The Sun. — London, England, 1831-06-10 00:00:00

I t ' .w. ' '&• 5131.111 T OF IHE PUBLIC SOURNILS. Ties abdication of the Emperor Don Pedro, and Ns abandonment of Brazil, is far from being an ure 'foreseen or unexpected event. Since the separation -of that extensive colony from Portugal, by treaty in 1825, the Brazilians have been jtealous of any re newed connexion with Europe calculated to involve them in European quarrels. Their chief motive adopting the son of their late King fel- their Empe 'ror, and in agreeing to the articles of a convention by which he renounced all his claims upon the old world, was to have a domestic Government, and to prevent the resources of their country from being squandered in the maintenance of distant interests. Yet no sooner had the treaty been agreed to, than the old King of Portugal diet, and the Emperor en gaged in negociations for the support of his family seswer in Portugal. The Braziliittt conceived that their interests were neglected, and that the narrow views of the Braganza Princes had got complete dominion over the first European dynasty in the western world. They saw envoys arriving from the Courts of the Holy Alliance, and missions despatched to Kings and Emperors in the e ld wor ld , not to settle great political questions'--not to nego tiate commercial treaties, or to promote politic a l im provements —but to determine the etiquette of Courts, to look out for fit subjects to share the imper'al honours, to arrange marriage settlements, and to secure the infant daeghter of their Sove reign in the possession of the ancient crown of his family, even at• the disgrace of sharing it with such a " monster" as his brother. This is • not all. A civil war arose between the partisans of his daughter and the supporters of his brother,—a war in which we heartily desired suc cess to the former, because she hoisted the standard, not of Braganza despotism, but of constitut;onal freedom. In this war " the righteous cause," has been defeated, and the whole expenses of the con test have been thrown on the Emperor, or, in other words, upon Brazil, which had engaged the Emperor to separate himself for ever from family alliances or private politics, The funds which the Brazilian Government had set apart for the payment of the dividends on its acknowledged debt, were appros priated by the envoys of the Emperor for the sup port of his daughter's rights ; and the country which supplies us in such abundance with precious metals and precious stones—where the gold washings of the mountain-streams make the fabled Pactolus joke—became bankrupt on the Exchange of Lon don, because the Emperor's daughter was obliged to send au expedition to Oporto, and to support a Re gency at Terceira. his was not the only expenditure to which the unfortunate issue of his affairs in Europe compelled the Emperor. His daughter was recal ed from Europe, and established as Queen of Portugal in a palace at Rio Janeiro, with a Court and Court pageantry of her own, out of the Braz;lian budget. Those faithful Portuguese who had suffered the loss of all their property and consideration in the unsucressful attempt to place her on the throne, flocked to Brazil in quest of mainte nance or employment. The Emperor could not withhold his favour from such meritorious servants; and every smile—much more every pittance of pecu niary relief which he bestowed upon them—was considered, pro tanto, as a robbery of his Brazilian subjects. These old family partialities, which were sufficient to alienate the affections of even reasonable Brazilian patriots from the Emperor, were aggravated in the eyes of the leading politicians at Rio by a dislike to his Majesty on other grounds, and by a predilection for a system of policy to which any Emperor void have been an obstacle. Don Pedro, in order to maintain his independent Sovereignty in Brazil, while Portugal was subject to the Cortes, or to his father, was obliged to throw himself into the arms of the republican or liberal party. Ho even became the head of all the mason lodges in Brazil (a policy abhorred by the old church party), in order that he might evince a sympathy with their repub licem principles, or continue master of their political schemes. Since that time, he has given offence to the Liberal party by his desertion of their cause, by his peremptory disposition, his arbitrary conduct, his sudden dismissals of Legislative Chambers, and his self-willed direction of his European affairs.— The party or faction, too, which have lately gained the ascendancy in Brazil, having their own theories to realize—their own views to gratify—and having adopted as a system, that as they saw only republics in the whole of the Western hemisphere, with the exception of Brazil, the republican form of govern ment would best suit that country likewise, have been desirous of getting rid of the Emperor, of his Court, and of his newly-created nobility. Though, therefore, he has appointed his son, an infant of five years of age, as Regent, it is not likely that the maintained form of government can be matained in the person of a minor, which was unable to stand its ground under a ruler of considerable talent, ex perience, and energy. If our suspicions in this re spect be well founded, probably a few packets hence we shall have to record the deposition of the Regency, and the declaration of a republic in Bra cll.— Times. As the meeting 'of Parliament approaches, the interest respecting the important measure incteaces. Now that the majority in the Commons is secure, a " longing, lingering' affection for the old abuses would suggest the flattering hope that the Lords may throw out the Bill. There is no assembly in which there are riot some few rash and inconsiderate men, but we are convinced that the calm good sense of the House of Peers will too well weigh public wants and wishes to offer a wanton opposition to them. We do not say that the House of Lords would have originated the Bill : exclusive of the interest which too many of them possess in the rotten boroughs, the House is naturally given to repose in tranquil dignity, and to resist any change, and very properly so,—for many changes do not pay for the trouble of effecting them ;—but tranquillity is now all on the other side, and the trouble would spring from resisting the Bill, for opposition to it is opposition to King, Commons, and people. Now, though honourable men cannot entirely change their opinion, even should all the world be against them, yet who is not induced to doubt his own opinion when he sees that it finds no support ? The Lords will, therefore, we have no doubt, pass the Bill : indeed, the sober-minded would net like such leaders as passion and prejudice would undoubtedly place at their bead.