The Sun. — London, England, 1864-03-08 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMEN HOUSE OF LORDS—Last Evening, The LORD CIIANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at 5 o'clock, PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Stokes Bay Railway and Pier Bill was read a second time. THE PUNISEIMENT OF RAFE. The Earl of WESTMEATH begged to lay upon the tale a bill to amend the law with respect to the punishment of rape. The noble earl said he had on a former occasion endeavoured to bring in a bill for the same purpose, but he had been prevented by a very narrow majority of their lordships from proceeding with so salutory a measure. The law, as it at present existed, was not at all sufficient to afford adequate protection to women. The first object of his bill, therefore, was, that where more than one person was concerned public whipping should be inflicted on the participators in such an abominable offence. The bill was read a first time. THE KERTCH PRIZE MONEY. Lord CHELMSFORD rose to put a question to the First Lord of the Admiralty with respect to the distribution of the Parliamentary grant amongst flag officers in the fleet employed in the expedition to Kertch and Yenikala in 1855. The noble lord cited the method of alloting prize money, but the money divided under the warrant in the present case was not to be looked upon as ordinary prize money. The usual flag share in the case was £2,856, to which Lord Lyons would have been entitled to two-thirds, and Sir Houston Stewart to one-third, but the Admiralty had given £1,428 to Lord Lyons and the remaining moiety had been divided between Admirals Sir Houston Stewart, Boxer, Sir M. Stopford, and Bray, but the last three gallant officers had not been engaged in the expedi tion, and therefore were not entitled to participate. In the present instance, it appeared to him that, according to the distribution made, Lord Lyons had been deprived of £457, and Admiral Stewart of £595, He wished to know whether the opinion of the law officers had been consulted before the money was paid. _ _ — The Duke of SOMERSET maintained that the money had been distributed in accordance with the naval service and her Majesty's proclamation issued on March 29, 1854. Many other distributions, which the noble lord recapitulated, had been made on account of captures made in the years 1834.55 to officers in command on the station, and not the slightest discontent had been evinced. The directions of the Royal warrant were quite clear, and there fore the Admiralty had but one duty to do, and that was to divide the money in accordance with it. An instance had occurred in the year 18,55, in which a capture had been made in the Black Sea, when one of the officers who parti cipated was at Malta and another at Constantinople. He did not consult the law officers of the Crown before he dis tributed the money, but he was guided by the practice of the Admiralty. The Earl of HARDWICKE said it seemed to him that the act of Parliament under which this sum of £85,925 was granted expressly defined the persons amongst whom it was divisible as those actually engaged in the Kertch and Yeni kale expedition. After few words from LordCHßLmsFonn, The Duke of SOMERSET expressed his willingness to take the opinion of the law officers, or to adopt some other means of setting at rest the question which had been raised by the noble and learned lord. (Hear, hear.) The subject then dropped. Sir John Lawrence's Annuity Bill was read a second time. THE METROPOLITAN RAILWAYS. Earl GRANVILLE called the attention of the house to the report of the Select Committee on Railway Schemes within the limits of the metropolis; and moved that the following bills be not proceeded with in the present ses sion, namely, Victoria-street and Thames Embankment Railway ; Oxford-street and City Railway ; London Main Trunk Underground Railway; Charing-cross (Northern) Railway ; Charing• cross (Western) Railway ; Tottenham and Hampstead Junction Railway (extension to Charing cross) ; London Union Railway ; and Tottenham and Farringdon-street Railway. That the fees which have been incurred in i espect of the said bills be remitted ; and that the report be referred to all select committees to which any railway bills within the limits of the metropolis may be referred. Before making his motion, the noble lord pre sented a petition from citizens of London, expressing alarm lest they should be compelled to go before different com mittees in order to protect their property against the encroachments of railway schemes. That alarm was quite groundless, because the joint committee had recommended that all schemes affecting the City of London should be referred to one and the same committee. The noble earl then detailed the recommen dations of the committee, and stated the principles upon which they had proceeded; but it is unnecessary to give his observations on these points, as their substance has been more fully, and certainly more clearly, embodied in the report of the committee which we have already pub lished. The motion was agreed to. The House adjourned at 25 minutes past 6. HOUSE OF COMMONS—Last Evening. The Speaker took the chair at four o'clock. METROPOLITAN RAILWAYS. Mr. CRA WFORD gave notice that he would, on an early day, draw the attention of the house to this subject with a view to raising the whole question of the proposed metropolitan railways. THE INVASION OF JUTLA.ND. Mr, DISRAELI—Sir, as I see the noble lord the First Minister in his place, I wish to make an inquiry respect the invasion of Jutland. I should like to know whether the noble lord has any authentic information on that subject which he could communicate to the house. The reason I make the inquiry is that two statements have been made by the two leading members of the Government in different Houses of Parliament, which apparently are very contrary in sense. We understood from the noble lord, when the matter was brought before the house, and a question addressed to him on the subjt,ct, that he considered the invasion of Jutland to be on the part of the German Powers an aggravated outrage of the injustice they had already committed. But I observe that, when the same question was addressed to the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs in the other House of Parliament, he seemed to convey that he had received a formal in timation from the Prussian Ambassador of the in tended invasion—that the Prussian Ambassador in formed him that the intended invasion of Jutland was the consequence of the order of the Danish Government to cap ture German ships, and that it had rendered inevitable that war general, which otherwise was local ; and it seemed by the accounts which reached us that the S e c re t ar y o f St a t e accepted that interpretation of the conduct of the German Powers, and communicated it without any protest to the Danish Government. tinder these circamstances, and seeing that the invasion of Jutland appears still to be pro posed, and remembering the original statement of the noble lord and the statement which he made with reference to that invasion a few nights since, I should be glad to know whether the noble lord can communicate to the house any authentic information upon the subject, and also what the house may consider to be the authentic view which the Government take of that step on the part of the invading Powers. (Cheers.) Lord PALMERSTON—Sir, the accounts we have had explanatory of the invasion of Jutland h ave b een exceed ingly contradictory—(a laugh) —and therefore I really am somewhat at a loss to give a definite answer to the question of the right hon. gentleman. As I stated, we were first told that the frontiers were crossed con trary to orders, then that there was a reprimand, and then, nevertheless, a sanction was given. I believe, as the matter now stands, the Germans wish to gain possession of the town and fortress of Fredericia, which commands a narrow channel between the Jutland ; mainland and the island of Funen. No doubt one reason given is that men tioned by the right hon. gentleman : that as the Danes had retaliated upon Germans by taking German merchantmen, that gave a character of mutual hostility, while under the Invasion of Schleswig it was only a friendly act. (A laugh.) But as to the question of hostilities between Germany and Denmark, that retaliation of Denmark had altered the relative position of the parties. But one reason given was that which I me ntioned — name l y, the capture by Danish ships of war of Garman merchantmen ; and the other was, that the occupation of Fredericia, as well as Bolding, was nec essary in order to protect e German troops from being harassed by Denmark, either from the north of Jutland or from the island of Funen. The right hon. gentleman wants to know whalhteilvt.he view which the Government take of that matter. nd ie t w he w E e .d ta e was it is, that the whole military operation bey o an outrage upon the independence of Denmark— Met Eider w an act of violence not justified by the state of thin e much as the excuse given was, that the Germans w g a s ii , tmdas materiel security for a certain revocation of the Constituetioe of November, and the Danish Government admitted their a readiness to comply with that request before the occupation of Schleswig and Holstein. Well, of course, any extension of that occupation is an aggravation of that outrage, what ever excuse may be given for it, and it was necessary for my noble friend (Earl Russell) to enter into a controversy with the Fruseian Governtuent as to the different degrees of aggression. (Hear, hear.) Th e G erman