The Sun. — London, England, 1863-02-06 00:00:00

might Tres ;uch a t, and s must to the house would P4urope for a :Hear, friend ;erns- been anner, of e hon. rusted •ed, to from brief ritish riday been .ably, salon 5 de who In o se- rices. 3, 57 s Rue -3s per ; and o old lone. LONDON AND COUNTY BANKING COMPANY. Subscribed Capital, £1,500,000, in 30,000 Shares of £ 5O each ; Paid-up Capital, £590,000 ; Reserve Fund, £175,00 0 . DIRECTORS. Thomas Tyringham Bernard, Frederick Harrison, Esq. 31 . ? Ed w ard Huggins, Esq. Philip Patton Blyth, Esq. Wm. Champion Jones, Esq. q. "win Wm. Burmester, Esq. James Laming, Esq. Coles Child Es William Lee, Esq., M.P. H. C. E. Childers, Esq., M.P. William Nicol, Esq.. M.P. John Fleming, Esq. GENERAL MANAGER—WiIIiam M`Kerirall, Esq. CHIEF INSPECTOR —W. J. Norfolk, Esq. ASSISTANT GENERAL MANAGER—WiIIiam Howard, Esq. CHIRP ACCOUNTANT—James Gray. Esq. INSPECTORS OF BRANCHES. J. Tullouh, Esq., and G. A. Addison, Esq. Head Office, 21. Lombard -street. At the ANNUAL MEETING of the Proprietors, held on THURSDAY, the sth Feb. , 186, at the London Tavern, Ilishopsgate-street, the lollowing Report for the year ending the 31st Dec., 1862, was read by the Secretary. WILLIAM NICOL, Esq., M.P., in the Chair. REPORT. The Directors, in submi 3 t e ti a n r g en to d t in h c e proprietors the acc ha o v u e nt of the Bank for the halt- , to report that, after making ample provision for bad and doubt ful debts, including - some unusual charges which had fallen on the half-year , inte rest to customers, expenses of manage ment, rebate and income tax the net profit amounts to £44,55t 4s. 5d., which sum, added to £776 .6s. 7d., brought forwar.l, results in a total of £45,331 Is. From the above sum the Directors recommend that the usual dividend of per cent. be declared, to2ether with a bonus oft per cent., making in al, 124. per cent. for the past year. This arrangement leaves .£1,483 2s. 3d. to be carried forward to profit and loss new account. Fred. Harrison, Esq., lately one of the auditors, has been Unanin.ously elected to a seat At the board. This creates a vacancy in the office of auditor, which it is competent to the meet big to fill up. The directors retiring by rotation are William Nicol, Esq., my. .Tames Laming, Esq., and Thomas Tyring,ham Ber nard, Esq., ItLP., all of whom are eligible for re-election, and offer themseives ace rdingly. The dividend will be payable at Head Office, or at any of the branches, on and after Monday, the 16th instant. BALANCE SHEET OF THE LONDON AND COUNTY BANKING COMPANY, Dec. 31, 1862. To Capital paid-up DR. X 598,375 0 0 Reserve fund 175,000 0 0 Amount due by the Bank for Customers' Balances, &c. £7,151,136 6 6 Liabilities on Acceptances and Endorsements by the Bank, Circular Notes, and Letters of Credit 7,517,501 9 11 Profit and loss balance brought from last account. £776 16 7 Gross profit for the half year after making provision for bad and doubtful debts . 144,312 8 9 145,089 5 4 £8,435,968 15 3 CR. ty cash on hand at head office and Branches £1,899 7 4 Cash placed at call and at no tice 1,159,329 14 4 2,141,229 1 8 Investments, viz.: Government and Guaranteed Stocks Other stocks and Securities 755,E09 1 3 Discounted Bills, Notes, and temporary advances to Cus tomers in town and coun- try 5 083,758 16 8 Advances to Customers on special securities 5,345,722 4 3 Freehold premises in Lombard-street and Nicholas-lane, freehold and leasehold property at the Branches, with fixtures and fittings 104,724 3 2 Interest paid to Customers Salaries and all other expenses at Head Office and Branches, including income tax on profits and salaries £8,435,968 15 3 PROFIT AND LOSS ACCOUNT. To interest paid to Customers DR. £26,364 10 0 Expenses, as above 62,119 14 3 Rebate on Bills not due, carried to New Account Dividend of 6 per cent. for the half-year Bonus ot 14 per cent Balance carried forward £145,089 5 4 By Balance brought forward from last ac- Count £776 16 7 Gross profit for the half-year, after making provision for bad and doubtful debts £145,089 5 4 We, the undersigned, have examined the foregoing Balance sheet, and have found the same to be correct. (Signed) HENRY OV ERTON,I Auditors. JOHN WGHT, L ondon and County Bank, Jan. 29, K' 862. The foregoing. Report having been read by the Secretary, the following Res olutions were proposed, and unanimously adopted 1. That the Report be received and adopted, and printed for the use of the Shareholders. 2. That a dividend of 6 p, r cent. be declared upon the capi tal stoc of the Company for the half-year ceding the 31st December, 1 6 , together with a bonus of A per cent., both clear f income tax, p , yable on and after Monda , the 16th of February instant ; end that the balance of £1,483 2s. 3d. be carried forward to profit and loss new account. 3. That the thanks of this Meeting be given to the Board of Directors for the able manner in which they have conducted the affairs of the Company. 4. That the thanks ~ f the Meeting be presented to the Auditors of the Company for their s rvices during. the past year, and that Remy Overton and John Wright, Esqrs., be re-el , cted Auditors for th current year. 5. That Richard Hinds Swaine ESQ., be elected an Auditor of the London and County Banking Company for the current year. R. That the thanks of this meeting be presented to William M`liewan, E.q., the General Manager, and also to the prin cipal nd ether offle,ers of the establishment, for the zeal and ability with which they have discharged their respective duties. The election of three directors having been proceeded with, the following gentlemen were unanimously re-elected William Nicol, Esq., M.P., James Lamin.., Esq., and Thomas TYringham Bernard, Esq., M.P. Th e (Signer) W. NICOL, Chairman. , -.tairman having sl quitted the Chair, it was resolved and carried unanimouy duct in t h he ; a d i i r a . l ci th , ans . of this Meeting be presented to illi am Nicol, Es M.P , for his able and courteous con rue Ext racted Si fr ;-l i ) the minutes. JONES, Deputy Chairman. (Signed) F. CLAPPISON, Secretary. LONDO N NOTICE AND COUNTY BANKING COMPANY. HEREBY GIVEN, that a DIVIDEND on the Capital Stock of the Company of 6 per Cent., for the ItHalf -year ending the 31st December, 1862, w,th a Bonus at of e cent., will be PAID to the Proprietors either the ead Office, 21, Lombard -street, or at any of th e C ompany ' s Branch Banks, on and after MONDAY, the 16th instant. By order of the Board. W. M`KEWAN, General Manager. 21, Lombard-street, P.-b. 5,1863. VORGERY ! 20,000 FRANCS REWARD.- Whereas there are on the Continent immense FOR GERIES of Morison's STAMPS and PILI.S ; Messrs. I ORISON, of London, hereby offer the above REWARD on conviction of the offenders. Signed, MORISON and i 0., Hygeists. British College of Health, January, 1863. Euston-road, London. Apply to Mr. BERCK, Baltimore (U.S.) narcel,na Barbad o es °B. and 3°!n. Co. 1!4.1e (B,2, 4s ze p r a i t) d) r i e a s d s a r m s. e 3 G li s . c e n t w , Cuyas, iad. and Escribce. Brody (G e adiz ............... s K rs o . r T nt ac el o d n . net and co. Calcutta Cartutu:ena Constantinopl, an o. an , Mi Cracow Mr. Groschaelsen. Grosse. Elsiuore Mr. S. 0. Steenburg,, Gibraltar Guernsey Halifax N.S Hamburgh Rempton (Bavaria) Mr. M. Gayrhos. Kingston Jamaica) Macon, (Bibb Country, Gs orgia, U.S) Mao ras Melt ourne (Port Philip) Mr. A. Charlwood. Mext Montreal New Ply mouth (New Zealand) New York (U.S.) Odes-a Sydney (New • South am Wagner. Wales) 01 whom alone the GENUINE MORISON'S PILLS can be had on the Continent and els ..vvhete abroad. ALLEGED SECONDHAND SAFES —Any Any PERSON or PERSONS having recently PUR CHASED from Furniture Brokers or Dealers in SECOND HAND FIRE-PROOF SAFES, any suc h S a f es which "WE Kb% STATED TO BE OF CHUBB'S MAKE, will V?.l n ige by CO MMUNICATING with Messrs. Robinson and Vj e c Haycock, No. 32, Charterhouse-square, solicitors tO al sßre. ulubb and Son. --- SSIBLE —Th e t t d orrniNG IN — most useful iinvenvt? pristi7e . Three Kin,-court, —Messrs. Ji .t.N Go s . N ( T .L OL the day. AQ s e rt R EL a L n A Lomba d-street, periumers to ha(!irdviC.,?" ;sty. r espectfully offer which gradually to the publ c this truly marvellouc" one ofuth no matter at thee roperties of restores the human hair to its what age The Aqua Amarella has n dyes ; it, on the contrary, is beneficial to when the ha r is once restored one application ° gr i n. and will keep it in perfect colour. Price one guinea per boTtlen.th CIOTTAM and COMPANY'S STABLE F ITTIN GS—These fittings, rows ) generally specified by architects in their specifications, may be seen at the t FACToIIY, 2, WINo r, XFOHD STREET, W., where a larre supply is always on hand and regular sizes kept in stock, and whe re full-size Stalls and 10, se Boxe s ( vario usly arranged, with a view to the economy Of space) can be examined. COTTA %1 and COMPANY, PYr!racturers and patentees, hold the Prizes of 1851, 1855 aria), and IA2, for these fittings. (IRNAMENTS for the Drawing-room, Librsarryt, .. `-• nd Dining-room, consisting of a new and eiegapt o 'tent VASES, Figures, Groups, Candlesticks, Obeli sk_s , Ink stands, , eautiful inlaid Tables, Paper weights, SEC., In Hau t: Alabas er, Parian, Marble, Bronze, Derbyshire Spar, imported and manufactured by JAMES TENNANT, Mine ralogist to her %laiesty • 149• Stand, W.C., London. Mr. Tennant arranges elementary collections of SHELLS , MINERALS, ROCKS, and FOSSILS, which will greatly facilitate he interesting study of MINERALOGY, CON CHOLOGY, nd GEOLOGY, at 2,5, 10, 20, 50, to 100 guineas each. PRACTICAL INSTRUCTION in GEOLOGY and MINE RALOG Y is eiven by Mr. TENNAN I!, at 149, Strand, W.C. ryiltULY EFFICACIOUS AND MILD.