The Sun. — London, England, 1830-05-10 00:00:00

the Turk would turn from him with disdain, for his mind, would not be able to appreciate any such motive. Even in England, when a person, speaking to a public assembly, said " I have no personal interest in this question, my fortune is not affected by it,my only motive is to benefit the country," persons,with equal disdain with the Turk, would turn from him. -He had borne this so often that he was quite in different to it, and people might even say, if they phased, that he was influenced by the devil. At all events, his motives could have no influence on the value of facts. Some persons might say that the public had nothing to do with this question, as it was already taken up by Parliament, but a public disciittion out of doors often had a salutary effect upon questions in Parliament. Had the public kept the Legislature to its duty, in the case of the Finance Committee, it would not have turned out a delusion. Of all fallacies the greatest was that of Members not attending public meetings on subjects before Parliament. Perhaps they thought that perfect impartiality consisted in perfect ignorance, like the Duke of Newcastle, who said that he came to a judgment on the case of the Queen with more imp irtiality than any other man, because he had not even heard the evidence.—(A laugh.)—lf a line were drawn between Parliament and the public, it would be found that more wisdom lay outside the house than within. - He would now go into the direct question of the Indian and China trade :—lt was about 200 years ago that Queen Elizabeth gave the first Charter to the London merchants to trade exclusively with India; but it contained ►words to the effect, that if within its period of fifteen years it was found contrary to the interests of the common wealth, the right of trade should return to the com munity. All other Charters were granted on the same principles. These exclusive privileges of trade were granted from twenty years to twenty years, and on the last grant an amendment had been moved, that it should last only ten years. India was as much a part of the empire as Yorkshire.— The country was immense, its population was 131,000,000, and, considering its rivers, its climate and productions, it was a great garden and store house, from whence England might derive immense weaith and happiness. But how had the Company managed its territories ? In such a way that in 1793 their debt was 7,000,0001.; in 1813 it was 25,000,0001.; and now, in 1830, it is 50,000,0001. The Company, in their letter to Lord Melville, the President of the Board of Controul, had made the extent of debt a reason of going on with the Charter. They said, you gave us twenty years when we owed 7,000,000/., you must give us fifty years now we owe 50,000,0001. Mr. Vickers, who had re sided a long time in India, pronounced the system of the Company to be most inexplicable. ,Sir Thomas Munro, in his invaluable Life and Corres pondence, published after his decease, condemned the system of the Company in the strongest lan guage. Bishop Heber bore testimony to the bad government of the country. The 6evrterly Re view had said, that of all books ever written that of Sir Thomas Munro contained the most striking de nunciation of the system of government pursued in that country. China alone might relieve the dis tresses of England, as it was a country large, popu lous, and willing to exchange a commodity useful to us, for our superfluous manufactures.—Mr. Buck ingham concluded amidst immense applause. Mr. °TWAY CAVE viewed all monopolies as evils, and *vas sorry that a system of monopolies was en grafted so extensively in the public business of the country. It would be seen, when the Report of the India Committee was laid before Parliament, whether India was governed as well as the Company pre tended; and whether the suppression of the free press, and the continuance of an absolute, arbitrary government, were or were not necessary to the safety and weVare of our Indian possessions.— The question before the meeting was well worthy of di.eussion. He was a friend to freedom, and he hoped it would he proved that India would be benefitted by an approximation to free institutions. The Hon. Gentleman moved the first resolution. Mr. PENDARVIS said, that from the nature of the Resolution, he should second it, though he was a Mi-mber of Parliament, and had come to the meeting without any intention to take any part in the discussion. Mr. FALKLAND moved a Resolution, that it would be of the greatest benefit to permit an importation of tea from the Continent. Mr. lionnousE wished to know whether this Resolution were meant to supersede that which was all early before the meeting ? Mr. FALKLAND—Certainly not to do away with it. Mr. PENFOLD THOMAS thought that Mr. Buck ingham had spoken to inflame the country.—(Loud hisies and hooting.) Mr. O'CONNELL thought that it was bat con sisteut that those who had robbed Mr. Buckingham of his property, should try to strip him of his cha racter, which, however, was too high to be injured by such attempts. Mr. THOMAS continued, amidst repeated inter ruptions of hissing and laughter. He contended that free trade might now be carried on to a great extent with India, and the meeting could not bring themselves to a conclusion that the Company was not competent to carry on its trade, and inclined to do so. They had in their service excellent servants to extend their trade. The debt had been incurred in the acquisition of an immense territory, and in the establishment of a splendid empire, which had not yet been able to pay the costs of acquisition.— (Laughter.)—The India Company was character ised by disinterested liberality.—(Laughter.)— Lately, when a native Prince had made a present of 3,000 rupees to the daughter of an English resident the young lady had paid it into the Royal Treasury, in order to prevent corruption.—(lmmoderate laughter.)—Without despotism the Government of India was at an end. Mr. Thomas proceeded for some time in this strain, and sat down amidst peals of laughter, mingled with hisses. A GENTLEMAN now spoke against the conduct of the Company, in very unmeasured terms. Mr. CALLER-It had just been stated that the East Itidia Company was liberal; but so far from it, it was the most detestable Company on the face of die earth—(A laugh)—and the whole tissue of their conduct in China had been most damnable.— (A laugh.)