The Sun. — London, England, 1854-05-06 00:00:00

had further.* thought it necessary, besides providing a number of vessels to serve as transports for the conveyance of supplies to the fleet, to purchase a considerable number of small vessels for service as a coast flotilla, especially in the Baltic. Amongst the additional vessels acquired were three vessels of war which were building on Russian ac count, and which, when war was declared, were seized, in conformity with the rights of war, on behalf of her Ma jesty. It would be necessary to fit those vessels at a con siderable additional cost beyond the terms stipulated for the Russian Government, the contract entered into with the builder of the machinery having been cut short by the war; but the Government had felt that they were bound to take care that the interests of the builders should not suffer, and a new contract had been arranged, the balance being carried to account, and the difference in cost to be paid on the conclusion of peace. The next vote was one for new works and improvements, including the expense of new buildings at Hadar, for the enlargement of the hospi tal, and new stations for the repair of vessels of war. Since the peace a very considerable portion of Hasler Hospital had been applied to the use of the adjoining district, espe cially for the reception of lunatic patients. Every prepara tion had been made for their comfort, and the establish ment was in every respect so perfect that it was thought better not to interfere with the existing arrangements, and to enlarge the accommodation as now proposed, so that the number of beds might be made up to what it stood at del. l ing the last war. The next vote was for medicines on this point he should confine himself to remarking! that every possible care had been taken to make provision for the exigencies of the medical service in theshipsow gone a tsea, both in the Baltic and in the Euxine. He had n through all the heads of account immediately connected with the effective force. The amount asked for thepur poses of the effective naval service was 1 , 457,00 - ; there remained the items, not strictly naval, but rather for army and ordnance services. The amount naked for these branches of expenditure was no less than 3,096,7001. In answer to a question put to him, he had already stated to the house the extent of service which h_ sent,beenad since performed the Bth in the conveyance of troops. They bad of March, when he last spoke , a force of about 22,000 men , and he believed that altogether a force of ' nearly 25 00; sent men had left our shores. They had 2,500 homes, and arrangements had been made for the despatch of nearly double that number. Whe n the house consi dered the dis tance, the shortness of time, the competition necessarily arising between the demands of Government and the wants of trade, and als o the fact o f the French Government coming into the English market for freight, it would be admitted that the effort had been a great one, and he was afraid he must add that the cost had been great in propor tion. Yet all their efforts would have been rendered use less if they had hesitated as to the payment of the requi site sums of money. (Hear, hear.) The first item, for the freight of transports on monthly pay, including both steam-vessels and sailing ships, or for the purchase of the same, amounted to 2,610,0004. This sum covered the hire of eighteen steam-vessels, and eighty-six sailing -transports, eleven of the steam -vessels being for the trans port of infantry, and seventy-five sailing-ships for that of cavalry. All the available steam-vessels that were at com mand in the first instance were employed to convey infantry from this country, bet none of them had been considered available for the conveyance of cavalry. It had not been thought practicable to convey horses safely in steam-vessels, unless the height betweeen decks should be at least 7 feet 6 inches, or exceeding that measurement, and generally the height was less than that which he had mentioned ; moreover, excepting in steam-vessels propelled by screws, the main deck only was available for horses, and in pad dlewheel steamers the main deck was interrupted by the machinery. Therefore, the empleyment of steam-vessels for the conv e y ance o f horses was limited to screw-vessels, having a height between decks of 7 feet 6 inches, or m ore. The number vet employed was very small ; they had taken up one which would embark on Monday next 235 artillery horses, with officers, men, gnus, and ammunition weegegons of the detachment. He had also stated yesterdaY; to the house that they were about to extend the expert ment by taking up the Himalaya, which would convey +oa the seat of war an entire cavalry regiment, all the horse s , men, and officers, with their complete establisho-.ent, w,ithin a time which ho would not venture to predice, but which he fully anticipated would be an almost inceedibly short one. If they were desirous that these effeets shoteld be made, and if they wished to put forth the whole strength of this country in the war, to show what it was capable of doing and what we had the means o doing, he told the house that he believed, even shoule. the war be brought to a con clusion in the course of six months, that this effort would net be thrown away. (H ear, hear.) Ho believed this to be a demonstration to tto civilised world that our powers were not paralysed, nos our arms fallen short of their wonted powers ; but, on the contrary, that we had called all the science and all the inventions of modern times to our aid, and that we could command, in defence of our national position, to a greater extent than any other country all the appliances of art and inventive skill. More than all, be wished the world to see that in that assembly, representing as it did one of the first nations in the world, an d perhaps a greater amount of power than any other as sembly, whatever might be their differences in other mat ters, when the honour of their country was concerned, and the safety of its institutions imperilled—and in peril they - would be whilst we were engaged in a great war, until that war was brought to a happy and honourable conclusion— all minor differences vanished, and as one man they would come forward to say that the war must be conducted with vigour and energy, and brought to a speedy issue, not re garding the expense that must be incurred, but bent with one heart and soul upon providing all the means necessary for maintaining the safety and reputation of the country. (Cheers.) As regarded the transport of cavalry, he might say that they had received from Mr. Cunard the most zea lous and praiseworthy assistance, though his steamers, not being quite lofty enough, war e not so much available for cavalry. For this purpose they had been compelled to take up sailing vessels to a very large amount, seventy-five having been engaged ; and in addition to the ordinary cost of obtaining them by open tender in a free market, under the competition to velich he had already referred, there had been the cost of fitting them for the peculiar service of cavalry transpo - zt, which was perhaps the most ex- Tensive of all po , ,sible fittings. Still they had thought that af this expense were incurred, it was desirable that the ap plication of money should secure the utmost possible effi ciency in every respect ; and with regard to the artillery, the right arm of the military service, it was of the greatest importance that each transport should arrive out in the most efficient condition. By the advice, therefore, of the militery authorities, this sub-division had taken place— that each artillery transport carried out two officers, forty eight men, fifty-two horses, and four guns, all ready for i service on the moment of landing, and each having no oc ,casion whatever to wait for any support. For this purpose vessels of 650 tons had been freighted, as no smaller ship could convey the force he had mentioned ; and, in addition to the whole number of sailing ships, two steamers, as he had already stated, were to be sent. He had the pleasure of informing the house that Lord Raglan, in the course of hia short stay at Malta, saw the first division of the artil lery transports arrive, and with regard to this division he made the observation that not a single horse had been lost. 'On the arrival of the second division it might fairly be an ticipated, considering the percentage of loss ordinarily sus tained in such operations, that the number of horses killed or injured would be unusually small. It might be satisfac tory to the house to state that the whole force of transports had been engaged for the Government for the entire year, on the principle that during the entire year the whole force, estimated to amount to 27,000 men, should have the means of conveyance from place to place within itself, so that no difficulty would arise in respect to the re moval of the British forces throughout the whole of the corning year. For the purpose of more rapidly conveying in the first instance a portion of the force, they had taken up 14 steam -vessels connected with the packet ser vice merely for the single trip to Malta, the contract ter minating with the arrival of the ship there. The uninter rupted maintenance of the packet service was of the highest importance, and every arrangement had been made to secure its maintenance, so that the packet-ships might return to their ordinary duties as speedily as pos sible. The sum of 108,0001. merely covered the trip of a number of these steamers from England to Malta. With respect to all the sums on the paper, he should be happy to give on the proposition of each vote, every explanation that might be required. He knew not that it would be necessary, judging from the temper of the house, that he should make any earnest appeal to them on the moral duty of unanimity on this occasion. He had seen symp toms which led hint to believe that the votes he was about to propose would be generally supported, and that the house would address themselves to the question in the spirit of that passage of their great poet which called on the inhabitants of our isle to keep— " this pale, this white-fac'd shore, Whose foot spurns back the ocean's roaring tides, And coops from other lands her islanders, This England, hedg'd in with the main, This water-walled bulwark, still secure And confident from foreign purposes." (Cheers.) It was our naval force which fulfilled this condi tion ; and it was the confidence which every Englishman must feel, that the navy formed his country's best defence in time of war, which would impel them to make every effort for the maintenance of that force, and for exhibiting to the whole w or ld mu resolution still to keep unimpaired our naval supremacy. Mr. BAILLIE called the attention of the house to the Mode in which cadets were appointed in the navy, and Complained that patronage was used to reward political !emcee and that even the rules of the navy were set aside - for Inch purpose. He adverted to the Reform dinner de . efolartaraetirson, and d at sai the d flets were commanded by staunch Be troth, naming th at such declaration fell short of the varioust officers whose promotion he attri bausteduaft:ottobryeliaoh ice. He said that if he did not obtain ewer, he should bring the subject formally before the ho Mr ' MITI " hoped that Sir J. Graham's appeal would have been et with the unan i mity he desired, and that in stead of m going into small details and party ts - they would be b u t one party join to carry on the compla winar,, as sound policy di c t ated, in e most efficient manner. He was anxious to s ee th e vote carried with ou t cav i l. It was impossible for any Ad m i n istr a tio n might be necessary; but Govermaent: hav y sa what supplies they