- _1 Dr. SCOTT'S BILIOUS and LIVER PILLS, ore pared without any mercurial ingredient, from the recipe of Dr. colt, of Bromley, Kent, w ill b e found invaluable to all who utter from bilious and 'fiver complaints, i ndigestion, wind, pasms, giddiness, dizziness 01 the eyes, a tc . For habitual ostiveness, as a family aperient medicine, and as a purifier of the blood, they ,re truly excellent ; mild in their opera ion and grateful to ,he stomach, they create appeAte, pro mote digestion, and strengthen the whole nervous system. Sold by W. Lambert, 8, Kim; William-street, l haring-croas. London, and by most druggists, in boxes,ls. lid., and three times ,he quantity in one, 2s. 9d. Be sure to ask for Dr. Scott's Bilious and Liver Pills. The genuine are a square green t,aokage, with " Willful,. Lambert," engraved QII the stamp. THEATRE ROYAL DRURY-LANE. Sole Lessee and Manager, Mr. EDMUND FALCONER The public is respectfully informed that this Theatr e, timing been Re-modelled, Decorated, and Embellished in a truly magnificent and costly style, is now open. Notwithstanding the immense expenses incurred in the arrangements, the Prices of Admission will be as usual, and similar to those of the principal London Theatres, viz.:— Private Boxes, 10s, 6d., 215., £1 lls. 6d., £2 25., £3 35., and £4 4s. Stalls, 6s. Dress circle, 4s. First Circle, 3s. Boxes, 2s. Pit, 2s. Lower Gallery, Is. Upper Gallery, 6d. No Half-price. A MORNING PERFORMANCE of the PANTO MIME EVERY WEDNESDAY, at Two o'clock. THIS EVENING will be presented Mr. E. Falconer's Comic Drama, entitled NEXT OF KIN. Principal Characters by Messrs. S. Calhaem, H. Sinclair, Neville, Warde, Rourke, Fredericks; Mrs. Edmund Fal coner, and Miss Portman. After which will be produced the Great Drury-lane Annual in the form of an entirely Novel, Original, Bur leNue, Grotesque, Poetical, Pictorial, Pastoral, Grand Comic Christmas Pantomime entitled LITTLE GOODY TWO SHOES; or, HARLEQUIN and COCK ROBIN 1 "Little Bird with bosom red, Welcome to my Humble Shed, Daily near my table steal, W e h l i l l e r e l w p a i r e d k ed i y f I scanty meal, W, Pleasure in thy glancing eye." — Old Poem. The novel Effects and Extensive Scenery by Messrs. GRIEVE and TELBIN , assisted by Messrs. DA YES, JONES, C. FENTON, E. LLOYDS, GRIEVE, Jun., TELBIN, Jun., and n ‘NSON and SONS. The Ma chinery by Mr. TUCKER. The Costumes by Mr, MAY and Mrs. CLARKE. The Masks, Designs, and Personal Appointments by the celebrated DYK-WYN-KYN ; com pleted under his direct supervision by Messrs. GLINDON, CHALTON, and numerous Assistants. The Tricks, Pro perties, Changes, and Transformations of the Harlequinade by Mr. BLAM IRE and Assistants. The Gas Appointments by Mr. HINCKLEY. The Scenes of the Harlequinade by H. BOLENO, J. CORMACK, and D. JOHNSON. The Groupes, Tableaux, Action, and Grand Ballet, designed and arranged by Mr. OSCAR BYRNE. The Overture and Music composed and arranged by Mr. J. BARNARD. The Opening invented and written by E. L. B -ANC HARD, Author of "The House that Jack Built," "Peter Wilkins," " Robin Hood," &c. THE VILLAGE SCHOOL OF GOODY TWO SHOES. EARLY MORNING. Little Goody Two Shoes—Miss LYDIA THOMPSON. "This dear little Girl, whose real name was Margery Meanwell, once lived," &c.—Old Story. "His kind Wife gave little Margery a nice pail of new Shoes; and she was so pleased with them, and so fond of showing them to every one she met, saying, ' Two Shoes— Two Shoes,' that she gained the name of ' Little Goody Two Shoes.' "—Old 6tory. The Raven, the Pigeon, the Cat, and the White Rabbit (her pets), Masters Quork, Coo, Mew, and Bunny. Raster Rdb reast Little Boy Blue (he o r bin—M Shepherd Swa e in) Miss HELEN HOWARD. Thommyhnn Stout (the Good Boy) Mr. J. ROBINS. Rumple, Sir Timothy Grine* Green (the Bad Boy) Mr. G. WESTON. ri. I) " Schol ars —Masters Wag, Lag, Fag. Brag, Dag, Nag, —ag, Mag, T Mr. T wh a.g, B co., and Misses Nimble, Simple, Sample, (his Steward . impe, Simper Nirainy, Pimmy &c &e L ar o d r ) d , m of r t . h s e H M A to . r) * , * Villagers—Messrs./38:a. OM MATTHEWS. km;Wha ckstraw,Oatcake,Chaw- Graspall & w c h'ich she taught her scholars . was very e Thatcher, room in bacon, ,6Th large, so that she could have her children stand in front of her while she instructed them. —Old Story. Of the proposal made by Sir Timoth t it Goody Two Sh oes, and what became of . G N°. 22,030. Dedicated by Permission to his Grace the Duke of New castle, K.G. Ready, in Svo, with fine Illustrations, 155., NARRATIVE of n. SUCCESSFUL EXPLORATION THROUGH the INTERIOR of AUSTRALIA, from Melbourne to the Gulf of Carpentaria. From the Journals of WILLIAM JOHN WILLS. Edited by his Father, - WILLIAM WILLS. Richard Bentley, New Burlington-street. MR. CHARLES KENT'S POEMS. SHAKSPERE AT SHOTTERY, With OTHER POEMS. By CHARLES KENT', Barrister-at-Law. Fcp. Bvo., price ss. By the same Author, A L H E A : OR, THE DOOM OF MYTHOLOGIC. With OTHER POEMS. A New Edition. Fcp. Bvo , price ss. London : Longman, Green, and Co., 14, Ludgate-hill. DINNA FORGET " that. Signor GIUGLINI sings in the GREAT ST. JAMES'S HALL on WEDNESDAY EVENING. February ii. This being most positively his last appearance in England previous o his de parture for " Vienna," Admission Tickets, ON r SHILLING EACH, should be secured before hand, at Austin's office, 28, Piccadilly. Sofa stalls, Is. each. CANTERBURY HALL. FRIPKELL. t h e celebrated Professor of Magic, without apparatus. . _ Immense success of the Third Editi la of the renowned Pantomimic Entertainment, THE ENCHANTED HASH, thirteen characters, solely sustained by E. Marshall. The Comic by "Unsworth, the original stump orator "Or any other Man," Eugene, Frank Hall, Arthur Lloyd, and Miss Georgina Smithson. GRA Ls D OPERATIC SELECTIONS, as usual, conducted by Mr. Jonghmans, TuEOX F O R D, 6. OXFORD STREET. Re-appearance of Miss Russell. ALCESTE (the masterpiece of the renowned Composer GLucx), Supported by the entire company, with full band and chorus. Conducted by Mr.eJonghmans. Other Operatic Selections, Choruses, four-part Songs, &c. George Hodson's Irish, Miscellaneous, and Ventriloquial Entertainment. Unsworth's great Stump Speech, " Or any other man." Eugene's burlesque Scenas and Dances. Miss Caroline Parkes' Pantomimic Sketch, "Little Red Riding Hood." W. Randall's New Comicalities, and other varied attractions EVERY EVENING. Hall, 6d.—Baleony and Stalls, Is.—Private Boxes, 10s. 6d. In rehearsal, " HERNE THE HUNTER," a Cantata composed by W. M. Lutz, Esq., words by 0. Summers, Esq. THE LONDON PAVILION.-LITTLE RELLI the Greatest• Sensation of the Day. The FOUR AMERICAN WONDERS surpass all ever witnessed in this country. Grand Selection from the " Traviata" every Evening, sustained by Madame Valckneare, Miss Constance, Madame Losebini, Madame Elise, and Mr. H. De Brenner. Six American Bowling Alleys open daily. London Pavilion, Tichbourne-street. A RGYLL ROOMS, Windmill-street, Piccadilly. Ea- Open nightly for Promenade. There is added to the above elegant Establishment a Grand Conversation Saloon, Reading Room, and Smoking Lounge. French, German, and English papers taken in. The musical arrangements under the direction of Mons. Jullien. The Band is composed of the best Musicians in the metro polis. A,lnaission lg.—Manager, M. Grenet. JULLIEN'S PROMENADE CONCERTS. VI ON S. JULLIEN has the honour to announce INA. that his PROMENADE CONCERTS will take place Every Evening at the ARGYLL ROOMS. The Programme will include selections and arrangements from the works of the following masters: — MOZART, ROSSINI, I MEYERBEER, I DONIZETTI. A Grand Quadrille from Howard Glover's Opera, " Once too Often," and the ballet music will be chiefly selected from the repertoire of the late M. Jullien. Admission—One Shilling. Manager, M. GRENET. THE LONDON ANATOMICAL MUSEUM ; containing the Wonders of Nature and Art, shown by innumerable superbly executed Models, illustrating, every part of the Human Frame, together with a variety of highly interesting Natural Preparations, Malformations, and Mon strosities. open daily, from Ito 1u (tor G ntlem n only). Admission One Shilling. Entrances 29, George-street, Han over-square, and 44A, Maddox-street, Regent-street, Lon don, W. Crated Elanatory Lecture every Evening at Seven. s t a m p s a.and D ddr es e cr es ip t t h iv e e s C ecr at e a t l a o ry g - ir a s s s a e b n o t v , e p . ost free, for twelve SAWYER'S FAMOUS LONDON DINNER FOR THIS DAY, At 2s. ed. each Person. PS. Mulligatanny. SO A U ux Pates D'ltalie. FISH. Brill and Shrimp anuea. Pried Soles. ENTREES. Haricot de Queues de Recut Vols au Vent ala Robe. JOINTS. Sirloins of Beef. Saddles of Mutton. SWEETS. Ginger Souffle.' Victoria Fritters. Cheese and Salad. An extensive and carefully selected stock of FRENCH, RHENISH, MOsELLE, and other WINES, imported ex pressly for The London Dinner. THE LONDON, 19', FLEET-STREET. TROUSERS. —Gentlemen who do not mind paying a fair price for a good pair of Trousers can depend upon material and patterns, that cannot be excelled, at HAMILTON and