The Sun. — London, England, 1830-02-26 00:00:00

I direr* eculiarly sent dis ed in its d force. 'ess mod rhich is them-- on is of A front ingland• ono are achincry leir col- of this )00/. or n : thus /erations r that Is t of the in this friendly l it as a nt. But orted in of the )rink of e staple long all ontinu• ;y, espe and so rhich I , Cer tnpared ee-half of that the na ve from 2conve 6ct;cally cannot ta par- time in experi modern Ie must hut out it for derives e every ;ye the Acing, Ise the at his to re— more whom hi not rough put he e Vis itress, lay of 8 was could rable, their as a was. rhich that they men nore I'olll had t rder hich ther tome of the poor lab , users thus thrownout of employment? ' respect to the goal effects to be anticipated from the Ca- Of course, they must be left to starve. The accumulation tholic Relief Bill ; but he thonglit some provision ought to ' l4 distress was spoken of in alarming terms in the month be made for the Irish pew, and that some plan s h ou ld h e of Ilay last. The cause of distress then was attributed devised for a gradual remedy i n th e system of paying wages to redu ce d wa g es. H e believed that his Noble Friend from the Poor Rates lie would now say a few words on lad been a little too early in supposing that Manchester retrenchment and ; üblie economy in general. Ile thought Was not new suffering from distress ; far it did so happen that the line of economy adopted by the Noble Duke was that a meeting was to have been held this very day, in such as ought to give confidence to him and to the public order to t a k e i n to eonseleration the extreme distress now at large, that he would introduce retrenchment into a ll prevailing in that town. In many places the difficulty branches of the expenditure, as far as was consistent with of coll ec ti ng the rents had induced the overseers to the security and well-being of the country. He was one of redu ce the allowasiee o f th e paupers from 2s. to Is. those who believed that all retrenchments and economy ahead, and this circumstance accounted for the apparent were not productive of unmixed good. They could not turn reduction in the pour's rase, which had been sometimes adrift a number of persons, without producing a certain de alluded to. The fact was, that the number of persons gree ofevil.—(Hear, hear, from the Duke of Wellington. ) to be relieved bright thus be doubled, and yet, from the For, by depriving them of employment, tie y added to the amount diet! ibuttel, there would not appear to be any in- mass of suffering, and increased the pressure of affliction Crease. In Blackburn, the statements of overseers and upon those who had been previously in distress.—(Hear, ()there showed that in many families the sum of Is. 7d. per hear.)—A reduction in taxation ought always to accom week was all that each labouring member of the family pany retrenchment, else the latter became a positive evil ; Could obtain. The fancy trade was now supposed to be in because you did not relieve the suffering population, but a little better condition than formerly ; but he observed, on the contrary, aggravated their distress. Thus it hap from the accounts of wages in and near Macclesfield, that pened that a number of clerks could not be dismissed, nor 2 id. per day was the ;my given to great numbers of work- a regiment disbanded, without their adding to the sum of People. But then they were told that tile exports had in- human misery. Then as to the money so saved, what cre we d ; h e did nut know whether that was true, but if it did they propose to do with it? To throw it into the was, it did not appear to him that the manufacturer was Sinking Fund. Now to this he objected ; he would go much bettered in consequence of it. The manufacturer farther than the Noble Viscount—he would take not Could not make a profit upon the exported article, and merely the seventeen hundred thousand pounds, but he under such circumstances every one must be aware that would even take the whole amount of the surplus revenue, the trade would be little benefitted by an increased amount even if it absorbed the Siuking Fund ; fur although there of exports. The consequence of this low state of wages, were circumstances under which a Sinking Fund was which only afforded the labourer a bare existence, was useful, yet there were others, as in the present, when it that it disinclined him to labour, since he was in no actually aggravated the evils under which the people better condition by the most industrious exertions than he suffered. He had also recommended a commutation of Would be by throwing himself upon the parish ; and pau- taxes ; and his plan was this—to substitute an income or Pees had lately expressed this feeling in saying that they property tax to some certain amount, for various other preferred being paupers without work to being paupers taxes bearing hard upon the industry of the country. It with it. He was sorry to say that the distress was not appeared to him the only plan which could be legally de- Partial—it was daily getting worse and worse. The agri- vised, to make the absentees contribute their fair share to rolturist, the manufacturer, the merchant, and the miner support the burthens of the country. It would also make were all affected by it ; and under these circumstances he the funded proprietor, whose property bad greatly in thought inquiry, and immediate inquiry, most neces- creased since the peace, by the increase in the value of "7- One word to the Right Reverend Prelates before money, pay his fair proportion of the taxes. This in lie sat downs - On this occasion he hoped they would come tax would levy. on the landed and funded proprie vote in favour of the motion. If they bad, as he be- tors alone, leaving out trades and professions, which, lieved, communications with their parochial Clergy, from the fluctuating nature of their profits, should whose duty it was to visit the cottages and hovels of never be taxed, except under the pressure of extreme the poor, they must know from those communications the necessity. There was one other point--the Corn Bill— miseries and p r i vat i ons to w hi c h t h at c l ass o f men, t h e t o w hi c h h e w i s h e d to a d vert ;h e wou ld not a ll u d e to i t in labouring Population of this kingdom, supposed to be the its general hearings, but as it was always spoken of as the strength and pride of a country, were reduced. They must cause of distress either to the agriculturist or the manu know that the want of every comfort had converted these facturer, he could not altogether pass it by in a discussion poor-men from the once free and happy peasanty o f Eng- like the present. Now he never advocated a protecting land, to the condition of wretched and abject slaves. If duty for the artificial support of the landed interest; but he wanted any proof of this, he might find it in the charge his reason in voting as he had voted was, that lie believed of one of the Right Rev. Prelates to his Clergy, recently that in the long run, taking the average of a number of delivered, in which it was said that 44 The Legislature years—the encouragement it gave to the internal produc never could have contemplated this extensive system of tion of grain would render that grain cheaper ; and also, pauperism, which, whether legally or otherwise, was now by the circumst ance of a larger portion of the land being eating like a canker into the vitals of the country." The kept continually in cultivation, prevent the dreadful pres nunaerous County Meeting., the Petitions t o P ar li amen t, sure upon the lower classes that had been more than once and the Memorials to Government, proved that the coun- experienced in years of dearth or war. This was the rea try believed in the existence of this wide-spread distress, son he had supported Mr. Canning's Bill. As to the scale and thought there was sufficient 'ground f or an i nqu i ry as of duties adopted by Parliament on the recommendation