The Sun. — London, England, 1833-03-11 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS• In our paper of Saturday we announced the re tirement of Mr. Portman from the representation of the important borough of Marylebone. Two candi dates are already in the field—Sir Samuel Whalley and the Hon. Charles Murray, and a third is ex pected in the person of Mr. T. P. Courtenay. It has likewise been rumoured that it is the intention) of the electors to put Sir Henry Parnell in nomina tion, but the Right Hon. Baronet has already left town for the purpose of canvassing Tiverton, where a vacancy arises through the refusal of the sitting Member to defend the petition against his return. Unquestionably, if Sir H. Parnell had offered him aelf, his claims to the confidence of any body of electors are of such a nature that we should have confidently anticipated his success; but as he enter tains other ttiewst, we must look to the pretensions of the other three gentlemen who have been named. Of Sir S. Whalley little need be said—his preten sions were fully discussed at the last election, and the signal defeat which they then experienced has sufficiently shown the estimate which is taken of them by the electors of Marylebone, We can hardly think that he will persevere in so hopeless an attempt a second time. This contest then rill lie between Mr. Murray and Mr. T. P. Courtenay. We wish to speak of this last gentleman with the respect which we sincerely feel for him. Since hi , retirement from office under the Duke of Welling ton, at the breaking up of his Administration, his conduct, as distinguished from that of his former colleagues, entitles him to the approbation of honest men; for, unlike them, he has never sacrificed his former principles to party considerations ; and upon all questions of commercial police, maintained by his votes the liberal opinions which he and they had sup pot ted whilst in office. The division on the timber duties in 1831 was a striking example of this, and reflected great credit upon him; but Mr, Courtenay is an avowed Tory and Anti-Refoamer. Not content with yielding to the current o r , public opinion, and silently submitting to the Sentence of exclusion which the borough of Torbesi passed upon him as soon as the Reform Bid; gave to the inhabitants a free voice in the choic e of their representatives, he published a bulky volume of adieus, full of the bitterest invec tive against the Reform Bill, and pouring forth 'especially all the phials of his wrath on that part of it which conferred representation on the metropoli tan districts. Such a man, we need scarcely say, has only to appear before the electors of perhaps the most important of these districts to receive their testimony of his utter unfitness to represent them. The third candidate is Mr. Murray—to this gentle man we wish success, believing that in him the elec tors of Marylebone will find an able and conscien tious representative. In his address, which is very ably drawn up, he states explicitly his views on most of the great questions that occupy men's minds in the present day. Mr. Murray is son of the Earl of Dartmore, and was brought up by one of the best men Scotland ever sent to Parliament—the late Lord Archibald Hamilton, with whom he was, we understand, a very great favourite. Mr. Murray, therefore, is not a conformer now that reform is suc cessful, but one trained in the principles of reform and good government under a safe guide. h is not, therefore, without reason that in his address he dwells on this circumstance, for we cannot have a better secu rity for the future conduct of a representative than the knowledge that the principles which he professes at the hustings are the principles of his life, and moreover that they were entertained, when, so far from lead ing to favour, they were an obstacle to advancement in the world. When he tells the electors of Mary !ebone—" You tray depend upon my dedicating all my time, and all my faculties, to your interests and Onne of the country; upon my punctual attention to my Parliamentary and local duties, and to my advocating, unswayed by any party spirit, thos. mound principles which have been instilled in.o me in my childhood, have grown up with my youth, card have emboldened me to present myself to your notice upon this occasion," we think that the ought to attach due importance to this appeal to his past lire. We have heard from competent au thorities a most favourable opinion of Mr. Murray's !talents and information. He will be supported, we have reason to believe, pretty generally by those who voted for the late Member, Mr. Portman. UP.. der all these circumstance., we should suppose Mr. M, will, in all probability, be Mr. P.'s sq,ccessor We bad written thus far, when an account reached uN, that, yielding to the feelings of Marylebone, the Conservatives have changed their tactics, and substi tuted Mr. Hope, an equally bigoted Anti-Reformer, but destitute of the talents or experience of their former -champion, for Mr. Courtenay. Is it come to this ? Have the Baron Von Zuylen and Lord Stuart de Rothsay had sufficient ascendancy in the Carlton Club, to persuade their colleagues that this young scion of the Dutch merchant would be more accept able to the electors, on account of their predilec tions for the Dutch cause ? We suppose Mr. Diddle will make an appropriate speech in his favour at the nomination. Orange ribbons will, doubtless, be the colours, and Orange Bnven the watchword of the party.—Morning Ch ro nicle. The petitions to both Houses of Parliament, urging the necessity of poor laws for Ireland, have, we learn, the signatures of the wealthiest, most in telligent, and influential of the Irish gentry and mer chants. The first name, as we noticed on Satur day, is that of the Duke of Leinster. These peti tions will bring the matter to an issue. From what we hear, the conviction has almost become universal, that a poor law must he passed, and that with as little delay as possible. We need hardly observe that that information from Ireland is highly gratify ing to us. The people of England, however much they may be satisfied of the necessity of each a measure, naturally wish that the demand may first come from the Irish themselves. We are quite convinced that as soon as slavery ceases in a country and the proprietors of land are no longer bound to maintain their aged and infirm labourers, a provision for the poor becomes indispensable, if it be wished to maintain peace and order. Vagrancy and mendicity are incompatible with all improvement. The Irish are at present literally a nation of beggars. Whole families of beggars are continually roaming about the country. This must once for all be put an end to. The Irishman must have a parish and a home. The accounts of outrages given by Mr. Stanley