KIMPTON'S, Tailors, 105, Strand (opposite Exeter Hall). HUNTING LODGE ON THE BORDERS OF THE FOREST. The Fairy Good Nature (assuming the form of G oo d Peabody), Miss KATE SAXON. Gamekeepers, Messrs. Popp and Bang. Footman, Mr. Powdernob. Page, Master Buttons. Housekeeper, Mrs. Chickabiddy. How Little Boy Blue meets with a particular friend, and how the Squire dooms the smell Birds found on his Estate to general destruction, and what ensues thereupon. THE BRAMBLE BRAKE IN THE DEPTHS OF IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT HOUSE OF LORDS--Last Evening. The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. THE PRINCE OF WALES. His Royal Highness the PRINCE of WALES took the oaths and his seat in Parliament. His Royal Highness was accompanied by the Usher of the Black Rod, the King at Arms, Earl of Derby, the Duke of Newcastle, Earl St. Germans, Lord Kingsdown, the 'Duke of Argyll, Earl Sydney, Earl Gral!ville, and several other peers. After his R .yal Highness had signed the Parliamentary roll, he was conducted to his chair on the right hand side of the throne, where he remained a short time, and then left the house. THE NEW ARCHBISHOPS. The Archbishop of Canterbury and the Archbishop of York took the oaths and signed the Parliamentary roll. At this period of the evening there were a considerable number of peers present, and a great many ladies occupied the galleries at either side of the house. About ten minutes past five the Prince of Wales aga'n entered the house in company with thc Duke of Cambridge, and sat by his noble relative's side on the cross benches, all the peers presens remaining uncovered. I'HE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 6, 1863 ease, and he hoped for the interests of the people of Ame rica, and for the future of that country that the time was not far distant when that desirable end would be accom plished. The noble lord then touched upon the distress at present existing in a portion of England, and remarked that although that distress had been of the most heartrendiug nature, yet it had been borne with a calmness and resig nation which called for the greatest sympathy, and it was some consolation to know that that distress was somewhat diminishing. Regarding Italy, the great desire of England was, that with such a climate and such a soil one of the fairest countries on earth might also become consolidated into constitutional liberty. Before he resumed his seat he could not help re marking upon the great loss of one who had passed from them soece the house last met. The high character of the noble lord made it matter of the deepest regret that that house would be for ever prevented of availing itself of his counsels and experience. He had only to thank their lord ships for the attention they had auarded him, and con cluded by moving the Address. The Earl of GRANARD said the noble mover of the Address had so completely exhausted the subject, that it left him but little to say. The marriage of his Royal High ness the Prince of Wales was a matter of the greatest hap piness to the country, and he trusted it would be to his Royal Highness himself. By the education he had received, and the travels he had made, he gave the greatest hope that he was fitting himself for the great duties which would some day or other devolve upon him. It was a matter of the highest gratification that her Ma jesty remained on the present friendly terms with foreign nations, and although al regretted the state of affairs in America, yet erk.prould approve of the system of non-intervention that had been adopted in Eng land. With respect to the destitution at present existing in Lancashire, all must deplore that such a state of things existed, yet if there was anything that showed that the ope ratives had intelligence, it was the resignation with which that destitution had been borne. He could not but express his highest admiration of the means taken to meet that destitution by the highest and noblest in the land, and amongst those who had greatly distinguished themselves in the endeavour to alleviate that distress, none more nobly distinguished himself than the noble earl (Derby) opposite. (Loud cheers.) Ireland had nobly come forward and done all she was able, and his fervent prayers were for an alle viation of the existing state of things. He would conclude by seconding the Address. 1 The Earl of DERBY—There is one topic touched upon in the speech from the throne with regard to which there will be decidedly no difference of opinion, and with regard to which we may express our feelings without the slightest mental reservation, without any arrisre pensee. This time last year it was our melancholy duty to present to the sove reign of this country a tribute of condolence and of sym pathy as deep and as genuine as was ever expressed by a great nation. This year a different and more pleasing duty devolves upon us. Instead of the language of condolence upon the deep calamity which had f a ll en upon the sove reign, and which still bows her down in sorrow, a sorrow that will never cease, we have to substitute the language of congratulation upon as event which, in every point of view, must be a matter of consolation, comfort, and rejoicing to her Majesty, as it must be to the country at large. We have now to congratulate her Majesty and the country upon the approaching marriage of the heir to the throne, the prince whom we have had the happiness and the honour of receiving within these walls this day—to congratulate her Majesty and him upon an event which, so far as human foresight can tell, promises to his royal highness the greatest amount of happiness. It is not to him as the heir to the throne that we tender our respectful congratulations on this event, but to him as one who has already by the courtesy of his demeanour, and the affability of his man ners, won the affectionate regard of those who have been privileged to associate with him; and one who, at a very early age, when placed in circumstances of no inconside • rable difficulty, has displayed tact, judgment, and dis cernment which promises well for the future. We con gratulate his royal highness and her Majesty upon his approaching union with a princess of whom all who have had the happiness of knowing her speak in terms avowing their conviction that, endowed with every gift of appearance and mind, is fully qualified to fill the high position in which she will be placed, as the partner of the sovereign of the greatest country in the world. We rejoice, likewise, in reflecting that her royal highness comes from a country between the inhabitants of which and of our own country there are many points of similarity of character ; between whom there are many natural and national ties, between whom there is much community of interest—a country en j3ying constitutional monarchy—a constitutional monarchy of which I may fairly say that its integrity and its inde pendence are matters which never can be regarded by the Government of this country with indifference. (Hear, hear.) My lords, I can mipress on this subject no better wish than that his royal highness and the princess whom he has chosen may enjoy happiness as unalloyed—and God grant it may be far more lasting—as that which fell to the lot of his illustrious parents. Turning from this personal topic, though one deeply interesting to the public at large, to another and most important topic, which engages the atten tion of all men in all parts of the country, I may say that I have no fault to find, I have no objection to the course which her Majesty's Government has pursued with regard to the war which is now desolating the United States. I may regret, indeed, that her Majesty's Government did not feel themselves justified in joining in an attempt, however hopeless that attempt might appear, to which they were in vited by the sovereign of France, not to put an end to the war, but to endeavour by good offices to bring about such an armistice as might lead the two contending parties them selves to reflect on the miseries and hopleseness of the struggle in which they are engaged. I say it is a matter of regret that her Majesty's Government did not think themselves justified in acceding to the wishes of the Empe ror of the French and offering their good offices. But be fore I censure the course pursued by her Majesty's Govern ment, I think it fair to say they were in a much better position than I am to form a judgment as to whether was a possibility of the success of any interference on their part, or whether such an interference would merely have added to the bitterness of the strife. On that subject it was necessary that her Majesty's Government should rely upon the information they received from her Ma jesty's Minister in the United States. Therefore I make no objection, although I say I regret that no attempt was made to reconcile the two contending parties, I assume that, previous to an attempt at mediation, the parties who offer mediation should agree upon the terms, or at all events upon the principles, on which that mediation should be offered. But, if I know anything of the state of the relative feeling of the North and the South, this ques tion between them is not a ,question of degree, but it is a question of fundamental principles, between which there can be no mediation, because it is a question on the one