The Sun. — London, England, 1863-12-02 00:00:00

THE POLISH INSURRECTION, (From the. .Special Correspondent of the Times) WARSAW, Nov. 16. It is rather renarkable that the nomination of Count Berg to the. Lieutenancy of the kingdom of Poland appears ia the same number of the Journal de St. Petersbourg as the rescript from the Emperor to the Grand Dole Constantine, from which it may or may not be inferred that the retirement of his Imperial Highness is only temporary, and that after the suppression of the insurrection he will return to Poland and introduce a humane system of Govern ment. The foLlowi'ag is the passage in the rescript which has attract'ad the most attention, and which to the ordinary reader, would leave no doubt as to the Grand DuY;e's ultimate return But when, with the help'of God, the revolt is mastered ; when, render ad accessible to the voice of duty and legality, Day subjects, of the kingdom liberate themselves from the violence e .sercised upon them by the declared fosterers of treason, 'And have recourse to my clemency; when the re establistarnent of order permits you to resume the work you had c , ite.menced ; when circumstances render possible the applics.tion of institutions which it is one of my most lively and sincere desires to see in action, I have the agreeable hors., that you will then take part in the execution of my TIP, W 8 "&C, One would naturally conclude from this that the Emperor's brother must be playing the part of " the absent Duke," while General Berg fulfils that of Angelo, his severe deputy. It is said, however, on the other hand, that the Grand Duke has had enough of Poland, and that, even if he wished to come back, the circumstances under which alone his return would be thought desirable are not likely to present themselves. The project of an address to the Emperor has been attributed to the Poles for some time past by the correspondents of the Russian newspapors. It has even been suggested to Poles who have had pardons or commutations of punish ment to solicit for their friends that the best thing to do in the first instance would be to append their signiViures to an address of repentance and submis sion. But, though there is much to deplore, there is nothing to apologise for. It was a duty the Poles owed to their country, and not to the Russian Go vernment, to abstain from an appeal to arms. They army, rldl into a srehvoew every the are not likely to go down on their kn ees and beg f or mercy, nor is it like l y that mer cy w to them. Every insurg ent chietifsswiahr: fallsoi y hands of the Russians is shot, ev er y • y nin surgent draughted into the it suspected member of the National Government sent to the east of Russia, every convicted member shot or hanged. Nevertheless, if an address is really wanted signatures of some kind might no doubt be procured. I see that the peasants of the various districts in the Government of Augustowo continue to present their compliments to Mouravieff, and to implore him t o obtain f or them the glorious privi leges of th e newly-liberated Russian serfs. The peasants of the kingdom in general might be made ktoinpd:tand a their s marks to a loy a l p e tition o f th e same the voice of the majority is now the most Important thing in Russia, next to Divine right, the views and sentiments of the educated Classes on the subject would, of course, be declared unworthy of notice. There is a well known mode, too, of forcing in habitants of towns to sign addresses. An exorbitant tax is announced, and when the taxpayers venture to remonstrate they are told to put their remon strances in writing and accompany them with be fitting expressions of loyalty. Thus the Jaws of `Vilna were suddenly ordered by Mouravieff to pay zip 20 per cent. of their incomes. " How could they get off ? The tax was enormous—twice as much as was required of the landed proprietors." It was explained to the Jews that to get the tax re duced they must petition, and the result was the - presentation of an address of loyalty from the _Hebrews of \Vilna. That the Polish nobility, however, or the inhabi tants of Warsaw, or any of the men of the insurrec tion will have recourse to the Imperial clemency is not to be thought of. Putting all other considera tions on one side, it would not be safe to do so, and the first man who made the experiment would feel it necessary at the same time to make his will. However, with or without an address, if the Grand Duke were really to return, he would not find his position here very tenable in the midst of men who have been at war, not with his father's Govern ment, 'out with the system of government intro duced by himself. He would have nothing to offer that Ives not offered unavailingly before; and any conviction he may have entertained as to the possi bil'ay of reconciling the principal men in Poland to the Government of Russia must now have been :considerably weakened. On the other hand, there would be some negative advantages attached to his position should he return after the total suppression of the insurrection and the abandonment of all hope of foreign intervene tion. The revolutionary party which directed the attack on the Grand Duke's person, and which begun the present insurrection and kept it up until, encouraged by promises of foreign aid, the wholecountry joined in it—this party will no longer be able to show its head, and there would no longer be any possibility of hesitating between positive benefits, however slight, offered by Russia and the vague, unmeaning sympathy of foreigners. The 4 . ( !evolutionary" party, as it loves to style itself— the party which will hear of no compromise either with the Russians or with those who can tolerate theirtant e % l n a vernment —must have lost large numbers in thafithat : 8 well as by exile ; and it is not unlikely men w wnc le a the momen t o f recr i m i na ti on arr i ves th e known, 12 ;oald force on a rising, and who made Duke ane, th la t, e_i r attempts to murder the Grand chiefly f eared \ iorquis Wielopolski, that what they an improv e d wassyst the pacification of the country by upon by theera of governme n t, w ill b e lo o k e d tid ier ever. If, however , they with more aversion than too much blamed, those who blame them may e y b ar e ; and if an reminded that they ended by joining them may foreigner lays too much stress on this fact, h e any J o be asked in his turn how i t was possible for classes of Poles to side actively, or even pcaai t v a e r with the Russians against their own country nica Y ; all, may be asked why they were Foreigners, above ot wu n c o c t truly justi plauding an insurrection w hi ch was SO eager in ap s, but was fiable because it had no chance based only on that sort of right w h ich were culpable the lamb pos• the atorie, sesses to attack the wolf. any _wccauyrraeisdia. Here, again, the Poles themselve s for it was from Polish sources that cam e of risings having occurred in Europe in provinces which had not been in importance of a move _ turbed, and of the military went which, as far as regards numbers in the field, was never very great. It was from Poland the hews cP.tne that Langiewicz had a well-equippd army of 10,000 men, whereas the truth was (as I mentioned long ago) that he had never more than 3,500, many of whom were very badly armed. If we had known from the first how strong the Russians were and how weak the Poles, the insurrection would have met with the sympathy of p i ty b u t not of encouragement, and we should have ad mired the heroism of the Polish leaders without counselling them to persevere as they have done until now nearly every one of those who went into the field at the beginning of the in surrection is in his grave. If we had seen from the beginning that the Poles were sure to get the worst of it we should, instead of cheering them on, have e ntreated them, for their own sak e , t o d es i s t. B u t they would publish their stereotyped phrase— familiar rthensi t o o t t r i e l: readers of the Opinione Nationale,— would Lave t is increasing day by d a y ; " th ey flying to aeritnts ion that the whole of a nc i en t P o l an d was "fr t om the Baltic to Bessarabia ; " they would spe a k ' the entry of ev er y f res h detach mentt its exit into the kingdom ' without saying anythi ng abou ;they would l never allo w th a t th e in surrection had ,aboveal,aspeculative ch arac t er , an d that it was kept up by desperateort f efforts in the hope o f u ltimately obtaining support from abroad. In fine, ;snowing that the p ower ,,, , they C, a nti re more likely to be assisted than the weak fied their strength, and deceived t il h ally magni eir backers as to their capabilit