The Sun. — London, England, 1833-01-11 00:00:00

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. (From the Columbian Sentinel of Dec. 14.) PROCLAMATION. BY GENERAL JACKSON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. Whereas a Convention, assembled in the State of South Carolina, have passed an ordinance, by which they declare '6 That the several Acts and parts of Acts of the Congress of the United States, purporting to he laws for the im posing of duties and imposts on the importation of foreign commodities, and now having actual operation and effect within the United States, and more especially two Acts, for the same purposes, passed on the 29th of May, 1828, and on the 14th July, 1532, are unauthorised by toe Con stitution of the United States, and violate the true mean ing and intent thereof, and are null and void and no law,ncr binding on the citizens of that State or its officers :" and by the said Ordinance it is further declared to be unlawful for any of the constituted authorities of the State, or of the United States, to enforce the payment of the duties imposed by the said Acts within the same State, and that it is the duty of the Legislature to pass such laws as may be necessary to give full effect to the said Ordinance : And whereas, by the said Ordinance it is further or dained, that, in no case of law or equity, decided in the Courts of said State, wherein shall he drawn in question the validity of the said Ordinance, or of the Acts of the Legislature that may be passed to give it effect, or of the said laws of the United States, no appeal shall be allowed to the Supreme Court of the United States, nor shall any copy of the record be permitted or allowed for that pur pose ; and that any person attempting to take such appeal shall be punished as for a contempt of Court: — And, finally, the said Ordinance declares that the people of South Carolina will maintain the said Ordinance at every hazard ; and that they will consider the passage of any Act by Congress, abolishing or closing the ports of the said State,or otherwise obstructing the free ingress or egress of vessels to and from the said ports, or any other of the Federal Government to coerce the State, shut up her ports, destroy or harass her commerce, or to enforce the said Acts otherwise than through the Civil Tribunals of the country, as inconsistent with the longer continuance of South Carolina in the Union ; and that the people of the said State will thenceforth hold themselves absolved from all further obligation to maintain or preserve their political connexion with the people of the other States, and will forthwith proceed to organise a separate Govern ment, and do all other acts and things which sovereign and independent States may of right do:— And whereas the said Ordinance prescribes to the peo ple of South Carolina a course of conduct in direct vio lation of their duty as citizens of the United States, con trary to the laws of their country, subversive of its Constitution, and having for its object the destruction of the Union—that Union which, coeval with our politics] existence, led our fathers, without any other ties to unite them than those of patriotism and a common cause, through a sanguinary struggle to a glorious independence—that sacred Union, hitherto inviolate, which, perfected by our happy Constitution, has brought us, by the favour of heaven, to a state of prosperity at home, and high consider ation abroad, rarely, if ever equalled in the history of na tions. To preserve this bond of our political existence from destruction, to maintain inviolate this state of national honour and prosperity, and to justify the confidence any fellow-citizens have reposed in me, I, Andrew Jackson, President of the United States, have thought proper to issue this my proclamation, stating my views of the Con• stitution and laws applicable to the measures adopted by the Convention of South Carolina, and to the reasons they have put forth to sustain them, declaring the course which duty will ri quire me to pursue, and, appealing to the understanding and patriotism of the people, warn them of the consequences that must inevitably result from an ob servance of the dictates of the Convention. Strict duty would require of me nothing more than the exercise of those powers with which I am now, or may hereafter be, invested, for preserving the peace of the Union, and for tho-execution of the laws. But the im posing aspect which opposition has assumed in this case, by clothing itself with State authority, and the deep interest which the people of the United States must all feel in preventing a resort to stronger measures, while there is a hope that anything will be yielded in reasoning and re• monstrance, perhaps demand, and will certainly justify a full exposition to South Carolina and the nation, of the views I entertain of this important question, as well as a distinct enunciation of the course which my sense of duty will require me to pursue. The Ordinance is founded, not on the indefeasible right of resisting acts which are plainly unconstitutional, and too oppressive to be endured, but on the strange position, that any one State may not only declare an act of Congress void, but prohibit its execution—that they may do this consistently with the Constitution—that the true construc tion of that instrument permit a State to retain its place in the Unios, and yet be bound by no other of its laws than those it may choose to consider as constitutional. It i 3 true, they add, that, to justify this abrogation of a law, it must be palpably contrary to the Constitution ; but it is evident, that to give the right of resisting laws of that description, coupled with the uncontrolled right to de cide what laws deserve that character, is to give the power of resisting all laws ; for as by the theory there is no appeal, the reason alleged by the State, good or bad, must prevail. If it should be said that public opinion is a suffi cient check against the abuse of this power, it may be asked why it is not deemed a sufficient guard against the passage of an unconstitutional Act by Con gress ? There is, however, a restraint in this last case, which makes the assumed power of a State more indefensible, and which does not exist in the other, There are two appeals from an unconstitu tional Act passed by Congress—one to the Judiciary, the other to the people and the States. There is no appeal from the State decision in theory ; and the practical illus tration shows that the Courts are closed against an appli cation to review it, both Judges and Jurors being sworn to decide in its favour. But reasoning on this subject is su perfluous, when our social comp ict in express terms de clares that the laws of the United States, its Constitu tion, and Treaties made under it, are the supreme law of the land ; and, for greater caution, adds, " that the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything the abuse of this power, it may be asked why it is not in the constitution or laws of any State to the contrary not withstanding." And it may be asserted, without fear of re futation, that no Federative Government could exist without a similar provision. Look for a moment to the consequence. If South Carolina considers the Revenue Laws unconstitutional, and has a right to prevent their execution in the port of Charleston, there wiiuld be a clear constitutional objection to their collection in every other port, and no revenue could be collected any where, for all imposts must be eqnal. It is no answer to repeat that an unconstitutional law is no law, so long as the question of its legality is to be decided by the State itself; for every law operating injuriously upon any local interest will be perhaps thought, and certainly represented, as unconsti tutional, and, as has been shown, there is no appeal. If this doctrine had been established at an earlier day, the Union would have been dissolved in its infancy. The excise law in Pensylvania, the embargo and non.inter course law in the