to the best and most effectual means of preventing those of the present Administration, he thought it was higher mischiefs which must follow if the miseries of the people than it ought to be permitted to remain ; and he for one should drive them to acts of violence. Under such cir- should be ready to lower it gradually to the scale approved curnstances, he ace 's happy to have, in favour of inquiry, of by the House of Commons in 1829. Ile had now the opinion of one of the most upright Ministers that ever briefly, and to the best of his ability, laid his views upon presided over the affairs of the country--Lord Liverpool— the subject before their Lerdships. To others he would who, i n 1822, upon a statement of the existence of great respectfully leave it to modify the suggestions be had made distress being made, said, "If what I have heard be into some better shape and some more acceptable form, founded in error, which I believe, the best and most effec- which might have the effect of inducing their Lordships to tual means of dispelling the error is that which the prac- institute an inquiry into the causes of the present distress. tice and constitution of your Lordships' House allows and He thought that the mode of inquiry suggested by the prescribes —a full and fair investigation of the subject." Noble Earl was of all others the most inexpedient--the Those Noble Lords who had looked tip to Lord Liv e rpool most unsatisfactory, and the most unlikely to produce that a ui steir gu id e , must st i ll he incline d to adhere to his opi- result which the Noble Earl was so anxious to effect. Ho for ?,thus d e lib era t ety expressed ; and on them he called would, therefore, be reluctantly compelled to vote against their support to his motion. him ; but if any motion for an inquiry were brought for- The Earl of ROSEBERRY felt it necessary to say a ward in a definite and less exceptionable form, it should iffew words u p on th e su bj ect o f t h e present distress, which, receive his warmest and most sincere support. not equally genera l as t h at i n 1816, was somewhat of The Earl of ELDON hoped their Lordships would ex thet sam e character, and existed un d er a s i m il ar combina- cure him if he requested the favour of a hearing for a l ltt , of circum s t ances . H ow i t h appened that, in 1815, short time. Th e ques ti on b e f ore t h em m i g h t , h e t h oug ht, 6, in 1821, 1822, i n 1826 an d in 1829—times of be compressed into a very small compass. He was not great and general distress had occurred in this country, able to come down on the first day of the meeting of Par leas a question that, no doubt, had much occupied th e liament, else, perhaps, he would not have trespassed on attention of Ministers, and was one to which it would be their patience at this later period ; he could assure their of great importance to give a clear solution. That during Lordships, however, that he would not detain them long a period of fifteen years of profound peace, times of dis. from enjoying the advantage of those views and informa tress should so often have occurred, was most painful ; and tion which they were likely to receive from the Noble the first car e o f th e L eg i s l ature was to inquire the causes Lords who would follow him. He confessed that there of their recurrence; and the first duty, both of the Go- was no nassage of his life personal or political, which he vermn ent and the P ar li amen t, was to provide for it a re- regretted more th a n hi s absence, all involuntary as it was, ntedy, o r a t l east a corrective. Ile would first enumerate on the first (lay of the Session, when such an extraordi the causes which,. in his opinion, had brought this country nary course of proceeding was adopted by his Majesty's into the state in which it now was ; and next h e wou ld Mi n i sters. He said this, meaning no offence to any of refer t o t h ose reme di a l measures which wer e withi n t h e t h e N o bl e Lords opposite , for whom he had the highest sphere of the Legislature to apply. lie must begin that respect, but certainly, when lie read next morning what enumeration with the question of the currency. Though was described to have taken place in that House the even be w as i n favour of a metallic currency, yet he could not ing before, he could not believe—he would not believe, disguise from himself the fact that much of the evils now until that belief was forced upon him, that such sentiments existing had been produced, had been occasioned, by the as those represented had been embodied in a King's Speech, change to the present currency. He attributed some of and promulgated by British Ministers.—(Cheers.)—H e the h distress t o th e ca lli ng i n of the small notes throughout found the distress was described as nartial ; and that no e country. He had been a party to that measure by the causes were assigned for it, except bad seasons and certain v ote he gave in favour of it. He regretted it, but as the others not specified ; but generally described as not under r u m ° lutio n h a d b een passed and acted upon, he would not legislative controul.—(Hear, hear.)—He knew not whe amtev ecaopnis im p r ovement retract it. He th oug ht th a t t h e i mmense ther it was the Lay Lords or the Spiritual Lords who had i n machinery had been one of ma d e th e gran d di scovery t h at t h e seasons were not un d er the cau ses of distress in the manufacturing districts.— Legislative controul—(Cheers and laughter)—but to The redundancy of the population in this country (a find that the distress of the country was to be disposed of circumstance much connected with the rapid increase i n so sweep i ng an d unsat i s f actory a manner, was enoug h to of machinery, w hi c h had thrown out of employment b rea k t h e h eart o f any E ngl i shman.—(Cheers. ) —lt was many who otherwise would have had th e i r s h are an extraord i nary thing to be told that there were other of work) was anot her cause of distress. But there causes besides bad seasons for this lamentable distress, were . two other causes which ma t er i a ll y d epresse d without specifying what these other causes were • thus leav the labouring popul a ti on o f England and Scotland, ing Parliament to find out, as best they might , these particularly the former.. The first was the immense influx other causes were, and why they were not under Legislae of Irish labourers ; and the second, the mod e i n w hi c h t h e tive controul.—(Cheers.)—For he would say that if ever Poor L aws o f Englandr h u e , ere a d ministered, es p ec i a ll y i n t h e t h e country was in a situation which would make it the southern c oun ti es. ' i nflux of I r i s h l a b ourers , w h o bounden duty of Parliament to ascertain what these other would work f or muc h less t han the peasantry of this coon- causes were, and why they were not under legislative con. try, ,injured th e l a tt er very cons iderably ; while time Po or t rou l, an d w h ere f ore t h ey were utter l y i ncapa bl e o f b e i ng Laws, as now administered, were no better than a pre- remedied or alleviated, it was that very time, because even raiurn on imp rovident marr i ages. The mode of paying a small portion of alleviation would now be agreeably re -7 the labourer out of the poor rates, and that of making a ceived by the people of England—(Loud cheers)—by the papeleanrefd to him to be only a bounty u p on ear l y an d i ncon - pat i ence—a f eel i ng wh i ch he hoped and trusted in God ages, and on th e propagat i on o f t h e spec i es they would continue to manifest, notwithstanding the Without thecause of means o f prov i d i ng for their support. The anxious endeavours of certain persons to goad them into of distress was the unequal distribution of undutifulness.—(Cheers.)