The Sun. — London, England, 1833-04-25 00:00:00

COURT OF EXCHEQUER, APRIL 24. HUNT V. GRANT. This was a demurrer to an action commenced by the late Member of Parliament for Preston against the defendant, for publishing a libel in the True Sll7l against him, alleging that a Coroner's Jury had returned a verdict of" Wilful Murder" against him. Mr. KELLY contended that the publication was not libellous, and that the subject could not be argued in that Court. Lord LYNDHURST was of a contrary opinion, and the Court allowed the Counsel for the defendant further time to amend his plea. COURT OF KING'S BENCH, APRIL 21. THE KING V. CHARLES BARING WALL, 31 P. Sir J. SCARLETT, on the part of the defendant, applied to the Court to appoint an early day in the sittings after this Term for the trial of this indict ment. Their Lordships would recollect there had been causes of great magnitude, in which the Court had departed from the usual ride in going to trial. 'DIN was one equal in importance to any which had preceded it. Mr. Eating Wall, the Member for Guildford, had had the misfortune to be made sub ject to a charge of assault, alleged to have been committed with indecent and criminal motives. 'Whilst he laboured under that charge, he could not do his duty in the House of Commons; he could not do juqice to his constituents. He owed it to him self and family, and others, to abstain from doing his duty while this was pending. His anxiety was to hal e an examination with as little delay as possible. His object was to request the Court to allow this itnlctnient to be tried at the sittings after the pre sent Term. The Court thought the application might be granted. MAN SION-HOUSE. Yesterday the Lord Mayor, acting upon the usual system of hospitality practised by the chief magis trates of the city of London, gave his second grand entertainment at the Mansion-house. The b inquet was laid out in the Egyptian Hall, and was furnished of course with all the delicacies of the season. Among the company, besides the civic authorities, were the Duke of Richmond ; Marchionesses — Winchester, Salisbury, Dowager Salisbury : Mar quisses—Wi nchest er;Salisbury, Lansdowne,T weed dale ; E irls—Ripon, Denbigh, Shaftesbury, Roden, Rosebery, Albemarle,. Kerry, Clarendon, Ormelie; Ladies—C. Paulet, A. Poulett, Peel, Horne, Floyd, Campbell, Beechey, Maclaine ; Lords , —Anckland, Lowther, Radstock, Salmon, Ashley,- Ingesttie; Bishops—London, LlandafT; the Lord Chief Jus tice of England, Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, Master of the Rolls, Vice-Chancellor, Lord Advocate of Scotland, Judges Littledale, J. Parke, Busanquet ; Attorney and Soli , :itor-General ; Cur sitor Baron; Right Honourables—Sir Robert Peel, G. R. Dawson, C. P. Thomson, J. W. Croker, H. Goulburn, .1. C. Herries; Sirs , —Calonel J. Gib bons, Major-General John Malcolm, G.O 8., Gen. A. Clifton, J. R. Reid, James M'Gregor, W. Cur tis, Colonel A. Maclaine, M. S. Stewart, M. A. Shee, W. Beechey, W. G. Stirling, C. Price ; klonourables--- 7 Cidolnel Fielding, George Lamb. As soon as,:clinner was concluded, " Non nobis, Dornine," . strtl§ 'sung by the vocalists. The Lord Mayor then gave as a toast, " The King, with three timeg.thee." It_ was drunk, but not with enththi torn: -. , Song—" God save the King." The next toast given by his Lordship was " The 'Queen." It was drunk with the greatest warmth —much greater than that with which his Majesty's name was received. Was this gallantry or party spirit? The loyalty must, we suppose, be the same in both cases. The third toast was "The Princess Victoria, and the rest of the Royal Family." It was received with general approbation. The LORD MAYOR then proposed, in a brief speech, the " Navy and Army." Song—" Rule Britannia." The LORD MAYOR, in proposing the next toast, -which was the health of his Majesty's Ministers, said, there were other gentlemen better acquainted with the city than he was, but he had been in formed.that never in any former mayoralty had so respectable a company as the present been assem bled *within the walls of the Mansion-house. He attributed this gratifying result to the determination which he had announced at the commencement of his mayoralty, that he would be the chief magistrate of the metropolis, and not of any party which might have obtained strength within it. His object was to collect together distinguished men of all parties, without regard either to their political principles or to their political prejudices, within the hospitable circle of that hall. As a proof that such was his object, he referred to the mixed character of the company then contained within it. Lard Althorp was prevented from attending by his putd duties, which required his presence in another place; and he had received apologies from the Lord- Chancellor and Earl Grey on the one side, and from the Duke of Gordon and Lord Hill on t other. He concluded by proposing the health of hjs INI-ijesty's Ministers. The toast was received with great approbation. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE returned thanks, and proposed the health of their present exalted and respectable chief Magistrate.—(Applause.) The LORD MAYOR briefly returned thanks. The LORD MAYOR next proposed the health of the Right Hon. Sir R. Peel. This toast was received with approbation so marked, thrt it was clear that the majority of the company invited on this occasion were Tories. Sir R. PEEL, after thanking the company for such a flattering testimony of their affectionwe regard, concluded by proposing " Prosperity to the city of The LORD MAYOR gave the healths of the Duke of Richmond and the Peers of England. The Duke of RICHMOND returned thanks, and concluded by giving the health of the Lady Mayoress. This toast elicited great enthusiasm. The LORD MAYOR returned thanks. Several toasts were afterwards given,—among which, that of Sir Thomas Denman, the Lord Chief Justice of England, elicited the greatest sympathy and applause. The health of Sir Martin Shee was also well received, and he returned thanks in a manner which Showed he had successfully cultivated the art of speaking as well as of painting. Dancing soon afterwards commenced in the Hall, and was continuing at the time when we left the Mansion-house. Upon the whole, though the Tories were exulting in what they conceived to be a sort of trimuph, all that can be said is, that in a company, selected, for the most part, from the Tory pArty, the Mi nisters were received with decided marks of respect and regard, though their opponents had louder plaudits.. DEA4'H OP CAPTAni 11 ICllBELL.—Yes terday morning, at 8 o'clatik, THOMAS RICHBELL, Esq., the re-ident Magistrate of 'Thames police, departed this life at b;s residence, the Thathes-police-office, in High street, Wapping, at the age of 75 years. Captain Mut 117LL entered the Navy in an humble capacity, at a very early age, and served with hie present MAJESTY in the West Indies. For the gallantry and bravery he displayed in several actions and hazardous engagements, he was successively promoted to the rank of Midshipman, Lieu tenant, and Post Captain. In the year 1792 or 1793, he wa s appointed tegulating Captain of the Volunteer and Impressment department, •in the 'necropolis, and to the charge o f th e Enterprise, tender ship off the Tower, arid until the close of the war he 'performed the onerous duties of his office to the satisfaction of the Government. H e con. tinned in this situation until the beginning of the year 1817, when he was appointed by Lord StomouTit, then Home Secretary, to the officeof a Thames-p•dice trate, with_ the privilege of retaining his half-pay. He has left a widow, who has •been•far some time labouring under a severe indispositidn, and a son anti daughter, under age, to dill* the lois.of a kind husbind and most affectionate father. Captin RICIIBELL was a gentleman of very frugal habits, and his property, which consists of freehold and leasehold estates, and money in the funds, is said to be very considerable. