The Sun. — London, England, 1863-02-06 00:00:00

~t~ r / 4 / a be ono 3 MiS-' )trsyed -tisane, their with- rs, and al bal )g the )y have ratiate except lasting le firm oserva of that pieced 6dence be dis- adver- Inly by or any earthy is sub- truth. d the chosen which in this 3 dwell LV put iendly )er his th the 9f an nperti civilly in war- )1e that it ; but ) much 'oreign Df self- Lphs to lion of which is been ex ico ? ye not by any ag and for the join in ca and ongra- I Italy, lefinite DU the ige in- as our 1 com- every lame— I occa- ►tion-- ?irited t riendly he say Will iieh he 'tate of en ce of disre- re dis- out of unless ur dis- of our icrifice y body es of it which g who krone, een at DIA de must th less docu- onsole re her ;re the reign's ive $0 mntry cising to the ce the to 41s 1 to 33a 1 to 24s to —a which leo , rates ; ;re un- to 23s to 30s to 25s to 44s to 40s leney. diges- F . one. LONDON AM) COUNTY BANKING COUPANY. . 111)9 iri . bed Capital, £1,500,000, in 30,000 Shares of £ 5O eac h ; Paid-up Capital, £590,000; Reserve Fund, £175,000. Thomas TYrlngham Bern p a l r ß d E , np DIRE CT O RS. Harrison, Esq. Edward Huggins, Esq. Philip PattOn Blyth, Esq. Wm. Champion Jon es, Es q . _John - Wm. Burmester, Esq. James Laming , E s q . toles Child, Esq, William Lee, Esq. , M .P. c •E. Childers Fs M.P. William Nicol, Esq., M. P. John Fleming, :(1" Esq. GENERAL MANAGER—WiIIiam APlC.ewan, Esq. CHIEF INSPECTOR—W. J. Norfolk, Esq. ASSISTANT GENERAL MANAGER—WiIIiam Howard, Esq. CHIEF ACCOUNTANT—Jame s Gray. Esq. INSPECTORS OF BRANCHES. J. Tulioch, Esq., and G. A. Addison, Esq. Head Office, 21, Lombard-street. At the ANNUAL MEETING of the Proprietors, held on THURSDAY, the sth Feb., 186 at the London Tavern, Ilishopsgate-street, the ollowing Report for the year ending the 31st Dec., 1862, was read by the Secretary. WILLIAM NICOL, Esq., M.P., in the Chair. REPORT. The Directors, in submitting to the proprietors the account s of the Bank for the halt-year endirp , 31st Dec. ast, have to report that, after making ample provision for bad and doubt ful debts, including some unusual charges which had fallen on the half-year, interest to customers, expenses of manage ment, rebate and income tax. the net profit amounts to £44,55 4 4s. 5d., which sum, added to £776 16s. 7d., brought forward, results in a total of £45,331 Is. From the above sum the Directors recommend that the usual dividend of o per cent. be declared, together with a bonus of 1i per cent., making in alt 14 per cent. for the past year. This arrangement leaves £1,483 2s. 3d. to be carried forward to profit and loss new account. Fred. Harrison, Esq., lately one of the auditors, has been unanimously elected to a seat st the board. This creates a vacancy in the office of auditor, which it is competent to the meeting: to fill up. The directors retiring by rotation are William Nicol, Esq , 351. P. James Laming, Esq., and Thomas Tyringham Ber nard. Esq., M,P., all of whom are eligible for re-election, and offer themselves acc , rdingly. The dividend will be payable at Head Office, or at any of the branches, on and after Monday, the 16th instant. BALANCE SHEET OF THE LONDON AND COUNTY BANKING COMPANY, Dec. 31, 1852. . To Capital paid-up DR £598,375 0 0 Reserve fund 175,000 0 0 Amount due by the Bank for Customers' Balances, &c. £7,151,136 6 6 Liabilities on Acceptances and Endorsements by the Bank, Circular Notes, and Letters of Credit 7,517,501 9 11 Profit and loss balance broughtfrom last account. £776 18 7 Gross profit for the half year atter making provision for bad. and doubtful debts .. 144,312 8 9 145,089 5 4 £8,435,968 15 3 13 Y cash on hand at head office and Branches 2981,8%) 7 4 Cash placed at call and at no tice 1,159,329 14 4 2,141,229 1 8 Investments, viz.: Government and Guaranteed Stocks Other stocks and Securities 103,913 15 10 Di scou nted Bills, Notes, and 755,803 1 3 temporary advances to Cus tomers in town and coun try 5,083,758 16 8 Advances to Customers on special securities Freehold premises in L om b ar d -street and 5,345,722 4 3 Nicholas-lane, freehold and leasehold property at the Branches, with fixtures and fittings 104,724 3 2 Interest paid to Customers Salaries and all other expenses at Head Office and Branches, including income tax on profits and salaries £8,435,96815 3 PROFIT AND LOSS ACCOUNT. DR. To interest paid to Customers £26,364 10 0 Expenses, as above 62,119 14 3 Rebate on Bills not due, carried to New Account Dividend of 6 per cent, for the half-year Bonus of 14 per cent Balance carried forward £145,089 5 4 By Balance brought forward from last ac count £776 16 7 Cross profit for the half-year, after making proyision for bad and doubtful debts £145,089 5 4 We, the undersigned, have examined the foregoing Balance sheet, and have found the same to be correct. (Signed) HENRY OVERTON, 1 Auditors. IGH London and Cou n t y Bank,Jan. 2WR T, 9, 1862. Thellowin foregoingdg Resolutions Report having been read by the Se c r e t ar y, the fog Resolutions were propos e d, an d unan i mously ad opt 1. That the Report be received and adopted, and printed for the use of the Shareholders. 2. That a dividend of 6 per cent, be declared upon the capi tal stoc of the Company for the half-year ending the 31st December, 16 ', together with a bonus of per cent., both clear f income tax, p , yable on and after Monde. , the 16th of February instant ; and that the balance of £1,483 Is. 3d. be carried forward to profit and loss new account. 3. That the thanks of this Meeting be given to the Board of Directors for the able manner in which they have conducted the affairs of the Company. 4. That the thanks of the Meeting be presented to the Auditors of the Company for their services during the past year, and that Henry Overton and John Wright, Esqrs., be re-elt cted Auditors for the current year. 5. That Richard Hinds Swaine, Esq., be elected an Auditor of the London and County Banking Company for the current Year. ci6. That the thanks of this meeting be presented to William Ep.q., the General M anager , an d a l so to the prin e„',P,ad nd ether officers o f th e es t a bli s h ment, for the zeal and — ""tY with which they have discharged their respective duties. thThe election of three directors having been proceeded with, ZPilliam e following gentlemen were unanimously re-elected : Nicol, Esq., James Lamina,Esq., and Thomas TYringharn. Bernard, Esq., M.P. S nod) W. NICOL, Chairman. . Nan T f. ; g ci e aaim e tri h hea ed ir u ra n a a n ni l m ia o v u in sl g y q : litted the Chair, it was resolved v cordial thanks of this Meeting be presented to Nicol, Esq., M.P., for his able and courteous con duct in the Chair. (Signed) W. C. JONES, Deputy Chairman. Extracted from the minutes. (Signed) F. CLAPPISON, Secretary. L ONDO N AND COUNTY BANKING COMPANY. NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN, that a DIVIDEND (41 the Capital Stock of the Company of 8 per Cent., for the -all-year ending the 3 st December, 1882, w th a Bonus of e cont., will be PAID t o th e P ro p r i e t ors e ith er at the Bead Branch Office Lombard-street, or at anv of the Company's Banks, on and after MONDAY the 18th instant. By order of the Board. W. M'KEWAN, General Manager. 21 , Lombard-street, Fib. 6, 1863. FORGERY ! 20,000 FRANCS REWARD.- Whereas there are on the Continent immense FOR GERIES of Morison's STAMPS and PILLS ; Messrs. ORISON, of London, hereby offer the above REWARD on tonvietion of the offenders. Signed, MORISON and ( 0., Hygeists. British College of Health, January, 1863. Euston-road, London. Apply t 9 Mr. BERCK, Baltimore M.S.) Messrs. Rue srs J. e C i 1 . ' F F r r e a n n c k h fo a r n t d ° S 3 o r n . . * Barbadoes . . .. ... .... Messrs. John Nlonteflore and Co. Barcelona (Spain) ... ... .. •. Baste (Switzerland) . t e au s a rs. 14 'G i sC t I t i , in u d. ' Brody (Germany) Mr. limorenteld.w t. Reitz Messrs. Taconnet and CO. Calcutta Messrs. Walmestey and Co. Carthagena Dn. itataei Canto, Muralla del Mar. Constantinopl, Mr. A. Stampa. Copenhagen Messrs. Th. Lose and Co., and Mr. Michaelsen, Cracow Mr. Grosse. Elsiuore Mr. S. 0. Steenberg, Gibraltar .. Guernsey Hail( ax ;N.S Hamburgh Re mpton (Bavaria) Kingston (Jamaica) Macon, (Bibb Country, Georgia, U.S) Madras Pereira, Esq.* Mel! ourne (Port Philip) Mr. A. Charlwood. Alexi, o ............. Montreal New Plymouth (New Zealand) New York (U.S.) Odessa Sydney (New • South Wales) Of whom alone the GENUINE MORISON'S PILLS can be had on the Continent and elsawheie abroad. ALLEGED SECONDHAND SAFES.—Any Any PERSON or PERSONS having recently PUR CHASED from Furniture Brokers or Dealers in SECOND HAND EIRE-PKOOF SAFES, any such Safes which Vit STATED To BE OF CHUBB'S MAKE, will iitge„l23, COMMUNICATING with Messrs. Robinson and Hine Haycock, No. z 2, Ch arterhouse-square, solicitors to Messrs. Chubb and Son. MPOS NOTHING I SIBLE __________...______._. m useful invention ot the day---Th c. e greatest and - -Messrs. di 1 LIN GOSNIcLL an 6-(4 1 ,"A. AM NRELLA Lomba• d-street, perfumers to her SI ajWsti hree Kin " ..emu.t ' to the publ c this truly marvellous tiu d', respectfully offer restores the human hair to its 13risti. e huwe4lo gradually what age The Aqua Amarella has none of the r matter at dyes ; it, on the contrary, is beneficial to the l agt e e r LI when the hair is once restored one application per month will keep it in perfect colour. Price one guinea per bottle. COTTAM and COMPANY'S S T ABLE ,N -1 FITT' K GS.