The Sun. — London, England, 1854-06-27 00:00:00

IP 'RI W, .~' IPP I sun, wis!ied, on arriving at the place, to iti‘;, B "lne little repose before commencing an 1 ° 41 4 ; but the Toucolours, as the natives are 1 , , •61, • $ immediately assoled them. The French engaged the coinbat, and in an hour ere k:ompletely victors. They had one ) I (ii r of artillery, one of infantry, and seine re e n killed ; and 107 wounded, amongst whom 6 several officers. After the combat the nati /es e th • eir submission, and sued for a treaty of Th e Itente was rather heavy yesterday, and the Ise I^ 4 of. the Three per Cents. is slightly lower. closed at 73f., or 15c. lower. TrienFour-and- V II Per Cents. are unaltered, a t2sc. Bank Shares are 10f. higher, whilst tho§e of • 'ooi6te Mobiliere are Bf. 75c. lower. Foreign tti l d„ t % 4 axe nearly unchanged. Austrian (London) 14 11 4 1 k however, higher, and Spanish Home k to 'll lower. Railway Shares remain - at about ''';tY's prices. Exchange on London (short) Imoney ditto (90 days), 24f. 724 c., money. ITALY. q i , lB stated in a letter quoted by the Parlamento k r `tirin of the 2d, that the tomb of Odoacer , of the B.eruli, has been discovered at Ravenna to a le•workmen, who, it appears found the body q t , 4B ed in a suit of armour of g 5.21.1, which they ih,` l, e into pieces and secretly sold. The matter l iti ) howe ver , soon divulged, and further in vesti has led to the discovery of some other pre rtieles, which had escaped Cie rapacity of 4 tt e . lll Prits, and of a monumental inscription, con- Th ng the fact of its being the tomb of Odoacer. Sloanish Ambassador to the Court of Parma ~b i Presented to the Duchess Regent a letter, in Ip f :u Queen Isabella 11. confers the dignity of l', o b l e i t of Spain upon the present Duke of Parma, rt I ttert have been received . from Rome to the 4* The consistory which was to have been a ! , )11 the 19th had been postponed to the k r r h consequence of the funeral of Cardinal Pekr e ',, a ri2 which took place on the 19th. The ony was performed in the church of St. WI I ; I P of Neri, adjoining the Gabrielli Palace, h. 113 the deceased prelate resided. The Pope ) t ; i4 present with all the Sacred College, the t une, and the municipal authorities, and 11 0 mess pronounced the absolution. A ik 4i lerable number of the clergy and. of the Itgllkeatants were pfesent in order to testify their r ation for the deceased. A number of French t k `tents also attended on the occasion. The de 'Pki.Bed Cardinal was born at Rome in 1788, of , /1 ,,,?t1'0f the lowest class of society. He was dis ktrtshed for his virtues and theological attain to,,Te2and was for Some time nuncio at Paris. His 0 4 , 1 r.ation to the rank of cardinal in, petto took pr o s' e l Deeeinber,l.B46, but he was not formally k oll e ,iiied cardinal until September, 1850. A 41 14 , ago there were three cardinals who had been t im 'ios . at Paris ; at present only one remains, the cardinal Macchi, senior member of the Sacred lege. SPAIN. l e , a proof of the readiness with which the loan I, r 4l lded by the Government is being subscribed the the lieraldo, of the 21. st, states that of 85 dis oic4ef the province of Albacete, 70 have already /p i led to pay their part within the .period fixed, th ig t hat a number of the inhabitants of the other fi efs have also made the same offer. PORTUGAL. 0 1 4 e Official journal of Lisbon, of the 10th, con tr4:adecree of the King4tegent, granting an ex ° e ulnary credit for salaries and allowances to 1 1(1 ' 1 's and midshipmen of the Portuguese navy ‘ ri l baY serve for three years in the allied fleets of d and France. SWITZERLAND. lette r from Belleuz of the 21st, in the Parla -114 t 0 of Turin, states that the Austrian blockade mi Seri raised' in consequence of the Canton's pro llot to tolerate any Italian refugees within its flotrito rY. Nevertheless, Austria has consented to te k "a few Italian professors, who are refugees, to 4 ' 4 in the Canton. AfARKET NE vq- , T(IIS DAY.) COLONIAL. o o),(o.—The public sales are large, and going off rather Nte Foreign is wanted for home consumption at full 0 „ 4 „ Yellow Havana 21s to 24s for floating cargoes. l'l4"„sental buyers are cautious. The quantity of British b oe lt , stio n landed last week at the East. and West India t i ke was 928 hhds, 1:3 tierces, 514 barrels, there were 1)4 1 .;',f0r home consumption 1,744 hhds, 143 tierces, 673 li e ;„ el s• The stook in tha same places is 7,118 lib's, 1,417 "; 2 427 barrels. Refined brown lumps are at 45s lire„ewt. - 4 °l 'l'EE.—There is a firm market, and native Ceylon is p'staud at 418 per cwt. for good ord. l iri - e; ° , l4 :—The quantity landed last week at the Ea st and fo ro 4 india Docks was 129 puns 16 hhds, there were taken Du i 'lle conbumption 196 puns 6 hhds, and exported 60 1)1 1 „' 3 1 51 hhds. The stock in the same places is 7,735 1 ,832 hhds. auation 2,691 bags Bengal were offered, and 6c'troN . - 511 brought in at 128 6d to 13s 6fior mid and good. liThe bnsiniss daing is more moderate. Pp TpETxE.— -There is a fair inquiry at full rates. htZ —The market s steady; common cougou at lid „ 112--. Y MARKETS. tit —3l-adovr hay, ?A 1N to 5/ N ; clover A , 83 to 61 o.s ; straw, 1/ 12s to 2/ Os per load. ode ra t e supp ly, and a dull trade. llsEßLANc.—Meadow hay, 21 -8s to 5/ ss; glover f . s 3/ lOs to 61 0p ; and. straw, 11 14s to 21 2s per load. 411. average supply, and a sluggis h demand. IIit,7 II ITEOHAPZL.—Meadow hey, 2 / 8 s to 51 0s ; clo v er ) 3 108 to tit Os ; and straw, 1112 s to 1/ 18s p er load. 4tlie LLOYD'S SHIPPING-(THIS DAY.) tt r L° l'lnox, June 27. Wind this day at Noon , W . S. W. ; 0 o tA 2 l B breeze, with alternate. cloud and sunshine, and Venal showers of light rain. Q t. L OUCEST ER, June 26.-Arrived — Young Turk, from b qeorge, N.B. Thomas James, Qiiebee. O RTSMOUTH, June 26.—Wind, • .S. W. Arrived 11,34hRler, from New Orleans, and proceeded f or M emel ; fr "rt. Passenger, London, for Port Philip.—The Boliva, ie 41 Lombn to Llanelly, is ashore on the Sand-head, but Fi el( Peeted to come off with the flo od. Off Port—Jose p h %etcher, from London, for Auckland, N.Z. ; Adelaide, t t he westward. f or „OVER, June 26.—Arrived—Catalia, from Havannah, b„ nembargh, having been in contact, and would go into Zer next tide.. 'cAVEs June 26.—Arrived —Amigos, from Havannah ; ilterprise, do. ; Sylphide, New Orleans, for Nykjohing ; Akyab. 4' ktmourn, June 26.—Wind, W.S.W. A rrived h i ller, from Lisbon; Harriet, Akyab, for Hamburgh ; 4 118 ars• R o Grande • ' Leodes, Havannah ; Marchioness of Ctlfda , Plymouth, for Quebec. Put back — Juno, from ' stantinople. ) 4 _ 6 t2uTuAmProrf, June 25.—Arrived—Brilliant (a s), from tet ui r LYAIOUTH, June 25.—Wind, W.S.W. Arrived—Me from Rio Grande; Waterwitch, Corunna. h•uARTMOU . TH, June 26Wind, W. Arrived—Julia, A l l Cochin. i;r11" TORBAY.—Lord of the Isles , f rom S y dne y , N.S.W. f p 'unisror,, June 26.—Wind , S. W . Arrived—Con g o, 13' 51 11 Africa ; Estrella, Havannah ; Deedata, do. ; Lucy, ein e rara Sail e d—lna, for Melbourne; Arte nas, New O i l e _ • ans. t.' 3 EUELDs, June 26.—Wind, S. A rrived—A p ollo, from I cata. Sailed—Arthur Wellesley, for Aden. ..nIi'DERLAND, June 26.—Wind, S.E. Arrived—Glad k—tie, from Hamburgh. Sail •d—Jane, for Carthagena. ULL, June S.S.E.- A rr ived—Cecilia, from s" 4 .4nel ; Baltic, St. John's, N.B. ; Fortuna, Thisted. tkOLYHEA.D, June 26.—A schooner , salt lad e n , is said to be Bunk this day off Ceinlyn, about 16 miles from this place ; crew saved. OFF SciLtir, June 25. — Royal Stuart, from Sydney Vu )) _QUItitNSTOWN, June 2 4 . — Wi nd, S.W. Arrived—Betse y t, from Wallace, N.S. Sailed—Soubandor, Calcutta. AMSTERDAM, June 21.—The Annegina Jantina and j-"da, both from Riga to Ho lland, p assed the Sound, 18th line, prizes to her Majesty's steamer Anchor. . . QUEBEC, June 10. —The Niagara, from Liverpool, ashore ° ll the Isle Madame, is said to have received considerable ` 1 1 411 :lage during a gale on the 7th, and it was feared would ue a total wreck. (Br ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH.) LIVERPOOL, Tuesday, 10.30 a.m. Wind W.S.W., squally weather. The schooner Paul, of Exeter, from Barrow, for New -1"., with iron ore, ran ashore on Great Burbo early this kerning, and remains. One man drowned. Captain and remainder of crew taken of f the bank b y the steam-tug Liver. The flat May sunk off Rhyl last night; one man saved and th,ee cirowued. GRAVESEND, Tuesday, 10.30 a.m.. Wind W.S.W. ; tide, one hour's flood; weather cloudy. Arrived.—Dioliada, from Guernsey. Sailed—Annette Catharine an Charlo tte, for Copen hagen; Picture, Port Philip ' Al a r, Dunkirk. DEAL, Tuesday, 9.40 a.m. Wind, S.W., strong. The Centurion from New York, at the port, with loss of wizen-mast, having b.en iu contact with the General Parkhill, in the river, last night. Arrived,—Omyum, from Canton ; Gardine, Manzanillo; Xelvin, Mobile. Sailed.—Melits, screw-steamer, for Constantinople. CRT SUBMARINE AND EUROPEAN TELEGRAPH.) Passed. —Marquis of Bute, fr,,rn Melbourne ; Winder- Mer e , 'Geelong ; Prince of the Setts, Sydney ; Heinrich, PortO"Rico; Pointe, Jamaica; Dart, Newfoundland—all for London. Anchored.—Rambler, from London for Antigua ; Ripa, from London for Nuevitas; Hydra, from Antwerp for Oporto ; Thekla, from Thondheim for Bordeaux ; Belgian war schooner Louisa, from -the West Coast of Africa, for orders. Put Back—James Armstrong, for Calcutta ; King John, for Ceylon. Report of the barque Windermere, from Geelong, Port Phillip, 6th March, with a cargo of wool and 35,000 oz. of Wa dust. On the 14th May, in lat. 1 . 21 S., long. 27.6 ~ spoke the barque Rattler. bound to Port Philip; the crew and piose434 of tie ship are all well, THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 27, 1854. ready to renew it. without reference to the present posture of affairs. (Hear, hear.) I have explained to your lord ships how it came tkat C insisted the other evening upon the limited extent of the territorial acquisitions which Russia had made in consequence of the treaty of Adrianople. My statement hpou that point is perfectly tine ; it is in controvertible ; but it was intended to he qualified in the manner which I have now stated to your lordships. I feel, therefore, that I have nothing further to say, of the treaty of Adrianople. Ithas also been said that I recommended areturn to the status quo, or, at least, that I would not object to it. Now, toy lords, this statement suprises memore than any thing ; because I had taken special care to explain that point in my answer to the observations of my noble and learned friend. I stated that that might be the cause of some apparently ambiguens expressions used by Austria and. by Prussia, as compared with the expressions used by our selves, and I said that Austria and Prussia might be desir ous to restore the status quo ; but, at the same time, I made the specific declaration that that was by no means applicable to us—that is, to Engl end and France. (Hear.) You are aware, my lords, that before the declaration of war the status quo was all that - we hoped for—all that we desired—all that we attempted to obtain, and that was the condition which the Turkish Government signified its wil lingness to agree to. The treaty of Vienna was framed upon the understanding agreed to by ell the four powers, that the relations between Russia and Turkey should revert to the status quo: We thought that was quite as much as the Ern eeror of Russia could expect us to offer, and