The Sun. — London, England, 1830-02-17 00:00:00

btaining njoy. I will be ens,ion ; de L'ird of the will not that his cation on the allied rg,t poiut Fatis'ac- ;entent,4, who are he Noble :rary, arehy to le in the :anent of e pres.o inn, err- dieve or& fcre Wish ulated to Greece. •epg to the ithout an a' the 22,E of Lord I c— ptiblic;ty , f Greece, s'thet the him those is not the 'enture to w in pro f!eurity o than that v .) The nnipensa he found t must be into the as in her .tice: he, capable of me to at itation of oplated•—• than the all thole grate ,ier will in ice. But ince, pre.. of the 6th We hope hied also, this nevl -est in its ources are tee of itt he anxiety rut key, it l a second a war of that nature, it becomes her first to 651: th e question whether the proposed hostilities arc just and neceesaty. In the Hatt'.-scherriff, which was t he cause of the aggression of Russia, these decla lione were publicly given :—First, a religh us appeal was made to all Mahometans to take up arms against fitresia; next, there was a positive statement that Turkey would only enter into negotiations with Russia to deceive her and to gain time, the better to prepare new means of tesihtance ; thirdly, that site had signed the Treaty of Ackermann with the intentien of violating it, :red that the never would fulfil any of its conditions. Therefore, not only were we not responsible for the conduct of that power in enzas, , ing in the war, but if we had undertaken her defence, we must have undertaken it upon grounds which no lemest Minister could approve.—(Hear, hear.) —Whatever importance WC might attach to the integrity of Turkey, and whatever wish we might entertain to see an amicable se:lenient of the matters in dispute, I must Protest against the notion that I•:neland Illigiit to be bound by th e rashness or folly which might influence the councils of others. The conduct of England in attempting to mediate was perfectly consistent with wisdom ; but there was no obligation, express or implied, of treaty, of good faith, sir of policy, which could induce or justify her in asaivelv interfering by means of war with the iseue of the Penti:ng contest. Still, notwithstanding that war, and Oetwithetanding the peculiar circumstances in which Eng land and France were placed as neutral powers, having to execute the Treaty of 6th July with Russia, a belligerent, tre fe t it so important to Europe, and, above all, we had contracted such oblig diens to Greece, that we were com pelled to overcome every minor difficulty, and to perse vere in the Attainineot of the objects of the Treaty. lam happy to say that we have succeeded : that Treaty is on the ev e of its final accomplishment: peace has been pre served ; and whatever may haVe been the original inten tions oF the authors of the Treaty, I will venture to sly that in the result it will be found that the three great parties never contemplated any settlement so favourable to Greece as that which, I think, consistently with justice to Turkey, we have been enabled to to .k e . Let me remind the House that by the Treaty of the 6:11 July nothing more was contemplated than the establishment of that sort of qualified in depend ace which would hare left the State of Greece as the vassal of the Porte, and subject to the pay ment of a consideralle tribute : the Porte would even hare had the power to interfere in the nomination of the Greek Governors. By intervening events, and by negotiation, we hive been able to establish the complete independence of Greece. She no longer holds the rank of a mere vassal dependent upon the Porte, but she will take her place among the independent nations.—(Hear, bear.)—Having • effected these objects, notwithstanding the difficulties op posed to us, I apprehend it will he felt that there has been that degree of harmony and good faith in the Councils of the Powers of Great Britain, France, and Russia, as at least to induce the House to suspend its judgment until the promised papers can be laid upon the table. Surely . there is nothing in the course of these transactions to jus tify suspicion. I concur with the Noble Lord, that it must be the policy of this country to see that a new State thus formed is placed in a situation in which it can be prosperous ; and I join with him heartily in the wish be has expressed, that the Greeks of the present day mty re cover from the torpor of long slavery, and be enabled to emulate the glory of their prelecessare, while, at the same time, they enjoy all the advantages that arise &ern the pro gress of knowledge, and from the establishment of those institutions which, in happy countries like this, are cal culated to insure the possession of civil and religious liberty.—(Much cheering.) Sir J. MACKINTOSH complimented the Noble Lord on the candid tone of his whole speech, and the Right Hon. Secretary on the corresponding character of the earlier part of what he had addressed to the House. He would not follow the latter over the debateable ground of the policy of employing the influence of England in prevent ing the late war between Russia and Turkey, but he would aaY, expressly, what the Right Hon. Gent. had said by implication, that the success of Russia in that just war (for-such he admitted it to be) had enabled the three Allied Powers to bring the Treaty of the 6th July to a happy conclusion. He did not know that it was a matter of serious importance to inquire what had been the opinion of Mr. Fox thirty years ago relative to the independence of Turkey, but the case might he stated in a few words. In the course of the correspondence between Mr. Fox, as the head of the Foreign Office, and the Ministers of France in 1806, an *pinion was expressed which had reference to that time, and to the then peculiar circumstances of Eng land and France. It was wished to consolidate the peace of Europe, and fbr this purpose it was thought that the • two Powers should guarantee the integrity of Turkey. Such was' the opinion of Mr. Fox at that single moment • of his life, and under -a peculiac combination of circum stances ; but to that opinion was opposed what was well known to all the friends of Mr. Fox, that as au English man and as a lever of liberty, as a citizen of the world, he was an enemy to the institutions of Turkey—that he de tested their tyrannical and barbarous principles--and that he heartily wished them expelled from the boundaries of Erirope. Mr. Fez did not consider them a m.mber of the great European family; but he thought, nevertheless, at that time, that the preservation of the integrity of the Ottoman Power was a legitimate object. What had just fallen from the Right Hon. Gentleman as to the exemption of Greece from foreign influence, and as to the establish • meat of a limited monarchy, gave him (SirJ. Mackintosh) sincere gratification ; he had heard with joy the same sen timent before in another place, end it compensated for much else of a different character that proceeded from the ' same quarter. He had heard it said elsewhere, " Let the Prince and the people of Greece settle their own inetitu tions"—(Hear, hear)--and if that simple pledge were ad hered to, all would be well. Ile believed that he was the first-who had presented a petition ft-sun a very humble community for th e esta bli s h ment o f t h e i n d epen d ence o f Greece ; an d he congratulated them