side of continuing the union, and a question on the other side of separation; and if principles be laid down, it is necessary to establish whether you proceed on the principle of separa tion on of maintenance of the union. This difficulty meets you in the outset. Much has been said by many friends of mine, personal friends and political friends, for whose opinion I entertain the highest respect, that the time has arrived when it is desirable that we should recognise the Southern States. Now on that subject, regretting as I do my differ ence of opinion with several of my personal and political friends, I cannot bring my mind to the conclusion that the time has arrived when it would be wise or politic to take that step. I know only of two circumstances under which recognition can possibly take place by neutral governments. The first of these circumstances is where, although the state from which a revolt has taken place has not acquiesced in it as a fait accompli, yet, in point of fact, the war is at an end, and there is no struggle going on. That was the case with the states of South America in their revolt from Spain. For a long period before they were recognised Spain had ceased to take any active steps to bring them under her dominion. She did not, indeed, recognise their independence, but their independence was recognised by us, inasmuch as practically the struggle for independence was at an end. There is another case in which no doubt recog nition may be resorted to, and that is the case where, in the interests of humanity, other nations determine that a desolating warefare shall no longer be continued. But in that case recognition is always followed by intervention in support of the country whose right to independence is re cognised. Such a case occurred with regard to Belgium in its separation from Holland , and in regard to Greece in its separation from Turkey: Where the horrors of war are so great that in the interest of humanity they should be put an end to, other countries may fairly and legitimately interfere, but they must be prepared to go a step further, and main tain the independence of the country in whose behalf they interfere. Now I cannot but think that this consideratiou has not been sufficiently weighed by those anxious for our recognition of the South. My conviction is strong that, come what may, the reconstruction of the union of the United States, as it formerly stood, is absolutely impossible. I believe that at first the feeling of this country was strongly in favour of the North, and I believe it was the impression that the North would have no difficulty in overrunning and subduing the South ; but even at that early period, it was clear that if they succeeded in subduing the South their difficulties would only then commence, because it was im possible, where such feelings had been excited and such deep injuries had been inflicted on the one side and the other that any cordial reconcilement or union could ever take place between them. If that were the case a year ago, how much stronger is the conviction now, when week by week, day by day, and hour by hour, the struggle becomes more desperate, and it becomes more apparent that neither party can obtain a decisive advantage over the other, the one acting on the defensive having practically the best of it, and that the conti nuance of t he war is the continu a ante of the most drea dful slau ghter and the most h orrible carnage, accompanied by an increased bitterness of feeling, accompanied on both sides, if we may believe the South, with aggravated atrocities and additional horrors to those which must always accompany civil war? In this state of things it is my firm conviction that there is no possibility of re-establishing the union between the North and the South. At the same time we must recollect that the struggle is going on, and that the whole of the seaboard of the South is in the possession of the North. This being the case, it is impossible to say that the struggle has ceased so as to admit of our practical recognition, even if we did not mean to go fui ther. And I do not think that those who advocate recognition are pre pared at the present time to say that we should interfere by force of arms, and to insist on laying down our terms as the terms on which separation shall take place. Theref re, I approve on the whole of the course pursued by her Majesty's Government on this subject, and of that neutrality which they have practically carried out to the fullest extent, in accordance with their own professions. There is another point. It is impossible for any man, with the ordinary feel ings of humanity, not earnestly to desire that this desolat ing warfare should be brought to a close, and I am quite sure her Majesty's Government, or any other government in power, would have eagerly embraced the first opportunity that offered itself with a fair prospect of success of tender ing their good offices. But at the present moment—l am sorry to say it—there is no such prospect. There is another aspect in which this war has a serious bearing on the in dustry and happiness and prosperity of this country. I would not say that both parties in America, and more especially in the South, end also some parties in this coun try, have exaggerated the importance of the suspension of the cotton trade in this country, and it is not altogether un desirable to have that opinion corrected, which went to the extent that it was absolutely necessary for us to submit to any terms rather than to have our great industry stopped. There is:no doubt that the distress in the cotton districts, if not altogether caused by, has been greatly aggravated by the war in America. The sudden cutting off of a large sup ply of material of the cotton manufacture it must be ex pected would cause great distress and have disastrous con sequences on those who were engaged in the manufacture. But I regret to say that I cannot entertain the opinion that the sudden cessation of the war in America would of itself restore that industry, or even place on a satisfactory foot - ing a great proportion of the population whose sufferings have excited so much sympathy. In speaking of this state of affairs, and of the condition of the manufacturing districts, I cannot but express my thanks to the noble earl who se conded the address for the manner in which he has spoken of the very small services which it has been in my power personally to render towards the relief of the distress. Con nected as I am with the county and with the manufactur ing industry, it has fallen to my lot to take a considerable share in the distribution of those funds which have been so liberally contributed by all denominations of her Majesty's subjects. But there are many whose labours have been in finitely greater than mine. There are :many who had hardly time to spare. and who yet have devoted a much larger share of attention to the relief of that distress than I have. I think nothing can be more admirable than the conduct of the immediate sufferers, nothing more gratifying than to see the manner in which men of business, engaged in a manufacture requiring their constant attention, have given up hours, and days, and weeks, and months of their attention gratuitously, and without the slightest recom pense to themselves, except that which arose from the con sciousness of doing good, to mitigate the severe sufferings of the people around them. (Hear, hear.) I may remark, also, that the sufferings at present sustained by the manufactur ing population have led to another and most valuable result. They have brought forth an amount of kindly feeling among different classes, and they have enabled the rich and the poor mutually to better understand each other than they did before, and naturally to feel how far they were each de pendent on the other, and how much they had it in their power to assist each other : and they have given to the rich a deep sense of the duties they owe to the poor, and they have given to the poor a firm conviction that their inte rests are not overlooked by the rich ; and they have cor rected many misapprehensions which prevailed on this point. It is impossible to speak in terms of too high praise of the manner in which the manufacturing population have borne those sufferings and distress, and more than once, and I think it speaks well for the confidence and kindly feeling which prevails in the population, when they have been complimented on the manner in which they have borne T heir sufferings, they have said, " We knew we should not have to stary e." The liberality of the country has been unbounded ; it has proceeded from every class of the community. The feeling of nationality and of kindly rela tions has been warmly responded to from our own widely extended colonies ; and I rejoice to find that the noble earl who moved the address took notice—a notice which I think might gracefully have been taken in her Majesty's speech— of the large and spontaneous contributions which in the midst of their own difficulties have been offered to our ma nufacturing population by the inhabitants of the Northern States of America. Large as has been the amount sub scribed, great as has been the liberality, anxious as have been the labours of the relief committee, and careful as has been the distribution of the fund, I fear I cannot say that