The Sun. — London, England, 1831-07-15 00:00:00

deed, found something of that kind himself. In the ease of Downten and St. Germeins, the Noble Lord had been compelled to acknowledge that there were not a sufficient number of la householders to form a respect able constituency.—(Hear.) Could there be a stronger evidence in favour of the principle for which he and his Lion. and Learned Friend contended—that population as as not to be taken as the test of competition for the elective franchise, ec of inefficiency in the .eaereise of the right which it confers.—(Hear.) For these reasons he objected to population as a test at all of the necessity of disfranchisement; but if the house were ultimately of opinion it was right that population should be the test, then for the same reasons he was prepared to cootteei tliat they should take the latest, and it was s t ensUmed to be most accurate, return—that of ktiAt. Under any cir cumstances he made bold to assert, in contradiction to the Noble 'Lord, that the disseassion was not irrelevant to the question before the Houet.—(Hear, hear.) Mr. ATTWOOD protested against these constant-ar peals to the opinions of the people on the subiects Which came before those who were chosen to reptesent them in that House.—(Cheers from both sides of the House.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman below him (Sir C. We therell) applied himself to the judgment of the Memb e r s of that House, and the Noble Lord answered him by ap pealing to the people.—(Hear.) He confessed he thought she language of the Noble Lord very unworthy of the station he was called on to occupy its that Ilouse, and better suited to that state of circumstances to which they bad not yet arrived, anti to which he hoped they never would arrive.—'(Cheers,) Such appeals were calculated to influence the passions of the people on a question which of all others required the most calm and dispassionate sideration.—(dear.) He rose, howeveN to ask whether, if the Koine agreed to the first clause that agreement was to be considered as finally ceneemnatory of the boroughs named in that clauses Lord ALTHORP replied to the Hon. Member's ques tion by observing, had been decided by the Speaker, during the last session of Parliament, that the schedule was to be considered apart front the clause ; and, there fore, when the clause was agreed to, it would be in the power of any Member to urge the claim of any particular borough to be exempt from its operation, and its name to be struck out by way of amendment. . . Mr. WALL reminded the House, that the Hon. an Learned Member for Boroughbridge (Sir C. Wetherell had not been quite so particular about the authencity o public documents at the time he supported the famous Green Bag. He thought it much better that the House should go into a Committee. Sir C. WETHERELL in reply to the Hon. Member, said the case be referred to was very different from the present. The documents be then took as good evidence, were laid on the table by order of a Select Committee of that House. After a few words from Mr. JOl!ti CRESSETT PELHAM, The House resolved itself into a Committee on the Re form Bill. Mr. Francis Baring in the Chair. Lord J. RUSSELL then rose, not to explain as he ob served, but to repeat some parts of his former statement, which lion. Members had taken great pains to render doubtful or obscure. He had stated when he introduced the Bill, that it was his wish to render the representation free and independent. He had at the same time observed, that the nomination boroughs which he wished to destroy, were of two kinds. Some of them like Gatton, which would not in any manner be rendered independent; and others, which, possessing a large number of inhabitants, could be saved from disfranchisement by being thrown open to an independent constituency. Ile had stated at the same time, that as it was necessary to draw a line, they found, after the most mature consideration, that no better could he taken than that of the population census of 1821, although he was ready to admit that the question was much agitated, whether there could not be another and a better line found for their purpose, namely—the ten-pound house holders. They found, however, on inquiry, that the re turn raf the ten-pound householders were founded on prin ciples of a nature so different and se uncertain, that it would be much better to take the line of population in which there would be no exercise for discretion, and which, whether perfect or imperfect, was the work of offi eters who could not at that time he supposed guilty of par tiality or prejudice with respect to the line of 2,000 inha bitants. They had thought it right to allow all boroughs above that number to retain a Member, because they did not think they could otherwise preserve the just propor tions of the manufacturing and agricultural interests. lie had given them explanations without argument, and without attempting to clear away any of the ingenious sophistries which Hon. Members bad laboured to defame, and to hurt the reputation of the measure before the House, and he thought, therefore, they might now proceed to de termine whether the clause was to be agreed to ; and when that event took place, he was ready to clear away any doubt, or to explain any difficulties which might arise in the consideration of the Schedule. Sir E. B. SUGDEN, adverting to the changes which had been made by the Noble Lord in the Schedules, taking places Irons the one, and inserting them in the other, wished the Noble Lord would explain why he had done so. (The Honourable and Learned Gentleman here made some allusion to the Honourable M-mber for Ware ham, lately Honourable Member for Grimsby, the precise nature of which we were unable to collect). The object with which he rose was to call the attention of the Com mittee to the principle on which the Bill proceeded. It had been said, and he heard it with great surprise, that a Noble La rd in the other House of Pariiament, who was generally considered as the author of the Bill, has declared that the object of the measure was to put an end to the nomination boroughs, without any reference to their po pulation. Now how was that consistent with the state. ment of the Noble Lord who brought the Bill into that House, that he took the population as the basis of the measure ?—( Hear, hear). Dr. LUSHINGTON observed, that as to population, no advocate for the Bill would be so absurd as to suppose that the number of 2000 was precisely the number which ought to regulate the admission of boroughs.—(Hear, hear.) But those who opposed the Bill had so ob scured their understandings that they appeared to be incapable of comprehending the object in view ; or, at any rate, thought it necessary to repeat the same arguments over and over again to satiety.—(Cries of " Hear, hear, hear.") He conceived that the prin ciple of the Bill was that which it had been stated to be from the beginning ; namely, the annihilation of all those boroughs in which nomination prevailed. The rule was the population in 1821 ; although it was not very important whether the number was 2,200, 1,800, or pre cisely the 2,000 specified in the Bill ; for on examining the Schedule A, it would be found that, with a sinale exception, there was not one borough included in that schedule which was not a nomination borough. He could name the patrons of every borough, and if the Hon. Gen tlemen opposite doubted the fact he was ready to do so. He did not think, therefore, that his Noble Friend was justly liable to the taunts which had been thrown out against hint on that point. Adverting to the observations which had been made by the Hun. and Learn- d Gentleman oe the lion. Member for Wareham, he remarked that the Hon. and Learned Gentleman seemed to have forgotten the circumstances which induced him not to solicit the renewal of the suffrages of the elector: of Weyniouth, and to scat himself in the House as the Member for St. Mawes. --(Hear, hear.) With respect to the measure, he (Dr. Lushington) could not believe hut that the people of Eng land were entitled to look for the best constitution which the intelligence of the present day could furnish, and that they were not bound to go back to periods of darkness and ignorance, when circumstances were altogether dif ferent ; but, on the contrary, should adapt themselves to existing wants and n e cessities.