—After eleven years of service he had applied for three months' leave of absence; but he was refused and thrown oa one side. India lie knew to be the hot-bed of patranage; and they were liberal only where they were obliged ; the conse quence of which was, that their favoured servants were able to riot and wallow in luxury. With re spect to the management of the army there, it was all done by caprice, and entirely destitute of judg ment; so that Calcutta had nearly been left exposed to the attack of the Burmese troops; and instead of the debt being diminished, it rote in a treble ratio. He again repeated, so far from the Company being liberal, kind, or humane, never was there a Company so damnable and unjust. Mr. MiDoNNELL thought that all the Resolu tions ought to have been put together, as that would embrace the whole subject at ones, He dissented from the statements of Mr. Buckingham, as they seemed to him to stand in need of proof. Nothing 'bait speeches condemning the conduct of the Com pany had been made. No illustrations were offered, and on the strength of that the meeting was called - *poll to give their vote against the Company. This came with a particularly ill grace, when Committces of both Houses of Parliament were engaged in in. vestigating the subject. It was as much as saying— you may inquire, but we will decide. The acts of the Company had been pronounced to be hprrible and damnable, but not one word had been uttered to prove it. And what were the proofs—(A voice : All the world knows them.") —go far from acting unwisely, the care of the Company had always been to mitigate the evils that existed in India. Mr. HUNT said, that he should like to know' whether the speaker had ever been in India. Mr. MWONNELL—Heintended to ask the judg ment of the meeting on the testimony Of those very witnesses to which Mr. Buckingham laud referred; and a question so rude and unsuitable as that which had been proposed to him, he should never have expected from any other person but Mr. Hunt. He never was in India, but he had only to do with the witnesses to which Mr. Buckingham had referred. If any business was to be done, let them fancy themselves to be gentlemen for an hour or so, and do it like gentlemen. The great point on which he relied was, that what had been done (whether good or evil) had been done by this coun try at large, and not by the East India Company, for it was to Parliament arid the Government that every important measure was referred. In 1813, when the Committee was held, not one witness against the Company appeared. Mr. BUCKINGHAM-oh, yes—Mr. Richards. Mr. IMDONNELL—He spoke in Parliament, but he was not an evidence before the Committee; but he contended that rlr. Richards had borne testi mony in favour of, instead of against the Company. The King's Speech, too, at the close of that pe riod, was equally firm in praise of the management of the East India Company. Mr. Richards cer tainly did assert that the trade carried on by the Company was prejudicial—(Hear, hear)—but his statement in that respect was contrary to the facts. —(The meeting here began to show signs of impa tience, and some called out " Time, time !")—But it was said that the country lost by the monopoly of the East India trade. He had one short answer to that, which was, that there was no monopoly at all. —(Laughter.)—He would give up the whole ques tion if they would show him where was the mono poly in India. The trade had been so far opened as to give those who were capitalks every chance that they had a right to claim ; and, from the evi dence it did not appear that there had ever been any principal who had made profit by embracing that op portunity.—(Cries of " Time, time !")—Mr. Brown's evidence went to show that the trade had latterly been very unprofitable.—(Cries of " Time, time !")—Captain Coffin stated that the trade Iv tween America and India had fallen off very much. —(Loud coughing.)--There was plenty of other evidence to show that the trade was unprofitable.— (A voice—" Then why are the Company so eager to keep it to themselves r")—_,lt was a notorious fact that many had been ruined, arid all had been injured by entering into the trade.—(Coughing.)—lf gen tlemen wanted to pass the resolutions without dis cussion —(Cries of " You have discussed it!") The CHAIRMAN—There could be no value at tached to their proceedings if they refused to hear both sides. A GENTLEMAN at the lower end of the room complained that he could not hear distinctly.—(A voice—" That is all the better for you !") Mr. HUNT said that Mr. M'Donnell was now quitting the topic of India, and getting on that of China. It was then agreed that all the resolutions should be put at once, in order to afford the speakers an opportunity of addressing themselves to the whole question. Mr. BUCKINGHAM read the Resolutions. They were as follow : " 1. That the British poscminns in the East Indies might be made the most valuable dependency of the British Crown : being, in vastness of extent, variety of natural production, number of population, and distance by sea, superior in their natural resources, and their power of beneficial employment for our manufacturers and seamen, to every other colony in the world. But that in conse quence of this magnificent portion of the British empire having been for more than two centuries excluded from the general intercourse which the British merchant has been permitted freely to enjoy with every other portion of the British dominions, its resources have not been ade quately developed—its population has not been enriched— its commerce has not been profitably conducted; but while the most lamentable absence of all improvement marks the internal condition of the country, its external relations have been fraught with loss in every department: and thus an extensive and fertile country, which mirzht, under able and judicious management, have been made to lighten the burdens of England, without impoverishing its own inhabitants, has (by two centuries of mismanage ment) sunk to the lowest possible condition, and greatly added to the burdens of this already overburdened land. " 2. That of all the various countries on the face of the globe, the empire of China is pre-eminent in those pecu liarities which render it desirable to cultivate with it the most intimate relations of trade ; and that the evidence recently submitted to Parliament proves, beyond a doubt, that the Chinese are not merely disposed, but most anxious to enjoy a more extended intercourse with Great Britain, from which they are quite aware that considerable benefits to themselves must ensue ; but that from this vast and itiexhaustible source, both of consumption and supply, Bri tish merchants and British seamen generally, are