that the end was about to be attained by the simple, but effectual means pointed out in that petition. He felt the utmost joy that the Treaty of 6th July was alma to be carried into com plete execution, after the unworthy mariner in which that compact had b een use d , a f ter t h e unwort h y l anguage uni formly appli e d to t h e person to w h om G reece was in d_fisted f or it, arid who might justly be termed the de liver and pacifier of the East of Europe. He was glad to see that those who were formerly opposed to him on this l ei"' point, now took credit for carrying into effect the great measure which his genius had conceived. On these point s his joy w as unmixed, his satisfaction perfect ; and 711.. sohe called upon to vote upon thi s reso l u ti on , h e should an of pport it on n o groun d of hostility to, or distrust .. "tem, but upon w h a t h e had h e ard b e fore, and which had b een this night confirmed, that the present nt Government of this country was adopting a mischievous arrangement regardi ng th e limits of the territory of Greece, . and j ust if y i ng that arrangement upon f a l se pr i n . e ilLes• • The Right Honourable Gentleman had said that Greece was to have something better than an extended 141:-- of -that she w as to h ave compensat i on f or t h e narrow • in her b un d ar i es : but it was not den i e d t h at s h e was nto have th e f ront i er wh i ch woul d h ave b een ass i gne d to not • her.i_o.otler the T rea ty o f 6 t h J u ly. A portion of the T„ dt ntemled territory of Greece was to be ceded to whi c h eY : an dt above all, that was to be relinquished Poses, Wwhile tt a s woull be of no value fur offensive pur e to t h e d e f ence o f the centre of the asrevGL. empi re, What had most surprised him, however, the felt himseif.?oking c uldia. principle adopted by Ministers with reference to was to to the Treaty of the 6th of July, he be formed, in assuming, that when a new State ing such 'filed, as Greece was, that the right of claim *, tits defence of the Turkish territory as was essential e of Gra did the right eece belonged as much to that country t of noticing a similar demand, for similar PUrp o ", b . e _ "mg to Turkey. The Treaty of the 6th of was ' ,r.neeatled upon the principle that Turkish territory of ``ne taken to such extent as would secure the means military defence to the new State, and neither Turkey to ito the Allies • nOr would be at liberty at a future day met peach clear P ac n the acts done under it. Nothing could be and exp i tee than the language of the Treaty of the 6th : f sigjulY it declarer that the territory and the de- Wereuatioa o f the i s l an d s w hi c h were t o belong to Greece to f ora _ , com endio the subject of negotiation between the two emir to t ,la .part ies Turkey,u be eto endea err t h e ( 74 the territory ofy as that Power might that oeth nev hand, contend for the limitation of Greece ; of G reeo :ng could be plainer than that the independence defe nce should be secured, and the means of its military Meal . upon grounds ed for. Now the cession of Candia went the 6th of T u . strikingly et variance with the Treaty of lion of iris fail However, he would reserve the expres were l x .f or . 1 1l judgment upon the subject until the papers the di,,, 4 , 0t ` the House, and he should sincerely rejoice in Wise , att,o 7 - if such should be the result—of those worldly ing t ge - se Who mistook craft for sagacity. If in mak reit whici e t v c ' . o bservations he had gone beyond the strict ins subject, neordinary occasions were observed in discuss- H 1n1 , t441 to the dip that nature, he hoped it would be attri- Trotted te !el , interest which such a question was cal- Lord xci ear, hear.) lion of hie ERSTON adverting to the recommenda - PthstPone the fightd UM Friend (Mr. Peel) that they should PaPero w ere 4ef isc or iusion of the present question till the Gentlem an h ad h e them, complained that the Right Hon. . dyk e woi 3 mself d ev i ate d f rom hi s own recommen - 41 Vgired othorg to Gaulle thowellice to the simple question which the Noble Lord had brought under their con , ic'e , A!iou. II :viva so: them such an ex ample, he could .care e:.pect that they would very closely confine tl!einselves On a discussion so interesting and importmt as th, present. In mak;ng one or trio ob servations upon 'the chara:Ar of the Treaty of London, and the mode of its ext-eution, he would nut inquire into the origin of the war between Russia and Turkey, neither would he inquire into who might have been the instigators of that war. It might be perfectly true that that war arn s e nut of aggression committed by Turkey upon the trade of Russia, and upon its commercial rights; and he was p..rfrctly ready to admit that the commencement of that war took p►ace before the present Government came into office. On one point he should be glad to see his Majesty's Ministers acquit themselves—namely, with re spect to the influence which their conduct had upon the progress, duration, and termination of that war, and the degree i❑ which their conduct might have atf..cted the course adopted by the Turks in rejecting those terms of p?sce which it was the duty, as it was the interest of Eng land, to promote. When the papers came to be laid upon the table of the House, many of the despatches would prove abundantly plausible; but no despatch, however smoothly it might read, would, by the mere force of its diction, or the plausibility of its statements; convince him that England hail done all that she might have done for the purpose of putting an end to that war. It was his earnest wish to see England, upon all such occasion'', spe ik a straight-for ward language ; but on that he could not help apprehending that had she taken the honourable and upright course, hostilities would not have been con tinued to so recent a period. His Right Hon. Friend had taken credit, on behalf of his Majesty's Government, fir the great merit of hiving the Treaty of the 6th July ex enited according to the spirit in which it was framed, and that its execution was attended with results even more gratilying to the parties interested than their first expec tations had led them to anticipate. From that, however, he begged to dissent, though his unwillingness on the pre sent occasion to enter into details would prevent his assigning the reasons which influenced his dissent; but the must be allowed to say, generally, that he could not see that the spirit of the Treaty had been at all adhered to; and to that the single remark he would add, that if the Treaty had been more closely adhered to, the interests of Greece and of England would lave been more effec- ' tually advanced. At length there was a prospect that something like independence might be achieved for Greece; but the House would judge how much more of that was owing to the arms of Russia than any inter ference on the part of England to see the Treaty of the 6th of July executed in the spirit in which it had been framed. When the papers came before the House, he should be extremely glad to see the pr.ipositions made by his Majesty's Government to the Allies, for settling and securing to Greece a territory sufficient fur the purposes of an independent State. and a frontier calculated to se cure the continuance of that independence. When those papers: came before the House, they