The Sun. — London, England, 1864-05-07 00:00:00

riPERIAL PARLWMT HOUSE OF LORDS —Last Evening, The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. DENMARK. The Earl of C.ARN ARV ON gave notice that on Mon day next he should call the attention of the house to the present state of the Danish question. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The following bills were read a second time :—Hertford Gas—Chichester Harbour Embankment--North Eastern Railway (York and Doncaster Branch) —Chichester and Midhurat Railway—Edgware, Highgate, and London Railway—and Watford and Edgware Railway. The following bills were read a third time and passed : Port Glasgow Harbour—Redruth and Falmouth Junction Railway—Grand Western Canal and Bristol and Exeter Railway—lndependent Gas Company—Waterford and Limerick, Limerick and Foyness, and Rathkeale and New castle Junction Railway—Birmingham and Staffordshire Gas—South Yorkshire Railway—London, Brighton, and South Coast Railway (Kemp Town Station)—and Lanca shire and Yorkshire (additional powers). DEBTOR AND CREDITOR. The LO RD CHANCELLOR called attention to the state of the law of debtor and creditor as affecting the poorer classes ; and presented a bill for the limitation of actions and process for small debts, and to amend the acts relating to the county courts, and to confer on s uch courts a limited jurisdiction in equity. The noble and learned lord said the subject was one of the greatest importance, because as many as 17,979 persons had been committed to prison by the act giving the power of imprisonment to county court judges. Some of those persons so sent to prison had been deprived of personal liberty for the most insignificant crimes, as there were cases in which persons had been imprisoned for the non-payment of such sums as Is. Id., 3s. 10d., Is. 6d., 2s. 9d., and in one case a man had suffered several days' imprisonment for default of payment of ninepence. The sum total of the amounts for these committals did not amount to more than £62,438, and no doubt could be entertained on the circumstance, because the calculations had been made upon returns made to Parliament, His lordship was of opinion that a creditor was not justified in imprisoning a debtor to the injury of society. To come to a right decision on the case it was necessary to inquire whether tae creditor gave credit under circum stances which justified and required him to imprison his debtor ; to inquire whether the creditor could say, " I have a right to this remedy on behalf of society, in order that I may be enabled to recover my debt." The present law was especially hard upon the labourer, because it in effect mort gaged the entire earnings of the debtor to the merciless creditor for an indefinite time, without the possibility or hope of redemption. He begged their lordships, but for one instant, to draw a comparison between the law as respected bankruptcy and that dispensed in county courts. In the one, on the surrender of his goo's, a bankrupt gets a discharge from all his liabilities, whilst in the county court the poor creditor gets an order which hangs about his neck for years, and, in fact, from which he never, or seldom, liberates himself. The consequences of the county court system had become the very parent of the evil they were called upon to check. Small shop-keepers and pedlars tempted the improvident, and, he must add, dissipated poor. Credit being easily obtained, debts for things not actually necessaries was soon contracted, and on the first failure of payment resource is had to the county courts. In many cases goods are supplied by persons without the knowledge of the husband, as the pedlar generally calls when the husband is at work. As long as he keeps so she makes her payments to the pedlar, but when work fails the pedlar perseveres for his money ; the wife is unable to pay, and summonses by the hundreds are taken out by these sort of people, and thus a great deal of misery is oc casioned, in addition to which, in many cases, more than three times the value of the article was charged. Although the husband had no knowledge of the debt, he is cited to the County Court, and there he is ordered to pay the amount for which he never rendered himself liable. It had been said that this system of credit was necessary, and advantageous to the provident poor, but he denied that such was the case. On the contrary, he thought that if it was altogether put an end to, it would lead to a more pru dent, careful, and provident state of things. (Hear, hear.) The bill he held in his hand, in the first place, would give power to the judge to take into consideration the whole of the circumstances of the debt. He thought it was not justifiable to retain the present power of impri sonment for debt, on the ground that it enabled the poor man to obtain credit in seasons of distress. He be lieved that this was in the long run no gain to the poor man, for he was much more likely to be encouraged in habits of care and forethought by a system under which he could not gain credit. He proposed, therefore, to abrogate entirely that part of the present law which enabled a county court judge to commit a debtor to prison merely because he was satisfied of his power to pay, It was necessary, however, to retain some principles of criminal legislation in this part of our law, and he therefore proposed that for debts con tracted by fraud, false pretences, or breach of trust, the debtor should be subjected to one term of imprisonment, and he intended that this imprisonment should, under all cir cumstances, be a reality. He should also provide that whenever a man was brought before a county court judge, the judge (if satisfied that he had no means of paying his debts, and was not likely to have within a reasonable time) should call before himself all the creditors of the debtor, and ascertain what load could with propriety be laid on his shoulders. That sum would be divided amongst the credi tot s, and the fiebtor would then be released frum his liabi lities. That was the only way in which they could place a poor man who had become involved in debt in a position corresponding to that in which a person in a superior posi tion of life was p 1 ced by the operation of the bankrupt or insolvent laws. One clause in this bill would prevent any score for intoxicating drinks consumed in a public - house from being sued for in a county court ; while another would limit the period within which small debts could be sued for or judgments enforced in the count) courts, to one year after the debt was contracted or the judgment reco vered. The second part of his bill invested the county courts with a summary equitable jurisdiction, which he trusted would be exercised, and speedily, without a great amount of form, and without much expense ; and would thus enable the poor man to obtain I he same remedies which those who were richer obtained from the Court of Chancery. His lordship concluded by emphatically and earnestly com mending his measure to the attention of the house, and expressing his hope that it would tend to the benefit of the labouring classes. Lord CRANWORTH entirely concurred in the desira bility of getting rid of the power of imprisonment by county courts as far as was possible. The bill was then read a first time. NAVAL AND VICTUALLING STORES BILL, This bill was read a second time. The house then adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMONS—Last Evening. The SPEAKER took the chair at,l o'clock. PRIVATE BUSINESS. The Kilkenny Cathedral, Economy Fend Bill, and the Scottish Central Railway (Stations, Sce.) Bill were read a third time and passed. THE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA., Mr. MARSH, in the absence of Mr. Lindsay, gave no tice that ho would move a resolution to the effect that it wa s the duty of this house to consider what would be the effect of the continuance of the civil war in America on this country. EMIGRATION FROM IRELAND TO AMERICA. Mr. SCULLY asked the Secretary of State for the H ome Department whether his attention had been directed to the proposed Act of American Congress providing for the re d uc ti o n of tonnag e dues on immigrant vessels, and for the appo i ntmen t of a G o vernment Commissioner of Immigra tion, who shall be empowered to contract for the importa tion'of i mm i g rants, and for their transmission into the inland districts of the United States : and, whether it was the in tention of the present Government to adopt any measures either towards diverting into some of her Majesty's colonies an increased and increasing emigration from Ire land, or towards arresting that emigration, by providing industrial empl o y men t a t home, or b y reducing exorbitant taxation, or by improving land laws, or by abolishing the religious distinctio ns , or by conceding. to Irishmen some participation in the government of their own country, or otherwise ? Sir G. GREY said that his attention had