Governments know perfectly well our opieion as to the main matter, and it i s qu it e unnecessary to squabble with them as to the steps they take in aggravation of their original violence. (Hear, hear.) CAPTURE OF VESSELS. Mr. R. LONG aslrel the First Lord of the Treasury whether a ship belonging to the Confederate navy would have the same right to search and make prize of an English vessel carrying contraband of war to a Federal port that a Federal war vessel would exercise in the case of a British ship carrying contraband of war to a Confederate port; and, if not, whether such partiality in favour of one or two belligerent Powers is reconcileable with the " srict neu trality" professed by her Majesty's Government. The ATTO RNEY-GENERAL said there could be no doubt whatever that Confederate vessels had the same right to visit, search, and capture British vessels carrying contraband of war as Federal men-of-war had; but it must al ways be ret pembered that neither of them had a right to mane any such capture except for the purpose of taking the ship fcr adjudication before a prize court. (Hear,) GOVERNMENT ANNUITIES BIL . The SPEAKER reminded the Housethtt the hon. member for Dudley had a notice on the paper, which was given on the uraderstanding that a certain clause of this bill should not be proceeded with that cver.,ng, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer had replied. The hon. mem ber for Cambridge had also addressed the House, and made a motion for the adjournment. These throe members hav ing spoken on the main question, he wished to know if it was the feeling of the House that he should consider they had already addressed the House, or whether they should be put in a position to speak on the bill. Mr. DISRAELI thought it would be unjust to exclude them. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER placed himself in the hands of the house. Mr. SHERIDAN understood that the hon. baronet the member for Hertford would move that the bill be referred to a select committee, and if that were done a great deal of time would be saved. After a few words from Sir W. M. FARQUHAR, Lord PALMERSTON—I think the most convenient course would be that the house should go into committee on the bill, and that in the committee my right hon. friend should make that statement which can be most conveniently and most regularly made in committee on the clauses of the bill. My right hon. friend would not press the house for any decision on that point to-night, but postpone it for some future day, Lord JOHN MANNERS, with reference to what had just fallen from the noble lord, said that if the coarse ho proposed was pursued his hon. friend's (Sir W. M. Far quhar's) wishes would be entirely frustrated, as he desired to refer the bill to a select committee. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—I was not at all aware that it was intended to make a motion to refer this bill to a select committee, for I certainly concluded that if that had been the intention of the hon. gentleman he would have given notice. Sir M. FARQUHAR—I gave notice this evening. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—WeII, I am sorry it was not made known before. That being the case, I presume it will be batter for me to suppose that I have the permission of the House to make a statement now. (Hear.) Then I must beg the House to observe that I am in the peculiar predicament of having to make a statement, not upon the bill, not upon a particular clause of the bill, but on the Speaker's leaving the chair, and that consequently I, being the framer of the bill, am also of necessity in the position of not being able to offer any explanation, after I shall have spoken, in answer to the inquiries of hon. members. With these few words by way of preface, I will just state to the house the history of this proposal. The Legislature has thought fit to appoint a public officer whose business it should be to register from time to time certain facts with regard to the condition of friendly societies. It is the duty of that officer to make annual reports on the subject. In the autumn of last year that admirable report was presented at a time when Parliament was not sitting. It recorded a great number of failures on the part of friendly societies. It recorded very gross abuses, and it was filled with multitudes of complaints from persons in all parts of the country with regard to the position in which they found themselves under the operation of the rules of many of these societies. It has often been suggested to me that the subject of small life assurance, having already received in principle the sanction of Parliament, was in such a state, under present circumstances, that it ought to re ceive the fresh attention of the Government. I must con fess that, upon adverting to the nature of the facts which had been laid before the country through th,.. medium I have referred to, and, I am sorry to say, through mazy other media—judicial proceedings and otherwise—l came to the conclusion that it was the duty of the Government to en deavour to make the provisions of the law, which now inci dentally is rendered inoperative by a peculiar provision not intended for that purpose—to make the inoperative provi sion an operative and real one. lam anxious to call atten- tion to the circumstances attending the introduction of the bill. I introduced it at the opening of the session, thinking it most likely that the leisure of hon. members would allow them to give it attention ; but more particularly that I did it in a manner which was unpresuming and not aggressive. (Hear, hear.) I thought it my duty to avoid painful discussions with regard to the condition of many institutions which solicit, and to a certain extent re ceive, the public confidence. I did not apply a single word —or at all events, if I did, it was in very general and few words that I wads allusion to the state of facts as being such as required the attention of Parliament. If I say this, it is not to recommend myself, but it is that I may request the house to observe the difficult position in which lam now placed. There is no one, so far as I am aware, who has ever thought that either savings-banks, Post-office savings banks, annuities for the people, or assurance for the people, are matters with which it is abstractedly desirable for the Government to deal. If it could be said that the operations of the great laws of supply and demand are generally satis factory, and that the defects which occur are incidental to the principles upon which commerce must be con ducted, that in my opinion would be conclusive condemna tion not merely of the proposal which I now make but of the law which was passed two years ago for Post-office sav ings banks, as an interference with a portion of the banking business of this country, and of the law you passed before with respect to the Annuity Laws, and with regard to the old savings banks. Replying briefly to the alleged hurrying forward of the bill, the rigic hon. gentleman said—l wish to put aside, before I discuss the particular provisions, two point which are of importance in themselves, but which are purely collateral, and for which due provision will be madelllt was asked, when the bill was first printed, Do you propose to compete with the assurance societies, and avail yourself of the large circle of legal exemptions from duty, which will be in the nature of a premium on the business you are to do, and of course a penalty on the business they are to do ? My answer is, that we make no such proposal. We make the proposal that we shall be compelled to do any business we may do under the precise conditions under which it is done by independent assurance societies. Ex plaining the mode in which the premiums paid for the pur chase of annuities under the present bill would be applied, the right hon. gentleman said that the national debt stock which might be purchased by those premiums would not be extinguished, but would be held, and therefore no present relief would be obtained at the expense of future liability. I do not deny that the assumption by Government of the transaction of any business whatever on behalf, not of the State, but, of individuals, is a proposal justly open to ad verse presumptions, and one which calls for the careful and even the jealous scrutiny of the House. (Hear.) It is a proposal for which cause must be shown in the double form,—first of all that there is an evil to redress, and secondly, that the moans proposed for its redress or for its mitigation are means which are in themselves practicable, and not open to objection. (Hear.) Government interfer ence is a matter with respect to which I must confess that my own prepossessions are as strong at least as those of most members of this house. The highest form in which it has been adopted has been that of positive regulations requiring this thing or that thing to be done in the course of private commercial arrangements, for the sake of obviating social moral, or political evils. This is the highest form of Go vernment interference. You have an instance of it in some of the clauses of the Factory Act and in sanitary arrange ments. This is a very great interference with the liberty of private action; but I am bound to say that I believe its operation has been beneficial. (Hear, hear.) By the Go vernment interference now proposed you enjoy nothing and prohibit nothing ; but you offer to such members of the community as choose to avail themselves of your proposal certain facilities for what I may call self-help. Deese are the precise limits of the plan which I have now to explain to the house. Ido