The Sun. — London, England, 1833-03-30 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE LORDS, MeRcE 29. On the Eirl of SHAFTESEUKY taking the Chair, a few minutes hvfore five o'clock, Lord WESTERN presented two petitions for the better observance of the S ibbath. The Bishop of DURHAM presented a petition from Long Hoariby, in the county of Durham, to the same effect. . . . Lord DACBE presented a petition from the agricultural labourers of Nierione, praying for relef. The Rt.yal assent was given by Commission to the Ex chequer Bills Bill, Sugar Duties Bill, the Appropriation Bill and twenty-three private Bills. The Cammis•inners were the LORD CHANCELLOR, the Duke of RICHMOND, and the Mar4tth of LANSDOWNE. The Earl of HARROWBY moved for a return of all the small livings in all different dioceses of England and Wales.---Granted. Sir J. WaorrEsLET, and other Members from the Commons, hrnupht up a Bill for cleansing and paving the town of Chdtenham. Earl FITZWILLIAM moved for certain accounts re lating to the quantity of corn imported during the last year, and the duty paid thereon. Lord ELLENBOROUGH said. considering that the motion of the Noble Earl was made with a view to the alteration of the existing system of the corn laws, it world be very desirable that the Noble Earl should move for more extended returns. Earl FITZWILLIAM had no objection, undoubtedly, 10 - eitend his motion to further the accounts.—( Hear.) He:had carefully looked over the different accounts, k said 'had selected those which appeared to him of the . ..,greatest value. The Noble Baron (Ellenborough) was aware that some days ago it was agreed that there - should be laid before the House those returns that had already been laid before the House of Commons, hut he would not have the slightest objection to extend the `Motion down to the latest possible period. The only reason: why he had not moved for all the returns that had been laid before the House of Commons Was,' . tlcat he was told it was the Par liamen . tary course only to send for those papers that could not le.t_ got otherwise, or those that were of an official cha racter having been taken before a Committee of the House. However, he would he very glad if the Noble Baron and all those who agreed with him (Earl F. ) or disagreed with him on the subject went! I most minutely weigh every information that had been laid before the House of Com mons.—The returns were er tered. The Bishop of LONDON presented a petitio❑ from the parish of St. George's, Bloomsbury, for the better ob servance of the Lord's Day. The Earl of RODEN presented a petition from a parish in the county of Cork against what he called the church spoliation Bill. The petitioners prayed that their Lordships would address . his Majesty, that be might be pleasA to order a Convocation of the Bishops and Clergy, in order that they might take the subject into their consideration. The NOBLE EARL then presented a petition to the same effect from Carrickfergus. The EARL of WICKLOW presented a petition from the parish of Wicklow, to the same effect. Earl FITZWILLIANI begged to observe that the peti tioners dill not go half far enough. The Bishops and Clergy dill not constitute the Church—(Hear, hear)—he and the people generally were a part of it. WELCH CLERGY. The Marquis of WESTMINSTER, on presenting a petition from the inhabitants of Chester and its vicinity, praying that no clergymadhence'orward be appointed to a benefice in Wales who was ignorant of the Welch lan guage, commenced with stating that be did not consider himself bound to adopt all the arguments which the peti tioners had used in stating their complaints. The petition appeared to him to he respectfully worded, and it was de serving of their Lordships'serious consideration. He be lieved it was signed entirely either by Welshmen or persons intimately connected with the principality. They e,mpl ined of many abuses of the Church, and a trihuted some of them to the system which had so long continued. They also complained that the Bishops and many of the clergy were ignorant of the Welch language —a circurn stance leading to great inconvenience. He regretted that there was not one common language spoken throughout the country; but as such was not the case, he thought the clercy who officiated in Wales ought at least to be tandlar with the tongue of the great mass of the inhabitants. The petitioners likewise complained of pluralities, and non-residence—both proper subjects of complaint, if such were the case. They also asserted that in some large and populous districts there were no incumbents at all ; and surely this must be admitted by all to I , e an evil which ought to he remedied. In conclusion, the Noble Marquis arid he really thought the petitioners bad made out a prima facie ca'e for investigation, and he trusted that the petition would he so considered by the House. On the motion of the NOBLE MARQUIS the petition was read at length by the Clerk. The Bi,hop of BANGOR was glad that the Noble Marquis had preserved the petition which their Lord,hips had beard read, as it afforded an opportunity for contra dicting the allegations of a petition sitnil ir in character, though he believed aorn , wli it J iff-rent in terms, to one presented in the other House of Pardam.nt by the Noble Lord the Member for the city of Chester (Lord Robert Grosvenor). It was alleged and insinuated, amongst other things, that the benefices of tie Welch trio eeses were chiefly - i❑ the patronage of the Bishops and of lay impropriators, who gave them to relatives of their own, who were not natives of the country, and could not speak the Welch language, but who re sided in England, and left the performance of their rleri. 01 duties to poor Welch curates. Now he could state positively, that in his own dioce , e; as well as that of St. Asaph, no clergyman had obtained a b-nefive who was not well acquainted ,sits the Welch language. In the diocese of Bangor there happenAl to be three clergymen, and three only, who were natives of England, an I each of those gentlemen, before he obtained his living, underwent is strict examination b. fo , e persons well versed in the Web 1 inguage, who certified that he was sufficiently at, qt+taititerf with it. One of those three Englishmen did not reside in Wales, but on another living wh•e!r be held in the diocese of Lichfi-ld ; but the two others, who had most important hemfices, resided on their bene fices ; and he undertook to say that they could not be more z •alous or active ministers, and that they were per fectly well versed in the Welch language. It was a most unlaunded imputation on both the Bishops and lay im• p • thrs in Wales, therefore; to say that they had given the pre erments in' their gift to their own friend, who were unacqua:nted with the language of the people.