The Sun. — London, England, 1833-05-14 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS. It is with extreme regret that we present to ' our readers and the public the account, which they will find under the head " Meeting of the National Union," of a tumultuous assemblage, ending in a murder, which took place yesterday in the vicinity of Gray's Inn-lane. National Union indeed! National Disunion would be a more appropriate term. In this case, however, as in all others for years, we had almost said for ages past, we put forth the maxim, and adopt the principle, which sound reason, honour, and pa triotism prescribe. Enforce obedience to the existing laws; amend them, indeed, by tranquil and constitutional means, if they are defective ; but enforce obedience to them while they exist. A National Convention was the thing pre tended to be called for by the meeting of yesterday, whfch we were really disposed to treat with indulgence through contempt ; but the blood of the legal conservators of the " King's peace" is not to be shed with impunity, however humble the person may be who falls. A National Convention ! Our constitution knows no such thing. The two Houses of Parliament, indeed, called themselves a Conven tion, when James had fled and there was no King ; but in what did a regularly chosen Par liament, with an hereditary nobility, resemble a general mob? The meeting of yesterday was illegal, therefore : it was not a county meeting, called by the official authorities ; it was not a parochial meeting ; it was no meeting which the law recognises or acknowledges ; and as it me naced the public peace, it was the duty of any Ministry, no matter whether Whig or Tory, to disperse it after proper notice given of its illegality. However, several captions or arrests having been made after the murder was committed, legal proceedings to a considerable extent must in consequence take place ; and it will therefore be seen who these congregators are that pretend to lead the people of England by the nose into the land of liberty, a land nnknown, no doubt, by our ancestors ; what are their talents, their education—their condition in life. If they are distressed artisans, we hope they will be leni ently treated ; but if ,they are turbulent vaga bonds, whom no master would employ on ac count of their idleness, broken tradesmen, with whom nobody would deal on account of their impositions, and others of similar character, we, at least, shall say not one word in their behalf. We have received two_accounts of the meeting, which vary in some respects ; one imputing great blame to the police for unnecessary severity, the othei fully justifying their conduct, on the ground of absolute necessity. Both accounts, however, agree in the description of the revolting anal un-English fact, that the fellows who mur dered one policeman and wounded two were armed with daggers. We trust,—nay, we are sure, that there were very few so armed. Eng lishmen when excited are capable of furious acts of violence ; but even the most depraved disdain the spirit and arms of secret assassins.— Times. On so complicated and embarrassing a subject as that of the abolition of colonial slavery, it could not have been expected that any Govern ment could have discovered the means of en tirely reconciling extreme parties by any device or project even of superhuman wisdom or ca pacity. It was plainly impossible that there could be invented a middle term between the most direct contradictions,—between the spirit of the abolitionists, who demand an immediate manifesto of freedom for all our colonial- slaves, and the West India planters, who insist upon maintaining their rights of property in these same slaves,—between those who regard the negroes as entitled to all the privileges of civil freedom, and those who consider them as human chattels, to be transferred by deed or gift from one proprietor to another,—to become the ob jects of a legacy, or to be disposed of by public auction for the debts of an estate. While this contrariety existed between the demands of the abolitionists and the pretensions of the planters, it was equally impossible for any Adminis tration to stand still, in a kind of neutral position, between their antagonist forces. The increasing voice of enlightened hu manity—a growing respect for the rights of hu man nature—the diffusion of information on the barbarities of the colonial system—the new power of the pulpit, the hustings, and the press, in spreading knowledge on the state of the colonies—the repeated declarations of Par liament in promise of a speedy abolition of bondage—and the pledges taken by candidates at the last general election, must have convinced any Ministry that the abominations of the slave system could not be tolerated much longer. On tile oilier hand, the planters, ever since the celebrated resolutions of Mr. Canning in 1823, have appeared to make a merit of insulting the humane feelings and the legislative authority of the mother country,—have resisted the chief recommendations of the British Parliament for she mitigation of slavery,—have opposed all schemes for legal manumissions, at the instance of slaves prepared to purchase their freedom, — have refused the necessary time for relaxation from the labours of the cane-field and the mill, —have resisted the admission of slave evi dence (where slave evidence was the only protection to the slave) —have opposed the moral education and religious instruction of their bondsmen,—have discouraged mar riage,—and have continued the use of the cart-whip, even in its horrid laceration of women, not only as an instrument of vindictive punishment, but as a stimulus to ordinary labour. As if