—These fit ngs, rows i ,generally spec , fied by architects in their silecifications, may be seen at the I%I ALI T ACTo KY, 2, WIN b Li , y_, noel ., 1 , , , XFORD- Bis , RE W., where a lar e suppi is aiways on hand and Tegiilar si zes kept i n s t oc k, a na where full-size Stalls and I:, se Boxes (variously arranged, with a view to the economy (P t aisileaLcaen) :a: be examined. COTTA ‘I and COMPANY, inauu acturers and patentees, hold the Prizes of ,851, 1855 - 62, for these fittings. ORNAMENTS for the Drawing-room, Library,r -m; t nd Dining-room, consisting of a new and e,egr., o Ink- me )/ VASES, Figur es , Groups, Candlesticks, One' is ,..ss stands, , eautiful inlaid Tables Paper weights, Ste, f -n Italian, tto Alabas er, Parian, Marble, Bronze, Derbyshire Spa r, • Imported and manufactured by JAMES TENNANT, Mine ralogist to her Majesty, 149, Stand, W.C., London. Mr. Tennant arranges elementary collections of SHELLS, MINERALS, ROCKS, and FOSSILS, which will greatly facilitate he interesting study of MINERALOGY, CON CHOLOGY, • nd GEOLOGY, at 2,5, 10, 20, 50, to 100 guineas each. PRACTICAL INSTRUCTION in GEOLOGY and MINE RALOGY is given by Mr. TENNANT, at 149, Strand, W.C. TRULY EFFICACIOUS AND MILD, — Dr. SCOTT'S BILIOUS and LIVER PILLS, pre pared without any mercurial ingredient, from the recipe of Dr. ' , mu, of Bromley, Kent, will be found invaluable to all who Puffer from bilious dnd iver complaints, i nd i gestion, wind, spasms, giddiness, , izziness of the eyes, &c. For habitual costiveness, as ft,family aperient medicine, and as a purifier of the blood, WE) , are truly excellent ; mild in their opera tion and grateful to the stomach, they create appetite, pro mote digestion, and strength en th e whole nervous system. Sold by W. Lambert, 8, King William-street, Charing-cross. London, and by most druggists, in boxes,ls. lid., and three times the quantity in one, 2s. 9d. Be sure to ask for Dr. Scott's Bilious and Liver Pills. The genuine are a. square green 0 package, with " Lunbert,' , engraved on the tamps T HEATRE ROYAL DRURY-LANE. Sole Lessee and Manager, Mr. EDMUND FALCONER The public is respectfully informed that this Tbeatre, flaying been Re-modelled, Decorated, and Embellished in a truly magnificent and costly style, is now open. Notwithstanding the immense expenses incurred in the arrangements, the Prices of Admission will be as usual, and similar to those of the principal London Theatres, viz.:— Private Boxes, 10s. 6d., 21e., £1 lls. 6d., £2 25., £3 35., and £4 4s. Stalls, 6s. Dress circle, 4s. First Circle, 3s. Boxes, 2s. Pit, 2 s . L ower G a ll ery, I s . Upp e r Galery, 6d. No Half-price. A MORNING PERFORMANCE of the PANTO MIME EVERY WEDNESDAY, at Two o'clock. THIS EVENING will be presented Mr. E. Falconer's Comic Drama, entitled NEXT OF KIN. Principal Characters by Messrs. S. Calhaem, H. Sinclair, Neville, Warde, Rourke, Fredericks; Mrs. Edmund Fal coner, and Miss Portman. After which will be produced the Great Drury-lane Annual in the form of an entirely Novel, Original, Bur lesque, Grotesque, Poetical, Pictorial, Pastoral, Grand Comic Christmas Pantomime entitled LITTLE GOODY TWO SHOES; or, HARLEQUIN and COCK ROBIN I "Little Bird with bosom red, Welcome to my Humble Shed, Daily near my table steal, While I pick my scanty meal, Well rewarded if I spy, Pleasure in thy glancing eye. _Old Poem. The novel Effects and Extensive Scenery by Messrs. GRIEVE and TELBIN, assisted by Messrs. DAYES, JONES, C. FENTON, E. LLOYDS, GRIEVE, Jun., TELBIN, Jun., and 0 ANSON and SONS. The Ma chinery by M r . TUCKER. The C os tumes by Mr. MAY and Mrs. CLARKE. The Masks, Designs, and Person"! Appointments by the celebrated DYK-WYN-KYN • com pleted under his direct supervision by Messrs. GLINDON. CHALTON, and numerous Assistants. The Tricks, Pro perties, Changes, and Transformations of the Harlequinade by Mr. BLAM IRE and Assistants. The Gas Appointments by Mr. HINCKLEY. The Scenes of the Harlequinade by H. BOLENO, J. CORMACK, and D. JOHNSON. The Groupes, Tableaux, Action, and Grand Ballet, designed and arranged by Mr. OSCAR BYRNE. The Overture and Music composed and arranged by Mr. J. BARNARD. The Opening invented and written by E. L. B ,ANC HARD, Author of "The House that Jack Built," "Peter Wilkins," " Robin Hood," &c. THE VILLAGE SCHOOL OF GOODY TWO SHOES. EARLY MORNING. Little Goody Two Shoes—Miss LYDIA THOMPSON. "This dear little Girl, whose real name was Margery Meanwell, once lived," &c.—Old Story. "His kind Wife gave little Margery a nice pail of new Shoes; and she was so pleased with them, and so fond of showing them to every one she met, saying, ' Two Shoes — Two Shoes,' that she gained the name of ' Little Goody Two Shoes.' "—Old O'tory. The Raven, the Pigeon, the Cat, and the White Rabbit (her pets), Masters Quork, Coo, Mew, and Bunny. Roastedbreast. Little Boy Blue (her bin—M Shepherd S R wain) Miss HELEN Johnny S t rut (theHrodA HOWARD. Mr. J. ROBINS. ymSallrg.oTlararegs--enyasters Wag, Lag, Fag. Brag, Dag, Nag, Thomm D g : (the Bad Boy) Mr. G. WESTON. Sir TimPotriaycdGmrlinere, Tun"' Rumple, Ga Whin :_at e f.,,„[nd Misses Nimble., Simple, Sample, Mr. TOM Graspall (his Steward),isiAci of the Manor), THEWS. Villagers—Messrs.Bumkin,W Mr. SHAW. bacon, Thatcher, &c., &c. hakstraw,Oatcake,Chaw " The room in whch she taught her scholars large, so that she could have her children staud i was very n front of her while she instructed them.—Old Story. Of the proposal made by Sir Timothy to Goody Two Shoes, and what became of it. Pim.", &c., &c. HUNTING LO G E ONOREST. THE BORDERS op TH F The Fairy Good Nature (assuming the form of Goody Peabody), Miss KATE SAXON. Gamekeepers, Messrs. Popp and Bang. Footman, Mr. Powdernob. Page, Master Buttons. Housekeeper, Mrs. Chickabiddy. How Little Boy Blue meets with a particular friend, and how the Squire dooms the small Birds found on his Estate to general destruction, and what ensues thereupon. THE BRAMBLEBRAKE IN THE DEPTHS OF THE FOREST.—SUN SET. " When good Little Goody Two Shoes bad finished her ten sets of letters, she invited a great number of her poor Scowl and Growl. ltttle Companions to meet together Su nderu an old oak tree, and there she taugh t them. ot y. 0 N A d O l a r n . t G s) 1,, Messrs. Slott ' . ON. , and Th M e Daleimce°(nhis Envy.atten Hatred The Bad Boy's Compact with the Evil Genius, and what followed therefrom. HAUNT OF THE V OOD NYMPHS IN THE ENCHANTED DELL. May, Wee WANT WORTIL N°. 22,030. Dedicated by Permission to his Grace the Duke of New castle, K.G. Ready, in Bvo, with fine Illustrations, 155., _NARRATIVE of a SUCCESSFUL EXPLORATION THROUGH the INTERIOR of AUSTRALIA, from Melbourne to the Gulf of Carpentaria. From the Journals of WILLIAM JOHN WILLS. Edited by his Father, WILLIA3I WILLS. Richard Bentley, New Burlington-street. MR. CHARLES KENT'S POEMS. SHAKSPERE AT SHOTTERY, With OTHER POEMS. BY CHARLES KENT, Barrister-at-Law. lecp. price ss. By the same Author, AT H E I A: O L E, THE DOOM OF MYTHOLOGY. With OTHER POEMS. A New Edition. Fcp. Svo., price ss. London : Longman, Green, and Co., 14, Ludgate-hill. " DINNA FORGET" that Signor GIUGLINI sings in the GREAT ST. JAMES'S HALL on WEDNESDAY EVENING, February 11. This being most positively his last appearance in England previous o his de parture for " Vienna," Admission Tickets, ON a SHILLING EACH, should be secured before hand, at Austin's office, 28, Piccadilly. Sofa stalls, Ls. each. CANTERBURY HALL. FRICKELL, the celebrated Professor of Magic, without apparatus. Immense success of the Third Edition of the renowned Pantomimic Entertainment, THE ENCHANTED HASH, thirteen characters, solely sustained by E. Marshall. The Comic by Unsworth, the original stump orator "Or any other Man," Eugene, Frank Hall, Arthur Lloyd, and bliss Georgina Smithson. GRAND OPERATIC SELECTIONS, as usual, conducted by Mr. Jonfy,hmans, T HE 0 X F O R D, 6, OXFORD STREET. Re-appearance of Miss Russell. ALCESTE (the masterpiece of the renowned Composer Gtucx), Supported by the entire company, with full band and chorus. Conducted by Mr. Jonghmans. Other Operatic Selections, Choruses, four-part Songs, ezc. George Hodson's Irish, Miscellaneous, and Ventriloquial Entertainment. Unsworth's great Stump Speech, "Or any other man." Eugene's burlesque Scenas and Dances. Miss Caroline Parkes' Pantomimic Sketch, " Little Red Riding Hood." W. Randall's New Comicalities, and other varied attractions EVERY EVENING. Hall, od.—Baleony and Stalls, ls.—Private Boxes, 10s. 6d. In rehearsal, " HERNE THE HUNTER," a Cantata composed by W. M. Lutz, Esq., words by 0. Summers, Esq. THE LONDON PAVILION.-LITTLE COR RELLI the Greatest Sensation of the Day. The FOUR AMERICAN WONDERS surpass all ever witnessed in this country. Grand Selection from the " Traviata" every Evening•, sustained by Madame Valckneare, Miss Constance, Madame Losebini, Madame Elise, and Mr. IL De Brenner. Six American Bowling Alleys open daily. London Pavilion, Tichbourne-street. ARGYLL ROOMS, Windmill-street, Piccadilly. Open nightly for Promenade. There is added to the above elegant Establishment a Grand Conversation Saloon, Reading Room, and Smoking Lounge. French, German, and English papers taken in. The musical arrangements under the direction of Mons. Jullien. - • The Band is composed of the best Musicians in the metro polis. Admission ls.—Manager, M. Grenet. JIILLIEN'S PROMENADE CONCERTS. MONS. JULLIEN has the honour to announce that his PROMENADE CONCERTS will take place Every Evening at the ARGYLL ROOMS. 