y of beating thfeorßeignus sians, and were a g ain deceived as t o the chances of being helped in the event, more or le ss expect e d, of the Russians proving, after all, too s t rong for them A fine tragi-comedy ho been played en both sides the end of which is that Poland is ruined, and that now, when the snow is beginning to fall, the French army is as far from Cracow as ever, and a nF w code of instructions in force throughout the k.: gdom, by which proprietors, mayors of villages, d chiefs of peasant communes, are required to g,ve information at the nearest military post of the arrival of insur gents on their estates, without summary judgment by court-martial as the alternative in case of neglect. Charges and counter-charges of deception will, no doubt, be made plentifully before long ; but in the meanwhile there has existed, on both sides, a de cided willingness to be deceived. People were so glad to hear that the Poles, the representatives of liberty, were beating the Russians, the representa tives of despotism, that they would not stop to in quire whether such really was the case; and the Poles themselves looked upon every one as their enemy who ventured to deny the astounding triumphs claimed for their detachments, even when these detachments were beaten instead of victorious. The approved friend of Poland is the man who will have the igno rance or the effrontery to talk of 20,000,000 Poles ready to fight for independence ; and these are the " friends" who have misled the Poles as to the pro bability of their being assisted by foreigners. It is said that positive promises were made by France ; and it is certain that the Poles obeyed all instructions received from the Emigration in Paris with the most Implicit confidence; and that first the taking of Puebla, then the election of a Sovereign to the Mexican throne, were mentioned as occur rences after which the intervention of a French army might be regarded as certain. I fancy, how ever, it would be very difficult to prove that any direct promises were made on the part of the French Government ; though persons supposed to be in the confidence of the Emperor may have communicated their own suppositions and hopes on the subject to their correspondents in Poland; and thus ex pressions of sympathy may, at last, have come to be translated into pledges of assistance. How ever this may have been, the Poles had made up their minds that the Emperor Napoleon must aid them, and being once possessed with that conviction they interpreted everything that took place in France with reference to the Polish question in a sense favourable to their desires. In England it was imagined that M. Billault's speech did not hold out to the Poles any great hope of French inter vention. The Poles, however, were ingenious enough to discover in it a secret intention to come to their rescue at the proper moment; and as with M. Billault's speech so it may have been with the promises, alleged to have been made by persons in the confidence of the Emperor. It is not creditable to the Russian Government, but the fact is that the slightest shadow of a hint from Paris has more effect upon the Poles than the most solemn promises from St. Petersburg. In the former case, to be sere, the longing for national in dependence is appealed to, whereas, in the latter, the more that is done to improve the condition of the Poles, the less chance is there that they wil I throw themselves blindly into political enterprises with the view of separating themselves from Rus sia. At the same time it is a fact, that the Russian Government, by reason, in a great measure, of its own past conduct, is unable to inspire the Poles with the slightest confidence, though even if it were the most sincere and truthful Government in the world it would still find it difficult to establish any lasting good relations with a nation which is always looking for the help of foreigners. The Poles can scarcely fail to derive some political benefit from the present insurrection, ruined though they already are by it in a material point of view. If a new Polish kipgdom, on the model of the Po land of 1815, be not formed out of the present king dom, with or without the annexation of the city and district of Cracow ; if the Poles should be unable to obtain even such a result as this from their labours and sufferings; it is just possible that they may at last look upon themselves as altogether abandoned by the West. Once really convinced of this they would certainly not attempt any farther struggle with a Power so immensely superior to them in re sources of all kinds as Russia. In that case it might be the worse for the West of Europe, or at least for Austria and Prussia ; but it would evidently be better for the Poles to reckon with their despair, to cease irritating theonly countryfrom w hichthey could have anything to hope, and to enter into its projects instead of perpetuallycounteracting them. If theking dom of Poland is not saved this time, or failing that result does not by a revulsion of feeling easy to un derstand throw itself into the arms of Russia, instead of waiting for Russia to stifle it, then the Poles must feel that they are destined only to be crushed, for they will certainly not have another chance left of preparing themselves even for the feeblest insur rection. " For some time to come,'' said a Russian ,he other day, whose opinion on such a matter is of importance, "we shall only be able to govern Poland under a state of siege." " And after that ?" he was asked. " Still the state of siege." " But at a later period ?" "It will always be difficult to get on without the state of siege," was the reply, and so undoubtedly would it be it the Poles, after receiving the most painful plod to the contrary, still per sisted in believing that the West of Europe was anxious to rescue them from Russian dominion. Hitherto the Poles have imen placed in a most painful position, being just sufficiently protected by the Western Powers to be able to persuade them selves that under favourable circumstances France and England, or France alone, would assist them against Russia. The fact that nothing was done for them in 1831, and that they were scarcely thought of during and after the Crimean war, has left no im pression upon:them. They are;always looking for rescue to the West, and if the `Vest cannot help them by armed intervention, it might, at least, render them an important service by formally abandoning them, instead of protesting on their behalf, and reserving a perpetual right to interfere, which is never exer-. cised otherwise than in words. The remark of an ex-Minister, who speaks with authority on the sub ject—the remark of M. Guizot, that "every one has made use of Poland, but no one has really assisted her," ought never to be forgotten by the Poles. "I will restore this noble nation to independence if Russia does not agree to my projects ; if she does, however, a slice more of the noble nation's territory is at her service—that is the additional Napoleonic language on the subject of Poland ; and it is not astonishing, since Napoleon I. purchased Russia's consent to the formation of the little Polish France, entitled the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, by the ces sion of Bialystock, and her consent to its increase by the cession of Sarnopol, that a similar project should be attributed now to Napoleon 111. The annexation of Cracow and a portion of Western Galicia to a new and self-governing Polish k t i :gdom, and of Eastern Galicia to Russia, would T 7 Onl y a renewal by Napoleon 111. and Alexander 1-00fitehoe policy in respect to Poland pursued by B ut it all Napoleon and Alexander I. in 1807 and 1809. eurepo ' i \T ie ft a lao r leon 111. can do for Poland is to pro the purely polish for the Kingdom, and to get that is no more portion of Galicia annexed to it, than what every Austrian knows was the infallib l e . e o olicy nd of the p introduced by the Marquis w j e l nev ertheless co l4 , P re ° , ls i it I, whom Prince Napoleon n the F r en c h S ena t e t o Judas Isc ario t. ‘ 4 If the present insurrection 1 in tervention on behalf of Polan7lB to no active , or expectant real J u d as i n future will be any Sovereign or nation, or p olitical assembly thealtpectant Prince, to mislead th e Poles as to the prob: n b7 Y of their endeavour receiving some da y that support fr om abroad t which hith er to, even under t he most favourable circum stances, m s t ance s, has always failed them at the critical u- moment. If, after all, a war should serieusly b e undertaken with a view to an independent P oland, and if this war should be seriously prosecuted and Poland