not deny that it requires justifying and apology, but I do deny that we are to be frightened and terrified by clamours respecting centralisation. All that is requisite in such a case, I apprehend, is to show that all that the Government is proposing to do can be done safely and done justly. (Hear, hear.) A notion has gone abroad that this preposition is novel—that Parliament is about to take upon itself responsibilities where at the present moment we have nu responsibilities at all. Is that so ? This bill has grown, not out of cora -1 sideration of the case of assurance societies, but out of consideration of the case of the friendly societies, and of the wholesale error, and not error only, for along with error, deception, fraud, and swindling are perpetrated upon a helpless portion of the community, who are with out defence. Referring to the nature of the friendly societies, which he said had been represented to him by deputations as private trade and private enterprise, the right hon. gentleman denied they were so, and said that they were virtually and substantially subsidised by the Government, for all instituted before 1828 received from the National Debt Office interest at the rate of £1 11s, for every £100; while those instituted up to 1344 received £3l6s. for ever y £lOO. That excess of interest, the right hon. gentle man contended, could only be looked upon as grants. So, also, societies ander the Friendly Societies' Act were exempt from the payment of income tax stamps, and in some cases probate duty. Under those circumstances he contended that Parliament was justified in looking into the condition of these societies, to see whether it was possible to mitigate the evils which at present appeared to exist. I think, he continued, we have chosen a very mild manner of interven tion, a remedy precisely analogous to that which was chosen with regard to the Post-office savings banks. In the Post office sav i ngs banks what we had to cons i der was t hi s. The country was overrun with loan societies offering most attrac tive terms t o the people, promising them i nterest w hi c h could not b e ment, and th en ending in loss, disappointment, and ruin. Paid under an y sound and honest manage- We did not attempt to set about the fool's work of prescrib ing laws by which loan societies should be regulated, and under which alone people should be permitted to lend their money. Every one knew that was tota lly impracticable —that you c ou ld not P ossi bly defend poor men against t abuses and dan gers i nto which they run df headforemost and with their eyes op en . B ut we held that dient, and politic, an d di scharging hea oretn gt, the h t i w h as es j t a sense x t p h e in t i e t duty of the Legislatur e t o g i ve to the poor g man, the owner n of o smmearleltrsiacvioinugssa, attractions, which advantage of h a e scheme l d outn n w o hi which like offeredh high rate of interest —on the contrary, it was low—but which offered him that to which he was entitled—absolute and certain security. (Hear.) That is precisely the basis • THE SUN', LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 8, 1864. of the scheme to which I now invite the attention of the house. Taking it for granted that very serious and ex tensive evils exist, the two main questions to which I wish to ask the attention of the house are, first of all, is the plan which we propose a safe plan ? and, secondly, does it in volve injustice to any one ? As regards safety, I think we have some claims to confidence. I would not say that if I urged it on behalf of myself, of any particular party, or of any particular Government; but the fact is, that the whole excellence of the arrangements under which recent measures had been framed is due not to us but to the able men con nected with the permanent public service of the country— such men as Sir Alex, Spearman, Mr. Chetwynd, of the Post-office, and, above all, of that indefatigable and most able public servant, Mr. Scudamore. These are men in whose judgment I feel very great confidence with regard to the practical question of the safety of these particular ar rangements, and in whom I think the house will also be disposed to confide. The house may fairly feel great jea lousy on this subject, but I will say that I am willing, in any way, to meet every objection—first, by such explana tions as are in lay power to offer ; and, secondly, to provide in the bill that no rule which may be adopted for the pur pose of giving effect to the provisions of this act shall be subjected to the scrutiny and approval of the house in the same manner as the minutes of the Council of Education. The subject is one which admits of ample and general dis cussion. It is quite easy to see in what manner the danger may arise in the working of a schema of this kind. It may arise from fraud with respect to the evidence of lives— (hear, hear) ; and, secondly, it way arise from personation. There are parts of the country—which I will not now point out more particularly—where the inhabitants are such adepts in the business of personation, that some insurance offices decline to have anything to do with them. (A laugh.) Bat I now wish to call attention to what I think a funda mental distinction between the business which it is pro posed to undertake, at the option of the people and on the part of the Government, and the ordinary business of life assurance companies. Let me ask the particular attention of the house to the question of the supposed difficulty that we are to have in dealing with the lives of the labouring classes. If insurances are not to exceed £lOO, they must be ex clusively insurances of the labouring classes. We exclude children and persons under the age of 16 years altogether, because the lives of children and persons of 16 years of age admit of great uncertainty and fraud; and that is a depart ment we do not think it would be wise or safe to undertake. Practically, the persons who will insure with us are fathers of families—the labouring men of the country. Is it a difficult thing to ascertain the value of the lives of the labouring men of the country ? It is not. In the first place, we have the means of obtaining the necessary information. We have the certificates of medical men who are the medi cal officers attached to the guardians of the poor, and who are themselves officers of the State. So far as medical means go, we have all that can be desired. But what I venture to state, and to state boldly, is that, although the ascertain ment of life in the higher classes of society is a matter of great subtlety and difficulty, requiring the application of the highest medical skill, and afterwards a jealous scrutiny, yet the value of lite in the case of labouring men is a matter comparatively simple. (No, no.) You have these three things, all of them matters easily ascertainable. The first is as to age—that is matter of fact and not of opinion ; second, as to employment—that is also matter of fact and not of or inion ; and thirdly, as to whether the man is a sober man or a drunkard. Ido not mean to say that in every case you know the value of the life, but I say that generally you know the value of the life, and in a manner perfectly sufficient for safely working your tables. I had lately an opportunity of discussing the subject with an eminent member of the medical profession in London, who was himself the medical consulting officer of two insurance offices. I asked him whether that was the case. He said it was, and, speaking merely of certificates sent from the country, he used these words—ln the case of industrial insurances `ewe scarcely look at our medical papers : " thus distinctly affirming the proposition that in the cases of the labouring classes the employment and general character are palpable and known to all the world, and are, in the long run, a sufficient and satisfactory test. We have some experience already, because we have been working our system of saving banks for some time,, where there is certainly some temptation to personation, but not a single case of the kind has arisen. My belief is that, com paring a Government department with the case of an in surance office of a large description—l do not speak of friendly societies, which are local in their character—l say distinctly, the means enjoyed by the Government officers of ascertaining the value of life are very superior to those of insurance offices, because the man who insures with the Government has every means of having his identity tested, The Government have in these matters natural allies in those persons who are best acquainted with the condition of the labouring classes throughout the country—the clergy man, the Dissenting minister, the magistrate, the poor law guardians, the registrars, and last, but not least, the em ployers of labour. Through these persons it is perfectly easy for the Government to defend themselves against the risk of fraud. It appears to me this is not a very difficult mattcr as far as regards safety. It has been carefully eonsieered how far such a system could be worked, and I admit here we stand in a different position from that in which we are placed under the existing law, where the deferred annuity required to,be purchased is itself looked to as security. But undoubtedly all the inquiry I can make convince me that the ascertainment of the value of the lives of labouring men is, as a general rule, easy and simple, and that, as relates to fraud by means of personation, it has not been found to pre , sent any vital difficulty in the way of existing secieties, whereas it would be easier for us to cope with it. With re gard