Eastern States, the carriage tax in Vir g— ia were all deemed unconstitutional, and were more unequal in their operation than any of the laws now com plained of , but, fortunately, none of those States dis covered that they had the right now claimed by South Carolina. The war into which we were forced, to sup port the dignity of the nation and the rights of our citizens, might have ended in defeat and disgrace, in stead of victory and honour, if the States, who supposed it a ruinous and unconstitutional measure, had thought they possessed the right of nullifying the act by which it was declared, and denying supplies for its prosecution. Hardly and unequally as those measures bore upon several members of the Union, to the Legislatures of none did this efficient and peaceable remedy, as it is called, suggest itself. The discovery of this important feature in our constitution was reserved to the present day. To the statesmen of South Carolina belongs the invention, and upon the citizens of that State will unfortunately fall the evils of reducing it to practice. If the doctrine of a State veto upon the laws of the Union carries with it internal evidence of its impracticable absurdity, our constitutional history will also afford abun dant proof that it would have been repudiated with indig nation, had it been proposed to form a featnre in our Government. In our colonial State, although dependent on on another Power, we very early considered ourselves as connected by common interest with each other. Leagues were formed for common defence, and before the declaration of Inde pendence, we were known in our aggregate character as the United Colonies of America. That decisive and im portant step was taken jointly. We declared ourselves a nation by a joint, not by several acts ; and when the terms of our Confederation were reduced to form, it was in that of a solemn league of several States, by which they agreed that they would, collectively, form one nation, for the purpose of conducting some certain domestic con cern.; and all foreign relations. the instrument form ing that Union, is found an article, which declares that " every state shall abide by the determination of Congress on all questions which, by that Confederation, should be submitted to them." Under the Confederation, then, no State could legally annul a decision of the Congress, or refuse to submit to "-'C~, ~- , -~ .~~ , its execution ; but no provision was made to enforce these decisions. Congress-rnade requisitions, but they were nut complied with. The Government could not operate on individuals. They had no judiciary—no means of col lecting revenue. But the defects of the Confederation need not he de tailed. Under its operation, we could scarcely be called a nation. We had neither prosperity at home nor con sideration abroad. This state of things could not be en dured, and our present happy Constitution was formed ; but formed in vain, if this fatal doctrine prevails. It was formed for important objects that are announced in the preamble made in the name and by the authority of the I people of the United States, whose delegates framed, and whose Conventions approved it. The most important among these objects—that which is placed first in rank, on which all the others rest, is " to form a more perfect Union." Now, is it possible that, even if there were no express provision giving supremacy to the Constitution and laws of the United States over those of the States, it can be conceived that an instrument made for the purpose of " forming a more perfect Union" than that of the Con federatio❑ could be so constructed by the assembled wisdom of our country as to substitute for that Confederation a form of Government, dependent for its existence 011 the local interest, the party spirit of a State, or of a prevail ing faction in a State ? Every man of plain, unso phisticated understanding, who hears the question, will give such a❑ answer as will preserve the Union. Metaphy sical subtlety, in pursuit of an impracticable theory, could alone have devised one that is calculated to destroy it. I consider, then, the power to annul a law of the United States, assumed by one State, incompatible with the existence of the Union, contradicted expressly by the letter of the Constitution, unauthorised by its spirit—in consistent with every principle on which it was founded, and destructive of the great object for which it was formed. After this general view of the leading principle, we must examine the particular application of it which is made in the ordinance. The preamble rests its justification on these grounds : It assumes as a fact, that the obnoxious laws, although they purport to be laws for raising revenue, were in reality intended for the protection of manufactures, which purpose it asserts to he unconstitutional ; that the opera tion of these laws is unequal ; that the amount raised by them is greater tha❑ is required by the wants of the Go vernment ; and, finally, that the proceeds are to be ap plied to objects unauthorized by the Constitution. These are the only causes alleged to justify an open opposition to the laws of the country, and a threat of seceding from the Union, if any attempt should be made to enforce them. The first virtually acknowledges that the law in question was passed under a power expressly given by the Consti tutio❑ to lay and collect imposts ; but its constitutionality is drawn in question from the motives of those who passed it. However apparent this purpose may be in the present case, nothing can be more dangerous than to admit the position that an unconstitutional purpose, entertained by the Members who assent to a law enacted under a constitutional power, shall make that law void ; for low is that purpose to be ascertained ? Who is to make the scrutiny? How often may bad pur poses be falsely imputed ? In how many cases are they concealed by false professions ? In how many is no de claration of motive made? Admit this doctrine, and you give to the Statemen uncontrolled right to decide, end every law may be annulled under this pretext. If, there fore, the absurd and dangerous doctrine should be ad mitted, that a State may annul an unconstitutional law, or one that it deems such, it will not apply to the present case. The next objection is, that the laws in question operate unequally. This objection may be made will truth to every law that has been or can be passed. The wisdom of man never yet contrived a system of taxation that would operate will perfect equality. If the unequal operation of a law makes it unconsitutional, and if all laws of that description may be abrogated by any State for that cause, then, indeed, is the Federal Constitution unworthy of the slightest effort for its preservation. We have hitherto relied on it as the perpetual bond of our union. We have received it as the work of the assembled wisdom of the nation. We have trusted to it as the sheet-anchor of our safety in thestormy times of conflict with a foreign or domestic foe. We have looked to it with a sacred awe as the palladium of our li berties, and, with all the solemnities of religion have pledged to each other our lives and fortunes here, and our hopes of happiness hereafter, in its defence and sup port. Were we mistaken, my countrymen, in attaching this importance to the Constitution of our country? Was our devotion paid to the wretched, inefficient, clumsy contrivance which this new doctrine would make it?