nut abandoned at the first opportunity f or making a profitable peace, than the Marquis Wi c k_ polski will have erred so greatly in supposing such a war to be out of the question that his mistake will in deed appear almost criminal. Should it on the contrary turn out that all the blood that has been shed in the present insurrection has been shed in ve in, then the real wrong-doers will evidently be, not those who commenced the movement in a moment of despair, but those who long befora had planned it; and . above all, those who, by encozraging it with false , hopes from abroad, led the whole country to take THE SIM LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 2, 1863. Itri leeerantsi Es hei ad measps part in it, though only a small minority believed that, unassisted, it could ever succeed. People in England have probably a very faint idea as to how the Kingdom of Poland is actually governed at the present moment otherwise than that it is generally subject to military law. A little i n f orma tion on the subject may be in terest i ng, if not important ; for the probabilities are th a t th e ex isting system will not last very l ong , an d t h at in the end Poland will have to aba n d on many o f h er d e mands upon Russia and upon E urope, and that w m i e ll an m w a h k il e e s t o h m e e K c i n o g n c d e o s m s i o o n f s p to o la t n h d e I P .s o g le o s : v f tu absolutely b y G eneral Berg, Lieutenant of h srtoordand we ver Command by e a r i c ti c - n C n h o i i e l f o o f f the A d forces. in is tration, the members of which are M. Fundurkley, Controller-General of Finances ; the four directors of departments (Interior, Finance, Justice, and Public Instruction), M. Masson, Postmaster-Gene ral; General Kierbedz, Chief of Public Works; and M. Niepokoyczycki, formerly the manager of the Bank of Poland. The Council of administration meets under the presidency of General Berg himself. The members of the elective municipal councils resigned some months ago; so also did the inde pendent members of the Council of State, though the Council of State, composed as it is now of official members exclusively, still meets occasionally. The principal members of the executive are Gen o rals Trepoff, Chief of the Gendarmes; Roznoff, Chief of the Secret Police ; and Lowszyn, Over- Policemaster. The precise difference between the functions of these three officials would not be easy to explain. The President of the Town, the successor of Count Sigismund Wielopolski in that office, is Gene ral Witkowski, who has to superintend the distri bution and collection of local taxes, to direct all that concerns the supply of water and gas, and so on. The administration in political matters of what is called justice is confided to " commissions," of which there are now some half-dozen or more ; or, rather, the questioning of prisoners and the drawing up of reports as to their culpability, are intrusted to these commissions—the right of passing sentence belong ing solely to the Lieutenant. One commission occu pies itself with real or supposed discoveries relating to the National Government ; a second with the exa mination of insurgents taken in arms and with all matters bearing upon the insurrection in the field, a third with the affair of the Zamoyski-house, a fourth with that of the Hotel de i'Europe, a fifth with the burning of the Town-hall, and a sixth with the rob bery of the Treasury. A special and unofficial commission was impro vised for the preparation of detailed rules on the subject of ladies' dress. The officers who composed it are accused of having shown great want of taste (and even, according to some ladies, of common sense) in proscribing black veils, as if a black veil constituted mourning, or as if any other sort of veil could possibly be worn during winter ! For the pre sent, by the way, veils are discarded altogether in Warsaw. The Military Club is also said to exercise great in fluence on the general policy of the Russian Govern ment in Poland. That it considered the rule of the Grand Duke too mild is notorious, and I think I may add that it regards that of General Berg as not sufficiently severe. As to the Grand Duke the club is probably not wrong in one respect, inasmuch as it the insurrection was to be suppressed at all it ought to have been suppressed at once, when only a very small part of the population, and that the least influential portion, had taken part in it. The spectacle of a small nation contending, not with out promises of aid, but without assistance, against an immense empire would have been lost; but, on the other hand, Poland would not have been devas tated and ruined, and its position under the Russian Government would not have been made more in tolerable than before, without its liberation being rendered more probable. There is a special diplomatic department at War saw, directed by Count Osten Sacken. Of foreign representatives nothing need be said, except that Prussia alone, of all the European Powers, has here, besides a Consul, two military commissioners, Col. Treschkow and Captain Davernoy. in town or country, locked my own doors at night. They have always been locked by one of the negro servants, and the key carried out with him that he might get in early in the morning; and this prac tice I have continued uninterruptedly, nor do I know of any one who have made the slightest change in their mode of life in these respects. We can easily imagine your feelings of sympathy for your friends in this country, and particularly those of Charleston. There is necessarily much suffering, but we help one another and make light of all priva tions and sufferings we endure, being free. We get letters from friends in the enemy's country, both our own people and Lincoln's, and not all the depriva tions we suffer would induce us to change places." THE CONGRESS. (From the Paris Correspondent of the limes.) Pamphlets, as I anticipated in my letter of Satur day, are beginning to flow in upon us. Three have appeared on the Congress and the Treaties of 1815. One only is anonymous ; the others have the name of the authors on their title-page. The anonymous one, which is decidedly of the " liner" character, is for war, and that promptly, if the Powers do not accept the Congress. I quote no more than the concluding passage : " Let people reflect well. The elected head of a nation of 40 millions of souls does not address himself in vain to the civilised world. A statesman of the Emperor's genius dis dains expedients without grandeur and without frankness, and does not allow himself to be caught in the toils of an obsolete diplomacy. If the great P owers w i l l no t or canno t come to an understanding—if th e y ma k e t h e C ongress im possible or powerless — if they shut up, or allow to be shut up, the only path which leads to peace—if, out of obstinacy in maintaining a past which is crumbling in pieces, they enter on that which sooner or later must lead to war—then, war for war, France and the Emperor have a decided inte rest that it should commence before the impression produced on the public by the speech of the sth November be effaced. War for war ; reason as well as pclicy requires that it should be declared in the spring. The title of this warlike production is " L'Empe rear Napoleon 111. et le Congres." The faith in the efficacy.of the Congress is grow ing weaker every day. If any illusion existed after the Emperor's letter, it is almost entirely dispelled. There are, however, a few persons who still seem to cling to the hope of universal pacification. One of them is M. Henri Dron, the writer of the second pamphlet, which bears for title, "L'Europe au Vingtieme Siecle." M. Dron gives a very compre hensive interpretation to the Speech from the Throne. He takes the political map to pieces ; and in 50 pages of small print constitutes a Europe in a fashion which only wants the concurrence of its diplomacy to be perfect. He proposes to dismiss kings, give unlimited leave of absence to rulers of the inferior class, and set up ten " potentates with the title of emperor. When all the princes aro sent about their business, France is to begin by absorbing Belgium, Holland, and the banks of the Rhine. Germany, disembarrassed of its kings, dukes, landgraves, and electors, will have Dresden for its new capital ; while Vienna is to be made the chief seat of the Greek empire, and Stockholm that of the Scandi navian. Portugal is to melt into Spain. Russia is to be cut into two equal parts, one of which is to be erected into a State under the name of the Empire of Cireassia I The third pamphlet is from the pen of one who was once but too well known, and who