The Sun. — London, England, 1833-09-06 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. A - few days ago we adverted to the danger of making protests in a certain House, where Noble Lords, in expressing their dissent from the majority of their Peers, often record, for the benefit of posterity, nothing but their own false views, bad reasoning, or inveterate prejudice. On the occasion to which we referred, a Noble Duke had found three colleagues to join him in his dissent, and that, indeed, would be a very singular opinion to which no second or third party could be induced to adhere. We have now, however, before us a protest against the Scotch Burehs Bill, to which we find only the solitary name of Melross. What has become of the 16 Representative Peers for Scotland, whom Lord Lauderdale, at the last election, so snugly returned from the Tory conclave of Holyrood ? Could none of these 16 sworn Tories he prevailed upon, in ca•e of need, to back the new-made title of Melrose, or would no other Lord north of the Tweed maintain the bles'ings of burgh self-election ? We are not surprised, however, on looking at the contents of the document, to find that the Noble Lord retains its undivided merit, as he enjoys its undisputed authorship. What man of sense, after the innovations which we have recently witnessed, would protest against the policy of a measure merely because it differed in form from -the ancient institutions of which it pretended to embody the spirit and the intention ? Yet such is the Noble Lord's first ground of dissent from a Bill which has given satisfaction to a whole kingdom. The se cond ground of dissent would be still more ridi culous, if it were not distinguished by as great an appearance of bad faith as of bad logic. The Noble Lord pretends to feel for the robbery of the ill-used burgesses, and for the transference of their plundered rights to the 101. householder constituency of the burghs ! At what time within the memory of man did the said burgesses exercise those rights which are now said to he violated in their innocent persons? Do the bur gesses elect their magistrates, or their council, or the guardians of their burgh property, at the present moment ? Have they done so any time within the last 100 years, or could they ever do so without a change of the existing law ? No: the protest itself mentions that the act of 1694 deprived them of that power which they are now to be admitted to share with their fellow-citizens of property and respectability. It is, forsooth, a star ject for great sympathy and commisseration to see innocent Scotch burgesses, in the year 1833, obliged to participate with their fellow citizens in those rights of which they had been totally deprived for nearly a century and a half ! The right must have become precious in pro portion to the length of time in which it has been in abeyance, or acquired a new relish by long abstinence from its enjoyment. The third reason for dissent is a mere repetition of the second, or a corollary deduced from it, and therefore deserves no attention. The fourth would have some weight, if the assumed facts on which it proceeds were correct ; but " the common good" of the Scotch burghs has never before been managed by trustees elected by the burgesses, or for their benefit ; and will be well managed for the first time under a council chosen according to the clauses of the act against which the Noble Lord protests. The charities alluded to are generally governed by special regulations derived from the will of their founders, which the Bill has no tendency to disturb. The fifth reason of protest against the Bill is the most curious and ingenious that can be conceived. The Noble Lord objects to it, not because it is wrong in itself—not because it displays ignorance—but because he assumes that its framers had not all the knowledge which they may happen to possess some one or two years hence ! To come at last to the end of this jumble, we find it asserted in the Gth reason of dissent, as in the case of the Reform Bill, that it invades " chartered rights and long-established interests." In answer to this foolish charge, we must tell the Noble Lord that " the chartered rights" which it invades are the rights of malver• sation and abuse,—that the "established interests" which it disturbs are the interests of the corrupt cowries who have perverted " the common good" of the burghs for their profit, emolument, or influence. Never did a system of self-election produce a more rank and offensive crop of job bing venalty and dishonesty than was lately to be found in the burghs of Scotland. In almost every one of them the public property has been squandered for private ends,—public trusts have been abused,—the superintendance of charities. and the patronage of establishments for religion and education,mismanaged,—and, as an evidence of their gross corruption, nearly every one of them is steeped in debt, and some of them are actually bankrupt. Yet Lord Melross protests against a change ! ! Times. SCOTCH BURGHS REFORM BILL. Protest agains , the second reading of the Bill fur altering and Amending the Constitution of the Royal Burghs in Scot Ind. Dissentient, 1. 13 , cati , e, while the preamble of the Bill purports to restore the ancient free constitutions of the burghs, the enacting clauses establish a system twally different from any that ever existed in these communities. 2. B. cause the transference of the right of voting to the 10/ householders alone, is a manifest violation of those rights which the ancient law of Scotland recogniz-d in the burgesses, into whose hands a simple repeal of the Act of 1649 would have thrown that power, which is now to be conferred on the Parliamentary constituency. 