--He hoped these individuals wealth, which was accumulated in a few hands, causing a would not succeed in their attempts to aggravate the feel great disproportion or of goods ter as tom aterial! and the between the accumulation of capital ing of disappointment and discontent that might, perhaps, yo c onsumption of produce, in such a m in- exist. He trusted their Lordships would keep down this that accumulationprevented, and if it ifsffect the state of the country. If spirit by a determination to support the laws of the country (which he feared, im mense capital by a few could be which, he begged their Lordships to remember, they might it could be more equally distributed better carry into effect if they now showed an anxiety to means of co n a lmost knew to be impossible), the afford relief to the people. Now, with respect to the in cu3reuasreedveldel- g umption of all the articles of life would be quiry suggested that night, the House had two ways, and extended;Consen_o and, in proportion to their in- only two ways, of entertaining it; and he was sorry to dimi n i s h ed. :n, the distress of all classes would be see that, by the observations which fell from his Noble Present prevailin ear , that it hear.)—Another cause of the Friend near him, with respect to the inexpediency of a towrseslietisengthtdbiestress was taxation. He believed Select Committee—and from the observations of another mission of Bement power of Government and Par- Lord, condemning an inquiry by the House itself, that e country to a great degree by the re- both the courses recommended were objectionable, because of them. Th taxation, and also by a commutation of some if se—and if so, to the extent maintained by these Noble attention of the e nfxt subject to which he wished to call the Lords, he would be glad to know if their Lordships had in England. He House was the imperfect state of banking any other.—(Hear, hear.)—He would say none—posi sorted to, Baskin conceived that, if proper means were re- Lively none; all hope for the distressed people of England and Perfect sy _steng might then be restored be made a much more secure was at an end—they must take one or other, or else they m in this country. Confidence would must be content to contemplate the sufferings of their coun deal of the diffi --loam( more easily negociated, and a great trynien in a state of perfect quietude.—( Hear, hear.)—He these causes the bad crops of the culties of commercial men diminished. To hoped he had not hitherto, and would not now allude dis dwoouubidteduloytco s 'b two last years had un- respectfully to any statements made by his Majesty's Mi. - Ilse' uted much to agricultural distress. He nisters ; but really when their Lordships were told, that venture to state what were the remedies, for independent of bad seasons there were other causes for the he w et not s o o ut presumptuous as to imagine that he could general distress, one would suppo se that the Administra. point them ( night to h e ca, .He thought the question of the currency tion was satisfied what were those other causes, and had banking. tion w a s Th e Noble Duke had allowed that the circula- by legislative controul, and therefore that there was no re was now , sgiteater now than in y ears o f d eprec i at i on; it rnedy for any of them.--(Hear, hear.)--What course, elatio n membered wel it ha tfi ve milli ons , w h ereas, i n years of depre- then, had they to pursue ? If they took the Speech from Noble Duke only been sixty-four millions; and if he re- the Throne as expressing the sentiments of the other side bli: amongst the items of this circulation, the of the House, they must conclude that no inquiry could of gold, and be d stated there were twenty-eight millions be of any use ; but he never would believe that the Con said across the b elieved _a_ the Noble Duke had that night stitution of the country or the duties of their Lordships' lions was exci.._t. I n stable, that this storm of twenty-eight mil- House would leave them in such a way as not to the Bank , i • ' ,l 3 lr . e a of what Was deposited in the coffers of be able to learn that which they had a right to exclusive 0 th g i nd ; but then it was not stated to be ask, and to . demand to know—namely, what these H e would the questions of noweegoold in all the other Banks of England. causes were that, like the seasons, were beyond legislative the to a point which bore strongly upon controul, and why they were so.—(Hear, hear.)— ttzeclied subjecth r: b n a y t tne on f i c o n t r . r ency, and which had not been And then the Noble Lords on his side had differed urrency, by the Noble Lords who spoke upon altogether from these statements. The Noble Viscount and silver c It was to make a joint gold and the Noble Earl gave them the flattest contradiction— the curiejoyed th e which they would be returning to they enumerated not one, but many modes of relieving ney of those ' proceeding Petiotdimes during which England had en- the public distress.—(Hear, hear )—The Noble Viscount longest self e country; and prosperity. He thought that had given, he believed, three; and the Noble E trl had t: th supported wouldof in b be attended with great advantage considerably enlarged the catalogue—he had suggested no su by the ausbegging to suggest it he felt him- less than twelve ways, by which (if they would only con ofifthe late Lord Liverpoolnrity of Mr. Locke, and by that descend to adopt any one of them) some alleviation might se advocated a gold standatiefrher, who, although he him- be given to the people's suffering.—(Hear, and laughter. while th e country, no objection to y jointly the standard currency of except the bad seasons, which they had probably learned the cause's of the present to it had been made. Amongst from the Bench of Bishops were not tinder the controul of abundant population, and distress, the had alluded to a super- the Prime Minister of England—(Cheers and laughter)— intO this country, T _ ... o the influx of Irish labourers , though they acknowledged that there were others, be they in to 1 1 ..., - ! Oa as Niugujaq 04 i few in mob that were WA to ba itiltliitttd 14 legislative cloths from 1/. Bs. lld. to 11. 55. bd. Other articles had been reduced enormously in price by the competition with foreigners. In those articles in which there was no competition with foreigners, prices had been reduced very much, such, f,r instance, as in the iron trade. Here were causes evidently beyond the controul of Par liament—Parliament could not by any act of theirs raise the price of the manufactured goods. The Noble Lord had talked of the treat distress in Ireland—in Cork and other places. He felt excessive concern to hear this distress, and would be glad to hear of any possibility of relief—but sure he was that relief could not censist in a Committee of the whole House which was not to examine into any thing by which the relief of that distress could he achieved. No retnerly appeared to him to be suggested by the appointment of the Committee. The Noble Vis count had adverted to making theßank surrender their Char ter, but his Noble Friend was mistaken if he supposed that Government had not given their attention to the subject. He should tell his Noble Friend that this was beyond all Parliamentary controul. This was not a measure which Parliament could nosy debate. Pariiinuent could nst now interfere on the subject but by consent of the Bank-, with out at least evincine its bed faith by the hi each of the Charter. His Noble Friend had then adverted to a mea sure which was to lead to a repeal of the taxes. No man could wish more than he did to repeal the taxes as far as it was possible. What was Parliament engaged on every day except i❑ considering the establishments, and the means of augmenting the resources with a view to alleviate the burthens of the people. The Noble Lord had said that the country could now obtain relief, for the Government had saved a sum of money. He must beg leave to observe to - his Noble Friend that he had made a very great mistake in his statement of the income and expences of the country for the last and the present year. He had made his calculations upon