believed to be suffi c i ent, the house should asked what se should show its confidence in them. He added a tribute to the /D Govern ent for its regulations as to neutral pr° PertY, which the more disposed him to give the m hi s vote, Admiral WALCOTT cordially approyedpecofhaleu, who l th at the . Government had done , as did Sir George ob served upon the popularity of the service, as evinced by • the number of volunteers. Sir J. WALSH also hoped that the committee wouldbe unanimous in supporting Government. Those on his side of the house did not intend to imitate the carping system • which had characterised the Opposition during the last great war, but, while refusing general confidence to the Administration, and arrogating' the right to ex am i ne all measures, they would's' bstain from all claptrap in favou r of a false economy. He com p limented the administrativer ability of Sir James Graham, and thought that the vote demanded was reasonable. Me urged the advantage of • having both in the Baltic and the Black Sea an increased force of vessels drawing very little water, and dwelt upon • the importance of transporting our troops,and especially cavalry and artillery, by steam-power. Captain SCOBELL thought the sugestions of Sir J. Walsh as much out of place as those of Mr. Baillie. He rejoiced that the navy had been increased to a state of ' efficiency, but he cautioned the country not to be too - sanguine in expecting rapid results, and vindicated the Black S ea fl ee t f rom t h e c h arge o f i nac tion. He advised the Government to take all steps necessary for the vigorous • prosecution of the war, and not to let expense stand in the way. kr. BANKES complained of the lectures which had been read to preceding speakers, and said that there was, • fortunately, ample time for discussing all questions of the service. The nation had gone with the house and the Go vernment into this war; it had been felt as a painful ne cessity, and having entered into it, the nation would con • tinue to support the Government and the house, large as the sacrifices demanded might be. He gave his cordial • Support to the vote. Sir B. HALL entered into a vindication of his friend Ad in v a l Dundas, who, be said, bad been placed in a most difficult position, and had been unjustly attacked for supineness. Mr. B. OSBORNE, in answer to 'Mr. Baillie, said that though he did not deny that a better r system of patronage might be adopted, recent Governme ants had strictly ob served the regulations of the navy., and Mr. Baillie was misinformed in supposing the contr s,ry ; and eould produce no instance of the fact he assert , ed. The appointments were very fairly distributed. As regarded the appoint ment of officers, the responsibility of the Admiralty was too great to allow them to base their appointments on political lfi 1 ou n d He and expressed they Brea'inve viably n selected t the the best qua men. out rageous lies that anonymous scribt data had put out against Admiral Dundas. Mr. STAFFORD was anxious to echo the sentiments which had been expr essed in re g a rd to the ungenerous and unworthy calumnies which had 1 )een circulated as to Ad miral Dundas, who had rendereo/ Besika Bay a place of historical interest to all future gf.meirations ; for there the English and French fleets had lain together in peace and concord. Mr. COBDEN would not opposia what appeared to be the wish of the committee as to diFicussion, but wished to make an observation connected with the new system which had been adopted as to neutrals. We had given the death blow to privateering, that chartered piracy, but he sug gested that we should go a step further, and exempt from capture all private ships of the enemy until they were caught in the act of breaking or attempting to break a de clared blockade. He instanced the case of the recent cap ture of a Russian vessel near Portsraouth, and urged that it was unjust to seize at sea the property of men pursuing peaceful commerce, as it wou ld b to do so on shore. The' old war system of plunder, had long been superseded, by civilised nations, by a commissariat, and it would be a glory for England to set the example by abandoning the right of robbing poor people who ware simply conveying their property for sale. Then, as a question of policy, England had always 80,000,000/. of property afloat, and we were probably paying at the rate of two or three mil lions for insurance against war capture, for the sake of the miserable captures made. But he would only argue the question on the ground of justice. He referred to the approbation with which he said the house had heard that the peaceful part of Odessa had not been injured, and he expressed his hope that it would be understood that this line of conduct, which might have been expected from Admiral Dundas, was that which only would be approved by Parliament. It would always be something, that in this war we had done something for civilisation. Mr. R. PALMER condetnned the attacks which had been made upon Admiral Dundas, bat rejoiced that such a tone had not been adopted in that house. Lord D. STUART coratplained that the correspondence in regard to the operations on the Circassian coast was not yet produced. He ha,(l not condemned Admiral Dundas, and approved of the feeling which had prompted his de fence ; but if he had been unjustly attacked, the fault lay with the Government. It had been represented to the public at home that the Russian flag was to be swept from the Black Sea, as the only means of carrying out our policy, which had certainly not been done, for the Russians had carried on offensive operations which would have been prevented had more ships been cruising in the Black Sea. He had been assured that at Sinope large fleet might lie in any weather; and had our fleet been there they would have maintained a sufficient watch over that sea. He had heard the news of to day with seAisfaction, but details were necessary to enable us te, ascertain the value of the operation at Odessa. It craght to have been performed sooner, but all through th', war we had been too late. He complained of our hay i,ig showed subserviency to Austria, by having prevented Omer Pacha from putting d o wn the former Montenegrin insurrection, and having thus prepared the way for the present revolt. We had not been rapid enough in follow ing up our declaration of war—it should have been a word and a blow. He hoped that we should now atone to the Turks. Mr. DRUMMOND briefly vindicated Admiral Dundas, complained of civilians meddling with military and naval commanders, and attributed the destruction of Sir John Moore to his fear of the gabbling gossip of the Loudon press, also describing General Godwin as a victim to the press of India. Sir J. GRAHAM expressed his satisfaction at the una nimity manifested by the committee. He said that the correspondence as to the Circassian affair wonld be imme diately produced, and would completely vindicate Admiral Dundas, and he referred, with great satisfaction, to the thorough cordiality that had existed between the French and English fleets, to which the admiral's conduct had so greatly conduced. The attacks upon the admiral had been confined to one paper, and ono by no means of the highest character. As regarded Sinope it had actually been tried by 18 sail as a roadstead, and Admirals Hamelin and Dun des had both decided that it was unsafe as well as disad vantageous as a station for a fleet which might have to defend Constantinople. In further answer to Lord D. Stuart, he said that the policy of Government was, of course, matter for the consideration of Parliament; but expressed his conviction that the Government had acted wisely in deferring war to the last possible moment, and he denied that since the declaration a single unneces sary delay of action had taken place—contending, on the contrary, that remarkable and successful efforts had been made in sending out fleets and soldiers. In reply to Mr. Baillie, he declared that all the appointments he had made had been made on account of the fitness of the parties selected. He felt gratitude for the mode in which the project of the Government had been treated. Mr. DISRAELI—Sir, I observe what the right hon. gentleman said at the close of his remarks, but I cannot quite reconcile it with the observations he made a few weeks ago, and I think that if ho desired to preserve unanimity amongst us, he might have avoided defying the house, as he has defied it, to bring forward a vote of want l o f confidence in the Administration. (Hear, hear.) Sir J. GRAHAM—I did not think I had adopted a tone of defiance. I did not intend it. Mr. DISRAELI—I certainly should not have risen now if I had not been under that impression, after having paid careful attention to the observations of the right hon. gen t.:;man. I certainly understood him to say that all the documents connected with past transactions, or, as he calls them the blue-books, were on the table, that they had been discussed, that no vote of want of confidence had been pro pesed, and that under the circumstances he assumed the conduct of the Government had obtained the approbation of the horse and of the country. That is what I under stood the right hon. gentleman to say, and I therefore rose to guard myself from being supposed to participate in that feeling. The country is now at war. Whatever may be thought of the cause of war, it is at war ; and, under such circumstances, I agree, as I have before stated to the house, that her Majesty ought to b e zea l ous ly su pp or t e d. Whatever may have been the cause of war, under these circumstances I do not think it is the duty of any gentle man sitting opposite to the Government to propose a vote of want of confidence in the Administration. If the opinion of the country was that we should go to war, and Government insisted upon maintaining peace, it would then, I think, be proper to ask the House of Commons to decide which course to adopt ; but when there is a general understanding, whatever may have been the cause of the war in which we are engaged, that it is one which must be looked upon now as inevitable, it would be pursuing a very improper course, notwithstanding an opinion that war might have been originally avoided, to ask the House of Commons to declare a want of confidence in the Adminis tration. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman com menced his observations by saying that he presumed every body thought this war was necessary. Far from agreeing in that presumption, I say now as I have said before, that Ido not think war was necessary. (Cheers.) The war in which we are engaged, perilous and extensive as it is, is a war which is to be attributed entirely to one man, to the character, career, and conduct of the Prime Minister of this country. (Cheers from the Opposition.) I have said so before, and that is my opinion still, and when the right hon. gentleman assumes what he has done to-night, I feel called upon to guard myself against misconception, and to state that I have seen no reason whatever to change the opinion I have before expressed. I think if Lord Aberdeen had not been Prime Minister of England, England would not have been at war at this moment with Russia—(cheers from the Opposition),—and that those results which are necessary to maintain the balance of power and the peace of Europe might have been realised without incurring the danger and the great expenditure in which this country is now involved. (Hear.) As lam now before you, I wish to say one word upon the estimates, which I think ought not to he passed unnoticed. It is only two short months since the financial statement was made. It was made one month before the terminationlof the financial year—a very unusual course, and a course only to be accounted for by very remarkable circumstances. What were those circum stances ? I think it was well known that we were about to be engaged in a great struggle, and that there was an , acknowledged necessity for a very considerable increase of expenditure. As I understand it, her Majesty's Ministers thought it the most frank, honourable, and honest course to anticipate the period of placing before the country its financial condition, and at once to let the House of Com mons and the country understand that a grave and extra ordinary expenditure was about to be incarred, and that, of course, great sacrifices were not only to be expected, but were necessary. It was understood by the house and the country that Government, on the whole, in taking the , remarkable step of making the financial statement a month before it was necessary, showed a confidence in the country and the House, which was appreciated. In round num bers, we were then told that our revenue was in a state of great prosperity, and that there was a surplus of 3,000,0001., but in consequence of the perilous position in which we were placed we had to incur an increased expenditure of 6,000,0001., so that we were to be prepared f or a d e fi c i ency of 3,000,0001. in one year. The country was then called upon to proceed at once to make a considerable sacrifice by the virtual doubling of the income-tax, and I ask the house whether, when that sacrifice was made, it was not made with the most perfect unanimity, and with even confidence in the Government. (Hear, hear.) Two months have now elapsed, and only one month since the financial statement need have been made, and we are asked for supplementary estimates to the amend of 5,600,0001. (Hear, bear.) If it is necesaary for the honour and interest of the country to vote 5,600,0001. supple mentary estimates, the House of Commons will never hesi tate to do it. They are prepared even to go further for such objects, but surely two months ago her Majesty's Ministers ought to have formed some more correct esti mate of the demands upon the public service than they ap pear to have done. (Opposition cheers.) I should like to know on what grounds it was supposed, only two months ago, that an increased expenditure in consequence of the war to the amount of 3,000,0001. sterling would be re quired, and it is now found such increased expenditure will amount to 8,600,0001.? And this, mind you, is an esti mate made in a state of war, when certainly it i s not varyprobabl e th at it will not be exceeded. Surely if there was at that period such a want of data before the Government, and such an absence of authentic materials that it was not in their power, with any certainty, with any exactitude, and with any approximation to accuracy, to place before the house the real state of affairs, and the an increase of the they precipitate the financial basis upon whichi appealed to the house for burdens upon the people, why have said exposition ? (Hear, hear, and m Wh ont y h, and obtai anotherc c heers.) ee r s.) w d hen they could have waited more correct data, that they would precipitate the financiale statement? Why have said that the am374,ooofc.n,crwereend expenditure required rez _before 8 weeks have would be only passed, that estimate is nearly very remarkable thing that we trebled? ? have It might beawkward (Hear.)the financial estimate ce and to the Minister of estimate anticipated unnecessarily.vi and inconvenient to the public ser • of Finance himself; who was obliged to give a nthe last month of each financi a l y ear, and verr e ' l s ne° timate n in eut and injurious to the country, th a t they shouleln n o v t be left in i , norance of their true position, so that they might comprehend their increased liabilities and the necessity-and amount of their increased sacrifices and burdens. But in this case, before 8 weeks have passed, we find that, instead of a deficiency of 3,000,0001., the deficiency amounted to nea rly 0 , 000,0001. I think that ought to be explained. We hear a great deal of Government having great plans. You remember that the noble lord;the leader of this house, gave up the other night, with much emotion, the darling policy of his life. He came forward and gave up a mown '~'` THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MAY 6, 1854. for which he consented to become a member of the present Administration, stating that he could not take the responsi bility of breaking up a Government who were responsible and liable for the war in which we are involved, and for the measures which were required in order to carry it on with vigour and success. This side of the house responded to the feeling—the genuine and patriotic feeling—of the noble lord, and we felt the necessity of devoting our atten tion to the plans for carrying on the war with vigour and success, which plans the noble lord told us had been well matured. But they could not hare been matured without going into some calculation of the expense, and I gave the noble lord and his colleagues credit for supposing they had great plans. I gave them credit for supposing that they had a painful but due sense of their position, and that they had matured plans calculated ultimately to bring about results which would be satisfactory to the country and its interests. (Hear, hear.) In devising and maturing such plans they must have been aware that this great ex penditure was necessary, for it must have been impossible that the expenditure required could within the last eight weeks have swelled from an estimate of 3,000,0001. into one of 9,000,0001. If such were the case, and the noble lord and his colleagues had these great plans for carrying on the war with energy, and withthe requisite vigour, why not have told us frankly a few weeks ago the position we were in ? (Cheers.) I want to know why the financial statement was anticipated by a month. It was not necessary to anticipate it by a month ; but on the contrary, in the circumstances in which we now found the Government is placed, it would have been of the greatest advantage thatit should have been postponed to the last moment, in order to have the most authentic data in estimating the probable demands upon the country. Instead of that, the Govern ment anticipate the necessary duty they are ultimately obliged to fulfil, and, under great disadvantages ; they come forward and tell us on the sth of March, instead of the sth of April, that wo are about to be involved in a great struggle ; that there must be an increased demand upon the resources of the country; and that they must for six months double the income tax. If they had postponed the financial statement to its proper, its usual, and its ap propriate time; if they had not forced the Minister of Finance to offer to the house the estimates prematurely, surely, nearly four weeks ago, on the sth of April, when the financial year was completed, they would have been enabled to deal more fairly with the country than by mak ing a statement in March, coming forward with a new ap peal in May, and outraging, I may say, all the estimates before submitted t o us . want to know from Government what was the use of making the financial statement a month before it was due ? What was the use of the Chancellor of the Exchequer offering to us in his budget an estimate of the resources and the demands of the country for the last month ? What was the use of his coming forward at so critical a period when it was most necessary the coun try should have the most distinct and definite idea both of its responsibilities and resources? Wby did he coins forward, with all the disadvantages of the finan cial year not being concluded, to burden the country with a large increase of taxation, which the country, for a great object, was prepared to hear, and, at the same time, to offer to the house the most delusive estimate of the re sponsibilities it is incurring ever yet offered to the consi deration of a House of Commons? It would be more courteous to the house if this were explained, instead of the First Lord of the Admiralty recurring to these blue books again, and saying that because the Opposition do not bring forward a substantive motion founded upon there blue-books they must entirely approve the conduct of the Government. (Hear.) I think when the Government are proposing a supplementary estimate exceeding in amount their original estimate, they ought frankly to explain the reasons that have induced them to take their present course. The very reason that the house is ready to support them, and that there is unanimity in supporting the honour of the country and of the Crown, is an additional reason why they should give these explanations. But their con duct is quite inexplicable to me, and I cannot under stand why the Chancellor of the Exchequer should anticipate by one month the usual period of making the financial statement. His only reason for so doing was, he said, that the country should cle a rly und ers t an d its posi tion. It now turns out that the country does not under stand its position, and that it has been misled and be wildered. (Cheers.) If the financial statement had been made at the usual period, we should have been four weeks nearer the truth than we were in the month of March. I conclude that the Government will not deny this—that on this day month the sth of April, they must have been complete masters of the circumstances that have rendered it necessary for them to make this enormous appeal for the support of the house and the country. The house will remember that the extraordinary statement of the Chan cellor of the Exchequer, made at an extraordinary time, was the basis of a claim for an increased income tax ; and the credit of the Government, therefore, demanded an explanation. The proposal of the Government virtu ally to double the income tax was one that I do not think could have been justified unless it had been accom panied by a statement of our financial position, which, in the position of the Government, was a complete and accurate one. If it is necessary now to increase our burdens, and if there were then impending an increased expenditure, not 3,000,0001., but of 9,000,0001., and the Government at that time, or at the end of the financial year, were in complete possession of the facts, were they justified in proposing that increase of taxation which they brought forward? If, a month ago, they knew that they should want 5,0 0,000/. more, were the Government justi fled in bringing forward that peculiar, that modified, and, I may call it, that mutilated financial proposal which they offered to the consideration of the house as the sufficient means by which the war was to be carried on ? (Cheers.) There is another very important consideration. What is the use of a financial statement ? What is the use of a Minister of the Crown coming forward and making a finan cial statement to the House of Commons? The use, the precious use of that c mstitutional ceremony, if I may so call it, is, that a free people should clearly understand the liabilities that they incur in supporting the policy that they approve. (Cheers.) It would lee a very great disad vantage that the Government should involve the country in war, and that they should not ask the house in clear language for the resources required to carry on that war. (Hear.) If they neglected to discharge that duty they would be acting unconstitutionally ; but I say it without reserve, that it would be much to be preferred that a Minister should involve this country in war, and neglect to let us ' know the responsibility we were incurring by sanctioning his policy, than that he should prematurely come forward and offer an estimate, and make a financial statement which should lead the country and the House of Commons to conclude that their position was quite contrary to that which they found