much more than he had any right to expect. But. my lords, we proposed that in the rope that we should be able to preserve the state of peace, and that we should be able to avert our entering upon a. course where all the evil passions that war engenders would be let loose. But the instant that war was declared, the state of the question was entirely altered. I (Cheers.) From that moment everything depended upon the war itself, and we are left free to exer c i se our own judg- I went —to do that wbich we think will best suit our own int - rests and policy in framing the terms of peace. From that moment the status quo was entirely at an end. (Cheers.) Very well I also said, as to the terms of peace, that how ever desirable, however necessary' we might think certain terms to be, still it would be unwise iu us now, in the pre sent state of the war, to lay down any conditions of peace as those to which alone we will accede. (Hear.) These must depend upon the events of the war; and in the debate to which I have alreadyreferred I recollect I did say that the conditions of peace would be very different if we found the Russians at Constantinople from what they would be if we found ourselves at St. Petersburg. Well, my lords, with in these points lies the whole scope of the variance from the status qua. How far we may deviate from the status qua no man can at this moment say, because that must depend upon events which are not within our power absolutely to control. But, this we can say, that the independence and integrity ef Turkey are undoubted c. nditions-ethey consti tute the sine qua non —that must be secured, and secured effectually. (Cheers.) But how that is to be done must again depend upon the progress of events, in the course of the negotiations which may takeplace- at the -moment. But that security must be taken—security for the independence and integrity of Turkey, so far as depends upon Russia , is really the object from which we are determined not to de part. (Cheers.) But ugain, I say, how this is to be ob tained neither I nor any man,in this house is able to say. We know what our object is—our main object at least— and of course by one mode or another we will obtain that without which peace is impossible (Hear,• hear.) I think, also, exception has been taken to some expressions of mine, as I have expressed doubt or disbelief of any danger. froth .- Russian aggression. Now, I wish here to say that I have the greatest alarm as to Russian aggression against Turkey. But against that aggression in any shape—whether in the shape of influence, whether in the shape of conqueet, or in any other mode—we are prepared to protect her. But, with respect to Russian aggression upon EUrope, Indepen dent of her designs upon Turkey, I certainly did express no great alarm, because I feel no great alarm, and lam in clined to feel less and less every day. (Laughter.) If Russia, indeed, could be supposed to be in possession of Constanti nople, if she hat made good her aggression upon Turkey, if she were in possession of Constantinople then indeed I should feel alarmed for Europe, because I think Russia would acquire then the means of becoming formidable and dangerous to Europe. Without that, my birds, I cannot pre tend to say that I feel any great alarm. I consider France to be more powerful than Russia and Austria put together —(hear, hear)—and it is therefore impossible for me to look upon Russia with any great alarm out of her own frontiers, or in such a light as would induce me to think te.at it would be better to enter at once into a state of war in order to repress dangers which Ido not feel. Danger from Russia against Europe appears to me mainly, if not entirely, to depend upon her power in Turkey and in the East. If that power be checked—and it is to be hoped that we shall suc ceed in keeping herentirely free from exciting further alarm in the Turkish territories—then I cannot possibly think that there need be any very great alarm as to what she may do to Austria, or Prussia, or France, or England. (Cheers.) This, however inuchlit-has been misunderstood, was really all that I meant to express as to my general incredulity of any danger from Russian aggression. I have now shown your lordships what sort of aggression it is that I am afraid of, and what sort of aggression itis that I am not afraid of. I am not aware that there is any other part of the observe tions which I addressed to your lordships the other night which requires further explanation. I believe I have already explained everything which, from being misunderstood at, the time, appeared to be calculated to excite feelings of dis trust in the Government. My lords, I wish I could confine myself to this explanation ; to the full expression of the seetiments I entertain, and which appeared to me necessary to be explained. I could have wished ce.taiuly that I might have been spared the necessity of saying anything about the extraordinary and absurd imputations—the personal im putations—to which I have been exposed. (Loud cheers.) I have no fear that your lordships, who are accustomed to weigh the actions and the sentiments of public men, will fail I to coarpreheud the motives from which I have acted; and the misrepresentation of them has been so ludicrously absurd that I feel—indignant as I arn—l feel it would not be worthy of toe position which I now occupy—it would not be worthy pf the memory of those with whom I have acted—it would ' not be worthy of my own character, if I were to condescend to enter upon any justification of my personal motives. (Cheers.) My lords, it is true thatl have more than any other man struggled -to preserve the state of peace for-this country. I have done so because I thought it my duty to the people of this country--my duty to God and roan—to exhaust every possible means of preserving peace, and my only regret is—though I trust your lordships will acquit me on that point—my only regret is, that I should not have done all, • and lest in any way I should have lost some possible means of averting the greatest calamity that can be- , fall a country, for, however glorious any war may be, the calamities which accmnpany it are heavy enough greatly to outweigh that glory I know it has been sail if you love peace so much, you are unfit for war. My lords, though peace is so dear to my feeli n g s, still I am convince.l of the necessity of this war. Bat how do I wish to make war ? I wish to make war in order to obtain a peace ; and I know well that'the best mode of making war in order speedily to obtain a peace is to make war with the utmost vigemr and determination. (Cheers.) My noble friends near me know well enough that, peaceable as I am, I have never Shrink -that, on the contrary, I have give n my most ready concurrence to the most active measures of hostility and warlike preparations. Nay more, I believe linter say they will admit that I have personally been more urgent than perlie 's any other rennin exhorting the speedy concentration and advance of the allied forces north of the Balkan in support of the • gallant army of Omer Pacha, and to extend a helping hand to Austria in order to enable her' to carry out hereprofessions. (Cheers.) This, except for the warmth of the feelings under whichl spoke, I ought not perhaps to say—(cheers)—but it is the trill that, in the course we have taken; . 1 have invariably urged. the roost decided course of action. (Cheers.) My lords, I have now no more to say. I wish to confine myself to this subject without entering upon other topics more or less connected with the war—with the events that led to it, or that may follow from it—l wish to remove understandings which I feet to be perfectly erroneous i n terpretations of what I said, and I now declare that so far from my former endeavours to preserve peace disqualifying me from car• ryin; on the war, I think, though ofcourse I may be wrong in the particular means, I think we ought to have recourse to the most .expedient, the most prompt, the most suc cessful means of carrying it On. I maintain, and assert, that my very love of peace in.luceS me pow to enter upon this war, which I unquestionably believe to be a perfectly just war—(cheers) —arel"therefore • it is that I—so long as I have anything to do with the Go vernment—Shall carry it on in such a manner as will be most likely to secure benefit to England, and to establish a safe and honourable peace. (Loud and continued cheers ) The Marquis of CLA.NRIOARDE said the explanation of the noble earl hail been rendered necessary in conse quence of the observations he made on a former evening to the speech of the noble and learned lord opposite, to whom this country and all Ehrope were indebted for the lucid explanations he had given of the state of our rela tions with Russia. But, though the eiplanations of the noble earl were confined to that subject, still he must say that the question which the noble earl had now raised was on a much wider scale than the immediate effect or the precise terms of the treaty of Adriauople. He understood that the noble earl wished to state clearly to their lord ships his views, not upon the war only, but upon the fo reign policy of the .country in general. He had gone as far back as 1899, and he had more than once stated that he through life had been consistent, in which he (the Mar oe u h g had laidq i s h o o f f o C re l a t o l l e i ° ir e r i d o e r Le h n i t p i s r e l g y r o a u g u re d e s d o w l ! t whch hhim, aendthh himself entitled to the confidence of Parliament, and to be allowed to cmduct the war to its termination. That was a great question, which he (the Marquis of Clanricarde) un it had been mooted, he wou ld not shrink from discussing donbtedly would not have m ooted in the house, but as it—while he readily admitted—andeif necessary, would assert and maintain—that the noble lord had through his whole life acted with entire consistency, and also with considerable ability, yet, ever since 1829, it was his mis fortune to differ from the noble earl on almost every topic of foreign policy, and he thought that the sentiments and principles which had dictated that policy, and the reputa tion which the noble earl acquired in support of it, were the principal causes which hart led to this war, during the the course of welch he thought 'that' the past conduct of noble earl rendered him unfit to be her Majesty's chief ad viser. But he must say a Word or two with respect to this despatch. The noble earl had dwelt upon the fact that it had been adverted to so long ago as by the bite Earl Grey, and that Lord Melbourne refused to permit it to be pub liehed— . The Earl of ABERDEEN was understood to express his dissent. - - The Marquis of CLANRICARDE—At all events it was considered that this despatch was of such an important nature that it was not advisable to publish it. So lately as February last, a member of the other house, feeling that the despatch ought not to be quoted by Ministers'unless it was laid before Parliament, moved for its production, and the answer of,Lord John Russell was, that he could not undertake to'produce it without first consulting-with the noble earl. That -consultaticin was held, and the result was, filet the despatch was not produded. He must say, then, that the noble earl now proposed for -his personal convenience—perhepe for its being necessary to his own vindication, but in either case from personal motives—had consented to do that which he had formerlydeclared to be calculated to injure the