the grounds that the accounts of the re venue made the receipts equal last year with the year preceding, but there was a material difference, amounting even to the sum of 13,000,0001. The King's Speech did not take the Noble Lord's view cf the case, but adverted to the difference of the estimates, and their actual produce. The Revenue of the year 1829 was stated at 900,0001. less than that of the preceding year, for the Malt Daty of 1828 had produced 900,0001. more than had even been expected. His Noble Friend had made a mistake of 1,300,0001. in estimating the produce of the Revenue for 1830. Another mistake was his striking out the re ceipt of the Dead Weight from one side of the account, and not from the other, forgetting that the whole charge fell upon the public. His Noble Friend would find, in stead of a surplus Revenue over expenditure of three mil lions, there would be only a million and a half, and that would be as much as it would amount to, even after all the savings. It was the wish of his Majesty's Govern ment to carry the savings into effect as far as it was pas srole. It should he remembered that the savings were not all clear gain to the public; and, moreover, if the savings were not made where they would not fall on the indivi dual, they would do more injury than good. When offices became vacant, the Governmentalways considered whether the public service could not go on without their being filled up ; and if this was not the case, the next point was to consider whether the place could not be filled by some persons who already received half-pay or pension, so that that half-pay or pension might lie saved to the public. They had tried to reduce the list of pensions of the Army and Navy, by Ravine- expences by keeping men in the ser vice the full time they ought to serve, according to the ori ginal institutions in the army. He should deceive the House by telling them that savings would be beneficial if they were made at the expellee of individuals who must be thrown on the public as soon as the savings were made He would now come to the question of the Silver Cur rency, which had occupied no small portion of the Noble Lord's speech, and on which subject he should prove that the Noble Lord was entirely mistaken. In point of fact, both the metals, silver and gold, circulated nosy on the seine principle on which they had circulated previously to the year 1797. A depreciated currency had been resorted to owing to the war ; and in 1797 silver was a legal tender only to the amount of five pounds, whilst it had been a legal tender to the extent of 251. before that year. Afterwards silver was made a legal tender to any amount by weight, but not by tale. Silver was now a legal tender only to the extent of two pounds, and the coin in its intrinsic value was not quite equal to its nomination, and it was kept in circulation by limiting the amount of the tender, and therefore the silver coin might be said now to circu late on the same principle as previous to the year 1797. The Noble Lord was totally mistaken when he said that silver would circulate to a greater degree if it were made a legal tender to any amount. If any such measure were attempted, the Bank invariably found that the silver returned to them, and thus it was found im possible to force it unnaturally into circulation. The important subject of the silver currency had been under the consideration of Government, and he could assure the Noble Ea►l that the subject had not been neglected. One point he now wished to advert to.— He alluded to what had been said with reference to the shipping interests. No ma❑ felt more than he did the ne cessity of encouraging the shipping and navigation of the country; but there were no reasons to complain of any de preciation of the shipping interest, for at this moment the tonnage amounted to more than for many years past. The shipping of the country had rather been on the increase than otherwise. He must observe that the shipping inte rest did not make such large profits as formerly; but the expences of ships were not so high as formerly. The charges of ship building, equipment, provisions, and the wages of seamen were lower. It was true that foreign ships had been allowed some advantages in England be yond what they formerly possessed, upon the reciprocity system ; but it was found necessary for the general bene fits of trade, and for the advantage of the country, to ren der the carriage of goods as low aspossible. This was ab solutely necessary, when the competition of trades was so active and severe. The Noble Earl had thought proper to arraign him, because, on the first day of the Session, be had stated certain things which had induced him to believe that the distresses of the country were not so extensive as had been stated. If the Noble Earl thought that he did not feel fully the distresses of the country, he was very much mistaken; but lie must tell the Noble Earl that al though he was ready to acknowledge the distress to its ut most extent, it was not for him to exaggerate the amount, or to suffer the House to be led away with iodated statements and distorted views. But was it possible that the revenue could be so productive, if the distress of the country were so extreme as it bad been represented to be ? Did an increased produce from reduced taxes show the existence of that general extremity of distress? Let their Lordships look at the produce of the Malt Tax, in 1828 and 1829 ; notwithstanding the bad harvest in the former year. Let then: look at the produce of all the other taxes. He was justified also in referring to the increase of buildings, not only in London, but throughout the kingdom. That must surely be the consequence of a progress making by the people towards prosperity. There were other circumstances which bore him out in his opinion. For iustance, the condition of the Savings Banks. It was true that at one period large sums bad been drawn out of those banks, but they had since come back. Whence did they come ? Was not that a circumstance which showed that there was some pro green towards a better state of things? Then there was the increasing traffic on roads, canals, railways, &e.--e- That traffic had been increasing for 10 years, and was now nearly double what it was 10 years ago. A Noble Marquis, in remarking on the state of the currency, ob served, that the amount of currency at present in circula tion was not enough for the wants of the people. Did not that show an increase of trade? All these circumstances, notwithstanding the distress which did exist—which be did not deny—whith no man could deny, still impressed his mind with the conviction that the country was in pro gress to an improved state of things. He begged their Lordships to consider well the circumstances to which he had requested their attention. Let them call for what documents they thought proper ; let them inquire carefully and extensively into the subject; but let them not agree to the present motion for no purpose but to make a turn against the existing Administration. The Earl of ELDON, in explanation, observed, that what he had said about the small note circulation bad been misunderstood. He had no hesitation in declaring it to be his opinion, that, under proper regulations, the small note circulation ought to be restored. As to what the Noble Duke had said about the shipping interest, he (Lord Eldon) knew that it could be proved to demonstra tion that the distress of that interest was most severe. Viscount GODERICH wished to say a few words in explanation. The Noble Duke supposed that he bad e rroneously stated the surplus revenue of the last two years. What he had stated was, that he found the sur plus of 1828, after deducting, on the one hand, the pay ments by the Bank, on account of the Dead Weight, and, on the other, the payments to the Trustees, was 3,232,000/. If he had included the two items, which lie had men tioned, the surplus would have been 5,000,000/. The actual amount of the Revenue for 1828, deducting the amount paid by the Bank on account of the Dead Weight, was b 2,104,000/. The actual expenditure, deducting the amount paid to the Trustees, was 48,872,0001., leaving, as lie bad already said, a surplus of 3,223,000/. The Balance Sheet of 1829 exhibited the following statement : Revenue ....