themselves to be the case. (Cheers.) I should not have risen to say this, but for the broader views with which the right hon. gentleman (Sir J. Graham) in troduce I his remarks. Having risen, I felt bound to ex press my opinion—and I believe it is not a solitaryone on this side the house—that the country will expect an explana tion on this subject, and that it has a right to demand it. Lord J. RUSS ELL—The whole of the speech of the right hon. gentleman who has just sat down appears to me to have arisen from a complete misapprehension of what was said by my right hon. friend. My noble friend the mem ber for Marylebone thought fit to say we had delayed too long the declaration of war; upon which my right hon. friend naturally, and almost unavoidably, remarked that that was a question which it would be exceedingly proper to have brought before the house. If the Government had unduly delayed the declaration of war to the injury of the public interests, that, my right hon. friend said, was a ques tion on which my noble friend the member for Marylebone might have asked the opinion of the house. Thereupon the right hon. gentleman starts up—he considers this as a de fiance to himself and to his party, and he is exceedingly angry with my right hon. friend. It certainly appears to me that his anger was quite uncalled for, seeing that no de fiance was intended to the right hon. gentleman or his party. My righthon. friend did not refer to those who are opposed to us in general policy, but he peculiarly remarked upon the very handsome and liberal mauuer in which all had declared their adherence to the proposed vote. The right honourable gentleman, however, takes occasion thereupon to reiterate his opinion that the whole cause of the war is to be found in the fact of the Earl of Aberdeen being Prime Minister of this country, and that his holding that high office is the cause why the Emperor of Russia has persisted in his aggressive claims up on T ur k ey . Th a t is a question of whic h the right hon. gentleman may be fully convinced in his own mind, but he has no proof what ever of the statement. He is wholly unable to support by any document the statement he has made. It may be the conviction of his own mind, but I am certain he cannot support it. No doubt the right hon. gentleman thinks that although the Emperor of Russia is very ambitious—that although he is much bent upon plans of aggression —if he had known that the Earl of Derby would have been Prime Minister and the right hon. gentleman Minister of Finance, as in 1852, he would have been so struck with terror, and so frightened with the intelligence, that his unjust aggres sion upon Turkey would have been at once withdrawn— that Prince Menschikoff would have retired from Constan tinople, and the Sultan would have remained in undisturbed possession of his invaded provinces. (Hear.) That nodoubt is the entire conviction of the right hon. gentleman, but I cannot say that I entertain it m y se lf. Th oug h I find fault with the Emperor of Russia, I cannot but admire the de termined spirit of his character; and I belive that even the circumstance of the right hon. gentleman being Mi nister of Finance, even with the promise of the mysterious plan which he proposed a year and a half ago, would not have deterred the Emperor of Russia from arming his sub jects and sending them on an aggressive march against the Sultan. This, then, is the only conviction which the right hon. gentleman has to state on this occasion with regard to the catise of war. We have had the whole matter de bated upon the blue-books; it has been debated upon a full review of all the despatches that were written. I certainly do not wish to revive on this occasion any of thee arguments then used. Members of this house, and the right hon. gentleman among them, were fully entitled to make any observations and to enter' into any dis cussion upon the subject. The discussion was continued for a considerable time; and it ended without any proposal of reflection upon the Government. The gen tlemen who sit opposite recorded their opinions by the speeches which they made; and it will be for'', the historian in future to read the arguments upon each side. Certainly, I don't wish to raise a discussion that ap peared then to have been closed. But the right hon. gentle.. man, referring to the business which is to come on upon Monday, complains very much of a plan of finance having been proposed two months ago which is not in conformity with the demands we now make upon the country. The right hon. gentleman seems again to have been under some misapprehension, which I do not think is shared by mem bers of this house. He said the Chancellor of the Exche quer two months ago stated the general demands which would be required for the purposes of the year, and it wan expected that no further demand would be made. On the contrary, I think when the Chancellor of the Exchequer l i stated that he proposed for half-a-year to ask for a double income tax, it was the general opinion of the house that his demands would not stop there ; that demands would be made for preparations then going on. There were few, if any, simple enough to say " Wo have now come to an end of the Chancellor of the Exchequer's de mands—the expenditure of the country will not be increased beyond." But there was a little circumstance in the calcu lation, which the right hon. gentleman entirely omitted. Sometimes skilful algebraical calculators omit some small figure, by which the equation goes entirely wrong ; and in like manner, the right hon. gentleman in his political cal culation has omitted one very small and trifling circum stance, namely, that since the Chancellor of the Exchequer made his statement we have gone to war with Russia. When the Chancellor of the Exchequer made his statement we were making preparations for war ; and, with regard to those preparations, the Chancellor of the Exchequer said that it was necessary to enact the double income-tax for half a year. But negotiations for peace had not then ended. There have been repeated occasions in the history of this country, particularly daring the last century, when great armaments were prepared, and when, after those grea t armaments had been p r epared, some means were found for preserving peace, on which those arma ments were discontinued or reduced. It was possible that this might again be the case. Some were more sans vine on this point than others ; said nay noble friend at the head of the Government was, perhaps, the most san guine of any person in the country in thinking that peace might be preserved. (Hear, hear.) There was a hope that peace might be preserved ; and there was one Govern ment which seemed to share the hope of my noble friend ; the Government of Austria, continued, even after it seemed almost impossible to avoid war, making propositions, which, if they had been accepted, hb Emperor of Russia might have spared Europe the incalculable horrors and evils of war. We were among those who entertained a different opinion as to the probability ; but still we should have been anxious, even at the last moment, to have desisted from all our preparations, and to have termi nated the painful • suspense in which we were engaged by maintaining the peace of Europe. My belief is that, although we might have resisted the aggres sions of Russia sooner than we did if Lord Drby had been Minister, and thereby have precipitated war, my opinion is that the people of this coun try would not have been thoroughly convinced that it was necessary to support the Government in the war, unless they had seen that the Government had e x h aus t e d every effort to maintain peace. Well, but the right hon. gentle man says, "If you had been able to calculate all the de mands which war might bring upon you, why bring in a partial estimate of the finance for the year—why make the financial statement in the month of March which might have been delayed until the month of April ?" That ap pears a very reasonable question. But my right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer gave his reasons for it very clearly. They were very simple, very prac tical, and very sufficient reasons. He said, "If you delay until the month of April my proposition to increase the income-tax, the bill which has to be introduced cannot be passed until the month of June, and all the preparations that are necessary—all the papers that have to be sent out in order to collect the increased income-tax— will be delivered, and the revenue which I ought to re ceive in the month of October, will be delayed until the end of this year or the beginning of the next." That was a very sufficient financial reason for proposing the increase of the income tax from the sth of Ain il. (Hear.) At the same time I think my hon. friend did not disguise the fact, and certainly the house was perfectly aware of it, if war actually took place with Russia, that, in the circum stances which accompany war, those burdens must be in creased which we have hitherto supported, and that the demands made for extra expenditure would be insufficient. No ships containing troops and stores had then left our shores, and therefore he thought that until the month of May he might safely ask for only 3,000,000/. ; and that sum would have been sufficient if war had been com menced. Thesi o again, with regard to the number of men for the navy. We could not ask for the present increased number unless the declaration of war had taken place. But, however, as I have said, I do not propose to anticipate the discussion which must take place on Monday, when the Chancellor of the Exche quer will show exactly what are the demands of the country at the present time. Every one knows that, in undertaking a great war of this kind, while there are de mands which can be foreseen, there arise other demands which are not foreseen, and expenditure arises on every side, and in every shape, to increase the general burdens of the country. It was, therefore, right that my right hon. friend, in the month of March, should ask for that tem porary and provisional increase of the revenue of the coun try, and it is right that in the month of May he should lay before Parliament the present prospects of the country, and his view of what is required in the present situation of affairs. (Hear, hear.) Ido not know that there was any ether statement of the right honourable gentleman to which it is necessary to give any answer at this time; but there were some observations made by the honourable gentleman the member for the West Riding of Yorkshire which cannot be altogether passed over. The honourable gentleman is gratified with the character which we have given to this war, mitigating by a great degree the severity with which war usually presses on trade and commerce. lam very glad that we have been able, con sistently with our duty, to adopt in a more mitigated sense the provisions of t) tat international law which hitherto have been enforced with the greatest strictness by this country beyond all others. lam very glad to think that we have discouraged the use of privateering—(hear)— being of opinion that war ought to be carried on by the acknowledged and legitimate forces of the several states, and not by private individuals making what the hon. gentleman justly calls piratical attacks upon the ships and property of another state. And, sir, when this has been said, I think the hon. gentleman must consider that with respect to going any further than we have done, it is very doubtful, even in the view which ho himself would take, being an advocate of peace, whether it would be con sistent with that object that we should go to the extent which he proposes. (Hear, hear.) The honourable gentleman says, and the argument has been used re peatedly before, why attack