been called to the subject which formed the first portion of the hon. mem ber's question, and there could be no doubt that emigration from Ireland to America was going on very exten sivel y , but it was the result of superior wages offered ' in that country than were received a t h ome , in the same way that Irishmen were induced to come to England, because they received better remuneration for their la bour than they did from Irish employers. With regard to the other part of the question , it was obvious that Govern ment could not take auy active measure in providing in dustrial occupation for the agricultutal portion of the Irish population at house ; and, in ref e r e n ce t o re li g i on, Irishmen enjoye d as much liberty as any othe r p or ti on 6: the United Kingdom- THE RAILWAY FROM HALIFAX TO QUEBEC. Mr. AYR CON asked the Secretary for the Colonies whether it was the intention of the Government to ask the sanction of Parliament, during the present session, for a guarantee of interest on a sum of money required to complete the railway from Halifax to Quebec ; am', if not, whether the intention of doing so was finally abandoned, and whether any correspondence had taken place between the colonial offices and the authorities in Canada and British Columbia on the subject of the proposed telegraphic communication between Canada and the Pacific, subsequently to that which was produced last year ; and, if so, whether he had any ob jection to lay copies of such correspondence upon the table! Mr. CARDWELL said it was not the intention of Go vernment to ask for any grant this session for the under taking in question, but the matter was under consideration. With regard to the second question there had been some correspondence, which would be laid on the table in a short time. DENMARK. Mr. NEWDEGATE askei 'whether her Majesty's Go vernment intended to adopt any measures likely to - be more effectual than those which have hitherto been attempted, for the purpose of relieving the people and King of Den mark from the oppression to which they were daily sub jected? The hon. member endeavoured to address the house, and to enter into the general matters connected with the question, but was called to order by the Speaker, Sir G. GREY said that the Conference was sitting, and he believed the first result would be an armistice. On the part of her Majesty's Government he could only say that their desire was to effect an amicable arrangement between the German Powers and Denmark, and to restore peace. (Hear, hear.) NAVY ESTIMATES. In reply to Sir J. PAX.INGTON, Lord C. PAGET was understood to say that he would lay the supplementary estimate for the increased pay of officers of the Royal Navy on the table before Whitsuntide, and that he proposed the discussion should come on shortly after the holiday TH s. E AURORA. Mr. D. GRIFFITH asked whether the aurora frigate, under the command of Sir Leopold M'Clintock, had been sent to the North Sea in the direction of the Austrian squadron; and if so, why a force more adequate to cope with any possible contingency that might arise had not been despatched at the same time? Lord C. PAGET said that the Aurora had been sent to the North Sea according to a practice that had pre vailed in this country for some time, namely, that a British man-of-war should be placed in seas where the British nation had an interest, and where a foreign squad ron might be expected to visit. THE AUSTRIAN SQUADRON. In reply to Sir J. PAKINGTON, Lord C. PAGET said that the Austrian squadron had left the Downs, but he did not know what was its desti nation. Sir G. GREY said that he could only repeat the answer he had given on a previous occasion to the effect that he had new assurances from the Austrian Government that the fleet was going into the North Sea merely to prevent a blockade of the Elbe and the Weiper. PUBLIC SCHOOLS; Mr. G. DUFF called attention to the Reports of the Public Schools Commission. He analyzed the report, with reference to the descriptions it gave of the present state of things, which were very unsatisfactory ; and to the recom mendations of the Commissioners, which he discussed, supplementing them with recommendations and suggestions of his own, and estimates of the relative value and import ance of different branches of study. He noticed the subjects of discipline, of which the Commissioners reported more favourably than of the intellectual attainments of the scholars ; of the buildings ; of recreations in relation to health, and remarked the omission in the report of any mention of the importance of some system of training masters. He concluded a long speech, which repeated in dications of impatience showed was considered too long, by moving a resolution—" That the state of the higher school education in England is not satisfactory, and calls for the early attention of her Majesty's Government." The UHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, after re marking that the discussion of this subject so soon after the publication of the report might be thought premature, paid a warm tribute to the laborious and valuable services of the Commissioners, to whom, he said, the Government were indebted. With regard to the motion, he observed that it was premature, at least, to ask the concurrence of the house in a resolution which really amounted to a condemnation of the Commissioners. He defended the teachers of our public schools, and took a comprehensive view of the instruction received in the Universities and public schools of England and Scotland, combining training power and teaching power, claiming for those institutions a debt of gratitude from the country. In noticing the improvements suggested in the branches of learning to be taught there, he dwelt upon the danger of overloading the mind so as to prevent its faculties from growing and thriving. It was the inten tion of the Government, he said, to take the report into con sideration, with a view to legislate upon the subject, and he pointed out the objects to which Parliamentary legislation should be directed. Mr. WALPOLE recommended that the resolution should be withdrawn after what had been said by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Sir S. NORTHCOTE, one of the Commissioners, do scribed their course of proceeding in the inquiry, especially in the matter of discipline. The resolution was withdrawn. Sir H. BRUCE moved a resolution, " That it is not just to charge the poor-rate in Ireland with the registry of voters and births and deaths, and that it be an instruction to the committee appointed on the subject of taxation in Ireland to consider how the said expenses may be more equitably charged." He complained of the hardship of this tax being laid upon the poor-rate, and contended that it had been so placed for reasons which were not valid. The feeling of the country he said was deep upon this sub ject. Sir R. PEEL replied to Sir 11. BRUCE, and recommended him to withdraw his motion. Atter a few remarks by Mr HENNESSY, the motion was withdrawn. Sir J. HAY moved a resolution, "That this House would view with satisfaction the distribution of the full sum awarded by the Order in Council of 1854 for the re tired officers in the Royal Marines, as it would tend to ex pedite the necessary promotion in that valuable corps." This, he observed, was a sum of money which the officers considered had not been distributed as it should be, and they therefore thought they were ill treatod. Mr W. Wiluaats opposed the motion upon economical principles, and Lord C. PAGET upon the tacts and merits of the case. This motion was also withdrawn. Mr. D. SEYMOUR called attention to the practice of of transporting convicts and vagrants from the Channel Islands to Southampton and other southern seaports. He read statements which showed that by the criminal law of the Channel Islands such transportation was legalised. Sir G. GREY said his attention had been called to the matter, and he had directed inquiries to be made in Guern sey and Jetsey. He had not yet received an answer to his inquiry from the letter island, but from GuernsEY ho had received a complete answer (which he read), F lowing that Mr. Seymour must have been misinformed. Mr. M'EVOY moved the following resolution :—" That her Majesty's Government should aow adopt the recom mendation of the Select Committee of 18.53, which recom mended her Majesty's Goverumnent to take into considera tion the claims of Ireland to a grant of the half cost of medical officers in tualans, with the view of providing for the same in futu;•o, as is now the practice in England and Scotland.' " Sir R. TEEL insisted that no good ground had been assigned for the relief sought, and recommended the with drawal of the motion. The motion was supported by Mr. Monaell, Colonel Dunne, Mr. Bagwell, Mr. Hennessy, Sir H. Bruce, and Lord J. Browne ; and opposed by Mr. Peel and Sir G. Grey. Upon a division, the resolution was negatived by /3 to 