—( Hear, hear, hear.) Out of 65 benefices in his diocese, 55 were in the gift of the Bishiip, six of the Crown, and four of lay impropriators. The Noble and Learned Lord on the woolsack had the nomination of those in the gift of the Crown, and he could assure their Lordships that, if persons had been appointed by the Noble and Learned Lord, who had not understood the Welch language, he (the Bishop of Bangor) would have felt it his duty pot to have confirmed the appointments. As to the Don-residence of the Welch clergy, he could only say that in his diocese there were 125 clergymen holding pie ferments of different descriptions, and of that number only Live resided out of the diocese, tour of whom held livings so small as to be hardly worth ret lining. It was said that the Bishops did not understand the Welch langu ige, and in his own case he was obliged to admit that such was the tact; but lie had a Welch chaplain, who read the ser vice in Welch after he had read it in English, and there were two services in Welch, and two in English ev,ry day in the Catlit-dral of Bangor. lie emu d not conclude without adding that there was now no part of the principality in which some of the population did rya understand English, from the establishment of English school.. There was another allegation to which it wa. his duty to advert. It was said that, from the manner In which church preferments were bestowed in Wales by the Bi.hops, the poor Welch curates, who were the work- . . ing clergy, had no chance nor hope of church preferments. Now, he believed he might state that there was no dioce.4e in England in which there were so many curates pro moted to benefices, as in the dioceses of Bangor and St. Asaph ; in fact, it was quite notorious that .very zealous and well-conducted curat- was almost certain of getting preferment, such as those preferments were ; fur he begged it to be unders'ood, that none of the Welch livings were very productive.—(Hear, he , r.) The Bishop of ST. •ASAPH believed the petition had come from a gentl eman res i d i ng i n Chester, w h o h ad written a hook,, which contained many gross and exagge rated statements concernin g the clergy and church of North Wales. It stated, amongst other things, that the Chapter of Christ's College, Oxford, derived an incom e of 4,7001. a-vear from the tithes of a dis riet in Wales, whereas the whole of the tithe!' of that district only amounted to ' 4 ,000/. per annum, and the Chapter of Christ's C.diege only re ceived 500/. a year. It was rather singular t' at petitions, complaining of the state of the Church of North W a l es , and its management, should emanate from the uioce,e of Chester, and not from the Welch diocese. It was very kind, however, no doubt, of those gentlemen in Chester no take so much trouble as they did about tne Cr,urch in lA ales. They Complained greatly of the incomes enjoyed by the Welch Bishops ; and when he heard this part of the petition be could not but feel some degree of surprise that the Noble Marquis was not clarmed lest th , ,r!re pet sons who ' were so anxious to get a part of the atnall property enjoyed by the Welch Bishops, might take it into their heads to deprive the Noble Marquis of some part of his large Pos sessions. —(Hear, hear, and laughter.) As the pro perty of the Bishops was so often referred to, he might be allowed to say thus much of himself, that since he came to the Bench he was a much poorer man than be fore he came to it. If he had not laboured for many Iyears as Hetci Master of Westminster School, when that school was in its most flourishing state, and managed at that time to save a little money, he should have been re. duced to berg iry whets he was advanced to the S-e of Exeter. During the time he filled that See he had never been able to live one year within hi, income, and when his . health required it he really was not able to afford to keep a saddle horse. Since lie had been promoted to the diocese of St. Asaph, which was, certainly, more profitable than that of Exeter, he had been obliged to expend so much in fees upon entering, expenses of repairing his house, and other matters, that even if he lived to a great age he could never hope to replace the money he had expended. It was for their Lordships to decide, therefore, whether he had too much for his support as a clergyman?—(Hear, hear.) Now with respect to the charges contained in the petition. It was said that the Welch Bishops bestowed the livings in their gift on their own relatives, who were Englishmen, and resided in England. Now it so happened, in his case, that he had never given any thing in the way of church preferment to a ref tam of his own, or to at y Englishman. In nearly every instance since his appoint ment he had presented Welch curates to the vacant bene fices. In one instance he had presented his own Welch chaplain to a benefice. —(Hear, hear.) In another ease he had presented a Welchman, who had been for 17 years resident in London as the Chaplain of Sr. George's Hos pital, This was the first appointment which came into his gift after his elevation to the see of St. Asaph. He had received the most satisfic•ory testimonials of the gentle man's fitness from the medical officers of St. G or k e's Hospital, and others on whom he could depend ; and if it was not trespassing on their Lordship.' indulgence too roue!. he should relate a little anecdote of the person to whom he referred, which tended to prove that he was not quite ❑nworthy of the patrtiniee bestowed on him. Whilst he filled the situation o►' Chaplain to St. George's Hospi tal, this individual was passing through some fields in the neighbourhood of St. Pancras, late in the evening, when he was set upon by four rubbers, who demanded his money. He was much alarmed, and stated that lie was willing to give his purse, if they did not ill-treat h , rn, when one of the robbers—who it appeared had r. cognised him—interposed, and desired his bellows to leave, saying that they should not take a shilling from this clereyman, and that lie would see bim to a place of safety, for he never could for get the kindness and humanity which he met from that clergyman when he was a patient in St. George's Hospital.--(Hear, hear ) Like his Right Rev. Friend, lie (the Bishop of St, Asaph) must plead guibry to the coarge of not understanding the Welch language; hut he could assure their Lordships that no practical incon venience resulted from his ignorance of that language.— (Hear.) The Right Rev. Prelate concluded by saying that there were no grounds fur the charges contained i❑ the petition, and regretted that the Noble Marquis bad made such strong remarks in presenting it.. Lord KING was rather surprised at the course pursued by the Right Rev. Prelate. Why refer to the petitions presented in another place, when the identical petition was presented i❑ their Lordships' House ? Wily refer to a speech made in another House, when nearly the same words were used in that House ? There had been three charges made, and not one of them had been answered. The Noble Marquis (lid not blame the Right Rev. Prelates who had spok.'n for giving, livings to rel(tives. The charge applh-d to other and former Prelates, and therefore they had no occasion to defend themselves. With regard to that which fell from the Right Rev. Prelate about the property of the Noble Mat quis being in the same conditio❑ as Church property, he could only say that they bore no similarity. The one was private—the other public property. He must also say, that the Right Rev. Prelates hid given no answer to the ch ,rge made against clergy m n spending their incomes out of the parishes from which they received them. The Bishop of ST. ASAPH said the Prel rtes of the Church made a point of choosing those persons whom they considered best qualified to fulfil the duties of clergymen. They did not act like some lay patrons, who appointed persons to livings because they had the least of the clerical character about them. After a few words from the Bishop of BANGOR, Lord KING said, if the remark made by the Right Rev. Prelate (St. A•aph) about appointing a person to a living, because he had the least of a clergyman about him, was meant to apply to him, he would only say, in answer, that the charge was a falsehool. Something