never theless at present entirely excluded, not by any edict of the Chinese, but by the act of our own Legislature, which gives up the whole of our mercantile transactions with China to the East India Company, on various pretences of danger and difficulty, which are alleged to stand in the way of more general intercourse—all which pretences are now proved, however, by incontrovertible evidence, to be entirely without foundation. " 3. That, therefore, while the possession of the go verning power in India, and the exclusive trade with China, have been so unproductive of benefit to the East India Company itself, as to leave them, after two centuries of unsuccessful effort, many millions sterling in debt ; the same causes have retarded the internal improvement of India, kept back the commerce with China, and operated most disadvantageously to all the varied interests, whether agricultural, moneyed, mercantile, manufacturing, or ship ping of Great Britain; and that these evils are greatly ag gravated by the fact, that while British-born individuals are precluded from the employment of their skill, capital, and enterprise, by their exclusion from free settlement in India, and free trade with China, the subjects of every other nation enjoy unlimited access to, and intercourse with each; thus making the East India Company's mo nopoly, an act which, while it does not, in the slightest degree, benefit themselves, tends to enrich the foreigner, whether merchant or ship-owner, at the expence of the British-born subject, who is thus degraded in the eyes of all other nations, and made an object of mockery and scorn to his own. _ _ " 4. That as the period is now approaching, when the question pf the removal or abolition of these exclusive pri vileges of the East India Company is to be decided on by the Legislature, it is incumbent on the people of England generally, to express their decided opinions on the subject, and to entreat the Legislature to grant every British-horn individual an equal participation in that freedom of settle ment—freedom of trade—and protection of person and pro perty—which is the undoubted right of every subject of the British Crown. And that as the City of Westminster and its suburbs, forming the most extensive portion of the great Aktropolis of the British nation, has, from the extent of its capital :Ind population, as deep an interest in this question as any portion of his Majesty's dominions, it is, therefore, incumbent on its inhabitants thus publicly to manifest that interest, by this public declaration of their s3ntiments thereon. " 5. That for this purpose a Public Association be im mediately embodied, to be called The Westminster East India Association,' of which all persons resident within the popularly understood limits of the West-end of the Metropolis will be eligible, on the prescribed conditions, to become Aletribers or Directors. That this Association be empowered by this public Meeting of the Inhabitants of the 'Metropolis, to elect its President, Secretary, and other officers, and to frame rules and regulations for its guidance. And that the following gentlemen, whose experience, zeal, and general qualifications peculiarly fit them For the task, do constitute a Deputation from this Meeting, with full power to join the other Deputies from the country, and to act in concert with them for the general object of all. " 6. That the Petition now prepared, embodying the spirit of the foregoing Resolutions, be adopted as the Peti ton of this Meeting ; and that it do lie for signatures at the place pf Meeting, until the Ist of June ; when it be en trusted to Si: Francis Burdett, Bart., and John Cam Hobhouse, Esq., the i,!.lembers for Westminster, with a request that they will each support the prayer of the Peti tion, on presenting it to the House of C'ynmons." Mr, L; ; D A VENPORT, M. P., said, that as the Re solutions embracoa fifty points, he hoped that the Hon. Gentleman who htt4 last addressed them, and who had not done addressing them yet—(A laugh,) --.-would limit himself a little as to time. Mr. IteIToNNELL.—He contended that there was no monopoly iu the East India Company's trade, for the mischief of monopoly consisted in the supply and the price, and when those two particulars were satisfactory, there was an end of the evil of the mo nopoly—(More signs of impatience.) Mr. O' CONNELL then advanced to address the meeting amidst considerable applause. lie began by saying, that if they were not already wearied by the Irish accent, he would beg permission to occupy their attention for a few moments. True, he was an Irishman, but then he trusted that he was an Irish man of very different principles from those professed by the gentleman who last addressed them. He was an enemy to every species of monopoly—an ardent struggler for liberty in .every sense of the word. A gentleman who defended the East India Company, taunted Mr. Buckingham with having come forward for the purposes of inflammation, and with being influenced by improper motives—that bespoke a foregone conclusion. The East India Company had deeply injured Mr. Buckingham, and that was the point of their offence. He was the proprietor of a press in enslaved India—he endea voured to creep where he could not stand—he would not conciliate the oppressor by a sacrifice of honesty —he was a lover of truth, and a defender of the op pressed. They first imprisoned him—that was the custom in India—he was tried and acquitted. His enemies commenced another proceeding against him but with that they did not think proper to go on. They punished him, however, as though he had been tried and found guilty. The resolutions which had been submitted for their adoption contained so many truisms, that he really could not con ceive how any one imagined the necessity of their proving all the allegations contained in those resolu tions. Were the people of England so ignorant generally, and especially so unenlightened on the affairs of India, as to require such proof? The matter must be to all who heard him as plain as the sun at noon day. India had been conquered by a union of fraud and force. One Prince had been set against another, and pretenders against the rulers, of individual States—thus, by violence and deceit, the conquest of that country was achieved. It was alleged against those whose views he supported, that they aimed at contracting the trade of the Com- , pany—that they wished to limit the trade of the Company. They might trade where they pleased-- all that he sought was, to obtain a free trade for others. What he objected to