'l he Programme will include selections and arrangements from the works of the following masters : MOZART, I ROSSINI, I MEYERBEER, I DONIZETTI. A Grand Quadrille from Howard Glover's Opera, " Once too Often," and the ballet music will be chiefly selected from the repertoire of the late M. Jullien. Admission—One Shilling. Manager, M. GRENET. THE LONDON ANATOMICAL MUSEUM ; containing the Wonders of Nature and Art, shown by Innumerable superbly executed Models, illustrating, every part of the Human Frame, together with a variety of highly interesting Natural Preparations, Malformations, and Mon strosities. Open daily, from 11 to 10 (for erf ntlem n only). Admission One Shilling. Entrances 29, George-street, Han over-square, and 45A, Maddox-street, Regent-street, Lon don, W. Explanatory Lecture every Evening at Seven. Illus trated and Descriptive Catalogues sent, post free, for twelve stamps. Address the Secretary, as above. SAWYER'S FAMOUS LONDON DINNER FOR THIS DAY, At 2s. Ed. each Person. SOUPS. Mulligatanny. Aux Pates D'ltalie. FISH. Brill and Shrimp mime. Fried Soles. ENTREES. Haricot de Queues de Bceuf. Vole au Vent ala Refine. JOINTS. Sirloins of Beef. Saddles of Mutton. SWEETS. Ginger Soufflé. Victoria Fritters. Cheese and Salad. An extensive and carefully selected stock of FRENCH, RHENISH, MOSELLE, and other WINES, imported ex pressly for The London Dinner. THE LONDON, 19', FLEET-STREET. TROUSERS. —Gentlemen who do not mind X paying a fair price for a good pair of Trousers can depend upon material and patterns, that cannot be excelled, HAMILTON and KIMPTON'S, Tailors, 105, Strand (opposite Exeter Hall). •?..;•IMiWsri : 114 4 . 1 77' // 1„ 1 " :1 ; \ • t ;.a - „ - , I • ~, ,rl k olo ' T.: 71 t • 4 ~ - liath , c;:r. 7 x A • 0/3,01T. ' GIR . • 1;111111 Zy' ~l . , THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 6, 1863, IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT ease, and he hoped for the interests of the people of Ame rica, and for the future of that country that the time was not far distant when that desirable end would be accom plished. The noble lord then touched upon the distress at present existing in a portion of England, and remarked that although that distress had been of the most heartrending nature, ya it had been borne with a calmness and resig nation which called for the greatest sympathy, and it was some consolation to know that that distress was somewhat diminishing. Regarding Italy, re) great desire of England was, that with such a climate eel such a soil one of the fairest countries on earth m lit also become consolidated into constitutional liberty. Before he resumed his seat he could not Ii 1p re marking upon the great loss of one who had passed from them since the house last met. The high character of the noble lord made it matter of the deepest regret that that house would be for ever prevented of availing itself of his counsels and experience. He had only to thank their lord ships for the attention they had awarded him, and con cluded by moving the Address. The Earl of GRA NARD said the noble mover of the Address had so completely exhausted the subject, that it left him but little to say. The marriage of his Royal High ness the Prince of Wales was a matter of the greatest hap piness to the country, and he trusted it would be to his Royal Highness himself. By the education he had received, and the travels he had made, he gave the greatest hope that he was fitting himself for the great duties which would some day or other d evolve upon him, It was a matter of the highest gratification that her Ma jesty remained on the present friendly terms with foreign nations, and although all regretted the state of affairs in America, yet all would approve of the system of non intervention that had been adopted in Eng land, With respect to the destitution at present existing in Lancashire, all must deplore that such a state of things existed, yet if there was anything that showed that the ope ratives had intelligence, it was the resignation with which that destitution had been borne. He could not but express his highest admiration of the means taken to meet that destitution by the highest and noblest in the land, and amongst those who had greatly distinguished themselves in the endeavour to alleviate that distress, none more nobly distinguished himself than the noble earl (Derby) opposite. (Loud cheers.) Ireland had nobly come forward and done all she was able, and his fervent prayers were for an alle viation of the existing state of things. He would conclude by seconding the Address. The Earl of DERBY—There is one topic touched upon in the speech from the throne with regard to which there will be decidedly no difference of opinion, and with regard to which we may express our feelings without the slightest mental reservation, without any arriare pensee. This time last year it was our melancholy duty to present to the soya reign of this country a tribute of condolence and of sym pathy as deep and as genuine as was ever expressed by a great nation. This year a different and more pleasing duty devolves upon us. I ns t e ad of the language of condolence upon the deep calamity which had fallen upon the sove reign, and which still bows her down in sorrow, a sorrow that will never cease, we have to substitute the language of congratulation upon an client which, in every point of view, must be a matter of consolation, comfort, and rejoicing to her Majesty, as it must be to the country at large. W e have now to congratulate her Majesty and the country upon the approaching marriage of the heir to the throne, the prince whom we have had the happiness and the honour of receiving within these walls this day—to congratulate her Majesty and him upon an event which, so far as human foresight can tell, promises to his royal highness the greatest amount of happiness. It is not to him as the heir to the throne that we tender our respectful congratulations on this event, but to him as one who has already by the courtesy of his demeanour, and the affability of his man ners, won the affectionate regard of those who have been privileged to associate with him; and one who, at a very early age, when placed in circumstances of no inconside • rable difficulty, has displayed tact, judgment, and dis cernment which promises well for the future. We con gratulate his royal highness and her Majesty upon his approaching union with a princess of whom all who have had the happiness of knowing her speak in terms avowing their conviction that, endowed with every gift of appearance and mind, is fully qualified to fill the high position in which she will be 13Iaced, as the partner of the sovereign of the greatest country in the world. We rejoice, likewise, in reflecting that her royal highness comes from a country between the inhabitants of which and of our own country there are many points of similarity of character ; between whom there are many natural and national ties, between whom there is much community of interest—a country en j eying constitutional monarchy—a constitutional monarchy of which I may fairly say that its integrity and its inde pendence are matters which never can be regarded by the Government of this country with indifference. (Hear, hear.) My lords, I can express on this subject no better wish than that his royal highness and the princess whom he has chosen may enjoy happiness as unalloyed—and God grant it may be far more lasting—as that which fell to the lot of his illustrious parents. Turning from this personal topic, though one deeply interesting to the public at large, to another and most important topic, which engages the atten tion of all men in all parts of the country, I may say that I have no fault to find, I have no objection to the course which her Majesty's Government has pursued with regard to the war which is now desolating the United States. I may regret, indeed, that her Majesty's Government did not feel themselves justified in joining in an attempt, however hopeless that attempt might appear, to which they were in vited by the sovereign of France, not to put an end to the war, but to endeavour by good offices to bring about such an armistice as might lead the two contending parties them selves to reflect on the miseries and hopleseness of the struggle in which they are engaged. I say it is a matter of regret that her Majesty's Government did not think themselves justified in acceding to the wishes of the Empe ror of the French and offering their good offices. But be fore I censure the course pursued by h er Majesty'such better Govern ment, I think it fair to say they were in awinhether there position than I am to form a judgment as to was a possibility of the success of any int erference on t • part, or whether such an interference would merely have added to the bitterness of the strife. On that subject it was necessary that her Majesty's Government should rely upon the information they received from her Ma jesty's Minister in the United States. Therefoto I make no objection, although I say I regret that no attempt was made to reconcile the two contending parties, I assume that, previous to an attempt at mediation, the parties who offer mediation should agree upon the terms, or at all events upon the principles, on which that mediation should be offered. But, if I know anything of the state of the relative feeling of the North and the South, this ques tion between them is not a question of degree, but it is a question of fundamental