—(Hear, tear, hear.) A great number of those who now composed the House, and who were called the representatives of the people, had no connection with the people, but were only sent thither to represent and express the opinions of others. He had fre quently witnessed the machinery that was at work in the places for which such persons were returned, and he could net think that the welfare of the country could be consi dered by allowing the constituency of such places to con tinue in their present corrupt and degraded practices. On those individual, as well as on the country at large, there fore, be thought a greater benefit could not be conferred than the deprivation of such places of their present privileges.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Sir R. PEEL observed, that if be were incline] to revive the discussion on the principle of the 13ill, he could not have a better opportunity than that afforded him by the speech of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman who had just sat down. Ile would, however, resist the provocation and he earnestly entreated his Hon. and Learned Friend near him (Sir E. B. Sugden) to set the first example of forbearance, by abstaining from noticing what had fallen from the Hon. and Learned Gentleman personally towards his Hon. and Learned Friend. His lion. and Learned Friend's character stood too high to render any justification of himself necessary—(Hear, bear, hear)—and lie hoped, therefore, that they should not be further diverted from the immediate question before them. That question he under stood to be to enter into the consideration of the boroughs in the Schedule A, as affected by the first clause in the That being the case, he rose Bill.—(Hear, hear, hear,) to offer a suggestion, which, if generally adopted, would facilitate the proceeding with the Bill. f here wete nearly sixty boroughs included in the Schedule A ; on every one of which it was certainly competent to any Hon. Gen- ileruan to originate a discussion involving the whale tincs-i tion. He must say, however, that he thought that would be unnecessary. Where there could he no doubt that the particular borough under - cOnsideratio'i fell below the line of two thousand, on *liich 'the House had already pro nounced, lie could not invite Hon. Members to repeat th. discussion upon the principle of making that the line.— (Hear, hear, hear.) But on the other hand, he hoped that, in simple justice, when a prima facie case could be shown that any particular boroughs did nut ft.ll within the line of two thousand, a fait- nroortunity would he afforded of esta blishing tht fact.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The House having ftlly recognized the principle by a majority, his advice was not to renew the discussion of that principle in the case of every individual borough ; but, at the same time, to exa mine if that principle actually applied to the immediate borough under notice.---(Hear, hear, hear.) It was un• necessary for him to say that he reserved the right of again dist!ttssing the whole principle of the Bill on the report, or on the third reading ; although desirous not to throw any unnecessary obstacle in the way of its progress, be should avoid discussing that whole principle in the Com mittee.—(Hear, hear, hear.) He hoped, therefore, that the Committee would enter into the discussion in good humour, and without useless impediments. Called upon to frame a new Constitution for the people, no time should be wasted which might be employed in considering how to make it best —(1 - lear.) Mr. BARING said, that after what had just fallen from his Right Hon. Friend, he would not follow the Hon. and Learned Gentleman who preceded him through his arguments. The first point which the Committee had considered was the clause by which a certain number of boroughs were to he disfranchised. Has ing passed through that, and come to the schedule containing the names of the boroughs, he allowed that it would be vexatious to discuss if any boroughs at all should he disfranchised. But be fore they began with the first borough in the schedule, it was important that the Committee should be quite sure of the boroughs which it was proposed ta disfranchise. The Noble Lord had altered the schedules in various ways; the Noble Lord had given, and the Noble Lord had taken away—(A laugh)— and who knew what the Noble Lord might yet propose in the way of change ? What was the principle on which the schedule had been framed ? There was no principle in the Bill itself. A diminution of population was not the principle; for in many of the doomed boroughs the population had increased rather than diminished. When gentlemen, therefore, talked of restoring the Constitution, he was at a loss to understand what restoration that could be which disfranchised places, the population of which had increased, not diminished. This wholesale disfranchisement was for the purpose, as it was asserted, of rendering the House of Commons the representatives of the great mass of the people. The principle upon which the House bad hitherto been con structed was, that with great democratic other in fluence s were mixed ; and that it was by their union that the co-existence of liberty with order, peace, and seem ity was established.—(llear, hear.) But this alleged amendment of the Constitution was to render the House wholly democratic. When this Bill had passed, they would be essentially living under a democracy.—(Loud shouts of hear, hear.) The King would have less power than the President of the United States of America ; the House of Lords would be divested of all power, and would be intimidated by every breath from without. He re peated, therefore, that as soon as the Bill had passed, we should be essentially living under a democracy.—(Hear.) He came now to the consideration of the immediate ques tion before the Committee. They were called upon to determine that certain boroughs named in schedule A should be disfranchised. Fur this disfranchisement no reason was assigned in the Bill itself. But the Noble Lord had stated that the number of two thousand inhabitants in a borough, in his mind, indicated that it was a nomination borough, under the influence of some considerable persons in the State. Now lie (Mr. Baring) protested against the disfranchisement of any borough for such a reason. The very authors of the Bill acknowledged that the only assur ance which they felt for the safety of the Constitution, after the passing of the measure, was, that there would still be those influences which the Bill proposed to de stroy.—(Hear, hear.) Having denounced those influ ences as unconstitutional, they still rested the hope of preserving the Constitution on their continuance.-- When the number of two thousand was described as the indication of that influence which the Bill professed to destroy, could the Noble Lord say that he had looked closely and accurately into the fact ? Could he assure the Committee, that, when lie drew the line at two thousand, he did not leave out as many nomination boroughs as those included in Schedule A?