58. DENMARK AND THE CONFERENCE. Sir H. VERNEY rose to ask the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to state to the House whether he had reason to believe that the States of Holstein formally thanked the King of Denmark for what he had done in altering the succession, and, if so, on what authority he entertained that belief; whether the intimation, in despatches 709 and 784, that the movement in the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein in favour of separation from Denmark was not spontaneous, rests on the authority of any agents of the British Govern ment; and if he would lay upon the table any documents or despatches on these subjects. And to move an address for copy of the answers received from the Governments to whom invitations were addressed to attend the Conference now sitting in London. The hon. baronet observed that no change in the succession to the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein could legally be effected without the consent of the provincial Estates, but in the present instance that consent had not been obtained. What was called the New Consti tution was indeed submitted to the Estates, but with the express order that the first six paragraphs of the constitu tion of Holstein and the first four paragraphs of the con stitution of Schleswig should not be discussed. The Estates of Holstein thereupon protested, by 40 against 5, that the foregoing paragraphs would have no validity in the duchies. He thought no one would venture to deny that the duchies had a right to be consulted en the subject. Holstein and Schleswig were in ancient times united in one common Diet, and, in 1460, that Diet elected the head of the house of Holstein-Oldenburg as their ruler. So the matter remained until 1616, when the common Diet decided that the future law in the two duchies should be primogeniture, and in the main line, which law was in favour of the Duke of Augustenbnrg. The last Duke of Augustenburg (the old Duke Christian) received a sum of money, about £340,000, for his estates, which were worth £600,000, and be at the same time agreed not to interfere with any ordinance of succession which the King of Denmark might by legal means carry into effect. But Duke Christian was the only member of the House of Augustenburg whose consent was eased. The assent of the Estates was never obtained, an d the agnati, who were entitled to succeed in the duchies, were not consulted at all, The alteration, he might observe, was not made by the treaty of 1852, but by the repeal of the lex regia in 1852 or 1853. The lei regia, however, could in no wa y affect the duchies, as i t related only to Denmark proper. Ho denied altogether that the existing state of feeling in the duchies had been brought about by means of German agents, but the contrary opinion was widely ent er t a i n ed, and that fact showed the necessity of the Gov ernment g i v i ng information on the subject. Sir F. GOLDSMID wished to m ake one remark with regard to the spontaneity of the people before the Under- Secretary rose to reply. It was not necessary to refer to British agents for information upon the subject , when the y had it on the authority o f Herr von Bismark and Count Rechberg, that thirty or forty millions of Germans were anxious for the annexation of the duchies. What, then, became of the queetion of spontaneity ? He would not com • pare the rule of the Danish Government in the duchies with that of the English Government in Ireland at the time of the penal code ; but what, he would ask, would be the condition of Ireland in that day if she had been placed close to France instead of England ? Would it not be ut terly impossible to ascertain whether any movement on the THE SUN, LONDON, SAIITRDAY EVENING, MAY 7, 1864. part of the Irish people was spontaneous or not? Until the small German Powers had moved in the matter, there was no enthusiasm felt for the Prince of Augustenburg in the duchies; but of course when the German armies entered, and drove out everybody favourable to Denmark, there was wonderful unanimity on the part of those who remained for the dominant side. (Oh.) Mr. LAYARD said he would confine himself to answer ing the questions of his hon. friend, but ho would premise that if the doctrine he had laid down—namely, that that country was as populous now as she was at the time of her dismemberment—were to prevail, it would be diffi cult to tell what the condition of Europe would become. His hon. friend had not accurately quoted what he had sal:, on a former occasion with regard to the Estates of Hej ietein and Schleswig, He had not on that occasion 'erononnted any absolute opinion as to whether or net + .:ne Estates had the power to discuss constitutional qu e `se . fons. What he had said was, that it was supposed their powers were confined to se tho discussion of local questior . His hon. friend had also imputed to him the asserti-on that the Diet had not objected to the question of the succession ; but the fact was, that when Earl Russell made his proposal in 1862, that proposal was accepted by the Diet as a satisfactory arrangement. With regard 'co the spontaneity of the movement in the duchies, was manifest from the documents before him that it had 'Steen brought about by German agents. What was the 'testimony of Consul Renault on the point ? Consul Psenault stated that he had never heard any sentiment ex pressed against the King of Denmark, but, on the contrary, the people said that if he had the power he had the will to make his people happy and contented; and with the ex ception of the large landed proprietors there were but few people in the duchies desirous of a separation from Denmark, (Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Layard) maintained that the feel ing of the great majority of the people was in favour of Den mark ; although he would not deny that they had certain grievances. Her Majesty's Government had always repre sented to Denmark that she had not fulfilled her promises, but was it because Denmark had not fulfilled her promises that this country should not take her part ? What he main tained was that Austria, Prussia, and Germany, having obe tained all they had a right to ask before the war commenced, for them to go to war undersuch circumstances was a glaring and manifest injustice. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Grosvenor had not been sent into the duchies to inquire as to the feelings of the inhabitants. On the contrary, Mr. Buchanan had warned her Majesty's Government against relying upon the conclusions of that gentleman. As far as Mr. Grosvenor was concerned, his conclusions were no evidence one way or another. But, according to the information which had reached him (Mr. Layard)—indeed, it was a matter of notoriety—there was certainly no desire in Schleswig to elect the Prince of Augustenburg, or to separate entirely from Denmark. That was the impression of all who took the trouble to inquire into the true facts of the case. He thought it was desirable at that stage of the proceedings to avoid entering into fresh matters, as well as everything that might impede the restoration of peace; and for that reason also, he should object to the production of the papers moved for. Lord R. CECIL said, before the house passed from the question, he desired to enter his protest, Although the enormous majority of that house sympathised with Denmark in this struggle—(cheers) —members had thought it wiser in the existing negotiations, not to impede whatever chance existed for the restoration of peace by entering with un necessary vehemence into the discussions which were got up. Bat he feared that reticence had been misunderstood by the hon, member for Buckingham (Sir H.Yerney) and the other partisans of Germany in that house, whom, how ever, they might count upon their fingers—(cheers)—but who, by their skill in ingenuity, had contrived to give the people out of doors a false and delusive impression that there was a German party in the House of Commons. (Loud cheers.) He would confine himself to trusting that no one out of deers would entertain the impression that be cause the wild and chimerical statements of those gentle men were not contradicted, that therefore they were ad mitted. The discussion upon the subject could not be taken until the negotiations were brought to a conclusion, or without exposing to additional dangers those with whose sufferings they most heartily sympathised. (Cheers.) Mr. NE\VDEGATE rejoiced in the speech of the noble lord, and expressed his conviction that, were it not for the sea—on which England once had some power—the State of Denmark would be swept out of the category of nations. Sir H. VER.NEY denied that he had expressed any sym pathy with Austria or Prussia, but only with the inhabi tants of the duchies. (Oh, oh.) The motion was then withdrawn. UNDER-SECRETARIES INDEMNITY BILL. This bill passed through committee. LOCAL GOVERNMENT SUPPLEMENTAL