The Sun. — London, England, 1833-11-12 00:00:00

PKO ES OF STOCK , TH ' A DAY AT (INK O'CLOCK. Bank Stc cis 211.4; 11 12 New 5 per Cent....... 9 per Cent. Bed. ... ...... 867,, 7 56 India Stock 3 per Cent• Cons. 6B 7 3, 4 8 Ditto Bonds 22 23 pm. Dittor Cent. - -South Sea Stock - Red 95 1‘ 1 04 1 4 Old Annuities -- New 356 per Cent. 96%14% New Ditto •••••• --- 3 per Cent. Ann. 17•2 K .... 1 per C e nt. A n n. 1751 - . 4 per Cent. l'es26 102% ln 2 Ex. Bills, .El,OOO 4O 41 pm. Bdnk Lci,g Ann. to expire , Ditto ..... ......500 Jan, 5, 1860... 16 16-16 N Ditto Small 4l 42 40 pm. ( ',ct• 10, 1859 l6 11-16 3 4 Ditto Commercial ....... —Pir Jan. 5, 1860 'Ditto Advertised ..... •••• Pm. Jan. 5, 1880 I ; Bank for Account — April 5, 1680 .. lndia for Account ..... ... Jan. 5. 1870 Cons. for Account 87 . 34 8 PRICES Or FOREIGN FUNDS ' Austrian Bonds 944 Belgian Bonds 9454 Ditto Account 9 4 1 43 Brazilian Bonds ......... .... .65% Ditto Account 6514' Buenos Ayres Bonds 22'-5 Ditto Accnunt — °Allan Bonds 23 Ditto Account — Columbian Bonds Pitt° Account THIS DAY AT ONE 0 CLOCK. Peruvian Bonds ' Portuguese Bonds 69N Ditto Account f:39th 7( 4 Ditto New Bonds l:sf4i Ditto Acconnt 150 44•5“ Q !Prussian Bonds 10 1 24 •!•,, Ditto Bonds, 19'2'2 , Russian Bonds, 1829 1(2% Ditto Account, lO3 Ditto 111 'Spanish Bonds, 1821 9: 2 34 Ditto Acc. " r2 N374% Ditto Bonds, 18113 Ditto Account - -? ( Wi % French Rentes, 5 p. c 1021 —c. !-- Exchange 25 - Sic. i---3 per cent. --1 —c. ;--- Exchange --f —c Dutch, 9.1 p. C. 40% 3 4 30 , ( 2 % I Ditto Account 49y4Vii I Ditto, 5 p. c 9354%% Ditto Account 93 %34 French Scrip ,l.j pm. Ditto Bonds, 18 . 24 Ditto Acconunt 22 3 i Danish Bon 5.....„ 73% Ditto Account Greek Bonds Ditto Bords, 1 .825 Ditto Account irstn Bonds, 5 per cent 27 Ditto Account Ditto, R per cent Ditto Account 34 Neapolitan B9 PRICES OF SHARES THIR DAT AT ONE O'CLOCK. Paid. Per Share. Alten Mining Company £4 4 !/, , ,1; Antoci Mex. Mm. ,o. uss. at 5!. pm ).£lOO S Brilanos Mining Company £l5O 12744 Brazilian Mining Company £s 1 2 ' Brazilian Imp. Min. Co. (iss. at 5/. pm.) £2O 61 L., Ditto National 2O 22 Ditto St. John Del Rey Ditto Cocacs 5 Cata Branca Mining Company British Iron 51ininv Company £so Columbizn liiiiriA Co. 'ice at 5/. pm.) 51% English Mit.ing Company 12% General Mining Association l2 Hibernian Mining Co. £lo Mexican Mining Co. X4B Real del Monte Mining Co....(unreg.) United Mex. Min. Co. (iss. at 21. pm ) 40 Ditto New Scrip 5 Alliance Fire Insurance Comp lO Protector Insurance Comp. Australian Co. Canada Company l7 General Steam Navigation Co. l3 National Provincial Bank of England 5 Rio Doce Provincial Bank of Ireland . 25 124 414 11% 52% 2 11 2156 Due. ILA__ Arrived. Due. Arrived. - 0 America 0 1 Hamburg 0 O Brazil 0 Buenos Ayres 0 0 Jamaica 0 O Carthagena 0 0 Leeward Islands ... 0 1 Dublin 0 ! 0 Lisbon 1 O Flanders 0 , 0 Malta..... 0 I France 0 ! 0 Sweden O Guernsey &Jersey.. 0 ! I Waterford HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE To-'siop.x.ovv. Aforning'... 8 minutes after 3. I Evening...2l minutes after 3. 7.-11 2 ' be *fan LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, NOVENIBER 12, 1833 The accounts from Spain in the Paris Papers of Sunday, which arrived this morning, are still unfavourable. The French Government have published an official bulletin, with intelligence from Madrid, dated the 31st ult., announcing the prevalence of tranquillity in the capital, but there is not a word in it respecting SAARSFIELD and the retreat of EL PASTOR, and General CASTAGNON, and the entry of the insurgents into Tolosa on the 7th instant is no longer denied by the French official prints. The Ga zette de France states that Don CARLOS had arrived at Bilboa. The authority of the Gazette is not unexceptionable, and the statement is far from probable. The Carlists have proclaimed Don CARLOS at Ponso-Blanca, near Cordova. The direct accounts of the 30th ult. from Madrid state that EL MANco, a former chief of Gue rillas, has been sent against MERINO. An attempt had been made to proclaim Don CARLOS at Benabete, in Leon, but it had failed. EL PASTOR and General CASTAGNON are stated to have retired to St. Sebastian. All was quiet at Barcelona on the 6th inst. The pro vinces of the East and South remained perfectly tranquil. The Royalist Volunteers of Toledo had surrendered their arms without the least resistance. The Madrid Gazette continued to publish decrees for the reform of the legislation and administration of the country. One of those decrees prescribed the revision of the laws and regulations concerning printing and passports and another announces the intention of Govern ment to establish a uniform system of weights and measures. Two Dutch Mails arrived last night, bringing Dutch Papers to the 6th of November and 9th of November. According to the most recent accounts from the Dutch East India possessions, tranquillity prevailed there. DUTCH FUNDS—AmsTERDAv, Nor. 8. Actual Debt, 5 per Cent Ditto, 24 per cent Amort Syndic, 4 per cent .... . B7 to 8716 ... . Ditto, ditto,3 - 4 per cent. 70 to 7041 Voluntary Loan, 1831, 6 per cent 102% to 102% Ditto, 1832, 5 per Cent. Ditto, 1833, 5 per Cent. Exchange on London Ditto, two months —Dutch Papers, Nov 9. Brussels Papers to the 9th of November ar rived last night. The KING is to open the Sessions of the Chambers on Tuesday, the 12th, at one o'clock. There is no news of interest in these Papers. German papers arrived this morning. They contain an article from Rome, dated the 2d inst., in which it is stated that the POPE is waiting for instructions from Austria as to whether he shall recognise the authority of the Queen Regent of SPAIN. There are accounts from Constantinople of the 11th inst., but we have had the same date through other sources, and there is nothing of importance in the ac counts by this arrival. VIENNA, Nov. 1. (Holiday.)