--Tinos. Nothing, we hope and trust, will now impede the course of public charity on behalf of the poor of Ire land. The accounts of their distress become every hour more dreadful. Two hundred thousand human , beings are solemnly declared, by gentlemen who offer to attest the fact by a cloud of sworn witnesses, to be actually without food or the means of procur ing it, in the two counties of Mayo and Galway only. The Lord Lieutenant, it appears, has sub scribed 1001. Had Lord A nglesea been proprietor of an estate, the tenantry of which were in a starving conditio n , or had that kind-hearted nobleman been in any manner misery just described t him by the local committee as prevalent throughout the western counties, we arc sure that he would have confined his assist ance to any moderate sum of money from his purse. His Excellency would have proceeded to the spot in person,—he would have made an every cottage %extensive and on his lands,—he would have rn am ad i‘ whenwtis payable very strict inquiry into the rent wh l ic by each poor tenant, and reduced it,exorbi tant, within humane and civilized limits would be the conduct not merely of a generOus This land lord, but of every man, no matter what his rank, with the least pretensions to honesty. It is true the existing hunger must be relieved, but it is also manifest that nothing is gained for the poor, be yond preparing the materials of future and inter minable famines, if a practice be not established of less disproportioned rents; leaving the humble occupier some av era g e surplus for himself, above the sum to be exacted by his landlord, instead of charging him more than double the price of any produce which can, by any skill or toil, be raised from his tnistrable Age, and thus plunging him inV Isterstatic and incurable insolvency. it is certaitk , o the people of England a revolting circumstance, that landlords of Ireland should from age to age in . - dulge in the most heartless neglect of the most ob vious duties to their native poor; and that whenever, and so often as, the effects of this their cruelty be come visible in the spread efwretchedness and dis - - ease, we Englishmen are to come "forward and sa crifice our own means that the enornecus exactions of the Irish taskmasters me; lie untouched within their pockets. With the exception of Lord Sligo, who has r.tpported many hundreds of the poor, and of a charitable lady, who has contributed in one splendid gift 4,000 f. from her own purse, it does not appear that the charity of the Irish proprietors throughout the famine counties has p::oeiuced more than 2,000/. or 3,000/ 'more than probably about two per vent. 'Of their rentals. The people of England are thus placed in a cruel preditament. If see give our money, we encourage and help to per petuate the crime of these unfeeling men : if we refuse it, vra behold their helpless victims perish. It does not signify what coinmittee - 3 may report, or what schemes may be ttretertaken by bustling pro jectors, but the Legislature must instantly enforce a code of rradical regulations, for entitling the poor of Ireland to subsistence from the soil, when they cannot obtain it, from any other source. The land lords may G:11 us, the fault is not ours, and why should we be punished ? Neither, ‘ll2 reply, are the people in fault,—the surfeee o the earth is yours. You invited these poor creatures to occupy and work it far your profit—you wished them to in crease and multiply for your own ‘..ggrandizement, not theirs. Which is it, better that they should die by torture, or that should divide the wealth of the soil with them, even though you should be put to tire inconvenience of disgorging a part of it ? There is .not in Europe a rttce of human beings so ground down by vi•l'vations as the Irish,—there is not in Ec.: - ope, or out of it, a body of men more distitiCtly chargeable with the creation of the mise ries which surround them, than the landlords of Ire land. The people of this bountry cannot suffer them selves and their poor Irish neighbours to be thus wickedky unposed upon much longer.—Tinzes. We call the attention of our readers to a well written communication, in another column, on Law Reform, under the signatureof " A Traveller," which alludes delicately to the circumstances which render professional lawyers in England less fit, in some respects, than the lawyers of other countries to effect improvements in the law. But the main object of the communication is to show, that what is merely talked about in England as being desirable, has in reality been long since realized in America. Our correspondent gives an account of the mode in which Commissioners, appointed by the rich and populous State of New York, proceeded in the re vision of the immense mass of Statute law of that commonwealth, which was completed for a sum not exceeding three thousand pounds. What has thus been accomplished in a country of kindred laws, language, and manner, is eminently deserving of the attention of those who are at the head of our own institutions.—Morning Chronicle. We have been furnished by a Correspondent, with No. 44 of the Preacher, containing a report of Mr. M'Neile's sermon, which, the writer affirms, was authorised and corrected by Mr. INl`Neile him self. He complains that we have imputed words to Mr. M'Neile, which were never uttered in the form in which we have represented them. As we have no wish to misrepresent Mr. M‘Neile, we shall transcribe the passage to which we principally ob jected, from this authorised version : " My dear brethren, the licentiousness of the women of a nation is the sure forerunner of the most deadly calami ties. It stupifies all the remaining kind and generous feelings which makes a people stand for true principle of any sort. Even our profane writers could see this--even our profane poets could show that this sin, the licentious ness of a nation, stupifies all that is valuable, and all that is right, and ail that is generous, and all that is kind and tender. Do you not remember one of them says concerning it : I wave the quantum of the sin.' (The ungodly man! to wave the quantum of the sin, but he did)— I wave the quantum of the sin, The hazird of concealing; But, oh, it hardens all within, And petrifies the feeling.' The condition of this country in this respect is truly very fearful. And here, under the righteous canopy of the ex planation I have already made, I must not hold my tongue against one of the most flagrant, one of the most sinful affronts that has, since the reign of the profligate Charles, been put upon a country, or upon the morals of a Chris tian nation. My dear brethren, must I not say it ? Can I answer for myself before God if I say it not, in applying such a portion of Scripture as this ? What do I mean ? I allude to what a righteous nation ought to rise in indig nation against—l allude to what the Church in this na tion, if it was worth its standing, should protest against —I allude to what every Bishop and every pastor in our National Church should exclaim against—l allude to bringing before the public, into public notice, and putting into the Gazette, putting into honour, and dignity, and station—what shall I say ?