of the kind had appeared in the papers, but there was not a word of truth in it. The clergyman wham he had appointed to the living was, in every way, of the highest respec tab;lity. The Biihop of ST. ASAPIT was glad to hear the Noble Lord's disavowal, and thought the Noble Lord ought to feel grateful to him fur afftrding him the Opportunity. The Margois of WESTMINSTER briefly replied, rind contended that none of the charges had been answered. The petition was then laid on the table, and the House adjourned at eight o'clock. HO USE OF COMMONS, MARCH 29. The SPEAKER took the Chair at five minutes past five o'clock. Mr Prestrn, from the East India House, pre. sented a report of the reeulations of the Court of Directors. ROYAL ASSENT. Shortly after the SPEAKER had taken the Chair, the Deputy•Usber of the Black RA appeared at the B ir, and summoned the attendance of the Howe to the House of Lords, to hear the Royal Assent given to several Bills, for which see the Lords' Report. Mr. TOOKE presented a petition from Bath, against the Frome Roads' Bill. Air. BARNARD presented a petition from St. P ul's, D •ptford, against some parts of the Greenwich Railway Bill. Mr. BRISCOE presented a petition from the inhabi tants of the parish of St. Mary Migrialen, Bermondney, against the Greenwich fililway Bill; also, from the Com hossioners of Paving, in the same parish, against the same Bill. Colonel DAVIES gave notice that after the recess he should move the appointment of a Select Committee to in quire into the military and colonial expenses of the country. CHURCH REFORNI (IRELAND) BILL. Sir ROBERT PEEL wishrd to know from the Noble Lord, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, whether it was his intention to move the resolutions with respect to the Irish CEturch Reform on Monday next, in the absence of the Irish Secretary. Lord ALTIIOiIP said that lie certainly felt some diffi culty in going on without the Irish Secretary, but as he felt that it was a matter of great public importance, and one that it was dr•sirous should be disposed of as early a , possi'.le, it certainly was his intention to proceed with the resolutions on Monday. FACTORIES BILL. Lord ASHLEY postponed the second reading of this Bill to Wednes.l iy next. DEBTOR AND CREDITOR. The SOLICITOR GENERAL gave notice, that on the first open day after the recess, he should make a mo tion to the House, touching imprisonment for debt, and the law of debtor and creditor.—(Heir, hear.) Mr. GISBORNE g ive notice that on Thursday, the 15th April, he would move an address to his Majesty, respecting the military force kept up in the lonian Wand.. AMENDMENT IN THE IRISH REFORM BILL. Mr. H. GRATTAN gave n ,, tiee, that on Thurs lay he would move to bring in a Bill to alter and amend the Irish Reform Bill. Mr. O'CONNELL had intended to bring in such . a Bill, but he would very willingly give up to his Hon. Friend, and render him every assistance. Ae, how ever, several Irish Election Cimmittees were sitting, it would be better to postpone the motion until those Com• mitrees had concluded. Mr. H. GRATTAN would let the notice stand for the present. _ - Sir R. PEEL asked if the Noble Lord (Althorp) would have any objection to lay on the table of th? House to. day a copy of the resolutions which he intended to move on Monday respecting the Irish Church, in order that they might be printed, and in the hands of Members. Lord ALTHOIIP was not he.ird to make any reply. BRIBERY AND CORRUPTION. Lord JOHN RUSSELL gave notice that en an early day Ifter Easter he wood move for a Select C9onnittee to icquire into all the petitions which had b. en presented to the House respecting bribery and corruption at elec dons in cities and boroughs in England.--(Hear.) POOR LAWS COMMISSION. On Lord ALTHORP moving the orJer of the day for th e third readin g of the Suppression of Disturbances (Ire land) Bill, Mr. HANDIER asked the Noble Lord whether he could ❑ tne a day when the report of the Poor Laws Commis o:oners Bill w.itild he read ? Lord ALTHORP was understood to say that be was unable to name a day; indeed, in ghat he had beforestatrd, as to the period when the report was likely to be produced, he w is mistaken. Mr. HANMER then gave notice that on the 21st of April he would move for a Select Committee to inquire into the law relating to passing Irish Vagrants. An HON. MEMBER. (name unknown) presented petitions from the Counties of Roscommon and Leitrim against the Irish Coercive Bill. Mr. ATTWOOD hoped he should not be deemed un courteous, if, on the order of the day being read on Mon day, upon the Irish Church Reform, he moved as an amendment that the order of the day be read to bring for ward a motion of which he (Mr. A.) had given notice.-- (Loud cries of " Oh, oh.") Lord ALT HORP said the Hon. Member was at liberty, certainly, to do so ; but considering the importanc e of the motion of the Hon. Member—(Hear) —it would be better to have it discussed by itsel', for if he moved that amend ment, some Members would speak on the Irish Chu rc h, and others upon the monetary system.—(Laughter.) Mr. ATTWOOD said it would be only following the Noble Lord's own example; lie would, however, make his motion on the motion for a Committee of Supply, if the No.le Lord would tell him when that would come on.—( Lord Ar.nroaP—Wedn e sday next.) Then he would rake the chance of being able to bring it. on then. Lord ALTHORP said the motion was of that impor tance, that it would he desirable to have it fixed for a day certain, in order that gentlemen might know when it was coming on.--( Hear, hear.) He suggested that it would be better to pos'pone it until the first supply day after E aster. —( He ,r. ) Sir R. PEEL thought it much better to fix a day aft r Easter. Monday was fixed for the Irish Church, and i t could not come on probably until it was lare at night, an d Wednesday was an awkward day, as the House would probably rise fur the holydays, when, perhaps, It would be necessary to adjourn the debate over the holydays. Mr. HUME suggested that the Noble Lord should state when the holydays would commence. Sir J. WROTTESLEY thought it would be impor tant that the Hun. Member's motion should be postponed till the subject of the Bank Charter was introduced. The two subjects, in fact, were so completely mixed up with each other, that he did not see that it %rids possible sepa rately to discuss them. ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE. Lord ALTHORP had not intended to give notice of tie adjaurnment till Tuesday, as it was possible b fore that some alteration would take place. A• Le had now been pressed, however, upon the subject, consider ing the state of public business, and the little progress that had been made, he was afraid he could not, in justice to the public service, propose an adjournment at the ordi nary rate flis present intention was that the holydays should close on Wednesday, the 10th of April.—(Hear.) Mr. HUAIE was very unwilling to interfere wi'h the Noble Lord's plans, but lie knew that many Members from the public Committees had already made their ar rangements, presuming that the holydays would extend further. It would be very inconvenient if the Noble Lord persisted in his intention to limit them to the ap pearance without the reality ot holydays. Lord ALTHORP said the matter had not been de finitively settled. He had only stated what his peseta inter - pions were. The order of the day for the third reading of the IRISH DISTURBANCES BILL was then read, and Mr. CLAY rose to address the House. He considered the present question to involve the welfare, the peace, perhaps the integrity of the empire.