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS, APRIL 24. On the Earl of SILAFTESBITRY taking his seat, The Warrington and Birmingham Railway Bill was read a second time. The Duke of RUTLAND presented petitions, praying for the abolition of coloni ti slavery, from various places in Leicestershire. Also a petition from Sheepshead, in the same county, praying the House to pass some measures for the better regulation of factories. The Earl of SHAFTESBURY presented petitions, praying for the better observance of the Sabbath, and abolition of neer° slavery. Lord SUFFIELD presented fifty-one petitions for the total and immediate extinction of slavery. Also a peti tion from Truro, praying for the removal of the disabili ties of the Jews. . . On the motion of Lord SUFFIELD, the House then adjourned till half-past three o'clock to-morrow. II 0 USE OF COMMONS, APRIL 24. The House was not opened until a quarter past four o'clock to-day, in consequence of the balrot to try the me rits of a petition against the return for Weymouth, which was postponed from yesterday, having been fixed to take place. It was, however, not proceeded with, and it was understood to have been withdrawn. On the motion of Mr. BULLER, the amendments to the Exeter Water Works Bill were re.id a second time. Mr. ROOPER presented a petition from Penstantou, in Huntingdonshire, for the abolition of slavery. THE MALLOW ELECTION. Lord EASTNOR brought up the report of the Committee appointed to try the merits of the petition against the re turn of Mr. Joseph CrNiell Daunt, Esq., for the borough of Mallow; and the Committee reported that Mr. Daunt was not duly elected, but that Charles Denham O. lando Jephson, E-q , was duly elected; that the petition was not frivolous or vexatious, but that the election of Mr. Daunt had been vexatious; and that the Committee bad altered the state of the poll by striking off the names of several persons who were not entitled to vote. The Clerk of the Crown was ordered to attend the House to-morrow, in order to amend the return. Sir W. FOLKES presented petitions from Swaff ham, Cast!eager, Oxborough, and other places in the county of Norfolk, all for the abolition of slavery, except one, which was for the repeal of the malt tax. Mr. PLUMTRE presented petitions for the abolition of slavery, from Sittingbourne, Milton, Faversham, Whit stable, Minster (in the Isle of Sheppy), Queenborough, Sheerness, Flythe, New Romney, Ramsgate, Rainham, St. Peter's (in the Isle of Thanet), Sittingburn, Milton, and Tredegar. They all prayed for the im mediate and entire abolition of slavery, and some particulaly prayed that provision might be made for the free exercise of religious liberty, alluding particularly to those outrages against religious liberty which had taken place in the island of Jamaica, which were disgraceful to any civilized country. He cordially concurred in the prayer of the petitions, and hoped that his Majesty's Mi nisters would soon take up the subject vigorously and effectively, for it was not fit that a system of cruelty, injustice, and bloodshed, should be tolerated in a country calling itself civilized. Lot(' EBRINGTON presented petitions for the entire abolition of slavery from Great Torrington, Langton, South Holton, Ilfracomb, Moreton, Combe Moreton, Statnford, Courtwary, Exmouth, Simplon!, Peveril, st Down, Plympton, Innersley, Winckley, Mallow, Taunton, Bishop, Stoney Church, Rickerton, Hart cliff, 'Withridge, Columpton, and a great number of other places in the county of Devon. The petitions stated, that should the entire and immediate abo lition of slavery be accomplished, they would be ready to bear their shares of the pecuniary sacrifices which the planter might be subjected to. The Noble Lord observed, that that was a point well worthy cf the consideration of the House. Mr. COBBETT could not agree with the Noble Lord that the people of this country might properly he called upon to pay something for emancipation. He held it to be a❑ act of great injustice towards the people of Eng land under any circumstances, particularly those which existed at present, to call upon them to give money to do that which it was extremely doubtful would be productive of any good to either party.—(Hear.) His opinion was, that if such an arrangement as was contemplated took place between the colonists and the slaves, the colonies would he either alienated from England, or destroyed. The House ought not to act on the dictates of, be had no doubt, a good set of people, but who were totally ignorant about the matter. He thought the House would do well to reflect before it interfered between the master and the slave ; but if it did interfere be trusted the House would place that interference on a just and equitable footing. The emancipation of the blacks had already cost the country five or six millions of money..—(Hear.) Colonel TORRENS thought the Hon. Member for Oldham had forgotten that the people of England were already taxed to an enormous amount to keep up slavery. Were it not for the discriminating duties on sugar• the system of slavery would perish in an instant. Mr. BERNAL was sorry to hear the observations of his Gallant and Hon. Friend, that the people of this coun try were taxed to support the existence of slavery in the West Indies. Upon this he was prepared to join issue with his Hon. and Gallant Friend. He should argue, at the proper period, upon facts, and not upon theories. When the Hon. and Gallant Member spoke of the Brazils, did he mean to say that the sugar from that quarter was nut the produce of slave labour ?—(Hear, hear.) Mr. EVANS made some observations, which were in• audible to us. Lord ERRINGTON, would take leave to say in reply to the Hon. Member for Oldham, that the petitioners had stated that they were prepared to pay their share of what ever might be required to make a reasonable recompense to the planters. He must repeat that he concurred most heartily in the sentiments expressed by the petitioners; he was exceedingly anxious to see the question settled, but he could not see how it could be justly settled without due regard being had for the property of the planters in their slaves, which had been augmented by the Legislature in several Acts of Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) COMMUTATION OF TITHES. Lord EBRINGTON presented a petition from Ash water, in Devonshire, praying for a commutation of tithes. WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. Lord EBRINGTON then presented a petition from the North Devon Agricultural Association, arid others, praying for an uniformity in the weights and measures. His Lordship stated that he had similar petitions from five dif ferent parishes in Devonshire, but as they were printed forms, he could not, of course, present them. ABOLITION OF SLAVERY. Mr. TYNTE presented petitions, praying for the im mediate abolition of slavery, from Attery, Washford, \Vat- chet, and four other places. Mr. lIODGES presented similar petitions from Tun bridge Wells, the town of Tunbridge, and three other places. Mr. ROBINS presented a similar peition from the city of Worcester, and surporred its prayer. WINDOW TAX. Mr. ROBINS presented a petition from the church wardens, overseers, and vestry of the parish of St. Paul, Covent garden, praying for the entire repeal of the win dow tax. The petition was signed by 400 inhabitants of the parish, who, from the nature of their information, were able expressly to say, that the householders generally would no longer pay this most oppressive and unjust tax.