was, that the Company sought to check other English traders. He then read some extracts from the books produced by Mr. Buckingham and Mr. McDonnell, for the purpose of refuting the arguments of the latter gentleman— proceeding afterwards to observe, that on every hand they were told that nothing could be so pure or im maculate as were the members of the East India Company; perhaps they might be so in the various other relations of life; but of this he had no doubt, that so evil was the system of the East India mo nopoly, that it could not fail to corrupt them. The territory of British India contained one hundred millions of human beings, who pay one-half of the gross produce of their land; in England one-fifth would be considered an exorbitant payment : their oppressors bought cheap and sold dear, and then flew homewards to enjoy the spoil ; they were birds of passage, but, also, they were birds of prey; it was impossible that any amount of private virtue could stem the torrent of such a system, whatever might be said to the contrary. It was said that the Company enjoyed no monopoly—ne thanks to them for that; it was said too, that the opening of the trade would not increase the exports to India. What were the facts ? Previous to the partial opening of it, which some time ago took place, the exports were augmented from one to five millions, and yet there was not one of the arguments now used against the opening of the trade with China which were not at the time he spoke of used against any opening of the trade. They had heard it said that the trade to China was not profitable; it was in evidence that a single part ner belonging to an American house realised 500,000/. to his own share. There was an in stance of a Scotchman, which he could not help mentioning, who resided in that country many years in the character of a naturalized Portuguese—as a British subject he knew he could not. Was it to be endured that a subject of Don Miguel should en joy rights which were denied to a free-born Briton ? They might enjoy all sorts of privileges as Portu guese, but, as Englishmen, they were degraded slaves. After comparing the price of tea in this country and in America, and calling the attention of the meeting to the fact that there existed upon that article a profit of 100 per cent.—nay, that what cost but 2s. in America was sold for ss. 6d. in this country, he proceeded to say, that his first intention had been to reply in detail to Mr. Thomas, but that gentleman had talked so familiarly of despotism that he knew riot how to grapple with him. He told the meeting the system of the Company could not be maintained without despotism. If so, then away with it. In Athens, if he might be allowed to refer to antiquity, it was once proposed that an important measure should be submitted to a single citizen. It being of a nature requiring the closest secrecy, it was agreed that the nature of the pro posed measure should not be communicated to any other person, arid that the State should be go verned by the report of that individual. The mea sure was made known to him, and his report was, that the matter would prove of the highest utility to the State, but that it was open to the objection that it was most unjust; then, said the people of Athens, away with it. Then he would say, away with the monopoly, if despotism be necessary to its maintenance. They might talk of the slave trade, but here was a case of white men, and Bri tish subjects too, who were no better than that of slaves—they could not go ten miles from Calcutta. Then there were 60 to 100,000 of the half caste population, who, with good educations, and the feelings 'of free men, were outcasts in their native land—they could not become Maho metans, and they were denied the privileges of Christians. He believed he might safely say that there did not exist one exercise of good government in that, for there was not one instance of self-govern ment. It had been urged as an argument against the resolutions, that if the present monopoly were abolished, new companies would start. That was the very thing they wanted; and one of the most important benefits from the starting of these new companies would be the dispersion of the vast masses of capital, the accumulation of which in this country was the greatest bar to that industry for which fresh fields would be opened by the destruction of the monopoly. Were the interests of a pitiful paltry Company to stand in the way of the first trading► country in the world ? But the time had at length arrived when England was resolved to rouse herself. Let then a society be formed, which should collect and arrange evidence, and enable the friends of free dom and of trade to put to flight the pretenders to knewledge. He did not come forward for the pur pose of conveying information to the enlightened people of England, on a subject with which their interests necessarily made them well acquainted. He came forward to aid in inducing them to act upon the information which they did possess, and form an assoeiation through whose agency relief might be obtained. Perhaps some might be dis posed altogether to rely upon Parliament ; the wis dom of Parliament, forsooth. Any Road Bill, any little job for the enclosure of a common, would re ceive infinitely more of the attention of Hon. Mem hers than would a matter of the highest public in terest ; then the Treasury Bench was to be attended to, and its feelings consulted; they might easily believe that the Parliament would not be always right by intuition, and never wrong by accident. His opinion was, that Parliament could not be watched too narrowly. The subject well deserved to be the object of vigilance; it affected the manufacturing, the trading, and the shipping interests; and, above all, it affected their domestic expenses. Let them ask their wives which they liked bens •-• nay— i ss. 6d. or 2s. ? But he would co• sr tepics ; he desired to give thr; - liberty and religion • to free the' and misery ; to make these wh Christians depart from the prac consult the interests of 100,000 before that of 2,317 very r gentlemen who formed the The fact of the people of Int was any thing but a reason f, that situation. It was said that 4 11- fession were attac.beit to precedents ; but 4 11 1 b con sidered the precedents which India afforded were evils to be wiped away, not' examples to be fol lowed. He had recently read some speeches de livered at a public meeting by natives of India, and he had directed his attention to other circumstances illustrative of the intellectual character of that people, and he could not hesitate to pronounce them inferior to none. They appeared to have as good understandings, but more gentle hearts than other men—no men appeared better suited to be happy, or more deserving to be free.