—(Hear.) He was no party man ; but with the deci eil opinion he had formed on this measure, lie should ill perform h e ., public duty if he did not, on the occasion of the third reading of the Bill, protest in the strongest terms against its passing into a law ; if he did not express his d: tided disapprobation of the spirit in which it was conceived, and the fatal , &cot which it would produce. In voting for the first reading of the Bill be had been actuated by a single motive—he had been encouraged by a single hope—anti he h• lieved that sufficient grounds exis•ed for arming the Irish Executive with additional powers to put down the outrages and disorders with which Ireland was at pre sent aft 3 cted; being of opinion that his Majesty's Ministers had male out a case to that extent, he felt that he could nut consistently olij.ct to the introduction of a measure, some of the provisions of which appeared likely to have that effect. He was not without hope that in the passage of the Bill through that House it would have been shorn of all that was not im peratively required for that purpose—but that hope had been hut partially realised. He did not mean to un derrate the value of the improvements that had been made in Committee, nor to malign the Government for not hiving sh,wn a wisdom which had been indeed too tirdily displayed in acceding to those amendments, but although much that was wrong had been take❑ away, that which was greatly objectionable still remained. In addition to the facility which would be given from the hands by which the Bill would be worked to the indul• eence of malignant passions, and the wreaking of larsonal vengeance, the Bill still cant tined clauses which went to the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, and tam pering with tire right of petition, and while these remained, he should feel compelled to vote against the Bill. To protect the peaceable and well-disposed parts of the community was the first duty of a good government, as it was the first duty of social compact, and such protection he was most anxious to have afforded; but he could not con sent to give that pi otection at the sacrifice of the rights of the whole country, nor did he feel that they were absolutely driven to this alternative, for he firmly believed that if the House were to reject the Bill before it, that rejection would lead to the introduction of a measure for the sole and express purpose of putting down Whiteboy outrages. Such a measure would be unopposed by any party in that House, and was all that was absolut•ly necessary...-. (Hear, hear, Lear.) The House must now take the Bill before it as a whole, and in his idea, whatever the amendments that had been made, the Bill still had too many of its original objections clinging about it, and could not, as a whole, he considered as an emanation of justice, wisdom, or policy. The House should not forget that the Bill had two objects in view, entirely distinct from each other, namely, a suppression of Wbiteboy outrages, and the platting down of political agitation. In carrying the first object into effect, the Bill had been armed with touch arid unmerited severity. Then, with regard to the political agitation which this Bill was meant to put down, he would venture to say that it would he per eetly ineffective. He challenged any man to show him what additional powers the executive Government would derive frotn this Bill to put down agitation. The Volunteer Association might be put down, but there were other means of agitating which would infall.bly he adopted Public meetings, fur instance, might t ke place to petition the Legislature for a redress of grievanc s, than which he could not conceive a more eft ctual mode—by the elo. quence had recourse to on those occasions, to inflame the pas•iuns—of agitating the country. This Bill would only crush one head of the Hydra, but would leave he body, and many other heads, in the fu vipur of their vitality—(hear, hear, (rear)—would but amputate a branch, whilst the trunk and parent root still remained to shoot forth flesh ones. I❑ fact, there was no means of putting down agitation, except in the redress of grievances, which, it could not tie too often repeated, were the organs of life by which agitation was sustained. There was, indeed, another mode of putting down agitation—be meant the good old system of ex , ermination—the hunting down of the mere Irish—th offering the dread alternative of " Hell or Connaught." The spit it of the age, however, so far from suff,ring any thing of that kind, had broken down the strongest parts of this Bill.—(Hear, hear.) It was not !he minority with which he had the honour to act, that had re duced the Bill to its present mutilated condition—a condition to which it had been reduced, in spite of the eloquence of the late Right Hon. Secretary for Ireland, arid the practised oratory of the Right Hon. Member for famworth. Ministers might persuade thethselv,s that tem porizing would not do, that there was no medium between exercising despotic powtr over Ireland, and admitting to her inhabitants an equal p irticipation in the rights, privileges, and immunities of Englishmen. Since the year 1780, our policy with respect to Ireland hail titre ,uakd between 'wo extremes, and he thought that the present policy pursued towards that country was somewhat similar. I, eland, however, would only be satisti.d with a perfect and full measure of justice. Tue appetite for justice and for freedom grew by what it fed upon. When be beard the ingratitude of the people of 1 Ireland spoken of. both in and out of that House, for not being shti•fied with the concessions that had been made to them, and the whining about the wickedness of the Honourable and Learned Member fur Dublin fur pursuing his course of agitation, he could not help saying that it appeared to him the merest drivelling world.—(bear, hea r .) C ou l d i t he imagined the Honourable an d L earned Member were v h to m orrow, there would b e s r ti l lh' it ae r tp itihrtieri f e from h agitation? He would believe it when it was proved to him that the people of Ireland were not govt rued by th e same p rinciples as other men, nor actuated by the same feeling of hatred of oppression and desire to seek redress.tut i ßut, in fact, a ll f reedom deserving of the nam e had been wrung f rom oppressors by agitation. anei,a —(Hear, bear.) When he was shown an instance of the contrary, he would acknowledge that the Hon. and Learned Gentleman was in the wrong, but not till then , ,) If there was any rule of universal application of the motives and principles of human beings, this proposition was true, that while there existed in Bel .nd misery and distress on the one hand, and wrongs permitted by the Go►ernment on the other, so long would agitation exist. I lie objected to the measure, on the score of inefficacy, and lie considered it also objectionable on the score of injustice. He denied the right of any Ministry, or set of men, to introduce measures to put down agita tion, until every means had been resorted to for the purpose of putting an end to those miseries under which it was notorious the country laboured.