are most appalling. But we are assured by those who know Ireland well that there is scarcely one of the outrages alluded to by Ministers that cannot be distinctly traced to conten tion for land, or rather for the means of existence, which are dependent on the possession of a piece of land. Why not, therefore, at once go to the root of the evil ? We often boast of the advantages we enjoy compared with the people of other countries. But we have no hesitation in saying that there is no one country in Europe in which the great body of the people are so miserable as in Ire land. Compare, for instance, the condition of the Austrian peasant with that of the Irish peasant. In the hereditary State. of Austria, the peasant is what in the North of England would be called a statesman. Ile is proprietor of his house and ground, subject to the payment of certain services, and a fixed fee-farm rent, called in the country Canon, and he cannot he dispossessed if he do not allow his rent to be three years in arrear, or allow his land to remain three years waste. In a work in three octavo volumes, on the agriculture of Austria, published at Vienna, a detailed account is given of the relations of gentry and peasants in the different states. _Nothing can equal th e anx i ety displayed by the Government to render the condition of the pea santry comfortable. In tile hereditary states, as we have already observed, the peasantry may be deemed owners of the soil. But it is curious to hear the language of the Austrian writer, when describing the condition of the peasantry in Gallicia and Hun gary. He speaks of the circumstance of the peasant not_!)elli the 10,her even of a house, as beyond " In Gallicia (he says) the before he. came under the mild .e of Austria. But serk itude is id even in Gallicia, With respect to property in the soil, there is there great diversity among the peasantry. The inhabitants of towns, who have themselves built or purchased their houses, are proprietors of them, and can sell them. The peasants who possess houses of their own can do the same thing. But the greater part of the Gallician peasanty have no property either in their houses or land, and both belong to the land lord. The peasantry cannot build houses, and can not purchase land or property, though the law allows it. The peasantry are generally what is called colonists, and the following regulation exists with regard to them. The landlord cannot remove them from their possessions without showing sufficient cause to the Judge of the district, and their children succeed to them as a matter of course, if they are industrious and orderly. On the other hand, the peasant can only quit his possession with consent of the landlord, and after presenting to him an avail able colonist to supply his place. In Hungary the peasant has no property in the land—even the ground on which he has built his house, at his own cost,beiongs to the landlord. The peasant is merely the owner of the fruits of his industry. For the ground on which his house stands .he pays a small yearly money rent, generally one florin for every building ; and for the land he pays either a fixed money rent, or he must deliver to the landlord the ninth or tenth part of the crop and perform services. As the landlord is always the owner of the soil, and the peasant is merely a farmer for an indefinite period, the' Hungarian peasantry were formerly very de pendent on the caprice of the landlords. But the new laws have also provided in Hungary for the peasantry. The landlord is only allowed to deprive the peasant of his house and farm in certain defined cases. And, in such cases, the house of the pea sant is valued, and the sum paid to him, and lie receives also compensation for any improvements he has made on the farm. One of the cases de fined by law as sufficient to justify resumption of the house and land, is when the landlord himself requires them for his own use. So long as this rule exists in Hungary, and that with regard to the colonists in Gallicia, so long will both countries be in a backward state. It is, therefore, greatly to be wished, that the landlords would grant to the colonists and peasants the property of their farm houses and farms. Were they to place things on the footing on which they have been for time im memorial in the Archduchy of Austria, they would make their peasants happy, promote their prosperity, and contribute powerfully to the welfare of the State." Flow happy would an Irish peasant be, if the Govern ment of this country had placed him in the situa tion of the peasantry of Hungary and Gallicia, deemed so deplorable by this Austrian writer. The degree of misery of the Irish peasantry could not even enter into the conception of any man on the continent, It is high time that we should endea vour to free ourselves from the reproach of having a nation of peasant-beggars, the most miserable of all the nations of Europe. If you enter the house of a German peasant, you every where see substan tial comforts; in Ireland, the cabin is worse than the wig-wam of the savage.—Morning Chronicle. The necessity of some provision for the poor of Ireland, not dependent on the caprice of individual charity, or on the compunction of those through whose selfishness and cupidity the numbers of the Irish poor have been so greatly multiplied, and their sufferings so grievously enhanced,—that necessity has been too often dwelt upon in this journal to leave our readers in any doubt as to the earnestness and consistency of the views we entertain in favour of a poor law system for Ireland. To the vulgar, and in may cases the insincere objection, that the establishment of and Irish poor law would ental upon Ireland all the abuses and abominations which we experience from the working of the poor laws here, it is quite enough to ask, why, together e ith the prieciple, should we adopt the' known abuses attending the execution of the present law of settlement, or the dishonest practice of helping to pay labourers out of the total which has by law been set apart for paupers ? The last mentioned perversion of the poor law ss iem is intolerable. It deceives the country as to the real amount of money applied to the relief of pail. peri•m, by lumping up with it many hundred thou sand pounds a-year which are actually disbursed that farmers may be enabled to pay high rents through an unnatural reduction of the expense of cultivating their lands. It abridges the fair price of th e active labourer's toil,—of the man who, if left to himself, would spurn the acceptance of relief from the parsh ; and, like every other abuse and fraud annexed to the modern management of the agricul tural system, is made subservient to the interests of the landlords, who, in their capacity of magistrates, have introduced and carried on this most pernicious