would have the plea sure of seeing what could not fail to be gratifying to the national feelings and flittering to the national honour—to collect from the lips of the English Ministers that the peo ple of Greece would enjoy the rights of freemen, and be Ho longer confined in the shackles and fettersof despotism. When it shall be shown to the House from the expected documents that his Majesty's Government had dome all in their power to secure the accomplishment of that object, then would his Right Hon. Friend be entitled to the thanks of the House and of the country. So far as the Right Hon. Secretary went, his statement was far from satisfactory. lie had altogether failed in showing that the Widen of Candia to the territory of Greece was not es sential to the well-being and independence of the new State. This was but small matter of surprise, for no man who hail turned his attention to the subject could doubt that the political existence and the military defence of Greece would mein") , depend upon the posses sion of Candia. What formed a more immediate ground of complaint—if it proved to be well founded—would be, that this country had not fulfilled her engagements, in seeing that Treaty executed in its true spirit ; than which nothing was more important, as affecting the honour and interest of England. It was in a high degree interesting to England that the new State should have the means of maintaining her own independence ; for, if left in a help less or undefended state, the filet aggression mirk upon her woldil he the signal for calling upon the Powers who were parties to the Treaty of the 6th of July to come for ward in support of the stipulations of that Treaty. Thus would England be involved in difficulties, which a little regard to good faith in the first inatance might easily have averted. They might be told that the Powers had gua ranteed the independence of Greece. That might be per fectly true, and at the same time it might be true that the relations of those Powers towards Greece and towards each other would, in a eery short time, undergo such changes, as should leave little chance of their being in a si tuat;on to redeem those pledges which they had given for the maintenance of that country in a separate and suhstan twe form. The only effectual security which Greece and England could have would be to give .to the former such a territory and such boundaries as would render any aggree sion very unpromising. To leave Greece in a situation incapable of self-e.efence is to do England one of the most serious injuries which she could sustain in her relations with the East of Europe; it would open at once a door for the exercise of foreign influence, and render the new State of Greece an arena for the struggles of foreign influ ence, and, perhaps, for the contests of armed men. The Gulfs of Vole and Arta, at opposite sides, ought to form two of the boundaries of the new State ; that, he thought, could be very easily established ; but those who wished to circumscribe Greece within the narrowest possible limits would confine it by the Mores. Austria, and those who with Austria desired to fix the minimum of territory, called out for the Mores. When the official papers, however, came to be seen, it would then be aeparent that the English Governtnent had either supported the true interests of Greece, or had sacrificed them to the wishes of Austria. It would then be seen whether proper means had been taken for securing These saly and Epirus, and whether Ahe Gulf of Volo on the East, and the Gulf of Arta on the West, were or were not to form the boundaries of Greece. These he certainly considered as limits essentiel to the military defence of Greece, as was the natural boundary formed by the range of mountains at the North, running like a back-bone be hind Greece—that was a barrier which nature pointed out, and one which the habits of the people, and the physical circumstances of the country, rendered obvious and convenient. On the South, it was of importance that Greece should be in possession of a territory which would afford her a good military defence, for there it was of peculiar importance that she should be preserved from collision with her neighbours. It seemed to him one of the strongest assertions which had ever been made, that Greece ought to be made to pay a price in territory for the political independence conferred upon her—she was given a nominal independence, but a real dependence, with such a tea ritory as that given to her, destitute as it was of the means of military defence. The natural defence of Greece on the South would he Candia; for with that island left in the possession of the Turks, the means of aggression would be continually in their hands. The ports of Turkey were too distant to admit of frequent or formidable attacks upon the Greeks; but with Candia in their possession, under takings of that natule became comparatively easy. If, then, any thing had been done which tended to compro mise the independence of the new State in the manner to which he alluded, he entreated his Majesty's Ministers to reconsider the steps they bad taken, and shut the door against future contention in the East, by providing for the political security and military defence of Greece, thus really executing the Treaty of London in spirit, satisfying the just expectations of Greece, and doing credit to them selves and their allies. He professed to know nothing upon those topics except what any man might learn at the corners of the streets in common conversation, or from the newsp tpers ; but he believed he should be borne cut in this as:ertion, that if the wishes of England were deci sively made known upon the subject, the Allies would ac cede to them, and that it tested with the Cabinet of Eng land to decide whether or not the new State was to be rendered secure or insecure. It hail been said that to give Candia to the Greeks it must be conquered from Turkey. What made that necessary?—what, but the wavering and undecided conduct of the Cabinet of Eng land? It was also alleged that Candia had taken no part in the insurrection against the Turkish power in Greece : that could scarcely be the fact ; for early in the year 1827 the President of the Greek Legislative Assembly was known to he in that island, and it was not at all likely I that he would have been there, if there had not subsisted a community of feeling between the Greek inhabitants of that island and their brethren elsewhere. It was also to be remembered that .Candia was one of the latest acqui sitions of Turkey—it had not been conquered by the I Turks until the year 1679 ; and it was likewise an important fact, that out of the 240,000 souls form in g the population of that island, the greater part were Greeks. The Turks, however, were now in possession of Candia, and that he believed was mainly owing to the in terference of our non-interfering Government. It was one of the thousand and one instances in which our Go verntnent professed not to intermeddle, yet did so, c trary to its professions. The Turks had wrongfully pre served possession of Cindia, anil now it was contended that they should be allowed to profit by that wtoog—it was a principle of law that no man ahould profit by bis own wrong—it was a Enaz.itn ofjeletiee. that the inf i ti‘ lat'een us ; 7 cure the House could not imagine. a• hen