public service. Amid do not let hind be told thet this wonderful document which had been so lOng talked of, and which was now about to be sub mitted to profane eyes—do not let it be said that it could not be produced in February last, because war bad not bean declared, for what was the remark of the noble earl site? He said, they might have hebn very well before we upon the observations of the noble and learned lord oppO went to war, in order to rouse . the public indignation against Russ a, bat that 'nowt' there was no occasion for them. If that were so with regard to the noble and learn ed lord's observations, surely it. would have. boon equally true with respect to the p roduction of the despatch. He noble earl first took office. lie made a general declaration of might also remind th e house t hat, at the time when the his - Views, and he was reported to have stated that the main principles of the foreign policy of this country had not varied for the a partit.llo eoattion of rho polies • • and, perhaps, the line is not inapplicable to the Emperor of Russia, in haring determined to pursue the same objects by different means, and means calculated not so greatly to alarm the European powers. (Rear, and a laugh.) I believe this is the secret of all that has taken place in recent years. Take, for example, the treaty of Unkair Skelessi, eonchided when a Russian arnay was in possession of Constantinople. There can be no doubt that if the former policy of the Empress Catherine had been followed upon that occasion great territorial acquisitions would have been made, and they could not have been resisted in the relativ e p os iti ons o f t h e two powers a t the time; but in consequenc e , as I b e li eve, of the change of policy coin inenced by the t rea t y o f Ad r i anop l e , the demands of Russia at the concinsion of the treaty of Unkiar Skelessi, though they were of the highest importance both to Russia and the Porte, did not assume the character'of territorial avrandisement. So with the mission of Prince lieu sehikoff himself. Russia was in a position in which she might have made demands of the most pressing nature upon Turkey. She had s me reason for adopting that course; hut, instead of diluting anything like terri torial indemnity, she at once pressed for talitional privileges, and if she had obtained those additional privileges for her co-re igionists in the Turkish empire, I have no doubt -that the invasion of the principalities would never havotaken place, or would imme diately have ceased on the Sultan complying with her de mands. But of course we felt —Europe felt—that the in dependence of Turkey would ho as much endangered by. the cession of such rights and privileges as were claimed by Russia as it would have been had she made a positive de mand for territorial indemnity ; and therefore it was that the pretensions of Russia were resisted. Now, my lords, I have been supposed to say also that I desired, or did not object, to a return to the treaty of Adrianople, because I stated that if we could obtain a peace which should last for 25 years we should not do amiss. (Hear, bear.) Nor should we ; but when I said that I never for a moment meant to convey the impression which it seems my words have produced. (Hear, hear.) I never said a word to imply that I desired to return to the treaty of Adrianople. ( What I said, or intended to say, was, that the Adrianople has given us peace for 25 years, treatyar, lie of f ) treaty which the fortune of war might a en %l b t l h e a u t s if to by t . n a a n k y e we should secure peace for an equal length of time, we should not, consibring the instability of all human Zara, do so very far aelisa Therefore,• my lords, I am quite at a los s to conceive upon what ground any one ah mid dare to say, first, that I have claimed the honour of making the treaty ofMrian.ople, and,next 2 that I aka* vi Was iuclifferat to its conditioth pci vt_as have varied with different individuals, but that the main principles of the policy had not in themselves varied. Now he differed entirely from that statement, and he believed that forthe last 30 years contending principles had been in agita tion over all the continent of Europe, and that the different Governments .and Ministers Who administered the affairs of this country had varied thepolicy according as they favoured one or other of these principles. He must say further, that in 1823, when the noble earl first became Foreign Secretary, and in 1823, to which they were so fre quently told to refer; the noble earl was the most Constant, the most zealous, the most powerful (in this country) ad vocate and supporter of the arbitrary governments of Europe. (Oh, oh.) He was at all times the advocate more or less of the Emperor of Russia, and he was opposed on every occasion to the introduction of constitutional government. (" No, no," from Lord Aberdeen.) No ! He was ready to cite instances. But let him now go back to the treaty of Adrianople. The noble earl had told them 'to-night, as he had told them before ' that he looked upon that treaty with extreme horror, and that under the influence of that feeling he wrote the despatch. But he wished the noble earl would tell them, not of the despatch which he wrote in December, after the treaty had been signed in March—what he wanted to know was, the in struction ho had given to our Minister at St. Petersburg the year before. (Hear, hear.) He would like to see the steps which the noble earl' took to prevent the aggression. The noble earl the other night represente.l the Russian army as having arrived in the attitude of conquerors within a short distance from the capital, and as being able, if they had persevered, to overturn the Government of Turkey. 'Now, if the noble earl did not know the real state of the case at the time that the treaty was signed, which, if proper care hail been ta.k.en, he might have known, yet surely he ought to have known in December of that year, wlntn he wrote his despatch, and most assuredly he ought to know now that that army did not arrive at Adrianople as conquerors—that the general in command had not more than a nond.ial army of 15,000 men re maining, and that out of these there were from 7,000 to 8,000 men who, from fatigue and wounds, were hors de combat. He had never heard it disputed that that por tion of the army which was in a condition to march did not exceed 12,000, though some good authorities reckoned them at B,ooi men, while it was known that the Turkish general had, within a short distance of thorn, an army of 25,00 J men. If the respective parties had been left alone, and if the Turks had had the least knowledge of the real state of the case, that disastrous treaty, as the noble earl called it, would never have been signed. More than that, if the noble earl, as the Foreign Minister of this country, had but held up his finger, that treaty would never have been signed. What was the course purimed between the Russian and the Turkish generals? The Russian general gave the Turks—as well be migtt—a very short time for consideration ; had they known the truth, they never would . have signed. But only five days were allowed for consideration. And what was the course taken at Con stantinople? The Turkish minister summoned the ambas sadors of Austria, Prussia, and England, and asked their advice. The English minister, among others, advised the Turks to sign the treaty which the noble earl now told. them was disastrous. And who was our minister at that . time at Constantinople ? That lamented diplomatist the late Sir Robert Gordon, who, a short tinre before, had in a rather summary manner superseded Sir. Stratford Can ning. That minister must have known well what were the feelings of this Government at the time he gave the advice, and yet the noble earl now told them that it was against that treaty he sat down to write the despatch; but it would I be more satisfactory if he would show what steps he took to prevent the treaty being signed. It was plain that the despatch had done the noble earl no harm in the eyes of the Emperor of Russia, for, from the fulsome compliments which he bestowed upon him in the despatches lately pub lished, it appeared that, far from regarding the noble earl as an enemy, he regarded him as his strictest and most re liable friend. The noble earl told them that that treaty produced a remarkable change in the foreign policy of this country—that all the ministers who went before him wished that Greece might remain in a state of vassalage towards Turkey, but that after the signing of the treaty of A.irianople he had advocated the erection of Greece into an independent kingdom. But how the removing of Greece from Turkey was likely to strengthen and support Turkey, he confessed it passed his comprehension to under- I stand. The noble earl said that the effect of that treaty I had been to give twenty-five years of peace. He could only ' mean between Russia and Turkey. Bid he could not un- i derstand what was the noble earl's notion of peace, or how he could describe Russia as a peaceable neighbour to I Turkey, when so far back as ten years ago the Emperor I made a proposition to the noble earl , then the Forei g n Minister, which he resumed as soon as the noble earl again 1 took office in 1852, to partition the very country of which 1 the noble earl told them the Emperor was such a peaceable and well conducted neighbour. Was that the morality 1 which the noble earl would teach great States to observe to minor States in trek neighbourhood? How could the 1 Emperor of Russip, be described as a peaceable neighbour to Turkey when twice within the last ten years he had I proposed to partition her territories? But since 1829 there 1 had been other great questions agitating Europe and this country. There was the conte-t in Portugal, war, and which was always described to be a war, essen tially which was a ' of opinion. Don Miguel was then the chief who I espoused the cause of despotism and arbitrary power ; and Donna Maria, the legitimate heiress, wag supported by all j who were attached to constitutional opinions. What was then the conduct of the noble earl? He was the mainstay of the supporters of despotism, and if he had not been in power he defied any man to say that Don Miguel would ever 1 have attained the throne. The noble earl might say that he -1 had never recognised him. It was true that he did not ; but, at the same time, he prevented the sailing of an expedition which would have dethroned the usurper, and his refusal to t recognise him proceeded from no dislike to his arbi- I trary principles, hut because he would not comply with i some special conditions which the noble earl attached to i his recognition. Notwithstanding this, ho gave to Don Miguel all the support he could give, and far more than was approved of by Parliament and by the country. But was that all? How did matters stand in Spain ? Was not the noble earl continually finding fault with what was done there for the support of constitutional institutions? Hewes con tinually in the habit of criticising the quadruple alliance t.