—children that are the fruit of fornication, that are the fruit of ungodliness in the land. Oh! my brethren, if the Ministers of Ged will not tell of these things, who can we expect to stand up for the Lord ? Whence shall the righteous feelings of a nation rise up, but from the faithfulness of God's witnesses? And if from fear of men they shall not witness, what can be ex pected ? If the salt shall lose its savour, wherewith shall the country be salted ?" Other variations are noticed between the version in the Pulpit, and the one from which we have made the above quotation. Thus, for instance, in the passage animadverting on Parliament, in the former he is represented as saying " We behold the one burning incense to education," while the word really used was " emigration ;" and as using the words, " so they say in the midst of theirdrerings," instead of " so they say in their madness, their affectation of wisdom." But these are comparatively immate rial points. The authorised version is even more offensive towards his Majesty than the other. " I must not hold my tongue," says the Reverend Libeller, " against one of the most sinful affronts that has, since the reign of the profligate Charles, been put upon a country, or upon the morals of a Christian nation." The profligate Charles ! What a comparison ! And how infamously unjust towards a man of the simple and domestic habits for which his Majesty has always been remarkable. Well may we exclaim with Young— " For, oh! the curs'd ungodliness of zeal ! While sinful flesh relented, spirit nurs'd In blind infallibility's embrace, The sainted spirit petrified the breast." This Reverend Inquisitor, who can make no allow ance for the unnatural restraint to which his Md• jesty was subjected by an Anti-Christian law, and would visit the unpardonable sin of the father on the children, would have no objection to see honours heaped on men enriched by mercantile gambling, and the various tricks by which fortunes are so often made in England. How many of the Peers created since the commencement of the reign of George the Third have owed their elevation to Pluto ! Would that this were the most discreditable of the means ! But how many of the Peerages, both before and since the accession of George the Third, have been obtained by treason to the best interests of their country ! If elevation to the peerage, titles, and honours, were to be confined to acknowledged and distinguished public services, then an objection might perhaps be started in the i case of the Earl of Munster (who , however, ▪ s a highly-esteemed officer); but there is no such limi tation, and there ought to be no such limitati▪ on. Property alone gives consequence to the House of Peers, and property may be said to be the only con sideration which determines the creation of a Peer. The chief objection to the creation of the Earl of Munster is, that he is not sufficiently rich; and to obviate that objection by enriching him at the ex pence of th e nation, might reasonably give rise to dissatisfaction. B ut of all the objections that could possibly be stated, the most absurd is that of his descent. With respect to his Majesty, as has been well observed by a contemporary (the Globe), " Is the parent to blame, who, not persevering in a course of immorality, but giving an example of a blameless life, enamours to repair the injury which he hes done to his children, —who must be, even in Mr. McNeile's opinion, innocent, and, so far as they are affected by the circumstances of their birthob:- jeers of compassion ?" As this insult to his Ma jesty has naturally excited much attention, we have been overwhelmed with communications on the sub: ject. One of our correspondents 'contends that we were not warranted in inferring from the sermon any hostility to the Reform Bill on the part of Mr. M'Neile, nr in making the Reformation Society an swerable for Mr. M`Neile. As a proof that repro bation of the elevation of Colonel Fitzclarence is not necessarily connected with hostility to the Res form Bill ) he has sent to us a still more objection able passage from the Christian Observer, which supports the Reform Bill, and which, he says, is under the controul of the father of the junior Mem ber for Caine. Cotitroul is a vague word; how ever, we shall allow our correspondent to speak for himself : " To the EDITOR of the MORNING CHRONICLE. " Sra, - ...Agreeing with your general views of the ques tion 'concerning the Fitzclarence family, I yet regret that your correspondent and yourself should have done injustice both to Mr. M'Neile and the Reformation Society (which Society, however, is in no way answerable for Mr. M'Neile'a language), by endeavouring to connect this isolated cir cumstance with their views of the Reform Bill. Ido not keow that Mr. M'Neile has ever publicly stated his views of the latter question. lam sure that the Society has not. " But it may easily be shown that a strong reprobation of the elevation of Colonel Fitzclarence does not neces sarily prove the writer to be inimical to the Reform Bill. The Christian Observer is well known to be under the controul of Mr. M—, the father of the junior Member for Caine. This periodical has constantly supported Lord John Russell's plan, as might, from this connection, have been reasonably expected. But the following is the language used by it, in the last number published, concerning the Peerage conferred on Colonel Fitzclarence " ' Among the notices of the month, it is with much grief we record that an illegitimate son of a pro fligate actress has been made a Peer of the Realm—a proceeding which revives some of the most disgraceful re collections of English history in the corrupt days of Charles 11. As Englishmen, and