wee st :te e; ety epinion as to the boundaries of of one iujuiy should not etee•l getrt es , eeson for t ;e. fiction of further and deep injuriee. It wee acknowledged Gre ece , a ft er bee;ee n two years out of office, that I that at the present moment a civil war was going on in wit t 2lt irC , l self to insure what were the senti. Candia. Were they to have another T:cety of London meets of Russia or France. fur the pacification of Candia, or was that devoted and Sir ROBERT Vy'll.SOret"—He wished to know wile unhappy island to he l e f t ex posed to the pouring forth of ther the Noble Lord (Lori] J. Ruesell) intended to Fees the vials of Turkish wrath is all its inhuman and atrocious niei'leot.ion to a tits-lento ; bee:wee, if he did not, be (Sir It.lWilsen) would not trouble the House with his opi barbarity ? There had been a talk of wintery ; th ey must all, by this time, know pretty we ll what amnest y nions on the question in its present state. He also thought meant, when translated into the languages of Spain, or that it would be unfair to press the matter to a division, a. Portugal, or Turkey. In Turkey they had a pioverb that th e pipers Were not before the House.—(Hear, hear.) there were - three merciless things—Time, Fire, and the Lord J. RUSSELL—It was not his intention to divide Sultan ; and if he knew anything of the history of Tor • t the House on the ntotion. key, he would say there was little probabili t y of that being The motion was then negatived without a division. less true at the present than at any former period. Let The other Orders of the Day being disposed of, the Candia remain in the hands of the Turks, and what pro- House adjourned at five minutes to Ten. bahility was there that the Greeks would remain patient under that yoke which their brethren had shaken off? and even though they were disposed to do so, bow unlikely that the Turks would allow themselves to remain with out a pretext for glutting that vengeance which the other Greeks might defy. How then was England to act ? Was she to keep an agent in Candia to pre serve the peace there between the Greeks and Turks in that island? It was contended that to conquer Candia would he contrary to the Treaty of London—but en objection of that nature did not arise when the French conquered the Morea, and when many similar acts were done, in the course of the late struggle. Candia , even in a maritime point of view, was eseentiel to the safety of Greece—it was to Greece what Cuba was to Mexico, and could ant he excluded Irom its territory • without endangering the existence of the new State. Was it possible for the Sovereign to stand by and see thousands of his subjects slaughtered by the Turks, without inter ference ? and yet, should he interfere, the certain eonge quence would be a war with Turkey. In that event ling. hnd would undoubtedly be brought into the contest ; or, if both En e land and the Sovereign of Greece refused to inter.. fere, the Greeks themselves would fly to the succour of their brethren, and then of what advantage would it be that the State was nominally at peace ?—( Hear, hear. ) There was another argument which he might mention, and which perhaps had still more-force. It was not in the na ture of things that Candia•could long continue in the pos- I of Turkey, fur it - was too rich a prize not to tempt the surrounding States—(Hear) —and he would therefore venture to predict that, if Candia was not united to Greece, it would fall to our lot to be at war with some State or other, in the course of a few years, on account of this very Candia. They were told that the transactions were still pending ; and, therefore, the papers and documents on the subject were still withheld from the House ; but he did not see that this ought to have any weight in stopping the discussion of the present night; because they well knew the strength that an expressed opinion of Parliament must have on such a subject ; and he, therefore, trusted, that if there were other gentlemen who had the same feeling on the subject, and entertained the same opinion with himself, they would give their support to the Motion of the Noble Lord.—(Hear.) Mr. PEEL—I am extremely sorry that when I stated that his Majesty's Government had been able to execute the Treaty in the spirit in which it had been conceived, and even to carry it further, any one should suppose that LIST OF SD: N " That this House wi cation of taxation t duction- that may L Establishments of 1 fording general rein Althorp, Viscount Anson, Hon. G. Baring, Sir T. Bentinck, Lord G. Bmial, R. Birch, J. Blake, Sir F. Illandford, Marquis Brownlow, C. Burdett, Sir E. • Bright, H. C.l.rn,r, J. Bonham Cavendish, H. - Cavendish, W. Calvert, C. Cholmeley, M. Dawson, A. Davenport, E. Denison, W. J. Duncembe. T. Davies, Col. . Fazakerloy, J. N. Fergusson, Sir R. Graham, Sir J. Gordon, R. I thereby intended to draw a contrast between the present Government and the original framers of the Treaty.— I said that we bad carried the Treaty further than Mr. Canning, but that has been because events have arisen which Mr. Canning was not able to foresee.—( Hear, hear.)—But, Sir, I think I have a right to complain of the manner in which my Noble Friend has called the at tention of the House to the subject ; he first addressed some questions to me, and when they were answered, he rose to found a statement upon 'them ; I therefore think that I have a right to complain, because I certainly did not conceive that these answers would form the groundwork of the unpremeditated impromptu delivered by my Noble Friend —(Hear, hear.)—What a situation am I placed in by answering these questions —( Hear, hear.)—Was it fair on such a ground to enter into the description of boun daries—was it proper to enter into the discussion of attach ing Candia to Greece? Can I in reply state and argue upon all these circumstances of which the House is not yet in possession? Can I enter into the reasons why, because there has been a rebellion, not only Eng land, but all the other Powers have forced Turkey to a submission, to which, under other circumstances, they would nut have consented.—(hear, hear, hear.) — But, Sir, even if my Noble Friend shall succeed in pro. curing a majority for the Noble Lord's Motion, it will still leave the Government unfettered as to Candia, for the Noble Lord's Motion has nothing to do with that : and I protest that I will not be drawn to enter into the discus sion by the course pursued, trusting the House will feel the situation in which I am placed,—(hear, hear),—and that the time has not yet arrived for that discussion. I feel that I cannot in fairness enter into that discussion, and I will not enter into it ; but I trust that the House will not, from this resolution of mine, draw any unfair con clusion.—(Hear, hear.) —My Noble Friend has stated, that if England would consent to enlarge the limits of Greece, he was pretty sure that the other Powers who have joined in the Treaty would not be opposed to such extension. Certainly this is a statement which I did not expect to hear from my Noble Friend. I do not, how ever, know in whose confidence he may be, or whom he may undertake to represent in making that statemen', un less he comes to that conclusion from having been in office at the time of the execution of the Treaty. This, how ever, at all events, I can state to-the House, that the most perfect harmony on the question of boundaries exists be tween the contracting Powers.