The Sun. — London, England, 1833-01-24 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS• The United States papers, which we received last night bringing accounts frbm New York to the 25th alt., from Washington to the 2211, from Virginia to the 22d, and from South Carolina to the 16th, continue to increase in interest, as the season approaches in which the Carolinians must yield on the question of the tariff, or the general Government must employ the federal troops to compel obedience to its decrees. Meanwhile the precipitate conduct of the refrac tory state seems to be blamed by the great body of the Union, and hut feebly excused by such of its members as have to complain of the same grievances, and are disposed to assert the same riets. The Legialature of Virginia have taken into consideration the various documents which relate to the peace' of the confederacy, and the dispute between the genera' Government and the state of South Carolina,—namely, the President's recent proclamation, and the acts of the Carolinian Convention. On these a committee has drawn up a report, embodying re solutiona in which the tariff is condemned, — sonata cif the principles of the President's procla mation protested against,-4he relation between individual states and the general Union explained —and the cause of South Carolina declared good, though the war is deprecated, and the precipitant-at of the South Carolinians censured. At New York (a state with opposite interests, and actuated with different sentiments on the tariff question), the people have assumed a more decided and more warlike tone. At a great meeting held in the capital of that section of the Confederacy, it was agreed to address the President of the United Sates, to express an entire concurrence in the principles of his pro clamation, and consequently in his resolution to employ force to compel submission, should South Carolina persist in her present rebellion. The same sentiments have been expressed by the North-eastern and New England members in the Congress at Washington—and there can be no doubt that the majority of the Legislature, whose alleged injustice has driven South Caro lina to defy the general Government, will grant their ready and zealous consent to measures of invasion and coercion. It would probably have manifested more discretion, and would • have tended more to promote conciliation, had Mr. Adams and the other members from the New England States been silent on the question of war, till their votes or their declarations had beet required by a warlike crisis. They are supposed to be interested parties. It was to protect their manufactures and to encourage their industry that the obnoxious tariff was imposed, and their interference therefore may be regarded by South Carolina as an evidence that no justice can be obtained from a Government which they incite to action. That preparations are making by the President for following up his proclamation by arms. there can be no question. A sufficient mi litary force, happily for the long-continued peace in the United States, and the absence of any ex• ternal cause of annoyance or alarm, it may be dif ficult immediately to collect. The whole regular army of the Union does not exceed. 5,000 men ; and the southern states which border on South Carolina may be averse to send their militia on such a service. We hear of 19 companies on the frontier of Carolina,L.--a force totally in adequate for any formidable military demon stration. The time, however, draws near in which decisive measures must be taken, as the Carolinians have declared their intention to re fuse custom-house duties after the Ist of Fe bruary. Neither the feeling of hostility ex pressed in the northern states—nor the equivo cal diaaeprobation of the southern—nor tla proclamati: n of the President —nor the pre parations for invasion, seem to have produced any change in the resolution of the Carolinians, if we may judge from the inaugural address o' their new Governor, General Hayne, to the Le gislature of that state. He declares that his fellow-citizens will resist the tariff to the last, and that if an attempt he made to enforce it by arms, they will regard the compact with the other states as destroyed, and declare their in lependence. He d- ells with much energy 01 the injustice and unconstitutional violence which it involves, and he commanded the enthusiastic applause of the Assembly by throwing down the gauntlet of defiance to the general Government. Who could believe that the following senti ments were uttered by the masters of slaves ? " South Carolina cannot be drawn from the proud eminence which she occupies, but by her own hands ** *. Some of us may not survive the present contest, but if we are true to our duty, our example will he a rich legacy to those who succeed us, which in itself is a remuneration for a life of generous devotion to the public good. It will be sufficient glory for us, when we shal have left the busy scenes of this earth, to have inscribed on our tombs,—' Here lies the man who sacrificed his life in a magnanimous effort to renovate and redeem the constitution, and to restore the liberties of his coma ry." The whole of this address displays a similar determination of purpose, and a similar unconsciousness that more than the half of the population are bonds men in the most cruel and degraded state ot.op presSion. The President has prudently ordered the proposed modifications of the tariff to he taken into consideration immediately, and ,to proceed simultaneously with preparations for war. The reductions of which it is su-ceptible may satisfy t h e Carolinians, and thus di'charge harmlessly into the earth, from the gathering cloud, the thunderbolt which threatened with a fatal shock the greatest republican confede racy which ever existed in ancient or modern times.