—(Hear, hear.) Nut only had the Noble Lord left them out, but he bad actually made them closer boroughs. The boroughs to which he al luded were as directly, exclusively, and immediately in the nomination of certain great persons as those which, be cause their population was under two thousand, were marked for destruction. This was tin important fact with reference not only to justice but to the working of the measure. Let the Committee consider the helpless con dition in which the Bill would leave the Crown. What bad fallen from a Noble Lord last night gave some in dication of what was passing i❑ the minds even of his Majesty's Ministers on that point. When the ten-pounders, the subui ban voters, and others, were called into action, such would be the helpless condition of the Crown, that no place would be found in the House for Ministers to ex plain and defend their own measures. Unless, indeed, the Ministers of the Crown were to be taken, like the repre sentatives of the people, on the recommendation of a cer tain club established for that purpose.—(Hear, hear, hear.) The same club which forced representa tives on the people, might also force Ministers on the Crown. It was easy to talk about the liberties of the world in the tone of all the prattling demagogues of the day ; but it was their duty, as Englishmen, to consi der what would be the condition of themselves and of their posterity, if the Noble Lord, with a majority at his back, and with a clamour out of doors, should succeed in carry ing the proposed measure. In that event the Crown, hav ing an Administration to form, would be unable to apply, except to some Noble Lord, who, having four or five ho roughs, would possess a monopoly of the favour of the Crown. For, with all the hollow pretence of disfranchis ing so many places on the score of their being nomination boroughs, there would remain, in a small oligarchy, that power which, spread as it now was over a large surface, had ❑ot the dominatio❑ over the Crown which it would have when concentrated.—(Hear, hear.) If the Com mittee did their duty, they would at least inquire whether by taking the line prescribed by the Noble Lord, they would effectually do that which the Bill professed to do. Could the Noble Lord fairly state, that by adopting the numbers of 2000 and 4000, the object which the Bill professed to have in view would be accomplished? Lord JOHN RUSSELL, after acknowledging the candour of the observations which had been made by the Right Hon. Baronet, and observing that the merits of every case might be considered as the Committee arrived at it, proceeded to observe, that the Hon. Member for Thetford had shown, in his speech, his usual ability, but had also shown that usual balancing of opinions which made those who listened to the first part of the Hon. Gentleman's speeches, generally find that it was contradicted by the last part.— (No, no.) In the first part of the Hon. Gentleman's speech, he declared that the destruction of the nomination boroughs would produce a perfect democracy, under which the King of this country would possess no greater power than the President of the United States of America. But no sconer had the Hon. Gentleman made that statement, than be raised up the phantom of an oligarchy, which was to bind down the Crown, and to produce the most disastrous consequence.. He (Lord John Russell) con fessed, that alehough he always listened with pleasure to the Hon. Member for Thetford, he seldom received con viction from his arguments ; for the workings of the Hon. Gentleman's mind were so ingenious, and every contra dictory difficulty presented itself to him in such equal force that he seldom came to the conclusion which might be an ticipated from his premises. With respect to the boroughs comprehended in Schedule A. he thought they could all be proved to be nomination boroughs. With respect to the (oiler boroughs which the Hon. Member for Thetford said would still remain after the passing of the Bill, whatever influence they might involve, it must be abundantly clear that they would not be such a blot on the Constitution as the fifty-seven boroughs, the owners of which had so long exercised so pernicious a power.—(Hear, hear, hear.) As to the influence of the aristocracy, it would be impossible wholly to destroy it by any Wan of Parliamentary Reform. If the whole country wee divided into districts, and one Member were to be returned for each, rank and property would still retain their just influence. He did not, there fore, think that the Bill would destroy the just influence of rank and property ; but it would prevent one individual from being the owner of five or six boroughs; and of subverting, by the mere act of writing a letter, the most ancient and desirable principles of the Constitution. Mr. 11. GURNEY addressed the House for a few minutes ; but the noise was so great that we were unable to collect the import of the Hon. Gentleman's observations. Sir 11. PEEL, in explanation, said, that be was as much opposed to the general disfranchisement included in the Bill as hie Hon. Friend ; but as on the principle of that disfranchisement the House had overruled him, he thought that it would be a waste of time to enter into dis cussions on those boroughs which fell within the rule which the House had pronounced ; reserving the right of pressing for the rejection of the whole clause on the re- pint, or on the third reading of the Bill. lie repeated that he did not consider it would be necessary to have a sepa rate division upon every borough. He would be content that one decision should affect all hot oughs in Schedule A, which had a population confessedly under 2,000. For instance, he would take the case of Blechingley, (as we understood) and if a vott. , of the House disfranchised Bitch ingly, he would be saisfied to consider that as extending to all boroughs similarly situated. But fia all other boroughs—that was to say, for all which could make out i prima facie case that their respective populations were above 2,ooo—there should be separate consideration. Lord ALTHORP thought it would be better to observe the usual course, and have this clause read over ; the Hon. Genthman might then select some words whereon to move an amendment or alteration, and in these meords such Hon. Members as were of opinion there should be no dis- franchisement, might take their stand. Mr. BARING objected to this arrangement, upon the ground that there were many Members who would not vote altogether against all disfranchisement, but who would yet oppose wholesale disfranchisement. After a few observations touching the point of form, from Sir R. INGLIS, Mr. J. CAMPBELL, and Mr. HunsoN GURNEY, Sir R. PEEL moved that the word " each" should be omitted in the first clause. [The passage alluded to by the Right lion. Gentleman was, " That each of the boroughs enumerated in Sche dule A to this Act annexed, shall cease after the end of this present Parliament to return any Member or Members to serve in Palitment."] Sir G. CLERK observed, that the embarrassments in the Committee—in which, by the bye, the Al;nistry fully shared—arose from the fact of there being no principle affirmed in the clause. He suggested accordingly that the Ministers should declare their principles and that this should be embodied in the clause. Lord ALTHORP again objected to having the case n, each borough separately considered. As to t he principle of the clause, he had only to say, its principle and object were to disfranchise nomination boroughs. Now these were of two descriptions—the first, in which there was a large population, though a small constituency, which might he advantageously saved ; the second, in which there was both a small constituency and a small population, and these it was proposed to disfranchise, because it was not deemed possible to rescue them from corrupt influence. Mr. KNIGHT said he rose to observe, that the ques tion of his lion. and Learned Friend, the Member for St. Hawes (Sir E. Sugden), remained unanswered by any Alinister.