ACT. This bill was read a third time and passed. NAVAL AGENCY DISTRIBUTION, This bill, as amended, was considered. SUPPLY. The report of supply was brougt,.t up and agreed to. CHIEF RENTS, I I Ve:,LA.N 1.) (STAMPS). This bill passed throne' committee. INTOXICATING LIQUORS (SALES ON SUNDAYS) Mr. SOMES, in, moving for leave to bring in this bill, said that the v‘tncipal objection to the measure last year had been clfesing public-houses all day on Sunday. In the present eneasure he proposed to give the people facilities for obtaning their dinner and supper beer by allowing the dblic-houses to be opened from Ito 2 o'clock, and from 8 to 9 o'clock in the evening. The bill, he said, was for the benefit of working men and their families, many of whom themselves prayed for this measure. Individually he doubted whether the concession he now proposed would be for their advantage. He me.:te them, however, in deference to the expressed opinion of the house, on whom he left the responsibility of acceeeing or rejecting the measure. Mr. PEASE ss eonded the motion, reminding the house that the chief :iifficalty which philanthropic and religious ins:itations had to contend with was the drinking customs of the ceuntry. lie hoped the house would agree to the motion, for if they did they would find in committee that the clauses were not so objectionable pith regard to private rights as many hon gentlemen seemed to imagine. Mr. ROEBUCK would not detain the house for many minutes, for there were two things which compelled him to be brief—one the lateness of the hour, and the other the fact that the introduction of a bill wet supposed to be a mere matter of courtesy, He had no financial hatred to this measure; his only desire was to protect his countrymen in the fair enjoyment of their rights and liberties. (Hear, hear.) As for the question of courtesy, he begged the house to re collect that though the present was said to be a different bill from that which was decided last year, it was in reality the same. (Cries of "No, no," and cheers.) Hon. gentlemen might cry " No, no," but before ho had done he would prove " Yes, yes." (A laugh.) The ground of this bill was two fold. There was a body of people in this country who were Sabbatarians ; there was also a body of teetotallers. These two muddy streams had concentrated. (A laugh.) Running side by side for a long time, they had at last united their waters, and now they formed one foaming, muddy river, which it was difficult to stem and very disagreeable to see. [An Hon. Member—" And to smell.' Aye, and to smell. (Laughter.) These two sets of people had joined their forces on the present occasion. Why did he oppose them ? First and foremost, because this was a law for the poor and not for the rich. (Cheers.) A rich, well-to-do man could have his own beer or wine in his own house, he could draw his beer or uncork his wine when he chose, but that was not the case with a poor man. (Hear, hear.) Parliament began with fiscal regulations. It had put a tax upon malt, and he had always voted with the Chancellor of the Ex chequer on that subject, but he had always felt that he was preventing the poor man having his own beer in his own house and driving hint to the publichouse. (Hear, hear.) He wished the house to understand that every man who went into a publichouse was not a tippler. (Cheers.) The poor man who was compelled to go to the publichouse was like the gentleman who sent down his butler for his glass of wine when he wanted it. (Hear, hear.) If the hon. member for Hull and his friends were really in earnest—if they were anything more than canting hypocrites—(laugh ter) —they would propose a law for the rich as well as the poor. (Cheers.) Not only would they shut up every pub lichouse—not only would they shut up the Star and Garter at Richmond, and the Trafalgar at Greenwich, but they would also shut up every club in London. (Cheers.) Would they dare to introduce a bill for that purpose ? If not, how could they presume to say they were the friends of morality and justice ? (Hear, hear.) He spat upon their paltry pre tence. (Cheers and laughter.) He had no hesitation in saying that those who were endeavouring to bring in this bill under the guise of being the protectors of morality were merely carrying out their own individual views respecting the enjoyments of others. (Hear, hoar.) "We are virtu ous," they exclaimed, " and therefore you shall have no more cakes and ale." (Cheers.) The introduction of this bill would create dissension throughout England. (Cries of " No, no," and cheers.) " Yes, yes ;" it would create the necessity on the part of those who thought as he did of sifting the sentiments of the people of England, as they did last year. The seconder of the motion had talked of repre senting a large constituency. He represented a still larger constituency, and he opposed the bill, (Rear, hear.) Last session he presented a petition signed by 20,000 people, and when he wont down among his constituents during tho year what occurred ? Several gentlemen came to him and said, " Oh, this is a people's measure, and you must support it." His reply was, "Prove that to me and I will yef e for the bill." They had a meeting in the open air, and it was car ried against them by a majority of thousands. (Hear, hear.) So much for this being a popular messuee. He represented a set of hard working men who were confined to a smoky town all the week, and, as he said to these gentlemen, if he lived in Sheffield he should be very glad to get out on a Sunday to breath a mouthful of fresh air. A working man who had expended his week in hard labour was naturally glad to get out of Sheffield for a few hours on Sunday, but if the hon. gentleman's bill passed he would find the door of every publichouse shut against him, The man was not necessarily a tippler. What right had they to say to that man that he should only have his luncheon at 1 o'clock, and not at 3, if he liked it best then ? Publichouses in the country were only open now from 1 to 3, and from 5 to 11. What harm was there in that ? A working man in London went out on Sunday for a few hours' recreation, and then these sour gentlemen turned round on him, and said " You ought to be at church." (Hear.) That was their creed-- that if they kept a man out of the publichouse they sent him to church. If a man were religiously inclined he went to church before he took his walk in the country, and was it not a way of worshipping the great Creator to walk among His works and admire their beauty ? (Hear, hear.) The bill would not put an end to drinking—it tvould force men to break the law. There would be just as much drunken ness as ever, and a great in' rease of hypocrisy. (Hear.) The hon. gentleman had quoted the example of Scotland. Scotland was an as;:etic country, with a peculiar flavour for what was callow Sabbath observance, and it was the most drunken country on face of the earth. (Cheers and laugh ter.) A friend of his who had been in Scotland on a visit had brought back a very good story. He was stopping in tLe neighbourhood of a very beautiful waterfall, and when Sunday came round, there being an interval between kirk and dinner, he said " I'll go and see your waterfall. " Gude men," said his host, " it's the Sabbath." (Laughter.) "What, then," replied his friend, " can't I see God's works on God's day ?" Oh, no," replied the host; "you maun stay here—you can't break the Sabbath." (Laughter.) And in deference to his host the gentleman staid indoors and they sat down to spend the day in tippling. (Loud laughter.) This was a well-to-do house, where they could drink their own beer and whisky without having to send out of the house for it. Did the hon. gentleman believe that he would make men worship God more completely by compelling them to abstain from walking abroad ? What he wanted was to turn this nation into a sour, ascetic, hypocritical people. (Hear, hear.) The bill was the same in substance as that which was introduced last year, and the hon. gentleman was honest enough to say that the modifications which he had introduced were against his will. That was exactly the principle of the promoters of the bill—they thought a thing was wrong, but still they did it. (Laughter.) The bill last year was rejected with ignominy, and to prevent the dissen sion and dissatisfaction which were occasioned then he would ask the house to mark its sense of it by refusing leave to introduce it. (Hear, beat-) Mr. CLAY said, that is several important modifications had been made in the bill in deference to the opinions ex pressed in that house last year, his hon. friend and colleague was entitled to be allowed to introduce the bill. Sir W. JOLLIFFE, while professing the greatest re spect for the mover and seconder of the motion, and lament ing the inclination to drink which prevailed in this country, would appeal to the house and the Government not to allow an agitation to take place such as had been