3. Because, in order to ab,lish the system of self-elec• Con, it was not necessary to have recourse to this eaten. tensive innovation. 4. Because the power to elect the managers of the common good of the burghs, and at many of the charities therein, is conferred on persons having no right or in terest in either, instead of having been bestowed on the burgesses, who are parties lepally interested in both. 5. Because the bill has been brought forward in mani fest ignorance of many most important matters, an accu rate knowledge of which must be necessary, in order to enable Parliament to determine, in a anal and satisfactory manner, on the mode in which the municipal councils of the Royal burgh , ' in Scotland ought to be chosen. This is virtually aomitted by the framers of the bill, who have advised his Majesty to issue a commission with ianst ex tensive powers, embracing every matter connected with these communities, anti especially the mode of election which ought to be adopted therein ; and it would have been more consistent with justice and with common sense, and in every respect more convenient, as well as more rational, to have founded legislation up on inquiry , instead of deciding first and inquirin g a ft e rwards. G. Because this hill, recklessly invading chartered rights, And injuriously affecting long established int eres t s , on th e gra t t ii,ous assumption that some such enactment is called for by popular feeling, forms a dangerous precedent, and ;s in•tified on principles inconsistent with the permanence of the chartered rights throughout the empire, and adverse to the true interests of the people. mEutoss. It may be prematu re to speculate with v.fly confidence upon the ton e of satisfaction with which the editor of the Antigua Herald has commented on the Ministerial plan for . the abo lition of slavery. The tone, however, is at the same time so agreeable, and so unusual, coming from the plantations, that, " as a stranger,' we " give it welcome." Happy shall we be to find that it proves but the first and faintest sound of a.long succession ,of harmonious combinations from the same quarter. All we know, however, for certain is, that whether the music be pro vided for or not, the people of this country have already engaged to pay for it handsomely. It is rather an extraordinary circumstance that the colonial paper should express some dislike of the apprenticeship'clause, not as an individual editorial opinion, but as the result of many con versations, from which a general inference is drawn respecting the sentiments of men of pro perty in the island. "We have conversed pretty generally on the subject," says the Antigua Herald," and can say, without hesitation, that masters, in this island at least, think that the freedom had better be easy, simple, and unrestricted, and feel convinced that everything will soon find its level." This is ra tional and manly. We hail it as an auspicious omen at least. Indeed if it should turn out to he a correct representation of the real sentiments of the planters in tl , e different islands, the success of the measure will be no longer problematical. It was to this very provision that the Aboli tionists themselves were most strongly opposed, because it appeared to hold out a prospect that, by a little management, coupled with a sufficient quantum of had faith, the period of apprentice ship might be rendered a period of slavery, ag gravated in its evils by the disposition to make the most of the time allowed. Should the planters be sincere in the desire to hasten the period of emancipation, it is evident that they have discarded all unworthy purposes, and are prepared to co-operate with the Government — the only condition necessary to the full success of the plan. We must confess that this specu lation looks too sanguine upon paper. Let it not be forgotten, however, that it commenced with the West Indies, where the state of feeling, if righly described by our contemporary, would seem to justify all that we have said. In times when we are accustomed to hear so much of re actions, the re-action of the planter in favour of the slave, would be a glorious specimen of the doctrine.—Morning Herald. We yesterday noticed the able political pamphlet, entitled " The Reform Ministry and the Reformed Parliament." We remarked that much had been done in the first session of the reformed Parliament, and that " the wedge was fairly driven in." We should, before entering on our summary of the important and valuable legislative proceedings of the session, observe that an unparalleled pressure of public subjects overwhelmed the attention of the Cabinet, and oppressed the powers and attention of the Le gislature. Moreover, the House of Commons was inundated with Members inexperienced, elected by public gratitude for their patriotic exertions in the great national contest to reform the Representation, and anxious, as in:all new Parliaments, to discharge debts to their local constituents, and to redeem prodigal pledges on various minute political questions. Neverthe less the wild and fanatic predictions of the Tory opponents of Parliamentary Reform have been singularly falsified. The new distribution of po pular power has not produced " anarchy ;" and so far from the Duke of Wellington's prophecy being accomplished—" that no Ministry will be hereafter able to conduct the King's Government with a Parliament such as will be returned by the Reform Bills"—the present House of Com mons has been reviled by the Ultra-Radicals, as too subservient to Ministers! Indeed, the leading and more sensible Reformers throughout the kingdom always estimated the Ministerial mea sure as too " Conservative," and considered the 101. franchise of the new boroughs, and the perpe - uation of the