principles, between which there can be no mediation, because it is a question on the one side of cantinuing the union, and a question on the other side of separation; end if principles be laid down, it is necessary to establish whether you proceed on the principle of separa tion on of maintenance of the union. This difficulty meets you in the outset. Much has been said by many friends of mine, personal friends and political friends, for whose opinion I entertain the highest respect, that the time has arrived when it is desirable that we should recognise the Southern States. Now on that subject, regretting as I do my differ ence of opinion with several of my personal and political friends, I cannot bring my mind to the conclusion that the time has arrived when it would be wise or politic to take that step. I know only of two circumstances under which recognition can possibly take place by neutral governments. The first of these circumstances is where, although the state from which a revolt has taken place has not acquiesced in it as a fait accompli, yet, in point of fact, the war is at an end, and there is no struggle going on. That was the case with the states of South America in their revolt from Spain. For a long period before they were recognised Spain had ceased to take any active steps t o b r i ng them under her dominion. She did not, indeed, recognise their independence, but their independence was recognised by us, inasmuch as practically the struggle for independence was at ar. end. There is another case in which no ‘1 Mat recog nition may bo resorted to, and that is the crtse where, in the interests of humanity, other nations deter eine that a desolating warefare shall no longer be continu J. Bat in that case recognition is always followed by int( vention in support of the country whose right to independence is re cognised. Such a case occurred with regard to Belgium in its separation from Holland , and in regard to Greece in its separation from Turkey: Where the horrors of war are so great that in the interest of humanity they should be put an end to, other countries may fairly and legitimately interfere, but they must be prepared to go a step further, and main tain the independence of the country in whose behalf they interfere. Now I cannot but think that this consideration has not been sufficiently weighed by those anxious for our recognition of the South. My conviction is strong that, come what may, the reconstruction of the union of the United States, as it formerly stood, is absolutely impossible. I believe that at first the feeling of this eountry was strongly in favour of the North, and I believe it was the impression that the North would have no difficulty in overrunning and subduing the South; but even at that early period, it was clear that if they succeeded in subduing the South their difficulties would only then commence, because it was im possible, where such feelings had been excited and such deep injuries had been inflicted on the one side and the other that any cordial reconcilement or union could ever take place between them. If that were the case a year ago, how much stronger is the conviction now, when week by week, day by day, and hour by hour, the struggle becomes more desperate, and it becomes more apparent that neither party can obtain a decisive advantage over the other, the one acting on the defensive having practically the best of it, and that the continuance of the war is the continu ance of the most dreadful slaughter and the most horrible carnage, accompanied I'Y iucreased bitterness of feeling, accompanied on both sides, if we may believe the South, with aggravated atrocities and additional horrors to those which must always accompany civil war? In this state of things it is my firm conviction that there is ne possibility of re-establishing the union between the North and the South. At the same time we must recollect that the struggle is going on, and that the whole of the seaboard of the South is in the possession of the North. This being the case, it is impossible to say that the struggle has ceased so as to admit of our practical recognition, even if we did not mean to go further. And I do not think that those who advocate recognition are pre pared at the present time to say that we should interfere by force of arms, and to insist on laying down our terms as the terms on which separation shall take place. Theref re, I approve on the whole of the course pursued by her Majesty's Government on this subject, and of that neutrality which they have practically carried out to the fullest extent, in accordance with their own professions. There is another point. It is impossible for any man, with the ordinary feel ings of humanity, not earnestly to desire that this desolat ing warfare should be brought to a close, and I am quite sure her Majesty's Government, or any other government in power, would have eagerly embraced the first opportunity that offered itself with a fair prospect of success of tender ing their good offices. But at the present moment—l am sorry to say it—there is no such prospect. There is another aspect in which this war has a serious bearing on the in dustry and happiness and prosperity of this country. I would not say that both parties in America, and more especially in the South, and also some parties in this coun try, have exaggerated the importance of the suspension of the cotton trade in this country, and it is not altogether un desirable to have that opinion corrected, which went to the extent that it was absolutely necessary for us to submit to any terms rather than to have our great industry stopped. There is no doubt that the distress in the cotton districts, if not altogether caused by, has been greatly aggravated by the war in America. The sudden cutting off of a large sup ply of material of the cotton manufacture it must be ex pected would cause great distress and have disastrous con sequences on those who were engaged in the manufacture. But I regret to say that I cannot entertain the opinion that the sudden cessation of the war in America would of itself restore that industry, or even place on a satisfactory foot ing a great proportion of the population whose sufferings have excited so much sympathy. In speaking of this state of affairs, and of the condition of the manufacturing districts, I cannot but express my thanks to the noble earl who se conded the address for the manner in which he has spoken of the very small services which it has been in my power personally to render towards the relief of the distress. Con nected as I am with the county and with the manufactur ing industry, it has fallen to my lot to take a considerable share in the distribution of those funds which have been so liberally contributed by all denominations of her Majesty's subjects. But there are many whose labours have been in finitely greater than mine. There are many who had hardly time to spare, and who yet have devoted a much larger share of attention to the relief of that distress than I have. I think nothing can be more admirable than the conduct of the immediate sufferers, nothing more gratifying than to see the manner in which men of business, engaged in a manufacture requiring their constant attention, have given up hours, and days, and weeks, and months of their attention gratuitously, and without the slightest recom pense to themselves, except that which arose from the con sciousness of doing good, to mitigate the severe sufferings of the people around them. (Hear, hear.) I may remark, also, that the sufferings at present sustained by the manufactur ing population have led to another and most valuable result. They have brought forth an amount of kindly feeling among different classes, and they have enabled the rich and the poor mutually to better understand each other than they did before, and naturally to feel how far they were each de pendent on the other, and how much they had it in their power to assist each other : and they have given to the rich a deep sense of the duties they owe to the poor, and they have given to the poor a firm conviction that their inte rests are not overlooked by the rich ; and they have cor rected many misapprehensions which prevailed on this point. It is impossible to speak in terms of too high praise of the manner in which the manufacturing population have borne those sufferings and distress, and more than once, and I think it speaks well for the confidence and kindly feeling which prevails in the population, when they have been complimented on the manner in which they have borne their sufferings, they have said, " We knew we should not have to starve." The liberality of the country has been unbounded; it has proceeded from every class of the community. The feeling of nationality and of kindly rela tions has been warmly responded to from our own widely extended colonies; and I rejoice to find that the noble earl who moved the address took notice—a notice which I think might gracefully have been taken in her Majesty's speech— of the large and spontaneous contributions which in the midst of their own difficulties have been offered to our ma nufacturing population by the inhabitants of the Northern States of America. Large as has been the amount sub scribed, great as has been the liberality, anxious as have been the labours of the relief committee, and careful as has been the distribution of the fund, I fear I cannot say that there is at the present moment reason for the