as Christians, we can not speak too strongly upon such a subject ; and our la mentations are the more keen from the recent remem brance of the Court of George 111., in which, whatever else were its faults, there was ever the most sacred regard to the national morality. An example like the present is an ominous public evil. We should have respected the King for whatever private kindness and liberal provision he might think proper for a family so unhappily circumstanced ; but to obtrude them upon the nation, and to exalt them to elevated rank is, to say the least, an instance of mis judgment, which we most seriously regret. If one of Mrs. Jordan's eons is to be made an Earl, what is to prevent another, who is in holy orders, being made a Dean, or a Bishop, without any other claim than that which accrues from his mother's profligate connection ?' " Thus, you will see that a different opinion to your own may be entertained, and even strongly expressed by one who is earnest in his advocacy of the great Mini sterial measure. " I remain, Sir, your's most respectfully, " A LOVER OF JUSTICE." And why should not the Rev. Augustus Fitz clarence be made a Dean or a Bishop, if his conduct in his sacred calling point him out as fit for the dig nity ? We have always understood that it was the boast of the Church of England, that every Curate might be a Bishop, and that he who was not fit to be a Bishop was not fit to be a Curate. We are sure that the respected individual, under whose con troul this publication is said to be, must have read this illiberal passage with the greatest regret. It is a disgrace to the Press. The praise ascribed to George the Third, on account of " his sacred re gard to :the national morality," is peculiarly ill t;med. George the Third was the cause of the ir regularity, of the consequences of which the writer complains. It was to the pride, the piti ful German pride, of George the Third and Queen Caroline, that we owe this, and the un happiness of George the Fourth. " Sir E. Coke, Sir M. Hale, and Sir John fink (says Mr. Nicholls), have all laid down this doctrine in the most ex plicit terms, that an Act of Parliament repugnant to the law of God is void. # * The law of God has not commanded marriage, but it has pointed it out as the means by which man may con tinue his race, and live in his posterity. What right could Parliament have to say The children of the Dukes of Gloucester and Cumberland shall die without issue ?' I hesitate to speak of the mischiefs which have been already produced by this Act. I fear still more to point out the greater mischiefs which may hereafter flow from it. 'What tyranny has not been practised over his present Majesty (George IV.) ? ' What cruelty has not been exer cised towards the Duke of Sussex and his children ? It was well said by some persons, while the Bill was depending in Parliament, that the title of the Bill should be, An Act to encourage Fornication and Adultery in the Descendants of George ll.' But the subject is too painful ; I will say no more on it." The authors of the Bill which necessarily led to what is now animadverted on with so much want of charity, showed a sacred regard to the national morality, the unfortunate victims of the Bill are to be compared with Charles the Second. But this is of a piece with the whole conduct of this mean, canting school. Crime by wholesale affects them not ; but any deviation from strict propriety in the means rather than the end, is a high and un pardonable offence. As Duke of Clarence, he in vaded no man's domestic sanctuary, he seduced no man's daughter. He sought the solace of female society, and the comforts of domestic life in the only mode which was open to him. To his parents, to the unchristian Parliament that passed the un christian law, the blame is due. We deny that the terms fornication or adultery are at all applicable to the life which he led. No man of any generosity of feeling, or any delicacy, would think of reviving this subject. The writers are below contempt.— Morning Chronicle. We think it right to call the special attention of Government to the case of James Carroll, who has been capitally convicted, and ordered for execution at Ennis, for having, with other persons, on the Bth of April, feloniously taken some fire-arms from the house of a 111 r. Blood, of Castlefergus. It appeared on the trial that the men who took the fire-arms came to the house when Mr. Blood was from home. There were two policemen on the premises, one of whom they laid hold of and placed on his knees, while they took possession of certain guns, pistols, &c. which lay in the parlour; they threatened a maid-servant and the other policeman, but inflicted no actual violence on any person; nor did they meddle with any other property than the fire-arms, which partly belonged to Mr. Bloed and partly to the police. It is, therefore, not a case in which the sentence of the law ought to be carried into execu tion, even if the guilt had been brought home, beyond the shadow of a doubt, to the prisoner at the bar; still less should the sanguinary law be en forced when it is shown to be a case of considerable doubt upon the evidence, as we think an attentive perusal of the report of the trial will convince every unprejudiced person. The offence charged in the indictment having been proved to be committed by some persons, the question which the Jury had to determine was the identity of the prisoner. The two policemen swore to his person. One of them only saw the men who took the arms from a window. but immediately drew back his head, because he said a gun was pointed at him. It is not likely that with a hasty glance, and under circumstances of so much alarm, he could have made very accurate ob servation. The other policeman had been placed, as we stated, on his knees, while some of the party took the arms ; hut the report does not inform us whether his face was towards them or away from them—most likely the latter. He swore, at all events, positively to the prisoner's person ; but it came out on cross-examination by Mr. O'Connell, that this very policeman had been, for some reason or other, dismissed from the police, and restored again, and that the other had been suspended for a month. Now, in contradiction to the two police men, whose interest was, beyond all doubt, on the side of their evidence against the prisoner, and who, without any intentional false swearing, would have a natural bias to convict, a perfectly disinterested witaess—namely, the butler of Mr. Blood, at present residing with