£50,786,000 Expenditure.. 49,075,000-1,711, 000 The burrlus Of the two years, therefore, was 4;245100" controul. The Noble Lords on tit ,t side Lad conflict] up an appalling numb&.—(Cheers.) Now as to the first, he felt that they the Peers, the Commons, the Landlords, the commercial men, the peasantry (once the boast of England), the labourers and operatives, should be told that there were causes existing for the present distress which could not be discovered, or should not be revealed, was some thing unexampled.—(Cheers.)—lbj did believe, however, that Ministers were anxious to telieve the people. A. for his Noble Friend, who thought no inquiry could be made, and who would support none— The Earl of ROSEBERRY explained that he had said he would be ready to support any motion for inquiry brought forward in what he considered a definite and practicabl e form. The Earl of ELDON resumed—lle had done his Noble Friend injustice—not willingly. But he would wish to have this practicable mode of inquiry pointed out ; he did not recollect if the Noble Lord had told them his mode.-- (Laughter.)—Certainly his Noble Friends had between them suggested fifteen ways of affording ample relief.-- (Laughter.)—He would not have spoken that night, were it not fir the purpose of recording his opinion that their Lordships' House was bound to make some inquiry. As to the plans laid before them by his Noble Friends, he begged to say that nobody would be more willing to defer to their opinions than himself; hut he thought when they possessed the right and power of collecting the opinions of the House of Lords as a House, that this would be a most desirable mode of conducting their inquiry. He therefore would not take a decision upon trust from his Noble Friends, either as to the causes or the remedies, but he would have it in the only constitutional way. -- (Hear, hear.)—The Noble Earl had stated as causes of this distress, amongst others—the mal-administration of the poor rates in the south of England, the influx of Irish labourers, and a superabundant population, which Mini sters probably intended to include amongst the causes be yond legislative controul— (Laughter)—b u t all these state ments were in direct contradiction of the Speech. It was accordingly the duty of the House to see if these opinions were well founded, to the end that, if possible, some relief might be granted in the shape of legislation, and not in that of a fine speech—(Hear, hear)—a speech from which, after you have heard it, you find you know nothing.—(Laughter.)—Yes, continued the Noble Lord, I might say, and I might publish what I say, " I do not understand it."—(Loud laughter.)—With respect to the question of the currency, he would observe, that if there was any change, faith should not be broken with the public creditor—(Hear)--and he might remark that there would be, in his opinion, more danger in altering the currency, than in abiding by it. It appeared to him, that there was no remedy offered that was not worse than the disease. Although he was inclined to take his friend's word, he must he allowed to say that he could not get rid of his sense of duty as a Member of that House, which was to inquire what were the causes of the distress, and whether relief were without the reach of the Parliament? There was one point alluded to by two or three Lords, to which be would now advert—the beneficial consequences of the measure which had distinguished the last Session of Par liament. On this subject he had only one word to say. He had the misfortune to differ from a great majority of that House with reference to that question, and he thought he was only doing his duty, and acting in the fair dis charge of that duty, in the part he had taken. He had not failed to think very anxiously on the subject since, and as a friend to the country he wished that his appre hensions on the subject might be found without support. If he could recall his apprehensions, he would readily do so; but he still could not discharge them from his mind. If the distress of the country could not be entirely re moved it might be alleviated, and he thought it the duty of Parliament to make the attempt. Lord ROSEBERRY explained. The Duke of WELLINGTON would proceed to notice what had fallen from the Noble and Learned Earl that had spoken last, and to set the Noble Earl right with reference to his misconception of his Majesty's Speech, delivered by the Lords Commissioners ; but he would in the first instance beg leave to advert to something which fell from the Noble Earl that made the motion, and from the Noble Duke that had spoken last in the debate. The Noble Earl, although he had stated that it was not his intention to make his mo tion personal against him (the Duke of Wellington) yet he certainly did contrive somehow or other in most part of his speech to introduce matters entirely personal. The Noble Duke had done the same, although he apprehended that the Noble Duke could not have any personal feelings against him—cspecially in bringing forward an occurrence in a county in which he was the Lord Lieutenant, when the Noble Duke forgot that he himself was in the neighbour hood in another county in which a similar misfortune had existed. It was their duty to do all in their power to alleviate the existing distress, but he was sure that no bene fit could be derived to the community at large from personal attacks in that Clouse, and from impeaching individuals. The object they must all have was to endeavour to disco ver the causes of the distress, and to ascertain the means which could lie devised to alleviate it. The Noble Earl who commenced this debate began by stating that the agricul tural population of the country was in a state of the greatest distress, and he was followed in the same strain by the Noble Duke opposite. No man felt more confident on that subject than himself, and on the first day of the Session (although his Noble Friend was not present), he had stated what he now repeated, that he did not entertain the slightest doubt of the distress; but when the Noble Duke called upon the House to establish a Committee of In quiry into the agricultural distress, he should recollect that the usual course on similar occasions was to state what substantive measure be intended to propose. Did the Noble Earl mean to propose a repeal or alteration of the Corn Laws? For if he did, he would at once tell him he would oppose him. The Corn Laws could not be repealed without injury to the country. That measure had worked completely to the object destined, by preventing the corn rising, so as to injure the interests of the country at large, whilst it enabled the agriculturist to receive a beneficial reward in some degree for his labour. In the second year of the existence of that law, a greater import of corn than ever had taken place, to the extent of 500,000 quarters, of which import 2,500,000 were from Ireland, and the prices had not been lowered in this country, beyond what was deemed a remunerating price to agriculturists. With reference to another branch of agriculture, at this moment he had the means of proving that the prices received for other articles of agricultural produce, such as meat, tim ber, &c., were fully equal to what they were, even in the dearest time, when the amount of taxes was the heaviest.._ (Cries of no, no, and laughter.)