—(Hear.) Lord PALMERSTON—Nothing that has fallen from my Right Hon. Friend shall tempt me to deviate from that temper which I believe is always most successful in argument. My Right Hon. Friend has told the House that he does not know whose representative I am. I will tell him.—( Ilear hear.)—l stand here, humble as I am, as one of the representatives of the people of England ; and next, as the representative of my own opinions._. (Hear, hear)—opiniona, Sir, which I will never shape to suit the opinions of any other individual, let his situation be what it may, either in this House, or out of this House. I stand here as the representative of my own opinions, and I think I can appeal to the recollection of my Right Hon. Friend himself, to bear witness that those opinions have not changed since I had the honour of acting with him. I also stand here, I trust, as one of that body which repre sents, or which at least ought to be the maintainers of the honour and interests of England ; and I can assure the House that I shall never he deterred from that duty by any taunts which my Right Hon. Friend may not think un worthy of himself, or by any taunts which may extract a reluctant and unfrequent cheer from those who sit behind the Treasury Bench.—(Hear, hear.)—Neither, Sir, will I ever be deterred by any of those—l will not call them un fair—but by any of those skilful dexterities of debate, from stating to the Mouse those opinions which I honestly entertain on the public affairs of the country ; and little shall I care whom these opinions may please or displease, or what motive may be imputed to me for doing what I most firmly believe to be my duty.-- (Hear, hear.) — But my Right Hon. Friend has insinuated that I have availed myself of information obtained while in office ; now my belief is, that I have stated nothing which every man who reads the newspapers of Europe, or who mixes in the society of any country be may happen to be in, might not have stated just as fully ; and if the Ministry think that nothing of all this is known beyond the corner of Downing street, except that which they are pleased to communicate, they are most grievously 'mistaken, for much more of the political state of Greece ii known to the whole of Europe than perhaps they would desire.—(Hear, hear.) —My Right Hon. Friend has also been pleased to talk of my unpremeditated impromptu. I can, however, assure him, that when I entered the House, it was my intention to confine myself to the question of the territorial limits of Greece, and that I should not have said a syllable on any other point, but for his own departure from a rule which be entreated all others sacredly to ohserve.—(Hear.) Mr. PEEL—I can assure my Noble Friend that I ad mit his perfect right to express his opinions, and to have them considered expressly as his own ; and if 1 had ob jected to it I should have been justly subject to censure. — But I was not speaking of opinions, but of facts. Nei ther did I impute to my Noble Friend any improper dis closure of the information he obtained while in office; all that I stated was, that having made a speech, I was placed under a disadvantage when my Noble Friend entered into details. The fact to which I referred was this—that my Noble Friend stated certain circumstances in a manner which must have led those who heard him to suppose that he spoke from authority, and that he was in possession of the neociations between the Powers, thereby leading those who heard him to conclude that England stood alone on the question of limits, and that if she would waive her objections on that head, there was reason to believe that the other Powers would also waive theirs. For this rea son I thought it necessary to state that the three contract. ing Powers were agreed upon this point, and that there was no such want of harmony as my Noble Friend would have made out. It was for these reasons that I made the o bservationsand I beg to a ssure him, that in making I did ; not in the least i n t en d t o i m p u t e to him ng them any improper disclosures.—(Hear, hear.) Lord PALMERSON—I can assure my Right Hon. Friend that nothing which may pass between him and n a. in this House will impair the friendship which exibte be • r OF THE MINOR , MHO VOTED FOR MR H M forthwith proceed t( to the greatest possible be made in the Civil, the country will adui ief to the country." 'Juice, Sir W. Harvey, 1). W. ,iobhouse, J. C. Howick, Luc. Ingilby, Sir W. • Jephson, C. D. Kemp, T. R. iLam ), Hon. 0. Lumley, J. S. Marioribanks, S. Marshall, J. !Marshall, \V. Morpeth, Viscount Nugent, Lord O'Connell, D. Ord, NV. Osborne, Lord F. Palmer, C. F. Pendarves, E. NY. Protheroe, Ed. Philips, Sir G. Philips, 0. R. Portman, E. B. Rickford, W. ! Robinson ) Sir G. .ITY iumz's morioN, o a repeal and modifi ! extent which the re , Milit - iry, and Naval it, as a means of af- LIST OF THE MINOL aobarts, A. W. ;tumbold, C. C. iefton, Earl of .I)therpe, C. D. Stewart, Sir M. S. Sykes, D. ownshend, Lord C. Waithman, Ald. Webb, E. Whitbread, W. H. Whi , more, W. W. Wilbribam Wilson, Sir It. Wrottesley, Sir J. Wood, Alderman Wood, C. Wo d, John Barley. 1 Oats. Per Quarter. Boston • Gainsborough Grantham Grimsby Horncastle Lincoln 5pi15by,...,.,,M. Starr York 8. to s. 8. to 8, —. 55 -- 26 I-- - 53 , Z) I ...' 6. tO 8. 18 19 55 62 2S 33 45 5S 20 28 45 52 '25 32 44 M 28 31 50 56 22 31) 48 61 26 32 48 56 24 31) 1 Beans. 8. to 8. 30 18 27 16 21 15 20 19 25 16 20 20 23 16 26 43 45 24 31 30 48 :30 31 26 29 35 47 32 44 Wyvill, M. TELLL:Ets. Hume, Joseph Moberly, J. PAIRED OFF. Guest, J. J. OP NINE, WHO TOTED AGAINST GOING INTO A COMMITTEE OF SUPPLY Cholmelcy, M. DaviFon, A. Dunconthe, T. Gordon, IL AFTER TWELVE O'CLOEK. Maherly, Wyrill, M. O'Connell, D. TELLERS. Warburton, H. Blandford, Marquis Wood, John Hume, Joseph MARKET INTELLIGENCE. LONDON MARKETS. (From the Loinlos New Price Current of Tuesday.) Soca It.—The demand for Muscovades was rather lan- I guid early in last week, owing to the extensive quantity of Mauritius Sugars brought forward, but towards the close the request again revived, and the total sales of the week were estimated at 3,300 hhds. and Ices., at very full prices. The stock of Sugar is now 2,202 hhds. and tees. less than last year; the quantity of Mauritius is about 20,000 bags more. The deliveries of Sugar last week were 3,3'32 1 1 1.ds. and tees., being 106 more than the corresponding week of last year ; the delivery of Mauritius is also 3.136 bags more. The demand for Muscovades was checked to day by the large public sales of Mauritius; at the close of the day the estimated purchases were 600 hhds. and tees. In the Refined Market last week there was a marked defi ciency in the supply, particularly of low Lumps ; the pricei were 64. to Is. higher, and extensive purchases would have taken plice if there hail been an adequate stock : the request far fine goods fur home consumption has also been considerable ; the prices are little varied.— Tke orders for goods for the double bounty are stated to be considerable; but they are unexecuted on account of the limited supply. Some small parcels of Crushed are re ported for the Mediterranean. Molasses are rather higher. FOREIGN SU GA R.