him—positively swore that the prisoner was not one of the party who took the arms. Another witness also swore that the prisoner was at work with hitn at a place seven miles from Mr. Blood's house mi the day in question. The Jury, however, returned a verdict of guilty, on which the report contains the following observation ;—" This verdict was most unexpected, as every one about the Court thought that the butler, who lived in the house, and swore so positively, would have saved the prisoner." Evidence of personal identity is often fallacious, particularly from a hasty view, under circumstances of alarm—fatal mistakes have thereby occurred under our sanguinary laws. It is the maxim of the law to give the prisoner the benefit of a reasonable doubt, arid was not this a case of rea sonable doubt ? We do entreat the Government not to take the life of a fellow creature upon such evidence, lest they may commit an irreparable error. —Morning Herald. It is painful to be so frequently under the neces sity of calling the attention of the public to the distress of our fellow-subjects in Ireland; but called upon as we have been, and convinced as we are, that dreadful distress does prevail in that part of the United Kingdom, we cannot, in justice to our own feelings on the subject, refrain from endeavouring to impress upon the public, the necessity of giving im mediate and extensive relief, to save the poor people in more than one district in Ireland, from dying of hunger ! Yes, dying of hunger ! for we have evidence before us sufficient to convince any one, that such will be the fate, not only of hundreds, but of thousands, of our fellow-creatures, if timely relief be not afforded them. In what light this fact exhibits the miserable aristocracy of the sister kingdom, who, living as they do, upon the fruits of the industry of their country, leave their working population thus to perish of hunger, and render it necessary for others to afford them relief, we shall not for a moment stop to inquire. Their character is now graven on the tablets of lasting heartlessness and infamy ; and we trust that as they will riot succour their distressed countrymen of their own accord, the Legislature will lose no time after its meeting in compelling them to do so. We dislike all compulsory sys tems of charity; but compulsion is evidently the only mode of dealing with such gentry as those of whom we are making mention, and in justice to England, to Scotland, and to Ireland, we trust that compulsion will be resorted to. In the mean time, let no chilling indifference, in consequence of the mismanagement of a former fund raised for the sup port of the Irish, blight the universally charitable f e elings of our countrymen. Hunger and disease — nay, the possibility of a pestilence from the exten sion of the former—must cause every prudent as well as benevolent mind to exert itself to the utmost to save our fellow men ; and we feel confident that those who have so frequently and so generously come forward in behalf of distressed foreigners, will not, now that a much stronger claim on their compassion is presented, refrain from succouring those " of their own household."—illorning Advertiser. The British public will be at once amused and instructed by the intelligence from Brazil, mentioned in another part of our Paper. The notion we be lieve was exceedingly prevalent among many classes of our countrymen, and in truth it had been most artfully and industriously propagated, that for a mo narch to be a constitutionmonger and a Liberal is all that is required in order to give stability to his throne, and to impart the highest measure of satis fac:ion and happiness to his subjects. This notion will now have received a pretty considerable shake, and we shall be much mistaken if the British nation do not indulge itself in a hearty laugh at the ab surdity of which a large proportion of it have for some time been the dupes. The truth, at least, can no longer be disputed—whether the present evi dence be received with laughter or with tears—that a sovereign may be a Liberal and a constitution monger, and may yet fail to afford satisfaction to his people, or to ensure the stability of his throne. Don Pedro, the dethroned and fugitive Emperor of Brazil, was a consummate Liberal, and a most zealous and industrious manufacturer of constitu tions—liberal to the exalted point of becoming, in the cause of liberalism, a rebel to his sovereign and father—so eager in the fabrication and promul gation of free Constitutions, that he must needs construct a free Constitution, and attempt to force it upon a country which he had previously re nounced, and upon a people, the large majority of whorii cherished, perhaps with mistaken, but cer tainly with sincere affection, the national institutions it was designed to supersede. Yet this same Don Pedro, who ought, upon all received principles, to have been the most popular and the most secure of all earthly Monarchs, is now, alas ! we find, driven from his throne by the hatred and jealousy of his subjects—a hatred and jealousy so intense and uni versal, that no more than four individuals of his army are said to have escaped the ge n e r a l conta g ion of disaffection. We are trot yet in possession of the circumstances which preceded or accompanied the Brazilian revolution in sufficient detail to enable us to form any judgment as to the merits of the chief actors in the scene, or as to the provoca tions furnished to his late subjects by the Ex-Emperor. We refrain, therefore, from offer ingrpeasrst of of E u t r h o e p e s uwbe the opinion of its conduc tors, the p resum p tions in do ee t not anom indeed lltnhi a eo n nr t e i c vu i o p pl a u° t tn e i o n a tal r' similar abstinence. In iys all cases of this nature are in favour of the people. We hope they will not upon the present occasion sacrifice the general cause of insurrection, so sacred with them, to that special partiality for Don Pedro, which has been so manifest while that Prince was presented to them only in the li g ht of a dictator of political regeration to Portugal, and was thus in some degree identified with the cause of European revolution. This we beg to remind them is now all over. Yesterday the pat ron, to-da y Don Pedro is the victim of revolutio n ; and all consistent and zealous revolutionists must accordingly hasten to form an entirely new estimate of his character, both as a monarch and a man. The case is, it must be admitted, a perplexing one to the systematic advo cates of revolution, since there is a strong