class constituency with open voting, as only a partial amendment of the na tional representation, and as continuing to the aristocracy more than ample influence in elec tions. Schedule B, in fact, left the aristocracy a strong hold, increased by the force of their " tenants without will," and by the division of some agricultural counties, which strengthened the electoral power of the aristocratic and landed interest. But such as it is, the product of the Reformed representation is a vast gain to the people, and its certain consequences must in evitably yield far more grateful results. In the peculiar political state of this country, a more extensive and sudden increase of popular power might have been attended with great political risks, not merely to the forms of the Constitu tion, but to the organization of society and to he security of property. Unquestionably there are benefits in progressive reforms—especially when all our institutions were corroded by the rust of time, and in a country where the mass of the people have not enjoyed the benefits of any real education. But we return to the pages of the " matter of fact" pam phlet. The House of Commons is indis putably, in intellect, intelligence, disinterested public spirit, and the Tory qualificaion of . " property," superior to any British assembly since the Revolution of 1688. It does not contain so many wild young suckers of the Aristocracy ; it lacks some scores of political and needy adventurers seeking their own indi vidual emolument; it wants the presence of Mr. John Wilson Croker ; it has lost the small military satellites who moved in the orbit of the Duke of Wellington, hidden in the twilight of his setting power ; it is deprived of the " any party " support of many legal aspirants to the of fices of Attorney and Solicitor General ; it has no Welch Judges, no John Singleton Copley, Master of the Rolls, to oppose or support, " as need be," such a party question as Catholic emancipation ; it contains no colonial "plumbs" —no millionaires, who bought borough seats as men enter London clubs for fashion's sake ; it has the benefit of no experienced Tory " Whipper-in," like Mr. William Holmes. But the new Parliament possesses the practical abilities, knowledge and experience of men of local character and influence in their several communities ; and we do not marvel, under these " revolutionary" circumstances, that the new Members enjoy the envy, the misrepresentation and the jealous bate of the Tories and Conservative writers. The former monopolists of the representative power of the people have indeed a forlorn hope before them. We make ample allowance for their corresponding despair, suddenly deprived of their influence and sweets of office—and bereft of them mainly (as the) acknowledge in private) by their shameful abuse of power, and by their blindness to the " signs of .he times" in the year 1830. We pass over the question of the Irish Coercion Bill, and its vin dication in the pamphlet, because it is a nau seating subject ; in our judgment its necessity might have been obviated by political wisdom in 1832; and even if extraordinary executive powers Were required to control Irish agitation, some parts of tine measure were as useless as they were an unnecessary violation of the spirit of the British Constitution. But, be it ever remembered, that the causes of Irish agitation originated with the Tories, and that the aban doned clauses of the first draft of the Coercion Bill received their strenuous support, and were erased against their bitter party protests. More over, the execution of the powers of the 8.11 . has been indisputably lenient, and its action in terrcrem has temporarily produced comparative security of life and property, which we hope will be the precursor of real remedial measures for the cure of Irish misgovernment. In the meanwhile, the Irish Church Bill, the Grand Jury and Jury Bills the Tithe Bill, and the Commissions of Inquiry into Corporations and the State of the Poor, are substantial measures pro tanto, which will effec tually remove some evils, and form the ground work of the ultimate redress of many Irish griev ances. We will only ask, what would have been the grateful acknowledgements to Tory Ministers had they introduced such legislative measures ? The vi. tual abolition of negro slavery, under ail the aggravated difficulties of the \Vest India question, is a magnanimous act of national philanthropy and legislative gene rosity, unequalled in the history of any country ; and, if achieved by his Grace the Duke of Wel lington, wo:ild have miraculously transformed 'he Society of Friends into a political union of Tories. In Finance, the Ministry has partially redeemed its pledge of economy. The expendi ture has been materially reduced, and the foun dation is laid of an early and considerable further diminution of our overwhelming burthen of taxation. We fully admit the honest reductions effected by the Duke of Wellington ; but what proportion of those reductions was really effected by the old Whig opposition—by Mr. Home, Sir .T. Graham, arid other popular Members of the then Parliaments ? Mr. Spring Rice, in a recent useful public statement, detailed the real reductions effected by Lord Grey's Administra tion. We extract the following simple facts from the pamphlet before us : " In 1830, when the present Government came into office, the total net income of the country was in round num h ers , 50,000.0001., of this sum, 35.000 0001. were ab , orbed in the payment of the D bt, Civil List, Ha'f-pay of the Army and Navy, Superannuated and Retired Al lowance to Civil Officers, and other fixed charges . leaving about 15.000,000/. susceptible of reduction, exclusive of any diminution which might