private property, even of belligerents, on the seas, when you respect it on land ? A cargo of salt, on board a ship is captured on the high seas ; a cargo of salt in a warehouse on the enemy's land, being private property, is respected. But, sir, if we were to go to this extent, that trade between belligerents should b carried on as usual. [Mr. Cobden—l excepted in case of blockade]. Yes, but in case of effective blockade, Russia is an exception ; generally the country at war with us would have a great many ports and harbours not blockaded, and it would come to this, that the trade of belligerents would not be interrupted. Let us consider whether, if that were the case, we should not deprive our selves—whether belligerents would not be deprived of the means of bringing war to a close—whether we should not be more likely to have protracted wars if the inconveni ences arising from wars were limited ? When a great number of classes in the country fed no pressure from war, they will have no desire to put an end to it; for it is on account of those evils anti inconveniences that men feel desirous to put an end to that unfortunate state of things. (Hear, hear.) The considerations are many, but I only mention one or two. We prohibit contraband of war. We do not allow pistols, swords, or cannons to be carried to the port of a belligerent ; but if we are allowing mer chant ships, with their crews, to cross the seas, we are keeping up the nursery of seamen of that country with which we are, at war, and enabling them to fit out fleets with that warlike store which is the most useful and powerful of any store, namely, the men who are able to equip and fight those ships. (Hear, hear,) I think we have gone as far as is prudent to mitigate the evils of war. If we go beyond what we have at present done, instead of bringing on peace, which is the object of all legitimate war, we may produce a chronic state of war which would be a great evil to Europe and to the world. (Cheers.) My noble friend the member for Marylebon', in alluding to some transactions in which this country was engaged, said, if we had but taken part with Turkey anti allowed Omer Pacha to subdue the Montenegrins, Turkey would be in a far better situation, and would not have at this moment to dread the attack of the chief of the Montenegrins and his bands. But there is one important consideration which escaped my noble friend on this occasion. The Go vernment of Austria, not then in concert with Russia, acting in the view of the Austrian interests, said, "We cannot bear war on our frontier, carried on by the Sultan of Turkey and the Christian inhabitants, who, practically, are the free inhabitants of Montenegro." I believe that ono reason why Austria could not bear that war acting on was, that she foresaw Russia would interfere on behalf of the Montenegrins, and she would have a most inconvenient and harrassing war on her frontier. That conjecture may be wron g , but, be it as it may, Austria said c l ear ly, " cVe will not ):ear this war on our frontier, and if Omer Pacha, on behalf of the Sultan, enters Montenegro, in order to subjugate and destroy that people, we shall send in an army to oppose the Sultan's forces." Supposing we had in terfered, and, instead of advising the Sultan, as Lord Malmesbury did in the first place, and as I did when I succeeded to the Foreign-office, not to send a costly expe dition to Montenegro, had advised the Sultan to persist in his determination to go to war with Austria, what should we have had at this moment? We should have had Rus sia and Austria combined in war against Turkey. Would Turkey have been better off? Would it be an advantage to Turkey that Austria as well as Russia should be opposed to her in arms? (Hear, hear.) Is it it not a great advan tage to Turkey that Austria is now in an expectant atti tude, dreading the ambition of Russia, and ready, if ne cessary, to oppose in arms the consequences of that ambi tion. (Hear, hear.) There is nothing, I think, in the whole course of these negotiations which has been so beneficial to the cause of Turkey—so beneficial to the cause which we defend as this—that Austria has not felt that sympathy with Russia that might have been expected —that, on the contrary, she has felt the interests of Aus tria to be involved in the further aggrandisement of Rus sia. She has, far from using her influence in promoting the views of Russie, been using all means to resist the aggression of Russia, and thereby given the greatest assistance and protection to Turkey. I think, there fore, my noble friend is entirely mistaken in his views of the policy of this country with respect to the affairs of Montenegro. (Hear, hear.) Let me say again that, al though the Government of Austria has not taken that past which I should have wished, of interfering in the very commencement of these transactions in putting herself by our side in order to enforce the views we have entertained on this subject, the feelings of Austria on this subject are quite in accordance with those of England and France. They have been defined in a protocol,. in which thosesenti ments are declared ; and my belief is, that if the aggres sion of Russia should be pushed to the extent to attempt the destruction of Turkey, that Austria will appear in arms, in order to resist her. (Cheers.) lam quite sure if, instead of taking the course which produces such a reult, we had provoked, defied, or incited Austria to interfere on the part of the Montenegrins, we should have committed one of the greatest faults in politics. (Hear, hear.) And, after ell, it is to the union of the four powers against this unprincipled attack we must look to insure the safety of Europe, and to end all these expenses which are attendant on a declaration of war. (Cheers.) Mr. DISRAELI said—Sir, there is one point so re markable, so anomalous, in the speech which the noble lord has just addressed to us, that I cannot help briefly adverting to it. I complained that the Government anti cipated unnecessarily by a month the making their finan cial statement, the result of which is, that they offered to the house a deluding estimate and a deceptive budget. (Loud cheers from the Opposition benches.) Now that was the point of which I complained ; and the consequence is, that within eight weeks of their statement being made, and within four weeks only if the date by custom had been followed, when it need to have been made—we are called upon to vote a sum of nearly 6,000,000/. in the shape of a supplementary budget. But how does the noble lord ac count for this circumstance? What is his vindication for the conduct of the minister ? I confess I listened with no little surprise as with evident self-complacency the noble lord substantiated my case. The noble lord says, " the right hon. gentleman forgets this important circumstance that between the financial statement and the present time a great event occurred—namely, the declaration of war." But I say the Chancellor o f th e Exchequer ought to have made his fin ancial statement as usual after the lapse of the financial year. And when, however, did this declaration of war take plac e ? Th e en d o f th e financial year was the sth of April ; and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, following the usual course, might have made his statement on the 10th of the month. But the declaration of war was not made until the 27th of March, a nd that proves the great expediency of not h av i ng b een premature in his statement. Surely, the minister who at the beginning of March called, in the most formal manner, the attention of Parliament to the state of the finances, ought to have had a tolerable anticipation of what was going to happen in a month. So there were irresistible reasons why the financial state ment should have been made at the usual time, and why we should not have been placed in the situation in which we are, and why the minister should have had an oppor tunity of putting a comprehensive and veracious statement before the country. And that was the reason alleged by the noble lord to account for this unreasonable, this strange departure from usual custom. Why, the Chancellor of the Exchequer wanted to get 3,000,000 1 . of money, and he could not get it unless he made a proposition at the be ginning of the month of March ; so that at the beginning of the month of March the attention of Parliament —with war impending according to the general confidence of the country—and according to the repeated declarations and warnings of the ministers themselves—the attention of Parliament was formally called to the finances of the cowl- try ; our resources and burdens were estimated for a great and impending struggle—and for what reason ? That the Chancellor of the Exchequer should, by calling into play a vast and deceptive machinery, be able to get 3 ,000,0001. at the end of the year. Was there ever such a peddling vin dication offered for the conduct of a minister? (Cheers from the opposition benches.) Why, if he could have got 10,000,0001. by adopting such a course—if he could have put the country in a strong position—if he could have availed himself of the general sympathy and resources of the coun try and the confidence of Parliament, and had raised a large loan or made arrangements for any emergency or any dif ficulties that might meet him, I could understand the argu ment of the noble lord. (Renewed cheering on the opposition benches). But that such an unprecedented course, realising such contemptible results, should be resorted to—so that before eight weeks have elapsed since the announcement of your budget, you are obliged to come forward with a sup plementary estimate for such an amount—is, to my mind, a course of conduct the most surprising I have ever heard of. (Loud cheers on the opposition benches.) Lord J. RUSSELL said—The right hon. gentleman says that 3,000,0001. of money is a very small sum. Now, it ap pears to me, sir, that no financial minister that we have had since the enactment of the income tax, in introducing that tax, ever thought it an immaterial circumstance to bring forward the subject very early in the year. That is the view which the finance minister has taken on the sub ject, and when it is proposed to double the income tax the same argument applies. The house will not, I believe, think it strange that the statement was made in the month of March because only a difference of 3,000,000/. was thereby affected. Now, what is 3,000,000/. ? The right hon. gen tleman seems to me to be talk' ng of a sum of about half-a crown, and seems to say what does such a sum signify to the Exchequer. If, however, the right hon. gentleman thinks so lightly of 3,000,000 t., I must say it is pretty evi dent that he is no longer Chancellor of the Exchequer. Mr. HENLEY complained that Lord John Russell had adopted Mr. Cobden's phrase of piracy as applied to priva teering, which no more deserved such a name than did the Queen's revenue vessels. He believed that even what the Government had done in this respect would have a tendency to prolong war. He thought the country had reason to complain of the large amount of the estimates now brought forw.trd, but would not deny that the Government had pre viously given intimation that there would be some further demand Mr. L AING said that Mr. Henley might look upon pri vateering as a Conservative institution, but the country would approve of its suppression, and he argued that the principle contended for by Mr. Cobden ought to be carried out. Sir H. WILLOUGHBY considered that the house had hardly been fairly treated in the matter of finance. Sir J. GRAHAM, in answer to an inquiry by the last speaker, said that the large item for freight of transports included the purchase of three iron steamers of the first class, and that other purchases were contemplated. • Mr. M. GIBSON signified his assent to the principle of Mr. Cobden, and his dissent from the doctrine that a procla. - nation of war made every Russian the enemy of every Englishman, and gave the latter the right to rob the former. He contended that it was most unjust to treat property on sea and on land on an unequal footing. And he allowed that on principle there was no difference be tween robbery by a ship of war and by a private vessel, and did not see that Government had any right to grant a monopoly of robbery. He specially pitied the Finlanders coerced by Russia and plunderect by England. He also desired explanations as to the prizes which had been taken, some of which, ho thought, had been wrongfully captured. Sir J. GRAHAM said that only one of the captured vessels had been released, on the ground that it had been wrongfully taken. The following votes were than agreed to :- 461 700/ wages to seamen, &c. 200,0001., victuals for seamen and marines. 