to give the finishing blow to any hope of amelioration from the planters, some of the colo nies have absolutely placed themselves in open hostility to the King's Government,—have re fused to admit a King' s officer into their territory, as in the case of the Mauritius,—have denied the rights of the mother country to regulate their destiny,—and have insulted publicly the King's opresentative, as in the case of Jamaica. Is it oaaible to conceive that any Government could hope r to conciliate such opposite parties by a mutual compromise, or to stand long between them, like an isthmus, beaten by the waves of two furious seas? But should not the very no toriety of these difficulties, and the irresistible acknowledgment of the necessity of some de cisive measure, induce, if not the abolitionists and planters, at least all other persons, to concur in the adoption of some ,general principles, calculated to reconcile as far as possible such conflicting views and inte rests ? The Ministers cannot be so bigoted to their own scheme as not .to receive with favour every reasonable suggestion of i mprovement, come from what quarter it may ; nor can they have a conceivable interest in ruining the colo nists to please the abolitionists, or in postponing the hour of slave emancipation to gratify the planters ; or, finally, in entailing an unnecessary burden upon -the nation for the benefit of either or both. They found it necessary to declare the liberation of 800,000 of our fellow subjects at present in bondage, at the almost unanimous call of the people of England, but though ele vated by this act above the situation of mere chattels or brute animals, these coloured freemen are not released from that labour in which their masters ought only originally to have obtained a right. They are registered as " apprenticed la bourers," and enter into a new engagement as such. They are not to be driven to the field, in deed, by the cart-whip of the driver, but they are to be punished for refusing to fulfil their contract with their masters, at the decision of the magistrate. But even this ameliorated state of things is not to be continued for ever. The " apprenticed labourer" would only be a slave. under a different name, and working under a different authority, if his " apprenticeship" was to continue for ever ; but provision is made in the Act itself for his complete emancipation in the course of twelve years by the purchase of his freedom from the fruits of his own exertions. He will thus become accustomed to the manage , ment of his own affairs,—to the exchange of his labour for wages,—and to the feeling of the benefits of industry, before he has been entirely released from the last fetters which his original bondage had imposed upon his race. His off spring will be instantly free, if he can maintain them in freedom ; if not, they will become like himself, not slaves, liable to the lash of a driver, but servants, bound to reimburse the expenses of infant maintenance by a subsequent contribution of their labour. They will, in fact, be in no worse condition than an English emigrant, who, for the price of his passage to one of our colo nies, should engage to work a certain time for the , person of capital who had aided in his transport and. establishment. If the abolitionists are not satisfied with this arrangement, we entreat them to declare their objections to it without pas sion or violence, and they will, we are sure, re ceive a candid hearing. They must, at all events, allow that the great majority of the slave population having never been before accustomed to exercise any forethought as to their lot, or to provide for their future wants, having been na turally in the habit of regarding freedom as merely a release from toil, and having experienced the facility with which, in the course of one day of the week, they can produce all the scanty fare necessary for their subsistence, could not all at once 'become industrious labourers without the superintendence of the magistrate, or without passing through an intermediate state between the cart-whip of the driver and the emancipating wand of the lictor. On the other hand, the West India planters, proprietors, and mortgagees, ought perpetually, to keep before their minds that emancipation, by the refractory conduct of the colonists in resisting all improvement, had become with the Government not an act of choice, but of necessity, and that they can now only obtain a modification of its terms, and not a reversal of its substance. After the country has demanded, after the Ministry has granted, and after the Parliament has sanctioned a scheme of slave liberation, what could a handful of white masters, attorneys, or managers, do to resist the decree, which would show them instantly their weakness and isolation ? What, for instance, in Jamaica, could 15,000 blustering or re bellious white colonists do against a slave population of 350,000, if the latter were supported in their claims by the power and authority of the mother country ? Talk indeed, of throwing themselves under the protection of the United States of America ! The United States have too many slaves of their owin, and would by no means add to the number by accepting so dangerous and unworthy a pre sent. But, in making such an observation, we do not wish to heap reproaches on the colonists, we only wish to sound the note of warning, and to invite the spirit of conciliation. Whatever sug gestions may be made by the planters or their friends, short of an abandonment of the great principle of the measure, will be received with indulgence and examined with care ; but let them not entertain the hope for a moment that property in man can any