The Sun. — London, England, 1830-10-22 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP TUB PUBLIC JOURNALS. '1 he Belgic Papers, which arrived last night to the 20th instent, leave us still in doubtlaspecting the disposition of the neighs provieces receive the Prince of Orange as their Sovereign. They all however, insist upon his surrender of the Belgie fortresses—his abstinence frowthe 'exercise of any kind of authority in Belgium--4is diSmissal of his Dutch troopsand his - temporary retirement into private life, or his submission to the Provisional Oovernmeot, as the indispensable conditions of his future elevation to thothrone. In short, according to these sovereign disposers of Royal destinies, the Prince must stoop to conquer," or pass through the Furore Caudisuv of democratic power to reach his monarchical dignity. The' Courrier des Pafir Bar sneers at the attempts of his Royal Highness to exercise the functions of his " little" Government iu partilms, and calls the decrees which he issues from Antwerp a ridiculous parody of the acts of the Provisional Government. It then invites him to dissolve the pretended Ministry, to-hoist the na. timed colours, to drive the. Dutch out of Antwerp and Meestricht, and to enter into the class of private citizens, as the only chalice of recovering the lost crown of his family —se the only plank of safety its the present shipwreck of his fortunes. At the same time this Journal, which treats with so much: harshness the pretensions of his Royal nighties., severely censures the proceedings of a patriotic society at Namur, which, in its rebel insolence, had voted the deposition, of the family of' Nassau in all its branches. It takes • care like wise to quote, apparently with approbation, all the articles and pamphlets which advocate the cause of the Prince to the throne of Delgium,—not ati a matter of right, but as a measure of expediency., Among these quotations is an article from the Cour., rier de la Meuse, in which we find the following remarkable passage :—" We are of opinion that the: only way of terminating happily and easily our rove lution, is to maintain our constitutional monarchy., We are likewise of opinion, that the only Prince to' whom we could, consistently , with our interests,' offer the crown, itt the Prince of Orange. The uniminity against his family is great at the present . moment, but we hope that the Belgic people are' too sensible to. decide by feeling, in circumstances se grave. We observe, besides, that this animosity as regards the Prince is diminishing more and more every day, and that people are ceasing from con-s founding him with the rest of the Nassau family.", A political projector (for this is a glorious season for political projectors and constitution mongers) has , published a pamphlet, which is likewise quoted with approbation in the paper above-mentioned, recom mending the claims of his Royal Highness, .and ex hibiting an outline of the stipulations by„which the. relations of the two kingdoms of Holland and Bel bium may be settled for the general advantage. If, efore the meeting of the National Congress, these can be reckoned any indications of the feelings which will prevail in that Aasembly,there can be nodoubt that the Prince of Orange will be called to the throne of Belgium. The proclamation of the Provisional Go-; vernment at Brussels, in answer to that of his nerd, Highness froin Antwerp, though apparently hostile; does not at all prejudge the, question at issue, or alter the prospect of the arrangement to be made. It only protests against the.assumption of power by, the Prince till he receives his title from thoeuffragmr, of the nation. So'long as the usurpation at' Thetis edit exist's, it cannot consistently permit its authority ; to be 'contested, or its jurisdiction limited to pertiS eular provinces. There cannot be a Government in. Brabant managed by de, Potter and Co., and IWO -11.0 in Anttverp, directed by the Council of :the' Prince. This war of prnclamationse therefore, may he perfectly consistent with:the moat friendly dispc“ sition towards the Prince, When the proper season *hull arrive for selecting 4 head of the executive Power. Then the members of the Provisional Gips vernment, having acted their doubtful parts, may be compelled or induced by their fellow-citizens to retire behind the scenes, and leave the sceptered . hero of the pieta in quiet possession of the stage.— With a reference to chit subject, it is but proper to mention that M. de Potter, 'laving seen statements in the French papers, or having heard reports in, society, imputing to him en inclination to support, the pretensions of the Prince of Orange, publishes, a letter in the Courtier des , Pays B's: to deny the charge. He calls theseatatements and reports en. andabsurd. Ile • professes that his pile. : cipiea 'are democratic, end that lie is a republican; but declares that he will submit to any form of go. vernment, which the National Congress may impeses reserving to himself the right of eosin opposing it. ut the risk of iteiag again btioisheth In , order to give the new Notional Congress, which is to decide: on such weighty .matters,. a more popular theme. ter, the Provisional sOovermnent has isstind. a decree, to lower the electoral census one half. , By thiti change all those who pay direct taxes to the amount of 2/. IN. will be admitted to the poi! in same provinces, and in no province will the elec toral qualification amount to 41. sterling. The Belgic law of election is thus much more popular than the French, • which still requires the payment of 121. in direct taxes us the !electoral quaLtlesitions Some days ago we described the double relation of the grand duchy of Luxemburg to the German Con federation, and to the kingdom of the Netherlands. The Provisional Government of Potter has resolved not to yield to the reasoning of the Diet, on the right* of the House of Nassau, but has claimed this provieee for Belgium, and has appointed a new admirdstratiooesseivil, military, and judicial. Snell it a summary of , Indy important facts which we can find in a large masa of papers from different 'parts of Belgium. It amounts to no de cisive indieations of a satisfactory result ; but eery taitily inclines as to believe that the pretensions of the PfitiCa of Orange may ho ultimately admitted by the National Congress. In the mean time we see no symptoms ofabatemenkla the animosity which the Belgians and the Dutch tuitertsiii_towards each other, and no returning settee ofjostiee or gratitude in tine former towardita King idolized by the latter. Tine unhappy conflict at Brussels has exasperated pre-mtietieg jealousice, and must for a long time convert those who were formerly rivals into enemies. Is would be vain to expect that, though peace was made to-morrow, good neighbotatmed would hi ins steady restored. The wish that the battle may end this strife—sews/ itait,i 'orliOdent, qui lermin4armir —is seldom realized, told 'least of all in u rar ; but if the Beigierts, true to Or best interests., ress tain for their Sovereign a branch of the House, of Orange, much may be done by the wisdom anti mo d era tion of the excellent chief of the tureily to remove existing differences and to allay exasperated feelingse-s-Times. The proclamation of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, will attest that we have not its former rmm. bens overrated the importance which might reason ably be attached to the machinations of a certain Irish party, for effecting a repeal of the Uelon. The Duke of Northumberiandauthorized, no dou b t, by t h e Cabinet—has acted upon the law passed its the tenth year Of Gee. IV,, 0 fur thus sup ression of &Ketone associations or assemblies in tostaml;' and has used the rawer vested in his Ex• collency by that od, to. suppress the " Antiajoion AsSoesatiesi, fitss, O'Oentiell takes credit, or re eitiv44 it from some Irish letters, for calling upon the people to respect the Lord Lieuteount's procla mation, and to obey the law. He could not very well have done otherwise with regard either to his personal interests, or to those ref` Huy public object- Ise fer the wisdom of the proclamation itself; tin qusstionebly, if the antistiroon'aisirit Wes to be on posed at all sty ersernive or prohibitory measures, so early interference t,n the purr of Goverernent would seem to he the must ittipothil 4 if success; that is to slay, ht of of u probebnity that the ,Cakle was te s l y ; s a ss , lest % d uos , to spusel- and grow anionE, the people. We.confeas tkit the subject ;slippers t tic to be not without many dssis o do es . A. ,„ 00.0v organized association, in,vting not once or t w i ce ,„ end then dissolving, but a d journed from day to d dy, laid coalmines its existence, end consOlidetiog its power, and concentrating the force of opinion in its owo hands, or. in those of twii oi , three of-its leaders, would. -be another Catholic Association, bearding the &instituted legislature of the country, and'Wield ing the bulk of the Irish nation at its own arbitrary pleeture. To those who feel of what enormous value to any political purpose, whether good or bad, is the habitual and Open exercise of authority over large masses of .people ' it will be easily intelli gible that' the Irish Government should wish to meet this new agitating expedient at the threshhold, and thus close up one vent at-- leas' through which mischief might break forth upon society. But will the spirit cease to ferment among these to whom public discussion is prohibited? We fear not; We fear that public discuSsion itself,—to say nothing of private and eager confederacy, under circumstances into which no police ,can penetrate will not be stopped or so much as crippled by .this resistance to one only amongst the thousand forms through which it can, by a little dexterity, be pro moted. If men are not suffered:to meet and debate in the morning, , they will be apt to. do so in the afternoon. If they cannot debate where discussion is the • ostensible business, they will advertise for one sort. of 'meeting, and turn the occasion to something ditierent from the avowed object for which they assemble. If they cannot debate they may at any rate dine together ;—if they cannot dine, they will sup prevented from meeting by public notice, they will send round, whispers intimating when they may see each other by accident. There is no end to the varieties of mode by which the stimulus of 'discussion may be administered to a susceptible people, where the thing pro posed is one in which they feel a rational and substantial interest. Utterly condemning the scheme of separation between these islands, as one•which goes - at once to the root of the British empire, we are, nevertheless, constrained to usk by what means can the sentiment in favour of that pro ject be enfeebled ?; To check the expression of such a f e eling is by 110 means, without fdrther interposis tiff, to diminish its force. Of the. upper Catholics; and of the gentry of Ireland as a class, it may be taken , for granted that a repeal of the. Union can have no charms for them. Its - supporters will he found among the priests, who are aware that the Proteitane Church must:fall as' the necessary result of a separation; the Dublin shopkeepers, who want the custom of a re sident mid numerous aristocracy ; and lastly, Mr. O'Connell's peculiar allies, the mob, to whom change itself for the love of change, is a temptation beyond, their fortitude. Let that be as it will, the anti- Union mania, if through bad fortune it should be' widely propagated, must receive a powerful, and etTectual, and anal rebuke. The existence of the state cumin be left for Mr. O'Connell and his ma ntetivring brethren to play with.—Times. A gond deal of agitation prevails at present in' Paris. We agree' with our Paris correspondent. that the distrust of the Ministers is at the bottom of this business. The r Ministers somehow or other. are unable to understand the nature of their position. They have en idea that the Government, after a revolution effected by the people, ought to be no more in accordance with the national will than before. They entertain' particular opinions, and they conceive that the national resources ere entrusted to theM,not for the preservation of order, but' to impose these particular opinions on the na tion. They have created all the collision and agita tiun by this mistake. The people could not expect them to reform allabuses in onoday----and lied they • eiindidly said, give us time, that we may proceed without confusion, the people would have exhi bited patience and resignation.. But the people distrust them, because they bait' not dealt can didly with them. In feet 'n- flit of new MiniStry is openly handed about in 'Paris, and it is under-: stood' that" when the eleetionic have thrown a better description of Members into the Chambers, the King Will appoint this Ministry so pointed out.— Witbrespect to the illinisters under accusation, we regret Out it should have been deemed advisable to propose any alteration of the law for punishing puli neal offences.with death at this time, on account of the suspicion it is calculated to excite. As to the Ministers ,in question, we only regret that the people of Paris should have deemed it worth their while to attach any importance to what becomes of their:" Won see no object in taking their liVes. from them;' but, at the same time, we do not see why it should be deemed dutch importance to save such'perserages, that the ,peace of the community shonld , be put iu jeopardy on their account. The people have been taught to 'consider their lives of importance from seeing the Ministers whom they distrust so anxious to save them. We all know what •distrust in a tribunal is capable of effectinly— We all know what the demonstrations in the case of Queetr Caroline by the people effected in the votes of the Lords. Nile all remember the threats `Which Mr. Drougbiim threw out of the consequence to their Lordships if they, condemned the Queen; and we nil knoW that if these consequences h a d no t be:6ii'preseitt to the minds of .many of their Lord- ships, their • votes would have been very different. We repeat it-...we could hue wished the people of Paris had taken juster views of the Value of the livee of these wOrthless personages. BUt most as suredly they have detterved death if ever men de- served it, according to the existing laws of most European nations.