to taking bad live 4, let us see what occurs in the cue of existing societies. They have agents all over the country, and, to induce those agents to draw lives in their nets, they offer them 25 per cent. upon all the premiums they obtain, exclusive of fees. There are societies with hundreds and thousands of members existing under your auspices, authorised and subsidised by you, who are drawing lives into assurance in connection with themselves by giving to their agents 25 per cent, upon the whole of the premiums, which is a larger sum than ought to cover twice the ex pense of a well-managed insurance society. But what is the effect of this with respect to fraud an personation ? The agent goes into a certain district or village, and, with so large a commission, you cannot expect him to be very scru pulous in the selection of good lives. (Hear, hear.) So much for the safety of these operations. The next question is, whether this is a measure which can be undertaken iustly with respect to those parties who are now performing the business of insurance. There are three classes of so cieties which it is necessary to take into view. The first is the case of the principal insurance societies ; the second are the minor insurance societies, who have but a limited range of business, or who deal exclusively with industrial pre miums ; and the third are friendly societies. The question is whether this proposal is a just proposal, and whether it can possibly trench upon the domain of those societies. It would be invidious to define the offices coming under the category of insurance societies ; but those acquainted with mercantile pursuits have no difficulty in distinguishing the several societies. We know what is their attitude with re gard to this proposal—it is one either of neutrality or favour. They do not desire small business, and they know the busi ness of the Government must be small. First of all, be cause the sums pointed out in the bill are small; and, se condly, because they assume that no Government is likely over to think it rational to inte fore with assurance business, probably so called ; and, thirdly, because, if Government made the demand, Parliament would not accede to it. But, farther, if both the Government and the Parliament were to accede to such a proposal, it would not be in the power of the State to shake the position of many of the insurance societies which now exist. These societies do not desire small busines , , as I can show by reference to the Post-office. In that department there is a system of insurance among the minor offices ; and although the collection of the premiums, which constitutes the heavi est charge in insurance offices was undertaken by the Post office, yet there was soma difficulty in getting ono of the superior offices to undertake the business. the following offices declined to undertake it—the Sun, the Atlas, the National Provident, the Scottish Equitable, the Amicable, and the flock. That shows that business of this kind is of no value to such offices. I will now, without going into details, state a few facts in connection with soma of these offices ; the first point is the date, the second is the premium income, and the third is the accumulations. The Standard office, which was founded in 1825, has a premium income of £247,000, and its accumulations amount to £2,133,000, or nine years' premium income. The University Life Insur ance Office, established in 1825, has an income of £14,000 a year, its capital is £600,000, and its accumulations amount to £780,000, or 17 years' premium income. The London and Provincial Law Society, founded in 1544, has an amount insured equal to a milion and a half; its premium income is £16,000, and its accumulations £ 220,000, or 18 years' in come. The Lancashire, founded in 1852, has a premium income of £23,000, and its accumulations are £856,000, or about four years' income. The right hon. gentleman, for the purpose of showing the feeling with which the large offices regarded the Government measure, read a short extract from a speech delivered by the chairman of the Standard Insurance Company, who predicted very fa vourable things of the Government measure, which was calculated to bring insurance within the reach of all. I come :low to the cansideration of industrial business in connection with the minor societies. The house will un derstand that industrial insurances are distinguished from insurances in general. Those depend upon monthly or weekly premiums, whereas the general insurance offices depended upon yearly, half•yearly, or quarterly. The in dustrial business is carried' on upon a very small scale. I do not doubt that there are excellent societies dealing with industrial business but they do not make provision for the wants of the population at large. You may find an in surance society in this or that particular district ; but what I have to look in the face is that there are all over the country insurance societies inviting persons by means of agents, whom I cannot call anything but preachers and denominational ministers, to whom a commission of 25 per cent. is given, and we may expect that such a reward as this is calculated to unlock the iciest tongue, and make these agents eloquent in praises of the societies to which they be long. (Hear, hear.) Ido not question that there may be societies living simply upon industrial business which are good and sound. What cause have they to be afraid of Government competition ? What can we do which will give uan unfair advantage over theca ? Iu the fret place, we can promise perfect security ; and if this is a benefit I don't see why we should withhold it from the people. (Hear, hear.) I urged upon a deputation, representing the minor offices, that they had nothing to fear from us, They said the people generally did not desire the advantage of insurance ; and that it was necessary to persuade them in dividually, go into their houses and reason and convince them. What will happen will be this, said the deputation, " Our agents will go into the cottages and persuade the man that it is a good thing for him to insure, and directly they have persuaded him that it is a good thing, he will turn round and go and insure with the Government." (Laughter.) That is paying a high compliment to the Government. We cannot use such extraordinary means as offering 25 or 15 per cent. to agents, but we can offer security upon favour able terms. There is another peculiar facility which the Government possesses. In this county a considerable pro portion of the labouring classes have become migratory in their habits; but, wherever they go, they will know where to pay their policy if they assure. That would be much more difficult in case they assured in any private society. Undoubtedly this is an advantage possessed by the Government. (Hear, hear.) I know of no advantages which the Government do or can possess, except their offer ing perfect security, more favourable returns on the drop ping of policies, and facilities for the migratory portion of the population. And now let us look at the disadvantages of the Government. In the first place, as the Government cannot employ touting agents, of course wo must remain without the business which such agents attract. Then if we are to provide liberal terms for those who drop their polices through inability to pay their premiums for a few weeks or a few months, we must of course charge for that in the premiums they have to pay, as it is evident that this business of the Government must he a self-supporting busi ness. (Hear.) Again, the Government will not insure persons under 16 years old, whereas in many societies more than one-half of the persons assured are under that age. Let those societies who are afraid of illegitimate competi bear this in mind. I will take the Government assurance and compare it with a good private commercial company doing business on its own private means. Both are depen dent on the premiums for meeting the claims upon deaths, but still they are chiefly dependent upon the judicious in vestment of those premiums, Now here we must work in fetters—within the limits defined by the parliamentary guarantee. We cannot upon the average invest our pre miums so as to yield more than 3 or 3,1 per cent., whereas the private companies invest at 4, 41, and sometimes 5 per cent. Such being the case, nothing can induce the people to come to the Government except the facility and conveni ence they can offer, and the perfect security we can afford. It would be impossible for the Government to pretend that wo can assure upon terms that would be considered cheap in the market, therefore no fear of Government competition need be entertained in quarters where prudence and honesty prevails. (Hear, hear.) But, Sir, in all quar ters prudence and honesty do not prevail, and to those who tell me that this measure is to be considered as standing in the category of a common commercial business. I will briefly reply, praying the house in the first place to consider for a moment the peculiar nature of lite assurance. It is a business which presents the direct converse of an or dinary commercial business. An ordinary commercial busi ness begins—if it begins legitimately—with a considerable investment of capital, and the profits follow at a considerable distance; but an assurance company, on the contrary, begins with receiving largely, and tho liabilities are postponed to a distant day. I daresay there are not many hon. members who know to what an extent this is true, and consequently to what extent the public is dependent upon pure prudence and high honour and character in the management