—The only purchase of Foreign Sugar last week was a parcel of brown Havannah, at 225. 6d. EAST INDIA SUGAR.—By public sale last week about 9,500 bags Mauritius; a considerable proportion was taken in, the remainder sold Is. a Is. 6i'. under the late prices ; brown low to good 435. a 47a., yellow .50s. a 565. 6d. This day the two public sales consisted of 9,325 bags Mauritius Sugars, new and of good quality, the whole sold ; the mid. descriptions, of which the greater part consisted, 475. a 505., sold Is. a Is. 64. lower; all the fine and brown supported prices. Average price of Sugar last week 245. l Id. COFFEE.—There was no new feature in the Coffee Market last week, except that a parcel of St. Domingo Coffee, of ord. quality, sold at 335., which was rather higher ; for Brazil there are still buyers about 325. 6(1. ; the Jamaica and Dutch Coffee went off at former prices.— By public sale yesterday, 332 hales Mocha and 304 bags Mysore sold at a reduction of 3s. a ss. ; the quality was ordinary. This day, at public sales, 9.2 casks Jamaiea and 50 bags East India Coffee ; mixed Ceylon sold at 325., the Jamaica at full market prices. RUM, BRANDY, AND flotraNns.—The Rum Market has become very heavy, and only the fine parcels of Ja maica maintain the former prices ; all the ordinary descrip tions and Leeward' may be purchased on lower terms. In Brandy there is no alteration ; a large proportion of the stock here is held on French acccunt. There are no sup• plies of Geneva at market. HEMP, FLAX, AND TALLOW,—The demand for Tallow has this week been very considerable, and the prices con tinue firmly advancing. Hemp and Flax are a shade lower. Faurr.—The public sales last week consisted chiefly of damaged Fruit; butts of Currants slightly damaged 655. a 665., Caroteels 675. a 68s. ; only small parcels of the French fruit sold. There are considerable orders for Cur rants and red Smyrnas for export—some parcels of the latter sold at 365., but there are few sellers so low; fine Currants sold 675. a 665. Tonacco.—The purchases of Tobacco continue con fined to small parcels to the trade. SPICES.—The inquiries after Spices continue consi derable, but as the holders are firm in rt fusing the offers, the actual purchases are on a very limited scale. This day 150 bags of Pimento, of an ordinary quality, sold at full prices. IRISH PaovisioNs.—?here is no alteration in Beef.— Pork is rather lower, Bacon more firm, 361. on board, the nearest price, and 38s. landed. There is a greater demand for Butter, particularly for the finer descriptions. CorroN.—The Cotton Market is dull, but the prices are nearly maintained ; the purchases for the week, ending last night inclusive, are on a confined scale; 380 Surats at s i d. a 4id. ; 140 Egyptian at (lid. Iwnico.—There is no alteration in Indigo since the India House sale ; parcels are taken off chiefly for export, but there is no briskness in the trade. RICK.—The demand and the prices of Rice continue improving ; nearly 3,000 bags Bengal have sold since Tues day last, from fair to fine 11 s. a 14s. TEA.—The demand for I3oheas an common Cougoes continues, and their scarcity incretses. COCHINEAL.—Two small saes of Cochineal were brought forward on Thursday; the blacks sold about 4d. per lb., under the last sale ; the other descriptions are about 2d. per lb. lower. COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING TH wRIK. Wheat. NORWICH. Feb. 13. Our market was well supplied with Wheat and Bar!ey to-day. Fine dry samples of Wheat were readily taken off, on full as high terms as last week, hut damp and in ferior met a dull sale. Barley is heavy, at a redaction of Is. per quarter. No alteration in the prices of other Grain. Flour remains the same. Wheat (per qr.) Barley Oats 425. 625. 665. Beans (per qr.) 26s. 325. 20s. 265. 325. Pease, Grey 3os. 314 20s. 245. 295. Flour, fine (per sack) 453. 475. CANTERBURY, Feb. 13. We had not a large supply of English Wheat, but good of foreign samples, consequently our last improvement in prices was fully maintained. The show of Oats, Beans, and Pease, was good, but the quantity of Barley is not so great as it has been. Wheat, white s4s. to 68s. red 4os. to 635. Barley, Malting 2ss. to 31s. Oats Beans 22s. to 3'ls. Pease 32s, to 38s Old —s. to —s. Old —s. to —s. Grinding 2ls. to 245. Old 2os. to 325. Old 34s. to 395. Grey 3os. to 345. EXETER MAR Beef (score) 7B. Oct. 8,. &I. Mutton (lb.) 0 4 —0 6 Veal and Lamb 0 s—o 6 rk 0 41-0 6 Geeie (each) 3 6 —5 0 Ducks (coup'e) 0 —5 6 Fowls o 6 —3 6 KE CS.—Feb. 12. Wheat Od. 9s. 6d. Barley 4 6 -;.5 0 Cats 9 8 3 3 Beans 5 6—6 6 Hotter (lb) 1 0 —1 3 E.;gs (9) 0 0 —1 0 Potatoes (peck) OlO —1 0 CIIESTEr--Vialeat, per 751 b. 9s. Od. to 9s. 3d. , Barley, 38 qrts. 41. 3d. to ss. Od. ; Oats, 491 b. 2s. 9d. to 3s. 6d. NANTWICIL—Wheat, per 751 b. Bs. 9d. to 9s. 2d. ; Barley, 38 qrts. 48 9d. to 3s. Od. ; Oats. 501 b. 3s. 3d. to ss. 3d. GLASGOW MARKETS. (From the Glasgow Herald f Monday.) For RAW SUGARS there has been a steady demand this week; the sa l es a mo u n t to 695 hhtla. and tierces; and price 4 of new co l our y D e m e raras are fully Is. higher, and Bruwns brought full prices. Brown Trin idad@ sold at 48s. to 48s. 6d. ; dry middling armadas 565. ; moist Brown Deineraras 475. 6d. ; dry Brown 48.. 6d. to 51s. good Brown to low Middling 525. 6d. ; Middling 535. to b6s. Nothing better at market. 100 puncheons of Deraerara Mor..Asses, at 20s. 9d. to 21s. from the warehouse. REFINED SUGARS in fair demand ; Brown Loaves Ns. to 13.25. 6d ; Mithbing 335. to SGs ; Gon:l 87s. to 90s. ; Fine 91s. to 91.5. ; very Fine 965. to 100 s. ; Lumps 78s. to Sls. Crushed Sugars arc taken off freely at full prices. Browns 545. to 58s. ; Middling 595. to 61.. ; goat Middling 625. to 655. ; Good 66.. to GS.. ; Fine 69.4 to 71s. ; very Fine 725. to 765. British Molasses ISs. The sales made in CoFraz are confined to 34 bags Middling St. Lucia at 50s. Nothing doing in PmENTo or GINGER. RUM remains very flat ; Jamaica. 16 0. P., 2s. Sd. a 2s. 9.1., and Leewards 19d. a 20d. for Proofs. The COI TO N muket continues in a very flat state; but there is no Cotton pressing on it. The only sale we have heard of this week was a small lot of prime iloweds at 711 No sales made in DYEWOODS. The transactions in ASHES have not been extensive ; 120 barrels of Pots were sold at 39i. and small papcels in retail at 405.: and Pearls 445. _ _ _ Small parcels of TOBACCO have been sold at 51d. a :yid. Yellow Candle Tat.t.ow retailing at 375. a 38s. Fish Otas steady ; Whale At 25/. a 23/. 10s. ; and Cod 231. a 231. 10s. per tun old measure. The demand for WHEAT has been steady; speculators as well as dealers are in the mat ket, and purchasing at en advance of Is. Oats in good reco,st, and Sd. a 6d. dearer. Barley taken off freely, at an advance of 6d. a 9d. per boll. No alteration in BEANS and PEASE. , TE.—FRIDAV, Feb. 12. From 'lb M. P. ,226 Wheat,per barrel 20 stone 27 0 35 6 28 10% 281 Bete .17 stone 13 0 14 0 13 0 572 Barley - 16 stone 10 0 15 0 13 10% 3,267 Oats 12 stone 9 0 12 0 10 sq 18,522 Cwt. Flour 9 stone 7 0 24 0 991 Oatmeal 8 stone 11 0 16 0 12 114 Sold to Rakers only. 14,359 Cwt. Flour ...... l5 0 24 0 IS 8;4 Average price of Wheat and Flour 465. Sd. per sack. Firsts, from 21s. Od. to 245. Ocl. Receipts of es of FlDo. 17 our, 11 , ,981 /Seconds, from 13s. Od. to 20s. Od. 5a1522 Thirds, from 7s. Od. to Its. DUBLIN MARKET N, COTTON WOOL. LIST OF IMPORTS AND EXPORTS. Liverpool London Glasgow Total expor Same per ioc IMPORTED. EXPORTED. Same pe- • P g i • vi tiTor This irial last , year. year. I year. ---- Bags, !cc. Bags, !Ire. Bags, &0. Bags, Ea. 71,810 105,572 176 1,733 6,809 389 4,563___ 3,638 • 365 Bags, &c. Rags, &c. Bags, &c. 71,810 105,872 I . 