be effected in the expenses of collection. " The expenditure of the year ending the sth April 1532, was The expenditure of the year ending the sth April, 1833 45,365,000 Actual diminution of expenditure in 18.33 2,493,000 The estimated expenditure of the present year, ending sth April, 1834 4 4 ,922,000 Further reduction of expenditure 443,000 Total estimated diminution of expenditure be. tw•een April, 1832, and April, 1834 °,936,000 " A reduction will thus ►.ave been effected, during: the years 1831, 1832, and 1833, to the extent of about three millions upon that portion of the expenditure which ad mits of reduction, viz. About 15 millions." We shall hereafter give the details of these ma terial reductions ; at present we must content ourselves with observing that the general system of taxation—of the cost of the Army, Navy, Diplomatic and Civil departments—is now un dergoing a rigid and minute inquiry, which must necessarily precede and ensure further eco nomy, and an extensive reform of the national expenditure. This part of the pamphlet is evidently compiled from official information : it is unostentatiously and simply written, and is useful because the People ever overlook past reductions of their hurt hens in their natural and shrewd anxiety to obtain further fiscal relief. The " unit economies," also, which form an aggravate diminution of taxation (often the only practical mode of immediate saving) are seldom observed and less frequently acknowledged by the public. We reluctantly postpone our ex tracts from this portion of the pamphlet, because it forms its most substantial political exposition. The Bank Charter Bill is the most questionable Ministerial measure ; we hope, however, that it will promote that " free trade in money" which, based on an invariable standard of value and a convertible currency, is essential to our national prosperity. It is singular that this measure was supported by two parties of economists—those who object to any relaxation of " Peel's Bill," and those who advocate depreciation, both parties expecting opposite effects. This fact may illustrate the difficulties of legislation on the subject of money, especially in a country " awkwardly" situated as we are with a huge Public Debt, and an awful super-structure of credit circulation. The trade of the nation is also hewn to have received a due share of the legis lative attention—in the Tea Bill ; the Reduc tion of Duties on Soap, and other articles of trade and consumption ; the Consolidation of the Commercial Laws ; the Sugar Refining Act ; the Commercial Mission to France ; the Factory Commission and Bill, and the laborious Committee on Trade and Agriculture. The Law Reforms will require our future separate atten tion ; they are most important. The bog land of English law is in a fair course of draining and cultivation, and our defective tribunals will be subjected to re-construction. The Lord Chan cellor deserves infinite credit for his determina tion to enter this augean stable, and to cleanse it out; and the Solicitor General, Sir John Campbell, is the first Law Officer of the Crown distinguished as a practical law reformer. The results of the important and invaluable Com missions of Inquiry into the state of the Corn mon Law and the Laws of Real Property (originating wi:h Lord Brougham six years since), are now practically exhibited in many im portant and long required legal reforms. Those legislative enactments and propositions which relate to the Court of Chancery will demand one separate exposition and commentary. The dif ficulties of law reform—the sinister interests opposed to it—the dark and scandalous prejir dices opposed to its progress, and the disgrace ful national ignorance of the science of legislation and jurisprudence, rendering this undertaking an herculean labour, and many silent and unseen labourers in the great cause—especially the Real Property a nd Common Law Commissioners— deserve honourable mention and national grati tude. We cannot, however, omit to state that a Commission is formed for the arrangement and reduction of our heaps of Statute Law, at the head of which the Lord Chancellor has honorably placed Mr. John Austin, a jurist of the highest talents and attainments. In Municipal Reform the plough is put into our corrupt and oligarchical provincial municipal institutions. The Scotch Burgh Bill has survived the Tory plots against its vast popular improvements in Scotch municipal government. The « English Parliamentary Boroughs Bill," for the incorporation of the newly enfranchised communities, is, on the whole (when it shall have received some improvement) a most popular and valuable measure, and it is honestly submitted to public criticism and animadversion during the vacation, before it b eco mes law. The Municipal Commissions for inquiring into and remedyin g t h e d e fe ct i v e organization of the English, Welsh. Scotch, and Irish Corporations, respectively presided over by Mr. Biackburne, Mr. Sergeant Perrin, and Mr. Greenshields, aided by competent Sub- Commissioners, men of popular opinions, and known zeal for the public good, gives an earnest of an early and real system of Corporate and Municipal reformation. Our Foreign Policy has been partially ambiguous ; but peace has been maintained, and if war had been expedient, the Tories have tolerably anticipated our means of enjoying this ruinous pastime. We do not think that the British people would covet a larger national debt, at a period when they are striving to scratch off every tax on their weary backs ; and we have surely affairs enough at home and in our colonies, on our hands, to make us chary of meddling rashly with the con cerns of other countries. The protocol business was assigned by Lord Aberdeen