of these institutions. When an institution of this kind is founded, so far from having difficulties at the outset, the outset is the time of its glory and its enjoyment. (A laugh.) The money comes rolling in, and the claims are at a distance, almost beyond the horizon. In the first year of the society's existence the premiums far exceed the death claims; so in the second year, and the third, and the fourth, and the fifth, and the sixth. For how long does this house think the premiums to be received aro in excess of the claims on deaths ? For 37 years. (Hear, hear.) lam far from wish ing to say that for 37 years the premiums, in all cases, ex ceed the expenses ; but when the expenses are kept within due limits, 37 years is the proportion. The expenses, how ever, have in some cases a strange tendency to grow beyond all bounds, and then it often happens that the promising hopes of a company are suddenly cut short. The house may like to know the fugitive character of these institutions. It appears from a work published by the Guardian Office that a very large number of assurance companies either fail or give up business. In nineteen years the number of companies projected was 596; of these 276 were founded; and 250 out of these 276 have ceased to exist. (Hear, hear.) Then there are twelve amalgamations—l wish I could read to the house the chapter on amalgamations— (hear, hear)—and fifty-seven societies were winding-up in Chancery. This is a subject which has both a comic and a tragic side, but the tragic side is altogether predominant. (Hear, hear). With regard to the companies winding-up in Chancery, I wish to show the house how that matter stands in the peculiar case of assurance societies. The policy •holder has no remedy when the company is mis managed, for this plain and obvious reason—ho must wait till he die before he has a claim. (Laughter,) The posi tion of a policy holder, therefore, unless he be a person of great wealth, is one of almost utter helplessness. It is obvious, that, whenever a man hears that the company in es bleb he is assured has gone into Chancery, he feels scrupulous about throwing good money after bad, ceases to pay more premiums, and thereby loses all claim upon what he has already paid. (Hear, hear.) Then there is another form of proceeding. I allude to amalgamation. This is a particular case of what happens on amalgamation: Sup pose yourself to be a person of small means insured in a particular society, and you hear it is going to amalgamate. What can you do ? How can you know that you will be able to make a case against the amalgamation or bear the costs of bringing the company to book ? Practically you cannot resist the amalgamation. What societies do is this; they send round gentlemen who sugges t to the policy holders that they had better consent to the scheme. A company called the Professional ceased business, and trans ferred its concerns to an institution called the European. What did the European do ? It was understood that all the policies in the Pro'essioual were of a certain value—they were of a value relative to the sum assured, and the pre miums paid up to the time with interest. There was, how• ever, a liability on them, and the European society made it a condition that it should inscribe upon each policy the amount of the remaining liability. Supposing a policy for £l,OOO, and the outstanding sum was £6OO, the European, on amalgamating with the Professional wrote £6OO on the policy, and charged 4 per cent. on that sum. Then, on the death taking place, the; £6OO, with interest, was deducted from the £l,OOO. (Hear, hear.) That is an illustration of what, perhaps, you will say is no better than wholesale rob bory. (Hear, hear.) I will now mention the cases of two societies doing industrial business on a large scale—the Friend in Need and the British Prudential. The Friend in Need was born as a friendly society, but the chrysalis passed into a butterfly, and after a time it came out as an assurance society. It rcast be a society of considerable age. Now the premium income of the Friend in Need is £22,000, and its available assets £14,0:'0. And here I had better fortify myself with the evidence of an eminent actuary. Mr. Ingall stated before the committee, in 1833, that if the ac counts of a company w hi c h h a d b een f our t een y ears i n existence showed that th e assets were equa l on ly t o one year's actual income, there could be no doubt of the unsafe position of that society. (Hear, hear.) And now, sir, I will point out the position of the assured in one particular respect. It is well known that disputes often arise on a death occurring as to the liability of the society; and be it borne in mind that I am now speaking of societies of a se condary chracter. For these disputes arbitration is the common remedy, and, mind you, we are now dealing with the case of institutions which have branches all over the country, and which you cannot localise in any particular spot. What will the house think when I tell them that in the case of the Friend in Need Society the condition of ar bitration is that it should be in London ? Think of what these few words mean. (Hear, hear.) Think of a man having his little policy of £2O disputed, and being told that if he wishes for an arbitration he must go to London. It is nothing else than confiscation, united with concealment. The case of another company--the British Prudential—is a very remarkable one. It is.conducted by a Mr. Harben, a gentleman of great energy, who is stated to have raised the organised opposition to this bill. (Laughter.) Mr. Harben waited upon me with a deputation, and replied that they were exceedingly anxious that I inquired whether t h ere wo uld be an y objec tion to th e publication o f their accounts. Mr. Herbal they should b e published, no su b sequen tl y answered very cautiously some questions which I put, but said that of course the information was only for my private use. Of course I said th at I had no pr i va t e use f or it w h a t ever, an d h e then s a id th at if all other compan i es were ma d e to pub lish full p ar ti culars they were w illi ng t o d o so, b ut as other companies did not publish they would rather not do so, as the facts mi g h t be made the su bj ec t o f un f avourable com ment. Th ere f ore I can only re f er t o th e one pu b l i she d f: a a t debitw what document which I h ave w ith regard to the British Pruden tof ial Society—the balance sheet for the year 186 1. It shows on the policy remarkable, un h a most s ingular state of things, because the policies on which the society has received a very large sum, and therefore incurred heavy liabilities, are repre sented as being iu themselves assets of greater value than the whole liabilities, The debit is the present value of the whole sum assured, and the credit is actually made into assets. Put in another way, the premium income was £52,000, and the assets £16,000, and there was an unpaid capital besides the assets. Tho result shown by the balance sheet is a balance of £ll,OOO in favour of the society. That balance sheet, however, has been examined by actuaries, who proceeded upon principles not more open to question than a proposition of Euclid, and instead of a balance of £ll,OOO for the company, they found a balance of £30,000 against it. According to the balance sheet there are £15,000 capital not pals up which ought to do more than liquidate this balance, but this society does not appear in 1861 to have been in a position at all resembling that of the societies whose cases I am about to bring under your notice. I am net going to push this case further than to say that it is not just that societies in such a con dition should come forward and say, " We admit that the great asouranoe companies (19 sot 49 the 'imbue, properly; but leave the people to us, and we will do it all for them in the proper manner." I demur to that. (Hear.) I may now give the house some particulars of an extinct society —one of the 57 victims of time and circumstances which are winding up in the Court of Chancery—l mean the British Provident. The British Provident Society was founded in ISSI, and carried on business for 11 years. In only three of these years did it register its accounts as re quired by law. These years were from '53 to '56. The income of the society for those three years was £10,600, and the expenses were £15,700. (Ironical cheers ) Perhaps it may be a matter of interest to the house to know that Mr. Ansell, one of our most eminent authorities, states of a number of societies that their expenses during the five years of their existence were 13 per cent, of the receipts, However, in the case of the British Provident, the expenses were rather more than 130 per cent. (Great laughter.) Of course it was necessary that the society should be brought to book, It went into Chancery in 1862, and an action was brought for interpolating words in a deed, and altering its character, after execution. The deed purported to be sale to the manager, and the words interpolated made 'it a sale to the manager on behalf of the society, and thereby made the vendor still liable for the outstanding calls on the policy. The case was referred to a jury in Chancery, and the jury, having consulted a short time, were unanimously of opinion that the two interlineations were made after the execution of the document. With that verdict the Vice-Chancellor said he saw no reason to be dissatified. The house will at once appreciate why lam anxious that it should bo understood that I state these things on the authority of public records, when I state that the name of the