-5 , means of which co nstitutional Glizmernrceist vv.. e.t.a! lished in Spain, and he was notoriously attached to the cause of Don Carlos. • (Oh, oh.) Tile noble earl shook his hmd, but he would refer him to still another matter. What did he say to the case of Belgium? After the French Re , volution, the Belgians, who were suffering , not only from national 'feelings, but from very grievous results of mis government, at last revolted ; the noble earl, who was then in office, talked of it as a revolt, and openly expressed his wish that the authority of the King of Holland might be re-established. He did not blame the noble earl for hold ing that language when the revolt was in progress ; but what did ho say in 1832, after the separation of the two countries had been completed ? He then toll the house that nothing was surprising in any country during a state of rebellion and revolt, but that the revolution was the most senseless and unintelligible of any recorded in history. Those were his sentiments in 1832, and that, was all the sympathy.he manifested towards a gallant people, who had thrown off a yoke which they were unable to bear, and who wore then engaged in laying the foundations of a con stitutional Government, which had been the means since of showing the continent of Europe how much loyalty and liberty were compatible with each other, and how the arts and industry flourished best under a constitutional form of government. He must say he was ashamed to hear the noel° earl, on a former occasion, taunt the noble lord op posite (the Earl of Malmesbury) with having received the compliments of Prince Schwartzeuburg on his accession to office. There was no one of their lordships who could mis take for a moment what those compliments meant. The noble lord opposite had received them because it was sup posed that he had been thrown by the vicissitudes of party into-the position of the noble earl, of whom he was at one time a supporter and au abettor, and whose policy it was supposed he would carry out. (Laughter.) The noble earl took credit to himself for being the author of the entente cordials with F,rauce. But as the noble earl had carried them back to 1829, it was not to be forgotten that in that year Prince Polignac had left this country for. Paris to become the Minister of France. It was perfectly notorious that the noble earl wished him to bo the French Minister. He' was Minister for a few months, and they all knew the catastrophe which followed. He begged to observe ou what the effect of the speech of the noble earl had een. It.was not a question of particu lar phrases, but of what speeches it followed. Undoubt edly, the noble earl rose to answer the speech of the Secre tary of State for Foreign Affairs, who joined in the argu ments of the noble lord opposite (Lord Lyndhurst), and could not resist the reasonings and conclusions to which that reasoning lei. Out of the abundance - of the heart the mouth of the noble earl spoke, and uttered sentiments which had created such universal astonishment and repre hension that the noble earl came down to-night to explain them away. The noble earl justified the tardiness, and what the noble earl a ll owe d t o be app a rent, but which he believed to be real, vacillation of the Government, because it was wished to c arry w ith th em th e governments of the Continent. L! the borders of Ge rmany, an d w hi c h h e could state, of his Independance Beige, a paper publishe d on own knowledge, had an immense circulation all over Ger many, contained a statement of the impression that speech made upon the gentlemen who reported for it. It was a telegraphic despatch, and therefore contained only a short summary of the general effect of each speech. " Londres, mardi. " Dans la' séance de la Chambre des Lords de la nuit derniere, Lord Lyndhurst a appele l'attention du Gou vernement et-de la Chambre cur le Memorandum relatif a la question d'Orient transmis par les cours de Vienne et de Berlin a leurs envoyes respectifs pres de la - Diet° Ger manique. - • • " Les Lords Lyndhurst et Clarendon oat declare. qu'il fallait que la Russie fournit des garanties materielles contre le retour des actes d'agression qui ont provoque la situa tion actuelle. " Lord D er by a sou t enu q u'il. fallait que la Russie fttt contrainte a restituer les territoires d ont e lle s'est re ndue maitresse au det r i ment d es n ations voisines.• Lord Aber deen a essaye de justifier la. c onduite de la Russie, et plaide la c ause d e l a pa i x. " (Laughter.) Ho thought, for a short summai y, that was extremely accurate. He thought that was the tenour of the noble earl's speech ; that be did justify some of the acts of the E m p eror o f Russia and that he did plead very Strongly in favour of peace. But was that a wise 'speech for the Minister of this country to make at a moment we were engaged in a struggle, which the noble lord might fancy, and he hoped his fancy was well founded, would speedily terminate, but which might be prolonged, and re quire from the people groat sacrifices. So far from plead ing, however, indirectly for the enemy , the lang ua g e o f h a the noble ear l s h ou ld ve been of a totally different na ture. (Hear.) Such language would be carried to our fleets and -t' ivies, when every endeavour ought, to be made to convince every man, f ro m the highest to the lowest rank in the servic es , th a t they were risking their lives and in curring hardships in a war which was absolutely necessary to check unjust aggression, and to protect the interests of this country and of Europe. (Hear.) The noble earl said he was one of the most urgent in helping forward warlike preparation. He left that question, which was a question of comparison, to be settle" between the noble earl an his colleagues. But it certainly did ha pp en to be within his own. knowledge, that there was current throughout this country and a greater part of Germany, a belief that the noble earl had stated, such was his recollection and his horror of war, that, come what might, to war he would I not be a party. That now proved to have been a misap prehension, f or th e no ble earl said he was urgen t for fur thering and haeteningpreparations for war. Their lordshi p s were in poseessiou of a great deal more information than when this subject was discussed in the beginning of the session. Their information from Russia had been greatly augmented. They now knew what was going on in the Russian capital, and in several considerable towns of that empire, from persons who were resid e nt there in the month of December last. • It had been stated as a fact to him that the attempted to be executed had been dr aw n up 'by. the plan of campaign which had si nce been highest military authority in Russia, was well known to several persons in that country, had been - discussed in -military ,circles, and had been communicated even to foreigners in the month of Decetnberlast. It was not a 0c0p6494 01 the principalitoB, 11,0 which it was stated )o what terms and to what ex tent this country was likely to push its demands, if at this moment the Emperor of. Russia were to show his irclination to negotiate for peace. If there was any ground for the assertion in this paper, and if the noble earl knew, as ho stated, Pr ince Metternich was guiding the councils of A.usV a. he then considered there was serious cause for alarm that this country might be already com promised by some act of its Minister, and that however great the defeat sus t a i ne d by Russia at the hands of the Turks, the peace to which they would have to look for ward would not be of that character which this country was entitled to expect. He hoped, before the debate closed, the noble earl would - give some further explanation as to that passage -in his speech with regard to the treaty of Adrianople and the history of that period. He owned, when he heard the statement of the noble earl the other night, he was astonished at what he believed to be the noble earl's misapprehensicn of the position of the parties at the time, and what appeared to him to be an incorrect statement of facts. He certainly did understand the noble earl to say that the treaty of Adrianople gave no territorial accession to Russia—that it did not give in any way more thail Russia was entitled to demand. With regard to ter ritorial accession, they knew that in Europe Russia ob tained a most imp9rtant though not very extensive addi tionabiludt f Ao ij r z t e h r b a a a n c c woulde ss on wholethat occasion; bouft Geointrkgsion of territory, the have been in the hands of the Turks. Russia obtained the greater part of an important pachalic by possession of a fortress which commanded the high road, and was the key and passage to that portion of the Russian states ; and it was only in consequence of the impregnable character of that fortress that, early in the, commencement of the pre sent war, the Turks did not take entire possession of Tillie . . Russia obtained also command of the Black Sea, and was able to establish stations by which to maintain troops, and to carry on a bloody struggle with the independent inhabitants of Circassia. The noble earl might lightly esti mate those advantages; but he was surprised that, under the circumstances in which the country stood, he should consider Russia made no better terms than in her position she was entitled to expect, because the noble earl must, know, upon various Russian authorities,:that at that mo ment peace was everything to. Russia, that a fortnight's delay would not have left a single Russian alive south of the Balkan, and that the campaign must then have been re- - commenced. He thought opinions coming from the noble earl which tended to lower the character of the Turks, and at the same time to raise the character of the Russians for moderation and honourable conduct in moments of triumph were calculat 'd to injure the cause of peace. He trusted the declarations of the noble earl would do away with the unfavourable impression his speech had generally made, and that haring adopted a new and improved course he would pursue it with as much warmth as he had apparently pursued the previous one. He would refrain from any remarks on the personal conduct of the noble earl, as he rose merely to draw his attention to a point upon which he hoped to hear some explanation. The Earl of ABERDEEN said—The noble earl has ad dressed a question to me, which I am perfectly ready to answer, and I hope to be able to answer satisfactorily. I observed the paragyaph in the paper which he has quoted, and I admired its ingenuity, because, my former acquaint ance and friendship with. Prince Metternich having been known, it was a very good notion to throw out the idea that L was engaged in negotiations with him in the sense which was endeavoured to be implied by the writer of that article. Therefore I thought it very ingenious. But I can only say this—that what the Emperor of Austria may have done in consulting an old and valued servant, and I hope he may have consulted him, but whether he has or not, I am perfectly ignorant.' (Hear.) My noble and learned friend mentioned Prince Metternich the other night with praise, and I took up the same strain. I have seen it re ported in some paper, that tha Emperor was about to take the advice of Prince Metternich, and that he has done so the paragraph alluded to, is I hope, in that part'correct. Whether it be so or not I cannot say. All I know is, as far as I am concerned, there is just the same amount of truth in it as in all the other imputations against me, which I have the happiness of seeing clay after day—namely, not a single syllable. (Cheers.) It so happens that since I have been in office, intimate as I formerly was with Prince Metternich, neither directly nor indirectly have I had any communication with him for the last year and a half until a few days ago, when a lady friend of mine told me she