there is at the present moment reason for the cessation of that liberality. Sufficient as is the fund in hand to guard the population against famine, disease, and death, I cannot look forward to a cessation of the present distress within any limited period. Undoubtedly in the application of that fund one consequence of the abundant liberality which has been shown by the public has been to put the industrious and highly paid artisan in a very disadvantageous position as compared with those who were on the verge of pauper ism, and those who were actually paupers. (Hear, hear.) Perhaps it will be satisfactory to your lordships to know that this is a point of which the relief committee are fully aware; but while it has been found impossible to make any material distinction between those who were earning 25s or Ws, or 40s a week and those who were earning Bs, the re sult has necessarily been that the higher paid class, not withstanding the relief they have received, have experi enced great privations, whereas the lower have experienced perhaps none at all. (Hear.) There is of course no danger that the one class will ever be demoralised by this relief— no danger that any pittance the committees may be able to afford them will ever appear in their eyes as a compensa tion for that large amount of comfort and even of affluence which they earned when at work, but there is some danger with respect to the other class, and that is a danger which is sure to be felt as soon as the ordinary state of things begins to be restored and they are thrown on their ordinary resources. (Hear.) lam afraid, however, that I can hold out no hope that the ultimate period of this distress has been rearly reached. It is somewhat satisfactory to see that there is a slight reduction in the number receiving aid; but I must confess my fear that that diminution is tempo rary and occasional, and that it must for a considerable time be a fluctuating one. The price of cotton goods at Manchester is scarcely sufficient to pay for the labour of working up the raw material, and notwithstanding the great diminution in our Indian and Chinese trade, the amount of cotton goods at the present moment in the mar kets of the East is so large that they can be sold at prices 25 per cent, lower than in Manchester. I have been assured by one of the most intelligent of our merchants that accord ing to present calculations there is reason to apprehend that not a single pound additional of cotton goods can be sent to India or China with any chance of obtaining a remunera tive price for it, and that the amount of the raw material which we may expect next year—namely, considerably less than half that which has been received in more favourable times—will be sufficient to supply the entire demand of the world. The result, therefore, will be that our artisans can not expect more than three days' work a week, and tha t the loss of wages which was last year £9,000,000 will next year be £6,000,000. (Hear, hear.) In the meantime the 1 market is in a most sensitive condition. There is a vast amount of capital and machinery most anxious to be em ployed the moment there ie an opportunity of earning the smallest profit. A fall of a ld. or 2d. per lb. is watched for in Liverpool with the deepest anxiety, and notwith standing the glut in the foreign market there are a number of merchants ready to rush in and work up what cotton there is the moment there is a fall. The result is to increase the amount of goods already in existence, and to cause a constant alternation of improvement and de pression. That state of things will probably continue for a lengthened period; and it will, indeed, be long before the trade can be restored to its originallcondition. Indeed, I doubt whether it will ever again reach the magnitude which it attained in 1860 and 1861, and I don't know whether perhaps it is altogether desirable that it should ; but at any rate it must long continue in a state of depres sion. No doubt there is a large sum in the hands of the relief committees, the application of which will be rigorously watched ; but that is no reason why the public should relax their exertions if they desire to sustain the working classes during the present crisis. (Hear.) There are several other hwe topics of very considerable importance, respectingswhwTll be are told in the speech of her Majesty that par: laid before us. Amongst these are the affairhsaovfe stlrivyl: and Denmark. On alt three countries wem unable to congra partially supplied with papers ; but I a t for Foreign Affairs Greece, tulate the noble earl the Secretary of S achievements (Hear, t o n n a th d e e b p r a i r l t l m ian en t h as t su in cc w es h s i w ch hi hr e de h is to Denmark, we have all seen and laughter.) With e r have all read some despatches of the so attended ewtahaeta his iti s. some papers, little astonishment, or noble earl. I canondfeswfs th . r wlasreaatda losse to m recon w cile t s h ome • h the previous declarations, recommendations,and advice of the noble earl and the noble viscount at the head of her Majesty's Government. (Hear.) I confess I read the whole correspondence with a feeling of humiliation, for I was at a loss to say which of four documents reflected the greatest amount, I might say of ridicule, on British diplomacy. (Cheers.) The first was the despatch of the noble earl, origi nating the discussion, and tendering advice which was cer tainly not asked for by the Danish Government, and which PRICE..... -...4d. STAMPED ....sd. was equally certainly not followed by them. i'Laughter.) The second was the able reply of the Danish Minister. The third was the despatch which, if indeed it was genuine, was addressed by the Swedish minister to the noble earl, thank ing him for communicating information (which Sweden already knew) as to the effect cf the first document. The fourth was a document about the authenticity of which there could be no doubt—the despatch which your lordships are aware was addressed by a certain Count Elsinore to a certain Earl Russell. (Laughter.) I must say, however, that if I had to determine which of the four had been most successful in throwing ridicule on our diplomacy, I should give the preference to the original despatch of the noble earl. (Laughter.) The noble Earl and myself hid once the happiness to be colleagues of one of the most able, the most agreeable, and the shrewdest men I ever had the good for tune to meet with—the late Lord Melbourne. There was one piece of ad vice which Lord Melboaine was always in culcating upon his colleagues, but by which I am afraid the noble earl has not profited. Whenever any matter arose which involved considerable difficulty or embarrassment, Lord Melbourne's favourite precept used to be, " Can't you let it alone ?" (Laughter.) The noble earl must, I am sure, recollect the manner in which Lord Melbourne used to say " Can't you let it alone ; it will do very well if you will only let it alone." But with all the advantage of Lcrd Mel bourne's precept and example, the noble lord can't let it alone. (Laughter and cheers.) Whatever it may be, he can't let it alone. The noble earl's readiness to undertake every. thing has been proverbial since the days of Sydney Smith. (Laughter.) If there is any difficulty to be settled—if there is any new constitution to be reorganised at once—if there is any embarrassing question which has occupied the at tention of statestnettia yeaTicliSralidoir ffirteriturieK-ffie noble earl is quite ready at a minute's notice. His language is always " Come to me, I'll settle it for yun, I'll tell you what to do ;" and he sometimes comes forward to offer his gratuitous advice without even that apology which used to be made by a very popular character, " I hope I don't in trude." (Laughter.) To speak seriously, if the noble earl must needs cfer his advice to Denmark could ho not have satisfied himself with communicating privately with the Danish minister ? Does he not see that by taking the broad line which he did in the face of Europe he has materially in creased the embarrassment of the Danish Government, and induced Prussia and Russia to bring upon it that pressure which such sentiments, enunciated for the first time by the British Government, could not fail to exert. (Hear.) But if the noble lord's intervention in Denmark has been so success ful what has been the case with his intervention at Rome? (Cheers and laughter.) If England must give the Pope advice, does the noble earl think that he was the person from whom the Holy Father would be most ready to accept it ?