longer be permitted by law in any portion of the wide range of empire under the British sceptre, from " the rising to the setting sun." Let them reflect, that by agreeing to emancipation with a good grace, their compulsory slaves may become their willing servants ; that they will have the cordial support of the British Govern ment, assisted by a strong police and a zealous magistracy, to preserve order and to secure the performance of contracts ; and that they may find in the promised pecuniary aid of the mo ther country more than they lose in the dimi nished labours of their negroes. Let them, at the same time, reflect on the total hopelessness of resistance, and never forget that St. Domingo saw its plantations in flames, and its white inha bitants massacred, simply because they entered into a contest at once with their slaves and with their mother country. We have heard, as we have already hinted, and we believe it to be true, that the Government is willing to receive every rea sonable suggestion for the improvement of their plan from any party whose interests it may affdt, or whose feelings it may not satisfy. Let us, therefore, hope that no attempt will be made merely to embarrass their movements, or to mis represent their objects—objects which ought to be considered by far too high and holy for the narrow spirit of faction.—Times. We have abstained from obtruding our re marks on the public, on the subject of the great question which comes on for discussion to-night, in the House of Commons, because we have no wish to add to the prevailing irritation. We have, however, on more than one occasion, suf ficiently declared our opinion against slavery, to allow it to be supposed for a moment that we are not favourable to emancipation. With re spect, however, to the Ministerial plan, we have doubts as to its efficacy. That the first effect will be to add greatly to the expense of cultiva tion we are inclined to believe ; but the question is, as our own colonists have the monopoly of the British market, whether a diminution of the sup plc may not, in the end, benefit the colonists. It would, in some respects, place them in the situa tion in which they were before we obtained the Dutch and French colonies, when the supply falling short of the demand, they had, in a man ner, the fixing of their own prices. But if the diminished supply should enable the colonists to make good their increase of expense, by a mo nopoly price, the people of this country must also make up their minds that they must pay this additional price, and that the ruin of the planters and mortgagees can only be averted by heavy sacrifices on their parts. We have assumed that the negroes will not, when transferred for punish merit from the master to the magistrate, perform the same amount of labour they perform at present. But we willingly admit, that we have heard accounts of the success with which eolnitasking o e colonies, h a ta sb t een introduced into several of the disincline us to attach too much importance to the conclusions at which we for -01 this point.—Morning Citron. merly arrived l Notwithstanding the prohibition to assemble yesterday in Coldbath-fields, a large multitude, with banners, on which were the most inflam matory inscriptions, made their appearance on the spot, determined to set the public autho rities at defiance ; and in the conflicts which en sued between the mob and the police, several of the former received severe blows, and a police man, of the name of Cully, was mortally wounded. The question for Englishmen to ask themselves is very simple—are the laws to be obeyed or not ? If this question is to be answered in the negative, then we must prefer anarchy to law, and every man must rely on his own indi vidual strength to resist violence. They who, after the solemn warning of the Home Secretary took part in the proceedings of such a meeting, must be supposed to have co n t e mplated the re sult, and are answerable for the blood which has been shed. We are far from advocating measures of harshness and severity ; and in ordinary times it is, perhaps, better to connive at little ebulli tions of popular feeling than to have recourse to the extreme rigour of the law. But it must be borne in mind that these are not ordinary times— that at various meetings held in the metropolis of the men who promoted the assemblge of yesterday, doctrines have been promulgated, recommending measures of violence and blood shed, with a view to effect certain objects on which they have set their minds ; and that if they could succeed in gaining a mastery over the force at the disposal of the Home Secretary, the consequences might be tremendous. The people who entertain these designs are a mere handful ; they comprehend but a very small fractional part of the working classes ; but even an assemblage of one in a hundred of these classes in a crowded population like that of London might, if unchecked, do incalculable mischief. The result of yesterday's meeting will, we trust, warn well-disposed people of the danger of being present at such scenes. We have too firm a reliance on the good sense of Englishmen to believe, for one moment, that whatever their notions respecting reforms and improvements, they wish to give effect to them by commencing with anarchy. Those who met yesterday are not the people of the metropolis, and the people of the metropolis must not be dictated to by a set of disorderly anarchists. The people must remember that the magistrate beareth not the sword in vain. He who is armed with authority, and fails to use it for the preservation of order at a time like this, betrays his trust. Men must not be continually dis turbed in their daily occupations by the fear of disorderly assemblages.