was writing to Prirce Metter&ch, and I said, " Pray, make my best remembrances to him." (Cheers and laughter.) Lord BROUGHAM did not wish to enter into a discus sion of the great num berofsubjects which had been alluded to in the course of the debate. The noble marquis would forgive, and he was sure the house would pardon, him if he declined entering upon the very comprehensive field of in quiry which he had opened, but he wished to revert toone word in the noble marquis's very able and eloquent speech. That small word used by the noble marquis was, that the noble earl had "explained away " the statements ha had made on the preview; evening. He (Lord Brougham) cer tainly had listened to the former speech of his noble friend with that attention which the importance of the subject and his high position demanded, and he had also listened with equal attention to the speech which the noble earl had just made. He was not prepared to say that in the statements of the noble earl that eveningthere had been anything said which could be called either retracting or explaining away anything in the former speech which had been so greatly misapprehended and misrepresented. He certainly felt highlysatisfied with the speech of that evening, not on ac count of the details into which it entered, but more espe cially on accohnt of that with which he began, and that with whichithe noble eail had concluded,Uvowin„e that the noble earl the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs had truly spoken his sentiments on the occasion, and that after all the pains which he had taken—and for which their lord ships and the oountry ought to feel grateful—to avoid the necessity of war, yet that once entered upon the contest, it should be no fault of his that it was not conducted with perfect determination and vigour. As for what the noble earl had said of the treaty of Adrianople, he purposely de clined goin g intothat question, except simply to state that he thought the noble earl had not, with his usual acuteness, perceived the very great difference between the present state of things and those which existed when the produc tion of this despatch was first refused. It was first asked for in Fe'ruary— . it was granted towards the end of June; and in the interval there had arisen the unhappy circumstance that we were at war with the Emperor Nicholas. The production of that despatch at a time when we were at peace with that sovereign would have been most injudicious, even most hurtful, but in the pre sent state of things it could produce no such evil. lie entirely agreed with those who felt apprehensive of entering at the present moment —in the present posture of affairs, aye, and in the present posture of our foreign relations— into anything like a discussion or minute examination, be would almost say of any discussion or examination at all. of what it would be expedient to lay down hereafter, when the time far negotiation should happily arrive, as the basis of that negotiation. All must depend upon the state of affairs at that time, and it would be a monstrous and inju rious policy, fraught with serious inconvenience and mis chief, if they were now to discuss hypothetically what might or might not be fit terms to accept. It was of incal culable importance that, by the blessing of Providence and the marvellous efforts of the Ottoman :Mules, the successes which had been achieved had been effected by the Turks themselves, and before their allies had even time to inter fere or give their aid by coining to their assistance. His apprehensions' he confessed, were for the period when he should hear that a movement had been made by the enemy for quitting the Principalities and to return to his own ter ritory. He could not help fearing that there might arise embarrassment to us and to our ally France—that great embarrassment of France having probably made some con cession to Austria, and Austria then calling upon us to enter into negotiations—of that he had more dread than of the war itself: ' (Hear, hear.) Because, if we were drawn into negotiations, the long series of diplomatic acts and protocols might be continued, with all the resources of Russian diplomacy, dragging us, perhaps, through the whole summer and autumn, to the time when the Black Sea and the Baltic would be in very different circainstances from those in which they happily now were. He trusted that the opinion expressed the other night, and now repeated by the noble earl, that the Western Powers were not com mitted by anything which had been done at Vienna or Ber lin, would bo shared by our great, magnanimous, an d mos t honourably ally— France. H had no distrust of Austria-- he should say nothing of Prussia; he had perfect confi dence in the wisdom and sage councils of the advisers of the Emperor of Austria, and in the character of the young Em peror himself ; but certainly a proposition was supposed to have been made by Austria to the Czar which, if it were to lead. to those negotiations, it would be for the Western Powers to say whether they should bear a part in them or not, and if they were to bear a part in them, he trusted that a certain time--and that not a very long time -would be fixed, within which those negotiatiot must terminate .or cease, and then the war be prosecuted with energy as before. (Hear , hear.) It was one out else, ot t he t o power of her Majesty's Gover nment, or of any t o urselves alone, but upon others. It must depend, not upo n prognosticate what would be the result of thepresen war. E b a e s w te o r a n ld po v W en q sa,robutot hype, FlireandcpioderfneTcohttlscin'ohre(oalnilelitvtheyre'which happily had prevailed be 'country and France up to the present time tt w hw o ae i t i e l n d still tls continue, and that they should go on together as they had gone on from the beginning until peace was obtained, coupled with guarantees against the repetition, at a more opportune moment, of conduct which all must condemn. Those guarantees would, he trusted, be such as should afford security against future aggression, and of such a nature as should entitle us to call the result of our negotiations and of our campaign by the name of " peace," for without such guarantee it would only be a semblance of peace, or, at best, little better than an armed truce. The other orders of the day having been disposed of, their lordships adjourned. for crossing the Danube, for the siege of Silistria, for the establishment of magazines, for passing Shumla, and for every contingency of a march to the other 'aide of ? the:Bal kans, were definitively laid down and discussed in St. Pe tersburg and other.large towns, in the month of December. It was oven said that a su g gestion, what was to be done if the Russian forces met 30,000 or 40,000. English and French troops upon or immediately behind the Balkans, was, on account of the language of the English Govern ment, treated as so incredible - and impossible that it never entered into the calculation of probable hypotheses. It was imposiible the Government of this country should not have been aware of these things ; and he asked was it right or proper, havin g this information in his possession, for the noble earl to hold out hopes of peace in the month of February, and to neglect preparations for war, certainly until that month, if not until March? Perhaps some day it would be ascertained when the preparations for war com menced. Of course he could have no access to official in formation ; but things would creep out, because subordi nates would not labour very hard without taking some little credit to themselves (and God knows they bad not much else to get), for any exertions which they might make on particular occasions for the service of the Government. Therefore, he saw every reason to believe that no instruc tions were given by the Cabinet to the Minister of War until quite the end of February, if not the be g inning of I March. When the noble Earl took credit forheinethe ' first to make preparations, ho told them those preparations ought to have been made in the , months of November and December. There could have been ne harm in making preparations, and then, instead of having to take credit for furnishing a few gun-boats in a few days, the fleets would have been supplied with gun-boats, which any sailor could have told them were necessary to make the fleet efficient for attack in the Baltic, the troops would have been trans ported at half the expense, and proper preparations would have been made forreceivi rig them when they landed at their destination. Looking at the general colour of affairs, it was impossible not to perceive that there was considerable dif ference of opinion in the. Cabinet; The language of the noble earl was not only in. contrast with that of the Secre tary for Foreign Affairs, but with the tone taken in the early part of the year by members of the Government in another place; and such a stale of things Must shake the confidence of the country in the measures which were to be taken. (Hear.) He would next observe upon a mat ter which, though a personal matter, was of very great national importance. The Cabinet considered it ne cessary to divide the department of the Secretary of State for War and the Colonies, for the sake of greater efficiency. The head of the Cabinet was, of course, re sponsible for the personal composition of the Cabinet. He could assure the noble duke who filled the situation of War Minister that he meant not the slightest disrespect to him in canvassing the policy of that arrangement. He could not doubt the noble duke would carry to the discharge of those, duties the same powers of application, the same impartial uprightness, and the same sober and tem perate judgment which he had-displayed in other offices of public trust. But, upon such an occasion as that in which the nation was placed, and in which the noble earl at the. head of the Government had lately to act, he did say, no party favour, no favour to a section of a party, no per sonal favour to any man or set of men ought to have weighed in the decision. He did not say only such favour had weighed in that decision, but he did say there was one man iu the country whom the voice of all parties and all assists in the country pointed out as the most proper and fittest man to be Minister of War. He need hardly say he meant Lord Palmerston. A rare conjunction of circumstances had granted to him long experience in mili tary administration, and at the same time great knowledge of foreign affairs, and even foreign armies, beyond any other man in this country. His talents, and the power and vigour with which he administered any department, were well known ; and he did say to retain Lord Palmer ston at the Home-office (and they had no reason to beli vs any proposition was made to induce him to undertake the post for which the whole country thought him the best qualified) was to neglect an opportunity of adding very great strength and efficiency, not only to the Cabinet, but to the councils and resources of the country. (Hear, hear.) The Parliamentary position of the Government was one not only unprecedented, but a position to suggest the gravest apprehensions in the minds of all men who knew anything of public affairs. Let their lordships consider for a moment what that position was ! The present Parliament was elected - about two years ago, in the midst of a very hot party contest.