startled the public some time back by his vindication of the Papacy—M.P. J. Proudhon. M. Proudhon cannot produce anything completely unattractive ; and this, whether he be serious or in jest. To which of these categories the present little book of 108 pages belongs it is not easy to discover. The title is a question—" Si Les Traites du 1815 ont cesse d'exister ?" to which he says he anxiously awaits an answer from the Emperor's speaking Ministers. In the meantime he himself tries to give it such answers as he can : If the Treaties of 1315 no longer exist, there is no longer any public European law ; the gentlemen of the large journals have first of all drawn that inference. If the treaties do not exist, on what does the existence of nations depend ? Where are their guarantees? Without public law Europe falls into a state of war. Nothing can prevent States from collision with each other, and what is to become of the small ones in that shock of the great ? If the Treaties of 1815 are annulled there are no longer any legal frontiers. Where do Prussia, Austria, France, Italy, Germany, Russia, and Sweden end ? Whose is the Rhine ? - Whose the Vistula ? And NI hose the Danube, Constantinople, Gibraltar, the Adriatic ? If the Treaties of 1815 are abolished, nationali ties about which we hear so much will, no doubt, appear in the integrity of their origin. Everywhere the aboriginal will separate from the stranger. It will be like the Day of Resurrection, the children of the country on the right and the others on the left, If the Treaties of 1815 are abrogated, there will be nothing left but force. The European system, such, good or bad, as it is established by treaties, is to be re constructed. But by what right ? By the right of war natu rally, since either creation begins with antagonism, and since by the destruction of the treaties we are made to revert to the beginning of the world —to the time when force alone was the law. To arms, then; and remember, my good people, that to form yourselves into States, the first condi tion being to measure themselves, your duty is to fight heartily with each other ! But what do I say ? If the Treaties of 1815 exist ao longer, let us carry the matter out, and declare that the Civil Codes no longer exist, that the Commercial Code is abolished, that the Penal Coda is at an end, Are there not people who every day violate the laws as well of person as of property ? Abolish the custom-house and you have no more smuggling. Abolish property and you have no more thieves. Abolish capital punishment and the hangman's occupation is gone, So the infraction of the laws, the contempt of treaties, should have justly this result if this reasoning be pushed to an extreme—the abolition of laws and the annulling of tt eaties Persons and property remaining without guarantee, justice without sanction, vio lence and crime would prevail and would take their revenge I What a singular policy that must be which leads to such consequences." It the Treaties of 1815 no longer exist, of course it is intended to remodel the political map of Europe. " What, then, ho asks, " will be the maxinzs and minima of the Powers in population and territory ? Shall Germany preserve all her circles, or shall she form only one ? Is Europe to be composed of 200 States, or only a dozen ? Are these States to be equal between each other, and in this case how is it meant to reconcile equality with nationality ? Or is the principle of nationality, wiihout regard to equilibrium, to be preferred ; and, if so, how ar e li m it s to b e fi xe d ? Wh a t is meant by nationalities ? Are the re as many as races ? Is the characteristic of worship and language to be taken with race? Is the form of Government to have any weight in the mat ter ? Do you consider as making part of a nationality th fractions of foreign nationalities which it has assimilated to itself? What constitutes race? What is the influence of religion and language ? Now, really, if a little chance, or a little even of the arbitrary is to slip into the acts of the future, what reproach can be made to the Congress of Vienna ? . . The Treaties of 1815 have ceased t o exist. You have, therefore, another pact to propose to Europe —a new law, more rational, more complete, more efficacious, and more intelligible. You appeal to a Congress, and the Powers have already received their letters of convo cation. Most assuredly there is not one among us French men who would not be proud of the honour to be conferred on our country in receiving within our capital an assembly so august. But that is not the question. I ask if these Sovereigns, as the Imperial speech calls them, shall be really proper plenipotentiaries ? What shall be their com petency ? Shall they be bearers of a commission ? For, in truth, with the exception of the Emperor of Russia, whose authority rests on the patriarchal principle, and the Emperor of the French, whom the nation allows to do nearly what h pleases, there are no longer absolute rulers in Europe. A 1 1 have seen their prerogative more or less modified by the new constitutional regime. How, then, shall these high functionaries,iwho of themselves have not the right to raise a farthing of tax in their countries, have the right of treat ing of their possession, and readjusting the map of Europe ? Victor Emmanuel incurred universal blame in 1859 for bartering against Lombardy, which Napoleon 111. handed to him, populations to whom ho was bound by patriotic and patrimonial ties. Are we going, under pretence of revising the treaties of 1815, to renew the scandals of them ? Is it so certain that the nations will not consent, as in 1815, to let themselves be given as property to the first that bids for them ? And, if they do not consent, if they refuse their ratifization, of what use, I pray, is the convention of the Sovereigns ? ' All's well that ends well.' I love to believe, as I willingly hope that the future Congress, that this Amphic tyonic Council of Europe, speaking in the name of law and of the liberality of nations, voting by a majority of suffrages, acting sovereignly, will be animated by the most generous feelings ; that it will impose pacific institutions on the world, silence the ambitious, and constrain the refractory, But it may be otherwise. It may be that the Sovereigns shall meet in Paris, as in 1823 at Verona, to erect barriers against the revolution,' and that under pretence of inter national order they shall form a league against the liberties of the world. What reason have we to believe that the new law of nations, amended by a majority of Sovereigns more or less well-meaning, shall be more favourable to civilization than that of 1815 ? You say you hope it will ; but I prefer the certainty of it; and without the certainty I see no necessity to run after a new law, or to raise up an authority which may be changed from night to morning into a counter revolution." From the foregoing it will be seen that M. Proudhon is not favourable to the notion of Congress for the remodelling of Europe. ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE, NORTHERN CIRCUIT.—NEWCASTLE-ON-TYNE, Nov. 30. (Before Mr. Justice Wightman.) His lordship sat this morning at the Moot-hall and tried the county prisoners. Jacob de Koe, a Dutch sailor, aged 28, was indicted for cutting and wounding John Donald, at Tynemouth, on the 2d of October last. Mr. Campbell Foster appeared for the prosecution, and Mr. Maule, at the request of his lordship, defended the pri sonery. It appeared that the prosecutor, who is a blacksmith, at midnight on the 2d of October last was proceeding with a man named Storer upWooden-bridge-lane to North Shields, the prosecutor being the worse for drink. They saw the prisoner and another man talking to a girl named Coe. The prosecutor and his friend thereupon went and talked to the girl, and the prisoner pushed the prosecutor away. This led to a wrangle and scuffle between the two men, in the course of which the prosecutor knocked the prisoner down and cut his nose. The prisoner, on getting up, was seen by a witness (who came up in consequence of the cry of " Police" having been raised by the girl Coe) to draw his sailor's knife from the sheath and strike the prosecutor a blow with it on the neck. Storer then cried out, " Donald, you are stabbed," and the prisoner ran away. The prose cutor then found that he had received a wound on the tem ple, and also at the back of the neck and in the side, the wound in the neck being a serious one. The prisoner, on running away, was stopped by a witness to whom he offered sixpence and a halfpenny to let him go. The defence urged was that the prisoner inflicted the