—Morning Chronicle. The meeting at Spa-fields has, we regret to say, ended in murder. One of the police was stabbed to the heart by a person from whom he was endeavouring to wrest a placard or standard, and some others are said to have been wounded, though not mortally, in the scuffle which took place between them and the crowd. There is, of course, great difficulty in ascertaining the exact truth upon all occasions of violent colli sion between the people and any power, whether civil or military, which acts under the direction of Government for the suppression of tumult. We feel that difficulty in the present instance. Rumours have reached us, which represent the conduct of the police as unnecessarily harsh and violent, but it is to be remembered, on the other hand, that the only death we have heard of was inflicted on one of their body, and that every precaution seems to have been taken by the authorities to guard against misconduct, by having proper directors near the spot. As for the meeting itself, there can be but one opinion about it. No Government deserving of the name could wink at such proceedings. But care should have been taken—we hope it will appear that it was taken—to distinguish between the mere idle gazers and the evil-disposed persons who took part in the business of the day. That some of the persons assembled were actuated by the very worst purposes is not to be left to be inferred merely from the placards, or from the speeches delivered on the occasion. Weapons were found—unfortunately they were used, too : so that murder has added its stain and its corroboration to substantiate their guilt. At several of the meetings which took place in ' the course of the evening, to petition Parliament on the assessed taxes, allusion was made to the illegal assemblage in Spa-fields. The Unions all concur in disclaiming and reprobating it as a violation of law and order. Indeed nothing could he more unfavourable to the redress of grievances and the relief of burdens, which are the objects they seem to have in view at present, than such an occurrence as that they unite to condemn. It is not merely by strengthening the hands of Government that such proceedings are calculated to injure the popular cause ; they produce a sort of revulsion in the public mind itself. People feel a terror at wholesome changes when they have been threatened with changes which contain no mixture of good with evil. In another column will be found the particulars of the transaction so far as they have yet transpired. We allude especially to the examinations at Bow-street, From ourselves we shall only add that the supe rior discipline of the police was strongly marked in the effective and regular manner in which they proceeded to clear the streets after the first affray was over. It is proper we should add that the statement at Bow-street is more favourable to the general conduct of the police on the occa sion than some of the accounts which have reached us from other quarters. The ease with which the meeting was dispersed is a proof, if any were wanting, of the contemptible nature of the attempt, considered as a popular movement. In fact,. nothing could be more paltry in that view. How the wretches who planned it could persuade themselves that this country was in such a deplorable condition as to look to them, or such as them, for relief; it is difficult` even to conjecture. How they could so far mistake either themselves or the public, as to expect any thing but ruin from an act of down right madness, it would be impossible to ima gine, if the history of all countries did not pre sent us with instances of similar infatuation. The check they have got, however, and th e ease w ith which it was given, will, we h ope , prevent suc h occurrencesin future, by conv i nc i ng t h em t h at Englishmen are not yet tired of their lives, or abandoned by •common sense and common dis cretion.—Morning Herald. The melancholy termination of the meeting which was held yesterday in Coldbath•fields, contrary to a proclamation made by order of the Secretary of State, will be found most amply re ported in another column—first, by a gentleman specially deputed from this paper to report any proceedings which might take place ; secondly, by another who occasionally contributes to our columns ; thirdly, as it is reported by our eve ning contemporary 7 he Sun ; and lastly, by a correspondent, to whom we have been indebted for many favours. We have been thus particular and special in affording the best information to our readers, because a scene of such gratuitous attack and bloodshed must not pass over with out the most minute investigation and inquiry -1 because the meeting, illegal as it was, appears to have been dispersed in a manner which no law could possibly sanction—because the . conduct of the police is universally re ported to have been most barbarous and savage—because blood has been shed— murder been committed—and men, women, and children, entertaining neither seditious thoughts, nor guilty of treasonable designs—nor caught i❑ the practice of treasonable actions, have been trodden under foot, and beaten, and bruised, as ,if they had been beasts of prey, whom it was a benefit to society to exterminate ! That the meeting was convened for an illegal purpose — that it became illegal after the proclamation of Lord Melbourne forbidding it—we readily admit ; and, in consequence, as readily do we agree, that when the attempt to constitute a meeting was made, the meeting ought to have been dispersed, and as many of the ringleaders as could be seized, apprehended ; but what ex cuse is there for those who, in