witnessed a few years ago. (Hear, hear.) The present measure would create a similar agitation, and it might possibly also end in the whole of the restrictions in regard to Sunday being entirely swept away. (Cheers.) Sir G. GREY said that, in deference to the strong opinion expressed by large numbers of persons throughout the coun try in favour of a measure similar to the present, he had upon a former occasion voted fcr its introduction, and he had no occasion to regret having done so, because a full discussion of the subject was the result. That bill, however, had been rejected on the second reading by a large majority, and he must therefore refuse to go through such a process again. (Loud cheers.) If the bill were allowed to be introduced, and the second reading were fixed for some weeks hence, great agitation would take place, and he was quite sure the bill would be ultimately rejected. He thought it would be unwise, inex pedient, and unnecessary to discuss the question again. (Cheers.) Mr. HORSFALL censured the tone of the remarks made by the hon member for Sheffield (Mr. Roebuck) 2 as unbefitting the dignity of the house. Mr. PACKE, who rove amid loud cries of "Divide," opposed the introduction of the bill, which would have the effect of punishing the innocent for the guilty, The house divided— For the motion, Against it Majority against leave to intro duce the bill .............. —3O Tho house adjourned at twenty-ov° minutes to one o'clock. The War in Denmark, (From the Times Special Correspondent lately at the Danish lteacl-quarters.) war nor COPENHAGEN, May 3. b The Danes are b roug ht t o a s tate which is neither peace; condition o seem andstrangetosay,isl to consider g it particularly ga uncomfortable e going; F rede - ricia fallen; Jutland as freely open to . invas) . - 00 as Schleswig; Egremont-Lindenkrone, t his 3,500 horse and foot, is eluding the Aus trians in some far away corner of the Cimbrian Peninsula, dodging the enemy behind some inlet of the sea, watching his opportunity to embark and take himself and the fortunes of Denmark out of the lost mainland. On this side the Little Belt, at Strib and Mid ilefart, the Dannebrog is still waving defiance to the German birds of prey, one-headed and two handed ; bent, to all appearance, under defending the Island of Funen to the utmost. Defence, how ever, necessarily implies attack and it, moreover, supposes, on the part of the defenders, means some what commensurate with the forces of the assailants. An attack upon Funen, on the part of the Austro- Prussians, is more than can be expected even of the vanity and infatuation of those two Powers; nor is it at all likely that they will be induced to adopt such a course simply because the Danes wish it, and augur well from it for themselves. Should the Germans really make the attempt to force their way across the Strait, it is not so certain that all the strength of what still remains of the little Danish army would have power to hinder them, or to hold any part of the island against them, not, at least, until the Danes can muster in the field batter artillery than they now have—an artillery which, as experience has shown, is no more a match foe the Prussian rifled cannon than a penknife for a sword blade. The Danes, however, are not so very san guine as to their ability to keep Funen if the Ger mans put forth their strength to take it. They foresee the day in which all their dominions may be reduced to their sovereign island of Zealand ; nor are they confident that even their boasted maritime superiority may not vanish before the combined efforts of the German and Austrian fleets, and that the war may not be brought to the shores of the Sound and to the bastions of their capital. We have all read of that barbaric king whose ambitious plans expanded upon every suggestion of what was to follow after the fulfilment of each scheme of conquest, Syria after Egypt, Media after Syria, and Bactria, and India—and then ? The Danes reverse all that, and you cannot drive them into a corner and obtain an answer to your question as to what will be left to lose after all is lost. Jut land and Schleswig, Funen after Jutland, the fleet, and the capital. What next ? When nothing is left to fight for, will they mak e peace ? Will they accept the conqueror's terms when not an inch of ground remains whereon to sign their name to the treaty ? The Danes ventured on this war upon false ex pectations. They thought that it was neither for the honour nor for the interest of Europe that they should oe sacrificed. They trusted to the chapter of accidents. They felt sure that something would turn up in their favour—that they could not be without natural allies or protectors in the world. They are now in the condition of a gambler who has staked his whole on a losing card; they are growing des perate, and contend that the e R e d" must turn up after all ; so long as there is life there is hope; the game has only to be kept up, and where a defender failed, an avenger may arise., Europe immolates them to her anxious love of peace ; she would not fight to keep them alive ; she ma y have to battle on their grave, and be involved in their ruin. The political horizon is certainly not unfavour able to those who are on the look-out for squalls. Schleswig and Holstein have been taken from Den mark, but it is not very clear for whose benefit they were conquered. Th e y are claimed on behalf of Germany. But who, as yet, has been able to make out what is Germany Success has done wonders towards identifying Prussia with that misty abstraction, and the German papers already cry out not only for the annexation of the "sea girt" provinces to the Brandenburg monarchy, but also for the rallying of the Vaterland nationality round the throne of the Hohenzollern. Will Aus tria ever reconcile herself to the blunder which made her instrumental towards placing the German higentonie in the hands of her hereditary rival ? Will she allow it to be said that she was stupid enough to help to enrich Prussia with the spoils of Denmark, and to en li s t in her favour those suffragee of German patriotism which the Cabinet of Berlin had from 1813 to 1863 done all in its power to alienate? Will Austria avow that she has thus cut her own throat, and lavished her gold and blood to shut herself out of Germany? These are the questions the Danes put to them selves, and they are ready to reckon upon their present Austrian foe as a possible future ally. They are aware, also, that there are three Germans in the field ; that there is in the free cities, in the small Courts, in the democratic unions of that besotted Vaterland., a party no less hostile to Pruk-slan ambition. Ulan Austril herself, There is the Augustenburg faction, the Universal Suffrage set. Prussia will have to settle with them ; she will have to settle with those who sympathise with them. Suppose Prussia takes Holstein, Schleswig, Jut land, Fumen, Zealand, the Sound ; suppose the pres tige of conquest wins over to her every patriotic heart in Germany; suppose shesnubs the Frankfort Diet, spurns the small fry of princes, beats Austria from the field, builds up the old empire of the 0 thos and the Hohenstaufen. She may not be out in her reckoning with Germany; but what of the rest of Europe ? The annexation of Holstein, and even of a part of Schleswig, to a strong German State infallibly leads to the occupation of the Sound and the maritime supremacy of Germany in the Baltic at no distant period. Will Denmark be the only loser by such an arrangement ? Have Russia, Sweden, and England nothing to say to it ? The aspirations of Germany are boundless. They are in inverted ratio with the state of prostration and impotence in which the country has so long been lying. It is because the Germans are nothing that they expect to become everything. Should the Teutonic ox only get rid of the iron ring which his rulers have cunningly driven through his nose, he would become a very buil in the European china shop. Mayhap, there are those who find it is for the common good that the useful animal should thus be ringed and chained to his stall. Mayhay, France is not in a hurry to have so powerful a neighbour near her, and is not to be propitiated by the little strip of territory in the valley of the Save, with which Prussia might hope to compound for the consent of the Emperor Na poleon to her projected aggrandisement. The " rectification of her natural frontiers" is doubt less, a great object with that country which has just annexed Savoy and Nice. The question is whether France would gain more by thwarting or by humouring her Rhenish neighbour. The great Imperial cat has been pretending to be asleep all the time these Germau mice had their dance and carouse. It was not without an inward purr that he saw the incautious Prussian removing his neighbour's landmarks. "Go on, gentlemen," he said in his heart, " trample on the sacredness of old treaties; appeal to the