—(Near, hear.) That question he described to be, what is the test of fact which you propose to apply to disfranchisement—for upon fact you pledge yourselves to proceed—is it population or nomination ? Aye or no? From the supporters of Government they had heard an swers alike at variance with each other and the principles professed by the Noble Lord (Russell), and by the Noble Lord who was understood to be the creator of the Bill, in another place ; but the Ministers had remained silent. Minister!, with an unlistening and pledged majority— (Loud and continued cheering)—may with a safe and silent scorn reject arguments which had been urged against them ; but a time will come when the reasoning people of this country will see if they were not worthy of answering.—(Cheers.) The country would yet see whe ther the speech of the Hon. and Learned Member for St. ,lawes (Sir Edward Sugden) was so very inapposite—so replete with fallacies, as to occasion no other or no better reply than that which it must doubtless be in the recol lection of the House was afforded it by the Hon. Mem ber for Windsor.—(Loud cheers.) Let, then, the country know that the Government are either unable or unwilling to compete with the arguments adduced against their measures—(Cheers) —that they are un able to answer the propositions of law and morality which have been brought before them—(Continued cheers)—but that they have sat in silent scorn, relying upon a majority who are ready and willing to carry for them anything or everything.—(Continued cheering.) If those on the Anti-Ministerial side had not come forward to rid the Bill of some of its follies and fallacies, it would have been sent up by acclamation to the other House in its original shape—thus presenting as crude and prepos terous a piece of legislation us ever disgraced a Statesman. —(Continued cheers.) He again adverted to the dif ference of opinion touching the principle of the Bill evinced in the speeches of the Hon. Member for Ilchester, a Noble Lord in another House, and the Noble Pay master and Chancellor of tho Exchequer, and then pro ceeded to remark, that although the Member for a borough in schedule A, he did not, like the Hon. Nlernber fur llchester, admit he was not a representative of the people. On the contrary, he affirmed. he was ; that although sitting for a so called rotten borough, he was returned by as independent and enlightened a constituency as any which could possibly exist under the Reform Bill. The number of his voters at his election was 192, the whole number entitled to vote was 390, and in their ranks they embraced every class of the Commons. He was returned by them because his sentiments and opinions were known to coincide with theirs ; and were it otherwise, a place which had been so frequently and fiercely contested, and for which there had lately been a double return never would have been induced by any power on earth to return him. Before he sat down; lie wished to allude to a subject to which the attention of the House had riot been sufficiently drawn—he meant the accounts of the assessed taxes. Those accounts sho wed that the borou g h l contributed to th e } h ,e e a r e fo r es ‘ e ,e n a t r e d u h t a i (! e abrueeunu nprogr essively increasing fro m r i revenue. The papers containing these accounts showed, too, the inconsistencies of the present Bill. The borough of Harwich was neither to be found in schedule A nor in schedule B. Now these tax returns showed that the con tributions of both to the public revenue were nearly the same. The borough of Peter - Add was in schedule A, and the borough of Malmesbury in schedule B, and yes the borough of Petersfield contributed lay one-third more to the public revenue than did the borough of Malines. bury, although the former was to be wholly disfranchised and the latter was still to retain one Member. He thought it his duty to state these facts—(Hear, hear, hear)—before he sat down, as they sheaved the correctness of the argu ments of the Right lion. Member for Tamworth ; and he wished, therefore, respectfully to impress on his Ma. jesty's Ministers the necessity of informing the House on what principles, whether of population or nomination, they meant to proceed ; and if so, how the applicability of those principles was to be tried and proved, as proved he should wish them to be, in the case of the borough he represented. Lord J. RUSSELL had no difficulty whatever in an swering the question of the lion. and Learned Gentleman; but he did feel a difficulty in being called on to give the answer so many times.—(Hear.) That answer he had declared at the very commencement of their going into Committee. The test they took was population. When ever the population, according to the c ensus of 1821, amounted to 2,000, the borough was allowed to retain one Member; but though this was their test, the object of the test was to destroy nomination in every one of these boroughs. That object they proposed to effect by the two clauses now before the House. There were two excep tions to the rule he had laid down—one of these was to be found in the borough of Downton, another in that of St. Germains. lie would state, when those boroughs came under the consideration of the House, why they were to be made exceptions. He did not know why the Hon. and Learned Gentleman opposite charged them with caprice in the test they bad adopted, or in the mode of their applying it. The returns on which they founded their proceedings were at first those that were found in the office of the Se cretary of State for the Home Department. They had afterwards endeavoured, on the suggestion of the Right Hon. Baronet opposite, to correct the errors of these re turns, and if they had not corrected them thoroughly it was not because they were disposed to favour certain individuals in preference to others, from the belief that these individuals were favourable to the Govern ment ; yet such was the imputation thrown on them by the Hon. Gentlemen opposite. They ought, perhaps, to bear with these imputations, as the almost necessary Con sequence of undertaking the labours of an official life.-- (Hear, and a laugh.) He had not, however, been long enough in office, and he had not been sufficiently brought up to office, to accustom himself to hear with indifference those remarks, which he could not but think somewhat tended to affect the personal hono ur o f t h ose aga inst whom they were directed ; and who were t h us accused of attempting to carry through a grans] by h the most pettymea the speeches(Hea u hear.)means.—(Hear,those T r opp u o - e s r e e d accused ofu t se e r i l u;u a nol answering particularly of not having answered the able speech of the Hon. and Learned Member opp os i te . He asknowleigee 1 1 that he thought that speech was able ; but he must says at the same time, that it had received most able and complete answer in the speech of his Right a Hon. • d the Member fur Windsor.—(Cheers.) But t i Friend asserted, that they were generally incap ab le of t was also asserted, answer-ling, their opponents, either on points of lawo ,lid not know, till this moment, that the or morality. ralitrit wasl lawful for Peers of the Realm to nominate 131e s rn al b ( ere for boroughs.—(Hear, hear, hear.) Then, with respect to t he morality. Some of these b oroug h s boasted of their independence. He knew nothing of s Bishop ' C a stle. They spoke of the " usual avenues" •by which the representatives of the East and West Indian interests found their way into that House. That gentle and delicate phraseology rn.Ant, that a certain number of electors would receive twenty guineas each, and I then go up to the hustings, and take an oath, before their I God—(Cheers) —that they had received no promise or gratuity whatever for their votes—(Hear) —and that was what the Hon. Gentleman opposite nas pleased to cell inorality.