5,0001., Admiralty Office. 2,0001., establishments at home. 47,0001., wages to artificers at home. 1,000/ , wages to artificers abroad. 697,3311., naval stores—for building and repair of ships. On the vote for transports, Mr. WALPOLE asked for what period the contract bad been entered into with respect to the towing of transports ? Sir J. GRAIrAM said that it had been entered into for four months, with a power of continuing it for twelve months. The vote was then agreed to. ARMY ESTIMATES. Mr. S. HERBERT said he would endeavour as shortly as possible to state the details of the estimate which he had to propose in addition to that already granted. He had to propose an addition of 15,000 men to the army, making, with the former addition, a total increase on the year of 40,000 men. The desire to render the army as effective as possible during the war had led the Government to con side' the present organisation of regiments. In the esta blishment of different regiments the greatest variety existed. Some regiments consisted of 1,200 men in two battalions—others of ten companies ; in India they had twelve companies, and there were regiments of 500 men, and 800 men, subdivided in a certain manner. The present system was obviously a very bad one, leading, as respected the officers, either to a want of promotion or to placing them on half-pay, to the great injustice of those men who had bought their commissions. At the present moment, when arduous and difficult service was required in the field, it was clearly impossible to allow that state of things to exist. Of late years the custom in the English service had been to have one battalion in the field and a similar bat talion as a reserve at home. The French regiments con sisted of three battalions, one at home and two abroad. In our service, therefore, the reserve was as large as the force in the field, and that was necessarily an expensive system. Sooner or later the reserve battalions were sent abroad, and were thus lost as a reserve at home. The Government had considered that the proper manner of maintaining the regimental system was to lay down a fixed rule. They proposed, therefore, to augment all regiments to twelve companies —eight to be for service, and four as the reserve at home. That would give the beat distribution of officers, and the skeleton would remain fixed—capable of expansion in time of war, or of contraction in time of peace. By means of the system which he had proposed of twelve companies to each regiment, it would be in the power of the Govern me ,t to contract or expand the army to the extent of 53,000 men. For the last twenty years there had been constant augmentations of officers, followed by constant reductions, and he believed that in the long run the cost had been greater than it would have been had the other plan been adopted. At present a regiment was supposed to consist of 860 men. It was intended to increase the number to 1000. In the English service a fifth might safely be deducted from the regiments for orderlies, pioneers, commissariat guards and other occupations ; so that to get 800 men into the field, the regiment would require to con sist of 1,000. Bat that number was still further diminished in time of war from exposure to climate and other causes. It was quite clear to him that, in order to be able to send 800 men into the field, each regiment should consist of 1,400. The total additional number of men proposed to be raised in the year was 40,000. The ordinary casualties of the army required an annual supply of 12,000 men, so that 52,000 would have to be raised for the year. He believed that even at a time when the greatest efforts were made, the number of men raised in Great Britain in one year never exceeded 40,000. He hoped, therefore, the commit tee would see the difficulties in which they were placed in raising so large a number in one year. During the last war, by means of the ballot for the militia, a sort of indis creet compulsion was used to obtain men for the army. At present we had a militia force of nearly 70,000 men, all of whom had been obtained without the ballot. In con sequence of the demand for labour, and high wages at pre sent, recruiting would be carried on with some difficulty ; but during the last three months recruits had been raised at a greater rate than they had ever beeu at any previous period. Within the last three months they had raised at least 10,000 recruits. It ought also to be recollected that the next two or three months would be the time when they would most likely obtain men from the militia, for it was found that men volunteered more readily after having been two or three weeks in training in the militia. In mentioning the militia, he might be allowed to bear his testimony to the effect or the measure introduced on that subject by the right hon. gentleman opposite. He had seen a great many officers, commanders of militia corps, and he must take that oppor tunity of expressing his sense of the valuable services which they had rendered to the country. They were naturally desirous to keep up the number of their regiments ; but, in spite of that, their sense of duty to their country had led many of them to encourage their men to enlist into the line. He had every reason to hope, therefore, that in the course of the year they would be able to raise a large force. Ho (Mr. S. Herbert) might state further, that there was a misprint—not of any importance, however—in the estimate, as regarded the number of men. The number of men to be voted was 14,799. That number, together with the number previously voted, would give an increase on all ranks of 40,492 for the year, at a cost of 7,157,4831., being an increase over the last year's estimate of 032,0001. Colonel DUNN.E expressed a desire to have second bat talions in regiments abolished. It was absurd to continue the system for depots, for the second battalions were for almost all purposes separate regiments. He feared that the enlistment in the course of the year would not be as extensive as the right hon. gentleman anticipated. During 1814-15 the number of recruits for the line amounted to no more than 9,148. The insult to Ireland, implied in not calling out the militia in that country, would have a pre judicial effect on recruiting. It was desirable the commit tee should be informed how the new officers were to be disposed of. What number of officers was to be added to each regiment, and whence were they to be drawn? There were many officers on half-pay who wished to sell oat, and would do immediately if they were placed on full pay, and by this means the deadweight would be considerably reduced. (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman had omitted to state whether he contemplated any increase of the cavalry. This was the most inefficient branch of the ser vice. No regiment could bring into the field more than he believ e d, th a t we h a d no t more th an ,00000 cavalry for service. Our a r till e ry, however, was 3 7 sabres,a n fi d t , the best in the world, and for that we were indebted to the present commander-in -chief. were said it was to intended company, m that eny ery r h re giment LINDSAY was d es i rous o f l earn i ng w h et h er it was intended to m a k e any increase in the number of officers attached to reg i ments serving abroad. At present there r. S. HERBERT only threeofficers giment should consi s t o f 12 companies, eight being for eachandpveser vice, and four for depots. He could give no promise that second battalions should be abolished, the balance of opi nion being in their favour. As regarded the suggestion that four officers should be attached to each regiment serving abroad, he understood that the experience of this system during the last war was not in favour of its revival. With respect to cavalry, he believed it was intended to augment its number, and it would be made in a manner best calculated to insure efficiency at the smallest possible cost. The Government would take care that no officer should remain on half-pay who was fit for service when an opportunity should occur of employing him. Mr. HUME did not grudge money to carry on the war, as the country was at war; but ha wanted to know who was responsible for its expenditure. In every other country there was a Minister at War; in this country there was n one , th oug h th e office had been several times recommended. N o one k ne w whether the responsible person at present was the right hon. gentleman or the Duke of Newcastle. As the army was efficient, he (Mr. Hume) desired it should remain so, so long as it was needed ; but it could not be so without responsibility somewhere. He did not mean to oppose the vote ; but he certainly thought that the house had a right to know who was responsible—whether the right hon. gentleman, the Duke of Newcastle, the C o mmander-in-Chief, or the Government altogether. There should be a unity in the action of an army, and there was none in which there was less than the British army, because of the present system which did no justice to either men or officers. The resu:t would be that the 110,000 men of which it Was composed , would not be efficient for more than half that number. A proper person should be appointed to manage the whole details of the army, if the Government wished to have the confidence of the country. It was a disgrace to the coun try to see the British army frittered away for want of unity of action, arising out of the want of responsibility in question. Colonel NORTH asked whether the officers to be added would consist of a captain and two subalterns, or three officers ? Mr. HERBERT—Of three officers. Colonel NORTH asked, further, whether, on their re turn home, they would be joined to the service companies ? He wished also to call the attention of the right hon. gen tleman opposite to the defects which at present prevailed with respect to the regulation of our militia force.. The position of that force was at present very different from that in which it stood twelve months ago. There was then a considerable portion of the regular army at home, and the militia were enabled to derive great service from the iris ruction in drill which they received at the hands of the regular soldiers, and, what was of still more importance, acquired a sort of military tone from mixing with them. Of that advantage, however, they have since beea deprived. The regiment which he happened to command at present consisted upon the whole of no less than 1,235 men. The major of that regiment had served in the army, and he had one captain, also, who had served in the Austrian array, and who was a most excellent officer. The remaining captains as well as the lieutenants and ensigns,had never worn a red coat in their lives until last May. With respect to the non-com missioned officers, he had to state that