— Times. We observe that the country Papers, with hardly an exception, are warm advocates of the ballot. In the Caledonian Mercury of Monday last, there is in particular a long and able article, combating the writer in the k dinburgh Review, and expoing the inconsistency of his arguments in a very masterly manner. The ballot, as the Caledonian Mercury observes, $.4 cannot be at once both secret and open ; and it is rather too much to conclude, from an incompatible hypo thesis, that the evils of both methods, and the good of neither would flow from the adoption." But as we have more than once observed, the real grounds of dislike to ballot are not hrougnt forward in the article in the Edinburgh Review. We alluded yesterday to an article in an Even ing Contemporary (the Globe), in which it is maintained that all that the writer in the Edin burgh Review has assumed to be an evil, is a positive good, and that it is proper that the rich should possess the power, of compelling those dependent on 010 to vote against their con sciences. But lest we shoUld be accused of doing inju,tice to our contemporary, who certainly has taken the bull by the horns, we shall here insert his argument at length : " It wag never proposed, by those who introduced and advocated the plan of Reform which has been adopted, , o dptioy alto6e , htr the ialutate of the more okultnt best instructed classes of society, - and to give the whole DOWer of the State to those who happen to form the nu merical majority of the electoral bodies. If they had done so, their scheme would have been (and this all honest and plain-speaking advocates of the ballot will allow) altogether inconsistent with the existence of our mixed Constitution, and would have been the introduction of a democracy wry clumsily constituted. If it were once taken for granted that the present voters should exer cise their franchise free from the influence which is exer cised over them by the opinion of their neighbours and friends, what possible reason could there he for con tinuing the right of returning a Member to Parliament to th e voters in the insignificant towns containing from two to four thousand inhabitants, which now possess it. To continue to the voters of these places, and of many (-c ireely larger ones) which return two Metnbers etch, the right of sending Members to Parliament, and to shroud the voters from public opinion by the ballot, would snake the Reformed P.rliament appear, instead of a practical g”od, one of the rankest of absurdities. The ballot would be in itself a great ch Inge, hut it would make a necessity for still welter changes—and this we believe to be its re comm ndation to some of its friends. " The ballot must he considered in connexion with the whole form of our mixed constitution—a constitution of King, Lords, and Commons—under whicr (though some ble men have proved it cannot exist, and, of course, never has existed), this country enjoyed during mint generations an unusual share of internal peace, happiness. and as-cu' ity. Such a constitution cannot exist except by the influence which the several orders in the State exercise over one another—an influence. it must be observed, which is reciprocally exercised. Who doubts that the Peers, itaiividually as well as collectively, are influ need by the expression of the opinions and feelings s.f their neiglibeurs and of the people at large ? Who doubts that it would he a just subject of complaint if they shrouded their vote and proceedings in secrecy. and that the chances of har mony in the State would be very much diminished if all that was known of their proceedings and individual opi nions should he the adoption or rejection of a measure sent up from the Comm , ns? " The influence so exercised on both sides may be, and generally is, very distinct from gross intimidation. Now anti then a violent Radical throws a stone at a Lord Lon donderry, and is deservedly s-nt to the House of Correc tion. Now and then a violent Peer indulg-s in a threat azainst a Radical tenant, and is deservedly mulcted in the loss of his whole political influence in the State. If a man of principle and intellig nee in any station in life vote according to his opinions, however opposite they may bt. to his immediate sup, rifles, the chances are infinitely small that be will be injured by reason of his conduct, and the chances are still decre-ising every day. The cases where influenee is most commonly exercised is where teen, struggling to supply their daily wants, and having nit opinions, or no strong opinions on politics, follow in tirdinary times the opinions or supposed opinions of those who are somewhat superior to them in station, and from whom they receive or expect to receive benefits. The in ffience so exercised is not felt to be immoral by those who lmost unconsciously exercise it, nor is it felt to be galline by those over whom it is exercised. It is shaken off whenever the feelings of the nation are excited on any great question which becomes palpable to the understand. lugs of the voters, and in ordinary times it is quite as well that men who may be so easily led should be some what biassed in favour of the established Constitution (which may be expected to have a greater number of ad herents among the rich than the poor), as that they should vent any momentary and ill-considered animosity in the oalloting-box. " The first question which a man who considers the propriety of introducing now the vote by ballot should ask himself, is, whether lie wishes to preserve the present form of our Constitution or to introduce a Republic? It he adhere to the Constitution, he may further consider whether the aegree of influence now exercise , : by the Peers, or rather by ill persons of property and intelligence, over the poorer and more numerous bodies of voters, is too great, consistenly with the preservation of the Constitution, and even pro p rty itself, from invasion ; or, if that question be doubt tul, whether that degree of it.ff tence is so great as to pre vent the formation of an efficient House of Comm ns Let them look at the last elections." We yesterday observed, in reference to the )bove article, that no reflecting person would vish to destroy the influence of the more opulent Ind best-instructed classes of society over others ; and that it was confessedly one of the great idvantages of Reform, that it would strengthen he inducements of the richer and more instruct .,(l classes of the community to act in such a 1 - ay as should obtain for them influence tver their more humble neighbours. The rich .an alone aff , rd to dedicate themselves to public ifFairs ; and the rich must, of necessity, be cho sen to watch over the interests of the commit ity. We believe there is hardly