—(Hear.) He gave full credit for all that had been done by Ministers for Ireland—( Hear)—hot he thought the Noble Lord himself would allow that they had not gone to alleviate the distresses of the people of Ireland. When they knew that the peasantry in Ireland were most anxious to get work, and resorted to every means to endea vour to procure a livelihood, that all failed them, and that they had no refuge from famine but the grave, it was not surprising that some parts of Ireland were convulsed with disorder; they might the rather be sur prised that the whole of the country was not in one univer sal state of disorder and confusion. He might he asked what remedy he would propose ? He replied, that he would limit the measures of coercion to what was necessary to protect life and property ; and, with regard to political legislation, he would say, do not legislate on the outward manifests lions, hut remove the causes—do not legislate upon the effects, but upon the causes. Legislate with out pretending to know that such a man as the Hon. and Learned Member for Dublin (Mr. O'Connell) was in existen•e, and, by remedying the real grievances that 4flicted the country, they would destroy that influence of the Hon. and Learned Gentleman, w , ich was only kept up and increased by the imaoliey which was put sued by his Majesty's Ministers with regard to that country. Mr. WILBRAHAM approved of this Bill in its general principles, but strongly objected to the courtmartial clause, as a departure from the Constitution. Mr. COBBETT said—The Hon. Member on his left (Mr. Clay) having said that the people were not with Mi nisters on this measure, there was a sort of negative cheer on the other side of the House. He would say, too, that the people were not with Ministers on this metsure.— (Hear, hear.) He himself had this morning presented petitions against the measure, signed by 50,000 English men, resident in some of the greatest towns in the king dom, among others Mancheater, Norwich, Great Yar mouth, Nottingham, and Preston, the subscribers being some of the most respectable inhabitants, if respectability is taken to mean wealth and station. He had pre sented, too, about forty petitions from diff rent parts in Scotland, Inland, and Wales; and every petition pre sented to the House on the subject was strongly against the Bill, none for it. The voice of the whole people of England was against this abominable Bill. He would not detain the House any longer, hut at once read a motion he intended to bring forward and at least put it on record. He intended to divide on the motion ; he had not thought of asking any one to second it, and he did not much care who voted for it : he was sure that his colleague would ; and whether anybody supported it or not he and his colleague would at least have done their duty. The Honourable Member then read the motion, which was, that " This House seeing in this Bill the substitution of military courts for courts consisting of Judges and Jurors—seeing, in it the abrogation of the most precious of all the institutions of the country--seeing clearly that its main purpose is to keep in the hands of the present aristocracy the plunder of the ancient church and the poor, at hich the ancestors of that aristocracy obtained by apoltacy, and is hich has been retained by the cruel penal laws and by the shedding of innocent blood—and suspecting, moreover, that this Bill is intended as a pre lude to the adoption of similar measures in Great Britain, this House will read this Bill a third time this day six months." He would make but a very few observations, and those merely to repeat his conviction that this Bill was not intended for the Irish people alone. The idea of introducing. an armed police force throughout this country had occurred to Minister•, from their being well assured that they would not be able to carry on the levying of their most oppressive taxation without this species of exe cutive government : this was their only means of exacting the taxes ; and he himself had reason to believe that they had their plans already before them, and that they would aeon be brought into the House. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by repeating his motion. The SPEAKER presumed the Hon. Member meant it as an amendment on the original motion. Mr. FIELDEN seconded the amendment Mr. POULTER, in strong terms, repelled the proposi• tion so often thrown out by Members on the Opposition side of the House, that those other Menal.ers who sup ported Ministers on this question, were in combination to degrade, en•l we, and destroy Ireland. Sir SAMUEL WHALLEY laboured under a very great disadvantage in not having heard the eloquent discussions on this measure. He did not think, however, that any arguments could induce him to alter his strong feeling of opposition to this measure. He was very glad to see that some of the clauses had been moit'fied, though the modifi cations in no instance were complete enough to induce him to support them. It was of course indispensable that the supremacy of the law should be maintained, in order to , uppress the wild career of clime, and protect life and pro perty ; this was the great moral and social compact be tween the governors and the governed. But it was asked by the great constituency be had the honour of represent ing —by the whole people of England —was there no way of restoring peace in Ireland, but by carrying war into it ? Some of the modifications in different clauses introduced by the late Sect etary for Ireland ,vere very gratifying as far as they went. That, for instance, of the courtmartial clau,e, and one or two others. He should oppose the Bill, and in his opposition lie spoke the sentiments of his COll - Mr. 13ARNARD would vote for the third reading. Mr. LANGDALE (we believe) had voted fur the first and sec:ind reading of the Bill, but he could not vote for the third reading. He had vote] for the first and second reading, because a case had been, he thought, made out, th it some evreme measure was nscessary; but there were some of the clauses to which he could not agree. There was one clause which stamped the Bill as a Aire of prat severity. That was . the clause which est& Wished mi:itary courts. One circumstance, in particu lar, he thought of great importance—a redeeming feature in the character of the Irish through all these disturbances. On neither side of the House had one word ev.r been said to lead any person to suppose that in all these disturbances there was any symptom of disloyalty. Mr. .I. YOUNG said,when the Hon. Alernher said that there was no feeling of disloyalty among the peasantry, al ow hint to say that ti.ey had not unfrequently spoken of throwing off the yoke of the Saxons. That spirit was, he was afraid, general; it had led to a general organiza tion amongst them, and he knew not bow that could be met unless by courtsmartial, or some analogous tribunal. In that view he had voted fur the first and second reading of the Bill, and should vote for the third. Sir HARRY VERNEY denied that the people 01 England were hostile to the measure. He knew that many petitions had been presented against it, but were those petitions spontaneously sent ? Were they not sent in consequence of suggestions from others? They seemed to come unly from a few places, and to be the offspring of a few men. Mr. HALL DARE took it upon himself to deny that the people of England were against the measure. He disliked the modification in the courtmartial clause, be cause they destroyed the . fficacy, but left all the odium of the Bill. He would, nevertheless, support it. Mr. RIT YEN regretted that this first step should be taken to destroy the Union between the two countries. H e protested against the Bill, and would resist it to the last. 31r. BARRON would not detain the House, but would briefly tase the last opportunity of protesting against a measure so arbitrary and injurious as the present. li eland had completely refuted the arguments brought forward in support of the Bill —(Hear, and Oh, oh !) The osten sible case of his Majesty's Government was, that the 'nal by jury had completely failed in carrying the law into execti Lin. The late a•sizes in Ireland had ti juin pliantly answered this assertior..