cessation of that liberality. Sufficient as is the fund in hand to guard the population against famine, disease, and death, I cannot look forward to a cessation of the present distress within any limited period. Undoubtedly in the application of that fund one consequence of the abundant liberality which has been shown by the public has been to put the industrious and highly paid artisan in a very disadvantageous position as compared with those who were on the verge of pauper ism, and those who were actually paupers. (Hear, hear.) Perhaps it will be satsfactory to your lordships to know that this is a point of which the relief committee are fully aware; but while it has been found impossible to make any material distinction between those who were earning 25s or 30s, or 40s a week and those who were earning Bs, the re sult has necessarily been that the higher paid class, not withstanding the relief they have received, have experi enced great privations, whereas the lower have experienced perhaps none at all. (Hear.) There is of course no danger that the one class will ever be demoralised by this relief— no danger that any pittance the committees may be able to afford them will ever appear in their eyes as a compensa tion for that large amount of comfort and even of affluence which they earned when at work, but there is some danger with respect to the other class, and that is a danger which is sure to be felt as soon as the ordinary state of things begins to be restored and they are thrown on their ordinary resources. (Hear.) lam afraid, however, that I can hold out no hope that the ultimate period of this distress has been rearly reached. It is somewhat satisfactory to see that there is a slight reduction in the number receiving aid; but I must confess my fear that that diminution is tempo rary and occasional, and that it must for a considerable time be a fluctuating one. The price of cotton goads at Manchester is scarcely sufficient to pay for the labour of working up the raw material, and notwithstanding the great diminution in our Indian and Chinese trade, the amount of cotton goods at the present moment in the mar kets of the East is so large that they can be sold at prices 25 per cent, lower than in Manchester. I have been assured by one of the moat intelligent of our merchants that accord ing to present calculations there is reason to apprehend that not a single pound additional of cotton goods can be sent to India or China with any chance of obtaining a remunera tive price for it, and that the amount of the raw material which we may expect next year—namely, considerably less than half that which has been received in more favourable times—will be sufficient to supply the entire demand of the world. The result, therefore, will be that our artisans can not expect more than three days' work a week, and tha t the loss of wages which was last year £9,030,000 will next year be £6,000,000. (Hear, hear.) In the meantime the market is in a most sensitive condition. There is a vast amount of capital and machinery most anxious to be em ployed the moment there ie an opportunity of earning the smallest profit. A fall of a ld. or 2d. per lb. is watched for in Liverpool with the deepest anxiety, and notwith standing the glut in the foreign market there are a number of merchants ready to rush in and work up what cotton there is the moment there is a fall. The result is to increase the amount of goods already in existence, and to cause a consf ant alternation of improvement and de pression. That stase of things will probably continue for a lengthened period; and it will, indeed, be long before the trade can be restored to its original condition. Indeed, I doubt whether it will ever again reach the magnitude which it attained in 1860 and 1861, and I don't know whether perhaps it is altogether desirable that it should ; but at any rate it must long continue in a state of depres sion. No doubt there is a large sum in the hands of the relief committees, the application of which will be rigorously watched ; but that is no reason why the public should relax their exertions if they desire to sustain the working classes during the present crisis. (Hear.) There are several other topics topics of very considerable importance, respecting whw.Tll be are told in the speech of her Majesty that papers Greece, laid before us. Amongst these are the affairsofltfiY been and Denmark. On all three countries we haveu alrea dy iable to congra partially supplied with papers ; but I ta atemfor Foreign Affairs tul ate the noble earl the Secretary of myself despatches with o somef the i o n n at departmenthe brilliant whiche which b e it. h so ap somewhatStde attended his ambitious. achievements ( Hea r , Denmark, we have all seen. and laughter.) With reg ard r v e c s o c m o u m n e t n at t a t t iho the s, heada n d of f dv h i e c r e thesee e I was at a loss to reconcile them previous declarations, he Coble confess e w s se that have I all read a d of the noble earl and t so Majesty's Government. Hear.) I confess I read the whole littlerab lee epa arpeastonishment,rslca for with the previous correspondence with a feeling of humiliation, for I was at a loss to say which of four documents reflected the greatest a mount, I might say of ridicule, on British diplomacy. (Cheers.) The first was the despatch of the noble earl, origi nating the discussion, and tendering advice which was cer tainly not asked for by the Danish Government, and which HOUSE OF LORDS--Last Evening. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. THE PRINCE OF WALES. His Royal Highness the PRINCE of WALES took the oaths and his seat in Parliament. His Royal Highness was accompanied by the Usher of the Black Rod, the King at Arms, Earl of Derby, the Duke of Newcastle, Earl St. Germans, Lord Kingsdown, the 'Duke of Argyll, Earl Sydney, Earl Granville, and several other peers. After his Royal Highness had signed the Parliamentary roll, he was conducted to his chair on the right hand side of the throne, where he remained a short time, and then left the house. THE NEW ARCHBISHOPS. The Archbishop of Canterbury and the Archbishop of York took the oaths and signed the Parliamentary roll. At this period of the evening there were a considerable number of peers present, and a great many ladies occupied the galleries at either side of the house. About ten minutes past five the Prince of Wales aga'n entered the house in company with the Duke of Cambridge, and sat by his noble relative's side on the cross benches, all the peers present remaining uncovered. THE VESTRIES BILL. On the motion of Earl GRA NVILLE, this bill was read a first time. THE ADDRESS. The LORD CHANCELLOR read her Majesty's Speech as follows : MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, Her Majesty commands us to inform you that since you were last assembled she has declared her consent to a marriage between His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales and Her Royal Highness the Princess Alexandra, daughter of Prince Christian of Denmark; and her Majesty has concluded thereupon a treaty with the King of Denmark, which will be laid before you. The constant proofs which her Majesty has received of your attachment to her person and family persuade her that you will participate in her sentiments on an event so interesting to her Majesty, and which, with the blessing of God, will, she trusts, prove so conducive to the happiness of her family and to the welfare of her people. Her Majesty doubts not that you will enable her to make provision for such an establishment as you may think suitable to the rank and dignity of the Heir Apparent to the Crown of these realms. A revolution having taken place in Greece, by which the Throne of that Kingdom has be come vacant, the Greek nation have ex pressed the strongest desire that her Majesty's son Prince Alfred should accept the Greek Crown. This unsolicited and spontaneous manifestation of good-will towards her Majesty and her Family, and of a due appreciation of the bene fits conferred by the principles and practice of the British Constitution, could not fail to be highly gratifying, and has been deeply felt by her Majesty. But the diplomatic engagements of her Majesty's Crown, together with other weighty considerations, have prevented her Majesty from yielding to this general wish of the Greek nation. Her Majesty trusts, however, that the same principles of choice which led the Greek nation to direct their thoughts, in the first instance, to wards His Royal Highness Prince Alfred, may guide them to the selection of a Sovereign under whose sway the Kingdom of Greece may enjoy the blessings of internal prosperity and of peaceful relations with other States ; and if in such a state of things the Republic of the Seven Islands should declare a deliberate wish to be united to the Kingdom of Greece, her Majesty would be prepared to take such steps as may be necessary for a revision of the Treaty of November, 1815, by which that Republic was reconstituted and was placed under the pro tection of the British Crown. Her Majesty's relations with foreign Powers continue to be friendly and seisfactory. Her Majesty has abstained from taking any step with a view to induce a cessation of the conflict between the contending parties in the North Ame rican States; because it has not yet seemed to Her Majesty that any such overtures could be attended with a probability of success. Her Majesty has viewed with