corruption of the poor law institution. We subjoin an extract from the article of Fraser's Magazine al itHed to in our Saturday's journal, which, though it goes only to the opening principles of the question, contains too many novel and striking remarks to be with propriety overlooked. " The grand fundamental principle with the political economists' is, that the people are too numerous, and that it is an inherent vice or misfortune of the species to in crease beyond the means of subsistence. Their plans, therefore, (or the amelioration of the condition of the poor always begin with some scheme for keeping down the numbers of the people ; for preventing their increase; for limiting the growth of the population. The favourite notion with them is, tl at the poor laws act as ' a pre mium on population ;' and that, consequently, the first and most imperative duty upon the Legislature is to pro vide for their repeal. To the consideration of this great preliminary question we have devoted the first three papers of the present series, and we trust that we have there shown the utter groundlessness and irrationality of the whole scheme. Our path now lies onwards. If we have at all succeeded in showing that the plans of these gentry ust are oproc e .eedaiiyr in nt i h ca and e l deve a us development of h the way is clear principles and autlpla fo n r s of a more philosophical and practical nature. " A surplus population, proceeding from natural and necessary causes, we utterly deny : we deny its exise retire in the present case; we question its possibility in any other. But a surplus of labour in the market is a fact which it would be useless and absurd to dis pute. The most important point to be considered is, how that surplus was produced. It will not do, merely because we find an excess of labourers at the present mo ment, to charge that excess upon God and nature, and to treat it as an evil azainst which legislators ought to pro vide. The natural cupidity and selfishness of man, in ,.eed, if left unchecked by the power of the law, will soon produce this very surplus ; and in this way it may be called a natural evil. But, then, it is obvious that it is the selfishness and cupidity of man, and not the laws of human increase, against which you have to provide. If this is not done, if no protection is given to industry, an apparent glut of hands will soon be brought about by the power of capital. This may be effected in a variety of ways. You may import workmen from other coun tries, because you can get them cheaper. This naturally tends to take employment out of the hands of the resident population, and to cause an apparent surplus of labourers. Or you may press infants into your service, as requiring smaller wages; and, by making children do the work of men, you may throw the parents out of employment, and thus, also, produce an excess in the market of labour. Or you may encourage a competition with the labourers of other and cheaper countries, and by that competition you may drive wages down so low, as to oblige the work man to strive to do two days' work in one day, or the work of two men with a single pair of hands. In this way. also, you may throw multitudes of hands upon the market, and produce the surplus of which you complain. By either of these schemes, or by all of them, or by others that might be named, it is quite easy to render a popula tion apparently too large, and to overstock the market of labour ; and yet it is quite clear that neither God not nature are responsible for the excess, but that that excess is plainly atributabte to the schemes and operations of men, and to them alone. " Admitting, then, the fact of a surplus of labourers in the market at the present moment, but denying altogether that that surplus has been produced by merely natural causes, or is chargeable upon the principle of human in crease,' it becomes our duty to point out some of the lead. log causes which have produced this state of things; and thus at the same time to indicate the appropriate remedies for the evil. " We have already briefly adverted to two or three of these causes, neither the existence nor the operation of which can for a moment be doubted. Tory are— " 1. The forcible attraction into this country of large bodies of half-starved labourers from Ireland, who wit only throw out of occupation an equal number of English labourers, but also reduce, by their competition, the wages of those who are still able to retain employment. We call this a forcible attraction, because so long as an unequal law exists,— a l aw w hi c h a d m i n i sters re li e f to th e indig e nt in one country, and denies it in another,—so long must that part of the community which feels the pre%sure of in digenee, or fears its approach, flock out of that district which denies relief, into that which affords it. " 2. The change which the cupidity of manufacturers is continually striving to effect, by substituting the labour of children for the labour of men. New ma. chinery is now constantly being invented, with the especial view of employing children at 3s. or 4s. a week, instead of men at 18s. or 20s. Thus, throughout the manufacturing districts the most frightful change is going on ;—mien and women, able and willing to work, being discharged, and their children, even at six and seven years of age, being constrained to give up the employments and the sports of youth to labour in a factory for 14 or 15 hours a-day, in order to support their own parents ! We say constrained, for if the discharged work. man goes to the parish overseers for relief, he is instantly asked ' Have you any children ? If you have, you must send them to th e fa c t or i es ; we s h a ll g i ve you no relief here ! " 3. The effect of bringing into the English market the goods manufactured at Lyons and other seats of continental manufactures. The poor creatures employed in those places are now working, as is well known, at 6d. or Id. a-day. Obviously, therefore, those goods cannot be ri valled, at equal prices, in oar own markets, if our Eng lish weavers are to he paid 3s. or 4s. a-day. The master manufacturers, seeing this, immediately reduce the wages of their workmen. The workmen being paid by the piece, struggle to make up their losses by doing more work. The p oor man w h o k nows no t how to keep his wife and children in any comfort on less than his accus tomed earnings, will, if prices be reduced one third, in stantly increase his day's labour accordingly, and will pro duce one-third more work than before. Here, then, we find two men doing the work of three; and very soon the natural effect is telt in a glut of the commodity ; a la , gt. number of the hands ate thrown out of work, and a fresh outcry is raised about surplus population. " The first of these three points will fully occupy our attention on the present occasion. The question of the establishment of poor laws in Ireland, though it be one on which men have now very generally made up their minds, is yet not one which can be dismissed in a fete sentences."