---This was true. This being the fact, what measure slid the Noble Earl propose to adopt, to relieve the distress of the agriculturists? The next subject that the Noble Earl referred to was the manufacturing interests. No man could doubt that the amount of the manufactures in the country at present was larger than was ever known. This was pro duced by the improvements in machinery, and the appli cation of steam. The great competition of labour in this country reduced the price of labour extremely low. He should now come to consider the causes of distress. Hi s Noble Friend bad not happily adopted the speech he quoted. His Majesty had begged Parliament to advert to the unfortunate state of diSCress. and to endeavour to trace out the cause. The words of the Speech were-- " His Majesty feels assured that you will concur with hira in assigning due weight to the effect of unfavourable sea- sons, and to the operation of other causes which are beyond . the reach of legislative controul to retraly."— .' His Majesty is convinced that no pressure of temporary difficulties will induce you to relax the determination which you have uniformly manifested to maintain inviolate the public credit, and thus to uphold the high character and the permanent welfare of the country." These were the very circumstances to which his Majesty referred, and which were referred to by the Noble Viscount. The Noble Vi-9. count would find that he could not repeal the taxes he wished to repeal, without injuring the resources of the country. He would only beg to call to the recollection of the House the state in which the world s as at the end of the war in the years 1814 and 1815. Europe was absolutely overrun with armies, and had been so fur thirty years. There was absolutely nothing but armies in the world, and nothing was thought of but the means ofsustaining them. Except in France and this country, there were few manu facturers in Europe; but when the peace took place, all the world became manufacturers, 'and a great fall in prices necessarily ensued. He would read a few extracts of prices, from a paper he held in his hand, in difftrent parts of the world since the peace of 1814. Cotton in England —the raw article in 1814, bad sold at 2c. 2d. the pound, or with duty included at 2s. 4d. In 1815 and 1817 it had sold at Is. 84d., and in 1829 at 6d. This was a fall in price equal to what had taken place in any other article. Silk in 1814 fiad sold for I/. 45., or with duty included for 1/. 9s. ; whilst in 1829, it sold for Bs. 1 Od., or with the duty, at Bs. 11d, the pound. Sheep's wool in 1514, had sold for Be. 2d., or with the duty at Bs. 3d. ; whilst in 1829, it sold for only 2s. 3d. or with the duty at 2s. 4d. Here were things beyond the controul of Par liament, and which could not be remedied, and yet they must affect the situation of the country. Another article he would quote. Fir timber had fallen equally. Profits had fallen equally with the fall of the raw material. Cotton which had sold f or 4s. still. the pound, in 1814, i yarn, n 1830 sold for Is. 5411.1 and cotton manufac tured goods bad altered in price within th e same per i o d from Is. 5d., Is. Sd., 2s. O'd. to 61d., 8;0., and Sid. li m o fallen !mu 10. 74. to It. 044. woollen , and the average surplus of each year 2,471,000/. What he bad assumed was not the near approach of great pros perity, but that we might anticipate that the revenue of the present year would be equal to :he average revenue of the two preceding years. But if the expenditure of the present year were to he reduced below that of 1829 by 1,300.000/., then he maintained that a surplus might be anticipated of 2,700,000/. Such was the calculation which he had made, and his only apprehension was that it might prove too sanguine. The Duke of RICHMOND, in explanation, said that the Noble Duke must know but little of him if he could suppose that anything which be had said had been dictated by per sonal feeling. He had served under the Noble Duke's banner, and had passed some of the happiest days of his life with him ; and if he w ere to act as his personal feeling dictated, it would be in every case to support the Noble Duke. The Marquis of SALISBURY bore testimony to the severe distress existing in the country. With respect to the motiors before their Lordships ha certainly did not think the proposition for an inquiry at the Bar of the Hens, a wise one. In his opinion, it would do more harm than good. He thought the best course would be, fo refer diffe tent subjects to Select Committees ; and he called on the Noble Duke standing by the fire (time Duke of Richmond)— for no one could do it better—to move for the appointment of a Select Committee to inquire into the cause of the dis tress under which the labouring population were suffering. The Duke of WELLINGTON explained. . The Earl of RADNOR expressed his surprise at the speeches of the Noble Viscount who had followed the Noble Mover, and of the Noble Duke at the head of his Majesty's Government; and his still greater surprise at the conclusions to which they had arrived. The Noble Duke had begun his speech in a spirit not called for by anything which had occurred. He had lost his temper ; and charged the Noble Earl, and the Nobly Duke who had spoken so ably on the question, with personality ; although there was nothing whatever in the speeches of the Noble Earl and the Noble Duke to justify the accusation. As to the general tenour of the Noble Duke's speech, nothing could be more in favour of the motion, except the tenour of the speech of the Noble Viscount. The Noble Duke not only dropped the word " inquiry" several times in the course of his speech, but actually concluded his speech by urging their Lordships to investigate and inquire. No doubt every Noble Lord had inquired, and would inquire in his own neighbourhood. But the question was, whether they should not inquire in their capacity as Peers of Parliament—as a House of Lords, for the sake of the country at large. The Noble Earl who made the motion did not call upon their Lordships to inquire, in their personal and individual cha teeter, but he called upon Parliament to inquire, that they ;night know the facts in their legislative capacity. He was ateonished that the Noble Duke, in his position as First Lord of the Treasury, having, as it appeared, a doubt on his mind whether the country was in a state of distress or not, did not wish for an inquiry, were it only to inform him self upon the subject, in order that he might know what measures to recommend to his Majeety to propose to Per liament. The Noble Duke ought to endeavour to ascertain whether distress existed or not, to get clear of the doubt by which he was agitated on the subject. Sometimes the Noble Duke admitted the distress ; then again he denied it, urging the increase of buildings, and that agricultural produce, for instance timber (not frequently, by-the-bye, classed with agricultural produce), had not fallen in price. Now the fact was, that timber had fallen in price. The Noble Duke said that meat had not fallen in price. If he would look at his butcher's bills, unless he had been greatly imposed upon, he would find diet meat had fallen from tenpence-halfpenny to sevenpence a pound. Cheese had fallen cent, per cent. Grazing cattle had fallen greatly in price, there being no adequate sale for them in Smithfield Market. Under all these circumstances, the agricultural interest h.d a right to cry out. The Noble Duke's mind was really so wavering, that their Lordships ought to in quire, for the purpose of communicating information to his Majesty's Ministers. The manufacturers, the Noble Duke acknowledged, were in some distress ; but he en deavoured to account for that distress by the statement that more goods bud been manufactured since the conclu sion of the war. If it could be shown that the prices had been uniformly decreasing, that argument would be in telligible ; but, on reading the statement of prices, it appeared that they were sometimes up and some times down, so that the argument had no bearing at all upon the question. But it was of all things most astonishing to hear the Noble Duke argue this motion, when their Lordships recollected that no. afraid was increasing, and threatening destruction to the society.