— Did we pledge ourselves to the support of an airy nothing —a bubble that must be blown away by the first breath of disaffection ? Was this self-destroying, visionary theory, the work of the profound Statesmen, the exalted patriots, to whom the task of Constitutional Reform was en trusted ? Did the name of Washington sanction, did the States deliberately ratify, such an anomaly in the his tory of fundamental legislation ? No. We were not mistaken ! The letter of this great instrument is free from this radical fault ; its language directly contradicts the imputation ; its spirit—its evident intent contradicts it. No, we did not err ! Our Constitution does not contain the absurdity to make laws, and another power to resist them. The sages, whose memory will always be reverenced, have given us a practical, and, as they hoped, a permanent constitutional compact. The father of his country did not affix his revered name to so p elpable an absurdity. Nor did the States, when they severally ratified it, do so under the impression that a veto on the laws of the United States was reserved to them, or that they could exercise it by implication. Search the debates in all their Conventions—examine the speeches of the most zealous opposers of feelers! authority—look at the amendments that were proposed. They are all silent— not a syllable tittered, not a vote given, not a motion made, to correct the explicit supremacy given to the laws of the Union over those of the States—or to show that implication, as is now contended, could defeat it. No, we have not erred ! The Constitution is still the object of our reverence, the bond of our Union, our defence in danger, the source of our prosperity in peace. It shall dtscend, as we have received it, uncorrupted by sophisti cal construction, to our posterity ; and the sacrifices of local interest, of State prejudices, of personal animosities, that were made to bring into existence, will again be pa• triotically offered for its support. The two remaining objections made by the Ordinance to these laws are, that the sums intended to be raised by them are greater than are required, and that the proceeds will be unconstitutionally employed. The Constitution has given expressly to Congress the right of raising reve nue, and of determining the sum the public exigencies will require. The States will have no controul over the exer cise of this right, other than that which results from the power of changing the Representatives who abuse it, and thus procure redress. Congress may, undoubtedly, abuse this discretionary power, but the same may be said of others with which they are vested. Yet the discretion must exist somewhere. The Constitution has given it to the Repre sentatives of the people, checked by the Representatives of the States, and by the Executive Power. The South Carolina construction gives it to the Legislature or the Convention of a single State, where neither the people of the different States, nor the States in their separate capacity, nor the Chief Magistrate elected by the people, have any represen tation. Which is the most discreet disposition of the power? I do not ask you, fellow-citizens, which is the constitutional disposition—that instrument speaks a language not to be iqinderstood. But if you were assembled in general convention which would you think the safest depository of this discretionary power in the last resort? Would you add a clause giving it to each of the States, or would you sanction the wise provisions already made by your Con stitution ? If this should be the result of your deliberations when providing for the future, are you—can you—be ready to risk all that we hold dear, to establish, for a tern porary and a local purpose,. that which you must acknow ledge to be destructive and even absurd, as a general pro vision ? Carry out the consequences of this right vested in the different States, and you must perceive that the crisis your conduct presents at this day would recur whenever any law of the United States - displeased any of the States, and that we should soon cease to be a nation. The Ordinance, with the same knowledge of the future that characterises a former objection, tells you that the proceeds of the tax will be unconstitutionally applied. If this could be ascertained with certainty, the objection would, with more propriety, be reserved for the law so applying the proceeds, but surely cannot be urged against the laws levying the duty. These are the allegations contained in the Ordinance. Examine them seriously, my fellow-citizens—judge for yourselves. I appeal to you to determine whether they are so clear, so convincing, as to leave no doubt of their correctness; and even if you should come to this conclu sion, how far they justify the reckless, destructive course which you are directed to pursue. Review these objec tions, and the conclusions drawn from them, one more. What are they ? Every law, then, for raising revenue, • according to the South Carolina Ordinance, may be right fully annulled, unless it be so framed as no law ever will or can be framed: Congress have a right to pass laws for raising revenue, and each State has a • right to oppose their execution—two rights directly opposed to each other ; and yet is this absurdity supposed to be contained in an instru ment drawn for the express purpose of avoiding collisions between the States and the General Government, by an •,_~ assembly of the most enlightened Statesmen and purett patriots ever embodied fur a similar purpose. In vain have these sages declared that Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises—in vain have they provided that they shall have ' power to pass laws which shall be necessary and proper to early those powers into execution ; that those laws and that Constitution shall be the " supreme law of the land ; and that the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby. anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding." In vain have the people of the several States solemnly sanctioned these provisions. made them their paramount law, and individually sworn to support them whenever they were called on to execute any office. Vain provisions! ineffectual restrictions! vile profanation of oaths ! miserable mockery of legisla tion ! If a bare majority of the voters in ,ny one State may, on a real or supposed knowledge of the intent with which a law has been passed, declare themselves free from its operation—say here it gives too little, there too much, and operates unequally—here it suffers articles to he free that ought to be taxed, there it taxes those that ought to be free. In this case the proceeds are intended to be ap plied to purposes which we do not approve— in that the amount raised is more than is wanted. Congress, it is true, are invested by the Constitution with the right of deciding these questions, according to their sound discretion. Congress is composed of the Representatives of all the States, and of all all the people of all the States ; but we, part of the people of one State, to whom the Constitution has given no power on the subject, from whom it has expressly taken it away—we, who have solemnly agreed that this Constitu tion shall be our law —we, most of whom have sworn to support it—we now abrogate this law, and swear, and force others to swear, that it shall not be obeyed—and we do this, not because Congress have no right to pass such laws; this we do not allege ; but because they have passed them with improper views. They are unconstitutional from the motives of those who passed them, which we can never with certainty know, from their unequal opera tion; although it is impossible from the nature of things that they should be equal—and from the disposition which we presume may be made of their proceeds, although that disposition has not been declared. This is the plaiu meaning of the Ordinance in relation to laws which it abrogates for alleged unconstitutionality. But it does not stop there. It repeals, in express terms, an important part of the Constitution it-elf, and of laws passed to give it effect, which have never been alleged to be unconstitutional. The Constitution declares that the judicial powers of the United States extend to cases arising under the laws of the United States, and that such laws, the Constitution, and treaties, shall be paramount to the State Constitutions and laws. The Judiciary Act prescribes the mode by which the case may be brought before a Court of the United States by appeal, when a State tribunal shall de cide against this provision of the Constitution. The Ordinance declares there shall he no