— Tunes. The subject of Irish poor laws has made rapid pro gress within the last few weeks. Whether the internal state of Ireland be alone considered, or the dreadful destitution of the Irish labouring classes be looked at in relation to its effect upon the British labour market, and consequently to its aggravating influence upon the pressure of the poor rates amongst our selves, there is, perhaps, no single question which demands more earnest inquiry, and more prompt ad justment, than this of a provision for such of the poor of Ireland as are in no wise accessory to their own unemployed and helpless state, and have no means of relief from nakedness arid hunger but that which may by law be afforded them out of the public purse. We have often declared our own strong feelings upon the sacred obligation of legislating courageously for the rescue of the Irish peasantry front their forlorn condition, were it merely a ques tion of indisputable justice between one Irishman and anti , htr. A vicious and inhuman system, the growth of ages, for which no class of exiting indi viduals—for which, in irs full extent, no one gene ration ought to bear the exclusive blame, has checked he progress of social improvement in Ireland, and has withered, among her poor inhabitants, all that relish for the decencies of life which may be esteemed the expression, the outward proof and mea sure of the civilized character. Of this, excessive poverty is in a considerable degiee at once effect and cause, oh hough, undoubtedly, other ill effects proceed from it, as it is likewtse ascribable to other pernicious causes. Incurable indi gence creates a sort of de-perdte resignation to most concomitant and secondary evils. The pinching want of to-day stifles all remote anxieties, and the hope of gradually bettering his fortunes, finds no room in the spirit of the crushed and harassed wretch, who may have to beg the next meal's potatoes, or lie down suppeiless on his bed of straw. Such a population exhibits few or none of those tastes and desires which lift mankind above the lower animals. They are satisfied to take and till the rand without any recompense for unremitting toil beyond the bare privilege of existing. They take their wives as they do their land, without dreaming that th y incur the duty, arid ought to possess the means, of feeding arid clothing both a female and her progeny. Hence paupers are mul tiplied by beggar parents, and brutalized habits descend from father to child, the extreme of poverty perpetuating that of barbarism, arid the latter again unconsciously ministering to the spread of destitu tion. Of this national system—•we will not call the want of virtue, crime—hut of this system one dreadful consequence has been the indifference of the upper classes of Irishmen (speaking of them col lectively) to those characteristics of the condition of their poorer neighbours which strike every Englishman visiting the country as most reproachful and deplorable. An Irish nobleman orgentlemati does not see how disgraceful to himself, in the eyes of all foreigners, that half-starved arid half-naked hu man beings should occupy his ground, arid call them selves his tenants, not a stone's throw from the man sion gates within which he revels in the abundance of exotic luxury. The poor Irishman, however keenly he may feel his privations, is ignorant of his own defects ; but the rich one has become blind to the miseries of his dependant, from the inveterate habit of overlooking them. The unfortunate crea tures, with nothing to lose, are ripe for all occa sions of outrage end disturbance. They cannot half comprehend the true and immediate sources of their own degraded state, viz., the disproportion between hands and employment ; and that between the mar ket, and the equitable, rent of land ; or, in other words, between what they offer for it, and what the landlord ought, in prudence and humanity, to accept of. In the twilight of their understand ings they conjure up a thousand fantastic shapes and sorts of enemies on whom to be revenged, —clergy, proctors, policemen, Scotch anti Eng lish land-stewards in the service of gentlemen, who employ such agents for the sake of agri cultural improvement. Upon these the unhappy people make war, exasperwed by the constant pres sure of a mass of misery, of the real causes of which, as we have said, they possess no clear conception, and they are ready for all and every mischief that may be proposed to them, Now it is equally evi• dent that such a devastation of the best interests of political society ought riot to be endured one mo ment after a remedy —even a partial one—can be found for it ; arid that so long as some remedy shall be withheld, the evil must go on accelerating and extending, while the people multiply, arid the demand for labour is in the same ratio diminished. We have not now time to cennect the English part of this question with that which belongs to the inter nal condition of Ireland. It is plain that almost every representative for towns and counties through out Great Britain has become by this time sensible how deeply the condition of our native poor, and the burden of those immense sums which are annually aised for their benefit, have been produced and ag gravated by the tremendous influx of Irish emigrants upon the labour-market here. That is the English side of the question, and how it has been left un settled to this late period is more than we can ac count for. Nothing—nothing but some measure in the character of a poor law for Ireland, aided by a 4 eneral arid efficient plan of education, can by pos sibility restore things to their natural course, either is relates to the improvement and tranquillity of the Irish in their own country, or to the release of Eng attid from their visitations. Is it rational to iron thine that when the poor are provided for on one side of the Channel arid riot on the other, they will re main where they find no help, and forbear to congre- 4a te on the spot where food arid clothing await them ? It indicates an important stride in the ad vance of right feeling on the Irish side of the Chan usl that petitions for the introduction of poor laws olio Ireland are now receiving signatures in Dublin, and that some Irish names of the highest rank have been affixed to them. The object proposed by the petitioners in this instance is strictly, and perhaps not imprudently, limited to a provision of the means of existence for " the imbecile, the disabled, and the destitute ; " under which denominations may, of coarse, be comprised those of helpless