the deepest concern the desolating warfare which still rages in those regions ; and she has wit nessed with heartfelt grief the severe dis tress and suffering which that war has inflicted upon a large class of her Majesty's subjects, but which have been borne by them with noble forti tude and with exemplary resignation. It is some consolation to her Majesty to be led to hope that this suffering and this distress are rather dimi nishing than increasing; and that some revival of employment is beginning to take place in the manu facturing districts. It has been most gratifying to her Majesty to witness the abundant generosity with which all classes of her subjects in all parts of her Em pire have contributed to relieve the wants of their suffering fellow-countrymen ; and the libe rality with which her Majesty's colonial subjects have on this occasion given their aid has proved that, although their dwelling-places are far away, their hearts are still warm with unabated affection for the land of their fathers. The Relief Committees have superintended with constant and laborious attention the distribution of the funds entrusted to their charge. Her Majesty commands ns to inform you that she has concluded with the King of the Belgians a treaty of commerce and navigation, and a conven tion respecting joint-stock companies. That treaty and that convention will be laid before you. Her Majesty has likewise given directions that there shalt be laid before you papers relating to the affairs of Italy, of Greece, and of Denmark, and that papers shall also be laid before you relating to occurrences which have lately taken place in Japan. GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, Her Majesty has directed that the Estimates for the ensuing year shall be laid before you. They have been prepared with a due regard to economy, and will provide for such reductions of expenditure as have appeared to be consistent with the proper ef f iciency of the public service. MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, We are commanded by her Majesty to inform you that notwithstanding the continuance of the civil war in North America, the general commerce of the country during the past year has not sensibly diminished. The Treaty of Commerce which her Majesty concluded with the Emperor of the French has already been productive of results highly advan tageous to both the nations to which it applies ; and the general state of the Revenue, notwithstanding many unfavourable circumstances, has not been un satisfactory. Her Majesty trusts that these results may be taken as proofs that the productive resources of the country are unimpaired. It has been gratifying to her Maj. sty to ob serve the spirit of order which happily prevails throughout Ner dominions, and which is so essential an element in the well being and pro sperity of nations. Various measures of public usefulness and im provement will be submitted for your considera tion; and her Majesty fervently prays that in all your deliberations the blessing of Almighty God may guide your counsels to too promotion of the welfare and-happiness of her pple. The Earl of DUDLEY rose to move that an humble address be presented to her Majesty in answer to her most gracious Speech, and said he was relieved of much of the anxiety which naturally a ttached to those performing the duty that now devolved upon him in consequence of the satisfactory statements it contained, The intimation abet Majesty that the marriage of his Royal Highness had been determined on would be received with the greatest joy by with the greatest the whole country, and he sincerely trusted that it would be productive of the greatest happiness to her Majesty and his dis tant—would be calledduomp Royal Highness. It was a source of the highest gratifica tion to their lordships that his Royal Highness on that occasion had taken his place amongst the peers of England. Greece, and 0 trusted that that marriage would be attended the first chosen of could not be obtained , in the course of time — which he hoped was far is- ful as England upon to go h v a e p rn pin a es c s oun t: ry o s n e e po w wd h e . o r : andi. t T a h b e l e t next ouifieldol, th topic ea v t a h c a a t n p t rtehsreonntee throne, but uitselfwasstill fervently to be hoped, although the people of that country found willing cession n vern that country. The would be found capable to govern sovereign would be hoped that amongst the themselves some one paragraph relating to the c the first might seem to some as :f the lonian Islands at might appear that a portion of this kingdomerY atartling, because it be given to another country, but that wawas about to England had but the protectorate of those not islso, because savage warfare that at present existed onantdhs. The ' side of the Atlantic was a cause of universal eother grief, and he hoped in the interests of humanity th that state of things would shortly end. It was the most at earnest desire of all in this country that the war should e - STAMPED ....sd. was equally certainly not followed by them. (Laughter.) The second was the able reply of the Danish Minister. The third was the despatch which, if indeed it was genuine, was addressed by the Swedish minister to the noble earl, thank ing him for communicating information (which Sweden already knew) as to the effect cf the first document. The fourth was a document about the authenticity of which there could be no doubt—the despatch which your lordships are aware was addressed by a certain Count Elsinore to a certain Earl Russell. (Laughter.) I must say, however, that if I had to determine which of the four had been most successful in throwing ridicule on our diplomacy, I should give the preference to the original despatch of the noble earl. (Laughter.) The noble Earl and myself had once the happiness to be colleagues of one of the most able, the most agreeable, and the shrewdest men I ever had the good for tune to meet with—the late Lord Melbourne. There was one piece of advice which Lord Melbourne was always in culcating upon his colleagues, but by which I am afraid the noble earl has not profited. Whenever any matter arose which involved considerable difficulty or embarrassment, Lord Melbourne's favourite precept used to be, " Can't you let it alone ?" (Laughter.) The noble earl must, I am sure, recollect the manner in which Lord Melbourne used to say " Can't you let it alone ; it will do very well if you will only let it alone," But with all the advantage of Lcrd Mel bourne's precept and example, the noble lord can't let it alone. (Laughter and cheers.) Whatever it may be, he can't let it alone. The noble earl's readiness to undertake every thing has been proverbial since the days of Sydney Smith. (Laughter.) If there is any difficulty to be settled—if there is any new constitution to be reorganised at once—if there is any embarrassing question which has occupied the at tention of statesmen for years, and almost for centuries, the noble earl is quite ready at a minute's notice. His language is always " Come to me, I'll settle it for you, I'll tell you what to do ;" and he sometimes comes forward to offer his gratuitous advice without even that apology which used to be made by a very popular character, " I hope I don't in trude." (Laughter.) To speak seriously, if the noble earl must needs offer his advice to Denmark could he not have satisfied himself with communicating privately with the Danish minister ? Does he not see that by taking the broad line which he did in the face of Europe he has materially in creased the embarrassment of the Danish Government, and induced Prussia and Russia to bring upon it that pressure which such sentiments, enunciated for the first time by the British Government, could not fail to exert. (Hear.) But if the noble lord's intervention in Denmark has been so success ful what has been the case with his intervention at Rome? (Cheers and laughter.) If England must give the Pope advice, does the noble earl think that he was the person from whom the Holy Father would be most ready to accept it ?