- He thought, in round numbers, they might say the decidely Conservative party returned about 300 members. The Liberal adhe rents of the Government, previously in office, returned about the same number. Those who might be considered the followers of the late Sir Robert Peel numbered per haps 20 or 30: There were, besides, a certain number who might be considered neutral members. The result was that by a combination the Conservative Government was overthrown, and the new Government took office a ithas following of 320 or 330 members. Bat, of course, in the ranks of the supporters of the noble lords opposite were a considerable number of gentlemen, who, though they pre ferred his Government to any other, were ready to sup port any Government which they thought sufficiently Con servative to secure the maintenance of the great institutions of this country, and therefore were not indisposed to sup port the Government of the noble earl (the Earl of Aber deen). The Government last year were at the head of a party of about 400 members. - What was the state of the Government this year ? They were unable to carry almost any one-important measure. (Hear, hear.) That was a very serious consideration ; anti when he asked to what that was owing, he wished not to be told it was owing to -the Reform Bill, and the abolition of those close boroughs upon which a Minister could conveniently count, because since the Reform Bill there had been Ministers of different shades, and of decidedlydifferent complexions, and they had been able, the same as before the Reform Bill, to exert sufficient influence to carry on the business of the Crown in Parliament. Besides, if it were true there was groat difficulty in managing a reformed Parliament, how. could any Minister who served the Crown make that assertion, and, at the same time, propose any further reform? (Hear, hear.) He voted for reform, and he said that re form had no such effect as to disable the servants of the Crown having sufficient influence in Parliament to carry measures which they thought the exigencies of the irtnali rolnirea: ' Did the coustittition of the Government itself afford any explanation ? Was there a want of ability in the members of the Government sitting. in the other house? He need hardly say anything of the ability and character as a statesman of. Lord Sohn Russell, who was respected by all men and followed by many, and whose ability no man doubted, whose parliamentary ex-_ perience was as great practically as any man's. Was lie unaided on the Treasury bench ? On one .side sat the noble lord he had just named, Lord Palmerston, indis putably the most popular man in or out of Parliament ; and, on the other, Mr. Gladstone, perhaps the most acute logician, in either house, who hail shown his powers this year by almost proving black white and that two and two make Live. (A. laugh) There were many other men dis tinguished for their administrative abilities, and he asked, with this combination of men, eminent for their parlia mentary experience and administrative powers, at the head of a great party, how was it that Government was day after day defeated, and day after day had to withdraw measures which it could not carry for want of sufficient support ? He attributed it fairly to the First Lord of the Treasury, who had invited this discussion. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.) He thought that it was because neither the Houses of Parliament nor the country had confidence in him in the exigency and emergency in which they were at present placed. He did not think, and it was his firm belief the country did . not think, his counsels had been salutary either for averting war, or for preparing to meet it. In attacking the public career of the noble earl, he hoped he should be understood as not saying a word incon sistent with perfect personal respect . for him, or that could offend the most gnsiiive feelings of those who enjoyed the noble earl's intimacy, and entertained for him the greatest respect and esteem. The noble earl said, and he was sure said sincerely, that he was actuated by a love of peace, and his endeavours had been directed to preserve peace. But he said those endeavours had been inaldirected for peace. He did not doubt the sincerity with which the noble earl was impelled to make those efforts, but the line he took in other matters was a line calculated to bring on, as he (the Marquis of Clanricarde) thought it did bring on, more than one great disorder, revolution, and trouble in Europe. He said the presence of the noble earl at the coun cil table was the cause that they were now engaged in war. (Hear, hear.) He had never altered the opinion which he expressed when these unhappy transactions were first dis cussed, and if such was his opinion then, it had been greatly confirmed by subsequent events. It appeared to him that if a clear and honest course had been taken by the Govern ment twelve or fifteen months ago, there never would have been a war. Every day proved it. From day to day the noble earl had acknowledged in terms the power of Russia. He seemed to think it hopeless to struggle against it, and, as one had said, it would have been better tia have left Tur key to its fate, and not gone to war at all. Having then the misfortune to attribute to the noble earl the present war, the backwardness in entering upon it, the enormous, inor dinate and perfectly useless expense entailed on the coun try by the neglect of preparations—attributing these things to the noble earl, he for one did not think it was advan tageous to the country that he should continue to be its Minister; either to prosecute the war, or to superintend negotiations for peace, of which the accounts to-clay gave no very cheering prospect. He anticipated he should be told, because he had been told before, that, strongly enter taining those opinions, he ought to move an address to the Crown to remove the noble earl, or a direct vote of want of confidence. That was a very common response for a Minister to make to a speech which he could not answer ; but he was quite free to admit it was very difficult for him to meet that objection. He knew he ought to make that motion if he saw his way afterwards.; but in the humble position in which ho stood, he did not think it wise or ad vantageous to' make such a motion. Therefore, he had not expressed before what he had expressed to-night, but he HOUSE OF COMMONS—(YESTERDAY.) had expressed it to-night, because he was called upon by the deliberate notice given by the noble earl that he wohld PUBLIC REVENUE AND CONSOLIDATED FUND revert to the year 1829, that he would explain his views CHARGES BILL. with respect to the speech he had made with respect to the On the order of the day being read for resuming the war, and what was more important with respect to the adjourned debate on the consideration of this ,bilt as peace which might possibly be negotiated. Under these amended, • • circumstances he thought he should not be so uncandid, so Colonel DUNNE moved that the bill be recommitted. puerile, so wanting in his duty, as to hesitate to say that After some discussion the house divided, and the motion which he conscientiously believed, that it was not for the for recommitment was negatived by a majority of 90 advantage of this country the noble earl should continue against 53. to be the chief adviser of the British Crown. The original motion was then a g reed to. Lord BEAUMONT admired the moral courage of t he THE CONSTITUTION OF NEW ZEALAND. noble earl (the Earl of Aberdeen), who, when he found his On the motion for going into committee of supply, speech was lik e ly to be injurious to the causein hand, took Mr. ADDERLEY called the attention of the house to the first opportunity of explaining—though some persons the conduct of the late Governor of New Zealand in delay• might think it, a humiliating position for a Prime Minister jug and partially frustrating the new constitution granted to explain—the language he had used, going out of his way to that colony. He charged Governor Grey with being to create the opportunity for so doing. He, therefore, attached to the old autocratic colonial system, and with should a void everything which partook of a personal cha- having set himself to retard the working of recent consti rector. (Hear.) But he was bound to say, though he con- tutional legislation, not only by availing himself of the sidered the amended speech much better than the original, utmost period of legal delay in conveningthe Legislature, and though it had removed many painful impressions but by certain illegal acts in regard to the colonial revenue, which the first speech had - created, yet still he felt, from a Crown lands, anti otherwise. recollection of certain passages connected with other events, Mr. F. PEEL defended the course which had been that altogether a more satisfactory answer might have been I adopted by. Governor Grey, and said that it was unfair to given. The reason for saying that was, that in the course , assail him fur using the discretion allowed him by l aw; of his 'observations the noble earl made some remarks ' The constitution had, he said, been given to the colony ae which conveyed to him the impression that what was stated . early as Parliament had iutended should be -the case, and elsewhere had some truth in it. He seldom placed much : the delay spoken of was no more t han was necessaiyfor the reliance on what was stated in the public press , and cape - dna working out of the details of the electoral sy stem. cially in the paper to which he was about to allu de, nor also vindicated Governor Grey' Greys couduct, in regard to Ho the should he have thought of alluding to it if the n oble earl , other points on which it had been attack e d by Mr. Adder had not given some importance to that paper by making le y , and, eulogising the character of Sir George, said that quotations from it on a former occasion. Ho found in the , the very best results might be anticipated from his a - nt paper supposed to represent the opinions of the n oble earl ment to tha government of th e Cape. ppo' • I'l opposite (the Earl of Derby) the following statement : Sir JOHN PAKINGTON bore general testimo ny to the g " His Highness Prince Metternich, at the s p ecial and per- merits of Sir G. Grey Pa a colonial governor, but lie could sonal request of his Imperial Majesty the E m p eror of Aus. not consider that recent acts of Sir George in n ' the colony of trig, has em bodied in a State paper his view of the ar ran g e- New Zealand ha d been successfully vindicated by Mr. Peel. menus which, in the present condition of affairs, may con- He thought th a t Sir George had ac t e d i n discreetly in re duce to ' a just and honourable peace., W e hi v e reason to bard to the di sposa l of the laud, and that he had not acted believe that these views have been co mmunicated, although -in conformity with the intentions of Parliament in delay not officially, to the Earl of Aberdeen ; and that little ink the convening of 'the Legislature. doubt prevails, from previous communications that have The subject then -dropped. taken place, that they will be substantially adopted by the 7 COLONIAL ESTIMATES. English Minister." He connected with that the statement The house then went into conunittee on these estimates. of the noble earl that he was aware Prince Metternich wall The vote of 4,019/..for-the Bermudas, after a short dis at the present moment guiding the c ouncils of the Em p er or - passion, was agreed to. - of 4ostria, and it induced him to think certain comteuni- 28,875/., . salaries of