—(Hear, hear.) The opinion of the inhabitan s of the metropolis, and of those residing in all the principal towns of the country, was unanimous as to the necessity of having this tax repealed. If the Noble Lord (Althorp) was unable to give up the whole of the window tax, with out laying on some other impost to make up the deficiency, it would be better if the Noble Lord would give up the window tax, and lay on an adequate amount on the house duty, which ought also to be equitably arranged, so that there might no longer be a contrast kept up between the rating of the hou-es of the rich and of the poor.— (Hear, hear.) He hoped to see so disgraceful a tax as that on windows expunged from the statute books of the land ; and he thought the best plan that could be pursued by the House, would be to repeal the tax altogether, and then to support Ministers in laying on an additional tax to the same amount. But it was Ministers who should be expected to say how the amount should be l e ei e d--to bring forward some plan of their own —and not to mike a stand against those who called for the reduction of any particular tax, by asking how the deficiency in the revenue should be made up.—(Hear ) The Hon. Member now saw the Noble Lord (who had just entered) in his place, and repeated his previous observations, adding that he should net do his duty to those who had complanented him by putting the petition into his band, nor to his constituents in the city of Wor cester, if he did not call upon the House to en:orce the repeal of the window tax.--(1-Isar.) Mr. COBBETT contended that the Noble Lord might h a a g v r e got e ater more et e extent th means an to enable had pli proposed to cd reduce t odo. t h e w t a h x y es h t ( c]; he not struck off a number of unmerited pensions ? There was a number of women wh o took more of the public money than was necessary to support 25,500 sailors end marines, with their officers. if the Noble Lord (Althorp) would pledge himself to reduce that ex. penditure, he (Mr. Cobbett) would lend him his strenuous support. - - • Mr. HUME said it was perfectly true, as stated by the Hon. Member for Oldham, that a very large sum of money was paid to females by way of pensions, and the late Par liament had been exceedingly blameable in extending cha rity to Noble Lords and Ladies, instead of having some charitable consideration for the distresses of the labouring and industrious classes.—(Hear.) When he saw the returns of the number of poor persons who had been distrained upon for small amounts of taxes, and whose goods had been sold, he was convinced it was exceedingly unbecoming to allow a single pension of 501. to be given to the class of persons he had described. The Noble Lord had proposed but an in efficient relief, but if he wished to do any good he must act on a large scale, and if he had not the means immediately within his reach, lie must consider whether there were not other species of property untaxed ; for instance, pro perty that descended from father to son, which should be placed in the same scale of taxation as other property. He was sorry that the Hon. Member for Colchester (Mr. Har.. vey) had not pressed his motion for an inquiry into the nature of the services for which pensions were supposed to have been granted, but he hoped that Hon. Member would be induced to renew it on some early day. Mr. D. W. HARVEY was sorry that any notion was entertained that lie had abandoned his motion on the sub ject of the Pension Lists. He had, in fact, only po,t poned it till the 22d of May.—( Hear.) The object of that motion was not to deprive any of the pensioners of the payments they had received, or were entitled to receive, but to relieve them from the odium so generally understood to attach to them, as if there were any women in England, Scotland, or Ireland, who received pensions fur which they hail not giveu to the country a full and adequate consideration. For this purpose lie should move for a return of all pensioners, and the consideration they had given fin• their pensions. —(A laugh.) There was one suggestion which he would in the mean time, throw out, that when it was intended to take the sense of the House on any point, it would be well to have an intimation to that effect stated in the votes of the House.—( Hear.) In that case Hon. Members would take care to be present on particular occasions, or else they would have no excuse for their absence. Before he sat down he hi-geed to repeat that on the 22d of May he would bring forward his motion, and make an appeal to the gall-entry of Hon. Members—(A laugh)—when the ladies of England now on the pensio❑ lies would have an opportunity of vindicating themselves from the un generous supposition that any of them was receiving one sixpence for which an equivalent had not been given.— (Much laughter ) Mr. PRYME rose to bring forward his motion, that the Protestant Dissenters called Separatists should be allowed, in place of taking oaths, to give their solemn affirmation.—( Hear, hear.) If there were any objection, he would discuss it on the second reading. Lord J. RUSSELL said he had received a very nume rously and respectably signed petition, from all parties, in Dublin, in favour of the Bill. He thought the parties were entitled to the relief they prayed. Mr. COBBETT said, it this Bill were passed, it would take another screw out of the fabric of the Constitution, by which its stability would he most materially impaired. Mr. HUME considered all those ilhberal restrictions as indicating the weakness and not the strength of the Con stitution; and expressed his hope that the time was not far distant when civil right would be unaffected altogether by religious opinions. Mr. C. BULLER cited one instance of the bad effects of the law as it at present stood. A gentleman went to the Court of Chancery to make his affirmation to an affi davit ; he objected to swear, but was willing to make his affirmation. The Lord Chancellor asked him Nether he was a Moravian or a Quaker?