-21forning Chronicle. It is impossible for us to leave without notice the following passage in the leading article of yester 'thry's Times , which says, " The armed inhabitants of' . Brussels, who invited his (the King's) troops within their walls to protect them against the rabble, eager far pillage and . conflagration, and then sub. jected them to murderous attacks,' could not be spoken of with any degree of favour, as they a dd e d g treachery to rebellion Nov we happen to be informed, from unquestionable authority, that Prince Frederick, in justification of his attack, showed to Monsieur Pourbais, the Chief of Liegeois, who went to his Royal Highness ' en Perliamentaire,' during the night of the Thursday (the first day's combat), a bundle of letters from some of the Bour geois of Brussels, inviting him' to enter the town with his troops, and drive'from its walls poignee des 'Meth's.' At the time neither ' gage nor conllugratioit' was eppreheruled. Fourbaix and his brave band, of Ouvriers' were ready armed to protect the city from every intermatjsreeternal tack. It was the treachery' of st'five cowardly Bourgeois of Brussels that exposed the lives of their 'noble defenders of the Liegeois to the murderous ottiteW of the Dutch, and cruelly deceived the Prince. Thil - Tirees and Courier should not be al lowed so quietly to shift thei r gr o und and slide, without remark, into their new view of the Belgic question. Aided by the representations of Mr. Cart Wright and by their 'Brussels correspondents, they have blinded the public mind of Englund to the red ratelts end state of the Belgic cause. The , troth, thWever, list; now been forced upon us,.de. 1 spite thole endeavours to keep England its the dark. As long us a doubt existed of the Belgians' success, it was theirs to flatter the-faeliegs of the English Ado - twigs, by denouncing'tba rilleigianTatriota as brigands, inSurreetionists end Unprincipled rads. At length theis t two papers have turned with the tide, and they both afford a beautiful specimen of disinterested consistency in the language which they now employ, in describing the progress of the Bel gians to the assertion of their nobly-aequired hide pendence, u a nation.---Morning Chronicle. A pamphlet Ws just been published, under the title of,Parlits and Factious in England at the Ac cession el trillions IV., which is deserving of some notice. From various indications, we think wb may saft4y attribute it to Mr. 1 1 4401.110 r, The author di video political parties in Englund on the accession of William W. into Ultra-Tory, Ultra-Whig, and Liberol. Ultra being deducted front Tory and from Whig, leaves as a remainder all that is 1100 01 7 1 °1 Wolof Whig, and this pure remainder ishberulism.Arr every manisthe centre of his own world, he neutrally enough considers his own views moderate and liberal, anti t he views of ethers ultra and illiberalin proportion tiller from his own. Wurburtou'v whimsical account of orthodoxy and heterodoxy is semewhat ! to the -point—that orthodoxy is n man's own - doxy 3nti heterodoxy another inati dory.,, We give, to use Mr. Bentham's, nomenclature, ttlog stfr. na mes to our own opinions, and dyslagislic to the options of Others, Thus, the writer of the pamphlet being either a Tory or a Whig, it is liberal to be a Tory Or Whig, and liberal or ultra to be ;wither Tory nor Whig. The writer, disapproving of Ultra-Tories and Ultra-Whigs, bestows very little attention on the former, conceiving that time is about to dispose Of them in a satisfactory manner : 7 -.- 14 Time (he says), the greatest of all innovators, is cf. reefing in the internal frame and functions of society a silent Change, Which resistance cannot Linea!, awl to which an.; cient institutions must conform, in order to be preserTefl; Wealth and knowledge are the elements of power. The active members of the Ultra-Tory party who engage in public life, however disinclined to speculate upon the pro gressive character of human society, must see and feel, from all that is passing around them, that the aggregate wealth and aggregate knowledge. of the middle classes now exceed, in a constantly-increasiing proportion, the aggre gate wealth and knowledge of the privileged orders. And though the active members of the aristocracy were no. observant of, and inattentive, to, the silent working of events, and the changing proportions in which the elements of power are distributed, yet they cannot he insensible to the fact, that they encounter front the middle classes a more active competition than formetly, and that they are gradually losing that.undisputed lead in the country which they once possessed. The cause of the declining influence of their order they may not have traced, but of the existence of the effect it is . impossible they should be unaware. The more intelligent members of the Tory Aristocracy, however, will not only.perceive the effect, but will comprehend the cause. They will be impressed with the conviction, that in a country increas ing in wealth, and advancing in knowledge, it is morally impossible to preserve the exclusive influence of a dis fillet and ,privileged order from being gradually en croached upon, and ultimately over-borne, by the growing power of the community at large. They will sot squander their strength in a hopeless struggle, nor con tinue a game in which the chances against them .are constantly increasing. Instead of holding themselves apart, as a distinct and separate order, having interests different froth, and opposed to, those.of the community, the more intelligent members of the. Tory Aristocracy will unite themselves with the people, and head the forward. move menti they no longer can resist. For the lethargy which adheres to hereditary station, they „ will exchange the energy created by contending for distinction in the field of open competition. In this new sphere of action, their superior wealth, and their leisure for acquiring superior knowledge, will still secure to them important advantages, and they will continue to be the natural leaders of the country by ceasing to be a class opposed to improvement. In this manner the Ultra• Tory party will gradually lose its distinctive character, and will blend and amalgamate with the community at large." The