—(During the delivery of his speech, Mr. O'Connell was frequently inter rupted by the most enthusiastic applause.) Mr. HUNT began by saying, that those around him had expressed an opinion that the last speaker but one had been paid by the Company. Mr. MTONNELL rose with much warmth, but the uproar which his rising occasioned drowned his voice. Mr. HUNT resumed—All around him said that the gentleman was the hired advocate of the com pany; if so, they must have paid him by time.— (A laugh.) They were asked for evidence. Did they never hear of Warren Hastings ?—did they never hear of Nabobs ?—did they never hear of the Nabob of Arcot's debts ?—did they never hear that a Nabob was kept in a cage like a wild beast ? It was a degrading despotism—it was an atrocious monopoly—it was ruinous to the trade of England, and disgraceful to the character of her Government. If the inhabitants of India bought only a blanket a piece, it would revive the woollen trade of England. He confessed he did not under-tand the grounds upon which Mr. Buckingham's motives had been called in question ; they might be good, or they might be evil—it was not for the meeting to decide that question. There was no evidence of their be ing evil—there was every possible reason to believe them good—let the meeting look to his actions, and there they would see just ground to entitle him to their gratitude. They had every reason to be grate ful to him, as a lover of liberty and exposer of tyranny. He hoped the meeting would not separate witbout expressing, in a marked manner, their thanks to Mr. Buckingham. Mr. EDMONDS rose to support the Resolutions. Mr. Buckingham's motives in the agitation of this question had been attacked in the meeting by per sons of whose own motives the meeting knew nothing. The speaker was a countryman of Mr. Buckingham's (Cornish). He was glad to see the Member for Cornwall (Mr. Pendarvis) at a meet ing of this description. His constituents would re member the circumstance. The attendance of pub lic men at this meeting involved the recognition of principles of vast national importance. Members of other counties would have done themselves equal credit by their attendance. Mr. Hunt had said something ahout the two advocates of the China monopoly having been paid to speak here on this occasion. It was a foul calumny.—(Hear, hear.) — What those gentlemen could say would never be worth paying for.—(Laughter.)—Mr. Buckingham had spoken of the anxiety of the Chinese to enter into general traffic with England. The Company said China would not trade with England but through their establishment. If a man from Leaden hall-street and a man from Parliament-street then proceeded to China, each with a chronometer con structed in the same style, by the same artist, the Chinese merchant, they were to believe, would pre for paying the Leadenhall-street man for his chro nometer twice as much in money, or twice as much in tea, as was demanded by the Parliament-street man. If the meeting believed the Chinese to be idiots, and that these were their real principles of traffic, he entreated the meeting not to pass the Resolut ions.—( Laughter.) The Resolutions were then put and agreed to, only three hands being held up against them. Mr. FORTUNE, after a short conversation with the gentlemen near him, was induced to withdraw his Resolution. A Committee was then appointed, to take mea sures for forming the proposed Association. Mr. HUNT then moved the thanks of the meeting to Mr. Buckingham, and spoke in high terms of his services. Mr. O'CONNELL seconded the motion. Mr. RUTT supported it. Mr. BUCKINGHAM acknowledged the honour done Film. Thanks were then voted to the Chairman, and the meeting broke up. GERMAN AND BRUSSELS PAPERS. CONSTANTINOPLE, APRIL 10.—Since the difference between the Porte and Russia may be considered as termi nated, affairs here seem stationary, and politics are of small importance. The regulation of the affairs of Greece gives us occasionally a subject to talk of; but the discus sion of them has lost the charm of novelty, and the variety of views formerly entertained since the decisions of the conferences of London ; and the Porte is on the point of taking a final resolution respecting the recognition of the Greek state. For this purpose a great assembly of the Divan is convoked for to-morrow, before which the Lon don protovols will be laid, that after mature deliberation it may make its report to the Sultan. Those who know the mode of deliberation in a Turkish Divan can tell beforehand what its decision will be if they have the least knowledge of the views of the Sultan. On this occasion, therefore, the announced deliberation of the Divan will most probably be favourable to the Greeks, and the acceptance of the London protocol be resolved on without much opposition, for the Reis Effendi lately dropped some words to the dragoman of a great Power, which clearly show that the Sultan is tired of the Greek business, and will have it put an end to on any terms. . In the annual statement of the finances, which contains the list of all the Governments of the empire, the province of the Morea is not mentioned, which of itself indicates the voluntary resignation of Greece by the Porte, though Negropont, Lepanto, and the part of the continent to be incorporated with the new state, with all the contributions to be paid by those provinces, are still enumerated. It is po•sible that the Porte may object to the extension of ter ritory, and endeavour to obtain more indemnity, which, however, would be labour in vain, after the principles adopted by the European Cabinet, and would only delay the recognition of Greece for a few months, for it seems that the Powers think it a matter of importance that the new state should be regularly constituted, and first ac knowledged by the Porte. Several changes and promotions have been made in the Administration, but not in the great offices. A few days Ago several persons were executed, who were accused of political crimes. It was affirmed they had conspired against the life of the Sultan. The French expedition against Algiers displeased the Porte, which is••endeavouring to induce the Dey to yield, and has strictly enjoined the Pacha of Egypt, who was disposed to assist France, not to interfere or take any part in the differences between the Dey of Algiers and the French Government. VIENNA, APRIL 26.