The Sun. — London, England, 1863-03-17 00:00:00

let them know it, and let the people of Greece know it. But if no application had been made to the King of Por tugal, then he contended a most unwarrantable liberty had been taken with that personage, and a cruel deception and mockery practised on Greece by proposing a man who was but the mere idea of an English Minister. (Cheers.) Ther© was another repetition of these expectations, for Lord Rus sell, after stating that King Ferdinand would not accept the throne, said that th e D u k e of Saxe Coburg might be brought forward ; and the noble lord at the head of the Ge ment informed the house that the Duke of Saxe Coburg was willing to accept the throne. In the face of all these statements he (Mr, Gregory) could only say, to use a vul gar word, that they were playing upon the Greek nation a series of "sells," (Hear, hear, and laughter.) If the Government had put forward those candidates without hav ing ascertained they would accept the throne, he could only s ay that this course of diplomacy was reckless. (Hear, hear.) It was reckless, because it made their diplomacy a laughingstock, and because it weakened the influence which it was important England should hold in Greece, and he for one locked to a well governed and extended Greece as the means most likely to lead eventually to the solution of the Eastern question, and with this view he entirely concurred in the offer of the cession of the lonian Islands. PALO if there was a hitch about the 'mien islands it might be settled in this way —that the lonian Islands were offered to Greece when there was a chance that it would be well governed ; but they had been refused to Greece. The hon. member then gave a vivid sketch of the Turkish empire, showing how the Government and people were corrupt and venal beyond all hope of improvement, and stated that all Europe would rejoice when the day of the final dissolution of the "sick man" had arrived. He had not overdrawn the condition of Turkey ; and, with regard to Russia, if she held Constantinople, the will of the Czar would be the law of Europe. There was, then, but the choice of two evils—either to maintain the Turkish empire, or perhaps submit to a general war in Europe through Rus sian aggrandisement, and possibly hostilities with France. Of the two evils, England, perhaps, had chosen the least, Russia was not the country she was ten years ago (though she had not forgotten her cunning or her intentions), having been " crumpled up" by the Crimean war in every one of the materials necessary to military strength, ships, stores, men and money. (Hear, hear.) Poland was eating like an ulcer into her heart, and there was not a letter re ceived from that country but announced that the Russian Government was sitting on a volcano. The whole state of things was changed, and we might now be able to do justice to those nationalities who were endeavouring to emerge from the prostration under which they had so long laboured and to join the other nations of Europe in the onward course of improvement and civilisation. (Hear, hear.) He referred particularly to Servia and the Danubian pro vinces, and what applied to them applied with a tenfold force to Greece. It was urged, with regard to Italy, that an extension of territory was necessary for the security of peace ; and the same, he contended, applied now to Greece. It was impossible to expect a good and stable Government either in Servia or the Danubian provinces, no long as they were exposed to be the focus of intrigues; and they would continue to be so so long as England was supposed to be in favour of those who were considered to be their oppressors. The belief was that it was the strong hand and strong influence of England that were keeping these nationalities down, and could they wonder that Ser via, Greece, and the Danubian Provinces had been hitherto the focus of Russian intrigues, and, after what had been done, be disposed to look in any quarter for assistance rather than to England ? (Hear.) The policy of England had been the reverse of that of Russia, and the Greeks, per fectly aware of what they owed to Russia, hailed with en thusiasm and delight the manner in which their revolution was received in England by men of all shades of opinion, believing therefrom that the old spirit of her friends had not died out. (Hear, hear,) Earl Rumen's despatch was worthy of every commendation from his just view of the Greek cause ; and when it appeared in Greece it was translated into Greek, and was worn in the pocket by the inhabitants as a phylactery, or charm—a compliment not often paid to the noble earl's despatches. (Hear, hear.) The Greeks, he contended, were justified in looking for an extension of territory, and England should endeavour, by all means in her power, to secure it for them. In spite of all the eauses Greece had for her depression, there was hope for confidence in her in comparison with Turkey. The Under. Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs heralded the approach to power of the new Sultan of Turkey as the inauguration of a perfectly happy and new e tate of things, yet not one of his predictions had been verified. The Greeks had passed through centuries of oppression, and it was not to be ex pected that they could speedily eradicate the evils of mis government ; but if they tested that country by the same means that were generally resorted to to show the condition of a country, they had every encouragement for looking forward with confidence to the future Greece. Her popu lation had doubled within the last 30 years, and through out the whole of that country there was desire for informa tion. Old traditions were still cherished and stored up by the Greeks. Commerce was alive in the Greek waters. They monopolised the whole of the commerce in the Levant, and Greek houses, been established in all part s o f Europe. England' . ' y should be to ensure to the m that they might lecke At her assistance in obtaining th e i r independence and selfegovernment, and thather endeavours would be used in obtaining for Greece a wise and enlight ened Prince to reign over them, who should not be fettered in his views of increase of territory by any diplomatic ar rangements on the part of England. He trusted they would ultimately succeed, not, however, by violence or conspiracy, but by giving examples of good government. (Hear, hear.) He concluded by seconding the motion of the right hon. member for Houiton. Mr. M. MILNES doubted if the hon. gentleman who had just sat down had done good service to the Greeks by mixing up with the question before the house the condi tion of Turkey. He referred to the manner in which the Greeks had conducted themselves in this crisis, and ex pressed his regret that ho could not give her Majesty's Government his unqualified approval of what they had done. He believed her Majesty's Government cordially and sincerly sympathised with the Greeks ; but the issue had not been so successful as their intentions. They had shown deep interest with the Greeks, but they had not treated them with due respect in leaving them in the hands of diplomacy, which had not shown itself so wise as might have been hoped. He could not agree in the necessity of upholding the protocols which excluded the members of the Royal families of Russia, France, and England from the throne of Greece ; but, on the other hand, he entirely dis approved of the election of Prince Alfrad. Greece required a ruler of experience and intelligence, and therefore it would have been a mistake to have placed so young a man as Prince Alfred upon the throne. The placing Prince Alfred upon the throne would merely have meant English protection for Greece, whilst it was most desirable that there should be no foreign protection at all for Greece. Too much diplomacy had been introduced into the matter, and the Greek people had submitted to too much diplomacy. Her Majesty's Go vernment had not acted with much wisdom in proposing candidate after candidate in the manner they did. (Hear.) If diplomacy had been more reticent, perhaps diplomacy would have been more successful. There was no doubt that the failure to secure the elevation of the Duke of Saxe- Coburg was a subject for profound regret. The Duke was a prince of very original talents and of much courage; and if it had been permitted him still to govern his German do minion/by-means of a regent, most probably his reign in Greece would havebeen as successful as that of his distin guished uncle in Belgium. However, as there was no can didate who had received the full approval of the Powers, be would recommend her Majesty's Government to give up looking for candidates altogether. The future of Greece did not appear to him to depend very much on the charac ter of the sovereign who at that moment might happen to be elected. But why should not Greece revert to her old institutions, and if she succeeded in upholding republi can institutions for a time, she would conciliate the goad opinion of Europe. Mr. LAYARD—Sir, of the hon. gentlemen who have spoken on this question no one agrees with the other, though all seem to disagree with the feeling of her Majesty's Government, except my hon. friend the member for Galway. I am desirous of calling the attention of the house to dates. I think dates have been somewhat overlooked, especially by my hon. friend the member for Honiton. To judge from what fell from my hon. friend it might be supposed that her Majesty's Government had not throughout the whole o, those events in Greece held the same language. He says we have treated the Greeks unjustly and ungenerously, that we have misled them, that their present difficulties are a con sequence of that line of policy, and that if those difficulties should increase and disaster ensue we shall be responsible. Now, I think that by referring to dates I shall be able to 'low that my hon. friend's charge is an unjust one. On the 27th