great object of the writer is to combat the Ultra Whigs. " The advancement and diffusion (he observes)'of sound political knowledge are the appropriate correction for ei nem opinions, whether the extreme be on the side of 'ob. soletteregulations, or of untried theories. Even in' the ex isting State of knowledge; there is little probability that the principle; of UltraWhiggiron should become prevalent among the educated and influential classes. These clams have is strong predilection in favour of ancient inatitutiees, and a salutary dread of premature and extensive innovation. To divert the current of public opinion against any project of the Ultra-Whig party, it,is only necessary to show that the change proposed would be inconsistent with the continuance of our hereditary constitutional monarchy. It would be in vain for an Ultra-Whig Le tiler to meet this objection by con tending that the question respecting the adoption of any political change is not, Whether it would be compatible with Monarchy, but whether it would be conducive to, good Government. The practical tommon sense of English men would almost instinctively rejoin Under Constitu tional Monarchy, the country has enjoyed a period of in ternal tranquillity and 'order, and hwattained a degree of wealth, power, and civilization, unexampled in the history of the world.' Experience has proved that Constitutional Me- . narchy is only another name for good government ; and the inference is inevitable—that a measure Subversive of the one would be destructive of the other. We will aid you in effecting repairs and reforms ; but when you ask us to adopt measures which would have the effect of pulling down and destroying, we must answer, Nolumus Leger Anglia mulari. The popular argument in favour of Con stitutional Monarchy is not founded upon prejudices which the progress of intelligence will remove ;—it is base , ' upon principles to which the advance of political knowledge will give accumulating force. Government is the object not of abstract, but of experimental science. We cannot de monstrate from the general principles of 'human nature, what will be the effect of any particular political regula tion, but from observations upon the effects actually !produced by particular regulations, we may deduce, general principles applicable to other analogous insti tutions. In order to ascertain which " of two dif ferent forms of Government he the best, we must observe and compare the actual" effects of each.— So long as a higher degree of human Improvement is experienced under Constitutional Monarchy than under Republican forms of Government, so long will the argu ment for upholding Constitutional Monarchy remain un assailable; and so long must the objections against in !mentions so violent as to endanger the fOundations a our ancient institutions continue, ste the just prin. ciples of political science become more extensively diffused to acquire accumulating force. The apostles of the ultra- Whiggiem can make converts only from among the half-informed. They not only fail to arrive at correct conclusions, but they adopt a process of reasoning, by which it is impossible, that in an experi mental science like' that of government, correct conclu sions should ever be obtained. Assuming certain prin ciples of human nature as data, they pretend to demon.- strait the results of untried experiments in government. This mode of proceeding is in direct violation of the rules of philosophising established by Bacon, anti now univer sally adopted by men of science, as the onipene applicable either to physical or moral investigation. The conclusions at which we arrive by reasoning from the general prin ciples of human nature to the particular effects of un tried regulations, can only be regarded as apparently pro, beide conjectures: These conjectures —or, to use the lan guage of Lord Bacon, these anticipations of nature rarely coincide with the real fact as subsequently ascer tained by experience. It is almost superfluous to repeat the remark, that the method of reasoning applicable to the investigation of moral anti political questions, is the same as that which is employed in physical imppiries. Nosy no one in the present day would employ demonstrative reason ing in . his physical investigation* ; no chemist, for ex ample, would betray such titter ignorance of the rides of . • pitilovophnung as to attempt to anticipate by reasoning from the known properties of any substance, u hat effects it would exhibit under new and hitherto unobserved combi nation*. Yet it is just as unphilesophierd in the political empiric to preptunie to predict, by an trpritati - procelli; from the principles of human nature, the consequence's which would result from social combinations not yet, tested by experience. In the moral as in the physical world, the union of known and quiescent elements may Aycock') .un expected and dangerous disturbance. When bodies, *he titer natural or political, are resolved into their elements, anti re-combined in new and untried preportiene, experi ence, and experience only, can determine whether We are to obtain a neutral compound or an explosive - mixture. If, then, in chetnieal science, no one, with the least preten sions to a correct conception of the nature and scope of scientific observAtioti, would attempt to discover by general reasoning from time known quake of badiei their pro perties when combined, either with new substances or even in new proportions with each other; in politieal eci encehe who pretend* to deduce from the prin c ipl es of man nature the 'coneequences which would result from so cial changes, and from new distributions of power, can prove notbitur except his own entire ignorant's, not merely of political truths, but of the intellectual proceie, the in d uctivelngie, by which alone suds truths conk, discovered." In this elaborate disquisition it appears to us, with all due. a obrnission to the writer, that he is combating wind-mills. All knowledge is derived from 'wiped. ence, : and when any mats speaks of principles of Int man nature, he speaks of the resulted experience. We are not acquainted with any writer of our times who lays claim to any other morns of attaining to a knowledge of the nature Of matt than experience. Moral mod physical sciences' ate equally a cq u i re d by exper i ence . Vhen uniform experience leads us to the same result, lit is adopted as a point established. In all discussions, it is usual to a ss u me t h e trut h o f certain principles, and not to repeat ex p er iments which have beet i yilready !Tid e , ot h erw i se a b oo k or trea tise on a su bject WOW! never arrive at a Miele slim. In the cause of the weal t h of nations, fo r i n „, stance, the proofs are given of ninny ptineiples which, being now generally admitted, are eager:led isa true by writers on political economy. But Smith assumed as One ; many principles