appeal, makes the State law paramount to the Constitution and laws of the United States; forces Jndges and Jurors to swear that they will disregard their provisions ; and even makes it penal in a suitor to attempt relief by appeal. It further declares that it shall not be lawful for the authorities of the United States or of that State, to enforce the payment of duties imposed by the revenue laws within its limits. Here is a law of the United States, not even pretended to be unconstitutional, repealed by the authority of a small majority of the voters of a single State. Here is a pro vision of the Constitution which is solemnly abrogated by the same authority. On such expositions and reasonings the Ordinance grounds not only an assertion of the right to annul the laws of which it complains, but to enforce it by a thi eat of seceding from the Union, if an attempt is made to execute them. This right to secede is deduced from the nature of the Constitution, which, they say is a compact between sove reign States, who have preserved their whole sovereignty, and, therefore, are subject to no superior ; that, because they made the compact, they can break it when, in their opinion, it has been departed from by the other States. Fallacious as this course of reasoning is, it en lists State pride, and finds advocates in the honest preju dices of those who have not studied the nature of our Government sufficiently to see the radical error on which it rests, The people of the United States formed the Constitu tion, acting through the State Legislature in making the compact, to meet and discuss its provisions, and acting in separate conventions when they ratified those provisions ; but the terms used in its construction show it to be a Go vernment in which the people of all the States collectively are represented. We are one people in the choice of the President and Vice-President. Here the States have no other agency than to direct the mode in which the votes shall be given. The candidates having a majority of all the votes are chosen. The electors of a majority of States may have given their votes for one candidate, and yet another may be chosen. The people, then, and not the States, are represented in the Executive branch. In the House of Representatives there is this difference ; the people of one State do not, as in the case of President and Vice-President, all vote for the same officers. The people of all the States do not vote for all the Members, each State electing only its own Representatives. But this creates no material distinction. When chosen, they are all Representatives of the United States, not Representa tatives of the particular State from which they come. They are paid by the United States, not by the State ; nor are they accountable to it for any act done in the performance of their legislative functions; and, however they may in practice, as it is their duty to do, consult and prefer the interests of their particular constituents when they come in conflict with any other partial or local interest, yet it is their first and highest duty, as Representatives of the United States, to promote the general good. The Constitution of the United States, then, forms a Government, not a league ; and whether it be formed by compact between the States, or in any other manner, its character is the same. It is a Government in whicb all the people are represented, which operates directly on the people individually, not upon the States ; they retained all the power they did not grant. But each State having expressly parted with so many powers as to constitute jointly with the other States a single nation, cannot froth that period possess any right to secede, because such seces sion does not break a league, but destroys the unity of a nation, and any injury to that unity is not only a breach which would result from the contravention of a compact, but it is an offence against the whole Union. To say that any State may at pleasure secede from the Union, is to say that the United States are not a nation ; because it would be a solecism to contend that any part of a nation might dissolve its connection with the other parts, to their .injury or ruin, without committing any offence. Seces sion, like any other revolutionary act, may he morally justified by the extremity of oppression ; but to call it a constitutional right is confounding the meaning of terms, and can only he done through gross error, or to deceive ; those who are willing to assert a right, but would pause • before they made a revolution, or incur the penalties con sequent on a failure. Because the Union was formed by compact, it is said the parties to that compact may, when they feel them selves aggrieved, depart from it:; but it is precisely because it is a compact that they cannot. A compact is an agree ment or binding obligation. It may, by its terms, have a sanction or penalty for its breach, or it may not. If it contains no sanction, it may be broken with no other consequence than moral guilt : if it have a sanction, then .the breach incurs the designated or implied penalty. A league between independent nations, generally, has no sanc tion other than a moral one; or, if it should contain a pe nalty, as there is no common superior, it cannot be en forced. A Government, on the contrary, always has a sanction, express or implied ; and in our case it is both necessarily implied and expressly given. An attempt by force of arms to destroy a Government, is an offence, by whatever means the constitutional compact may have been formed ; and such Government has the right, by the law of stlf-defence, to pass Acts for punishing the offender, unless that right is modified, restrained, or resumed, by the Constitutional Act. In our system, although it is modi fied in the case of treason, yet authority is expressly given to pass all laws necessary to carry its powers into effect, and under this grant, provision has been made for punish ing acts which obstruct the due administration of the laws. It would seem superfluous to add anything to show the nature of that Union which connects us; but as erroneous opinions on this subject are the foundation of doctrines the most destructive to our peace, I must give some further development to my views on this subject. No one, fellow ciOzens, has a higher reverence for the reserved rights of the States than the Magistrate who now addresses you. No one would make greater personal sacrifices, or official exertions, to defend them from violation ; but equal care must be taken to prevent on their part an improper inter ference with, or resumption of, the rights they have vested in the nation. The line Las nit been so distinctly drawn as to avoid doubts in some cases of the exercise of power. Men of the best intentions and soundest views may differ in their construction of some parts of the Constitution ; but there are others on which dispassionate reflection can leave no doubt. Of this nature appears to be the as isumed right of secession. It rests, as we have seen, on the alleged undivided Sovereignty of the States, and on their having formed, in this sovereign capacity, a compact which is called the Constitution, from which, because they made it, they have the right to secede. Both of these positions are erroneous, and some of the arguments to prove them so have been anticipated. The States severally have not retained their entire so vereignty. It has been shown that in becoming parts of a nation, not members of a league, they surrendered many of their essential parts of sovereignty. The right to make treaties—declare war—levy taxes—exercise exclu sive judicial and legislative powers, were all of them functions of sovereign power. The States, then, for all these important purposes, were no longer sovereign. The allegiance of their citizens was transferred, in the first instance, to the Government of the United States--they ' became American citizens, and owed obedience to the Constitution of the United States, and to laws made in conformity with the powers it