—Four per Cent. Me talliques 83k; Bank Shares 1,2053. —Allgemeine Zeit:ins', Nov. 6. We have more than once, but without ran cour or the least exhibition of party feeling, expressed our dislike of the system of govern ment adopted by Louis PHILIP, the King of the French, as b e i ng i n di rect oppos i t i on to the principles which raised him to the throne. Iden tified as this Monarch is, or rather ought to be, with the cause of liberty, it is with pain that we find in every new act of his government addi tional ground for believing that he is only waiting for an opportunity to betray that cause. I t w ill be recollected that Louis PHILIP ascended the French throne upon the distinct understanding that the new system was to be a monarchy with republican institutions. Shortly after his elevation, he denied that any such un derstanding had existed, and every effort was made to throw odium upon republican ideas. LAJAYETTZ, indignant at this breach of faith, at this denial of truth, marked his sense of it in the following dignified way :—When a card of invitation to the palace was delivered to him, he said to the bearer—" It is fortunate that you have told me the object of your visit—l would not insult the King by opening the envelope and sending back his card. Tell him, however, respectfully, that I cannot go. He and I have told different stories to the world : I would not charge him publicly with falsehood and treason to the cause of liberty, but I owe too much to my own character to attend his court, and by the sanction of my presence make the world be lieve that they behold a liar and a traitor in LAFAYETTE."—Without meaning any particu lar disrespect to Louis PHILIP and equally without any partisanship of LAFAYETTE, we will confess freely that we would take the word 'of the veteran Republican against that of the KING. But it is not a question of personal veracity between these distinguished persons. Everybody knows how Louis PHILIP acted when he first came to the throne. Let his subsequent con duct he fairly reviewed, and we shall see that he is indeed a traitor to the cause which made him what he is, and that he is steadily and perse veringly labouring to efface every remembrance of the days of July. It will be admitted by all, that the greatest proof of despotism which a So vereign can exhibit is in the prohibition of free discussion, or, where that discussion is re cognized by law, in the prosecution of the press. Lours PHILIP could not prevent the publication of newspapers, for the law had sanctioned them, subject, indeed, to shackles which render them anything but free. He could prosecute, however, and this he has done to an extent scarcely to be credited by those who have not watched his career. In the last three years the press prosecutions in France have trebled the entire number of those of the two preceding reigns ; and, as a still greater proof of the bad spirit in which they were commenced, it is to be observed that, for one acquittal by the juries in the preceding reigns, there have been ten under the reign of the present KING. De feat generally brings shame, but not so with LOUIS PHILIP. He is pertinacious in error, and knowing the dread which the French enter tain of Republican anarchy, he is determined to continue his efforts towards the establishment of an absolute throne. We have been led to these remarks by the re cent speech of M. PERSIL the Procureur-Ge neral to the Judges of the Royal Court. This M. PERSIL, be it remembered, is the pro tege of LOUIS PHILIP and the organ of the French Court. A few passages from this im- pudent effusion will show what the French King intends. M. PERSIL, who seems to have as great a dread of the influence of public opinion upon jurors as some of the English Tories have, says— " Legislaton 'bag necessarily yet much to do. When Go vernment is in the majority, the minority will no longer make a decision as to the law, any more than it makes the law—when the vote shall be secret, and the suppressed deci sion amongst the Jury shall have destroyed the influence of party men, and left the freedom of voting to people's con sciences—when the power of publishing, before and after the verdict, the name and address of the Jury, shall be no longer in the power of intriguants, and the weak-minded, and the violent—then, and then only, the verdicts will he the expression of the opinio❑ of the country, and we shall be all anxious to unite with it. Our law processes will be guided by them, and your arrests will be regulated by the decisions." Legislation, says M. PERSIL. has vet much to do. In other words, LOUIS PHILIP has com manded his Ministers to propose to the Chamber s the adoption of new laws against the Press. The vote of jurors is to be secret—the influence of pub lic opinion, which makes jurors independent and honest, is to be removed, and they