infancy, age, and sickness. We are not sure that at first it would be wise to em brace a larger field of beneficence in an entirely novel measure. If the condition of the unemployed peasant and his family be neglected, he and they will soon appertain to the class of " disabled" or diseased, through hunger; so that, under such a measure, the one grand purpose would infallibly be accomplished of compelling the landed proprietors to examine, for their own sakes, into the situation of the neighbouring peasantry, and to ir t vent their be coming paupers, chargeable on their respective pa rishes for support. As for difficulties in the first arrangement of a poor-law system, there is no ques tion that the country must lay its account with them, as well as judging by English experience in their subsequent administration. All we insist on is, that none of the difficulties or evils attendant On a poor law for Ireland would be comparable to those incurred through the want of it. No evil is equivalent to the starvation of human beings,—and no task so difficult as that of restoring them to life. It is now quite clear, that the cause of humanity and of enlightened policy is destined to achieve at no distant day this signal and glorious triumph. Since this was written we have seen an able and useful article in Fraser's Magazine for the present month on the subject, to some passages of which, at the earliest day, we shall draw the attention of our readers. In the mean time, if Irish Members of Parliament combine to shuffle off the support of their own poor upon the overloaded shoulders of this country, let the representatives of England re collect that they too have votes, and are answerable for the money of their constituents.—Times (Saturday). No proposition can be more clearly demonstrated to our mind than that the task which Mr. Wilson Patten has undertaken must fail, because the feel ings and opinions of the community at large are working in an opposite direction. Our contempo. rary, the Standard, never backward in the vindica tion of humanity, has denounced, with a brilliant and moral indignation, the notion that " ten hours a day are not enough to labour infants in an at mosphere heated from 80 to 110 degrees." We join heartily in the denouncement of such an as sumption ; but we cannot suppose, with our con• temporary, that Mr. Patten, when he gave notice of his motion for the appointment of a Parliamentary Commission, did so with his eyes open to the real tendency of the proceeding. Had he been aware of what he was about, when he asked for the ap pointment of a Commission; had he been aware that the effect of his motion, if cartied, would be to postpone, if not to defeat, the adoption of the Ten Flouts' Bill, for which the nation is at this moment calling out with one voice, it is scarcely possible to conceive that he would have had the rashness, the vanity, or the madness, to attempt what all the elo quence of Burke could not accomplish—the over throw of a good cause, supported by the advocacy of a whole people. No : the Honourable Member must have been duped by interested persons, who would not hesitate to sacrfice him to any attempt, however desperate, which promised to favour their speculations. If so, it is time that he should open his eyes, and consider in good earnest what it is that he is about to persuade the Legislature to sanction, when he requires the appointment of a Commission, after such evidence as has been already produced. The appointment of a Commission, be it observed, is the appointment of a new and a dif ferent tribunal ro try the cause over again. Now, why should it be tried over again ? Was not a Secret Committee of the Hou-e of Commons a compe•eat tribunal ? Was not the evidence el cued in that Committee of a nature to produce convic tion ? We appeal to the effect. Never was a stronger, a more universal impression, made upon the mind of any country than has been made by the evidence to which we allude. No one can maintain for an instant that the evidence requires to be strengthened. Then what does it require ? and why are we to change our pro cess of investigation from a Committee to a Commission ? Is it in the hope that one tribunal may be more easily managed than an other? That a Commission may be more easily ma naged—that is, deceived, we can prove by a refe rence to evidence already before the public; but it will be for the public, or for the House of Com mons, in the first instance, to decide whether the proof of such a fact does argue rather against the change than in favour of it. Suppose the Com mission appointed. Can their personal inspection of the mills, for any specified number of visits, afford such conclusive evidence of their real state as the testimony of witnesses who have passed their lives within them ? The following extract, from the re port of the Committee, will throw some light on this part of the subject : " Evidence of Eliza Marshall, of Leeds, page 150, May 26, 1832 : " S ate whether when your mill (Nlr. Wirburton's) has been shown, or when people have come to look at it, there has not been a deal of preparat:on before it has been seen by a stranger ?—Yes, there has. " Have any other mills been prepared for people coming to them, to your knowledge?—We live in Leeds, at the Bank, nearly opposite Holdforth's silk , mill : there was a Parliament Gentleman going on the Saturday, and the children kept on till twelve o'clock on the Friday night, and then they had an hour given them on the morning of Saturday to go and dress themselves." The evidence of Stephen Binns, of Leeds, in page 193, is to the same effect, as also that of Mr. John Hannam, page 287, and Mr. Alexander Dean, page 381. If we had room we would give inser tion to their different statements, to show how the vigilance of a Commission may be defeated the mo ment it is known to be on the look-out. In short, nothing can he more obvious than that the game which the concoctors of this plan (amongst whom we do not reckon Mr. Patten) have in view is to defeat the Ten Hours' Bill, by contriving to put a new face on the matter. For this purpose they find it necessary to get up a new machinery—at least, a different one from that of the Committee, the work ing and production of which has been so little to their satisfaction. Should Mr. Patten persist in his motion, after having been warned of the ground upon which he treads, we shall only say that those must be friends who can pity him, and those must be fools who can envy him the figure he is likely to make.—Morning Herald. Pending the discussion upon the Bill for the sup pression of the Irish disturbances we have withheld ow selves from any observations upon the measure threatened by the Goveinment for the reform of the Irish Church. We have placed this restraint upon ourselves because we were unwilling - to aug ment the perplexities with which the one subject was surrounded by a suggestion of the difficulties which must soon be found to beset the other. 