— (Cheers from the Op- VW+ Rion.) He protested against the Bill for these three principles which it embodied—the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act—of the trial Ly jury—and the a o, , gation of the right of public meeting, even fur the purpose of petitioning. Mr. G. YOUNG must say, with regard to the speeches of the Right H,n. Gentlem.n, late Seeretary for Ireland, that he could not congratulate hien on the purity of his t e in thongintroducingSO many acr i mon i ous persona li t i es as he s t had r (per t o indulge tn.—(Hear.) He should t prop e r for the Rind readi ng . Mr. WARD (St. Alb ans ) attac k e d the Hon. Member for Bath (Mr. R oe b uc k) , who, in his opinion, would not l h ive the slightest scruples in throwing the whole country into confusion to verify a proposition in the Westminster Review.—(Oh, oh! great confusion.) Mr. S;e• le even, who was such a prominent agitator in Ireland, would find himself distanced by the boundless extravagance of the Hon. Member for Bath. The Hon. Gentleman then efet red to the petitions presented to the House against the Bill. The petitions from England ai.d Scoiland had emanated merely from the Political Unions, and they well knew how they were got up. But where, he would ask, were the numerous assemblages that congregated last year on another subject ?.—where the crowd, who, last year. offered up their grateful incense to the Hon. Member for Middlesex ? He denied that there bad been any strong or general expression of the feeling of the people of Eng land avainst this measure. The people of England had been silent, because they did not regard.—(Hear, bear.) Good, sound, stern, English common sense—(Hear, bear) —had led them to participate in the feelings of his Ma• jesty's Ministers. Mr. MAURICE O'CONNELL said, the Hon. Mein• her had stated that, out of the places which had petitioned against the Irish Coercive Bill, only fifty were from places in England, and that these were all from places in which there were Political Unions. Now these very Political Unions, now decried, were, a year azo, the means of maintaining Ministers in office. lie knew an individual who, at that period, had met a party that had just left one of his Majesty's Alinisters with fifty franks for the purpose of writing letters to the leaders of the different Politica! Unions in the country. These letters were written and received ; and in consequence of these letters, the movement at that time took place.--( Hear, hear, and cries of " Name.") He was re idy with the name. He never stated a fact in that House of which he could not give proof. He would mention she name to any one of hie Majesty's Mini ters, and there were Members in that House who knew it to be the fact. He tltrught the observations of the Hon. Member for St. Ahans, with respect to Members who were absent, extrem-ly ungenerous. Mr. WARD had believed the Hon. Member for Bath to he present. Mr. LAMONT made some observations in support of the Bill, which were not beard in the gallery. Mr. YIUME rose to reply to some observations of the Hon. Member for St. Albans. The Hon. Member had pronounced the speech which he had evidently prepared, and which he bed probably practised before the glass— (A laugh, and cries of " Order!")—with a degree of as surance—(Order, order)—yes, he would repeat it, with a degree of assurance—nay, he would go further, al though, perhaps, the Noble Lord who called him to order might term that assurance modesty. In the language, then, of the Noble Lord, he could only assure the House, that a more modest, well looking, well-behaved gentle man, performing his part with modest confidence, he (Mr. Hume) had never seen. He could assure the Hon. Alem b-o. for St. Albant, that if there was any part of his (Mr. flume's) conduct which he did not regret, it was bring ing the present Ministers into office, however much they had disappointed him ; and if lie were favoured with the good opinion of the populace, as the Hon. Member for St. Albans was pleased to call the people, it was perhap• because he always supported what he considered a good cause ; and did not, like that Hon. Member, call the same instrument at one time good, and at another bad, as it suited his purpose. If the Hon. Member thought that 'he people of England could view such a proceeding with indifference, much less with approbation, he (Mr. Hume) could not go airing with him. He thought that the Hon. Alember maligned the people of England; and he was confirmed in that opinion when he saw laid on the table above six hundred and fifty petitions against the measure, signed by above 600,000 persons. Although he had no hope that the division would be adverse to the Bill, he had been desirous of giving it this last kick.—(A laugh.) Mr. WARE) explained. Mr. DOMINICK BROWNE regretted that he was compelled to give his consent to such a Bill; but he felt that it was indispensably necessary to the restoration of peace in Ireland. Mr. PEIER supported the Bill, although he admitted that it was of a vely arbitrary character, and that nothing but necessity could justify it. Mr. BELLEW did not deny that Ireland was in a state of partial disorganization; but he maintained that to agree to such a Bill was not the way to restore it to order.—(Laughing, and cries of " Question.") The Bill would have no other effect than to increase a spirit of rancour between the upper and lower classes in Ireland.— (" Question.") Sir J. TYRRELL chiefly rose for the purpose of stating his surprise that the members of his Majesty's Go vernment should have sat silent under the accusation made against them by the Hon. and Learned Member fur Tral,e. That accusation was, that at a time when their remaining in office was doubtful, they had recommended the agitation of Political Unions throughout the country. He hoped that his Majesty's Ministers would not ahow that debate to close before they gave a distinct disavowal to the charge made against them.—(Coughing, and cries' of " Question.") Mr. E. RUTHVEN, as an Irishman, would vote ngainst this peculiar act of oppression and aggression against his country.—(A very stange and loud species of hiccup from under the gallery on the Ministerial side of the House, and cries of " Question.") There were gentlemen very loud in their cries of " Question."—(Hiccup repeated louder than before.) The Hon. Member, amid much noise and con fusion, concluded with saying, that at that late hour of the deba e, he would do nothing more than protest most solemnly against this crying innovation of the Constitu ion contemplated by Government in wishing to pass the pre sent atrocious measure. Mr. O'CONNELL did not rise to fawn or cringe to that House—he did not rise to supplicate it to be merciful towards that nation to which he belonged—towards that nation which, though subject to England, yet was distinct from it.