—(Hear.) lle said again, that if they had not given an answer before, it was not because they were un able to do so. He did not think that they were confuted upon either the I,w or the morality of the question. The present system was contrary to both—contrary to every known rule of law, and contrary to every known rule of morality.--(Chpers.) Mr. C. FERGUSSON said, that observati.ms had been made about individuals pledged to vote upon this Bill. He was not one of those who were pledged, and as he had been alluded t he must say that he was as independent as any Member in that House. He was nut before aware that Bishops' Castle was an independent borough. He asked the Hon. Member for that borough, whether he was inde pendent enough, if he should change his opinion in the course of the discussion, to change his vote also, or whether, if he did so, he would not receive an intimation from a certain Noble Peer, that, as this was the first, so it should be the last time he sat for that borough ? He (Nit-. C. F.) denied that nominee Members of that House ever could be independent. He had looked at the papers ex hibiting the state of the constituency of England, and he found that by the present system eight bons, s returned no less than twelve Members It was that system which this 13ill went to cut up by the roots. Whenever such a system was in existence, he should wish it to be destroyed ; and if any Hon. Member would prove that any other borough besides those included in Schedule A ought to be included in it, he would give that Member his support in a motion to disfranchise such a borough. Mr. KNIGHT, in answer to the question just put, de clared that his seat did not depend on his vote on this or any other question. Whatever might he the case with other Members, he wished to state that he never would have accepted a seat on such terms. He was as free and as unpledged as any Member for the greatest county in England, and he believed freer too.—( Hear, hear.) It be should take on this or any other question a line of conduct different from his constituents —not different from any one particular person among them—he might, from a feeling of delicacy, resign his seat—(o:), and hear, hear)—but from no other motive. Mr. HUNT wished to say a few words. There hat been an appeal made to the people, and they were now threatened with another. The appeal that had been made had been answered. The people of England had been misled by the gross, false, and scandalous misrepresenta tions of the public press. He knew what he was courting when he said this, but he feared not that beastly press.— He knew what it would say ; but be was not afraid of it, nor of the tauntings of that press. He did not accuse the gentlemen who repot ted the proceedings of that House— (Order, hear, question)—many of whom were Honourable men ; but he had accused their employers that day by day and night after night they misrepresented what took place in that House.—(Cries of question.) A great portion of them he would not say were in t':e pay of the Ministers—(Laughter)—but they were bribed by some means or other by the Government.—(Loud laughter.)— There were such things as Government advertisements. (Renewed laughter.) That Press, the leading journal of which some few short months ago were up to the neck in the support of the Duke of Wellington's Government, the moment that it saw the Government changed, that corrupt Press took up the cause of the new Government, and not only supported the new Government in all their measures, but even went beyond thern.—(Renewed laughter and cries of question.) If the Press gave any account of what took place there that night, the people would see what was going on there.—(Continued laughter.) There was nothing but continual taunts on one side and the other, instead of discussion upon the question that was before the House,—(Laughter, and cries of hear, hear, hear ! and question.) There had been nothing but personal attacks on one another.—(Hear, hear, bear.) The people of Eng • land, when they began to reflect on this measure, would not be so will and mad in favour of this scheme as they had been. Up to this time he believed that the Government had had no share in deluding the people. He had in his hand a little thing—(Shouts of laughter)—that he believed they knew something of, and he should be able to show that the Government had assisted in keeping up the delu sion. That was a medal cast at Birmingham in comme moration (pretty hastily to be sure) of the passing of this Bill. He believed that this medal was originally got up by a gentleman at Bath. One medal, cast in gold, was sent to the King, and one to three of his Majesty's Minis ters.—(Laughter.) One was given to the Noble Lord who had introduced this measure, another was sent to the Lord Chancellor, and another to the Noble Lord at the bead of his Majesty's Government.—( Question, question, question.) It related entirely to the question.—( A laugh.) On one side it began, " William IV., Earl Grey, Lord Brougham, Lord John Russel, and the People_ (Cheers) —Silos Populi suprema Lex." (Cheers.) On the other side there was the word " Reform" in the centre, and radiating from it, " Representation, Eng land, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales— (Cheers) —the Church, the Law, Aristocracy, Boroughtnongers— (Cheers)—Public Expenditure—(Cheers)—the Army, the Navy, Corporations, the Corn Laws—( Hear, hear, hear) —Slavery, Immorality—(Cheers)—Sinecures, Bank Charters, India Charters, Colonies, and the Currency ;" and the motto was, " The Rights of the People— (Cheers)—Commerce, Trade, Cheap Bread, and Happi ness." If all was true that he had heard, he understood that his Majesty's Ministers had received these medals, and had returned a most gracious answer to those who sent them, thanking them for the present. He asked either of them if this was true ? He would put one ques tion to them on this subject. There were a great number of things mentioned on this medal that were not meant to be reformed by this measure. He asked whether they meant to reform the Corn Laws, and to give the people cheap bread.—(Question, question.) Tbat was an unpleasant question to them, no doubt—he knew it was, but the people of England—the starving people of England—would not think it unimportant. —(The cries of " question," and other signs of impatience were loudly continued.) Hon. Members did not want an adjournment. —(Oh, oh, oh.) He had those around him who had promised always to second him when he had made that motion.—(Loud cries of hear, bear, and name, name.) If they wished for the name, let them continue their in terruptions—he would move the adjournment, and they would know what was the na me.