right of the strongest; set up the cry of nationality; hallow the principle of universal suffrage. Trouble the waters of Europe, and let us see who shall fish the deepest in them," The war in Denmark, the Danes think, began with the silent consent of France ; it can hardly terminate without her outspoken fiat. Whatever Prussia and Germany may gain by their aggressive policy, they have surely placed themselves at the mercy of the Emperor Napoleon. They will either have to relinquish their hold of Danish territory, or they will have to make amends to France either by a spontaneous offer, or by a forcible spoliation. And how can France be won over by a paltry dis• trict on the Save, when she can seize upon a whole region on the Rhine. Oh ! but England and Russia, and all Powers interested in the public order of Europe, will stand up for Belgium, at least, if not for the Prussian provinces of the Rhine. Possibly ! But they will have equally to uphold the rights of Denmark on her own posses• sions. Europe is a castle of cards, and the whole edifice topples down if only one of the paste boards on which it is based be removed. Nothing easier than to sacrifice Denmark and leave her to her fate. Hardly possible to avoid a universal subversion of the existing state of things ; hardly possible to escape the dangers of a general Euro pean war. THE PRUSSIAN WAR CONTRIBUTION. The following is the proclamation issued by Field Marshal Wrangel, the Prussian-Commander-in- Chief, imposing a forced contribution upon the inhabitants of Jutland : Head-quarters, Yeile, April 28, In compensation of the damage to property caused to Prussian as well as to other German subjects by ships and cargoes being captured and condemned by the Danes, a present contribution is hereby imposed upon Jutland of 650,000 Prussian dollars (06,000). This sum corresponds to the amount of injury inflicted, and is liable to be increased upon more exact calculation of the damage; possible sur plus, upon the other hand, arising after payment of the com pensation will b 3 refunded. Upon partition of the above-named amount, 50,000 Prus sian dollars fall to the share of Veile. This sum is to be paid without delay to the head of the Requisition Depart ment, Major von Beckedoiff, of the Westphalian Jager Battalion, if it is desired to avoid the inevitable military compulsory measures. VON WRINGEL, Field-Marshal, The intelligence which has been received here from Jutland shows that the population generally has refused to pay the required contribution, and that the Prussian troops have already commenced to employ force in obtaining their demands. The Dagbladet published the following telegram from the Town Commandant at Bogensee yesterday : The Prussians have carried away 11 citizens from Hor sens. The passport accompanying them was inscribed "To Rendsburg, and further." The 100,030 dollars demanded by Von Wrangel in Horsens has been refused. The citizens will rather submit to be plundered. The inhabitants of Veile have also refused payment. SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. TlMES.—Every man, we are told, who is his own doctor has a fo)1 for his patient. The proverb is a specious one, but it is more likely to have originated with the profession than with the public. All re gular practitioners object to the interference of amateurs, and the proceeding must be, especially obnoxious where the interloper is insured against loss and discouragement, by the possession of an inexhaustible purse. These considerations have a material bearing on the questions raised by the debate of Thursday evening on our manufacturing departments. No doubt there is much to be said against the system, but the arguments on that side of the case lie on the very surface of things, and are easily seen, whereas the opposite considerations are not only less obvious but less immediately appreci able. In fact, it is difficult at first sight to under stand how Government can be anything but a loser by taking into its own hands the manufacture of fabrics rt quired for the use of the State, instead of purchasing them on the cheapest terms in open mar ket. Mr. Cobden condensed the case against Govern ment manufactures with characteristic force and decision. When a Government turns manufacturer it acts under none of the responsibility which cons trols a private trader. It has no effectual incentives to economy; it can never be bankrupt.: it is not bound to make both ends meet, and it can never, in our own case, be short of means, for it has a "bound less, almost a bottomless purse." That there should be anything like genuine thrift under such conditions is almost inconceivable. A system in volving no inducements to save may undoubtedly be regarded as " conducive to extravagance and waste." No limit need be put upon costly ex periments, and, what is even worse, no stop can be put to production when the demand for produce ceases. As a Government is its own customer, and has no other customer, its establishments, unless they are left in wasteful idleness, must always be turning out Government stores, though it may often happen that no more stores are wanted. Only the other day it was actually argued that we must build wooden ships, or, at any rate, wooden frames, not exactly because they were better than iron ships, but because we had enormous stores of timber which could not be otherwise turned to account. Of course this kind of practice is costly. Mr. Cobden's own estimate, which he gave as the conclusion of " all practical men of business," was that in the manu facturing establishments conducted by Government " about half the expenditure was wasted." This, considering the magnitude of the figures involved, is a very serious affair, and nobody can be surprised at the dissatisfaction which was expressed. But there really is something to be said on the other side, The regular manufacturers of the country, who are included probably in Mr. Cobden's "prac tical men of business," do not like these Government establishments, and are naturally ready to furnish evidence against them. The millions of money which Sir H. Willoughby spoke of as lavished on these departments represent just so much custom withdrawn from private firms. If all the votes for wages, stores, and yards were transferred to con tracts, the amount of business created would be enormous. But this is not the only point in the case. Government, by manufacturing for itself, not only deprives the regular practitioners of the work thus performed at home, but obtains the means of checking their prices in the work which it puts out ; so that there is a loss to the trade both ways. The private establishments get less to do, and are obliged to do that little better and more cheaply than they would do it otherwise. Here, in deed, lies the great argument for the manufacturing establishments of Government. Perhaps they do cost a great deal; but when we are told that the Government manufactory of gunpowder "pro duces cheaper end better powder than had before been obtained," that the gun factory at Woolwich and Prussia may be looked upon as a sort of RUE , . " brought down the cost of the manufacture at sian reserve, and it would not be good for the , Elswick 25 per cent,," and that since the este- world that the Danish fleet, - which would be found blishment of the Government clo hing manufactory ranged on the side of the free Powers of Europe in at Pimlico 4 ' the contract price had been reduced," case of an emergency, should be destroyed. We it becomes impossible to deneethat these departments can now easily prevent a thing which cannot be do yield a substantial return. Nor must it be for. remedied if it be suffered to happen. If the Danish goiten that such establishments are of extraordinary fleet is destroyed it cannot be replaced, While value in cases of emergency: At periods of Ares- that fleet exists, and harbours to lodge it in exist, sure the Government, except for those resources, Denmark will exist. Let that fleet be destroyed, would be absolutely in the hands of private manu- an d there will be an end of Denmark. It does not facturers, and must submit to any terms imposed. follow that because we did not act when Austria One of the examples frequently taken is the case of and Prussia pledged their faith that there should transport ships. It is said that a large saving would be no call for action, and when action might have be effected by employing hired merchantmen ex- been difficult, therefore we are to remain quiescent elusively on this service, but the price paid for such and inactive now that we have been taught what service in the Crimean war was so enormous that importance to attach to the good faith and pro. we might have built and maintained a fleet of Go- mines of the invaders, and when we could act on vernment transports with the money. Mr. Cobden our own element with facility and with irresistible compared the American practice with our own in force. A