which bad b ee n at. ready. sufficiently established, and would,' not bt questioned: When the writer says, that Govern; ment is the " object, not. of abstract, but of experi' 'mental science," lie utters sheer and palpable non sensc. Whavis abstraction ?. •It is clear .that , h dries not know what it means. All stietwes mire (Attract sciences because abstraction is involved in the very idea of science. In order that we may not be constantly lost amidst a number of objects # we endeavour to 'classify, thein according., to some circumstances in which they all agree, and the coii sidering separately part of what is contained in a compleX idea, • is abstraction. To say that Go vernment is- without, abstraetioas is to say that we are at the -beginning of our experience with respect to Government—that we are, in short, in the state of the Bushmen of the Cape of Good Hope., . As far as we can understand the writer— and it is no easy task to understand a writer who uses langtiage in' this vague Manner—he means to say that we know nothing, and can . know nothing of government, but that we haven Government, and that it must be a good Government, because every thing* this country is better than in any other country. If it be wished, for instance, to effect such an improvement in the representation as shall prevent ,the representatives from promoting their own interests at the expence of .the interests of the people, which can only be: done by .giving tho franchise to those whose interests are identified with the intermit of the commnnity, we' are met at once by an asseveration, that such an alteration might so change our Constitutional Monarchy as to endanger its duration. In vain we appeal to the experience of all times and all nations in proof of the position, that those who have an interest sepa-, rate from that of the community, promote that inte rest at the expence of the community. We are told that in England the representatives of, the people have always been accountable, not to the people, hut to a small body who, named them, and .yet England is the most prosperous country in the world. it is the same argument which was urged on all the recent commercial improvements of the country. We have thriven under restrictions more than any country has thriven, said they, there fore we have thriven in consequence of the restric tions}. In vain Adam Smith proved that we have thriven, not in conseqUence of the restrictions, but in spite of "theta. In the same manner our laws must be good, because we have thriven under them. The representation, defective as itis,• has not been able to prevent improvement, though it has greatly retarded it by a profligate expenditure. Our laws have not been . able to prevent our advancement, though with better laws we should still have been better off. This is a most convenient mode of ar guing. for all those who profit by abuses. It enables them to , assume what they wish to preserve, to be that essential part of the Constitutional Monarchy which must not be endangered. The . giving the franchise to Birmingham and Manchester ,would be a salutary repair of our, institutions, but the exten sion of the franchise so as to take the preponderance from the boroughmongers would endanger the Con stitutionsl Monarchy under which we have pros pered. An able writer in a lute number of the Westminster Review proved that even with our pre sent defective representation, the ballot would have the effect of securing independent. voting to an ex tent sufficient to make it the interests of the people. The ballot is intelligibly enough an object, of detesta tion to all. Who do not wish the representatives to have the same interests with the tition. A better test cannot be had of any, man's intentions in mat ters of government, than his opposition to the ballot. The writer of the pamphlet thus disposes of the ballot question.:— • .. " It is conceded that a system of seeret,voting may be so framed as effectUally to protect electors from an undue influence. The question for consideration, therefore,' is, whether secret voting, admitting it to have All the effi cacy in this respect for which its advocates contend, would not inflict evils more serious than those which it removed. " The first objection to Ingrafting the ballot on our existing system (and an objection, too, the force of which increases with every increase in its efficacy in excluding the influence of wealth) is, that it would effect in the dis tribution of political power, a sudden and ,sweeping change, the benefits of which have not been made appa rent by any legitimate induction front experience. " In vain may the advocates of the ballot contend that secret voting has worked well in France, and that there fore they have the sanction of experience for the art ange ment they propose. In France, the elective franchise is , exclusively in the hands' of the wealthiest classes; in Eng• land, it is almost exclusively in the hands of the poorest Omen. The ballot in, France secured electors against the influence of the Crown, and gale the real power of re turning Deputies to the rich ; the ballot in England would secure electors from the influence of property, and give the real power of returning Members to the poor. In the two countries, secret voting, instead of producing armies gone, would produce diametrically opposite effects. Ip one country the ballot might be followed by the most be neficial, in the other by the moat injurious consequences. The ballot exists also in the United States.of North Ame rica; but to the experience of its practical working in that country its 'advocates' in this reluctantly refer. As they regard Government as the object, not of experimen• tal, but of abstract and demonstrative science, they may imagine that they do not invalidate their arguntettt for the ballot by thus evading a reference to experience. Let us, however, relieve them from all embarrassment respecting the state of facts in North America, by conceding, for the sake of argument, that' in that country also the system of secret voting works well. " Even with this admission, the experience of North America will form no case in point from, which the salvo mates of the ballot in this country can fairly argue. " In the United States the elective franchise is so widely extended, that the possessors of no description of property are excluded from exercising it; while the value of labour in relation to land is so high, that the lowest classes of voters not only earn a high rate of wages, but have an. almost certain prospect of acquiring property. In Ante rica, therefore, voting by ballot does not exclude property from all influence in the elections, and does not place the. return in the hands of a class of voters, the great majority of whom can with difficulty earn the necessaries of life. In England, on the contrary, these effects would assuredly be produced by secret voting. When, in America, the population becomes so dense that the high value of land and the low value . of labour reduce the majority of the voters to a state but one step removed from want, and when, under these circosnatauces, the ballot works well, then, and not before, will the effects of the system as ap. pli e d to Arne' ice, enable us to ascertain, by a legitimate in duction front expel dense, what would be the effect of the system au applied to England. s• Though we have not in the history of any country, barbarous or civilised, a practical exemplification of the precise effects of vesting the uncontrolled exercise of the elective franchise in..a small portion, of the poorest classes o f t h e people, yet we possess, in the actual disposition and conduct dour own population, abundant facts from which the probable character of. these effects may be inferred...