—Letters from London, repre senting the King's health as extremely precarious, have been shown on 'Change, and caused a considerable decline in our funds. APRIL 2 7.—Metalliquo, 102 ; Four per Cents., 97i; Bank sharo, I,3s2.—Allgemeine Zeitung, May 3. BRUSSELS, MAY s.—The first stone of the entrepot at Antwerp will be laid, with great ceremony, on Thurs— day next. 'The Ribble, Captain Beckman, from Batavia, arrived at Flushing on the 3d. MAY 7.—The King will leave Brussels early to-mor row morning, to return to the Hague. The Prince of Orange will set out this evening. Prince Albert of Russia, arrived on the 25th, at Warsaw, with his suite, on his return from St. Petersburgb,— Gazette des Pays Bas. nit USSFLS, MAY 5.—M. Coche yesterday received two summonses, and was interrogated by M. Van de Venue. M. Neervort, printer of the Courier, was also interrogated; questions were put to discover the author of the article inserted in the Courier des Pays Bas the morning after the condemnation, and which was the first .cession of the public grief. ie author of this article is not yet known. k y 6.—A Brussels Paper announced tat the private gondence of Messrs. de Potter and Tielman, which s .iad, has j us t b een pu b l i shed. We cannot believe u • notation of the secrecy due to confidential eorres tfm, and cannot allow that the clerk of the Court of Could have a right to communicate the originals or copies, except in cases provided for by the law for eof justice. The authors of the correspondence m oug% to oppose this scandalous publication, which offends all the principles of morality and property.—Le Beige. GHENT, MAY 6.—M. Van de Weyer, in his defence of M. de Potter, complained that detached fragments of a certain correspondence were published Nov, to meet this reproach, the correspondence has been published entire and annexed to the documents of the proceedings, the clamour is become still louder, and the publication is dis claimed against. Gentlemen of the Union, be consistent. If fragments suffice, why will not M. Van de Weyer have them detached from the whole mass of letters ? If they do not suffice, and if there be some injustice in extracting them, why do the Belge and Courier complain when the letters are published entire ?—Journal de Gaud, May 7. GREECE. " APPENDIX A. TO THE PROTOCOL OF THE CONFERENCE OF FEBRUARY 20, 1 830. - JOINT NOTE ADDRESSED BY THE PLENIPOTENTIARIES OF FRANCE, GREAT BRITAIN, AND RUSSIA, TO HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS PRINCE L EOPOLD OF SA XE COBURG, DATED LONDON, FEBRUARY 3, 1830. " The undersigned Plenipotentiaries of the Courts which signed the treaty of July 6, 1827, have received instructions from their respective Governments to make to his Royal Highness Prince Leopold of Saxe Coburg the following communication The high Allied Powers, wishing to give new pledges of stability to the work of peace in which they are engaged, and taking into consideration the declara tions of the Ottoman Porte, have mutually agreed upon the basis of the definitive organization to be given to Greece. They have therefore resolved that a Prince shall be placed at the head of the new State, whose character may offer a satisfactory guarantee to Greece and to all Europe. They have consequently resolved to make to Prince Leopold, of Saxe-Coburg, the offer of the hereditary sovereignty of that country, with the title of Sovereign Prince of Greece.' The undersigned, in informing Prince Leopold of the de termination of their Courts, have the honour to communi cate to him, confidentially, the protocols Nos. 1,2, and 3, of February 3, 1830, in which are expressed the intentions of the high Powers, both in what relates to his Royal Highness, and what concerns the organization of Greece. They flatter themsely- s that his Royal Highness will concur in the provisions laid down in these three acts, and that he will accept the distinguished mark of esteem and confidence which the high Allied Powers are desirous of conferring upon him. The undersigned congratulate themselves on having to communicate the intentions of their august Sovereigns, and avail themselves of this opportunity of having the honour to offer to his Royal Highness Prince Leopold the homage of their profound respect. (Signed) " MONTMORENCY-LAVAL. " ABERDEEN. " LIEVEN." " APPENDIX B. TO THE PROTOCOL OF THE CONFERENCE OF FEBRUARY 20, 1830.—ANSWER. OF HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS PRINCE LEOPOLD Or SAXE COBURG , TO THE JOINT NOTE OF THE PLENIPOTENTIARIES OF FEB. 3, 1830, DATED CLAREMONT, FEB. 11, 1830. " The undersigned received on the 4th of February the letter which the Plenipotentiaries of the three Courts who signed the Treaty of July 6, 1827, did him the ho nour to write him, and by which, in consequence of the Protocol of Feb. 3, 1830, they offer him, in the name of the High Allied Powers, the hereditary sovereignty of Greece. The undersigned has a deep sense of the honour which the august Sovereigns have deigned to confer on him, by choosing him to put into execution their generous intentions towards the new Greek State. He hastens to express his acceptance of the useful and honourable career opened to him by the High Powers. He is sensible, how- ever, that he would ill repay the confidence which they deign to place in him, if, in announci ng hi s a dh erence t o the Protocols No. 1,2, and 3, of February 3, 1830, he did not submit to them the following observations:- 1. That the high Powers who signed the Treaty of July 6, 1827, would be graciously pleased to grant to the new Greek State a full guarantee, as well as succour in the case of foreign aggression. 2. That the Greek inhabitants of the isles of Candia and Samos, which are to be re stored to the Porte, may have their religious and civil posi tion so fixed and ameliorated by the intercession of the high Powers, and by an ample application of the Treaty of July 6, that they may be free from all vexation, and protected against all acts which might cause an effusion of blood. Upon this subject, which is solely in the interest of hu manity, the undersigned reserves to himself more ample communications with the Plenipotentiaries of the august Sovereigns. 3. That it may please the high Allied Powers that the new frontiers on the west should be fixed so as to continue to ascend the left bank of the river As propotamus as far as the limits marked in the north for that of the Canton of Vlochos, - extending thence towards the east along the neutral limits formed by the mountains which adjoin Mount Oeta ; a frontier which is indispen able for the security of this important part of the new State. 