—(Hear, hear.)—Only a few years ago there wr a social interco u r se b e t ween all the different classes in the country; it extended downwards from the farmer through the labourer, and upwards through the landowner to the Peers, and the highest person in the realm. At pre sent this connection :was entirely destroyed, and there was nothing but dissatisfaction. He did not blame any man in particular, but he would assert that this was the natural result of legislative measures. The labourer was full of animosity against the firmer, both as a farmer and as an overseer, because he though e the farmer was grinding him down to the lowest possible pittance. The farmer was, himself, pressed down by dis. tress ; and instead of keeping his labourers on his farm as be formerly did ,whether lie had always employment for them or not, he sent them away as soon as he had got his work done in the most slovenly way possible. He had lately talked a great deal with an opulent yeoman of the Weald of Kent, where the distress was as great as any where, and this gentleman had told him that in one parish, the name of which be (Lord Radnor) (lid notrecolect, there were no less than 31 single men out of work, which was a thing never before heard of. The la;ionrers every where felt sore that they got no more than would just keep soul and body together, and more than this they could not have, as they were paid out of the resources of others. The industrious man was grieved that his situation was so bad. Then, again, it was the practice to send the men round to the farmers to employ them ; and the farmer being obliged to employ them whether he wanted them or not, had his feelings embittered by that circumstance. The farmers were, of course, anxious to support their situation, and they were annoyed by their situation. It had been well stated by the Noble Earl, that these states of distress had frequently occurred, and every time they had occur red they had attacked a weaker part of the Constitution ; but it had not also been remarked, that every time they had occurred attempts had been made to remedy the evil, by sending out the dirty—(Hear, hear)—Exchequer Bile or Bank notes, or some other species of paper money had always been issued, so that the measures taken to remedy the evil were precisely those which they were all then deprecating. resides the pecuniary distress then, there was also the feeling of acrimony he had alluded to, awl both the pecuniary distress and the acrimony were en the increase. The landlord, too, had incumbrancee; and anxious to keep the engagements he had made, he reseed his tenants; the tenants were angry, and thus feelings of ill-will went through all classes, and were likely to extend and be strengthened. Into these circumstances it woo their Lordships' duty to inquire. He would net refer to the remedies proposed ; he would only say that issuing Bank notes, altering the standard, or changing the standard from gold to silver, all of which had been sug gested, and all of which were of that same species of tam pering with the currency, which had already caused all the evils. All our present miseries were the consequences of changes in the currency. The Noble Lord concluded by declaring that he would give his cordial support to the motion of the Noble Earl. The 'Marquis of LANSDOWNE could not give his vote for going into inquiry. Their Lordships must be aware that inquiry, wncther successfully conducted or not, would excite expectations that could not be gratified. He had seen an Eastern work translated, of which the title had prevented him from reading it. but which he thought they would be likely to see realized there, if the motion of the Noble Earl should pass. It was " A Sea of Controver sial Waves," and if they were to open their doors to an inquiry, they would let in on them all the elements of confusion, and the Bar would exhibit such a scene as would do anything but conduce to the beneficial result they all wished. He would take that opportunity to say, that whatever else they might do to remedy the evils of the country, there could be no permanent foundation laid for the prosperity of the country which did not succeed in removing the labouring classes from the condition which they, unhappily, at present occupied. That rotten and unstable basis must be supplied by ene firm and sound, and that could be done only by increasing the comforts and consumption of that class, from which alone could a per manent and increasing revenue' be expected. This* must be the main objects of their Lordships' consi deration. Many causes had been stated as contri buting to the condition of universal or partial, but certainly varied distress, in which the country was involved. For himself he had no hesitation in saying, without referring to transactions gone by, that all our distress arose from the unhappy, the fatal perseverance, year after year, in the practice of contracting money en gagements, with a full knowledge of their consequences, and after many signs and warnings, which had all been rejected ; and we had gone on year after year, contracting a series of money engagements in a depreciated currency, wilfully blinding ourselves to the fact that the currency was depreciated, which money engagements we bad now the greatest difficulty to fulfil. This was the root of all our sufferings. In saying so he wished it to be understood, that onerous as he considered these engagements, severely m as e t n h t e l y va p s re u s n s , e i d er ae on n th e e ces c s o it u y ttt o r f y, fin th d e ing they were re means engag to engagements which, for th e h onour an d cre di t o f the country, Parlia charge. In the circumstance* in which the country was placed, their Lordships had to consider how they might enable the Constitution of the country to stand the repeated shocks which, as stated by his Noble Friend, were recur ing at short intervals, and were attacking feebler parts of the Constitution. There was only one means presented it self, in which they were all of one opinion, and that was retrenchment ; but retrenchment qualified, as his Noble Friend had stated, by a great diminution of taxation. The Noble Lord had, in the course of his speech, referred to various causes, all of which might be fit subjects of inquiry. Some of these causes were consistent with the effects ascribed to them ; but he had heard with unfeigned sur prise, that the Noble Duke suposed one of the causes of our distress, over which the Legislature had no controul, was the low price of cotton, the raw material of our most important manufacture. He was utterly at a loss to know what inference the Noble Duke meant to draw from this statement. He could conceive no contra diction more extraordinary than that the introductionof the raw material of our greatest manufacture at a cheap rate—that importing cheap cotton, by which we were dressed cheaply, and could export cheaply, by which the country had attained the present immense extension of our foreign trade—he could conceive no greater contradiction than to assert that any of our distress was occasioned by the cheapness of cotton. He hoped he had misunderstood the Noble Duke. In no other circumstance but that, and our great improvements in machinery, could he find the . cause of our being able to bear up against the overwhelm ing difficulties we had to encounter; and to the same cir cumstances he looked for the future prosperity of the Country. ten days ago a member of his Majesty's Government came to the House t.