manager of this society was John Sheridan, and that, the name of Henry Brinsley Sheridan appeared in the advertisement for 1856 as auditor, and in 1859 as trustee of the society. That I believe is the name of the hon. member for Dudley, but whether he is the gentle man referred to in the advertisement I do not know. Doubtless ho will be able to make the most satisfactory explanations upon the matter. I come now to the last part of this painful portion of my business—the composition and action of certain friendly societies. These friendly societies are no fewer than 20,000 so far as regards those that are registered. Besides these there are a large number un registered, and these, I am told upon conjecture, will make up the number to near 30,000, Since the first Friendly Societies Act was passed, 8,000 or 9,000 of them have failed. (Hear, hear.) And when I add that the number of these societies belonged almost exclusively to the labouring classes, I may leave the house to appreciate the full meaning of these societies being unable to meet their engagements. I would now call attention to what ale called lapsed policies. Amongst the labouring classes an elderly man cannot in sure ; they insure while they are young. But it is a most severe description of convenant which you make with him. You preach to him the duty of prudence ; yet you make him covenant for life, and then by the intermission of a single quarterly payment, after having paid his premium for ten, twenty, aye thirty years, you deprive him of the benefit of the policy. (Cheers.) Well, are these fair terms with the labouring man? (Renewed cheering.) I can only say they are thought too severe for the higher classes. (Hear.) The higher classes have generally about one-third of the value of a policy repaid to them by a sale to the company of the policy. But no such concession is made in the case of the industrious classes. And how is it possible for a labouring man to answer for pad hag every week or every quarter throughout his life the premiums that may be due from him ? (Loud cries of " Hear, hear,") How is ho to be guaranteed against vicissitudes? (Cheers.) Suppose any one of the 10,000 inevitable calamities to which the life of a poor man is exposed befalls him; his policy lapses, and he loses every thing. It seems to me that that is a vet y harsh arrangement. (Hear, hear.) We ought to desire to afford to the labouring man some fairer prospect of insuring his life, and consulting the distant exigencies of the future, without incurring such fearful penalties. (Cheers.) Has the house the least idea of the number of these lapsed poli cies ? To give two instances. The Friend in Need Society, during five years, issued 86,000 policies, and 48,000 of these lapsed. Tne Royal Liver last year issued 135,000 policies; and the number lapsed during the same period was 70,000. (Hear.) There is a notion that these societies which make themselves so extraordinarily acceptable to the people are self-governed bodies. I decline to give the smallest value to that allegation. It is a perfect mockery to tell these thousands upon thousands of shareholders scattered all over England that they might have come up to an office in London and set everything right. (Hear.) lam ex ceedingly desirous not to be understood as making a gene ral assault upon friendly societies, Nothing can be more satisfactory—nothing more congenial to the temper of Eng lishmen—than to see the labouring classes associated to gether in the true and real spirit of self-government, to provide for the exigencies of sickness and old age. (Hear.) But what I am told is, that the rigid law of mathematics bears hardly on these societies, and that the smallness of the number of their members makes it impossible to equa lise their risk. Although their expenses are moderate, their casualties are heavy, and so they often come to an untimely end. Still I cherish the belief that there are many such societies in the happy mean of being able to discharge their duty, and at the same time to pay their way. (Hear.) But, as we all know, it is exceedingly difficult to keep these societies out of harm's way. How much of their funds arc consumed in the public-house I (Hear, hear.) What grievous oppression is practised upon the minority who ob ject to have their payments disposed of in that way, and how much the tyranny of one division of the working classes over the other is fostered and encouraged through such so cieties. (Cheers.) On Saturday evening a meeting was held at Exeter Hall, to oppose any change in the law, at which con siderable uproar prevailed. Sir, the chairman of that meet ing was Mr. George Potter, the far-famed secretary of the Trades Union. And is it not a principle of these trades unions —which, if they are voluntary, aro in the highest sense legi timate—too frequently to coerce the minority? (Cheers.) Therefore Mr. Potter was in his proper place on Saturday night, for it is the business of these societies to coerce, often the minority, and sometimes the majority, through the medium of an artfully-constructed system. (Cheers.) I will state the condition of two of these societies. One is the "Legal Liverpool Friendly Society," which was enrolled in 1881. Its income was £10,130, and the real capital which it accumulated during the 21 yetirs of its existence, accord ing tc its own printed statements, was £3,900. (Laughter.) The second is the " Royal Liver," which is 14 years old. Well, its income was £77,000; its expense of management £36,ooo—(much laughter)—and its accumulated assets upon an income of £77,000 amounted in 14 years to only £39,000. (Derisive cheers.) And yet the manager of this society came to me on Saturday to remonstrate against this bill, as being a very hard interference with private enterprise. (Much laughter,) But this gentleman hake rival plan to recommend to us. He told us the Government should ap point actuaries to examine the rules, Sec., of all societies. What ! appoint actuaries to examine the rules and accounts of some 20,000 or 33,000 friendly societies I' Why, it could occur only to a Ministry out of Bedlam to originate such a proposal. (Loud laughter.) I urged what would be our position if un:ortunately it should turn out that any of these societies proved insolvent. Well, in that case these gentle men proposed to us to make them solvent. (Great laughter.) But surely, if it was in our power to do that with respect to theso societies, we ought not to stop there; but whenever we saw a gentleman in society re duced to insolvency, we ought at once to come to his re lief, and protect him from the harsh and disagree able necessity of having recourse to the Bankruptcy Court. (Renewed laughter.) The right hon. gentleman then proceeded to deal with the suggestion that the bill should be referred to a select committee; but he re jected the responsibility, and deprecated delay in such a matter. He concluded—l area aware of no mode of pro ceeding, compared with that now submitted to tho house, which is not fraught with ten times greater evil, and which does not likewise involve additional mischief and delay. 1 make my appeal not to one party or to another. I entreat hon. members, one and all, to take into their view the serious nature of the mischief, and the consequences in volved; and I am quite sure they will not be prevented by any sentiments of party or political feeling from giving their careful consideration to this proposal, and from determining in their own minds and hearts how the British Legislature can best acquit itself of this important portion of its obliga tions to the great mass of the people of England. Mr. 11. SHERIDAN remarked that the large assurance offices were not indisposed to grant policies for sums under £lOO, and declared that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had suppressed the information which had been put in his possession on that subject. Ho (tfr. Sheridan) opposed the bill, because he believed it would break up and destroy some 20,000 friendly societies, whilst it would entail an enormous loss upon the country, which would have to make up the deficiency that must inevitably result from so unwise an interference with private enterprise. Lord STANLEY aoproved of the bill, and therefore asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer to give the house time to consider it in detail. The right hon. gentleman had made statements which, however true they might be, did nevertheless very seriously inculpate the manage ment of a great number of public bodies. He was not standing there to speak on their behalf, but he thought they had a right to fair play, and those who had an answer to give would desire an answer in that house, and would have no time to give it except when that bill was under discussion. He sincerely hoped, therefore, they would not come to a division upon a mere question of time, and so create out of doors a very false impres sion as to the feeling and temper of that house. He was not inclined to attach much importance to the vested rights of insurance offices. He thought on the point the Government had made out a good case, but he did feel same doubt as to the prospect of this measure being successful. Ho did not gather what was the perfect security the right hon, gentleman intended to take against persona tion, and thought there would be seine difficulty in tracing the identity of, for instance, a man named John Smith, a mechanic, who might have been born in Glasgow, have removed te Manchester, and died in London, and in whose name the insurance money was claimed. Where there was so large an amount of business it would be quite