—(No, no.) It was a distinct nation—it was treated as such by this country, as would be proved by histry, and by seven hundred years of tyranny. He called upon that House, as they valued the liberty of Eng land, not to allow the present infernal . Bill to pass. In it was involved the liberties of England--the liberty of the press, dn (1 of every other institurion dear to Englishmen. The nefarious Bill, it was true, was mitigated, hut, even in its mitigated shape, it contained horrors enou g h to insult, in the strongest manner, the people of his country. There remained still enough of those horrible and insulting clauses, fur there remained those which put down the tight of petitioning—which put down political agitation —which made them both offences, not punishahle by the ordinary tribunals, but by what be would call revoluti , olary ones. The Honout able Member for St. Album; had stated that there had been only fifty petitions sent to that House by the English people against the present coercive measure. There had been seventy, and it was surprising there were so many, since the lead log English Press had teen either shamefully silent, or brutally hostile on that measure. What wonder was it then that its case should have produced but little effect upon the people of England ? The Bill was divided into two great parts; the one was to extinguish political agi tation, and the other to do away with predial agitation. Melancholy frets pri,ved, unfortunately, that the latter requited a remedy ; but as to the former, no case was made out that the part of the 811 which related to it was necessary. Against that part of the Bill he pro tested, in the name of the Irish people, and in the face of Heaven. He protested against the power granted to the Lord Lieutenant to prevent meetings, no matter for what purpose they might be convened. All he asked for his country was justice; and as long as the present Govern ment were unjust towards her, he laughed to scorn their promised generosity. Why he strenuously objected to the power granted to the Lord Lieutenant to prevent meet ings was, that there were grievances to be redressed in his country, and that one of the ways to remedy them was by petitions, emanating from large assemblies. He would ask arty one to say that there were not grievances in Ireland, and that it was not a suffering. country, more tha❑ any other. No one could say so; and no one could deny that, if ever a country required political agi tation, it was the country to which he belonged. He had another question to ask. Could any one point out a sin gle instance in which the Irish, in their agitation, had made mention of a sinOe grievance which did not exist, or in which they even exaggerated any grievance ? He was sure that no one could. If they put down agitation, they would extinguish the very principle of the C ,nstrtu tion—a principle be admitted which might be carried too far—which brought one Monarch to the scaffold, and drove another from the country. If their country had not been oppressed—if she had not been betrayed and mis governed, she would never have complained, nor would he and others ever have agitated. Ministers had profess d touch, and promised much for Ireland, but they had done nothing, literally nothing, fur her. To be sure the Irish Reform Bill followed in the train of the Eitglish one, hut it was of a very different character, bring narrow, insuf ficient, and oligarchical—raising the price of treedom five . . . . fold over this country. Ireland had an Administratio n that had deceived her, which, after all its professions, voted for the Conservative candidates for the city of Dub lin. He treated with scorn the puny and pitiful assertions that grievances were not to be com t ilamed of their redrtss was not to be agitated for. In such cases re monstrances could not be too strong—agitation could not be too violent to show the world with what the people suffered. There were two f r i ghtful Injustice their fair claims were met, and und e r w h at in this Bill. The on e w hi c h d i d away with e T tyl r ar i va a sn l ens b y y Jury. and which he had called upon them to „ apt ,, e . They called it a courtmartial—a mere nick name—but he stigmatized it as a revolutionary tribunal. _( Hkar, hear.) What, in the name of Heaven, was it, then, if it was not a revolutionary tribunal? It an nihilated the Trial by Jury—it drove the Judge from the bench--that man who, from exoerience, could weigh the nice and delicate puints of a case—who could dis criminate between the straightforward testimony gad the suborned evidence—who could see dainty t° , l o, P I the justice or injustice of the accusation. It this man, who was free, unshackled, unprejoa l s i ; clew no previous opinions to control the or t .,, his duty. They did away with that which' , ,Ft sacred than the throne itself; for which t% reigned, their Lords deliberated, their sembled.—( Hear, hear.) All this was done fi e six offic ers m i g ht usur p th e f unc tions of the the land—might annihilate the protection vP o ti gave to innocence, and attempt to unra vel toy s and administer th e p rov i s i ons of six coniplicate. Parliament. H e conten d e d th a t no case had out for such tyran n y—f or g i v ing such frightful .11 sponsible power to military men. He decie r i v solemnly th a t Mi n i s t ers h a d no t half the ! t or s had t o p u t d own pre di a l ag it a ticra and dat This was not th e wa y th e y o ught to be be merely c o - equa l i n name . H e p r ayed to bit c v when repeal came—and come it now must--(i,. they could never stay it, they could not even 7,,,t so—that it might come through p ea c e ful ageweP„li through oceans o f bl oo d . If ever he had d oa te of its success, that Bill—that infamous Bill---t`:to which it h d been received by the House—the 0160; which its opponents had been treated —the Peter They had be en su bj ec t e d to—t h e y e lls one of 1 0 4 that night been greeted wi , h—yells not fit fir anf where decency was thought of—(Cheers from tl a s , e , tion, echoed by the Ministerial Benchei)--311 the dissipated his doubts, and told him of its c ell o t early triumph —(Cheers.) Did they think Go would be forgotten—did th ey suppose their ech a reach the pl line of his injured and insulted carnaleis they would no t b e w hi spere d i n h er gre en va' 4 „ l , heard from her l o fty hill s ?.--(Cheers.) Oh t t '', f be heard th e r e —y e s, an d they would not be for g, The youth of Ireland would bound with indignan at would say, We are eight millions, and you tree: , t y t °tor' Guernseya certain party as though we were no more to your country tli!, of f l o aa r rt o y f i Jersey. ntha 1111oueseh.ad been all e h !: tie'e'ed ete edt( ,, them for years. He would not contend with th en f j e do', if he did it should not be in hostility. He appea le d ' now. They had a deeper interest in their n ative gba that of party, and they must feel that there 014 ,d so prejudicial— so m i sc hi evous—so distressing,;oe, bad passions between man and man. Let tha t e se i I rive when th e ir m u t ua l p reju di ces cou ld be overee.o;i their evil passions set at rest, and they could the n ' o ;tl 6 bold and unanswerable tone, We want jus tieet fet!, ' have equal ty. Ministers might th e n legisla te ....e t. land, but Irishmen would legislate for themsel re9 ;o ol 6 hear.) To b e sure it m i g h t b e sa id t h e y W et ; he y millions—that th e y were di v id e d ; b ut then t opli be eight millio ns , w h en t h e f ears o f some a nd th e fOr prejudices of others h a d b een conquere d i l by the l reason and of truth,—(Cheers.) He had do ne an t —he stood acquitted t o hi s consc i ence an d lii' he had opposed this measure throughout, a nd a lfrd protested against it a s h ars h, oppress i v e, 't ac k ; se ) " onjust 7 -as eat rblishing an infamous pr e cedent , ' l d t ting crime against crim e — as t yrannous , cruell y e e ef' dictively tyrannous.