— We might indeed, by assuming certain principles of human nature, and adopting the d priori method of the Reviewer, arrive at our conclusions by a shorter process. Thus;--- It is a principle of human nature, that when inert possess h they will pursue their awn int e r es t a t th e ex tpeenaP°.w eof e t r' the interest of others; the wealthy classes in this country, by influencing the poor and dependent electors, possess the real power of making laws ant) imposing taxes, and consequently the richer classes in the country plunder the people. Reverse this order. Adopt an effec tual system of secret voting, whk.h shall give the real power of enacting laws and imposing taxes to a compa ratively small portion of the poorest classes and then, d priori, the poor will plunder the rich, the right of vats property will be invaded, and, in the language of the spencean philosophers, the land will be declared to be the people, farm." Property e t r: i y e Was there ever such a wild assumption, as that the peop l e o f any country would allow those who h ave no property to ta p k e e rs i o t ri f e rol i n n t p h o e s m ses ? siol P i ) o g s a t f e: I:we,tt°lll.ll'neorri solicitations o:tt opacelpiolrsetsVrloastlynni!:burevelitilriilieceoiniveehayocaferytielialenoaittin(ttilinill in g a mtrre t ra t are t ne i scyt i t : o imic i alj e :ma r sriai a tkpy t t . r e joe, rich, contrary to their own convictions, through fear t a a r d t io n s t i i l o ig tt s t rote. eir pßrouptertevy, in :u assuming that the ReP a r ll e - - f i s i e n r i i ) r o a s t e iv o es n s t l i T e t tn ild t h h e e reotbuiringeadtiohny I: , a t u p p a e s re si , n 4 g 'ho should laws to mire property from the rich, through the fixing minimum of wages and the destruction 'of machinery,a would the rich men who would be chosen Ilepre serOtives vote for such laws; and If they ems/ thus future, elections might send Into.the House flatterera of the lowest ,nrejudiees of the lowest ,mobs, would they not, supported by the approbation .of ell:the property and intelligence of the country, set these pauper electop..tt defiance by a lew, making the suffrage identick with the interests of the : cent= mortify I The people of ,a country never can hav e an interest in attacking property. As Elarringtoe answered to one who urged the danger of invasions Of property,-all history, all experience proves that this is utterly impossible. On a .future day we shall advert further to this pamphlet.,,—Morn.Chron. When,the abolition of the punishment of death was first proposed in the French Chamber of De ! puties, we na mely applauded the conduct of those legislators who,it a period of passionate excitement, and of bitter recollections, stoodforward to give a new impulse to civilization, by making the " still small voice" of humanity be heard amid the storm of political agitation. Our own opinion on the subject of sanguinary punishments hisi long been known to the public, as well as our reasons for en tertaining that opinion; and, although we have never gone the length of insisting upon a total abo lition of capital _punishments, knit have taken a dis i tinition• in' this respect between crimes of violence anti blood, 'and those invasions of property which are unconnected with forte • yet we had singular pleasure in seeing, as we ;bought, the spirit of mercy -coming, .‘ with healing on her wings," to sanctify the triumphs of freedom, - and soften the stern glory of a revolution. It is with proportionate regret. we now observe that this question of huma nity is mixed up with political - manoeuvres and in trigues, which cannot fail to embarrass and 'degrade it. For our own part, we should be ashamed of ourselves if we , had been induced to advocate this measure as a question of politics or party ;—that, would be, to hold out false colours, and take credit for serving the cause of civilization, while we were., only promoting the personal interests of a few individuals. The French Criminal Code, which of' itself would be sufficient to immortalize the name ,of Napoleon, is, beyond all comparison, - milder than our own, and yet it wants ameliora tions. Let it receive those ameliorations not for a political purpose, but because huManity demands them. Men are unworthy thi'name of legislators who would make or unmake laws for a particular object, - under the cover of a general principle. Yet' this is whit the Journal de Paris charges the Chamber of Deputies with doing in voting for the abolition of the punishment of death,• in the pre sent state of affairs, only to save the lives of the Ex-Ministers, without any serious intention of car rying ultimately into effect the great penal reform which was at first propounded. We hope this is a false accusation, and that the representatives of a great people, who have just purchased their free dom at the greatest sacrifices, are incapable of act ing in .a manner so deficient in manliness, wisdom, or dignity. We too have advocated the extension of mercy to the Ex-Ministers as far as life is con-, cerned, not because we do not think that men whose wicked counsels caused the shedding of the blond of thousands do not deserve the highest pu nishment inflicted by the Penal Code, but because we, think, after so great a victory , the French people can afford to be magnanimous, and ought not to deprive history of the glorious task of recording, for the example of all future ages, the singular fact that they achieved the greatest revolution which the world ever-saw, without shedding, after the 'defeat of theiritmed oppressors, one drop of blood! We ad vocated this act of clemency separately from the con sideration of 4lie reform of the Penal Code, for we do not like great principles to be sported with, by making them a pretence for carrying some parti cular object. ,The French Journal to which we, have alluded,in speaking of the real .purpose of the Chamber 'being different from the apparent one, uses the following remarkable words:.." What shocks us is to see a deceitful majority to