attempting to accompli-li this object, spared neither age or sex, tile by-stander or the guilty parties Our reporter escaped with difficulty from the on slaught of the police—others equally innocent of any seditious or treasonable designs, either made equally narrow escapes from this demi military force, or received various wounds and bruises from it; while in one instance, if we are duly informed, a poor female was seen lying on the ground with policemen laying at her with their staves or bludgeons, as if she had been a mad dog 1 Is this the law of the country ? Is it to wretches so thoroughly unacquainted with their duty, and so devoid of all feeling, that the preservation of the peace of the country is to be intrusted ? Is it for such doings that the chiefs and subalterns of the police force are paid and maintained by the country ? We wish to speak moderately of that which is enough to make the blood of every Englishman boil with indignation ; and when we state that the attack of the police was apparently unprovoked by any act on the part of those present, except by that of their having assembled,—and that it was conducted in the most brutal and bar barous manner, without regard to age or sex, to guilt or innocence, we trust that we shall be be lieved as only stating that which has been re ported to us upon authority which we cannot question. But who gave the orders for such a desperate and unprincipled attack? Did Lord Melbourne give orders to bludgeon all who might he found assembled on the spot ? Did the commanders of the police do so ? or did the policemen take it upon themselves to act in the unheard-of manner which we have described ? Be the blame where it may, the horrible scene of yesterday must be probed to the bottom—the guilty parties on both sides must be found out and punished ; and we do hope and trust that as it is impossible, on the one hand, to conceive for a moment any Member of his Majesty's Government to be implicated in such a horrible outrage, so, on the other, it will be the first to demand and to insti tute the most rigid inquiry. The Government may depend that such conduct will be expected from them ; and on our part we have no hesi tation in saying that it is the least part of their duty to justify themselves by proving the guilt of those to whom guilt belongs.—Since writing the above, we have received the examination of thirty-five persons who have been apprehended, and partly held to bail and partly committed, for taking part in the meeting yesterday. Our impression is not altered by it. «e regret as much as can possibly be regretted, the murder of the policeman—for murder it unquestionably is—but no circum stance of the kind can possibly be pleaded in mitigation of the conduct of the police. Its business and object was to disperse the assem bly, the assembly itself being illegal—and in case of its resistance, to disperse it at all hazards; but no resistance appears to have been offered, and we cannot in consequence find any mitigation for the aggression committed. We should be truly sorry to lose the services of the police as the guardians of property ; but truly, it they cannot be taught better discipline than that which they ex liibLed yesterday, in the dis persion of illegal and dangerous meetings, the sooner that their aid, in that respect, is dispensed with—the better—and,:Amen—will respond our readers.—Morning Advertiser. We have taken little notice of the rumours concerning the state of the Administration which have been rife during the last few days. The drama of events has been latterly so interesting that we have had no time to waste upon the actors in its scenes. When it is determined to give up the West Indies, what does it matter to us whether the Member for Leeds is satisfied or displeased with the terms of the surrender ? and when it is resolved to pull down the Irish church, why should we trouble our beads with an inquiry whether the superintendence of the demolition is to be intrusted to the Leveller of yesterday or to the Leveller of to-day ? Let us, however, briefly record the reports which have been amusing the curious during the past week, and which, whether true or false, show in an entertaining manner the comfortable posture in which the Cabinet finds itself placed. Messrs. Charles Grant and Thomas Macaulay are said to have tendered their resignations in consequence of the offensive moderation of Mr. .Sailley's plan for confiscating the property of a few British subjects. They are both clever men, but the Government will not lose much by their secession. Mr. Grant has long been found too indolent to be useful, and Mr. Macaulay would soon be found too busy to be endurable. Lord Howick is said to have assumed the lead of the Opposition in the expected struggle upon Mr. Stanley's proposal. His Lordship asserts that the intended plan of Lord Goderich was in all respects a better and finer plan than the plan of his Right Hon. Successor. It may be very true ; but it is the hardest thing we have yet heard said upon Mr. Stanley's plan. We scarcely know any respectable gentleman between the ages of thirty and sixty who has not been named for the Irish Secretaryship. Mr. Aber crotnby, Mr. Kennedy, Mr. Spring Rice, Mr. Ellice, were the candidates first named. Now there is talk of Mr. Thos. Duncombe, Mr. But wer, Mr. Roebuck, and Mr. Finn. We ad vise Earl Grey to apply to Lord Teynham. That Noble individual will find an Irish Secre tary in less time than it would take Lord Al thorp to count ten ; he will bestow upon him, moreover, a classical education, and will bring him in his own carriage to Phoenix Park.