• propose that the affairs of the East India Company should be referred to the consideration of a Select Committee. His Majesty's Government, having no project of their own on the subject, wished to go into a Committee of their Lordships to learn what was their lesson, and to ascertain what was their duty. To do that how ever, was to abandon the functions of Government, and to throw the responsibility on Parliament—undoubtedly a most improper proceeding. The speech of the Noble Vis count who spoke second in the Debate was, in its ten dency, most favourable to his Noble Friend's motion ; but the conclusion of it was astonishing. Indeed, the speech itself was astonishing too. On the first day of the Session, the Noble Viscount had objected to all inquiry, because it was a delusion to believe that any relief could be afforded. Now he had made a speech of an hour long to show, not only that it was no delusion, but that he had projects, ready cut and dried, to relieve the distress. He gave great credit to the Noble Viscount for the means which he recommended. But why did not the Noble Viscount re sort to those means when in office ? The same taxes which he had that night proposed to take off, might have been taken off with great advantage when the Noble Vis count was in office ; and it was to be regretted that such an alleviation of the pressure on the people did not at that time occur to the Noble Viscount. The Noble Viscount aid, that he did not like to prophecy much, because he did not wish to prophecy ill ; yet, surely, the Noble Viscount had prophecied ill, when he said it was a delusion to suppose that the existing distress could be relieved. It was true that the prophecies of the Noble Viscount were not always verified by the event. Some years ago he had declared that the prosperity of the country was founded on a solid basis—a declaration which undoubtedly had been proved inaccurate. In 1824 the Noble Viscount told the other House of Parliament " that the country was in a state of cheerful prosperity, with an increasing revenue, decreas ing taxation, and a debt in a course of gradual and certain reduction ;" and that this was all the result of sound policy and considerate legislation." There was a great deal more poetical description of the prosperity of the country ;- and one part of it touched him (Lord Radnor) sensibly; he meant that in which the Noble Viscount had claimed for Parliament " the merit of having brought the country to its existing state of content and prosperity ;" and contra dicted the assertion of those who had said " that it was utterly impossible for it to extricate the kingdom from the condition of distress and depression in which it had re cently been placed ;" and yet the other night the Noble Viscount declared that it was all delusion to suppose that any relief could be afforded to the present distress. The Noble Viscount, in bis speech of 1824, went on to say, Parliament, the true source of such general happiness, may enjoy the proud, the delightful satisfaction, of looking round upon the face of a joyous country, smiling in plenty, and animated"—and then came a sublime passage which lie (Lord Radnor) confessed he did not quite com prehend—" with what I hope to see , -unrestricted in dustry, content, comfort, prosperity, and order, hand-in hand, dispense, from the ancient portals of a Constitu tional Monarchy, their inestimable blessings among a happy, united, and, let it never be forgotten, a grateful people." The next year the Noble Viscount went still further. He declared, " that he was of opinion that if, upon a fair review of our situation, there should appear to be nothing hollow in its foundation, artificial in its super structure, or flimsy in its general result, they might safely venture to contemplate, with intuitive admiration, the harmony of its proportions and the solidity of its basis." Nosy that " solidity" which the Noble Viscount talked of yam.. •.• in 1825 was precisely the paper currency which the Noble Viscount had the other evening called " filthy rags"._ Viscount GODERICII had never used such an expres sion ; although in several of the newspapers he had seen it attributed to him. The Earl of RADNOR would not:positively assert that the Noble Viscount had used that expression ; but unless his memory greatly failed him he believed that he had done so. The one-pound notes were the solid basis of the prosperity of the country, on which the Noble Viscount the Chancellor of the Exchequer congratulated the country. .The solid basis of our prosperity was putting forth filthy rags. What he blamed the Noble Duke for was not for doing what every body said ought not to have been done—he meant the measure for putting au end to rags; but, when this measure was adopted, there were other The Duke of WELLINGTON explained that the Noble Marquis had misunderstood him. He had stated (as we understood the Noble Duke) that the cheapness of the cot • ton was the circumstance which had enabled the manu facturer to go on. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE had 'understood the Noble Duke to state that to draw cheap cotton from abroad was one source of our difficulties. With respect to the opinion expressed by his Noble Friend of the standard, he could not avoid stating what be had before fre quently stated in that House in opposition to a Noble Earl (the Earl of Liverpool), for whom he should ever entertain sentiments of respect, that silver was a snore eli gible standard than gold. He thought that when the question of returning to a metallic currency was tinder consideration, it would have been preferable to adopt silver as a standard to gold. He stated this, after having given the subject a great deal of anxious deli le.ration, because he was convinced that it would be better to have the same common standard of value as other nations. The advantages of one weight and one measure were known, and it was also important that there should be but one standard of value. There were other reasons which made hint prefer silver to gold. Some altera tions had lately taken place in the proportions in which gold and silver were obtained, and he could net conceive a more suitable subject for an inquiry upstairs than into the variations which had taken place in these proportions. A prevalent opinion at present was, that gold had become re latively of more value than silver since the commence• ment of the war of the Revolution. He considered silver, therefore, as a better standard than gold ; and if he had then to choose, he should prefer silver to gold. The for mer was the ancient standard of this country. He knew that the Noble Duke had stated, that up to 1796 silver was a legal tender up to the value of 5/. ; but by the Act of 1611, the 14th of Geo. 111., which was afterwards twice continued, 251. in silver was a legal tender. This was not all. 13y weight any amount in silver was a legal ten der, and it was by weight the chief transactions in trade were determined. All authors agree, that up to the period of the French Revolution, silver, not gold, regulated all our transactions. Another important fact on this sub ject was, that we had always a large depot at hand—. a dead weight of silver, as it were, which would always secure us against the inconvenience of a too contracted currency. He could not, under these citeuinstaneea, conceive a snore fortunate inquiry than one into the relative quantity of gold and silver produced in South America, and imported into Europe. • That would be one topic of inquiry. Another would be, whether we should return to a silver standard; or, as had bum ingeniously suggested by a friend of his, whether we should adopt a wized ataudard 9f g 914 tju4 arra 746; were w.iuy • - measures that ought also to have been adopted at the same time, to prevent the consequence of putting an end to the paper money. He would not then di scuss t h ose other measures ; but he thought their Lordship s wou ld ameasureshelYii going into a Committee t o i nqu i re into what might yet be tak en . H e could bear wit ness w that the distress in that part of the country where he acted as a Magistrate was very severe, so severe as to he indescribable. But there was something beyond the pecu niary distress which demanded their Lordship' attention ; out of that distress there had arisen a most acrimonious and feeling—...(He ar )...„, t wi n whicb