an instance of man in affluent circumstances, acting in such a way as to merit the good opinion of his neigh bours, who does not succeed in gaining their good opinion. It was well observed by an able :vriter on the ballot, in the Westminster Review, ;hat when the rich were dependent on the opinion of their inferiors, they would be fur nish«l with a strong motive for enabling them to form an enlightened opinion. If, however, , he power is left to landlords to intimidate voters. and to compel them to do violence to their ',pinions, this is weakening the motive of the rich man to endeavour to enlighten his poorer neighbour, and to possess a legitimate influence over him. We seldom, as Adam Smith ob -erves, have recourse to persuasion, so long as Ne have compulsion in our power. The influ ence of the rich over their humbler neighbours would be increased, instead of diminished by the ballot ; because, the power of compulsion being withdrawn, they would be obliged to exert themselves to deserve popularity. The influence of esteem would take the place of the influence of fear. The landlord and magitrate, who stood high in the esteem of their neigh bourhoods,. would not, surely, cease to possess that esteem at the period of a general election. If the ballot, therefore, would add to the in fluence of the rich, by furnishing them with the most powerful of all motives for deserving it, all the argument of our contemporary as to the necessity of the exercise of influence falls to the ground. During the late election we have seen that intimidation has everywhere been had re course to, and in some districts to a degree which has engendered the worst feelings between landlords and tenants. The writer in the Ldin 'burgh Review admits the evil to the fullest extent, though our contemporary makes light of the matter by observing, with a sneer, that " now and then a violent Peer indulges in a threat against a Radical tenant, and is deservedly mulcted in the loss of his whole political influence in the State." " Have not (says the writer in the Caledonian Mercury) voters without number been induced or compelled to act contrary to their - own convictions, and to give their suffrages against their conscience to men whose characters they despised, and whose principles they de tested ? Wherever there was dependence, and. want of protection, there free will consequently, was totally abrogated, and the elector transformed into a mere tool in the hands of his patron of his landlord." It is the feeling generated by acts of oppression of this nature that has made the demand for the k allot almost universal throughout the country. We shall now proceed to notice the arguments of our contemporary somewhat more in detail : Ist. "It was not intended that voters shout] exercise their srancnise free from the influence exercised over them by the ()pinion of their neigl.bours and friends; otherwise, what pos,ihle reason could there be for continuing the right at ri.turning a Member to Parliament to the voters in the insignificant towns containing trom two to four thousand persons, which now possess it ?" We have already said that the ballot would not destroy, but add to the only influence which ought to be possessed. But the right of voting continued to these towns was not deemed a le vitiate consequence from the principles of the Reform Bill, but was adopted as an inevitable anomaly. It was not thought that there ought to be towns of two and four thousand person with the right of returning Members to Parlia ment ; btit it was found impossible, without exciting an opposition that would have proved fatal to the Bill, to disfranchise wholly or partially a greater number of towns than those contained in Schedules A. and B. It Was not thought that it was good to perpetuate the influence of powerful individuals in these boroughs; but it was found impossible to destroy it. 2d. " The Ballot would he destructive of our Consti tution of King, Lords, and Commons, which cannot exist xcept by the influence which the several orders of the State exercise over one another." But if the ballot do not destroy that influence, it cannot destroy the Constitution of _King, Lords, and Commons. 3d. " The cases where influence is most exercised, is where men, struggling to supply their daily wants, and having no opinion, or s t rong o pi n i on , f o ll ow in ordinary tiins-s the opinion s o f th ose su p er i or t o t h e m in station. It is shaken off (says our contemporary), whenever the feelings of the n a ti on are exc i te d on any g reat question which becomes palpable to the understanding of the voters; and in ordinary times it is quite as well that men who - may be so e asily l e d, s h ou ld b e somew h a t biassed in fivour of the estahli-heil Constitution (which may be ex pected to have a greater number of adherents among the rich than the poor), as that they should vent any momen tary and ill-considered animosity in the b a lloting-box•" Here again the whole question is begged. In ordinary times, it is understood the rich may be expected to bias the poor, but not in times of great excitement. But why should i be pre sumed that these men will vent any momentary and ill-considered animosity in the balloting-box in ordinary times ? Why should it be pre sumed that the more humble voters are less biassed in favour of the Constitution than the rich ? There is no analogy between the House of Peers shrouding itself in se crecy, and the voters sheltering themselves from persecution in secrecy. The House of Peers, as part of the Legislature, owe a re sponsibility to the nation; the voters are the nation it elf—responsible to no other body for the exercise of the franchise. The anomalies of the limited constituencies do not destroy the rule. They are imperfections which are tole rated, only because the improvements introduced will render them harmless. Throughout the whole of the above article there is a continual begging of the question—that the influence of rich and educated individuals would be de stroyed by depriving them of the power of corn pulsion.