ground for the belief that Don Pedro is the victim of revo lution in Brazil, chiefly because he " loved not wisely, but too well," the cause of revolution in Portugal. The predominance of Portuguese influ ence in the Court at Rio—the tenacity with which the Emperor cleaved to the idle and hopeless claim set up on behalf of his daughter to the Portuguese throne, inseparably connected as it was with the Constitution which he had taken the pains and manifested the presumption to ma nufacture for that country—and most hateful for this, among many other reasons, that claim was to the whole Portuguese nation—the dishonest ap plication of the resources of Brazil—the mean and base tampering with the public credit of that nation to which he and his confederates in the cause of Portuguese revolution permitted themselves to be seduced by their zeal in that desperate and worth less cause—the intense anxiety manifested by the onsi sten causes, au w se i s t , h w t h h i e ch spirit have av e if been not Emperor to provide for his family , and by implica tion for himself, a Royal refuge in Europe, an anxiety with the letter of his compact with his Br az ili an subjects, —t hese whol ly inc onsistent various ine for years in const an t o pe rati o n, have produced their natu ral effect, . have engendered sentim ents o f jea lousy and ill-will the nation, whos e p r id e was wounded, whose interests were sacrificed, whose ne w-bornindependence was endangered. The re sult is that the Emperor Don Pedro has abdicated the throne of Brazil, finding th a t i n hi s occupancy i ts whole effective defence consisted of four rank and file—that he is succeeded by his son, Don Pedro, a n infant of the age of five years, who will of course have such Brazilians for tuto r s an d m i n i sters as w ill be rather disposed to pay the d e bt s o f B raz il t h an maintain a mock regency of Portuguese adventurers at Terceira ; and finally, that the late Emperor is on his voyage to England, where he probably ex pecte he may meet with some encouragement to retract his former surrender of the Portuguese Crown, and thus add still another element of strife and confusion to the politics of Europe.—A/orn ing Post. DISTRESS MAYO AND GALWAY. (From the Freeman's Journal of Tuesday.) Yesterday a highly-respectable meeting was held in Morrison's Great Room, Nassau-street, for the relief of the poor in the counties of Mayo and Gal way: The meeting was numerously attended. There were present, amongst others—the Right Hon. the Lord Mayor, the Right Rev. Dr. Machule, John Browne, Esq., M.P., G. V. Jackson, Esq., J. E. Strickland, Esq., Major Kirwan, of Castle-Hackett, the Messrs. Palmer, Admiral Oliver, Andrew Browne, of Mount-hazle, Esq., John David La touche, Esq., Arthur Guinness, Esq., N. P. Leader, Esq., M.P., A. Lambert, Esq., Hugh O'Connor, Esq., J. D. Jackson, Esq., K.C., the Rev. Sir Francis Lynch Blosse, Bart., Rev. B. Burke, C.R., Walter Bourke, Esq., Captain Stuart, Rev. J. Lyons, C.R., Rev. Mr. Stock, John J. Bodkin, Esq., M.P., Wm. M'llermott, Esq., &C. &C. At four o'clock the Right Hon. the Lord Mayor was unanimou•ly called to the chair. Mr. A. BLAKE—The total amount of subscrip tions is 2,2571. 19s. Of that money several sums have been applied, and sent to the central commit tee of Galway, and Oughterard 9181, and to Mayo, 1,2864, 1% hich leaves in bank, abalance of 1531.75. 2d. With this reduced fund, with this miserable sum in our hands, we had to meet a deputation from Mayo, who laid before us a statement the most appalling in all its circumstances--a statement such, 1 will ven ture to say, as never yet came before men, who had hearts to feel, and which would have wrung those hearts with pity for the wretched condition to which so many fellow creatures have fallen. From the most authenticated returns from sources the most unquestionable, information has bee received that several have died of hunger.—(A thrill of horror pervaded the entire assembly.) And here I would beg to quote the words of the inspired writer—" 'Tis better to die by the sword than by hunger." Along the shores of Galway and Cunnemara their only food are the fortuitous shell fish that come in their way, and the wretched sea• weed that is flung on the coast by the departing tide. And yet no hope—no prospect of relief. I have been accustomed to examine cases judicially, and I can safely assert that no case ever was sent to a Jury in which more caution, more care, more solicitude as to a correct decision was adopted than in the preparing and framing of these resolutions which I hold in my hand. My Lord, from the different documents laid before us, and the different statements made, I am pledged before my God, that 200,000 are at this moment suffering under deep distress, and that unless timely aid be afforded, thousands will die of famine. Eye-witnesses of the fact, men cautious in the statement of numbers, have declared that there are 150,000 in Mayo, and 100,000 in Galway, the greater part of whom are in danger of literally dying of starvation. But I will refer your Lordship to one circumstance that gives those dying creatures a peculiar claim on our commiseration and relief—l mean their obedience to the laws, their peaceable demeanour, and their for bearance tinder the most crying distress.—(Loud cries of" hear, hear.") We call upon the Government to conic forward generously on this occasion ; we will give liberally and honestly; let the Govern ment act in like manner. It is but policy inde pendent of charity.—(Loud cries of " hear, hear.") Here is a vast district in a state of starvation, de prived of all their property, for to its people the destruction of the potatoe crop is the loss of all pro perty. Local relief is not sufficient. Is it because our eyes are not shocked, is it because our ears are not pierced with their groans, is it because they fall not before us, we must not relieve ?