—(laughter)—and what was the moment the noble earl chose for the purpose ? The Pope having casually made the remark that he might perhaps one day seek the hospi tality of England, the noble earl at once makes him a formal offer of ships to take him away, accompanied by advice to take the earliest opportunity of leaving Rome, and a pro mise of an asylum in Malta. (Laughter.) But the mo ment he did this was precisely that at which the Emperor of the French had promised the Pope to maintain him in Rome. Thus while the noble earl was intervening to in duce the Pope to go away, France was intervening to keep him where he was; and this was the French alliance, this the cordiality, the unity, and the harmony with which England and France were acting with respect to the affairs of Italy. (Cheers.) But was it :or the interests of Europe that the Pope should be maintained, under the protection of a Protestant Government, in a colony the majority of which are Roman Catholics ? Why, if there was any posi tion which could be conceived more calculated than another to produce the greatest amount of difficulty and embarrass ment, it would be the Pope at Malta. (Cheers.) There is another question of great importance referred to in her Ma jesty's speech—l mean the constitution of the new kingdom of Greece, and proposed cession of the lonian Isles. With regard to the first of these I am not satisfied with the course which has been pursued by her Majesty's Government. When the revolution took place it is only just to the Greek nation to bear witness to the singular moderation, good feeling, good temper, and judgment which they dis played throughout. I do not think there was a drop of blood spilt. Ido not think there was an intem perate word 'spoken or a violent act done. Nothing, in fact, could be more creditable than the unanimity and mode ration of the inhabitants ; and nothing could be more cre ditable to them than the personal compliment which they paid to the sovereign of this country and to the constitu tion under which we have the happiness to live, when they desired to place themselves under a branch of our royal family. Her Majesty says on that point :—" But the diplomatic engagements of her Majesty's crown, together with other weighty considerations, have prevented her Ma jesty from yielding to the general wish of the Greek nation." These "other weighty considerations" seem to be consi dered equally weighty by other persons, for it does not ap pear that any one has yet been found willing to accept the Greek throne. It is true, we were informed a short time ago that arrangements were likely to be made which would afford a satisfactory solution to the difficulty, but it now appears that the negotiations were terminated, and ter minated unsuccessfully. If, however, diplomatic rea sons prevented her Majesty's Government from accept ing the throne for Prince Alfred, I want to know why for a considerable period hopes were held out to the Greek people that Prince Alfred would be a candidate for their crown ? Why was it that instructions were sent out to their minister at Athens not to interfere in the pro gress of events ? Either the noble earl once contemplated accepting the throne for Prince Alfred, or he did not. If he did not, he has acted most unfairly and ungenerously to the Greek people in allowing them so long to entertain the hopes they had. If he did, then he must have withdrawn from his purpose in a not very dignified manner in conse quence of the strong language of France and Russia, and on one or other horn of this dilemma I leave him. (Hear, hear.) But there is another subject of very great difficulty which is mentioned in her Majesty's speech—the proposed cession of the lonian Islands. I look upon this question not as one affecting Greece merely, but as it affects the interests of this country and of Europe at large. lam not about to say that her Majesty could not constitutionally cede these islands without the consent of Parliament. Ido not speak of them as a part of her Majesty's dominions, so that their cession would be a dismemberment of the empire ; but still I think the thing ought not to be precipitately done, for it involves a serious question of European policy, which had been determined after grave deliberation ; and I think also that it seriously affects the interest of this country in the Mediterranean. For, observe what was the position of the case previous to 1814. The lonian Islands, or a great part of them, had been captured by Great Britain. Corfu had not been taken by us, but it had been blockaded for two years, and on the fall of Napoleon the French authorities in the island surrendered it to us ; so that it was not then lightly thought of. I believe that both naval and military officers concurred at that period in thinking the lonian Islands of immense importance to us. Lord Collingwood said that the possession of Corfu was as good as two frigates to his fleet. It is, in fact, a position of the utmost geographical importance, more especially having reference to our com munications with India by way of Egypt and the Red Sea. (Hear, hear.) It is not, therefore, a place to be regarded as worthy of little consideration. I admit that some expense is necessary for maintaining it under our power, but the question is, does not its importance justify that expendi ture ? I would ask the illustrious duke on the cross benches (the Duke of Cambridge) whether he did not find during the Crimean War that the possession of Corfu, and the power of withdrawing from it regiments of the line, to be replaced by regiments of militia, was an important assistance to our arms. (Hear, hear.) I am not arguing that at no time it would be desirable, but I greatly doubt whether it would ever be the interest of England to surrender that nominal protectorate which con stitutes the lonian Islands in reality though not in form a British possession. But of this lam sure, that the utmost attention ought to be bestowed upon the subject by the Government before throwing up so important a possession. I think I can recollect, and I dare say the noble earl will recollect, that some time ago, when he was speaki n g in the other House of Parliament of the Which England had in the Adriatic, some ho d n ri gr inr: when the be tu r asked him what interests England had in h th e e h A arhour of Corfu." noble earl replied, " England has a S r e t c o r f et h ary er m of ai t e h s e . And only last year the noble. du s k n t e th th e e p Colonies disclaimed y oinbetenhthonefonian Islands. He con sideredty's Government to su rre nderantt a solemn trust imposed on this noble slightestearl parting idea o with parting th the the protectors country, and said there e wass the e t n th ob e with it. But to whom wa l on i a n Islands ? You propose gratuitously to part with these islands to a Go vernment not y e t formed—(hear, h ear ) which was still in the throes of revolution—(hear, hear) —and you propose to give them to this Power unasked for, an d , a s I will presently show, in direct opposition and con tradiction to all the principles laid down by the noble earl himself as to the regulation of the policy of the country. My lords, in a correspondence of the noble earl, again T think somewhat gratuitously, with Prince Gortschakoff, the noble earl laid down the principles which should regulate the con duct of this country in the East, and he insisted, in terms with which Prince Gortschakoff agreed, in the necessity on the part of Greece of an absolute abandonment of all acts of agitation, and of that revolutionary spirit which threatened all the thrones of Europe. The noble earl said the great object was to prevent Greece from being a dangerous enemy to Turkey. That no doubt was the object; but how did the noble earl propose to do this ? He insisted first of all upon a monarchy—l presume a constitutional monarchy—a mon archy with a Parliament, a monarchy in which the Parlia ment should exercise some influence over the foreign and domestic affairs of the country. He:proceeded to say that when such a monarchy shall have been established, aban doning its grandes id e es, abandoning the idea of extending its territories, and of interference with the Turkish fr on- -e- tier, he would apply to the 'Powers to obtain their sanction for the surrender to such a monarchy of the lonian Islands My lords, I think that would be postponing the cession of the lonian Islands to a very long period, if not ad Grocas kalendas. How soon will the noble earl be satisfied, not that the monarchy is established, but that the legislature of that monarchy will be sufficiently willing, sufficiently able, and sufficiently determined to dis courage that dangerous spit it of aggression against which the noble earl protests ? Then how does he propose to assist them? Heiproposes to join to them a number of islands at present under the protection of Great Britain, that have been the foremost agitators in that spirit of aggression against Turkey which the noble lord says would be an abso lute bar to the cession. The very address of thanks of the chamber for the promised surrender contained expressions of gratitude, for they saw in it the support of England for the future struggles which must take place for the extension of Christianity in Asia—in other words, for assaults upon the territory of Turkey. The noble earl assists this constitu tional government to resist this spirit of aggression by throwing into them a nation who as one man are in favour of this very spirit of aggression. The noble earl says, " No doubt that is quite true, but our cession is entirely condi tional upon our terms being complied with." Could the noble earl devise any means more injurious for rendering the government of these islands absolutely impossible than hanging over their heads for two or three years the prospect of the attainment of the object on which they are so bent ? I think that this conditional promise made a government not yet formed—a government uncommitted to any line of future policy, and as to the future policy of which it is im possible to form an opinion—this cession of the lonian Islands, proposed to be made to a country suited as I have described, and utterly incapable of coping with the naval piracy which invests these seas—(hear, hear)—and which has hitherto been kept down by the power and assistance of Great Britain, is one of the greatest mistakes which in my memory has been ever committed by any minister. (Cheers.) But, my lords, I do not despair that the country will yet refuse its assent to this ill-judged proposition. (Hear, hear.) Nay, I think from the terms used in the an swer to the address, in reply to her Majesty's gracious speech, that there is some little hesitation, some feeling that this proposal may not take effect, and that thearrange ments made by the noble lord together