vested in Congress. This last position has not been, and cannot be denied. How then can that State be said to be sovereign and indepen dent, whose citizens owe obedience to laws not made by it, and whose magistrates are sworn to disregard those laws, when they come in conflict with those passed by another? What shows conclusively that the States can not be said to have reserved an undivided sovereignty, is, that they expressly ceded the right to punish treason—nat treason against their separate power, but treason against the United States. Treason is an offence against sove reignty, and sovereignty must reside with the power to punish it. But the reserved rights of the States are not less sacred, because they have for their common interest made the general Government the depository of these powers. The unity of our political character (as has been shown for another purpose) commenced with its very existence. Under the Royal Government we had no separate charac ter—our opposition to its oppressions began as United Co- We were the United States under the Confedera ion, and the name was perpetuated, and the Union ren dered more perfect, by the Federal Constitution. In none of these stages did we consider ourselves in any other light than as forming one nation. Treaties and alliances were made in the name of all. Troops were raised for the joint defence. How, then, with all these proofs, that under all changes of our position we had, for designated purposes and with defined powers, created National Go vernments ?—How is it, that the most perfect of these se veral modes of union should now be considered as a mere league, that may be dissolved at pleasure ? It is from an abuse of terms. Compact is used as synonimous with league, although the true term is not employed, because it would at once show the fallacy of the reasoning. It would not do to say that our Constitution was only a league ; hut, it is laboured to prove it a compact (which in one sense it is), and then to argue, that as a league is a compact, every compact between nations must of course be a league, and that from such an engagement every so vereign power has a right to recede. But it has been shown that in this sense the States are not sovereign, and that even if they were, and the National Constitution had been formed by compact, there would be no right in any one State to exonerate itself from its obligations. So obvious are the reasons which forbid this secession, that it is necessary only to allude to them. The Union was formed for the benefit of all. It was produced by mutual sacrifices of interests and opinions. Can those sacrifices be recalled ? Can the States who magnani mously surrendered their title to the territories of the west recall the grant? Will the inhabitants of the inland States agree to pay the duties that may he imposed with out their assent by those on the Atlantic or the Gulf, for their own benefit ? Shall there be a free port in one State, and onerous duties in another? No one believes that any right exists in a single State to involve all the others in these and countless other evils, contrary to the engagements solemnly made. Every one must see that the other States, in self-defence must oppose at all hazards. These are the alternatives that are presented by the Convention. A repeal of all the acts for raising revenue, leaving the Government without the means of support; or an acquiescence in the dissolution of our Union by the secession of one of its members. When the first was proposed, it was known that it could not be listened to for a moment. It was known, if force was applied to oppose the execution of the laws, that it must he re pelled by force—that Congress could not, without in volving itself in disgrace and the country in ruin, accede to the proposition ; and yet, if this is not done in a given day, or if any attempt is made to execute the laws, the State is, by the Ordinance, declared to be out of the Union. The majority of a Convention assembled for the purpose have dictated these terms, or rather this rejec tion of all terms, in the name of the people of South Carolina. It is true that the Governor of the State speaks of the submission of their grievances to a Con vention of all the States, which, he says, they " sincerely and anxiously seek and desire." Yet this obvious and constitutional mode of obtaining the sense of the other States on the construction of the federal compact, and amending it, if necessary, has never been attempted by those who have urged the State on to this destructive measure. The State might have proposed to call for a General Convention to the other States; and Congress, if a sufficient number of them concurred, must have called it. But the first Magistrate of South Carolina, when he expressed a hope that, " on a review by Congress and the functionaries of the General Government of the merits of the controversy," such a Convention will be accorded to them, must have known that neither Congress nor any functionary of the General Government has authority to call such a Convention, unless it be demanded by two thirds of the States. This suggestion, then, is another instance of the reckless inattention to the provisions of the Constitution with which this crisis has been madly hurried on ; nr of the attempt to persuade the people that a constitutional remedy had been sought and refused. If the Legislature of South Carolina " anxiously desire" a General Convention to consider their complaints, why have they not made application for it in the way the Constitution points out? The assertion that they " earnestly seek" it is completely negatived by the omisson. This, then, is the position in which we stand. A small majority of the citizens of one State in the Union have elected delegates to a State Convention ; that Con vention has ordained, that all the revenue laws of the United States must he repealed, or that they are no longer a member of the Union. The Governor of that State has recommended to the Legislature the raising of an army to carry the secession into effect, and that he may be ern• powered to give clearances to vessels in the name of the State. No act of violent opposition to the laws has yet been committed, but such a state of things is hourly ap prehended, and it is the intent of this instrument to pro claim, not only that the duty imposed on me by the Con• stitution, " to take care that the laws be faithfully execu ted," shall be performed to the extent of the powers al ready vested in me by law, or of such others as the wis dom of Congress shall devise and entrust to me for that purpose; but to warn the citizens of South Carolina, who have been deluded into an opposition to time laws, of the danger they will incur by obedience to the illegal and dis organizing Ordinance of the convention—to exhort those who have refused to support it to persevere in their determi nation to uphold the Constitution and laws of their coun try, and to point out to all the perilous situation into which the good people of that State leave been led—and that the course they are urged to pursue is one of ruin and disgrace to the very State whose rights they affect to support. Fellow-citizens of my native State !