—(Ch eers ) I n the ta m iodt country, he asked for justice. Talk of a Un"' n e 'opti Ireland'f hy, were there not 105 M em b ers f rom Ireland' from England ? And yet they talked so loudlY n t ba He implored them to desist—to pause even at d bit hour at the threshold, an d t o c h ange this hars h %j i b! measure for one of inquiry. Refuse it if they c v . tit let Ireland see what a conc ili a t ory Govern o ` were.—(Heir, hear ) he Lord ALTHORP w as i nau dibl e a t fi r st, front the bee of strangers leaving the gallery. We en ders t e _ ie ege to be contradicting, as far as his own know „o' some statements which had been made in the en , stY, evening by the Hon. Member for ''rater. Fl it , be eo l then proceeded to say, that it had been stated in • o ioli of the ev e nin g , th at i n consequence o f the tie e , o ll Juries at the lat e ass i zes , no coerc i ve measure "oi necessary. What, however, was the c onsealLl ce an df decision ? Had cri me di m i n i s h e d, or weerhi e e ve( perty more secure? Crime was as grea t e : e hea amount—life and property equally insecure as fog Bill was brought in. An Hon. Member, o n evening, had instanced as a good sign that su d in peasantry hid brought i n th e par ti e s cone" ne s 0 01 , atrocious murder of Mr. L eonar d ; but, he via g e ( 1 ; say, he had been misinformed on the subject- se e siO Althorp) bad received a letter from the 11 '0 f e el° the county, which stat e d th a t a l arg e numb o ° . he to t had assembled at the funeral, and at that tun reg rett t deters o, s ay, , w t e h r e e r e a r w re a s s t e n d o I p p by .4 11 , 1 ) e f police.that a l T hwo h er e r r e e ,r f: af e n ' e:i i o , i ni nt i o u ce, ' min d s of the peasantry which they Indeed, in this particular outrage there w as e v i c tim show that others beside the one unfortunate iLesrf been marked out fur destruction. The 11" n• Member for Duhlin said flea the Bill had bee n -- : o re 4 ' mitigated, but still it was sufficiently severe an d (;eotf to make him oppo se it. If t h e means were su that b the end he entirely concurred in any a l'eratin n ' ,rte been or (emits have b e en m a d e ; b ut be believed 1,460ie stead of being rendered inadequa.e, ie was m ore LeAr lir after the alterations than before. The Hon. and e solo Member spoke of these alterations as if there vie r s orf, thing disgraceful in their being allowed. Wha t ' ve to °, he would ask, discreditable in Ministers listening art/ gestions, and taking away th e more un eongen at, o p t the Bill—in striking out th e more violent r eveal dea tO vided they left it sufficiently strong to effect Ales object?—(Cheers.) The H on . an d L e arned Ne" -it pert a. o attacked his Right Hon. F r i en d f or i n d u lging to t : alities, and though he (Lord Althorp) did not nt,eiii",, much on this po in t, l eas t o f a ll to h urt t h e Hon. an pot , ed Member's feelings, still he must say that li t, e ies eo tt i ; thought h e w as th e man to ma k e comp l a i n ts on t ''0, 111 ; —(Cheers.) The Hon. and L earne d M em ber ha d°, ; t iaa with regard to poli t i ca l ag i ta ion, to the Pr re ,,, oa t meetings, end such m a tt ers , t hi s Bill was e ntireVo e tOt cessary. If, however, he would appeal to tle te rf ,;, the large ma j or ity wou ld te ll bi n . that of 8 i "„ was . the part most w an t e d, an d most lik e ly coil to the country in its results.—( Loud cheer. jo ad, Hon. and Lear ne d Member talked of t h e water , nf il ei t e ir but he censidered that there could be no real liber!),jor , out peace.—(Ch eers .) H e (L or d Al t h or p) n ittie ic P that on e o f the great merits of lib er ty was, this justice tow veled peace f or a ll, an d secur i ty f or al l a nd i y fl o —not that one side only should he heard---(C heer :O that o ne p arty a l one s h oul d b e dominant—no t th a- ie lstl'• should be denounced for having expressed to a le f dee': assembly the honest convictions of his tnind—CL an an d —but that all should be entitled to their opini the expression of them without molestation an d dread.—(Ch eers .) T he H on. and L ear ned ' f' al te asked if there was ever a country which a° - quir r e e d e v a e g r ita vy ti a o ,i n a a c s o l u r n e t la ry nd w . hie l h ie so ( Lo m rt u f c A ti 1 trheogriii,iejed 411.101; and repose?—(Loud cheets.) He said Irel3a never be injured but by her own sons ; an d I ; e cbe e ,, l o 9' Althorp) agreed m os t f u ll y w i t h All Iceland's real gr i evances h a d b een free t Y„ - ab °,4( by the Gov e r n m en t an d t h e P ar li amen t, and ',i t steadily bent on applying p ro p er reme di e s to thern'peleo, memory of the Hon. and Learned Member forjdotv must be rather short, for he stated that Minister s / I ' o l nothing for her, when it so happened tha t 1. h eve Member him se lf h a d expresse d hi s approval o ) measures determi ne d on by them.—(Heir, h ear ;fitr ° o( reason why these measures were not i n a mor e s o rt s it condition w as t o b e f oun d i n t h e state o f the h ir et that House. The Hon. and Learned Member f u i l g o re ac h f new system of na ti ona l education, which he still .° sea lauded, as entirely removing one great grievance retloh9il also forgot the Subletting Act, the excellent iier which he (Mr. O'Connell) stated only the ° , t ho rp)'4 hid b e en great ly un d errate d b y hi mse lf (Lord Al t j ( Ro l (Cheers.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman ha_betet.., that ther e w as , or cou ld b e, any connection " so f P h ; between political agitation and predial outrage. that te (Lord Althorp) would not go so far as to eaY este rh , , intent and purpose o f p o liti ca l ag it a tion was to cr . it predial disturba n c es , but he would maintain 73,,,ePii impos s ibl e to i rr i tate a popu l ation, b y c onstant on their real and supposed grievances, wit h . nu wa s aPi such results.—(Cheers.) He a dmitted that it , 0 0 0 4 ,e that it should be found necessary to deprive ve tte d trial by jury, but it was still more to bs regretdteeerije a country should be in a situation such 39 _ 1 t bd,. in a petition which he then held in his hand fr?",, i l t ent i o gistrates and tines al persons in the county. of The petitioners stated that " they firmly believed il' . ' re , s e r , measure, introduced into Parliement for the suP e F_, frf i t of the disturbances in Ireland, would restore .punerltor b t thorn, when compared with the lawle-s despotic state dr . " they were at present exposed."—(Hear..) They Heath carding the result of the assizes, o f which t he seemed to expect much, that " they dep l ored "7.„ e et% suit of the assizes was not such as they had 0 , 2 The assizes at Kilkenny, where vas t numbers who created the distut bances were eenteneed, n ave , tieished ; and it was expected that Th it, hove" , e tif t 'tome effect on the disturbances. • • I an d not the case. 'I he same system of tyrannical t _ he conduct continued unabated, particularly agains(?o.ro .nth defenceless."—(Cheers.) That was the at prtio these who lived in the country, and wh t were u s on fe ht 0 judge of the of of the Bill. He thong cd be unnecessary for him, after the long-contiuu ow which they had had, to say any more upon the they would e. 1.4., It b i d b aware o f itinn...— Ai goo] rose t o a , , After For For Th e B '‘Cp • 'tord: e i thal ' it 1 3;11 4 T h t 1.440,tehe fi lia L and t. he W4I Ing in 4i, h, pa~ ail I,e r C. t :Y h ""I.)