—Morning Chronicle. We commented yesterday upon the importance which the circumstances of the times attach to the intentions of the King's Ministers. We said that from some of them we predicted no thing but a continued obedience to those clubs and committees whose members may be less in structed but cannot be more dishonest than themselves. We said that to others we looked with an anticipation of graver wisdom and severer virtue. We return to this theme to-day. We remarked that there was one individual whom above all others we watched with anxious in terest. We alluded, our readers felt that we alluded, to Mr. Stanley. Of the names on wrich the transactions of the past year have stamped distinction there is not one which honest and honourable men contemplate at this , moment with so much of hope, or wilt so much of fear. It is not because he posses-es great abilities—there are men in the Administration of older exeerience, of more extensive knowledge, of more commanding eloquence ; it is not because he holds high office—there are men in the Administration who receive a larger pay, and dispose of a more valuable patronage. It is because he unites in a remarkab:e degree incidental with personal qua lification ; it is because he combines a conside ration based upon hereditary rank and official posi tion with the more gratifying respect which is founded upon recognised intellectual strength and imputed moral integrity. We do not express our own opinion of Mr. Stanley ; we record rather what is said of him by the more temperate adherents of either party, and by those yet more impartial observers who keep themselves aloof from all. Yet let us at once admit that there are many recollections which lead us to sympathize in some measure with his admirers, and to echo much of their praise. The Mr. Stanley of 1830 was not the Mr. \ Stanley of 1833. He was younger in years ; he was less powerful in talents, or less conscious of his power ; above all, he was far less sure of public confidence and esteem. By the Admi nistration of which be was a Member, after a series of blunders which had proved their inca pacity, of defeats which had shown their weakness, an extensive measure of Parliamentary Reform was introduced. It has been asserted, whether truly or erroneously will be for ever a matter of dispute, that he regarded the changes medi tated by that measure with doubt and alarm. But the schism of a disciple from the teachers in whose school he has studied requires no ordinary strength of mind, and the secession of a young placeinan from a tottering Ministry incurs no enviable severity of interpretation. Mr. Stanley supported Lord . John Russell's bill not only with an unflinching energy, not only with an unexpected eloquence, but fre quently, from the circumstances of his connection with the Government of Ireland, with a sacri fice of personal feeling and an apparent forgetful ness of self-respect, which we have often sorrow fully condemned, and which he must sometimes I have bitterl regretted. Let us not be misun derstood. Of the measure to the success of which he thus contributed we shall never speak but in language of the deepest reprobation. The Reform Act has, in our belief, substituted the do minion of many lin the dominion of the educated ; it has set up worse government in the place of better ; it has endangered the stability of our throne, and shaken the foundations of our altar. But if we call Mr. Stanley enemy we can not deem him traitor. He had not been the proud pupil of the Statesman whose most cite rished doctrines lie attacked. He had not writ ten elaborate essays in defence of the institutions whose antiquity lie derided, and whose utility h e denied. He was contented the!' to follow the opinions of others; it mu t not be assumed that he is now unable to aet upon his own. He has hitherto been not fully tr ed ; he cannot yet be fairly doubted. The Mr. Stanley of 1833 is not the Mr. Stanley of 1830. He has had in two years an experience winch, in o r dinary dines is not compressed into twenty. He is stronger, and more aware of his strength. He is regarded by his country wi h an esteem which, if he has but barely earned, he should not be hasty to cast aside. A feeble Ad ministration, divided against itself, and strug gling with almost triumpha nt a d versar i es , h e might be ashamed to desert. A powerful faction, before which all opposition seems for the present silenced, it may be rash, but it cannot be base, to withstand. Moreover, although he relin quished no principle in going thus far, he must resign all principle before he can go much far- then A consistent Reformer then, he would be a most inconsistent Revolutionist now. In the last debate on the Reform Act he avowed, as Lord John Russell avowed, a determination to abide by the position which was then taken up, and to defend the existence of the Constitution with the same spirit which had been exerted against its abuses. But in this the Paymaster of the Forces differs from the Irish Secretary. The one, in compliance with mere pique, has already expressed his readiness to forfeit the pledge which, as a Member of Parliament, as a Minister of the Crown, as the mover of the Reform Bill, he could not hut advisedly have given. The other has recently revived our recollection of his declaration by a formal, elaborate, solemn repe tition of its terms. To turn from a duty thus undertaken would be perilous to the character of any Statesman ; to his it would be ruinous indeed. He has already sacrificed much of personal character to the interests of his party ; he has temporized and truckled ; he has timidly withdrawn the measures he pompously an nounced, and denounced one day the dema ' gogue he was to conciliate on the next. His advocates see in these inconsistencies, what we are willing to see in them to-day, a chivalrous sense of honour, a reluctance to withhold aid from friends who needed it, a submission to private indignity for the sake of public good. Mr. O'Connell is not at a loss for far less com plimentary suggestions to account for the conti nuance in of of the vainly discomfited "Saxon:' Let Mr. Stanley be assured that his countrymen wait for the future before they venture to pronounce a final judgment upon the past. The Levellers clearly expect to find in Mr. Stanley a determined opponent. They have been pouring out against him a virulence of vituperation the like of which few Tories have been so fortunate as to deserve. The friends of the Constitution may well find