—Let me not only admonish you, as the first Magistrate of our common country, not to incur the penalty of its laws, but tae the influence that a father would over his children whom he saw rushing to certain ruin. In that paternal language— with that paternal feeling—let me tell you, my country men, that you are deluded by men that are either deluded themselves, or wish to deeeive you. Mark under what pretences you have been led on to the brink of insurrection and treason, on which you stand ! First, a diminution of the value of your staple commodity, lowered by over production in other quarters, and the consequent diminu tion in the value of your lands, were the sole effect of the Tariff laws. The effects of those laws are confessedly injurious; hut the evil was greatly exaggerated by the unfounded theory you were taught to believe—that its burthens were in proportion to your exports, not to your consumption of imported articles. Your pride was roused by the assertion, that a submission to those laws was a state of vassalage, and the resistance to them was equal, in patriotic merit, to the opposition our fathers offered to the oppressive laws of Great Britain. You were told that thisposition m i g ht b e peaceably—might be constitu tionally 1) made—that you might enjoy all the advantages of t he Union, and bear none of its burthens. Eloquent appeals to your passions, to your State nride, to your native courage, to your sense of real injury, were used to prepare you for the period when the mask which concealed the hideous features of disunion should be taken off. It fell, and you were made to look with complacency on objects which, not long since, you would have regarded with horror. Look back at the arts which have brought you to this state—look forward to the consequences to which it must inevitably lead ! Look back to what was first told you as an inducement to enter into this dangerous c ourse. The great political truth was repeated to you, that you had the revolutionary right of resisting all laws that were palpably unconstitutional and intolerably op pressive—it was added that the right to nullify a law rested on the same principle, hut that it was a peaceable remedy ! This character which was given to it made you receive, with too much confidence, the assertions that were made of the unconstitutionality of the law, and its oppressive effects. Mark, my fellow•citizens, that, by the admission of your leaders, the unconstitutionality must Ie palpable, or it will not justify either resistance or nullifi cation ! What is the meaning of the word palpable, in the sense in which it is here used ? That which is ap parent to every one ; that which no man of ordinary in tellect will fail to perceive. Is the unconstitutionality of these laws of that description ? Let those among your leaders who once approved and advocated the principle of protective duties, answer the question ; and let them choose whether they will he considered as incapable, then, of perceiving that which must be apparent to every roan of common understanding, or as imposing upon your confi dence, and endeavouring to mislead you now. In either case, they are unsafe guides in the perilous path they urge you to tre id. Ponder well on this circumstance, and you will know how to appreciate the exaggerated language they address to you. They are not champions of liberty, emulating the fame of our revolutionary fathers ; nor are you an oppressed people, contending as they repeat to you, against worse than colonial vas salage. You are free members of a flourishing and happy Union. There is no settled design to oppress you. You have indeed felt the unequal operatio❑ of laws which may have been unwisely, not unconstitutionally, passed ; but that inequality must necessarily be removed. At the very moment when you were madly urged on to the un fortunate course you have begun, a change in public opi nion had commenced. The nearly approaching payment of the public debt, and the consequent necessity of a dimi nution of duties, had already produced a considerable re duction, and that too on some articles of general consump tion in your State. The importance of this change was understood, and you were authoritatively told, that no further alleviation of your burthens was to be expected, at the very time when the condition of the country imperi ously demanded such a modification of the duties as should reduce them to a just and equitable scale. But, as if ap prehensive of the effect of this change in allaying your discontents, you were precipitated into the fearful state in which you now find yourselves. I have urged you to look back to the means that were used to hurry you on to the position you have now as sumed, and forward to the consequences it will produce. Something more is necessary. Contemplate the condition of that country of which you still form an important part ! Consider its Government, uniting in one bond of common interest and general protection so many different States, giving to all their inhabitants the proud title of American Citizens, protecting their commerce, securing their literature and their arts, facilitating their intercom munication, defending their frontiers, and making their name respected in the remotest parts of the earth ! Con cider the extent of its territory, its increasing and happy population ! Its advance in arts, which render life agree able, and the sciences, which elevate the mind ! See edu cation spreading the lights of religion, humanity, and ge neral information into every cottage in this wide extent of our Territory and States t Behold it as the asylum where the wretched and the oppressed find a refuge and support ! Look on this picture of happiness and honour, and say—We, too, are citizens of America. Carolina is one of these proud States : her arms have defended—her best blood has cemented this happy Union ! And then add, if you can, without horror and remorse, this happy Union we will dissolve—this picture of peace and prosperity we will deface—this free intercourse we will interrupt—these fertile fields we will deluge with blood—the protection of that glorious flag we renounce—the very names of Arne• ricans we discard. And for what, mistaken men ! for what do you throw away these inestimable blessings—for what do you exchange your share in the advantages and honour of the Union ? For the dream a separate inde pendence—a dream interrupted by bloody conflicts with your neighbours, and a vile dependence on a foreign Power. if your leaders could succeed in establishing a separation, what would be your situation ? Are you united at home—are you free from the apprehensio❑ of civil discord, with all its fearful consequences ? Do our neghbouring republics, every day suffering some new revolution, or contending with some new insurrection—do they excite your envy ? But the dictates of a high duty oblige me solemnly to announce that you cannot succeed. The laws of the Ignited States must be executed—l have no discretionary power on the subject—my duty is emphatically pronounced in the Constitution. Those who told you that you might peaceably prevent their execution, deceived you—they could not have been de ceived themselves. They know that a forcible opposition could alone prevent the execution of the laws, and they know that such opposition must be repelled. Their ob• ject is disunion; but be not deceived by names ; disunion, by aimed force, is treason. Are you really ready to incur its guilt? If you are, on the heads of the instigators of the act be the dreadful consequences—on their heads be the dishonour, but on yours may fall the punishment—o❑ your unhappy State will inevitably fall all the evils of the conflict you force upon the Government of your country. It cannot accede to the mad project of disunion of which you would be the first victims—its first Magistrate cannot, if he would, avoid the performance of his duty—the consequence must be fearful for you, distressing to your fellow-citizens here, and to the friends of good government throughout the world. Its enemies have beheld our prosperity with a vexation they could not conceal— it was a st inding refutation of their slavish doctrines, and they will point to our discord with the triumph of malig nant joy. It is yet in your power to disappoint them. There is yet time to show that the descendants of the Pinckneys, the Sumpters, the Rutledges ; and of the thousand other names which adorn the pages of your re volutionary history, will not abandon that Union, to sup port which so many of them fought, and bled, and died. I adjure you as you honour their memory—as you love the cause of freedom, to which they dedicated their lives—as you prize the peace of your country, the lives of its best citiz ns, and your own fair fame—to retrace your steps. Snatch from the archives of your State the disorganising Edict of its Convention—bid its members tore-assemble and promulgate the decided expressions of your will to remain in the path which alone can conduct you to safety, prosperity, and honour—tell them, that, compared to disunion, all other evils are light, because that brings with it an accumulation of all—declare that you will never take the field unless the star-spangled banner of your country shall float over you—that you will not be stigmatised when dead, and dishonoured and scorned while you live, as the authors of the first attack on the Constitution of your country ! Its destroyers you cannot be. You may disturb its peace —you may interrupt the course of its prosperity—you may cloud its reputation for stability—but its tranquillity will be restored, its prosperity will return, and the stain upon its nationa 1 character will be tronsferred, and remain an eternal blot on the memory of those who caused the disorder. Fellow-citizens of the United States !