all ap pearance vote for a principle which probably will receive but one single speedy application. What will become of the Address of the Chamber of Deputies in case of condemnation ? With respect to the condemnation of Minister., it will chain the Executire—for it cannot strike in the name of the nation, when the pretended representative hold thus its arm suspended. Then some time after, when the exiled Ministers shall be forgotteo at the Court of the .Ex-King, who is their accomplice— when the Address for Me abolition of capital punish meat will no longer have a specific object, this ques tion will be, perhaps, seen to miscarry ,in a serious discussion, which, ,by the acknowledgement of the Commission, does not yet seem to be ripe for a majority." We hope this conjecture is erroneous, and that so noble an object of enlightened states manship as the reform of the Penal Code is not &captiously advocat ed by the French legislators, for the . benefit of a few criminals, without any reference to a Jfeneral adoption of an improved system of penal jurisprudence. Such a proceeding would be a stratagem unworthy the Senate of a great nation, and which would expose its authors to deserved contempt.--)Morning Herald. We hail with the greatest satisfaction the appear ance of. the Proclamation by the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, which will be found' in another column, against the assemblies which have been lately got up by the Anti-Union faction. It is simply, indeed, a recourse to an existing law of the country; but had it even assumed a sterner character, we think there is no one alive to the true interests of Ireland who could have possibly quarrelled with it. It was, indeed, much wanted, not only on account of the Nationul Union which subsists between Ireland and Great Britain, but, on account of the attempts which were making to obtain the repeul of that Union, and the necessity of saving Ireland from the misery which would have awaited her had the schemes of the agitators been successful. The Bel. fish and mischievous faction has, for the present, obeyed the call to order, and we trust that it will prove sufficient to enforce it without a recourse to harsher measures: but should 1110 latter means be required, there ought, after all other modes of con oiltation have failed, to be no hesitation in employ ing them. The lives of a poor and ignorant people are riot to be sported with for the gratification .even of the Great Agitator.—. Morning Advertiser. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. row.sTituer. A gentlernan, from Messrs. Hawley and Co., jewellers in the Strand, waited upon Mr. Mrirtirrum. for advice and assistance under these circumstances :--lie elated that in the course of that morning a retpectable.looking young man, who said his name was Thomas Hilton, and that his residente was at Richmond, railed at Messrs. Hawley's shop about en hour before and purchased a gold watch, a wedding-ring, t chased gold keeper ring, and a chased gold key, iu payment for which he tendered to the appli cant a Bank of England note for NI., and received the difference. Some short time after, he (the applicant) pro teded with that note and otheri to the Bank of England, and upon presenting them there, he was told, to his very great astonishment, that the supposed 50/. note Was for fa. only. Upon a close examination of the note, it was discovered that the word " five" had been ingeniously cut out, end the word " fifty" substituted instead. Mr. Mirrstruta, observed that the deception must, indeed, have been most dexterously practised, and asked the applicant if he thought he should be enabled to identif) the person who bad play e d o ff No h azar d ous. a tr i c k, Tire applicant replied, that he should know the person again. H e was apparently. between 30 and 35 years of age, of middle atrture, rather pale, with Handy whisker-a. He was dressed in a snuff-coloured frock coat- and gray trowsers, and wore no shirt-collar over his black cravat. Mr. itlinsitur.t. thought it highly probable that the watch and other articles would be found at some of the pawnbrokers' shops in the neighlrourbood. The applicant said lie feared there was but little chance of wou tt l i d at e sent e l ptou greater t of time ee probability ntr y, nd was, that the orwarded t i a th rt e ieles rto the continent or to America. Mr. Minsitui,r, recommended the applicant to go to the Clerles-office, and give a regular information of the cir cumstance, in order that it might be inserted in the lime and Cr! anitthily police report i and EIU s principal b"fornte:de :Vs dinner. offiestr h i-Wall alireeted , to use hiriteerseirommarlar , tow. t e f,dlow who had practised the fraud: ~, ~,,,..,... i: M !as t Y . s fe i e n l l ll : a r f Y l o r r t j t , a a: n n e d u es u b e bi l k S4 r A . in it ß g i ld4: 7vr a Itpna:arece:!boaliENto baker, . i t:n1 1 :::::: :4 11 : 1 W $j o r : Ther e potatoes ,Tahtohroertohoesstsal.ted that on Tuesday lot Thornton, answer th e charge of ea elderly lady, Wel o'clock Mrs. in g oh t s h tn e h dhefoowmhr explanation,een o h: ouaodnt the 0 , LT e sent t was il potatoes, ant da o n u , , an lass - cl 0n e, b b b ‘ v b f o n u t t ocer ;:d it r y e h it ti.: ,, w ' ot l eh h a a : s l e y lt hy l i na i l e ::: x s i t e . he p a o rd : h ae o d tr r wGn i, n io l o te l n e'e n n n ieli lltie f i rn e hrleit"e l ebil !wi nter ::: : l indignant, a b liatit Ut her daughter, to dr explanation me iisrn. being s by no means' a satisfactory one, Mo. wreethe:Tfworrshintelitnlrersrsohhtniiedldalerido octnihieueittonniogrelyenrwasahpredla!atanloisntwll; oshtberiladieichet:dvbfra:roimdbeerfrorihn:mparttedlthetelotreeialletcoiotbekd:bnolUe'pnced" she knew not of potatoes at the ot th a her t . M ! 14 . : is • +must indubitably be- spoiled, toilette s man sat 14 11 of the oven during the process of cooking; it consisted 'Thornton's dish WO ear about a pound and a half of beef in the mare, four pounds of pudding at one !end, and four pools anti being aware that he should pay (or it, when shat lled him an " Irish scoundrel ," he didadni:elk.u7k"ittliv:iilein• the street. In ito pregrearthither it might have touched her bonnet ; but she was izt maim) quite enough! to irri tate any man.. . .. 