to Viscount Palmerston, and was no invention of the latter Secretary of the " War Department ;" the sooner it is declined the better, and we shall have less suspicions of improper connection with the ac cursed Holy Alliance of " legitimate Kings." Such is a rapid sketch of the contents of this valuable and timely pamphlet. We shall here after extract its details. We do not desire to flatter the present Administration, but it is right that justice should be done to it for what national good it has really effected. We shall, to-mor row, detail what it has not done, and what it must do, or give early place to another and an advanced Government. It will, however, ever enjoy the great and signal reputation of having proposed and carried the measures of Parlia mentary Reform, and of having deposed the Tory faction which reigned with tyrannic and blasting rule over this great nation ; and in the last words of the pamphlet, the present Ministry " will last as long as they deserve, and they ought to wish to last no longer 1" Vie are con fident that, controlled by a Reformed Parliament, tney must respect or tall under the pressure of public opinion !—Morning Chronicle. The Ministerial papers have for the last few days been puffing and filling their columns with extracts from a pamphlet recently published under the title of The kform Ministry and the Ryon): Parliament, and we preginne from this circumstance that the production is to he considered as a kind of Ministerial manifesto at the close of the session. This extrinsic evidence of the official origin of the production in ques tion is materially strengthened by a perusal of its contents. The pamphlet is entirely worthy of the Administration and of the Parliament in honour of which it has been put forth. It is at once feeble and violent, heavy and vet absurd, paradoxical but not ingenious; it substitutes pertness for spirit and dogmatism for boldness ; it is as tiresome as Lord Grey, as rude as Lord Brougham, as stupid as Lord Althorp, and as frothy as Mr. &anley. Of any elaborate dis cussion the thing is totally unworthy ; but, as the Ministers and their party have pledged their political reputation upon its success, we feel bound to present our readers with one or two specimens of its merits. Our first specimen shall he the opening passage of the work :—" I would wish to ask the Noble Lord (said the Duke of Wellington to Earl Grey in a speech on the Reform Bill) how any Ministry will here after be able to conduct the King's Go vernment with a Parliament such as will be re turned by this Bill ?" " Well," continues the pamphleteer, "the experiment has been tried ; the first Session of the Reformed Parliament has closed." This is quite enough to stamp the character of the production. " The experi ment has been tried," as if the Duke of Wel liegton's prognostication related to consequences which were to ensue in the first Session, or even in the first Parliament, under the Reform Bill— as if the Noble Duke, in common with every other man in the country at the time when he uttered the o vinous words so flippantly quoted by the pamphleteer, did not clearly foresee that the first eleciions under the Reform Bill would give the Reform Ministers a decided majority in the House of Commons., and place the Govern. ment of the country absolutely in their hands— and as if this result did not entirely coincide with the spirit and even the letter of the Noble Duke's prediction, the government which has been carried on in such circumstances, not being in any sense of the word time King's Govern ment, but in every sense of the word the Govern. ment of the Ministers who concocted the Reform Bill. But waving this, which is the true view of the subject, and assuming that the Govern ment which has been carried on in the King's name is of necessity the King's Government, what is there in the circumstances which attend the conclusion of the first session of the reformed Parliament to indicate that the Duke of Wel lington misapprehended the character or miscal culated the eventual consequences of the Whig measure of Reform ? Is it not a notorious fact that before the Reformed Parliament had sat for three months the impression had become ge neral, which has not been effaced to the present moment,that anothergeneral election would con siderably reduce at least, if not altogether destroy, the power of the present Ministers to carry on the Government, whether it he called the King's Government or their own ? Is it not notorious that official arrangements which were deemed convenient and advantageous to the public ser vice have been abandoned or postponed simply because the Ministry, conscious of its loss of popularity, dreaded to expose any of its Members to the ordeal of a popular election, now the only mode in which they could find readmission to the House of Commons ? And, if it can by any license of speech be said that the King's Go vernment is still carried on by a Ministry fettered in the manner and to the extent we have described, by the necessity of recurring upon every emergency which requires new official ar rangements to the suffrag.s of a numerous con stituency, does not the existence of such a state of things, at so short a period after the passing of the Reform Bill, indicate but too clearly the near approach of a season in which it will no longer be possible for any Administration to carry on the Government of the King ? He must be a very shallow person indeed who says in a tone of triumph, that " the experiment has been tried" which decides against the accuracy of the Duke of Wellington's prediction. So far from having been tried, the experiment yet scarcely begun, and as completely as an in cipient experiment can do so, has confirmed the Noble Duke's anticipation in the opinion of all impartial and considerate men. We may pro bably on a future day notice some of the othea e xhibitions of sobriety and truth which dis in miish this elaborate manifesto of the Admini station.