—The threat of unhallowed disunion—the names of those, once respected, by whom it is uttered—the array of mil.tary force to sup port it—denote the approach of a crisis in our affairs on which the continuance of our unexampled prosperity, or political existence, and perhaps that of all free governments may depend. The conjunction demanded a free, a full, and explicit enunciation, not only of my intentions, but of my principles of action ; and as the claim was asserted of a right by a State to annul the laws of the Union,and even to secede from it at pleasure, a frank exposition of my opinions in rela tion to the origin and form of our Government, and the construction I give to the instrument by which it was created, seemed to be proper. Having the fullest confi dence in the justness of the legal and constitutional opi nion of my duties which has been expressed, I rely with equal confidence on your undivided support in my deter mination to execute the laws—to preserve the Union by all constitutional means—to arrest, if possible, by mode rate but firm measures, the necessity of a recourse to force ; and, if it be the will of Heaven that the recurrence of its primeval curse on man for the shedding of a brother's blood should fall upon our land, that tt be not called down by any offensive act on the part of the United States. Fellow-citizens !—The momentous case is berore you. On your undivided support of your Government depends the decision of the great question it involves, whether your • sacred Union will he preserved, and the blessing it secures to us as one People shall be perpetuated. No one can doubt that the unanimity with which that decision will be expressed, will be such a. to inspire new confidence in republican institutions, and that the prudence, the wis dom, and the courage which it will bring to their defence, will transmit them unimpaired and invigorated to our children. May the Great Ruler of Nations grant that the signal blessings with which he has favoured ours, may not, by the madness of party or personal ambition, be disregarded or lost : and may his wise Providence bring those who have produced this crisis, to see the folly, before they feel the misery of civil strife ; and inspire a returning venera tion for that Union, which, if we may dare to penetrate his designs, he has chosen as the only means of attaining the high destinies to which we may reasonably aspire. In testimony whereof, I have caused the Seal of the United States to be hereunto affixed, having signed the same with my band. Done at the City of Washington this 10th day of De cember, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-two, and of the Independence of the United States the fifty-seventh. ANDREW JACKSON. By the President. EDw, LIVINGSTON, Secretary of State. MENU] PA PERS. From the Messager des Chambers of Wednesday.) -'- ' 1".."."...-- ` --- ---........,. PRIcFs S tack OF STi ......... er c eri aecl• ... i Per ( ns. ....... . F .tt, ............. .w.A • •••••• ......... 1 .1 ;er t r Cent )er 'en Arai. I7oe mk it 18 , 2 e .. l a " 4 '4 An n ...... h. 5 i •to ex 10 , .......... --- CHERBOURG, JAN. s.—The Flora frigate which has came from Brest to join the squadron of Admiral Durcest Villeneuve, in the Downs, anchored here yesterday. It will immediately sail for its destination. The Calypso frigate which was so much damaged, by running foul of the TaTavera, has also arrived here ac companied by an English steam-boat to tow her in case of need. This frigate will be immediately put into dock to be repaired. The Suffren, which it was said was to be dismantled at Cherbourg, is to sail in a few days to Brest. . . It seems that it will disarm in that port. We have also here the Bayonnaise corvette, and La Bodine brig which wait for a new destination. (From the Quotidienne.) 1860 . , 1880 .......... 1880 . ........ 5. 1870 . ....... PARIS, JAN. is now very certain, says a Minis terial Journal, that our troops will be very shortly recalled from the Alorea to Ancona, The evacuation is to take place immediately on the arrival of the Bavarian troops of King Odin. The last column of these troops arrived at Trieste on the 29th December, and was to embark in a feW lays. The convoy was ready to sail. The Courrier Fran cais speaks of the opposition which the project of law (the law on the state of Liege seems to be:meant,) as it has been amended by the committee, is 'ik ely to meet with : " Notwithstanding the numerous mo difications that have been introduced, the report appears to he far from satisfying the several opinions which divide the Chamber. " In a preparatory meeting which was held yesterday at the residence of the Duke Decazes, and at which there were between 50 and 60 Peers, who do not always sit together, it was foreseen that many objections would be raised in all parts of the Chamber when the public discus sions should come on. However, nobody was prepared, is the new project of law was known only by a rapid reading of it. No modulation could be taken. In a few flays there is to be another meeting at the Duke de Pras lins'; then, undoubtedly, means will he thought of either co correct the law by new amendments, or to obtain the entire rejection of a project, which is a violation of the security of individual liberty." The National affirms that the Chamber of Peers is re solved to reject the law of M. Portalis for abolishing the ceremony of the 21st of January, voted by the Chamber of Deputies. Ilitilipl'i . )l)llll)lsinit.iiiertnttit k ri:t:ll:l°°ab ß snill°; : 44kO n :°°ll3.7: i t'nr:°ll":d o dnY:us U st':n. i ..l3B l ...irt t ...::. .. E.:*;l . :....... .. :;l.d.... ....... :........ ........ ' t 4i: . '1 70°1 1 4 ( i n s t ....... ta . l x3m i n t u, t i o : ::, :( i o i. : , : i i et . , . 1 . t. .. .. .. .. Ditto t° 4 , ecount 80nd5..... anish lic"nt ... t h!tn A,„_• , .825 eo,,,an finds, ... i: nitt,tt°o tenun't .. 1 .7. PRIC ES OF SIL n glo ' nc 4 ,7. .141n.:tj co, Corn ttttoNamondjtn. c iitt o p• John Del tis h I s i: cleaes ..... .0„„,,a0h RilZ,ll:.l. Mining C ner a l 4 1 .n1,ng Corn ctl dei I t nag ASSI onte Mini itto ` e p x• Min C '.‘ane te,terl, ire I n s Scrip... .I t strali an i n e s o nran ce ti a e 4 r a l e°r nP ,. .tr; ... in k s t „.. IItI CIS OF I ) v. S ' e bet . fir, Zks 2; "r Pt en........... 4,...•••••• opal( .>i per ce Nd Sto ity l e anal Sto ck .. an aatll' it 4 l'ercen . ; trri v .„ 0 '• 42711" ....... 0 } c 4 eno s ... ...... arth Hares 0 b br agena., .......... Fr a " il u e , s ....... .......... 10,2' 1 Ch , ATE n minl.l.t. (From Le Temps.) PARIS, JAN. S.-The proposal of Mr. Portalis for the abolition of the anniversary of Jan. 21 has reached the Chamber of Peers, with the sanction of the Deputits. But the addition of the 66 new Members has a little modified the respective force of several opinions in the Noble Assembly. A revolutionary cannot meet with fa vour there. It is said that the Committee to which the proposal is referred is inclined to reject it. In order the better to answer the success of its proposal, it delays and puts off the moment for giving to the Chamber a report of its proceedings. Thus, it is hoped, that as the 21st is drawing near, the law cannot he voted in time for that. The Chamber may forget without too much irritating public opinion. (From the Constitutionel.) (PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE.) REPORT OF A CONGRESS. FRANKFORT, JAN. 4.