October the news of the revolution in Greece was tele- Era Plied to us, and there was not the slightest idea then that an English prince would be elected to the throne. Lord Russell did that which he was bound to do ; he stated that the English Government was not desirous of intervening in the affairs of Greece, that they admitted the Greeks had a full right to change their government, and that all England meant to do was to adhere to her treaty engagements and to insist on other Powers doing the same. Shortly afterwards a rumour reached England that the Greeks were likely to elect. Prince Alfred for their King. Lord Russell at once telemtphed to Air. Scarlett to the effect that the future Ki n g of Greece could not be a member of a reigning f am l i h ly of any of the three countries The of thefl which had been revolution. parties to the 0 t pro col drawn up at the time opinion of the French G overnment was asked, and, u s_ will be seen at page 21 of these rs, they stated that th ey took the same view of the protocol as we did. They cons?: dercd the engagement then entered into to be binding, and they meant to adhere to it. The Russian Government were also asked for their views, and they answered that they adhered to the views expressed in the protocol, but that they insisted upon the article of the Greek Constitution which made it necessary that the next King of Greece should be of the orthodox faith. This answer excited come suspicion in the minds of her Majesty's Government, seeing that there was no princes coming within that definition except the princes of the Imperial House of Russia. It was thought necessary to ascertain the views of the Russian Go- - vornment still more fully, and we asked this distinct question and required to it a categorical answer—Does the Russian Government consider the Duke of Leuchtenberg to be in cluded in that protocol ?-- Originally the duke was not a member of the Imperial family ; but by a special ukase he was made a member of it, under the title of Prince Roman offsky. To this question we got at first an equivocal answer, and it was some time before we could get an assurance from them that the Duke of Leuchtenberg was included in the protocol. The exchange of notes in which that assurance is conveyed only took place on the 4th of December. Any hon. gentleman who will read the reasons which Lord Russell gave for arriving at a complete understanding with Russia as to the persons included in that protocol will Come to the Iconclusion, I think, th a t my no bl e f r i tn d was perfectly right in what he did. P r i nce Alfr e d stoo d i n two separate and distinct conditions in regard to the G ree k s. W e h a d s t a t e d that for certain reasons he could not accept the Crown of Greece. Those were great reasons of St a t e; th ey were fully understood and appreciated by the country at large, and they received the support of the entire press of the country. Everybody felt that it was not desirable that a prince of the English blood so nearly related to the Queen should accept the throne of Greece. But not only Prince Alfred, but every other prince of the blood, would be ex cluded from the throne by the protocol, and Lord Russell thus states hie reasons for coming to an understanding with the Russian Government before proceeding further : " The line of Great Britain upon this question has been clear and simple. She might bind herself by a protocol or a declaration by which the other two protecting Powers should be equally bound; or the might, for the sake of British interests, refuse to entangle herself in the politics of Greece, and to separate from her own Royal family a prince no near in the order of succession to the Crown. But Tll3 her Majesty's Government considered the Duke of Leuchtenberg as a prince of the Imperial family of Russia, they could not declare themselves to be bound by the pro tocol of 1830, without knowing what that protocol meant. If it was meant that Prince Alfred should be bound to re fuse, and Prince Romanoffsky free to accept, the Crown of Greece, that would have been in the eyes of her Majesty's Government a position of inferiority and inequality which Great Britain could not accept." That reasoning is perfectly conclusive. Lord Russell did not at any time change his language on this subject. If the hon. gentleman will look through the papers he will see that from the beginning in all his communications with the Russian Government, with the French Government, and with M. Tricoupi, Lord Russell distinctly stated that Prince Alfred could not accept the Crown of Greece. My hon. friend opposite has mixed up two different things. Lord Russell at one time did give instructions to Mr, Scar lett not to interfere in the elections. The Greeks had a perfect right if they chose to elect Prince Alfred, after being solemnly warned, as they were warned, that he could not accept the Crown, and we certainly should net have been justified in attempting to prevent them. But suppose we had interfered in the election before the Russian Go vernment had declared their views about the protocol. We know that there were intrigues going on in Greece— I won't say that they were intrigues prompted by the Russian Government—but there were intrigues. (Hear.) If we had withdrawn Prince Alfred, the Greeks might have considered themselves free to elect the Duke of Leuchtenberg ; and Russia, not having admitted the validity of his exclusion by the protocol, might have turned round and said, "You may have withdrawn your Prince Alfred, but we do not see any reason why we should withdraw the Duke of Leuchtenberg, and we insist on his election." There was no concealment in the policy of England, and it will be seen in the papers that Lord Napier was instructed by Lord Russell to state distinctly to Prince Gortschakoff that we should consider it our duty to do all we could to oppose the election of the Duke of Leuchten berg. We had good reasons for doing so. I believe the policy of her Majesty's Government was a wise policy, and I have not the least doubt that the election of the Duke of Leuchtenberg would have been as mischievous to Greece as to Europe. There were other reasons, also, for not inter veiling. We were told by persons well acquainted with Greece that if any attempt were made to check the general unanimous feeling in favour of Prince Alfred mischief might occur; that Greece had been left suddenly in a state of great disorder, and that the only chnce of restoring order was by such a candidate as Prince Alfred being put forward. My hon. aiend read a long list of candidates, but he did not read the number of votes given for them. Very few votes, in fact, were given for any one but Prince Alfred, and the election was practically unanimous. I hope the few words I have said will make it clear to the house that the conduct of the Government has been perfectly straightforward, We felt the deepest interest in Greece, but it was not for us to interfere with them in the choice of a Government. They h d a perfect right to change their Government as they chose. We were bound by solemn treaties to other parties, and it was our duty to ascertain what view was taken of those engagements by the ether contracting parties. My hon. friend the member for Galway amused himself by making some observations in reference to Mr. Elliot, whose position he entirely mistakes, and who, he thinks, on the strength of his spelling his name with two "l's" and one " t," must be a near connexion of Lord Russell. If he be, I can only say he is a very discouraging example of the benefit of being related to the head of the Foreign-office; for when he was comfortably settled at Naples he was suddenly deprived of his position there, and has since remained unemployed in his profession. He had been previously in Greece, and when it became necessary to send a special mission to Greece, as he was not employed in any service, he was chosen for it. Had another diplomatist been taken from some other post, and Mr. Elliot put in his place, my hon. friend might have had some ground for blaming the Government for putting him into a permanent appointment, and not a temporary one. It is said that we deceived the Greeks by holding out other candidates. But, if you look at the language used by her Majesty's Govern • ment, you will see that we always avowed that we did not intend to impose any candidate upon the Greeks. The King of Portugal was mentioned. The administration of the affairs of Portugal had been such that,- if the King of Por tugal had thought fit to accept the office, a more eligible candidate for the crown of Greece could not be found, and her Majesty's Government merely recommended him to the Greeks upon that ground. The next candidate was the Due of Saxe-Cobourg. It is well known that he is a wise and liberal prince, and I believe if the Greeks had had the good fortune to obtain him for their King they would be now in a different position. Her Majesty's Government re commended him, but unexpected difficulties arose, and he declined. (Hear, hear.) I should have limited myself to these remarks if observations had not fallen from hon. mem bers to which it is very desirab'e a reply should be given. The policy of her Majesty's Government in the East has of late been very much misunderstood and very deliberately misrepresented. tier Majesty's policy in Greece is a part and parcel of her policy in the East. I believe that the necessity for an extension of territory is greatly exagge rated. The only par's inhabited entirely by Greeks are Thessaly and part of Epirus. They are mountainous districts, and I believe would not in any way add to the strength and wealth of Greece. (Hear, hear.) The Greeks have been diverted from that which would have really contributed to their welfare and happiness by the cry after an extension of territory in Turkey. Their commerce is more the commerce of brokers. They have never had any really great