something to praise where its foes find so much to censure. We know that many Conservatives—we speak especially with reference to some of the rising ornaments of our aristocracy—estimating his talents at a value which we confess we do not yet put upon them, and reposing in his honour a confidence which we do not think has yet been justified, have predicted that in him our Mo narchy, our Peerage, our Church, would have a late but a consistent champion. If Mr. Stanley can trust, as he ought to trust, in his own resources—if he can measure, as he ought to measure, the right iutentious of others, he has it now in his power to secure to himself a nobler and more generous following than has been ranked within our recollection under the banneis of any leader. But we are weary of the fickleness and frivolity of politi cians. From Mr. S anley, in spit , - of his ma nifest love for what is great and pure, his un concealed aversion for what is mean and corrupt, we scarcely venture, in our sadder moments, to hope any thing but the old abandonment of things for shadows, of a nation's welfare for a party's praise. What we have this day said will be misinterpreted, we w. II know, by his friends— perhaps by ours. Be it so ! If he shall become what many of his colleagues are, we shalt be as ready to condetnn as we are now to extenuate. If lie shall realise all his warmest well-wishers pronounce—we flatter him not—the first place in our esteem will still be due to those who foresaw the danger with a quicker prudence, and resisted it with an earlierdevotion.— Morn. Post. The plain truth is, that Ministers cannot govern England, to say nothing of Ireland, on the principles of the Bill. Forward to a repub lic they must go unless they fall back at once upon Conservative principles, and get support, directly or indirectly, from the Conservative party. The masked leaders of the Movement are mortally vexed at what they deem the prema ture disclosure of the plot by the simple citizens, and stand aloof to observe how the public will like act the first. Ministers would be glad to temporize a little longer, but find it impossible, as the crowding of events compels decision. Neither Conservative nor Radical will tolerate the neutral tint ; up with one or the other, Gen tlemen, if you please—the union flag of Eng land, or the well-known tri-coloured badge of atheism and revolution.— Morning Post. The meeting of the electors of the city of London, on Monday, must not be sunk as an every-day affair—no longer thought of than existing ; but,—whatever may be the supercili ousness and interested prejudices of certain par ties,—placed upon its proper footing as an im portant meeting, both for its locality and for the subjects on which it came to a final conclu sion. There are those, we are aware, who would willingly hold up the meeting to view as being one composed of persons whose ultra notions of reform went far beyond those of the community —(Mr. Hunt having unfortunately been a speaker at it)—and others who disapprove of it, as tending to embarrass, not to strengthen, the hands of his Majesty's Ministers ; but, say of it what they may, it is—to use the language of The Sun of last evening— " a sign of the tines—an earnest of the future— speaking in language not to be mistaken, that the wishes of the people, when just and proper, and expressed in a constitutional spirit, are not to be treated with indifference even by a Re formed Cabinet." The sentiments amid wishes expres , ed at it were not ultra-Radical, or beyond the feelings of a great portion of the community, nor can it well be said of it, that it was got up for the purpose of embarrassing his Majesty's Ministers. We believe, in fact, that nothing was farther from the thoughts of those who originated it, than that of doing anything which should have even a tendency to place his Majesty's advisers in a delicate position ; but if it was a sacred duty on the part of the people to meet, to resolve, and to petition, for the passing of the Ref nan Bill, is it not, we ask, an equally sacred dtry for them to meet, to resolve, and to peti tion, for the adoption of those improvements in the Reform Bill, which will render it a real, in stead of an apparent blessing to them ? Let it also be considered, that the resolutions passed at the city meeting were resolutions entirely in accordance with the views of some of the most ineluen ial IVlembers of the Cabinet, as well as of the House of Commoos—that Lord John Russell is pledged to the ballot—that Lord Al thorp is pledged to it—that Mr. Poulett Thomson and others are pledged to it. But, say tbose who would fain set down the meet ing as a mere mob meeting, unworthy of serious consideration—the time is not apt—the season is not convenient —there are many questions of great practical importance whiCh the Govern ment must deal with. Granted that there are great, important, and practical questions to be settled ; b it are not these the arguments which the Tories have invariably employed as reasons for the maintenance of the greatest possible abuses, and the prevention of the most ne cessary refornis ? 'lt is worthy of notice, like wise, that the discussion of the important', questions of vote by ballot and triennial Parliaments, could .not by possibility prevent the Government from introducing to the notice of Parliament any practical measures which it might deem necessary to propose for the benefit of the country. The discussion might occupy some time, which the public would assuredly not grudge ; but no two Bills can be conceived of a more simple nature and construction, than those which would involve election by ballot and triennial Parliaments ; and therefore, al though the Government might have much useless discussion to contend with,. it would assuredly have no such trouble with the details as to dis tract its attention from what the objectors to these measures term " practical improvements." Finally, with regard to the character of the meet ing, the motives of those who called it, and the resolutions passed by it, the presence of Mr. Grote alone ought to have redeemed it from the stigma which it has been in vain attempted to fasten upon it. That honourable and worthy Member spoke as follows, and we repeat a por tion of his speech as an apology for defending a cause, which, judged by its real merits, requires no defence : " Gentlemen, I shall have the greatest pleasure and pride in executing, to the best of my ability, the mighty and_ important duty which you have confided to me this day. I shall lay it before the House of Commons with all the solemnity and earnestness which the subject demands ; and, I am sure, a petition from so large a constituency will be received with an attentive and solemn hearing at least. This is the first meeting I have had the honour of attending of those whom I am now proud to call my constituents; and it is truly grati fying to me, that the business which they intrusted to me, is one which I should, of all other things, be glad to un dertake even without sock an extraordinary stimulus.