the permanent staff consisted of 20 men, but there were several vacancies which he could not fill up. He did not rise to find fault with the Government,but he must observe that the system which was adopted with respect to the militia was wrong, and must sooner or later lead to disaster and disgrace. Colonel SIBTHORP had no hesitation in saying that he was one of those who had heard with great satisfaction the speech which had been made by the right hon. gentleman the Secretary of War on behalf of the Government. He felt perfectly satisfied that the right hon. gentleman was justified iu asking for increased estimates for the purpose of maintaining the character of the country and of securing the Throne and the Church. (Laughter) When the subject relating to the militia came specifically under their notice he should be ready to discuss it. Sir J. FITZGERALD hoped the right hon. gentleman the Secretary at War would direct his attention to the promotion of the more efficient discipline of the cavalry regiments. Colonel LESLIE suggested for the consideration of the Secretary at War the wisdom and propriety of ap pointing another second lieutenant to each company of a regiment. Lord HOTHAM said the Army List showed that the senior lieutenants in some regiments were considerably junior to the senior lieutenants in others, and he trusted his right hon. friend would take this point into considera tion, and in the matter of prOmotion not lose night of an officer's standing in the army. Mr. HENLEY did not object to the increase of 14,000 men ; but there was nothing in the paper which the right hon. gentleman had laid upon the table to lead to the in ference that there was to be such an extensive change in the organisation of the army as the right hon. gentleman had sketched out that night. And he thougt it was hardly fair to ask the house to express a decided opinion upon the subject without due consideration. Mr. S. HERBERT—The scheme merely consisted in assimilating the army generally to the position of the regi ments employed in India. Sir W. JOLLIFFE was glad to bear that the organisa tion of the army was to be improved. He must say, how ever, that he regretted there was no fixed place in which the rifle corps could be permanently organised and trained, ' and thought that we ought to possess for armament at all times two efficient rifle brigades, consisting of not less than six battalions, instead of four, which was the present number. He also wished to direct the attention of the right hon. gentleman to the extremely inefficient state of the cavalry still remaining, in this country, than which he could assure him nothing could be more deplorable. It was utterly impossible to form them into squadrons ; and this he said as an officer who had served a seven years' apprenticeship in a cavalry regiment under that distin guished man, Sir Joseph Thackweil. A different organi sation of the cavalry was, in his opinion, even more desir able than that of the infantry. Mr. S. HERBERT—The augmentation of officers would. apply to all the regiments of the line and the Rifles, but there "wa s no intention to increase the number of battalions either of the Rifles or the Ist Foot. With regard to what the hon. gentleman had said respecting the cavalry, he thought it was more necessary at present'to devote atten tion to the organisation of the infantry. after a few words from Lord LovAINE. the vote was agreed to, as also was the vote of 300,0001. to defray the expenses. ORDNANCE ESTIMATES. Mr. MONSELL said that at that late hour, and after so protracted a debate on the estimates introduced by his right hon. friends who preceded him, he should content himself with merely moving the votes under the head of Ordnance Department. The total amount was 742,1321. Vote 1 comprised 30,0001., for the purchase of horses ; pay and additional pay, and allowances on foreign service, 21,3331. ; travelling expenses, 2,0001. ; total, 53,3331. Vote 2 con sisted of barrack supplies, 30,0001. ; great coats, 44,6211. ; boots and shoes for troops in the fild, 22,1131. Total, 95,734/. Vote 3 consisted of 2.0001. for increased establish ment of clerks. Vote 4 consisted of 104,1901., under the head of wages, including 72,6731. for laboratory, and car riage department 20,0001. Vote 5 comprised the cost of stores at Woolwich and the Tower, and amounted to 455,8751. Vote 6 composed of 20,0001., special engineer ing servicesin connection with the expedition, and 10,0001. for the erection of barracks at Aldershott. The several votes were agreed to without discussion. The house then resumed, but immediately after went into committee on SHIPPING * INTELLIGE NCB. LIVERPOOL, MAY 5. , -- - The Native, from Machias, State of Maine, al t this port, with loss of maintopmast head, fdretopgallant mast, bul warks, &c., April 17 and 18, lat. 45, long. 37, ea tconntered a violent gale from S.W. to N.W., lost jibboo)m, foretop' gallantmast, mizentopmast, maintopmast head, bulwarks, sails, &c., and both anchors an d c h a i ns , an d h at 1 14 f ee t of water in her hold. On the 21st, lat. 25, long. 36, spoke the Constantine, hence to New York, with loss i if fore and maiutopgallant masts, and part of starboard f izrechains, and upper decks started, and received assistance fi 'OM her. On the 21st saw a ship with loss of fore and mi . zentor masts, steering west, and also a brig, with loss c 4 main topmast, bound W. On the 23d saw a ship with loss of fore topgallant mast and inizentop mast, bound west; and a barque, with loss of jibboom, bound west. The Star of the East, at this port, sailed from 'W't )osung, Jan. 21, anchored off Gultz reef 22d in a heavy gale ; which continued till the 21th, when she slipped from her a nchor, and proceeded. On the 25th encountered a typhoon t with a high sea, ship rolling and quarter boats under. April ' 26, saw a large ship steering west, with all her top masts gone. The David, from London to Quebec, has arri ved at Queenstown with loss of her three masts. The Break o' Day, from Liverpool to Boston, ha a also put in with loss of topmasts and master (Moore) (wail bard. miumlNP THE RAILWAY AND CANAL TRAFFIC REGULATION BILL. Mr. T. EGERTON moved the following amendments : —Clause 2, line 5, after " advantage," insert with re spect to rates or charges, or in any other respect. Line 5, after "in favour of," insert " themselves or." Line 23, after " may be," insert " by the arrangement of the trains run by them upon such railways, and the regula tions of the hours of arriving and starting of such trains at the points of junction of such railways, or the points where transit is intended to be made from such lines of railway or canal to the other." The hon. member said that, in respect to one of his amendments, he wished to guard as much as possible against the evil arising from the exercise of undue influence by railway companies ; and, in respect to his last amendment, his object was to guard against the sudden stoppage of the public traffic. - Mr. CARDWELL atid. - that the clause was most care fully drawn with a view of providing against such evils as the hon. member apprehended. Mr. ATHERTON opposed the amendments. He thought that by mentioning one kind of obstruction, they would be giving ground for a legal argument that other kinds of obstruction were not declared to be offences under the act. As the clause was drawn it would be much more comprehensive than if the amendments of the hon. gentle man were assented to. The amendments were then negatived, and the clause was then agreed to. On clause 3 being proposed, Captain LAFFAN said that although an injunction might be obtained against a railway company for an act of oppression towards another, such company might adopt another mode of annoyance which would require another injunction to put a stop to. And even then the company might adopt several other modes of oppression, which it would be difficult to stop, save by repeated injunctions. He, therefore, proposed the insertion of words, by which the past as well as the future misdeeds of a railway com pany would be liable to a penalty every day such acts of oppression were carried on. Mr. CARD WELL said he hoped that the clause, as it stood, would be found effective in preventing the repetition of such oppression without the amendment of the hon. and gallant gentleman, more especially as he (Mr. Card well) would propose to insert " 200/." as the penalty for this offence. He did not think that they ought to adopt a new plan by establishing daily penalties for past mis deeds. With regard to a remedy for damage, nothing in this bill would take away from any individual the right of appeal to a court of common law. Mr. ATHER,TON said, as he read the bill it was no part of the general scope of it to punish for past misdeeds. The complaining party would, however, still have his right to appeal to the ordinary legal tribunals of the country. Mr. HENLEY thought there was a great deal of force in what the hon. and learned gentleman had said. Every body knew that when there is a disposition to annoy a variety of annoyances might be adopted. If they merely made the penalty prospective they would never succeed effectually in putting a stop to such inconvenincies as had been alluded to. Mr. G. BUTT said he thought that the working of this clause would be attended with enormous expense and diffi culty. The remaining clauses, with certain verbal amendments, were then agreed to. No additional clauses were added, and the house resumed. To be recommitted on Monday next. The Exchequer Bills (16,021,100/.) Bill went through committee. THE MILITIA BILL. On clause 1 heir g read, Mr. HENLEY pointed out the inconvenience and ex pense to which the parishes would be put in maintaining the wives and families of these men in the workhouse, un less some special provision was made for their support. The clause was then agreed to. In answer to Lord A. VANE, Lord PALMERSTON said he should make inquiries re lative to the support of the wives and children of Militia• men ; and with regard to the expense of store-houses, a general consolidated Militia Bill was in course of preparation which would meet the objection of the noble lord. The remaining clauses were then agreed to, and the house resumed. The Dublin Port Bill was read a third time and passed. The Witnesses Bill went through committee. The house adjourned at a quarter to two o'clock. [ADVERTISEMENT.]- —Holloway's Ointment and Pill s the most effectual remedies for Gout and Rheumatism. —Extract of a letter from Mr. Thomas Wyborn, drug gist, Eton, dated April 26, 1852:—" To Professor Hol loway. Sir,—A case has lately come un d er my notice whichl think should be publicly known. It is that of a poor man, who suffered so dreadfully•from chronic rheumatism, that he lost the use of one side and en dured incessant pain. He was under diff erent medical treatment, and at Westminster Hospital the faculty pronounced him incurable. However, this was not the case, for by the use of your ointment and pills, he has been restored to health and strength."—Sold by all druggists, and at Professor Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand, London. [AevEarisniEwr.]