commercial houses. I grant that they have driven the English merchants out of the East, but how has that happened ? The English merchant, under the Levant Company, and his successor was one of those merchant princes of whom we hear people often spoak. He lived in great luxury. Ho had horses and carriages. He indulged in great hospitality. To live in that way he had to make a great deal of money, and it was done by selling his goods at enhanced prices. The Greek who succeeded him lived on olives and cuttlefish. He slept on a carpet in his recep tion room. He indulged in no luxury. He devoted his whole intelligence and ability to trade, and very great, I admit, are the intelligence and enterprise of the Greeks. The con sequence was that they were able to undersell the great English merchants, and one after another they went. But by selling English goods at a less price they have very much increased the English trade, so that, undoubtedly, we are greatly indebted to the Greeks. (Hear.) Greece is remark ably well calculated for a race of enterprising people. The people have maritime tastes, and the country is full of the finest harbours, but all their prospects have been destroyed by the fatal influence of creed. They have neglected the re sources which they possessed. The consequences have been disorders, extravagant expenditure, large establishments, and a Chamber fallen into contempt. Bankruptcy super vened. All public men went down in public estima tion, and the same fate followed the King and Queen. (Hear.) We have been constantly advising them to give up that fatal policy, and devote their atten tion to the improvement of the country. The answer has been, cc y ou are enemies to the Christians—you are friends to the Turks." I believe the advice which was given was sound, and that if it had been taken the Greeks would not have been in the condition in which they now are. No country in Europe was in such an admirable posi tion as Greece. No one could touch her, for she was gua ranted by the European Powers. She needed no army and no diplomacy. And, with regard to Turkey, I defy any one to say that during the connexion of Turkey nod Greece Turkey has ever violated any of her stipulations with Greece. If there have been violations of treaties they have systema- tically been by the Greeks and not by the Turks. (Hear.) Hon. gentlemen say that we held out the lonian Islands after we had disappointed them with the Prince. Two or three years ago I had the honour to take part in a debate from the Opposition side of the house, and the views which I expressed then I maintain now. If we had gtven to Greece the lonian Islands at a time when the policy of Greece was so aggressive it would have been fatal to British policy in the East. We have made it a condition that Greece must give up her aggressive views if she ext ects this Government to cede to her the lonian Islands. I remember that I said the time might come when it would - be equally advantage ous to this country and to Greece for this country to cede the lonian islands, and I hope and trust that time will very shortly arrive. (Hear.) The hon. member for Galway further touched on our policy in the East, and it is of the greatest importance there should be clear views as to what that policy really is. The worn out cry has been raised that the Turks look to London rather than to Constantinople. I remember M. Thiers on one occasion saying, " I am going to give you a lecture on geography," I will not venture to lecture the house, but I wish to draw attention to three or four facts. Of what is Turkey composed ? There are the Danubian Principalities, under the suzerainty of the Porte, inhabited by a Christian population, with their in dependence guaranteed by the European Powers, so that Turkey has only to receive the annual tribute. You have Servia, with rights not so extensive, ensive,inhabited by a pule Se'Weenie race of the Greek faith, but independent of the orthodox Greek Church as represented by the Greek Patri arch at Constantinople. You have Bulgaria, inhabited by a race presenting an ethnological anomaly. Although speak ing the Selavonic language and professing the Greek faith they are, in fact, a Tartar tribe. The landowners are Turks, and they hold the land absolutely. The labouring population ate Christians of the Greek faith, yet not accept ing the superintendence of the Greek Patriarch at Constan tinople, for a very short time ago so great was the struggle to throw off the Government of the Greek Patriarch, that they actually threatened to become Roman Catholics if they did not succed. You have Bosnia, inhabited by a Scla vonic race. At the time of the Turkish conquest the land owners embraced the Mahomedan faith to save their lands, But the people are of the Greek faith. In Rournelia you have a Sclavonic people of the Greek faith, and the landowners are Turks. We then come to Albania, where, with the ex ception of the south, the population is Mahomedan. In Thessaly you have a substratum of the Greek race, but there too the landowners are for the most part descendants of the old Mahomedan conquerors; while in Macedonia much the same state of things prevails. But what, let me ask, is the population of these provinces, for it is of importance the real facts of the case should be known to the country. I find that M. Übicinkwho is a good authority on the subject, gives the population as follows. He sets down the Otto mans in Turkey in Europe as being 2,400,000; the slave Greeks, 4,000,000; Armenians, 400,000; Jews, 70,000; Slaves, 6,200,000 ; Roumains, 1,500,000 ; Albanians, 1,500,000; Tartars, 46,000; and Tsigames, a pecular race, 214,000. In Constantinople you have Mahomedans, 475,000; Armenians, 205.b00, the Greeks being only 130,000. Such being the case, you will perceive that the great ma jority of the population is Mahomedan, while in the pro vinces the Mahomedans are also the great landowners. More than this, they are men inured to arms, against whom the Christians have no power of successfully contending. I must, moreover, maintain, in opposition to my hon. friend that it was not the Turks who corrupted the Greeks, and I venture to say that no conquerors ever pursued a more libe ral policy than that which the Turks adopted. They ac knowledged the church of the Greeks and their municipal system. It is all very well to talk of taking the Greeks to Constantinople. Indeed, I do not exactly know what is meant by those who speak after that fashion. Do they de sire to give Constantinople a Greek Administration and a Greek King ? If so, the result of their action would be to cause a disturbance throughout the whole population. Now, without being particularly in love with the Mahomedans, I wish to be just to all parties, and how, let me ask, if the views to which I have adverted are carried into effect, do you propose to deal with the Mahomedan landholders ? Are you to forfeit their lands? The consequences of such a po licy are too horrible to contemplate. You cannot expect 4,000,000 of a warlike race to leave their lands without a struggle, and you would in the end have the Powers of Europe marching in, and in all probability, an European war. My hon. friend alluded to Belgrade, and I think it is well to state that Servia was under the guarantee of the European Powers; that Turkey never broke the treaty with Servia, while she over and over again violated it in the case of Turkey. When, however, there was a struggle in Servia between those who attempted to oppress the peo ple and the people themselves, the Porte invariably took the side of the liberal party. The hon. gentleman then en tered into a narrative of the events which had taken place in Servia, observing that the Serviens, instead of applying themselves to the development of their own resources, had been worked upon by intriguers who sought to pick quarrels between the Ser vian and Turkish populations, and contending that to throw the blame of what followed entirely on the Turks was to adopt a line of argument totally at variance with the facts of the case. Now (continued the hon. gen tleman) what we say is that we should like to see the posi tion of the Christians improved ; that we should wish them to have the full enjoyment of their properties, to be allowed to profess their religion unmolested, and to be as well go verned as possible. That we believe to be a surer way to better their condition than to permit them to be worked upon every year by intriguers, and exposed to be put down by Turkish or European intervention. You say we are always interfering in Turkey ; but all we ask is that no one else should interfere. Then we shall have no wish to do so. We have no desire to throw back these populations for years and years, instead of allowing the Turkish people to im prove their condition. What has happened within the last few years in Montenegro ? She has lost some of her best men, has been thrown back 50 years, and has gained no thing. It she had taken our advice instead of rising in so hopeless a manner, all this would not have happened. My conviction is, then, that the policy pursued by the Govern ment is a fair policy, and it is the best, not only for the Christians themselves but for Europe at large, which can be adopted. (Cheers.) Lord J. MANNERS condemned the policy of British Ministers, as having in every way failed to maintain the honour and dignity of England; and contended that through. out the printed correspondence laid before the house there was no evidence of any such intriguing on the part of the Russian Government as had been imputed by the hon. Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs (Mr. Layard). The noble lord referred to the correspondence at some length in support of his argument. He did not think the present was a convenient time to go into the question of the cession of the lonian Islands—(hear)—but he should state that he en tirely differed with the hon. member for Galway with regard to it. From whatever point of view, whether European or English, he considered the cession of the lonian Islands, he could not but regard such an act upon the part of the Go vernment of this country as highly impolitic; and, further, he looked upon the safeguards with which they attempted to hedge round the cession as illusory and ineffectual. The Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs had given them a minute account of everything that happened all over Eu rope; but of Greece he said nothing. The English Go vernment had been dangling the bauble sceptre of Greece before the unenraptured eyes of every German, and it might be of every Scandinavian prince, but it so happened that one and all declined to accept it. He knew the noble lord opposite was fertile in resources, and that when he made up his mind to carry out a project he would do it. As the case now stood, it may be that as a solution of the difficulty the crown of Greece would slip through the wearied fingers of the noble earl the Foreign Secretary, in which case Greece would obtain a constitutional monarch---;hear)—and this country lose, for a time at least, one of the most rash, most impulsive, and most meddlesome of her statesmen. Mr. H. SEYMOUR said, although he did not think her Majesty's Government were entirely without blame, still he thought they did not merit all the criticisms lavished upon them by hon. gentlemen opposite. Her Majesty's Govern ment were not so free from blame on other points of the negotiations, and he should like to know if King Ferdinand was consulted before the crown of Greece was offered to him ; and if not, was that a careful consideration for the Greeks in case he should refute ? He also asked why the Duke of Coburg was announced at Athens before the nego eiations were half concluded, a course that had tended to bring the Greeks into contempt more than anything else. He regretted the bungling manner her Majesty's Govern ment had gong about the matter, and he asked to be informed what had been done lately, and who was now in the field ? The Greeks, who had behaved admirably, felt deeply the manner in which the English Government had negotiated the matter. The Greeks having placed the choice of their king in our hands, it was necessary that it should be made quickly, though he was unable to find any signs of motion. The state of Greece was daily growing worse in consequence, and as no man in Europe was more interested in the matter than the noble Premier, Greece being one of his children, which he called into existence 30 years ago, he called upon the noble lord to act in this emergency. He considered there was a strong parallel between Greece and Sardinia, and he condemned the advice given by the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs both to Greece and Turkey. In reference to Turkey, the hon. gentleman (Mr. Seymour) complained that her Majesty's Government had not used that peremptory language which they ought to have done, and have enforced the promised reforms under the treaty of 1856. He rejoiced at the course taken by her Majesty's Government with regard to the lonian Islands, which were placed under our protectorate in 1816. Lord H. SCOTT was unable to approve of the policy pursued by her Majesty's Government. If they had as distinctly announced to the people of Greece as they did diplomatically to their agents that Prince Alfred was not to become King of Greece, then this unfortunate enibroglio would not have arisen. He considered her Majesty's Go vernment acted wrong in dragging the names of two emi nent members of royalty before the public without first having their sanction for so doing. As the whole matter now rested with the English Government he hoped there would be no more delay, but it appeared to him that her Majesty's Government had been animated more with a desire to exclude certain persons from the throne of Greece than obtain a sovereign for that country. Mr. D. GRIFFITH pronounced the policy of the Go vernment on the subject of the election of Prince Alfred to have been wanting in frankness to the Greeks. At the same time, their present policy towards Greece was most incon sistent with their general policy on the Eastern question. He entirely repudiated the right of the crown acting upon the responsibility of Ministers, and without the sanction of Parliament, to cede any portion of the sovereignty of Eng land to another State, and therefore the offer of the Govern ment to make ever the lonian Islands to the kingdom of Greece was much to be reprehended. Mr. CAVE said it had been assumed that evening—and, indeed, it was so whenever mention was made of the lonian Islands in that house—that the lonians were generally desirous of separating from England. Now, he believed that to be an entirely erroneous impression. (Hear, hear.) It was true, perhaps, that in their house of Representatives, resolutions had been more than once passed to that effect ; but it was very much to be doubted whether the lonians were represented there at all. lie was at Corfu at the time the announcement was made hat England was willing to renounce the protectorate; and, certainly, it was not too much to say that the news was received with universal consternation. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) He could not do better than repeat the language of an intelligent islander, who assured him that every lonian who had a pair of breeches was in favour of the Protectorate. (Laughter.) The lonians were never more prosperous than they were at present, and all the diffi • culties which had sprung up under Lord Seaton's constitu• tion were fast disappearing under the energy of the present Chief Commissioner. At the same time it could not be de- THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 17, 1863. nied that the uncertainty which now prevailed as to the future would exercise a very deleterious effect upon the cha racter of the lonians. The manifest destiny of the lonian Island was to be absorbed in Greece. He had no objection to see them belong one day to Greece ; but it must be a tranquil well-governed Greece. (Hear.) He believed that expense of the occupation of the lonian Islands might be greatly lessened, though the truest economy was the main. tenance of the national character. By thus precipitating an event which later might have been done with honour,we had acted with impropriety towards our allies, and had gained neither the gratitude of Greece. nor the good opinion of Europe. Mr.CLIFFORD said that the people of the lonian Islands might be divided into two classes—those who had got places, and those who wanted them. Though always remonstra ting, he believed they had been far better governed than if they had been united to Greece. As a military station he thought that the value of these islands had been ranch over rated, and since the introduction of steam they were no longer valuable as a naval station. Lord PALMERSTON—Sir, I own that when the hon. member who made this motion gave notice of his intention, my curiosity was greatly excited to discover what could pos sibly be the ground upon which he would found an at tack upon her Majesty's Government for its conduct in regard to this affair of Greece. And certainly the result of his speech has shown that, whatever talent he possesses—and I do lull credit to it—even his ingenuity and that of those who have followed him have been very much at fault to find any tangible point upon which they could rest a real attack. They have been liberal in their personal abuse of my noble friend at the head of the Foreign Department. But the conduct of our foreign relations by my noble friend is suffi ciently known to the public to make him perfectly indiffe rent to the personal attacks which have been made on him this evening. (No, no.) And judging by recent allusions to persons in the lonian Islands, who are described as only attacking the Government when they want places, I think that if that be a reflection generally applicable to mankind, my noble friend may be more indifferent than ever to the observations which have been made this evening. (Laugh ter.) As far as I was able to collect what has fallen from gentlemen opposite, I think there are one or two things which have grievously weighed upon their minds, and which have excited on their part bitter regret and disap pointment. The first is that the Greeks should have exhi bited so universal a desire to elect an English Prince. (No, no.) I will prove it, because one attack which has been made on the Government is that we did not let the Greeks know that by our diplomatic engagements, and by conside rations of our own, Prince Alfred could not accept the Crown of Greece. (Hear, hear.) But those who raised that objection were compelled by the papers to acknowledge that at the earliest possible moment we did let the Greeks know that our diplomatic engagements and our own impe rial considerations would prevent him from accepting the Greek crown. That when we told the Greeks that Prince Alfred could not accept the crown if elected, and when in spite of that communication they went on with a full de termination to elect him, hoping that, as they themselves avowed, in spite of the first refusal, those objections would be waived if he were elected by an unanimous vote of the Greek nation, it is said, "You committed an egregious fault because you actually told your Minister in Gret ce he was not to interfere in the Greek election." Well, that was indeed a grave offence. Would hon. members opposite, then, have had Mr. Scarlett and Mr. Elliot to have gone about to all the Greek hustings and all the assemblies where the elections were taking place, saying to the people "Now, mind, you are not to vote for Prink Alfred, but vote for anybody else you please ?" Why, if we had instructed our Minister to interfere in any such way, we should have been told that it was most unbecoming thus to meddle with the domestic concerns of any foreign nation. (Hear, hear.) We:did our duty by taking the earliest opportunity of ac quainting the Greeks that Prince Alfred could not be their King, if elected ; but it would have been a gross imperti nence on our part had we interfered in the election by trying to prevent the Greeks from voting in a particular manner. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord opposite talked about the instructions given to our Minister with regard to the ballot or open suffrage. Surely the noble lord could not have supposed anything so absurd ? What was meant was what the plain words expressed—namely, that our Minister, having told the Greeks what the decision of the English Government would be, was not to meddle with the manner in which they might see fit to express their opinions by their votes. Sir, lam astonished that hon. gentlemen, Englishmen, should feel this sort of regret that the Greek nation have expressed such confidence in England. (" No, no I") If that is not their feeling, what is it they mean, and what is it they would have had us do ? Two things evidently weighed upon their, minds,—first, that the Greek nation should have been permitted to express a unanimous vote in favour of an English prince, and next, that they should not have been allowed to elect a Russian. ("No, no 1") That is the only conclusion to which we can come from the arguments that have been used. (" No, no I") When hon. gentlemen declare that we have befooled the Greeks, that we have deluded them, and brought them into a wretched condition, we deny every one of these assertions and say that our course throughout was perfectly frank and straightforward. We told the Greeks from the first what our position was, and what would be the result of their election ; and if they chose in spite of this to manifest their confidence in the British Constitu tion, and their attachment to the Royal family of this country, I say that instead of repining at that, as hon. gen. tlemen do—(loud cries of "No I ")—they may cry " No " if they please, but the country when it reads this debate will say " Yes I"—instead of repining at such a mark of confi dence, they ought to feel proud at an election which enabled the Greeks in the face of the world to show their respect for England, and their admiration for the Royal family of this country. (No, no I) It is said that we have neglected the Greeks—that we have not taken pains to fulfil the trust reposed by them in the British Government with respect t o suggesting to them a Sovereign. But, sir, we have lost no time and spared no pains to accomplish that object. We have communicated with several distinguished persons whom we thought fit to be selected by the Greeks for the high post of reigning over that which, in spite of all that has been said, is, I believe, a most enlightened nation, and one destined to a high place among the Powers of Europe. The very fact of the distinguished persons to whom our at tention was directed as being fitted for the selection involved the fact that they were persons who had had other interests and other occupations which might prevent them from ac cepting the throne. But, undoubtedly, we did from time to time let the Greek Government know we were in con nexion with these persons. We we re greatly mortified and the Greeks were much disappointed when one after another these illustrious persons felt themselves prevented by their local duties and ties from allowing themselves to be put in nomination for the Greek throne ; but we do not despair that we may yet be able to point out to the Greeks one who may be fit to perform the high duty of reigning over Greece and be acceptable to the people at large. At the same time the selection of a Sovereign lies with the Greeks themselves, for we have not received, as my honourable friend seems to suppose, plenary powers from that peo ple t-) select a sovereign for them. They are to exercise their own choice. All the British Govonment can do is to Suggest a primn who may appear fitting on the one hand and whom they would be likely to eucceed on the other. (Hear.) Sir, it has been said that the Greeks are reduced to a lament able condition. They are reduced to no lamentable condi- lion. (Hear, hear.) They have shown great moderation and prudence ; t hey have conducted a great revolution in a manner that does them honour. (Cheers.) There have been no acts of violence—no outbreaks. (Hear, hear.) They have had great difficulties in arranging their Provisional Government, but they have done it to the best of theirjudg went, and nothing has happened to make any man say that their condition is a miserable one or that they have suffered in the eyes of Europe by the course which they have pur sued. (Cheers.) It is most m( ritorious on their part, be c,,use undoubtedly the Government they have suffered under for the last 30 years has been calculated to degrade a-A demoralise them. It has been a Government carried on by cox ruption for the purposes of arbitrary and despotic rule. It has been a Government on which a Constitution was forced in 1843, but which from that time down to the last moment of its existence endeavoured by every device and artifice to render that Constitution null. That endea vour was made by corruption of every description which at last led to the events of October. (Hear, hear.) And, sir, when hon. gentlemen say the Greeks are so difficult to go vern that it will not be easy to find a prince to undertake that task, I say that a nation which has submitted for 30 years to 'such a Government as the Greeks have at last severed themselves from cannot be difficult to govern. There must be in such a people a latent feeling of subordi- nation and order which must give rise to a feeling of en couragement, and not of difficulty, in those who are called upon to take a part in managing their affairs. (Hear, hear.) I should like to know in what manner we have laid our selves open to imputation in our dealings towards Greece. I say that from the beginning of the negotiations to this moment we have been frank and straightforward in our lan guage to the Greeks, and that we have been persevering in our efforts to find a prince willing to accept the throne who would be fitted for that high position and acceptable to the Greek nation. (Hear, hear.) What has been said by my hon. friend (Mr. Layard) as to the conduct of Russia is quite true. I will speak out. The shuffling and evasion on the part of the Russian Government were such that it was with the utmost difficulty we got them to acknowledge that the Duke of Leuchtcnberg was, as he is, a member of the Impe rial family. He is doubly a member of the Imperial family —first, as the son of the daughter of the late Emperor, and next through an ukase by which he was aggregated to the I Imperial family, and brought within the line of succession to the Russian throne. The Russian Government were not straightforward in the matter, and we had to bring them to acknowledge that the Duke of Leuchtenberg is excluded by the protocol. (Hear, hear.) Now, sir, other topics have been brought into the discussion. My hon. friend the Under-Secretary has been taxed with having intro duced the subject of Turkey and the European provinces of Turkey. It was not he who introduced it. It was my hon. friend the member for Galway (Mr. Gregory), who, soon breaking away from Greece, entered into Servia and other places. (A laugh, and hear, hear.) My hon. friend the Under- Secre4try has very rightly corrected the errors into which my hon. friend the member for Galway had fallen. From his knowledge and personal experience of the country, no man has a better right to express an opinion on the subject, and he has stated that, so far from Turkey being in the decrepid state in which it is the fashion in some quarters to represent to the house, it has of late years made great progress towards that st ate of eivili , ation at which we hope soon to see it arrive. My hon. friend the member for Poole (Mr. Seymour) has used lan guage which shows he has prejudices against the Turks. He ought to get rid of those prejudices, for it is perfectly clear that education and intelligence are abroad in Turkey, and that the Turkish Government is improving. (Hear.) I bust their organisation will go on improving from day to day. As to the Christians, no doubt there are privileges and equalities yet co be acceded to them ; but they are much better off than they were at any former period. I will not go into the siege of Belgrade--(a laugh)—or the attack on the fortresses, but there is another question which has been introduced, and which is connected with the subject of the debate—namely, the cession of the lonian Islands. The h, n. member for Devizes (Mr. Griffith) says they were a Brdish possession, and that in the course of last autumn, when Parliament was not sitting, we alienated them. Now, first, the house knows that the lonian Islands are not a possession of the British Crown; and secondly, it is aware that though we intimated that under certain circumstances we should take certain steps which would lead to the cession of those islands to Greece, yet nothing has been done. Therefore, when the hon, member says we have surrepti tiously alienated what he calls a possession of the British Crewn, I must reply that we have done no such thing. (A laugh, and Hear.) The hon. member icr Shoreham (Mr. Cave) said he was much opposed to the cession which we propo: d ; but he added that if the Greek Government would maintain order• and peace, and conduct itself in such a way as to render the people happy, then it might be well to cede the lonian Islands to Greece. But, Sir, the hon. member has only paraphrased a passage in the despatch of my noble friend ; because these were the conditions on which my noble friend said the Government was willing to take steps for a cession of the lonian Islands to Greece. (Cheers.) The hon. member, though, began