—(laughter)—and what was the moment the noble earl chose for the purpose ? The Pope having casually made the remark that he might perhaps one day seek the hospi tality of England, the noble earl at once makes him a formal offer of ships to take him away, accompanied by advice to take the earliest opportunity of leaving Rome, and a pro- mise of an asylum in Malta. (Laughter.) But the mo ment he did this was precisely that at which the Emperor of the French had promised the Pope to maintain him in Rome, Thus while the noble earl was intervening to in duce the Pope to go away, France was intervening to keep him where he was; and this was the French alliance, this the cordiality, the unity, and the harmony with which England and France were acting with respect to the affairs of Italy. (Cheers.) But was it or the interests of Europe that the Pope should be maintained, under the protection of a Protestant Government, in a colony the majority of which are Roman Catholics ? Why, if there was any posi tion which could be conceived more calculated than another to produce the greatest amount of difficulty and embarrass ment, it would be the Pope at Malta. (Cheers.) There is another questicn of great importance referred to in her Ma jesty's speech—l mean the constitution of the new kingdom of Greece, and proposed cession of the lonian Isles. With regard to the first of these I am not satisfied with the course which has been pursued by her Majesty's Government. When the revolution took place it is only just to the Greek nation to bear witness to the singular moderation, good feeling, good temper, and judgment which they dis played throughout. 1 do not think there was a drop of blood spilt. Ido not think there was an intem perate word ;spoken or a violent act done. Nothing, in fact, could be more creditable than the unanimity and mode ration of the inhabitants ; and nothing could be more ere- ' ditable to them than the personal compliment which they paid to the sovereign of this country and to the constitu tion under which we have the happiness to live, when they desired to place themselves under a branch of our royal family. Her Majesty says on that point :—" But the diplomatic engagements of her Majesty's crown, together with other weighty considerations, have prevented her Ma jesty from yielding to the general wish of the Greek nation." These " other weighty considerations" seem to be consi dered equally weighty by other persons, for it does not ap pear that any one has yet been found willing to accept the Greek throne. It is true, we were informed a short time ago that arrangements were likely to be made which would afford a satisfactory solution to the difficulty, but it now appears that the negotiations were terminated, and ter minated unsuccessfully. If, however, diplomatic rea sons prevented her Majesty's Government from accept ing the throne for Prince Alfred, I want to know why for a considerable period hopes were held out to the Greek people that Prince Alfred would be a candidate for their crown ? Why was it that instructions were sent out to their minister at Athens not to interfere in the pro gress of events ? Either the noble earl once contemplated accepting the throne for Prince Alfred, or he did not. If he did not, he has acted most unfairly and ungenerously to the Greek people in allowing them so long to entertain the hopes they had. If he did, then he must have withdrawn from his purpose in a not very dignified manner in conse quence of the strong language of France and Russia, and on one or other horn of this dilemma I leave him. (Hear, hear.) But there is another subject of very great difficulty which is mentioned in her Majesty's speech—the proposed cession of the lonian Islands. I look upon this question not as one affecting Greece merely, but as it affects the interests of this country and of Europe at large. lam not about to say that her Majesty could not constitutionally cede these islands without the consent of Parliament. Ido not speak of them as a part of her Majesty's dominions, so that their cession would be a dismemberment of the empire ; but still I think the thing ought not to be precipitately done, for it involves a serious question of European policy, which had been determined after grave deliberation ; and I think also that it seriously affects the interest of this country in the Mediterranean. For, observe what was the position of the case previous to 1814. The lonian Islands, or a great part of them, had been captured by Great Britain. Corfu had not been taken by us, but it had been blockaded for two years, and on the fall of Napoleon the French authorities in the island surrendered it to us ; so that it was not then lightly thought of. I believe that both naval and military officers concurred at that period in thinking the lonian Islands of that i mm ense importance to us. Lor d Collingwood said the possession of Corfu was as good as two frigates to his fleet. It is, in fact, a position of the utmost geographical importance, more especially having reference to our com munications with India by way of Egypt and the Red Sea. (Hear, hear.) It is not, therefore, a place to be regarded as worthy of little consideration. I admit that some expense is necessary for maintaining it under our power, but the question is, does not its importance justify that expendi ture ? I would ask the illustrious duke on the cross benches (the Duke of Cambridge) whether he did not find during the Crimean War that the possession of Corfu, and the power of withdrawing from it regiments of the line, to be replaced by regiments of militia, was an important assistance to our arms. (Hear, hear.) I am not arguing that at no time it would be desirable, but I greatly doubt whether it would ever be the interest of England to surrender that nominal protectorate which con stitutes the lonian Islands in reality though not in form a British possession. But of this lam sure, that the utmost attention ought to be bestowed upon the subject by the Government before throwing up so important a possession. I think I can recollect, and I dare say the noble earl will recollect, that some time ago, when he was t e i p n e ter : 3 n sts in the other House of Parliament of the which England had in the Adriatic, se h rn e e A hon ri g . when the him what interests England had in the d amtie:ber asked noble earl replied, " Englandohl the harbour of Corfu." the e e Secretary of the part of her Majes ty's And only last year the noble one Colonies disclaimed any s e on e this m on n ian tru l s s t la i n si d p s a . Government to surrender the con sidered the protectorate was the et noblethe pa rt idea in go with parting th th th so e le i country, aßnedtstaaidwthheemre was with it. e lonian 'elan ds r Y o u propose gratuitously to p ar t w i th these islan ds to a Government not yet formed—(hear, hea r ) __which was still in the throes of revolutiou—(hear, hear) .—and you propose to give them to this Power unasked for, and, as I will presently show, in direct opposition and con tradiction to all the principles Lid down by the noble earl himself as to the regulation of the policy of the country. My lords, in a correspondence of the noble earl, again T think somewhat gratuitously, with Prince Gortschakoff, the noble earl laid down the principles which should regulate the con duct of this country in the East, and he insisted, in terms with which Prince Gortschakoff agreed, in the necessity on the part of Greece of an absolute abandonment of all acts of agitation, and of that revolutionary spirit which threatened all the thrones of Europe. The noble earl said the great object was to prevent Greece from being a dangerous enemy to Turkey. That no doubt was the object; but how did the noble earl propose to do this ? He insisted first of all upon a monarchy—l presume a constitutional monarchy—a mon archy with a Parliament, a monarchy in which:the Parlia ment should exercise some influence over the foreign domestia affairs of the country. He:proceeded t i t: e i c r th at when such a monarchy shall have been established, Boning its grandes idees, abandoning the idea Turkish Iron its territories, and of interference with the Oaf extenyabdaning THE FOREST.-SUNSET. cc When good Little Goody Two Shoes had finished her ten sets of letters , she invited a great number of her poor !title Companions to meet together under an old oak tree, and there she taught them. —Old Stu y. The Demon Envy, Mr. GLIN DON. Hatred and Malice (his attendants), Messrs. Scowl and Growl. _ The Bad Boy's Compact with the Evil Genius, and what followed therefrom. HAUNT OF THE WOOD NYMPHS IN THE ENCHANTED DELL. May, Miss WENT WORTH. ?`,!- -I_4/ t/> f z . '- /. . . , 0 , /1-.‹ So /; , _----. _ . ~,Q. 0,, , 4 ~ , . 