impossible to have an effective medical supervision ; and ho did not think that the employment and habits of a man's life were material things to judge from, He was glad to hear the right hon. gentleman disclaim any intention of placing any liability on the Treasury. It did so happen that insurance companies did break up ; and though ho hoped no such thing would iIaPPQ4 in thQ CingrilLuellt 113411,raLICO of Oe, he thought, should it happen that this plan was not self supporting, should the expense be greater than was antici pated, and the business be carried on at a loss, it was desirable to know upon whom that loss was to fall, (Hear, hear.) He did not state upon whom it was to fall if it did fall on the State. He was prepared to go into committee, and thought the house rather aided than injured the right hon. gentleman in calling attention to what appeared to be the weak points of the case. Mr HIE BERT admitted that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had made out a very strong case for the bill, but he protested against the Government undertaking the business of life assurance as an injudicious interference with the private affairs of the people, and as tending to the establishment of a system of baneful centralisation. Mr. ROEBUCK thought it worthy of inquiry whether there were nut better modes of curing an admitted evil than having recourse to Government control. He warned the Chancellor of the Exchequer against converting a consti tutional Government into that intolerable nuisance known as a " paternal" Government- Mr. NE WDEGATE expressed his obligations to the right hon, gentleman for having unfolded a state of things which went far to prove the necessity for Government interference. Mr. Alderman SIDNEY recommended the suspension of further progress until after the Easter recess. Mr. W. E. FORSTER said there could be no doubt that a state of things had been revealed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer in connection with friendly societies which called for inquiry, and he thought time ought to be given to the managers of these societies to put in answer to the very seri ous allegations that had been made against them. Mr. BOVILL said that the Chancellor of the Exche quer had understated rather than overstated the facts with regard to the shortcomings of friendly societies and insur ance offices, and that the speech of the right hon. gentle man had dispelled a mass of error and prejudice that had been excited by this bill. The measure was not one that would be forced upon the public; it would be entirely op tional, and it certainly seemed to provide the security that was so much desired, After a few words from Mr. P. URQUHART, Mr. HENLEY observed that, looking at the very for midable case the Chancellor of the Exchequer had brought forward, it was as well that the country should have time to consider it, and if it turned out that the case was well founded he had no doubt the measure proposed would be received with general satisfaction. The speech of the right hon. gentleman, however, would cause a perfect panic among the friendly societies. Mr, BAINES and Mr, IL LE PIS also spoke in oppo sition to the bill, which, by sweeping away existing benefit societies, they remarked, would destroy all feeling of self reliance on the part of the working classes, for whose ad vantage the measure was said to be designed. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER then briefly replied, and, assenting to the request for delay, with the universal concurrence of the house, the debate was ad journed until Thursday week. The Land Drainage (Provisional Orders) Bill, and the Bills of Exchange and Promissory Notes (Ireland) Bill, passed through committee. The Mutiny Bill and the Marine Mutiny Bill were read a second time. The other business was also disposed of, and the house adjourned at five minutes past eleven o'clock. THE CRAWLEY COURT-MARTIAL. The memorandum of his Royal Highness the Commander-in-Chief on the Aldershot court-martial was published yesterday as a Parliamentary paper, in return to an address to the House of Commons. The following letter from tue military secretary of his royal highness to the commander-in-chief in India is prefixed : " Horse Guards, Jan. 18, 18G4. " Sir,—l am commanded by the Field-Marshal Commanding-in-Chief to transmit for your excel lency's information a copy of his royal highness's remarks in conclusion of the proceedings of the court-martial recently held upon Lieut.-Colonel Crawley, Inniskilling Dragoons. " From the first his royal highness has publicly expressed his conviction that your excellency and Sir William Mansfield have been actuated through out by an earnest desire to support discipline, and to promote the good of her Majesty's service; and being now better acquainted with all the details of the case, his royal highness is in a position more accurately to appreciate the difficult circumstances in which your excellencies were placed. " A careful consideration of all the facts now be fore him bearing upon the condition of the Innis killing Dragoons when Lieutenant-Colonel Crawley assumed the command, has led his royal highness to the conclusion that the tone of the regiment was then materially changed from what it bad been in former days, and that the discipline of the corps, as regards the officers, had been already impaired. " This bad state of feeling amongst a portion of the officers appears to have begun to affect the non commissioned officers, and his royal highness now understands how it was that Lieutenant-Colonel Crawley was induced to suspect the existence of a conspiracy against his authority amongst the latter. " The proceedings of the three sergeants-major who were subsequently placed under arrest strengthened this suspicion in Lieutenant-Colonel Crawley's mind, but there was no legal evidence upon which they could have been convicted of the charge made against them, and they ought to have been released from arrest as soon as the inten tion to bring them to trial by court-martial was abandoned. "In conclusion his royal highness desires me to state that as the object of the inquiry has been attained, it is not his royal highness's intention to continue a discussion regarding the circumstances from which it arose. " A copy of this memorandum will be forwarded to his Excellency Sir Wm. Mansfield.--I have, &c., (Signed) "W. F. FOSTER." Ganeral Sir H. Rose, G.C.B. EXPENSE OF THE COURT MARTIAL. An approximate return from the War-office has also been published, showing the expenses occa sioned by the court martial, distinguishing the pro portions to be defrayed from imperial and Indian revenues respectively. The account is as follows : " Cost of transport for witnesses, &c., from India to England, £5,324 10a; travelling expenses for witnesses, &c., in England, £456 4s 7d; pay and allowances of witnesses, &c.,X9,283 is 7d; estimated cost of transport back to India, £2,901 lis 10d ; expenses of deputy judge advocate general, and of certain witnesses, cabs, telegrams, &e., £127 17s 3d ; Messrs. Gurney and Sons for transcripts of evidence, &c., £212 17s 31 ; fitting up club at Aldershot, fuel, light, and repairs of furniture, £54 18s 8d ; incidental expenses, £l7 163 4d; total, £18,378 17s 6d. The whole of the above expenses will be de frayed from imperial revenues. " WILLIAM BROWN, Accountant- General. " War-office, Feb. 27." DR. TURNBULL. The following has also been published, being the return from the War-office to an address of the House of Commons, dated Feb. 19, 1864, for " Copy of any Letter or Memorandum (other than the Memorandum dated Horse Guards, February, 1863, now upon the table of the House, Parliamentary Paper, No. 406, of Session 1863), signed by the Adjutant-General of the Forces, and addressed to the Commander-in• Chief in India, between the 18th day of December, 1862, and the Ist day of June, 1863, in which his Royal Highness the Field Marshal Commander-in-Chief is stated to have modified his opinion on the remarks of Sir Hugh Rose on Dr.Turnbull, surgeon of the 6 ch or Inniskilling Dragoons." " Horse Guards, S.W., March 14, 1863. " Sir,—Having submitted to his Royal Highness the Field Marshal Commanding-in-Chief your letter of the 20th January last, enclosing copy of a letter from Colonel Haythorne, written by your excel lency's direction, to Lieut.. General Sir William Mansfield, and also a letter from Surgeon Turnbull, I am directed to inform you that his royal highness considers that the unwillingness of Dr. Turnbull to enter fully, in the first instance, into every possible circumstance which might appear to bear on the disease which carried off Sergeant-Major Lilley very much modifies the opinion expressed by his royal highness on your remarks upon that medical officer and the circumstances of the case. " His royal highness also approves of the remarks made on Lieut.-Colonel Crawley's omission to send Dr. Turnbull's supplementary report, after he had ascertained that very considerable quantities of brandy had been consumed in the house of that non-commissioned officer, and that there is a pro bability of his symptoms having been aggravated by drinking. At the same time his royal highness must remark that, whilst the fact of the sergeant-major's having hastened his death by drinking rests on doubtful evidence, the whole previous life of that non-com missioned officer seems to have been marked by good conduct and sobriety. " With reference to the confidential re Torts of Nov. 7, and Sir William Mansfield of Dec. 9, 1862, covering them, I am directed by his royal highness to inform you that they have been submitted, as is usual with all confidential reports, to his notice, and that he is glad to find that, according to the lieutenant general's reports, Lieut.