by stating facts which had come to his knowledge to show that the lonians were anything but willing to part with the English protection and be ceded to Greece. No doubt, as Greece was under the late Government, under King Otho, it would have been a great misfortune for the lonian Islands to have been transferred to Greece, and when we are told that we argued against the cession it was because it was so ill-governed at the time that we felt it would have been a cruelty to be accessory to depriving the lonian Islands of the protectorate of this country and ceding them to Greece; but if the Government of Greece becomes a good one, regu lated by the principles referred to by the hon. member for Shoreham, then the feelings of the lonians may became en tirely altered, and they may be desirous of being transferred to Greece. Again, it is said that annexation to Greece is the manifest destiny of these islands. If that be so, we are not to blame for saying the time may come when that des tiny may be accomplished to their profit and not to our loss, and that we ought to aid in accomplishing it. The hon. member says that we are laughed at in France for this transfer. Perhaps, in a country which so very lately made such acquisitions as Savoy and Nice, the voluntary surren der of anything belonging to us may be looked on as a childish piece of folly ; but I cannot help thinking that the example, if we set it, of a country on principle, and without any regard to selfish considerations, releasing a population from her rule on the ground that it is for the advantage of that population she should do so—l cannot help thinking that may be an example so applicable to many transactions pending in Europe as to be not only honourable to England but useful to other parts of Europe. (Cheers.) I can only say that I hope the hon. gentleman will be contented with having expressed his own opinions. We shall be ready to give any papers which may seem to bear usefully on the subject, and 1. hope that, notwithstanding the late hour, ho will now allow us to go into committee of supply. I pro mise him that as time and the correspondence go on, or when there are other papers whieh may be useful to the delibera tions of the house, we shall have no objection to produce them. (Cheers.) Mr. S. FT TZGERALD said that though the debate had wandered very far from its original purpose, and though various members who had spoken had carried the house half over the map of Europe, the question before the house was short, simple, and narrow. The noble lord had cer tainly recalled the house to the real question before it, and yet he too very adroitly had tried to lead them away from that which was in fact presented to their consideration. (Hear, hear.) It seemed as though the noble lord were con scious of the weakness of his answer—(hear,hear)—and as if he well knew that on the particular points which the member for II oniton addressed himself the Government could offer no reply. (Hear, hear.) He ventured, therefore, on topics which were utterly unjustifiable by the whole course of the debate, and which certainly had nothing on earth to do with the question before them. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord said he was surprised to find that this debate had been taken advantage of by gentlemen on that and on the other side of the house to make a personal attack on the noble lord at the head of the Foreign-office. He had listened to the debate from the commencement, and he had heard nothing from either side which in any shape could be called a personal attack. (Hear, hear.) If criticism on a Minister and his policy were to be characterized as a personal attack then there was an end of all freedom of debate. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord even went beyond that, for he said that it seemed to be a matter of regret with honourable gentlemen, particularly on that side of the house, that a Russian prince had not been placed on the throne, and that they had complained of the Greeks for showing their respect for this country and its Sovereign by offering the throne to a British prince. Not only had no such reflection been cast on the Greeks, but, on the contrary, there had been an universal opinion expressed that it was a credit to the Greek people, and a compliment to this country, that to an English Prince in the first instance the hopes and aspira tions of Greece had been directed. The question before the house was whether the policy of the Government towards the Greek people had been frank and straightforward. (Hear.) No one had regretted that an English Prince had been elected, but the complaint was that, when that com pliment was paid to this country, the policy of the Govern ment had not been that which became an English Govern ment. (Hear.) The noble lord, in strong language, had given his opinion of the Greek people, and of the manner in which the revolution was carried through.: He had told the house that it did honour to the Greek people to have got rid of what he called a corrupt Government without vio lence and without bloodshed ; that they had asserted their right to the establishment of a constitutional Government, and that they had directed their wishes to this Country as the best security for such a form of Government. The noble lord pointed out that they did not desire to wage war or to commit any act of aggression, and that they desired simply to obtain their rights in a peaceable and constitutional manner. But what eves the position of the Greek people now? They were without a Government and witho , lt a Sovereign. This very day news had been received that the Greek army was divided into two parts, and that the peo ple at this moment were in fear of massacre and bloodshed. (Hear.) What had led to this state of things ? When the revolution on its outset was peaceful, and in its course cre ditable to the Greek people, how was it that, contrary to all that could have been expected, instead of constitutional Government there was anarchy, and instead of peace massacre and bloodshed were feared ? The reason was that the wishes of the people had been trifled with. An oppor tunity had been lost for establishing constitutional Govern ment, and to a great extent this was the fault of the policy of her Majesty's Government. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord and the Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs had not dealt quite fairly with the house in quoting from the papers, No one had regretted that his Royal Highness Prince Alfred had not accepted a position which would have been a fruitful source of embarrassment and danger to this country, and would not have contributed to his own future peace and honour. But what was to be regretted was that the Government, having in the first instance, adopted a clear, open, and decided policy, and having an nounced that policy in - the most unmistakeable terms, had afterwards changed their tone and allowed the Greek people to believe that it was possible that if Prince Alfred were elected he :might accept the throne—the result of which was a cruel disappointment to the Greek people. (Hear.) This might easily be proved by a reference to Mr. Scar lett's despatch, No. 92, page 86, in the papers. After the noble lord at the head of the Foreign-office had announced in the clearest terms that no Prince of the Royal families of Russia, France, and England could be eligible to the throne, and had desired Mr. Scailett not only to communi cate his views to the Greek Ministers, but to make them known in society and in every quarter as widely as he could, he sent a telegram dated November 10, which was acknowledged by Mr. Scarlett in his despatch of the 24th. Mr. Scarlett says in his despatch,— " Your lordship is awa re th a t on accoun t of the uncer tainty hanging over the question of a successor to the throne of King Otho, and more especially since I received a telegram from your lordship (dated the 16th of directing me not to interfere at all in election of the King,' but to leave them ' to choose whom they like," I have in my position here maintained the necessary reserve on that important subject. When informed previously that a de. monstration was likely to occur in front of the Legation, in order not to give umbrage to any of my colleagues I pur posely left toe home, and by my language deprecated the intention of the Greeks to make any manifestation of thi s kind before my resid e nce, thinking it might have the e ff ect of compromising her Majesty's Mission, and causing a false construction to be placed on the neutral tine of eon„ duct I had determined to adept." It a as been once I;;feCtlyclearthat Mr. Scarlett,. having directed clearly to announce publicly that Prince Alfred could not accept the throne, was thrown into a state of cr mplete uncertainty by the telegram which directed them not to interfere at all in the election, (Hear, hear.) He then went on to describe another demonstration in favour of Prince Alfred, in answer to which he returned thanks for the honour done to his Royal Highness, and expressed s ympathy for the Greek people. On the same day there was another demonstration, and when he was asked by the spokesman on behalf of the crowd to be the bearer of the unanimous wish of the people to have Prince Alfred for King, he said, "To this I replied that I was not autharised to give them an answer on this point." Not authorised to give them an answer, when the very instructions which he had received from Lord liussell in the first instance were to make it publicly known that Prince Alfred could not accept the throne ! (Cheers.) But that was not all. On the -iinday a still larger demonstration took place, and Mr Scarlett, after describing the form of demonstration, says : "I was then addressed in the same manner, and I spoke to the ssme effect, adding that I felt bound to continue my reserve, as the acceptance of the throne of