— (Cheers ) Attached as I am, nd h.ve long been, to the representative system, as the only certainty of goad go• vernment, I hink that all arrangements which conduce to the purity of the elective system rank among the foremost of alt conceivable improvements ; and I say that both the ballot arid a shorter duration of Parliaments are most es sentially requisite to give to the people of England that security and that control which they ought to possess over their representatives.—(Cheers.) I do contend, that amongst the grave and mighty matters that will come be fore hem, there are none to exceed in impnrtmce the b.llot and trienni:l Parliaments.—( Hear.) I will con sider it one of my first duties to give notice of a mo tion in the House of Commons to bring in a Bill to provide for taking votes by ballot—(Cheers)—and I shall do sa not less from my solemn and serious conviction of its necessity, than from the confidence which you have this day reposed in me by requesting me to do it. I shall also support the Bill which shall be introduced for the repeal of the asqessed taxes, though on that point I am disposed to concur with my Hon. Friend and Gilleague, Mr. Alder. man Wood, that we ought to be caution., and not too hastily remove those taxes which press exclusively on the rich, lest. we should be (ridged to retain otters which bear hardly on the p air It is to these that we should in a more particular manner direct our attention, and endea your to procure their reperl.—(Applause.) Gerplem.n, I shall only add, that I lee! great pleasure in attending here to..day, anti that it will be to me a source of unmixed satis , action to express your wishes to the letter.—(Ap plause.)"—Morning Advertiser (Wednesd COURT OF KING'S BENCH, JAN. 23. COPYHOLD FORFEITURE-•REX V LADY OF THE MANOR OF MARWELL. A mandamus Had been applied for and granted, on behalf of a person of the name of South well, commanding tie Lady Mildrnay, Lady of the Ma- or of Marwell, to admit Soutfm ell as tenant in f, e of a freehold tenement belonging to the Minor, or show can-e to the contrary. To th s mandamus hr Lady returned that, by a custom i f tie Manor, when a t enan t was convicted of felony, his tenement became forfeited or escheated to the Lord; that one Boyce, a tenant of the ninor, had surrendered his tenement to Southwell in fee; bur in east. Boyce should pay to Southwell 500/. by a certain day, the surrender was to be void; that th • surrender was enrolled and presented, but that before Southwell, the surren deree, was admitted, or had appli. d for admission, Boyce, the surretideror, was convicted of simple felony. A rule Nisi was applied for and .ranted to goa , h this return, and to have a peremptory manda mus issued. Mr. DAMPIER, in support of the rule, maintained that the interest in the tenement passed to South well, the suirenderee, by virtue of the enrolment and presentment of the surrender, and that his right to admittance was not defeated. Mr. WILLIAMS, on behalf of the Lady of the Manor, opposed the rule, and contended that the re turn was sufficient. Mr. Justice LITTLEDALE intimated that the Court had no great doubt about this case; yet, as a great number of cases had been cited, they would take time to consider them. EXCHEQUER COURT, JAN. 23. GILMOUR V. KEENE, GENT. Mr. HUTCHINSON stated that this was an action upon a guarantee tried before Mr. Baron Bolland at Guildhall, when a verdict was given for the plain tiff. It appeared at the trial that a commission of bankruptcy had issued against persons of the name of Gadderer and Edwards, and that at the second meeting of creditors under that commission, the plaintiff was persuaded to allow himself to be ap pointed one of the assigness, on condition of being indemnified from all expenses thereby to be incurred. The defendant, who was the solicitor to the corn• mission, gave him a guarantee in the following terms :—" In consideration of your consenting to become assignee, I hereby agree to hold you harm less and indemnified from all costs and charges there by incurred." The plaintiff entered upon the duties of assignee, and incurred some expenses, which gave rise to the present action. The Learned Counsel now contended, that the verdict which had been given for the plaintiff ought to be set aside, and a nonsuit ent• red, or that the damages ought to be reduced.—Rule to show cause granted. ALLEN V. DUTTON. This was an action of assumpsir, brought by the plaintiff, the keeper of two Lunatic Asylums a , High Beach, in the county of Essex, to recover from the defendant a sum of money for the washing, lodging, and attendance upon the de fetalani's wife. The cause was tried before Mr. Baron Vaughan, at Gail hall, during the sittings in the last Term, when the Jury gave a verdict for the Mr. CURWOOD, in the course of the last Term, moved for and obtained a rule to show cause why that verdict should no be set aside, and a new trial granted, on the ground that the Jury had given a verdict agates the Height of evidence in the cause. vlr. Brun VAUGHAN now real his notes of the rial, from which it appeared that the question of the treatment of rite defendant's wife had been fully before the Jury at the trial; and that there had been eval.nce given on both sides. M. F. POLLOCK and Mr. ToptursisoN appealed to show cause aga.nit the rule. Mr. CußwooD and M . THESsIGER, who were in support of tie tide, contended (fiat the verdict vias tganist the w eigat of evidence. —Rule discharged. THE INVISIBLE G ENTLEMAN.