1., ' • "And what lady," obserieeldr. Rawittlsoo, " Wou ld not be in a passion at the lost of a dinner ? The parties were allowed to retire, and endeavour to settle it amicably, when the baker offered half a rovereign; but, acting under the advice of a friend, refused point blank to pay the expenses of the warrant, whieh the Itlii gistrate insisted upon as a sine qua nom in the arrangement. The consequence of the Nicer adhering t' his o he frien Toys ' advice was, that he was tined 20s. or sentenced ta. prisoned for twenty days. , baker " Then I'll gu to prison," et elaitued the here tally, as he walked before the officer to the lock-up tea. M A It LBOROUOII-STREET. Yesterday two well-dressed y oung fellows, seta Pl' their names John Watkins anti ; Mina Jordon, Wet brought from the police station within t h e district of Pl' thla -office before Mr. Rug , the sitting blegi s trate, on the lowing charge : s tated John Bis h o p , who bail been an old soldier, a ted that he is at present, and has been f or 4onle tiwame tchman Mt, eta law PleY ed , by the Earl of Chester fi eld as a private to shout his Lordship's pretniseo and extensive gardens at Chesterfield-house, Mayfair, and he usually takes 0 14 : tion every night within the t a ardens, hle of !kith lie r a nges over frequently the course of the met. Between twelve and one o'clock on Wolnesday right, J"tt bialleshit,ehewussighatbiluthettiPmeea st'lligh°tunlesel'faht i:Pee ririthei"lh'r°"l:el" short distance froM him, and he crouched down to bigot more attentively, and while thus stooping he saw tat calved ues s- there r ta bu sh-rangers , them e w rs heads raised above the bush where the twi" bad Priwie' from. Cenei"ced, then, thst there were some intru to in th e gardens, he called out and " challenged" t!ie when they anticipated him by rushing towards before hiel's! both men having closed with hint, got him Jo°, , eo f he was prepared to make any resistance, or toe 46 t een their design. A desperate struggle now ensued bet. le himself and the two men, the latter endeavouring toilijo a's,tobaukntodohwwe,winhopeeroceeditvheleyinliertoel :it p : l V p e what ro r .ilc l:irei their si.il him by the throat and stop his mouth with their for as to prevent his aling out for apaietance , . 101 is o r o e efforts to accomplish this they tore his c heeks i , q tr severely with :their nails. In spite, however, of 11 tt7, t exertions to stitle his cries, he succeeded m iler calls o ut " Murder !" several, times, which so much! ..,,,,, villain& at last they quitted him and made their er;: e r ti - t over the garden wall from the premises ; bat not rr, 5 !., leaving behind them a dark lantern and several 41 , !° . i breaking implements, together saith a hst and P i'r ° shoes belonging to one of them. t i t Mr. Murray, a liransed victualler , residing alum it be • opposite the Bari of Cbesterfield'a gsrtkne, raidl th , ~ 1,, was up.stairs in Mt bed-room, prepariog 10 g° t. err to anti pertly undressed, when li e heard a cry of mo! eo if corning from the direction of Lord Chettafiehr• got ' o ', and flinging up hie window -sash, be raw two Into, et 4 1 boring ever the 4411. ' ran down stairs to the street, and seised the prio_oner . . I , twelve sod 11°,11:0: oli the night nuutionouo kips, who made great exertioni to CROW!, 11.:4 0tt,r,,,, him until several police constibles rame up. le h . ! constable observed the other 11)21 getting " el. the wsi and securid him. not ottY: At ' t i , l shoes found in the garden exactly fitted hint. !,,_ ~,i. The police constable said, that on searehiag 1111`0;ti, litaolelnehisse swheatittneetast:bwt:litshattltipteli4, e t ea, sower Watkins, several pieces; of candle awl a ?NO % o wthw u he t eenle a nn hat, but was also without ahoes,Pran.4:lu't'lrteW ha t hex were found in his packets. denTiti:dethilisothneeyrsetverone biehiengitegestioeaut!°;el,lo iwlerthet:ri:i,,°:ll,o. down from the garden walr, or that they had aail i ; It o ledge of each other, but both. of them &Wool 1 1 . 1 , l ot, further account of themselves, or to soy wher e ' '`.s l i ly or what were their occupation& In faer, thrY ' l4 should decline answering any further questiene• m0,„4.41 The Magistrate ordered the , prisctuers to he r e . 7, 4 11 01 for further examination. on a future day, end oho Pot (sir a good deal 'of credit was due to Mr. blarr 4 prompt activity on the () Cession. !,..„ e t , The prisoners were then r emanded until Thure a " "e heat, l. l nLi b usti l ; g r ic.m a zhpno r i e y a i ei srsh,t:ltvhua the ihfcoio pr o d uction r, s aie l et T an l tiOPP I t)be"—httehyooltpreTYonhreiOnbeieecLessa:TitrafirynaErYiaatiljtatlionantzlitti:to,:::::::::!:-8:111:1.:re,1:. OC .!N!iitivgoehrtirzoer of supposed, n ah eob d tobr h enwan y is ech o aai n i ilv d hnao tir c fitl i ah , lomfbofeYrentiti modern 0 l i c e , : efritr:hoeitenvh.gset tars" or Mr' r e a t o e G j e l v i e s r : t t l 0: I r e l u i : : 1 10 1; 1 i 4; i ; Inge th e r e in c ontained, and added such foribcr (41 4 h oi , narrative more full, consistent, ind preciou '",ch PI it i th l e reason an h d a t v h e e si • sluea k agacrnganses i noti s andtedfteceo ti tun: i or v etar i nl d uavtt ed dfohoreimsfkb i tasi u .iiuci t eat o , :illoid i: l :: a ciii: :: : :;t tiiyh i elter t . i t o: i i .pe l i ii i t,iiii • • tic to speak in too high terms of thu manor 01.0,, executed." HIRTBS , ~, Olt 1341 0 _ On the 10th inst. at Wonnstat, no 0 0 a 1161. ' t . fC. H. Turner, jun. Esq., of a damitikr• ,n....0040.' pitOtattret:hteh2elhadtyinostt.Rlnt.GTreiatopeCot, ra roi lu -s . t o r r a t i 'ds " up l a o ;r t r ; . .,V. On the 20th init. at Stratford- 1 't" theljuY qtrTapp* EN. of a daughter. if aIL t Ikr Of 1. ibe Jo., •„ On e 20th hat, at Weethaut 1':`8.4 * a, 10 1 ' 1 Webster, Es 4 ll of ththoure, Forfarsi hirt'f'Sr of a eon. tiam On . _ the 20th inst. MARRIED. _ ar etibi res 114,1'1 at CongreshtirYt, 6 °rteng 1-14 :o Liam L ong , son of the lita Nea° '-I,oireagift 'd RpoouosrebnalotiLE.,Charlotte M. Poole, daughte r l'. }late, ° I.kanoral rrel' and nephew t4l. Pot rteillatefd/tmi ___l._ co d sitter ' itil , ill r usll' to Sir it a the 20t h inst. at East M ', H. Wr°ultbtasitnt:l;qll: of e Woolly Park, 13',10, to mdte°:,..o boilb,,tr„ 00 te -V . Th omas St. Quiutia, /...q. 0; Seeinr-, Yorkshire. s only daughter I 6 " Taunton' . the 20th inst. at Kingston, near four E"1.• of Surbiton-place, Surrey , t't Ililfir° ' li lt : of W. Weitslei , E`l' °rill°. 42111°' the 21st inst. at St. George the blartir, von square.brok Sir J. Owen, Burt. N. I. a orieo°f"i, 0 "hire , to Mary Frances, t►►ird daughter 0 phenson,. s Esq. of Firlerhill, Ilerksbire. t O u lor l On the Vat inst. at Hampstead, Frolelio „i,o ; I °ll 'I, the late \V . li• Crowder, of ikOnl4gi;t.o jr"-Imluare, to Lucy, eldest 'daughter of the riot Esq. of Taunton.,llED. r • °` On the 20th inst. at his house, Carnwell-trtricill gent's-park, Thomas Kinfleltri Dap ittinkOro t'lagi- the late Geoe Kinnear, . Esq. al V.411-011,11(,j1}',10' • ° A i On the 19th inst. at Shuglioraugh• St4wvi-" n 'ef P Lain the Hon. W. Anson, C.D., lt. N. forth au late Lord Viscount Anson. , j 01 ()a th e 19th inst. at Suttowhill, siirrr,e,,Yl;4o:ol, co j F.K. aged 64. . l ;4 4' I On the 19th Strand, t 13rightoo, .I,titt) Craven-street, many years ►n the not, ~.., Greowaed. and Co. - 000 7 On the Ith inst. at • Charlton 1100,0,- °ld iti V /UM, rinulat secOtlti tlatt ht r fll 01;er' -'. g e 0 .. ' 16th year. ' '' lADO Yo Pannst. Asp Puissmogn or Ai ps,, va S us Ottics, Iff,r4F,lutta'l'l4s°