—(Hear.) He said he was neither, but still he had scruples, and could not swear to it. The Chancellor said he could not allow him to affirm, and the sooner he became either a Quaker or a Moravian the better ; this was a most illiberal re mark, and the sooner it was out of the power of any man to say so, the better. In this case, the person in whose behalf the affidavit was, was a very severe sufferer. He trusted that the present Bill would allow any who had scruples as to swearing, to make his affirmation. Mr. PRYME said the HOH. Member might make a motion to that effect on a su , osequent stage of the Bill. Mr. H. GRATTAN spoke in favour of the measure, and complained of the number of oaths that Members of that House were compelled to take. Leave to bring in the Bill was then given. Mr. FINN moved for returns of the salaries paid to the judges in Ireland in :1792, and the amount of retired allowances during the same time. The order of the day for resuming the debate on the currency question was then read. Colonel TORRENS said that it appeared to him, in the course of this protracted debate, a considerable degree of censure, and be might almost soy of odium, had been passed unjustly on those who voted for an inquiry into the monetary system of the country. He said unfairly and unjustly, because he believed it was quite con sistent to vote fur the amendment of the Noble Lord, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that it was inexp odient to lower the stand ird of value in this country, and yet to vote also for an inquiry whether an improve ment might not be made in the banking and in the monetary system of this country, so as to relieve the prevalent distress, and so as to give increased facilities to the industry and commerce of the country.—(Hear, hear.) Those two propositions seemed to him in too way inconsistent. He thought that any Hon. Member might vote for the amendment of the Noble Lord, and declare, as he (Colonel Torrens) was prepared to de clare, that it would be very inexpedient to lower the ancient standard of value, and quite consistent with that proposition also to declare, as he WAS likewise prepared to declare, that it would be wise and expedient, and even necessiry, under the existing circumstances of the country, to inquire whether they might not, by an im proved system of banking, and by a rectified mode-of issuing our paper currency, tend to increase the industry of the country, and take away the pressure of distress which weighed the people to the earth. He (the Gallant Colonel) had ever been opposed to any reduction in the ancient metallic standard of value of this country. He op. posed any alteration with a view to depreciate the standard of value upon the principle so justly and so ably stated in the cow se of that debate by the Right lion. Gentleman, the Vice-President of the Board of Trade. He believed with the Hon. Gentleman, that the conse quence would be the rising of all the necessaries of life in a higher ratio than the price of labour, and the whole working class of the community would 1: materially injured. On that principle he had always opposed a lower ing of the st melard of value, and so far back as the year 1819, when Mr. Peel's Bill was first intro. duced into that House, he ventured to point out the evils which would accrue from such a measure. He had then declared that the wages of labour when the currency fell, would not in reasonable time rise in a ratio with the price of provisions, therefore that the principti evil in the falling of the currency would be, that the wages of labour would be reduced, and the people could be placed in a worse condition than before.—(Hear.) That being his established and long recorded opinion, he trusted Hon. Members would not impute to him any wish to lower the metallic standard of the currency in this country. Ile totally disavowed any such intention, but should think it consistent to vote fur the motion of the Noble Lord, and also the motion of the Hon. Member for \Vhitehaven, for a Committee. It was expedient, in con s,-quenee of the presence of distress that existed in the country, that inquiry should be male for the purpose of ascertaining whether relief could be given to that distress. The Right Hon. Baronet the Member for Tamworth, had last night thrown out a challenge to Members to disprove that the Act of ISI9 was not an Act wisely and well con sidered, and established upon the best and soundest prin- Itiadequate as he was, he would not shrink from accepting the challenge which had been thrown out by_ the Right Hon. Baronet, and he would venture to say that of all the erroneous acts of legislation, there never was one which had been productive of such mischief as the one of 1819 for restoring the metallic standard of the country. General principles in th it ca +e had been rashly applied ; instead of restoring the ancient metallic standard, a totally different one had been substituted. The law prohibiting the melting of coin was constantly evaded, but the ri.k and inconvenience of evading it caused a premium of 3 per cent. on gold, which would be sworn for exportation —(Hear, hear.) When those laws, therefore, were repealed, the standard was in fact altered. Before 1797 both gold anti silver were l ega l t e nders; the payers having the option of p tying in which metal they pleased. When the philosophers, therefore, adopted a gold standard in 1819, they departed front the o!d national standard.—(Hear, hear.) Before that, however, the standard ti e d been departed from. From 1257 to 1664, the value of gold and silver was fixed by ptoc : amation, both being legal tenders. From 1614 to 1717, the relative value was not fixed by authority, and, always Inact"AllY, silver was the only standard, because was chose to pay in it. I n pay i ng a gu i nea , it was declared to e of th e same va : ue as 21 s . in silver, but as tl ey were n o t o f ego value, the e e standard was there clearly departed from.—(Hear ) In 1774 silver was declared not to be a legal tender for inure than 25/., but silver coin was afterwards de clared to be a legal tender to any amount, and from that time up to the suspension of cash payments it continued to be a legal tender ; therefore, when in 1819 the Parliament came to the resolution of altering the standard, it did not re-establish the metallic standard, but positively altered it, and established a new standard. But the question was, had they taken a preferable medium ?—( Hear, hear.) Had they made any improve ment in the standard? He was prepared to show that they had altered the standard for the worse, and that in making gold the only standard, while silver formerly was the standard, they did that which not only lowered the value of the currency, but also increased in a most impertant degree, the liability to fluctuation. The Hon. Member went on to show that when the balance of foreign pay ments was against us, coin would he used the exportation of which was attended with the least expense. Now gold would lie employed for that purpose in the first place, and five or six millions being subtracted from the actual gold currency in the country, it would clearly and evidently very materially raise i.s value. Silver, on the contrary, was a commodity, the supply of which was abundant, and 7,000,0001 subtracted from its circulation would not effect its value at all.