are, in future, to be the mere creatures of the Court. Will the French Chambers bear this ? We shall see. Having got rid of the incumbrance of a free Press, the next thing is to make LOUIS PHILIP an absolute King. Let us see what M. PERSIL says on this point. It is a perfect display of legal jesuitism ; by►t the reader who does not perceive the real intention, must have a confused intellect indeed : " To reign and to govern are twe inseparable actions, or rather but one solitary act. To reign is to look over, to he placed in an elevated situation, in order to understand and judge of the wishes and wants of the people ; to govern is to decide and act according to the views and information which are the result of that superintendence. The one is the examination, the other the decision. The King in a Representative Government, is the pilot at the head. He looks at the heavens and observes the state of the elements, and makes use of his observation to govern his vessel. The King, in a situation of greater elevation than others, studies the country, judges if opinion is exactly represented by the Chamber of Deputies, and, according to the result of his observations, he dissolves it, or, when he maintains it, he chooses Ministers to conform to the wishes the Chamber expresses, and to the system which emanates from it. " If the Ministers deviate from it, he removes them, and puts others in their places more disposed, and in a better condition to understand what public opinion demands. This is not only reigning but governing in the full signi fication of that expression. The Chambers are what the elements are to the pilot; they do not govern but they show, if they are the exact representation of the country, how the country wishes to be governed." If this be not a picture of an absolute King, we know not what is. He is the pilot at the head, and has charge of the vessel of the state. "He looks at the heavens and observes the state of the elements," and, " according to the result of his observations," he is to act. " The Chambers do not govern but they show how the country wishes to be governed." And this is the language of the official representative of a King who accepted the crown from the Chambers, and who swore to be the mere execu tive of the legislative bodies from 'hom he re ceived that crown. If the French nation will bear this, they will bear anything. If they will submit to be so governed, no matter whether their King be a Duke of ORLEANS or a Duke de BORDEAUX, Louis PHILIP has thrown off the mask. He denies the legislative powers of the Chambers ; declares that he is to be the only judge of public opinion, and the only in terpreter, as well as executor of the laws. Our limits do not allow of further remarks on this atrocious avowal of absolutism. Indepen dently of confined limits, however, we can con scientiously say that the feelings of indignation excited by M. PERSIL'S speech would be but imperfectly appreciated in any language that we could use. We announced some time back the intended formation of an " Anti-Corn Law Society" in he metropolis. Its promoters have not ye t made any great public display, but we hay reason to believe that it is being organised in a manner which will at once place it on a firm and stable footing. The stream is silent, but it is deep and strong. The speech made by Mr MACAULAY, at Leeds, last week, cannot fai I greatly to facilitate the objects of the society' " It is my earnest advice," said the Hon, Member, " to all who have influence, that they will apply themselves to the dissemination o f sound views upon this question, that it may be rendered sooner ripe for a satisfactory decision." This is advice which should not be neglected, but it can only be followed effectually by a com bination of power. The desultory efforts of in dividuals must always lose a large portion of the influence which they would have if united. In dividual philanthropy would probably still have to lament over the miseries of negro bondage, had not the exertions of the Anti-Slavery Society been so instrumental in the abolition of that once flourishing, nay even popular, abomina tion. Slavery would no doubt in the long run have been abolished, or put an end to some how or other, without the help of the Society ; but how much human wretchedness, how much risk of convulsion and bloodshed, has not been avoided by its endeavours to render the question " sooner ripe for a satisfactory decision ?" But how much greater are not th e reasons for not rendering " sooner ripe for a satisfactory decision" the great question of the free circulation of food ? Every man in the country, from the highest to the lowest, has a direct personal interest in it ; but, unfortunately, many of the high fancy that their personal inte rest is opposed to that of the low. It is unfortunate for all that such a feeling should exist, but more especially is it unfortunate for the great bread monopolists, who most strongly urge the fact, because, if they could make out their case, the only course left for the people would be to send them out of the country. Their existence even could not for a moment be put in competition with the welfare of millions. Fortunately, however, the interests of the sellers and of the eaters of bread, are not really in opposition. F lt is as much for the interest of the English landlord