-- This iS one of the mos t e ntertaining lieiiuna we h ave net w i th for a long time ; the idea ye!) , migindl, aryl brought into play wi•h a lively air hf until ; which giv,, a d ra . made reality even to the oupernatural."--Literary Gaz. Mr. WAGHORN , the gentleman who ha , , dis tinguishedhis ftfin t ‘ to s h orten the coma willuni leave E ng l an d early next iii. nth, for the purpose of procuring the erection o f some r e p ot or , alting-place in the desert belveen Grand Cairo and Suez, se as t o facilitate the laud j o u rney f rom Alexandria. ,if his exertions are duly secou, e d at home by the G-virn tciantgiouins,h with himself t itidi,,, meat and the East In ha Company, much time cat Dot elapse before the desirab.e obj e c t is ace..inpli,hed of a re gular cilnolunieution ninitilly with Lugs!, occupying it most 60 or 70 days. LIVERPOOL, JAN. 22. COTTON MARKET. The transactions to-day have been divided bet s/0 Manchester market and our own, and we have the e had but a moderate business, though at very steady Pt Our sales are 1,500 bags, of which about 00 are, j 1 rican, taken on speculation ; 40 Bowed', at Orleans, at 9d., both choice parcels; 200 Surat* by. ; remainder Boweds and Mobiles, at 7d. W per lb. WHEAT, &c. The following are the present prices of Grain :•-• d L I (Per 701 b.) a. d. s. d. (Per 701 b.) 0 o , ' English White 8 9 8 10 Red ditto ...... .• 9, ~ ...... 6 , Red 7 6 7 10 Canadian, IN hite......, 9 8 Old 8 6 9 0 Red......"' i Welch, Scotch, and Dantzic,High Mixed, 9 9, Manks, White 8 0 8 6 nominally ............ 9 C Red 7 6 7 9 Mixed ...... 7 , 7 9 9, Irish, Strangford, S pan i s h, S o ft ditto ..., 6 1 1 li Dundalk, &c. 7 5 7 7 ard ditto... l 8 , Galway 7 4 '7 6 Pomeranian ............ 0 . 9 8, 1 Wexford & Limerick 7 2 7 3 B ar l e tt a ................ .. 7 9 9, q Dublin & Drogheda 7 0 7 2 Od essa ............. .6 9 8'; Waterford, Cork, &c. 7 0 7 1 Petersburgh, 50ft......,' 3 ti White 7 9 8 0 Hard ...' 3 1i Old Red 66 7 2lRiga 7° l' United States, White, Archangel 7 nominally 8 9 9 0 l°: With only ver y mo d era t e i mports t h e supp l i es ° I , ii week h a ve b een f u ll y equa l to t h e sales. 11°41 Wheat trad e con ti nues fi rm, an d t h e tendencY ( b_ j rather upwards, the demand is far from lively 7 improvement must b e a tt r ib ute d c hi e fl y to the coo of holders. Selected sampl es at I r i s h re d Wheats ü b l: the week, have brought 7s. 7d. to 7e. Bd., and sorne, c n ii white Bs. The sales effected in secondary d. r 7,,t1 have also been on rather better terms. Limed r reached 7s. ld. to 7s. 2d., G a lw a y 7 8 . 4d. to '7B. b id ': fair parcels o f W ater f or d an d D u bli n 7s . to 7st ' 701bs. Flour has been i n goo d, stea d y request; b utt recent accumulation is not yet worked off. '.l TIMBER AND WOOD. - • The Number of Cargoes i f Timber and Wood err. l ! the Port of London dining the last four Yeall% p 52911839 4 Foreign, from the North of Eur0pe............ 498 5 ° 6 Colonial, from British America and Sierra Leone Showing a majority of foreign cargoes 3lB 222 THE MARKETS. .KET.—Jan. 23. Per Ton. Walls End Gosforth.., ° Walls End Heaton...N. , ' Walls End Hotspur..." Ditto Ditto Killingworth Walls End Newmarch.. , Ditto' Perk ins and Co Walls End Ridden Walls t.nd Hetton Walls End Lanibton Walls End Tees Strafford Primrose last maritet-day. 5. E 313 DU Barley. Cr/AL MAR Per Ton. Chester Slain Garesfield - 15 0 Hebburn Ma,n l7 0 yolyWell I anti Pld Wade's Bensham„... )5 6 Li/Minton Wylarn Walls End Bell dc Brown 18 3 %Valls End Bewickeag Co. 19 3 Walls End BlaKc 17 0 Walls Ei.d 17 3 Wall, End Callerion - 16 6 Ships arrived sines COUN FRY CORN NIA ti.K Wheat. Per Quarter. Abingdon Andover s. to s. 22 30 iiirmingham -_..__ "ri~~~rrt 24 32 26 30 19 28 26 34 26 35 20 90 Cirencester Guildford en ley— Hereford llighivorth Maidenhead ~lonmOUthe. ••••••••••• Salisbury _ 28 34 22 30 17 32 21 27 20 23 28 32 22 32 30 38 23 3 3 21 30 21 2 1 21 22 ' 31 34 --- Southampton Stroud rewkesbitry Uxbridge , Warminster Windsor wf)reester—.—. 50 57 LEW EN. MA White Wheat (per quarter Red ditto Barley Oats, New H K ET.-.t r)...«....£2 1 lan, 21. 18 15 0 to X 914 10 0 9 6 0 1 7 , a 17 0 r/ 15 0 I I " In 1t ”er Pease, NULL Al A Ilk El —Jan. 22 0 1 Wheat, Old —s 50s (0s *vim ...... . -° •,..14 Foreign —s. Sits. 54s ln bond ... tats, Poland —s. 20s. 225. ......01d.... ..... - -4 ',..." Small or Feed —s. 14s. 20s ....a. 04 1 Foreign —s 15s. 16s ....a. Wit' Barley, Norf. & Sut ... --s 28s. 345. line. & Wold --,.> Foreign Beans 30s. 32s 34s F0reign ..„....,.- AO .. Pease, White... —s 36s 38s Grey ...s. di d fares —s — s. —s Foreign ....S. FA dapeseed, in bond none. CHELTENTHAM MARKET.—Jan. 22. 4.14 Per Bushel a. d. to s. d. l'es lb. 6 1 Wheat Barley 4 0 5 6 Mutton Oats 4 0 4 3 Veal Beans MARKETS. —Jan. • Pease b Hay Si . I 0 s A R t o K 3 / E .. ss. nd P.l 16 ton: d.j DUMFRIES m s. d. s.d.l t 6+ 6 2 to 6 6 8utter,160z..... ........ ~, 01 3 2 3 4 Eggs, dozen ....... ..... ', 4 20 24 Beef, per lb. ............ to 4 3 0 3 4 !Hutton 0.4 1 8 1 9 Veal ".: 0 1- 1 6 20 , Quarter!) Loaf ... Wheat, Imp. Bush Barley ..... Oats ....... ........ Hour, 141 b. Oatmeal Potatoes, cwt. PARLIAMENTARY CAMPAIGN.-- The • A Session of the Reform e d P ar li ament w ill open 0 t reater display of stre ngt h f rom t h e true f r i e ad* people than any that has ever yet occurred. Th e important questions to be discussed will also e f t, more general interest than any single Session of ment ever possessed. A mong t h e preparat i ons for tai efforts on the part of the Members for the new turing constituen c i es , t o h ave their v i ews power"n. io v ,, cited, hot.. within and without the Huse, we that Mr. BUCK INGHAM , t h e great opponent o f I ll s India Monopoly, an d new M em b er f or She ff ie ld, ill to open the c am p a i gn w i t h a New Weekly B att en'', the name of the Parliamentary Review a nd Magazine, through the m. , dium of which he pr o p advocate his p o li t i ca l sent i ments. and to review 7, ceedings of b o th H ouses , w i t h all the frankness 01 political Reformer, while the work will pogSer i .i high degree of interest for families, from its co:W I ' complete series of Mr. Bucxislosiam's extensiv i i in the Scriptural Countries of the East, which hav e the subjects of his universally popular Lecture's iti o TRAGICAL OCCURRENCE.