— Morning Post. It is rumoured that Mr. Baron BAYLEY and Mr. Justice TAUNTON will resign their situations before next term. The iron trade of this district still remains in a state of great activity; but we understand that very different opinions are entertained by those who are the best informed upon the subject, as to the probability of present prices being long supported...-. Cambrian. COLDEATII-FIELDS MEETING. NATIONAL CONVENTION. EXAMINATION OF THE RIOTERS AT B O W-STREET. At seven o'clock yesterday evening, the prisoners w h o had been captured were breught to Bow -street, by order of the Secretary of State, for examination. The first prisoner put to the bar was Robert Til ley ; he was charged on suspicion of being concerned in the murder of police constable Robert Cully, No. 95 of the C Division, who was stabbed at the corner of Calthorpe-street. William Goody, a police constable, at about half past three o'clock in the afternoon, was on duty on the Calthorpe Estate, Spa-fields,with a large body of other policemen belonging to the different metropo litan divisions. While advancing towards Calthorpe street, they met a dense body of men, who appeared of the lower order of mechanics, several of whom bore flags. He observed the prisoner exciting the mob against the police. Witness advanced and seized the prisoner, who struck him several times across the head and arms with a heavy oaken trun cheon he carried. He at length, with the assistance of two other men, succeeded in taking him into cos. tody, and conveying him to the White Horse livery stables, in Gray's Inn-lane, which had been chosen by the Commissioners of Police for the reception of those taken during the riots. William Haynes assisted in taking the prisoner into custody, and upon arriving at the stables, where other prisoners were confined, saw him lie down by the side of his brother, who is also in cus tody, and another man in a stall on some straw. After the prisoner had left the stall, witness exa mined the straw, and found a loaded pistol (pro duced), a three-edged dagger, and a powder-flask, containing about a quarter of a pound of powder. The prisoner acknowledged the pistol to be his pro. perty. Inspector Clemments,'of the C division, rode in a coach with the prisoner to the lock-up house,and, on their way there, he said he had put the truncheon, with which he had assaulted the two policemen, in his pocket, for the purpose of defending himself against the New Police, in case they should be at tacked. He afterwards said that he had carried the pistol to defend himself against the soldiery, some of whom, he said, he expected would have been called our. ,The prisoner, when called upon for his defence, acknowledged that he had assaulted the police as described, and said that he had gone to the meeting as others had done, who wished redress for their grievances, and for the purpose of forming a Na tional Convention. In answer to questions put to him by Sir F. A. RoE, the prisoner said he did not know the meaning of the term Convention; he had been in many similar riots before, more especially on the last Fast Day, where he got severely beaten by the police. He said that he intended to make use of the pistol, as they had doge at several of the provincial towns, in order to enforce the calling out of the military. The powder flask, he acknowledged, was his own; he, however, denied all knowledge of the dagger. The prisoner was remanded till Thursday, for the production of further witnesses. . _ George Fursey was then brought up, charged with the capital off,nce of stabbing Henry Chance Redwood, a policeman, in the execution of his duty. Redwood, No. 164, of the C division, was on duty on the Calthorpe Estate : he had received directions from his superiors to assist in dispersing a mob of about 5,000 persons who were collected, and fur that purpose advanced with a number of other men towards the mob, who were approaching them; he saw the prisoner marching in front of the mob, bearing the American colours; he went up to him, and desired him to give up his colours and go quietly away about his business; this he refused to do, and witness seized the colours, and a struggle ensued, when witness observed the prisoner to raise his right hand, in which he held something, having the appearance of a knife, with a narrow blade about eight inches long. Immediately afterwards he felt himself stabbed through the left arm. He seized the prisoner, and delivered him into the cus tody of two of his brother officers. The dagger, which was found in the same room with Tilley, was here shown to the witness, who, however, could not identify it as the same with which the prisoner wounded him. It was stated that the blade of the dagger corresponded in shape with the wound in the witness's arm. Sir F. A. ROE observed to the prisoner that he was charged with a capital offence, and that he would not then ask him to say any thing, as he would have an opportunity of calling any witnesses on Thursday next, until which day he proposed re manding him. It was stated that a second charge of stabbing a man, named Brooke, a sergeant of the C division, would be brought against the prisoner on Thursday next. Brooke, it appeared, was in a dying state, and had been given over by the surgeon who was attending him. John Gurney was charged with throwing a large and heavy stone at Inspector Carter, of the A division. Carter stated that at about half-past 2 o'clock that afternoon, while passing the White Horse Livery yard, lie felt a severe blow on the left elbow; upon looking round, he observed the prisoner in the act of throwing a second stone at him, at the same time he was using exciting language to a mob of about 100 men, who were standing round. He pro