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.") Therewere therefore two causes by which, when the balance of foreign payments was against this country, gold rose much higher than silver, and they furnished two reasons why a great commercial country should prefer silver as the standard instead of golf. How was that borne out by facts? But this was not all. The Legislature of 1819 not only mistinderstooia — the nature of the standard which they intended to restore, but they neglected all the cir cumstances, by which tire metals composing that standard, in the interval between the suspension and the resumption of cash payments, had been themselves enhanced in value. Many causes had concurred to increase the value of gold. By the return to cash payments a new demand for gold, to the amount of from 25,000,0001. to 30,000,0001., was created, while the contemporaneous changes from paper to metallic currency, which were effected in Russia, Austria, Denmark, and the United States, occasioned a still further demand for the precious metals to the amount of at least 25,000,000/. The whole of the increased demand for the precious metals could not have been less than 50,000,0001. sterling. But all the gold supposed to exist in the cornmercial world could scarcely have been less than 50,000,0001., while the annual supply, before it was reduced by the troubles in South America, was stated by Humboldt to he 1,600,000/. Now, if there had been no diminution in the annual supply of the precious metals, the increased demand for them for coin would have materially enhanced their value. But while the demand increased the supply diminished. The civil wars in South America suspended the working of the mines, and, instead of receiving supplies of the precious metals from South America, we actually exported specie thither. From these co operating cause-, the value of gold through out the commercial world had advanced, or, in other words, the price of commodities had fallen. His Hon. Friend the Member for the city of London had shown that a great proportion of the fall on the price of commodities had been occasioned by the increased facility of production, and the larger quantities in which commodities were brought to market. But those facts do nut disprove the rise in the value of currency. On the contrary, they show anther cause of that rise. Value is relative, and a rise in the value of gold, as com pared with other articles, may be occasioned either by in creasing the cost of obtaining the metals, or by diminishing the cost of obtaining other articles. Tf:e facts hrought forward by tie Hon. Member establish this—that the value of the precious metals has been enhanced by a two fold cause. In point of fact, the price of commodities measures the value of money ; and the fall in ge neral prices shows the rise in the value of the cur rency. Prices have fallen one half, and therefore the value of our metallic standard has been doubled. Now the Act of 1819, which the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel) asserts to have been passed with so much deliberation and precaution, anti with so careful a regard to justice and to sound principles, was passed in utter ignorance of all the principles which regulate value, and of all the circumstances which limit the application of general principles. The abolition of one-pound notes was another evil inflicted on the country by the ignorance of Parliament. The Right Hon. Baronet pronounced an eloquent speech against small notes. Every objection which he urged against them is equally applicable to five and ten-pound notes. The evils are not confined to small notes. They are inherent in the system. Extensive and calamitous experience had now established the fact, that a currency, consisting of the precious metals, and of paper convertible into these metals on demand, was liable to sudden and very considerable fluctuation, between the extremes of excess and of deficiency. Though no excess should ever be created, vet deficiency will occasionally occur. Redundant currency and the general rise in prices checking exportation and encouraging importa tion, which it occasions, are not the only—perhaps not the principal—caus,s of an unfavourable balance of foreign payment. Foreign expenditure—foreign loans —deficient harvests—excessive and mistaken specula tions—may severally or conjointly create an amount of foreign debt beyond what the ordinary amount of foreign credits can liquidate, and thus cause the demand for foreign bills to exceed the supply. In this state of things foreign bills will bear a premium, and the bullion merchant will obtain a profit by consigning the precious metals to his correspondents abroad—drawing for the amount, and dis posing of his bills in the market. The banks of circula tion will, as before, have their notes returned in exchange for gold ; and, to avert a dangerous run upon their coffers, will be compelled to contract their issues until the value of the currency is so increased that the exportation of the coin no longer yields a profit. When paper, issued in excess, or an unfavourable balance, arising from other causes, has occasioned a run upon the banks of circulation, it becomes the interest of those establishments to contract their issues, not merely in the degree necessary to stop the run, and restore the currency to its standard value, but in that t reater degree which may be requisite in order to raise the currency above its standard value, and to enable the Directors, upon favourable terms, to replenish the exhausted coffers of the banks. When a run has taken place upon the banks which issue paper, the directors of these establishments cannot ascertain, with any precision, the degree in which their issues ought to be contracted, in order to effict the twofold object of arresting the drain upon their treasure, and of replenishing their coffet a upon favourable terms. The necessity of contraction they will see ; but, possessing no indications of the precise point at which it miaht safely and advantageously stop, they will often carry it considerably beyond what the actual circumstances of the case require. Hence, after every recurrence of excess, or of - an unfavourable foreign balance, a mixed currency, composed of coin and of paper, convertible upon demand, will suffer a much more considerable contraction, and ac quire a higher value, than a currency purely metallic. The fluctuations in the value of such mixed currency, when occasioned by an unfavourable foreign balance, become more considerable as the proportion which the paper bears to the coin is increased. Again, a mixed currency, com posed of coin and of paper, convertible into coin on de mand, was constantly exposed to still more sudden and violent diminutions in amount, in consequence of the stop page of the banks by which the paper is circulated. The crisis of 1797, and the panic of 1825.6, were far from being extreme or aggravated instances of the evils inhe rent in this vicious monetary system. It was on all hands acknowledged, that if during the panic of 1825, we had been threatened with danger from abroad, or vi,ited with a scarcity of corn at home, the crash would h ave been beyond all comparison more extensive and appalling. Under such circumstances, the failure of the London and country banks would have been followed by the stoppage of the Bank of England.a,upon its c Asioifeis it ryas, that establishment called i into the utm os t act i v i ty, cou ld scarce l y had the greatest difficulty in providing gold to meet the x and all the powers of e Mint, n into coin with su ffi c i ent rap idi ty f or t h e occasion. iorntiirl t o r de that Occasion it was t h e lib era li ty o f t h e e convertt. r o bullion u e French Bank in permitting the British coin deposited with • it to be withdrawn, which save d t h e B an k o f E ng l an d from the necessity of stopping payment. Unless our pre sent system of currency be amended by the timely interfe rence in a nati ona l b a nk r uptcy it go on to occasion periodical I , .: n tu l ce ag o g f r t a h v e ,i L te e , g i is d l i a s t t u re re ss , , is w ill finds its euthanasia. Thus the evils attributed by the Member for Tatnworth to the circulation of one-pound notes, was inherent in a system of currency consisting of coin and of paper money issued by ii responsible individuals, and payable on demand at the option of the holder. What was the remedy? (Colon e l T orrens ) would endea vour briefly to point it out. In the first place, he would make silver the standard instead of gold. This, as he had already explained, would render the currency more steady, and would prevent, to a certain extent, those fluctuations which had proved so ruinous to trade. In the second p l ac e, he would adopt the principle of the late Mr. Rican. to, and make the paper currency payable, not in coin. but in ingots of silver, to the amount of 100/. or 2001. This would secure th e b an k s of c i rculat i on f rom po li tical p as sions, and from runs, having for object the embarrass ment of Government. In the third plan, he would per mit the re-issuing of one and two pound notes. 