1,733 6,809 II 4,565 3,638 ted in 1810 930. 1 1919 5,002. MR. OWEN. TO THE CONDUCTORS OF THE LONDON JOURNALS. GENTLEMEN Perceiving that the cause of, and remedy for, the distress which, after fifteen years of peace, is unknown to the Members of the British Parliament, or, if known, that they have not been educated to acquire sufficient moral courage to en counter the difficulties to be overcome before an effectual remedy can be applied; I think it due to all parties to publish the result of my experience upon this important subject. I have noticed the anonymous observations which have been prematurely made upon my addresses in some of your journals; and, had I discovered that they had proceeded from individuals who are familiar with these subjects, I would have replied to them. These parties will, however, now have an opportunity of investigating the practical measures by which it is proposed to give relief to all without injury to any. Your insertion of these communica tions, when most convenient for your individual arrangements, will oblige your faithful servant, ROBERT OWEN. MR. OWEN'S EXPOSE, As presented to his Grace the Duke of Wel lington for the consideration of the British Cabi net, containing the cause of, and remedy for, the distress which now pervades the civilized world, but more especially the British Empire. TO HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON, MY LORD DUKE,—Seeing, from, the errone ous nature of the principles on which society hue hitherto been conducted, that its present state is a most unsatisfactory one to all parties, and that the British Empire, in consequence of having taken a lead :among nations, in the false civilization which these errors have created, has attained a perplexing and painful pre-eminence, which it is impossible for it much longer to support, I re quested an interview with your Grace, for the pur pose of explaining the outline of a system founded upon other principles—a system, by the introduc tion of which the evils that now press so heavily upon the working part of the population may be speedily withdrawn, and by which, without injury to any, the condition of all classes would be perma nently improved. To this application your Grace replied by sug gesting, as a better mode of explaining so extensive and important a subject, that I should commit my ideas to paper, as in a written form only could they be acted upon officially. In accordance with this suggestion, I now beg to submit to your Grace, for the consideration of Government, an exposition of the reasons which demonstrate the necessity of a general change of system throughout the British Empire, and of those which render the measures I am about to propose the only probable means of effectually relieving all classes from the difficulties in which they are now involved. _ That your Grace and the present Administration may, under his Majesty's auspices, be the happy instruments of commencing, guiding, and perfect ing, such a change among the population of this country, and, by means of its influence and exam ple, of gradually introducing it throughout the world, is the ardent desire of, my Lord, your Grace's faithful servant, ROBERT OWEN, PROPOSALS FOR A CHANGE OF SYSTEM IN THE BRITISH EMPIRE, SUBMITTED TO THE CONSIDERATION OF THE BRITISH GOVERN MENT. PROPOSITIONS EXHIBITING THE NECESSITY Or A GENERAL CHANGE: -- 1. That the late progress made in the mechanical arts, in chemistry, and in various other sciences, has rendered manual labour less necessary, and therefore less valuable, in a commercial point of view, than formerly. -• • 2. That manual labour being, as society is now consti tuted, the only medium through which the industrious class can obtain the means of support, the reduction in the commercial value of labour has necessarily produced among them the great and general distress at present pre vailing. 3. That the commercial value of manual labour having, in agriculture and in many branches of manufacture, sunk to its minimum, while the extension of scientific power still rapidly increases, commercial affairs are, in consequence speedily rulvancing to a crisis ; the approach of which is viewed by the middle and working classes (a number com prising two-thirds of the whole population) with feelings of the utmost anxiety and alarm. 4. That, under the existing commercial system, it is impossible that manual labour should ever again success fully compete with the powers of science. 5. That the working class, as the only practicable, and at the same time peaceable, mode of ameliorating their condition, will be compelled to adopt a system of mutual exchange of labour for labour, and thereby render them selves at once independent of the non producing classes. 6. That this measure, if generally adopted by the working class, would create great confusion and misery among the non-producing classes, as their wealth would thus lose the adventitious or relative value it now possesses. iifbyadtoip,eted injuriousby the work ingcon,e: i . n laTssh alone, That, alth l o v u n g u h l d this be s quences above-mentioned , yet , t hat, if carried into e ff ect by the aid of the higher c la s ses, and under the san c t i o n of attended Government, the introduction of the measure would pro duce time must permanently beneficial results to the whole population. 8. That the physical and mental, as well as the scientific powers of society, are now so misdirected, that enormous evils, moral, political, and commercial, are entailed upon all classes. 9. That these evils are daily upon the increase ; any: that the sufferings which they have created, are such , to mite arum a large portion of the community to ardent desire for a thorough change hi the system of society. 10. That, without a union of interests am , sng all classts. a right direction cannot be given to the recently augaiented s ientific powers; and that this union can only be effort. .1 by means of an entire change in the moral, political, ,c , l commercial constitution of society. (TO BE CONTINUED.) COUNTRY BANKERS. TO THE EDITOR OF THE SU Sit:,—The theories of political economists wilt generally be found delusive, because instead of le:Kld ing the mind to, they abstract it from, a correct view of the existing order of things. Whateve point be raised, or principle advanced, the super. structure too often reposes on a base of untraceable originality. As society advances in civilization, and commer cial acquirements, rules, and regulations in adapta tion therewith supersede the shackled movements of primitive operations, in contradistinction thereto, these changes are properly called artificial. It ii this ingredient, I assume, that should claim the calm consideration of reforming economists, in order that anomalies and abuses therein may be corrected. The disease meets not a remedy, if the good and bad be indiscriminately cast away. Taxation must necessarily produce, according to its extent, more or less of artificial arrangements in the currency, or circulating medium, and