as it is for the interest of the English consumers of all classes, that food should freely come into the country from all quarters. There are men now living old enough to remember, that when the first improvements were projected in our internal communications, the owners of land near the metropolis exclaimed against them. They feared that good roads would bring produce from a great distance to compete in the market with theirs, and that, consequently, the value of their property would fall. Happily for the public good, knowledge triumphed over ignorance. The roads were improved, and what has been the consequence ? Has • land near London fallen in value ? Was he property of the ignorant blockheads, who fancied their interest was bound up in a monopoly of the London market, injured ? It is true that, as they anticipated, produce did come in from a distance to compete with thei rs but the population of all our towns so increased, the towns themselves so spread, that their land . - became twenty fold, nay, in many cases two or three hundred fold more valuable than it was before. It has become too valuable for them to afford to grow upon it th' things which they thought their existence depended upon growing. For lailes round London their land is in demand for building, for pleasure gardens, and for miles and miles further is employed in the growth of articles which cannot be brought from a distance, No one would have thought, fifty years ago, of London drawing a large part of its peas and cabbages from distances of twenty miles and upwards from London.* The great improve ment which has taken place in the value of land in the vicinity, not only of Lordon, but of every town in the kingdom, is a consequence of the increase of the population of those towns, an increase which could never have taken place had their supplies of food been limited to what could have been grown by the fields, or estates in their immediate vicinity. What was the case of the towns is now the case of the whole country. Its population is checked, its industry is fettered, by the attempt of the corn growers to exclude all food from the country but what they can produce themselves. They are just as much opposed to their own in terest as were the men who wanted to have the exclusive supply of London ; but they are as ig norant as those men were, and have to back them a body still more ignorant than themselves—th e farmers of England. It is the number of these latter, and the fact of the majority of the Legislature consisting of men whose only pro perty is land, that creates the difficulty in the present case. hence the necessity of adopting Mr. MACAULAY'S advice ; hence the necessity of union for carrying it into effect ; hence the necessity of again and again systematically, and in every variety of phases, bringing the subject before the country, till the better disposed and more enlightened of the agricultural classes, see their interest in its true light, and the obsti nately ignorant feel that it will be dangerous longer to perpetrate, what in their secret souls, even they cannot fail to acknowledge, a mons trous injustice. We have been told that there is a farm on the lower Essex road, thirty miles from town, which sends green pers to the London market. Mr. CHARLES MACPHERSON GRANT, who was lately attached to the Embassy at Madrid, has been appointed Secretary of Lega tion at Lisbon, and is to sail to-morrow in the Orestes for that city. SURGICAL OPERATION.—A very intricate and scientific operation was performed on the 14th ult., on a young boy of eight years of age, of the name of Wood, residing in Mill-street, Paisley, who swallowed a tamarind stone, which entered the windpipe. The medical gentle man who was called, after consulting with two of his brethren who were sent for, proceeded to open the trachea, as the only means of saving the boy's life. The operation was a painful and delicate one, but it eventually succeeded. For several days be only breathed through th e woun d, b u t to close, and t o t h e surprise of many t he is now consid ere d out o f d anger. ..-. who hgoravdisuiat gradually Paisley Advertiser.; bheigma,n FINE ARTS. ENGRAVINGS FROM THE WORKS OF H. LIVERSEGE. PART. VI. LONDON, 1833. Modern English art has rarely sustained a greater loss than b) the death of young Liver sege, whose vigour, simplicity, and shrewd ap preciation of character would, had he lived, have elevated him to the highest rank in his profes sion. He expressed himself on canvass with remarkable readiness and distinctness, so that there could be no mistaking his subjects, or the characters he portrayed. Hence his works will always bear translation at the engraver's hands. His fine painting of " Falstaff and Bardolph" is an instance of this. The character of the fat Knight, his rich, oily, humour, the roguish leer in his eyes, the ease and natural ness of his position, are so strongly and distinctly marked, that he must be a bungler indeed who could fail to give them expression in engraving. In this fine picture, Liversege has given us the completest illustration we ever yet saw of " Shalllnot take mine ease at mine inn ?" Bardolph—so far as the snout is concerned— is characteristic, but his forehead is far too intellectual. In its towering height it is worthy of a Shakspeare or a Scott. " Othello and Desdemona " is another painting