wounds on the prosecutor in his necessary self-defence ; or at any rate, that the wounds, when inflicted, were not done with the intents charged in the indictment. His Lordship having summed up, The jury found the prisoner guilty of unlawful wound ing, but strongly recommended him to mercy on the ground of the provocation he had. received. His Lordship said the case was a peculiar one ; the pri soner was a foreigner and was first attacked, and although not justified by any necessity in using the knife, he had used it on great provocation and without any premeditation. The sentence of the Court was that he be imprisoned for two calendar months. Peter M'Enaney, aged 22, was indicted for cutting and wounding Charles Dorley, with intent to do him grievous bodily harm. Mr, Campbell Foster prosecuted, the prisoner was not defended. It appeared that the prosecutor Dorley was a seaman on l i board a ship called the British Empire, which on the 11th of October last was lying in the Northumberland Dock, at Hendon, near Shields. The prosecutor and three other sea men had been in Shields and were returning to their ship at night across some fields, when one of them, named Gallantley, stopped behind for a short time, and was then heard shouting for help, The prosecutor looked back and ran to his assistance, and then found the prisoner on the top of Gallatley and apparently trying to rob him. The prosecutor immediately pulled the prisoner off him by the collar of his coat, and then found himself attacked by two men who came up to assist the prisoner. He turned round to defend himself from the attacks, and immediately re ceived a stab in his back behind from the prisoner, which rendered one side powerless, and he fell on the grass. The three men then ran away. He was taken to a cabin at the Northumberland dock and a doctor was sent for, who found that he had received a dangerous wound in the back, which subsequently confined him to the infirmary for three weeks. The prisoner was met by a policeman, who having heard of the attack on Gallatley, and seeing that the pri soner exhibited signs of having been in a scuffle, took him into custody and to the cabin where Dorley and Gallatley were, and both immediately identified him. The jury found him guilty of unlawful wounding, and His Lordship sentenced him to be imprisoned for 18 calendar months, with hard labout. Michael M'Cartey, Edward Smith, and John Smith were indicted for arson. Edward Smith and John Smith pleaded guilty, Michael M'Cartey pleaded not guilty. Mr. Gainsford Bruce appeared for the prosecution. It appeared that Mr. Brown, a farmer living at Hope farm, near Berwick, had several ricks of corn in one of his fields near to a turnpike road passing by the farm. On the 28th September last, about midday, Mr. Brown, who was engaged on his farm, saw smoke proceeding from one of the ricks, and at the same time he sa v the three prisoners going from the ticks towards the turnpike road. Brown ran after the prisoners, and with the assistance of his sons took them into custody. The prisoner Michael M'Cartey, when taken into custody, said that he had done it by accident. He was lighting his pipe, and threw the match down, and the flame rose up. It appeared from the evidence that the prisoners had raised no alarm, and none of them had pipes with them at the time Mr. Brown came up to them. All the prisoners were found guilty, and sentenced to seven years' penal servitude. A charge of attempted rape concluded the business of these assizes this afternoon. The commission day for Durham is Wednesday, and the Court will sit on Thursday morning. The Southern Confederacy, The following is an extract from a private letter: —" In such a war as this there would necessarily be a time of greatest weakness for us and a time of greatest strength and resources on the part of the enemy. I think this period in the march of events is past with both. They never can raise such an army again in numbers. Oars, I think, can always be kept up to its present standard. We are, there fore, more easily matched in that respect. Then the experiment of conquest, occupation of the country, and subjugation of the people had to be tried. They believe in their ability to accomplish this absurdly impossible thing, and there can be no peace until they have fairly tested its practicability. It was a very dangerous experiment for us. Human nature is not very strong ; with us there was little else than suffering ; privation, wounds, and death —little else in the eyes of some—for we had besides, only liberty, which it would be unreason able to expect that all should realise the value of. If, when the enemy came, they had brought with them security of life and property, and plenty, the consequences might have been bad for us. But God in his infinite wisdom has permitted them to indulge the full bent of their naturally cruel and rapacious character. Their officers, for the most part, have acted the part of tyrants, and the soldiery that of robbers and thieves wherever they have penetrated. By this happy course of treatment they have thoroughly confirmed the sentiments of our loyal and patriotic people, and purchased the undying hatred of many who were willing to serve any master by whom they were not oppressed and robbed. Fancy a man, whose country was circum scribed by the walls of his house, and his patriotism locked up in his barn, seeing his fine furniture and works of art shipped off to Boston or New York, his wheat and corn sent off to the commissariat, and paid for in the counterfeit Confederate States Trea sury notes you see advertised for sale at 10 dole. to 1,000 dols, in the Northern papers ! The conse quence of all this is that we are welded together like iron from a red-hot furnace. The meanest man opens his heart when the ship is in danger of perishing ; his selfishness expires with his individ uality, for the lives of all hang by the same thread. You must not suppose from these remarks that there ever was much holding back on the part of our people ; a few were doubtful, of course, but I be- lieve no people were ever so united. What I chiefly refer to is the possible consequences that might have resulted from the conquest of such cities as Nashville, Memphis, and New Orleans, I felt apprehension on this point before those cities fell. I now think (believing their reconquest certain) that all these seeming misfortunes were for our good. Bat what is the use of reasoning about such things ? We are engaged in a controversy of which the arguments are battles, and the only convincing logic is victory. I kno w well that we must fight it out. I have realised this all along. Occasionally advice comes from Europe that makes us, as it were, look round over the shoulder ; but our faces are steadily set towards the enemy, believing that the pathway to peace, liberty, and security can be in no other direction than over the dead bodies of these enemies of the human race and haters of Admighty God. Is not Europe surprised that, in the midst of all this confusion end upheaving of political and social systems, not a single instance of servile insurrection has occurred in the South? This seems extraordinary, but it is only what we generally expected. Many have forsaken their masters and fled to the enemy; most of us expected this. How many homes in England have been rendered desolate by the flight of sons—yes, and daughters, too—lured away from the arms of the fondest and tenderest parents by the false promises of pretended friends? The poor negroes have forsaken their homes under similar circumstances, and from like i mpulses. The result in both cases is the same— neglect, oppression, injustice, destitution, suffering, sickness, and death. Many have had the wisdom and firmness to return. General Hampton recently had 200 or 300 retur n in a body to his plantation in the west. None of us have changed our habits or mode of life. I have been keeping house more than 30 years and. have n ever, in ft 'Angle instance, WESTERN CIRCUIT.