-011 morning the village of Nortbfleet, Kent, was thr ° the utmost consternation, in consequence of a rep s , WILLIAM FARMER, a serv an t i n t h e serv i ce of it HARMAN, Esq., had shot a fellotv.servant, same family, named SARAH PARKER, through t " ' and afterwards endeavoured to destroy himself by. his throat. There are various reports in circulstv the cause of the dreadful deed, but the most 'Pr i. ° the followi ng : —l t appe a rs t h at the coachman 7; out shooting in the morn i ng , an d on return i n g unloaded his gun, before pl ac i ng it i n t h e h ° shortly afterwards was sent for to drive Mrs. 0 : in his absence the footma n t oo k up t h e gun , and shooting also, and on his return he left, incauti°l gun loaded in the place from whence he had taken coachman having returned, a , ter attending to bis ti i came into the kitchen, and taking up the f jocular manner said (not knowing it to be loaded)„ ing the gun at her, Sarah, I w ill s h oot you throj heart," and, awful to relate, the gun went off, 0 supposed it had such a dreadful effect upon It cause him to attempt the rash act. The pr 4° married man, and has been som e t ime i n Mr. IP! employ. An inquest will be held on the body t ilri ing, at 10 o'clock. BIRTH. AOn the 20th inst. in Upp er Harley street, the la d y off. Jenkins, Esq., of a son. On the 22d inst. at Hampton, R E ED dward Stanley rurfl,44 late of the 14th Light Drag M oo 4 n ß s,an l dsOn of Henry .70 of Workington Hall, Cumberland, to Frances, Edward Jes.e, E sq., o f Hampton Court, Middlesex. rge 7, On the *2d i nst. at Great Sianmore, the Rev. GOtl field, of Bockleton, He etordshir-, to Fanny, younis— of the late P . R. Wilson, Esq., of Barnet, Herts. ,ryt!, On the lath i nst. at P ar i s, Isabella, youngest naLL'eP neral Sir Ge o r ge an d t h e H on. L ady Airey, and gf', of the Bar oness T a l tiot, or Malahin me, in the county to Charles Tott en h am , Esq., of New Ross late Sir Robert Wi gram , B ar t ., o f W exford ' g ra n d late . DIED. On the 22c1 inst. in Dover-street, James Money , Hon. East India Company's Service _ Orms, i „,_ On the 21st inst. at`Mordea, Surrey, in the sth Pr " ige, Charles Biscoe Trit,o n , f our th son o f t h e Re" :on, from an attack of epilepsy. • 6 ' On the 2 2d inst, after a lin ge ri ng ill ness , Mr. ---nallt On the 19th inst. in Marg a ret- s t reet , Cavendlall—i , Harriet Hopkins , at an advanced age. se tie On the 23d inst. at Reading, after a short, but d ii the 17th yeat of her age, Elizabeth Minshuli , 1 Henry and Ann Parr, of Clapham-rise, Surrey, .., i On the 30th of November, after a long illness, LI" . if her age, Sarah, eldest daughter, and on the t1." 2 °....ti _ n dine, in the 24th year of her age, Eliza, third clan' f ~ I jam and Harriet Travis, Kettisford _ place , Hae l,o 7 o 4}, ,". '1 . 0 3 On the 21st inst. at Croydon, Surrey, John DIIIp, tlvi?, 3ruckley, Aberdeenshire, and St. James ' s -street, 0 if his age. l° ' I 4 _ On the 19th inst, in th e Polygon, = =rah Sarah Pi" rear. I li kr PRINTED AND PUBL I s IIED BY MU R D CI YO U SUN Omeg a 112, STRAND UNDO* NG THEE ats. t°, s 8 el,41:1:14-111:111:E411 1441.4'blitE L 4) °-t eflr l.te:4:; oo :ael°4l:B4::'t:fhedßati°leertYn:.ll::l.4B::YBl4f:aae:9'ild:Y.ttEh::::l:l t 410.4 4,.3t aeayenn,:tisPe.oatiridirt(o,l Ipitit erwl : 7 lv ll o : ll:_ 44l:jl f a° . t ba spr h p e t ' A a j A l ni e d t of 'et sohi ch read e :der will n or foe h . wL Itn, at Fa : e i: i ..,... : be to tPtl of t TA re ji 1 ' ril a t t he e °l%ll v., AN. ' .11HE Col i 744T,i 'pm, Liii.44l and .II iiri:PLEUAY, th 4 ikilroot for suppl .444ketry at Berm °litofliANDP F or NEviLL tlle servic e of ti te hed to th ose , l e V 116., easel must IltZlitoi, and .:::::41,e ;v i a: 'SILL-co, Without t .:(11:44 her, or (i 0 1 of the Doc -iltiLt.oa per Cale '' "st 411_ . Mad e ira . - 4 711 P I: ..411 of the i littl/4.No e Tender or aty, no ti tent for him, ASO Tender rz AS... sec o nder pe4itde persoYn', , tiN.....2!pontraci ll c o r ter iderin g , in , tseONTRAC ut PARTMEI 114 ERA L 0 JAN. 23, CU COM )41/4.TING tl 1 - , of th e TJ „elkl:4lN and IRE r:l l ,...ll 4 itsbAY, the :. tSteeto treat wit ' kS t for supPIYI iPlot of RANI iitY, or NEv I i 4, 0 shi pped on SIZII to the P o * NI t e been raised 41 t Which the i -94 of the Te ViL. . will be t ,41sZ4Y, nor any n :t.tat him duly a :11--4' Tender mu, S 4 iceo rnpan i ed . 1 % 2he Admiralt] h ie pens ,i'14t5Zet,*4.,...411111e com:rtehniidedraiyng,w A, RISTOI ikutbe ORIGIN t l / 4 `ftlarks on the :, 4tation ; in a L 4 By th e VI 4t . ekleacon of Sh, ,11 \ h liiglinel • . Published b IN BURGI is )k iti trrs :--I. N lite k iehinery ani [ . Zealand y 4. t • f the Bank ' '1%7. Stuart's • 1'41 ,4 La Fa et 4 lahon's Wai at: the Mc int and Co. Lc t,il THE COL 4011,74bleaTan BY 1 ` 1 . / 444 Y, in 2 vols. • ttiii tnents, ban b ORIGIN ' \ i ? COL' k , ,„., -, kin the Fore ;ok eluding its c 1fit.444 Ott board tt k nd Ttisikillttriug the %Val „,itb,i ,Under Prince - 1 41 4 1t-th o 4rm any ; its 1 is b 1.% c t , ..nke of Yor 4 z INV::: in the Ain in the Pet 'fig of Bergen -op %irk % ' . 74 should be € ' h 14III` o _ lll Eentley , Nt 144,71 burn.) 'Age - 444 .., Edinb h • ~ t. urg , • '11,,,,nd to. b e had bk' 'ingdom. ' •, BU TLERS G 1 I • Net . k(b, U wYO., qtri of lki ilk GEOGR, -1t11 4. 4 BY S. on of Derb] By ti 4 4 , ..ri4 of MODED wits 4°l°" of Maps, . tikkAs of ,NCIEP, ..hilkllred Alaps, wit" . qb,44,1, 4i !' - ? AP HY. 43 Ck : p 44•Lbound. 044 NE cOPY-/ : Ith bd,.. 448 ou the Lll 04,;;• 4*. d. bds•-•- ' teuvulau, Ret % 4.,42. tOiccED) k. ' ll l ,l : t4l l. ° l: 4 l4,. °lt'' l l t .. h i le ttil u i lt ii.t A ti T r.o t te t ti ll ag E dA n e T e,t Ta i H sw nL ts , ( h lAL .ve 41110%111LE Al Al ~op other Ligatu . VNSIEUIi M 4Titti'l,t.x 111.001%15E . 4444 .' 'lke IDIU "11.4 k S43l4olo4ltlex.ettion ' • 4514 i. telpeetfUlly , eAykt; hue al, that 81.7e,tii Tegrii, Wi P a t h , B ANE um, so it hLOME% and kin, 4170444 ill a L Tt* th ? 01' Pressure. WHOti 4 t kailber 51111 4/4/te IIikv4t.,I4AIITIA.L Itkleet "until:4)ll3LE Itt'd rOMl4_4l°tit WIRE 0 Setier..Z,r7:•N eVery pm .._ T he t.' ' N . ) tee as i n P ••,olfiil irti:Z'tY ore " 0 IVA 0 t 1 the &liner N a ctor ' 4 it.. ,• 4 Of the abo tt,...t.'it •,,(1 Noma o, it, ',_`., tliribinghar; 4telate•atreet,