'Phis would extend to the agricultural and thinly peopled dis tricts the advantages of credit and circulation, of which they were now deprived. And, in the third place, he would secure to the people the whole benefit of issuing paper money, which was now unjustly monopolized by the Bank of England. This, which had been suggested on the soundest principles of political economy by Mr. Ricardo, would place 40,000,0001. at the disposal of the Treasury. He need not dilate upon the vast benefit which the adoption of this arrangem , nt would secure to the country. Thirty millions might be applied to the public service, and would, for a period of six years, allow of a reduction of taxation, to the amount of 5,000,000/, an nually. Ten millions would remain, which might be applied to the immediate relief of distress. He (Colonel Torrens) begged pardon of the House for having occupied their attention sa long. In conclusion, he would repeat, that the amendment of the Chancellor of the Exchequer was not inconsistent with the motion of the Hun. Mem ber for hitehaven, He (Colonel Torrens) was ready to vote for both propositions. He was ready to affirm that the ancient standard of value ought not to be de graded ; and he was prepared to vote for a Select Com mittee to inquire into the distress of the country, with the view of ascertaining how far that distress could be relieved by an improvement in our system of banking and of paper currency.—(The Hon. Member was repeatedly cheered throughout his speech.) Mr. STEWART considered the invention of our paper currency one of the most important of modern times ; and, although he had heard a great many cogent arguments against an inconvertible paper currency, he had not heard a single remark respecting a convertible paper currency, which he considered the best circulating medium for any country. Ile then alluded to the opinions of Sir. Huskis son, formerly expressed upon this subject, when he admitted that Peel's 13111 of 1819 had in 1823 produced a deprecia tion of property, to the amount of 10 per cent. He made some observations, also, on the former opinions of the lion. Member for Essex (Mr. Baring). In his opinion, it was proposed to limit the inquiry too strictly to our monetat y system ; he thought, with the Gallant Colonel who had just spoken, that it would be highly desirable to inquire into the whole banking system of the country. The Right Hon. Baronet, the Member for Tamworth, had tid that the motion was ill timed ; and had asked if the House ought to postpone to it such considerations as the East India Company and the Bank Charter questions. He Mr. Stewart) denied that it was an ill-timed motion. Mr. STRUTT was satisfied that the manufacturing and commercial interests of the country regarded with dismay the motion of the Hon. Member for Whitehaven, as fraught with the greatest danger to trade, and every description of property. He perfectly agreed with the Noble Load, that the only object of the motion was the depreciation of the currency ; and he also concurred with the Noble Lord, that no one could agree to the motion, who was not prepared to transfer large portions of property from one set of persons to another—from the creditors to the debtors of the country. It had been said that the measure was justifiable in order to counteract the injus tice with respect to contracts which bad been perpetrated by the resumption of cash payments. But even conced ing that there had been that injustice, still it should be remembered that the contracts of the present period, were not the contracts of 1819. Out of one hundred existing contracts, ninety-nine bad been made since that period. It would be a strange mode of justice to create an enor mous mass of injustice, for the purpose of doing justice in comparatively a few instances; but the fact was, that the injustice was perpetrated by the Bank Restriction Act, and that the Act of 1819 was only a return to justice ; and having experienced the fatal effects of the Bank Restric tion, ought the llouse now to adopt a similar system? He did not impute undue motives to those from whom he differed in opinion on this subject. He had no doubt that they were convinced of the propriety of the step which they were taking, although he was at a loss to understand on what principle they were so convinced. But enter taining the view which he did of the subject, he should feel that, if he were to concur in the motion of the Hon. Member for Whitehaven, it would be the commencement of a system of confiscation and ruin. The country was largely indebted to the Noble Lord for the stiaight-for ward and man y manner in which he had met the motion. Mr. ROBINSON put it to tae House in what situation the question would be left if the amendment of the Noble Lord were carried, and the motion of the Hon. Member 1 for Whitehaven negatived ? Was it not desirable that the question should tie decided, not evaded ? Yet in that case they woual be just where they were. All their time would have been wasted—all the talents of the present House, and all the experience of past Parliaments would have been wasted, without one practical or beneficial re sult. He deprecated that so much, that he must trespass on the House for a few minutes. For his part, he could not discover any great difference between the opinions of the Noble Lord and of the Hon. Member for Whitehaven, as explained by the latter last night.—(Oh.) He thought he understood the Noble Lord to say, that he bad no objection to an inquiry, provided the House in the fist instance affirmed his amendment. In his opinion, there was nothing so puerile as to debate on the fact whether or not there was any distress in the country. If the state merits of that distress had been exaggerated, yet there could be no doubt that there was a sufficient degree cf distress and embarrassment to warrant the House to enter upon an inquiry into its cause, with a view, if passible, to find some means of relief. It was evident that a great majority of the House was for limiting the inquiry to that precise ohjsct ; and lie was convinced that if the House were to affirm tt e proposition of the Hon. Member for Whitehaven, unaccompanied by a resolution that they will maintain the present standard of value, the next day would present a spectacle which no man would contem plate without horror, or find terms sufficiently eloquent to describe.