ;i be regarded as the State political, and the C , / , 00 0 treated as onl the secondary consideratione"'A religious usurpation was a curse. to load religion with curses, but the despot IT cu T rs h e e to c° made it a weapon to advance and sustain bat try " tyranny.—(Great applause.) ointS 4 The following gentlemen were then app s of the Committee :—Messrs. Dillon, Gibbs, Sles" ing, Bankes, Newell, &c. which Thanks were then voted to the Chairman, be acknowledged, and the meeting broke 01) • connection beta; any Country"' '9' F .y .. n' ~.... GERMAN PAPERS. Of th. FROM Tilt NKYA, JULY 18....-Sinci the return 640 Emperor to the capital, the department of foreign has been very actively engaged, and then equent/Sal' of couriers between St. Ptersburgh, d the Cenl a t h a Paris and London, leaves no doubt that affairs m oo greateat importance are the subject of negoeiatialltmot politicians lay hold of this fact to b uild bYPtilltala of ir e la r 10 which are more or less probable. The first t the situation of Greece, as it was determined t tot protocol of Lond o n. It is affirmed that dissatiafeerze i ' been expressed in the highest quarter w ith the negow-00 which produced this result. But as Prince Lier:r Ambassador in London, who was sent for by th 0?,,,,, to give his report in person on this subject, bestemi,,,tv fled himself by 'hewing that be acted accordiPll4o inltenelinne sent bite from time to time hY rode, his Majes! -- ty's displeasure could POI nn 4 .7:7l a fet assador. On the o th er ha n d it is reported 011114 osier' meat of foreign affairs will be taken from theVlee-Cbmoo tad given to Prince Linen, Whatever may be tba that have guided Count Nesselrode, 13010d I, smallest doubt of his perfect integrity; . Ihown un s h a k en fidelity and attachment In lib"' Sovereign. It is asserted, however, ( 011 ' 4 1 a i - 0 0100 8 , , tine o e r not w ccasion, yielded cannot thterroine), that Coo' k ws el has, on this o ccasion, too much to the I wo on another European statesman, w ith whom be h n j„,„ ) hi" terms of friendship for many years, and has 10 , 0 1 `50 self to be influenced by him in the firm peeol l ",. P o i t i was serving his Sovereign and his country. la%) Coo s titer that Count Capo d'lstria, who was inen7 s t o d ter Nesselrode's colleague, has addressed eerl_":„ ta d morial to the Emperor, to whom it was pr" 1", the celebrated Geseral, and from the contents of wra p( sr Majesty his derived important information titer g s , 'Oil - present afflicting state of Green. tn ' may be, the friends of the Greek lot, oar us flatter themselves with the hope eln ia _ a not 1 /2 thrice of Greece will be essentially c hange'''. 0 Ow on the Continent, but likewise with relit 01 islands that are to form part of the new: 311/ ''' 01" is another report in circulation, which a PP e rtliel Cabinet will not confine itself to diplonisl 4 l' ae lafr i te i n in e ' r a w f tlf e e ay r A v en fta i U ee n erc° L i ou o n f u nta d t caae o h n ev s eG h r t o yre l u m e l ik d ws n ° be ' e b g ble oc p um r t i o s a t it t r si i a c o r c a niw i ;i dl i i e L shl3 :7 l b :i fi r r lt it; tf i bt't; lieved that the Count Capo (nada has obeli nr i ren V t i pa irti r N ts l o i f Hunga r y , JULY 2 Iti . of Russian troops to assist in maintaining order quillity in the country, which are necessarily go by intrigues in every quarter. hog a l l( — th A e cc w o that fruitful country, and particularly in the Pal; oil granary of Hungary, is in very bad e°ll4liiirbi t tici has an p ( , it There promises accordingly es Vienna rd i in w g scarcely ellvuesrh risen e h e l sav)lef,rvytowrfayl appearance in vd te e rr e c al h bg t crop' I;(3hat t e bo r 41 , 111 o f : °l . - a one and I half to two florins, now costs Ave e r vi a roan ia be very productive. trdieiantgintotheletgtieersi.l .00140 ...mtn al. At PRESENT STATE OF HISTORY ,'t° ° blow south of Europe, as if fora warning to others , b , Pr" evil, civil and religiou s despotism are still autferraimit Self vidence to display their hideous forms ; but i _A ls ol n is i ll World, the incipient and chaotic state of free. ortw stained her fair fame, veiling in the birth of a purer and more regulli t , o gat thissgs. The " march sublime" of lihrstilt 0 .- not to be retarded for ages to come. Engla, P ,;i - l b O F : way in the glorious career ; and the ims w" — i proo 4 " I° her enemies, has been removed, while her Leo /14/041,4 directed by the warrior who so often had led P I ! . 0-0 0 7 vietory.—Esto perpetuu....Dr. Laristr!vit Cycfopcsdia,,Vol. IX ; being Outlines of g ill and afforded a topic of r 0 , 0111 $1 BIRTHS. c i d/ 11 0 ° 101 On the 9th inst Eatou-squarep Walden, of a sou and heir. On the 9th inst. at Southend, near Erlel lbl.l o f the lady of Donald Mackay, Esq. 0fj' 11 , 643 ; ,„ . . the I°ll/ On the 7th inst. at Weverhamo 4 - 43 $ 1 *" . "' 10 1 the Rev. R. V. Law, of a daughter. a l dri Oa the 7th inst. at West Endo 111 0 0 . " Gore Currie, Esq., of a daughter. o t, MARRIED On the leth inst. at Trinity Church, n i„ OW' ward, son of Sir Robert Wigrams ibpei daughter of G. Smith, Esq., M. P. vio• oe t On the sth hut. at Westdeano_ Ousse i t .10 0, Esq. eldest eon if the late Col. Wilson, o 6 of pital, to Margaret Thornton, koond asollb illt or EN. of Chi rave , 81,1006 On the 7th inst. at All Souls, Wis r e lb°l- o, t ria A P o w ir a t roll, Esq. of Cuxwoltl, Lincolnshire, w e ch oltvo only daughter of Bear-Admiral Manse/. Gloacestershire. -- - Ands& f Or. a* ' Oa the Bth inst. in thtleTECTi)re.us, at T 3 °f o °. :::: Oaths 7th inst. the infant enst • b AV p 4. ° I youngest son of the late Res. A. Wsuil b li , follir i On the 7th inst. at Waltvorth. A. mi s • Argyleshire, Ist* of Brighton, aged av• , o f dii r -04 the 4th inst. Air. 'W. C• ilt •lllP° ' w hin' ~.."; Starop,snil Barber, Vnion-eourt, 110101. ___-.40, -------iii)lP' ------- MVO s o* II ♦)ID PUCLXIUSD 111 fa ~. .ailb ."'" Piz