duced two heavy bludgeons, about a foot in length, which he found lying at the prisoner's feet. The prisoner was a shoemaker, living at No. 20, Edward -street, Blackfriars-road, and knew nothing whatever of the charge imputed to him. The prisoner wus ordered to enter into his own personal recognizance in the sum of 1001, and to produce two good sureties in 50/. each. To give twenty-four hours' notice. Richard Egan Lee, a printer, living at No, 98, Crawford -street, was charged with using language of an inflammatory nature to the mob collected at Calthorpe Estate. Henry Mack wood, 19 H, was on duty in plain clothes, near some railings on the Calthorpe Estate; he saw the prisoner, accompanied by several men, come up and mount on the cop of the railings, when he harangued the mob, which consisted of about 1,000 persons. In his speech, he regretted the absence of hustings, and moved that Mr. Mee should be chairman of the meeting. Several other persons, forming a class of the National Union of the Working Classes, bearing flags, with spikes at the end of the poles, shortly after came up. The chairman, Mr. Mee, then requested that the heads (alluding to the spikes) might be taken from the flag staffs, upon which the prisoner exclaimed, " You should serve the King so." Several other police men came up, and took the prisoner into custody. The prisoner here asked the witness if he was certain that the words he had repeat\ed were the same used at the meeting ?—The p)oliceman de clared that they were. Two other police constables corroborated this witness's evidence: Sir F. A. RoE would call upon him to find bail to the amount of 2001., to give 48 hours' notice of his sureties. James Hutchinson, a carpenter, living at No. 1, Tudor-place, Tottenham-court-road, the man who a short time since indicted his apprentice at the sessions for a violent assault, and whose charge was not allowed to proceed in consequence of his having frequently taken him to the National Union, Nvas then charged with attempting to rescue a prisoner from the custody of a policeman in thlthorpe-street. Barnard Andrews, a policeman, division E, ob served ti-e prisoner several times push and hustle against two policemen who hnd got a prisoner in custody, at the same time calling out to the mob to come and la ssist him. This evidence was corroborated by that olanother policeman; and the prisoner, who denied the charge, was ordered to enter into his own recognizance of 504 and two sureties in 251. each—to give 24 hours' notice of bail. John Smith was charged with throwing several stones at different constables, who were 06 10° ;nThep disperse the ob. . 0 0 risoner was m ordered to enter into 160, recognizances, and find sureties, as in the last William Miller was charged with a like °lleragi The prisoner denied the charge, and Wa s I ': e to ac fi h. nd bail, himself in 201., and two s ureties io be lt The following prisoners were then put to in succession, each charged with separate ecti, outrage : el John Thomas, a boy aged 15, who had ber errand boy to a cheesemonger, and wa s out o,i ployment, with throwing a stone at a police the Bagnigge Wells-road. Richard Morgan, a master sawyer, living etj 16, Spring-street, Spa-fields, with throwing e ur ,'; bat at a policeman, and striking him in t he eye d John Huffman, attired as a sailor, out of e O 5 ment, who said he had been to sea for 18 le' .1 also for throwing stones. James Fitzgerald, a tailor, who staled be W for Mr. Morrison, in St. Paul's Churchyard, throwing a stone, and striking Josiah Bello il man. 44P ' Thomas Kinnarley, a journeyman jewe lle r of Hazlewood-court, Blue A n cho r -yard, with at o fi l ing to rescue the last prisoner, and striking a P al man. bent h T on i z l a le s y, T w ill i ty m , s a ta h n a d w skecrhoafrfies obnrostubgepricit.ooo°Fi d being concerned in th e murde g r of Roberto, This man was proved to have struck Andrel with a bludgeon, loaded w ith l ea d, about : 0 1 inches long, which was produc e d, a rid be dered to b remanded till Thursday. William Hobbs, Frederick Room, and bor i Forest, the two forme r grave -di gge rs in tiL e df ir ground x of St. Andrew's, in Gray's Win - 0g! the latter an account a nt, w h o assisted tne in making out his account. These li' L en t/ charged with mountin g on th e wa ll of w e frbe r ground, and calling on th e mo b " to slaY,,` 0 0 0 lice; each to single out hi s m an an d lay as they were too numerous to attack hi ad The policemen pursu e d t h ese p r i so ners, an them in the burial-ground. itoe4 William Davey, a pauper, with t h r ovvinic,f Richard kfferies and James Edwards, o '' throwing stones. James Taylor, with carrying a Union - 12 _ ck head of 250 persons, in whose pocket sev i g tir were found, on which were i nscr ib e d "The L' it s " Union of the Working Classes," " Equa l P- 4. Equal Laws." Thomas Armstrong, George Miller, .1 0 - n 8 John Mitchell, John Carter, John Car y- j Campbell Bro wn , a ll o f w h om were c harg e striking the poli ce an d t a ki ng p ar t i n the 06 '00 All these prisoners, except Tilley, w ere 0 . 00 0 called upon to ente r i n t o th e i r own recne ll , and to find sureties for their appearance be, r oo ti# and, as in the former cases, to give 24 WW I thereof. A great number of flags and banners, w h i led .° been secured during the con fli c t, wer e prou ° o l ll the office, and wer e s u b sequen tly con veYeu v i station-house, to be b r o ug ht f orwar d e 1 hereafter. ; 0 °( A considerable crowd w as co ll ec ted .11 be.,l street during the examination, an avenue, *ll formed by double rows of policemen from 15 tbt tion-house to th e p o li ce - o ffi ce , t h roug h w, 4 e/ prisoners wer e con d ucte d ; an d on t h eir bell ) g p e l. mitted, they were all conveyed in vans The examinati o n was no t b roug h t t o a c ° ' - Sir,„?' till half-past el even o ' c l oc k. I n a ddition to P v ROE, Mr. HALLS, Mr. ROTCII, M.P., 1411 4 , MALLARD (a county Magistrate) were press " LONDON MARKETS. PRICE OF BREAD. 