—(Hear, bear.) Mr. Blake next passed a well-merited eulogium on the conduct of Sir F. Lynch Blosse as a resident proprietor, and expressed a wish that every landlord had done his duty as be (Sir Francis) had done. The Learned Gentleman concluded by moving that the resolutions he read be adopted us a resolution of the meeting. Sir FRANCIS LYNCH BLOSSE then said, I am pre pared to enter into the appalling details. We, the Commissioners, were appointed in England to manage affairs, and we appointed Deputy Commis sioners who have gone from house to house in the country, and not being satisfied with the representa tions of the persons inhabiting the houses, they ex amined, and found in them scarcely any food. Whether starvation be in the city or the country, the agonies are equally great; and I hope the people of Dublin will not forget them. The first inquiry naturally is, what have the landlords done? Now there has been a sum of above 8,000/. col lected amongst the landowners and shopkeepers in Mayo, and in addition to that, the other charity given to these unfortunate people amounted to 8,0001. more, which makes 16,0001. My friend Mr. Blake has spoken of the peaceable state of the country. I can state a fact with regard to this. It is necessary for me to make an alteration in my house, in the course of which I have thrown down one side of it, and though I have neither bolt or bar to secure it, I have come to Dublin, and shall go to England, leaving my wife and family there, without the slightest apprehension, either with regard to person or property. I shall mention another cir cumstance. During the late disturbances, emissaries were sent from the adjoining counties to that part of the country, and it being understood they were to come to the parish in which I live, countrymen waited for three nights watching to prevent them. --(Hear, hear.) We have been exporting grain' from Ballina arid Westport until lately ; but this corn was not the produce of the parts of the country which is now so much distressed. Some districts have had average crops last year, but these have all been sold, and of course the inhabitants of the dis tricts in which the .distress is, have no claims on the owners of that corn, other than the claims of charity. Seeing distress increasing, and our means of alle viating it decreasing, we were obliged to come to Dublin, and we have been received most kindly. Numbers of individuals have assured me that they are determined to use every exertion in their power to assist us in our endeavours to procure a fund. iaoydr°lvue'ntrit to the An advertisement advertisement having appeared, stating that 70 tons of meal were wanted, the price of the meal in creased two shillings per hundred. The Lord Lieutenant has directed us to put his name down for 100/., and Mr. Stanley for 501. They have 2,0001, if I may call it, as the sweepings Of the treasury, which they will advance, upon condition that two thousand pounds he advanced to their thousand. We have not the authority of Government to pro ceed to London, but the time is arrived when some thing must be done. It is shocking to see a nation, as Burke said, stretching their hands for food, and none for them. The death of Mr. Hughes was caused by the masses of beings tainted with fever who thronged around him to crave his a ssistance. Mr. Lyons will tell you that he saw a mother feed ing her grown-up children with her own milk. IN e are afraid to return, gentlemen, without help. Mr. HOWELL observed that Sir Francis alluded to a subscription of Lord Anglesea of 10C/. If he (Mr. Howell) was not mistaken, Lord Anglesea had the county Mayo, and this he thought the meeting and the public ought to know. also remitted 300/. to the Central Conttiahmkeiettsette.ahtoae-tf Sir FRANCIS assented. Mr. HOWELL continue a d dn r ion l i i ii r osts o m p e p n o t r t o u f n A i tir.olf3isaukpep, whoyin g The letters which he and counts from Cunnemara. Mr. Corballis received from that district were fully as bad as those detailed with such direful accuracy from Mayo. Not only were the seed potatoes dug out of the ground in a state of vegetation, but it was too true that the wretched people had supplicated for permission to bleed the sheep and cattle under the care of tne herds, as one means of enabling them to support life. He (Mr. Howell) declared to God, he could not go on with the horrible details. Mr. LEADgR, M, P. next rose and spoke a. follows—My Lord, I wilt just say a few words, end can ean answer for the zeal with which the gentlemen from these districts did their duty in London. I attended those meetings in London, and I say it to the credit of Mr. Peel, that when I stated the ne cessity of some exertion on the part of the Govern ment, he said that if the distress were so great as it was represented, he was sure there was no gentle man in that house who would not indemnify the Government. 1 found no person more disposed to second the exertions of those gentlemen than Mr. Peel. A little knowledge of the state of Ireland, :And a little exertion, are all that are required to re lieve effectually even greater distress than is at pre sent complained of. I think when we recollect that want is not general, and that in some parts of Ire lend food was never so cheap, we should the sooner put a stop to this. I observed the prices of provi• sions within the last month, and I scarcely ever re member to have seen them so cheap.—(Hear.) Flour of the third quality is selling for six shillings per cwt. In 1822 Mr. Hume and other gentlemen stood forward to alleviate distress which was not confined to a district, bat which spread over the whole country. There remains a sum of 15,000/., the residue of the collection made in 1822. I see one of the secretaries opposite me and I ask him does he think that the Committee could expend 5,000/. better than by giving it to help the wants and relieve the distresses of the starving people of that part of Leland ? lam one of the Committee, and for my part I think that it is a sin to have it lying in a bank and the people starving. I say that there are 15,000/. in bank which ought not to be there one day if there be famine in the land. ~ Mr. J. D. LATOVCIIE hoped that a resolution to ' that effect would be moved. Mr. FENTON HORT thought the opinion of sonic lawyer ought to be had with regard to those funds; it was difficult to say who had the legal disposal of it. Mr. LEADER said there ought to be a resolution drawn up, founded upon what he (Mr. Leader) had said, and which had not been answered. The SOLICITOR-GENERAL could say, that the persons who granted the trust could now revoke it, and the disposal of it lay with the subscribers. If they saw the people dying of hunger in the streets of Dublin, where was the man that would not almost give his last shilling to relieve them ; and was it be cause that distress was a few miles away that it should not be heeded ? There was another consi deration which ought to influence them. If he had heard rightly, pestilence was following in its wake, and if once that reached the capital, what would be the consequence ? The only way to prevent it was to step forward immediately. Ile was of opinion that a steam-boat loaded with potatoes, meal, &c., should be sent to the people immediately. After some further d;scussion, the resolutions were passed, and the meeting separated. TEIE YORKSHIRE SOCIETY. The Anniversary Festival of this Society, in stituted for the purpose of maintaining, clothing, and educating the children of indigent Yorkshire parents, resident in the metropolis, was celebrated last night, at the Freemasons' Tavern• The chair was taken by Lord BTIOUGHAM, who was sup ported by Lord Dundas, Sir E. Petre, Sir J. Hall, the Vice-Chancellor, Mr. Bayntun, M.P. for York, Dr. Biikbeck, &c. Above :100 persons sat down to dinner. Lord BROUGHAM, in proposing the healths of the King, the Queen, and the rest of the Royal family, observed that those toasts called for a warm re ception from an assembly which had met together for charitable purposes, because the Royal Family's known patronage of all charitable institutions re flected equal honour to themselves and benefit to the community.