-Colonel Crawley has had no further occasion to complain of any want of support from the officers present; and his royal highness trusts that, as he does not feel warranted at present in removing i\lajor S windley, that offi cer on joining will, after the admonition he has received, do all in his power to redeem his cha racter, and render due and efficient support to hia commanding officer ; but should his royal highness's hopes in this respect be deceived, he will have no hesitation in removing Major S windley.—l have, &c., (Signed) "J. YORKE SCARLETT, A.G. "Gen. Sir Hugh Rise, G.C.8., K. 5,1., &c., Commander-in-Chief in India." Serious Accident at the Birkenhead Docks. On Sunday an accident of a serious nature occurred at the Birkenhead Docks. The north wall of the Morpeth basin has for some time been in a tottering condition, and has had to be supported by piles and backing. In consequence of a portion of the backing having been removed, however, 120 feet of the wall fell in on Sunday, lifting 50ft of the heavy structure bodily from the foundations, carrying it 20 feet across the new excavations, and piling it in an upright mass against the splendid granite masonry of the Morpeth lock. The gates of this lock were closed, and fortunately with stood the shock. Had they not done so the most serious consequences must have ensued by the sudden abstraction of the tidal waters of the Mersey, a quantity of water suffi cient to cover 11 acres 32 feet in depth. To fill the vacuum between the old and new walls, a large quantity of water was necessarily drawn off from the Morpeth basin, and to compensate for the abstraction, a tidal wave of great m a goi. tude rushed up the basin from the river, breaking with ter rific force against the head of the basin and inundating A portion of the shore road. The whole of the vessels in the Morpeth dock broke their chains and ropes, and some ulti mately drifted with the current into the Egerton dock, but generally they sustained only slight damage. At the Mor peth dock all the water was in violent oscillation for nearly an hour. COUNTRY MARKETS. .1 COLCHESTER—M.aucir 5. We had a small show of wheat on offer at this market to-day, and former prices receded is per qr, with a limited trade. Fine barley is scarce, and late rates supported ; in ferior sorts at lower rates. Beans and peas were rather lower. Wheat, white. 440 50s Beans,Mazagan..2Bo 32s red ..40s 44s middlo & small.32s 3 6 g Barley Oats.,, GLOUCESTER—MiRcu 5. There was a moderate supply of English wheat to-del from the farmers which met a quiet sale, at a b ou t f or mer prices for choice sorts. Foreign wheat in retail demand, at a decline of is on the rates of last week. Barley, oats' and beans continue dull. NORTHAMPTON —Bianca 5. The show of wheat was tolerably good, but there wag not much busiuess in the trade, and the rates of last wee were generally made. Barley still in slow demand, at late prices. —White wheat, new, 40s to 44s ; red, 37s to 415 ; old. 37s to 45s per qr. Barley, now malting, 32s to 366—' grinding, 25s to 30 s p er qr . O ats, 18 s to 32s per 24 stoue• Beans, 30s to 41e. Peas, 30s to 37s per qr. CHELMSFORD—MA.ncn 4. At this corn exchange to-day there was a fair show of wheat, which met a dull sale, and the little business that was transacted in wheat was at is per qr lower. Spring corn dull, and prices a shade in favour of buyers. Wheat, old white... 30s 47s , Peas, Partridge.... 36s 3 , 5 new ..44s 50s Whit e 30s 365 old red....34s 40s Boiling .. 38s 41 6 new 38s 42s Dun 33s 365 , Barley 25s 34 s Di tto new —s -: Chevalier ..26s 37s Beans, Tick, old ..34s 39 ' Grinding 20s 29s new..--a ..--e Malt.... Chevalier 64s 69s new..-45 - 7! Oats 20s 28s i Mazagan ....... 30s 3°' KIRKCALDY We had moderate suppi free trade, at late quotation GRAIN—INIARcir 5. ies of all kinds of grain, with 0 Wheat. Barley. Oats. First....3ls Od I 268.0 d I 15s 6d Second —34 s Od 27s Gd 17s Od Od 29s Od 18s Od COAL MARKET. Prim of Coal per Ton at the close of the market. 0. a' s. d. Lambert's West Hart ley 14 6 alker Primrose 12 6 West Hartley 15 0 Walls End. 6 Haswell lB 6 South Hartlepool 17 6 South Kelloe l7 Heugh Fall 1/ 9 9 Riddell 15 Hartlepool l3 6 Fraruwellgate ~ .. ~. ,16 t, 39 ; sold, 33. Walls End. Gosforth 15 9 Tunstall .... Ships at market Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Australia and Mauritius, via Southampton. Mar. `2°' via Marseilles Mar. 1 4 ' Brazil and Cape Verds, by British packet. Mar. O. Cape of Good Hope, Ascension, and St. Helena Mar. n , . tlhina, Penang, a nd Sin g ap ore , via Southarupton.Mar. 2 , via Marseilles Mar. l'' Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via South am pt on .. Mar. India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, vi a S ou th ampton Mar. 13 via Marseilles Mar. India (Bombay), via Southampton via Marseilles Portugal.... Malta, E g y p t , an d Ad en, via Southampton • via Marseilles Newfoundland . Oporto and Vig o .. . U. S. and B r iti s h N . America, by Brit. packet 31‘ 11 1%1‘1 I IIIIIIa a aaaaarr r rrrr. .... : 11:1611: ... 346 by U.S. packet , by Canadian p ac k et . Mar. W.C. of Africa, M a d e i ra, an d T eneritle .. Bahamas, via N ew Y or k Mar. 11 Mexico...... Mar. All parts of West Indies, including Chili, Peru, j Mar , 3 0 ' California. and British Columbia. nre ADVERTISEMEN T.] — Avoid medicines: they always ac °, vate chronic complaints, but Du Barry's Delicious rlesli. Restoring Itevalenta Arabica. Food, which saves fifty tite e , its cost in other remedies, invariably cures them, restorlii; perfect digestion, strong nerves, sound lungs, healthy 1111 4 pure blood, refr es hi ng sleep, functional regularity, and ener'ti to the most disordered or enfeebled. We extract a feW ° cie of 60,000 Cures :—Cure No. 58,216 of the Marchiones s Brehan, Paris, of a liver complaint, wasting away for se V v ; c l years, debility, w i t h a nervous palpitation all over, to digestion, consta n t s l eep l essness, the most intolerable ner O agitation, and d rea df u ll y low spirited.—Cure No. 1,771. .1)01.r d ; Stuart de Decies, L or d Lieut. of Waterford, of many Ye, or dyspepsia. —No. 49,832. " Fifty years' indesc r ib a ble 140' from dy s p e p s i a, nervousness, asthma, cough, constipat ion , flatulency, spasms, sickness, and vomiting.—Maria Jood —Cure No. 46,270. Mr. James Roberts, of Frimley, Surrer' 4 , thirty years' diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver deratto t i t ment, and partial d ea f ness. —Cure No. 47,121. Miss Elizapeno Jacobs, of extrem e nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, i,-0; spirits, and nervo us f ancies.—Cure No. 54,816. The Ref. T. Campbell, Fakenham, Norfolk, of indigestion and tolto dity of the liver, which had resisted all medical treattne l3 4 ) In tins, 1 lb., 2s. 9d. ; 21b ., 4 0. 6 d ; 51b., lie. ; [2lb., 225. ; 2'o 400.—Barry Du Barry a n d C o., N o. 77, Regent-street, Loo d° lo also Fortnum and Mason ; and all Grocers and CberoiA til very town of the United Kingdom. [ADVERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway' s Ointment and -1 101 $ o Indisputable rem e di es f or b a d l egs, old wounds, sores , ulcers, if used according to directions given with ti i a t* there is no wound, b a d l eg , u l cerous sore, b a d breft e it however obstinat e or l ong - stan di ng, but will yield to t ;00 healing and curative p ro p r i e ti es . N umbers of persons got have been patients in several of the large hospitals, i yß under the care of emi nen t surgeons, without derivin g i slightest benefit, h ave b een t h oroughly cured by 1101100100 'o Ointment and Pill s . F or g l andular swellings, tutu scurvy and di seases o f t h e skin, there is no meaicine air can be used with so goo d an effect. In fact, in the forms of dise ase , d epen d ent upon the condition of the ,„ these medicines are irresistible. Births, BousrrEtn.—On the sth i ns t ,, at Lee, Rent, 310. Jobs ßousfield, of a son. PAGET.—On the sth i ns t ., at Farnham, Surrey, l'efatP° of Lieut.-Colon e l P atr i ck L, C. Paget, late Scots lierlGuards, of a daughter. REUTER.—On the 7th inst., at 16, Buckland-cre o Belize-park, Hampstead, Mrs. P. W. Reuter , daughter. Marriages. io": LANE — BORTLIDAILE.-011 the sth in s t., at Bros d n O; Church, Sussex, G eorge Edward Lane, of Sbint 0 3 , France, Captain R.N., e ld est surviving daughter °sltt late Thos Borrajaile, Esq., of Streatham-con:lllW°' rey. C l2 ' . „ / 0 ig G PEMBERTON—GRIFFIN.—On the sth inst., at a t v Church, Highbury, William Pemberton, Esq., of . 4 , 0 6 Villas, Highbury, t o E mma; widow of the late " Griffin, Esq. Deaths. a ore Bovn.—On the 6th inst., at Rosenberg, liitchilb Boyd, E sq , aged 71. .' 1 $8,,e44 GODSELL.—On the Gth inat. Fred. Gassiot Godseig,o,- of Park-terrace , Brizton, ” Surrey, and 85, Great '- street, aged 69. Doc LANGTON.—On the sth inst., very suddenly, Thos. ro fol -° ton, Esq., of West-hill, Wandsworth, and of P u. u 0v .13 1r" Surrey, aged 69. LEIGIITON.—On the 6th inst., at La ton-park, Si , ,,r - • Maty, wife of Sir Baldwin Leight on, Bart., M''; 10' ROTHERY.—On the 6th hist" at 10, Stratford - Pl acwf Hof Oil Rothery, Esq., aged 89. (o. firm of Sackett and R'tscoe), of Qa ality-court, CI RUSCOE —On the 6th ba s t., lane, law stationer, stg e d 77. Mr. Thomas Rusco°oool „s London : Printod and Prb t., ' ilidiect by 1.1 rILLIAMIu :”" is°. 1 oi of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at 'I uE SUN Office Q 1319 Strand, In the Preci nct of the !Savoy, iL ate