'We could not echo the cant which was poured forth by the Ministers and their friends, that concession must accompany rigout—that indulgence must go hand in hand with reproof. Both of the Bills may be good; both may be bad. In either case each is independently good or independently bad. He were but a sorry reasoner who should announce that he would not punish murder if he could not extinguish tithes—that he would not coerce Whitefeet if he could not abolish Bishops. 'We examine, then, Lord Althorp's proposed scheme for the reform of the Irish Church, not as a price which we must needs pay for the adoption of a measure of necessary severity, not as the preliminary condition upon the accep'ance of which we may save cattle from being houghed and witnesses from being burned in their beds ; but as a substan tive plan of amelioration which must be sanctioned or condemned upon its own merits or its own de fects. Thus examining it we solemnly protest against the principle of the intended changes. That principle, however darkly it may be disguised, how ever astutely it may be def e nded, is a principle which legalizes spoliation. It directly and immediately confiscates the property and degrades the dignity of the Church. It makes Protestantism lest! wealthy I and less powerful than she was before. It strikes a weapon from the hand of truth, and places it in the grasp of falsehood, without removing one of those causes of quarrel which makes their strife so deadly. If there were no truth in what we are urging, the triumphant enemy of our religion and our law would not have exulted so proudly at Lord Altherp's statement. " The alteration," cried Mr. O'Connell, and he has frequently repeated the cry, " will effect little good ; but it will establish a large principle." What prbiciple can Mr. O'Connell applaud which Mr. Stanley should not condemn ? We are not going, however, to rest our rept', bt tion of the scheme upon the praises which the most dangerous man in the kingdom has bestowed upon it. Let us scrutinize one by one the innovations we are called upon to admit, and inquire how far each is consistent with the expediency or with jo-tice. Ten Bishoprics arc to be abolished. We believe the Sovereign is bound by an oath to the support of the Protestant Church, as by law esta blished, in its doctrine, discipline, and government. We do not know by what nice subtlety of speech the Premier will convince his It.ral master that the government of the Chu ch, as distinguished from the discipline of the Church, can signify anything but that external constitution with which he is now called upon to interfere. To the curious in oaths it may be a matter of speculation to determine how far an engagement to support the government of the Church is fulfilled in the extinction of nearly half the offices to which that government is confi ded. We have no desire to take up the time of our readers with a casuistry which the new lieht in which we move has made very unfashionable. But we can not leave this part of our subject without remarking that the annihilation of ten Bishoprics, like the " total extinction of tithes," is understood by the ignorant multitudes who shout at the men- Lion of it in a sense very different from that in which Lord Althorp understands it. The Chan cellor of the Exchequer talks of the abolition of ten Bishoprics, and means so to solder one diocese into another, and so to add to these revenues what it sub tracted from those, as that of all the existing Sees the whole duty shall be better done, and the whole income still collected. The patriot of the bogs hears of the abolition of ten Bishoprics, and means to devote to the celebration of masses or the purchase of pikes, the coronation of the Liberator or the pay of his Volunteers, the 100,0001. which his Black List has taught him to take for the stipend of a Protes'ant Prelate. The enemies of Pro estantism will not believe Lord Althorp when he declares that he is her friend. If they believed him they would see in his abolition of ten Bishoprics little more than what we see in it ourselves—causeless innovation and profitless outrage—the fickleness which endan gers the stability of the house only that it may amend the arrangement of the parlours—the reck lessness which knocks down the traveller only that it may shift the purse from his left pocket to his right.—Morning Pest. 4e , WiAtiusini,, , ( )lent . * 4 '' t wit ' -1 '--' 1 v .. / 211,410 i remove( ce, -11-to:).tativi-077- COURT OF EXCISE, MARCH 9. Before Commissioners Sir J. MORTLOCK, the Hon. Mr. PERCY, anti th, Hon. B. PAGET.) THE KING V. DALY, DONOUGHOE, AND GREENLAND. The defendants, Patrick Daly, Margaret Donoughoe, and Sarah Greenland, were charged upon an excise information with having unlawfully in their possession a quantity of spins which had not paid duty, and had been illegally manufactured, contrary to the excise laws. l'ne defendant Daly only appeared, and pleaded " not guil , y " Mr. Mayow, the solicitor for the Crown, called Mr. Wall, a surveyor of excise, and other officers, who deposed to Going to the hduse Nd. 7, Cock-alley, Nortoufolgate, to execute a distress-warrant upon the goods of the woman Donoughoe, who had on a former occasion been convicted in that court for keeping a private still, and amerced in penalties. On entering they found the three defendants, and after explaining their business, proceeded to take an inventory of the furniture. Time defendant Daly said, " What shall we do for the best?" thus identifying him.. self with the illegal transaction, and Donoughoe said she did not expect the penalty would be so soon enforced against her. In the course of the examination the , fficers found two large bladders full of spirits under the lied, which they immediately -e , zed, and subsequently they discovered several empty bladders, which had evidently been used to remove liquor. S , r J. AIORTLOCK. cave judgment, condemning the liquor seized, and mitigating toe penalty of 1001. to 251. THE KING V. RICHARD ADAMS. The defendant, who did not appear when called upon, was charged with keeping a private sti I, and illegally manufacturing spirits. The COURT c,ncl.mned the goods seized, and inflicted the full penalty of 1001. THE KING V. BRAY• This case should serve as a caution to auctioneers. The defendant, William Forrester Bray, auctioneer, Halborn, was in po.session of several clovtis of wine fur sale, and upon which he had advanced 101., but the excise officer finding he had not a regular permit for the removal, gave information, and hence the inquiry. Tne COURT considered that Mr. Bray had no intention of fraud, but under the circumstances