—( Hear, hear.) It was his decided conviction, that if the country meant to retain its character for good faith, it would not affirm the Hon. Gentleman's proposi tion. He had known the Hon. Gentleman long, and re spected h m highly ; but when the Hon. Gentleman said that it was not his intention to depreciate the currency, he was at a loss to understand the Hun. Gentleman's mean ing. Although 11. notes were withdrawn, there were five pound notes, both of the Bank of England and of country bankers, and an immense mass of mercantile paper, valuable only because it was convertible into a me tallic currency. What would be the effect of the adoption of the Honourable Gentleman's motion, on this mass of paper, but depreciation ? The bank restriction had inflicted the greatest embar rassments on the country, and the return to cash pay ment,' had also produced effects which were not contem plated by its supporters. But if errors had been com mitted in 1797 and 1819, was that a reason that the House of Commons were now to be called upon to com mit the fatal error of unsettling the standard of value? The effect of such a step would be most injurious on all our relations with foreign states. He believed he should riot be wrong in asserting that measures might be de vised, short of a breach of national faith, to overcome our difficulties and restore prosperity. As to an inquiry into the distress of the people, he could hardly support such a proposition—for it would last the whole session ; but an inquiry, distress being admitted, into safe and judicious remedies, he would willingly vote for. Mere resolu tions did not alter tile nature of things—(Hear, hear) —or enable the people to pay taxes, and live in some thing like decency and comfort. The House should not reject such a motion on the miserable plea of expediency, or refuse to legislate, simply because they were afraid or unwilling. In 1822 the present Lord Chancellor brought forward a motion on the distress of the country, in which he stated that common remedies would do no good, but that vigorous measures must be re sorted to. "His decided opinion upon the subject was that where the pressure was so great, and the interest so mighty—for the very existence of the State was bound tip in the prosperity of the land—the country had only one limit to relief—the making that relief decidedly effectual : that if one measure of reduction would not do, recourse must be had to another, and from thence to another; and that if all reductions were insufficient, the country must prepare for other measures, for measures only to be justi fied by a paramount unreasoning necessity." Such were the wort's of the Noble individual who now sat so very easily, though he did not mean indifferently, on the Wool. sack. Aaain, he said, "If economy was not found effec tual Parliament was beund to do that which would he effee. tual ; forest all events and all hazards, it was their duty to save the State. God forbid that any man should even whir. per such an expedient as that, from which every well con stituted mind must recoil, the compounding with the public creditor, or the tamp, ring with the currency, while Par liament possessed the power cf relieving the ex isting distress by a diminution of taxation, and by the en forcement of economy." The only fault, the Honourable Member continued, lie had to find with the present Mi nistet s—for he was sure they were anxious to do their duty and relieve the people—was that their measures were not sufficiently determined—that they did not go direct to the pint. They, he was satisfied, must be of a much more vigorous character, to accomplish any sub. stantial and permanent good.—(Hear, he,ir.) He did not increasedaug ial' n place any f .ith in tie arguments of the Wain Hon. ne o d. statririptil his , p the corn t r for A l aoc h es ter (Mr. P. Thomson), and th e Hen. Member for Lundon (air. Grote), th a t, b ecause tea and outer x torts basalot the 1 e op le it could only be taken as a chan ge i n t h e habit,' of pt the people—(Hear, hear)—that, instead of having the n eoie articles l h 7 ,( 1 1 1 been m good old roast beef, they used articles of a less substantial and less strengthening character. He trusted the resolution and the amendment would be embodied in such a way as to lead to an inquiry ; for they must all agree, that the state of the productive classes was such—their distress was so apparent—as to justify and call for it.--(Hear, hear.) gro S u i n r ds H o E n N w T r ieh the Hon. Member Pb attention to the speech of the Hon. Member to. 1 t_eeto what his precise plan was, and the result he had iv o,_7 . bit ware t a consider it in the same point of view in "e Noble Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, ne e o r ? ti , a plan for lowering the standard of value of the 0 0 1 , I t b s e The Hon. Member said, he desired a relaxation cito A e f should it r N lv E h r t L e g h ice a w v e o h n u i . s l d e o f ° o b r n a t 1 a rh e:l3ot copes cog ' c t tt : ca : e t : currency, and had denied that he sought for a dePr e ce of it; but to him there appeared to be no differ° s ot tween nis relaxation and a positive deerrei ati " * . e ferrig he meant by relaxation might he as certained by gelei to what he considered the good effects of it• e , e , et e taken the period when the relaxation was the er a r ' s _ te r, that when the prosperity of the country wee the g:._,hee, namely, during the war but then priceswere the ol_„A i and at the same time the currency the mot depdreecrsec; so that, in point of fact, it was clear that I: tion was the real object of the Hon. 111embe.rjeoscr referring again to the period which the Heo• i l te se considered to be one of the greatest distrese, %col signed as the cause of the distress the restored 101 l the currency, and thus again showed his rented); or fies di•tress was depreciation. In point of fact, what W it Member desired was to lower the standard value-7,, to require that the sovereign which now passed 10 Bu t should hereafter pass for 25s.—(Loud cheers.), o r when this came to be fully understood out of doubt soon would be, the public would see noth!'"ff 0 (0 plan orfetsheHtona.n great trer national tb injury--(Ch atwouldbryei.L.rotdcueht:eerse)t was for these reasons he would give his vote be aise''irbe" motion of the Hon. Member; but in doing 0, u hiq uid to be understood, he was by no means oppoied t° tie into the state of the country. He was anxioos,heusly contrary, that inquiry should take place-4-I°r' ha d so t ,: and he was sorry the Chancellor of the Exchequers 0 01' proposed en the present occasion that CommittO 000 be appointed to make this inquiry. He did no t neste d inquiry into all those subjects which had been into discussion in this debate. but a prac tical ilul nt er Silli tlle Ile thought state andofitrtatoleght an intoingutheiry into theconditicinof the f t oile classes. sta te a i s o , would not only be attended with the good effect t it t s til ! taining to what extent distress really existed' 10.45. that of showing means by which the interests ° e ll t so be promoted. He conceived it would lead to tt i d i re' off of many restrictions which now fettered it. s spect to the working class, an inquiry into the crg e - t der the expenses of this class would produce a f e eeill l9 of useful information—(Hear, hear)- -an " of ~ leading to measures for the improvernent gie dig; condition, would make it known hoof 51tbe tress really existed. The Hon. Member said ttei it E now to make some observations on a subject Wn'"deeat° been so frequently mentioned in the course o f thede cote namely, the establishing of a double standard. t ' e 0 1 ! ceived a great deal of misapprehension prevailed .oild point. If the facts of the case were examined, °orb° be found that every attempt which had been il lsci b e i c el v country, and every other country, to have ad o le sta r ; dard had failed. —(Hear, hear.) We had a ' 1011 ; dard in this country, up to the year 1816; butted'',- the state of the silver coin ? legal coin esta ;err' cause was, that the mint prices of gold and silve r i s rio ; adjusted, that silver coin could not be kept in ei r , e d u s dji° t i , but if the relative value should be ever so prolter' 7 ed in the first instance, it was impossible the t W° ,llro v, could continue in circulation, because the l s - osti °. was liable to fluctuation ; and when any such ta n " cal a e took place, then one of the metals would be of 0100 in bullion than in coin, and would be melted . '" . 