stipendiary justices in the Isl a mi of oaticha of a non•official character had tikeA place, in Mau r itius a nd the West Lidice. ._... ~.._,____• . - 1 - . - IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY.) The house met at five o'clock. There was not a large attendance of peers at that hour, but the parts set aside t', members of the House of Conimons were crowded. Every available space in front of the throne was also filled with strangers, and there was not a seat unoccu pied near the strangers' gallery. In the galleries im mediately over the throne there were between thirty and forty peeresses and daughters of peeresses, and other distinguished ladies. LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL, CANADA. Lord DERBY gave notice that when this bill, which worked an entire change in the conAitution of Canada, and which stood for co2imittee on Thursday next, came on, he should move its postponement until next session. LORD ABERDEEN'S EXPLANATION. The Earl ofl ABERDEEN—My lords, I have taken a somewhat unusual course upon the present occasion, but perhaps your lordships will not think it altogether unjusti- . fiable or unreasonable that I should be desirous of availing myself of the earliest opportunity to remove the misappre heosions which have taken place, and which have led in consequence to great misrepresentations of some observa tions which I addressed to your lordships in the course of the last week. My lords, I could wish that those who ex press an - opinion upon the observations in question would take the trouble to read the report ~f• that sp,e,ch. T have done so myself ; and although I declare that I have no thing to retract or to contradict, rieertlieless I readily ad mit that, from the imperfect manner in which I always address your lordships, there may probably - there may undoubtedly —bsereason for some explanation, and some,. further development of that which I had intended to ad dress to the house, with a view to bring fully and clearly before your lord-hips the views and opinions which. I en tertain upon the subject to which my observations referred. My lords, I feel that I .can do so with great ease, and, for tunately, in a very short time—otherwise, from the indis position of the moment, I should' not attempt to address your lordships upon the present occasion. (Hear.) My lords, the despatch for which I intend to move was first. referred to in this house by the late Lord Grey, very shortly before he became Minister. It has been mentioned at other times, both here and in the House of Comm , us. It has been moved for but withheld for various reasons. It was likewise referred to by myself not very long ago, and I have now resolved to produce it, because I understand there has proceeded from a very high authority in another place the astounding declaration that I have recently claimed the honour of framing the treaty of Adrianople. (Hear.) Now, my lords, the production of the despatch in question will show you how far I was instrumental in framing that, treaty, and what was my opiuion, and the opinion of the Government whose organ I was on that occasion, of that unfortunate awl disastrous treaty. My lords, it has been said —or, at all events, it has been interred from what I said a few days ago—that I re, garded the treaty of Adrianople with approbation, or. at least, with iudflercnce. Now, my lords, the fact is, such was the impression produced by that treaty—such was the alarm excited by its conclusion - such were the supposed dangers which we dreaded to the existence of the Turkish empire, that. the whole policy of the British Government was changed on a most material point in_cOnsequence of that treaty. I have, already, I think, referred in this house to the fact, which your lordships well know, that at the beginning and during the progress of the Greek re volution, Mr. Canning never contemplated the existence of Greece as an independent kingdom, neither did the Duke of Wellington ever contemplate the - existence of Greece as an independent kingdom, but solely as a vassal state under the suzerainty of the Porte, somewhat similar to the provinces of Wallachia and Meldavia. When, however, the treaty of Adrianople was signed, it appeared to me, and my noble friend at the head of the Govern ment at the time agreed with me, that the condition of the Turkish empire was so perilous in itself that it would be extremely unwise to create a state and to place it under thu protection and suzerainty of an empire 'which itself was exposed to extreme peril, and whose existence was prolonged for a time only. Therefore we agreed to pro pose to our allies to convert that vassal state into an inde pendent kingdom. Our allies agreed with us, and the Porte at last assented to our proposal. Hence the exist ence of Greece as an independent kingdom is duo to the impressions produced upon us by the terms of the treaty of Adrianople. My lords, what I have now said shows at least what were our impressions; and although they may be thought by some to have been erroneous, I can as sure your lordships that at the time they were un questionably honest and sincere, I fully admit that the apprehensions which we then felt have turned out to be greatly exaggerated. However disastrous the treaty of Adrianople, and however mischievous its conditions, neverthe'ess we have the experience of the last 25 years to assure us of the continued existence of the Turkish empire ; and more than that, we have had proof of the vigour, of the energy, and of the courage and perseverance with which the troops of that empire have maintained the integrity and independence of their country. (Cheers.) It is obvious, then, that we were under the most exaggerated ahtrin for the consequences of the treaty of Adrianople. Now, my lords, Ido not mean to say, al though fortunately we were somewhat mistaken as to the amount of the danger to be apprehended from the treaty of Adrianople, that that treaty was not, in the highest de gree, dangerous and pi ejudicial to the interests of Europe. (Hear, hear.) I have never said so, either here or else where. My. noble and learned friend (Lord Lyndhurst) called it, I think, an "unfortunate" treaty. My lords, that is not a word sufficienLly strong to describe the char acter of that ti eaty. (Hear, hear.) True, my lords, I have said that, disastrous'as the treaty of Adrianople was, Russia has made no great territorial acquisitions in cense quence of that treaty. I said so as the _simple truth. I was induced to say so, perhaps, at the moment, in conse quence of a declaration, most exaggerated and unfounded, that my noble and learned friend had made, that sian empire had doubled its territory in Europe in the course of the last 53 years. That I hold to be completely incorrect, and, with the recollection of the treaty of Adria nople before me, I certainly did refer to it in proof that, no such extension of territory had taken place as that asserted by my noble and learned friend. But, my lords, although I knew perfectly well, and indeed I think there can be no doubt of the fact, that no considerable extension of terri tory has taken place in consequence of that treaty, never theless I was not at all the less aware of the importance of the acquisitions that have actually been, made since 1829. I know perfectly well the importance of the acquisi tiens which Russia has made with respect to the .navigation of the Danube, and I am equally sensible of the importance of the posts which she has acquired in Asia. Although small in extent, those acquisi tions, •from their character, are of the highest political importance. My lords, as the despatch fur which I in tend to move is long, and will be iatmediately upon the table of the house, I will not fatigue your lordships by reading it in extenso, but I must trouble you with a single extract, to show that, although I.dwelt strongly the other evening upon the limited extent of the territorial acquisi tions made by Russia, I did not in the slightest degree mean by that to invalidate the political importance of the acquisitions actually made by Russia. The passage is ex pressed in these terms :—" It may not be easy to accuse of want of generosity the conqueror who checks the uure slated progress of success, and who spares the d fenceless capital of his enemy. Nevertheless, the treaty in question —certainly not in conformity with the expectations held out by preceding declarations and assurances—appears vitally to tilled, the interests, the strength, the dignity, the present safety, and future independence of the Otto man empire. The modes of domination may be various, although all equally irresistible. The independence of a State may be overthrown, and its subjection effectually secured, without the presence of a hostile force or the per manent possession of its soil. Under the present treaty the territorial acquisitions of Russia are small, it must be admitted, in extent, although most important in their character. They are commanding positions, far more valuable than the possession of barren provinces and de populated towns, -and better calculated to rivet the fetters by which the Sultan is bound." [A Peer —" What is the date?"] The despatch is dated the 31st day of December, 1829. My lords, the extract I hive read shows that the small extent of the acquisitions made by Russia did not, blind me to the impoetance of their character ; and, there fore, when the other night I dwelt upon the absence of any very great territorial acquisitions, of course it is with a view to contradict the assertion of my noble and learned friend, and to state what may be termed a geographical troth, but without the slightest reference to the undoubted political importance of those acquisitions which have actually been made. My lords, the conclusion of the treaty of Adrianople was the commencement of a change of policy on the part of Russia. It is highly probable that if that treaty had been made by the Empress Catherine, great ac quisition of t err it or y wou ld h ave t a k en pl a ce. But, as I have said, at that time Russia comtnenced.a change of policy which has been carried on to the present day with ever increasing vigour, and which accounts, to a certain extent, for the absence of those territorial acquisitions which in other circumstances would no doubt have been made. That change of policy consists in this—Russia, instead of pursuing the policy which was followe 1 in the preceding century, has, since the conclusion of the treaty of Adrianople. looked to the . extension of her political in tuence.rather than to the acquisition of territory. (Hear; hear.) A very prudent and politic change it has been. We have all heard that • " Satan's grown wiser than of yore ;" .Capt. SCOBELL and Mr. ___WILLIAMS respectively ob jected to the vote, and called f or p a rti cu l ars . Mr. A. PELLA.TT also objected to the vote, but after a short discussion it was agreed to. 14,110/., civil establishments on the west coast of Africa. —Agreed to. 12,4761, establishments in the island of St. Helena. — Agreed to. 2,3131., establishments at Western Australia. Mr. J. A. SMITH attempted to raise a discussion with respect to the Governor of New Zealand; but wan called to order by the chairtnan. r.