must condemn the wine. Mr. Bray entreated the wine might be restored to him, as he hail already suffered much from expense and troabl e in the case. Sir JOHN AloamocK said it was certainly most hard upon the defendant, but the Court had no alternative under the excise laws than to condemn the wine seized. POLICE INTELLIGENCE. BOW-STREET. On Saturday, Elizabeth Sparrow was charged with having married J hn Shepherd, her husband, Joseph Sparrow, being still living. Mr. Robert Hhrper was present at the marriage of the prisoner with Mr. Sparrow, at St. Martin's church, which took place on the 25th of January, 1824. They were married by bans, and the prisoner was married in the name of Ehza Stodart. Witness had seen Mr. Spar row alive on toe previous day. Mr. Charles Bryant, of No. 8, Gravel-lane, South wark, was present on the 2d of January, 1832, at Christ.. church, Surrey, whe❑ the prisoner was married to John Shepherd, who was a butcher, living next door to witness, i❑ Gravel-lane. They were m irried by bans. The pri soner was then married in the name of Eliza Sparrow, and told witness, who gave her away, that she had never been married before. . The prisoner, when called o❑ for her defence, said that the evidence given was perfectly true, and that Shepherd, to whom she was married the second time, knew perfectly well when he married her that her former husband was 9t:11 living. They first met, she said, the day before Biihop and Williams were hanged for murder, and he then declared he would marry her. She had been separated from her husband, by whom she had one child, for eight years. She stated herself to be the illegitimate child of Dr. Mortimer, of Haslar Hospital, Portsmouth. The prisoner, who is About 30 years of age, was re manded till Thursday. QUEEN-SQUARE. On Saturday two respectable-looking females, Mary Ann and Elizabeth Ar, ard, were placed at the bar under the following circumstances : The prisoners formerly resided in the capacity of house keepers to an old gentleman named Timothy Hely, residing at Chapel-cottage, Brompton. Mary Ann had been in his service about eighteen months, and about six months since the otl - er prisoner took her sister's situa• tion, the former having left to get married. On Saturday last Elizabeth left, and on a relation of the old gentleman's taking charge of the domestic con cerns, it was discovered that during the illness of Mr. Hely, whose recovery at one period was considered im possible, he having been bedridden for a length of time, the place had been robbed of valuable pictures, beds, bed ding, furniture of all d e scriptions, tilde and other linen, culinary utensils, and, in fact, all kinds of property, to a large amount in value. Th- prisoners were suspected of haying carried off the property, and on the circumstances being laid before the Magistrates at this office a warrant was granted for their apprehension, and also to search the of his Vary property, Ann, and were the pi prisoners, ace , i at the bar. Mr. i i ch house of the pris oner Mar y Ann, whose hus b and keeps a The latter, a a respectable esta blishment near the Lo wther Arcade , in the Su and, A cart load of goods was brought to this office, sb T 1 h He t lY th identified e husbn Ito d w s ever, was removed, it being s t a ted that no charge was to be preferr e d aga i ns t hi m , and the females alone remained. Mr. H e ly a tt en d e d in com pany Catholic priest. Th e o ld gent l eman , i n con sequence of his infirmities, together v was accommodated with a chair. On being sworn, a ntunher of articles were shown bat l' l to him, which he said were his property once, ti or not. There were some articles which he thoug::::d to not given away, but his memory was so bid he e l _ to could not say whether he had given them to theYrlkielati be positive that he did not. The officer, & t rim: , 11 : 00 ii, Mr. Hely was giving his evidince, observed th ~ L ' . .oo .ce priest making signs to Mr. Hely, in order, as 1 . "._ t be supposed, to deter him from swearing property. The Magistrates ordered the gentletn.at. Ito, the ,ffice in consequence, when the o ffi cer hestatedattentlp,d priest had previously told Mr. Hely that i f w all' b' to swear positively to the goods the prisoners ~ ei., to , transported, and advised him not to do so. Mr. 11 , 7 ‘u , he D e tiny' , . then interrogated by the Magistrates for some , tbe re still p •r,,ist,ti in not swearing positively to any °` pery hay ng been stolen from him. said the cb srge Mr. Winder, on behalf of the prisoners, id was a ridiculous one. ot trea Mr. GREGoatE conceived Mr. Wooler had a e pet the b• nub with proper respect, by first asking th the to let him look at the warrant, and then calling charge ridiculous. onril i • 'VI The prisoners ere then dischargd. The g 001 understand, are tot b. taken from the c harge of the v ronaptoo. and cony • eyed to Mr. Hely's resid• nee at B WORSHIP-S TREE'''. williao On Saturday the per-on who gave his nam e , w roit positivelYn 7 11 o r Williams way finally examined before Mr. 1 3 g c°i ; 04 upon several charges of uttering for...ed bank 0 ‘ . : a t .;;; 00 4 was fully committed for triai on five cases. I ° 2%,,per of the nutne7oua chances preferred against the po i - - gr. a let er from an innkeeper at Margate, p.s , ing forg. d 51. and 101. notes in L"n ° _": ce ivd BROUGHTON on Saturday mentioned that he hall . ',, t be li ,c 1 travelled 100 miles in pursuit of a person el ll4 him , self Williams, who had uttered a forded note,, e ."„, he m the 1' 773 be — t he From the descripthin which he had .een believed the person then in custody at this offi. l t o d e r whi p a te . ' '"hiri,, Sante. The prismser's wife, a god 90 ,„ til tiler a pretty woman, visit t d him on S' itu , r „ ( ' l Ol , the office. It may be remembered that 0 1 - ,aio examined he gave his name Williams, a nd that he was a stranger in London, and lived s e ':„, i l It was now as ertained, however, that his real °'", s e , I Benjamin Abler. He had fo , tnerly been in WI: 0 1 seemed in butcher at Bristol, and subsequently in ft° ° ";, -- sisr e grocer, and about three years since kept a pnta r°- d a li , house in Eldon-street, Moorfields, but fa 4 edt ! P itoili cloth •d in the afterwards so much reduced, that he and h :6 0 1 became inmates of Sc. Pancras workhouse. W bea e ,i O A ' placed at the bar, however, he was well dre :: ; li ala good health and spirits, but his aPPe 3.