Greece must de pend upon considerations which I was then unable to de termine." (Cheers.) Was it not perfectly clear that in the first in stance the Government intended to exclude members of the Royal families of the three countries ; that they sound Rus sia willing to give a nominal, and not a real, adhesion to that exclusion ; and that, changing their tone, they allowed the Greek people to believe it possible Prince Alfred might accept the Crown, in order to prevent the election of the Duke of Leuchtenberg ? Another object was to put Russia in this position--that finding, through the popularity of Prince Alfred, the Duke of Leuchtenberg had no chance, the Russian Government might be driven to concede that the Duke of Leuchtenberg came within the exclusion. The English Government succeeded in preventing the Duke of Leuchtenberg being elected, and in extorting from the Russian Government the admission that he was ineligible. But was that a policy which the British Government ought to pursue ? Was it straightforward, frank, and candid ? It appeared to him to be a disingenuous and tricky policy, and one which reflected no credit either upon this country or its Government. (Cheers.) This was the charge which was made against her Majesty's Ministers, and they had not sought to meet it except by quoting inaccurately the papers which they had themselves supplied. The Government, as had been well said by the hon. member for Honiton, had betooled the Greek people and made them and the English Government ridiculous by acting from impulse, and without consideration or advice. He had oth6r grounds of quarrel with the Government. What was the course which they took with regard to the other candidates? They proposed King Ferdinand ol Portugal. It was soon found that he would have nothing to do with it. The more reasonable plan would have been to ascertain what were the feelings of King Fer dinand before proposing him to the Greek people. (Hear, hear.) The same with the Duke of Coburg. They not only went the length of proposing him, but of authorising their Minister to announce his acceptance of the Crown, be fore ascertaining the grounds on which they were proceed ing. (Hear.) This hasty hand•over-head sort of policy marked their conduct with respect to the lonian Islands. Before Greece had a Government they signified to the Greek people that England was willing to give up the protectorate provided. the new sovereign would do what King 0 tho did 30 years ago—promised everything and fulfilled nothing. (Hear.) Did it never strike the Government that the ques tion might be considered by the British Parliament of suf ficient importance and magnitude to deserve their advice and consideration? Before they threw this apple of discord among the people of the East did it never strike them that the lonian people ought to be consulted ? (Hear.) The noble lord told them that it was a mere offer, and went for nothing, because it was necessary to consult the other Powers who were parties to the Treaty of Vienna. Did it never occur to the Gcvernment to ascertain whether Austria who was deeply concerned, would consent to the cession; or was it a cheap piece of generosity, by which the Govern ment might be able to say, "We are willing to make the cession, and are desirous of consulting the feeling of nation ality, but here is Austria again standing in the way ?" It appeared to him that throughout the affair the policy of the Government had beenhasty and ill-considered, and, whether they regarded the negotiations about the candidates, the cession of the lonian Islands, or, still more, the conduct which the Government pursued in first refusing the candi dature of Prince Alfred and afterwards encouraging it, it was such a policy as reflected no honour upon them or upon this country. This was the charge against her Majesty's Government, and it had certainly not been properly met this evening. (Cheers,) Mr. B. COCHRANE said he had no intention to divide the house. (Cheers.) The noble lord had misrepresented him. He had never said that the Greeks were oifficult to govern. On the contrary, he expressed his admiration of their conduct in the increased difficulties consequent upon the noble lord's policy. It was also a misrepresentation to say that hon. gentlemen on those (the Opposition) benches regretted the popularity of Prince Alfred. The conduct of Lord Russell had excited false hope, and was disrespectful to the Sovereign in making use of Prince Alfred's namefor the sake of a diplomatic intrigue. (Hear, hear.) The motion was then negatived. ORDER OF THE DAY. On the order of the day for going into committee of supply being read, Colonel BARTTELOT moved that the house should resolve itself into a committee to consider of an humble address to be presented to her Majesty, praying that she will be graciously pleased to give directions that the stop page from the pay of cavalry and Horse Artillery officers for forage be discontinued. He urged that the pay of officers was insufficient to support them in their position as gentle.. men, and in the case of officers who had risen from the ranks the stoppages were peculiarly oppressive. Sir G. C. LEWIS said that whilst some gentlemen were trying to cut Town and keep down the estimates for the army, others were bringing pressure to make the cost of the army greater. (Hear, hear.) They had a debate the other evening in which the cost of a soldier in Denmark was said to be £l2, and it was contrasted with that of the British soldier, which was said to be nearly £lOO. Now they had an hon. gentleman asking for an increase to the pay of the officers. (No, no.) Yes. If it was not an in crease of pay, what was it, (Hear, hear.) It would re quire a supplemental estimate to provide for these allow ances, amounting to about £20,000. The Government could nor consent to the motion. Colonel NORTH supported the motion, as did also Colonel DUNN. The house divided— For the motion Against Majority —32 SUPPLY—ARMY ESTIMATES. The house then went into committee of supply, Mr. Massey in the chair. On the vote of £635,637 for barrack ettablishment ser vices and supplies, a conversation took place about some of the charges to which soldiers were subjected in barracks. Sir M. PETO referred to the immorality existing at the camp at Aldershot. There were no efficient police regula tions to check the spread of immorality, which was accom panied with a large amount of disease. Sir G. C. LEWIS said he had investigated the question of canteens, but he did not find any great abuses existing, and he was at a loss how to make the alterations sug gested. With regard to the camp at Aldershot, he ad mitted the evil, which it was difficult to exaggerate ; but the difficulty arose how to devise a remedy. He did not despair of finding a practical means of mitigating the evil, and in the coarse of the session he hoped to be able to make a statement to the house upon the subject. Atter a few words in reply from Mr. WYLDE, The vote was agreed to. The vote of £46,097 for the new form of divine service was agreed to, On the vote of £43,012 for martial law a discussion en sued ou its details, and the vote was ultimately agreed to. On the vote for £255,993 fur medical establishments, ser vices, and supplies, Gen. eEEL said they were bound to provide the best medical men it was possible to procure for the army, never theless, in consequence of the warrant of 1859 not having been carried out, it was now impossible to obtain the ser•• vices of properly qualified practitioners for the army. Great dissatisfaction existed amongst the medical officers at the warrant not having been carried out, and no doubt they were justly entitled to complain on the subject. Sir G. C. LEWIS said the warrant had not been carried out in consequence of a difficulty having arisen as to giving effect to the corresponding warrant in the navy. However, negotiations had been entered into with the Admiralty, and he was happy to say that they had now taken a favourable turn, and that the warrant would be shortly carried out in a form satisfactory to the medical officers. Lord W. GRAHAM inquired how — it was that Dr, Sutherland came to be employed on work on which ordi• nary military men might be employed. Sir G. C. LEWIS said that Dr. Sutherland was employed on duties the performance of which was inconsistent with permanent military service. The vote was then agreed to. _ _ On the vote of £754681 for the disembodied militia, Colonel DICKSON pointed out that militia surgeons ought not to be required to reside at the head-quarters of their regiments. Their pay was not more than £4O a year, and it was a great hardship to compel them to reside in a particular locality. The vote was agreed to. The next vote of £94,162 for the yeomanry was agreed to, when The Chairman was ordered to report progress, and the house resumed. The report of the committee of supply was brought up and agreed to. The Consolidated Fund (f,10,000,000) Bill was read a second time. The Alutiay Bill was read a second time. THE NAVAL COAST VOLUNTEERS ACT AMENDMENT BILL, On the motion for the third reading of this bill, Mr BERKELEY said that if this mischievous bill passed it would destroy the fine body of Coast Volunteers, for it would give power to send them to all parts of the wort, in stead of not going more than three hundred miles from our coasts. These Coast Volunteers replaced the Sea Fencibles of French war, and the passing of the bill would destroy their efficiency, which was to protect our shores. He would therefore move that the bill be read that day six months. Mr. H. BERKELEY seconded the motion. Lord C. PAGET said his belief was that while the pre sent amendment to the original bill was necssary to make the Coast Volunteers at all available, the act was not re trospective, and only applied to the future. The amendment was negatived without a division, and he bill was read a third time and passed. REIGATE ELECTION. The