with diplomatic liabilities may concur in preventing the noble earl from carrying out the cession of the lonian Islands. The noble duke opposite has already pronounced an opinion which is perfectly just, that the sense and intelligence of the lonian Islands, if it could be fairly ascertained, and more especi ally that of Corfu, is strongly against the proposed cession, and against the popular clamour in favour of it. Then look at the position of Corfu, one of the most important of the islands from the situation of its harbour and its fortifica tions, the efficiency of which I don't say much for, but which at all events have cost a great deal more money than they should have cost. What is the position of Corfu with reference to any part of Greece ? It lies 80 miles north, at the nearest point, of the boundary of Greece, but within a mile of the coast of Thessaly, a part of the Turkish domi nions which offers a most favourable opportunity for con stant—l will not say invasion--but constant broils being kept up which will infallibly lead, if not to war, at least to struggles in which Greece may probably get much the worst of it, and to some new arrangements which may lead to Corfu falling into the hands of some other Power—neither Greece nor Turkey. (Hear, hear.) I implore her Majesty's Government, if they have not already gone too far, to con sider the importance of the step they have taken, and I earnestly conjure Parliament and the people of this country maturely to consider the question, in the hope that public opinion will successfully interpose against the carrying into effect a step the most suicidal and most imprudent of any I recollect. (Hear, hear.) Upon the subject of our domestic relations on some occasions, undoubtedly, I have had reason to complain that her Majesty's Government have made great professions and promises which they have not fulfilled. That cannot certainly be said of them on the present occasion. The noble earl who seconded the Address said a few words upon one of the bills about to be brought in in pursuance of the recommendations of her Majesty's Government in order to carry out the views of the commission, which has already had two or three sittings about a week ago, in which they settled the whole of the complex and difficult question of convict esta blishments. I think the nuble earl in this respect spoke a little out of the four corners of his brief. (A. laugh.) Of course, whether be has had a confidential communication on this subject, it is not for me to say. Her Majesty's Go vernment have not thrown any great light upon the mea sures they propose to introduce this session, and therefore they will not lay themselves open to any blame for having fallen short of their professions. I presume they will be satisfied with their measures being humble and useful-- that there are to be no very ambitious measures, no great and sweeping alterations of the constitution, no attack upon the Church of England made or sanctioned by the Ministry, but that they *ll go quietly along, improve the turnpike roads, amending the Bankruptcy Bill—(a laugh)—which was passed only two years ago, and in the amendment of which they will find plenty to do, and that we shall have a quiet, amiable, useful, hundrum session. (Laughter.) Be fore I sit down I wiil say one word upon a topic not men tioned in the speech, but which has already been touched upon by a noble lord—l mean the public and the personal loss which we have all sustained by the death of a noble marquis, of whom the noble earl (Russell) and I have each been a colleague. The noble earl will, I am sure, feel deeply with me the obligations we were under to the noble marquis for the uniform patience, forbearance, good judgment, and good temper which he manifested on every occasion that came under our consideration. Your lordships hai-e had the opportunity of seeing him for several years leader of her Majesty's Government in this house, and some years ago, upon his partial retirement from public life, a most unanimous testimony was afforded of the esteem, respect, love, and affection with which he was regarded both by his own supporters and by this side of the house. (Hear, hear.) Of late the noble marquis has not taken a very active part in your lordships' discussions, but in the circle of private life he has shown that ho has not lost the esteem and regard of his friends, and he goes from this world honoured and respected, a good old man, without leaving behind him a single enemy. (Cheers.) Earl RUSSELL—Your lordships will not have been sur prised that the greater part of the noble earl's speech has been taken up with foreign affairs, and I shall attempt to answer those parts of his speech which attack the manage ment of our foreign affairs. But first I must touch upon those topics in the noble earl's speech in respect of which I have the happiness of agreeing with the noble earl. The first is that we congratulate her Majesty upon the auspicious marriage that is about to take place. I think we must con sider that in wishing happiness to those who are about to be united in marriage we are wishing for the advancement of our own interests, because the happiness of the Royal pair may greatly tend to form the happiness of the country at large. Passing from that topic, I come to a question upon which the noble lord spoke at considerable length; I mean the United States. Upon that topic, also, lam glad to agree, for the most part, in the observations of the noble earl. I believe that her Majesty's Government has exercised a wise discretion in not interfering, or rather— for it was not interfering—in not joining in giving advice as the Emperor of the French pioposed to one of the belligerents. I think we were right, for this reason, that there may come a time when the belligerents them selves, exhausted by the struggle, may wish to refer to some foreign Power to assist them in making that peace which it is so desirable to establish. As to the question of recogni tion, the noble earl has rightly remarked that there are two kinds of recognition. As examples of the first kind of intervention we have in old times the cases of Holland and Portugal, and in modern times the cases of Belgium and Greece ; but no one in this country, I believe, wishes for a forcible intervention on behalf of either of the parties to the pending struggle. The cases of Holland, Portugal, Bel gium, and Greece were small matters compared with the vast and dreadful struggle in which we should have to in terfere if we should attempt to decide the claims of either party. But there is another kind of recognition, and that . is that an in e an g o d f o t n w h h e in e P a n d ,: t i there fore, different e r n e is - t a recognition when it is obvious the aWtteen2arpetnt4otinarrakievethdeaottthheart exhausted by the war, w oo h u e g n h pointfpoarr; peacey su e bm becai i s t antouxisehoinss yue have o r n recourser en Staten o t hi nothing parts of the United s ao t th it a i s t etoapr struggle e ig as y a s g e n t i h d e llo n st f of he aw aa i t l l n h e eg e . d : ' , S i o hh u ea t rv h e kept up, I will not say with undiminished, but with in.. the pow er db w e e p i a) o wo freerun wise and urecognition. There is one thing,t a however,hi to whi m c y h m I i th nd int o m ul ig d h b t e b e a the s a r t e s e n a a t o m f t h y e , s a t ru n d. g t g h l s e is the jugation of th e S outh by the North. If it were t po hwe a s si u b b le that the Union could be reformed, if the old feelings of af fection and attachment towards it could be revived in the South, I for one would be glad to see the Union again formed. If, on the other hand, the North were to fail, and separation were finally decreed by the events of the war, I should be glad to see peace established upon those terms But there might be, I say, one end of the war that would prove a calamity to the United States and to the world, and especially to the negro in those countries, and that would be the subjugation of the South by the North. One of the first consequences of such a subjugation would be that the North must keep up a large army, must renounce all its former policy, and must put down by force free discussion and a free press in the South. That would be a dangerous thing. Would not anarchy prevail in the South ? Would not the whole state of society and of labour be disorganised, perhaps for a century to come ? I hope, whatever may be the issue of this contest, that such may not be the results. I trust we shall see at the close of this struggle either one great republic or two great republics in the full enjoyment of free dom and all the advantages of a great and independent Power. For my part, I own that before the contest began I rejoiced in seeing the progress of the United States, and was proud to witness the prosperity of a people descended from our own ancestors, and having laws and personal liberty similar to our own. It was, I think, a spectacle at which every Englishman must rejoice, and I should cer tainly lament if the end of this struggle did not leave the people in those States in the full enjoyment of the benefits and privileges Which dignify and adorn mankind. The noble earl next referred to a subject which is indeed a very painfrAl one, and that is the distress in the North. Far be it from ins (Continuo? on Pap :three) (nye lg., of Mrs. Mrs. arch, near ,f Sir nes% Tpper ;later flight xq• ftont enry )bert ov7e, iar ws, No. linty