—(Question, question.) The Hon. Member for Worcester, before the concluaion of the late Parliament, had said that he (Mr. Hunt) would not be in that House again. But there he was. Ile believed that there would be more nomina tion after this Bill than before. To show this, he would refer to a nomination borough, not one belonging to any gentleman of the other side ; as he did not wish to be, personal—(A loud laugh)—he would refer to a borough belonging to a gentleman on that side of the House. He would refer to the borough of Newark. In that borough there were now from 1,200 to 1,400 voters. When this Bill was passed, the number of voters would be under 300, and every one of the houses giving a vote would be a house in the possession of the Noble Proprietor. Now for Preston. That borough was not in schedule A nor in schedule B, although it was meant to snake it again a rotten borough, as it had been for many }ears past. There were now 7,000 voters in the borough, and that number would be reduced to 900, and they would be under the power and influence of the Noble family that had now kept them in thraldom for above half a century. Mr. CROKER wished to say one word which should be strictly upon the question before the Committee. We hoped the House would understand, on the division which they were just going into, that the word " each" was not to be taken in reference merely to its grammatical con struction, hut that the question was, whether there should be a total disfranchisement? No matter what were the mere words of the clause, for if the main question was carried, it would be left open to any Member to retain or disfranchise any borough mentioned in the schedule. The Committee then divided— For the amendment 193 Against it. 290 Majority 97 On our re-admission to the gallery, we found the CHAIR MAN of the Committee putting the question, that he quit the Chair and ask leave to sit again. It was decided in the affimative, and the House was resumed. The other orders of the Day were then disposed of, and the House adjourned at One o'clock. The French Government have directed that v essels from British ports to any in the department of the Seine Inferieure, must be provide , ' with a regular bill of I'ewhich will be signed , gratis , by the French Consul- G en eral it e i r l' and his agents. ST. LEoN.—(Standard Novels , No. V. just published. )—" This s p lendid Romance, " i t has been well re marked, " will carry down the fame of GODWIN to late n posterity. It is unnecessary at th e present day to enlarge upon the peculiarities of this work—to dwell upon the imaginative vigour which it displays—the eloquence by which it is ado rn e d—or ' the learned s p irit of human 'ber which the author has succeeded in his d ar i ng excite the deepest interest in the fate wf b e i ngs tisingeP: to situation is without parallel. Among works o f fiction, it is universally allowed that St. Leon has no sa d whtut e cp a teoi l eo'rni r • `,. DIVISIONS ON THE REFORM BILL. After Lord Maitland's motion to call evidence and to hear counsel in the case of the borough of Appleby was rejected by 281 , to 187, there were seven separate divisions for adjourning the debate ; but, before :the first division took place, on Captain James Gordon's motion for ad journing the debate, Sir Robert Peel, Mr. Goulburn, Mr. Herries, Sir George Murray, arid many others of the lead ing Members of the Opposition to the number of 85, left. the House, and did not afterwards return ; or, as Lord Mahon, Lord Porchester, Sir John Walsh, and others, voted with his Majesty's Ministers in the majority, which was thus swe'led to 328—whilst the minority was reduced in 102. It has been impossible to obtain correct lists either of the majorities or minorities on the , e. divisions ; but we give what is considered the tnrost correct lists that have been made, and we shall be ready to make any corrections which may be sent to us, 'properly authenticated. We annex the list of the minority of 102 who voted for Captain Gordon's amendment : . k l i, C x o a u t r i, t i , ,, l , J . .I D I. O P. Alexander, J. ; Dugdale,: W. S. Ashley, Hon. J. I Diidas, R. A. Astell, W. ' Douro , Drake N A V I a . T. i s of Fane, 11. S. Attwood, M. Farrand, R. Bankes, G. Ferrand, W. Bayne, F. Forbes, Sir Charles Bateson ' Sir R. Forrester, Hon. C. Bentinck, Lord G. Fremantle, Sir 'l'. Best, Hon. W. S. Freshfield, J. W. Bo'dero, F. G. , Gordon, W. Bruce, C. C. L. Gordon,; .1. Brudenell, Lord I Gordon, J. E. Brydges, Sir J. 'Handcock, Richard Burge, W. ! I i tr i r g i s s o , i , G , I . ~ Burrard, G. Churchill,Lord C. S.: Flouldsworth, T. Clerk, Sir G. Hunt, H. Clive, Visct. ,Ingestre, Viscount Clinton, C.. 1. F. 'lnglis, Sir R. H. Cockburn, Sir G. ;Joiliffe, H. Cole, Hon. A. "Jolliffe, Sir W. Cole, Lord ' Kearsley, J. H. Conolly, C,"lanel 'Kemmis, 'l'. A. Croker, J. V/. 'Kenyon, Hon. L. Cumming, Sir W. Kerrison, Sir E. Cost, P. F. Knight, J. L. Cust, E. Lefroy, A. Davidson, Duncan Lefroy, I/r. T. Dawkins ' J. Lndsay, J. Hering, Sir E. C. , Lowther, J. H. Douglas, Hon. C. Mr. Cresset Pei House, which was, Sir Charles Wet! adjourned to Thur by 235 to 63. Lord Brudenell then moved to adjourn the debate to this day, which was rejected, on a division, by 211 to 41. We annex a list of the minority on that division : Attwood, M. Forbes, Sir C. Peach, N. W. Bankes, G. Fremantle, Sir 'l'. Pearse, J. Boldero. F. G. Freshfield, J. W. Pelham, Cresset Bruce, C. C. L. Gordon, J. E. Perceval, Colonel Brudenell, Lord Gordon ' Colonel J. Pollington, Viscount Brydges, Sir J. Harris,Captain G. l'raed, W. M. Burge, W. Herbert, Hon. E. C. Pringle, A. Cole, Hon. A. Hodgson, F. Sibtholpe, C. D. W. Cole, Lord Jolliffe, Hon. W. •Stormont, Lord Courtenay, Bt. Hon. Jollitre, Colonel H. Trench, Col. F. W. T. P. Lefroy, Dr. T. Tullamore, Lord Cuniming,SirW.,Bt. Lefroy, A. Walrond, B. Davidson, D. Lowther, J. H. West, F. R. Deriog, Sir E.C. Bart. Maitland, Capt. A. Wetherell, Sir C. Encombe, Viscount Maitland, Viscount Wynn, C. W. G. Fane, Hon. H. S. Maxwell, H. Wynne, J. Sir Charles Wetherell again moved, " That the House do now adjourn," which was negatived by 203 to 37 ; and the following is a list of the minority : Attwood, M. Freshfield, J. NV. Perceval, Colonel Bankes, G. Gordon, Colonel J. Pollington, Lord Best, Hon. W. S. Gordon, Captain J. Praed, W. H. In Brudenell, Lord Harris, Captain G. Pringle, A. B r ydges, Sir J. glis, Sir R. H. Sibthorpe, C. D. W, Burrard, G. Jolliffe, Sir W. Steward, C. Cole, Hon. A. Kearsley, J. 11. Stormont, Lord Cole, Lord Lefroy, A. Trench, Colonel Churchill, Lord Maxwell, H. Tullamore, Lord Cumming, Sir W. G. Miller, NV. H. Walrond, B. Hering, Sir E. Morgan, C. M. H. Wetherell, Sir C. Fane, Hon. 11. Pearse, J. Wynn, J. Ferracd, W. Pelham, Cresset Young, J. Forbes, Sir C. Mr. Praed then moved " to adjourt day," which was negatived by 187 to `.. the list of those 25 Hon. Members, wI supported their opinions and opposition Brudenell, Lord Jollitle, Sir \V. Burrard, George Kearsley, J. H. Brydges, Sir John Lefroy, A. Cole, Hon. A. Maxwell, H. Cole, Lord Miller, \V. H. Fane, Hon. Henry Pearse, J. Farrand, W. Pelham C. Forbes, Sir C. Pollington, Lord TELLERS. Freshfield, J. W. Pringle, A. Praed, W. M. Gordon, Col. J. Wetherell, Sir C. Mr. Alexander Pringle, the only Scotch Member then opposing the progress of the Bill, at half-past six o'clock of the last division of 167 re • moved (for the seventh time) to adjourn the House ; and on flee aijsiih,.: division, rsl,,CLoi... \L(rv t 7d h ... e Git.. majority tnained the same, and tl:e minority was reduced, by the de parture of Mr. John Pearse, to 24. After explanations and debates, the Speaker was, at half past seven o'clock, allowed to leave the Chair, and the Bill was advanced one step to the Committee, though at that majoritieshou l , r :e l t ‘i s i v m a ioi s nu m , to e h r e e cs l oe ) o . pro for ma . s f iivo o en r i s r a i ; a 8 accurate . but w e a n annext account c a t; ti listn t o of f theth the majority who voted with Ministers against Captain Gor don's first motion for adjourning the debate; and it will be seen by the numbers which voted on each succeeding mo • tion, how strong the supporters of the Bill continued to the last, whilst the Opposition dwindled away very rapidly to the small number of 24, out of 638 Nlensbers. We give the names of the majority who voted against the first motion for adjournment, but we are not able to give the 189 who remained to the last, and by their firm ness in support of linisters, may be considered to have con firmed the public confidence in their favour. Acheson, Lord Grant, It. 