4. That the high Powers would deign to secure to the new Greek State, till its own resources should have resumed their vigour, pecuniary aid proportioned to its wants ; since it is well known that the Provisional Government has hitherto existed only by means of subsi dies supplied by the generosity of the high Powers. 5. That the said Powers would be pleased to grant a sup ply of troops to the new Sovereign of Greece till he shall have been able to organize those which may be required for his service. 6. That they world deign to agree with him about the number of these troops, as well as the time they shall remain at his disposal ; and to give him some latitude, if he should think it necessary, to keep them be yond the time fixed upon. The undersigned takes this opportunity of offering to the Plenipotentiaries of the high Powers the expression of his highest respect. (Signed) " LEOPOLD." " PROTOCOL OF THE CONFERENCE HELD AT THE FO REIGN-OFFICE, LONDON, ON THE 26TH OF FE BRUARY, 1830 ; PRESENT, THE PLENIPOTENTIARIES OF FRANCE, GREAT BRITAIN, AND RUSSIA. " The Plenipotentiaries of the Three Allied Courts be ing assembled, the subject for consideration was the answer of Prince Leopold of Saxe Coburg to the note addressed to him, and signed by the Plenipotentiaries jointly, in con formity with the Protocol No. 2, dated 2d of February, 1830. After having examined the observations made by Prince Leopold upon his acceptance of the Sovereignty of Greece, the Plenipotentiaries came to the following reso lutions upon the several points suggested by the Prince :- 1. The intentions of the three Courts are in perfect ac cord with the wishes expressed by the Prince with regard to the guarantee of the new Greek State by the Allied Powers, and the other Powers of Europe will be invited to accede thereto. 2. The Allied Powers cannot admit the right required by the Sovereign Prince of Greece to interpose with regard to the manner in which the Turkish Government exercises its authority at Candia and Samos. These islands are to remain under the dominion of the Porte, and must be independent of the new Power agreed to be established in Greece. The Allied Powers, however, hasten to inform Prince Leopold, for his own personal sa tisfaction, that, in virtue of engagements mutually entered into between them, they consider themselves bound to pretect the inhabitants of Candia and Samos against all molestation on account of the part they took in the late struggles: that, in case the Turkish authority should be exercised so as to violate the laws of humanity, each of the three Powers, without entering into any ex press and formal engagement, will use its influence with the Porte, in order to secure to the inhabitants of the above. mentioned islands protection against oppres sive and arbitrary acts. 3. The Plenipotentiaries are of opinion that there are insurmountable obstacles in the way of any alterations in the boundaries al ready marked out for the limits of the new State.-- 4. The three Powers have resolved to grant pecuniary aid to the new State, by guaranteeing a loan to be raised by the Greek Government, to be applied exclusively to the payment and support of the troops which the Sovereign Prince shall find necessary for his service. 5. In order to obviate the temporary difficulties the Prince may experience before the new levies of troops shall be completed, the three Powers consent to leave at his disposal, for the term of one year, the division of the French army now actually in Greece. In case a prolongation of their stay should be deemed necessary by the Prince, the three Powers will entertain any representations he may make to them on the subject, with every disposition to meet his wishes. It was afterwards agreed that the first letter of the Plenipoten tiaries, and the answer of his Royal Highness, should be marked with the letters A and B, and be annexed to the present Protocol, to remain as a record of the offer made to the Prince of the Sovereignty of Greece, as well as to his acceptance of it, and his concurrence in the stipulations made by the three Allied Powers. It was likewise agreed that the terms of the present Portocol should be imme diately communicated to the Ottoman Porte, and to the Provisional Government of Greece; that the mode and form of making these communications should be settled at the next conference, and that until the arrival of the Prince in Greece the relations established between the actual Government of the country and the Allied Courts should be maintained upon the present footing. (Signed) " ABERDEEN. " MONTMORENCY-LAVAL. " LIE YEN." FRENCH FUNDS.—PARIS, MAY 7.—Five per Cents., 1051. 45c. 40c. 35c, 3Cc. 35c, 30c.. Three per Cents. 801, 50c. 55c, 50c. 55c. 45c.; Bank Stock, 1 , 910 f. 1,915; Rentes de Naples, 93f. 45c. Mc. 30c. • Rentes d'Espagne, 12 12% 13 12% 13; Royal Spanish Loan, 89% ' ; Rentes Perpetuelle d'Espagne, 81f. 5, %4 ; Haytian Loan, 510 f. Exchange on London, One month (paper), 251. 60c. ; three months (money), 251. 40e,-Ceers Authentique. DAY AT ON! O'CLOCK. riticzs OF STOCKS THIS Rank Stock - 3 per Cent. Red. 91% 2 1% 3 per Cent. Cons. 92 V0 3q per Cent. Ditto Het 99 1 4 4 ncr Cent. Ann. Ditto, liil6 104%5 4. lilmk 1.. Ann. : 19 1-16 Ditto 30 years - Ditto 30 years India stock htto Bonds pm. South Sea Stock Old Annuities New Ditto Ex. Bills, £ 408 2d. '7B 79 O a ' Ditto lid. 78 '79 PO' Ditto .50 2d. '7B 79 PO' Ditto lid. 78 79 pit' Ditto small 2d. 79 '79 PM' Ditto Bank for Account i India for Account Cons. for May 25 920 PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS THIS DAY AT ONE O'cLoclr• Austrian Bonds — Neapolitan Brazilian Bonds 74 Peruvial Bonds 254N Buenos Ayres Bonds — Portuguese Bonds Chilian Bonds — Prussian, Old Colombian Bonds — Ditto, New Ditto, 1824 25% 6 Russian Danish — Spanish, :821 lgy, 174 Greek Bonds 43 1823 Ditto, 1825. 47 9 French Rentes, sp. c. —f. --" Guatimala —l— - Exchange —f. -- 4. • Mexican Bonds — -- 3 per cent. —f. --C. Ditto, 1825 % . Exchange —t. ---6 FOREIGN EXCHANGES ON LONDON. HAMBURG, MAY 4.-13. 13 3 4.—Tw0 months, 13. 12q. AMSTERDAM, MAY 7.-12. 27 5-10 to 12. 25. Two months-12. 20 to 12. 17 5-20. Sr. PETERSBURGH, APRIL 23.—Three months, 10 0-10. BERLIN, MAY I.—Three months, '7. BREMEN, APRIL 30.—Two months, 616. STOCKHOLM, APRIL 27.