petition in this case was withdrawn. The house then adjourned. Importing Tee without colour on the leaf pre vents the Chinese passing off inferior leaves as in the usual kinds. Horniman's Tea is uncoloured, therefore, always good alike. Sold in packets by 2,280 agents. Acc4 rtiinie Giorna/e di Napoli, the It iiian quadr.)n which is to set out for tn. Pu ECUs carries 170 guns and 2,000 men. Rear-Admiral Vacca, in command of it, will hoist his flag on board the Re Galantuomo. THE POLISH INSURRECTION. The following is the full text of the IVlanifeAto of Generfangiewiez on nssutning the Dictator ship:— " Fellow •citizens I —The most devoted children of Poland have commenced, in the name of God, the combat pro voked by the violence and oppression exercised by the Mus covite domination ; they have commenced it against the, eternal enemy of liberty and civilisation—against the Mus covite intruder, the oppressor of our nation; they have commenced it for the liberty and independence of our country. In the unfavourable circumstances in the midst of which of our enemy has provoked the explosion of the insurrection, by the excess of oppression, the contest begun: with empty hands against the armed multitudes of Russia has continued not only for nearly two months in a great portion of our country, but increases and spreads fluffier and further, thanks to the activity and devotion of the whole people, who are resolved to become free or to perish. Polish blood flows in torrents upon the fields of battle; it flows in the streets of our towns end villages, which the Asiatic enemy is utterly destroying, massacring inoffensive inhabi tants, and abandoning to pillage the remains of their pos sessions. In view of this life and death struggle, in view of the murders, pillage, and flames with which our enemy marks h s route, Poland sees with grief, by the side of the grandest devotion and enthusiasm of her children, the want of a military and avowed leadership, capable of preventing the scattering of the forces which have been called forth, and of arousing those who still slumber. It follows, from the general situation of aff,irs, as well as from the nature of the struggle which is proceeding, that outside the camp of the insurgents there is not to be found throughout the whole territory of the country a spot where a central power publicly avowed could establish itself; and this is the reason why the secret Provisional Government which emanated from the former secret Central Committee has not been able to present itself in open day before the nation and the whole world. Although there are in the country men who are far shove myself in capacity and merit—although I appreciate the extent and the gravity of the duties which in a position so difficult weigh on the supreme national power—l assume, nevertheless, with the consent of the Pro visional National Government, the supreme Dictatorship, prepared to deposit it, when we shall have shaken off the Muscovite yoke, in the hands of the representatives of the people. I assume it in consideration of the urgency of the cir cumstances which imperatively demand a prompt remedy, in consideration of the necessity of increasing the forces of the nation by the concentration of the civil and military powers in one hand iu this murderous contest against hostile troops directed by one sole will. In reserving to myself the immediate direction of military operations, or in claiming the power of transferring, if necessary, the military com mand in chief to other chiefs in provinces which will be named, I deem it useful at present to confide all the civil administrat on of the insurrection, as well as that of the freed territory, to a private civil Government, which will act under my inspiration and control, The powers and the organisation of this Government will be indicated in a special publication. In taking the Dictatorship I commence nothing new, but simply finish the work commenced by the National Provisional Government. I confirm, then, and proclaim again, in all their entirety, the fundamental prin ciples expressed in the manifesto of the Provisional Govern ment dated Jan. 22, in the name of which the flag of the national contest for liberty and independence was raised, especially the liberty and political equality of all the sore of Poland, without distinction of belief, of condition, or of birth ; also the giving, under conditions, of the landed pro perty, subjected until now to rents or charges, to the rural population, with indemnity to the proprietors, who will be saved from harm out of the funds of the State. "And now, peoples of Royal Poland, of Lithuania, and of Ruthenia, you who form one nation, in the name of God I call you mice more to universal and immediate insurrection against Muscovite uppr,ssion and barbarity. The concord drill the children of Poland, without. disliuctiou of class or belief, the community and universality of efforts and sacri fives, and the unity of the object will raise the scattered forces to a power which will be fatal to the enemy; they will procure independence for our country, liberty and hap' piness for our descendants, and will assure immortal glory to those who may meet the death of heroes in this sacred struggle. To arms, brothers I to arms I for the indepen dence of the country. " General PrIARYAN LANGIEWICZ, Dictator. "Headquarters, Goscza, March 10 " COUNTRY MARKETS. COLCHESTER—MAucIi 14. A mod€rate supply of wheat, but trade was more active, and late prices fully supported. Barley quiet, at a slight decline. Beans and peas unaltered. Wheat, white 46s 52s Beans, Mazagan..3oB 330 red 42s 48s middle & small.3ss 428 Barley Oats GLOUCESTER—MAncE 14. To-day there was a moderate supply of English wheat from the farmers, which sold at fully the prices of last week. Foreign wheat in small demand. Barley, beans, and oats were dull, at late prices. CHELNISFORD- -MAncar 13. At this corn exchange to-,:ay there was a slight in creaBe in the dernan,l fur wheat, but prices the same as last week ter everything else. Wheat, old white...3lB 55s new ..358 49s old red....39s 48s new 35s 46s Barley ..2ss 36s Chevalier 2Bs 398 Grinding ..228 31s Malt. Peas, Partridge- 37s 400 White 39s 400 Boiling .. 40e 43 0 Dun 35s 38 0 Ditto new .. —s --s Beans, Tick, old 348 39s new —s --s Harrow Ticks. 3ss 408 new —s — 0 Mazagan 3os 38s Chevalier Oats 20s 28s KIRKCALDY GRAIN—MARcx 14. We had small supplies of wheat and barley, but fair of oats. Wheat 6d to is per qr dearer. Barley and oats at Lite rates, Wheat. :First....32s 6d Second .. 36s Od Third....4oa Od Barley. Oats. COAL .t ?rues of Coal per Ton a s. d. Byass's Bebside West Hartley ....15 0 Davison's West Hart le l6 0 193 da I 17s Od 25s Od its Od —sOd —sOd .AItKET. the close of the market. 8. d. Walls End. South Hetton 18 0 Heugh Hall 16 0 Soath Hartlepool 16 3 Russel's Hetton 16 6 Ei el loe .. ... l7 0 Hartlepool. l7 6 Brsddyll's Hetton 17 0 Tzimdon Hartlepool l7 6 South Kelloe.. l6 6 Haswell .. Riddell .. l5 6 James l5 0 Fratuwellgate l5 9 Tunstall l5 6 Whitworth l4 0 Walker Primrose 11 3 Carway and Duffryn Anthracite Carway and Duffryn Malting , 22 0 Wylam 15 6 Cowpen Hartley 15 0 bainbert's %Vest Hart ley 15 0 Buddle'sWest Hartley 15 0 iiolywell 15 6 l'ardield Moor Butee 12 3 Eden Main....... l5 9 llipy at marker. 127; ,01 - 1, 119. Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. luKralia and Mauritius, via Southampton .. Mar. 21. via Marseilles Apr. 12. 3razil and Cape Verds, by British packet. Apr. 6. Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and Si. Helena Apr. 1. China, Penang, and Singapore, via Southarrpton Mar. 21. via Marseilles Mar. 29. Folkland Islands .. Gibraltar, via Southampton ..... Mar. 21. India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, vi:, :=!oittliqn:pt.r., Mar. 21. via Marscilles IMar. 29. India (Bombay), via Southampton Mar. 28. via Marseilles Mar. 22. Portugal.... Apr '6. Malta, Egypt, and Aden, vi a S ou th am pt on Mar. 21, via Marseilles Mar, 22. N'ewfoundlaird Oporto and Vigo U. S. and British N. America, by Brit. packet.... Mar. 18. 'by U.S. packet by Canadian packet. Mar. 20. W.C. of Africa, Madeira, and Teneriffe Apr. 10. Bahamas, via New York Apr. 9. Mexico.. All parts of West Indies, including Chili, Peru, 1 Mar. 16. California, and British Columbia.. Births. BANBURY.--On the 15th inst., at G, Orsett-phice, West bourne-terrace, the wife of Frederick Banbury. Esq., of a daughter. BLIOH..—On the 13th inst., at Tynemouth, the wife of Major Blieh, 41st i:egt., of a daughter. WILBRAHAM.—On the 12th inst., at Netley l'astle, near Southampton, the wife of Lieut.-Colonel Wilbraham, of a son. Marriages. BERKLEY—BALDING.—On the - 16th inst., at St. Martin's -.Church, Trafalgar-square, Thomas Berkley, Esq. to Anne, widow of the late Henry Balding, Esq., of tham-grove, Suffolk. CUTIIBERTSON—BIRT.-011 the 14th inst.., at Christ church, Highbury-square, Charles Cuthbertson, E s q., of Aide' sgate-street, to Eleanor Elizabeth, daughter of Charles Birt, Esq., of Canonbury Villas, Islington. Deaths. BURT.—On the 13th inst., at Stoke Newington, Thole Stevens s q., aged 61. ai t R e v ß e . s —On Burt,the 11th inst., Ambr ose Cl are, Esq., solicitor , of 5, Size-lane. CORDON.—On the 16th inst., at 22, Bloomsbury-square, Major-General Alex. Gordon, R.E., aged 68. GuLLY.—On the 9th inst., at Durham, John Gully, Esq., aged 80. MORTIMER.—On the 12th inst., at Hamilton-terrace, St. John's-wood, Edward Mortimer, Esq., of the London Stock Exchange, aged 70. OUTRAN.—On the 11th inst., at Pau, Lieut.-General Sir James Outrain, Bart., G.C.8., K. 5.1., &c., of H.M.'e Indian Army, aged 60. WARNER. —On the 14th inst., at Kensington, George Warner, Esq., aged 71. Lon don : Printed and Published by WILLIAM ANDREW - 5 , of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE Su, Office, No. 11A Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the CatusW. i Mhiciletieic.-14yiesaay, March 17, 1863.