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The LORD CHANCELLOR read her Majesty's Speech as follows : MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, Her Majesty commands us to inform you that since you were last assembled she has declared her consent to a marriage between His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales and Her Royal Highness the Princess Alexandra, daughter of Prince Christian of Denmark ; and her Majesty has concluded thereupon a treaty with the King of Denmark, which will be laid before you. The constant proofs which her Majesty has received of your attachment to her person and family persuade her that you will participate in her sentiments on an event so interesting to her Majesty, and which, with the blessing of God, will, she trusts, prove so conducive to the happiness of her family and to the welfare of her people. Her Majesty doubts not that you will enable her to make provision for such an establishment as you may think suitable to the rank and dignity of the Heir Apparent to the Crown of these realms. A revolution having taken place in Greece, by which the Throne of that Kingdom has be come vacant, the Greek nation have ex pressed the strongest desire that her Majesty's son Prince Alfred should accept the Greek Crown. This unsolicited and spontaneous manifestation of good-will towards her Majesty and her Family, and of a due appreciation of the bene fits conferred by the principles and practice of the British Constitution, could not fail to be highly gratifying, and has been deeply felt by her Majesty. But the diplomatic engagements of her Majesty's Crown, together with other weighty considerations, have prevented her Majesty from yielding to this general wish of the Greek nation. Her Majesty trusts, however, that the same principles of choice which led the Greek nation to direct their thoughts, in the first instance, to wards His Royal Highness Prince Alfred, may guide them to the selection of a Sovereign under whose sway the Kingdom of Greece may enjoy the blessings of internal prosperity and of peaceful relations with other States; and if in such a state of things the Republic of the Seven Islands should declare a deliberate wish to be united to the Kingdom of Greece, her Majesty would be prepared to take such steps as may be necessary for a revision of the Treaty of November, 1815, by which that Republic was reconstituted and was placed under the pro tection of the British Crown. Her Majesty's relations with foreign Powers continue to be friendly and seisfactory. Her Majesty has abstained from taking any step with a view to induce a cessation of the conflict between the contending parties in the North Ame rican States ; because it has not yet seemed to Her Majesty that any such overtures could be attended with a probability of success. Her Majesty has viewed with the deepest concern the desolating warfare which still rages in those regions ; and she has wit nessed with heartfelt grief the severe dis tress and suffering which that war has inflicted upon a large class of her Majesty's subjects, but which have been borne by them with noble forti tude and with exemplary resignation. It is some consolation to her Majesty to be led to hope that this suffering and this distress are rather dimi nishing than increasing; and that some revival of employment is beginning to take place in the manu facturing districts. It has been most gratifying to her Majesty to witness the abundant generosity with which all classes of her subjects in all parts of her Em pire have contributed to relieve the wants of their suffering fellow-countrymen ; and the libe rality with which her Majesty's colonial subjects have on this occasion given their aid has proved that, although their dwelling-places are far away, their hearts are still warm with unabated affection for the land of their fathers. The Relief Committees have superintended with constant and laborious attention the distribution of the funds entrusted to their charge. Her Majesty commands us to inform you that she has concluded with the King of the Belgians a treaty of commerce and navigation, and a conven tion respecting joint-stock companies. That treaty and that convention will be laid before you. Her Majesty has likewise given directions that there shall be laid before you papers relating to the affairs of Italy, of Greece, and of Denmark, and that papers shall also be laid before you relating to occurrences which have lately taken place in Japan. GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, Her Majesty has directed that the Estimates for the ensuing year shall be laid before you. They have been prepared with a due regard to economy, and will provide for such reductions of expenditure as have appeared to be consistent with the proper efficiency of the public service. MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN, We are commanded by her Majesty to inform you that notwithstanding the continuance of the civil war in North America, the general commerce of the country during the past year has not sensibly diminished. -.............__. The Freaty of Commerce which her Majesty concluded with the Emperor of the French has already been productive of results highly advan tageous to both the nations to which it applies ; and c: g 38"ernof that cou ntry. the general state of the Revenue, notwithstanding many unfavourable circumstances, has not been un satisfactory, Her Majesty trusts that these results may be taken as proofs that the productive resources of the country are unimpaired. It has been gratifying to her Majesty to ob serve the spirit of order which happily prevails throughout her dominions, and which is so essential an element in the well-being and pro sperity of nations. Various measures of public usefulness and im provement will be submitted for your considera tion; and her Majesty fervently prays that in all your deliberations the blessing of Almighty God may guide your counsels to the promotion of the welfare and happiness of her people. The Earl of DUDLEY rose to move that an humble ' address be presented to her Majesty in answer to her most gracious Speech, and said he was relieved of much of the anxiety which naturally attached to those performing the duty that now devolved upon him in consequence of the satisfactory statements it contained. The intimation of her Majesty that the marriage of his Royal Highness had been determined on would be received with the greatest joy by the whole country, and he sincerely trusted that it would be i p n ro t d h u e ct e iv o e ur o s f e th o e f greatest tim happiness to her Majesty and his Royal Highness. It was a source of the highest gratifica tion Gee t c o e their lordships that his Royal Highness on that Heoccasion had e t h a o k s e e n : h t : place amongst the peers of England. with t trusted that that marriage would be attended he greatest domestic happiness to one who, found willing and ablee—ttat;:ilwie t Greeks tant— amongst would as England. be called upon to govern a country se power fuld The neat fie h idl i:h he hoped was far dis , and it topic that presented itself was fervently va t O csaonv b te e rt hoped, although the fi rst would be found capable could not be ol: the people of that country hoped that the a the first might seem to some ' fl o a t' of the lonian Islands at paragraph relating to the be given to another country, but that was might appear that a portion of thisvekrr startling, because it Was about to England had but the protectorate savage warfare that at present existed eislands. The side of the Atlantic was a cause of universal the other grief, and he hoped in the interests of 411i " r sal humanity that n c o o tu b u t some t u r t y h . de becauseTs ot h ubi l T h e that , tate of things would shortly end. It was the m earnest desire of all in this country that the war shout - 2 NEW S Rt%.PE icr," FL4t , „ tier, he would ar , vl -- `,43 4 e Powers to o lA*: • for the surrender to such a monarchy of 4 0 1 r My lords, I think that would be postpls .. n&i 4f Lta . ?- 7 4 , of the lonian Islands to a very long , - ae) Graeae kalendas. How soon will the 4itle Arl be satisfied, not that the monarchy is established, but that the legislature of that monarchy will be sufficientlT, willing, sufficiently able, and sufficiently determined to dis courage that dangerous spit it of aggression against which the noble earl protests ? Then how does he propose to assist them ? Hejproposes to join to them a number of islands at present under the protection of Great Britain, that have been the foremost agitators in that spirit of aggression against Turkey which the noble lord says would be an abso lute bar to the cession. The very address of thanks of the chamber for the promised surrender contained expressions of gratitude, for they saw in it the support of England for the future struggles which must take place for the extension of Christianity in Asia—in other words, for assaults upon the territory of Turkey. The noble earl assists this constitu tional government to resist this spirit of aggression by throwing into them a nation who as one man are in favour of this very spirit of aggression. The noble earl says, " No doubt that is quite true, but our cession is entirely condi tional upon our terms being complied with." Coul,l the noble earl devise any means more injurious for rendering the government of these islands absolutely impossible than hanging over their heads for two or three years the prospect of the attainment of the object on which they are so bent? I think that this conditional promise made a government not yet formed—a government uncommitted to any line of future policy, and as to the future policy of which it is im possible to form an opinion —this cession of the lonian. Islands, proposed to be made to a country suited as I have described, and utterly incapable of coping with the naval piracy which invests these seas—(hear,'• hear)---and which has hitherto been kept down by the power and assistance of Great Britain, is one of the greatest mistakes which in my memory has been ever committed by any minister. (Cheers.) But, my lords, I do not despair that the country will yet refuse its assent to this ill-judged proposition. (Hear, hear.) Nay, I think from the terms used in the an swer to the address, in reply to her Majesty's gracious speech, that there is sometlittle hesitation, some feeling `that this - prtrpolallhaqiidt - take effect, and that the arrange ments made by the noble lord together with diplomatic liabilities may concur in preventing the noble earl from carrying out the cession of the lonian Islands. The noble duke opposite has already pronounced an opinion which is perfectly just, that