—Morning Post. SUMMER TO URISTS.--Straiigers continue to flock into the North, and there nev-r perk ips was a time when the Highlands had so many visitors. Our inns are all full, bed and h Yard ; coach seats are almost a,. difficult to obtain as a lottery prz? wiR in the olden time of Dish and Cu. ; steam-boats are equally crowded, and gigs and horses are everywhere hut at home. In the in terior of the country we find pirties of all descriptions— sportsmen with dogs and guns, the pirient angler with his rod, the geologist with his bag and hammer, the bo tanist with his hook of specimens, the scene-hunter with hs pencil or nienioranth, and numerous groups intent only on pie-nicking among wild bills., streams, or waterfAle. invernesB Courier, OLD BAILEY, SEPT. 5. OLD COURT. FORGERY. —David Dundas was put to the bar, charged with a forgery upon Messrs. Drummond and Co. The prisoner applied to the Court to post pone his trial till Saturday, on the ground of the absence of Colonel Rowan, whom prisoner swore he believed to be a material witness to his defence. Mr. BODKIN, on behalf of the prosecution, would not object, although it would be very inconvenient to Lord Dundas and his witnesses, who were in attendance. The trial was then postponed till Saturday. SHOOTING WITH INTENT TO MURDER.—Charles Reynolds, with whose name the public is already acquainted, was put to the bar charged with mali ciously shooting at Sarah Parry, with intent to murder her. The prisoner's age was stated on the calendar to be only nineteen, but he appeared at least two or three years older. His face exhibited a frightful scar under the right eye, the effect of the wound in flicted on himself. He was perfectly composed throughout the trial, exhibiting but little anxiety, and certainly none of that wildness of the eyes or restlessness of deportment which generally accom pany insanity. The first witness called was the prosecutrix, Sa rah Parry, rather an interesting looking girl of about 24. She was examined by Mr. Baron GURNEY— Is a single woman. Knew the prisoner, who was a fellow-servant of hers for about three months, at Mr. Wetherell's, at Highgate. Prisoner had left the place. In the month of June last prosecutrix lived with her sister, at Hammersmith. On the 28 , h of June was in the kitchen with her sister. The prisoner came there. Before prisoner came in she did not know he was in the house. She had not seen him for a week before. He stood at the kitchen door, and had a large pistol in his hand. He said to her sister, " If you move you are a dying woman—l'll shoot you." Prisoner then went to the other kitchen door, and pulled out two more pistols, and said, " You shall suffer for the injury you have done my character with my parents." Shortly after there was a ring at the bell. She said, " Good gracious ! there are some of our people coming." She was standing by the dresser at the time. The prisoner raised the pistol and fired at her. Was hen about four or five yards from the prisoner. Was wounded in a finger and the neck. H er fin ger was shot off. She did not remember whether prisoner said any thing when he fired the pistol. She was so frightened, that had he said any thing, she probably would not have remembered it. When shot, she fell down, and was carried to the hospit 1. Coss-,-xamined by Mr. C. PHILLIPS for the de fence—Had been friendly with the prisoner as a fellow servant. Did riot see the prisoner after the shot was fired till she saw him at the police-office. Did not see anything particularly wild in his ap pearance; but was so flurried that she might not have observed it. Never saw the prisoner before she went to Mr. Wetherell's. By the COURT—Prisoner never courted her, or paid her any atientioui. The prisoner was called on for his defence. He replied in a very (atm tone, that he was not aware of what he ,%'as doing at the time. Mr. Baron GURNEY said that in this case the only question was whether the prisoner was in an accountable state of mind at the time the deed was done. No evidence had been given of the state of his mind before that time. The only evidence on his behalf was as to character. The defence of insanity was one which of late years hail risen to a fearful height. The security of the public demanded that such defences should be most scrupulously sif ed and scrutinized. The circumstances which bore most strongly on this view of the case, were the utter absence of all jealous or mal gnaw feeling, or oilier re,sonable motive for the act. There was not even any courtship, therefore, there could not have been any disappointment. The Jury, after consulting some time without be ing able to agree, retired, but returned in an hour and a half, when the foreman gave in a verdict of Guilty, but strongly recommended the prisoner to mercy, on account of his previous good character, the absence of revengeful motives, and the other peculiar circums , ances of the case. BIGAMY.