—WINmEsTER, Dec. 1. The winter gaol delivery for part of this circuit com menced yesterday, when the commission was opened by Mr. Baron Pigott, who immediately after attended Divine ser vice at the Cathedral. This morning at half-past 10 the learned Judge opened the Court. The following is a sum mary of the offences with which the 46 prisoners stand charged :—Murder, 2; cutting and wounding with intent to murder or do grievous bodily harm, 14; arson, 1; rape, 1; unnatural offence, 1; highway robbery, 8 ; bigamy, 1; burgary, 15 ; assault on children, 2 ; night poaching, 1; and manslaughter, 1. Mr. Baron Pigott, in charging the grand jury, observed that the calendar did not present any subject for congratu lation; but there was a feature which presented itself for the consideration of everyone with regard to this particular district, and that was the necessity for finding some amuse ment or means of recreation for those who had much time on their hands unemployed. Almost all the crimes were of violence, consequent upon the prisoners passing thei r time in public-houses. He believed that men who were driven to publichouses spent their earnings in drink, and met with bad company, and the immediate consequence was that they fell to fighting, which ended in cutting and wounding and the commission of crimes little short of murder, It was a most serious evil. His lordship then ad verted to several of the cases in the calendar, and with re gard to the more serious charges he advised the grand jury to consider well before they found true bills. Robert Harrison and Alfred Lightfoot were indicted for assaulting and wounding William Dollery with intent to prevent the lawful apprehension of Harrison, in the city of Winchester, on the 10th of Aug, There were other counts. Lightfoot pleaded guilty. Mr. Russell appeared for the prosecution. It appeared that Harrison was a private in the 60th Rifles stationed in Winchester, and Lightfoot was a recruit. On the 10th of August, Dollery who was a police-constable was going his rounds, about 12 o'clock at night, when he saw Harrison in such a situation as induced him to believe that he was going to commit a felony, or that he was a de serter. He therefore took him by the collar to apprehend him, when Harrison took a whip from under his coat and said, " Before you take me into custody you shall have this." Dollery drew his staff and said, "We will have cut for cut." They 'went some distance until they came to some iron railings, which Harrison caught hold of. Light foot came up at the moment and said Dollery should not take him, and they then tripped up the constable, and Lightfoot took the staff from him, and they both struck and kicked Dollery until he was insensible. When he re covered both the prisoners were gone, the blood was flow ing from his head and blinded him. He crawled along by the side of the wall until he got into the road, when he met some one who took him to a surgeon, and it was then found that he had been very mach injured, and he was for some time in the hospital. The next morning the whip, the staff, a lantern, and a soldier's cap were found at the spot where the affray had taken place on the previous night. There was a large quantity of blood on the ground, and the railings were splashed with blood. The prisoners were absent from the barracks all night. When they went in in the morning Harrison was smothered with blood, and said he had been fighting. He would have been made a prisoner, as having been out with a pass. The jury found Harrison guilty. The prisoners were then sentenced to bo kept in penal servitude for three years. Mr. Young moved to quash an indictment preferred at the session against a boy for the felony of cutting and wounding, with intent, &c. The bill had been found at the sessions, but the court not having jurisdiction to try the case, it was remitted to this court. The learned counsel urged that the grand jury at the session could not find such a bill. Mr. Poulden, for tbe prosecution, said it was an offence against the peace, and the magistrate acted under a com mission of the peace. The learned Judge said he would not quash the indict ment. He would try it, and leave Mr, Young to his writ of error, when it might be solemnly argued. But the High Sheriff had kindly furnished him with a case in point, in Cox's Criminal Cases, and therefore he was relieved from all difficulty, and should try the case. Horniman's Tea is choice and strong, moderate in price, and wholesome to use. These advantages have secured for this Tea a general preference. It is sold in dackets by 2,280 Agents. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—I-10110Way'S Ointment. —Painless Cures.—Sores, wounds, ulcerations, and other diseases affecting the skin are amendable by this cooling and healing unguent. It has called forth the loudest praises from persons who had suffered for years from abscesses and d chronic ulcers after every hope of cure had long passe away. None but those who have experienced the soothing effect of this Ointment, can form an idea of the comfort bestows by restraining inflammation and allaying pain. Whenever this Ointment has been once used it has est ha blished its own worth, and h as again been eagerly sought Pr as the easiest and safest remedy for all complaints. In neura l g i a , rheumatism, and gout, the same application, properly used, gives wonderful relief, SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TIM Es.—ln the course of the late argument on the Foreign Enlistment Act many hypothetical cases were framed by way of testing various theories of its construction. It has happened, by a curious and untoward coincidence, that one of these imaginary problems has just received a practical illustration. The case supposed was that of a ship built and equipped for War without any intention of violating the Act, and afterwards passing through the hands of neutral purchasers into those of a belligerent Government. It was admitted that such a trans action, being purely mercantile in all its essential features, would be perfectly legitimate, though it could hardly be denied that, if repeated too fre quently, it might be open to exception, and lead to the very consequences deprecated by the Legislature. While the decision on the seizure of the Alexandra is still pending, the combination of circumstances thus suggested has been realised in fact. A screw gun-vessel, called the Victor, of 859 tons burden, and 350 horse power, was sold by direction of the Admi ralty. She had been constructed, of course, for our own Navy, and, besides being pierced for six guns, was, no doubt, adapted in all respects for the purposes of warfare. We are told that certain defects in the engines affecting her rate of steaming were the prin cipal reason for parting with her. She was bought ostensibly for the Caine trade, and having been named the Scylla, was allowed to be repaired and fitted with this object under the superintendence of the dockyard officials at Chatham. Certain facts, of which the particulars are not given, came to the knowledge of these authorities, and were reported by them to the Admiralty. Orders were eventually de spatched to Sheerness directing her to be stopped, but she had quitted the harbour and sailed a few hours be fore, unfinished and with a number of workmen on board. She forthwith hoisted the Confederate flag, changed her name to the Rappahannock, and soon anchored safely in Calais harbour. There she was detained by the French Customhouse, but it appears that express instructions have since been received from headquarters permitting her to leave the port at pleasure. We must reserve our opinion on the conduct of our own officers at Chatham and Sheer ness until the special report of the case, which has already been forwarded to the Admiralty, shall have been laid before the public. In the mean time, it is much to be lamented that, after their suspicions had once been aroused, it was possible for the vessel to slip through their hands. The Alabama escaped by a similar ruse, executed with the utmost skill and secrecy, but such mishaps ought not to occur twice, and very good reasons will have to be given for the delay which caused the order of embargo to arrive just too late. On the other hand it would be folly to doubt for a moment that the Admiralty acted. throughout in perfect good faith. Even if our Government had not been engaged, at much risk to their popularity, in maintaining the forfeiture of the Alexandra, the notion of their wil fully manufacturing vessels of war for the Confede rates would be utterly absurd. No one has ever pre tended that proceedings of that kind are consistent with neutrality, or that the liberty of commerce which has been claimed for private shipbuilders can be conceded to a State in its public capacity. Some time ago a case in which the Swedish Government was concerned came under discussion in our columns. Remonstrances were made at Stockholm by one bel ligerent against the sale by Swklen to the other belligerent of some old vessels of war, and the jus tice of the objection was admitted. To adopt the contrary principle would be to make the workmen in our dockyards the mercenaries of a foreign Power, and the naval resources of Great Britain an instru ment of aggression against States in amity with us. For the