94 fs 4 o, • . The highest price of Bread in the Metropolis o' i la , i s 4:b. Loaf. There are others who sell from WI. t 0 2 .: ; ./ that price. PRICE OF SEEDS.—May 13. New English Red Clover Seed (per Cwt.) 355. 40s. do e „A l p Old Ditto Ditto _ ki, Kewyoreign Ditt0_..... -. sae N. Old Ditto New White Clover. Old Ditto New Trefoil 31d Ditto fi - —s.n e 425. 565. fin e Al. - - -= 3 * . 11 .:Det 4°- ( in !qyf °' 20s. 28 - s: 41,_V;4 English Carraway Foreign Ditto Coriander St. Foin Rye Grass Pace) , Ditto Linseed, for feeding Ditto, for crushing Canary Seed, ''itto Old 0 1 8;* White Mustard Seed—(per —s. 8s• jr 4 : • 0 0 _1, Brown Ditto Turnip Seeds, Rounds —s. --s. y* Green and Red Ditto , 4 0 ' fares, Old 9s. fin e tovo 4 Ditto New...—. --e. 55. ft, e l o Rare Seed, F- Fl. Fore.! 16s. 20s. i fi ; o 3: tet o —s. —5. V s ' —s. 13s. ni e e e .(per Quarter).----.. 465. 48.8. fir e i v ,99., 365. 44 5 . " .4%) fine —s. 525. 600 465. 8.583.. „..n, fine (per Last) 241. 21 eItICES 01' 11UPs.—May 13. 9 1 .0 b Kent Pockets 5l 123. 71. 104. ten 61. Sussex Ditto _s/ 5,1, 61 . 6s ph F/ssex Ditto O.. L ° ls l Fsittliam Ditto, Fine. ..I.OOIIW 41 O/. Os, 12/. OS' 1,!, 1 ----. Seconds 01. Os. 101. 1 06 ” ° co , ...01•.0 51. 10s. 7/. Oi -,„ 0 1 . (10 0/. Os. 0/. 0 3 . t n ', 0 1 . 01. Os 0/. 05. Kent Uags..... Sussex Ditto Essex DIV PRICE OF OIL. /01 ; Rape Oil, brown ..............311. 6s. Refi nes o'. 51 0 ~Apr* ____ .....0 0 Linseed Oil . Linseed Oil Cake at the Mill Rape Cake, per ton tr thousand PRICE OF POTATOES.—May 13. rtoo• Kidneys (York) O/. Os. to 41. Os• A vq, Scotch 3/. Os. to SI 10s,. - - ,. ft e. Marsh 3/. lOs. to 41.. 100ss, aitt e. Oxnobles and Shaws O/. Os. to 31. Os. "• WHITFCHAPEL HAY 51ARKEI.-1:0". 4,, 35 503.0 d. to 725. Od. (lover COI. tm• 245. Odl to 25. , . Od- d. /. / 1 PRICES OF LEATHER. Per lb. d. to d. Per lb. 19 0 Butts, 141 22 English Horse Hi de ' 15 ,1 I)itto, Foreign 14 19 Spanish Ditto t Dressing 111 15 Per dozelle, Id Ditto ..... 13 151 Calf Skins. ..SO I ° 6011). I/ Ditto, light , Ditto 40 to ‘,01). 16. Crop Hides, light 12 131 !.)itto 70 to .. n dis Ditto 1,0 to 501 b. 121 151 Small Seals, Green_ l l; Ditto. SHEEP SKINS. 10 660 Best Polled 6s. Od. to Ss. Od. I Half-brecls..*... s s• 6 , Middling Polled 5 0 6 6 Sr 4 01 4. PRICE OF TALLOW, SOAP, &c. per 110) 7) fown Tallow 51s. 6d. Yellow Soap ,+ Yellow 475. Od. Mottled !PO 455. 6d. Soap Ditto . .444. Od. Graves Melted Stuff 378. Od. Good Dregs Ditto Hough 21s. Od. PRICE OF RAW FAT, Price of Tallow (as stat" ;he Tallow T stone ot Ited by ti -....--- p ,I, PRICE OF CANDLES. follO so gk The price of Store Candles, in the retail shops, is 1, 0 ,,e - Candles. per doz. 7s. Od. to Ss. Od. I Moulds. per do s, CAL MARKET.:-MaY 13. Per Tor. s. d. Adair's ...............,.......... 15 0 Walls End F G ar og r"th _2 4/ 1 4 : LI Beaumont . 13 9 Walls End H e atonsl,/ 0 0 Chester Mein l3 0 Walls End Hilda,?,.., 0 s ins' d. , 0 Dean's Primrose --„,..... 14 3 Walls End New r lst , .. , , Felling Main-..........-....-. 14 0 Ditto Northurn be s 8, (,-' 1 4 .. 7 Hebburn Mat ..,....-..... 14 0 Walls End Perilro 16 I" II Holywell . 15 6 Walls End Ridde ~....!1! 1 Ord's Redhugh .............. 13 6 Walls End 1- Ic ttn „r„ro''' ' , , i a l I'ontop Windsor ............ 15 9 Walls End LY ° ';; t on ," '6 1 5hipc0te..................—.......... 14 6 Walls End Lain'oetto°' 1 / landeld..... l6 9 W. E. Russell's 0 . 4 4 1 4 5 0 Townley l4 6 Walls End Stowt now J 1 West Hartley .. - ~-. 15 0 Walls End Butt' „,-, II don _.. i i Willington - . 0 4 / Walls End Bewicke & Co. 15 6 Walls End Te:' ..„ "' t/C el , Walls End 8r0wn'5.......... 13 9 C0wp0n,...... 4 Wall; End Callerton ~..... I`2 0 Silkstone Fieldera7l" Walls End Carr and Co. 13 0 Tanfield Tract Ditto Clarke and Co.—. 13 6 Ships arrived since last mar e 5. PRINTED AND PUBLIshED Dr - MU RDO Yo o t; ' &IN OFFICE. 112, STRAND, LONDON! la rril 1 111 0 lb' e ° I NI. , 4i1J,3711 Ai t i lt 1 k l i r 7 th, S i( (‘() 4 NC TO h~o ~4 ~ moo To bia °I N 141 t ips arrived ................... 2ceiastlnaric et-a a Y • -4 , e io of BTHS. On the 13th inst., M. Win IR deyer, w ife of Richard A' Esq., of Delahay.street, of a daughter, still-born,s, more , J o On the 7th inst., at Caldwell, Ayr, the lady or vw , , of .l'' of twins h , a son and a daugh ter.toe 13 01 ) 1 On the 10th inst., in, U pper Brook-street, Basset, Esq., of a son. vv i . , 0 1 On the 12th inst., the lady of George AllfreY, , t ford-hill, of a son. di p o , 0 MARRIED. te , On the 11th inst., at Chiswick, Mr. 83 " 1 q 3i3Y: co j 01 ° . mingham, to Maria, youngest daught e r of " .14 "' cl' Ronalds, Esq. of Highbury. On the 9th ' inst., at Wirkswoi th, son of Georee B. Greaves, Esq., of Elmsall Lotle r - l is. P g Elizabeth, only daughter of the late John J•' , ' ,36 George Greave..eAire.: Wicksworth, DIED. . .. o ntes' l7 .d On Wednesday, theBth inst., at Bath, the Ar , s' ,Pv aged 73. B edfor d - Place / On the 12th inst., at his house in Upper ..10; sell.square, John Dingley Richardson, Esq._,, h on, rii o f On the 11th inst., at Alersham Hatch, NY2.. bob—, of Sir Edward Knatchbull, Bart., M. P., aged 7 Rev . 'l' y On the 12th inst , suddenly, in London, . 0 th don Bois, 03, ton, Vicar of Chigwel l, and Rector of They O l,l aged 67. Edsr art On the 10th inst. , at his hous e in Hastings, I . F'sq , of that place , aged 68 . Al FS - - IT NT 01