—(Applause.) The next toast was " The county of York, as munificent in charities as boundless in resources." The CHAIRMAN then proposed prosperity and perpetuity to the Yorkshire Society. He said that he attributed the honour which had been con ferred on him of being permitted to propose this toast from the chair, to his being a York shireman by adoption. He was glad to see, by the reporr, that a material increase had taken place in the effective operation of the cha rity. In 1828, the number of children in the school was but twenty, and it was at present thirty-two. But he wished to say a few words with respect to the expellees of the establishment. He was an old inquirer into matters of charity.—(Laughter.) To a certain degree he might call himself an old school-, master.—(lncreased laughter.) What he first looked to in these matters was the balance-sheet, and he found by that that the average coat of each child in the school was 20/. a year. Now he conceived that if the Society possessed a school-house of their own, which at present they did not, the average cost would not exceed 17/.; and thereby 1001. per an num might be added to the funds, or five or six ad ditional pupils supported by the charity. This con sidetation, he said, ought to induce the friends of the institution not to relax their endeavours, but rather to increase them, in order that the Society might he enabled to confer- more extensive benefit than it could do at present. The Members for Yorkshire, the Committee of Management, and various oth er t oasts were t h en drunk. Lord DUNDAS proposed " The health of Lord Brougham," who, he said, ought to be considered, as far as charitable institutions were concerned, a t:tizert of the world. The toast was honoured with great cheering. The amount of subscriptions to the charity col lected in the course of the evening was stated by the Secretary to be nearly 5001. ST. MARTIN'S VAULTS.—The stew vaults under St. Martin's burial-ground are the most capacious structures of the sort, we believe, in London. Th e y opened on Tuesday for the inspection of the persons pre sent at the consecration of the new burial-ground. They consist of a series of vaults running out of one another in various directions ; they are lofty, and when lighted up, as on Tuesday, really presented something of a comfortable appearance, reminding one of the " snug lying" talked of in The Rivals. Some of the vaults having been quite filled with the coffins taken out of the old burial-ground, have been blocked up at both ends—in fact, hermetically sealed—a plan which we learn is to b e adopted with the other vaults its succession, when the Crlld tenants shall be sufficiently numerous. They are of tolerable height, about 10 feet to the turn of the arch, 20 in width, and nearly 40 in length, capable of holding, we should suppose, almost 1,000 coffins each. They are whitewashed around and at top, and the flagging at the bottom keeps them dry beneath the foot. All the leaden coffins removed from the burial ground are placed in one vault; on the end of one; conspi cuously situated beneath a grating through whiCh the light descends, was inscribed the name of •' Lady HANNAH GORDON." There are arcades or corridors leading to the vaults, which branch off right and left, along which are anges of head -stones recording the individuals whose bones, removed front their old resting-place, repose beneath. These have a handsome appearance, lying as they do at e;th!r side, close to the wall, and looking somewhat like an at tificial balustrade flanking the wall in the centre. Crowds of ladies perambulated the vaults for some time, and the whole had more the appearance of a fashionable promenade than a grim repository of decomposing mortality. BIRTHS. On In bo ß n ryanstone-square, the wife • Mrs. 1 M. Clark, of Il anover-terrace, R egent ' s Park, of a daughte r. On the Ith inst. at 1.311 iurst, Hants, the l a dy o f Li eu t . Ed w . By a m, of a daughter. of Josephinst. nes Es. a t q : ) : -' 31 1 1 , ( the t u . : o e t t On the sth inst. at Wood End, Thirsk, Yorkshire, the lady of 5. comp t o n, of a daughter. MARRIED. On the 9th inst. at Dover, Edward B. Patten ' Esq., of the ‘ Royal to Charlotte, d a u g ht er o f S amu el Latham, Esq. On the Bth inst. at St. Pancras, F. Buckingham, jun., Esq., of the Stock Exchange, to Sarah, youngest daughter of the late J. Baker, Esq., of Laytonstone, Essex. DIED. On the Bth inst. at Spencer House, the Countess Spencer. On the 9th inst. in Berkeley-square, Sir J. E. Harington, Bart. in his 72d year. On the 31 inst. at 'fralee, J. Flynn, Esq., proprietor and editor of the Trake Mercury. Alexander Aikraan, jun. Eau., editor and proprietor of the Jamaica Royal Gazette. PRIMED AND PUBLI3III'.D BY MURDO YOUNG, A Tus SVN OFFICk,, IUJ, Slil.4Nl), LANDON, 1 MR. I .1-Y- 1 - sti NITURE June, at N( ARTIFICI TEETI ITON A- TV. DILLY, g TRONAG ptofesaional tropolis, he Public in S CORE D MINERAL mended b) ration is P out the SI allays the for many DISEASE NERAL a PLETE LOURAT incumbran an.wer MASTIC. N. 13 VALUAE TO Within ti WEDNI o'clock, rlll NF w the said F The A five Lund are in cl and pastu tain land The I hundred of which in pastur , is unculti Upon hundred twenty- e: a dwelli . sisting of house, it, other rec Upon hundred eighteen ings corn nrill wii curing-11 and muh Copie Lion, wil ton, Soli Son, an don ; 1. Duncan eon, W. CABIN Mt beat-sel EnglAn , Laden ably to and enc bine to Mernbe at deaf Draw Best I: COTIllt Rosev Ditto Etega Rose% Maho Japan Ditto Lady' Ditto Largt Jai>. Rose , loot ing and tion lute in subj