word in conclusion on the manner in regard to the supervision applied to the estimates which the invaders have thought proper to carry by Parliament. We cannot say what has been done out their aggressions upon Denmark. Take an Congress, but as far as official views are concerned illustration or two. They fix the amount we know that the Federal Government adopts ex- of the first instalment of the war contribu actly the theory advocated by our own. In the last tion of the people of Jutland at 196,000. If the report made by the Federal Secretary of the Navy share claimed from a town is not forthcoming, the he enlarges on the absolute and immediate neces- municipality are forthwith seized and sent away sity for creating public establishments on a scale prisoners, to be kept as hostages until ransomed by commensurate with the developments of the public liquidation of the imposition. With a change of service. He is all for Government yards, Govern- names and forms this is very like what those whom meat arsenals, and Government manufactures. He the Pope seems to consider as pious soldiers of the represents the case as urgent and the necessity as Faith, and whom the rest of the world consider as incontestable, and follows exactly the argument brigands and murderers, are doing in Italy. What advanced on Thursday evening, by observing, with property is not taken by order of the military respect to certain new and important models, that authorities for the use of the army is taken by the the Government, having "no suitable yard and soldiers for their individual use without any establishment" for the execution of such works, is orders at all. What they cannot use they destroy, " wholly in the hands of private parties to demand out of wanton mischief. It is downright " wilful what they think proper, and prescribe their own damage," as our law understands the term. The terms." The Americans, it is clear, are Prussian soldiers make bonfires of the houses, and. learning precisely the lesson which we learnt, fire on the inhabitants if they attempt to extinguish and under very similar circumstances. To the flames. These things are circumstantially re be prepared for the emergency of war we must do lated in the letters of our correspondent at Copen one of two things--we must either keep an im- hagen which we have recently printed, German mense quantity of stores, or be ready at any moment soldiers enter the shops and appropriate what they to increase the rate of production. If we adopt the choose to lay their hands upon, without paying, former system, we can procure our supplies by con- just as Germany appropriates Danish territory. In tract ; but in that case, as Lord Hartington re- short, the conduct of the invaders towards the marked, the interest of the money represented by Danes is just what it is in Posen and Galicia those stores must be taken into the reckoning. Be- towards the Poles. Europe, to its misfortune, has sides this, too, we run the risk of seeing our pat- seen the one country destroyed—will it suffer the terns superseded by better models, and of finding other to share the like fate ! ourselves with an enormous stock of inferior and unserviceable arms. From these liabilities Govern ment factories relieve us. They enable us, at a time of pressure, to obtain considerable supplies without the delay of an instant, or the slightest accession of charge; and they act also to a proportionate extent in depressing the prices which would otherwise be asked by the private manufacturers whose assistance is called in. These are good reasons why the trade should object to such es tablishments, but they are also reasons why the public sho uld take a diffe rent view of the case. It should he observed, however, that the objections raised on Thursday evening were directed not so much, perhaps, against the system of these establishments in itself as against the proportions which it had assumed. The practice has grown upon us, and is growing. We used to confine ourselves to the manufacture of ships, but now we try our hands at everything, from gigantic ironclads down to small arms and soldiers tunics. Is that advisable ? We imagine that the mischief would lie, not in applying the principle to a variety of departments, but in carrying it too far in any one of them. The same consideration which would re commend a Government factory for rifles would also recommend one for military clothing, for one branch of trade requires checks as well as another. But there would be no advantage in carrying any manufacture beyond the point at which the desired results are secured. When we are certain that 'we can meet a sudden pressure by an instantaneous in crease of production, and that we have obtained the necessary control over contract prices, the Go vernment manufacture has been carried far enough. Thus far, however, we are of opinion that it may be carried with advantage. That there is much to be said on both sides of the question we readily ad mit. Government establishments, it may be freely conceded, are often extravagant, but we are by no means sure that private establishments, if relieved from competition, would be economical. What we do now is to make the cost of work done at home check the cost o work done by contract, and we are disposed to believe thet we find our account in the results. POST.—The proceedings of the invaders of Den mark on land are a sufficient indication of what they will do by sea if they are able and arc suffered to have their own way. It is not only the fact of what they have done, but the way in which they have done it, that calls for reprobation. It was only three months ago that the invaders, who have since overrun and occupied the mainland, and now threaten to seize the islands, solemnly declared it was their intention to respect the integrity and in dependence of Denmark. They interfered to take the matter out of the hands of the minor States and the democrats, who were bent upon dismembering a neighbouring country. There were not wanting sceptics, however, who ventured to intimate their suspicions that when once the Duchies were occu pied, under colour of an execution or any other pretext, the invaders would not atop until they had accomplished what they have accomplished. When war is once begun it will go on of itself till the belligerents are tired; and, when one of the belli gerents i 3 stronger than the other in the propor tion of a dozen to one, he will not grow tired while his opponent is capable of offering resistance. As it has turned out, the prophets of evil were true prophets. Those who ventured to suspect the honour and good faith of Austria and Prussia proved right, and those who trusted and believed in the honour and the promises of those Powers, wrong. Austria and Prussia solemnly promised to do one thing and have done another. They have not only done a different thing from what they promised to do, but they have done a thing which is have song reverse of what they promised, and they have done it in a way at which humanity revolts. Though they determined to occupy Denmark, they might have shown some respect for property, some regard for civilised usages, some decent affectation of hu manity. They might at least have simulated a show of virtue if they did not possess the reality. But they have exhibited as great an indifference for the appearances of propriety and humanity as for humanity itself. If those who predicted that the invaders would act as they have acted were now to predict that if Austria and Prussia are allowed to do as they please, and are able to do it, they will destroy the Danish navy, by fair means or foul, perhaps they would meet with a less sceptical re ception for their misgivings. The declaration that the Austrian and Prussian fleets are only intended to protect German ships in northern waters corres ponds to the declaration that the invasion of the Danish Duchies was only for the purposes of Fede ral execution and to keep the minor States out of mischief ; except that it is hardly so plausible and innocent in point of form, and comes at a less paci fic juncture in point of time. If the combined Aus trian and Prussian fleets were able to destroy and actually did destroy the Danish navy, could it be said that this was more treacherous or more against law and good faith that what the invading Powers have already done on land ? This question is only suscepiible of a negative answer from all who know the facts. The report that the Austro-Prussian fleet was preparing to attack that of Denmark only gives definite form and substance to what is passing in men's minds. Everybody is morally certain about what Austria and Prussia want to do. The acts of these Powers, in diametrical contradiction with their pro fessions, incontestably prove what are their real objects and designs. The only condition of carrying them out is, that they are able to do so, and are allowed by other Powers to do so. Will other Powers allow