sake of our own dignity, if better motives were wanting, we could not tolerate this, and we may be sure that it is the very last thing which the Government would sanction. The difficulty is to prevent it in an exceptional instance like the pre sent. Suppose. the Victor, being unsuited for her original purpose, was sold to a respectable English firm, and transferred by them, at a high profit, to Confederate agents. How is it possible for the Admiralty to look beyond the first purchaser and to control the ultimate destination of the vessel ? As it happened, certain repairs were needed, and the privilege of using the national dockyards was conceded to the new owners. This gave the Admiralty a power which they would not other wise have bad, and which they were about to exercise when they found themselves outwitted. Apart from this incident of the business, the trick which has been played could not have been an tici pated. There is nothing strange in the proposal to convert a man-of-war into a merchant vessel. We have only to read the evidence as to the equipment of the Alexandra to learn how slight are the diffe rences in structure between the two. Greater solidity, more or less height in the bulwarks, the ad dition of ringbolts or hammock nettings, the being pierced with how ports—such are the trifling indica tions which, interpreted by a sailor's eye,distinguish the hull of the frigate from that of the "frigate-built" merchantman. Yet it is notorious that some India men possess both hammock nettings and bow ports, and even carry their bowsprits at that peculiar angle which is, perhaps, more characteristic of a "Queen's ship" than the symptoms we have mentioned. If second-hand men-of-war are not oftener bought up for the merchant service, it is because the Admiralty generally find what they consider a profitable use for them so long as their timbers are sound. More over, it is only for long voyages and certain kinds of traffic that vessels of such costly materials and work manship are in request among shipowners. Aware of this, the parties who negotiated for the Victor took care to specify the China trade as that for which she was intended, and might have taken her across to Calais at once, if they had kindly selected that as their port of departure in the first instance. While, therefore, we heartily regret this evasion, we regard it as one of those which must and will be practised from time to time so long as the war lasts in America and we remain neutral. It is not to be expected that the Confederates will see their enemies supplied with arms and munitions of war from this country without trying to com pensate themselves in the readiest way. No doubt we can justify ourselves by conclusive argu ments for prohibiting the equipment of ships under penalties, though we leave the export of contraband articles in general to be checked by the hostile right of seizure. No doubt we can draw sound as well as subtle distinctions between building a vessel for sale to the highest bidder, selling it ready-made, and equipping it to order, with a knowledge of its destination. These are important, if not essential, safeguards of neutrality ; but it is too much to hope that they will be scrupulously respected by a belli gerent whose coasts are blockaded. The Confede rates feel, and with some justice, that the impartial application of international law by us is injurious in its actual effect upon them, and increases the inequality of the struggle in which they are en gaged. Men in this state of mind do not stick at trifles, and may be pitied, though they cannot be excused, when they combat force with fraud, and sometimes deceive their friends to injure their foes. Nations are not always jealous of their own honour, but they are seldom particular about that of their neighbours. The probability of our be coming involved with a quarrel with the Federals about the Alabama or the Victor is not a considera tion which would defer a Confederate agent from defeating our Foreign Enlistment Act if he could. This is not his affair, but it is ours ; and duty re quires us to look at it from our own point of view. Let the Confederates strain our laws to their own advantage and our inconvenience if they will and can, but the administration of these laws rests with us, and when they happen to break them they can have no decent pretence for expecting impunity. POST.—The case of Symm v. Fraser and Andrews is one of very great importance to both the medica profession and the public. It has been held, with out question, that where it is proved that a doctor has acted negligently it is not necessary to show that he has also acted maliciously ; but in this case there was no imputation of negligence, and the plea of the defendants, stated shortly, was that they were called in by the plaintiff, and did what, under the circumstances, they deemed best for her. Mrs. Symm complained that Dr. Fraser and Dr. Andrews had placed her under personal restraint by putting a man and woman in her house to watch over her, and had treated her as if she was in a state of delirium tremens; and they replied . that they had followed the usual treatment of delzrzton tremens, and had not restrained her beyond g ivin g general medical advice to her attendants to keep her from drink. But, though omitted in their pleas, it was further contended by their counsel, and h rs.sup ported by medical evidence, that if th ey ad in strained her as was alleged they were j ust ified what they had done. In the case of Il th a s ll ple, which was tried just twelvedmsoi months a ce , rtill jury found that the defendant h m a v. S e t n i he ton laid it down "that if an person acts really caw of lunacy negligently, and r. J g usticeCromp. bona fide under the authority .of the act by which these duties are assigned to him, he . should not be made facts.responble for a mere error in judgment or mistake of ct" In that case the docrors claimed for their certificate the force of a lettre d e cac h et under an Act of Parliament, and the question was whether they had signed it negligently • but in Mrs. Symm's case they claimed, on a pro fessional principle, the right to d o what t hey con sidered most . conducive t o th e welfare of their patient, even to personal restraint. In both cases, however, the liberty of the subject was abridged—in the one case ' as the jury found, wrongfully behind th e shield of the law; in the other case, as th e j ury h ave decided rightfully, nu a principle of expediency and common sense. Now, we have always hal it impressed on us that when a doctor is called in he is to be implicitly obeyed. We are to assume that he is ordering all things for our good ; and this, as a general rule, is receive l d w ithout objection. The principle is admitted. our t is, indeed, the principl e we act upon in all worldly dealings, We put ourselves in the hands of our lawyers, as well as our doctors. We trust oar clerks, our shepmen, and our servants. In railways and steamboats we resign ourselves to do so he di re ction of captains and drivers. But we on the clear and wel l-defined understanding that we are committing ourselves and our interests to. persons who are respousible for their conduct, and the sense of their responsibility is the root of our confidence. The medical profession, however, as represented in this case, admit of no res p onsibility where the action taken cannot be shown to be negligent or malicious, as well as erroneous. A. ure' e 'Nina. matter of fact there can kie no doubt that Symm was in a state of delirium tremens when h e , called in Dr. Fraser and Dr. Andrews, and tho their treatment was, on the whole, groper, andfie or` tainly for her benefit. There can be no el 4 about the justice of the verdict they have obtained. But doctors are not infallible; they are liable to make mistakes even as all men are; and if Mrs' Symm had been suf f ering from any ot her disease-"' f et b travelling gout, as was suggested — the error o medical attendants would, we apprehend, be" been held to be an error of judgment only. lie"? it is that the shoe pinches. Mrs. Symm may bac!, reason to be thankful that, through the restrain t ' imposed upon her, her life was saved, or that she was saved from a lunatic asylum, or at all ev en"; from publicly disgracing herself, and she may be °' very ungrateful woman ; at the same time it is . lel' possible to dissemble the importance of the 1501 g od that was raised in her case, or the length s; breadth of the power we are placing in the ban of our medical attendants. It cannot, i n deed, be denied that great wrongs may be inflicted througo the agency of the quasi legal proceedings the ver; diet in this