equally full of meaning. The proud confidence, mixed with tenderness and admiration, with which the Moor gazes on his young Venetian bride, proves that the artist has read Shakspeare with a learned eye. Equally correct and impressive, from its perfect truth, is the lago in the back ground, with his cold, cruel eye, and fixed expression of countenance. It can never be sufficiently la mented that poor Leversege did not live to give us a Shakspeare Gallery. We know no artist in existence who could have done it half so well. LITERATURE. MEMOIRS OF MARSHAL NE Y, 2 VoLs. LONDON, 1833. " Marshal Ney," says the translator in his preface, " was perhaps, next to Napoleon, the greatest of the Generals produced by the French Revolution." This is high praise, and the Memoirs of the " bravest of the brave," as the Emperor loved to style him, would seem to justify it. The volumes before us are trans lated (and well translated too, at least so far as clearness and accuracy of style are concerned), from the edition lately published in Paris, by the express sanction of the Marshal's son ; so that it is no catchpenny work, but all its state ments may be relied on as authentic. As con taining all Ney's opinions on the military art, the result of long, assiduous practice under one of the greatest warriors the world ever saw, tho book must be valuable reading to professional men, by whom alone, indeed, its merits can be fully appreciated. We have little doubt it will be much sought after at our mili tary clubs, and become in some sort a t ex t book, like Colonel Napier's celebrated History of the Peninsular War. We cannot say_ we have derived much edification from it ourselves, for it is full of technicalities which we can only guess at, and on which, therefore, we are wholly incompetent to pronounce an opinion. The first volume is the most intelligible to the general reader and contains, among other documents of interest, Lord Grenville's celebrated reply, which occasioned such a world of animadversion at the time, to the First Consul's proposals of peace, and his masterly argumentative reply. There is alc7o an animated, though somewhat technical, account of that hard-fought German campaign in 1805, which terminated in the urrender of Ulm, together with that of the Austrian forces under General Mack. With this, the present volumes close. The future ones will, of course, from the variety of their topics, and the colossal tivents of which they treat, deepen considerably in interest. ENGLAND AND AMERICA. A COMPA RISON of the SOCIAL and POLITICAL STATE of BOTH NATIONS. This is the most extraordinary and the most interesting works which has issued from the press for a long time. Its contents are so various, so important, and, in many respects, so new, that our only difficulty consists in giving our readers even a slight idea of them within a moderate space. It is in two volumes, and di vided into twelve sections, which the author calls notes. The wealth of England, the misery of the bulk of the people, the uneasy position of the middle classes, the phenomenon of overflowing national wealth, and the misery of individuals, our future pros pects, the Corn Laws, free trade, slavery, and colonization, are successively treated of in a powerful and ingenious manner. The only section of the whole book from which we strongly and decidedly differ, is that which treats of the American tariff. The author de fends, or rather apologises for, the existence of the tariff. The following passage seems to con tain a summary of the grounds of his opinion upon the subject : " If English manufactured goods were let into the United States, duty free, that portion of the capital and labour of America, which is now employed in making goods of that kind, would be diverted to agriculture. Upon this point there can be no dispute. Let us further admit, that the Americans might obtain better and cheaper manufactured goods by raising corn for the English market than by making such goods themselves ; just as the English might obtain better and cheaper corn with steam engines than with ploughs. If so, the Ame ricans lose by the tariff, speaking economically ; but now turn to the political side of the account. " It is desirable that a very large proportion of the people should consist of busbandmen, such as the English term clodhoppers; earth-scratchers, they ought to be called in America ? Yes, without doubt, provived this be tl.e only way in which every m em b er of society may obtain plenty ; but in America profits and wages, both, are so high, that if an economical sacrifice far a political gain be made,. it is not felt. N o t being felt, it is no t a sacrifice ; wh i le the gain is p a lp a bl e . S upposing that American industry IN less productive than it might be, still it produces enough ; and in order to make it produce more than enough a great political advantage must be sacrificed ; the advantage of so much town population as would have consis'ed of mere husbandmen if the tariff had not excluded foreign manufactured goods." Contrary to the author's usual practice, he has here begged the whole question. He assumes that no sacrifice is made, or that, supposing it to be made, it is compensated by the gain of town population. Now even if we were unable in any way to trace the fallacy of his posi tion, we should be certain that it did