'Palmer, C. F. Adam, AdMiral C Grattan, James 'Parnell, Sir H. Agnew, Sir A. Greene, T. G. ;Parnell, Colonel Althorp, Viscount Grosvenor, Hon. H. IPayne, Sir P. Anson, Sir G. Guise, Sir W. B. I Pelham, C. A. W. Anson, Hon. G. Gurney, It. 11. 'Pendarves,E. \V. Astley, Sir J. D. Gilbert, D. G. 'Penlease, J. S. Atherly, A. Hall, B. I l'enrhyn, E. Bainbridge, E. T. Handley, \V. F. jPerrin 1.. Barham, J. Harcourt. G. V. 'Petit, ' L. H. Baring, Sir T. Hardinge, Sir H. 'Petre, Hon. E. Baring, F. F. Hardy, Sir It. 'Philipps, Sir R. B Barnett, C. J. Harvey, D. \V. IPhillips, G. R. Bayntun, S. A. Ileatheote, G. J. (Polhill, F. Beaumont, T. W. Heron, Sir R. ll'onsonby, lion. \V. Belfast, Earl of Heywood, B. IPonsonby, Hon. J. 13enett, John Hodges, T. L. "Ponsonby, lion. G. Bentinck, Lord G. Hodgson, John ;Power, It. Berkeley, Captain Holmesdale, Visc. 'Poyntz, W. S. Bernal, R. Horne, Sir W. Protheroe, E. Blake, Sir F. Hort, Sir W. Pryse, P. Blarnire, \V. Howard, P. H. Porchester, Lord Blaney, C. Howard, 11. Ramsbottom, J. lllankney, \V. Howard, J. Rice, T. S. Blount, E. Howick, Lord Bickford, \V. Blunt, Sir C. Hughes, NV. li. Robarts, A. NV Bodkin, J. J. Hughes, W. L. (Robinson, G. It. Bouverie, D. P. Hume, Joseph ;Hooper, J. B. Boyle, J. Hoskins, K. 'Ross H. 13rabazon, Lord Ingilby, Sir W. 'Runibold, C. E. 13rayen, 'l'. Innes, Sir 11. Russell, Lord J. Briscoe, J. J. James, W. J .Te e i r i , l: i s n o g n i , ia C in . D. O.N.T.s. Ruthven, E. S. Brougham, \V. Jettl - ey, IF. Ridley, Sir M. W. Browne, J. Browne, D. Ilrownlow, C. Johnston, A ' . Shell, It: L. Buller, J. ' W. Johnston, J. I3unbury, Sir H. E, li J lKKKK(i o iiei:h l b,li F ili n gge,i pest : ::t t n,cod o iii i ,yri i .oeL e .ri , ,,o,3ll.3,l. S .;.d.l i r ?Fj. J .. . H V V. Skipwith, Sir G. Burdett, Sir F. Burke, Sir J. Smith, .1. Burton, H. ~ Lord d r d a C. Ilyng, George Smith, lion. R. 11. SSSssittn:aerei:iileit,lc,hkiioer,aitr:n'6e,,Csi. Strickland, i);;:f3i../it.. S. Calcraft, G. H. Callaghan, D. Calvert, Calveft Nichol C. s S ss:,tt t l a ur,: n ia,:l l rke e tt:, ) ,,, r, : l e . U. S. S i t 7 c h na o - n a , r i t ,s , o P n . : ll p l . B. Calvert, Nicholas L,LILIJ tee, :, Lambert,. n:fnegib,:iertnxeor:;::,CL 43‘ Sir J H 3...5 . ,.C:. 1.. j . G. LaLe t,en iieer l NIL': P. A. H. Stewart Calley, 'F, L l i" .ei t i i n .,d, a , r 3 d .s. , i ri.s,.B.p. Tomes, J. C , R. Campbell, J. Canning, Sir S. Campbell, W. F. c:cCarter,ahvati,i Cavendish,.aChapman, • , 1 1 ' , 11 yr r e o l c i k . m c. orton It C abcrh , NV. L. C C:t.i , e i t ,; :l v i::l' i e: e , O. Macaulay, T. B. Lester, B. L. Currie, J. Littleton, E. J. rhoin,on, c. P. Curteis, H. P. Townsend, Lord C. Cholmondeley, LdH. Loch, James 'Forams, Colonel Trowbridge, Sir E. Davies, T. M • Dawson, A. Mabt rly J., J. Denison, J. E. Fulton, H. Denison, W. J. Macdonald, Sir J. V'' I • W .. emit) es, . Denman, Sir •I hos. Mack • cnzie, Sir J. Vernon, G. J. Dixon, J. Ii Namara W. N Vernon H Duncannon, Visc. Mahon,, . ernon, T. H. Dun Viscount Vincent Sir F. combe, T. S. Mangles, J. Waithin ' an, It. Dundas, C. Marjoribanks, S. Walker, C. A. Dundas, Sir It. L. Nlarryatt, J. Warburton, H. Dundas, J. C. Marshall, W. Warre, J. A. Easthope, J. Martin, John Waterpark, Lord Ebrington, Lord Maule, Hon. W. Wason, W. It. Ellice, E. Mayhew, W. Walsh, Sir J. B. Eliot, Lord Millbank, M. Watson, lion. It. Ellis, W. Mildmay, P. St. John Webb, Colonel E. Etwall, It. Mills, John Wellesley, Hon. W. Evans, Col. Moreton, H. I'. L. Evans, \V. B. Morpeth, Viscount Westenra, lion. H. Evans, W. Morrison, J. Wevland, Major It. Ewan, \V. Mostyn, E. NV. L. White, S. Fergusson, R. C. Mullins, F. White, Colonel H. Fergusson, Sir R. C. Musgrave, Sir IL Whitmore, W. W. Fitzgibbon, It. H. Noel, Sir G. Whitbread, W. H. Fitzroy, Lieut.-Col. Norton, C. F. Wilbraham, G. Fitzroy, Lord J. cogent, Lord Wilde, F. Foley, J. H. H. O'Connell, D. Williams, W. A. Foley, 'l'. H. O'Connell, M. Williams, Sir J. H. Folkes, Sir W. J. J'Ferrall, It. M. Williamson, Sir H. Fordwich, Lord O'Grady', S. Willoughby, Sir H. Smith, ei Sinclair,iir°:"ihingi " Jll.:lo.rA'l,. Sir ~.' John Fox, Lieut.-Col. Ord, W. Wood, Colonel F. French, A. Ossory, E arl of Wood, M. Gillon, W. Owen, Sir J. Wcod, J. Wood, C. Godson, Robert P a get, Sir C. Gordon, It. Paget, T• r g V. Wihtson, W. B. Graham, Sir J. It. G. Palmer, General Wrottesley, Sir J. Bt. Grant, C. Wyse, T. It may be worth inquiring who are the constituents of that minority who, with such pertinacity, opposed the pro gress of a Bill which the King, his Ministers, and the great mass of the people not only support, I ut demand, as abso lutely necessary for the future peace and tranquillity of the Lyon, D. zaland, A. Maitlan I, Viscautl Maxwell, H. Miller, W. IL Mill, Morgan,' C. M. R. Peach, N. Pearce, John Pelham, J. C. Perceval, Co:onel Perceval, S. Pollington, Viscount Prii.gle, A. Sadler, M. T. Scarlett, Sir James Severn, J. C. Sibthorpe, C. D. W. Stewart, C. Stormont, Viscount Sugden, Sir E. B. Taylor, G. Watson 'french, Colonel Trevor, Hon. A. Tullamore, Lord Walrond, B. West, P. It. Wetherell, Sit C. Wood, Colonel 'l'. Wrangham, D. C. Wynne, J. Wynn, C. W. G. Young, John ham moved the adjournment of the on a division, rejected by 286 to 90. ierell moved that the debate should b lay, which was, on a division, rejected i the debate to Fri ; and we annex io b 0 perseveringly i to the Bill : Sibthorpe, Col. Stewart, C. Stormont, Lord French, Col. Tullarnore, Lord j Young, J. country, by seven divisions, in the face of au anxious, an perhaps, too-much excited people. We annex the names of the places which the 26 Mem bers represent, in order that a just opinion may be formed of the extent of influence which these Members ought to have in the House of Commons ; and we ask our readers to say whether, if his Majesty's Ministers had yielded to the demands of such a party to postpone the Bill, even for a few hours, the public would not have suspected the sin cerity of the Government. The manner in which the city of London have taken up the vote of Mr. Alderman • Thompson ought to be considered by the Anti-Reformers, .vbetber they sit in the Upper or in the Lower House, as only an errnest of what they may expect to take place in every part of the United Kingdom, if any unfair proceed ing and factious opposition is given to the Bill in its pro gress. We shall leave to some person, having the requisite knowledge and leisure, to make out the number and itn part ince of the constituents of the minority on the last di vision against the Bill. LIST OF THE MINORITY Of 26 (Tellers included) on the seventh and last division for adjournment, arid the places they represent. Brydges, Sir 3. Coleraine Close Corporation Brudenell, Lord Fowey Ditto Purrard, G. Lymington Ditto Cole, Hon. A. Enniskillen Ditto Cole ' Lord Fermanagh Forbes, Sir C. Malmesbury Close Corporation Ferrand, W. • Tralee Ditto Freshtield, 3. W. Penryn A corrupt Borough Fane, Hon. 11. Lyme Regis Close Corporation , ,4 Jollitre, Sir W. Peterstield Ditto Kearsley, J. 11. Wigan An open Borough X Lefn.y, A. Longford County Maxwell, H. Cavan County Miller, W. H. Newcastle-under-Lyme ] Pelham, Cressett Shropshire Pollington, Lord Gatton A rotten Borough Pringle, A. Selkirkshire A nominative Borough Sibthorpe, Colonel Lincoln City • Stormont, Lord New Woodstock A close Borough Tullamore, Lord Carlow A close Corporation Trench, Colonel Cambridge-town Ditto Young, J. Cavan County Orange Borough l'raed, W. M. St. Germains A rotten Borough Wetherell, Sir C. Aldhorough Ditto Stewart, C. Penryn A corrupt Borough The simple recital of the names of places will satisfy the country of the utter worthlessness of the Oprsition on this stage of