where the foreign and domestic relations of commerce are un limited, it follows, that if this medium be too much restricted, commerce will decline, confidence cease, and distress ensue. If, instead of interdicting the circulation of provincial one pound notes, due secu rities and limitations had been required, much of the present embarrassed state of our home trade would have been avoided. The relative situations of the London and country banker are essentially different, the one lends or dis counts from the funds constituting balances in his hands, soh)g the his notes. othe r The ha et distress lin such resources) echoingfrorn almostby is every town in the kingdom may be traced to the stoppage of these commercial aids, in other words, telling the provinces they are to be deprived of the necessary facilities of carrying on trade. Let the trade of London, in like manner, be checked, and ere a " little month" shall have passed dreadful would be the consequences; hence that which has raised to commercial importance so large a portion of the Empire is to succumb to every principle but one, namely, common sense. Revulsion' in commerce have been ascribed to provincial circulation, as well might they be attri buted to the eruptions of Mount Vesuvius, unless the latter be figured to the London speculative capitalists. Whatever of good can be rendered available in the machinery of society requires the fostering care of governments. This feeling is strikingly displayed in Great Britain, the genius and energies of the people being protected by each branch of the Legislature. States have fallen from neglecting the means which produce benefits to mankind, for in seeking their own glory they be came reckless of the foundations on which the well being of the people could be sustained. The drama of political economy exhibits various plots, without the incidental causes that led to them. The rocks of Scylla and Charybdis seem harmless when compared to the Protean character "currency" is made to assume ; whether clothed in gold or tine linen, the evils of mankind are all traced to this hydra. If a paper currency represent the value for which it be given, and legal convertible responsi bility rests somewhere, the provincial ene pound note is in principle the same as a bill of exchange, local circumstances marking the relative distinction ; and as before stated, if due limits be fixed thereto, gold and paper would move together, and the ex changes never materially be affected. The difference in the value of the guinea and one pound note, so often adverted to, arose out of existing circumstances, and the peculiar situation of the country at those particular periods. The senseless cry of "cheap commodities" is prominent in the vocabulary of every political eco nomist. The way to . arrive at this desideratum is not by annihilating the means of creating them. If the materials of the reforming code be fairly exa mined, I fear there will be found more of a rest less desire for a change generally than of patriotism, or legislative discrimination. Much has been said, in and out of Parliament, about loss to the holders of provincial 11. notes. If the aggregate amount of dividends from the estates of country bankers exceed 17s. in the pound, and the great benefits that have been derived to the country by the circulation of their notes be duly considered, the fallacy of such arguments, in a com mercial view, will be fully established. I have no cffering to make at the shrine of wealth. Of country bankers I have scarcely any knowledge, but as regards what has erroneously been imputed to them, I am of opinion (for the reasons alleged) that they are not only blameless, but entitled to the gratitude of their country. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, OBSERVATOR. At a meeting of the overseers and other prin. eipal inhabitants of a parish a short distance from WO lington, in this county, it was agreed that the sum of 7s. 6d. be paid to dispel the effects of sorcery upon a poor fellow labouring under epileptic fits !—Shroesbury Chronicle. ORIGIN OF FAIRLOP FAIR.—TO the dose observer, and active searcher after eccentricity, how Dome runs are the instances which this great and populous metro polis presents for the gratification of appetite, and how frequently will the good-natured inquirer find at once his curiosity satisfied and his feelings interested for the sub ject of his research. The individual whom we are abou to notice, is no longer amongst us, but his name is still recollected by those who reside in the neighbourhood where he dwelt, and one of his eccentric ads laid the foundation of a custom, which has since afforded one day annually of mirth and festivity to thousands : we allude to the late celebrated Mr. DANIEL DAY, the eminent block-maker, of Wapping, to whom Fairlop fair owes its origin. Mr. Dar sv,,s the possessor of a small estate situate in Essex, and in the immediate vicinity of that re nowned oak, which for ages sustained the above title. To this venerable tree, it was Mr. DAY'S custom, on the first Friday in July, annually to repair, accompanied by a party of his friends and acquaintance, and under the shade of its widely-spreading branches to give his friends a repast, consisting of beans and bacon, with a quantum sttif of good ale and punch to raise their spirits, and many a time has tl:e silence of the sylvan scene been affrighted and put to flight by the echoes of the merry song and jocund laugh which were sent forth by the happy group which invariably surrounded the hospitable board of Mr. D•Y upon his anniversary. The fame of Mr. DAY'S harmless celebration, however, in time spread abroad, and other parties were formed to meet him, and to participate in the honours of the sitting ; the founder of the feast never failed to provide a bountiful supply of beans and bacon, which be himself distributed from that which served him for " kitchen, parlour, and hall," the trunk of the old oak. Amongst those who followed him were a party consisting of about forty of the block-masters of Wapping, denominating themselves " DAY'S Alen," who, determined to follow in the path of their leader, and do things in a singular style, used to travel from Wapping to Fairlop over dry land, in a vessel resembling an Indian canoe, hol lowed out of one piece of fir, covered with an awn ing, mounted upon a four-wheeled carriage, and drawn by six horses; and this practice they continued for many years, even after the fair Was established, and bad become the resort of thousands of the inhabitants of the metro polis. A few days before the death of Mr. Dsr, his fa vourite oak was shorn of one of i:s largest branches by a violent storm, out of which Mr. DAY had a coffin made for himself, and in which, upon his death, at the age of 84, his remains were deposited. In the course of his life he was once thrown from his horse, and once overturned in a carriage; and fearful that such a mischance might overtake his remains after death, if he ran the hazard of a, vehicular or equestrian conveyance to the place of inter ment by land, his corpse was, according to his own direc tion, conveyed by water to Barking, accompanied by six journeymen block and pump-makers, to each of whom be bequeathed by will a guinea and a new leathern apron Such was the origiii of Fairlop fair.--.Countx7c4oThick.