—JoIIa ,Tames Fraser was indicted for intermarrying with one Anne Bliss, his former wife be tig still all ye. The prisoner was married in 1830, at Queen borough, to a widow, named Dann, and he was described in the registry of marriage as John James Fraser, widower. He married in rather more than a year afterwards, Mary Ann Bliss, like the former wife, a widow. This marriage took place by banns in the Parish of St. George the Martyr, and lie was described in the registry as James Frazer, widower. Mrs. Bliss had at the time of this mar riage six children by her former husband, and was carrying on some business by which she was enabled to maintain them. She told the prisoner that the property in that business belonged to those chil dren, and made that an objection to tilt marriage; but he wooed so earnestly that she consented, and when he had made himself master of the pro perty, he quickly turned it to his account. It was subsequently discovered that his former wife was still living, and proceedings were taken against him. The case for the prosecution having been clearly proved, the difference between the true names of the parties and those inserted in the registry was accounted for. The prisoner was called on for his defence. The successful wooer of three wives was a sharp-faced, vulgar, ill-looking man, with a very unpleasing Scotch brogue. The choice of him reflected no credit on the taste of those who made it. The Jury, without a moment's hesitation, found him Guilty. The COURT intimated that he must prepare him self to leave this country, for that under the circum stances of this case, he could have no hope of remaining, het e. NEW REMEDY FOR THE CHOLERA.—James Wat son, aged 20, was indicted for stealing twenty-four yards of calico, the property of John Middleton and Co. T.e prisoner was engaged by the prosecutors as a porter, and on the night of the 23d of July, as he was about to leave the warehouse, a remarkable ap pearance of obesity in his person attracted the attention of a fellow servant, named Jones. Jones, thinking this increase of size rather suspicions, ;harked the prisoner with having something con cealed tinder his garment. This the prisoner denied, but on being searched, the calico was found wrapped round his loins. The prisoner, in defence, isa;(l he had a sudden attack of cholera, and knowing the virtues of calico when brought into close contact with the person, he had wrapped the calico round him a* the best , pecific at hand. He had two witnesses to prove this. Mr. BODKIN, who was for the prisoner, was about to examine them, when The RECORDER said that such a defence could not be seriously entertained. Mr. BODKIN—Oh ! I don't know that. Those attacks come on veiny suddenly. The RECORDER—Not attacks from calico.— LauJiter.) The Jury found the prisoner Guilty, but recom mended him to mercy on account of his previous good character. MIDDLESEX SESSIONS, SEPT. 5. There was no cause of the leapt interest brought iiefore the Court this day, which was occupied in deciding some appeal . cases, and adjudging con. cerning a complaining apprentTe. The Grand Jury returned a n umber of true bills, arid among them three for assaults against the R ev . M r. M ac d ona ld. The Court adjourned till to-morrow (this day). Letters from Algiers state that a silver mine has been discovered at one day's journey from Constantine, nd that the hey has ordered it to be worked. THE BUTCHERS' CORPORATION A 5 LEADENHALL MARKET. (Concluded from The Sun of yesterday.) t t he Mr. GIBLETT said th a t tho ug h th e pro jectors Bermondsey Company were muc h respected iodic/idiom the power they took upon themselves was too much i d , benefits wer e alto ge th er con fi ne d to t h emse lves.--to . w o f ners, factors, and country dealers, to the exclusio# butchers. e' Other resolutions, declaratory of the object of the ing, and having for their end the support and contintlP:to of Leadenhall-market, in opposition to any other, c r put, and unanimously carrier!. In answer to Mr. GIBLETT, dol l" Mr. HICKS said th a t h e b e li eve d t h ere wa s nq tlat the city authorities would have no olvetion to a favourable att en ti on t o any app li cat i on f or a new 6 ) ) 1 market, should one be necessary ; for his own par t ' 5 1 believed that th e area o f F arr i ng d on market , t h r ee d ay week, might be obtained for such a purpose. THE MARKETS. MANCHESTER, Aug. 31. SS. ' Wheat, per 701 b. Bs. Od. to B s . 2cl. Red 7s. 94. to 9 Barley, per 601 b 5 0 5 6 O a t s 3 ° 3 0 Beans, per Imperial quarter Pease, White, per Imperial bu s h e l 5 0 ..i, 0 Malt, per 6 Imperial b u shel s •38 0 .7 6 0 Flour, per Sack of 2801 b 4O 0 Li V ERPOOL CORN EXCHANGE.—Sept. 3 ' 09. 14 WHEAT, English, White, per 70Ib. - 8 6 Red 9 Scotch, Welch, and Manx Irish, White 7 9 0 8 Red 7 0 9 6 Foreign 9 0 0 . . 0 OATS, English, . , Welsh, and Scotch, per 451 b 2 10 10 Irish Foreign BARLEY, English, Malting, per Imp. quarter 3O 0 5/ 5 4 -- Scotch and Irish, per 601bs. Feeding 3 10 ,042 0 BRANS, English, per Imperial quarter 3B 0 Irish, &c. Foreign Prase, English, per Imperi a l quar t er 4O 0 44 40 U Foreign FLOUR, English, per 280Ib. 45 0 46 0 Irish OATMEAL, English and Irish, per 2401b5.... INDIAN CORN, per 4401 b. Itv it, per Imperial quarter MALT, per Imperial quarter Wheat IMPORT or rley GRAIN fur the WeFeklou ending Sept. 2.020011 Oats. rar. Qrs. Qrs. Qrs. IForeign, Brls.llrish,&c. SckB.l l 'lil I 7,555 3,027 112 750 I 3,803 ___...../' _ WAKEFIELD CORN MARKET.-Aug. 3! ,50. Wheat, Red, Nortek and Suflblk -s. 455. to 565. i' n ,'", 565. Lin. and Cam. -s. 40s. to 533 on' Ott. -- Yorkshire -a. 375. to 503. f1e; 53 ,, - White -s. 455. to 60s 9 0 0. -- Foreign, Red -s. 435. to 535. n"' to. White -s. 525. to 593 nri` ,. O. Barley, Norfolk and Suffolk --- Lincolnshire 2ss. to 275. n": 16. - Yorkshire Wold --- Foreign -s. to •••th 6 ,..n 4 1e. Beans, Old - New 355. to 38s. fle e ask Oats, Potato l9s. to 225. fjP p e gli• - Poland s. 18s. to 215 . e- , iS. - Friezland and Small -s. 17s to 20s. rl o ot• - Healing Shelling 23s. to %a Od. Per Wit. Malt 3ss. 395. fine 425. per lot. Rapeseed SCOTCH MARKETS. EDINBURGH CORN MARKET.—Aug. I9 • . 0 41 3 /' We had a large supply of all descriptions of Grain and sales were very heavy. Be l Wheat. Barley. Oats. Pease. 