- :;eil t r undergone a wonderful change during his iine" e d ori s and on Saturday be looked emaciated and dispirit : 3 01 prison dress (his coat having beer , ; t do from him by time officers, to insure its producti"d oil trial), and his appearance was altogether so nha Pg Ve 0 it would have been difficult to recognise hil ° ' ~.../i ll committed for trial in Middlesex upon four chard` - ,,, fler uttering a 101. note to Mrs. ' Kearney,-l‘l'g - II I. of the im o public-house, Hackney-road ; a 51. note r to C tel l; loway, of the Red Li o n, in Warren•street, lerlierbite• a Si. note to Mrs. Grover, of the Nelson , in the h b e Slir r ft chapel-road ; and a Si. n o t e t o Mrs. Denni s, of a'i 3 Loaf, in Church -str ee t, Mile-end ; and there ez., fi fa i n Surr e P is indictment, to be prefeired against him passing a forg e d 5L note to Mr. Eastman , a carriers Bermundsey-street. . COUNTRY CORN Al-A-8019 DURING LAST W EEK• ............. .‹ ..- 03 1 > , , . Wheat. Barley. 5' — " . ........ ""....'—° ..........." 5. I '' Per Quarter. S. to s. s. to 5. e.IO 40 ..... .., 0 CArlisle OS 24 1 , 8 , 9,1 ~ v Rex ham ...---.... 48 60 28 30 ~, 90 M.,rpeth 43 50 25 28 17 13 .... 0 . ....! 0 Poirith —.........— 55 27 -- 4O , 4 814 c l -held —..........- 56 ' 28 ---„„ o 4 ,j, rel Winchester ~....... 4B 56 20 20 ''', g. d. ' fl . 0 6O Per Bushel. s.d. s.d. b. d. Rd. s• d• i 8 -(i / Carmarthen—. 5 6 6 0 2 9 3 3 1 f 4 0 5 5 0 5 6 0 2, Coventry —. 7 0 9 0 4 8 5 4 3 u n 3 3 ~ 0 10 Newcastle (Staff.) 8 0 8 6 5 6 5 9 4 0 0 0 0 Northallerton ...M.n ' 7 0 9 3 3 6 4 6 3 '' 4 0 0 0 ii 5t0ne—..—.......... 8 4 9 0 5 3 6 0 3 2 o 2 3 Swansea 6 9 70 3 6 31) l 9 i 6 ' f Warwick --'" 9O 10 0 46 50 2 , . 1 , 10 0 e Per 8011. r 9 - 0 1 4 8 J 1 1 0 Kernardeastle —ll 6 16 6 8 0 8 6 5 6 n 0 0 1 Durham.,.. . 12 9 14 6, 7 0 8 0 4 3 6 9 7 0 Richmond --......... 11 0 16 0 6 6 7 0 4 6 4 4 2.../ ..' Stockton .......... .. 12 0 13 0 9 6 10 0 4 0 --- 7 ---- 11.r° 1 ' fine 51 1. WAKEFIELD CORN MARKEP. - ' - ' 3i. e 54 Wheat, Red orfolk and Suffblk...—s. 445. t° ‘l , V e P. —Lin. and Cam. —s. 395. t°./ 1 5 . 6" eP -- Yorkshire —s. 365. to 5 76. 60e White —.s. 455. t° vs. 95 e 61 0 ' Foreign, Red —S. —s . tO , 0..0 White .... s. —5 . to 7.1 . 61130, Barley, Norfolk and Suffolk Lincolnshire 2l's. to' Tl e e ... 44 ' Yorkshire \Vold - Pt' Foreign ros. fio e 0 Beans, Small Tick 28 s . to L. 6 0 01.• Oats, Potato l7, to r 9 :. 6 11 ` e 10 Poland —s. 16s. t° ]S s , V st eilt -- Friezland and Small —s. 15s. to o. p er ti 0. 0 ., Healing Shelling e 0 3. t o 91 6 . 7.. o a r , Malt 3 ,2s . 395. fi n e 41,.`pe Rapeseed ' , 21 Os. 241. Os. 251 ' ~ 0 1 s ch v' di DEVIZES CORN 51A RKET.—Na r ti. ril s l3 , 7l: i e d r Wheat Sac k . 's):' U. t o 9 8. 8 d 6 B Per ar ley? ........ ..... r .: . : F s 6 2. 0 0 0 t° il P o 25 0 ',20 0 oats ... ......... ..• ; 6 Thirds 2' 0 93 0 Beans (per sack) to 0 0 867 Sacks of Wheat sold) „ - , lour (per bag) - ' i 0 at the average of " 3., 3 Bread (per gall.) SCOTCH MARKETS W heat. Barley Oats. Aberdeen --. 44 47 23 26 Berwick,— 32 25 17 19 Coldstream 34 36 19 21 Cupar 48 70 28 3i Dundee-- 50 60 30 33 Elgin-- 40 49 24 26 Inverness...—, 140 46 24 27 Kelso 34 38 18 19 Kirkaltly-- 40 45 27 39 Perth 54 57 29 31 D,,ST- The size of the measure va /lit ; 08 / 15 17 ! 2 4 / 12 14 01 / 24 13 15 10. ;:i 2`l / 3 / 20 Ft, , , t 20 25 ;I' 30 46 , 16 20 05 0 16 20 F . :4, i 2,4 4 3 / 13 14 48 25 32 4.. 5 0 eon od, 21 '24 2 6 ,he es throughout , p t cS"" EDINBURGH CORN MARKE lar daP We had a large supply of "all kinds of Grain to-30§' Barley, and the sales in general were very heavY• Wheat. Batley. Oats. veasei First 6ls Od aSs 7d I `.19, 84 3O Second 528 Od 28s fid 19, Od • , i ( P` i Third 43s 6d :25s (Id 14s 8d 184 25s ys o PRICS O. &C. t Beef, per lb. N. 4d. E to Os F . 7d. PROVISIONS Fresh BUILer, 's 0 0 0 \Litton 0 4 0 7 Salt Ditto O 0 0 0 8 1 0 Ditto, per CAI. ig 7 6 0 4 0 Eggs, per doz. 6 6 0 Lamb, per qr. 8 0 10 0 .) 6 e Fallow, cwt.... 37 0 40 0 Wheat Ditt o .. 5 0 0 Quartern Loaf 0 8 0 0 Barley Ditto.. 5 S Potatoes, 1711 b. 0 4 0 0 Hay,per E1)1N111111611 MEAL MA lIKEI'..-N`'," sP ,- ,11, The supply of Oatmeal at this day's market W's. :he sale heavy, at last week's prices. ID. 1 1 I Per Sack of 2801 b. Imp Per Stone 0114 . 0 ! First Oatmeal Second ditto Barleymeal l'easenaeal ' Pot Barley—No. 1, per cwt. 125.-2 d, 145.-3 d• 16 ' 4 ' a o' l ma „,.. eY , 1 8 53 S Bv ec eaar o lse i t i yin t i d eea i a t i t i o .. _.... ........................ GLASGOW CORN MARKET:-...- -r :13 , - 1 A fair arrival of Oats and 'Wheat, but not Ma - 0 no alteration in prices. ~, 0. oto 141 .„, Wheat, per 2401 n. s. d. s. d. 1 Oats, per '2' V 0 British, old 250 to 31 01 Irish ................... , ; new Canada, free 27 0 30 0 ! Beans, Per ~. ..- , ~, Irish Barley, per 32011).92 0 27 0 English .. ........... 0 o u 1 . 7,, Scottish ............. I , i 0 ' English ~..... 0 0 Pease, Scottish 1 . - 1,, Scottish 2l 6 2:3 0 Oatmeal, per 1401' 45' Irish 6 4 ' lii. 0 , CO RNW A Tftußo—Wheat (average) 20s.0,1.—Barley, W s ; to I oi l ) L MARKETS. .....,0 ... 0 0 04. ' ST. AUSTELL—Wheat, —s. to 20s.—Barley, '''''' .m. ,A, Os. to 7s. 6d.t o irto' PENZANCE—Wheat, 21s. to 2'2/I.—Barley, 9 6 . i t Ow ~," LAUNCESTON—Wheat (average) 7s. to 7s. 6(l.—Beef and Mutton, Od. to 6d.- - F ° ' .y v Butter, 12,1. per lb. „ 9 1 • °. ~ 195.6.1.--Bar le '' ,0 3 " ' 5s 3d.—Beef, s,l.—Mutton, 6,1. gl• fid • pi , Lisiteitan—Wheat, —s. to 19s. 0:1. —Barley , 0* to 6s. 6d. ...Oat* BODMIN—Wheat (average)2ls.—Barley, Bs. 6d.' HELSTON—Wheat, 20s. 6d.—Barley, 93 exi• to ST. COLUMIt— W heat, 20a. to —s.—ltarleY , and Mutton, sd. to 6d. —Veal, o,l.—Lamb, Od• MINING IN I'ELLIGENCIS•A,', 3,441 !uantity of Copper Ore sold at Redruth last T hur. tiantity of fine Copper -1114 Average Produce ...:..:—.....—«—*----- - ** - n „ d.ti Amount of Sale, 20,5671. 123. Od.—Averageota •••••••••=•1•••••••••• • _........ "-- m . 3 C i ler b 't FORCE OF HABIT.-I once he— I d man who had so great a fondness for the letterd scarcely a sentence of his discourse wa4 tiered of Ij. p 7 ; upon inquiry, I found that this was the r e° 'c ff for he was a great whistler. Gardiner 's 21°58 Lure. BBrit's IRTHS. .. Hea lth , of " 9 On the 10th inst., at the • h College 0, thou lady of James Morison, the Hygeist. of , G. La S' err' i of aso t i h i eSt inst., at Hackney, the wife J . MARRIED. stal, Nath /flaps, etaeb lie ' Simes, Esq., of-London to Ann, thirci 'clan Lgeew oshua Walker, Esq., of dakwell-house, near On th, DIED. e t the wife of Robert Hindmarsh, On the fith inst, in Newington-place, Ken„ington,of P r , 85th Y 3r f V e buisson, late of the Stock -Exchange, in the ~.m . o yo. t p On the 2.c1 inst., at Canterbury, in the Y u pri n ter w lio and author of various works in defence of the t r 1 of the Hon. Emanuel Swedenborg. tiO V of eonsuplY . 4 . t On the 6th inst., at Deptford, aged 13, O'Brien,- ,' field, eldest son of Captain George 1-3. Regiment. manY years a Plleolol,4° ~p, PRINTED AND PERLIAHED BY MU RDO Y SUN OFFICE, 118% STRAND, LANDO* e"\ TRACTs RI , 11'1 , 1 ' 11111 :: T& be l'ic i . 4l , : a .7f ; i 4ltY, 1 ) 1 on I , H ' 11 ', and lanrgtiti) contract ford ford ) e :', , into h v .z, P re I -ow" I.e :Pee' mtdi e 4001