—Seventy-five days, 12 20. TO THE PRESIDENT, VICE-PRESIDENT, TREA SURER, COMMITTEE, AND GOVERNORS GI 7 THE OPTHALMIC INFIRMARY, MOORFIELDS. MY LORDS, LADIES, AND GENTLEMEN, (A N account of th e p ressure o f b us i ness a l V the OPHTHALMIC INFIRMARY, your CO* MITTEE have deemed it expedient to take into their con• sideration the appointment of an ASSISTANT SURGEON to that ESTABLISHMENT. I beg leave consequently to offer myself as a Candidate for the situation ; having been during some years intimately , though not officially, connected with your excellent Cha rity, and h av i ng d e li vere d, d ur i ng the last' summer, is connection with it s p resen t Medical O ffi cers, a co urse 01e Lectures on the Physiology and minute Anatomy of the Eye, I trust it will not be deemed presumption in me to solicit the support of your Votes and Interests at the approaching Election. Allow me further to submit to your notice the following testimonials received from Sir Astley Cooper, Bart., and Dr. Farre; and to add, that I shall shortly lay before e ach Governor numerous certificates and testimonials from the most distinguished Physicians and Surgeons of the times. I have the honour to be, My Lords, Ladies, and Gentlemen, Your most obedient Servant, JOHN DALRYMPLE. 8, New Broad-street, May 10, 1830. TO THE GOVERNORS OF VIE OPTHALMIC INFIRMARY, MOORFIELDS. As one of the earliest Friends and Governors of your excellent Institution, I beg, in the strongest manner, CO recommend Mr. John Dalrymple as Assistant-Surgeon to the Establishment. Highly gifted in talents by nature, and having exerted himself to the utmost to acquire surgical knowledge gene rally, and opthalmic knowledge particularly, and having given Lectures on the Anatomy and Physiology of the Eye!, he is pecularly c a l cu l a t e d t o d o cre di t to your c h oice, an d to further the interests of your invaluable Institution. I have the honour to be, your most obedient, May 9, 1830. ASTLEY COOPER. DEAR SIR,---The Committee of the London Ophthal' mic Infirmary in surrendering to the Governors their right of electing Medical Officers, intended that the Candidate should be subjected to that sifting of talent which is con nected with a public canvass. Your having called upon me to certify the facts in rela tion to yourself, which had fallen under my own ot,serva tion, and my duty as well as my inclination lead me, to comply with your reque , t. I selected you to lecture on the minute anatomy and physiology of the eye to the students of the Infirmary, n ot as a matter of favour, but from actual observa tion of your high attainments in practical anatomy. I have tried your talent for observation at the In firmary, in recording in their series morbid appear ances, which are intricate and complex, and am sa tisfied with your patience in watching, your fidelity in reporting, and the truth to nature in combining the facts which constitute the history of obscure Op thalmic Sur gery. I have afforded you the opportunit y in private of condecting the treatment of disorganizing inflammation of the Eye, where the least judgment was required to arrest the disease, and your success in restoring vision has fully answered my expectation. Whatever may be the result of the present canvass, which will, lam persuaded, be conducted by you with the utmost urbanity (for true science disdains all vitupera• tive aid), your character, both as a Surgeon and an Opthalmic Surgeon, will be fully established by the testi mony of others; but, above all, I, who have also expe rienced the skill and tenderness with which you can ope rate, will never he slow to acknowledge your claims to public favour. I remain, dear Sir, your obedient servant, JOHN RICHARD FARRE. To John Dalrymple, Esq. ve:tfifiza:l44oll tin. e'•: ll ,t 7 :*l ne • ; LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, MAY 10, MO. HIS MAJESTY'S HEALTH. The following Bulletin was issued this morn• lig :- " Windsor Castle, May 10. " The KING passed yesterday evening and the night in composure, with some sleep, but his MAntsTv's symptoms remain the same. (Signed) " HENRY HALFORD. " MATTHEW J. TIERNEY." Despatches were received at the Foreign office this morning from the British Minister at Lisbon, from Lord STUART DE ROTHSAY at . Paris, and Sir C. BAGOT at the Hague. At the Colonial-office despatches were received from Malta and Gibraltar. Sir ROBERT PEEL, MT. WM. YATES PEEL, and Mr. DAWSON, left town at nine o'clock this morning, for the purpose of attending the funeral obsequies of the late Sir ROBERT PEEL, Bart, which will take place at Drayton to-morrow. The following are extracts from German and Hamburg Papers : it will be seen that the flighty Duke of BRUNSWICK has been at length brought to a sense of submission, if not contri tion : BRUNSWICK, MAY I.—The following ordinance has been published here : " Charles, by the Grace of God, Sovereign Duke of Brunswick and Luneburg, &c. As there exist reasons, in consequence of which, the continuance of the following ordinances, viz. : " I. That of Dec. 31, 1813. " 2. That of Aug. 14, 1815. "3. That of May 10, 1827, with respect to which we reserved to ourselves the faculty of recalling them in the sequel, with reference to a Resolution of the Diet of the 20th of Aug. 1829 ; and "4. That of Dec. 13, 1828, appears to be incompata ble. We are induced to revoke them, and they are hereby revoked accordingly. In testimony whereof, we hereunto affix our signatures and the Seal of the Chancery of State. " Brunswick, April 22, 1830. " By special command, (L. S.) " VON BULOW. " VON MUNCHAUSEN." An ordinance has been published to-day relative to the Board of Finmee, the Administration of the Forests, the Domains, the Mines, &c. BERLIN, MAY l Royal Highness Prince Albert, accompanied by General Baron Alufiling, has re turned from St. Petersburgh." We hear that the Emperor Nicholas will leave St. Pe tersburgh the week after the Easter holydays, and that his absence will continue till the middle of June. The Emperor had made numerous promotions on occasion of the holidays. BREMEN, APRIL 30 . —Professor Harding, at Got tingen, discovered a pretty bright comet on the 25th of April, between the Dolphin and Pyarus. COPENHAGEN, MAY I.—The Chevalier Bodenkoff of lade;) Were and u 'testi the An g i BB Lis c partn HI bate 1 the some anew, on th of th, Law, be ell V / Ditto V 4 admi Spiri of th Lox and ' ment ties o Pape publi in nii desk, minu for. j kahan matte ever Patti( Price -Post, repea Taxe whici artich Hamel a sell' Princi portic prese t tarily with ° conti r len t publi E hance th e e News, arisip! circub th e u St arni fieient of 11 advert necesl vertim no d would them Th THol last, anima fell s t, t rona I arisi ni Verti st lo suc for pl ; mall requir other one, c tion c of m a whilst two le such baianc Great *.