24 First 6ls Od 34s Od 22s Pd 34s Od Od Second 585 Od 30s Od 20s Od ;H.'s Od o f 0 0 Third sos Od 25s Od 18s 4d 29s Od PRICES OF PROVISIONS. &C. , 1 14 ' 9 Beef, per lb. Os. 40. to Os. ad. Fresh Butter, lb.oB. 'tO • 0 0 04i 0 6 Salt 0 8 0 Veal 0 6 0 8 Ditto, per cwt. 70 0 0 Pork 0 4 0 6 Eggs, per dos. 0 7 1 ';' 4 Lamb, per qr. I 0 3 6 OatStraw(lip . .) 7 0 1 " Fallow, cwt.... 35 0 37 6 Wheat Ditto—. 7 0 6, 0 luartern Loaf 0 8 0 0 B ar l e y Ditto 0 0 0 ' 'otatoes. 17Ilb. 0 6 0 0 H av ,p ers t. -- 0 8 M A a lrr n s(t i t h: sa l t n ho a E : r .. i k p. ' : 1 161 : : ‘ 0 B Beans, per 2600)..... 0 1 6 s E c n o g t l t l i s s h h ....... 15 0 iv; ..... j 5 0 Pease, Scottish 6 , A o Oatmeal, per 140Ib. ;',l 0 Flour, 4"" GLASGOW CORN The weather being fine, our little alteration in the prices. Wheat, per 2401 b. s. d. s. d. British, old 230t029 0 , --..- new Canada, free 2B 0 30 0 Irish Barley, per 3201 b. English 0 C Scottish 23 0 26 0 Irish TRISH MARKETS. CORK MARKFTS.—Sept. S. ~.. 3 4, Wheat (per list.) 0 ° Barley ,per 16st.) 9 Oats (per 14st.) Flour (per cwt.) 0 0 1( o ) 10 ' • Oatmeal (per cwt.) 0 0 - ~„ )41. t Beef, sd. to lid. • Mutton, sd. to Bd. ; Veal, 6(1. '",, 9,, Pork, 2d. to .id. ; Fresh Butter, BM. to 12d. Pe r PRICE OP coa To BUTTER. ti° the Merchants. To the;. First Quality l4s. Second Third Fourth 54 45 14 Filth '2O Sixth Amongst the officers of Admiral S S P 00 , squadron, who were severely wounded in the late tt l e l esa t , and have since died f tt.eir wminds, was Lie slia i Charles }lnstead, formerly of the 60 . h Rifle C sr e l :p e late of the 531 Regiment. Ile was (under the pat Stanhope) the Captain of the Marines of the pa;everelf, frigate, and in leadine on his men in boarding Ea s g e wounded, and died on board the Don John" ed as highly esteemed in the squadron, and reg al s active brave officer. • Ce t 01 There appears every probability tha t wee l m h nt Talleyrand will leave this country in a fe u 'i 9 - t o whether for a permanency or for a short Pelle likely ' yet known. The Members of the Conferenc e sr r epr ea 7; be succeeded in more instances than one by 0 1 ore tatives from their respective Governments , I credit report in certain diplomatic circles. • IP a ARCHERY.—The second Heretoru - tr o t, Meeting was held on Wednesday last, at the i rr i b e O e t be near Ross, the seat of Kinzsmill Evans, Esq e ra ing was num erous ly a tt en d e d by the we: dy r'' , l society, among whom were Lord Eastnor, and Mr. F o ley, M.P., Si r R o b er t Price, Bal l " ~ II P s di George Cornewall, Bart., Sir J o hn Geers Cet w-e t tie lse ll and family, Mrs. Hanbury, of Shobbon Cour t ' otic s oie oe Paramount for th e y e ar, &c. The day t 0 , 5,,; propitious for th e amuse m en t o f a rchery. •"" Dia r ' n ola e with delightful splendour, but the vignnr of ,of ' l ea intercepted by the friendly shade of tine tcl i ;pera r d 'id elms, and the groups of ladies and gentlemen, u e beil!‘ the. seats within the influence of their expanded brac t ode p e t much to the picturesque effect of the occalias'ereelis e el avenues afforded admirable situations for the , G pelpo• the targets. The company assembled at col ° , e hi to O o r, and soon afterwards the shooting cotnmenceit'phicedee $ l ,l tinued until three, when an adjournment tei e 0 0 ,10, dinner tent of the society, which was pitchebeseia'ilii shade of the venerable trees, commanding a of tlo o , e ia woody view, where, enlivened by the ho ld sce ll :iee / ‘ re fordshire militia, the assembly partook of ea . e ve o o phe te cellation. Shooting to commenced about te e " lie n the evening, and the delightful serenity of caused the sport to be continued till near elg aft e j oc e ; ' o company again adjourned to the tent for Leslie elehbory;io the Lady Paramount distributed the p rize 4. g 8 o .e , which, and the good taste displayed by 4,1 their selection, cannot he too highly ext al i ':Va ir t i i e lady's prize was awarded to Mrs. Cl' coed to Mrs. Scudamore, of Kentchurch-Psi 11 gentleman's prize to Colonel Di uminon d ' ° The ~e; and the second to the Rev. K. E. MoneY' gi)(1; Lath patty then repaired to the house, when JO' c ° 3 0 4 ' 6 1 .leford quadrille hand attended for Mesase.clido Emily Foley opened the b whic ey s e l l ite ' O l great spirit until a late hour, when toe ca l d s r a t he P a lha ill te n delighted with the pleasures of the d'Y , i i r o ace;,t, obliging attentions of the worthy entet'a ul iy du e ,he Crawley's and other families from the c° s .f iii is i. 4 , 0 0° not members of the society, but at , f , l l ' also partook of the festivities of the shire Merlin. or . . O f L e RR/ED• g. of te r , On the 29th ult , John Staunton, F.scl , 1•: 54 : 1 ,00" tot, Priors, eldest . son of William Statintone,oot toe c. 4 bridge-house, near Warwick, to Mary ," tg tol l, t t iOfy the Rev. Thomas L a mbert Snow, of 'ricol• sif9;oP• ton, R.N., to Ellen, youngest of Worcester. l a nd? CaP l/ CV. On the 3d inst., at Greystoke, Cum of 00Y. Jo ie „ t Askew, Rector of Greystoke. Cu' of Coy - eP,,,r On the 3d inst., by the lion. and 11 , en,„,, i ne, ot• Wynne, Esq., eldest son of John Lloyd f Pitt , in the county of Denbigh, Esq., to Mary : 0 1 0r o f Cli Cl (laughter of the Rev. John Iliggitt, lt Cambridge. nose D age On the 4th inst., in the 56th year of oE r sow of the late Benjamin Williamson, Esq. , FA' the county of York. won ce, itt On the3d inst., the lady of John 1 ,3 t fee ( "Or' Brighton. of se 3r.c f O P. eery On the 4th inst., at Englefield-geeem_ly lie sixth year of his age, William DenrY, °" , W i g late of the Royal Scots Greys. Lodg e ' On the 4th inst , at Woodhatch • f ' Charrington, Esq., late of Mile-end. ----:; 4 A 0 PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY Al (./ K ai ' so o t SUN WWII, 11 9 ; daughter ! 111