- Sir J. PAKINGTON inqnired why the salary of the Bishop of New Zealand did not appear in the votes. It was only 6001. a-year, but he (Sir J. Pakington) had been informed that some days since the Bishop of New Zealand had received an intimation that his salary was withdrawn. Sir G. GREY, after bearing his testimony to the WO character which the Bishop of New Zealand enjoyed, said the right hon. gentleman was mistaken in supposing that this was the first year the sum of 6001. was omitted front this vote. The 6001. was voted up to 1852, but in conse quence of the growing prosperity of the colony, the hon. member for Lambeth and other members objected to its continuance, and in 1853 it was reduced to 5001. It was in consequence of an intimation from the right hon. gen tleman himself that the sum of 6001. would not be asked for after 18 5 3 that the hon. member for Lambeth with drew his opposition to it. The subsequent estimate of the Duke of Newcastle, thers,fore, did not contain one shilling of the item for the Bishop of New Zealand. Ho hoped that the legislature of New Zealand would be willing to provide for that 6001. a year. Sir J. PAKINGTON said there was time to ascertain the intentions of the colony on the subject since then, and ho was afraid that no communication had taken place. Sir T. D. ACLAND said that the bishop was so anxious for the good of the church that ho offered to give up a portion of his revenue for the establishment of three more prelates there. Mr. 'WILLIAMS hoped that the vote for New Zealand would disappear altogether next year. The vote was then agreed to. The following votes were also agreed to :- 9761. to defray the charges of Heligoland. (Laughter.) 3,021/. to defray the charges of the Falkland Islands. On the vote of 16,84. g. 4,4001, to defray the charges of Hong Kong. 1,000/. to defray the charges of Labuan. Board, Mr. BRIGHT thought the time had come when a groat part of this expense might be saved, for the Land and Emigration existing now, as formerl y , as there was no reason to get rid of our pop ulation by inducing them to 2% emigrate. He recomme nded that the whole of the expensive staff mikrht be abo lished. He hoped between this and next yeai th is " suggestion con sidered. Sir G. GREY said that this vote w as no t f or the pu rpose would be of encouraging emigration, but to enable the Government to communicate information to every part of the country from which persons desirous of emigrating made inquiries That accounted for the apparently large sum s se t d own for . postage. The great object to be attained by this vote ?was the securing the safety and comfort of the emigrants. Captain SCOBELL thoi!ght,thLthe emigration office - rig who received only 2081. a year were paid very badly in comparison to the clerks, some of whom were paid 5001. a year. Mr. J. B. SMITH hoped that this vote would never again be brought forward. Mr. J. O'CONNELL complained of the working staff of officers, who discharged their duties in a most efficient and creditable manner, being very much underpaid. The vote was then agreed to. 20,0001. for the capture of negroes. Mr. M. GIBSON said that this was a vote to defray the charges under the act for the abolition of the slave trade. The act to which he alluded was called the Brazilian Act, which was passed in 1845. At that time the Earl of Aber deen was Foreign Minister under the late Sir R. Peel, and he said that he should be very glad when the time arrived to have it in his power to repeal that act. It was but a temporary provision to put down the slave-trade in Brazil, and based on the ground that that country had not fulfilled her engagements with the Government of this kingdom. He asked the noble lord the President of the Council what was the present state of our relations with Brazil, and whe ther the time had not arrived for the repeal of this act I The committee that had sat last year on the subject re ported that the slave trade in Brazil was abblished. - • Lcrd J. RUSSELL said that While they greatly rejoiced at this state of things, the right hon. gentleman should not forget the means by which such a result was brought about. It was brought about by the passing Of the act to which he referred, which enforced penalties against those who were found carrying on the slave trade in Brazil. He could not say it was a very logical consequence that they ought now to give up all the means which effected that object, the chief of which was the act referred to. Although several attempts had been made to negotiate a treaty upon this subject to take the place of the act, there were no stipula tions which could be considered at all as effectual as the act itself. He believed that our relations with Brazil were of a most satisfactory character. He thought that they would be acting most unwisely, in securing the present satisfactory state of things, if they were to repeal the act. and thus by indulging in the vain expectations that the slave trade was entirely rooted out, give encouragement to the restoration of those horrible scenes that had formerly taken place. (Hear, hear.) Mr. BRIGHT said that Lord Truro had declared the act to be a flag rant violation of the law of nations. Its character and tendency were greatly to exasperate every person who regarded the independence of the Brazilian empire. The Brazilian was probably as respectable a Go vernment as any in the world. Nobody that was acquaint ed with the country had the least suspicion that the slave trade would be again established. He. therefore, thought that the Government ought to repeal the act. Lord PALMERSTON said Brazil, in 1826. bound her self to abolish the slave trade. Down to 1833, however, this treaty was not observed, and the slave trade was car ried on openly, slaves being sold in the streets of Rio Ja neiro. In 1845 an act passed to suppress the slave trade, and in 1810 this act was carried into execution. Nothing would have induced the Brazilian Government to suppress the slave trade but the resolution of the British Government to carry out that act.' No doubt there was a small anti• slavery party in Brazil, but it was powerless. The en forcement of the act produced a great sensation in Brazil, and a cry was raised. The Brazilian Government then de clared that if the act was not enforced, and the cruizers left off seizing the slavers, the slave trade would be sup presso.i. To this the British Government agreed ; but the slave trade was not suppressed, and revived again in all its vigour. The British minister at Rio then remonstrated, and threatened the re-enforcement of the act. At length the Brazilian Government,• seeing that the slave trade would not bo allowed to exist, consented really to put it down, and at this moment it did not exi s t. The result was I:eneticial to Brazil, for the traffic had a most demora lising influence ; capital which was devoted to it was now applied to purposes of internal improvement, and the whole face of the country was chane ° ed. Such was the effects of the act which the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Gibson) wished to repeal. The repeal of the act would be most disastrous and injurious, and would be nothing less than an act of madness. (Cheers ) Mr. ADDERLE t Y said he inferred, from the statement of the noble lord, that public opinion, and not our cruisers, had suppressed the slave trade. (Hear.) If not, how was it - that it had not been suppressed 20 years ago ? The noble lord stated that - public opinibn had put it down at last. Lord PALMERSTON—No ; the act of Parliament. Captain PECHELL said a similar course had been pur sued with respect to Portugal, and had proved quite suc cessful. The present was the time to keep up a sufficient force to back up the Captain-General of Cuba, and so to suppress the present traffic.— Sir T. D. ACLAND said every one who felt an interest in the suppression of this abominable traffic should con gratulate the unremitting assiduity of his noble friend, and trust to those who have achieved such results. Tha vote was then agreed to, and the house resumed. SUPPLY (NAVY). Mr. GIBSON said he had seen it stated that Russian prisoners on hoard merchant vessels were allowed •to vo lunteer. Perhaps the right hon. gentleman would explain who were the prisoners. Sir J. GRAHAM said, as all the old prisons had been disposed of at the close of the war, it became necessary to provide new prisons. Preparations were made by the ad miral for the reception of prisoners at Constantinople, both soldiers and sailors. It was true that certain merchant sailors tak(:n in Russian ships had taken service in British merchant ships to go long voyages, not to the Mediter rune +l2 or the Baltic. No expense would be incurred that was not necessary. Mr. OTWAY called attention to the loss of life sus tained by the want of boat accommodation on board the transport-ship Europa. To the want of that accommoda tion was entirely owing the loss of Colonel Moore. He suggested that the master of each transport conveying troops should sign an undertaking that the long-boat should not be used for the stowage of cattle or any other purpose, and that a certain number of men and officers should be told off to each boat. Mr. A LCOCK said it was an absurd thing to vute 20,0001. for transports, when there were so many ships of war lying up in ordinary. Sir J. PECHELL hoped the Russian soldiers from the Black Sea would not be brought to this country. He thought the suggestion of the hon. and gallant member for Christchurch was worthy of attention, and that ships were the fittest prisons for prisoners of war. Sir G. TYLER asked whether any proposition for az exchange of prisoners had been made to the Russian Go vernment ? Sir J. GRAHAM was understood to say there had been, but that no official report had yet been received. Both at Constantinople and Sheerness ships were fitted up as pri sons for prisoners of war. WAYS AND MEANS. • . The house went through committee pro form 4 on 'NI and means. - DRAINAGE OF LANDS. The Drainage of Lands Bill, as amended, was then eon sldered. REFORMATORY SCHOOLS (SCOTLAND) BILL. The house went into committee on this bill pro forma to introduce amendments. GENERAL BOARD OF HEALTH BILL. This bill was read a second time. YOUTHFUL OFFENDERS BILL. This bill was read a second time. V I CE-AD MIRALTY COURT (BrA This bill was r ea d a t hi rd time and p""". RAILWAY AND CANAL TRAFFIC BILL REGULATION The Lords' AmendmenßtslrPn. t hi s bill were read and agreed to. PORTLAND, szc. , CrIAPELS BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. NE W FOREST BILL. 8.. : T bill hL i t a ssboi IFI was read Acrreeii,al:Aw-11 aaNittcolhlriiEc:BddAAltt.iiiinTsTilcee.zadlpiu,aalsscLeeeL(ll... PROMISSORY NOTES This hill was committed pro forma for the insertion of amendments. REGISTRATION OF BILLS OF SALE BILL. This bill was read a third time and passed. CROWN FORESTS COMMITTEE. . . Mr. IJAYTER (for Mr. Drummond) moved that Sir W. ireathcAe be discharged from further attendance on the committee, and that Mr. Wilson bettl: added his n a m e leuthu;loea t yu o helbdat t e h dab e basee egulcommittee.aodm t o otta be Sir J. SEIELLEY objected to the proposed su a b th a u t e i n t sse u u t eb i mi o est ia l byMniri.sWtakleL,S2tOndN saidexpl a t i h n a e t d t t h h o a u t z relieved from within frem b h e i i a ng d o e n pit t t h m is en eo t m , thing for him not to be upon it. - - The motion was then agreed to. INCOME TAX. , . Mr. WILSON obtained leave to bring in a la to pre• vide for i.n abatement of income-tax ill resreo to Pliun s ame on. Lives. The house rm *Twin 1.14 !: _ _t ._. _ S - ti N ) ( ~_ ~...) 2 1 : - ! •-:, ~., - , iz,.;- ,-.- - K ~. 'it N!;:,0•35.. * ' :,..,!,:r ' 't *-.-AP..2 '--- t . N t ' ` ,.... X2:' ws4.IV4I;O4KAN'