the Bill. • ALDERMAN THOMPSON'S LATE VOTE ON THE APPLEBY PETITION. Yesterday several of the members of the greatest in' fluence and ability of the Livery assembled at the Guild' hall, for the purpose of instituting an inquiry into the conduct of Alderman Thompson, in voting against Minv...iiv stern upon the question of the Appleby petition for hearing Counsel against the clause in the Reform Bill for the dis franchisement of that place. The vote of the Alderman hud c+used a panic amongst the Livery, and a great deal of strong feeling had been excited, which reflected great' credit upon the gentlemen who composed the meeting. Mr. LEDGER, the Common Councilman, a member of Alderman Thompson's Ward, was called to the Chair. Alderman Thompson was present, and much interest was felt. The CHAIRMAN stated, that he, in common with others of the Livery, had felt great astonishment at per ceiving by the public papers that Alderman Thompson voted against his Majesty's Ministers on a question of vital importance to the measure to which the world was looking forward with so much hope. He had been re quested by several of his brother liverymen to call a Com mon Hall, for the purpose of hearing the sentiments of the great body upon the subject ; but he advised that an opportunity might be afforded to the Alderman for au ex- planation before the Livery should assemble. lie accord ingly waited upon Alderman Thompson, and had from hint a complete and positive denial of the remotest intention to oppose or to protract the Bill. The Chairman then en tered into the explanation, which was afterwards given at great length by Alderman Thompson. Alderman Titomesox had much difficulty in giving an adequate idea of his feelines upon this occasion, for he found that, without being influenced by any hut the best intentions, he was accused by the public Press of an at tempt to desert the great measure of Reform by a trea• cherous vote. Never, he most solemnly assured the meet ing, had he given a vote fr,m which he apprehended less mischief to the measure. He felt grateful to the Livery for having so readily afforded him an opportunity of pro ving the innocence of his intention. The facts were these He had not, in consequence of great fatigue, arising from a laborious attention to his duties, been able to attend the House of Commons on Tuesday evening until the House was about to divide upon the Appleby peti tion. He went into the House without a knowledge of the fact that the prayer of it was that Counsel should be heard at the bar upon the merits. He had not heard a word of the debate which had taken place, and he believed that the petition merely had for its object the production of evidence before the Committee as to the numb r of in habitants in Appleby. He voted, therefore, for the peti tion, because he was well acquainted with Appleby--was aware of the error made in the Bill with respect to the population of it, and considered the prayer made to prove that error, which consisted of the omission of a whole parish. He admitted that he ought to have made himsel f acquainted with the nature of the debate, but he trusted that credit would be given to him when he declared that he had erred from inadvertence. If he had found, upon looking over the Bill, that in the estimate of the popula tion of the City of London two oe three Wards had been left out, he should have thought it his duty to endeavour to have such an omission corrected. He had acted upon a similar feeling of justice on the occasion of his vote, of the real tendency of which he had entertained no idea whatever. Dr. BOWRING considered that the vote of Alderman Thompson might have proved extremely prejudicial to the cam of Reform. It iniahr, in fact, have been the Wee° of defeating the whole Bill, the palpable object of the con temptible enemies of Reform. After the pledge given by the Alderman to support the Bill throughout, a pledge which formed the condition of his election, it was extra ordinary to see such a departure front the acknowledge d understanding upon which he had been called to the re presentation. When Alderman Thompson's name was t ° he seen amongst the Wetherells, the Sugdens, and the Sibthorpes, what opinion could be formed of him ?--'" What could be thought of any man who would allow him self to be mixed up with such a ctew ? What relianc e could lie placed upon him? As for the excuse of jolt currency, that was no answer at such a time and tind e r otic circumstanc( s. The country now wanted men of discre' tion, who would not allow themselves to be tricked into acts of inadvertency. Mr. WILLIAMi (of Watling-street) considered the vo te of Alderman Thompson to he an evident breach of faith. Mr. D. Mena ttnsoN said that the general feeling of the House of Commons on that evening, he had given them t ° understand, was, that if Ministers happened to have Lel in a m i nor i ty on t h e occas i on on w hi c h t h e Alderman had voted against them, the Bill would have been inevitably 1 0 ° . The CIIAIR3IAN had had several interviews with Alde r ' man Thompson in the lb form C omm i ttee , at G u ildhall' upon the subject of the measure, and never saw any pe". ° : who more closely adh e r e d t o th e great pr i nc i p l e o f t he "' There had been several things in the Bill calculated to prey rent it from working perfectly in the city of London, a°,, the Alderman was most earnest in his advice on discuss ing the objections not to allow any impediment to he throw s in the way of the B 11. The Ministers had lent a willing ear to the suggested improvements. Mr. GALLOWAY was satisfied that the Alderman nev er meant to prejudice the cause, and that he was mere l y chargeable with inadvertence. Alderman Taoaresott repeated his former staterno. He assured those around him that he considered the eet er the petitioners wished to have corrected a clerical on e ' Nothing in the world could have influenced him to O te c i if he thought for a moment that his vote would have l t , a dangerous operation. He had p erce i ve d th at th e re vie r ; seventeen notices of alterations in the Bill, but aga in ', every one of them he would most undoubtedly vote, exof the Minister approved of them. If he had considered the qu e ': lion mere than a mere abstract question as to a matter of ft' he would have deserved what had been said of him. would then, indeed, have been chargeable with a breac h of the trust reposed in him—of a direct violation of his ce gagement with his constituents. 11 he had opposed self, dole A he w ou ld I nce o pp ose d th e very principle of tl; i' Bill. Mr. Hume could bear testithnony to th e impresa i ° under which he laboured. Ald e rm an Th ompso n eluded, and evidently in much agit a ti on , b y say i n g " co; , ` . „ to the suspicion entertained against are b y one gen tleroa'; because I have been a Te ry, I have to declare that I 4° , 1 never been of any party-1 appeal to any M e mber of 8 % Government, whether I have ever received any arlvant 4 d my o f hastilyum occur y a s g e a l a f t tido. or i vfaerdiretneUlst undergone y , b u have,t nothing fatiguenackno wledge, gof at the t k h i e u i :s ti c i : s l l: t committed the error. Many a day have I been in t„, House for sixteen hours. I always act from a p ur e tont'j - I feel my own personal honour and character concert:les,', and I prize them above every thing in the world. 1 h s , s t pledged myself to support the Government. I reprat pledge. Nothing shall interfere with my solemn dee L 7, v e. nation. 1 cannot say any more i n pa l l i at i on, an 1 I "'" spoken sincerely from my heart. Several parts of this address were applauded. see' Mr. CO ATES regrette d t h e vote o f Ald erman ThoO d first as a friend of Reform ; and, secondly, as a Olen f. i . :1 __. ;,'