case has confirmed and authorised; shu, looking at the question apart from the merits of sel rticular case, it presents matter for very seri o us consideration. If persons in a state of delirium tremens require, as they evidently do, to be watch° d and restrained as lunatics, it may be asked will they are not treated under the provisions of thelaW of lu nacy ? Defective as that law is, it provides certain security against the confinement, theeegd .mistake . or otherwise, of persons who are sane; a I 3 1 . it might perhaps be possible and convenient to OP' , " some check, some provision based on prinelP le ": - such, for example, as was voluntarily adopted 1! Mrs. Symm's case, in the consultation and cone?rii rents of three physicians—to meet the evils wh ic he could arise from placing such large powers justi ce t hands of an individual. As the Lord Chief j,.11 observed in the course of his lucid and impar t summing up, it is very rarely that we beat medical men abusing their privileges; and , as a WV: they eminently merit the public confidence. Never t4 theless, and if only to relieve them as individas of a responsibility which is exceedingly onereehst' not to say odious, something of this kind 041 we should think, be made a rule of professio nai practice. It is highly desirable that the public so h the medical profession should understand eg e other, and, in that sense, good may come out this trial. We knew before that doctors were evel day restraining their patients by advice, but it Ws not, we believe, generally apprehended that theli claimed . the right to enforce their directions alt certain cases by personal coercion. We are et inclined to think that the defendants were not ( VP, clear on the point themselves, and the absence O. -f plea of justification, on which the Lord C.,. h , le i s Justice remarked, sustains this impression. -%; fair, however, to say that Dr. Fraser and P; S . Andrews stand fully exonerated from all moral well as all legal blame. It would have been S e ', satisfactory if they had obtained the evidence of 0.15:: Taylor, and people generally would have been bevv ter pleased if they had exercised the power filet( claim over a patient to prevent the employmee v . a male keeper ; but altogether, and in a cas e of 0;11 siderable difficulty, they appear to have acted 111.0 sound reason and remarkable discretion. They a also, as regards the hardship of having to defehno themselves against the action of a person 'Rh ° n „. benefited by the treatment she complaiued of, . e _ e. titled to the sympathy they will no doubt re °eiv red If, as we have heard, the costs and damages by the defendant in Hall v. Semple were P e ! - m o st professional subscription, the same course will li . kely s a be pursued in a case where such A t estull oral has been much better deserved. COUNTRY MARKETS• ______-.*.--------- LEEDS—TVESAY. About the usual attendance at our D market to-day. With moderate supply of grain. The business transacted 1 wheat was good, at la more money. The demand for 10 1 : ley, unless very fine, was slow. Oats, beans, and °the' articles were at last Tuesday's prices. MARKET HARBOROUGH—TUESD AY. We had about an average show of wheat to-day, prica being is per quarter higher, with a very healthy demand, —White wheat,:4lB to 445; red, 38s to 40s per 36 s tate' Malting barley at 33s to 378 per qr. ; grinding, 29s to 3 0 : per 30 at, Oats, old, 26s to 30 s; new,, 21s to 24s per Bt. ; beans, 34s to 40s per qr. LIVERPOOL—TUESDAY. There was the usual attendance at market to-day of b °til f the town and country trade, and a moderate amotolt4, business was done. Wheat met with a fair demand , for consumption, at an advance of 2 d to 3d per 10010 Flour met a good inquiry, at 6 d to 6 d advan ce per 13aauertract; barrel dearer. Oats and oatmeal neglected, [ gut ' '• w hile dear. Barley and peas brought rather bett er prices, _A beans were fully 6d dearer. Indian corn in gn ncl de12941" and prime mixed American brought 6d more InoneYs SHEFFIELD—TUESDA Y. A full average supply of grain, tion. Factors and farmers asked an advance of 2s peL: and a good trade was done at half that advance. Fille„ther ley fully supported last Tuesday's rates. In oats an - articles no change. 7s Od Red wheat, per load of 3 imperial bushels...lss Od to 1. oc l White ...17s 6d to qs sod If f New red ..15s 6d to Ig:Oci New white ' most of it in good condi.. ‘ ,..17s od to , od If ff ... 15s Od W Il s 0 3 Beans If fl 4.0 s Od to * ):0 4 P G e r Ls d , in pe o r r 34s Od to 38° barley, per qr 3os Od to ' 0 3 Malting ditto, .. Oats 22s Od to 249 03 I, Flour, Is sd, is 7d, and is 8 d per 14 lb. •• • * ~ CORK—TUESDAY. Ijed The following were the quotations this morninrr. 33 bbl w heat, Ss Od to 8 s 1 0 d; white, 7 s 4 d to 9 s 6 d , b c i to 9d to 7s 6d ; g oats, 4s 4d t0.,6s 3d ; black do., 48 5s 4d. DUBLIN• -TUESDAY. teat, and the sales :Dade ore doing in Indian 00111' 0. cl• 1 . 3 0 Oatmeal ...... 10 0 t° 0 to Beans ..... 0 to •—• ° Ber g e ... ..... 0 to ° Raseed 4 0 to 20 0 Ba era' flour " 1 Indian corn .. 27 0 to 0 A small supply of native w at 6d to is advance. Nothing s. d. s. d. Wheat, white 24 0 to 26 6 Do., red 2l 6 to 24 0 Do., new Barley Oats Do., black [ADVERTISEMENT.] —Consumption, all nervous' vi..-8, liver, and stomach complaints, in every stag e, are nal Y tion , but gravatea and acceleratby drugs of every descrip ts perfectly curable by D u Barry's health restoring u fteVal e . li sc i Arabica Food, as proved by thousands of cases which 9 0, been considered hopeless. We quote a few.—Cure No. 62, ha d Miss Lange, 18 years of age, cured after the medical Men of abandoned all hopes of her recovery from the last stage._:, pulmonary e consumption, with fearful cough, expectorativo.'" emaeauiastteiodnt,ospaistktienlgetoonf skeleton. She is now, tohtiantons, hollow Gh ee . healthy, blooming, fleshy girl.—N. Lange, CaotmaiesPearirtece:d:S, derangement, and partial deafness.—CsurP Psutceey., of C Cure, thirtyN 0y.ear468,2,7di50. diseased Jamesbmg Roberts, of Frfra! ei .. indigestiyout Elizabeth Jacobs, of extreme nervousness, gatherings, low spirits, and nervous I ancies.—Cure, 0 , 64,816. the Rev. James T. Campbell, Fakenhara, Norfolic! ie.ttini,log.o4f7,bll27.d, i j.„ 1 :7 0 of indigestion and torpidity of th e liver, which hades r istea all medical treatment. In tins , 11b, 2s 9d; 21b, 48 6d; S ea all 118; 121 b, 225; 241 b, 40s. Barry du Barry and Ca., No. 11 Regent-street, London ; also Fortnum and Mason; and L grocers and chemists in every town o f the United Magda"' Births. HUMS.—On the 29 t h ult., at 29, Norfolk-square, Ificl°' wife 36 B o r f om Pe p r t c o y u park, the wife of Colonel Hume, C. 13., of a daught er ' KNIGUT --On the 30th ult.. at Pembroke Dock, the of W. Brodnaz Knight, Esq., Blth Regiment, of Esq., of a daughter. PELLY.--o.Laotaheth2o9t2h9thulut.l,t4thaet of a son. the wife of Robert Wallace, Esq., WALLACE .I;reFOCeellhjt O d a a ll u g t a h e h e s : er E D WARDES-.-BROTJ ni_Ey6F(l.l; LofD_BruGllngEhiatilaTsl:l2ol.l. to Alice Eleanora, Gli e M l A d m e a a r t ri ,halof 30th nit., a t Brous, - de s, Westmoreland, the Hon. and Bev. Thomas Edn i r tot o f W m . Brous° I ' at la" Church, nthe .9 .... ~..,.., ~... A Charles, young est son of the late 1 -I "'',.eon' 28th ult "Clot' field, Esq., of Clapham, to Kezia Walli gton , s ii - es ter daughter of the late John Roberts, Esq., of Wo le— Tower, Windsor Castle. Deaths. sionti el FENTOK—On the 29th ult., at Upper Norwood, i, a ged Greame Fenton, Esq., of Castelrigg, Ctuaberlanu 69. F ield ell s• FIELDER —On the 30th ult., at Maids-vale, T hos. aged 80. cu ffAl PLUMRIDGE.—On the 29th ult., at Hop Ira ll 4 . ' Admiral Sir James Pluraridge, K.C•13.• agen cy ititelliei RITCHIE.—On the Ist inst., Jane, wife of Il Esq,, Billiter-street, city, aged 46. ma r, with, Da r ' aged Ale%* wickshire, Sir Thomas George Skip wi th , Sxtpwirli.On the 30th ult., at Leaminglon,S 6O. Wwi1501at.5...._..............._............... ~ ,u ,soN.—On the 28th ult„ at 31, Bryanston-01A _------- viLLIAAIAINvNo. 11' London: Priraed and Pa_- by N s I" ~, n ce ot Cep a the Strand, in the Precinct Of l _ 4063. Der XI 4g Middlesex. —Wednesday, _Dec of No. 112, Strand, Printer, ate axiaLvoyU , v"' i~, D° Cotter .1 Jjc At ti '°P-IPa the R e , 44110 weil 'That tI gain That ' t task] e P r i! vhi Thy` No Life addiN 1) 11 , 174 1) 0] Li! Sur • Th e • 1'0, 1 ., 113 :i.,h 7 t , 0 CA ~,, In s , 4berai- 1" 0 ,—.. the fie; T.p~ rDC ,t,G i , ,__ 4. Ald ' mo d LA "n; Also " Celebs; A yAY( „Cor n , ” • Ital 1 I L e l. se zeCtl r 1 i s t °ll A' en,pe LOl , Yoe; Gran a t .ur 11VZ PI ,_ Thi line 14 rIte °II:Lai 3 1 --°f3tl~Qeth3 a 4 wh er ! triet