this? We have heard a great deal about the principle of non-intervention forbidding one Power to interfere in a quarrel between others. But we have yet to learn that the true significauce of this doctrine is that all the nations of Europe are to stand by, apathetic and quiescent spectators, while a strong Power conquers and destroys, die members and absorbs, a weak one- The real mean ing of non-intervention is that other Powers shall not interfere in tho domestic A ffairs of a nation, as Russia did when she crushed the Hungarians at the instance of Austria. But it would have been no violation of the principle of non-intervention for other Powers to have prevented Russia from violat ing it. It was a vindication of the principle of non intervention when the Western Powers prevented Russia by force from dismembering Turkey. The Crimean war was substantially and really a war to maintain the principle of non-intervention. It would be no violation of non-intervention, but a vindication of it, to prevent Austria and Prussia from dismembering Denmark. To dismember an independent State is of itself as gross a violation of the principle of non-intervention as can well be con ceived. Non-intervention implies the integrity and independence of nations; and to violate that in tegrity and independence is to violate the principle of non-intervention. 'Whatever difficulty there might have been about sending an army in raids winter to defend Denmark against her invaders by land, there can be no difficulty at this season in send ing a fleet toDanish waters. An army might have had to fight, and fight against a much greater nume• rival force, but at sea the case is reversed, and what would be only a small squadron, judged by English standard, would be enough to sweep from the waters all the men of war which Austria and Prussia have in the world. The mere presence of the English fleet would be quite sufficient to overawe 'he aggressors. Not only the Austrian and Prus• sum navies, but the Austrian and Prussian ports and seaboutd—what little they have—are com pletely at our mercy. Dm naval power of Austria COUNTRY MARKETS. LIVERPOOL-FRIDAY. There was a fair attendance of the town and country trade to-day, and wheat met a good consumptive demand at fully 2d per cental dearer—red meeting a much better sale than white. Flour held for an advance of 6d to is per sack and barrel, but did not realise it. Indian corn met an active demand. Oats and oatmeal dull, and prices,as before. Beane scarce. Barley and peas unchanged. LINCOLN-FRIDAY. White wheat new, 38s to 43s Barley, grinding.. 288 to 30s Red do. 36s to 39s Oats, old, .. 22s to 26s Old white —s to —s New:do 18s to 24s Red do.. —s to —s I Beans.. 38s to 41s Barley, malting.... 32s to 35s I Beans, new.. 33s to 36s WAKEFIELD-FRIDAY. The wheat trade was steady, and the sales made were slightly over last Friday's quotations. Beans were rather dearer. In other articles there was no material change. Averages for the week : Wheat ll9O qrs., at 39s 51d Rye — —s Od 8ar1ey......... 248 ' 33s rd Beans Peas Oats STAMFORD-FRIDAY. White wheat, 39s to 42s ; red, 36s to 38s per 36 stone. Barley, malting, 31s to 34s ; grinding, 27s to 29s per qr. Oats, 18s to 22s per 24 stone. Beans, old, 4O to —s per qr. ; new, 36s to —s. CORK-THURSDAY. The following were the quotations this morning :—Red wheat, Ss Od to Ss 10c1; white, Ss Od to Os Sd , barley, 7s id to Os Od ; _oats,_sB 8d to Os 4d ; black do., 5s 3d to 53 Gd. BRISTOL SUGAR-FRIDAY. There has been a flat trade doing this week, and prices are fully is per cwt, lower for all descriptions. Refined goods is decline, and difficult to sell. Rua steady, but not active. COAL M. Yr/oes of Coal per Ton at s. d. Buddle'sWest Hartley 17 3 Hastings Hartley l7 3 Holywell l7 9 ‘Valker Primrose 13 0 Wylam 17 3 West Hartley l7 3 dui ET. the close of the market. Walls End. s. d• Heugh Hall 17 6 lEast Hartlepool 16 9 I South Kelloe 17 6 Haswell lB 0 Bry ddyll' Hetton 17 0 Tunstall South Hetton ...18 0 Kelloe Stewart's 17 )t, 46 ; sold, 31. Walls End. Hatton ls L Hartlepool ..17 6 Ships at mark( Foreign Mail Packet List. MAILS DUE. Australia and Mauritius, via Southampton May 19. via Marseilles ... May 13. Arazil and Cape Vert's, by British packet. June 5. Cape of Good hope, Ascension, and St. Helena May 22. China, Penang., and Singapore, via Southanipton.May 19. via Marseilles May.l3. _ _ . Falkland Islands Gibraltar, via Southampton May 12. India (Calcutta), and Ceylon, via Southampton.. May 19. via Marseilles ....May 13. India (Bombay), via Southampton May 12. via Marseilles May 6. Portugal.... Malta, Egypt, and Aden, via Southampton May 12. via Marseilles May 6 Newfoundland ..Ma y .ll. Oporto and Vigo U. S. and British N. America, by Brit. packet.... May 11. by U.S. packet.... by Canadian packet. May 10. W.C. of Africa, Madeira and Teneritle .. May 10. Bahamas, via New York' Mexico.. All parts of West Indies, including Chili, Peru, I may 14. California. and British Columbia.. ADVERTISEMENT.]• -Avoid medicines: they always aggra vate chronic complaints, but Du Barry's Delicious Health Restoring Revalenta Arabica Food, which saves fifty Hines its cost in other remedies, invariably cures them, restoring perfect digestion, strong nerves, sound lungs, healthy liver, pure blood, refreshing sleep, functional regularity, and energy , to the most disordered or enfeebled. We extract a few out of 60,000 Cures :—Cure No. 58,216 of the Marchioness de Brehan, Paris, of a liver complaint, wasting away for seven years, debility, with a nervous palpitation all over, bad digestion, constant sleeplessness, the most intolerable nervous agitation, and dreadfully low spirited.—Cure No. 1,771. Lord Stuart de Decies, Lord Lieut. of Waterford, of many years' dyspepsia.—No. 49,832. " Fifty years' indescribable agony from dyspepsia, nervousness, asthma, cough, constipation, flatulency, spasms, sickness, and vomiting.—Maria Jolly." —Cure No. 46,270. Mr. James Roberts, of Frimley, Surrey, of thirty years' diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver derange= ment, and partial deafness.--Cure No. 47,121. Miss Elizabeth. Jacobs, of extreme nervousness, indigestion, gatherings, low spirits, and nervous fancies.—Cure No. 54,816. The Rev. Jas; T. Campbell, Fakenham, Norfolk, " of indigestion and torpi dity of the liver, which had resisted all medical treatment." In tins, 1 lb., 2s. 9d. ; 21b., 4s. 6d ; 51b., lls. ; 121 b., 225. ; 241 b 405.—Barry Du Barry and Co., No. 77, Regent-street, London; also Fortnum and Mason ; and all Grocers and Chemists La every town of the United Kingdom. {ADVERTISEMENT,] —Holloway's Pills and Ointment.-- A frequent cause of gout and rheumatism is the inflamma tory state of the blood, attended with bad digestion and general debility: A few doses of these Pills, taken in time, are an effectual preventative against gout and rheumatism ; but anyone who has an attack of either should use Hollo way's Ointment also, the powerful properties of which, combined with the effect of the Pills, must infallibly effect a cure. These Pills act directly on the blool, which they purify and improve; they also regulate the secretions, and give tone to the stomach, and thus the whole system is invigorated, and put into a condition which enables it to throw off disease or check its approach. Births. CORBETT.^ - 011 the sth inst., at More-place, Betchworth, Mrs. James Corbett, of a daughter. DAWSON.—On the 6th inst., at Leyden House, Roupoll park, Streatham, Mrs. Joseph Dawson, of a son. EVERY.—On the Ist inst., at Eggington Hall, Burton- on- Trent, the wife of Sir Henry F. Every, Bart., of a daughter. SnEnLocK.—On. the 3d inst., at Southwell, Notts, the wife of Captain C. W. Sherlock, of a son. Marriages. BalLow—TlLLoT.—On the sth inst., at St. John's, Hack ney, William, eldest son of the late W. Barlow, Esq., of Dalston, to Sarah Hannah, youngest daughter of James Tillot, Esq., of Dalaton. WILLIA.MS --BiniutNoifAiii.—On the 4th inst., at Trinity Church, Dover, Captain BigGe Williams. late 4th Dra goon Guards, to Charlotte, daughter of John Birming ham, Ebg., of Dover. Deaths. COOK.—On the sth inst., John Cook, Esq., of 9, Fitzroy place, Kentish-town, aged 75. ILuistiroN.—On the sth inst., at Ventnor, Robert Horatio Hamilton, Esq., formerly of Liverpool. LAY.—On the sth inst., at Upper Clapten, Mr. William Lay, aged 55. OLIPHANT.—On the 4th inst., at 10, Lansdowne-crescent, Bath, Rachel, eldest daughter of the late Laurence Oli phant, Esq., of Cask, Perthshire, aged 67. PRIDHANI.—On the 3d met., at his residence, 6,West Hoe terrace, Plymouth, Vice-Admiral Richard Pridham, aged 85. S HORE.—On the 3d inst., at Brighton, the Hon. Charlotte Shore, eldest (laughter of the late Lord Teignmouth. London : PrtriZed and Prbilehed dy WILLIAM. AND It b: of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE SUN Office No. )1 2 , Strand, , 11 the Precinct of the 'Savoy, n the coun'Y 04 Mid.,,tlesen.--Saturday, May 7, 1801. r