-The report of a Congress to meet in our city to receive that at London begins to g ain ground. The German Confederation is to be heard in the last instance on the question of the conditional cell' sions and equivalents mentioned in the London Protocols , rod it may be affirmed beforehand that the diet under the influence of Austria and Prussia will not be content to act a merely passive part in this affair. On the other hand, it may be believed that those Powers will make use of the diet either to cruse through it new delays or accelerate 4 final decision, or even (according to circumstances) an vet) rupture. This view is here considered as the more just, be cause, notwithstanding the evacuation of Belgium by the French army, it does not appear that the Prussian argil 4 observation on the Meuse, is to be broken up. It i ll reported that the contracts for provisions and forage, ar e prolonged to the month of March, and that the marrie d , fficers of the corps, cantoned about Crevelt, have seat for their families, which does not look as if they though t of returning to their former garrisons. Wagers have been laid that we shall have foreign troops here in HO' without, however, specifying of what nation they are to be. There is now no doubt that the Austrian Governmen t thinks of contracting a new loan, to the amount, it is supposed, of eighty millions of florins. It seems that i t has not yet been able to agree with the contractors on the eerms, and particularly the rate of interest. The Four per Cent. Metalliqoes, being in proportio n much higher than the Five per Cents. it is evident that it would be advantageous to the Government to have nevi Four per Cents., but the contractors prefer the Five pe r r, Cent. ve am t rrn an P; (From Gallignani's Messenger of Wednesday.) , ‘ Drov e , A Ministerial decision of the 31st ult., directs that 0 ° hi l , n ' e nt passport, or visa of a passport, shall be granted to Polis h him "Aity , 1 efugees for any new destination, except by the pevion e i li g 'self is not sanction of the Minister, to whom the Magistrate applie d "th at ov Vi at hie hot to is to communicate all demands for such passports. day a grant We learn from Nates, that the trial of Mlles, DuguignP, on account of the secret press and other materials for elltla , printirz, found in their house when the Duchess of Berri tO th e .. PPea was arrested, was called on before the Tribunal of Cor' Iv Spirit C rectional Police in that town, on the sth instant. Th e • :t ti-Oti e sir ieerel Court was crowded, and a grea t many lad ies made tbe," i ll - Y appearance dressed in green and white. The pleadire t tu, lilti lli,,e a r : b s e o i o l i r lasted till half.pest two in the afternoon, but the ju d g ' 4 ately it meet was deferred. The Journal du Havre state s that the Siene, Captd () il l) Lemaire, recently arrived at that port from St. Helene , 874 P r ove at when, on the 21st of No vember, bein g in o. 22 mie' ' ; ditto 4 south 1 ititude, and 21 deg. 15 min. west longitude, e%' perienced a shock, when going at the rate of about fil : A tar e knots an hour, which led the Captain to apprehend tto Pied , gpl g h bv she bad struck upon some sunken rock; but on soundi e , 4 - a , aei 1.0 bottom was found at forty fathoms of the line. 'l b : t• Per whi h ship's course was not retarded, nor did she make a ll ,l 14 to e eaves ne water. The only means of accounting for this extraor a ' ' Pr e . 81 nCe nary incident is to refer to a similar occurrence that bar c %den t j pened to the Olinda and the Robuste many years aej 4 04 both! of which were, after their arrival in port, le' o f It a, oci down to be careened, when the end of the horn of in t e PreSen fish called the sea-unicorn, but which is by many fleece r WO Bi& fabulous, was found sticking in the part where it was or °. aC, ' posed the injury had been received ! th u nvenl ,1 e A letter of the 28th ult., from Cassel, announces th' 1 Tariff I id 4 6PZ uirec the Administrators of the Treasury are seriously occUp . „ -v, and / with the reduction to 4 per cent. of the bonds of I P,, lte ß --" ' National Debt, which have been hitherto at 5 per Ce ° :, c o , SO mutt Those bondholders who will not consent to the reducri e " are to he reimbursed ; and to procure the funds neces fi r i "11l a • for this purpose, a part of the Metallics of Vienna in b the add, in ° lilla, the s at the Treasury will be sold. ii t Position We learn from Stockholm that his Swedish MajOi has been seriously indisposed, but on the 21st ult. he 1, allud ed so far recovered as to be able to preside at a Counci l r , 4 , ued to al State. i l ttt In case th General Sir Robert Wilson landed a few days age k ) , llt by nava Calais, and immediately proceeded to Antwerp. ‘, ili a Carolim Mr. C. J. Ridgway passed through Paris yesterd'!„ ; Y ', 18 28, ar charged with despatches for Lord Ponsonby, British AP"' Set``" Carolin bassador at Naples , t . 6 e e the wh FRENCH FUNDS, JAN. 9.-Five per Cents., 100 f. 85c. soc., y 1:),, .In 100 f. 80c. 85c. 101 f. 101 f. 15c. 25c. 30c. 20c. 100 f. 90c. 101 f. 101 , 4 0 "t e - cas 101 f.; Loan of 1632, 100 f. 85c. 101 E ; Four per Cents., S7t; tit eon,. Part o 50c.; Three per Cents , 72f. 50c. 60c. 70c. 75c 73f. 72. f. 75c., b 1141 t such 72E 70c. 35c. 40c. 50c, 55c. 50c ; Bank Stock, ' 1,670; Rent e r e l and - , 36 (1'11pagti i e,60 ‘ ;.: Naples, 83f. 80c. 90c. 86f. 85E . 40c. 50c. ; Roman Five per Cev . errai r , -- rni sty, y s N, i,.; Rente d'Espagne, Five per Cents., 12% ; 11 I 1 4 f'„ ,: a, the Three per Cents, 3614 3 A % N y.", 4 1,1 37 36% 37 36% %?, 4 " 1 " vol, ~ ta4 Loan, 1831, 79 78%. -Exchange on London, one month, Plit toty a'e to I %Rzya6llSp6aoi3AlishoLo6alnl4, 84; 6 l u t ys en li te P % e ; rpe o t o edi ir , viii ` e l h . 251. 75c., money, 25f. 70c. ; three months, paper, 25f. 60c., tt to to (icy, 251. 60c.-cours Authentique. i N ' ' 11.. i • t .._ tint le FR IDAY E, ,11:e allude( r 'sh and F r( the d ispute 1 p 11e ars that st; , 0 144, and the °PPosi ng I, ll , eurs in all 10-110 there I ! of er ea t V or ,'" g the Th e Prene ws °litnpor seems) are 4111, which ll cerity of ti a rts will be The amusements of the masked ball at ti ot bi 6 , 7, Grand Opera, on Saturday night, were diversified tn i slight row. Sonic of the persons p esent, under the ! oi (4 Autl that the saturnalia. of the carnival permitted everyti 3l J fluta lw "tate comme nced certain dances that, from their style, have ity of or, been banished , no t onl y by good society , b ut even 0 14 t It wil l b the lowest classes where any regard for decency is C, C tir a , e se rved. The police stationed in the theatre to pre' ." bat order speedily made their appearance, and, after ,rof Pea! tican slight resistance, ala Cribb, conveyed the offenders J i t • to k the ball. room. After some negotiation , however, ,t 1 . 1 1 parties were again released, and the amusements 0 , 1 1 / lo t St a i night proceeded without interruption until about o be corn on the Sunday morning. The director o f the Opera 1,4 u el'B, nevertheless, in consequence determin e d that the WO, of C o - B th ball, with ballets, as a dvertised, shall not take pled' ci o „ tigr es , Galignani's Messenger. ~0 1 C ON "IC U INCEDIARISM AT HODDESDON.---Ali,l the Cg to I o'clock on Wed n e sda y night two stacks of barley e Q 4 1 .0 1. one of wheat were c o n sumed by fire in a field abo ut a O , Selv es on and a half from Hoddesdon, on the London-road; f p of for I were all on fire at the same time, and the appearance° is \7 /li c h lire, as sen at Hoddesdon, was terrific. In Februad beet), if year a similar destruction of property took place P i t' by rte same field. The stacks were the property of Mr. th e RIFERSON, of Hoddesdon, kmies.