the sense and intelligence of the lonian Islands, if it could be fairly ascertained, and more especi ally that of Corfu, is strongly against the proposed cession, and against the popular clamour in favour of it. Then look at the position of Corfu, one of the most important of the islands from the situation of its harbour and its fortifica tions, the efficiency of which I don't say much for, but which at all events have cost a great deal more money than they should have cost. What is the position of Corfu with reference to any part of Greece ? It lies 80 miles north, at the nearest point, of the boundary of Greece, but within a mile of the coast of Thessaly, a part of the Turkish domi nions which offers a most favourable opportunity for con stant—l will not say invasion—but constant broils being kept up which will infallibly lead, if not to war, at least to struggles in which Greece may probably get much the worst of it, and to some new arrangements which may lead to Corfu falling into the hands of some other Power—neither Greece nor Turkey. (Hear, hear.) I implore her Majesty's Government, if they have not already gone too far, to con sider the importance of the step they have taken, and I earnestly conjure Parliament and the people of this country maturely to consider the question, in the hope that public opinion will successfully interpose against the carrying into effect a step the most suicidal and most imprudent of any I recollect.• (Hear, hear.) Upon the subject of our domestic relations on some occasions, undoubtedly, I have had reason to complain that her Majesty's Government have made great professions and promises which they have not fulfilled. That cannot certainly be said of them on the present occasion. The noble earl who seconded the r Address said a few words upon one of the bills about to be brought in in pursuance of the recommendations of her Majesty's Government in order to carry out the views of the commission, which has already had two or three sittings about a week ago, in which they settled the whole of the complex and difficult question of convict esta blishments. I think the noble earl in this respect spoke a little out of the four corners of his brief. (A laugh.) Of course, whether he has had a confidential communication on this subject, it is not for me to say. Her Majesty's Go vernment have not thrown any great light upon the mea• stares they propose to introduce this session, and therefore they will not lay themselves open to any blame for having fallen short of their professions. I presume they will be satisfied with their measures being humble and useful-- that there are to be no very ambitious measures, no great and sweeping alterations of the constitution, no attack upon the Church of England made or sanctioned by the Ministry, but that they will go quietly along, improve the turnpike • roads, amending the Bankruptcy Bill—(a laugh)—which was passed only two years ago, and in the amendment of which they will find plenty to do, and that we shall have a quiet, amiable, useful, hundrum session. (Laughter.) Be fore I sit down I wiil say one word upon a topic not men tioned in the speech, but which has already been touched upon by a noble lord—l mean the public and the personal loss which we have all sustained by the death of a noble marquis, of whom the noble earl (Russell) and I have each been a colleague. The noble earl will, I am sure, feel deeply with me the obligations we were under to the noble marquis for the uniform patience, forbearance, good judgment, and good temper which he manifested on every occasion that came under our consideration. Your lordships have had the opportunity of seeing him for several years leader of her Majesty's Government in this house, and some years ago, upon his partial retirement from public life, a most unanimous testimony was afforded of the esteem, respect, love, and affection with which he was regarded both by his own supporters and by this side of the house. (Hear, hear.) Of late the noble marquis has not taken a very active part in your lordships' discussions, but in the circle of private life he has shown that he has not lost the esteem and regard of his friends, and he goes from this world honoured and respected, a good old marl, without leaving behind him a single enemy. (Cheers.) Earl RUSSELL—Your lordships will not have been sur prised that the greater part of the noble earl's speech has been taken up with foreign affairs, and I shall attempt to answer those parts of his speech which attack the manage ment of our foreign affairs. But first I must touch upon those topics in the noble earl's speech in respect of which I have the happiness of agreeing with the noble earl. The first is that we congratulate her Majesty upon the auspicious marriage that is about to take place. I think we must con sider that in wishing happiness to those who are about to be united in marriage we are wishing for the advancement of our own interests, because the happiness of the Royal pair may greatly tend to form the happiness of the country at large. Passing from that topic, I come to a question upon which the noble lord spoke at considerable length; I mean the United States. Upon that topic, also, lam glad to agree, for the most part, in the observations of the noble earl. I believe that her Majesty's Government has exercised a wise discretion in not interfering, or rather— for it was not interfering—in not joining in giving advice as the Emperor of the French proposed to one of the belligerents. I think we were right, for this reason, that there may come a time when the belligerents them selves, exhausted by the struggle, may wish to refer to some foreign Power to assist them in making that peace which it is so desirable to establish. As to the question of recogni tion, the noble earl has rightly remarked that there are two kinds of recognition. As examples of the first kind of intervention we have in old times the cases of Holland and Portugal, and in modern times the cases of Belgium and Greece ; but no one in this country, I believe, wishes for a forcible intervention on behalf of either of the parties to the pending struggle. The cases of Holland, Portugal, Bel gium, and Greece were small matters compared with the vast and dreadful struggle in which we should have to in • terfere if we should attempt to decide the claims o f that t e i r s par the ti o e t s he i r s party, But there is another kind of recognition, an d . failed, and when, there tYht.hasWe are not arrived at that a eih re a c u og ete ni d tio h n y w th h e e w n ar it , is wh o en bvi th ous e attthei.:natpotnwe of m the parti es and of the Southern States is fppooarri,yt peaceys u e subm it becais it an to ust hi o s a sy u t t as h ote o ug n: the s t r uggle now going on in different say with undiminished, but with in creased u e d oPf, p tl o h w evill er U , ni an nt d oetd uron a vaster scale. Therefore nothing ni tbi at btentgyh. reformed, eeet r fhaerTin ot s eeremxuae i t t calamity, otaedrom, t ha fi his.itfth. ynten,hntslaeotefnr struggle, i thing,l tgdt g ve hwflaeeet: r r r ecourse sennhogtpdouhswowrsesoeshsefvui possible that it t v itc o uho jah i ga en i m tit ep t y d t h i o ho wbe m l en e i t n ull uo d fn oi kfr eitwohrnoeu u n wis e nee mi ght b l st d e e Southba af fection and attachment towards it could be revived in the South, I for one would be glad to see the Union again formed. If, on the other hand, the North were to fail, and separation were finally decreed by the events of the war, I should be glad to see peace established upon those terms But there might be, I say, one end of the war that would prove a calamity to the United States and to the world, and especially to the negro in those countries, and that would be the subjugation of the South by the North. One of the first consequences of such a subjugation would be that the North must keep up a large army, must renounce all its former policy, and must put down by force free discussion and a free press in the South. That would be a dangerous thing. Would not anarchy prevail in the South I' Would not the whole state of society and of labour be disorganised, perhaps for a century to come ? I hope, whatever may be the issue of this contest, that such may not be the results. I trust we shall see at the close of this struggle either one great republic or two great republics in the full enjoyment of free dom and all the advantages of a great and independent Power. For my part, I own that before the contest began to wit ancestors,o n o e u s r s o the a . p a r n o lci s t p w e h r aa i v t s y ,i nl o g f a people descend e d I rejoiced in seei n g the p rogress of the U nited States, and t h l n w k s , a a n s d p e eptearesloenaa at was proud Englishman must re j o i ce, and I should rr t wl f i r h o her m iethy ou eevi r me o ryi cer tainly lament if the end of this struggle did not leave the people in those States in the full enjoyment of the benefits an d privileges which dignify and adorn mankind. The noble earl next referred to a subject which is indeed a very paiuful one, and that is the distress in the North. Far be it from me (Continued on Page :three) RIS. ►d 40a 338 to to 30i er qr. met a tip. down. 'p. town. 8 Cd; —Red y, 6s Od to nand tons day 15,1 C 0 34,900 11,825 )7,354 )4;480 '7,311 ••••••• 1,824 • 18. 12. ,~