con tain a fallacy, from the simple fact of its pretending to direct the flow of capital to one branch of industry in preference to ano ther. But we think it is easy to show that there is a sacrifice of health, of power, and of industry which sacrifice defeats the very object it is mean to attain. If it be admitted, as the writer mus admit, and indeed does elsewhere, that it i better, in an economical point of view, that farmer should buy his ploughs instead of making them, it will not be denied that it is better fo, him to buy them at a cheap rate, than at a dear rate. Does not the argument, economically speaking, apply as much to a community of farmers, as to an individual farmer ? But then, says the apologist of the tariff, I want to have a larger town population, because it is good politically. One would suppose, from this, that no towns had arisen in America before the framing of the tariff. In fact, there were towns, and new towns would have arisen without the help of the tariff. We grant that there are a few manufacturers here and there, who would not have been manufacturers had not the tariff existed ; but we have shown that they are really a source of loss to the agriculturist. The extra price the farmers must pay them, is so much taken from their means of employing labour is consequently so much taken from the fund which would encourage the immigration of labour, (which the writer is anxious about), is consequently by so much a check on popu lation, and, therefore, inevitably a check upon the growth of towns. Had all the capital which the tariff has turned to the support of a few thousand manufacturers been let to flow in its natural course, two new States, filled with towns, might have been added to the Union. In short, a waste of capital and labour, although asserted not to be felt, is still a waste, and a waste which in the case of t he United States has prevented the growth of unnamed towns, has checked that filling up of the country, after which manufactures will, if other circumstances are favourable, naturally arise. 'e will now make an extract from a note with which we are much more pleased. After having examined some of the means by which the grant of universal suffrage and vote by ballot may be postponed till the bulk of the people are suffi ciently enlightened to use those privileges safely, the writer continues : " The question that remains, is by far more difficult. May arrangements be made to qualify the bulk of the English people for choosing representatives in Parliament ? " Volumes have been written to prove, that arrange ments for that purpose could not hare any permanent effect; and toss of books and pamphlets, reckoning but one copy of each, to suggest various measures for the cure of poverty and ignorance. Hitherto, those who contend that the greatest part of mankind is doomed by nature to misery and degradation, have bad the best of the argu• went. It is not necessary on this occasion to interfere between these two parties. The question on which they dispute must he settled one day or other. Leaving it to be discu'sed in an English Parliament chosen by the whole people, the present object is to ascertain by what means the English poorer order may be qualified to take part in that discussion. The present question, therefore, though more difficult than that which has been just examined, is a small practical question, when compared with that great abstract question which divides the Malihusians and their opponents: it relates only to one generation. Truly, if a way should be found t. bestow comfort and knots ledge upon one generation of the poorer class, that might be a step to the permanent cure of misery and vice ; but suffi cient for the day is the evil thereof : the present difficulty is great enough, though trifling, it may be, when compared with the other. Let us then limit the question. " May arrangements be made to bestow comfort and knowledge on one generation of the English poorer class? " Yes, without doubt, says a believe' in the omnipo tence of ;location , increase the number of schools for the poor, and of mechanics' institutions ; send teachers into the rural districts; take off the taxes on knowledge ; pro ceed— " Stop friend ; all this is supposed to have been done with a view to the postponement of universal suffrage. " He continues : Then you suppose the poor taught, that their own comfort depends on themselves, that their well being is in their own hands, that, by prudently keeping their numbers under the demand for their services, they may exact high wages,— " Stop again : All this is good, may be necessary, for the permanent well being of the labouring class ; but the greatest imaginable prudence, though made universal to morrow, would have no effect on wages for twenty years to come. Would you prudently get rid of children already born? If not, you propose to teach prudence, the highest wisdom, to a miserable race, without leisure, over worked, anxious and discontented ; to make the cart drag the horse; to produce a cause by means of its own effect. Prudence, wisdom, is the end ; the means, high wages, leisure, peace of mind, and instruction. A world of trouble has been wasted in the endeavour to instruct the wretched. You must begin at the beginning. Bestow ease on the work ing class, and then, indeed, you may teach them to dread the