0 1 tb i it hear.) There had been much error in the a ille ,ertd debate, in assuming- that silver had been the s ta " s ota" value in this country.—(Cheers.) It had been leriiie* nally, but in reality it was held by all the best an t ;tett that, in point of fact, during th e whole of the last ce,a ° gold was the standard. This was proved to be °re-fro the reduction of the values o f the guinea, in P ri i s 21s. 6.1. to 21s. being followed by a eeduetion i°"necite, of gold to the same amount. The Hon. 'Memb er c° ; s ee o ; ',, by saying, that the subject was so exhausted bYll.o,ertlri speakers, and the views entertained upon it, t", t ., d sp l conformity with his own, had been so ably exisfreereer..,' supperted, that he would not go over the ian ic e ; of , g l ' but content himself by declaring, that he kn e nt eek . sl greater calamity that could befal this country tha f t eer' any alteration in the long.establishetl stan dard r" of its money.--.(Cheers.) 11 0 Mr. LAMBERT was convinced that the distre l • c oo which now so generally prevailed in the countrY neberift netted wish the chance in the monetary system-Icl, t which had leeally taken place in 1819. but for • Bnk of England h expreeely made preparati"niffat/' distress, therefore, was to b e d a ted, not imnied ia n 'e 6 1819, and from that y. ar alone. but from some vious, during which th ese pre parations were g ° , ln ' t e n t wird. He himself had b een a gre at stiff rer "' t ot' change. The plain stat emen t o f the fact eva:', o sti/4 doubled the incumbrances of every landed geta ne ,Tpst t ; (Hear, hear.) The consequence was, that a gr ea c i it—atconlhonfr,eedmitn(nautfilin:atosthneeseraleeiyrivreee..dips),o:eelpfonrrti,,oe,Htlialippvedeueeh wished r b t a y d of n othe been henefittedby chat If r e te t r .: o l; v t y, o, while t tation ; u o htea s eyi p nn: e diop a .nl k hodey, s:em(n employed u h tdhrtea t eh l a bsleae e tyrg i ee t : :: infto i sfriitds: , :ce e ,te do e : tot, 60,0001. upon a mortgage of land, and aftertvar ~t o to change in the currency, lie wee enabled to elai t° ,ld t one-fourth but the whole of the property. Thoortlei. which enabled him to do so be called fair ° es . td u ill —( He ir, hear,) The lentil, rds had voluntar!ised too their rents from thirty to fifty per cent. ; but it 041 not done so voluntarily, they must have cin ne t te compulsion of circumstances. The dietresse il country had compelled the reduction ; a r , til a s sa ti e , e ir 4 landed interest was oppressed, the country at cv "' 0 - ,e4' distress. He insisted that the state of sufferiog pia or it was now admitted the landed interest We n r g ee f il. arose in no inconsiderable degree from the r bs „ - t , sr, currency. If 4/. represented a bushel of oil l "., o ing.,e;' were taken away from that sum, and the reo3-beifkl;fl;, represented a bushel of wheat, the change tuntiglit ous ; for upon selling the wheat, the producer ": fig 1 0 7L had in the former state of things 2/. reniai n " - ee after paying re pres a e l t t n h o e t c a os p t a o r f t producing theuc in w g h i o t, le b o u f t b n° ,st - ipy r a o b P s e lto t i —(Hear.) ed ad b v e i e s n ah m le o , st i :oj t ;:: : : e e o r t :;' l The fact was, it was necessary to make thero "' l ot ( A} b i stance,tao inhlf leutth,dhieeydener t ig o stwohc e o . owp a rn l dna u fosse r r n s: them. sa_l n ia l vp le ao,:fnaaepmaei iulesm accusations ebor l dyn n esmr a lAea tarns murderer. pe k hTeoonh u ue p bct c o orstoot ta ti:dt.o. " go I:bijoit t ift le 40 ei : „ Ieot 0 : 000; the humanity of the Irish landlord. Peserdes ter' which that gentleman, to support his accu,3%, murder, and for it lam willing to suffer. n a r ee u , Of and bad agents drove me to commit the desP e 'ibe ed and toy old father, who had grown erey uP °° „49 ol fre t and his numerous and helpless family beig Th e r esa them." Now not one syllable of this was true' . 0 rirs was, that from this roan five years' rent w nre e s j hille d and that rent was charged at less than n' ti- bea r. (o; statute acre upon fair arable ground.—(El eri ge l3l . .' e ishr, land in question was certainly the land of ;pa yrfil t. who resided in Englanh, but who was as itin u tpti ee , e , a man and a landlord as any one in oltn - e gentleman was (so we understood the name) t e - s ire r- s iea r Chapman. But he repeated that the landloruj to ' ol ol'' made sufferers, and therefore it was deterneini.e.s:co°oo niate them. He denied that they deserved tP'- ty fre o gre The landlords, whose ancestors had held pr o v d er od 1 ) ,, r ,01° ° , times of the Saxons, hail always had a balM, s , a „ i " re si g " rout tenantry ; but if in passing along be l e of more than usually ornamented, built in a ` l y e ;be i ;j elegance, and surrounded with grounds svit e ' .o - " 10 01 pended all her means to beautify the ure ne ;ed be 0 01 ' quired to whom this elegant mansion belooaend' s he et i that the property had recently been soldr i.o be v 75 :10 1 ) of the ! Vir possessor generally indicated vi ,`' t he 1 311- I,t . by what means he had been enabled to Ma"et , It was in the conduct of such persons tba cig ittar e ld os t i against the landlords were most likely t° ° however well-dispose.d they might be, t1"113,t1loctli • first deal with the tenantry as the former. Ica done, because they were not so well acqua in exist ter pteviliaaeycm• beforee e n i l H t e h a e ri s a s) 1 1 n 9 e ,,r t i i tt e e s h,c, o uh f ga s ic }: g ru iet tihvatysh e d Co t • ' legal sanction was given to it by the o. ' bis as toot tur iii roust take this opportunity of e xpree , i% ht goo. Y oc , at the appeal made last night by the 11 '" peal I ' l. oo Had that gp . j 3,, Fe A to 'he labourers of England. Right from any other roan bat the should other and cot i v ti e ,:yi t s h s o (ui u : g eh l s r t t ai (in,tnawhpaepseiani shouldr frothen intended $ `c ite a le e r a r s r v , oro'n lo.blad ! have produced teat effect. Tie Right Fie oir. t ot, l but upon quoted from the works of Mr. I.3arke.._ that eesl,l bert) slieuld always respect the t d e nts e t . the 00, had no objection to the speech lull extent e s Member, for it went to the . julit.:iidgular,tteicsl:l).eoent.,,Tbßlie,rserfoHantohente.rh, a:,:e.hqin:o,etuerdpf.frroErasah!,_he. f his ell ithise life, Bight Hon. deprecated d la t r h o i n g Baronet in measure p at o ' : 1-tooinlfe latestot°e:Prub'.::9lll-I.jaill Lambert's) views. In the speech of the 14°' i t h thc ei . 1 Selr:ll4tl I 10 h, ,, •) Itj n. Get