—A most - Interesting recovery from a vast COM. plication of diseases, without the aid of medicine, is rec ,rded in tile following letter:— " Brid, ,3d , BM. "Grateful for the benefit I have de ehouse rived from Du Bar Ap r ril y's l Reva. lenta Arabica Food, I feel It my duty to express to you my unfeigned thanks for the invariable kindness I have met with at your hands. My case is an extra •rdinary one, and as it may benefit of er suf ferers I think it,but right to place its details at your disposal. I have suffered these 33 years continually from diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver derangements, deafness, singing in the ears, consti pation, debility, shortness of breath and couh, and during that period taken so much medicine that I can safely say 1 have laid out upwards of a thousan 1 pounds at the chemist's and doctor's. I have actually worn out two medical men during my ailments without find ing any improvement in my health. Indeed I was in utter despair, and never expected to get over it, when I was fortunate enough to become acquainted with your Revalenta Arabica, which, [leaven be praised, restored me to a state of health which l long since despaired of attaining. .My lungs, liver, stomach, head, and ears are all right, my hearing perfect, and my recovery is a marvel to all my acquain tances.--4 am, respectfully, " JAMES ROBERTS, Wood Me chant." In canisters, suitably packed for all climates, and with full instruc- tions-1 lb., 2s 9d ; 210., 4s 6d; 51b., Ils ; 12 lb., 225; super re fined, 5 lb., 225; 10 lb., 335. The 10 lb and 12 lb. carriage free, on receipt of Post-office order. Parry, Du Parry, and Co., 7 1 , Regent• street, London; 1 , °Munn, Mason, and Co., purveyors t:, her Majesty, Piccadilly; alio at 63, Oxford-street; 60, Grace Church-street; 49, Blahopszate-atreet ; 4, Cheapaide ; 830 and 451, Strand. COUNTRY MARKETS. LIVERPOOL, MAY 5. There was more than an average attendance of buy ers this morning, and the business done was both healthy l and sound. Both wheat and flour sustained the rates of rt day, and a strong tone pervades the trade. For Amerii fine white 12s Gd per 701bs. was paid. The Irish demi nd for Indian corn lively, and several parcels cleared oil* by ' importers conceding Gd to is per qr. WAKEFIELD-MAY 5. The ar rivals of grain moderate, but a considerable qui sn• tity of fc .reign wheat has been sold here to be forward ea per railway from the seaport direct to the millers. To-d aT a limited sale even for fresh qualities, and at a decline of is per qr. from last week. Fine English barley fully am*, dear. In beans no alteration. Oats and shelling felt , eV more money. EXETER—MAY 5. CORN.—In our market wheat may be quoted from 10s l ) I ',. to I.ls Od. Malting barley, 58 Od to 5s 6d ; grinding do., .01! Od to Os Od. Oats, 3s 6d to Os Od. Beans, 7s Od to 14 Od. Peas, OOs Od to OOs Od. FLoun.'—Fine, 62s Od. to 63s Od ; seconds, 601 Od to 61,4 Oct per sack. _ CATTLE.—Prime beef, 10s 6d per score ; cows and calvee, 141. to 171. ; butchers' calves, kid to 6d per lb., rearing , calves OOs to Os each. Sheep, 66d to 7d. Lambs, 7d to 7.',d per lb. Store hogs, :arge size, OOs to OOs each; OOs to 110 s ; small, Jbs to OOs. Rough fat, sid peer lb. Pork carcases from 9s 6cl to 108 3d per score. INVERNESS.-MAY 2. CORN.—Wheat, white, per qr., 743 Od to 76s Oct Bar.' ley, chevalier, 35s Od to 363 01; ditto, common, 34s Od to' 353 Ud. Oats, 3Cs Oct to 32s Od. MEAL.--Oatmeal, per imp. boll 27s Od to 28s Od ; ditto second, 00s Od to Os Od; barleymeal, 17s Od to Os Od ; , peasemeal, 17s Od to Os Od ; bran, per stone, Os 7d to •Os Od ; Ist flour, / s3r 2801 b, 54s Od. to 56s Od ; 2d ditto, 475; Od to. 49s Od; oatmeal, best, per st. of 141 b imperial 2s 9,1 , to 2s 10d ; ditto second, Os Od to Os Od ; barleymeal is 91' to is 10d ; j oeasemeal, is 10d to Os 04 ; Ist flour, 2s 94 cash," 3s Od 2il ditto, 2s 3d cash, 2s 7d credit. BRISTOL SUGAR-MAY 5. There is not much business to report in our market this' week, but prices are about supported. Refined g oods , meet a better sale, at prices not previously obtainable. COAL MARK Prices (of Coal per ton at t ET.—Mar 5. ,he close of the market :-- Wallsend, &o. s. d. Framwellgate 1 18 Carr's Hartley l9 61EIetton '2o Holywell. .18 f iSouth Hartlepool ..... 0 Longridge's Wst Hartleyl 9 9' If cue) Hall )19 0 Raveusworth Hartley ...19 6 South Kelloe 9 0 Taufield Moor lB Stewart's 2;O 0 Eden Main. lB 0 COURSE OF EXCHANGE—YESTERDAY. Amsterdam 11 IVA Gibraltar .............. Ditto, three months .. 11 15 , 4 ..eghorn .............. 305234 ttotterdam .....• • • .... 11 15 1 4 Genoa ..... 25 52h Antwerp .............. 25 17% Milan .. .............. Brussels .....• •• • • .... 25 i 7 ;•,, Venice ................ Hamburgh •. . 1.3 4% Naples 42 Att°na •••••••• •• •• •• •• Palermo ..... 1264 Ditto, three months • • 25 30 ' Lisbon 5 3 % • • .25 32% Oporto ••• • • • 53 % Bourdeaux .........• • • Rio Janeiro ........ Frankfort-on-Maine .... 118% B uenos Ayres... .. •• • • Berlin . •• • • New York, 60 day s' sight -- Vienna ... • ............ 13 50 Philadelphia .... -- Trieste ............ • • .. 14 52 PHICF.S OF BULLION. PER O R. Petersburgh............ 31 Foreign Gold in Bars £3 17 9 Madrid .. 5 0 14 Portugal Gold Coin .. 0 0 0 Cadiz........ Barcelona •• .. New Dollars 0 0 SeyWo ••.. • • • •••••.••• in bars .• •• • • 0 6 I% BANK OF ENGLAND. An Account pursuant to the Act 7th and Bth Victoria, cap 31, tot the Week ending on Saturday the 29ta day of April, 1854. ISSUE DEPARTMENT. Notes issued •• 26,188,460 Government debt.... 11,015,1 , tO Other securities...... 2,984,9 i 10 Gold coin and bullion 12,188,46 4) Silver - £26, , 88,4 0 C 26,188,4603 MARSHALL, Chief Cashier. Dated the 4th day of May, 1854. BANKING DEPARTMENT. Proprietors' capital .. 14,553,000 Rest . 3,172,183 " " ' ' • Government securities (Includg.Dead W eight I'ublic deposits tin c:uding Exchequer, Commissioners of National Debt, Sav ing's Banks, and Dividend Accounts) 2,018,493 Other deposi s ...... 11,316,805 Seven Day and other Bills ........ . 1,126,996 Annuity) 13,080. ( 79 Other securities ...... 14,438,191: N , .tes .............. 3,941,141 0 Gold and silver coin.. 717p4646 £32,187,477 £32,187.0 7 [. MARSIIALL, Chief Cashier.. Dated the 4th day of May, 1854 ALLEGED ILLEGAL BURIAL OF A CHILD. —The body of a child, aged six or seven weeks, has been discovered and exhumed by order of Mr. Wakley, the coroner, from the place where it had been interred, in the garden of the house, No. 14, Harrington -square, in the occu pation of Dr. Griffith Jones, under the following cir cumstances :—On Saturday evening, a young man, named Thomas Hogg, formerly in the service of Dr. Griffith Jones, called at the coroner's office, and repre sented that about seven or eight weeks back, Dr. Reeves, who lives with Dr. Griffith Jones, brought home a band box wrapped up in brown paper, and gave directions that no one should touch that parcel. Some time after, on going into a back room, he saw Dr. Reeves sewing up the body of a child. Dr. Reeves told him to go and dig a hole in the right-hand corner of the Bard en ; and when he had dug the hole, Dr. Reeves came vrith the body of the child wrapped up in a cloth and thr-ew it into the hole, and told him (Hogg) to fill it up directly. On hearing this statement the coroner directed Davis, the summoning -officer, to go to the house of Dr. Griffith Jones arid dig up the garden and seek for the body. Davis, accompanied by a labourer with a spade, waitod on Dr. Griffith Jones on Sunday, and, having stated his mission, Dr. Griffith Jones stated that he knew nothing about the matter, and called Dr. Reeves, who admitted the fact, and showed him the spot where tho child was buried. The body was found about two feet below the surface, much d ecom p ose d . D r. Reeves stated that be had attended a lady in her confinement, who se name he did not know, either No. 6 or 7, Wellington-square, Chelsea, and that the child was about seven weeks old. Having died, the lady gave it to him, as be was making some experiments on the spine. Yesterday Davis made in quiries both at 6 and 7, Wellington-square, Chelsea, and found both houses inhabited by highly respectable families, who declared that no such circumstance bad ever taken place. On application to Mr. Lang, the registrar of the district, he declared that neither birth nor death bad either been registered from the place mentioned. The coroner has ordered an inquest, for which purpose the body has been removed to St. Pancras Workhouse.— Observer. [A paragraph appeared in the Morming Chro nicle of Tuesday last, referring to the above embunaation, in which we much regret it was stated that. the child had been under the care of a medical gen tleman, in whose garden the body had been buried. It will be seen from the account we have just extracted from the Ob server, that Dr. Griffith Jones knew nothing whatever of the circumstances connected with the death or burial of the infant.]—Morning Chronicle.—The above has been in type since Tuesday, but left over from acci dent. The original paragraph was copied from the Morning Chronicle.—ED. Sun. BIRTHS. OF A SON. On the 30th ult., in Torrington-square, the wife of Co ventry M. Woodhouse, Esq. On the 4th inst., at 2, Sussex-street, Warwick-square, the wife of John Sleigh, Esq. OF A DAUGHTER. On the 3d inst., at Tunbridge-wells, the wife of the Rev. W. Earle, ALA On the 2d inst., at Teignmouth, the wife of Patrick Duncan, Esq. MARRIED. On the 28th ult., at St. Brooke, Cornwall, the Rev. Eldred Green, to Elizabeth, youngest daughter of the Rev. Dr. Benson, Rector. On the 4th inst., at St. James's Church, Piccadilly, William Hornby, Esq., of the Hook, Hants, to Charlotte, youngest daughter of the late Captain James Bradshaw, R.N., M.P., of Abshot House, Hants. DIED. On the Ist inst., at Brandsby-hall, Yorkshire, Francis Cholmeloy, Esq., in his 71st year. On the let inst., at Stonehouse, Devon, Retired Captain John Pengelly Parkin, R.N. (1841), aged 62. On the 26th ult., at Nice, W. J. Campbell, Esq., third son of the late Lieut.-General Cohn Campbell, Lieutenant ., Governor of Gibraltar. On the let inst., at Cokenach, Royston, Louisa Lucy.eldest daughter o f th e l ate General Sir William „, • Clinton. On the let inst., in London, Panlina Hance, widow of the late Capt. William James Hance, of the let Royal Veteran Battalion, in her 65th year. LONDON: Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG, of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at 77i Sun Office, No. 1 12, Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the county ° I. Middlesex. Saturday, May 6,18 N: . ~ Mil. AI THIS EVENIN Saturday) ; and' B ta ll s, 33. (whiel Di 4 ; area, 25.; IST OTIC Lecture at CONST A N TI 4 3 1 Wa r. J Of thr will thin, as usual, 1 excellent Map h Pan Two and E .NOVEL AT' M 1141de::: THIS El Ross will e stablishment, Veare's " Hainl the talented aut • T T u h r e k a i t s: "Villiklns and 1 thcrusses. &c. 14 .8. Strand LAIJRE (Lessee, The abova s uld will cont „,,_ LEBRATEI Pair Star Waltz tatnent , the fo' 4, „ 1 18 and his D ullocing to con ROYAL P. 11, e SEAT of N KALAFAT, to the BLAC ol the TURK the proprietor ! 1 1a NEW _LECTURES b DAILY BRI PROCESS 01 o'clock ; anc DECORATI( LE TURF, by ELECTRIC: Sunken Vest ~,...°Pert Morin] , widLren under P I .1 11 E M. JUNE 4, 4 OCELYI4, I,E her u Screw ..ajeBty'S 4 ‘.4 *hate next, ktation for ral 4 tgo, which hi ship up to e arrYing the N L ° Talie of abou Elght homewar led from her s l Uttnied that E of Passage frun and Passage .011dou-bridge 'PEIE E I -fiendiLybocie Th omas Barin 4,lorasonHan) qi ,The assoctiv 8 .11 Its brand privilege of se , the amount eg age Proe'Peetuse, Moorgat THE A, Capita "Isatted L( n aPPucatiou RITA mpov tn po COLONEL Every desc /fitliout Part 31h1acee-, n,fl Una* ( allbsetijitioria WO-00i TWa 7 titaf year—that a tory and prC The other 5 Purchase tha It is situatO and is adapt There are are not reqn to choosing 1 Is advanced can be suppl tags of selth 441 ., With at 14 , Chath Depa TILE Lori Irelan4 akatant, at ton s as nu h it° her sBsi .. tender inglller Run T enders tote quan 4‘" gsnlp a les aver bOt a , a .„ mg anv ; r " "e2riectei The san a; refines is hat au tend , Itt, it for !tt the sal oerviC e a „ The cot ' rn cal treaty, ~- „ eatY • a , ent on tra kt, a 4 e°4l lltun. r.m ary ~a n d bear also " TM INPII atm Pal Sp E r age; t e .rnittei tw enty bebllit3 thi nan _ I NN on "lett(