return of misery. The first step is to raise wages. ' When we deliberate about the means of introducing in tellectual and moral excellence into the minds of the prin cipal portion of the people, one of the first things which we are bound to provide for, is a generous and animating diet. The physical causes must go along with the moral ; and nature herself forbids that you should make a wise and virtuous people out of a starving one. Men must be happy themselves, before they can rejoice in the happi ness of others ; they must have a certain vigour of mind before they can, in the midst of habitual suffering, resist a presented pleasure : their own lives and means of well being must be worth something, before they can value, so as to respect, the life or well being of any other person. This or that individual may be an extraordinary indivi dual, and exhibit mental excellence in the midst of wretch edness ; but a wretched and excellent people never yet has been seen on the face of the earth. Though far from fond of paradoxical expressions, we are tempted to say that a good diet is a necessary part of good education; for in one very important sense, it is emphatically true. In the great body of the people, all education is impotent without .6 " The first step is to raise wages, But bow shall wages be raised, except either by increasing the amount of em ployment or by diminishing the number of labourers ? In no other way, beyond a doubt ; not by strikes at Man chester, nor by Swint/ fires in Kent; not by spade hus bandry, nor by paper money ; not by giving books to hungry paupers, half starved weavers and parish appren tices, nor by accumulating more capital, and wasting it on foreign loans and far off ruinous speculations; but by in creasing the proportion which employment bears to labour. How to raise immediately the proportion which employ ment bears to labour, and to maintain the higher proportion (or twenty }ears or so; this is the question on which, if I have taken a just view of the political prospects of the English, depends their existence as a wealthy and civilized nation. " Here I must refer to the not,, in which I have sought to explain the coincidence in England of over thwing wealth with extensive uneisiness and wide spread ini,ery. In order to raise wages immediately, the lid for the employment of English capital and labour must be enlarged ; whereby profirs, and the rewards of many services not called labour, would be raised at the same time as tke wages of labour. The whole world is before you. Open new channels for the most productive employment of English capital. Let the English buy bread from every people that has bread to sell cheap. Make England, for all that is produced by steam, the workshop of the world. If, after this, tbere be capital and people to spare, imitate the ancient Greeks ; take a lesson trom the Americans, who, as their capital and population increase, find room for both by means of colonization. You have abundance, superabundance, of 2 prn. 4014 ' capital : provide profitable employment for itt ° t o will improve the condition of all classes at once. teg, of lending ynor surplus capital t o foreign wasting it in South American mines, wherebY tional employment is given to English labour , tbb ti like the Americans, invest it in colonization; s u 4are' fo it flies off, it may ta k e w i t h i t, an d emp l oy , corr. g amount of su r pl us l a b our , if there he anY 'd tr!i; l this might b e d one , an d how capital so inve' te , c ot' be recovered a t p l easure , i s stated- elsewhere , bu,' al! be thoronghly un d erstoo d b y E ng li s h men till tn e r s w learn th e causes o f certa i n pecul i ar i t i es i n the so tired dition of America. Th ese , a l so , I h ave el ides° so li explain in sine of the followi ng no t es . may t be vgli' nation assist t o p o i nt out a way, b y w hi c h the o p' 4 1a ll escape f rom t h at corrupting and irr i te til politic a l economy , w hi c h seems f i t to prece d e the tion of empi res !'' • b °l We must now c l ose our rev i ew o f o'ls bOOl heartily r ecommen di ng i t to every librarP club, and b oo k b uyer i n t h e kingdom. ta , m fi cv ILLUSTRATIONS OF P aLITICA fio N 0 MY. No. 22 . —BRI3R r rpj r It is an ungraci ous sentence , b u t %v° r o er must write it : Miss Martineau's inven °7 l . o oa pears to be flagging. The springiness ° v re so manifest in her earlier numbers, 1' 3 5 to barely a shadow. Her object is to the principles of consumption ; but Ivey accomplished in so feeble, comilt °lll ,, l r° and yet laboured a manner , t h a t 0n than ever regret her adoption of t he i of publishing, at the end of e very v ii 46 the matter produced in that m onth. I ,i;s and there, however, bursts of s tl/35 0 0 break through the dull pages and rennin(' 1j5 9 it is still Miss Martineau we are reading' V opening chapter and the death-bed of 01 may be noted as among t h ese happier pB)r THE BORDERERS. LOY DON, 1695. ft' W e have the au th or ' s d ec l arat i on i n face to th e p resent rev i se d e di t i on o f th is t i o tro that the " Borderers," on its first publi c) was not so successful in England as ° l ;p Continent. We know not w hy this sh° ll lo / It abounds in th e true e l ements o f fic ti ‘ o li: incident, c h aracter , an d var i ety. B ut the PiP, taste is proverbi a lly ca p r i c i ous , and, rsc-cid now that the " Borderers" forms, duly O r/ i ' i' for the purpose, one of the volumes of tl is l , l l mirable series, the " Standard Novels,' it j o li gain a more ex t en d e d popu l ar i ty, as it cert 3). will a wider circulation, than it O c i e f done. We wish it success, and can 0115 0 1 tiously recommend it, as not unwort b / genius of the author of the " Pioneers." ENCYCLOPiEDIA VOL. YIII, PART I. 1 , oil' Professor N a pi er i s procee di ng s t e ad"' the the seventh edition of this great work• first part of the eighth volume, now be f°l , 6 Vl exhibits ina marked manner b o th t he nee ,0 and advantages of amalgamating the fret and articles of the supplement, v'i tb fir sed original text. The latter has been P 7 of obsolete matter, and in the forme r of incorporated all the latest discoveries ui modern research. The articles on dyei e Po l ; Dredging, and the different historical a"' oP tistical arti c l es p ar ti cu l ar l y d eserve this P r ,iv We would, however, take the liberty of suns ,0 big to th e p u bli s h ers to di rect the attentio' the binders to th e ex p e di ency o f proper ly Pisc sr the plates. I n th e p ar t b e f ore us t here many plates, n o t connecte d w i t h any a rticie je the volum e , whil s t o th ers are want i ng to re! ij some of the articles intelligibl e . The evil js t e so great as if the plates were bound LIP l tei; C body of the work instead of being ° at the end of the volume. Where so mu el ! o bei been done, it is a pity to suffer the reade r annoyed by such a trifle. MAXIMS OF SIR PETER L - ENT, LORD MAYOR OF LOND°' THE YEAR 1833. A stupid catchpenny. ,f We regret to hear that the Lord Bis" Bristol remains seriously indisposed at Weymouth" Farley's Bristol Journal. The grand Christmas Pantomime inteiw o d,e c be produced at Covent-garden theatre i s g e tting ef l olie r f , the direction of Mr. Farley upon a scale of grandee'. ` ) 0 1j unequalled. We understand our old favourite s ' s , Barnes, and Tom Matthews, the Harlequin, Pa ° and Clown, are retained at this establishment. Mr. Henry Cooper, coachmaker, 0 0, street, has been declared by a Commission de P l it ,lt Inquirendo, to be " of unsound mind, and e e c.,, manage his affairs." The chattel property of Itir e lP A '" ; was proved to amount to 27,0001., besides a lne u d perty near Castleknock, some land in Kildare, 6 c e oll ef i houses, 24 and 25, in Mary-street. Mr. , o eli% (whose delirium displayed itself in a passion for ',io l ) horses, and boasting of imaginary feats of pedestr, l3 ,,roi'' ' is now in the Asylum, Donnybrook —Dublin 0 11 Register. On Sunday evening a fire was discoverold' a farm near Battle, in the occupation of Mr. P r ' e l, i f t e l when a wheat rick was consumed. The rick 11 ,0,, centre one of nine, and had not timely assistance s of ' the whole would in all probability have been C0" 6 , - but the exertions of the inhabitants of Battle wer e , s t i o; fully directed, and frustrated in some degree the ai l ( purpose of the incendiary.—Brighton Guardian . ot° FURIOUS ATTACK.—On Tuesday 3 13 :ee 41, visiters at Chillingham Castle, accompanied by the - ,0 1 ;1 went into the park for the purpose of sbootiag c 44 0 - itti l ? wild cattle, and whilst the keepers were recne e r oli k ll their position, one of the cattle made a sudden te1 6,1 them, when Barns, the gamekeeper, unfortun s down, and the animal threw him twice over his be' o plt e gored him very much. The infuriated animal fbfs e l mately driven off by a deer-hound, and despatc h volley from the party. Barnes was conveyed be, fi r dangerous state, and ev e ry a tt en ti on p a id by ti . " h e Earl and his family.—Newcastle Chronicle On Monday last, about 3 o'clock afternoon, on the farm of Lyon, Langshot, e lP ;o miles from Glasgow, near the Paisley road, L e rtlei , ricks, two wheat stacks, and one barley stack, 7o° covered to be on fire, and before it could be eltli.'"etlre they were all completely burnt, except a part ° be i t o the wheat stacks. From the manner in which t ee ld,e burning when first discovered, there is every r e , believe that it must have been the work of some i 9 ice TITHE SALE, RIPON.—On „,r this town was thrown into a state of excitemen t v, nouncement of the bellman that the goods of for tt 11 brough, a tailor in Blossomgate, were to be sol u es ieljl° due to the Very Rev. the Dean of Ripon. ° o ber, !; and 12 o'clock a large assemblage of people ,sr t : e it); witness this extraordinary scene, and the follo w ' f o il as marked in the inventory, were sold at th e „1(1.;" prices :—Two tea-trays, lid. ; six chairs, ',0,1‘, ch lira, 2d. : table 21d.; table, 2id. ; table, 2d. 'f dtsib; of drawers, 2id. • corner cupboard, Id. ; chest ° o ar e ster 21d. ; clock, ; best bedstead, 2d. ; be ; M j th e feather bed, 2d. ; shop - hoard, 14d. :—proceeds° tottlfe' 2s. 7d. The different lots were knocked elnw:o cheers and laughter of the multitude. We' Oh / rough is apSr man, who has supported Pfrififefus working as a tailor, and by selling milk. 111 1, 0 ° 0 ;10 is a hard-working and praiseworthy woa 34°, , they 4 be confined of her tenth child. In this G ee " af it i gs 4 alone, and the expen ses , are e gad to 7 1 . 6 '"btf• 2s. 7d. receipts, leaving a deficiency of 71. S i ' he Dean and Chapter,-- York Courant. , ,t 1 „ 1 i toli Ch t : I tld 1 4'1 . 4 Pr o